The history of themissions of the Jesuits in China is part of the history ofrelations between China and the Western world. The missionary efforts and other work of theSociety of Jesus, or Jesuits, between the 16th and 17th century played a significant role in continuing the transmission of knowledge, science, and culture between China and the West, and influencedChristian culture in Chinese society today.

The first attempt by the Jesuits to reach China was made in 1552 bySt. Francis Xavier, Navarrese priest and missionary and founding member of the Society of Jesus. Xavier never reached the mainland, dying after only a year on the Chinese island ofShangchuan. Three decades later, in 1582, Jesuits once again initiatedmission work in China, led by several figures including the ItalianMatteo Ricci, introducing Western science, mathematics, astronomy, and visual arts to the Chinese imperial court, and carrying on significant inter-cultural and philosophical dialogue with Chinese scholars, particularly with representatives ofConfucianism. At the time of their peak influence, members of the Jesuit delegation were considered some of the emperor's most valued and trusted advisors, holding prestigious posts in the imperial government.^{[citation needed]} Many Chinese, including former Confucian scholars, adopted Christianity and became priests and members of the Society of Jesus.^{[citation needed]}

According to research byDavid E. Mungello, from 1552 (i.e., the death of St. Francis Xavier) to 1800, a total of 920 Jesuits participated in the China mission, of whom 314 were Portuguese, and 130 were French.^[2] In 1844 China may have had 240,000 Roman Catholics, but this number grew rapidly, and in 1901 the figure reached 720,490.^[3] Many Jesuit priests, both Western-born and Chinese, are buried in the cemetery located in what is now the School of the Beijing Municipal Committee.^[4]

Contacts between Europe and the East already dated back hundreds of years, especially between thePapacy and theMongol Empire in the 13th century. Numerous traders – most famouslyMarco Polo – had traveled between eastern and western Eurasia. Christianity was not new to theMongols, as many had practicedChristianity of the Church of the East since the 7th century (seeChristianity among the Mongols). However, the overthrow of the Mongol-ledYuan dynasty by theMing dynasty in 1368 resulted in a strongassimilatory pressure on China's Muslim, Jewish, and Christian communities, and non-Han influences were forced out of China. By the 16th century, there is no reliable information about any practicing Christians remaining in China.

Fairly soon after the establishment of the direct European maritime contact with China (1513) and the creation of theSociety of Jesus (1540), at least some Chinese became involved with the Jesuit effort. As early as 1546, two Chinese boys enrolled in the Jesuits'St. Paul's College inGoa, the capital of Portuguese India. One of these two Christian Chinese, known as Antonio, accompaniedSt. Francis Xavier, a co-founder of the Society of Jesus, when he decided to start missionary work in China. However, Xavier failed to find a way to enter the Chinese mainland, and died in 1552 onShangchuan island off the coast ofGuangdong,^[5] the only place in China where Europeans were allowed to stay at the time, albeit only for seasonal trade.

A few years after Xavier's death, the Portuguese were allowed to establishMacau, a semi-permanent settlement on the mainland which was about 100 km closer to thePearl River Delta than Shangchuan Island. A number of Jesuits visited the place (as well as the main Chinese port in the region,Guangzhou) on occasion, and in 1563 the Order permanently established its settlement in the small Portuguese colony. However, the early Macau Jesuits did not learn Chinese, and their missionary work could reach only the very small number of Chinese people in Macau who spoke Portuguese.^[6]

A new regional manager ("Visitor") of the order,Alessandro Valignano, on his visit to Macau in 1578–1579 realized that Jesuits would not get far in China without a sound grounding in the language and culture of the country. He foundedSt. Paul Jesuit College (Macau) and requested the Order's superiors in Goa to send a suitably talented person to Macau to start the study of Chinese. Accordingly, in 1579 the ItalianMichele Ruggieri (1543–1607) was sent to Macau, and in 1582 he was joined at his task by another Italian,Matteo Ricci (1552–1610).^[6] Early efforts were aided by donations made by elites, and especially wealthy widows from Europe as well Asia. Women such asIsabel Reigota in Macau,Mercia Roiz in Ceylon (now Sri Lanka), andCandida Xu in China, all donated significant amounts towards establishing missions in China as well as to other Asian states from China.^[7]

Both Ricci and Ruggieri were determined to adapt to the religious qualities of the Chinese: Ruggieri to the common people, in whomBuddhist andTaoist elements predominated, and Ricci to the educated classes, whereConfucianism prevailed. Ricci, who arrived at the age of 30 and spent the rest of his life in China, wrote to the Jesuit houses in Europe and called for priests – men who would not only be "good", but also "men of talent, since we are dealing here with a people both intelligent and learned."^[8] The Spaniard Diego de Pantoja and the Italian Sabatino de Ursis were some of these talented men who joined Ricci in his venture.

The Jesuits saw China as equally sophisticated and generally treated China as equals with Europeans in both theory and practice.^[9] This Jesuit perspective influencedLeibniz in his cosmopolitan view of China as an equal civilisation with whom scientific exchanges was desirable.^[10]

Just as Ricci spent his life in China, others of his followers did the same. This level of commitment was necessitated by logistical reasons: Travel from Europe to China took many months, sometimes years; and learning the country's language and culture was even more time-consuming. When a Jesuit from China did travel back to Europe, he typically did it as a representative ("procurator") of the China Mission, entrusted with the task of recruiting more Jesuit priests to come to China, ensuring continued support for the Mission from the Church's central authorities, and creating favorable publicity for the Mission and its policies by publishing both scholarly and popular literature about China and Jesuits.^[11] One time theChongzhen Emperor was nearly converted to Christianity and broke his idols.^[12]

The fall of theMing dynasty and the rise of theManchu-ledQing dynasty brought some difficult years for the Jesuits in China. While some Jesuit fathers managed to impress Qing commanders with a display of western science or ecclesiastical finery and to be politely invited to join the new order (as didJohann Adam Schall von Bell in Beijing in 1644, orMartino Martini inWenzhou ca. 1645–46),^[13] others endured imprisonment and privations, as didLodovico Buglio andGabriel de Magalhães inSichuan in 1647–48^[14][15] (seeCatholic Church in Sichuan), orAlvaro Semedo inCanton in 1649. Later,Johann Grueber was in Beijing between 1656 and 1661.

During the several years of war between the Qing and theSouthern Ming dynasties, it was not uncommon for some Jesuits to find themselves on different sides of the front lines: while Adam Schall was an important counselor of the QingShunzhi Emperor in Beijing,Michał Boym travelled from the jungles of south-western China to Rome, carrying the plea of help from the court of theYongli Emperor of the Southern Ming, and returned with the Pope's response that promised prayer, after some military assistance from Macau.^[16][17][18] There were many Christians in the court of thepolygamist emperor.

In 1685, the French kingLouis XIV sent a mission of five Jesuit "mathematicians" to China in an attempt to break the Portuguese predominance:Jean de Fontaney (1643–1710),Joachim Bouvet (1656–1730),Jean-François Gerbillon (1654–1707),Louis Le Comte (1655–1728) andClaude de Visdelou (1656–1737).^[19]

French Jesuits played a crucial role in disseminating accurate information about China in Europe.^[20] A part of the French Jesuit mission in China lingered on for several years after thesuppression of the Society of Jesus until it was taken over by a group ofLazarists in 1785.^[21]

Prior to the Jesuits, there had already been Chinese pilgrims who had made the journey westward, with two notable examples beingRabban bar Sauma and his younger companion, who became PatriarchMar Yaballaha III, in the 13th century.

While few 17th-century Jesuits returned from China to Europe, it was not uncommon for those who did to be accompanied by young Chinese Christians.Alexandre de Rhodes broughtEmmanuel Zheng Manuo to Rome in 1651. Emmanuel studied in Europe and later became the first Chinese Jesuit priest.^[22]Andreas Zheng (郑安德勒;Wade-Giles: Cheng An-te-lo) was sent to Rome by theYongli court along withMichał Boym in the late 1650s. Zheng and Boym stayed inVenice andRome in 1652–55. Zheng worked with Boym on the transcription and translation of theXi'an Stele, and returned to Asia with Boym, whom he buried when the Jesuit died near the Vietnam-China border.^[23] A few years later, another Chinese traveller who was called Matthaeus Sina in Latin (not positively identified, but possibly the person who traveled from China to Europe overland withJohann Grueber) also worked on the same Church of the East inscription. The result of their work was published byAthanasius Kircher in 1667 in theChina Illustrata, and was the first significant Chinese text ever published in Europe.^[24]

Better known is the European trip ofShen Fo-tsung in 1684–1685, who was presented to kingLouis XIV on September 15, 1684, and also met with kingJames II,^[25] becoming the first recorded instance of a Chinese man visiting Britain.^[26] The king was so delighted by this visit that he had his portrait made hung in his own bedroom.^[26] Later, another Chinese JesuitArcadio Huang would also visit France, and was an early pioneer in the teaching of the Chinese language in France, in 1715.

The Jesuits introduced to China Western science and mathematics which was undergoing its own revolution. "Jesuits were accepted in late Ming court circles as foreign literati, regarded as impressive especially for their knowledge of astronomy, calendar-making, mathematics, hydraulics, and geography."^[27] In 1627, the JesuitJohann Schreck produced the first book to present Western mechanical knowledge to a Chinese audience,Diagrams and explanations of the wonderful machines of the Far West.^[28] This influence worked in both directions:

[The Jesuits] made efforts to translate western mathematical and astronomical works into Chinese and aroused the interest of Chinese scholars in these sciences. They made very extensive astronomical observation and carried out the first modern cartographic work in China. They also learned to appreciate the scientific achievements of this ancient culture and made them known in Europe. Through their correspondence European scientists first learned about the Chinese science and culture.^[29]

Jan Mikołaj Smogulecki (1610–1656) is credited with introducing logarithms to China, whileSabatino de Ursis (1575–1620) worked withMatteo Ricci on the Chinese translation ofEuclid'sElements, published books in Chinese on Western hydraulics, and by predicting an eclipse which Chinese astronomers had not anticipated, opened the door to the reworking of theChinese calendar using Western calculation techniques.

This influence spread toKorea as well, withJoão Rodrigues providing theKorean mandarinJeong Duwon astronomical, mathematical, and religious works in the early 1630s, which he carried back toSeoul fromDengzhou andBeijing, prompting local controversy and discussion decades before the first foreign scholars were permitted to enter the country. Like the Chinese, the Koreans were most interested in practical technology with martial applications (such as Rodrigues'stelescope) and the possibility of improving thecalendar, with its associatedreligious festivals.

Johann Adam Schall (1591–1666), aGerman Jesuit missionary to China, organized successful missionary work and became the trusted counselor of theShunzhi Emperor of theQing Dynasty. He was created amandarin and held an important post in connection with the mathematical school, contributing to astronomical studies and the development of the Chinese calendar. Thanks to Schall, the motions of both the sun and moon began to be calculated withsinusoids in the 1645 Shíxiàn calendar (時憲書, Book of the Conformity of Time). His position enabled him to procure from the emperor permission for the Jesuits to build churches and to preach throughout the country. The Shunzhi Emperor, however, died in 1661, and Schall's circumstances at once changed. He was imprisoned and condemned to death byslow slicing. After an earthquake and the dowager's objection, the sentence was not carried out, but he died after his release owing to the privations he had endured. A collection of his manuscripts remains and was deposited in theVatican Library. After he andFerdinand Verbiest won the tests against Chinese and Islamic calendar scholars, the court adapted the western calendar only.^[30][31]

The Jesuits also endeavoured to build churches and demonstrate Western architectural styles. In 1605, they established theNantang (Southern) Church and in 1655 theDongtang (Eastern) Church. In 1703 they established theBeitang (Northern) Church nearZhongnanhai (opposite the former Beijing Library), on land given to the Jesuits by theKangxi Emperor of theQing Dynasty in 1694, following his recovery from illness thanks to medical expertise of FathersJean-François Gerbillon andJoachim Bouvet.^[32]

Latin spoken by the Jesuits was used to mediate between the Qing and Russia.^[33] ALatin copy of theTreaty of Nerchinsk was written by Jesuits. Latin was one of the things which were taught by the Jesuits.^[34][35] A school was established by them for this purpose.^[36][37] A diplomatic delegation found a local who composed a letter in fluent Latin.^[38][39]

The Jesuits were also very active in transmitting Chinese knowledge to Europe, such as translatingConfucius's works into European languages. Several historians have highlighted the impact that Jesuit accounts of Chinese knowledge had on European scholarly debates in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.^{[40][41][42][43][44]}

Ricci in hisDe Christiana expeditione apud Sinas had already started to report on the thoughts of Confucius; he (and, earlier,Michele Ruggieri) made attempts at translating theFour Books, the standard introduction into the Confucian canon. The work on the Confucian classics by several generations of Jesuits culminated with FathersPhilippe Couplet,Prospero Intorcetta,Christian Herdtrich, andFrançois de Rougemont publishingConfucius Sinarum Philosophus ("Confucius, the Philosopher of the Chinese") in Paris in 1687. The book contained an annotatedLatin translation of three of theFour Books and a biography of Confucius.^[45] It is thought that such works had considerable importance on European thinkers of the period, particularly those who were interested in the integration of the Confucian system of morality intoChristianity.^[45][46]

Since the mid-17th century, detailed Jesuit accounts of theEight trigrams and the Yin/Yang principles^[47] appeared in Europe, quickly drawing the attention of European philosophers such asLeibniz.

Chinese linguistics, sciences, and technologies were also reported to the West by Jesuits. PolishMichal Boym authored the first published Chinese dictionaries for European languages, both of which were published posthumously: the first, a Chinese–Latin dictionary, was published in 1667, and the second, a Chinese–French dictionary, was published in 1670. The Portuguese JesuitJoão Rodrigues, previously the personal translator of the Japanese leadersHideyoshi Toyotomi andTokugawa Ieyasu, published a terser and clearer edition of hisJapanese grammar from Macao in 1620. The French JesuitJoseph-Marie Amiot wrote aManchu dictionaryDictionnaire tatare-mantchou-français (Paris, 1789), a work of great value, the language having been previously quite unknown inEurope. He also wrote a 15-volumeMemoirs regarding the history, sciences, and art of the Chinese, published in Paris in 1776–1791 (Mémoires concernant l'histoire, les sciences et les arts des Chinois, 15 volumes, Paris, 1776–1791). HisVie deConfucius, the twelfth volume of that collection, was more complete and accurate than any predecessors.

Rodrigues and other Jesuits also began compiling geographical information about the Chinese Empire. In the early years of the 18th century, Jesuit cartographers travelled throughout the country, performing astronomical observations to verify or determine the latitude and longitude relative to Beijing of various locations, then drew maps based on their findings. Their work was summarized in a four-volumeDescription géographique, historique, chronologique, politique et physique de l'empire de la Chine et de la Tartarie chinoise published byJean-Baptiste Du Halde in Paris in 1735, and on a map compiled byJean Baptiste Bourguignon d'Anville (published 1734).^[48]

To disseminate information about devotional, educational and scientific subjects, several missions in China established printing presses: for example, theImprimerie de la Mission Catholique (Sienhsien), established in 1874.

In the early 18th century, a dispute within the Catholic Church arose over whether Chinese folk religion rituals and offerings to the emperor constitutedpaganism oridolatry. This tension led to what became known as the "Rites Controversy," a bitter struggle that broke out after Ricci's death and lasted for over a hundred years.

At first the focal point of dissension was the Jesuit contention that the ceremonial rites ofConfucianism andancestor veneration were primarily social and political in nature and could be practiced by converts. Spanish Dominicans and Franciscans, however, charged that the practices were idolatrous, meaning that all acts of respect to the sage and one's ancestors were nothing less than the worship of demons. Eventually they persuadedPope Clement XI that the Jesuits were making dangerous accommodations to Chinese sensibilities. In 1704 Rome decided against the ancient use of the wordsShang Di (supreme emperor) andTian (heaven) for God, and forbade the practice of sacrifices to Confucius and ancestors. Rome's decision was taken by the papal legate to theKangxi Emperor, who rejected the decision and required missionaries to declare their adherence to "the rules of Matteo Ricci". In 1724, theYongzheng Emperor expelled all missionaries who failed to support the Jesuit position.^[49]

Among the last Jesuits to work at the Chinese court wereLouis Antoine de Poirot (1735–1813) andGiuseppe Panzi (1734-before 1812) who worked for theQianlong Emperor as painters and translators.^{[50][failed verification][51]} From the 19th century, the role of the Jesuits in China was largely taken over by theParis Foreign Missions Society.

• Protestant missions in China
• Ruins of Saint Paul's, Macau
• Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception (Hangzhou)
• China and the Christian Impact, translation ofJacques Gernet'sChine et christianisme of 1982
• Cornelius Wessels
• Figurism
• China–France relations
• History of the Jews in China
• List of Catholic missionaries to China
• Medical missions in China
• Catholic Church in China
• List of Protestant theological seminaries in China
• Three Pillars of Chinese Catholicism

• Batalden, Stephen K.; Cann, Kathleen; Dean, John (2004).Sowing the word: the cultural impact of the British and foreign Bible society 1804–2004. Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix press.ISBN 9781905048083.
• Ebrey, Patricia Buckley (1996).The Cambridge Illustrated History of China. Cambridge, New York and Melbourne: Cambridge University Press.ISBN 0-521-43519-6.
• Keevak, Michael (2004).The pretended Asian: George Psalmanazar's eighteenth-century Formosan hoax. Detroit, Mich: Wayne State University Press.ISBN 9780814331989.
• Li, Shenwen (2001).Stratégies missionnaires des jésuites français en Nouvelle-France et en Chine au XVIIe siècle. Saint-Nicolas (Québec) Paris: les Presses de l'Université Laval l'Harmattan.ISBN 2-7475-1123-5.
• Mungello, David E. (1989).Curious Land: Jesuit Accommodation and the Origins of Sinology. University of Hawaii Press.ISBN 0-8248-1219-0.
• Mungello, David E. (2005).The Great Encounter of China and the West, 1500–1800. Rowman & Littlefield.ISBN 0-7425-3815-X.
• Ruggieri, Matteo; Ricci, Michele (2001), Witek, John W. (ed.),Dicionário Português-Chinês : 葡漢詞典 (Pu-Han Cidian) : Portuguese-Chinese dictionary, Biblioteca Nacional, pp. 151–157,ISBN 972-565-298-3 (Detailed account of the early years of the mission).
• Swerts, Lorry; De Ridder, Koen (2002).Mon Van Genechten 1903–1974, Flemish missionary and Chinese painter: inculturation of Chinese Christian art. Leuven: Leuven University Press.ISBN 9789058672223.
• Tiedemann, R. G. (2006)."Christianity in East Asia". In Brown, Stewart J.; Tackett, Timothy (eds.).Cambridge History of Christianity: Volume 7, Enlightenment, Reawakening and Revolution 1660–1815. Cambridge University Press. pp. 451–474.ISBN 978-0-521-81605-2.
• Udías, Agustín (2003).Searching the Heavens and the Earth: The History of Jesuit Observatories. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishers.ISBN 9781402011894.
• Wigal, Donald (2000).Historic Maritime Maps. New York: Parkstone Press.ISBN 1-85995-750-1.
• Woods, Thomas (2005).How the Catholic Church Built Western Civilization. Washington, DC: Regenery.ISBN 0-89526-038-7.