Italian nationalism (Italian:Nazionalismo italiano) is a movement which believes that theItalians are anation with a single homogeneous identity, and therefrom seeks to promote the cultural unity ofItaly as a country. From an Italian nationalist perspective, Italianness is defined as claiming cultural and ethnic descent from theLatins, anItalic tribe which originally dwelt inLatium and came to dominate theItalian peninsula and much ofEurope. Because of that, Italian nationalism has also historically adhered toimperialist theories.^[1]

Italian nationalism is often thought to trace its origins to theRenaissance,^[2] but only arose as a political force in the 1830s under the leadership ofGiuseppe Mazzini.^[3] It served as a cause forRisorgimento in the 1860s to 1870s. Italian nationalism became strong again inWorld War I withItalian irredentist claims to territories held byAustria-Hungary, and during the era ofItalian Fascism.^[4]

The origins of Italian nationalism have been traced tothe Renaissance where Italy led a European revival ofclassicalGreco-Roman style of culture, philosophy, and art.^[2] Italian Nationalism first developed not among the general populace but among the intellectual elites of various Italian states. In 1344Petrarch wrote the famous patrioticcanzone “Italia mia” (Rime 128), in which he railed against the warring petty lords of Italy for having yielded the country up to barbarian German fury (ʻla tedesca rabbia’, line 35) and called for peace and unification. Around the same time,Cola di Rienzo attempted to unite the whole of Italy under the hegemony of Rome. In 1347 he assumed the title of “Libertatis, Pacis Iustitiaeque Tribunus, et Sacrae Romanae Rei Publicae Liberator.” Petrarch hailed him in his famous song “Spirto gentil che quelle membra reggi” as the reincarnation of the classical spirit.^[5]

In 1454, representatives from all the regional states of Italy met in Lodi to sign the treaty known as thepeace of Lodi, by which they intended to pursueItalian unification. Thestatus quo established at Lodi lasted until 1494, when French troops intruded into Italian affairs underCharles VIII, initiating theItalian Wars.

The Renaissance-era diplomat and political theoristNiccolò Machiavelli, in his workThe Prince (1532), appealing to Italian patriotism urged Italians "to seize Italy and free her from theBarbarians", by which he referred to the foreign powers occupying the Italian peninsula.^[6] Machiavelli quoted four verses from Petrarch's “Italia mia”, which looked forward to a political leader who would unite Italy.^[7]

During the Italian WarsPope Julius II (1503–1513) made every effort to forge Italian alliances to drive the enemy – in his time the French – out of the country. And although his rallying cryfuori i barbari (‘Put the barbarians out!’) is probably apocryphal, it very neatly sums up the feeling of many Italians.^[8] In his treatiseDiscorso sopra il concilio che si ha da fare, e sopra la unione d'Italia, published in 1566,Girolamo Muzio, a prominent man of letters of the mid-1500s, advocated for the first time the political unification of Italy.^[9]

In 1559 thePeace of Cateau-Cambrésis marked the end of Italian liberty and the beginning of a period of uncontested Spanish hegemony in Italy. During the long-lasting period of Spanish domination a vitriolic anti-Spanish polemic became widespread throughout Italy.Trajano Boccalini wrote many anti-Spanishpamphlets, such asPietra del paragone politico (Politick Touchstone), published after his death in 1615. Followers of Boccalini published similar anti-Spanish pamphlets in the same period, such asEsequie delle reputazione di Spagna, printed in 1615, in which the corpse of the reputation of Spain is dissected by famous anatomists.

Modern historians disagree on the strength of “Italianità” (Italian national identity) in the early modern period. By contrast, Spanish diplomats in Italy at the time were all too certain that Italians shared a common bond of resentment against the imperial power of Spain.^[10]

Charles Emmanuel I's expansionist policy ignited Italian nationalism and patriotism. In 1614Alessandro Tassoni published in quick succession two anonymousFilippiche addressed to the Italian nobility, exhorting the nobles to discard their lethargy, unite and instead of fighting each other, joinSavoy in ridding Italy of Spanish hegemony.^[11]

At about the same time that Tassoni was inspired to write theFilippiche,Fulvio Testi, a young poet at the court of the duke of Este, published a collection of poems dedicated to Charles Emmanuel. Not all the poems were of a patriotic nature, but those that were clearly revealed the feelings Charles Emmanuel had stirred in freedom-loving Italians.^[11] Testi followed this up, in 1617, with thePianto d'Italia, where Italy calls for a war of national independence, in which the Duke of Savoy is to be the leader.^[12]

More than fifty years laterVittorio Siri still reminisced that “all Italy broke forth with pen and tongue in praises and panegyrics at the name of Carlo Emanuele, and in demonstrations of joy and applause that he had revived . . . the ancient Latin valor, wishing that he . . . [might] one day become the redeemer of Italy's freedom and the restorer of its greatness.”^[13]

The failure of Charles Emmanuel's expansive foreign policy caused a widespread crisis among Italian nationalists.

InVincenzo da Filicaja's late seventeenth-century sonnet “Italia, Italia O tu, cui feo la sorte” (Italy, Italy, O you, to whom fate has given) the 'unlucky gift of beauty' was the reason why Italy, 'the slave of friend and foe', had repeatedly been conquered, sacked and exploited throughout history. Filicaia's sonnet was well known, along with Petrarch'sItalia mia, as one of the great Italian patriotic lyrics. It appeared inSismondi'sDe la littérature du midi (where it is praised as 'the most celebrated specimen which the Italian literature of the seventeenth century affords') and was frequently translated into English.^[14]

In 1713 the Dukes of Savoy, who traditionally possessed the title of animperial vicar of Italy, obtained royal dignity, securing their pre-eminence among the Italian princes.^[15]

When France started to annexCorsica in the late 18th century (and then incorporated duringNapoleon's empire the regions ofPiemonte,Liguria,Toscana andLazio), the first movements to defend Italy's existence aroused withPaoli revolt and were later followed by the birth of the so-called "irredentism".

Paoli was sympathetic toItalian culture and regarded his own native language as an Italian dialect (Corsican is anItalo-Dalmatian tongue closely related toTuscan). He was considered byNiccolò Tommaseo, who collected hisLettere (Letters), as one of the precursors of theItalian irredentism. The so-calledBabbu di a Patria ("Father of the fatherland"), as Pasquale Paoli was nicknamed by theCorsican Italians, wrote in his Letters the following appeal in 1768 against the French:^[16]

We are Corsicans by birth and sentiment, but first of all we feel Italian by language, origins, customs, traditions; and Italians are all brothers and united in the face of history and in the face of God ... As Corsicans we wish to be neither slaves nor "rebels" and as Italians we have the right to deal as equals with the other Italian brothers ... Either we shall be free or we shall be nothing... Either we shall win or we shall die, weapons in hand ... The war against France is right and holy as the name of God is holy and right, and here on our mountains will appear for Italy the sun of liberty....

The initial important figure in the development of Italian nationalism was Giuseppe Mazzini, who became a nationalist in the 1820s.^[18] In his political career, Mazzini held as objectives the liberation of Italy from the Austrian occupation, indirect control by Austria, princely despotism, aristocratic privilege, and clerical authority.^[19] Mazzini was captivated byancient Rome that he considered the "temple ofhumanity" and sought to establish a united Italy as a "Third Rome" that emphasized Roman spiritual values that Italian nationalists claimed were preserved by theCatholic Church.^[1] Mazzini and Italian nationalists in general promoted the concept ofRomanità (the Romanness), which claimed that Roman culture made invaluable contributions to the Italian andWesterncivilization.^[1] Since the 1820s, Mazzini supported a revolution to create a utopia of an ideal Italianrepublic based inRome.^[18] Mazzini formed revolutionary patrioticYoung Italy society in 1832.^[19] Upon Young Italy breaking apart in the 1830s, Mazzini reconstituted it in 1839 with the intention to gain the support of workers' groups.^[19] However, at the time Mazzini was hostile tosocialism due to his belief that all classes needed to be united in the cause of creating a united Italy rather than divided against each other.^[20]

Vincenzo Gioberti in 1843 in his bookOn the Civil and Moral Primacy of the Italians, advocated a federal state of Italy led by thePope.^[23]

Camillo Benso, the future Prime Minister of theKingdom of Sardinia and afterwards the Kingdom of Italy, worked as an editor for the nationalist Italian newspaperIl Risorgimento in the 1840s.^[24] Cavour was a clear example ofcivic nationalism with a high consideration for values includingfreedom,tolerance,equality, andindividual rights compatible with a sober nationalism.^[25]

Economic nationalism influenced businessmen and government authorities to promote a united Italy.^[20] Prior to unification, tariff walls held between the Italian states and the disorganized railway system prevented economic development of the peninsula.^[20] Prior to the revolutions of 1848,Carlo Cattaneo advocated an economic federation of Italy.^[24]

Supporters of Italian nationalism ranged from across the political spectrum: it appealed to bothconservatives andliberals.^[26] The Revolutions of 1848 resulted in a major development of the Italian nationalist movement. Liberalization of press laws inPiedmont allowed nationalist activity to flourish.^[24]

Following the Revolutions of 1848 and the liberalization of press laws, the Italian nationalist organization, called theItalian National Society, was created in 1857 byDaniele Manin andGiorgio Pallevicino.^[24] The National Society was created to promote and spread nationalism to political moderates in Piedmont and raised money, held public meetings, and produced newspapers.^[24] The National Society helped to establish a base for Italian nationalism amongst the educatedmiddle class.^[24] By 1860, the National Society influenced dominant liberal circles in Italy and won over middle class support for the union of Piedmont andLombardy.^[27]

The statesmanDaniele Manin seems to have believed in Italian unification years beforeCamillo Benso of Cavour, who actually unified the country withGiuseppe Garibaldi through diplomatic and military actions. During the 1856Congress of Paris, Manin talked with Cavour about several plans and strategies to achieve theunification of Italy; Cavour clearly considered those plans vain things, and after the meeting wrote that Manin had talked about "l'unità d'Italia ed altre corbellerie" ("the unity of Italy and other nonsense").^[28]

The Risorgimento was an ideological movement that helped incite the feelings of brotherhood and nationalism in the imagined Italian community, which called for the unification of Italy and the pushing out of foreign powers. Literature, music, and other outlets of expression frequently alluded back to the glorious past of Rome and the miraculous feats their ancestors had accomplished in defending their homeland and kicking out the foreign occupants.^[29]

After the unification of Italy was completed in 1870, the Italian government faced domestic political paralysis and internal tensions, resulting in it resorting to embarking on a colonial policy to divert the Italian public's attention from internal issues.^[30]

In these years, one of the most prominent political figures wasFrancesco Crispi, whose actions as prime minister were characterised by a nationalism that often appeared as a form of obsession for the national unity and defence from hostile foreign countries.^[31] Italy managed to colonize the East African coast ofEritrea andSomalia, but failed to conquerEthiopia with 15,000 Italians dying in the war and being forced to retreat.^[30] Then, Italy waged war with theOttoman Empire from 1911 to 1912 and gainedLibya and theDodecanese Islands from Turkey.^[30] However, these attempts to gain popular support from the public failed, and rebellions and violent protests became so intense that many observers believed that the young Kingdom of Italy would not survive.^[30]

Tired of the internal conflicts in Italy, a movement of bourgeois intellectuals led byGabriele d'Annunzio,Gaetano Mosca, andVilfredo Pareto declared war on the parliamentary system, and their position gained respect among Italians.^[30] D'Annunzio called upon young Italians to seek fulfillment in violent action and put an end to the politically maneuvering parliamentary government.^[30] TheItalian Nationalist Association (ANI) was founded inFlorence in 1910 by the jingoist nationalistEnrico Corradini who emphasized the need for martial heroism, of total sacrifice of individualism and equality to one's nation, the need of discipline and obedience in society, the grandeur and power of ancient Rome, and the need for people to live dangerously.^[30] Corradini's ANI's extremist appeals were enthusiastically supported by many Italians.^[30]

At the outbreak ofWorld War I in 1914, Italy initially maintained neutrality, despite its official alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary since 1882 on the grounds that Germany and Austria-Hungary were waging an aggressive war that it refused to take part in.^[30] In 1915, Italy eventually decided to enter the war on the British and French side against Austria-Hungary and Germany.^[30]

Nationalist pride soared in Italy after the end of hostilities in November 1918, with the victory of Italy and Allied forces over Austria-Hungary and the seizure by Italy of former Austro-Hungarian territories. Italian nationalism became a major force at both elite and popular levels until 1945, when popular democracy became a much more important force.^[32]

Freemasonry was an influential semi-secret force in Italian politics with a strong presence among professionals and the middle class across Italy, as well as among the leadership in parliament, public administration, and the army. The two main organisation were theGrand Orient and theGrand Lodge of Italy. They had 25,000 members in 500 or more lodges. Freemasons took on the challenge of mobilizing the press, public opinion. and the leading political parties in support of Italy's joining the Allies. traditionally, Italian nationalism focused on unification, and undermining the power of the Catholic Church. In 1914-15 they dropped the traditional pacifistic rhetoric and used instead the powerful language of Italian nationalism. Freemasonry had always promoted cosmopolitan universal values, and by 1917 onwards they demanded aLeague of Nations to promote a new post-war universal order based upon the peaceful coexistence of independent and democratic nations.^[33]

Italy entered into World War I in 1915 with the aim of completing national unity, so it is also considered the Fourth Italian War of Independence,^[35] from a historiographical perspective, as the conclusion of theunification of Italy.^[36] Italy, nominally allied withGerman and theAustro-Hungarian empires in theTriple Alliance, in 1915 joined theAllies, entering World War I with apromise of substantial territorial gains that included westInner Carniola, the formerAustrian Littoral, andDalmatia, as well as parts of theOttoman Empire.TheTreaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye (1919) andTreaty of Rapallo (1920) allowed for annexation ofTrentino Alto-Adige, theJulian March,Istria, theKvarner Gulf and the Dalmatian city ofZara.^[30]

In particular, Italian nationalists were enraged by the Allies denying Italy the right to annexFiume, that had a slight majority Italian population but was not included in Italy's demands agreed with the Allies in 1915, and a larger part ofDalmatia which had a vast majority Slavic population and an Italian minority (namely theDalmatian Italians), claiming that Italian annexation of large part of Dalmatia would violateWoodrow Wilson'sFourteen Points.^[37] D'Annunzio responded to this by mobilizing two thousand veterans of the war who seized Fiume by force; this action was met with international condemnation of d'Annunzio's actions but was supported by a majority of Italians.^[37] Though d'Annunzio's government in Fiume was forced from power, Italy annexed Fiume a few years later.^[37]

Since Italy did not receive other territories promised by the Treaty of London, so this outcome was denounced as a "mutilated victory", byBenito Mussolini, which helped lead to therise of Italian fascism. Historians regard "mutilated victory" as a "political myth", used by fascists to fuelItalian imperialism.^[38]

Theseizure of power by theItalian Fascist leaderBenito Mussolini asPrime Minister of Italy in 1922 and his development of afascist totalitarian state in Italy involved appeal to Italian nationalism,^[39] seeking to expand Italian possessions via irredentist claims based on the legacy of the Roman and Venetian empires.^[40] For this reason the fascists engaged ininterventionist foreign policy. In 1935, Mussoliniinvaded Ethiopia and foundedItalian East Africa, resulting in international isolation and leading to Italy's withdrawal from theLeague of Nations. Italy thenallied with Nazi Germany and theEmpire of Japan, and strongly supportedFrancisco Franco in theSpanish Civil War. In 1939, Italyannexed Albania.

There were three major themes in Mussolini's foreign policy. The first was a continuation of the foreign-policy objectives of the preceding Liberal regime. Liberal Italy had allied itself with Germany and Austria, and had great ambitions in the Balkans and North Africa. Ever since it had been badly defeated in Ethiopia in 1896, there was a strong demand for seizing that country. Second was a profound disillusionment after the heavy losses of the First World War; the small territorial gains from Austria were not enough to compensate. Third was Mussolini's promise to restore the pride and glory of theRoman Empire.^[41]

Italian Fascism is based upon Italian nationalism and in particular, seeks to complete what it considers as the incomplete project ofRisorgimento by incorporatingItalia Irredenta (unredeemed Italy) into the state of Italy.^[42][43] To the east of Italy, the Fascists claimed thatDalmatia was a land of Italian culture.^[44] To the south, the Fascists claimedMalta, which belonged to the United Kingdom, andCorfu, which belonged to Greece, to the north claimedItalian Switzerland, while to the west claimedCorsica,Nice andSavoy, which belonged to France.^[45][46] Mussolini sought to build closer relations with Germany and the United Kingdom while showing hostility towards France and Yugoslavia.^[47] He fought communism inSpain in 1936/37 and unitedAlbania to the Kingdom of Italy in 1939. In 1940, Mussolini enteredWW2 on the side ofHitler's Germany, but in September 1943, Italy was forced to surrender to the Allies.

After World War II, Italian irredentism disappeared along with the defeated Fascists and the Monarchy of theHouse of Savoy. After theTreaty of Paris (1947) and theTreaty of Osimo (1975), all territorial claims were abandoned by theItalian Republic (seeForeign relations of Italy).^[48] The Italian irredentist movement thus vanished from Italian politics.

After the fall of Fascism and following the birth of theRepublic, the interest in Italian nationalism by scholars, politicians and the masses was relatively low, mainly because of its close relation with Fascism and consequently with bad memories ofWorld War II. The only notable and active political party who clearly declared Italian nationalism as its main ideology was theneo-fascistItalian Social Movement (MSI), which became the fourth largest party in Italy by the early 1960s.^[49] In these years, Italian nationalism was considered an ideology linked to right-wing political parties and organisations. Nevertheless, two significant events seemed to revitalise Italian nationalism amongItalians, the first one in 1953 with theQuestion of Trieste when the claim of Italy on the full control of the city ofTrieste was largely endorsed by most of the Italian society with patriotic demonstrations.^[50]

In 1995 the MSI developed in theAlleanza Nazionale and was in theBerlusconi governments of Italy: the party was part of all threeHouse of Freedoms coalition governments led bySilvio Berlusconi. Gianfranco Fini (leader of Alleanza Nazionale) was nominated Deputy Prime Minister after the2001 general election.

In the 2000s, Italian nationalism seemed to gain a moderate support by the society, in particular during important days such as theNational DayFesta della Repubblica (Republic day) and theAnniversary of the Liberation. ThePresident of the RepublicCarlo Azeglio Ciampi has often praised patriotism amongItalians by mentioning in his speeches national events, including theRisorgimento or theResistenza, and national symbols like theFlag of Italy and theNational Anthem, although he seems to want to stress self-confidence rather than plain nationalism.^[51] Nationalist ideologies are often present during Italian anti-globalisation protests. Today, Italian nationalism is still mainly supported by right-wing political parties likeBrothers of Italy and minor far-right political parties likeThe Right,CasaPound,Forza Nuova andTricolour Flame. Nonetheless, in recent times Italian nationalism has been occasionally embraced as a form ofbanal nationalism byliberal^[52] parties likeForza Italia, centrist parties like theUnion of the Centre or even by centre-left parties like theDemocratic Party.^[53][54]

Italian nationalism has also faced a great deal of opposition from within Italy itself.Regionalism and municipal identities have challenged the concept of a unified Italian identity, like those inFriuli-Venezia Giulia,Naples,Sardinia,Sicily andVeneto.^[55] Such regional identities evoked strong opposition after the Piedmontese-led unification of Italy to plans for "Piedmontization" of Italy.^[55] Italian identity has also been long strained by an ever growing north–south divide that developed partly from the economic differences of a highly industrialized North and a highly agricultural South.^[56]

•  
  Civil flag of Italy, originally designed in 1797. A symbol of the Italian nation since the early-19th century and symbol of the Italian Republic since 1946.
•  
  Civil flag of the Kingdom of Italy from 1861 to 1946. Presently used by Italian monarchists.
•  
  War flag of the Italian Social Republic, the incarnation of Fascist Italy from 1943 to 1945 after the Fascist regime in the Kingdom of Italy was dismantled in 1943. It is a prominent symbol used by Italian neo-fascists.

• Brothers of Italy (2012–present)
• Lega (2017–present)

• Fascism and Freedom Movement (1991–present)
• Tricolour Flame (1995–present)
• Unitalia (1996–present)
• National Front (1997–present)
• New Force (1997–present)
• New Italian Social Movement (2000–present)
• CasaPound (2003–present)
• Social Idea Movement (2004–present)
• Social Right (2013–present)
• United Right (2014–present)

• Action Party (1848–1867)
• Italian Nationalist Association (1910–1923)
• Fascio Rivoluzionario d'Azione Internazionalista (1914)
• Fasci d'Azione Rivoluzionaria (1915–1919)
• Futurist Political Party (1918–1920)
• Fasci Italiani di Combattimento (1919–1921)
• National Fascist Party (1921–1943)
• Republican Fascist Party (1943–1945)
• Democratic Fascist Party (1945–1946)
• Italian Movement of Social Unity (1946)
• Italian Social Movement (1946–1995)
• Alleanza Nazionale (1995-2009)
• National Front (1967–1970)
• National Front (1990–2000)
• The Right (2007–2017)
• National Movement for Sovereignty (2017–2019)

• Gabriele D'Annunzio
• Benito Mussolini
• Enrico Corradini
• Giorgio Almirante
• Roberto Fiore
• Massimo Morsello
• Roberto Farinacci
• Stefano Delle Chiaie
• Giuseppe Mazzini

• Nationalism (Italy)
• Italian Empire
• History of Italy
• Italian culture
• Italian Fascism
• Italian irredentism
• Italian unification
• Italians
• Revolutions of 1848