Constitution (Amendment) Act 1993
Parliament of Malaysia
Long title An Act to amend the Federal Constitution.
Citation	Act A848
Territorial extent	ThroughoutMalaysia
Passed by	Dewan Rakyat
Passed	19 January 1993
Passed by	Dewan Negara
Passed	20 January 1993
Royal assent	22 March 1993
Vetoed by	Yang di-Pertuan Agong
Vetoed	18 February 1993
Type of veto	Package
Veto overridden	10 March 1993
Commenced	30 March 1993
Legislative history
First chamber:Dewan Rakyat
Bill title	Constitution (Amendment) Bill 1993
Bill citation	D.R. 01/1993
Introduced by	Mahathir Mohamad - Prime Minister
First reading	18 January 1993
Second reading	18 January 1993 -19 January 1993
Voting summary	133 voted for None voted against 23 abstained
Committee stage	19 January 1993
Third reading	19 January 1993
Voting summary	133 voted for None voted against 16 abstained
Second chamber:Dewan Negara
Bill title	Constitution (Amendment) Bill 1993
Bill citation	D.R. 01/1993
Member(s) in charge	Ghafar Baba - Deputy Prime Minister
First reading	20 January 1993
Second reading	20 January 1993
Voting summary	57 voted for None voted against None abstained 4 absent
Third reading	20 January 1993[1]
Voting summary	57 voted for None voted against None abstained 4 absent
Final stages
Reconsidered by theDewan Rakyat after veto	8 March -9 March 1993
Voting summary	167 voted for None voted against 6 abstained 7[3] absent
Reconsidered by theDewan Negara after veto	10 March 1993[2]
Voting summary	58 voted for None voted against None abstained
Amends
Federal Constitution
Keywords
Conference of Rulers,Legal immunity,Monarchies of Malaysia,Sovereign immunity,Yang di-Pertuan Agong,Yang di-Pertua Negeri
Status: In force

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World War II Japanese occupation of Malaya / Borneo 1941–1945 Malayan campaign 1941–1942 Bornean Campaign 1941–1942 Battle of Muar 1942 Parit Sulong Massacre 1942 Battle of Singapore 1942 Sook Ching 1942 Syburi 1942 Sandakan Death Marches 1942–1945 Si Rat Malai 1943–1945 Jesselton revolt 1943–1944
Formative period BMA of Malaya/Borneo 1945–1946 Crown Colony of N. Borneo/Sarawak 1946–1963 Anti-cession movement 1946–1963 Malayan Union 1946–1948 Federation of Malaya 1948–1963 Malayan Emergency 1948–1960 Baling Talks 1955
Independence period Malayan Independence 1957 Singapore self-governance 1959 ISA 1960 1960–2012 Sarawak Insurgency 1962–1990 North Borneo self-governance 1963 Konfrontasi 1963–1966 Sarawak self-governance 1963 Formation of Malaysia 1963 Singapore in Malaysia 1963–1965 ASEAN Declaration 1967 Second communist insurgency 1968–1989
Modern period 1966 Sarawak constitutional crisis 1965–1966 13 May incident 1969 National Operations Council 1969–1971 Declaration of Rukun Negara 1970 New Economic Policy 1971–1990 Federal Territory of KL 1974 1977 Kelantan Emergency 1977 Pedra Branca dispute 1979–2008 South China Sea dispute(Spratly) 1980–present Dawn Raid 1981 Federal Territory of Labuan 1984 Memali incident 1985 Sabah Emergency 1986 Ming Court Affair 1987 Operation Lalang 1987 Constitutional crisis 1987–1988 Peace Agreement of Hat Yai 1989 Royal Immunity Amendments 1993 Asian financial crisis 1997–1998 Reformasi Movement 1998–2022 Federal Territory of Putrajaya 2001 2008 Malaysian Opposition Wave 2008 2009 Perak constitutional crisis 2009 H1N1 flu pandemic 2009–2010 Lahad Datu standoff 2013 Sedition Dragnet 2014 1MDB scandal 2015–present Pakatan Harapan takeover 2018 COVID-19 pandemic 2020–2022 Political crisis 2020–2022 Bornean Amendment 2021–2023 Green Wave 2022–present 2023 Sabah political crisis 2023
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The1993 amendments to the Constitution of Malaysia,^[4][5] officially known asConstitution (Amendment) Act 1993 (Malay:Akta Perlembagaan (Pindaan) 1993), is aconstitutional amendment passed by theMalaysian parliament in order to remove thelegal immunity of allMalaysian royalties. These changes include amendments to Articles 32, 38, 42, 63, 72, 181 and Eight Schedule of theMalaysian Constitution; and insertion of two new Articles, namely Article 33A and Article 182, into the constitution.^[6] The amendments went into effect on 30 March 1993.^[6] Before the amendments were made, the Constitution granted rulers who have violated the law not to be prosecuted by the criminal court unless he voluntarily wishes to surrender his legal immunity.^[7]

The amendments were made at a time when the Malaysian monarchy witnessed a deteriorating relationship with the Malaysian government. During the late-1980s and the early-1990s, a series of controversial incidents involving the rulers cropped up, many of which came into aconflict of interest with several politicians.^[8] After two separate assault incidents by theSultan of Johor andhis younger son which occurred in 1992, the government was prompted to take up the initiative to call for the removal of legal immunity. The rulers were extremely unhappy with the government's calls for the removal of legal immunity, and initially dissented with the government. The government used a two-pronged approach of persuasion and coercion to obtain the assent of the rulers for their rulers. The rulers gave their assent for the government's proposals to remove their legal immunity, which was later implemented in March 1993.

By some interpretations, these events leading up to the constitutional amendments were considered to be aconstitutional crisis,^[9] given that the federal government, who needed the endorsement of the Sultans to implement the law, refused and subsequently led to a brief standoff between both sides.^[10] However, in most cases, the events leading up to the constitutional amendment was generally closely identified as a monarchy crisis rather than a constitutional crisis.^[11]

In later part of the year, two connected assault incidents involving members of the Johor royal family occurred.^[12] The first one occurred on 10 July 1992, when the second son of theSultan Iskandar, theSultan of Johor,Tunku Abdul Majid, hit aPerak hockey goalkeeper, Mohamed Jaafar shortly after a hockey championship match between Perak and Johor, supposedly having lost his temper when the Perak team won the match by a penalty stroke.^[13][14] The goalkeeper made a police report soon afterward which received attention from Parliament who pressured theMalaysian Hockey Confederation to issue Tunku Majid on 18 October 1992, a ban of five years participation in any national hockey tournaments.^[15] The Sultan, enraged by the decision issued to his son, exerted pressure on the state education department to issue orders to school hockey teams in Johor to boycott participation in national tournaments.^[16] The decision upsetDouglas Gomez, a hockey coach, who criticised the education department for destroying the leadership and called for the resignation of all key office bearers of theJohor Hockey Association.^[17]

The criticisms by Gomez made the Sultan angry, so he summoned Gomez to the palace on 30 November,^[18] where he was reprimanded and beaten by the Sultan, in front of his dumbstruck bodyguards,^[19] who are members of theJohor Military Force (JMF).^[20] Gomez, who suffered injuries to his face and stomach, sought treatment at a private clinic the following day and subsequently filed a police report on 6 December,^[20] after receiving tacit support from theMalaysian Cabinet. The government-backed media, on its part, was swift to report on the incident.^[19]

The party leader ofSemangat 46,Tengku Razaleigh Tengku Mohd Hamzah, is a member of the Kelantan royal family and was held by high-esteem by the Sultan ofKelantan,Sultan Ismail Petra. Sultan Ismail Petra allegedly campaigned for Semangat 46 during the1990 Malaysian general elections, which resulted in Semangat 46 as well as its then-coalition partner, thePan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) wrestling over control of the Kelantan's state government from theBarisan Nasional government. The Prime Minister of Malaysia,Mahathir Mohamad, expressed his unhappiness over the alleged royal support for Semangat 46, and was accused of violating the rule of political neutrality which was required by a constitutional monarch.^[8]

In March 1992, customs officials revealed that Sultan Ismail Petra had owed the government RM$2.1 million in import duties after he had purchased a convoy of twentyLamborghini Diablo cars that were directly flown in fromLondon. The Sultan firmly denied any wrongdoings on his part, and further issued a statement declaring support for the implementation of Islamic laws in the state by the PAS-led state government, which angered the BN-led federal government.^[21]

The press reports on Gomez plight widespread moral outrage within the Malaysian public.^[22] A special parliamentary session was held on 10 December 1992 that saw all 96 members of theDewan Rakyat present unanimously passed aresolution, which condemned Sultan Iskandar for injuring Gomez and declared that the Parliament shall "take all necessary actions" to prevent similar incident from recurring.^[23] The subsequent parliamentary session on 27 December saw discussions to remove legal immunity which agitated Sultan Iskandar to hold a rally to oppose the government's actions, but was forced to cancel after intense government pressure.^[24] Members of the opposition party had a passive stance towards the government's proposals, particularly fromSemangat 46.^[25][26]

An informal meeting of theConference of Rulers was held on 16 and 17 January 1993, the following year, which requested the government for additional time for consideration of the government's decision. After extensive negotiation, some rulers chose to refuse to endorse the proposed changes to the Federal Constitution, even after the offer for a special court to prosecute the rulers was proposed,^[27] claiming that the implementation of a special court would bring about difficulties in legal technicalities.^[28][29]

The proposed amendments also came with the rule to allow commoners to criticise the Sultans, even theYang di-Pertuan Agong without fear of theSedition Act, with the exception of questioning the legitimacy of the monarchy of Malaysia.^[27][30] In addition, the proposed amendments also sought to limit the power of the rulers to pardon offences of family members.^[31] Public criticisms of the rulers was also allowed by amendments to the Sedition Act, which makes it no longer an offence to criticise the royalty except to areas pertaining to their legitimate existence.^[32]

Nevertheless, a two-day long special parliamentary sessions starting from 18 January 1993 saw theDewan Rakyat table the proposed amendments in spite of the Sultans' objections, with prime ministerMahathir Mohamad citing as far to say that there was no need to obtain royal assent to implement laws.^[33][34] Back in 1983, the constitution had been amended so that a veto by the Agong can be over-ridden by a parliamentary vote.^[31][35] On 19 January 1993, shortly before the Dewan Rakyat concluded its session, 133 out of 180 MPs passed the amendment bill while members of the opposition parties abstained from voting, although opposition MPs fromDAP andPAS still expressed their support in principle.^[36][37] The following day,Dewan Negara unanimously approve of the proposed amendments.^[38]

The three rulers, on the other hand, continued to withhold their consent to the amendments which saw the government threatening to withdraw the privileges and continued attacks via the national media^[39] on instances of royal excesses of their extravagant lifestyles and even hinting a possibility of ending constitutional monarchy in Malaysia, such as the publication of an article of monarchs who abdicated or were disposed since World War II.^[40] A compromise was reached with the Agong when the government offered a compromise which allowed the rulers to delay any legislation within sixty days, provided that the delays were given reasons. The previous proposals offered only a delay of fifteen days for any legislation that were to be raised in parliament.^[41]

The Dewan Rakyat passed its implementation on 8 March 1993, while the Dewan Negara approved of its implementation on 30 March. A new chapter, Part XV of the Constitution entitled "Proceedings against the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and the Rulers" was also enshrined.^[42]

The government-backed media, on its part, launched a series of reports between 1992 and 1993 detailing alleged misdeeds by members of the royalty not only by the Johor royal family^[43] but also on other royal houses from other states, questioning their extravagant lifestyles and misuse ofmoral authority to gain alleged concessions. The Pahang royal family, in particular, was criticised for the way which they allegedly gained favourable timber forestry concession rates^[44] and the unusually high shares which they were accorded in the timber forestry industry.^[45]

The views of the Islamic Religious leaders were also well publicised, who criticised the royal excesses and even went as far as placing members of the royalty as equal members with the commoners in the eyes of Allah.^[46][47][48]

InKelantan,Sultan Ismail Petra was also heavily criticised for failing to pay import duty taxes after he purchased a convoy of imported Italian luxury sports car as well as^[30][49] alleged biased support forSemangat 46 by Dr Mahathir, for violating the constitution which states that monarchs will have to take on a neutral role in political affairs. The leader of Semangat 46,Tengku Razaleigh Tengku Mohd Hamzah was a member of the Kelantan royal family.^[50]

Another further constitutional amendment in May 1994 allowed any law that has been passed by both the Dewan Rakyat and Dewan Negara to become law within 30 days, irrespective of whether the Agong had given his assent.^[51][52] The new legislation further reduced the veto power of the Agong — amended previously in 1983, which also sparked a constitutional crisis. The older bill stated that Rulers could withhold assent of a proposed amendment within 30 days once both houses of parliament pass a proposed amendment.^[53]

The new constitutional amendment took some interesting twists following its amendments: In 1996, aSingaporean filed to sue theSultan Ahmad Shah of Pahang for defamation in the special court for the rulers, which was turned down by the Special Court, establishing the precedent that the right to sue a ruler only belongs to a Malaysian citizen.

In 1998, then Tengku Idris (laterSultan Sharafuddin) of Selangor sued a company, Dikim Holdings in the High Court. In 1999, when his father,Sultan Salahuddin was elected as theYang di-Pertuan Agong (Paramount Ruler) of Malaysia, Tengku Idris was appointed as Regent of Selangor. The case was referred to the Federal Court on whether the Regent is considered a ruler, which the court replied in the negative. In 2001, Sultan Salahuddin died and Tengku Idris ascended the Selangor throne. The case was referred to the Federal Court again, which the court ruled that the High Court had lost jurisdiction over the case, and the case must be withdrawn and refiled in the Special Court. In both cases, only the Special Court had authority to exercise jurisdiction over the rulers, whether they were to be tried or intended to try another party.^[54]

TheYang di-Pertuan Besar ofNegeri Sembilan,Tuanku Ja'afar became the first ruler to have judgement made against him in the Special Court, whereby he was ordered to settle US$1 million in debts he had owed to a bank.^[55] The landmark verdict prompted his oldest son, the Regent ofNegeri Sembilan,Tunku Naquiyuddin to advocate the restoration of rulers' immunity during a speech in November 2008. This raised concerns among the public, in view of the history of past royal excesses, but specifically the Gomez incident. Tunku Naquiyuddin, however, added further that immunity to rulers should not be extended to cases when rulers commit acts of criminality, such as assault.^[56]

• A BILL intituled: An Act to amend the Federal Constitution.,Dewan Rakyat, January 1993
• (in Malay)Pindaan-Pindaan YANG DICADANGKAN KEPADA RANG UNDANG-UNDANG PERLEMBAGAAN (PINDAAN) 1993,Dewan Rakyat, January 1993

• 1993 in Malaysian law
• Amendments to the Constitution of Malaysia
• Malaysian federal legislation

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