Redistricting
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General information
State-by-state redistricting procedures •Majority-minority districts •Gerrymandering
The 2020 cycle
United States census, 2020 •Congressional apportionment •Redistricting committees •Deadlines •2022 House elections with multiple incumbents •New U.S.House districts created after apportionment •Congressional maps •State legislative maps •Lawsuits •Status of redistricting after the 2020 census
Redrawn maps
Redistricting before 2024 elections •Redistricting before 2026 elections
Ballotpedia's Election Administration Legislation Tracker

Redistricting is the process of enacting new district boundaries for elected offices, particularly for offices in theU.S. House of Representatives andstate legislatures. All United States Representatives and state legislators are elected from political divisions called districts. District lines are redrawn every 10 years following completion of the United States census. The federal government stipulates that districts must have nearly equal populations and must not discriminate on the basis of race or ethnicity.^[1]

The states themselves determine their own redistricting methods. These methods vary from state to state and, sometimes, within a state (for example, different methods may apply to congressional redistricting than to state legislative redistricting). This article details redistricting methods by state for both congressional and state legislative redistricting.^[1]

Click here to read about states that revisited the redistricting process before the 2026 elections.Click here to read about states that revisited the redistricting process before the 2024 elections.

Background

This section includes background information on federal requirements forcongressional redistricting,state legislative redistricting,state-based requirements,redistricting methods used in the 50 states,gerrymandering, andrecent court decisions.

Federal requirements for congressional redistricting

According to Article I, Section 4 of theUnited States Constitution, the states and their legislatures have primary authority in determining the "times, places, and manner" of congressional elections. Congress may also pass laws regulating congressional elections.^[2][3]

Article I, Section 2 of theUnited States Constitution stipulates that congressional representatives beapportioned to the states on the basis of population. There are 435 seats in theUnited States House of Representatives. Each state is allotted a portion of these seats based on the size of its population relative to the other states. Consequently, a state may gain seats in the House if its population grows or lose seats if its population decreases, relative to populations in other states. In 1964, theUnited States Supreme Court ruled inWesberry v. Sanders that the populations of House districts must be equal "as nearly as practicable."^[5][6][7]

The equal population requirement for congressional districts is strict. According toAll About Redistricting, "Any district with more or fewer people than the average (also known as the 'ideal' population), must be specifically justified by a consistent state policy. And even consistent policies that cause a 1 percent spread from largest to smallest district will likely be unconstitutional."^[7]

Federal requirements for state legislative redistricting

TheUnited States Constitution is silent on the issue of state legislative redistricting. In the mid-1960s, theUnited States Supreme Court issued a series of rulings in an effort to clarify standards for state legislative redistricting. InReynolds v. Sims, the court ruled that "the Equal Protection Clause [of theUnited States Constitution] demands no less than substantially equal state legislative representation for all citizens, of all places as well as of all races." According toAll About Redistricting, "it has become accepted that a [redistricting] plan will be constitutionally suspect if the largest and smallest districts [within a state or jurisdiction] are more than 10 percent apart."^[7]

State-based requirements

In addition to the federal criteria noted above, individual states may impose additional requirements on redistricting. Common state-level redistricting criteria are listed below.

1. Contiguity refers to the principle that all areas within a district should be physically adjacent. A total of 49 states require that districts of at least one state legislative chamber be contiguous (Nevada has no such requirement, imposing no requirements on redistricting beyond those enforced at the federal level). A total of 23 states require that congressional districts meet contiguity requirements.^[7][8]
2. Compactness refers to the general principle that the constituents within a district should live as near to one another as practicable. A total of 37 states impose compactness requirements on state legislative districts; 18 states impose similar requirements for congressional districts.^[7][8]
3. Acommunity of interest is defined byFairVote as a "group of people in a geographical area, such as a specific region or neighborhood, who have common political, social or economic interests." A total of 24 states require that the maintenance of communities of interest be considered in the drawing of state legislative districts. A total of 13 states impose similar requirements for congressional districts.^[7][8]
4. A total of 42 states require that state legislative district lines be drawn to account forpolitical boundaries (e.g., the limits of counties, cities, and towns). A total of 19 states require that similar considerations be made in the drawing of congressional districts.^[7][8]

Methods

In general, a state's redistricting authority can be classified as one of the following:^[9]

1. Legislature-dominant: In a legislature-dominant state, the legislature retains the ultimate authority to draft and enact district maps. Maps enacted by the legislature may or may not be subject to gubernatorial veto. Advisory commissions may also be involved in the redistricting process, although the legislature is not bound to adopt an advisory commission's recommendations.
2. Commission: In a commission state, an extra-legislative commission retains the ultimate authority to draft and enact district maps. A non-politician commission is one whose members cannot hold elective office. A politician commission is one whose members can hold elective office.
3. Hybrid: In a hybrid state, the legislature shares redistricting authority with a commission.

Gerrymandering

In 1812, Massachusetts Governor Elbridge Gerry signed into law a state Senate district map that, according to theEncyclopædia Britannica, "consolidated the Federalist Party vote in a few districts and thus gave disproportionate representation to Democratic-Republicans." The wordgerrymander was coined byThe Boston Gazette to describe the district.

See also:Gerrymandering

The termgerrymandering refers to the practice of drawing electoral district lines to favor one political party, individual, or constituency over another. When used in a rhetorical manner by opponents of a particular district map, the term has a negative connotation but does not necessarily address the legality of a challenged map. The term can also be used in legal documents; in this context, the term describes redistricting practices that violate federal or state laws.^[1][10]

For additional background information about gerrymandering, click "[Show more]" below.

Recent court decisions

See also:Redistricting cases heard by the Supreme Court of the United States

The Supreme Court of the United States has, in recent years, issued several decisions dealing with redistricting policy, including rulings relating to the consideration of race in drawing district maps, the use of total population tallies inapportionment, and the constitutionality ofredistricting commissions. The rulings in these cases, which originated in a variety of states, impact redistricting processes across the nation.

For additional background information about these cases, click "[Show more]" below.

Show more

Alexander v. South Carolina State Conference of the NAACP (2024)

See also:Alexander v. South Carolina State Conference of the NAACP

Alexander v. South Carolina State Conference of the NAACP — This case concerns a challenge to the congressional redistricting plan that theSouth Carolina legislature enacted after the 2020 census. In January 2023, a federal three-judge panel ruled that the state's 1st Congressional District was unconstitutional and enjoined the state from conducting future elections using its district boundaries. The panel's opinion said, "The Court finds that race was the predominant factor motivating the General Assembly’s adoption of Congressional District No. 1...Defendants have made no showing that they had a compelling state interest in the use of race in the design of Congressional District No. 1 and thus cannot survive a strict scrutiny review."^[14]Thomas Alexander (R)—in his capacity asSouth Carolina State Senate president—appealed the federal court's ruling, arguing: :In striking down an isolated portion of South Carolina Congressional District 1 as a racial gerrymander, the panel never even mentioned the presumption of the General Assembly’s “good faith.”...The result is a thinly reasoned order that presumes bad faith, erroneously equates the purported racial effect of a single line in Charleston County with racial predominance across District 1, and is riddled with “legal mistake[s]” that improperly relieved Plaintiffs of their “demanding” burden to prove that race was the “predominant consideration” in District 1.^[15] TheU.S. Supreme Court scheduled oral argument on this case for October 11, 2023.^[16]

Moore v. Harper (2023)

See also:Moore v. Harper

At issue inMoore v. Harper, was whether state legislatures alone are empowered by the Constitution to regulate federal elections without oversight from state courts, which is known as theindependent state legislature doctrine. On November 4, 2021, theNorth Carolina General Assembly adopted a new congressional voting map based on 2020 Census data. The legislature, at that time, was controlled by theRepublican Party. In the caseHarper v. Hall (2022), a group of Democratic Party-affiliated voters and nonprofit organizations challenged the map in state court, alleging that the new map was a partisan gerrymander that violated the state constitution.^[17] On February 14, 2022, theNorth Carolina Supreme Court ruled that the state could not use the map in the 2022 elections andremanded the case to the trial court for further proceedings. The trial court adopted a new congressional map drawn by three court-appointed experts.TheUnited States Supreme Court affirmed theNorth Carolina Supreme Court's original decision inMoore v. Harper that the state's congressional district map violated state law. In a 6-3 decision, Chief JusticeJohn Roberts wrote that the "Elections Clause does not vest exclusive and independent authority in state legislatures to set the rules regarding federal elections.^[18]

Merrill v. Milligan (2023)

See also:Merrill v. Milligan

At issue inMerrill v. Milligan, was the constitutionality of Alabama's 2021 redistricting plan and whether it violated Section 2 of theVoting Rights Act. A group of Alabama voters and organizations sued Secretary of State John Merrill (R) and the House and Senate redistricting chairmen, Rep. Chris Pringle (R) and Sen. Jim McClendon (R). Plaintiffs alleged the congressional map enacted on Nov. 4, 2021, by Gov. Kay Ivey (R) unfairly distributed Black voters. The plaintiffs asked the lower court to invalidate the enacted congressional map and order a new map with instructions to include a second majority-Black district.The court ruled 5-4, affirming the lower court opinion that the plaintiffs showed a reasonable likelihood of success concerning their claim that Alabama's redistricting map violated Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act.^[19]

Gill v. Whitford (2018)

See also:Gill v. Whitford

InGill v. Whitford, decided on June 18, 2018, the Supreme Court of the United States ruled that the plaintiffs—12 Wisconsin Democrats who alleged that Wisconsin's state legislative district plan had been subject to an unconstitutional gerrymander in violation of the First and Fourteenth Amendments—had failed to demonstrate standing under Article III of the United States Constitution to bring a complaint. The court's opinion, penned by Chief JusticeJohn Roberts, did not address the broader question of whether partisan gerrymandering claims are justiciable and remanded the case to the district court for further proceedings. Roberts was joined in the majority opinion by Associate JusticesAnthony Kennedy,Ruth Bader Ginsburg,Stephen Breyer,Samuel Alito,Sonia Sotomayor, andElena Kagan. Kagan penned a concurring opinion joined by Ginsburg, Breyer, and Sotomayor. Associate JusticeClarence Thomas penned an opinion that concurred in part with the majority opinion and in the judgment, joined by Associate JusticeNeil Gorsuch.^[20]

Cooper v. Harris (2017)

See also:Cooper v. Harris

InCooper v. Harris, decided on May 22, 2017, theSupreme Court of the United States affirmed the judgment of theUnited States District Court for the Middle District of North Carolina, finding that two of North Carolina's congressional districts, the boundaries of which had been set following the 2010 United States Census, had been subject to an illegal racial gerrymander in violation of Section 2 of theVoting Rights Act. JusticeElena Kagan delivered the court's majority opinion, which was joined by JusticesClarence Thomas,Ruth Bader Ginsburg,Stephen Breyer, andSonia Sotomayor (Thomas also filed a separate concurring opinion). In the court's majority opinion, Kagan described the two-part analysis utilized by the high court when plaintiffs allege racial gerrymandering as follows: "First, the plaintiff must prove that 'race was the predominant factor motivating the legislature's decision to place a significant number of voters within or without a particular district.' ... Second, if racial considerations predominated over others, the design of the district must withstand strict scrutiny. The burden shifts to the State to prove that its race-based sorting of voters serves a 'compelling interest' and is 'narrowly tailored' to that end." In regard to the first part of the aforementioned analysis, Kagan went on to note that "a plaintiff succeeds at this stage even if the evidence reveals that a legislature elevated race to the predominant criterion in order to advance other goals, including political ones." JusticeSamuel Alito delivered an opinion that concurred in part and dissented in part with the majority opinion. This opinion was joined by Chief JusticeJohn Roberts and JusticeAnthony Kennedy.^[21][22][23]

Evenwel v. Abbott (2016)

See also:Evenwel v. Abbott

Evenwel v. Abbott was a case decided by theSupreme Court of the United States in 2016. At issue was the constitutionality ofstate legislative districts inTexas. The plaintiffs, Sue Evenwel and Edward Pfenninger, argued that district populations ought to take into account only the number of registered or eligible voters residing within those districts as opposed to total population counts, which are generally used for redistricting purposes. Total population tallies include non-voting residents, such as immigrants residing in the country without legal permission, prisoners, and children. The plaintiffs alleged that this tabulation method dilutes the voting power of citizens residing in districts that are home to smaller concentrations of non-voting residents. The court ruled 8-0 on April 4, 2016, that a state or locality can use total population counts for redistricting purposes. The majority opinion was penned by JusticeRuth Bader Ginsburg.^{[24][25][26][27]}

Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission (2016)

JusticeStephen Breyer penned the majority opinion inHarris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission.

See also:Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission

Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission was a case decided by theSupreme Court of the United States in 2016. At issue was the constitutionality of state legislative districts that were created by the commission in 2012. The plaintiffs, a group ofRepublican voters, alleged that "the commission diluted or inflated the votes of almost two million Arizona citizens when the commission intentionally and systematically overpopulated 16 Republican districts while under-populating 11 Democrat districts." This, the plaintiffs argued, constituted a partisan gerrymander. The plaintiffs claimed that the commission placed a disproportionately large number of non-minority voters in districts dominated by Republicans; meanwhile, the commission allegedly placed many minority voters in smaller districts that tended to vote Democratic. As a result, the plaintiffs argued, more voters overall were placed in districts favoring Republicans than in those favoring Democrats, thereby diluting the votes of citizens in the Republican-dominated districts. The defendants countered that the population deviations resulted from legally defensible efforts to comply with theVoting Rights Act and obtain approval from theUnited States Department of Justice. At the time of redistricting, certain states were required to obtainpreclearance from the U.S. Department of Justice before adopting redistricting plans or making other changes to their election laws—a requirement struck down by the United States Supreme Court inShelby County v. Holder (2013). On April 20, 2016, the court ruled unanimously that the plaintiffs had failed to prove that a partisan gerrymander had taken place. Instead, the court found that the commission had acted in good faith to comply with the Voting Rights Act. The court's majority opinion was penned by JusticeStephen Breyer.^[28][29][30]

Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission (2015)

See also:Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission

Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission was a case decided by theSupreme Court of the United States in 2015. At issue was the constitutionality of the Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission, which was established bystate constitutional amendment in 2000. According to Article I, Section 4 of theUnited States Constitution, "the Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof." The state legislature argued that the use of the word "legislature" in this context is literal; therefore, only a state legislature may draw congressional district lines. Meanwhile, the commission contended that the word "legislature" ought to be interpreted to mean "the legislative powers of the state," including voter initiatives and referenda. On June 29, 2015, the court ruled 5-4 in favor of the Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission, finding that "redistricting is a legislative function, to be performed in accordance with the state's prescriptions for lawmaking, which may include the referendum and the governor's veto." The majority opinion was penned by JusticeRuth Bader Ginsburg and joined by JusticesAnthony Kennedy,Stephen Breyer,Elena Kagan, andSonia Sotomayor. Chief Justice John Roberts and JusticesClarence Thomas,Antonin Scalia, andSamuel Alito dissented.^{[31][32][33][34]}

State-by-state procedures

This section outlines the congressional and state legislative redistricting procedures in each state. For more detailed information about the procedures in a given state, click that state's name in one of the tables blow.

Congressional districts

Most states are required to draw new congressional district lines every 10 years following completion of United States Census (those states comprising one congressional district are not required to redistrict). In 33 of these states, state legislatures play the dominant role in congressional redistricting. In nine states, commissions draw congressional district lines. In two states, hybrid systems are used, in which the legislatures share redistricting authority with commissions. The remaining states comprise one congressional district each, rendering redistricting unnecessary. See the map and table below for further details.^[35][36]

In the table below, click on a state name for details about that state's redistricting procedures.

State legislative districts

In 34 of the 50 states, state legislatures play the dominant role in state legislative redistricting. Commissions draw state legislative district lines in 14 states. In two states, hybrid systems are used, in which state legislature share redistricting authority with commissions. See the map and table below for further details.^[35][36][37]

In the table below, click on a state name for details about that state's redistricting procedures.

Redistricting commissions

See also:Redistricting commissions

Aredistricting commission is a body authorized to draft and implementelectoral district maps. The composition and operation of these commissions varies from state to state. In general, a redistricting commission can take one of two forms: politician commissions and non-politician commissions. Ballotpedia considers a politician commission to be any redistricting commission whose members can hold political office. A non-politician commission is any redistricting commission whose members can not hold political office. Note that Ballotpedia does not use the term "independent redistricting commission."

How incarcerated persons are counted for redistricting

As of August 2021, twelve states required redistricting authorities to count prison inmates who are state residents at their pre-incarceration address, rather than in the community where their detention facility is located. Eleven states had those policies take effect with the 2020 redistricting cycle, whileIllinois' policy was not scheduled to go into effect until 2025.^[38][39] PresidentJoe Biden (D) won all 12 of these states in the2020 presidential election.

These states differed on whether their policy for counting incarcerated persons in their pre-incarceration districts applied to legislative or congressional maps. Five states counted incarcerated persons at their pre-incarceration addresses for legislative maps only, and seven counted them at their pre-incarceration residences for both legislative and congressional maps.

The states' policies also differed on how out-of-state inmates, and inmates with unknown previous residences, are counted. Two states—Colorado andVirginia—count these people as residents in their correctional facility for redistricting purposes. Seven exclude this group from all district redistricting population calculations.Connecticut counts these inmates as generic residents of the state, andNevada’s policies do not address the issue.Pennsylvania excluded out-of-state inmates from all district population calculations, but counted in-state inmates with unknown previous residences as residents of their correctional facility.

Federal inmates are counted the same as state inmates in six states, and are excluded from redistricting calculations in two states. Four states have not addressed how to count persons incarcerated in federal facilities for redistricting.

Redistricting legislation

The table below lists redistricting bills introduced during or carried over to each state's regular legislative session this year. The following information is included for each bill:

• State
• Bill number
• Official bill name or caption
• Most recent action date
• Legislative status
• Sponsor party
• Topics dealt with by the bill

Bills are organized by state and then by most recent action. The table displays up to 100 results. To view more bills, use the arrows in the upper-right corner. Clicking on a bill will open its page onBallotpedia's Election Administration Legislation Tracker, which includes bill details and a summary.

See also

• Redistricting
• Redistricting commissions
• State legislative and congressional redistricting after the 2020 census
• State legislative and congressional redistricting after the 2010 census
• United States census, 2020

External links

• All About Redistricting (Loyola Law School)
• The American Redistricting Project
• United States Census Bureau, Redistricting Data

Footnotes

v • e Election policy Election legislation Ballotpedia's Election Administration Legislation Tracker •Ballotpedia's The Ballot Bulletin •Election legislation tracking: list of sub-topics •Absentee/mail-in voting •Early voting •Election dates and deadlines •Election Day voting •Ranked-choice voting •Redistricting •Voter registration Election administration Alabama •Alaska •Arizona •Arkansas •California •Colorado •Connecticut •Delaware •Florida •Georgia •Hawaii •Idaho •Illinois •Indiana •Iowa •Kansas •Kentucky •Louisiana •Maine •Maryland •Massachusetts •Michigan •Minnesota •Mississippi •Missouri •Montana •Nebraska •Nevada •New Hampshire •New Jersey •New Mexico •New York •North Carolina •North Dakota •Ohio •Oklahoma •Oregon •Pennsylvania •Rhode Island •South Carolina •South Dakota •Tennessee •Texas •Utah •Vermont •Virginia •Washington •Washington, D.C. •West Virginia •Wisconsin •Wyoming Voting policy Alabama •Alaska •Arizona •Arkansas •California •Colorado •Connecticut •Delaware •Florida •Georgia •Hawaii •Idaho •Illinois •Indiana •Iowa •Kansas •Kentucky •Louisiana •Maine •Maryland •Massachusetts •Michigan •Minnesota •Mississippi •Missouri •Montana •Nebraska •Nevada •New Hampshire •New Jersey •New Mexico •New York •North Carolina •North Dakota •Ohio •Oklahoma •Oregon •Pennsylvania •Rhode Island •South Carolina •South Dakota •Tennessee •Texas •Utah •Vermont •Virginia •Washington •West Virginia •Wisconsin •Wyoming Electoral systems policy Alabama •Alaska •Arizona •Arkansas •California •Colorado •Connecticut •Delaware •Florida •Georgia •Hawaii •Idaho •Illinois •Indiana •Iowa •Kansas •Kentucky •Louisiana •Maine •Maryland •Massachusetts •Michigan •Minnesota •Mississippi •Missouri •Montana •Nebraska •Nevada •New Hampshire •New Jersey •New Mexico •New York •North Carolina •North Dakota •Ohio •Oklahoma •Oregon •Pennsylvania •Rhode Island •South Carolina •South Dakota •Tennessee •Texas •Utah •Vermont •Virginia •Washington •West Virginia •Wisconsin •Wyoming Primary elections policy Alabama •Alaska •Arizona •Arkansas •California •Colorado •Connecticut •Delaware •Florida •Georgia •Hawaii •Idaho •Illinois •Indiana •Iowa •Kansas •Kentucky •Louisiana •Maine •Maryland •Massachusetts •Michigan •Minnesota •Mississippi •Missouri •Montana •Nebraska •Nevada •New Hampshire •New Jersey •New Mexico •New York •North Carolina •North Dakota •Ohio •Oklahoma •Oregon •Pennsylvania •Rhode Island •South Carolina •South Dakota •Tennessee •Texas •Utah •Vermont •Virginia •Washington •West Virginia •Wisconsin •Wyoming Redistricting policy Alabama •Alaska •Arizona •Arkansas •California •Colorado •Connecticut •Delaware •Florida •Georgia •Hawaii •Idaho •Illinois •Indiana •Iowa •Kansas •Kentucky •Louisiana •Maine •Maryland •Massachusetts •Michigan •Minnesota •Mississippi •Missouri •Montana •Nebraska •Nevada •New Hampshire •New Jersey •New Mexico •New York •North Carolina •North Dakota •Ohio •Oklahoma •Oregon •Pennsylvania •Rhode Island •South Carolina •South Dakota •Tennessee •Texas •Utah •Vermont •Virginia •Washington •West Virginia •Wisconsin •Wyoming Recount laws Alabama •Alaska •Arizona •Arkansas •California •Colorado •Connecticut •Delaware •Florida •Georgia •Hawaii •Idaho •Illinois •Indiana •Iowa •Kansas •Kentucky •Louisiana •Maine •Maryland •Massachusetts •Michigan •Minnesota •Mississippi •Missouri •Montana •Nebraska •Nevada •New Hampshire •New Jersey •New Mexico •New York •North Carolina •North Dakota •Ohio •Oklahoma •Oregon •Pennsylvania •Rhode Island •South Carolina •South Dakota •Tennessee •Texas •Utah •Vermont •Virginia •Washington •West Virginia •Wisconsin •Wyoming Ballot access for political candidates Alabama •Alaska •Arizona •Arkansas •California •Colorado •Connecticut •Delaware •Florida •Georgia •Hawaii •Idaho •Illinois •Indiana •Iowa •Kansas •Kentucky •Louisiana •Maine •Maryland •Massachusetts •Michigan •Minnesota •Mississippi •Missouri •Montana •Nebraska •Nevada •New Hampshire •New Jersey •New Mexico •New York •North Carolina •North Dakota •Ohio •Oklahoma •Oregon •Pennsylvania •Rhode Island •South Carolina •South Dakota •Tennessee •Texas •Utah •Vermont •Virginia •Washington •West Virginia •Wisconsin •Wyoming Ballot access for presidential candidates Alabama •Alaska •Arizona •Arkansas •California •Colorado •Connecticut •Delaware •Florida •Georgia •Hawaii •Idaho •Illinois •Indiana •Iowa •Kansas •Kentucky •Louisiana •Maine •Maryland •Massachusetts •Michigan •Minnesota •Mississippi •Missouri •Montana •Nebraska •Nevada •New Hampshire •New Jersey •New Mexico •New York •North Carolina •North Dakota •Ohio •Oklahoma •Oregon •Pennsylvania •Rhode Island •South Carolina •South Dakota •Tennessee •Texas •Utah •Vermont •Virginia •Washington •West Virginia •Wisconsin •Wyoming Ballot access for political parties Alabama •Alaska •Arizona •Arkansas •California •Colorado •Connecticut •Delaware •Florida •Georgia •Hawaii •Idaho •Illinois •Indiana •Iowa •Kansas •Kentucky •Louisiana •Maine •Maryland •Massachusetts •Michigan •Minnesota •Mississippi •Missouri •Montana •Nebraska •Nevada •New Hampshire •New Jersey •New Mexico •New York •North Carolina •North Dakota •Ohio •Oklahoma •Oregon •Pennsylvania •Rhode Island •South Carolina •South Dakota •Tennessee •Texas •Utah •Vermont •Virginia •Washington •West Virginia •Wisconsin •Wyoming Electoral systems Single-winner system •Multi-winner system •Block voting system •Plurality voting system •Majority voting system •Top-two primary •Blanket primary •Open primary •Closed primary •Semi-closed primary •Top-four primary •Ranked-choice voting (RCV) •STAR voting •Approval voting •Fusion voting