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^{)t  Hibrarp of  tt)e ^nibersit  p  of  i^ortb  Carolina Cnbotocb  tip  ®f)e  dialectic anb ^})ilantf)ropic  ^otktiti C  3'^'^'      '  <■  '"'  ^ ;.Sv-. -WJ"»    \'   r.>r FOR  USE  ONLY  IN THE  NORTH  CAROLINA  COLLECTION I^^J'I'-L^S  i££N  MICRfiFJLMEO m \ A  STUDY  OF  MOB  ACTION  IN  THE  SOUTH John  R,  Steelman A  thesis  submitted  to  the  Faculty  of  the  University of  North  Carolina  in  partial  fulfillment  of  the requirements  for  the  degree  of  Doctor  of Philosophy  in  the  Department  of Sociology Chapel  Hill,  N.  C, 1928 ^■.. CONTENTS Chapter X.      The   Ivlan  and  the  Mob Page I.   Introduction  2 II.   Early  History  of  I'ob  Violence  In  the United  States  yy III.   Border  Lynchlno:  and  Anti-Slavery Agitation  *. 2q IV.   i;ob  Violence  and  Reconstruction  54 V.   Lynchlngs:   A  Statistical  Analysis  94 VI .   "/omen  and  ".rhite  L:en  L:>mched  13P VII.   L'Tichings  by  States  and  by  Coimties: The  i:inor  Lynching  States' 161 VIII.   Lynchlngs  by  States  and  by  Counties: The  I.:ajor  Lynching  States  210 IX.   Case  Studies  of  I..ob  Action  in  the  South  .  282 384 Bibliography  423 CHAPTER  I INTRODUCTION Two  points  should  be  emphasized  at  the  outset  In this  study  of  mob  violence  in  the  South  ---  the  Importance  of the  general  subject  throughout  the  nation  and  special  reasons why  such  a  study  relating  particularly  to  the  South  should  be made.  Regarding  the  first,  it  must  be  said  that  the  United States  is,  and  has  ever  been,  characteristically  a  lav/less nation.  In  all  crimes  of  violence  America  is  said  to  lead the  v/orld.  As  Judge  Tally  of  the  covirt  of  General  Sessions in  New  York,  on  inducting  into  office  a  nev/  jxirist,  said: One  of  the  things  that  you  v/ill  come  to  learn  is that  you  have  come  on  the  bench  of  the  greatest criminal  court  in  the  world  ...  at  a  time  when  this country  is  suffering  under  an  indictment  which proclaims  it  to  be  the  most  lawless  on  earth. You  will  find  that  the  United  States  must  plead guilty  to  that  indie tment.l There  are  no  less  than  ten  thousand  miirders  annually in  this  country.   Our  homicide  rate  is  about  twelve  times  that of  England.   In  1923  there  were  200  homicides  in  England  and Tl      Quoted  in  the  New  ^ork  Herald  Tribune.   See  Literary Digest  Vol.  82,  Serit.  "13,  1924.   p.  32, Wales  combined,  v/hlle  In  the  United  States  there  were  more than  10,000,   Statistics  show  that  no  other  country  meastir- ably  approaches  the  United  States  in  the  jnurderous  tendency of  its  people.   If  similar  comparative  figxires  v/ere  available as  to  crimes  of  burglary  and  robbery,  it  is  thought  that  our excess  over  other  nations  in  the  matter  of  murders  would  fade into  comparative  insignificance.   In  1921  there  was  95 robberies  in  England  and  Wales  combined  v/hile  in  New  York, during  the  following  year,  there  were  l,445j  and  in  Chicago, 2,417,   These  are  not  our  worst  cities.   Criminal  statistics from  several  southern  cities,  as  well  as  other  facts  which we  shall  note  later, ' Indicate  that  at  least  in  certain  re- spects the  South  is  the  most  lawless  section  of  the  country. There  are  other  reasons  7/hy  a  study  of  mob  violence relating  particularly  to  the  South  is  not  Inopportune  at  this time.   At  present  the  South  is  more  largely  in  the  center  of attention  than  any  other  section  of  the  country.  Like  the West  in  days  gone  by  it  is  that  section  of  our  country  to which  the  eyes  of  many  are  turned,  and  where  things  are  "going on"  -  where  development  of  practically  every  type  is  taking place  at  hitherto  unknovm  strides.   Today  the  South  is  recog- nized even  beyond  the  country's  borders  as  the  new  "Land  of Opportunity",  It  has  been  referred  to  as  "the  last  great  un- developed section  of  the  North  Temperate  Zone,  its  one  place left  for  pioneering  on  a  vast  scale, "^ 2«  Acierica  Discovers  Dixie,  by  Clarence  Poe,  in  Anerlcan  Re^ view  of  Revle\7S,  April,  1926.   pp.  371ff, To  describe  the  economic  development  of  this section  during  the  Twentieth  Century  would  be  to  reiterate a  story  told  over  and  over  again  during  the  past  decade. That  this  progress  has  been  no  less  than  phenomenal  is  recog- nized in  all  sections  of  the  country.   The  story  of  the  edu- cational progress  of  the  South  since  1900  is  v/lthout  parallel in  the  nation,  even  though  much  remains  yet  to  be  done. Unfortunately  the  otherwise  bright  picture  of  the South  is  marred  by  a  form  of  lawlessness  which,  as  it  de- serves, brings  criticism  from  not  only  other  sections  of  the country,  but  from  across  the  sea  as  v/ell,   Nov/  mob  violence  - even  lynching  -  is  a  national  and  not  a  sectional  crime,  but it  is  characteristically  Southern  and  is  becoming  more  so, While  other  sections  of  our  country  have  little  occasion  for sharply  criticising  the  South  in  this  respect,  possibly  on the  whole  such  criticism  has  been  beneficial.   It  results partly  from  a  long- established  habit,  and  possibly  in  part from  hurt  national  pride.   It  is  true  that  the  disruptive effects  upon  the  individuals  and  communities  where  mob  violence breaks  out  is  not  all  that  it  costs. The  horror  and  frequency  of  mob  violence  in  the South  often  brings  comments  from  beyond  the  bovmds  of  our coiintry  that  doubtless  injure  us  as  a  nation,  WTiether  the South  is  in  general  more  lawless  than  other  parts  of  the country  is  beside  the  point:   the  fact  that  is  is  so  consider- ed, and  that  there  is  enough  truth  in  the  accusation  to  bring it  about  is  what  counts  so  far  as  the  South  is  a  part  of  a nation  desirous  of  being  highly  esteemed  by  others.  It  is  true that,  equally  with  and  possibly  even  more  than  the  phenomenal- ly high  homicide  rate  of  the  country,  southern  mob  violence  is widely  known  and  commented  upon  abroad  more  than  any  other  form of  American  lawlessness.   Irrespective  of  comparisons,  this alone  means  that  southern  mob  violence  is  a  national  and  inter- sectional  problem  as  well  as  a  local  menace. An  English  writer  comments  as  follows:   "Judged by  the  standards  of  Britain  and  the  British  colonies,  the Southern  'ATaite  man  cannot  be  regarded  as  a  law-abiding  per- son," Such  criticisms  would  come  irrespective  of  the  horror of  specific  cases  of  mob  action  in  the  South  because  it  is  so very  different  from  the  more  common  types.  In  order  to  imagine the  askance  with  which  a  distinguished  Hindoo  recently  listen- ed to  the  story  of  inter-racial  progress  in  the  South,  one  Y/ill have  to  remember  that  America  is  the  only  nation.  Christian  or heathen,  v/here  lynching  is  common,  and  that  it  is  the  only civilized  country  in  the  v/orld  v/here  men  are  burned  alive. Not  being  satisfied  with  the  assurance  of  progress  which  v/as showered  upon  him,  he  insisted  upon  more  concrete  evidence; whereupon  he  heard,  but  evidently  did  not  fully  understand, the  follov/ing  story:   During  the  past  year*^  less  than  twenty people  were  murdered  by  mobs.   Two  of  these  were  v/hite,  and only  one  was  a  woman.   Of  the  total  ntimber  who  met  death  at  the hands  of  mobs,  only  two  were  burned  to  death,  and  one  was  burn- ed after  being  hanged  and  shot.   No  wonder  the  visitor  from  a country  and  a  race  that  we  sometimes  "look  down  upon"  could 3.  The  year  was  1925,  ~~' not  understand  how  such  a  situation  as  had  been  described  to hira  could  possibly  be  considered  hopeful.   He  had  evidently come  to  the  wrong  place  for  information  on  inter-racial integration. Possibly  he  would  have  been  more  bewildered  still had  he  been  informed  at  the  time  that  two  men  and  a  v/oman  had just  been  lynched  in  South  Carolina,  and  that  this  episode  was "immediately  follovired  by  a  determined  drive  against  Sunday golf  in  that  community,  backed  by  the  governor  of  the  state and  the  sheriff  of  the  county,"  Of  covirse,  many  golfers  were arrested  but  no  one  was  ever  indicted  for  the  lynching,  al- tho\agh  very  soon  afterwards  the  Governor  knew  by  name  the  men who  did  the  lynching,^  Such  inconsistencies  add  to  the  criti- cism that  is  deservedly  heaped  upon  the  South, In  German  nev/spapers  commenting  upon  V/oodrow  V/ilson»s message  against  lynchings,  it  was  stated  that  in  America  mob murders  are  common.   The  St,  Louis  Republic  replied  in  an article  under  the  caption,  "America  Pleads  Guilty",   The  comic newspapers  of  Moscow  have  compared  Africa  and  America  as follows:   The  former  is  represented  by  a  group  of  African cannibals  seated  around  a  fire  waiting  for  a  helmeted  white  man to  be  roasted,  the  picture  being  labeled,  "In  Barbarous  Africa", Another  picture  represents  a  Negro  burning  at  the  stake,  sur- rounded by  a  mob  of  gleeful  whites,  and  is  labelled,  "In Cultured  America",   Says  Arthur  Ruhl:   "This  aspect  of  our 4,  W.  W.  Alexander,  Have  ;Ve  Really  Improved  as  to  Lynching?   ~ article  in  the  Christian  Advocate,  Dec.  50,  1927.   pTlO, civilization,  v/hich  puzzles  nearly  all  Eiiropeans,  Is  an  easy target  for  satire,  and  every  once  in  so  often  comes  a  cartoon of  this  sort  or  an  editorial  on  "The  Brute  v;ith  a  Veneer  of Civilization," An  English  author  recently  wrote  to  an  American  as follows:  ••••  "I  may  be  permitted  to  express  to  opinion  that your  country  has  still  something  to  do  to  make  America  safe  for democracy  and  to  insure  the  respect  for  constitutional  methods." The  occasion  for  this  letter  was  the  publicly  announced  and attended  burning  of  Henry  Lowery  in  j\rkansas  in  1921,   Comment- ing on  the  same  case  an  editorial  from  Tokyo,  Japan,  maintain- ed that  the  creation  of  a  strong  public  opinion  tliroughout  the world  will  be  necessary  in  order  that  sufficient  pressure  may be  brought  to  bear  "on  the  American  government  to  adopt effective  measures  at  once  so  as  to  make  it  impossible  for the  American  mobs  to  resort  to  these  barbarous  excesses,"^ In  sharp  criticism  of  the  nation  generally,  the  Review  con- tinues:  "Americans  vociferously  claim  to  be  the  champions  of justice  and  hvunanity  yet  they  do  not  hesitate  to  trample  upon these  very  principles  and  perpetrate  the  foulest  deed  ever conceived  ••*•   It  is  an  indelible  stain  on  the  name  of America  ..••  It  goes  to  demonstrate  the  utter  callousness  of hearts  of  the  American  public." Unfortxmate  as  it  may  be,  it  is  nevertheless  in- evitable that  foreign  discussions  of  this  subject  be  concerned with  "America"  and  "Americans",   Nations  see  one  another  as  a 5,  Asian  Review,  May-June,  1921. whole  and  not  by  sections.   Such  criticism  as  v;e  have  noted is  growing  in  volume.   It  is  not  complimentary,  and  doubtless does  some  harm.   It  seems  to  indicate,  along  with  other  facts to  be  noted  subsequently,  that  mob  violence,  especially  as manifested  in  the  South  is  a  problem  of  sufficient  importance to  merit  a  better  xinder standing  than  our  attention  to  it  has yet  brought  forth. If  the  Japanese  and  the  Europeans  speak  of  America as  a  lynching  nation  and  hold  all  Americans  responsible,  so are  different  sections  within  the  nation  referred  to  in  little less  sweeping  terms.  With  all  the  means  of  commumication,  it is  very  largely  true  that  one  section  of  the  country  does  not know  and  understand  what  is  going  on  in  the  other©   The  pre- valence of  the  fallacy  of  tiniversals,  possibly  as  much  as anything  else  would  warrant  any  degree  of  effort  that  a  better understanding  of  the  causes  and  nature  of  mob  action  in  the South  might  be  better  xmderstood. Again  the  time  is  ripe  for  any  new  light  that  may be  thrown  on  the  subject.   This  is  true  for  at  least  two  good reasons:   Mob  action  in  the  South  is,  we  have  said,  very largely  an  inter-racial  matter.   The  first  available  statis- tics show  that  more  white  men  than  negroes  were  being  lynched annually.   Along  with  the  increasing  sectional  concentration of  mob  violence  as  shown  in  Chapter  V,  there  has  been  a  steady concentration  on  the  Negro  race.  Prom  1889  to  1918,  78  per cent  of  those  lynched  were  negroes.   From  1914  to  1918,  81.2 per  cent  and  from  1917  to  1928  practically  95  per  cent  of  all 8 persons  lynched  were  negroes,^ Henry  W,  Grady  long  ago  pointed  out  a  fact  now more  generally  recognized  as  such.   It  Is  up  to  the  people  of the  South  to  settle  the  problem  of  the  harmonious  adjustment of  the  two  races  who  do  and  must  live  here  side  by  side.   The Negro  has  gradually  and  increasingly  interwoven  himself  into the  fabric  of  southern  life.  It  has  been  said  that  the  long- est road  ever  traveled  by  a  race  in  three  hundred  years  v/as from  Jungle  in  Africa  to  Highway  in  American  civilization. The  Am.erican  Negro  has  made  that  journey,  for  now  he  is  in the  Highv/ay  -  as  well  as  in  the  By-ways  -  of  our  life.  He is  found,  even  in  the  South,  in  practically  every  business and  profession,   'Aliat  is  possibly  more  important  still  is  the general  recognition  on  the  part  of  the  more  enlightened  folk that  Y/hatever  makes  for  greater  success  on  the  part  of  the Negro,  m.akes  for  greater  v/ealth  and  happiness  for  the  South as  a  whole.  We  are  -  regardless  of  the  reticence  v.dth  which some  would  admit  it  -  racially  interdependent.   This  is  not only  true  in  matters  economJ.c,  and  in  matters  of  health  and sanitation,  but  is  coming  to  be  so  culturally  as  well.   Each year  brings  added  proof  that  the  Negro  has  his  contribution to  make  to  the  whole  life  of  the  South  and  the  Nation, That  the  Negro  is  veritably  -  and  adirdttedly  -  an indispensable  part  of  our  economic  structure  in  the  South  Is shovm  by  an  Incident  v/hich  at  the  same  time  indicates  some- 6.  It  is  interesting  to  note  further  that  74  per  cent  of  all whites  Ijmched  during  the  past  decade  met  that  fate  in  the South, thing  of  the  nature  of  the  problem  of  adjustment  as  yet  to "be  made  complete.  During  the  World  War  v/hen  labor  was  scarce and  wages  high  in  the  North,  negroes  started  forth  by  the thousands.   They  wanted  better  wages,  but  even  more  than  that they  wanted  justice  before  the  law  and  better  educational opportunities."   Some  of  the  southern  states  exerted  great effort  to  see  that  the  Negroes  did  not  leave.  First,  "moral suasion",  then  force  v;as  employed  to  impede  the  movement northward.   City  ordinances  required  that  labor  agents  pay  as high  as  .'i[;1000  license  fees.   In  Macon,  Georgia,  -  the  state which  leads  in  lynchings  -  the  City  Cotmcil  raised  the  license fee  for  labor  agents  to  ;|^25,000. At  Greenvile,  Mississippi,  trains  were  stopped. Negroes  were  dragged  therefrom  and  others  were  pre- vented from  boarding  them.   Strangers  were  searched for  evidence  that  might  convict  them  as  labor  agents, "7 Whereas  a  generation  ago  It  v/as  only  the  few  who realized  the  importance,  or  contemplated  the  ultimate  solution, of  the  vast  problem  of  racial  adjustm.ent,  today  it  may  be  said that  all  people  of  any  appreciable  degree  of  enlightenment  are concerned  about  it,  Rotighly  it  may  be  said  that  the  beginning of  the  Centxxry  marked  a  change  in  attitude  on  the  part  of  an ever-increasing  number  of  southern  people.   Before  that  time, and  often  since,  inter-sectional  accusations  interspersed  v/ith sharp  enough  epithets  have  been  the  principal  contributions  of the  North  and  the  South  toward  the  problem  of  racial  adjustment. It  is  true  that  this  has  been  needed,  and  has  been  somewhat 7.  Negro  Migration  During  the  War,  Preliminary  Economic  Studies of  the  V.ar,  No.  16,  Chapter  IV, to 10 effective.   Such  "outside"  organizations  as  the  National Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Colored  People  have  on the  whole  done  tremendously  more  good  than  harm.   The  only "harm"  they  are  known  to  have  done  is  that  in  a  few  instances they  have  afforded  an  excuse  for  trouble  that  apparently would  have  happened  anyway, °  It  is  highly  probable  that  the next  generation  of  Southerners  will  m.ore  appreciate  this particular  organization  than  has  the  present  one.   Together with  many  people  of  the  South  who  have  increased  in  number throughout  the  past  generation,  they  have  helped  to  bring before  the  general  public  a  problem  hitherto  contemplated  by the  few.   The  result  is  that  what  once  soxinded  nev/  -  almost as  if  it  had  fallen  out  of  the  skies  -  is  today  commonplace, even  taken  for  granted,  by  a  majority  of  the  southern  people. In  1906,  Hon.  V/illiam  H.  Fleming,  said  in  Athens,  Georgia:^ This  much  seems  clear,  beyond  doubt,  that  the  whites are  going  to  stay  in  this  Southland  for  all  time, and  so  are  the  negroes,,.  If,  then,  both  races  are to  remain  together,  the  plainly  sensible  thing  for statesmen  of  this  day  to  do  is  to  devise  the  best modus  Vivendi,  or  working  plan,  by  which  the  great- est good  can  be  accomplished  for  ourselves  and  our posterity. Today  these  v/ords  would  not  bring  nev/spaper  comment and  personal  letters  from  all  over  the  nation.   Not  so  m.uch that  they  are  not  appropriate,  or  needed;  they  are  too  common- place for  v/ide  comment.  Today  no  Southern  Governor  would  make public  announcement,  to  be  carried  in  large  headlines  hours 8,  See  Chapter  VII,  Gases  No.  7,  10,       ' 9,  Slavery  and  the  Race  Problem  in  the  South,  An  address  before the  Alumni  Society  of  the  State  University  in  Athens, Georgia,  June  19,  1906, 11 in  advance,  that  he  is  pov/erless  to  prevent  a  lynching.   No Southern  Congressman  v/ould  stand  on  the  floor  of  the  United States  Senate  today  and  say;-^^ Yes,  we  have  stuffed  ballot-boxes,  and  will  stuff  them again;  we  have  cheated  niggers  in  elections,  and  v/ill cheat  them  again;  v/e  have  disfranchised  niggers,  and will  disfranchise  all  we  v/ant  to;  we  have  killed  and lynched  niggers  and  will  kill  and  lynch  others;  we have  bxorned  niggers  at  the  stalce  and  will  burn  others; a  nigger  has  no  right  to  live  anyhow,  unlesn  a  v/hite man  wants  him  to  live.   If  you  don*t  like  it  you  can liimp  it. There  is  not  a  southern  state  whose  leaders  would  stand  for that  sort  of  "representation"  at  the  National  Capital. Once  critics  at  the  North  ciirsed  the  South  and praised  the  Negro,  The  South  in  t\irn  cursed  both  the  North and  the  Negro  -  the  former  for  "butting  in"  and  the  latter largely  as  a  matter  of  habit.   The  time  when  this  was  general- ly true  is  no  more.   There  has  come  with  the  passing  of  the years  a  diminution  of  that  type  of  "Americanism"  which  held, (1)  that  no  issue  can  have  two  sides;  (2)  that  if  through some  grave  error  of  Nature  or  Man,  in  a  single  issue  there are  two  sides,  one  of  them  must  be  eradicated.   Today  there  is a  large  degree  of  sympathy  and  some  understanding  back  and forth  across  the  Mason-Dixon  line.   When  there  is  an  outbreak of  mob  violence  in  the  North  or  South,  neither  objects  to  the criticism  of  the  other,  and  generously  adds  its  own.   Since the  beginning  of  the  Century,  and  more  especially  during  the past  decade  the  nvunber  of  southern  nev/spapers  readily  con- 10.  See  J.  E,  WTiite,  Thinking  Y^liite  about  the  Negro  in  tEe South,  p.  124,  quoting  from  a  speech  by  a  South  Carolina Senator, 12 demnlng  mob  violence  has  grown  steadily.   The  time  Is  £,one, consequently,  when  the  tone  of  an  editorial  about  southern lawlessness  indicates  the  section,  or  even  the  state,  from which  it  comes. Moreover,  -  and  some  have  claimed  this  to  be  the last  "tack  in  the  coffin"  of  lynching  -  southern  women  in  large groups  have  repudiated  the  idea  that  men  are  lynched  for  their protection.   They  have  asked  that  more  stringent  law  enforcement take  the  place  of  lawlessness  in  their  name.   Thus  it  would seem  that  the  time  has  come  when  it  no  longer  suffices  for  the North  to  call  Southerners  in  general  "dastardly  murderers",  and for  the  South  to  ansv/er  through  a  Senator  of  the  type  qioted above.   When  public  opinion  in  both  sections  is  against  mob ^iolence,  there  must  be  some  other  reason  than  a  murderous  in- tent that  is  general  for  its  ccntlnuatlon.   It  is  with  the  hope of  throwing  some  light  on  the  problem  thus  raised  that  this study  is  made.   The  aim  and  purpose  of  the  study  is  to  picture the  actual  situation  with  regard  to  the  characteristic  type  of mob  action  in  the  South,  and  to  approach  an  explanation  of  its persistence  in  the  Tv/entleth  Century. Attitude  and  Method  of  Approach Irrespective  of  sectional  lines  those  who  today concern  themselves  v/ith  the  phenomena  of  mob  action  in  the South  are  roughly  divisible  into  two  groups.  First,  there are  those  who  are  outraged  at  the  situation,  and  who,  upon hearing  of  some  manifestation  of  mob  violence,  vociferously pronounce  the  whole  state  or  section  of  the  covintry  in  which 13 It  occurs  as  being  "rotten  to  the  core".   They  then  proceed to  remedy  matters  by  describing  and  lambasting  in  a  general way  large  sectors  of  the  whole  population  of  the  nation.   The follOT/ing  quotation  is  possibly  a  fairly  representative  state- ment from  this  group:   "Let  it  be  clearly  known  that  the  lyncher is  a  murderous  dastard,  trying  to  siailk  behind  a  woman's  petti- coats, to  avoid  being  known  as  the  vile  thing  he  is.  The statistics  prove  conclusively  that  the  talk  of  protecting  woman- hood by  torturing  and  burning  men  at  the  stake  is  an  insolent lie,  and  knovm  to  be  such  by  those  who  most  find  it  convenient to  make  use  of  the  subterfuge.,..   This  is  an  exhibition  of Delev/are  morality  under  the  strain  of  race  prejudice, "■'■-'■  If it  be  granted  that  every  word  of  the  statement  is  true,  they contain  little  enlightenment  for  him  who  would  either  remedy or  understand.  From  this  group,  as  in  the  past  we  have generously  received,  in  the  future  we  may  expect,  a  super- abundance of  possibly  well-meaning  but  ill-formed  moral enthusiasm,  and  little  else. Then,  there  are  those  -  apparently  much  smaller  in ntimber  -  who  conceive  of  hiiman  nature  as  being  much  the  same everyv/here.   They  believe  when  a  criminal  outbtirst,  such  as  an episode  of  violence,  takes  place  that  psychologically  this  is not  different  in  nature  from  any  other  hvunan  activity.  All behavior  is  conceived  as  the  response  of  the  human  organism to  stimuli.   This  group  asks  such  questions  as  this:   In  so far  as  every  single  reaction  is  the  normal  one,  presumably 11,  Italics  are  mlneV 14 the  only  possible  one  in  fact,  for  that  particular  organism to  make  In  that  particular  situation;  where  there  is  mob action  which  is  classed  as  abnormal  and  undesirable  from  the standpoint  of  present  concepts  of  civilization,  is  it  not because  there  are  abnormal  individual,  cultural,  social, political,  economic  or  other  conditions  existing  in  the  par- ticular Individuals  and  communities  at  the  particular  time in  question?  To  approach  the  study  in  this  attitude  means that  state-wide  and  sectional  generalizations  are  important only  as  backgrounds  for  an  analysis  of  the  local  situation involved  in  the  particular  episode  of  mob  violence  under consideration.   The  method  of  approach  is,  therefore,  largely that  of  regional  sociology  with  emphasis  on  the  social-psy- chological. For  those  who  believe  in  social  guidance  there  Is hope  in  such  a  study  for  a  worth-while  contribution  tov/ard attaining  an  insight  into  the  proper  nature  of,  hence  the proper  remedy  for,  a  perplexing  social  problem.  For  those who  follow  the  philosophy  that  "in  the  long  run  oxxr  iincivi- lized  propensities  will  be  outgrown,"  but  that  "meanwhile  there is  no  cure,"  there  is  yet  hope  of  being  able  to  look  ahead  and see  whither,  and  at  what  rate,  we  are  going.   Indeed  it  is not  the  principal  purpose  here  to  discover  and  elaborate remedies.  Rather  the  aim  is  to  picture  as  accurately  as  possi- ble the  actual  situation  with  regard  to  mob  violence  in  the South,  especially  as  it  persists  in  the  Twentieth  Century, Those  more  directly  concerned  with  amelioration  are  continual- ly in  need  of  information  concerning  the  fvmdamental  nature of  the  problem  v/ith  which  they  deal.   There  are,  and U      ,'iL-      &• 15 lllLve  long  been,  many  whose  concern  it  is  to  eradicate  law- lessness from  the  cultural  complex  of  the  American  people. There  is  an  ever- enlarging  group  of  those  especially  desirous that  the  type  of  lav/lessness  exemplified  in  lynchings  and floggings  characteristic  of  the  South  shall  cease  to  be.  Yet among  this  group  there  are  those  who  are  not  far  removed from  the  Astronomer  of  the  Middle  Ages  who  kept  an  idiot  in his  observatory,  hoping  that  by  his  inarticulate  mutterings the  secrets  of  science  might  be  revealed.   They  hesitate, even  falter,  at  the  workings  of  the  hxunan  mind,  v/hich  through the  ages  has  remained  a  mystery  still.   However,  if  we  are to  oinderstand  human  behavior  we  must  approach  it  tlirotigh  the mental  and  physical  processes  involved. The  human  behavior  called  mob  violence  is  no exception.   To  linderstand  this  type  of  phenomena  permits  of no  "revelations"  such  as  the  astronomer  sought,  V/e  cannot longer  expect,  for  example,  to  understand  why  men  hang  and burn  one  another,  without  setting  oiirselves  to  the  task  of studying  these  men  as  reacting  organisms  in  particular  social and  physical  environments, •'•^  They  are  not  "American"  or "Southerners,"  or  even  "Georgians"  and  "Mississippians," They  are  particular  Americans  v/ith  particular  behavior- equip- ments coning  from  particular  physical  and  cultiiral  inherit- ances, reacting  in  specific  situations  to  specific  stimuli. It  is  thus  that  v;e  get  particular  reactions,  -  floggings, mobbing,  lynching,  hanging,  burning,  etc, 12,  Cf«  Hollingvvorth,  Leta  S.,  ^lie  Psychology  of  Subnormal Children,  p.  170'^ ti.-. 16 Approaching  the  task  from  the  point  of  view  in- dicated, it  seems  advisable  to  combine  the  historical, statistical  and  case  study  methods.   Through  the  historical approach  v/e  may  determine  the  type  of  situations  conducive to  the  origin  and  perpetuation  of  mob  violence.  We  may  point out  hov/  particular  forms  of  this  phenomena  arose  and  hov/  they have  persisted.  Prom  a  detailed  statistical  analysis  the extent,  general  nature  and  characteristics  of  mob  action  :nay be  discovered,  -  facts  hardly  to  be  ascertained,  otherwise. Moreover,  it  is  from  such  an  analysis  that  we  may  discover those  particular  sections  of  the  South  v/here  mob  action  is so  characteristic  as  to  require  more  specific  considerationo Having  the  historical  and  statistical  data  before  us  as  a background,  through  the  case-study  method  we  may  more  speci- fically and  concretely  get  at  the  nature  and  effects  of particular  mob  episodes. 17 CHAPTER  II EARLY  HISTORY  OF  MOB  VIOLENCE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES The  theory  of  the  new  historian  holds  true  in  all social  phenomena,   A  thing  is  about  what  it  is  because  of what  it  has  been.   Mob  violence  is  not  to  be  understood  merely by  a  study  of  its  Tv/entieth  Century  manifestations.  It  is one  of  the  oldest,  one  of  the  most  deeply  rooted  of  all American  practices.   In  a  manner,  as  v/e  shall  see,  this  prac- tice 7/a3  eminently  respectable  in  its  origin.   It  is,  possibly because  of  this  fact,  yet  regarded  by  its  adlierents  not  as  in opposition  to  the  established  lav/s,  but  rather  as  a  supple- ment to  them  -  a  species  of  common  law  which  is  as  old  as the  country.   Therefore,  as  a  social  and  cultural  background for  a  detailed  consideration  of  mob  violence  in  the  South, it  is  important  that  we  trace  the  history  of  this  practice  in the  United  States, Stories  concerning  the  origin  of  the  term  "lynch- law"  are  numerous,-'-   Although  many  of  them  are  apparently 1\    For  many  years  "lynching"  was  a  general  term  used  as  "mob violence"  is  used  today. 18 pure  fiction,  at  the  same  time  they  throw  light  on  the  history of  the  practices  described  and  for  that  reason  are  worth  re- lating here.  Later  we  shall  relate  what  seems  to  he  the  true story  of  the  origin  of  the  term.   Meantime,  in  clironological order,  we  take  up  those  which  have  been  offered  v/ith  more  or less  evidence  at  different  times.   The  oldest  one  of  these comes  from  across  the  sea, James  Pits-Stephen  Lynch,  Mayor  and  V/arden  of  Gal- way,  Ireland,  is  said  to  have  publicly   hanged  his  ovm   son in  defiance  of  a  mob  bent  upon  rescuing  him  from  the  hands  of the  law.  Various  versions  of  this  story  are/be  foiind.   The substance  of  all  of  them  is  that  the  Mayor,  who  condemned Walter  F,  S,  Lynch  to  death  for  the  murder  of  the  son  of  a Spanish  friend,  v/as  determined  that  the  law  should  take  its course.   The  Mayor *s  wife  assembled  her  pov/erful  kinsmen  who were  about  to  storm  his  house  where  the  son  was  confined. Fearing  that  justice  might  be  diverted,  the  Mayor  took  his son  to  a  second  story;  "there  he  secured  the  end  of  a  rope which  had  been  previously  fixed  around  the  neck  of  his  son, to  an  iron  staple  which  projected  from  the  wall,  and,  after taking  from  him  a  last  embrace,  he  launched  him  into  eterni- ty." It  is  pretty  evident  that  this  incident  really  happen- ed, and,  although  its  connection  v/ith  extra-legal  piinishment in  this  country  is  obscure,  yet  many  people  have  given  this as  the  true  origin  of  "lynch-law".   The  window  from  which young  Lynch  is  supposed  to  have  hung  is  shown  to  the  traveler today.  Under  it  he  reads:   "This  memorial  of  the  stern  and unbending  justice  of  the  ciiief -magistrate  of  the  city,  James 19 Pitz-Stephen  Lynch,  elected  mayor  A.  D.  1493,  who  condemned and  executed  his  ovra  guilty  son,  Walter,  on  this  spot,  has been  restored  to  its  ancient  site."    It  is  said  that  there is  contained  in  the  minutes  of  the  council  books  of  Galway this  entry:   "James  Lynch,  mayor  of  Galway,  hanged  his  own son  out  of  the  windoy/  for  defrauding  and  killing  strangers, v/ithout  martial  or  common  lav/,  to  show  a  good  example  to posterity,"    Concerning  its  connection  with  lynch-law  in this  country.  Cutler  discounts  the  Galway  story  stating  tliat it  may  be  dismissed  with  but  little  consideration.   So  far as  v;e  know  the  term  lynch-law  has  always  connoted  a  form  of stumnary  punishment  without,  or  in  opposition  to,  established law.    On  the  other  hand,  it  is  pointed  out,  the  Mayor  of Galway  was  the  legally  constituted  authority  in  whose  court his  son,  presumably""  by  a  fair  trial,  was  sentenced  to  hang. Thus  the  victim  in  this  story  was  not  "lynched",  but  was executed  by  a  judge  of  the  court.  It  would  appear  that  the connection  of  the  Galway  story  with  lynch-law  as  we  know  it caine  after  the  term  had  been  coined.   Although  this  story  is told  over  and  over  again,  its  source  is  from  Hardiman,  the Galway  annalist,  who  narrated  it  in  proof  of  "the  unsullied "2.  Cf.  Chambers  Jouj'nal,  January  1,  1916.   p.  16, 3,  James  E.  Cutler,  Lynch  Law,  p.  15,   Cf.  Hardiman* s  History of  Galway,  Dublin,  1820.  p.  70;  London  Spectator,  April, 13,  1889.   Through  the  ''Miscellany  of  the  Irish  Archeo- logical  Society",  1846,  Vol.  1,  pp.  44-80,  in  possession of  Mr,  Albert  Matthews  of  Boston,  the  story  can  be  traced back  as  far  as  the  year  1674, 4,  Cf.  H.  C.  Featherston,  Green  Bag,  March,  1900,  12:150ff. 5 ,  According  to  most  of  the  accounts  given  of  the  affair. 20 honour,  the  strict  adherence  to  truth,  and  love  of  impartial justice"  which  7/as  proverbially  characteristic  of  Galway, Commenting  on  Hardiman's  narrative,  the  editor  of  "Chambers Journal"  has  pointed  out  that  his  heart  was  more  generous than  his  head  was  logical,  "for  what  he  calls  'an  appalling instance  of  inflexible  justice*  occurred  in  opposition  to the  wishes  of  the  townsfolk  whose  love  of  justice  he praises,''^   It  is  doubtful  that  many  of  the  early  settlers in  this  country  knew  this  story.   "Lynch-law"  did  not  become prevalent  in  Ireland. There  is  what  is  known  as  the  "pirate  story"  of the  origin  of  the  name  lynch-law.   One  named  Lynch  was  sent from  England  to  America  about  1687  under  a  commission  to suppress  the  growing  evil  of  piracy.  It  is  supposed  that, due  to  the  difficulty  of  complying  v/ith  the  usual  forms  of law,  this  Judge  Lynch  "wgs  empowered  to  proceed  summarily against  pirates",  thus  giving  rise  to  the  term  lynch's  law,''' Cutler  considers  this  story  -  in  so  far  as  it  accounts  for the  term  lynch-law  -  as  "equally  fanciful  and  fictitious  but less  romantic"  than  the  Galway  story.  He  concludes  as  follows: "iffhatever  the  facts  may  be  about  the  methods  employed  by  this man  Lynch  to  suppress  piracy,  there  is  no  evidence  to  show that  they  were  ever  known  as  Lynch* s  law,  or  had  any  connection whatever  v/ith  lynch-law."   (page  16)   At  least  there  was  a '6,  Op,  cit,  p.  15. 7.  London  Gazette. No,  2319,  '-February^  1687;  The  American  Cyclo- pedia  (1875  edition),  "Lynch  Law  ;  A.  G,  Bradley,  "The Origin  in  Lynch  Law",  Chambers  Journal,  May,  1915;  Cutler, op,  cit.  p.  16. 21 man  named  Lynch  who  practiced  "lynch-law"  v/hether  it  was  so called  or  not.   The  story  represents  the  early  practice  rather than  name  of  the  practice, A  Tory  named  Major  Beard  was  hanged  on  Lynch  Creek in  Franklin  Cotmty,  North  Carolina,  in  1778,  The  name  lynch- law  has  been  ascribed  to  this  incident.  A  false  alarm  to  the effect  that  Tories  were  near  is  said  to  have  caused  the  hang- ing to  take  place  prematurely,  before  an  intended  court-martial. Afterward  realizing  the  illegality  of  the  hanging,  it  is  re- lated that: The  body  was  then  taken  down,  the  court  reorganized, he  v/as  tried,  condemned  and  re-hung  by  the  neck until  he  was  dead.   The  tree  on  which  he  was  hung stood  not  far  from  Rocky  Ford,  on  Lynch 's  Creek;  and it  became  a  saying  in  Franklin,  v/hen  a  person  committ- ed an  offence  of  magnitude,  that  'he  ought  to  be  taken to  Lynch  Creek';  and  so  the  v/ord  ''Lynch  law'  became a  fixture  in  the  English  Language, ^ There  is  also  a  Lynch  Creek  in  South  Carolina, Albert  Matthews  has  found  reason  to  believe  that  possibly  it was  here  that  lynch-law  derived  its  name,    Boston  newspapers of  1768,  dated  Charlestown,  South  Carolina,  indicate  the  ex- istence of  "Regulators"  at  the  time,  and  that  they  held  meet- ings on  Lynch  Creek,   One  of  their  methods  of  punishment  was by  whipping.   It  is  true  that  for  many  years  this  was  called, along  with  other  more  severe  forms  of  punishment,  simply "lynching". In  Niles'  Register  we  find  still  another  anecdote under  the  caption,  "Origin  of  Lynch' s  law",^^  It  is  rather 8.  John  H.  7i/heeler,  Reminiscences  and  Memories  of  North •  Carolina,  (1384)  p.  172, 9,  The  Nation,  Dec.  4,  1902,  75:439ff, 10,  Vol.  48,  August  8,  1835,  p.  402. 22 Indefinite  and  in  other  ways  apparently  fictitious,  but  it throws  light  on  the  practice  under  considerationo   The  follow- ing occurrence,  according  to  the  writer,  tooljC  place  "in  vVash- ington  County,  Pennsylvanis,  many  years  ago":   A  certain  vai- popular  man  had  been  ordered  to  quit  the  coiraminity  within twenty-four  hours,  V^hen  he  failed  to  comply,  a  small  group of  his  neighbors  went  to  his  home,  tried  him  "in  due  form, choosing  one  of  their  number,  a  farmer  named  Lynch,  to  be judge,"   This  "judge"  pronounced  a  sentence  of  three  hiindred lashes  "well  laid  on"  and  an  extension  of  his  time  for  twenty- four  hours  and  then,  if  he  should  still  be  in  the  community, he  was  again  to  receive  three  hundred  lashes, ,    The  first  part  of  the  sentence  was  inflicted  on the  spot  with  such  good  intent  as  to  render  its repetition  iinnecessary.   The  culprit  m.ade  off as  fast  as  his  lacerated  limbs  would  permit  him. Cutler  points  out  that  this  was  "merely  an  instance of  recourse  to  summary  procedure  against  an  lonpopular  indi- vidual", and  tliat  it  may  or  may  not  have  been  known  at  that time  as  punishment  by  Lynches  law.  Evidence  that  it  was  known by  this  name  is  lacking.   That  the  practice  described  was known  in  Penhsylvanis  "many  years  ago"  before  1835,  is  not  to be  doubtedo   Let  us  turn  now  to  a  somewhat  detailed  considera- tion of  what  is  known  as  the  "Virginia  story"  of  the  origin of  the  term  "Lynch-law", Tories  and  Desperadoes  in  Virginia The  most  generally  accepted  account  of  the  origin of  the  term  lynch-lav/  -  an  account  for  many  years  \inquestioned 23 on  either  side  of  the  Atlantic  -  is  that  v/hich  c  enters  about one  Charles  Lynch  of  Bedford  County  Virginia, -^-^  The  story has  reference  to  the  kind  of  law  administered  by  this  Charles Lynch  dtiring  the  latter  part  of  the  Revolutionary  War,  From the  beginning  there  has  been  a  considerable  opposition  to the  movement  for  independence,  and  this  was  especially  true in  the  mountainous  sections  of  Virginia,   In  Bedford  County where  Lynch  lived  there  v/as  quite  a  number  of  Tories,   At the  time,  also,  this  section  of  Virginia  sheltered  many desperadoes.  Both  Tories  and  Desperadoes  harassed  the  Con- tinentals and  plundered  property  v;ith  impunity.   Horse- stealing in  particular  was  a  lucrative  practice  due  to  the high  prices  paid  by  both  armies  for  them.   At  the  time,  more- over, the  inefficiency  of  the  judiciary  m.ade  punishment  al- most out  of  the  question.   The  cottnty  courts  were  merely examining  coxirts  in  all  felony  cases,  and  the  final  coxirt  for all  cases  sat  at  7/illiamsburg,'  more  than  one  hundred  mJ.les avmy.   To  take  prisoners  there  was  practically  im.possible. Frequently  while  on  the  way  with  prisoners,  officers  v/ould be  attacked  by  outlaws  or  captured  by  British  troops. It  was  under  these  clrcvmiBtances  that  Charles  Lynch 11.  Cutler,  op.  cit.  (pp.  23ff  J  gives  a  full  accoxint  of  thfs story,  v/hich  he  takes  from  the  following  soTxrces:   Julia Mayo  Cabelle,  Sketches  and  Recollections  of  Lynchburg, (1858),  pp.  9-23,  concerning  the  Lynch  family  of  Virginia; Thos.  V/.  Page's  article  in  the  "Atlantic  L'onthly",  Dec, 1901,  (88:731ff),  and  an  article  in  the  Green  Bag,  March 1900,  (12:150ff)  by  H.  C.  Peatherston  with  information pertaining  especially  to  Charles  Lynch, r  - .  1.1 ^±-^z. 24 conferred  v/ith  his  neighbors  as  to  v/hat  might  be  done.   The situation  was  beccinlng  vmbearable.   After  some  deliberation they  decided  to  take  matters  into  their  own  hands,  to  punish lawlessness  of  every  kind  and  thereby  to  restore  peace  and security  to  the  conmiunity.   An  organization  with  Mr,  Lynch at  the  head  was  formed.   Suspected  persons  were  brought  to his  house  where  they  were  tried  by  an  orderly  court  composed of  Lynch  as  presiding  justice,  and  his  three  neighbors, William  Preston,  Robert  Adams,  Jr.,  and  James  Calloway  act- ing as  associate  justices. The  procedure  of  this  court  is  interesting  v/hen noted  in  the  light  of  more  modern  "lynching".   It  illustrates the  "devolution"  of  the  practice  through  the  years  that  have passed.   The  accused  was  brought  face  to  face  v/ith  his  ac- cusers. He  was  permitted  to  hear  the  testimony  against  him, and  to  defend  himself  by  calling  witnesses  in  his  behalf. If  acquitted,  as  v/as  often  the  case,  he  was  allowed  to  go, not  infrequently  with  apologies  and  reparation.  If  convicted, he  was  sentenced  to  receive  thirty-nine  lashes  on  the  bare back;  and,  if  found  to  be  a  Tory,  he  must  either  shout  "Liberty Forever"!   or  else  hang^  by  the  thumbs  until  he  did  so.   The execution  of  the  sentence  always  took  place  immediately  upon conviction.   Due  possibly  to  Lynch' s  u:uaker  proclivities,  or to  his  "native  sense  of  humanity",  the  death  penalty  was never  paid  under  the  shadov/  of  the  famous  old  '.Valnut  tree  on Lynch 's  lawn.   Page  cites  evidence  to  show  that  "both  custom and  sentiment  were  violently  opposed  to  visiting  capital ,  ^^  ,.^.  f-l-,. A.-r .ii'.' 25 punishnent  upon  the  detected  Tory  conspirators," There  is  said  to  have  been  only  tliree  instances  of capital  punishment  in  Bedford  County  hetv/een  the  time  of  its organization  and  the  Revolution,   The  first  of  these  was  a Negro  slave,  Hamilton,  convicted  of  "Administering  Poysonous Medicines  to  Ann  Payne",  his  master *s  v/ife.   His  value  being determined  by  the  court  and  paid  to  Payne,  Hamilton  was  "hang- ed by  the  Neck  till  dead",  after  v/hich  he  was  cut  into  quarters "and  his  quarters  hung  up  at  the  Cross  Roads. "-^^ Lynch  v/as  made  a  Colonel  and  v/as  placed  in  command of  a  regiment  of  militia.  Encouraged  by  the  news  of  the invasion  of  Virginia  by  Cornwallis  in  1780,  the  Bedford  Tories formed  a  conspiracy  to  sieze  the  stores  which  Lynch  had  col- lected.  News  of  the  conspiracy,  throvigh  one  of  the  Tories themselves,  according  to  tradition,  reached  Lynch  and  he  im- mediately had  a  number  of  them  arrested.   They  were  considered by  Lynch  as  being  guilty  of  treason  against  the  Revolutionary government.   It  was  true,  of  course,  that  the  General  Coiirt alone  had  jurisdiction  in  cases  of  treason,  but  Lynch  v/as  up against  a  practical  difficulty.   He  v/as  about  to  set  out  for the  front;  he  could  not  afford  to  take  the  Tories  alon^  on  a rapid  march,  and  felt  it  unsafe  to  turn  them  loose  after > 12,  In  proof  of  the  contention  that  at  this  time  race  prejudice did  not  operate  against  the  Negro  in  the  matter  of  justice before  the  courts.  Page  states  that  during  the  sam.e  year (1756),  at  the  same  place,  "a  negro  v/as  tried  for  miorder, another  for  poisoning,  and  a  third  for  arson,  and  all  were cleared."   Cf,  Cutler,  op.cit.  p.  31, ;x 26 administering  the  usual  thirty-nine  lashes  and  extracting  the xin^villing  cry  of  "Liberty"]  He  therefore  sentenced  the  whole group,  including  a  former  fellov/  justice  on  the  county  bench, to  terms  of  imprisonment  ranging  from  one  to  five  years. After  the  close  of  the  War  there  v/ere  threats  of prosecution  on  the  part  of  some  of  those  who  had  suffered  this illegal  sentence,  whereupon  Lynch  brought  the  whole  matter  be- fore the  Virginia  Legislature  in  1782,   After  much  debate  a law  was  passed,  the  substance  of  which  is  as  follows:   Although the  measures  taken  by  Lynch  and  his  friends  Preston,  Adams  and Galloway,  "and  other  faithful  citizens",  may  not  have  been strictly  warranted  by  law,  they  had,  by  timely  and  effective measures,  suppressed  a  conspiracy  formed  by  "divers  evil-dis- posed persons  in  the  year  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and eighty..,  (who)  did  actually  attempt  to  levy  v/ar  against  the commonwealth."  Their  measures  v/ere,  therefore  "justifiable from  the  imminence  of  the  danger".   It  was  enacted  that  these gentlemen  "and  all  other  persons  v/hatsoever  concerned  in suppressing  the  conspiracy"  be  exhonerated,''-^  Page  says  that the  lengthy  debate  in  the  Virginia  Legislatvire  about  this bill  "aroused  the  interest  of  the  whole  coimtry"  and  that  "the proceedings  in  Bedford  v/hich  the  legislatvire  thus  pronounced to  be  illegal,  but  justifiable,  were  imitated  in  other  parts of  the  State,  and  came  to  be  known  by  the  name  of  Lyn^h^s  law." NTimerous  citations  from  as  m.any  books  and  articles  v/ritten 13»  Quoted  by  Cutler,  from  Henlng's  Statutes  at  Large,  Vol,  XI," pp.  134-135, 5*        i  ' '-t:frf,(fr 3V ■•h    or 5i 27 within  the  next  few  years  indicate  this  as  the  true  source 14 of  the  expression  "lynch-law". There  is  considerable  evidence  to  show  that  the term  lynch-lav/  was  not  in  use,  certainly  not  to  any  general extent,  before  this  time.   This,  together  with  the  fact  that soon  after  the  legislative  enactment  the  term  was  in  general use,  largely  discredits  the  Carolina  stories  given  above.  It is  true,  for  example,  that  "regulating"  was  known  in  South Carolina  in  1768,  and  doubtless  meetings  were  held  on  Lynch Creek  as  per  the  nev/spaper  announcement  referred  to  above. But  "regulating"  began  earlier  than  1768  and  far  away  from Lynch  Creek  in  South  Carolina,  At  least  two  years  earlier the  practice  was  in  vogue  in  Granville,  Orange,  and  Anson counties.  North  Carolina,   In  a  general  meeting  held  on April  4,  1768  the  appelation  of  "mob"  v/hich  seems  to  have  been adopted  by  themselves,  was  dropped  by  those  who  had  been  tak- ing part  in  the  proceedings  and  the  name  of  "Regulators"  was formally  adopted,  15  Moreover,  v/hen  the  practice  of  "regulat- ing v;as  introduced  into  South  Carolina,  apparently  in  the summer  of  1767,  it  was  not  in  the  region  of  Lynch  Creek,   '-^-liere is  little  reason  to  suppose,  therefore,  that  when  regulating reached  this  region  its  name  v/ould  have  been  changed  from "regulating"  to  "lynch-law".  ^^ 14.  See  the  nxmerous  and  lengthy  footnotes  given  by  Cutler, op,  cit,  pp,  30-37, 15.  Cf.  Cutler,  p.  20;  Alexander  Gregg,  History  of  the  Old Cherav/s,  (1867)  p.  129;  F.  X,  Maxin,1II story  of  North  ' Carolina,  (1812)  Vol.  II,  pp.  228,  233;  Hugh  V/illiamson, History  of  North  Carolina,  (1812),  Vol.  II,  pp.  128,  131, 16.  J,  B.  0»Neal,  The  Annals  of  Newberry,  (1859),  pp,  78-79. an? owct ^  r ,        .  il. 28 Thirty-three  years  before  he  wrote  the  story  cited above  to  show  how  "lynch-law"  became  a  word  of  the  English language  by  its  use  in  Franklin  County,  North  Carolina, Wheeler  had  written  in  his  History  of  North  Carolina  an  account of  the  hanging  of  "Captain  Beard  about  1778".   While  by  the two  accounts,  as  well  as  other  facts,  it  is  evident  that  the "Captain  Beard"  referred  to  is  the  same  in  both  accounts,  in the  first  v/ritten  there  is  no  reference  v/hatevery  to  the  term lynch-law.  It  would  seem  that  this  term  had  come  into  use before  his  second  writing,  at  which  time  it  was  added  to  the account.   It  is  very  plausible  that,  after  the  Beard  incident, the  people  of  Franklin  County,  North  Carolina,  -  at  least  some of  them  -  used  the  expression  *he  ought  to  be  taken  to  Lynch Creek',   This,  however,  would  not  mean  that  "lynch-law"  became "a  fixture  in  the  English  language", Etymologically  the  concept  involved  has  been  traced much  further  back  of  any  of  the  dates  considered.   To  quote from  Cutler: On  its  etymological  side  the  word  lynch  has  been traced  to  an  old  /Jiglo-Saxon  verb  »linch»,  mean- ing to  beat  severely  with  a  pliable  instrvunent, to  chastise  or  to  maltreat,  which  is  said  to  have survived  In  this  cognate  meaning  in  America,  as have  many  other  v^fords  and  expressions  long  obsolete in  Great  Britain, While  he  maintains  that  there  is  no  authority  for  this  deri- vation, it  v/ould  seem  that  his  statement  to  the  effect  that all  evidence  that  "such  an  Anglo-Saxon  verb  ever  existed"  is wanting,  is  a  bit  extreme.  ^"^  C.  A.  Brlsted,  in  an  Essay  on 17,  His  supposition  is  based  upon  the  fact  that  he  failed  to find  the  verb  'linch»  or  »linge»  in  either  Bosv/orthls Dictionary  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Language,  or  Stratmann's, Middle-English  Dictionary, 1  I yX 29 the  English  Language  in  America,  says  that  'Llnch'  in "several  of  the  northern- county  dialects  means  to  beat  or maltreat.   Lynch  Law,  then,  would  he  simply  equivalent  to club-law.  ""^^  He  points  out  that  the  change  of  a  letter  may easily  be  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  the  name  Lynch  "is as  common  in  some  parts  of  America  as  In  Ireland",   Cutler quotes,  to  the  disfavor  of  Bristed,  the  most  significant statement  made  by  him  in  this  connection.  After  Bristed  had ingeniously  traced  lynch-law  back  to  the  verb  'llnch'.  Cutler points  out,  he  then  proceeded  to  remark  that  "if  there  ever was  a  phrase  deemed  particularly  Trans-atlantic  In  origin, it  Is  that  of  'Lynch  Law'  for  siimmary  and  informal  justice, "•'■^ It  would  seem  that  Bristed,  being  a  linguist,  was  speaking  of one  thing  while  Cutler  was  concerned  with  another  -  and  that both  were  right,  except  In  so  far  as  the  latter  denied  that such  a  verb  ever  existed.   From  English  versions  of  our  sub- ject, it  would  seem  beyond  doubt  that  'llnch*  is  an  old  term, and  that  it  carries  the  connotation  nov/  Inherent  in  it.   Thus in  "Chambers'  Journal"  quoted  above,  after  a  review  of  the "Galway  story",  the  writer  continues: 7/e  may  suspect,  I  think  with  reason,  the  various American  stories,  which  profess  to  derive  the  v/ord from  some  Judge  Lynch,  if  we  remember  that  there  is a  good  English  provincialism,  'to  lynch',  'linse', or  'llnch',  meaning 'to  beat',  and  that  the  phrase 'club-law'  means  much  the  same  as  'lynch-law',   'To lynch'  would  not  be  the  first  English  provincialism to  s\irvlve  amongst  our  American  cousins  with  an extended  meaning. 18,  Cambridge  Essays,  (1855),  p.  60. 19,  Quoted  by  Cutler,  Note,  No,  2,  p.  17, o  r ;J 30 There  la,  however,  no  direct  evidence  that  the term  lynch-law  was  used  anywhere  In  the  world  before  1782, Copious  private  correspondence  as  well  as  many  historical works  give  abtmdant  evidence  for  the  account  nov;  most generally  accepted;  that  lynch-law  came  from  Virginia  and is  directly  connected  with  the  actions  of  Charles  Lynch  and 20 his  neighbors. It  is  quite  clear  that  within  the  next  thirty  or forty  years  lynching  -  signifying  any  sort  of  summary  punish- ment -  was  knov/n  by  that  name  over  wide  areas  of  the  cotmtry. There  are  possibly  two  reasons  for  this  quick  spread  of  the term,  both  of  which  have  already  been  clearly  indicated.  In the  first  place  It  seems  well  within  the  range  of  plausibility to  grant  that  the  Anglo-Saxon  verb  'to  linch*  was  a  part  of the  mental  equipment  of  early  settlers  in  this  country.   There seem.s  to  be  no  reason  why  Brlsted  should  have  traced  the word  fvirther  back  had  its  origin  been  American,  Furthermore to  doubt  the  North  Carolina  saying  "he  ought  to  be  taken to  Lynch  Creek"  is  unv/arranted.   It  is  true  also  that  the "regulators"  held  meetings  on  Lynch  Creek  in  South  Carolina, Moreover,  it  is  possible  that  many  of  the  Irish  in  America knew  the  story  of  Galway,  'Alien,  therefore,  the  term  lynch- lav/  and  lynching  were  used  in  Virginia  after  the  legislative enactment  v/hich  was  widely  discussed,  it  Is  very  easy  to 20,  Due  apparently  to  a  statement  in  Haydon's  Dictionary  of Dates  (1860)  to  the  effect  that  Lynch-lav/  derived  its name  after  John  Lynch  who  summarily  punished  fugitive slaves  and  criminals  in  the  dismal  swamp  of  N.  C,  seems to  have  become  the  accepted  story  in  France.   Cf .  Revue de  Devix  Mondes,  May,  1891, J. Ob; Jbi 31 understand  how  the  word  should  have  taken  hold  in  these  other sections.  Wlnen   we  remember  hov;  the  culture  areas  gradually extended  out  from  each  of  the  Atlantic  states  on  tov/ard  the West,  It  is  not  difficult  to  understand  why  by  1830  lynching 3 were  so  called  from  every  part  of  the  country  then  inhabited by  English,   The  other  apparent  reason  for  the  rapid  spread of  the  term  under  consideration  is  that  the  practice  of  which it  was  the  name,  was  wide- spread.   The  early  history  of  this practice  which  was  later  named  lynch- law  deserves  a  fuller treatment,  to  which  we  nov/  turn  oijir  attention. Early  American  Lynch- Law; The  origin  of  the  term  "lynch- law"  does  not  mark the  origin  of  the  practice  which  it  indicates.   The  latter might  be  traced  back  to  the  origin  of  courts,  for  since  that time,  in  every  country  so  far  as  v/e  Icnow,  there  has  been  some sort  of  extra-legal  punishment  analogous  to  the  American practice.   The  Vehmic  courts  of  Germany  in  the  fourteenth  and fifteenth  centuries  grev/  out  of  a  necessity  not  wholly  unlike that  which  brought  the  practice  to  America,   "Cowper  justice" and"Jedburg  justice"  originated  on  the  early  Scotch  border where  desperadoes  are  said  to  have  been  hanged  without  a  trial. Cutler  quotes  from  and  Etymological  Dictionary  of  the  Scottish language  that  "in  mockery  of  justice,  assizes  were  held  upon them  after  that  they  had  suffered",   (p.  8)   There  is  an English  proverb  which  runs  as  follows:   "First  hang  and  drav/, then  hear  the  cause  by  Lidford  law,"   In  a  dictionary  of  the Ttr^r 32 seventeenth  century,  LydTord  law  Is  defined  as  "a  certain Law  whereby  they  first  hang  a  Man  and  afterwards  indite 21 him".    Thus  the  Franklin  County  North  Carolinians  v/ho  hang- ed Beard  and  tried  him  afterwards  follov/ed  an  old  precedent. All  these  expressions  are  so  many  different  names that  characterize  the  methods  employed  in  various  parts  of other  covmtries  for  executing  popular  justice.   Like  the Vehmlc  tribunals  in  Germany,   Lydford  law  and  Halifax  law  in England,  and  Cowper  Justice  and  Jedburg  Justice  in  Scotland gradually  gave  way  along  with  the  more  effective  execution of  established  laws  by  the  officials, ^^  While  Cutler  is doubtless  correct  in  maintaining  that  lynch-lav/  as  we  know it  cannot  be  traced  back  to  these  medieval  practices,  they were  not  originally  as  different  in  nature  from  our  lynch- law  as  he  suggests.   He  points  out  that  "These  practices differ  from  lynch-law  in  not  dispensing  v/lth  all  regular  pro- ceedings", and  that  "the  death  penalty  was  not  at  first  in- flicted under  lynch-law".   As  for  dispensing  with  regular proceedings,  this  was  a  later  development;  for  all  early references  to  sTxmmary  punishment  Indicate  that  the  common practice  was  to  hold  a  regular  trial  "in  due  form".   True, lynching  was  once  synonymous  with  whipping,  but  the  Con- ditions out  of  which  it  came  were  not  unlike  those  which occasioned  Lydford  law  and  Jedburg  justice;  and  siimmary  hang- ings, although  not  so  called  before  1782,  had  long  been  the practice  in  this  country.  To  these  practices  immediately  the ^1,  Qp-oted  from  The  Nev/  World  of  A'ordSg  or  A  General  English Dictionary.   (1678,  4th.  editlbnr*  by  Edward  Phillips: 22.  Cutler,  op.  cit.  p.  5,  6, riv , :« 33 term  lynch-law  was  applied.   The  dictionary  definitions  of lynch-law  during  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century indicate  that  it  meant  merely  punishing  without  trial.  In the  latter  half  of  the  century  hov/ever  the  term  was  taking on  a  more  specific  meaning,  as  is  illustrated  by  the  follo\v- ing  definitions: To  punish  without  the  forms  of  law;  specifically to  hang  by  mob-law.   (1885),   (Cutler,  p,  10), Lynch:   To  inflict  punishment  upon,  especially death,,  without  the  forms  of  law,  as  when  a  mob captures  and  hangs  a  suspected  person,   (1893), Cutler,  p.  11), With  the  passing  of  time  the  operation  of  lynch-law  became more  severe,  until  by  the  end  or  soon  after  the  Civil  War  it was  practically  synonymous  with  capital  punishment  by  a  mob.^*^ Since  the  Reconstruction  period,  therefore,  the  specific meaning  of  "lynching"  has  necessitated  the  use  of  the  specific terms  "flogging",  "tarring  and  feathering",  etc.  for  minor punishments  by  mobs.   Mob-violence  is  now  the  more  generall;!;ed term  covering  both  categories,  as  well  as  such  phenomena  as strikes  and  race  riots. In  the  earliest  recorded  act  of  mob-violence  in the  country  Negroes  played  only  a  minor  part.   Two  men,  Bov/em and  Morrill,  killed  ty/o  Indians  in  1753,  v/ho  v/ere  accused  of carrying  off  two  Negroes  the  year  before.   The  night  before these  men  were  to  be  tried  for  murder,  -  on  March  20,  1754  - 23,  The  term  ''mob"  which  we  shall  discuss  more  at  lenght  in Chapter  VIII^^  is  very  old.  It  is  traced  back  to  aljout 1680,  and  is  of  latin  origin.   Its  connotation  is  "mobile", "emotional",  "rabble".  Encyclopedia  Brittanlca,  11th,  ed. "Lynch  Law",  Vol,  XVII,  p.  169o 34 a  mob  broke  open  the  jail  and  set  them  free,   A  reward offered  by  Governor  Wentworth,  as  well  as  the  great  ex- citement aroused  in  the  cormminity  by  the  "outrage"  failed to  affect  an  apprehension  and  trial  of  the  murderers, ••In  a  short  time  they  went  openly  about  their business,  vd.thout  fear  of  molestation,  and  the men  engaged  in  brealdng  the  jail  at  Portsmouth,  . though  well  known,  were  never  called  to  account, but,  on  the  contrary,  were  considered  as  having performed  a  most  meritorious  act.   In  fact,  some of  the  most  substantial  men  in  the  country  were engaged  in  the  rescue.,  and  the  Government  could not  have  made  an  arrest  had  they  made  the  attempt, ^^ About  the  middle  of  December,  1763,  there  occurred what  is  claimed  by  some  to  have  been  the  first  instance  of lynck-la^ff  in  this  country.  The  Scotch-Irish  who  had  settled around  Paxtang,  now  Harrlsbxirg,  Pennsylvania,  had  little patience  with  the  Quaker  government  which  treated  with  con- tempt their  appeals  for  help  in  dealing  with  the  Indians, The  settlers  of  Lancaster  and  Cumberland  counties,  there- fore, formed  themselves  into  several  companies  of  Rangers  for the  purpose  of  patrolling  the  borders  and  giving  protection to  their  families.  Under  the  leadersMp  of  one  Matthew  Smith, the  Rangers  went  out  to  an  Indian  settlement.   One  on  the Rangers  upon  seeing  an  Indian  whom  he  is  said  to  have  recog- nized as  the  murderer  of  his  Mother,  shot  him  down.   Then  the "Furious  mob  rushed  into  the  cabins,  and  killed  all  the  Indians whom  they  fovmd  there,  some  six  in  number," "fe4.  Quoted  by  Cutler  from  New  Hampshire  Provincial  Papers,  VI, 262-266  in  possession  of  Albert  Matthews  of  Boston, 25,  Cutler,  op,  cit,  p,  42, 35 Fourteen  of  the  Indians  escaped  and  fled  to  Lan- caster where  they  were  lodged  in  jail  for  protection.   Word was  received  by  the  men  at  Paxtang  that  an  Indian  who  had nnirdered  relatives  of  their  number  was  among  those  in  jail. Under  the  leadership  of  Lazarus  Stewart  about  fifty  of  the Rangers  on  December  27,  marched  to  Lancaster,  broke  open  the the  jail,  and  "v/ith  the  fury  of  a  mob,  massacred  every  Indian contained  therein,  man,  v/oman,  and  child".    There  are  other 27 instances  of  such  summary  dealings  v/ith  the  Indians,   but  it seems  that  these  were  after  all  rather  isolated  incidents  and that  the  practice  of  "sximmary  justice"  had  a  different  origin. There  is  no  sharp  break  in  the  counter-atrocities agf^inst  Indians  from  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  the  Europeans until  after  law  courts  had  long  been  established.  It  is  quite certain  that  before  the  earliest  cases  on  record,  which  we have  recited,  there  v/as  a  form  of  sujnmary  justice  called "regulating".   This  practice  was  found,  not  only  out  on  the boarders,  but  also  in  the  older  and  better  organized  commun- ities.  The  first  record  of  this  type  of  lynch-law  is  to  be found  in  the  December  18,  1752  copy  of  the  New  York  Gazette, which  intimates  that  the  practice  was  not  old  enough  to  be well  known  at  that  time,   "Regulars"  are  mentioned  as  giving most  severe  v/hippings  to  men  who  were  kno'jTn  to  beat  their wives.   That  these  men  were  not  following  out  the  wishes  of the  community  in  general  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  they E6.  Cf.  C.  A.  Hanna:   The  Scotch-Irish,  (1502)  p.  60, 27,  Cf.  W.  H.  Smith:   The  St  Clair  Papers,  (1882)  II,  351,  374, 376,  396-97;  Culler,  op.  cit.  p.  45. 36 dressed  themselves  in  women's  clothes  and  painted  their faces, ^® In  the  New  Jersey  Archives  (1879)  is  found  a  copy of  a  letter  dated  December  7,  1753,  written  by  one  "Prudence Goodwife",   After  telling  how  her  husband  had  beaten  her,  she says  in  part: My  case  being  nois'd  abroad,  induced  several  generous young  men  to  discipline  him.   These  yoiing  Persons  do stile,  or  are  stiled  Regulators:   and  so  they  are with  Propriety:   for  they  have  regulated  my  dear  Hus- band, and  the  rest  of  the  bad  Ones  hereabouts,  that they  are  afraid  of  using  such  Barbarity, Mention  is  then  made  of  certain  men,  presumably  wife-beaters, who  had  been  instrumental  in,  or  had  attempted  to,  "have  those dear  Regulators  indicted",  indicating  that  their  actions  were considered  as  lawlessness. Regulating  was  early  practiced  in  North  Carolina, ^^ The  purpose  was  at  first  that  of  "regulating  public  grievances and  abuses  of  power",  and  especially  to  resist  extortionate exactions  of  government  officials.   Their  chief  method  of pvmishing  was  by  whipping.   Not  unlike  later  developments  of "summary  justice"  however  the  "regulating  spirit"  spread,  so that  four  or  five  years  after  the  first  recorded  instances of  "regulating"  we  find  lawlessness  in  the  extreme.   In September,  1770,  an  attack  was  made  upon  superior  court  in session  at  Hillsboro,  by  about  150  Regulators.   Several  men who  had  incvirred  their  enmity  received  a  severe  whipping,  and 28,  Cutler,  op.  cit,  p,  46, 29.  C"f.  H.  Williamson:   History  of  North  Carolina  (1812)  II, S6^-3;  270-1. J.  H.  V^-heeler:   History  of  North  Carolina,  (1851)  ii,  306, es «•/■        r* 37 considerable  property  v/as  destroyed.   The  leaders  were  later arrested.   This  broiight  on  more  trouble  between  the  law  and the  lawless,  so  that  in  1771  Governor  Tyson  had  to  call  out the  militia.  After  a  battle  in  which  each  side  lost  several men  the  Regulators  were  defeated  and  their  organization  broken up.   At  least  for  the  time  being,  and  forever  so  far  as  the "Regulators"  were  concerned,  the  law  had  won!» 38 CHAPTER  III BORDER  LYNCHING  AND  ANTI-SLAVERY  AGITATION The  frontier  variety  of  lynching  may  he  said  to have  originated  in  South  Carolina,^  Before  1769  there  were no  courts  of  criminal  and  civil  jurisdiction  except  "that which  v/as  holden  in  Charles- tov/n."  As  early  as  1752  a  need for  better  court  procedure  v/as  felt,^  Failure  to  comprehend the  real  nature  of  "border  conditions,  and  thereby  ignoring this  need,  resulted  in  a  decided  opposition  betv/een  the frontiersmen  and  the  Government,   According  to  private  corre- spondence, and  to  the  South  Carolina  Gazette"^  "Regulation" in  the  case  of  horse  theives  and  robbers  seems  to  have  become a  regular  and  necessary  practice  by  the  year  1767  in  the section  around  Pine  Tree  Hill,^  The  outlaws  are  referred  to as  "The  gang  of  Villains  from.  Virginia  and  North  Carolina"  who 1,  Cf.  Alexander  Gregg:   History  of  the  Old  Chenaws  (18671 cinapter  Vix, 2.  At  this  time  an  appeal  of  this  nature  was  m.ade  to  the General  Assembly,   Loc.  cit, 3.  May  26  and  July  17,  1767. 4,  Now  Camden, 39 Persisted  in  horse-stealing,  robbery  and  other  outrages "notwithstanding  the  late  public  examples  made  of  several of  them." The  at  present  range  in  the  Porks  between  Broad, Saludy,  and  Savannah  Rivers.   Two  of  the  gang  v/ere hanged  last  week  at  Savannah,  Viz.,  Lundy  Hart  and Obadiah  Greenage,   Two  others,  James  Ferguson  and Jessie  Hamberson,  were  killed  v/hen  these  v;ere taken. 5 That  this  was  no  isolated  occasion  is  indicated  by  an  address of  the  Governor  to  both  Houses  of  the  Assembly  on  November 5,  1767.  Speaking  of  the  "unhappy  situation  in  the  Back Parts  of  the  Country"  he  said: The  means  to  suppress  those  licentious  spirits that  have  so  lately  appeared  in  the  distant  parts of  the  Province,  and,  assuming  the  name  of  Regu- lators, have,  in  defiance  of  Government,  and  to the  subversion  of  good  order,  legally  tried,  con- demned, and  punished  many  persons,  require  an attentive  deliberation. 6 During  the  following  year  "ne?/  irregularities"  on the  part  of  the  Regulators  took  place.   "Seeming  to  despair of  rooting  out  those  desperate  villains",  they  proceeded "to  punish  such  offenders  as  they  can  catch",  including  "an infamous  woman"  who  received  corporal  punishment.'''  In  the year  1769  seven  new  courts  were  established  in  the  Interior, v/lth  suitable  jails  and  courthouses.   "This  marked  the  end  of the  Regulation  movement  in  South  Carolina.   The  condition  of ftffairs  v/hich  had  called  it  into  existence  had  ceased  to prevail  and  the  practice  of  "regulating"  was,  therefore. 5.  Gregg,  op.  clt.  p,  154. 6.  Gregg,  op,  clt.  p.  136. 7.  Gregg,  op.  clt.  p.  138. 40 discontinued* 8 The  practice  of  tarring  and  feathering,  was "particularly  characteristic"  from  around  1775  when  the "Sons  of  Liberty"  were  active  around  Boston  in  stirring  up resistance  to  the  British  Government,   This  method  of punishment  had  been  practiced  several  years  before   and  no doubt  was  knov/n  by  the  earlier  immigrants  before  they  came to  America. H  The  more  modern  practice  of  stripping  the clothes  from  a  Negro  suspect  who  is  gazed  at  by  women  un- ashamed is  not  new.   As  an  example  of  this  and  the  fact  that "a  mob  is  a  mob"  irrespective  of  time  or  place  we  quote  from the  Boston  Chronicle  for  October  26-30,  1769: Last  Saturday  evening  a  person  suspected  to  be  an  in- former, was  stripped  naked,  put  in  a  Cart,  where  he was  first  tarred,  then  feathered,  and  in  this  condi- tion, carried  through  the  principal  streets  of  the tov/n,  follov/ed  by  a  great  concouj?se  of  people. During  the  same  year  there  were  instances  in  which  svimmary pvuaishment  was  resorted  to  in  other  cases  than  those  of  a political  natTire,-^^  Before  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolutionary Weir  tarring  and  feathering  was  common  throughout  the  Colonies^^^ Although  the  "Regulators"  on  the  South  Carolina  borders  had disbanded,  in  the  year  1775  there  was  a  "Secret  Committee"  in Charleston.   Eairing  that  year  they  tarred  and  feathered  un- popular men,  of  whom  at  least  two  were  stripped  of  their 8.  Cutler,  op,  cit,  p.  37;  Gregg,  op.  cit.  p.  151-2. 9.  Cutler,  op.  cit.  note  1,  p.  59, 10.  Cf.  Boston  Evening  Post,  Sept,  12,  1768  (1720,  p.  3);  Sept, 19,  1768  (No.  1721,  p.  3) 11.  Cf.  Hakluyt's  Voyages,  Vol.  II,  p.  21;  Cutler;  p.  61. 12.  Cutler,  pp.  67-69, 13.  Cutler,  pp.  68-69, 41 clothes  and  carted  throtigh  the  streets, ■'•^  During  the  next year- they  burned  a  white  man.  "John  Roberts,  a  dissenting minister,  was  seized  on  suspicion  of  being  an  enemy  to  the rights  of  America,  when  he  was  tarred  and  feathered;  after which  the  populace,  whose  fury  could  not  be  appeased,  erected a  gibbet  on  v/liich  they  hanged  him,  and  afterwards  made  a  bon- fire, in  which  Roberts,  together  with  the  gibbet,  was  con- sumed to  ashes. "-^^ Stumnary  punishment  -  more  than  once  approved  by the  Legislature  -  seems  to  have  been  very  prevalent  in Virginia  from  about  1779  to  1792.^^  T.^'hile  evidence  covering the  period  from  then  up  to  1830  is  mostly  limited  to  notes made  by  travelers,  there  is  little  reason  to  believe  that  it suddenly  ceased  or  even  diminished  after  1792,   E.  W,  Gould gives  good  reasons  for  mob  violence  in  the  Mississippi  Valley doiring  this  time.   Pointing  out  that  "no  country  known  to civilization  has  been  the  theater  and  battlefield  of  more tragic  events  and  bloodc\irdling  incidents  than  has  been  this beautiful   Valley  of  the  Mississippi",  he  proceeds: Succeeding  the  treachery  and  massacres  from  the  In- dians and  the  bloody  battles  that  so  often  followed, encoviraged  by  the  French  and  English  authorities, came  The  OUTLAW,  THE  PIRATE,  THE  ESCAPED  COIWICT,  and the  DESPERATE  HIGffiVAYi^AN  from  all  parts  of  the  world. So  vital  a  part  of  the  background  for  later  lawless- ness in  this  section,  it  seems  justifiable  to  dwell  at  length  on 14.  John  Drayton:   kemoirs  of  the  American  Revolution  (182li, I,  273-274.  Frank  Moore:   Diary  of  the  Revolution  (1875) pp.  90-91,   Edward  McCrady:   South  Carolina  in  the  Revolu- tion (1175-1780)  (1901),  p.  2T. 15.  Frank  Moore:   Diary  of  the  Revolution  (1875)  p.  359. 16.  Cutler  pp.  71-76. cJl bl 42 this  situation  which  inevitably  led  to  extra-legal  punish- ment.  The  case  quoted  below  is  only  one  of  several,  or possibly  many,  that  could  be  quoted  from  the  literature  of the  period  between  1800  and  1830,   We  may  well  suppose  that in  the  secrets  of  eternity  are  many  others. The  Crowds  Nest In  the  year  1809  'Island  number  94',  or  Stack Island,  or,  as  it  is  sometimes  called,  'Crov/»s  Nest',  170 miles  above  Natchez,  was  notorious  for  many  years  as  a den  for  the  rendezvous  of  horse  thieves,  counterfeiters, robbers  and  murderers.   It  v/as  a  small  island  in  the  middle of  «Nine  Mile  Reach*.  Prom  thence  they  would  sally  forth, stop  passing  boats,  murder  the  crew,  or,  if  this  seemed impracticable,  would  buy  their  horses,  flotir,  whiskey, etc.,  and  pay  for  them. Their  villanies  became  notorious,  and  several  years pursuit  by  the  civil  officers  of  the  lav/  failed  to  pro- duce any  result  in  the  way  of  punishment  or  eradication. But  they  were  at  length  made  to  disappear  by  the  appli- cation of  lynch  law,  from  several  keel  boat  crews.   The full  history  of  this  affair  has  never  been  ixnfolded,  and perhaps  never  will  be.   But  for  terrible  retribution  and complete  annihilation  outside  of  any  authorized  decrees, it  never  had  its  equal  in  any  administration  of  lynch law,  the  recitals  of  which  cast  so  many  shadov/s  on  the West  and  South, •  fov;^.f>„ 43 The  autuirin  of  1809  had  been  marked  by  many atrocities  on  the  part  of  the  bandits  of  the  "Crov/'s Nest".   Several  boats  and  their  entire  crews  had  dis- appeared at  that  point,  and  no  traces  of  them  could  be found  afterwards.   The  country  around,  and  up  and  down the  river,  had  been  victimized  and  robbed  in  almost every  conceivable  form  by  depredators,  whose  movements could  be  traced  satisfactorily  toward  the  Crow»s  nest. At  one  time  it  occurred  that  several  keel  boats  were concentrated  at  the  head  of  Nine  Mile  Reach,  within speaking  distance  of  each  other,  being  detained  by heavy  contrary  winds. The  crews  of  these  boats  were  well  informed  as to  the  villanies  of  those  who  harbored  on  the  little island  a  few  miles  belov/  them.   Many  of  them  had  friends and  comrades  on  the  boats  that  had  been  among  missing oneso   By  what  means  it  was  brought  about,  or  at  whose suggestion  or  influence,  it  was  never  known.  But  one dark  night,  a  few  hours  before  daylight,  eighty  or ninety  men  from  these  wind-bound  crafts,  well  armed, descended  in  their  small  boats  to  the  Crow's  Nest  and surprised  its  occupants,  whom  they  secured  after  a  short encounter,  in  which  two  of  the  boatmen  were  wounded  and several  of  the  robbers  killed.   Nineteen  men,  a  boy fifteen,  and  two  women,  were  thus  captured.   Shortly after  sunrise,  the  boy,  on  accovmt  of  his  extreme  youth, and  the  two  women,  were  allowed  to  depart,  V/hat  was  the punishment  meted  out  to  the  men,  whether  shot  or  hanged. .  I 44 wa3  never  ascertained  with  any  degree  of  certainty. None  but  the  boy,  the  boatmen  and  the  tv/o  women, however,  ever  left  the  island  alive,  and  by  tv/elve o'clock  noon,  the  crews  were  back  to  their  boats,  and, the  wind  having  calmed  the  night  before,  they  shoved out,  and  by  svmset  were  far  down  the  river  and  away from  the  scene  of  the  indisputably  just,  althotigh  un- lawful retribution.  Two  years  afterward  came  the terrible  earthquake,  which,  with  the  floods  of  1811 and  »13,  destroyed  every  vestige  of  the  Crow's  Nest, leaving  nothing  of  it  to  be  seen  but  a  low  sand-bar, and  with  it  passed  away  from  public  sight  and  mind all  signs  of  the  bandits,  their  crimes,  and  the  awful 17 doom  that  av/aited  them. We  know  that  the  name  and  the  practice  of  lynch- law  were  known  and  experienced  as  far  Y/est  as  Indiana  by 18 181S,    Some  time  prior  to  that  date  an  English  traveler commented  on  the  rapid  development  of  society  "in  our  new country"  and  pointed  out  that  the  Americans  were  "anxiously studious  of  mildness"  In  forming  their  laws}  that  only murder  "of  the  first  degree"  called  for  the  death  penalty in  any  western  state,  and  according  to  his  belief  the  same was  true  of  all  States  in  the  nation.   Due  to  the  fact  that they  had  from  the  first  been  accustomed  to  rely  on  their own  powers,  he  continued,  "they  siirrender  with  reluctance, 17.  E.  W.  Gould,  Fifty  Years  on  the  y.lsslssippi ,  pp.  58-59, Nixon- Jones  Ptg.  Co.,  St.  Louis,  1889, 18,  V/.  Paiix,  Memorable  Days  in  America,  London  (1823)  p.  304-5, ..1 45 and  only  by  halves,  their  right  of  defense  against  every aggression  even  to  the  laws  which  they  themselves  have constituted,"   The  v/riter  pointed  out  that  "savage  and ferocious  violence"  was  too  common  to  be  abhorred  in  the frontier  states,   but  that  such  events  v/ould  hardly  be tolerated  in  a  more  settled  state  like  Kentucky,  to  which he  proudly  referred  with  the  prediction  that  soon  mob violence  v/ould  be  only  a  matter  of  history  in  Illinois  and Indiana, One  of  the  most  interesting  points  to  be  gained from  Blaine's  notes  is  that  already  in  cases  of  prosecution of  those  involved  in  extra-legal  punishment,  juries  "knov/lng the  bad  characters  of  the  prosecutors"  would  give  but  trifling damages,  which  divided  among  so  many,  amounted  to  next  to ?1 nothing  for  each  individual.    Concerning  his  conversation with  some  of  the  chief  ones  among  the  Regulators  the narrator  states: They  very  sensibly  remarked  that  v/hen  the  country became  more  thickly  settled,  there  would  no  longer be  any  necessity  for  any  such  proceedings,  and  that they  should  all  be  delighted  at  being  able  to  obtain justice  in  a  more  formal  manner. ^^ In  general  it  may  be  said  that  the  practices  of "summary  justice"  which  the  English  seem  to  have  brought with  them  to  America,  practiced  in  Colonial  and  Revolutionary 19,  Indem,  pp.  96-98, 20,  Somev/here  In  this  section  and  before  1822,  the  practice  of cutting  off  the  ears  of  the  culprit  had  arisen, 21,  Loc,  cit.   Although  lawlessness  in  the  form  of  extra-legal punishment  was  considered  a  necessity  these  men  v/ere  con- sistent in  that  they  fined  one  another.   This  has  not  al- ways been  the  case  since  that  day, 22,  An  Excursion  through  the  U.  3.  and  Canada,   1822-23. London  1824,  pp,  233,6, 46 times,  were  then  carried  westward  during  the  half  century after  the  Revolution  where  they  persisted  by  necessity  and possibly  grev;  somewhat  harsh  for  the  same  reason, ^"^  At least  in  some  of  the  cases  an  orderly  trial  was  held  and  no mob  phenomena  whatever  were  exhibited.   According  to  Cutler's discussion  of  the  subject  it  would  appear,  indeed,  that  there was  generally  more  order  in  the  extra-legal  punishment  on  the border  than  in  Nev/  England,  and  later  in  the  other  seaboard Provinces,  v/here  the  necessity  for  such  practices  was  certain- ly  less  tirgent,  ' The  subsequent  history  of  lynch- lav/  in  the  West  is a  story  of  the  working  out  of  the  principle  early  set  forth by  the  Virginia  Legislatxire  when  it  declared  that,  under peculiar  circumstances  such  as  are  often  met  when  established law  is  weak,  measures  not  strictly  warranted  by  law  may  be justifiable  from  the  immanence  of  the  danger  involved.  We shall  review  more  reasons  ,jtill  why  this  principle  was  the natviral  and  often  the  necessary  salvation  of  the  pioneers exposed  to  the  vicissitudes  of  frontier  life.   First,  hov/ever, we  turn  attention  to  a  different  and  very  important  aspect of  the  history  of  lynch-lav/  in  America, Anti-Slavery  Agitation In  the  East,  as  we  have  noted,  svramary  practices, although  not  confined  within  the  limits  of  political  troubles, ^^0   If  a  thief  refused  to  quit  the  coirmunity  after  a  v;hipping he  was  whipped  again  and  his  ears  cut  off,  Blaine,  pp.  233-6, 24,  Cutler,  op,  cit.  Chapter  III, j>S ..  r_- ki'ii 47 seem  largely  to  have  grown  out  of  then.  After  the  Revo- lution there  was  little  excuse  for,  and  little  evidence  of, svunmary  punishment  in  this  section.  In  the  more  southern states,  however,  the  frontier  gave  away  slowly.   The  popu- lation spread  out  faster  than  it  increased,  so  that  well- organized  and  thickly  populated  communities  -  unattractive to  depredators  -  v/ere  more  slov/  to  develop.   Almost  before "regulation"  had  ceased  and  while  lynching  was  a  part  of  the culttire-complex  in  these  regions,  anti-slavery  agitation began.   Thus  while  lynch-lav;  was  moving  westward,  and  before it  had  been  forgotten  on  the  seaboard,  there  arose  an  occasion for  its  revival.   This  revival  was  characterized  by  less reasoning  and  more  emotionality  -  and,  therefore,  more  heed- less and  severe  pixnishments.   In  September  1831,  in  North Carolina,  "three  ring  leaders  of  the  late  diabolical  con- fi  25 spiracy  v/ere  executed  at  Onslow  Court  House  ,■    The  editor of  the  Liberator,  as  subsequent  history  indicates,  was  doubt- less justified  in  the  follov/ing  comment:   "^Executed  by  the people*,  doubtless  means  executed  by  a  mob,  on  suspicion  of guilt,  without  investigation  or  trial,"  That  emotionality often  had  the  upper  hand  -  and  that  such  being  frequently the  case  in  the  South  today  is  not  altogether  modern  -  is indicated  by  the  follov/ing  incidents: John  Lamb  of  Georgia,  in  1831,  subscribed  for Garrison's  anti- slavery  paper.  He  v/as  violently  taken  from his  house,  tarred  and  feathered;  then  oil  was  poured  on  his 25,  Liberator,  Nobem.ber  5,  1831,   Vol,  I,  p.  180, 48 head  and  set  on  fire,  after  which  he  was  ducked  in  the Pfi river  and  later  whipped  at  a  post, the In  Petersburg,  Virginia,  a  man  was  "lashed  on/bare back"  for  saying,  "that  black  men  have,  in  the  abstract,  a right  to  their  freedom,"   He  was  ordered  to  leave  never  to return  under  threat  of  being  treated  "v/orser". During  this  same  memorable  year  the  paranoid Negro  preacher,  Nat  Turner,  who  had  several  years  earlier decided  to  "call  the  attention  of  the  civilized  world  to  the conditions  of  his  race",  on  a  Stmday  night,  August  21,  opened his  fajnous  insurrection.   About  sixty  whites,  men,  v/omen  and children,  were  slaughtered  by  this  erratic  but  sincere  Negro and  his  follov/ers,  A  letter  to  President  Jackson  from  a committee  of  citizens  of  Southampton,  dated  August  29,  gives some  conception  of  hov/  the  incident  spread  both  fear  and horror  among  the  white  people: ^° ...So  inhuman  has  been  the  butchery,  so  indis- criminate the  carnage,  that  the  tomahawk  and scalping  knife  have  now  no  horrors.   Along the  road  traveled  by  our  rebellious  blacks, comprising  a  distance  of  something  like  twenty- seven  miles,  no  white  sovil  lives  to  tell  how fiend-like  was  their  purpose,. ,  The  excitement is  so  great  that  were  the  justices  to  pronounce a  slave  innocent,  v/e  fear  a  mob  would  be  the consequence. Many  of  the  slaves  who  had  rebelled,  as  v/ell  as some  who  were  Innocent,  were  shot  on  sight.   The  heads  of  some of  them  were  left  up  on  poles  for  weeks  as  a  dreadful  warning 26,  Liberator,  Oct.  1,  1551  (1;15V), 27,  Liberator,  Oct.  29,  1831  (1:174);  Cutler,  op.  cit.  p.  92, 28,  Quoted  by  W.  S,  Drewry,  Slave  Insurrections  in  Virginia, p.  84, OvS 49 to  others  who  might  contemplate  rebellion.   A  negro  woman who  had  attempted  to  kill  a  white  woman  was  lynched.   Ac- cording to  Cutler,  "It  is  said  that  some  of  the  slaves suffered  fearful  torture,  being  burnt  with  red-hot  irons and  their  bodies  being  horribly  mutilated,  before  death came  to  their  relief,"  Ttirner  was  tortured  with  pin-pricks, soundly  whipped,  and  put  in  jail  to  await  trial.  Fifty- three  negroes  connected  with  the  massacre  were  tried  by  the courts.   Twenty  of  them  were  released,  tv/elve  were  transport- ed, and  seventeen  executed.   Turner  and  his  associate-leaders were  tried  again  in  Superior  Court,   Turner  and  two  others were  executed.  With  one  exception,  all  of  those  who  were executed  v/ere  btiried  in  a  "decent  and  becoming  manner".   The body  of  Nat  Turner  was  delivered  to  the  doctors,  "who skinned  it  and  made  grease  of  the  flesh." Possibly  the  total  influence  of  this  insurrection cannot  yet  be  written.   The  general  effect  was  to  center attention  on  the  slave  question.   To  the  North  it  brought  a more  pronounced  conviction  than  ever  as  to  the  evils  of slavery.  To  the  South  it  brought  intense  excitement  and  fear. New  plots  were  believed  to  exist  in  North  Carolina.   A  rumor was  spread,  and  for  a  while  accepted,  to  the  effect  that Wilmington  had  been  burned,  half  the  inhabitants  killed,  and that  "the  negroes  of  several  counties  were  on  the  march  for ■^•^^  Cutler,  op.  cit,  p.  95,   l-felvlaster.  History  of  the  People of  the  United  States,  Vol.  VI,  states  that  55  white  per- sons were  killed,  and,  concerning  the  negroes,  "A  hundred are  said  to  have  been  shot,  19  executed,   p.  74, ,r,2f. Qi ^^S 50 Raleigh,"    Likewise,  without  the  least  foundation,  a "plot"  was  discovered  in  Deleware  and  Maryland,   While  there is  no  evidence  that  Turner  or  any  of  his  followers  ever  aaw a  copy  of  the  "liberator".  Garrison  and  his  publication  were credited  with  instigating  the  massacre.   Sharp  debates  over the  question  of  slavery  became  more  frequent;  and  prejudice against  negroes,  slave  and  free,  grev/  more  intense.  For- getting important  parts  of  the  Constitution,  some  "gentlemen of  the  first  respectability"  at  Columbia,  South  Carolina, formed  themselves  into  a  "Vigilance  Association"  and  offered a  rev/ard  of  fifteen  hundred  dollars  "for  the  conviction  of any  white  person  found  circulating  the  Liberator,  Walker* a Appeal,  or  any  other  publication  of  seditious  tendency," In  North  Carolina  the  Grand  Jiiry  brought  an  in- dictment against  Garrison  "for  the  circulation  and  publication of  the  'Liberator'  in  the  county  in  contravention  to  the  act of  the  last  General  Assembly,"  According  to  a  law  of  Georgia, a  five  thousand  dollar  reward  was  offered  for  the  conviction of  any  one  concerned  with  the  circulation  of  "seditious" 32 literature.    The  Governor  of  Virginia  credited  the  Nat Turner  insurrection,  "and  the  plots  discovered  elsewhere," to  the  "fanatics  of  some  of  our  neighboring  states",  and  call- ed for  a  revision  of  the  laws  "intended  to  preserve  in  due Z6m   McMaster,  loc,  cit.  p,  74,  "*"" 31,  United  States  Gazette,  Oct,  12.  1831;  McMaster,  op.  cit.  15, 32,  Laws  of  Georgia,  1831,  p.  255,   Act  approved  on  December 15,  1831, J5 IS. »  • 51 subordination  the  slave  population  of  our  State,"   An  act providing  for  the  removal  of  free  negroes  was  passed  by  the legislature.   Pressure  was  brought  to  bear  upon  the  officials of  the  states  in  which  "incendiary  literature"  was  being issued  to  stop  it,   A  sharp  cleavage  between  the  pro  and  the anti  slavery  factions  was  drawn  in  the  East,  where  negroes were  treated  with  contempt.   In  Boston  some  of  the  Christian people  were  so  overcome  with  rece  prejudice  that  they  expell- ed colored  members  from  their  churches, "^^  Thus  along  with the  growing  resentment  between  the  two  sections  of  the co^^ntry,  prejudice  became  more  general  in  both,"^"* The  term  "lynch-law"  nov/  came  into  general  use, and  the  practice  spread  far  and  wide.   In  the  older  states it  was  administered  first  to  abolitionists,  and  then  -  true to  the  nature  of  mob  violence  -  it  spread  out  tmtil  a  stranger, for  some  offence  "unknov/n  to  the  inhabitants  was  tarred  and feathered  in  true  Yankee  style,  marched  out  of  town  and  let 35 run,"    At  the  same  time  out  on  the  borders  from  Vlcksburg to  St.  Louis,  gamblers  and  robbers  were  being  treated  to lynch-law.   A  whipping  with  orders  to  move  on  generally  made up  the  sentence.   In  Vicksbvtrg,  in  1835,  a  group  of  gamblers refused  to  obey  orders  to  quit  the  town.   This  resulted  in an  attack  upon  the  gamblers  in  which  a  highly  respected '3S.  McMaater,  op,  cit.  pp.  76-79. 54,  Chapter  VIII  gives  some  conception  of  how  race  prejudice  in the  South  has  persisted,  being  often  the  reason  given  for  a lynching  episode, 35<.  Q^oted  by  Cutler  from  the  Liberator,  Sept.  27,  1834. —  ~e 52 citizen  of  the  town  was  killed.  Five  of  the  gamblers  were taken  to  the  common  gallows  and  hanged,  their  bodies  being left  suspended  for  twenty-four  hours.   About  this  time  an Insurrection  in  Madison  County,  Ivlississippi,  was  suspected. As  a  result  five  white  men  and  several  negroes,  "some  ten or  fifteen"  were  hanged  without  due  process  of  law.  In connection  with  the  border  conditions  and  methods  of  punish- ment, Ingraham  makes  a  significant  statement.  In  discussing the  habit  of  the  people  "of  improving  upon  the  courts  by taking  the  laws  into  their  own  hands,"  he  says:   "The  want of  a  penitentiary  ha^  had  a  tendency  to  keep  this  custom alive  in  this  state  longer  than  it  would  otherwise  have existed.  When  an  individual  is  guilty  of  any  offence,  which renders  him  amenable  to  the  laws,  he  must  either  be  acquitted altogether  or  suffer  death.     At  this  time  eleven  crimes were  punishable  by  death  in  Mississippi, In  May,  1835,  two  negroes  murdered  two  children in  Mobile,  Alabama,  "with  such  peculiar  circiimstances  of barbarity"  that,  althovigh  a  trial  was  given  them  in  which "the  Court  pronounced  the  only  sentence  known  to  the  law" they  were  immediately  afterward  burned.   The  Implication  is that  they  had  committed  rape,   "They  were  seized,  taken  to the  place  where  they  had  perpetrated  the  act,  and  burned  to death, "38 In  April  of  the  next  year  a  free  mulatto  killed a  Deputy  Sheriff  in  St,  Louis,  Missouri,  while  resisting 915,  J,  H.  Ingraham,  The  South-West,  Vol.  II,  pp.  185-187, 37.  Cutler,  op.  cit.  p.  101<, 38.  Liberator,  July  4,  1835,  (5:108);  Cutler,  p.  108, 53 arrest  for  helping  a  prisoner  to  escape.  He  was  captured, locked  in  jail,  and  later  taken  from  the  jail  by  a  mob  who had  threatened  to  tear  it  down  if  the  officers  did  not give  the  mulatto  up.  He  was  conducted  to  the  outskirts  of the  city  by  the  "congregated  thousands,  seized  upon  and impelled  by  that  mysterious,  metaphysical,  and  almost  elec- tric phrenzy,"  With  a  chain  around  his  neck  he  was  fasten- ed to  a  tree  a  few  feet  from  the  groxind.  There  he  was "roasted  alive".  ^^  It  became  the  duty  of  Judge  Lawless  - according  to  subsequent  criticisms  not  incorrectly  named  - to  bring  the  case  of  the  burning  before  the  Grand  Jury,   At that  time  he  laid  down  a  doctrine  as  old  as  Napoleon  and  one which  functioned  in  countless  instances  since  his  day.   Law- less said  that  a  crime  which  if  committed  by  one  or  two persons  might  properly  bring  the  death  sentence,  could  be perpetrated  by  a  mob  with  impunity  as  an  act  "beyond  the reach  of  human  law,"  Attempts  to  curb  the  freedom  of  the press  were  no  longer  reserved  for  anti-slavery  literatvire; an  editor  T;ho  criticised  the  doctrine  of  Lawless  had  his printing  office  demolished, 40 The  St,  Louis  case  is  supposed  to  have  been  the occasion  for  Lincoln's  oft-quoted  speech  on  "The  Perpetuation of  our  Political  Institutions"  in  v/hich  he  gave  an  account of  the  general  conditions  of  lawlessness  over  the  whole 39.  Nlles  Register,  June  4,  1836,  ^ 50: 234 J. 40,  After  this  the  editor  turned  strongly  an ti- slavery  in attitude.  For  refusing  to  stop  his  publication  which  he had  again  set  up  in  Alton,  Illinois,  he  was  killed  on the  night  of  November  7,  1837,  after  his  press  had  three times  been  destroyed  by  mobs. f--,  .1      r: C^.f. .  i' 54 country,  and  expressed  a  fear  that  mob  violence  would destroy  the  government.   After  a  long  resume  in  which  he dwelled  especially  upon  the  Mississippi  and  the  St,  Louis cases,  Lincoln  concluded:^ Such  are  the  effects  of  mob  law,  and  such  are  the scenes  becoming  more  and  more  frequent  in  this land  so  lately  famed  for  love  of  law  and  order, and  the  stories  of  which  have  even  nov/  grown  too familiar  to  attract  anything  more  than  an  idle remark. Although  it  was  not  specifically  confined  to  any section,  nor  inflicted  for  any  particulsu?  offense  to  the exclusion  of  others,  by  1840  lynch-law  was  gradually  becoming more  characteristic  of  the  South  and  West.   In  many  parts  of the  latter  the  law  was  yet  unable  to  care  for  the  public order,  so  that  thieves,  gamblers  and  desperadoes  were  "lynch- ed",*^ In  older  communities,  on  the  other  hand,  in  the  South and  in  parts  of  the  'West,  lynch-law  was  resorted  to  in  cases where  there  was  strong  feeling  that  the  cotirts  had  not  in- flicted p\inlshment  in  keeping  with  the  crime;  or,  in  cases "when  from  excitement  the  majority  will  not  wait  for  the  law II 43 to  act,  but  inflict  punishment  vi/ith  their  own  hands. Thus,  whereasonce  lynch-law  v/as  practiced  on  the border  settlements  as  a  temporary  method  of  suppressing  law- lessness until  civil  regulations  could  be  Effected,  it  had now  turned  upon  the  law  which  it  proposed  to  protect.   This was  not  always  without  legal  penalty.   In  Brownsville, 41»  Quoted  by  Cutler  from  Abraham  Lincoln,  Works,  Vol,  I,  9-10. 42,  The  term  still  connoted  whipping,  or  tarring  and  feathering or  both.   '/Vhen  the  death  penalty  was  exacted,  it  v/as  always specifically  stated. 45.  F,  Murryat,  Diary  in  America,  (1839)  Vol,  I,  pp.  232-233, ■^:i  v^MJi- zs.r  '.'-'■-,     ti <.^ eoft notl ,     .f-> 55 Tennessee,  in  1835,  a  lynch  court  convicted  one  suspected of  being  a  slave  stealer,  inflicted  500  lashes  with  a  "cow- skin"  and  branded  him  on  the  cheek.   A  jury  In  the  United States  Circuit  Court  gave  him  a  verdict  of  $2,000  and  costs against  five  members  of  the  lynching  party, ^  Three  years later  two  young  men  in  Payette  County,  Tennessee,  assisted others  to  ride  a  man  on  a  rail,  during  which  outrage  he received  fatal  injuries.   These  gentlemen  were  fined  fifty dollars  each  and  sentenced  to  three  month's  imprisonment,^^ In  Yazoo,  Mississippi,  a  man  was  "severely  lynched'  ,  v/here- upon  he  prosecuted  two  of  the  mob  in  circuit  court  of  the county  and  was  awarded  a  total  of  $20,000  damages,  ° Between  1840  and  1850  there  seems  to  have  been  an increased  tendency  on  the  part  of  the  people  to  take  the  law into  their  own  hands, ^'   The  occasion  in  the  South  was  general- ly one  growing  out  of  the  abolition  movement,,  The  negroes v/ere  often  unmercifully  flogged,  and  for  serious  crimes  put  to death.   Abolition  propagandists  from  the  North  were  frequent- ly lynched,  generally  by  a  severe  whipping,  and  then  ordered to  depart  northward.   During  the  latter  part  of  this  decade especially  the  iiVestward  movement  was  accompanied  by  such  out- breaks of  desperadism  as  to  make  extra-legal  punishment  in- evitable. Thus  during  the  following  decade,  1850  to  1860, under  various  names.  Vigilance  Committees  functioned  in  the 44.  Liberator,  Oct.  27,  1857,  p,  174.  ' 45.  Llberato"r,  Sept,  14,  1838,  p.  146, 46.  Kiles  Register,  June  15,  1839,  p.  256. 47.  Of.  Evans,  op.  cit.  p.  167;  Ililes  Register,  66:428,  320 for  lynchings  in  Texas  and  Florida, b.& 56 West  from  the  Mississippi  to  California,   "Each  new  western state,  as  it  began  to  be  settled,  attracted  thither  villains of  every  dye,  who  kept  the  community  in  constant  fear  until it  purged  itself  by  the  swift  and  sure  executions  of  mob- ocracy  or  vigilance  committees, "^^  The  complete  story  of this  decade  cannot  be  written.   In  California  alone,  v/here, it  is  true,  extra-legal  "justice"  became  most  necessary, Bancroft  mentions  by  actual  count  over  one  thousand  mxirders and  hangings  for  the  years  1850-52.49  According  to  the  Dis- trict Attorney's  Report  there  were  1200  murders  between 1850-1853  in  San  Francisco,  and  one  case  of  legal  pimish- ment,^^  In  1855  there  were  538  homicides,  with  nine  legal executions  and  forty-seven  "informal  ones".   Between  1850- 1856  there  were  some  fourteen  hundred  murders  in  ^a.n Francisco  alone,  "and  only  three  of  the  murderers  hung xmder  the  law,  and  one  of  these  was  a  friendless  Mexican, ^^ Truly  it  was  the  Axigustan  age  of  murder,   Idaho,  Montana, Oregon,  Washington,  Utah,  Nevada,  Arizona  and  Nev;  Mexico  all had  their  horse  thieves,  robbers,  murderers,  -  and  their Popular  Tribunals,  floggings  and  hangings.  If  law  is 48,  Popular  Tribunals,  Vol,  I,  p«  8, 49,  This  large  voluiae  (I)  is  literally  filled  with  case  studies of  murder  and  hangings,  more  than  one  per  page  throughout. It  must  be  remembered  too,  that  thes#  T/ere  gathered  very largely  from  San  Francisco  alone, 50,  Bancroft,  Vol,  I,  p.  131;  Cf.  New  York  Times,  Aug,  10,  1919, quoting  from  the  official  records, 51,  Bancroft,  op,  cit,  p,  749,   After  reading  through  tills vol\ime  one  is  not  so  inclined  to  disagree  with  the  author as  near  the  beginning  of  the  volume  when  he  read  the  follow- ing:  "Had  Herod,  for  the  sla\ighter  of  the  Innocents,  been brought  before  a  San  Francisco  jury  at  that  time  he  would have  been  acquitted,   Judas  Iscariot  amongst  the  California Christians  Y/ould  have  passed  unscathed  so  long  as  any  part of  his  thirty  silver  pieces  remained  with  him," 57 "codified  htunan  sentiment",  human  sentiment  in  general  was at  what  would  now  he  called  a  lov/  level  in  these  frontier territories.   In  June,  1860,  in  Carson  City  Nevada  occurred an  incident  that  well  illustrates  hov/  weak  was  the  law  out there  where  men  who  killed  were  many,  while  those  who  loved Justice  and  order  were  few,   A  Mexican  v,fas  accused  of attempted  robbery  and  murder  by  a  German  couple,  a  Mr.  and Mrs.  Hesse,   The  Mexican  v/as  arrested  and  examined  before a  judge,  who  held  him  to  ansv/er  before  the  court,  Althoxigh the  original  charges  were  as  stated  above,  during  the examination  the  woman  swore  that  the  Mexican  had  made  im- proper proposals  to  her.  Her  reputation  was  somewhat  shady, "Yet  when  immediately  upon  the  close  of  the  examination  Mrs, Hesse  drew  from  under  her  shawl  her  cocked  pistol,  and  plac- ing it  against  the  head  of  the  prisoner  fired,  causing  his instant  death,  neither  judge,  sheriff,  nor  the  people  made any  attempt  to  arrest  her,  but  permitted  her  to  return  to her  home  in  peace,  as  if  she  had  committed  a  meritorious act,"^  In  the  year  1865  there  v/ere  at  least  one  hundred and  fifty  homicides,  and  only  two  legal  executions.   It  was with  such  a  background  as  this  that  the  later  decades  were ushered  in;  and  no  better  explanation  of  the  available statistics  of  the  eighties  and  later  are  needed.   Gold- diggers,  forest-clearers,  pralrie-ploughers  out  beyond  the borderline  of  civilization  do  not  find  awaiting  their arrival  lav/,  sheriffs,  juries  and  penitentiaries.   Neither Sg»  Bancroft,  Popular  Trlb\xnals,  Vol,  I,  p.  600, ;  '..^. 58 do  these  things  come  suddenly  after  their  arrival;  it takes  many  years,  as  history  has  shown.   In  1887  Bancroft stated  as  follows:   "I  have  given  in  this  voliime  many examples. , .but  the  half  has  not  been  told.   It  is  safe  to say  that  thus  far  in  the  history  of  these  Pacific  States far  more  has  been  done  toward  righting  wrongs  and  administer- ing justice  outside  the  pale  of  lav/  than  within  it."   Lynch- law  where  there  was  no  lawj  lynch-law  where  men  were  left to  protect  themselves  or  to  die.  All  quite  different  from the  situation  in  the  South  during  the  decades  under  con- sideration.  Let  us  turn  again  to  this  section  and  view  the situation  before  the  beginning  of  the  Civil  War. During  the  last  decade  before  the  V/ar  lynching seems  to  have  grown  more  and  more  common  in  the  South. Lynch-law  was  no  longer  reserved  solely  for  slave  ins-ur- rectionists  and  abolitionists,  as  is  shown  by  the  follov/ing quotation  from  the  "Western  Herald"  under  the  caption  "Lynch Law  in  Virginia":   "A  man  named  William  Hornbeck,  living  in Lewis  County,  Virginia,  for  alleged  ill-treatment  of  his family  was  lynched  by  the  yoiing  men  in  the  neighborhood,  one night  last  week,  -  Stripped  of  his  clothing,  rode  on  a  rail, m.ade  to  run  through  a  briar  patch,  a  stout  paddle  used  to keep  him  going,  and  a  coat  of  tar  and  feathers  applied. "^^ This  was  in  1856.   In  the  following  year  there  was  another instance  of  the  degeneration  of  lynch-law,   A  great  excite- ment was  caused  in  Barton  County,  Missoxirl  by  "a  set  of 55.  Liberator,  May  2.  1856.  p.  72. 59 of  lawless  wretches"  who,  v/hlle  pretending  to  be  after  a horse  thief,  "barbarously  beat  several  men  until  their lives  were  despaired  of,  and  when  v/omen  interf erred,  some were  badly  beaten  and  others  violated. , ,."^^  By  1860  it was  not  safe  to  be  patriotic  enough  to  "hurrah"  for  Lin- coln, especially  if  his  nane  was  connected  v/ith  the abolitionists.  For  this  crime  two  white  men  and  a  mulatto were  arrested  at  "Mosley  Hall"  North  Carolina,   After  a trial  on  the  spot  they  were  lynched  by  being  whipped  and having  their  heads  shaved. ^^ In  1857  a  vigilance  comraittee  in  the  "upper country"  of  Texas  was  busy  "raking  the  country  fore  and aft  and  sv/inging  every  horse  thief  and  murderer"  to  be fovmd,   A  traveler  reported  that  he  saw  twelve  bodies suspended  from  one  tree  and  five  from  another. 56  This was  so  much  of  the  border  variety  of  extra-legal  procedvire; but  Texas  was  concerned  v/ith  slavery,  and  thus  at  this time  had  a  double  occasion  for  lynching.   In  the  siJinmer  of 1860  it  is  said  that  twenty-four  "insurrectionists"  v/ere hanged,^" A  natural  outcome  of  the  continuation  of  the abolition  movement  was  an  increasing  frequency  and  severity of  punishment  of  the  Negroes,^"  Only  the  economic  value  of the  slave  made  him  worth  more  hxunane  consideration  than  the abolitionist,  for  whom  no  punishment  was  considered  severe 54.  Liberator,  Dec.  4,  1357. 55.  Liberator,  Dec.  31,  1860,  p.  211, 56.  Liberator,  Oct.  2,  1857,  Vol.  27:160. 57.  Liberator,  Aug.  24,  1B60,  p.  160. 58.  By  the  psychological  process  called  "emotional  transfer," 60 enough.   The  "Augustan  age  of  murder"  v;as  not  confined  to California}  it  reigned  at  the  same  time  in  the  South*   Ac- cording to  an  editorial  in  the  Liberator,  December  19,  1856 (p.  24):   "A  record  of  the  cases  of  "Lynch  Law*  in  the southern  states  reveals  the  startling  fact,  that  within  twenty- years,  over  three  hundred  white  persons  have  been  murdered upon  the  accusation  -  in  most  cases  unsupported  by  legal proof-  of  carrying  among  slave-holders  argvuiients  addressed expressly  to  their  own  intellects  and  consciences,  as  to  the morality  and  expediency  of  slavery,"  A  study  of  the  literature of  the  period  would  hardly  permit  one  to  doubt  that  these figures  are  overdrawn.  They  are  probably  conservative,  for, although  the  "Liberator"  made  a  record  of  every  case  possible, it  is  doubtless  true  that  many  lynchings  by  murder  were  not reported. There  seems  to  have  been  a  considerable  amount  of crime  committed  by  Negroes  after  1830,^^  Masters,  overseers, and  mistresses  were  murdered  by  slaves.   During  the  first decade  after  the  beginning  of  the  abolition  movement  the  law was  ordinarily  allowed  to  take  its  course;  but  as  the  move- ment grew,  during  the  next  twenty  years  this  was  less  and less  frequent.   From  1830  to  1840  one  free  Negro  and  three slaves  were  legally  executed  for  rape;  and  two  slaves,  for attempted  rape.   During  the  same  period  four  Negroes  were burned  at  the  stake,  -  tv/o  at  Mobile,  Alabama  for  murdering 59.  Cf,  Cutler,  op,  cit,  p,  124ff, 61 (possibly  after  committing  rape  upon)  two  children;  the free  mulatto,  Mcintosh,  at  St.  Louis  for  killing  an  officer; and  a  slave  in  Arkansas  for  murdering  his  master.   There  arc also  during  the  period  reports  of  sximmary  punishment,  not death,  being  administered  to  Negroes  who  induced  white  girls to  run  away  v/ith  them,  or  who  lived  with  white  women,  ^® For  the  next  decade,  1850-1860,  the  record  is different.  Forty-six  Negroes  paid  the  death  penalty  for murder.  Twenty  of  this  nximber  were  legally  executed,  and twenty- six  were  killed  by  mobs.  Two  of  the  latter  were women,  one  for  beating  her  mistress  to  death  and  the  other for  poisoning  her  master.  Eight  of  the  remaining  twenty- four  summary  executions  were  by  burning  to  death.  For  rape and  attempted  rape  upon  white  women  five  were  legally executed,  and  tv/elve  were  put  to  death  by  mobs.  Four  of these  were  burned  at  the  stake,  three  of  whom  were  charged with  the  double  crime  of  rape  and  murder,  "■*■  With  the passing  of  the  years  under  the  abolition  movement  matters became  worse  generally,   Negroes  committed  more  crimes;  and the  whites,  goaded  by  the  abolitionist  even  more  than  by the  negroes'  crimes,  tended  more  and  more  to  tighten  the reins  on  the  slave;  -  to  make  his  life  unbearable,  yet  to lynch  him  if  he  did  not  bear  it  silently.   The  general situation  in  the  slave  states  at  the  beginning  of  the  Civil War  is  possibly  fairly  well  described  by  the  following  letter, 60,  Cutler,  loc.  cit.  p.  126,   This  was  quite  different  from post-Civil  vVar  and  Twentieth  Century  treatment  of  negroes in  the  South  v/ho  "cross  the  color  line", 61.  Evans,  op,  cit.  p.  157;  Cutler,  op,  cit.  pp.  126-127, .IB 62 dated  August  23,  1860,  Houston,  Texas,  and  written  to  a friend  in  Hartford,  Connecticut: Tell  your  abolition  friends  to  go  on  and  soon they  v/ill  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  the  negro reduced  to  such  a  state  of  hopeless  bondage  that they  may  well  pity  them,   I  solemnly  declare  that today  the  negro  is  not  as  free  as  he  was  tv/o  or five  years  ago;  and  v/hy?  Simply  because  his  mas- ter has  been  goaded  to  desperation  by  incendiary acts  and  speeches,   Nov/  he  fears  the  negro,  and binds  him  dovm  as  you  v/ould  a  savage  animal,.,. And  so  it  is  all  over  the  country.  Men  are  hung every  day  by  the  decision  of  planters,  lawyers judges,  and  ministers.   It  is  not  hot  impetuous act,  but  cool,  stern  justice.  It  is  the  saving of  wife  and  daughter,  mother  and  sister  from  the hand  of  desecration.   It  is  the  stopping  of  scenes that  would  make  the  Druses  and  T^l^ks  blush  with shame, ^^ That  this  fear  of  the  Negro  was  largely  if  not wholly  unnecessary  is  indicated  by  subsequent  history.   The Negro  had  been  drilled  to  obey  his  master;  he  knew  little else  and  rebelled  only  when  led,  or  at  least  influenced,  by others.   So  generally  was  this  true  that  during  the  entire period  of  the  Civil  War  there  is  no  record  of  a  slave  who attempted  a  rebellion,  or  who  committed  a  crime  against  a white  woman, ^'5  The  records  are  silent  as  to  the  southern white  man  who  feared  going  to  war  and  leaving  his  wife  and children  with  the  slaves.   During  all  those  years  they worked  on  and  on  feeding  the  army  whose  victory  v/ould  have 6S.  Quoted  in  the  Liberator,  Sept,  14,  1860,  (30:146);  and by  Cutler,  op.  clt.  pp,  121-122, 63.  Cf.  Fleming, op.  cit.  Vol.  I,  p.  257;  George  R.  Y/illiams, History  of  the  iimerican  Negro,  Vol,  II,  p,  414;  M,  L, Avary,  Dixie  After  the  ',Var7  "p.  385,   After  a  careful search  the  v/riter  has  been  unable  to  find,  even  among  the most  rabid  of  the  Negro's  enemies,  a  single  accuser  in  so far  as  this  period  is  concerned.   Doubtless  there  were  a few  cases  of  rape  during  the  V/ar,  but  the  utter  silence of  history  on  the  point  seems  almost  a  mystery. «    »     *    ^ 63 spelled  their  doom,  and  the  v/ives  and  children  of  the  men v/ho"^  held  them  in  bondage.   But  before  this  test  came,  the minds  of  many  of  the  Aliites  of  the  South  against  the  Negro as  to  afford  an  unpromising  beginning  for  the  long,  perilous process  of  readjustment  necessitated  by  its  outcomco 64 CHAPTER  IV MOB  VIOLENCE  AKD  RECONSTRUCTION Reconstruction  in  the  South  is  a  long  story,  the more  fully  told  the  more  enlightening  on  subsequent  race relations.  In  this  chapter  we  can  do  no  more  than  give  a general  summary  of  the  most  salient  factors  of  the  period Yfhich  had  their  bearing  upon  these  relationships,  Hov/ever honestly  many  Americans  thought  the  Civil  War  would  solve the  race  problem,  it  really  created  it.  There  was  no  "race problem"  as  we  know  it  before  emancipation.   The  two  races lived  side  by  side  in  an  almost  perfect  state  of  accommo- dation under  the  master-slave  regime.   This  condition  of adjustment  had  taken  long  years.   Now  suddenly  came  a  change in  status,  from  master-slave  to  man-man,   A  readjustment  on this  basis  would  have  been  long  and  difficult  enough  under the  best  of  conditions.   Just  how  long  and  difficult  we shall  never  know,  for  such  conditions  were  not  present  or forth- coming. The  South  had  failed  in  its  attempt  to  set  up  a new  Government.   Civil  law  was  only  partially  and  imperfectly 65 re-established.   The  "carpet-bagger"  -  as  imich  a  disgrace  to the  North  as  an  irritant  to  the  South  -  swarmed  hither,  with two  results  not  fully  to  be  measured  as  yet.  First  there was  naturally  a  continuation  and  intensifying  of  the  misunder- standings and  hostility  between  the  whites  of  the  two  sections, It  is  probable  that  the  North  had  more  friends  in  the  South during  the  worst  of  the  War  than  for  many  years  af terv/ards,-^ Many  of  the  "low- whites"  were  for  the  North  and  against slavery,  in  the  abstract,  but  they  v-ere  more  hostile  to  Negro soldiers,  policeman,  and  congressman  than  were  their  former masters.   They  had  always  hated  Negroes;  now  they  hated  them more, 2  They  were  against  slavery  because  they  were  against the  masters,  and  not  because  they  liked  or  pitied  the  slaves. It  was  their  understanding  that  the  latter  v/ould  be  sent  out of  the  country  and  not  to  Congress,*-^ Secondly,  there  was  a  renev/ed  and  intensified fear  of  the  Negro,  v/hich  resulted  in  greater  hostility tov/ard  him.  The  carpet-bagger"  was  not  wholly  responsible for  this.  It  was  also  due  to  the  unv/ise  and  inefficient Reconstruction  policy  of  the  Federal  Congress,  In  response to  southern  laws  that  v/ould  practically  have  re-enslaved the  Negro,  the  Freedman's  Bureau  was  established  and  the best  citizens  of  the  South  v/ere  disfranchised  and  disarmed,^ 1,  ^f .  W,  L,  Fleming,  Documentary  History  of  Reconstruction, Vol.  II,  pp.  369-71). 2,  Senate  Report  on  Labor  and  Capital,  Testimony,  Vol.  IV, (1883)  p.  38, 3,  Fleming,  loc,  cit.  Vol.  II,  pp.  273,334,  337. Cf.  M.  S.  Evans,  op.  cit,  p.  47, 4,  Fleming,  Vol.  I,  p.  90;  Coutler,  The  Civil  War  and  Read- justment in  Kentucky,  pp.  442ff. 66 Negro  troops  were  stationed  in  South  Carolina,  Louisiana, Mississippi  and  Alabama.^  Negro  militia  regiments  were organized  in  North  and  South  Carolina,  Florida,  Mississippi, Louisiana  and  Arkansas,  and  the  "Radical"  white  militia  in North  Carolina,  Tennessee  and  Arkansas  proved  even  more objectionable.^  In  Alabama  "the  Negro  population  was  very- dense  and  Military  posts  were  established  at  intervals  of 20  to  30  miles. ""7   In  South  Carolina  in  1870  there  v/ere fourteen  thousand  militia  organized  into  fourteen  regiments of  one  thousand  Negroes  each.^ The  Freednien's  Bureau The  need  for  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  cannot  be  dis- puted; the  good  it  accomplished,  however,  was  soon  forgotten, possibly  but  not  necessarily  because  of  the  harm  it  did, 9 For  it  would  have  been  objectionable  under  any  circumstances; it  was  outside  "interference"  -  the  thing  which  the  Southern man  had  fought  against, 10  The  occasion  for  the  creation  of the  Bureau  was  the  very  evident  intention  of  the  Southern Legislatures  to  make  the  Negro  a  slave  again.   The  most stringent  lav/s  had  been  enacted  against  the  ex-slave  before 5,  Fleming,  Vol.  I,  pp.  47-49, 6,  Fleming,  Vol.  II,  p.  34. 7,  Fleming,  op.  cit.  Vol.  I,  p.  443, 8,  Fleming,  op.  cit.  Vol.  II,  p.  76;  Cf.  Senate  Doc.  No.  39 the  Congress,  1  session,  p.  21,  Schiirz's  report  to  the President  on  Southern  labor  conditions, 9,  "As  soon  as  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  v/as  organized,  it  fed to  the  limit  of  its  supplies  the  needy  whites  as  well as  the  Blacks."   ihis  has  apparently  been  forgotten  by  many, 10,  Cf.  Garner,  Reconstruction  in  i/Iississippi,  pp.  261,  265, 67 the  end  of  1865. H  Some  of  these  laws  were  absolutely impossible  to  comply  with,  and  meant  inevitable  re-enslave- ment of  the  Negroes. 12  in  South  Carolina,  for  example,  - and  laws  passed  by  other  southern  states,  besides  Louisiana, were  of  the  same  nature,  -  an  ordinance  was  passed  stating that  "no  person  of  color  shall  pursue  the  practice,  art,  or business  of  an  artisan,  mechanic,  or  shop-keeper,  or  any other  trade  or  employment  beside  that  of  husbandry,  or  that of  a  servant  under  contract  for  labor,  until  he  shall  have obtained  a  license  from  the  judge  of  the  county  court, which  license  shall  be  for  one  year  only."   License  fees, applicable  to  Negroes  only,  ranged  from  fifty  dollars  to five  hundred  dollars.   According  to  a  bill  introduced  into the  Legislature  of  Louisiana,  every  freed  manandv/oman  must, within  twenty  days,  provide  themselves  with  a  comfortable home  and  visible  means  of  subsistence.   Any  colored  persons failing  to  comply  with  the  Act  were  to  be  arrested  by  the sheriff  or  constable  and  hired  out  to  the  highest  bidder  for the  remainder  of  the  year. If  the  Freedraen's  Bureau  answered  a  need  for  the protection  of  the  Negro  in  the  community  in  which  it  v/as located,  at  the  same  time,  and  partially  because  it  attempted to  protect  the  Negro,  it  became  a  source  of  irritation  and trouble. ^'5  It  is  true  that  some  few  of  the  branches  of  the 11,  Cf.  Fleming,  The  Sequel  to  Appomattox,  pp.  93-97, 12,  Gf.  Evans,  op,  cit.  pp.  50ff," 13,  Cf,  Garner,  op,  cit.  p.  265, 68 Bureau  did  not  meet  with  resistance,  but  these  v/ere  ex- ceptional.  The  popularity,  -  or  unpopularity  -  outside  of the  natural  disfavor  resulting  from  its  being  an  "outside Invasion",  depended  very  largely  upon  the  Individual  officers in  charge, -^"^   It  has  often  been  said  that  there  may  have been  an  honest  man  connected  with  the  Freedaian's  Bureau,  but that  he  was  never  discovered.   This  is  too  broad  a  state- ment, but  it  is  largely  true.   There  v/as,  on  the  other  hand, doubtless  some  basis  for  the  report  of  an  official  in Louisiana  who  declared  that  the  v/hites  would  exterminate 1  "^ the  negroes  if  the  Bureau  were  removed,  •^'^ This  was  certainly  not  the  case  in  all  sections of  the  South,   The  following  is  an  account  given  by  Coulter of  how,  in  one  case,  readjustment  was  made  without  help  or interference.   In  1868  the  negroes  of  Fayette  County, Kentucky, .♦held  a  meeting  v/here  they  made  it  plain  that  they stood  ready  to  enter  into  ( labor  j  contracts  v/ith farmers,  "for  v/e  have  been  raised  to  work,  and it  don't  go  hard  v/ith  us."  They  told  their  former masters  that  God  had  blessed  them  "with  strong  arms  to till  your  fields,  and  if  you  will  give  us  work  to make  a  living,  we  will  make  Fayette  a  blessing,"  They appointed  one  of  their  number  to  be  a  labor  agent 14,  Cf.  Barner,  loc.  cit.  p.  268, 15,  Fleming,  The  Sequel  to  Appomattox,  p.  112, Hr ,r. .^j. 69 through  v/hom  they  should  receive  jobs  from  the  white people  looking  for  laborers.   Many  blacks  willing to  work  were  present  at  the  meeting,  and  all  adjottrn- ed  "with  the  understanding,  that  if  there  was  any fault  found  this  year,  it  shall  not  be  on  the  part of  the  colored  men". .,« These  negroes  set  August  20, 1869  as  a  day  of  thanksgiving  for  the  good  treat- ment they  had  received  at  the  hands  of  the  whites..,. They  stated  that  "the  colored  men  have  labored better,  and  farmers  have  treated  us  better,  and God  has  blessed  them  all  better". .. .the  whites reciprocated  this  feeling  of  friendship  and  co- operation. ♦  ..The  hand  of  the  Preedinen«s  Bureau  had not  entered  into  these  proceedings,  and  this  ex- plains largely  the  good  relationships  that  were growing  up.  Without  the  meddling  of  the  Bvireau  and with  a  more  reasonable  attitude  on  the  part  of  the white  people  to  changed  conditions,  almost  complete understanding  and  accord  must  have  grown  up  between whites  and  blacks.  ^^ Thus  we  see  an  example  of  readjustment  in  which the  Bureau  played  no  part.   Three  points  deserve  note: The  v/illingness  of  the  Negro  to  work  for  the  YJhite;  second- ly, the  sympathetic  attitude  and  cooperation  on  the  part ■  16.  ^oted  from  Coulter,  op.  cit.  pp.  346-347.   Taken  from the  following  sources:   Lexington  (Kg)  Observer  and  Re- porter, Dec.  26  and  30,  1868;  July  17  and  Aug.  14,  IbbiJ; V/eekly  Commonwealth,  February  18,  1870, 1     «     *     « 70 of  the  v/hites;  thirdly,  the  absence  of  the  Preednen's Bureau,  Unfortunately,  in  a  great  many  sections  of  states fiorther  South  the  first  two  conditions  were  not  present, and,  as  a  result,  the  third  was  present.   In  nxinerous  in- stances the  Negroes  moved  to  town  and  refused  to  v/ork. Some  went  to  politics;  and  others,  into  other  popular criminal  professions  of  the  tirae,^*^ Many  Negroes,  freed  from  the  tradition  of  two hundred  and  fifty  years  of  slavery,  took  a holiday;  some  resolved  not  to  work  any  more  as long  as  they  lived,  and  some  even  appropriated to  their  own  use  the  produce  of  their  neighbors. At  the  same  time  many  of  the  white  men  were difficult  to  deal  with.   They  preferred  to  re-enslave  the Negroes  rather  than  to  pay  them  a  fair  salary  and  treat them  as  "hired  hands"  on  the  place,   ■."j'hat  Coulter  relates concerning  a  county  just  across  from  Fayette,  in  Kentuclcy, was  much  more  true  of  other  sections: But  the  blame  was  not  all  on  one  side,   A  Shelby County  farmer  was  franic  to  state  (in  1870)  that the  farmers  of  the  State  showed  a  too  "stubborn indispositin  to  accept  their  present  situation", and  the  "prejudice  of  previous  habits."  (p.  347), Dr.  Fleming  points  out  that  especially  in  Texas and  Florida  the  Freedraan's  Bureau  proved  very  obnoxious,  due largely  to  general  official  incompetence  and  discrimination in  favor  of  the  Negroes. 18  in  Virginia  it  was  said  that there  seemed  to  be  no  trouble  except  v/here  the  Bureau  was in  operation. 19  An  authority  on  the  history  of  Recon- 17,  Benjamin  Brawley,  Social  Hi's'to'ry  of  the  American  Negro, pp.  262-263. 18,  Documentary  History  of  Reconstruction,   Vol.    I,    p.    363. 19,  Fleming,   ftocumentary  History,    etc.,   Vol.    I,    p.    365. 71 struction  summarizes  the  activities  of  the  Freedmen's Bxireau  as  follows  :^'^ It  failed  to  exert  a  permanently  wholesome  influence because  its  lesser  agents  were  not  held  to  strict accountability  by  their  superiors.  Under  these agents  the  alienation  of  the  two  races  began,  and the  ill  feelings  then  aroused  were  destined  to persist  into  a  long  troubled  future. Politics  and  Negro  Soldiers Political  affairs  soon  fell  into  the  hands  of  the "carpet-baggers",  Negroes  and  "scalawags",   Alabama,  Georgia, Florida,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  and  South  Carolina  were represented  in  part  by  Negroes  in  the  National  House  of Representatives.  Mississippi  had  two  Negro  Senators  in Washington.   All  of  the  Southern  States  had  Negro  members of  both  branches  of  the  Legislature.   In  1872  Louisiana, Mississippi,  and  South  Carolina  had  Negro  Lieutenant- governors, It  is  doubtless  true  that  these  Negro  politicians were  little  less  competent  than  some  of  the  'Miites  elected along  with  them:   They  could  hardly  have  been  more  hated than  were  the  "carpet-baggers"."   In  the  Legislature  of South  Carolina,  in  the  year  1868,  there  were  one  hundred fifty-five  members,  ninety-alght  Negroes  and  sixty-seven 20.  Fleming,  The  Sequel  to  Appomattox,  p.  117. 21,  Cf.  J.  S.  Reynolds,  Reconstruction  in  South  Carolina,  p. 90, 72 Whites.   Twenty-two  of  the  group  could  not  read  and  write; several  could  not  write  more  than  their  names;  forty-one signed  by  an  X  raark.^^  A  South  Carolina  carpet-bagger, Leslie,  from  Massachusetts  v/as  asked  a  question  concerning the  reports  that  the  State  was  paying  for  a  Negro  brothel located  Just  opposite  the  State  House,   His  reply  was: "South  Carolina  has  no  right  to  be  a  state  unless  she  can support  her  statesmen." Negro  Soldiers The  presence  of  Negro  soldiers  and  militia  proved especially  Irritating  to  the  Southerners,  Fleming  points out  that  without  exception  the  presence  of  Negro  soldiers was  resented;  that  even  at  their  best  these  troops  v/ere obnoxious  to  the  southern  Y/hites,23  in  1866  Governor Sharkey  of  Mississippi  said:   "The  great  amount  of  com- plaints originate  from  the  localities  where  the  negro soldiers  are  stationed, "2-  The  presence  of  Negro  soldiers had  a  bad  effect  on  the  Negroes  as  well  as  on  the  v/hites. They  were  a  constant  source  of  irritation  to  the  latter;  and their  presence  served  as  a  stimulus  to  a  certain  amount  of laxness  on  the  part  of  the  other  Negroes  of  the  com:nunity. The  literature  of  the  period  is  replete  v/ith  evidence  con- cerning the  prevalence  of  intense  fear  on  the  part  of  v/hite women.   This  has  formed  a  part  of  the  social  inheritance 22.  See  note  under  Frontispiece,  Fleming,  op.  cit.  Vol.  II. 23.  Fleming,  The  Sequel  to  Appomattox,  p.  21. 24.  Report  of  Joint  Committee  on  Keconstruction,  Pt.  iii, p.  134. 73 25 of  follov/lng  generations. The  following  cases  are  cited,  irrespective  of  the fact  that  they  may  have  been,  no  doubt  were,  the  exception rather  than  the  rule.   They  constitute  -  along  v/ith  many others  that  could  be  cited,  and  possibly  still  many  more not  in  print  -  an  important  part  of  the  social  background of  subsequent  race  relationships.   Moreover,  these  cases indicate  that  the  attitudes  formed  at  the  time  were  not altogether  without  reason.   The  first  is  taken  from  Myrta Locket t  Avary's  Dixie  After  the  War.   We  quote  from  pages 140-142: The  Lone  Star  of  Texas Entering  Rosemont  Cemetery,  Newberry,  S,  C,  one perceives  on  a  tall  marble  shaft  "The  Lone  Star  of  Texas' and  this:   'Calvin  S,  Crozier,  Born  at  Brandon,  Mississippi, August  1840,  Murdered  at  Newberry,  S.  C.  September  8,  1865'. At  the  close  of  the  war,  there  were  some  99,000 Confederates  in  Federal  prisons,  whose  release  beginning  in May,  continued  throughout  the  siimmer.   Among  these  was Crozier,  slender,  boyish  in  appearance,  brave, thin  to emaciation,  pitifully  weak  and  homesick.   It  was  a  far  cry to  his  home  in  sunny  Galveston,  but  he  had  traversed  three 25.  ^f.  Fleming,  op.  cit.  Vol.  I,  p.  91;  Vol.  II,  pp.  270-6; 331-2;  334;  444;  Avary,  op.  cit.  pp.  267,  377,  383,  386, North  American  Rev.,  (1889)  article  by  '.7.  T.  Parkers. The  Evolution  of  the  Negro  Soldier;  J.  M.  Mecklin,  The Eu  Klux  Klan,  pp.  87-887   Also,  Proceedings  at  the  Ku Klux •Trials,  Columbia,  S.  C.  in  the  U.  S.  Circuit Court,  November  Term,  1871,  pp.  187,  425, e^' .'in 74 states  when  he  fell  ill  in  North  Carolina,   A  Good  Sainaritan nvtrsed  him,  and  set  him  on  his  v/ay  again.   At  Orangeburg, S,  C,  a  gentleman  placed  two  young  ladies,  journeying  in the  same  direction,  under  his  care.   To  Crozier,  the  trust was  sacred.   At  Newberry,  the  train  was  derailed  by  ob- structions placed  on  the  track  by  negro  soldiers  of  the  33d, U.  S.  Regiment,  which,  under  command  of  Colonel  Trowbridge, white,  Y/as  on  its  way  from  Anderson  to  Coliambia.   Crozier  got out  with  others  to  see  what  was  the  matter.   Returning,  he found  the  coach  invaded  by  two  half -drunk  negro  soldiers, cursing  and  using  Indecent  language.   He  called  upon  them to  desist,  directing  their  attention  to  the  presence  of ladies.   They  replied  that  they  'didn't  care  a  d — 1'   One attempted  gross  familiarities  with  one  of  the  ladies. Crozier  ejected  him;  the  second  Negro  Interferred;  there was  a  struggle  in  the  dark;  one  Negro  fled  unhurt;  the other,  with  a  slight  cut,  ran  tov/ard  camp,  yelling:   'I'm cut  by  a  d-d  rebel!'   Black  soldiers  carae  in  a  mob. The  narrative,  as  told  on  the  montiment,  con- cludes:  'The  infuriated  soldiers  seized  a  citizen  of  New- berry, upon  whom  they  were  about  to  execute  savage  revenge, when  Crozier  came  promptly  forward  and  avowed  his  ovm responsibility.   He  v/as  hurried  in  the  night-time  to  the bivouac  of  the  regiment  to  which  the  soldiers  belonged,  was kept  under  guard  all  night,  was  not  allov/ed  communication with  any  citizen,  was  condemned  to  die  v/ithout  even  the  form of  a  trial,  and  was  shot  to  death  about  daylight  the  following t  I  .. . 1  I 75 morning,  and  his  body  mutilated'. He  had  been  ordered  to  dig  his  own  grave,  but refused,   A  hole  had  been  dug,  he  was  made  to  kneel  on  its brink,  the  column  fired  upon  him,  he  tumbled  into  it,  and then  the  black  troops  jumped  on  it,  laughing,  dancing, stamping.   The  only  mercy  shov/n  him  was  by  one  huraane negro,  v/ho,  eager  to  save  his  life,  besought  him  to  deny his  identity  as  the  striker  of  the  blow.   White  citizens watched  their  moment,  removed  his  remains,  and  gave  them Christian  burial. Military  Misrule  In  Alabama  ^^ The  Negro  population  was  very  dense  and  Military Posts  were  established  at  intervals  of  20  or  30  miles. There  was  one  at  Greensboro,  Ala,,  and  the  Negroes  grew Tinder  its  influence.  Impudent  beyond  endurance.   One  day a  young  man,  Mr.  Tom  Cov/an,  resented  an  insolent  remark made  to  him  by  a  Negro  passing  on  Lthe  street.   Immediately a  Yarikee  officer  stepped  up  to  Mr,  Cowan  and  slapped  him in  the  face.   The  yoxing  man  drev/  his  pistol  and  killed  the officer  and...  hid  in  a  little  dark  closet,,.   In  less  than 30  minutes  the  street  was  filled  //ith  a  black,  surging  mass of  howling  Negroes,  led  by  the  Yankee  soldiers,  searclalng for  the  young  man.   Two  of  his  friends,  by  the  dim  light  of a  candle  in  that  ,.  closet,  shaved  off  his  mustache,  dis- 26,  Qyioted  from  Fleming<s  Bocurnentary  History  etc.   Vol,  I, 443-4.   MS  account  by  Mrs.  T.  I.,  Kennedy,  (1867), a': 76 guised  him  completely,  and  placing  him  between  them, boldly  walked  out  into  the  mob,  and  unrecognized  went the  whole  length  of  the  town  to  a  strip  of  woods,  where young  Cowan  made  his  escape.   The  Infxirlated  Negroes  soon discovered  this  and  In  retaliation  they  entered  every white  man's  house  and  seized  every  g\in  and  pistol  thus placing  the  v/hites  at  their  mercy*   They  also  went  to young  Cowan's  home  -  dragged  his  younger  brother  forth and  declared  their  intention  to  keep  him  as  a  hostage and  ..«.  to  hange  him  if  his  brother  did  not  return..,. In  viev;  of  the  whole  tov/n,  a  tall  gallov/s  was  erected for  the  execution  of  this  innocent  yoxing  boy.   The  deepest gloom  and  despair  settled  dovm  over  the  whole  community.,,. By  chance,  someone  remembered  having  heard  that  General Marsh,  who  was  stationed  at  a  Post  about  15  miles  off,  was and a  Mason,   The  news  soon  spread/ the  'Masons'  of  the  town dispatched  to  this  officer,  and  of  course,  we  do  not  know by  7/hat  means  it  was  arranged,  but  if  the  siim  of  $9,000 was  paid  the  boy  would  be  set  free.   You  can  form  no  idea of  the  poverty  of  our  people  after  the  War,  but  there  were some  who  had  little  hoards  hid  away,,,.  The  sum  exacted was  raised  and  sent  as  quickly  as  possible.   It  was  never known  for  v/hat  purpose  it  was  demanded,  unless  it  was  used to  buy  off  Federal  officers  and  soldiers,   '-this  transaction was  not  generally  known  and  promptly  at  the  hour  appointed, the  Negro  mob  placed  a  halter  around  the  young  victim's neck  -  and  dragged  him  through  the  streets  to  the  fatal place,   A  more  pathetic  spectacle  was  never  witnessed  than 77 that  of  the  grey-haired  father,  walking  by  his  son, exhorting  him  'To  die  like  a  man'.   Just  as  the  lad  was ascending  the  scaffold,  the  reprieve  arrived,  in  the shape  of  an  order  from  General  Marsh  forbidding  the execution, Negro  Soldiers  and  "."/hite  Girl In  his  "introduction"  to  Mrs,  Avary's  volume, C.  A.  Evans  says:   "In  these  pages  she  renders  a  public service.   She  aids  the  American  to  a  better  understanding of  his  country's  past  and  clearer  concept  of  its  present," The  author  claims  that  most  of  the  incidents  related  came from  first-hand;  that  is,  they  were  received  from  observers and  participants  of  these  incidents.   The  truth  of  Mr,  Evans statement  does  not  depend  upon  the  absolute  truth  of  what is  related.   However  rare  and  exceptional,  or  even  if absolutely  untrue  at  the  so\irce,  -  which  it  seems  reason- able to  doubt  -  yet  by  the  simple  process  of  verbal  condi- tioning they  have  played  their  part  in  shaping  the  history of  the  South  since  the  Civil  War,   ^Vom  many  that  could  be cited,  we  quote  the  following:  (p.  267). ^  congregation  In  another  country  church  was  thrown into  panic  by  balls  crushing  through  boards  and  windows; a  girl  of  fourteen  was  killed  instantly.   Black  troops swung  by,  singing.   Into  a  dwelling  a  squad  of  blacks marched,  bound  the  owner,  a  prominent  aged  citizen, pillaged  his  house,  and  then  before  his  eyes,  bound his  maiden  daughter  and  proceeded  to  fight  among  them- 78 selves  for  her  possession.   ^Though',  related  my informant  with  sharp  realism,  'her  neck  and  face had  been  slobbered  over,  she  stood  quietly  watching the  conflict.  At  last,  the  victor  came  to  her, caixght  her  in  his  arms  and  started  into  an  adjoin- ing room,  when  he  wavered  and  fell,  she  with  him; she  had  driven  a  knife,  of  which  she  had  in  some way  possessed  herself,  into  his  heart.   The  others rushed  in  and  beat  her  until  she,  too,  was  lifeless. There  was  no  redress*. Possibly  the  author  is  fully  justified  in  the statement:   "Northerners,  and  Southerners  who  did  not  live in  that  day  and  in  black  belts,  can  form  no  conception  of the  conditions  v/hich  gave  rise  to  the  white  secret  societies of  which  the  most  widely  celebrated  was  the  Ku  Klux." The  Ku  Klux  Klan  and  Lawlessness Out  of  the  conditions  desci'lbed  above,  social, political,  military,  together  with  the  general  lawlessness of  the  times,  arose  an  organization  the  consideration  of which  cannot  be  omitted  by  him  who  v/ould  understand  later inter-racial  relationships  in  the  South,   The  Ku  Klvix  Klan of  the  sixties  has  been  characterized  in  brief  as  follows: Its  beginning  was  an  accident,  its  grov;th  a  comedy,  and  its death  a  tragedy.   Beginning  in  1866,  in  a  small  Tennessee town  as  a  source  of  arausesrxent  for  emotion- hungry  young  ex- confederates,  it  spread  over  adjoining  states  at  a  phenomenal rate. 79 During  slavery  times  the  movements  of  the  Negro were  very  largely  curtailed,  especially  at  night.   After emancipation  many  Negroes  thought  it  un-Repuhlican  not  to roam  about  at  night.   On  the  way  to  and  from  "Union  League" meetings,  and  others,  many  temptations  arose,  not  all  of which  v/ere  overcome.   And  the  time  soon  arrived  when irresponsible  whites  could  steal  v/ith  certainty  that  the Negro  v/ould  receive  the  credit.   Petty  thievery,  Negro soldiers  v/ho  pushed  whites  off  the  sidewalks  and  not  in- frequently committed  v;orse  crimes,  carpet-baggers,  Republican domination,  and  Union  Legaues  organized  into  regiments  of militia:   the  Klan  was  not  an  organization  of  entertainment only,  for  there  was  "regulating"  to  be  donel   Out  of  the original  fraternity  of  fun- seekers  came  the  bigger  organi- zation with  purposes  social  and  political.   The  following quotation  from  the  diary  of  a  southern  man  doing  time  in the  Federal  Prison  at  Albany  as  a  result  of  the  Anti-Klan Act,  indicates  the  occasion,  v;hich  was  not  merely  an  excuse, for  the  social-regulatory  function  of  the  early  Klan:^ ,..*War  has  left  so  many  thousands  of  widov/s  and defenseless  females  on  isolated  plantations'  that it  became  one  of  the  primary  duties  of  the  old Klan  'to  shield  our   women  and  children  from  the Insolence,  rapacity,  and  brutal  passions  of  vile desperadoes  white  and  black'. Doubtless  for  a  while  the  Influence  of  the  Klan, so  far  as  this  aspect  of  its  functions,  was  wholesome.   Its membership  v/as  made  up  of  some  of  the  leading  citizens  of "27,  Quoted  by  J.  M.  Mecklin,  The  Ku  Klux  Klan,  p,  87-88. .  \  i. 80 the  South,  at  the  beginning, 28  'jVherever  the  Klan  appear- ed it  is  said  that  the  nocturnal  perambulations  of  the Negroes  diminished  to  a  quite  marked  degree,   "In  many ways",  says  Cutler,  "there  was  a  noticeable  improvement in  a  large  class  that  had  higherto  been  causing  a  great annoyance, "29  jt  seems  to  have  been  the  political regulating  function  that  led  to  the  degeneration  of  the Klan. Its  good  influence  was  of  short  duration;  for within  itself  were  sources  of  weakness  which  made  the  out- come inevitable.   In  its  name  members  could  v;reak  private vengeance.   Non-members  could  do  likewise.  It  soon  came to  pass  that,  whether  guilty  or  not,  the  Klan  was  charged with  practically  all  the  disorder  in  the  country.   The records  show  that  this  organization  was  far  from  being altogether  guiltless, 30  This  is  shown  by  the  testimony of  Klan  members  themselves  during  the  trials  in  the  United States  Court  after  the  passage  of  the  Federal  Anti-Klan Act,  Defenseless  men  and  women,  both  white  and  black,  were whipped  in  great  nximbers.   According  to  this  testimony  in particular  the  Klan  in  North  and  South  Carolina  seems  to have  been  composed  largely  of  yo\ing  men  and  boys,  illiterate and  ignorant,  who  could  "speak  of  the  number  of  blows  with a  hickory,  which  you  inflicted  at  midnight  upon  the  lacerat- ed, bleeding  back  of  a  defenseless  woman,  without  so  much  as 28«  Cf .  Garner,  op,  cit.  Chapter  on  the  Ku  Klux  Klan, 29,  Op,  cit.  p.  144, 30,  Mecklin,  op,  cit,  pp,  54-55, BSTf! .  ;y 81 a  blush  or  sigh  of  regret.   None  of  you  seem  to  have  the slightest  idea  of,  or  respect  for,  the  sacredness  of  the human  person. ""^^  This  was  in  the  later  stage  of  the  Klan when  the  former  leaders  had  dropped  out.   These  later  members not  only  whipped;  they  shot  Negroes;  they  hanged  them;  they cut  their  throats;  they  whipped  v;omen,  white  and  colored;*^^ they  ravished  Negro  v/omen,  and  did  worse,  if  possible,  to at  least  one  v/hite  woman.'^S  The  following  testimony  gives some  indication  of  the  depth  to  which  the  Klan  had  descended within  two  years  after  its  organization.   First  we  give, in  an  abbreviated  form,  the  testimony  of  a  member  of  the  Ku Klux  Klan  in  the  United  States  Circuit  Court  at  Colximbia, South  Carolina,  in  1871:  (pp.  505-8). Joined  Klan  in  North  Carolina,  fall  of  1867,  with  under- standing that  the  p\irpose  of  the  order  was  >to  advance the  Conservative  party  and  put  down  the  Radical  party*. This  was  to  be  done  by  killing  and  v/hipping,  and  crov/d- ing  out  men  from  the  ballot  boxes.  First  raid  witness went  on  was  in  December,  1867,  Went  with  members  to  get the  Negro,  Roujidtree;  were  going  to  kill  him.   About fifty  or  seventy-five  guns  were  fired  into  the  windows and  cracks  of  his  house.   Then  burst  door  down.  Round- tree  was  in  the  loft.   He  shot  Elija  Koss  Sepaugh  across the  breast  and  also  hit  him  on  the  v/rist,  then  jtunped 31,  Proceedings  in  the  Eu  Klux  Trials,  U.  s.  C.  Court,  (1871) 789,  Judge,  in  lecture  to  young  men  who  had  entered  the plea  of  guilty  to  the  charge  of  lawlessness. 32,  Proceedings,  etc,  pp.  777ff, 33,  Proceedings,  etc.  p.  508. 82 from  the  loft  and  was  shot  down.   Someone  of  the  party walked  and  kicked  him  behind  and  told  him  '3od  damn you,  go  right  on  and  show  where  the  guns  are*.   »7.'hen they  kicked  him  I  let  him  loose... and  he  dropped  down on  his  face*.  Sepaugh's  brother  came  up.   "^eeing  that Elija  Ross  was  shot,  the  brother  drew  a  bowie  knife  and walked  to  where  the  nigger  had  been  left  Xying  struggl- ing,  'Some  others  of  them  had  turned  him  over  on  his back,  and  in  a  few  minutes  after  Sepaugh  went  back, some  of  them  came  up  and  said  that  Henry  Sepaugh  had cut  his  throat,   I  went  back  to  him  and  seen  that  his throat  was  cut.  He  was  dead  when  we  left  him'. Under  indictment  for  violating  the  Federal  Anti- Klan  Act,  D.  Lewis  Jolly  plead  guilty,  as  follows: Said  that  he  belonged  to  the  Limeston  Klan;  Banks  Lyle was  Chief  of  the  County;  he  has  rtin  away;  was  on  a raid  to  take  a  v/hite  man  out  of  jail  in  Spartanburg, who  was  sentenced  to  be  hung  for  killing  a  Negro; also  on  a  raid  when  Mary  Bean  was  whipped;  took  her out  of  bed  Y/hipped  her  a  little;  whipped  her  for  break- ing the  peace  between  a  white  man  and  wife;  didn't  whip the  white  man;  the  white  man's  wife  got  the  Klan  to whip  her;  he  v/as  a  member  of  the  Klan,  and  was  one  of these  big  wealthy  men. Following  is  an  abbreviation  of  the  testimony  of  Harriet Simril  in  the  same  court.   Part  of  this  may  be  prevarica- tion, but  other  testimony,  some  of  it  by  Klan  members  them- selves, tends  to  corroborate  it  entirely.   It  gives  an 83 indication  of  the  political  activities  of  the  Klan:  ^^ The  first  time  they  came  my  old  man  was  at  home; they  hollered  out,  'Open  the  door',  and  he  got  up  and opened  the  door..,. and  these  young  men  walked  up,  and they  took  my  old  man  out  after  so  long,  and  they  want- ed him  to  join  this  Democratic  ticket;  and,  after  that, they  went  a  piece  above  the  house,  and  hit  him  about five  cuts  v/ith  the  cowhide,  ...They  came  back  after  the first  time,  on  Sunday  night  after  my  old  man  again, and  this  second  time  the  crov/d  was  bigger, Q,  Did  they  call  for  your  old  man? A,  Yes,  sir;  they  called  for  him  and  I  told  them  he v/asn't  here;  then  they  argued  me  dovm,  and  told  me he  was  here;  I  told  them  no,  sir,  he  v/asn*t  here;... They  searched  about  a  long  time,  and  made  me  make  up a  light;  and  after  I  got  the  light  made  up,  then they  began  to  search  again,  and  question  me  again about  the  old  man,  and  I  told  them  I  didnU  know  v/here my  old  man  had  gone... A.  Well,  they  were  spitting  in  my  face  and  throwing dirt  in  my  eyes;... Then  they  made  me  blow  up  the light  again,  cursing  me;  and  after  a  wliile  they  took me  out  of  doors,  and  told  me  all  they  wanted  was  for my  old  man  to  join  the  -i^emocratic  ticket;  if  he  joined the  Democratic  ticket, they  would  have  no  more  to  do '34.  Proceedings,  Ku  Klux  Klan  Trials,  pp.  501-502. '>•  ■■">„ 84 with  him;  and  after  they  had  got  me  out  of  doors, they  dragged  me  into  the  big  road,  and  they  ravished me  out  there.. three  of  them. .burned  her  house. Flogging  Proves  Insufficient Shaffer  Bowens,  quoted  above  (on  page  81)  testi- fied regarding  another  raid: A.  Yes,  he  had  been  on  one  other  raid,  when  they  v/hipped John  Wright,   This  was  in  January,  1868,  went  to  Negro cabins,  found  nobody  in.   Saw  three  persons  running across  the  hill.   They  went  back  to  v/here  a  woman  by the  name  of  Skates  lived  in  a  little  cabin;  they  knocked the  door  of  the  cabin  down.   No  one  in.  Yes  it  was  a white  women's  cabin.   Do  not  know  why  they  broke  her door  down.  Went  from  there  about  two  miles  to  Jane Bohelier's  house.   Couldn't  find  anybody  in  the  house; jerked  up  a  planlc  of  the  floor  and  there  v^ere  tv/o fellov;s,  John  and  Jake  Wright,   Jerked  up  another  planlc and  there  was  Red  John  Moss,  Took  them  up  the  road about  tv/o  or  three  hundred  yards  from  the  house;  m^de them  pull  their  clothes  off.   Cut  twenty-five  good hickories;  com:nenced  whipping  them.   After  two  or three  licks  Jake  Wright  and  Moss  ran,  cap  burst  and gun  did  not  go  off;  so  they  got  av/ay.   Then  tooV  John Wright,  locked  his  arms  aroujid  a  sapling  and  tied his  hands.   Joe  Hardin,  the  leader,  then  whipped  him severely.  Then  with  the  butt  of  his  stick  knocked him  down  two  or  three  times.   Vrfhen  he  was  satisfied 85 he  turned  him  loose,  made  him  run  and  shot  at  him  as he  ran.   Don't  think  he  hit  him, Q,  Where  did  you  go  next? A,  They  turned  and  virent  back  to  the  houses;  said  they hadn't  got  through.   They  was  going  to  take  that  woman out;  and  they  had  a  pot  of  tar  and  lime,  and  was  going to  pouj?  her  full  of  it.   She  was  v/hite;  Joe  Harding said  he  was  going  to  have  it  done;  went  back  and  ordered her  out;  made  her  lie  down  and  held  up  her  clothes, (Objections) The  Court:  We  might  as  well  let  the  people  hear,  and knoT/  what  things  exist  about  us.  ... A,  Made  her  lie  dov/n  and  held  up  her  clothes;  then ordered  Elijah  Ross  Sepaugh  to  fetch  the  pot  of  tar and  told  him  to  pour  it  in;  he  obeyed. ,, Poured  it  into her,  as  much  as  he  could;  and  took  a  paddle  and  rubbed it  on  her, Q,  Poured  it  in  v/here? A,  I  don't  like  to  tell Then  they  told  me to  give  her  orders  to  leave  in  three  days.,,, Mr.  Harding was  afraid  they  would  recognize  his  voice.,,1  told  her the  orders. ,,,, then  we  scattered  and  went  home,,,. Evidence  to  the  effect  that  the  Klan  degenerated  into  lav/less bands  of  irresponsibles  could  be  piled  up.   It  took  the Federal  government  to  disband  the  organization.   In  all 1250  v/ere  convicted  after  the  Act  of  1870,   i''or  more  than a  decade  after  the  close  of  the  V^ar  there  was  a  general  v/ave of  lawlessness  perhaps  not  equalled  before  in  the  South,  and 86 certainly  not  since  that  time.   Governor  Clarke  of  Miss- issippi early  summarized  the  situation  as  follows:   "The terrible  contest  which  the  country  has  just  passed  has aroused  in  every  section  the  fiercest  passions  of  the human  heart.   Lawlessness  seems  to  have  culminated  in  the assassination  of  Mr.  Lincoln, "^^  It  has  been  estimated that  3500  persons  were  killed  in  the  South  during  the  first year  after  emancipation.   There  were  1884  killed  during  the year  1868,'^"  During  the  ^Reconstruction  Period  lynching took  on  the  connotation  of  death,  following  the  lead  of  the West,   A  new  tide  of  immigration  had  flocked  to  the  latter section,  including  a  goodly  portion  of  thieves,,  robbers and  murders,  many  of  v/hom  were  lynched.   In  the  South,  when lynching  by  exacting  the  death  penalty  nov/  became  much  more frequent  than  heretofore,  the  connotation  of  death  was fixed,  and  has  so  remained. In  four  counties  in  Alabama,  between  April  and July,  1865,  a  total  of  17  Negroes  v;ere  lynched,  one  of whom  was  burned.   Four  of  these  were  woman,   "This  is only  a  few  of  the  murders  ccram.itted  on  the  ...  freedmen of  the  above  named  counties"  said  the  official  in  making the  report, "57  in  the  state  of  Kentucky  violence  became "the  expected  order  of  the  day,"   In  1868  a  newspaper correspondent  reported  from  Lebanon,  Kentucky,  as  if  it 35,  Quoted  by  J,  Vv.  Garner,  op.  clt.  p.  59, 36,  Figures  cited  by  Carter  Woodson,  The  Negro  in  Our  History, source  not  stated.   Only  an  estimate;  number  unknovm, 37,  Senate  Document  No,  2,   39th,  Cong,  1st,  Session, 87 were  unusual,  the  following:   "l  am  assured  on  the  best authority  that  no  gentleman  has  been  hung  in  this  neigh- borhood for  the  past  fortnight,"   The  Franklin,  Ky,, "Weekly  Conmionv/ealth"  of  March  31,  1871,  gave  one  hundred fifteen  instances  of  violence,  such  as  shootings,  hang- ings, whippings,  and  jail  deliveries  that  had  been  report- ed during  the  period  between  1867  and  1871,^^^ In  conclusion  Coulter  says  of  the  bands  of  law- less men  in  Kentucky  during  this  period:   "They  left  a heritage  which  has  been  a  curse  to  the  state  since,  a weakened  respect  for  state  authority,   Lyncliings  continued long  as  an  outcropping  of  this  spirit,  though  gradually becoming  more  infrequent;  and  feuds  grew  up  in  the moxintains  of  the  eastern  part  of  the  state,  spectacular though  deadly,  to  give  the  state  a  fame  all  its  own," Increase  in  Proportion  of  Negroes  Lynched In  the  South  there  v/as  an  increase  in  the  pro- portion of  Negroes  to  the  total  number  lynched,  thanks partially  but  not  wholly  due  to  the  Ku  Kltuc  Klan,   The desperadoes  had  moved  on  toward  the  Vu'est,  and  inter- racial conflicts  grew  in  number.   The  following  facts were  revealed  by  an  examination  of  the  files  of  "The  New 38,  Coulter,  op.  cit.  pp.  360-365, 88 York  Times"  for  the  three-year  period,  1871-73: "^9  Dur- ing this  period  there  v/ere  at  least  seventy-five  lynch- ings.   Only  twenty-six  of  these  were  in  the  North  and  V/est combined,  while  forty-nine  were  in  eight  Southern  states. Of  the  twenty- six  lynched  in  the  North  and  West,  twenty were  whites,  four  were  Negroes;  one,  a  Malay,  and  one  an Indian.   Two  v/ere  charged  with  robbery,  and  two  v^rith keeping  a  gambling  outfit;  two  were  desperadoes,  and  one a  horse  thief.   One  was  charged  with  rape  and  eighteen with  murder, ^^  Three  Negroes  were  charged  with  murder, and  one  (in  connection  vdth  a  white  man)  with  robbery. ^^ In  the  eight  Southern  states  there  were  tv/enty- one  whites  and  tvifenty- eight  Negroes  lynched.   Of  the wMtes,  nine  were  charged  v;ith  murder,  one  with  rape,  and charged three  with  horse  thievery.   Of  the  negroes  eight  were/with murder,  four  with  rape,  and  two  with  robbery.   Fourteen, 39,  The  cases  as  reported  are  evldelitly  not  complete.   Cutler, who  made  the  examination  of  the  files  of  the  New  York Times,  thinks  this  is  particularly  true  with  respect  to the  figures  for  the  '.Vest;  but  in  the  light  of  the  Recon- struction History  considered  too  briefly  above,  and  in the  light  of  the  figxires  available  beginning  1882,  it would  seem  that  these  statistics  are  just  as  likely  to be  incomplete  for  the  South  as  for  the  West.   The plausibility  of  this  statem.ent  is  much  enhanced  when we  note  that  no  lynclaings  are  reported  for  Miss,,  Texas, Arkansas  and  Georgia. 40,  The  only  case  of  rape  was  that  of  the  Malay  who  was  shot and  thrown  overboard  a  ship  near  the  coast  of  California for  ravishing  a  sick  girl,  eleven  years  old. 41,  Noticeably  throughout  our  study  that  the  Negro  has  little trouble  due  to  "crimes  against  property  . 89 TABLE  OF  LYNCHIKGS  FOR  THREE  YEARS,  1871-75, IN  EIGHT  SOUTHER  STATES According  to  the  New  York  Times,  from  Cutler,  pp.  151-2, I Alabama:   1  white,  shot  for  murder. Kentucky:  2  Negroes  hung  for  rape,  1  white  for  rape,  1  Negro hung  for  murder,  3  Negroes  shot  by  masked  men,  1 Negro  "murdered  by  Ku-Klux. Louisiana:   4  Negroes  hung  for  murder,  3  horse  thieves  hung, Maryland:   1  Negro  hung  for  arson, Missouri:   5  horse  thieves  hung,  1  Negro  hung  for  rape ("outrage")  1  white  hung  for  murder,  3  whites hung  for  murder  and  robbery,  3  v/hites  shot  for defending  and  being  bondsmen  of  county  officials accused  of  peculation. South  Carolina:   2  whites  shot  for  murder,  10  Negroes  shot and  hung  by  Ku-Klux, Tennessee:   2  Negroes  hung  for  robbery  and  arson,  1  Negro shot  and  hung  for  robbery  and  murder,  1  Negro shot  for  attempted  outrage,  1  Negro  hung  and shot  for  murder,  1  white  shot  for  mvirder  of wife. Virginia:   1  desperado,  horse  thief  and  m.urderer  hung. Totals:   21  whites;  28  Negroes,   17  for  murder,  5  rape. 90 or  one-half  the  total  nximher  were  lynched  "by  the  Ku  Klux Klan"  for  unknown  offenses, 42  Taking  the  whites  and Negroes  together,  we  have  a  total  of  seventeen  lynched in  the  southern  states  for  murder  and  five  for  rape. Cutler  points  out  that  the  majority  of  these  cases  re- ported are  of  those  forcibly  taken  from  the  custody  of  the law,   "in  some  instances,  the  jails  were  broken  into,  and the  prisoners  were  taken  out  and  hanged  or  were  killed in  the  jail;  in  other  instances,  the  prisoners  were  taken from  the  officers  and  put  to  death  before  they  could  be taken  to  the  jail. "45   (p.  152) This  report  contains  two  other  interesting features:   First,  whereas  before  the  Civil  V-ar  pro- secutions against  lynchers  were  apt  to  bring  a  verdict, or  at  least  sometimes  did  bring  a  verdict  in  favor  of the  prosecution,  now  the  situation  had  changed.   Al- though a  majority  of  the  seventy-five  lynched  were  taken from  jails  and  officers  of  the  law,  there  were  only  tv^o cases  in  v/hich  there  was  any  attempt  to  take  legal  action against  the  lynchers.   "In  these  two  instances  where attempts  were  made  to  prosecute  the  lynchers",  says  Cut- ler, "it  does  not  appear  that  there  was  any  measure  of success,"  Vife  note  also  that  one-half,  or  fourteen,  of 42.  This  is  interesting  in  that  it  is  the  beginning",  so  far as  we  have  discovered,  of  the  practice  not  yet  ended  - lynching  for"offense  unknown". 43,  This  aspect  of  the  report  indicates  that  it  v/as  the  cases in  which  officers  of  the  lav/  -.vere  involved  that  got  into the  papers.   How  many  others  in  which  they  too^  no  part, we  shall  never  know. 91 those  lynched  In  the  eight  southern  states  were  lynched by  the  Ku  Klxuc,   It  has  been  said  that  the  death  of the  Klan  was  a  tragedy,  and  here  we  come  to  an  Indication of  the  significance  of  the  statement. In  March,  1869,  the  Grand  Wizard  of  the  Klan,^ declared  that  in  view  of  the  legislation  against  the order, 45  and  in  view  of  the  fact  that  it  had  largely served  its  fvmction  of  protecting  life  and  property;46 furthermore,  as  some  of  the  members  had  violated  positive orders,  and  others  outside  the  Klan  had  committed  deeds of  violence  in  its  name;  therefore,  in  keeping  with  the power  that  had  been  invested  in  him  to  decide  questions of  paramount  importance  to  the  interests  of  the  order, he  declared  that  the  Ku  Klxix  Klan  was  dissolved  and  dis- banded, *'''  At  this  time  the  few  respectable  citizens  who remained  in  the  Klan  dropped  out;  but  the  Klan  was  not dissolved.   For  several  years  afterv/ard  "Ku  Klxixing"  went on;  in  some  cases  by  members,  and  no  doubt  in  others  by non-members. The  Ku  Klux  Klan  was  an  effect,  a  result,  of the  conditions  that  brought  it  forth  as  a  regulator  of political  and  social  matters.   It  was  in  turn  a  cause  of 44,  lien.  N.B.  Forrest  of  i-'t.  Pillow  fame,   lliis  possibly throY/s  more  light  on  the  nature  of  the  relations  of  the Klan  and  the  Negro, 45,  In  extra  session,  September,  1868,  the  legislature  of Tenn,  passed  a  stringent  anti-PIlan  statute, 46,  An  ironical  statement  indeed  in  viev/  of  the  testimony quoted  above;  and  yet  there  must  have  been  some  truth in  it, 47,  Cf.  J.  C,  Lester  and  D,  L,  Wilson,  Ku  Klux  Klan  (1884), 92 untold  lawlessness.   Throughout  the  realm  of  social phenomena  effects  become  In  turn  causes.   Here  we  have the  same  vicious  circle  that  has  characterized  race relationships  in  the  South  since  the  days  of  Reconstruc- tion:  The  Negro  doesn't  do  to  suit  usj  he  hasn't  the right  color  and  the  right  politics,  therefore  v/e  lynch  him and  flog  him;  he  is  inferior,  therefore  we  do  not  give him  a  chance  at  an  education,  a  chance  for  improvement; therefore  he  does  not  improve  even  in  the  qualities  where it  would  he  possible  -  that  is,  he  doesn't  improve  enough that  we  can  afford  to  admit  his  ability  to  do  so;  he  can't change  his  color  and  his  past  history,  and  we  v/on't  admit his  right  to  equal  protection  before  the  lav/  until  he  does soj   It  was  such  a  logic  as  this  that  came  out  of  those hectic  days  of  Reconstruction  and  the  Ku  Klux  Klan,  and it  functions  today  in  the  minds  of  many  southern  men  in  a vicious  circle  of  cause  and  effect,  effect  and  cause,  to the  detriment  of  that  harmonious  adjustment  of  the  two races  which  hangs  always  in  the  distance  like  a  mirage, in  sight,  possible  of  attainment,  but  not  reached. With  the  regaining  of  political  pov/er  by  the southern  white  man  during  the  seventies,  began  a  new  era in  southern  history.   The  human  material  upon  v/hich  the outcome  of  the  new  era  depended  was  composed  of  four  million Negroes,  lineducated,  without  property,  largely  un-moral rather  than  immoral,  helpless  and  childish;  and  about eight  million  whites,  materially  ruined,  "but  resolute  to •^4-  vt -■('.;   - 93 rebuild  society,  if  not  on  the  old  lines,  on  a  basis  that meant  that  under  no  circiimstances  v/ould  they  admit  to equality  those  who  had  been  their  slaves  and  who  for  a few  short  years  had  been  their  rulers."   The  method  of summary  punishment  of  those  v/ho  were,  believed,  or  acted, differently  had  been  the  contribution  of  the  organization that  once  meant  well  -  the  Ku  Kliix  Klan,   Respect  for  law on  the  part  of  southern  white  men  had  been  weakened  beyond repair  for  years  if  not  generations  to  come.   The  dis- position to  settle  affairs  by  extra-legal  methods  had been  strengthened;  it  had  become  a  thoroughly  ingrained trait  in  the  culture-complex  of  the  South;  so  that  law- lessness in  general,  and  flogging  and  lynching  in particular,  have  since  been  characteristic  of  the  section. Here  was  the  beginning  of  a  long,  slov/,  upv;ard trend  toward  an  harmonious  adjustment  of  tv/o  racial  groups of  American  citizens  to  one  another  in  the  same  physical, economic  1  political  and  legal,  -  and,  inevitably  social]  - environment.   The  darker  side  of  the  history  of  this  pro- cess of  adjustment  of  the  races  to  one  another,  and especially  to  the  socially  necessary  procedures  of  lawp will  largely  occupy  oiir  attention  during  the  remainder of  this  study-.   Let  us  first  turn  out  attention  to  a statistical  analysis  of  mob  violence  since  1881» _     '  " 94 CHAPTER  V LYNCHINGS:   A  STATISTICAL  ANALYSIS There  are  no  comprehensive  statistics  on  flosciiigs. During  the  present  century  this  form  of  lav/lessnes  has  been a  negligible  factor  except  in  the  case  of  the  modern  Ku Klux  Klan.   A  statistical  study  must,  therefore,  be  con- fined to  lynchings  which,  hov/evor,  form  the  major  part  of mob  violence  in  the  South. For  our  first  statistics  of  lynchings  v/e  are  in- debted to  the  Chicago  Tribune  which  has,  since  1881, kept  as  accurate  figures  as  could  be  obtained  through  the newspapers.   Holt,  in  1883,  and  Cutler  a  decade  later, found  that  newspaper  figures  must  be  accepted  in  view  of the  impossibility  of  getting  personal  information  from officials  and  others  at  the  point  of  lynchings.-'-^  Through- '  Yl      The  subject  of  this  organization  has  recently  received analytical  treatment  by  Professor  J.  M.  Mecklin  (The Ku  Klux  Klan,  1S24) . la.  George  C.  Holt,  Lynching  and  Mobs  ;'jnerican  Journal  of Social  Science,  No.  32,  Saratoga  Papers  1894,  p.  67, Library  of  Congress;  Cutler,  LynchLaw,  p.  156-157. 95 out  this  period  an  annual  feature  of  the  Tribune  has  been the  publication  of  a  list  of  crimes,  suicides,  lynchings and  legal  executions.   This,  as  Cutler  points  out,  "gives at  least  a  presvimption  in  favor  of  fulness  and  completeness in  the  record," Cutler  has  corrected  the  Tribune  figures  up  to  1904, it  seems,  as  accurately  as  it  is  possible  to  do»  He  careful- ly went  over  the  lists  of  names  of  the  persons  lynched  as published  each  year  during  the  twenty- two  year  period,  1882- 1903.   In  a  few  instances  he  foiind  errors  in  the  totals  as listed  by  the  Tribune.  Some  of  these  errors  were  due  merely to  mistakes  in  adding  up  the  lists;  others  v/ere  due  to  a failure  to  distinguish  between  a  lynching  and  persons  lynch- ed.  Cases  in  which  a  father  and  son,  or  five  horse- thieves, or  two  Negroes  had  been  lynched  v/ere  found  to  have  been  count- ed as  one.   During  the  period  studied  by  Cutler  this  distinc- tion between  lynching  and  persons  lynched  was  more  important than  for  later  years  in  that  more  frequently  a  ntunber  of  per- sons were  lynched  in  a  single  mob  episode.   In  a  fev/  notable instances  in  more  recent  years  a  number  of  persons  have perished  as  a  result  of  one  episode  of  mob  action.  In  this Chapter,  hov/ever,  we  shall  use  the  v/ord  lynching  to  denote a  person  lynched  unless  otherv/ise  stated. The  Chicago  Tribtme  gives  the  following  facts with  regard  to  lynchings  each  year:   the  date  of  the  lynch- ing, the  name  of  the  victim,  his  color  and  nationality,  the alleged  crime  for  which  he  was  lynched,  and  the  town  and state  v.'here  the  lynching  occurred.   In  this  list  are  in- Tfslisq 96 eluded,  of  course,  only  those  who  have  met  death  at  the hands  of  mobs.   There  is  no  account  of  the  attempted lynchings,  or  of  the  persons  who  suffered  injuries  as  a result  of  mob  violence.  During  the  past  fifteen  years, however,  the  Department  of  Records  and  Research  at  Tuske- gee  Institute,  Alabama,  and  the  National  Association  for the  Advancement  of  Colored  People,  in  New  York,  have  kept records  which  include  attempted  lynchings  as  well  as those  actually  consumated.  To  these  figures  reference  is made  in  a  later  chapter.  They  are  hardly  worth  consider- ing in  any  elaborate  statistical  manner,  for  they  are doubtless  more  incomplete  than  figures  on  actual  lynchings, A  prevented  lynching  is  often  not  exciting  enough  to  get into  the  newspapers,  while  tills  is  apparently  seldom true  of  an  actual  lynching. It  must  be  remembered  that  on  one  point  the Tribune  information  is  sure  to  be  misleading:   viz.,  the name  of  the  town  from  which  a  lynching  was  reported  is listed  as  the  place  of  its  occurrence.  It  is  significant that  very  few  lynchings  occur  in  towns;  almost  all  of  them occvir  in  the  country.  This  does  not  mean,  of  course,  that it  is  always  rural  people  who  do  the  lynching;  often  it is  not.   This  same  inaccuracy  inevitably  gets  into  the Tuskegee  and  NAACP  records,  but  not  so  frequently  as  these institutions  give  fuller  details  from  v/hich  one  can  more correctly  determine  the  exact  place  of  a  lynching.  From all  available  records  it  is  possible  to  get  figures  accuj?ate 97 enough  for  purposes  of  statistical  analysis.   This  does not  mean  that  every  lynching  which  occurs  gets  into  the records  of  all  or  either  of  the  three  sources  referred  to above.   The  statistics  furnished  by  the  NAACP  and  by Tuskegee  up  to  the  time  they  began  keeping  records  came from  the  Tribune.   Since  this  time  there  is  often  a  slight variance  between  the  figures,  especially  those  of  Tuske- gee and  of  the  NAACP.  The  figures  of  the  latter  organization and  those  of  the  Tribune  are  in  close  agreement.   The  Tuske- gee figtires  are  more  conservative  for  the  years  in  7/hich there  is  a  difference,  due  largely  to  a  difference  in  the conception  of  what  constitutes  a  lynching.  For  example, a  posse  of  white  men  out  hunting  for  a  Negro  supposed  to have  committed  a  crime  come  upon  this  Negro,  or  some  other Negro,  who  is  shot  down.   Tuskegee  would  hardly  list  this as  a  lynching,  whereas  the  other  organizations  would  con- sider this  a  mob  murder  and  would  list  it. For  our  ptirposes,  therefore,  it  seems  advisable to  use  the  NAACP  figures,  v/hich  are  at  little  variance, after  all,  with  those  of  Tuskegee. ^  The  former  organi- zation's figures  are  themselves  conservative  as  they  do not  list  a  lynching  unless  it  appeared  in  print,  whereas even  yet  in  certain  southern  states  there  are  a  few  lynch- ings  which  are  not  reported  in  the  newspaper s,^  Por  the 2,  The  only  year  in  which  there  is  a  great  variation  is  for 1915,  in  which  27  Mexicans  were  killed  in  Texas  by  mobs. These  are  not  listed  by  Tuskegee  as  lynchings, 3,  Besides  those  Negroes  killed  in  race  riots,  who  are  not listed  as  lynching  victims,  personal  letters  from  both Whites  and  Negroes  indicate  the  truth  of  the  statement made  above. noiJaAonoo 98 years,  1882-1904,  the  corrections  made  by  Cutler  are  in- cluded in  the  analysis,  thus  somewhat  increasing  the NAACP  figures  for  those  years.   Due  to  the  care  v/ith which  Cutler  analyzed  the  figures  up  to  1904,  and  with  the vast  amount  of  material  available  for  the  period  since that  time,  it  would  seem  that  trustworthy  deductions  and possibly  valuable  conclusions  might  be  ari»ived  at  by  a careful  analysis,  to  which  we  proceed. Table  I  shows  the  number  of  persons  lynched  by section  and  by  month  since  1882,   The  total  for  the  South is  3,939;  for  the  West,  717  and  for  the  East,  134,  making a  grand  total  of  4,799  lynchings  since  1882, ^  Graph  I shows  that  the  curve  for  the  East  is  fairly  smooth,  v/ith its  peak  coming  in  June,   The  curve  for  the  7/est  is  more irregular  v/ith  a  rise  in  March  and  April,  then  a  drop  in May  and  another  rise  in  August,   The  curve  for  the  South is  very  irregular,  running  from  250  for  February  to  the peak  at  445  for  July,   After  a  sharp  drop  to  331  in September,  there  is  a  slight  rise  to  342  in  October, Graph  II  shows  the  total  for  the  three  sections  of  the country  during  the  period,  ^The  March  and  October  rises come  from  the  South,  and  are  doubtless  due  largely  to  the fact  that  at  these  periods  of  the  year  the  whites  and Negroes  are  in  closer  contact  through  making  arrangements 4,  This  includes  9  lynchings,  month  unknown.   In  this  Chapter when  "East"  is  used  as  a  division  of  the  country  instead of  "North"  v/e  are,  for  the  sake  of  comparison,  using  the divisions  as  studied  for  the  earlier  period  by  Cutler  in v/hich  he  listed  Missoviri  as  a  southern  state  and  Oklahoma as  a  v/estern  state. 99 TABLE  I LYNCHINGS  BY  SECTION  AND  BY  MONTH  PROM  1882  to  1928^^ Month        South       7/est        East      Totals January 263 60 9 332 February 253 45 10 308 March 297 63 7 .367 April 281 72 11 364 May 346 54 12 412 June 403 61 21 485 July 445 64 14 523 Aiigust 357 73 14 444 September 331 67 14 412 October 342 63 11 416 November 297 36 7 340 December 324 59 4 387 Unknown  month 9 TOTALS 3,939 717 134 4,799 ■K-Compiled  from  Cutler  and  from  the  NAACP  files. 100 for  work,  and  dividing  the  crops,  respectively.   The  peak comes  in  July,  when  more  cases  of  rape  and  murder  are  alleg- ed, and  when  both  Negroes  and  v/hltes  are  more  idle,  and thus  apt  to  become  involved  in  conflicts,^ Table  II  and  Graph  III  show  the  ntimber  of  persons lynched  per  month  by  section  from  1900  to  1928.   It  will be  noted  that  the  curves  for  the  East  and  for  the  West  dur- ing this  period  are  more  regular,  as  v/ell  as  very  low,  while that  for  the  South  is  more  irregular  than  for  the  whole period  for  which  statistics  are  available.  The  rise  in March  and  October  is  more  sharp,  while  the  top  of  the  curve from  May  to  September  is  more  even.  The  peak  comes  again  in July  vd.th  180,  but  drops  only  to  179  in  Avigust,  and  150  in September,  with  a  rise  to  176  for  October,  Table  III  and Graph  IV  show  the  totals  for  the  United  States  over  this period,  1900  to  1928,  The  drop  in  the  curve  for  the  '.Vest  in July  and  the  rise  of  the  curves  for  both  East  and  West  in August  result  in  a  noticeable  difference  in  this  curve; viz.,  that  the  peak  comes  in  August,  at  199,  ten  above  the July  mark.  In  October  it  rises  again  from  166  to  183,  then drops  to  148  in  November,  and  to  116  in  December,  The total  lynchlngs  per  month  for  the  period  is  1,878,  The month  in  which  5  lynchlngs  oc cured  is  not  known,  hence  the total  of  all  lynchlngs  recorded  for  the  period  is  1,883, of  which  1,737  occurred  in  the  South, 101 102 GRAPH  II LYNCHINGS,  BY  MONTHS,  IN  U.  S.  Prom  1882-1928 I  'XBOA  M3N  '-00    U3SS3  T  T3Jjna)l '3 ^ ^ t 4 t ^  t  u 103 TABLE  II LYNCHINGS  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  BY  SECTION  BY  MONTH,  1900-1928''- Month South West Easi Totals January 118 10 1 129 February 110 2 2 114 March 140 8 1 149 April 109 12 2 123 May 166 13 0 179 June 169 11 3 183 July 180 7 2 189 Avigust 179 15 5 199 September 150 13 3 166 October 176 5 2 183 November 139 7 2 148 December 97 16 3 116 UnknoY/n 4 0 1 5 TOTALS 1,737 119 27 1,883 •K-  Compiled  from  the  NAACP  files. Cutler  maintains  that  the  above  figures  are  in  error  for  the years  1900,  to  1903,  due  to  a  confusing  of  "lynchings"  and number  of  persons  lynched".  He  v/ent  over  the  material  very carefully  and  as  a  result  found  that  there  had  been  17  more persons  lynched  than  are  shovm  by  the  above  figures.   Thus there  have  been,  according  to  the  correction,  1909  persons lynched  since  1900, 8I-. 104 ;41:J!l-tltffi-i-- KTJi- wm llMip } i/M^yyuKj/^ 105 TABLE  III LYNCHINGS  PER  MONTH  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES,  1900  to  1928* January 129 February 114 March 149 April 123 May 117 June 183 July 189 August 199 September 166 October 183 November 148 December 116 TOTAL 1,878   (i/Ii 1,878      (i/lonth  uiilcnov/n,    5,   hence   1883). LYNCHINGS   IN  THE   UNITIID    STATES   BY  I.TOmES.    1900-1928, 106 GRAPH  IV Number; 300 60 40 20 U.S.    : t>^ >a *, u a ot) u O <i> 5^ ft ss Pi c H •-3 •-a ro (D O i P © <D ,Q O +J O o e © o #—4 Tt-'tH.■H-•-r^-^■t"-H^^■■^l^^l+H~-^h»H^"^H^'.^!-■^ ■H^"f- 1 ^ 0 e © o © p i:;i;i::ir]i Hi; ; . ; ; ; rr ^f 107 TABLE  IV NUMBER  OP  PERSONS  LYNCHED,  BY  GEOGRAPHICiJL  DIVISIONS  AND STATES,  AND  BY  COLOR,  1889-1928 iection  and Division Total Number TVTilte "Other" Per ^ent Negro Per Cent UNITED  STATES 3,614 737 20.4 2,877 79.6 THE  NORTH 235 121 51.9 114 48.1 New  England 1 Maine 1 New  Hamt) shire 0 Vermont 0 Massachusetts 0 Rhode  Island 0 Connecticut 0 Middle  Atlantic 8 New  York 3 Nev,'  Jersey 1 Pennsylvania 4 East  North  Central 65 Ohio 13 Indiana 19 Illinois 25 Michigan 4 7\fi3Consin 4 West  North  Central 161 Minnesota 7 Iowa 8 Missouri 89 North  Dakota 2 South  Dakota 15 Nebraska 18 Kansas 24 1 100,0 1 100.0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 50.0 2 66.6 1 100.0 1 25.0 34 53.3 4 30.7 10 55.0 13 52.0 3 75.0 4 100. 82 50.9 4 57.1 5 62.5 31 34.9 2 100,0 13 100.0 15 83.3 12 50,0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 50.0 1 33.4 0 0 3 75.0 31 46.7 9 69.3 9 45.0 12 48.0 1 25.0 0 0 79 49.1 3 42.9 3 37.5 58 65.1 0 0 0 0 3 16.7 12 50.0 THE  SOUTH 3,198     447     14.0     2,751    86.0 TABLE  IV  (Cont'd) 108 Total Number V-Tilte "Other" Per Cent Negro Per Gent South  Atlantic 1,016 86 8,5 930 91.5 Delev/are 1 0 0 1 100. Maryland 17 2 11.7 15 88.3 Virginia 83 11 13.3 72 86.8 West  Virginia 32 8 25.0 24 75.0 North  Carolina 66 12 18.2 54 81.8 South  Carolina 134 6 4.5 128 95.5 Georgia 451 28 6.2 423 93.8 Florida 232 19 8.2 213 91.8 Dlst.  of  Col, East  South  Central 1,123 141 12.5 982 87.5 Kentucky 175 45 25.7 130 74.3 Tennessee 207 36 17.4 171 82.6 Alabama 304 35 11.5 269 88.5 Mississippi 437 25 5.7 412 94.3 West  South  Central 1,059 220 20.7 839 79.3 Arkansas 239 33 13.8 206 86.2 Louisiana 337 50 14.8 287 85.2 Oklahoma 104 62 59.6 42 40.4 Texas 379 75 19.8 304 80.2 THE  -/TEST 166 j.54 92.7 12 7.3 Mountain Montana Idaho Wyoming Colorado New  Mexico Arizona Utah Nevada Pacific  Division Washington Oregon California 115 106 92.2 23 23 100. 11 11 100. 34 29 85.3 20 18 90.0 14 12 85.7 8 8 100. 1 1 100. 4 4 100. 51 48 94.1 17 17 100. 4 3 75. 30 28 93.3 9 7.8 0 0 0 0 5 14.7 2 10.0 2 14.3 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 5.6 0 0 1 25. 2 6.4 Alaska  and  Unlaiovm        15      15     100.        0 (Compiled  from  figures  provided  by  the  N.A.A.C.P,), 0 109 Table  IV  shows  the  number  of  persons  lynched  by geographical  divisions,  by  states,  and  by  race  from  1889  to 1928.   Twenty  per  cent  of  the  total  3,614  lynched,  or  737, were  v/hites  and  "other"  -  including  Indians  and  Mexicans, Thus  79.6  per  cent,  or  2,877  of  the  persons  lynched  during the  period  were  Negroes.   More  than  50  per  cent  of  all persons  lynched  in  every  division  except  the  South  v/ere whites.   In  the  South  only  14  per  cent  were  v/hite  and  86 per  cent  Negroes,  although  more  than  50  per  cent  of  all whites  lynched  were  in  the  South,   Chart  I  shows  the relative  number  of  persons  lynched  by  geographical  di- visions during  the  period.   Of  the  total  3,614,  there  were 235  in  the  North,  166  in  the  Y/est,  and  3,198  in  the  South.^ Table  V  shows  the  number  of  persons  lynched  by five-year  periods  since  1882,  by  race  and  by  sex.  Of  the total  781  persons  lynched  between  1882-87,  490  were  v/hites, four  of  whom  v/ere  women,  as  compared  to  a  total  of  291 Negroes,  five  of  whom  were  v/omen.   In  no  five-year  period and  in  no  year  since  that  date  have  more  whites  than  Negroes been  lynched.   The  peak  of  the  totals  comes  for  the  period 1892-97  Y/hen  309  whites  and  634  Negroes  were  lynched.   This is  also  the  peak  for  women  lynched,  when  eight  v/hite  and  18 colored  v/omen  thus  met  death.   During  all  but  two  of  the five-year  periods  since  1882  there  has  been  a  decrease  in  the number  of  whites  lynched.   This  also  holds  true  for  the  Negroes, 5.  In  Table  IV  and  Chart  I  we  have  followed  the  Census  method of  Divisions, 010 T — I, ..  I  ..  I I I. — r 110 1  1  I  i        "I    '!'!.:.  "I"'!  WW D Jr T//£S61kM 1 -J ^- £i Z^£ wrsT /u fa I" ^ttr Ill CM cr r-t 1 1 ai fO S.1 iH Ol •^ (U to o o ^ o <u :3 n iH o K 03 CO W S Pk 0 <u fe r-l K ^ <: TJ nj w p: r-t 1 cd •H CO w (D > > rH c(3 M CD fc a 00 >H • o PQ 0) •H +J H Q •H £d W ^ > w fe; o S s TU o J« C u ^J Ki 4h CO O ■d ^ h 0) o bf rH CO (U •H d^ ^ P w S PL, o o Ec > ■ O « w m g :2! +> a  o (U   ^ O    cjl (0 H  a 0) PL. <D iH cd a 0) fc (U CO t-l w cd o :si Pi C5 W S rH cd +> O E-" +» d   Ctl (U  +> O  mH ^ Mte: Q) Ph Q) rH cd s 0) fe CO plq (U tH rH M cd w a ^' t-H cd +» o E-< Xi  rH C  cd cd  +^ fH    O 05  EH OT cc; <: M >« 1^ Lr> KN       KN       150 ON      r— O «0 CJN 160 LOi     ir\ ir\    xo      a\     ir\ cu      fO «o KN o o 160 CM ^ ^ rH MD rH LP. VX) CM cr\ CTN CM CTN r-i CU O rH CTN CVI CM CJ> CM o cry 0^ rH t^ r— VO r^ r^ CM ^ ^ VX) LTi LPi MD CM VD 2 CM CTv rH O o r-i r-i MD r-i r-i o> CTv CM LfN        «3         VO CM MD LfN o rH O OJ r-i CM C7> CM CM rH O O rH (7> O C3> CM rH -d- CTN LO CM CM W3 rH CM CM LjOi OJ rH r^ KN r^ o OJ O CTN r^ r-i CTN W MD ^ ir\ CM rH CM CM tfN CM CTN r^ 1^ CTN MD CM o ^ ^ 1^ KN rH r- CM r^ CTN r-- CM I^ CM 1^ en 150 o> CTN r^ o rH r^ OJ OJ ,-^ kJ 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 r- << CM h- CM r- CM r— CM h- CM OJ Eh 160 to cr. CJN o o r-i rH CM CTN O 60 60 60 60 CTN CTN a\ CTN CTN rH E-- r-i r-i rH rH rH r-i rH rH r-i 112 From  1902-1912  there  were  86  whites  lynched,  43  for  each five-year  period.   Then  in  the  year  1915  there  was  a  total of  43  white  lynched,  bringing  the  five-year  total  to  59, The  two  exceptions  noted  in  the  general  decline  in  the total  number  of  Negroes  lynched  comes  at  the  half-decades ending  in  1912,  and  1922.  In  1919  alone  79  Negroes  were lynched,  bringing  the  total  for  the  period  1917-1922  up  to 299.   Since  1897  there  have  been  only  seven  white  women lynched,  while  there  have  been  44  Negro  v/omen  lynched. Durir^  1927  there  was  a  total  of  21  lynchings,  all  males, 19  of  whom  v/ere  Negroes,   In  the  total  of  4,799  we  have counted  97  for  1902  instead  of  94  as  listed  by  the  NAACP and  the  Chicago  Tribune,  Dr.  Cutler  went  over  the material  very  carefully  in  1903  and  found  that  there  had been  94  lynchings  but  97  persons  lynched. Graph  V  shov.'s  the  proportion  of  Negroes  and whites  lynched  for  the  period  linder  consideration.   The peak  for  the  whites  v/as  reached  during  the  first  period at  490;  then  there  Y,ras  a  sharp  decline  to  310,  ^Hiring  the next  period  there  v/as  a  decline  of  only  one,  but  follov/lxjg that  time  came  a  very  sharp  decline  to  139,  then  to  45 for  the  period  1902-1907.   During  1927  only  two  v/hites  were lynched,  one  in  California  and  one  in  Florida.   Since  the first  period  the  number  of  Negroes  lynched  has  been  higher than  that  of  the  whites.   The  percentages  for  the  different periods  are  shov/n  in  Table  V,   The  highest  percentage  of Negroes  lynched  was  for  the  period  ending  1922,  when  93,4 per  cent  of  the  329  persons  lynched  v/ere  Negroes,  During 113 GRAPH  V KUMBER   LYNCHED   1882-1927   BY  RACE   PER^IVE^YEAR   PERIODS O  KE  -ON  'XbOA,  MSN  '-00    M3SS3  V  13d 114 the  forty-five  years  under  consideration  the  proportion of  Negroes  lynched  has  risen  from  37,3  to  90,5  while  that of  the  whites  has  declined  from  62.7  to  9.5.  During  this time  there  has  been  a  total  of  4,799  lynchings,  3,374  of which  v/ere  Negroes,  or  70,5  of  the  total. Graph  VI  shov;s  the  number  of  persons  lynched  in the  United  States  since  1882  by  race  and  by  years.   The line  representing  the  whites  reaches  its  peak  at  211  in 1884.  The  top  line  represents  the  total  number  lynched  by years,  and  reaches  its  peak  at  235  in  1892,  Althoxigh  there has  been  a  general  decline  since  that  date,  the  c\irves  are rather  irregular  throughout  the  period. Graph  VII  shows  the  nxamber  of  whites,  Negroes,  and "others"  lynched  in  the  United  States  since  1900.   Mexicans are  considered  as  whites;  the  six  represented  by  the  "others" line  were  Indians  and  Chinese.   In  1915  a  total  of  43 whites,  27  of  whom  were  Mexicans,  were  lynched,  comprising the  only  sharp  irregularity  in  the  curve.  For  the  past ten  years  relatively  fev   whites  -  a  total  of  40  -  have  been lynched.   The  curve  for  the  Negroes  is  very  irregular.   The peak  is  at  108  in  1901,  then  comes  a  rather  marked  decline to  59  in  1907.   There  is  a  sharp  rise  to  92  in  1908,  which figure  has  not  since  been  equalled.  Prom  48  in  1917  there was  a  rise  to  63  in  1918  and  79  in  1919,   The  lowest  mark is  at  1924  when  15  Negroes  were  lynched.   In  1926  there  v/ere 26  Negro  men  and  two  Negro  women  lynched,  and  in  1927  19 Negro  males  v/ere  lynched. ^ ■'f % 115 GRAPH  VII NUMBER   OP  VffllTES,    NEGROES   AND  OTHERS   LYNCHED   BY  YEARS    1900-1928 ^^ '^lu>wii>jtrv— ^/f to     \      X      >      H 5    L    1     ^    <^    /o    //    >%   /^  /r  rr  /^   n  ir  it  i* 116 Table  VI  and  Chart  II  shov/  the  proportion  of lynchings  for  various  alleged  crimes  from  1889  to  1928, Of  the  3,614  v/hites  and  Negroes  lynched  during  the  period 1,354  or  more  than  37  per  cent  were  charged  with  mtirder. Of  the  whites  lynched  46.6  per  cent  were  charged  with murder  as  compared  to  35.1  per  cent  of  the  Negroes.   Six- teen per  cent  of  the  Negroes  as  compared  to  6.3  per  cent of  the  whites  were  accused  of  rape.   This  does  not  necessar- ily mean  that  477  or  more  Negroes  have  committed  rape  since 1889,   As  is  indicated  in  Chapter  VII,  a  Negro  is  frequent- ly charged  with  rape  or  an  attack  upon  a  woman  when  it  is for  an  entirely  different  reason  that  he  is  lynched.  It is  noticeable  in  this  connection  that  for  crimes  against the  person  other  than  those  involving  v/omen  about  the same  percentage  of  Negroes  and  whites  are  lynched.   The percentage  of  persons  lynched  for  crimes  against  property is  high  for  the  whites  and  low  for  the  Negroes  while  the reverse  is  true  as  to  the  crime  of  rape.   At  least  a  part of  this  is  possibly  to  be  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that white  men  can  no  longer  afford  to  lynch  a  Negro  without some  excuse,  and  it  is  more  and  more  necessary  to  have  one better  than  that  the  Negro  villi   not  pay  a  bill,  or  that  he refuses  to  work  for  a  consideration  set  by  the  white  man. Disputes  over  property  accoiint  for  many  of  the  murder charges  against  the  Negro,   There  are,  on  the  other  hand, 6.  This  table  follov/s  the  NAaCP  classification  of  crimes,  and is  different  from  that  used  elsewhere  in  the  study.   See Chapter  VI  et  passim. 117 co H E-« <«: E-« 03 Q H El M (D s O p .^ s t-t Q P>3 -d O a Pd oJ «; K m o rH CD CO +J M w O > CO ^25 E-< M w hJ fc •  « PQ U4 CO < o (M f- CT >- iH m O Q +» g C7> o «D !S! «) >^ r-l hJ a CO o !s; M O ^ CO a^ H P^ (ci o 0^ H CQ OQ rH ^ r- cd H KN -p -D r^ o *« E-t 1^ 0)  • o  » CO  O  -H <  o I  CO .H  :3 (D  o  t:)  o o  CD  fn  c; CO  C  cd  ,i^ •H  cd  P5 CO s fH o I O  -P M  fH P^  (U CO  C c  o •H   CO Cd    fH hDO) Oj    P CQ O cc5 ■p +» * O   0) a 0) PJ pcj CO a O o o ai KN LH       CO ^         rH cvj •eo + in rH CM t^ C\J       -^ in ISO •60 VD a o Eh 0) •H o ■p 0) CJ a> CO +» -d o CVJ o o ■60 iH KN f^ KN ^ M3 iH CVJ 1^ o rH O o CVJ LT, V£) rH m KN O CD +» CD O 0) Ph CO  -d (D    >-. CQ Al o cd  o cd  -d <u -p  bD (C  Qi ^  rH ■P  H a>  CO ■p  o3 oj  ^ ■p CO  <u CO  cb P! o  <u o  ^ O  -P C(3    <U CO    ^ CO fn  cd p  0) rH ^  o O •H  +J ^    O CO hO  cti  > C  -P   «J •H  +3  ^ CO  o =   -p  -p CD -  c  n =     -H    <D CO  cd   bO (U  bo  0) +^  CD  rH r-i Cd (L)  00 -p  CO  cd CD    B •H  ^  O Cd  ,£3 W  bSJ^ cd  C ^ 0) o c:  CO •H   cd ^ CD Qi   -P CD  -H Cd • o  ^  tJ o <D rH  -H ■p rH  ^ a Cd  ^ a CD CO  f: -p 0)  -H +^ -d cd ;:>  -p rH    PJ u o  p o $3 •H       •> ■d Q) (U C  Til •p o  Cd cd •H  a a -p g cd  (U p O    fH CO •H    <U a tM    ^ o •tH o Oj    C to    (1> c; cd  a d) H    O <a bDxi p:  a •H    Q) «H    CU    O •H  -d +3  =      (D CD  > (D  x-H -P=  -P =     (U    cd O  rH CO  -H  (U cd  "d    ^H P  = CO  -r-a (U    4)       - fH  = p  -d ©^ ^    O   O cd  0 fH    t>. 02 (d o o :3 CD  =     rH •d  -  C <D=  0) -P  -d    (D o  -d C  (d rH O C  ^ bD  Cd  &= CD CD i-i cd CJ -p 0) •d cd 0) a •H O Cd 02  c:  <u ■H    O    > ,c!  p  cd a bD  cd a  a o fH   <tH S:  O CD  = •H  <U  -d ^      "  >    (U -P=       -H    -P CO   -P  -P h  0)   cd  -H QJ   -P  rH    g Ti  -rH    CD    a C  xi  f-i  o :=)  &=   o * 118 119 "dangerous  Negroes",  as  there  are  also  white  men  who  do not  hesitate  to  take  human  life,   lliere  are  other  Negroes who  are  goaded  to  desperation  and  who  actually  commit murder  when  they  otherwise  would  not.   Still  others  are goaded  into  a  fight  v/ith  a  v/hite  man  and  are  charged  with "mtirderous  assault  ,  and  thus  this  crime  of  fighting  with a  white  man  is  listed  on  Table  VI  as  murder. Lynching  States  and  Negro  Population Turning  attention  to  lynchings  in  the  South,  we note  that,  since  1882,  3,939  or  more  than  82  per  cent  of all  lynchings  have  occurred  in  this  section.  Between  1889 and  1918  about  88  per  cent  of  all  lynchings  in  the  country occurred  in  the  South  and  for  the  past  twenty  years  over 90  per  cent  of  all  lynchings  have  occtirred  in  the  South, Prom  1889  to  1918  about  78  per  cent  of  all  persons  lynched in  the  nation  were  Negroes,  According  to  Table  IV,  from 1889  to  1928,  a  total  of  2,877  of  the  3,614  persons  lynched were  Negroes  or  79.6  per  cent.   From  1914  to  1918,  81,2 per  cent  of  all  persons  lynched  were  Negroes,  and  during the  past  decade  practically  95  per  cent  of  all  persons lynched  were  Negroes,   A  total  of  2,751  or  86  per  cent  of all  Negroes  lynched  have  been  lynched  in  the  South.  Four- teen per  cent  of  all  persons  lynched  in  the  South  since 1889  have  been  whites,  while  more  than  60  per  cent  of  all whites  lynched  have  been  in  the  South.   Since  1900,  70 per  cent,  and  during  the  past  decade  74  per  cent  of  all whites  lynched  have  been  in  the  South,   Thus  it  Is  seen 120 that  in  general  mob  violence  of  this  type  is  characteris- tically Southern,  and  is  increasingly  so  with  the  passing of  years. Chart  III  shov/s  the  ranlcing  of  the  States  of  the Union  according  to  the  person' lynched  since  1889,   The  first eleven  states,  with  a  total  of  2,997,  are  southern.  All of  these  states  have  had  more  than  100  lynchings  during  the period,  ranging  from  104  for  Oklahoma  to  451  for  Georgia, Virginia  with  83,  Maryland  with  17,  and  Delev.rare  with  1, are  the  only  southern  states  which  have  had  less  tlian  100 lynchings  during  the  period.   Of  the  235  persons  lynched in  the  North  since  1889,  121  or  51,9  per  cent  have  been white.   Practically  all  (154)  of  the  166  persons  lynched in  the  '/Vest,  have  been  whites  and  Mexicans,   Only  three Negroes  have  been  lynched  in  the  Pacific  Division,  and nine  in  the  Moxmtain  Division  since  1900. It  has  been  noted  that  during  the  present  Century there  has  been  a  more  marked  concentration  of  lynchings  in the  South  than  for  the  whole  period  for  v/hich  we  have statistics.  Chart  IV  shows  the  rank  of  the  southern  states in  the  number  of  persons  lynched  since  1900,   The  rank  of these  states  is  different  from  that  shown  in  Chart  III. i/?hereas  Georgia  ranks  first  for  the  period  1889  to  1928  it is  in  the  lead  of  Mississippi  by  only  14;  but  during  the present  Century,  Georgia  leads  all  states  in  the  number  of persons  lynched  and  is  27  in  the  lead  of  Mississippi  v/lth 266  lynchings.   The  whole  range  is  from  one  for  Delev/are  to ■^%, CHART  IV 121 LYNCHINGS  BY  STATE  IN  THE  SOUTH,  1900-1928 Ranking  of  States  by  Persons  Lynched [m;(.uiuu4UUi![ii:ii:iiir!iup:iij/™nn:i  jiTjmniHTrmTircii  i  lui ;  riTrTny-yp-jm ■Jl^ (nuM^B^   L  \IV  (LHBb) Itlii'if Tirnrmr -4 cSiS SJt i£. t^ m. ZlC ■^'^O      ■^^^      /-^^J     »■">       fii.0   J^g     OAa    ^irr.       ?s-n> a<^.      I -aUL. Xi. /J6 ZiL2_ J^jiS- j.:VJ .^jfcfiL 122 293  for  Georgia,  Whereas  Florida  ranks  eighth  for  the period  since  1882,  during  the  past  28  years  It  ranks fifth,  with  156  lynchlngs.   North  Carolina  has  changed its  ranlc  from  the  thirteenth  to  the  tv/elfth,  Alabama has  shifted  from  fifth  to  sixth;  Arkansas  from  sixth  to seventh;  Tennessee  from  seventh  to  eighth;  and  Virginia from  twelth  to  thirteenth.  Georgia,  Mississippi,  Texas, Louisana,  Kentucky,  Oklahoma,  South  Carolina,  West Virginia,  Delev/are  and  Maryland,  rank  the  same  for  the two  periods. Thus  on  the  whole  there  has  not  only  been  a concentration  of  lynchlngs  in  the  South  during  the  pre- sent century  but  a  gradual  shift  toward  the  South-east, It  is  interesting  to  note  that  whereas  the  center  of lynchlngs  is  moving  to  the  South-east  the  center  of  the Negro  population  is  in  a  different  direction.   Table VII  shows  that  since  1790  the  general  trend  of  the  Negro population  has  been  toward  the  South-west.   In  1790  the center  of  Negro  population  was  in  Dinv/iddle  County, Virginia,  and  by  1880  it  had  moved  443  miles  South-west, to  Walker  County,  Georgia.   During  each  decade  since that  time  there  has  been  a  slight  slilft  in  the  same direction  until  1920  when  the  center  had  changed  to  the North-east  from  Dekalb  County,  Alabama,  back  to  '.Valker County,  Georgia, Table  VIII  shov/s  the  total  and  the  Negro  population by  states,  and  the  per  cent  Negro  of  the  total  population  by 123 T.\BLE  VII CENTER   OP   THE   NEGRO   POPULATION:      1790,    1880-1920 Census Year Location  of  Center. Approximate  location  by  tOTms Deciennial Movement  in Miles 1790     25  miles  west-southeast  of  Peters- burg, Dinwiddle  County,  Virginia. 1880     10,4  miles  east  of  Lafayette,  in Walker  County,  Georgia. 1890     15,7  miles  Southv/est  of  Lafayette Walker  County,  Georgia. 1900     10,7  miles  northeast  of  Fort Payne,  Dekalb  County,  Alabama, 1910     5,4  miles  north-northeast  of  Port Payne,  Dekalb  County,  Alabama, 1920     1,8  north-northeast  of  Rising Fawn,  Georgia, 443  miles  South- west, 20,5  miles Southwest 9,5  miles Southwest, 5,8  miles  West- southwest 21,5  miles  North- east, (Negro  Year  Book,  1925-6,  p,  441) 124 states  in  1920,"  <  Since  1880  there  has  been  a  general, thoiigh  small  decline  in  the  percentage  Negro  of  the  total population.   Taking  the  successive  decades  in  order  from 1880  to  1920  the  Negro  population  formed  the  following respective  percentages  of  the  total  population  of  the South:   1880,  36.0  per  cent;  1890,  33.8  per  cent;  1900, 32,3  per  cent;  1910,  29.8  per  cent;  and  in  1920,  26.9 per  cent.  During  this  time  the  percentage  Ylhlte   of  the total  population  for  the  decades  was:  1880,  63,9  per  cent; 1890,  65.9  per  cent;  1900,  67,4  per  cent;  1910,  69,9  per cent  and  in  1920,  72,9  per  centr]  During  the  entire  period the  percentage  of  "others"-  Indians,  Chinese,  Japanese, has  been  less  than  one-half  of  one  per  cent  of  the  total. The  foreign  born  v/hite  population  is  less  in  the  South than  in  any  other  section  of  the  country.  Thus  the population  of  the  South  is  almost  entirely  made  up  of "native"  Americans,  white  and  black. Comparing  the  rank  of  the  Southern  States  in Table  VTII  with  Chart  III  it  is  shovm  that  numerically Georgia  leads  in  Negro  population,  as  v/ell  as  in  lynchings, v;ith  Mississippi  coming  second,   Alabama  ranks  third  ac- cording to  Negro  population.  South  Carolina  fourth, Louisiana  fifth,  Virginia  sixth.  North  Carolina  seventh, Arkansas  eighth,  Tennessee  ninth,  and  Florida  tenth.   Thus 7,  'i'he  1920  f^lgures  are  used  here  for  the  general  purpose  at hand.   In  a  later  Chapter  v/here  more  definite  statistics are  treated  according  as  they  apply  to  particular  states and  counties,  population  statistics  for  1910  are  used along  with  those  of  1920, %"■- 125 it  is  shov/n  that  there  is  not  a  very  close  correlation betv/een  the  total  number  of  Negroes  in  a  state  and  the number  of  lynchings.   I'his  is  still  more  noticeable  when we  note  the  ranlc  of  the  states  according  to  the  per  cent Negro  of  the  total  population,   Mississippi  ranlcs  first with  52.2  per  cent  Negro  population.  South  Carolina  ranlcs second  v/ith  51,4  Negro  population,  although  this  state ranks  fourth  according  to  the  total  Negro  population,  and tenth  according  to  the  number  of  persons  lynched  within her  borders  since  1900,   During  this  time,  also,  there has  been  only  one  white  man  lynched  in  South  Carolina, Georgia  ranks  third  according  to  the  percentage  Negro of  the  total  population,  although  first  according  to  the total  number  of  Negroes,  and  first  according  to  the niomber  of  persons  lynched,  and  the  number  of  Negroes lynched.  Whereas  Virginia  ranks  thirteenth  in  the  number of  persons  lynched  since  1900,  she  ranks  seventh  in percentage  and  sixth  in  total  Negro  population,   "hereas Florida  ranlcs  fifth  according  to  lynchings,  she  ranks sixth  in  percentage  and  tenth  in  total  Negro  population. From  the  foregoing  Tables  and  Charts  it  is evident  that  lynchings,  although  largely  concentrated  in the  South,  are  not  as  frequent  in  all  southern  states  as in  some  states  of  other  sections  of  the  coujitry.   Taking the  period  from  1889  to  1928  we  note  tliat  Virgina,  North Carolina,  West  Virginia,  Maryland  and  Deleware  rank  lower in  the  number  of  persons  lynched  than  certain  states  of other  sections.  In  Y/est  Virginia  where  5,9  per  cent  of  the 126 TABLE  VIII TOTAL  AND  NEGRO  POPULATION  BY  STATES  AND  PER  CENT  NEGRO POPULATION  OF  TOTAL  IN  EACH  STATE  IN  1920 Per  cent  Negro Total  popu- Negro popu- in total  popu- STATES lation lation lation NEW  ENGLAND Maine 768,014 1,310 0.2 New  Hampshire 443,083 621 0.1 Vermont 352,428 572 0.2 Massachusetts 3,852,356 45,466 1.2 Rhode  Island 604,397 10,036 1,7 Connecticut 1,380,631 21,046 1.5 MIDDLE  ATLANTIC New  York 10,385,227 198,483 1.9 New  Jersey 3,155,900 117,132 3.7 Pennsylvania 8,720,017 284,568 3.3 EAST  N.  CENTRAL Ohio 5,759,394 186,187 3.2 Indiana 2,930,309 80,810 2.8 Illinois 6,485,280 182,274 2.8 Michigan 3,668,412 60,082 1.6 Wisconsin 2,632,067 5,201 0.2 WEST  N.  CENTRAL Minnesota 2,387,125 8,809 0.4 Iowa 2,404,421 19,005 0.8 Missoxiri 3,404,055 178,241 5.2 North  Dakota 646,872 467 0.1 South  Dakota 636,547 832 0.1 Nebraska 1,296,372 13,242 1.0 Kansas 1,769,257 57,925 3.3 SOUTH  ATLANTIC Deleware 223,003 30,335 13.6 Maryland 1,449,661 244,479 16.9 District  of  Col. 437,579 109,966 25.  If Virginia 2,309,187 690,017 29. 9C W.  Virginia 1,463,701 86,345 5.9 North  Carolina 2,559,123 663,407 29.81 South  Carolina 1,683,724 864,719 51.  4 'i Georgia 2,895,832 1,206,365 41.7:5 Florida 968,470 329,487 34.0 EAST  SOUTH  CENTRAL Kentucky 2,416,630 235,938 9.8 Tennessee 2,337,885 450,758 19.2^!) Alabmna 2,348,174 900,652 38.43 Mississippi 1,790,618 935,184 52.2/ I.O TABLE  VIII  (Cont'd) 127 Per cent  Negro Total  popu- Negro popu- in total  popu- STATES lation lation lation 'iVEZI   SOUTH  CENTRAL Arkansas 1,752,204 472,220 27,0*? Louisiana 1,798,509 700,257 38.0/ Oklahoma 2,028,283 149,408 7.4 5exas 4,663,228 241,694 15.4 MOUNTAIN Montana 548,889 1,658 0.3 Idaho 431,866 920 2.0 Wyoming 194,402 1,375 7.0 Colorado 939,629 11,318 1.2 Ne^Y  Mexico 360,350 5,333 1.6 Arizona 334,162 8,005 2.4 Utah 449,386 1,446 0.3 Nevada 77,417 346 4.0 PACIFIC Washington 1,356,621 6,883 0.5 Oregon 783,389 2,144 0.3 California 3,426,861 38,763 1.1 (Negro  Year  Book,  1925-6,  p.  435) 128 total  population  Is  Negro,  there  have  been  17  persons  lynch- ed since  1900,  fifteen  of  whom  were  Negroes,  In  Maryland 16.9  per  cent  of  the  total  population  is  Negro,  and  yet  only seven  Negroes  and  no  whites  have  been  lynched  since  1900« In  Illinois,  on  the  other  hand,  where  Negroes fvirnished  only  2.8  per  cent  of  the  total  population  in  1920 (and  it  was  much  less  before  the  great  migration  during  and immediately  after  the  World  War),  there  have  been  during the  past  twenty-eight  years  fourteen  lynchings,  only  two  of v/hich  were  whites.  Illinois  has  long  been  among  the  first of  the  non-southern  states  in  the  nvunber  of  lynchings. Since  1890,  ten  v/hite  men  and  fifteen  Negroes  have  been lynched  in  that  State,  While  most  of  the  whites  were  lynch- ed for  murder  (5),  and  rape  (4),  the  last  one  v/as  lynched at  Collinsville,  Madison  Coxinty,  on  April  4,  1919,  for "making  disloyal  remarks",   Negroes  have  been  lynched  in Illinois  for  such  crimes  as  "criminal  abortion",  and  "dis- reputable character". Whereas  nearly  14  per  cent  of  the  population  of Delev/are  is  Negro,  there  is  only  one  lynching  on  record  as having  occurred  in  that  State,   In  1903  a  Negro  was  lynched in  New  Castle  Cotinty,  near  V/ilmlngton,  for  the  double  crime of  rape  and  murder.   Kansas,  with  3.3  per  cent  Negro  popu- lation has  had  eight  lyncliings,  four  Negroes  and  four  whites; and  Wyoming,  with  7,0  per  cent  Negro  population,  has  had  the same  number  and  proportion  since  1900,  Montana  has  had  10 lynchings,  and  California  14  since  1900,  only  one  in  each state,  however,  being  a  Negro, 129 In  1920  the  Negro  population  of  Missoiirl  was 5.2  per  cent  of  the  total.   Since  1900  this  state  has  had 42  lynchings,  37  of  whom  v/ere  Negroes.   Missouri  has  had more  lynchings  than  five  of  the  southern  states,  including Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  each  of  v/hich  has  about  30 per  cent  Negro  population, ^  Vi/hereas  92  per  cent  of  all persons  lynched  are  in  the  South,  yet  five  of  the  northern and  western  states  have  each  had  more  lynchings  since 1900  than  have  two  of  the  southern  states  in  which  the relative  percentage  of  Negro  population  is  higher.  Thus it  is  evident  that  the  South,  when  considered  by  states, is  no  more  a  lynching  section  as  a  whole  than  is  Cali- fornia, Missouri,  Illinois  or  Montana, Map  I  shows  graphically  that  there  is  not  only a  concentration  of  lynchings  In  the  South  but  a  further concentration  in  particular  southern  states.  Three southern  states  have  had  betv/een  200  and  300  lynchings since  1900,  and  four  others  have  had  between  100  and 200,  The  seven  states  combined  have  had  1,347,  or  more than  78  per  cent  of  the  total  for  the  16  southern  states. In  the  first  ten  southern  states  there  has  been  a  total of  1,579  lynchings,  or  about  84  per  cent  of  all  lynchings in  the  Nation,   Practically  96  per  cent  of  all  l3mchinga 8,  Missouri  affords  an  indication  that  it  is  not  the  location of  a  state,  nor  altogether  the  proportion  of  negro  popu- lation, so  much  as  it  is  other  conditions,  and  attitudes that  determine  the  number  of  lynchings,   *or  this  reason Missouri  is  included  in  the  discussion  of  lynchings  by states  and  co\inties.  Chapter  ¥11, <?sl 0G6 130  UuiliKl  Stales 131 in  the  South  are  credited  to  these  ten  states.  And  it is  in  these  states  that  more  tlian  90  per  cent  of  all women  lynched  since  1900  have  met  that  fate. 152 CHAPTER  VI WOMEN  AND  WHITE  IffiN  LYNCHED Sixty  college  professors  and  graduate  students from  all  sections  of  the  country  Interviewed  at  a  con- ference in  New  York,  and  twenty  professors  and  graduate students  at  the  University  of  North  Carolina  expressed surprise  at  the  nvtmber  of  women  lynched  in  the  South, Quite  a  majority  of  the  ntimber,  including  several  of  the southern  group  -  both  professors  and  students  -  had  the impression  that  practically  all  lynchings  are  due  to  the crime  of  rape,  and  did  not  know  that  women  were  ever lynched*, A  total  of  96  women  have  met  death  at  the  hands of  mobs  since  1882.   The  early  statistics  are  doubtless inaccurate,  for  there  is  not  a  lynching  of  a  woman  recorded for  the  first  two  years  of  the  period.   The  slight  increase in  the  nvimber  of  white  women  lynched  throughout  the remainder  of  the  Nineteenth  Century  no  doubt  indicates an  increased  accuracy  of  the  statistics  rather  than  an actual  increase  in  the  number  of  v/omen  lynched.   During 133 the  45  years  since  1882,  24  v/hlte  women  and  72  colored women  have  "been  lynched.   Table  IX  shows  that  for  every year,  excepting  1887  and  1899,  to  the  beginning  of  the present  Century,  there  was  one  or  more  women  lynched. Graph  VIII  shows  that  up  to  the  beginning  of  the Century  there  was  a  fairly  close  correlation  between  the number  of  white  women  and  the  number  of  Negro  women  lynch- ed.  Since  1900  there  have  been  only  t'.vo  v;hite  vromen lynched,  while  the  curve  for  the  Negroes  is  irregular, varying  from  one  to  four  throughout,  excepting  the  years 1905,  1906,  1924  and  1925  when  there  were  no  women  lynch- ed in  the  country.   Chart  V  shows  the  proportion  of  women lynched  for  various  causes  since  1882, -*■  Of  the  v/hites nine  were  charged  with  murder,  five  with  minor  offenses, two  with  theft,  one  with  arson  and  the  crime  of  seven is  unknown.   Of  the  Negroes  34  were  charged  with  murder, 17  with  minor  offenses,  six  with  arson,  one  with  theft, two  with  murderous  assault,  five  with  complicity  in murder,  and  the  offense  of  seven  is  unknown. It  is  interesting  to  note  in  more  detail  the lynching s  of  women  during  the  a>//entieth  Century,  To  the present  date  there  has  been  a  total  of  41,  all  but  two of  whom  v/ere  Negroes,   Chart  VI  shows  the  nxxmber  of  women lynched  by  year  and  by  race  since  1900,   It  is  shown  that 1,  The  crimes  of  women  are  not  listed  in  Table  IX,  for  the years  before  1900,   Cutler,  p.  172,  gives  a  chart  of  this natixre  covering  the  period  up  to  1904  but  as  his  informa- tion is  given  in  summary  the  separate  crimes  are  not available  from  this  source. 154 TABLE  IX WOIvIEN  LYNCHED  IN  THE  U.  S.  FROM  1882  to  1928 By  Race  and  by  Crime  and  Totals^ Year Total 'Miite Colored 1184^ 3 3 0 1885 4 1 3 1886 2 0 2 1888-x^^H^ 1 1 0 1889 3 3 0 1890 1 1 0 1891 5 0 5 1892 5 1 4 1893 4 0 4 1894 3 1 2 1895 13 5 6 1896 1 1 0 1897 4 2 2 1898 6 3 3 1900-:j-^k:- 1 0 1 1901 4 1 3 1902 1 0 1 1903 2 0 2 1904 2 0 2 1907-JHC-JJ 2 0 2 1908 1 1 0 1909 1 0 1 Crime  alleged  In  reports Crimes  of  v/omen  not  listed separately  in  early  in- formation, hence  not  given here  until  1900,  For  totals, women  by  crime,  see  Chart  V, Crime  unknown, N.  Implicated  in  murder. Implicated  in  murder. 1  unknown;  1  implicated  in murder. Both  charged  v/ith  murder. Both  "murderous  assault," "Threats";  lynched  along  v^rith her  husband  and  tv/o  children. Charged  with  murder. w   Compiled  from  Cutler,  NAACP  files.  Clippings,  etc, *<•     No  iynchings  in  1882,  and  1883,  according  to  records, *«-»■  No  Iynchings  in  intervening  years. 135 TABLE  IX  (Cont»d) Year Total   '.'Vhlte   Colored    Crime  alleged  In  reports 1910 1911 1 0 1 1912 3 0 3 1913 1 0 1 1914 4 0 4 1915 1 0 1 1916 3 0 3 1917 1 0 1 1918 4 0 4 1919 1 0 1 1920 1 0 1 1921 1 0 1 1922 0 0 0 1923 1 0 1 (No  women  lynched,  1924,  1925) 1926  2       0       2 1927  0       0       0 Murder,  1;  complicity,  1; Operating  disreputable house,  1,  (Monroe,  La,), Murder, Murder,  2;  complicity,  1, Charge,  irurder;  later found  innocent. Murder,  2;  Arson,  1; Unknov/n,  1, "Resisting  arrest"? "Accomplice  to  murder" Murder • " Unwi  s  e  r  emark  s " ,  1 ; mjirder,  2;  threats,  1, Unknov/n  cause. Complicity  in  mtirder, Unknov/n.  Referred  to  in Gov,  Dorsey's  pamphlet. Shot  by  men  v/ho  were searching  for  her  brother v/ho  had  refused  to  pay  10^ interest  on  50^,   No  of- fense stated;  relatives  had probably  committed  murder; not  knov/n. TOTALS 96 24 72 Summary  of  Crimes;   V/hites,  Murder  10;  minor  offense,  5, unknown,  6;  arson,  1;  lEEeft,  2,   Total,  24, Colored:   Murder,  35;  minor  (or  no  offense),  17;  Unknov/n,  6; Arson,  6;  theft,  1;  Complicity  in  murder,  5;  murderous assault,  2;  Total,  72, 136 GRAPH  VIII WOMEN  LYNCHED  1884-1928  BY  RACE 137 CHART  V WOMEN:   PROPORTION  LYNCHED  FOR  VARIOUS  CAUSES  1882-1928 |'^|:tl:H:l-| 1        : 139 the  majority  of  the  lynchings  of  v/omen  during  the  period occurred  between  1909  and  1922,  For  each  of  the  twenty- eight  years  except  five,  one  or  more  women  have  been lynched.   The  two  white  women  were  lynched  in  1901  and 1908,  respectively.  In  Mississippi  County,  Arkansas,  on April  6,  1901,  May  Hearn,  white,  was  lynched,  -  charged with  murder.   At  Hickory  Grove,  Kentucky,  on  October  4, 1908,  a  Mrs.  David  Wallace  was  lynched  along  with  her husband  and  two  children.   The  cause  of  this  lynching according  to  newspaper  reports  at  the  time  was  "threats". It  is  very  probable  that  the  figures  on  the  number  of women  lynched  are  conservative,  even  since  1900,  For  the first  three  years  of  this  period  Cutler  found  a  record  of eight  women  lynched,  while  the  NAACP  report  for  this period  gives  only  six.  Cutler  was  certainly  not  inclined to  overstate  the  number  lynched,  and  we  may  accept  his figures  as  being  more  nearly  accurate  as  the  NAACP  was not  in  existence  at  the  time  and  their  data  was  gathered some  dozen  years  later. Chart  VII  shows  the  proportion  of  Negro  women lynched  for  various  causes  from  1900  to  1928,  Fourteen  of the  thirty-nine  were  charged  v/ith  mxirder,  seven  with  com- plicity in  murder,  two  with  murderous  assault,  one  with arson,  seven  with  a  minor  offense,  while  the  offense  of eight  is  not  known.   One  Negro  girl  was  shot  by  a  mob  of white  men  while  in  search  of  her  brother  who  had  insulted a  white  man  -  it  is  said  by  refusing  to  pay  ten  cents Interest  on  a  half  dollar  which  he  had  borrowed.   One •>.-\ I'  1 1 1'  1 1 1 '  1 1 1 1 1 1 I M-. r  .ii\ ^ty^4.^ry\.% (J^jLe^ui^ ■ri ^2yi<i^Ot^ ^  // / J^rlf-/,^Jil. 5^ 141 woman  was  shot  along  with  her  husband  who  was  not  spe- cifically charged  with  any  crime  at  all,  but  it  was thovight  that  probably  he  had  been  implicated  in  a  murder which  happened  several  months  previously.   Two  Negro women  were  shot  for  threatening  to  avenge  the  death  of their  brother  who  had  been  killed  by  white  men.   One  was shot  in  Monroe,  Louisiana,  charged  with  "running  a  disrepu- table house."  One  was  shot  by  a  posse  of  officers  and citizens  while  "resisting  arrest",  and  another  for  "un- wise remarks"  -  concerning  the  lynching  of  her  husbandl As  would  nattirally  be  expected,  a  majority  of  the forty-one  lynchings  of  women  since  1900  occurred  in  the southern  states.  Of  the  thirty-seven  assigned  to  the South,  Mississippi  leads  with  a  total  of  eleven.   Then comes  Georgia  v/ith  eight,  one  of  whom  was  lynched  for murder  but  was  later  proved  to  have  been  innocent  of  the crime.   Texas  and  Florida  rank  next  v/lth  four  each;  South Carolina  and  Arkansas  with  three  each;  and  Oklalioma  and Louisiana  with  two  each.  The  only  charges  stated  against Rachel  Moore,  of  Rankin  Mississippi,  who  was  lynched  on Arpil  4,  1921,  was  that  she  was  the  mother-in-law  of  a  man who  had  been  lynched.   It  is  in  the  same  states  and  in the  same  localities  of  these  states,  where  men  -  black  and white  -  are  lynched,  that  practically  all  of  the  v/omen who  meet  this  infamous  death  depart  for  the  unknown. Women  have  been  lynched  for  the  same  trivial  offenses  for v/hich  men  meet  that  fate. ••  1 '.'  '  ' '•f''*i"»#» 142 White  Men  Lynched  Since  1900 From  questioning  many  persons  on  the  subject  one is  led  to  conclude  that  there  is  a  general  impression abroad  that  white  men  are  no  longer  lynched  since  the settliiag  of  the  West  and  the  establishment  of  courts  where- in horse  thieves  and  murderers  may  be  bro\ight  to  justice. This  impression  is  erroneous  in  two  ways:   In  the  first place  the  lynching  of  white  men  has  not  ceased  with  the settling  of  the  West,  and  in  the  second  place  it  is  not primarily  in  the  V/est  that  white  men  are  lynched.   Thus it  seems  worth  while  to  dwell  upon  this  aspect  of  the subject. Graph  IX  shows  the  whites  lynched  by  years  since 1900,  Beginnirxg  with  12  in  1900  there  was  a  rise  to  28  in 1901,  then  a  drop  to  three  for  1906  and  1907,   In  1908  there were  eleven  whites  lynched  with  a  rise  to  14  in  1909;  then a  drop  to  9  in  1910,  to  8  in  1911,  to  three  in  1912,  and  to one  in  1913,  Prom  three  in  1914  the  curve  reaches  the high  mark  of  41  in  1915  -  the  highest  nxunber  of  whites lynched  in  a  single  year  since  1896,^  There  was  a  sharp drop  to  six  in  1916,  since  which  time  there  has  not  been more  than  eight  for  any  single  year.   This  mark  was  reached in  1920,   There  were  six  whites  lynched  in  1921,  and  seven in  1922.   In  only  two  years  since  1900-1924  and  1925  -  is 2,  There  were  43  whites  lynched  during  1915  but  we  have  been unable  to  check  up  on  two  of  them,  hence  have  omitted them  from  the  list. fta^^  jA^v2/2.^c^  /s^^^^.  /^H'/pj^f^ 1/ 1  <^'^^/\AhjU\~. Utltlllllil.;ill::i!|iimtH!HI'l)IIMUlH[HlfWHt'-lf mHH|M!lim!llll!HI!i|llimmi!ii!l!!!!l 144 there  no  record  of  a  white  man  being  lynched.  During  the past  decade  there  has  been  a  total  of  41  whites  lynched; and  since  1920,  thirty-one.   In  1926  there  were  six,  and in  1927  two  whites  lynched. Table  X  shov/  the  Whites  lynched  by  year  and  by crime  since  1900,   There  has  been  a  total  of  221  during the  twenty-eight  years,  or  an  average  of  about  eight  per year,"^  Before  proceeding  with  an  analysis  of  this  chart it  is  necessary  to  explain  the  classification  of  crimes  as causes  of  lynching  which  has  been  adopted  and  which  is used  henceforth  in  this  study.   The  classification  of  crimes by  the  KAACP  (Table  VI)  was  made  for  the  same  pxirpose  for which  it  has  been  used  in  Chapter  V  -  that  of  indicating the  actual  or  alleged  offense  committed  by  the  victim lynched.  For  our  purposes  henceforth  this  type  of  classi- faction  is  inadequate.  In  any  sociological  study  or psychological  explanation  of  lynchings  to  take  the  actual crime  cominitted,  althoiigh  important,  is  often  insufficient. For  example,  "attacks"  upon  women  as  "including  all  cases in  which  press  accounts  state  that  attacks  upon  women  are made,  but  in  which  it  was  not  clear  whether  rape  was alleged  to  have  been  consumated  or  attempted"  -  this  is  a superfluous  differentiation  when  the  point  of  interest  is that  of  studying  the  cultural  background  and,  in  short, the  psychology  of  the  mob,   A  headline  stating  that  a 3.  The  records  show  a  total  of  226,  but  due  to  inadequate information  five  have  been  omitted  from  the  list  in  this analysis. ose^lriw 2:lujl. 145 woman  has  been  "attacked"  -  no  matter  if  a  Negro  snatched her  purse,  and  even  though  this  fact  be  stated  in  the account  -  means  rape  to  those  who  compose  lynching  mobs. The  same  emotional  reactions  and  irrational  behavior- patterns  are  "set  off"  as  if  rape  had  actually  been committed.   Moreover,  for  the  purpose  of  this  study  a classification  of  certain  crimes  as  "absence  of  crime", or  "no  crime"  is  meaningless,   Hxunan  organisms,  do  not react  without  stimulation;  mobs  always  have  a  "cause". There  is,  therefore,  always  a  "crime"  in  so  far  as  the mob-members  are  concerned. Thus  it  is  clear  that  a  more  adequate  classi- faction  of  crimes  must  be  employed.   This  means  that  the work  done  by  the  publishers  of  "Thirty  Years'  Lynching  in the  U.  S,"  in  classifying  alleged  causes  of  lynchings  up to  1919  must  be  done  anev/.   This  is  not  so  unfortunate after  all  for  in  this  publication  there  are  no  analytical tables  for  different  sections  of  the  country,  or  states according  to  crime.   In  view  of  the  advantages  afforded for  pvirposes  of  comparison  it  is  fortunate  that  Cutler in  his  book  on  Lynch- Lav/  (1903)  adopted  a  classification of  the  causes  of  lynchings  that  is  adequate  for  the present  study  -  as  adequate  apparently  as  could  be  made. In  his  analysis  of  the  Tribune  record  up  to  1903  he grouped  the  numerous  causes  listed  into  the  following classes:   Murder,  Rape,  Assault,  Minor  Offenses,  Desperad- ism.  Arson,  and  Unknown,   For  psychological  purposes  this 146 classification  contains  some  over-lappings  but  none  so important,  or  so  apt  to  be  misleading,  as  the  classi- fication separately  of  "rape"  and  "attacks  upon  women" as  discussed  above.   This  is,  then,  a  classification  more nearly  free  from  faulty  over-lapping  of  crimes  and  causes, yet  one  of  such  detail  as  to  indicate  along  with  the cause  as  nearly  the  exact  crime  committed  as  is  possible to  give  in  usable  table  forms.   In  addition  it  is  a classification  which  makes  possible  a  comparison  of  the results  obtained  with  those  of  the  only  study  of  this type  ever  made,  and  extending  back  as  far  as  any  adequate statistical  data  is  to  be  had. The  class  of  Murder  embraces  the  follov/ing: murder,  suspected  murder,  alleged  murder,  conspiracy  to murder,  and  complicity  in  murder,^ The  class  Rape  Includes  also:   attempted  rape, alleged  rape,  attacks  upon  women,  alleged  attack  upon 7/omen,  and  conspiracy  to  rape,^ The  class  Theft  as  used  includes:   theft, larceny,  burglary,  suspected  robbery,  alleged  robbery, safe  breaking,  cattle  stealing,  horse  stealing,  hog stealing,  conspiracy  to  steal,  or  to  rob. The  class  Arson  includes:   barn  burning,  house burning,  arson,  incendiarism.   Desperadism  -  seldomly 4»  Henceforth  when  one  of  the  eight  classes  of  crimes  is  meant the  word  for  the  class  will  be  capitalized.   This  will  avoid confusion  of  crimes  and  classes  of  crimes, 5,  Due  to  more  various  "causes"  being  listed  in  the  reports since  1900,  this  class  is  considerably  enlarged  from  that used  by  Cutler,  Hov/ever,  it  includes  the  same  "cause"  for lynching. 147 reported  since  1900  -  includes  the  action  of  a  desperado, outlaw,  highway  robber,  train  wrecker,  and  train  robber. The  class  Assault  embraces  assault  and  murderous assault.   Fewer  and  fewer  whites  are  lynched  for  Assault, As  public  opinion  grows  more  unfavorable  tov/ard  mob  violence, a  higher  proportion  of  Negroes  lynched  for  fighting  white men  are  accused  of  murderous  assault. The  class  Minor  Offenses  includes  an  almost  un- limited number,  some  of  which  are  stated  even  at  the  cost of  adding  to  this  long  but  necessary  digression:   race  pre- judice, miscegenation, S  and  various  offenses,  such  as  (for whites)  wife-beating,  cruelty,  kidnapping,  turning  states evidence,  refusing  to  tvirn  state's  evidence,  sv/indling, political  prejudice,  giving  information,  informing,  pro- tecting a  Negro,  giving  evidence,  mob  indignation,  dis- resputable  character,  tlireats,  aiding  escape  of  murderer, suspected  of  killing  cattle,  prospective  elopement;  (for Negroes)  self-defense,  v/ife  beating,  cutting  levees, kidnapping,  voodooism,  poisoning  horses,  vifriting  insulting letters,  incendiary  language,  jilting  a  girl,  trirning state's  evidence,  political  trouble,  gambling,  quarreling, poisoning  wells,  unpopularity,  making  tlireats,  circulat- ing scandal,  being  troublesome,  bad  reputation,  drunkenness, strike  rioting,  rioting,  insults,  supposed  offense,  insult- 6,  Miscegenation  is  close  alcin,  psychologically^  ^"rape  or attack  upon  a  v/hite  woman.   The  same  complex"  in  the white  man  is  aroused  if  a  v/hite  woman  goes  to  live  with a  Negro  as  if  the  Negro  "attacked"  her. 148 ing  women,  fraud,  criminal  abortion,  alleged  stock  poison- ing, enticing  servant  away,  asking  white  woman  in  marriage, writing  letter  to  white  woman,  conspiracy,  elopement  with white  girl,  refusing  to  give  evidence,  giving  evidence, disobeying  ferry  regulations,  running  quarantine,  violation of  contract,  paying  attention  to  white  girl,  resisting assault,  inflammatory  language,  resisting  arrest,  testi- fying for  one  of  his  own  race,  keeping  gambling  house, quarrel  over  profit-sharing,  forcing^white  boy  to  commit  a crime,  and  lawlessness. The  class  Unknown  Offense,  includes  unknown offense,  no  offense,  without  cause,  mistaken  identity,  by accident,  and  no  cause  given. Frequently  the  report  of  a  lynching  states  that a  double  crime  has  been  committed.  In  these  cases  the follovifing  rules  have  been  observed:  rape  and  murder  are classed  under  Rape,  robbery  and  murder  under  Murder,  arson and  murder  under  Murder,  assault  and  robbery  xinder  Assault, and  robbery  and  arson  under  Arson, Table  X  shov/s  that  about  56  per  cent  of  the  total 221  whites  lynched  since  1900  were  charged  with  murder. Next  in  order  come  the  list  for  Unknown  crimes  with  30,  and the  Minor  Offenses,  with  twenty- three.   Thirteen  whites have  been  lynched  for  Theft  since  1900,  but  no  white  man has  suffered  death  for  this  crime  since  1915,   In  1901  a total  of  nine  whites  were  lynched  for  this  offense.   The Table  shows  that  in  general  with  the  passing  of  years  there 149 TABLE  X WHITES  LYNCHED  BY  YEAR  AND  BY  CRIME,  1900  to  1928 YEAR  Total  Murder  Rape  Assault  Minor  Desp,  ■>"-'-'-'hef t  Unknown 1900 12 9 2 1 0 0 0 0 1901 28 6 5 0 2 0 9 6 1902 8 5 0 0 2 0 1 0 1903 15 11 0 0 2 0 0 2 1904 7 4 2 1 0 0 0 0 1905 5 2 2 0 0 0 1 0 1906 3 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 1907 3 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 1908 11 5 0 1 4 0 0 1 1909 14 9 3 0 0 0 2 0 1910 9 6 1 0 0 0 0 2 1911 8 3 0 0 1 0 0 4 1912 3 3 0 0 0 0 0, 0 1913 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1914 3 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 1915 41 28 1 0 1 6 0 5 1916 6 3 1 1 0 1 0 0 1917 3 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 1918 4 2 0 0 2 0 0 0 1919 6 5 0 1 0 0 0 0 1920 8 5 0 0 2 0 0 1 Sub- totals 198 114 20 5 18 7 13 21 ■K-Desperado. (■> I.I l: L) 0 <i 0 o 150 TABLE  X  (Cont'd) YEAR   Total  Murder  Rape  Assault  Minor  Desp.  Theft  Unknown 1921 6 3 1 0 0 0 0 2 1922 7 2 0 0 1 0 0 4 1923 2 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 1924 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1925 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1926 6 4 0 0 0 0 0 2 1927 2 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 Subtotal 1921-23 23 9 1 1 3 0 0 9 Subtotal 198 114 20 5 18 7 13 21 1900-20 TOTALS 221 123 21 6 21 7 13 30 ( . 151 is  a  higher  proportion  of  whites  lynched  for  the  more serious  offenses.  Prom  1882  to  1903,  for  example,  of  the 1169  whites  lynched  38  per  cent  were  for  Mxxrder,  Rape ranlced  second  with  34.3  per  cent.   On  the  other  hand  it  is notable  that  a  higher  proportion  have  been  lynched  since 1900  for  Unknown  offenses  than  during  the  earlier  period, almost  15  per  cent  as  compared  to  4,3  per  cent.   This probably  indicates  that  of  late  years  it  is  more  necessary to  assign  some  major  offense  for  the  lynching  of  a  v/hite man,  but  that  at  the  same  time  white  men  are  lynched  for lesser  offenses,  and  in  these  cases  the  crime  is  not stated.   That  v/hite  men  are  sometimes  lynched  for  very minor  offenses  is  indicated  below. Table  XI  shows  the  whites  lynched  by  crime  and by  month  for  the  past  twenty-eight  years.  It  is  notable that  a  majority  of  the  whites  are  lynched  in  the  late stumner  and  fall  months.  The  peak  month  is  October  with 30,  a  majority  of  whom  v/ere  charged  with  Murder,   Then comes  July  with  26,  Aiigust  and  September  with  23  each,  and April  with  22,   A  curve  showing  the  whites  lynched  by month  corresponds  very  closely  to  Graph  III  (ante),  in- dicating that  possibly  the  whites  are  lynched  for  causes corresponding  closely  to  those  for  which  Negroes  are lynched.   This  is  more  significant  when  we  note  where  and for  what  offense  the  whites  are  lynched. Contrary  to  v/hat  seems  to  be  the  general  opinion on  the  subject,  it  is  not  in  the  North  and  '.Vest  that practically  all,  or  even  a  majority  of  the  V/hites  are a 152 TABLE  XI WHITES  LYNCHED,  BY  CRI?.1E  AND  BY  MONTH,  1900  to  1928 Month    Miirder  Rape  Assault  Minor  Theft  Desp"'  Unknovm  Total January 8 1 February 4 4 March 5 1 April 14 2 May 8 1 June 8 2 July 11 3 August 12 3 September 14 0 October 18 3 November 8 0 December 9 0 Unknown 1 0 0 2 1 1 4 17 0 0 1 0 3 12 1 0 0 0 3 10 0 1 0 0 5 22 1 2 5 0 1 18 0 0 0 0 0 10 0 0 4 0 8 26 0 4 0 0 4 23 0 3 0 6  (mj  -^:- 0 23 1 7 1 0 0 30 1 2 1 0 0 12 2 3 0 0 3 17 0 0 0 0 0 1 TOTALS     120   20       6    24     13    7      31    221 *  Desperado  Includes  "train  robber  ,  "train  wrecker'*,  an3" "highway  robber",  "banditry". iHc   These  were  Mexfcans,  Cameron  County,  Texas, rr? ^^  f 153 lynched.   On  the  other  hand  It  is  in  the  same  states  where a  majority  of  the  Negroes  are  lynched,  thus  indicating  that lynching  is  not  only  a  racial  but  also  a  sectional  matter. Table  XII  shows  the  whites  lynched  by  state  and  by  county since  1900,  It  shows  that  of  the  total  221,  153  or  70  per cent  v/ere  lynched  in  the  South,  while  44,  or  20  per  cent were  lynched  in  the  West,  and  22,  or  10  per  cent  in  the North,  With  the  exception  of  Texas,  -  where  over  50  per cent  of  the  "whites"  lynched  have  been  Mexicans  -  and  of Kentucky,  there  is  a  close  correlation  between  the  rank of  the  different  states  in  the  n\amber  of  Negroes  and  in  the number  of  whites  lynched.   Thus  whatever  the  tmderlying cause  may  be,  it  is  the  same  states  in  which  Negroes  are habitually  lynched  that  the  vast  majority  of  white  men are  lynched. By  comparing  Table  XII  v;ith  the  Maps  in  Chapters VII  and  VIII  it  is  to  be  seen  that  there  is  not  only  a concentration  of  the  lynching  of  whites  in  the  South,  and in  particular  states  of  the  South,  but  that  there  is  in general  also  a  close  correspondence  by  counties  in  the  total number  lynched  and  in  the  number  of  whites  lynched.   In- dications are  that  in  many  instances  it  is  the  same  people that  lynch  both  Negroes  and  whites.   This  is  possibly further  indicated  when  we  note  the  nature  of  the  crimes for  which  white  men  are  lynched.   This  is  best  shown  by a  detailed  list  of  the  crimes  rather  than  by  a  classification such  as  has  been  noted  above. i;.^.  ■  '■xerV : .  0 n .  t  ft •  evoc 154 TABLE  XII WHITES   LYlNlCHED  BY  STATE   AITO  BY   COUNTY,    1900    to   1928 STATE  and Nximber STATE  and Number County lynched County lynched ALABAMA 6 FLORIDA 12 Baldv/in 1 Alachua 1 Geneva 1 Bradford 1 Jefferson 1 Columbia 1 V/alfrer 1 Hillsboro 2 Unlcnovm  Co. 2 Holmes Lafayette 1 1 ARIZONA 4 Madison Monroe 1 1 Penial 1 Taylor 1 Unlcnown  Co, 1 Orange Washington 1 1 ARKANSAS 10 GEORGIA 12 Boone 1 Garland 2 Baldwin 1 Jackson 1 Bibb 2 Mississippi 1 Coffee 1 Monroe 1 Fannin 3 Nevada 1 Floyd 1 Pocahuntas 1 Harris 1 Polk 1 Talbot 1 Searcy 1 Toombs Whitfield 1 1 CALIFORNIA 13 IBAEO 2 Los  Angeles 2 Modac 5 Idaho  Co, 2 Siskiyou 1 Sonoma 3 ILLINOIS 2 Unlcnown  Co, 2 Madison 1 COLORADO Perry 1 Fremont 1 IOWA 1 Las  Animas 1 Floyd  Co, 1 Pueblo 2m Unknown  Co, 1 TABLE  XII (Cont'd) 155 STATE  and Number STATE  and Nvunb er County lynched County lynched KANSAS 4 MISSOURI 5 Bourbon 2 Barton 1 Johnson 1 Lafayette 1 Stafford 1 Monroe Platte 1 1 KENTUCKY 18 Unknown  Co, 1 lallard 1 MONTANA 9 Estil 1 Pulton 2 Piirgus 1 Graves 1 Lewis  and  CI, 2 Hardin 1 Ravalli 1 Laren 1 Rosebud 1 Mason 1 Silver  Bow 1 Simpson 4 Teton 1 V/ayne 1 Yellowstone 1 Wolfe 4 Unknovm  Co, 1 Unknown  Co, 1 ITEBRASKA 1 LOUISIANA 10 Cherry 1 Claiborne 2 Pranlclin 1 NEW  JERSEY 1 Livingston 1 Morehouse 1 Bergen 1 Ouachita 1 Richland 1 NEW  YORK 1 Vernon 1 West  Felincia 1 WasMngton 1 Unknov/n  Co« 1 NFA'  MEXICO 2 MAINE 1 Bernalillo 1 Aroostook 1 Santa  Fe 1 MICHIGAN 1 NEVADA 2 Unknovm  Co, 1 Nye Churchill 1 1 IvHSSISSIPPI 14 NORTH  CAROLINA 4 Bolivar 1 Anson 1 Coalaoma 1 Graham 3 Forrest 1 Jackson 1 NORTH  DAKOTA 2 Lauderdale 1 Kidder 1 Lo^^•ndes 1 Williams 1 .4, ± TABLE  XII  (ContM) 156 STATE  and County Nximber lynched STATE  and County Number lyncb.ed_ Pearl  River Smith Washington Unknown  Co, OKLAHOMA Hughes Okfuskee Pontotoc Tulsa Unknovm OREGON Baker SOUTH  CAROLINA Kershaw SOUTH  DAKOTA Todd TENNESSEE Benton Dekalb Lake Roane Scott Washington Unknov/n  Co, TEXAS Bell Caldwell Cameron Edwards Hopkins Jefferson Karnes Lavaca McLennan Tarrant Taylor Terrell Thorndale Unknovm  Co 1 1 5 1 2 1 4 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 25m-«- 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 5 10 8 42 OHIO Licking VIRGINIA Norfolk Pittsylvania ?i/arwick Washington WASHINGTON Lewis Unknown  Co, 7/EST  VIRGINIA Fayette Randolph WISCONSIN Dane WYOIGNG Big  Horn Natrona Y/eston UICCNOWN  STATE 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 TOTAL SOUTH'""''"' 221 153,  or  70  per  cent of  total, WEST  44  or  20  per  cent  of total. NORTH  22  or  10  per  cent  of -total, -"-  All  Mexicahs, 4K<-  Here  v/e  have  used  the Census  Divisions,  thus excluding  Missouri,  v/hich would  if  included  make the  percentage  of  all lynched  in  the  South  72 per  cent. 157 Table  XIII  shows  that  In  the  North  and  Y/est where  lynchings  are  less  frequent  It  is  In  general  true that  men  are  lynched  only  for  the  worst  crimes.   There are  notable  exceptions,  such  as   "disloyal  remarks", "prospective  elopement",  "I.  W.  W.  Leader",  and  "horse thief",  but  these  are  relatively  fev/.   In  the  South,  on the  other  hand,  while  it  is  true  that  a  larger  proportion are  lynched  for  murder  than  for  any  other  cause,  yet  it is  notable  that  white  men  have  been  lynched  for  the  most trivial  offenses.  As  late  as  1920  a  white  man  was  hanged by  a  mob  in  Hartford,  Alabama,  "because  of  remarks  he  is alleged  to  have  m.ade  to  a  white  woman,"   The  detailed  list of  "crimes"  committed  by  the  153  white  men  lynched  in  the South  since  1900  reads  not  unlike  that  of  the  Negroes lynched  in  that  section  during  the  period.   There  are  a few  more  whites  than  Negroes  lynched  for  Murder  and  not so  many  for  alleged  rape.  With  this  exception  there  is little  difference  in  the  two  lists.  White  men  have  been lynched  for  refusing  information,  strike-breaking,  making threats,  robbery,  suspected  cattle  stealing,  trying  to keep  mob  from  lynching  a  Negro,  disloyal  remarks,  assault- ing a  policeman,  and  wife-beating;  and  one,  for  failiire to  heed  a  warning  to  leave  the  ranch  of  v/hich  he  was foreman.   The  number  lynched  in  the  South  for  an  "unlcnown crime"  is  notably  high.   The  crime  for  which  almost  one- fifth  of  all  whites  lynched  in  the  South  since  1900  is not  fenown. 158 TABLE  XIII WHITES  LYNCHED,  BY  STATE  AND  BY  CRIME,  Prom  1900  to  1928 THE  SOUTH Total Crimes Alabama  6 Arkansas  10 Florida  12 Georgia  12 Kentucky  18 Louisiana  10 Mississippi  14 North  Carolina   4 Oklahoma  10 South  Carolina Tennessee Texas Virginia West  Virginia 8 42 4 2 M\ird.er,  3;  "alleged  remarks  to  white woman";  1;  crime  unknown,  2. Murder,  7;  strike-breaker.  1;  highvmy- man,  1;  "disloyal  remarks  ,  1, Murder,  5;  unknown,  1;  "murderous  as- sault", 1;  refusing  information,  1; attempted  rape,  1;  attempted  murder, 2;  woiinding  a  deputy  sheriff,  1, Murder,  4;  rape,  4;  alleged  rape  and murder,  1;  alleged  murder,  2;   unknovm, 1. Murder,  4;  unknown,  6;  murderous  as- sault, 1;  killed  by  night  riders,  2; making  threats,  4;  forcing  v/hite  boy to  commit  a  crlm.e,  1;, Murder,  3;  unknown,  4;  rape,  1;  shelt- ering murderer,  1;  robbery,  1; M\irder,  6;  unknovm  crime,  3;  attempted rape,  1;  robbery,  1;  suspected  cattle thieves,  3, Murder,  1;  "Three  night  riders"  in Graham  County,  in  1915, Murder,  3;  unlmown,  2;    suspected  of killing  cattle,  1;  complicity  in  mur- der, 3;  "trying  Ipo  keep  mob  from lynching  a  Negro  ,  1,   (Marlow,  Okla. Negroes  are  not  allov/ed,  ViThite  man hired  Negro  to  v/ork  as  porter  in  his hotel,  than  tried  to  keep  mob  from lynching  Negro), Murder,  1,  John  Morrison,  Kershaw County, Murder,  5;  unknovm  crime,  1;  rape,  2, Mtirder,  10;  "fighting  v/ith  an  American',' one,  (Mexican);  "failure  to  heed  v;arn- in^  to  leave  the  country",  1;  rape  and mtirder,  2;  unknovm  crime,  3;  rape,  1; attempted  rape,  1;  pillage  and  murder, 6;  (Mexicans),  Y/if e-beating,  1;  band- itry, 6;  (Mexicans),  Train-v/re eking  and murder,  10, Mtirder,  2;    allaulting  a  policeman,  1; rape,  1, Murder,  2.  (One  was  murderer  of  his  wife) 159 TABLE  XIII  (Cont'd) "WTWsT Niamber 5T" Crime Arizona California Colorado Idaho Montana Nev/  Mexico Nevada Oregon Washington Wyoming 4 13 5 2 9 2 2 1 2 4 Murder,  3;  horse  thief,  1, Murder,  5;  unknovm,  1;  theft,  5;  rape, 1;  mistaken  identity,  1  -  in  December, 1927,  a  boy  was  placed  in  jail  in  Los Angeles,  He  "favored"  Hickman  who  was then  being  brought  to  L«  A.  for  the fiendish  murder  of  little  Marion  Parker, Those  in  jail  beat  this  boy,  Ralph McCoy,  to  death, Mtirder,  5, Murder,  1;  wife-beating,  1, Murder,  3;  unknovm  crime,  2;  rape,  1; attempted  rape,  1;  "I.  V/.  YU   leader", 1;  resisting  arrest  for  suspected  in- sanity, 1^;   he   was  bvirned. Murder,  2, Robbery,  1;  race  prejudice,  1  (Chinese), Rape,  1, larder,  2, Murder,  4. THE  NORTH 22 Crime Illinois Ohio Iowa Nev/  Jersey Kansas Maine South  Dakota Michigan Nev/  York Missouri Nebraska North  Dakota Wisconsin 2  Murder,  1;  disloyal  remarks,  1, 1  Mvirder,  1, 1  Murder ,  1 , 1  Murder ,  1 . 4  Miirder,  3;  for  being  a  member  of  the non-partisan  League,  1, 1  Rape,  1, 1  Horse-stealing,  1, 1  Prospective  elopement,  1, 1  Murderous  assault,  1, 5  Murder,  1;  unknown  crime,  1, 1  Murder,  1, 2  Murder,  1, 1  larder ,  1 , AJL ■9    -    ■  ■* 160 Thus  not  only  is  it  true  that  more  than  85  per cent  of  all  Negroes  lynched  are  lynched  in  the  South,  and that  since  1900  more  than  90  per  cent  of  all  women  lynched have  been  in  the  South,  but  also  it  is  in  this  section  that 70  per  cent  of  the  221  whites,  including  two  women,  have been  lynched  since  1900,   In  general  it  is  the  same  states that  lynch  high  proportions  of  both  Negroes  and  v/hites,  and in  many  instances  the  same  counties.  Unlike  the  conditions in  the  West  described  in  Chapter  III  there  are  now  apparent- ly no  peculiar  crimes  or  circumstances  under  which  white men  are  lynched.   The  lynching  of  white  men  as  well  as  of Negroes,  therefore,  seems  to  be  a  part  of  the  culture  - pattern  of  certain  localities  in  the  South,   The  lynching of  a  white  man,  for  example,  for  some  heinous  crime,  or  for some  trivial  offense,  seems  to  be  a  conditioned  reaction, possibly  more  generally  verbal,  which  under  proper  stimulus occurs  without  hesitation  or  shame.   Just  why  this  should be  is  not  so  apparent  as  many  have  tho\ight. 161 CHAPTER  VII LYNCHINGS  BY  STATES  AIJD   BY  COUNTIES  IN  THE  SOUTH It  has  been  pointed  out  that  there  is  apparent- ly no  correlation,  either  in  the  southern  states  or  in the  Nation  as  a  whole,  between  the  total  Negro  population or  the  proportion  of  Negro  population  and  the  number  of persons  lynched.   This,  however,  would  not  necessarily mean  that  there  is  no  such  relationship  in  the  localities where  lynching s  occur.   The  problem  thus  raised  requires a  closer  analysis  of  lynchings  in  the  various  states. It  may  be  that  certain  population  or  other  characteristics peculiar  to  particular  localities  have  some  demonstrable causal  relationship  with  lynchings.   Are  there,  for  example, particular  crimes  characteristic  of  the  worst  lynching states  which  may  account  for  the  number  of  lynchings?  Is it  true  that  in  these  states,  or  in  particular  counties  of these  states,  a  majority  of  the  persons  lynched  are  Negroes 162 who  have  coimnltted  the  crime  of  rape?^  Is  there  an  even dispersion  of  lynchings  in  the  states  in  which  they  are concentrated,  as  shown  by  Chart  III  and  Map  I  (ante)? Is  there,  therefore,  after  all  a  close  correlation  betv/een the  nmnerical  or  proportional  number  of  Negroes  in  the counties  where  lynchings  occur?  Or,  is  lynching  apparent- ly only  one  aspect  of  the  general  inter-racial  situation which  in  turn  is  the  result  of  numerous  factors,  past and  present,  in  the  economic,  educational,  social,  and possibly  the  religious  life  of  the  particular  section, state  or  locality  concerned?  Some  light  may  be  throvm on  such  questions  as  these. The  Minor  Lynching  States Turning  attention  first  to  the  states  in  v/hlcli\ there  have  been  relatively  fev/  lynchings,  we  find  that  in general  a  majority  of  these  lynchings  have  occ\irred  as  a result  of  alleged  atrocious  crimes,  and  have  been  fairly well  scattered  over  the  various  counties  of  these  states. The  higher  the  rank  of  the  state  as  regards  the  number of  persons  lynched,  the  less  true,  in  general,  is  this statement, Delev/are  has  had  but  one  lynching  since  1900, A  Negro,  George  '(Vhite,  was  lynched  near  Wilmington  in In    After  quoting  some  general  statistics  on  this  question  to an  ex-Mississipplan,  in  New  York,  the  v/riter  was  assured that  if  he  would  "look"  he  would  find  that  I.Iisslsslppi is  different  in  this  respect,  that  practically  every  Negro lynched  in  this  state  has  committed  rape,  Cf,  Chapter  VIII. 163 Jxme,  1903,  charged  with  the  double  crime  of  rape  and murder. Table  XIV  shows  the  lynching s  in  Maryland  by crime  and  by  month  since  1900,   Of  the  seven  persons lynched  in  that  State  three  were  for  murder,  two  for rape,  one  for  assault,  and  one  for  arson.   Two  of  these lynchings  occurred  in  March  and  two  in  December;  one  in Jvine,  one  in  July,  and  one  in  October,   The  murders occurred  in  July,  October  and  December;  the  cases  of alleged  rape  in  March  and  December;  the  case  of  assault in  June  and  that  of  arson  in  March, Map  II  shoY/s  the  dispersion  of  the  lynchings in  Maryland,   Only  one  county,  Anne  Arundel,  in  the central  part  of  the  State,  has  had  two.   One  of  these was  for  Rape,  in  1906,  and  the  other  for  Murder  on Christmas  Day,  1911,  In  Alleghany  County,  in  the  western part  of  the  State,  a  Negro  was  lynched  for  Murder  in October,  1907,   The  lone  lynching  in  Hartford  County occurred  in  March,  1900,   The  victim  was  charged  with Rape,   In  the  extreme  South-eastern  part  of  the  State there  have  been  two  lynchings,  one  in  Somerset  Coxinty, 1907,  for  Murder,  and  one  in  Worcester  Covin ty  in  1906 for  "murderous  assault".   In  Baltimore  County,  at Rosedale,  a  Negro  was  lynched  in  1909  for  an  unnamed offense.   There  is  no  record  of  a  lynching  in  Maryland during  the  last  17  years. 164 TABLE  XIV MARYLAND:       CRIMES   BY  MONTH,    \VHITE  AITO  NEGRO,    1900-1928 Crime Month Murder Rape Assault  Mi .nor  ■] [■heft Arson Unknown Total January 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 February 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 March 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 2 April 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 May 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 June 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 July 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 August 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 September 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 October 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 November 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 December 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 Totals 3 2 1 0 0 0 1 7 166 V/est  Virginia Table  XV  shows  that  since  1900  there  have  been 17  persons  lynched  In  V/est  Virginia,  15  of  v/hom  were Negroes.  Taking  these  by  crimes,  nine  were  for  Murder, four  for  Rape,  and  two  for  Minor  Offenses,   Taking  the crimes  and  lynchings  by  month  we  find  that  five  of  the nine  mxirders  occurred  in  July,  two  in  December,  and  one each  in  February  and  October.   Two  of  the  alleged  rapes occurred  in  November,  and  one  each  in  May  and  September. Of  the  total  17  lyncliings,  seven  occurred  in  July.   Both of  the  white  men  lynched  met  that  fate  for  Murder,  one in  March  and  one  in  July, Map  III  shows  that  in  West  Virginia  only  one county  has  had  more  than  two  lynchings,  Randolph  County has  had  a  total  of  seven  persons  lynched  during  the period,  one  white  and  six  Negroes.   Of  the  Negroes  one was  lynched  at  Elkins  on  July  22,  1901,  for  Murder;  one was  lynched  on  July  25,  1920,  at  Y/omelsdorf  for  "mis- taken identity"  and  foiir  for  Murder.^  There  has  not  been a  lynching  in  Randolph  Govmty  since  1909  v;hen  Joseph Brovm,  white,  was  lynched  at  '/.Tiltmore,  on  March  19,  charg- ed with  mvirder. 2,  Personal  letters  of  inquiry  bring  no  further  information than  that  these  Negroes  v/ere  lynched  for  murder,  and  that nov/  Womelsdorf  is  an  incorporated  village  under  that  name but  that  the  Post  Office  is  Goalton,  '//est  Virginia, 167 TABLE  XV VffiST  VIRGINIA:   CRIMES  BY  MONTH,  '/VHITE  AND  NEGRO,  1900-1928 Month Murder  Rape  Assault  Minor  Theft  Arson  Unknown  Total January 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 February 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 2 March Iw 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 April 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 May 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 Jxme 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 July 6(lw) 0 0 1 0 0 0 7 August 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 September 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 October 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 November 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 2 December 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 Totals 11 4 0 2 0 0 0 17 c ( ) () (•• MAP   III 168 PUTNAM  1 ■z.\ H^ O^J 9!i ^V >^° Aii^ ^. J^A> 1. 'c: .o^J JACKSON -%J / CALHOUNi OX ■z-\ %> ^psnukX A on o MARSHALL >v 0 169 Only  two  other  counties  of  '.Vest  Virginia  have had  as  many  as  tv/o  lynchings  since  1900,  Payette  and  Logan, In  1902,  February  2,  a  Negro  was  lynched  for  "alleged  con- juring".  On  July  25,  eighteen  years  later  at  Payetteville, Payette  County,  occurred  the  next  and  last  lynching. William  Bennett,  a  white  man,  was  taken  from  jail  by  a mob  and  lynched.  He  had  been  sentenced  to  life  imprison- ment for  murdering  his  wife.   The  two  lynchings  in  Logan County  occiirred  in  1919,  at  Chapmanville,   According  to  a report  in  The  Nev/  York  Times  two  Negroes,  Ed  Whitfield and  Earl  Whitney,  were  shot  to  death  by  a  mob  on  December 15.   They  were  accused  of  murdering  E,  D,  Meek,  a  resident of  Island  Creek,  Logan  County,  They  had  been  arrested  and placed  in  jail  at  Logan.   Crov/ds  surrounded  the  jail  but were  kept  from  entering  by  the  Sheriff  and  his  deputies, but  it  was  decided  advisable  to  take  the  prisoners  to Huntington  on  a  special  train.  Before  the  train  could pull  out  of  Logan  the  deputies  in  charge  of  the  prisoners were  "overpov/ered".  The  Negroes  were  taken  from  the caboose  of  the  train  lined  up  beside  freight  cars,  and shot  to  death.   Both  bodies  were  thrown  into  the Guyandotte  River, This  case  indicates  that  under  proper  stimulus a  lynching  is  likely  to  occur  irrespective  of  the  past history  of  the  locality.   This  point  is  further  illustrated in  Chapter  IX  in  the  case  of  the  lynching  of  Walter  Johnson, at  Bluefield,  Mercer  Coxuity,   Guilt  seems  not  to  be  more necessary  in  these  isolated  cases  than  in  the  v/orst •^i.  o*a 170 lynclilng  counties,  although,  doubtless,  in  general  it is.  More  noticeable,  however,  is  the  fact  that  in these  isolated  cases  the  accusation  is  more  generally  of a  more  atrocious  crime.  In  Johnson's  case,  for  example, guilt  was  not  the  question;  the  mob  lynched  hira  for  Rape, This  case,  and  others,  indicates  that  so  long  as  the attitude  on  the  part  of  the  "average  working  man"  is  what it  is,  a  lynching  is  likely  to  occur  at  any  point  where there  are  Negroes  and  whites  in  close  contact, Virginia Table  XVI  shows  the  lynchings  by  race,  by  month, and  by  crime  for  Virginia  since  1900,   There  has  been  a total  of  31,  four  of  which  were  y/hites,  all  males.   It  is notable  that  in  Virginia  more  of  those  lynched  have  been charged  with  Rape  than  of  any  other  crime.   One  v/hite man  and  twelve  Negroes  have  been  lynched  for  that  crime, v/hile  two  whites  and  eight  Negroes  have  been  lynched  for Murder,   Taking  the  crimes  by  month,  v/e  note  that  there is  a  fairly  even  scatter  tliroughout  the  year.   Seven lynchings  have  occurred  in  Aiigust,  five  in  March,  and three  each  in  April  and  December,  Five  of  the  seven lynched  in  August  were  charged  with  Rape,   Three  of  the murders  occurred  in  March  and  the  remainder  were  con- concentrated  in  the  fall  and  v/inter  months,  with  one exception  in  April, Map  IV  shows  that  the  relatively  fev/  lynchings in  Virginia  have  been  widely  scattered  over  the  State, 171 TABLE  XVI VIRGINIA:   CRIMES  BY  MONTH,  7ifHITE  AND  NEGRO,  1900-1928 Month Miirder  Rape  Assault  Minor  Theft  Arson  Unknown  Total 0  2 0  1 0  5 0  3 0  1 1  2 0  2 1  7 0  1 0  2 0  2 0  3 Totals    10  (2w)  13(lw)    Iw    2     1     2       2  31 January- 1 Iw Pet)  ruary 0 0 March 3(lw) 1 April 1 1 May 0 1 June 0 1 July 1 1 August 0 5 September 1 0 October 1 0 November 1 1 December Iw 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 Iw 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 !_; i;(wl):. 173 Only  one  county,  Halifax,  has  had  more  than  two  lynch- Ings,  while  eight  counties  have  had  two,  and  eleven counties  have  had  one.   The  county  for  one  lynching, for  Rape,  is  unknown.   In  1901  a  Negro  was  lynched  in Halifax  County  for  Arson,  and  four  years  later  one  was lynched  on  account  of  "race  prejudice".   The  third  and last  lynching  in  that  county  occurred  on  August  27,  1920, when  Leslie  Allen  v/as  shot  and  killed  in  the  home  of  a Negro  near  Virgilinla  hy  a  posse  of  "Halifax  Coimty citizens"  after  he  had  heen  accused  of  insulting  two small  white  girls  at  Buffalo  Springs, During  the  past  decade  there  have  been  six lynchlngs  in  Virginia,   The  last  one  occurred  in  V/ytheville, in  Wythe  Coiinty,  on  August  12,  1926,  A  mob  of  masked  men stormed  the  County  Jail  and  shot  Raymond  Bird,  Negro,  to death,  after  v/hich  the  body  was  taken  to  the  neighborhood where  he  was  alleged  to  have  attacked  a  white  girl,  and hanged  to  a  tree.   Practically  75  per  cent  of  all  persons lynched  in  Virginia  since  1900  were  charged  with  either Rape  or  Murder, North  Carolina North  Carolina  ranks  next  in  the  number  of  lynch- ings  since  1900  with  a  total  of  39,  four  whites  and  35 Negroes,   Table  XVII  shows  that  a  majority  of  those  lynched in  this  state  have  been  charged  with  the  crime  of  Murder, About  70  per  cent  of  the  total  number  lynched  have  been 174 TABLE  XVII LYNCHINGS  IN  NORTH  CAROLINA,  BY  RACE,  BY  CRIME,  BY  MONTH, FROM  1900  to  1928 Month Murder Rape Assault Minor Theft Arson Unlcnown Total January 2 0 0 1 0 0 2 5 February 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 March 1 2 0 1 0 0 0 4 April 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 May Iw 2 0 0 0 0 0 3 June 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 July 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 2 Aixgust 5 4 2 0 0 0 4(3w) 15 September 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 October 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 November 1 1 0, 0 0 0 0 2 December 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Totals 15  (Iv/) 12 2 3 1 0 6(3w) 39(4w) 175 charged  v/ith  Rape  or  Murder,  there  being  12  and  15 respectively  for  these  crimes.   The  crime  of  six  of  the victims  is  vmlcnown.  Included  in  this  number  are  t}iree wliite  men  lynched  in  Graham  County  in  1915.   They  are supposed  to  have  been  "night  riders"  and  it  is  not  known by  whom  they  v/ere  lynched,  or  why.   Considering  the lynchings  by  month  it  is  notable  that  15  have  occurred in  August,  five  in  January,  and  four  in  March.   It  is in  the  month  of  August  that  most  of  the  crimes  for  both Murder  and  Rape  are  alleged  as  the  cause  of  lynchings. Map  V  shows  the  dispersion  of  lynchings  in North  Carolina  over  the  different  counties.   There  are only  two  counties  in  which  more  than  two  lynchings  have occurred  since  1900,  Graham  and  Rowan.   As  noted  above there  have  been  three  in  Graham  County.  The  four  lynched in  Rowan  County  were  charged  with  murder.   One  of  them, named  Gillispie,  was  lynched  in  1902,  and  four  years  later at  the  same  place,  Salisbury,  two  other  Gillispie' s  of the  same  family,  and  another  Negro  were  lynched  for murder.   Personal  inquiry  from  citizens  of  Rowan  Coiinty indicates  that  the  Gillispie's  were  a  "bad  family  of Negroes  who  could  not  get  along  with  anybody"  and  who "were  always  in  trouble  with  somebody".  It  is  said  by these  informants  that  the  Gillispie  Negroes,  seemingly at  the  instigation  of  their  mother,  murdered  a  whole family  of  v/hite  people,  the  Lylery's,  for  whom  they worked,   A  little  boy  in  the  family  told  all  he  knev/  when ~\ 177 the  mob  came  after  them.  For  this  he  was  excused  to  wit- ness the  lynching  of  the  others,  unharmed.   The  mother was  not  lynched  but  was  instead  turned  over  to  the  "law" and  is  now  said  to  be  "serving  a  life  sentence  in  the workhouse". Of  the  two  lynched  in  Mecklenbuig  County,  one was  charged  with  rape,  in  1910;  and  one  with  murder,  in 1913,   The  two  in  -^nson  County,  one  white  and  one  Negro, were  charged  with  murder.  An  tmnamed  Negro  is  reported to  have  been  lynched  in  Johnson  County,  in  1908,  by Negroes  "for  giving  poor  entertainment".   This  is  the only  case  on  record  of  this  kind,  that  is,  where  Negroes lynched  a  Negro,  There  have  been  18  lynchings  in  the State  during  the  past  decade,  but  only  one  during  the past  five  years, Missouri In  Missouri  there  has  been  a  total  of  42 persons  lynched  since  1900,   It  is  notable  that  the lynching  curve  follov/s  closely  along  the  Missouri  River in  the  upper  part  of  the  state  and  that  in  the  lower part  about  50  per  cent  of  the  lynchings  have  occurred along  the  border  of  the  Mississippi  River,  with  the largest  ntunber  in  Pemiscot  Covmty,   This  is  shovm  by Map  VI, 3.  This  ntunber  includes  Thomas  Bradshav/  v/ho  after  Ve'ing  sho't five  tines  by  a  posse  in  Nash  County,  in  1927,  fell  dead "on  account  of  heart  failure  from  fatigue"  according  to the  coroner *s  jury. « f I i 179 In  the  Sou th-we stern  part  of  the  state  tv/o counties  have  had  three  lynchings  each,  and  one  county has  had  tv/o  since  1900,   These  counties  had  had  few lynchings  before  1900  so  far  as  availatle  records  shov/, and  the  number  and  dates  of  those  occurring  since  that time  do  not  indicate  a  "lynching  habit"  on  the  part  of the  people.   In  Lawrence  County,  for  example,  there  has not  been  a  lynching  since  1901,  when,  on  August  19,  tliree Negroes  were  lynched  near  Pierce  City,  "suspected  of miirder".  In  the  adjoining  county  of  Greene  three  Negroes were  lynched  in  April,  1906,   Two  of  these  occvirred  in rapid  succession;  the  first  was  on  April  4,  for  "alleged rape";  the  second,  on  April  14,  for  Rape;  and  the third  on  April  15,  at  Springfield  for  Murder,   The  two lynchings  listed  for  Howell  County  occurred  at  V/est Plains  in  1914,  A  Negro  and  his  v/ife  v/ere  lynched  for an  "unknov/n  cause". The  lynchings  along  the  rivers  are  more  evenly scattered  over  the  v/hole  period,   Missouri  has  had  only two  lynchless  years  since  1900,  one  of  v/hich  v/as  1922; and  the  other,  1926,   In  1927  "there  v/as  one  lynching  in the  state,  in  Pemiscot  County  which  has  had  more  lynchings than  any  other  county  In  Missouri  during  the  period  of 28  years.   Two  of  the  total  six  lynchings  for  this  county occurred  in  1903,  at  Caruthersville,  and  the  cause  listed by  the  reports  at  the  time  v/as  "prejudice".   No  crime is  listed  against  either  of  the  victims.   In  1911  the only  two  lynchings  in  the  state  occurred  at  Caruthers- 180 ville  on  the  same  day,  Octoljer  11,  the  charges  being  rape and  robbery.   In  1916  at  Hayti,  Pemiscot  County,  a  Negro was  lynched  for  "attempted  murder",  Hayti  is  a  fev/  miles north  of  Caruthersville,  and  is  just  across  the  River  from Lake  County,  Tennessee,  which  until  1910  was  notably  a lynching  county.   The  last  lynching  in  Missouri  occurred at  Braggadocio,  Pemiscot  County,  a  small  tov/n  a  fev/  miles west  of  Caruthersville,   On  May  22,  1927  a  Negro  was lynched  after  an  alleged  criminal  assault  on  a  white woman.  He  v/as  taken  from  the  jail,  hanged  by  the  hands to  a  temporary  scaffold  v/hich  had  been  constructed  for the  purpose,  and  his  body  pierced  with  bullets,^ The  two  lynchings  listed  for  the  adjoining county  of  New  Madrid  occurred  in  1902  and  1910,   One  of victims  was  charged  with  "assaulting  a  white  man"  and  the other  with  "murderous  assault".   In  the  case  of  Mississippi County,  second  in  rank  according  to  the  number  of  lyncliings, it  is  again  to  be  noted  that  lynching  is  more  habitual  than in  the  counties  av/ay  from  the  river.   The  only  recorded lynching  in  the  state  in  1905  was  that  of  Robert  Pettigrew at  Belmont,  Mississippi  Co^mty,  charged  with  "kidnapping", 4.  Dispatch  to  the  "New  York  Evening  Post",  May  23,  1927, 5,  It  is  doubtless  true  that  in  both  cases  a  Negro  merely engaged  in  a  fight  with  a  v;hite  man,   vvTiereas  "assaulting a  v/hite  man"  could  with  propriety  be  listed  as  the  cause of  a  lyncliing  in  Missouri  in  1902,  this  v/as  hardly  true in  1910,  With  two  exceptions  there  has  not  been  a lynching  in  Missoujci  during  the  past  20  years  without  a serious  offense  being  given  as  the  cause,  usually  m.urder. 181 Five  years  later,  in  July,  two  Negroes  were  lynched  at Charleston  for  Miirder,  Again,  in  1924,  on  December  18, a  mob  of  over  200  men  "overpowered"  the  sheriff  in  his office  at  Charleston,  took  possession  of  a  20-year-old Negro  v/ho  v/as  "alleged  to  have  attempted  to  attack  a white  girl".  Members  of  the  mob  dragged  him  across  the courtyard  and  hanged  him  within  50  feet  of  the  Sheriff's office,   "A  bullet  was  fired  through  the  body  which  was then  cut  dovra,  tied  to  an  automobile  and  dragged  through the  streets  of  the  Negro  section"  of  the  town. Table  }57III  shov/s  the  lynchings  in  Missouri since  1900  by  crlm.e,  by  race,  and  by  month.   Three  of the  five  whites  were  lynched  in  May,  one  in  July  and  one in  August,  Pour  of  them  v/ere  charged  with  murder,  and the  crime  of  one  is  unlcnov;n,   A  majority  of  the  lynchings in  the  State  have  occurred  in  the  spring  and  sTommer months,  the  greatest  number,  nine,  having  occurred  in May,  All  but  three  of  the  19  alleged  murders  which occasioned  a  lynching  occxirred  in  these  months,  as  well as  seven  of  the  10  Rapes,   The  three  lynched  for  theft breathed  their  last  d\iring  the  fall  months.   Of  the  total 42  lynched  during  the  period,  19  were  charged  with  Murder; ten  v/ith  Rape^  fotir  with  Minor  Offenses,  such  as  "attacking a  white  man",  "race  prejudice",  and  "prejudice".   The crimes  of  five,  including  a  white  man  and  a  Negro  woman, are  not  knovm,  Missouri  is  not  one  of  the  v/orst  lynching states;  but  the  practice  persists  there  until  the  present time,  although  the  Negro  population  is  only  5,2  per  cent 182-3 TABLE  XVIII MISSOURI:      LYNCHINGS   BY   CRDffi,    BY  RACE,    AND   BY  MONTH, Prom  1900  to  1928 Month Murder  Rape  Assault  Ullnor  Theft  Arson  Unknovm  Total January 2 0 February 1 1 March 2 0 April 4 3 May 2w 2 June 0 0 July 3(lw) 1 August 5(1t0 I September 0 0 October 0 1 November 0 0 December 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 Ivr 2 0 0 0 0 1 0 3 2 3 7 9 2 4 6 1 2 2 1 Totals    19(4w)   10 5(lw)  42 (5w) 184 of  the  total  in  the  state  as  a  whole,  and  only  14.5  per cent  for  the  worst  lynching  county,  Pemiscot, Oklahoma Table  XIX  shows  the  lynchings  in  Oklahoma  by crime  and  by  month  since  1900,   Of  the  total  48  persons lynched  dxiring  the  period  10  were  whites.  In  this  respect Oklahoma  might  well  be  classed  among  the  western  states. During  recent  years,  hov/ever,  m.ob  action  in  Oklahoma  has been  characterized  by  inter-racial  conflict.   More  than 50  per  cent  of  both  whites  and  Negroes  lynched  in  this state  have  been  charged  v/ith  murder.  Eleven  Negroes  have been  charged  with  Rape,   Only  one  was  lynched  for  a  Minor Offense  and  two  for  an  Unknovm  Offense,  The  highest  number of  lynchings  in  the  state  occvirred  in  the  months  of  August with  nine,  April  with  six,  and  December  v/ith  five.   The total  number  is  fairly  well  scattered  throughout  all  m.onths of  the  year  except  February  and  October,  with  one  each. Especially  with  regard  to  the  niimber  lynched  in  October, Oklahoma  is  notably  different  from  other  southern  states. Map  VII  shows  that  the  lynchings  in  Oklahoma since  1900  have  been  fairly  dispersed  throughout  the  East- central  part  of  the  state  from  north  to  south.   Only  two counties  have  had  as  many  as  four  lynchings  each,  and  three counties  as  many  as  three  each,  during  the  period.   The fovir  lynchings  in  Oklahoma  County  were  scattered  over  a period  of  years  from  1906  to  1922.   Three  of  the  victims 185 TABLE  XIX OKLAHOMA:   LYNCHINGS  BY  CRIME  AND  BY  MONTH,  1900  to  1928 Month Murder  Rape  Assault  Minor  Theft  Arson  Unknovm  Total January 2 1 February Iw 0 March 1 1 April 5(4y;) 1 May 5 0 June 2 2 July 1 1 August 6(lw) 2 September 2 1 October 1 0 November 2 1 December 2 1 0 0 0 0 1 4 0 0 0 0 0 Iw 0 0 0 0 2(lw) 4(lw) 0 0 0 0 0 6(4w) 0 Iw 0 0 0 6(14) 0 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 Iw 9(2w) 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 1 0 0 Iw 5(lw) Totals    30{6w)   11       0   2(lw)   0      0    5(3w)  48(lQv/) I«- I 186 OkUhoaa 187 were  charged  with  murder,  and  the  crime  of  one  Is  not known,  -  that  of  a  packing  house  employer  who,  in  1922, was  kidnapped  from  his  home  and  hanged  to  a  tree  near Oklahoma  City,   The  four  persons  lynched  in  Pontotoc County  were  white  men.   All  were  lynched  on  the  same  day, April  19,  1909,  at  Ada,  charged  with  "complicity  in murder". Of  the  three  persons  lynched  in  Hughes  County, two  were  Kegroes,  and  one,  and  Indian*   One  of  the  Negroes and  the  Indian  were  charged  v;lth  murder;  and  the  other, with  "attack  upon  a  v/hite  woman".   The  three  lynched  in Okfuskee  County  were  charged  with  murder.   One,  a  white man,  was  lynched  in  1910,  In  1911  a  woman  and  her  son met  the  same  fate.   The  three  lynchings  in  Wagoner  County occurred  in  1913,  1914,  and  1915,   The  first  and  third mob  victims  were  charged  with  rape  and  attempted  rape, and  the  second  with  murder.   The  Tulsa  Race  Riot  result- ed in  a  substantial  addition  in  the  niunber  of  mob murders  to  the  single  lynching  recorded  in  Tulsa  County. While  the  official  record  listed  10  v/hites  and  21  Negroes, officers  estimated  that  about  50  whites  and  100  Negroes were  burned  or  shot. South  Carolina While  the  next  three  states  in  the  order  of  the ntimber  of  mob  victims  during  the  past  28  years  have  had less  than  100  lynchings,  it  is  only  by  this  arbitrary 188 method  of  division  that  they  may  he  termed  "Minor Lynching  States",  as  contrasted  to  the  seven  states with  more  than  100  victims  of  moh  action  during  the period*  As  is  indicated  in  Chapter  IX,  some  of  the  most notorious  cases  of  mob  action  in  recent  years  have occurred  in  these  states. Table  XX,  therefore,  is  inserted  for  considera- tion in  connection  with  South  Carolina,  Kentucky  and Tennessee,  as  well  as  with  the  "Major"  lynching  states* This  table  shows  some  of  the  population  characteristics. For  each  state  it  shows  the  total  ntimber  lynched  during the  period,  the  percentage  white  population  in  1920,  and percentage  Negro  population  in  1920  and  1910,   Also  the percentage  of  the  total  number  of  all  Negroes  and  v/hites ten  years  of  age  and  above  who  were  illiterate  in  1920 is  given.   The  same  information  is  given  for  each  covmty in  v/hich  six  or  more  persons  have  been  lynched  since  1900, and  in  addition  the  total  number  of  whites  and  Negroes residing  in  these  counties. Table  XXI  shows  that  since  1900  a  total  of  69 persons  have  been  lynched  in  South  Carolina,   Only  one  of these  was  white.  The  highest  number  of  lynchings  have occurred  in  June  and  July  with  ten  each,  while  eight occurred  in  October  and  January,  and  seven  in  November and  December,   The  cases  of  alleged  rape  are  scattered throughout  all  the  months  except  February  and  March,  with the  greatest  niimber  in  August,  January  and  September,  A -'d.'i.av ♦  aox -i-OIjE ■HiC     EOdX' ^  -\    B! ♦  .■10  vx 189 TABLE  XX LYNCHINGS  AND  POPULATION  CHARACl'ERISTICS  IN  THE  SOUTH  BY  COUNTY (Compiled  from  the  U.  S,  Census  Reports  of  1920) STATE  and County WHITi   Per  ' Negro Number  Popula-  Cent  Popula- Ismched  tlon    7;hlte  tion 1900-28:  1928    1920   1920 Per  cent Necro Illlterac Per  cent In  1920 1920;  UP  Negroes ARKANSAS Arkansas Phillips Hempstead ALABAMA Covington Jefferson Mobile Montgomery FLORIDA Alachua Columbia Duval Hillsboro Holmes Jackson Madison Marion Orange Polk GEORGIA Bibb Bleckley Brooks''''* Bulloch Coffee Columbia Decatur Lov/ndes '""*'■ Mitchell Oconee Dodge •K-  Since  1910 *-K-  Brooks  and 1900.   See 124 15 6 6 129 9 8 6 10 156 13 8 6 7 8 6 7 7 9 12 293 7 6 18 8 7 6 6 18 6 8 6 72,2! 15,944  74.2  5,190 11,181  25.1  32,929 17,363   54.9,14,176 60. 9| 30,067 171,727 57,677 31,572 16,896 7,201 60,583 56,472 11,807 56,472 11,807 17,867 8,008 10,698 15,609 25,536 37,534 5,900 10,264 16,070 12,701 3,460 15,237 12,846 11,487 6,348 15,482 27. Oi  28.1 24.2  26.5 73.9  78.6 44.9   49.8 38.4   42.5 78.9  7,987  21.0!  24.9 55.4  130,291  42.0  40.0 57.6  39,667  39.6  42.9 39.0   48,463  59.9  69.2 61.5 53.3 50.4 53.4 64.0 91.9 57.2 48.5 44.6 68.4 73.8 57.8' 52.6 56.0 41.8 61.5 68.1 29.5 47.9 48.6 44.9 57.4 59.8 34.0  41.0 14,573 6,999 47,989 16,588 1,034 13,320 8,492 12,887 5,464 9,359 33,025 4,615 14,247 10,034 5,902 8,251 16,490 13,535 14,067 4,719 46.0 49.0 42.3 18.8 8.0 42.7 51.4 53.8, 27.51 24.2 55.7 47.5 49.6 21.0 10.3 47.8 55.6 60.8 39.8 30.7 41.7'  45.1 this  County  was  formed,  out Lowndes  counties  have  had  18 Case  No.  3,  Chapter  IX. 43.8 43.8 58.1 38.4 31.6 70.2 51.9 51.0 55.0 42.6 40.0 48.5 59.1 40.0 35.2 74.6 57.6 53.0 52,7 46.5 42.0 21,8 19.0 19.2 20.3 31.3 29.9 20.8 23.8 29.5 21.5 26.8 12,6 11.4 12.3 33.3 36.0 41.1 15.7 14.0 21.1 29.1 25.6 43.2 35.6 19.7 23.0 37,7 28.7 22,0 39,6 36.5 28.0 er  cent Vifhites 4,5 2.1 1.4 2.5 6.3 9,1 2.2 2.0 1.1 2.9 3.3 2.1 0.9 1.4 11.2 11.5 5.9 1.6 1.0 1.2 5.4 2.3 7.9 4.5 3.6 8.0 4.4 5.2 3.0 6.4 6.1 7.5 of  a  part  of lynching s  c Pulaski, ombined  since TABLE  XX  (Cont'd) 190 ATiite        Per Negro Number Popula-   Cent Popula-   Per   cent Illiteracy   in  1920 STATE   and lynched tion         Vi/hite tion            Negro 1920          1925        '10 Per   cent Per   cent Covuity 1900-28 1928          1920 Negro //"hites KENTUCKY 77 90.3' ,     3.3 3.2 1 8.8 0.6 Butler 10 42,125 96.1 262        0.6        0.6 11.1 0.5 Fulton 6 11,905 78.3 3,220      21.2      23.8 17.4 3.4 LOUISIANA 167 1 58.5 38,9      43.1 38.5 10.5 Bossier          i 12 6,455 29.0 15,730   41.1      77.0 42.8 3.7 Caddo 23 43,837 52.6 37,801   45.4      62.1 21.0 0.8 Ouachita 17 15,863 52.3 18,897   45.8      54.8 32.7 3.3 Rapides 8 33,260 56.0 24,992 42.0      48.1 33.7 5.2 Richland 11 8,714 41.8 11,996 57.5      66.4 41.5 5.4 Tangipohoa 8 20,372      64.8 8,892 28.3      31.3 33.9 6.6 MISSISSIPPI 266 42.2 52,2 .  46.2 29.3 3,3 Bolivar 7 9,528 16.5  ■ 47,533 82.4 87.4 26.7 2.5 Carroll 7 8,956 44.1 11,353 55.9 58.2 25.8 1.6 Clarke 6 10,652 49.4 7,218 40,3 69.8 29.3 3.6 Coahoma 7 5,820 14.0 35,205 84.8 88.8 29.7 1.4 Desoto 8 5,878 24.1 18,438 75.7 76.0 35.5 4.1 Harrison 6 23,869 72.6 7,856 23.9 30.7 16.2 4.3 Jackson 6 13,884 72.3 4,850 25.2 35.4 20.7 4.0 Kemper 8 8,410 42.9 11,080 56.5 57.5 30.0 3.9 Lauderdale 6 26,853 58.5 18,749 40.9 46.6 27.1 2.4 Nev/ton 6 13,640 65.8 6,957 33.6 38.8 33.8 2.2 Noxobee 7 4,880 20.6 18,803 79.3 84.0 36.3 1.8 Quitman 7 4,780 24.1 15,051 75.8 76.5 29.4 3.1 Smith 6 13,576 83.9 2,594 16.0 17.5 26.1 6.0 Sxinflov/er 8 11,687 25.2 34,397 74.2 80.9 29.8 3,0 Tallahatchee 6 10,527 29.3 25,317 70.4 69.4 34.8 2.3 Tunica 11 2,129 10.4 18,207 89.3 90.7 50.0 4.4 Warren 6 11,526      34.5 21,313 63.9 69.9 24.2 1.1 Washington 10 8,783      17.2 41,640 81.5 85.0 33.2 2.0 Yazoo 7 10,408      28.0 26,627 71.3 76.1 26.7 2.1 MISSOURI* 42 89.3 5.2 4.8 12.1 2.0 Pemiscot 6 22,667   85.1 3,865   14.5        7.8 : ^^ ■ — rim 36.1 trr  — ^,V-f 7.6 4A  i-»         4-  y^ the  Census  divisions  of  the  Country.   Only  this  one  county  in Missouri  has  had  as  many  as  six  lynchings  since  1900,  and  this  county is  located  down  in  the  South-east  corner  of  the  State  on  the Mississippi  River, TABLE  XX  (Cont'd) 191 .Vhite Per Negro Niunber Popula- Cent Popula- Per Cent  Illiteracy in  1920 STATE  and lynched tion 7/hite tion Negro 1 -er  Cent  Per  Cent County 1900-28 1928  ; 1920 1920 1920 TTO Negro ■.Vhites SOUTH 1 CAROLINA 69 48.2 1 51.4' 55.2 29.3   ^ 6.5 Aiken  Co, 7 21,425 47.0 23,988 52.6 54.6 28.9 8.1 Orangeburg 8 22,060 34.0 42,718 65.8 65.8 25.7 3.7 TENNESSEE 85 80.0 19.3 21.7 22.4 7.3 Dyer  Co. 6 24,502 81.7 5,432 18.1 20.5 21.8 6.4 Lake 9 6,011 66.2 3,051 33.6 37.5 31.3 10,5 Lauderdale 7 12,540 58.3 8,929 41.5 45.3 32.5 5.3 Marshall 7 14,277 82.2 3,089 17.8 20.2 23.1 3.4 TEXAS 213 76.3 ( 15.9 17,7 17.8 3.0 Brazoria 11 12,484 60.6 6,574 31.9 46.9 21.8 3.0 Cameron 25* 25,183 68.7 771 2.1 0.3 48.8 20.1 Harrison 12 16,428 37.7 28,856 61.7 63.6 24.4 0.9 McLennan 9 60,926 73.5 17,575 21.2 23.5 14.3 1.6 Montgomery 7 10,474 60.4 6,358 36.7 45.3 20,6 4.1 Sabine 9 9,520 77.4 2,616 21.3 19.6 26.6 5.2 Walker 7 8,418 45.4 9,741 52.5 55.3 23.6 3.8 Jefferson 7 29,687 68.0 19,586 26.8 28.0 22.2 3.2 fill  but  one  lynched  in  this  county  since  1900  v/ere  Mexicans,  The other  was  a  white  man,  foreman  of  a  ranch.   There  are  3,459  native whites  ten  years  of  age  and  above  in  the  county  who  are  illiterate. There  is  a  total  of  9,578  foreign-born,  practically  all  Mexicans, in  the  County,  and  4,766  of  these  were  illiterate  in  1920. Harrison  Coiinty  had  a  total  of  4,783  Negro  illiterates  in  1920, Walker  County  had  1,778  illiterates,  and  an  excess  of  1,221 males  over  females  in  the  total  population  in  1920, 192 TABLE  XXI SOUTH  CAROLINA:   LYNCHINGS  BY  GRIME  BY  MONTH,  1900-1928 Month     M\irder  Rape  Assault  Minor  Theft  Arson  Unknovm  Total January 0 3 0 3 0 1 0 7 February 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 2 March 2 0 0 0 0 3 0 5 April 0, 1 1 0 0 0 0 2 May 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 June 4 2 1 1 0 1 1 10 July 6 1 0 3 0 0 0 10 Axigust 0 4 0 1 0 0 1 6 September 1 3 0 0 0 0 0 4 October 5(lw) 1 0 1 1 0 0 8(lw) November 4 2 1 0 0 0 0 7 December 4 1 0 2 0 0 0 7 Totals 27(lw) 19 3 12 1 5 2 69(lw) 193 total  of  nine  of  the  69  victims  were  accused  of  a  crime in  connection  with  a  white  woman  -  that  is  with  rape, attempted  rape,  or  an  attack  upon  a  white  v/oman.  Five  of the  victims  were  charged  with  arson  and  one  with  theft. Combining  these  with  the  high  ntimber  of  12  who  were  lynched for  a  Minor  Offense,  over  25  per  cent  of  the  total  were lynched  for  what  may  correctly  he  terraed  a  minor  crime. Map  VIII  shows  the  dispersion  of  the  69  lynchings in  South  Carolina  over  the  various  counties.   Two  coiinties have  had  six  or  more  lynchings  since  1900,  -  Aiken  v;ith seven,  and  Orangehtirg  v/ith  eight.   One  county,  Barnwell, has  had  four  lynchings,  and  six  counties  have  had  three lyncliings  during  the  period.  In  Aiken  County,  on  July  20, 1903,  two  Negroes  v/ere  lynched  for  "mistaken  identity". There  was  not  another  lynching  in  this  county  for  more  than 18  years.   On  September  8,  1921,  two  Negroes  v/ere  shot  to death  by  an  Aiken  County  mob.  Five  years  later,  on  October 8,  1926  a  mob  stormed  the  jail,  took  out  Demon  Lowman  and his  sister.  Bertha,  and  Clarence  Lowman,  a  cousin,  and  shot them  to  death.   Judge  Latham  had  just  declared  Demon  Lowman not  guilty  on  the  charge  of  "conspiracy  to  murder". In  1920,  as  sho';m  by  Table  XX,  there  were  23,988 Negroes  and  21,425  whites  in  Aiken  Coimty.   The  percentage Negro  population  decreased  from  54,6  per  cent  in  1910  to 52,6  per  cent  in  1920,   Of  all  whites  ten  years  of  age  and above,  8,1  per  cent,  as  compared  to  6,5  per  cent  for  the state  as  a  v/hole,  could  not  read  and  write.   Of  the  Negroes, ;;j::;a3^- UvTv 195 28,9  per  cent  were  illiterate  in  1920  as  compared  to  29.3 per  cent  for  the  state  as  a  whole. Table  XXII  shows  tliat  this  state  ranlcs  lowest of  all  the  southern  states  with  regard  to  the  amoiint  in- vested in  public  school  property  per  Negro  school  child. Of  the  $66,02  invested  in  public  school  property  per  school child  for  the  two  races  combined,  more  than  9/lO  of  the amount  goes  to  the  white  children  and  less  than  l/lO  to  the Negro  children.  Thus  according  to  the  literacy  test  the Negro  children  of  Aiken  County  are  apparently  provided for  a  little  better  than  the  average  in  so  far  as educational  opportunities  are  concerned.   Possibly  there is  only  one  more  county  in  the  state  in  which  a  Negro  is in  greater  danger  of  being  lynched,  and  in  no  other  county within  recent  years  has  a  Negro  and  those  arrested  with him  been  lynched  after  a  verdict  of  not  guilty  of  the charges  for  which  he  was  arrested. In  Orangeburg  Coxinty  eight  persons  have  been lynched  since  1900,  Here  the  percentage  of  Negro  popula- tion is  much  higher  than  in  Aiken,  and  the  percentage  of illiteracy  is  lower  for  both  v/hites  and  Negroes,  V/hile more  than  25  per  cent  of  the  Negroes  are  unable  to  read and  write,  only  3.7  per  cent  of  the  v/hites  are  so  handi- capped. In  the  county  64  per  cent  of  all  farms,  or  a total  of  170,000  acres  are  tended  by  866  native  v/hite tenants  and  2,553  Negro  tenants.   On  July  1,  1903,  three Negroes,  suspected  of  murder,  v/ere  lynched  at  Norway, Lji.i' 196 TABLE  XXII INVESTMENT  IN  PUBLIC  SCHOOL  PROPERTY  PER  CHILD  OF  SCHOOL  AGE: FOR  raiTES  AND  NEGROES STATE District  of  Columbia Missouri Deleware West  Virginia Oklahoma Kentucky Maryland Texas Virginia Tennessee North  Carolina Florida Arkansas Alabama Louisiana Georgia Mississippi South  Carolina WHITES NEGROES tl47.00 ;i];l27.00 109,46 104.33 93.00 78.00 67,50 59,00 70,53 30.00 35.00 29.00 59.30 25.00 79.88 23.20 73.83 23.10 35.53 19.00 52.08 12.90 78.22 12.80 32.23 9.00 40.92 8.70 74.24 8.20 48.02 7.00 32.57 6.00 60.12 5.90 (Compiled  by  Tuskegee  Institute). 00  »v ■y;^ 197 Orangeburg  County*   Six  years  later  two  Negroes  v/ere  lynch- ed at  Branchville,  charged  with  murder.   In  December,  1912, Henry  Fitts  was  lynched  in  Norway  for  "refusal  to  pay  a note".   In  1914,  July  13,  Rose  Carson  v/as  lynched  for  Mvirder, She  was  the  second  of  the  three  v/oraen  lynched  in  South Carolina  since  1900,  the  first  being  a  llrs,  Wideman,  of Greenwood  County,  who  was  lynched  with  her  husband  on December  27,  1902,  charged  with  miirder.   The  last  lynching in  Orangeburg  Coujity  occurred  in  1924,   On  April  12  of that  year  Luke  Adams,  accused  of  attacking  a  white  woman, "was  fotind  lynched".   He  had  met  his  death  "at  the  hands of  parties  unknown"  -  to  the  coroner's  jury,  probably, Kentucky A  relatively  high  proportion  of  the  persons  lynch- ed in  Kentucky  have  been  whites.   Of  the  total  59  Negroes lynched  in  that  state  since  1900,  more  than  1/3  were charged  with  murder,  while  about  18  per  cent  of  the  total n;araber  lynched,  and  about  23  per  cent  of  the  Negroes,  were charged  with  rape,  or  attacks  upon  v/hlte  women.   The  crime of  12  Negroes  and  eight  white  men  lynched  in  Kentucky  is not  known,  v/hile  eight  Negroes  and  five  whites  have  been lynched  for  minor  offenses,  such  as  "expressing  sympathy with  a  Negro  v/ho  had  been  lynched",  "making  threats",  and "forcing  white  boy  to  commit  a  crime".   Table  XXIII  shows that  about  one-half  of  all  lynchings  in  Kentucky  have occurred  in  October,  November  and  April,  Four  of  the whites  lynched  in  October  for  a  Minor  Offense  were  the ■10     ,^ ■y-ror' 198 TABLE  XXIII ICENTUCKY:   LYNCHINGS  BY  CRIME  AND  BY  MONTH,  1900  to  1928 Month Murder  Rape  Assault  Minor  Theft  Arson  Unknovm  Total January 3 1 0 2 0 0 Iw 7 February 2(lw) 1 0 0 0 0 Iw 4 March 0 1 0 0 3 0 0 4 April 3 1 1 0 0 0 5w 10 May 2 0 Iw 0 0 0 0 3 Jujie 3 1 0 0 0 0 0 4 July 2(lw) 1 0 0 0 0 0 3 August 0 3 0 4 0 0 0 7 September 4(lw) 1 0 0 0 0 0 5 October 4 3 0 6(5w) 0 0 1 14 November 2(lw) 1 0 0 0 0 11 14 December 0 0 0 1 0 0 Iw 2 Total 25 (4w) 14 2(lv/) 13 3 0 20 (8w) 77(18w) ui  Wt 0 (.1 0 0 c I II- 199 the  Wallace  family,  in  Hickory  Grove,  in  1908,  for  "mak- ing  threats". Map  IX  shows  that  the  lynching  of  Negroes  in Kentucky  has  been  largely  restricted  to  the  western  half of  the  state.   In  Shelby  Coiinty,  in  the  North-central  part of  the  state  five  persons  have  been,  lynched  since  1900,  In the  psychological  sense  of  the  term  there  have  been  however, only  two  lynchings  in  this  county.   On  October  2,  1901,  two Negroes  were  lynched  at  or  near  Shelbyville,  for  murder. There  was  not  again  such  a  mob  episode  until  January  15, 1911,  when  three  Negroes  were  lynched  near  Shelbyville; one  was  charged  with  murder,  and  two  v/ith  "insulting  white women".   For  more  than  17  years  there  has  not  been  a lynching  in  Shelby  County,  Kentucky, Povir  ujilcnown  whites  v/ere  lynched  at  Campton,  in Wolfe  County,  for  an  unknown  cause  on  April  15,  1911,   Since this  time  the  county  has  been  free  from  this  type  of  mob action.   The  four  persons  lynched  in  Simpson  County  were the  Wallaces  referred  to  above,   Ballard  County  has  had five  persons  lynched  since  1900,  but  no  lynchings  for  the past  12  years.  In  1901  three  Negroes  were  lynched  for Lfurder,  and  two  years  later  another  for  the  same  cause. In  1915  a  white  man,  named  Molindro,  v/aa  lynched  at  Love- laceville  for  an  unknown  cause,   Logan  County  has  had  one 6,  Through  an  extensive  correspondence,  mostly  but  not  al- togehter  one-sided,  the  v/riter  has  been  unable  to  obtain any  further  details  of  the  fate  of  this  man,  wife,  and tv/o  children* 1 TVV MAP   IX 200 X ^j /  if  EU'.^ii Ik :r!_ii  n E-x ^ ^ •  i s^ 2 1 J MARSH IvT   ^><^ 1    •-\/^^"^      ^^^ °-^s — _ ^ :i !l (ENTUCK SCALE  -STATUTE  MILES ^ • ^ ^ "^ •  r7%<  #A'\  >^  If >          VliW  -— f    T  ^\* S.       /-'                    toS      ^i        /  i\         j^        "^X -i\       KEN ^ ^^^t -X  y-^     .arY^.,o9/vv.^..,2rv  I   $f v^ 15^ r^ 201 lynching  but  foior  persons  lynched  since  1900,   On  August 1,  1908,  apparently  as  a  result  of  an  emotional  transfer from  a  murderer  to  whom  they  could  not  get  access,  a  mob of  men  lynched  four  Negroes  at  Russellville  for  "expressing sympathy  v/ith  the  murderer  of  a  white  man," Two  counties  in  Kentuclry  have  had  six  or  more persons  lynched  since  1900,  Pulton  with  six  and  Butler  with 10,   All  of  those  lynched  in  Butler  County  were  Negroes, They  were  lynched  on  a  single  occasion  in  1908  by  "night riders"  for  "an  unknovm  cause"  near  Rochester,  in  the western  part  of  the  county.  Thus  in  this  county  with  a high  proportion  of  literacy  for  both  whites  and  Negroes, and  a  small  proportion  of  Negro  population,  there  has not  been  a  lynching  for  the  past  20  years. Pulton  County,  on  the  other  hand,  has  a  Negro population  of  3,220  or  21,2  per  cent  of  the  total.   The six  lynchings  in  this  county  occurred  over  a  period  of 16  years.  In  February,  1920,  a  Negro  v/as  lynched  at Pulton  for  "suspected  murder",  and  another  two  months later  for  Murder,   Two  years  later,  at  Hickman,  a  Negro was  lynched  for  "alleged  rape"  after  which  there  v/as  not another  episode  of  this  nature  in  the  county  for  more  than a  decade.   On  September  10,  1915,  Claude  Johnson,  v/hite, was  lynched  at  Hickman  for  Murder,   Two  years  later,  on May  20,  Lawrence  Dempsey,  v/hite,  v/as  lynched  at  Fulton  for "murderous  assault".   On  December  16,  1918,  the  last 202 lynching  in  Pulton  Gotmty  occurred  v/hen  Charles  Lewis was  lynched  at  Hickman  "for  beating  the  Sheriff", During  the  past  ten  years  Kentucky  has  had seven  lynchings,  the  last  of  v/hich  occiirred  in  1927,  at Whitesburg  in  Letcher  County,   On  November  30,  Leonard Woods,  alleged  slayer  of  a  mine  foreman,  was  lynched  by a  mob  said  to  have  been  composed  of  citizens  of  Kentucky and  Virginia,   The  Negro  v/as  taken  out  of  tov/n,  hanged, and  his  body  riddled  with  shots  by  many  members  of  the  mob. Tennessee Tennessee  ranks  eighth  as  to  the  ntunber  of  persons lynched  since  1900  with  a  total  of  85,  eight  of  whom  were v/hite.   One  of  the  white  men  was  lynched  for  an  unknown cause,  tv/o  for  rape,  and  five  for  miirder.  Table  XXIV shows  that  about  42  per  cent  of  the  total  number  lynched have  been  charged  with  murder,  and  that  a  relatively high  proportion  have  been  charged  with  Rape,  Y/hile  no lyncliings  have  occurred  in  this  state  as  a  result  of Arson,  eight  persons  have  been  lynched  for  Theft,  and eight  for  minor  offenses  such  as  "making  threats",  "aid- ing in  the  escape  of  a  murderer",  and  "testifying  for  one of  his  own  race".   The  highest  ntimber  lynched  met  that fate  in  October, Map  X  shov/s  the  dispersion  of  the  lynchings  in Tennessee  over  the  various  coiuities,   A  majority  of  the total  have  occurred  in  the  v/estern  part  of  the  state  along 203 TABLE  XXIV TENNESSEE:   LYNCHINGS  BY  CRIEffi  AND  BY  MONTH,  1900  to  1928 Month Murder  Rape  Assault  Minor  Theft  Arson  Unknown  Total January 4 0 0 February 6 2 0 March 3 Iw 1 April 4 2(lw) 0 May 2 3 0 June 2 2 0 July 2(lw) 1 0 August 0 1 0 September Iw 7 0 October 7(3w) 3 0 November 4 3 0 December 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 5 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 5 0 8 0 8 0 6 Iw 7 0 4 0 5 2 4 0 8 2 17 0 7 0 6 Totals     36(5w)  26(2w)    2      8     8     0     5(lw)  85(8wj 205 the  Mississippi  River,  Four  counties  have  had  six  or  • more  persons  lynched  since  1900.   Three  of  these  border on  the  Mississippi  River,  -  Lake,  Dyer,  and  Lauderdale, Marshall  County,  in  Middle  Tennessee,  has  had  seven lynchings  since  1900,  but  none  since  1903,   At  Caney Springs,  on  January  9,  1900,  four  Negroes  were  lynched for  Theft,   In  November,  1902,  one  was  lynched  at  Lewis- bvirg  charged  v/ith  murder.   In  the  following  August  the last  lynching  in  the  County  occxirred  at  Lewisburg  v/hen two  unlcnown  Negroes  were  lynched  for  unknov/n  offenses, Marshall  is  now  one  of  the  leading  counties  in  the  state in  v/ealth  and  in  other  respects.  It  is  a  diversified farming  section  with  a  population  of  14,277  whites  and 3,089  Negroes,   Only  3,4  per  cent  of  the  whites  as  com- pared to  7.3  per  cent  for  the  state  as  a  whole  are illiterate, Bedford  County  borders  Marshall  on  the  east. On  February  19,  1912,  three  Negroes  were  lynched  in Bedford  for  Murder,   There  have  been  three  lynchings  in Franklin  County,  which  is  South-east  of  Marshall.   One of  these  was  that  of  a  Negro  in  1901  for  Murder.   In 1918  occurred  the  last  lynchings  in  the  County  v/hen,  en February  10,  a  Negro  was  lynched  for  "aiding  a  colored man  in  escape",  and,  on  February  12,  Jim  Mcllheron,  Negro, was  tarred  and  feathered,  then  burned  at  Estill  Springs, He  v/as  charged  with  having  wounded  tv/o  v/hite  men  v/lth whom  he  had  previously  had  "trouble".   With  the  exception s^il ,  jl;b3 206 of  this  outbreak,  practically  all  of  the  lynchings  in Tennessee  during  th*e  past  tv/enty  years  have  occurred  in the  western  counties  along  the  Mississippi  River, Dyer  Covin ty  has  a  population  of  24,502  whites and  5,452  Negroes,   The  percentage  of  Negro  population decreased  from  20,5  per  cent  in  1910  to  18,1  per  cent  in 1920,  Illiteracy  in  the  county  for  both  whites  and Negroes  is  belov/  the  average  for  the  state  as  a  v/hole« This  county  has  had  six  lynchings  since  1900,  scattered over  a  period  of  16  years,   Tv/o  of  the  six  lynched  in  the county  were  charged  v/ith  murder,  tv/o  v/ith  rape,  one  with attempted  rape,  and  one  with  "shooting  an  officer".   There has  not  been  a  lynching  in  Dyer  County  for  the  past  twenty years. In  Lauderdale  County,  which  ranks  higher  in  the ntimber  of  lynchings  since  1900  has  not  had  an  outbreak of  this  type  of  mob  violence  since  1906.   Of  the  seven lynchings  in  this  county  four  occiirred  in  1900,  two  for Murder,  one  for  "aiding  in  escape  of  murderer",  and  one "for  testifying  for  a  member  of  his  own  race".   These lynchings  were  all  within  the  vicinity  of  Ripley,  where in  1903  another  Negro  was  lynched  for  Miirder,  and  in 1904  another  as  a  result  of  "race  prejudice".  The  last lynching  in  Lauderdale  was  that  of  George  Estes  at  Hales Point,  in  the  northern  end  of  the  county,  on  October  29, 1906,  charged  v/ith  miirder.   In  1910  the  proportion  of Negro  population  in  Lauderdale  v/as  the  highest  of  any county  in  the  state,  being  45,3  per  cent.   In  1920  there 207 were  8,929  Negroes  and  12,450  whites  being  thus  a  de- crease of  the  proportion  Negro  population  to  41»5  per cent.  VvTaile  only  5,3  per  cent  of  the  whites  as  compared to  7,3  per  cent  for  the  state  as  a  whole  vieve   illiterate, 32,5  per  cent  of  the  Negroes  or  10  per  cent  more  than  the average  for  the  state  were  illiterate. In  Lake  County,  on  the  other  hand,  where  the proportion  of  Negro  population  is  much  lower  than  in Lauderdale  there  has  been  a  total  of  nine  lynchings  since 1900,  more  than  in  any  other  county  of  the  state,  V/hile there  was  in  1920  a  lov/er  percentage  of  illiteracy  among the  Negroes  of  Lake  than  of  Lauderdale  County,  a  total  of 10,5  per  cent  of  all  whites  in  this  covmty  were  illiterate. Of  the  nine  persons  lynched  in  Lake  County  since  1900  one was  a  wliite  man,  Issac  Fitzgerald,  charged  with  rape,  at Tiptonville,  on  March  17,  1901,  In  1900  a  Negro  was lynched  for  Robbery,  and  in  1907  two  were  lynched  "for fighting  a  v/hite  man".   On  November  24,  1908,  three Negroes  were  lynched  at  Tiptonville  for  Murder,  and  in 1910  two  for  "attempted  rape",   -^'his  was  the  last  lynching in  the  county,  which  is  located  just  across  the  River from  Pemiscot  County,  Missouri,  which  had  its  last  lynch- ing in  1927, Shelby  Coxinty,  Tennessee,  has  had  six  lynchings since  1900,  the  last  of  which  occurred  on  September  28, 1927:   "The  bullet-riddled  body  of  Thomas  V/illiams,  alleged to  have  attacked  a  fifty-year  old  v/hite  woman,  was  found 208 In  Pleasant  Union  Churchyard,  two  miles  from  the  scene of  the  crime"  -  near  Memphis,   During  the  28  years  no East  Tennessee  County  has  had  more  than  one  lynching. Of  the  seven  lynchings  which  have  occxirred  in  this  sec- tion, five  were  for  llixrder,  one  for  Rape,  and  one  "for making  threats".  The  last  lynching  in  this  section  of the  state  occurred  in  1921  when  Berry  Bowling,  white, was  hanged  by  a  mob  on  May  7,  1921,  at  Huntsville,  for an  unlcnown  offense. It  is  notable  that  of  the  total  85  lynchings in  Tennessee  since  1900,  36  occurred  before  1908,  Duj?- ing  the  past  20  years  Tennessee  has  had  a  total  of  49 lynchings;  and  driring  the  past  decade,  15,   On  the  other hand  there  have  been  ten  persons  lynched  in  this  state since  1920,  Moreover,  in  addition  to  the  situation described  in  the  Case  in  Chapter  IX  -  "The  Burning  of Ell  Person"  -  which  could  hardly  be  totally  alleviated v/ithin  a  short  while,  the  lynching  record  in  Tennessee during  the  past  year  indicates  that  this  state  is  not yet  free  from  mob  violence.   Two  of  the  three  Negroes lynched  in  1927  were  taken  from  jails.   On  June  17, Sheriff  T.  D.  Caldwell  was  killed  by  Joseph  Upchurch  at Paris,  in  Henry  County,   A  Deputy  Sheriff  placed  Upchurch in  a  cabin  which  was  "riddled  with  bullets  by  a  posse  of about  50  men,"   Some  of  the  bullets  hit  and  killed  the Negro, 7.  For  a  further  analysis  of  Shelby  County  lynchings  see Chapter  IX,  Case  No.  10. 209 The  last  lynching  in  Tennessee  v/as  that  of Henry  Choate,  18  years  old,  on  Armistice  Day,  1927, Choate,  alleged  to  have  attacked  a  white  girl,  "was  taken from  the  jail  by  a  hand  of  250  men",  and,  like  young Lynch  of  Galway  long  ago,  was  hanged  from  the  second  story windov:  of  the  courthouse  building. 210 CHAPTER  VIII LYNCHINGS  BY  STATE  AND  BY  COUNTIES: THE  MAJOR  LYI^CHING  STATES It  has  been  noted  that  in  seven  southern  states, -  Georgia,  Mississippi,  Texas,  Louisiana,  Florida,  Alabama, and  Arkansas  -  there  has  been  a  total  of  1,348  persons lynched  since  1900,   This  number  constitutes  62  per  cent of  all  lynchings  in  the  Nation  and  78  per  cent  of  all  in the  South,   Three  of  these  states,  -  Georgia,  Mississippi and  Texas,  have  had  between  200  and  300  lynchings;  and  the other  four,  more  than  100  each  during  this  period*  Thus we  have  called  these  the  "Major  Lynching  States"  as  dis- tinguished from  those  having  less  than  100  persons lynched  during  the  past  28  years.   In  these  states  there are  339  coiinties  in  which  no  lynching  has  been  recorded since  1900  while  in  60  counties  of  the  seven  states  there have  been  six  or  more  persons  lynched  during  the  period. In  these  counties  a  total  of  553  persons  have  met  death at  the  hands  of  mobs  during  the  Tv/entieth  Century. 211 Arkansas In  this  group  of  Major  Lynching  States  Arkansas rariks  seventh,  with  a  total  of  124  mob  victims  since 1900«  This  number  does  not  include  the  victims  of  the Elaine  Race  Riots,  the  ntunber  of  which  is  not  known. Map  XI  shows  that  the  lyncbings  in  Arkansas  have  been largely  concentrated  in  the  southern  and  eastern  portions of  the  state.  More  than  90  per  cent  of  all  lynchlngs  in Arkansas  have  occurred  in  the  South-eastern  half  of  the state.  The  counties  in  which  the  highest  number  of lynchlngs  has  occurred  are  those  along  the  Mississippi River,  and  to  a  lesser  degree  along  the  southern  end  of the  state  from  east  to  west, Arkansas  Coiinty  has  had  the  largest  number  of persons  lynched  since  1900,  but  only  three  lynching episodes.   Of  the  15  persons  lynched  in  this  county,  13, all  Negro  men,  were  lynched  on  the  same  day,  March  26, 1904,   The  cause  of  this  lynching,  according  to  the  re- ports, was  "race  prejudice".   There  was  not  another  lynching in  the  county  for  more  than  12  years.   On  August  9,  1916 an  unnamed  Negro  was  lynched  at  Stuttgart  for  Rape,   On October  9,  of  the  same  year,  the  last  recorded  lynching in  this  county  occurred  when  Frank  Dodd,  a  Negro,  was lynched  at  Dewitt  for  "attempted  rape". In  1910  the  proportion  Negro  of  the  total population  of  Arkansas  County  was  26,5  per  cent.   In  1920 fl'X '}r i-'ze. 7.1   a.- liv: 213 there  had  been  a  slight  drop  to  24.2  per  cent.   At  this time  there  were  5,190  Negroes  and  15,944  whites,   'Ahite males  were  more  than  1,000  in  excess  to  females,  and there  were  also  more  Negro  males  than  females.   In  1920 the  proportion  of  illiterate  Negroes  and  v/hites  in Arkansas  County  was  less  than  that  for  the  state  as  a whole.  The  farms  in  this  county  are  relatively  few  and large.  It  is  the  great  rice  section  of  the  state,  where a  majority  of  the  Negroes  on  farms  are  day  laborers  who come  in  close  contact  v/ith  few  white  men.  In  this  county, which  is  one  of  the  largest  in  the  state,  there  are  only 666  white  tenants  and  356  Negro  tenants.   There  has  not been  a  lynching  in  the  county  for  12  years. In  Phillips  County  there  have  been  six  persons lynched  since  1900,   The  last  lynching  was  that  of  a Negro  on  June  16,  1927  at  Helena,   Owen  Fleming,  charged with  having  killed  a  white  man  who  tried  to  force  him  to work  while  sick,  was  shot  to  death  by  a  posse  of  about 200  white  men. The  only  other  county  in  the  state  which  has had  six  persons  lynched  since  1900  is  Hempstead,   These lynchings  were  scattered  over  a  period  of  17  years,  the last  having  occurred  in  1922,   On  April  20,  1905  a  Negro was  lynched  at  Spring  Hill  for  JTurder  and  four  years later,  on  January  18,  a  Negro  v/as  lynched  at  Hope  for "insulting  white  girl".   On  October  20,  1911  a  Negro  was lynched  at  Hope  for  "insulting  women";  and  another,  on 214 June  15,  1915  for  Murder,   The  last  lynching  in  Hem- stead  County  occurred  on  July  28,  1922  at  Guernsey  v/hen John  West  was  lynched  as  a  result  of  a  quarrel  between a  white  man  and  himself  over  a  drinking  cup, Ashley  County  has  had  five  lynchings  since  1900, the  last  of  which  occurred  in  1927,   On  February  19,  1904 at  Crossett  -  a  sawmill  town  -  a  Negro  was  lynched  for Murder  and  on  September  5,  another  for  "assaulting  whites". In  1908  the  only  lynctiing  in  the  state  was  at  Parkdale, Ashley  County,  Earnest  Williams  was  thrust  into  eternity by  a  band  of  men  who  were  "outraged"  at  him  for  "using offensive  language"'.   On  May  30,  1909  a  Negro  was  lynched at  Portland  for  Murder,  The  last  lynching  in  Ashley County  occurred  on  August  26,  1927,   Winston  Pounds  was "taken  from  a  posse  of  deputy  sheriffs"  and  hanged  to  a tree  one  and  a  half  miles  from  Wilmot,  charged  with  having "attacked  a  yoimg  married  woman". Table  XXV  shov/s  the  total  lynchings  in  Arkansas since  1900  by  crime,  by  race,  and  by  month.   Of  the  total 124  lynchings  during  the  period  23  occurred  in  March,  14 in  October,  12  in  August,  12  in  May  and  10  in  June,   The high  mark  in  March  is  explained  by  the  Arkansas  County episode  on  March  26,  1904  when  13  Negroes  were  lynched  as a  result  of  "race  prejudice".   With  this  exception  the high  lynching  months  are,  as  is  rather  general  in  the 1.  New  ¥ork  World,  August  27,  1927. 215 TABLE  XXV ARKANSAS:   LYNCHINGS  BY  CRIME   AND  BY  MONTH,  1900-1928 Month M\xrder  Rape  Assault  Minor  Theft  Arson  Unlcnown  Total January 2(lw) 0 February 2 1 March 4(lw) 0 April 4(lw) 2 May 3 5 June 5(lw) 2 July 3 2 August 2(lw) 4 September 1 4 October 3 4 November 5(2w) 1 December 5 1 0 2(lw) l*w 0 2 1 0 0 2 14 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 3 0 0 0 2 1 1 1 5(lw) 0 0 1 3 0 0 2 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 .  1 0 0 1 6 0 6 2 23 0 7 1 12 0 10 0 9 0 12 0 9 3 14 2 9 0 7 39(7w)  26      11   33(2w)  4(lw*)   2       9   124(10w) *  This  white  man  was  charged  with  "highway  robbery". 216 southern  states.  May  and  June,  then  August  and  October. A  relatively  low  proportion  of  those  lynched  in  Arkansas have  been  charged  with  Murder,  31,5  per  cent.   About  21 per  cent  of  the  total  number  were  charged  with  rape,  alleg- ed rape,  attack  upon  a  woman,  or  "assaulting  white  woman". Combining  the  number  lynched  for  Theft  (3)  and  Arson  (2) with  those  lynched  for  a  Minor  Offense,  we  have  38  or  30,6 per  cent  of  the  total.   Minor  Offense  in  Arkansas  includes such  "crimes"  as  "race  prejudice",  "insulting  white  women", "using  offensive  language",  "disloyal  remarks",  "strike breaker"  and  "eloping  with  a  v;hite  girl". During  the  last  decade  Arkansas  has  had  34  lynch- ings;  and  in  the  past  five  years,  nine.   Two  of  the  three lynchings  in  the  state  in  1927  have  been  mentioned.   The other  was  that  of  John  Garter,  on  May  5,  1927,   Carter,  a feeble-minded  Negro,  was  accused  of  "assault  of  a  white woman  and  her  daughter".   He  was  hanged  by  a  mob  several miles  out  of  Little  Rock  after  which  his  body  was  tied  to an  automobile,  dragged  throvigh  the  streets,  then  saturated with  gasoline,  hanged  to  a  telephone  pole  on  one  of  the principal  corners  of  the  "Negro  Section"  and  burned, Alabama In  addition  to  being  noted  for  pig-iron,  child labor  and  illiteracy,  Alabajna  ranlcs  sixth  among  all  states of  the  Nation  in  the  number  of  persons  lynched  since  1900, Table  JvXVI  shows  the  number  lynched  by  race,  by  crime  and 217 TABLE  XXVI ALABAMA:      CRIIvIES   BY  MONTH,    WHITE   AND  NEGRO,    1900-1928 Month Murder Rape Assault Minor Theft Arson Unknown Total January- 5(lw) 3 1 3 0 0 3(2w) 15 February 2 4 0 0 0 0 0 6 March 3 5 0 1 0 0 1 10 April 4 3 1 0 0 0 0 8 May 1 4 0 5 1 0 0 11 June 2(lw) 2 0 1 0 1 1 7 July 1 3 5 2 0 0 0 11 August 6 3 0 5 0 0 1 15 September 5(lw) 5 0 Kw) 0 0 0 11 October 1 8 2 0 0 0 1 12 November 10 2 1 1 0 0 0 14 December 5 0 0 4 0 0 0 9 45(3w) 42 10 23 (Iw) 1 1 7(2w)  : L29(6w) 218 by  month  during  this  period.   There  have  been  15  lynch- ings  in  January  and  August,  14  in  Novemher,  12  in  October, 11  in  May,  July  and  September,  and  10  in  March.   The  total of  129  is  about  equally  divided  among  the  four  seasons of  the  year,  the  highest  nvmber  coming  in  the  fall  'with  a total  of  37.   The  crime  for  which  45  were  lynched  was Murder  -  about  35  per  cent  of  the  total.  It  is  notable that  in  Alabama  42,  or  32  per  cent  of  the  total  have  been lynched  for  Rape,   Ten,  all  Negroes,  were  lynched  for Assault,   The  crime  of  seven,  including  two  v/hite  men, is  not  known.   One  was  lynched  for  Arson  and  one  for Theft,  while  23  were  lynched  for  Minor  Offenses.   In Alabama  this  group  includes  such  "crimes"  as  "race  pre- judice", "mule  poisoning",  "threats  to  kill",  and  "creat- ing a  disturbance". Map  XII  shows  that  one- third  of  the  lynchings in  Alabama  have  occurred  in  four  counties,  -  Covington, Jefferson,  Mobile  and  Montgomery.   These  counties  with  a total  of  33  lynchings  are  the  only  ones  that  have  had more  than  six  persons  lynched  since  1900,  according  to the  records.   In  Covington  County  nine  persons  have  been lynched,  over  a  period  of  20  years.   Three  of  the  number were  "unknown  Negroes"  lynched  on  the  same  day,  December 6,  1901,  because  of  "race  prejudice".   On  February  20, 1906  a  Negro  was  lynched  at  Andalusia  for  Rape,  and  on April  29  another  at  Rienzi  for  M-urder,   The  other  four were  lynched  in  1907,  1910,  1918  and  1920,  all  for  Rape, 219 10  20  30  'to  SO i« V     -.i* 220 Two  were  charged  with  rape,  one  with  "assault  of  a  white woman",  and  the  last.  Jack  Waters,  "was  found  hanging  to a  telephone  pole  riddled  with  bullets.  He  was  lynched after  an  alleged  attack  upon  a  white  woman." The  Negro  population  of  Alabama  is  concentrated through  the  South-central  part  of  the  state.   It  is  notable that  three  of  the  counties  with  more  than  six  lynchlngs lie  outside  this  area,   Covington,  for  example  is  one  of the  southern  border  counties.  In  1910  the  Negro  population of  Covington  County  was  24,9  per  cent  while  in  1920  it  had decreased  to  21,0  per  cent.   At  this  time  there  v/as  a smaller  percentage  of  illiteracy  among  the  7,987  Negroes of  the  county  than  among  the  Negroes  of  Alabama  as  a  v/hole, while  9,1  of  the  v/hites  ten  years  of  age  and  above  as compared  to  6.5  per  cent  for  the  state  were  Illiterate, Jefferson  County  lies  north  of  the  Alabama  "Black Belt"  Prom  1910  to  1920  there  was  an  increase  of  2  per  cent in  the  proportion  of  Negro  population,  no  doubt  due  to  the large  influx  of  Negroes  into  Birmingham  during  late  years. Illiteracy  Is  relatively  lov;  for  both  whites  and  Negroes, There  have  been  eight  lynchlngs  in  this  county  since  1900, On  May  11,  1901  an  unknown  Negro  was  lynched  at Leeds,  by  mistake.   On  August  2  of  the  same  year  and  at the  same  place,  Charles  Bentley  v;as  lynched  for  Murder, There  was  not  another  lynching  in  Jefferson  County  for  more than  six  years,  when  on  September  3,  1907  Jerry  Johnson was  lynched  near  Birmingham  for  Rape,   On  August  6  of  the 221 next  year  a  Negro  was  lynched  at  Brighton  "for  dynamit- ing".  On  April  25,  1909  a  Negro  named  Thomas  v/as  lynch- ed near  Birmingham  for  Rape,   The  next  lynching  in  the county  was  that  of  a  white  man,  John  Candler,  at  Bessamer on  January  28,  1912  for  Murder,   On  the  following  November 2,  at  Bessamer,  William  Smith  was  lynched  for  Murder,   The last  lynching  in  Jefferson  County  occiirred  in  1923,   Will McBride  was  arrested  on  a  charge  of  "assault".  Some  school children  had  seen  him  walking  along  the  road  and  had  be- come frightened  at  him.   There  being  no  evidence  against the  60  year  old  Negro  of  good  reputation,  he  was  dis- missed by  the  Judge,  on  July  12,   That  night  he  was  taken from  bed  in  his  home  and  beaten  to  death  by  a  mob  of "unlcnown  men". Mobile  County  has  had  six  lynchings  since  1900, On  October  6,  1906,  two  Negroes  were  lynched  at  Prichard for  Rape,  and  on  the  following  September  another  was lynched  for  attempted  rape.   On  January  22,  1909  Doviglass Robertson  was  lynched  for  Murder,  and  another  Negro  v/as lynched  at  /ocis  on  August  1,  1910  for  Rape,   There  was  not another  lynching  in  this  county  for  nine  years,  v/hen  the last  one  occurred  on  June  6,  1919  at  Prichard,  There  was "trouble"  between  white  and  colored  v/orkers  in  a  cotton mill,  and  James  E.  Lewis,  Negro,  was  shot  by  a  group  of white  men,^ 2,  Birmingham  News,  Jxine  8,  1919, 222 Montgomery  County,  with  a  Negro  population  of 48,463,  or  59,9  per  cent  of  the  total,  lias  had  more lynchings  than  any  other  Alabajna  County  since  1900,   This county  is  located  in  the  heart  of  the  Alabama  "Black  Belt" but  several  other  counties  have  a  higher  proportion  of Negro  population.   There  are  eight  counties  in  the  state with  more  than  75  per  cent  Negro  population  -  and  in  these counties  combined  there  has  been  only  15  lynchings  dviring the  past  28  years.   Three  Alabama  Counties  -  Hale,  Meringo and  Perry  -  have  a  Negro  population  of  between  62,5  per cent  and  75  per  cent.   In  only  one  of  these  has  there  been a  lyncMng  since  1900,  In  Meringo  County,  at  Magnolia,  on December  20,  1909  Clinton  Montgomery  was  lynched  for  M\irder, By  Comparing  Map  XII  with  the  population  map  of  Alabama (Vol,  III,  1920  Census  Report)  it  is  readily  seen  that there  is  a  closer  correlation  between  the  number  of lynchings  and  a  Negro  population  of  12,5  per  cent  to  50 per  cent  than  between  the  number  of  lynchings  and  a Negro  population  of  more  than  50  per  cent,   Montgomery County  is  the  only  one  v/ith  more  than  50  per  cent  Negro population  that  has  had  as  many  as  five  lynchings  since 1900,  Among  the  39,0  per  cent  white  population  in  the county  only  1,1  per  cent  of  those  ten  years  of  age  and above  are  illiterate,  while  29,5  per  cent  of  the  Negroes are  thus  handicapped. It  is  interesting  to  trace  the  lynching  history of  this  county  for  the  past  40  years.   The  first  lynching 223 recorded  was  in  1890  when  "a  desperado"  met  death  at  Mont- gomery,  Between  this  date  and  1897  three  Negroes  and  one white  man  were  lynched  at  or  near  Montgomery,  all  charged with  murder.   There  was  not  another  lynching  in  the  county for  13  years,  when  John  Dell  was  lynched  at  Montgomery, on  October  9,  1910  for  Murder,   Then  in  1915,  on  August 17,  at  Hope  Hull  three  Negroes  were  lynched  for  "poison- ing mules".   On  September  29,  1919  three  more  were  shot at  Montgomery,   There  had  been  a  "rov/"  following  a  dance, and  Policeman  John  Barbere  attempted  to  arrest  three Negroes,   One  of  them  named  Temple  resisted  the  arrest and,  after  first  being  v/ounded  by  the  policeman,  shot  him. Temple  v/as  shot  to  death  in  a  hospital  that  night  by  a band  of  25  whites,  and  the  other  two  were  taken  from  the officers  on  the  way  to  the  State  Prison  at  7/etumka,  and shot.   The  charges  against  the  Negroes  as  reported  in the  "New  York  Sun"  was  "assaulting  white  women".   In  1920, at  Legrande,  V/ilbur  Smith,  alleged  to  have  attacked  a  6 year  old  white  girl,  had  been  arrested  by  a  citizen  who was  taking  him  to  jail.   Six  "masked  men  forced  the citizen"  to  give  up  the  Negro  who  was  taken  to  the  woods and  shot  to  death.   Two  years  later,  on  October  3,  1922 John  Brown  was  taken  from  his  home  at  Montgomery  and lynched  by  a  mob;  for  what  crime  it  is  not  known, Dxjring  the  past  decade  25,  and  during  the  past five  years  three  lynchings  have  occTirred  in  Alabama,  The last  lynching  in  the  state  v/as  in  Montgomery  County,   On vr 224 December  15,  1925  at  Montgomery,  "incensed  over  an  Insult by  him  to  a  white  woman.  Grant  Cole  was  shot  to  death by  unidentified  parties.   Progressive  deterioration  in lawlessness:   first  they  lynched  for  murder;  then "masked  men"  and  "unidentified  parties"  lynched  for  "un- known offenses"  and  "insults", Florida Florida  has  been  one  of  the  leading  states  in the  number  of  persons  lynched  as  far  back  as  statistics are  available.   Since  1889  there  have  been  232  lyncliings in  this  state,  including  19  white  men,  and  three  Negro women.  During  the  past  28  years  there  have  been  156 lynchings  in  the  state,  including  12  v/hites  and  144 Negroes,  three  of  whom  were  v/omen.  During  the  past decade  there  have  been  56  lynchings  in  Florida,  and  for the  past  five  years,  26, Table  XXVII  shows  that  the  majority  of  lynchings in  Florida  since  1900  have  occurred  in  the  spring  and summer  months.   The  highest  number  happened  in  July  and  it was  in  this  month  also  that  the  highest  number  of  persons were  lynched  for  Minor  Offenses,   The  highest  niimber lynched  for  Mvirder  met  that  fate  in  May  with  13  Negroes and  one  white.  It  is  notable  that  of  the  total  156 lynched  since  1900,  81,  or  about  51  per  cent  were  charged with  Murder,   This  number  included  66  2/3  per  cent  of  the whites.   One  white  man  was  lynched  for  Rape,  one  for 225 TABLE  XXVII FLORIDA:   LYWCHINGS  BY  CRIME  BY  MONTH,  1900  to  1928 Month    Murder  Rape  Assault  Minor  Theft  Arson  Unlcnown  Total January 4 2 0 2 1 0 0 9 February 3 4 0 1 0 0 0 8 March 7(2w) 2 0 2 0 0 1 12 April 5(2w) 1 0 0 0 0 0 6 May 14(lw) 4 1 3 0 0 2 24 June 7 4 0 0 0 0 1 12 July 9 5 1 4 0 0 1 20 August 11 (Iw) 2 1 2 0 0 2 18 September 10(2w) 3 0 1 0 0 0 14 October 4 2(lw) 0 Kiw) 0 0 0 7 November 4 5 l(w) 6 0 0 1 17 December 3 1 1* 0 0 0 4(lw) 9 Totals 81 (8w) 35 (Iw) 5(lw) 22 (Iw) 1 0 12(lw) 156(12) ^  A   "desperado". N' n 0 226 Assault,  and  one  for  a  Minor  Offense  -  "refusing  in- formation".  Thirty-five  of  the  total  nvtraber  or  22  per cent  v/ere  lynched  for  attempted  rape,  alleged  rape,  attacks or upon  white  v/omen/alleged  assault  upon  white  women. Twelve  of  the  number  lynched  in  Florida  were  for an  "unknow  cause".   Combining  this  number  v/ith  those  lynch- ed for  a  minor  charge  v/e  have  a  nvimber  equal  to  that  of those  lynched  for  Rape,  or  22  per  cent  of  the  total.   The Minor  Offenses  for  which  men  have  been  lynched  in  Florida include  such  "crimes"  as  "refusing  information",  "popular prejudice",  "refusal  to  give  up  farm"  and  "bringing  his mother  to  tov;n  after  she  had  been  flogged  for  selling whiskey," Map  XIII  shov/s  the  lynchings  in  Florida  since 1900  by  county.   Practically  every  county  in  the  state  has had  one  or  more  lynchings,  and  10  cotmties  have  had  six or  more  during  this  period.   One  of  these  counties  has  had 13  persons  lynched  during  the  period  and  another  12;  one has  had  nine;  tv/o,  eight  lynchings,  and  three,  seven lynchings.   The  total  for  these  counties  is  83,  not  count- ing all  of  the  victims  of  the  race  riot  at  Oconee  on November  2,  1920, Table  XXVTII  shows  the  lynchings  in  Florida  in the  counties  having  six  or  more  since  1900,  by  county, by  race  and  by  crime.   Also  the  date  of  each  lynching  by county  is  given,  A  glance  at  the  Table  indicates  that  in some  of  the  counties  the  lynchings  are  scattered  over  many 228 TABLE  XXVIII LYNCHIHGS  IN  FLORIDA  BY  COU?flY  AND  BY  CRIME,  1900-1928 Numi- County ber Date ALACHUA 13 2 1 Iw 1 6 9/1/02 1/15/04 3/5/O8 7/21/15 8/19/16 1 1 1/25/23 12/27/26 COLUMBIA 8 Iw 6 1 11/27/00 5/21/11 11/28/19 Crime  for  v/hlch  lynched DUVAL HILLSBORO 1 2 1 5/9/09 9/8/19 8/24/23 1  12/29/23 1  12/30/23 7 1  12/5/03 2  3/7/10 1  3/8/10 2w  9/20/10 1  4/15/12 at  Newberry  for  Murder. at  High  Springs,    for  rape, at  Newberry,    for  niurder, at  Trenton,    "popular  prejudice", at  Nev/berry,    tv/o  women  and  four men, "alleged  accessory  to murder". at  Newberry,  cattle  stealing. at  Ti/aldo,    attempt   to  collect debt at  Lake  City,  "murderous  assault", at  Lake  City,  "murder". Ten  miles  out  of  Lake  City,  "alleg- ed to  have  insulted  a  young  white woman,"   "foujid  lynched". Duval  Co,  for  Rape. at  Jacksonville,  Murder. at  Jacksonville,  "suspected  of peeping  into  window  of  young girl".   According  to  reports received  at  the  Sheriffs  office later  Indicated  innocence. Near  Jacksonville,  "victim  of death  code  oj^"  the  Duval  County moonshiners. Same  as  victim  of  Dec.  29th. Near  Tampa,  attempted  rape, Tampa  for  murder. Tampa  for  murder. Tampa" attempted  mtirder". Near  Tampa  for  Murder, 229 Num- County ber Date HOLMES 8 2 4 1 Iw 7/30/10 8/2/10 7/7/13 4/16/16 JACKSON 6 1 1 6/10/00 6/10/00 1 1 1 7/1/05 9/2/10 9/2/10 1 3/5/11 MADISON 7 2 Iw 1 1 1 1/7/01 3/19/03 II/9/O6 2/2/08 3/13/19 MARION ORANGE TABLE  XXVIII  (Cont'd) Crime  for  v/hlch  lynched 1 1 1 1 1 1 12/5/22 1/16/01 11/14/12 11/19/12 2/17/15 1/28/19 1/12/26 9 Iw 8/12/15 1 11/2/20 5 Same At  Bonifay,  Murder. At  Bonifay, "Complicity  in  I.^tirder". At  Bonifay,  Rape. At  Bonifay,  Murder. At  Sneads,  "suspected  murder". At  Sneads,  "Complicity  in mtirder . " At  Cottondale,  Murder. At  Graceville,  Murder, At  Graceville,  complicity  in murder, ^t  Marianna,  "threats  to  kill". At  Madison,  for  Murder. At  Madison,  for  Murder. At  Madison,  for  Rape. At  Greenville,  "suspected  murder". At  Greenville,  shooting  a  Watch- man. At  Madison,  a  Negro  was  lynched by  a  mob;  no  charges  were  given. At  Dunnelon,  "trainwrecking". At  Ocala,  for  Murder. At  Ocala,  for  Murder,  ' At  Sparr,  "insulting  v/omen". At  Ocala,  Rape. 18  miles  out  of  Ocala.   He  had been  jailed  on  suspicion  in connection  with  attack  on  a  white woman. At  Osceola,  first  lynchirig  in Orange  Co.  since  1892.   Murder. At  Oconee,  shooting  tv/o  men  after they  had  refused  to  let  him  vote. Burned  to  death  in  a  house  set after  shooting  referred  to  above. (See  Chapter  IX). » -t b-y:.. LSA 3    TiK 230 TABLE  XXVIII    (Cont»d) County POLK Niom- ber Date Crime  for  which  lynched 11/26/25  At  Orlando,  wounded  detectives. 12 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 6/27/00 5/30/01 5/3/03 5/20/03 5/20/04 8/21/06 2/13/09 7/9/10 5/9/20 3/14/21 12/20/25 At  Mulberry,  for  Mtirder, At  Bartow,  for  Murder, At  Mulberry,  Muxder, At  Mulberry,  for  Murder, At  Mulberry,  "unknown  offense", "murderous  assault", for  Rape, "attempted  murder", Negro  porter  on  the was  accused  of  in- sulting a  Y/hite  woman.   Taken from  train;  later  "taken"  from officers  and  shot. At  Eagle  Lalce,  hanged  for  un- knovm  crime. At  Haines  City,  Murder, At  Mulberry, At  Lakeland, At  Kathleen, At  Lakeland, A.  C.  L,  Ry, 231 years  while  in  others  there  were  several  lynchings  near the  beginning  of  the  Century  with  few  since  that  time. Still  other  counties  had  no  lynchings  until  near  the the  middle  of  the  period  but  have  had  them  rather  regular- ly since  then. In  Alachua  County,  for  example,  the  first  lynch- ing was  in  1902  for  Murder,   The  last  lynching  in  the county  was  that  of  George  Budding ton  near  Waldo,  on  Decem- ber 27,  1926,   A  white  woman  accused  him  of  drav/ing  a  pistol in  an  attempt  to  collect  an  alleged  debt  from  her  for  v/hlch he  was  locked  in  jail,   "Unknown  parties"  broke  the  lock, took  the  55  year  old  Negro  several  miles  from  town  and  shot him  to  death, Columbia  County  had  its  first  lynching  of  the Century  in  November,  1900,  when  a  white  man  met  death  for "murderous  assault".   There  was  not  another  outbreak  of mob  violence  until  1911,   On  May  21  of  that  year  six  Negroes were  lynched  for  murder.  It  was  more  than  eight  years  be- fore the  next,  and  last,  lynching  in  the  county.   On November  28,  1919  Sam  Mosely  was  lynched  about  10  miles south  of  Lake  City  "by  a  party  of  young  men  enraged  at  an insult  alleged  to  have  been  made  upon  a  young  white  woman of  Coltunbia  County." The  first  lynching  in  Duval  County  was  in  1909 for  Rape,  and  the  second  Y/as  that  of  two  Negroes  lynched in  1919  at  Jacksonville  for  M\irder,   The  last  thj?ee  lynch- ings in  the  coxinty  occiirred  in  1923,   One  of  the  victims. 232 thought  later  to  have  been  entirely  Innocent,  was  "sus- pected of  peeping  into  the  'bedroom  of  a  girl".   On December  29,  near  Jacksonville,  "the  headless  body  of Edgar  Phillips  v/as  found  in  a  creek.  He  was  said  to  have been  the  victim  of  a  'death  code'  of  Duval  County  moon- shiners."  On  the  following  day,  near  Jacksonville,  Exigene Burnam  was  shot  to  death  by  a  band  of  white  men.   He  v/as said  also  to  have  been  a  victim  of  the  "death  code"  of  the moonshiners, IZ'he  seven  lynchings  in  Hillsboro  County  were scattered  over  the  nine  year  period  ending  in  1912,  The first  lynching  in  the  county  was  for  Rape,   The  other five  were  for  Murder,  including  two  whites  lynched  for "attempted  murder". Seven  of  the  eight  lynchings  in  Holmes  County one have  been  for  Murder,  and/for  Rape.   The  last  lynching in  the  county  occurred  in  1916,   One-third  of  the  1,034 Negroes,  and  11,2  per  cent  of  the  11,807  whites  in  the county  were  illiterate  in  1920, Of  the  six  persons  lynched  in  Jackson  County, two  met  that  fate  in  1900,  on  June  10,  v/hen  one  was lynched  for  ' suspected  murder"  and  another  for  "complicity in  mxirder".  Five  years  later,  on  July  1,  Do.c  Peters  was lynched  at  Cottondale  for  Murder,  In  1910  two  Negroes were  lynched,  one  for  Murder  and  the  other  for  "complicity". Six  months  later,  on  March  5,  1911  Galvin  Baker  was  lynched for  "threats  to  kill",   Jackson  has  the  highest  illiteracy ^ji;ix_ r  r     t~, ...      •..        v..  , 233 rate  for  whites  and  next  to  the  highest  for  Negroes  of any  county  listed  in  Table  XX,   There  is  a  Negro  popu- lation of  13,320  and  a  white  population  of  17,867,  In 1910  the  Negro  population  was  47,8  per  cent  of  the  total, while  in  1920  this  percentage  had  dropped  to  42,7,   There has  not  been  a  lynching  in  this  county  for  the  past seventeen  years. In  Madison  County  the  first  two  lynchings  since 1900  were  for  Murder,  then  one  for  Rape  and  another  for "suspected  murder".   Eleven  years  later,  in  191S,  a  Negro was  lynched  for  "shooting  a  watchman".   The  last  lynching in  the  county  occurred  on  December  5,  1922,  at  Madison when  "Cupid  Dickson  was  lynched  by  a  mob.   No  charge  was alleged,"  More  than  50  per  cent  of  the  population  of  the county  is  black,  and  41.1  per  cent  of  these  cannot  read or  v/rite  their  nar.ies. In  Marion  County,  on  the  other  hand,  with  a higher  proportion  of  Negro  population  but  with  a  much smaller  percentage  of  illiteracy,  white  and  black,  there has  been  the  sam.e  niimber  of  lynchings  as  recorded  for Madison,  seven.   The  first  lynching  in  Marion  County  since 1900  was  for  "trainv/recking",  and  the  next  two  for  Murder; then  one  for  "insulting  v/oraen"  in  1915,  and  another  for Rape  in  1921,  The  last  lynching  in  the  county  occurred  on January  12,  1926,   "A  band  of  masked  men  took  Nick  Williams from  two  officers,  bundled  him  into  an  automobile  and lynched  him  at  a  lonely  spot  18  miles  from  Ocala,   William.s to 234 had  been  jailed  on  suspicion  in  connection  v/ith  an  attack on  a  white  woman  near  the  spot  where  he  was  lynched. When  seized  he  was  being  taken  to  a  hospital  to  be 'identi- fied by  the  womsLn."'^ Six  of  the  nine  persons  lynched  in  Orange  County met  that  fate  in  1920,  and  the  last  person  lynched  there was  Arthur  Henry,  on  November  26,  1925.   He  had  been arrested  and  placed  under  guard  at  the  Orange  General Hospital;  was  seized  by  three  unknov/n  men  and  carried  off. The  men  disarmed  a  policeman  who  was  on  guard.  Later  he was  found  shot  to  death,  "  Henry  was  alleged  to  have  woxind- ed  two  detectives  when  they  went  into  the  Negro  section  to investigate  a  shooting  affray."*^ The  12  lynchings  in  Polk  County  were  scattered over  a  period  of  25  years,  beginning  in  1900,  For  the first  fovir  years  of  the  period  as  many  Negroes  were lynched,  one  for  an  "unknovm  offense",  one  for  "murderous assault",  one  for  Rape,  and  one  for  "attempted  murder". There  was  not  another  lynching  until  April  9,  1920,   On that  date  "an  unidentified  Negro  porter  on  an  Atlantic Coast  Line  Train,  who  was  charged  by  a  white  woman passenger  v/ith  having  insulted  her,  was  taken  from  the train  by  a  mob;  an  officer  was  sent  back  from  Bartow, Florida  to  get  the  Negro,  He  was  overtaken  by  three automobiles.   The  Negro  taken  from  him  and  shot  to  death."* 3.  Supplement  to  the  "Thirty  Years  Lynching",  NiiACP, 4,  Eleventh  Annual  Report,  NAACP,  1920,  p.  36, 235 The  last  lynching  in  Polk  County  occurred  on  December  20, 1925,  when  a  Negro  alleged  to  have  shot  and  killed  Owen Higgins,  President  of  the  Haines  City  Fiance  Company,  was shot  to  death  by  police  and  citizens. In  the  three  counties  of  Florida  with  more  than 62,5  per  cent  Negro  population  there  have  been  only  three lynchings  since  1900,   Gadsen  County  has  had  one,  in  1918, for  "throv/ing  white  man  under  train";  and  Leon,  tv/o,  - one  in  1909  for  Murder  and  one  in  1920,   According  to  a dispatch  from  Tallahassee  it  was  believed  that  this  Negro "was  the  victim  of  an  attack  in  Gadsen  County,  election day  -  that  his  body  drifted  over  in  the  Leon  County  line," In  1927  there  were  two  lynchJ.ngs  in  Florida, According  to  the  Florence,  South  Carolina,  Review  on March  20,  "Berry  Allen  (white)  is  reported  to  have  been seized  by  a  mob  and  throvm  into  the  Suv/anee  River  while being  taken  to  a  hospital  suffering  from  wounds  sustained when  his  barricaded  home  was  dynamited  by  a  sheriff's posse  after  he  had  shot  and  killed  7i/ill  Brock,  a  range rider,  and  seriously  wounded  a  deputy  sheriff",  at  Mayo Florida',  -   The  last  lynching  in  the  state  occurred  on  July 21,  1927,  at  Chiefland,  in  Levy  County  which  has  had three  lynchings  during  the  28  years,   "Albert  Williams, charged  v/ith  assault  on  a  turpentine  operator,  was  shot to  death  by  a  mob.   The  trouble  is  said  to  have  arisen over  a  debt  which  'Williams  ov/ed  the  v/hite  man,"^ 5.  Bronson,  Florida,  Nev/s,  July  22,  1927, 236 Florida:   "a  paradise  for  invalids,  sportsmen and  natnirallsts",  but  for  the  Negroes,  "the  best  of  the bad  states";  where  about  every  other  month  one  of  their re^ce  must  pay  the  death  penalty  without  a  trial  to establish  his  guilt  or  innocence;  where  since  1900,  35 have  been  lynched  for  either  an  "unknov/n  cause",  or  else some  such  minor  offense  as  "popular  prejudice",  "refusal to  give  up  a  farm",  or  "bringing  his  mother  home  after she  had  been  flogged", Louisiana Table  XXIX  shows  that  in  Louisiana  since  1900 there  has  been  a  more  even  distribution  of  lynchings  over the  various  months  than  in  any  other  state,   August  leads with  a  total  of  22,  including  nine  for  Rape,   Next  comes September  with  16,  including  four  each  for  Mvirder,  Rape, and  Theft,   In  may,  June  and  July  each  there  have  been 15  persons  lynched  since  1900,  and  in  February  and  October 14,   The  relatively  high  rank  of  February  in  the  nxunber lynched  is  unusual.   Six  of  these  were  for  Murder,  two for  Rape,  one  for  Assault,  three  for  Theft,  and  the  crime of  two  -  one  Negro  and  one  v/hite  -  is  unknov/n.  Of  the 10  .vhites  lynched  in  Louisiana  during  the  period,  three  were for  IviXirder,  one  for  Rape,  one  for  Theft,  one  for  "shelter- ing a  miirderer",  and  the  crime  of  four  is  unlcnov/n. Of  the  total  167  persons  lynched  dviring  the period  65,  or  39  per  cent  met  that  fate  for  Murder,  and 38,  or  22  per  cent  for  Rape,  Tv/elve  v/ere  lynched  for 237 TABLE  :OCIX LOUISIANA: LYNCHINGS  BY  CRIME   AM)   BY  MONTH,  'MEITE   AND  NEGRO Prom  1900  to  1928 Month M^^rder Rape Assault Minor  ' Theft  .<lrson Unknovm. Total January 5 1 0 2 0 0 Iw 9 February 6 2 1 0 3 0 2(lw) 14 March 5 4 0 0 1 0 Iw 11 April 3(lw) 2 1 4 0 0 3 13 May 2 6 0 6(lw) 1 0 0 15 June 7(lw) 5(lw) 2 1 0 0 0 15 July 6 0 2 2 1 3 Iw 15 August 7 9 2 2 0 0 2 22 September 4(lw) 4 3 0 4 0 1 16 October 6 2 1* 2 2(lw) 0 1 14 November 4 3 3 1 0 0 0 11 December 10 0 2 0 0 0 0 12 Total 65(3w) 38 (Iw) 17 20 (Iw) 12 (Iw) 3 12 (4w) 167(10w) *  This  Negro  was  said  to  be  a  "desperado". I  ;  ' 238 Theft,  threo  for  Arson,  and  20  for  IJlnor  Offenses,  -  35, or  21  per  cent  of  the  total.   Minor  Offenses  for  which men  have  been  lynched  in  Louisiana  Include:   "making threats",  "keeping  a  gambling  house",  "disorderly  conduct", "insulting  lady",  "bringing  suit  against  white  man", "keeping  disreputable  house  ,  "intimacy  with  white  woman", "vagrancy",  and  "living  with  a  v/hite  woman". Map  XIV  shows  the  distribution  of  lynchlngs  in Louisiana  over  the  various  Parishes,   While  there  is  no section  of  the  state  In  which  no  lynchlngs  have  taken  place since  1900,  the  Map  shows  that  the  vast  majority  of  the lynchlngs  have  occ\irred  In  the  upper  half  of  the  state. It  is  in  this  part  of  the  state  that  the  majority  of  the Negro  population  resides.  Again,  however,  this  does  not mean  that  it  is  in  the  Parishes  with  the  highest  Negro population  that  the  greatest  number  of  lynchlngs  occur. Of  the  five  Parishes  with  a  Negro  population of  more  than  75  per  cent,  tv/o  -  East  Carol  and  Tensas  - have  had  no  lynchlngs;  Madison  has  had  one;  Concordia, three;  and  West  Felincia,  tv/o,   Ouachita  County,  on  the other  hand,  with  a  Negro  population  of  54,8  per  cent  in 1910  and  45,8  per  cent  in  1920  has  had  17  lynchlngs.   On the  whole  the  Parishes  having  the  greatest  number  of lynchlngs  are  not  those  with  the  highest  numerical  or proportional  Negro  population.   These  Parishes,  on  the  other hand,  had  from  30  to  75  per  cent  Negro  population  in  1910 and  from  25  to  60  per  cent  Negro  population  in  1920, 240 Table  XXX  shows  that  Louisiana  ranks  second only  to  I.iississippi  in  the  percentage  of  Negro  children who  were  out  of  school  in  1924.   This  state  ranks  fourth from  the  bottom  in  the  sunount  invested  per  Negro  school child  in  public  school  property.  While  Louisiana  ranks fourth  from  the  top  of  the  southern  states  in  the  length of  school  term  for  white  children  it  ranks  third  from the  bottom  in  the  average  length  of  school  term  for  the Negro  children.   In  1924  almost  one-half  of  the  Negro children  of  school  age  were  not  in  school. While  the  white  illiteracy  for  the  state  was 10.5  per  cent  in  1920,  the  range  in  the  percentage  of illiteracy  for  the  leading  lynching  Parishes  was  from 0.8  per  cent  to  6.6  per  cent.   The  percentage  of  illiteracy among  the  Negroes  of  the  state  was  38.5  and  for  the  Parishes with  more  than  six  lynchings  the  range  was  from  21.0  per cent  to  42.8  per  cent. Table  XXXI  shows  the  lynchings  in  Louisiana  by year,  and  by  crime  for  those  parishes  having  more  than  10 persons  lynched  since  1900,   This  table  gives  the  specific crimes  as  stated  in  the  newspaper  reports  at  the  time  the lynchings  occurred,  rather  than  as  classified  in  Table XXIi,  A  clearer  conception  of  the  interracial  history  of these  four  Louisiana  Parishes  so  far  as  lynching  is concerned  can  be  gained  from  this  Table,  In  Bossier Parish,  for  example,  12  persons  have  been  lynched  since 1900,  over  a  period  of  22  years.   Three  of  the  number were  charged  with  murder,  three  with  "murderous  assault". ••f^r, 241 TABLE  XXX PER  CENT  WHITE  AND  NEGRO  CHILDREN  IN  SCHOOL  AND  OUT  OP  SCHOOL IN  THE  SOUTH,  1924 STATE YifHITE NEGROES Out  of Out  of In School School In  School School Texas 93.7 6.3 88.7 11.3 Oklahoma 87.3 12.7 88.0 12.0 North  Carolina 85.1 14.9 83.8 16.2 Missouri 81.4 18.6 78.7 21.3 Georgia 89.5 10.5 74.2 25,8 Virginia 84.8 15.2 72,7 27.3 Tennessee 80.3 19.7 71,6 28.4 W.  Virginia 80.6 19.4 70.8 29.2 Arkansas 73.4 26.6 69.6 30.4 Deleware 70.1 29.9 67.1 39.2 South  Carolina 77.2 22.8 65.8 34.2 District  of  C, 65.5 34.5 61.9 38.1 Maryland 69.5 30.5 61.2 38.8 Florida 81.3 18.7 60.9 30.1 Kentucky 65.0 35.0 60.9 39.1 Alabama 84.9 15.1 58.8 41.2 Louisiana 70.3 29.7 57.9 42.1 Mississippi 68.9 31.1 53.0 47.0 (Negro  Year  Book, Stati3ti ,cs,  1925-6 Voltune,  p. 292). 242 TABLE  XXXI LOUISIANA:      LYNCHINGS   BY   PiiRISH,    BY   CRIIffi,    AND   BY  YEAR, Prom  1900  to  1928 PARISH Number Date Place   Crime Bossier 12 1  5/4/01   At  Alden  Bridge,  "keeping  gambl- ing house," 2  6/20/01   At  Bossier,  Mtirder. 1  10/16/03   At  Taylor  Town,  "threats  to  kill," 1  11/2/03    At  Taylor  Tovm,  Murder, 1   5/3/07    At  Bossier,  Rape. 3  11/28/12   At  Benton,  "murderous  assault." 1   1/26/18   At  Benton,  "living  with  whit© woman," 1   2/14/19   At  Bossier,  Murder. 1   8/30/22   Near  Benton,  "assault  on  white woman." Caddo 23 rap©,' 1  11/24/01   At  Shreveport,  Murder, 1   3/5/01    At  Blanchard,  Rape, 1   5/4/01    At  Rodessa,  Rape. 1   7/26/03   Near  Shreveport,  Miirder. 1   5/23/06   At  Blanchard.  Robbery. 1   8/3/O8    At  Bethany,  "attempted 1  11/27/09   Shreveport,  Rape. 1  4/9/12    Shreveport,  "insulting  whit© women, " 2  12/16/13   At  Blanciiard,  Murder, 1  3/12/14   At  Shreveport,  Rape, 2  12/2/14    At  Sylvester  Station,  Murder, 1  12/3/14    At  Sylvester  Station,  Murder, 2  12/11/14   At  Mooringsport,  Murder, 1  12/12/14   At  Shreveport,  Murder, 1   8/29/16   At  Vivian,  "attempted  rape." 1   5/11/17   At  Shreveport,  "intimacy  with white  woman," 1  10/23/19   At  Shreveport,  unknown  crime, 1   1/3/23    At  Shreveport,  "associating  with white  women," 1   4/15/21   At  Rodessa;  unknown, 1   8/4/26    At  Lachute,  "attack  upon  a  10 year  old  girl,"   "killed  while trying  to  escape," 243 TABLE  XXXI  (Cont'd) PARISH Number Date Place Crime Ouachita   17 1  8/26/06  At  Calhoun,  "attempted  rape." 2  3/15/07  At  Monroe,  for  Murder, 1    8/24/09  At  Monroe,  "mvirderous  assault," 1    8/25/10  At  Monroe,  a  Negro  woman,  "for keeping  disreputable  house," 1  10/22/13  At  Monroe,  "insulting  white woman, " 4    8/7/14   At  Monroe,  3  for  Murder,  and  one for  "suspected  murder," 2  3/I6/13  At  Monroe,  "attack  on  white  woman,' 1    4/22/I8  At  Monroe,  "shooting  white  man," 1    1/30/19  At  Monroe,  Murder. 1    4/29/19  Near  Monroe,   "accused  of  writing insulting  letters  to  white  woman, 1    9/6/19   At  Monroe,  "charged  with  a  crimi- nal assault  on  farmer's  wife," Iw   2/6/21   At  Monroe,  an  unknovm  white  man burned  for  crime  unknown. Richland   11 1    7/15/01  At  Girard,  Theft. 1    9/8/09  At  Mangham,  Rape, 1  11/20/09  At  Delhi,  Murder. 1    3/14/10  At  Rayville,  Murder. Iw   7/10/10  At  Rayville,  "cause  unknown." 1  11/8/11  At  Delhi,  Murder. 1    4/25/12  At  Delhi,  "unnamed  offense." 3    2/26/18  At  Rayville,  "stealing  hogs." 1    7/I8/I8  At  Mangham,  Murder. xc 244 one  with  "threats  to  kill";  one.  Rape;  one,  "keeping  a  gambl- ing house",  and  one  v/ith  "living  v/lth  a  white  woman".  The last  lynching  in  the  Parish  was  on  August  30,  1922:   "The body  of  Thomas  Rivers,  said  to  have  confessed  to  an  assault on  a  v/hite  woman,  was  found  hanging  from  the  limb  of  a  tree. He  was  taken  from  officers  by  a  mob  as  he  was  being  trans- ferred to  Benton,  Louisiana,  for  safekeeping,' The  23  lynchings  in  Caddo  Parish  have  been  scatter- ed over  a  period  of  25  years.   The  longest  time  in  v/hich  there has  not  been  a  lynching  in  the  Parish  was  a  little  over  three years.   In  those  years  in  which  there  were  lynchings  the number  ranged  from  one  to  nine.   Seven  of  the  victims  were charged  with  rape  or  attempted  rape,  and  the  same  niunber v/ith  murder.   Other  crimes  for  which  lynchings  occurred  were Robbery,  "insulting  white  women",  "intimacy  with  white woman",  and  "associating  with  white  v/oman".  The  latter case  v/as  that  of  Lester  Leggett  who  "was  lynched  by  a  party of  men  who  kidnapped  him.   His  body  was  foxind  riddled  v/ith bullets.   The  police  claimed  that  complaints  had  been received  that  Leggett  was  associating  with  white  v/oman,""'' The  last  lynching  in  Caddo  Parish  occurred  on  August  4, 1926  near  Lachute,   "John  Norris,  24  years  old,  was  sur- rounded in  a  cotton  field  and  shot  to  death  by  a  posse seeking  him  for  an  attack  on  a  12  year  old  girl.   He  was reported  killed  v/hile  trying  to  escape,"''' 6,  Thirteenth  Annual  Report,  NAACP,  p.  37,  1922, 7,  Supplement  of  ihirty  Years  Lynching,  NAACP, 245 The  17  lynchings  In  Ouachita  Parish  occurred between  1906  and  1922,   In  1910  the  Negro  population  of the  Parish  was  54.8  per  cent  and  in  1920,  45.8  per  cent. In  1920  there  were  398  illiterate  v/hites,  or  3.3  per  cent of  all  whites  above  10  years  of  age,  while  32.7  per  cent  of all  Negroes  of  that  age,  or  a  total  of  3,587  v/ere  illiterate, A  study  of  Table  XXXI  indicates  what  seems  even  more  evident when  one  reads  detailed  accounts  of  the  lynchings  in Ouachita  Parish:   That  inter-racial  friction  is  of  such a  nature  that  some  of  the  charges  against  Negroes  are "trumped  up"  and  thereby  false.   Although  not  one  person lynched  in  Ouachita  Parish  has  been  diarged  with  rape, more  than  one- third  of  the  member  have  been  lynched  for  a "sexual  crime".  It  is  not   usual,  for  example,  to  lynch a  Negro  woman  for  "keeping  a  disreputable  house",  and reports  ciirrent  in  at  least  one  of  the  adjoining  states indicate  that  white  men  in  Monroe  Louisiana  do  not  lynch all  v/omen  who  "keep  disreputable  houses". Another  case  suggesting  the  character  of  some of  the  charges  against  those  lynched  in  Ouachita  Parish is  that  of  George  Holden  who  was  lynched  near  Monroe  on April  29,  1919,   According  to  the  "Memphis  Commercial Appeal"  of  April  30,  Holden  v/as  taken  from  a  stretcher  on a  baggage  train,  and  shot  to  death.  He  had  been  vraxinded in  two  previous  attempts  to  lynch  him,   He^  was  accused  of writing  an  insulting  note  to  a  v/hite  woman.  The  Coroner* s jTiry  reported  that  the  Negro  "came  to  his  death  at  the rrT4' 246 hands  of  parties  unknown,"  On  May  12,  1919  a  reputable citizen  of  Shreveport  wrote  that  the  accusation  against Holden  was  a  "frame-up"  because  he  had  contracted  to  paint and  paper  a  number  of  houses.   Certain  white  men  had wanted  the  job,   Holden,  he  said,  was  not  guilty  of  the charge  of  Virrlting  an  insulting  note,  for  one  good  reason: He  could  not  v.Tite,   The  last  lynching  in  the  Parish  v/as that  of  a  white  man,   7«'e  have  been  unable  to  learn  the crime  against  him,  -  and  his  name  was  not  known  by  those who  lynched  him. During  the  past  decade  there  have  been  33  persons lynched  in  Louisiana,  and  in  the  past  five  years,  six.   The last  lynching  occurred  in  the  South-western  part  of  the state,  in  Beaugard  Parish,  which  had  never  before  had  a lynching  in  so  far  as  the  records  extend.   In  1927  a  Negro, whose  name  was  not  given  -  presiimably  a  stranger  at Dequincy  -  was  taken  by  a  mob  from  the  jail  v/here  he  had been  placed  for  a  crime  that  is  not  known.   The  Negro  v/as beaten,  then  shot  in  the  back.   He  died  in  a  Lake  Charles sanitarium, Texas It  has  been  said,  "Of  course  Texas  would  rank high  in  lynchlngs,  it  is  such  a  big  state."   Texas  is  a great  state  -  especially  in  size:   It  is  larger  than Germany,  or  Prancec   It  is  as  large  as  Pennsylvania, Illinois,  Ohio,  Wisconsin  and  New  York  combined.   A  Dallas 247 attorney  has  also  claimed  for  Texas,  "more  brass-bound Democrats  and  Democratic  officeholders;  more  Ku  Klux Klansmen,  killings  and  lynchlngs"  than  any  other  state. While  it  is  true  that  Texas  has  been  the  leading state  in  the  number  of  persons  lynched  during  some  of  the 28  years  under  consideration,  it  is  not  the  leading  state in  this  respect  over  the  whole  period.   This  the  attorney later  admits  v/ith  what  is  possibly  the  true  explanation. He  says:   "Texas  lynches,  mutilates,  and  burns  Negroes; but  •••  other  southern  states  rank  ahead  of  us  in  this pastime  -  they  have  more  Negroes  to  lynch,"   Some  of  the most  notorious  lynching  episodes  of  recent  years  have occurred  in  Texas,° Table  XXXII  shows  the  lynchlngs  in  Texas  by > crime  and   by  month  from  1900  to  1928,   During  the  period 213  persons  have  thus  met  death  -  171  Negroes,  35 Mexicans,  and  seven  whites.  Three  of  the  v/hites  were lynched  for  !.!urder,  tv/o  for  Rape,  and  the  crime  of  tv/o is  unknov/n,  Tv/enty-fotir  of  the  Mexicans  were  charged with  Miirder,  v/hile  two  were  lynched  for  Minor  Offenses, two  for  an  unknown  cause,  and  six  for  Banditry'-,   Sixty- six  o  about  39  per  cent  of  the  171  Negroes  were  lynched for  Murder;  58,  or  34  per  cent  were  charged  v/ith  Rape, and  26  v/ere  lynched  for  lylinor  Offenses  -  "race  prejudice", "marrying  a  white  woman",  "race  trouble  ,  "disagreement 8.  See  Chapter  IX,  Cases  7,  15, 248 TABLE  XXXII TEXAS:   LYNCHINGS  BY  CRIJIE  AND  BY  S¥A¥e  FROM  1900  to  1928' Bandl- Murder  Rape  Assault  Minor  Theft  try   Unknown  Total Month January     5     1 P  ehrxiar y  4  ( l"'*'" )  5  ( Im ) March April May Jtme July Aiigust 2 4 9(1*) 19  (3m) 6 6 8 4 5(lm)  10  (r^-) 11  (6m)   6(1'"') Septem.ber  10  (3m)   4 October   14(10m)  4 November   8(lin)   2 December   2(1^^)   2 1 1 0 0 0 8 1 0 1 0 0 11 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4(1^) (1'"") 0 14 10 0 1 1 0 1 20 2 7 0 0 2 34 1 3 0 0 0 19 0 3(lm) 0 0 2 22 2 0 0 6m 3(lm) 25 0 6 0 0 0 24 1 5(lm) 0 0 2 18 0 0 0 0 4(1*) 8 Totals 93   58 10 26 18 213 •JHJ- •M-*  Note:   Negroes,  171;  Mexicans,  35;  'ATiites,  7, •»  Those  marked  with  "m"  are  Mexicans,  and  those  marked (-"-)  are  whites. U  1.. 249 with  white  man",  etc.   The  crime  for  v/hich  14  Negroes have  paid  the  death  penalty  is  unlcnovm.   More  lynchings have  occurred  in  June  than  in  any  other  month,   September and  October  also  rank  high  as  lynching  months  in  Texas. Map  XV  indicates  that  the  size  of  the  state  has little  to  do  with  Texas  lynching  statistics.  More  than 200  of  the  lynchings  in  the  state  since  1900  have  occurred east  of  the  ninety-eighth  meridian  v/hich  is  less  than  one- third  of  the  way  across  the  state  from  east  to  west.  More- over, 88  of  the  lynchings  occurred  in  eight  counties.  Two of  these  have  had  seven  lynchings  each;  one  has  had  eight; and  two  others  have  had  nine  each.   The  other  three, Brazoria,  Harrison,  and  Cameron,  h-ave  had  11,  12,  and  25 respectively, Cameron  County  leads  in  the  number  of  lynchings with  25,  not  one  of  v/hich  was  a  Negro,   All  were  Mexicans except  one.  In  1920  there  v/ere  10,670  foreign-born, practically  all  Mexicans,  in  the  county,  or  29.1  per  cent of  the  total  population.   There  were  3,459  native  white illiterates  and  4,766  foreign-born  illiterates.   Practical- ly one-half  of  the  small  number  of  771  Negroes  are  ignorant laborers,  unable  to  read  and  v/rite  their  names,  but  not one  has  been  lynched.  Eight  of  the  Mexicans  v/ere  charged with  Miirder,  and  the  remaining  17  were  lynched  for  "train- wrecking  and  murder",  and  "banditry".   The  v/hite  man  - the  last  person  lynched  in  the  county  -  was  foreman  of  a ranch.   He  v/as  shot  to  death  on  February  2,  1922  after  his -o friiJ/X    Oal 251 refusal  to  heed  a  warning  to  leave  the  covuatry.  "A'hy,  and by  whom  he  was  v/arned  and  shot  is  not  knovm. In  Brazoria  Cotmty  11  persons  have  been  lynched. These  lynchings  were  scattered  over  a  period  of  17  years, beginning  in  1903  when  two  Negroes  v;ere  hanged  for  Miirder, Every  person  lynched  in  this  county  -  all  Negroes  -  has been  accused  of  murder  except  two  and  they  were  lynched for  "aidj.ng  inurderer  in  escape".   This  is  the  only  county in  the  South  v/ith  as  many  as  ten  lynchings  since  1900  in which  not  one  of  the  victims  was  accused  of  any  crime  in connection  with  a  woman,  Fovoc   of  the  11  persons  in Brazoria  County  met  that  fate  for  murdering  the  Sheriff of  the  adjoining  county  of  Vi/harton,  Two  Negroes  were  charg- ed with  the  murder,  and  two  v/ith  aiding  them  to  escape. All  were  lynched  just  across  the  Brazoria  line. In  1920  there  v/ere  6,574  Negroes  in  this  county  - a  decrease  since  1910  from  46.9  per  cent  to  31.9  per  cent of  the  total  population.   There  has  been  a  gradual  in- crease in  farm  tenancy  in  the  county  since  1900,   Three per  cent  of  the  whites  and  21.8  per  cent  of  the  Negroes are  illiterate.  The  last  lynching  in  the  county  occurred more  than  seven  years  ago.   On  September  16,  1920  Oscar Beasley  was  taken  from  the  jail  at  Angle ton  and  lynched by  a  mob  of  300  m.en.   He  had  been  indicted  by  the  grand jury  for  murdering  sheriff  Joe  Snow  of  Brazoria  County, In  Harrison  County  12  Negroes  have  been  lynched since  1900,   I/Iore  than  60  per  cent  of  the  population  of 252 the  coxinty  during  this  period  has  been  black.  In  1903 Walker  Davis  was  lynched  for  Murder,   On  April  27,  1909 a  Negro  v/as  lynched  for  Rape,  and  three  days  later three  were  lynched  for  Mvirder,   On  February  25,  1923  a Negro  was  lynched  near  Marshall  for  Murder  and  another at  Karnach  a  fev/  miles  away  for  "horse  stealing".   On Avigust  22,  1917  Charles  Jones  was  lynched  for  "attempted rape".   The  last  lynching  in  the  county  occurred  on June  17,  1919  when  Lemuel  liValters  v/as  shot  to  death  by  a mob  at  Longview.   He  was  taken  from  the  jail,  dragged through  the  streets  to  the  suburbs,  and  tied  to  a  tree. His  body  was  riddled  with  bullets,  after  which  it  was left  naked  by  the  roadside.   The  cause  of  the  lynching is  indicated  in  a  newspaper  report  dated  from  Longview: "a  prominent  v/hite  woman  is  reported  to  have  said  to friends  that  she  loved  Walters  and  would  marry  him  if  she were  in  another  state.  This  was  repeated  to  the  authori- ties who  arrested  him  without  charge.   Sheriff  opened  jail to  the  mob," The  nine  persons  lynched  in  Sabine  County,  Texas, all  met  that  fate  on  Jiine  22,  1908,  at  Hemphill  for Murder, In  Walker  County  a  Negro  was  lynched  in  1905 for  Rape,   The  other  six  persons  lynched  in  the  county since  1900  met  that  fate  in  1918,  at  Huntsville,  when  a woman  and  her  five  children  were  lynched  for  alleged  threats to  avenge  the  killing  of  her  husband,  who  had  been  shot "while  resisting  arrest". 253 Of  the  seven  persons  lynched  In  Jefferson County,  two  were  charged  v/ith  murder,  one  with  "murder- ous assault",  one  with  rape,  and  one  was  lynched  by "mistaken  identity".   Since  1913  there  have  been  only  two lynchings  in  the  county,  one  in  1917  for  an  vmknown  cause, and  one  in  1918  for  "attacking  a  white  girl". The  eight  Negro  victims  of  mob  violence  in Montgomery  County  since  1900  v/ere  lynched  in  three  of  the 28  years.   On  February  28,  1908  occurred  the  first  lynching on  record  for  that  county.  Clem  Scott  was  lynched  for "attempted  rape".   Less  than  a  month  later,  on  March  24, three  Negroes  were  lynched,  one  at  Conroe  and  two  at Magnolia,  for  the  same  alleged  offense.  Fourteen  years passed  and  on  May  17,  1922  the  body  of  a  Negro  named Earle  "was  found  swinging  to  a  tree"  at  Conroe,   He  had been  arrested  following  screains  of  a  young  white  girl, placed  in  jail,  but  later  escaped.  He  v/as  lynched  "by unknov/n  men".   Three  days  later  "Joe  Winters,  said  to have  been  identified  as  the  assailant  of  a  white  girl, was  burned  to  death  in  the  courthouse  square".   On  June 23,  1922,  at  New  Dacus,  '.Varren  Lewis  was  hanged  by  a mob  of  300,  It  was  said  the  18  year  old  Negro  confessed that  he  attacked  a  white  woman. The  last  lynching  in  Montgomery  was  that  of  a Negro  in  1927  who  was  charged  with  "assault  to  murder"  a white  man.   This  was  the  only  case  in  which  a  lynching had  ever  occurred  in  the  county  without  some  charge  in connection  with  a  white  woman.   Possibly  this  means  that 254 they  only  lynch  for  this  offense;  possibly  it  means  that this  is  the  best  charge  to  bring  against  a  Negro  v/hom it  is  desired  for  any  reason  to  lynch.   That  no  actual case  of  rape  has  ever  been  alleged  may  indicate  the  latter, McLennan  County  has  had  eight  lynching s  and  one biirning  after  murder  since  1900,  scattered  over  a  period of  22  years.  Five  of  the  eight  Negroes  were  lynched  at Harrison  in  1901  "as  a  result  of  a  quarrel  over  profit- sharing".   In  1905,  August  5,  a  Negro  was  lynched  at  Y/aco for  Rape,   Eleven  years  later  the  next  lynching  in  the cotmty  occurred  when  Jessie  Washington  was  burned  in front  of  the  Mayor's  office  for  rape  and  murder,^  In 1921  a  white  man.  Curly  Hackney,  was  hanged  near  Waco, crime  unknovm.  The  last  "lynching"  in  McLennan  was  a postmortem  act  of  mob  violence  at  Vt'aco,   On  May  26,  1922, Jess  Thomas  was  charged  with  attacking  a  white  girl  after having  shot  her  escort.   The  girl's  father  shot  Thomas down,  fatally.  His  body  v/as  removed  to  an  Undertaking establishment  from  which  it  was  taken  by  a  mob  and  burned on  the  public  square. During  the  past  ten  years  Texas  mobs  have  taken the  life  of  55  men  and  women,   Vdiile  a  high  proportion  of these  have  been  charged  with  Murder  and  Rape,  some  were lynched  for  such  offenses  as  "\inknoTm  cause  ,  "alleged threats",  "refusing  to  leave  the  country",  and  "dis- agreement v/ith  white  man".  During  the  past  five  years 9,  See  Chapter  IX,  Case  No.   77 «  • 255 nine  persons  have  been  lynched  in  Texas,   One  was  lynched for  "reckless  driving"  in  which  he  injiired  a  Mexican woman.   His  hands  and  feet  were  cut  off,  after  which  he was  bxirned  to  death.   One  v/as  charged  with  "attacking  a white  girl"  and  another  with  rape.   One  was  shot  and two  -  a  man  and  his  wife  -  were  burned  to  death  for  re- fusing to  leave  the  house  in  which  they  lived,   "It  is believed  that  the  killings  were  meant  as  revenge  for  the slaying  of  Wallace  Growder,  a  white  man,  near  Houston, The  slain  Negroes,  however,  were  not  directly  connected with  the  white  man's  death,"    One  of  the  nine  met death  for  an  unknovm  cause,  and  another  for  Mvirder* The  last  lynching  in  Texas  occurred  near  Willis, in  Montgomery  County,  on  February  1,  1927,   Tom  Payne had  been  arrested,  charged  with  "assault  to  murder"  in connection  vdth  an  "attack"  on  a  white  sav/mill  worker. Fearing  mob  violence,  two  officers  started  to  Huntsville with  the  Negro  "for  safekeeping".   They  were  surrounded and  "disarmed"  by  an  unmasked  mob  of  white  men  near  V/illis, Payne  was  suspended  by  the  neck  from  the  limb  of  a  tree,-^ Mississippi It  has  been  said  that  "Mississippi  is  a  state that  appears  at  the  bottom  of  the  list  in  most  tables of  statistics,"   Not  so  with  regard  to  the  ntiraber  of  men and  v;omen  victims  of  mob  action.   In  this  respect  Mississippi 10,  Gathered  from  press  reports, 11.  Dispatch,  New  York  Times,  February  3,  1927. ij       ul. 256 stands  second  only  to  Georgia,  Mississippi  has  held  this rank,  since  1882,  and  possibly  since  the  early  "fifties" when  the  "Avigustan  Age  of  Murder"  belonged  to  California and  the  West,  and  when  white  men  were  hanged  for  as trifling  offenses  as  Negroes  have  been  lynched  in Mississippi  since  1900.   Since  1882  a  total  of  437  per- sons have  been  lynched,  25  of  whom  were  v/hite  men  and women  and  412,  or  94.3  per  cent  of  whom  were  Negro  men and  women.   Since  1900  Mississippi  ranks  next  to  Georgia in  the  total  number  of  persons  lynched  and  first  among all  the  states  in  the  nvunber  of  women  lynched. The  numerical  Negro  population  is  935,184. Mississippi  is  second  to  Georgia  in  this  respect,  but first  in  the  proportion  of  Negro  population,  with  52,2 per  cent,  which,  although  distributed  throughout  the state  is  concentrated  in  the  cotinties  along  the  River. In  13  of  these  counties  the  Negro  population  ranges above  75  per  cent;  in  seven  more,  above  62,  per  cent; and  in  five  others,  above  50  per  cent.   Three  counties on  the  eastern  border  of  the  state  have  a  Negro  popu- lation of  above  62,5  per  cent. Mississippi  ranks  second  to  the  lowest  among all  states  in  the  Nation  in  the  percentage  of  total  tax levy  devoted  to  education,  in  the  value  of  school  pro- perty per  school  child  enrolled,  in  the  annual  salary paid  to  school  teachers,  and  third  in  both  v/hite  and Negro  illiteracy.   She  ranks  first  in  the  percentage  of 257 children  of  school  age,  vifhite  and  black,  not  in  school, and  first  in  the  number  of  counties  in  which  six  or TO more  persons  have  been  lynched  since  1900«    Some counties  with  a  Negro  population  of  75  per  cent  have had  no  lynchings.   Others  with  as  low  as  16  per  cent Negro  population  have  had  from  six  to  10  lynchings.  In the  state  as  a  whole  29»3  per  cent  of  the  Negroes  and 3,3  per  cent  of  the  whites  are  illiterate.  Apparently, hov/ever,  there  is  no  relationship  between  the  number  or proportion  of  illiterates  and  the  niimber  of  lynchings in  particular  counties.  This  is  indicated  by  Table XX  in  Chapter  VII,   The  range  in  white  illiteracy  in  the counties  listed  in  this  Table  is  from  1,1  per  cent  to 6  per  cent;  and  the  range  for  the  Negro  population  is from  16,2  per  cent  to  50.0  per  cent.   In  the  same  counties the  percentage  of  Negro  population  in  1910  ranged  from 17,5  to  90,7  and  in  1920,  from  16,0  to  89,3,   In  Smith County  which  has  had  six  lynchings  since  1900  the numerical  Negro  population  v/as  2,594,  v/hile  Bolivar Co\mty  with  a  Negro  population  of  47,533  has  had  seven lynchings  during  the  period. Table  XXXV  shows  the  lynchings  in  Mississippi by  crime,  by  month  and  race  since  1900,  During  this period  14  white  men,  11  Negro  -,vomen,  and  241  Negro  men  - 12.  Cf.  Table  XXII,  Chapter  VII;  Negro  Year  Book,  1925-5,  up, 292-293;  Table  XX  ,  Chapter  VII  (infra);  Biireau  of Education,  Bulletin  No.  90;  Vol.  Ill,  Biennial  Survey  of Education,  pp.  145,  154,  198,  quoted  in  "These  United States,  E,  Gruening,  "First  Series",  p.  ZW, •£; : r^j   :ffj 258 TABLE  XXXV MISSISSIPPI:   LYNCHIKGS  BY  CRBffi,  BY  MONTH,  AND  BY  RACE, Prom  1900  to  1928 Month Murder  Rape  Asaault  %nor  Theft  Arson  Unknown  Total January 9 4 1 0 0 0 3 17 February- 14(lw) 4 0 0 0 2 1 21 March 6 5 0 3 0 4 3 21 April 8(lw) 3 0 0 0 0 4 15 May- 7 4(lw) 2 8 0 1 1 23 June 19 7 4(1-"-) 3 0 0 3 36 July 8(lw) 6 2 4 4(3w) 0 3w 27 August 8 4 2 1 0 1 2 18 September 12 6 0 3 0 1 3 25 October 16(2w) 6 2 1 4 0 0 29 November 7(lw) 7 2 1 Iw 2 0 20 December 10 2 1 1 0 0 0 14 Totals    124(5w)  58(lw)  loCr-")  25    9(4w)    11    23(3w)  266(14w) ^'   This  victim  was  listed  as  "a  desperado",  at  Chunky,  Nev/ton County,  Mississippi,  June  16,  1911;  name,  William  Bradford, Negro, 259 a  total  of  266  persons  -  have  been  lynched  in  the  state. Of  this  niimber  124  were  charged  with  Murder,   One  wlxLte man  and  47  Negroes  were  lynched  for  rape,  attempted  rape, or  "attack  upon  a  white  woman".   The  cause  of  the  lynch- ing of  20  Negroes  and  three  whites  is  not  knovm.   Twenty- five  Negroes  were  lynched  for  Minor  Offenses,  and  tv/enty others  for  Arson  and  Theft  combined. iJVhlle  more  lynchings  have  occurred  in  June  than in  any  other  month  of  the  year,  the  total  number  is  more evenly  distributed  throughout  all  months  of  the  year  than in  any  other  state  except  Louisiana,,  This  is  shown graphically  by  Chart  VII,  The  highest  number  were  lynched in  June  v/ith  36,   The  lynchings  for  imarder  are  highest in  June  and  October,  which  possibly  indicates  a  relation- ship betv/een  lynchings  and  "crop  settlements".  It  is notable  that  in  this  state  the  charge  of  rape  against  mob victims  is  more  evenly  distributed  over  all  months  than in  any  other  state. Map  XVI  shov/s  the  dispersion  of  lynchings  over the  different  counties  of  Mississippi.   The  majority  of these  have  occurred  along  the  Mississippi  River  and  along the  eastern  border  of  the  state,  from  North  to  South, The  least  number  of  lynchings  have  occtirred  in  the  North- central  part  of  the  state.   There  are  only  18  counties, of  the  total  82,  in  Mississippi,  in  which  there  has  not been  one  or  more  lynchings  since  1900,   In  19  counties with  six  or  more  lynchings  diiring  the  period,  a  total of  135  persons  have  thus  met  death.   The  coiinties  in  which rtj: C^.<Liy2.-iLyL^l.^ty<^    '. nT>PJyLlU|IUl[lllUII!l|l|lll|.'ll|l/TXl    ,.ll!  nil    ■ 260 tl*At:0f^ yj ccwvi-ti-/^-- 50 ■|-::_:-rn-Ttn--f Trtl"rH^ir?t:t-ni'^t+H..iM,H-iH+t--^-HH----tt'-H).).-hH44-H^it-M~HmW-mtt--t^i-H^11^^-;HtiH-----tH The    I  B«    ProhfbttH   CopyInK   or   Rciirn:Iut  lion   It?    Anj    I'rocciiti    lor    Pfmonnl    I  «c  or    Rmnlr. Miitistippi The  l.n«    Prohibits   Copylnp  or   Bcitrotlucilon  I>j    Any    ProccsM   (or    PrrwonnI    I'nv  or   V.eMnXe, 262 there  have  been  no  lynchings  are  scattered  from  one  end of  the  state  to  the  other  and  apparently  have  no  rela- tionship to  the  proportion  of  Negro  population, Jackson  County  in  the  South-east  corner  of  the state  has  had  six  persons  lynched  since  1900  but  only three  mob  episodes.   Two  of  the  number  were  lynched  in February,  1901,  one  for  Murder  and  one  for  Rape,   The next  and  last  lynching  in  the  coTonty  was  that  of  four Negroes  in  1908  for  "incendiarism". The  North-west  county  of  Mssissippl  is  De Soto  in  which  there  have  been  eight  persons  lynched  over a  period  of  27  years  beginning  in  1900,   Of  this  nvunber one five  were  charged  with  murder,  two  with  rape,  ancywith theft.   The  last  lynching  in  the  cotinty  occvirred  on March  22,  1926,   "An  \inidentified  Negro  v/as  lynched  by  an unmasked  band  of  white  men  for  an  alleged  attack  on  a young  white  woman,"   Sheriff  Thompson  reported  that  he  was unable  to  establish  the  identity  of  the  members  of  the mob.   The  lynching  occurred  on  the  farm  of  William  Lauder- dale, a  white  man.   He  reported  that  the  Negro  was  lynched while  he  had  gone  to  telephone  the  sheriff, ^"^ Kemper  County,  with  a  Negro  population  of  56,5 per  cent  and  a  Negro  illiteracy  of  30  per  cent,  is  one  of eastern  border  coxxnties  about  midway  of  the  state  north and  south.  In  this  county  eight  persons  have  been  lynched 13,  Supplement  to  the  "Thirty  ^ears  Lynching",  NA^CP, 263 over  a  period  of  19  years  beginning  in  1906.   Five  of the  number  were  lynched  for  Murder,  one  for  Theft,  one for  "alleged  rape",  and  one  for  "attempted  rape".   The last  lynching  in  the  county  was  that  of  Harry  Shelton at  Scoba,  on  July  20,  1924,   He  was  charged  with  attempt- ed rape,  and  placed  in  jail.  Later  a  mob  took  him  from the  jail  and  hanged  him  outside  of  town. In  Noxubee  Covinty,  the  next  north  of  Kemper, seven  Negroes  met  death  betv/een  1901  and  1927  at  the hands  of  mobs.   In  1901  tv/o  Negroes  were  lynched  for Arson,  after  which  there  was  no  lynching  in  the  county for  12  years  when  C.  W,  Edd  was  hanged  for  Murder,   In 1915  another  Negro  was  lynched  for  Murder,   Again  there were  no  lynchings  for  12  years,  when  in  1927  three  Negroes thus  met  death.   On  April  2,  two  unknown  Negroes  accused of  murder  were  burned  to  death  at  Macon,   The  last  lynch- ing in  the  cotmty  was  on  May  20,  1927  when  Dan  Anderson, "alleged  to  have  confessed  that  he  killed  a  young  v/hite farmer  was  lynched  by  a  mob  which  took  him  from  officers. More  than  200  shots  were  fired  into  his  body, "•'■'* Of  the  eight  persons  lynched  in  Sunflov/er  County seven  were  charged  with  murder  and  one  v/ith  "attempted assault".   There  has  not  been  a  lynching  in  the  county  for the  past  15  years. In  Q:uitman  County,  on  the  other  hand,  four  of  the seven  persons  lynched  since  1900  have  been  charged  with 14,  Nev/spaper  clipping.   See  Chapter  IX  for  Case  (No. 12)  in Clarke  County,  on  the  eastern  border  of  the  state,  which has  had  six  lynchings  since  1900, 264 Rape,  the  last  of  whom  was  burned  at  the  stake  on  Axigust 23,  1922.   Two  were  charged  v/lth  murder,  one  in  1902  and the  other  in  1913,   On  November  8,  1919,  according  to the  "Memphis  Commercial  Appeal",  Robert  Motley  was  lynched as  a  result  of  a  dispute  over  a  crop  settlement  between himself  and  P.  P.  Cassidy.   "A  llr,    Slvely  went  to  Cassidy»3 aid  on  the  dispute  and  was  shot  by  Will  Motley,  brother of  Robert,  who  escaped,   Sively  died  as  a  result  of  his wound.  Robert  Motley  was  taken  to  jail  on  November  7 where  he  remained  until  the  night  of  the  8th,   when  an armed  mob  forced  its  way  in  and  hanged  him,-'-^ Washington  Coiinty  has  a  Negro  population  of 41,640  or  81,5  per  cent  of  the  total.   Since  1900  there have  been  six  lynching  episodes  and  10  persons  lynched  in this  coTinty.   In  1901,  on  July  11,  three  "suspected  cattle thieves"  were  lynched  at  Erwin,  and  two  other  white  men were  lynched  for  an  unknown  cause,  probably  also  cattle stealing.   In  1903  a  Negro  was  lynched  for  alleged  rape, and  another  in  1905  for  Murder,  ^n   August  17,  1909 William  Robertson  was  lynched  for  an  "unnamed  cause" Three  yee^rs  later  a  Negro  was  lynched  for  "attempted rape",  and  in  1914  the  last  lynching  in  the  county  occurred at  Leland  when  Sam  Petty  was  shot  on  February  24,  for Murder, Of  the  persons  lynched  in  Tunica  Govmty,  seven met  that  fate  for  Murder,  three  for  burglary  and  one  for 15,  See  Commercial  Appeal,  Movember  11,  15,  19, 265 "attempted  rape".   There  has  not  been  a  ^-jnching  in  this county  for  20  years, Harrison  County  has  a  high  percentage  of  v/hite illiteracy  and  a  relatively  low  percentage  of  both  Negro population  and  illiteracy.  In  this  coxinty  six  persons have  been  put  to  death  by  mobs  over  a  period  of  23  years beginning  in  1900,   On  June  10,  1900  a  Negro  was  lynched for  "suspected  murder",  and  in  December  another  for Murder,  In  1903  Samuel  Adams  was  lynched  for  Rape  and in  1904  an  unlcnown  Negro  v/as  lynched  for  Murder,   In  1908 Henry  Leidy  v/as  lynched,  on  November  10,  for  Rape,   There was  not  another  lynching  in  the  county  for  14  years.   On March  22,  1922,  Alexander  Smith,  "said  to  have  been  the operator  of  a  house  of  ill-fame  from  which  two  white girls  had  been  removed,  was  hanged  from  a  bridge"  near Gulf  Port, Chart  VIII  shows  graphically  the  proportion lynched  in  Mississippi  for  the  28  year  period  for  various offenses.   Of  the  266  persons  lynched  in  64  co\inties  in of  the  state  since  1900,  124  or  46,6  per  cent  were  charged with  Murder,   This  number  includes  six  of  the  14  whites lynched.   The  crime  for  which  three  of  the  whites  were lynched  is  not  known;  four  were  lynched  for  theft,  one for  Rape  and  another  for  being  "a  desperado".  Forty- seven Negroes  and  the  one  white  man  make  a  proportion  of  21,7 per  cent  lynched  for  Rape  -  including  "attempted  rape" and  "attacks  upon  white  v/omen".   It  is  notable  that  about I 267 10  per  cent  of  the  total  number  in  Mississippi  have  been charged  with  I.Ilnor  Offenses,  and  that  about  7,5  per  cent were  charged  with  Theft  and  Arson  combined.   Among  the Minor  Offenses,  which  have  precipitated  mob  action  in Mississippi  are  the  following:   "race  prejudice",  "race rioter",  "striking  a  six-year-old  white  girl",  "threats", and  "lawlessness". Since  1917  there  have  been  71  lynchings  in Mississippi,  an  average  of  10  per  year.  During  the  past five  years  22  Negro  men,  one  Negro  v/oman,  and  on©  white man  have  met  death  at  the  hands  of  Mississippi  mobs. The  white  man,  "Doc"  Jackson,  was  lynched  for  Murder, The  Negro  girl  was  lynched  by  a  mob  in  search  of  her brother.   There  were  no  charges  reported  against  her personally.   Of  the  total  number  lynched  during  the  past five  years,  11  v/ere  charged  with  murder,  two  with  rape, five  v.'ith  "attacks"  or  "attempted  attacks"  upon  women; another  v/as  lynched  "for  entering  the  room  of  a  v/hite woman",  one  for  fighting  an  officer,  one  for  stabbing a  Y/hite  man,  one  for  striking  a  v/hite  child,  and  another for  "beating  a  board  bill".   The  latter  case  was  that  of iernice  Rasberry  v/ho  v/as  taken  from  the  jail  at  Leakesville on  May  25,  1927  "by  a  masked  band  of  about  100  men  and strung  up  to  a  tree.   His  body  was  then  riddled  with bullets.   He  had  been  arrested  on  a  charge  of  beating  a board  bill  after  which  the  sheriff  v/as  informed  that  he was  Y/anted  at  Bothv/ell,  Mississippi,  for  alleged  improper exio 268 conduct  with  a  white  woman." In  1927  Mississippi  had  the  highest  number  of lynchings  that  had  occurred  in  that  state  since  1922, There  was  a  total  of  seven,  five  charged  with  Murder,  one with  beating  a  board  bill  (Rasberry  case),  and  one  v/ith "attack  upon  a  white  woman".   In  April  tv/o  Negroes  accused of  murder  were  burned  to  death  in  Macon,  Mississippi,   On June  13,  at  Louisville,  Mississippi,  "Jim  and  Marx  Pox, brothers,  accused  of  having  slain  Clarence  Nichols,  a sawmill  superintendent,  were  seized  by  a  mob,  paraded through  the  streets  and  then  taken  a  short  distance  from town,  where  they  were  tied  to  a  telephone  post, . saturated with  gasoline,  and  burned  to  death.   The  men  were  taken from  officers  who  were  taking  them  to  Jackson,  for IV safekeeping," The  last  lynching  in  Mississippi  occurred  near Yazoo  City,   Joe  Smith  is  alleged  to  have  "attempted  to attack  a  young  white  girl".   On  July  7  his  body,  "full  of hot  lead",  v/as  found  hanging  to  the  limb  of  a  tree, Georgia Georgia  has  more  Negro  population  than  any  state in  the  Union,  but  this  population  is  decreasing.  From 45,1  per  cent  in  1910  there  v/as  a  decrease  to  41,7  per  cent. Table  XXXIV  shows  the  lynchings  in  Georgia  since  1900  by 16,  See  Mobile,  Alabma,  Register,  May  26,  1927, 17,  New  York  Times,  June  l2,  and  July  8,  1927. 269 TABLE  XXXIV GEORGIA:   LYNCHINGS  BY  GRIME  AND  BY  MONTH,  WHITE  AND  NEGRO From  1900  to  1928 Month Murder  Raroe  Assault  Minor  Theft  Arson  Unknown  Total January 11 3 5 1 0 0 2 22 February 8 8(3w) 1 3 2 0 1 23 March 10 5 1 1 0 0 3 20 April 3 7 2 2 1 1 1 17 May 26(lw) 5 2 5 0 0 0 38 June 16 11 1 0 0 0 3 31 July 6(2w) 9(lw) 3 4 2 0 Iw 25 August 15(lw) 7(lw) 1 7 1 0 1 32 September ■  ll(lw) 10 1 0 3 0 0 25 October 9 6 3 7 1 0 1 27 November 9 3 1 3 0 0 0 16 December 6(lw) 0 0 1 0 1 6 14 Unknown 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 3 Total 130 (6w) 74 (5w) 21 34 10 2 22 293(12w) 270 race,  by  month  and  by  crime.   Twelve  wlalte  men,  273  Negro men  and  eight  Negro  women  have  been  lynched  during  the period.   Of  the  total  293,  130  have  been  lynched  for Murder,  69  Negroes  and  five  v/hites  for  Rape,  21  Negroes for  Assault,  ten  for  Theft,  two  for  /irson,  while  the crime  of  21  Negroes  and  one  white  man  is  not  known. Thirty-four  Negroes  have  been  lynched  for  Minor  Offenses, The  highest  number  lynched  per  month  v/as  in  May,  with  38, Next  comes  August  with  32  and  June  with  31,   Chart  IX shows  that  the  greatest  proportion  of  all  persons  lynched in  Georgia  since  1900  have  met  that  fate  in  the  spring and  summer.  Twenty-five  lynching s  have  occurred  in September  and  27  in  October, Map  XVIII  shows  the  distribution  of  lynchings in  Georgia  over  the  various  counties,  VVhlle  no  section of  the  state  has  been  free  from  this  type  of  mob  action, the  fewest  lynchings  have  occurred  in  the  South-east  and North-v/est  portions.   In  the  latter  section  Negro  popu- lation is  very  low.   The  Georgia  "Black  Belt"  reaches across  the  South-eastern  part  of  the  state  at  a  point  ' below  the  line  of  the  worst  lynchings  counties.   The counties  in  which  most  of  the  lynchings  have  occurred have  on  the  average  about  50  per  cent  Negro  population, although  again  there  is  no  apparent  correlation  betv/een the  ntimerical  or  proportional  Negro  population  and  the number  of  lynchings. This  is  shovm  by  Table  XX,  Chapter  VII,   This Table  indicates  that  the  percentage  of  Negro  illiteracy •  cfn- ^i^jfyi/^-ii^^-i^^^^f^--      'Su-^  ,     /T|  (5-aA>-^X_' 273 Is  higher,  on  the  average,  in  the  lynchings  counties,  but that  this  is  not  true  of  the  v/hites.  The  percentage  of Negro  population  in  those  counties  having  six  or  more lynchings  since  1900  ranges  from  35.2  to  74.2,  and  the Negro  illiteracy  in  these  counties  ranges  from  19.7  per cent  to  43.2  per  cent  as  compared  to  29.1  per  cent  for  the state  as  a  whole,  Vrtilte  illiteracy  in  these  coujities  ranges from  2.3  per  cent  to  8.0  per  cent  as  compared  to  5,4  per cent  for  the  state. The  two  eastern  coTAnties  with  six  or  more  mob victims  since  1900  are  Bulloch  and  Columbia.   The  six  in Bulloch  County  v/ere  lynched  over  a  period  of  eight  years, beginning  in  1901  when  Kennedy  Gordon  v/as  shot  at  Portal for  attempted  rape.  Three  years  later  two  Negroes  were lynched  at  Statesboro  on  April  16,  for  Murder,  and  on  the following  day  two  more,  a  man  and  his  son,  for  "race prejudice".   On  A\:igust  50  of  the  same  year,  1904, Sebastian  McBride  v/as  hanged  at  Portal  en  account  of "race  prejudice".   The  last  lynchings  in  the  county occurred  20  years  ago.   On  February  17,  1908  a  Negro was  lynched  at  Statesboro  for  Rape,  and  on  February  24 another  for  the  same  offense.  He  was  proved  innocent  of the  charge  -  but  too  late. The  six  lynchings  in  Columbia  County,  on  the other  hand,  were  scattered  over  a  period  of  23  years. On  May  13,  1900  Alex  v;hitney  was  shot  at  Harlem  for Murder,  and  on  the  following  day  a  Negro  was  lynched  at 274 Grovetown,  for  the  same  offense.   In  1904,  on  May  15, a  Negro  was  lynched  at  Appling  for  Rape,   The  next  lynch- ing in  the  county  occurred  on  February  20,  1910  when  Dan Lumpkin  met  that  awful  fate  for  'alleged  complicity  in murder".  Five  years  passed,  and  on  February  4,  a  Negro was  lynched  at  Evans  for  Rape,   The  last  lynching  in Columbia  County  v/as  on  March  12,  1922  near  Harlem, Alfred  Williams,  charged  with  having  shot  a  v/hite  farmer with  whom  he  had  engaged  in  a  dispute,  v/as  being  taken to  jail  by  officers  and  citizens.   A  mob  "took"  Williams from  them  and  lynched  him. In  South  Georgia  five  counties  have  had  six  or more  persons  lynched  since  1900,"^°  Coffee  County,  with a  Negro  population  of  35,2  per  cent  in  1910  and  31.6  per cent  in  1920,  has  had  seven  over  a  period  of  27  years. On  May  4,  1900  Marshall  Jones  was  shot  at  Douglas  for Murder,  after  which  there  was  not  a  lynching  in  the county  for  18  years.  In  February,  1918,  Ed  Dansy  killed tv/o  officers  and  v/ounded  two  others  at  vYillacoochee, for  which  a  mob  promptly  lynched  him.   On  August  28,  1919 Eli  Cooper  v/as  shot  in  a  church  house  by  members  of  a  mob who  had  brought  him  from  Laxorens  County,   The  church  in which  the  body  was  left  v;as  biirned,  along  with  other churches  and  a  lodge  building.   Cooper  was  alleged  to have  been  a  "leader  among  the  Negroes"  who  were  said  to 18,  For  an  analysis  of  the  18  lynchings  in  Brooks  and  Lov/ndes counties,  see  Chapter  IX,  Case  No,  3, 275 bo  "planning  to  rise  up  and  wipe  out  the  white  people". In  1920,  on  November  18,  two  Negro  men  and  a  Negro  woman were  lynched  by  a  mob  of  150.   The  Negroes  had  been arrested  for  killing  a  white  man,  and  v/ere  being  taken  to jail  by  the  Sheriff  and  two  Deputies,  The  mob  "demanded" them  of  the  officers,  and  shot  them.   The  last  lynching in  Coffee  County  was  that  of  Dave  Yv'right,  a  white  man, on  August  30,  1928,  at  7/aycross',  He  was  in  jail,  charged with  the  murder  of  a  Mrs,  Sophie  Rollins  on  August  28, Tv/enty-five  men  "overpowered"  Sheriff  Tanner,  took  his keys,  removed  IVright  from  the  jail  and  lynched  him. Of  the  12  persons  lynched  in  Decatur  and  Mitchell cotmties  since  1900  two  were  charged  with  murder,  four  with Rape,  two  "crime  unknown";  one  v/as  lynched  for  Arson,  and two  for  "disputing  white  man*s  word".  The  latter  case  was that  of  Collins  and  D.  C.  Johnson,  brothers,  at  Sale  City, Mitchell  County,  on  November  17,  1917,   One  of  the  twelve was  lynched  presumably  to  cover  up  a  "mistake".   On November  23,  1920  a  Negro  shot  and  killed  James  E,  Adams of  Worth  County  in  a  quarrel  about  a  road  across  the Adams  plantation.   On  November  24  the  body  of  Curly McKelvey,  brother  to  the  Negro  who  killed  Adama,  was "hanged  to  a  tree  and  riddled  v/lth  bullets".  The  reports of  the  affair  indicate  that  a  member  of  the  posse  in  search of  the  murderer  shot  his  brother,  after  which  he  was  hanged to  the  tree  and  his  dead  body  riddled  with  bullets. In  Bleckley,  and  Dodge  counties  in  the  center  of 276 the  state  15  persons  have  been  lynched  over  a  period  of 20  years  since  1900.   Of  this  number  two  v;ere  lynched for  Murder,  three  for  Assault,  two  for  Rape,  three  for an  "unknown"  crime,  one  by  "mistaken  identity",  and  one for  "having  a  message  for  the  Negroes".   This  v/as  the  cas« of  an  \inldentified  Negro  v/ho  was  taken  from  a  passenger train  at  Cochran  on  August  4,  1919,  and  placed  in  the "City  Barracks",   The  next  day  his  body  was  "Found  sv/ing- ing  to  a  tree  50  yards  from  Cochran  and  Eastman  line". According  to  Associated  Press  reports  the  Negro  v/as  taken from  the  train  when  word  vms  received  that  he  had  come from  Chicago  with  a  "message"  for  the  Negroes  of  Geoi'gia. Members  of  his  own  race  are  reported  to  have  said  that the  victim  boasted  the  Negroes  of  Georgia  were  going  to  do what  they  had  done  in  Chicago.   He  was  lynched  "by  uji- knovm  parties". The  eight  Negroes  lynched  in  Oconee  County  all met  that  fate  at  Watkinsville  on  June  29,  1905.   Seven v/ere  charged  with  Murder  and  one  with  Rape. The  seven  lynchirjgs  in  Bibb  County  occurred  over a  period  of  eleven  years.   The  first  was  that  of  Charles Pov/ell,  on  February  4,  1912,  for  "assault  and  robbery". In  1915  two  v/hites,  Valliam  Green  and  son,  v/ere  lynched at  Macon  for  "alleged  murder".   A  Negro  was  lynched  near Macon  for  Mxirder  on  February  12,  1916  and  on  Septem.ber  3, 1918  John  Gilham  v/as  lynched  for  "attacking  a  white woman".   On  November  3,  1919  Paul  Jones  was  taken  from 277 two  officers  at  Macon  and  burned  to  death  for  "attacking a  white  woman".   The  last  lynching  in  the  county  was  that of  a  Negro  v/ho  was  accused  of  murdering  a  Deputy  Sheriff at  Holton,  on  August  1,  1S22. Chart  X  shows  graphically  the  proportion  of  all persons  lynched  in  Georgia  since  1900  for  various  crimes. Of  the  total  293,  the  highest  number  were  lynched  for Hiurder*   Six,  or  50  per  cent  of  the  whites,  and  124 Negroes,  or  44  per  cent  of  the  total  were  lynched  for this  crinif.  It  is  notable  that  five  of  the  12  whites  were accused  of  Rape,   Of  the  total  281  Negroes,  69  or  23  per cent  were  charged  with  Rape.   Twenty-one  of  the  Negroes or  7  per  cent  were  charged  v/ith  Assault  -  v/hich  usually means  fighting  with  a  white  man.  Especially  since  1910  one rarely  finds  in  the  pages  of  any  southern  newspaper  a  re- port of  a  v/hite  man  and  a  Negro  engaging  in  a  "fight".   It is  the  general  rule  to  state  that  the  Negro  "assaulted  the white  man",  or  that  he  attempted  "murderous  assault"  upon the  white  man.   Ten  Negroes  have  been  lynched  in  Georgia for  Theft  and  21  others  for  an  "unknown  cause",  since  1900, A  total  of  34,  or  11,5  per  cent  of  all  persons  lynched during  the  period  met  that  fate  for  Mnor  Offenses,  In Georgia  Minor  Offenses  mean:   "race  prejudice",  "labor troubles",  "conspiracy  to  do  violence",  "window  peeping", "disputing  v/hite  man's  word"  and  "jtunping  labor  contract". During  the  past  decade  82  Negroes  and  two  whites have  been  lynched  in  Georgia,  while  diiring  the  last  five 0  " '•;o'.L   ..aiiOi. \,-- Oj     Oi-vJ      iO •i&q   i-=^   'lii ■  !       ;      ri  r  ^r>    , Jt^^y^L^yo^ <Y  ^!a>-^.  /7^^ T-)ur m U-l!UIJ!ilHM!l!!HIK'HI!!l!!!llll!!!!-!RWRffl UMtJ^- a ai-/vA/0^ — \ /^>^uuiU/V-- ifj|iill!IIH!l!-|tt (1  \  iUL<A.O/\jW> .ii /c       io      3  0     i-t>      it'o      jo      70      to     9  0     /aj     //j     y^-J     /.Xd 0\ *ir~ JiXL. ^P Jl-O. 1^ /f  tf /-ij 279 years  nine  Negroes  and  two  whites  have  "been  lynched.  In contrast  to  some  of  the  other  states  there  is  very  little if  any  increase  in  the  proportion  of  those  lynched  for such  major  crimes  as  murder  and  rape.   During  the  decade while  still  the  majority  of  lynchings  have  been  caused  hy Murder  and  Rape,  others  have  resulted  from  such  minor  of- fenses as  "boasting  he  had  a  message  for  the  Negroes", "leader  of  Negroes",  "circulating  incendiary  literature", "jumping  labor  contract",  and  intimacy  with  white  woman. In  1922  on  July  14,  "Shake"  Davis,  accused  of  "long- standing intimacy  with  white  woman  who  gave  birth  to  a child  and  named  him  as  the  father",  v;as  hanged  by  a  mob of  white  men. In  1927  Georgia  had  her  first  lynchless  year since  before  1882,  During  the  previous  year  two  white men  and  one  Negro  were  lynched.   The  crime  of  one  of  the whites  is  not  known;  the  other,  Dave  Wright,  had  killed a  white  woman, -^^  The  last  lynching  in  the  state  occiirred in  December,  1926,  at  7/est  Point,  Troup  County,  in  which there  had  been  only  one  lynching  since  1900  -  in  1913, A  Negro  boy  was  killed  by  members  of  a  mob  while  in search  of  another  Negro  who  was  charged  vilth   having  shot and  killed  a  white  man  in  an  adjoining  county. Chart  XI  shows  the  proportion  of  all  persons lunched  in  the  Major  Lynching  States  since  1900,   Of  the 19,  The  leader  of  the  mob  that  lynched  Wright  was  given  a life  sentence  in  the  penitentiary,  and  others  of  the  17 indicted  v/ere  given  sentences  of  from  four  to  20  years. 280 281 total  1,348,  60  white  men  and  517  Negroes,  or  43  per  cent  were lynched  for  Murder,     Eleven  whites  and  320  Negroes,  making a  total  of  331,  or  24,5  per  cent  were  accused  of  Rape, One  white  man  and  89  Negroes  or  6,6  per  cent  were  lynched for  Assault,  and  103,  or  7,6  per  cent  of  the  total  were lynched  for  an  "uhknovm" cause.   Nineteen  Negroes  were lynched  for  Arson,  while  five  v;hites  and  33  Negroes  v/ere lynched  for  Theft,   Seven  white  men  and  176  Negroes,  or 13,5  per  cent  of  the  total  number  lynched  in  the  seven worst  lynching  states  met  that  fate  for  Minor  Offenses, Let  us  turn  attention  to  certain  southern  mob episodes,   A  consideration  of  these  cases  may  add  to  the picture  presented  by  the  statistical  analysis,  and  give some  conception  of  the  psychological,  economic,  and  social factors  involved. 282 CHAPTER  IX CASE  STUDIES  OP  MOB  ACTION  IN  THE  SOUTH That  more  lynchings  result  from  mujcder  than from  any  other  crime,  and  that  a  large  majority,  thoxigh not  nearly  all  lynchings  are  caused  by  Murder  and  Rap© combined  has  been  pointed  out.   In  this  chapter  we  shall consider  cases  in  which  these  and  other  crimes  served as  stimuli  to  mob  violence.  Some  of  the  crimes,  ranging from  murder  to  minor  offenses,  and  the  consequent  mob episodes  are  given  in  detail  so  that  a  psychological analysis  of  mob  action  may  be  undertaken  in  a  later chapter.   Other  cases  which  serve  as  illustrative material  are  stated  more  briefly.   The  fact  that,  in spite  of  all  attempts  at  correction,  yet  a  majority of  the  people  are  apparently  under  the  impression  that rape  is  the  crime  for  which  most  lynchings  occur  makes this  aspect  of  the  subject  especially  worthy  of consideration  in  the  case  studies. riftij 283 By  selecting  the  cases  from  widely  scattered localities  we  may  add  to  the  picture  as  presented  in  the statistical  analysis.   Through  the  cases  we  may  be  able to  point  out  certain  of  the  causal  factors  in  mob  actionj and  through  a  psychological  &p.pi*oach  additional  light may  be  thrown  on  the  nature  of  this  type  of  social phenomena.   An  attempt  is  made  to  present  cases  for  as many  different  crimes  and  from  as  many  localities  of  the entire  area  studied  as  possible.  It  must  be  remembered, hov/ever,  that  ordinarily  it  has  been  the  cases  of  an \inusual  nature  that  have  brought  forth  investigations  and detailed  publicity.  From  the  standpoint  of  a  psychological analysis  of  mob  phenomena- this  selection  of  cases  is  not an  invalidating  circiimstance.   On  the  other  hand  there  is one  tendency  to  be  guarded  against  if  the  reader  would gain  an  accurate  picture  of  the  situation:   The  cases  as presented  are  likely  to  leave  the  impression  that  burning to  death  and  other  extreme  forms  of  torture  are  more frequently  resorted  to  by  mobs  than  is  actually  the  case. While  there  has  been  upwards  of  100  Negroes  burned  to death  in  the  South  since  1882  -  the  exact  number  is  not known  -  it  is  true  that  practically  all  mob  victims  meet death  by  hanging  or  shooting.   Moreover,  as  we  have pointed  out,  about  32  per  cent  of  the  lynchings  in  the South  since  1900  were  for  crimes  other  than  Murder  and Rape,   Although  specimens  of  these  cases  are  given,  for the  reason  noted  above  the  proportion  is  not  maintained. .:;;jt;JO 284 Practically  all  cases  of  mob  action  for  which  there  is sufficient  data  for  a  case  study  either  resulted  from atrocious  crimes,  or  were  characterized  by  extreme torture.   The  same  is  not  true  of  all  mob  episodes* Case  One  gives  some  of  the  background  out  of which  the  particular  series  of  lynchings  occurred.   It shows  that  under  such  circ\ira3tance3  emotional  transfer on  the  part  of  mob  members  may  be  so  facilitated  that  a number  of  lynchings  result  from  a  crime  committed  by  an individual. Case  1 Alachua  County,  Florida;   The  Newberry  Lynchings Alachua  County,  Florida  has  the  highest  lynching record  in  the  state,  with  a  total  of  13  since  1900,   The total  population  of  the  cotmty  in  1920  was  31,469,   Of this  number  14,573,  or  46,0  per  cent  were  Negroes,  In 1910,  55,7  per  cent  of  the  total  population  were  Negroes, In  this  coxinty  3,3  per  cent  of  the  whites  were  illiterate in  1920  as  compared  to  2,9  per  cent  of  the  whites  of  the state;  and,  26,8  per  cent  of  the  Negroes  as  compared  to 21,5  per  cent  of  all  Negroes  of  the  state.   The  13 lynchings  since  1900  occurred  over  a  period  of  25  years beginning  in  1902  when  two  Negroes  were  lynched  at  New- berry for  Murder,   In  1904  a  Negro  was  lynched  at  High Springs  for  Rape  and  in  1908  a  white  man,  John  Long,  at .o; 285 Newberry,  for  Murder,   The  next  lynching  In  the  county was  that  of  H,  M.  Owens  In  1915  at  Trenton  as  a  result of  "popular  prejudice".   The  follov/ing  year  two  women and  four  men  were  lynched  at  Newberry  for  "alleged accessory  to  murder",  after  which  there  was  not  another lynching  for  seven  years.   In  1923  a  Negro  was  lynched near  Nev/berry  for  "cattle  stealing".  The  last  death  in the  county  by  mob  action  was  that  of  George  Budding ton at  V/aldo  on  Deceinber  27,  1926,  He  was  shot  by  "unknown parties"  for  attempting  to  extort  at  the  point  of  a pistol  and  alleged  debt  from  a  white  woman," Thus  the  lynching  record  of  this  county possibly  indicates  that  the  writer  was  not  alone  in  the attitude  expressed  in  a  letter  to  Ivlr.  Villard  of  Nev/ York,   The  latter  had  made  a  speech  in  Boston,  that  was featured  by  the  press,  in  which  he  suggested  that  the Negro  is  a  hiunan  being  entitled,  among  other  things,  to legal  justice  and  an  education.  He  stressed  the  latter point  and  referred  to  the  fact  that  in  the  South  Negroes are  not  allov/ed  in  Public  Libraries,   Among  several  letters which  he  received  was  the  following  from  Newberry,  Florida. Dear  Sir: Replying  to  your  statement  ...  will  say  the reason  the  libraries  in  the  Southern  States  are  closed to  the  lov^  dovm  Negro  eyes  is  because  he  is  not  worthy of  an  education. All  the  mean  crimes,  that  are  done  are  committed by  some  educated  Negro  and  fvirthermore,  can  you  tell ■  me  what  a  Negro  is?  If  you  can  you  can  do  more  than anyone  else,  for  I  have  been  dealing  with  Negroes  for the  last  fifteen  years  and  the  only  thing  I  can  tell that  he  is  a  Negro  and  always  will  be  as  far  as  I  have any  pov/er. n c. *  *• 286 I  would  like  for  you  to  tell  me  where  the  n«gro first  originated,   ^f  you  will  look  in  the  bible  it will  tell  you  that  he  first  originated  from  an  animal. And  we  Southern  people  don't  care  to  equal  ourselves with  animals. The  people  of  the  South  don't  think  any  more  of killing  the  black  fellows  than  you  would  think  of killing  a  flea. So  you  have  my  opinion  of  Mr,  Negro  and  if  I was  to  live  1000  years  that  v;ould  be  my  opinion  and every  other  Southern  man. Hoping  you  v;ill  \inderstand  what  a  negro  is  by this  letter  and  resign  yoxzr  position, (Signed)  Wm.  Cowart, The  mob  episode  of  1915  in  which  six  persons, including  two  women,  were  lynched  near  Newberry  is  given below,  as  adapted  from  a  report  of  an  investigation  made immediately  after  the  occurrence,   A  few  changes  have  been made  in  conformity  to  facts  learned  from  later  so\irces, especially  the  records  of  the  Special  Term  of  Circ\iit Court,  Gainsville,  Florida,  1915: The  town  of  Nev/berry  was  started  when  the phosphate  fields  were  being  worked  around  there.   The phosphate  fields  shut  down  about  five  years  ago,  one mine  after  another,   Nov/  Newberry  is  just  a  perfectly bleak,  bare,  dismal,  dreary,  little  town  of  small houses,  with  almost  no  shade  trees.   Most  of  the houses  are  vacant,  and  there  is  not  one  decent  public building,  such  as  schools,  etc.   About  two- thirds  of the  inhabitants  are  colored  people  who  hire  out  to white  farmers.  Most  of  the  v/hite  people  seem  to  live by  little  stores  which  they  have  there. The  road  that  runs  from  Gainesville  to  Newberry %  '■ ■'J-^LJ' 287 is  perfectly  charming  for  about  18  miles.   There  are truck  farms,  four  big  farms  and  many  little  ones. These  are  owned  almost  entirely  by  colored  people  v/ho seemed  fairly  prosperous  and  much  respected. About  five  miles  from  Newberry  is  Jonesville, Here  is  a  blacksmith  shop  and  a  little  store.   All along  little  roads  branch  off  leading  to  other  towns. It  was  between  Jonesville  and  Nev/berry  that  the rioting  occurred  -  just  a  little  beyond  Jonesville  is a  group  of  houses  on  a  little  rise  of  land  belonging to  Boise  Long  and  Dennis,   Boise  Long  was  adopted  into the  Dennis  family  when  he  was  a  little  boy  and  brought up  with  the  Dennis  children,  and  has  lived  with  them ever  since.  In  the  little  group  of  houses  where  Long lived  were  his  family  and  some  of  the  Dennis  family. His  uncle  had  a  farm  of  a  hundred  acres  several  miles away. The  white  farmers  around  there  and  in  Nev/berry accused  the  colored  farmers  of  stealing  their  hogs. Hog  raising  here  is  pretty  important  because  there  is a  new  firm  in  Gainesville  v;hich  buys  the  hogs  and ships  them  away  to  Georgia.   The  hogs  run  loose  all through  the  pines  and  along  the  roads.   There  are fences  but  apparently  the  hogs  are  not  in  bounds. The  story  is  that  the  sheriff  v/ent  to  serve  a warrant  on  Boise  Long  at  tv/o  o'clock  on  the  morning  of August  13,  which  seemed  an  extraordinary  thing  to  do  - :Yson- tj_ -.ir.u-^ 288 to  go  out  on  a  lonely  road  to  arrest  a  man  at  this hour.  The  reason  given  is  that  he  got  the  warrant in  Jacksonville  and  came  out  on  the  train  at  12:30 at  night  to  Gainesville,  where  he  took  an  automobile. Why  he  should  he  coming  out  on  that  train,  or  why  he should  come  out  at  that  time,  is  not  known.  With him  went  Dr.  Harris  (white).   Some  say  that  Dr.  Harris was  the  owner  of  the  hogs  and  had  had  the  warrants sworn  out,-^ They  got  to  Long's  place  and  the  sheriff  went in  to  arrest  Long.   There  again  no  one  knows  what happened  except  that  it  is  clear  enough  that  Long shot  the  two  of  them.   They  were  rushed  to  the automobile  and  taken  back  to  Jacksonville  and  at Jacksonville  the  sheriff  died.   There  seems  to  be  a good  deal  of  controversy  as  to  just  how  the  shooting occurred. Their  going  back  to  Jacksonville  gave  Long  a chance  to  escape.   The  Newberry  people  came  down  to 1,  This  case  was  reported  by  the  NAACP  in  the  October,  1916, Crisis  substantially  as  given  here.   It  was  the  impression at  that  time  that  the  Sheriff  went  to  serve  a  v/arrant  on Boise  Long,  who  shot  the  Sheriff  in  resisting  arrest.  In the  light  of  the  Circuit  Court  records  the  following correction  is  to  be  made  of  the  Crisis  article  and  the report  of  the  investigator:   The  white  men  v/ent  in  search of  a  Negro  named  Mills,  v/hom  they  thought  to  be  at  the house  of  Long.   It  was  after  Long  failed  to  inform  them of  the  whereabouts  of  Mills  that  they  attempted  to  arrest him.  They  did  not  serve,  or  attempt  to  serve  a  warrant, but  told  Long  at  2:00  o'clock  in  the  morning  to  put  on his  clothes  and  go  v/ith  them.   The  Negro  grabbed  his  gun and  "started  to  shoo tin'  and  runnln". Iw 289 Long»s,  and  since  he  had  escaped,  they  took  his  wife, Stella,  and  the  wife  of  Dennis,   They  were  put  in jail  on  the  ground  that  they  refused  to  give  informa- tion. It  is  said  that  they  were  tortvired  for  informa- tion. Some  time  during  the  day  the  Newberry  people came  back,  ,,,  Here  the  sheriff  sort  of  drops  out  and it  is  the  hogs  they  are  fighting  about.   They  found James  Dennis  down  at  Jonesville  and  shot  him, apparently  for  the  sole  reason  that  he  belonged  to the  Dennis-Long  family.   His  brother,  Bert,  went  up to  Newberry  to  buy  a  coffin  and  when  he  got  there  the men  threw  him  in  jail,   Bert  Dennis,  Mary  Dennis,  and Stella  Long  were  then  in  jail,  ,,, Then  they  met  on  the  road  coming  from  Nev/berry John  Baskin,  a  Negro  preacher,  who  had  a  farm  about two  miles  away.   It  seems  that  he  had  been  accused  the year  before  of  cow-stealing  and  arrested,  but  was  dis- charged because  there  was  not  evidence  enough  to  try him.  Meeting  him  there,  these  men  took  him  in  an automobile  back  toward  Newberry  and  lynched  him.   That was  the  first  of  the  hanging.  He  was  later  accused of  being  the  leader  of  the  whole  gang  of  hog- stealers. Where  the  hangings  took  place  there  is  a  little plot  of  trees,  bays,  water  oaks,  etc.,  a  charming  place, within  about  a  mile  of  Newberry,   It  seems  queer  that they  should  have  chosen  this  exquisite  spot,  but  it  is 290 said  that  in  former  years  other  lynchlngs  occvirred there,  •••  that  v/henever  the  Newberry  men  treated themselves  to  a  lynching  it  was  at  this  same  spot  ••• known  as  "Hangman's  Island", Having  lynched  Baskln,  the  men  went  up  to  the jail  and  took  out  the  two  women  and  man  and  lynched them*  Then  it  v/as  over. The  people  of  Gainesville  do  not  like  it, Gainsevllle  is  proud  of  its  reputation.  The  whole  town is  beautiful,  and  the  people  love  it,  both  the  vfhite and  the  colored,  and  they  feel  that  this  is  a  disgrace. All  through  Gainesville  the  feeling  is  that  It  is demoralizing,  and  that  something  ought  to  be  done  about it. Case  2 The  Lynching  of  Bud  Johnson This  case  is  given  nainly  for  the  purpose  of showing  some  of  the  correspondence  which  followed  betv/een the  NAAGP  and  the  Governor  of  Florida, Some  of  the  facts  concerning  the  lynching  are indefinite.  The  newspaper  account  sent  out  from  Castle- berry  and  the  sworn  testimony  of  one  who  claims  to  have been  an  eye-witness  are  contradictory  as  to  the  cause  of the  burning,   Johnson  v/as  a  rettirned  soldier.   One  account is  that  he  attacked  a  v/hite  woman;  another,  that  he  was 291 lynched  for  refusing  to  give  up  a  farra  recently  left  to him  by  his  deceased  father,  and  that  the  accusation  of "attempted  assault"  was  decided  upon  after  the  lyncliing. It  was  thought  by  mob  members,  according  to  the  report, that  lynching  an  ex-soldier  would  create  considerable discussion  and  might  lead  to  their  arresto  Thus  it would  be  necessary  to  have  "a  good  excuse  for  the lynching." The  following  dispatch  sent  from  Castleberry gives  the  newspaper  account  in  brief: ..,,  A  delegation  of  prominent  citizens  called  on  the county  officers  early  today.   They  informed  them  that they  composed  a  reception  committee  appointed  to  enter- tain Judge  Johnson,  a  gentleman  of  color,  in  their custody.   The  coiinty  officers  claimed  that  he  was  a prisoner  charged  with  having  attacked  a  white  woman and  had  confessed.   The  delegation  demanded  that  he be  turned  over  to  them.   The  officers  refused,  so  the delegation  proceeded  to  "take"  Johnson  av/ay  from  them, which  was  neatly  done  v/ithout  the  loss  of  a  single life  or  gunshot.   It  is  needless  to  say  that  the delegation  proceeded  to  "entertain"  Johnson,  who, without  any  Tinique  cerem.ony,  was  burned  to  death. As  stated  the  burning  was  not  particularly  a  unique ceremony.   According  to  the  affidavit  referred  to,  it  was as  follows: They  shouted  "get  ropes,  get  coal  oil  and  gasoline and  let  us  bxirn  this  Negro  up.  He  is  bigoty.   He  is saucy.   He  tliinks  he  is  a  soldier"  ,.,  They  had  a  rope about  his  neck  which  had  been  thrown  over  the  limb  of  a tree  and  by  which  they  raised  him  up  from  the  ground  at intervals.  They  were  choking  him  and  he  was  bleeding and  kicking.   He  had  on  his  soldier  clothing  ,..  One said  "Let's  burn  him",  another  said,  "Let's  tie  him.  up ,--r^  r- 292 to  a  limb.   The  way  to  stop  Negro  soldiers  is  to  burn them."   Then  they  drew  him  up  to  a  limb  iintil  a  man could  go  up  to  the  little  store  by  the  mill  and  get two  buckets  of  kerosine  each  bucket  holding  probably two  or  three  gallons.  We  stood  there  looking  at  it  ••• There  were  a  few  electric  lights  near  the  mill  ,,,  (a man)  came  out,  supposed  to  be  a  Baptist  preacher.  He begged  those  men  not  to  burn  the  Negro,  that  he  had done  no  wrong.   Bud  said  that  if  they  would  not  take his  life  they  might  have  his  father's  place...   By this  tim-e  they  had  gotten  him  out  of  Florida, probably  10  feet  over  the  line  into  Alabama,   The  line v/as  ascertained  by  Ivlr, ,  surveyor.,,  V/hen  they had  gotten  him  into  Alabama  the  old  man  again  insisted that  they  should  not  burn  him,   "If  you  v/ill  do  any- thing", he  said,  "give  him  a  good  whipping  and  let him  go  away."   But  they  said,  "Not  so.  You  v/ould  spoil this  Negro.,,   He  is  sullen,"  ...   One  said,  "When  v/e get  this  one  v/e  will  get  all  the  Negroes".,,   Then  they took  the  rope  from  the  limb  and  dragged  him  up  to  a stump...  and  fastened  his  hands  behind  the  stum.p.  They .,,  tied  his  feet.   They  poured  kerosine  ,,,  on  his  head and  let  it  run  down  ,.,  then  one  bucket  of  gasoline, and  then  had  a  yovmg  lady,  a  cousin  of  ,  light a  nev/spaper  with  a  match  and  set  it  to  the  body  which. In  about  two  minutes  or  less,  v/as  wreathed  in  flames. As  the  flames  v/ent  up  they  ,,«  shouted  "This  is  the  way 293 we  do  all  Negroes  v/ho  refuse  to  do  what  we  want  done," The  newspaper  account  seems  to  have  been  general- ly accepted  in  Florida,  and  of  course  it  was  the  only  one knov/n  in  other  sections  of  the  country.   The  NAACP  sent  to Governor  Catts  a  telegram  calling  his  attention  to  the lynching  of  Johnson  and  another  Negro,   They  pointed  out how  the  lyncliing  record  of  Florida  was  a  disgrace  to  the Nation,  and  asked  that  the  Governor  prevent  further  dis- grace by  seeing  that  the  lynchers  were  punished.   Then  the following  correspondence,  of  the  nature  referred  to  in Chapter  One,  passed  between  the  parties  named  above:   First, the  Governor  replied,  by  letter: John  R.  Shillady,  Secretary,  etc. Sir: I  have  your  telegram,  calling  my  attention  to  the lynching  of  two  negroes  in  this  State, As  you  doubtless  know  I  have  exerted  every  effort possible  to  keep  down  lynching  in  this  State,   I  was  not cognizant  of  the  lynching  at  Madison  until  I  sav/  an account  of  it  in  the  papers.   In  regard  to  the  one  at Milton,  I  v/as  called  up  at  midnight  and  told  about  the crime  committed  by  this  man  and  had  him  carried  to  Pensa- cola  and  put  in  Jail  there;  next  morning  the  Sheriff  of Pensacola  called  me  up  and  stated  that  he  v/as  not  safe there  and  I  ordered  him  taken  to  Montgomery  and  sent down  to  Jacksonville  for  safekeeping,  but  Sheriff  Harvell was  overtaken  and  the  man  punished  by  death  at  the  hands of  an  inforiated  mob  from.  Santa  Rosa  County, You  ask  me  to  see  that  these  lynchers  are  brought to  trial.   This  would  be  impossible  to  do  as  conditions are  now  in  Florida,  for  v/hen  a  negro  brute,  or  a  white man,  ravishes  a  v/hite  woman  in  the  State  of  Florida, there  is  no  use  having  the  people,  who  see  that  this man  meets  death,  brought  to  trial,  even  if  you  could  find who  they  are;  the  citizenship  will  not  stand  for  it. You  state  that  the  man  in  Madison  was  burned  to death  and  that  it  adds  to  the  horror  of  lynching  and 294 disgraces  not  only  this  State  but  the  whole  United States,  Your  race  is  always  harping  on  the  disgrace it  brings  to  the  State,  by  a  concourse  of  white  people taking  revenge  for  the  dishonoring  of  a  white  v/oman, when  if  you  would  spend  one-half  the  time  that  you  do, in  giving  maudlin  sympathy,  to  teaching  your  people  not to  kill  our  v/hite  officers  and  disgrace  our  yihlte women,  you  would  keep  dovm  a  thousand  times  greater disgrace, I  do  not  like  the  tone  of  your  telegram  at  all, because  you  tacitly  commend  the  crime  your  people  com- mitted while  you  abuse  our  people  for  resenting  the wrong  which  your  race  has  done,   I  have  tried  to  be  fair to  your  people  at  all  times  but  I  do  not  believe  in  such maudlin  sentiment  as  this.   If  any  man,  white  or  black, should  dishonor  one  of  my  family  he  v/ould  meet  my  pistol square  from  the  shoulder,  and  every  white  man  in  this South,  who  is  red-blooded  American,  feels  the  sam.e  as  I do. Therefore,  you  had  best,  as  you  say  you  are  com- posed of  180  branches  of  48,000  people  in  38  States, spend  some  time  in  teaching  the  wanton,  reckless  negroes of  your  race,  who  v/ander  from  City  to  City,  County  to County  and  State  to  State,  doing  all  the  devilment  they can.   We  do  not  have  any  trouble  from  negroes  who  are settled,  own  their  homes,  have  their  own  property,  cattle and  horses,  but  it  is  the  roving,  transient,  irresponsible and  unmarried  element  of  tramp  negroes  v/ho  bring  all this  disgrace  on  the  coujitry, I,  as  a  representative  of  one  million  people, both  white  and  black,  urge  you  to  send  out  your missionaries  and  get  your  race  to  stop  this  kind  of  wanton and  disgraceful  ravishing  of  the  white  people  of  the South,  or  the  Governors  of  the  South  will  not  be  able  to keep  the  mobs  down,  which  I  have  used  every  effort possible  to  do  in  Florida, Yours  very  truly, (Signed)  Sidney  J.  Catts, Governor  of  Florida, Ten  days  later  the  matter  of  the  two  lynchings was  closed,  when  the  Secretary  of  the  NAACP  replied  to  the Governor  as  follows: 295 Hon.  Sidney  J,  Catts,  Governor, Tallahassee,  Florida, Sir: I  have  your  letter  of  the  18th  in  acknowledg- ment, reply  and  criticism  of  my  telegram  of  the  15th, First,  I  wish  to  commend  the  attempts  made  by you  to  safeguard  the  prisoner  at  Milton,   May  I  m.ake it  clear  that  in  the  telegram  addressed  to  you  we  are not  directing  criticism  against  you  as  an  individual but  are  speaking  to  you  in  your  representative  character as  Governor  of  the  State  of  Florida,  Do  you  not  think that  when  you  ordered  the  sheriff  of  Pensacola  to  take his  prisoner  to  Montgomery  in  order  to  have  him  sent  to Jacksonville  for  safe  keeping.  Sheriff  Harvell  should have  knovm,  as  an  experienced  and  responsible  officer of  the  State,  the  mind  of  the  citizenship  of  v/hom  you speak  in  your  letter  and  v/ould  have  been  prepared  with sufficient  officers  to  protect  any  prisoner  at  the  hands of  the  mob,  no  matter  hov/  infuriated?  The  experience of  Governor  Stanley  of  Kentucky  who  himself  protected  a prisoner,  and  of  the  few  other  brave  officers  of  the  law, warrants  the  belief  that  mobs  which  form  in  violation of  the  lav/  will  not  attempt  to  carry  out  their  purpose if  they  are  met  with  strong  resistance  on  the  part  of officers  of  the  lav/  who  realize  the  meaning  of  their oaths  and  are  determined  that  prisoners  shall  be  tried in  the  courts  and  not  by  mobs  on  the  highways. Your  assertion  that  the  citizenship  of  Florida will  not  stand  for  seeing  men  who  ravish  white  women tried  in  the  couj?ts  is  a  serious  commentary  on  our laws.   Burning  to  death  is  so  horrible  that  we  can hardly  believe,  if  we  did  not  read  yo\rr  own  words,  that you  as  Governor  of  a  great  state  find  it  possible  to apologize  for  burning  at  the  stake.   This  Association does  not  apologize  for  crime  or  condone  it  in  any  way. Your  gratuitous  assumption  that  I  personally  "tacitly commend  the  crime"  committed  is  absolutely  unv/arranted. In  order  to  protest  against  the  burning  of  a  human  being at  the  stake,  we  did  not  feel  that  anyone  would  expect that  we  must  begin  such  protest  by  disavov/al  of  sjrmpathy with  the  crime. You  speak  a  good  deal  about  the  horror  of  the crime,   Y.'e  think  the  crime  is  horrible,  but  we  insist, as  v/e  believe  all  right-minded  citizens  of  the  United States  are  coming  more  and  more  to  insist,  that  it  is a  greater  crime  for  the  governor  of  a  state  or  the sheriff  of  a  county  to  stand  by  and  see  the  laws  m.ade by  the  people  ignored  and  flouted.  \'!e   do  not  believe that  it  is  a  justification  for  this  lynching  of  the  law to  plead  the  wickedness  of  the  criminal.   Laws  are  made 296 to  deal  with  such  and  the  question  Is  whether  In  this crucial  time  of  the  world's  history  American  states shall  flaujit  their  disregard  of  law  in  the  face  of President  V/llson  at  Paris  while  he  is  endeavoring  to promote  the  peace  of  the  world. All  the  arguments  you  make  about  the  horror  of the  one  crime  do  not  touch  the  other  -  the  man  was  only accused  of  shooting  a  v/atchman,  a  crime  which,  certain- ly, it  was  easy  to  punish  in  the  coDurts. Speaking  of  educating,  you  suggest  that  ovir Association  spend  time  teaching  wanton,  reckless  Negroes, May  I  suggest  that  as  Governor  of  the  State,  you  yooor- self  take  up  the  task  of  providing  proportionate  school facilities  for  the  education  of  Negroes  in  your  state. According  to  the  report  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of Education,  the  relative  per  capita  expenditures  in Florida  are;  teaching  white  children,  |ll,50,  and  for the  colored  children;  $2.64. Incidentally,  though  it  is  not  a  point  of  importance, may  I  remark  that  I  do  not  happen  to  he  a  Negro  myself,  as you  seem  to  asstime  throughout  yo;ir  letter. Sincerely  yours,  etc. Case  3 A  Lynching  Series  in  Georgia,  1918 The  series  of  lynchlngs  in  Brooks  and  Lowndes counties,  Georgia,  which  extended  over  a  period  of  five days  in  May,  1918,  brought  forth  considerable  publicity as  well  as  an  investigation,  the  report  of  which  was requested  by  Governor  Dorsey.  TiVhile  all  available  sources have  been  considered  the  case  as  given  is  taken  largely from  this  report  v/hich  gave  more  details  than  the  nev/spaper accounts,  and  placed  the  total  victims  at  eleven.   It  was said  that  a  total  of  18  were  lynched  but  the  investigator could  not  verify  the  number.   The  immediate  exodus  of 297 Negroes  from  the  counties  made  a  check-\ip  impossible. Brooks  and  Lowndes  counties  are  in  the  richest agricultural  section  of  the  state,  in  the  southernmost part  near  the  Florida  line.   In  both  counties  the  Negro population  is  in  the  majority.   In  1920  the  Negro  popu- lation of  Brooks  County  was  58,1  per  cent,  and  in  Lowndes, 51,0  per  cent.   There  had  been  a  drop  of  1,0  per  cent  and 2,0  per  cent,  respectively,  since  1910,   There  is  a  high rate  of  farm  tenancy  in  both  counties,  as  well  as  a  number of  large  plantations  on  v/hich  hired  labor  is  employed. In  the  state  as  a  whole  29,1  per  cent  of  the  Negroes  above 10  years  of  age  are  illiterate,  and  5,4  per  cent  of  the whites.   In  Brooks  and  Lowndes  counties  35,6  per  cent  and 22,0  per  cent  respectively  of  the  Negroes  are  illiterate. Of  the  whites  4,5  and  3,0  per  cent  respectively  are illiterate.  Thus  the  Negro  illiteracy  for  Lovmdes  and  the white  illiteracy  for  both  cotmties  is  lower  than  for  the state  as  a  whole.   The  covmty  seats  are  Quitman  with  a population  of  about  4,500,  and  Voldosta  with  8,000,   In each  the  Negro  population  is  about  50  per  cent. The  lynching  history  of  the  two  counties  r\ins back  for  at  least  38  years,   A  Negrowas  lynched  at Voldosta  in  1890  for  Rape,   In  1894  the  lynching  victims in  Georgia  nxjmbered  20,  17  of  whom  v/ere  lynched  in  central and  south  Georgia,  In  Brook  Covmty,  on  December  23,  seven Negroes  were  lynched  for  Murder,  There  was  not  another lynching  in  either  county  until  1901  when  an  unknown  Negro v/as  lynched  near  Quitman,  for  R8.pe,  and  another  at  Voldosta ■lY 298 for  "murderous  assault".   Seven  years  later  an  unknown Negro  was  lynched  at  Voldosta  for  "conspiracy  to  do violence".   In  1915  a  Negro  was  lynched  at  Voldosta  for Theft,  and  in  1916  another  for  alleged  burglary.   Six months  before  the  mob  episode  described  below,  Jessie Staten  was  lynched  at  Quitman  for  "insulting  a  iiiiite woman" , In  Brooks  County,  near  Barney  several  miles north  of  Quitman,  Hampton  Smith  owned  a  large  plantation. He  seems  to  have  had  considerable  trouble  from  time  to time  with  his  Negro  employees.   As  a  result  of  difficulty in  securing  sufficient  farm  help  he  had  adopted  the  policy of  going  to  the  courts,  paying  the  fines  of  Negroes  con- victed of  crimes,  and  allowing  them  to  work  out  the  amount on  his  plantation, Sidney  Johnson  was  fined  ;|30,00  "for  gaming". He  was  unable  to  pay,  so  the  amount  was  advanced  by Smith,  for  whom  he  went  to  work.   After  a  time  Johnson asked  for  some  money,  claiming  that  he  had  more  than earned  the  amount  of  the  fine.   Smith  refused,   A  few days  later  Johnson  failed  to  report  for  work  and,  when questioned,  claimed  he  was  sick.   Smith  whipped  him  and the  Negro  threatened  his  life,   A  few  nights  later, according  to  statements  made  by  Johnson  before  being lynched,  he  shot  Smith  through  a  v/lndow,   A  bullet  also struck  his  wife,  who  was  not  severely  injured.   Smith died  instantly.   This  v/as  on  Thursday,  May  16,  1918, Posses  were  immediately  formed  to  search  for ">  ^i  f- cctmX  ' ")  ^r>.l 299 Johnson,  for  it  was  kno'^n  that  he  had  threatened  the landlord's  life,   A  report  was  now  circulated  -  by  whom it  was  started  is  not  knovm  -  to  the  effect  that  there was  a  conspiracy  among  a  ntunber  of  Negroes  to  kill  Smith, It  was  said  that  Hayes  Turner  had  also  threatened  Smith for  beating  his  wife,  Mary  Turner,   So  the  report  was that  the  conspirators  had  met  at  Turner's  house. On  Friday  morning  about  8:30  a  posse  of citizens  catight  Will  Head,  a  Negro  of  the  community. Later  in  the  day  another  Negro  was  arrested  and  both  were placed  in  the  jail  at  Voldosta,   'i'hat  night  they  were taken  five  miles  out  of  Voldosta,  where  they  v/ere  hanged and  shot.   In  this  mob,  according  to  a  member,  v,'ere  many citizens  of  Quitman,  Voldosta  and  the  surrounding  country. Of  the  17  who  were  known  and  recognized  by  this  member, fotu?  were  close  relatives  to  Hampton  Smith,  five  were farmers,  one  was  a  postal  clerk,  one  a  furniture  store clerk,  and  one  a  stock  dealer.   The  two  leaders  were from  Quitman  -  one  a  professional  man  and  the  other  a merchant.   These  names  have  never  been  published;  to  do so  nov/  y/ould  be  both  useless  and  embarrassing'. On  Saturday  morning  Hayes  Turner  was  placed in  jail  at  Quitman,   Later  in  the  day  the  Sheriff  decided to  take  him  to  Moultrie,  but  was  overtaken  when  about three  miles  out  of  Quitman,  and  Turner  v/as  hanged.   The body  remained  there  until  Monday  yUaen   it  was  cut  down  by some  county  convicts  and  buried  about  50  feet  av/ay. 300 During  Sunday  ,,,  hundreds  of  automobiles,  buggies  and Wagons  bore  sight-seers  to  the  spot  while  many  more tramped  there  on  foot. Another  Negro  -  probably  Eugene  Rice  -  was  lynched on  Saturday  afternoon.  His  connection  with  the  crime  v/as not  stated  by  any  of  the  reports  and  the  investigator  could find  no  one,  white  or  black,  v/ho  knew  why  he  was  lynched. That  night  trro   other  negroes  were  called  from  their  homes and  were  not  seen  again.   About  a  v/eek  later  three  bodies of  unidentified  Negroes  v/ere  taken  from  Little  River,  a few  miles  belov/  Barney,   It  is  thought  -  though  not  knovm  - that  these  Negroes  were  also  lynched  on  Saturday,  May  18, The  bodies  disappeared  soon  after  being  taken  from  the River,  hence  were  not  identified, Hayes  Turner's  wife  said  that  her  husband  was not  guilty  of  conspiracy  to  murder,  and  tlireatened  to  have members  of  the  mob  arrested  if  she  could  find  out  who  they were.   On  Sunday,  about  noontime,  she  was  taken  by  a  mob and  lynched  in  a  unique  manner,  near  Folsom's  Bridge  a few  miles  from  Barney,  on  Little  River.  '.Vith  her  anlcles tied  together,  she  was  hung  to  a  small  oak  tree,  head dovmward.  Gasoline  was  poured  on  her  and  a  match  applied. After  her  clothing  was  burned  away,  it  was  said  by  a  member of  the  mob,  a  man  cut  her  open  and  an  unborn  infant dropped  to  the  ground.  Hundreds  of  bullets  v/ere  then fired  into  the  body  and  the  lynching  was  over.   The  mob dispersed  to  search  again  for  Jolinson,  the  criminal. No  one  had  thought  to  search  in  Voldosta  for 301 him.   The  newspapers  had  said  that  he  was  hiding  in sv/amps  near  ic^itman.   On  Monday  Johnson  went  to  the  homo of  a  Negro  and  asked  for  food.   This  was  readily  given after  which  the  officers  were  immediately  notified,^ Johnson  said  that  he  alone  was  responsible  for  Smith's death,  and  boasted  that  he  would  never  be  taken  alive. Soon  a  large  crov/d  gathered,  and,  under  the  leadership of  Police  Chief  Dampier,  surrounded  the  house  to  which the  Negro  had  fled.  When  firing  began  from  both  sides the  Chief  was  wounded  in  the  hand,  and  another  man  was struck  in  the  neck.   The  firing  was  accelerated  for  a few  minutes  after  which  Johnson  dropped  dead,  V/ith  a rope  around  his  neck  his  body  was  dragged  behind  an automobile  through  Patterson  Street,  one  of  the  City's business  thoroughfares,  out  near  the  scene  of  the murder.  There  the  body  was  burned  to  a  crisp. No  one  was  arrested.   Within  tv/o  months  it was  estimated  that  more  than  500  Negroes  had  migrated from  Brooks  and  Lov/ndes  counties,  and  others  expressed intentions  of  leaving  after  crops  v/ere  gathered  in  the fall. 2,  Instances  in  which  Negroes  have  thus  cooperated  with  the officers  of  the  law  are  numerous. The  statement,  heard  over and  over  to  the  effect  that  "there  never  v/as  a  Negro  who would  not  conceal  another  in  a  crime"  is  not  wholly true. 302 Case  4 A  Lynching  In  Bertie  County,  North  Carolina Lewlston,  In  Bertie  County,  North  Carolina,  has a  population  of  244  people.   It  is  a  rural  village  sur- rounded by  farms  occupied  mostly  by  Negro  tenants.   There had  never  been  a  lynching  in  Bertie  County,  although  within the  past  fev/  years  there  had  been  one  at  Kinston  and another  at  Goldsboro,  both  two  counties  distant  to  the South-west, According  to  press  reports  on  March  23,  1918,  a Negro  boy  19  years  of  age  was  accused  of  "assault  on  a white  woman".  He  was  lynched  fifteen  minutes  after  being caught,  ,,,   "None  of  the  mob  was  masked,  the  lynching created  no  excitement,  no  attempt  has  been  made  to  as- certain the  citizens  that  hung  the  Negro,  and  it  is  pre- sumably a  finished  job," Of  course  the  people  were  surprised  at  this incident,  and  regretted  its  occurrence.   Moreover  it could  hardly  be  repeated,  just  as  it  occurred  on  that  date and  with  the  same  results,  anyv/here  in  the  state.  However the  case  indicates  the  psychological  and  social  background out  of  which  under  the  proper  general  state  of  emotional excitement  as  existed  in  1918  a  Negro  may  be  lynched suddenly  and  with  no  after  effects  of  a  legal  nature, r u Later  incidents  in  North  Carolina,  including  one  during the  past  year  which  was  widely  discussed  by  the  press, indicate  that  this  Bertie  County  lynching  was  not  altogether an  isolated  case. 303 Case  5 The  Burning  of  Lloyd  Clay  at  Vicksburg V/arren  County,  Mississippi,  borders  on  the  river and  is  located  in  the  "lynching  section"  of  the  state. In  three  of  the  counties  v/hich  border  on  Y/arren  there  have been  17  persons  lynched  since  1900,  and  six  have  been lynched  in  '.Varren  County  during  the  period.   In  1903  two Negroes  were  lynched  near  Vicksburg  for  Murder,  and  in 1907  another  for  the  same  offense.   Then  in  1915  Edward Johnson,  charged  v/ith  murder  and  cattle  stealing,  was lynched  near  Vicksburg.   The  next  lynching  in  the  county was  that  of  Lloyd  Clay,  but  violence  toward  Negroes  was not  unkno'Am  there  during  the  War, This  is  indicated  by  correspondence  sent  to  and received  from  the  Treasiiry  Department  and  the  Department of  Justice  at  Washington,  as  well  as  through  correspondence directly  with  former  residents  of  Vicksburg  who  had  been "run  out  ot  tovm".   During  the  77ar  some  of  the  more  wealthy Negroes  -  business  and  professional  men  -  were  forced  to leave,   A  Negro  doctor  was  tarred  and  feathered;  they told  him  it  was  because  he  did  not  subscribe  for  ^1000,00 worth  of  V^ar  Savings  Stamps,   A  Negro  pharmacist  was  also ordered  in  the  name  of  the  V/ar  Savings  Stamp  Committee and  by  "officers  aad  citizens"  to  leave  Vicksburg.   He owned  property  on  one  of  the  "main  corners"  and  for  some time  white  men  are  said  to  have  tried  to  buy  it  from him,   A  Negro  business  man  who  had  gone  to  Nev/  Orleans 304 on  a  "fall-buying  trip"  was  ordered  not  to  retxirn  to Vicksburg,   About  the  time  he  got  to  Chicago,  and  as soon  as  he  had  sold  his  business  -  at  a  great  loss  it  is claimed  -  he  was  ordered  back  for  military  service.   It was  maintained  that  as  he  had  sold  his  business,  and  as he  had  sufficient  money  to  support  his  family  for  the duration  of  the  War,  therefore  it  was  proper  to  change his  military  status  from  Fourth  Class  D  to  First  Class and  to  call  on  him  to  report  immediately. With  this  much  of  the  history  of  Vicksburg before  us,  possibly  the  only  surprising  thing  about  what happened  in  1910  is  the  method  of  punishment  meted  out to  Lloyd  Clay;  and  that  was  no  unusual  occurrence  within the  culture  range  of  the  citizens  of  Vicksburg,   In  no other  state  is  burning  a  more  favorite  method  of lynching. We  are  informed  by  an  eye-witness,  white,  who now  resides  in  another  state,  that  the  case  of  the  burning of  Lloyd  Clay  as  reported  by  the  New  Orleans  Times  Picayune was  substantially  correct.   She  states  that  the  bloodhounds trailed  the  Negro  to  a  box  car  v/here  he  had  "attempted to  conceal  himself",^  She  does  not  know  about  the  claim that  he  v/as  not  "the  right  Negro",  for  "everybody  said  he was  the  one".  He  was  19  years  old  instead  of  24.   She also  corrects  the  statement  that  he  was  put  "on  a  truck" S.  There  are  conflicting  reports  as  to  where  and  hov/  Clay  v/as located,   Cf,  Seligmann,  "Protecting  Southern  V.'omanhood, " The  Nation,  Vol.  108,  op.  938ff. 305 and  taken  to  the  tree  from  which  he  was  hanged,  shot  and turned.   Instead  "they  tied  him  to  the  end  of  one  of  the trucks  and  dragged  him  over  town  practically  rendering the  Negro  dead,"  Yvith  these  corrections  we  quote  the case  as  reported  by  the  Times  Picayune; Vickshurg  Mob  Lynches  Negro  and  Burns  Body: Storms  Jail  and  Breaks  in  Three  Steel  Doors  to  get Prisoner:   Black  Caught  After  Bloodhouns  Chase: Attempt  on  ^Alhite  woman  was  One  of  a  Series  of  Such Crimes:   Vicksburg,  Miss.,  May  14,  (1919)  ,.,.  Lloyd Clay,  Negro,  24  years  old,  was  lynched  and  burned  here at  8:30  o'clock  tonight  by  men  v/ho  stormed  the  jail, threw  the  Sheriff,  Prank  Scott,  into  a  corner,  pinning him  to  the  floor,  broke  through  a  heavy  one-inch  steel barred  windov;,  then  broke  a  heavy  iron  door  from  its hinges,  and  took  the  prisoner  from  his  cell.   The Negro  was  charged  v/ith  attempting  criminal  assault upon  a  vdiite  girl  shortly  after  5  o'clock  this  morning. Two  white  men  were  shot  and  another  seriously injured  by  a  blow  during  the  strtiggles  attending  the lynching. The  Negro  entered  the  home  of  Eelly  Broussard about  5  o'clock  this  morning  and  made  his  v/ay  to  the room  of  a  young  girl  boarder,  apparently  locking  the door  behind  him.  The  girl,  ay/akened  by  his  presence, screamed  and  fought  him  off,  Broussard,  awakened  by the  screams,  v/as  unable  to  get  into  the  room.  The girl,  hearing  Broussard,  sought  to  hold  the  Negro  but •?'  0 306 failed,  the  black  breaking  loose  and  making  good  his escape, John  Gantt  and  his  bloodhounds  of  Crystal  Springs were  secured  and  they  took  the  scent  at  the  Broussard home  and  after  making  a  circuit  of  several  blocks  ran to  the  Alabama  and  Vicksburg  depot  where  they  bayed the  Negro,  Clay.  He  was  arrested. The  girl  was  taken  to  the  Jail,  but  did  not positively  identify  him,  A  large  mob  quickly  gathered about  the  jail  and  refused  to  be  dispersed  by  the officers.   They  v/ere  informed  that  it  v/as  the  wrong Negro,  but  this  had  no  effect.   Some  few  left,  but others  took  their  places. Judge's  Promise  Vain Judge  Brien  said  if  there  v/as  any  evidence  against the  Negro  he  v/ould  call  a  special  term  of  court  and organize  a  special  grand  jury.   But  this  did  not  dis- perse the  crowd.   Shortly  after  6  o'clock  the  mob  was a\igmented  by  men  from  different  parts  of  the  city. Sheriff  Scott  swore  in  a  dozen  special  deputies  v/ho  went inside  the  jail. At  7:45  o'clock  a  mob  came  into  the  street  in front  of  the  jail,  ITiey  had  a  piece  of  railroad  track 16  feet  in  length  and  began  to  batter  a  jail  v/indow. Sheriff  Scott  attempted  to  talk  to  the  crowd  but  the men  crowded  close  about  him  so  he  could  not  lift  his hands  and  quietly  lifted  him  from  his  feet,  then  threw fiiU^r 307 him  over  to  a  corner  and  forced  him  to  the  floor. His  efforts  to  resist  were  vain,   M,  G.  Cockrell, a  contractor,  who  had  been  sworn  in  as  a  deputy,  vms rammed  in  the  stomach  by  the  railroad  iron  and  fell to  the  floor.  He  may  be  internally  injured. The  men  turned  their  attention  to  the  powerful steel  bars  and  after  hammering  for  twenty  minutes  the steel  was  broken  and  the  parts  imbedded  in  the  wall were  forced  out.   The  breaking  of  the  other  doors  was a  matter  of  short  work,  as  the  mob  went  at  it  with  a determination  to  get  their  man, Negroes  Cower  in  Terror In  the  meantime  the  Negroes  in  the  jail  were shrieking  and  Clay  cowered  in  his  cell,  V/hen  the  men reached  him  he  exclaimed:   "Give  me  a  minute  and  I'll tell  you  who  the  other  Negro  is." But  the  crowd  did  not  temporize.   They  took  the Negro  out  to  the  street,  put  him  on  an  auto  truck, and  40  men  boarded  the  truck.  The  Negro  was  taken  two blocks  south  to  Clay  street  and  then  four  blocks  east to  Farmer  and  Clay  streets,  within  a  shot  distance  of the  Broussard  home,  A  rope  v/as  fastened  about  his neck  and  thrown  over  a  tree  limb  20  feet  from  the ground.   Some  oil  v/as  poured  on  the  Negro's  head  and he  was  pulled  into  the  air.  He  attempted  to  haul himself  up  on  the  rope  v/ith  his  hands.   Then  his  hands were  tied.  The  next  move  was  to  apply  the  match  to  liis 308 oil-soaked  head.   A  bonfire  was  started  under  his feet,  which  dangled  four  feet  above  the  ground,   A fusilade  of  shots  was  fired  into  the  body  and  into the  air. In  some  v;ay,  Charles  Lancaster,  an  onlooker, was  hit  in  the  head  with  a  bullet  inflicting  what  may prove  a  fatal  v/ound,   Lancaster  is  an  engineer  for  the Anderson  Tully  Lumber  Company,   A  young  man  named Bennis  Stafford  v/as  shot  in  the  arm.   There  vms  a  great crowd  present,  including  many  women,  v/ho  looked  on  in silence,   The  lynching  is  the  culmination  of  a  series of  attempts  on  women  and  young  girls  v;hich  has  continued for  weeks.  Women  and  girls  had  become  so  apprehensive they  feared  to  retire  at  night.  Two  Negroes  arrested three  v/eeks  ago  were  spirited  to  Jackson,  where  they are  nov/  held  for  safe-keeping.  Thousands  viewed  the body  roasting  over  the  fire  and  then  v/ent  home. The  letter  in  which  oxir  informant  verifies the  case  as  related  above  closes  as  follows:   The  un- pardonable sin  among  southern  people  is  for  a  Negro  to assault  a  white  girl.   In  many  communities  the  whites  see no  llmJ.t  as  to  the  punishment  such  a  fellov/  deserves.   The mob  (at  Vicksbxirg)  was  v/hat  we  v/ould  term  a  "mad  mob". It  v/as  one  of  the  most  horrible  things  I  have  ever  v/ltnessed. The  lynching  occurred  Immediately  after  luiss Hudson,  the  girl  boarder  at  Brossard^s,  "said  the  word". 309 although  she  had  previously  failed  to  identify  Clay  as her  assailant.   So  far  as  we  can  discover  the  statement of  the  Vicksburg  Evening  ^ost  has  not  been  contradicted: "Brought  before  Miss  Hudson,  she  declared  he  v/as  not  the man  v/ho  attaded  her  last  night,"   On  the  other  hand  it is  said  that  Miss  Hudson  "positively  identified"  a  Negro who  for  several  days  prior  to  and  including  May  14,  had been  in  jail,- The  jxa*y,  headed  by  Coroner  Crichlow,  found  that Clay  met  death  by  mob  action,  "the  said  mob  being  unknov/n to  the  jiiry," There  are  other  interesting  side-lights  in  the case.   The  Evening  Post  pointed  out  that  the  mob  (estimat- ed at  1500)  must  have  been  an  "amateur  organization".   After Miss  Hudson  had  "said  the  word"  this  mob  "picked  the  first tree  v/hich  came  handy,  which  unfortunately,  was  in  the center  of  the  city,  siirrounded  by  residences  of  citizens whose  sensibilities  were  shocked  by  the  occurrence," Even  the  "sensibilities"  of  the  Vicksburg  Herald  imist have  been  shocked.  In  an  editorial  on  May  16  this  "organ of  public  opinion"  pointed  out  that  the  evil  inter-racial condition  is  "aggravated  if  not  actually  provoked"  by  such movements  as  the  "negro  country  v/ide  cam.paign  for  equal right",  and  that  although  a  "more  kindly  and  just"  race relationship  "all  may  strive  for",  yet  "never  in  the  v/ay 4.  See  The  Kation,  loc^  cit. ■  t   nt  ns c3:l   ^ 310 of  race  equality  in  political  and  civil  rights"  as  call- ed for  by  certain  "New  York  race  propaganda". The  tree  which  the  amateurish  mob  selected  for the  burning  happened  to  be  in  front  of  the  residence  of Mrs,  Ida  M,  Keefe,   She  asked  of  one  of  the  men  that  the tree  be  cut  down.   "Madam",  he  replied,  "the  tree  is  a monxoment  to  the  spirit  of  manhood  of  this  commtinity  who will  not  tolerate  crimes  against  their  women  folks.  What was  done  here  last  night  was  done  for  you  and  for  every woman  and  girl  in  Warren  County,"   This  viev/  v/as  concL\rred in  by  Mrs.  E,  P.  Shaw,  of  Vicksburg,   To  her  this  maple tree  was  "a  monument  to  our  young  manhood  and  we  women and  girls  should  stand  behind  men  in  a  thing  like  this." Case  6 A  Straggler  Strangled  at  Jonesville Jonesville,  Louisiana,  in  Catahoula  Parish,  has a  population  of  1,029,  a  large  majority  of  whom  are  v/hite. In  1907  a  cotton  gin  belonging  to  a  Capt,  J.  W,  Swaynzoe was  burned  down  at  Jonesville,  "and  the  following  night two  Negroes  were  hanged  to  a  pecan  tree  within  the  tovm limits  for  the  crime. "^  They  were  Sam  Jones  and  Arthur Gardner,   Press  reports  at  the  time  stated  that  a  third Negro  v/as  shot  for  the  same  offense,  but  the  investigator 5,  This  case  is  taken  from  a  report  sent  in  by  a  former Graduate  student  of  the  University  of  North  Carolina, •JC-r 311 could  not  verify  the  statement.   Nor  was  he  able  to  find out  why  the  Negroes  v/ere  charged  with  the  burning  of  the gin.   Information  from  those  who  remember  the  affair  at all  is  to  the  effect  that  a  small  niomber  of  men  did  the lynching  before  the  people  in  general  knev/  what  was happening,  and  it  seems  that  no  one  v/as  interested  to  the extent  of  inquiring  how  the  Negroes  were  knovai  to  be guilty.  The  general  attitude  seems  to  have  been  that those  who  hanged  the  Negroes  must  have  had  some  reason for  doing  so,  and  that  it  did  not  matter  particularly just  what  this  reason  was. Apparently  this  attitude  as  regards  the  im- portance of  the  Negroes  life  and  of  his  place  in  the community  has  changed  but  little  since  that  time,   A resident  of  the  town  states  that  the  Negroes  and  the whites  get  along  fine  in  Jonesville  "as  long  as  the  Negro stays  in  his  place",  but  when  he  takes  some  "biggety"  or "radical"  move  the  whites  "don't  mind  waiting  on  him". Generally  speaking  the  Negro  respects  the  whites  and  the whites  "have  a  feeling  of  guardianlsm  and  protection"  for the  Negro  just  so  long  as  he  "acts  as  a  Negro  should". The  little  chores  and  gardening  jobs  around  the  white's homes  are  usually  done  by  some  "Uncle  Charlie"  or  "Aunt Susie",  or  even  a  young  Negro  boy  or  girl.   The  merchants don't  mdnd  crediting  a  Negro  if  they  know  him  any  more than  a  white  man  "and  in  many  cases  they  had  rather". But  they  don't  like  Negro  strangers  and  stragglers  in Jonesville, 312 Such  a  memlDer  of  the  Black  Ulysses  tribe  came to  tov/n  on  or  about  August  30,  1919.  He  v/as  not  only  a stranger  and  a  straggler  but  he  utterly  and  egregiously failed  in  that  fundamental  of  all  requirements:   he  did not  "stay  in  his  place";  and  he  did  not  "act  as  a  Negro should".   This  vinknov/n  Negro  v;as  found  in  the  house  of  a Mr,  Davis,   '.Vhy  he  v;as  there,  of  course,  v/ill  never  be known*  It  may  have  been  for  the  purpose  of  stealing food  or  clothes.  If  he  had  possessed  intelligence  enough to  be  "responsible"  for  his  acts  he  would  hardly  have come  for  the  purpose  of  attacking  Mrs.  Davis  while  her husband  v/as  there  in  the  house  with  her.   It  is  thought that  he  was  in  the  house  when  the  Davis  couple  entered, whereupon  he  hid  under  the  bed  in  one  of  the  rooms,   St any  rate  Mrs.  Davis  v/as  first  to  discover  his  presence whereupon  she  called  her  husband  who  had  gone  into another  room.   He  came  quickly  with  a  shot  gun  and  held it  on  the  Negro  until  some  neighbors  could  arrive. "A  number  of  whites  made  up  a  gang,  took  the Negro  to  the  outskirts  of  town  and  hanged  him  to  the  limb of  a  sycamore  tree.  He  remained  hanging  there  until  late the  following  day  v/hen  he  was  taken  down  by  some  members of  his  race."   The  investigator  v/as  informed  that  "the person  who  tied  the  knot  around  the  victim's  neck  was  a Negro  of  v/ealth  and  high  standing  in  Jonesville,  He  did it  of  his  ov/n  accord,  too."  The  Negro  is  well  liked  by the  whites  of  Jonesville,  He  said  on  the  occasion  of  the lynching:   "I  will  help  hang  any  Negro  that  would  step J13 so  lov/  dov/n  and  mean  as  to  try  to  do  harm  to  any  white lady  in  this  town," Thus  peaceful  Jonesville  where  there  is  "a feeling  of  guardianlsm  and  protection" tov/ard  the  Negro had  an  outbreak  of  mob  violence  on  this  hot  August  night: An  unknown  straggler  v/as  strangled  without  being  question- ed as  to  why  he  did  not  stay  in  his  place  and  act  as  a Negro  should. Case  7 The  Lynching  at  y.'aco  Texas The  city  of  waco,  Texas,  is  the  county  seat  of McLennan  County,   Situated  on  the  Brazos  River,  about half  way  between  Dallas  and  Austin,  it  is  the  junction point  of  seven  railways.   The  city  is  in  a  fertile agricult\iral  region  with  grain  and  cotton  as  the  chief products,  and  with  nearly  200  manufacturing  establish- ments, representing  some  70  different  industries. From  a  population  of  14,445  in  1890,  Waco  had grown  to  be  a  city  of  26,500  in  1910,   The  v/hite  popu- lation in  these  20  years  had  almost  exactly  doubled,  v/hile the  colored  population  had  increased  from  4,000  to  6,000 forming  thus  23  per  cent  of  the  total  population. Practically  three-fourths  of  the  population  is  native  white of  native  parentage, Waco  is  well  laid  out.   The  streets  are  broad. 514 over  60  miles  of  them  being  paved  in  1916,  There  was also  an  excellent  sev/age  system  of  100  miles  and  a  fine city  owned  water  system,  as  v/ell  as  city  parks  of  which the  progressive  citizens  were  justly  proud.   There  v/ere 39  white  and  24  colored  chiirches:   Baptist  14;  Methodist, 9;  Christian,  4;  Presbyterian,  3;  Jewish,  2;  Evangelistic, Ij  Lutheran,  1;  Catholic,  1;  Christian  Science,  1;  and the  Salvation  Army,  1,   The  colleges  are:   Baylor University,  Baylor  Academy,  the  Catholic  College,  the Independent  Biblical  and  Industrial  School,  all  Y/hite; and  the  Central  Texas  College  and  Paul  Qiuinn,  colored colleges.  High  schools  and  National  Banks  were  also  as numerous  in  1916  as  was  required  for  ample  provision  in these  respects. Near  the  country  town  of  Robinson,  some  six miles  from  \'/aco,  lived  a  v±iite  family  of  four  -  the Pryars  -  who  ov/ned  a  small  farm.   This  they  cultivated themselves  v/ith  the  help  of  a  "hired  man",  a  colored  boy of  17,  named  Jesse  Washington,   Jess  was  a  big,  well- developed  fellow,  but  ignorant,  being  unable  either  to read  or  write.  His  teacher,  a  college  graduate,  stated that  she  was  unable  to  teach  the  boy  to  read  or  write. From  other  facts  to  be  noted  below,  he  was  evidently feeble-minded. The  Crime On  Monday,  May  8,  1916  while  Mr,  Fryar,  his  son of  14,  and  his  daughter  of  23,  v/ere  hoeing  cotton  in  one 315 part  of  their  farm,  the  Negro  boy  was  plov/ing  and  sov/ing cotton  seed  near  the  house  where  Mrs.  Fryar  was  alone. He  went  to  the  house  for  more  cotton  seed.   As  Mrs,  Fryar was  scooping  them  into  the  bag  which  the  Negro  held,  she scolded  him  for  beating  the  mules.   He  knocked  her  down with  a  blacksmith's  hammer  which  he  had  placed  nearby. Then,  according  to  his  later  confession,  he  criminally assaulted  her,  after  v/hich  he  killed  her  with  the  hammer. He  threw  the  hammer  into  a  nearby  briar  patch.   In  his confession  he  v/illingly  told  officers  where  it  was.   After committing  the  crime  the  Negro  returned  to  the  field, finished  his  v/ork,  and  went  home  v/here  he  lived  in  a small  cabin  v/ith  his  father,  mother  and  several  brothers and  sisters. Vi/hen  the  murdered  woman  v/as  discovered  suspicion pointed  to  Jesse  Washington,  and  he  was  found,  after  having eaten  supper,  sitting  in  his  yard  whittling  a  stick.  He was  arrested  and  immediately  taken  to  jail  in  Waco.  Just before  midnight  a  mob,  composed  of  Robinson  people  and farmers,  visited  the  jail.   They  came  in  with  about  30 automobiles,  each  crov/ded  beyond  capacity.^  There  was no  noise,  no  tooting  of  horns,  the  lights  were  dim,  and some  had  no  lights  at  all.   They  looked,  but  could  not find  the  Negro  who  had  been  taken  away  to  HlllsborOo There  the  sheriff  obtained  a  full  confession  without  any 6,  These  facts  v/ere  given  by  Vi'aco  officers. 316 third  degree  methods,  according  to  the  lav/yers  who  de- fended Washington,   A  part  of  the  mob  v/ent  to  this  county- seat  to  get  the  Negro,  but  he  v/as  again  removed;  this time  to  Dallas,   Later  a  small  group  of  business  men  from Waco  gained  the  pledge  of  the  Robinson  people  that  they would  not  lynch  the  boy,  provided  the  authorities  v/ould act  promptly,  and  if  the  criminal  wou.ld  vmive  his  legal rights  to  a  change  of  venue  and  an  appeal, A  second  confession  in  v/hich  the  Negro  v/aived all  legal  rights  was  obtained  in  the  Dallas  jail.  The Grand  Juvj   indicted  him  on  Thursday,  and  the  case  was  set for  trial  on  Monday,  May  15,   Of  course  not  all  of  the Robinson  people  v/ere  in  on  the  pledge  made  to  the  Waco business  men,  and,  under  stimulus  of  the  nev/spapers, certain  elements  in  and  around  '.Vaco  became  more  and  more excited  as  the  day  of  the  trial  drev/  near,  when  the  Negro would  be  brought  back  to  Waco,   On  Sunday,  at  midnight, he  v/as  brought  back  and  secreted  in  the  office  of  the judge.   There  was  practically  no  doubt  whatever  of  his guilt,  and  even  less  doubt  that  on  the  next  day,  if  the lav/  took  its  course,  he  would  be  tried,  condemned  and hanged.   There  had  not  been  a  lynching  in  Waco  for  11 years,  when  in  1905,  on  August  8,  Sank  Majors  v/as  lynched for  Rape, The  news  v/ent  out  that  7/ashlngton  would  be  in Waco,  ready  for  trial  on  Monday  morning,  and  the  crov/d began  to  gather  in  from  the  surrounding  country  on Sunday,  When  court  opened  Monday  morning,  according  to 317 rough  estimates,  1,500  crov/ded  into  the  court  room  - the  capacity  of  which  is  about  1/3  that  number  - while  2,000  waited  outside.   The  district  judge  of  the criminal  court  elb07/ed  his  way  through  the  crowd  to  the desk.   The  Negro  was  brought  in  from  the  Judge's  office where  he  had  remained  secreted  since  the  sheriff  brought him  from  Dallas  in  the  middle  of  the  night.   His  entrance was  a  tense  moment,  the  attention  of  the  entire  group centered  directly  upon  him,  and  "emotions  ran  high". As  the  jurors  v/ere  called,  members  of  the  crowd  yelled, "We  don't  need  any  juryj" The  trial  was  a  hurried  affair,  for,  although six  lawyers  defended  Washington,  and  his  confession  was questioned  and  debated,  the  jury  had  been  out  three minutes  and  returned  by  11:22  A,  M,  with  the  follov/ing verdict:   "V/e,  the  jury,  find  the  defendant  guilty  of murder  as  charged  in  the  indictment  and  assess  his punishement  as  death."   (Signed),  W.  B.  Brazelton,  fore- man,  "Is  that  yovir  verdict,  gentlemen?"  asked  Judge Munroe.   "Yes"  was  the  answer;  and  as  the  defendant had  waived  all  legal  rights,  there  v/as  no  appeal,  and he  was  to  hang  at  three  that  afternoon. The  Lynching There  was  a  pause  of  a  full  minute  while  the judge  made  the  entry:   "May  15,  1916:   Jury  verdict  of guilty."   Meanwhile  the  court  stenographer,  according  to his  later  statement,  knowing  v/hat  v/as  soon  to  happen. 318 slipped  back  of  the  sheriff  and  out  of  the  room,   "The sheriff  slipped  out  too",  says  the  court  stenographer* The  sheriff  claimed  that  he  was  under  no  further obligations  after  he  had  brought  the  defendant  to  the court  room  safely.   At  the  end  of  this  tense  minute  of absolute  quiet,  a  big  tall  7/aco  citizen,  driver  of  an Annheuser  brewery  truck,  yelled  from  the  back  of  the court  room,  "Get  the  nigger." The  mob  surged  forv/ard  and  took  the  Negro  be- fore the  court  could  pronounce  judgment.   They  rushed him  dovm  the  back  stairs  into  the  crowd  outside  and  tied him  with  a  chain  to  an  automobile.   The  chain  was  put into  his  mouth  "so  he  would  not  choke  too  soon".  Many had  come  a  long  way  "to  attend  this  part  and  they  didn't v/ant  it  to  end  in  a  minute".  Everybody  seemed  happy; they  shouted  and  sang  like  a  bunch  of  fans  at  a  ball game,  according  to  a  7/aco  paper. The  Negro's  clothes  were   cut  up  and  distributed as  souvenirs.   Somebody  cut  off  one  of  his  ears.   The Waco  Times  Herald  published  the  same  afternoon  said,  "On the  way  to  the  scene  of  the  burning  people  on  every  hand showed  their  feelings  in  the  matter  by  striking  the  Negro v/ith  anything  obtainable;  some  struck  him  with  shovels, bricks,  clubs,  and  others  stabbed  him  and  cut  him  until when  he  was  strung  up  his  body  v/as  a  solid  color  of  red, the  blood  of  the  many  wounds  inflicted  covered  him  from head  to  foot," They  took  Washington  to  a  tree  on  the  City  Hall 319 lawn  just  outside  the  window  which  the  Mayor  shared  with the  photographer  to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  pictures  of the  scene,   A  chain  was  throvm  over  the  limh  of  this tree,  and  while  the  fire  was  being  lit,  the  bloody  victim was  drawn  up  from  the  ground.   As  the  chain  tightened around  his  neck,  he  reached  up  to  grab  it  and  his  fingers were  cut  off,   A  member  of  the  mob  unsexed  the  Negro, To  quote  agains  from  the  Times  Herald; "Fingers,  ears,  pieces  of  clothing,  toes,  and  other parts  of  the  negro's  body  were  cut  off  by  members  of the  mob  that  had  crowded  to  the  scene  as  if  by  magic when  the  word  that  the  negro  had  been  taken  in  charge by  the  mob  vms  heralded  over  the  city.   As  the  smoke rose  to  the  heavens,  the  mass  of  people,  ntimbering in  the  neighborhood  of  10,000,  crowding  the  City  Hall lawn  and  overflov/ing  the  square,  hanging  from  the windov/s  of  buildings,  viewing  the  scene  from  the  tops of  buildings  and  trees,  set  up  a  shout  that  was  heard blocks  away.   Onlookers  were  hanging  from  the  windows of  the  City  Hall  and  every  other  building  that  command- ed a  sight  of  the  burning,  and  as  the  negro's  body commenced  to  burn,  shouts  of  delight  went  up  from  the thousands  of  throats,  and  apparently  everybody  de- monstrated in  some  way  their  satisfaction,.," The  body  of  the  Negro  v/as  burned  to  a  crisp,  and was  left  for  some  time  smoulderir-g  in  the  remains  of  the fire,   "Women  and  children  who  desired  to  view  the  scene were  given  a  chance  to  do  so,  the  crov/ds  parting  to  let 320 them  look  on",  says  the  newspaper  account.   One  man  who held  his  little  son  on  his  shoulder  where  he  could  get a  good  view,  said  later:   "My  son  can't  learn  too  young the  proper  way  to  treat  a  rdgger," By  12:00  o'clock  the  crov/d  began  to  disperse. About  an  hour  later  a  cowboy  v/ho  had  ridden  in  off  the range  tied  the  remains  (as  shown  by  picture  No,  4)  of  the Negro  and  rode  over  town  with  the  skeleton  dangling  at  the end  of  his  lariat.  He  then  rode  out  to  Robinson  and  back to  Waco,  still  dragging  the  skeleton,   Hov;  it  was  finally disposed  of  is  not  known.   It  is  said  to  have  been  throvm into  an  ash  can.   The  links  of  the  chain  with  which  the criminal  was  hanged,  as  well  as  his  teeth,  were  sold  as souvenirs  by  some  small  boys. The  small  town  and  country  people  from  around 7/aco  went  back  home.   By  Saturday  hardly  a  person  wanted to  talk  of  the  lynching.   The  people  were  again  busy; life  was  going  on  in  the  normal  v/ay.   Newspaper  men, lawyers  and  judges  thought  the  best  thing  to  do  was  to "forget  it".   Soon  afterwards  the  photographer  v/ho  made the  follov/ing  photographs  of  the  affair,  vn?ote  a  letter to  one  Y/ho  inquired  about  the  pictures  saying,  "V/e  have quite  selling  the  mob  photos.   This  step  was  taken  because our  'City  dads'  objected  on  the  grounds  of  'bad  publicity', As  v/e  wanted  to  be  boosters  and  not  knockers,  we  agreed to  stop  all  sales," "Fix  it  up  as  well  as  you  can  for  Waco"  said an  ex-mayor  to  a  reporter  from  another  city,  "and  make 321 Picture  1.      THE   CRO^^IVD  AT  WACO /■r7^r-A #7^^- 322 Picture  2.   THE  BURKING I'f7^7    D %  .  T Picture   3.      ONLOOKERS 323 /^^^7'S Picture  4.   AFTER  THE  BURNING 324 325 them  understand  that  the  better  thinking  men  and  women of  Waco  were  not  in  it." The  Philadelphia  Press  discussed  Texas,  Russia, Turkey  and  Germany  in  the  same  editorial,  and  pointed  out that  primitive  red  Indians  could  not  have  outdone  the Texas  Mob.   Commenting  upon  the  headline:   "Over  15,000 men,  women  and  children  see  Negro  boy  lynched  in  Texas", the  Chicago  Evening  Post  remarked:   "This,  if  v/e  remember rightly,  is  the  noble  State  that  is  always  hollering  to be  allowed  to  'clean  up  barbarous  Mexico'",  Mrs,  Fryar and  a  Negro  moron  ?;ere  gone;  and  by  a  busy  world  soon forgotten. Case  8 Mob  Action  at  Princeton,  '.vest  Virginia:   The  Lynching  of Robert  JohnsonV According  to  the  records  there  has  been  only one  lynching,  at  least  during  the  past  45  years,  in Mercer  County,  West  Virginia,  The  only  information  which we  have  on  the  case  is  the  report  by  Oppenheira,  It  is too  late  now  to  verify  the  facts  as  stated,  or  to  deny them.  In  the  light  of  cases  given  above  the  report  is stiggestive,  and  is  given  here  for  v/hat  it  is  worth. 7,  Adapted  from  the  report  of  a  personal  investigation  by James  Oppenheira,  "The  Independent",  Vol,  73,  (1912)  pp» 823-827. 326 In  1912  Bluefield  West  Virginia  was  "a  rail- road yard  v/ith  houses  all  around  it,"  Its  iiiain  street looked  down  on  coal  cars  and  sv/itch  engines  and  up  on the  other  side  at  splendid  cliffs  on  the  top  of  which were  immense  billboards  advertising  talcum  pov/der  and the  Appalachian  Power  Company,   The  latter  sign,  il- liiminated  and  in  motion,  dominated  the  tv/inkling  valley by  night.  Seventeen  hundred  people  dwelled  there  in an  atmosphere  of  soot,  among  the  white  vapor,  the trundling  of  wheels,  the  alarm  of  bells  and  the  incessant sound  of  escaping  steam. The  little  valley  is  distributing  center  for  the adjacent  coal  region,  and  necessarily  Bluefield  was  a town  of  workers;  a  tov/n  of  railroad  and  coal  men,  with the  shops,  hotels,  jails,  churches  and  saloons  that  de- pended upon  them.   Life  died  there  with  sundown  for those  inhabitants  v/ho  were  not  drawn  to  the  bars,  the prayer-meetings  and  the  moving  pictures, Bluefield  had  a  fascinating  human  mixture,  reminis- cent of  border  days;  there  v/ere  the  natives,  the  lanky lovable  Virginians;  there  Y/ere  the  Yanlcees  and  '/Westerners; a  few  Slavs  and  Germans  and  Italians;  a  non-descript shifting  populations  of  rough  laborers;  and,  an  immense number  of  Negroes,   In  fact  there  were  so  many  Negroes that  the  county  was  divided  in  its  government;  the  Judge, for  instance,  being  a  Republican,  the  prosecuting  attorney a  Democrat,   The  investigator  v/as  reminded  further  of border  days  by  the  tales  of  the  feuds,  and  the  swift 327 pulling  of  guns  and  the  assassination  of  citizens. It  was  undoubtedly  the  presence  of  the  Negro  that gave  the  town  some  of  its  dominant  characteristics. There  was  a  sharp  social  cleavage,  a  sharp  industrial cleavage,  as  well  as  political  division.   The  white Railroad  workers,  objected  to  doing  teamv/ork  with  Negro firemen;  and  socially  the  Negro  was  shut  into  his  own part  of  town, A  member  of  the  local  government  said  to  the investigator:   "We  lost  a  great  war,  and  saw  our  ignorant nigger  slaves  put  in  power  over  us  and  our  women  insult- ed.  Every  spot  in  the  South  has  its  woman  or  two  brand- ed for  life.   And  the  worst  riff-raff  of  the  North  came down  to  lord  it  over  us.   What  could  we  do?  Our  only way  to  win  back  power  was  through  o\ir  Ku  KItix  Klan  - through  lynch  law.   There  was  no  other  law  to  help  us. And  nov/  the  niggers  must  be  kept  do\vn.   I'm  a  humanitarian all  right,  but  the  nigger  must  know  his  place," As  one  of  the  ministers  put  it:  "There  is  no  trouble so  long  as  they  know  their  place,  I've  preached  in  their churches  for  them;  and  I 'm  friendly  as  anyone  to  them. You  know  vie   have  a  colored  institute  down  here  where  they are  giving  the  niggers  training.   That  bunch  is  all  right. You  can  phone  over  there  and  a  fellow  will  drop  his  book of  Latin  or  Algebra  and  come  over  and  scrub  the  floors for  you.  That's  the  proper  spirit," A  few  days  before  the  time  in  question,  at 328 Princeton,  a  town  ten  miles  away,  the  rumor  went forth  that  a  Negro  had  insulted  a  white  woman.   He escaped  unpunished,  as  there  was  no  evidence  against him.   Just  the  same  "White  Womanhood"  had  been  "in- sulted", and  feeling  ran  high  for  a  day  or  so,  then began  to  subside.   Such  is  a  sketchy  outline  preceding the  morning  of  September  4,  1912, Gordon  White  v/as  a  construction  foreman  in  the railroad  yards,  a  stocky  back-bent  mountaineer,  quiet and  passionate,  very  pleasant  with  his  neighbors,  but hard  on  the  Negroes,   He  believed  "in  drlvin'  the niggers  with  a  v/hip  and  sweatin*  the  work  out  of  them, for  "they  are  a  good-for-nothin«  lazy  lot,"  He  had  a neat  house  on  Caroline  Avenue,  and  here,  recently  he  had lived  alone  v/ith  his  daughter  Neta,  his  v/ife  being  away on  a  visit  to  his  other  children  in  Virginia,   Nita  was 16;  an  attractive,  blossoming  girl,  with  the  hearty mountaineer  freshness  and  vitality,  and,  as  one  of  the policemen  put  it,  "with  more  than  the  usual  run  of nerve,"  She  worked  alone  in  the  house  while  her  father was  in  the  yards.   He  left  her,  as  usual,  at  seven  on the  morning  of  September  4th,   At  a  quarter  to  nine  Neta flung  open  one  of  the  sitting  room  windov^s  and  screamed for  help.   Neighbors  rushed  in  and  found  her  lying  on the  floor  in  a  "distraught  condition",  A  doctor  was called  and  found  that  beyond  the  shock,  the  girl  had  not been  harmed,  the  assailant,  -  if  there  had  been  one  - probably  fleeing  when  the  dog  began  to  bark.   One  who 329 saw  her  two  weeks  later  stated  that  there  v/as  hardly evidence  even  of  shock;  she  seemed  sparkingly  alert and  animated,  though  there  were  times,  the  doctor said,  when  she  was  seized  v.ith  nervous  chills  and  the mention  of  the  word  "nigger"  sometimes  brought  these on. The  story  which  she  told  was  as  follows:   At about  7:30  there  was  a  knock  at  the  front  door.   She opened  it  and  a  Negro  stepped  in.   She  thought  she  had seen  this  Negro  before;  that  he  had  called  several weeks  previously  to  get  a  coat  for  her  father.   This time  he  said  that  her  father  had  sent  him  for  the tape-line,   Neta  turned  to  the  stair-case;  whereupon the  Negro  seized  her  and  attempted  to  stifle  her  cries by  forcing  a  large  bandana  handkerchief  into  her  mouth. At  the  same  time  he  dragged  her  into  the  sitting  room. She  screamed,  hov/ever,  and  was  answered  by  the  loud barking  of  the  dog  in  the  basement.   She  lost  con- sciousness then,  and  when  she  awoke,  crawled  desperately to  the  windov;,  raised  it,  and  called  for  help.   In  spite of  the  speed  and  excitement  of  the  occurrence  she  gave a  vivid  description  of  her  assailant.   He  was  quite black,  about  five  and  a  half  feet  tall,  medium  slender, heavy  moustache,  looked  as  if  he  had  a  week's  growth of  beard,  dressed  in  overall  jacket,  light  hat,  blue overalls  with  bib  coming  over  breast,  v/ore  watch  chain across  breast  to  pocket  in  overalls,  dark  or  dirty shirt,  had  red  bandana  handkerchief,  and  low  cut  shoes. 330 About  nine  o'clock,  then,  the  alarm  was  given, and  soon  citizens  and  officers,  afoot,  on  horseback and  in  automobiles  were  making  a  search  of  the  vicinity. Two  Negroes  were  arrested,  Walter  Jackson  and  Robert Johnson.   Suspiction  immediately  attached  to  the  latter. Although  he  did  not  tally  v/ith  the  description  -  he  wore black  trousers,  a  fresh  shirt,  and  a  small  growth  on  his upper  lip  in  place  of  a  moustache,  and  he  was  a  large, heavy  fellow  -  yet  he  "spoke  between  his  teeth"  and showed  great  sullenness,  refusing  at  first  to  answer questions.   According  to  the  statements  of  several  who were  present,  "he  had  a  guilty  look  about  him",  and  as one  discerning  citizen  put  it:   "Now  he  mightn't  a  done the  crime;  but  there's  no  doubt  in  my  mind  that  the nigger  did  do  something." Questioned  by  the  local  magistrate,  however,  he said  he  had  come  to  Bluefield  that  morning  from  Graham, a  village  three  miles  distant;  that  as  his  underwear  and shirt  were  in  a  soiled  condition,  he  stopped  at  a  store and  bought  a  new  set;  and  that  he  had  then  gone  to  a cornfield  not  far  from  the  White  house  and  there  made the  change.  He  had  previously  been  working  at  Jaeger, and  had  come  over  to  Graham  in  box-cars, Johnson  v/illingly  took  officers  to  the  cornfield and  the  clothing  v/as  found.   Then  he  and  Jackson  v/ere taken  to  the  V/hite  house  in  an  automobile.   The  father was  nov/  at  home  in  a  frenzied  condition,  but  not  so  far gone  but  that  he  could  precede  the  suspects  to  his 331 daughter's  room  and  assure  her,  before  witnesses: "Neither  of  them  niggers  ever  v/orked  for  me. They  ain't  got  the  right  man." The  Negroes  v/ere  brought  in,  and  Neta  failed  to Identify  either.   After  further  questioning,  however, she  thought  possibly  Johnson  "reminded"  her  of  the assailant,  but  the  assailant  had  been  dressed  different- ly, YvTiereupon  the  two  Negroes  v/ere  taken  back  to  jail, and  the  search  continued. In  the  meantime  the  news  spread  throiigh  the  town, excitement  grew,  and  "something  had  to  be  done".   Doubt- less the  police  felt  this,  for  v/hat  they  next  preceded to  do  v/as  quite  amazing.   They  made  Johnson  put  his  dirty clothes  back  on,  then  took  from  another  Negro  overalls Y/ith  a  watch  chain  across  the  breastj  and  these,  too, were  put  on  Johnson.   In  other  words,  they  dressed  him to  fit  the  description.   According  to  one  v/itness, Johnson  then  cried  out:   "I'm  ruined  -  now  I'm  ruined." It  vms  late  in  the  day  nov/  and  the  streets  were filled  with  excited  crov/ds.   The  officers  took  Johnson in  the  automobile  through  the  main  thorofare.   By  this time  Neta  v/as  in  a  bad  nervous  condition,  a  condition bordering  on  hysteria.   And  when  Johnson  v/as  brought  into her  bedroom  she  threv/  up  her  hands  and  shrieked:   "That's the  manj  that's  the  manl" At  once  the  officers  put  Johnson  in  the  automobile again,  and  breaking  the  speed  limJ.t,  shot  through  the tovm,  and  away  to  the  town  of  Princeton,  ten  miles  off. 332 This  vms  a  bold  advertisement  to  all  of  Bluefield  that the  "rapist"  had  been  caught.   A  great  crowd  set  off at  once  to  lynch  the  prisoner. Of  course  Princeton  v/as  "ripe  for  exciteicen-lf^'^ The  Negro  v/ho  vms  supposed  to  have  insulted  a  v/hite v/oman  v/as  remembered,   A  great  crowd  surrounded  the  jail; the  sheriff  v/as  disarmed;  a  search  v/as  made  inside,  but Johnson  had  been  "spirited"  away  to  some  other  hding point,  presumably  to  Berkley.   After  waiting  nearly  all night  the  crowd  dispersed,  and  Princeton  quited  doT/n» The  following  headlines  appeared  in  the  Bluefield  Daily Telegraph  the  next  morning: Negro  Fiend  Attacks  Bluefield  Girl  and  Entire  City is  Stirred  as  Never  Before,  -  Prompt  Action  by Officers  and  Citizens  Results  in  Capture  of  Man  Be- lieved to  be  Guilty  One...  iinraged  Citizens  Gather to  Wreak  Vengeance  on  Negro  accused  of  the  Crime, Hov/ever,  the  Daily  Telegraph  pointed  out  in  its nev/s  colujnn  that  there  was  some  doubt  that  the  right man  had  been  caught,  and  counseled  further  search. But  evidently  few  of  the  Princetonians  had  any doubts;  for,  learning  that  morning  that  Jolinson  was  in the  tov/n  of  Rock  with  tv/o  police  officers,  a  crowd  of railroad  men  asked  the  railroad  officials  for  the  loan of  a  special  train  to  give  chase.   The  loan  was  refused them,  whereupon  the  men  "took"  a  road  engine  and  two coal  cars  and  hurried  av/ay  for  Rock,   They  v/ere  a  bit late,  however,  for  the  officers  had  again  attem.pted  to move  the  prisoner.   They  side-tracked  the  train  and  v/ent on  afoot,  on  trail  of  the  officers  and  prisoner,  who  v/ere 333 soon  overtaken.   The  officers  v/ere  "intimidated",  end the  prisoner  brought  back  to  Princeton  on  a  freight train. The  train  reached  Prioeton  at  7:30  P,  M,   But the  news  had  preceded  its  arrival  and  an  enormous  crowd, many  members  of  which  no  doubt  were  from  Bluefield, swayed  around  the  depot.   This  crowd  followed  the  rail- road men  and  Johnson  to  the  courthouse.   They  v/ere  met here  by  Judge  Maynard,  Assistant  Prosecuting  Attorney Ross  and  the  Rev,  Dr,  Hamilton,  Neta  VvTiite's  pastor. Judge  Maynard  blocked  the  doorway  and  made  him- self heard.   He  said  that  there  v/as  considerable  doubt about  the  identity  of  the  Negro,  and.  Indeed  there  was. There  is  absolutely  no  legal  evidence  that  Johnson  com- mJLtted  the  crime,  nor  even  that  such  a  crime  v/as  com- mitted.  There  is  merely  the  word  of  a  sixteen-year-old girl  who  could  not  identify  Johnson  the  first  time  he was  brought  before  her,  and  only  accused  him  when  he  v/as dressed  to  fit  her  description;  a  girl  who  said  seriously that  she  lay  an  hour  and  a  half  in  a  faint,  who  stated that  a  bandanna  had  been  stuffed  in  her  mouth,  a bandanna  not  aftery;ards  found  on  the  premises. As  for  Johnson,  legally  he  had  an  alibi  proved by  himself,  by  the  father  and  daughter.   He  may  in  some strange  and  inexplicable  way  have  been  guilty,  but  v/hat evidence  did  they  have  that  he  v/as  guilty?  V/hat  they did  have  all  tended  to  establish  his  innocence.   These questions  were  never  asked,  much  less  answered;  (1)  Had 334 Johnson  ever  v/orked  for  Gordon  V/Tiite?   (2)  W'hj   did Neta  l/\'hite  allow  her  assailant  in  the  house  if  she did  not  knov/  him?  and  if  she  knev/  him  so  v/ell  that  she recalled  his  coming  a  couple  of  weeks  previously,  why was  it  so  hard  for  her  to  identify  him  a  few  hoiirs later?   (3)  If  Johnson  never  worked  for  Gordon  V'lTiite how  could  he  so  soon  master  the  following  facts:   that Neta  was  alone  at  home;  that  V»hite  was  in  the  habit  of sending  for  various  articles;  that  he  might  send  for such  a  thing  as  a  tape-line?   (4)  Had  Johnson  been  v/ork- ing,  as  he  said,  at  Jaeger?   (The  investigator  was  told, but  this  was  hearsay,  that  the  Jaeger  time-books  prove this.  The  fact  could  easily  have  been  ascertained), (5)  If  Johnson  had  been  guilty  would  he  have  so  willing- ly shown  liis  captors  where  he  had  discarded  his  dirty clothes?  And  is  it  conceivable  that  he  would  have lingered  so  near  the  scene  of  the  crime  when  he  made the  change  of  clothes? Judge  Maynard  pledged  a  speedy  trial,  promising that  he  would  convene  court  the  next  morning.  He  pleaded with  the  mob,  doubtless  vrfLth  much  sincerity,  and  finally introduced  R,  Hamilton,  who  said  in  part: I  am  not  here  to  save  this  negro.   This  young  woman wo  was  attacked  is  a  member  of  ray  Sunday  School.   A few  months  ago  I  stood  at  the  altar  and  received  her into  my  church.   She  is  a  bright  sweet  girl  and  is  as close  to  m.e  almost  as  one  of  my  own  family.   If  this prisoner  did  what  he  is  charged  with,  he  ought  to  die, and  I  care  not  how  soon.   I  am  not  here  to  save  the negro,  but  to  save  this  sv/eet  girl  from,  a  serious responsibility.   She  must  say  the  v/ord  that  v/ill  mean life  or  death  to  him.  If  it  should  t'orn  out  that  she 335 is  mistaken  it  would  be  a  terrible  memory  for  her to  bear  through  life,  I  am  not  trying  to  save  this negro,  but  to  save  you  men  from  a  terrible  mistake, if  it  be  a  mistake  and  to  save  you  from  a  crime,  for it  is  a  crime  to  take  the  law  in  your  own  hands. In  short,  it  must  be  said  that  the  officials  of  the county  and  the  girl's  pastor  met  the  issue  courageously and  squarely.  And  their  v/ords  had  such  effect  that  the judge  was  able  to  swear  in  members  of  the  mob  as  de- puties to  protect  Johnson  in  the  jail.   The  prisoner  v/as then  placed  in  a  cell  and  the  crowd  began  to  disperse. At  this  point  Neta  'ifvliite's  father  arrived  in  an automobile  from  Bluefield  for  the  purpose  of  "identifying the  man"  -  this,  after  his  positive  statement  the  day before  that  no  such  man  had  ever  worked  for  him.   Ac- cording to  '(rliTiite  him.self :   "I  was  took  into  the  jail, and  there  was  niggers  in  different  cells,   I  seen Johnson  in  one  of  them,  and  the  minute  I  set  eyes  upon him  I  knowed  he  v/as  guilty,   I  knowed  it,   I  just  knov/ed it,   I  could  tell  by  the  v/ay  he  looked.  And  v/hen  he  seed me  lookirg  at  him.  he  says,  'Boss,  I  never  v/orked  for  you, did  I,  now?'   But  I  give  him  a  look,  like  this,  and  I passed  on  around  to  the  other  cells.   And  then  I  come back  to  Johnson  and  I  give  him  a  look  again,  and  I knowed  it  was  he I  just  knoY/  he  was  guilty.   Any- way, I  done  as  v/ell  as  any  man  could  in  the  circum.stances, I  blame  them,   I  blame  them  for  taking  me  over  there when  I  was  crazy  v/ild.   Of  course  if  I'd  a  had  two  days to  cool  dov7n  inj   But  I  hadn^t  slept  a  v^ihk  the  night before,   V/liy  did  he  say  'I'm  ruined'  v/hen  they  put  the 336 other  nigger**  clothes  onto  him?   ....  I'm  just  sure he  was  guilty.   Couldn't  look  at  me  in  the  eyes,  he couldn't.   I  seed  it  the  minute  I  got  sight  of  him... So  I  said  it  was  he  and  I  said  I  v/anted  him  lynched,,". Now  suddenly  the  large  crowd  changed  into  a  seeth- ing mob,  members  of  v/hich  leaped  after  the  Negro,  He screamed  to  the  officers  begging  them  to  kill  him,  to shoot  him,  not  to  let  him  fall  into  the  hands  of  the mob.   Many  hands  dragged  him  and  beat  him;  "and  a  great hoT/ling  spread  over  the  street,  like  so  many  wild  animals aroused  in  the  jungle;  and  there  were  curses  and  screams and  shrieks,  and  the  eddying  and  surging  and  clashing  of many  bodies;  and  in  the  center,  gradually  working  down the  electric-lit  street,  the  screaming  Negro.  Knives were  jabbed  into  him,  he  was  stoned  and  beaten  with clubs.   Then  a  chain  was  put  around  his  neck  and  they tried  to  hang  him  to  a  trolley  support  and  failed.   Next a  man  climbed  a  telephone  pole  with  the  chain,  the  Negro was  raised  up,  shots  were  fired  into  the  body,  and  the crowd  paraded  round  and  round,  yelling  and  shotting  and mutilating." In  less  than  48  hours  the  Bluefield  Daily  Tele- graph printed  the  following  headlines:   "Not  Certain  that Mob  Victim  Was  the  Guilty  Man.   County  Official  Bases Grave  Doubts  on  Train  of  Circumstances,"   The  Governor, of  course,  was  aroused  and  asked  for  action;  the  prosecut- ing attorney  and  Judge  Maynard  began  work  at  once;  the grand  jury  was  convened,  but  no  indictments  were  found. I  t 337 As  one  of  the  citizens  put  it:   "The  nigger's  dead;  we can't  bring  him  to  life  again.   Quiet  has  been  restored. What's  the  use  of  making  more  trouble?"   Another  expressed the  opinion  that  no  jury  in  that  region  would  find  any  man guilty  in  a  lynching  affair. One  of  the  officials  said  to  the  investigator "in  grave  earnestness":   "The  whole  thing  was  wrong  and  the guilty  parties  ought  to  be  brought  to  justice,   i^d  I'm  going to  help  to  bring  them  to  justice.   I  can't  tell  you  now badly  I  feel  about  it.   For  why  didn't  they  lynch  him  in the  regular  way  -  between  midnight  and  dawn,  v/ith  masks, and  no  fuss  about  it?   But  this  way  it's  a  disgrace  to  the town,  and  it's  called  us  all  into  notice.   Dov/n  south  of  us you  never  hear  tell  of  a  lynching.   And  why?  Just  because they've  got  the  sense  to  follow  the  old  traditions." I  saw  the  effect  of  the  lynching  upon  old  man  White, says  Oppenhelm.   I  saw  him  two  weeks  after  he  had  sentenced Robert  Johnson  to  death  because  he  "just  seed  he  was  guilty". He  sat  in  a  low  rocker  in  the  sitting  room  where  the  attempt at  assault  had  been  made;  he  was  in  his  stocking  feet, his  great  shock  of  dark  hair  stood  startllngly  up  from his  wrinkled  forehead;  and  his  face  had  the  sort  of expression  I  have  seen  among  the  insane  on  Randall's  Islarri. . The  eyes  were  burning  bright.   And  he  could  not  be  still a  moment.   Though  several  of  us  talked  across  the  room,  he did  not  listen  to  us,  but  continually  broke  in,  in  a 338 harsh,  lov/  voice,  repeating  monotonously: "I  just  know  he  was  guilty.  V^hy  did  he  say I'm  ruined'  when  they  put  the  overalls  on  him?"  And again:   "I  done  the  right  thing  and  I  knov/  it.  All the  people  here  know  I  done  the  right  thing," And  over  and  over  again:   "I  blame  them.  They shouldn't  a  taken  me  over  that  night," Case  9 The  Person  County  Lynching While  in  a  majority  of  lynchings  the  guilt  of the  victim  is  not  questioned,  it  is  probable  that  the Negro  hanged  and  shot  in  Bluefield  was  not  guilty.   If courts,  after  longer  deliberation,  make  mistakes  it  is hardly  to  be  doubted  that  mob  members  are  at  times  in error  concerning  the  guilt  of  their  victim.   The  follow- ing case,  for  example,  indicates  that  an  innocent  Negro was  lynched  in  North  Carolina  in  1920,  and  shows  the danger  of  quick  action  based  upon  circumstantial  evidence. On  July  7,  1920,  Ed  Roach  was  taken  from  the Person  County  jail,  at  Roxboro,  and  hanged  to  a  church- yard tree.   His  body  v/as  then  riddled  with  bullets.   The Negro  was  accused  of  attacking  a  v/hite  woman  near  Mount Tersa  station  that  afternoon  between  two  and  three  o'clock. Roach  v/as  employed  by  a  Roxboro  contractor.   The  follov/ing 339 statement  signed  by  his  employer  and  published  in  the Raleigh  Times  on  July  12,  strongly  indicates  the  Negroes Innocence: ....V-Tien  this  negro  v.-as  lynched  as  innocent  a  man  was murdered  as  could  have  been,  had  you  or  I  been  the victim  of  the  mob  •••  Roach  v/as  working  for  me  and  was a  quiet,  hard-v;orking,  inoffensive,  humble  negro.   On Monday  he  came  to  me  and  stated  that  he  was  sick  and wanted  to  go  with  me  to  Durham  that  night  to  see  a doctor.   Instead  I  arranged  for  him  to  go  Tuesday  night to  Roxboro.  He  continued  his  v/ork  all  day  Tuesday until  5:30  (bear  in  mind  that  the  crime  for  which  he was  lynched  occurred  between  two  and  three  o'clock that  afternoon),  when  he  asked  permission  of  his  fore- man to  stop  and  go  to  Mount  Tersa  station  to  catch  the train  for  Roxboro.   Permission  v/as  given  him  and  he left  for  the  station  walking.   At  5:45  he  passed  the State's  bridge  crev/  (white  men),  and  two  men  who  were out  searching  for  the  guilty  negro  saw  him  and  follow- ed him  up  the  road  to  Mount  Tersa  station,  where  he sat  down  and  waited  for  the  train,   'These  two  men  sat dov/n  on  the  railroad  near  him.   ?/hen  the  train  came  he got  on  and  paid  the  conductor  his  fare  to  Roxboro,  and got  off  the  train  there.   He  v/as  not  arrested  until he  go  off  the  train.   I  am  advised  by  the  chief  of police  that  he  asked  what  they  had  him  for  and  told them  he  had  not  done  anything,  but  he  was  not  told utnil  he  got  in  jail  v/hat  they  had  him.  for.   He  asked 340 to  be  taken  to  my  office  to  see  my  superintendent  with whom  he  had  arranged  to  carry  him  to  the  doctor,  but permission  was  refused  him,,,, A  negro  man  about  Roach's  size  canie  to  my  camp on  Sunday  night,  was  employed  on  Monday  and  v;ent  to work  Tuesday  morning.   About  8:15  A,  M.  he  drove  my team  out  to  the  side  of  the  road  and  had  been  gone twenty-five  minutes  v/hen  my  foreman  missed  him.   My foreman  took  out  one  of  the  mules  and  went  to  look for  him,  saw  him  going  up  the  road  towards  Mt,  Tersa, the  Negro  saw  him.  and  broke  and  rvm  over  on  the  east side  of  the  railroad,  going  tov/ards  Lynchburg,  This was  about  10:30  A,  M,  Tuesday  morning  and  in approximately  three-quarters  of  a  mile  of  the  scene of  the  crime.   This  man  v/as  dressed  practically  the  same as  Ed  Roach,  y/ith  cap  and  overalls,  was  about  the  same size,  but  a  little  darker  in  color,,,, I  make  this  statement  in  the  interest  of  truth and  justice,  yet  with  the  full  knov/ledge  of  the  odiiim I  am  bringing  down  upon  my  own  head  in  doing  so,  but with  the  hope  that  this  fearful  crime  may  so  shock  our people  as  to  make  its  like  again  an  impossibility, •« 341 Case  10 The  Ell  Person  Lynching In  Chapter  VII  it  was  stated  that  there  have  been six  lynchings  in  Shelby  County,  Tennessee,  since  1900,   This ntunber  included  tv/o  Negroes  lynched  for  attempted  rape  and one  for  rape  before  1917,  During  this  year,  on  May  22,  Ell Person  was  lynched  for  alleged  rape  and  murder.  Three months  later  a  Negro  was  lynched  near  Memphis  charged  with larceny.   The  six  lynchings  mentioned  also  included  one in  1927  for  alleged  attempted  attack  on  a  v/hite  v/oman.   To this  number  must  be  added  two  other  mob  victims,  thus  making the  total  for  Shelby  County  at  least  eight.   According  to a  report  in  the  New  York  Times  of  February  3,  1903  a  man and  his  wife  v/ere  burned  at  Memphis.   One  Incident  in connection  with  the  lynching  is  strikingly  similar  to  an incident  that  occurred  14  years  later  -  the  forcing  of  a Negro  boy  to  witness  the  burning.   The  follov/ing  is  quoted from  the  Times: A  colored  man,  Luther  Herbert,  and  his  v/lfe  were  burnt at  the  stakes  at  Memphis,  Tennessee,  for  murdering  a white  man.   Before  the  mob  separated  seven  Negroes  had been  done  to  death.   The  sixteen-year-old  son  of  the colored  couple  was  forced  to  attend  and  witness  the  burning. The  case  of  the  burning  of  Ell  Person  near  Memphis on  May  22,  1917  is  given  belov/  at  length.  It  shov/s  how  the members  of  a  community  were  gradually  brought  to  a  state 342 of  high  emotionality  through  continued  publicity;  how, from  such  uncertainty  concerning  the  guilt  of  a  Negro that  he  was  twice  turned  loose  by  officers,  the  mob  came to  be  so  certain  of  his  guilt  that  they  burned  him;  hov/, in  the  face  of  a  public  announcement  beforehand,  the officers  made  apparently  no  attempt  to  stop  the  lynching; hOY/  mob  members  treated  the  name  of  the  sheriff  as  a  joke at  the  lynching.  The  case  also  indicates  the  part  played by  women  -  that  a  woman  said  burn  the  Negro,  and  that many  said,  "they  burned  him  too  quickly."   The  case  as given  is  adapted  from  a  report  by  James  //eldon  Johnson, which  was  taken  directly  from  the  Memphis  papers.  Re- porters from  several  different  papers  "covered"  the affair.   At  least  three  of  them  were  eye-witnesses  to the  burning  and  their  vivid  descriptions  are  significant, and,  apparently,  fairly  accurate. On  Monday,  April  30,  near  six  o'clock,  Antoinette Rappal,  16  years  old,  got  on  her  bicycle  to  go  to  school. She  lived  with  her  mother  on  the  outskirts  of  Memphis, and  it  v;as  her  custom  to  ride  her  bicycle  two  and  a  half miles  down  the  Macon  Road  to  the  house  of  her  uncle, William  Wilfong,  each  morning  and  there  wait  for  the wagonette  which  carried  her  to  the  Treadv/ell  School  on Highland  Heights,  six  miles  from  her  home.   She  never retiirned. On  Wednesday,  May  2,  the  "Memphis  Press"  printed 343 a  story  of  the  missing  girl  under  the  headline,  "Y;ar Lures  Girl  of  15  to  Leave",  and  containing  an  account of  Antoinette's  oft  expressed  desire  to  join  the  Red Cross.   The  girl's  mother  was  reported  as  believing her  daughter  had  left  home  for  that  purpose. The  Memphis  papers  of  Ihuj-sday,  May  3,  published accounts  of  the  finding  of  Antoinette  in  the  7;olf  River bottoms.   The  girl's  head  had  been  severed  from  the  body with  an  axe.   The  only  clues  were:   Dents  of  an  ax  in the  soft  ground,  filled  with  blood;  a  man's  white  hand- kerchief with  the  corners  torn  off,  and  fresh  automobile tracks  nearby.   Later,  the  detectives  found  a  white  vest or  coat  near  the  scene  of  the  murder.   The  theory  held by  the  police  was  that  the  crime  had  been  committed  by two  men.   This  theory  was  held  because  Antoinette  was strong  and  athletic,  weighing  130  pounds,  and  because  the position  of  her  body  indicated  that  more  than  one  man had  abused  and  slain  her.   Suspicion  fell  on  Negro  wood choppers,  a  number  of  whom  worked  in  the  vicinity.   One of  these  was  arrested  but  was  released  v/hen  his  v/hite employer  testified  that  he  had  been  at  v/ork  all  day  on the  date  of  the  crime.   The  papers  of  Thxirsday  morning also  carried  an  account  of  an  attack  on  a  white  v/oman by  two  unicnown  white  men,  who  got  av/ay. On  Thursday  night  Sheriff  Tate  arrested  a  deaf and  dumb  Negro  named  Dewitt  Ford,  who  claimed  to  have witnessed  the  tragedy.   Ford  was  taken  to  the  scene  and there  he  went  through  a  detailed  pantomime  of  the  crime. 344 and  accused  Dan  Armstrong,  a  Negro  timber  cutter,  of being  tiae  criminal.  Ford  also  went  through  his  panto- mime at  police  headquarters,  taking  a  photograph  of  the girl  and  a  cardboard  ax  made  by  the  newspaper  men  and showing  hov/  the  head  had  been  chopped  off  and  thrown to  one  side,   Armstrong  was  arrested,  but  P,  0.  Stockley, his  white  employer,  clearly  established  that  he  reported to  him  for  work  at  six  o'clock  Monday  morning  and  had worked  all  day;  so  Armstrong  v/as  released. The  Memphis  papers  of  Saturday,  May  5,  reported that  the  city  detective  force  did  not  agree  v/ith  the sheriff's  office  on  the  theory  of  the  crime.  The detectives  held  that  the  crime  had  been  committed  by  a white  man.   They  suspected  a  "queer  acting"  white  man dressed  in  white  duck.  The  following  paragraphs  are from  the  "Memphis  Press"  of  May  5th: Detectives  and  Sheriff  Split  of  Case Detectives  are  near  the  breaking  point  v/ith sheriff  Tate,  on  the  ^appal  murder  mystery.  Although no  official  cognizance  has  been  taken  of  any  impending break  between  the  sheriff's  forces  and  the  detective department,  murmurs  of  unrest  are  emanating  from  the city  sleuths,  ,,, City  Detectives  Brunner  and  Hoyle,  who  have  had long  experience  v/ith  criminals  of  all  sorts,  particular- ly Negroes,  admit  that  the  right  man  may  be  in  Jail  now. But  they  have  theories  v/hich  have  some  substantiation that  the  murder  was  committed  by  a  v/hite  m.an  who,  they believe,  was  mentally  deranged. The  detectives  have  not  been  given  free  rein  in the  case.   They  have  oeen   detailed  to  -.vork  under  Tate's direction,  ,., Other  old  and  experienced  detectives  have  express- ed the  same  idea  about  the  crime  that  Brunner  and  Hoyle hold. 345 The  follov/ing  paragraphs  regarding  the  break between  the  city  detective  force  and  the  sheriff *s office  on  the  theory  of  the  case  are  from  the  "Com- mercial Appeal"  of  May  5th: Detectives  on  Case Brunner  and  Hoyle,  city  detectives,  viho   were assigned  to  assist  the  sheriff's  office  in  investigat- ing the  Rappal  murder  mystery,  have  thus  far  kept  their discoveries  to  themselves.  It  is  understood  at detective  headquarters  that  they  are  working  on  the theory  that  a  white  man,  and  not  a  Negro,  may  have  com- mitted the  crime. There  are  some  circvunstances  that  bear  out  this theory.   The  girl's  bicycle,  when  it  was  found,  v/as leaning  against  a  tree  only  a  hundred  feet  or  so  from the  bridge  and  the  public  road.   The  basket  in  front contained  her  school  apron,  her  books,  a  package  of lunch  and  a  small  bouquet  of  flov/ers.   The  officers argue  that  if  the  girl  had  been  seized  as  she  was  riding that  these  articles  would  have  been  thrown  from  the basket,  and  the  wheel  v/ould  probably  have  been  dragged away  and  thrown  out  of  sight,  .,, A  handkerchief  v/as  found  nearby.   It  did  not  be- long to  the  girl.  Yesterday  the  sheriff  found  a  v/liite coat,  such  as  barbers  or  v/aiters  wear.   It  v/as  some distance  away  and  bore  no  bloodstain.   No  Negro,  it  is argued,  would  have  such  a  coat.   Few  Negroes  of  the class  to  which  the  tv/o  suspects  who  are  in  custody  be- long ever  carry  a  v/hite  handlcerchief , The  theory  held  by  the  detectives  was  given  some substantiation  when  it  was  learned  that  a  "queer  acting" v/hite  man  dressed  in  v/hite  duck  had  been  seen  in  Wood- stock, a  neighboring  town,  tv/elve  hours  after  the  com- mission of  the  crime.   The  account  of  this  "strange" man  was  given  as  follows  in  the  "Memphis  Press": Authorities  are  seeking  a  white  man,  clad  in  v/hite duck  coat  and  trousers,  as  the  ax  fiend  v/ho  assaulted and  beheaded  little  Antoinette  Rappal,  15-year-old  school girl  last  Monday  morning.   They  had  his  trail  up  to  Mon- day night,  12  hours  after  the  murder.   The  man  they  are hunting  v/as  seen  in  '.Voodstock  at  that  time. The  search  for  a  white-clad  nan  began  yesterday afternoon,  v/hen  the  sheriff's  posse  and  detectives  found a  white  duck  vest  near  the  scene  of  the  murder. On  information  telephoned  to  Chief  of  Detectives John  M.  Couch,  this  morning,  by  Station  Agent  J.  H, 346 Blaine,  of  Woodstock,  Sheriff  Tate  arranged  by  tele- phone to  have  all  station  agents  watch  out  for  the white-clad  man.   Sheriff  Tate  said  he  thought  a  trip to  Woodstock  was  useless.   He  said  the  phone  served as  well  as  a  trip  and  was  quicker. The  trail  at  '.Voodstock  was  cold,  he  thought, because  the  suspect  last  had  been  sighted  Monday  night, a  few  hours  after  the  murder, Blaine  'phoned  that  his  night  telegraph  operator, M,  I,  Druggitt,  talked  with  an  apparently  crazy  man, shortly  after  6  o'clock  Monday  night.   The  man  was  a stranger,  and  wore  v/hite  duck  coat  and  trousers.   He acted  queer ly,  pacing  back  and  forth  in  the  depot. Finally,  he  came  to  Druggitt 's  chair  and  leaned over,  as  the  operator  v/as  taking  a  message, "\\liat  do  you  want?"  Druggitt  asked  him, "Nothing,  nothing",  was  the  answer.   "I'm  going to  Newbern  to  marry  her," Druggitt  turned  his  attention  to  his  instrument for  a  moment, '.Vhen  he  looked  around,  the  stranger  was  gone© No  trace  of  hira  has  been  reported  since. The  "white  man"  theory  of  the  detectives  gained such  strength  that  Chief  Couch  obtained  legal  permission to  disinter  the  body  of  the  victim  in  order  to  photo- graph the  eyes  of  the  dead  girl  in  hope  that  the  last object  her  eyes  rested  upon  was  the  murderer  and  that his  image  v/ould  be  revealed.   Publicity  of  the  order for  this  gruesome  operation  and  the  reasons  for  grant- ing it  were  published  in  the  "Memphis  Press"  of  Llonday morning.  May  7th,   The  following  excerpts  are  from  that account: The  case  had  resolved  itself  into  a  scientific problem  of  crime  education,   A  week  had  passed  since  the girl  was  slain.   If  the  film  of  death  is  not  too  strong over  her  eyes,  '.Vaggoner  thinlcs  he  may  be  able  to  bring to  light  the  features  of  the  murderer. One  other  hope  holds  out  from  the  disinterment. The  matter  beneath  the  finger  nails  of  the  dead  girl  will be  examined, Antoinette  was  a  sttirdy,  strong  girl,  and  detectives believe  that  she  made  a  frantic  fight  for  life,  and  scratch- ed her  victim  with  her  finger  nails. Chemists  easily  can  determine  v/hether  this  skin 347 is  white  or  black.   This  will  be  a  big  determining factor  in  the  ultimate  verdict  the  peace  officers send  in  on  the  case.   One  man  had  been  located  who was  present  v/hen  the  body  v/as  found,  who  declares that  she  had  tissue  resembling  white  skin  under  her finger  nails  at  the  time  her  body  was  discovered. Indications,  according  to  city  detectives,  point to  the  fact  that  Antoinette  Rappal  left  the  Macon  road voluntarily,  on  the  morning  that  she  was  murdered.  ... The  condition  of  the  bicycle  would  point  to  the fact  that  the  girl  was  not  dragged  from  the  embankment from  her  wheel,  for  the  bicycle  is  not  scratched,  nor marked  as  though  it  had  been  dragged.   Sleuths  say  it looks  as   though  it  had  been  placed  carefully  against the  clump  of  swamp  willows  where  it  v/as  found. Certainly  no  white  girl  would  permit  a  Negro  to lure  her  into  such  a  place,  the  detectives  reason.   A white  man,  known  to  her,  would  excite  no  such  suspicion in  her  mind.   Detectives  vow  that  criminal  assault  v/as not  the  only  motive,  ... They  are  backed  in  their  white  man  theory  by  Dr. Lee  A,  Stone,  resigned  head  of  the  Associated  Charities, and  local  practicing  physician.   Dr.  Stone  claims  that the  deed  unquestionably  is  the  crime  of  a  white  man. He  terms  the  man  a  necrophilia  -  one  v/hose  object  v/ould first  be  the  death  of  the  victim.   He  also  stated  that in  medical  history  certain  abnormal  men  have  been  found who  first  kill  their  victims.   Such  cases  are  quite numerous  in  criminal  annals.  Dr.  Stone  says: "It  is  practically  a  certainty  that  this  terrible crime  has  been  committed  by  a  white  man." On  S\inday,  May  6,  Ell  Person  and  George  Know, two  Negro  v/oodchoppers,  v/ere  arrested  on  suspicion.   The clue  leading  to  Person's  arrest  is  stated  in  the  follow- ing paragraph  clipped  from  the  Memphis  "Scimitar"  of Monday  afternoon.  May  7th: As  ax,  bearing  suspicious  stains,  which  deputies found  at  the  home  of  L.  Persons,  a  Negro  living  a  half mile  from  the  scene  of  the  murder,  was  tiirned  over  to City  Chemist  Mantel  for  examJ.nation  by  Sheriff  Tate, Monday.  He  v/ill  endeavor  to  ascertain  if  the  stains v;ere  made  by  human  blood.   Persons  is  locked  up  in  jail. On  Tuesday  morning  the  Memphis  papers  announced that  Ell  Person  had  confessed  to  being  the   slayer  of Antoinette  Rappal,   Person,  with  other  suspects,  had 548 been  in  tlie  sheriff's  custody  twice  before,  and  twice had  convinced  the  officers  that  he  knew  nothing  of  the crime.   But  the  girl's  uncle,  William  Wilfong,  was  not satisfied.   After  Person's  second  release,  Wilfong  and his  brother-in-law,  Gus  Hanky,  themselves  seized  Person and  turned  him  over  again  to  the  sheriff, Hov/  Wilfong  had  his  suspicion  against  Person aroused  and  how  he  came  to  be  convinced  of  his  guilt  is thus  related  in  the  "Memphis  Press": E.  J.  Brooks,  of  Berkeley,  Tenn, ,  is  the  first man  to  accuse  Ell  T.  Persons  of  being  the  ax  murderer v/ho  chopped  off  the  head  of  little  Antoinette  Rappal, on  the  morning  of  April  30,  Together  with  Chief  John Sailors,  of  Bingharaton,  he  connected  the  links  in  the chain  of  evidence  against  the  Negro,  and  laid  his findings  before  Sheriff  Tate, This  morning  Brooks  told,  in  simple  but  dramatic language,  the  story  of  hov/  he  v/as  led  to  accuse  Persons, This  Negro  was  working  for  m.e  last  February,  and had  been  for  eight  months'^  said  Brooks, One  morning,  early  in  February,  he  v/as  busy  churn- ing, and  my  vrife   was  in  the  same  room  with  him.   All  of a  suddent  he  quit  churning,  sprang  up,  and  began  staring wildly  at  ivirs.  Brooks,  He  was  in  a  quiver  all  over, "I  had  a  dream  about  you  last  night",  he  said,  and as  he  spoke  he  made  like  he  wanted  to  lunge  at  my  v/lfe. She  ran  av/ay  in  a  terrific  fright,  and  told  me  how  the Negro  had  acted. My  first  impulse  was  to  put  a  hole  in  the  fiend, but  rather  than  cause  any  trouble,  I  fired  the  Negro and  ordered  him  to  stay  away  from  my  house,   I  wish  now I  had  killed  him. I  have  seen  him  off  and  on  in  the  neighborhood several  tim.es  since,  v/orking  as  a  wood  chopper, V/hen  I  first  heard  the  nev/s  of  Antoinette  being murdered,  the  thought  flashed  into  my  mind  that  the murderer  v/as  the  same  Negro  v/ho  had  acted  so  strange before  my  wife.   I  took  the  matter  up  with  Sheriff  Tate. I  told  him  how  this  Negro  had  done,  and  he  ordered  the black  man  arrested,  but  soon  released  him. Then  it  was  that  I  took  the  matter  in  m.y  own hands  and  determined  to  prove  that  I  was  right.   Sailors, at  Binghamton,  Joined  m.e,  and  we  spent  sleepless  nights since  last  Thursday,  on  the  trail  of  that  Negro, He   traced  him  to  the  bridge  near  v/here  the  crime 349 was  committed  until  6  o'clock  Monday  morning.   Then v/e  lost  trace  of  him  until  8:30,  v/hen  v/e  found  that  he had  applied  at  the  home  of  J.  G.  Moffett,  near  Berkeley, for  v/ork. This  went  to  prove  that  v/e  were  on  the  trail  of the  right  man.   Then  next  we  went  after  some  clue  as to  his  clothes* Sailors  hired  a  Negro  to  scout  around  Person's house,  and  see  what  he  could  pick  up. At  midnight,  Sunday,  while  exploring  the  premises of  the  murderer's  house  Sailors'  Negro  found  a  blood- stained pair  of  shoes  under  a  stack  of  cornstalks. He  also  discovered  a  pair  of  trousers  in  Person's house  which  had  been  washed.  They  bore  the  xmmistakable signs  of  blood-stains  near  the  bottom, Y/e  gave  the  shoes  and  the  trousers  to  the  sheriff, Monday  morning,  continued  Brooks,  and  he  arrested  the Negro  again.   This,  of  course,  completed  the  evidence needed  to  mark  Person  as  the  guilty  Negro,  ,., The  alleged  confession  of  Ell  Person  v/as  obtained by  "third  degree"  methods.  How  these  methods  v/ere  used on  Person  was  thus  told  in  the  "Memphis  Press"; There's  Blood  on  Your  Shoes The  sheriff,  with  Brunner  and  Hoyle,  past masters  in  the  art  of  the  third  degree,  cajoled,  beat, whipped,  threatened,  pleaded,  with  the  Negro  to  no avail. But  finally,  at  the  psychological  moment,  when  the black  man's  resistance  v/as  worn  to  the  breaking  point. Detective  Hoyle  pointed  suddenly  to  the  Negro's  shoes, "There's  blood  on  your  shoes  nowj"  he  said,  Sharp- ly, accusingly. Person  faltered.  He  looked  down.  True  enough, spots  were  on  his  shoes.  Before  he  had  time  to  gather his  scattered  wits.  Sheriff  Tate  and  Detective  Brunner seized  the  clue, "The  city  chemist  can  tell  if  it  is  himan  blood", said  Tate,   "Take  off  those  shoes," Person  complied.   Tate  and  Brunner  left  the third  degree  room,  taking  the  shoes  with  them,   Hoyle remained  with  the  prisoner. About  an  hour  later  Tate  and  Brunner  returned, Hoyle  had  refrained  from  questioning  Person, "It's  human  blood",  Tate  said  dramatically,  as he  entered  the  room. Person's  eyes  widened.   He  shuffled  lower  in  his chair.   He  gazed  down  at  the  floor,   llien  he  half 350 whispered  the  words  that  cleared  the  most  atrocious murder  mystery  in  the  history  of  this  country. "I  DID  IT;  I  KILLED  HER!"  were  Person's  words. In  the  same  issue  of  the  same  paper  there  appeared on  the  front  page,  printed  in  heavy-faced  type,  the following  paragraph; No  Blood  Is  on  Clothes  and  ^ix City  Chemist  Mantell  reported  this  afternoon  that he  had  failed  to  find  any  blood  on  the  trousers,  shoes or  ax  of  Ell  Person,  confessed  murderer  of  Antoinette Rappal, The  alleged  confession  of  Person  was  annovmced  in the  morning  papers  of  Tuesday,  May  8.   In  the  "Scimitar" of  Tuesday  afternoon.  May  8,  there  appeared  the  following paragraphs  relative  to  the  results  obtained  after  the disinterment  of  Antoinette  Rappal 's  body. Under  the  direction  of  Chief  of  Detectives  Couch, Paul  N.  Waggoner,  Bertillon  expert  of  the  police  depart- ment, photographed  the  pupils  of  the  murdered  girl's eyes,  in  hope  of  obtaining  an  image  of  the  m.urderer  on the  retina. An  examination  of  the  photograph  under  high  power lenses  reveals  the  image  of  an  object  that  appears  to  be the  upper  part  of  a  man's  head.   The  forehead  and  hair seem  to  be  plainly  visible,  but  the  features  are  in- distinct.  Police  say  that  the  image  is  a  likeness  of Persons. The  grand  jury  of  Shelby  County  immediately  in- dicted Person  on  the  charge  of  murder  in  the  first degree.  ... Prom  the  moment  of  the  publication  of  the  alleged confession  of  Person,  there  v/ere  threats  of  mob  violence, and  the  prisoner  was  spirited  away  to  the  state penetentiary  at  Nashville,   All  that  day  a  mob  of 351 500  men  surged  around  the  jail  in  Memphis  demanding that  the  hiding  place  of  the  prisoner  be  divulged. This  mob  would  not  be  satisfied  with  the  statement that  Person  was  not  in  the  jail.   Finally,  Chief  Perry of  the  police  force,  addressed  the  mob  and  invited  them to  appoint  a  committee  to  search  the  jail,   A  committee of  three  from  the  mob  searched  the  jail  for  an  hour then  announced  to  the  crowd  that  Person  v/as  not  there. The  mob  then  vented  its  anger  in  denouncing  the  sheriff for  sending  the  prisoner  out  of  their  reach. The  mob  spirit  v/as  fanned  by  "scarehead"  articles on  the  frontpages  of  the  papers,  especially  of  the "Press".   In  the  paragraphs  quoted  below  from  the  "Press" it  is  worth  while  to  note  the  less  than  delicate  hint that  in  capital  cases  a  certain  amount  of  corroborative evidence  must  be  submitted  to  the  jury,  even  v/hen  a prisoner  pleads  guilty,  indicating  that  there  was  still a  slight  chance  that  Person  might  not  be  convicted. Add  to  this  the  information  that  though  a  change  of venue  were  granted,  the  prisoner  v.-ould  have  to  be  brought back  to  Memphis  and  be  present  in  person  in  the  local court  to  ask  for  the  change.   Add  the  still  further  in- formation that  no  militia  could  be  called  out. One  Indictment No  indictment  for  criminal  assault,  v/as  retiirned against  Person  for  the  reason  that  officials  have  his confession  to  miirder,  and  are  certain  that  the  death 352 penalty  will  be  inflicted. In  capital  cases,  a  certain  amount  of  corrobo- rative evidence  must  be  submitted  to  a  jury,  even  v/hen a  prisoner  pleads  guilty,  as  Person  is  expected  to  do. In  case  the  defense  should  ask  a  change  of  venue, so  the  Negro's  trial  might  be  held  in  another  county,  it still  will  be  necessary  that  Person  be  brought  to  the local  courthouse.  Under  the  law,  when  a  change  of  venue is  asked  and  granted,  the  prisoner  must  be  in  the  court- room. No  Militia The  state  militia  is  not  subject  to  call,  even though  an  appeal  is  made  to  Governor  Rye  for  aid.   The national  guard  of  Tennessee  nov/  is  in  the  service  of  the United  States  government  and  is  not  subject  to  the governor's  orders. The  following  published  statement  of  the  Attorney- General  is  also  Y/orthy  of  attention: Attorney-General  Hunter  Wilson  today  declared against  the  third  degree  method  of  obtaining  a  confession, But  he  said  the  Person  case  is  an  exceptional  one,  and that  any  method  of  getting  the  brutal  murderer  to  con- fess was  justified, "Ordinarily,  I  v/ould  not  let  a  confession  obtained by  the  third  degree  go  to  a  jury",  he  said,   "But  this Rappal  murder  was  so  horrible  that  I  think  the  officers were  justified  in  the  means  they  employed." The  mob  spirit  continued  to  grow,  yet  no  effort was  made  to  let  it  be  known  that  the  officers  v/ould uphold  the  law,   i»o  declaration  of  even  the  v/eakest  kind was  issued  that  mob  violence  would  be  resisted. 353 On  May  15,  Sheriff  Tate  mysterionsly  disappear- ed from  Memphis.   The  papers  printed  such  scareheads as,  "Sheriff  Tate  Reported  Kidnapped,"  "Tate  May  Be Prisoner",  etc.   It  was  generally  reported  that  the  mob was  holding  the  sheriff  so  as  to  have  a  free  hand  to deal  with  the  prisoner  whenever  he  might  be  brought back  from  Nashville. On  May  18,  Sheriff  Tate  reappeared  in  Memphis and  made  the  statement  contained  in  the  paragraphs below,  taken  from  a  Memphis  daily: Sheriff  Iv'ike  G.  Tate  is  back,  safe  and  sound. He  arrived  about  1  o'clock  this  morning.   He  made  his first  public  appearance  about  11:50,  when  he  stepped into  Mayor  Ashcroft's  office,  at  the  city  hall.   There he  cleared  the  m.ystery  of  his  two  day  disappearance. Sheriff  Tate's  reasons  for  his  absence  are  two- fold.  He  fled  from  Arlington,  Wednesday  morning  to avoid  trouble  with  the  mob.   To  use  his  words: "I  was  informed  by  Arlington  people  that  several mobs  were  between  Arlington  and  Memephis,   They  v/ere reported,  in  some  instances,  to  be  drinking,   I  didn't v/ant  to  hurt  anyone,  and  I  didn't  want  to  get  hvirt. So  I  went  south  into  Mississippi,   I  remained  there until  last  night." The  statement  of  a  sheriff  that  he  did  not  want to  hurt   anyone  in  a  mob  organized  to  defeat  the  lav/, and  did  not  want  to  get  hurt  himself,  aroused  no  un- favorable public  conmient  among  the  citizens  of  Shelby County,   The  papers  especially  the  "Press",  continued to  print  f rort  page  accounts  of  the  probable  time  of  the prisoner's  return  to  Memphis  and  to  give  the  details  of the  activities  of  the  mob.   The  "Scimitar"  of  May  19 carried  a  long  article  containing  the  follov/ing  paragraphs: Not  since  the  days  of  the  Ku-Klux-Klan,  v/hen  the 354 white-robed  horsemen  galloped  over  the  same  roads that  the  mob  squads  patrolled  '.Vednesday  night  have such  conditions  existed  in  the  country.  An  unknovm and  dominant  leader,  who  gave  evidence  of  a  positive genius  for  handling  a  large  body  of  men,  issued  orders which  were  carried  to  the  various  squads  by  couriers in  fleet  automobiles. This  is  borne  out  by  the  fact  that  every  squad which  the  deputies  encountered  were  fully  aware  of  v/hat was  being  done  over  the  entire  countryside.   Scores  of automobiles,  each  loaded  with  five  and  six  men  v/ho carried  shotguns  betv/een  their  knees,  rode  up  and  down the  highways  throughout  the  night. Every  time  one  of  these  automobiles  encountered one  occupied  by  the  officers  they  searched  the  latter 's machines  to  make  sure  that  it  did  not  contain  a  manacled Negro,   They  openly  stated  that  they  were  determined to  mete  our  summary  vengeance  if  the  prisoner  was  found, "We're  going  to  get  that  Negro,  Ell  Persons,  yet," they  vowed,  "and  make  him  pay  for  murdering  Antoinette Rappal.  Yoii  men  from.  Memphis  don't  knov/  hov;  v/e  feel about  this  out  here.  He  should  not  have  been  taken  out of  Shelby  County  in  the  first  place,  but  at  any  rate  we are  going  to  get  him," The  activities  of  the  mob  continued.   Each  train coming  into  Memphis  was  stopped  and  searched.   Plan  for the  lynching  v/ere  perfected.  The  place  where  Person was  to  be  burned  v/as  prepared;  yet,  during  this  whole time,  the  Memphis  papers  did  not  contain  one  v<ord  in behalf  of  law  and  order.   Not  one  word  of  protest  was publicly  uttered  by  a  single  minister  or  prominent citizen.   Nor  did  any  official  take  an  adequate  step tOY/ard  making  provisions  for  upholding  the  law. "Extras"  on  Monday,  May  21,  announced  that  Ell Person  would  be  brought  to  Memphis  that  night,  and thousands  of  people,  going  out  in  automobiles  and  on foot  gathered  at  the  place  that  had  been  prepared  for the  incineration. 355 Prisoner  Under  IVo  Guards Person  was  being  brought  back  from  Nashville  under the  guard  of  two  deputies.  He  v/as  taken  from  the  train at  Potts  Camp,  Mississippi,  and  placed  in  an  automobile. The  men  in  the  automobile  and  their  escort  then  started for  the  spot  that  had  been  prepared  on  the  Macon  Road, just  outside  of  Memphis.   A  terrific  rainstorm  delayed their  progress  and  they  did  not  arrive  until  early Tuesday  morning,  but  many  people  waited  through  the night. How  the  mob  and  a  crowd  who  came  to  look  on waited  all  Monday  afternoon  and  through  the  storm  at night  until  the  prisoner  v;as  brought  in  Tuesday  morning was  graphically  told  by  Ralph  Roddy,  a  reporter  on  the "Memphis  Press",  in  a  long,  special  article  headed, "Thirty- six  Hours  With  the  Mob,  or  How  the  Press  Told It  First," Roddy  v/ent  out  early  Monday  afternoon  to  "cover" the  event  for  his  paper.   In  his  article  he  relates  how the  crov/d  waited  and  continued  to  grow;  hov/  the  women sang  ragtime  and  popular  songs,  but,  as  the  sharp lighting  flashed  across  the  sky  and  the  storm  gathered, they  changed  to  "Near  My  God  to  Thee".  He  tells  how  at 9  o'clock  Monday  night  the  leaders  of  the  mob  received news  by  telephone  and  relayed  by  a  messenger  that  Person had  been  removed  from  a  train  at  Potts  Gamp,  and  the men  bringing  him  would  arrive  about  midnight.   He  tells 356 of  the  crowd  waiting  all  night  through  the  storm  until Person  v/as  brought  in  at  8:30  the  next  morning.   He tells  of  the  arrival  of  Person,  v/lio  from  being  ill  used, beaten  and  mutilated  in  a  nameless  way,  was  too  weak  to stand  on  ""-is  feet. Since  Roddy  was  an  eye  witness,  it  is  well  to quote  his  exact  words  on  the  "last  confession"  made  by Ell  Person: The  car  in  which  the  girl's  mother  was  riding  was pushed  alongside  of  the  car  containing  the  ^-"egro.  He was  assisted  to  his  feet  by  tv/o  men  and  informed  that within  a  few  minutes  he  would  suffer  a  horri'ble  death. He  was  asked  if  he  wished  to  confess  to  the  crime.   In a  low,  hesitating  voice  the  Negro  admitted  that  he  killed the  Rappal  girl. Under  pressure  he  was  asked  if  anyone  else  was connected  with  the  killing  of  the  girl.   The  Negro  hesitated, but  v/ith  much  leading  on  the  part  of  the  mob  leaders, accused  Dewitt  Ford,  Negro  deaf  mute,  and  Dan  Armstrong, Negro  woodchopper,  of  being  accomplices  in  the  crime. The  confession  of  guilt  was  voluntary  on  the  part of  Person,  but  the  mob  really  accused  Dummy  and  Armstrong before  the  Negro  had  a  chance.  V.Tien  the  mob  asked  if Dummy  and  Armstrong  were  there,  he  merely  stated  "Yes". He  was  then  asked  if  Armstrong  planned  it,  and  again stated  "Yes". 357 It  appeared  to  me  that  the  Negro  v/as  lying  in order  to  kill  time  and  in  the  hopes  that  someone  else would  accompany  him  to  death.   Possibly  he  thought  he would  get  a  short  respite  while  they  v/ere  searching  for the  other  tvi/o  negroes.  ...   On  Tuesday  morning  Ell Person  was  b\irned»  ...   Let  me  give  the  account  in  the words  of  Edward  T.  Leach,  a  special  writer  on  the "Memphis  Press":  ... The^;-  burned  the  ax  fiend  to  death  this  morning. Fifteen  thousand  of  them.  -  men,  women,  even  little children,  and  in  their  midst  the  black-clothed  figure  of Antoinette  lappal's  mother  -  cheered  as  they  poured  the gasoline  on  him  and  struck  the  m.atch. They  fougiit  and  screamed  and  crowded  to  get  a glimpse  of  him,  and  the  mob  closed  in  and  struggled  arovmd the  fire  as  the  flames  floared  high  and  the  smoke  rolled over  their  heads, Tv/o  of  them  hacked  off  his  ears  as  he  burned; another  tried  to  cut  off  a  toe,  but  they  stopped  him. They  crowded  in  and  crowded  out,  so  that  all  might see  the  burning  body.   And  they  were  still  surging  around it  when  the  flesh  had  been  burned  from  the  bones  and the  withered  form   of  v/hat  v/as  once  a  human  being  lay crackling  in  the  flames.  ... Call  for  Other  Two The  mob  called  for  the  other  tv/o  negroes  and  a triple  execution,  but  hundreds  who  were  tired  from  an all-nig}it  wait  wanted  the  burning  of  Person  to  take place  at  once.  They  had  waited  till  they  were  weary: they  saw  the  object  of  their  long  vigil  almost  fulfilled, and  they  wanted  to  burn  him  at  once  and  get  "Dummy"  and Armstrong  later. Finally  these  persons  prevailed,  and  Person  was taken  from  the  auto  and  burned. It  was  a  holiday  on  the  Macon  Road  this  morning. Hundreds  of  men  and  some  v/omen,  too,  had  spent  the  night at  the  bridge  over  which  Antoinette  Rappal  rode  on  her bicycle  just  before  her  murder.   But  most  of  the  watchers had  gone  home  and  started  to  return  early  this  morning. From  every  direction  they  cane,  v/ithout  breakfast.   Men and  women,  som.e  of  them  with  their  children,  gathered  by hundreds.  ... 358 For  a  mile  and  a  half  up  the  road  the  autos  v/ere packed  in  an  endless  string  by  9  o'clock,   'I'hose  on  foot strufjgled  among  the  cars.   Mothers  carrying  children staggered  from  exhaustion  as  the  word  spread  that  the posse  bringing  Person  had  almost  reached  the  bridge.  An old  man  on  crutches  hobbled  and  bemoaned  the  fate  that might  keep  him  from  arriving  in  time. Makes  Confession Then  came  word  that  the  Negro  wanted  to  make  a confession,  and  the  crov/d  surged  av/ay  from  the  tree  v;ith the  rope  and  back  to  the  road.  Around  an  auto  on  the west  end  of  the  bridge  stood  dozens  of  men  with  rifles and  shotguns. The  crowd  surged  around  and  fought  for  a  viev/  of the  victim,   !uarshal  Sailors  of  Binghampton  pleaded  with the  crov/d  to  be  orderly.   Sailors,  knowing  the  determina- tion of  the  mob,  did  his  best  to  prevent  any  disorder and  succeeded  in  doing  so. Sailors  stood  up  in  the  car  and  beside  him  stood the  Negro,   The  murderer  Y/as  calm,  but  his  eyes  rolled white,  for  the  cro?/d  screamed  when  it  saw  him. Leaders  tried  to  get  silence,  and  finally  they succeeded, "Person  has  a  statement  to  make",  shouted  Sailors, But  the  Negro  could  not  speak,  and  the  marshal  spoke  for hira, "Person  says  that  'Dvu-imy'  and  Armstrong  were  in it  with  him"  said  Sailors,   "He  says  that  Armstrong  framed it  up,  and  that  'DvLmmy'  was  in  it,  too.   He  says  iirmstrong hit  the  girl  first  and  that  he  (Person)  cut  her  head  off. He  says  'Duimny'  was  in  it  as  much  as  they  were," The  crciud  screamed  for  'Dummy'  and  Armstrong,  but leaders  again  quieted  them,  and  Sailors  continued: "The  nigger  knows  that  these  are  his  last  v/ords, that  he  cannot  escape  death.   He  says  that  after  the  crime, 'Dummy'  and  Armstrong  v/ent  to  y;ork,  and  he  went  and  chang- ed his  clothes  and  then  went  to  tovm"  .... "Has  the  mother  of  the  girl  anything  to  say?" someone  asked. Statement  of  the  Mother The  crov/d  became  instantly  quiet  as  the  stout woman  in  black,  her  face  hidden  by  a  heavy  veil,  spoke to  a  man  v/ho  stood  on  the  running  board  of  her  auto, "The  Mother  wants  the  nigger  burned  and  wants everyone  to  see  it",  the  man  said.   The  mother  nodded I  I 359 assent,   "She  doesn't  v/ant  anyone  to  fire  a  gun",  the spokesman  added. . . • Someone  suggested  time  for  prayer,  and  a  man  in a  dark  suit  sprang  to  the  log  and  got  silence,   "He didn't  give  the  girl  any  time  to  pray  and  we  oughtn't  to give  him  any  time  for  prayer",  the  speaker  said. Another  man  jumped  up,   "That's  Brother  Royal,  a preacher",  he  called  out,   "I  Y/ish  we  had  more  like him"  ..., Where's  Tate? "iffliere's  Tate?"   someone  yelled,  and  there  was loud  laughter  and  many  jesting  remarks. Then  the  Negro  was  dragged  to  the  pile  of  wood and  laid  flat  against  the  post  which  rested  on  the  fallen tree.   He  y/as  chained  to  the  log  so  he  couldn't  move, and  someone  called  for  gasoline, A  woman  near  me  screamed  not  to  use  gasoline, "He'll  burn  too  fast;  he'll  burn  too  fast",  she  cried, over  and  over  again,  and  others  took  up  the  shout..,. Someone  produced  a  ten-gallon  can  of  gasoline  and it  was  poured  on  the  Negro,   Then  those  in  the  back  start- ed pushing  and  those  in  front  began  yelling,  and  amid  a scene  of  tremendous  disorder  the  flames  suddenly  shot  over the  heads  of  the  crov/d  and  those  on  the  outside  knew  that the  ax  fiend  was  burning.,,,   A  ten-year-old  Negro  boy was  placed  on  the  other  end  of  the  log, "Take  a  good  look,  boy",  someone  told  him,   "Wa want  you  to  remember  this  the  longest  day  you  live,   'i.his is  what  happens  to  niggers  who  molest  white  women." Two  men  darted  in  and  v/ith  knives  slashed  the Negro's  ears  from  his  head.   Other  men  fought  the  crov/d back  to  keep  it  from  follov/ing  their  example,,,. The  Negro  lay  in  the  flames  in  the  center,  his arms  crossed  on  his  chest.   If  he  spoke,  no  one  ever heard  him  above  the  shouts  of  the  crov/d.   He  died  quickly, though  15  minutes  later  excitable  persons  still  shouted that  he  lived.  When  they  saw  the  charred  remains  move  as does  meat  in  a  hot  frying  pan. Burned  too  Quick "They  burned  him  too  quick;  they  burned  him  too quick,"  was  the  complaint  on  all  sides.   The  universal sentiment  seem.ed  to  be  that  too  much  gasoline  had  been used. When  the  fire  had  almost  died  doYoi  and  no  stretch of  the  imagination  could  have  pictixred  the  clmrred  mass in  the  midst  as  the  remains  of  a  human  being,  men  and 360 particularly  women  still  struggled  to  get  near  for  a glimpse. Thousands  left.   They  walked  and  twisted  and scrambled  in  and  out  among  perhaps  3,000  machines  that were  parked  so  close  that  drivers  could  not  move  them in  some  cases  for  hours. And  all  the  way  to  Memphis  those  who  were  leaving passed  the  crowds  which  were  just  coming.   These  bemoaned the  fact  that  they  were  too  late,  but  seized  on  every little  cloud  of  smoke  they  saw  as  an  indication  that  the fire  was  still  burning,  that  some  portion  of  the  spectacle might  still  be  left  for  them,,,. After  Ell  Person,  the  ax  fiend,  had  been  b\irned to  death,  many  members  of  the  crov/d  helped  to  mutilate the  body.   One  man,  his  hands  covered  with  blood,  cut  out the  heart  and  the  lungs  and  ox'fered  them  as  souvenirs  to the  crowd..,.  And  finally  the  head  was  severed  from  the body  and  placed  on  the  bank  leading  to  the  road  so  all might  see.,,. The  severed  head  of  Ell  Person,  Negro  ax  fiend, who  v/as  burned  at  the  stake  this  morning  was  thrown  out of  a  speeding  auto  at  Beale  Ave,  and  Rayburn  Boulevard, at  12:30  this  afternoon.   The  foot  and  leg  of  the  lynched Negro  up  to  his  knee  v;as  tlirown  out  at  Beale  and  Third as  the  party  sped  on. The  actions  of  the  autoists  in  throwing  the  mangled parts  of  the  Negro's  body  caused  a  sensation  which  border- ed on  to  a  riot  in  the  heart  of  Memphis  Negrodom, . . , The  lynching  was  over.   On  the  follov/ing  day  news- paper editorials  indicated  the  usual  reaction.   It  was pointed  out  that  all  were  to  blame  for  the  shame  that  had come  to  the  city  of  Memphis,   "Let's  not  be  cowardly enought  to  put  it  off  onto  someone  else,  claiining  that we  were  at  home  attending  to  business,"   said  the "Memphis  Press",   "Public  opinion  burned  Ell  Person  - the  minister  of  the  gospel,  the  lawyer,  the  doctor,  the newspaper  editor,  the  man  who  talks  to  others  on  the street  corner  or  the  street  car  -  he  shared  in  it  .,. unless  he  protested  and  there  v/ere  few  protests.   The majority  approved.   The  minority  kept  silent,  and  silence gives  consent. 361 "And  so,  today,  when  the  reaction  has  come  and we  shudder  at  the  story  of  the  man  who  cut  out  the  heart of  the  half-roasted  fiend,  of  the  men  who  severed  his  head and  sped  to  tov/n  to  throv;  it  into  the  street,  let  us  stop and  see  v/hat  part  we  played  in  it..." On  the  following  day.  May  24,  the  "Memphis  Press" reported  a  resolution  made  by  the  Ministers  of  the  City.- "V/e,  clergymen  of  the  city  of  Memphis,  met  in  solemn assembly,  do  hereby  resolve  that  v/e,  as  clergymen  and  citizens, confess  our  dereliction  of  duty  in  not  having  warned  an  in- flamed public  opinion  against  mob  violence  when  it  was  apparent to  every  reader  of  nev/spapers  that  preparations  had  been  made  for lynching  the  brute  who  had  committed  an  unspeakable  crime." Case  11 A  Lynching  in  Kentucky;   Grant  Smith For  a  number  of  years  Grant  Smith  had  been  employed by  a  white  farmer  in  Fleming  County,  Kentucky.   In  January, 1920  he  left  suddenly  without  notifying  either  his  wife  or  the farmer  for  whom  he  worked.   The  last  time  he  was  seen  was  when the  farmer  and  his  wife  went  to  Fleming sburg  on  a  shopping  trip and  left  him  working  around  the  house.   They  left  their  daughter at  home.  '.Vithin  a  few  days  it  became  known  that  Smith  had  attacked  th< 8.  Taken  from  several  newspaper. reports,   i-icture,  courtesy of  International  News  Service. 362 girl,  and  had  intimidated  her  into  silence  by  threats  of death.   According  to  the  Negro's  confession  to  the  Chief of  Police  in  Pontiac,  Michigan,  three  months  later,  the girl's  story  was  true.   He  made  his  way  by  night  to  Paris, took  a  train  to  Louisville  from  which  he  went  to  Pontiac. For  over  a  month  he  had  been  working  at  the  Du  Pont  Camp, He  v/rote  a  letter  back  to  his  wife,  at  Plemingsburg, The  letter  v/as  intercepted.   The  Negro  was arrested  and  Governor  Morrow  issued  requisition  papers for  Ms  return  to  Kentucky,   Within  a  few  days  officers from  Kentucky  reported  to  the  Oakland  County  jail  and  the Negro  was  turned  over  to  them.   Smith  agreed  to  plead guilty  and  the  officers  promised  protection.   Letters  and code  telegrams  passed  betv/een  the  officers  indicate  earnest intentions  of  giving  the  Negro  a  trial,,  but  they  failed. The  picture  on  the  follov/ing  page  verifies  a  part  of  the special  dispatch  to  the  Lexington  Herald  from  Maysville, on  March  29: The  body  of  Grant  Smith,  assailant  of  Ruby Anderson,  tonight  was  left  deserted,  hanging  by  a gregigrass  rope  from  telephone  pole  No,  787,  on  the Maysville-Lexington  pike,  in  Fleming  County,  six  and a  half  miles  from  Mayslick,  Mason  County, Members  of  the  mob  that  lynched  the  negro disappeared  v/ithout  being  viell   enough  for  recognition by  residents  along  the  road. The  body  had  not  been  harmed,   A  v/atch  fob  was hanging  from  the  negro's  clothing.  His  hands  still v/ere  in  handcuffs  and  his  arms  had  been  bound  to  his body  by  a  small  wire,   A  cap  still  v/as  on  his  head. The  rope  was  tied  in  a  regular  hangm.an's  knot, showing  that  whoever  v/as  in  charge  was  familiar  with hanging. The  body  hung  over  the  middle  of  the  main  road. It  was  learned  from  persons  who  had  passed  the road  before  and  after  the  lynching  that  the  prisoner of  the  mob  must  have  been  hanged  about  9  o'clock. t  * 363 0 A. 364 It  was  asserted  by  persons  who  said  that  they talked  to  mob  leaders  that  the  hanging  took  about  15 minutes.   The  negro  is  said  not  to  have  made  any  statement. Nine  automobiles  were  in  the  procession  which took  the  negro  to  the  scene  of  his  death,  according  to persons  v/ho  saw  the  men  pass  the  road,  but  did  not  know at  that  time  who  they  were  or  what  was  their  purpose. All  the  members  of  the  mob,  it  was  asserted, were  from  Fleming  County,  and  it  is  believed  that  the majority  of  the  men  -were  from  the  neighborhood  that  the assault  took  place. Case  12 Four  Lynched  at  Shubuta,  ..iississippi Dr.  E.  L.  Johnston  had  retired  from  the  practice of  dentistry  and  moved  to  his  father's  plantation.   Tv/o Negro  girls  and  two  Negro  boys,  all  between  the  ages  of 16  and  21  years,  worked  for  Johnston.   The  boys  were  there for  the  purpose  of  "working  out"  a  mule  which  their  father had  bought  from  the  doctor.   It  seems  that  Johnston  had objected  to  the  older  couple  "going  together",  and  had threatened  to  kill  Major  Clarke.   It  was  generally  known  in the  neighborhood  that  there  had  been  trouble  betv/een  them. On  the  morning  of  December  10,  1918,  Dr.  Johnston went  to  the  barn,  where,  according  to  press  reports,  he was  shot  from  ambush.   He  v/as  taken  into  the  house  by Clarke,  and  died  that  night.   In  viev/  of  previous  trouble as  Y/ell  as  the  fact  that  the  Negroes  were  the  only  ones 9.  Adapted  from  a  Report  by  .V.  F.  'ATiite  and  newspaper  accounts 365 found  near  the  scene  of  the  shooting,  suspicion  was immediately  attached  to  the  four  Negroes,   The  tv/o  girls and  the  younger  Clark  "boy  were  arrested  and  taken  to Quitman,  12  miles  from  Shubuta,  and  Major  Clark  was  taken to  the  jail  at  Meridian,  38  miles  away. On  December  20,  after  Major  Clark  had  confessed, the  four  Negroes  v/ere  brought  back  to  Shubuta  for  a preliminary  hearing,   Nev/s  spread  over  the  county  that  a lynching  would  take  place  at  nightfall.   Automobiles  lined the  streets.   At  about  6:30  in  the  evening  a  mob  v/ent  to the  jail.   The  Deputy  Sheriff  was  handcuffed  and  his  keys taken  from  him.   No  one  was  injured  at  the  time.   The Negroes  v/ere  placed  in  an  automobile.  The  tov/n  lights  as well  as  those  of  the  automobiles  were  turned  out.   The place  of  the  lynching  was  already  known,  so  that  the  large crowd  set  out  for  the  little  covered  bridge  that  spanned the  Chickasawha  River  a  short  distance  from  town.   Pour ropes  were  tied  to  the  bridge,  then  around  the  Negroes* necks.   One  of  the  girls  "fought  like  a  tiger"  and  was knocked  down  with  a  monkey  v/rench.   Then  the  four  were throv/n  from  the  bridge. During  the  next  day  the  colored  people  of Shubuta  v/ould  not  "cut  them  down".   The  bodies  hanged  to the  bridge  luitil  some  white  men  v/ent  and  broiight  them  in to  an  undertaking  parlor.  Then  the  colored  people  refused to  let  the  bodies  be  buried  in  their  grave  yard.   The white  folks  had  lynched  them;  nov^  they  could  btiry  them. Just  outside  the  white  grave  yard,  in  two  graves,  the 366 four  bodies  were  buried. People  of  the  tov/n  later  told  a  visitor  the  reason for  v/hich  each  of  the  Negroes  was  lynched;  Major  Clark, killing  Doctor  Johnston;  Maggie  Howze,  instigating  the murder  by  urging  Clarke  to  conimit  the  crime;  Andrew  Clark, standing  in  the  road  to  watch  and  give  warning  in  case anyone  should  approach  at  the  time  of  the  mvirder;  Alma Hov;ze,  purchasing  two  cartridges  vilth   Y/hich  the  dentist was  killed,   'i'he  case  brought  forth  considerable  comment from  the  press,  and  has  been  called  the  "economic  lynching" -  the  only  lynching  on  record  the  cause  of  v/hich  was  ad- mitted to  be  economic.   Although  the  reasons  stated  above are  evidently  more  nearly  correct,   A  dispatch  sent  out from  Shubuta  on  the  morning  following  the  lynching  read as  follows: The  theory  is  advanced  that  the  lynchers  acted  be- cause of  the  fact  that  the  next  term  of  co\irt  was not  due  to  be  convened  until  next  March.   It  is hinted  that  the  idea  of  the  county  being  forced  to care  for  and  feed  four  self-confessed  assassins  of a  leading  citizen  might  have  aroused  the  passion  of the  mob, Johnston  had  recently  had  trouble  with  a  v.'hite man  of  the  community,  and  his  parents  thought  tliis  mad had  killed  their  son.   Members  of  the  mob  would  not  heed the  father's  suggestion,   That  the  Negroes  v/ere  guilty  was the  general  belief,  and,  although  the  father  of  the mxirdered  man  plead  with  the  m.ob  not  to  lynch  the  Negroes until  an  investigation  could  be  made,  the  lynching  was carried  out  -without  questioning  them  concerning  their guilt.   All  are  said  to  have  denied  the  murder  until  the 367 last.   It  does  not  seem  that  the  colored  citizens  refused to  bury  the  victims  for  fear  of  bringing  themselves  into trouble;  certainly  this  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  they refused  to  let  the  y;hite  people  bury  the  bodies  in  their grave  yard.   It  seems  probable,  then,  that  the  Negroes of  Shubuta  considered  the  mob  victims  as  being  guilty  of the  murder. The  NAACP  sent  to  Governor  Bilbo  a  telegram similar  to  the  one  discussed  in  Case  No,  2   above,   A newspaper  reporter  called  some  days  later  and  asked  the Governor  if  he  intended  to  reply,  and  if  he  had  any conmient  to  nake.   The  Governor  said:   "No,  not  tonight, I  might  give  you  a  little  advance  information  to  the effect  that  I  will  tell  them,  in  effect,  to  go  to  H,..". The  statement  was  published  widely  and  received  editorial comment  from  all  sections  of  the  covuitry.   In  the  North there  was  "atonlshment"  that  a  governor  would  treat  so lightly  an  inquiry  concerning  a  ouar duple  lynching. Several  southern  editors  v;ere  m.ore  nearly  in  agreement v/ith  the  Governor,   An  editorial  appeared  in  the  Houston Post  under  the  caption,  "The  Polly  of  Butting  In",  It  was pointed  out  that  although  "the  Governor  greatly  deplores,,,, the  crime  alluded  to"  and  "possibly  feels  indignant  that the  lav/s  of  Ivlississippi  v/ere  so  ruthlessly  trampled  under foot  ,  yet  he  "does  not  relish  having  any  organization in  New  York  making  any  demands  v/hatsoever  upon  him,  nor will  anybody  else  in  Mississippi  ,.••  No  Governor  v;ho  is 368 worth  his  salt  would  yield  to  such  pressure  In  any  sort of  case," Sufficient  evidence  for  indictments  and  arrests v/as  not  found*. The  subsequent  lynching  history  of  the  county  is as  follows:   On  July  5,  1920  James  Spencer,  a  Negro  postal clerk,  v/as  hanged  by  a  mob  at  Enterprise,   He  had  serious- ly stabbed  a  v/hite  postal  clerk  on  a  Nev/  Orleans  and  North- eastern mail  car  three  days  before.   Officers  v/ere  on  the way  to  Quitman  v/here  the  Negro  was  scheduled  to  be  tried in  court.   The  last  lynching  in  Clarke  County,  Mississippi was  that  of  Will  Echols  at  Quitman,  on  September  13,  1920, The  Negro  had  recently  been  convicted  of  the  murder  of Henry  Davis,  an  aged  watchman  at  a  Ixmber  plant.   He  was sentenced  to  be  hanged  on  September  10  but  his  execution was  stayed  at  the  last  moment  through  an  appeal  to  the Mississippi  Supreme  Coiirt,   On  the  night  of  the  thirteenth he  v/as  taken  from  the  jail  by  a  small  party  of  men  v/ho carried  him  two  miles  into  the  country  and  shot  him  to death.  VuTio  these  men  were  is  not  known.   There  were  no indictments  following  either  of  the  tv/o  1920  lynchings. 369 Case  13 A  Deleware  Lynching There  is  only  one  lynching  record  as  having occurred  in  Deleware,   In  1903  a  Negro,  George  V/hite, murdered  a  white  woman.  Miss  Helen  Bishop,   The  Negro was  in  jail,  awaiting  the  proper  time  for  trial.   It  has been  said  that  a  Christian  Minister  "caused"  the  lynching. The  evidence  for  the  statement  is  given  below. Between  the  date  of  the  above  murder  and  the lynching  the  Rev,  Robert  A.  Ellwood,  Pastor  of  the Mount  Olivet  Presbyterian  Church,  preached  a  Svmday morning  sermon  which  is  thus  reported:   "He  advocated moderation,  and  then  drew  an  agonizing  pictiire  of  the mvirder  of  Ivliss  Bishop,   He  counselled  patience,  and then  denoiHiced  the  Supreme  Court,  declaring  that  by refusing  to  depart  from  the  regular  procedure  to  try ^Vhite,  it  was  setting  an  example  in  patience  for  the people.  He  drew  a  forecast  of  precisely  v/hat  happened, and  sternly  laid  the  blame  at  the  feet  of  the  Judges of  the  Court,  and  added  a  final  appeal  to  the  passions of  his  audience  by  dramatically  waiving  over  his  head blood-stained  leaves  from  the  thicket  in  v^hich  Helen Bishop  had  been  killed,  and  which  had  been  especially obtained  for  the  purpose  by  one  of  his  elders.   The people  went  from  the  chiirch  livid  v/ith  passion,  and 370 early  this  morning  the  deed  was  done.' Evans  also  quotes  from  the  report  of  the  case the  follov/ing: "After  the  man  was  dead  by  burning,  throngs  of v/omen  siirrounded  the  smouldering  embers.   Some  hurled on  more  wood  to  keep  the  fire  going  so  as  to  reduce  to dust  the  reianants  of  the  body  of  the  Negro," Case  14 A  Lynching  in  Louisiana According  to  the  records  nine  Negroes  were lynched  in  Louisiana  in  1918,   Three  of  the  total  were accused  of  attacking  white  women;  three,  stealing  hogs; one,  living  with  a  white  v/om.an;  one,  shooting  a  white man  and  one,  murdering  a  wliite  man.   The  following  case, which  is  not  in  the  list,  shows  that  there  was  one  more lynching  in  the  state  during  that  year.   The  case  as  given below  is  adapted  from  a  report  sent  to  use  by  a  former teacher  in  Caldwell  Parish,  -  a  graduate  of  a  southern State  University,   The  case  is  interesting  in  that  is shows  something  of  the  type  of  Negro  involved,  and  indi- cates the  attitude  of  some  of  the  v/liites  of  the  Comirainity toward  Negroes, IQ.  Quoted  by  Evans,  op.  cit.  pp.  172-173, 371 At  a  Negro  country  church  in  June,  1918,  near Columbia,  Louisiana,  in  Caldwell  Parish,  several  v/hite men  went  out  to  the  church  to  make  a  speech  on  "War Savings  Stamps"  after  a  lodge  meeting  at  the  church  v/as over.   Some  drunken  Negroes  canie  up  and  vi/ere  trying  to "break  up"  the  lodge.   Both  the  whites  and  the  blacks tried  to  quell  the  bad  or  drvmken  Negroes  without  very much  success.   The  driinken  Negroes  shot  several  times,,. The  other  Negroes  and  the  whites  were  ujiarmed,   A "stray"  bullet  from,  one  of  the  drunken  Negroes'  pistol hit  a  yoiing  white  man  named  Warner  and  killed  him. Seven  Negroes  v/ere  arrested  and  tried  for  the  murder and  distrubance,  some  sentenced  to  a  fev/  years,  some to  more.   None  were  electrocuted  so  far  as  I  can  dis- cover.  The  sheriff  of  Caldwell  Parish,  v/here  the tragedy  occurred,  was  taking  the  prisoners  to  the State  Penitentiary  down  the  Ouachita  River,  when  he v/as  "hailed'  by  some  m.en  one  night  and  told  that  they wanted  Sampson,  the  one  supposed  to  have  fired  the  shot that  killed  young  Warner,   The  sheriff,  ,  yielded and  the  Smith  Negro  was  hanged  near  the  banks  of  the river  in  a  swamp.   Nothing  was  ever  done  about  it,  I have  been  told  that  it  was  "made  up"  with  the  sheriff that  the  mob  v/ould  stop  the  boat,  but  I  don't  say  it was  so,  -  probably  so  though.  Things  like  that  have happened,,.   The  other  Negroes  were  taken  on  to  the State  Penitentiary.,,, This  trouble  at  the  Negro  church  was  not 372 anticipated,   I  think  the  drunken  Negroes  brought  it all  on.   One  of  them.  Smith,  made  this  remark  the afternoon  before:   "Som.ebody's  goin''to  die  before daylight",,.   Naturally  after  his  saying  this  the  whites desired  to  hang  him  as  he  v/as  in  the  shooting  fracas. Smith  had  been  working  "around",  but  most  of  the  time he  worked  for  an  uncle  of  the  hoy  killed  at  the  chvirch. He  (Smith)  was  about  23,  unmarried  and  had  not  given any  marked  amount  of  trouble  before.,. The  attitude  of  whites  tov/ard  Negroes  in  this Parish  is  fairly  good.   The  whites  and  Negroes  get along  all  right  -  but  when  a  Negro  does  a  crime  that infringes  upon  the  whites,  the  whites  don't  "see  it  so v.Tong  to  hang  him,"   Probably  several  of  the  v/hites  that assisted  in  the  hanging  could  not  get  along  v/ithout having  Negroes  to  do  their  work.   The  whites  say,  "the Negro  is  all  right  but  he  must  be  made  to  stay  in  his place," The  general  attitude  is  one  of  protection  toward the  black  if  he  is  in  the  right,   Vfliites  will  fight whites  for  offenses  done  to  Negroes  belonging  to  them  - those  working  on  their  places,  etc.  However,  if  a Negro  does  v/rong,  he  isn't  looked  upon  as  a  white.  He is  considered  to  a  great  extent  to  be  "something  like a  mule"  as  they  often  say.   I  am  sorry  to  say  too,  that as  a  rule  the  Negro  does  not  get  as  fair  and  impartial trial  in  court  as  does  the  white.   For  example,  if  a 373 Negro  is  catight  bootlegging  with  a  white  man,  the Negro  often  gets  "jugged"  heavier  than  the  white. I  believe  the  Negro  is  coming  to  the  front  in  having a  fair  trial  in  court,  but  yet  there  is  lots  of  room for  improvement, , ♦«   After  a  lynching  the  blacks  and whites  seem  to  get  back  on  a  normal  footing  v/ith  each other. • . • You  must  remember,  however,  that  many  planta- tion owners  and  "bosses"  who  work  Negroes  don't  mind beating  and  whipping  them  in  the  least.  They  say "a  Negro  has  to  be  whipped  like  a  mule  to  get  along with  him,"... Case  15 Triple  Burning  at  Kirvln,  Texas The  source  material  for  this  case  includes  the written  reports  of  three  men  v/ho  witnessed  the  burning, and  a  fourth  report  by  an  investigator  who  went  to  Kirvin a  v/eek  afterv/ards.   The  investigator,  it  may  be  pointed out,  is  descended  from  a  Civil  War  veteran,  v/as  born  and reared  within  30  miles  of  Kirvin,  and  v/as  educated  there and  in  the  University  of  Texas.   "I  think  if  I  v/ere prejudiced",  he  v/rites,  "my  prejudice,  from  my  birth, education  and  training,  would  rather  lay  against  the facts"  as  presented.   "I  believe  ...  the  things  I  say  to you  are  based  upon  a  candid  examination  of  the  evidence 374 that  I  was  able  to  secure  by  speaking  to  more  than  a hundred  people,  talking  vifith  the  sheriff  and  many  of those  who  proudly  proclaimed  that  they  had  taken  part in  the  biirning," He  studied  the  case  with  a  view  to  arriving at  causes  and  effects,,  while  the  newspaper  men  were  more concerned  with  a  description  of  the  burning.   The  case as  given  below  is  adapted  from  his  report  with  a  few descriptive  interpolations  from  the  other  sources. "OhI  Lord  I'm  comin'  home.   Goodbye,  Mr,    Otis, 0  Lord,  I'm  con"  -  Fire  leaped  into  his  face  and his  sentence  was  never  finished, "Mr.  Otis"  King  was  City  Marshall  of  Kirvin, Texas,  and  Snap  Gurry  had  been  a  laborer  on  his  farm. At  this  moment  Curry  was  seated  on  the  last  plow  he would  ever  ride, Kirvin,  Texas,  in  1922,  was  a  town  of  about  a dozen  stores  scattered  rather  aimlessly  along  a  branch- line  railway  out  of  Corsicana,   The  population  is  288 many  of  v^hom  turn  out  twice  each  day,  once  to  see  the south-bound  train  from  Corsicana,  and  once  to  see  the  north- bound train  from  Hempstead  and  Navasota,   Before  the  date in  question  these  citizens  of  Freestone  County  had  never witnessed  a  lynching  at  home,  although  it  is  probable  that some  of  them  had  been  in  Waco  on  such  occasions.   "Those of  you  from  the  South  know  v/hat  type  of  tov/n  it  is.  It is  just  at  the  beginning  of  the  backwoods  section  of 375 Texas."   Few  of  the  people,  apparently,  have  been  out of  the  county;  some  spoke  of  having  once  visited  the Dallas  Fair. The  Kirvin  Comnuiiity  consists  for  the  nost  part of  white  landlords  and  Negro  tenants.   There  are  some  of the  "variety  which  are  commonly  called  the  poor  whites who  undertake  to  work  for  themselves  on  their  own  farms, but  most  of  the  work  is  done  under  the  tenant  system,  - the  share-crop  system  by  which  the  owner  furnishes  the tools,  the  house,  the  land  and  the  eqaipment.   The  tenant does  the  work  and  they  share  up  half  and  half  on  the  pro- duce; but  it  is  weighed  on  the  ovmer's  scales;  tiie  cotton is  classified  by  the  owner,  and  often  the  tenant  ends  up by  being  in  debt  to  the  owner  at  the  end  of  the  year. I  left  7/aco  a  week  after  the  burning  of  the  three  men, says  the  Investigator.   Pour  days  after,  the  fourth  was lynched,  and  the  fifth  disappeared  a  day  or  tv/o  after I  got  there^...   I  came  in  the  guise  of  a  newspaper man  ...  because  I  was  going  to  ask  questions,  and you  had  to  have  a  very  good  reason  for  asking  questions there.   I  first  went  to  Mr.  John  King,  grandfather of  the  girl  who  v/as  murdered.   Briefly  his  story  is tills: On  Friday  afternoon  about  four  o'clock  Eula  should  have been  home  from  school.   She  rode  a  pony  to  school li.  Although  it  is  generally  understood  at  Kirvin  that  there was  a  fifth  lynching,  the  NAACP  records,  nor  those  of Tuskegee,  show  it. 376 every  day,  a  distance  of  three  miles  to  the  beautiful brick  school  house...  "No,  there  Is  no  school  in  this section  of  the  county  for  niggers., ,"   As  Eula  did  not arrive  home  at  the  usual  time  the  old  man  became  nervous and  called  up  his  neighbors.   She  had  been  seen  passing this  house  and  that  house,  but  no  further  could  they trace  her.   She  passed  a  house  a  bit  over  a  mile  away but  did  not  pass  the  next  one  across  the  big  ravine. The  70  year  old  grandfather,  wealthiest  landlord  in  the community,  called  out  Ben  Gibson,  a  Negro  tenant,  and said:   "I  want  you  to  go  and  find  my  granddaughter." Gibson  soon  found  the  girl's  pony  tied  to  a  tree,  but he  could  not  find  the  girl, I  asked,  "Jtr.  King,  did  you  suspect  that  some- thing had  happened  to  your  granddaughter?"  He  said: "I  knew  something  had  happened."   I  Inquired  why,  and he  said,  "Because  I  have  been  afraid  of  something  for tv/o  years,"  Then  he  told  of  a  feud  that  existed  between his  family  and  the  neighboring  family,  the  Prowls, They  were  also  landlords  in  the  community,  proud  and high-tempered  just  as  was  the  King  family.   Two  years previous  the  Prov/ls  and  Mr.  King's  son  had  engaged  In an  argum.ent  in  which  the  former  v/as  accused  of  cheating in  a  cattle  deal.   Two  of  the  Prov/ls  jumped  on  King's sonj  he  was  cut  badly  with  knives,  sent  to  the  hospital and  recovered,  although  maimed  for  life.   But  this  was an  tmjust  penalty  for  his  crime:  he  had  accused  them of  SY/lndllng,  and  it  called  for  a  heavier  penalty. 377 So  the  Prov/l  boys  left  the  county  but  said  to  the Kings,  "We  v/111  make  you  feel  it  and  will  make  it hurt  you  where  it  hurts  most," "The  minute  she  did  not  come  I  thought  then that  those  Prowls  had  done  something  foul".  King  said after  relating  hov/  his  v/hole  life  was  centered  about the  girl  v/hose  parents  were  dead.  He  had  purchased her  an  automobile,  a  pony,  and  everything  she  wished. His  supposition  was  strengthened  v/hen  he  learned  the follov/ing:   Soon  after  Ben  Gibson  returned  to  his house  after  finding  the  girl's  pony  the  y;ife  of  one of  the  Prowl  sons  came  to  the  Negro  and  asked  him  what business  v/as  it  of  his  to  go  dov/n  and  get  that  horse  - a  question  involving  knov/ledge  -.vhich  she  was  never  asked to  explain, A  general  alarm  was  nov/  given;  the  King  sons and  neighbors,  excepting  the  Prowls,  started  a  general search.   That  night  after  dark  an  uncle  of  the  girl foirnd  her  body  about  100  yards  up  the  deep  ravine  from where  she  had  been  stopped  on  the  road.   The  body  v/as horribly  mutilated  with  26  deep  gashes,  and  her  head had  been  stamped  into  the  ground.   People  were  already coming  in  from  tovms  and  the  country  for  40  miles around,  and  now  crowds  v/ent  furiously  in  all  directions in  search  of  the  murderers.   Although  the  doctor »s examination  led  him.  to  state  definitely  that  the  girl had  not  been  "criminally  assaulted"  this  was  soon  forgotten, 378 If  a  white  girl  had  oeen  "assaulted",  to  the  crowd it  meant  only  one  thing-  she  had  been  raped,  and  that by  Negroes, While  bloodhounds  were  being  bro\ight  by  an airplane  and  the  crowd  was  increasing  in  size  and excitement,  old  man  King,  according  to  his  statement, "v/ent  down  there  and  got  on  a  wagon  and  I  talked  with them  and  pleaded  with  them  to  go  slow  because  at  that time  I  felt  those  Prowls  had  done  it  and  I  did  not  want them  to  lynch  any  innocent  Negroes,  I  knew  they  would suspect  Negroes  and  I  went  there  and  told  them  to  be sure  they  got  the  right  man  before  they  did  anything," One  posse  went  to  the  Prowl  boys'  home  but  found  that they  had  left  the  comrminity;  there  v/ere  fresh  tracks leading  to  their  home  from  the  thicket  in  which  Eula Awsley  was  found,  and  they  did  not  care  to  remain  for an  explanation. Now  Snap  Curry  was  busy  helping  in  the  search for  the  mvirderers.   He  v/orked  for  one  of  the  Kings,  was a  "good  negro"  upon  whcrn  there  had  fallen  no  suspicion. But  some  of  the  crowds  were  busy  going  all  through  the community  checking  up  on  every  Negro  to  see  v/here  he  had been  and  what  he  had  been  doing.   Snap  Cvirry  vms  not in  the  crowd  that  happened  to  make  a  "check"  on  his house,  and,  whetner  guilty  or  not,  the  fact  that  his v/ife  was  greatly  "at  outs"  with  him  proved  his  undoing. His  not  being  at  home  led  the  crowd  to  apply  what  they 379 admitted  were  "third  degree  methods"  on  his  v/ife, after  which  she  said  he  had  come  home  v;ith  some  blood on  his  clothes  the  day  before  -  for  it  was  now  early Saturday.   She  named  two  other  Negroes  who  might  have been  with  him  on  Friday,  With  this  information  Sheriff Mayo  started  in  search  of  the  Negroes,  and  fotmd  Curry with  whom  he  and  some  deputies  started  to  the  county jail.   On  the  way  to  the  jail,  under  "third  degree" methods  Curry  was  forced  to  say  v/ho  had  been  v/ith  him the  day  before,  and  he  named  Mose  Jones  and  Johnnie Cornish,  saying,  according  to  several  who  heard  him, "they  are  as  guilty  as  I  am," That  night  the  Negroes  were  "taken  away  from" the  Sheriff  and  brought  back  to  Kirvin  shortly  before daybreak. The  avengers  were  \inmasked,  according  to  a  newspaper reporter.   They  worked  sv/iftly  and  methodically^   Snap Curry  was  the  first  to  be  burned.  He  displayed  almost superhujnan  courage  and  appeared  as  cool  and  collected as  his  captors  ,.,  Curry  was  held  upright  while  members of  the  mob  mutilated  him.  He  did  not  flinch  or  make outcry.   One  of  the  mob  then  stepped  in  front  of  him and  plunged  a  knife  into  the  negroes  abdomen,  slashing clear  across,. ,  A  tall,  powerfully  built  man,  about 60  years  old,  v/ho  seemed  to  be  in  command,  asked  Curry if  he  realized  he  was  about  to  be  burned  to  death, "Go  ahead  and  btirn  me,  I'm  not  afraid"...  Curry  v/as  then bound  with  ropes  and  chains  to  the  seat  of  a  middle«buster plow  that  had  been  dragged  to  the  center  of  the  square. Hundreds  of  v;illing  hands  heaped  cord  v/ood  and  broken boxes  about  him.   Next  his  body,  still  partly  clothed, was  drenched  with  oil  ,.,  The  leader  (the  implication  is that  it  was  old  man  King  who  had  been  told  that  the  Negro had  confessed)  of  the  mob  applied  the  torch,  and  flames shot  upward,   OhJ  Lord,  I'm  coming  home.   Goodbye  Ltr, Otis  ..,  Oh  Lord,  .,,  and  the  flames  must  have  seared his  lungs,  for  the  sentence  was  not  finished.   Death came  Speedily, 380 "Will  we  get  that  too",  asked  Cornish,  and  Jones replied,  "No,  what  have  v/e  done?"   The  other  Negroes were  surprised  v/hen  they  were  asked  to  take  their  turn at  the  fire.  They  died  without  confessing,  although being  commanded  to  do  so  until  the  last  breath  left them,  Mose  Jones  had  been  named  by  Curry *s  v/ife  as  well as  by  himself  as  having  been  with  Curry  on  the  day  of  the murder,  v/hile  Cornish  v/as  not  mentioned  by  the  v/oman. Thus  Mose  was  called  to  take  his  seat  on  the  plow  next after  Curry,  He  was  consiimed  too  quickly  to  suit  the mob,  so  they  v/orked  out  a  new  plan  for  Cornish,   They tied  a  big  rope,  which  had  been  soaked  in  water,  around his  neck  and  another  around  his  feet.   They  threw  him into  the  flame  for  a  moment,  then  pulled  him  out;  then they  thew  him  in  again  and  pulled  him  out,  continuing this  alternation  until  one  of  the  ropes  burned  "and  he clasped  his  arms  around  the  plow  and  refused  to  be dragged  away,  meeting  his  death  as  soon  as  he  could." Aftermath On  the  following  morning  Shed  Green  -  who  had been  implicated  by  Gurry's  wife  -  was  found  hanging  to a  tree.   Evidently  a  small  group  from  the  original  mob desired  to  "finish  the  job".   About  a  week  later  another Negro  who,  in  the  meantime,  had  somehow  been  implicated "disappeared".   The  investigator  saw  vultures  flying  over the  trees  of  the  thick,  almost  impassable  bottom  where 381 the  girl  v/as  killed.  Upon  asking  what  they  thoiight was  dead  over  there  some  of  the  Negroes  said  that  very- likely  "that  is  Tim  Barry,  killed  and  left  out  there to  rot  without  even  a  decent  funeral," The  morning  after  the  burning  the  sheriff  found the  Prov/1  boys,  arrested  them,  and  asked  that  they explain  the  tracks  leading  from  where  the  girl  v/as killed.   After  the  tracks  were  measures  the  boys  re- luctantly admitted  to  the  sheriff  that  it  so  happened that  they  actually  had  been  there  making  bran  mash  for the  purpose  of  distilling  alcohol.   They  were  released. To  press  the  case  would  be  to  say  that  a  mob  made  up  of men  who  elected  him  had  made  a  mistake!   "Did  you  in- vestigate if  there  was  any  bran  mash  in  that  thicket" the  sheriff  was  asked?  He  said  he  did  not  investigate, "Do  you  believe  that  they  are  innocent?"   "after  asking me  v/hat  the  hell  business  it  was  of  mine,  he  said  that enough  had  been  punished  for  the  deed  already." One  week  after  the  burning  the  entire  Prov;l family  moved  out  of  the  community. The  sheriff  said  he  thought  Mose  Jones  was innocent.  According  to  all  the  evidence  not  more  than three  v;ere  involved  in  the  murder,  so  that  two  innocent persons,  at  least,  were  lynched.   The  people  of  the commvmity  had  little  or  no  interest  in  the  affair  a  week after  it  occurred.   They  had  no  particular  interest  in the  fact  that  at  least  two  innocent  Negroes  had  been .  j-ono 382 lynched.   Some  of  them  began  by  saying:   "Well,  I don't  believe  Mose  Jones  was  guilty,  but  Snap  Curry wanted  him  to  go  on  the  trip  v/ith  him,"  Apparently  no one  v/as  moved  by  the  fact  that  the  Negroes  had  not been  proved  guilty  before  punishment.   None  seemed  to think  of  it  as  having  been  a  dishonor  upon  the  community. The  investigator  went  again  tliree  weeks  after the  bvirning,   "I  asked  Sheriff  Mayo  v/ould  there  be  a  grand jury  investigation  and  he  seemed  utterly  astonished  that I  should  ask  such  a  question.   He  looked  at  me  and  said, »By  God,  I  don't  believe  you  are  from  Waco,"' During  the  three  weeks,  old  man  King  had  "aged ten  years.   His  heart,  his  spirit  v/as  all  broken,"   On  the v/all  of  his  home  v/as  an  enlargement  of  Eula's  picture  "at which  he  worshipped  as  though  it  were  a  shrine,"   'ihe  old man  said:   "I  believe  still,  although  those  rascals,  some of  them  (lynched),  may  have  been  Implicated,  they  could not  have  thought  of  such  a  deed,   I  still  believe  those Prowl  boys  are  the  ones  who  did  it," Talking  to  several  who  v/ere  in  the  mob,  the investigator  was  impressed  v/ith  the  fact  that  they  were proud  of  the  way  justice  had  been  upheld  v/ith  sv/ift hands,  and  they  had  had  an  active  part.   He  asked  one man  if  Mose  Jones  v/as  related  to  any  of  the  others? "Well",  he  said,  "he  v/as  in  pretty  close  relations  to  them on  the  night  of  the  burningj" 383 "Will  five  gallons  take  me  back  to  7/aco?"  he asked  at  the  filling  station  across  the  street  from where  the  burning  occurred.   A  man  answered:   "I  guess so,  fifty  gallons  took  three  niggers  to  hell  the  other night." 384 CHAPTER  X THE  MAN  AND  THE  MOB Allport  iias  suggested  that  wliat  is  needed  v/ith reference  to  the  problem  of  lyncliing  Is  not  righteous indignation  "but  a  deeper  psychological  understanding of  the  v/hole  matter."   The  stated  purpose  of  this  study was  to  picture  as  accurately  as  possible  the  actual situation  with  regard  to  this  type  of  mob  violence  in the  South,  through  a  study  of  its  origin,  nature,  and extent.   It  seems  proper  to  close  the  study  with  an attempt  to  follow  Allport' s  suggestion  by  bringing  to- gether the  information  at  hand  in  a  manner  that  would lend  to  a  fuller  understanding  -of  the  psychological  factor's involved  in  this  type  of  social  phenomena. There  is  no  blanket  explanation  knovm  as  to  v/hy men  and  women  commit  the  crimes  for  v/hlch  they  are lynched.   From  the  viev/point  of  the  psychologist,  of 1.  F.  H.  Allport,  Social  Psyc  ology,  p.  397^ 385 course,  there  are  as  many  "causes"  as  separate  crimes  - and  the  criminal  act  is  not  different  from  other  conduct. This  is  a  problem  for  treatment  by  the  criminologist  and lies  outside  the  scope  of  the  present  study.   Likewise in  the  case  of  the  Individuals  who  compose  mobs,  -  strictly speaking,  there  are  as  many  causes  for  mob  violence  as there  are  mob  members.   In  a  psychological  analysis  of any  particular  mob  episode  such  general  mob  characteristics as  have  been  noted  in  preceding  pages  must  be  traced  to and  accounted  for  in  individual  mob  members.   This  means theoretically  that  a  complete  and  accurate  psychological explanation  of  a  mob  v/ould  require  a  separate  study  of each  individual  involved. The  extreme  difficulty  thus  raised  possibly  accounts for  the  nature  of  some  of  the  literature  on  the  subject. More  than  this,  however,  the  metaphysical  explanations sometimes  offered  for  mob  phenomena  are  likely  called forth  by  the  peculiar  reactions  of  individuals  v/hen  in mobs.   Early  students  of  mobs,  and  some  who  have  discussed them  later,  have  been  much  impressed  by  the  great  difference between  the  reactions  of  men  in  mobs  and  outside  of  them. Their  discussions  of  the  phenomena  act  entirely  different from  the  v/ay  they  act  outside  of  mobs,  therefore,  some different  explanation  must  be  found.   Thus  Le  Bon ascribed  to  the  crowd  an  entirely  distinct  type  of  thought from  that  of  the  Individual.   Regardless  of  who  the  persons 386 composing  a  crowd  may  be,  the  fact  that  they  have  become a  crov/d  puts  them  in  possession,  or  rather  under  the dominance,  of  a  "collective  mind".   This  "mind"  makes these  individuals  feel,  thinlr  and  act  quite  differently from  what  they  would  feel,  think  and  act  were  they  in isolation.   Le  Bon  proceeded  to  an  analysis  of  crowd  and mob  action  by  stating  general  characteristics;  but,  having posited  his  "collective  mind",  it  seems  not  to  have  occurred to  -lim  to  study  the  individuals  composing  these  groups. Likewise  Ross  discusses  -  without  defining  -  the  "mob mind",  stating  general  characteristics  of  crov/d  and  mob 2 phenomena.   McDougall  maintains  that  the  proper  field for  Social  Psychology  is  the  discussion  of  the  phenomena of  crowds  and  organized  groups,  basing  liis  argument  upon the  assumption  that  the  treatment  of  such  phenomena  in- volves reference  to  a  unique  mental  process  -  the  "group mind".   This  author  differs  from  Ross,  Le  Bon  and  others in  that,  after  developing  with  great  care  ris   concept of  the  "group  mind",  he  proceeds  farther  and  attempts to  account  for,  as  well  as  to  describe,  the  observed phenomena.   In  this  he  succeeds  without  the  use  of  the "group  mind  concept.   He  accounts  for  group  phenomena with  the  principles  of  general  psychology. No  definition  of  psychology  is  extant  which  would justify  using  the  term  in  connection  v/ith  any  sort  of 2.  E.  A.  Ross,  Social  Psychology,  Chs .  5,  4,  5. 3.  William  McDougall,  The  Group  Mind,  "Introduction". 387 metaphysical  explanation  of  mob  phenomena.   To  say  that  tliere is  a  "collective  mind",  "mob  mind",  "group  mind",  or "group  consciousness"  wholly  different  from  Individual "minds"  is  to  beg  the  question  and  to  posit  an  existence of  which  those  who  have  done  so  have  offered  no  evidence. It  is  generally  agreed  among  psychologists  that  conscious- ness is  dependent  upon  -  at  least  always  correlated  with  - the  functioning  of  neural  structure.   Moreover,  the emotions  and  impulses  common  to  members  of  a  mob  cannot be  isolated,  even  introspectively,  from  the  experiencing organisms  involved.   Considering  in  the  same  manner  the activity  of  mobs,  it  is  evident  that  the  actions  of  all are  nothing  more  than  the  sum  of  the  actions  of  each taken  separately. But  there  must  be  some  sort  of  mob  mind  that dominates  the  group,  some  general  spirit  that  invades  the v/hole  atmostphere,  we  are  told,  because  the  behavior  of mobs  is  \in thinkable  for  the  men  involved  were  they  in their"right  mind^'  and  in  isolation.   Possibly  not  one  in a  thousand  v/quld  burn  a  Negro,  or  even  punish  him  without evidence  of  his  guilt;  flog  a  white  man  for  saying, "Hurrah  for  Lincoln";  shoot  a  girl  whose  brother  lad  com- mitted a  petty  crime;  burn  tliree  Negroes  and  hang  another for  a  crime  only  thought  to  have  been  committed  by  one of  the  number.^  Because  mobs  have  done  these  tilings T".    CFI   Allport,  op.  clt.  pp.  4,  5. 5.  Cf.   7/.  G.  Sumner,  Folkways,  p.  21. 388 does  not  prove  -  logically  needs  not  suggest  -  a "collective  mind".   It  merely  means  that  Individuals react  differently  In  different  situations  -  a  matter  of common  observation  and  knowledge.   A  "mob"  is  an  abstraction, a  term  useful  only  for  purposes  of  general  discussion.   It is  the  man  In  the  mob  with  which  the  psychologist  is concerned.   To  say  that  a  crowd  or  mob  is  excited,  de- termined, "hungry  for  blood",  irrational,  impulsive, emotional,  can  only  mean  that  the  individuals  that  compose the  group  are  so  affected.   The  explanation  of  the  be- havior of  a  mob,  therefore.  Involves  a  consideration  of the  reactions  of  the  individual  under  the  particular situation. Tilhile  the  implication  is  theoretically  sound,  it is  practically  impossible  to  make  the  study  thus  re- quired for  any  individual,  much  less  for  a  wnole  group. Any  attempt  at  a  psychological  analysis  based  upon  this type  of  study  is  outside  the  scope  of  the  present  study. It  seems  v/ise,  however,  to  summarize  available  infor- mation follov/ing  such  an  outline  as  would  be  used  in  a strictly  psychological  analysis.   The  following  outline has  been  used  in  the  field  of  social  psychology. ^   (i) A  study  of  what  may  be  called  the  constitution  of  the individual;  (2)  conditions  of  the  formation  of  the  con- course out  of  which  the  mob  developed;  (3)  change  from b.  Englisn  Bagby,  Lectures  on  Social  Psycholon-y — 55 — ^^ff Also  class  notei"li  ' " -^^jL'   -f-f > 389 a  concourse  to  a  croY/d.,  then  to  a  mo-o;  (4)  the  precipi- tating stimulus;  (5)  the  resulting  mob  behavior. This  division,  if  somewhat  arbitrary,  needs  hardly to  be  defended.   The  first  -  a  study  of  the  constitution of  the  individual  -  is  required  because  different  persons react  differently  in  similar  situations.   Every  psy- chologist v/ould  admit  that  v/hat  the  individual  is  when  he comes  into  a  situation  plays  its  part  in  determining  the particular  reaction  made  in  that  situation.   The  other divisions  are  merely  different  phases  throvigh  which,  in general,  a  nvimber  of  individuals  pass  in  a  mob  episode. These  divisions  may  be  considered  as  points  about  which the  phenomena  under  consideration  may  be  grouped  for  pur- poses of  discussion.   They  are  yet  sufficiently  broad  as not  to  lend  to  a  priori  description  and  reasoning,  for  they require  consideration  of  all  the  phenomena  in  question,  as is  indicated  by  the  more  detailed  case  studies  in  the preceding  chapter. Pacts  presented  throughout  this  study  indicate general  social  factors  in  the  South  that  lend  to  mob action.   The  historical  data  reviev/ed,  the  story  of  the origin  and  past  history  of  mob  action  is  suggestive. Some  of  the  case- studies  offer  added  information  on  the general  characteristics  of  the  individuals  that  compose 7,  English  Bagby,  Lectures  on  Social  Psycliology,  pp.  52ff. Also  class  notes. 390 the  particular  lynching  mobs.   V/hlle  it  would  be  invalid "reasoning  in  a  circle"  to  base  conclusions  at  t'^iis  point on  mob  behavior  itself,  this  behavior  may  be  suggestive in  that  the  reactions  of  an  organism  in  any  situation are  indicative  of  the  general  character  of  the  organism  - its  neural  structure,  habits,  emotional  nature.   Thus  v/liile it  is  recognized  that  scientific  conclusions  as  to  the psychological  explanation  of  mob  action  would  require more  detailed  and  individual  study  than  has  been  found possible,  yet  it  is  believed  that,  in  view  of  the  historical, statistical  and  case  data  presented,  valuable  indications concerning  the  nature  of  mob  action  in  the  South  and  some of  the  various  factors  involved  may  come  frona  a  con- sideration of  available  data  according  to  the  above  out- line. p        In  reading  case-studies  of  mob  action  one  is  struck by  the  similarity  between  them  in  many  respects.   In  a study  of  southern  lynching  mobs  the  variations  are generally  slight  as  regards  the  conditions  of  concourse, the  emergence  of  a  crowd,  then  the  mob,  and  the  resulting mob  behavior.   A  Negro  shoots  a  white  man  or  "assaults"  him, "insults  a  w'-dte  woman",  aids  a  criminal  to  escape,  or  is suspected  of  burning  a  cotton  gin.   if  for  any  reason  a concourse  of  people  is  already  gathered  they  immediately become  a  crowd  by  beginning  to  react  to  one  another  in the  general  situation  -  the  crlme-and- the- criminal.   If there  is  not  already  a  concourse,  it  is  a  crov/d  that  soon 391 gathers.   One  or  more  leaders  emerge.   Throiigh  continued inter- stimulation  the  crowd  members  begin  to  react  with exaggerated  emotions;  the  mob  emerges;  and  the  lynching ^  results. Recent  Factors  Conditioning  Emotion The  ease  with  wriich  a  mob  emerges  -  leaving  for later  consideration  the  "constitution"  of  the  members  - no  doubt  depends  largely  upon  the  nature  of  the  crime,  but is  influenced  also  by  recent  factors  fixing  the  emotions. It  is  noted  over  and  over  that  if  a  lynching  occurs  in a  community,  possibly  for  an  atrocious  crime,  others  may follow  for  lesser  or  no  crimes.   Mob  members  may  decide "to  get  all  the  Kegroes",  to 'V/ipe  out  the  whole  bunch  of hog-stealers",  to  "lynch  every  nigger  that  had  anything to  do  with  it".   But  a  previous  lynching  is  not  the  only recent  factor  that  functions  in  conditioning  mobs.  UV/hile no  doubt  it  is  often  a  rationalization,  mob  members frequently  maintain  that  the  courts  are  uncertain  and inadequate.   If  they  can  point  to  a  recent  case  in  v/hich a  criminal  v,'?.s  released  on  some  technicality,  even  though his  guilt  v/as  evident,  apparently  mob  violence  is  more likely  to  occur  J  In  Case  One,  for  e:<anple,  it  v/as  in- dicated that  the  negro  preacher  v/as  lynched  because  he had  been  in  court  a  year  before  and  had  "come  clear". It  seems  not  improbable  that  the  neighbors,  v/ho  appear  to have  done  the  lynching,  v/ere  emotional  toward  this  Kegro 392 partially  tecause  they  nad  considered  the  court  decision as  unfair.   Such  expressions  as  "he  ought  to  have  a  visit from  a  mob"  or  "the  Ku  Klux  ought  to  have  handled  that  case" are  sometimes  heard  among  "average  citizens"  while  discussing the  uncertainties  of  the  courts,   it  is  doubtless  true that  the  precariousness  and  inefficiency  of  the  courts play  a  minor  part  in  conditioning  certain  individuals  to join  in  mohs. Possibly  the  greatest  recent  factor  in  conditioning the  emotions  'of  large  numbers,  especially  in  cases  of crimes  committed  by  Negroes,  is  the  nev;spaper.   Crime  in general  is  more  highly  featured  in  the  American  press  than any  other  current  news.  ^In  the  South  newspapers  have featured  Negro  crimes  in  a  way  certain  to  play  a  part  in exciting  numerous  individuals.   The  tv/o  most  conspicuous instances  in  v/hich  the  newspapers  seem  to  have  featured in  bringing  atout  mob  action  on  a  large  scale  were  the Elaine,  Arkansas,  and  the  7/ashington  race  riots  J  In Araknsas,  for  example,  as  was  later  shown  in  court  proceedings, certain  landlords  v/ere  holding  Negroes  in  virtual  slavery. They  repeatedly  refused  the  tenants  a  "settlement"  and  would not  present  them  with  itemized  statements  of  their  ac- counts.  A  group  of  Negroes  employed  a  lawyer  to  handle their  grievances,  and  held  lodge  meetings  at  v/hich  these were  discussed. According  to  Chief  Justice  Holmes  who  handed  down a  final  decision  on  cases  growing  out  of  the  riot,  v.-hlte 393 men  fired  into  one  of  these  meetings.   Indiscriminate shooting  followed  and  one  of  the  whites  v/as  kijled.   On October  4,  the  "Arkansas  Gazette"  explained  that  these  white men  had  been  on  their  way  to  arrest  a  white  boot-legger, and  that  they  "had  trouble  with  their  car"  and  stopped at  the  Negro  chvirch.   It  was  said  that  the  straase  coin- cidence of  a  car  breaking  dov/n  immediately  in  front  of the  Negro  church  at  the  time  a  lodge  meeting  was  in session  proved  unfortunate;  for  the  Negroes  "opened fire,  killing  Adkins  ("special  agent"  for  the  Missouri- Pacific  Railroad)  and  severely  wounding  Pratt"  (deputy sheriff).   On  October  5,  a  dispatch  from  Helena  stated that  a  wide-spread  uprising  had  evidently  been  planned, that  at  Hoop  Sptir  (where  the  first  shooting  occurred) "there  were  one  hundred  armed  Negroes  in  the  church  at the  scene  of  the  shooting".   The  Little  Rock  Gazette asserted  that  some  of  this  armed  group  were  Negro  women "carrying  automatic  revolvers  in  their  stockings"  (Oct, 6,  1919). On  the  same  day  tlii  s  leading  paper  of  the  State carried  a  conspicuous  account  of  50,000  rounds  of  arami- nition  being  "found"  at  a  colored  school  in  Pine  Bluff, half  v/ay  across  the  State  from  Elaine.   This  "finding", it  was  asserted,  hacs  led  "authorities  here  to  believe the  contemplated  uprising  was  of  more  than  a  local  nature, possibly  planned  for  the  entire  South".   Although  a 394 subsequent  dispatch,  inconspicuously  printed,  showed that  the  ammunition  at  Pine  Bluff  was  government  property and  had  no  connection  with  the  Elaine  affair,  the  story had  its  effect.   Tliere  was  a  tenseness  in  far  away  sections of  the  State,  and  no  doubt  in  other  States,  that  would hardly  have  been  without  this  story. The  Memphis  "Commercial  Appeal"  fou.nd  that  "Negroes Had  Planned  General  Slaughter"  and  the  Arkansas  "Gazette" carried  the  large  type  headlines:   "Vicious  Blacks  Were Planning  Great  Uprising  -  All  Evidence  Points  to  Care- fully Planned  Rebellion".   Nev/spapers  from  other  sections helped  to  scatter  abroad  the  fullest  details  of  the "plot"  of  the  Negroes.   The  New  York  "Evening  Telegram." of  October  6  annoimced:   "All  VvTiites  Marked  for  Slaughter"; and  the  "Times"  gave  details  under  the  headline:   "Planned Massacre  of  7/hites  To-day".   The  New  York  "Tribune" announced:   "Negro  Plot  to  Massacre  All  Whites  Found". While  rioting  on  the  day  follov/ing  the  shooting  at  .loop Spur  v;as  not  conditioned  by  publicity,  it  seems  safe  to conclude  that  the  later  outbreaks  would  not  have  occvirred without  the  publicity.   Even  if  they  had,  the  soldiers sent  in  from  Little  Rock  would  doubtless  not  have  used so  freely  their  machine  guns.   The  soldiers  were  sent  to restore  order,  but  -  according  to  a  "saying"  in  Arkansas  - "mowed  dov/n  niggers  like  they  were  rats". Southern  nev/spapers  have  at  times  gone  even  fxirther than  to  spread  "news"  destined  to  create  a  state  of 395 emotionalism.   They  have  suggested  lynchlngs  and  announced that  no  troops  would  be  available;  they  have  featured a  Governor's  statement  that  he  was  powerless  to  prevent a  lynching;  they  have  displayed  bold  headlines  announcing the  exact  ho\ir  at  v/i  ich  a  lynching  would  occur,  and  how many  persons  were  expected  to  be  present;  they  have  fea- tured under  large  headlines  the  details  of  a  lynching program.   The  following  photostats,  while  frankly  selected and  certainly  extreme  instances  of  inflammatory  newspaper publicity,  indicate  to  what  extent  southern  newspapers have  functioned  in  conditioning  individuals  to  mob  violence. That  the  newspaper  has  pretty  generally  played  a  vital part,  especially  in  tiie  cases  of  mob  action  occurring from  one  to  several  days  after  the  crime,  becomes  con- vincing upon  a  study  of  the  subject) In  addition  to  general  factors  and  agents  making for  high  emotionality,  there  are  doubtless  less  general conditions  and  incidents  affecting  smaller  groups,  and still  others  affecting  individuals.   In  Case  Two,  for example,  it  seems  to  have  been  the  feeling  that  Bud Johnson  deserved  burning  because  "he  thinl:s  he  is  a soldier",  etc.   Throughout  the  report  there  are  indi- cations that  the  mob  members  were  not  only  burning  the Negro  for  the  alleged  crime  but  also  because  they  "had it  in  for"  Negro  soldiers.   It  is  notable  in  Case  Eight that  the  Negro  was  brought  to  Princeton  to  be  lynched. t'-  'x.i^^ii-T'i/ij':^ ^mKmm. MEMfHIS.  TtHH rftlCE  THRCr  CENTi WEDNESDAY T he  M e mphis  Pre  s  s  fina c TROOPS  ORDERED  TO  NODENA.  ARK. GOV.  M'RAE  MAKES  FRIHIIISS lfS"iI!LSSL*?r  NEGRO  TAKEN  FROM  TRAIN  AND "fMHHK  HURRIED  TOWARD  CRME  SCENE; tance  telephone  this  afternoon  that  he  has  not  ordered     a^mglf^    |iriinrnO    AT    I  HOAI      UnTri r/a.s"Jb„'chSsreV.„st"  ''"■■ '" "' "'  MOB  MEMBtRS  AT  LOCAL  HOTEL .     who  is  to  be  lynched  at  Nodena,  Ark.,  tonight,  other  al- WBmammM mWmMMMMmiMmm tiMflgjimii he  on  his  job7    It's  the  wo:.t  o^^trage  in  the  world  to  put  a     dined  at  Hotel  Jeabody  today upon  me  fo liltllinHiTII^SiU!! Arkansas' and  taken  him  direct  to  the  penitenitairy  at Little  Rock.  ,  „       .     ■ "I  had  heard  that  the  negro  was  taken  off  a  tram at  Sardis,  Miss.,  this  morning,  but  I  didn't  know  they  were bringing  him  back  to  Arkansas." — o The  Memphis  Press D.i!,  erc^l  S«dv  y>J  MEMPHIS  PRESS  CO.     l»d.- k   1»  p..<l.nl    PotilkOr,   Fio..ciJlT.   C<>»m«ci.llr.      Enltr.d .1    M»pkii    P-lWfic.   u    S.c.»d.Cb..    M«a    IUtl«r. Which  U  the  Better  Way? r  VN  a  railroad  traJn  ils  a  negro  in  the  custody  ot  officers  of  the  law. The  alleged  members  of  the  mob  were  met  at  the them  were  gathered  in  the  hotel  lobby,  laughing  and  talk- The  five  men  who  have  Lowry  passed  Millington  at noon  ep  route  to  Richardson's  Landing,  Tenn.,  where  they ai-e,:lo.;x:ros3  the  river  on  »  ferry.  Nodena,  Ark.,  is  just opffosite. Reports  rcceivpd  here  indicate  that  Lowry  and  three or  four  other  hegroeg — perhaps  even  more — are  to  be lyViched  at  Nodena  tonight.  "The  other  negroes  arc  al- feged  to  have  aided  Lowry  to  escape  to  El  Paso,  Tex.,  after he  had  killed  two  w'hite  persons  and  wounded  two  others at  Nodena  on  Dec.  25. No   Street    Parade.  J.  J.  Greer,  from  whom  tho  pris The   mob    leader   announced    at  oner  was  taken  by  the  mob  at  th( Sardis.   Mlsa..   this  morning      that  train   stopped    at   Sardis,    minglec Lowry   would      be      paraded    thru  with  the  crowd  in  the  hotel  lobby Memphis  streets  and  taken  across  They   were   met   here      by   Shcrif the  Harahaii  bridge  here.  Blackwood     of  Mississippi  county Police   immediately  guarded  all  Arkansas,  who  wa4  to  have  acconi ronds  entering  the  city  to  prevent  panipd    ihem    to  Osceola  with   ih< them   from    bringing   the   prisoner  prisoner  tonight, here.     The  mob  must  have  learned  None  of  tho  men  in  the  Peabod; win  pav  the  proper  penalty  for  his  crime. Armed  men  board  the'train.  From  the  officers  of  the  law  they take  the  negro.  They  put  him  into  an  automobile  and  carry  hira  thru pans  of  three  states  to  the  scene  of  the  crime.  With  bravado  it  is announced  that  he  will  be  lynched  at  a  certain  hour. The  crime  ot  which  th?  negro  is  accused  is  atrociou*.  .Such  a slayer  should  himself  meet  death  as  quickly  as  legal  process  will  allow. There  is  no  doubt  but  that  he  will  quickly  come  (o  legal  death. Another  nogro  committed  a  murder  that  is  oven  more  atrocious. If  possible,  than  the  first.  He  is  arrested  at  his  home.  There  arc many  people  around,  somr  of  them  close  friends  of  the  victim's  sor- rowing family.  There  is  every  opportunity  for  Jiidge  Lynch  to  claim this  second  negro.  But  the  second  negro  is  today  all^e  in  a  peniten- tiary cell,  awaiting  tho  seemingly  certain  Verdict  of  electrocution. Which  is  the  better  way? they  neared  Memphis  Lowry  was turned  over  to  five  men  in  a  closed car,  who  skirted  tho  city. The  other  men.  it  Is  alleged, drove  their  nutos  into  Memphis and  went  directly  to  the  Peabody hotel. Deputy  Sheriffs  B.  H.  Dixon  and mumbera  of  the  mob  that  boarde< the  train,  but  several  of  then evaded  the  question  in  a  laughlni manner. Some  of  the,  men  were  miidd; and  appeared  to  be  travel-staine( as  the  result  of  a  long  automobll trip  over  muddy  roads. sf  y SiOOO  WILL  BURN  NEGRO Fnnk  SimonJ 1  NEW  ORLEANS  STATES '  nw  omkMMm.  ia From  the  Jncksou,  Mis.s.,  Daily  Xeii's.  Thursday,  June  26,  igiQ. 27lh  YEAR JOHN  HARTHELD  WILL  BE LYNCHED  BY  ELLISVILLE  MOB AT  5  OUOCK  THIS  AHERNOON Governor  Bilbo  Says  He  Is  Powerless  to  Prevent  It- Thousands  of  People  Are  Flocking  Into  Ellisville  to Attend  the  Event— Sheriff  and  Authorities  Are  Power- less to  Prevent  It. HATTIESBURG,  June  3<J.— Jolin  Haitfieltl,  the  negro alleRed  to  have  assaulted  an  Kllisville.  yoiinR  yoinan.  has been  taken  to  Ellisville  ami  i.  Rua.ded  by  olViee..  .n  ^^^^^^ of  Dr.  Carter  in  that  eit.>.  He  is  v%ounded  in  the  shoiildei  hut not  seriously.  The  otlicers  have  aftrtnd  to  turn  h.ui  ovei  to the  people  of  the  eity  at  *  o'eloek  this  afternoon  ^vhen  .t  js expect€Hl  he  will  he  burned.  The  negro  is  said  to  haxe  niadt a  partial  confession.  ,,^^^.  j,^.^.„  „„., r.iW.  BII.BO   «4YS    . MK    l<«   FOWKHMCSS. Wnr"Vi!;^'i!!u»:    w.s  M,own    the         l-n   .03Po,-.t.d    .0    ^^J^^^^:^^^ r  liove  ilisij.'iirh  anJ  askfd  what ation,  if  ;iiiy.  ho  iiitcndfil  to  lake Co   prt-VfiU    tin-   affair,   lii;   said: I  am  jjDWiTltss  to  pri'Vent  It. 'W*  hav.-  KUiis  for  ;;tato  imlitia. but  no  nun.  It  i.-«  impossible  to ■«-no  iroops  to  tlio  scene  for  the obvit.  !■<  ii-ason  llial  wu  have  no trnoiih -S*'     ral     '•  ivs    Ti-'O.     •>■•• '"'oatin" for    111.-    lyn.hlne    J>;>«    "O*^'    ''*'^"    '^"''^ for   five   l>.   ni  .   . . :....«  ^t  i;>ii!>:villi>  tilizcns  has arr.inKoments  for  tl..-  event,  and  the mob  IS  i.lcdKfd  to  art  in  conformity with    tlics.-    arranjrfnienlB. Rev  L.  O.  Gales,  pastor  of  the  First Bapti.-t  .liurch  of  Laurel,  left  here  at one  oelock  for -Kllisville  to  entreat  the mob   to   use   discretion. THOl  S\.\U»    *-•'"*  '■ NEGRO  JERKY UNDSULLEII To  Be  Taken  to  Scene  o( Crime  and  Stood  Be- fore Crowd F.LI.ISVU.Ur.    M»»»..    Jun«    ?(L — <<iprrl>l>— .\.o  four  «'rlark  m^ proarhw  .totin  Narirtold.  M>»il- ani  of  Ot»  KIIUvlU*  i»hU»  i>rt. U  b»lnf  r»r»«ull>  tu»rd«id  In  Iho •rrw  «(  I>r.   Cwnmt  of  thta  .^»y. Tli»  mnvn&f*  ixwre  haa  fO€». rtMMl    and    »••»"•    »»ry    iMr\o«»^ DUsMitlon       !»•».       b"*™       »"« to     »h»l    t«»p»»««fc<n made  af  Ihr   prU««o»r. II  I.  *aJd  a>r  n*tra  wtll  fca takrn  I*.  Ih«  «r»n»  W  hla  rf'i"*; ,^r  the  ElttaTin.  ^n»M'»'« trark>.    where    he    allarked    .Mi" .Meek,  and  will  be  M c«eryhod>    ran   »ee   •""•    ,  ,. Some   of    •IM'   »n*r)    clUaen*.   It I*    aald.    want    IUrin«*d    Ijnrha*  , while  otlwrH  wani  btan  bam«4. KLLISVIIXK  .Mia...  Juna  M.— WUI  It4»«en..  iwo  larmer*. niemi>er.  •»  the  BO.-e  *•«•  •hot HartlleM  In  the  .hauMcr.  and  af- feeled  hi«  r.»p«ure. Thr»»  ihou»»i»tl  »lr»nfB»»  ar»  li KUIii\lllr  io<;a,»   I"  wiloeaa  Iha  dia- •Milwn  of  John   llarlftcld.  nefro I^Zailarl  ol  Mlaa  Maah. OOloeni    ara    anabla   U    oMCral tba  rraad*.         lIATTir.SRl  RO.  XUaa..  Jatt*  ML of  aa  F.ll»»ill»  >oun* keen  brou(hl  l«  t.Ml»«-llle  ftvm rolling  joil  i>  ituirded  by  atnrrea ill  the  «fn<e  of  r>e    «  arter  In  I'.iat U*  \%  aouiMtcO  ifi  the  ^miMcr him  ov»r  10  1       .      . IhU  a/u^nonn  «-H«a  U  U  eipert^d he  win  bo  burned. HtMrHU,  Tiim. WEDNESDAY JANUARY  ».  ini The  Memphis  Press nuci  Twiu  ctmi NobrTEwnw umno  PWM  uiivici LYNCHING  PARTY  ON  WAY  TO ARK.  TO  PASS  THRU  MEMPHIS Negro  Who  Killed  Two  On Christinas  Day  Taken  From Officers  At  Sardis,  Mississippi Henry  Lowry.  negro  murderer, was  taken  from  officers  on  a  train at  Sardis,  Miss.,  at  5  a.m.  today  by a  mol)  of  he»^'ily  armed  men  who arc  now  enroute  to  Memphis  in 'automobiles,  according  to  word  re men  epokc.  a  word,  apparently'  by order. "We've  got  50  automobiles  spot- ted out  along  the  road  between here  and  Memphis,  and  when  we gel  to   Memphis  wc  are  going  to The   mob,   it  Is   said,   is   taking   st..  before   we   cross   the   bridge," Lowry  back  to. Wilson,  Ark.,  near   the  leader  continued, where  he  shot     and     killed     two        The  train's  Whistle  was  heard, white  persons  on  Dec.  25,  and  Is  to   and    at   a   command      from    thei* cross  the  Harahaji^brldge  over  the   leader  the  men  left  the  hotel  and Mississippi  river  here. .. followed  him  to  the  depot.  On  the Parado  Do>™  Main   St.      ""-^platform   they   formed      in   single "We  are  goUig  to   parade  hj=:    til^.-, thru  Main  st.  when  we  pass  thru  Disarm  Offi<*rs. Memphis,"  the  Icarie,-  of  thc"*nob       ^h^  moment  the  train  stopped boasted  at  Sardis.     ';Then  we  are|p^^y^j,„  ^^^^.  ^  ..evolver  and  the ...  .       ,  J    ....     „  er   boarded   the   negro   coach. tliut.  will  bo  the  end  of  him.  fbUowed  closely  by  the  others.  Not -.Sltho  the  roads  are  in  very  bad   ^  ^.^^^  ^^^  spoken. condrtloB..ti.e  mob  i8.e.xjj.ected  here        Lowry  was  handcuffed  to  Dep- before  noon.     As  the  roads  to  the      ,     ^  ^  ,  ^„ Helena  ferry  are  impassable   there   ^J  jjixon  stood  guard >s  no  other  route  by  which   they  [     Approaching  them  from  behind, can  cross  the  nver.  -  ,^     the  mob  members  sef^ied  the  depu- •  ly   after  the   murders,   fled   to   E     ;— "took  the  handcuff  keys  from BPtiV.'<|»'f^K\^1f  M4ii*f^liI^<Mti1iHi*'lhl illJ.iffiJ.til I  yew  Orleans,  last  night  with  their  .""''  V,-  lZi^,-k^ rpri.-!Ouer  orfHllnois  Central  Train   »?>»  """«"  ^«»»"»«- !  is'o.  2.  Take  Deputies  Off  Train. then  they  all  drew  them  at.  once. Some  of  them  had  two  guns. None  Wear  Macks. "Several  other  negro  passengeri got  up  and  moved  to  the  other  end of  the  coach  when  the  mob  enter- ed. And  those  feUows  wore  all men,  too — Ihero  wasn't  a  boy  in the  crowd.  None  of  them  wore masks." During  his  conversation  at  the h&tel  the  mob  leader  stated  to Marshal  Johnson  that  he  had  been appraised  by  a  telegram  from  New Orleans  that  the  officers  and  the negro  were  on  that  train. Apparently  nobody  but  the  mar- shal and  the  telegraph  operator knew  the  mob  was  (n  Sardis. Deputies  Greer  and  Dixin  came to  Memphis  on  the  next  train  that left  Sardis.  They  gave  Lowry's overcoat,  which  the  mob  left  be- hind, to  the  marshal  as  a  souve- nir. Christmivs  Day  Crime. The  mob  did  not  return  the deputies'    revolvers. On   Christmas  Day  Lowry  shot and  killed  O.  C.  Craig,  72,  wealthy [Planter  residing  near  Wilson.  Ark.. ljlislMiJ;lmlflBUBM!IW<iW Crttlg. J  i"^^-'""«r  uu  li.mu.s  v«....ai.  ..a.u  DcDuOes  Off  Train  '^^''  "^^ro  escaped  a  mob  which No-  2.  lake  Deputies  on  train.  scoured   the   country   for   a   week. I  Tells  Plans  to  Marshal.  Just   as  the   train    started      off    and  fled  to  El  Paso,  where  ho  was }      Thirty  minutes  before  this  train  1  "gain,  the  mob  leader  commanded    located  by  means  of  letters  which was  due  in  Sardis     at   4:56   this  I  ConduJtor   Sitton  to  stop  it.      He    be  wrote  to  relatives  in  Wilson.  He morning,    five   or   six   muddy   andl^'ld-  „  _,    •  ,  was  preparing  to  flee  into  Mexico. travel-stained    automobilesTolled  I      Deputies  Greer  and  Dixon  were    El  Pa.so  police  arrested  Lowry  and into  the  little  town.     Several  menjUien  made  to  leave  the  train,  al-  held  him  until  Arkansas     officere alighted  from  each  auto,  and  went  jtho  they  begged  to  be  allowed  to    arrived  to  take  him  back. to  the  Illinois  Central  depot.  uroceed   to  Memphis.  "We  are  here  to  take  that  negro        "No."    the    mob    leader      said; off  the  train  and  carry  him  back   "you'll  sUy  here  and  wait  for  the to  Wilson,  Ark.."  the  leader  of  the  jnext  train.  It  will  be  »long  at  6:39 mob  said  as  he  approached  ITlght    o'clock.'' Marshal  W.  E.  Johnson,  "ini  we       Waiting  until  the  officers  alight- hopc^  we  wont  have  to  cause  any   ed  and  the  train  pulled  out.,  the trouble  hero."  mob  placed  Lowry  in  one    of    the Behipd  him  were  about  15  grim   automobiles  and   departed.     They and  determined-looking  men,  none   were  driving  northward  when  last of  whom  said  a  word.  seen.  ... Marshal    Johns   onlnvited   them        "It  was  the  coolest     job  I  ever across   the  street      to   the   Sardis   saw."  sa-id   A.   I.   Campbell,   night hotel,  to  wait  until  the  train  ar-    telegraph   operator   at   the   depot, rived,  and  built  a  warm   fire  for   who  witnessed  the  scene  thru  one them.  of  the  coach  windows. !      "Our   names."   the   mob   leader       "Not  a  word  was  spoken,  except I  continued  as  they  sat  around  the   by  the  leader,  and  every  man  seem- Ifirc,    "arc      Smith,      Brown      and    ed  to  kno  win  advance    Just  what !  Jones  '•  he  was  supposed  to  do,"  Campbell The -leader   chatted     with   the.  said.    "They  didn't  draw  their  pls- MTiarshal,  but  none  of  the     other  tola  until  thfe  train  arrived.'  and 400 LOWRY  LYNCHERS  ANNOUNCE  PROGRAM NEGRO  TO  PAY  MOB'S  PENALTY  FOR  CRIME lOPAYS  NEWS  IBOAV MSOCidit^Mtss'stimct liaTEMtTIOIu'liEWS  SERVICE r  Price  Three  Cents Ctje  ^t\xiiS Price  Three  Cents iinceinrec  \^enis    I  f^w^^Tli r  r  FINAL  C I  T  Y        . ctmvtar  Leditioh MKMi'iii^.  ti:nn. .lAM  AHY  Ji;.  I'lJI AVENGERS  SET 6  O'CLOCK  AS LYNCHING  HOUR Husky  Arkansas  Men  Take  Henry   Loivry, Craig   Slayer,  From  Train  and Whisk  Him  Away. MILLINGTON,  Tenn.,  Jan.  26.— A  party  of  seven  in  two automobiles  with  Henry  Lowry,  negro  murderer  of  two  mem- bers of  the  Craig  family  on  Christmas  day,  stopped  here  at 12:30  o'clock  Wednesday  afternoon  on  the  way  from  Sardis, where   they    took    the    prisoner   from    officers,    to    Richardson's jandmg,  where  they  will  cross  an!  be  joined  by  a  party  wait- ing on  the  Arkansas  side,  prepared  to  lynch  Lowry  promptly at  6  o'clock. The  party  stopped  at  Fowler's  restaurant  for  lunch.  The negro  was  taken  into  the  restaurant  and  kept  under  observ»- tion  while  the   party  ate. The  negro  said  nothing,  but  showed  the  strain  he  was under.  He  realized  that  he  was  on  his  way  to  death.  A  num- ber of  Millington  citizens  were  attracted  to  the  restaurant,  and a  few  accompanied  the  party  to  the  landing.  They  are  not  ex- pected to  cross 'the  river. Nothing  occurred  to  mar  the  serenity  of  the  joumev.     The party  ate  leisurely  and  after  finishing  went  to  E.  A.  Harrold's store,  where  a  quantity  of  rope  was  purchased.     It  was  said  thar* the  rope  would  be  used  in  place  of  chains  for  the  automobiles. The  road  is  very  bad  and  slippery  at  the  approach  to  the  landing. The  cars  apparently  were  making  very  good  time.  About one  hour  and  a  half  before  they  reached  Millington  it  is  thought that  the  same  machines  passed  through  Whitehaven.  Very likely  the  men  drove  to  Memphis,  around  the  Parkway  and  out the  Millington  road.  Citizens  at  Raleigh  said  they  did  not  re- call  seeing    cars    of  this  description. Wilson  and  Nodena  arc.  across  the  river  from  Richardson's Landing. NEGRO  BURNED  AT  STAKE ITODAY'S  NEWS  TODAY mecitTtP  niEit'sEiiiricE IITEMtTIOatL  IE«  lEniCE Price  Three  Ccnts^ ^.  rrice   i  nree  v^nis.  j  IP  T  T?  S  HP r  ,  pnrct  TfwEC  ants, cimitar  leditjon IITEMtTIOatL  IE«  lEniCE  ^^^  %^  V         (7    VVW^ VOLUME  41.^  ■  MWII'IUS.  TliN.N..  •illXTtSO.Vk   .U  li;il.N(«».N.  .lAM  AHV  •-•;.  1! 500  WATCH  SLAYER  ROAST  FOR  30  MINUTES 401 A  fev/  days  before  the  time  in  question,  at Princeton,  a  town  ten  miles  av/ay  (from  the  scene  of  the alleged  crime),  the  r\:unor  went  forth  that  a  Negro  had insulted  a  white  woman.   He  escaped  unp\inlshed  as there  was  no  evidence  against  Mm...   "".Thite  woman- hood" had  been  Insulted,  and  feeling  ran  high. . . In  addition  to  this  conditioning  factor  came  the  head- lines in  the  Bluefield  "Daily  Telegraph": Negro  Fiend  Attacks  Bluefield  Girl  and  Entire  City is  Stirred  as  Never  Before.   Enraged  Citizens  Gather to  Wreak  Vengeance  on  Negro  Accused  of  Crime. In  Case  10  it  v/as  shovm  how,  through  continued publicity,  a  whole  community  became  so  aroused  that  doubt changed  to  certainty  and  a  Negro  was  burned  before thousands.   The  Memphis  "Press"  especially  was  doubt- less responsible  in  part  for  the  great  excitement. It  was  hinted  that  with  all  the  evidence  -  even  the alleged  confession  -  there  v/as  yet  a  possibility  that  the Negro  would  escape  pvmishment.   The  announcement  was made  that  regardless  of  a  change  of  venue  the  victim would  have  to  be  brought  to  Memphis.   That  no  militia would  be  called  was  also  made  plain.   Long  before  the Negro  was  brought  back  to  I,Iemphis  anxious  crowds  gathered at  the  station  to  meet  trains  from  Nashville. It  was  pointed  out  in  Case  13  that  after  the minister's  sermon,  "I'he  people  went  from  the  church  livid with  passion,  and  early  this  morning  the  deed  was  done". There  had  been  the  crime,  then  the  aggravating  delay in  court  procedure.   On  Sunday  morning  the  preacher "Drew  an  agonizing  picture  of  the  murder  of  Kiss  Bishop... 402 denounced  the  Supreme  Coiirt...  drew  a  forecast  of precisely  what  happened  and  sternly  laid  the  blame  at  the feet  of  the  judges  of  the  court,  and  added  a  final appeal  to  the  passions  of  L:is  audience  by  dramatically waiving  over  his  head  blood-stained  leaves  from  the thicket  in  which  P.elen  Bishop  had  been  killed"  .   If in  some  cases  of  mob  violence  no  recent  experiences conditioning  the  emotional  reaction  are  necessary,  it seems  evident  that  such  experiences  as  discussed  above, including  the  reading  of  exciting  publicity,  are  some- times at  least  contributory  factors. The  Precipitating  Stimulus The  precipitating  stimulus  to  mob  action  varies with  different  cases.   In  many  lynching  episodes  it  is difficult  to  determine  just  v/hen  the  mob,  as  distinguished from  the  crowd,  emerges.   The  latter  is  defined  as  a group  of  individuals  reacting  to  one  another;  the former  signifies  a  number  of  individuals  responding with  exaggerated  emotion  to  a  more  limited  field  of stimuli.  Whatever  it  may  be,  then,  that  brings  the change  from  general  inter-group  stimulation  and  reaction to  a  more  centered  attention  and  a  more  specific  and exaggerated  emotional  response  is  the  precipitating stimulus,  'ffiille   mob  action  may  begin  some  time  before the  lynching  is  accomplished,  technically  it  is  no  doubt 403 true  that  more  often  the  mob  emerges  immediately  be- fore the  lynching. Often  the  precipitating  stimulus  is  difficult  to to  determine,  while  in  some  cases  it  may  be  clearly distinguished  with  suggestive  indications  concerning  the constitution,  and  especially  the  emotional  condition,  of the  crov/d  members  at  the  time.   Prom  this  viewpoint the  subject  would  prove  interesting  were  it  possible to  study  at  first-hand  numerous  mob  episodes.   In  a majority  of  availa'.-jle  case-studies  the  precipitating stimu.lus  is  not  stated.   From  these  cases  it  may  well  be supposed  that  in  many  instances  it  v/ould  have  been  diffi- cult or  impossible  to  know  just  what  tills  stimulus  v/as  - whether  the  actual  crime  Itself,  the  words  of  some  highly excitable  person,  or  the  appearance  of  a  calculating individual  bent  upon  capitalizing  the  general  implicit emotional  state  of  the  crowd. Under  proper  conditions  the  statement,  "Get  ropes, get  coal  oil  and  gasoline  and  let's  burn  tiiis  Negro up...  He  thinlrs  he  is  a  soldier"  may  precipitate  mob action,  or  stimulate  further  and  hitherto  uncontemplated violence.   In  Case  Seven  it  is  not  improbable  that  the big  driver  of  the  beer  truck  from  whom  the  precipitating stimulus  came  was  less  excited  than  calculating.   There is  some  evidence  that  the  lynchlnc  was  partially  deliberate on  the  part  of  some  -  for  political  purposes,   xiowever this  may  have  been,  the  setting  was  perfect  at  the 404 moment  for  the  truck  driver's  loud  cry  from  the  rear, "Get  the  nigger  I"  Exaggerated  explicit  emotional  be- havior was  the  result.   In  the  case  of  the  "Delaware Lynching"  it  mifjht  almost  fce  said  that  it  was  a  mob  that left  the  church  on  Sunday  morning  after  the  minister  had "drawn  an  agonizing  picture  of  the  murder  of  Miss  Bishop", recited  a  "forecast  of  precisely  v/hat  happened",  and "added  a  final  appeal  to  the  passions  of  his  audiences by  dramatically  waiving  over  his  head  blood-stained  leaves from  the  thicket  in  which  Helen  Bishop  had  been  killed". It  seems  not  improbable  that  only  the  conventionalized restrair.ts  on  explicit   emotional  behavior  delayed  the lynching  until  night.   Darkness  greatly  removes  restraint. There  is  v/isdom  in  the  old  saying  of  Plato  that  if man  could  become  invisible  at  will,  no  virgin  would  be safe,  no  strong  box  unrifled. A  clear  example  of  the  important  role  of  the precipitating  stimulus  in  mob  action  is  shovm  above  in Case  Eight.   While  it  is  not  stated  why  the  railroad men  took  Johnson  to  the  court  house,  the  implications are  that  they  were  bent  upon  lynching  him  immediately. The  speech  as  reported  from  the  Rev.  ..amilton  could  hardly have  been  better  worded  by  a  trained  psychologist.   He used  the  terms  that  would  strike  at  the  "complexes"  or sentiments  of  the  crov/d  -  "Sunday  school",  "alter", "church",  "bright  sweet  girl",  "family",  "this  sweet  girl" -  then  ventured  to  suggest  that  he  v/as  trying  "to  save 405 you  men  from  a  terrible  mis  take. . .and  from  a  crime",  - o that  of  taking  the  lav/  into  their  own  hands  ..  .  The crowd  began  to  disperse  and  the  Negro  was  placed  in  jail \inder  guard  of  members  of  the  crov.'d  v/hio  had  been  sworn in  as  deputies.   That  the  Negro  v/ould  have  had  a  trial in  court  seems  certain  but  for  what  occiirred  just  as the  crowd  began  to  disperse.   Neta  V.liite's  father  arrived in  an  automobile;  he  came  to  "identify  the  man" . According  to  his  statement  he  was  highly  emotional,  "crazy wild".   He  "saw  that  the  nigger  was  guilty".   "So  I  said it  T/as  he  and  I  said  I  wanted  him  lynched".   Tlien  suddenly the  crov/d  changed  into  a  seething  mob  v/nich  perpetrated the  only  lynching  ever  to  occur  in  that  part  of  '.Vest Virginia. Thus  far,  the  discussion  evidently  embraces  only minor  factors  in  an  explanation  of  the  conditions  por- trayed in  the  four  preceding  chapters.   In  all  countries of  the  v/orld  there  are  those  7^0  fail  to  adjust  adequately to  the  group  standards  -  tliat  is,  there  are  criminals. In  all  states  of  .anerica  there  are  presumably  those  who murder,  commit  rape,  insult  v/omen,  commit  assault  "v/ith intent  to  kill",  cornj-2lt  theft,  burglary  and  other  minor offenses.   But  lynching  mobs  do  not  function  in  all countries,  ;'jor  in  all  states  of  .^unerica;  they  are  largely and  increasingly  concentrated  in  a  fev/  states  of  the South,  and  in  a  relatively  fev;  counties  of  these  states. 8.  Cf.  Giddings,  F.  H.,  Elements  of  Sociology,  pp.  123ff. ; Allport,  op.  cit.  pp.  96-97;  Hart,  The  Psyciiology  of Insanity,  pp.  62ff. 406 /   Wlxy  VO  per  cent  of  all  whites  and  more  than  90  per  cent of  all  women  lynched  in  the  Nation  since  1900  have  met that  fate  in  the  South;  why  62  per  cent  of  all  lynchings in  the  Nation,  and  78  per  cent  of  all  lynchings  in  the South  have  occurred  in  seven  southern  states  -  evidently these  facts  are  hardly  to  be  accounted  for  on  the  basis of  the  crimes  carmnitted,  lack  of  respect  for  the  courts, and  inflammatory  nev/spaper  publicity.   The  latter  two factors  would  appear  to  be  effects  as  well  as  causes, and  not  as  peculiar  to  the  South  as  the  particular  type of  mob  violence  under  consideration.   Moreover  the precipitating  stimuli  to  mob  action  in  the  South,  as indicated  in  the  discussion  of  this  topic,  grov/s  out  of and  takes  effect  because  of  the  peculiar  constitution of  those  individuals  who  become  members  of  lynching Ljnobs.   It  is  hardly  conceivable,  for  example,  that  in  a majority  of  the  states  a  man  would  ever  think  of  crying out  in  a  court  room,  "Get  the  nigger",  as  the  latter TfiSiS   being  sentenced  to  hang  in  less  than  four  hours. On  the  other  hand  it  is  evident  that  such  a  statement would  appear  ridiculous  in  any  but  a  most  peculiar situation. The  factors  discussed  thus  far  have  been,  for  the most  part,  those  noted  by  students  of  mobs  in  general, irrespective  of  country  or  of  locality.   Upon  the presumption  that  our  outline  is  inclusive  there  is,  then, one  explanation  left  for  the  frequency  and  nature  of 407 southern  mob  action  as  it  differs  in  these  respects  from mob  violence  in  other  sections. The  Constitution  of  the  Mob  Members What  is  the  constitution  of  the  persons  involved in  lynching  mobs?   This  is  the  fundamental  question  to be  answered,  the  one  on  vmich  in  the  very  nature  of  the present  study  little  definite  information  has  been gathered,  and  yet  a  question  on  which  it  seems  altogether possible  to  throw  considerable  light.   The  constitution of  the  individual  from  the  psychological  viewpoint  has reference  to  his  fundamental  nature,  -  neural  structxire, emotions,  habits,  attitudes.   This  involves  broadly heredity  and  environment;  more  specifically,  in  addition to  heredity,  all  remote  experiences  conditioning  emotional reaction.   Recent  experiences  for  conditioning  emotion may  be  considered,  psychologically,  as  a  part  of  the mob  episode  itself,  hence  are  not  properly  considered under  this  topic. While  many  reports  of  southern  mob  action  state that  "prominent  citizens"  were  present,  it  has  been  noted in  late  years  by  practically  all  students  of  the  subject that  it  is  the  "lov/er  elements"  who  actively  participate. As  we  have  seen,  this  was  not  alv/ays  the  case  with  re- spect to  American  lynching  mobs.   In  later  years,  how- ever, expecially  since  about  1900  when  public  sentiment 408 against  the  practice  of  lynching  began  to  grow,  it  has been  the  general  assumption  or  statement  of  practically every  writer  on  the  subject  of  southern  mobs  that  the mob  participants  are  among  the  more  unstable  of  the population.   V/hile  no  definite  study  had  been  made  to determine  this  point  scientifically  the  similarity  of  the statements  with  those  of  students  of  mob  action  in general,  some  of  them  students  of  other  countries,  is striking, p        Le  Bon  long  ago  pointed  out  that  the  crov/d  "is a  servile  flock  that  is  incapable  of  ever  doing  with- out a  master";  that  the  leaders  of  crov/ds  are  often the  most  emotional  and  unstable  of  the  group.   They  are men  of  action,  not  thinkers.   "They  are  especially recruited  from  the  ranl-:s  of  those  morbidly  nervous, excitable,  half -deranged  persons  who  are  bordering  on Q madness" . A  southern  writer  recently  pointed  out  that  southern mobs  are  largely  made  up  of  people  from  r\iral  districts, and  commented  on  the  fact  that  "The  whites  of  the  rural districts  in  the  South  are  unfortunately  much  given  to sensationalism  in  religion";  thus  suggesting  v/hat  is called  high  emotionality.    As  indicated  in  previous chapters  of  the  present  study  it  is  true  that  a  vast "5^   Le  bon,  Gustav,  op.  cit.,  p.  134. 10.  See  The  Texas  Review,  Vol.  IV,  p.  217. 409 majority  of  the  lynching  mobs  are  composed  of  rural  or sraall-tovm  people.   This  v/riter  states  further  that  many mobs  are  composed  largely  of  young  fellows,  often  of good  families,  "who  are  seeking  a  sensation".    The Chicago  Race  Commission  quotes  the  coroner's  jury  which conducted  inquests  into  the  38  riot  deaths  in  1919: Hoodlioms  are  the  nucleus  of  a  mob  -  the  young,  idle, vicious,  and  in  many  instances  degenerate  and  criminal, impatient  of  restraint  of  law,  gather  together  and  when fortified  by  sufficient  numbers  start  out  on  a  mission of  disorder,  lav/-breaking,  destruction,  and  murder. Mobs,  white  or  colored,  grov/  a:out  a  nucleus  of  tiiis character  .-^-2 Judge  Stephenson  of  North  Carolina  closed  a paper  on  the  subject  of  how  mob  action  might  be  pre- vented in  the  South  by  suggesting  that  the  Judges  refer specifically  to  lynching  in  charging  the  Grand  Jury. His  suggestion  was  based  on  the  theory  that  "the  crowd that  hangs  around  the  court  house  never  read  or  hear other  speeches".   He  stated  that  "this  group  is  the  one that  does  the  lynching"  .^"^  C.  M.  Bishop  maintains  that  tlie mob  is  always  made  up  of  the  lower  elements  of  the community  but  that  among  the  followers  are  often  "other- wise respectable  citizens",  v/omen  and  children.   '-Re- ferring particularly  to  Southern  mobs  Martin  suggests the  type  of  personnel  as  follows: 11.  Indem . 12.  The  Negro  in  Chicago,  p.  17. 13.  Lawlessness  or  Civilization,  p.  21. 14.  "The  Causes,  Consequences,  and  Cure  of  Mob  Violence", Report  of  the  Southern  Sociological  Conference, 1916-1918,  pp.  195ff. 410 And  it  must  be  said  that  In  general  the  kind  of  people whose  feeliigs  of  personal  superiority  can  find  no other  social  support  than  the  mere  fact  that  they happen  to  belong  to  the  white  race  -  and  I  think  it will  be  found  that  the  mobs  who  attack  Negroes  are uniformly  made  of  people  who  belong  to  this  element  - naturally  find  their  self-feeling  injured  if  "a  nigger puts  on  airs". -^^ J Without  quoting  others  who  stress  the  point  that  it  is the  more  unstable  of  the  community  v/ho  participate  in lynching  mobs,  suggestive  indications  may  be  gathered from  the  case-studies  presented. In  Case  One  the  letter  quoted  from  Nev;berry, Florida,  shows  the  writer  to  be  from  what  would  be called  the  lower  \xn thinking  element  of  the  population. He  not  only  states  that  a  Negro  is  unworthy  of  an education  -  a  statement  which  might  possibly  come  from more  eminent  southerners  -  but  continues:   "All  the mean  crimes  that  are  done  are  committed  by  some  un- educated Negro. ..it  (the  Bible)  will  tell  you  that  he  first originated  from  an  animal.   We  Southern  people  don't care  to  equal  ourselves  v/lth  animals...   The  people  in the  South  don't  think  any  more  of  killing  the  black fellows  than  you  would  think  of  killing  a  flea.   So  you have  my  opinion  of  ?^r.  Negro  and  if  I  was  to  live  1000 years  that  v/ould  be  my  opinion  and  every  Southern  man...". The  lynching  record  of  the  county  from  which  the  above letter  came  implies  that  others  there  must  have  had  some- what similar  feelings  tov/ard  the  Negro. 15.  Ivlartin,  Sverett  Dean,  The  .-iehavior  of  Crowds,  p.  122. 411 In  Case  Two  there  is  evidence  of  instability, especially  on  the  part  of  those  who  mad'^  such  remarks as:   "Let's  tie  him  up  to  a  limb."   "The  v/ay  to  stop Negro  soldiers  is  to  burn  them."   ";vhen  we  get  this  one we  will  get  all  the  Negroes."   "This  is  the  way  we  do all  Negroes  who  refuse  to  do  what  we  want  done."  Al- though the  leaders  in  one  of  the  lynchings  in  Brooks and  Lowndes  Counties,  Georgia  (Case  Three)  v/ere "professional  men"  from  Quitman,  their  reputations  are apparently  not  of  the  highest  type.   The  punishment meted  out  to  Mary  Turner  is  s\iggestive  of  abnormally developed  sadistic  tendencies  on  the  part  of  the tormentors.   In  the  Vicksburg  Case  the  leader  is quoted  as  saying  finally,  "Have  you  had  enough  fun,  boys?" "Yes,  cut  him  down,"  was  the  reply.   In  addition  to  the numerous  indications  of  this  sadistic  tendency  on  the part  of  lynchers,  the  follov/ing  quotation  from  the Memphis  "News -Scimitar"  -  one  among  many  of  similar  con- tent which  could  be  cited  -  is  suggestive; All  waited  patiently.   Women,  v/ith  babies,  made themselves  comfortable.   At  last  the  irons  v/ere  hot. A  red  streak  shot  out,  a  poker  in  a  brawny  hand  was boring  out  one  of  the  Negro's  eyes.   The  Negro  bore the  ordeal  with  courage,  only  low  moans  escaping  him. Jbiother  poker  was  working  like  an  auger  on  the  other orbit.   Swish.   Once,  twice,  tliree  times  a  red  hot iron  dug  gaping  places  in  Latidn  Scott's  back  and sides.   "Fetch  a  hotter  one,"  somebody  said.   The execution  went  on. Now  some  one  had  another  poker  -  jabi^ing  its fiery  point  into  the  ribs  of  the  doomed  black.   Then rubbish  was  piled  about  the  agonized  body,  squirming beneath  its  load.   More  and  more  wood  and  rubbish 412 were  fed  the  fire,  but  at  three  o'clock  Latlon  Scott was  not  dead.   Life  finally  fled  at  four  o'clock. V/O'ien  scarcely  changed  countenance  as  the  Negro's back  Y/as  ironed  with  the  hot  bands.   Even  the executioners  maintained  their  poise  in  the  face  of bloody  creases  left  by  the  irons,  -  Irons  which  some housewife  had  been  using.   Three  and  a  half  hours were  required  to  complete  the  execution. In  a  high  proportion  of  the  reports  of  lynchings something  is  said  of  the  gathering  of  souvenirs  by  mob members  and  onlookers.   Tliis  is  probably  a  significant index  to  the  nature  of  these  individuals.   The  following excerpts  are  quoted  from  reports  received  from  several students  in  a  southern  college  on  the  subject  on "Lynching  Souvenirs".   Names  are  omitted  by  request. Case  1 Reported  by  II.  P.  S.,  an  Eyewitness Near  Prosperity,  ,  a  mob  placed  a  Negro, who  had  shot  a  white  farmer,  between  two  trees  and  made ready  to  lynch  him.   First,  several  men  fired  at  him from  a  distance  with  shot-guns.   The  negro  was  uninjiired, however,  and  merely  pulled  1-is  cap  over  his  face  to  shield it  from  the  shot.   Then  more  than  a  hundred  men  formed  a half  circle  a  few  yards  from  the  i'^egro.   They  fired  a volley.   The  man's  body  was  sjiot  almost  into  a  pulp. Before  all  of  the  powder  smoke  had  lifted,  a number  of  the  mob  had  rushed  forv/ard  to  the  body  of  the 413 victim.   There  the^'  fell  upon  their  knees  beside  the torn  corpse  and  struggled  with  each  other  for  such souvenirs  as  bones,  fingers,  teeth,  etc.,  which  they eagerly  picked  up  or  cut  off  from  the  body  with  their pocket-knives. Case  2 Reported  by  J.  W.  H. ,  T/hite  man,  Vifho  lives  about  14  miles  from Fairfax,  ,  has  in  liis  possession  a  dried  toe  of the  Negro  -   ,  who  was  lynched  in  County  about 1916  or  1917  after  having  been  killed  in  by  a posse.   His  dead  body  was  then  hanged  and  riddled  with bullets.   For  some  time  L.  B.'s  father,  b.  B. ,  carried this  toe  upon  '^.is  v/atch  chain.   B.  B.  is  now  dead... (Student  has  seen  the  toe  which  appears  to  be  a  valued possession. ) Case  3 Reported  by  C.  P.  P. A  Negro  named  v/as  lynched  in County,  .   The  leader  of  the  mob  was  Mr 16.  The  reports  were  that  he  was  killed  while  resisting arrest,  hence  r.is  name  does  not  appear  in  the  list of  those  lynched. 414 a  lawyer.   For  some  months  after  the  lynching  Mr. carried  In  his  pocket,  and  proudly  exhibited,  the  little finger  of  the  Negro.  ISr,   was  himself  shot  and killed  not  long  after  in  a  dispute  over  a  case  in  court. Case  4 Reported  hy  H.  C.  B. About  1917  a  Negro  named  was  pursued  by a  mob  in  County.   The  Hegro  was  accused,  probably falsely,  of  attempted  criminal  assault.  (the Negro)  killed  several  of  the  mob  and  escaped  to  . There  a  sheriff's  posse  shot  him  -  probably  after  he  had surrendered.  His  dead  body  was  then  brought  to  County,  strung  up,  and  riddled  with  bullets. His  and  (sex  organs),  preserved in  alcohol,  were  some  months  afterv/ard  exhibited  upon  the streets  of  one  of  the  towns  of  the  County... Case  5 Reported  b:,  D.  F.  H. In  1925  a  white  man  near  ,  had  as  a  v/atch charm  several  teeth  of  a  negro  v/ho  had  been  lynched  after "killing  several  persons".   Holes  had  been  bored  in  the teeth;  they  v/ere  then  strung  upon  the  v/atch  chain. It  is  not  at  all  certain,  r^owever,  that  every 415 lynching  in  the  South  is  committed  by  wliat  would  be called  "the  rabble",   'i'he  conclusion  that  different  types of  persons  go  to  make  up  the  lynching  mobs  of  the  South seems  warranted.   Some  of  the  cases  cited  indicate  that what  we  call  the  average  citizens,  under  proper  stimulation, may  make  up  what  proves  to  be  an  extremely  vicious  lynch- ing mob.   If  this  be  true,  there  must  be  other  factors by  which  southern  lynching  mobs  can  be  accounted  for  ttian hereditary  instability  and  abnormally  developed  morbid impulses  of  a  sadistic  nature.   Whether  or  not  these factors  are  more  common  in  the  South  than  in  other  sections is  doubtful,  and  must  remain  so  until  unfo\inded  dogmatic statements  are  superseded  by  known  facts.   It  seem.s altogether  possible  that  the  phenomena  in  question  may  be accounted  for  without  these  particular  facts;  that  this may  be  done  on  a  culture  basis.   It  v/as  for  this  purpose tliat  the  historical  chapters  were  included.   On  the basis  of  these  chapters  let  us  summarize  briefly  the background,  the  remote  factors  for  conditioning  southern individuals  to  the  type  of  reactions  made  in  mob violence. Accounts  of  the  origin  of  lynch-law  indicate  that the  practice  is  not  indigenous  to  this  country.  ^Vhile it  seems  altogether  probable  that  there  is  some  connection between  this  form  of  mob  violence  in  Ireland  and England  and  the  early  practices  in  America,  it  is  not 416 certain.   It  seems  significant  that  the  earliest  form of  "lynching"  was  ver'j  similar  to  the  behavior  connoted by  the  old  Anglo-Saxon  verb  "linch".   Hov/ever  this  may be,  it  appears  that  the  practice  sprung  up  in  the  early history  of  America  as  a  natural  result  of  imperative conditions.   Lynch  law  had  its  origin  where  communities were  lacking  in  organized  government.   At  the  time  it v/as  practically  the  only  "law"  to  v/hich  an  outraged citizenry  could  appeal.   It  was  not  a  defiance  of  law but  a  substitute  for  a  better  law.   It  was  an  attempt to  correct  defects  in  an  Inchoate  society,  and  was uncontaminated  v/ith  race  prejudice.   For  many  years  the most  frequent  victims  of  mobs  were  white  men,  who  would be  lynched  no  less  speedily  than  Negroes  or  foreigners. Starting  in  the  colonies,  the  practice  spread to  the  border  States  where  outlav/s  congregated  and  courts were  weak.   V/hen  courts  were  firmly  established  in  the colonies  lynch-lav/  seems  generally  to  have  waned,  although there  Hre  instances  of  its  degeneration  to  the  regulation of  morals  and  family  relations .-'■'^  In  some  of  the  colonies, and  m.ore  especially  in  the  nev/er  states  there  v/as  a struggle  betv/een  the  law  and  the  advocates  of  extra- legal regulation  as  the  former  gradually  developed.   This seems  to  have  been  determined  not  only  by  the  local conditions  but  by  tlie  type  of  settlers.   Many  of  the  people 17.  Chapter  11^ 417 had  come  to  escape  l&vi;    they  were  slow  to  come  again under  its  domination.   They  considr^red  themselves  a  law unto  themselves.   To  use  the  words  of  the  English  traveler: They  surrender  with  reluctance,  and  only  by  halves, their  right  of  defence  against  every  aggression  even to  the  lav/s  wliich  they  themselves  have  constituted. The  attitude  was  handed  down.   The  conception  of "democracy"  held  by  many  Americans,  possibly  today,  is that  "v/e  make  the  laws,  therefore  we  can  unmake  them". This  statement  has  been  made  by  members  of  mobs  bent upon  taking  criminals  from  officers  for  the  purpose  of lynching  them.   "If  we  say  what  the  judge  can  do,  v/hy can't  we  do  this  thing  ourselves  when  we  want  to?"  is the  attitude  sometimes  expressed.   Cutler  points  out  that "this  is  the  spirit  exhibited,  the  vague  and  perhaps iinconscious  attitude  tov/ard  the  lavir,  which  seems  par- 18 ticularly  to  pervade  the  United  States".    No  doubt such  an  attlt-ude  played  its  part  ±n  the  early  history  of mob  violence  and  is  a  partial  explanation  for  the  general lav;lessness  characteristic  of  America  until  today. (^  In  Chapter  III  we  have  noted  hov/,  in  early  days, lynch-law  was  practiced  in  the  South.   The  practice  of lynching  was  greatly  increased  during  the  anti-slavery agitation,  and  it  was  at  this  time  that  the  Negroes began  to  be  involved  to  an  appreciable  extent.   Tliey committed  more  crimes,  apparently,  and  the  masters  tightened their  hold  on  them  by  making  "public  examples"  of criminals.   It  is  doubtless  true,  too,  that  som.e  of  the 18.  Op.  clt.,  p.  269. 418 concentration  of  punishment  on  the  Kegro  at  tliis  time 19 was  in  the  form  of  a  rage  reaction  against  the  abolitionist. It  was  at  t' is  time  also  that  fear  of  the  Negro arose  in  the  South.   Previously  he  had  been  docile,  scarce- ly ever  an  individual  criminal,  and  never  known  to  rise in  an  organized  group  to  strike  against  his  master. The  Nat  Turner  insurrection,  especially,  left  behind both  fear  and  hatred.  Under  the  spur  of  anti-slavery agitation  other  uprisings  were  planned  and  still  others were  thought  to  have  been  contemplated.  Rumors  later found  to  have  no  foundation  were  spread  abroad;  and doubtless  played  a  part  in  creating  added  fear  and  hatred of  the  Negro.   The  term  -  and  practice  of  -  "lynch-law" now  came  into  general  use  in  the  South.   First  Kegro insurrectionists,  criminals,  and  abolitionists  were lynched  in  increased  numbers;  then  the  practice  having  . become  habitual  spread  to  strangers  -  "\inknown  to  the inhabitants"  -  who  were  "lynched  and  sent  out  of  town". Between  1830  and  1860  y/hen  there  was  a  marked  increase of  crimes  by  Negroes,  the  practice  of  burning  was  begun in  the  South.   This  was  not,  of  course,  the  first punishment  by  burning.   Heretics  were  btirned  during  the Middle  Ages. 20  The  precedent  for  burning  Negroes  seems to  have  been  set  in  New  .ork.   "As  early  as  1712  New  York T^T^Cf.  Letter  from  ilouston,  'IqX&s,    quoted  in  Chapter  III. 20.  3umner,  W.  G.,  op.  cit.,  p.  244. 419 hanged  and  burnt  slaves  and  left  some  in  chains  to starve  to  death.   And  in  1741  the  city  of  New  York  burnt 14  Negroes  and  hanged  twenty-one. "^l  For  the  double  crime of  murder  and  rape  two  Negroes  v/ere  burned  at  the  stake  in Alabama  as  early  as  1835.   During  the  decade  between 1850  and  the  Civil  War  lynch-law  was  increasingly practiced  in  the  South.   It  was  during  this  time  that  the term  came  more  and  more  to  signify  death. After  the  V/ar  the  terra  "lynching"  soon  came  to connote  s\ammary  punishment  by  death.   Previously  the Negro's  economic  value  had  insured  nis  life  save  in cases  of  outrageous  crimes.   Nov/  his  economic  value to  the  white  man  was  gone  -  he  was  theoretically  "free and  equal".   It  was  during  the  Reconstruction  Period, therefore,  that  an  actual  "race  problem"  took  shape. Whereas  before  the  two  races  had  lived  side  by  side  in a  state  of  almost  perfect  accomodation,  there  now  came a  sudden  change  which  brought  about  marked  disorgani- zation.  This  would  have  been  a  difficult  situation  under the  best  of  conditions  -  but  these  were  not  forthcoming. The  "carpet-bagger"  came  South  in  large  numbers; Negroes  turned  from  cotton  pickers  to  politicians  - some  of  them  apparently  were  less  corrupt  than  the "carpet-Baggers"  only  in  proportion  to  the  difference in  education.   Negro  soldiers,  policemen  and  Congress- '>.^  .    Duncan.  H.  6..  Changing  Relationships  etc.,  p.  lUl. 420 men  were  distasteful  especially  to  the  "low  whites", some  of  whom  had  been  against  slavery  itiOre  because  they disliked  the  masters  than  because  they  liked  or  pitied the  slaves. The  Freedraen's  Bureau,  i<egro  soldiers,  and  crime renev/ed  and  intensified  the  fear  of  the  Negro  v/hich  had been  somewhat  allayed  diiring  the  Vfer.   It  may  be  signi- ficant that  some  of  the  worst  lynching  states  today  v/ere those  in  which  Negro  troops  were  stationed.   The  influence of  Negro  crimes  committed  during  these  years,  and  rore especially  such  stories  circulated  about  them  as  "The Lone  Star  of  Texas",  "?,1ilitary  Rule  in  Alabama"  and  "Negro Soldiers  and  White  Girl"  as  given  in  Chapter  IV  cannot be  measured.   That  both  the  incidents  and  the  recitals of  them  v/ere  influential  in  conditioning  southern people  to  fear  and  rage  reactions  to  the  Negro  seems certain. The  Ku  Klux  Klan  emerged  quite  as  naturally  as lynching  had  long  before.   At  first  it  was  an  organi- zation that  attempted  to  fulfill  a  real  need.   Inherent in  it,  however,  were  vi^eaknesses  that  spelled  failure  and worse.   There  were  "vile  desperadoes  Vi^hite  and  black" whom  it  was  desirable  to  regul  te  for  public  safety, but  the  failure  made  by  the  Klan  to  accomplish  this purpose  might  v/ell  have  been  foreseen.   As  shown  by  the cases  cited  in  Chapter  IV,  some  of  the  vilest  of  criminals 421 soon  tecame  Klansmen.   During  the  decade  following  the  War there  was  an  unrivaled  wave  of  lawlessness  over  the  South. If  the  Klan  was  an  effect,  it  was  also  a  cause  of  law- lessness.  It  left  as  a  part  of  the  social  heritage  for futvire  southern  generations  the  practice  of  handing together  under  cover  of  hoods  and  darkness  to  wreak vengeance  on  criminals  or  others  who  had  come  into  dis- favor.  For  years  after  its  official  disbanding  news- paper reports  of  lynchings  would  read:   "by  the  Ku  Klux." There  was  a  marked  increase  in  the  number  of  prosecutions of  lynchers. Respect  for  law  had  been  weakened  for  years  to come.   "Thus  lawlessness,  or  an  attitude  of  denial  and defiance  of  law,  became  an  irremovable  element  in  the antagonism  of  the  races. "22  Race  prejudice  first  became a  vital  factor  in  inter-racial  relations.   The  disposition to  punish  criminals,  especially  Negroes,  extra-legally iiad  become  a  habit  to  be  handed  dovm  from  one  generation to  another.   Thus  Professor  Sumner  has  pointed  out  that "respect  for  law"  is  not  in  our  mores,  while  physical pain  in  the  form  of  lynching  has  been  employed  "to  en- force comformity,  and  to  suppress  dissent  from  current mores"  of  society. 23 By  the  process  of  conditioning,  the  natural response  for  the  small  boys  shovm  in  the  following 22.  Bishop,  Charles  11.,    op.  clt.  p.  i^'^. 23.  Sumner,  W.  C-.,  Folkv/ays,  pp.  115,  221. 422 photograph  to  make  in  later  years  when  a  Negro  comrnits  a crime  would  be  to  lynch  him.   This  response  not  only carries  the  sanction  of  their  elders;  it  is  a  tense emotional  experience.  ^  vVhile  by  no  means  all southern  children  actually  see  lynchings  there  are  per- haps none  who  fail  to  read  about  or  hear  them  discussed. So  long  as  children  read  or  hear  their  elders  repeat such  expressions  as,  "He  ought  to  be  lynched";  "It  was what  he  deserved";  "Burning  is  too  good  for  him";  the natxiral  thing  to  expect  is  the  "lynching"  response  when a  corresponding  situation  arises.^  This  perhaps Accounts  largely  for  the  surprising  statistics  in Chapter  VI;  shows  why  it  is  in  the  South  that  70  per  cent of  all  v/hites  and  more  than  90  per  cent  of  all  wom.en lynched  since  1900  have  met  that  fate.   Given  crime,  there is  a  vicious  circle  that  conditions  the  "lynching"  response in  each  generation. There  are  evidently  other  aspects  of  the  remote experience  factor  in  conditioning  southern  individuals to  the  type  of  mob  action  characteristic  of  that  section. We  are  now  three  generations  removed  from  the  Civil  Vifar. The  lynching  statistics  treated  In  this  study  were  made by  the  second  and  third  generation  after  the  "nightmare 24.  The  original  of  this  and  a  fev/  other  photographs Y/hich  we  have  collected  siiggests  clearly  the  high emotionality  of  children  in  viewing  lynchings. Ntimerous  case  reports  state  that  women  and  children  were present.   Cf.  Allport,  op.  cit.,  pp.  96-97. 25.  Cf.  Allport,  op.  cit.,  pp.  76,  249. 423 S   A. M x^    \ ,;■:■■ --i^ ? r^\.^ 424 of  Reconstruction".   By  this  time,  unless  there  were  other aggravating  factors,  the  impetus  to  mob  violence  gained  at that  period  would  doubtless  have  waned  more  than  it  has. It  is  significant  that  since  1882  the  proportion of  Negroes  to  the  total  niimber  of  persons  lynched  has increased  from  37  to  90  per  cent.   The  well-knovm  fact that  no  crime  for  which  men  are  lynched  is  charactc-lstic of  the  Negro  alone  suggests  marked  significance  for  the racial  factor  per  se.   That  a  i'iegro  is  much  more  likely than  a  white  man  to  be  lynched  for  Murder,  for  fighting a  white  man,  for  theft,  for  throwing  stones,  for  failure to  turn  out  of  the  road;  for  rape,  attempted  rape, insulting  a  v/hite  woman,  contemplated  elopement  with  a white  woman,  or  for  misceiigenatlon,  -  this  fact  is usually  explained  by  "race  prejudice",   as  ordinarily used  the  phrase  is  a  blahlret  term  signifying  an  attitude of  antagonism  toward  the  Negro.   "Race  prejudice"  say Park  and  Burgess,  "may  be  regarded  as  a  spontaneous,  more or  less  instinctive,  defense  reaction,  the  practical effect  of  which  is  to  restrict  competition  betv/een races"  .  °     Bogardus  speaks  of  race  prejudice  as  "an antagonistic  attitude  of  members  of  one  race  toward  those of  another",  and  adds,  "It  is  usually  a  non-scientific pre-judgment".^'^   In  a  discussion  of  the  subject  Young 26.  Op.    cit.,    p.    62.  ~" 27.  Fundamentals   of  Social   Psychology,    p.    321.    Cf. Lximley,    F.    E.,  Means   of  Social   Control,    pp.    126-127, 425 stresses  what  is  intimated  in  the  statement  by  Bogardus  - the  non-personal  experience  basis  of  race  prejudice. "Prejudice  is,  in  short,  a  name  for  a  group  of  mental patterns  which  become  thoroughly  ingrained  in  the  in- dividual from  infancy. "2® Now  race  prejudice  of  a  more  or  less  marked  degree is  practically  universal.   'A'ithout  aggravating  circum- stances, however,  the  race  prejudice  against  the  Negro in  the  South  -  v/hich,  on  the  part  of  some,  sanctions lynching  for  the  most  trivial  of  offenses  -  would  hardly persist.   Without  constant  experience  factors  this "group  of  mental  patterns"  would  not  be  "thoroughly" ingrained  in  infancy  for  succeeding  generations.   Young emphasizes  this  aspect  of  the  subject  as  follows: ^^ It  should  be  clear  at  once  that  prejudice  is  connected with  the  in-group  attitudes  in  reference  to  out-groups. ...It  bespeaks,  on  the  one  hand,  the  attitudes  of superiority  and  class  domination.   On  the  other  hand, it  reveals  fear,  jealousy  and  concern  over  the  rising competition  with  the  other-   or  out-group. ^  Broadly  speaking  it  may  be  said,  then,  that  the attitude  of  antagonism  is  kept  alive  by  the  different types  of  culture  in  close  juxtaposition.    in  an  article on  race  prejudice  Professor  Dewey  says:^^ The  qestion  is  not  primarily  one  of  race  at  all,  but of  the  adjustment  of  different  types  of  culture  to 28.  Young,  Kimball,  Source  liook  for  Social  Psychology, p.  482. 29.  Loc.  cit. 30.  "Racial  Prejudice  and  F'riction,"  The  Chinese  Social and  Political  Science  Review,  March,  1922,  pp.  23-24. ,  <   i 426 one  another.   These  differences  of  culture  include... differences  of  speech,  manner,  religion,  moral  codes, each  of  which  is  pregnant  with  causes  of  misunder- standing and  friction...   Ihey  include  also  economic and  industrial  differences  involving  differences  in planes  or  standards  of  daily  life  on  the  part  of  the masses,   '^at  is  called  race  prejudice  is  not  then  the cause  of  friction.   It  is  rather  a  product  and  sign  of the  friction,  which  is  generated  by  these  other  deep- seated  causes.   Like  other  social  effects,  it  becomes in  turn  a  cause  of  further  consequences;  expecially  it intensifies  and  exasperates  the  other  sources  of friction. . . This  attitude  of  antagonism  kept  alive  in  each generation  by  economic  competition  and  the  differences  in cultiire  is  thus  passed  on  to  the  next.   It  is  a  part  of  the constitution  of  the  individuals  who  exhibit  the  lynching reaction  when  a  Negro  commits,  or  is  supposed  to  have  com- mitted, a  crime.   This  no  doubt  explains,  at  least  in  part, the  extremely  high  proportion  of  Negroes  lynched  in  the ,   South  where  85  per  cent  of  the  Negroes  live. The  Next  Step If  the  increasing  concentration  in  the  South  of all  lynchings,  black  and  white,  men  and  Yvomen,  and  the increasing  concentration  of  this  form  of  mob  violence against  the  Negro  race  is  accounted  for  on  the  basis  of the  factors  discussed  in  this  chapter,  there  are  yet  other facts  that  call  for  further  study.   That  there  are  vast differences  in  some  of  the  conditions  leading  to  mob  action in  different  localities  is  clearly  shov/n  in  preceding chapters.  7lhj   78  per  cent  of  all  lynchings  in  the  South ■Jh 427 are  concentrated  In  seven  states,  three  of  which  have had  betv;een  200  and  300  mob  victims  since  1900;  v/hy  these 1,348  lynchinjs  are  fxorther  cor.centrated  in  a  few  counties of  the  major  lynching  states  in  v/!:^ich  there  are  wide  dif- ferences in  the  proportions  of  Illiteracy,  farm  tenancy, and  Negro  popvilation;  why  there  is  a  variation  from  state to  state  in  lynchings  per  season  and  per  month;  why  striking differences  in  the  reported  "causes"  of  lynchings  are  noted from  state  to  state  and  from  county  to  county,  -  these facts  indicate  differences  in  local  conditions  which  are beyond  the  bounds  of  the  present  study  to  determine. 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"Control  of  Propaganda  as  a  Psy- chological Problem";  Scientific Monthly,  Vol.  14,  March,  1922. "Complex  and  Sentiment";  British Journal  of  Psychology,  General Series,  Oct.,  1922. "Lynching  from  a  Negro's  Point  of  ^ Viev/";  North  American  Reviev/,  Vol. 178,  1904. "Proceedings  at  the  Ku  Klux  Trials, at  Columbia,  S.  C,  November  Term, 1871";  State  Printers,  Colvunbia, S.  C,  1872. "Lawlessness  o/  Civilization,  which?" Lav/  and  Order  Conference,  Blue Ridge,  N.  C,  Aug.,  1917. "Lynching  and  Political  Areas"; Sociology  and  Social  Research,  Vol. XII,  1928. Nev/spapers,  Reports,  and  General  References References  under  this  category  actually  drav/n  from are  listed.   To  list  all  of  the  newspaper  clippings and  articles  cearlng  on  the  subject  is  impractical. Files  of  Birmingham  ITews Files  of  Boston  Evening  Post Piles  of  Bronson  Florida  Mews Files  of  Bureau  of  Education  Bulletins Files  of  Commercial  Appeal Encyclopedia  Brittanica,  11th  edition,  "Lynch  Lav/",  Vol.  XVII Files  of  Green  i:.afe Hampton  Institute,  "Lynching:   A  National  Menace",  reprinted from  "Tiie  Southern  V/orkman",  1919. Files  of  Lexington,  Kentucky,  Herald. 437 Piles  of  Liberator   (Library  of  Congress) Files  of  Literary  Digest Files  of  London  Gazette Files  of  London  Spectator Files  of  Memphis  Press Piles  of  ivlobile,  Alabama,  Register National  Association  Advancement  of  Colored  People,  nuinercxis articles  from  the  Crisis,  various supplements  to  the  "Tlirty  Years Lynching",  reprints,  and  correspon- dence files. Files  of  New  York  Evening  Post Files  of  Key;  York  Times Files  of  Nev/  York  V/orld Files  of  Hiles'  Register Personal  Correspondence Files  of  Raleigh  Times Report  of  Joint  Committee  on  Reconstruction,  Vol.  Ill Senate  Document Senate  Report  on  Labor  and  Capital,  Testimony,  Vol.  IV Files  of  The  Nation U.  S.  Census  Reports ^ -'«^»i«» m 1 'ffi'tfN*'^;' 4^to.