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1981 protests in Kosovo

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Protests and riots demanding greater Kosovan autonomy within the SFR Yugoslavia

1981 protests in Kosovo
Part of thebreakup of Yugoslavia
Date11 March – 3 April 1981
Location
GoalsDemanding higher autonomy for Kosovo
MethodsProtests,Civil unrest
Resulted inProtests failed
Parties
Supported by:
Albania
Lead figures

Besim Baraliu
Fehmi LladrovciMilazim Shala
Aslan Pireva 

Casualties and losses
4 killed
7 killed
4,200 arrested
1,500 expelled fromLCY

In March and April 1981, a student protest inPristina, the capital of the thenSocialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo, led to widespread protests byKosovo Albanians demanding more autonomy within theSocialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. ThePresidency of Yugoslavia declared astate of emergency in Pristina andKosovska Mitrovica, which led to rioting. The unrest was suppressed by a large police intervention that caused numerous casualties, and a period of political repression followed.[1]

Background

[edit]
Average strength of Yugoslav state economies as a deviation from the Yugoslav average in 1975.SAP Kosovo (in red) was the least developed entity within Yugoslavia.

TheUniversity of Pristina was the starting point of the 1981 Kosovo student protests. Kosovo's cultural isolation within Yugoslavia and its endemic underdevelopment, compared to the rest of the country, resulted in the province having the highest ratio of both students and illiterates in Yugoslavia.[2] A university education was not deemed a guarantee of future employment; instead of training students for technical careers, the university specialized inliberal arts, in particular inAlbanology, which could hardly secure work except in bureaucracy or local cultural institutions, especially outside of Kosovo.[3] This created a large pool of unemployed but highly educated, and resentful, Albanians – prime recruits for nationalist sentiment.[4] Demonstrations were organized by several professors and students: Besim Baraliu, Fehmi Lladrovc.

In addition, the Serb and Montenegrin population of Kosovo increasingly resented the economic and social burden incurred by the university's student population. By 1981, the University of Pristina had 20,000 students – one in ten of the city's total population.[5]

Student protests

[edit]

The demonstrations started on 11 March 1981, originally as a spontaneous small-scale protest for better food in the school cafeteria and improved living conditions in the dormitories. Tired of being made to wait in line, for hours, for poor quality food, students began demonstrating under Gani Koci’s command, who later was arrested.[5]Two to four thousand demonstrators were dispersed by police, with around a hundred arrests made.[5][6]

The student protests resumed two weeks later on 26 March 1981, as several thousand demonstrators chanted increasingly nationalist slogans, and the police used force to disperse them, injuring 32 people.[7] The engagement included asit-in by Albanian students in a dormitory.

As the police reacted negatively to a perceived increase in nationalism among the protesters, more arrests were made, which in turn fueled more protests.[7] On 30 March, students of the three of the largest university faculties declared a boycott, fearing a return ofRankovićism.[7]

The demands of the Albanian students were both nationalist andegalitarianist, implying a desire for a different kind of socialism than the Yugoslav kind, marked by semi-confederalism andworkers' self-management.[6]

Escalation of protests

[edit]

On 1 April, demonstrations swept through Kosovo, and 17 policemen were injured in clashes with demonstrators, failing to disperse them.[7] The army moved in to secure state institutions, andMahmut Bakalli soon called on them to send tanks to the streets.[7]

Within days, the protests over conditions for students turned into discontent over the treatment of the ethnic Albanian population by the Serbian majority, and then to rioting and Albanian nationalist demands.[8][6] The primary demand was that Kosovo become a republic within Yugoslavia as opposed to its then-current status as a province of Serbia.[6][9]

The authorities blamed the protests on nationalist radicals – the May 1981Politika said the goal of the protests was for a Republic of Kosovo to become separate from Yugoslavia, and join Albania.[10] The authorities imposed a ban on foreign reporting, and the local reporting, unlike at the time of the1968 protests in Kosovo, entirely lacked independence, and instead ran only official statements.[11] Some of the official statements were inherently vague, talking of "internal and external enemies", which provoked a variety of conspiracy theories that stoked nationalist sentiment elsewhere in Yugoslavia.[12] One of the conspiracy theories was promoted byAzem Vllasi, who later publicly discussed the alleged involvement of the Albanian security serviceSigurimi in the protests.[13]

The demand that Kosovo become the seventh republic of Yugoslavia was politically unacceptable to Serbia and theSocialist Republic of Macedonia.

A standoff happened nearPodujevo, where police reinforcements coming in fromCentral Serbia were stopped by Albanian demonstrators who had taken local Serbs and Montenegrins as hostages.[14]

Some of the groups of protesters wereMarxist-Leninist whose ideology was shaped by the views of the Albanian leaderEnver Hoxha.[15] Yugoslav authorities accused Albania of interfering in their internal matters. The level of influence exerted by the Albanian government in the protests is disputed however. Mertus notes that some of the students held up signs saying "We Are Enver Hoxha's Soldiers" but that their numbers were small. Albania used radio, television and sent books to encourage Kosovo Albanians to "unite with the motherland" but little else beyond that, as Mertus argues directly assisting the protesters would have been a violation of Albanian policy.[16]

State of emergency

[edit]

The leadership of theLeague of Communists of Yugoslavia saw the protesters' opposition to self-management and their nationalism as a grave threat, and decided to "suppress them by all available means".[6]

On 2 April 1981 thePresidency of Yugoslavia under the chairmanship ofCvijetin Mijatović declared astate of emergency inPristina andKosovska Mitrovica, which lasted one week.[17][18]

Presidency sent in special forces to stop the demonstrations.[17]

The federal government rushed up to 30,000 troops to the province. Riots broke out and the Yugoslav authorities used force against the protesters.

On 3 April, the last demonstrations happened inVučitrn,Uroševac,Vitina and Kosovska Mitrovica, which were soon suppressed by the additional police deployment.[14]

The rioting involved 20,000 people in six cities.[19]

In late April,New York Times reported that nine people had died and more than fifty were injured during the protests.[19] In July, the outlet reported that more than 250 had been injured by the end of the protests.[20]

Aftermath

[edit]
Memorial to two of the dead, in Pristina

Kosovo's Communist Party suffered purges, with several key figures, including its president, expelled.Veli Deva replaced Bakalli because he was thought to have been harder onTirana.[21]

Following the demonstrations, the University of Pristina faculty and students werepurged of those deemed to be "separatists". 226 students and workers were tried, convicted and sentenced to up to fifteen years in prison. Many Albanians were purged from official posts, including the president of the university and two rectors. They were replaced with Communist Party hardliners. The university was also prohibited from using textbooks imported from Albania; from then on, the university was only permitted to use books translated fromSerbo-Croatian. The demonstrations also produced a growing tendency for Serbian politicians to demandcentralization, the unity of Serb lands, a decrease incultural pluralism for Albanians and an increase in the protection and promotion ofSerbian culture.[22] The university was denounced by the Serbian Communist leadership as a "fortress of nationalism".[23]

Presidency did not repeal the province's autonomy as some Serbian Communists demanded.[citation needed]

TheLeague of Communists of Kosovo declared the riots to be a product ofAlbanian nationalism, and Serbia reacted by a desire to reduce the power of the Albanians in the province, and a propaganda campaign that claimed that Serbs were being pushed out of the province primarily by the growing Albanian population, rather than the bad state of the economy.[24]

In 1981, it was reported that some 4,000 Serbs planned to move from Kosovo to Central Serbia after the riots in March that resulted in several Serb deaths and the desecration of Serbian Orthodox architecture and graveyards.[25] 33 nationalist formations were dismantled by the Yugoslav Police who sentenced some 280 people (800 fined, 100 under investigation) and seized arms caches and propaganda material.[26]

The demonstrations in Kosovo were the beginning of a deep crisis in Yugoslavia that later led toits dissolution.[14]The government response to the demonstrations changed the political discourse in the country in a way that significantly impaired its ability to sustain itself in the future.[27]

In literature and arts

[edit]

The events inspired a novel by Albanian writerIsmail Kadare,The Wedding Procession Turned to Ice (Albanian:Krushqit janë të ngrirë), where he describes an Albanian physician,Teuta Shkreli, tending to the injured students. The figure of Teuta was inspired by the actions of Albanian physicianSehadete Mekuli, gynaecologist and wife of Albanian writerEsad Mekuli.[28]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
  1. ^Nelsson, Richard; Nelsson, compiled by Richard (20 March 2019)."How Milosevic stripped Kosovo's autonomy - archive, 1989".The Guardian.ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved28 October 2024.
  2. ^Llapi, Gjylbehare; Peterson, Claudette M. (31 October 2015)."Education Interrupted: Kosovo 1980-1999".eric.ed.gov.Archived from the original on 20 May 2024. Retrieved28 October 2024.
  3. ^Shahini, Arjan (15 December 2021)."Sullied: The Albanian Student Movement of December 1990".Frontiers in Political Science.3.doi:10.3389/fpos.2021.708881.ISSN 2673-3145.
  4. ^"NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY 20; ALBANIA; GENERAL SURVEY | CIA FOIA (foia.cia.gov)".www.cia.gov. Retrieved28 October 2024.
  5. ^abcMertus 1999, p. 29.
  6. ^abcdeJović 2009, p. 184.
  7. ^abcdeJović 2009, p. 185.
  8. ^Mertus 1999, p. 30.
  9. ^Pavlović, Momčilo (26 April 2013)."1981 demonstrations in Kosovo". transconflict.com. Retrieved13 August 2013.
  10. ^Bulatović 1981, p. 10.
  11. ^Mertus 1999, p. 31.
  12. ^Mertus 1999, p. 32.
  13. ^Mertus 1999, p. 39.
  14. ^abcJović 2009, p. 186.
  15. ^Myrtaj, Mrika Limani (1 September 2021)."The Ideology and Agency of Kosovar Albanian Marxist Groups in the Demonstrations of 1981".Comparative Southeast European Studies.69 (2–3):183–203.doi:10.1515/soeu-2021-0026.ISSN 2701-8202.S2CID 244134295.
  16. ^Mertus 1999, pp. 37–38.
  17. ^abAntić, Zdenko (17 March 1982)."Kosovo: One year after the riots". Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Research Institute. Archived fromthe original on 28 July 2011. Retrieved14 August 2013.
  18. ^Pejić, Nenad (27 February 2008)."Raif Dizdarević: Velika prevara".Radio Slobodna Evropa (in Serbo-Croatian). Radio Free Europe. Retrieved14 August 2013.
  19. ^ab"One Storm has Passed but Others are Gathering in Yugoslavia".The New York Times. 19 April 1981. Retrieved14 August 2013.
  20. ^"6 More Yugoslavs Sentenced For Ethnic Rioting in Kosovo".New York Times. 30 July 1981. Retrieved14 August 2013.
  21. ^Mertus 1999, p. 42.
  22. ^Mertus 1999.
  23. ^Kostovicova 2005, p. 44.
  24. ^Ramet 2010, p. 361
  25. ^Di Lellio 2006, p. 39-40.
  26. ^Paul Lendvai (5 February 1982). "Police fail to crush resistance in Kosovo".Financial Times. London.
  27. ^Mertus 1999, p. 44.
  28. ^Elsie 2010, p. 82.

Sources

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