Themonarchy of Canada isCanada'sform of government embodied by the Canadiansovereign andhead of state. It is one of the key components ofCanadian sovereignty and sits at the core ofCanada's constitutional federal structure andWestminster-styleparliamentarydemocracy.^[6] The monarchy is the foundation of theexecutive (King-in-Council),legislative (King-in-Parliament), andjudicial (King-on-the-Bench) branches of bothfederal andprovincial jurisdictions.^[10] The current monarch is KingCharles III, who has reigned since 8 September 2022.^[17]

King ofCanada
Roi du Canada
Federal
Arms of the King of Canada
Incumbent
Charles III since 8 September 2022
Details
Style	His Majesty
Heir apparent	William, Prince of Wales[1]
Website	canada.ca/monarchy-crown

Although the sovereign isshared with14 other independent countries within theCommonwealth of Nations, each country's monarchy is separate and legally distinct.^[22] As a result, the current monarch is officially titledKing of Canada and, in this capacity, he and other members of the royal family undertake public and private functions domestically and abroad as representatives of Canada. However, the monarch is the only member of the royal family with anyconstitutional role. The monarch lives in the United Kingdom and, while several powers are the sovereign's alone,^[23] most of the royal governmental and ceremonial duties in Canada are carried out by the monarch's representative, thegovernor general of Canada.^[27] In each ofCanada's provinces,the monarchy is represented by alieutenant governor. As territories fall under the federal jurisdiction, they each have a commissioner, rather than a lieutenant governor, who represents the federalCrown-in-Council directly.

All executive authority is vested in the sovereign, so the monarch's consent is necessary forletters patent andorders-in-council to have legal effect. As well, the monarch is part of the Parliament of Canada, soroyal assent is required to allow forbills to become law. While the power for these acts stems from the Canadian people through the constitutionalconventions of democracy,^[28] executive authority remains vested inthe Crown and is only entrusted by the sovereign to the government on behalf of the people. This underlines the Crown's role in safeguarding the rights, freedoms, and democratic system of government of Canadians, reinforcing the fact that "governments are the servants of the people and not the reverse".^[29][30] Thus, within Canada'sconstitutional monarchy the sovereign's direct participation in any of these areas of governance is normally limited, with the sovereign typically exercising executive authority only with theadvice and consent of theCabinet of Canada, and the sovereign's legislative and judicial responsibilities largely carried out through theParliament of Canada as well as judges andjustices of the peace.^[29] There are, though, cases where the sovereign or their representative would have a duty to act directly and independently under thedoctrine of necessity to prevent genuinely unconstitutional acts.^[31][32] In these respects, the sovereign and his viceroys are custodians of the Crown'sreserve powers and represent the "power of the people above government and political parties".^[33][34] Put another way, the Crown functions as the guarantor of Canada's continuous and stablegovernance and as anonpartisan safeguard against theabuse of power.^[37]

Canada has been described as "one of the oldest continuing monarchies in the world" of today.^[19][38] Parts of what is now Canada have been under a monarchy since as early as the 15th century as a result of colonial settlement and often competing claims made on territory in the name of the English (and later British) and French crowns.^{[n 1]} Monarchical government has developed as the result ofcolonization by theFrench colonial empire andBritish Empire competing for territory in North America and a correspondingsuccession of French and British sovereigns reigning overNew France andBritish America, respectively. As a result of theconquest of New France, claims by French monarchs were extinguished and what becameBritish North America came under the hegemony of the British monarchy which ultimately evolved into the Canadian monarchy of today.^[53] With the exception ofNewfoundland from1649 to 1660, no part of what is now Canada has been a republic or part of a republic;^[54] though, there have been isolated calls for the country to become one. The Crown, however, is considered to be "entrenched" into the governmental framework.^[58] The institution that is Canada's system of constitutional monarchy is sometimescolloquially referred to as theMaple Crown^{[n 2]} orCrown of Maples,^[62] Canada having developed a "recognizably Canadian brand of monarchy".^[63]

Though not part of the Canadian monarchy, either past or present, Canada has an even older tradition ofhereditary chieftainship in someFirst Nations, which has been likened tonon-sovereign monarchy and today exists in parallel with the Canadian Crown and individualband governments. All three entities are components of the nation-to-nationrelationship between the Crown and First Nations in upholding treaty rights and obligations developed over the centuries.^{[citation needed]}

The monarch is shared in apersonal union with 14 otherCommonwealth realms within the 56-memberCommonwealth of Nations. As he resides^{[64][65][66][67]} in the United Kingdom,viceroys (thegovernor general of Canada in the federal sphere and alieutenant governor in each province) represent the sovereign in Canada and are able to carry out most of the royal governmental duties, even when the monarch is in the country^{[n 3]} Nevertheless, the monarch can carry out Canadian constitutional and ceremonial duties abroad.^{[n 4][n 5]}

The evolution of the role of the governor general from being both a representative of the sovereign and an "agent of the British government" who " in matters deemed to be of 'imperial' concern... acted on the instructions of the BritishColonial Office"^[72] to being solely a representative of the monarch developed with a rise inCanadian nationalism following the end of theFirst World War culminating in the passage of theStatute of Westminster in 1931.^[73][74] Since then, the Crown has had both a shared and a separate character: the sovereign's role as monarch of Canada has been distinct from his or her position as monarch of any other realm,^{[n 4][78]} including the United Kingdom.^{[n 6][84]} Only Canadian federalministers of the Crown may advise the sovereign on any and all matters of the Canadian state,^{[n 7][90]} of which the sovereign, when not in Canada, is kept abreast by weekly communications with the federal viceroy.^[91] The monarchy thus ceased to be an exclusively British institution and, in Canada, became a Canadian,^[95] or "domesticated",^[96] establishment, though it is still often denoted as "British" in both legal and common language,^[46] for reasons historical, political, and of convenience.

This division is illustrated in a number of ways: The sovereign, for example, holdsa unique Canadian title and,^[97] when he and other members of the royal family are acting in public specifically as representatives of Canada, they use, where possible, Canadian symbols, including the country'snational flag,unique royal symbols,armed forces uniforms,^[102] and the like, as well as Canadian Forces aircraft or other Canadian-owned vehicles for travel.^[103] Once in Canadian airspace, or arrived at a Canadian event taking place abroad, theCanadian secretary to the King, officers of theRoyal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), and other Canadian officials will take over from whichever of their other realms' counterparts were previously escorting the King or other member of the royal family.^[103][104]

The sovereign similarly only draws from Canadian funds for support in the performance of his duties when in Canada or acting as King of Canada abroad; Canadians do not pay any money to the King or any other member of the royal family, either towards personal income or to support royal residences outside of Canada.^[105][106]

There are five aspects to the monarchy of Canada: constitutional (such as the use of theroyal prerogative in summoning and dissolving parliament, grantingroyal assent), national (delivering theSpeech from the Throne and theRoyal Christmas Message, distributing honours, decorations, and medals, and partaking inRemembrance Day ceremonies), international (the monarch being head of state in other Commonwealth realms, and being thehead of the Commonwealth), religious (the wordsby the grace of God in themonarch's title, theAct of Settlement, 1701, requiring the sovereign to be Anglican, and the monarch encouraging people "to tolerate, accept, and understand cultures, beliefs, and faiths different from our own"), and the welfare and service monarchy (seen in members of theroyal family founding charities and supporting others, fundraising for charity, andgiving royal patronage to civil and military organizations).^[107]

As in the otherCommonwealth realms, the currentheir apparent tothe Canadian throne isWilliam, Prince of Wales, who is followed in the line of succession by his eldest child,Prince George.

Upon the death of the monarch, there is an immediate and automatic succession by the late sovereign's heir;^[110] hence the phrase, "the King is dead. Long live the King".^[111][112] No confirmation or further ceremony is necessary. The federalcabinet andcivil service follow theManual of Official Procedure of the Government of Canada in carrying out various formalities around the transition.^[113]

By custom, the accession of a new monarch is publiclyproclaimed by the governor general-in-council, who meet atRideau Hall immediately upon the previous monarch's death.^[113] Since the adoption of the Statute of Westminster it has been considered "constitutionally inappropriate" for Canada's accession proclamations to be approved by a British order-in-council,^[76] as the monarch has, since then, assumed the Canadian throne according to Canadian law. For the accession of Charles III, the first since the creation of theCanadian Heraldic Authority in 1989, theChief Herald read the royal proclamation aloud. If Parliament is in session, the Prime Minister will announce the demise of the Crown there andmove for ajoint address of sympathy and loyalty to the new monarch.^[113]

A period ofmourning also follows, during which portraits of the recently deceased monarch are draped with black fabric and staff at government houses wearblack armbands. TheManual of Official Procedure of the Government of Canada states theprime minister is responsible for convening Parliament, tabling a resolution of loyalty and condolence from Parliament to the new monarch, and arranging for the motion to be seconded by theleader of the official opposition.^[108][114] The prime minister will then move to adjourn Parliament.^[108][114] TheCanadian Broadcasting Corporation keeps a regularly updated plan for a "broadcast of national importance", announcing the demise of a sovereign and covering the aftermath, during which all regular programming and advertising is cancelled and on-call commentators contribute to a 24-hour news mode.^[108] As funerals for Canada's sovereigns, as well as for their consorts, take place in the United Kingdom,^[115]commemoration services are conducted by the federal and provincial governments across Canada.^[115][116] Such ceremonies may also be held for other recently deceased members of the royal family. The day of the sovereign's funeral is likely to be a federal holiday.^[108][117]

The new monarch iscrowned in the United Kingdom in an ancient ritual but one not necessary for a sovereign to reign.^{[n 8]} Under the federalInterpretation Act,^[113] officials who hold a federal office under the Crown are not affected by the death of the monarch, nor are they required to take theOath of Allegiance again.^[118] In some provinces, though, those holding Crown offices must swear the Oath to the new sovereign.^[119] All references in federal legislation to previous monarchs, whether in the masculine (e.g.His Majesty) or feminine (e.g.The Queen), continue to mean the reigning sovereign of Canada, regardless of his or her gender.^[120] This is because, in common law,the Crown never dies. After an individual accedes to the throne, he or she usually continues to reign until death.^{[n 9]}

The relationship between the Commonwealth realms is such that any change to the rules of succession to their respective crowns requires the unanimous consent of all the realms. Succession is governed by statutes, such as theBill of Rights, 1689, theAct of Settlement, 1701, and theActs of Union, 1707.

King Edward VIII abdicated in 1936 and any possible future descendants of his were excluded from the line of succession.^[121] TheBritish government at the time, wishing for speed so as to avoid embarrassing debate in Dominion parliaments, suggested that the governments of the Dominions of the British Commonwealth—then Australia, New Zealand, theIrish Free State, theUnion of South Africa, and Canada—regard whoever was monarch of the UK to automatically be monarch of their respective Dominion. As with the other Dominion governments, the Canadian Cabinet, headed by Prime MinisterWilliam Lyon Mackenzie King, refused to accept the idea and stressed that the laws of succession were part of Canadian law and, as the Statute of Westminster 1931 disallowed the UK from legislating for Canada, including in relation to succession,^[122] altering them required Canada's request and consent to the British legislation (His Majesty's Declaration of Abdication Act, 1936) becoming part of Canadian law.^[123] SirMaurice Gwyer,first parliamentary counsel in the UK, reflected this position, stating theAct of Settlement was a part of the law in each Dominion.^[123] Thus, Order-in-Council P.C. 3144^[124] was issued, expressing the Cabinet's request and consent forHis Majesty's Declaration of Abdication Act, 1936, to become part of the laws of Canada and theSuccession to the Throne Act, 1937, gave parliamentary ratification to that action, together bringing theAct of Settlement andRoyal Marriages Act, 1772, into Canadian law.^[125][126] The latter was deemed by the Cabinet in 1947 to be part of Canadian law.^{[n 10][127]} TheDepartment of External Affairs included all succession-related laws in its list of acts within Canadian law.

TheSupreme Court of Canada declared unanimously in the 1981Patriation Reference that theBill of Rights, 1689, is "undoubtedly in force as part of the law of Canada".^[129][130] Furthermore, inO'Donohue v. Canada (2003) theOntario Superior Court of Justice found that theAct of Settlement, 1701, is "part of the laws of Canada" and the rules of succession are "by necessity incorporated into the Constitution of Canada".^[131] Another ruling of the Ontario Superior Court, in 2014, echoed the 2003 case, stating that theAct of Settlement "is an imperial statute which ultimately became part of the law of Canada."^[132] Upon dismissing appeal of that case, the Court of Appeal of Ontario stated "[t]he rules of succession are a part of the fabric of the constitution of Canada and incorporated into it".^[133]

In a meeting of the Special Joint Committee on the Constitution during the process ofpatriating the Canadian constitution in 1981,John Munro asked then-Minister of JusticeJean Chrétien about the "selective omissions" of theSuccession to the Throne Act, 1937, theDemise of the Crown Act, 1901, theSeals Act, theGovernor General's Act, and theRoyal Style and Titles Act, 1953, from the schedule to theConstitution Act, 1982. In response, Chrétien asserted that the schedule to theConstitution Act, 1982, was not exhaustive, outlining that section 52(2) of theConstitution Act, 1982, says "[t]he Constitution of Canada includes [...] the acts and orders referred to the schedule" and "[w]hen you use the word 'includes' [...] it means that if ever there is another thing related to the Canadian constitution as part of it, should have been there, or might have been there, it is covered. So we do not have to renumerate [sic] the ones that you are mentioning."^[134] In the same meeting, Deputy Attorney GeneralBarry Strayer stated: "Clause 52(2) is not an exhaustive definition of the Constitution of Canada so that while we have certain things listed in the schedule which are clearly part of the constitution, that does not mean that there are not other things which are part of the constitution [...] [The schedule] is not an exhaustive list."^[134]

Leslie Zines claimed in the 1991 publication,Constitutional Change in the Commonwealth, that, though the succession to Canada's throne was outlined by common law and theAct of Settlement, 1701, these were not part of the Canadian constitution, which "does not contain rules for succession to the throne."^[135] Richard Toporoski, writing three years later for theMonarchist League of Canada, stated, "there is no existing provision in our law, other than theAct of Settlement, 1701, that provides that the king or queen of Canada shall be the same person as the king or queen of the United Kingdom. If the British law were to be changed and we did not change our law [...] the person provided for in the new law would become king or queen in at least some realms of the Commonwealth; Canada would continue on with the person who would have become monarch under the previous law."^[136]

Canada, with the other Commonwealth realms, committed to the 2011Perth Agreement, which proposed changes to the rules governing succession to remove male preference and removal of disqualification arising from marriage to a Roman Catholic. As a result, the Canadian Parliament passed theSuccession to the Throne Act, 2013, which gave the country's assent to theSuccession to the Crown Bill, at that time proceeding in the Parliament of the United Kingdom. In dismissing a challenge to the law on the basis that a change to the succession in Canada would require unanimous consent of all provinces under section 41(a) of theConstitution Act, 1982, Quebec Superior Court Justice Claude Bouchard ruled that Canada "did not have to change its laws nor its constitution for the British royal succession rules to be amended and effective" andconstitutional convention committed Canada to having a line of succession symmetrical to those of other Commonwealth realms.^[137][138] The ruling was upheld by theQuebec Court of Appeal.^[139] The Supreme Court of Canada declined to hear an appeal in April 2020.^[140]

Constitutional scholar Philippe Lagassé argues that, in light of theSuccession to the Throne Act, 2013, and court rulings upholding that law, section 41(a) of theConstitution Act, 1982, which requires a constitutional amendment passed with the unanimous consent of the provinces, applies only to the "office of the Queen", but not who holds that office, and that therefore "ending the principle of symmetry with the United Kingdom can be done with the general amending procedure, or even by Parliament alone under section 44 of theConstitution Act, 1982."^[140][141]

Ted McWhinney, another constitutional scholar, argued that a then-future government of Canada could begin a process of phasing out the monarchy after thedeath of Elizabeth II "quietly and without fanfare by simply failing legally to proclaim any successor to the Queen in relation to Canada". This would, he claimed, be a way of bypassing the need for a constitutional amendment that would require unanimous consent by the federal Parliament and all the provincial legislatures.^[142] However, Ian Holloway, Dean of Law at theUniversity of Western Ontario, criticized McWhinney's proposal for its ignorance of provincial input and opined that its implementation "would be contrary to the plain purpose of those who framed our system of government."^[143]

Certain aspects of the succession rules have been challenged in the courts. For example, under the provisions of theBill of Rights, 1689, and theAct of Settlement, 1701, Catholics are barred from succeeding to the throne; this prohibition has been upheld twice by Canadian courts, once in2003 and again in 2014.^[148] Legal scholar Christopher Cornell of theSMU Dedman School of Law concluded "that the prohibition on the Canadian Monarch being Catholic, while discriminatory, is perfectly-if not fundamentally-constitutional" and that if the prohibition is "to be changed or removed it will have to be accomplished politically and legislatively through another multilateral agreement similar to the Perth Agreement rather than judicially through the courts."^[149]

Canada has no laws allowing for aregency, should the sovereign be aminor or debilitated;^[91] none have been passed by the Canadian Parliament and it was made clear by successive cabinets since 1937 that the United Kingdom'sRegency Act had no applicability to Canada,^[91] as the Canadian Cabinet had not requested otherwise when the act was passed that year and again in 1943 and 1953. As theLetters Patent, 1947, issued by King George VI permit the governor general of Canada to exercise almost all of the monarch's powers in respect of Canada, the viceroy is expected to continue to act as the personal representative of the monarch, and not any regent, even if the monarch is a child or incapacitated.^[152]

This has led to the question of whether the governor general has the ability to remove themselves and appoint their viceregal successor in the monarch's name. While Lagassé argued that appears to be the case,^[141] both theCanadian Manual of Official Procedures, published in 1968, and the Privy Council Office took the opposite opinion.^[153][154] Lagassé and Patrick Baud claimed changes could be made to regulations to allow a governor general to appoint the next governor general;^[155] Christopher McCreery, however, criticised the theory, arguing it is impractical to suggest that a governor general would remove him or herself on ministerial advice,^[156] with the consequence that, if a prolonged regency occurred, it would remove one of the checks and balances in the constitution.^[157] The intent expressed whenever the matter of regency came up among Commonwealth realm heads of government was that the relevant parliament (other than the United Kingdom's) would pass a bill if the need for a regency arose and the pertinent governor-general would already be empowered to grant royal assent to it.^[158] The governor general appointing their successor is not a power that has been utilized to date.^[141]

The followingstate and official visits to foreign countries have been made by the monarch as the sovereign of Canada (sometimes representing other realms on the same visit):

The origins ofCanadian sovereignty lie in the early 17th century, during which time the monarch in England fought with parliament there over who had ultimate authority, culminating in theGlorious Revolution in 1688 and the subsequentBill of Rights, 1689, which, as mentioned elsewhere in this article, is today part of Canadian constitutional law. This brought to Canada the British notion of thesupremacy of parliament—of which the monarch is a part—and it was carried into each of the provinces upon the implementation ofresponsible government. That, however, was superseded when theCharter of Rights and Freedoms (within theConstitution Act, 1982) introduced into Canada the American idea of thesupremacy of the law.^[182] Still, the King remains thesovereign of Canada.^{[n 11][184]}

Canada's monarchy was established at Confederation, when its executive government and authority were declared, in section 9 of theConstitution Act, 1867, to continue and be vested in the monarch. Placing such power, along with legislative power, with the tangible, living Queen, rather than the abstract and inanimate Crown, was a deliberate choice by the framers of the constitution.^[185] Still, the Crown is the foundation of the country^[186][187] as "the very centre of [Canada's] constitution and democracy."^[186] Although Canada is a federation, the Canadian monarchy is unitary throughout all jurisdictions in the country,^[188] the sovereignty of the different administrations being passed on through the overreaching Crown itself as a part of the executive, legislative, and judicial operations in each of the federal and provincial spheres^[189] and theheadship of state being a part of all equally.^[188] The Crown thus links the various governments into a federal state,^[8] while it is simultaneously also "divided" into 11 legal jurisdictions, or 11 "crowns"—one federal and 10 provincial^[190]—with the monarch taking on a distinctlegal persona in each.^{[n 12][n 13]} As such, the constitution instructs that any change to the position of the monarch or his or her representatives in Canada requires the consent of theSenate, theHouse of Commons, and the legislative assemblies of all the provinces.^[193] The Crown, being shared and balanced,^[187] provides the bedrock upon which all of Canada's different regions and peoples can live together peacefully^[194] and was said by David E. Smith, in 2017, to be the "keystone of the constitutional architecture" of Canada.^[195]

The Crown is located beyond politics, existing to give authority to and protect the constitution and system of governance.^[186] Power, therefore, rests with an institution that "functions to safeguard it on behalf of all its citizens", rather than any singular individual.^[196] The sovereign and his representatives typically "act by 'not acting'"^{[n 14]}—holding power, but, not exercising it—both because they are unelected figures and to maintain their neutrality, "deliberately, insistently, and resolutely",^[198] in case they have to be an impartial arbiter in a constitutional crisis and ensure that normal democratic discourse can resume.^[201] Consequently, the Crown performs two functions:^[202] as a unifying symbol and a protector of democratic rights and freedoms,^[187] "tightly woven into the fabric of the Canadian constitution."^[202]

At the same time, a number of freedoms granted by the constitution to all other Canadians are denied to, or limited for, the monarch and the other senior members of the royal family: freedom of religion, freedom of expression, freedom to travel, freedom to choose a career, freedom to marry, and freedom of privacy and family life.^[203]

While the Crown is empowered by statute and theroyal prerogative, it also enjoys inherent powers not granted by either.^[204] TheCourt of Appeal of British Columbia ruled in 1997 that "the Crown has the capacities and powers of a natural person"^[205] and its actions as a natural person are, as with the actions of any natural person, subject to judicial review.^[206] Further, it was determined inR. v Secretary of State for Health the ex parte C that, "as a matter of capacity, no doubt, [the Crown] has power to do whatever a private person can do. But, as an organ of government, it can only exercise those powers for the public benefit, and for identifiably 'governmental' purposes within limits set by the law."^[207] Similarly, use of the royal prerogative is justiciable,^[208] though, only when the "subject matter affects the rights or legitimate expectations of an individual".^[209]

The governor general is appointed by the monarch on the advice of his federal prime minister and the lieutenant governors are appointed by the governor general on the advice of the federal prime minister. Thecommissioners of Canada's territories are appointed by the federal governor-in-council, at the recommendation of theminister of Crown–Indigenous relations, but, as the territories are not sovereign entities, the commissioners are not personal representatives of the sovereign. TheAdvisory Committee on Vice-Regal Appointments, which may seek input from the relevant premier and provincial or territorial community, proposes candidates for appointment as governor general, lieutenant governor, and commissioner.^[210][211]

It has been held since 1918 that the federal Crown is immune from provincial law.^[212] Constitutional convention has also held that the Crown in right of each province is outside the jurisdiction of the courts in other provinces. This view, however, has been questioned.^[213]

Lieutenant governors do not enjoy the same immunity as the sovereign in matters not relating to the powers of the viceregal office, as decided in the case of former Lieutenant Governor of QuebecLise Thibault, who had been accused of misappropriating public funds.^[214]

As the living embodiment ofthe Crown,^[120][215] the sovereign is regarded as thepersonification of the Canadianstate^{[n 15][229]} and is meant to represent all Canadians, regardless of political affiliation.^[230] As such, he, along with his or her viceregal representatives, must "remain strictly neutral in political terms".^[94]

The person of the reigning sovereign thus holds two distinct personas in constant coexistence, an ancient theory of the "King's two bodies"—the body natural (subject to infirmity and death) and the body politic (which never dies).^[231] The Crown and the monarch are "conceptually divisible but legally indivisible [...] The office cannot exist without the office-holder",^{[n 16][77]} so, even in private, the monarch is always "on duty".^[220] The termsthe state,the Crown,^[233]the Crown in Right of Canada,His Majesty the King in Right of Canada (French:Sa Majesté le Roi du chef du Canada),^[234] and similar are all synonymous and the monarch'slegal personality is sometimes referred to simply asCanada.^[222][235]

The monarch is at the apex of theCanadian order of precedence and, as the embodiment of the state, is also the focus of oaths of allegiance,^{[n 17][239]} required of many of the aforementioned employees of the Crown, as well as by newcitizens, as by theOath of Citizenship. Allegiance is given inreciprocation to the sovereign'sCoronation Oath,^[240] wherein he or she promises to govern the people of Canada "according to their respective laws and customs".^[241]

Although it has been argued that the termhead of state is a republican one inapplicable in a constitutional monarchy such as Canada, where the monarch is the embodiment of the state and thus cannot be head of it,^[220] the sovereign is regarded by official government sources,^[245] judges,^[246] constitutional scholars,^[222][247] and pollsters as the head of state,^[248] while the governor general and lieutenant governors are all only representatives of, and thus equally subordinate to, that figure.^[249] Some governors general, their staff, government publications,^[222] and constitutional scholars like Ted McWhinney and C.E.S. Franks have,^[250][251] however, referred to the position of governor general as that of Canada's head of state;^[252][253] though, sometimes qualifying the assertion withde facto oreffective;^[257] Franks has hence recommended that the governor general be named officially as the head of state.^[251] Still others view the role of head of state as being shared by both the sovereign and his viceroys.^[261] Since 1927, governors general have been received onstate visits abroad as though they were heads of state.^[262]

Officials at Rideau Hall have attempted to use theLetters Patent, 1947, as justification for describing the governor general as head of state. However, the document makes no such distinction,^[263] nor does it effect an abdication of the sovereign's powers in favour of the viceroy,^[91] as it only allows the governor general to "act on the Queen's behalf".^[264][265] D. Michael Jackson, former Chief of Protocol of Saskatchewan, argued that Rideau Hall had been attempting to "recast" the governor general as head of state since the 1970s and doing so preempted both the Queen and all of the lieutenant governors.^[249] This caused not only "precedence wars" at provincial events (where the governor general usurped the lieutenant governor's proper spot as most senior official in attendance)^[266][267] and Governor General Adrienne Clarkson to accord herself precedence before the Queen at a national occasion,^[268] but also constitutional issues by "unbalancing [...] the federalist symmetry".^[188][269] This has been regarded as both a natural evolution and as a dishonest effort to alter the constitution without public scrutiny.^[263][270]

In a poll conducted byIpsos-Reid following thefirst prorogation of the 40th parliament on 4 December 2008, it was found that 42 per cent of the sample group thought the prime minister was head of state, while 33 per cent felt it was the governor general. Only 24 per cent named the Queen as head of state,^[248] a number up from 2002, when the results of anEKOS Research Associates survey showed only 5 per cent of those polled knew the Queen was head of state (69 per cent answered that it was the prime minister).^[271]

TheArms of His Majesty the King in Right of Canada is thearms of dominion of the Canadian monarch and, thus, equally the officialcoat of arms of Canada^[272][273] and a symbol ofnational sovereignty.^[274] It is closely modelled after theroyal coat of arms of the United Kingdom, with French and distinctive Canadian elements replacing or added to those derived from the British version, which was employed in Canada before the granting of the Canadian arms in 1921.^[275]

Theroyal standard is the monarch's official flag, which depicts the royal arms inbanner form.^[276] It takes precedence above all other flags in Canada—including thenational flag and those of the other members of the royal family^[44]—and is typically flown from buildings, vessels, and vehicles in which the sovereign is present (although exceptions have been made for its use when the monarch is not in attendance). The royal standard is never flown at half-mast because there is always a sovereign: when one dies, his or her successor becomes the sovereign instantly. Elements of the royal arms have also been incorporated into thegovernor general's flag; similarly, theflags of the lieutenant governors employ the shields of the relevant provincial coat of arms.

Canada's constitution is based on theWestminster parliamentary model, wherein the role of the King is both legal and practical, but not political.^[94] The sovereign is vested with all the powers of state, collectively known as theroyal prerogative,^[277] leading the populace to be considered subjects of the Crown.^[278] However, as the sovereign's power stems fromthe people^[30][279] and the monarch is aconstitutional one, he or she does not rule alone, as in anabsolute monarchy. Instead, the Crown is regarded as acorporation sole, with the monarch being the centre of a construct in which the power of the whole is shared by multiple institutions of government^[186]—theexecutive,legislative, andjudicial^[9]—acting under the sovereign's authority,^[222][280] which is entrusted for exercise by the politicians (the elected and appointed parliamentarians and the ministers of the Crown generally drawn from among them) and thejudges andjustices of the peace.^[29] The monarchy has thus been described as the underlying principle of Canada's institutional unity and the monarch as a "guardian of constitutional freedoms"^[48][237] whose "job is to ensure that the political process remains intact and is allowed to function."^[94]

TheGreat Seal of Canada "signifies the power and authority of the Crown flowing from the sovereign to [the] parliamentary government"^[281] and is applied to state documents such as royal proclamations and letters patent commissioning Cabinet ministers, senators, judges, and other senior government officials.^[282] The "lending" of royal authority to Cabinet is illustrated by the great seal being entrusted by the governor general, the official keeper of the seal, to theminister of innovation, science, and economic development, who isex officio theregistrar general of Canada.^[282] Upon a change of government, the seal is temporarily returned to the governor general and then "lent" to the next incoming registrar general.^[281]

The Crown is the pinnacle of theCanadian Armed Forces, with the constitution placing the monarch in the position ofcommander-in-chief of the entire force, though the governor general carries out the duties attached to the position and also bears the title ofCommander-in-Chief in and over Canada.^[283]

Thegovernment of Canada—formally termedHis Majesty's Government^[284]—is defined by the constitution as the King acting on theadvice of his Privy Council;^[287] what is technically known as theKing-in-Council,^[8] or sometimes theGovernor-in-Council,^[120] referring to the governor general as the King's stand-in, though, a few tasks must be specifically performed by, or bills that require assent from, the King.^[290] One of the main duties of the Crown is to "ensure that a democratically elected government is always in place,"^[260] which means appointing aprime minister to thereafter head theCabinet^[291]—a committee of the Privy Council charged with advising the Crown on the exercise of the royal prerogative.^[286] The monarch is informed by his viceroy of the swearing-in and resignation of prime ministers and other members of the ministry,^[291] remains fully briefed through regular communications from his Canadian ministers, and holds audience with them whenever possible.^[242] By convention, the content of these communications and meetings remains confidential so as to protect the impartiality of the monarch and his representative.^[94][292] The appropriateness and viability of this tradition in an age ofsocial media has been questioned.^[293][294]

In the construct of constitutional monarchy andresponsible government, the ministerial advice tendered is typically binding,^[295] meaning the monarchreigns but does notrule,^[296] the Cabinet ruling "in trust" for the monarch.^[297] This has been the case in Canada since theTreaty of Paris ended the reign of the territory's lastabsolute monarch, KingLouis XV of France. However, the royal prerogative belongs to the Crown and not to any of the ministers^[299] and the royal and viceroyal figures may unilaterally use these powers in exceptionalconstitutional crisis situations (an exercise of thereserve powers),^{[n 18]} thereby allowing the monarch to make sure "the government conducts itself in compliance with the constitution";^[260] he and the viceroys being guarantors of the government's constitutional, as opposed to democratic, legitimacy and must ensure the continuity of such.^[300] Use of the royal prerogative in this manner was seen whenthe Governor General refused his prime minister's advice to dissolve Parliament in 1926 and when, in 2008, the Governor General took some hours to decide whether or not to accept her Prime Minister's advice to prorogue Parliament to avoid a vote of non-confidence.^[301][302] The prerogative powers have also beenused numerous times in the provinces.^[301]

The royal prerogative further extends to foreign affairs, including the ratification of treaties, alliances, international agreements, anddeclarations of war,^[303] the accreditation of Canadian high commissioners and ambassadors and receipt of similar diplomats from foreign states,^[304][305] and the issuance ofCanadian passports,^[306] which remain the sovereign's property.^[307] It also includes the creation ofdynastic andnationalhonours,^[308] though only the latter are established on official ministerial advice.

All laws in Canada are the monarch's and the sovereign is one of the three components of the Parliament of Canada^[309][310]—formally called theKing-in-Parliament^[8]—but, the monarch and viceroy do not participate in the legislative process, save forroyal consent, typically expressed by a minister of the Crown,^[311] androyal assent, which is necessary for a bill to be enacted as law. Either figure or a delegate may perform this task and the constitution allows the viceroy the option of deferring assent to the sovereign.^[312]

The governor general is further responsible for summoning the House of Commons, while either the viceroy or monarch canprorogue anddissolve the legislature, after which the governor general usuallycalls for a general election. This element of the royal prerogative is unaffected by legislation"fixing" election dates, asAn Act to Amend the Canada Elections Act specifies that it does not curtail the Crown's powers.^[313] The new parliamentary session is marked by either the monarch, governor general, or some other representative reading theSpeech from the Throne.^[314] Members of Parliament must recite the Oath of Allegiance before they may take their seat. Further, theofficial opposition is traditionally dubbed asHis Majesty's Loyal Opposition,^[317] illustrating that, while its members are opposed to the incumbent government, they remain loyal to the sovereign (as personification of the state and its authority).^[318]

The monarch does not have the prerogative to impose and collect new taxes without the authorization of anact of Parliament. The consent of the Crown must, however, be obtained before either of the houses of Parliament may even debate a bill affecting the sovereign's prerogatives or interests and no act of Parliament binds the King or his rights unless the act states that it does.^[319]

The sovereign is responsible for rendering justice for all his subjects and is thus traditionally deemed thefount of justice^[320] and his position in theCanadian courts formally dubbed theKing on the Bench.^[8] TheArms of His Majesty in Right of Canada are traditionally displayed in Canadian courtrooms,^[321] as is a portrait of the sovereign.^[322] Thebadge of the Supreme Court also bears a St. Edward's Crown to symbolize the source of the court's authority.

The monarch does not personally rule in judicial cases; this function of theroyal prerogative is instead performed in trust and in the King's name by officers of His Majesty's court.^[320] Common law holds the notion that the sovereign "can do no wrong": the monarch cannot be prosecuted in his own courts—judged by himself—for criminal offences under his own laws.^[323] Canada inherited the common law version of Crown immunity from British law.^[324] However, over time, the scope of said immunity has been steadily reduced by statute law. With the passage of relevant legislation through the provincial and federal parliaments, the Crown in its public capacity (that is, lawsuits against the King-in-Council), in all areas of Canada, is now liable intort, as any normal person would be.^[324] In international cases, as a sovereign and under established principles ofinternational law, the King of Canada is not subject to suit in foreign courts without his express consent.^[325]

Within the royal prerogative is also the granting of immunity from prosecution,^[326] mercy, andpardoning offences against the Crown.^[327][328] Since 1878, the prerogative of pardon has always been exercised upon the recommendation of ministers.^[329]

Included in Canada's constitution are the various treaties between the Crown and Canada'sFirst Nations,Inuit, andMétis peoples, who, like theMāori and theTreaty of Waitangi in New Zealand,^[330] generally view the affiliation as being not between them and the ever-changing Cabinet, but instead with the continuous Crown of Canada, as embodied in the reigning sovereign,^[331] meaning the link between monarch and Indigenous peoples in Canada will theoretically last for "as long as the sun shines, grass grows, and rivers flow."^[332][333]

The association stretches back to thefirst decisions betweenNorth American Indigenous peoples and European colonialists and, over centuries of interface,treaties were established concerning the monarch and indigenous nations. The only treaties that survived theAmerican Revolution are those in Canada, which date to the beginning of the 18th century. Today, the main guide for relations between the monarchy and Canadian First Nations is KingGeorge III'sRoyal Proclamation of 1763;^[334][335] while not a treaty, it is regarded by First Nations as theirMagna Carta or "Indianbill of rights",^[335][336] as it affirmed native title to their lands and made clear that, though under thesovereignty of the Crown, the aboriginal bands were autonomous political units in a "nation-to-nation" association with non-native governments,^[337][338] with the monarch as the intermediary.^[339] The agreements with the Crown are administered byaboriginal law and overseen by theminister of Crown-Indigenous relations.^[340][341]

The link between the Crown and Indigenous peoples will sometimes be symbolically expressed through ceremony.^[343] Gifts have been frequently exchanged and aboriginal titles have been bestowed upon royal and viceregal figures since the early days of indigenous contact with the Crown.^[348] As far back as 1710, Indigenous leaders have met to discuss treaty business with royal family members or viceroys in private audience and many continue to use their connection to the Crown to further their political aims;^[349] public ceremonies attended by the monarch or another member of the royal family have been employed as a platform on which to present complaints, witnessed by both national and international cameras.^[352] Following country-wideprotests, beginning in 2012, and the close of theTruth and Reconciliation Commission in 2015, focus turned toward rapprochement between the nations in the nation-to-nation relationship.^[359]

The hereditary chiefs are leaders withinFirst Nations who represent different houses or clans and whose chieftaincies are passed down intergenerationally; most First Nations have a hereditary system.^[360] The positions are rooted in traditional models ofIndigenous governance that predate thecolonization of Canada^[361][362] and are organized in a fashion similar to theoccidental idea of monarchy.^[367] Indeed, early European explorers often considered territories belonging to different aboriginal groups to be kingdoms—such as along the north shore of theSt. Lawrence River, between the Trinity River and theIsle-aux-Coudres, and the neighbouring "kingdom of Canada", which stretched west to theIsland of Montreal^[368]—and the leaders of these communities were referred to as kings,^[349] particularly those chosen through heredity.^[369][370]

Today, the hereditary chiefs are not sovereign; according to theSupreme Court of Canada, the Crown holds sovereignty over the whole of Canada, including reservation and traditional lands.^[374] However, by some interpretations of case law from the same court, the chiefs have jurisdiction overtraditional territories that fall outside ofband-controlledreservation land,^[375][376] beyond the elected band councils established by theIndian Act.^[377][378] Although recognized by, and accountable to, the federal Crown-in-Council (theGovernment of Canada), band chiefs do not hold the cultural authority of hereditary chiefs, who often serve as knowledge-keepers, responsible for the upholding of a First Nation'straditional customs, legal systems, and cultural practices.^[381] When serving as Lieutenant Governor of British Columbia,Judith Guichon postulated that the role of hereditary chiefs mirrored that of Canada's constitutional monarch, being the representative of "sober second thought and wisdom, not the next political cycle; but, rather, enduring truths and the evolution of our nation through generations."^[366] For these reasons, the Crown maintains formal relations with Canada's hereditary chiefs, including on matters relating to treaty rights and obligations.^[382]

Members of the royal family have been present in Canada since the late 18th century, their reasons including participating in military manoeuvres, serving as the federal viceroy, or undertaking official royal tours, which "reinforce [the] country's collective heritage".^[383] At least one royal tour has been conducted every year between 1957 and 2018.^[384]

The "welfare and service" function of the monarchy is regarded as an important part of the modern monarchy's role and demonstrates a significant change to the institution in recent generations, from a heavily ceremonialized, imperial crown to a "more demotic and visible" head of state "interacting with the general population far beyond confined court circles."^[385] As such, a prominent feature of tours are royal walkabouts; a tradition initiated in 1939 byQueen Elizabeth when she was in Ottawa and broke from the royal party to speak directly to gathered veterans.^[386][387] Usually important milestones, anniversaries, or celebrations ofCanadian culture will warrant the presence of the monarch,^[386] while other members of the royal family will be asked to participate in lesser occasions. Ahousehold to assist and tend to the monarch forms part of the royal party.

Official duties involve the sovereignrepresenting the Canadian state at home or abroad, or her relations as members of theroyal family participating in government organized ceremonies either in Canada or elsewhere;^{[n 19][409]} sometimes these individuals are employed in asserting Canada's sovereignty over its territories.^{[n 20]} The advice of the Canadian Cabinet is the impetus for royal participation in any Canadian event, though, at present, the Chief of Protocol and his staff in theDepartment of Canadian Heritage are, as part of the State Ceremonial and Canadian Symbols Program,^[411][412] responsible for orchestrating any official events in or for Canada that involve the royal family.^[413]

Conversely, unofficial duties are performed by royal family members for Canadian organizations of which they may bepatrons, through their attendance at charity events, visiting with members of the Canadian Forces as colonel-in-chief, or marking certain key anniversaries.^[405][406] The invitation and expenses associated with these undertakings are usually borne by the associated organization.^[405] In 2005, members of the royal family were present at a total of 76 Canadian engagements, as well as several more through 2006 and 2007.^[414] In the period between 2019 and 2022, they carried out 53 engagements, the number reduced, and all through the latter year and a half being virtual, because of restrictions in place during theCOVID-19 pandemic.^[415] The various viceroys took part in 4,023 engagements through 2019 and 2020, both in-person and virtually.^[416]

Apart from Canada, the King and other members of the royal family regularly perform public duties in the other 14 Commonwealth realms in which the King is head of state. This situation, however, can mean the monarch and/or members of the royal family will be promoting one nation and not another; a situation that has been met with criticism.^{[n 21]}

The main symbol of the monarchy is the sovereign himself,^[186] described as "the personal expression of the Crown in Canada,"^[418] and his image is thus used to signify Canadian sovereignty and government authority—his image, for instance, appearing oncurrency, and his portrait in government buildings.^[237] The sovereign is further both mentioned in and the subject of songs,loyal toasts, and salutes.^[419] Aroyal cypher, appearing on buildings and officialseals, or a crown, seen on provincial andnational coats of arms, as well aspolice force andCanadian Forces regimental and maritime badges and rank insignia, is also used to illustrate the monarchy as the locus of authority,^[420] the latter without referring to any specific monarch.

Since the days of KingLouis XIV,^[421] the monarch is thefount of allhonours in Canada and the orders,^[421][422] decorations, and medals form "an integral element of the Crown."^[421] Hence, the insignia and medallions for these awards bear a crown, cypher, and/or portrait of the monarch. Similarly,the country's heraldic authority was created by Queen Elizabeth II and, operating under the authority of the governor general, grants newcoats of arms,flags, andbadges in Canada. Use of the royal crown in such symbols is a gift from the monarch showing royal support and/or association and requires his approval before being added.^[420][423]

Members of the royal family also act as ceremonialcolonels-in-chief,commodores-in-chief,captains-general,air commodores-in-chief,generals, andadmirals of various elements of the Canadian Forces, reflectingthe Crown's relationship with the country's military through participation in events both at home and abroad.^{[n 22]} The monarch also serves as the Commissioner-in-Chief, and Prince Edward and Princess Anne as Honorary Deputy Commissioners, of theRoyal Canadian Mounted Police.^[424]

A number of Canadian civilian organizations have association with the monarchy, either through their being founded via aroyal charter, having been grantedthe right to use the prefixroyal before their name, or because at least one member of the royal family serves as apatron. In addition toThe Prince's Trust Canada, established by Charles III when Prince of Wales, some other charities and volunteer organizations have also been founded as gifts to, or in honour of, some of Canada's monarchs or members of the royal family, such as theVictorian Order of Nurses, a gift to Queen Victoria for herDiamond Jubilee in 1897; the Canadian Cancer Fund, set up in honour of King George V'sSilver Jubilee in 1935; and the Queen Elizabeth II Fund to Aid in Research on the Diseases of Children. A number ofawards in Canada are likewise issued in the name of previous or present members of the royal family. Further, organizations will give commemorative gifts to members of the royal family to mark a visit or other important occasion. All Canadian coins bear the image of the monarch reigning at the time of the coin's production, with an inscription,Dei gratia Rex (often abbreviated toDG Rex), a Latin phrase translated to English as, "by the grace of God, king".^[425] During the reign of a female monarch,rex is replaced withregina, which is Latin for 'queen'.

Throughout the 1970s, symbols of the monarch and monarchy were slowly removed from the public eye. For instance, the Queen's portrait was seen less inpublic schools and the Royal Mail becameCanada Post. Smith attributed this to the attitude the government of the day held toward Canada's past;^[426] though, it never raised the policy in public or during any of the constitutional conferences held that decade.^[136] Andrew Heard argued, however, that dispensing with such symbols was necessary to facilitate the simultaneous increasing embrace of the monarch as Queen of Canada.^[427] Emblems such as the Royal Coat of Arms remained, however, and others, such as themonarch's royal standard, were created. With the later developments of thegovernor general's flag, foundation of the Canadian Heraldic Authority, royal standards for other members of the royal family, and the like, Canada, along with New Zealand, is one of the tworealms that have "paid the greatest attention to the nationalization of the visual symbols of the monarchy."^[428]

In his 2018 book,The Canadian Kingdom: 150 Years of Constitutional Monarchy, Jackson wrote that "the Canadian manifestation of the monarchy is not only historical and constitutional, it is political, cultural, and social, reflecting, and contributing to, change and evolution in Canada's governance, autonomy, and identity."^[63] Since at least the 1930s,^[429] supporters of the Crown have held the opinion that the monarch is a unifying focal point for the nation's "historic consciousness"—the country's heritage being "unquestionably linked with the history of monarchy"^[383]—and Canadianpatriotism, traditions, and shared values,^[383] "around which coheres the nation's sense of a continuing personality".^[430] This infusion of monarchy into Canadian governance and society helps strengthenCanadian identity^[383] and distinguish it from American identity,^[431] a difference that has existed since at least 1864, when it was a factor in the Fathers ofConfederation choosing to keep constitutional monarchy for the new country in 1866.^[432] Former Governor GeneralVincent Massey articulated in 1967 that the monarchy "stands for qualities and institutions which mean Canada to every one of us and which, for all our differences and all our variety, have kept Canada Canadian."^[433]

But, Canadians were, through the late 1960s to the 2000s, encouraged by federal and provincial governments to "neglect, ignore, forget, reject, debase, suppress, even hate, and certainly treat as foreign what their parents and grandparents, whether spiritual or blood, regarded as the basis of Canadian nationhood, autonomy, and history", including the monarchy.^[435] resulting in a disconnect between the Canadian populace and their monarch.^[432] Former Governor GeneralRoland Michener said in 1970 that anti-monarchists claimed the Canadian Crown is foreign and incompatible with Canada's multicultural society,^[288] which the government promoted as a Canadian identifier, andLawrence Martin called in 2007 for Canada to become a republic in order to "re-brand the nation".^[436] However, Michener also stated, "[the monarchy] is our own by inheritance and choice, and contributes much to our distinctive Canadian identity and our chances of independent survival amongst the republics of North and South America."^[288] Journalist Christina Blizzard emphasized in 2009 that the monarchy "made [Canada] a haven of peace and justice for immigrants from around the world",^[437] whileMichael Valpy contended in 2009 that the Crown's nature permitted non-conformity amongst its subjects, thereby opening the door to multiculturalism and pluralism.^[46] Johnston described the Crown as providing "space for our values and beliefs as Canadians."^[187]

Aside from official artworks, such as monuments and portraits commissioned by government bodies, Canadian painters have, by their own volition or for private organizations, created more expressive, informal depictions of Canada's monarchs and other members of the royal family, ranging fromfine art to irreverentgraffiti. For example, the English-Canadian artistFrederic Marlett Bell-Smith producedThe Artist Painting Queen Victoria in 1895, which now resides at theNational Gallery of Canada. AtLibrary and Archives Canada is the paintingThe Unveiling of the National War Memorial, capturingthe dedication ofthe monument, in Ottawa, by KingGeorge VI andQueen Elizabeth in 1939; though, the artist is unknown.^[438]

Hilton Hassell depicted Princess Elizabeth (later Queen Elizabeth II)square dancing at Rideau Hall in 1951 and a portrait of Elizabeth II byLorena Ziraldo, ofOttawa, was featured in theHill Times andOttawa Citizen.

Charles Pachter, fromToronto, fashioned the paintingNoblesse Oblige in 1972, which shows Queen Elizabeth II, in her Guards Regiment uniform and saluting, as she did duringTrooping the Colour ceremonies, except atop a moose instead of her horse,Burmese. Despite great controversy when it was first exhibited,^[439] it "has become a Canadian cultural image; the people's image".^[439][440] Pachter, subsequently made numerous variations on the theme,^[441] includingQueen & Moose (1973)^[442] andThe Queen on a Moose (1988).^[443] The artist said, "there was an amazing symmetry of putting the sovereign of her northern realm (Canada) on an animal who is the 'monarch of the north, awkward but majestic'".^[439] Pachter made similar pieces showing Elizabeth's son, Prince Charles (now King Charles III) and his wife,Camilla, standing alongside a moose^[440] and Charles's son,Prince William, and his wife,Catherine, with Canadian wildlife, such as a moose and a squirrel.^[444] ForElizabeth II's Diamond Jubilee, Pachter created a series of fakepostage stamps using all his paintings that include members of the royal family,^[439] which he called "my branded imagesfor Canada."^[445] Some were featured on accessory items sold at theHudson's Bay Company.^[445]

Portraits of Elizabeth II hung in several hockey arenas across Canada after her accession in 1952. One was in place inMaple Leaf Gardens until the early 1970s, when ownerHarold Ballard had it removed to construct more seating, stating, "if people want to see pictures of the Queen, they can go to an art gallery."^[446]Three large portraits of Elizabeth II were created forWinnipeg Arena, on display there from the building's opening in 1955 to 1999.^[450]

At the time ofthe sesquicentennial of Confederation in 2017,Vancouver Island-based^[451] artistTimothy Hoey created a "Canada 150" version of his decade-long "O Canada" project, painting 150 Canadian icons inacrylic paint on 20.3 by 25.4 centimetre (eight by 10 inch) boards.^[452][453] Among them are numerous depictions of Queen Elizabeth II with other Canadian icons, such asbeavers,Cheezies, theGrey Cup,^[452] theStanley Cup,^[453] a bottle of beer (O Canada Liz Enjoying Some Wobbly-Pops),^[454]Rush (O CanadaCloser to the Heart), theHudson's Bay point blanket,^[454] theTrans-Canada Highway, a birchcanoe, abuckskin jacket, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police uniform, aMontreal Canadienshockey sweater, and so on.^[452] Hoey had previously painted Elizabeth, in formal attire and tiara, holding a hockey stick in front of a Hudson's Bay point blanket; the work titledO-Canada Liz.^[455] In 2021, he depicted the Queen in a decorative hat, uniform of theVancouver Canucks from the 1978–1979 season, and fullgoaltender equipment.^[456]

The also existwax sculptures of Queen Elizabeth II in private museums, such as the Royal LondonWax Museum inVictoria, British Columbia, and theWax Museum of History inNiagara Falls, Ontario.^[457]

The television seriesRideau Hall, starringBette MacDonald, was produced by theCanadian Broadcasting Corporation and aired for one season in 2002. Its premise was a brash,one-hit wonderdisco artist being appointed governor general on the advice of a republican prime minister.^[458][459]

Canadian comedianScott Thompson regularly played a parody of Queen Elizabeth II in a Canadian context on thesketch comedy television showThe Kids in the Hall,^[460] as well as in other productions, such asThe Queen's Toast: A Royal Wedding Special^[461] andConan. Thompson also voiced a portrayal of Queen Elizabeth II in Canada in the animated television showFugget About It, in the episode "Royally Screwed".^[462]

The Canadian monarchy wasparodied in "Royal Pudding", the thirdepisode of the15th season of theanimated television showSouth Park, which first aired on 11 May 2011.^[463] The opening focuses on a spoof of thewedding of Prince William and Catherine Middleton,^[464][465] featuring caricatures of Queen Elizabeth II; Prince William, Prince of Wales; and Catherine, Princess of Wales. Specific mention is made of "the Queen of Canada" and "the Canadian royal family".^[466] The show subsequently, in the second episode of the26th season, "The Worldwide Privacy Tour", parodiedthe Duke andDuchess of Sussex as a prince of Canada and "the wife", who, after hostile treatment at thefuneral of the late Queen of Canada, go on national television and a world tour demanding people and the media not pay attention to them andbranding themselves as victims.^[467]

The Canadian royal family is the group of people who are comparatively closely related to the country's monarch and,^[468] as such, belong to theHouse of Windsor and owe their allegiance specifically to the reigning king or queen of Canada.^[469] There is no legal definition of who is or is not a member of the royal family; though, theGovernment of Canada's website lists "working members of the royal family".^[470]

Unlike in the United Kingdom, the monarch is the only member of the royal family with atitle established through Canadian law and is styled by convention asHis/Her Majesty,^[471] as would be aqueen consort. Otherwise, the remaining family members are, as acourtesy, styled and titled as they are in the UK,^[471] according toletters patent issued there,^[472][473] with additional French translations.^[474]

Those in the royal family are distant relations of theBelgian,Danish,Greek,Norwegian,Spanish, andSwedish royal families and,^[475] given the shared nature of the Canadian monarch, are also members of theBritish royal family. While Canadian and foreign media often refer to them as the "British royal family",^[476][477] the Canadian government considers it inappropriate, as they are family members of the Canadian monarch.^[478] Further, in addition to the few Canadian citizens in the royal family,^{[n 23]} the sovereign is considered Canadian,^[486] and those among his relations who do not meet the requirements ofCanadian citizenship law are considered Canadian, which entitles them toCanadian consular assistance and the protection of the King'sarmed forces of Canada when they are in need of protection or aid outside of the Commonwealth realms,^[469] as well as, since 2013, substantive appointment to theOrder of Canada andOrder of Military Merit.^{[487][488][489]} Beyond formalities, members of the royal family have, on occasion, been said by the media and non-governmental organizations to be Canadian,^{[n 24]} have declared themselves to be Canadian,^{[n 25]} and some past members have lived in Canada for extended periods as viceroy or for other reasons.^{[n 26]}

According to the Canadian Royal Heritage Trust,Prince Edward Augustus, Duke of Kent and Strathearn—due to his having lived in Canada between 1791 and 1800 and fatheringQueen Victoria—is the "ancestor of the modern Canadian royal family".^[501] Nonetheless, the concept of the Canadian royal family did not emerge until after the passage of the Statute of Westminster in 1931, when Canadian officials only began to overtly consider putting the principles of Canada's new status as an independent kingdom into effect.^[504] Initially, the monarch was the only member of the royal family to carry out public ceremonial duties solely on the advice of Canadian ministers; KingEdward VIII became the first to do so when in July 1936 he dedicated theCanadian National Vimy Memorial in France.^{[n 19]} Over the decades, however, the monarch's children, grandchildren, cousins, and their respective spouses began to also perform functions at the direction of the Canadian Crown-in-Council, representing the monarch within Canada or abroad, in a role specifically as members of the Canadian royal family.^[505]

However, it was not until October 2002 when the termCanadian royal family was first used publicly and officially by one of its members: in a speech to theNunavut legislature at its opening, Queen Elizabeth II stated: "I am proud to be the first member of the Canadian royal family to be greeted in Canada's newest territory."^[506][507] Princess Anne used it again when speaking at Rideau Hall in 2014,^[508] as did the now King Charles in Halifax the same year.^[509] Also in 2014, then-Premier of SaskatchewanBrad Wall called Prince Edward a member of the Canadian royal family.^[510] By 2011, both Canadian and British media were referring to "Canada's royal family" or the "Canadian royal family".^[515]

While Heard observed in 2018 that no direct legal action has, so far, created a Canadian royal family,^[516] he also asserted that theCanadian Heraldic Authority creatinguniquely Canadian standards for members of the royal family other than the monarch was a symbolic "localization of the royal family";^[517] Sean Palmer agreed, stating the banners are a sign the country has taken "'ownership' not only of the Queen of Canada, but of the other members of her family as well" and that doing so was another formal affirmation of the concept of a Canadian royal family "as distinct as the Queen of Canada is from the Queen of the United Kingdom".^[507] Jai Patel and Sally Raudon also noted, in 2019, that the purpose of these heraldic banners was to recognize the owners' roles as members of the Canadian royal family.^[518]

Buildings across Canada reserved by the Crown for the use of the monarch and his viceroys are calledGovernment House, but may be customarily known by some specific name. The sovereign's and governor general'sofficial residences areRideau Hall inOttawa and theCitadelle inQuebec City.^{[n 27][530]} Each holds pieces from theCrown Collection.^[531] Though neither was used for their intended purpose,Hatley Castle in British Columbia was purchased in 1940 by the federal government for the use ofGeorge VI and his family during the Second World War^[532] and theEmergency Government Headquarters, built between 1959 and 1961 atCFS Carp and decommissioned in 1994, included a residential apartment for the sovereign or governor general in the case of anuclear attack.^[533]

British royalty have also owned homes and land in Canada in a private capacity:Edward VIII owned Bedingfield Ranch, nearPekisko, Alberta;^[534] andPrincess Margaret ownedPortland Island, which was given to her by British Columbia in 1958. She offered it back to the province on permanent loan in 1961, which was accepted in 1966, and the island and surrounding waters eventually became Princess Margaret Marine Park.^[535]

In addition to amaître d'hôtel,chefs,footmen,valets, dressers,pages, aides-de-camp (drawn from the junior officers of the armed forces),equerries, and others at Rideau Hall,^[536] the King appoints various people to his Canadianhousehold to assist him in carrying out his official duties on behalf of Canada. Along with theCanadian secretary to the King,^[413] the monarch's entourage includes theequerry-in-waiting to the King, the King's police officer, twoladies-in-waiting for the Queen,^[537] the King's honorary physician, the King's honorary dental surgeon, and the King's honorary nursing officer^[538]—the latter three being drawn from the Canadian Forces.^[151]Prince Edward, Duke of Edinburgh, also has a Canadian private secretary and his wife,^[539]Sophie, Duchess of Edinburgh, a lady-in-waiting.^[540]Royal Canadian Air Force VIP aircraft are provided by412 Transport Squadron.

There are threehousehold regiments specifically attached to the royal household—theGovernor General's Foot Guards,the Governor General's Horse Guards, andthe Canadian Grenadier Guards. There are also threechapels royal, all in Ontario:^[541]Mohawk Chapel inBrantford;Christ Church Royal Chapel, nearDeseronto; and St Catherine's Chapel inMassey College, inToronto. Though not a chapel royal,St Bartholomew's Anglican Church, located across MacKay Street from Rideau Hall, is regularly used by governors general and their families and sometimes by the sovereign and other visiting royalty, as well as by staff, their families, and members of the Governor General's Foot Guards, for whom the church serves as a regimental chapel.^[542]

The Royal Canadian Mounted Police is tasked with providing security to the sovereign, the governor general (starting from when he or she is madegovernor general-designate^[543]), and other members of the royal family; as outlined in theRCMP Regulations, the force "has a duty to protect individuals designated by the minister of public safety, including certain members of the royal family when visiting."^[544] The RCMP's provision of service is determined based on threat and risk assessment, the seniority of the individual in terms of precedence and.^{[n 28]} for members of the royal family, the nature of the royal tour—i.e. an official tour by the King or on behalf of the King or a working or private visit.^[544] The governor general receives round-the-clock security from the Governor General Protection Detail,^[546] part of thePersonal Protection Group, based at Rideau Hall.

The Canadian monarchy can trace its ancestral lineage back to thekings of the Angles and the earlyScottish kings and through the centuries since the claims of KingHenry VII in 1497 and KingFrancis I in 1534; both beingblood relatives of the current Canadian monarch. Former Prime MinisterStephen Harper said of the Crown that it "links us all together with the majestic past that takes us back to theTudors, thePlantagenets,Magna Carta,habeas corpus,petition of rights, and Englishcommon law."^[547] Though the first French and British colonizers of Canada interpreted the hereditary nature of some indigenous North American chieftainships as a form of monarchy,^[551] it is generally accepted that Canada has been a territory of a monarch or a monarchy in its own right only since the establishment of the Frenchcolony of Canada in the early 16th century;^[47] according to historianJacques Monet, the Canadian Crown is one of the few that have survived through uninterrupted succession since before its inception.^[52]

After the Canadian colonies of France were, via war and treaties, ceded to the British Crown, and the population was greatly expanded bythose loyal to George III fleeing north from persecution during and following theAmerican Revolution,British North America was in 1867confederated byQueen Victoria to form Canada as a kingdom in its own right.^[553] By the end of the First World War, the increased fortitude ofCanadian nationalism inspired the country's leaders to push for greater independence from the King in his British Council, resulting in the creation of the uniquely Canadian monarchy through theStatute of Westminster, which was granted royal assent in 1931.^[73][554] Only five years later, Canada had three successive kings in the space of one year, with the death ofGeorge V, theaccession and abdication ofEdward VIII, and his replacement byGeorge VI.

From 1786 through to the 1930s, members of the royal family toured Canada, includingPrince William (later King William IV);Prince Edward, Duke of Kent;Prince Albert Edward, Prince of Wales (later King Edward VII);Prince Arthur, Duke of Connaught and Strathearn;John Campbell, Marquess of Lorne, andPrincess Louise;Prince Leopold;Princess Marie-Louise; Prince George, Duke of Cornwall and York (later King George V), andPrincess Victoria (later Queen Mary);Prince Arthur (son of the Duke of Connaught);Princess Patricia; Prince Albert (later King George VI); Prince Edward, Prince of Wales (later King Edward VIII);Prince George, Duke of Kent; andPrince Henry, Duke of Gloucester.^[555]

King George VI became in 1939 the first reigning monarch of Canada totour the country, doing so with his wife,Queen Elizabeth. Only weeks later, the King, on the advice of his Canadian Prime Minister,declared war on Nazi Germany.^[556] Throughoutthe conflict, George boosted themorale of his Canadian troops^[557] while Governor Generalthe Earl of Athlone (the King's uncle) supported the war effort in Canada. The men were occasionally assisted in their efforts by other members of the royal family.

Elizabeth II undertook her first tour of Canada in 1951, when Princess Elizabeth, Duchess of Edinburgh. She would go on to officiate at various moments of importance in the nation's history: She opened Parliament in 1957^[558]—on the same tour, delivering, from Rideau Hall, her first-everlive television broadcast^[559]—and in 1977; opened theSt. Lawrence Seaway in 1959;^[383] celebratedCanada's centennial;^[383] and proclaimed the country to be fully independent, via constitutionalpatriation, in 1982.^[497] That act is said to have entrenched the monarchy in Canada,^[560] due to the stringent amending formula that must be followed in order to alter the monarchy in any way.^[193]

Through the 1960s and 1970s, the rise ofQuebec nationalism and changes inCanadian identity created an atmosphere where the purpose and role of the monarchycame into question. Some references to the monarch and the monarchy were removed from the public eye and moves were made by the federal government to constitutionally alter the Crown's place and role in Canada, first by explicit legal amendments and later by subtle attrition.^[563] But, provincial and federal ministers, along with loyalnational citizen's organizations, ensured that the system remained the same in essence.^[564]

The Queen publicly expressed her personal support for theMeech Lake Accord, which attempted to bring Quebec governmental support to the patriated constitution.^[565] The accord failed, prompting Elizabeth to deliver a nationally-broadcast speech in Ottawa supporting Canadian unity.^[566] In the lead-up to thereferendum on Quebec independence in 1995, the Queen was tricked bya Montreal radio DJ into revealing her desire to see the "no" side win, offering to help however she could.^[567][568] Elizabeth followed the results closely on the day of the vote.^[568]

Members of the royal family continued to be present at important national events through the decades: the Queen in 1970, 1971, and 1973, respectively, marked the anniversaries ofManitoba,British Columbia, andPrince Edward Island becoming Canadian provinces; celebratedOntario's andNew Brunswick's bicentennials in 1984 and the 125th anniversary of Confederation in 1992; and she opened the1976 Summer Olympics inMontreal^[383] andNunavut's parliament in 1999.Prince Charles, Prince of Wales, attended the 100th anniversary ofTreaty 7 in 1977; commemorated in 1983 the bicentennial ofUnited Empire Loyalists settling in New Brunswick andNova Scotia; and, withDiana, Princess of Wales, openedExpo 86 inVancouver. Between them, the Queen and her family opened numerousCommonwealth Games,Commonwealth Heads of Government Meetings, conferences, hospitals, community centres, and the like; handed outThe Duke of Edinburgh Awards at ceremonies across the country, and visited many regiments and branches of theCanadian Armed Forces.^[569]

By 2002, the royal tour and associatedfêtes forthe Queen's Golden Jubilee proved popular with Canadians across the country,^{[570][571][572]} though Canada's first republican organization since the 1830s was also founded that year. Celebrations took place across the country to markthe Queen's Diamond Jubilee in 2012,^[573][574] the first such event in Canada since that for Victoria in 1897. On 9 September 2015, she became the second-longest reigning monarch in Canadian history (preceded only by KingLouis XIV);^[575] events were organized to celebrate her as the "longest-reigning sovereign in Canada's modern era."^[576]Prince Charles represented his mother, the Queen, two years later, at the main events in Ottawa recognizing the150th anniversary of Confederation.^[577]

During theCOVID-19 pandemic, the Queen expressed her support for all Canadians and thanks to those who were caring for the vulnerable and providing essential services.^[578] As the pandemic waned into 2022, celebrations were mounted around the country and throughout the year to markthe Queen's Platinum Jubilee;^[579] the first-ever such event in Canadian history.^[580] It was also, though, the first time since at leastQueen Victoria's Golden Jubilee in 1887 that the federal Cabinet did not advise the Crown to create an associated medal.^[581] In response, six provinces produced their ownPlatinum Jubilee medals; another first.^[582]

The subject ofreconciliation with Canada's Indigenous peoples came to the forefront of the public consciousness in 2021, particularly in regard toresidential schools. Statues ofQueen Victoria andQueen Elizabeth II inWinnipeg were vandalized.^[583][584] On the firstNational Day for Truth and Reconciliation, Elizabeth made a public statement, saying she "joins with all Canadians [...] to reflect on the painful history that Indigenous peoples endured in residential schools in Canada and on the work that remains to heal and to continue to build an inclusive society."^[585] In the same year, the Queen appointedMary Simon as the first Indigenous governor general in Canadian history.^{[n 29][586]} During Charles's tour for his mother's Platinum Jubilee, the BBC's royal correspondent observed that "there [was] no shying away from acknowledging and highlighting the scandalous way many indigenous peoples have been treated in Canada."^[353]

Queen Elizabeth II died on 8 September 2022 and was succeeded by her eldest son,Charles III. The Queen's final public statement was issued on 7 September, in the aftermath of the2022 Saskatchewan stabbings,^[587][588] stating she "mourn[s] with all Canadians at this tragic time."^[589] Elizabeth reigned for almost half of Canada's history since Confederation,^[590] being only the sixth Canadian monarch since 1867.^[591]

Immediately following a formal meeting of theKing's Privy Council for Canada, thenew king was proclaimed on 10 September in a ceremony atRideau Hall.^[592][593] On 4 May 2023, the King held audience with Simon and Indigenous leaders, who also attendedhis coronation two days later.^[594]

Prior to the 1970s, Canadians' view of the monarchy was more focused on the person of the monarch than the institution's place in the country's framework.^[517] Smith, in 2017, and Jackson, in 2018, observed the shift continuing, especially as "the process of 'Canadianization' of the Crown picked up momentum in the early 21st century."^[595][596]

Still, beginning in the later decades of the 20th century, commentators stated that contemporary Canadians had and have a poor understanding of the Canadian monarchy;^[597] something the Monarchist League of Canada (MLC) claims opponents of the monarchy exacerbate by spreading disinformation and then take advantage of.^[598] Jackson wrote in his book,The Crown and Canadian Federalism, that this is part of a wider ignorance about Canadian civics^[599] and Hugo Cyr agreed,^[600] while Smith researched for his 1995 book,The Invisible Crown, he found it difficult to "find anyone who could talk knowledgeably about the subject".^[601] Former Governors General Clarkson and Johnston made similar observations^[187][602] and SenatorLowell Murray wrote in 2003, "the Crown has become irrelevant to most Canadians' understanding of our system of government", which he attributed to the "fault of successive generations of politicians, of an educational system that has never given the institution due study, and of past viceregal incumbents themselves".^[603]

On education, teacher and author Nathan Tidridge asserted that, beginning in the 1960s, the role of the Crown disappeared from provincial education curricula, as the general subject of civics came to receive less attention.^[562] He said Canadians are being "educated to be illiterate, ambivalent, or even hostile toward our constitutional monarchy".^[599] The MLC agreed, stating Canada has "an educational system which unfortunately often fails to provide comprehensive knowledge of Canada's constitution."^[598]

Michael Valpy also pointed to the fact that "the Crown's role in the machinery of Canada's constitutional monarchy rarely sees daylight. Only a handful of times in our history has it been subjected to glaring sunshine, unfortunately resulting in a black hole of public understanding as to how it works."^[604] He later iterated, "the public's attention span on the constitutional intricacies of the monarchy is clinically short".^[605] At the same time, it has been theorized the monarchy is so prevalent in Canada—by way of all manner of symbols, place names, royal tours, etcetera—that Canadians fail to take note of it; the monarchy "functions like a tasteful wallpaper pattern in Canada: enjoyable in an absent-minded way, but so ubiquitous as to be almost invisible".^[485]

John Pepall argued in 1990 that, among all this, a "Liberal-inspired republican misconception of the role" of governor general had taken root, though the Conservative government headed byBrian Mulroney exacerbated the matter.^[606] The position of prime minister has simultaneously undergone, with encouragement from its occupants,^[606] what has been described as a "presidentialization",^[607][608] to the point that its incumbents publicly outshine the actual head of state.^[609][610] David S. Donovan felt Canadians mostly consider the monarch and her representatives as purely ceremonial and symbolic figures,^[611] while also still viewing the sovereign as British, even if they understand he is King of Canada.^[516] It was argued by Alfred Neitsch that this undermined the Crown's legitimacy as a check and balance in the governmental system,^[612] a situation Helen Forsey (daughter of Canadian constitutional expertEugene Forsey) said prime ministers take advantage of, portraying themselves as the embodiment of popular democracy and the reserve powers of the Crown as illegitimate.^{[n 30]} The issue is particularly acute in Quebec,^[296] where sovereigntist politicians consider the Canadian monarchy as British, foreign, and, consequently, as symbol of oppression.^[613]

Beginning slightly earlier, a "growing interest in the Crown and its prerogatives" was observed, as evidenced by "a burst of articles, books and conferences";^[601] the monarchy attracted increased attention from academics, as well as those involved with the law, government, and public policy.^[614] This was attributed to the coincidental occurrence of publicly prominent events over a number of years, including the2008 prorogation dispute; an increased use of royal symbols as directed by the Cabinet while headed by Stephen Harper, including three consecutive royal tours;^[615] court cases focusing on the Oath of Citizenship; and increasingly active governors. Smith and Lagassé noted in early 2016 that post-secondary students were giving more focus to the subject of the Crown.^[601]

Some Canadians have taken the opposite extreme view of the Crown's powers, such as when, in 2013, the leader of theGreen Party of Canada,Elizabeth May, wrote to Queen Elizabeth II asking her to call a "royal inquiry" to "investigate what may potentially be criminal activities which [sic] influenced Canada's last election" and "restore Canada to a free and fair democracy." The monarch's secretary instructed May, "as a constitutional sovereign, Her Majesty acts through her personal representative, the Governor-General, on the advice of her Canadian ministers and it is to them that your appeal should be directed."^[616] So many protesters involved in the 2022Freedom Convoy called and emailed the office of Governor General Mary Simon to pressure her into dismissing her Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau, or dissolving Parliament that Simon made a rare public statement on the role of the governor general. Lagassé pointed to that as "evidence of a recent trend in protest movements", saying, "it has become routine in Canadian politics to write a letter to the Queen, Governor General, or a lieutenant governor asking them to exercise their powers in some way, contrary to constitutional conventions. This is political theatre, no more."^[617]

The relationship between Canada's Indigenous peoples and the monarch remains unchanged, aside from the issue ofreconciliation arising in it through the late 2010s into the 2020s,^[596] when there were some assertions by activists and in the media that the monarchy and the Queen herself represented colonialism^[622] and racism^[623] and she did not do enough to either prevent or rectify supposed offences.^[620] Those who made such claims also, though, mistook the independent Canadian Crown^[624] as the British Crown in Canada and demonstrated a misunderstanding of the Crown-Indigenous peoples relationship^[625][626] and the workings ofconstitutional monarchy andresponsible government,^[627] in which the sovereign must, outside ofconstitutional crises, followthe directions of his or her ministers and parliamentarians.^[631] The leader of theParti Québécois,Paul St-Pierre Plamondon, claimed in 2022, "we cannot overlook that she [Queen Elizabeth II] represented an institution, the British Crown, that has caused significant harm to Quebecers and Indigenous nations."^[613]

Within Quebec, too, the Canadian Crown is often depicted as being synonymous with the British Crown, withQuebec sovereigntists arguing that it is fundamentally foreign to Quebec and should be abolished within the province as a part of Quebec independence. For instance, in the televisedRadio-Canada leaders' debate on 22 September 2022, duringthat year's general election in the province, the moderator,Patrice Roy, asked the panel, with "incredulous chuckles", "should we still, in Quebec, swear allegiance to the British Crown, thus Charles III [to take one's seat in the National Assembly]?"^[632]Bloc Québécois leaderYves-François Blanchet on 26 October 2022 tabled a motion in theHouse of Commons proposing that the "House express its desire to sever ties between the Canadian state and the British monarchy."^[633] This motion was defeated 266 to 44.^[633]

Outside of academic circles, there has been little national debate on the monarchy.^[634] The position of monarch in Canada is highly protected by theConstitution Act, 1982—which mandates that any major constitutional amendment, such as any change to the monarchy, must receive the consent of the Senate, the House of Commons, and all ten provincial legislative assemblies. Abolishing the monarchy may also be complicated by the fact that First Nations treaties are officially between the Crown andIndigenous peoples.^{[n 31]}

Canada has two special-interest groups representing the debate, who occasionally argue the issue in the media: theMonarchist League of Canada (MLC) andCitizens for a Canadian Republic.^[636][637] There are also other organizations that support and advocate the monarchy, such as the Institute for the Study of the Crown in Canada,^[638] the Canadian Royal Heritage Trust,^[639] the Friends of the Canadian Crown,^[640] Canadian Friends of the Royal Family,^[641] theSociété de la Couronne du Canada ^[fr],^[642] theOrange Order in Canada,^[643] and theUnited Empire Loyalists' Association of Canada.^[644]

Out of Canada's four most prominent political parties, neither theLiberal Party nor theConservative Party are officially in favour of abolishing the monarchy (the Conservative Party cite support for constitutional monarchy as a founding principle in its policy declaration)^[645] and theNew Democratic Party has no official position on the role of the Crown. Only some individual members of Parliament belonging to these parties and the leaders of theBloc Québécois party have made any statements suggesting abolition of the monarchy.^[646][647]

Opinion polls on the Canadian monarchy have been regularly conducted since the 1990s. An analysis of these polls in 2008 highlighted an increased disaffection with the monarchy, albeit with internal contradictions in specific polling results, with some criticizing the polling questions for using "inconsistent and sometimes ambiguous wording."^[648] Questions often describe the monarch or monarchy as "British", terminology at odds with the contemporary situation in Canada, wherein the monarchy is a Canadian institution,^[650] separate from that of the United Kingdom,^[652] and it, the Crown, and royal family are referred to as Canadian.^[658] Both monarchists and republicans agree the populace's general lack of understanding about the monarchy affects opinions.^[598][659]

The idea of a uniquely Canadian monarch,^[660] either one descended from the House of Windsor or coming from a First Nationsroyal house,^[665] has been proffered as an alternative. However, there has been no popular or official support for such a change.

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