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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.), 18 April 1938.Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Lib. of Congress. <https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn83045462/1938-04-18/ed-1/seq-9/>

Newspaper Page Text

Denial of Aid
to Business
Political Factors Seen
Too Strong to Permit
Real Co-operation.
By DAVID LAWRENCE.
THERE are lots of people In
America who would like to be
lieve in President Roosevelt's
program of “pump priming" if
they could pet a persuasive explana
tion of where it leads and how it Is
■upposed to function. They would ap
proach it sympathetically if the ad
David Lawrence.
ministration
could but outline
exactly how the
pump Is supposed
to Bet primed.
Obvieusly the
objective is to
stimulate private
business by giv
ing It a start
through the use
of public funds.
This presupposes
that at a certain
time, after the
pump .has been
primed, business
should be able to
get along without the Government's
money.
But the managers of business have
found certain impediments interposed
by Government itself. They have
cried out against these barriers for
a long time, but Mr. Roosevelt stub
bornly refuses to remove the barriers.
He will not even let Congress pass a
tax bill" to help business along. Un
der such circumstances the pump
priming procram must inevitably fail
to get the wells of private business to
function.
Opinions will differ on this point,
but in order to determine for one
self what the probable trend will be,
It is necessary to have a clear under
standing of just what “pump prim
ing" really Is.
Perhaps the best, analysis was given
by Dr. John H. Williams, professor
of economics at Harvard University,
in a speech he marie early last Novem
ber, at a time when the business re
cession had started, but when the
second experiment with “pump prim
lnz" had not. of course, been decided
upon. So his remarks ran be con
sidered as unprejudiced by the exist
ence of any pending prneram and as
devoted wholly to an explanation of
the theory of “pump priming." Said
Dr. Williams:
rtecovpry ny means of public spend
lng is supposed to have three phases.
The first is the artual spending by
the Government of such and such an
amount. The second is the secondary
spending of that amount. It is gen
erally thought that, the multiplier is
something between two and three. So
that if the Government spends $1,000.
000.000 the total effect of that in
money terms would be between
$5 000,000.000 and $3,000,000 of na
tional income.
Effect on Investment.
"And then comes, and this is the
crux of the matter, what is called
tertiary spending, the effect of the
whole process on new investment. It
Is thought that by increasing the con
sumer incomes, handing out money
and haying it spent and revolving
through the system, business is en
couraged to finance further capital
facilities, in order to be able to pro
duce enough and to get rpady to pro
duce enough to satisfy this mounting
Wave of demand. That is the tertiary
stage. When people talk about prim
ing the pump they are really talking
about that. At that stage you reach j
the end result, which is private in- '
vestment.
"Then the thought is that as re- ;
covery comes along you taper off your ■
public deficits from both ends; the
need of spending is less, because !
private business is employing the 1
factors of production and providing j
Income so that the Government need
not do It. Relief and all such ex
penditures should go down. On the
other side, the tax revenue should in
crease with the greater volume and
profitableness of business. In this
way the budget is balanced. Tertiary
spending is then well under way,
private investment ' is going along
under its own steam and there is no
further occasion for the Government !
to do anything.
"Now’ that is the theory, and it has !
good many adi'ocates. I personally i
believe it was never adopted in this :
country on theoretical grounds, but
that we found ourselves faced with a I
condition and rationalized it a good
deal, .and evolved out of it this then- j
retical justification. I think it was a
fact rather than a theory that, we were i
acting upon. I myself think the i
spending program has been justified in
some measure. I want to qualify that j
I think it was slow in starting and '
I think it has bpen slow’ in ending. I
I think our timing has been poor,
and owing to that fact the magnitude
of the operation has been greater than
it needed to he. A very large question j
is whether you can operate this, kind i
of policy successfully in a democratic
state. I do not know the answer to
that. We have not had enough ex
perience.”
R. F. C. Principle Preferred.
Dr. Williams then pointed out that
one part of the theory—lending
through the R. F. C. for capital ex
penditures—has worked out better
than spending through the W. P. A.
He declared that by 1935 the R. F. C.
was showing an excess of repayment,
whereas direct expenditure through
such things as work relief did not
get under way really until 1934 and
expanded when recovery momentum
was strongest. Declaring that the
tearing has been late, he adds:
"In my own view we should have
■tarted the transition to a balanced
budget at least one year and possibly
even two years ago, when the mo
mentum of the recovery was strong.
Surely last winter and spring, when
we were worried about the excesses of
a boom character, we should have been
reducing our deficit. As it is. it has
come now, and we are effecting the
transition mainly in this fiscal year,
If the present budgetary estimates
materialize.”
But since that speech was made
the administration has reversed its
policy and endeavored to correct its
first blunder by more ‘‘pump priming.”
The main reason the administration
did not stop spending when Prof.
Williams thought it should was that
Mr. Roosevelt had to win the 1936
elections and he couldn't stop the
W. P. A. or the other grants and sub
files until he was past that hurdle.
He tried it afterward in his budget
outline in January. 1937, for the
present fiscal year and then did it too
suddenly, and now as the congressional
elections of 1938 are at hand he finds
It necessary to resume the spending
The Capital Parade
Wall Street Battles Over Stock Exchange Presidency.
Robert Hutchins a Leading Candidate.
By JOSEPH ALSOP and ROBERT KINTNER
A VIOLENT struggle Is raging up and down Wall Btreet over the
choice of the next president of the New York Stock Exchange. The
plum Is worth fighting for; the handsome salary and autocratic
powers granted the presidency under the exchange’s liberalised
constitution make the job the best in the financial district. At the moment
the four leading candidates are:
Robert. Maynard Hutchins, youngish, brilliant and ambitious president
of the University of Chicago. His intimate friendship with Chairman
William O. Douglas of the Securities and Exchange Commission and the
fame of his remarkable work as an educator are both atrongly In his favor.
uen. rrariK i. Mines, wno nas
served both Republicans and Dem
I ocrats efficiently as chief of the
Veterans' Bureau. His big point is
his reputation as a non-partisan
civil servant.
Robert Moses, dynamic park
commissioner of New York City,
who has furbished the dingy face
of megalopolis and shown himself
to be the ablest servant of the pub
lic now operating.
T>UTi JoiT rut
\ vJ©® re * /
—= g
Morris Tremaine, elderly, cautious controller of the State of New
York, whom the conservatives like because many bond issues have ac
quainted him with Wall Street's ways.
* * * *
The most remarkable inclusion on this list Is obviously that of
Mr. Hutchins. On the face of the situation, the thought that Mr.
Elutchins might desert, his present post for a purely commercial one,
owever eminent, is a trifle difficult to swallow. But his enemies at
the University of Chicago—and he has made many by his forward
looking policies—are moving in'on him. He has been looking for a
new plough to put his hand to for some time. And while he was at
first cold to the stock exchange's proposals, he has shown himself
seriously Interested in the idea In more recent conference* with
leaders in exchange affairs.
Of Gen. Hines, not murh more need be said except that he has the
immensely Important backing of the now predominant exchange group led
by Paul Shields and E. A. Pierce—the heads of the large commission
houses who were the spearheads In exchange reorganization. Probably
Gen. Hines would be almost as well looked on by the S. E. C. as Mr.
Hutchins.
Mr Moses and Mr. Tremaine would both be far less well received by the
Washington authorities. While any one who takes the trouble to visit
New York can see that Mr. Moses is one of the few men to whom American
citizens have any real reason to be grateful, he is not loved by the New
Deal. He onre ran for Governor on the Republican ticket. He even once
called Secretary of the Interior Harold L. Ickes a few well-deserved names.
He has a somewhat, pugnacious nature, and after so many months and
years of bickering, the S. E. C longs for a little peace.
As for Mr. Tremaine, his opposition to the S. E. C.’s Maloney bill,
regulating over-the-counter dealing, has made him about as popular with
the officials there as the stock exchange old guard. Moreover, the general
belief that J. P Morgan «fe Co. has regularly advised him on the issuanre
oi New iork state bonds causes him to be “suspect, thought to be in league.'*
* * n* *
Bumming up the chaneps of the four men, Mr. Hutchins can
have the job if he will take it; Gen. Hines will probably get it, if Mr.
Hutchins doesn't want, it; Mr. Moses’ chances are poor. since his
backing is not strong; while Mr. Tremaine will win only if the stock
exchange old guard, now in rout, can reform its ranks and put over
a smart one. And, of course, there is the possibility that an entirely
different man will be chosen.
Tt_, yhp Npw Dpal SPPms to be determined to shower Senator Burton K
Wheeler of Montana with the most elaborate tributes to his effectiveness
po*y 11 r
iv^eetee. y~
C'C Tfc/j/
•
I' ip
as an opponent. Recently the
President gently resigned the Na
tion's railroad system to impend
ing chaos, apparently because he
feared what Senator Wheeler might
| say if he proposed a chaos-avert
ing plan. And now the administra
tion leadership has gone to the
trouble of having the House of
Representatives pass a complete bill
to avert a Wheeler outburst in the
Senate.
The Glass hill expanding the lending powers of the R. F. C. escaped
a Wheeler attack when it passed the Senate by a narrow margin. A
special amendment, continuing a requirement of I. C. C. certification of
solvency on all R. F. C. loans to railroads, was written into the measure
to satisfy him. This amendment was omitted in the version of the bill
first, passed by the House. Mr. Wheeler, always suspicious, promptly de
cided that even the Senate's amendment had 'jokers in it.’ He swore to
sail into the whole measure it it came out of conference.
The administration leadership, shrewdly advised by Vice President
P?.rn15r' 1w'hose crony- Jesse H Jones, was naturally interested in the Glass
bill hastily introduced the original Senate bill in the House. This was
vTn. i°n an<* *5asse<^ Intact. Thus, no conference was necessary, and Mr.
Wheeler s tongue did not get its chance.
(Copyright. IP,'?*, by the North American Newspaper Alliance. Inc,)
lavishly and speedily so as to hold his
majority in Congress,
What is overlooked by many of the
advocates of “pump priming” is that
they are reasoning solely with eco
nomic theory end then 'the best of
:heir plans are broken down by the
political minds who refuse to do logi
cal things because it might hurt their
nolitieal position.
The conclusion reached by Prof.
Williams is therefore worth quoting:
“This theory ("pump priming")
must at all times assume that there
s to be a transition from public
spending to private investment. Other
wise at some point you get into a
very different range of problems. You
find yourself asking whether the end
result is to be inflation, as many
people were thinking two years ago,
or some sort of disorderly break
down of the existing system: or even,
though it might take place more
smoothly than that, some kind of
transition, not to private investment,
but to a different kind of an eco
nomic state.
"Now, I do not mean those words
to mean anything more than that I
am Just looking at the problem ob- i
jertively. I am not prophesying any
thing nor sounding any alarms.”
(Copyright, 1P3P.)
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CTHE opinions of the writers on this page are their own, not
__ necessarily The Star’s. Such opinions are presented in
The Star s effort to give all sides of questions of interest to its
readers, although such opinions may be contradictory among
themselves and directly opposed to The Star’s.
Back of the Depression
New Deal’s Attitude on Cure Raises Some Questions
On the Nature of the Problem.
By DOROTHY THOMPSON.
THE President's fireside chat was
conciliatory in tone, and will
be taken by most of us in the
spirit in which It was uttered.
“Immoderate statements, appeals to
prejudice, the creation of unkindness”
are, indeed, "offensive asainst the
Dorothy Thompson.
wnoie population
of the United
State s.” And
"bitterness is
never a useful In
strument. in pub
lic affairs."
Bitterness has
been rampant on
both sides, dur
ing the past years,
and much of the
debate has spread
more heat then
light. But the
President must
not confuse his
personal enemies
with opponents of certain- of his poli
cies.
If we go on the presumption—and
I think we may—that what we all
want is a great increase in the na
tional Income, its more equitable dis
tribution, and greater economic and
social stability and security, and that
to achieve these ends most of us are
willing cheerfully to make consider
able personal sacrifice, in the convic
tion that, such sacrifice will pay us,
even individually, in the long run.
since we do not live in isolation, but
as part of a sorial order, then the
question is whether the policies pro
posed are likely to further that end,
or not. That is a matter of analysis
and Judgment.
Must Agree on C ause.
Therefore, before we can agree upon
a program for recovery, we must 8gree
as to the cause of the present depres
sion. The cure has to begin with
correct diagnosis.
Now, it would appear that the
administration’s diagnosis has been
faulty, and that that Is where the
trouble started. The administration
still hardens on its theory that, in
April, 1937, there was overproduction
and a danger of inflation. "Fearing
Just such an event," says the Presi
dent, "the Federal Reserve System
curtailed banking credit, and the
Treasury commenced to sterilize gold,
as a further brake on what it was
feared might turn into a runaway
Inflation."
They did. Indeed, and by those 1
measures they started the present he- I
pression. Obviously, the measures, j
on the scale and with the .vehemence j
that they were undertaken, were !
wrong.
The administration lightens the re
serve requirements which it unwisely
and unnecessarily stiffened, and re
leases the gold that it unwisely and
unneeessarily froze.
Warnings Against Deflation.
As far back as last March and
April liberal economists, among them ;
Mr. Alexander Sachs, who set. forth !
his views in early autumn before the 1
price conference of the National As
sociation of Manufacturers, were pre
dicting that radical deflationary mone
tary measures were fraught with grave
dangers.
But the Government chase to listen
to other advisers So the ship didn't
sail. It didn't, even drift. It started
with great speed In the direction of
an iceberg.
And was their overproduction In
1937? And what does the phrase
mean? It 1* very important to ask, be
cause if another recovery start* and
is going happily in, let u* say, 1939
and 1940, what assurancea have we
that the Government, still sticking to
its present theories, will not again
radically reverse the trend?
If the cause of the 1937-8 depres
sion was overproduction, and the same
cause accounts for the depression of
1929. then the New Deal turns out
to he the same thine as the Old Deal,
and Mr. Roosevelt's mistakes the same
as Mr. Hoover's. But, since the entire
procedure and strategy of Govern
ment have been very different since
1933 from what they were before, isn’t
it reasonable to inquire whether this
may not be a different kind of de
pression?
If you enforce sudden and radical
deflation, of course you get overpro
duction! If a man is starved even a
regular meal can make him sick.
Example of Underproduction.
On every known ground we have
not even begun to take care of the
normal demand for new houses. There
is one example of flagrant underpro
duction. But if you deflate and thus
unemploy and produce through a
sophomorlc mlsregulation of the stock
exchanges a slaughter of equity values,
then there is neither the money nor
the desire to buy new houses.
If, through an undistributed profits
tax and a capital gains tax regarded
as part, of annual income, you take
away reserves and reduce the working
capital ratio of even big business to
lower levels than at any time since
nit: i.npn no one ran nuy ma
chinery and make improvements.
And, thus. Inventories that were
inadequate when business was oper
ating at fin per cent of capacity, be
come, on the way down to 30 per cent,
overstocking!
Overproduction can be an effect as
well as a cause, and in this depression
our belief is that it was an effect.
An effect of policies.
Auto Sales Cited.
Were too many motor cars manu
factured? The present level of auto
mobile sales, exclusive of foreign sales,
which have remained remarkably
constant, is about half of normal. We
should have three or three and a half
million new cars a year for replace
ment. demand.
And we have had a lower level of
building activity throughout the entire
recovery than we ever had in the ’20s,
prior to the New Deal. The truth is
we hardly scratched normal in 1937,
and then began the second most
severe depression in our history.
Of the $7,000,000,000 proposed re
covery program nearly a third is
nothing except the reversal of mone
tary measures taken last spring. That
reversal is all to the good. It’s only
too bad that the measures were ever
taken.
Compared with the capital and In
come losses sustained in the last seven
months the spending program is
chicken-feed, and this economy will
not recover until more is reversed than
the monetary deflationary measures.
It can only recover by private invest
ment and spending and when capital
again is given the opportunity to be
come venturesome.
tCoprrlaht. 1P3P. New York Tribune Ine >
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A - .
This Changing World
Powers Trying to Patch Up European Situation With
’Gentlemen’s Agreements.’
By CONSTANTINE BKOWN.
THE Easter week wu marked by an effort to appease the European
situation.
The British and the Italians signed another “gentleman’s’’
agreement, which It Is hoped will be more In keeping with the
meaning of the word than the last one.
The French, under their new Premier, Daladler, are prepared to follow
suit.
Premier Daladler and his foreign secretary. Bonnet, have succeeded
s®
in getting inemseives invited to
London to discuss the situation
with Chamberlain and Lord Hali
fax. Blum and Boncour had
hinted, prior to their fall from office,
that they wanted to see the Brit
ish at home. But they got no en
couragement. They were told there
was nothing of consequence they
could take up with hi* majesty’s
government at present and what
' ever matters might come ud they
could easily be Handled by Ambassador Corbin In the ordinary routine
manner.
Daladier’s and Bonnet’s visit to I/mdon Is expected to be pre
cursory to a gentleman’s agreement between France and Italy. As
long as the French are prepared to yield In the same manner the
British have done, It Is probable that such an agreement Is possible.
There is, however, an important point which could not be settled
with ease. And that Is the question of Tunis. Officially, there is no such
problem. Tunis is under the protectorate of the French and nobody has
challenged thla fact. But there Is a strong feeling in Italy that a change
In that protectorate from Paris to Rome would more or less round up
Mussolini'* ideas of the Roman African empire.
* • * •
While a deep silence Is maintained regarding the Anglo-German con
versations to lead to a similar gentleman’s agreement, there Is no doubt
that the Berlin and London foreign offices are talking quietly and endeav
oring to find a basis for such discussions.
Hitler has placed himself on record that he want* colonies returned
to Germany. On this point he might come easier to an understanding with
the French than with the British. Chamberlain is still adamant on that
question, although he seems prepared to “consider the matter” If Germany
could offer a substantial quid-pro-quo.
In diplomatic quarters it Is felt that the four-power pact advo
cated by Hitler and Mussolini since 1936, comprising Oermany, Italy,
Great Britain and France, but leaving out all other countries, is by
way of being completed. The French refused heretofore to Joint
In any such arrangements unless the Germans gave assurances that
such a pact would rover the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia against
any possible aggression. This Hitler refused to accept.
Now it seems that the French are disposed to leave the U. S. S. R.
to their own devices and are counseling moderation to the Czechoslovak
government. That moderation means yielding to the German request for
a new constitution of the republic with autonomous rights to the Sudeten
Germans and the Incorporation of Czechoslovakia in the German economic
system.
• * • *
Despite the urgent demands of the loyalist government for more
airplanes and tanks from France, the Daladier government has decided
not to answer President, Negrin's 80S calls. It Is too late. In any case.
The French, like the British government, are becoming reconciled to the
aura nioi/ jt i oiiv'ci is oouna oe
come the ruler of Spain and are
hoping to be able to come to terms
with him.
Although a large section of
French public opinion is still
warmly in favor of the loyalist gov
ernment, Daladier and Bonnet are
adopting a realistic policy similar
to Chamberlain's: Let bygones be
bygones and concentrate on the
immediate future. They feel that
w,c huwwuu ui rmuies security irom me Pyrenees siae wiu oe Deicer
served by an agreement with Italy rather than by antagonizing that power.
* * * *
The navy Is contemplating placing a station ship In the Gulf of
Davao, where a Japanese fleet is reported to have been sighted at anchor.
Davao Is an island where there is a Japanese settlement of some
20.000 inhabitants. They are there legally. But being off the beaten path,
there is little supervision of the Island.
There has been no official confirmation that a Japanese fleet was
actually at anchor in the bay. It is considered, however, quite possible
that a few destroyers should have stopped there without notifying, as
international regulations require, the Philippine government of their in
tentions. The Japanese have done this on other occasions.
In order to keep a better watch, Admiral Harry Y&mell, the com
mander in chief of the Asiatic Fleet, has been advised to send either a
destroyer or a smaller unit, as a permanent station ship in those waters.
Headline Folk
and What
They Do
Anna Case Mackay Is
Now a Popular
Song Writer.
By LEMUEL T. BARTON.
YESTERDAY was Clarence H.
Mackay’* birthday. This, with
talk of Easter "song-o-grams,"
sung by the Postal Telegraph
Co., was a belated reminder to this
department t-hat 'Mrs. Anna Case
Mackay, former opera star, has found
a new career, not only In writing the
Mri. Hicku,
lyrics for the
Postal •warblers,
but In a prolific
output of songs
for general
public consump
tion. Within the
last two years
*he has written
words and music,
for more than 50
songs, and they
are getting
Broadway publi
cation. She has
been unusually
active during the
last few weeks.
Her first song was writted for Mr.
Mackay's birthday two years ago. It
was called "Irish Eyes of Blue," a
romantic ballad, later published and
sung by John Charles Thomas and
other famous singers. Other successful
songs by Mrs Mackay are "I Know an
Irish Garden,” and "Just an Old
Fashioned Picture.” But she says she
particularly enjoys writing the "song
o-grams” for such occasions as Easter
and Christmas.
Mrs. Mackay was 13 years old, a
household drudge 1n a poverty-stricken
home at South Branch. N. J, when
she began her long climb to the mag
nificent estate at Harbor Hill. Long
Island, where she now write* her songs.
She walked dark and lonely country
roads at night, giving piano lessons at
50 cents a lesson. In the remote coun
tryside, always carrying a revolver, as
she has frequently recalled. She saved
and borrowed money to study In
Sweden with Mme. Augusta Ohstrom
Renard. At the age of 21 she was
singing at the Metropolitan. For 21
years she criss-crossed the continent
as a concert artist, sometimes traveling
30,000 miles a year.
An odd turn In the news was her
marriage to Mr. Mackay. seven year*
ago. Five years before, there had been
quite a dither over the marriage of
Mr. Mackay’s daughter, the late Ellin
Mackay. to Irving Berlin, song writer.
Mr. Mackay. a lover of musical classics
and a backer of the philharmonic,
sharply challenged Mr. Berlin’s musical
pedigree, which ranged back to East
Side restaurants that employed singing
waiters. He Is now said to be de
lighted with Mrs. Mackay's song
writing. including the “song-o-grams ”
Most of her songs are ballads, but in
cline toward swing.
"I adore the natural primitive
rhythm of music.” she says. "I sup
pose that is because I always enjoyed
dancing. I often wonder why I didn't
become a professional dancer Instead
of a singer when I began my career ”
Glance at the map and be convinced that the West
offers more ... in its amazing variety of vacation
activities... in startling scenic beauty... in delightful
places to play and rest... in romance and adventure.
It is a World Wonderland, brought close to you in terms
of comfort, time and cost by low summer fares... and
by last, air-conditioned trains fitted with the appoint*
ments of a fine city club.
V
Su ~
r *•'•*•»*»*
P
I
•v
Union Pacific Ballroad or Chicago d North Wwtern By.
. Dept. 173-A Dept. 173-A
800 National Preaa Wdg. 1009 Girard Treat Co. Bldg.
Phone Republic 06B0 1400 8. Penn Saeare
Washington. D. C. Philadelphia. Fa.
Please send Information a boat_...__
Nama _________ j
City and State _____
n In addition, aend "Summer Tears"—dearrIMna all*
axnanae tears West.
(YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK
Round trip in Pullman*. Chicago to Waat Tallowaton* Getaway (berth
extra), 21 -day limit. (49,30
Ticket* on aala Tuna I
CO LOP A DO ****** round trip In coach#*, Chicago
awnmi/w to Denver or Colorado Springe; alto ta
Pullman* (berth extra), 21-dey limit $43.05 from Chicago ia Pall,
mine (berth extra), Oct 31 limit
Ticket* on *ale lun# I
CALIFORNIA **S.OO round trip lx coach** from
— -a h, I ■ w lx Ix I Chicago, 6 month* limit $74.00 in
Tourist Sleeper* (berth extra), 6 month* limit S90J0 in Standard
Pullman* (berth extra), 3 month* limit on sal* May 15
ZION-BRYCE-GRAND CANYON
NATIONAL PARKS
(berth extra). 21-day limit, 550.50
Ticket* on salo May IS
PACIFIC NORTHWEST SftRtS
Chicago, 6 month* limit $74.00 fn Touriat Sleep*re (berth extra).
6 month* limit. $00JO in Sttnderd Pullman* (berth extre), 3 month* -
bmitonaal* May 15
ROtlinFD DAM Many travel* re to Southarn California
DUUIUCK UMm inelud* Boulder Dam aa a etopovar.
All-expana* aid* trip from Lai Vagaa, Nevada, aa low aa $4.0$
WESTERN DUDE RANCHES pu, ^
in invigorating monntain air A vacation for the entire family
SUN VALLEY, IDAHO
Aivertea'a turnout your 'round oporto contor — fiahing, riding, awim
Bing* golfing, pack tripa Low coat accommodation* at dalightiul
Challenger Inn — auperb living at Sun Vallay Lodge
Round trip in Pullman*, Chicago to Sun Valiay, Idaho (berth astral*
30-day bmit —S97.3S