According to Jack Goody, the origins of the Akan were distorted during the colonial period by misinterpretations popularized by missionaries, administrators, and early ethnographers. One of the earliest documented attempts to explain Akan origins was made byThomas Edward Bowdich, an English traveler who visited theAsante Empire in 1817. He argued that there were similarities between Asante political institutions and those ofAncient Egypt andEthiopia which indicated that the Asante descended from eastern or northeastern African populations.[3] In the early twentieth century, W. T. Balmer, a missionary historian, advanced the view that the Akan originated from the medievalGhana Empire in thewestern Sudan.[4] He argued that the decline of ancient Ghana was due to the society losing internal cohesion and was weakened by Islam invasions into theSahel.[5]J. B. Danquah later adopted and expanded the Ghana migration hypothesis using medieval Arabic descriptions of the ancient kingdom of Ghana and identifying it with the Akan-speaking peoples of the Gold Coast.[6] In his 1944 book, the Akan Doctrine of God, Danquah suggested that the name “Ghana” represented an Arab corruption of “Akane” or “Akana,” and proposed a historical connection between the Akan and ancient Near Eastern civilizations.[6] Eva L. R. Meyerowitz took the Ghana migration and diffusionist theories even further, claiming Akan ruling class and religious institutions originated from Saharan,Libyo-Berber, Egyptian, andNear Eastern sources.[7] The theories were criticized by historians, linguists, and anthropologists, who believed they served practical purposes for missionaries, colonial administrators, and nationalist thinkers who sought moral lessons, political unity, or historical prestige.[8]
An earlier critic of the colonial diffusionist theories was David Tait, who argued that Eva L. R. Meyerowitz’s book of Akan origins relied too heavily on speculative links between names of peoples and places across separated regions. He criticized her attempt to connect the Akan,Guan andGonja to theFezzan and theDjenne–Timbuktu area, claiming that many of these links lacked clear evidence. Tait denied to the use of a singleBono tradition about coming from the “great white desert” as the basis for a broad migration theory, especially since similar traditions were not found among other Akan groups. He also rejected the claim that early Bono traditions had been “lost,” arguing that there was no proof such traditions had ever existed. According to Tait, the linguistic comparisons used to support the argument crossed multiple languages and language families without enough methodological control. He believed that the book moved too quickly from collecting traditions to constructing speculative history, without first establishing the texts and their social context.[9]
Dennis Michael Warren, an anthropologist who spent extended periods conducting fieldwork inTechiman, Ghana, reexamined Meyerowitz’s interpretations ofBono history and argued that they relied on unsupported evidence. According to his findings, many informants cited by Meyerowitz denied giving her the information associated with them or contradicted her statements when interviewed independently.[10] His work exposed thatTimbuktu, Kumbu, Diala, and Diadom were not commonly known inBono oral tradition and were only recognized by people familiar with Meyerowitz’s ideas, suggesting that the narratives were introduced from herself and not passed down locally.[11] Warren concluded that an accurate reconstruction ofBono Manso history before theAsante conquest of 1722–1723 was not possible using available oral evidence.[12] Warren warned that Meyerowitz’s work had already entered school textbooks and popular histories as established fact and influence local narratives which made it difficult to distinguish authentic oral traditions from foreign fabrications.[13]
As more fieldwork was conducted in Akan regions, earlier statements associating Akan origins with migrations from different regions were questioned and reassessed.ArchaeologistMerrick Posnansky criticized the use of oral traditions recorded by non-specialists, arguing that the material, when interpreted through assumptions, created conflicting accounts of origins and lacked archaeological or historical validation. He mentioned how scholars likeJ. B. Danquah and Eva Meyerowitz sought historical validated by projecting Near Eastern orMesopotamian origins onto Akan societies.[14] In 1995, following archaeological research,Peter and Ama Shinnie concluded that there is no evidence to support older theories proposing migrations of the Asante and other Akan peoples from North Africa, the Sahara, or the eastern Mediterranean. They argued the theories reflect outdated assumptions that complex societies in West Africa must have originated elsewhere rather than developing locally.[15] Shinnie’s main argument was that if the Akan had really come from the north, their language would be closely related to the languages spoken north of the forest zone, but Akan instead belongs to the Kwa language family, which, apart from Gonja, is not closely related to the languages of northern Ghana.[15]
Oral traditions and archaeological evidence indicate that the Akan trace their origins to theforest andforest–savanna transition zone, with early settlements such ofBono Manso,Begho,Wenchi,Asantemanso andAdansemanso playing central roles in their historical development.[16][17][18][19] TheBono people ofTakyiman recountBonoman one of the first Akan states, with its capitalBono Manso founded by a leader namedAsaman, who emerged with his people from a sacred cave known asAmowi near modern dayTechiman. According to tradition,God created theBono before the sky itself, and their land was the birthplace of humankind. The word “Bono” is said to mean “original” or “first.”[20] Oral traditions from the Bono people ofOld Wenchi recount that their ancestors first emerged from the ground atBonoso, led out by a pig-like quadruped calledWankyi, before establishing their settlement atOld Wenchi (Ahwene Koko). The Bono people of theNyarko, trace their ancestry to the ancestress Efua Nyarko, after whom a quarter ofBegho was named.[21]
According toAdanse traditions and cosmogony, Adanse was the traditional “Garden of Eden” of all the Akan and is regarded as one of the first of the Akan states, standing at the head of the entire Akan nation.[22] They recount that their land is considered a sacred place of creation and early political formation, regarded as the ancestral homeland from which all the southern Akan trace their origins.[23] It is described as the first among five foundational states, Adanse,Akyem,Assin,Denkyira, and Asante, collectively calledAkanman Piesie Anum.[24]Clans such as theAsona,Agona,Oyoko, andBretuo are believed to have either originated from, settled, or have passed throughAdanse. TheAsante people trace their roots toAsantemanso, where the matriarchAnkyewa Nyame is said to have descended with sacred regalia, and where the founding clans emerged from the earth.[16]Akyem Kotoku,Akyem Bosome,Assin Atandansu,Assin Apimenin as well as the Asante ofMampong,Dwaben,Kokofu, among others, claim to have migrated at various times fromtheAdanse area of theAsante Region.[25] These traditions emphasize sacred geography, clan emergence, and spiritual unity, with the deity Bona acting as guardian of Adanse's early cohesion.[26] TheAkwamu identify early capitals atTwifo-Hemang,Asamangkese and laterNyanaoase, located near key trade routes in the southern forests. As their power grew, the capital shifted multiple times, eventually crossing theVolta Gorge.
In the south and west, theFante people recount a migration fromBono-Tekyiman to the coast, where they encountered theEtsi. Their founding is tied toMankessim and the rock shrineNananom Pow, linked to the legendary ancestral trio Obrumankoma, Odapagyan, and Oson.[27][28] TheAowin (also known asAgni) claim an early presence in the western forests. Their kingdom dominated regional trade and provided refuge to displaced groups before its decline during wars withDenkyira andAsante.[29] TheSefwi people trace their origins to theBono andAdansi areas but describe distinct migrations into the western forests in response to 17th–18th century warfare.[30]
TheNzima trace their origins to the formation of theNzima Kingdom, created by three brothers, Annor Blay Ackah, Bua Kanyili, and Ahmiree II, who united the existing states of Jomoro, Abripiquem, and Ankobra through wealth gained from European trade. Known in European records asApolonia, this new polity dominated the south-western coast of theGold Coast throughout the eighteenth century. Further west, theBaoulé people ofCôte d'Ivoire trace their ancestry to Akan groups who migrated westward from theGold Coast in two waves during the early eighteenth century. The first, known as the Alanguié Baoulé, moved fromDenkyira after its defeat by theAsante around 1701, while the second, the Assabou group, leftKumasi following a disputed succession after the death ofOsei Tutu in 1717.[31]
West African sites witharchaeobotanical remains (3rd–1st millennium BCE), including diffusion routes ofpearl millet into the savanna zones north of the Akan forest region.
By the 5th centuryCE, northern forest communities had developed long-term settlements supported byagriculture, trade, andiron production. Oral traditions from theBono recall emergence from sacred caves like Amowi and the founding ofBono Manso.[33] Research at sites such asKranka Dada revealed continuous occupation and participation in wider regional trade. By the 14th century, the Bono region was linked to the Niger trade routes.[34] Excavations atBonoso, the first settlement of theWankyi Bono, uncovered iron-smelting furnaces, slag, copper ornaments, and pottery, with radiocarbon dates between 660 and 1068CE.[21] The Nyarko quarter ofBegho, named after the ancestress Efua Nyarko, was a proto-urban settlement dated to 965–1125CE. The site containediron tools,copper objects,ivory, and painted pottery comparable to 9th-century finds fromNew Buipe.[21]
In the southern forests,Asantemanso was continuously occupied from at least the 9th centuryCE, with traces of earlier habitation possibly dating as far back as 700BCE. It is remembered in local traditions as the ancestral origin of theOyoko andAduana clans. Further south,Adansemanso was settled as early as 393CE, and was mainly occupied in the first half of the second the millenium.[35]The excavations revealed that the southern forest sites developed earlier than previously believed and were contemporary with northern forest centers likeBegho andBono Manso.
Bono Manso consolidated into a polity between the 11th and 13th centuries.[36][37] At its height, Bono Manso was recognized as the seat of the "Dua-duakwa hene mu hene" (king of many kings).[38] By the 13th century,Begho had grown into a major commercial town. Archaeological research shows it was predominantlyBrong in culture, with distinct quarters forMande-speaking Muslim merchants and craft specialists, including brassworkers at Dwinfuor and iron smelters at Dapaa, in the northwest.[39]Spindle whorls, dye pits, terracotta weights, andglass beads were among many items were present in the site.[39] Its position allowed it to link forest and savanna products to centers such asJenne,Kong, andBobo-Dioulasso.[40]
In the 14th century,Begho had become a cosmopolitan hub with copper and brass workshops, dyewells, importedChinese porcelain, andIslamic gold weights.[41] Estimates place its population between 7,000 and 10,000, and was one of the largest settlements in precolonialGhana.[42]Gold formed the backbone of Bono's economy, fueling both internal authority and external commerce. Connections withtrans-Saharan caravans grew asDyula merchants exchangedbrassware,cowries,textiles, andhorses forgold,kola, andivory.[43]Bono Manso,Wankyi, andBegho were integrated into this network. The Akan goldfields, and its associated settlements, came to be recognized as one of the three gold-producing regions, alongsideBambuk andBure.[44] Archaeological parallels fromWenchi indicate that some of its early settlements were contemporaneous with Begho and Bono Manso, possibly dating to the 14th century, suggesting a wider regional development of northern Akan culture.[45]
Cast brass weights used to measure precise amounts of gold dust. These weights, developed as early as the seventeenth century, represent Akan craftsmanship and gold-based economies.
By the 13th century, Adanse was integrated intoTrans-Saharan trade networks throughWangara intermediaries, exchanging gold for Saharan goods.[49] Gold was mined in areas such asAkrokerri andDompoase under ritual supervision invoking the deityBona.[50] Statecraft was tied to control over goldfields, tribute, and military organization, with towns likeEdubiase andBodwesanwo producing iron weapons.[51] At its peak in the 13th–15th centuries,Adansemanso was one of the largest ancient towns in thecentral forest zone, containing domestic structures, iron-smelting debris, and brassgold weights.[52]
In the 15th century, elite families with origins inAdansemanso andAsantemanso became wealthy through long-distance trade and established a political system known asabirempondom.[47] Theseobirempon ruled from dominant towns that exercised authority over surrounding towns of free and unfree subjects, creating new forms of jurisdiction, land clearance, and court culture.[47]
As centralized states likeBonoman andAdanse developed, groups of Akan-speaking peoples began dispersing southward into the forest and coastal belts of southernGhana. This movement was driven by the search for fertile land, access to gold resources, and emerging political dynamics in the interior.[53] A southward migration led to the formation of theFante, whose oral traditions trace their origins to inland centers such as Bono-Takyiman andAdanse. After settling nearMankessim, the Fante established a settlement, and the Nananom Pow, a sacred grove.[54] BeforePortuguese contact in 1471, Akan communities were established along the coast. These groups maintained cultural and political ties to the interior.[55]
As these migrations increased, new settlements were founded in the forest zone, giving rise to gold-producing states such asWassa, Aowin (Anyi or Agni), and others.[56] According to oral traditions, theAowin state of theAowin (Agni) people grew to become the dominant power in the southwestern forest, controlling gold sources and trade routes toApollonia andBegho. Their territory later became a refuge for groups displaced by wars and territorial conflicts.[29]
The Kingdoms of Arcania, Acanny, and the Accanists
In the late 16th century, Portuguese explorers encountered Akan-speaking merchants controlling gold routes from the forest interior to the coast.[57] DuartePacheco Pereira (1505–1508) listed inland traders as the Haccanys,Boroes, Bremus,Cacres,Andese, and Souzos, who brought gold from distant lands to thecoast.[58]
Some of the names are now understood as early references to Akan groups in thePra–Ofin–Birim basin. Portuguese writings described them ascavaleiros mercadores (“merchant knights”).[47] A 1629 Dutch map marked three inland zones as “Akani,” which produced the finest gold, referred to as “Akan sika.”[58]Portuguese forts likeSão Jorge da Mina were built to secure this trade, but the Akan states controlled gold production and supply.[59] By the early 16th century, the inland Akan polities were facing growing internal and external pressures. Portuguese records from 1502 mention a war between the Akan andAtis (Etsii), and in 1548 they noted a “civil war among the Akans”.[58] The European demand for gold and the introduction of firearms intensified the rivalries. Akan polities began buying muskets through coastal trade and enslaved captives.[60]
In the 17th century onward, theDutch,British,Danes, andBrandenburgers, intensified their presence along the coast, competing for access to the inland Akan goldfields. In return, they supplied firearms,gunpowder, andtextiles.[61]Muskets quickly became important to state-building, and armed expansionism grew central to political survival across the region.[62]
Overtime states such asAkwamu,Denkyira,Akyem, andAssin grew as militarized powers.[62] These polities began expanding territory, controlling trade routes, and asserting political control.[63] European writings from this period began distinguishing Great Accany withAkyem in the east, and Little Accany with theKingdom of Assin in the south of the goldfields.[63] As warfare escalated and tribute networks collapsed, the cohesion of the Akan heartland fractured. The late 17th century saw the rise ofDenkyira andAkwamu as the most dominant states.[64] AsAkwamu rose as a major Akan power, it began expanding eastward underAnsa Sasraku and capturingAccra by 1681, turning it into a tributary while collecting rents fromEuropean forts.[65]Denkyira, built on gold wealth and military conquest, imposed harsh demands on its tributaries underBoaponsem and laterNtim Gyakari, provoking widespread unrest.[66] Its imperial control sparked the rise ofOsei Tutu and theAsante Empire.[67]
In the late 17th century,Osei Tutu, who returned from exile atAkwamu with political experience. WithAnokye, unified clans and created theGolden Stool, the symbol of Asante nationhood.[68][69] In 1699, Asante challengedDenkyira, whose tributaries, joined the revolt. Denkyira's firearm supply was cut off, and in 1701 it was defeated at theBattle of Feyiase.[70] Asante then centralized power and expanded rapidly. By 1709, it was a dominant force inland.[71] As Asante power extended southwestward, it came into direct conflict with theAowin (Agni) state, which had previously dominated the region between theTano andBia. In 1715, Asante forces under GeneralAmankwatia, aided by theirWiawso allies. they launched a major campaign againstAowin.[29] As Aowin declined, incoming migrants fromBono,Adanse, andDenkyira established three autonomous but related states:Sefwi Wiawso,Sefwi Bekwai, andSefwi Anhwiaso, which absorbed cultural influences from neighboring Akan polities.[72]
Map of the Gold Coast c.1729.
In 1722–1723 internal succession disputes and the unpopular rule of Ameyaw Kwakye had already weakenedBono's authority, andAsante forces quickly overran the town, capturing its rulers and artisans, and relocating regalia and treasury assets toKumase.[73] ManyBono fled toTechiman, while others migrated westward regrouping in nearby locations likeGyaman,Abease, and theBanda area.[74] Wars during this period caused theBaoulé and other splinter groups seeking refuge fromAsante expansion.[75][verification needed]
Many people across theAmericas trace their ancestry toAkan-speaking populations due to thetrans-Atlantic slave trade. Between the 17th and 19th centuries, a significant proportion ofenslaved Africans shipped from theGold Coast, estimated at 10% of all embarkations fromWest Africa were of Akan origin.[76] Internal conflicts among the Akan states during the 17th to 18th centuries, led to the capture and selling of war captives.[60]
Akan captives, labeled as “Coromantee” inBritish colonies, gained a reputation for resistance and military discipline. Many were former soldiers from warring states likeFante,Akwamu orAshanti, and their skills were transferred to plantation andmaroon communities. They played central roles in uprisings across theAmericas, including the 1733Akwamu-led revolt on St. John, the 1760Tacky's Rebellion inJamaica, and the1763 Berbice uprising inGuyana led byCoffy, aCoromantee war captain.[77] Some Coromantee, such asChief Takyi inJamaica, were former warlords turned rebels who attempted to recreate Akan-style governance during these revolts.[78] In several colonies, colonial authorities even feared large concentrations ofCoromantee slaves, associating them with rebellion and political organization.[79]
TheAsante Empire emerged as the dominant military and commercial power in the forest zone by the early 18th century. It controlled trade routes extending from thesavanna hinterlands in the north to theAtlantic coast, extracting tribute and asserting influence over formerly independent states.[80][61] Asante's control over goldfields and strategic corridors put it in direct competition with coastal states like theFante Confederacy. In response to rising Asante power and European trade pressures, theFante reorganized in the mid-18th century into a defensive coalition of city-states led fromMankessim.[81] The Fante developed a distinct political identity influenced by diplomacy with European powers and rivalry withAsante. TheFante Confederacy had become a key player along the coast, defending its territory through alliances with theBritish and resisting inland incursions.[82]
Anglo–Asante Wars, Colonization and the Partition of the Akan World
After clashes between the Asante and the British occurred, treaties byThomas Bowdich (1817) andWilliam Dupuis (1820) failed to end long-term hostilities. TheAnglo-Ashanti wars erupted in cycles, with the 1824 battle at Nsamankow, the 1826 defeat at Katamanso, and the 1874British invasion of Kumasi, which led to the looting of the palace and destruction of regalia. TheAsante remained autonomous until 1900, when a final confrontation over British demands for theGolden Stool triggered theWar of the Golden Stool. Led byYaa Asantewaa, Queen Mother ofEjisu, Asante resistance culminated in the siege of Kumasi, the exile ofAsantehene Prempeh I, and Asante's formal incorporation into theBritish colony by 1901.
Meanwhile,Gyaman engaged with French expansion in the western Sudan. In 1888, the Gyamanhene signed a protection treaty withFrance to resistAsante andBritish encroachment. France failed to assert control, and in 1895,Samori Touré launched a campaign that destabilized the region.[83][84] After the French expelled Samori in 1897, Gyaman was partitioned: the western zone, includingBonduku, was annexed intoFrench West Africa, while the eastern section, centered onSampa, became part of theBritish Protectorate.[85][84][86]
On the coast, states such as theFante Confederacy and others were gradually brought under indirect British rule through treaties. By the early 20th century, nearly all Akan territories had been absorbed into the colonial territories of theBritish Gold Coast and theFrench Colonial Empire. In centralCôte d'Ivoire, theBaoulé also resisted colonial occupation. In 1906, GovernorGabriel Angoulvant launched a military campaign to forcibly subdueBaoulé chiefdoms, marking one of the last major uprisings against French rule in the region.[87][88]
On 6th March 1957, under the leadership ofKwame Nkrumah and theConvention People's Party, theGold Coast became the first sub-Saharan African colony to achieve independence from European colonial rule. The new nation was renamedGhana, symbolically connecting modern statehood to the region's historic legacy of powerful African empires. The territory united the Gold Coast colony withBritish Togoland, as well as the Northern and Upper regions.
Across the border, neighboringIvory Coast gained independence fromFrance in 1960 under the leadership ofFélix Houphouët-Boigny, a prominentBaoulé figure who had served as a French parliamentarian. As president, Houphouët-Boigny oversaw the establishment of a centralized state that integrated traditional Akan political culture with republican governance.[89] Like Ghana, Ivory Coast is home to a significant Akan population with 40% of the national total. In 1969, theSanwi kingdom ofKrinjabo, famously attempted to secede from Ivory Coast and restore monarchical rule.[87]
The Akans consider themselves one nation. Akan means first, foremost, indicating the enlightened and civilized. While traditionally matrilineal, they are also united philosophically through 12 patrilineal spirit groups called theNtoro. Within the Akan nation are branches based on many dialects, widest and possibly the oldest one being used is Twi as well as Fante. Each branch subsequently holds a collection of states and stemming from city-states. The state orƆman are typically ruled by several kings known asAmanhene (Ɔmanhene, singular) orAhemfo (Ɔhene, singular). The state is the basic unit of Akan polity. Several states and city-states can band together to form a confederacy or an empire regardless of clan orabusua they belong to, while those outsides of the Akan people or the abusua were usually conquered or annexed via war or mutual agreement. For example, the Guan state of Larteh and the Akyem state of Akropong joined to form the Akwapim Kingdom to avoid the Akwamu, who the Guan deemed as oppressive. Under the State there are Divisions and under these Divisions are towns and villages. The Fantes also upon migrating from the interior Takyiman conquered other Guan tribes including Efutu and Ewutu and merged them into Mfantseman[90]
Akan kings are ranked according to their jurisdiction. The head of an inter-clan Confederacy is usually considered a King, as in the Kings of Ashanti, Fante, Akyem and the Akwapim. Under these are the heads of the constituent states who equates anEmperor that only heads anEmpire (e.g.,Asante Empire and theDenkyira). In Asante's case, as an Empire, the Asantehene reigned over the non-Oyoko clan city-states and ruled over the kings of those states as an Imperial head or Emperor (a hardly used but an equivalent term for Emperor orthe king of kings). Next there are divisional Chiefs, they are primarily arranged according to the five divisions of an Akan army. The Fante army orAsafo formation resembles a cross or an airplane. The Fante battle formations eventually had some European influences and many Asafo Frankaa (battle flags) incorporated the British Union Jack after 1844 when they allied with them. The battle formation has the Frontline, the West Flank, an East Flank, the main body and the Vanguard. There are, therefore, five divisional chiefs in each Paramountcy. These are followed in rank by the Kings of the city and then the Kings of the town and then king of the suburbs.[90]
The Akan peoples mostly have seven Abusua (Matrilineal clans/tribes) in each state. They do not have the same names in each state but each has an equivalent clan (e.g. in Fante areas along the coast, the Asante clan of Oyoko is referred to as Dehyena or Yokofo). The clans are assigned States which they rule by their status as founders of that jurisdiction. The Ashanti Kingdom is ruled by the Oyoko Clan. However, the Bretuo or Twidanfo (in Fante), as well as other clans, rule States, Divisions, Towns, and Villages within the Kingdom. The Fante-speaking peoples usually have the Asona Clan ruling most of their States (like Mankessim). Certain sub-clans or lineages have exclusive rights to some stools within Akanland such as the lineage of Afia Kobi in the Oyoko Clan who alone sits on the Golden Stool of Asante.[90]
The Akans are traditionally a Matrilineal people of the African continent. Matrilineal inheritance makes it easier to trace the line of succession. Within each lineage or House are the branches. The chief of a family is called anAbusuapanyin (or family-elder). Ranking above a family chief (a family's Abusuapanyin) is the clan's chief (or clan's Abusuapanyin). These branches are called Jaase/Gyaase or Kitchens. Each Kitchen takes its turn to present a candidate for the stool to the kingmakers of the lineage. Once accepted their candidate rules till death. This means until all the Jaase have presented their candidates they have to wait their turn.[90]
Akan Kings of whatever rank have other nobleman who serve them as sub-chiefs. These sub-chiefs do not have hereditary titles and therefore do not have black stools. Besides, each King has a female co-ruler known as theQueen-mother. The Queen-mother is more like a figurehead representing the King's or Emperor's eldest sister and hence the mother of the next King or Emperor, she could rule as a King if she wishes (e.g. queen-mothers mainly from the House of Asona clan:Nana Abena Boaa who ruled Offinso 1610–1640, Nana Afia Dokuaa who ruled Akyem Abuakwa 1817–1835, and NanaYaa Asantewaa who ruled Edweso 1896–1900) as well as Komfo Muna who ruled Mankessim 1830–1872. They present the candidate for consideration as King. An assistant king does not have a Queen-mother as his title is not hereditary.[90]
A Prince or Daakyehen (Fante, literallyFuture-king) is any of the members of the lineage eligible to sit on a stool. However, not all royals are Princes as some may be ineligible. A prince is not necessarily the son of a King but rather the former King's nephew on the mother's side. As such, royals strive to achieve the position of a prince in their families or for their children. All Akan clans are considered royal in the context of their matrilineal society. Each clan, known asabusua, plays a significant role in inheritance, succession, and the selection of chiefs. The eight main Akan clans—Oyoko, Bretuo, Agona, Asona, Asenie, Aduana, Ekuona, and Asakyiri—are integral to the governance of their respective communities. Members of these clans are viewed as royals, as chiefs are traditionally chosen from them, reinforcing their royal status within Akan culture.[90]
A sub-chief does not, however, need to be a nobleman. He only has to be suitable for the position he is to occupy. Some sub-chieftaincy positions can be abolished at will. They include the heads of the ruling house or Mankrado, the Linquist, the Chief Kingmaker or Jaasehen/Gyaasehen, the Supi (Fante) or General of the Army, the Captains of the Army or Asafohen (Fante) among others. The way Akans ruled their nation fascinated the tribes and peoples of other West African nations and as the Akans conquered or formed alliances with these nations, parts of it were transmitted to them. The British particularly felt the Akan system was highly efficient and tried to establish it throughout their dominions in West Africa using the Indirect Rule System. The Ewes and the Ga-Adangmes with their close affinity to the Akans have modified certain aspects of it to fit their societies.[90]
In Ghana and other modern states where the Akan people are located, the Kings, Assistant Kings, Princes, and Noblemen of the Akans serve mostly a symbolic role. Modern politics has side-lined them in national politics although it is common to find that an elected or appointed official to be of Akan royalty. And, especially in the villages and poor areas, traditional Kings are still very important for organizing development, social services and keeping the peace. Some Kings have decided to push ahead with the leadership of their Kingdoms and States in a non-political fashion. The Asantehen and okyehen have emphasized Education and Environmental Sustainability respectively. Others push the national government and its agents to fulfill promises to their people.[90]
In modern Ghana, a quasi-legislative/judicial body known as theHouse of "Chiefs" (a colonial term to belittle African Kings because of the racist belief to not equate an African King with a European King in rank)[citation needed] has been established to oversee "chieftaincy" and the Government of Ghana as the British Government once did certifies the Chiefs and gazettes them. Several Akan Kings sit at the various levels of the National House of "Chiefs". Each Paramountcy has a Traditional Council, then there is the Regional House of "Chiefs" and lastly the National House of "Chiefs". Akan Kings who once warred with each other and Kings of other nations within Ghana now sit with them to build peace and advocate development for their nations.[90] The identity of an Akan nation or meta-ethnicity is expressed by the termAkanman. The Akan wordɔman (plural Aman) which forms the second element in this expression has a meaning much of "community, town, nation, state".(A)man has been translated as "Akanland".[91]
Akan refers to the language of the Akanethnolinguistic group and the Akan language which was and is the most widely spoken and usedindigenous language in the Akan peoples in Ghana. Each ethnic group having its own dialect[92][93] Akan is officially recognized for literacy in the Akan-majority regions, at the primary and elementary educational stage (Primary 1–3) K–12 (education) level, and studied at university as a bachelor's degree or master's degree program.[92][93] The Akan language is spoken as the predominant language in the Western, Central, Ashanti, Eastern, Brong Ahafo regions of the akan clan.[92][93] A language with some Akan influence calledNdyuka is also spoken in South America (Suriname and French Guiana), with the Akan language coming to these South American and Caribbean places through the trans-Atlantic slave trade and Akan names and folktales are still used in these South American and Caribbean countries (another example can be seen in the Maroons ofJamaica and their influence with Akan culture and loanwords specifically from theFante dialect of theCentral Region ofGhana) in the language ofJamaican Maroon Creole or Kromanti.[92][93] With the present state of technology, one can listen to live radio broadcasts in Akan from numerous radio stations and receive mass media and public broadcasts in Akan from numerous multimedia and media broadcasting.[92][93] Akan is studied in major universities in North America and the United States, including Ohio University, Ohio State University, University of Wisconsin–Madison, Harvard University, Boston University, Indiana University, University of Michigan, and the University of Florida.[92][93] The Akan language has been a regular language of study in the annual Summer Cooperative African Languages Institute (SCALI) program and the Akan language is regulated and administered by theAkan Orthography Committee (AOC).[92][93] Some of Akan's language characteristic features includetone,vowel harmony, andnasalization.[92][93]
Akan culture is one of the traditionalmatrilineal cultures of Africa.[94]Akan art is wide-ranging and renowned, especially for the tradition of crafting bronze gold weights, using thelost-wax casting method. The Akan culture reached South America, the Caribbean, and North America.[95]
Some of their most important mythological stories are calledanansesem, literally meaning "the spider story", but in a figurative sense also meaning "traveler's tales". These "spider stories" are sometimes also referred to asnyankomsem: "words of a sky god". The stories generally, but not always, revolve aroundKwaku Ananse, a trickster spirit, often depicted as a spider, human, or a combination thereof.[96]
Many but not all of the Akan still[103] practice their traditional matrilineal customs, living in their traditionalextended family households. The traditional Akan economic and political organization is based on matrilineallineages, which are the basis of inheritance and succession. Alineage is defined as all those related bymatrilineal descent from a particular ancestress. Several lineages are grouped into a political unit headed by a council of elders, each of whom is the elected head of a lineage – which itself may include multiple extended-family households.
Public offices are, thus, vested in the lineage, as are land tenure and other lineage property. In other words, lineage property is inherited only by matrilineal kin.[103][104] Each lineage controls the lineage land farmed by its members, functions together in the veneration of its ancestors, supervises marriages of its members, and settles internal disputes among its members.[105]
The political units above are likewise grouped (into traditionally seven) but as of today, eight larger groups calledabusua: Aduana, Agona, Asakyiri, Asenie, Asona, Bretuo, Ekuona, and Oyoko. The members of each suchabusua are united by their belief that they are all descended from the same ancient ancestress – so marriage between members of the same group (orabusua) is forbidden, a taboo on marriage. One inherits or is a lifelong member of, the lineage, the political unit and theabusua of one's mother, regardless of one's gender or marriage. Members and their spouses thus belong to differentabusuas, with mother and children living and working in one household, and their husband/father living and working in a different household.[103][104]
According to one source[106] of information about the Akan, "A man is strongly related to his mother's brother (wɔfa) but only weakly related to his father's brother. This is perhaps viewed in the context of apolygamous society in which the mother/child bond is likely to be much stronger than the father/child bond. As a result, in inheritance, a man's nephew (his sister's son) (wɔfase) will have priority over his own son. Uncle-nephew relationships, therefore, assume a dominant position."[106]
"The principles governing inheritance, generation, and age – that is to say, men come before women and seniors before juniors." [...] When a woman's brothers are available, a consideration of generational seniority stipulates that the line of brothers be exhausted before the right to inherit lineage property passes down to the next senior genealogical generation of sisters' sons. Finally, "it is when all possible male heirs have been exhausted that the females" may inherit.[106]
Certain other aspects of the Akan culture are determinedpatrilineally rather than matrilineally. There are ancestrally 12 patrilinealNtoro (spirit) groups, and everyone belongs to his or her father'sNtoro group, but not to his family lineage andabusua. EachNtoro group has its own surnames,[107] taboos, ritual purifications, and forms of etiquette.[104] A person thus inherits one'sNtoro from one's father but does not belong to his family.
A recent (2001) book[103] provides an update on the Akan, stating that some families are changing from the aboveabusua structure to thenuclear family.[108] Housing, childcare, education, daily work, and elder care, etc. are then handled by that individual family, rather than by theabusua or clan, especially in the city.[109] The above taboo on marriage within one'sabusua is sometimes ignored, but "clan membership" is still important,[108] with many people still living in theabusua framework presented above.[103]
Diachronic map showing "Akan-held territoryAshantiland"Sovereignnation state and territorial entity with pre-colonial states and cultures of Africa (spanning roughly 500 BCE to 1500 CE). This map is "an artistic interpretation" using multiple and disparate sources.
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^abcBusia, Kofi Abrefa (1970).Encyclopædia Britannica, 1970. William Benton, publisher, TheUniversity of Chicago.ISBN0-85229-135-3, Vol. 1, p. 477. (This Akan article was written by Kofi Abrefa Busia, formerly professor of Sociology and Culture of Africa at theUniversity of Leiden, Netherlands.)