TheParthian Empire (/ˈpɑːrθiən/), also known as theArsacid Empire (/ˈɑːrsəsɪd/),^[a] was a majorIranian political and cultural power centered inancient Iran from 247 BC to 224 AD.^[13] Its latter name comes from its founder,Arsaces I,^[14] who led theParni tribe inconquering the region ofParthia^[15] inIran's northeast, then asatrapy (province) underAndragoras, who was rebelling against theSeleucid Empire.Mithridates I (r. c. 171 – 132 BC) greatly expanded the empire by seizingMedia andMesopotamia from the Seleucids. At its height, the Parthian Empire stretched from the northern reaches of theEuphrates, in what is now central-eastern Turkey, to present-dayAfghanistan and western Pakistan. The empire, located on theSilk Road trade route between theRoman Empire in theMediterranean Basin and theHan dynasty ofChina, became a center of trade and commerce.

Parthian Empire
247 BC–224 AD
The Parthian Empire in 94 BC at its greatest extent, during the reign ofMithridates II (r. 124–91 BC)
Capital	Ctesiphon,[1]Ecbatana,Hecatompylos,Susa,Mithradatkirt,Asaak,Rhages
Common languages	Parthian (official, court, literature)[2][3] Greek (official)[4] Aramaic (lingua franca)[4][5]
Religion	Zoroastrianism[6] Babylonian religion[7] Buddhism[8]
Government	Feudalmonarchy[9]
Monarch
• 247–211 BC	Arsaces I(first)
• 208–224 AD	Artabanus IV(last)
Legislature	Megisthanes
Historical era	Classical antiquity
• Established	247 BC
• Disestablished	224 AD
Area
1 AD[10][11][12]	2,800,000 km2 (1,100,000 sq mi)
Currency	Drachma
Preceded by Succeeded by Seleucid Empire Sasanian Empire

The Parthians largely adopted theart,architecture, religious beliefs, and regalia of their culturally heterogeneous empire, which encompassedPersian,Hellenistic, and regional cultures. For about the first half of its existence, the Arsacid court adopted elements ofGreek culture, though it eventually saw a gradual revival ofIranian traditions. TheArsacid rulers were titled "King of Kings", claiming inheritance of theAchaemenid Empire; indeed, they accepted many local kings asvassals, although the Achaemenids would have had centrally appointed, albeit largely autonomous,satraps. The court did appoint a small number of satraps, largely outside Iran, but these satrapies were smaller and less powerful than the Achaemenid potentates. With the expansion of Arsacid power, the seat of central government shifted fromNisa toCtesiphon along theTigris (south ofBaghdad), although several other sites also served as capitals.

The earliest enemies of the Parthians were theSeleucids in the west and theScythians in the north. However, as Parthia expanded westward, they came into conflict with theKingdom of Armenia, and eventually the lateRoman Republic. Rome and Parthia competed with each other to establish thekings of Armenia as theirtributaries. The Parthians destroyed the army ofMarcus Licinius Crassus at theBattle of Carrhae in 53 BC, and in 40–39 BC, Parthian forces captured the whole of theLevant exceptTyre fromthe Romans;Mark Antony led a Romancounterattack. Several Roman emperors invaded Mesopotamia in theRoman–Parthian Wars of the next few centuries, capturing the cities ofSeleucia and Ctesiphon. Frequent civil wars between Parthian contenders to the throne proved more dangerous to the Empire's stability than foreign invasion, and Parthian power evaporated whenArdashir I, ruler ofIstakhr inPersis, revolted against the Arsacids and killed their last ruler,Artabanus IV, in 224 AD. Ardashir established theSasanian Empire, which ruled Iran and much of the Near East until theMuslim conquests of the 7th century AD, although the Arsacid dynasty lived on through branches of the family that ruledArmenia,Caucasian Iberia, andCaucasian Albania.

Native Parthian sources, written inParthian,Greek and other languages, are scarce when compared toSasanian and even earlierAchaemenid sources. Aside from scatteredcuneiform tablets, fragmentaryostraca, rock inscriptions,drachma coins, and the chance survival of someparchment documents, much of Parthian history is only known through external sources. These include mainlyGreek andRoman histories, but alsoChinese histories, prompted by the Han Chinesedesire to form alliances against the Xiongnu.^[16]Parthian artwork is a means of understanding aspects of society and culture that are otherwise absent in textual sources.

BeforeArsaces I founded the Arsacid dynasty, he was chieftain of theParni, an ancientCentral Asian tribe ofIranian peoples and one of severalnomadic tribes within the confederation of theDahae.^[17] The Parni most likely spoke aneastern Iranian language, in contrast to thenorthwestern Iranian language spoken at the time inParthia.^[18] The latter was a northeastern province, first under theAchaemenid Empire, and then theSeleucid Empire.^[19] After conquering the region, the Parni adoptedParthian as the official court language, speaking it alongsideMiddle Persian,Aramaic,Greek,Babylonian,Sogdian and other languages in the multilingual territories they would conquer.^[20]

Why the Arsacid court retroactively chose 247 BC as the first year of the Arsacid era is uncertain.A. D. H. Bivar concludes that this was the year the Seleucids lost control of Parthia toAndragoras, the appointedsatrap who rebelled against them. Hence, Arsaces I "backdated hisregnal years" to the moment when Seleucid control over Parthia ceased.^[21] However, Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis asserts that this was simply the year Arsaces was made chief of the Parni tribe.^[22] Homa Katouzian^[23] and Gene Ralph Garthwaite^[24] claim it was the year Arsaces conquered Parthia and expelled the Seleucid authorities, yet Curtis^[22] and Maria Brosius^[25] state that Andragoras was notoverthrown by the Arsacids until 238 BC.

It is unclear who immediately succeeded Arsaces I. Bivar^[26] and Katouzian^[23] affirm that it was his brotherTiridates I of Parthia, who in turn was succeeded by his sonArsaces II of Parthia in 211 BC. Yet Curtis^[27] and Brosius^[28] state that Arsaces II was the immediate successor of Arsaces I, with Curtis claiming the succession took place in 211 BC, and Brosius in 217 BC. Bivar insists that 138 BC, the last regnal year of Mithridates I, is "the first precisely established regnal date of Parthian history."^[29] Due to these and other discrepancies, Bivar outlinestwo distinct royal chronologies accepted by historians.^[30] A fictitious claim was later made from the 2nd-century BC onwards by the Parthians, which represented them as descendants of the Achaemenid king of kings,Artaxerxes II of Persia (r. 404 – 358 BC).[31]

For a time, Arsaces I consolidated his position in Parthia andHyrcania by taking advantage of the invasion of Seleucid territory in the west byPtolemy III Euergetes (r. 246–222 BC) ofEgypt. This conflict with Ptolemy, theThird Syrian War (246–241 BC), also allowedDiodotus I to rebel and form theGreco-Bactrian Kingdom in Central Asia.^[25] The latter's successor,Diodotus II, formed an alliance with Arsaces I against the Seleucids, but Arsaces was temporarily driven from Parthia by the forces ofSeleucus II Callinicus (r. 246 – 225 BC).[32] After spending some time in exile among the nomadicApasiacae tribe, Arsaces I led a counterattack and recaptured Parthia. Seleucus II's successor,Antiochus III the Great (r. 222 – 187 BC), was unable to immediately retaliate because his troops were engaged in putting down the rebellion ofMolon inMedia.^[32]

Antiochus III launched a massive campaign to retake Parthia and Bactria in 210 or 209 BC. Despite somevictories he was unsuccessful, but did negotiate a peace settlement with Arsaces II. The latter was granted the title of king (Greek:basileus) in return for his submission to Antiochus III as his superior.^[33] The Seleucids were unable to further intervene in Parthian affairs following increasing encroachment by theRoman Republic and the Seleuciddefeat at Magnesia in 190 BC.^[33]Priapatius (r. c. 191 – 176 BC) succeeded Arsaces II, andPhraates I (r. c. 176 – 171 BC) eventually ascended the Parthian throne. Phraates I ruled Parthia without further Seleucid interference.[34]

Phraates I is recorded as expanding Parthia's control past theGates of Alexander and occupiedApamea Ragiana. The locations of these are unknown.^[35] Yet the greatest expansion of Parthian power and territory took place during the reign of his brother and successorMithridates I (r. c. 171–132 BC),^[28] whom Katouzian compares toCyrus the Great (d. 530 BC), founder of the Achaemenid Empire.^[23]

Relations between Parthia and Greco-Bactria deteriorated after the death of Diodotus II, when forces under Mithridates I captured twoeparchies of the latter kingdom, then underEucratides I (r. c. 170–145 BC).^[36] Turning his sights on the Seleucid realm, Mithridates I invaded Media and occupiedEcbatana in 148 or 147 BC; the region had been destabilized by a recent Seleucid suppression of a rebellion there led byTimarchus.^[37] This victory was followed by the Parthian conquest ofBabylonia inMesopotamia, where Mithridates I had coins minted atSeleucia in 141 BC and held an officialinvestiture ceremony.^[38] While Mithridates I retired to Hyrcania, his forces subdued the kingdoms ofElymais andCharacene and occupiedSusa.^[38] By this time, Parthian authority extended as far east as theIndus River.^[39]

WhereasHecatompylos had served as the first Parthian capital, Mithridates I established royal residences at Seleucia, Ecbatana,Ctesiphon and his newly founded city, Mithradatkert (Nisa), where the tombs of the Arsacid kings were built and maintained.^[40] Ecbatana became the main summertime residence for the Arsacid royalty.^[41] Ctesiphon may not have become the official capital until the reign ofGotarzes I (r. c. 90–80 BC).^[42] It became the site of the royalcoronation ceremony and the representational city of the Arsacids, according to Brosius.^[43]

The Seleucids were unable to retaliate immediately as generalDiodotus Tryphon led a rebellion at the capitalAntioch in 142 BC.^[44] However, by 140 BCDemetrius II Nicator was able to launch a counter-invasion against the Parthians in Mesopotamia. Despite early successes, the Seleucids were defeated and Demetrius himself was captured by Parthian forces and taken to Hyrcania. There Mithridates I treated his captive with great hospitality; he even married his daughterRhodogune of Parthia to Demetrius.^[45]

Antiochus VII Sidetes (r. 138–129 BC), a brother of Demetrius, assumed the Seleucid throne and married the latter's wifeCleopatra Thea. After defeating Diodotus Tryphon, Antiochus initiated a campaign in 130 BC to retake Mesopotamia, now under the rule ofPhraates II (r. c. 132–127 BC). The Parthian general Indates was defeated along theGreat Zab, followed by a local uprising where the Parthian governor of Babylonia was killed. Antiochus conquered Babylonia and occupied Susa, where he minted coins.^[46] After Antiochus advanced his army into Media, the Parthians pushed for peace, which Antiochus refused to accept unless the Arsacids relinquished all lands to him except Parthia proper, paid heavy tribute, and released Demetrius from captivity. Arsaces released Demetrius and sent him toSyria, but refused the other demands.^[47] By spring 129 BC, the Medes were in open revolt against Antiochus, whose army had exhausted the resources of the countryside during winter. While Antiochus attempted to put down the revolts, the main Parthian force swept into the region and killed Antiochus at theBattle of Ecbatana in 129 BC. His body was sent back to Syria in a silver coffin; his son Seleucus was made a Parthian hostage^[48] and a daughter joined Phraates'harem.^[49]

While the Parthians regained the territories lost in the west, another threat arose in the east. In 177–176 BC the nomadic confederation of theXiongnu dislodged the nomadicYuezhi from their homelands in what is nowGansu province inNorthwest China;^[50] the Yuezhi then migrated west into Bactria and displaced theSaka (Scythian) tribes. The Saka were forced to move further west, where they invaded the Parthian Empire's northeastern borders.^[51] Mithridates I was thus forced to retire to Hyrcania after his conquest of Mesopotamia.^[52]

Some of the Saka were enlisted in Phraates' forces against Antiochus. However, they arrived too late to engage in the conflict. When Phraates refused to pay their wages, the Saka revolted, which he tried to put down with the aid of former Seleucid soldiers, yet they too abandoned Phraates and joined sides with the Saka.^[53] Phraates II marched against this combined force, but he was killed in battle.^[54] The Roman historianJustin reports that his successorArtabanus I (r. c. 128–124 BC) shared a similar fate fighting nomads in the east. He claims Artabanus was killed by the Tokhari (identified as the Yuezhi), although Bivar believes Justin conflated them with the Saka.^[55]Mithridates II (r. c. 124–91 BC) later recovered the lands lost to the Saka inSakastan.^[56]

Following the Seleucid withdrawal from Mesopotamia, the Parthian governor of Babylonia, Himerus, was ordered by the Arsacid court to conquerCharacene, then ruled byHyspaosines fromCharax Spasinu. When this failed, Hyspaosines invaded Babylonia in 127 BC and occupied Seleucia. Yet by 122 BC, Mithridates II forced Hyspaosines out of Babylonia and made the kings of Characenevassals under Parthiansuzerainty.^[58] After Mithridates II extended Parthian control further west, occupyingDura-Europos in 113 BC, he became embroiled in a conflict with theKingdom of Armenia.^[59] His forces defeated and deposedArtavasdes I of Armenia in 97 BC, taking his son Tigranes hostage, who would later becomeTigranes II "the Great" of Armenia (r. c. 95–55 BC).^[60]

TheIndo-Parthian Kingdom, located in modern-day Afghanistan and Pakistan made an alliance with the Parthian Empire in the 1st century BC.^[61] Bivar claims that these two states considered each other political equals.^[62] After the Greek philosopherApollonius of Tyana visited the court ofVardanes I (r. c. 40–47 AD) in 42 AD, Vardanes provided him with the protection of a caravan as he traveled to Indo-Parthia. When Apollonius reached Indo-Parthia's capitalTaxila, his caravan leader read Vardanes' official letter, perhaps written in Parthian, to an Indian official who treated Apollonius with great hospitality.^[61]

Following thediplomatic venture ofZhang Qian into Central Asia during the reign ofEmperor Wu of Han (r. 141–87 BC), theHan Empire of China sent a delegation to Mithridates II's court in 121 BC. The Han embassyopened official trade relations with Parthia via theSilk Road yet did not achieve a desired military alliance against the confederation of the Xiongnu.^[63] The Parthian Empire was enriched by taxing the Eurasian caravan trade insilk, the most highly priced luxury goodimported by the Romans.^[64] Pearls were also a highly valued import from China, while the Chinese purchased Parthian spices, perfumes, and fruits.^[65] Exotic animals were also given as gifts from the Arsacid to Han courts; in 87 ADPacorus II of Parthia sent lions and Persian gazelles toEmperor Zhang of Han (r. 75–88 AD).^[66] Besides silk, Parthian goods purchased by Roman merchants includediron from India,spices, and fine leather.^[67] Caravans traveling through the Parthian Empire brought West Asian and sometimesRoman luxury glasswares to China.^[68] The merchants ofSogdia, speaking anEastern Iranian language, served as the primary middlemen of this vital silk trade betweenParthia and Han China.^[69]

The YuezhiKushan Empire in northern India largely guaranteed the security of Parthia's eastern border.^[70] Thus, from the mid-1st century BC onwards, the Arsacid court focused on securing the western border, primarily against Rome.^[70] A year following Mithridates II's subjugation of Armenia,Lucius Cornelius Sulla, the Romanproconsul ofCilicia, convened with the Parthian diplomatOrobazus at theEuphrates river. The two agreed that the river would serve as the border between Parthia and Rome, although several historians have argued that Sulla only had authority to communicate these terms back to Rome.^[71]

Despite this agreement, in 93 or 92 BC Parthia fought a war in Syria against the tribal leaderLaodice and her Seleucid allyAntiochus X Eusebes (r. 95–92? BC), killing the latter.^[72] When one of the last Seleucid monarchs,Demetrius III Eucaerus, attempted to besiege Beroea (modernAleppo), Parthia sent military aid to the inhabitants and Demetrius was defeated.^[72]

Following the rule of Mithridates II, his sonGotarzes I succeeded him.^[73] He reigned during a period coined in scholarship as the "Parthian Dark Age," due to the lack of clear information on the events of this period in the empire, except a series of, apparently overlapping, reigns.^[74][75] It is only with the beginning of the reign ofOrodes II inc. 57 BC, that the line of Parthian rulers can again be reliably traced.[75] This system of split monarchy weakened Parthia, allowing Tigranes II of Armenia to annex Parthian territory in western Mesopotamia. This land would not be restored to Parthia until the reign ofSinatruces (r. c. 78–69 BC).^[76]

Following the outbreak of theThird Mithridatic War,Mithridates VI of Pontus (r. 119–63 BC), an ally of Tigranes II of Armenia, requested aid from Parthia against Rome, but Sinatruces refused help.^[77] When the Roman commanderLucullus marched against the Armenian capitalTigranocerta in 69 BC, Mithridates VI and Tigranes II requested the aid ofPhraates III (r. c. 71–58). Phraates did not send aid to either, and after thefall of Tigranocerta he reaffirmed with Lucullus the Euphrates as the boundary between Parthia and Rome.^[78]

Tigranes the Younger, son of Tigranes II of Armenia, failed to usurp the Armenian throne from his father. He fled to Phraates III and convinced him to march against Armenia's new capital atArtaxata. When this siege failed, Tigranes the Younger once again fled, this time to the Roman commanderPompey. He promised Pompey that he would act as a guide through Armenia, but, when Tigranes II submitted to Rome as aclient king, Tigranes the Younger was brought to Rome as a hostage.^[79] Phraates demanded Pompey return Tigranes the Younger to him, but Pompey refused. In retaliation, Phraates launched an invasion intoCorduene (southeastern Turkey) where, according to two conflicting Roman accounts, the Roman consulLucius Afranius forced the Parthians out by either military or diplomatic means.^[80]

Phraates III was assassinated by his sonsOrodes II of Parthia andMithridates IV of Parthia, after which Orodes turned on Mithridates, forcing him to flee from Media toRoman Syria.^[81]Aulus Gabinius, the Roman proconsul of Syria, marched in support of Mithridates to the Euphrates, but had to turn back to aidPtolemy XII Auletes (r. 80–58; 55–51 BC) against a rebellion in Egypt.^[82] Despite losing his Roman support, Mithridates managed to conquer Babylonia, and minted coins at Seleucia until 54 BC. In that year, Orodes' general, known only asSurena after his noble family's clan name, recaptured Seleucia, and Mithridates was executed.^[83]

Marcus Licinius Crassus, one of thetriumvirs, who was now proconsul of Syria, invaded Parthia in 53 BC in belated support of Mithridates.^[84] As his armymarched to Carrhae (modernHarran, southeastern Turkey), Orodes II invaded Armenia, cutting off support from Rome's allyArtavasdes II of Armenia (r. 53–34 BC). Orodes persuaded Artavasdes to a marriage alliance between the crown princePacorus I of Parthia (d. 38 BC) and Artavasdes' sister.^[85]

Surena, with an army entirely on horseback, rode to meet Crassus.^[86] Surena's 1,000cataphracts (armed with lances) and 9,000horse archers were outnumbered roughly four to one by Crassus' army, comprising sevenRoman legions and auxiliaries including mountedGauls and light infantry.^[87] Using a baggage train of about 1,000 camels, the Parthian army provided the horse archers with a constant supply of arrows.^[87] The horse archers employed the "Parthian shot" tactic: feigning retreat to draw enemy out, then turning and shooting at them when exposed. This tactic, executed with heavycomposite bows on the flat plain, devastated Crassus' infantry.^[88]

With some 20,000 Romans dead, approximately 10,000 captured, and roughly another 10,000 escaping west, Crassus fled into the Armenian countryside.^[89] At the head of his army, Surena approached Crassus, offering aparley, which Crassus accepted. However, he was killed when one of his junior officers, suspecting a trap, attempted to stop him from riding into Surena's camp.^[90] Crassus' defeat at Carrhae was one of the worst military defeats of Roman history.^[91] Parthia's victory cemented its reputation as a formidable if not equal power with Rome.^[92] With his camp followers, war captives, and precious Roman booty, Surena traveled some 700 km (430 mi) back to Seleucia where his victory was celebrated. However, fearing his ambitions even for the Arsacid throne, Orodes had Surena executed shortly thereafter.^[91]

Emboldened by the victory over Crassus, the Parthians attempted to capture Roman-held territories inWest Asia.^[93]Crown prince Pacorus I and his commander Osaces raided Syria as far as Antioch in 51 BC, but were repulsed byGaius Cassius Longinus, who ambushed and killed Osaces.^[94] The Arsacids sided with Pompey inthe civil war against Julius Caesar and even sent troops to support the anti-Caesarian forces at theBattle of Philippi in 42 BC.^[95]

Quintus Labienus, a general loyal to Cassius andBrutus, sided with Parthia against theSecond Triumvirate in 40 BC; the following year he invaded Syria alongside Pacorus I.^[96] The triumvirMark Antony was unable to lead the Roman defense against Parthia due to his departure to Italy, where he amassed his forces to confront his rivalOctavian and eventually conducted negotiations with him at Brundisium.^[97]

After Syria was occupied by Pacorus' army, Labienus split from the main Parthian force to invadeAnatolia while Pacorus and his commanderBarzapharnes invaded the RomanLevant.^[96] They subdued all settlements along the Mediterranean coast as far south as Ptolemais (modernAcre, Israel), with the lone exception ofTyre.^[98] InJudea, the pro-Roman Jewish forces of high priestHyrcanus II,Phasael, andHerod were defeated by the Parthians and their Jewish allyAntigonus II Mattathias (r. 40–37 BC); the latter was made king of Judea while Herod fled to his fort atMasada.^[96]

Despite these successes, the Parthians were soon driven out of the Levant by a Roman counteroffensive.Publius Ventidius Bassus, an officer under Mark Antony, defeated and then executed Labienus at theBattle of the Cilician Gates (in modernMersin Province, Turkey) in 39 BC.^[99] Shortly afterward, a Parthian force in Syria led by general Pharnapates was defeated by Ventidius at theBattle of Amanus Pass.^[99]

As a result, Pacorus I temporarily withdrew from Syria. When he returned in the spring of 38 BC, he faced Ventidius at theBattle of Mount Gindarus, northeast of Antioch. Pacorus was killed during the battle, and his forces retreated across the Euphrates. His death spurred a succession crisis in which Orodes II chosePhraates IV (r. c. 38–2 BC) as his new heir.^[100]

Upon assuming the throne, Phraates IV eliminated rival claimants by killing and exiling his own brothers.^[101] One of them,Monaeses, fled to Antony and persuaded him toinvade Parthia.^[102] Antony defeated Parthia's Judaean ally Antigonus in 37 BC, installing Herod as a client king in his place.

The following year, when Antony marched toTheodosiopolis, Artavasdes II of Armenia once again switched alliances by sending Antony additional troops. Antony invaded MediaAtropatene (modernIranian Azerbaijan), then ruled by Parthia's allyArtavasdes I of Media Atropatene, with the intention of seizing the capital Praaspa, the location of which is now unknown. However, Phraates IV ambushed Antony's rear detachment, destroying a giantbattering ram meant for the siege of Praaspa; after this, Artavasdes II abandoned Antony's forces.^[103]

The Parthians pursued and harassed Antony's army as it fled to Armenia. Eventually, the greatly weakened force reached Syria.^[104] Antony lured Artavasdes II into a trap with the promise of a marriage alliance. He was taken captive in 34 BC, paraded in Antony's mockRoman triumph inAlexandria, Egypt,^[105] and eventually executed byCleopatra VII of thePtolemaic Kingdom.^[106][107]

Antony attempted to strike an alliance with Artavasdes I of Media Atropatene, whose relations with Phraates IV had recently soured. This was abandoned when Antony and his forces withdrew from Armenia in 33 BC; they escaped a Parthian invasion while Antony's rival Octavian attacked his forces to the west.^[107] After the defeat and suicides of Antony and Cleopatra in 30 BC,^[108] Parthian allyArtaxias II reassumed the throne of Armenia.

Following the defeat and deaths of Antony andCleopatra ofPtolemaic Egypt after theBattle of Actium in 31 BC, Octavian consolidated his political power and in 27 BC was namedAugustus by theRoman Senate, becoming the firstRoman emperor.^[109] Around this time,Tiridates II of Parthia briefly overthrew Phraates IV, who was able to quickly reestablish his rule with the aid of Scythian nomads.^[110] Tiridates fled to the Romans, taking one of Phraates' sons with him. In negotiations conducted in 20 BC, Phraates arranged for the release of his kidnapped son. In return, the Romans received the lostlegionary standards taken at Carrhae in 53 BC, as well as any surviving prisoners of war.^[111] The Parthians viewed this exchange as a small price to pay to regain the prince.^[112] Augustus hailed the return of the standards as a political victory over Parthia; this propaganda was celebrated in the minting of new coins, thebuilding of a new temple to house the standards, and even in fine art such as thebreastplate scene on his statueAugustus of Prima Porta.^[113]

Along with the prince, Augustus also gave Phraates IV an Italian slave-girl, who later became QueenMusa of Parthia. To ensure that her child Phraataces would inherit the throne without incident, Musa convinced Phraates IV to give his other sons to Augustus as hostages. Again, Augustus used this as propaganda depicting the submission of Parthia to Rome, listing it as a great accomplishment in hisRes Gestae Divi Augusti.^[114] When Phraataces took the throne asPhraates V (r. c. 2 BC – 4 AD), Musa ruled alongside him, and according toJosephus, married him. The Parthian nobility, disapproving of the notion of a king with non-Arsacid blood, forced the pair into exile in Roman territory.^[115] Phraates' successorOrodes III of Parthia lasted just two years on the throne, and was followed byVonones I, who had adopted many Roman mannerisms during time in Rome. The Parthian nobility, angered by Vonones' sympathies for the Romans, backed a rival claimant,Artabanus II of Parthia (r. c. 10–38 AD), who eventually defeated Vonones and drove him into exile in Roman Syria.^[116]

During the reign of Artabanus II, two Jewish commoners and brothers,Anilai and Asinai fromNehardea (near modernFallujah, Iraq),^[117] led a revolt against the Parthian governor of Babylonia. After defeating the latter, the two were granted the right to govern the region by Artabanus II, who feared further rebellion elsewhere.^[118] Anilai's Parthian wife poisoned Asinai out of fear he would attack Anilai over his marriage to agentile. Following this, Anilai became embroiled in an armed conflict with a son-in-law of Artabanus, who eventually defeated him.^[119] With the Jewish regime removed, the native Babylonians began to harass thelocal Jewish community, forcing them to emigrate to Seleucia. When that city rebelled against Parthian rule in 35–36 AD, the Jews were expelled again, this time by the localGreeks andAramaeans. The exiled Jews fled to Ctesiphon, Nehardea, andNisibis.^[120]

Although at peace with Parthia, Rome still interfered in its affairs. The Roman emperorTiberius (r. 14–37 AD) became involved in a plot byPharasmanes I of Iberia to place his brotherMithridates on the throne of Armenia by assassinating the Parthian ally King Arsaces of Armenia.^[122] Artabanus II tried and failed to restore Parthian control of Armenia, prompting an aristocratic revolt that forced him to flee toScythia. The Romans released a hostage prince,Tiridates III of Parthia, to rule the region as an ally of Rome. Shortly before his death, Artabanus managed to force Tiridates from the throne using troops from Hyrcania.^[123] After Artabanus' death in 38 AD, a long civil war ensued between the rightful successorVardanes I and his brotherGotarzes II.^[124] After Vardanes was assassinated during a hunting expedition, the Parthian nobility appealed to Roman emperorClaudius (r. 41–54 AD) in 49 AD to release the hostage princeMeherdates to challenge Gotarzes. This backfired when Meherdates was betrayed by the governor ofEdessa andIzates bar Monobaz ofAdiabene; he was captured and sent to Gotarzes, where he was allowed to live after having his ears mutilated, an act that disqualified him from inheriting the throne.^[125]

In 97 AD, the Chinese generalBan Chao, theProtector-General of the Western Regions, sent his emissaryGan Ying on a diplomatic mission to reach the Roman Empire. Gan visited the court ofPacorus II at Hecatompylos before departing towards Rome.^[126] He traveled as far west as thePersian Gulf, where Parthian authorities convinced him that an arduous sea voyage around theArabian Peninsula was the only means to reach Rome.^[127] Discouraged by this, Gan Ying returned to the Han court and providedEmperor He of Han (r. 88–105 AD) with a detailed report on the Roman Empire based on oral accounts of his Parthian hosts.^[128] William Watson speculates that the Parthians would have been relieved at the failed efforts by the Han Empire to open diplomatic relations with Rome, especially after Ban Chao'smilitary victories against theXiongnu ineastern Central Asia.^[126] However, Chinese records maintain that aRoman embassy, perhaps only a group ofRoman merchants,arrived at the Han capitalLuoyang by way ofJiaozhi (northernVietnam) in 166 AD, during the reigns ofMarcus Aurelius (r. 161–180 AD) andEmperor Huan of Han (r. 146–168 AD).^[129] Although it could be coincidental,Antonine Roman goldenmedallions dated to the reigns of Marcus Aurelius and his predecessorAntoninus Pius have been discovered atOc Eo, Vietnam (among other Roman artefacts in theMekong Delta), a site that is one of the suggested locations for the port city of "Cattigara" along theMagnus Sinus (i.e.Gulf of Thailand andSouth China Sea) inPtolemy'sGeography.^[130]

After theIberian king Pharasmanes I had his sonRhadamistus (r. 51–55 AD) invade Armenia to depose the Roman client king Mithridates,Vologases I of Parthia (r. c. 51–77 AD) planned to invade and place his brother, the laterTiridates I of Armenia, on the throne.^[132] Rhadamistus was eventually driven from power, and, beginning with the reign of Tiridates, Parthia would retain firm control over Armenia—with brief interruptions—through theArsacid dynasty of Armenia.^[133] Even after the fall of the Parthian Empire, the Arsacid line lived on through the Armenian kings.^[134] However, not only did the Arsacid line continue through the Armenians, it also continued through theGeorgian kings with theArsacid dynasty of Iberia, and for many centuries afterwards inCaucasian Albania through theArsacid dynasty of Caucasian Albania.^[135]

WhenVardanes II of Parthia rebelled against his father Vologases I in 55 AD, Vologases withdrew his forces from Armenia. Rome quickly attempted to fill the political vacuum left behind.^[136] In theRoman–Parthian War of 58–63 AD, the commanderGnaeus Domitius Corbulo achieved some military successes against the Parthians while installingTigranes VI of Armenia as a Roman client.^[137] However, Corbulo's successorLucius Caesennius Paetus was soundly defeated by Parthian forces and fled Armenia.^[138] Following a peace treaty, Tiridates I traveled toNaples and Rome in 63 AD. At both sites the Roman emperorNero (r. 54–68 AD) ceremoniously crowned him king of Armenia by placing the royaldiadem on his head.^[139]

A long period of peace between Parthia and Rome ensued, with only the invasion ofAlans into Parthia's eastern territories around 72 AD mentioned by Roman historians.^[140] Whereas Augustus and Nero had chosen a cautious military policy when confronting Parthia, later Roman emperors invaded and attempted to conquer the easternFertile Crescent, the heart of the Parthian Empire along theTigris andEuphrates. The heightened aggression can be explained in part by Rome's military reforms.^[141] To match Parthia's strength in missile troops and mounted warriors, the Romans at first used foreign allies (especiallyNabataeans), but later established a permanentauxilia force to complement their heavy legionary infantry.^[142] The Romans eventually maintained regiments of horse archers (sagittarii) and even mail-armoredcataphracts in their eastern provinces.^[143] Yet the Romans had no discerniblegrand strategy in dealing with Parthia and gained very little territory from these invasions.^[144] The primary motivations for war were the advancement of the personal glory and political position of the emperor, as well as defending Roman honor against perceived slights such as Parthian interference in the affairs of Rome's client states.^[145]

Hostilities between Rome and Parthia were renewed whenOsroes I of Parthia (r. c. 109–128 AD) deposed the Armenian kingSanatruk and replaced him withAxidares, son of Pacorus II, without consulting Rome.^[147] The Roman emperorTrajan (r. 98–117 AD) had the next Parthian nominee for the throne,Parthamasiris, killed in 114 AD, instead making Armenia a Roman province.^[148] His forces, led byLusius Quietus, also captured Nisibis; its occupation was essential to securing all the major routes across the northern Mesopotamian plain.^[149] The following year, Trajan invaded Mesopotamia and met little resistance from onlyMeharaspes of Adiabene, since Osroes was engaged in a civil war to the east withVologases III of Parthia.^[150] Trajan spent the winter of 115–116 at Antioch, but resumed his campaign in the spring. Marching down the Euphrates, he captured Dura-Europos, the capital Ctesiphon^[151] and Seleucia, and even subjugated Characene, where he watched ships depart to India from thePersian Gulf.^[152]

In the last months of 116 AD, Trajan captured the Persian city of Susa. WhenSanatruces II of Parthia gathered forces in eastern Parthia to challenge the Romans, his cousinParthamaspates of Parthia betrayed and killed him: Trajan crowned him the new king of Parthia.^[153] Never again would the Roman Empire advance so far to the east. On Trajan's return north, the Babylonian settlements revolted against the Roman garrisons.^[154] Trajan was forced to retreat from Mesopotamia in 117 AD, overseeing a failed siege ofHatra during his withdrawal.^[155] His retreat was—in his intentions—temporary, because he wanted to renew the attack on Parthia in 118 AD and "make the subjection of the Parthians a reality,"^[156] but Trajan died suddenly in August 117 AD. During his campaign, Trajan was granted the titleParthicus by the Senate and coins were minted proclaiming the conquest of Parthia.^[157] However, only the 4th-century AD historiansEutropius andFestus allege that he attempted to establish aRoman province in lower Mesopotamia.^[158]

Trajan's successorHadrian (r. 117–138 AD) reaffirmed theRoman-Parthian border at the Euphrates, choosing not to invade Mesopotamia due to Rome's now limited military resources.^[159] Parthamaspates fled after the Parthians revolted against him, yet the Romans made him king ofOsroene. Osroes I died during his conflict with Vologases III, the latter succeeded byVologases IV of Parthia (r. c. 147–191 AD) who ushered in a period of peace and stability.^[160] However, theRoman–Parthian War of 161–166 AD began when Vologases invaded Armenia and Syria, retaking Edessa. Roman emperorMarcus Aurelius (r. 161–180 AD) had co-rulerLucius Verus (r. 161–169 AD) guard Syria whileMarcus Statius Priscus invaded Armenia in 163 AD, followed by the invasion of Mesopotamia byAvidius Cassius in 164 AD.^[161] The Romans captured and burnt Seleucia and Ctesiphon to the ground, yet they were forced to retreat once the Roman soldiers contracted adeadly disease (possiblysmallpox) that soon ravaged the Roman world.^[162] Although they withdrew, from this point forward the city of Dura-Europos remained in Roman hands.^[163] When Roman emperorSeptimius Severus (r. 193–211 AD) invaded Mesopotamia in 197 AD during the reign ofVologases V of Parthia (r. c. 191–208 AD), the Romans once again marched down the Euphrates and captured Seleucia and Ctesiphon. After assuming the titleParthicus Maximus, he retreated in late 198 AD, failing as Trajan once did to capture Hatra during a siege.^[164]

Around 212 AD, soon afterVologases VI of Parthia (r. c. 208–222 AD) took the throne, his brotherArtabanus IV of Parthia (d. 224 AD) rebelled against him and gained control over a greater part of the empire.^[165] Meanwhile, the Roman emperorCaracalla (r. 211–217 AD) deposed the kings of Osroene and Armenia to make them Roman provinces once more. He marched into Mesopotamia under the pretext of marrying one of Artabanus' daughters, but the marriage was not allowed. Consequently, Caracalla made war on Parthia, conqueringArbil^[165] and sacking the Parthian tombs there.^[166] Caracalla was assassinated the next year on the road to Carrhae by his soldiers.^[165] At theBattle of Nisibis, the Parthians were able to defeat the Romans, but both sides suffered heavy losses.^[167] After this debacle, the Parthians made a settlement withMacrinus (r. 217–218) where the Romans paid Parthia over two-hundred milliondenarii with additional gifts.^[168]

The Parthian Empire, weakened by internal strife and wars with Rome, was soon to be followed by theSasanian Empire. Indeed, shortly afterward,Ardashir I, the local Iranian ruler of Persis (modernFars province, Iran) fromIstakhr began subjugating the surrounding territories in defiance of Arsacid rule.^[169] He confronted Artabanus IV at theBattle of Hormozdgān on 28 April 224 AD, perhaps at a site nearIsfahan, defeating him and establishing the Sasanian Empire.^[169] There is evidence, however, that suggests Vologases VI continued to mint coins at Seleucia as late as 228 AD.^[170]

The Sassanians would not only assume Parthia's legacy as Rome's Persian nemesis, but they would also attempt to restore the boundaries of the Achaemenid Empire bybriefly conquering the Levant, Anatolia, and Egypt from theEastern Roman Empire during the reign ofKhosrau II (r. 590–628 AD).^[171] However, they would lose these territories toHeraclius—the last Roman emperor before theArab conquests. Nevertheless, for a period of more than 400 years, they succeeded the Parthian realm as Rome's principal rival.^[172][173]

Local and foreign written accounts, as well as non-textual artifacts, have been used to reconstruct Parthian history.^[174] Although the Parthian court maintained records, the Parthians had no formal study ofhistory; the earliestuniversal history of Iran, theKhwaday-Namag, was not compiled until the reign of the last Sasanian rulerYazdegerd III (r. 632–651 AD).^[175] Indigenoussources on Parthian history remain scarce, with fewer of them available than for any other period of Iranian history.^[176] Most contemporary written records on Parthia contain Greek as well as Parthian and Aramaic inscriptions.^[177] The Parthian language was written in a distinct script derived from theImperial Aramaic chancellery script of the Achaemenids, and later developed into thePahlavi writing system.^[178]

The most valuable indigenous sources for reconstructing an accurate chronology of Arsacid rulers are the metaldrachma coins issued by each ruler.^[179] These represent a "transition from non-textual to textual remains," according to historianGeo Widengren.^[180] Other Parthian sources used for reconstructing chronology includecuneiform astronomical tablets and colophons discovered in Babylonia.^[181] Indigenous textual sources also include stoneinscriptions,parchment andpapyri documents, and potteryostraca.^[180] For example, at the early Parthian capital of Mithradatkert/Nisa in Turkmenistan, large caches of pottery ostraca have been found yielding information on the sale and storage of items like wine.^[182] Along with parchment documents found at sites like Dura-Europos, these also provide valuable information on Parthian governmental administration, covering issues such as taxation, military titles, and provincial organization.^[183]

TheGreek andLatin histories, which represent the majority of materials covering Parthian history, are not considered entirely reliable since they were written from the perspective of rivals and wartime enemies.^[184] These external sources generally concern major military and political events, and often ignore social and cultural aspects of Parthian history.^[185] The Romans usually depicted the Parthians as fierce warriors but also as a culturally refined people; recipes for Parthian dishes in the cookbookApicius exemplifies their admiration for Parthian cuisine.^[186]Apollodorus of Artemita andArrian wrote histories focusing on Parthia, which are now lost and survive only as quoted extracts in other histories.^[187]Isidore of Charax, who lived during the reign of Augustus, provides an account of Parthian territories, perhaps from a Parthian government survey.^[188] To a lesser extent, people and events of Parthian history were also included in the histories ofJustin,Strabo,Diodorus Siculus,Plutarch,Cassius Dio,Appian,Josephus,Pliny the Elder, andHerodian.^[189]

Parthian history can also be reconstructed via theChinese historical records of events.^[190] In contrast to Greek and Roman histories, the early Chinese histories maintained a more neutral view when describing Parthia,^[191] although the habit of Chinese chroniclers to copy material for their accounts from older works (of undetermined origin) makes it difficult to establish a chronological order of events.^[192] The Chinese called ParthiaĀnxī ^[zh] (Chinese:安息,Old Chinese pronunciation: 'ansjək), perhaps after the Greek name for the Parthian cityAntiochia in Margiana (Greek: Ἀντιόχεια ἡ ἐν τῇ Μαργιανῇ).^[193] However, this could also have been a transliteration of "Arsaces", after the dynasty's eponymous founder.^[194] The works and historical authors include theShiji (also known as theRecords of the Grand Historian) bySima Qian, theHan shu (Book of Han) byBan Biao,Ban Gu, andBan Zhao, and theHou Han shu (Book of Later Han) byFan Ye.^[195] They provide information on the nomadic migrations leading up to the earlySaka invasion of Parthia and valuable political and geographical information.^[190] For example, theShiji (ch. 123) describes diplomatic exchanges, exotic gifts given by Mithridates II to theHan court, types of agricultural crops grown in Parthia, production of wine using grapes, itinerant merchants, and the size and location of Parthian territory.^[196] TheShiji also mentions that the Parthians kept records by "writing horizontally on strips of leather," that is, parchment.^[197]

In Islamic sources, the Parthian dynasty is mentioned with three dynastic branch names: Aškāniān (اشکانیان), Ašġāniān (اشغانیان), and Afquršāhān (افقورشاهان). The obvious differences between the names of Parthian dynastic branches in Islamic sources has been forgotten by modern Persian-speaking historians. Intentionally or unintentionally, because the translators and correctors of Arabic to Persian sources changed the letter "ġ" (غ) to "k" (ک) in all historical texts and also changed the word of "Persia" to "Iran", the true intention of the Islamic historical sources have been forgotten. As the consequence, these different dynastic branches have become a single dynasty in the form of the name Aškāniān (اشکانیان) in the new editions of Islamic sources.^[198] It is known, however, that the Arsacid royal family line survived within three ruling dynasties belonging toArmenia,Caucasian Iberia, andAghbania in the Caucasus.^[135]

Compared with the earlier Achaemenid Empire, the Parthian government was notablydecentralized.^[199] An indigenous historical source reveals that territories overseen by the central government were organized in a similar manner to the Seleucid Empire. They both had a threefold division for their provincial hierarchies: the Parthianmarzbān, xšatrap, and dizpat, similar to the Seleucidsatrapy,eparchy, and hyparchy.^[200] The Parthian Empire also contained several subordinate semi-autonomous kingdoms, including the states ofCaucasian Iberia,Armenia,Atropatene,Gordyene,Adiabene,Edessa,Hatra,Mesene,Elymais, andPersis.^[201] The state rulers governed their own territories and minted their own coinage distinct from the royal coinage produced at the imperial mints.^[202] This was not unlike the earlier Achaemenid Empire, which also had some city-states, and even distant satrapies who were semi-independent but "recognised the supremacy of the king, paid tribute and provided military support", according to Brosius.^[203] However, the satraps of Parthian times governed smaller territories, and perhaps had less prestige and influence than their Achaemenid predecessors.^[204] During the Seleucid period, the trend of local ruling dynasties with semi-autonomous rule, and sometimes outright rebellious rule, became commonplace, a fact reflected in the later Parthian style of governance.^[205]

The King of Kings headed the Parthian government. He maintainedpolygamous relations, and was usually succeeded by his first-born son.^[206] Like the Ptolemies of Egypt, there is also record of Arsacid kings marrying their nieces and perhaps even half-sisters;Queen Musa is said byJosephus to have married her own son, though this would be an extreme and isolated case.^[206] Brosius provides an extract from a letter written in Greek by King Artabanus II in 21 AD, which addresses the governor (titled "archon") and citizens of the city ofSusa. Specific government offices of Preferred Friend, Bodyguard and Treasurer are mentioned and the document also proves that "while there were local jurisdictions and proceedings to appointment to high office, the king could intervene on behalf of an individual, review a case and amend the local ruling if he considered it appropriate."^[207]

The hereditary titles of the hierarchic nobility recorded during the reign of the first Sasanian monarch Ardashir I most likely reflect the titles already in use during the Parthian era.^[208] There were three distinct tiers of nobility, the highest being the regional kings directly below the King of Kings, the second being those related to the King of Kings only through marriage, and the lowest order being heads of local clans and small territories.^[209]

By the 1st century AD, the Parthian nobility had assumed great power and influence in the succession and deposition of Arsacid kings.^[210] Some of the nobility functioned as court advisers to the king, as well as holy priests.^[211]Strabo, in hisGeographica, preserved a claim by the Greek philosopher and historianPoseidonius that the Council of Parthia consisted of noble kinsmen andmagi, two groups from which "the kings were appointed."^[212] Of the great noble Parthian families listed at the beginning of the Sassanian period, only two are explicitly mentioned in earlier Parthian documents: theHouse of Suren and theHouse of Karen.^[213] The historianPlutarch noted that members of the Suren family, the first among the nobility, were given the privilege of crowning each new Arsacid King of Kings during their coronations.^[214]

The Parthian Empire had nostanding army, yet were able to quickly recruit troops in the event of local crises.^[215] There was a permanent armed guard attached to the person of the king, comprising nobles,serfs andmercenaries, but this royal retinue was small.^[216] Garrisons were also permanently maintained at border forts; Parthian inscriptions reveal some of the military titles granted to the commanders of these locations.^[216] Military forces could also be used in diplomatic gestures. For example, when Chinese envoys visited Parthia in the late 2nd century BC, theShiji maintains that 20,000 horsemen were sent to the eastern borders to serve as escorts for the embassy, although this figure is perhaps an exaggeration.^[217]

The main striking force of the Parthian army was itscataphracts, heavy cavalry with man and horse decked inmailed armor.^[218] The cataphracts were equipped with a lance for charging into enemy lines, but were not equipped with bows and arrows which were restricted to horse archers.^[219] Due to the cost of their equipment and armor, cataphracts were recruited from among the aristocratic class who, in return for their services, demanded a measure of autonomy at the local level from the Arsacid kings.^[220] The light cavalry was recruited from among the commoner class and acted ashorse archers; they wore a simple tunic and trousers into battle.^[218] They usedcomposite bows and were able to shoot at enemies while riding and facing away from them; this technique, known as theParthian shot, was a highly effective tactic.^[221] It appears that most of the Parthian army was cavalry, for tactical and strategic reasons. The light cavalry is thought to have carried a sword into battle as well, while cataphracts likely were also armed with short swords or knives.^[222] The Parthians also made use of thecamel in armed combat.^[222] The heavy and light cavalry of Parthia proved to be a decisive factor in theBattle of Carrhae where a Parthian force defeated a much larger Roman army under Crassus. Light infantry units, composed oflevied commoners and mercenaries, were used to disperse enemy troops after cavalry charges.^[223]

The Parthians do not appear to have ever usedwar chariots in battle. However, royal Parthian women accompanied the king on military campaigns and were known to have ridden on chariots and wagons.^[222] Similarly, the Parthians appeared to have usedwar elephants infrequently. There is one mention, byTacitus andCassius Dio, of the use of one war elephant byVologases I during theRoman–Parthian War of 58–63.^[224]

The size of the Parthian army is unknown, as is the size of the empire's overall population. However, archaeological excavations in former Parthian urban centers reveal settlements which could have sustained large populations and hence a great resource in manpower.^[225] Dense population centers in regions like Babylonia were no doubt attractive to the Romans, whose armies could afford to live off the land.^[225] The largest army raised by the Parthians appears to have been 50,000.^[222]

Usually made of silver,^[226] theGreek drachma coin, including thetetradrachm, was the standard currency used throughout the Parthian Empire.^[227] The Arsacids maintainedroyal mints at the cities of Hecatompylos, Seleucia, and Ecbatana.^[43] They most likely operated a mint at Mithridatkert/Nisa as well.^[27] From the empire's inception until its collapse, drachmas produced throughout the Parthian period rarely weighed less than 3.5 g or more than 4.2 g.^[228] The first Parthian tetradrachms, weighing in principle around 16 g with some variation, appear after Mithridates I conquered Mesopotamia and were minted exclusively at Seleucia.^[229]

AlthoughGreek culture of the Seleucids was widely adopted by peoples of theNear East during theHellenistic period, the Parthian era witnessed anIranian cultural revival in religion, the arts, and even clothing fashions.^[230] Conscious of both the Hellenistic and Persian cultural roots of their kingship, the Arsacid rulers styled themselves after the Persian King of Kings and affirmed that they were alsophilhellenes ("friends of the Greeks").^[231] The word "philhellene" was inscribed on Parthian coins until the reign of Artabanus II.^[232] The discontinuation of this phrase signified the revival of Iranian culture in Parthia.^[233] Vologases I was the first Arsacid ruler to have theParthian script andlanguage appear on his minted coins alongside the now almost illegible Greek.^[234] However, the use of Greek-alphabet legends on Parthian coins remained until the collapse of the empire.^[235]

Greek cultural influence did not disappear from the Parthian Empire, however, and there is evidence that the Arsacids enjoyedGreek theatre. When the head of Crassus was brought to Orodes II, he, alongside Armenian king Artavasdes II, were busy watching a performance ofThe Bacchae by the playwrightEuripides (c. 480–406 BC). The producer of the play decided to use Crassus' actual severed head in place of thestage-prop head ofPentheus.^[236]

On his coins, Arsaces I is depicted in apparel similar to Achaemenid satraps. According to A. Shahbazi, Arsaces "deliberately diverges from Seleucid coins to emphasize his nationalistic and royal aspirations, and he calls himself Kārny/Karny (Greek:Autocrator), a title already borne by Achaemenid supreme generals, such as Cyrus the Younger."^[237] In line with Achaemenid traditions, rock-relief images of Arsacid rulers were carved atMount Behistun, whereDarius I of Persia (r. 522–486 BC) maderoyal inscriptions.^[238] Moreover, the Arsacids claimed familial descent fromArtaxerxes II of Persia (r. 404–358 BC) as a means to bolster their legitimacy in ruling over former Achaemenid territories, i.e. as being "legitimate successors of glorious kings" of ancient Iran.^[239]Artabanus II named one of his sons Darius and laid claim toCyrus' heritage.^[237] The Arsacid kings chose typical Zoroastrian names for themselves and some from the "heroic background" of theAvesta, according to V.G. Lukonin.^[240] The Parthians also adopted the use of theBabylonian calendar with names from the AchaemenidIranian calendar, replacing theMacedonian calendar of the Seleucids.^[241]

The Parthian Empire, being culturally and politically heterogeneous, had a variety of religious systems and beliefs, the most widespread being those dedicated toGreek andIranian cults.^[242] Aside from a minority ofJews^[243] and earlyChristians,^[244] most Parthians werepolytheistic.^[245] Greek and Iranian deities were often blended together as one. For example,Zeus was often equated withAhura Mazda,Hades withAngra Mainyu,Aphrodite andHera withAnahita,Apollo withMithra, andHermes withShamash.^[246] Aside from the main gods and goddesses, each ethnic group and city had their own designated deities.^[245] As with Seleucid rulers,^[247] Parthian art indicates that the Arsacid kings viewed themselves as gods; thiscult of the ruler was perhaps the most widespread.^[248]

The extent of Arsacid patronage ofZoroastrianism is debated in modern scholarship.^[249] The followers ofZoroaster would have found the bloody sacrifices of some Parthian-era Iranian cults to be unacceptable.^[242] However, there is evidence thatVologases I encouraged the presence of Zoroastrianmagi priests at court and sponsored the compilation of sacred Zoroastrian texts which later formed theAvesta.^[250] The Sasanian court would later adopt Zoroastrianism as the official state religion of the empire.^[251]

AlthoughMani (216–276 AD), the founding prophet ofManichaeism, did not proclaim his first religious revelation until 228/229 AD, Bivar asserts that his new faith contained "elements ofMandaean belief, Iranian cosmogony, and even echoes of Christianity ... [it] may be regarded as a typical reflection of the mixed religious doctrines of the late Arsacid period, which the Zoroastrian orthodoxy of the Sasanians was soon to sweep away."^[252]

There is scant archaeological evidence for the spread ofBuddhism from theKushan Empire into Iran proper.^[253] However, it is known from Chinese sources thatAn Shigao (fl. 2nd century AD), a Parthian nobleman and Buddhist monk, traveled toLuoyang in Han China as aBuddhist missionary and translated severalBuddhist canons intoChinese.^[254]

Parthian art can be divided into three geo-historical phases: the art of Parthia proper; the art of theIranian plateau; and the art of Parthian Mesopotamia.^[255] The first genuine Parthian art, found at Mithridatkert/Nisa, combined elements of Greek and Iranian art in line with Achaemenid and Seleucid traditions.^[255] In the second phase, Parthian art found inspiration inAchaemenid art, as exemplified by the investiture relief of Mithridates II at Mount Behistun.^[256] The third phase occurred gradually after the Parthian conquest of Mesopotamia.^[256]

Commonmotifs of the Parthian period include scenes of royal hunting expeditions and theinvestiture of Arsacid kings.^[257] Use of these motifs extended to include portrayals of local rulers.^[255] Common art mediums were rock-reliefs,frescos, and evengraffiti.^[255] Geometric and stylized plant patterns were also used onstucco andplaster walls.^[256] The common motif of the Sasanian period showing two horsemen engaged in combat with lances first appeared in the Parthian reliefs at Mount Behistun.^[258]

Inportraiture the Parthians favored and emphasized frontality, meaning the person depicted by painting, sculpture, or raised-relief on coins faced the viewer directly instead of showing his or her profile.^[259] Although frontality in portraiture was already an old artistic technique by the Parthian period,Daniel Schlumberger explains the innovation of Parthian frontality:^[260]

'Parthian frontality', as we are now accustomed to call it, deeply differs both from ancient Near Eastern and from Greek frontality, though it is, no doubt, an offspring of the latter. For both in Oriental art and in Greek art, frontality was an exceptional treatment: in Oriental art it was a treatment strictly reserved for a small number of traditional characters of cult and myth; in Greek art it was an option resorted to only for definite reasons, when demanded by the subject, and, on the whole, seldom made use of. With Parthian art, on the contrary, frontality becomes the normal treatment of the figure. For the Parthians frontality is really nothing but the habit of showing, in relief and in painting, all figures full-face, even at the expense (as it seems to us moderns) of clearness and intelligibility. So systematic is this use that it amounts to a complete banishmentde facto of the side-view and of all intermediate attitudes. This singular state of things seems to have become established in the course of the 1st century A.D.^[260]

Parthian art, with its distinct use of frontality in portraiture, was lost and abandoned with the profound cultural and political changes brought by the Sasanian Empire.^[263] However, even after the Roman occupation of Dura-Europos in 165 AD, the use of Parthian frontality in portraiture continued to flourish there. This is exemplified by the early 3rd-century AD wall murals of theDura-Europos synagogue, a temple in the same city dedicated to Palmyrene gods, and the localMithraeum.^[264]

Parthian architecture adopted elements ofAchaemenid andGreek architecture, but remained distinct from the two. The style is first attested at Mithridatkert/Nisa.^[265] The Round Hall of Nisa is similar to Hellenistic palaces, but different in that it forms a circle andvault inside a square space.^[265] However, the artwork of Nisa, including marble statues and the carved scenes on ivoryrhyton vessels, is unquestionably influenced by Greek art.^[266]

A signature feature of Parthian architecture was theiwan, an audience hall supported by arches orbarrel vaults and open on one side.^[267] Use of the barrel vault replaced the Hellenic use of columns to support roofs.^[256] Although theiwan was known during the Achaemenid period and earlier in smaller and subterranean structures, it was the Parthians who first built them on a monumental scale.^[267] The earliest Parthianiwans are found at Seleucia, built in the early 1st century AD.^[256] Monumentaliwans are also commonly found in the ancient temples of Hatra and perhaps modeled on the Parthian style.^[268] The largest Parthianiwans at that site have a span of 15 m (50 ft).^[269]

The typicalParthian riding outfit is exemplified bythe famous bronze statue of a Parthian nobleman found at Shami, Elymais. Standing 1.9 m (6 ft), the figure wears a V-shaped jacket, a V-shapedtunic fastened in place with a belt, loose-fitting and many-folded trousers held by garters, and a diadem or band over his coiffed, bobbed hair.^[270] His outfit is commonly seen in relief images of Parthian coins by the mid-1st century BC.^[233]

Examples of clothing in Parthian inspired sculptures have been found in excavations at Hatra, in northwestern Iraq. Statues erected there feature the typical Parthian shirt (qamis), combined with trousers and made with fine, ornamented materials.^[271] The aristocratic elite of Hatra adopted the bobbed hairstyles, headdresses, and belted tunics worn by the nobility belonging to the central Arsacid court.^[268] The trouser-suit was even worn by the Arsacid kings, as shown on the reverse images of coins.^[272] The Parthian trouser-suit was also adopted inPalmyra, Syria, along with the use of Parthian frontality in art.^[273]

Parthian sculptures depict wealthy women wearing long-sleeved robes over a dress, with necklaces, earrings, bracelets, and headdresses bedecked in jewelry.^[274] Their many-folded dresses were fastened by abrooch at one shoulder.^[268] Their headdresses also featured a veil which was draped backwards.^[268]

As seen in Parthian coinage, the headdresses worn by the Parthian kings changed over time. The earliest Arsacid coins show rulers wearing the soft cap with cheek flaps, known as thebashlyk (Greek:kyrbasia).^[275] This may have derived from an Achaemenid-era satrapal headdress and thepointy hats depicted in the Achaemenid reliefs at Behistun andPersepolis.^[276] The earliest coins of Mithridates I show him wearing the soft cap, yet coins from the latter part of his reign show him for the first time wearing the royal Hellenistic diadem.^[277] Mithridates II was the first to be shown wearing the Parthiantiara, embroidered with pearls and jewels, a headdress commonly worn in the late Parthian period and by Sasanian monarchs.^[278]

As culturally and religiously tolerant as the Parthians were, they adoptedGreek as theirofficial language, whileAramaic remained thelingua franca in the empire.^[4] The nativeParthian language,Middle Persian, andAkkadian were also used.^[2][3]

It is known that during the Parthian period the courtminstrel (gōsān) recited poeticoral literature accompanied by music. However, their stories, composed in verse form, were not written down until the subsequent Sassanian period.^[279] In fact, there is no known Parthian-language literature that survives in original form; all of the surviving texts were written down in the following centuries.^[280] It is believed that such stories as the romantic taleVis and Rāmin andepic cycle of theKayanian dynasty were part of the corpus of oral literature from Parthian times, although compiled much later.^[281] Although literature of the Parthian language was not committed to written form, there is evidence that the Arsacids acknowledged and respected writtenGreek literature.^[282]

There are very few written and archeological sources about the position of women in the Parthian Empire, and the fragmentary information that does exist is only about royal women, whose position shows many similarities to theirpredecessors in the Achaemenid Empire and theirsuccessors in the Sasanian Empire.^[283]

The Parthian kings were polygamous and had several wives with the title "queen" (referred to with the Babylonian spelling šarratu or the Greek basilisse), as well as concubines.^[283] It is known that kings often married their sisters, but it is unknown if they were the kings' full sisters or half sisters.^[283] According to Roman sources, Parthian kings hadharems full of female slaves andhetairas secluded from contact with men, and royal women were not allowed to participate in the royal banquets.^[284] Whether the royal women lived in seclusion from men is unknown, as no evidence of that has been found, but it is known that women at least participated in the royal banquets as entertainers, as women are shown in archeological images entertaining at such occasions with music and dance.^[285]

It is assumed that royal Parthian women could own and manage their own property, land and manufactures, as could their predecessors in the Achaemenid and Seleucid Empire and their successors in the Sasanian Empire. It is fully attested that royal women, as well as noblewomen, accompanied their husbands in battle with their own entourage.^[283] This was the reason why female members of the royal family could sometimes be taken captive by enemies and had to be ransomed, such as the famous occasion when the daughter of King Osroes was held captive by emperor Trajan from the occupation of Ctesiphon in 116 until 129, but also the reason why kings sometimes killed the women of his company after a defeat to prevent them from being taken prisoners.^[283]

Royal women appear to have been less included in royal representation.^[283] Artwork depicts royal women dressed similarly to those of the Achaemenid period: in long-sleeved, many-folded dresses tied by a belt, with a tiara or a veil hanging down their back.^[283] While their names and titles did appear in official documents, Parthian women were rarely depicted in art. Only two royal women were ever depicted on Parthian coins: QueenMusa of Parthia and QueenAnzaze of Elymais.^[283] Only two women are known to have ruled the Parthian Empire, one as monarch and one as regent. Musa of Parthia is the only woman confirmed to have ruled asqueen regnant of the Parthian Empire, whileRinnu, mother of underage kingPhraates II, is the only other woman believed to have been a ruler, in her case as aqueen regent instead of a queen regnant.^[286][287]

• Pahla
• Pahlavi scripts
• Parni
• Parthia
• Augustus' Eastern policy
• Assyria (Roman province)
• Baghdad Battery
• Battle of Nisibis (217)
• History of Iran
• List of Zoroastrian states and dynasties
• Romans in Persia
• Roman–Parthian Wars
• Royal formula of Parthian coinage

• Various articles from Iran Chamber Society (Parthian Empire,The Art of Parthians,Parthian Army)
• Parthia.com (a website featuring the history, geography, coins, arts and culture of ancient Parthia, including a bibliographic list of scholarly sources)
• "Persia" .Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 21 (11th ed.). 1911. pp. 187–252.

33°05′37″N44°34′51″E / 33.09361°N 44.58083°E /33.09361; 44.58083