Abstract: A language-based cognitive model of the process of spiritualization wasrecently proposed which suggests that noticing a desired virtue or qualityin the behavior of others is a key complement to increased awareness ofthe virtue gained through study of holy writings, praying or through otherformal instructional situations. To investigate this role for noticing andawareness, two linguistics, one a Mormon and the other a Bahá'í, administered a survey to 250 members of their respective religions. Anopen-ended essay asked the respondents to indicate which virtues and qualitiesthey wanted to develop in themselves and which they noticed in the behaviorand attitudes of people around them. In addition, respondents were askedto rate themselves on their possession of eleven virtues determined by theinvestigators to be important to both Mormons and Bahá'ís.A further item related the length of time the respondent had been a memberof the religion or had participated in a Mission with the respondent's totalspiritualization score. Analysis of the results suggests that both groupsnoticed virtues which they sought to acquire. In addition, the role of timeor participation in a highly focused spiritual activity was positivelycorrelatedwith virtue acquisition.

In this paper spiritualization is defined as the process wherebyindividualsdevelop and manifest those inherent qualities and attributes identifiedby the world's religions as befitting humankind's spiritual nature. Fromthe spiritual perspective, the purpose of physical life is to enableindividualsto develop these qualities in order to prepare for their existence in thelife to come as well as to transform their present existence. Although Godis omnipotent and could have created humankind already spiritualized,Bahá'u'lláh,the Founder of the Bahá'í Faith, explains that God has allowedindividuals to choose to undergo the process (1).

If God had pleased, He had surely made all men one people. His purpose, however, is to enable the pure in spirit and the detached in heart to ascend, byvirtue of their own innate powers, unto the shores of the Most Great Ocean(Gleanings, 71).

Our research is based on a cognitive model proposed at the 1994 AnnualConference of the Association for Bahá'í Studies, North America(Fotos, 1994a). The model identified two components of the spiritualizationprocess. The first is regular exposure to holy writings, recitation of prayers,meditation and other means of formal study such as listening to sermonsand talks and reading commentaries on holy writings. The second is observationof people who manifest spiritual virtues in their conduct. Regarding therole of example, Bahá'u'lláh writes:

Whoso ariseth, in this Day...and summoneth to his assistance the hostsof a praiseworthy character and upright conduct, the influence flowing fromsuch an action will, most certainly, be diffused throughout the whole world(Gleanings, 287).

Cognitive psychology began in the mid-1950s with the goal of providingan account of the processes and structures involved in cognition (Eysenck,1990). The field is based on an information-processing approach, meaningthat information from the environment becomes knowledge through being processedby a series of systems: attention; perception; short-term memory (also calledworking memory); and long-term memory. Several types of knowledge have beenidentified. First, there is conscious knowledge about something, for example,about the rules and forms of a language. This is called explicit or declarativeknowledge. There is also knowledge of how to do something, such as how todrive a car or speak a language. This is called implicit or proceduralknowledge,and tends to be unconscious.

Studies have shown that these two knowledge systems are separateand thatdeveloping one system does not develop the other. For example, if a personstudies a new vocabulary word in a language class, she has only developedexplicit knowledge. She cannot go out and immediately use the word in naturalconversation because her implicit knowledge of the word does not yet exist.Consequently, an important question in the field of language learning ishow the first type of knowledge is converted to the second. Is it possiblethat the two forms of knowledge are related (Sharwood Smith, 1981; Gregg,1984) or is the non-interface position (Krashen, 1985) more accurate?

Although evidence exists to support both positions, the most recentresearchfavors the existence of some type of connection between the two knowledgesystems and it has been suggested that the process of noticing (Ellis, 1990;1994; Fotos, 1993; Sharwood Smith, 1981; 1991; Schmidt, 1990; 1992; 1993)is one important interface. The noticing-based model of language acquisitionpresents a possible pathway for the conversion of formal knowledge of languagepoints into communicative language use. This model was derived frompsycholinguistictheory and has been empirically tested in research on second languageacquisition(Fotos, 1991; 1993; 1994b; Fotos & Ellis, 1991). The following sectiondescribes how this model operates.

Operation of the Noticing Model

Formal instruction, such as a language lesson, only developsexplicit knowledgeof rules and grammar. However, after the learner has explicit knowledgeabout a language point, her consciousness of the new point has been raised.Very often she continues to be aware of the new point after the lesson.This type of awareness resulting from formal instruction has been called"consciousness-raising" in psycholinguistic theory (Ellis, 1990;1994; Fotos, 1993; Schmidt, 1990; 1992; 1993; Sharwood Smith, 1981; 1991)(2), and many linguists see consciousness raising (3) as critical to thelanguage acquisition process because it leads to noticing. Once a learneris conscious of a language point, if she then has opportunities to hearit in communicative language used around her, she tends to notice it. Here,noticing is related to the traditional psychological concepts of attentionand awareness (4). It is a consciousness process in which the learner isaware of an experience and can recall what has happened.

Noticing is important because it appears to be a trigger initiating therestructuring of the learner's implicit knowledge system (Schmidt, 1990;1992; 1993). When a learner notices a language point frequently, sheunconsciouslycompares it with her existing system of linguistic knowledge, constructingnew hypotheses to accommodate the differences between the noticed informationand her current system. Then she tests these new hypotheses­p;againunconsciously­p;byattending to language input and also by getting feedback on her own outputusing the new form. In this way, implicit knowledge has been created. Yeteverything has been done unconsciously, over time, within the long-termmemory system. It is very important to recognize that, because of the natureof the restructuring process, the learner begins to produce the new formonly after a delay.

It should be noted that this process is dependent upon interaction withothers. Many cognitive approaches now incorporate the work of educationalpsychologists who emphasize the interactive nature of the construction ofmeaning and the development of cognition. For example, the Russian psychologistVygotsky (5) (1978) investigated language and cognition in children andconcluded that learning is a socially constructed, interactive process,not merely an internal cognitive event.

So, to review, adults learn to speak new languages throughmeaning-focuseduse of the language in communicative situations­p;basically, throughinteraction with others. Formal instruction cannot be expected to immediatelyenable the learner to use and understand a new language point. What formalinstruction does do is to develop explicit knowledge, which then leads toconsciousness of the language point so that it is noticed in subsequentcommunicative input. After it has been noticed a number of times, the newlanguage point eventually becomes implicit knowledge through unconsciousrestructuring of the learner's internal linguistic system. It is only atthis time that the new form is available for use in communicativesituations.

Applying the Noticing Model to Spiritualization

This model will now be applied to the process of spiritualtransformation.Let us recall that there were five components:
(1) Formal instruction on a language point
(2) Consciousness raising and continued awareness of the new point
(3) Repeated acts of noticing the new point in communicative input
(4) Unconscious processes of restructuring the implicit knowledge system, processes which are dependent upon interaction with others
(5) The appearance of the new point in the learner's own speech

We suggest that parallel stages exist in the process of spiritualtransformation:

(1) Formal instruction

When an individual reads the holy writings, recites prayers, or listensto sermons or talks, this constitutes formal instruction on desirable spiritualattributes and qualities. Yet this is not sufficient. Explicit knowledgeof what constitutes desirable virtues is probably not enough fortransformation,just as explicit linguistic knowledge is not enough for the developmentof communicative ability in a new language. Some form of consciousnessraising is necessary, followed by opportunities for noticing the attributesand virtues in the conduct of others.

(2) Consciousness raising and continued awareness

In the case of successful language learners, the development ofconsciousnessin response to formal instruction is related to both motivation and theapplication of various learning strategies such as attention and effort.Perhaps the situation is similar here. For those who are motivated to change,there is no doubt that daily exposure to prayers, meditation, reading theholy writings and the like can create an increased awareness of desirablespiritual attributes and one's own need to acquire them. At the end of thispresentation, we will mention some strategies used in language learningwhich might also be of assistance in spiritualization.

(3) Noticing

Given the critical role our model ascribes to noticing in therestructuringprocess, it is clear why many religions stress deeds rather than words.In addition to being of direct benefit to others, good deeds provide examplesof spiritual attributes and qualities which then can be noticed. In thisway, the good deeds of the spiritually mature can influence those aroundthem to become aware of and even "pick up" spiritual qualities,even if "formal instruction" through reading prayers and holywritings hasn't occurred.

(4) Developing intrinsic knowledge through restructuring

By comparison of noticed spiritual attributes with her own internalsystem,the individual forms new hypotheses regarding appropriate beliefs, valuesand conduct. And finally, the individual tests these hypotheses by manifestingthe new attributes in her own outlook and behavior. Interaction with othershas thus enabled the individual to advance spiritually (6).

However, we must remember that although people may develop explicitknowledgequickly, achievement of implicit knowledge is gradual and under internalprocessing constraints. It takes time for people to transform themselvesand patience is required while the necessary processing occurs.

We undertook our study to investigate the operation of this model. Weadministered a short survey to two group of religious believers, 176 membersof the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (LDS) and 49Bahá'ís.The Mormon group was subdivided into 90 Mormons who were currently servingas missionaries in Japan and 86 Mormons who had returned from their mission.The survey is given at the end of this report.

We asked the respondents how long they had been a member of theirreligion,what virtues they wanted to develop in themselves and what virtues theynoticed in others. We also asked them to rate themselves on the possessionof eleven virtues. The eleven scores in this section were added to producea total virtue score for each respondent.

Research Questions

These areas were our research focus:
(1) Differences in Total Virtue Scores between Groups and Time Effectson Total Virtue Scores
Were there significant differences between the total virtue scores of theMormons and the Bahá'ís? If so, were the differences relatedto time or to participation in a highly focused spiritual event, as representedby the LDS mission? In addition, what did the LDS cross-sectional data suggestabout the maintenance of spiritualization levels subsequent to the mission?

(2) Testing the Noticing Model
Did the respondents notice virtues in others which they wanted to developin themselves. If the noticed virtues were also listed in the eleven virtuesection, what was the average score? Was it high, indicating that therespondentsfelt they had made progress acquiring the virtues? Or was it low, indicatingthat the respondents realized that they had to make effort to acquire thevirtue? Were there differences between Mormons and Bahá'ís?

(3) Relationships between Desired Virtues and the Total Virtue Score
If the virtues which the respondents wanted to acquire were listed in theeleven virtue section, what was the average score? Was it high, indicatingthat the respondents felt they had made progress acquiring the virtues?Or was it low, indicating that the respondents realized that they had tomake effort to acquire the virtue? Again, were there differences betweenMormons and Bahá'ís? Did the respondents list virtues todevelop which were not in the eleven virtue section; if so, what were they?

Subjects

(1) Bahá'í : A convenience sample consisting of members ofthe Bahá'í Faith who were on a nine-day Pilgrimage to theBahá'í World Center in Haifa, Israel, or were attending apresentation on spiritualization at the 18th Annual Conference of theAssociationfor Bahá'í Studies, North America, were asked to fill outthe survey. All but three surveys were returned and only one survey wasincomplete, giving a total of 49 valid surveys.

(2) Mormon: The 176 Mormons who completed the survey were subjects in astudy of the acquisition and loss of Japanese by Mormon missionaries (Hansen,1995; 1996; 1998 [in preparation]; Hansen, Gardner & Pollard, 1997;Hansen & Newbold, 1997; Hansen & Stokes, 1997). There were two groups.The first consisted of 90 missionaries in Japan between the ages of 19 to24 and the second consisted of 86 former missionaries who had returned toUtah from Japan from one to 40 years previously. The subjects were testedindividually. The missionaries were interviewed in a classroom of a churchbuilding during a missionary conference and the returned missionaries (RMs)in Utah in their home, their office or in an office on a university campus.The RMs were found through lists acquired from returned missionaryorganizationsand were contacted initially by telephone. Others were located by word ofmouth from subjects at data collection times. Of those contacted, 94% agreedto participate in the study. A small remuneration was offered for theirparticipation, but was most often declined. The spiritualization surveyreported in this paper and a demographic data sheet were completed by allof these subjects prior to the administration of five Japanese languageelicitation tasks.

The Mormon Mission

At present, over forty thousand Latter Day Saints missionaries,most betweenthe ages of 19 and 23, serve in all areas of the free world. From the timethey are called to the mission field until they are released, the youngpeople are engaged in missionary activity. Even in those moments when theyare not directly involved in proselytizing efforts, they must at all timesbe accompanied by their missionary companion, a circumstance that remindsthem constantly of their missionary role (Britsch, 1975). In this report,we suggest that participation in the LDS mission therefore constitutes ahighly focused spiritual activity.

The Survey

Three open-ended and eleven Likert-scale items were used. In theformer,respondents were asked to indicate how long they had been a member of theirreligion, which virtues they wanted to develop in themselves, and whichthey noticed in others. The Likert-scale items measured the respondent'sself-assessed development of eleven virtues which were important to boththe Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints and the Bahá'íFaith. In addition to their "now" ratings on the eleven virtues,the LDS respondents were asked to rate themselves on their earlier levelsof spirituality. The missionaries in Japan were asked to rate themselveson the virtues before their missions and the RMs during their missions.Each item had six possible answers, with "always" scored as sixpoints and "not" scored as one point, except in the case of item10, "Covetous," where the scoring was in the opposite direction.The eleven individual scores were added together to produce a Total VirtueScore for each respondent. This had a maximum possible value of 66 pointsand a minimum of 11 points.

Analysis of the Survey

Although researchers in the social sciences caution that self-reporteddata is often unreliable because respondents tend to choose the most sociallyacceptable answers or answer similar items in similar ways, this is anexploratorysurvey with several open-ended questions, so we do not feel that reliabilityis a major concern in the present report. Future research must address thereliability question through a survey containing at least 50 items, withpositively and negatively worded items within the same item family,correlationsbetween the two item forms reported, and Chronbach alpha reliability figuresreported for all item families.

In order to determine the significance of group differences for thetotalvirtue scores between the Bahá'ís, the LDS missionaries andthe LDS returned missionaries, a one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) wasrun (7). Independent and paired t-tests were used to examine the significanceof differences in total virtue scores between all-Mormon groups andBahá'ís,as well as between LDS ratings for virtues "now" and previously,and between the LDS missionaries and three RM subgroups defined accordingto the elapsed time since their mission: (1) one to five years; (2) sixto 24 years; and (3) 25-40 years. The relationship between the total virtuescore and time was examined by Pearson's product-moment correlations foreach group of subjects. For the Bahá'ís, time was definedas the number of years the subject had been a member of theBahá'í Faith. However, for the LDS missionaries, time was defined as the numberof months on the mission. For the RMs, time was considered to be the numberof years since the mission. To answer our second and third research questions,the proportion of noticed virtues which respondents wanted to develop inthemselves was calculated, as were the mean scores for the desired and noticedvirtues also found in the eleven virtue section. The alpha level was setat .05, p< .05 for all tests of significance.

This section presents the results and discussion of each researchquestionseparately.

Research Question 1. Differences in Total Virtue Scores between Groupsand Time Effects on Total Virtue Scores

Table 1 gives the average present total virtue score for the threegroupsof respondents. A significant difference was found between the responsesof the Mormons, whether they were on their Mission or whether they had returnedfrom it years before, and the Bahá'ís, with theBahá'í scores significantly lower. However, this result must be interpretedcautiously,as it may be due to differences between the two religions in their approachto self-assessment rather than to actual differences in spiritual development.Table 2 shows a further breakdown of the Mormon scores with time differencesdisplayed.

Table 1: Mean Total Virtue Scores for the Different Groups     ______________________________________________________     Group/  Number of Subjects/  Mean Total Virtue Score          ______________________________________________________     LDS  Mormons          90               51.29                         Returned Mormons      86               51.44    Bahá'ís               49               45.12*_____________________________________________________     * A statistically significant difference existed between this score andthe other two scores.               Table 2: Mean Total Virtue Scores for Mormon Groups     ______________________________________________________     Group/ Number of Subjects / Time/ Mean Total Virtue Score     ______________________________________________________     Current missionaries  90       Before mission*     40.88**          Current missionaries  90       During mission      51.28          Former Missionaries   86                 Former Missionaries--During  mission*              51.77          Former Missionaries--Returned 1-5 years            51     Former Missionaries--Returned 6-24 years           49.11                      Former Missionaries--Returned 25-40 years          52.81     ______________________________________________________     * Scores were estimated by respondents.     ** A statistically significant difference existed between this score andthe other scores.

In comparing the Mormon results, it should be noted that the reportedscores before the mission were significantly lower than during or afterthe mission. This result is interesting because it suggests that the missionaryexperience was related to the respondents' self-perceptions of the successfuldevelopment and maintenance of high levels of the eleven virtues.

Regarding the effects of time on perceived acquisition of virtues, theMormons who were on their mission showed a significant positive correlation between the number of months they had been on their mission and their totalvirtue scores (r=.76, p< .05). However, for the Mormon group who hadreturned from their mission, there was no significant correlation betweenelapsed time and virtue scores (r=.24, NS). This is additional evidencesuggesting that the Mormon mission experience significantly enhanced feelingsof spiritualization in the participants, who then reported that they feltthey were able to maintain their levels of spiritualization regardless ofthe passage of time.

Correlational analysis relating the Bahá'ís' total virtuescores to the length of time the respondents had been members of theBahá'í Faith also revealed a significant positive time effect (r= .78, p<.05). Thus, positive relationships between time and the development ofspiritualvirtues existed for both groups. For the Mormons, however, participationin a highly focused spiritual event was more critical than the number ofyears the respondents had been members of the Mormon Church. In contrast,the Bahá'í subjects lacked a comparable focused spiritualevent; rather, it was the length of time that they had been members of theBahá'í Faith which was related to increasing developmentof spiritual virtues. Future investigation of Bahá'í subjectsshould focus on participants in a similar focused spiritual event, perhapsusing subjects from a Youth Year of Service program, a teaching projector Bahá'í pioneers.


Research Question 2: Testing the Noticing Model

Members of both groups indicated that they noticed virtues inothers whichthey wanted to develop in themselves. Of the Mormons, 44% (79 of the 179respondents) noticed at least one virtue in others which they said theywished develop. The average score on noticed virtues which were also listedin the eleven virtue section was 4.3 out of a possible total of 6 points.This was a medium value, indicating that the respondents felt that theyhad neither high nor low values of the desired virtue.

Of the Bahá'ís, 49% (24 of the 49 respondents) noticed atleast one virtue in others which they said they wished to develop. Of thetotal of 138 virtues listed in the "want to develop" section, nearly a third (39) were also noticed in the behavior of others. However,only 15 respondents noticed virtues which were listed in the eleven virtuesection below. Here the average score was 3.8 points out of a possible totalof 6 points. Again, although the Bahá'í score was slightlyhigher than the Mormon score, this was a medium value, indicating thatrespondentsfelt that they had neither high nor low values of the noticed virtue.

In summary, nearly half of the respondents noticed virtues thatthey wantedto develop in themselves. Nearly one third of the desirable virtues werenoticed in the behavior of others. These values, although not high enoughto be conclusive, suggest that noticing plays a part in the acquisitionof virtues.

Research Question 3. Relationships between Desired Virtues and the TotalVirtue Score

The number of virtues the LDS respondents indicated that they wanted todevelop averaged about three. For the desired virtues also found in theeleven virtue section, the average score was 4.2 out of a total of 6 possiblepoints. This was a medium value, indicating that the respondents felt thatthey had neither high nor low values of the virtue. Frequently mentionedvirtues respondents wanted to develop in themselves which were not listedin the eleven virtue section included: compassionate, congenial, dependable,empathetic, flexible, gentle, kind, knowledgeable of scriptures, loving,nonjudgemental, sincere, tolerant, and service oriented (willing to serve).

The Bahá'ís listed a total of 146 virtues which theywantedto develop, an average of about three virtues per respondent. This was similarto the average number given by the Mormon respondents. Of these, 53 werealso found in the eleven virtue section. Similar to the average score fornoticed virtues, the average score for desired virtues was 3.3 out of atotal of 6 possible points, nearly one point lower than the Mormon averagescore. Again, this was a medium value, indicating that the respondents feltthat they had neither high nor low values of the desired virtue. Frequentlymentioned virtues which the respondents wanted to develop which were notlisted in the eleven virtue section included: loving, kind, compassionate,warm, peaceful, insightful, courageous, noble, serene, just or fair, steadfast,radiant, positive, spiritual, pure, sincere, hardworking, hopeful, sensitiveand understanding of others, detached and tolerant.

Summary of Findings

The major findings of this preliminary study can be summarized asfollows:

(1) Increased spiritualization scores were positively related to the lengthof time the respondent had been a member of the religion and also toparticipationin the highly focused spiritual event of the Mormon Mission.

(2) Nearly half of the Bahá'ís and 44% of the Mormons reportedthat they noticed the existence of desirable virtues in the behavior ofothers. Similar results were obtained in a linguistic study of noticingin learners of English as a foreign language (Fotos, 1993). In this research,learners were tested to see if they noticed previously instructed grammarpoints in communicative input. An average of 53% of the respondents noticedthe target grammar points, whereas members of the control group, who hadnot received formal instruction on the grammar points, did not notice thestructures at all. The study also found evidence linking high levels ofnoticing to proficiency gains. In light of the results of this linguisticstudy, it appears that noticing desired virtues in the behavior of othersmay play a significant role in facilitating their development in theobserver.

(3) Differences existed between the two groups of respondents regardingtotal virtue scores on the eleven virtue section, as well as average scoreson noticed and desired virtues also listed in the eleven virtue section. However we do not suggest that this is necessarily related to actualdifferencesin spirituality but rather to differences in the nature of self-assessment.

In the final section of this paper we will introduce some educationalstrategies which have been shown to facilitate second/foreign language learning(8). We believe that these strategies can also be beneficial in thespiritualizationprocess. Frequent conscious use of strategies enables language learnersto gain a measure of responsibility for their own progress. It has beenfound that effective language learners are aware of the strategies theyuse and why they use them (Oxford, 1990). Furthermore, such learners areable to tailor the use of strategies to the demands of the particular taskand also to their personal needs. In the same way, through the use ofstrategiesthose who seek to become more spiritual can assume a more active role intheir spiritualization process, and a forthcoming paper by one of the presentauthors (Fotos, 1998) examines this topic in more detail.

Three general types of learning strategy are:

(1) Metacognitive Strategies: The term "metacognitive" refersto thinking about how we think, learn and react. Examples of metacognitivestrategies are evaluating progress, planning future actions, paying attentionto the actions of others and monitoring our own errors. The ideas ofconsciousness-raising,self awareness and noticing fit in here.

(2) Cognitive Strategies: These strategies focus on how we interact withothers, how we manipulate our actions and how we apply specific techniques.Included in cognitive strategies are reasoning, analyzing, summarizing andpracticing. Also included are compensatory strategies which make up forlacks. In the case of language learning, such strategies include guessingmeanings from context and using synonyms or gestures to convey meaning (Oxford,1990). In the spiritualization context, comparable strategies would beanalyzing behavior, identifying situations in which virtues we want to develop shouldbe used, and then applying the virtues through deliberate effort. Specificstrategies in this area include mentally rehearsing desired responses thatincorporate the virtues and visualization of success in applying desiredvirtues.

(3) Social and Affective Strategies: This area concerns interaction withothers. Affective strategies are those involving control of feelings andemotions, such as strategies for anxiety reduction, self-encouragement andself-reward. Social strategies include asking questions, cooperating withothers and becoming aware of the limitations of our own point of view.

This preliminary study suggests that noticing desired virtues in thebehavior of others may be of importance in facilitating spiritualtransformation.Like other cognitive processes, spiritual transformation takes place overtime; however, it may be possible to enhance spiritualization by intensiveparticipation in a highly focused religious activity. The Mormon data isparticularly interesting as it indicates that respondents' self perceptionsof spiritual development were permanently heightened by participation ina focused spiritual event. In addition, the Bahá'í data suggeststhat the length of membership in the religion is also important forrespondents'positive self appraisals. Further research with longer questionnaires toaddress reliability concerns as well as qualitative methodology includingcase studies and interviews is called for, especially investigations comparingself-perceptions towards spirituality among different groups-- such as thosewho participated in focused activities compared with those who did not,as well as long-time versus short-time members. It is also suggested thatthe application of strategies which heighten self-awareness may enableindividualsto take more control over their spiritualization process.

This paper was presented at the 19th Annual Conference of theAssociation for Bahá'í Studies, North America, San Francisco, CA, October13, 1995. It was awarded the prize for multiple-author research.


Sandra Fotos (Ed. D., TESOL) is Associate Professor of Englishat Senshu University, Department of Economics, 2-1-1 Higashi Mita, Tama-ku,Kawasaki-shi, Kanagawa-ken 214, Japan.

Lynne Hanson (Ph.D., Linguistics) is Professor of Linguistics atBrigham Young University, 55-220 Kulanui Street, Laie, Hawaii 96762, USA.

1. See Hatcher (1987) for a full discussion of this point.
2. For a thorough treatment of the role of consciousness in second languagelearning, see the 1994 issue of theAILA Review, the annual publicationof the Association Internationale de Linguistique Appliquée.
3. In 1991 Sharwood Smith replaced the term "consciousness raising"with "input enhancement.
4. See Tomlin & Villa (1994) for their discussion of these concepts.
5. The work of Lev Semenovich Vygotsky (1896-1934), available to the Westonly recently, has had a considerable impact on the field of education,particularly in the areas of cognition and language development. Forpresentationsof his thought, see Wertsch (1985) or Kozulin (1986).
6. An additional pathway between explicit grammar knowledge and the developmentof implicit linguistic knowledge has been demonstrated by researchers suchas DeKeyser (1994) and Hulstijn (1990): automatization of learned formsthrough practice. Application of automatization to the spiritualizationcontext suggests that if individuals behave as though they possess a particularvirtue and this behavior becomes automatized, then it is functionally asthough the virtue has been acquired.
7. ANOVA tables and t-values are not reported in this presentationversion.
8. There is a large body of literature on effective use of learner strategiesin the field of second/foreign language learning. For reviews, see Oxford(1990), Bialystok (1990) and Smith (1987).

1. How long have you been a Bahá'í? ______________

2. What are the spiritual qualities and virtues which you would most liketo develop in yourself?

3. What are the spiritual virtues and qualities that you tend to noticemost in the behavior and attitudes of people around you?

Read the following list of qualities and virtues. Circle the number whichshows your feeling about the quality now.

1.Patient             I feel that I am ______________ patient.
1. not      2. rarely       3. sometimes       4. often      5. usually      6. always

2.Humble             I feel that I am ______________ humble.
1. not      2. rarely       3. sometimes       4. often      5. usually      6. always

3.Honest             I feel that I am ______________ honest.
1. not      2. rarely       3. sometimes       4. often      5. usually      6. always

4.Prayerful       I feel that I am ______________ prayerful.
1. not      2. rarely       3. sometimes       4. often      5. usually      6. always

5.Unselfish       I feel that I am ______________ unselfish.
1. not      2. rarely       3. sometimes       4. often      5. usually      6. always

6.Forgiving       I feel that I am ______________ forgiving.
1. not      2. rarely       3. sometimes       4. often      5. usually      6. always

7.Studious             I feel that I am ______________ studious.
1. not      2. rarely       3. sometimes       4. often      5. usually      6. always

8.Obedient       I feel that I am ______________ obedient.
1. not      2. rarely       3. sometimes       4. often      5. usually      6. always

9Charitable       I feel that I am ______________ charitable.
1. not      2. rarely       3. sometimes       4. often      5. usually      6. always

10.Covetous       I feel that I am ______________ covetous.
1. not      2. rarely       3. sometimes       4. often      5. usually      6. always

11.Industrious       I feel that I am ______________ industrious.     
1. not      2. rarely       3. sometimes       4. often