All 350 seats in theCongress of Deputies and 208 (of 257) seats in theSenate 176 seats needed for a majority in the Congress of Deputies | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Opinion polls | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Registered | 32,531,833 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Turnout | 25,172,058 (77.4%) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Ageneral election was held inSpain on Sunday, 3 March 1996, to elect the members of the 6thCortes Generales under theSpanish Constitution of 1978. All 350 seats in theCongress of Deputies were up for election, as well as 208 of 257 seats in theSenate. It was held concurrently with aregional election in Andalusia.
Ever since forming aminority government after its victory in the1993 election, theSpanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) had to deal with the impact of theearly 1990s recession in theSpanish economy, amid soaringunemployment, an increase inpublic deficit andGDP contraction. Thecabinet ofPrime MinisterFelipe González was also rocked by the unveiling of a string ofscandals, including accusations of fundingstate terrorism through theGAL, themisuse of public funds to pay for undeclared bonuses to high-ranking officials,tax evasion by former and current cabinet members and illegalespionage by theCESID, the Spanish intelligence agency. Asnap election was triggered afterConvergence and Union (CiU) withdrew itsconfidence and supply support from the government in mid 1995 and helped vote down the 1996General State Budget in October that year.
The election resulted in the first PSOE defeat in a general election since1979, but predictions of alandslide victory by the oppositionJosé María Aznar'sPeople's Party (PP)—which had achieved resounding wins in theEuropean Parliament,local andregional elections held in 1994 and 1995, and was predicted byopinion polls to secure an outrightoverall majority or come short of it by few seats—failed to materialize. Instead, the election turned into the closest result between the two major parties in the Spanish democratic period to date; a PSOE comeback, fueled by a strong 77.4%voter turnout (the highest scored ever since) left the PP leading by just 1.2 percentage points and 290,000 votes, falling 20 seats short of an absolute majority.Julio Anguita'sUnited Left (IU)—which had hoped to come close or even surpass the PSOE, in the so-calledsorpasso—also failed to meet expectations, despite scoring over 10% in their best overall result in a general election since theCommunist Party of Spain (PCE) in1979.
At 156 seats, this would be the worst performance for a winning party in the democratic period until the2015 election. The results forced Aznar to tone down his attacks onCatalan andBasque nationalists in order to garner their support for his investiture. After two months of negotiations, agreements were reached with CiU—theMajestic Pact—theBasque Nationalist Party (PNV) andCanarian Coalition (CC), enabling José María Aznar to become prime minister of a centre-rightminority cabinet and marking the end of over 13 years of Socialist government.
Following the victory of the rulingSpanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) at the1993 general election,Felipe González was able to be re-elected asprime minister for a fourth term in office through anconfidence and supply alliance with theCatalan nationalistConvergence and Union (CiU) and the support of theBasque Nationalist Party (PNV).[1][2]
Theinternational economic crisis of 1992–1993 continued, with thenewly-elected cabinet having to face the impact ofunemployment growth, a largepublic deficit andrecession.[3][4][5] In an attempt to curb rising joblessness, the government passed alabour reform (legalizingtemporary work agencies, introducing "junk contracts", easening employers' ability to modify working condition, reducingovertime andseverance pays and making regulations on hiring andcollective bargaining more flexible), which was met with ageneral strike on 27 January 1994.[6][7][8] Economic recovery started that year with a slow decrease of unemployment rates and a GDP growth of 2%,[9][10] but the deficit in thesocial security system led to theToledo Pact: a multi-party agreement to transfer all obligations arising from thehealth care system andsocial assistance benefits—which would henceforth be financed entirely by general taxes—to theGeneral State Budget, while social security contributions would be maintained to fundpensions.[11][12]
The Basque separatist groupETA maintained its activity during this period, including theLópez de Hoyos bombing in Madrid which killed seven amid the 1993 government negotiations,[13] the killing of PP local councillor inSan SebastiánGregorio Ordóñez,[14] an unsuccessful attempt to killopposition leaderJosé María Aznar in April 1995 with acar bomb detonated at the passing of his official car,[15] anattempted assassination plot ofKing Juan Carlos I in the summer of 1995,[16] acar bombing in Puente de Vallecas in December 1995 which killed six,[17] and the kidnapping of prison officerJosé Antonio Ortega Lara in January 1996,[18]among others.

The 1993–1996 period was marked by the uncovering of numerouscorruption scandals affecting the ruling party. In November 1993, Spanish dailyDiario 16 unveiled that theCivil Guarddirector general,Luis Roldán, had amassed a large fortune since assuming office in 1986, which he proved unable to legally justify.[19] In March 1994,El Mundo revealed that officers from theinterior ministry had used money from the "reserved funds"—governmentslush funds originally intended to finance operations againstterrorism anddrug trafficking and not subject to publicity, justification or external oversight[20]—to make bonus payments to high-ranking officers from the ministry, with Roldán's name appearing among the beneficiaries.[19] In April that year, both media revealed that formerNavarrese presidentGabriel Urralburu had collected millions inkickbacks through the awarding of public works during his tenure, with Roldán having also benefitted from it.[21] Roldán fled the country to escape legal prosecution, forcing interior ministerAntoni Asunción's resignation for failing to monitor him.[19][22] During his time on the run, Roldán admitted to having been paid bonuses from the reserved funds together with other high-ranking Interior ministry (including former ministerJosé Luis Corcuera) and that he was told that prime minister González was "aware of everything".[19] Roldán was captured on 27 February 1995 inLaos amidst claims that he had reached an agreement with the PSOE government (in what would be coined as the "Laos papers") to charge the former with just two crimes—bribery andembezzlement—in exchange for his voluntary surrender, a claim rejected by the Spanish government.[19][23] Roldán would later be convicted for these crimes as well asfraud,forgery andtax evasion.[24]
Concurrently, it was revealed in April 1994 that formergovernor of the Bank of SpainMariano Rubio had 130 million Ptas of undeclared money in a secretbank account in the Ibercorpinvestment bank, which had been intervened by theBank of Spain during Rubio's tenure in 1992.[25][26] The new revelations in the "Ibercorp case" forced the resignations ofCarlos Solchaga (formereconomy minister and then PSOE spokesperson inCongress, who had backed Rubio in 1992)[27][28] andVicente Albero (agriculture minister, who in May 1994 was discovered to own a secret account with undeclared money related to the scandal).[26][29][30] This scandal would serve as a symbol of the connections between the PSOE government and the so-called "beautiful people": businessmen andnouveau riche who had emerged during the Socialist era.[26][31]

In December 1994, two policemen convicted in 1991 for participating in theLiberation Antiterrorist Groups (GAL)—death squads involved in a "dirty war" against ETA—confessed to judgeBaltasar Garzón that a number of formerpolice and Interior ministry officers were involved and that the GAL had been financed through the reserved funds.[32] Among those were former interior ministerJosé Barrionuevo, formerstate security directors Julián Sancristóbal and Rafael Vera, formerBiscay PSOE secretary-general Ricardo García Damborenea and a number of police officers.[32] Throughout early 1995, those accused except for Barrionuevo were arrested and court-questioned, leading to the "GAL case" being re-opened by theSpanish National Court on 20 February.[32] Barrionuevo argued that Garzón, who had contested the 1993 general election in the PSOE's electoral lists, was acting out of personal revenge against the party after political differences leading to his resignation asdeputy in May 1994.[32] Some defendants accused Felipe González of "knowing and allowing such activities", even pointing out that he could have been the person establishing and financing the GAL (the "Mr. X" person who was attributed leadership over the GAL network).[33][34] Barrionuevo, Vera and Sancristóbal were convicted for the scandal, but theSpanish Supreme Court concluded in 1996 that there was not proof of González's involvement and that the accusations were based on mere suspicions.[32] DeclassifiedCIA files in 2020 pointed to González having "agreed to the formation of a group ofmercenaries, controlled by theArmy, to combat the terrorists outside the law".[35][36]
In June 1995,El Mundo revealed that theSuperior Center of Defense Information (CESID), the main Spanishintelligence agency at the time, had been recording and keeping the taped telephone conversations of dozens of prominent public figures for years, including politicians, businessmen, journalists andKing Juan Carlos I himself, apparently without the cabinet's knowledge.[37][38][39] This illegalespionage scandal led to the resignations ofdefence ministerJulián García Vargas, under whose authority the CESID was responsible to, anddeputy prime ministerNarcís Serra, who had been Vargas's predecessor in the office between 1982 and 1991.[40][41][42]
The mounting scandals and the impact of the economic crisis took their toll on González's party: it suffered its first-ever nationwide defeat to the oppositionPeople's Party (PP) in the1994 European Parliament election,[43] and the 1995local andregional elections brought about the loss of many Socialist governments throughout Spain and a decline inCatalonia for PSOE's parliamentary partner, CiU, which withdrew itsconfidence and supply support in July 1995.[44][45][46] This materialized in the 1996 General State Budget being voted down by the Congress of Deputies on 25 October 1995.[47][48] As a result, González was forced to call asnap election for early 1996, fifteen months ahead of schedule.[49][50]
Under the1978 Constitution, the SpanishCortes Generales were envisaged as animperfect bicameral system.[51][52] TheCongress of Deputies had greater legislative power than theSenate, having the ability to vote confidence in or withdraw it from aprime minister and to override Senatevetoes by anabsolute majority of votes.[53] Nonetheless, the Senate possessed a limited number of functions—such asratification ofinternational treaties, authorization of collaboration agreements betweenautonomous communities, enforcement ofdirect rule, regulation of interterritorial compensation funds, and its role inconstitutional amendment and in the appointment of members to theConstitutional Court and theGeneral Council of the Judiciary—which were not subject to the Congress's override.[54]
Voting for each chamber of theCortes Generales was on the basis ofuniversal suffrage, which comprised all nationals over 18 years of age and in full enjoyment of their political rights, provided that they were not sentenced—by a final court ruling—to deprivation of the right to vote, nor beinglegally incapacitated.[55][56]
TheCongress of Deputies was entitled to a minimum of 300 and a maximum of 400 seats, with the electoral law setting its size at 350. 348 members were elected in 50multi-member constituencies—corresponding to theprovinces of Spain, with each being allocated an initial minimum of two seats and the remaining 248 being distributed in proportion to their populations—using theD'Hondt method and aclosed listproportional voting system, with anelectoral threshold of three percent of valid votes (which includedblank ballots) being applied in each constituency. The two remaining seats were allocated toCeuta andMelilla assingle-member districts and elected usingplurality voting.[57][58] The use of the electoral method resulted in a highereffective threshold based on thedistrict magnitude and the distribution of votes among candidacies.[59]
As a result of the aforementioned allocation, each Congress multi-member constituency was entitled the following seats:[60]
208 seats in theSenate were elected using anopen listpartial block voting system: in constituencies electing four seats, electors could vote for up to three candidates; in those with two or three seats, for up to two candidates; and for one candidate in single-member districts. Each of the 47 peninsular provinces was allocated four seats, whereas for insular provinces, such as theBalearic andCanary Islands, districts were the islands themselves, with the larger (Mallorca,Gran Canaria andTenerife) being allocated three seats each, and the smaller (Menorca,Ibiza–Formentera,Fuerteventura,La Gomera,El Hierro,Lanzarote andLa Palma) one each. Ceuta and Melilla elected two seats each. Additionally,autonomous communities could appoint at least one senator each and were entitled to one additional senator per each million inhabitants.[61][62][63]
The law did not provide forby-elections to fillvacated seats; instead, any vacancies that occurred after the proclamation of candidates and into the legislative term were to be covered by the successive candidates in thelist and, when required, by the designatedsubstitutes.[64]
Spanish citizens of age and with the legal capacity to vote could run for election, provided that they were not sentenced to imprisonment by a final court ruling nor convicted, even if by a non-final ruling, to forfeiture of eligibility or to specific disqualification or suspension from public office under particular offences:rebellion andterrorism when involving crimesagainst life,physical integrity orfreedom of the person. Other causes of ineligibility were imposed on the following officials:[65][66]
Other causes of ineligibility for both chambers were imposed on a number of territorial-level officers in the aforementioned categories—during their tenure of office—in constituencies within the whole or part of their respective area of jurisdiction, as well as employees of foreign states and members of regional governments.[65][66] Incompatibility provisions extended to the president of theCompetition Defence Court; members ofRTVE's board and of the offices of the prime minister, the ministers and the secretaries of state; government delegates inport authorities, hydrographic confederations and toll highway concessionary companies; presidents and other high-ranking members of public entities,state monopolies, companies with majority public participation and publicsaving banks; as well as the impossibility of simultaneously holding the positions of deputy and senator or regional legislator.[67]
The term of each chamber of theCortes Generales—the Congress and the Senate—expired four years from the date of their previous election, unless they weredissolved earlier.[68] The electiondecree was required to be issued no later than the twenty-fifth day prior to the scheduled date of expiry of parliament and published on the following day in theOfficial State Gazette (BOE), withelection day taking place on the fifty-fourth day from publication.[69] Theprevious election was held on 6 June 1993, which meant that the chambers' terms would have expired on 6 June 1997. The election decree was required to be published in the BOE no later than 13 May 1997, with the election taking place on the fifty-fourth day from publication, setting the latest possible date for election day on Sunday, 6 July 1997.
The prime minister had the prerogative to propose the monarch to dissolve both chambers at any given time—either jointly or separately—and call asnap election, provided that nomotion of no confidence was in process, nostate of emergency was in force and that dissolution did not occur before one year had elapsed since the previous one.[70] Additionally, both chambers were to be dissolved and a new election called if an investiture process failed to elect a prime minister within a two-month period from the first ballot.[71] Barring this exception, there was no constitutional requirement for simultaneous elections to the Congress and the Senate.[72] Still, as of 2026, there has been no precedent of separate elections taking place under the 1978 Constitution.
Felipe González's government had been intent on ending the legislative term in 1997,[73][74][75] but the opposition PP had insisted on a snap election being held as soon as possible.[76][77][78] CiU leader andCatalan president,Jordi Pujol, sought to secure a balance between his party's preference for thenext Catalan regional election—initially scheduled for March or April 1996—being held ahead of the general election, and the belief that González could not politically survive the mounting scandals.[79][80][81] Following the local and regional elections on 28 May 1995, Pujol opted to hold the Catalan election in the autumn and force a general election for February or March 1996.[82][83][84][85] While González resisted,[86][87] he did no longer rule out an early electoral call in 1996.[88] On 14 July, González and Pujol agreed for the Catalan election to be held in November and the general election in March, certifying the end of CiU's support to the government.[89][90][91]
In September, CiUU-turned and announced that it would reject the 1996 General State Budget to trigger an earlier general election,[47][92] but González's refusal to alter the agreed electoral calendar forced Pujol to advance the Catalan election to November.[93][94][95] The State Budget was voted down by the Congress of Deputies on 25 October,[48] Pujol and his party lost their absolute majority in Catalonia in the 19 November regional election,[96] and González announced the parliament's dissolution—and the end of the 5th Cortes Generales—on 28 December.[50]
TheCortes Generales were officially dissolved on 9 January 1996 with the publication of the dissolution decree in the BOE, setting election day for 3 March and scheduling for both chambers to reconvene on 27 March.[60]
The tables below show the composition of theparliamentary groups in both chambers at the time of dissolution.[97][98]
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The electoral law allowed forparties andfederations registered in theinterior ministry,alliances andgroupings of electors to present lists of candidates. Parties and federations intending to form an alliance ahead of an election were required to inform the relevant electoral commission within ten days of the election call, whereas groupings of electors needed to secure the signature of at least one percent of the electorate in the constituencies for which they sought election, disallowing electors from signing for more than one list of candidates.[101]
Below is a list of the mainparties andelectoral alliances which contested the election:
There was speculation on whether prime minister Felipe González would run as PSOE's candidate for a fifth term in office, which he initially confirmed "if his party asked him to",[107][108] being re-elected as PSOE leader in theparty's 1994 congress.[109] However, the judicial probe into the GAL case and political weariness made him reconsider,[110][111] and by the second half of 1995 he was said to have taken the decision not to continue.[112][113] The election ofForeign Affairs ministerJavier Solana—widely seen as González's most likely successor—asNATO secretary-general in December 1995 thwarted González's plans to retire,[114][115] with him confirming a new run following overwhelming support from his party.[102][116][117]
The PSOE,United Left (IU),The Greens (LV),Nationalist and Ecologist Agreement (ENE) andRepublican Left of Catalonia (ERC) formed theIbiza and Formentera in the Senate alliance for the Senate election.[106]
| Party or alliance | Original slogan | English translation | Ref. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| PSOE | « España en positivo » | "Spain in positive" | [118][119] | |
| PP | « Con la nueva mayoría » | "With the new majority" | [118][120][121] | |
| IU | « IU decide » | "IU decides" | [118][122] | |
| Parties and alliances | Popular vote | Seats | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | % | ±pp | Total | +/− | ||
| People's Party (PP)1 | 9,716,006 | 38.79 | +3.42 | 156 | +14 | |
| Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) | 9,425,678 | 37.63 | −1.15 | 141 | −18 | |
| United Left (IU) | 2,639,774 | 10.54 | +0.99 | 21 | +3 | |
| Convergence and Union (CiU) | 1,151,633 | 4.60 | −0.34 | 16 | −1 | |
| Basque Nationalist Party (EAJ/PNV) | 318,951 | 1.27 | +0.03 | 5 | ±0 | |
| Canarian Coalition (CC) | 220,418 | 0.88 | ±0.00 | 4 | ±0 | |
| Galician Nationalist Bloc (BNG) | 220,147 | 0.88 | +0.34 | 2 | +2 | |
| Popular Unity (HB) | 181,304 | 0.72 | −0.16 | 2 | ±0 | |
| Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) | 167,641 | 0.67 | −0.13 | 1 | ±0 | |
| Andalusian Party (PA)2 | 134,800 | 0.54 | −0.05 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Basque Solidarity (EA) | 115,861 | 0.46 | −0.09 | 1 | ±0 | |
| Valencian Union (UV) | 91,575 | 0.37 | −0.11 | 1 | ±0 | |
| The European Greens (LVE) | 61,689 | 0.25 | −0.54 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Aragonese Union (CHA) | 49,739 | 0.20 | +0.17 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Centrist Union (UC) | 44,771 | 0.18 | −1.58 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Valencian People's Union–Nationalist Bloc (UPV–BN) | 26,777 | 0.11 | −0.06 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Nationalists of the Balearic Islands (PSM–ENE) | 24,644 | 0.10 | +0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
| The Greens–Green Group (LV–GV) | 17,177 | 0.07 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Convergence of Democrats of Navarre (CDN) | 17,020 | 0.07 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Workers' Revolutionary Party (PRT)3 | 14,854 | 0.06 | −0.07 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain (PCPE) | 14,513 | 0.06 | +0.02 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Humanist Party (PH) | 13,482 | 0.05 | +0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Asturianist Party (PAS) | 12,213 | 0.05 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Authentic Spanish Phalanx (FEA) | 12,114 | 0.05 | +0.05 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Leonese People's Union (UPL) | 12,049 | 0.05 | −0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Basque Citizen Initiative (ICV–Gorordo) | 11,833 | 0.05 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| The Greens of Madrid (LVM) | 8,483 | 0.03 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Extremaduran Coalition (CEx)4 | 7,312 | 0.03 | −0.03 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Majorcan Union (UM) | 6,943 | 0.03 | −0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Commoners' Land–Castilian Nationalist Party (TC–PNC) | 6,206 | 0.02 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Riojan Party (PR) | 6,065 | 0.02 | −0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Ecologist Party of Catalonia (PEC) | 4,305 | 0.02 | −0.02 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Regionalist Unity of Castile and León (URCL) | 4,061 | 0.02 | +0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Andalusian Nation (NA) | 3,505 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Alliance for National Unity (AUN) | 3,397 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Salamanca–Zamora–León–PREPAL (PREPAL) | 2,762 | 0.01 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 | |
| SOS Nature (SOS) | 2,753 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Republican Coalition (CR)5 | 2,744 | 0.01 | −0.02 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Popular Front of the Canary Islands (FREPIC) | 2,567 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Socialist Party of the People of Ceuta (PSPC) | 2,365 | 0.01 | +0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Regionalist Party of Castilla-La Mancha (PRCM) | 2,279 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Galician People's Front (FPG) | 2,065 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Independent Socialists of Extremadura (SIEx) | 1,678 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Madrilenian Independent Regional Party (PRIM) | 1,671 | 0.01 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Red–Green Party (PRV) | 1,656 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Independent Spanish Phalanx (FEI) | 1,550 | 0.01 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 | |
| New Region (NR) | 1,452 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Republican Action (AR) | 1,237 | 0.00 | −0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Citizen Independent Platform of Catalonia (PICC) | 1,229 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Valencian Nationalist Left (ENV) | 1,023 | 0.00 | −0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Party of El Bierzo (PB) | 1,000 | 0.00 | −0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Nationalist Canarian Party (PCN) | 722 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Alicantine Provincial Union (UPRA) | 651 | 0.00 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Democratic Andalusian Unity (UAD) | 627 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Citizen Democratic Action (ADEC) | 598 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Voice of the Andalusian People (VDPA) | 529 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| European Nation State (N) | 495 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Social and Autonomist Liberal Group (ALAS) | 402 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Balearic Alliance (ABA) | 379 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Regionalist Party of Guadalajara (PRGU) | 338 | 0.00 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Spanish Autonomous League (LAE) | 296 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Aragonese Social Dynamic (DSA) | 265 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Party of The People (LG) | 243 | 0.00 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Inter-Zamoran Party (PIZ) | 215 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Nationalist Party of Melilla (PNM) | 200 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Centrists of the Valencian Community (CCV) | 0 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Revolutionary Workers' Party (POR) | 0 | 0.00 | −0.03 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Party of Self-employed of Spain (PAE) | 0 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Tenerife Independent Familiar Groups (AFIT) | 0 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Blank ballots | 243,345 | 0.97 | +0.17 | |||
| Total | 25,046,276 | 350 | ±0 | |||
| Valid votes | 25,046,276 | 99.50 | +0.04 | |||
| Invalid votes | 125,782 | 0.50 | −0.04 | |||
| Votes cast / turnout | 25,172,058 | 77.38 | +0.94 | |||
| Abstentions | 7,359,775 | 22.62 | −0.94 | |||
| Registered voters | 32,531,833 | |||||
| Sources[123][124][125][126] | ||||||
Footnotes:
| ||||||
| PP | 38.79% | |||
| PSOE | 37.63% | |||
| IU | 10.54% | |||
| CiU | 4.60% | |||
| EAJ/PNV | 1.27% | |||
| CC | 0.88% | |||
| BNG | 0.88% | |||
| HB | 0.72% | |||
| ERC | 0.67% | |||
| EA | 0.46% | |||
| UV | 0.37% | |||
| Others | 2.21% | |||
| Blank ballots | 0.97% | |||
| PP | 44.57% | |||
| PSOE | 40.29% | |||
| IU | 6.00% | |||
| CiU | 4.57% | |||
| EAJ/PNV | 1.43% | |||
| CC | 1.14% | |||
| BNG | 0.57% | |||
| HB | 0.57% | |||
| ERC | 0.29% | |||
| EA | 0.29% | |||
| UV | 0.29% | |||
| Parties and alliances | Popular vote | Seats | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | % | ±pp | Total | +/− | ||
| People's Party (PP)1 | 26,788,282 | 39.04 | +3.87 | 112 | +19 | |
| Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) | 25,865,206 | 37.70 | −1.32 | 81 | −15 | |
| United Left (IU) | 6,851,023 | 9.99 | +0.52 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Convergence and Union (CiU) | 3,338,737 | 4.87 | −0.43 | 8 | −2 | |
| Basque Nationalist Party (EAJ/PNV) | 918,692 | 1.34 | +0.04 | 4 | +1 | |
| Galician Nationalist Bloc (BNG) | 670,346 | 0.98 | +0.36 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Popular Unity (HB) | 516,007 | 0.75 | −0.17 | 0 | −1 | |
| Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) | 493,480 | 0.72 | +0.35 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Andalusian Party (PA)2 | 415,676 | 0.61 | −0.07 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Canarian Coalition (CC) | 388,366 | 0.57 | −0.04 | 1 | −4 | |
| Basque Solidarity (EA) | 337,911 | 0.49 | −0.09 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Valencian Union (UV) | 280,383 | 0.41 | −0.12 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Aragonese Union (CHA) | 136,157 | 0.20 | +0.16 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Centrist Union (UC) | 129,432 | 0.19 | −1.63 | 0 | ±0 | |
| The European Greens (LVE) | 127,576 | 0.19 | −0.69 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Valencian People's Union–Nationalist Bloc (UPV–BN) | 93,337 | 0.14 | −0.07 | 0 | ±0 | |
| The Greens–Green Group (LV–GV) | 67,439 | 0.10 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Convergence of Democrats of Navarre (CDN) | 54,016 | 0.08 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Nationalists of the Balearic Islands (PSM–ENE) | 50,928 | 0.07 | +0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Leonese People's Union (UPL) | 48,214 | 0.07 | −0.02 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Asturianist Party (PAS) | 41,127 | 0.06 | −0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain (PCPE) | 34,495 | 0.05 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Alliance for National Unity (AUN) | 32,451 | 0.05 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Basque Citizen Initiative (ICV–Gorordo) | 31,632 | 0.05 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Extremaduran Coalition (CEx)3 | 30,213 | 0.04 | −0.05 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Authentic Spanish Phalanx (FEA) | 27,999 | 0.04 | +0.03 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Ecologist Party of Catalonia (PEC) | 24,662 | 0.04 | −0.04 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Humanist Party (PH) | 24,149 | 0.04 | +0.02 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Ibiza and Formentera in the Senate (PSOE–EU–ENE–ERC–EV–Eiv) | 21,365 | 0.03 | New | 1 | +1 | |
| Riojan Party (PR) | 20,172 | 0.03 | −0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Commoners' Land–Castilian Nationalist Party (TC–PNC) | 20,119 | 0.03 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Majorcan Union (UM) | 18,944 | 0.03 | −0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Salamanca–Zamora–León–PREPAL (PREPAL) | 17,024 | 0.02 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Republican Coalition (CR)4 | 15,958 | 0.02 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Independent Spanish Phalanx (FEI) | 14,963 | 0.02 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Workers' Revolutionary Party (PRT)5 | 14,618 | 0.02 | −0.05 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Regionalist Unity of Castile and León (URCL) | 14,362 | 0.02 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Lanzarote Independents Party (PIL) | 13,161 | 0.02 | New | 1 | +1 | |
| The Greens of Madrid (LVM) | 13,080 | 0.02 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Andalusian Nation (NA) | 12,803 | 0.02 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Nationalist Party of Castile and León (PANCAL) | 10,268 | 0.01 | +0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Party of El Bierzo (PB) | 8,641 | 0.01 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Independent Socialists of Extremadura (SIEx) | 8,018 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Madrilenian Independent Regional Party (PRIM) | 6,409 | 0.01 | −0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Republican Action (AR) | 6,398 | 0.01 | −0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Red–Green Party (PRV) | 6,232 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| SOS Nature (SOS) | 6,149 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Regionalist Party of Castilla-La Mancha (PRCM) | 6,106 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Democratic Party of the People (PDEP) | 6,061 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Popular Front of the Canary Islands (FREPIC) | 4,764 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Socialist Party of the People of Ceuta (PSPC) | 4,107 | 0.01 | +0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Natural Culture (CN) | 3,986 | 0.01 | +0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Galician People's Front (FPG) | 3,727 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Citizen Independent Platform of Catalonia (PICC) | 3,408 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Independent Candidacy of Valladolid (CIV) | 3,270 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Join Action (AY) | 2,573 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Alicantine Provincial Union (UPRA) | 2,536 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Voice of the Andalusian People (VDPA) | 2,352 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Aragonese Unity (UA) | 2,305 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Valencian Nationalist Left (ENV) | 2,080 | 0.00 | −0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
| National Workers' Party (PNT) | 1,788 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| New Region (NR) | 1,754 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Revolutionary Workers' Party (POR) | 1,438 | 0.00 | −0.02 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Regionalist Party of Guadalajara (PRGU) | 1,305 | 0.00 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Citizen Democratic Action (ADEC) | 1,187 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Social and Autonomist Liberal Group (ALAS) | 1,099 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Nationalist Canarian Party (PCN) | 934 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Inter-Zamoran Party (PIZ) | 912 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Iberian Unity (UI) | 883 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| European Nation State (N) | 816 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Democratic Andalusian Unity (UAD) | 783 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Spanish Autonomous League (LAE) | 610 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Nationalist Party of Melilla (PNM) | 595 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Aragonese Social Dynamic (DSA) | 581 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Independents of Menorca (INME) | 558 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Proverist Party (PPr) | 373 | 0.00 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Spanish Action (AE) | 256 | 0.00 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Clean Hands Project (PML) | 231 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Party of The People (LG) | 125 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Tenerife Independent Familiar Groups (AFIT) | 0 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Centrists of the Valencian Community (CCV) | 0 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Blank ballots[f] | 482,601 | 1.97 | +0.34 | |||
| Total | 68,612,724 | 208 | ±0 | |||
| Valid votes | 24,502,854 | 97.41 | −0.29 | |||
| Invalid votes | 652,656 | 2.59 | +0.29 | |||
| Votes cast / turnout | 25,155,510 | 77.33 | +0.84 | |||
| Abstentions | 7,376,323 | 22.67 | −0.84 | |||
| Registered voters | 32,531,833 | |||||
| Sources[98][123][124][125][127] | ||||||
Footnotes:
| ||||||
| PP | 39.04% | |||
| PSOE | 37.70% | |||
| IU | 9.99% | |||
| CiU | 4.87% | |||
| EAJ/PNV | 1.34% | |||
| CC | 0.57% | |||
| EFS | 0.03% | |||
| PIL | 0.02% | |||
| Others | 5.75% | |||
| Blank ballots | 1.97% | |||
| Investiture Congress of Deputies Nomination ofJosé María Aznar (PP) | ||
| Ballot → | 4 May 1996 | |
|---|---|---|
| Required majority → | 176 out of 350 | |
181 / 350 | ||
166 / 350 | ||
Abstentions
| 1 / 350 | |
Absentees
| 2 / 350 | |
| Sources[128] | ||