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24 seats in theEuropean Parliament | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Turnout | 28.32% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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The2004 European Parliament election in the Czech Republic was the election ofmembers of the European Parliament (MEPs) representing theCzech Republic for the 2004–2009 term of theEuropean Parliament. It was part of the wider2004 European election.
These were the first European elections afterthe country's EU accession and hence the first to be held in theCzech Republic. They took place on 11 and 12 June 2004. On a very low turnout, the rulingCzech Social Democratic Party suffered a heavy defeat, losing ground to both the conservativeCivic Democratic Party and theCommunist Party of Bohemia and Moravia. The debacle of his party was one of the reasons for the resignation of Prime MinisterVladimír Špidla.[citation needed]
The elections were conducted under theclosed-list proportional representation system (CLPR), with the country being elected as a single constituency, with voters voting for one party or coalition of parties, and seats allocated to each party in proportion to the votes received.[1] The CLPR system also impact on local representation and voter mobilization.[2] Under the CLPR system, political parties pre-rank candidates on closed lists, denying voters the option to prioritize individuals.[3] This electoral system ensures the representation of each party in theEuropean Parliament, while also strengthening the candidate ranking mechanism within the party. This system favored larger, well-established parties, as smaller groups struggled to meet the threshold.[4] Candidate ranking strategies have an important impact on intra-party competition and election results. Candidates with higher rankings are more likely to be elected, thus affecting the internal operation of political parties.[4]
Eligibility and Participation
Citizenship: Czech citizens had to be at least 18 years old by election day.[1]
Residency: Eligible voters included both residents ofCzech Republic and registered Czech citizens living abroad.[5]
Exclusions: Individuals stripped of legal capacity due to court rulings or imprisoned for serious crimes were ineligible to vote.[1]
Approximately 8.2 million citizens were eligible to vote in the 2004 elections. However, turnout was just 28.3%.[6]
Registration: Parties were required to submit candidate lists to the Czech Ministry of the Interior at least 66 days before the election.[6]
Threshold: To gain representation, a party needed at least 5% of the national vote. Coalitions of two or three parties required 10%, while coalitions of four or more needed 15%.[6]
Deposit: Each party had to pay a non-refundable fee of 20,000 CZK (approximately €650) per candidate list, which was forfeited if the party failed to win a seat.[6]
Age: Candidates had to be at least 21 years old.[5]
No Dual Mandates: Sitting members of the Czech Parliament or government officials were barred from running for theEuropean Parliament.[7]
These regulations maintains a fair and structured electoral process, aligning with the Czech Republic's democratic commitments following its accession to theEuropean Union in May 2004.[7]
The2004 European Parliament elections were the firstEuropean Parliament elections in whichthe Czech Republic participated. The elections took place on 11–12 June 2004, with results announced on 13 June after all EU states completed voting.[6] The elections marked the first elections to theEuropean Parliament forthe Czech Republic since it joined the EU on 1 May 2004, and were an important step in the country's integration into the European political system.[8]Czech Republic implemented reforms to align its political system with EU standards.[9]
At the time of the election, the Czech Republic was governed by a centre-left coalition led byPrime Minister Vladimír Špidla ofCzech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD). The coalitionČSSD,KDU-ČSL,US-DEU) aligned Czech laws with EU standards while tackling economic stagnation and public sector reforms.[10]
President Václav Klaus, a vocal eurosceptic fromthe Civic Democratic Party (ODS), held significant influence. His criticism of EU federalism contrasted sharply with the government's pro-EU agenda, creating a polarized political climate. Klaus's skepticism resonated with voters concerned about sovereignty, particularly in rural areas and among older demographics.[11]
Pro-EU campaigns: Governing parties (ČSSD,KDU-ČSL) framed the election as a step toward securing EU funds for infrastructure and agriculture.[10]
Eurosceptic backlash:the Civic Democratic Party and smaller parties like the Communists (KSČM) warned against ceding sovereignty to Brussels, appealing to voters wary of EU regulations on farming and labor.[11]
Shift in political discourse: EU membership forced parties to clarify their stance on integration. WhileČSSD advocated deeper cooperation,ODS pushed for a "flexible Europe" prioritizing national interests.[10]
Despite initial enthusiasm, voter turnout for the EP election was 28.3%, the lowest in the EU. Analysts attributed this to public disillusionment with both domestic politics and the perceived remoteness of EU decision-making.[10]
| Polling Firm | Date | ČSSD | ODS | KSČM | KDU–ČSL | ULD | SNK ED | SZ | RMS | NEZ | Others | Turnout |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Election | 11-12 Jun 2004 | 8.8 | 30.0 | 20.3 | 9.6 | 1.7 | 11.0 | 3.2 | 0.7 | 8.2 | 15.3 | 28.3 |
| SC&C[12] | Exit poll | 10.5 | 31.0 | 17.0 | 8.0 | 2.0 | 10.0 | 4.5 | 1.0 | 8.5 | 17.5 | 29.0 |
| STEM[13] | 1-4 Jun 2004 | 10.0 | 35.6 | 19.0 | 8.7 | 1.7 | 5.5 | 3.3 | 1.1 | 8.1 | 7.0 | 60.0 |
| TNS Factum[14][15] | 21–26 May 2004 | 16.0 | 27.7 | 18.4 | 8.0 | n/a | 7.0 | n/a | n/a | 5.0 | 17.9 | 50.0 |
| CVVM[16] | 19–26 May 2004 | 13.5 | 36.0 | 16.0 | 10.5 | 1.5 | 4.5 | 3.5 | n/a | 5.0 | 8.0 | 63.0 |
| STEM[17] | 25 Apr - 3 May | 14.6 | 35.8 | 15.8 | 7.1 | 1.1 | 3.4 | 4.2 | n/a | 5.1 | 12.9 | 43.0 |
| SC&C[18] | 23–26 April | 14.0 | 27.0 | 12.0 | 8.0 | — | 9.0 | 3.0 | — | 8.0 | 6.0 | 27.0 |
| CVVM[19] | 15–22 March | 14.0 | 32.0 | 14.0 | 7.5 | 1.5 | — | — | — | 2.0 | 25.0 | 61.0 |
| CVVM[20] | 12–19 January | 15.0 | 29.0 | 12.5 | 8.0 | 1.5 | — | — | — | 2.5 | 26.5 | 60.0 |
| Party[21] | ČSSD | ODS | ULD | KDU-ČSL | KSČM | SNK ED | SZ | NEZ | PB |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Money Spent | 30,000,000 Kč | 30,000,000 Kč | 10,000,000 Kč | 10,000,000 Kč | 8,000,000 Kč | 8,000,000 Kč | 1,500,000 Kč | 1,000,000 Kč | 10,000–100,000 Kč |
The ruling Czech Social Democratic Party campaigned on a strongly pro-European integration platform, attempting to portray EU membership as economically beneficial for the country. Their campaign prominently featured EU-funded infrastructure projects, including posters of Prague Metro expansions captioned with slogans such as "Europe's Money, Czech Roads".[22][23] ČSSD also partnered with Germany's SPD to attract foreign investment, especially from Siemens, as a symbol of modernization and cross-border socialist cooperation.[22]
The 'Tunel' scandal involving ČEZ executives particularly impacted ČSSD, leading to Justice Minister Bureš's resignation. While no other major parties were implicated in this specific case, ODS had faced earlier corruption allegations in 2002 regarding public tenders, as documented by Transparency International Czech Republic.[24]
Internally, ČSSD was divided over how to present its EU alignment to more Eurosceptic rural populations. Some regional figures reportedly pushed for a more cautious message, warning that over-promising EU benefits could backfire, especially in agricultural regions concerned about subsidy competition.[22]
ODS' campaign emphasizes criticism of EU policies and advocates for national sovereignty, contrasting the ČSSD's pro-EU optimism. ODS organized public rallies in pubs and town squares, where party leaders criticized EU regulations and raised concerns over national traditions such as Czech beer brewing. Party leaderMirek Topolánek argued that EU integration should not come at the expense of national control.[23][25] However, ODS avoided a full anti-EU stance and instead positioned itself as seeking "a pragmatic, self-respecting Czech voice in Europe".
Tensions within ODS emerged during the campaign as younger party members criticized the leadership's increasingly populist tactics. Several Prague-based candidates preferred a more moderate European message, creating a divide between urban liberal conservatives and rural traditionalists.[25][26]
The Green Party used the 2004 election as a platform to establish its political identity. It promoted a "Green Rail Initiative," advocating for EU funds to be redirected from highway expansion to environmentally sustainable electric trains. SZ also made headlines by publishing full asset declarations of its candidates—an unprecedented act in Czech politics that gained traction among anti-corruption voters.[25][27]
The party's campaign focused on university campuses, including an "Eco Debate Marathon" held at Charles University that helped register 5,000 new young voters. SZ attracted some voters who were concerned about anti-corruption by publishing candidate asset statements.[27]
KDU-ČSL emphasized moral and agricultural values in its campaign, particularly in rural areas. The party distributed voting guides through Catholic churches, calling EU agricultural subsidies "a God's blessing".[28] The party maintained a relatively low-profile media presence, relying on its church network and traditional constituencies to mobilize support. However, younger members in the party expressed frustration over the lack of a broader digital strategy, especially as SZ and ODS aggressively targeted online platforms.[29]
KSČM ran on a platform of "sovereignty and social justice," combining anti-EU rhetoric with nostalgia for the socialist era. The party accused the EU of neoliberalism and warned that Czech workers would become second-class citizens in a capitalist European order.[23] Despite minimal campaigning, KSČM maintained steady support, especially among older voters and in industrial regions such as Northern Bohemia.[29] Internal critics voiced concern that the party's refusal to modernize its messaging risked long-term decline, but the leadership dismissed these worries as "bourgeois revisionism."[23]
Several independent candidates and small parties attempted to capitalize on voter fatigue with mainstream options. Notably, the Independent Initiative for a Transparent Europe attracted attention for its singular focus on anti-corruption reform, though it lacked the resources for a national campaign.[30] Turnout was notably low (28.3%), and many analysts attributed this to public confusion about the role of theEuropean Parliament, coupled with widespread disillusionment with Czech politics following corruption scandals.[29][25][26]
The2004 European Parliament elections inthe Czech Republic was influenced by debates over the country's role in theEuropean Union (EU).Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD) promoted EU integration by highlighting infrastructure projects funded by EU resources. Their campaign advertisements showcased Prague Metro expansions, captioned: "Europe's Money, Czech Roads".[31] The Civic Democratic Party (ODS) appealed to nationalist sentiments, holding pub rallies warning that "EU regulations threaten Czech beer purity,".[7]
ČSSD sought to bolster its pro-European stance by collaborating with Germany's Social Democratic Party (SPD) to attract Siemens investments into Czech manufacturing.The Green Party (SZ) advocated for sustainable development, proposing a "Green Rail Initiative" that prioritized EU funding for electric trains over highway expansion.[32]
The 'Tunel' scandal, involving allegations against ČEZ executives, led to Justice Minister Bureš's resignation and was reported to have affected public trust in mainstream political parties.[26] This distrust amplified support for anti-corruption movements. Capitalizing on this sentiment,SZ published detailed candidate asset declarations—an unprecedented move in Czech politics—which earned them the support of younger voters.[25]
Political parties employed diverse mobilization strategies. The Christian and Democratic Union –Czechoslovak People's Party (KDU-ČSL) focused on rural communities, distributing voting guides through Catholic churches.[33]SZ targeted students by organizing an "Eco Debate Marathon" atCharles University, which resulted in the registration of 5,000 first-time voters.[10]
The Civic Democratic Party (ODS) won the most seats inthe Czech Republic, securing 9 out of the 24 available seats in theEuropean Parliament. Its pro-market reforms and alignment with Western European parties solidified its dominance. The party performed particularly well in regions with conservative and economically liberal leanings likePrague andSouth Moravia.[34][35]
Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD), traditionally one of the country's largest parties, finished second with 7 seats. However, its support declined by 42% compared to the 2002 national elections. Public dissatisfaction with its mishandling of pension reforms that disproportionately burdened retirees, and failure to address unemployment peaking at 9.1% in industrial regions.[25] Voters criticizedČSSD's opaque negotiation of EU accession terms, which rural communities perceived as favoring urban elites over agricultural subsidies.[7] Analysts attributed this to widespread voter disillusionment, internal party conflicts, and fallout from the ‘Tunel’ scandal. The low turnout also disproportionately impactedČSSD, as its traditional voter base—particularly urban workers—was less mobilized.
The Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM) secured 3 seats, maintaining a strong presence in Czech politics. The Greens' 2-seat breakthrough, driven by youth-focused campaigns registering 5,000 first-time voters, signaled shifting priorities toward environmentalism.[5]
The Green Party (SZ) gained 2 seats, marking its first significant success in a national election. The party's focus on environmental issues and sustainability attracted younger voters and those with progressive values.[25]
The Christian and Democratic Union –Czechoslovak People's Party (KDU-ČSL) secured only 1 seat in the election.[36]
Traditional Christian-democratic parties struggled to maintain relevance in a political climate dominated by secular priorities and EU integration debates, as evidenced by declining rural voter engagement.[35]
TheODS benefited from widespread support for European integration, particularly in the context of the country's recent EU accession,the Civic Democratic Party (ODS) increased its vote share to 30.0 percent, securing 9 seats and joining the EPP–ED group in the European Parliament.[5]ČSSD's decline stemmed from internal splits over pension reforms and perceived neglect of rural subsidies, its support collapse to 8.8 percent, triggering a 42% voter loss compared to 2002.[25]
Small parties, particularly the Greens, capitalized on environmental concerns among younger voters, doubled its delegation by winning two seats on a platform of environmental sustainability and transparency.[25] The election highlightedthe Czech Republic's complex relationship with theEuropean Union, where Euroscepticism coexisted with strong support for EU membership.[7]
While theODS andČSSD remained dominant, the strong performance of smaller parties suggested a shift toward a more pluralistic and issue-focused political landscape, with environmental and anti-corruption themes gaining traction. The Greens, appeared well-positioned for future growth as environmental issues gained prominence in public discourse.
The Czech Statistical Office (2004) andEuropean Parliament (2004) respectively quantified national impacts and EU-wide implications of the election." The 28.3% turnout—the EU's lowest—reflected skepticism toward EU benefits, contrasting with 45.5% average participation in Western member states.[5] The election was a significant moment in the country's European integration process.
| Party | Votes | % | Seats | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Civic Democratic Party | 700,942 | 30.05 | 9 | |
| Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia | 472,862 | 20.27 | 6 | |
| SNK European Democrats | 257,278 | 11.03 | 3 | |
| KDU-ČSL | 223,383 | 9.58 | 2 | |
| Czech Social Democratic Party | 204,903 | 8.78 | 2 | |
| Independents | 191,025 | 8.19 | 2 | |
| Green Party | 73,932 | 3.17 | 0 | |
| Union Liberal Democrats (US–DEU+ODA+CZ+LIRA) | 39,655 | 1.70 | 0 | |
| Right Bloc | 27,504 | 1.18 | 0 | |
| Independent Initiative | 16,762 | 0.72 | 0 | |
| Republicans of Miroslav Sládek | 15,767 | 0.68 | 0 | |
| Balbín's Poetic Party | 13,779 | 0.59 | 0 | |
| Party for Life Security | 11,951 | 0.51 | 0 | |
| Rural Party – United Civil Forces | 11,734 | 0.50 | 0 | |
| Association of Independents | 11,689 | 0.50 | 0 | |
| For the Interests of Moravia in a United Europe | 9,293 | 0.40 | 0 | |
| Party of Common Sense | 6,316 | 0.27 | 0 | |
| Party for the Open Society | 5,413 | 0.23 | 0 | |
| Conservative Party | 4,986 | 0.21 | 0 | |
| Koruna Česká | 4,532 | 0.19 | 0 | |
| Masaryk Democratic Party | 4,366 | 0.19 | 0 | |
| Workers' Party | 4,289 | 0.18 | 0 | |
| Humanist Party | 3,977 | 0.17 | 0 | |
| Helax – Ostrava is Having Fun | 3,366 | 0.14 | 0 | |
| National Coalition | 2,944 | 0.13 | 0 | |
| Citizens' Party of the Czech Republic | 2,585 | 0.11 | 0 | |
| Civic Federal Democracy | 2,030 | 0.09 | 0 | |
| Labour Party | 1,717 | 0.07 | 0 | |
| Party of Democratic Socialism | 1,709 | 0.07 | 0 | |
| Free | 1,300 | 0.06 | 0 | |
| General Civic Party | 873 | 0.04 | 0 | |
| Total | 2,332,862 | 100.00 | 24 | |
| Valid votes | 2,332,862 | 99.44 | ||
| Invalid/blank votes | 13,148 | 0.56 | ||
| Total votes | 2,346,010 | 100.00 | ||
| Registered voters/turnout | 8,283,485 | 28.32 | ||
| Source:Czech Statistical Office | ||||
| Party | Seats | |
|---|---|---|
| European People's Party | 14 | |
| European United Left–Nordic Green Left | 6 | |
| Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats | 2 | |
| Independence/Democracy | 2 | |
| Total | 24 | |
The June 2004 European Parliament election, conducted through open-list proportional representation, saw the EuroscepticThe Civic Democratic Party (ODS) secure 9 of 24 seats with 30.04% of votes. This outcome reflected voter dissatisfaction with the rulingČSSDcoalition, which garnered only 8.78%—its worst performance since 1996. Political analysts attributed the result to corruption scandals involving Social Democrat ministers and unpopular pension reforms.[5][31][37]
The Communist Party (KSČM) retained its core electorate with 20.26%, while the surprise performer was the pro-European SNK European Democrats (SNK-ED), a centrist coalition capitalizing on urban professionals' demand for EU institutional transparency.[35][38]
Voter turnout plummeted to 28.32%, the second-lowest in the EU after Slovakia (17%). Sociological surveys revealed stark demographic divides: 62% of university graduates voted versus 19% of manual workers, while Prague's turnout (38.7%) tripled that of rural Moravia (12.1%).[39][40][41]
The results were a major blow to the rulingČSSD. Following the party's poor performance,Prime Minister Vladimír Špidla faced internal criticism from senior party members and pressure from coalition partners, he eventually stepped down in mid-2004 after. This marked the beginning of a broader realignment within the Czech centre-left.[42][43]
The success of theODS strengthened its Eurosceptic platform, with party leaderMirek Topolánek declaring the results a "referendum on government arrogance and EU overreach."[43]ODS used the momentum to bolster its position in the upcoming 2006 parliamentary elections, framing itself as the defender of Czech sovereignty within the EU.
The Green Party's entry into theEuropean Parliament marked a turning point in Czech environmental politics, giving legitimacy to ecological and anti-corruption themes in mainstream discourse.[37]
Turnout concerns triggered a national debate on political apathy, especially among the youth and working-class voters.[40]
The 2004 election exposed fissures between pro-European integration forces and nationalist skepticism within the Czech political spectrum.[7]
A 2004 content analysis of the Czech public broadcaster ČT and leading daily newspapers (Mladá fronta DNES, Právo) found that coverage of theEuropean Parliament election comprised approximately 5 percent of total election reporting time, one of the lowest proportions recorded among all EU member states that year.[44] Editorials in Mladá fronta DNES and Právo criticized both political parties and the electorate, lamenting low turnout and warning that it might undermine the legitimacy of Czech representation in Brussels.[45]
The European Commission welcomedthe Czech Republic’s first participation in aEuropean Parliament election but expressed concern that the 28.3 percent turnout indicated many new-member voters did not yet feel the Parliament was relevant to their everyday lives.[46] Major European papers dedicated under three percent of their Europe coverage to the Czech vote.[44][45] A 2004 study ofCzech Republic broadcaster ČT and leading newspapers found that coverage of theEuropean Parliament election accounted for only about five percent of election reporting time—among the lowest in the EU. Editorials in Mladá fronta DNES and Právo lamented the low turnout and warned that such apathy could undermine the legitimacy of Czech representation in Brussels.[47][48]
The campaign spur cross-border discussions on environmental and anti-corruption issues.The Green Party’s “Green Rail Initiative” and its full publication of candidate asset declarations were reported by student newspapers in Warsaw and Bratislava, suggesting early signs of a shared post-accession public debate.[49][50] Political scientists Štefek and Müller attribute this divide to divergent attitudes toward globalization, with urban voters emphasizing economic and mobility benefits of the EU and rural voters expressing concern about agricultural competition and national sovereignty.[51]
The campaign spur cross-border discussions on environmental and anti-corruption issues.The Green Party’s “Green Rail Initiative” and its full publication of candidate asset declarations were reported by student newspapers in Warsaw and Bratislava, suggesting early signs of a shared post-accession public debate.[50][49]