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5+2 format

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Multilateral negotiation platform aimed at solving the Transnistria conflict

Territorial control after the end of theTransnistrian War

The5+2 format,[1] also known as the5+2 talks,[2] the5+2 negotiations[3] and the5+2 process,[4] is a diplomatic negotiation platform aimed at finding a solution to theTransnistria conflict betweenMoldova and theunrecognized state ofTransnistria. It is composed of the latter two, which are designated as "parties to the conflict", andRussia,Ukraine and theOrganization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), "mediators" of the negotiations. TheEuropean Union (EU) and theUnited States act as "observers".[5][6]

The inclusion ofRomania into the 5+2 format has been proposed.[7] Initially, negotiations to resolve the Transnistria conflict took place in a "4" format, including Moldova, Russia, Ukraine and Romania. However, after the signing of theTransnistria War ceasefire agreement on 21 July 1992 by Moldovan presidentMircea Snegur and Russian presidentBoris Yeltsin, Romania was excluded from the negotiation process in 1993.[8]

The 5+2 format started in 2005, but due to the notice sent by Ukraine to theEuropean Union Border Assistance Mission to Moldova and Ukraine (EUBAM) regarding the great amount of Transnistrian smuggling on Ukrainian territory, Transnistria and Russia suspended formal negotiations in 2006, with them only being formally resumed in 2012.[9]

In June 2016, through 5+2 format negotiations, eight points to work on during negotiations were agreed upon between Moldova and Transnistria, these points being collectively known as theBerlin Plus package. By April 2018, six of these points had been implemented, after which negotiations stalled due to domestic and global changes.[10]

In 2022, 5+2 format negotiations were rendered impossible as a result of theRussian invasion of Ukraine, as both Russia and Ukraine are members of the format.[11]

See also

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References

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  1. ^Râncioagă, Liviu Ștefan (2012)."Recent evolutions of the political environment in Transnistria"(PDF).Revista de Științe Politice (35):381–392.
  2. ^Pieńkowski, Jakub (2017)."Renewal of negotiations on resolving the Transnistria conflict".Polish Institute of International Affairs. pp. 1–3.
  3. ^Wolff, Stefan (2011)."A resolvable frozen conflict? Designing a settlement for Transnistria".Nationalities Papers.39 (6):863–870.doi:10.1080/00905992.2011.617363.S2CID 110880296.
  4. ^Sherr, Jame (17 April 2009)."Moldova's crisis: more than a local difficulty"(PDF).Chatham House. pp. 1–4.
  5. ^Socor, Vladimir (26 September 2018)."De-sovereignization: testing a conflict-resolution model at Moldova's expense in Transnistria (part two)".Jamestown Foundation.
  6. ^Ivan, Paul (13 March 2014)."Transnistria – where to?"(PDF).European Policy Centre. pp. 1–4.
  7. ^Botnarenco, Iurii (20 May 2021)."Sergiu Mocanu: Nu putem vorbi despre unirea cu România până nu putem frontieră pe Nistru".Adevărul (in Romanian).
  8. ^Solomon, Constantin; Gumeniuc, Artur (2008)."Conflictul transnistrean și procesul de negocieri în formatul "5+2""(PDF).Moldoscopie (in Romanian).62 (3):175–186.
  9. ^Popescu, Liliana (2013)."The futility of the negotiations on Transnistria".European Journal of Science and Theology.9 (2):115–126.
  10. ^Tăbârță, Ion (2021)."The subject of neutral license plates – old issues and new perspectives of the Transnistrian dispute"(PDF).Bulletin. Power, Politics & Policy.16. Institute for Development and Social Initiatives "Viitorul":1–9.
  11. ^"Krasnoselski se plânge iarăși pe Moldova: Criza energetică a răcit relațiile".Timpul de dimineață (in Romanian). 18 November 2022.
Background
Transnistrian War
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