1 Corinthians 11. 2–16, because of the social concerns of much contemporary exegesis and theology, has provided a rich vein from which to quarry materials for current feminist agendas. However, exegetes have tended to neglect the ‘male issue’ in this text and the Corinthian context underlying it. The purpose of this article is to reconstruct the most plausible matrix of the practices addressed by Paul in 1 Cor 11. 4 when he refers to. Numerous exegetical issues and ancient social practices relevant to a full study of 1 Cor 11. 2–16 do not fall within the purview of this narrow investigation. Questions such as the origin and character of Paul's views of women as well as their apparel, and the question of ancient Greek, Roman, and Jewish customs concerning the veiling of women in their domestic and street apparel will not be broached here.

* Greek texts are cited according toBerkowitz,Luci andSquitier,Karl A.Thesaurus Linguae Graecae. Canon of Greek Authors and Works,2nd ed.Oxford:Oxford University Press,1986. Latin texts are cited according to theOxford Classical Dictionary, edited byGlare,P. G. W.,Oxford:Oxford University Press,1982.Google Scholar

^{page 481 note 1} A survey of important interpretations is given byMercadante,Linda,From Hierarchy to Equality: a Comparison of Past and Present Interpretation of I Cor. 11:2–16 in Relation to the Changing Status of Women in Society (Vancouver:G-M-H Books,1978)Google Scholar.

^{page 481 note 2} E.g.,Scroggs,Robin, ‘Paul and the Eschatological Woman’,JAAR40 (1972)282–303;Google Scholaridem,‘Paul and the Eschatological Woman Revisited’,JAAR42 (1974)532–7;Google ScholarWalker,William O., ‘I Corinthians 11:2–16 and Paul's Views Regarding Women’,JBL94 (1975)94–110;Google ScholarHooker,Morna D., ‘Authority on her Head, an Examination of I Cor. XI:10’,NTS10 (1964)410–16;CrossRefGoogle ScholarMeier,John P., ‘On the Veiling of Hermeneutics’,CBQ40 (1978)212–26;Google ScholarCope,Lamar, ‘I Cor. 11:2–16: One Step Further’,JBL97 (1978)435–6;Google ScholarTrompf,Garry W., ‘On Attitudes Toward Women in Paul and Paulinist Literature: I Corinthians 11.3–16 and its Context’,CBQ42 (1980)196–215;Google ScholarMurphy-O'Connor,Jerome, ‘Sex and Logic in 1 Corinthians 11:2–16’,CBQ42 (1980)482–500;Google ScholarZens,Jon, ‘Aspects of Female Priesthood: A Focus on I Cor. 11:2–16 and I Cor. 14:34–35’,BRefR10 (1981)3–18;Google ScholarPadgett,Alan, ‘Paul on Women in the Church: the Contradictions of Coiffure in I Corinthians 11:2–16’,JSNT20 (1984)69–86Google Scholar.

^{page 482 note 1}Kuss,Otto,Die Briefe an die Römer, Korinther und Galater. Das Neue Testament,6. (Regensburg:Friedrich Pustet,1940)163Google Scholar, ‘Ohne besondere Überleitung geht Paulus zur Behandlung von Fragen über, die das gottesdienstliche Gemeindenleben der Korinther betreffen; er spricht über die Verhüllung der Frauen beim Gottesdienst (11. 2–16)…’;Schmithals,Walther,Gnosticism in Corinth. An Investigation of the Letters to the Corinthians (New York:Abingdon Press,1971)237–43Google Scholar, is primarily concerned with Gnostic anthropology;Kähler,Else,Die Frau in den paulinischen Briefen, unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des Begriffes der Unterordnung (Frankfurt a. M.:Gotthelf)43–70Google Scholar is heavily dependent upon the work ofSchmithals,W.. She notes, ‘Aber die Fragen, die ihm gestellt werden, kommen aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach aus gnostischen Kreisen in Korinth … Darum enthalten die Verse 11, 3ff eine antignostische Tendenz’,50;Google ScholarSchlatter,Adolf,Paulus, der Bote Jesu. Eine Deutung seiner Briefe an die Korinther (Stuttgart:Calwer,1934)308Google Scholar writes only,‘Nicht vom Schleier, nicht von der Verhüllung des Gesichts ist die Rede, sondern, wie die Vergleichung mit der Haartracht des Manns deutlich zeigt, von dem das Haar bedeckenden Tuch’;Wendland,Heinz-Dietrich,Die Briefe an die Korinther. Das Neue Testament Deutsch,7 (Göttingen:Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,1954)81 says only of 11. 4Google Scholar, ‘Die Frage, um die es sich nun handelt, ist die, wie die Frau als Betende oder Prophezeiende sich zu kleiden hat, ob sie unverhüllt gehen dürfte oder nicht…. Mann und Frau sollen sich in der Tracht und Sitte unterscheiden, weil sie nach göttlicher Ordnung unterschieden sind’;Noel Weeks, ‘On Silence and Head Covering’,West Th J35 (1972)21–7 is likewise unhelpfulGoogle Scholar.

^{page 482 note 2} Cf.Fitzmyer,Joseph, ‘A Feature of Qumran Angelology and the Angels of I Cor. XI.10’,NTS4 (1957)48, note 1CrossRefGoogle Scholar, ‘Though many details about the wearing of the veil in antiquity, both by Jewish and Greek women, have been preserved for us, none of them bears directly on the problem of the Church in Corinth. We do not know the exact nature nor the origin of the abuse that Paul was trying to handle.’

^{page 483 note 1}Foh,Susan T.,Women and the Word of God. A Response to Biblical Feminism (Grand Rapids:Baker Book House,1979)106Google Scholar.

^{page 483 note 2}Hurd,John C.,The Origin of I Corinthians (New York:Seabury Press,1965)184Google Scholar.

^{page 483 note 3} All of the other occurrences of άνήρ-γυνή in 1 Corinthians are acknowledged as reflecting concrete situations, e.g., 1 Cor 7. 2–4, 10–16, 33–34;11. 7–14; 14. 34–35.

^{page 483 note 4}Murphy–O'Connor,Jerome, ‘Sex and Logic in I Corinthians 11:2–16’,CBQ42 (1980)483Google Scholar.

^{page 483 note 5}Weiss,Johannes,Der erste Korintherbrief (Göttingen:Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,1910)271Google Scholar.

^{page 483 note 6}Robertson,Archibald andPlummer,Alfred,A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the First Epistle of St Paul to the Corinthians (The International Critical Commentary,2nd ed.Edinburgh:T. & T. Clark,1914)229Google Scholar.

^{page 484 note 1}Hodge,Charles,An Exposition of the First Epistle to the Corinthians (Grand Rapids:Wm. B. Eerdmans,1965)207–8Google Scholar.

^{page 484 note 2}Conzelmann,Hans,I Corinthians (Philadelphia:Fortress Press,1975)184, note 35Google Scholar.

^{page 484 note 3}Hurley,James B.,Man and Woman in Biblical Perspective (Grand Rapids:Zondervan,1981)170Google Scholar (based upon the author's previous workMan and Woman in I Corinthians. Some Exegetical Studies in Pauline Theology and Ethics [Dissertation, Cambridge University,1973]41–71 especially)Google Scholar. Hurley's views are also available in‘Did Paul Require Veils or the Silence of Women? A Consideration of I Cor. 11:2–16 and I Cor. 14:33b–36.’,West Th J35 (1973)190–220Google Scholar.

^{page 484 note 4}Bruce,F. F.,1 and 2 Corinthians (London:Butler & Tanner Ltd.,1971)104Google Scholar.

^{page 484 note 5}Grosheide,F. W.,Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians (Grand Rapids:Wm. B. Eerdmans,1955)253Google Scholar.

^{page 484 note 6}Foh,Susan T.,Women and the Word of God,101Google Scholar.

^{page 484 note 7}Bousset's,Wilhelm observation, ‘Es handelt sich um eine Frage der Sitte. Der freie griechische Mann geht unbedeckten Hauptes, im Zustand höchster Trauer nur verhüllt er sein Haupt’ (inDie Schriften des Neuen Testaments. Edited byBousset,W. andHeitmüller,W..3rd ed.Göttingen:Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,1918, vol.2:128)Google Scholar is hardly a relevant comment on 11. 4 unless Christian men at Corinth worshipped primarily ‘im Zustand höchster Trauer’.

^{page 484 note 8} These commentators and authors reveal little, if any, critical awareness of germane works on sacred laws regulating participation in pagan worship, such asWächter,Theodor,Reinheitsvorschriften im griechischen Kult (RGVV, 9.1.Giessen:Alfred Töpelmann,1910)Google Scholar orSokolowski,Franciszek,Lois sacrées de l'Asie Mineure (Ecole Française d'Athènes,9.Paris:E. de Boccard,1955);Google Scholaridem,Lois sacrées des cités grecques. Supplément (Ecole Française d'Athènes,11.Paris:E. de Boccard,1962);Google Scholaridem,Lois sacrées des cités grecques (Ecole Française d'Athènes,18.Paris:E. de Boccard,1969)Google Scholar.

^{page 485 note 1} Even so renowned and erudite a scholar as Hans Lietzmann failed in his treatment of 1 Corinthians 11.4 to investigate adequately this text of Plutarch.Lietzmann,Hans,An die Korinther I/II.5th ed. Handbuch zum Neuen Testament (Tübingen:J. C. B. Mohr,1969)53;Google Scholar althoughBarclay,William,The Letters to the Corinthians rev. ed. The Daily Study Bible Series (Philadelphia:Westminster Press,1975)97 notedGoogle Scholar, ‘This is one of these passages which have a purely local and temporary significance’, he only relates this to the Corinthians’ reputation for licentiousness (99);Godet,F. ironically refers to the appropriate literary evidence but then concludes that, ‘it is not probable that abuses arose in that direction [of men], especially in Greece. The demeanour which becomes the man is only mentioned to bring out by contrast that which alone is becoming in the woman’,Commentary on the First Epistle of St. Paul to the Corinthians (Grand Rapids:Zondervan,1957) vol.2:104,113Google Scholar.

^{page 485 note 2} So argueIsaksson,Abel,Marriage and Ministry in the New Temple. A Study with Special Reference to MT. 19. 13(sic)-12 and I Cor. 11:3–16. Acta seminarii Neotestamentici Upsaliensis,24 (Lund:C. W. K Gleerup,1965)165–86;Google ScholarPadgett,Alan, ‘Paul on Women in the Church. The Contradictions of Coiffure in I Corinthians 11.2–16’,JSNT20 (1984)70;Google Scholar andMartin,William J., ‘I Corinthians 11:2–16: An Interpretation’, inApostolic History and the Gospel. Biblical and Historical Essays presented to F. F. Bruce on his 60th Birthday. Edited byGasque,W. W. (Grand Rapids:Wm. B. Eerdmans,1970)233Google Scholar.

^{page 485 note 3}Hurley,James B.,Man and Woman,257Google Scholar. In general one should consult the sources and bibliography available inSteininger,R., ‘Haartracht und Haarschmuck’, inPaulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft (henceforthPaulys Realencyclopädie) (Stuttgart:J. B. Metzlersche,1912) 7.2:2109–50;Google ScholarStephan,M., ‘Haartracht’, inPaulys Realencyclopädie (1935) Supp. 6:90–102;Google Scholar andHatto,Walter, ‘Haartracht. Haarschmuck’,Der Kleine Pauly. Lexikon der Antike. 2:897–99 (München:Deutscher Taschenbuch,1979)22Google Scholar.

^{page 485 note 4}Hurley,James B.,Man and Woman in Biblical Perspective,169–71Google Scholar.

^{page 486 note 1}Plutarch,Regum et imperatorum apophthegmata200F;Google ScholarAetia Romana et Graeca267C;Google ScholarCaesar739C–D;Google ScholarBrutus991F;Google ScholarCicero885CGoogle Scholar.

^{page 486 note 2} E.g., consult footnotes no. 5 page 497, 2 page 499, 1 page 500, 1 page 501.

^{page 486 note 3}Murphy-O'Connor,Jerome, ‘The Non-Pauline Character of I Corinthians 11:2–16?’,JBL95 (1976)621Google Scholar.Isaksson,A.,Marriage and Ministry in the New Temple,166Google Scholar argued that this phrase ‘means having long hair hanging down, not having one's head covered’.

^{page 486 note 4}Murphy-O'Connor,Jerome, ‘Sex and Logic’,484;Google Scholar see alsoPadgett,A., ‘Paul on Women in the Church’,70–1Google Scholar.

^{page 486 note 5}Martin,William J., ‘I Corinthians 11:2–16’, inApostolic History and the Gospel,233Google Scholar.

^{page 486 note 6}Joephus,De bello Judaico libri vii 2.48;Google Scholar

Antiquitates Judaicae 1.50; 5.252; 13.117 andPlutarch,Regum et imperatorum apophthegmata200F;Google ScholarAetia Romana et Graeca267C;Google ScholarVitae decem oratorum842B;Google ScholarPyrrhus399B;Google ScholarPompeius640C;Google ScholarCaesar739DGoogle Scholar.

^{page 487 note 1}Barrett,C. K.,A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians (London:Adam & Clark,1968)249–50;Google ScholarBruce,F. F.,1 and 2 Corinthians (Greenwood, S.C.:Attic Press,1971)104Google Scholar.Lenski,R. C. H.,The Interpretation of St. Paul's First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians (Columbus, Ohio:Wartburg Press,1946)435;Google ScholarConybeare,W. J. andHowson,J. S.,The Life and Epistles of St. Paul (Grand Rapids:Wm. B. Eerdmans,1877)402Google Scholar.

^{page 487 note 2}Delling,Gerhard,Paulus' Stellung zu Frau und Ehe (Beiträge zur Wissenschaft von Alten und Neuen Testament, 4th ser.,5.Stuttgart:W. Kohlhammer,1931) 98Google Scholar.

^{page 487 note 3}Oepke,Albrecht, ‘κατακαλύπτω’ inTDNT (Grand Rapids:Wm. B. Eerdmans,1965) 3:563Google Scholar.Jaubert,Annie, ‘Le voile des femmes’,NTS18 (1971–2)420Google Scholar asserts, without evidence, ‘Ce n'est pas du côté des cultes païens qu'il faut chercher les références de Paul…. Il faut donc nous tourner du côté juif pour éclairer la coutume masculine de se couvrir ou de se découvrir la tête.’

^{page 487 note 4}Strack,Hermann L. andBillerbeck,Paul,Kommentar zum Neuen Testament aus Talmud und Midrasch. Vol.3Die Briefe des Neuen Testaments und die Offenbarung Johannis (München:C. H. Beck'sche,1954)423–6Google Scholar. ‘Wie die jüdische Männerwelt in der neutestamentlichen Zeit durch keinerlei Sitte gebunden war, im gewöhnlichen Leben mit bedecktem Kopf einherzugehen, so hat auch für sie keinerlei Verpflichtung bestanden, bei religiösen u. gottesdienstlichen Handlungen vor Gott bedeckten Hauptes zu erscheinen’, 424.

^{page 487 note 5}Strack, andBillerbeck,,Kommentar zum NT, ‘Die ältere Halakha schreibt nur vor, dass der Mann nicht nackt vor Gott hintrete, darum soll er beim Rezitieren des Schema seine Blösse verhüllen u. beim Gebet sich bis an die Brust bedecken. Von einer Bedeckung des Kopfes beim Gebet weiss also die ältere Zeit nichts…. Unsre Quellen bieten hierüber nur spärliches Material; doch scheint zu Anfang des 4. Jahrhunderts das Beten bedeckten Hauptes bereits in weiteren Kreisen feststehende Sitte gewesen zu sein’,424–5Google Scholar.

^{page 488 note 1} I owe the knowledge of thisTosefta text to Prof. Morton Smith.

^{page 488 note 2} One would expect Paul to employ terms such as εỦχή, ὂρκος or ρισμός for the Jewish notion of absolving vows; cf. LXX at Numbers 30.

^{page 488 note 3}‘And they do not absolve vows either while riding on an ass, while walking, or while standing, but only wrapped in a cloak and sitting down’, Pisha (Pesahim) 2. 16 inThe Tosefta. Second Division (Moed) (New York:KTAV,1981)122Google Scholar. It is also striking that this particular vignette from theTosefta Pisha (Pesahim) is completely lacking in theMishna Pesahim.

^{page 488 note 4} The introduction to Victor Furnish'sII Corinthians, The Anchor Bible,32A (Garden City:Doubleday & Company, Inc.,1984)4–22Google Scholar is a mixture of good and bad information. Disappointment awaits those seeking helpful information about Corinth from, for example,Bruce,F. F.,New Testament History (Garden City, New York:Doubleday & Company, Inc.,1980)296–7Google Scholar,idem,Paul: Apostle of the Heart Set Free (Grand Rapids:Wm. B. Eerdmans,1977)248–79;Google ScholarKee,Howard andYoung,Franklin W.,The Living World of the New Testament (London:Dayton, Longman & Todd,1960)251–3;Google ScholarKoester,Helmut,Introduction to the New Testament,2 vols. (Philadelphia:Fortress Press,1982);Google ScholarMadvig,D. H., ‘Corinth’, inThe International Standard Bible Encyclopedia, Edited byBromiley,G. W. et al. (Grand Rapids:Wm. B. Eerdmans,1979) vol.1:772–4;Google ScholarBornkamm,Günther,Paul (New York:Harper & Row,1969)68–77Google Scholar.

^{page 488 note 5} Many classical scholars and New Testament scholars have blindly followed the ancient literary tradition that Corinth was totally destroyed in 146 B.C. and remained desolate until 44 B.C. The sources for this spurious literary tradition and the archaeological data that refutes it have been conveniently assembled byWiseman,James, ‘Corinth and Rome I:228 B.C.-A.D. 267’, inAufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt (henceforthANRW). Edited byTemporini,H. andHaase,W. (Berlin:Walter de Gruyter,1979) II.7.1:491–6Google Scholar.

^{page 489 note 1}Bowersock,Glen W.,Augustus and the Greek World (Oxford:Clarendon Press,1965)67Google Scholar.

^{page 489 note 2}Bowersock,,Augustus and the Greek World72Google Scholar.

^{page 489 note 3}Salmon,Edward T.,Roman Colonization Under the Republic. Aspects of Greek and Roman Life. ed.Scullard,H. H. (Ithaca, N.Y.:Cornell University Press,1970)149Google Scholar.

^{page 489 note 4}Gellius,AulusNoctes Atticae 16.13.9Google Scholar.The Attic Nights of Aulus Gellius. Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1961) vol.3,181Google Scholar. ‘For they [i.e. colonies] did not come into citizenship from without, nor grow from roots of their own, but they are as it were transplanted from the State and have all the laws and institutions of the Roman people, not those of their own choice. This condition, although it is more exposed to control and less free, is nevertheless thought preferable and superior because of the greatness and majesty of the Roman people, of which those colonies seem to be miniatures, as it were, and in a way copies.’ Sed ‘coloniarum’ alia necessitudo est; non enim veniunt extrinsecus in civitatem nec suis radicibus nituntur, sed ex civitate quasi propagatae sunt et Tura institutaque omnia populi Romani, non sui arbitrii, habent. Quae tamen condicio, cum sit magis obnoxia et minus libera, potior tamen et praestabilior existimatur propter amplitudinem maiestatemque populi Romani, cuius istae coloniae quasi effigies parvae simulacraque esse quaedam videntur, et simul quia obscura oblitterataque sunt municipiorum Tura, quibus uti iam per innotitiam non queunt.

^{page 490 note 1}Salmon,,Roman Colonization,148Google Scholar. When Livy writes of the denizens of the Roman colonyFidenae that ‘many of the Fidenates, having had Romans among them as colonists, knew Latin’ (Livyab Urbe Condita 1.27.9), he can hardly be describing a unique phenomenon.

^{page 490 note 2}Salmon,,Roman Colonization,149Google Scholar.

^{page 490 note 3} A serious perusal of the inscriptions given byWest,Allen B.,Corinth, Vol.8, Pt. II,Latin Inscriptions 1896–1926 (Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1931)Google Scholar andKent,John H.,Corinth, Vol.8, Pt. III,The Inscriptions 1926–1950 (Princeton:American School of Classical Studies at Athens,1966)Google Scholar makes evident the Roman character of Corinth's civic and governmental institutions.

^{page 490 note 4}Marquardt,K. Joachim,Römische Stattsverwaltung, Vol.3,Sacralwesen,2nd ed. Handbuch der römischen Alterthümer, 6 (Leipzig:S. Hirzel,1885)1–2Google Scholar.

^{page 490 note 5}Anthologia Graeca 9.284.Greek Anthology, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1948) vol.3,153Google Scholar. ‘What inhabitants, O luckless city, hast thou received, and in place of whom? Alas for the great calamity to Greece! Would, Corinth, thou didst lie lower than the ground and more desert than Libyan sands, rather than that wholly abandoned to such a crowd of scoundrelly slaves, thou shouldst vex the bones of the ancient Bacchiadae!’

^{page 491 note 1}Hartigan,Karelisa,The Poets and the Cities. Selections from the Anthology about Greek Cities. Beiträge zur klassischen Philologie,87 (Meisenheim am Glan:Anton Hain,1979)103;Google Scholar cf. also 10–12; Hartigan observes on 11, ‘The epigram is rather a genuine Greek reaction to an event occurring on Greek soil. This is not a personal attack on Julius Caesar but an expression of anger against the Romanisation of Greece.’

^{page 491 note 2}Furnish,II Corinthians,6–7Google Scholar.

^{page 491 note 3} For a general treatment of freedmen in the late Republic and early Empire consultTreggiari,Susan,Roman Freedmen during the Late Republic (Oxford:Clarendon Press,1969)Google Scholar andDuff,A. M.,Freedmen in the Early Roman Empire (New York:Barnes & Noble,1958);Google Scholar cf alsoHartigan,,The Poets and the Cities,11–12Google Scholar.

^{page 491 note 4} On the aggressive urban development of Roman Corinth seeWiseman,, ‘Corinth and Rome I’,509–30Google Scholar.

^{page 491 note 5}Strabo,,Geographica 8.6.23Google Scholar.

^{page 491 note 6}Appian,,Libyca 8.20.136Google Scholar.

^{page 492 note 1}Plutarch,,Caesar 57.8Google Scholar.

^{page 492 note 2} (Ps) Dio Chrysostom,Corinthiaca 37.26.

^{page 492 note 3}Murphy-O'Connor,Jerome,St. Paul's Corinth. Texts and Archaeology. Good News Studies,6 (Wilmington, Del.:Glazier,1983)51Google Scholar.

^{page 492 note 4}Kent,,Corinth: The Inscriptions 1926–1950,119Google Scholar.

^{page 492 note 5}Kent,,Corinth: The Inscriptions,18, footnote no. 5Google Scholar.

^{page 492 note 6}Meeks,Wayne A.,The First Urban Christians (New Haven, Conn.:Yale University Press,1983)47Google Scholar.

^{page 492 note 7}Furnish,II Corinthians,10Google Scholar.

^{page 493 note 1} On the issue of written and spoken Latin in the Roman East seeBalsdon,J. P. V. D.,Romans and Aliens (London:Gerald Duckworth & Co. Ltd.,1979)123–35Google Scholar.

^{page 493 note 2}Mills,Harrianne, ‘Greek Clothing Regulations: Sacred and Profane’,Zeitschrift für Papyrologie and Epigraphik55 (1984)255–65Google Scholar is correct in pointing to the place of sacred clothing regulations in Greek religion. She has not, however, disproven the traditional understanding of the special Roman ethos concerning apparel. Phyllis Culham recently rejoined Mills' article and noted, ‘It should be clear now that the Greek and Roman regulations in question share a number of significant characteristics and that a comparative treatment can be justified, but it would not do to omit mention of some differences between cultures which must be taken into account.… It is obvious that none of the Greek societies in question obtrusively marked differences in age, status, class, sex, and religious or political role with color-coding and decorative bands as the Romans did.’‘Again, what Meaning Lies in Colour?’,Zeitschrift für Papyrologie and Epigraphik64 (1986)239Google Scholar.

^{page 494 note 1} Summary and paraphrase fromBieber,Margarete,Entwicklungsgeschichte der griechischen Tracht.2nd ed. (Berlin:Gebr. Mann,1967)39–42Google Scholar andWarren,Larissa B., ‘Roman Costumes. A Glossary and Some Etruscan Derivations’ inANRW (1973) I.4:584–614Google Scholar. For Greek clothing styles in general seeBieber,Margarete,Griechische Kleidung (Berlin:Walter de Gruyter & Co.,1928)Google Scholar.

^{page 494 note 2}Marquardt,,Römische Staatsverwaltung. Das Sacralwesen, 3:186–7;Google ScholarRoloff,Karl-Heinz, ‘Ritus’,Glotta33 (1954)36–65passim;Google ScholarRyberg,Inez S.,Rites of the State Religion in Roman Art. Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome,22 (Rome:American Academy in Rome,1955)27, 43, 97, 136, 176–7;Google ScholarMacrobius,,Saturnalia 1.8.2; 3.6.17; 3.12.1;Google Scholar Varro,de Lingua Latina 5.84.130; Dionysius ofHalicarnassus,Antiquitates RomanaeGoogle Scholar refers to this phenomenon with the phrase ό πατρικς νόμος (12.16.23).

^{page 494 note 3}Latte,Kurt,Römische Religionsgeschichte. Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft, V, 4 (München:C. H. Beck'sche,1967)392Google Scholar. A somewhat softer interpretation of Roman attitudes toward prayer is given byWagenvoort,Hendrik, ‘Wesenszüge altrömischer Religion’, inANRW I.2:356–9Google Scholar.

^{page 494 note 4}Thesaurus Linguae Latine (Leipzig:P. G. Teubner,1900)3:384–427Google Scholar.

^{page 495 note 1}Cicero,,de Senectute 10.34Google Scholar Nullo imbri, nullo frigore adduci ut capite operto sit. A similar thought is seen in VarroMenippease frag. 156 (= 161).

^{page 495 note 2}Horace,,SermonesGoogle Scholar 2.3.37 Vellem mitere operto me capite in flumen.

^{page 495 note 3} Petronius 57 Homo inter homines sum, capite aperto ambulo, assem aerarium nemini debeo.

^{page 495 note 4} My search for these texts was greatly aided by theThesaurus Linguae Latinae,3:387–8Google Scholar,Cressedi,Giulio, ‘“Caput Velatum” e “Cinctus Gabinus”’,Rendiconti. Classe di scienze morali, storiche e filologiche, Accademia nazionale dei Lincei5 (1950)450–6Google Scholar, andGraillot,Henri, ‘Velamen, Velamentum’, inDictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines, Edited byDaremberg,Ch. andSaglio,Edm. (Paris:Librairie Hachette,1919)5:670–1Google Scholar.Eitrem,Samson,Opferritus und Voropfer der Griechen und Römer (Hildesheim:Georg Olms,1977)Google Scholar was of no help.

^{page 495 note 5}Gellius,Aulus,Noctes Atticae 10.15.16–17Google Scholar, sine apice sub divo esse licitum non esse; sub divo uti liceret, non pridem a pontificibus constitutum;Lucan,,Bellum Civile 1.604Google Scholar Et tollens apicem generoso vertice flamen; Festus s.v. Apex, qui est sacerdotum insigne; Valerius MaximusFacta et Dicta Memorabilia 1.1.5 At Q. Sulpicio inter sacrificandum e capite apex prolapsus idem sacerdotium abstulit.Dessau,Hermann,Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae (henceforthILS) (Berlin:Weidmann,1954) no. 4 (vol.1, 2)Google Scholar. Quei apice insigne Dialis Flaminis gesistei. In general seeJullian,C., ‘Flamen, Flaminica, Flamonium’, inDictionnaire des antiquités,2 (1896)1167–71, 1179;Google ScholarWissowa,G.Religion und Kultus der Römer,2nd ed. Handbuch der klassischer Altertumswissenschaft, IV.5 (München:C. H. Beck'sche,1971)499;Google ScholarLatte,Kurt,Römische Religionsgeschichte,2nd ed. Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft V.4 (München:C. H. Beck'sche,1976)404;Google ScholarHabel,P., ‘Apex’, inPaulys Realencyclopädie (1894) vol.1:2699–700;Google Scholar and the particularly informative chapters on ‘Insignien und Tracht der Priester’ bySchaewen,Renate von,Römische Opfergeräte, ihre Verwendung im Kultus und in der Kunst. Archäologische Studien,1 (Berlin:Dr. Emil Ebering,1940)59–65Google Scholar.

^{page 495 note 6} The occasion for the building of theAra Pacis Augustae is specifically noted inMonumentum Ancyranum 12.2 with these words: aram Pacis Augustae senatus pro reditu meo consacrandam censuit ad campum Martium in qua magistratus et sacerdotes virginesque Vestales anniversarium sacrificium facere iussit and can be dated approximately 10 B.C. On theAra Pacis Augustae one should consultRiemann,H., ‘Pacis Ara Augustae’, inPaulys Realencyclopädie (1943) vol. 18.2:2082–107;Google ScholarRyberg,I. S.,Rites of the State Religion in Roman Art,38–48;Google ScholarMoretti,Giuseppe,The Ara Pacis Augustae. Series of Itineraries of the Museums, Galleries and Monuments in Italy,67 (Rome:Instituto Poligrafico dello Stato,1975);Google ScholarSimon,Erika,Ara Pacis Augustae (Greenwich, Conn.:New York Graphic Society Ltd.,1968);Google ScholarBonanno,Anthony,Portraits and Other Heads on Roman Historical Relief up to the Age of Septimius Severus. BAR Supp. Ser.,6 (Oxford:British Archaeological Reports,1976)23–34;Google ScholarThe Cambridge Ancient History, Edited byCook,S. A. et al. ,Volume of Plates IV, prepared by C. T. Seltman (Cambridge:University Press,1960)112–24;Google ScholarWilson,Lillian M.,The Roman Toga. The Johns Hopkins University Studies in Archaeology,1, Edited byRobinson,D. M. (Baltimore:The Johns Hopkins Press,1924)43–60Google Scholar is more concerned with clothing than its religious significance.Ryberg,Rites of the State Religion in Roman Art,44 notesGoogle Scholar, ‘The flamines in their official dress appear on the Ara Pacis for the first time in art.…’

^{page 496 note 1} (Sex. Pompeius)Festus,,474–5Google Scholar, Suffibulum est vestimentum …, quod in capite virgines vestales, cum sacrificant, semper habere solent, idque fibula conprehenditur. Relevant sources with a discussion of the iconography are given inJucker,Hans, ‘Bildnisbüste einer Vestalin’,Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts (Römische Abteilung)68 (1961)93–113Google Scholar. Veiled Vestal Virgins are portrayed on theAra Pacis Augustae.Sydenham,Edward A.,The Coinage of the Roman Republic, revised with Indexes by G. C. Haines (London:Spink & Son Ltd.,1952) Pl. 24, no. 834 depicts a veiled Vestal VirginGoogle Scholar.

^{page 496 note 2} Some of the older literature misidentifiedcapite velato with another style of wardrobes known asCinctus Gabinus consisting ‘of girding with a loose end of the toga’s.v. Oxford Latin Dictionary. See especiallyWarren,, ‘Roman Costumes’,606Google Scholar.

^{page 496 note 3} For Corinth seeJohnson,Franklin P.,Corinth, Vol.9Sculpture 1896–1923 (Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1931)70–2, fig. 134Google Scholar (Portraits from the ‘Julian Basilica’). For Anatolian examples consultInan,Jale andAlföldi-Rosenbaum,Elisabeth,Roman and Early Byzantine Portrait Sculpture in Asia Minor (London:Oxford University Press,1966)Google Scholar andRömische und frühbyzantische Porträtplastik aus der Türkei. Neue Funde (Mainz:Zabern,1979)Google Scholar.

^{page 496 note 4} Various suggestions are given inPlutarch,Aetia Romana et Graeca266C;Google Scholar Dionysius ofHalicarnassus,,Antiquitates Romanae 12.16.2–3;Google ScholarVergil,Aeneis 3.403–9;Google ScholarFestus,322M;Google ScholarMacrobius,,Saturnalia 3.6.17;Google Scholar Servius,In Vergilium Commentarius 3.407; 8. 288Google Scholar. In general seeAppel,Georg.De Romanorum precationibus. Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten, 7.2 (Giessen:Alfred Töpelmann,1909)190Google Scholar.

^{page 497 note 1} Dionysius ofHalicarnassus,,Antiquitates Romanae 12.16.2–3Google Scholar. Servius' account (InVergilium Commentarius 3.407) reads as follows: quod cum vellet implere, Aeneam invenit sacrificantem: qui, ut supra diximus, sacrificii ordinem non rupit, et Palladium Nautes accepit: unde Nautarum familia Minervae sacra servabat. sane sciendum sacrificantes diis omnibus caput velare consuetos ob hoc, ne se inter religionem aliquid vagis offerret obtutibus, excepto tantum Saturno, ne numinis imitatio esse videretur.

^{page 497 note 2}Rose,H. J.,The Roman Questions of Plutarch. A New Translation with Introductory Essays & A Running Commentary (New York:Biblo & Tannen,1974)173–4Google Scholar, has only a superficial treatment of this topic.

^{page 497 note 3} In addition to the artifactual data cited in footnote 1 above, one should consult footnote nos. 4 p. 496, 4 and 5 below, l p. 498, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6 p. 499, 1 p. 500, 1, 2, 4 and 5 p. 501.

^{page 497 note 4}Plutarch,Numa9–22;Google Scholar Dionysius ofHalicarnassus,,Antiquitates Romanae 2.58–76;Google ScholarCicero,,de Republica 2.12(23)–15(29)Google Scholar. In general consult‘Numa Pompilius’ inDer Kleine Pauly (1979) vol.4:185–6Google Scholar.

^{page 497 note 5}Livy,,ab Urbe Condita 1.18.7Google Scholar.Livy, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1961) vol.1,64, 66Google Scholar, capite velato sedem cepit dextra manu baculum sine nodo aduncum tenens, quem lituum appellarunt.

^{page 497 note 6}Plutarch,,Numa 7.2Google Scholar.

^{page 498 note 1} Ovid,Fasti 3.363–4.Ovid's Fasti, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1959)146Google Scholar, constitit atque caput niveo velatus amictu iam bene dis notas sustulit ille manus.

^{page 498 note 2}Sydenham,Edward A.,The Coinage of the Roman Republic, revised with indexes by G. C. Haines (London:Spink & Son Ltd.,1952) Pl. 28, no. 1069Google Scholar (Julius Caesar); no. 1077 (Mark Antony). Cf. alsoBieber,Margarete, ‘The Development of Portraiture on Roman Republican Coins’,ANRW I.4:883Google Scholar.

^{page 498 note 3}Mattingly,Harold andSydenham,Edward,The Roman Imperial Coinage (London:Spink & Son Ltd.): Caligula: vol.1 (1923)117, no. 35 (= Pl. 17, no. 16);Google ScholarDomitian: Vol. 2 (1926)190, no. 283Google Scholar (= Pl. 6, no. 91);Hadrian,: vol. 2,373, no. 289Google Scholar (= Pl. 14, no. 283);Pius,Antoninus: vol. 3 (1930)61, no. 294aGoogle Scholar (= Pl. 2, no. 46); Commodus: vol. 3, 232, nos. 247, 249 (= Pl. 8, nos. 165, 160) 383, no. 161 (= Pl. 15, no. 296);Pertinax: vol. 4.1 (1936)8, no. 13Google Scholar (= Pl. 1, no. 10); Septimius Severus: vol. 4.1, 116, no. 188 (= Pl. 6, no. 13). In general seeRyberg,,Rites of the State Religion,174–89Google Scholar.

^{page 498 note 4}Augustus,:Ara Pacis AugustaeGoogle Scholar (=Ryberg,,Rites of the State Religion, Pl. 12, fig. 23a);Google Scholar Belvedere Altar (=Ryberg,,Rites of the State Religion, Pl. 15, fig. 28b);Google Scholar Altar from Vicus Sandaliarius (=Ryberg,,Rites of the State Religion, Pl. 16, fig. 31);Google Scholar Corinthian statue fromBasilica,Juliancapite velatoGoogle Scholar (=Johnson,,Corinth. Vol.9Sculpture 1896–1923,70–72, fig. 134);Google Scholar other statues ofAugustus, asPontifex Maximus (= Cambridge Ancient History. Volume of Plates 4, Edited bySeltman,C. T. [Cambridge:University Press,1960]45, fig, b; 147, figs. c–d; 149, fig. b)Google Scholar. Tiberius: young Tiberiuscapite velato (= Cambridge Ancient History Plates 4, 153, fig. a). Claudius: Suovetaurilia of the Louvre (=Ryberg,,Rites of the State Religion, Pl. 35, fig. 54a)Google Scholar. Trajan: Triumphal sacrifice, Arch of Benevento (=Ryberg,,Rites of the State Religion, Pl. 55, fig. 83);Google Scholar Trajan's Column (=Ryberg,,Rites of the State Religion, Pls. 36, fig. 55; 37, fig. 56; 38, fig. 57; 43, fig. 65)Google Scholar. Hadrian: Adoption of Antoninus by Hadrian, Ephesian Parthian Monument (=Ryberg,,Rites of the State Religion, Pl. 47, fig. 72a)Google Scholar. Marcus Aurelius: Triumph of Marcus Aurelius (=Ryberg,,Rites of the State Religion, Pl. 56, fig. 86)Google Scholar. Septimius Severus: Sacrifice to the Genii Augustorum at Lepcis (=Ryberg,,Rites of the State Religion, Pl. 48, fig. 73a)Google Scholar.

^{page 499 note 1}Livy,,ab Urbe Condita 8.9.6–7Google Scholar.Livy, Loeb Classical Library (1957) vol.4,37Google Scholar. ‘The pontiff bade him don the purple-bordered toga, and with veiled head’ said the following, ‘I invoke and worship you, I beseech and crave your favour.’

^{page 499 note 2}Livy,,ab Urbe Condita 10.7.9–10Google Scholar.Livy, Loeb Classical Library (1957) vol.4,383, 385Google Scholar. ‘Who, I say, can object if such men add thereto the insignia of the pontiffs and the augurs? May the man who, decked with the robes of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, has been borne through the City in a gilded chariot and has mounted the Capitol – may that man not be seen with chalice and crook, when, covering his head, he offers up the victim, or receives an augury from the Citadel?’

^{page 499 note 3} Varro,de Lingua Latina 5.15.84, flamines … capite velato erant semper.

^{page 499 note 4} Varro,de Lingua Latina 5.29.130.Varro On the Latin Language, vol.1,123Google Scholar. ‘Likewise the woven band with which they were to fasten the hair on the head, was called acapital “headband”, fromcaput “head”; and this the sub-priestesses are accustomed to wear on their heads even now. Sorica “veil” fromritus “fashion”, because according to the Romanritus, when women make a sacrifice, they veil their heads.’

^{page 499 note 5}Cicero,de Domo sua124Google Scholar.Cicero. The Speeches, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1961)278–80Google Scholar. ‘It was you – you, I say – who, with muffled head, in the presence of the meeting you had summoned, with the brazier in position, consecrated the property of your friend Gabinius, to whom you had made a present of all the realms of Syria, Arabia, and Persia.’ Tu, tu, inquam, capite velato, contione advocata, foculo posito, bona tui Gabinii, cui regna omnia Syrorum Arabum Persarumque donaras, consecrasti.

^{page 499 note 6}Flaccus,Valerius,Argonautica 5.95–7. Valerius Flaccus, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1958)250Google Scholar, Omina Mopsus dum stupet, in prima tumulum procul aspicit acta, obnubensque caput cineri dat vina vocato. On the tradition of Mopsus as inspired prophet and possessed by deity seePindar,,Pythia 4.189–93;Google ScholarRhodius,Apollonius,Argonautica 1.65,79–80, 1083–86, 1106;Google Scholar 2.923; 3.540–55, 916, 938; 4.1502–4;Flaccus,Valerius,Argonautica 1.205–10,383–86; 3.372–78; 4.546; 5.95–7Google Scholar.

^{page 499 note 7} In general seeHenzen,G.,Acta Fratrum Arualium Quae Supersunt (Berlin:Georg Reimer,1874);Google Scholar on the Arval priesthood seeLewis,Martha W. H.,The Official Priests of Rome under the Julio-Claudians. A Study of Nobility from 44 B.C. to 68 A.D. Papers and Monographs of the American Academy in Rome,16 (Rome:American Academy in Rome,1955)144–50Google Scholar.

^{page 500 note 1} Translated and edited byLewis,Naphtali andReinhold,Meyer,Roman Civilization. Sourcebook II: The Empire (New York:Harper Torchbook,1966)557Google Scholar (= Dessau,ILS no. 5036.6, magister fratrum Arvalium manibus lautis velato capite sub divo columine contra orientem deae Diae cum collegis sacrificium indixerunt); cf. Dessau,ILS no. 5039 Postea inde praetextati capite velato vittas (sic) spiceis coronati lucum adscenderunt.

^{page 500 note 2}Toutain,J., ‘Sacrificium’, inDictionnaire des antiquités, 4.2 (1911)977Google Scholar ‘Cette disposition de la toge [i.e.capite velato] est parfaitement visible sur un grand nombre de monuments.’

^{page 500 note 3} These monuments are given inRyberg,,Rites of the State ReligionGoogle Scholar as follows: a. = Pl. 14, fig. 27; b. = Pl. 60, fig. 97c; c. = Pl. 15, fig. 28b; 16, figs. 29, 30, 32; 24, fig. 37c–d; d. = Pl. 19, figs. a, c; e. = Pl. 25, fig. 39a; f. = Pl. 8, figs. 17a–c.

^{page 500 note 4} Dessau,ILS no. 6368; cf. no. 3785; for the social and architectural aspects of this statue and the building in which it was erected seeAugust Mau,Pompeii, Its Life and Art (New York:MacMillan Company,1902)110–48; 445–55Google Scholar andMoeller,Walter O., ‘The Building of Eumachia: A Reconsideration’,AJA76 (1972)323–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 500 note 5}Mattingly, andSydenham,,Roman Imperial Coinage, Vol.1,78, no. 178 (Pl. 2, no. 22)Google Scholar andRyberg,,Rites of the State Religion,174–89Google Scholar.

^{page 501 note 1}Lucretius,,de Rerum Natura 5.1198–1200Google Scholar.Lucretius de Rerum Natura, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1982)424Google Scholar, Nec pietas ullast velatum saepe videri vertier ad lapidem atque omnis accedere ad aras nec procumbere humi prostratum et pandere palmas ante deum delubra nec aras sanguine multo spargere quadrupedum nec votis nectere vota. A very high quality statue of an unnamed Roman man sacrificingcapite velato is given inCambridge Ancient History Plates 4,59, fig. cGoogle Scholar.

^{page 501 note 2}Plautus,Amphitruo1091–4Google Scholar Ut soient puerperae invocat deos immortales, ut sibi auxilium ferant, manibus puris, capite operto.Plautus, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1961) vol.1,117Google Scholar. ‘She called on the immortal gods to help her – as women do, sir, in labour – with clean hands and covered head.’

^{page 501 note 3}Williams,R. D.,P. Vergili Maronis Aeneidos. Liber Tertius. Edited with a commentary (Oxford:Clarendon Press,1967)142Google Scholar.

^{page 501 note 4}Aeneis 3.403–9.Virgil, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1956) vol.1,374Google Scholar. Quin ubi transmissae steterint trans aequora classes et positis aris iam vota in litore solves, purpureo velare comas adopertus amictu, ne qua inter sanctos ignis in honore deorum hostilis facies occurrat et omnia turbet. hunc socii morem sacrorum, hunc ipse teneto; hac casti maneant in religione nepotes.

^{page 501 note 5}Aeneis 3.543–7 Tum numina sancta precamur Palladis armisonae, quae prima accepit ovantis, et capita ante aras Phrygio velamur amictu, praeceptisque Heleni, dederat quae maxima, rite Iunoni Argivae iussos adolemus honores.Virgil, vol.1,385Google Scholar. ‘Then we pray to the holy power of Pallas, queen of clashing arms, who first welcomed our cheers, before the altar veiled our heads in Phrygian robe, and, following the urgent charge which Helenus had given, duly offer to Argive Juno the burnt sacrifice prescribed.’

^{page 502 note 1}Simon,Erika,Ara Pacis Augustae (Greenwich, Conn.:New York Graphic Society Ltd.,1968);Google ScholarCambridge Ancient History, Plates IV,122Google Scholar. The iconography of Aeneas' sacrifice and its use on the Ara Pacis is discussed inGalinsky,G. Karl,Aeneas, Sicily, and Rome Princeton Monographs in Art and Archaeology,40 (Princeton:Princeton University Press,1969)passimGoogle Scholar.

^{page 502 note 2}Oepke,Albrecht, ‘κατακαλύπτω’, inTDNT vol.3:562Google Scholar.

^{page 502 note 3}Lietzmann,,An die Korinther,53Google Scholar.

^{page 503 note 1}Ryberg,,Rites of the State Religion in Roman Art,96Google Scholar.

^{page 503 note 2} Juvenal 6.390–92.Juvenal and Persius, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1957)115Google Scholar. A noteworthy fragment from the Roman writer of comedy Titinius reads manus lavite, mulieres, et capita velate. Cf. footnotes 4 page 500 and 2 page 501 andRyberg,,Rites of the State Religion, Pl. 29, fig. 45eGoogle Scholar.

^{page 503 note 3}Marquardt,J. K.,Römische Staatsverwaltung, 3:174Google Scholar.

^{page 504 note 1}Plutarch,Aetia Romana et Graeca266d;Google Scholar Dionysius ofHalicarnassus,,Antiquitates Romanae 12.16.3Google Scholar.

^{page 504 note 2} On the use of thelituus see Cicero,de Divinatione 1.30 andLivy,,ab Urbe Condita 10.7.9–10Google Scholar.

^{page 504 note 3}West,Allen Brown,Corinth. vol. 8.2 Latin Inscriptions 1896–1926 (Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1931) nos. 67 (p. 47)Google Scholar, 86 (p. 72), 87 (p. 74), 88 (p. 75), 89 (p. 75), 90 (p. 76) and Kent,Corinth. The Inscriptions 1926–1950, nos. 156 (p. 73), 158–163 (pp. 74–5), 204 (p. 90).

^{page 504 note 4} Cf. footnote 6 page 499.

^{page 504 note 5}Grudem,Wayne, ‘Does κεφαλή (“Head”) Mean “Source” or “Authority over” in Greek Literature? A Survey of 2, 336 Examples’,Trinity Journal ns6 (1985)38–59Google Scholar.

^{page 505 note 1} The correlation of Paul's advice in 1 Cor 11. 4 with contemporary Roman veiling practices was also noticed byCressedi,G., ‘“Caput Velatum”’,Rendiconti,456Google Scholar.

^{page 505 note 2}Latte,K.,Römische ReligionsgeschichteGoogle Scholar, ‘Die Einwirkung [aus Etrurien] auf die Tracht der Priester ist stark gewesen; Opfermesser und Apex kommen sicher aus Etrurien, vielleicht auch der lituus’ (157) and ‘Beides [i.e. Kopfbedeckung und toga praetexta] war aus Etrurien übernommen’ (404).