al-HajIdris Alooma (bornIdris ibn Ali) wasMai (ruler) of theBornu empire (r. 1571–1602/03), covering parts ofChad,Cameroon,Niger andNigeria.^[3][4][5] His achievements are primarily chronicled byAhmad bin Fartuwa, his chiefImam.^{[6][7]: 269} His reign marked the end of the Kanem civil wars within the state, reunitingN'jimi, the former capital, underSayfawa control. Furthermore, he introduced significant legal reforms based onIslamic law, establishingqadi courts that operated independently from the executive branch. He was credited with leading the empire to what is often regarded as its zenith during the late 16th-century and early 17th-century.^{[8]: 151 [9][10]}

Bornu faced instability before his reign, including famines, raids from neighbours, and internal conflicts. By the conclusion of his rule, he had successfully expanded Bornu's influence over vast territories, including the majority ofHausaland, theTuareg ofAïr, theTebu ofBilma,Tibesti, and even theBulala ofKanem. Of particular note is the acquisition of Aïr and Bilma, which granted Bornu strategic control over thecentral Saharan trade routes. This development significantly contributed to the prosperity of Idris Alooma and his successors, enabling them to foster improved diplomatic relations withNorth African powers, notablyTripoli.^[11]: 24 

During the late 16th-century, theOttoman Caliphate's expansion towardsFezzan, an important trade hub in thetrans-Saharan trade, became a concern for Bornu. Alooma sought negotiations withIstanbul to regain control of Fezzan whichSultan Murad III declined, but urged amicable relations with Bornu. As tensions rose, Bornu sought aid from Morocco'sAhmad al-Mansur, potentially to counter Ottoman control. Though al-Mansur agreed conditionally, no historical evidence shows his actual support.^[12][13] Shortly after Bornu's final envoy to Morocco, between 1582–1583 and 1585, the entire Ottoman garrison in Fezzan was slaughtered, leading to the return of theAwlad Muhammad dynasty. Historian Dr. Rémi Dewière (School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London) suggests that Alooma strategically exploited the rivalry between Morocco and the Ottoman Empire to reclaim Fezzan.^[10][14]

Idris's mother, Amsa Aliram, was likely a daughter of a Mai of theBulala.^[15]: 39 She faced significant challenges in ensuring his survival during the reigns of Dunama (r. 1539–1557),^[14] who succeeded Mai Ali (Idris's father) due to there being no adult male heirs, and Abdullahi (r. 1557–1564),^[14] Dunama's son who followed him as Mai.^{[7]: 268 [16]: 83}

Idris, as an infant, lost his father, Mai Ali ibn Idris Katagarmabe (r. 1538–1539),^[14] and was raised by Magira (Queen Mother)Aisa Kili N'girmaramma. In order to hide his existence from the Mais, Aisa constructed a brick palace for him near theRiver Yo in Gambaru (in modern-dayYunusari), which was located away from Bornu's capital,N'gazargamu.^[16]: 83

The reign of Idris Alooma is the best documented of all of theSayfawa rulers owing to his chiefImam,Ahmad ibn Fartuwa, who recorded the first twelve years of his reign.^[10] However, the remaining twenty-one years is practically unknown. Before his ascension, Bornu was in a delicate and unstable period. The state was just leaving a short period during which it was ruled byMagira Aisa. Bornu had suffered long famines in the reigns of his two predecessors. It was being raided by its neighbors on all sides. Furthermore, theKanem wars with theBulala were still ongoing to the east. Even within Bornu itself, theSao,Ngizim and the numerous lesser groups who remained unislamised had not yet been fully pacified.^{[7]: 269–270 [17]}

Alooma introduced a number of legal and administrative reforms based onIslamic law. He establishedqadi courts to oversee legal proceedings, effectively separating the judiciary from the executive branch. Prior to his rule, only the ruling class and a number of clerical families had been Muslims and during the century-long decline of the empire, the significance of the religion had diminished. It was noted by Ibn Fartua that, during Alooma's reign, most of the Bornu notables converted to Islam.^{[11]: 22 [8]: 123} Despite his attempts, however, there is no convincing evidence that Islamic law became Bornu's state law, nor did it completely replace non-Islamic beliefs and practices in the state according to historianMervyn Hiskett.^[18]

Alooma also sponsored the construction of numerous mosques and introduced the use of fired redmud bricks in these constructions. The mud bricks replaced the more temporary reeds.  Furthermore, he made at least twopilgrimages to Mecca, where he arranged for the establishment of a hostel to be used bypilgrims from his empire and adate grove.^{[7]: 500 [16]: 24 [17][19]: 131–132 [20]}

Government revenue came from tribute (orbooty if the recalcitrant people had to be conquered) and duties on and participation intrade. UnlikeWest Africa, the Chadian region did not havegold. Still, it was central to one of the most convenient routes across theSahara desert. BetweenLake Chad andFezzan lay a sequence of well-spacedwells andoases and from Fezzan there were easy connections to North Africa and theMediterranean. Many products were sent north, includingnatron (sodium carbonate),cotton,kola nuts,ivory,ostrich feathers,perfume,wax, andhides, but the most profitable trade was inslaves. Imports includedsalt,horses,silk,glass, muskets, andcopper.^[21] He introduced the use of large boats capable of crossing theLake Chad 'rapidly' replacing the smallergagara boats from 'ancient times' which took two to three days to make the same journey. This allowed his army to travel faster and also supported trade in the region.^{[16]: 48 [22][23]}

Alooma took a keen interest in trade and other economic matters. He was credited with having cleared the roads, designed better boats for Lake Chad, introduced standard units of measure for grain, and moving farmers into new lands. In addition, he improved the ease and security of transit through the empire with the goal of making it so safe that "a lone woman clad in gold might walk with none to fear but God."^{[citation needed]}

One of the most well known aspects of Alooma's legacy was his extensive military expeditions and innovations. He employedTurkish military advisers to train his gunmen so they fully utilise his newly acquire muskets. These Turks were likely mercenaries who migrated to Bornu in pursuit of renown and riches.^[13] Alooma also implemented the widespread establishment ofribats, fortified military posts, to uphold his authority and secure control across the entirety of Bornu.^{[15]: 25 [24][25]: 234 [26]: 79} Furthermore, he was credited with introducing the use ofcamel cavalry in theLake Chad region.^{[8]: 122 [25]: 222}

Alooma also adopted certain policies that aided his military successes. He placed a particular importance to the effective use of time. His armies were meticulously organised and he coordinated the movements of large formations, concentrating them at crucial points, and dispersing them to prevent the strain on the limited food resources of semi-arid regions. These strategies were likely adopted from or influenced by theMadugus, who were renowned for leading merchant caravans through theSahara desert.^[23]

His armies conducted far-reaching campaigns that covered a vast geographical expanse, ranging from theFezzan region in southernLibya to theKawar region in northernNiger, theKanem region in easternChad, theMandara region in northernCameroon, and even as far asHausaland innorthern Nigeria, reaching as distant asKano. He embarked on a mission to restore Bornu's authority over the territories the empire had lost due to the bloody dynastic conflict it had suffered for a century. This process of reclamation was started by his great-grandfather MaiAli Gaji (r. 1472–1504).

According toIbn Fartua, Amsaka was a formidable city with a diverse non-Muslim population (in modern-day Kaza near the border ofDikwa andKala Balge inBorno state).^[16][27] The town was encircled by a deep ditch and was situated to the east ofMandara. Unlike similar towns in the region, Amsaka did not have a single ruler. He further described its inhabitants as "insolent, rebellious and very troublesome." Even before the establishment ofN'gazargamu in the late 15th-century, Amsaka had already gained a reputation as a mighty town that was heavily defended. Ibn Fartua remarked thatMai Ali Gaji used to make expeditions against "all the towns of the heathen except the land of Amsaka alone. The only reason they held off and left it alone was because of the power of its inhabitants in war and their stout defence of their town."^{[16]: 38 [28][23]}

Mai Idris admired the town for its "stubbornness and exclusiveness and presumption." In 1575, he, alongside Yamtarawalla, the chief of theBabur ofBiu, made an initial attempt to invade and sack Amsaka, but he faced a fierce resistance and was repelled. After this initial failure, he took the time to carefully consider his next move. Some years later, he launched a second invasion, this time with a large army. However, instead of directly assaulting the city, he ordered his eager army to encamp just outside the town's east gate and to begin filling the deep trench that surrounded it.

The people of Amsaka responded by hurling spears, rocks, burning thatch, and pots of boiling human waste at Alooma's men filling the trench, but these efforts proved ineffective. They also showered the trench fillers with arrows, which likewise did not deter them. Each night, the people of Amsaka would attempt to remove the bundles ofguinea corn stalks that Alooma's army had placed in the trench. However, these actions did not discourage Mai Idris. In response, Mai Idris ordered that all the arrows fired at his army be collected, which caused the town's supply of arrowheads to start running low. He also ordered the construction of high platforms around the city, from which his musketeers could fire into Amsaka and provide cover for the trench fillers. Once the trench was successfully filled, Mai Idris commanded that the woodenstockade surrounding the city be chopped down, ultimately leading to the dismantling of Amsaka's defenses.^{[16]: 38–39 [23]}

On the last day of theIslamic monthSha'aban, which fell just before the start ofRamadan, specifically on 4 December 1575, Mai Idris led the siege of Amsaka and sacked it. He ordered the complete destruction of the town and the slaughter of all its inhabitants. According to Ibn Fartua, Mai Idris' army suffered only one casualty, a man named Ajima ibn Kalle, during the conquest. This victory in Amsaka elevated Alooma's reputation and standing. As a result, numerous settlements in the region sent representatives bearing gifts, signifying their submission to his rule and their agreement to pay a regular "poll-tax".^[16] Amsaka never regained its 'might' and is today a village with a small population.^[27]

The Mai initiated more than five military expeditions inKanem as part of the ongoing dynastic conflict within theSayfawa dynasty. Idris led 'systematic efforts' to reduce Kanem to submission and eventually, a peace agreement was reached with Abdullah, the Mai of Kanem, and two pieces of document were written and signed. Despite the treaty, there remained disputed territories, leading to the establishment of clear demarcations to define the borders. However, soon after the signing of the treaty, Abdullah passed away, and his son Muhammad assumed leadership.^{[23][30]: 657}

Muhammad's rule was short-lived as he was swiftly ousted by his uncle, Abd al-Jalil, who not only terminated the negotiations but also declined any alliance with Idris. This refusal led to a conflict where Idris's forces suffered significant losses but ultimately emerged victorious. As a result,Njimi (the former capital ofKanem-Bornu) and the surrounding areas to the east were incorporated into Bornu, although the rulership of Kanem was reinstated to Muhammad. Idris left behind a strong party of local dignitaries, who were primarilyShuwa Arabs, to support Muhammad's governance. However, circumstances necessitated Idris's return to Kanem, where he succeeded in fully annexing the region, thus integrating Kanem into the territory of Bornu.^{[14]: chapter 7 [31]: 81 [32]: 64}

In the late 16th-century, the North African region saw an increase inOttoman presence. Following the conquest of theMaghreb, the Ottoman influence, initially confined to the coastal regions and the vicinity ofTripoli, began to expand southward, particularly toward theLake Chad region of Bornu. Spearheading this expansion was Mahmut Bey, asanjak of theeyalet of Tripoli. In 1577–8, Mahmut successfully seized theFezzan oases, leading to the expulsion of theAwlad Muhammad dynasty, which had governed Fezzan for fifty years, toKatsina, aHausa city-state likely under Bornu control.^{[13][33]: 1 [34]}

The developments in Fezzan directly impacted Bornu's interests, given Fezzan's crucial position as acommercial crossroads in the Central Sahara. In response, Alooma dispatched his envoy, al-hajj Yusuf, toIstanbul, asking the Ottomans to relinquish the fortress known asFezzān orQal'at Q.rân (according to B. G. Martin, it was likely located inBilma in modern-dayNiger Republic). This fortress, situated along the trade route connecting Bornu with the Libyan coast, was a pivotal asset. WhileSultan Murad III refused to cede the conquered territory to Mai Idris, he gave strict orders to Mahmut and thebeylerbeyi of Tripoli to maintain amicable relations with Bornu and its subjects. Throughout the 1570s, interactions between Bornu and the Ottomans persisted, with Alooma sending delegations to Istanbul on two more occasions, the last being in 1579. The Ottoman Sultan further urged thebeylerbeyis ofEgypt andTunis to foster friendly ties with Bornu and ensure the protection of Bornupilgrims en route to Mecca.^{[10][13][33]: 116–120}

At the outset of the 1580s, a strain emerged in the relationship between the two empires, likely due to the persistent refusal of the Ottomans to relinquish the Fezzan region. In response, Mai Idris dispatched al-hajj Yusuf to seek assistance fromAhmad al-Mansur ofMorocco, who harbored a rivalry with Sultan Murad III. Al-hajj Yusuf made multiple trips to Morocco between 1581 and 1583. The episode was chronicled in detail by the vizier of al-Mansur,Abd al-Aziz b. Muhammad al-Fishtali, in his work,Manāhil al-safā. According to al-Fishtali, al-Mansur agreed to aid Mai Idris on the condition that Mai Idris pledgesbay'ah to him asAmir al-Muminin and hiscaliph. Although Mai Idris seemingly agreed to this pledge, there is no evidence that al-Mansur ever provided military support to Bornu. Similarly, there is no historical record of Bornu assisting Moroccoduring its invasion of Songhai.^[12][10]

The motivations, implications, and outcomes of this diplomatic mission remain ambiguous, both from the perspectives of Bornu and Morocco. It is widely believed that al-Mansur sought to establish a caliphate to rival the Ottoman Empire, using this embassy to advance that objective. However, Mai Idris's intentions remain unclear. Shortly after the final envoy from Mai Idris to al-Mansur, between 1582–3 and 1585, the entire Ottoman garrison in Fezzan was slaughtered, leading to the return of theAwlad Muhammad dynasty fromKatsina to resume their governance of the region.^[10]

According to historian Dr.Remi Dewiere, the proximity of these events was not coincidental, suggesting that Idris Alooma had strategized the reconquest of Fezzan. Dewiere further argues that the bay'ah pledge by Alooma was 'purely symbolic' and that he exploited the rivalry between al-Mansur and Murad III "in order to resolve a local issue." Given the Islamic legitimacy of the Ottoman sultans as protectors of theHoly cities of Islam, withTripoli andCairo serving as vital economic partners under Ottoman control, aligning with al-Mansur, a rival caliph, provided Alooma with an opportunity to challenge Ottoman hegemony and the Islamic legacy in Fezzan. However, not acknowledging al-Mansur as the legitimate Caliph of Islam meant that any action against the Ottomans could be interpreted as an affront to the ulama.^[10]

Following the restoration of the Awlad Muhammad dynasty, Bornu regained control of the Bornu-Tripoli trade route, previously under Ottoman authority.^[10]

Mai Idris was killed aroundMaiduguri by a 'pagan' archer who was hidden on top a tree. The region was said to have been occupied, at the time, byGamargu andMabani peoples. He was buried in the middle of theAlau Lake, whence his nickname Alau-ma or Aloo-ma.^{[9]: 658 [16]: 83–84}

• Barkindo, Bawuro: "The early states of the Central Sudan",in: J. Ajayi and M. Crowder (eds.),The History of West Africa, vol. I, 3rd ed. Harlow 1985, 225–254.
• Dewière, Rémi,Du lac Tchad à La Mecque. Le sultanat du Borno et son Monde(16e-17s siècle), Paris, Publications de La Sorbonne, 2017 (Open Access Edition:[1]).
• Hunwick, John: "Songhay, Bornu and Hausaland in the sixteenth century", in: J. Ajayi and M. Crowder (eds.),The History of West Africa, vol. I, 1st ed. London 1971, 202–239.
• Ibn Furṭū: "The Kanem wars", in: Herbert R. Palmer:Sudanese Memoirs, vol. I, Lagos 1928, p. 15-81.
• Lange, Dierk:Le Dīwān des sultans du Kanem-Bornu, Wiesbaden 1977.
• --:A Sudanic Chronicle: the Borno Expeditions of Idrīs Alauma'to', Wiesbaden 1987.

• Ibn Furtu
• Sayfawa dynasty
• Sayfawa dynasty
• Bornu Empire

• "A Country Study: Chad".Library of Congress Country Studies. 1990.