25 years in prison (Human rights abuses, murder and kidnapping charges) Six years in prison (Abuse of power charges) Seven-and-a-half years in prison (Embezzlement charges) Six years in prison (Corruption and bribery charges)
Alberto Kenya Fujimori Inomoto[b] (26 July 1938[c] – 11 September 2024) was a Peruvian politician, professor, and engineer who served as the 54thpresident of Peru from 1990 to 2000.[d][6] Born inLima, Fujimori was the country's first president ofJapanese descent, and was anagronomist anduniversity rector prior to entering politics. Fujimori emerged as a politician during the midst of theinternal conflict in Peru, the PeruvianLost Decade, and the ensuing violence caused by the far-left guerilla groupShining Path.[7] In office as president, Fujimori implemented a series of military reforms and responded to Shining Path with repressive and lethal force, halting the group's actions. He became known for hisneoliberal political and economic ideology ofFujimorism, which pushed a free market economy and social conservatism. His administration was also controversial for alleged abuses of human rights and authoritarian tendencies.
In 2000, following his third term election, Fujimori faced mounting allegations of widespread corruption andcrimes against humanity within his government. Subsequently, Fujimori fled to Japan, where he submitted his presidentialresignation via fax. Peru's congress refused to accept his resignation, instead voting to remove him from office on the grounds that he was "permanently morally disabled".[10] While he was in Japan, Peru issued multiple criminal charges against him, stemming from the corruption and human rights abuses that occurred during his government. Peru requested Fujimori's extradition from Japan, which was refused by the Japanese government due to Fujimori being a Japanese citizen, and Japanese laws stipulating against extraditing its citizens.[11] In 2005, while Fujimori was visitingSantiago, Chile,he was arrested by theCarabineros de Chile by the request of Peru, and extradited to Lima to face charges in 2007. Fujimori was sentenced to 25 years in prison, butwas pardoned by presidentPedro Pablo Kuczynski in 2017, and was officially released in December 2023 following several years of legal proceedings regarding the legality of his pardon. He died nine months after his release in September 2024.
Alberto Kenya Fujimori Inomoto was born on 26 July 1938 in theMiraflores district ofLima, Peru,[2][12] to Japanese parents Naoichi Fujimori (né Minami) and Mutsue Inomoto. His parents were originally fromKumamoto Prefecture andimmigrated to Peru in 1934.[13][14] Fujimori's parents wereBuddhists, but he wasbaptized and raisedCatholic.[15] Aside from Spanish, he also spoke Japanese, the primary language in his childhood home, in addition to English.[16]
Fujimori obtained his early education at the Colegio Nuestra Señora de la Merced[17] and La Rectora School.[18] In 1956, he graduated from La Gran Unidad Escolar Alfonso Ugarte in Lima.[19] Fujimori pursued his undergraduate studies at theUniversidad Nacional Agraria La Molina in 1957, graduating first in his class in 1961 with a degree inagricultural engineering. He briefly lectured in mathematics at the university before moving to France to study physics at theUniversity of Strasbourg. In 1969, he earned a master's degree in mathematics from theUniversity of Wisconsin–Milwaukee through aFord Foundation scholarship.[20]
In recognition of his academic achievements, the sciences faculty of theNational Agrarian University offered Fujimori thedeanship and in 1984 appointed him to therectorship of the university, which he held until 1989. In 1987, Fujimori also became president of theNational Assembly of University Rectors [es], a position that he held twice. He also hosted a TV show calledConcertando from 1988 to 1989 on Peru's state-owned network,Canal 7.[21]
In July 1997, the news magazineCaretas alleged that Fujimori was born in Japan, in his father's hometown ofKawachi,Kumamoto Prefecture.[22] Because theConstitution of Peru requires the president to have been born in Peru, this would have made Fujimori ineligible to be president.[13] The magazine, which had been sued for libel byVladimiro Montesinos seven years earlier,[23] reported that Fujimori's birth and baptismal certificates might have been altered.[22]Caretas also alleged that Fujimori's mother declared having two children when she entered Peru;[22] Fujimori was the second of four children.[24]Caretas's contentions were hotly contested in the Peruvian media; the magazineSí described the allegations as "pathetic" and "a dark page for [Peruvian] journalism".[25] Latin American scholarsCynthia McClintock and Fabián Vallas note that the issue appeared to have died down among Peruvians after the Japanese government announced in 2000 that "Fujimori's parents had registered his birth in theJapanese Embassy in Lima".[13] The Japanese government determined that he was also a Japanese citizen because of his parents' registration in thekoseki.[26]
During the first presidency ofAlan García, the economy had entered a period ofhyperinflation and the political system was in crisis due to the country's internal conflict, leaving Peru in "economic and political chaos".[27] Thearmed forces grew frustrated with the inability of the García administration to handle the nation's crises and began to draftPlan Verde as a plan to overthrow his government.[28][29] According to Rospigliosi, lawyer and friend of Fujimori,Vladimiro Montesinos was not initially involved with thePlan Verde, but his ability to resolve issues for the military resulted with the armed forces tasking Montesinos with implementing the plan with Fujimori,[30] Both GeneralNicolás de Bari Hermoza [es] and Montesinos were responsible for the relationship between the armed forces and Fujimori.[29]Mario Vargas Llosa, Fujimori's final opponent in the election, later reported thatUnited States Ambassador to Peru,Anthony C. E. Quainton, personally told him that allegedly leaked documents of theCentral Intelligence Agency (CIA) purportedly being supportive of Fujimori's candidacy were authentic.[31] Rendón writes that the United States supported Fujimori because of his relationship with Montesinos, who had previously been charged with spying on the Peruvian military for the CIA.[29][31]
During the second round of elections, Fujimori originally received support from left-wing groups and those close to the García government, exploiting the popular distrust of the existing Peruvian political establishment and the uncertainty about the proposedneoliberal[neutrality isdisputed] economic reforms of his opponent, novelist Mario Vargas Llosa.[32] Fujimori won the 1990 presidential election as adark horse candidate under the banner ofCambio 90, defeating Vargas Llosa in a surprise result. He capitalized on profound disenchantment with outgoing presidentAlan García and theAmerican Popular Revolutionary Alliance party (APRA).[33]
During the campaign, Fujimori was nicknamed"el chino," which translates to "the Chinese guy" or "theChinaman"; it is common for people of any East Asian descent to be calledchino in Peru, as elsewhere in Spanish-speaking Latin America, both derogatorily and affectionately. Although he was of Japanese heritage, Fujimori suggested that he was always pleased by the nickname, which he perceived as a term of affection.[34] With his election victory, he became the third person of East Asian descent to serve as presidency of a South American state, after PresidentArthur Chung of Guyana andHenk Chin A Sen of Suriname.[35]
According to news magazineOiga, the armed forces finalized plans on 18 June 1990 involving multiple scenarios for acoup d'état to be executed on 27 July 1990, the day prior to Fujimori's inauguration.[36] The magazine noted that in one of the scenarios, titled "Negotiation and agreement with Fujimori. Bases of negotiation: concept of directed Democracy and Market Economy", Fujimori was to be directed on accepting the military's plan at least 24 hours before his inauguration.[36] Fernando Rospigliosi states "an understanding was established between Fujimori, Montesinos and some of the military officers" involved in thePlan Verde prior to Fujimori's inauguration.[37] Montesinos and SIN officials ultimately assumed the armed forces' position in the plan, placing SIN operatives into military leadership roles.[30] Fujimori went on to adopt many of the policies outlined in thePlan Verde.[29][37] Fujimori was sworn in as president on 28 July 1990, allegedly his 52nd birthday.[38]
After taking office, Fujimori abandoned the economic platform he promoted during his campaign, adopting more aggressive neoliberal policies than those espoused by Vargas Llosa, his opponent in the election.[39] During his first term in office, Fujimori enacted wide-ranging neoliberal reforms, known as theFujishock. It was Fujimori's stated objective to pacify the nation and restore economic balance. This program bore little resemblance to his campaign platform and was in fact more drastic than anything Vargas Llosa had proposed.[40]Hernando de Soto, the founder of one of the first neoliberal organizations in Latin America, theInstitute for Liberty and Democracy (ILD), began to receive assistance from the U.S. government underRonald Reagan, with theNational Endowment for Democracy's Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE) providing his ILD with funding and education for advertising campaigns.[41][42][43] Between 1988 and 1995, de Soto and the ILD were mainly responsible for some four hundred initiatives, laws, and regulations that led to significant changes in Peru'seconomic system.[44][45] Under Fujimori, de Soto served as "the President's personal representative", withThe New York Times describing de Soto as an "overseas salesman" for Fujimori in 1990, writing that he had represented the government when meeting withcreditors and United States representatives.[44] Others dubbed de Soto as the "informal president" for Fujimori.[41] De Soto proved to be influential to Fujimori, who began to repeat de Soto's advocacy for deregulating the Peruvian economy.[46] TheInternational Monetary Fund (IMF) was content with Peru's measures, and guaranteed loan funding for Peru.[47]Inflation rapidly began to fall and foreign investment capital flooded in.[47]Nonetheless, theFujishock restored Peru to the global economy, though not without immediate social cost; international business participated incrony capitalism with the government.[48][49] Theprivatization campaign involved selling off of hundreds ofstate-owned enterprises, and replacing the country's troubled currency, theinti, with thenuevo sol.[27] Fujimori's initiative relaxedprivate sectorprice controls, drastically reduced governmentsubsidies and government employment, eliminated allexchange controls, and also reduced restrictions on investment, imports, andcapital.[48]Tariffs were radically simplified, theminimum wage was immediately quadrupled, and the government established a US$400 million poverty relief fund.[48] The latter seemed to anticipate the economic agony to come: the price of electricity quintupled, water prices rose eightfold, and gasoline prices 3,000%.[40][48]
During Fujimori's first term in office,APRA, Vargas Llosa's party, and theDemocratic Front remained in control of both chambers ofCongress—then composed of a Chamber of Deputies and a Senate—hampering the enactment of economic reform. Fujimori also had difficulty combating theShining Path due largely to what he perceived as intransigence and obstructionism in Congress. By March 1992, the Congress met with the approval of only 17% of the electorate, according to one poll; in the same poll, the president's approval stood at 42%.[50]
Fujimori and his military handlers had planned for a coup during his preceding two years in office.[51][29][36] In response to the political deadlock, Fujimori, with the support of the military, carried out aself-coup on 5 April 1992,[52] Congress was shut down by the military, the constitution was suspended and the judiciary was dissolved.[53] Without political obstacles, the military was able to implement the objectives outlined in Plan Verde[29][51][36] while Fujimori served as president to project an image that Peru was supporting aliberal democracy.[4][5]Vladimiro Montesinos would go on to adopt the actual function of Peru's government.[5]
The coup was well received by the public, with Fujimori's approval rating jumping significantly in the wake of the coup.[54][55] Fujimori often cited this public support in defending the coup, which he characterized as "not a negation of real democracy, but on the contrary... a search for an authentic transformation to assure a legitimate and effective democracy".[54] Fujimori believed that Peruvian democracy had been nothing more than "a deceptive formality—a façade".[54] He claimed the coup was necessary to break with the deeply entrenchedspecial interests that were hindering him from rescuing Peru from the chaotic state in which García had left it.[56]
Fujimori's coup was immediately met with near-unanimous condemnation from the international community.[57][54] TheOrganization of American States (OAS) denounced the coup and demanded a return to "representative democracy",[58] despite Fujimori's claim that the coup represented a "popular uprising".[54] Foreign ministers of OAS member states reiterated this condemnation of theautogolpe.[55] They proposed an urgent effort to promote the reestablishment of "the democratic institutional order" in Peru.[59] Negotiations between the OAS, the government, and opposition groups initially led Fujimori to propose a referendum to ratify the auto-coup, but the OAS rejected this. Fujimori then proposed scheduling elections for a Democratic Constituent Congress (CCD), which would draft a new constitution to be ratified by a national referendum. Despite a lack of consensus among political forces in Peru regarding this proposal, anad hoc OAS meeting of ministers nevertheless endorsed this scenario in mid-May. Elections for theDemocratic Constituent Congress were held on22 November 1992.[55]
Various states individually condemned the coup. Venezuela broke off diplomatic relations, and Argentina withdrew its ambassador. Chile joined Argentina in requesting Peru's suspension from theOrganization of American States. International lenders delayed planned or projected loans, and the United States, Germany, and Spain suspended all non-humanitarian aid to Peru.[60] Fujimori, in turn, later received most of the participants of theNovember 1992 Venezuelan coup attempt as politicalasylees, who had fled to Peru after its failure.[61]
Peru–United States relations earlier in Fujimori's presidency had been dominated by questions ofcoca eradication and Fujimori's initial reluctance to sign an accord to increase his military's eradication efforts in the lowlands. Fujimori'sautogolpe became a major obstacle to relations, as the United States immediately suspended all military and economic aid, with exceptions for counter-narcotic and humanitarian funds.[62] Two weeks after the self-coup, theGeorge H. W. Bush administration changed its position and officially recognized Fujimori as the legitimate leader of Peru, partly because he was willing to implement economic austerity measures, but also because of his adamant opposition to theShining Path.[63]
On 13 November 1992, GeneralJaime Salinas Sedó [es] attempted to overthrow Fujimori in afailed military coup. Salinas asserted that his intentions were to turn Fujimori over to be tried for violating the constitution.[64]
The 1993 Constitution allowed Fujimori to run for a second term, and in April 1995, at the height of his popularity, Fujimori easily won reelection with almost two-thirds of the vote. His main opponent, formerUN Secretary-GeneralJavier Pérez de Cuéllar, won only 21 percent of the vote. Fujimori's supporters won comfortable majority in the newunicameralCongress. One of the first acts of the new congress was to declare an amnesty for all members of themilitary andpolice accused or convicted ofhuman rights abuses between 1980 and 1995.[65]
During his second term, Fujimori and Ecuadorian PresidentSixto Durán Ballén signed a peace agreement over aborder dispute that had simmered for more than a century. The treaty allowed the two countries to obtain international funds for developing the border region. Fujimori also settled some issues with Chile, Peru's southern neighbor, which had been unresolved since the 1929Treaty of Lima.[66]
The 1995 election was the turning point in Fujimori's career. Peruvians began to be more concerned aboutfreedom of speech and the press. Before he was sworn in for a second term, he stripped two universities of their autonomy and reshuffled the national electoral board. This led his opponents to call him "Chinochet", a reference to his previous nickname and to Chilean dictatorAugusto Pinochet.[67] Modeling his rule after Pinochet, Fujimori reportedly enjoyed this nickname.[68]
According to a poll by the Peruvian Research and Marketing Company conducted in 1997, 40.6% of Lima residents considered President Fujimori an authoritarian.[69][70][71]
In addition to the fate ofdemocracy under Fujimori, Peruvians were becoming increasingly interested in the myriad allegations of criminality that involved Fujimori and his chief of theNational Intelligence Service (SIN),Vladimiro Montesinos. Using SIN, Fujimori gained control of the majority of the armed forces, with theFinancial Times stating that "[i]n no other country in Latin America did a president have so much control over the armed forces".[72]
A 2002 report by Health MinisterFernando Carbone later suggested that Fujimori was involved in theforced sterilizations of up to 300,000 indigenous women between 1996 and 2000, as part of a population control program.[73] A 2004World Bank publication said that in this period Montesinos's abuse of the power Fujimori granted him "led to a steady and systematic undermining of therule of law".[74]
By the arrival of the new millennium, Alberto Fujimori became increasingly authoritarian, strengthening collaboration withVladimiro Montesinos and theNational Intelligence Service. Shortly after Fujimori began his second term, his supporters in Congress passed a law of "authentic interpretation" which effectively allowed him to run for another term in 2000. A 1998 effort to repeal this law by referendum failed.[75] In late 1999, Fujimori announced that he would run for a third term. The electoral authorities, which were politically sympathetic to Fujimori, accepted his argument that the two-term restriction did not apply to him, as it was enacted while he was already in office.[76]
Exit polls showed Fujimori fell short of the 50% required to avoid an electoral runoff, but the first official results showed him with 49.6% of the vote, just short of outright victory. Eventually, Fujimori was credited with 49.9%—20,000 votes short of avoiding a runoff. Despite reports of numerous irregularities, the international observers recognized an adjusted victory of Fujimori. As voting is mandatory in Peru, Fujimori's primary opponent,Alejandro Toledo, called for his supporters to spoil their ballots in the runoff by writing "No to fraud!" on them. TheOAS electoral observation mission pulled out of the country, saying that the process would be neither free nor fair.[77]
In the runoff, Fujimori won with 51.1% of the total votes. While votes for Toledo declined from 37.0% of the total votes cast in the first round to 17.7% of the votes in the second round, invalid votes jumped from 8.1% of the total votes cast in the first round to 31.1% of total votes in the second round.[78] The large percentage of invalid votes in the election suggests widespread dissatisfaction with the electoral process among voters.[79]
Although Fujimori won the runoff with only a bare majority (but 3/4 valid votes), rumors of irregularities led most of the international community to shun his third swearing-in on 28 July. For the next seven weeks, there were daily demonstrations in front of thepresidential palace. As a conciliatory gesture, Fujimori appointed former opposition candidateFederico Salas as prime minister. Opposition parties in Congress refused to support this move, and Toledo campaigned vigorously to have the election annulled. At this point, a corruption scandal involvingVladimiro Montesinos broke out, and exploded into full force on the evening of 14 September 2000, when the cable television stationCanal N broadcast footage of Montesinos apparently bribing opposition congressmanAlberto Kouri to defect to Fujimori'sPeru 2000 party. The video was originally presented at press conference byFernando Olivera andLuis Iberico of theFIM (Independent Moralizing Front); many other similar videos were released in the following weeks.[80]
Fujimori's support virtually collapsed, and a few days later he announced in a nationwide address that he would shut down the SIN and call new elections, in which he would not be a candidate. On 10 November, Fujimori won approval from Congress to hold elections on 8 April 2001.
On 19 November, government ministers presented their resignations en bloc. Fujimori's first vice president,Francisco Tudela, had broken with Fujimori and resigned a few days earlier. This left second vice presidentRicardo Márquez Flores as next in line for the presidency. Congress refused to recognize him, as he was an ardent Fujimori loyalist; Márquez resigned two days later. Paniagua was next in line, and became interim president to oversee the April 2001 elections.[10]
In 2000, facing charges of corruption and human rights abuses, Fujimori fled Peru and took refuge in Japan.[81][73] He maintained a self-imposed exile until his arrest while visiting Chile in November 2005.[82] He was extradited to face criminal charges in Peru on 22 September 2007.[83] In December 2007, Fujimori was convicted of ordering anillegal search and seizure and was sentenced to six years imprisonment.[84][85][86] TheSupreme Court upheld the decision on appeal.[87] In April 2009, Fujimori was convicted of human rights violations and sentenced to 25 years imprisonment for his role in kidnappings and murders by theGrupo Colina death squad during his government's battle against theTúpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement in the 1990s. Specifically, he was found guilty of murder, bodily harm and two cases of kidnapping.[88][89][90][91][92] The verdict marked the first time that an elected head of state was tried and convicted of human rights violations.[93]
In July 2009, Fujimori was sentenced to7+1⁄2 years imprisonment forembezzlement after he admitted to giving US$15 million from the Peruvian treasury to Montesinos.[94] Two months later, he pleaded guilty in a fourth trial to bribery and received an additional six-year term.[95]Transparency International determined the money embezzled by the Fujimori government—about US$600 million or about US$861 million in 2021—to be the seventh-most for a head of government active within 1984–2004.[96][97] Under Peruvian law, all the resultant sentences must run concurrently; thus, the maximum length of imprisonment remained 25 years.[98]
In December 2017, Fujimori waspardoned by PresidentPedro Pablo Kuczynski, shortly after Fujimori's son, CongressmanKenji Fujimori, helped President Kuczynski survive an impeachment vote.[99][100] The pardon was overturned by theSupreme Court on 3 October 2018, and Fujimori was sent back to prison in January 2019.[101][102][103] TheConstitutional Court of Peru in a 4–3 ruling on 17 March 2022 reinstated the pardon.[104] On 8 April 2022, theInter-American Court of Human Rights overruled the Constitutional Court and ordered Peru not to release Fujimori.[105] The Constitutional Court ordered on 5 December 2023 that he be immediately released.[106]
On 13 November, Fujimori left Peru for a visit toBrunei to attend theAsia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum. On 16 November,Valentín Paniagua took over as president of Congress after the pro-Fujimori leadership lost a vote of confidence. On 17 November, Fujimori traveled from Brunei toTokyo, where he submitted his presidential resignation viafax. Congress refused to accept his resignation, instead voting on 22 November 62–9 to remove Fujimori from office on the grounds that he was "permanently morally disabled".[10] After Congress rejected Fujimori's faxed resignation, they relieved Fujimori of his duties as president and banned him from Peruvian politics for a decade.
Alejandro Toledo, who assumed the presidency in 2001, spearheaded the criminal case against Fujimori. He arranged meetings with the Supreme Court, tax authorities, and other powers in Peru to "coordinate the joint efforts to bring the criminal Fujimori from Japan". His vehemence in this matter at times compromised Peruvian law: forcing the judiciary and legislative system to keep guilty sentences without hearing Fujimori's defense; not providing Fujimori with representation when Fujimori was triedin absentia; and expelling pro-Fujimori congressmen from the parliament without proof of the accusations against them. Those expulsions were later reversed by the judiciary.[107]
Congress authorized charges against Fujimori in August 2001. Fujimori was alleged to be a coauthor, along with Vladimiro Montesinos, of the death-squad killings atBarrios Altos in 1991 andLa Cantuta in 1992, respectively.[108] At the behest of Peruvian authorities, in March 2003Interpol issued an arrest order for Fujimori on charges that included murder, kidnapping, andcrimes against humanity.[109]
In September 2003, Fujimori and several of his ministers were denounced for crimes against humanity, for allegedly having overseenforced sterilizations during his regime.[110] In November, Congress approved an investigation of Fujimori's involvement in the airdrop ofKalashnikov rifles into the Colombian jungle in 1999 and 2000 for guerrillas of theRevolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).[111] Fujimori maintained he had no knowledge of the arms-trading, and blamed Montesinos.[112] By approving the charges, Congress lifted the immunity granted to Fujimori as a former president, so that he could be criminally charged and prosecuted.[113]
Congress also voted to support charges against Fujimori for the detention and disappearance of 67 students from the central Andean city ofHuancayo and the disappearance of several residents from the northern coastal town ofChimbote during the 1990s. It also approved charges that Fujimori mismanaged millions of dollars from Japanese charities, suggesting that the millions of dollars in his bank account were far too much to have been accumulated legally.[114]
In 2004, the Special Prosecutor established to investigate Fujimori released a report alleging that the Fujimori administration had obtained US$2 billion though graft.[115] Most of this money came from Vladimiro Montesinos's web of corruption.[115] The Special Prosecutor's figure of two billion dollars is considerably higher than the one arrived at byTransparency International, an NGO that studies corruption. Transparency International listed Fujimori as having embezzled an estimated US$600 million or about $861 million in 2021, which would rank seventh in the list of money embezzled by heads of government active within 1984–2004.[96][97][116]
Fujimori dismissed the judicial proceedings underway against him as "politically motivated", citing Toledo's involvement. Fujimori established a new political party in Peru,Sí Cumple, working from Japan. He hoped to participate in the2006 presidential elections, but in February 2004, the Constitutional Court dismissed this possibility, because the ex-president was specifically barred by Congress from holding any office for ten years. Fujimori saw the decision as unconstitutional, as did his supporters such as former congress membersLuz Salgado,Martha Chávez and Fernán Altuve, who argued it was a "political" maneuver and that the only body with the authority to determine the matter was theNational Elections Jury (JNE).Valentín Paniagua disagreed, suggesting that the Constitutional Court finding was binding and that "no further debate is possible".[117][118]
Fujimori'sSí Cumple (roughly translated, "He Keeps His Word") received more than 10% in many country-level polls, contending withAPRA for the second-place slot,[119] but did not participate in the 2006 elections after its participation in theAlliance for the Future (initially thought asAlliance Sí Cumple) had not been allowed.
Fujimori remained in self-imposed exile in Japan,[120] where he resided with his friend, the Catholic novelistAyako Sono.[121] Several senior Japanese politicians supported Fujimori,[122] partly because of his decisive action in ending the 1996–97Japanese embassy crisis. Peru had requested Fujimori'sextradition from Japan, which was refused by the Japanese government due to Fujimori being a Japanese citizen, and Japanese laws stipulating against extraditing its citizens.[123][124][125]
By March 2005, it appeared that Peru had all but abandoned its efforts to extradite Fujimori from Japan. In September of that year, Fujimori obtained a new Peruvian passport in Tokyo and announced his intention to run in the upcoming2006 national election.[125]
Fujimori arrived in Chile in November 2005, but hours after his arrival there he was arrested following an arrest warrant issued by a Chilean judge, Peru then requested his extradition.[126] While under house arrest in Chile, Fujimori announced plans to run inJapan's Upper House elections in July 2007 for the far-rightPeople's New Party.[127][128][129][130] Fujimori was extradited from Chile to Peru in September 2007.[126]
On 7 April 2009, a three-judge panel convicted Fujimori on charges ofhuman rights abuses, declaring that the "charges against him have been proven beyond all reasonable doubt".[131] The panel found him guilty of ordering theGrupo Colinadeath squad to commit the November 1991Barrios Altos massacre and the July 1992La Cantuta massacre, which resulted in the deaths of 25 people,[132] as well as for taking part in the kidnappings of opposition journalistGustavo Gorriti and businessman Samuel Dyer Ampudia.[133][134] As of 2009 Fujimori's conviction is the only instance of a democratically elected head of state being tried and convicted of human rights abuses in his own country.[135] Later on 7 April, the court sentenced Fujimori to 25 years in prison.[89] Likewise, the Court found him guilty of aggravated kidnapping, under the aggravating circumstance of cruel treatment, with respect to journalist Gustavo Gorriti and businessman Samuel Dyer Ampudia. The Special Criminal Chamber determined that the sentence was to expire on 10 February 2032.[136] On 2 January 2010, the sentence to 25 years in prison for human rights violations was confirmed.[137]
He faced a third trial in July 2009 over allegations that he illegally gave US$15 million in state funds toVladimiro Montesinos, former head of theNational Intelligence Service, during the two months prior to his fall from power. Fujimori admitted paying the money to Montesinos but claimed that he had later paid back the money to the state.[138] On 20 July, the court found him guilty of embezzlement and sentenced him to a further7+1⁄2 years in prison.[138][139]
A fourth trial took place in September 2009 in Lima.[139] Fujimori was accused of using Montesinos to bribe and tap the phones of journalists, businessmen and opposition politicians—evidence of which led to the collapse of his government in 2000.[139][140] Fujimori admitted the charges but claimed that the charges were made to damage his daughter's presidential election campaign.[140] The prosecution asked the court to sentence Fujimori to eight years imprisonment with a fine of US$1.6 million plus US$1 million in compensation to ten people whose phones were bugged.[140] Fujimori pleaded guilty and was sentenced to six years' imprisonment on 30 September 2009.[139]
Press reports in late 2012 indicated that Fujimori was suffering from tongue cancer and other medical problems. His family asked PresidentOllanta Humala for a pardon.[141] President Humala rejected a pardon in 2013, saying that Fujimori's condition was not serious enough to warrant it.[142] In July 2016, with three days left in his term, President Humala said that there was insufficient time to evaluate a second request to pardon Fujimori, leaving the decision to his successorPedro Pablo Kuczynski.[143][144] On 24 December 2017, President Kuczynski pardoned him on health grounds.[145] Kuczynski's office stated that the hospitalized 79-year-old Fujimori had a "progressive, degenerative and incurable disease". The pardon kicked off at least two days of protests and led at least three congressmen to resign from Kuczynski's party. A spokesman forPopular Force alleged there was a pact that, in exchange for the pardon, Popular Force members helped Kuczynski fight ongoing impeachment proceedings.[99]
On 20 February 2018, the National Criminal Chamber ruled that it did not apply the resolution that granted Fujimori the right of grace for humanitarian reasons. Therefore, the former president had to face the process for the Pativilca Case with a simple appearance.[146] On 3 October 2018, the Peruvian Supreme Court reversed Fujimori's pardon and ordered his return to prison.[101] He was rushed to a hospital and returned to prison on 23 January 2019.[102] His pardon was formally annulled on 13 February 2019.[103]
TheConstitutional Court, in a 4–3 ruling on 17 March 2022, reinstated the pardon, though it was not clear if or when he might be released.[104] Those ruling in approval of Fujimori's release argued that a pardon, no matter how unconstitutional it may be, can be issued by the President of Peru and that previous rulings annulling the pardon were "subjective".[147] Constitutional Court judges ruling in favor of releasing Fujimori ignored theInter-American Court of Human Rights' opinion that criticized Kuczynski's reported pardon pact with Fujimori's son and pointed out that the disease cited in the pardon was possibly diagnosed by Fujimori's personal doctor, not an independent physician.[147]
On 8 April 2022, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights overruled the Constitutional Court and ordered Peru not to release Fujimori.[105]
On 5 December 2023, he was ordered to be released immediately following an order by the Constitutional Court. This followed a previous order by the court that mandated the decision in the hands of a lower court inIca, which returned the case to the Constitutional Court citing lack of authority.[148] The following day, he was released fromBarbadillo Prison in Lima, after spending 16 years in prison,[149] whereupon he was met by his children Keiko and Kenji as well as a crowd of supporters.[150]
In May 2023, theSupreme Court of Chile ordered Fujimori to testify regarding forced sterilizations that occurred between 1996 and 2000 during his government, with Chile attempting to decide if they would expand extradition charges against Fujimori to include the sterilizations, which would allow him to be prosecuted in Peru.[151] On 19 May 2023, Fujimori participated in a video call from Barbadillo Prison with justice officials in Chile defending his actions regarding sterilizations.[152]
Two months before his death, on 14 July 2024, Keiko Fujimori announced her father's candidacy for the2026 Peruvian general election, despite his legal impediments and difficulties related to old age and poor health.[153][154]
In 1974, he marriedSusana Higuchi, also Japanese Peruvian. They had four children, including a daughter,Keiko, and a son,Kenji, who followed him into politics and were both elected toCongress.[155] In 1994, Fujimori separated from Higuchi[156] and formally stripped her of the titleFirst Lady in August 1994, appointing Keiko as first lady in her stead. Higuchi publicly denounced Fujimori as a "tyrant" and claimed that his administration was corrupt. They formally divorced in 1995.[156]
For some years before his death, Fujimori had gastrointestinal issues, heart problems and cancer. He was in prison for several years following his presidency and was released on humanitarian grounds in December 2023.[157] He was diagnosed withtongue cancer in early 2024.[158][159] He made his last public appearance at a hospital after undergoing aCT scan on 4 September 2024.[160]
On 11 September, severalFujimorist members of congress wearing black, along with a priest, arrived at the home of Fujimori's daughter Keiko in Lima'sSan Borja District, amid reports that his health was failing.[161][162] Subsequently, his doctorAlejandro Aguinaga told the press that he was "fighting" for his life and requested that visits be restricted.[161] CongresspersonLuisa María Cuculiza said that Fujimori's decline in health took her by surprise and that she had spoken with him five days earlier during which she noted his lucidity.[163]Miguel Torres [es], a spokesperson for thePopular Force, added that Fujimori was going through a "difficult time".[162] Fujimori's lawyer, Elio Riera, briefly disconnected from a virtual meeting over concerns for his health.[164]
Fujimori died at around 18:00 (UTC−05:00). A statement released by another doctor, José Carlos Gutiérrez, stated that Fujimori had trouble breathing on 9 September, lost consciousness on 10 September, and died from complications oftongue cancer.[165] Keiko Fujimori later confirmed her father's death on social media.[166][167]
The Peruvian government declared three days of mourning and granted him astate funeral.[165][168] ThePeruvian Congress and other public buildings lowered their flags tohalf-mast in his honor.[165][169] Fujimori's remains were brought to lie in state at theMuseo de la Nación in the Ministry of Culture on 12 September.[170] Thousands of Fujimori supporters arrived from various regions of the country to the wake, carrying portraits and making speeches in his honor.[171][172][173] Due to the large number of attendees, the Ministry of Culture announced that access to the wake would be extended until midnight, and that the following day, the doors of the Nasca Room would be open from 6 in the morning until midnight.[174]
From 12 to 14 September 2024, hislie in state at Peru'sMinistry of Culture headquarters.[175][176] Fujimori's state funeral was then held on 14 September 2024 at Lima'sNational Theatre.[177][178] His funeral was attended by the incumbent president,Dina Boluarte, who offered a salute, and Keiko spoke during the funeral in front of a large portrait of her father. Fujimori is buried at Campo Fe Cemetery inHuachipa, Lima.[176][177][178][179]
Supporters also gathered at Fujimori's house to mourn his death.[165] His death in his native Peru drew mixed reactions; congressmanSigrid Bazán commented that Fujimori was a "dictator, assassin, and corrupt" and that "his legacy of corruptions, violations of human rights, and authoritarianism" would persist beyond his death.[184][185]
International media described him following his death as an "authoritarian" who was "divisive", and whose "heavy handed" tactics "created a negative legacy" in Peru that frustrated his eldest daughter's attempts to be elected to the presidency.[166][186][187] Formerpresident of ColombiaÁlvaro Uribe Vélez expressed his condolences and praised his administration, saying he "rescued Peru from many problems".[188]Jamil Mahuad, formerPresident of Ecuador, praised Fujimori and stated that he regretted "the loss of a friend".[189]Yoshimasa Hayashi,Chief Cabinet Secretary of Japan, expressed his condolences to Fujimori's family, citing his role in resolving theJapanese embassy hostage crisis. At the same time, he acknowledged that Fujimori had been "evaluated in various ways" in part due to his human rights abuse cases.[190][180]
Fujimori's tenure is perhaps best defined byFujishock his dramatic economic stabilization program which produced significant, quantifiable improvements in Peru's economic indicators. Prior to his reforms, the country suffered from hyperinflation that, at its peak, approached levels as high as 7,500% annually, while fiscal deficits were estimated to be in the range of 8–9% of GDP, and exports were roughly US$4 billion. Following the implementation of stringent fiscal and monetary policies, deregulation, and sweeping privatizations, inflation was slashed to single-digit levels (approximately 7–10% by 1994) and fiscal deficits were reduced to around 2–3% of GDP.[191]
In addition to these macroeconomic achievements, real GDP growth stabilized at an average of about 3–4% per annum during the mid-1990s, and export values soared from about US$4 billion in 1990 to over US$11 billion by 1997.[192] One of the hallmarks of his administration was theprivatization program, through which approximately 230–250 state-owned enterprises were sold, generating an estimated US$2.5–3 billion in capital inflows. This aggressive liberalization not only bolstered investor confidence but also helped increase foreign direct investment (FDI) to roughly 1.5–2% of GDP by the late 1990s.[193][194]
While these policies are widely credited with restoring macroeconomic stability and jumpstarting growth in a previously battered economy, they also contributed to heightened income inequality and social disparities. This is an enduring point of contention among economists and policy analysts. Critics argue that the rapid privatizations and deregulation, though successful in attracting capital, undermined public sector services and exacerbated regional imbalances. Nonetheless, the data support the conclusion that Fujimori's economic interventions achieved a rapid and measurable turnaround in key economic indicators, laying the groundwork for subsequent decades of growth in Peru.[195]
Fujimori was accused of a series of offences, includingembezzlement of public funds,abuse of power, and corruption during almost 10 years as president (1990–2000), especially when he gained greater control after theself-coup. The network operated as akleptocracy in three spheres: business, politics, and the military.[196]
With multimillion-dollar annual expenditures in 1992 (five billion dollars in public spending plus another five billion in state enterprises), part of the funds were diverted to political and military institutions. According to the National Anti-Corruption Initiative (INA) in 2001, they corresponded to 30–35% of the average budget expenditure in each year, and 4% of the average annual GDP during the same period.[197]
One of those responsible for maintaining an image of apparent honesty and government approval wasVladimiro Montesinos, head of theNational Intelligence Service (SIN), who systematically bribed politicians, judges, and the media. That criminal network also involved authorities of his government; furthermore, due to privatisation and the arrival of foreign capital, companies close to theMinistry of the Economy and Finance were allowed to use state money for public works tenders, as in the cases ofAeroPerú, JJC Contratistas Generales (of the Camet Dickmann family), and theBanco de Crédito.[198]
Although in 1999 the opposition made a public denunciation that ended in the resignation of five ministers, this network was later revealed in 2000, just before the president resigned, when the Swiss embassy in Peru informed the Minister of JusticeAlberto Bustamante and the attorney generalJosé Ugaz of more than US$40 million coming from Montesinos, in which he was denounced for "illicit enrichment to the detriment of the Peruvian state". Ugaz was in charge of the investigation until 2002.[198]
According toTransparency International in 2004, Fujimori was listed as the seventh most corrupt former leader in history.[199]
When Fujimori came to power, much of Peru was dominated by theMaoist insurgent groupShining Path, and theMarxist–Leninist groupTúpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA). In 1989, 25% of Peru's district and provincial councils opted not to hold elections, owing to a persistent campaign of assassination, over the course of which over 100 officials had been killed by the Shining Path in that year alone. That same year, more than one-third of Peru's courts lacked a justice of the peace due to Shining Path intimidation. Labor union leaders and military officials were also assassinated throughout the 1980s.[200]
Areas where Shining Path was active in Peru.
By the early 1990s, some parts of the country were under the control of the insurgents, in territories known as "zonas liberadas" ("liberated zones"), where inhabitants lived under the rule of these groups and paid them taxes.[201] When the Shining Path arrived in Lima, it organized "paros armados" ("armed strikes"), which were enforced by killings and other forms of violence. The leadership of the Shining Path largely consisted of university students and teachers.[202] Two previous governments, those ofFernando Belaúnde Terry andAlan García, at first neglected the threat posed by the Shining Path, then launched an unsuccessful military campaign to eradicate it, undermining public faith in the state and precipitating an exodus of elites.[203]
According to theTruth and Reconciliation Commission, Shining Path guerrilla attacks claimed an estimated 12,500 lives during the organization's active phase.[204] On 16 July 1992, theTarata bombing, in which several car bombs exploded inMiraflores, Lima's wealthiest district, killed over 40 people; the bombings were characterized by one commentator as an "offensive to challenge President Alberto Fujimori".[205] The bombing at Tarata was followed up with a "weeklong wave of car bombings ... Bombs hit banks, hotels, schools, restaurants, police stations, and shops ... [G]uerrillas bombed two rail bridges from theAndes, cutting off some of Peru's largestcopper mines from coastal ports."[206]
Fujimori earned credit for ending the Shining Path insurgency.[207] As part of his anti-insurgency efforts, Fujimori granted the military broad powers to arrest suspected insurgents and try them in secret military courts with few legal rights. This measure has often been criticized for compromising the fundamental democratic and human right to an open trial wherein the accused faces the accuser. Fujimori contended that these measures were both justified and also necessary. Members of the judiciary were too afraid to charge the alleged insurgents, and judges and prosecutors had very legitimate fears of reprisals against them or their families.[208] At the same time, Fujimori's government armed rural Peruvians, organizing them into groups known asrondas campesinas ("peasant patrols").[209]
Insurgent activity was in decline by the end of 1992,[210] and Fujimori took credit for this abatement, claiming that his campaign had largely eliminated the insurgent threat. After the 1992 auto-coup, the intelligence work of theDIRCOTE led to the capture of the leaders from MRTA and the Shining Path, including notorious Shining Path leaderAbimael Guzmán. Guzmán's capture was a political coup for Fujimori, who used it to great effect in the press; in an interview with documentarianEllen Perry, Fujimori even noted that he specially ordered Guzmán's prison jumpsuit to be white with black stripes, to enhance the image of his capture in the media.[211]
Critics charge that to achieve the defeat of the Shining Path, the military engaged in widespreadhuman rights abuses, and that the majority of the victims were poor highland countryside inhabitants caught in a crossfire between the military and insurgents. The final report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, published on 28 August 2003, noted that the armed forces were also guilty of destroying villages and murdering countryside inhabitants whom they suspected of supporting insurgents.[204][212]
Chavín de Huántar commandos rescue a Japanese hostage on 22 April 1997
TheJapanese embassy hostage crisis began on 17 December 1996, when fourteenMRTA militants seized the residence of the Japanese ambassador in Lima during a party, taking hostage some four hundred diplomats, government officials, and other dignitaries. The action was partly in protest of prison conditions in Peru. During the four-month standoff, theEmerretistas gradually freed all but 72 of their hostages. The government rejected the militants' demand to release imprisoned MRTA members and secretly prepared an elaborate plan to storm the residence, while stalling by negotiating with the hostage-takers.[213]
On 22 April 1997, a team of militarycommandos, in the operation codenamed "Chavín de Huantar", raided the building. One hostage, two military commandos, and all 14 MRTA insurgents were killed in the operation.[214] Images of President Fujimori at the ambassador's residence during and after the military operation, surrounded by soldiers and liberated dignitaries, and walking among the corpses of the insurgents, were widely televised. The conclusion of the four-month-long standoff was used by Fujimori and his supporters to bolster his image as tough on terrorism.[215]
Several organizations criticized Fujimori's methods against theShining Path and theMRTA.Amnesty International said "the widespread and systematic nature of human rights violations committed during the government of former head of state Alberto Fujimori (1990–2000) in Peru constitute crimes against humanity under international law".[216] The 1992La Cantuta massacre and the 1991Barrios Altos massacre by members of theGrupo Colina death squad, made up solely of members of thearmed forces, were among the crimes that Peru cited in its request to Japan for his extradition in 2003.[217]
The success of the military operation in theJapanese embassy hostage crisis was tainted by subsequent allegations that at least three and possibly eight of the insurgents were summarily executed by the commandos after surrendering. In 2002, the case was taken up by public prosecutors, but theSupreme Court ruled that the military tribunals had jurisdiction. A military court later absolved them of guilt, and theChavín de Huantar soldiers led the 2004 military parade. In 2003, MRTA family members lodged a complaint with theInter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) accusing the Peruvian state of human rights violations, in that the MRTA insurgents had been denied the "right to life, the right to judicial guarantees and the right to judicial protection". Although the IACHR's ruling did not directly implicate Fujimori, it did fault the Peruvian state for its complicity in the La Cantuta massacre.[218]
According to Back and Zavala, the plan was an example ofethnic cleansing as it targeted indigenous and rural women.[221] TheUnited Nations and other international aid agencies supported this campaign.USAID provided funding and training until it was exposed by objections by churches and human rights groups.[222] TheNippon Foundation, headed byAyako Sono, a Japanese novelist and personal friend of Fujimori, supported it as well.[223][224]
In the four-yearPlan Verde period, over 215,000 people, mostly women, entirelyindigenous, were forced or threatened into sterilization and 16,547 men were forced to undergo vasectomies during these years, most of them without a properanesthetist, in contrast to 80,385 sterilizations and 2,795 vasectomies over the previous three years.[73] Some scholars argue that these policies and acts weregenocidal.[225]
Neoliberal[neutrality isdisputed] reforms under Fujimori took place in three distinct phases: an initial "orthodox" phase (1990–92) in which technocrats dominated the reform agenda; a "pragmatic" phase (1993–98) that saw the growing influence of business elites over government priorities; and a final "watered-down" phase (1999–2000) dominated by a clique of personal loyalists and theirclientelist policies that aimed to secure Fujimori a third term as president. Business was a big winner of the reforms, with its influence increasing significantly within both the state and society.[226]
High growth during Fujimori's first term petered out during his second term. The1997–98 El Niño event had a tremendous impact on the Peruvian economy during the late 1990s and exacerbated a recession during that time.[227] Nevertheless, total GDP growth between 1992 and 2001, inclusive, was 44.60%, that is, 3.76% per annum; total GDP per capita growth between 1991 and 2001, inclusive, was 30.78%, that is, 2.47% per annum. Also, studies byINEI, the national statistics bureau[228] show that the number of Peruvians living in poverty increased dramatically (from 41.6% to more than 70%) during Alan García's term, but decreased greatly (from more than 70% to 54%) during Fujimori's term. Furthermore, FAO reported Peru reduced undernourishment by about 29% from 1990 to 1992 to 1997–99.[229]
Peru was reintegrated into the global economic system, and began to attractforeign investment. The mass selloff of state-owned enterprises led to improvements in some service industries, notablylocal telephone,mobile telephone, and internet services, respectively. Before privatization, a consumer or business had to wait up to 10 years to get a local telephone line installed by the state-run telephone company at a cost of US$607 for a residential line, while the average wait for phone line installation was 70 months.[230][231] Peru's physical land-based telephone network had a dramatic increase in telephone penetration from 2.9% in 1993 to 5.9% in 1996 and 6.2% in 2000,[232]. Privatization also generated foreign investment in export-oriented activities such as mining and energy extraction, notably theCamisea Gas Project and the copper andzinc extraction projects atAntamina.[233]
Fujimori has been described as a dictator.[6][8] His government was permeated by a network of corruption organized by his associate Montesinos.[234][235][236] Fujimori's style of government has also been described as "populist authoritarianism". Numerous governments[237] and human rights organizations such asAmnesty International, welcomed the extradition of Fujimori to face human rights charges.[238] As early as 1991, Fujimori had himself vocally denounced what he called "pseudo-human rights organizations" such asAmnesty International andHuman Rights Watch, for allegedly failing to criticize the insurgencies targeting civilian populations throughout Peru against which his government was struggling.[239]
Some of the GDP growth during the Fujimori years actually reflects a greater rate of extraction ofnonrenewable resources by transnational companies; these companies were attracted by Fujimori by means of near-zero royalties, and, by the same fact, little of the extracted wealth has stayed in the country.[240][241][242][243] Peru's mining legislation, they claim, has served as a role model for other countries that wish to become more mining-friendly.[244]
The sole instance oforganized labor's success in impeding reforms, namely the teachers' union resistance to education reform, was based on traditional methods of organization and resistance: strikes andstreet demonstrations.[226]
In the 2004Global Corruption Report, Fujimori was named one of the World's Most Corrupt Leaders. He was listed seventh and he was said to have amassed $600 million, but despite years of incarceration and investigation, none of these supposed stolen funds have ever been located in any bank account anywhere in the world.[97][245]
Fujimori did have support within Peru.[246] TheUniversidad de Lima March 2003 poll, taken while he was in Japan, found a 41% approval rating for his administration.[247] A poll conducted in March 2005 by the Instituto de Desarrollo e Investigación de Ciencias Económicas (IDICE) indicated that 12.1% of the respondents intended to vote for Fujimori in the 2006 presidential election.[248] A poll conducted on 25 November 2005, by the Universidad de Lima indicated a high approval (45.6%) rating of the Fujimori period between 1990 and 2000, attributed to his counterinsurgency efforts (53%).[249] In a 2007University of Lima survey of 600 Peruvians in Lima and the port of Callao, 82.6% agreed that the former president should be extradited from Chile to stand trial in Peru.[250]
^Fujimori claimed to have been born on 28 July, the anniversary ofPeru's independence from Spain, but other documents have listed a birth date of 26 July; Fujimori cited the latter date in a court hearing.[2][3]
^Vladimiro Montesinos was widely regarded as the real ruler of Peru, while Alberto Fujimori acted as afigurehead under his influence. Montesinos, who was thede facto head of the government's secret police until 2000, when it was deactivated, commented at the time that "[Fujimori] is completely malleable: he does nothing at all without my knowing it."[4][5]
Vargas Llosa, Mario (27 March 1994)."Ideas & Trends: In His Words; Unmasking the Killers in Peru Won't Bring Democracy Back to Life".The New York Times.ISSN0362-4331.Archived from the original on 29 March 2023. Retrieved24 March 2023.The coup of April 5, 1992, carried out by high-ranking military felons who used the President of the Republic himself as their figurehead, had as one of its stated objectives a guaranteed free hand for the armed forces in the anti-subversion campaign, the same armed forces for whom the democratic system – a critical Congress, an independent judiciary, a free press – constituted an intolerable obstacle.
"Spymaster".Australian Broadcasting Corporation. August 2002.Archived from the original on 29 March 2023. Retrieved29 March 2023.Lester: Though few questioned it, Montesinos was a novel choice. Peru's army had banished him for selling secrets to America's CIA, but he'd prospered as a defence lawyer – for accused drug traffickers. ... Lester: Did Fujmori control Montesinos or did Montesinos control Fujimori? ...Shifter: As information comes out, it seems increasingly clear that Montesinos was the power in Peru.
Keller, Paul (26 October 2000). "Fujimori in OAS talks PERU CRISIS UNCERTAINTY DEEPENS AFTER RETURN OF EX-SPY CHIEF".Financial Times.Mr Montesinos ... and his military faction, ... for the moment, has chosen to keep Mr Fujimori as its civilian figurehead
^abc*Burt, Jo-Marie; Youngers, Coletta A. (2010). "Peruvian precedent: the Fujimori conviction and the ongoing struggle for justice".NACLA Report on the Americas.43 (2): 6.doi:10.1080/10714839.2010.11722203.S2CID157981443.Peru's vibrant human rights community, which fought tirelessly to confront impunity, end the Fujimori dictatorship
^abCharles D. Kenney, 2004Fujimori's Coup and the Breakdown of Democracy in Latin America (Helen Kellogg Institute for International Studies)University of Notre Dame PressISBN0-268-03172-X
^abcMcClintock, Cynthia; Fabián Vallas (2002).The United States and Peru. New York:Routledge. p. 50.ISBN0-415-93463-X.
^González Manrique, Luis Esteban (1993).La encrucijada peruana: de Alan García a Fujimori (in Spanish). Madrid: Fundación CEDEAL. p. 467.ISBN84-87258-38-7.
^abBenson, Sara and Hellander, Paul and Wlodarski, Rafael.Lonely Planet: Peru. 2007, pp. 37–38.
^Burt, Jo-Marie (September–October 1998). "Unsettled accounts: militarization and memory in postwar Peru".NACLA Report on the Americas.32 (2).Taylor & Francis:35–41.doi:10.1080/10714839.1998.11725657.the military's growing frustration over the limitations placed upon its counterinsurgency operations by democratic institutions, coupled with the growing inability of civilian politicians to deal with the spiraling economic crisis and the expansion of the Shining Path, prompted a group of military officers to devise a coup plan in the late 1980s. The plan called for the dissolution of Peru's civilian government, military control over the state, and total elimination of armed opposition groups. The plan, developed in a series of documents known as the "Plan Verde," outlined a strategy for carrying out a military coup in which the armed forces would govern for 15 to 20 years and radically restructure state-society relations along neoliberal lines.
^abcdefAlfredo Schulte-Bockholt (2006). "Chapter 5: Elites, Cocaine, and Power in Colombia and Peru".The politics of organized crime and the organized crime of politics: a study in criminal power. Lexington Books. pp. 114–118.ISBN978-0-7391-1358-5.important members of the officer corps, particularly within the army, had been contemplating a military coup and the establishment of an authoritarian regime, or a so-called directed democracy. The project was known as 'Plan Verde', the Green Plan. ... Fujimori essentially adopted the Green Plan and the military became a partner in the regime. ... The self-coup, of April 5, 1992, dissolved the Congress and the country's constitution and allowed for the implementation of the most important components of the Green Plan
^abRospigliosi, Fernando (1996).Las Fuerzas Armadas y el 5 de abril: la percepción de la amenaza subversiva como una motivación golpista. Lima, Peru: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. pp. 46–47.
^abRendón, Silvio (2013).La intervención de los Estados Unidos en el Perú. Editorial Sur. pp. 145–150.ISBN9786124574139.
^Hunter, Brian (ed.). "Peru".The Statesman's Yearbook: Statistical and Historical Annual of the States of the World 1994–1995. Berlin: De Gruyter. p. 1082.
^Gouge, Thomas.Exodus from Capitalism: The End of Inflation and Debt. 2003, p. 363.ISBN978-0-595-26565-7
^abGouge, Thomas.Exodus from Capitalism: The End of Inflation and Debt. 2003, p. 363.
^abPee, Robert (2018).The Reagan Administration, the Cold War, and the Transition to Democracy Promotion.Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 178–180.ISBN978-3319963815.
^Pee, Robert (2018).The Reagan Administration, the Cold War, and the Transition to Democracy Promotion.Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 168–187.ISBN978-3319963815.
^"Peru's Fujimori Weighs In On Behalf of Street Sellers Nation's informal economy is protected in president's economic plan".The Christian Science Monitor. 4 March 1991.
^abGouge, Thomas.Exodus from Capitalism: The End of Inflation and Debt. 2003, p. 364.
^abcdManzetti, Luigi.Privatization South American Style. 1999, p. 235.
^Smith, Peter H.Latin America in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to Methods and Analysis. 1995, p. 234.
^abCameron, Maxwell A. (June 1998). "Latin American Autogolpes: Dangerous Undertows in the Third Wave of Democratisation".Third World Quarterly.19 (2).Taylor & Francis: 228.doi:10.1080/01436599814433.the outlines for Peru's presidential coup were first developed within the armed forces before the 1990 election. This Green Plan was shown to President Fujimori after the 1990 election before his inauguration. Thus, the president was able to prepare for an eventual self-coup during the first two years of his administration
^Levitsky, Steven "Fujimori and Post-Party Politics in Peru",Journal of Democracy. 10(3):78
^abcdeSmith, Peter H.Latin America in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to Methods and Analysis. 1995, p. 236.
^abcBarry S. Levitt (2006). "A desultory defense of democracy: OAS Resolution 1080 and the Inter-American Democratic Charter. (Organization of American States)".Latin American Politics and Society. Vol. 48, no. 3. pp. 93–123.
^Márquez, Laureano; Eduardo, Sanabria (2018). "La democracia pierde energía".Historieta de Venezuela: De Macuro a Maduro (1st ed.). Gráficas Pedrazas. p. 142.ISBN978-1-7328777-1-9.
^Cameron, Maxwell A.; Mauceri, Philip (1997).The Peruvian Labyrinth. p. 216.
^Conaghan, Catherine M. (2006).Fujimori's Peru: Deception in the Public Sphere. p. 55.
^National Security Archive (15 June 1995)."Fujimori signs amnesty law". Peruvian Ministry of Culture.Archived from the original on 28 December 2017. Retrieved27 December 2017.
^Roger Atwood, 'Democratic Dictators: Authoritarian Politics in Peru from Leguia to Fujimori,'SAIS Review, vol. 21, no. 2 (2001), p. 167.doi:10.1353/sais.2001.0030
^"State Society Interactions as Sources of Persistence and Change in Inequality" inInequality in Latin America: Breaking With History? (World Bank Latin American and Caribbean Studies. Viewpoints). David De Ferranti, et al.World Bank Publications. 2004, p. 139
^"Suharto Tops World Corruption League". Archived from the original on 17 July 2004. Retrieved2 April 2005.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link), 25 March 2004, Laksamana.Net, Jakarta.
^"Alberto Fujimori Files New Request for Presidential Pardon".Andean Air Mail & Peruvian Times. Lima: Eleanor Griffis. 25 July 2016.Archived from the original on 26 February 2021. Retrieved7 August 2016.The Presidential Pardons Commission met this Monday to begin evaluating a request filed on Friday July 22 by ex-President Alberto Fujimori, who is serving a 25-year prison sentence for crimes against humanity.
^Taj, Mitra (26 July 2016). Fernandez, Clarence (ed.)."Peru's Humala rules out pardoning Fujimori during his term".Reuters.Archived from the original on 27 July 2016. Retrieved7 August 2016.Humala, who will be replaced by centrist President-elect Pedro Pablo Kuczynski on Thursday, said in a broadcast interview that a serious evaluation of Fujimori's pardon request would take at least a couple months.
^Cameron, Maxwell A. (June 1998). "Latin American Autogolpes: Dangerous Undertows in the Third Wave of Democratisation".Third World Quarterly.19 (2).Taylor & Francis:228–230.doi:10.1080/01436599814433.The Plan Verde bore a striking resemblance to the government outlined by Fujimori in his speech on 5 April 1992. It called for a market economy within a framework of a 'directed democracy' that would be led by the armed forces after they dissolved the legislature and executive. ... The authors of the Plan Verde also stated that relations with the USA revolved more around the issue of drug trafficking than democracy and human rights, and thus made the fight against drug trafficking the number two strategic goal
^abBack, Michele; Zavala, Virginia (2018).Racialization and Language: Interdisciplinary Perspectives From Perú.Routledge. pp. 286–291.Archived from the original on 4 August 2021. Retrieved4 August 2021.At the end of the 1980s, a group of military elites secretly developed an analysis of Peruvian society calledEl cuaderno verde. This analysis established the policies that the following government would have to carry out in order to defeat Shining Path and rescue the Peruvian economy from the deep crisis in which it found itself.El cuaderno verde was passed onto the national press in 1993, after some of these policies were enacted by President Fujimori. ... It was a program that resulted in the forced sterilization of Quechua-speaking women belonging to rural Andean communities. This is an example of 'ethnic cleansing' justified by the state, which claimed that a properly controlled birth rate would improve the distribution of national resources and thus reduce poverty levels. ... The Peruvian state decided to control the bodies of 'culturally backward' women, since they were considered a source of poverty and the seeds of subversive groups
^Jeffrey Bury, "Livelihoods in transition: transnational gold mining operations and local change in Cajamarca, Peru",The Geographical Journal (Royal Geographic Society), Vol. 170 Issue 1 March 2004, p. 78.LinkArchived 28 July 2020 at theWayback Machine leads to a pay site allowing access to this paper.
^"Investing in Destruction: The Impacts of a WTO Investment Agreement on Extractive Industries in Developing Countries", Oxfam America Briefing Paper, June 2003. Retrieved 27 September 2006.
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