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Abstract
Regeneration of derelict neighborhoods is an objective of many (local) governments. Various approaches and actions, such as the revitalization of public spaces in residential environments, are assumed to benefit local residents. However, regeneration may attract a new population different from the local residents in socio-economic profiles and lifestyle choices. Of particular interest in this research project is the way in which the arrival of new residents influences how public spaces are used and appropriated by both new and long-time residents. Specifically, this paper explores the way long-time residents react to this form of invasion of their dwelling environment. Using a mixed-method approach, this study attempts to shed light on the possible conflicts over the sharing of a park located in the City of Montreal (Canada) and how these conflicts affect the meaning of the dwelling environment of the neighborhood’s residents. Results indicate that (1) there are tensions between long-time residents and newer ones about lifestyle choices and the model of development of the neighborhood, and (2) long-time residents’ reactions of what might be perceived as invasion didn’t lead to a territorial redefinition of home.
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More than 30% of all rental units in this neighborhood are social or community housing while the City of Montreal average is around 10%.
For example, the average value of housing in Pointe-St-Charles was, in 2002 Canadian dollars, around $75,000 in 1991 ($145,000 for Montreal); it rose to $258,000 15 years later ($266,500 for Montreal).
The developer is Elad Canada Inc., a Tel-Aviv company with an office in Toronto. This developer is specialized in housing and commercial developments in metropolitan areas witnessing rapid demographic growth.
Affordable housing means that low- or moderate-income households can rent or purchase the dwelling without having to spend more than 30% of their gross income. As an incentive for private developers, the City of Montreal gives priority to projects that include a portion of “affordable housing” (usually between 10 and 15%).
See Bélanger (2010) for preliminary remarks regarding the observation sessions and the first 11 interviews.
Table 1 identifies characteristics of the interviewees. All quotations were translated from French to English by the author.
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Acknowledgments
This study was made possible by the financial support of the PAFARC program of the Université du Québec à Montréal and the interuniversity network on urban and spatial studies Villes Régions Monde. I would like to thank the two anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments. I would also like to thank the four students who participated actively in the fieldwork.
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Département d’études urbaines et touristiques, École des sciences de la gestion, Université du Québec à Montréal, Montreal, QC, Canada
Hélène Bélanger
- Hélène Bélanger
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Correspondence toHélène Bélanger.
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Bélanger, H. The meaning of the built environment during gentrification in Canada.J Hous and the Built Environ27, 31–47 (2012). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10901-011-9248-3
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