Afrikaans has an extensivevowel inventory consisting of 17 vowel phonemes, including 10monophthongs and 7diphthongs. There are also 7 marginal monophthongs.
According to some scholars,[5] the stressed allophone of/ə/ is actually closer than mid ([ɪ̈]).[6] However, other scholars[7] do not distinguish between stressed and unstressed schwas. This article uses the symbol[ə] regardless of the exact height of the vowel.
The central/ə,əː/, not the front/ɛ,ɛː/, are the unrounded counterparts of/œ,œː/.[8][9] Phonetically,/ə,əː,œ,œː/ have been variously described as mid[ə,əː,ɞ̝,ɞ̝ː][9] and open-mid[ɜ,ɜː,ɞ,ɞː].[10]
/œ,œː/ are rather weakly rounded, and many speakers merge/œ/ with/ə/ into[ə], even in formal speech.[9] The merger has been noted in colloquial speech since the 1920s.[11]
In some words such asvanaand/faˈnɑːnt/ 'this evening; tonight', unstressed⟨a⟩ is actually a schwa[ə], not[a].[6]
/a/ is open near-front[a̠],[12] but older sources describe it as near-open central[ɐ][13][14] and open central[ä].[15]
/ɑː/ is either open near-back[ɑ̟ː] or open back[ɑː]. Especially in stressed positions, the back realization may be rounded[ɒː], and sometimes it may be even as high as the/ɔː/ phoneme. The rounded realization is associated with younger white speakers, especially female speakers of northern accents.[16]
As phonemes,/iː/ and/uː/ occur only in the wordsspieël/spiːl/ 'mirror' andkoeël/kuːl/ 'bullet', which used to be pronounced with sequences/i.ə/ and/u.ə/ respectively. In other cases,[iː] and[uː] occur as allophones of/i/ and/u/ respectively before/r/.[17]
As a phoneme,/æ/ occurs only in some loanwords from English, such aspêl/pæːl/ 'pal', or as a dialectal allophone of/ɛ/ before/k,χ,l,r/, most commonly in the formerTransvaal andFree State provinces.[21]
/a/ has been variously transcribed with ⟨a⟩,[22] ⟨ɐ⟩[23] and ⟨ɑ⟩.[24] This article uses ⟨a⟩.
/ɑː/ has been variously transcribed with ⟨ɑː⟩[25] and ⟨aː⟩.[26] This article uses the former symbol.
In some words, such ashamer, short/a/ is in free variation with long/ɑː/ despite the fact that the spelling suggests the latter. In some words, such aslaat (vb. 'let'), the pronunciation with short/a/ occurs only in colloquial language, to distinguish from homophones (laat, adj. 'late'). In some other words, such asaan 'on', the pronunciation with short/a/ is already a part of the standard language.[27] The shortening of/ɑː/ has been noted as early as 1927.[28]
The orthographic sequence⟨ae⟩ can be pronounced as either[ɑː] or[ɑːɦə] (with a weak[ɦ]).[27]
In some instances of the postvocalic sequence/ns/,/n/ is realized as nasalisation (and lengthening, if the vowel is short) of the preceding monophthong, which is stronger in some speakers than others, but there also are speakers retaining[n] as well as the original length of the preceding vowel.[29]
The sequence/ans/ in words such asdans (meaning "dance") is realised as[ãːs]. In monosyllabic words, that is the norm.[19]
The sequence/ɑːns/ in more common words (such asAfrikaans) is realized as either[ɑ̃ːs] or[ɑːns]. In less common words (such asItaliaans, meaningItalian),[ɑːns] is the usual pronunciation.[19]
The sequence/ɛns/ in words such asmens (meaning "human") is realized as[ɛ̃ːs].[19]
The sequence/œns/ in words such asguns (meaning "favour") is realised more often as[œns] than as[œ̃ːs].[3] For speakers with the/œ–ə/ merger, these transcriptions are to be read as[əns] and[ə̃ːs], respectively.
The sequence/ɔns/ in words such asspons (meaning "sponge") is realised as[ɔ̃ːs].[3]
Collins & Mees (2003) analyze the pre-/s/ sequences/an,ɛn,ɔn/ asphonemic short vowels/ɑ̃,ɛ̃,ɔ̃/ and note that this process of nasalising the vowel and deleting the nasal occurs in many dialects of Dutch as well, such asThe Hague dialect.[30]
Some sources prescribe monophthongal[øː,eː,oː] realizations of these; that is at least partially outdated:[32][34]
There is not a complete agreement about the realisation of/ɪø/:
According toLass (1987), it is realised as either rising[ɪ̯ø] or falling[ɪø̯], with the former being more common. The unrounded onset is a rather recent development and is not described by older sources. The monophthongal realisation[øː] is virtually nonexistent.[35]
According toDonaldson (1993), it is realised as[øə]. Its onset is sometimes unrounded, which can cause it to merge with/eə/.[36]
There is not a complete agreement about the realisation of/ɪə,ʊə/
According toLass (1987), they may be realised in four ways:
Falling diphthongs. Their first element may be short[ɪə̯,ʊə̯] or somewhat lengthened[ɪˑə̯,ʊˑə̯].[32]
Rising diphthongs[ɪ̯ə,ʊ̯ə]. These variants do not seem to appear word-finally. The sequence/ɦʊə/ is commonly realised as[ɦʊ̯ə] or, more often,[ʊ̤̑ə̤], with/ɦ/ realised asbreathy voice on the diphthong.[32]
Phonetically disyllabic sequences of two short monophthongs[ɪ.ə,ʊ.ə], which may occur in all environments.[32]
Monophthongs, either short[ɪ,ʊ] or somewhat lengthened[ɪˑ,ʊˑ]. The monophthongal realisations occur in less stressed words as well as in stressed syllables in words that have more than one syllable. In the latter case, they are in free variation with all of the three diphthongal realisations. In case of/ʊə/, the monophthongal[ʊ] also appears in unstressed word-final syllables.[32]
/ɪə/ also occurs in words spelled with⟨eë⟩, likereël/ˈrɪəl/ 'rule'. Historically, these were pronounced with a disyllabic sequence/eː.ə/ and soreël used to be pronounced/ˈreː.əl/.[34]
There is not a complete agreement about the dialectal realisation of/ɪə,ʊə/ in theBoland area:
According toLass (1987), they are centralized close-mid monophthongs[ɪ,ʊ], which do not merge with/i/ and/u/.[37]
The scholar Daan Wissing argues that/əɪ̯/ is not a phonetically correct transcription and that/æɛ̯/ is more accurate. In his analysis, he found that[æɛ̯] makes for 65% of the realisations, the other 35% being monophthongal,[ə],[æ] and[ɛ].[39]
Most often,/œɪ̯/ has an unrounded offset. For some speakers, the onset is also unrounded. That can cause/œɪ̯/ to merge with/əɪ̯/, which is considered non-standard.[40]
Older sources describe/œu/ as a narrow back diphthong[ou].[41][42] However, newer sources describe its onset as more front. For example,Lass (1984), states that the onset of/œu/ is central[ɵu].[43]
In some words which, in English, are pronounced with/əʊ̯/, the Afrikaans equivalent tends to be pronounced with/œʊ̯/, rather than/ʊə/. That happens because Afrikaans/œʊ̯/ is more similar to the usual South African realization of English/əʊ̯/.[41]
The long diphthongs, also known as 'double vowels', are phonemically sequences of a free vowel and a non-syllabic equivalent of/i/ or/u/:/iu,ui,oːi,eu,ɑːi/. Although both /iu/ and /eu/ are typically pronounced as [iu], they are spelled differently; the former as ⟨ieu⟩, and the latter as ⟨eeu⟩.[44]
In diminutives ending in/ki/ formed to monosyllabic nouns, the vowels/u,ɪə,ʊə,ɛ,ə,œ,ɔ,a,ɑː/ are realised as closing diphthongs[ui,ei,oi,ɛi,əi,œi,ɔi,ai,ɑːi]. In the same environment, the sequences/ɛn,ən,œn,ɔn,an/ are realized as[ɛiɲ,əiɲ,œiɲ,ɔiɲ,aiɲ], i.e. as closing diphthongs followed by palatal nasal.[45]
The suffixes⟨-aad⟩ and⟨-aat⟩ (phonemically/ɑːd/ and/ɑːt/, respectively) and the diminutive suffix/ki/ are realised as[ɑːki] (with a monophthong), rather than[ɑːiki].[40]
In practice, the diphthong[əi] is realised the same as the phonemic diphthong/əi/.[46]
[œi], when it has arisen from diphthongisation of[œ], differs from the phonemic diphthong/œi/ by having a slightly different onset, although the exact nature of that difference is unclear. This means thatpuntjie 'point' sounds somewhat different thanpuintjie 'rubble'.[46]
Vowel comparison between Standard Dutch and Afrikaans
/k/ may be somewhat more front before front vowels; the fronted allophone of/k/ also occurs in diminutives ending in-djie and-tjie.[50]
/dʒ,z/ occur only in loanwords.
/χ/ is most often uvular, either a fricative,[χ] or a voiceless trill[ʀ̥], the latter especially in initial position before a stressed vowel.[51][52][53] The uvular fricative is also used by many speakers of whiteSouth African English as a realisation of the marginal English phoneme/x/.[53] In Afrikaans, velar[x] may be used in a few "hyper-posh" varieties[which?] , and it may also, rarely, occur as an allophone before front vowels in speakers with otherwise uvular[χ].
/ɡ/ occurs mostly in loanwords, but also occurs as an allophone of/χ/ at the end of an inflected root where G is preceded by a short vowel and/r/ and succeeded by a schwa such as inberg(e) ('mountain', /bæːrχ, ˈbæ(ː)rɡə/).[54]
/w/ occurs frequently as an allophone of /v/ after other obstruents, such as inkwaad ('angry').
Consonant comparison between Standard Dutch and Afrikaans
/n/ merges with/m/ before labial consonants. Phonetically, this merged consonant is realized as bilabial[m] before/p,b/, and labiodental[ɱ] before/f,v/.
/n/ merges with/ŋ/ before dorsals (/k,χ/).
/l/ isvelarised[ɫ] in all positions, especially noticeably non-prevocalically.[35][50]
/r/ is usually an alveolar trill[r] or tap[ɾ].[35] In some parts of the formerCape Province, it is realised uvularly, either as a trill[ʀ] or a fricative[ʁ].[50] The uvular trill may also be pronounced as a tap[ʀ̆].
Some studies[55] suggest Afrikaans is currently undergoing tonogenesis, whereby the contrast in voicing of onset plosives is turning into a contrast in the tone of the following vowel. This change is especially prevalent among younger and female speakers, and it is attributed to prolonged contacts withKhoisan andBantu languages.
^abCited inLass (1987:117–118). The preview on Google Books makes it unclear whether De Villiers' book is "Afrikaanse klankleer. Fonetiek, fonologie en woordbou" or "Nederlands en Afrikaans", as both are cited at the end of Lass's chapter.
^abBowerman (2004:939): "White South African English is one of very few varieties to have a velar fricative phoneme/x/ (seeLass (2002:120)), but this is only in words borrowed from Afrikaans (...) andKhoisan (...). Many speakers use the Afrikaans uvular fricative[χ] rather than the velar."
Bowerman, Sean (2004). "White South African English: phonology". In Schneider, Edgar W.; Burridge, Kate; Kortmann, Bernd; Mesthrie, Rajend; Upton, Clive (eds.).A handbook of varieties of English. Vol. 1: Phonology. Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 931–942.ISBN3-11-017532-0.
Collins, Beverley; Mees, Inger M. (2003) [First published 1981].The Phonetics of English and Dutch (5th ed.). Leiden: Brill Publishers.ISBN9004103406.
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De Villiers, Meyer (1976).Afrikaanse klankleer: fonetiek, fonologie en woordbou. Balkema.
Lass, Roger (1987). "Intradiphthongal Dependencies". In Anderson, John; Durand, Jacques (eds.).Explorations in Dependency Phonology. Dordrecht: Foris Publications Holland. pp. 109–131.ISBN9067652970. Retrieved16 April 2017.
Lass, Roger (2002). "South African English". In Mesthrie, Rajend (ed.).Language in South Africa. Cambridge University Press.ISBN9780521791052.
van der Merwe, A.; Groenewald, E.; van Aardt, D.; Tesner, H. E.C.; Grimbeek, R. J. (2012) [1993]. "The formant patterns of Afrikaans vowels as produced by male speakers".South African Journal of Linguistics.11 (2).Taylor & Francis Group:71–79.doi:10.1080/10118063.1993.9723910.
van Wyk, E. B.; Odendal, F. F.; Nkatini, N. L. (2012) [1988]. "Comparison between the phonetic systems of Afrikaans and Tsonga".South African Journal of Linguistics.7 (1).Taylor & Francis Group:38–45.doi:10.1080/10118063.1989.9723787.
Wilson, James Lawrence (1965).The Phonology of Afrikaans with Some Remarks on Contrasts with Standard Dutch Phonology. Indiana University.
Wissing, Daan (1982).Algemene en Afrikaanse Generatiewe Fonologie. Macmillan South Africa.ISBN9780869541098.
