Émile Pouget | |
|---|---|
._Publiciste._Anarchiste._26-4-92._MET_DP290755.jpg) 1892 police mugshot of Émile Pouget, takenby Alphonse Bertillon | |
| Born | (1860-10-12)12 October 1860 |
| Died | 21 July 1931(1931-07-21) (aged 70) Palaiseau,Seine-et-Oise, France |
| Occupation(s) | Journalist, writer |
| Years active | 1879–1915 |
| Movement | Anarchism Revolutionary syndicalism |
Émile Pouget (French:[emilpuʒɛ]; 12 October 1860 – 21 July 1931) was a French journalist,anarchist pamphleteer and trade unionist, known for his pivotal role in the development ofrevolutionary syndicalism in France. His iconic newspaper,Le Père Peinard, stood out from previous anarchist publications with its inventive use of vernacular and urban slang. Notably, Pouget introduced the term "sabotage" as a tactical approach, a concept later adopted by theGeneral Confederation of Labour (CGT) at itsToulouse Congress in 1897. Pouget's combination of anarchist political theory and revolutionary syndicalist tactics has led several authors to identify him as an earlyanarcho-syndicalist.
Having been introduced to radical politics through his stepfather's involvement in political journalism, Pouget emerged as a prominent figure in the anarchist movement. In 1883, Pouget andLouise Michel were jailed afterthey led a protest at Les Invalides, where the emblematicanarchist black flag is said to have been flown for the first time. The enactment of theLois scélérates, which sought to suppress anarchist activities, forced Pouget into exile inLondon from 1894 to 1895. There, he was exposed to international anarchist militants likeErrico Malatesta, as well as the British trade unionist movement, which inspired his contributions to revolutionary syndicalism. Returning to France, Pouget resumed his political activities, starting the newspaperLa Sociale in 1895 and collaborating closely withFernand Pelloutier to promote revolutionary syndicalist ideas within the French labor movement. By 1902, he had become an integral part of the revolutionary faction within CGT leadership, and was arrested with other leaders of the CGT in 1908 following violentstrikes in Draveil and Villeneuve-Saint-Georges. After his release, Pouget began to distance himself from activism, a trend that accelerated following the collapse of his final newspaper,La Révolution, in 1909. He lived quietly outside Paris until his death in 1931.
Émile Pouget was born on 12 October 1860 inPont-de-Salars in the department ofAveyron.[1] His father, a notary, died at an early age in 1863. Shortly after his father's death, Pouget's mother remarried.[1] He grew up in a middle-class household withRepublican and left-wing tendencies.[2] Pouget's stepfather Philippe Vergely lost his position as a petty official because of his political writings in a small-scale journal that he had established titledL'Aveyron Republicain (The Aveyron Republican).[3] Vergely took the young Pouget to attend the trial of several members of theNarbonne Commune in nearbyRodez, which played a pivotal role in sparking Pouget's interest in politics.[4]
Studying high school in Rodez, Pouget developed a passion for journalism. In 1875, he launched his first newspaper,Le Lycéen républicain (TheRepublican High Schooler). That same year, his stepfather died and Pouget was forced to move toParis in search of work. In 1877, he began working atLe Bon Marché, a department store in the city.[5] While employed there, he started following political gatherings and attended meetings of progressive groups in his free time.[3] In 1879, Pouget was a founder of the first shop assistants' union in Paris, through which he published his earliestantimilitarist texts.[2][3]
During the 1880s, beforeanarchists began to enter the organized labor movement in large numbers, they typically agitated among the unemployed. In March 1883, the chamber of the carpenters' union summoned the unemployed to protest atLes Invalides.[6]This protest split into two groups, with around 500 protesters, led by Pouget and formerCommunardLouise Michel, proceeding to march toward theBoulevard Saint-Germain.[3] It was at this protest that the emblematicanarchist black flag was flown for the first time.[6][2] The protesters pillaged three bakeries before being confronted by police atPlace Maubert. Michel and Pouget were arrested and sentenced to six and eight years in prison respectively.[7] Pouget's case was complicated by the fact that revolutionary antimilitarist leaflets advocating mutiny were found in his room. Public opinion towards the trial was somewhat negative, leading to both activists' early release.[6] Pouget was granted amnesty after serving only three years of his sentence, thanks to pressure fromHenri Rochefort.[8]
After his release from prison, Pouget edited the anarchist bimonthlyÇa ira from 27 May 1888 to 13 January 1889, in collaboration with former CommunardConstant Martin.[9] He became a regular at meetings of theCercle Anarchiste International, which gathered in Paris'15th arrondissement to discuss tactics including thegeneral strike and a potential alliance with theBourse du Travail labor councils.[10] On 24 February 1889, he established his iconic newspaper,Le Père Peinard.[9][2] Reminiscent of Rochefort'sLa Lanterne (The Lantern), the paper was published in small pamphlet form. It was written in working-class French slang and was inspired in tone byJacques Hébert'sLe Père Duchesne, popular during theReign of Terror.[8] In a September 1889 edition ofLe Père Peinard, Pouget praised theLondon dock strike, marking the first step in his evolution intosyndicalism. However, at this time, he criticized the British workers' formal association into labor unions and especially the unions' parliamentary orientation and reformism.[11]
Following the promulgation of theLois scélérates, a set of press laws outlawing the advocacy of any crime, in December 1893, the anarchist movement started a series of political assassinations.[12] This in turn led to a series of arrests of prominent anarchists, and on 21 February 1894, Pouget published his final issue ofLe Père Peinard and went into exile. Upon reaching London viaAlgiers, Pouget stayed atGiovanni Defendi's delicatessen, accompanied by his partner Marie.[13][14]
Pouget's period of exile in London led to a cross-pollination of ideas between anarchist militants from several countries around Europe.[15][14] During this time, he avoided the anarchist circleClub Autonomie, composed mainly of French immigrants in London, but maintained contact with Louise Michel,Augustin Hamon andFernand Pelloutier. Crucially, Pouget's tactical approach became heavily influenced by an international group of militants includingErrico Malatesta andOlivia Rossetti Agresti, all of whom were contributors to the anarchist newspaperThe Torch of Anarchy.[16][14]
In August 1894, Pouget was chargedin absentia during theTrial of the Thirty, but was ultimately acquitted.[17][18] During his exile, he planned to start a newspaper calledLe Droit à l’Aisance (The Right to Comfort) with the help of Malatesta, but in the end relaunchedLe Père Peinard in September 1894 from London.[15][13] The London-based newspaper ran for six months and printed a total of eight issues.[12] In October 1894, the newspaper argued in favor of anarchists participating within the trade union movement, as a space in which to make contact with the wider working class outside of anarchistaffinity groups and subcultures.[19][20]
Pouget had been in contact with Malatesta since 1893, but was influenced by him even more profoundly during his time in London; at some point they even shared dwellings at Defendi's delicatessen. Pouget's period in London led to his adoption of syndicalist tactics which would, together with Pelloutier's similar trajectory, prove instrumental in the eventual rise to dominance ofrevolutionary syndicalism in the French labor movement.[14][15] His combination of anarchist political theory and revolutionary syndicalist tactics has led several authors to identify Pouget as an earlyanarcho-syndicalist.[21][22]
After returning to France in 1895, Pouget resumed his political activities. On 11 May 1895, he started the newspaperLa Sociale, through which he started promoting a more strategic and concrete form of anarchism which would work to influence the labor union movement from within.[23][24] During the publishing ofLa Sociale, Pouget collaborated closely withFernand Pelloutier andBernard Lazare, advocating for revolutionary syndicalist ideas within the French labor movement and seeking to unite anarchists with antiparliamentarian socialists across Europe.[25]
In July 1896, Pouget attended thefourth congress of theSecond International in London. At this congress, the antiparliamentarian delegates, the majority of whom were anarchists, were expelled from the international.[23] This marked the culmination of the process which started with the exclusion of the anarchists at theZürich Congress three years prior. The antiparliamentarians set up a debate in margin to the London Congress where, concurring with Malatesta's views, Pouget criticized theMarxists' economic determinism and argued against forciblycollectivizing agricultural land, as well as the notion of waiting in anticipation for the ostensibly inevitableproletarianization of the peasant class.[26][27][25]
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InLa Sociale, Pouget first argued for the tactic of "sabottage", as it was initially spelled. This tactic was inspired by the concept of "ca'canny", meaningslowdown, which he came into contact with in the British trade union movement. This was the first mention of the term "sabotage" in this context.[28] The newspaper continued until October 1896, when Pouget started publishing a renewedLe Père Peinard in which his views became increasingly internationalist and militant. He passionately argued for sabotage as a tactic of the labor movement, leading to its adoption by theGeneral Confederation of Labour (CGT) at itsToulouse Congress in September 1897.[29][30] His views on sabotage, as well as a nod to its origins in the British movement, were outlined in greater detail in his 1898 pamphlet "Le Sabotage".[23] For Pouget, sabotage would entail "poor work for poor pay", as well as physical damage against machines and property, but not persons.[31]
During the mid-1890s, theDreyfus affair, stemming from accusations of espionage against the French Jewish CaptainAlfred Dreyfus, intensified into a major political and judicial scandal. French society became deeply polarized, with supporters of Dreyfus known as Dreyfusards and opponents labeled anti-Dreyfusards, reflecting underlying tensions of antisemitism.[32] Pouget was initially reluctant to support the Dreyfusard cause, proclaiming his lack of interest in defending a capitalist and even going so far as to employantisemitic stereotypes.[33] However, during 1898 his views began to shift.[34] He used the instability to organize a campaign in favor of anarchists condemned to forced labour, and in October co-signed a manifesto of a Revolutionary Coalition Committee which brought together various libertarian factions in opposition to anti-Dreyfusard nationalism.[35] In February 1899, Pouget became a contributor toSébastien Faure's DreyfusardJournal du peuple (The People's Journal), where he argued for a revolutionary defense of Dreyfus against the reactionary forces of the army andCatholic Church, and against relying on the impartiality of the legal system.[34][36]
In 1900,Le Père Peinard was discontinued and Pouget became the editor of the CGT's daily newspaperLa Voix du peuple (Voice of the People), its title a reference toPierre-Joseph Proudhon.[24] The first issue was published on 1 December 1900.[30]
The year 1902 marked the culmination of the anarchist permeation of trade unions, with the merger of the CGT and theFédération des Bourses de travail, a federation of local labor exchanges.[25] The Fédération had been headed by anarchistGeorges Yvetot from March 1901, following the death ofFernand Pelloutier. The now enlarged CGT elected formerBlanquistVictor Griffuelhes as general secretary, while Yvetot and his former assistantPaul Delesalle headed the section of Bourses du Travail and Pouget headed the section of national federations as vice-secretary and remained the editor ofLa Voix du peuple. Pouget, Griffuelhes, Yvetot and Delesalle thus became the effective leaders of the syndicalist movement in France in the following decade, forming the revolutionary faction of the union's leadership.[37][19][20]
Tensions came to the fore between reformist and revolutionary wings of the CGT in 1903. Pouget emerged as the leading polemicist in defense of the leading revolutionary faction, opposed by the reformistAuguste Keufer. The two exchanged views in two articles regarding the theme of reform or revolution in 1903, where Pouget argued that their methods were not necessarily opposed to one another.[38] His position was that the struggle for immediate reforms, if done throughdirect action, was not only an end in itself, but also an evolutionary moment in a process of social change which would gradually intensify to the point of revolution and the overthrow ofwage labor. Therefore, he argued, individual reforms served to build a mass social movement with sufficient strength and consciousness to challenge and ultimately end capitalism.[39] For Pouget, direct action meant the activity of trade unions, undertaken without reliance on political actors.[40] Another major point of contention was the method of selection and representation within the CGT, with Keufer advocating for proportional representation, which favored larger unions, while Pouget argued for equal representation regardless of a union's size. Pouget's stance reflected his broader disdain forrepresentative democracy, the adoption of which within the CGT he feared would suppress the "conscious minority".[41] Keufer's proposals were in the end heavily defeated at the 1904Congress of Bourges and the incumbent CGT leadership secured an easy victory.[38]
The issue reappeared at the Congress ofAmiens in October 1906. Here, the two factions agreed on theCharter of Amiens, co-drafted by Pouget, which codified the union's revolutionary syndicalism. The charter announced the complete autonomy of the syndicalist movement and denied all political allegiances, and was the result of a political compromise that both factions could interpret to their advantage.[38] Namely, for the revolutionary faction, this affirmed its stance against compromise with political parties and thus againstparliamentarism, whereas for the reformist faction, this meant an aversion to all forms of politics including anarchism.[16][20][21]
In May 1908, strikes erupted inDraveil and Villeneuve-Saint-Georges with the CGT eagerly sending recruiters in support of the striking quarry workers. After a month of demonstrations, the strikers clashed with the police who opened fire leaving two workers dead and ten wounded.[42] Following the strikes, the leaders of the CGT, including Pouget, were arrested.[43] The union convened inMarseille and reaffirmed its tactical position, however the reformist faction started blaming the leadership for the deaths due to their "reckless tactics". On 2 February 1909, Griffuelhes resigned and the CGT elected reformist Louis Niel to the position of general secretary.[38]
After his release from prison, Pouget did not return to his position in the CGT or inLa Voix du peuple. According toPierre Monatte, this decision might have been influenced by a growing personal antipathy towards Griffuelhes, which became apparent in Pouget's vehement rejection of the proposal for Griffuelhes to assume an administrative role in the new newspaper he was preparing. In February 1909, Pouget and other members of the revolutionary faction launched the newspaperLa Révolution. It was badly financed and a commercial failure, and ran only until March of that same year. After the failure of this newspaper, Pouget became disillusioned and ceased his participation in the syndicalist movement.[44]
Following the failure ofLa Révolution in March of the same year, Pouget transitioned to become a regular columnist inGustave Hervé'sinsurrectionistLa Guerre sociale in late 1909, signaling a shift away from his involvement in syndicalism. Nonetheless, he maintained his advocacy for syndicalist tactics such as the general strike and sabotage until the outbreak ofWorld War I. Additionally, he authored several stories inJean Jaurès'L'Humanité in 1913.[44] From July until 6 September 1914, Pouget unexpectedly lent his unequivocal support to France against Germany. The following year, he authored a daily serial inL'Humanité titledVieille Alsace (OldAlsace), a patriotic story concerning the lives of French Alsatians living under German rule.[45]
By 1920, Pouget was no longer involved in activism. He spent his final years living a quiet life in the southern outskirts of Paris with his wife, earning a modest living compiling artists' catalogues.[46]
Pouget died on 21 July 1931, in Lozère, a neighborhood ofPalaiseau.[47] He was interred at the cemetery of Palaiseau.[48]
| Trade union offices | ||
|---|---|---|
| Preceded by New position | Administrative Secretary of theGeneral Confederation of Labour 1901–1902 | Succeeded by Jean Bousquet |
