Digambara (/dɪˈɡʌmbərə/; "sky-clad") is one of the two majorschools of Jainism, the other beingŚvetāmbara (white-clad). TheSanskrit wordDigambara means "sky-clad", referring to their traditional monastic practice of neither possessing nor wearing any clothes.^[1] Nakedness was the ideal practice of lordMahavira and his immediate followers.^[2] Mahavira emphasized the importance of nakedness for monks.^[3] It symbolizes complete detachment and is an ideal form of conduct.^[4]Mahavira believed that renouncing clothes made the body immune to external influences like heat and cold, increasing resilience. Without clothes, a monk would avoid the distractions of acquiring, maintaining, and washing garments, allowing him to focus on spiritual growth and self-discipline.^[3]

Digambara and Śvetāmbara traditions have had historical differences ranging from their dress code, their temples and iconography, attitude towards female monastics, their legends, and the texts they consider as important. Digambaras maintain that women cannot attain nirvana. However, Śvetāmbaras differ and maintain that women as well as eunuchs can attain nirvana, having more inclusivity.^[5][6][7]

Digambara monks believe in the virtue of non-attachment and non-possession of any material goods. Monks carry a community-ownedpicchi, which is a broom made of fallenpeacock feathers for removing and thus saving the life of insects in their path or before they sit.^[1]

The Digambara literature can be traced only to the first millennium, with its oldest surviving sacred text being the mid-second centuryṢaṭkhaṅḍāgama "Scripture in Six Parts" of Dharasena (theMoodabidri manuscripts).^[8] One of the most important scholar-monks of the Digambara tradition wasKundakunda.

Digambara Jain communities are currently found mainly in most parts of India in states likeRajasthan,Uttar Pradesh,Delhi,Bihar,Jharkhand,Madhya Pradesh,Maharashtra,Karnataka andTamilnadu.^[7][9] According toJeffery D. Long, a scholar of Hindu and Jain studies, less than one fifth of all Jains in India have a Digambara heritage.

According toHeinrich Zimmer, the wordDigambara is a combination of twoSanskrit words:dik (दिक्) (space, sky) andambara (अम्बर) (garment), referring to those whose garments are of the element that fills the four quarters of space.^[10]

The Digambaras and Śvetāmbara disagree on how the Digambara subtradition started in Jainism.^[11] According to Digambaras, they are the original followers ofMahavira and Śvetāmbara branched off later in the time ofBhadrabahu when their forecast twelve-year famine triggered their migration from central India.^[11] One group of Jain monks headed west and north towardsRajasthan, while the second group headed south towardsKarnataka. The former became Śvetāmbara and retained their "heretic" beliefs and practices such as wearing "white clothes" they adopted there, say the Digambaras.^[11]

In contrast, according to Śvetāmbara, they are the original followers, and Digambaras arose 609 years after the death of Mahavira (about 1st century CE) because of an arrogant man namedSivabhuti who became a Jain monk in a fit of pique after a fight at home.^[11] However, according toJinabhadra Gaṇi Kshamashramana, in his work Viśeṣāvaśyaka Bhāṣya, from which this account of the sect's creation is derived, he explicitly states thatSivabhuti was the eighth heretic who is regarded as the founder 'Bodiya ditthi' or Botika sect, also known as the Digambara sect.^[12][13][14] He is accused of starting the Digambara tradition with what Śvetāmbara call as "eight concealments", of rejecting Jain texts preserved by the Śvetāmbara tradition, and misunderstanding the Jain ideology including those related to nuns and clothes.^[11]

The earliest version of this Digambara story appears in the 10th century CE, while the earliest version of the Śvetāmbara story appears in the 5th century CE.^[15]

Oldest archeological evidence of digambara jain date back to mangalam jain inscriptions which mentions that workers ofNeṭuñceḻiyaṉ I, aPandyan king of Sangam period, (c. 270 BCE) made stone beds for digambara Jain monks. It further details the name of worker for whom he made stone bed. For example, an inscription shows that Kaṭalaṉ Vaḻuti, a worker (பணஅன்- accountant; he was also related family) of Neṭuñceḻiyaṉ, made a stone bed for the Jain monk Nanta-siri Kuvaṉ.[16]

In 1943,Heinrich Zimmer proposed that the Greek records of 4th-century BCE mentiongymnosophists (naked philosophers) which may have links to the tradition of "naked ascetics" orDigambara.^[10] In 2011,Patrick Olivelle stated that the context in which the Greek records mention gymnosophists include ritual suicide by cremation traceable to ancientBrahmanism, rather than the traditional Jain ritual of embracing death by starvation and taking samadhi by voluntarily sacrificing everything including food and water (sallekhana).^[17] Tirthankara statues found in Mathura and dated to 2nd-century CE or after are naked.^[18] The oldest Tirthankara statue wearing a cloth is dated in the 5th century CE.^[19]Digamabara statues of tirthankara belonging to Gupta period has half-closed eyes.^[20]

In 17th-century,adhyatma movement inAgra led to rise ofterapanthi andbisapanthi sub-sects based on the differences over acceptance of authority ofbhattarakas.^{[21][22][23][24]} KingJai Singh II (1688–1743) ofAmer kingdom built separate temples for the two sub-sects in his newly established capital ofJaipur.^[21]Terapanthis, led by scholars likePandit Todarmal andBanarasidas, rejected the authority ofbhattarakas.^[21][25][26]

Early Jain images from Mathura depict Digambara iconography until late fifth century CE where Śvetāmbara iconography starts appearing.^[27]

According toDigambara texts, after liberation ofMahavira, threeAnubaddha Kevalīs attainedKevalajñāna (omniscience) sequentially –GautamaGaņadhara,AcharyaSudharma Swami, andJambusvami in next 62 years.^[28] During the next hundred years, fiveĀchāryas had complete knowledge of the scriptures, as such, calledŚruta Kevalīs, the last of them beingĀchārya Bhadrabahu.^[29][30] Spiritual lineage of heads of monastic orders is known asPattavali.^[31] Digambara tradition consider Dharasena to be the 33rd teacher in succession of Gautama, 683 years after thenirvana of Mahavira.^[32]

In the Digambara tradition, the following lineage of teachers are revered:Mahavira,Gautama,Kundakunda,^[33]Bhadrabahu,Umaswami,Samantabhadra,Siddhasena Divakara,Pujyapada,Manatunga,Virasena,^[34]Jinasena,Nemichandra.^{[citation needed]} Kundakunda is considered the most significant scholar monk of the Digambara tradition of Jainism. He authoredPrakrit texts such as theSamayasāra and thePravacanasāra. Other prominentAcharyas of this tradition were,Virasena (author of a commentary on theDhavala),Samantabhadra andSiddhasena Divakara. TheSatkhandagama andKasayapahuda have major significance in theDigambara tradition.^{[citation needed]}

There have been several Digambara monastic lineages that all trace their descent to Mahavira. The historical lineages includedMula Sangha (further divided intoNandi,Sena,Simha andDeva Sanghas) and now largely extinctKashtha Sangha (which includedMathura sangha, ""Lat-Vagad" etc.), Dravida Sangh.^[35] The text Darshana-Sara of Devasena discusses the supposed differences among the orders.^[36] TheMula sangha orders includeDeshiya Gana (Bhattarakas of Shravanabelgola etc.) andBalatkara Gana (Bhattarakas ofHumcha, and numerous lineages of North/Central India) traditions.^[37] TheBhattarakas ofShravanabelagola andMudbidri belong toDeshiya Gana and theBhattaraka ofHumbaj belongs to theBalatkara Gana.^[38]

TheDigambara sect of Jainism rejects the texts and canonical literature of theŚvetāmbara sect.^[39][40] They believe that the words of Mahavira neither survive nor could be recorded. The original teachings went through a rapid period of decline, state the Digambaras, and Śvetāmbara claims of preserving the sacred knowledge and ancientangas is false.^[39]

According to theDigambaras, their 33rdachārya was Dharasena who knew portions 12th Anga, the Drṣṭivada^[41],that contained material from the Purvas that dealt with karma theory. Dharasena (ca. 137 C.E.) taught what he remembered from this text to his disciples, Puspadanta and Bhutabali, who wrote the Satkhaṇḍāgama "Scripture in Six Parts.^[41] Dharasena's teachings that have survived areṢaṭkhaṅḍāgama (Scripture of Six Parts) andKasayapahuda (Treatise on the Passions), which were written on palm leaves near a cave in Mount Girnar (Gujarat) and a copy of which with a 12th-century commentary came to Tulu Nadu (south Karnataka).^[42] This has survived as the Mudbidri manuscripts, which were used by regional Jains not for reading and study, but as an object of devotional worship for centuries.^[42] In the 19th century, the fragile and decaying manuscript was copied and portions of it leaked to scholars between 1896 and 1922 despite objections of Digambara monks. It is considered to be the oldest knownDigambara text ultimately traceable to the 2nd-century.^[42]

These two oldest known Digambara tradition texts –Satkhandagama andKasayapahuda – are predominantly a treatise about the soul andKarma theory, written in Prakrit language. Philologically, the text belongs to about the 2nd-century, and has nothing that suggests it is of "immemorial antiquity".^[42] In details, the text is quite similar in its teachings to those found inPrajnapana – the 4thupanga – of Śvetāmbaras.^[39] Between the two, the poetic meter ofSatkhandagama suggests it was composed after the Śvetāmbara text.^[39]

Digambaras, unlike Śvetāmbaras, do not have a canon. They do have a quasi-canonical literature grouped into four literary categories calledanuyoga (exposition) since the time of the Digambara scholar Rakshita.^[43] Theprathmanuyoga (first exposition) contains the universal history, thekarananuyoga (calculation exposition) contains works on cosmology, thecharananuyoga (behaviour exposition) includes texts about proper behaviour for monks and lay people, while thedravyanuyoga (entity exposition) contains metaphysical discussions.^[43] In the Digambara tradition, it is not the oldest texts that have survived in its temples and monasteries that attract the most study or reverence, rather it is the late 9th-centuryMahapurana (universal history) of Jinasena that is the most revered and cherished.^[44] TheMahapurana includes not only religious history, but also the sociological history of the Jaina people – including the Jain caste system and its origins as formulated byRishabhanatha – from the Digambara Jaina perspective.^[45] TheDigamabara tradition maintains a long list of revered teachers, and this list includes Kundakunda, Samantabhadra, Pujyapada, Jinasena, Akalanka, Vidyanandi, Somadeva and Asadhara.^[46]

The Digambara scriptures consist of post-canonical texts authored by various mendicant leaders, categorized into four sections known as Anuyogas ("Expositions"). These holy scriptures where written by great acharyas from 100 to 800 AD and are established on the orginal agam sutras.^[47][48][49]Notable works from each category are listed below.^[41]

• Prathamanuyoga ("Primary Expositions"). Biographies of the Tirthankaras and famous mythological figures.

1. Padmapurāṇa ofRavisena (7th century).
2. Adipurāṇa ofJinasena (8th century).
3. Harivamsapurāna ofJinasena (8th century).
4. Uttarapurāna of Gunabhadra (9th century).

• Karaṇānuyoga ("Expositions on Technical Matters"). Texts on cosmology, astronomy, karma, and mathematics.

1. Trilokaprajñapti (Tiloyapaṇṇatti) of Yativṛşabha (ca. 6th- 7th centuries).
2. Dhavala and Mahādhavalā ofVirasena, commentaries on theŞatkhaṇḍāgama (9th century).
3. Jayadhavala ofVirasena andJinasena, commentary on the Kaşayaprabhṛta (9th century).
4. Gommatasära and Trilokasära of Nemicandra-Siddhantacakravarti (11th century).

• Carananuyoga ("Expositions on Conduct"). Texts on mendicant and lay conduct.

1. Mülăcăra of Vaṭṭakera (ca. 2nd century).
2. Bhagavati Ārādhanā of Śivārya (ca. 2nd century).
3. Niyamasära ofKundakunda (ca. 2nd or 3rd century).
4. Pravacanasăra ofKundakunda (ca. 2nd or 3rd century).
5. Samayasara ofKundakunda (ca. 2nd or 3rd century).
6. Ratnakaranda-Śrāvakācāra ofSamantabhadra (2th century).

• Dravyanuyoga ("Expositions on Substances"). Texts on philosophy and logic.

1. Tattvärthädhigama Sutra/Tattvärtha Sutra ofUmǎsvāmī (ca. 2nd century).
2. Pañcāstikāyasāra ofKundakunda (ca. 2nd or 3rd century).
3. Nyāyāvatāra and Sanmatisūtra of Siddhasena Divakara (5th century).
4. Aptamimāmsā ofSamantabhadra (5th century).
5. Various works by later authors, such as Akalanka (8th centu- ry) and Vidyananda (9th century).

The lifestyle and behavioral conduct of aDigambara monk is guided by a code calledmulacara (mulachara). This includes 28mūla guņas (primary attributes) for the monk.^[50] The oldest text containing these norms is the 2nd-centuryMulachara attributed to Vattekara, that probably originated in the Mathura region.^[43]

These are: 5mahāvratas (great vows); 5samitis (restraints); 5indriya nirodha (control of the five senses); 6āvaśyakas (essential observations); and 7niyamas (rules).^[51]

Digambara monks do not wear any clothes as it is considered to beparigraha (possession), which ultimately leads to attachment.^[79] The monks carrypicchi, a broom made up of fallen peacock feathers for removing small insects to avoid causing injury andKamandalu (the gourd for carrying pure, sterilized water).^[80][76] The head of all monastics is calledĀchārya, while the saintly preceptor of saints is theupādhyāya.^[81] TheĀchārya has 36 primary attributes (mūla guņa) in addition to the 28 mentioned above.^[51]

The monks performkayotsarga daily, in a rigid and immobile posture, with the arms held stiffly down, knees straight, and toes directed forward.^[10]

Female monastics in Digambara tradition are known asaryikas.^[82] Digambara nuns, unlike the monks in their tradition, wear clothes. Given their beliefs such as non-attachment and non-possession, the Digambara tradition has held that women cannot achieve salvation (moksha) as men can, and the best a nun can achieve is to be reborn as a man in the next rebirth.^[1] The monks are held to be of higher status than nuns in Digambara monasteries, states Jeffery Long.^[1] From the Digambara monk's perspective, both Digambara nuns and Śvetāmbara monastic community are simply more pious Jain laypeople, who do not or are unable to fully practice the Jain monastic vows.^[83]

Digambara nuns are relatively rare in comparison to the nuns found in Śvetāmbara traditions. According to a 1970s and 1980s survey of Jain subtraditions, there were about 125 Digambara monks in India and 50 Digambara nuns.^[84] This compared to 3,400 nuns and 1,200 monks in the Śvetāmbara tradition.^[84]

TheDigambar Akhara, which along with otherakharas, also participates in various inter-sectarian (sampradaya) religious activities includingKumbh Melas, is completely unrelated to Digambar Jain tradition, even though they also practice nudity.^[85]

TheDigambara Jains worship completely nude idols oftirthankaras (omniscient beings) andsiddha (liberated souls). Thetirthankara is represented either seated in yoga posture or standing in theKayotsarga posture.^[86]

The truly "sky-clad" (digambara) Jaina statue expresses the perfect isolation of the one who has stripped off every bond. His is an absolute "abiding in itself," a strange but perfect aloofness, a nudity of chilling majesty, in its stony simplicity, rigid contours, and abstraction.^[87]

— Heinrich Zimmer

•  
  Kizhavalavu (Keelavalavu) Sculptures
•  
  The 57 feet (17 m) highGommateshwara statue,Shravanabelagola
•  
  Tirthankara statues atSiddhachal Caves insideGwalior Fort,Madhya Pradesh
•  
  TirthankaraParshvanatha statue,Rajasthan

ModernDigambara community is divided into various sub-sects viz.Terapanthi,Bispanthi,Taranpanthi (orSamayiapanthi),Gumanapanthi,Totapanthi andKanjipanthi.^[89] Both theterapanthis andbisapanthis worship withashta-dravya which includesjal (water),chandan (sandal),akshata (sacred rice),pushp (yellow rice),deep (yellow dry coconut),dhup (kapoor or cloves) andphal (almonds).^[90]Bisapanthi religious practices includeaarti and offerings of flowers, fruits andprasad whereasterapanthis don't use them.^[90]Bispanthis worship minor gods and goddesses likeYaksha andYakshini likeBhairava andKshetrapala whereasterapanthis do not.^[90]Bisapanthis acceptbhattarakas as their religious leaders butterapanthis do not.^[90]Terapanthis occur in large numbers inRajasthan,Uttar Pradesh andMadhya Pradesh.^[90] Bisapanthis are concentrated in Rajasthan,Gujarat, Maharastra and South India.^[90]

In 1124 CE, a fierce debate betweenŚvetāmbaras andDigambaras happened. The background of the debate goes back to the 1124 CEcāturmāsya of Ācārya Vādidevasūri, a celebrated disciple of Ācārya Municandrasūri, a Śvetāmbara monk. Vādidevasūri was popular for winning debates against several philosophers in Western and North-Western India. Vādidevasūri was in Karnavati (modern-dayAhmedabad's old city) for his 4 months-long stay during the rainy season. During the same time, Kumudcandra, a Digambara monk and the preceptor of Jayakeśi, a Kadamba ruler, was also in the city for his 4 months-long stay during the rainy season. As per medieval Digambara records, Kumudcandra was of formidable intellect and very popular within in the Digambara community.^{[91][92][93][94]}

As described in Ācārya Prabhācandrasūri'sPrabhāvakacarita, Kumudcandra and his disciples tried creating several problems in Vādidevasūri's sangha there. This was probably because the former could not digest the popularity of Vādidevasūri in the Śvetāmbara sangha there. The latter, however, maintained equanimity and did not retaliate. The situation got serious when Kumudcandra and some of his disciples harassed Sādhvī Sarasvatīśrījī, a senior nun in Vādidevasūri's sangha, while she was walking on the road. After mocking her, some disciples and palanquin-bearers of Kumudcandra demanded she dance if she wanted to pass. After the humiliation, she requested Vādidevasūri to take appropriate action and that if this went unanswered, the entire Jaina sangha would crumble.^[91][92]

Vādidevasūri wrote to Kumudcandra and informed him that he would have a debate with him in the court ofJayasimha Siddharaja, inPatan. Vādidevasūri wrote to the Jaina sangha at Patan, seeking permission to hold an open public debate between the Śvetāmbaras and the Digambaras. The sangha accepted his letter and wrote back that they would be highly honored to host the debate and that 300 male devotees and 700 female devotees would holdāyaṃbila fast until the day of the debate, praying for his victory.^[91][92]

Vādidevasūri reached Patan, and was soon followed by Kumudcandra. The situation was heavily influenced by politics. Rājamātā Minaladevi was in unconditional support of Kumudcandra.^[95] Apart from her, Kumudcandra was also supported by several courtiers and laymen.Prabhāvakacarita names Keśava as one of his supporters, while it names poet Śrīpāla and Bhānu as Vādidevasūri's supporters. Thāhaḍ and Nāgadeva, twoŚrāvakas of Vādidevasūri's sangha expressed their wish to spend as much wealth as required for this event. However, Vādidevasūri informed them that spending of any wealth was not required for this event. Thāhaḍ informed him that Kumudcandra's disciples had offered bribe to Gāngila, a minister inJayasimha Siddharaja's court. Vādidevasūri did not pay attention to it and told him that it would surely be won by the one who has the blessings of God and his preceptor.^[96] The terms set by Rājamātā Minaladevi were unfair. If Vādidevasūri lost, all Śvetāmbaras would have convert to the Digambara sect. If Kumudcandra lost, the Digambaras would have to leaveJayasimha Siddharaja's kingdom.^[97][98]

OnVaiśākhaPūrṇimā of 1124 CE, the debate began. Kumudcandra mocked a youngHemacandrasūri, who was accompanying Vādidevasūri, by calling him an infant and unfit for this debate. A witty Hemacandrasūri responded by saying that he was dressed, while an infant is one who is naked, aiming at Kumudcandra's Digambara lifestyle (staying nude) and that Kumudcandra, and not he, was an infant.^{[98][99][100]} Several exchanges took place between both Vādidevasūri and Kumudcandra. The former was very well-versed with Jaina scriptures and tenets and made sure that no possibility was left unexplored during the debate. Within mere 16 days of the debate's conception, and several instances where Kumudcandra and his disciples faltered, the debate moved towards the subject of women's emancipation which Śvetāmbaras firmly believe in, while Digambaras don't. Digambaras, unable to provide a strong reason to support their heretical belief that women could not achieve emancipation, lost.^[101][102] Similar faults were observed when the subject of kevalins' hunger came up.^[103] Vādidevasūri was well-learned and astute and eventually, he triumphed.^{[93][98][104][105][106]}

Vādidevasūri remindedJayasimha Siddharaja that it was his duty to ensure no one insulted the defeated. The king ordered all Digambaras to immediately leave his kingdom and carried a royal procession to a nearby temple. Śvetāmbaras celebrated this victory and several devotees donated lakhs of gold coins in the temple. As a mark of respect, the ceremonial parasol over Vādidevasūri was carried by the king himself. This record is accepted as historically true, due to its narration found inPrabhāvakacarita, a historical text. While Vādidevasūri went on to write several scriptures and consecrate several major pilgrimage sites, Digambaras, once again, lost all presence in the kingdom of Gujarat.^{[107][98][105][108][109][110]} Previously, Digambaras had lost another debate againstĀcārya Bappabhattisuri over the ownership ofGirnar Jain temples.^{[111][112][113]}

Padmanabh Jaini, a renownedJain scholar, after researching the scriptures of the Digambara sect described several points of critique: -^[114]

1. Rituals and ascetic practices: Jaini points out that an emphasis on extreme ascetic practices such as public nudity and rejection of all possessions leads to a diminished focus on spiritual growth and a greater focus on the less important ritualistic practices.^[114]
2. Layperson-ascetic dichotomy: Jaini critiques the sharp distinction between the ascetics and laypeople which leads to a lack of spiritual agency among people.^[115]
3. Scriptural authority: Jaini questions the Digambara reliance on a highly limited set of scriptures that do not fully represent Jain principles and teachings as followed by theSvetambara sect. Jaini questions the Digambara rejection of the Śvētāmbara canonical scriptures. He argues that this rejection leads to a lack of unity and a fragmentation within Jainism. He also points out that the Digambaras' reliance on later texts as authentic scriptures might lack historical and textual rigor.^[116]
4. Gender and nudity: Jaini strongly argues that the practice of public nudity may reinforce patriarchal attitude and limit female spiritual agency. Digambaras hold that women must be reborn as men to attain salvation, which Jaini criticizes for its gender exclusivity and inequality.^[117] He argues that female nudity is not equally valued or allowed in the Digambara tradition which greatly limits female spiritual agency as Digambara belief states thatmoksha cannot be attained without nudity. Further, he states that male nudity leads to masculinization of spirituality. Jaini also mentions that the Digambara sect has historically been male-dominated with women facing several barriers in the path to spirituality and its evolution.^[114] His views are seconded by Paul Dundas who states that Digambara rejection of clothing could also signify their rejection of female bodily experience, as clothing is often associated with female modesty and domesticity.^[118]
5. Historical development: Jaini also deliberates that the Digambara tradition may have arisen in response toHinduism,Ājīvikas, andBuddhism, rather than purely from withinJainism.^[116]

Nalini Balbir, another renowned scholar ofJainism, has criticised the Digambara views on liberation of women and advocates for a more inclusive and gender-equal interpretation of the scriptures. She lists her criticism in the following manner: -

1. Gender bias: Balbir sees the Digambara belief of women not being capable of attaining liberation in their current birth as gender discrimination.
2. Biological determinism: Digambara scriptures attribute spiritual limitations of women to their biology and consider them as unholy. Balbir criticizes this view as narrow and outdated perspective.
3. Lack of scriptural basis: Balbir argues that the narrative describing women not being able to attain liberation is not supported by ancient Jain scriptures (Śvetāmbara canon) and is based on later commentaries.
4. Contradiction with Jain principles: Balbir points out that this view is in contradiction to the fundamental Jain principle of equality and the potential for all living beings to attain liberation.

Balbir states that:^[119]

The Digambara sect's view that women cannot achieve liberation in their present birth is a 'biological determinism' that is not supported by Jain scriptures. This view is a 'patriarchal interpretation' that has been 'superimposed' on the original teachings of Mahavira.

— Nalini Balbir, Women in Jainism (2005)

Kristi L. Wiley, a scholar ofJainism, has also criticized the Digambara sect's views on liberation of women. Specifically, she highlights the following points of critique:^[120]

1. Exclusionarypractices and patriarchal interpretations: Women are excluded from the highest spiritual status in Jainism (achieving liberation) by Digambara sect's scriptures. Wiley sees Digambara interpretations of Jain scriptures as patriarchal and biased against women.
2. Lack of agency: Digambaras deny the fundamental agency of achieving liberation (the highest status in Jain spirituality) through their own efforts, instead requiring them to rely on male intermediaries.
3. Inconsistencies with Jain principles: Wiley points out that these views are inconsistent with the fundamental principle of 'equal potential of all living beings to achieve liberation'. She adds that such views may constitute to 'symbolic violence' against women.
4. Textual manipulation: She alleges that the male-dominated Digambara sect has selectively interpreted and manipulated existing and ancient Jain texts to support their views by ignoring passages that highlight women's spiritual potential.

Scriptures of other religions and schools of thought such asBuddhism,Islam, andSikhism also criticize and condemn public nudity followed by Digambara monks.^{[121][122][123]}

Other than rejecting or accepting different ancient Jain texts, Digambaras and Śvetāmbara differ in other significant ways such as:

• Śvetāmbaras believe that Parshvanatha, the 23rdtirthankara, taught only Four restraints (a claim, scholars say is confirmed by the ancient Buddhist texts that discuss Jain monastic life).

These are as follows1. Ahimsa - nonviolence, non-injury, and absence of desire to harm any life forms. 2. Satya - truthful in one's thoughts, speech and action.3. Asteya - non-stealing". One must not steal, nor have the intent to steal, another's property through action, speech, and thoughts.4. Aparigraha - the virtue of non-possessiveness or non-greediness.

Mahavira inserted 5th vow ie Brahmacharya - sexual restraint or practice of celibacy. Renunciation of sex and marriage. This was thought to be understood to within 4th vow of Aparigraha, but was more specified as 5th vow of Brahmacharya.

Mahāvīra taught Five vows.^{[124][125][126]} The Digambara sect disagrees with the Śvetāmbara interpretations,^[127] and reject the theory of difference in Parshvanatha and Mahāvīra's teachings.^[125] However, Digambaras as well as Śvetāmbaras follow Five vows as taught byMahavira. The difference is only that Śvetāmbaras believeParshvanatha taught one vow less (the Four vows exceptBrahmacharya) thanMahavira. However, monks of Śvetāmbara sect also follow all 5 vows as stated in theĀcārāṅga Sūtra.^[128]

• Digambaras believe that both Parshvanatha and Mahāvīra remained unmarried, whereas Śvetāmbara believe the 23rd and 24th tirthankar did indeed marry. According to the Śvetāmbara version, Parshvanāth married Prabhavati,^[129] and Mahāvīraswāmi married Yashoda who bore him a daughter named Priyadarshana.^[130][131] The two sects also differ on the origin ofTrishala, Mahāvīra's mother,^[130] as well as the details of Tirthankara's biographies such as how many auspicious dreams their mothers had when they were in the wombs.^[132]
• Digambara believe Rishabha,Vasupujya andNeminatha were the threetirthankaras who reached omniscience while in sitting posture and other tirthankaras were in standing ascetic posture. In contrast, Śvetāmbaras believe it was Rishabha, Nemi and Mahāvīra who were the three in sitting posture.^[133]
• According to Śvetāmbara Jain texts, fromKalpasūtras onwards, its monastic community has had moresadhvis thansadhus (female than male mendicants). InTapa Gacch of the modern era, the ratio ofsadhvis tosadhus (nuns to monks) is about 3.5 to 1.^[134] In contrast to Śvetāmbara, the Digambara sect monastic community has been predominantly male.^[135]
• In the Digambara tradition, a male human being is considered closest to the apex with the potential to achieve his soul's liberation from rebirths through asceticism. Women must gain karmic merit, to be reborn as man, and only then can they achieve spiritual liberation in the Digambara sect of Jainism.^[136][137] The Śvetāmbaras disagree with the Digambaras, believing that women can also achieve liberation fromsaṃsāra through ascetic practices.^[137][138]
• The Śvetāmbaras state the 19th TirthankaraMāllīnātha was female.^[139] However, Digambara reject this, and worship Mallinatha as a male.^[140]
• According toDigambara texts, after attainingKevala Jnana (omniscience),arihant (omniscient beings) are free from human needs like hunger, thirst, and sleep.^[141] In contrast, Śvetāmbara texts preach that it is not so.

• Nudity in religion
• God in Jainism
• Kshullak
• Jain philosophy
• Timeline of Jainism
• Digambar Jain Mahasabha

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