TheBolivian Gas War (Spanish:Guerra del Gas) orBolivian gas conflict was asocial confrontation inBolivia reaching its peak in 2003, centering on the exploitation ofthe country's vast natural gas reserves. The expression can be extended to refer to the general conflict in Bolivia over the exploitation of gas resources, thus including the 2005 protests and the election ofEvo Morales as president. Before these protests, Bolivia had seen a series of similar earlier protests during theCochabamba protests of 2000, which were against theprivatization of the municipalwater supply.

Bolivian gas conflict
Part of thePink tide
2003 demonstrations against presidentGonzalo Sánchez de Lozada. "The gas is ours by right, to recover it is our duty."
Date	September 2003 – May 2006
Location	Bolivia
Caused by	Privatization ofnatural gas Coca eradication Corruption Authoritarianism
Goals	Nationalization ofnatural gas
Methods	Demonstrations Strike actions Traffic obstructions
Resulted in	Protestor victory Resignation ofGonzalo Sánchez de Lozada 2004 Bolivian gas referendum Election ofEvo Morales asPresident of Bolivia
Parties
Protestors Bolivian Workers' Center Confederation of Indigenous Peoples Federation of Neighborhood Councils Landless Peasant Movement Movement for Socialism National Unity Front Pachakuti Indigenous Movement Government of Bolivia Armed Forces National Police Bolivian Socialist Falange Free Bolivia Movement Nationalist Democratic Action Revolutionary Nationalist Movement Revolutionary Left Front Revolutionary Left Movement Solidarity Civic Unity
Lead figures
Evo Morales Álvaro García Linera Oscar Olivera Felipe Quispe Samuel Doria Medina Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada Carlos Mesa Eduardo Rodríguez Veltzé Jorge Quiroga Gonzalo Arredondo Milán

The conflict had its roots in grievances over the government's economic policies concerning natural gas, as well ascoca eradication policies, corruption and violent military responses againststrikes.

The "Bolivian gas war" thus came to a head in October 2003, leading to the resignation of PresidentGonzalo Sánchez de Lozada (aka "Goni"). Strikes and road blocks mounted byindigenous andlabour groups (including theCOB trade union) brought the country to a standstill. Violent suppression by the Bolivian armed forces left some 60 people dead in October 2003, mostly inhabitants ofEl Alto, located on theAltiplano above the seat of governmentLa Paz.

The governing coalition disintegrated forcing Goni to resign and leave the country on October 18, 2003. He was succeeded by the vice president,Carlos Mesa, who put the gas issue to areferendum on July 18, 2004. In May 2005, under duress from protesters, the Bolivian congress enacted a new hydrocarbons law, increasing the state's royalties fromnatural gas exploitation. However, protesters, who includedEvo Morales andFelipe Quispe, demanded fullnationalization ofhydrocarbon resources, and the increased participation of Bolivia's indigenous majority, mainly composed ofAymaras andQuechuas, in the political life of the country. On June 6, 2005, Mesa was forced to resign as tens of thousands of protesters caused daily blockades to La Paz from the rest of the country. Morales' election at the end of 2005 was met with enthusiasm by the social movements, because he was, as the leader ofleft-wingMAS, one of the staunchest opponents to the exportation of the gas without corresponding industrialization in Bolivia. On May 1, 2006, President Morales signed a decree stating that all gas reserves were to be nationalized: "the state recovers ownership, possession and total and absolute control" of hydrocarbons. The 2006 announcement was met by applause on La Paz's main plaza, where Vice PresidentAlvaro Garcia told the crowd that the government's energy-related revenue would jump US$320 million to US$780 million in 2007,^[1] continuing a trend where revenues had expanded nearly sixfold between 2002 and 2006.^[2]

The central issue was Bolivia's large natural gas reserves and the prospect for their future sale and use. The Bolivian gas reserves are the second largest inSouth America afterVenezuela, and exploration after the privatization of the national oil companyYPFB showed that proven natural gas reserves were 600% higher than previously known. The cash-poor, state-owned company could not afford the exploration costs. These reserves mainly are located in the southeasternTarija Department, which contains 85% of gas and petrol reserves. According to theUnited States Department of Energy, another 10.6% is located within the department ofSanta Cruz and 2.5% in theCochabamba Department.^[3] After further exploration from 1996 to 2002, the estimated size of the probable gas reserves was calculated to be 12.5 times larger, passing from 4.24×10^¹² cu ft (120 km³) to 52.3×10^¹² cu ft (1,480 km³). This number has declined somewhat to 48×10^¹² cu ft (1,400 km³) probable reserves. The proven reserves are 26.7×10^¹² cu ft (760 km³).^[3] With the declining importance oftin mines, those reserves accounted for the majority of foreign investment in Bolivia.

The price which Bolivia is paid for its natural gas is roughly US$3.25 per million British thermal units ($11.1/MWh) toBrazil and $3.18 per million BTU toArgentina.^[4] Other sources state that Brazil pays between $3.15 and $3.60 per million BTU, not including $1.50 per million BTU inPetrobras extraction and transportation costs.^[5] As a comparison, the price of gas in the US as a whole in 2006 varied between US$5.85 and $7.90 per million British thermal units ($20.0 and $27.0/MWh),^[6][7] although some years earlier the price of natural gas spiked at $14 per million BTU inCalifornia^[8] due to lack of pipeline capacity to and within California as well as due to electricity outages.^[9] While according toLe Monde, Brazil and Argentina pay US$2 per thousand cubic meter of gas, which costs from $12 to $15 in California.^[8]

In 1994, a contract with Brazil was passed, two years before 1996's privatization of the 70-year-old, state-ownedYacimientos Petroliferos Fiscales de Bolivia (YPFB). The construction of theBolivia-Brazil gas pipeline cost US$2.2 billion.

A consortium called Pacific LNG was formed to exploit the newly discovered reserves. The consortium comprised theBritish companiesBG Group andBP, andSpain'sRepsol YPF. Repsol is one of three companies that dominate the gas sector in Bolivia, along with Petrobras andTotalEnergies.^[8] A plan costing US$6 billion was drawn to build a pipeline to thePacific coast, where the gas would be processed andliquefied before being shipped toMexico and theUnited States (Baja California and California), through a Chilean port, for exampleIquique. The 2003 Lozada deal was opposed heavily by Bolivian society, in part because of nationalism (Bolivia feels resentment after the territorial losses of theWar of the Pacific in the late 19th century, which deprived it of theLitoral province and hence access to the sea).

Government ministers hoped to use the gas profits to bolster the saggingBolivian economy and claimed the money would be invested exclusively in health and education. Opponents argued that under the current law, the exportation of the gas as a raw material would give Bolivia only 18% of the future profits, or US$40 million to US$70 million per year. They further argued that exporting the gas so cheaply would be the latest case of foreign exploitation of Bolivia's natural resources, starting with its silver and gold from the 17th century. They demanded that a plant be built in Bolivia to process the gas and that domestic consumption had to be met before export. AsLe Monde puts it, "two reasons plead for the industrial exploitation of the gas, which the multinational companies now have the capacities of doing. The first is related to the necessity of satisfying the Bolivians' energy needs. The second demonstrates the interest of exporting a more profitable product rather than selling raw material". According to the French newspaper, only La Paz, El Alto,Sucre,Potosí,Camiri andSanta Cruz are now connected to the gas network; making an interior network which would reach all Bolivians would cost $1.5 billion, notwithstanding a central gas pipeline to link the various regions together. According to Carlos Miranda, an independent expert quoted byLe Monde, the best industrialisation project is thepetrochemical complex proposed by the BrazilianBraskem firm, which would create 40 000 direct or indirect jobs and cost $1.4 billion. This figure is equivalent to the amount so far invested by Repsol, TotalEnergies and Petrobras.^[8]

The eastern departments ofSanta Cruz,Beni,Tarija, andPando recently had been mobilizing in favor of autonomy. An important issue was opposition to the seizure of resources though nationalization.^[10] Community leaders are supported by the Comite Pro Santa Cruz, local co-ops, and by business organizations such as cattle ranchers and farmers. A strike against the new constitution was recently held which was observed in Santa Cruz, Beni, Tarija, and Pando.^[11] Tensions have been raised by the cultural and philosophical rift exposed by the push for a new constitution. As a basis for a new constitution, the western,Altiplano-based MAS party envisions a "council of indigenous peoples" along with a curtailment of private ownership, while Santa Cruz looks towestern culture andcapitalism.^[12]Cultural divisions exist because people in eastern Bolivia, called "Cambas" (meaning "friends" inGuarani), are primarily ofmestizo descent (mix of European and several native tribes the largest of which are the Guaraní), while the western Altiplano is dominated by a small white elite and a historically oppressed Quechua and Aymara majority.

The first signs of the modern autonomy movement occurred in 2005 when a march for autonomy was attended by hundreds of thousands of people.^[13] A result of this was the change in law to allow the election of departmental prefects. Another area of tension was the result of ongoing population shifts and the resulting demands for proportionally greater representation in Bolivia's Congress to reflect these shifts by Santa Cruz.^[14] A compromise was reached to allow Santa Cruz to receive some of the seats warranted by population growth, and for the highlands to keep seats despite population losses.

Left-wing intellectualsWalter Chávez andÁlvaro García Linera (former Bolivian Vice President and MAS party member) published an article in theMonthly Review asserting that autonomy has been historically a demand of the Santa Cruz region, "contemporarily imbued with far-right, populist sentiments." They also qualified Santa Cruz autonomy as a "bourgeois ideology" of the "free market, foreign investment, racism, etc.", which pits the "modern", "whiter" Santa Cruz elite against the short, dark-skinned andanti-capitalist Aymara and Quechua peoples of the western region of Bolivia.^[15]

The dispute arose in early 2002, when the administration of PresidentJorge Quiroga proposed building the pipeline through neighboringChile to the port ofMejillones, the most direct route to thePacific Ocean. However, antagonism towards Chile runs deep in Bolivia because of the loss of Bolivia's Pacific coastline to Chile in theWar of the Pacific (1879–1884).

Bolivians began campaigning against the Chilean option, arguing instead that the pipeline should be routed north through thePeruvian port ofIlo, 260 km further from the gas fields than Mejillones, or, better yet, first industrialized in Bolivia. According to Chilean estimates, the Mejillones option would be $600 million cheaper.Peru, however, claimed the difference in cost would be no more than $300 million. Bolivian proponents of the Peruvian option say it would also benefit the economy of the northern region of Bolivia through which the pipeline would pass.

Supporters of the Chile pipeline argued thatU.S. financiers would be unlikely to develop processing facilities within Bolivia.

Meanwhile, thePeruvian government, eager to promote territorial and economic integration, offered Bolivia a special economic zone for 99 years for exporting the gas at Ilo, the right of free passage, and the concession of a 10 km² area, including a port, that would be exclusively under Bolivian administration.

President Jorge Quiroga postponed the decision shortly before leaving office in July 2002 and left this highly contentious issue to his successor. It was thought Quiroga did not want to jeopardize his chances of re-election as president in the 2007 elections.

After winning the 2002 presidential electionGonzalo Sánchez de Lozada expressed his preference for the Mejillones option but made no "official" decision. The Gas War led to his resignation in October 2003.

The social conflict escalated in September 2003 with protests and road blockages paralyzing large parts of the country, leading to increasingly violent confrontations with the Bolivian armed forces.The insurrection was spearheaded by Bolivia's indigenous majority, who accused Sánchez de Lozada of pandering to the US government's "war on drugs" and blamed him for failing to improve living standards in Bolivia. On September 8, 650 Aymaras started ahunger strike to protest against the state detention of a villager. The man detained was one of the heads of the village, and was imprisoned for having sentenced to thedeath penalty two young men in a "community justice" trial.On September 19, the National Coordination for the Defense of Gas mobilized 30,000 people inCochabamba and 50,000 inLa Paz to demonstrate against the pipeline.The following day six Aymara villagers, including an eight-year-old girl, were killed in a confrontation in the town ofWarisata. Government forces used planes and helicopters to circumvent the strikers and evacuate several hundred foreign and Bolivian tourists from Sorata who had been stranded by the road blockades for five days.

In response to the shootings,Bolivia's Labor Union (COB) called a general strike on September 29 that paralyzed the country with road closures.Union leaders insisted they would continue until the government backed down on its decision.Poorly armed Aymara community militias drove the army and police out of Warisata and the towns of Sorata and Achacachi, equipped only with traditional Aymarasling shots and guns from the 1952Bolivian National Revolution.Eugenio Rojas, leader of the regional strike committee, declared that if the government refused to negotiate in Warisata, then the insurgent Aymara communities would surround La Paz and cut it off from the rest of the country — a tactic employed in theTúpaj Katari uprising of 1781.Felipe Quispe, leader of theIndigenous Pachakuti Movement (MIP), stated that he would not participate in dialogue with the government until the military withdrew from blockaded areas. The government refused to negotiate with Quispe, claiming that he did not have the authority to represent thecampesino movement.

As the protests continued, protesters inEl Alto, a sprawling indigenous city of 750,000 people on the periphery of La Paz, proceeded to block key access routes to the seat of government, causing severe fuel and food shortages. They also demanded the resignation of Sánchez de Lozada and his ministers,Yerko Kukoc, Minister of Government, andCarlos Sánchez de Berzaín, Minister of Defense, who were held responsible for the Warisata massacre. Protesters also voiced their opposition to theFree Trade Area of the Americas agreement that was at the time under negotiation by the US andLatin American countries (since the November 2005Mar del Plata Summit of the Americas, it has been put on stand-by).

On October 12, 2003, the government imposedmartial law in El Alto after sixteen people were shot by the police and several dozen wounded in violent clashes which erupted when a caravan of oil trucks escorted by police and soldiers deploying tanks and heavy-caliber machine guns tried to breach a barricade.

On October 13, the administration of Sánchez de Lozada suspended the gas project "until consultations have been conducted [with the Bolivian people]." However, Vice President Carlos Mesa deplored what he referred to as the "excessive force" used in El Alto (80 dead) and withdrew his support for Sánchez de Lozada. The Minister of Economic Development, Jorge Torrez, of the MIR party, also resigned.

TheUnited States Department of State issued a statement on October 13 declaring its support for Sánchez de Lozada, calling for "Bolivia's political leaders [to] publicly express their support for democratic and constitutional order. The international community and the United States will not tolerate any interruption of constitutional order and will not support any regime that results from undemocratic means".^[16]

On October 18, Sánchez de Lozada's governing coalition was fatally weakened when theNew Republic Force party withdrew its support. He was forced to resign and was replaced by his vice president, Carlos Mesa, a former journalist. The strikes and roadblocks were lifted. Mesa promised that no civilians would be killed by police or army forces during his presidency. Despite dramatic unrest during his time in office, he respected this promise.

Among his first actions as president, Mesa promised a referendum on the gas issue and appointed several indigenous people to cabinet posts. On July 18, 2004, Mesa put the issue of gas nationalization toa referendum. On May 6, 2005, the Bolivian Congress passed a new law raising taxes from 18% to 32% on profits made by foreign companies on the extraction of oil and gas. Mesa failed to either sign or veto the law, so by law Senate PresidentHormando Vaca Diez was required to sign it into law on May 17. Many protesters felt this law was inadequate and demanded full nationalization of the gas and oil industry.

On May 6, 2005, the long-awaited Hydrocarbons Law was finally approved by the Bolivian Congress. On May 17 Mesa again refused to either sign or veto the controversial law, thus constitutionally requiring Senate PresidentHormando Vaca Díez to sign the measure and put it into effect.

The new law returned legal ownership to the state of all hydrocarbons and natural resources, maintained royalties at 18 percent, but increased taxes from 16 to 32 percent. It gave the government control of the commercialization of the resources and allowed for continuous government control with annual audits. It also ordered companies to consult with indigenous groups who live on land containing gas deposits. The law stated that the 76 contracts signed by foreign firms must be renegotiated before 180 days. Protesters argued that the new law did not go far enough to protect the natural resources from exploitation by foreign corporations, demanding a completenationalization of the gas and process in Bolivia.

Due to the uncertainty over renegotiation of contracts, foreign firms have practically stopped investing in the gas sector.^[17] Foreign investment virtually came to a standstill in the second half of 2005. Shortages in supply – very similar to those observed in Argentina after the 2001 price-fixing – are deepening in diesel, LPG, and begin to be apparent in natural gas. The May–June social unrest affected the supply of hydrocarbons products to the internal market, principally LPG and natural gas to the occidental region. Brazil implemented a contingency plan – led by the Energy and Mines Minister – to mitigate any potential impact from gas export curtailment. Although the supply was never curtailed, the social unrest in Bolivia created a strong sensation that security of supply could not be guaranteed. Occasional social action has continued to affect the continuity of supply, especially valve-closing actions.

Over 80,000 people participated in the May 2005 protests. Tens of thousands of people each day walked from El Alto to the seat of governmentLa Paz, where protesters effectively shut down the city, bringing transportation to a halt through strikes and blockades, and engaging in street battles with police. The protestors demanded thenationalisation of the gas industry and reforms to give more power to the indigenous majority, who were mainly Aymaras from the impoverished highlands. They were pushed back by the police withtear gas andrubber bullets, while many of the miners involved in the protests came armed withdynamite.

May 24, 2005More than 10,000 Aymara peasant farmers from the twenty highland provinces came down fromEl Alto's Ceja neighborhood into La Paz to protest.

On May 31, 2005, residents of El Alto and the Aymara peasant farmers returned to La Paz. More than 50,000 people covered an area of nearly 100 square kilometers. The next day, the first regiment of the National Police decided, by consensus, not to repress the protests and were internally reprimanded by the government.

On June 2, as the protests raged on, President Mesa announced two measures, designed to placate the indigenous protesters on the one hand and the Santa Cruz autonomy movement on the other: elections for a new constitutional assembly and a referendum on regional autonomy, both set for October 16. However, both sides rejected Mesa's call: thePro-Santa Cruz Civic Committee declared its own referendum on autonomy for August 12, while in El Alto protesters began to cut off gasoline to La Paz.

Approximately half a million people mobilized in the streets of La Paz, on June 6, and President Mesa subsequently offered his resignation. Riot police used tear gas as miners amongst the demonstrators traditionally set off dynamite in clashes near the presidential palace, while a strike brought traffic to a standstill. However, Congress failed to meet for several days owing to the "insecurity" of meeting as protests raged nearby. Many members of Congress found themselves unable to physically attend the sessions. Senate PresidentHormando Vaca Díez decided to move the sessions to Bolivia's capital,Sucre, in an attempt to avoid the protesters. Radical farmers occupied oil wells owned by transnational companies, and blockaded border crossings. Mesa ordered the military to airlift food to La Paz, which remained totally blockaded.

Vaca Diez and House of Delegates president,Mario Cossío, were the two next in the line of succession to become president. However, they were strongly disliked by the protesters, and each declared they would not accept succession to the presidency, finally promotingEduardo Rodríguez, Supreme Court Chief Justice, to the presidency. Considered apolitical and hence trustworthy by most, his administration was a temporary one untilelections could be held. Protesters quickly disbanded in many areas, and like many times in Bolivia's past, major political upheavals were taken as a normal part of the political process.

Caretaker President Rodríguez proceeded to implement the Hydrocarbons Law. The new tax IDH has been levied from the companies that are paying 'under reserve'. A number of upstream gas companies have invoked Bilateral Investment Protection Treaties and entered the conciliation phase with the state of Bolivia. The treaties are a step towards a court hearing before theInternational Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID), dependent of theWorld Bank, which could force Bolivia to pay indemnities to the companies.

A military training agreement withAsunción (Paraguay), giving immunity toUS soldiers, caused some concern after media reports initially reported that a base housing 20,000 US soldiers was being built atMariscal Estigarribia within 200 km of Argentina and Bolivia, and 300 km of Brazil, near an airport which could receive large planes (B-52,C-130 Hercules, etc.) which the Paraguayan Air Forces do not have.^[18][19] According to theClarín, an Argentinian newspaper, the US military base is strategic because of its location near theTriple Frontera between Paraguay, Brazil and Argentina; its proximity to theGuarani aquifer; and, at the same "moment that Washington's magnifying glass goes on theAltiplano and points toward VenezuelanHugo Chávez — the regional demon according toBush's administration — as the instigator of the instability in the region" (Clarín^[19]).

Later reports indicated that 400 US troops would be deployed in Paraguay over 18 months for training and humanitarian missions consisting of 13 detachments numbering less than 50 personnel each.^[20] The Paraguayan administration as well as Bush's administration denied that the airport would be used as a US military base, or that there would be any other US base in Paraguay.^{[21][22][23][24]}

The social conflicts paralyzed Bolivia's political life for a time. The unpopularity of the neoliberalWashington consensus, a set of economic strategies implemented by Gonzalo de Lozada's administration, set the stage for the 2006 election of president Evo Morales.

In the meantime, Chile promptly started to build several coastal terminals to receive shipments ofliquefied natural gas fromIndonesia,Australia and other sources.^[25]

Other South American countries are contemplating other ways to secure gas supplies: one project aims at linking theCamisea gas reserves inPeru to Argentina, Brazil, Chile,Uruguay andParaguay. LinkingPisco (south of Peru) toTocopilla (north of Chile) with a 1200 km pipeline would cost $2 billion. However, experts doubt the Camisea reserves are enough for all theSouthern Cone countries.

Another 8,000 km gas pipeline (Gran Gasoducto del Sur) has been proposed that would linkVenezuela to Argentina via Brazil. Its cost is estimated between $8 and $12 billion.

While Argentina and Chile are large consumers of gas (50 percent and 25 percent respectively), other South American countries are a lot less dependent.^[8]

On May 1, 2006, president Evo Morales signed a decree stating that all gas reserves were to be nationalized: "the state recovers ownership, possession and total and absolute control" of hydrocarbons. He thus fulfilled his electoral promises, declaring that "We are not a government of mere promises: we follow through on what we propose and what the people demand". The announcement was timed to coincide with Labor Day on May 1. Ordering the military and engineers ofYPFB, the state firm, to occupy and secure energy installations, he gave foreign companies a six-month "transition period" to re-negotiate contracts, or face expulsion. Nevertheless, president Morales stated that the nationalization would not take the form ofexpropriations orconfiscations. Vice PresidentÁlvaro García Linera said in La Paz's main plaza that the government's energy-related revenue will jump to $780 million next year, expanding nearly sixfold from 2002.^[2] Among the 53 installations affected by the measure are those of Brazil'sPetrobras, one of Bolivia's largest investors, which controls 14% of the country's gas reserves.^[26] Brazil's Energy Minister,Silas Rondeau, reacted by considering the move as "unfriendly" and contrary to previous understandings between his country and Bolivia.^[27] Petrobras, Spain'sRepsol YPF, UK gas and oil producerBG Group Plc and France'sTotal are the main gas companies present in the country. According toReuters, "Bolivia's actions echo what Venezuelan PresidentHugo Chávez, a Morales ally, did in the world's fifth-largest oil exporter with forced contract migrations and retroactive tax hikes — conditions that oil majors largely agreed to accept." YPFB would pay foreign companies for their services, offering about 50 percent of the value of production, although the decree indicated that companies at the country's two largest gas fields would get just 18 percent.

Negotiations between the Bolivian government and the foreign companies intensified during the week leading up to the deadline of Saturday October 28, 2006. On Friday an agreement was reached with two of the companies (includingTotal) and by the deadline on Saturday the rest of the ten companies (includingPetrobras andRepsol YPF) operating in Bolivia had also come to an agreement. Full details of the new contracts have not been released, but the objective of raising government share of revenues from the two major fields from 60 percent to 82 percent seems to have been achieved. Revenue share for the government from minor fields is set at 60 percent.^[28]

During the six month negotiation period talks with the Brazilian companyPetrobras had proven especially difficult. Petrobras had refused raises or reduction to a mere service provider. As a result of stalled talks Bolivian energy ministerAndres Soliz Rada resigned in October and was replaced byCarlos Villegas.^[29] "We areobligated to live with Brazil in a marriage without divorce, because we both need each other", saidEvo Morales in the contract signing ceremony underlining the mutual dependency of Brazil on Bolivian gas and of Bolivia on Petrobras in gas production.^[30]

On December 15, 2007, the regions of Santa Cruz, Tarija, Beni, and Pando declared autonomy from the central government. They also moved to achieve full independence from Bolivia's new constitution.^[31]

Miners from the Bolivian trade unionCentral Obrera Boliviana (COB) have also been very active in the recent protests. Recently they have been active against propositions to privatize pensions. They have been known for letting off very loud explosions of dynamite in the recent protests.

Shortly after the law passed,Evo Morales, an Aymara Indigenous,cocalero, and leader of the opposition partyMovement Towards Socialism (MAS), took a moderate position calling the new law "middle ground". However, as the protests progressed, Morales has come out in favor of nationalization and new elections.

Oscar Olivera was a prominent leader in the 2001 protests inCochabamba against the privatization of water in Bolivia and has also become a leading figure. Specifically the protesters in Cochabamba, Bolivia's fourth largest city, have cut off the main roads in the city and are calling for a new Constituent Assembly as well as nationalization.

Indigenous people in the eastern lowland department of Santa Cruz have also become active in the recent disputes over nationalization of the gas and oil industry. They are composed of indigenous groups such as theGuaraní,Ayoreo,Chiquitano and theGuyarayos, as opposed to the highland Indigenous people (Aymara and Quechua). They have been active in recent land disputes and the main organization representing this faction is known as the "Confederacion de pueblos indigenas de Bolivia" (CIDOB). The CIDOB after initially offering support to MAS, the party of Bolivia's new president, have come to believe that they were deceived by the Bolivian government.[1] The MAS, which is based in the highlands, is no more willing to grant them voice than the previous governments whose power was also based from the highlands. Another smaller more radical group called the "Landless Peasant Movement" (MST) which is somewhat similar to theLandless Workers' Movement in Brazil, and is composed mainly of immigrants from the western part of the country. Recently, Guaraní people from this group have taken oil fields run by Spain'sRepsol YPF and the United Kingdom'sBP and have forced them to stop production.

Felipe Quispe was an Aymara leader who wished to return control of the country from what he saw as the "white elite" to the indigenous people who make up the majority of the country's population^{[citation needed]}. Therefore, he was in favor of an independent "Aymaran state". Quispe is the leader of thePachakutik Indigenous Movement, that won six seats in the Congress and the secretary general of theUnited Peasants Union of Bolivia in the 2002 Bolivian elections.

• Cochabamba anti-privatization protests
• Geology of Bolivia
• Bolivian gas referendum, 2004

• Democracy in Crisis in Latin America. Bolivia and Venezuela Test the International Community's Democratic Commitment, SWP-Comments 26/2005 (June 2005)
• Bolivia's top Court chief takes PresidencyAP (Yahoo news)
• Main Protest Groups in Bolivia
• Turning Gas into Development in Bolivia fromDollars & Sense magazine
• Bolivia Information Forum Information on oil and gas in Bolivia
• The Distribution of Bolivia’s Most Important Natural Resources and the Autonomy ConflictsCenter for Economic and Policy Research
• Black OctoberArchived 2014-12-21 at theWayback Machine,Miami New Times
• Dignity and Defiance: Stories from Bolivia’s Challenge to Globalization – video report onDemocracy Now!
• โบลิเวียโมเดล กับ การปฎิรูปพลังงานไทย สร้างความมั่นคงทางพลังงานให้กับประเทศจริงหรือ? – in ThaiPantip