In 1260 an army of Egyptian Mamluks, led by Sultan Qutuz, defeated a Mongol army from the Ilkhanate led by Ketbugha, at the battle of Ayn Jalut (Ain Jalut), ‘Goliath's Well’, in Palestine. Because this campaign marked the furthest advance of the Mongols in the Middle East, scholars have paid considerable attention to its military and political significance. However, one potential aspect of Ilkhanid-Mamluk relations has only been mentioned casually; examination of the role and image of the Kipchaks in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries may illustrate a much broader feature of the history of the Mongol Empire and its successor states.

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¹³ibid., 214–25.

¹⁴Jackson,Peter, ‘The dissolution of the Mongol Empire’,Central Asiatic Journal,22 (1978),186–244Google Scholar sees the Mamluk-Golden Horde alliance as signifying the dissolution of the Mongol Empire, not the succession dispute.

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¹⁷Amitai-Preiss,,Mongols and Mamluks,8–11, 128, 229–35.Google Scholar Cf.DeWeese,Devin,Islamization and native religion in the Golden Horde: Baba Tükles and conversion to Islam in historical and epic tradition (University Park:Pennsylvania State University Press,1994),521–522, 526–7Google Scholar for some remarks upon the emphasis in Inner Asian studies on the Imperial, and Chingissid, traditions.

¹⁸Amitai-Preiss,,Mongols and Mamluks,36Google Scholar. The full text of the letter and the accompanying narrative of the Ayn Jalut campaign have been translated into English from Maqrizi inLewis,Bernard (ed. and tr.),Islam. From the Prophet Muhammed to the capture of Constantinople. Volume 1: Politics and war (New York:Harper & Row,1987),84–89, letter 84–5.Google Scholar

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²⁴ The later division within the Golden Horde between Nogai and Khan Toqtu, coupled with a steppe drought, led to an increase in the availability of Kipchaks to be sold to the Mamluks. Irwin,The Middle East, 88.

²⁵Poliak,, ‘Le caractère colonial’,231–248Google Scholar argued that the Egyptian Sultanate was a vassal, or colony, of the Golden Horde, and that the dominance of Egypt by Kipchaks was a function of that status. For a running refutation of his argument seeAyalon,David, ‘The Circassians in the Mamluk Kingdom’,Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,69 (1949),135–147Google Scholar, reprinted in hisStudies on the Mamluks of Egypt (1250–1517) (London: Variorum Reprints, 1977), Essay IV. See alsoAyalon,David, ‘The Muslim city and the Mamluk military aristocracy’,Proceedings of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities,2 (1968),311–329Google Scholar, rpt.Studies on the Mamluks of Egypt, Essay VII;Ayalon,, ‘Names, titles, “nisbas” of the Mamluks’,Israel Oriental Studies,v (1975),193–198Google Scholar, rpt. in hisThe Mamluk military society. Collected studies (London: Variorum Reprints, 1979), Essay IV;Ayalon,, ‘The eunuchs in the Mamluk sultanate’, inStudies in memory of Gaston Wiet (Jerusalem,1977),273–274Google Scholar, rpt.The Mamluk military society, Essay in; Ayalon, ‘The auxiliary forces of the Mamluk Sultanate’,Der Islam, 65 (1988), 16, rpt. in hisIslam and the abode of war. Military slaves and Islamic adversaries (London: Variorum Reprints, 1994), Essay VII.

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²⁸Golden,Peter B., ‘The peoples of the South Russian steppe’, inSinor,Denis (ed.),The Cambridge History of Early Inner Asia (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1990),278Google Scholar, concludes that in current scholarship the relationship of the Cumans to the Kipchaks remains unclear.

²⁹ Even the term ‘confederation’ implies a greater degree of unity among the Kipchak clan and tribal groupings than actually occurred, but substituting ‘supratribe’ would not help matters much.

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⁴⁶DeWeese,,Islamization and native religion,339–340Google Scholar;Pletneva,,Polovtsy,186Google Scholar, dates the effective completion of Mongol assimilation of the Kipchaks to the middle of the fourteenth century.

⁴⁷ The absence of a ‘Kipchak Khanate’ of Kipchaks motivates my reservations at using that term to describe the Juchidulus, in preference to the anachronistic term the ‘Golden Horde’. The East Slavic sources for the Mongol period never reference a ‘polovetskoe tsarstvo’.

⁴⁸Sinor,,History of Hungary,68–81Google Scholar;Makkai,, ‘Transformation’,31.Google Scholar

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⁶⁷ Among other places, see Ayalon's fullest critique of Poliak inAyalon,David, ‘The greatYasa of Chingiz Khan. A re-examination. The position of theYasa in the Mamluk Sultanate. C₁’,Studia Islamica,36 (1972),136–156Google Scholar, reprinted in Ayalon,Outsiders in the Land of Islam, Essay IVC.

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⁶⁹ Did youths raised as Kipchaks in the Pontic and Caspian steppe need to ‘borrow’ the custom of drinking kumiss and eating horseflesh? I owe this query to Devin DeWeese.

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⁷⁶ The four included Qusun, who arrived in Cairo in 1330 a nd died 1349, and assumed responsibility for correspondence with the Golden Horde; he may have been more of a Juchid official on detached duty than an émigré; but did not include the amir Qipgaq, who was also fluent in Mongol but chose not to work as a translator.Little,Donald P., ‘Notes on Aitamyš, a Mongol Mamluk’, inHaarmann,U. andBachmann,Peter (ed.),Die lslamische Welt zwischen Mittelalter und Neuzeit. Festschrift für Hans Robert Roemer zum 65. Geburtstag (Beirut:Franz Steiner,1979),387–401Google Scholar, reprinted inLittle,,History and historiography of the Mamluks (London:Variorum Reprints,1986), Essay VI. (Pages399–400 strike me as inconsistent with Little's views on Mongol influence on t he Mamluks cited in t he previous note.)Google Scholar

⁷⁷Ayalon,David, ‘The Wafidiya in the Mamluk Kingdom’,Islamic Culture (Hyderabad,1951),89–104Google Scholar, rpt.Studies on the Mamluks of Egypt, Essay II (this article contains another running refutation of Poliak's theory that the Mamluks were vassals of the Golden Horde); Irwin,The Middle East, 108.

⁷⁸Ayalon,David, ‘The GreatYasa of Chingiz Khan. A re-examination. The position of theYasa in the Mamluk Sultanate. C₁’,117–130.Google Scholar

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