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ttgfc € MAN A  MONTHLY  RECORD  OF  ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SCIENCE. PUBLISHED    UNDER    THE    DIRECTION    OF    THE ROYAL    ANTHROPOLOGICAL    INSTITUTE OF GREAT     BRITAIN     AND     IRELAND. IX. 1009. Nos.  1—1 1  3. WITH      PLATES      A-M. PUBLISHED  BY   THE ROYAL    ANTHROPOLOGICAL    INSTITUTE, 50,  GREAT  RUSSELL  STREET,  LONDON,  W.C. v.^-io OOIsTTEISTTB. ORIGINAL     ARTICLES. Nd. Africa,    Central:   Archaeology.     Obsidian  Implements  in  Central  Africa.      (Illustrated.) H.  W.  SETON-KARR      89 Africa :  Congo.     On  a  Carved  Wooden  Cup  from  the  Ba-Kuba,  Kasai  District,  Congo  Free State.    {With  Plate  A: and  Illustration.)    T.  A.  JOYCE,  M.A.    ...         1 Africa,  East.     Brief  Notes  on  the  Bakene.     Rev.  J.  ROSCOE          70 Africa,  East.     A  Note  on  the  Graves  of  the  Wa-Nyika.     (With  Plate  K.)    A.  C.  HOLLIS      ...        85 Africa,  East.     Kikuyu  Calendar.     Hon.  K.  R.  DUNDAS       19 Africa,  East.     The  Kikuyu  Medicine  Man.     J.  W.  W.  CRAWFORD,  M.D.  30 Africa,  East.     Some  Dorobo  Beliefs.     (With  Plate  M.)        101 Africa,  East :  Archaeology.     Prehistoric  Implements  from  Somaliland.    H.  W.  SETON-KARB       106 Africa,  East :  CraniolOgy.      Report   on  Three  Skulls  of  A-Kamba  Natives,   British    East Africa.    W.  L.  H.  DUCKWORTH,  M.D.,  Sc.D.         69 Africa :  Rhodesia.     A  Brief  Note  on  Two  Crania  and  some  Long  Bones  from  Ancient  Ruins in  Rhodesia.     (Illustrated.')     F.  C.  SHRUBSALL,  M.D 41 Africa:  Uganda.     Python  Worship  in  Uganda.     Rev.  J.  ROSCOE  57 Africa,    West.      Steatite   Figures  from   Sierra   Leone.     (With  Plate  E.  and  Illustrations.) T.  A.  JOYCE,  M.A 40 Africa.     See  also  EGYPT. America,  North- West.     On  the  Language  of  the  Ten'a  (iii).     Rev.  J.  JETTE,  S.J 12 Anthropology.     Anthropology  and  the  Empire  :  Deputation  to  Mr.  Asquith      ...         ...         ...        55 Archaeology.    The  Pigmy  Implements.    W.  J.  LEWIS  ABBOTT,  F.G.S 103 Archaeology:  Eoliths.     The  Eolithic  Problem.     W.  J.  LEWIS  ABBOTT,  F.G.S.  88 Archaeology.    See  also  AFRICA,  CENTRAL  ;  AFRICA,  BAST  ;  CEYLON  ;  ENGLAND  ;  EGYPT  ; INDIA  ;  IRELAND. Asia.    See  BURMA  ;  CEYLON  ;  INDIA  ;  NICOBAR  ;  PERSIA. Australia.    Australian  Huts  and  Shelters.    (With  Plate  D.)    WALTER  E.  ROTH         27 Australia.     Beliefs  and  Customs  of  the  Australian  Aborigines.     Prof.  J.  G.  FRAZER      ...         ...        86 Australia:  Totemism.     Mr.  Gason  and  Dieri  Totemism.    A.LANG       29 Burma.    Cheating  Death.    R.  GRANT  BROWN  13 Ceylon  :  Archaeology.     Early  Defensive  Works,  Ceylon.     J.  B.  ANDREWS       104 Ceylon  :  Religion.     Note  on  the  Bandar  Cult  of  the  Kandyan  Sinhalese.  *  C.  G.  SELIGMANN, M.D 77 Egypt.      The  Porridge   Stirrer  as  an   Egyptian   Hieroglyph.      (Illustrated.)     AYLWARD  M. BLACKMAN,  B.A.         '       96 Egypt:  Archaeology.     String   Nets  of  the  XVII    Dynasty.      (With  Plate  I-J.)      W.   M. FLINDERS  PETRIE,  F.R.S 76 Egypt.     See  also  FOLKLORE. England:  Archaeology.     Dewlish  "Eoliths"  and  ElepJias  meridionalis.     (With  Plate  H.) WORTHINGTON  G.  SMITH,  F.L.S 68 England  :  Archaeology.  Excavation  of  a  Barrow  on  Chapel  Cam  Brea,  Cornwall.  (Illus- trated.) H.  KING  and  the  late  B.  C.  POLKINGHORNE,  B.Sc.,  F.G.S 87 England  :  Archaeology.  Notes  on  a  Late  Celtic  Rubbish-Heap,  near  Oare,  Wilts.  (Illus- trated.) Mrs.  M.  E.  CUNNINGTON 11 England :  Archaeology.  Palaeolithic  Implement  found  near  the  British  Museum.  (Illus- trated.) WORTHINGTON  G.  SMITH,  F.L.S.  56 England :  Archaeology.  Remarkable  Arrowheads  and  Diminutive  Bronze  Implement. (Illustrated.)  Kev.  H.  G.  O.  KENDALL,  M.A 21 England:  Archaeology.  On  a  Remarkable  Feature  in  the  Entrenchments  of  Knap  Hill Camp,  Wilts.  (Illustrated.)  Mrs.  M.  E.  CUNNINGTON 28 England:  Physical  Anthropology.  The  Stature  and  Cephalic  Index  of  the  Prehistoric Men  whose  Remains  are  preserved  in  the  Mortimer  Museum,  Driffield.  J.  R.  MORTIMER  ...  17 England  :  Pigmentation.  Notes  on  the  Hair  and  Eye  Colour  of  591  Children  of  School  Age in  Surrey.  BARBARA  FREIRE-MARRECO  ...  ...  ...  63 Europe.    See  ENGLAND  ;  IRELAND. Fiji.     Two  Fijian  Games.    A.  M.  HOCART        108 Folklore.     The  Fox  as  a  Birth  Amulet.    (Illustrated.)    AYLWARD  M.  BLACKMAN,  B.A. IV No. India:  Archaeology.     Some  recent  Indian  Palaeolithic  Implements.      (Illustrated.)    H.  W. SETON-KARR      79 India.    See  also  BURMA  ;  CEYLON  ;  NICOBAR. Ireland  :  Archaeology.     Ancient  Remains  on  the  Rock  of  Cashel.     A.  L.  LEWIS        107 Ireland:  Archaeology.     The  Older  Series  of  Irish  Flint  Implements.    (With  Plate  F.  and Illustrations.)    NINA  F.  LAYARD,  F.L.S 54 Linguistics.    See  AMERICA. Melanesia.    Banks  Islands  Pudding-Knives.     (Illustrated.)    J.  EDGE-PARTINGTON 105 New  Guinea.     A  Type  of  Canoe  Ornament  with  Magical  Significance  from  S.E.  British  New Guinea.    (With  Plate  C.)    C.  G.  SELIGMANN,  M.D 16 New  Zealand.    Maori  Burial  Chests.    (Illustrated.)    J.  EDGE-PARTINGTON 18 New  Zealand.    Maori  Forgeries.    J.  EDGE-PARTINGTON ...        31 NiCQbar.     Possible  Traces  of  Exogamous  Divisions  in  the  Nicobar  Islands.     B.  F.-M.    ...         ...        42 Obituary.     DanielJohn  Cunningham.    (\VithPlateG.)    Prof.  ARTHUR  THOMSON    62 Obituary.     Otis  Tufton  Mason.     (With  Plate  B.)    A.  C.  H  ADDON,  Sc.D.,  F.R.S.,  and  DAVID I.  BUSHNELL,  Junr 10 Obituary.    See  also  9,  61,  75,  84, 100. Pacific.    See.  FIJI  ;  MELANESIA;  NEW  GUINEA;  NEW  ZEALAND. Persia.     Notes  on  Musical  Instruments  in  Khorasan,  with  special  reference  to  the  Gypsies. (  With  Plate  L.  and  Illustrations.)    Major  P.  MOLESWORTH  SYKES,  C.M.G.  ...         ...        94 Persia.     Notes  on  Tattooing  in  Persia.     Major  P.  MOLESWORTH  SYKES,  C.M.G.          102 Physical   Anthropology :    Method.     A  Portable  Stature  Meter.     (Illustrated.)    J.  GRAY, B.Sc 90 Physical  Anthropology.    See  also  AFRICA  ;  ENGLAND. Religion.    See  AFRICA  ;  AUSTRALIA  ;  CEYLON. Sociology:  Exogamy.    Exogamy.    A.  LANG         78 Sociology.    See  also  NICOBAR  ;  TABU  ;  TOTEMISM. Tabu.     The  Incest  Tabu.     W.  G.  ASTON,  C.M.G ...        95 Technology.    Netting  without  a  Knot.    (Illustrated)    A.  VAN  GENNEP          20 Totemlsm.     Linked  Totems.    A.  LANG  2 Totemism.     Linked  Totems  in  British  New  Guinea.    C.  G.  SELIGMANN,  M.D 3 Totemism.    See  also  AUSTRALIA. REVIEWS. Africa:  Congo.     Johnston.     George  Grenfell  and  the  Congo.     RALPH  DURAND        5 Africa:  Congo.     Starr.    A  Bibliography  of  Congo  Languages.     T.  A.  J 38 Africa:  Congo.     Van  Overbergh.    Les  Basonge.     T.  A.  J.           22 Africa,  East.     Hollis.     The  Nandi.    A.  WERNER 71 Africa,  East.     Weule.    Native  Life  in  East  Africa.     H.  S.  H 97 Africa,  East.    Weule.     Wisxensehaftliche  Ergelnisse  meiner  ethnographischen  Forschungsreise in  den  Siidosten  Deutsch-Ostafrihas.    A.  WERNER          ...  80 Africa,  South.     Heale.     History  and -Ethnography  of  Africa  South  of  the  Zanibesi.     T.  A.  J.  110 Africa,  South.     Tongue.    Bushman  Paintings.    T.  A.  J 98 Africa,  South.     The  South  African  Natives.     RALPH  DURAND     50 Africa  :  Uganda.     Hattersley.     The  Bagand,a  at  Home.    R.  W.  F. 58 Africa.     See.  also  MADAGASCAR  ;  TENERIFFE. America:  Mexico.     Stare.     In  Unknown  Mexico.    A.  P.  M.          ...         ...         ...  91 America,  South.     Cherwin.     Anthropologie  Bolivienne.     A.  C.  H.            72 America,  South.     Oates.    Alfarerias  del  Noroeste  Argentina.     OSWALD  H.  EVANS,  F.G.S.   ...  48 America,  South.    Spence  :  Wallace.   Notes  of  a  Botanist  on  the  Amazon  and  Andes.     OSWALD H.  EVANS          74 Anthropology.     British  Museum.     Guide  to  the  Specimens  illustrating  the  Races  of  Mankind. H.  S.  H 33 Anthropometry.     Ernst.    Das  Schulkind  in  seiner  Ttorperlichen  und  geistigen  Entwicklung. J.  GRAY 109 Archaeology.    See  AMERICA  ;  CEYLON  ;  ENGLAND  ;  FRANCE  ;  THUHINGIA. Asia.    See  BORNEO  ;  CEYLON  ;  INDIA. Australia,  Central.     Strehlow.     Die   Aranda  und    Loritja-Stamme  in  Zentral-Australien. A.LANG 14,23 Australia :  Linguistics.     Planert.     Australische  Forschtingen.     S.H.RAY     43 Ho. Australasia.     Guillemard  :  Keane.     Australasia:   Malaysia  and  the  Pelagic   Archipelagoes. E.  A.  PARKYN '    ...       44 Austria.     Prizzi.     EinBeitrag  zur  Anthropologie  dot  "  Homo  Alpinus  Tirolensix."     J.  BEDDOE, M.D.,  F.R.S '. 59 Borneo  :  Languages.     Beech.     The  Tidong  Dialects  of  Borneo.     S.  H.  R 93 CerebrolOgy.     Retzius.     Dag  Affenhirn  in  Bildlicher  Darstellung.     W.  W 7 Ceylon :  Stone  Age.     Sarasin.     Ergebnisse  Naturwissenshaftlichter  For  seining  en  auf  Ceylon. C.  G.  SELIGMANN       49 Classics.     Evans  and  others.     Anthropology  and  the  Classics.     0.  M.  D 67 Culture.     Frobenius.     The  Childhood  of  Man.     BARBARA  FREIRE-MARRECO     73 England:   ArehSBOlOgy.     Allcroft.     Earthwork  of  England.     A.  G.  CHATER  25 England :  Archaeology.     Gray.     Report  on  the   Excavations   at    Wick  Barrow,   Stogursey, SomertetthAre.    R.  A.  S.  ...        ...        ...        ...        ...        ...        ...        ...        ...        ...       24 Ethics.     Westermarek.     The  Origin  and  Development  of  the  Moral  Ideas.     R.  R.  MARETT,  M:A.       64 Ethnology.     Matsumura.      A  Gazetteer  of  Ethnology.     T.  A.  J 47 Europe.    See  AUSTRIA  ;  ENGLAND;  FRANCE;  RUSSIA;   SCOTLAND;  THURINGIA  ;    UNITED KINGDOM. Fiji.     Thomson.     Tlte  Fijians.    A.  H.  Q.  36 Folk-Lore.     Johnson.     Folk  Memory.     R.  A.  S 46 France  :  Archaeology.     Congress.     Congres  prehistorique  de  France.     A.C.BRETON            ...        92 India,  North- West.     Pennell.     Among  the   Wild  Tribes  of  tlie  Afghan  Frontier.     M.  LONG- WORTH  DAMES.  52 Ireland.    See  UNITED  KINGDOM. Linguistics.    See  AFRICA  ;  AUSTRALIA  ;  BORNEO  ;  NEW  GUINEA. Madagascar:  Magic.     Ferrand      Textes  M/igiques  Malgaches.     S.  H.  RAY,  M.A 66 Magic.     Thompson.     Semitic  Magic.    W.  L.  H.          32 Magic.    See  also  MADAGASCAR. New   Guinea :    Languages.      Meyer.      Die    Papuasprache    in    Niederlandiwh-^'euguinea. S.H.RAY          ...        •••        ...  '     45 Pacific.    See  FIJI  ;  NEW  GUINEA. Physical  Anthropology.    See  AMERICA;  ANTHROPOLOGY;  ANTHROPOMETRY:    AUSTRIA; CEREBROLOGY  ;  RUSSIA  ;  SCOTLAND  :  TENERIFFE. Prehistory.     Hewitt.      Primitive  Traditional   History.     W.  M.  FLINDERS  PETRIE,    D.C.L., F.R.S 60 Religion.     Abrahams  arid  others.     Religions  Ancient  and  Modern.     A.  H.  KEANE,  LL.D.        ...          6 Religion.     Hall.     The  Inward  Light.     Sir  R.  C.  TEMPLE 35 Religion.     Marett.     The  Threshold  of  Religion.     A.  E.  CBAWLEY 81 Religions.     Van  Gennep.     Religions,  Moeurs  et  Legendes.     M.  LONGWORTH  DAMES    ...         ...        65 Religion.    See  also  ETHICS  ;  MADAGASCAR  ;  MAGIC  ;  SUPERSTITION. Russia  :  Anthropometry.     Tarnowsky.     Les  Femmes  homicides.     F.  S.  ...         51 Scotland:    Pigmentation.     Tocher.     Pigmentation  Survey  of  School- Children  in  Scotland. G.  U.  Y 15 Scotland.    See  also  UNITED  KINGDOM. Superstition.     Frazer.     Psyche's  Task.     B.  FREIRE-MARRECO      83 Teneriffe  :  CraniolOgy.     Von  Behr.     Metrische  Studien.  an  152  Guanchenschiideln.     F.  S.  ...         39 Thurlngia :  ArchSBOlOgy.    Goetze  and  others.    Die  vor-  und  Friihgtschichtlichen  Altertiiiner Thuringens.    J.  A.         ...         ...         ...         ...        82 Totemism.     Van  Gennep.     Totemisme  et  Methode  comparative.     A.LANG  ...         34 Trade.     Roth.     Trading  in  Early  Days.     W.  CROOKE         • 37 United  Kingdom  :  Arch830lOgy.     Smith.     The  Stone  Ages  in  Xortk  Britain  and  Ireland. Prof.  B.  C.  A.  WINDLE,  F.R.S Ill Voyages.     Nicoll.     Three  Voyages  of  a  Naturalist.     J.  E.-P.  ...         ...         ...  8 PROCEEDINGS. Anthropology  at  the  British  Association    99,  112 ANTHROPOLOGICAL     NOTES. See  Nos.  9,  26,  53,  61,  75,  84,  100,  113. VI ERRATA. No.  23.     The  reference  in  the  title  should  be  to  MAN,  1909,  14,  not  1908. No.  92,  page  156,  line  12,  for  history  read  industry. See  aho  page  48. DESCRIPTION     OF    THE     PLATES. A.  Carved  Wooden  Cup  from  the  Bakuha       With  No.      1 B.  Otis  Tufton  Mason      „  10 C.  Canoe  Ornaments  from  S.E.  British  New  Guinea  ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  ..  16 D.  Australian  Huts  and  Shelters            ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  ,.  27 E.  Steatite  Figures  from  Sierra  Leone ..  40 F.  Worked  Flints  from  Raised  Beach,  Larne  ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  .,  54 G.  Daniel  John  Cunningham      ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  62 H.     Dewlish  "  Eoliths "     „  68 i-j.  String  Nets  of  the  XVII  Dynasty 76 K.     Graves  of  the  Wa-Nyika        ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         „  85 L.     Musical  Instruments  in  Khorasan    ...         ...         ...         ...  „  94 M.    Some  Dorobo  Beliefs  ..          ...                                         ...                   „  101 ILLUSTRATIONS    IN    THE    TEXT. N.B. — All  are  PhotograpJu,  unless  otherwise  ttated. Carved  Wooden  Cup  from  the  Bakuba With  No.     1 Figs.  1-4.    The  Fox  as  a  Birth  Amulet.     (Fig.  1,  Drawing.)            „  4 Figs.  1-6.     Pottery  from  Late  Celtic  Rubbish- Heap  at  Oare.     (Drawings.)          ...         ...  „  11 Maori  Burial  Chests           ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  18 Netting  without  a  Knot     ...         ...         ...         ...  „  20 Figs.  1-3.  Remarkable  Arrowheads  and  Diminutive  Bronze  Implement.     (Drawings.)  ...  „  21 Plan  of  Knap  Hill  Camp.     (Drawing.) ...         ...         ...         ...  „  28 Fig.  1.     Steatite  Figures  from  Sierra  Leone.     Sketch  of  Stool.     (Drawing.)        „  40 Skull  from  Old  Mine.     Skull  from  Chum  Ruins           ...         ...         ...  „  41 Fig.  1.     Section  of  Raised  Beach,  Larne.     (Drawing.)          ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  .,  54 Fig.  2.     Implement  of  Palaeolithic  type,  Raised  Beach,  Larne.     (Drawing.)          ...         ...  „  54 Palaeolithic  Implement  found  near  the  British  Museum.     (Drawing.)        ...         ...         ...  .,  56 Fig.  1.     Map  of  District  (Surrey).     (Drawing.)           ...         ...         ...         ...          ...         ...  „  63 Indian  Palaeolithic  Implements.     (Drawing.')  ...         ...         ...         ...  „  79 Urn.     Barrow  on  Chapel  Carn  Brea       ...         ...         ...         ,,  87 Obsidian  Implements  in  Central  Africa.     (Drawing.)            ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  .,  89 A  Portable  Stature  Meter             „  90 Figs.  C.  and  D.     Khorasan  Musical  Instruments         ...         ...         ...         ...  ,.  94 Figs.  1-3.    The  Porridge  Stirrer  as  an  Egyptian  Hieroglyph.     (Drawings.)          ...         ...  ,.  96 Banks  Islands  Pudding-Knives „  105 Vll LIST    OF    AUTHORS. N.B. — The  Numbers  to  which  an  asterisk  is  added  are  those  of  Reviews  of  Books. A.,  J.,  82*. ABBOTT,  W.  J.  L.,  88,  103. ANDREWS,  J.  B.,  104. ASTON,  W.  G.,  95. BEDDOE,  J.,  59*. BLACKMAN,  A.  M.,  4,  96. BRETON,  A.  C.,  92*. BROWN,  R.  G.,  13. CHATER,  A.  G.,  25*. CRAWFORD,  J.  W.  W.,  30. CRAWLET,  A.  E.,  81*. CROOKE,  W.,  37*. CUNNINGTON,  M.  E.,  11,  28. D.,  0.  M.,  67*. DAMES,  M.  L.,  52*,  65*. DUCKWORTH,  W.  L.  H.,  69. DUNDAS,  K.  R.,  19. DURAND,  R.,  5*,  50*. EDGE-PARTINGTON,  J.,  8*,  18,  31,  105. EVANS,  O.  H.,  48*,  74*. F.,  R.  W.,  58*. FRAZER,  J.  G.,  86. GENNEP,  A.  VAN,  20. GRAY,  J.,  90,  109*. H.,  H.  S.,  33*,  97*. H.,  W.  L.,  32*. HADDON,  A.  C.,  10,  72*. HOCART,  A.  M.,  108. HOLLIS.  A.  C.,  85,  101. JETTE,  J.,  12. JOYCE,  T.  A.,  1,  22*,  38*,  40,  47*,  98*, 110*. KARR,  H.  W.  SETON,  79,  89,  106. KEANE,  A.  H.,  6*. KENDALL,  H.  G.  O.,  21. KING,  H.  C.,  87. LANG,  A.,  2,  14*,  23*,  29,  34*,  78. LAYARD,  N.  F.,  54. LEWIS,  A.  L.,  107. M.,  A.  P.,  91*. MARETT,  R.  R.,  64*. MARRECO,  B.  FREIRE-,  42,  63,  73*,  83. MORTIMER,  J.  R.,  17. PARKYN,  E.  A.,  44*. PETRIE,  W.  M.  F.,  60*,  76. POLKINGHORNE,  B.  C.,  87. Q.,  A.  H.,  36*. RAY,  S.  H.,  43*,  45*,  66*,  93*. ROSCOE,  J.,  57,  70. ROTH,  W.  E.,  27. S.,  F.,  39*,  51*. S.,  R.  A.,  24*,  46*. SELIGMANN,  C.  G.,  3,  16,  49*,  77. SHRUBSALL,  F.  C.,  41. SMITH,  W.  G.,  56,  68. SYKES,  P.  M.,  94,  102. TEMPLE,  R.  C.,  35*. THOMSON,  G.  62. W.,  W.,  7*. WERNER,  G.,  71*,  80*. Y.,  G.  U.,  15*. PLATE  A. MAN,  1909. CARVED    WOODEN    CUP    FROM    THE    BAKUBA,    KASAI     DISTRICT. CONGO    FREE    STATE. (Restored  and  slightly  enlarged.) MAN A   MONTHLY  RECORD   OF   ANTHROPOLOGICAL   SCIENCE, N.B. — All  communications  printed  in  MAN  are  signed  or  initialled  by  their authors,  and  the  Council  of  the  Institute  desires  it  to  be  understood  that  in  giving publicity  to  them  it  accepts  no  responsibility  for  the  opinions  or  statements  expressed. N.B. — MAN,  1909,  consists  of  twelve  monthly -published  sheets,  of  sixteen  pages each,  printed  in  single  column;  containing  "  Original  Articles"  and  substantial "Reviews"  of  recent  publications  ;  all  numbered  consecutively  1,  2,  3,  onwards. N.B.  —  Articles  published  in  MAN  should  be  quoted  by  the  year  and  the reference-number  of  the  article,  not  by  the  page-reference ;  e.g.,  the  article  which begins  on  p.  4  below  should  be  quoted  as  MAN,  1909,  3. ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. Africa :  Congo  Art.  With  Plate  A.  Joyce. On  a  Carved  Wooden  Cup  from  the  BaKuba,  Kasai  District,  I Congo  Free  State.  By  T.  A.  Joyce,  M.A. A  large  ethnographical  collection,  comprising  a  great  number  of  specimens  of unusual  interest  has  already  resulted  from  the  labours  of  the  expedition,  under  the leadership  of  Mr.  E.  Torday,  still  in  the  Congo  Free  State.  That  part  of  the collection  which  is  illustrative  of  the  art  of  the  BaKuba  people  (or,  as  they  should more  properly  be  called,  Bushonge)  is  especially  noteworthy,  and  of  that  series  the specimen  figured  herewith  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable.  This  wooden  cup,  unfortu- nately somewhat  damaged,  was  obtained  in  Misumba,  a  village  of  the  BaNgongo sub-tribe  of  BaKuba,  from  an  old  fetish  man,  who  stated  that  it  was  of  great  age. The  cup  is  carved  from  solid,  hard,  dark  wood  ;  it  is  vase-shaped  with  hemi- spherical body,  and  stands  on  a  circular  foot  ;  it  is  furnished  above  the  hemispherical portion  with  a  well-marked  shoulder,  above  which  is  a  curved  lip,  the  curve  approxi- mating to  a  semi-circle  ;  the  edge  of  the  lip  extends  very  slightly  beyond  the  shoulder. The  cup  is  elaborately  ornamented  with  patterns  in  relief  as  follows  : — Four  lizards,  the scales,  indicated  by  lozenge  diaper,  are  carved  in  high  relief  on  the  body  of  the  vessel, disposed  at  equal  distances,  their  tails  touching  the  stem,  their  hands  reaching  to  within a  short  distance  of  the  shoulder  ;  the  space  between  each  pair  of  lizards  is  filled  with three  series  of  continuous  loop  pattern  on  a  ground  of  minute  lozenge  diaper  ;  along the  edge  of  the  shoulder  runs  a  band  of  zigzag  and  line  pattern  .divided  into  panels  ;  a broader  band  of  similar  panels,  alternating  with  panels  of  lozenge  diaper,  encircles the  concave  portion  of  the  lip  ;  vertically  across  this  concave  portion,  and  at  four intervals  round  the  cup  not  quite  equidistant,  extend  four  weevils  of  the  genus  Brachy- cerus,  arranged  so  as  to  alternate  with  the  lizards  below,  their  heads  pointing  alternately up  and  down.  These  are  carved  quite  free  of  the  lip,  touching  it  only  at  two  points respectively  a  little  below  the  rim  and  a  little  above  the  shoulder  ;  they  are  covered with  lozenge  diaper.  On  the  foot,  directly  below  each,  weevil,  is  carved  a  trapezoid  panel No.  t] MAN. [1909. in  high  relief,  filled  with  lozenge  diaper  ;  round  the  rim  of  the  foot  are  four  continuous loops,  separated  by  triple  mouldings.  The  dimensions  of  the  cup  are  as  follows  : — height,  123  cm.  ;  diameter  of  lip,  117  cm.  ;  diameter  of  foot,  81  cm. As  said  above,  the  owner  of  the  cup  asserted  that  it  was  of  great  age.  Of  course, the  statements  of  natives  on  this  point  are  not  trustworthy  evidence,  but  the  fact  is clear  from  a  glance  at  the  specimen  ;  in  fact,  in  none  of  the  other  carvings  obtained,  even those  of  which  the  ornament  has  nearly  disappeared  by  wear,  does  the  actual  wood  show such  evident  traces  of  age.  I  think  it  may  be  concluded  that  the  cup  is  a  genuine "antique"  in  the  limited  sense  of  antiquity  which  can  be  applied  to  objects  from  savage Africa.  Another  point  of  interest  lies  in  the  fact  that  the  carving  of  this  cup  evidences a  greater  mastery  of  material  than  any  other  woodcarving  obtained  in  what  may  be termed  the  "  provinces "  of  the  BaKuba  kingdom  ;  the  shape  is  remarkably  graceful and  symmetrical,  and  is one  proper  rather  to pottery  or  metal  than  to wood  :  the  continuous loop  pattern  is,  on  the contrary,  obviously  de- rived from  textile  art  ; while  the  trapezoid  pro- jections on  the  foot  are decidedly  reminiscent  of jewel  work.  On  the whole  the  shape  of  the vessel  distinctly  sug- gests European  influ- ence,just  as  the  ornamen  t of  the  body  suggests  the art  of  Benin.  But  it is  impossible  to  find  in this  neighbourhood  even the  remotest  traces  of direct  European  influ- ence earlier  than  the comparatively  recent date  of  Wissmann's  vi- sit. Of  possible  trans- mitted influence  at  a far  earlier  date  I  have a  trace  in  the  volu- minous notes  collected  by  the  expedition.  This  question  will,  I  hope,  be  discussed fully  in  the  ultimate  report  of  the  expedition  ;  at  the  present  time  I  can  gire  no  more than  a  few  bald  statements,  omitting  the  evidence  on  which  they  are  founded. Culturally  the  BaKuba  face  the  west ;  from  this  quarter  was  introduced  the  game mancala,  tobacco,  cloth-embroidery,  &c.,  as  early  as  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth century  ;  this  date  can  be  fixed  with  almost  absolute  certainty.  According  to  the  native account  much  was  learnt  from  the  BaPindi,  a  people  whom  we  know  to  have  been directly  or  indirectly  in  contact  with  the  Portuguese  of  the  early  seventeenth  century  ; so  it  is  impossible  to  deny  that  there  is  a  possibility  of  some  faint  shadow  of Portuguese  influence  having  been  transmitted  to  the  BaKuba.  But  it  can  have  been no  more  than  the  merest  shadow. [    2    ] 1809.]  MAN.  [Nos.  1-2. In  considering  the  ornamentation  of  the  cup  in  detail  there  is  hardly  a  feature which  does  not  seem  to  belong  to  the  indigenous  local  art,  and  there  is,  moreover,  one which  appears  to  be  peculiar  to  it  ;  I  allude  to  the  weevils  round  the  edge.  This  insect, often  conventionalised  almost  beyond  recognition,  and  nowhere  else  in  so  naturalistic a  form,  occurs  on  more  than  50  per  cent,  of  the  large  series  of  carved  boxes  collected by  the  expedition.  The  insect  is  evidently  likened  in  the  native  imagination  to  a human  head  with  high  bulging  forehead,  and  it  is  called  Mutu  Jambi,  the  head  of God.  In  some  of  the  conventionalised  examples  of  this  pattern,  it  is  interesting  to note,  features  have  been  added  to  what  is  in  reality  the  thorax  of  the  insect,  which is  supposed  to  represent  the  facial  portion  of  the  head.  In  conclusion,  I  will  add that  the  apparent  discrepancy  between  the  photograph  and  restoration  with  respect  to the  position  of  the  weevils  relative  to  the  curve  of  the  lip  arises  from  the  fact  that these  weevils  are  not  disposed  at  regular  intervals  round  the  cup,  and  the  restoration and  photograph  show  different  aspects.  The  cup  is  now  in  the  British  Museum. T.  A.  JOYCE. Totemism.  Lang". Linked   Totems.     />'//  -'•  Lang.  O I  am  greatly  indebted  to  Dr.  Seligmann  for  his  explanations  (MAN,  1908,  £ 100).  My  difficulty  was  caused  by  his  use  of  the  word  "  clan,"  which  I  have  only known  as  applied  to  the  clans  of  the  Highlands,  on  one  side,  and,  on  the  other, erroneously,  to  totem  kins.  The  paper  of  R.  P.  de  Marzan  has  only  added  to  my perplexities,  for  he  uses  the  words  "  tribe,"  "  clan,"  and  "  family  "  as  equivalents,  and applies  them  all  to  the  same  community,  which  also  contains  a  "  subdivision "  with  a totem  of  its  own.* The  remarks  of  Dr.  Rivers  on  Fijian  totemism  (MAN,  1908,  75)  are  perfectly lucid,  if  I  rightly  understand  him  as  meaning  "  totem  kin,"  or  "  totem  claa  "  when  he writes  "  sept," — a  term  of  very  vague  sense. Fijian  totemism,  however,  is  remote  in  social  characteristics  from  the  unique and  most  interesting  variety  discovered  by  Dr.  Seligmaun  in  South-East  British Is'ew  Guinea.  There,  if  I  understand  him,  society  is  organised  on  a  hitherto  unheard-of model. In  Fiji,  as  I  conceive  Dr.  Rivers  to  think  possible,  the  totem  of  the  tribe  is parallel  to  the  African  tribal  Siboko,  or  sacred  animal ;  and  is,  as  he  suggests,  the original  totem  of  the  kin  of  the  chief,  imposed  by  him  on  the  whole  tribe.  It  has no  exogamous  influence,  and,  as  food,  it  is  tabu  to  all  members  of  the  tribe.  "  The smaller  divisions  which  may  possibly  be  the  representatives  of  exogamous  septs"  (in my  terminology  "  totem  kins  "),  "  have  also  their  special  sacred  animals."  Thus  every member  of  the  tribe  has  at  least  two  tabu  animals,  the  tribal  (originally  the  chiefs) and  that  of  his  own  "  smaller  division "  (originally  his  totem  kin,  but  now  no  longer exogamous).  I  do  not  understand  that  to  each  member  of  the  tribe  all  the  tabu objects,  of  all  the  smaller  divisions  in  the  tribe,  are  equally  tabu  :  in  any  case  none of  these  objects  marks  the  exogamous  limit.  The  Fijians  have  no  totemic  exogamy. Meanwhile  the  causes  of  the  "  linking "  of  the  tabu  objects,  or  totems,  are  clearly explained.  Let  it  be  added  that  the  Fijians  have  male  descent. Very  different  is  the  state  of  society  in  South-East  British  New  Guinea.  Here, as  I  gather  from  Dr.  Seligmann's  reply  to  me,  the  "  clan "  is  the  "  unit,"  and the  clan  is  a  local  community,  for  it  usually,  though  not  invariably,  has  "  a  geo- graphical name,''  not  a  totemic  name,  though  some  "  clans "  bear  the  name  of  one  of their  totems.  Descent  is  through  females,  and  the  "  clan  "  is  exogamous.  "  Every *  Antkroj)os,  Vol.  II.     Part  3,  p.  403. [     3     ] Nos.  2-3.]  MAN.  [1909. individual  of  a  particular  clan  has  the  same  linked  totems,"  four  in  all,  if  the  clan has  four. As  to  the  exogamy  of  the  clan  Dr.  Seligmann  writes,  "  There  may  also  be  a  dual "  or  multiple  grouping  of  the  clans,  but  I  must  ignore  this  here."  Now  the  "  clan," being  exogamous  and  local,  must  marry  out  of  its  four  totems,  and  therefore  out  of its  locality,  like  the  Kurnai.  With  whom  do  its  members  intermarry  ?  Apparently into  one  or  more  other  "  clans,"  possessing  totems  which  are  not  its  own  totems.  If so,  the  intermarrying  "  clans,"  for  purposes  of  marriage  law,  are  phratries,  whether only  two  phratries  in  each  case,  as  in  Australia,  or  three  or  even  more,  as  in  some American  tribes. Thus  it  is  as  if,  in  the  Dieri  tribe  (exogamous,  with  female  descent),  the  phratry Kararu  had  but  four  totems,  carpet  snake,  crow,  kananguru  seed,  and  bandicoot  ; while  phratry  Matteri  had  but  four  totems,  cormorant,  Markara  fish,  dingo,  and caterpillar  ;  and  as  if  each  member  of  either  phratry  belonged  to  all  four  totems  of that  phratry.  We  must  also  suppose  each  phratry  to  be  locally  apart  from  the  other, as  the  New  Guinea  clans  are  local  communities.  This  local  separation  of  phratries occurs  in  some  North  Central  Australian  tribes,  as  these  have  descent  through  males. How  it  can  occur  in  New  Guinea,  where  each  exogamous  unit  or  "  clan "  reckons descent  through  females,  I  am  unable  to  conjecture. I  am  anxious  (as  it  has  been  laid  on  me  to  write  an  account  of  totemism  for a  work  of  reference)  to  know  whether  I  have  correctly  interpreted  the  statements of  Dr.  Seligmann.  It  is  obvious  that  as  each  "  clan  "  may  not  marry  into  itself,  and into  its  own  totems,  it  must  marry  into  one  or  more  other  "  clans,"  or  exogamous local  communities  ;  and  I  presume  that  no  man  or  woman  may  marry  a  person  who- owns  even  one  of  his  or  her  "  linked  totems."  The  "  clan "  of  South-East  British New  Guinea  is  certainly  very  unlike  any  community  that  has  hitherto  been  spoken  of as  a  "  clan,"  and  I  suggest  that  we  should  call  it  by  the  native  name  for  such  a  social aggregate.  A.  LANG. Totemism.  Seligmann. Linked  Totems  in  British  New  Guinea.    /;//  ('.  G.  Seligmann,  M.I).  Q It  would  be  possible  to  reply  to  the  particular  points  raised  by  Mr.  Lang's  V note  in  sufficient  detail  to  enable  him  to  utilise  my  account  for  the  "  work  of  reference," but  to  do  this  would  need  so  many  lengthy  explanations  and  reservations  that  it seems  that  my  best  course  is  to  send  to  MAN  sufficient  extracts  from  my  worked-up material  to  make  clear  the  chief  peculiarities  of  the  totemism  of  South-East  British New  Guinea.  To  this  end  I  will  describe  the  conditions  I  found  at  Wagawaga,  a Milne  Bay  community. I  must  preface  my  remarks  by  stating  that  the  dwellings  of  the  communities  of this  part  of  New  Guinea  are  arranged  in  scattered  groups  (at  Wagawaga  they  are spread  over  a  frontage  of  about  1,000  yards)  which  I  call  hamlets.  The  members  of each  hamlet,  excepting  people  who  have  married  in  or  been  adopted,  are  closely  related by  blood,  and  are,  in  fact,  a  somewhat  extended  family  group.  Thus  the  householders of  each  hamlet  are,  or  should  be,  of  one  clan,  but  in  the  community  there  are  many hamlets  belonging  to  each  of  its  constituent  clans,  though  each  hamlet  has  its  own name  and  exercises  a  considerable  degree  of  autonomy. Omitting  certain  immigrant  folk  who  are  still  looked  upon  more  or  less  as strangers,  there  are  three  clans  in  Wagawaga,  the  names  of  which  are  Garuboir Modewa,  and  Hurana.  Each  of  these  has  at  least  one  bird  totem,  with,  in  each  case, a  linked  fish,  snake,  and  plant  totem,  all  of  which  are  called  pianai.  The  hamlets and  totems  of  each  clan  are  as  follows  :  — [    4     ] 1909.] MAN. [No.  3. Clan. Hamlets. Bird. Totems. Fish. Snake. Plant. f  Kanabwahi WltMiwhai  (crow) Ipl  (skate). Garuboi. Okioki. Suaiaro and Garuboi •{  Kasaiauura Bui  (reef  heron). Wagawaga t  Wagawaga  pupuna Modewa r  Duria Modewa Yabarawa Siai    (Paradixea raggiana) and Kurau. Mota      idai- idaga. Modau. I  Dobuapa Kulokulo. f  Hehego Wtkiwiki  (a  hawk). Bahibahi. Grt    adi. Daberima. Hurana Taradiu Hurana  (of  Waga- L     waga) Modewa. Excluding  the  immigrants  already  alluded  to,  there  is  a  dual  grouping  of  the Wagawaga  clans  into  two  clan-groups,  as  in  the  following  scheme  : — CLAN.  CLAN-GROUP. Garuboi  -  Garuboi'. Modewa  | Hurana    j This  dual  grouping  of  the  clans  regulated  the  terms  by  which  each  individual  was addressed,  while  formerly  it  determined  who  should  take  part  in  the  cannibal  feast held  to  revenge  a  fellow  villager  killed  by  a  hostile  community.  Further,  until recently  it  determined  a  particular  form  of  exogamy,  but  with  the  extinction  of  war- fare and  cannibal  feasts  within  the  last  few  years  the  dual  grouping  has  so  fallen into  decay  as  to  be  largely  ignored  in  the  regulation  of  marriage,  although  totem exogamy  is  still  quite  generally  observed.* No  man  or  woman  might  contract  marriage  with  a  member  of  his  or  her  own clan-group,  nor  might  any  individual  marry  a  member  of  his  or  her  father's  clan.  Thus Ipunesa,  a  man  of  Modewa  clan,  might  not  marry  into  either  of  the  clans  Modewa  or Hurana,  since  these  composed  his  own  clan-group.  Nor  might  he  marry  into  the  clan- group  Garuboi  (the  other  clan-group  of  the  Wagawaga  village-system),  since  this contained  but  one  clan,  Garuboi,  to  which  his  father  belonged.  Hence,  Ipunesa,  in  the old  days  would  have  necessarily  married  out  of  his  own  village-system.t  But,  besides the  limitations  above  referred  to,  there  was,  and  still  is,  the  very  real  limitation  imposed by  consanguinity.  How  far  this  extended  was  never  clear,  but  it  certainly  seemed  that third  cousins  might  not  marry. At  the  present  day  the  clan-group  restrictions  above  mentioned  have  broken  down, but  it  seems  that  marriage  between  individuals  of  the  same  clan  never  occurs  while *  These  clan-groups  resemble  phratries,  in  that  a  man  may  not  marry  a  member  of  his  own clan-group  and  may  marry  a  member  of  the  other  chin-group  of  his  community  if  that  clan-group  be not  barred  to  him  by  its  being  the  clan-group  to  which  his  father  belongs.  J  tend  to  regard  the clan-groups  as  originally  phratries,  which,  as  the  importance  and  avoidance  of  the  father's  totems became  marked,  ceased  in  a  very  large  number  of  instances  to  be  inter-marrying  groups,  although the  old  prohibition  of  marriage  within  the  clan-group  to  which  the  individual  belonged  persisted. t  The  communities  of  Milne  Bay  intermarry  quite  freely. No.  3,]  MAN.  [1909. the  prohibition    of   marriage    into  the    clan  of    an    individual's   father  is  still  equally observed,  as  are  the  rules  of  consanguinity. It  seemed  that  men  were  not  usually  considered  to  partake  of  any  of  the  qualities of  their  totem  birds,  fish,  or  snakes. There  are  no  totem  shrines,  and  no  one  was  supposed  to  have  particular  influence over  the  birds  or  other  animals  which  are  his  totems.  There  does  not  seem  ever  to  have been  any  ceremony  which  had  for  its  purpose  the  increasing  of  the  totem,  nor  was  there any  tendency  for  a  man  to  tame  and  keep  his  totem  birds  as  pets  ;  in  fact,  it  was  said that  the  keeping  of  pets  was  a  recently-introduced  habit  learnt  from  Europeans. It  was  clear  that  at  Wagawaga  a  man  showed  more  regard  for  his  father's  totem than  for  his  own  ;  that  is  to  say,  there  was  very  much  more  ceremonial  avoidance  of  his father's  totem  than  of  his  own.  It  was  alleged  that  a  man  might  kill  and  even  eat  his own  bird  totem,  though  it  seemed  uncertain  that  he  Avould  eat  it.  In  any  case  it  may  be noted  that  the  bird  totems  of  Wagawaga  are  birds  that  are  not  commonly  considered good  to  eat,  and  that,  even  where  this  is  not  the  case,  the  natives  of  South-Eastern  New Guinea  are  not  keen  hunters  of  birds  except  such  as  provide  feathers  for  dancing ornaments.  It  was  said  that  a  man  would  catch  and  eat  his  own  totem  fish,  and  there  is no  doubt  of  the  accuracy  of  this  information.  It  was  further  stated  that  a  man  would not  hesitate  to  kill  his  totem  snake  if  it  lay  across  his  track,  or  to  destroy  his  totem plant  whenever  it  was  convenient  to  do  so. On  the  other  hand,  it  was  clear  that  no  Wagawaga  man  would  eat  or  destroy  his father's'  totem  birds,  or  would  even  approach  a  fire  at  which  they  were  cooking ; further,  if  a  man  saw  his  father's  totem  bird  being  killed  he  would  go  away  for  a  short time  or  remonstrate  with  the  killer,  but  he  would  not  fight  him  nor  quarrel  with  him, and,  with  the  exception  of  not  touching  the  dead  totem  bird,  he  would  show  no  special regard  for  it.  If  in  fishing  his  father's  totem  fish  were  caught  the  fisherman  would  ask one  of  his  companions  to  remove  it  from  the  net,  but  he  would  not  suggest  that  it should  be  returned  to  the  water  ;  on  the  other  hand,  he  would  not  touch  or  eat  it.  A man  respected  his  father's  totem  snake  and  would  seek  to  avoid  it  ;  he  would  certainly not  kill  it. The  relation  of  a  man  to  his  father's  totem  plant  was  less  clear  ;  it  seemed  that  he would  generally  avoid  injuring  it.  A  number  of  Modewa  men  whose  fathers  were  of Garuboi  clan  agreed  that  they  would  not  injure  their  father's  totem  plant  okioki  when met  with  when  in  the  bush  ;  but  they  said  that  if  it  interfered  with  garden-making they  would  destroy  it.  This  partial  avoidance  of  a  father's  totem  plant  did  not,  in  the case  of  okioki,  extend  to  lying-in  women,  whose  diet  for  some  time  after  parturition consists  of  a  decoction  of  yams  and  okioki  fruit  or  leaves.  It  was  repeatedly  and independently  asserted  that  every  woman,  no  matter  whether  okioki  were  her  own  or her  father's  totem,  would  eat  this  food  during  her  puerperium.  A  man  would  not  marry a  woman  with  the  same  totems  as  his  father,  and  one  informant  stated  that  all  women of  his  father's  totem  were  "  half  mother  "  to  him.  In  the  old  days  he  would  not  sleep with  a  woman  of  his  father's  totem,  nor  should  he  sit  close  to  her  when  visiting  the girl-house  (poluma)  ;  but  in  spite  of  this,  and  although  in  the  old  days  no  one  would marry  a  girl  of  his  own  totem,  some  of  the  bolder  or  more  amorous  men  would  sleep with  such  girls.  Nowadays  this  condition  of  things  has  changed  and  prenuptial connection  is  not  even  slightly  limited  by  the  old  clan  rules,  and,  although  this  conduct is  not  considered  rigidly  correct,  no  objection  is  ever  raised  ;  certainly  the  non-observance of  this  rule  was  considered  too  small  an  infringement  of  the  clan  laws  to  bring  any harm  on  the  lovers  or  their  kin.  A  man  would  eat  his  wife's  totem  fish  as  he would  his  own,  and  the  same  rule  applies  to  the  wife's  treatment  of  her  husband's  totem fish  ;  it  was  said  that  a  man  would  be  no  more  and  no  less  frightened  of  his  wife's totem  snake  than  he  would  be  of  any  other  snake  in  which  he  had  no  special  interest. [    6    ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  3. No  man  would  wear  the  feathers  of  his  father's  totem  bird,  although  he  would riot  hesitate  to  wear  the  feathers  of  his  own  totem  bird.  Indeed,  these  are  his  usual ornaments,  and  there  is  a  feeling  that  it  is  specially  appropriate  that  a  man  should wear  the  feathers  of  his  totem  bird,  although  he  is  not  even  theoretically  limited  to their  use.  The  most  commonly  worn  feathers  were  those  of  the  cockatoo  ;  with these  the  much  rarer  feathers  of  white  individuals  of  the  reef  heron  (hot)  were  worn when  they  could  be  obtained.  During  the  toreha  ceremonies  the  older  men  of  the community  would  wear  round  their  heads  two,  three,  or  even  four  hornbill  beaks. A  man  would  wear  these  beaks  if  his  own  totem  were  the  hornbill,  but  on  this,  as  on other  occasions,  would  avoid  coming  in  contact  with  the  bird  or  its  feathers,  if  the hornbill  were  his  father's  totem.  Another  instance  of  the  avoidance  of  the  feathers of  a  father's  totem  bird  occurs  at  the  waiapa  ceremony,  when  bird-of-paradise  feathers are  worn  by  all  who  have  not  fathers  with  that  bird  as  totem.  Similarly  a  man  whose father's  totem  is  the  reef  heron  will  avoid  wearing  the  feathers  of  the  rare  white  variety of  this  bird  ;  while  a  man,  whose  father's  totem  is  the  cockatoo  will  not  wear  this  bird's feathers,  but  substitute  feathers  of  white  individuals  of  the  reef  heron  when  these  can be  obtained.  No  information  concerning  the  origin  of  bird,  fish,  or  snake  totems  could be  obtained,  but  a  rather  trivial  legend  accounting  for  the  origin  of  plant  totems  exists. Totem  birds,  snakes,  and  fishes  are  commonly  represented  upon  houses  and  canoe prows,  and  upon  lime  spatulas  and  net  floats,  and,  in  fact,  upon  practically  all  the  wooden utensils  and  ornaments  of  the  folk  of  South-Eastern  New  Guinea  and  the  neighbouring archipelagos.  These  carvings  are,  however,  executed  by  any  man  who  has  the  necessary skill  and  art,  and  it  is  certain  that  no  man  is  limited  in  his  designs  to  the  use  of  his own  totem  or  the  totems  of  the  man  for  whom  he  is  carving.  In  many  places,  including Milne  Bay,  certain  totem  animals  have  passed  into  art,  and  in  this  connection  their limitation  to  a  particular  group  of  people  has  been  forgotten  entirely.  Thus,  although the  dominant  patterns  of  a  district  or  village  may  be  derived  from  an  animal  which  is  the totem  of  only  a  few  people  in  the  village  or  district,  and  although  it  may  be  recognised that  the  pattern  really  does  represent  the  totem  of  a  small  group  of  people,  it  is nevertheless  used  indifferently  as  a  means  of  decorating  the  houses  and  utensils  of  folk whose  totem  it  is,  and  of  those  entirely  unconnected  with  it. In  the  vast  majority  of  cases  of  cannibalism  in  the  Massim  district  the  eating of  human  flesh  was  part  of  a  ceremonial  and  solemn  act  of  revenge  which  it  was  the duty  of  each  community  to  observe  on  behalf  of  its  own  members  killed  and  eaten  by other  communities  with  which  it  was  at  enmity.*  The  individual  or  individuals  eaten in  revenge  for  a  fellow  villager  who  had  been  eaten  by  the  folk  of  a  hostile  community were  called  niaia  or  maiha ;  and  the  clan  organisation  of  the  community  profoundly affected  this  cannibalism  as  is  shown  by  the  following  summary  of  an  instance  occurring a  few  years  ago. It  became  known  at  Maiwara,  a  community  at  the  head  of  Milne  Bay,  that  a Wagawaga  canoe  was  about  to  visit  Basilaki  (Moresby  Island),  so  three  canoes  put off  quietly  at  night  and  an  ambush  was  formed  behind  an  island  called  Seraumi,  close to  which  the  Wagawaga  canoe  would  pass.  The  ambush  was  successful,  and  the Maiwara  men  drove  the  Wagawaga  canoe  ashore  where  the  majority  of  its  crew  took to  the  bush,  leaving,  however,  two  prisoners  in  the  hands  of  the  man  of  Maiwara, namely,  Keori  a  man  of  clan  Garuboi,  and  Bonadiero,  a  girl  of  about  ten  belonging  to Modewa  clan.f  The  captors  tied  up  their  prisoners  and  flung  them  into  one  of  the *  In  a  smaller  number  of  cases  human  flesh  was  undoubtedly  eaten  for  the  pleasure  it  afforded, and  complete  strangers  were  commonly  killed  and  eaten  ;  but  there  was,  of  course,  no  large  or constant  supply  of  food  of  this  kind. t  Keori  was  a  man  of  Wagawaga  hamlet :  his  father,  who  had  as  bird-totems  siai,  the  bird  of paradise,  and  kulokulo,  came  from  Bogohodu  in  the  bush  behind  Discovery  Bay. [    7    ] No.  3,]  MAN.  [1909. Maiwara  canoes,  which  leisurely  started  home,  taking  care  to  pass  Wagawaga  on  the way.  When  opposite  Wagawaga  the  Maiwara  canoes  approached  to  within  some ,200  yards  of  the  shore,  the  majority  of  their  crew  drumming,  shouting,  gesticulating, and  blowing  conch  shells.  Then  they  halted  and  gave  the  dance  bcsa  or  boriri  used on  such  occasions.  Their  captives  were  made  to  stand  up  and  stripped  naked,  while the  girl's  petticoat  and  the  man's  perineal  band  were  waved  in  the  air  by  the  captors, who  yelled  the  names  of  the  prisoners  and  detailed  how  they  would  be  cooked  and eaten.  Bonadiero  cried  and  made  repeated  efforts  to  escape  ;  Keori  appeared  to  those on  shore  to  be  resigned.  Wagawaga  was  wild  with  anger,  but  nothing  could  be  done, and  when  the  Maiwara  men  had  amused  themselves  enough,  they  paddled  on  to  their own  village,  where  Keori  was  duly  eaten  after  the  usual  preliminaries  which  I  shall describe  when  considering  the  death  of  the  Maiwara  man,  who  was  afterwards  killed in  revenge  for  him.  The  girl  was  not  injured,  but  was  adopted  by  one  Taumaia,  who did  not,  however,  keep  her  long,  for  shortly  afterwards,  at  a  big  dance,  some  Rabi guests  kidnapped  her  and  restored  her  to  her  own  folk.* At  Wagawaga  talk  ran  high  and  revenge  was  determined,  but  nothing  was  done for  some  six  weeks  ;  then  canoes  and  weapons  were  prepared  and  the  necessary  feast, ogatara  or  losuma,  was  held,  without  which  no  party  could  seek  for  maiha. Near  sundown  the  war  party  started,  the  men  being  fully  armed  and  provided  with drums  and  conches,  called  himorgo,  made  of  Cassis  and  Triton  shells.  They  set  out  in ten  canoes,  each  of  which  was  stated  to  hold  from  twenty  to  thirty  men,  and,  paddling quietly,  they  entered  the  Maiwara  river,  reaching  the  village  about  midnight.  Landing noiselessly  they  surrounded  and  rushed  a  clubhouse,  from  which,  however,  all  the  inmates escaped  with  the  exception  of  a  man  taken  prisoner  by  one  Rerenia.  This  man  was securely  tied  up  and  thrust  into  the  canoe.  To  avoid  a  possible  counter-attack  the attacking  party  took  to  their  canoes  and  gained  the  mouth  of  the  river  as  quickly  as possible,  where  they  lingered  till  daylight,  when  with  beating  of  drums  and  blowing  of conches  they  danced  besa,  replying  with  shouts  and  insults  to  the  Maiwara  men,  who from  the  safety  of  the  shore  were  heartily  abusing  them.  Then  the  canoes  returned triumphantly  to  Wagawaga,  where  their  captive  was  pitched  into  the  shallow  water, speared  by  as  many  men  as  could  reach  him,  and  dragged  ashore.  The  greatest  care was  taken  not  to  kill  the  captive,  for  it  was  necessary  that  he  should  be  more  or less  severely  wounded  by  the  next-of-kin  of  the  man  for  whom  revenge  was  being taken.  In  this  instance  Bakaiya,  the  brother  of  the  dead  man,  who  was  not  a member  of  the  war  party,  slashed  him  across  the  shoulder  with  a  tomahawk.  If  Keori had  no  brother  his  aue  (maternal  uncle)  would  have  inflicted  the  wound,  and  if,  as rarely  happened,  he  was  mortally  injured  at  this  stage  it  was  looked  upon  as  a regrettable  mishap.  As  soon  as  the  maiha  was  dragged  to  land  the  next-of-kin of  the  man  whose  death  was  being  revenged  made  a  considerable  present,  called gudu,  to  the  victim's  captor.  In  the  instance  narrated  Bakaiya  paid  Rerenia  one ceremonial  stone  adze,  one  shell  disc  (sapisapi)  necklace,  three  shell  nose  ornaments, one  boar's  tusk,  one  pig,  and  one  bagi.  It  seemed  clear  that  Rerenia  received  these things  not  because  he  had  given  the  ogatara  or  led  the  attacking  party,  but  because  he had  himself  taken  a  prisoner  who  would  be  maiha  for  Keori. The  victim  was  then  dragged  to  the  stone  circle  (gahand)  of  the  clan  which  was reserved  for  cannibal  feasts.  There  he  was  enveloped  in  dry  cocoanut  leaves  and lashed  to  the  tree  (usually  a  cocoanut)  which  always  stood  in  these  gahana  and burnt. After  the  burning  the  victim's  captor  made  a  return  present  to  the  next-of-kin of  the  man  for  whom  maiha  was  taken.  Thus  Rerenia  gave  Bakaiya  a  bagi. *  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  E.  L.  Giblin  for  pointing  out  that  Taumaia  is  not  strictly  a  personal name  but  literally  means  payer  or  redeemer  and  is  derived  from  tau,  "man,"  and  maia,  "to  pay." [     8    ] 1909,] MAN. [Nos.  3-4. The  aue  of  Keori  who,  as  was  customary,  had  helped  Bakaiya  to  make  up  the  gudu received  nothing  from  Rerenia.  It  has  already  been  stated  that  a  dual  grouping  of the  clans  existed  hy  which  Modewa  and  Hurana  could  not  intermarry,  but  together they  formed  the  clan  group  which  intermarried  with  Garuboi  or  with  other  clans  outside the  Wagawaga  community.  When  maiha  was  taken  for  a  Wagawaga  man,  the  dual grouping  was  adhered  to,  but  in  the  opposite  sense,  i.e.,  neither  individuals  of  the intermarrying  clan-group  nor  those  belonging  to  outside  clans  might  take  part  in  the feast,  which  was  strictly  limited  to  the  dead  man's  clan-group.  The  same  limitation applied  to  the  right  of  entry  into  each  clan's  cannibal  gahana.  Hence  the  maiha  taken for  Keori  was  eaten  only  by  Garuboi  men,  had  Keori  been  a  member  of  either  Modewa or  Hurana  clan,  Garuboi  would  have  abstained  from  eating  his  maiha,  but  both  these clans  together  forming  the  clan  group  Modewa  would  have  shared  in  the  feast.  It follows  that  in  no  instance  should  the  father  or  the  paternal  relatives  of  the  dead  man for  whom  maiha  was  exacted,  take  part  in  the  cannibal  feast,  and  this  was  found  to be  the  case.  On  the  other  hand,  a  mother  would  eat  her  son's  maiha,  as  would  all relatives  on  the  maternal  side.  Further,  no  one  would  eat  a  man  of  his  own  killing  or a  prisoner  he  had  taken,  though  it  was  said  that  he  might  eat  a  man  of  his  own  or  even of  his  father's  clan  killed  or  captured  by  another  individual.  C.  G.  SELIGMANN. FIG.  1. Folklore.  Blackman. The  Fox  as  a  Birth-Amulet.      By  Aylward  M.  Blackman,  B.A.  1 In    the    Zeitschrift    fur    Agyptische    Sprache   (December    1907,   page   75) Dr.  Borchardt  publishes  an  article  on  the  sign  [U  ms,  showing  by  two  carefully  worked examples,  the  one  of  an  early  and  the  other  (Fig.  1)  of  a  late  period, that  it  is  made  up  of  the  skins  of  three  foxes.  The  skins  in  these examples  are  complete  and  hang  by  the  mouth  to  a  handle  of  some material  such  as  leather  (?).  Among  the  paintings,  on  the  insides  of the  wooden  coffins  of  the  Middle  Kingdom,  depicting  the  outfit  for the  dead,  Dr.  Borchardt  finds  in  a  few  instances  an  object  apparently made  up  of  the  hides  of  foxes.  Its  name  ms-t  is  written  above  it, and  in  one  case  a  small  gloss  by  the  side  reads  "  A  m6-[t]  in  his right  hand." From  these  examples  and  instances  in  tomb-scenes  in  which  fox tails  fastened  in  a  handle  are   shown carried    in    the    hands    of    men     and women,  Dr.  Borchardt  concludes  that  the  sign  (Tj   ms  is &  sort  of  fly-flap,  the  name  of  which  is  the  feminine word  ms-t,  producing  the  word-sign  value  ms.  The commonest  use  of  this  sign  is  for  writing  the  verb  ms'y, *'  to  give  birth  to." From  October  1907  to  April  1908,  when  acting  as assistant  in  the  Archaeological  Survey  of  Nubia,  in  the course  of  the  work  between  Shellal  and  Bab  el- Kalabsheh,  I  came  across  two  instances  of  dead  foxes used  as  charms,  which  may,  perhaps,  throw  another light    on    the    reason    why    the    sign  [fi    was    used    as a  word- sign  for  ms'y,  to  bear. The  first  example  (Fig.  2)  comes  from  Godi,  a small  village  some  few  miles  south  of  Shellal  and  on C    9    ] FIG.  2. No.  4.] MAN. [1909. the  east  bank  of  the  river.      Over  the  door  of  the  forecourt  of    the  Omdah's  house was  suspended  an  entire  fox.     During  conversation  with  the  Omdah  on  one  occasion I  enquired  why  this  animal  was  hung   over  his  door,  and  he  informed  me  it  was  a charm.  After  telling  him  of similar  practices  in  England  to show  I  was  not  laughing  at  him, I  asked  what  were  its  special virtues,  and  he  replied  that  it was  an  amulet  that  especially  pro- tected the  women  of  the  house- hold, preventing  miscarriages, and  helping  them  in  labour. In  a  small  village  not  far north  of  Bab  el  -  Kalabsheh, overlooking  the  little  temple  of Tafeh,  there  was  a  house  with three  foxes,  lying  at  full  length with  extended  forelegs,  on  the  flat  roof  above  the  door  (Fig.  3). On  questioning  the  occupants  I  received  an  answer  similar  to  that  of  the  Omdah of  Godi. It  appears,  therefore,  from  these  two  instances,  that  the  modern  Nubians  use  the fox  as  an  amulet  for  protecting  women  in  pregnancy  and  child-birth. It   is   a   possibility  that  Fig.   1   was  a    birth  amulet,  its  use  as  a  fly-flap  being secondary,  and   receiving  the  name  ms'-t  owing  to  its  similarity  to,  or  rather  identity as  regards  materials  with,  the  former. I  put  this  forward   as  a  suggestion  only.     There  are  other  cases  of  the  survival  of old  Egyptian  usages  in  Nubia,  such  as  the  method  of  grinding  corn  (Fig.  4,  and  see Befit  Hassan  /.,  Plate  12). It    may    be    noted    that the    Old    Kingdom    form    of the  determinative   of  msy,  to bear,  later    a    woman    giving birth  to  a    child  whose  head and  arms  protrude   (W),  ] « where   [H    occurs  in  place  of the  child,  possibly  a  case  of the  woman  with  the  birth amulet  beside  her  to  help  her in  labour  (??) Butj  as  Dr.  Borchardt remarks  in  footnote  6  of  his article,  this  may  be  only  a combination  of  the  words  "  to  bear,"    and    the     sign    of     a  FIG.  -1. woman.    For  a  similar  example  see  Griffith,  on  f  3,  "to  carry,"  Ptahhetep  I,  p.  14. It  is  perhaps  worth  referring  to  the  fox-  or  jackal-headed  spirits,  the  B;w  Nhw, which  are  represented  in  the  birth-scene  at  Deir  el-Bahari.  (Naville,  Deir  el-Bahari,  II, PL  51.) N.B. — The  animal  was  named  cJ^J  by  the  Omdah  of  Godi. AYLWARD  M.  BLACKMAN. C   10  3 1909,]  MAN.  [No.  5. REVIEWS. Africa :  Congo.  Johnston. George  Grenfell  and  the  Congo.  By  Sir  Harry  Johnston.  London  :  Hut-  C chinson,  1908.  Two  Vols.  Pp.  xviii  +  497  ;  xx  +  498-990.  24  x  16  cm.  U Price  30*. Probably  no  European  has  ever  had  better  opportunity  of  studying  the  Congo peoples  than  the  late  George  Grenfell.  At  one  time  and  another  he  explored  nearly every  one  of  the  Congo's  navigable  tributaries,  and  his  acquaintance  with  the  Congo territory,  which  lasted  until  his  death  in  July,  1906,  began  at  a  time  when  the  Congo natives  were  so  little  influenced  by  Europeans  that  he  was  frequently  asked  to  sell his  Kru  servants  for  cannibalistic  purposes,  and  has  "  all  unavailingly  stood  by  open "  graves  and  tried  to  prevent  the  living  being  buried  with  the  dead."  Although Grenfell's  journals,  letters,  and  memoranda  form  the  framework  on  which  the  book is  written,  Sir  Harry  Johnston  has  used  the  opportunity  to  place  on  record  much information  that  he  has  derived  from  other  sources.  He  has  used  the  records  of the  British  Baptist  Missionary  Society,  and  has  obtained  information  from  the Rev.  Lawson  Forfeitt,  Mr.  Emil  Torday,  and  others,  in  order  to  elucidate,  amplify, and  supplement  the  information  gathered  by  Grenfell. The  result  is  a  compilation  of  the  most  important  data  concerning  the  Congo territory  and  its  inhabitants.  Nearly  half  the  book — almost  all  the  second  volume, in  fact — is  devoted  to  a  mass,  and  a  somewhat  bewildering  mass,  of  anthropological matter,  concerning  a  great  variety  of  peoples  of  very  different  stages  of  culture,  from the  nomadic  pygmies  to  the  greatly  superior  Hamiticised  Manbettu.  So  great  a number  of  peoples  come  under  review,  peoples  whose  customs  differ  sufficiently  to render  separate  notice  necessary,  and  yet  are  sufficiently  similar  to  make  separate notice  tedious,  that  parts  of  the  book  are  necessarily  somewhat  heavy  reading. Sir  Harry  Johnston  would  have  made  the  book  lighter  if  he  had  generalised  more, and  devoted  more  space  to  comment  and  speculation.  He  has  chosen  instead  the less  popular  and  infinitely  more  valuable  course  of  laying  before  the  reacler  the "  raw  material "  of  his  subject,  to  the  loss  of  those  who  read  for  amusement  and the  gain  of  the  serious  student. To  the  anthropologist,  perhaps,  the  most  valuable  feature  of  the  book  is  the opportunity  it  gives  of  comparing  one  tribe  with  another,  of  tracing  the  evolution or  decay  of  various  customs,  and  the  growth  of  arts,  crafts,  and  institutions.  The most  primitive  form  of  commerce  practised  in  the  Congo  basin,  for  instance,  is  a form  of  the  world-old  "  silent  trade  "  carried  on  between  the  pygmies  and  their  more powerful  neighbours.  Among  more  advanced  tribes  we  find  barter,  the  trade  media used  being  articles  of  definite  value  such  as  salt,  smoked  fish,  spear  heads,  and shells.  From  commerce  of  this  kind  has  grown  the  use  of  small  grass  mats,  that passing  from  hand  to  hand  become  so  tattered  that  they  come  to  have  no  more intrinsic  value  than  bank  notes,  but  retain  their  theoretic  value  as  media  of  exchange. The  range  of  culture  indicated  by  the  construction  of  dwellings  is  very  wide. The  most  advanced  type  is  that  of  the  Manbettu,  whose  buildings  surpass  those  of any  other  tribe  in  Central  Africa  in  size,  arrangement,  and  richness  of  decoration. The  most  primitive  is  that  of  the  Balomotwa  and  Basanga,  who  live  in  natural caves  and  artificial  caverns.  On  the  Upper  Lualaba  are  found  strongly  fortified subterranean  dwellings,  the  plan  of  which  has  features  that  resemble  the  fortified pit-dwellings  (Niekirk  ruins)  discovered  in  Mashonaland  by  Dr.  Randall-Maclver. Of  food  tabus  some  are  inexplicable  and  dependent  on  the  whim  of  the  doctor who  attends  a  child's  birth,  others  are  apparently  attributable  to  some  half -forgot  ten totemic  observance.  Some  tribes  will  not  eat  bull  frogs  lest  their  eyes  should  bulge like  those  of  the  frog.  Certain  kinds  of  food,  usually  the  most  delectable,  are  forbidden Nos.  5-6.]  MAN.  [1909. to  women  who  violate  this  selfishly-imposed  tabu  on  the  sly.  Women  accustomed  to express  abhorrence  at  the  idea  of  eating  human  flesh  have  confessed  to  Mr.  Torday  that they  often  took  their  share  under  cover  of  darkness.  Among  the  Bambala,  the  members of  a  class  named  Muri,  that  seems  to  be  the  relic  of  a  former  aristocracy,  are  forbidden to  eat  human  flesh.  Among  the  Bayanzi  human  flesh  is  forbidden  to  chiefs.* Of  secret  societies,  guilds,  and  brotherhoods  there  is  a  great  variety,  though  their influence  is  declining  under  European  and  missionary  inflxiences.  The  bond  that  unites some  of  these  is  the  gratification  of  sensual  or  morbid  desires,  such  as  hemp-smoking, corpse-eating,  and  sexual  indulgence.  Other  societies  exist  to  combat  these  vices. An  interesting  feature  of  the  Ndembo  (Initiation)  Society  is  that  initiates  are  supposed to  die  and  come  to  life  again.  During  the  period  of  initiation,  in  order  to  emphasise the  complete  change  that  takes  place  in  their  lives,  initiates  behave  as  if  they  belonged to  another  world.  They  speak  a  secret  dialect,  pretend  not  to  understand  anything  that is  said  to  them,  and  are  immune  both  from  justice  and  from  all  moral  restrictions. Cannibalism  is  among  some  tribes  so  commonplace  that  a  speculator  will  take  a carefully  fattened  slave  into  the  market  place  and  arrange  for  the  disposal  of  each  part of  his  body  by  retail  before  killing  him.  Among  other  tribes  it  is  confined  to  certain secret  societies  or  practised  as  a  fetishistic  rite.  Among  the  Baluba  only  members  of the  Bakanzanzi  sect  are  cannibals.  They  eat  stolen  corpses  with  many  formalities,  one of  which  is  to  imitate  the  actions  of  the  hyaena  as  they  eat.  It  would  be  interesting  to know  whether  they  do  this  in  order  to  justify  their  loathsome  behaviour,  or  whether they  eat  human  flesh  from  an  inexplicable  desire  to  resemble  hyaenas. The  book  contains  interesting  notes  on  the  connection  between  polygamy  and physical  development,  on  survivals  of  marriage  by  capture  (mock  and  real),  the  origin of  the  blood-brotherhood  ceremony,  methods  of  signalling  by  drum  beats,  &c.  One would  like  to  know  more  about  the  picture  writing,  evidence  of  the  existence  of  which seems  to  be  furnished  by  carved  pieces  of  wood  found  in  the  cataract  region  of  the Congo.  Some  of  the  games  played  present  startling  parallels  to  the  parlour  games  to which  »we  submit  at  Christmas  time.  In  Congo  folklore  there  are  two  stories  to account  for  the  mortality  of  the  body.  In  another  the  chameleon  challenges  the elephant  to  a  race  and  steals  a  victory  by  precisely  the  same  dodge  as  that  by  which Uncle  Remus's  Brer  Terrapin  defeated  Brer  Rabbit.  The  book  is  admirably  arranged and  beautifully  illustrated,  but  one  wishes  that  some  index  system  had  been  devised  to assist  the  reader  in  using  the  very  complete  ethnographical  map  of  the  area  covered by  Bantu,  semi-Bantu,  and  Negro  tribes.  RALPH  DURAND. Religion.  Abrahams  and  others. Religions  Ancient  and  Modern:  — (1)  Judaism.      By     Israel     Abrahams,     M.A.        London  :      Constable,     1907.     W 18  x  12  cm.     Pp.  107.     Price  1*. (2)  Shinto,    the  Ancient   Religion    of  Japan.      By  W.  G.    Aston,  C.M.G.,  D.Lit. Same  publishers,  size  and  price.     Pp.  83. (3)  The   Mythologies  of  Ancient   Mexico  and  Peru.      By  Lewis    Spence.      Same publishers,  size  and  price.     Pp.  80. The  high  level  of  scholarship  and  criticism  established  by  Messrs.  Constable's Religions  Ancient  and  Modern  is  fully  maintained  by  these  latest  contributions  to the  series. (1)  Nothing  could  be  more  satisfactory  than  the  Judaism  of  Mr.  Abrahams,  who, himself  a  Jew,  handles  the  subject  not  only  with  competent  knowledge,  as  might  be *  Portuguese  chroniclers  record  that  the  king  of  the  Mazimba,  a  cannibal  tribe  that  devastated the  north  bank  of  the  Zambesi  in  1592.  did  not  eat  human  flesh  in  order  "  to  be  different  from his  subjects." [     12     1 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  6. expected,  but  with  a  singular  absence  of  prejudice  which  takes  the  reader  almost  by surprise.  Such  an  attitude,  not  of  indifference,  for  the  personal  element  may  still be  read  between  the  lines,  but  of  philosophic  impartiality,  was  possible  only  for  a thoughtful  student  capable  of  standing  outside  his  subject  and  contemplating  it  from an  absolutely  objective  standpoint.  How  rare  such  cases  are  may  be  inferred  from  the statement  often  made  that  Thucydides  is  the  one  impartial  historian  !  One  is  almost tempted  to  add,  and  Mr.  Abrahams  is  the  one  impartial  religious  writer  !  At  any rate  this  unbiassed  spirit  carries  him  far  enough  to  "  admit  that  Islam  has  absorbed "  and  purified  the  Jewish  Monotheism.  Islam  has  certainly  a  pure  creed  ;  it  freed "  itself  from  the  entanglements  of  anthropomorphic  metaphors  and  conceptions  of  God, "  which  are  apparent  in  the  early  strata  of  the  Hebrew  Bible,  and  from  which "  Judaism,  because  of  its  reverence  for  the  Bible,  has  not  emancipated  itself  yet." The  reader  feels  that  he  is  safe  in  the  hands  of  a  guide  who  can  write  thus  when he  comes  to  deal  with  the  later  phases  of  the  subject,  and  it  is  the  later  phases  that are  mainly  discussed  in  this  ideal  monograph.  Its  starting  point  is  taken,  not  at  any pre-  or  post-exilic  period,  nor  even  at  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  by  Titus,  but  at  its last  capture  and  destruction  by  Adrian  after  the  suppression  of  the  revolt  headed  by Bar-Kokhba  about  A.D.  134-5.  It  was  then  that  the  Jews  ceased  to  be  a  nation,  and, while  preserving  a  large  measure  of  racial  purity,  sank  to  the  position  of  a  religious sect  dispersed  in  small  isolated  communities  over  a  great  part  of  the  known  world. Hence  the  author  is  here  concerned,  not  with  the  origin  and  evolution  of  Judaism through  the  early  stages  of  animism,  totemism,  and  polydemonism,  to  monolatry  or henotheism  and  pure  monotheism,  but  with  the  legacy  bequeathed  to  it  from  the  past, a  legacy  which  is  a  real  syncretism  of  most  diverse  heterogeneous  elements.  Herein lies  the  special  merit  of  this  essay,  which  shows  in  luminous  language  that  in  the present  Judaism  nothing  is  forgotten,  all  the  old  crudities  and  traditions  are  reverently preserved  and  merged  in  an  incoherent  system  essentially  illogical,  inconsistent,  and full  even  of  contradictions.  "  God,  in  the  early  literature  a  tribal  non-moral  deity, "  was  in  the  later  literature  a  righteous  ruler,"  and  "  Judaism  took  over  as  one "  individual  body  of  sacred  teachings  both  the  early  and  the  later  literature  in  which "  these  varying  conceptions  of  God  were  enshrined.  Judaism,  in  short,  included  for "  the  Jew  all  that  had  gone  before."  Hence  "  in  the  Jewish  theology  of  all  ages  we "  find  the  most  obvious  contradictions.  There  was  no  attempt  at  reconciliation  of "  such  contradictions.  They  were  juxtaposed  in  a  mechanical  mixture,  there  was  no "  chemical  compound.  .  .  The  Jew  transferred  the  changelessness  of  God  to  men's "  changing  ideas  about  him.  With  childlike  naivete  he  accepted  all,  he  adopted  all, "  and  he  syncretised  it  all  as  best  he  could  into  the  loose  system  in  which  Pharisaism "  grafted  itself.  The  legacy  of  the  past  thus  was  the  past."  The  whole  essay  is  but a  lucid  exposition  of  these  axiomatic  truths. (2)  The  obscure  subject  of  the  Japanese  national  religion,  commonly  called  Shinto, could  not  have  been  placed  in  better  hands  than  those  of  Dr.  Aston,  whose  whole  life has  been  lived  mainly  in  a  Japanese  environment.  In  dealing  with  Shinto  as  a  whole he  shows  clearly  that,  despite  its  Chinese  name  (Ch.  Shinto  =  Jap.  Kami  no  Michi  = "  Way  of  the  Gods  "),  it  has  no  special  relation  with  the  Chinese  or,  indeed,  with  the Korean,  the  Siberian,  the  Polynesian,  or  any  other  religious  system,  but  "is,  on  the "  whole,  an  independent  development  of  Japanese  thought."  This,  however,  does  not carry  us  very  far,  and  when  we  read  that  the  extremely  vague  term,  Kami,  is  alike applicable  to  such  impersonal  beings  as  the  80  or  800  myriad  gods  of  the  national pantheon,  and  even  to  such  shadowy  entities  as  the  spirits  of  plants  and  animals, seas,  rivers,  mountains,  or  whatsoever  else  may  be  credited  with  hidden  virtues and  powers  for  good  and  evil,  we  seem  lost  in  a  shoreless  ocean  of  terrestrial  and celestial  beliefs. [     13     ] No.  6.]  MAN.  [1909. But  here  Dr.  Aston  comes  to  the  rescue  and  explains  that  the  superhuman  Kami claiming  worship,  or  at  least  reverence,  are  twofold,  Nature-gods  and  Man-gods,  "  the "  first  being  the  result  of  personification,  the  second  of  deification."  This  seems  like saying  that  Shinto  is  the  outcome  of  animism  and  ancestor-worship,  the  two  funda- mental concepts  which  lie  at  the  base  of  all  primitive  beliefs.  Only  Mr.  Aston  will not  have  it  so,  and  protests,  to  me  it  seems  against  the  evidence,  that  the  cult  of ancestors  formed  no  part  in  the  evolution  of  the  Japanese  national  religion.  He  himself speaks  in  one  place  of  "  the  progressive  development  of  ancestor-worship  in  Shinto," and  elsewhere  admits  that  "  nine  out  of  ten  educated  Japanese  will  declare  that  Shinto "  is  ancestor-worship,"  while  Mr.  Daigoro  Goh  adds  that  this  cult  was  "  the  creed  of "  the  ancient  inhabitants."  Hence  Mr.  Aston's  contention  that  it  is  a  later  development unknown  to  the  primitive  system  appears  to  be  untenable.  He  also  argues  that  the great  deities  of  the  older  Shinto  were  not  Man-gods  (deified  ancestors)  but  Nature-gods, such  as  the  Sun,  the  Moon,  the  Earth,  the  Sea,  Fire,  Thunder,  &c.  But  there  was still  a  superfluity  of  lesser  deities  who  may  well  have  been  regarded  as  Man-gods,  and so  worshipped.  So  it  was  elsewhere,  as,  for  instance,  in  Greece,  where  the  "  Nature- gods  "  (Zeus,  Apollo,  Poseidon,  &c.)  were  certainly  greater  than  the  "  Man-gods  " (Hercules,  JEsculapius,  &c.).  No  religious  system  stands  apart,  and  all  must  be studied  from  the  comparative  platform  in  order  to  reach  their  inner  essence. (3)  With  one  important  reservation,  Mr.  Spence's  Mythologies  of  Ancient  Mexico and  Peru  will  be  accepted  as  a  welcome  introduction  to  tlie  religious  thought  of  the cultured  Amerindians.  The  reservation  has  reference  to  the  statement  in  the  foreword about  the  supposed  "  neglect  into  which  the  study  of  the  Mexican  and  Peruvian "  mythologies  has  fallen."  The  charge  of  "  neglect "  is  unwarranted,  and  merely  serves to  mark  the  author's  limited  range  of  vision,  which  has  had  no  eye  for  the  astonishing amount  of  work  carried  out  by  German,  American,  and  Mexican  students  during  the last  decade  or  so  in  this  field  of  research.  Most  of  the  names  entered  in  Mr.  Spence's short  bibliographies  are  either  antiquated  or  superseded  by  such  specialists  as  Dr.  Arthur Baessler  {Ancient  Peruvian  Art,  Englished  by  A.  H.  Keane,  1902-3),  Dr.  Cyrus  Thomas (many  papers  in  16th  An.  Rep.  Bur.  Eth.,  and  elsewhere),  Dr.  E.  Forstemann  (Neue Maya-Forschungen),  Dr.  E.  Seler  {The  Aubin  Tonalamatl,  and  Codex  Fejervdry,  both fully  elucidated  and  Englished  by  A.  H.  Keane,  1901,  1902),  C.  A.  Robelo  (Diccionario de  Mitologla  Nahoa,  in  Anales  del  Museo  Nacional  de  Mexico,  2nd  series). How  much  the  book  must  suffer  from  this  neglect  of  the  latest  and  best  authorities, may  be  seen  in  the  treatment  of  any  particular  subject,  such,  for  instance,  as  Tezcatlipoca, the  "  Mexican  Jupiter,"  as  he  is  called  by  Sahagun.  The  account  here  given  of  this bloodthirsty  god  appears  to  be  taken  from  Clavigero,  or  else  from  his  copyist,  T.  Payne  ; hence  the  mistake  of  translating  his  name  "  Shining  Mirror,"  instead  of  "  Smoking  Black Mirror,"  as  pointed  out  by  Robelo.  Nor.  was  he  "  the  god  of  the  cold  season,"  and originally  "  an  ice-god,"  since  his  feast  was  held  in  the  balmy  month  of  May  with  a profuse  display  of  fruits  and  flowers. In  all  other  respects  Mr.  Spence's  memoir  may  be  warmly  recommended  for  its sane  and  sober  views  on  the  Amerind  cults  and  cultures.  On  the  still  much-discussed question  of  the  origin  and  development  of  the  native  religions  and  civilisations  he  is strongly  opposed  to  what  I  have  elsewhere  called  the  "  Asiatic  School,"  that  is,  those who  bring  everything  from  the  Eastern  hemisphere,  and  will  not  allow  the  American aborigines  to  have  initiated  any  of  their  social  and  political  systems.  He  rightly  points out  that  such  foreign  influences,  did  they  ever  exist,  "  must  have  been  of  the  most "  transitory  description,  and  could  have  left  but  few  traces  upon  the  religion  of  the "  peoples  in  question."  Then  it  is  added,  that  "  almost  exhaustive  proof  of  the  wholly "  indigenous  nature  of  the  American  religions  is  offered  by  the  ruins  of  the  large  centres "  of  culture  and  civilisation  which  are  found  scattered  through  Yucatan  and  Peru." 1909.]  MAN.  [Nos.  6-8, And  the  work  concludes  with  the  trenchant  remark  that  "  the  origins  of  the  religions "  of  Mexico  and  Peru  could  not  have  been  of  any  other  than  an  indigenous  nature. "  Their  evolution  took  place  wholly  upon  American  soil,  and  if  resemblances  appear '  in  their  systems  to  the  mythologies  or  religions  of  Asia,  they  are  explicable  by  that "  law  now  so  well  known  to  anthropologists  and  students  of  comparative  religion,  that, "  given  similar  circumstances,  and  similar  environments,  the  evolution  of  the  religious "  beliefs  of  widely  separated  peoples  will  proceed  upon  similar  lines." A.  H.  KEAJSE. Cerebrologry.  Retzius. Das  Affenhirn  in  Bildlicher  Darstellung.  By  Professor  Gustav  Retzius.  T Stockholm,  1906.  Pp.  24  ;  eighty-seven  plates.  39  X  30  cm.  I This  is  a  large  folio  volume  containing  upwards  of  sixty  plates,  which  present photographic  illustrations  of  the  brains  of  a  large  number  of  monkeys.  Facing  the illustrations  there  are  in  most  cases  line  drawings  which  serve  as  a  key. The  value  of  the  illustrations  is  enhanced  by  the  care  which  has  been  shown  in the  selection  and  preparation  of  the  brains  ;  they  were  hardened  by  being  suspended in  a  solution  of  formalin,  or  formalin  and  bichromate  of  potash.  In  order  to  prevent as  far  as  possible  any  loss  of  shape,  the  brains  were  suspended  by  means  of  the basilar  artery. The  text,  other  than  the  brief  description  of  the  illustrations,  consists  of  less  than twenty  pages,  and  is  concerned  with  the  brains  of  the  Hapalidte  and  Cebidce.  The chief  fact  which  is  brought  to  light  is  the  great  variation  which  is  found  in  the  sulci and  convolutions  of  closely  related  animals,  such  as,  for  instance,  Mycetes  and  Chrysothrix. It  will  be  seen  that  the  book  is  one  for  reference,  and  as  such  it  cannot  fail  to prove  of  the  greatest  assistance  and  value  to  workers  in  the  field  of  comparative cerebrology.  W.  W. Voyages.  Nicoll. Three  Voyages  of  a  Naturalist,  being  an  Account  of  many  little-known  Q Islands  in  Three  Oceans  visited  by  the  "  Valhalla,"  R.Y.S.  By  M.  J.  Nicoll,  0 with  an  introduction  by  the  Right  Hon.  the  Earl  of  Crawford,  K.T.,  F.R.S.  London  : Witherby  &  Co.,  1908.  Pp.  xxvi  +  246.  23  x  15  cm.  Price  7*.  6d. The  above  work  is  an  account  of  three  voyages  made  by  Mr.  Nicoll,  a  naturalist on  board  the  Earl  of  Crawford's  yacht  ;  the  first  round  Africa,  when  several uninhabited  islands  were  visited  ;  the  second  to  the  West  Indies  ;  and  the  last  round the  world  by  way  of  the  Straits  of  Magellan  and  the  South  Pacific  Islands.  It is  not  often  that  a  purely  scientific  work  can  be  made  interesting  to  the  lay  reader, but  in  this  Mr.  Nicoll  has  been  eminently  successful,  and  his  work  can  be  read with  unflagging  interest  from  start  to  finish.  The  keeping  of  scientific  names  to footnotes  is  an  idea  which  greatly  assists  the  reader,  as  well  as  the  fifty-six  most excellent  reproductions  of  photographs  taken  by  the  author  and  his  fellow  naturalist, Mr.  Meade-Waldo. In  a  book  on  natural  history,  however,  one  would  have  wished  that  the  author had  adopted  the  correct  way  of  spelling  the  fruit  of  the  cocos  palm.  The  French recognise  the  difference  between  cacao  and  coco,  why  should  not  we  ? So  many  of  the  islands  visited  were  uninhabited,  that  it  is  only  towards  the  end of  the  book  that  we  get  any  anthropological  notes.  Chapter  XX  is  devoted  to  Easter Island,  where  some  good  specimens  of  skulls  were  obtained.  These  have  been  reported on  by  Mr.  T.  A.  Joyce,  of  the  British  Museum,  who  found  in  them  distinct  evidences of  a  Melanesian  type.  If  this  is  so,  what  a  vast  field  of  conjecture  is  opened. Were  they  in  any  way  related  to  the  supposed  earliest  inhabitants  of  New  Zealand, Nos.  8-9.]  MAN.  [1909. as  the  present  New  Zealanders  are  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Eastern  Pacific  ?  Surely with  so  much  that  is  being  done  for  scientific  research,  Easter  Island  ought  to  be thoroughly  examined  before  all  evidence  is  swept  away.  "If  anything  is  going  to  be "  done  it  must  be  done  soon  ;  "  says  Mr.  Nicoll,  "every  year  makes  a  great  difference "  to  the  state  of  the  carvings  and  caves,  as  the  latter  are  now  much  used  as  shelters "  for  sheep,  and  in  a  comparatively  short  time  all  traces  of  any  carvings  will  be  worn "  away  by  the  frequent  passing  to  and  fro  of  these  animals." Pitcairn  was  the  next  island  visited  (Chapter  XXI),  and  Mr.  Nicoll  there  collected "  records  of  inhabitants  previous  to  the  mutineers,  in  the  shape  of  stone  axe-heads, "  but  these,"  he  says,  "  might  have  been  left  by  visitors  from  a  neighbouring  shore." Mr.  Nicoll  does  not  figure  these,  or  give  any  description  as  to  size  and  shape. In  1900  Mr.  Allen-Brown  exhibited  before  the  Anthropological  Institute  some absolutely  unique  stone  implements  (afterwards  described  and  figured  in  Journ.  Anthr. Inst.,  Vol.  XXX,  1900).  It  would  be  interesting  to  know  if  the  ones  collected  by Mr.  Nicoll  were  of  this  form,  or  of  the  ordinary  Tahitian  type. After  leaving  Tahiti,  the  "  Valhalla  "  sailed  for  Samoa,  where  Mr.  Nicoll  describes the  dances  (siva)  and  Kava  drinking  parties.  These  are  invariably  conducted  by  the village  virgin,  or  tapu  (not  taupau),  who  acts  as  hostess,  and  cannot  fairly  be  described as  "  the  chief  dancing  girl  of  the  village  "  any  more  than  a  lady  who  leads  a  cotillion would  be  called  a  ballet  dancer.  It  is  evident  that  Mr.  Nicoll  took  the  spelling, taupau,  from  Mrs.  Churchill,  who  in  her  prospectus  spells  it  taupau,  but  changed  it to  toupou  in  the  text  of  her  work  (Samoa  Uma).  Miss  Kingston,  in  the  Women  of  all Nations,  uses  the  word  taupou.  I  have  searched  through  the  works  on  Samoa  but cannot  find  the  word  taupou.  I  was  always  under  the  impression  that  the  word  was tapu,  as  referring  to  the  care  with  which  the  village  virgin  was  guarded  by  her attendant  girls,  to  preserve  her  intact  for  marriage  to  some  chief. In  describing  (p.  229)  the  dress  of  tapa  (not  tappa)  worn  by  one  of  the  villagers, Mr.  Nicoll  says  it  was  made  from  the  bark  of  the  bread-fruit  tree  ;  this  is  the  case in  Tahiti,  and  even  there  applies  only  to  the  coarser  kinds,  the  finer  and  more  usual tapas  are  made  from  the  inner  bark  of  the  paper  mulberry  tree  (Broussonetia papyrifera).  In  Samoa  the  bark  of  the  paper  mulberry  alone  is  used. While  congratulating  Mr.  Nicoll  011  his  appointment  to  the  Zoological  Gardens of  Giza,  we  sincerely  hope  that,  although  he  may  be  unable  to  take  further  voyages with  Lord  Crawford,  yet  he  will  not  be  prevented  from  continuing  his  investigations. J.  E.-P. ANTHROPOLOGICAL   NOTES. THE  death  occurred,  on  November  18th,  of  Dr.  E.  T.  Hamy,  Professor  in  the  Q Museum  of  Natural  History  and  Honorary  Director  of  the  Museum  of  Ethno-  U graphy  in  Paris.  He  was  born  at  Boulogne  in  1842,  and  had  been  President  of  the Anthropological  Society  of  Paris.  He  collaborated  with  Quatrefages,  in  Crania  Ethnica, but  his  studies  covered  a  wide  field  by  no  means  limited  to  that  of  craniology,  in  which he  was  best  known.  He  had  been  an  Honorary  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Anthropological Institute  since  1884. MR.  ROBERT  EDWARD  CODRINGTON,  Administrator  of  North- Western  Rhodesia,  died on  December  16th.  He  was  born  on  January  6th,  1869,  and  joined  the  Bechuanaland Police  in  1890,  seeing  service  in  the  Matabele  War.  He  became  Administrator  of North-Eastern  Rhodesia  in  1900,  and  was  transferred  to  North-Western  Rhodesia  in May,  1907.  He  had  been  a  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute since  1898. Printed  by  EYBE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  K.C. Pi. ATE    B. MAN,  1909. OTIS    TUFTON     MASON. 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  10. ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. Obituary  :  Mason.  With  Plate  B.  Haddon  :  Bushnell. Otis  Tufton    Mason.    Born   April  lOth,  1838;  died  November  5th,     411 1908.      By  A.  C.  Haddon,  ScD.,  F.R.S.  IU Our  colleagues  in  Washington  have  suffered  a  great  loss  in  the  death  of  Otis Tufton  Mason,  head  curator  of  the  Division  of  Ethnology  of  the  United  States  National Museum,  who  died  on  November  5th  at  the  age  of  seventy  years.  Dr.  Mason  was  well known  by  ethnologists  as  the  great  exponent  of  the  technology  of  the  American Indians.  Most  of  his  memoirs  were  published  in  the  Annual  Reports  of  the  United States  National  Museum,  among  which  the  following  may  be  noted  :  The  Human Beast  of  Burden  (1887),  Cradles  of  the  American  Aborigines  (1887),  The  Ulu or  Woman's  Knife  of  the  Eskimo  (1890),  Influence  of  Environment  upon  Human Industries  or  Arts  (1896),  The  Man's  Knife  among  the  North  American  Indians (1899),  Pointed  Bark  Canoes  of  the  Kutenai  and  Ainu  (1899),  Traps  of  the American  Indians  (1901),  A  Primitive  Frame  for  Weaving  Narrow  Fabrics  (1901), Aboriginal  American  Harpoons  (1902).  A  general  summing  up  of  much  of  his  work will  be  found  in  the  two  interesting  little  books,  Woman's  Share  in  Primitive  Culture and  The  Origins  of  Invention  :  a  Study  of  Industry  among  Primitive  Peoples,  both published  in  1895.  The  great  development  of  the  art  of  basketry  among  the  American Indians  induced  Dr.  Mason  to  pay  a  particular  regard  to  this  subject,  on  which  he published  several  papers,  and  in  1904  appeared  his  greatest  work,  Aboriginal  American Basketry :  Studies  in  a  Textile  Art  without  Machinery,  which  consists  of  377  pages, 212  figures  in  the  text,  and  248  plates  :  this  will  long  remain  the  standard  monograph on  American  basketry.  Dr.  Mason's  latest  contribution  to  this  subject,  Vocabulary  of Malaysian  Basketwork:  A  Study  in  the  W.  L.  Abbott  Collection,  has  just  reached this  country.  It  is  a  very  useful  guide  to  the  basketry  of  the  East  Indian  Archipelago, illustrated  by  forty-one  figures  in  the  text  and  seventeen  plates.  Dr.  Mason  arranged some  very  instructive  cases  in  the  Museum  illustrating  the  evolution  and  distribution  of various  implements.  It  was  an  enjoyable  experience  to  be  taken  round  the  National Museum  by  Dr.  Mason,  as  he  was  brimming  over  with  information  and  enthusiasm,  and it  was  inspiriting  to  share  his  delight  in  the  many  examples  of  fine  basketwork  in  that notable  collection.  Indeed,  it  is  a  privilege  to  have  known  that  lovable  man. A.  C.  HADDON. By  David  I.   Bushnell,  Junr. Professor  Otis  Tufton  Mason  died  in  Washington  on  Thursday,  November  5th, 1908.  Born  at  Eastport,  Maine,  April  10th,  1838,  he,  while  still  quite  young, removed  with  his  parents  to  Virginia.  There,  in  the  south,  he  was  educated,  and, in  1861,  graduated  from  Columbian  University,  Washington,  D.C.  From  that  year until  1884  he  was  principal  of  the  Columbian  Preparatory  School ;  but  during  the latter  year  he  severed  his  connection  with  the  school  to  become  Curator  of  Ethnology in  the  National  Museum.  As  early  as  1872  he  was  interested  in  anthropological research,  and  in  1874  was  made  collaborator  in  ethnology  in  the  museum,  his  first work  being  to  arrange  and  classify  the  accumulated  collections.  At  the  time  of  his death  Professor  Mason  was  head  curator  of  the  much  enlarged  department  of  ethnology of  the  National  Museum. He  was  a  man  of  distinguished  bearing,  though  of  delicate  physique,  whose purely  chiselled  features  clearly  bore  the  imprint  of  culture  and  birth.  Through  life he  was  just,  kind,  and  benevolent  in  his  dealings  with  others  and  of  a  personality that  endeared  him  to  those  with  whom  he  came  in  contact.  Thus  he  will  be  missed by  all. [     17     ] Nos,  10-11.] MAN. [1909. FIG.  l. By  his  death  America  has  lost  its  most  profound  and  ardent  student  of  anthro- pology. During  his  years  of  untiring  labour  he  produced  many  volumes  and  innumerable shorter  papers,  all  of  which  reflect  his  high  degree  of  learning  and  thorough  knowledge of  his  favourite  subject.  DAVID  I.  BUSHNELL,  JR. England :  Archaeology.  Cunning-ton. Notes    on    a    Late    Celtic    Rubbish    Heap    near    Oare,    Wiltshire.      41 By  (Mrs.}  M.   E.  Cunnington* The  chalk  downs  that  border  the  Pewsey  Vale  rise  immediately  behind  the  village of  Oare.     On  this  high  ground  and  about  a  mile  north-east  from  the  village  is  Withy Copse,  in  which  an  ancient  rubbish  heap,  pre- senting the  appearance  of  a  low,  irregularly- shaped  mound,  is  now  the  only  visible  sign  that the  place  was  ever  the  site  of  human  habita- tion. To-day  the  spot  is  lonely  and  secluded, and  its  chief  inhabitants  are  the  rabbits  who find  the  mound  easy  to  burrow  in,  and  to  whose unaided  efforts  in  digging  out  fragments  of pottery  the  discovery  of  the  interesting  nature of  their  home  was  in  the  first  place  due.  Withy Copse  lies  on  sloping  ground  just  to  the  north of  the  large  earthwork   known   as  Martinsell   Camp  ;    on   its  upper  side   the  copse  is bounded  by  the  ditch  and  rampart  of  the  camp,  and  the  mound  itself  is  only  100  yards from  the  rampart. The  mound  is   63  feet  long  by  43  feet  across  at  the  widest  part,  and  is  nowhere higher  than  2^  feet  above  the  ground  level. On  account  of  the  large  quantity  of  potsherds  in  it,  it   has  been  suggested  that the   mound  was  the  accumulated    debris  of   a  pottery,    but   there   is   no   evidence  of this  being  so.     None  of  the  pottery  shows  any  sign  of  distortion  in  the  baking,  such  as wasters  from  a  kiln  would  ;  nor  were  any  objects  found   that  are  particularly  likely  to have  been  used  by  a  potter.     The   number  of  fragmentary  bones  of  animals,  of  which sheep,  pig,  and  ox  are   by  far  the  most  common,  is  large  ;  and  all  the  pottery  is,  without a  single  exception,  in  fragments  ;  these  facts,  and  the occasional  occurrence  of  other  relics,  odds   and  ends, all  of  which,  with  scarcely  an   exception,  had  been broken  or  rendered  useless  before  they  were  thrown away,  make  it  as  clear  as  any  such  evidence  can,  that the  heap  is  simply  an  accumulation  of  rubbish  from some   dwelling    that   doubtless    stood    at    no   great distance  from  the  spot. Although  so   near  to  Martinsell  Camp,  it  does not,  of  course,  follow  that   the  dwelling  (that  must once  have  stood    here)   had    any  real  association   with    the   camp.       It   is   unfortunate that  like  most  of   the  early  and  prehistoric  camps  of  Wiltshire  the  date  of  Martinsell is  unknown. The  pottery  found  in  the   mound  may   be  divided  roughly  into  two   classes,  that which  is  probably  of  native  manufacture  and  that  of  foreign  importation.       As  might be  expected,  the  quantity  of  the  latter  is  small  in  proportion  to  that  of  the  former.     Of the  native  pottery  fully  two-thirds  of  the  fragments  belong  to  one  type  of  vessel,  namely, *  The  excavations  were  carried  out  by  Mr.  B.  H.  Cunnington,  F.S.A.,  Scot.,  during  the  autumn 1907,  and  the  spring,  1908,  by  kind  permission  of  Mr.  F.  N.  Rogers,  M.P.,  who  has  also  kindly  allowed the  finds  to  be  placed  in  the  museum  of  the  Wilts  Archaeological  and  Natural  History  Society  at Devizes. [    18    ] 1909.]  MAN.      •  [No.  11. bowls  with  a  bead  rim.  These  bowls  are  of  not  inelegant  outline,  with  slightly  con- tracted mouth,  and  with  a  shoulder  more  or  less  rounded  from  which  they  taper  to a  base,  often  small  in  proportion  to  the  size  of  the  vessel,  and  sometimes  rounded. (Figs.  1  and  2.) They  are  of  all  sizes,  from  little  things  a  few  inches  in  diameter,  holding  perhaps a  gill,  to    large  heavy  vessels  the  capacity  of  which  might    have    been    measured    in gallons.     There  are,  however,  comparatively  few  very  small  or  very  large  ;  the  majority of  them  being  apparently  from  about  6  to  8  inches  in  diameter  at the  shoulder,  and  from  5  to  7  inches  high.     Most  of  the  bowls are  of  grey  pottery,  varying  in  shade  from  a  very  pale  grey  to black  ;  the  others  are  brown,  in  shades  varying  from  pale  buff to  chocolate,  breaking  out  occasionally  in  a  bright  red.     Some of   the  paste  is  mixed  with  a  micaceous   sand,  and  some   with pounded  flint  or  quartz.     The  paste  of  some  of  the  largest  bowl- shaped  vessels  is  very  coarse,  and   is  mixed  freely  with   large FIG.  3.    Q)  grains   of   flint,  pounded   brick    or   pot,  ashes,  and  occasionally even  with  iron  pyrites.  The  surfaces  are  often  very  smooth,  finely  tooled  and  polished. The  bowls  are  all  quite  devoid  of  ornament,  but  a  few  have  a  band  of  incised  lines  or "  cordons  "  round  their  shoulders  (Fig.  6).  The  pottery  of  the  other  vessels  of  possibly native  make  shows  the  same  characteristics  as  that  of  the  bowls.  They  include  jugs and  jars  with  curving  rims,  round  covers  with  hollow  knobs,  and  flat  plates  or  saucers. All  the  pottery,  including  the  boAvls,  appears  to  bf>  wheel  turned,  and  is  well  baked and  well  made. The  bowl  with  the  bead  rim  so  common  at  Oare  is,  it  appears,  of  a  purely  British type  and  characteristic  of  late  Celtic  pottery.*  This  type  appears  in  the  local  ware from  Weymouth  in  the  British  Museum,  and  among  the  late  Celtic  pottery  in  the Colchester  Museum. |  The  bowls  with  round  bottoms  (Fig.  2)  are  suggestive  of  metal prototypes,  and  it  is  interesting  to  find  that  they  bear  close  resemblance  to  a  small bronze  cup  found  with  a  late-Celtic  burial  at  Colchester. Among  the  pottery  of  foreign  make  may  be  noted  : — A  fragment  of  Belgic  black ware  of  the  first  century  A.D.,  characterised  by  its  low  foot  rim  similar  to  that  on  one  of the  pieces  of  Arretine  ware.    A  similar  piece  of  very  fine  grey  ware  with  a  low  foot  rim. A  fragment  of  green  glazed  Roman  ware,  very  rare  in  this  country,  and  no  doubt imported  from  Gaul  early  in  the  first  century  A.D. Several  pieces   of   very   thin   white  and  cream-coloured    pottery,  perfectly  baked, hard  and  smooth  like  unglazed  china  ;  possibly  imported  from  Rheims in  the  first  century  A.D.     This  is  of  exceptionally  fine  quality. Several  fragments  of  similar  ware,  but  of  not  quite  such  a  fine quality,  with  "  roulette  "  or  "  engine-turned  "  ornament  (Fig.  3),  and with  a  feathered  zigzag  ornament  (Fig.  4). Very  fine    micaceous  buff-coloured    ware,   painted    grey  on    the outside,  red    on   the    inside,    with  "  roulette "  ornament.      There  are FIG.  4. examples  ot  a  similar  ware  at  Colchester. Fragments  of  painted  red  pottery,  some  of  which  are  of  an  exceptionally  fine quality.  Locality  unknown. *  I  am  much  indebted  to  Mr.  Reginald  Smith  of  the  British  Museum,  and  to  Mr.  Arthur  Wright of  the  Colchester  Museum,  for  their  valuable  notes  upon  the  pottery,  etc. f  General  Pitt-Rivers  found  it  a  common  type  at  the  Romano-British  villages  of  WooJcuts  and Rotherly,  but  scarce  at  Woodyates  {Excavations,  Vol.  Ill,  17,  53).  Evidence  led  him  to  the  inference that  bead  rims  may  have  been  in  earlier  use  than  other  kinds  of  vessels  (in  the  villages),  and  that  they were  apparently  in  commoner  use  among  the  poorer  than  among  the  richer  inhabitants  (Exeat-ration*, Vol.  II,  144-5).  This  is  what  might  be  expected  with  a  vessel  of  native  type. [     19    ] No,  11.] MAN. [1909. Several  pieces  of  fine  red  Arretine  ware,  including  fragments  of  the  bases  of two  bowls,  showing  in  each  case  a  part  of  a  maker's  stamp.  The  name  on  one  seems to  end  in  the  letters  PLEV,  but  unfortunately  this  stamp  appears  to  be  unknown.  On a  fragment  of  a  dish  with  a  low  foot  rim  the  first  two  letters  AT,  and  a  part  of  a  third are  quite  clear.  This  stamp,  Mr.  Reginald  Smith  of  the  British  Museum  thinks  may possibly  be  that  of  ATIIIVS  (ATE1VS),  of  whose  stamp  there  are  examples  in  the British  Museum. The  fragments  of  Arretine  ware  are  of  special  interest,  for  not  only  is  it  rare in  Britain,*  but  they  help  also  to  date  the  find  with  a  considerable  degree  of  accuracy. The  Arretine  potteries  flourished  in  the  first  and second  centuries  B.C.  and  in  the  early  years  of  the first  century  A.D.  At  about  this  latter  date  the  art of  making  this  ware  was  carried  into  Gaul,  and potteries  were  established  there.  The  earliest Gaulish  factories  were  probably  started  by  potters from  Italy,  and  if  the  name  on  the  fragment  from Oare  is,  indeed,  that  of  Ateivs,  as  Mr.  Smith  thinks it  may  be,  it  is  particularly  interesting.  The  name is  well  known  and  seems  to  have  been  that  of  a large  and  important  manufacturer.  The  actual  site of  his  workshops  is  still  uncertain,  and  he  may  have  been  one  of  the  pioneers  who  carried this  Italian  industry  into  Gaul.  His  workshops  may  have  been  in  northern  Italy  or  in southern  Gaul,  one  authority  thinking  it  probable  that  he  had  works  in  both  localities. The  date  of  this  potter  is,  however,  less  uncertain,  various  discoveries  going  to  prove that  he  was  in  full  activity  during  the  reign  of  Augustus.f The  factories  of  La  Graufesenque,  the  earliest  centre  doing  a  large  export  trade in  red  glazed  Gaulish  ware  (the  so-called  Samian),  cover  the  period  A.D.  30-100  ; towards  the  end  of  this  period  the  great  factories  of  Lezoux  entered  into  competition with  those  of  La  Graufesenque,  and  soon  superseding  them  carried  on  the  trade  to the  middle  of  the  third  century,  when  it  seems to  have  come  to  an  end.J  The  absence, therefore,  of  any  of  this  later  Gaulish  ware from  the  rubbish  heap  at  Oare  affords  interest- ing negative  evidence  confirming  the  early date  of  the  site.  It  is  only  reasonable  to suppose  that  people  who  were  in  a  position to  use  imported  foreign  wares,  such  as  the Arretine,  and  black  and  white  Belgic  and Gaulish  wares,  would  also  have  had  some  of the  red  Gaulish  "  Samian "  so  (compara- tively) common  at  a  little  later  date,  had  it been  already  in  the  market  in  their  time. The  fact  of  its  common  occurrence  on  Romano-British  sites  that  are  of  a  little  later date  emphasizes  its  absence  at  Oare. Three  fibulas  were  found  in  the  mound,  two  of  iron  and  one  of  bronze.  One  of the  specimens  is  too  imperfect  to  be  characteristic  ;  the  other  is  of  the  type  of  La *  In  a  note  in  the  Proc.  Soc.  Ant.,  Vol.  XXI,  No.  2,  462,  Professor  Haverfield  says,  "Arretine  ware is  very  rare  in  Britain,  and  the  known  finds  are  almost  restricted  to  London  and  the  south-east." t  For  particulars  respecting  the  potter  Ateivs,  etc.,  see  Lei  Vases  Ceramiqv^s  Ornes  de  la  Gaule Romainf,  by  J.  Dechelette,  1904,  page  16,  and  a  paper  by  Mr.  H.  B.  Walters,  in  Proc.  Cambridge Antiquarian  Society,  No.  XLVIII,  1908. $  See  Dechelette,  p.  103  ;  also  British  Museum  :  Catalogue  of  Roman  Pottery,  p.  xxx. [     20     ] 1909.]  MAN.  [Nos.  11-12. Tene  III  and  very  like  a  bronze  specimen  from  Aylesford.  The  bronze  fibula  is  of rather  later  type,  the  end  of  the  bow  is  flattened  to  cover  the  spiral  spring,  and  the spring  is  a  separate  piece  of  metal  ;  the  pin  was  of  iron  and  worked  on  a  sort  of hinge  on  the  small  bar  of  iron  on  which  the  spring  is  coiled. Both  these  fibuhe,  in  Mr.  Smith's  opinion,  belong  to  the  century  from  50  B.C. to  50  A.D.,  and  thus  agree  perfectly  with  the  evidence  of  date  afforded  by  the pottery.  Speaking  generally  of  the  pottery  sent  to  him,  Mr.  Smith  remarks,  "  So  far "  as  I  can  judge  it  all  dates  from  the  early  years  of  our  era.  The  purely  British  type *'  of  pottery  is  well  represented,"  Nos.  24  (Fig.  2)  and  26  (Fig.  5)  being  very  characteristic late  Celtic.  In  the  face  of  this  evidence  it  would  seem  that  there  need  be  little hesitation  in  assigning  as  the  date  of  the  formation  of  the  rubbish  heap  the  early  years of  the  first  century  A.D.  The  early  date  of  the  Arretine  ware  makes  it  scarcely probable  that  the  accumulation  went  on  after  the  Roman  conquest.  The  near  neigh- bourhood of  the  dwelling  to  the  big  camp  of  Martinsell  makes  one  wonder  if  there was  any  connection  between  these  two  events,  the  abandonment  of  the  dwelling  site and  the  occupation  of  the  country  by  the  Romans.  It  would  certainly  be  very  interesting to  know  to  what  period  the  camp  belongs. Among  the  other  objects  found  were  two  iron  sickle-shaped  keys,  a  sling  stone  of baked  clay,  an  iron  bridle  bit,  a  pair  of  bronze  tweezers,  the  handle  of  a  weaving comb,  a  bone  gouge,  several  worked  bones,  eight  pottery  spindle  whorls,  six  discs  or roundels  of  pottery,  fragments  of  worn  quern  stones,  pieces  of  brick  and  iron  slag.* M.  E.  CUNNINGTON. America,  North- West.  Jette". On  the  Language  of By  the  Rev.  J.  Jette,   S.J. On  the  Language  of  the  Ten'a  (iii).    (Continued  from  MAN,  1908,37.)     4  fl IV. — ROOT-NOUNS. The  term  root-nouns,  in  its  strictest  sense,  applies  to  those  nouns  that  are  primitive roots,  not  reducible  to  simpler  elements.  These  are  short,  monosyllabic  or  dissyllabic, exceptionally  trisyllabic.  Such  are  many  words  designating  : — (1)  Parts   of  the   body  as  :  tte,  head  ;  kiit,  neck  ;  nora,  neko,  nekot,  eyes  ;  Id,  lot, mouth  ;    lo,  hand  ;    ka,   foot,    feet  ;    tten,    bone,    leg  ;    dzay,  heart  ;    ttura,  hair  ;    sek, body  :  &c. (2)  Persons  of  kin  :  to,  father  ;  on,  mother  ;  ten1  a,  child  ;  kiln,  husband  ;  W,  wife  ; ura,  elder  brother  ;  kttta,  younger   brother  ;  oda,  elder   sister  ;  tadza,  younger  sister  ; toya,  uncle  (on  the  father's  side)  ;    /'a,  uncle  (on  the  mother's  side)  ;    &c. (3)  Plants   and  animals  :  keh,  birch  ;  tseba,  spruce  ;  ttott,  moss  ;  ses,  black  bear  ; yes,  wolf  ;    noy'a,  beaver  ;    tiika,  fish  ;    licit,  king  salmon  ;    &c. (4)  Various    objects,   natural    or    manufactured  :    dtet,    mountain  ;    tih.   hill  ;    tih, strength  ;  kun,  fire  ;  tu,   water  ;  kon,  rain  ;  so,  sun  ;  oih,  snow-shoes  ;  rott,   sled  ;  ko, bow,  arrow  ;    tsei,  tsih,  canoe,  boat  ;  &c. In  a  broader  sense  we  shall  take  the  term  root-nouns  to  include  also  nouns  formed from  those  of  the  preceding  class,  when  these,  being  combined  into  one  word,  form  a  term accepted  in  the  language,  as  :  kiitken,  base  of  the  neck  ;  tteken,  occiput  ;  kattora,  sole of  the  foot  ;  menkat,  lake  ;  ftekat,  grave  ;  &c.  These  can  be  resolved  into  simpler elements,  each  of  which  is  a  root  significant  by  itself. We  shall  also  consider  as  root-nouns  the  words  of  foreign  origin,  mostly  borrowed from  the  Russian,  imported  to  designate  things  unknown  to  the  Ten'a  before  their contact  with  the  whites,  as  :  toyon,  rich  man,  chief,  influential  person  ;  tsay,  tea  ;  muke, flour  ;  sasi,  watch,  clock  ;  kalendat,  pencil  ;  dinka,  silver,  money  ;  zolda,  gold  ;  loset, horse,  horses  ;  &c. *  A  fuller  account  of   the   "  find "  at   Oare  will   be   published   in  the   magazine   of   the  Wilts Archaeological  and  Natural  History  Society. [     21     ] No.  12.]  MAN.  [1909. If  the  Ten'a  vocabulary  had  no  other  nouns  than  those  already  described,  the common  surmise  of  superficial  observers  that  it  is  rather  meagre  would  be  fully  justified. But  it  also  comprises  a  variety  of  suffix-nouns,  formed  by  a  regular  process  from  other words.  The  abundance  of  terms  thus  obtained  and  in  common  use  among  the  Ten'a often  puzzles  the  learner.  After  having  mastered  the  genuine  rendering  of  some common  word,  he  finds  himself  at  a  loss  when  he  hears  the  same  expressed  in  a  number of  different  ways,  the  possibility  of  which  had  never  occurred  to  him.  Thus,  to  take a  common  instance,  "  my  wife  "  is  exactly  rendered  by  so-'ot.  But  a  Ten'a  will  very often  replace  the  proper  word  by  some  equivalent  phrase,  such  as  :  mor  lesdonen,  the one  with  whom  I  cohabit  ;  ma  ka  testanen,  the  one  whom  I  love  ;  sa  ka  tenetanen,  the one  who  loves  me  ;  se  tlo  reyonen,  the  one  who  gave  herself  to  me  ;  se  tlo  tserettanen, se  tlo  raletanen,  the  one  who  was  given  to  me  in  marriage  ;  ulesniken,  the  one  whom I  have  taken  ;  &c.  All  these  are  suffix-nouns,  which  may  be  used  in  place  of  the  proper designation.  They  are  equivalent,  as  may  be  seen,  to  relative  -clauses  ;  and  the  suffix- nouns  are  in  reality  the  only  rendering  which  the  language  supplies  for  our  relative clauses. The  suffix-nouns  will  be  fully  treated  in  a  subsequent  paper.  Only  a  summary account,  which  will  be  found  necessary  to  understand  the  present  matter,  is  here supplied. The  suffix  e  (after  a  long  vowel,  ye)  denotes  things,  and  impersonal  beings  of  the concrete  gender  :  aba-ranide,  thing  for  disease,  i.e.,  medicine  ;  ma  ka  testaye,  the  thing or  things  which  I  want  ;  ma  ka  te-tarasto'e,  the  thing  or  things  which  I  shall  want. When  the  noun  is  very  commonly  used  this  e  is  generally  changed  to  a :  to-ledoya, black  grouse  (literally  rooster,  thing  that  roosts). The  suffix  en  denotes  one  person.  After  a  long  vowel  n  is  inserted  between  the vowel  and  the  suffix  :  after  a  short  vowel  there  is  reversed  assimilation  of  the  e  to  the preceding  vowel  :  yuftiten  (from  yuttit,  riverward),  the  first  wife  in  the  bigamous  Ten'a household  ;  yunekoten  (from  yunekot,  landward),  the  second  wife,  so-called  from  their respective  places  in  the  house  ;  mor  lesdonen  (from  lesdo),  my  wife,  the  one  with  whom I  cohabit ;  mor  rasdo'on  (from  rasdo),  my  former  or  late  wife,  the  one  with  whom  I cohabited  ;  ro-tledonen,  a  married  man,  one  who  cohabits. The  suffix  na  denotes  two  or  more  persons  :  ro-tledona,  married  men  (several)  ; ro-dadlettena,  married  men  (many). Suffix-nouns  in  en  and  na  represent  personal  beings  of  the  concrete  gender. The  suffix  ten  (often  shortened  to  te,  in  which  the  e  assimilates  when  in  position to  do  so)  denotes  the  time  when  or  the  place  where  :  lestanten,  the  place  where  I  lie down,  my  bed  ;  nalestanten,  the  time  when  or  the  place  where  I  lie  down. The  suffix  tor  denotes  the  times  when  or  the  places  where  :  lestantor,  when  I  am in  bed  ;  nestaih  tor,  when  I  go  to  bed.  It  is  not  properly  a  noun-forming  suffix. The  suffix  tsen  (often  shortened  to  tse,  in  which  the  e  assimilates)  denotes  the manner  in  which,  the  being  so  :  tsoronotsen  (from  tsorono,  we  live)  our  life,  our  living  ; kor  tsitsentsen  (from  kor  tsitsen,  we  are  miserly),  avarice  ;  ruzuntsen,  good,  goodness  ; tso-ruttakatsen,  evil  ;  &c. Nouns  in  ten  and  tsen  belong  to  the  abstract  gender. Suffix-nouns  are  capable  of  all  the  constructions  of  root-nouns,  and  there  is  no difference  between  the  two  classes  with  regard  to  grammatical  functions. Number  Differentiation  in  Nouns. The  greater  majority  of  Ten'a  nouns  are  not  differentiated  for  number,  and  have the  same  form  whether  they  represent  a  singular  or  a  plural  object.  There  are, however,  several  exceptions  to  this  rule. 1.  Suffix-nouns  of  the  personal  sub-gender  normally  admit  number  differentiation, [  22  ] 1909,]  MAN.  [No,  12. owing  to  the  fact  that  the  suffixes  used  in  their  formation  are  so  differentiated,  en representing  singulars,  and  na  plurals.  Thus  :  kukaten,  trader  ;  kukatna,  traders ; ketleten,  steersman  ;  ketletna,  steersmen. 2.  Suffix-nouns  of  the   abstract  gender  designating  time  or  place  are  capable  of the  same  distinction,  owing  to  the  difference  in  meaning  between  the  suffixes  ten  and  tor, ten  being  used  for  one   time  or  place,  tor  for   several.     Thus  :  yudoo  ko-nesfoihten,  at the  time  that  I  walk  (or  walked)  down  ;  yudoo  ko-nesfoih  tor,  during  my  walks  down. 3.  Some  root-nouns  representing  persons  can  be  pluralized.     The  pluralizers  used are  ka,  and  the  emphasizer  yu. The  ka  is  a  genuine  pluralizer,  serving  no  other  purpose.  It  is  used  mainly  with names  of  kindred.  Thus  :  terfa,  child  ;  ten'aka,  children  (as  related  to  parents)  ;  koya, grandchild  ;  koyaka,  grandchildren  (as  related  to  grandparents)  ;  'etf,  wife  ;  ''oka,  wives  ; kiin,  husband  ;  kiinka,  husbands  ;  ketta,  younger  brother  ;  kettaka,  younger  brothers  ; oza,  nephew  ;  ozaka  (in  lower  dialect),  nephews  (children  of  sister)  ;  tetnaka,  parents (used  only  in  the  plural). The  ka  is  used  with  :  kela,  young  man  ;  kelaka  or  kelka,  young  men  ;  Blikana, American  ;  Blikanska,  Americans. The  emphasizer  yu  is  used  as  a  pluraliser  with  nouns  that  do  not  admit  the  ka ; as  :  tefi'a,  man,  human  being  ;  ten'ayu,  men  ;  ura,  elder  brother  ;  urayu,  elder  brothers  ; oda,  elder  sister  ;  odayu,  elder  sisters  ;  tadza,  younger  sister  ;  tadzayu,  younger  sisters  ; /'a,  uncle  (mother's  brother)  ;  Vayu,  uncles  ;  toya,  uncle  (father's  brother)  ;  toyayu, uncles  ;  &c.  The  word  yenayu,  meaning  the  relatives  taken  collectively,  is  used  only in  the  plural.  The  words  rotana,  inhabitant,  and  nenhoroterfa,  people,  are  used indifferently  for  singular  and  plural  ;  when  representing  a  plural,  however,  they  may,  at the  speaker's  option,  take  the  yu :  rotanayu,  nenkoroteri'ayu. 4.  Foreign  words  designating  persons  also  admit  of  a  plural  in  yu,  as  :  kesak,  white man  ;    kesakyu  or  kesakayu,  white  men  ;    mainel,  miner  ;    mainelyu,    miners  ;    toyon, chief  ;  toyonyu,  chiefs  ;  sistel,  sister,  nun  ;  sistelyu,  nuns  ;  Alusen,  Russian  ;  Alusenyu, Russians. 5.  The  noun   kela,  young  man,  besides  the  ka,  can   also  take   the  yu :  kelka  or kelkayu,  young,  men. 6.  Two    nouns    have,    apparently,    an    irregular   plural  ;     but    they    are    evidently suffix -nouns,  slightly  altered.     They  are  :  soltan,  Avoman  ;  soltana,  women  ;  tenagfon, girl  ;    tenagottatna,  girls. 7.  Of  all  impersonal  beings,  dogs  are  the  only  ones  that  enjoy  the  plural  mark  ka  : Ilk,  dog  ;    tika  or  teka,  dogs  (for  likka)  ;  tikoza,  pup  ;    tikozaka,  pups. Apart  from  these  exceptional  cases  the  number  of  a  noun  is  not  expressed  by a  modification  of  the  noun  itself,  but  by  a  modification  of  the  verb  to  which  this  noun stands  as  subject  or  object.  When  the  noun  stands  as  subject  to  a  verb  we  have  the usual  method  of  using  the  singular  or  plural  persons  of  the  verb,  but  even  this  has  its limitations,  and  cannot  be  practised  as  extensively  in  Ten'a  as  in  other  languages. For  the  only  subjects  that  can  be  constructed  with  the  plural  persons  of  a  verb  are those  of  the  personal  sub-gender.  Whenever  an  impersonal  or  an  abstract  noun  is  the subject,  the  verb  has  to  be  in  the  third  person  of  the  singular,  as  in  the  well-known Greek  instance  :  ra  £&m  rpi^ei.  We  cannot,  e.g.,  say  :  "  the  trees  are  big,"  but  we must  say  :  "  the  trees  is  big,"  and  as  we  have  no  difference  between  "  tree "  and "  trees  "  we  must  resort  to  some  other  means  to  make  the  plural  known.  The  Ten'a process  consists  in  an  alteration  of  the  verb  root,  which  is  done  in  two  ways  : — 1.  An  altogether  different  root  is  used.  Thus  :  lesdo,  I  stay  ;  dadlette,  many stay  ;  the  roots  do  and  tte  express  the  same  idea,  viz.,  "  to  stay,"  but  one  conveys  the notion  of  singularity  or  non-plurality,  the  other  that  of  plurality  or  even  multiplicity. Similarly  :  lestan,  I  lie  down  ;  ledzet,  many  lie  down  :  ko  nesCoih,  I  walk  about ; [  23  ] No.  12.]  MAN.  [1909. ko-idedat,  many  walk  about.  The  difference  in  roots  is  also  used  to  distinguish  between singular  and  plural  objects,  as  in  :  ettkut,  I  take  (one)  ;  ettzuih,  I  take  (many  or several)  ;  etttsi,  I  make  (one)  ;  esroih,  I  make  (several,  many)  ;  tlo  esroih,  I  give  (one)  ; tlo  esla,  I  give  (several,  many)  ;  &c. 2.  The  same  root  is  preserved,  but  is  slightly  altered  to  what  will  be  described later  as  the  Multiple  form  :  with  this  a  special  ye,  ne,  or  yen,  called  multiplier,  is  added to  the  verb.  Thus  :  ettbats,  I  boil  (one)  ;  ye-ettbas,  I  boil  (many)  ;  eslan,  I  am  ; ye-dilaih,  many  are. Besides  these  two  fundamental  processes,  other  alterations  are  used  to  the  same effect,  viz.  :  (1)  The  multipliers,  especially  ne,  are  used  without  change  in  the  root  : tseba  ro-ni  dere'o,  a  spruce-tree  stands  ;  tseba  ro-ni  ne-dale^o,  spruce-trees  stand  ; ko-nesenih,  I  work  :  ko  tsidenih,  we  work  ;  ko  ne-tsidenih,  we  (many)  work.  (2)  The drawl  is  used  on  the  root-syllable  of  the  verb  :  kelet  uderekat,  he  bought  a  skin,  or a  few  skins  ;  kelet  udereket,  he  bought  many  skins.  (3)  The  multiplicity  or  quantity may  be  denoted  by  an  adjective  qualifying  the  noun  :  ranoya  lone  naratt'an,  I  saw many  deer  ;  dinka  nekore  atan,  he  has  much  money  (lit.  big  money)  ;  &c.  This  last process,  however,  is  seldom  used  except  where  no  one  of  the  foregoing  is  available. As  the  Ten'a  noun,  separated  from  the  suffix,  does  not  express  the  accident  of number,  when  it  is  used  without  specification  it  is  always  taken  to  represent  the  object signified  as  it  naturally  is  (singular  if  it  generally  is  so,  plural  if  it  is  generally  more than  one).  Hence  it  follows  that  nouns  signifying  objects  which  naturally  are  in pairs,  as  eyes,  hands,  shoes,  snow-shoes,  &c.,  unless  otherwise  specified,  are  taken  ito mean  the  pair,  not  one  only.  These  nouns,  therefore,  are  naturally  plural  ;  and  when only  one  of  the  two  associated  objects  is  meant  the  noun  has  to  be  singularised,  just as  other  nouns  representing  singulars  have  to  be  pluralised  for  plurals.  The  same happens  with  other  nouns  representing  objects  that  are  generally  plural.  The  object singularised  may  be  one  of  many  or  one  of  two  : — (1)  For    one    of  many   the    numeral    "  one,"    ketoke,    is    used    in    the    form    of  a suffix-noun  :    nenkoroten 'a  ketoken,  one   of  the  people  ;  ranoya  ket«ke  sitto  niyo,   tse sakaih  ketoken  yoko  talyo :     one  of    the  deer  was  lost  and  one  of  the  boys  went  to look  for  it. (2)  For  one  of  two,  or  of  a  pair.     To  designate  one   of  these,  excluding  the  other, the  word  kat,  one-half  of,  is  used  :  se  nora  kat  aba  nelan,  one  of  my  eyes  (lit.  one-half of  my  eyes)  is  sore  ;  ne  mindaga  kat  rode  ?  where   is   your  other  mitten  ?  mo  kona  kat kola,  he  has  lost  one  arm  ;    &c. The  demonstratives  tatsen  on  this  side,  yatsen  on  that  side,  nitkootsen  on  both  sides, are  often  used  to  specify  one  of  two  or  both  of  two  objects. Construction  of  Nouns. Ten'a  root-nouns  are  never  used  in  apposition,  except,  in  the  upper  dialect,  the appellation  kana,  friend ;  kana  Henry,  friend  Henry  ;  sa  kana  Iluska,  my  friend Iluska.  In  all  other  cases  suffix-nouns  must  be  used.  Thus  to  say  :  "  chief  Paul  "  or "Paul  the  chief,"  turn  "Paul,  he  who  is  chief"  :  Paul  toyon  nelanen. Suffix-nouns  used  in  apposition  must  follow  the  noun  which  they  qualify  ;  except the  numerals  which  may  precede,  but  generally  also  follow  it ;  e.g.,  Paul  kukaten, Paul,  the  trader  (never  kukaten  Paul}  ;  nenkoroteri 'a  ketoken.  or  ketoken  nenkoroterfa, one  man. Nouns  are  placed  in  continuous  construction  to  express  some  dependence  or connection  between  them.  The  three  ordinary  relations  thus  expressed  also  require  the same  construction  in  English,  viz.,  possession,  material,  and  purpose. (1)  To  denote  possession,  or  relations  similar  to  possession,  the  name  of  the  thing possessed  or  dependent  follows  the  name  of  the  possessor  or  independent  term,  and  takes [  24 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  12. the  emphasizer  a,  according  to  the  rules  stated  in  the  former  part  of  this  paper  :  Paul yar,  Paul's  house  ;  itaa  rotta,  my  father's  sled. When  the  second  or  dependent  noun  is  really  possessed  as  property  by  the  first, it  generally  takes  the  possessive  article  ke :  Paul  ke  teltiidla,  Paul's  gun.  The  same occurs  if  a  very  special  attribution,  though  not  a  real  possession,  is  meant  :  tena  ke toyona,  our  chief. When  the  second  or  dependent  noun  represents  a  person  of  kin  it  takes  the possessive  pronoun,  even  though  immediately  preceded  by  its  noun  :  Paul  me-to,  Paul's father,  lit.  Paul  his-father  ;  su-ura  me-ten'a,  my  elder  brother's  child,  lit.  my  elder brother  his-child.  I  have  adopted  the  practice  of  writing  a  hyphen  between  those  nouns and  the  pronoun  preceding  them,  as  a  warning  that  the  pronoun  is  not  detachable. When  the  second  or  dependent  noun  represents  a  part  of  the  body  or  its  whole,  the possessire  pronoun  may  be  used  before  it,  at  the  speaker's  option  :  Paul  tte,  or  Paul  me tte,  Paul's  head.  Some  speakers  extend  this  practice  to  many  other  nouns,  but  this  is ridiculed  as  childish  by  the  best  and  most  correct  critics. When  the  first  or  independent  noun  represents  an  abstract  thing,  the  second  takes the  prefix  ro :  Yukon  rodtela,  the  Yukon  mountains;  yudoo  rokanaga,  the  lower dialect,  lit.  the  language  of  the  down-river  region.  If  this  second  noun  has  already the  possessive  article  ke,  the  ro  is  prefixed  to  this  :  Nulator  roke  toyona,  the  chief of  Nulato. (2)  Nouns   are  also  placed   in  continuous  succession  to  denote    that    the    second represents  a  thing  made   of   the  material  designated  by  the  first.     Thus  :  teken  midoya, a  board   canoe  ;   keh  midoya,  a  birch-bark   canoe  ;  tsobe  tlut,  an  iron  tie,  i.e.,  a  chain  ; kon  tu  rain  water  ;    &c. The  words  yar,  konon,  house,  are  exceptions  to  this  rule  because  they  designate primarily  the  space  enclosed,  not  the  structure  ;  they  are  not  of  the  material,  but within  it.  So  we  say  :  lo'on  yi  yar,  a  stone-house,  lit.  a  house  in  the  stones  ;  teken  yi konon,  a  log  house,  lit.  in  the  logs  ;  &c. (3)  The  continuous  construction  also   marks  that  the   second   or  dependent  noun represents  an  object  used   for  some  purpose  signified  by  the  first,  as  :  san  konon,  sum- mer house  ;  korudenihte  yar,  work  shop  ;  norolun  ttok,  goggles,  lit.  glasses  for  the  blink. Nouns  constructed  as  objects  of  verbs  or  prepositions  always  precede  these. Compound  Nouns. Roots  may  be  associated  to  form  compound  nouns.  The  more  common  combinations lire  : — (1)  Juxtaposition   of  two  nouns  :  menkat,   lake,  from  men,  swamp  and   kat,  hole  ; ttakat,  fire-place  ;  ttekat,  grave,  lit.  bone-hole  ;  kaledzuihtla,  toes,  lit.  foot-fingers. (2)  Association  of    a    noun    and    preposition  :    kiitken,  base    of   the  neck   (kiit)  ; kattora,   sole   of  the  foot  ;  yobara,  horizon,  lit.   edge  of  the   sky  ;  tobana,  beach,   lit., border  of  the  water  ;  dzannidzet,  midday  ;  kettitnidzet,  midnight  ;  dzandotokot,  week, i.e.,  between  the  days  ;    &c. (3)  Suppression  of  the  variable  pronoun-part  in  verb,  thus  leaving  a  word  composed of  the  prefixes  and  root  of  the  verb,  and  used  as  an  abstract  noun  (i.e.,  representing  the abstract  idea,  but  belonging  to  the  concrete  gender).     Thus,  from — so-degetsih,  I  rejoice  ;    sotsih,  joy. su-dego'ot,  I  play  ;    su'ot,  play. rogenek,  I  tell ;    ronek,  news,  report. ko-nesenih,  I  work  ;    kolnih,  work,  job. yetkoih,  it  dawns  ;    yekoih,  light. mu-utaleqeyon,  I  am  armed  ;    mu-utayona,  weapon. J.  JETTE. Nos.  13-14.]  MAN.  [1909. Burma.  Brown. Cheating  Death.  By  R.  Grant  Brown.  4O My  Burman  servant  has  just  told  me  of  a  practice  which  he  says  is  very  lU common  in  Burma,  but  which  is  hardly  exceeded  in  childlike  simplicity  by  the  customs of  the  most  primitive  savages.  It  is  illustrated  in  the  following  account  of  a ceremony  at  which  he  was  present. A  few  years  ago  his  sister's  husband,  a  Government  surveyor,  lost  a  brother  at Dabein  in  the  Pegu  district.  A  younger  brother  was  taken  ill  at.  the  same  time. Some  days  after  the  death  of  the  young  man  his  mother  dreamt  that  she  saw  him leaving  the  house  with  the  boy  on  his  back.  It  was  then  decided  that  no  ordinary treatment  could  save  the  child,  and  that  an  attempt  must  be  made  to  cheat  the  King of  Death.  The  boy's  body  was  carefully  measured  and  a  bamboo  cut  to  the  exact length.  His  hair,  finger-nails,  and  toe-nails  were  cut  and  the  pieces  placed  in  the bamboo,  which  was  then  covered  with  his  clothing  and  lifted  by  two  persons,  one taking  each  end,  into  a  coffin  amid  silent  manifestations  of  grief  and  whisperings  that the  child  was  dead.  The  boy  was  in  the  room,  and  it  was  necessary,  of  course,  to act  without  his  knowledge.  The  coffin  was  nailed  down  and  carried  to  the  cemetery followed  by  a  procession  of  mourners,  who  repeated  again  and  again  that  the  child was  dead.  Passers-by  who  were  not  in  the  secret  took  the  funeral  for  a  real  one. At  the  cemetery  a  monk  was  in  attendance,  and  preached  the  usual  sermon  and offered  up  the  usual  prayers  for  the  soul  of  the  dead  boy,  .while  a  layman  let  water fall  in  drops  from  a  cup.  Those  present  were  then  called  upon  for  the  usual  cheers (thadu,  thadu\  and  the  coffin  was  lowered  into  a  grave  which  had  been  prepared  and covered  with  earth.  All  this  was  of  no  avail.  When  the  mourners  reached  home the  child  was  dead.  R.  GRANT  BROWN. REVIEWS. Australia,  Central.  Strehlow. Die  Aranda  und  Loritja-Stdmme  in  Zentral-Australien.  By  C.  Strehlow.  41 Veroffentlichuugen  aus  dem  Stadtischen  Volker-Museum,  Frankfurt  am  ITT Main.  2  vols.  Frankfurt  :  Baer,  1907  and  1908.  Pp.  Teil  i,  104  ;  Teil  ii,  84. 28x22  cm. Anthropologists  owe  much  gratitude  to  Baron  von  Leonhardi,  who  has  induced the  Rev.  Mr.  Strehlow  to  write  down  his  lore  about  the  Arauda  (Arunta)  and Loritja  (Luritja)  tribes,  and  has  annotated  the  text.  Mr.  Strehlow  worked  as  a missionary  among  the  Dieri  (1892-95),  and  since  1895  has  studied  the  Arunta,  his base  being  Hermannsburg  on  the  Finke  river.  He  is  master  of  the  Arunta  and  Loritja tongues,  which  gives  him  a  great  advantage  over  Europeans  Avho  communicate  with the  natives  in  pidgin-English,  or  through  an  interpreter.  He  has  dwelt  long  with  his people  ;  he  is  not  a  mere  visitor.  On  the  other  hand,  his  best  informants  are  clothed (at  least  the  men,  when  they  are  photographed),  while  the  Arunta  of  Messrs.  Spencer and  Gillen  offer  us  the  truth  naked.  Again,  many  of  Mr.  Strehlow's  men  are  Christian catechumens,  while,  as  he  is  a  missionary,  he  cannot  in  honour  patronise  by  his presence  the  initiatory  and  other  secret  rites.  But  I  am  also  in  honour  bound  to  say that  Mr.  Strehlow  appears  to  give  the  truth,  as  far  as  he  knows  it,  candidly  and without  prejudice.  If  he  speaks  of  a  "  Himmelsgott "  among  his  tribes,  a  "  Supreme •  Being,"  and  says  that  the  Arunta  "  have  raised  their  own  fathers  to  the  rank  of gods"  (as  Mr.  Hartland  reports  in  Transactions  of  the.  Oxford  Congress,  Vol.  I,  p.  23), I  take  these  terms  as  merely  showing  how  Mr.  Strehlow  himself  envisages  the  native beliefs.  Probably  they  have  no  term  answering  to  our  "  God,"  but  as  Mr.  Tylor [     26     ] 1909,]  MAN.  [No,  14, writes  that  "  great  gods  make  their  appearance  ....  wherever  a  savage  or "  barbaric  system  of  religion  is  thoroughly  described,"  Mr.  Strehlow,  in  his  use  of the  word  "  gods,"  follows  the  example  of  a  very  cautious  student  (Primitive  Culture, Vol.  II,  p.  248).  For  my  part  I  would  now  write,  in  place  of  "  Supreme  Being," "  superior  being,"  and  in  place  of  "  God,"  or  "  god  " — in  Australian  religion — would put  "  all  father."  This  terminology,  I  hope,  can  give  no  offence  to  the  most  sensitive mind. In  Arunta  tradition  Mr.  Strehlow  finds  "  a  highest  good  being  "  (mara  being  the Arunta  for  "  good  ")  named  Altjira.  He  is  "  eternal  "  (in  Arunta  ngambukald)  ;  the term  is  clearly  the  uvgambikala  of  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen.  They  render  the  word "  self-existing,  or  made  out  of  nothing,"  and  apply  it  to  two  beings  who  came  out of  the  western  sky,  Alkira  aldorla  (Native  Tribes  of  Central  Australia,  p.  388). Whether  their  Alkira,  "  sky,"  is  connected  with  Mr.  Strehlow's  Altjira,  the  superior being,  who  lives  in  the  sky  (alkira},  I  know  not. Altjira  is  a  huge  red-haired  man  with  emu  feet,  his  wives  (tueera,  "  the  fair ones  ")  have  dog's  feet  :  his  many  sons  take  after  him,  in  feet  ;  his  daughters  take  after their  mothers.  The  emu  feet  remind  us  of  "  the  Great  Ulthaana  of  the  Heavens, alkirra,"  whom  Mr.  Gillen  found  among  the  Arunta.  Ulthaana  has  emu  feet ;  his  name means  "  Spirit,"  he  is  monogamous.  The  capital  letters  are  Mr.  Gillen's,  not  mine,  by the  way  (Gillen,  Horn  Expedition,  Vol.  IV,  p.  183).  I  can  hardly  doubt  that Mr.  Gillen  came  across  a  variant  of  the  belief  described  by  Mr.  Strehlow.  The  land of  his  Altjira,  above  the  sky,  is  a  paradise  with  plenty  of  water,  fruits,  birds,  and beasts  ;  the  stars  are  Altjira's  camp  fires.  Altjira  is  "  the  good  God  "  of  the  Aruntas known  to  both  men  and  women  ;  he  neither  made  nor  troubles  himself  about  men. The  Arunta  neither  fear  nor  love  him.  In  that  case  it  is  not  apparent  how  Altjira can  be  called  "  the  good  God,"  but  "  good  "  (mara)  he  is  styled.  He  is  a  powerful, uncreated  being  above,  with  grotesque  attributes  ;  we  may  infer  that,  as  uncreated,  he is  understood  to  be  eternal,  but  that  is  only  an  inference. When  we  compare  Mr.  Strehlow's  account  of  what  the  native  tradition  is,  and  lay aside  his  way  of  envisaging  it — that  Altjira  is  an  eternal  god— we  probably  understand the  facts.  Altjira  is  much  the  same  sort  of  sky-dweller  as  Mr.  Gillen's  Great  Ulthaana, or  Spirit,  of  the  Heavens.  He  takes  even  less  interest  in  men  than  does  the  Atnatu found  by  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen  among  the  Kaitish.  It  is  true  that  Messrs. Spencer  and  Gillen  found  no  sky-dweller  among  the  Arunta,  but  Mr.  Gillen,  alone, was  more  successful.  It  cannot  well  be  argued  that  Mr.  Gillen  came  across  Aruntas contaminated  by  Christian  teaching,  for  an  otiose  emu-footed  being,  even  though styled  "good,"  "has  no  certain  warrant  in  holy  writ,  but  is  rather  repugnant  to the  word  of  God."  I  am  therefore  left  to  suppose  either  that  the  Arunta  of  Messrs. Spencer  and  Gillen  had  a  sky-dweller  and  lost  him,  or  that  the  Arunta  of  Mr.  Gillen and  Mr.  Strehlow  have  advanced  to  the  idea  of  a  sky-dweller,  while  the  other  Arunta have  not. Whether  the  Baiame  of  the  Euahlayi  and  Kamilaroi  is  a  revised,  corrected,  and considerably  augmented  edition  of  Altjira,  or  whether  Altjira  is  an  obliterated  and obsolescent  Baiame,  every  one  will  decide  in  accordance  with  his  prepossessions  ;  or, in  Mr.  Hartland's  phrase,  according  to  "  the  axe  he  has  to  grind."  At  this  moment  I see  but  slight  proof  of  either  opinion  ;  still  I  do  see  a  new  point. Mr.  Strehlow  introduces,  as  what  he  calls  "  totem  gods,"  certain  Altjiranga- mitjina,  "  eternal  and  uncreated,"  or  Inkara  (deathless)  beings,  who,  when  all  the world  was  water,  lived  on  emerging  peaks.  Finding  nothing  to  eat  they  went  up  and poached  in  Altjira's  country.  Meanwhile  plenty  of  undeveloped  human  forms  lay  near the  rocks  below.  When  Altjira  forbade  the  Altjirangamitjina  to  poach  in  his  preserves, one  of  them  took  a  stick  and  smote  the  water,  saying,  "  Get  out  !  "  The  waters No.  14,]  MAN.  [19C9, withdrew,  and  plenty  of  Altjirangamitjina,  who  had  been  living  underground,  emerged. These  were  mostly  in  human  shape,  and  magically  endowed  ;  they  would,  and  did, take  bestial  shapes,  and  every  man  now  has  his  iningukua,  that  is,  if  his  totem  be  the kangaru,  the  altjirangamitjina,  who  is,  as  it  were,  the  ideal  kangaru,  is  his  guardian and  protector.  His  mother's  altjirangamitjina  is  called  alijira  "  for  short."  These creatures  of  long  name  appear  to  be  a  variant  of  the  Alcheringa  folk  of  Messrs. Spencer  and  Gillen.  All  use  of  the  term,  "  totem  gods,"  causes  confusion  ;  Mr.  Tylor has  tried  the  term  "  species-deities."  The  souls  of  the  A.  J.  (for  short)  live  under earth,  or  are  connected  with  churinga,  at  certain  localities  like  the  Oknanikilla  of Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen. Mr.  Hartland  says  that,  according  to  Mr.  Strehlow,  "the  Arunta  have  raised  their "  own  forefathers  to  the  rank  of  gods."  But  I  do  not  see  that  these  beings  are forefathers,  or  ancestors,  of  men  ;  or  that  they  are  gods.  To  call  them  "  totem  gods  " is  only  Mr.  Strehlow's  way  of  speaking.  Take  the  story  of  "  the  divine  kangaru," which  Mr.  Strehlow  gives  in  Arunta,  with  an  interlineal  translation.  All  philologists must  thank  him  for  what  no  other  man  has  given  us,  several  Arunta  texts.  But  the kangaru  of  the  story  has  nothing  "  divine  "  in  our  sense  ;  he  is  only  an  Alcheringa kangaru,  not  a  god,  in  any  accepted  sense  of  the  word. The  Tukura  of  the  Loritja  is  much  like  the  Altjira  of  the  Arunta.  He,  too,  has  emu feet,  but  he  is  monogamous,  and  Mr.  Strehlow  surmises  that  Mr.  Gillen  picked  up  rather a  Loritja  than  an  Arunta  myth  in  the  case  of  the  sky-dweller.  Like  Atnatu,  among the  Kaitish,  Tukura  patronises  ceremonial  rites  ;  Altjira  does  not. Another  paper  would  be  needed  for  the  consideration  of  Mr.  Strehlow's  chapter  on the  totemic  ideas  of  the  Arunta  and  Loritja.  If  I  rightly  understand  him  to  mean that  the  "  totem  gods  "  (as  he  calls  them)  prosper  the  work  done  by  men  in  the  magical ceremonies  for  the  propagation  of  the  totem  species,  animal  and  vegetable,  still  I  do not  think  that  they  better  deserve  the  name  of  gods  than  do  the  Mura  Mura  of  the Dieri.  The  Mura  Mura  are  appealed  to,  and  ceremonies  are  done,  when  rain  is needed  (Howitt,  Native  Tribes  of  South-East  Australia,  pp.  395,  396).  They  are "  supplicated,"  and  supplications  are  prayers.  The  Mura  Mura  are  at  least  as  much "  gods  "  as  the  Loritja  "  totem  gods." The  work  of  Mr.  Strehlow  seems  to  me  essentially  scholarly.  He  has  taken  great pains  in  collecting  and  sifting  evidence  ;  he  has  given  us  our  first  Loritja  as  well  as our  first  Arunta  texts  ;  which  is  not  much  to  the  credit  of  English  scholarship.  His photographs  and  his  designs  of  native  decorative  patterns  are  excellent.  If  I  do  not approve  of  his  terminology — "  god,"  "  totem  god  " — it  is  because  such  words  may  be attributed  to  bias  on  his  part,  as  a  missionary  or  as  a  theorist  ;  and  we  more  and  more perceive  the  need  of  extreme  caution.  I,  myself,  believe  that  even  Tukura  and  Altjira are  the  germs,  in  savage  thought,  of  the  highest  of  all  religious  conceptions,  while  the Altjirangamitjina  may,  under  favourable  circumstances,  develop,  on  one  side,  into the  Olympians  of  Homer  ;  on  the  other  into  the  Ideas  of  Plato.  In  any  case,  even  if some  of  Mr.  Strehlow's  terms  may  mislead,  his  narrative  enables  us  to  correct  possible misconceptions.  No  one  should  henceforth  write  on  Mr.  Strehlow's  tribes  who  has not  mastered  his  valuable  volumes. I  do  not  wish  to  be  understood  to  mean  that  Mr.  Strehlow  enables  us  to  correct the  work  of  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen.  It  is  certain,  I  think,  that  Mr.  Strehlow and  they  never  consulted  the  same  informants.  Only  a  few  miles  may  have  lain between  these  regions,  but  variety,  not  orthodoxy,  is  the  characteristic  of  myth,  and the  English  and  German  students  may  have  come  across  variants.  A.  LANG C     28     ] 1909.] Scotland  :  Pigmentation. MAN. [No.  15. Tocher. Pigmentation  Survey  of  School -children  in  Scotland.  By  J.  F.  Tocher,  JC B.Sc.  (From  Biometrika,  Vol.  VI.,  pp.  130-235,  and  Appendix  of  Tables  lU (pp.  67)  ;  19  diagrams  and  78  maps.)  Cambridge  :  University  Press,  1908.  28  x  20  cm. The  publication  of  this  memoir  by  Mr.  Tocher,  following  that  by  Mr.  Gray  in the  last  volume  of  the  Journal  of  the  Institute  (XXXVII,  pp.  375-400),  marks  the practical  completion  of  the  really  magnificent  survey  of  school-children  in  Scotland carried  out,  by  the  voluntary  assistance  of  the  teachers,  under  the  direction  of  a  committee consisting  of  Sir  William  Turner,  Professor  R.  W.  Reid,  Mr.  Gray,  and  Mr.  Tocher. How  freely  the  aid  of  the  teachers  was  given  may  be  judged  from  the  fact  that  data were  obtained  for  502,155  children  out  of,  we  gather,  a  maximum  possible  of  some 646,000,  the  lists  of  names  and  schools  of  the  co-operating  teachers  occupying  over twenty-two  pages  of  the  Appendix.  The  main  burden  of  the  clerical  work,  the forwarding  and  receipt  of  the  schedules,  and  the  reduction  of  the  data,  fell  on  the shoulders  of  Mr.  Tocher,  with  the  assistance  of  a  small  staff,  and  he  has  fairly  earned the  thanks  of  all  anthropologists  for  this  persevering  labour.  Their  gratitude  is  no less  due  to  the  committee  for  the  careful  and  prolonged  consideration  that  must  have been  given  to  the  organisation  of  the  work. As  the  present  memoir  includes  some  late  returns,  received  after  the  completion of  the  tables  on  which  Mr.  Gray's  memoir  is  based,  the  general  summary  of  the  results may  perhaps  be  reproduced.  It  is  based  on  observations  of  257,766  boys  and  244,389 girls  between  six  and  eighteen  years  of  age. HAIR-COLOUR. — PERCENT A<;E  DISTRIBUTION. Fair. Red. Medium. Dark. Jet  Black. Boys          ... 24-95 5-49 43-28 25-03 1-25 Girls      - 27-43 5-09 40-87 25-40 1-22 EYE-COLOUR. — PERCENTAGE  DISTRIBUTION. Blue. Light. Medium. Dark. Boys            - 14  -6<5 30-31 32-72 22-31 Girls         ...                             u-87 30-31 32  -OC, 22-76 The  distribution  of  eye  colours  in  the  two  sexes  is,  it  will  be  seen,  about  the  same, but  there  are  curious  differences  in  the  case  of  hair-colour.  Mr.  Tocher  suggests  that this  may  be  due  to  the  earlier  darkening  of  the  hair  in  boys,  the  development  of  the pigmentation  being  possibly  stimulated  by  hair-cutting,  or  merely  to  differences  in judgment  caused  by  the  greater  mass  of  hair  in  girls  and  variation  in  tint  from  the root  to  the  tip  of  the  hair.  The  statistics  have  not  yet  been  classified  by  age-groups, so  the  first  hypothesis  cannot  be  tested.  It  is  also  possible  that  there  may  be  some difference  in  the  average  age  of  the  two  sexes. The  local  distribution  of  pigmentation  is,  in  certain  cases,  very  well  marked.  An excess  of  blue  eyes  and,  with  some  exceptions,  of  fair  hair,  occurs  mostly  in  the  north and  north-east  of  Scotland  ;  of  blue  eyes  in  conjunction  with  dark  or  jet-black  hair  in the  western  Gaelic-speaking  counties.  In  the  case  of  red  hair  the  only  region  in  which there  is  a  noteworthy  excess  is  Banff  and  Aberdeen. [     29     ] No.  15.]  MAN.  [1909. Densely-populated  districts  generally  show  a  slight  excess  of  medium  hair,  e.g., 47'  15  per  cent,  at  Govan,  45*4  per  cent,  at  Leith  and  Dundee,  45' 3  per  cent,  at  Glasgow for  boys,  as  compared  with  43  •  3  per  cent,  for  the  coilntry  as  a  whole.  The  possible reasons  for  this  are  discussed  by  Mr.  Tocher  in  a  special  section.  The  hypothesis  that it  may  be  due  to  an  excess  of  the  medium-haired  amongst  the  immigrants  into  towns  is rejected,  for  reasons  which  we  refer  to  again  below,  and  three  possibilities  are  then discussed  :  (a)  Darkening  of  the  hair  may  occur  earlier  in  towns.  (6)  The  medium class  may  be  the  most  fertile,  (c)  The  excess  may  be  due  to  the  blending  of  fair  and dark,  and  the  greater  prevalence  of  random  mating  in  towns.  The  first  theory  is  at present,  as  Mr.  Tocher  admits,  purely  hypothetical.  The  second  he  supports  by  showing that  there  is  a  considerable  positive  correlation  between  the  number  of  births  per  family and  the  percentage  of  medium-haired  in  the  divisions  of  Scotland,  and  concludes  that "  the  medium-haired,  medium-eyed,  and  populous  lower  classes  are  more  fertile  than  the "  remaining  population,  and  this  factor  is  probably  operating  in  favour  of  producing "  distinct  excess  of  these  classes  in  the  more  densely  populated  areas  of  Scotland "  where  they  are  found"  (p.  192).  This  argument  does  not,  however,  seem  very  strong, for  surely  if  it  is  desired  to  know  whether  any  one  class  tends  to  increase  more  rapidly than  another,  a  measure  of  true  fertility,  such  as  Mr.  Tocher  has  attempted  to  obtain, is  not  required,  but  merely  the  difference  between  the  crude  birth-rate  and  the  crude death-rate.  A  correlation  of  such  increase-rates  with  pigmentation  data  would  throw more  light  on  the  question  at  issue  than  a  correlation  of  fertilities,  though  any conclusion  would  have  to  be  accepted  with  reserve  in  view  of  the  complexity  of  the factors.  If  Mr.  Tocher  is  right  in  associating  medium  hair  with  the  lower  classes,  his conclusion  is  very  probably  right  although  unproven,  as  the  increase-rates  of  the  lower classes  are  generally  above  those  of  the  population  at  large.  The  question  of  death rates  is,  however,  quite  as  important  as  that  of  fertility,  and  Mr.  Tocher  makes  no reference  to  Dr.  Shrubsall's  important  conclusion  that  urban  life  tells  most  heavily  on the  blonde  type  (British  Medical  Journal,  Dec.  1904),  and  hence  would  tend  to  create an  excess  of  medium  and  possibly  of  dark. The  third  theory,  as  to  blending,  appears  almost  as  hypothetical  as  the  first. Nothing  is  really  known  at  present  as  to  the  mode  of  inheritance  of  hair-colour  in man,  but,  as  Mr.  Tocher  states,  "  the  proof  or  otherwise  of  the  validity  of  the  theory "  will  be  forthcoming  when  the  results  of  direct  observation  on  parents  and  offspring "  have  been  made,  tabulated,  and  analysed."  While  it  seems  to  us  that  the  excess  of medium-haired  in  urban  districts  is  probably  mainly  due  to  selective  death-rate,  as  indi- cated by  Dr.  Shrubsall's  work,  we  venture  to  think  that  the  idea  that  part  of  such  excess may  be  due  to  what  may  be  termed  "  selective  immigration  "  is  worth  more  investigation. "  If  there  was  any  special  force,"  Mr.  Tocher  says,  "  tending  to  send  medium-haired "  and  dark-eyed  persons  in  from  the  country  to  towns  that  would  explain  the  excess. "  But  no  such  force  is  known  to  exist."  Certainly,  but  it  appears  most  improbable that  if  pigmentation  has  a  real  significance  as  regards  race,  it  should  have  no significance  as  regards  temperament  and  the  consequent  attractiveness  of  town  life. The  data  that  he  adduces  to  show  that  none  of  the  populations  from  whom  external immigrants  are  drawn  exhibit  an  excess  of  the  medium  class  do  not  entirely  meet  the point,  and  although  we  note  his  statement  (p.  191)  to  the  effect  that  "it  has  been proved  "  that  neither  foreign  immigrants  nor  immigrants  from  rural  districts  at  home can  explain  the  excess  of  medium  hair,  we  have  failed  to  find  the  proof  respecting the  latter  class.  The  whole  of  Mr.  Tocher's  discussion  is,  however,  somewhat  lengthy, and  the  reader  should  in  fairness  refer  to  the  original.  We  have  noticed  the  point at  some  length,  as  the  problems  connected  with  the  influence  of  town  life  are  of high  sociological  importance.  Mr.  Tocher's  detailed  discussion  of  the  distribution [    30    ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No,  15. of  pigmentation  in  Glasgow,  to  which  we  can  only  refer,  is  also  of  great  interest  in this  connection. In  so  voluminous  a  memoir  there  are  naturally  many  points  on  which  a  reviewer may  differ  from  the  author  or  desire  further  information,  but  we  propose  to  refer  to  two only,  which  are  somewhat  fundamental.  In  the  first  place,  the  value  of  pigmentation data,  such  as  are  obtained  from  this  survey,  depends  primarily  on  the  definiteness  of  the colour  classes  and  the  consistence  of  the  observers.  On  this  head  the  information  is  by no  means  so  full  as  might  be  desired.  The  use  of  samples  or  colour  cards  was  found  to be  impossible,  and  the  observers,  as  in  most  previous  surveys,  had  to  depend  on  verbal instructions.  The  results  obtained  in  certain  cases,  we  are  not  told  how  many,  from  the written  instructions,  were  compared  with  those  obtained  from  the  use  of  samples,  and "  It  was  found  that  both  sets  of  figures  closely  agreed,  and  the  results  were  therefore "  considered  very  satisfactory"  (p.  134).  But  these  results,  which  were  so  very satisfactory  and  on  which  the  exact  weight  to  be  attached  to  many  of  the  conclusions of  the  memoir  is  entirely  dependent,  are  not  given.  Mr.  Tocher  may  not  attach  so  much importance  as  the  present  writer  to  the  variations  of  personal  equation  in  the  naming of  colours,  but  the  omission  of  these  data  is  neither  courteous  to  the  reader  nor  fair  to himself  ;  the  sceptic  will  not  be  reassured  by  Mr.  Tocher's  recent  controversy  with Dr.  Beddoe  (MAX,  1907,  48,  82),  and  will  note  that  observers  have  to  judge  when  a hair-colour  approaches  "  more  to  red  than  to  brown  or  flaxen,"  have  to  distinguish between  "  very  light  brown "  (which  is  fair)  and  "  brownish  "  (which  is  medium), between  "  chestnut-brown  "  and  "  dark  brown,"  and  between  "  black  "  and  "jet  black," and  in  the  case  of  eye-colour  between  a  "  light  blue "  and  a  "  deep  or  pure  blue," between  "  light  grey "  (which  is  light)  and  "  grey "  (which  is  medium),  between "  very  light  hazel  "  and  "  hazel-brown." The  sceptic  will  also  note  the  alleged  change  in  the  pigmentation  of  school- children in  East  Aberdeenshire  between  1896  and  1903,  and  the  fact  that  "  the  first "  survey  had  a  wider  range  of  medium  and  a  slightly  wider  range  of  red  "  (p.  219). It  is  to  be  hoped  that  Mr.  Tocher  will  take  the  opportunity  that  will  be  afforded  by the  further  publications  that  are  promised,  to  give  much  fuller  information  on  this head.  The  magnitude  of  errors  of  observation  is  of  importance,  in  the  first  place because  the  differences  observed  between  small  samples  of  a  population  do  not  depend only  on  pure  fluctuations  of  sampling  as  calculated  by  the  theory  of  error,  but  also  on the  differences  between  observers.  Mr.  Tocher  is,  of  course,  fully  aware  of  this,  but  he hardly  appears  to  attach  sufficient  importance  to  the  possible  results. The  second  criticism  that  we  have  to  offer  relates  to  the  methods  adopted  in  the present  memoir  for  the  treatment  of  the  data.  In  the  first  place,  with  all  respect, we  venture  to  suggest  that  they  are,  within  limits,  misleading.  The  point  is  this  : that  when  writing  of  the  difference  between  any  one  district  and,  say,  the  whole  of Scotland,  Mr.  Tocher  is  never  considering  the  difference  between  the  figures  that  have actually  been  observed,  but  merely  the  chance  that  the  observed  difference  might  have occurred  as  a  simple  fluctuation  of  sampling.  The  result  is  that  when  writing  of  a large  and  populous  city,  like  Glasgow,  a  comparatively  small  difference  is  spoken  of as  if  it  were  enormous,  whereas  precisely  the  same  difference,  in  a  smaller  district, would  be  spoken  of  as  small.  To  the  reader  who  fully  realises  the  method,  and  the strict  meaning  of  the  result,  this  may  be  all  right ;  but  to  the  physical  anthropo- logist who  is  not  skilled  in  modern  statistical  methods,  and  takes  Mr.  Tocher's  words in  their  literal  meaning,  it  is  most  misleading.  It  may  be  as  'well  to  enforce  the point  by  an  illustration.  "  It  has  been  shown,"  says  Mr.  Tocher  (p.  200),  "  from the  results  of  the  present  analysis  that  the  great  western  city  diverges  in  an  extreme degree  "  (my  italics)  "  from  the  rest  of  Scotland,  not  only  in  the  distribution  of  hair- [     31     ] No.  15.] MAN. [1909. "  colour  of  its  school  population,    but    also    in  the  distribution  of    eye-colour,  both  for "  boys  and  girls."     These  are  the  figures  for  eye-colour  in  boys  : — EYE-COLOUR. — PERCENTAGE  DISTRIBUTION  :  BOYS. — Blue. Light. Medium. Dark. Glasgow      .... 11-09 30-57 33-78 24-36 All  Scotland    • 14-66 30-31 32-72 22-31 If  the  difference  between  Glasgow  and  the  rest  of  Scotland  is  "  divergence  in  an extreme  degree,"  what  superlative  phrase,  the  ordinary  anthropologist  may  well  ask,  is left  to  describe  the  difference  between  the  latter  and  the  "  children  with  foreign  sur- names" in  the  Adelphi  Terrace  School,  Glasgow  ? EYE-COLOUR. — PERCENTAGE  DISTRIBUTION  :  BOTH  SEXES. Blue. Light. Medium. Dark. Children   with  foreign   sur- names, Adelphi  Terrace. All  Scotland 1-71 14-76 17-71 30-31 18-86 32-40 61-71 22-53 The  phrase  "  extreme  divergence  "  as  applied  to  Glasgow  is,  indeed,  almost  absurd, as  Mr.  Tocher  may,  perhaps,  admit  if  he  will  consider  the  results  of   a  rigid  application of  the  same  method  to  statistics  of  stature.     On  the  same   principle  he   might   speak  of  a difference    in    average    stature    between  two    populations  of  only  0'05  inches  as    "an enormous  difference    in  stature,"  provided   only  that  the   (measured)  populations    were 1,000,000  each.     In  such  a  case   as  that  of  Nature  he  would   probably  give,  in  the  first place,  the   mean  statures   and  their  probable   errors,  or  the   differences   between  mean statures    and    their   probable    errors,  as    the   most    important    data.     Why    should    not pigmentation  data  be  treated  similarly  ?     Why  should  only  relative  figures   be  given  ? The    exclusive  use    of   the    method    of   classifying    differences,  not    according  to   their magnitude  but    solely   according  to   their   significance,  seems,  indeed,  very  difficult   to defend,    and  it   is  used   as   a  principal  when  it   should  be  a  subsidiary  method.     The difference   is   what  the  anthropologist   wants  to   know,  and  for  that  he  must  refer  to the  tables  of  the   appendix  ;    a  possible  interpretation  of  that  difference    is  all    that Mr.  Tocher's    '"relative    local    differences,"    classifications     into    megalo-,    meso-,    and micro-metropic,  and   "divergencies"  will  give  him.     If  districts  did  not  vary  much   in size    (numbers),  Mr.    Tocher's  measures   would    afford    fairly   close    indications  of    the absolute    differences,    but    unfortunately    they  vary   largely.     If    the    absolute    figures instead  of  the"  relative  local  differences"  and  so  forth  had  only  been  made  the  basis of  the  work,  the  memoir  might  not  only  have  been  made  much  more  comprehensible — and  surely  perspicuity   is  one  of  the  principal  virtues  to  be  attained  in  a  Report  of the  present  type — but  would  really  have  been   even  more  valuable.     It  is  unfortunate that   an     anthropologist   of    the    older    school,    wishing    to   make    himself    acquainted with  the  results   of    this    survey,  which    has  no   parallel  in  the  British  Isles,    should arrive,  after  the   first  few  pages  only,  at  such   a  section   as  Mr.   Tocher's  Section  (5) concerning  "hypergeometrical  series,  leptokurtosis,  and  other  technical  mysteries,  and  it, is  to   he  feared  that  he  will  merely  drop  the  rest  of  the  memoir  and   proceed   to  the Appendix.     Might  not  some  of  the  fundamental  simplicity  of  the  Appendix  have  been imported  into  the  memoir,  and  some  of  the  greater  abstrusities  (the  word  is  not  in  the dictionary,  but  is  more  comprehensible  than  leptokurtosis,  which  is   not  there  either) have  been  relegated  to  the  Appendix  ?  G.  U.  Y. Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty  s  Printers.  East  Harding  Street,  K.C. Pl.ATR    C. MAN,  1909. CANOE     ORNAMENTS     FROM     S.E.     BRITISH     NEW    GUINEA. 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  16. ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. New  Guinea.  With  Plate  O.  Selig-mann. A    Type    of  Canoe    Ornament    with    Magical    Significance   from     40 South-eastern  British  New  Guinea.    By  C.   G.  Seligmann,  M.D.  ID It  has  long  been  known  that  the  large  built-up  canoes  (waga)  of  South-eastern British  New  Guinea  are  elaborately  decorated,  and,  though  I  have  for  some  time suspected  magical  significance  for  much  of  this  decoration,  I  have  only  recently  received convincing  evidence  of  this. The  ornaments  in  question  are  the  wooden  carvings,  examples  of  which  are  shown in  Plate  C,  and  which  upon  Murua  are  called  munkuris.  Before  describing  these munkuris  I  may  briefly  refer  to  other  ornamentations  on  the  canoes  to  which  a  magical significance  may,  perhaps,  be  attributed.  The  fish  carved  upon  the  sides  of  the  waga (which  were  not  usually  regarded  as  totem  fish)  were  sometimes  said  to  have  been carved  in  order  that  the  canoe  might  travel  swiftly,  and  although  this  was  more  often denied  than  asserted  it  seems  reasonable  to  believe  that  their  presence  may  have,  or once  have  had,  magical  efficacy.  On  the  other  hand,  the  large  white  cowrie  shells  with which  the  carvings  at  the  two  ends  of  the  waga  are  commonly  decorated  never  appeared to  have  any  magical  import.  The  same  applies  to  the  carvings  themselves,  although the  fact  that  hirds,  some  of  which  may  be  totems,  are  represented  upon  these  carvings suggested  a  magical  purpose.  Beyond  the  facts  that  the  natives  of  Murua  were  not eager  to  part  with  the  munkuris  carvings,  and  that  on  several  occasions  they  absolutely refused  to  remove  these  carvings  from  canoes  which  were  at  anchor,  although  a tempting  price  was  offered,  no  clue  was  obtained  to  suggest  that  these  munkuris  were of  special  significance  until  I  recently  had  the  opportunity  of  discussing  the  matter with  Captain  F.  R.  Barton,  until  lately  Administrator  of  British  New  Guinea.  Captain Barton  told  me  that,  when  at  Misima  in  the  Louisiade  Archipelago,  he  met  with  three or  four  Murua  canoes  bearing  munkuris  carvings.  He  tried  to  buy  one  of  these  and offered  a  large  price  for  it,  but  the  crew  of  the  canoe,  although  obviously  anxious  to sell  the  carving,  said  that  they  could  not  do  this  as  there  was  no  one  there  who  could carve  another  that  night  to  serve  as  substitute,  and  without  the  munkuris  they  might experience  all  sorts  of  difficulties  during  their  return  voyage  to  Murua.* It  is  clear  that  the  munkuris  has  a  magical  efficacy,  and,  being  recently  engaged in  writing  on  the  subject  of  totemism  in  South-eastern  British  New  Guinea,  it  seemed possible  that  I  might  obtain  information  on  this  subject  from  an  examination  of  the series  of  munkuris  collected  by  the  Daniels'  Expedition,  and  now  in  the  British Museum.  As  regards  the  provenance  of  these,  I  believe  that  they  were  all  made  upon Murua,  though  one  of  the  specimens  was  obtained  upon  Iwa,  and  the  label  on  another has  perished,  so  that  there  is  now  no  direct  evidence  as  to  where  it  was  collected. There  are  other  munkuris  in  the  national  collection,  but  I  have  limited  myself to  those  collected  by  the  expedition  upon  Murua,  since  I  was  able  to  obtain  the meaning  of  the  carving  of  these  from  natives  of  Murua  within  a  short  time  of  their collection.  All  these  munkuris  show  carving  with  typical  bird  designs. No.  1  may  be  regarded  as  a  typical  munkuris^  its  base  is  formed  by  the  conjoined bodies  of  two  long-beaked  birds  which  represent  the  reef  heron  (boi),  the  wings  of  these two  birds  coalesce  to  form  an  oval  black  intaglio  area,  which  represents  a  fish  called asiwan,  said  to  live  in  mangrove  swamps.  The  paired  red  (outer)  and  black  (inner) intaglio  areas,  curved  like  commas,  which  spring  on  each  side  from  the  tips  of  the beaks  of  the  two  reef  herons,  represent  the  curve  of  the  nautilus  shell  (ovagoro\ *  A  figure  of  a  waga,  showing  the  munkuris  in  position  above  the  carved  prow  ornament decorated  with  cowrie  shells,  is  given  in  a  paper  by  Seligmann  and  Strong,  on  p.  237  of  the Geographical  Journal  for  1906  (Vol.  XX.VI1).  The  details  of  the  carving  of  the  munkuru  are  not visible,  but  it  will  be  recognised  by  the  two  streamers  of  dried  palm  leaf  attached  to  it. [     33    ] No.  16.]  MAN.  [1909. as  do  the  other  much  less  strongly  curved  red  intaglio  areas  above  and  below  the comma-shaped  intaglio.  The  bird's  head  derivatives  below  the  highest  nautilus  iutaglio represent  the  heads  of  a  bird  called  weku,  and  this  also  applies  to  the  pierced  scrolls immediately  above  the  lowest  intaglio,  supported  on  the  head  of  the  two  reef  herons. I  could  not  ascertain  the  names  of  the  three  birds  which  form  the  highest  part  of  this munkuris,  but  it  is  to  be  noted  that  one  of  these  has  a  head  at  each  end  of  its  body. No.  3  is  to  be  explained  in  the  same  way  as  the  last  with  the  following  exceptions. The  large  intaglio  area  between  the  two  heads  of  the  supporting  reef  herons  was  stated to  represent  kwit,  apparently  a  cephalopod,  the  tentacles  of  which  are  not  represented in  the  carving.  The  two  projections  at  the  top  corners  of  this  carving  are  the degenerate  remains  of  the  neck  of  a  long-necked  shore  bird,  the  same  being  represented in  No.  1  by  the  small  rounded  projections  beneath  the  bodies  of  the  two  outer  birds represented  at  its  summit. No.  5  is  an  interesting  variant  carved  at  Modau  upon  Murua,  a  village  apparently known  for  the  excellence  of  its  canoes  and  the  beauty  of  its  canoe  carvings.  The bird  supporting  the  whole  ornament  is  again  the  reef  heron  and  the  black  intaglio forming  its  wing  represents  the  fish  asiwan.  The  three  birds  at  the  top  of  this  orna- ment were  all  called  makarakea,  the  name  for  a  tern  ;  on  pointing  out  that  terns  have not  crests  as  the  two  outer  birds  have,  my  informant  replied  that  they  were  never- theless makarakea,  and  refused  to  consider  my  suggestion  that  they  were,  in  fact, cockatoos  or  cocks  ;  the  other  parts  of  the  carving  are  to  be  explained  in  the  same  way as  the  carving  of  No.  1. The  last  munkuris  (No.  10)  to  be  figured  is  of  a  somewhat  different  type,  all  three birds  represent  the  cockatoo,  and  my  attention  was  especially  drawn  to  their  crests. The  significance  of  the  lines  lightly  carved  on  the  flat  areas  beneath  the  highest cockatoos  could  not  be  determined,  the  lines  were  called  ginigin,  the  rows  of  scrolls beneath  the  central  cockatoo  are  obviously  all  derived  from  birds'  heads,  but  were given  no  special  names.  This  munkuris  was  said  to  have  been  carved  at  Ruwadog, near  Suloga. In  conclusion,  I  may  point  out  that  although  the  reef  heron  and  the  cockatoo  are both  totem  birds,  there  is  no  evidence  that  makarakea  is  a  totem,  and  I  could  hear  of no  crested  totem  bird  other  than  the  cockatoo.  Asiwan  and  kwit  are  certainly  not totems  in  that  part  of  Murua  in  which  these  carvings  were  obtained,  nor  is  ovagoro,  the nautilus,  either  upon  Murua  or  over  the  much  wider  area  of  the  Massim  district  in which  it  occurs  as  a  decorative  motif.  It  would  appear,  therefore,  that  at  the  present day  the  magical  efficacy  of  these  carvings  is  not  attributed  directly  to  the  influence  as totems  of  the  birds  represented  upon  them,  and  perhaps  the  predominance  of  the  reef heron  is  to  be  explained  by  the  ease  with  which  this  bird  skims  over  the  crests  of the  Avaves. Although  this  exhausts  the  main  facts  concerning  the  ornamentation  of  these munkuris  with  which  I  am  acquainted,  the  following  short  notes  on  the  remaining six  specimens  are  added,  since  these  will  be  on  exhibition  shortly  in  the  Ethnographical Gallery  at  the  British  Museum. No.  2  resembles  No.  1  in  general  character,  but  the  necks  and  heads  of  the  birds, which  are  represented  by  mere  circular  excrescences  in  No.  1,  are  obvious  bird  heads in  this  hpecimen. No.  4.  This  munkuris  was  made  at  Modau  and  closely  resembles  No.  5.  The paired  birds  at  the  top,  although  crested,  were  called  makarakea.  The  red  and  black intaglio  areas  were  called  marak  and  kon,  which  appear  to  be  the  names  for  red  and black  respectively. No.  6  resembles  No.  1  in  general  characters.  There  are  the  remains  of  three  birds at  the  top  of  this  ornament,  but  only  enough  of  one  is  left  to  call  for  anv  remark.  This, [  34  ] 1909,]  MAN.  [Nos.  16-17. which  is  one  of  the  outer  of  three  birds  originally  present,  has  been  shifted  through 90  degrees  from  its  ordinary  horizontal  position,  so  that  it  stands  on  its  head.  It  was uncertain  whether  or  not  this  bird  represented  the  reef  heron. No.  7,  which  is  very  highly  conventionalised  and  particularly  well  carved,  was obtained  on  Iwa  in  the  Marshall  Benuet  group. No.  8  almost  certainly  comes  from  Murua,  though,  as  its  label  has  perished,  this  is uncertain.  The  tails  of  the  two  birds  facing  in  opposite  directions  at  its  top,  touch  and seem  to  indicate  the  process  by  which  the  bodies  of  the  two  reef  herons,  which  so  often form  the  supporters  of  the  rest  of  the  carving,  have  become  fused. No.  9.  This  was  carved  by  a  boy  from  a  village  called  Gossop.  The  pierced scroll  bird  derivatives  were  called  by  the  name  susawir,  which  appears  to  be  a  term conveying  some  such  general  meaning  as  carved  scroll  or  ornamental  carving.  In general  type  this  munkuris  resembles  No.  10,  but  only  a  portion  of  the  plain  wooden areas  at  the  top  of  each  limb  of  the  crescent,  which  forms  the  main  part  of  the  ornament, is  carved  on  one  side  ;  the  carving  on  the  opposite  surface  was  said  to  represent  the fish  asiwan.  C.  G.  SELIGMANN. England  :  Physical  Anthropology.  Mortimer. The  Stature  and  Cephalic  Index  of  the  Prehistoric  Men  whose      4*7 Remains  are   preserved    in  the   Mortimer  Museum,  Driffield.     /;//       If J.  R.  Mortimer. The  remains  fall  into  three  groups  :  (a)  those  of  the  late  Neolithic  or  early Bronze  Age  ;  (6)  those  of  the  early  Iron  Age  ;  (c)  those  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Period. The  remains  are  all  from  an  area  of  about  80  square  miles  on  the  midwolds  of Yorkshire.  The  cephalic  indices  were  estimated  by  Dr.  W.  Wright,  Dr.  Garson,  and myself.  The  measurements  of  the  femora  were  taken  in  situ  by  myself. (a)  This  series  comprises  101  skulls,  34  being  long,  28  short,  and  39  of  an  inter- mediate shape.  Of  the  34  dolichocephalic  individuals,  28  give  an  average  femoral length  of  18  ins.,  and  a  computed  stature  according  to  Beddoe's  rule*  of  5  ft.  7  ins. Of  the  28  brachycephalic  individuals,  25  give  a  mean  femoral  length  of  17 '7  ins.,  or  a stature  slightly  higher  than  5  ft.  6  ins.  Thirty -five  of  the  39  mesaticephalic  individuals had  a  femoral  length  of  17 '65  ins.,  or  a  stature  slightly  lower  than  5  ft.  6  ins. It  will  thus  be  seen  that  the  long-headed  members  of  the  community  had  the advantage  in  stature  to  the  extent  of  one  inch.  This  is  contrary  to  what  has  been found  in  other  parts  of  the  country.  Dr.  Thurnam,  for  instance,  as  a  result  of  an examination  of  the  remains  in  the  south  of  England,  gives  5  ft.  6  ins.  as  the  stature of  the  dolichocephalic  individuals,  5  ft.  9  ins.  as  that  of  the  brachycephalic. The  cephalic  indices  of  ten  skulls  are  given  by  Professor  Rolleston  in  Greenwell's British  Barrows.  Of  these  skulls  five  are  long  and  five  are  short.  Of  the  five long-headed  individuals  only  the  stature  of  two  is  given,  it  is  5  ft.  9  ins.  and  4  ft.  8  ins. Of  the  five  round-headed  individuals  the  stature  of  four  is  given — 5  ft.  8  ins.,  5  ft.  1  in., 5  ft.  7  ins.,  and  5  ft.  9  ins.  The  series  is  so  small  as  to  have  little  weight  one  way or  the  other. (i)  The  remains   attributable  to  the  early  Iron  Age  mainly  are  from  the  Danes' graves,  Driffield.     They  comprise  53  skulls,  of  which  37  are  dolichocephalic,  2  brachy- cephalic and  14   mesaticephalic.     Of  the  37  long-headed   individuals  the  mean  femoral length  of  28  is  17*2  ins.,  with  a  computed  stature  of  5  ft.  4  '6  ins.  ;  the  femoral  length of  the  brachycephalic  examples  is  17  ins.,  with  a  computed  stature  of  5  ft.  4  ins.,  whilst that    of    11    mesaticephalic    individuals  is    as  much   as    17 '33  ins.,  with  a  stature    of 5  ft.  5  ins.     The  cephalic  indices  and  stature  of  11  other  individuals  from  these  graves, whose  remains    are  in    the  Museum  of  the  Royal  College  of  Surgeons,    have  recently *  Journal  of  tlie  Anthropological  Institute,  Vol.  XVII. L     35     ] Nos.  17-18.]  MAN.  [1909. been  published  by  Dr.  William  Wright.*  He  found  7  dolichocephalic  with  a  mean femoral  length  of  42  *  4  cm.  and  a  stature  of  5  ft.  3  ins.,  1  brachycephalic  with  a femoral  length  of  41  •  1  cm.,  and  a  stature  of  5  ft.,  and  3  mesaticephalic  with  a  mean femoral  length  of  42  •  8  cm.  and  a  stature  of  5  f t.  3  •  5  ins.  Dr.  Wright's  series therefore  agrees  with  mine  in  showing  that  the  mesaticephalic  individuals  had  a  slight advantage  in  stature  while  the  brachycephalic  member  was  distinctly  short. (c)  The  Anglo-Saxon  remains  were  obtained  from  five  cemeteries  at  Sledmere Stoop,  at  Garton  Station,  at  the  south  end  of  Great  Driffield,  the  Meadows,  Driffield, and  at  Acklam.  With  the  exception  of  the  first  all  were  rich  in  relics.  In  addition to  the  above  a  few  isolated  Anglo-Saxon  graves  have  yielded  remains.  The  series comprises  61  measurable  crania,  31  dolichocephalic,  7  brachycephalic,  and  23  mesati- cephalic. Twenty  of  the  dolichocephalic  individuals  have  a  mean  stature  of  5  ft. 5T7T  ins.,"j"  the  7  brachycephalic  examples  had  a  mean  stature  of  5  ft.  4TXT  ins.,  while 15  of  the  mesaticephalic  members  had  a  mean  stature  of  5  ft.  3-^-  ins.  These measurements  show  that  the  long-headed  persons  were  taller  than  those  with  short heads  by  more  than  an  inch.  J.  R.  MORTIMER. New  Zealand.  Edge-Partington. Maori    Burial    Chests.    (Atamira    or     Tupa-Pakau.     By   J.    Edge-    4Q Par  ting  ton.  I U By  the  kindness  of  Mr.  Alexander  Turnbull  of  Wellington,  New  Zealand,  I  am able  to  reproduce  a  photograph  of  his  collection  of  Maori  burial  chests  (wooden)  for containing  the  bones  of  deceased  chiefs.  Owing  to  the  secrecy  attached  to  their disposal  and  to  the  tabu  which  surrounded  the  last  resting  place  of  the  dead,  these chests  are  of  extreme  rarity,  there  being  no  specimen,  as  far  as  I  know,  in  this country.  There  are  specimens  both  in  the  Dominion  Museum,  Wellington,  in  the Auckland  Museum,  and  in  the  Melbourne  Museum,  figured  in  the  Album,  Third  Series, Plate  156.  Hamilton,  in  Maori  Art,  figures  one  (p.  158)  in  his  collection,  which  was found  in  a  cave  near  Auckland,  with  the  one  in  Melbourne.  In  Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologic, Vol.  37,  p.  971,  Herr  Baessler  describes  and  figures  those  in  the  Auckland  Museum. He  says  they  were  made  of  pine,  and  were  accidentally  discovered  in  a  cave  at Waimamaku,  near  Hokianga,  north  of  Auckland.  When  found  those  figured  on plates  x  and  xii  were  leaning  in  a  semi-upright  position  against  the  back  wall,  those on  plate  xii  and  the  covers  figured  in  the  text  rested  in  a  similar  position  on  the  two sides  of  the  entrance  to  the  cave  ;  with  them  were  found  remains  of  skeletons  which had  evidently  fallen  out  of  the  chests  owing  to  the  lids  coming  off".  These  lids, had  been  fastened  by  means  of  four  holes  corresponding  to  the  four  holes  in  the  sides of  the  chests,  one  at  each  corner.  The  chests  were  in  such  a  good  state  of  preser- vation that  it  is  evident  they  were  not  used  at  the  first  burial,  but  for  the  bones  of the  deceased  which,  after  being  dug  up  and  cleaned,  were  deposited  in  them  for  their final  interment.  The  covers  only  of  these  particular  chests  were  smeared  with  red-ochre (Kokowai).  Mr.  Cheeseman,  the  Director  of  the  Auckland  Museum,  is  of  opinion  that these  chests  are  over  200  years  old. Mr.  Turnbull  gives  the  following  description  of  those  in  his  collection  :  "  The "  chests  are  hollowed  at  the  back  and  have  evidently  been  fitted  with  lids,  because  the "  holes  are  still  visible  in  the  sides  where  the  pegs  or  flax  fastenings  were  inserted  for "  tying  them  on.  There  are  several  peculiarities  to  be  observed  in  my  set.  In  every "  specimen  there  is  the  same  '  wing  '-like  carving  at  the  sides  with  three  undoubted **  claws — not  fingers — and  in  No.  3  there  are  web  feet,  giving  the  impression  that  the "  carvings  all  represent  birds.  In  Nos.  2  and  3  the  tongues  have  serrated  edges,  and "  Nos.  2,  3,  and  4  have  the  ears  pierced.  No.  1  has  a  '  heru '  or  comb,  and  two  of  the *  Arclueoloffia,  Vol.  LX.,  pp.  251-322.  -f  Estimated  by  Thane's  formula  in  Quain's  Anatomy. [    36    ] 1909.] MAN. [Nos.  18-19. "  four  claws  are  inserted  in  the  mouth.  No.  3  has  a  very  curious  carved  neck  ornament, "  the  like  of  which  I  have  never  seen.  Nos.  2  and  3  have  each  a  blind  right  eye. "  The  carvings  are  clearly  of  varying  ages,  and  instinct  leads  me  to  place  them  in  order "^of  time  as  follows,  beginning  with  the  oldest : — four,  six,  two,  three,  one,  five.  No.  6 "  is  18  inches  high,  and  this  will  give  the  relative  sizes  of  the  others.  The  larger *'  chests  might  hold  the  entire  skeleton  of  an  adult,  but  the  smaller  ones  certainly "  would  not ;  and  No.  6,  the  smallest,  would  not  take  the  bones  of  an  infant,  still  it "  had  a  lid  at  one  time  and  was  for  holding  something.  Captain  G.  Mair  says  it "  was  for  the  placenta.  Some  of  the  chests  have  been  painted  with  red  ochre." "  It  is"  surprising  what  a  small  amount  of  information  can  be  obtained  about  these "  chests,  and  I  can  find  no  myth  or  legend  that  would  explain  the  bird-like  carvings  of "  the  bodies."  J.  EDGE-PARTINGTON. Dundas. 19 Africa,  East. Kikuyu  Calendar.      />'//  Hon.   A.    /»'.  Dundas. The  Kikuyu  divide  the  year  into  two  seasons  as  under  : — 1.  Kimera  kya  Mweli :  July  to  January. 2.  Kimera  kya  Njahi  :  February  to  June. Their  language  does  not  appear  to  possess  a  word  answering   to  our  word  year (i.e.,  all  twelve  months),  the  word  Mwaka  signifying  merely  a  rainy  season. [    37    ] Nos,  19-20.]  MAN.  [1909. The  circumcision  of  the  boys  and  girls  occurs  in  the  same  months  ;  the  season  in which  it  takes  place  depending  on  whether  they  live  in  Ruguru  (the  West)  or  Ithereru (the  East),  if  the  former  in  Kimera  kya  Njahi,  if  the  latter  in  Kimera  kya  Mweli. The  month  commences  with  the  first  day  of  the  new  moon  and  lasts  thirty  days. Each  month  has  a  name. There  are  no  names  for  the  days  of  the  week,  but  the  days  of  the  different markets  serve  to  signify  any  particular  day.  Each  market  is  held  every  fourth  day and  no  two  markets  in  the  same  neighbourhood  are  held  on  the  same  day.  Appended is  what  may  be  called  a  Kikuyu  calendar. The  months  when  the  circumcision  takes  place  are  carnival  months  ;  dancing, singing,  and  general  rejoicing  being  the  order  of  the  day. Kathanokomo  (June)  and  Moga  (January)  are  called  the  Semisu  months  when  the harvest  is  brought  in. FIRST  SEASON,  JULY  TO  JANUARY — KIMERA  KYA  MWEH. First  Month,  Moriainyoni  (July). — The  grass  and  thicket  is  cleared  by  the  men, and  the  women  then  burn  it ;  it  is  a  month  of  little  work.  The  weather  being  cool the  boys  and  girls  commence  boring  the  lobes  of  their  ears. Second  Month,  Moga  (August). — The  shambas*  are  dug  up,  the  work  being mostly  done  by  the  women. Third  Month,  Kihu  (September). — All  the  able-bodied  population  is  at  work  in the  shambas  preparing  for  the  rains  ;  the  seed  is  sown. Fourth  Month,  Sethanano  (October). — Everyone  is  very  busy  weeding  in  the shambas. Fifth  Month,  Kanyuahungo  or  Tumo  (November} :  Sixth  Month,  Keha (December). — The  men  do  no  work  ;  the  women  and  children  are  employed  keeping the  birds  off  the  crops  that  are  now  ripening. Seventh  Month,  Moga  (January). — Harvest. SECOND  SEASON,  FEBRUARY  TO  JUNE  :  KIMERA  KYA  NJAHI. First  Month,  Kihu  (February}. — The  whole  able-bodied  population  is  hard  at work  in  the  shambas  preparing  for  the  rains.  The  seed  is  sown  during  this  month. Second  Month,  Sethanano  or  Kethathanwa  (March). — Everyone  is  still  very busy  in  the  shambas,  the  work  being  mostly  that  of  weeding. Third  Month,  Mothato  (April). — The  crops  are  ripening  and  the  women  and children  are  busy  weeding  and  scaring  off  the  birds.  In  the  Ruguru  (West)  this  is the  circumcision  month,  a  time  .of  feasting  and  dancing. Fourth  Month,  Mogilanjara  (May). — The  crops  are  nearly  ripe  and  there  is  no work  for  anyone. Fifth  Month,  Kathanokomo  (June). — This  is  the  Semisu  (Harvest)  month,  and the  work  of  harvesting  is  done  by  the  women,  the  men  do  no  work.f K.  R.  DUNDAS. Technology.  van  Gennep. Netting  without  a  Knot.     By  A.  van   Gennep.  Qfl Dans  le  fascicule  de  mars  1908  de  la  Revue  des  £tudes  Ethnographiques  fcU el  Sociologiques,  Miss  A.  Werner  public  Some  Notes  on  the  Bushman  Race  ou  elle parle  (p.  149)  de  petits  sacs  d'une  facture  speciale,  a  laquelle  elle  semble  disposee  a donner  une  signification  culturelle  et  raciale :  "I  do  not  know  whether  to  class "  among  small  arts  which  may  have  been  handed  down  to  these  Angoni  by  their *  Shamba  —  field  or  plantation. f  The  correct  spelling  of  the  names  of  the  months  was  given  me  by  Mr.  MacGregor  of  the  C.M.S. [    38    ] 1909.]  MAN.  [Nos.  20-21. "  possible  Bushman  ancestors,  the  making  of  string  bags  by  a  process  best  described "  as  netting  without  a  knot ;  a  row  of  loops  is  first  made  and  increased  by  passing "  the  end  of  the  string  through  each  one,  going  round  and  round  till  the  desired  size "  is  reached.  I  never  saw  a  bag  so  made  by  an  adult,  nor  a  specimen  of  more  than "  a  few  inches  in  length  ;  the  art  seemed  to  be  chiefly  practised  as  a  pastime  by "  children.  It  is  interesting  to  cote  that  when  I  showed  one  of  these  bags  to  the "  Ituri  pygmies  who  were  recently  in  England  they  recognised  it  at  once,  and  said "  that  they  made  the  same  kind  at  home." Miss  Werner  a  eu  1'obligeance  de  m'envoyer  une  de  ces  pochettes.  Je  1'ai montree  a  des  amis  ayant  vecu  en  Afrique,  notamment  a  Maurice  Delafosse,  qui  m'ont dit  n'en  avoir  jamais  vu  de  semblables. D'autre  part  cette  technique  est  beaucoup  plus  difficile  qu'elle  ne  semble  au premier  abord  ;  je  m'en  suis  rendu  compte  en  essayant  d'imiter  la  pochette  angoni ; avec  du  raphia,  on  y  arrive  cependant,  apres  avoir  eu  soin  de  mouiller  les  fibres  et de  les  enrouler  prealablement  deux  par  deux  en  maniere  de  cordelette. Cette  technique  semble  reellement  rare.  Du  moins  je  n'en  ai  pas  trouve  mention dans  les  traites  generaux  d'ethnographie,  ni  dans  les  monographies  d'O.  T.  Mason. De  meme  les  diverses  techniques  du  tressage  chez  les  Warundi  enumerees,  et  decrites en  detail  par  R.  Kandt  (Gewerbe  in  Ruanday Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologic,  1904,  pp.  394  et  suiv.) comprennent  toutes  la  formation  de  noeuds,  qui donnent  leur  nom  a  sorte  de  tressage. Par  centre,  voici  un  parallele  exact  releve dans  1'Amerique  du  Sud,  par  le  Dr.  Theodor Koeh-Griinberg.  II  a  trouve  en  usage  chez  les Indiens  du  Bresil  nord-occidental  de  petits  filets de  peche,  que  Ton  fixe  a  une  liane  recourbee  en cerceau  et  qui  different  des  grands  filets,  noues,  en ce  que  les  cordelettes  sont  simplement  passees  les  unes  dans  les  autres  (einfache SchlingtechniK).  Le  dessin  qui  accompagne  1'article  du  Dr.  Koch-Griinberg  (Der Fischfang  bei  den  Indianern  Nordwestbrasiliens,  Globus,  9  Janvier,  1908,  pp.  21-22) et  reproduit  ici,  montre  que  la  technique  est  bien  celle  dont  parle  Miss  Werner.  II  est probable  qu'on  trouvera  d'autres  paralleles  en  consultant  les  mouographies  sur  la  peche chez  les  populations  europeennes  :  mais  je  doute  que  cette  technique  puisse  servir d'argument  pour  la  determination  d'aires  de  civilisation.  A.  VAN  GENNEP. England:  Archaeology.  Kendall. Remarkable    Arrowheads    and     Diminutive    Bronze    Implement.     Qf %  the  Rev.  H.   G.   0.  Kendall,  M.A.  L\ In  MAN,  1906,  96,  and  1907,  37,  Mr.  H.  St.  George  Gray  figured  two  arrow- heads  of  remarkable  fineness  and  unusual  type.  The  base  in  one  instance,  at  any rate,  was  rounded,  and  the  edges  were  incurved  near  the  point.  I  append  herewith a  drawing  which  shows  one  face  and  two  edge  views  of  a  similar  weapon.  It  was found  by  Mr.  H.  J.  G.  Hole  on  a  farm  in  Dorset,  whereon,  also,  he  has  picked  up other  arrowheads  of  usual  types.  It  is  dirty-white  in  colour,  and  slightly  pale  blueish in  places.  Its  length  is  3  centimetres  and  breadth  18  millimetres.  It  weighs  21  grains. The  drawing  scarcely  does  justice  to  the  delicacy  of  this  beautiful  little  implement, inasmuch  as  the  thickness  of  the  outside  line  gives  a  very  slight  increase  to  the  width. The  obtuse  angle  on  the  right-hand  edge  of  the  face  view  should  be  somewhat  more of  a  curve  and  less  of  an  angle.  Unlike  Mr.  Gray's,  it  has  a  blunt-pointed  base,  as seen  in  the  picture.  The  other  drawing  shows  face  and  edge  views  of  what  appears to  be  a  most  unusual  type.  It  has  evidently  once  been  a  leaf-shaped  arrowhead,  of [    39    ] Ncs.  21-22.] MAN. [1909. which  oue  end  has  been  accidentally  broken  off.  Its  possessor,  in  order  to  render it  of  service  to  himself  again,  possibly  also  to  give  it  better  balance,  has  cleverly snicked  a  piece  out  of  each  of  the  two  edges,  thereby  affording  himself  an  arrowhead slightly  barbed.  From  each  edge  the  piece  has  been  taken  out  by  a  single  downward stroke  or  application  of  pressure  at  right  angles  to  the  face  of  the  flint.  The  latter is  blackish  in  the  middle,  and  of  a  deep  amber  colour  towards  the  edges.  Weight, 29£  grains. In  both  the  above  cases  an  untrimmed  portion  of  the  inner  face  of  the  flake  from which  the  little  implement  was  made  is  visible  in  the  middle  thereof. Of  the  first  arrowhead  the  outer,  of  the  second  the  inner,  face  is  shown.  The outer  face  of  each  arrowhead  is  much  like  the  inner,  but  that  of  the  second  has  an unremoved  rising  near  the  middle. The  third  drawing  is  of  a  metal  implement,  apparently  of  bronze,  picked  up  by Mr.  Hole  two  miles  from  Marlborough,  in  a  road  newly  repaired  with  flint,  no  doubt from  the  Downs.  In  a  barrow  opened  near  Marlborough in  1907  a  miniature  bronze  dagger  or  knife  (?)  was found  in  company  with  gold  ornaments,  &c.  It  was of  rather  different  form  from  the  present  instrument,  but, FIG.  1. FIG.  2. FIG.  3. I   think,   of    the   same   general  type.      The  contents    of   the  barrow  belonged  to  the Bronze  Age.     The  weight  of    the  little  tool  here  figured  is  just  over  £  oz. H.  G.  0.  KENDALL. REVIEWS. Africa :  Congo. Van  Overbergh. Les  Basonge  (Etat  Ind.  du  Congo).  Par  Cyr.  van  Overbergh.  Collection  OO de  Monographies  ethnographiques  III.  Brussels,  1908.  Pp.  xvi  +  565.  fcfc 26  X  17  cm.  Price  10*. The  series  of  which  this  volume  is  the  third  might  almost  be  said  to  mark  an era  in  the  history  of  anthropology.  Of  course  much,  very  much,  remains  to  be  done in  the  way  of  scientific  investigation  of  the  ethnography  of  primitive  peoples,  but,  in order  that  this  investigation  may  be  as  successful  as  possible,  a  knowledge  of  the information  already  collected  is  necessary,  especially  as  contact  with  Europeans  has wrought  such  differences  during  the  past  few  years.  The  reports  of  the  earlier explorers  have  an  especial  value,  but  these  reports,  made  at  a  time  when  anthropology was  not  yet  a  science,  are  so  scattered  that  the  labour  involved  in  their  collection is  most  arduous,  and  involves  a  protracted  search  through  periodical  and  other  literature of  almost  every  kind. The  system  on  which  the  series  under  review  is  arranged  is  as  follows  :  each volume  deals  with  a  particular  tribe  in  the  Congo  Free  State,  and  contains  all  the passages  relating  to  that  tribe,  collected  from  every  kind  of  literature,  reprinted  at length,  and  arranged  under  the  headings  adopted  for  the  questionnaire  approved  by [  40  ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  22. the  Congres  mondial  de  Mons  in  1905.  To  this  is  added  as  much  new  information as  couid  be  gathered,  by  means  of  that  questionnaire,  from  observers  on  the  spot, to  whom  were  sent  copies  of  the  collected  published  material  for  comment  and amplification.  The  new  information  is  printed  in  larger  type.  Each  page  is  perforated so  that  it  can  be  torn  out  and  the  whole  rearranged  to  suit  the  requirements  of  any special  student,  and  to  facilitate  this  object  no  two  subjects  are  treated  on  the  same page  ;  if  the  matter  dealing  with  one  given  subject  does  not  suffice  to  fill  both  sides  of  a leaf,  the  rest  is  left  blank.  At  the  beginning  of  each  volume  is  a  complete  biblio- graphy of  the  literature  dealing  with  the  tribe  in  question,  followed  by  a  second bibliography  of  all  illustrations  relating  to  it  ;  the  latter  bibliography,  as  the  text, is  divided  into  headings  corresponding  to  the  sections  of  the  questionnaire  employed. At  the  end  is  a  specially  prepared  ethnological  map,  and,  in  the  case  of  the  volume under  discussion,  a  few  illustrations  of  an  ethnographical  nature.  An  index  of  the headings  under  which  the  information  is  arranged  is  also  given.  Thus  a  complete compendium  of  all  that  is  known  concerning  each  tribe,  arranged  in  the  manner  most convenient  for  reference  and  comparison,  is  ready  to  the  hand  of  the  anthropological student  or  of  the  administrator  who  wishes  to  know  something  about  the  social  life and  institutions  of  the  people  amongst  whom  his  work  is  to  lie. It  would  be  worse  than  otiose  to  enlarge  on  the  extreme  value  of  such  a  series, and  it  is  of  the  happiest  augury  for  the  future  of  the  Congo  Free  State  that  it  should be  found  possible  in  Belgium  to  issue  successfully  a  collection  of  monographs  which renders  administration  on  proper  scientific  lines  a  reasonable  possibility. Another  point  of  interest  is  found  in  the  fact  that  these  monographs  are  a vindication  of  the  questionnaire,  which  has  of  late  been  attacked  by  some  whose opinions  are  certainly  of  weight.  It  is  true  that  this  particular  questionnaire  is  capable of  considerable  improvement ;  but,  with  all  its  limitations,  it  can,  judged  by  results,  be called  a  success.  Volumes  dealing  with  the  Bangala,  Mayumbe,  and  Mangbettu  have already  appeared,  and  one  on  the  Waregga  is  promised  shortly.  The  subject  of  this particular  monograph,  the  Basonge,  a  tribe  belonging  to  the  great  Baluba  family,  and situated  roughly  between  the  Sankuru  and  Lualaba  and  4°  30'  and  6°  30'  of  south  lati- tude, is  of  especial  interest  to  the  reviewer,  since  the  expedition  under  the  leadership of  Mr.  Torday  has  collected  a  number  of  notes  concerning  its  ethnography  which  are as  yet  unpublished,  and  on  which  he  has  had  the  pleasure  of  working  ;  these  notes, though  they  contain  many  details  of  the  greatest  importance,  chiefly  dealing  with religion  and  sociology,  which  do  not  appear  in  the  monograph,  confirm  in  many  respects the  new  material  published  therein,  and  it  is  this  new  material  which  naturally  possesses the  greatest  interest.  The  contributor  who  has  in  the  present  volume  added  by  far the  most  to  existing  knowledge  is  M.  R.  Schmitz,  who  has  spent  four  years  among the  most  easterly  branch  of  this  tribe.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  certain  important differences  exist  between  the  sub-tribes  studied  by  him  and  the  Namale  amongst  whom Mr.  Torday's  work  chiefly  lay,  and  who  are  situated  a  degree  and  a  half  further  west. For  instance,  belief  in  transmigration,  which  appears  to  exist  in  the  east,  is  not found  in  the  west ;  certain  rights  of  asylum  allowed  in  the  west  are  absent  in  the east  ;  inheritance  is  observed  on  a  different  system  ;  the  methods  of  expressing numerals  by  gesture  differ  in  toto  in  the  two  localities  ;  also  certain  words,  notably the  names  of  sun  and  stars. A  more  important  divergence  relates  to  the  ethnographical  map  accompanying  the volume.  Here  the  village  Mokunji  is  placed  definitely  within  the  Basonge  sphere  : the  information  at  the  disposal  of  the  reviewer  shows  that  the  Mokunji  district  for some  distance  to  the  south  of  that  village  is  now  occupied  by  the  Sungu  tribe  of Batetela,  to  whom  the  Basonge  lost  part  of  their  northern  territory  in  the  first  half of  the  nineteenth  century.  It  might  be  useful  to  indicate  this  in  future  editions,  or C     41     ] Nos,  22-23.]  MAN.  [1909, in  one  of  the   supplementary  pages  which  the   editor  promises  to   issue  from  time  to time  as  fresh  information  is  obtained. This  series  is  so  good  that  it  is  difficult  to  make  any  suggestions  for  improvement  ; but  one  or  two  points  might  be  mentioned  which  occur  to  the  reviewer.  The  most important  is  the  following.  It  is  true  that  the  editor  in  his  introduction  mentions in  broad  terms  the  localities  in  which  the  contributors  of  new  matter  have  worked, but  that  is  hardly  enough  :  it  is  of  the  highest  importance,  especially  in  view  of  the differences  which  appear  to  occur  between  east  and  west  in  this  particular  case,  that  the name  of  the  sub-tribe  should  be  mentioned  with  each  piece  of  information  given  ; this  might  easily  be  inserted  in  brackets. The  second  point  concerns  the  perforation  of  the  pages.  It  seems  very  doubtful whether  this  is  necessary  or  even  advisable  ;  it  renders  the  pages  liable  to  become detached  unintentionally,  and  might  cause  a  great  deal  of  trouble  in  scientific  libraries and  aggravation  to  individuals  who  wished  to  retain  the  admirable  arrangement observed  in  the  monograph.  Those  who  wish  to  arrange  the  pages  on  their  own system  (and  they  will  be  a  small  minority)  could  attain  the  required  end  quite  easily by  means  of  a  penknife  and  a  ruler.  On  the  whole  the  disadvantages  of  the  present system  appear  to  outweigh  by  far  the  advantages. With  regard  to  two  grounds  on  which,  according  to  the  editor  in  the  preface,  the series  has  been  criticised  already,  it  is  almost  certain  that  the  great  majority  will support  M.  van  Overbergh.  It  was  said  that  the  reprinting  of  published  matter  in  the language  in  which  it  first  appeared  (in  the  case  of  languages  other  than  French)  was inconvenient,  but  the  author  justly  observes  that  the  importance  of  preserving  the actual  words  is  paramount,  and  the  dangers  involved  in  a  translation  are  serious. Further,  it  was  maintained  that  the  publication  of  contradictory  evidence  would  lead to  mystification  of  the  student ;  but  surely  the  apposition  of  varying  statements  is  of the  greatest  importance.  Enough  has  been  said  to  show  the  very  high  value  of  the series  of  monographs,  and  the  greatest  of  credit  is  due  to  M.  van  Overbergh  for  the energy  and  public  spirit  which  led  him  to  organise  and  carry  out  in  so  masterly  a fashion  a  work  which  entails  months  of  the  most  patient  and  laborious  toil.  To  the man  who  is  capable  of  performing  a  task  such  as  this,  and  in  this  fashion,  the  com- pletion of  the  work  is  sufficient  reward  ;  but  to  this  will  be  added  in  the  preseut  case the  heartfelt  gratitude  of  all  students  of  African  ethnography,  which  should,  and doubtless  will,  be  supplemented  by  similar  gratitude  on  the  part  of  the  government which  administers  the  colony  in  which  these  tribes  are  found.  In  Belgium,  which possesses  one  colony,  means  for  the  scientific  study  of  the  subject  tribes  are  provided by  the  Ministry  of  Public  Instruction.  What  of  the  other  European  countries  which rule  over,  not  one,  but  many  colonies  ?  T.  A.  J. Australia,  Central.  Strehlow. Die  Aranda  und  Loritja- Stdmme  in  Zentral-Australien.  By  C.  Strehlow.  ftQ Veroffentlichungen  aus  dem  Stadtischen  Volker  Museum,  Frankfurt  am  Main.  tU Frankfurt  :  Baer,  1908.  Second  notice.  Cf.  MAN,  1908,  14. In  reviewing  Mr.  Strehlow's  interesting  volumes  on  the  Arunta,  or  Aranda,  I  had not  room  to  describe  their  system  of  totemic  beliefs.  We  saw  that  when  the  waters retired  from  the  earth  at  the  bidding  of  one  of  the  self-existing  beings  whom  Altjira did  not  allow  to  poach  on  his  celestial  hunting  grounds,  many  more  such  beings  came forth,  Alljirangamitjina.  These  wandered  about,  like  the  Alcheringa  folk  of  Messrs. Spencer  and  Gillen,  each  of  them  being,  in  Mr.  Tylor's  phrase,  a  kind  of  "  species-god," and  each  in  close  rapport  with  the  animals  of  their  species,  and  capable  of  assuming  its form.  Mr.  Strehlow  says  that  these  A.J.  take  a  part  in  forwarding  the  action  of  the [     42     ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  23. magical  ceremonies,  Unbatjalkatiuma  (the  Intichiuma  of  Spencer  and  Gillen),  wrought by  men  for  the  plants  and  animals  of  their  totem  groups  or  totem  societies. The  Alcheringa  totemic  spirits  of  the  Arunta  of  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen  do not  appear  to  do  much  in  this  way.  They  keep  on  being  reincarnated  as  Arunta children.  It  is  not  so,  exactly,  in  Mr.  Strehlow's  region.  His  A.J.  have  gone  back again — that  is,  their  spirits  have — into  their  primal  earth-holes,  whence  they  emerge  at pleasure,  while  their  bodies  have  changed  into  rocks,  trees,  and  so  on,  such  as  mark  the Oknanikilla  of  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen. With  Mr.  Strehlow's  blacks  it  is  not  the  spirits  of  the  A.J.  that  reside  in  or  near the  trees,  rocks,  pools,  and  in  parasitic  foliage  (as  of  the  mistletoe  among  the  Euahlayi). The  dwellers  in  such  places  are  ratapa,  germinal  spirits  and  bodies  of  children  waiting to  enter  into  married  women  and  be  born.  Thus  the  A.J.  are  not  reincarnated constantly,  as  with  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen's  blacks,  it  is  the  ratapa  that  are incarnated.  Not  only  the  whole  bodies  of  the  A.J.  are  "  sacred  "  (the  tree  or  rock,  &c.) but  even  a  portion  of  such  bodies,  thus  a  bird's  feathers  is  tzarunga  (churinga, "  sacred ")  and  is  a  separate  totem. Many  A.J.'s  have  changed  into  actual  stone  churinga,  and  are  kept  in  the depositories  of  these  objects.  The  ratapa  have  bodies  and  souls,  are  red  of  body,  like new-born  Arunta  children,  which  resemble  dusky  European  babes  ;  only  the  medicine men  can  see  the  ratapa.  These  ratapa — emanations  from  the  metamorphosed  bodies  of the  A.J. — are  each  in  rapport  with  some  object  totem  of  nature.  The  body  of  an  A.J. of  the  kangaru  totem  changed  into  a  gum  tree,  and  in  that  dwells  a  kangaru  ratapa. Mr.  Strehlow  says  that  the  Arunta  are  not  acquainted  with  the  part  of  the  male in  procreation,  but,  in  a  note,  declares  that  the  seniors  do  know,  wie  mir  vezsichert wurde,  but  they  say  nothing  about  it  before  the  younger  men  and  women.  "  It "  is  certain  that  both  the  Aranda  and  Loritja  know  the  connection  of  begetting  with "  birth.  In  the  case  of  the  lower  animals  even  the  children  are  enlightened  on "  this  point." This  is  precisely  what  Dr.  Roth  reports  of  certain  Queensland  tribes  (Bulletin  V). Believing  that  the  lower  animals  have  no  souls,  these  tribes  account  for  their  birth  and begetting  in  the  normal  way  ;  but  as  men  have  souls,  these  tribes  declare  that  human children  do  not  come  by  procreation,  but  "  come  otherwise."  I  pointed  out  this  in Anthropological  Essays,  the  Festschrift  for  Mr.  Tylor,  and  said  that  it  corroborated my  opinion  ;  namely,  that  it  was  not  a  survival  of  primal  ignorance  that  made  these peoples  deny  human  procreation  ;  the  denial  is  a  result  of  their  philosophy  of  spirits. When  we  find  that  even  the  Arunta  children  know  all  about  the  procreation  of  the lower  animals,  while  men,  having  souls,  "  come  otherwise,"  I  think  that  my  opinion deserves  more  favourable  consideration  than  it  has  hitherto  received,  while  the argument  for  the  "  primitiveness  "  of  the  Arunta  that  is  based  on  their  ignorance  of procreation  is  "  driven  to  an  outside  price."  As  I  said  from  the  first,  they  have  simply developed  their  amazing  psychology  till  it  has  obscured  their  physiology  ;  while  their psychology  is  remote  indeed  from  the  "  primitive." When  a  woman  approaches  the  place  where  the  metamorphosed  body  of  an  A.J. is,  a  tree,  rock,  or  pool,  called  Knanakala  (obviously  the  Oknanikilla  of  Messrs. Spencer  and  Gillen),  a  ratapa  that  recognises  in  her  a  "  class-mother  "  enters  her  body, causing  pangs,  and  when  the  child  is  born  it  is  of  the  totem  of  the  A.J.  whose metamorphosed  body  is  the  tree,  rock,  or  the  like,  the  Knanakala.  The  body,  that is  the  tree  or  rock,  may  be  that  of  an  emu  A.J.  :  an  emu  ratapa  enters  the  woman,  the child  is  of  the  emu  totem  (Ilia),  and  is  named  Iliakurka  (little  emu),  or  Iliapa (emu  feather). As  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen  tell  us,  the  ratapa  (or,  in  their  region,  the Alcheringa  spirit)  sometimes  enters  a  plump  matron  who  is  not  its  "  class-mother,"  is [  43  ] No.  23.]  MAN.  [1909. of  "  the  wrong  class,"  and  thus  introduces  a  totem  into  the  matrimonial  class,  where it  has  no  business  to  be  (Central  Tribes,  p.  125).  This  spiritual  caprice  is  the  only cause  of  the  unique  fact  that,  among  the  Arunta-,  the  same  totem  may  be  in  both main  exogamous  divisions,  so  that,  in  the  Arunta  nation  alone,  totems  are  not exogamous. In  Mr.  Strehlow's  region  the  whole  business  is  either  a  variant  of  what  Messrs. Spencer  and  Gillen  describe,  or  one  or  other  version — that  of  these  authors,  or  that of  Mr.  Strehlow — is  more  accurate  than  the  other.  I  shall  later  show  that  the  former alternative  is  the  true  explanation  of  the  diverse  reports. As  the  Arunta  are  nomadic,  the  children  of  any  family,  as  a  rule,  are  of  various totems.  This  makes  it  hard  to  understand  how  it  comes  that,  in  any  given  locality, the  great  majority  of  the  people  are  of  the  same  totem  (Spencer  and  Gillen,  Central Tribes,  p.  9). This  must  occur,  in  normal  totemism,  when  the  totem  passes  in  the  male  line. But  how  it  can  occur,  where  totems  come  by  sheer  accident,  and  there  may  be  four or  five  different  totems  in  the  same  set  of  mother,  husband,  and  children,  is  the  central Arunta  mystery,  yet  I  am  not  aware  that  anyone  has  remarked  on  a  circumstance  that has  puzzled  me  from  the  first.  Sometimes  an  A.J.  spirit  comes  up  from  his  earth-hole, impregnates  a  woman  with  a  little  wooden  bull-roarer,  namatana,  and  returns  to  his own  place.  Is  she  a  married  woman  ? When  a  woman  feels  what,  to  her  (though  not  to  a  white  specialist),  are  the first  signs  of  her  pregnancy  at  the  very  moment  when  she  sees  a  kangaru  that "  softly  and  suddenly  vanished  away,"  it  is  not  the  kangaru  A.J.  spirit  himself that  enters  her  body.  The  kangaru  was  no  kangaru,  but  an  A.J.  spirit  in  kangaru shape.  When  she  feels  the  same  symptoms  after  eating,  say,  the  lalitja  fruit,  a  lalitja ratapa  has  entered  her,  but  not  through  her  mouth. As  far  as  I  understand,  these  are  theories  to  account  for  a  pregnancy  discovered not  at  any  given  knanakala,  but  elsewhere,  and  so  the  question  for  the  Arunta  is, "  whence  came  the  ratapa  where  no  ratapa  is  known  to  be  ?  "  The  ratapa  must come  from  the  casual  kangaru,  an  A.J.  wandering  about,  or  from  the  fruit.  Unless every  noticeable  tree,  rock,  or  pool,  in  the  field  of  view,  is  a  knakala,  many  women must  first  feel  proof  of  approaching  maternity  where  there  is  no  knakala.  The  fact must  be  explained  ;  and  any  transient  beast  or  bird,  or  food  recently  eaten,  serves  as  a ground  of  explanation.  The  ratapa  apparently  cannot  come  from  a  man  or  woman  ; men  and  women  have  only  one  soul  apiece,  they  do  not  emit  ratapa ;  but  any  other object  seen  or  eaten  may  be  an  A.J.  on  the  loose,  and  may  emit  a  ratapa. Men  may,  and  do,  have  their  mother's  totems,  as  well  as  their  own  (which  come by  accident).  This  maternal  totem  protects  them,  warns  them  of  danger  in  dreams, and  is  very  helpful.  Possibly  this  is  a  survival  of  the  system  by  which,  among  the northern  tribes  with  male  descent,  a  man  has  his  mother's  totem  in  great  regard,  as well  as  his  father's  (Spencer  and  Gillen,  Northern  Tribes,  p.  166).  This,  with  the accompanying  northern  descent  of  property  in  the  female  line,  proves,  of  course,  that the  Waramunga  and  the  rest  have  passed  from  female  to  male  reckoning  of  descent. When  the  Arunta  evolved  their  present  system  of  acquiring  the  totem,  which  they  must have  done  relatively  recently,  for  the  method  has  left  the  great  majority  of  each  totem in  one  or  the  other  sex  of  matrimonial  classes,  the  old  northern  regard  for  the  maternal totem  survived  the  change.  At  all  events  this  seems  a  plausible  theory. While  the  children  of  a  woman  may  all  be  of  different  totems,  all  are  blessed  by the  protection  of  their  mother's  totems,  which  is  named  Altjira,  like  the  emu-footed being  in  the  heavens. The  magic  rites,  in  Mr.  Strehlow's  region,  are  named,  as  we  saw,  Unbatjalka/zMwa, not  Intichmma,  as  in  the  region  of  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen.  The  three  last [  44  ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  23. syllables,  italicised,  are  the  same  in  both  districts.  The  difference  in  the  name  draws our  attention  to  an  important  fact.  The  language  of  the  natives  of  the  two  districts  is not  absolutely  identical.  Ratapa  is  a  word  not  known  to  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen. Again,  for  "  stone  churinga  "  their  natives  say  churinga  nanja,  while  Mr.  Strehlow's say  talkara.  There  are  several  other  notable  examples,  including  Altjira,  whether  the sky-dweller  or  the  maternal  totem,  the  Altjirangamitjina,  and  others.  The  nearest approach  to  Altjira,  in  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen's  vocabularies,  is  Alkira,  "  sky,'* and  Alcheringa  (Altjiringa  ?  ). Thus,  as  the  natives  of  the  two  regions  differ  in  vocabulary,  there  is  no  reason why  they  should  not  differ  in  myths  and  beliefs.  If  so,  both  Messrs.  Spencer  and Gillen  are  right  in  their  reports,  though  these  reports  vary.  For  example,  Messrs. Spencer  and  Gillen  do  not  find  in  their  Arunta,  after  the  most  careful  research,  any sky-dweller  like  the  red-haired,  emu-footed  Altjira  of  Mr.  Strehlow's  people. Mr.  Hartland,  remarking  on  this  diversity,  says  that,  while  the  English  explorers find  no  relatively  supreme  being,  Mr.  Strehlow  and  his  German  colleagues  "  have "  given  us  a  widely  divergent  report.  They  tell  us  that  the  Arunta  definitely  believe "  in  the  existence  of  a  Supreme  Being,  ein  Himmelsgott,  and  that  they  have,  in "  addition,  raised  their  own  forefathers  to  the  rank  of  gods.  The  contradiction  between "  the  two  statements  is  such  that  it  is  not  to  be  accounted  for  by  merely  supposing  " (what  is  true)  "  that  while  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen  visited  one  brancn  of  the "  Arunta,  Mr.  Strehlow  and  his  colleagues,  settled  among  another  branch  a  few  miles "  off",  have  drawn  their  information  exclusively  from  the  latter.  This  information "  represents  the  supernatural  beings  believed  in  by  the  Arunta  and  the  Loritja  as "  apotheosised  to  a  degree  beyond  anything  recognised  by  anthropologists  elsewhere "  in  Australia." Mr.  Hartland  remarks  that  "few  missionaries  can  divest  themselves  as  completely "  as  Callaway  or  Codrington  of  prepossessions  in  their  inquiries  into  savage  beliefs "...  ."  It  is  fair  to  say  that  as  yet  we  have  only  fragmentary  statements from  Mr.  Strehlow,  and  no  hint  as  to  where  these  statements  may  be  found  is  given (Oxford  Congress,  Vol.  I,  pp.  23,  24). Mr.  Hartland  had  probably  no  access  to  Mr.  Strehlow's  second  volume,  of  September 1908.  But  does  he  call  volume  I  of  1907  "  fragmentary  "  ?  In  that  volume  he  must  have read  that  Altjira  is  the  least  "  apotheosised  "  of  all  the  sky-dwelling  superior  beings  of Australia.  He  created  nothing,  he  is  not  an  ethical  judge,  he  does  nothing  but  eat, hunt,  and  keep  a  harem  ;  he  did  not  even,  like  the  Kaitish  Arunta  of  Messrs.  Spencer and  Gilleu,  "make  the  Alcheringa,"  "make  himself;  make  men  by  sending  his  own "  disobedient  sons  to  be  men,  send  down  everything  which  the  black  fellow  has,"  and insist,  with  penalties,  on  the  initiation  rites,  and  the  use  of  the  bull-roarer. On  the  other  side,  Mr.  Strehlow's  Altjira  (published  in  1907)  does  nothing, never  did  anything,  and  is  totally  disregarded  by  the  Arunta  though  they  call  him "  good "  (rnard).  How  can  Mr.  Hartland  say  that  Altjira  is  "  apotheosised  to  a "  degree  beyond  anything  recognised  by  anthropologists  elsewhere  in  Australia  ? " He  is  the  least  "apotheosised"  of  all  known  sky-dwellers,  he  has  no  place  in  reli- gion, and  in  that  fact  lies  his  supreme  importance,  as  I  hope  to  prove  on  another occasion. Mr.  Hartland  says,  very  fairly,  that  Mr.  Strehlow  and  his  colleagues  (the  work  of the  colleagues  I  scarcely  know)  "  may  have  conquered  these  impediments,"  such  as their  "  prepossessions."  If  Mr.  Strehlow's  prepossessions  inclined  him  to  credit  the Aruuta  with  a  highly  "  apotheosised  "  beinj;,  lie  has  certainly  triumphed  over  his  bias in  a  style  worthy  of  imitation.  Meanwhile  Mr.  Strehlow's  variants  from  the  beliefs of  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen's  people,  and  the  variants  in  vocabulary,  cannot  be attributed  to  the  "prepossessions"  of  missionaries  (who  are  not  the  only  prepossessed I     45     ] Nos.  23-25.]  MAN.  [1909. students  in  the  world).  He  has  struck  on  a  divergent  branch  of  the  Arunta,  and we  can  receive  with  equal  confidence  his  reports  and  those  of  Messrs.  Spencer  and Gillen,  which  is  a  highly  satisfactory  conclusion.  A.  LANG. England :  Archaeology.  Gray. Report  on  the  Excavations  at  Wick  Barrow,  Stogursey,  Somersetshire.  By  H.  0 1 St.  George  Gray.  Taunton,  1908.  Pp.  iv  +  78,  with  Appendices.  22  x  14  cm.  fcT This  addition  to  the  list  of  Mr.  Gray's  reports  on  excavations  in  various  parts of  the  country  will  appeal  especially  to  those  who  interest  themselves  in  the  Bronze Age  of  Britain.  The  share  taken  by  the  Viking  Club  in  this  undertaking  is  partly due  to  local  traditions,  and  partly  to  the  fact  that  the  position  of  the  barrow  suggested a  ship-burial  of  the  Viking  period.  The  primary  interments  proved  to  be  about 2,000  years  older,  and  were  each  accompanied  by  a  beaker  or  drinking-cup  of  normal appearance  ;  but,  to  judge  from  the  associated  finds,  of  late  neolithic  date  rather than  of  the  early  Bronze  Age.  Such  vessels  have,  however,  frequently  been  found together  with  simple  bronze  relics,  and  were  no  doubt  in  fashion  during  the  transition from  stone  to  bronze  in  this  country,  though  frankly  neolithic  abroad.  A  special feature  was  the  ring-wall  of  lias  slabs,  about  3^  feet  high,  enclosing  the  barrow,  and covered  by  the  material  of  the  mound  ;  and  there  were  clear  indications  that  the  barrow had  been  opened  in  Roman  times,  probably  by  treasure-hunters.  The  report  is  well illustrated  ;  and  the  Somersetshire  Archaeological  and  Natural  History  Society  is  to  be congratulated  on  its  enterprise  as  well  as  its  choice  of  an  excavator.  R.  A.  S. England :  Archaeology.  Allcroft. Earthwork  of  England :  Prehistoric,  Roman,  Saxon,  Danish,  Norman,  and  OC Mediceval.  By  A.  Hadrian  Allcroft,  M.A.  London  :  Macmillan,  1908.  Pp.  xix  fcU •f  712.  23  x  15  cm.  Price  18*. The  appearance  of  this  standard  text-book  marks  a  very  important  advance  in  the study  of  the  earthworks  of  this  country.  Hitherto  the  student  has  had  to  search through  scores  of  volumes  of  Transactions,  &c.,  and  to  use  considerable  discretion  in piecing  together  some  serviceable  prolegomena  ;  now  he  will  only  have  to  assimilate Mr.  Allcroft's  book — an  easy  task  and  a  pleasant  one,  so  excellent  are  the  arrange- ment and  the  literary  workmanship — to  put  himself  in  possession  of  all  that  is  known on  the  subject  at  the  present  day.  And  the  extent  of  this  knowledge,  even  at  this early  stage,  is  not  inconsiderable.  Roman,  Norman,  and  mediaeval'  works  have  been already  separated  from  the  mass.  Saxon  and  Danish  remains  are  for  the  most  part vague  and  comparatively  feeble  ;  and  those  at  present  identified  are  surprisingly  few. Behind  them  all  are  the  unnumbered  "  camps  "  of  the  prehistoric  ages,  still  shrouded in  the  glamour  of  mystery,  but  ripe  for  the  spade  which  is  to  change  this  for  the  more legitimate  fascination  of  knowledge. Mr.  Allcroft's  book  is  the  most  eloquent  appeal  that  could  be  made  for  the  prosecu- tion of  the  work  begun  by  Pitt-Rivers  ;  what  has  already  been  done  shows  how  much is  still  to  be  learnt  from  systematic  excavation.  "  It  may  be  doubted,"  says  the author,  "  whether  any  area  of  the  same  size  can  offer  a  more  varied  series  of  problems "  ethnological  and  archaeological."  "  The  tools  and  the  method  have  been  determined  ; "  well-nigh  the  entire  field  lies  open  to  all  who  care  to  peg  out  a  claim." The  arrangement  of  the  book  follows  in  its  main  lines  the  classification  adopted by  the  Congress  of  Archaeological  Societies.  Beginning  with  promontory  forts  we pass  to  "  contour  camps  "  and  "  plateau  camps  " — convenient  terms  which  sum  up  the more  elaborate  definitions  of  the  classification.  Between  the  first  and  the  second class,  but  included  in  the  latter,  is  an  interesting  variety,  which,  for  want  of  a  better term,  may  be  called  the  hill-promontory  type  (where  a  spur  or  the  end  of  a  ridge [  46  ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  25. is  cut  off  from  the  main  hill  aud  surrounded  on  the  steeper  sides  by  a  slighter  work than  that  which  crosses  the  neck)  ;  these  works  the  author  calls  "  transitional." Transitional  in  form  is  probably  all  that  is  implied,  since  it  will  be  impossible  to maintain  the  view  that  the  hill-top  (contour)  forts  are  as  a  class  later  than  this "  transitional  "  variety.  Three  of  the  transitional  type  have  now  been  excavated — Mount  Caburn  (Sussex)  and  Winkelbury  (Wilts)  by  General  Pitt-Rivers,  and  Oliver's Camp  (Wilts)  by  Mr.  and-  Mrs.  Cunnington  (MAN,  1908,  4) — and  a  comparison  of the  results  goes  far  to  establish  this  as  a  type  of  camp  in  vogue  during  the  prehistoric Iron  Age,  down  to  the  Roman  invasion.  Something  might  be  said,  on  the  other hand,  for  the  hill-promontory  camp  as  a  transitional  form  between  the  contour  camp and  the  promontory  fort  properly  so  called — taking  them,  that  is,  in  the  reverse order.  It  would  be  unwise,  however,  to  strain  any  theory  of  the  sort,  as  the  develop- ment of  native  fortification  was,  of  course,  arrested  at  the  coming  of  the  Romans  ;  and the  construction  of  many,  if  not  most,  of  the  promontory  forts  may  be  due  to  wholly different  conditions. The  book  will  do  good  service  in  clearing  the  ground  of  many  preconceptions and  obsolete  theories.  It  will  help,  for  instance,  to  establish  the  view  that  the  great hill-top  strongholds  were  not  "  refuge  camps,"  but  places  of  permanent  habitation — during  the  period  of  their  construction,  at  all  events — like  the  earlier  Maori  pahs,  and similarly  waterless.  As  to  the  question  of  water-supply,  which  has  troubled  so  many investigators,  Mr.  Allcroft  has  some  very  pertinent  remarks.  He  devotes  a  whole chapter  to  dew-ponds,  which  would  certainly  have  been  unnecessary  but  for  the  extrava- gant and  unsupported  claims  that  have  been  made  for  the  high  antiquity  of  existing specimens.  To  show  how  wide  is  the  field  covered,  including  almost  every  known description  of  earthwork,  defensive  or  otherwise,  it  may  be  mentioned  that  in  his discussion  of  the  primitive  homestead  the  author  notices  in  passing  dene-holes,  dis- missing the  various  theories  that  have  been  put  forward  about  them  and  favouring  the .only  reasonable  conclusion — that  they  are  nothing  but  excavations  for  chalk  and  for the  most  part  indubitably  modern.  It  may  be  hoped  that  by  the  time  a  second  edition appears  dene-holes  and  dew-ponds  will  be  no  longer  worth  powder  and  shot. Mr.  Allcroft  has  the  gift  of  writing — there  are  pages  in  his  book  which  bring the  atmosphere  and  colour  of  the  downs  vividly  before  one,  and  seem  calculated  to turn  many  a  lover  of  nature  into  an  open-air  archaeologist.  The  most  attractive chapters  are  those  with  which  the  book  concludes,  where  the  author,  by  way  of object-lesson,  takes  his  reader  along  the  South  Downs  from  end  to  end  and  then  to Dolebury  on  the  Mendips. For  a  work  of  this  scope  it  is  probable  that  the  inaccuracies  of  detail  are  remark- ably few  and  unimportant,  nor  are  there  many  points  on  which  one  is  inclined  to challenge  Mr.  Allcroft's  judgment.  He  suggests  (p.  136)  that  the  work  at  Hawridge, Bucks,  may  have  been  an  outpost  of  the  pre-Roman  camp  at  Cholesbury.  Perhaps  it is  more  likely  to  be  a  Norman  work  of  somewhat  unusual  type  ;  there  is  a  similar example  at  Renhold,  Beds  ;  see  also  Viet.  Co.  Hist.  Northants,  II,  409.  Another circular  funnel-shaped  pit  similar  to  those  mentioned  on  p.  284  is  to  be  seen  within  the lines  of  Caer  Caradoc,  Clun.  Pits  of  this  kind  are  probably  not  very  rare  in  camps, though  whether  they  were  all  made  with  the  same  purpose  is  another  question.  Chun Castle,  Cornwall  (p.  237),  is  better  preserved  than  the  Ordnance  plan  would  imply. Cotton's  plan  (Archteologia,  XXII,  PI.  XXIX)  still  gives  u  fair  idea  of  the  remains, though  the  outer  wall  has  lost  much  of  its  height  since  1826.  Trencrom  (p.  239),  an irregular  rocky  summit  defended  more  by  nature  than  by  art,  cannot  be  classed  with  the regular,  dry-walled  Chun  ;  but  it  is  likely  enough  that  both  date  from  the  same  period. As  regards  the  remarks  (p.  387)  on  Tempsford  and  Willington  camps,  it  should  be noted  that  Tempsford  was  the  Danish  base  in  921,  and,  therefore,  would  be  presumably [     47     ] Nos.  25-26.]  MAN.  [1909. the  larger  work  of  the  two  ;  Wellington  is  not  mentioned  in  the  "  Chronicle,"  but Mr.  Goddard's  reasons  (Saga  Book  of  the  Viking  Club,  Vol.  Ill,  Pt.  Ill)  for  regarding it  as  an  expeditionary  camp  of  the  same  campaign  are  very  convincing.  "  Caesar's Camp,"  Wimbledon,  though  mutilated,  like  many  others,  by  the  golfer,  is  not  yet "  destroyed  by  the  modern  builder."  It  may  be  questioned  (p.  403)  whether  a  stockade usually  surmounted  the  outer  bank  beyond  the  fosse  of  a  Norman  motte  ;  at  all  events the  Bayeux  tapestry  shows  none  in  this  position.  As  to  the  Danework  (p.  510), reference  should  be  made  to  the  monograph  by  Sophus  Miiller  and  Carl  Neergaard, published  by  the  Royal  Society  of  Northern  Antiquaries,  Copenhagen  (1903).  One  or two  suggested  etymologies  must  be  left  to  the  tender  mercies  of  philologists  ;  but surely  "botchers"  (p.  247),  the  Buckinghamshire  name  for  gypsies,  is  nothing  but the  equivalent  of  the  Northern  "  tinkers." The  text  is  amply  illustrated  by  plans,  and  these,  being  the  result  of  the  author's own  observation,  add  greatly  to  the  value  of  the  book.  A.  G.  CHATER. ANTHROPOLOGICAL   NOTES. THE  fifth  Congres  Prehistorique  de  France  will  be  held  at  Beauvais  (Oise)  from  AIJ July  26-31.  Excursions  will  be  made  to  places  of  interest  in  the  neighbour-  fcO hood,  including  the  Dolmens  and  Menhirs  at  Trie-Chateau,  Boury  and  Serifontaine,  to Caesar's  Camp  at  Hermes,  and  to  Compiegne  and  Mont-Sainte-Genevieve.  A  special prehistoric  exhibition  will  also  be  organised. THE  National  Trust  has  an  opportunity  of  purchasing  White  Barrow  near  Tilshead, Wilts,  with  some  2|  acres  adjacent,  for  £60,  towards  which  sum  the  owner  is  willing to  contribute  £20.  Subscriptions  for  the  balance  are  invited. WThite  Barrow  is  one  of  the  chief  Long  Barrows  of  Wiltshire.  In  the  middle  of the  nineteenth  century  there  were  said  to  be  sixty  Long  Barrows  in  the  county,  but many  of  these  have  suffered  severely,  and  some  have  been  entirely  destroyed  by  misuse. The  very  fine  Long  Barrow  at  Winterbourne  Stoke  was  much  damaged  a  few  years  ago, in  order  that  the  materials  of  which  it  was  composed  might  be  used  to  fill  up  holes  in a  neighbouring  training  ground  for  racehorses.  It  is  to  make  such  misuse  impossible that  it  is  desired  that  White  Barrow  should  be  vested  in  the  National  Trust.  The Barrow  is  255  feet  long,  156  feet  wide,  and  8  feet  high. It  is  proposed  that  the  vendor,  Mrs.  Cunningtou  of  Devizes,  should  reserve  to herself  and  her  husband  for  life  the  right  to  excavate  the  Barrow.  Having  regard  to the  long  experience  in  such  work  which  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Cunnington  have  had,  the National  Trust  has  raised  no  objection  to  this  proposal.  It  is,  however,  understood that,  in  the  event  of  such  excavation,  anything  of  interest  which  may  be  found  in  the Barrow  shall  be  offered  to  the  county  museum. The  National  Trust,  which  now  owns  many  properties  of  historic,  architectural,  or geological  interest  or  of  great  natural  beauty,  had  not  yet  preserved  any  property  of purely  anthropological  importance.  It  is  hoped,  therefore,  that  those  who  are  interested in  the  study  of  anthropology  will  support  the  Trust  in  its  effort  to  secure  this  Barrow. Cheques,  &c.,  should  be  sent  to  Nigel  Bond,  Esq.,  the  secretary  of  the  National Trust,  at  25,  Victoria  Street,  Westminster,  S.W.  ;  they  should  be  made  payable  to  the order  of  "  The  National  Trust,"  an»l  crossed  "  National  Provincial  Bank  of  England." ERRATUM. In  MAN,  1909,  3,  in  the  table  on  p.  5  the  horizontal  line  under  the  word *'  Totems "  should  extend  to  the  left  as  far  as  the  vertical  line  between  the  words "  Hamlets  "  and  "  Birds."  As  the  table  stands  at  present  it  is  not  clear  that  the  birds mentioned  are  as  much  totems  as  the  fish,  snakes,  and  plants.  C.  G.  S. Piiuted  by  EVKE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  K.C. fe PLATE  D. MAN,  1909. FlG.     I. FRAMEWORK    OF    HUT,    NORTHERN    TERRITORY.  FlG.    2.  —  COMPLETED    HUT,    NORTHERN    TERRITORY. FlG.    3.-    HTT    FRAMEWORK. FIG.  _|. — Htrr  OF  CABBAGE-PALM  LEAVES. FlG.  5. BARK  SHELTER. FlG.  6. —  BARK  SHELTER. AUSTRALIAN    HUTS    AND    SHELTERS. 1909,]  MAN.  [Nos,  27-28. ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. Australia.  With  Plate  D.  Roth. Australian    Huts  and   Shelters.      By    Walter   E.   Roth,   Local    Corre- spondent  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute. The  huts  illustrated  in  Figs.  1—3,  PI.  D,  were  originally  designed  for  withstanding rain  but  are  now  devoted  to  indiscriminate  uses.  They  are  almost  always  constructed on  a  piece  of  high  ground,  any  little  hillock  or  mound,  so  as  to  insure  the  more  rapid dispersal  of  the  water.  The  framework  is  made  of  two  naturally  bent  saplings  fixed opposite  to  one  another  below,  but  locked  in  a  fork  on  top  ;  logs  rest  against  this arch  on  both  sides,  a  somewhat  larger  intermediate  space  between  two  of  these ultimately  constituting  the  entrance.  In  the  intervals  in  the  framework  are  placed and  intertwined  some  light  bushes,  the  foliage  downwards.  These  are  followed  by tussets  of  grass,  and  a  coating  of  mud,  and,  last  of  all,  another  layer  of  bushes  is added.  The  ground-space  enclosed  by  the  hut-wall  is  roughly  circular  in  the  smaller kinds,  but  somewhat  elliptical  in  the  larger.  The  level  of  the  ground  inside  is  not purposely  lowered,  although  constant  use  and  treading  often  give  it  the  appearance  of being  so,  but  in  huts  designed  especially  for  warmth  and  use  in  the  winter  months the  floor  space  may  be  excavated  to  a  depth  of  18  inches.  While  the  wooden  troughs, bags,  boomerangs,  &c.,  of  the  occupants  may  be  kept,  when  not  in  use,  on  the  ground, inside  or  outside,  it  remains  to  be  noted  that  all  spears  are  always  stuck  vertically, with  their  butt-ends  downwards,  in  the  hut  walls. Where  the  local  "cabbage-palm"  is  plentiful,  nothing  can  give  more  grateful shade  than  a  hut,  thatched  with  its  leaves.  Fig.  4  represents  such  a  hut,  from  the hinterland  of  Princess  Charlotte  Bay.  It  was  tenanted  by  the  two  wives  of  the leading  man  of  the  tribe.  This  cabbage-palm  is  of  great  economic  value  to  the  natives, as  a  very  fine  and  strong  fibre  can  be  obtained  from  it.  The  picture  also  shows  two domestic  implements  which  are  rapidly  falling  into  disuse, — a  mallet  and  water-carrier. This  type  of  mallet  in  shape  resembles  a  cricket  bat.  It  consists  of  an  elongated  flattened body,  and  a  shorter  circular  handle,  with  the  demarcation  between  them  distinct. One  of  the  principal  uses  to  which  it  may  be  put  is  to  break  open  the  hard-shelled  nuts of  the  screw  palm.  The  bark  water-carrier,  at  the  right  of  the  kneeling  figure,  is made  from  the  gnarled  excrescence  on  the  butt  of  a  certain  species  of  gum-tree.  Such a  bulging  knot,  at  suitable  seasons  of  the  year,  is  hacked  around  at  the  base  ;  a  pointed stick  is  used  to  loosen  its  edges  and  its  bark  shell  is  thus  bodily  removed.  The roughnesses  within  are  scooped  away  by  charring  with  fire  and  then  scraping  with shell  or  stone,  while  any  cracks,  splits,  or  holes  are  mended  with  a  cement  substance. To  obtain  shelter  from  the  rain  the  most  primitive  artificial  structure  is  a  long sheet  of  bark  bent  mid-way  and  fixed  at  both  ends  into  the  sand  (Fig.  5).  An  advance is  the  addition  of  some  upright  canes  along  one  of  the  open  sides,  up  against  which foliage  or  more  bark  may  be  placed,  the  shelter  thus  developing  from  a  temporary  to a  more  permanent  structure  (Fig.  6).  A  very  simple  kind  of  wind-break  is  made  of a  sheet  of  bark  fixed  lengthways  in  the  ground  and  propped  up  with  two  or  more sticks.  W.  E.  ROTH. England :  Archaeology.  Cunning-ton. On  a  Remarkable  Feature   in  the  Entrenchments  of  Knap   Hill Camp,  Wiltshire.     By  (Mrs.)  M.  E.  Cunnington. Recent  excavations  (1908*)  on  the  site  of  the  small  entrenchment  known  as  Knap Hill  Camp  in  Wiltshire  revealed  a  feature  which,  if  intentional,  appears  to  be  a  method of  defence  hitherto  unobserved  in  prehistoric  fortifications  in  Britain. *  The  excavations  were  carried  out  by  Mr.  and  Mrs.  B.  H.  Cunnington,  of  Devizes,  with  the kind  permission  of  landlord  and  tenant. [     49     ] No.  28.] MAN. [1909. Knap  Hill  is  a  bold  conical-shaped  hill,  one  of  the  series  of  capes  or  promontories standing  out  on  the  edge  of  the  chalk  plateau  that  borders,  to  the  north,  the  Vale  of Pewsey.  On  the  south  side,  overlooking  the  valley,  the  hill  is  very  steep  and  descends in  one  continuous  slope  from  the  summit  to  the  level  of  the  valley  below,  and  on  this side  there  is  no  evidence  of  defence,  except  that  afforded  by  the  natural  steepness  of the  hill.  But  round  the  other  side,  where  the  hill  slopes  more  gradually  back  to  the level  of  the  Downs  that  spread  out  behind  it,  is  an  entrenchment  consisting  of  a  single rampart  and  ditch,  and  this  forms  what  is  known  as  Knap  Hill  Camp. The  ditch  has  become  silted  up  level,  and  there  are  six  openings  or  gaps  through the  rampart.  It  was  thought  at  first  that,  as  often  happens  on  ancient  banks,  some  of these  gaps  were  due  to  cattle  tracks,  or  possibly  had  been  made  for  agricultural  purposes. PLAN   OF    KNAP   HILL   CAMP. There  was,  however,  a  certain  regularity  about  them,  and  it  was  difficult  to  see  why  on such  an  isolated  spot  so  many  tracks  should  have  been  made. The  difficulty  of  accounting  satisfactorily  for  these  breaks  in  the  rampart  and  for the  ridges  corresponding  to  them  that  were  noticeable  on  the  surface  of  the  silted-in ditch  suggested  excavation  at  these  points,  and  thus  led  to  the  discovery  of  the remarkable  features  to  which  it  is  desired  to  draw  attention. These  excavations  clearly  showed  that  none  of  these  gaps  in  the  rampart  are  the result  of  wear  or  of  any  accidental  circumstance,  but  that  they  are  actually  part  of the  original  construction  of  the  camp.  The  proof  that  the  gaps  are  not  the  result  of accident  is  that  outside  of,  and  corresponding  to,  each  gap  the  ditch  was  never  dug  ; that  is  to  say,  a  solid  gangway  or  causeway  of  unexcavated  ground  has  been  left  in [  50  ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  28. each  case.  Thus  the  entrenchment,  consisting  of  the  rampart  and  ditch,  instead  of being  continuous,  except  for  what  might  be  deemed  reasonable  provision  for  ingress and  egress,  is  broken  up  into  short  and  irregular  sections. The  ditch  of  the  main  entrenchment  is  divided  into  seven  sections.  The  unex- cavated  ground  forming  the  causeway  between  each  section  is  of  a  uniform  width  of 18  feet,  although  the  length  of  the  various  sections  of  the  ditch  vary  considerably. The  first  section,  from  the  west,  is  46  feet  in  length  ;  the  second,  92  feet ;  the  third, 121  feet;  the  fourth,  98  feet;  the  fifth,  98  feet;  the  sixth,  122  feet;  the  seventh, 42  feet. The  main  entrenchment  ends  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  hill  at  the  seventh  section of  the  ditch  ;  this  eastern  side  has  been  a  good  deal  cut  about  by  later  settlers  on  the spot,  and  the  rampart  may  originally  have  been  carried  further  round  the  hill,  but  there never  could  have  been  a  continuation  of  the  ditch  at  this  point. But  some  little  distance  further  round  the  hill,  where  the  hill  juts  out  and  forms  a shoulder,  the  ditch  begins  again,  and  there  is  a  noticeable  rampart.  From  end  to  end the  shoulder  is  only  some  130  feet  in  length,  yet  even  here  the  ditch  is  not  continuous, but  is  divided  into  two  sections  with  a  causeway  of  unexcavated  ground  between  them of  the  usual  width  of  18  feet.  The  two  sections  of  the  ditch  measure  respectively 65  feet  and  45  feet  in  length. Given. the  need  for  an  entrenchment  at  all,  it  seems  at  first  sight  inexplicable  why these  frequent  openings  should  have  been  left,  when  apparently  they  so  weaken  the whole  construction. It  has  been  suggested,  by  way  of  explanation,  that  the  work  of  fortification  was never  furnished,  that  the  ditch  was  being  dug  and  the  rampart  piled  up  by  gangs  of men  working  in  sections,  and  that  for  some  reason  the  work  was  abandoned  before  the various  sections  were  completed,  with  the  result  now  to  be  seen. There  is,  however,  considerable  evidence  in  favour  of  these  causeways  being  an intentional  feature  of  the  original  design  of  the  camp. It  is  too  improbable  that  on  the  isolated  shoulder,  as  well  as  on  the  other  side  of the  hill,  the  causeways  should  have  been  left  accidentally  as  the  result  of  an  unfinished undertaking,  and  the  position  of  the  shoulder  on  the  very  steep  side  of  the  hill  quite forbids  the  idea  of  an  entrance  there  in  any  ordinary  sense. In  every  case  the  causeways  are  cut  at  a  slight  skew  to  the  corresponding  gap  in the  rampart,  so  that  standing  on  or  just  outside  the  causeway,  only  an  oblique  view  can be  obtained  into  the  camp.  A  line  drawn  through  the  gaps  and  out  across  the causeways  indicates  on  the  plan  in  which  direction  in  each  case  the  skew  lies.  The uniform  width  of  the  causeways  alone  almost  affords  sufficient  proof  of  design. The  fact,  also,  that  similar  causeways  have  been  noticed  on  several  other  sites, though  not  yet  proved  by  excavation,  strongly  points  to  the  conclusion  that  they  were left  for  some  definite  purpose.  It  has  been  suggested  that,  as  General  Pitt-Rivers thought  of  the  wide  flanking  ramparts  at  Winkelbury  Camp  (Excavations,  II.,  234), the  causeways  were  intended  in  cases  of  emergency  to  admit  a  large  number  of  cattle  as rapidly  as  possible  to  the  interior  safety  of  the  camp.  But  it  would  certainly  be  easier, and  therefore  quicker  to  drive  a  number  of  cattle  through  one  or  two  wide  openings than  over  half-a-dozen  such  narrow  bridges  as  these. It  is  then  impracticable  to  regard  these  breaks  in  the  entrenchment  as  due  to  an unfinished  undertaking,  or  as  entrances  in  any  ordinary  sense,  and  the  only  other feasible  theory  seems  to  be  that  they  had  some  distinct  purpose  in  the  scheme  of defence  ;  that  they  were,  indeed,  a  strengthening  and  not  a  weakening  factor  in  this seemingly  not  very  strongly  defended  place. The  causeways  may  have  been  left  as  platforms  from  which  to  enfilade  the  ditch, the  defenders  being  stationed  upon  them  for  this  purpose.  The  distance  from  one [    51    .1 Nos.  28-29.]  MAN.  [1909, causeway  to  another  is  not  greater  than  would  be  within  reach  of  hand  thrown  missiles. Any  determined  attempt  to  scale  the  stockade  Avith  which  the  rampart  was  presumably strengthened  could  probably  be  more  effectually  prevented  from  the  gangways  than if  the  defenders  were  themselves  shut  up  behind  the  stockade,  or  forced  to  come out  from  some  more  distant  entrance  at  risk  of  having  their  retreat  cut  off.  These causeways  would  be,  in  fact,  sally  ports  admirably  adapted  for  defence  of  the  ditch. Even  if  the  top  of  the  rampart  were  not  stockaded  the  same  method  of  defence  could have  been  adopted.  A  stockade  or  paling  carried  across  each  causeway  on  a  line  with the  outside  edge  of  the  ditch  would  have  served  to  shut  out  the  enemy,  and  to  protect the  men  standing  on  the  causeways.  The  gaps  in  the  rampart  need  not  have  been barricaded,  but  could  have  been  left  open  to  allow  the  defenders  to  pass  readily  to  and fro  as  they  were  needed  at  different  points. There  is  no  sign  of  a  beaten  track  leading  to  either  of  these  causeways,  but  there is  a  much  worn  roadway  leading  to  the  eastern  side  of  the  hill,  and  it  is  thought probable  that  the  main  entrance  to  the  camp  was  on  this  side  to  which  the  old  road leads,  but  that  the  features  of  the  actual  entrance  have  been  obliterated  by  the  later people  who  are  known  to  have  lived  on  the  spot. Flint  flakes  and  rude  pottery  have  been  found  on  the  floor  of  the  ditch,  and  it  is believed  that  the  camp  is  of  early  date,  that  it  belongs  to  the  bronze,  or  even  to  the  late neolithic  period. The  possible  use  which  the  gangways  may  have  served  is  put  forward  with  all diffidence,  and  any  suggestion  on  the  subject  would  be  welcomed.* M.  E.  CUNNINGTON. Australia :  Totemism.  Lang1. Mr.  Gason  and  Dieri  Totemism.  By  A.  Lang.  OQ In  Mr.  Frazer's  Totemism  (1887,  p.  74)  we  read,  "In  some  Australian  •** u  tribes  sons  take  their  totem  from  their  father  and  daughters  from  their  mother." The  totemism  of  the  Dieri  is  then  described  briefly,  and,  "  if  a  dog  man  marries  a  rat "  woman,  the  sons  of  this  marriage  are  dogs  and  the  daughters  are  rats."  A  footnote says,  "  Letter  of  Mr.  S.  Gason  to  the  present  writer." The  later  researches  of  Mr.  Howitt  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Siebert  are  understood — I doubt  not  correctly — to  have  demonstrated  that  Mr.  Gason  was  wrong  on  this  point. He  was  not  a  trained  savant,  he  was  merely  an  officer  of  police  who  was  intimately acquainted  with  the  Dieri  before  their  present  melancholy  decline,  and  it  is  not  denied, I  think,  that  he  knew  their  language.  Thus  it  may  be  guessed  that  the  unscientific policeman  did  not  invent  his  account  wholly  without  provocation  or  excuse.  Can  the cause  of  his  error  be  found  in  this  most  important  and  rather  neglected  statement  of Mr.  Howitt  ?  "A  step  further  "  (in  the  great  step  from  reckoning  descent  in  the female  to  reckoning  in  the  male  line)  "  is  when  a  man  gives  his  totem  name  to  his  son, "  who  then  has  those  of  both  mother  and  father.  This  has  been  done  even  in  the  Dieri "  tribe.  Such  a  practice  leads  directly  to  a  change  in  the  line  of  descent  "  (Howitt, Native  Tribes  of  South-East  Australia,  p.  284). Mr.  Howitt  cites  no  authorities,  and  here  mentions  no  tribes  of  female  descent  save "even  the  Dieri,"  in  which  this  practice  existed.  He  had,  I  think,  hit  on  a  most important  fact — he  was  the  last  man  to  record  it  without  good  evidence — a  fact showing  how  the  change  of  line  of  descent  would  naturally  arise.  He  does  not  tell  us how  the  young  man  of  two  totem  names  behaved  towards  his  two  totems.  Could  he, as  of  his  father's  totem  name,  marry  into  his  mother's  phratry  ? *  It  is  hoped  that  a  further  exploration  of  the  site  will  be  found  possible,  and  that  a  fuller account  will  appear  later. [    52    •] 1909,]  MAN.  [Nos.  29-30. Probably  not,  but  a  continuance  on  this  line  would  bring  us  to  the  state  of  affairs among  the  Warramunga  and  other  northern  tribes,  who  revere  the  maternal  totem, and  inherit  property  in  the  maternal  line  ;  but,  in  the  affairs  of  marria'ge,  are  of  the paternal  totem  and  exogamous  division. It  is  most  unfortunate  that  Mr.  Howitt  did  not  develop  his  knowledge  of  this matter.  But  if  some  Dieri  sous  proclaimed  to  Mr.  Gason  that  they  were  of  the  paternal totem  name — "  given  "  by  the  father — while  daughters  were  not,  Mr.  Gason's  mistake is  intelligible. Mr.  Frazer  quotes  another  case  in  which  sons  take  the  paternal,  while  girls  take the  maternal  totem  name,  in  the  Ikala  tribe,  "  at  the  head  of  the  Great  Australian Bight"  (Journ.  Anthr.  Lift.,  XII,  pp.  45,  509);  in  this  case  there  are  "certain exceptions."  A.  LANG. Africa:  East.  Crawford. The    Kikuyu    Medicine-Man.      By  J.    W.   W.   Crawford,  M.D.  Oft One  of  the  most  interesting  personages  to  be  met  with  among  the  Akikuyu  Ull is  that  of  the  medicine-man.  In  this  tribe,  as  in  many  of  the  Bantu  tribes  of  Africa, the  medicine-man  combines  in  himself  the  offices  of  prophet,  priest  and  physician. He  is  therefore  much  in  evidence  in  the  religious  and  social  life  of  this  primitive people.  He  is  frequently  consulted,  and  his  advice  invariably  is  followed  by  his  clients, so  that  in  his  life  and  work  he  exerts  a  powerful  influence  over  the  people,  as  he  is supposed  to  be  guided  in  his  official  acts  by  the  Almighty.  He  is  known  to  the Akikuyu  by  two  names  :  1st,  Muraguri,  which  means  fortune-teller  or  prophet ; 2ndly,  Mundu  mugo,  which  includes  the  offices  of  priest  and  physician. The  "  Mundu  mugo "  is  supposed  to  be  called  to  this  vocation  by  God,  who appears  to  him  in  a  vision,  and  asks  him  to  become  a  medicine-man.  The  next morning  he  tells  the  people  of  his  village  of  his  dream,  and  at  sundown  he  goes away  into  the  woods,  seemingly  insane,  and  continues  all  night  holding  communion with  "  Ngai "  (God).  The  following  day  he  returns  to  his  village  and  announces  that he  has  been  called  by  "  Ngai  "  to  be  a  medicine-man. He  provides  himself  with  a  quantity  of  native  beer  and  a  he-goat,  at  the  same time  sending  for  another  "  Mundu  mugo."  This  personage  arrives  on  the  scene equipped  with  his  bag  of  medicines,  and  his  "  mwano,"  a  calabash  filled  with  small stones,  bits  of  iron,  beans,  &c.  With  this  "  mwano  "  he  professes  to  foretell  future events.  This  is  presented  to  the  candidate  for  the  office,  and  he  is  instructed  to  go to  the  river  and  gather  more  small  stones  to  augment  the  outfit.  The  goat  is  then sacrificed,  and  a  small  piece  of  the  skin  is  fastened  round  the  neck  of  the  calabash  as a  charm.  The  flesh  of  the  goat  is  cooked  and  eaten  by  all  in  the  village,  and  the beer  drunk  by  the  elders  alone. The  candidate  is  then  instructed  in  the  use  of  the  "  mwano,"  and  the  art  of fortune-telling  and  prophecy.  He  is  also  shown  how  to  compound  medicines  from native  herbs,  &c.  He  may  himself  add  to  this  knowledge  from  time  to  time  as  his experience  increases.  He  is  now  looked  upon  as  a  member  of  the  profession  and  is often  consulted. In  his  office  of  "  Muraguri "  he  spreads  the  skin  of  a  goat  upon  the  ground, shakes  up  the  stones  in  the  gourd,  and  casts  them  out  like  dice,  professing  in  this way  to  forecast  future  events. He  may  be  consulted  by  a  young  warrior  who  is  about  to  buy  a  wife,  and  his client  will  be  guided  by  his  advice.  If  goats  or  sheep  die  without  an  apparent  cause he  is  consulted  as  to  the  reason.  If  a  man  is  sick  for  a  long  time  and  does  not respond  to  treatment  the  "  Muraguri  "  casts  the  "  mwano  "  to  ascertain  the  cause.  If [     53    ] No.  30.]  MAN.  [1909. a  friend  is  away  for  a  long  time  the  "  Muraguri "  is  consulted  as  to  his  whereabouts, state  of  health,  and  the  possible  date  of  his  return,  &c. The  client  may  wish  to  take  a  journey,  so  he  goes  to  the  "  Muraguri "  to  find out  the  most  suitable  season.  In  fact,  in  every  detail  of  life  in  which  they  need  advice and  guidance  this  important  personage  is  consulted.  The  fee  for  these  services  is  a small  one,  usually  from  two  to  three  pice  (equal  to  two  or  three  farthings)  or  their equivalent  in  kind. A  medicine-man  may  be  consulted  in  ordinary  cases  of  illness,  and  medicine  be given  at  the  time,  but  in  every  instance  he  collects  his  fee  before  he  leaves  the  village. He  is  also  called  in  to  "  guthiurura  "  (go  round)  a  A'illage.  By  this  is  meant  the  driving away  of  all  evil  spirits  which  are  supposed  to  hover  near,  and  the  bringing  of  good luck  to  the  locality. If  an  owner  of  a  village  is  afraid  of  thieves,  sickness,  witchcraft,  or  poison,  the "  Mundu  mugo "  is  consulted.  Or  should  he  desire  an  increase  of  cattle,  flocks, good  crops,  and  children  the  medicine-man  is  summoned  and  the  wishes  of  the elder  explained  to  him.  The  "  Mundu  mugo "  standing  erect  in  the  middle  of  the village  elevates  his  bag  of  medicines,  and  looking  towards  the  summit  of  the  snow- capped mountain,  Keuia,  where  God  is  supposed  to  dwell,  and  also  to  Mount Kinangop,  which  is  likewise  supposed  to  be  a  dwelling-place  of  "  Ngai "  (God), he  prays  that  he  may  be  given  wisdom  that  his  medicines  may  be  used  in  overcoming the  evils  which  exist  in  the  village,  and  that  good  luck  and  prosperity  may  result. He  then  seats  himself  on  his  stool,  and  placing  several  pieces  of  dried  banana  bark before  him  on  the  ground,  he  puts  medicine  from  his  gourds  upon  each  piece,  the patient  meanwhile  sitting  opposite  to  him.  He  then  produces  the  horn  of  a  goat, and,  mixing  the  different  medicines  together  upon  the  banana  bark,  pours  the whole  concoction  into  the  goat's  horn.  The  open  end  of  the  horn  is  sealed  up with  bees'  wax,  and  the  outside  of  the  wax  studded  with  beads.  The  small  end of  the  horn  is  then  pierced  with  a  boring  instrument,  and  through  this  hole  a  small native  iron  chain  is  introduced.  This  is  given  to  his  client  to  be  worn  around  his neck  as  a  charm,  a  means  of  warding  off  impending  evils,  and  as  an  aid  in  bringing prosperity. The  owner  of  the  village  now  gives  the  medicine-man  a  ram  or  a  he-goat,  which he  proceeds  to  march  around  the  village  and  the  gardens  in  the  vicinity.  When  the circle  is  completed  he  returns  to  the  village,  and  the  animal  is  sacrificed,  cooked, and  eaten  by  all  present. The  "  Mundu  mugo "  then  collects  his  fee,  which  for  this  service  may  be  two, three,  or  even  four  sheep,  according  to  the  ability  of  his  client  to  pay  and  the professional  standing  of  the  medicine-man. Among  the  Akikuyu  any  sort  ot  ceremonial  uncleauness,  such  as  touching  a  dead body,  eating  the  flesh  of  any  wild  bird,  animal  or  fish,  proscribed  by  tribal  custom, handling  poison,  digging  a  grave,  arson,  or  a  sickness  for  which  there  seems  no apparent  cause,  and  a  whole  host  of  other  things,  is  called  "  thahu."  The  man  or woman  thus  defiled  sends  at  once  for  the  medicine-man  and  asks  to  be  cleansed.  The "  Mundu  mugo  "  thus  solicited  visits  the  patient  at  his  village,  and  a  sheep  or  goat is  sacrificed  at  once.  Taking  his  bag  of  medicines  in  his  hands  he  lifts  it  above  his head,  and  turning  towards  the  mountains  he  invokes  the  assistance  of  "  Ngai."  The contents  of  the  stomach  and  intestines  of  the  animal  that  has  been  sacrificed  are reserved  and  placed  on  banana  leaves  in  a  small  hollow  in  the  ground,  prepared  by the  medicine-man.  To  this  offal  is  added  some  medicine  from  the  gourds.  The "  Mundu  mugo  "  then  collects  a  number  of  twigs  from  the  thicket  near  the  village  ; these  he  ties  in  a  bundle,  like  a  small  broom,  and  lays  it  beside  the  hole.  The  front foot  of  the  sheep  is  removed  at  the  knee  joint  and  placed  beside  the  twigs.  These  are [  54  ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  30. then  dipped  into  the  offal  in  the  hollow  of  the  ground,  the  patient  opening  his  mouth that  the  twigs  may  be  applied  to  his  tongue.  The  order  is  pronounced,  "  Vomit  !  " whereupon  the  person  spits  out.  This  process  is  repeated  several  times,  while  a  long list  of  actions  supposed  to  cause  ceremonial  uncleanness  is  repeated.  When  this  is exhausted  the  sheep's  foot  is  dipped  into  the  offal  and  applied  to  the  patient's  tongue, and  he  again  spits  out  several  times.  The  twigs  are  then  divided  into  two  bundles  and dipped  again,  the  "  Mundu  mugo  "  and  his  patient  standing  up.  Commencing  at  the top  of  his  head,  the  medicine-man,  with  a  bundle  of  twigs  in  his  hand,  rubs  his  patient's body  all  over,  ending  with  the  feet.  When  this  is  finished  the  medicine-man  tells  him that  his  "  thahu  "  is  expelled. Leaving  his  patient  he  now  takes  the  twigs  dipped  in  offal  and  enters  each  hut  in the  village  in  turn,  and,  proceeding  to  brush  the  walls  with  them,  he  pretends  to  sweep out  the  "  thahu." Finally  he  collects  the  sheep's  offal  together  and  carries  it  away  from  the  village into  the  thicket,  at  the  same  time  saying,  "  I  drive  '  Thahu '  out  of  this  village  !  " On  returning  he  again  sits  before  his  patient  and  requests  him  to  stretch  forth  his hands,  palms  upward,  and  close  together  in  the  attitude  of  receiving.  He  pours  out some  white  substance  like  chalk  from  one  of  his  gourds  and  draws  a  line  with  it  on the  outstretched  palms  and  on  the  patient's  forehead,  nose,  throat,  and  abdomen ; afterwards  drawing  similar  lines  on  his  own  body.  Some  of  the  contents  of  the medicine  gourds  are  mixed  in  the  palms,  and  the  man  is  told  to  swallow  it.  The flesh  of  the  sacrifice  is  then  cooked  and  eaten  by  all  except  the  patient  himself  ; if  he  were  to  eat  any  of  the  meat  the  uncleanness  is  supposed  to  return. The  "  Mundu  mugo "  now  collects  his  fee,  which  may  be  either  in  money  or  in kind,  and  takes  his  departure. Witchcraft  is  said  to  be  practised  by  agents  of  the  evil  spirits  in  human  form, and  misfortune,  disease,  and  sometimes  even  death  itself,  are  attributed  to  their  evil influence.  When  witchcraft  is  suspected  the  medicine-man  is  called,  and  after  the usual  ceremony  of  prayer  he  pulls  from  his  bag  the  horn  of  a  wild  animal  (probably that  of  an  antelope)  which  has  been  previously  filled  with  medicines  and  sealed  with bees'  wax.  With  this  horn  in  his  hand  he  searches  in  and  around  the  village, digging  in  the  ground  with  it  at  the  roots  of  trees,  in  the  gardens,  at  the  sides  of the  huts,  &c.  Finally  he  brings  forward  something  which  he  pronounces  to  be  the cause  of  the  trouble.  This  may  be  some  debris  wrapped  in  leaves,  or  a  piece  of  a human  skull,  the  hairs  of  a  man's  head,  or  a  piece  of  stick  or  stone  surrounded  with leaves.  A  sheep  is  then  sacrificed  and  eaten,  and  the  "  Mundo  mugo  "  makes  some mysterious  passes  with  his  horn,  and  declares  the  spell  of  the  witchcraft  to  be broken  and  the  village  purified.  The  fee  for  this  service  is  a  high  one,  generally two  or  three  sheep. In  many  of  these  sacrifices  bits  of  the  skin  of  the  animal  sacrificed  are  cut  off and  worn  upon  the  wrists  as  bracelet  charms. As  with  many  other  African  tribes  the  ordeal  ceremony  is  practised  to  determine the  guilt  or  innocence  of  a  suspected  party.  For  instance,  a  crime  such  as  murder, theft,  or  arson  has  been  committed,  and  the  perpetrator  is  unknown.  It  may  be  that several  suspected  parties  are  arrested  and  brought  before  a  council  of  elders  with  the local  chief.  The  "  Muudu  mugo "  is  then  asked  to  prepare  a  "  muma "  or  ordeal and  several  tests  may  be  applied.  In  minor  cases  the  suspected  party  is  asked  to incise  his  leg  with  a  knife  until  blood  appears,  and  then  to  lap  up  his  own  blood from  the  wound  with  his  tongue.  If  he  is  guilty  he  will  die  in  a  short  time,  if innocent  nothing  happens. Another  test  is  to  tell  the  suspected  person  to  plunge  his  bare  arm  into  a  large pot  of  boiling  water  into  which  the  "Mundu  mugo"  has  poured  medicine,  and  take [  55  ] Nos.  30-32.]  MAN.  [1909. out  an  axe-head.      If  guilty,  he  will  be  badly  scalded  ;    if    innocent,  he  will    not    be injured. Yet  another  test  is  to  heat  a  sword  red-hot  in  the  fire,  putting  medicine  upon it,  and  telling  the  suspected  person  to  lick  it  with  his  tongue.  If  innocent,  the tongue  will  escape  injury. A  goat  is  sometimes  sacrificed,  and  its  blood  retained  in  a  banana  leaf,  to  which the  medicine-man  applies  medicine.  The  suspected  one  is  told  to  lap  up  the  blood, and  if  guilty  he  will  shortly  die,  but  if  innocent  he  will  escape. J.  W.  W.  CRAWFORD. New  Zealand.  Edg>e-Parting>ton. Maori  Forgeries.      By  J.  Edge-Parting  ton.  Ql The  frequent  occurrence  of  forged  ethnographical  specimens,  more  especially  Ul from  New  Zealand,  turning  up  at  sales  in  London,  makes  it  necessary  for  collectors  and others  to  examine  with  special  care  any  specimens  brought  to  their  notice,  more particularly  as  many  of  these  have  changed  hands  at  very  high  prices.  I  have  lately had  a  letter  from  Mr.  Turnbull,  of  Wellington,  New  Zealand,  warning  me  that  a great  number  of  extremely  well-made  forged  greenstone  Maori  "  antiquities "  are  in circulation  in  New  Zealand,  a  very  clever  workman  there  making  most  of  them  ;  the man  has  excellent  patterns  to  work  from,  and  his  forgeries  are  very  hard  to  detect. I  was  told  in  London  by  a  dealer  that  some  years  ago  a  forger  in  Germany  carried on  a  very  lucrative  business  for  over  five  years  in  carving  both  Tikis  and  Meris.  One is  naturally  led  to  ask  what  has  become  of  all  these  forgeries  ? J.  EDGE-PARTINGTON. REVIEWS. Magic.  Thompson. Semitic  Magic:  Its  Origins  and  Development.  By  R.  Campbell  Thompson,  Qft M.A.  London  :  Luzac  &  Co.,  1908.  Pp.  Ixviii  +  286.  24  x  16  cm.  Price  Ofc 10s.  6d.  net. Early  Semitic  magic  makes,  of  course,  its  primary  claim  upon  our  attention  because of  the  effects  it  has  produced  upon  three  great  contemporary  religions,  but  it  makes  a second — and  very  important — claim  in  respect  of  the  influences  it  has  undoubtedly exercised  upon  other  magical  systems.  Eastern  magicians  and  astrologers  were  busily plying  their  trades  in  Rome  during  the  early  years  of  the  present  era,  and  later,  during the  period  when  most  of  Europe  was  sunk  in  mediaeval  darkness,  Semitic  peoples — congregated  in  the  Peninsula,  scattered  in  groups  elsewhere  on  the  Continent — kept alive  the  ancient  learning,  and  with  it  much  of  the  ancient  magic.  Of  this  magic  some of  the  marks  of  which  may  still  be  traced,  especially  where  demonology  enters,  filtered through  to  the  peoples  amongst  whom  these  Semites  dwelt.  Then,  again,  there  was the  strong  direct  influence  brought  to  bear  upon  the  Christian  nations  in  the  Biblical descriptions  of  magical  acts  and  processes,  while  probably  there  was  always  extended — as  there  is  yet  extended — a  ready  welcome  to  anything  mystical  arriving  from  the  East. Eastward  even  in  early  times  the  great  trade  routes  must  have  carried  the  Semitic magic,  and  we  may  yet  find  even  in  the  Far  East  customs  which  hint  at,  at  least,  a contact  with  it.  Mr.  Thompson's  book,  therefore,  is  a  welcome  addition  to  the  scientific studies  of  magic,  not  alone  because  of  its  direct  application  to  Biblical  studies  and  to studies  of  Semitic  magic  in  its  proper  homes,  but  because  also  of  the  light  it  may,  in the  hands  of  competent  students,  help  to  shed  upon  the  origins  of,  or  influences  involved in,  various  European,  Indian,  and  Far  Eastern  magical  practices. The  book  concerns  itself  principally  with  the  ancient  Mesopotamian  magic,  as recorded  upon  the  clay  tablets  of  some  3,000  years  or  less  ago,  with  which  the  author [    56    ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No,  32. compares,  for  illustration  and  explanation,  comparatively  recent,  or  modern,  Semitic practices  recorded  by  others  or  by  himself.  At  the  period,  remote  from  us  as  it is,  at  which  these  tablets  were  written,  magic  had,  of  course,  in  common  with  other arts,  advanced  very  far  beyond  the  savage  stage,  so  that  it  is  only  by  analogy  that we  may  trust  to  find  here  the  ultimate  origins  of  the  practices  to  which  the  tablets  refer. As  the  author  says  in  his  preface  :  "  The  parallels  afforded  by  Aryan  and  Hamitic "  nations  show  how  close  are  the  grooves  in  which  savage  ideas  run,  and  that  the "  principles  of  magic  are,  broadly  speaking,  coincident  in  each  separate  nation,  and  yet "  as  far  as  we  know  of  independent  invention."  It  is,  therefore,  rather  the  particular developments  of  Semitic  magic,  and  the  influences  of  those  developments  upon  later magic  (including  the  magic  described  in  the  Bible),  in  which  we  should  interest ourselves. The  most  important  features  of  Mr.  Thompson's  work  are  his  study  of  tabu  as revealed  in  the  tablets,  and  the  deductions  to  which  his  study  of  the  evil  spirits mentioned  in  them  have  led  him.  His  deductions,  briefly  stated,  are  as  follows  : — (1)  All  evil  spirits  could  inflict  bodily  hurt  on  man.  (2)  Offspring,  either  semi-divine or  semi-demoniac,  could  be  born  of  intermarriage  between  spirits  and  human  beings. (3)  From  this  belief  arose  the  tabu  on  certain  sexual  functions.  The  contaminated person  was  segregated  (according  to  the  author's  theory)  because  of  the  fear  of  the jealousy  of  the  marriageable  demons  which  were  supposed  to  be  near  or  present  during the  period  of  the  functions.  (4)  A  person  having  unconsciously  broken  some  tabu, would  fall  sick  from  the  attack  of  a  resentful  spirit.  The  priest  then  exorcised  the demon  by  transferring  its  influence  from  the  patient  to  some  other  body.  (5)  This  is the  basis  of  the  atonement  principle.  Having  brought  the  demoniac  influence  into  a wax  figure  or  a  slaughtered  kid,  for  example,  the  priest  destroyed  it.  Later,  the  most probable  theory  is,  the  original  idea  of  the  slaughtered  kid  became  merged  in  that  of  the ordinary  sacrifice  representing  a  common  meal  with  the  god,  and  the  carcase  of  the  k  d then  became  a  "sin  offering"  instead  of  a  receptacle  for  the  exorcised  demoniac influence.  (6)  The  principle  of  substitution  for  the  firstborn  apparently  originated  in cannibal  feasts  amongst  primitive  and  savage  Semites  ;  with  milder  natural  conditions and  a  rise  in  culture  it  became  natural  to  substitute  a  beast  for  a  tribesman  at  the  tribal cannibal  feast. These  deductions  are  worked  out  in  five  chapters,  to  which  is  prefixed  a  long introduction  giving  a  general  description  of  the  tablets  and  the  series  in  which  they occur,  extracts  from  a  number  of  the  tablets,  general  remarks  as  to  the  components  of the  ceremonies  and  concerning  the  purposes  to  which  the  magic  was  applied,  and  some information  as  to  the  priests  and  sorcerers  by  whom  the  ceremonies  were  performed. These  latter  were  of  three  varieties  :  seers,  a  kind  of  wizard  who  repeated  incantations and  performed  exorcisms,  and  "  chanters  "  of  the  ceremonials  allotted  to  them.  A  minor point  of  interest  is  that  the  medical  texts  often  contain  short  incantations  for  aiding the  effect  of  prescriptions  of  drugs  or  herbs,  "for  the  Babylonian  medicine-man  was "  but  a  witch-doctor  with  a  herbalist's  knowledge  of  simples  combined  with  an "  ingenuous  belief  in  abracadabra."  Another  is  the  manner  in  which  the  book  illustrates the  modern  survivals,  it  may  be  in  professional  magic,  it  may  be  in  folk-magic,  of  many of  the  minor  conceptions  (as  distinguished  from  the  greater  concerned  with  the spirits  and  their  natures)  of  the  magicians  of  twenty-five  or  thirty  centuries  ago. The  first  chapter  deals  with  the  various  spirits,  numerous  in  variety,  by  which diseases  or  other  misfortunes  may  be  caused.  "  The  ideas  which  are  still  current  show "  us  that  the  more  ancient  forms  of  hobgoblins,  vampires,  spooks,  and  devils  exist "  under  various  titles  with  the  several  attributes  that  were  assigned  to  them  by  the "  Babylonians,  who  cultivated  one  of  the  most  elaborate  and  intricate  systems  of "  ancient  magic  that  we  know."  With  these  premises  the  author,  by  means  of  more [     57    ] Ncs.  32-33.]  MAN.  [1909. or  less  modern  folklore,  endeavours  to  determine  the  natures  of  the  many  spirits mentioned  in  the  incantations  upon  the  tablets.  Disembodied  spirits,  the  unquiet ghosts  of  persons  who  have  died  in  various  circumstances  ;  purely  supernatural  beings, such  as  the  many  devils  who  haunt  unclean  places  or  waste  areas,  and  the  devils  who afflict  children  in  particular  or  pregnant  women,  or  kindly,  guarding  spirits  ;  and  semi- human,  semi-supernatural  spirits,  which  form  the  basis  of  certain  of  the  author's  theories concerned  with  tabu,  are  in  their  modern  forms  compared  and  identified  by  him  with the  spirits  of  the  incantations.  As  is  so  often  the  case  elsewhere,  certain  diseases were  personified  ;  thus,  "  Fever  "  and  Headache,  amongst  others,  were  quoted  in  the tablets  as  demons  coming  from  the  underworld. Next  tabu  is  discussed.  "  Hundreds  of  tablets  .  .  .  have  been  made  available "  to  scholars  .  .  .  they  represent  a  series  of  beliefs  probably  far  more  ancient  than "  the  epoch  at  which  the  tablets  which  we  now  possess  were  actually  written "  it  is  in  the  arcana  of  exorcisms  and  magical  invocations  that  we  may  hope  to  find "  material  to  explain  some  of  the  more  difficult  questions  of  the  tabus  of  uncleanness "...  besides  the  tabus  on  the  dead,  the  uncleanness  that  rests  with  all  sexual "  functions  was  most  marked."  The  cuneiform  tablets  vouch  for  the  tabu  of  a  corpse among  the  Assyrians  : — "  To  look  upon  a  dead  body  demanded  a  purifying  ceremony, "  and  if  a  wizard  laid  the  waxen  effigy  of  a  man  near  a  corpse  subsequent  evil  was  sure "  to  attack  the  victim."  Crimes,  such  as  murder,  adultery,  and  theft,  or  the  stirring up  of  strife  were  considered  tabu. The  third  chapter  deals  with  sympathetic  magic,  and  shows  principally  how  there obtained  amongst  the  ancient  Semites  the  usual  beliefs  as  to  the  substitution  of  a  part for  the  whole,  or  of  an  image  for  a  victim  or  a  patient,  with  subsequent  injurious  or curative  treatment.  In  the  fourth  chapter  the  author  presents  his  theory  as  to  the  origin of  the  atonement  sacrifice  amongst  the  Semites,  tracing  it  to  "  a  primitive  system  of "  providing  a  substitute  victim  [as  distinct  from  the  primitive  redemption  of  the  first- "  born]  for  the  devil  whose  connection  with  the  man  has  brought  down  a  tabu  .  .  . "  This  ...  is  emphasised  by  the  study  of  the  Assyrian  exorcisms ;  that  the "  disease  demon  must  be  gently  or  forcibly  persuaded  to  leave  the  human  body  to "  enter  the  dead  animal  or  wax  figure  which  is  placed  near  and  so  be  brought  into "  subjection." In  the  last  chapter  the  author  attempts  to  trace  the  origin  of  the  custom  of  the redemption  of  the  firstborn,  rejecting  the  theories  that  the  custom  originated  in  a sacrifice  of  a  nature  to  avoid  future  dangers,  or  in  the  idea  that  the  firstborn  was  of supernatural  parentage,  and  deciding  that,  as  stated  above,  it  probably  originated  in their  sharing,  by  a  primitive  and  savage  people  wandering  in  a  harsh  and  barren  land, of  their  cannibalistic  feasts  with  their  deities.  The  book  concludes  with  an  appendix devoted  mostly  to  a  study  of  the  tabus  mentioned  in  the  tablets,  a  list  of  Biblical quotations,  and  an  excellent  index.  W.  L.  H. Anthropology.  British  Museum. Guide  to  the  Specimens  illustrating  the  Races  of  Mankind  (Anthropology)  Ofl exhibited  in  the  Department  of  Zoology,  British  Museum  (Natural  History).  UU London,  1908.  Pp.  31.  21  X  14  cm.  Price  4</. The  writer  of  this  guide  has  adhered  to  the  conservative  classification  of  mankind as  Caucasian  or  White  Races,  Mongolian  or  Yellow  Races,  and  Negro  or  Black  Races. For  the  purposes  of  a  short  and  popular  book  this  course  is  probably  the  most appropriate,  provided  always  that  the  necessary  reservations  are  clearly  indicated.  It is  a  shock,  however,  to  find  in  the  Contents  the  native  Australians  and  the  Hamites. amongst  others,  appearing  without  qualification  as  members  of  the  "  Caucasian  or  White [    58     ] 1909.]  MAN.  [Nos.  33-34. Races."  The  point  may  seem  a  small  one,  but  it  is  characteristic  of  the  book.  It  is a  guide  in  a  hurry. The  strict  anthropologist  may  be  content  to  find  practically  no  reference  to  man's relationship  to  the  apes,  though  it  is  arguable  that  the  evolutionist  owes  a  duty  to his  ancestors.  It  is  a  meagre  crumb  of  comfort  to  learn  that  there  is  a  case  in  the gallery  in  which  are  "  exhibited  many  of  the  structural  differences  distinguishing  the "  man-like  apes  from  man  himself."  No  bishop  could  be  more  discreet. The  criteria  of  race  are  in  the  main  left  for  the  reader  to  glean  from  the  text,  and it  is  probable  that  such  an  expression  as  the  "elliptical  hair"  (of  the  Tasmanians)  will not  be  fully  appreciated. The  inset  section  headings,  which  alone  indicate  the  sub-divisions  of  the  subject- matter,  are  in  the  same  type  throughout,  so  that  the  "  Aryans,"  the  "  Semitic  group," the  "  Toalas,"  the  "  Polynesians,"  the  "  Maoris,"  and  others,  appear  as  of  equal  rank, and  their  subordination  to  the  author's  "  Caucasian  or  White  Races  "  is  not  suggested oD by  any  variation  of  type.  Again,  although  all  other  section-headings  indicate  racial divisions,  in  one  case  the  Aryan  obsession  has  prevailed,  only  to  be  discredited,  though by  no  means  completely  exorcised,  in  the  text.  It  may  be  noted  that  the  Berbers  are called  upon  to  figure  in  this  non-racial  racial  section.  In  this  connection  also,  a  logical deduction  from  the  author's  statements  is,  that  not  only  the  Dravidians  and  the  Veddas, but  probably  also  the  Ainus,  the  Maoutzi,  the  Australian  natives,  and  the  Polynesians, are  "Aryans."  The  reader  is  left  in  uncertainty  as  to  the  real  position  of  the  Bisharin, since  they  appear  both  as  Semites  and  Hamites  within  the  space  of  a  few  lines. It  may  be  mentioned  that  the  Guide  appears  to  be,  in  the  main,  a  reprint  of  the labels  in  the  museum  cases,  with  the  intercalation  of  some  recent  theories  on  racial origins  and  relationships. The  plates  are  of  considerable  interest,  and  worth  preserving.  H.  S.  H. Totemism.  Van  Gennep. Totemisme  et  Methode  comparative.  Par  A.  van  Gennep.  From  the  Revue  O  J de  VHistoire  des  Religions.  Paris,  Leroux,  1908.  Pp.  44.  26  x  17  cm.  UT M.  A.  van  Gennep's  brochure  of  forty-four  pages  consists  of  a  polemic  against M.  Toutain,  M.  Renel,  M.  Amelineau,  and  others,  who  have  written  on  Egyptian religion  and  on  Roman  ensigns  in  connection  with  totemism ;  and  a  statement of  the  differences  between  the  "  comparative "  and  the  "  historical "  methods  of enquiry  into  totems  and  tabus.  Unfortunately  I  have  not  read  the  book  of  M.  Renel (Cultes  militaires  de  Rome,  tome  I,  1903). The  essay  of  M.  Toutain  on  the  book  of  M.  Renel  is  in  L'Histoire  des  Religions (1908,  pp.  333-354).  M.  Toutaiu  is  rather  adverse  to  the  totemic  theory  as  a  key- to  peculiarities  in  Egyptian  and  classical  religion  :  nor  can  it  be  denied  that  the  key becomes  a  crowbar,  or  "jemmy,"  in  the  hands  of  some  enthusiasts.  But,  as  M.  van Gennep  argues,  there  are  more  sober  students,  and  there  is  more  in  totemism  than M.  Toutain  is  inclined  to  allow. M.  van  Gennep  complains  that  M.  Renel  has  not  defined  totemism  ;  has  not  (as  I understand)  allowed  for  the  advance  in  knowledge  since  the  appearance  of  Mr.  Frazer's pioneer  work,  Totemism  (1887)  ;  and  that  M.  Renel  assumes  that  totemism  has  been proved  for  ancient  Egypt,  and  modern  Europe,  and  has  identified  toteraism  with  some isolated  practices,  such  as  "  the  cult  of  standards."  As  a  matter  of  fact  neithei Greek,  Celtic,  Italian,  Egyptian,  Semitic,  nor  Arab  totemism  is  historically  demon- strated. Here  I,  for  one,  agree  with  M.  van  Gennep,  but  I  do  think  that  the  theory of  a  very  remote  past  of  totemism,  far  behind  "Early  Minoan,"  best  explains  certain features  in  the  religions,  or  rather  myths,  of  the  ancient  peoples  mentioned,  while  I Nos,  34-35.]  MAN.  [1909. conceive  that  many  theorists  have  overrun  the  scent,  as  when  Orpheus  is  recognised for  a  "  sex  totem  "  of  the  Thracians  ! The  complaint  is  that  M.  Renel,  M.  G.  Reinach,  M.  Amelineau  (for  Egypt),  and others,  "have  found  out  Mr.  Frazer's  book  of  1887,"  and  have  "used  the  facts  as  they "  use  historic  documents."  By  "  historic  documents  "  I  mean  inscriptions,  charters, contemporary  correspondence,  and  so  forth.  In  prehistoric  times,  and  among  savages, these  are  not  to  be  found  ;  we  must  make  the  most  of  what  we  have,  and,  unlike  the savants  censured,  must  keep  abreast  of  discoveries  in  custom  and  tradition  ;  and  it  is absolutely  essential,  as  M.  van  Gennep  insists,  that  we  should  employ  a  definite terminology;  not  tossing  about  "clan,"  "tribe,"  and  "family"  at  random  ;  nor  using "  totem  "  for  dozens  of  things  perfectly  different  and  distinct  ;  for  "  clan  masks,"  gods, the  familiar  of  each  individual,  and  so  forth.  The  word  "  clan  "  ought  not  to  be  used at  all  in  matters  totemic,  and  "  totem  "  ought  not  to  be  used  for  enseigne  protectrice. The  Napoleonic  eagles  were  not  totems  !  M.  Loret  and  M.  Amelineau  are  criticised for  making  confusions  ;  for  speaking  of  what  the  Euahlayi  call  the  yunbeai  of  the individual,  as  if  it  were  the  same  thing  as  the  dhe  of  the  totem-kin.  I  can  agree almost  wholly  with  M.  van  Gennep's  "  Four  Principles  of  Totemism,"  but  scarcely with  the  second,  "  the  belief  is  expressed  in  the  religious  life  by  positive  rites,"  for I  am  not  aware  of  positive  religious  totemic  rites  among  most  of  the  South-East Australian  and  North  American  tribes  whose  totemism  seems  to  me  most  normal. With  M.  van  Gennep  I  recognise  that  such  terms  as  sibokisme  and  sulaisme  would be  useful,  and  all  other  sciences  have  what  a  Scottish  critic  of  psychology  calls  their "jargon."  To  say  "jargon"  is  to  be  very  popular,  yet  even  games  have  their  techni- cal terms.  M.  van  Geonep  proposes  an  international  congress  to  settle  the  tenns. Meanwhile  each  writer  might  explicitly  define  the  meaning  which  he  attaches  to  the terms  he  employs  ;  say,  in  the  study  of  Australian  marriage,  the  word  "  class." M.  van  Genuep  applauds  Mr.  Hartland's  valuable  paper  (Folk-Lore,  Vol.  XI» pp.  22-37),  and  thinks  that  it  would  have  been  useful  to  M.  Amelineau,  in  his Prolegomenes  a  I' Etude  de  la  Religion  egyptienne  (1908). That  totemism  is  "primitive"  no  one  can  really  maintain,  as  M.  van  Gennep insists,  but  among  some  tribes  it  exists  without  ancestor  worship,  and  appears  to  be earlier.  The  word  "  primitive "  might  as  well  be  expunged  from  the  scientific vocabulary.  M.  van  Gennep  also  stigmatises  the  vague  way  in  which  the  word "  tabou  ''  is  used.  I  must  differ  from  M.  van  Gennep  when  he  says,  "  Totemism  seems "  to  have  for  its  aim,  at  least  in  some  groupements,  the  restriction  of  the  depopulation "  of  animals  and  vegetables."  He  appears  to  refer  to  the  Arunta  "  close-time,"  by which,  as  I  understand,  the  members  of  each  totem-group  decide  when  the  "  season " for  each  plant  or  animal  opens.  This  appears  to  me  to  be  a  late  utilisation  of  totemic ideas,  not  the  original  but  du  totemisme.  But  M.  van  Gennep  may  not  mean  to assert' anything  about  the  original  aim  of  totemism,  he  has  no  theory  of  the  origin of  totemism,  and  he  can  have  no  theory  of  its  aim.  A.  LANG. Religion.  Hall. The  Inward  Light.  By  H.  Fielding  Hall.  London  :  Macmillan,  1908.  QC Pp.  viii  +  252.  23  x  14  cm.  Price  10*.  03 I  have  had  this  book  by  me  for  a  long  while,  because  I  have  felt  some  delicacy in  saying  of  it  what  I  think  ought  to  be  said.  It  seems  to  me  to  be  a  particularly dangerous  book  and  likely  to  remain  popular.  I  have^  therefore,  read  it  carefully  from end  to  end  to  see  what  is  actually  in  it. It  is  apparently  intended  to  be  the  climax  of  a  series  of  books  by  the  author  on the  same  subject,  the  inner  religion  of  the  modern  Burmese  Buddhist,  seemingly,  in  the writer's  opinion,  the  highest  form  of  religion  in  existence.  It  is  obviously  intended  to [  60  ] 1909.]  MAN.  [Nos.  35-36. be  a  philosophical  work.  "  It  is  to  explain  and  illustrate  really  what  Buddhism  is  that "  I  have  written  this  book."  But  I  do  not  think  it  should  be  too  clearly  stated  by  a critic  with  experience  of  things  Oriental  that  it  does  nothing  of  the  kind.  It  is,  in plain  fact,  a  presentation,  in  modern  western  language  and  in  modern  western  garb,  of  the philosophy  of  the  Indian  Vedanta,  which  is  not  Buddhist,  though  no  doubt  a  good  deal of  that  philosophy  has  been  absorbed  by  the  inmates  of  Buddhist  monasteries  in  Burma. The  doctrines  of  the  Vedanta  are  presented  in  this  book  as  if  they  were  something newly  discovered  in  the  philosophy  of  the  East,  and  admirable  beyond  those  of  any philosophy  that  the  West  has  thought  out.  Perhaps  that  would  not  matter  much, were  it  not  for  the  beautiful  and  seductive  language  in  which  the  book  is  written. It  is  herein  that  the  danger  lies.  It  is  a  highly  poetical  book,  couched  in  language throughout  eminently  calculated  to  captivate  the  mind  and  render  it  uncritical — and  yet it  is  misleading  from  cover  to  cover.  The  author  is  a  born  poet  and  a  past  master  in poetical  expression — a  man  with  whom  the  forms  and  sounds  of  words  are  an  obsession. The  poetry  in  him — the  mere  love  of  picturesque  description — always  carries  him  away and  makes  him  incapable  of  correctly  stating  what  he  observes  or  learns.  He  is  never more  wrong  than  in  his  allusions  to  the  mental  attitude  of  the  West,  whence  he  is derived.  A  most  charming  guide,  but  withal  a  most  dangerous  one. I  wish  to  give  Mr.  Hall  all  the  credit  I  can.  To  anyone  desiring  to  pass  some pleasant  hours  in  company  with  imagery  of  wonderful  beauty,  and  to  give  himself  up for  a  while  to  fairyland  to  be  enthralled  with  scene  after  scene  of  surpassing  loveliness, I  strongly  recommend  this  book  ;  and  I  would  specially  draw  such  an  one's  attention  to pages  91-2  and  165-8  as  well  worth  reading  and  thinking  over.  But  if  the  reader  of these  alluring  and  often  exquisite  pages  rises  up  from  the  perusal  with  the  idea  that he  has  thereby  learnt  anything  that  is  not  as  old  as  the  hills  or  anything  of  the  real Buddhism  or  the  real  Burman,  I  can  assure  him  that  he  will  be  entirely  mistaken,  and have  done  himself  a  mental  injury. The  book  is,  indeed,  an  appeal  to  the  imagination  and  not  to  the  reason,  and for  practical  purposes  quite  valueless.  R.  C.  TEMPLE. Fiji.  Thomson. The  Fijians :  A  Study  of  the  Decay  of  Custom.  By  Basil  Thomson.  O  Q London  :  Heinemann,  1908.  Pp.  xx  +  396.  23  X  15  cm.  Price  10*.  UU No  one  can  read  this  study  of  the  Fijians  without  reflecting  how  different  would have  been  the  history — the  often  shameful  history — of  conquered  native  races,  had their  administrators  possessed  the  sympathy,  insight,  and,  above  all,  the  anthropological knowledge  of  Mr.  Basil  Thomson.  For  the  best-intentioned  efforts,  if  not  guided  by this  knowledge,  may  have  an  unexpected  effect  and  produce  conditions  far  worse  than those  they  strive  to  ameliorate.  In  Fiji,  for  example,  the  missionaries'  endeavours  to inculcate  "  family  life  "  on  the  English  plan  produced  a  surprising  result.  The  ill- advised  work  of  the  early  missions  in  abolishing  the  mbure-ni-sa  (unmarried  man's house)  has  ended  in  moral  laxities  practically  unknown  in  heathen  times,  in  a  far  higher birth-rate  and  an  enormous  increase  in  infant  mortality,  which  is  having  a  disastrous influence  on  the  future  of  the  race.  Even  church  festivals  and  school  treats  of  the  most innocent  intention  have  results  other  than  were  anticipated.  And  in  government  the mistakes  made  are  no  less  serious*;  an  attempt  to  understand  native  laws  and  customs would  save  years  of  conflict  and  perhaps  hundreds  of  lives. Mr.  Thomson's  indictment  of  our  method  of  dealing  with  native  races  is  severe  : "  We  do  not,  as  a  rule,  come  to  native  races  with  the  authority  of  conquerors  ;  we "  saunter  into  their  country  and  annex  it ;  we  break  down  their  customs,  but  do  not "  force  them  to  adopt  ours  ;  we  teach  them  the  precepts  of  Christianity,  and  in  the '*  same  breath  assure  them  that  instead  of  physical  punishment  by  disease  which  they [  61  ] Nos.  36-37,]  MAN.  [1909. "  used  to  fear,  their  disobedience  will  be  visited  by  eternal  punishment  after  death — a "  contingency  too  remote  to  have  any  terrors  for  them  ;  and  then  we  leave  them,  like "  a  ship  with  a  broken  tiller,  free  to  go  whithersoever  the  wind  of  fancy  drives  them, "  and  it  is  not  surprising  that  they  prefer  the  easy  vices  of  civilisation  to  its  more "  difficult  virtues.  In  civilising  a  native  race  the  suaviter  in  mode  is  a  more  dangerous "  process  than  the  fortiter  in  re." Nevertheless,  for  those  who  lament  the  gradual  extermination  that  seems  inevitable when  the  "  progressives  "  invade  the  lands  of  the  "  stagnant "  peoples,  it  is  reassuring to  read  the  author's  belief  "  that  in  the  centuries  to  come  there  will  be  representatives "  even  of  the  smallest  races  now  living  on  the  earth,  and  that  the  proportions  between "  civilised  and  what  are  now  uncivilised  peoples  will  not  have  greatly  altered."  But since  the  political  and  social  ideas  which  underlie  Western  civilisation  will  then  have permeated  the  whole  of  mankind,  such  a  book  as  this  under  review,  being  a  study  in detail  of  a  "stagnant"  people  is  of  the  greater  value,  and  the  Fijians,  owing  to  their isolation,  are  peculiarly  well  fitted  for  such  a  study. Thus  we  turn  confidently  to  the  index  to  direct  us  to  points  of  social  interest. But  in  vain.  Childhood,  Infancy,  Kinship,  Mother-right,  Father-right  (or  Agnatic  and Uterine  descent,  which  are  the  terms  used  in  the  text)  are  all  omitted,  although,  owing to  a  chance  comparison  in  the  introduction,  Essomeric,  de  Bethencourt,  Pocahontas, the  Eskimo,  and  the  Copts  are  given  a  line  apiece.  Only  one  reference  to  Tabu  is given,  although  it  is  mentioned  more  than  twenty  times  in  the  first  200  pages  ;  and even  with  such  a  conspicuous  entry  as  the  Strangling  of  Widows  only  one  reference is  given,  on  p.  132,  and  the  ten  earlier  references  are  ignored.  On  the  other  hand, Yaws,  which  is  described  on  pp.  270-6,  is  accorded  five  lines  of  indexing. The  table  of  contents  forms  a  fairer  view  of  the  value  of  the  book.  The  first chapters  deal  with  the  Transition,  the  Ages  of  Myth  and  of  History,  the  Constitution of  Society,  Warfare,  Cannibalism,  Religion,  Polygamy,  Family  Life,  and  the  Marriage System.  These  titles  speak  for  themselves,  and  when  to  an  intimate  knowledge  of  the subject  is  added  the  direct  simplicity  and  charm  of  style,  together  with  touches  of humour  with  which  readers  of  Mr.  Thomson's  earlier  works  are  familiar,  the  result  is a  book  containing  much  information  produced  in  a  most  delightful  form. The  account  of  the  kinship  system  is  somewhat  disappointing,  as  the  author  seems to  have  confined  his  attention  to  one  form,  and  writes  of  that  alone  as  if  no  others existed,  although  Dr.  W.  H.  R.  Rivers  (see  Nature,  August  27th,  1908)  found  in  the interior  of  Viti  Levu  "  an  entirely  new  system  of  kinship  of  the  most  complicated  and "  interesting  kind,  and  quite  different  from  the  system  previously  recorded  as  the  Fijian "  system."  Mr.  Basil  Thomson  had  the  advantages  of  lengthy  residence,  daily  inter- course with  the  natives,  and  all  the  facilities  granted  to  official  status  :  Dr.  Rivers was  in  Fiji  for  less  than  a  month.  Do  the  latest  methods  of  anthropological  research need  further  vindication  ? Later  chapters  are  devoted  to  various  customs,  prevalent  diseases,  native  character and  capabilities,  and  after  separate  notices  of  games,  food,  yankona  (kava),  tobacco, and  a  most  interesting  chapter  on  land  tenure,  the  book  ends  with  conclusions,  in which  the  new  is  compared  with  the  old,  and  the  transition  period  is  shown  to combine  in  many  ways  the  evils  of  both.  A.  H.  Q. Trade.  Roth. Trading    in    Early    Days.      By    H.    Ling    Roth.        Halifax,    Yorks,    1908. Pp.  45.     21  x  14  cm.     Price  1*. Mr.  H.  Ling  Roth,  Honorary  Curator  of  the  Bankfield  Museum,  Halifax,  has issued,  as  one  of  his  Museum  Notes,  a  lecture  on  the  Early  History  of  Trading.  He suggests  that  the  earliest  form  of  inter-tribal  commerce  is  to  be  found  in  the  custom [     62     ] 1909.]  MAN.  [Nos.  37-38. of  presenting  articles  in  the  hope  of  receiving  an  equivalent.  This  view  is  illustrated by  the  customs  of  the  Andamanese,  and  by  the  Yutchin  which  prevails  among  the natives  of  South-east  Australia.  Following  this  comes  a  second  transitional  stage, when  it  was  recognised  that  exchange  must  be  adopted  as  a  substitute  for  force,  this being  due  to  the  developing  regard  for  human  life.  In  this  connection  he  describes the  intertribal  relations  of  the  aborigines  of  Queensland,  who  use  message  sticks  ; and  of  the  natives  of  the  shores  of  the  Gulf  of  Papua  and  British  Guiana.  Passing from  these  various  forms  of  inter-tribal  trade,  he  describes  the  beginnings  of  exchange with  strangers,  which  leads  to  the  use  of  an  elementary  form  of  currency,  such  as hanks  of  wool,  bars  of  salt,  and  shell  money.  Another  development  is  the  habit  of silent  trade,  prevailing,  as  Herodotus  states,  among  the  Carthaginians  in  Libya,  and in  more  modern  times  among  the  races  of  the  Niger  Delta  and  other  parts  of  Western Africa.  Analogous  to  this  are  hidden  negotiations  or  dumb  barter,  first  noticed  by Cassar  Frederick  in  Pegu.  This  leads  to  a  review  of  early  forms  of  transport  and of  the  more  elementary  kinds  of  maps.  Markets,  he  believes,  generally  begin  with tribal  meetings  for  the  performance  of  religious  rites.  He  next  discusses  the  more primitive  varieties  of  notation,  and  the  rise  of  commercial  integrity.  This  is  followed by  an  account  of  the  earliest  media  of  exchange,  and  by  a  description  of  the  most primitive  coins.  Finally,  he  discusses  the  evolution  of  the  system  of  credit.  It  will be  seen  from  this  summary  that  Mr.  Ling  Roth  covers  an  exceedingly  wide  field within  the  limits  of  a  single  lecture.  The  only  criticism  that  I  would  be  inclined to  make  is  that  the  subject,  as  a  whole,  is  too  extensive  for  summary  treatment  ; and  that  he  would  be  well  advised  to  extend  this  review  into  a  more  comprehensive treatment  of  the  question.  As  it  stands,  however,  the  lecture  is  interesting  and suggestive,  and  it  is  illustrated  throughout  by  photographs  and  drawings  of  specimens from  the  collections  under  his  charge.  W.  CROOKE. Africa :  Congo.  Starr. A  Bibliography  oj  Congo  Languages.  By  Frederick  Starr.  University  of  QQ Chicago,  Department  of  Anthropology,  Bulletin  V.  Chicago,  1908.  Pp.  97.  00 24  x  17  cm. The  laborious  task  of  preparing  a  bibliography  of  any  sort  is  one  from  which  the majority  of  mankind  shrinks,  and  yet  bibliographies  are  perhaps  more  needed  just  now by  students  of  anthropology  than  any  other  class  of  literature  ;  at  present  the  young science  is,  as  far  as  its  material  is  concerned,  in  a  very  disjointed  condition,  and  the amount  of  research  in  literature  of  every  sort  which  must  be  undertaken  by  the  student who  wishes  to  generalise  on  any  particular  subject  can  be  realised  only  by  him  who has  made  the  attempt.  Next  to  personal  experience,  or  even  before  it  for  the  induc- tive writer,  the  greatest  part  of  knowledge  is  knowledge  of  the  bookshelf,  and  every bibliography  marks  a  definite  step  in  progress. The  task  so  ably  performed  by  Mr.  Starr,  a  compilation  of  a  bibliography  of Congo  languages,  was  no  easy  one,  as  may  be  gathered  from  the  following  passage taken  from  his  introduction  : — "  The  only  significant  list  heretofore  printed  is  the "  section  '  Linguistique '  in  Wauter's  general  Bibliography  of  the  Congo.  That  list "  is  the  foundation  upon  which  the  present  catalogue  has  been  built.  The  only  other "  sources  from  which  any  serious  amount  of  material  has  been  secured  are  the "  various  bibliographic  lists  of  the  British  Museum  and  the  catalogue  of  the  British "  and  Foreign  Bible  Society  and  the  Society  for  Promoting  Christian  Knowledge.  All "  these  together  have,  perhaps,  yielded  less  than  one-half  the  titles  here  presented." The  collection  of  the  larger  half  of  entries  was  a  matter  of  peculiar  difficulty,  owing  to the  fact  that  many  works  of  great  value  are  the  produce  of  local  presses  established by  various  missions  in  the  Congo  Free  State,  and  are  very  difficult  to  procure. [     G3     ] Nos.  38-39.] MAN. [1909. It  is  easily  gathered  from  the  introduction  that  many  of  this  class  of  philological publications  would  have  escaped  the  compiler  but  for  the  fact  that  his  travels  in  the State  brought  him  in  contact  with  them.  In  some  cases  the  missions  seemed  anxious to  hide  their  light  under  a  bushel,  and,  with  regard  to  one  active  mission  press, "  Neither  letters  to  the  mission  nor  hours  of  search  in  Brussels  have  enabled  us  to "  secure  copies  of  its  publications  or  information  regarding  them." It  is  interesting  to  note  one  particular  class  of  work,  which  is  more  numerous than  may  be  supposed  and  which  the  compiler  confesses  may  not  be  fully  represented, viz.,  those  books  of  local  production  written  by  Africans  for  Africans,  consisting  chiefly of  manuscripts  in  Swahili  written  in  Arabic  character.  Closely  akin  to  these  is  an interesting  Guide  to  Swahili,  printed  in  the  Gujerati  character,  which  is  the  direct outcome  of  the  contact  between  Hindu  and  Swahili. However  useful  and  interesting  bibliographies  may  be,  it  must  be  confessed  that there  is  something  very  unattractive  about  the  appearance  of  their  pages,  but  the present  work  is  an  exception.  Professor  Starr  has  hit  upon  the  very  happy  idea  of incorporating  in  the  text  small  portraits  of  the  authors  of  three  or  more  items  in  the list.  These  portraits,  twenty-five  in  number,  are  supplemented  by  a  number  of  plates, mainly  reproductions  of  the  title-pages  of  early  works,  and  an  excellent  portrait  of Robert  Needham  Gust  as  frontispiece. The  items  are  arranged  in  the  alphabetical  order  of  the  authors'  names,  and  there are  two  indices,  one  of  the  dialects  represented,  and  a  second  of  the  presses.  The unexpected  size  of  this  bibliography  and  the  number  of  the  illustrations  show  the  care which  Professor  Starr  has  expended  on  its  preparation.  He  has  added  greatly  to  the obligation  under  which  his  previous  work  has  laid  anthropology.  T.  A.  J. Teneriffe  :  Craniology.  von  Behr. Metrische    Studien    an    152     Guanchenschddeln.      Von     Detloff    v.    Behr. 39 Stuttgart  :  Stucker  und  Schroder,  1908.     Pp.  83.     28  x  17  cm. This  paper  contains  detailed  measurements  of  eighty-three  male,  forty-four  female, arid  fourteen  children's  skulls  from  caves  in  the  island  of  Teneriffe,  which  must  therefore be  dated  prior  to  the  conversion  of  the  islanders  in  1496. By  means  of  seriatiou  diagrams  the  various  indices  of  the  Guanche  skulls  are compared  with  those  of  a  series  of  Spanish  skulls  dating  from  the  early  metal  period and  with  the  early  Egyptian  series  described  by  Thomson  and  Maclver  in  the  Ancient Races  of  Thebaid.  The  author  finds  some  resemblance  between  the  Guanche  and the  Spanish  series,  but  not  between  the  Gaunche  and  tho  Egyptian.  The  paper gives  no  tables  of  average  dimensions  or  indices  and  makes  no  reference  to  previous workers  in  the  same  field,  and  is  important  only  from  the  complete  list  of  measurements it  contains.  To  render  these  more  immediately  accessible  for  purposes  of  comparison with  other  groups  the  following  averages  have  been  calculated  by  the  reviewer  : — AVERAGE  INDICES. MALE. FEMALE. Length-Breadth  -                                      - 77-3 78-9 Length-Height 70-6 72-2 Breadth-Height  - 91-4 91-3 Upper  Facial  (Kollmann) 62-0 52-8 Orbital    -                                       ... 82-6 84-2 Nasal  -                                      - 46-4 47-4 These  agree  very  closely  with  the  averages  of  previous  observers,  but  the  additional numbers  will  reduce  the  probable  error  materially.  F.   S. Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTiswooDE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.G. PLATE  E. MAN,  1909. 0      1      2      3     A     5  CM. I..MI         I        <        I         I         1         1         I         •         I FIG.  i. FIG.  2. FIG.  3- FIG.  4. FIG.   5.  FIG.  6.  FIG.  7. STEATITE     FIGURES     FROM     SIERRA     LEONE. 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  40. ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. Africa,  West.  With  Plate  E.  Joyce. Steatite  Figures  from  Sierra  Leone.     By  T.  A.  Joyce,  M.A.  if) In  MAN,  1905,  57,  I  described  a  small  series  of  these  interesting  sculptures,  •  U and  gave  such  information  concerning  them  as  I  had  been  able  to  collect  through  the kindness  of  various  correspondents  in  West  Africa.  In  that  note  reference  was  made to  a  paper  by  Professor  Riitimeyer,  of  Basel,  who  was  the  first  to  publish  anything concerning  these  nomori.  Shortly  after  the  appearance  of  my  note  the  British  Museum was  fortunate  enough  to  acquire  from  Lieutenant  Boddy  a  long  series  of  some forty  specimens,  perfect  and  fragmentary,  which  he  had  collected  on  the  spot  and  of which  some  exhibit  new  characteristics.  Still  later  a  few  other  specimens  have  been added  to  the  National  Collection,  the  most  recent  series  being  the  gift  of  Major  Anderson, District  Commissioner,  Makondo  Central  District,  who  also  was  able  to  furnish  some new  and  interesting  information.  Fresh  details  concerning  these  figures  also  reached me  in  1906  through  the  courtesy  of  the  Rev.  A.  E.  Greensmith,  of  Bo,  Sierra  Leone. Quite  recently  Professor  Riitimeyer  has  described  and  figured  in  the  Internationales Archiv  fur  Ethnographic,  Bd.  XVIII,  p.  167,  a  second  collection  which  he  has obtained,  and  has  incorporated  in  his  article  further  information,  much  of  which  he obtained  from  Mr.  Greensmith,  and  is  therefore  similar  to  that  which  the  latter gentleman  was  kind  enough  to  send  me. It  may  be  worth  while,  since  Professor  Riitimeyer  has  published  his  results  to date,  to  place  on  record  the  more  important  specimens  which  have  reached  this country.  Many  of  the  latter  are  similar  in  type  to  some  already  figured  (notably Figs.  4  and  5  in  Riitimeyer's  first  article,  Fig.  7  in  his  second,  and  Fig.  1,  a  and  rf,  in my  note  in  MAN),  and  some  appear  to  have  been  carved  by  unskilful  hands  in  quite recent  times,  and  the  artist  has  not  always  been  able  to  free  himself  from  the conventions  of  the  present-day  art  of  wood-carving.  A  few  of  the  most  interesting are  shown  on  Plate  E. Fig.  1  represents  a  man  in  a  standing  position,  with  hands  on  either  side  of  a very  finely-developed  chest  (though  it  may  be  that  the  figure  is  represented  as  carrying some  rounded  object  pressed  close  to  the  body).  A  number  of  lines  drawn  horizon- tally from  the  ear  to  the  mouth  represent  tatu  similar  to  that  of  the  figure  illustrated in  MAN,  1905,  PI.  G.  The  top  of  the  head  is  cut  off  flat  and  a  wide  conical  hole  is bored  vertically  in  the  "crown"  to  a  depth  of  2*3  cm.  The  carving,  with  the  exception of  the  legs,  is  very  good.  Height  of  figure,  13 '4  cm.  (Boddy  Collection.) Fig.  2  is  interesting,  chiefly  owing  to  the  fact  that,  though  considerably  weathered, it  exhibits  in  the  features  of  the  face  and  method  of  hair-dress,  many  of  the  charac- teristics of  present-day  wood-carving.  It  represents  the  head  and  bust  of  a  Avoman, the  arms  lacking,  the  hair  is  dressed  in  a  crest  running  from  forehead  to  nape  of  neck, two  plain  vertical  bands  in  relief  from  temple  to  angle  of  jaw  in  front  of  each  ear represent  tatu,  and  a  large  necklace  of  spherical  beads  is  shown  in  relief  encircling  the neck.  The  whole  surface,  except  the  face,  is  ornamented  with  incised  lines  grouped to  form  triangles.  Height  of  figure,  14 '7  cm.  (Boddy  Collection.) Fig.  3  is  a  fragment,  representing  the  head  and  shoulders  of  a  man  ;  the  arms, one  of  which  is  broken,  are  raised,  and  the  hands  laid  flat  upon  the  cheeks,  as  Fig.  6 of  Riitimeyer's  second  article  ;  the  hair  is  trimmed  in  a  circular  fringe  of  braids  with a  tonsure  on  the  crown  ;  and  a  short  beard  follows  the  line  of  the  chin.  Height  of fragment,  8-8  cm.  (Duke  Collection.) Fig.  4  is  in  some  ways  the  most  interesting  of  this  series  ;  it  represents  a  bearded male  figure  with  a  kind  of  turban  on  his  head,  bearing  in  his  right  hand  a  spear,  in  his [    65    ] No,  40.]  MAN.  [1909. left  a  circular  shield,  and  surrounded  by  six  diminutive  figures  of  varying  heights.  A somewhat  similar  figure  (not  illustrated)  forms  part  of  the  same  collection  ;  viz.,  a  man with  spear,  and  circular  shield  which  he  rests  upon  the  head  of  a  diminutive  figure  ; the  latter,  which  is  very  rudely  carved,  is  cut  free  from  the  larger  figure.  Fig.  4  is perhaps  the  most  weathered  of  the  whole  collection  ;  the  surface  is  quite  black  and very  smooth.  The  circular  form  of  the  shield  is  very  interesting  as  it  is  extremely  rare amongst  negro  tribes.  Height  of  figure,  17 '8  cm.  (Boddy  Collection.) Fig.  5  represents  a  woman  with  pendant  breasts  standing  and  holding  a  staff  in her  right  hand.  In  her  head,  the  hair  on  which  is  shaved  in  patterns,  is  a  vertical hole  2 '8  cm.  deep.  Vertically  down  her  body,  above  and  below  the  navel,  is  a  band of  guilloche  pattern  in  relief,  representing  tatu  somewhat  similar  to  that  on  the  body  of the  figure  illustrated  in  MAN,  1905,  PI.  G.  Height,  22 -6  cm.  (Boddy  Collection.) Fig.  6,  which  is  somewhat  battered,  represents  a  head  only,  with  very  coarse features  and  widely  everted  lips.  There  is  a  flat  circular  projection  on  the  top  of  the head  about  the  region  of  the  bregma  but  inclined  to  the  right,  the  ear  lobes  and  the ala  of  the  left  nostril  are  represented  as  ornamented  each  with  a  ring.  A  string with  two  cowries  encircles  the  neck.  Height,  14 '0  cm.  (Duke  Collection.) Fig.  7  is  quite  unlike  any  other  I  have  yet  seen  ;  it  represents  a  man  seated  on  a peculiarly  shaped  stool  (see  Fig.  1  beiow)  and  carrying  a  bowl.  On  his  head  is  a conical  turban  with  a  lobed  border ; the  face  is  grotesque,  the  features sharply  cut,  the  nose  prominent  and pointed,  but  with  exceedingly  broad alee;  the  lips  are  parted  in  a  wide  and Side  Back  ...  •          u        •  f          •  j    ,  i „  .  cat-like  grin,  showing  a  formidable  array of  teeth  (obscured  by  the  shadow  in the  photograph)  ;  the  ears  are  placed  unnaturally  high,  immediately  under  the   border of  the  headdress,  the  hair  is  shown  in  a  fringe  on  the  forehead,  and  a  series  of  knobs  on the  neck  may  represent  either  curls  or  ornaments.     On  each  temple  is  a  band  of  tatu (JfJf    Round  the  shoulders  is  cast  a  cloak,  one  end  of  which   hangs   down fJJJJ    in  a  bunch  behind  the  left  shoulder  (just  visible  in-  the  photograph). Height,  21  '5  cm.     (Boddy  Collection.) As  to  the  fresh  points  of  information  which  I  have  received,  I  will  first  quote Mr.'  Greensmith's  letter  : — "  I  have  one  or  two  observations  to  make  which  may  be  helpful  to  you  : "  (1)  In  addition  to  being  found  in  Sherbroland,  Mendiland,  and  over  the  Liberian "  border,  they  are  also  found  in  those  parts  of  Timniland  that  lie  contiguous  to  Men- "  diland.  It  may  be  that  you  will  possibly  hear  of  them  being  found  much  more "  to  the  east  than  has  yet  been  suspected. (2)  I  have  not  observed  you  make  any  mention  in  your  note,  nor  have  I  indeed "  heard  from  any  civilised  person,  black  or  white,  of  certain  metallic  rings  that  the "  natives  say  are  discovered,  i.e.,  dug  up,  with  these  farm  devils,  and  which  are  never "  separated  or  rather  kept  apart  once  they  are  found. "  Although  I  had  heard  of  them  more  than  two  years  ago,  it  was  only  a  month "  ago  that  I  saw,  and  actually  came  into  possession  of,  one  of  these  rings.  It  was "  very  black  with  exposure  to  the  weather  apparently.  On  scratching  it  with  a  knife, "  it  appeared  to  me  to  be  either  brass  or  bronze.  The  ordinary  image  is  called,  as "  you  observe  in  your  article,  '  nomoli '  or  '  nomorri,'  but  when  accompanied  by  one "  of  these  rings  is  then  known  as  '  mahai-yafei,'  king  spirit  or  king  devil — I  suppose "  so  called  because  they  are  employed  in  the  courts  of  the  chiefs  for  the  witnesses  to  be "  sworn  upon.  These  mahai-yafeisia  or  maha-yafanga,  although  but  the  ordinary [  G5  ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  40. "  nomolisia  with  a  ring   accompanying   them,  are  regarded  with  much  more  dread  than "  the  simple  nomoli,  and  are  regarded  as  of  much  greater  value. "  The  metal  rings  are  sometimes  six,  seven,  and  eight  inches  in  diameter,  and  the "  nomoli  is  placed  in  the  middle,  but  the  one  I  secured  was  only  about  2  inches,  and "  fitted  so  close  to  the  nomoli  that  it  served  to  prop  it  up  in  an  upright  position. "  (3)  The  word  '  nomoli '  appears  to  me  to  be  derived  from  nu  =  person,  and "  muli  =  soapstone.  Soapstone,  of  course,  is  still  to  be  found  in  the  country. "  Before  the  end  of  the  year,  possibly  in  a  few  weeks  hence,  I  may  find  time "  to  go  off  on  a  little  expedition,  to  investigate  the  truth  of  the  native  reports  about *'  the  '  little  hills '  I  previously  mentioned  to  you." Major  G.  d'A.  Anderson,  District  Commissioner,  Makondo,  is  the  source  of  the following  interesting  information  regarding  the  localities  where  these  figures  are  found  ; he  has  not  come  across  any  rumour  as  to  the,  possibly  mythical,  tumuli  concerning  which other  enquirers  have  received  reports.  His  account  runs  as  follows  :  "  I  cross- "  questioned  many  chiefs — Konnoh,  Mendi,  and  Timni — and  their  answers  were  almost *'  identical.  In  substance  it  was  : — With  the  exception  of  a  few  figures  handed  down "  for  generations  as  guardian  '  good  fairies  '  of  a  town  and  a  few  found  in  old  farms, "  all  the  Nomoris  were  found  in  caves  or  recesses  in  worked-out  veins  of  steatite.  I "  warned  all  the  Court  messengers  and  officials  that  I  wished  to  see  one  of  these  '  pits, "  as  they  called  them,  and  by  chance  I  came  across  one  and  investigated  it,  and  could "  see  at  once  the  manner  of  manufacture.  I  was  crossing  from  the  Konnoh  country  to "  the  Kuniki  chiefdom,  and,  as  we  were  passing  a  newly-made  farm,  one  of  the  boys "  ran  back  and  said  the  man  had  found  a  Nomori  pit.  I  found  a  gully  or  ravine  in  the "  side  of  a  steep  hill,  which,  on  investigation  proved  to  be  a  long  tunnel  or  chamber "  with  the  roof  fallen  in  ;  as  far  as  I  could  judge  it  had  been  about  9  feet  wide  tapering "  to  3  feet,  15  feet  long  and  8  feet  [high]  at  the  entrance,  tapering  to  about  4  feet. "  The  sides  were  of  steatite  but  badly  veined  with  sand,  mica  and  iron  oxide.  There "  were  remains  of  several  figures  roughly  blocked  out  but  abandoned  when  a  vein  of "  sand  or  mica  was  encountered.  Clearing  away  debris  I  found  one  small  incomplete "  figure  still  adhering  to  the  side  ;  numbers  of  fragments  were  scattered  about.  The "  natives  told  me  that  when  they  found  figures  in  the  pits,  these  were  always  attached "  to  the  rock  and  had  to  be  cut  out.  I  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  steatite  was "  not  first  quarried  and  then  sculptured,  but  that  the  figure  was  carved  in  the  rock "  in  situ  and  not  removed  until  complete  and  perfect.  If  a  vein  or  pocket  of  quartz  or "  mica  was  encountered,  which  would  spoil  the  sculpture  owing  to  finer  parts  breaking "  or  crumbling  away,  the  figure  was  abandoned  and  another  started.  This  is  borne "  out  by  the  fact  that  most  of  the  figures  now  obtained  are  imperfect,  the  hair,  fingers, "  or  portion  of  ornament  being  unfinished,  and  always  at  the  blemished  spot  mica  or "  sand  will  be  found." Unfortunately  no  information  is  forthcoming  at  present  as  to  the  makers  of  these figures  ;  it  is  possible  that  a  comparison  of  the  tatu  marks  may  shed  a  little  light  on the  subject,  but  I  have  not  yet  had  the  opportunity  of  pursuing  any  enquiry  in  this direction.  I  feel  convinced  that  some  of  them  are  quite  modern,  since  they  correspond so  closely  with  present-day  wood-carvings,  and  it  seems  likely  that  the  natives  may have  taken  once  more  to  the  carving  of  this  easily  worked  material.  Professor Riitimeyer  is  inclined  to  attribute  to  the  nomori  an  age  of  "  many  centuries "  ;  this may  be  correct,  but  there  is  absolutely  no  evidence  to  show  this.  When  it  is remembered  that  tribal  memory  in  savage  Africa  is  extremely  short,  and  that  the whole  of  the  west  coast  has  been  the  scene  of  continual  migrations  from  the  interior, of  tribes  wishing  to  avoid  the  depredations  of  slave  raiders,  or  pressing  seawards  in quest  of  salt,  and  when  it  is  realised  that  these  migrations  usually  resulted  in  the annihilation  of  either  the  immigrants  or  the  people  whose  territory  they  tried  to  seize, [    67    ] .  40-4t] MAN. [1909. it  will  be  readily  understood  that  a  very  few  years  might  suffice  for  a  craft  to  fall into  absolute  oblivion.  On  the  whole  I  cannot  see  that  the  facts  as  we  yet  know them  warrant  us  in  attributing  any  great  age  to  these  carvings.  Nor  can  I  see  that these  figures  can  be  considered  on  the  same  footing  with  ordinary  stone  sculpture  ; some  of  them  are  so  soft  that  they  can  be  scratched  with  the  nail,  none  that  I  have seen  are  so  hard  that  they  could  not  readily  be  shaped  with  an  instrument  of  soft iron,  and  the  fact  that  steatite  possesses  no  grain  renders  it  more  easily  worked  with a  blunt  knife  than  wood,  provided  that  the  details  are  not  to  be  very  minute.  They stand  far  below  the  very  remarkable  basalt  sculptures  discovered  by  Captain  Partridge some  twenty  degrees  of  longitude  distant  in  Southern  Nigeria,  and,  indeed,  have nothing  whatever  in  common  with  them  except  the  mystery  which  surrounds  their origin.  T.  A.  JOYCE. SKULL   FROM   OLD MINE. SKULL   FROM  CHUM RUINS. Africa :  Rhodesia.  Shrubsall. A  Brief  Note  on  Two  Crania  and  some  Long  Bones  from  Ancient Ruins  in  Rhodesia.     By  F.  C.  Shrubsall,  M.D. The  date  to  which  the  construction  of  the  ruins  in  Rhodesia  should  be  assigned has  been  a  matter  of   controversy  since   their  discovery.      Some   investigators  regard them  as  having  been  built  by  the ancient  cultured  peoples  of  Southern Arabia,  and  would  assign  them  to  the early  centuries  of  our  era,  if  not  indeed long  prior  to  this.  Others  maintain that  no  objects  have  been  demonstrated from  any  site  which  can  be  shown  to be  more  ancient  than  the  fourteenth  or fifteenth  century,  that  in  the  archi- tecture there  is  no  trace  of  Oriental  or European  style  of  any  period  soever, and  that  there  are  imported  articles  of contemporary  date  with  the  buildings which    are    mediaeval    or    post-mediaeval.       Those    who    maintain    the    earlier    dating conclude  that  the  settlers  who   built   the  ruins  were   acquainted   only  with  natives  of the  Bushman   type  ;    the    others  appear    to  maintain  that  the   structures    might    have been  constructed  by   negroes.       Any  evidence    from    human    remains    is    therefore   of some  importance. In  the  Natural  History Department    of    the  British Museum     there     are      two skulls  and  some  long  bones which   were  found  in   these ruins  and    presented  to    the Museum  by  H.  W.  Moffat. One,     catalogued     as    97.2, 13.1,  is  described  as  having been  found  buried  in  an  old ruin.     With  this  were  found some  long  bones.    The  other, 97.2,  13.2,  is  described    as    having    been    found    in    an    old    shaft    30  feet  under  the ground   in  a  mine  nearer  Buluwayo. These  records  would  scarcely  serve  to  date  the  remains,  but  on  tracing  their  history it  appears  that  these  are  the  specimens  referred  to  by  Hall  (Ancient  Ruins  of  Rhodesia) [     68     ] SKULL   FROM    OLD MINE. SKULL   FROM   CHUM RUINS. 1909.] MAN. [No.  41. and  Keane  (Gold  of  Ophir)  as  "  ancients,"  so  that  they  presumably  would  maintain that  they  are  the  remains  either  of  the  builders  of  the  present  ruins,  or  at  least  of their  contemporaries. With  regard  to  the  first  skull  the  following  particulars  are  taken  from  Hall's  work. It  was  found  in  the  Chum  ruins,  situated  on  the  summit  of  a  kopje,  200  yards  to the  west  of  the  junction  of  the  Malema  and  Tuli  rivers  in  the  Gwanda  district  of Rhodesia.  The  present  ruins  were  built  on  a  mass  of  intrusive  diorite,  but  are constructed  of  granite  brought  from  a  distance.  Hall  classifies  them  as  belonging  to the  first  Zimbabwe  period,  the  inside  walls  being  of  as  good  construction  as  the  outside, the  main  and  divisional  entrances  being  rounded  and  not  squared,  the  plan  of  the  walls showing  an  elliptical  form  and  there  being  no  straight  walls  or  angular  corners.  He states  that  there  is  no  sign  of  reoccupation  and  no  trace  of  Portuguese  articles.  The original  cemented  floor  with  levelled  edges  remains  the  present  floor.  The  description of  the  site  in  which  the  remains  were  found  is  as  follows  : — "  Under  the  cement  floor "  in  No.  1  enclosure  were  found  the  skeletal  remains  of  a  man  with  gold  bangles  round "  the  ankles.  Altogether  sixteen  ounces  of  plain  gold  ornaments  were  found  with  this "  ancient."  Under  the  cemented  flooring  of  enclosures  2,  3,  and  4,  skeletal  remains  of ancients  were  found  also  with  plain  gold  ornaments. The  evidence  for  the  site  of  the  second  skull  is  less  satisfactory,  but  it  is  one  of those  remains  of  "  ancients  "  stated  to  have  been  sent  originally  to  Professor  Thane  and later  placed  in  the  British  Museum. Crania. — The  skull  from  the  Chum  ruins  has  been  considerably  damaged.  Both skulls  are  of  adults,  the  one  from  the  old  mine  shaft  undoubtedly  belonged  to  a  male, the  sex  of  the  other  is  more  uncertain,  the  small  size  of  the  mastoids,  the  fullness  of  tho conceptaculae  cerebelli  and  the  shape  of  the  forehead  more  resembling  the  female,  though the  size  suggests  that  it  is  a  male. The  chief  dimensions  so  far  as  they  could  be  ascertained  were  : — — Skull  from Chum Ruins. Skull  from Old  Mine Shaft. Skull  from Ohum Ruins. Skull  from Old  Mine Shaft. Dimensions  in  milli- metres. Dimensions  in  milli- metres. Glabello  occipital  length 184-5 182 Frontal  curve 130 117 Maximum  breadth     - 136 131 Parietal  curve 125 129 Basi-bregmatic  height 138  ? 131 Occipital  curve 126 105 Basi-nasal  length 103? 107 Total  sagittal  curve  - 381 351 Basi-alveolar  length  - 101  ? 108 Total  horizontal  curve 522 507 Naso-alveolar  height 70? 66 Biauricular  curve 295 290 Bizygomatic  breadth 136? 132 Nasal  height  - Nasal  breadth 54? 36  ?? 50 30 Indices. Orbital  height,  right — 33 Length-breadth 73-7 72-0 „       left   - 35 33 Length-height 74-8? 72-0 Orbital  breadth,  right — 40 Breadth-height '101-5  ? 100-0 „            „        left  - 40-5 39 Alveolar        - 98-1  ? 100-9 Bidacryc  breadth — 26-5 Upper  facial  ... 51-5? 50-0 Internal  palatal  length „           „       breadth ~ 54 43 Orbital 86-4   { R.  82-5 L.  84-6 „       biorbital  breadth     - — 101 Nasal              ... 66-1  ? 60 Naso-malar  curve — 110 Naso-malar    - — 108-9 No.  41.] MAN. [1909. The  accuracy  of  the  dimensions  marked  with  a  ?  is  somewhat  uncertain  owing to  the  damage  the  skull  has  received.  The  bizygomatic  breadth  and  nasal  breadth have  been  calculated  by  projection  from  the  mid  line  of  the  skull  to  the  appropriate points  on  the  sound  side,  the  measurement  thus  recorded  being  doubled.  The  results are  sufficiently  accurate  to  give  a  general  idea  of  the  size  of  the  skull. If  these  dimensions  be  compared  with  those  obtained  from  an  average  of  a  large series  of  skulls  from  the  various  races  of  southern  Africa  it  will  be  seen  that  these skulls  resemble  the  Bantu  negroes  and  not  the  Bushmen.  The  photographs  show the  negro  type  of  the  skull  and  the  lack  of  resemblance  to  those  of  European,  Hamitic, or  Semitic  origin. AVERAGE  DIMENSIONS  OF  MALE  CRANIA  OF  OTHER  AFRICAN  RACES. — Bushmen. Hottentots. Kaffirs. Zulus. Angoni and Anganja. Djagga. Western Bantu. Predynastic Egyptians. Glabello-occipital  length 178-8 183-2 190-6 184-1 184-0 186-8 179-1 184-5 Maximum  breadth 134-7 133-5 137-3 137-0 133-4 132-6 135-7 133-0 Basi-bregmatic  height  - 126-4 130-6 137-4 138-1 135-1 132-7 133-7 133-6 Bizygometric  breadth  - 121-3 125-8 134-1 133-1 126-9 129-5 128-6 126-9 Naso-alveolar  height    - 60-2 65-5 69-1 69-5 69-7 67-3 66-4 70-1 Nasal  height 42-8 46-2 48-7 47-2 48-1 45-7 47-5 50-7 Nasal  breadth   - 25-9 26-3 27-3 27-3 27-3 27-8 26-8 25-5 Basi-nasal  length 94-9 98-3 105-3 101-8 102-0 — 100-9 101-8 Basi-alveolar  length 94-9 99-6 105-1 101-9 103-7 — 103-9 98-4 The  shape  of  the  nasal  bones  in  the  second  skull  and  lower  margins  of  apertura pyriformis  in  both  is  characteristically  negroid. Long  Bones. — The  long  bones  sent  from  the  Chum  ruins  consist  of  a  left  femur, radius  and  ulna  and  a  right  tibia,  with  parts  of  other  bones,  notably  a  humerus  with  a perforated  olecranon  fossa. Their  lengths  are  : — Femur,  maximum  -     470         Radius  -     284 „        oblique  -     469         Ulna  -     303 Tibia  -     418 The  three  latter  are  quite  disproportionate  to  the  former,  hence  it  seems  probable that  they  may  not  all  be  from  the  same  skeleton. Calculations  based  on  the  length  of  the  femur  would  give  a  stature  of  about 1  m.  70,  while  from  the  other  bones  the  estimate  would  be  from  1  m.  80  to  1  m.  90 according  to  the  formula  employed.  In  any  case  the  bones  must  be  those  of  a  man or  men  of  above  the  ordinary  stature,  which  entirely  excludes  any  question  of  the remains  being  those  of  Bushmen. Taking  all  the  features  into  consideration  it  may  be  concluded  that  these  remains are  those  of  negroes  of  a  similar  type  to  those  now  found  in  Rhodesia.  If  the statement  as  to  the  situation  in  which  the  bones  were  found  be  accepted  then  it must  be  concluded  that  at  the  time  of  the  construction  of  the  buildings  the  negro race  had  already  occupied  Rhodesia. While  it  does  not  show  that  the  negroes  built  the  present  ruins  it  is  at  least important  to  note  that  the  remains  found  are  not  those  of  more  northern  peoples. My  thanks  are  due  to  the  authorities  of  the  British  Museum  for  permission  to measure  and  photograph  these  specimens.  F.  C.  SHRUBS  ALL. [     70     ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  42* Nicobar.  Fontana. Possible  Traces  of  Exogamous  Divisions  in  the  Nicobar  Islands.     JO The  following  extract  is  from  Nicolas  Fontana's  work,  On  the  Nicobar  Tfc Isles  and  the  Fruit  of  the  Mellori  (Asiatic  Researches,  Vol.  Ill  (1802),  Article  VII, in  Selections  from  the  Records  of  the  Government  of  India,  No.  LXXVII.  Calcutta, 1870,  p.  61).  Fontana  visited  the  Nicobar  Islands  in  May,  1778  : — "  They  unite  in  matrimony  through  choice,  and  if  the  man  is  not  satisfied  with the  conduct  of  the  woman,  either  from  her  inattention  to  domestic  concerns,  or  sterility, or  even  from  any  dislike  on  his  part,  he  is  at  liberty  to  discharge  her,  and  each  unites with  a  different  person,  as  if  no  such  connection  had  taken  place.  Adultery  is accounted  highly  ignominious  and  disgraceful,  particularly  icith  persons  not  of  the same  caste:  should  it  be  proved,  the  woman  would  not  only  be  dismissed  with  infamy, but  on  some  occasions  even  put  to  death  ;  although,  by  the  intervention  of  a  small  token given  publicly  and  consisting  of  nothing  more  than  a  leaf  of  tobacco,  the  reciprocal lending  of  their  icives  of  the  same  caste  is  exceedingly  common." No  other  writer  that  I  am  aware  of  speaks  of  "  castes "  among  the  Nicobarese. Pere  Faure  (1711)  specifically  denies  their  existence  (Lettres  Edifiantes  et  Curieuses, Vol.  XL  Toulon,  1810). This  indication  of  the  former  existence  of  classes  regulating  marriage  in  the Nicobar  Islands  seems  to  deserve  comment.  Mr.  E.  H.  Man  allows  me  to  make  the following  quotations  from  his  unpublished  notes  : — "  There  is  no  trace  of  exogamy  or  endogamy  among  the  Nicobar  Islanders.  A few  cases  of  polygamy  have  been  known,  but  the  practice  is  regarded  with  disfavour by  the  general  community.  In  such  cases  as  I  have  known,  the  wives  (to  the  best of  my  recollection)  lived  in  separate  huts  and  were  not  related  to  one  another.  As to  polyandry,  I  was  able  to  discover  only  a  single  case.  .  .  .  On  enquiry  I found  that  the  woman's  bigamous  conduct  was  due  to  her  disappointment  in  having no  children  by  her  first  husband  .  .  .  Though  there  are  many  cases  of  married couples  living  together  for  many  years  and  even  till  death  do  them  part — especially when  they  have  been  prosperous  and  have  been  blessed  with  satisfactory  children — there  is  practically  no  limit  to  the  frequency  of  divorce  ...  It  by  no  means rests  with  the  husband  to  determine  the  separation.  It  frequently  happens  that, owing  to  her  dissatisfaction  with  his  habits  or  treatment  of  her,  the  wife  severs  the connection,  and  either  returns  to  her  relations  or  marries  someone  else. "  Marriages  between  first  cousins — and  of  course,  therefore,  between  relations  of yet  closer  consanguinity — are  not  permitted.  Only  one  such  case  (i.e.,  between  first cousins)  is  cited  as  having  occurred  :  it  was  at  Nancowry  Island  and  was  regarded as  somewhat  scandalous.  There  are  no  restrictions  in  respect  to  marriage  between individuals  of  the  same  name  or  community,  provided  there  be  no  blood  connection between  them.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  probably  no  case  has  ever  occurred among  them  of  the  same  name  having  been  borne  by  a  man  and  a  woman  .  .  . A  man  may  marry  his  deceased  wife's  sister  or  brother's  widow,  or  even  his  brother's wife  if  he  has  deserted  her  ;  but  it  is  not  customary  to  do  so  .  .  .  I  would  add that  among  the  Shorn  Pen  .  .  .  marriages  between  first  cousins  are  said  to  be permitted,  and  one  case  was  brought  to  notice  in  that  community  where  a  man  had married  a  widow  and  her  daughter.  This  tribe,  being  evidently  the  representatives of  the  primeval  inhabitants  of  these  islands,  is  in  a  distinctly  lower  social  scale  than those  occupying  all  the  remaining  islands  of  the  group. "I  cannot  understand  Fontana's  use  of  the  word  '  Caste.'  The  Moravian missionaries,  who  were  19  years  in  those  islands  (1768-87),  and  who  probably  met Fontana  during  his  visit  in  1778,  do  not  support  him  in  this.  .  .  .  Had  a  'caste' system  existed  among  the  Nicobarese  only  a  century  before  my  first  acquaintance [  71  ] Nos.  42-44.]  MAN.  [1909. with    them,  forty  years    ago,  some    trace  would    surely  have    remained  ;    but   I  have never  discovered  anything  to  give  colour  to  any  such  belief."  B.  F.-M. REVIEWS. Australia :  Linguistics.  Planert. Australische  Forschungen.  I.  Aranda- Grammaiik.  II.  Dieri-Grammatik. Von  W.  Planert.  Aus  der  Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologic,  Heft  4  u.  5,  1907,  und Heft  5,  1908. The  languages  of  the  Australian  aborigines  have  so  rarely  been  discussed  in  a scientific  manner  that  the  appearance  of  these  two  articles  should  prove  very  acceptable. They  relate  to  the  south  central  portion  of  the  continent,  which  is  already  fairly  well known  linguistically  by  the  Parnkalla  Grammar  and  Dictionary  of  Teichelmann  and Schurman,  and  the  Narrinyeri  Studies  of  the  Rev.  G.  Taplin. The  Aranda  (or  Arunta)  of  these  grammars  is  already  familiar  to  anthropologists as  the  principal  language  of  the  peoples  dealt  with  in  the  work  of  Messrs.  Spencer  and Gillen  on  the  native  tribes  of  Central  Australia,  in  which,  however,  little  was  to  be learned  of  the  language.  The  Dieri  language  of  the  tribes  about  Cooper's  Creek  is slightly  better  known  and  has  the  distinction  of  being  the  only  native  language  of Australia  in  which  a  complete  version  of  the  New  Testament  has  been  printed.  This was  translated  by  the  missionaries,  J.  G.  Reuther  and  C.  Strehlow,  in  1897. Both  Dr.  Planert's  papers  deal  with  the  details  of  grammar,  which  differ  con- siderably in  the  two  languages,  and  texts  are  given.  In  Aranda  there  are  specimens of  folklore,  and  in  Dieri  the  parables  of  the  Prodigal  Son,  the  Piece  of  Money,  and the  Ten  Virgins  from  the  New  Testament  translation. A  dictionary  of  the  languages  is  promised,  and  this  with  the  grammars  will prove  a  valuable  and  reliable  contribution  to  the  philological  study  of  this  part  of Australia.  S.  H.  RAY. Australasia.  Guillemard :  Keane. Australasia  :  Malaysia  and  the  Pelagic  Archipelagoes.  Vol.  II.  By  F.  H.  H.  11 Guillemard,  M.D.  Second  edition,  revised  by  A.  H.  Keane,  LL.D.  (Stanford's  TT Compendium  of  Geography  and  Travel.  New  issue.)  Pp.  xvi  +  574.  20  x  40  cm. Price  15*. Islands  must  always  have  a  peculiar  interest  for  Britons,  and  a  work  solely  devoted to  an  account  of  a  vast  number  of  them,  from  the  largest  to  the  smallest,  may  well claim  their  attention.  Such  is  the  book  before  us.  It  is  a  treatise  on  islands  which by  their  size,  number,  character,  variety,  distribution,  and  inhabitants  afford  a  fascinating study  for  the  students  of  geography  and  ethnology.  The  first  edition  of  the  work  was very  appropriately  written  by  the  distinguished  author  of  The  Malay  Archipelago  and Island  Life.  It  formed  the  latter  part  of  the  one  volume  then  deemed  sufficient  for the  whole  of  Australasia.  Dr.  Russell  Wallace  made  the  subject  so  interesting  that the  original  volume  ran  through  five  or  more  editions  in  a  few  years. In  1894  this  latter  part  of  the  original  volume  was  re-issued  separately  under  the editorship  of  Dr.  Guillemard.  It  was  much  enlarged  and  embellished  with  fourteen coloured  maps,  two  charts,  and  forty-seven  illustrations. After  fourteen  years,  during  which  time  important  additions  have  been  made  to our  knowledge  of  some  of  the  islands  and  considerable  political  changes  have  occurred, a  new  issue  has  been  considered  desirable.  It  is,  in  the  main,  Dr.  Guillemard's  edition  ; the  maps  and  illustrations  remain  the  same,  but  it  has  been  revised  by  Dr.  A.  H.  Keane, and  the  revision  has  given  opportunity  for  embodying  the  results  of  recent  exploration, more  especially  in  Borneo,  Celebes,  and  New  Guinea.  The  fuller  knowledge  of  the [  72  ] 1909.]  MAN.  [Nos.  44-45. river  systems  of  Borneo,  the  researches  of  the  cousins  Sarasin  in  Celebes,  including their  account  of  the  Toalas  of  South  Celebes,  and  the  nature  of  the  mountain  chains of  New  Guinea  revealed  by  several  explorers — Dutch,  German,  and  English — have  all been  included. Since  the  last  edition  the  Hispano- American  War  has  transferred  the  Philippines to  the  United  States,  and  Spain  has  also  ceded  the  Carolines  to  Germany.  The  United States  have  taken  possession  of  the  Sandwich  Islands.  The  devouring  spirit  of  the Great  Powers  has  divided  the  Solomon  Islands  between  Great  Britain  and  Germany, and  Samoa  between  Germany  and  America. Notwithstanding  recent  additions  to  our  knowledge,  no  doubt  a  large  and  rich field  still  remains  for  the  explorer  and  ethnologist.  There  is  still  much  to  be  learnt regarding  Borneo,  Celebes,  New  Guinea,  to  say  nothing  of  smaller  islands  both  in  the Malay  Archipelago  and  in  the  Pacific. Considering  that,  scattered  over  the  islands  described  in  these  pages,  there  are representatives  of  the  Malay,  Indonesian,  Negrito,  Melanesian,  and  Mahori  races,  with an  invading  Mongol  host  from  China,  this  part  of  Australasia  presents  a  veritable galaxy  of  problems  and  puzzles  for  the  ethnologist.  These  questions  are  naturally only  lightly  touched  upon  in  the  present  work,  but  they  are  by  no  means  ignored,  and as  might  be  expected  from  the  wide  and  profound  knowledge  of  the  reviser,  what  is given  is  clear  and  much  to  the  point.  In  a  short  introductory  disquisition  on  the Malay  race  and  language,  Dr.  Keane's  views,  published  as  long  ago  as  1880  in  the •Journal  of  the  Institute  on  the  origin  of  the  races  of  Malaysia,  are  restated.  Although Dr.  Keaue  has  naturally  a  leaning  to  his  own  conclusions,  yet  most  ethnologists  will probably  admit  that  they  give  the  best  explanation  yet  offered  of  this  difficult problem. The  treatment  of  ethnological  topics  is,  perhaps,  best  illustrated  by  the  brief  but sympathetic  account  of  the  Polynesian  race,  to  which  Dr.  Keane  has  added  a  useful note  on  the  Mahori  language.  It  is,  however,  matter  for  regret  and  gives  a  want  of proportion  to  the  work  that  Polynesia  is  treated  at  so  short  a  length.  The  whole  of Polynesia  (including  Micronesia)  is  disposed  of  in  70  pages  out  of  550,  about  the  same number  as  are  given  to  the  Philippines  alone.  We  should  like  to  have  seen  included in  the  Polynesian  section  what  may  well  be  termed  the  romance  of  the  Pacific — the exploration  of  that  ocean  by  the  early  voyagers.  What  an  interest  is  aroused — an interest  assuredly  very  germane  to  geography  and  to  ethnology  —  by  recalling  the voyages  of  Magellan,  Mendana,  Tasman,  Torres,  Queiros,  Bougainville,  La  Perouse, Wallis,  Cook  and  Wilkes.  A  map  showing  the  routes  of  these  celebrated  captains  of the  sea  might  be  usefully  added.  On  the  other  side,  a  longer  account  of  the  early Portuguese,  Spanish,  and  Dutch  voyagers  who  struggled  for  the  riches  of  the  spice islands,  would  not  have  made  the  geographical  story  any  the  less  interesting. It  goes  without  saying  that  Messrs.  Stanford's  coloured  maps  are  admirable,  but the  value  of  the  work  would  be  considerably  enhanced  by  the  addition  of  maps  in  the text  similar  to  the  chart  on  page  7,  showing  the  submarine  bank  of  South-east  Asia. Such  maps  would  be  particularly  valuable  in  connection  with  the  Polynesian  groups. E.  A.  PARKYN. New  Guinea  :  Languages.  Meyer. Die  Papuasprache  in  Niederldndisch-Neuguinea.     Von  A.  B.  Meyer.     Berlin. Sonder-Abdrnck  aus  dem  Globus,  Bd.  XCIV.  Nr.  12.     24  September  1908. In  the  third  volume  of  the  Reports  of  the  Cambridge  Anthropological  Expedition to  Torres  Straits  it  was  shown  that  the  existence  of  Papuan  or  nou-Melanesian  languages in  British  and  German  New  Guinea  might  be  definitely  asserted,  but  that  the  existence of  similar  languages  in  Netherlands  New  Guinea  was  not  yet  clearly  proved.  In  the [     73     ] Nos,  45-46.]  MAN.  [1909, above  paper  Dr.  Meyer  discusses  this  question,  and  distinguishes  certain   languages  of Netherlands  New  Guinea  as  Papuan.     Those  selected  are  : — 1.  Arfak,  in  the  north-west  peninsula. 2.  Hattam,  also  in  the  north-west. 3.  Kapaur,  in  the  south-west. 4.  A  dialect   spoken   on    the  south  coast   between    138°  and    141°  E.  long. (This  is  called  Tugeri  in  the  Cambridge  Reports.) 5.  Sentani,  in  the  north  of  Netherlands  New  Guinea. A  table  is  given  of  forty-six  words  (including  the  numerals  1  to  6  and  10). This  shows  the  languages  to  be  distinct  from  each  other,  with  a  very  few  loan  words from  the  Malayo-Polynesian.  This  want  of  likeness  between  one  language  and  another is  a  marked  Papuan  characteristic.  Another  feature,  that  of  the  failure  of  the  Papuan numerals  to  express  more  than  "two  "is  indicated  only  by  one  language,  that  of  the south  coast,  where  zakod  =  1,  and  ina  =  2,  and  3  =  ina-zako,  and  4  =  ina-ina. The  non-appearance  of  this  formation  in  the  other  languages  is  not  remarkable,  as, considering  the  imperfections  in  the  lists,  the  words  given  as  numerals  may  possibly be  the  names  of  parts  of  the  body  used  as  tallies.  Dr.  Meyer  quotes  from  Van  der Sande  the  numerals  of  Angadi  and  Nagramadu,  near  Lake  Jamur,  south  of  Geelvink Bay.  These  show  the  Papuan  2+1=3,  2  +  2  =  4. In  some  remarks  on  the  position  of  the  Mafur  language  Dr.  Meyer  strongly  urges its  claim  to  be  considered  a  mixed  language.  It  was  called  Papuan  by  Fried.  Muller, but  Dr.  H.  Kern,  in  1886,  in  discussing  its  relationship  found  about  300  words  identical or  related  to  the  Malayo-Polynesian,  and  hence  concluded  that  the  Malayan  and  Papuan languages  have  had,  and  still  have,  in  part  the  same  grammatical  iorms.  But  viewed in  comparison  with  the  Papuan  languages  illustrated  in  Vol.  Ill  of  the  Reports  of  the Cambridge  Expedition,  Dr.  Meyer  contends,  as  he  and  Georg  v.  d.  Gabelentz  stated in  1882,  that  Kern's  conclusions  are  untenable,  and  that  the  Mafur  is  a  mixed  language consisting  of  an  originally  Papuan  element  with  a  large  influx  of  Malayo-Polynesian words.  That  this  is  doubtless  the  correct  view  is  shown  by  similar  phenomena  where Papuan  and  Melanesian  languages  have  come  into  contact,  as  e.g.,  Savo  (Solomon Islands),  Mailu  (British  Papua),  Tagula  (Louisiades),  Jotafa  (Humboldt  Bay).  In  his conclusion  Dr.  Meyer  briefly  refers  to  the  existence  of  Papuan  languages  as  premising the  existence  of  a  Papuan  race,  and  the  possibility  of  a  future  discovery  of  aborigines in  the  interior  of  New  Guinea.  These,  he  considers,  may  be  found  either  to  be  one race  with  great  variation,  or,  as  he  thinks  more  likely,  a  mixed  race  of  "  Negritos " and  "  Malays,"  using  the  latter  term  in  its  broadest  sense. The  paper  is  suggestive  of  a  rich  field  of  enquiry  which  requires  investigation in  Netherlands  New  Guinea  and  the  neighbouring  islands.  S.  H.  RAY. Folklore.  Johnson. Folk-Memory,  or  the  Continuity  of  British  Archceology.  By  Walter  Johnson, F.G.S.  With  illustrations.  Oxford:  Clarendon  Press,  1908.  Pp.  416. 22  x  14  cm.  Price  12s.  Qd. The  researches  of  Sir  Arthur  Mitchell  into  Scottish  survivals  from  prehistoric times  have  evidently  served  as  a  model  for  the  present  volume,  which  applies  the  same methods  to  England,  though  the  sub-title  suggests  the  inclusion  of  Scotland.  "  Folk- memory  "  is  not  a  very  happy  phrase,  though  most  will  probably  divine  its  relation  to folk-lore,  and  the  author  is  careful  to  begin  by  defining  the  term  :  "  By  folk-memory "  we  mean  the  conscious  or  unconscious  remembrance,  by  a  people  collectively,  of "  ideas  connected  with  the  retention  of  rites  and  superstitions,  habits,  and  occupations." Those  who  read  through  Mr.  Johnson's  present  work  will  be  enabled  to  understand  the [     74    ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  46, definition,  and  perhaps  frame  a  better  one  themselves,  though  it  is  difficult  to  cover  so wide  a  field  in  one  view.  The  author's  previous  investigations  have  made  him  familiar with  certain  phases  of  prehistory,  and  he  devotes  several  chapters  to  the  ages  of  stone, bronze,  and  iron.  He  is  confessedly  more  concerned  with  popular  traditions  as  to  our earliest  monuments  than  with  their  scientific  exploration  and  classification,  but  in  a table  that  is  said  to  be  compiled  from  various  named  authorities  he  should  have  been careful  to  quote  correctly,  and  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  any  recognised  authority for  some  of  the  assertions  on  p.  51.  About  the  earliest  remains  of  man  there  may  well be  some  difference  of  opinion,  but  at  least  Dr.  Rutot  and  his  followers  would  be  surprised to  find  Puy  Courny  parallel  to  the  Kent  plateau,  the  former  being  generally  regarded as  Upper  Miocene  and  the  latter  as  Middle  Pliocene.  Mildenhall  is  a  misleading  site  for English  examples  of  the  Moustier  type,  and  it  would  be  better  to  specify  High  Lodge, as  other  types  have  been  found  at  Mildenhall  itself. According  to  Mortillet  (another  of  the  authorities  mentioned),  the  pigmy  (or  rather pygmy)  flints  belong  to  the  beginning,  not  to  the  end,  of  the  neolithic  period,  but the  most  remarkable  equation  is  the  next  in  order  :  bronze  is  associated  with  the Hallstatt  period  (which  really  opened  the  Iron  Age  on  the  Continent),  and  the  Bronze Age  is  omitted  altogether.  In  these  days  of  cheap  and  multitudinous  handbooks  there is  little  excuse  for  blunders  of  this  kind  ;  and  the  author  is  safer  and  more  convincing on  matters  of  folklore  and  personal  observation.  Several  large  subjects  that  have been  hotly  debated  from  time  to  time  are  conscientiously  summarized  in  such  chapters as  those  on  dene-holes,  linchets,  dew-ponds,  old  roads,  white-horses  and  other  figures on  the  chalk  downs  ;  but,  in  spite  of  much  research  and  argument,  little  fresh  light is  thrown  on  these  problems,  and  most  readers  would  be  inclined  to  regard  them  as insoluble. The  main  object  throughout  is  to  show  a  continuity  of  habit  and  observance from  the  earliest  times  to  the  present,  and  in  a  general  sense  few  would  be  disposed to  maintain  the  contrary  ;  but  the  instances  chosen  are  not  always  the  most  convincing, and  more  than  once  the  author  is  constrained  to  note  the  fallibility  of  tradition,  and incidentally  the  weakness  of  his  argument.  Thus  on  p.  260  he  shows  that  all  correct notions  about  a  gun  at  Old  Sarum  had  vanished  within  little  more  than  a  century, and  on  p.  318  the  discontinuity  of  tradition  is  made  clear  on  the  subject  of  dew-ponds. Dene-holes,  again,  evoke  the  following  remarks  on  pp.  231,  233  :  "The  folk-memory "  of  the  Chislehurst  mines  is  of  an  unsound  character,"  and  "  folk-memory  is,  unfortu- "  nately,  in  both  cases,  a  broken  reed."  Far  too  much  weight  also  is  laid  on  fairy-tales in  connection  with  barrows  and  megaliths,  and  justice  is  hardly  done  to  the  archaeo- logical aspect. Among  obvious  slips  may  be  mentioned  the  confusion  of  two  sites  forty-five  miles apart — Winklebury  near  Basingstoke  and  Winklebury  in  Cranborne  Chase  explored by  Pitt-Rivers.  A  more  serious  error  occurs  in  a  quotation  on  p.  163,  as  the  Mold "  corselet  of  Etruscan  design,  probably  of  the  Romano-British  period,"  has  been  for some  time  known  to  be  a  peytrel  (breast-armour  for  a  pony)  of  native  work,  dating from  about  the  end  of  the  Bronze  Age. In  spite  of  such  drawbacks,  the  volume  contains  much  interesting  and  out-of-the- way  information,  and  the  attempt  to  make  the  dry  bones  live  is  to  be  commended.  The mental  effort  required  to  assimilate  information  that  must  necessarily  be  somewhat disjointed  is  considerably  alleviated  by  the  excellent  type  and  handiness  of  the  book  ; but  the  collection  of  the  notes  at  the  end  is  not  an  unmixed  blessing,  and,  apart from  the  photographs,  the  illustrations  leave  much  to  be  desired.  Age  is  the  only merit  of  the  print  chosen  for  the  frontispiece.  R.  A.  S. Nos,  47-48.]  MAN.  [1909. Ethnology.  Matsumura. A  Gazetteer  of  Ethnology.  By  Akira  Matsumura.  Tokyo  :  The  Marusen-  1 T Kabushiki-Kaisha,  1908.  Pp.  xiv  +  495.  20  x  13  cm.  Tf The  author  of  this  handy  little  book  of  reference  has  made  a  bold  attempt  at  a difficult  task.  The  need  of  a  dictionary  of  tribe-names  has  long  been  felt  by  students of  ethnology,  but  compilers  have  hitherto  shrunk  from  a  task  which  is  not  only  exces- sively laborious  but  which  must  of  necessity  meet  with  severe  and  searching  criticism — criticism  which,  from  its  very  nature,  it  challenges. The  contents  of  the  volume  are  as  follows  : — First  comes  an  alphabetical  list  of 8,000  tribe-names,  with  the  locality  stated  after  each  ;  next  a  series  of  appendices, giving  respectively  a  table  of  races  and  peoples  arranged  under  the  political  divisions of  the  world  ;  a  bibliography  of  works  used  in  the  preparation  of  the  volume  ;  an  index of  race-names  written  in  Kana  ;  an  index  of  the  Chinese  names  of  races  and  peoples  ; and  finally  six  ethnological  maps  of  the  various  continents  and  Oceania.  One  of  the chief  difficulties  which  the  author  had  to  face  in  the  preparation  of  the  first  and  main portion  of  the  book  is  that  afforded  by  the  exasperating  variation  of  names  applied  to the  same  tribe  by  authors  of  different  nationalities.  The  differences  of  spelling  seen  in the  works  of  English  and  French  and  German  authors  are  puzzling  enough,  but  in  that most  difficult  of  continents  to  catalogue — Africa — the  fact  that  many  travellers  have adopted  the  Swahili  names  of  tribes  makes  confusion  worse  confounded,  because  in  this case  it  is  the  initial  letter  which  is  changed.  As  far  as  possible  the  author  has  taken pains  to  enter  a  definite  tribe  under  more  than  one  of  its  appellations.  For  instance, there  is  a  heading  Danakil  (the  plural  form),  and  again  Dankali  (the  singular),  as  well as  the  totally  different  name  Afar  applied  to  the  same  people.  It  would  be  easy  enough to  point  out  omissions,  most  of  all  with  respect  to  Africa,  and  next  with  regard  to  South America,  but  the  author  would  be  the  first  to  admit  that  the  list  is  imperfect ;  in  fact it  is  impossible  that  a  first  edition  of  a  work  of  this  kind  should  be  without  fault, especially  when  it  is  of  such  an  eminently  handy  compass  as  this  small  volume. Anthropologists  will  rather  be  grateful  to  Mr.  Matsumura  for  the  labour  he  has  under- taken in  preparing  a  work  which  will  be  of  the  greatest  use  to  anthropologists  of  all classes ;  the  rectification  of  omissions  and  the  addition  of  further  names  in  accordance with  the  advance  of  exploration  will  be  a  far  more  simple  matter  than  the  work already  accomplished.  T.  A.  J. America,  South.  Outes. Alfarerias  del  Noroeste  Argentina.  By  Felix  F.  Outes.  (Anales  del  Museo de  La  Plata,  Tomo  1,  Segunda  Serie.)  Buenos  Aires,  1908.  Pp.  5-49. 38  x  28  cm. If,  in  the  words  of  Professor  Flinders  Petrie,  pottery  "  constitutes  the  essential "  alphabet  of  archeology  in  every  land,"  the  author  of  this  beautiful  treatise  on  the pottery  of  the  North-west  of  the  Argentine  Republic  deserves  the  gratitude  of  every student  of  South  American  antiquities.  The  work  is  in  every  respect  creditable  to  the institution  which  has  made  possible  its  publication  in  so  handsome  a  form,  the  printing is  excellent,  the  numerous  coloured  plates  of  great  beauty,  and  the  work  of  Professor Outes  amply  testifies  to  the  adequacy  of  the  language  of  Cervantes  as  a  medium  for  the expression  of  scientific  thought. The  material  on  which  the  work  is  based  is,  for  the  most  part,  preserved  in  the National  Museum  at  La  Plata ;  much  of  it  was  collected  by  Methfessel  and  Ambrosetti in  the  provinces  of  Catamarca  and  Tucuman,  whilst  many  of  the  examples  described form  part  of  the  collection  of  Senor  S.  A.  Lafone  Quevedo. It  is  unfortunate  that  so  many  of  the  specimens  lack  definite  antecedents — that  they should  be,  in  fact,  "  drift "  material.  The  derivation  of  many  examples  is  highly [     76     ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  48. doubtful,  and  in  comparatively  few  instances  is  any  record  available  as  to  the  precise locality,  circumstances  of  discovery  and  associated  artifacts.  This  is  the  more  to  be regretted  since  precise  information  of  this  character  is  sorely  needed  at  the  present  day in  order  to  advance  the  science  in  all  parts  of  South  America.  Fully  appreciating  this difficulty,  the  author  has  generally  resisted  all  temptation  to  theorise,  limiting  his  work to  a  careful  examination  and  detailed  description  of  each  specimen,  only  allowing  his views  on  the  wider  aspects  of  the  subject  to  appear  in  the  brief  but  extremely  interesting Observaciones  appended  to  every  chapter. Broadly  grouping  his  material  into  "  vessels  for  domestic  use "  and  "  funerary urns,"  the  author  has  subdivided  the  pottery  according  to  form  and  character  of  its decoration.  Dealing  first  of  all  with  an  interesting  class  covered  with  designs  of  textile derivation  painted  in  red,  white,  and  black,  which  he  considers  to  be  of  archaic  type, he  proceeds  to  describe  pots  painted  in  red  and  black  and  the  very  characteristic "  footless  vases "  (vasos  apodos)  bearing  zoomorphic  and  occasionally  phytomorphic patterns.  Among  the  former,  a  serpent  having  a  head  at  each  extremity  of  the  body, the  Rhea  and  a  batrachian  are  commonly  presented  in  a  somewhat  conventionalised style.  The  urns  of  yellow  clay,  painted  with  strangely  schematic  anthropomorphic designs  in  black,  are  especially  interesting,  and  doubtless  could  tell  us  much  of  primitive religion  if  we  knew  their  secret. The  peculiar  little  boss,  or  projection,  not  infrequently  moulded  into  the  shape  of an  animal's  head,  usually  to  be  noted  on  "  footless  vases,"  is  explained  in  a  satisfactory manner  by  reference  to  a  quaint  little  "  portrait  pot  "  from  Pachacamac,  and  is  shown to  be  a  point  of  support  for  the  rope  which  bound  the  vessel  to  the  shoulders  of  the bearer.  The  wide  diffusion  of  these  "  footless  vases "  is  commented  upon,  for  they range  far  afield  from  the  Peruvian  culture  centre  supposed  to  be  their  place  of  origin. One  notes  the  rarity  of  incised  ornamentation,  the  crude  beginnings  of  moulding  in relief,  and  entire  absence  of  elaborate  double  and  triple  pots,  such  as  are  common  in the  Peruvian  coast  region  and  in  Ecuador. Professor  Outes  very  rightly,  in  the  present  writer's  opinion,  deprecates  the unfortunate  tendency  which  has  at  times  arisen  to  describe  the  pottery  of  the  New World  in  terms  derived  from  the  archaeology  of  the  Mediterranean  region.  In  the present  very  imperfect  condition  of  our  knowledge  of  South  American  technical development  it  would  seem  preferable  to  avoid  the  use  of  all  descriptive  expressions which  by  reason  of  their  classical  associations  tend  to  confuse  the  mind,  and  from  this, perhaps,  extreme  point  of  view  it  may  even  be  regretted  that  such  words  as "  climankistron "  and  "  ankistron  "  have  been  made  use  of  in  the  work  under  con- sideration. Apart  from  this  mild  criticism,  nothing  but  praise  can  be  given  to  this admirable  contribution  to  the  study  of  Man  in  America. One  seeks  in  vain,  it  is  true,  for  information  on  the  chemical  nature  of  the  pig- ments employed  in  the  decoration,  but  it  may  be  presumed  that  powdered  haematite and  oxide  of  manganese,  as  determined  by  the  present  writer  in  certain  Chilian  examples, furnished  the  palette  of  the  Indian  artist.  The  pigments,  the  method  of  building  the pottery,  and  means  by  which  such  excellent  baking  was  secured,  will,  however, doubtless  be  fully  dealt  with  in  the  important  work  now  in  course  of  preparation  by the  author,  Sobre  la  Evolution  de  las  Artes  plasticas  entre  los  primitivos  habitantes de  la  Republica  Argentina. However  impressed  he  may  be  by  the  thoroughness  of  the  work  under  considera- tion, the  reader  cannot  fail  to  be  struck  with  the  backward  state  of  South  American archaeology.  As  yet  no  "  corpus  "  of  Argentine  or  Chilian  pottery  exists,  nor  is  such an  aid  to  study  likely  to  be  available  for  many  years  to  come.  So  predominant  has been  the  interest  of  Peruvian  culture  that  the  wider  field  stretching  afar  beyond  the widest  bounds  attributed  by  enthusiasts  to  the  "  Inca  Empire  "  has  suffered  neglect. Nos.  48-50.]  MAN.  [1909. As  matters  stand,  a  work  like  the  present  raises  a  host  of  tantalising  problems,  and cannot  in  the  nature  of  things  answer  any  of  them.  Thanks  to  scientific  excavation in  Peru  we  begin  to  see  that  the  past  was  even  more  wonderful  than  the  picture drawn  of  it  by  Garcilasso,  and  who  can  doubt  that  a  rich  harvest  of  knowledge  awaits the  investigator  amid  the  broad  pampas  of  the  Argentine  and  quebradas  of  Chile  ? OSWALD  H.  EVANS. Ceylon  :  Stone  Age.  Sarasin. Ergebnisse  Naturwissenschaftlicher  Forschungen  auf  Ceylon.  Von  Dr.  Paul  1  Q Sarasin  und  Dr.  Fritz  Sarasin.  Vierter  Band  :  Die  Steinzeit  auf  Ceylon.  ^U Wiesbaden,  1908.  Pp.  93.  37  x  29  cm. Under  this  title  Drs.  Paul  and  Fritz  Sarasin  have  published  a  description  of  their work  in  Ceylon  during  the  winter  of  1907,  consisting  of  the  systematic  excavation  of  a number  of  Vedda  caves  undertaken  with  the  view  of  determining  whether  the  then commonly  accepted  view  that  there  was  no  Stone  Age  in  Ceylon  was  in  fact  accurate. Particulars  are  given  of  a  number  of  rock  shelters  explored  ;  these  were  situated  at Kataragam  in  the  south  of  the  island  where  no  Veddas  now  exist,  and  in  Uva  in  the present  Vedda  country.  Not  all  the  caves  investigated  yielded  evidence  of  prehistoric habitation,  but  from  a  certain  number  were  obtained  quartz,  chert,  and  shell  implements which  put  the  matter  beyond  doubt  and  conclusively  show  that  Ceylon  formerly possessed  a  Stone  Age.  The  greater  part  of  the  work  is  taken  up  with  a  discussion  of the  quartz  and  chert  artifacts  found  and  their  significance,  and  good  illustrations  of  the implements  themselves  are  given.  These  show  that  the  quartz  implements  discovered by  the  Drs.  Sarasin  belong  to  the  same  type  as  those  figured  by  the  writer  in  MAN (1908,  63),  but  in  addition  to  these  the  Sarasins  found  hammer-stones,  a  few  pieces  of worked  bone,  and  a  series  of  shells  of  the  large  land  snail  (Helix  phcenix\  the  outer whorl  of  each  shell  being  broken  away  to  form  a  circular  hole  large  enough  to  allow its  sharp  edge  being  used  as  a  scraper.  These  shells,  in  fact,  constitute  a  primitive plane,  and  in  every  way  resemble  those  found  by  Roth  in  use  in  Queensland  at  the present  day. Much  of  the  book  is  occupied  by  a  comparison  of  the  quartz  implements  with those  found  in  Europe  ;  indeed,  the  frequency  as  well  as  the  abrupt  manner  with which  throughout  the  book  parallels  are  cited  is  distinctly  distracting. Finally,  since  the  authors  found  neither  pottery  nor  axe-heads  associated  with their  other  prehistoric  material  they  conclude  that  the  Ceylon  implements  belong to  the  palaeolithic  age,  though  they  apparently  admit  that  in  many  respects  the  best implements  approach  the  neolithic. The  writer  has  already  expressed  his  opinion  (MAN,  loc.  cit.)  that  these  Ceylonese quartz  implements  must  be  regarded  as  neolithic,  and  in  this  view  he  has  the  support of  Mr.  Reginald  Smith. Further,  it  is  important  to  note  that  the  implements  under  discussion  when not  found  free  on  the  surface  of  the  soil,  as  on  the  Bandarawela  patanas,  are  associated only  with  the  bones  of  animals  still  plentiful  in  Ceylon. In  conclusion,  reference  must  be  made  to  the  beauty  of  the  illustrations,  which  are in  every  way  worthy  successors  of  those  illustrating  the  authors'  previous  works. C.  Gr.  SELIGMANN. Africa,  South.  Native  Races  Committee. The  South  African  Natives :  Their  Progress  and  Present  Condition.  Edited  Cfl by  the  South  African  Native  Races  Committee.  London  :  Murray,  1908.  vU Pp.  xii  +  247.  22  x  14  cm.  Price  6s. There  is  little  in  this  book  of  special  interest  to  the  anthropologist,  for  it  is  not so  much  a  treatise  on  the  South  African  native  as  an  analysis  and  summary  of  the [    78     ] 1909.]  MAN.  [Nos.  50-51. laws  which  have  been  made  for  his  control  and  the  schemes  that  have  been  devised for  his  welfare.  What  little  there  is  that  concerns  the  anthropologist  is,  however,  of <rreat  interest.  The  book  reveals  the  effects  on  the  weaker  race  of  the  clash  of O cultures  in  South  Africa.  It  shows  that  the  virtues  of  thrift  and  enterprise  and  the vices  of  greed,  selfishness,  disloyalty  and  lawlessness  are  encouraged  by  the  disintegra- tion of  the  tribal  system  aud  the  replacement  of  communism  by  individualism.  The loss  of  the  old  ethical  code  has  been  compensated  by  the  adoption  of  a  higher  code in  only  a  proportionately  small  number  of  cases  and  in  the  case  of  the- majority  of the  natives  the  weakening  of  native  laws  tends  to  increase  immorality.  It  is unquestionable  that  for  the  time  being  at  least  the  natives  as  a  whole  from  an ethical  standpoint  suffer  from  the  change  half  unconsciously  forced  upon  them  by Europeans.  The  wonder  is  that  a  virile  and  exceedingly  conservative  race  rudely  jerked across  forty  centuries  of  time  has  not  suffered  still  more  in  the  process.  A chapter  on  the  Ethiopian  movement  is  of  great  interest.  It  reveals  the  confused gropings  of  men  who  have  accepted  Christian  doctrine  but  seek  to  evolve  a  system of  worship  better  adapted  to  the  native  temperament  than  those  of  the  various English  sects.  To  the  churchman  and  the  politician  the  Ethiopian  movement  causes grave  uneasiness  (though  it  is  reassuring  to  learn  that  most  of  the  turbulence  and sedition  of  which  the  Ethiopians  have  been  accused  was  not  of  spontaneous  growth but  was  instigated  by  negro  agitators  from  the  United  States  of  America),  but  to the  anthropologist  the  movement  is  of  intense  interest  for,  in  that  it  affords  a  bond for  the  unification  of  different  tribes,  it  is  a  sign  of  the  dawn  of  natural  self- consciousness  in  a  race  that  has  scarcely  yet  realised  its  homogeneity. The  members  of  the  South  African  Native  Races  Committee  deserve  thanks  for the  production  of  a  volume  which  as  a  work  of  reference  will  prove  itself  indispensable to  all  interested  in  the  political,  social  and  economic  position  of  the  South  African native.  RALPH  DURAND. Russia :  Anthropometry.  Tarnowsky. Les  Femmes  homicides.  Par  Dr.  Pauline  Tarnowsky.  Paris  :  Alcan,  1908.  CJ Pp.  viii  +  591.  25  x  16  cm.  Price  15  francs.  Ul The  work  comprises  a  detailed  anthropornetrical  and  physiological  study  of  160 Russian  women  under  sentence  for  murder.  They  are  compared  with  other  series  of observations  by  the  same  author  on  women  of  the  vicious  and  criminal  classes  and  with groups  of  others  both  educated  and  illiterate  who  had  manifested  no  criminal  tendencies. The  result  is  a  great  addition  to  our  knowledge  of  the  dimensions  and  physiological psychology  of  the  women  of  Central  Russia. The  group  of  murderesses  present  somewhat  smaller  head  dimensions  than  the others,  particularly  in  head  length  and  horizontal  circumference,  the  differences  being rather  greater  than  could  be  accounted  for  by  random  sampling.  In  facial  characters no  significant  differences  exist  between  the  members  of  the  criminal  classes  and  the illiterate  peasants  with  whom  they  are  contrasted.  The  educated  women,  however, present  distinctly  longer  faces  and  longer  and  probably  narrower  noses.  In  stature, weight,  and  most  bodily  dimensions  no  characteristic  differences  are  shown.  The criminal  and  vicious  groups  are  significantly  darker  both  in  hair  and  eye  colour  than the  non-criminal  groups. The  various  features  have  been  studied  in  relation  to  the  supposed  motive  for  the crime,  without,  however,  in  most  cases  yielding  any  statistically  significant  result,  owing to  the  comparatively  small  numbers  available.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  dark  traits are  most  prevalent  amongst  those  who  committed  murder  under  the  impulse  of  jealousv and  least  in  the  group  whose  motive  was  avarice.  The  heredity  of  each  murderess  has [  79  ] Nos,  51-53.]  MAN.  [1909. been  investigated  as  far  as  possible  and  a  list  of  all  the  stigmata  of  degeneration presented  by  each  individual  is  given.  Although  nervous  disorders,  alcoholism,  and insanity  are  shown  to  be  common  antecedents,  there  is  no  evidence  that  these  stand  in a  causal  relationship  to  the  mental  state  of  the  individual  prisoner.  This  work  will  be welcomed  as  a  most  complete  study  of  individuals  and  should  find  a  place  in  the library  of  criminologists.  F.  S. India,  North- West.  Pennell. Among  the  Wild  Tribes  of  the  Afghan  Frontier.  By  T.  L.  Pennell,  M.D.,  C A with  an  introduction  by  Field-Marshal  Earl  Roberts,  V.C.,  K.G.  London  :  Ufc Seeley,  1909.  Pp.  324.  23  x  15  cm.  Price  16*. Dr.  Pennell  in  this  interesting  book  gives  an  account  of  his  experiences  as  a medical  missionary  on  the  north-west  frontier  of  India,  and  incidentally  throws  a  good deal  of  light  on  the  customs  and  social  system  of  the  tribes  with  which  he  came  in contact.  The  book  is  not,  and  is  not  intended  to  be,  scientific  ;  but  Dr.  Pennell  is evidently  well  qualified  for  more  strictly  anthropological  work,  and  if  he  finds  time and  opportunity,  perhaps  he  may  in  future  record  the  result  of  his  observations on  the  structure  of  the  Afghan  tribe,  for  instance,  or  other  kindred  subjects,  or even  take  some  anthropometrical  observations  duly  classified  according  to  tribe  or locality.  Such  observations,  perhaps,  would  be  found  not  to  clash  with  his  hospital work. Dr.  Pennell  takes  a  wide  and  liberal  view  of  the  religious  question,  and  does  not, like  some  missionaries,  consider  that  the  value  of  his  teaching  is  to  be  tested  by  counting nominal  converts.  The  influence  of  judicious  and  courageous  medical  missionaries  of the  type  of  Dr.  Pennell,  who  do  not  try  to  break  down  all  aboriginal  customs  and ideas,  cannot  but  be  good. The  author's  experiences  in  his  wanderings  as  a  sadhu  or  friar  in  native  garb,  but making  no  secret  of  his  Christianity,  are  very  interesting.  He  depended,  as  other sadhus  and  faqirs  do,  on  alms  for  his  maintenance,  and  generally  met  with  success. This  is  a  form  of  religious  practice  which  appeals  with  great  force  to  the  Oriental mind,  and  it  may  yet  produce  startling  results  when  followed  by  a  man  with  the  proper qualifications. The  narrative  is  plain  and  unaffected,  and  the  many  interesting  stories  it  embodies are  told  in  effective  style.  I  may  add  that  I  recognise  an  old  friend  of  mine  in  the Christian  landowner  mentioned  on  page  309,  and  had  twenty-five  years  ago  to  settle several  disputes  in  which  he  was  concerned.  M.  LONGWORTH  DAMES. ANTHROPOLOGICAL   NOTE. WE  are  glad  to  hear  that,  owing  to  another  munificent  donation  of  £2,000  from  CQ Mr.  C.  F.  Foster  and  Mrs.  Rawlings,  the  fund  for  the  building  of  the  new  UU Museum  of  Archaeology  and  Ethnology  at  Cambridge  now  amounts  to  over  £10,000, and,  consequently,  it  is  proposed  at  once  to  begin  the  erection  of  the  first  portion  of  the building.  It  is  estimated  that  the  cost  of  this  portion,  known  as  block  I,  will  be rather  more  than  £11,000.  The  building  has  been  designed  by  Mr.  T.  G.  Jackson, R.A.  The  main  galleries  of  the  completed  building  (blocks  I  and  II)  will  probably  be utilised  as  follows  : — On  the  ground  floor  there  will  be  an  educational  series  arranged on  the  Pitt  Rivers  system  ;  the  first  floor  will  contain  the  archaeological  collections, the  Cambridge  Antiquarian  Museum,  and  the  Walter  Foster  bequest ;  on  the  third floor  the  ethnological  collections  will  be  arranged. Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.C. 9* PLATE  F. MAN,  1909. I O LU m Q LU CO O cc 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  54. ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. Ireland :  Archaeology.  With  Plate  F.  Layard. The  Older  Series  of  Irish  Flint  Implements. *      By  Nina  F.  Layard,     C 1 F.L.  S.  U41 In  bringing  these  Irish  flint  implements  to  the  notice  of  the  Royal  Anthropological Institute,  I  do  not  pretend  to  he  either  the  first  to  have  found  them  in  co.  Antrim, or  even  to  be  introducing  a  subject  that  has  not  already  had  much  attention  paid  to  it in  Ireland.  In  England,  as  far  as  I  can  ascertain,  but  little  notice  has  been  taken  of this  particular  series. More  than  forty  years  ago  Mr.  Du  Noyer  recognised  roughly-worked  tools  in  and below  the  raised  beaches  which  are  to  be  found  in  various  parts  of  the  north-east  coast of  Ireland,  especially  where  it  is  broken  into  bays,  estuaries,  and  marine  loughs.  Both he  and  Professor  Hull  believed  them  to  be  of  Palaeolithic  type.  Later  Mr.  Knowles  of Ballymena  read  a  paper  on  the  subject  before  the  British  Association  at  Dublin,  and again  drew  attention  to  these  flints  in  an  address  before  the  Royal  Irish  Academy  in 1883.  He,  Mr.  Gray  and  others,  have  made  collections  of  them  at  various  times,  and more  than  once  committees  of  investigation  in  connection  with  the  Belfast  Naturalist's Field  Club  have  examined  these  raised  beaches,  to  try  and  determine  the  real  origin of  the  flints,  as  well  as  the  geological  conditions  under  which  the  beaches  attained their  present  height. My  first  acquaintance  with  these  rich  deposits  came  about  in  the  following  way. While  waiting  at  Larne  last  October  with  Miss  Loraine,  we  took  a  stroll  along  the borders  of  the  lough,  and  were  greatly  surprised  to  find  flint  flakes,  spalls,  and  a finished  tool  of  unusual  form,  lying  on  the  shore  at  our  feet.  It  was  evident  that  we had  chanced  upon  the  debris  of  some  prehistoric  flint  factory,  but  I  was  quite  unaware that  this  spot  was  the  battle-field  of  the  Irish  anthropologists.  Possibly  the  first impression  of  an  English  collector  may  not  for  this  reason  be  of  any  the  less  value, as  the  striking  difference  in  the  appearance  of  these  flints,  compared  with  the  tools  to which  we  are  accustomed  in  England,  is  probably  more  noticed  by  English  than  Irish antiquaries,  the  latter  having  been  acquainted  with  them  for  many  years. Some  twenty  English  collectors,  many  of  them  eminent  experts,  to  whom  I  have already  shown  the  specimens  obtained  at  Larne,  have  with  few  exceptions  declared  the type  to  be  something  new  and  unfamiliar.  Taken  as  a  whole  the  flints  certainly  do  not correspond  at  all  closely  either  to  the  Palaeoliths  or  Neoliths  so  far  found  in  England. To  show  the  extreme  richness  of  the  deposit,  in  sixteen  hours  spent  on  the  shore  at various  times,  I  collected  nearly  1,200  worked  flints.  They  lay  thickly  strewn  along the  beach,  the  smaller  flakes  higher  up,  and  many  of  the  heavier  cores  and  spalls,  &c. only  to  be  found  at  low  water.  The  flints  at  the  higher  level  which  do  not  come  in contact  with  the  seaweeds,  have  a  white  porcellanous  patination,  which  in  some  cases is  so  thick  as  to  have  entirely  taken  the  place  of  the  flinty  substance,  that  is  to  say, the  whole  flint  is  changed  by  chemical  action  and  exposure. Lower  down,  where  the  flints  are  more  constantly  covered  by  the  water,  and  where seaweeds  are  found  growing  on  the  worked  stones,  a  warmer  colour  is  noticed,  varying from  creamy  yellow  to  a  deep  iodine  red.  Here  the  flints  are  more  rolled  and  disguised than  higher  up,  but  such  a  complete  series  in  the  process  of  obliteration  can  be  found, that  to  anyone  working  actually  on  the  spot  it  is  soon  as  easy  to  recognise  the  human touch  on  a  tool  almost  at  its  last  stage  before  becoming  a  mere  rolled  pebble,  as  it  is to  be  certain  of  the  sharper  outlines  of  the  less  rolled  flints. In  the  collection  at  Ipswich  I  have  a  large  series  of  fine  cores  which  clearly demonstrate  this  point. *  Extract  of  paper  read  before  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  March  23rd,  1909. [    81    ] No.  54.]  MAN.  [1909. Although  artificially  fractured  flints  abound  on  the  spot,  carefully  shaped implements  are  more  rarely  to  be  found.  Among  them  I  have  a  good  end  scraper,  much larger  and  clumsier  than  the  usual  Neolithic  scrapers  of  the  same  type.  It  closely resembles  a  tool  which  I  gave  to  Sir  John  Evans,  found  in  the  gravels  of  my  garden in  Ipswich,  and  which  he  identified  as  Palaeolithic  (PI.  F,  9).  Another  implement, which  is  triangular,  is  also  somewhat  Palaeolithic  in  outline,  but  it  is  worked  on  one side  only  and  is  much  abraded  (PI.  F,  11).  Others  are  strongly  reminiscent  of  well- known  Drift  types,  being  roughly  pointed,  and  with  the  crust  left  on  for  the  hand grasp  (PI.  F,  1-7,  and  Fig.  2).  Again,  there  are  shapes  that  bear  a  closer  resem- blance to  some  of  the  earliest  Neolithic  types,  such  as  the  so-called  Larne  Celt,  a  long, narrow,  unground  tool.  The  spoon-shaped  implement  which  I  found  on  my  first  visit (PI.  F,  12)  corresponds  somewhat  to  a  specimen  from  the  Yorkshire  wolds,  which  is figured  by  Sir  John  Evans  in  his  book  on  stone  implements.  I  am  not  aware  that another  of  this  form  has  been  found  at  Larne.  Flakes  and  chips  of  various  shapes  with conspicuous  bulbs  of  percussion  abound.  I  have  a  few  leaf-shaped  flakes  apparently made  for  pointing  weapons,  but  anything  in  the  shape  of  a  true  arrow  head  or  the usually  accepted  Neolithic  scraper  is  entirely  absent.  Four-pounders  will  be  seen  on PI.  F,  14-17. Before  I  had  had  the  opportunity  of  referring  to  any  Irish  literature,  I  secured  a geological  map  of  the  district  to  see  if  it  would  throw  any  light  on  the  subject. Noticing  that  raised  beaches  surrounded  parts  of  Lough  Larne  I  concluded  that  the flints  had  been  denuded  out  of  these  gravels,  as  they  appeared  far  too  ancient  for  mere surface  finds,  and  I  have  since  found  that  this  is  the  case.  Although  there  can  be no  doubt  that  we  have  on  this  coast  the  remains  of  very  extensive  flint  workings, where  weapons  were  manufactured  not  only  for  the  makers  themselves,  but  for  others farther  removed  from  the  sources  whence  flint  could  be  obtained,  it  is  difficult  to believe  that  all  the  shapes  found  were  merely  wasters  or  roughed  out  tools  intended to  be  finished  elsewhere.  Among  the  coarse  spalls  and  flakes  lying  about,  doubtless at  first  the  mere  debris  of  the  flint  workings,  many  appear  to  have  subsequently received  specially  directed  blows  in  order  to  fashion  them  into  rude  tools,  and  some  are distinct  celts,  chisels  and  pointed  implements. It  is  noticeable  that,  notwithstanding  the  many  acres  of  land  covered  by  these raised  beaches,  every  foot  of  which  is  crowded  with  worked  flints,  nothing  in  the  shape of  a  ground  weapon  has  yet  come  to  hand.  From  this  we  may  infer  that  the  art  of grinding  was  unknown  to  the  workers  on  this  site,  although  the  dwellers  among  the sand  hills  not  far  distant,  who  must  have  been  later  comers,  have  left  plenty  of  traces to  show  that  they  had  attained  to  it. It  appears  to  be  the  general  opinion  of  geologists  that  the  25-foot  raised  beaches to  which  these  flints  belong  were  elevated  to  their  present  height  during  Neolithic times,  but  it  does  not  necessarily  follow  that  the  flints  embedded  in  them  were  freshly made  and  left  in  the  gravels  at  the  time  of  their  first  laying  down.  To  decide  this point  it  is  all-important  to  examine  the  condition  of  the  worked  flints  found  at  the lowest  levels  in  the  gravels.  This  I  have  had  the  opportunity  of  doing  since  exhibiting the  flints  at  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  and  some  of  the  observations  made during  the  month  of  April  are  here  included. Through  the  kindness  of  Mr.  Chaine,  the  owner  of  Larne  Harbour,  who  put workmen  at  my  disposal,  and  allowed  me  to  cut  down  a  section  of  the  gravels  on  his property,  the  flints  have  been  studied  in  situ  (Fig.  1).  I  also  had  the  great  advantage of  the  help  of  Mr.  Knowles  and  Miss  Outram,  and  together  we  made  a  careful  exami- nation of  every  foot  of  the  section  as  it  was  cut  down.  The  contents  of  each  level were  inspected,  and  every  worked  flint  gathered  out  and  numbered  to  prevent  any possible  mixing  of  the  specimens. [    82    ] 1909.] MAN. [No.  54. The  results  were  not  altogether  similar  to  those  arrived  at  by  Messrs.  Praeger  and Coffey  when  they  examined  a  similar  section  in  1904,  from  which  it  will  be  seen  that there  is  a  want  of  uniformity  both  in  the  laying  down  of  these  gravels,  as  well  as  in the  condition  of  the  flints  in  various  parts  of  it. In  the  report  of  Mr.  Praeger's  work  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy 78  flakes,  4  cores,  slightly  abraded  ; pa t inn t ion  ttiin,  bluish-white  ; majority  iron  stained. J- 33  flakes,  10  cores,  1  large  pointed tool ;  patination  creamy  white  ; flints  in  lower  portion  much abraded  and  rolled,  no  iron  stains. 18  flakes,  4  cores,  1  large  pointed tool  (Drift type);  patination  thick pure  white ;  crust  creamy,  no  iron stains ;  all  rolled  and  abraded  ; pointed  tool  is  less  rolled  and  deep cream. 1  flake  with  good  bulb  ;  patination bluish ;  perhaps  fallen  from surface. 12 13   -1ft 14 FlG.   1. — SECTION  OF  RAISED  BEACH,    I.ARNK,   EXAMINED  APBIL,   1909. 1.  Surface  soil,  dug  and  turned  back  ;  2.  Coarse  black  sand  and  pebbles  varying  in  size  ;  3.  Coarse  gravel,  consisting  of -closely-packed  small-rolled  stones  mostly  limestone  not  mixed  with  earth ;  4.  Rolled  and  angular  pebbles ;  5.  Well-defined band  of  dark  brown  earth,  no  stones  ;  6,  7.  Earthy  bands  with  rolled  pebbles  of  basalt  and  limestone ;  8.  Well-defined  band  of large  rolled  stones;  9.  Chocolate-coloured  fine  gravel;  10.  Band  of  large  boulders  of  basalt  and  limestone;  11.  Pine  iron- stained  gravel ;  12.  Dark  earth  devoid  of  itones ;  13.  Red  boulder  clay  with  large  boulders  penetrating  No.  12;  14.  Blue 'boulder  clay  seen  in  section  close  by. I  find  the  following  remarks  : — "  Our  experience  is,  and  it  appears  to  have  been  that  of u  the  Field  Club  committee,  that  the  flints  with  abraded  crust  occur  chiefly  in  the  higher "  layers,  and  for  the  most  part  in  the  disturbed  surface  portion.  Lower  down  the •"  flints  are  sharper  and  often  unpatinated,  or  only  partly  patinated."  The  writers  also [    83    ] No.  54.] MAN. [1909. add,  "  The  evidence  of  the  unrolled  flakes  in  the  lower  beds  points  to  the  working  of "  the  flints  having  been  contemporary  with  the  laying  down  of  the  gravels."  That these  conclusions  differ  from  those  formed  by  Mr.  Knowles  and  myself  in  our  work  last April,  a  glance  at  the  drawing  and  description  of  the  section  opened  on  Mr.  Chaine's property  will  show.  (Fig.  1.) To  a  depth  of  three  feet  from  the  surface,  though  numerous  flakes  were  found,  the majority  were  so  slightly  patinated  as  to  show  the  colour  of  the  flint  through,  producing a  bluish  effect,  while  in  some  the  surface  of  the  flint  was  hardly  changed  at  all.  Most of  the  specimens  at  this  level  were  stained  with  iron  in  blotches,  and  also  following  the lines  of  the  ridges.  Below  this  level  the  iron  stains  ceased  entirely,  while  the  flints became  even  more  thickly  coated  with  a  white  porcellanous  patination.  At  a  depth  of 9  feet  2  inches,  the  lowest  level  at  which  any  number  were  found,  the  flints  were  much abraded  and  rolled,  and  as  this  condition  could  not  possibly  be  reached  after  they  were included  in  the  present  gravels,  we  can  but  infer  that  they  had  been  exposed  for  a  great length  of  time  on  a  shore  before  the  sinking,  which  preceded  the  subsequent  elevation, took  place.  This  is  presuming  that  the  gravels  were  laid  down  in  the  usual  way, which  may  possibly  be  open  to  question. Moreover,  as  the  raised  beach  is  almost  entirely  composed  of  rolled  stones  of  basalt and  limestone,  with  hardly  one  per  cent,  of  unworked  flint,  it  would  seem  that  these remnants  left  by  the  flint  workers  are  really  as  foreign  to  the  raised  beach  in  which they  are  em- bedded as  those which  lie  at  the present  time  on the  lough  border are  foreign  to the  shore.  Ap- parently we  have yet  to  find  their real  birthplace. It  is  also perhaps  worthy of  remark  that, the  flints  found on  the  Curran Larne,  and  on Island  Magee, are  at  a  con- siderable distance  from  the  position  in  which  the  natural  flint  occurs,  for  it  is  above the  other  side  of  the  lake  that  the  limestone  rocks  with  their  bands  of  flint  are  to be  found. In  the  Proceedings  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy  (Series  II,  Vol.  II,  p.  437) Mr.  Knowles  had  already  stated  that  he  had  found  flints  in  this  rolled  condition  at great  depths,  and  had  inferred  from  this  that  they  were  older  than  the  formation  in which  they  are  found,  and  certainly  our  researches  so  far  go  to  confirm  this  view.  At the  same  time  the  extreme  irregularity  of  the  deposition  of  the  gravels  to  some extent  nullifies  the  value  of  conclusions  formed  from  these  facts.  As  a  permanent record  of  the  investigation  I  have  preserved  material  from  every  level  as  the  raised beach  was  cut  down,  with  the  flints  included  in  it,  an  examination  of  which  will  be more  convincing  than  mere  written  records.  A  very  comprehensive  collection  of  the various  types  of  tools  from  the  raised  beaches  of  Larne,  Island  Magee,  and  Kilroot> is  in  Mr.  Knowles's  possession.  Contrasting  them  with  the  later  work  of  the  Neolithic [     84     ] Front  view.  \  Side  vieu. FIG.  2. — IMPLEMENT  OF  PALAEOLITHIC  TYPE,  RAISED  BEACH,  LARNE. 1909.]  MAN.  [Nos.  54-55. dwellers  of  the  Irish  sandhills,  he  has  designated  these  rougher  specimens  "  the  older series,"  and,  following  his  lead,  I  have  also  adopted  this  title  for  them.  The  fact  of finding  flints,  which  by  many  are  considered  Neolithic,  at  such  enormous  depths  in gravel  is  subversive  of  all  our  experience  so  far  in  England.  Considering  this,  as well  as  the  crude  appearance  of  the  workmanship,  I  think,  even  if  we  are  convinced that  they  belonged  to  the  later  Stone  Age,  it  would  be  an  advantage  to  apply  some such  distinctive  name  as  that  suggested.  The  most  remarkable  instrument  found  in our  recent  excavation  was  a  large  tool  of  Palaeolithic  appearance,  which  came  from  a depth  of  seven  feet.  It  is  worked  on  both  sides,  and  carefully  shaped  at  the  butt  for the  hand-grasp.  The  colour,  unlike  the  rest  of  the  flints,  is  yellow,  as  though  gravel- stained  (Fig.  2). In  conclusion,  the  following  quotation  from  Mr.  Knowles's  paper,  read  before  the Royal  Society  of  Antiquaries  in  Ireland,  will  give  some  idea  of  the  antiquity  which must  be  assigned  to  these  relics.  He  says  :  "  Since  the  time  when  these  implements "  were  lying  about  the  shore,  &c.,  the  following  events  have  happened  : — "  1st.  The  gradual  sinking  of  the  shore  and  the  formation  of  the  gravels  20  feet "  in  thickness,  which  include  the  worked  flints. "  2nd.    The  elevation  of  the  shore  till  the  surface  of  the  gravel  stands  20  feet "  above  high- water  mark."  NINA  F.  LAYARD. Anthropology.  Deputation. Anthropology  and  the  Empire  :    Deputation  to  Mr.  Asquith.  C C On  March  llth  the  Prime  Minister  received,  in  his  private  room  at  the  UU House  of  Commons,  a  deputation  supporting  a  memorial,  signed  by  a  great  many distinguished  administrators  in  India  and  the  Colonies  and  others,  urging  the  necessity of  establishing  an  Imperial  Bureau  of  Anthropology  within  the  Royal  Anthropological Institute. The  members  of  the  deputation  were  Mr.  Russell  Rea,  M.P.,  Professor  William Ridgeway,  Sir  Richard  Temple,  Sir  Edward  Candy,  Professor  Myres,  Mr.  G.  W. Neville,  Sir  Thomas  Holdich,  Sir  Harry  Johnston,  Sir  W.  Anson,  M.P.,  Mr.  S.  H. Butcher,  M.P.,  Mr.  Hart-Davies,  M.P.,  and  Mr.  Annan  Bryce,  M.P. Mr.  Asquith  was  accompanied  by  Mr.  Hobhouse,  M.P.,  Financial  Secretary  to the  Treasury,  Sir  Francis  Hopwood,  Colonial  Office  ;  Sir  T.  Holderness,  India  Office  ; Lord  Dufferin,  Foreign  Office  ;  and  Mr.  Nash  and  the  Hon.  E.  S.  Montague,  M.P., private  secretaries. The  memorial,  which  is  published  in  full  in  Journ.  Roy.  Anthr.  Inst.,  XXXVIII, p.  489,  pointed  out  the  importance  of  anthropology  to  administration  and  trade  and prayed  that  the  Government  would  make  a  small  annual  grant  for  the  establishment of  an  Imperial  Bureau  of  Anthropology  within  the  Institute. MR.  RUSSELL  REA,  who  introduced  the  deputation,  said  they  had  a  little  demand to  make  of  the  Prime  Minister,  who,  he  thought,  seldom  received  a  demand  so  small in  itself  and  at  the  same  time  promising  so  much  good  if  granted. PROFESSOR  RIDGEWAY,  in  explaining  the  object  of  the  deputation,  said  that  the science  of  anthropology  was  now  sufficiently  advanced  to  be  used  as  an  applied  science, and  it  was  for  its  use  in  that  way,  and  in  that  aspect  only,  that  they  asked  for  the assistance  of  the  Government.  Their  request  fell  under  two  heads  :  They  were  of opinion  that  anthropology  could  be  made  of  the  highest  possible  value  for  the  service  of the  State  for  training  administrators  for  the  Indian,  Colonial,  and  Consular  services  ;  and secondly,  they  regarded  it  as  a  factor  in  commercial  success.  As  to  the  first  something had  already  been  done.  Some  great  administrators  of  the  Empire,  including  Sir Reginald  Wingate,  had  asked  them  to  provide  training  for  officials  ;  and  probationers for  the  Soudan  were  now  being  trained  at  the  Universities  in  this  science.  On  the [  85  ] No.  55.]  MAN.  [1909, other  hand,  our  trade  was  suffering  from  the  want  of  training  in  anthropology.  The Germans  were  quite  clear  as  to  its  value  in  trade,  and  were  spending  £10,000  a  year  on the  teaching  of  ethnology.  As  much  as  £800  a  year  had  been  spent  in  this  way  in China  for  the  purpose  of  advancing  trade.  Both  in  China  and  Japan  merchants  had pointed  out  the  drawback  to  our  trade  caused  by  the  lack  of  this  knowledge  in  our Consular  service  and  traders.  A  case  in  point  was  the  business  done  in  India  in  the  sale of  travelling  bags  and  holdalls.  In  this  trade  English  firms  had  been  ousted  by  German firms,  who  knew  the  habits  and  prejudices  of  the  people,  and  who,  unlike  their  English rivals,  avoided  the  use  of  leather  in  manufacturing  these  articles  for  the  natives  of  India. One  German  firm  was  making  a  large  fortune  in  this  way.  What  the  Royal  Geographical Society  had  done  for  geographical  science,  what  the  Royal  Society  had  done  for  science in  general,  this  Institute  proposed  to  do  for  anthropology.  It  already  included  most distinguished  men,  and  had  correspondents  in  all  parts  of  the  world.  Their  reports ought  to  be  carefully  indexed  for  reference  to  each  race.  The  need  for  this  might  be illustrated  by  the  case  of  an  official  untrained  in  anthropology,  whose  action  led  to  a misunderstanding  on  the  part  of  a  border  tribe.  A  military  expedition  followed,  the cost  of  which  was  probably  ten  times  as  much  as  the  Institute  asked  for  in  the  next hundred  years.  Professor  Ridgeway  proceeded  to  deal  with  the  need  of  anthropometry, an  important  branch  of  the  science,  whose  claims  he  advocated.  Meastirements  and other  details  of  physical  characteristics  should  be  taken  in  every  school. MR.  ASQUITH  :  That  would  cost  a  lot  of  money. PROFESSOR  RIDGEWAY  :  Not  as  we  propose  to  carry  it  out.  It  might  be  made part  of  the  duty  of  schoolmasters  and  medical  inspectors  to  measure  the  children. Continuing  his  statement  on  the  main  proposal  Professor  Ridgeway  said  that they  could  make  a  good  start  with  £500  a  year.  Some  years  ago  the  Royal Geographical  Society  received  a  similar  grant  on  condition  that  they  placed  their collection  of  maps  at  the  service  of  the  public.  The  effect  of  such  a  grant  would be  to  increase  the  efficiency  of  the  empire  in  all  directions  ;  to  lessen  friction  with native  races  and  stimulate  and  help  our  commerce. SIR  EDWARD  CANDY  supported  the  objects  of  the  deputation  from  the  point  of view  of  the  Indian  official.     He  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  among  the  voluntary subjects  which  the  Civil  Service  probationer  took  up  was  Indian  Civil  Law. MR.  ASQUITH  :    Would  you  make  anthropology  a  compulsory  subject  ? SIR  EDWARD  CANDY  :    Certainly. SIR  HARRY  JOHNSTON  said  that  the  study  of  anthropology  was  almost  a necessity  for  an  empire  like  ours.  We  ought  to  be  the  first  in  the  field  in  this science.  Missionaries  had  carried  on  an  unofficial  instruction  in  anthropology  for which  we  could  never  be  too  grateful.  As  a  race,  we  were  very  snobbish,  and  once a  grant  were  made  and  the  institute  called  "  Royal "  by  the  permission  of  the  King, anthropology  would  receive  an  enormous  impetus. SIR  RICHARD  TEMPLE  said  that  if  a  man  was  going  to  command  alien  troops with  success  he  must  have  willing  obedience,  and  to  secure  that  he  must  have  a knowledge  of  the  race  and  of  the  social  training  of  the  men  who  Avere  under  him. Replying  to  Mr.  Asquith,  Sir  Richard  said  that  whether  or  no  anthropology  were made  a  compulsory  subject  in  examinations  it  ought  to  rank  high  in  the  scale  of importance. MR.  ASQUITH  :    The  Institute  is  not  a  teaching  body. SIR  RICHARD  TEMPLE  :  We  would  collect  information  and  disseminate  it,  and we  should  think  ourselves  in  a  position  to  advise  the  Government  upon  the  best subjects  to  teach. MR.  ASQDITH,  in  replying,  said  that  he  was  very  glad  to  meet  the  members  of the  deputation.  He  fully  recognised  the  high  authority  of  the  names  appended  to  the [    86    ] 1909,]  MAN.  [No.  55. memorial ;  they  were  those  of  men  of  great  administrative  experience.  He  was  entirely with  the  deputation  in  their  proposition  that  anthropology  had  become,  and  was becoming  more  and  more  every  year,  not  only  an  important,  but  an  indispensable  branch of  knowledge,  not  merely  for  scholars,  but  for  persons  who  in  an  empire  like  ours  were going  to  undertake — whether  in  the  consular  service  in  India  or  in  the  Crown  colonies — the  work  of  administration.  In  his  day  at  Oxford  they  studied  scholarship  with  very little  reference  to  anthropology.  Professor  Ridgeway  and  others  had  now  made  that state  of  things  impossible.  A  young  man  at  a  university  was  now  compelled  to  equip himself  with  a  mass  of  knowledge  from  this  science,  which  was  once  unknown.  Much more  was  this  the  case  when  they  came  to  deal  with  an  enormous  variety  of  tribes, customs,  and  usages  of  a  more  or  less  imperfectly  developed  civilisation.  On  that point  there  was  no  dispute.  He  hesitated  to  express  a  final  or  considered  opinion  as  to whether  anthropology  should  be  made  a  compulsory  subject  in  examinations,  but  he  was quite  satisfied  it  was  highly  desirable  it  should  be  a  recognised  subject  of  study  in  the normal  equipment  of  a  young  man  who  was  going  to  outlying  regions  of  the  empire, where  he  would  encounter  strange  conditions  of  life.  Therefore,  so  far  as  their object  was  to  arouse  an  expression  of  sympathy  on  the  part  of  the  Government  in  the teaching  of  anthropology  and  the  development  of  it  as  a  study  and  one  especially germane  to  the  work  of  administration,  he  could  assure  them  of  the  Government's hearty  sympathy.  But  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  whose  claim  they  were there  to  advocate,  was  not  itself  a  teaching  body. PROFESSOR  RIDGEWAY  explained  that  it  was  proposed  to  grant  diplomas  to  those who  had  done  good  work  in  anthropology. MR.  ASQUITH  said  that  the  actual  work  of  giving  tuition  in  anthropology  would be  left  to  the  Universities.  Whether  or  no  this  grant  were  made  it  would  make  no difference  once  interest  in  the  subject  was  aroused  in  the  Universities.  But  when  they asked  for  a  grant  to  this  Institute  for  the  purpose,  he  supposed,  of  giving  it  better accommodation,  larger  space,  greater  facilities  for  acquiring  and  storing  books  and other  materials,  then  arose  critical  questions.  It  would  be  said,  "  What  about  others  ?  " He  supposed  there  must  be  50  or  100 — certainly  50 — institutions  and  societies carrying  on  most  excellent  work,  all  on  a  voluntary  basis,  and  contending  with  great plausibility  that  their  work  would  be  much  facilitated  if  an  annual  subvention  were granted.  There  were,  he  thought — and  he  spoke  subject  to  correction — only  three  insti- tutions at  that  moment  on  a  basis  similar  to  that  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute, which  received  Government  subventions.  These  were  the  Royal  Geographical  Society — and  how  this  society  obtained  a  grant  he  did  not  know,  but  it  was  so  many  years ago  that  no  one  could  dispute  its  title — and  the  two  British  schools  of  Athens  and of  Rome,  which  had  come  in  of  late  years,  and  as  to  whose  title  he  thought  it  better to  say  nothing.  There  were  only  these  three  out  of  the  whole  of  the  splendid  agencies of  the  country,  on  a  voluntary  basis,  which  had  effectively  established  their  title  to  these subsidies,  and  therefore  he  must  walk  very  warily,  and  could  not  consider  the  claims  of one  without  considering  the  claims  of  others.  All  he  could  say  to  them  on  this  point was  that  he  would  bring  to  the  notice  of  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  who  was  the person  really  and  directly  responsible,  all  that  they  had  said  that  afternoon,  and  the representations  they  had  put  forward,  backed  with  such  high  authority,  would  receive that  respectful  consideration  which  they  deserved.  But  he  could  not  hold  out  any- thing in  the  nature  of  an  assurance  or  expectation  that  the  pecuniary  grant  for  which they  asked  would  in  the  end  be  given.  For  himself  he  should  be  very  glad  from  the point  of  view  of  imperial  administration  if  it  could  be  given. The  Deputation  thanked  Mr.  Asquith  and  withdrew. Nos.  56-57.] MAN. [1909. England :  Archaeology.  Smith. Palaeolithic    Implement   -found   near   the  British   Museum.        By     CQ Worthington  G.  Smith,  F.L.S.  UU The  accompanying  illustration,  drawn  to  half  scale,  represents  a  fine  palaeolithic implement,  found  by  an  exca- vator whilst  repairing  a  drain  in Woburn  Place,  near  the  British Museum,  in  1902.  The  digger knew  nothing  of  implements,  but preserved  the  flint  on  account of  the  pebble  at  the  base.  The tool  remained  in  the  digger's possession  till  July,  1908,  when another  man  acquainted  with stone  implements  happened  to see  it.  This  second  man  happily had  my  name  and  address,  and he  advised  the  finder  to  send the  stone  to  me.  The  owner acted  on  this  advice  and  for- warded the  implement  by  parcel post,  giving  particulars  of  the finding,  and  asking  that  I  would send  him  any  sum  I  thought proper. The  implement  was  found at  a  depth  of  10  to  12  feet ;  it is  somewhat  abraded,  blackish, clouded  livid,  and  lustrous  all over.  It  agrees  well  with  the famous  Gray's  Inn  implement found  in  the  seventeenth  century. It  is  petrologically  interesting on  account  of  the  oval  flint pebble  which  forms  part  of  the base.  The  maker  of  the  tool  by  clever  flaking  designedly  left  this  pebble  intact. The  implement  is  larger  than  the  Gray's  Inn  example  and  weighs  1  Ib.  8  ozs. WORTHINGTON  G.  SMITH. Africa :  Uganda.  Roscoe. Python  Worship  in  Uganda.     By  the  Rev.  J.  Roscoe.  C"f Python  worship  was  confined  almost  entirely  to  one  clan  in  Uganda,  and  Uf had  a  limited  sphere  of  influence. The  place  where  this  worship  was  carried  on  was  on  an  estate  called  Bulonge, in  Budu,  a  district  of  Uganda  to  the  south  bordering  on  the  west  shores  of  the  lake Victoria  Nyanza.  The  temple  (sabo)  was  situated  in  a  forest  on  the  shores  of  the lake  by  the  bank  of  a  river  called  Mujuzi.  The  land  near  the  temple  was  culti- vated with  plantains  by  the  members  of  the  Heart  (Mutima)  clan.  This  clan  had charge  of  the  temple,  which  was  a  large  conical  hut  built  of  poles  and  thatched  with grass  ;  the  base  was  some  20  feet  in  diameter,  and  24  feet  or  25  feet  high  at  the apex.  The  floor  of  the  temple  was  carpeted  with  a  sweet  smelling  grass  like  the lemon  grass  ;  on  one  side  of  it  was  the  sacred  place  of  the  snake  and  his  guardian, C     88    ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  57. who  was  a  woman  who  might  never  marry  ;  her  name  was  Nazimba.  A  log  of  wood lay  on  the  floor  and  a  stool  near  it  for  the  python  ;  over  these  a  barkcloth  was spread  for  the  snake  to  lie  upon.  Through  the  side  of  the  hut  a  round  hole  was  cut for  the  ingress  or  egress  of  the  python.  On  the  other  side  of  the  hut  was  the bedstead  of  the  Medium  (Mandwa)  and  his  assistant,  who  also  lived  in  the  temple. The  chief  of  the  estate  had  to  keep  the  temple  in  good  order,  and  called  the  members of  the  clan  to  rebuild  it  when  it  was  necessary. The  python  had  by  some  means  been  trained  to  come  into  this  hut  and  live there  ;  it  drank  freely  inilk  which  had  some  white  clay  mixed  with  it,  and  also  was given  fowls  and  small  goats.  The  Medium  daily  brought  a  large  bowl  of  milk  from some  sacred  cows  which  were  kept  for  the  sole  use  of  the  python.  This  large  wooden bowl  was  taken  by  the  woman  Nazimba  and  held  for  the  python  to  drink  from  ;  it  lay with  its  head  over  the  stool  and  drank  the  milk.  From  time  to  time  the  Medium  took fowls  or  goats  and  tied  them  on  the  bank  of  the  river  and  the  python  went  down  and devoured  them.  These  offerings  were  made  whenever  the  Medium  wished  to  have  a successful  fishing  expedition,  because  the  python  was  supposed  to  have  power  over  the river  and  all  the  fish  in  it.  Without  the  offering  to  obtain  the  deity's  favour  the  expedi- tion was  supposed  to  be  of  no  value.  After  each  successful  fishing  expedition  the Medium  called  all  the  people  from  the  estate  to  a  sacred  meal  of  the  fish  ;  they  had  to provide  the  cooked  vegetables  and  beer,  and  the  Medium  prepared  the  fish  for  the  meal. The  names  of  the  python  were  Selwanga  and  Magobwe,  which  are  names  used for  men.  The  chief  duties  of  the  python  were  to  give  increase  of  children.  Newly- married  men  or  those  whose  wives  did  not  have  children  went  to  seek  his  blessing, an  assistance  to  obtain  them.  Other  requests  were  also  made  to  him,  but  he  was called  the  giver  of  children. The  time  for  worship  was  at  the  new  moon  ;  for  several  days  before  the  moon became  visible  the  people  made  preparations  because  there  was  no  work  allowed  to be  done  on  the  estate  for  seven  days.  Directly  the  moon  appeared  the  drums  were beaten  and  the  people  gathered  for  the  worship  ;  those  who  had  requests  to  make brought  offerings  for  the  god  ;  they  were  chiefly  beer,  cowry  shells,  and  a  few  goats and  fowls.  The  priest  always  came  with  a  large  following  of  smaller  chiefs  ;  the priesthood  was  hereditary,  and  the  holder  of  it  was  always  the  chief  of  the  estate. When  the  priest  had  received  the  offerings  from  the  people  and  told  the  python  what had  been  brought  and  the  number  of  requests,  he  dressed  the  Medium  in  the  sacred  dress ready  for  the  python  to  take  possession  of  him.  The  dress  consisted  of  two  bark- cloths,  each  one  tied  at  two  corners,  and  slipped  over  the  head  with  the  knot  of  the  one on  the  right  shoulder,  and  that  of  the  other  resting  on  the  left  shoulder  and  hanging down  below  the  knees.  Round  the  waist  were  two  goat-skin  aprons  from  white  goats, the  skins  beautifully  dressed.  One  of  them  hung  in  front  and  the  other  hung  down behind.  Round  his  chest  was  a  leopard  skin,  and  on  his  head  he  wore  a  crown  made of  a  strip  of  goat's  skin  decorated  with  beads  and  the  seeds  of  the  wild  banana.  In his  hand  he  held  two  fly  whisks  made  from  buffalo  tails.  When  the  priest  had  thus dressed  the  Medium,  he  gave  him  a  small  gourd  cup  full  of  beer  to  drink,  and  afterwards some  of  the  milk  mixed  with  the  white  clay  from  the  python's  bowl  ;  the  spirit  of  the python  then  came  upon  the  man,  and  he  went  down  on  his  face  and  wriggled  about upon  his  stomach  like  a  snake,  uttering  peculiar  noises,  and  speaking  in  a  tongue  which required  an  interpreter  to  explain  to  the  people.  The  people  stood  around  and  looked on  whilst  the  drums  were  beaten  and  the  python  gave  its  oracle.  The  interpreter, named  Lukumirizi,  stood  by  listening  until  the  Medium  had  ended  his  speech  ;  when he  finished  his  talk  he  fell  down  or  lay  down  like  a  person  in  a  sound  sleep  for  a long  time  utterly  overcome  with  his  exertions.  Lukumirizi  the  interpreter  then explained  what  had  been  foretold,  and  told  the  fortunate  persons  whose  requests  had [  89  ] Nos.  57-58.]  MAN.  [1909. been  granted  what  they  were  to  do  in  order  to  obtain  their  desire,  and  what  was  the medical  treatment  which  the  wife  was  to  undergo,  &c.  This  ceremony  was  repeated each  day  during  the  seven  days  feasting.  The  people  were  then  free  to  return  to  their homes  and  look  forward  to  the  fulfilment  of  the  promises.  When  children  were  born according  to  the  promise  of  the  python  the  parents  had  to  take  an  offering  of  either  a goat  or  fowls  to  the  temple  ;  if  they  neglected  to  do  so  their  children  were  stricken with  some  disease,  and  the  parents  were  soon  driven  to  the  medicine  men  for  advice  to save  their  families,  and  he  ordered  them  to  pay  the  proper  offering  to  the  python,  and also  told  what  herbs  to  use  to  restore  the  sick  person. From  time  to  time  the  Medium  went  over  to  the  island  of  Sese  for  cows  from  the god  Mnkasa  to  supply  the  python  with  milk.  His  reason  for  going  to  Mukasa  was because  the  wife  of  Mukasa  was  a  female  python  named  Nalwanga,  sister  of  Selwanga. The  brother-in-law  according  to  the  usual  custom  of  the  nation  has  to  give  presents from  time  to  time  to  his  wife's  brother.  The  terms  used  for  possession  are  to  take hold  of  the  head  (kukwata  kumutwe)  and  to  marry  (kutvasa).  These  cows  were  always brought  decorated  with  creepers  around  their  bodies  to  show  they  were  sacred  animals  ; They  were  kept  close  by  the  temple  and  were  milked  daily  for  the  python. The  kings  used  to  send  the  chief  of  the  district  (pokino^)  to  the  python  to  ask for  his  blessing  so  that  they  might  have  children. Once  each  year  the  Medium  also  took  a  gift  of  fish  to  the  king  from  the python.  J.  ROSCOE. REVIEWS. Africa :  Uganda.  Hattersley. The  Baganda  at  Home.  With  One  Hundred  Pictures  of  Life  and  Work  in  CO Uganda.  By  C.  W.  Hattersley,  Secretary,  Board  of  Education,  C.M.S.  UU Uganda.  Author  of  Uganda  by  Pen  and  Camera.  London  :  Religious  Tract  Society, 1908.  Pp.  xvi  +  227.  22  x  14  cm.  Price  5s. This  exceedingly  well-illustrated  book  is  well  calculated  to  serve  the  purpose  for which  it  is  apparently  written,  namely,  to  interest  the  public  at  large  in  the  mission work  which  is  being  so  successfully  carried  on  by  the  Church  Missionary  Society  in Uganda  and  the  adjacent  tribes.  Mr.  Hattersley,  the  author,  is  secretary  to  the Board  of  Education,  and  seems  to  have  given  some  attention  to  the  natives,  their habits  and  customs. The  results  of  his  observations  are  set  down  with  clearness  and  are  likely  to  be very  useful  to  the  Cook's  tourists  who  are  now  in  increasing  numbers  visiting  Uganda, as  well  as  traders  and  officials.  The  book  will  also  prove  of  great  use  in  showing the  influence  which  a  mission  may  have  in  a  land  where  the  people  are  so  amenable to  instruction  as  the  Baganda  are. Looking  at  the  book  from  the  anthropological  point  of  view,  although  there  is nothing  very  new  to  be  found  in  its  pages,  yet  we  can  glean  many  interesting  details as  to  the  people,  their  customs  and  mental  characteristics,  and  we  can  see  how  they have  reacted  to  the  foreign  influences  which  have  been  at  work  in  the  country  during the  past  quarter  of  a  century. The  men  seem  to  progress  with  much  greater  rapidity  than  the  women,  the  latter not  taking  so  very  kindly  to  the  new  order  of  things.  The  advent,  however,  of  lady missionaries  is  making  a  gradual  change  in  this  as  well  as  the  medical  work  in  the excellent  hospital  administered  by  the  mission. Apart  from  the  natural  aptitude  of  the  Baganda,  the  mission  must  have  great credit  for  the  way  in  which  they  have  taught  the  people.  They  seem  to  be  working on  the  very  satisfactory  and  commonsense  lines  of  not  aiming  at  giving  the  people a  veneer  of  civilisation  but  in  trying  to  develop  an  educated  native  race. C     90     ] 1909.]  MAN.  [Nos.  58-59. The  High  School  for  the  chiefs'  sons  is  admirably  conceived  and  is  well carried  out,  as  we  are  convinced  on  reading  the  details  of  the  instruction  which  is given. The  numerous  illustrations  are  well  reproduced  and  are  most  useful.  A  quotation will  indicate  the  style  of  the  book  : — "  Uganda  is  a  country  the  habits  of  which,  when  compared  with  England,  appear  to be  entirely  reversed.  The  men  do  the  sewing  and  washing,  they  visit  the  friends  of the  family,  they  buy  their  wives,  or  in  other  words  find  the  dowry,  the  bridegroom  must in  all  cases  provide  the  wedding  presents  and  the  feast.  On  the  other  hand,  a  woman may  propose  marriage  to  the  man  of  her  choice,  and,  indeed,  goes  off  on  a  tour  of exploration  for  that  purpose  even  though  the  year  be  not  leap-year.  This  is,  however, quite  reasonable,  for  she  engages  to  provide  food  for  the  household,  collect  the firewood,  carry  the  water,  and  do  all  the  cultivating  besides  attending  to  the  duties  of motherhood. "  The  conditions  of  life  for  babies  are  not  at  all  comfortable  under  such  an arrangement,  as  one  can  readily  see  on  any  journey  by  noticing  the  number  of  babies lying  each  on  a  little  scrap  of  bark-cloth  with  a  banana  leaf  as  a  tent  to  protect them  from  the  sun's  rays,  whilst  their  mothers  are  cultivating.  The  women  look after  the  tobacco  supply,  and  smoke  it,  too,  and  they  make  the  beer  for  the  family unless  it  is  wanted  in  large  quantities,  when  the  men's  help  is  called  in.  The  women weave  baskets  and  mats,  though  in  this  department  a  few  good-natured  men occasionally  help." The  book  shows  clearly  the  need  of  true  anthropological  study  in  these  regions before  it  is  too  late.  Even  now,  to  one  who  knew  the  country  thirty  years  ago,  the account  of  many  of  the  habits  and  customs  of  the  people  and  their  religious  beliefs looks  a  faded  picture,  so  rapidly  do  natives  change  when  brought  into  touch  with strenuous  civilisation. The  only  thing  we  regret  in  the  book  is  several  needless  remarks  upon  a  form of  religion  the  author  does  not  happen  to  like.  The  country  has  suffered  too  much from  the  disharmony  of  so-called  Christians  ;  surely  it  is  time  for  different  denomi- nations to  join  hands  in  brotherhood.  R.  W.  F. Austria.  Frizzi. Ein  Beitrag  zur  Anthropologie  des  "Homo  Alpinus  Tirolensis."  Von  Dr.  CQ Ernst  Frizzi  (Sonderabdruck  aus  Band  XXXIX  der  Mitt,  der  Anthrop.  UU Ges.  in  Wien).  Vienna,  1909.  Pp.  65.  31  x  21  cm. Thirty  or  forty  years  ago  craniometry  occupied  a  larger  province  in  the  anthro- pological realm  than  it  does  now.  But  it  is  not  so  much  thrust  into  a  corner  as  it was  when  the  Cretan  discoveries  began,  when  I  recollect  saying,  at  the  Liverpool meeting  of  the  British  Association,  that  I  had  never  once  heard  in  the  section  that blessed  word  brachycephalic.  In  our  own  country  Thomson  and  Duckworth,  on  the continent  Sergi,  Ruggieri,  Pittard,  and  many  others,  besides  some  of  the  veterans of  the  past  generation,  continue  to  labour  in  this  field. Dr.  Frizzi's  last  paper  shows  him  inferior  to  none  as  a  persevering  and  accurate worker,  who  shrinks  from  no  amount  of  wearisome  detail  in  his  labours.  One's  first impression  is  that  he  has  left  little  or  no  room  for  any  subsequent  investigation  of the  Tyrolese,  so  far  as  their  skulls  and  skeletons  are  concerned.  Sucli  is  not  the case,  of  course  ;  there  is  plenty  for  future  students  of  anthropology  to  do  in  the comparison  of  the  different  districts,  not  only  in  the  two  great  divisions  of  German and  Italian  Tyrol,  but  in  the  several  subdivisions  of  each.  Frizzi  has  selected  the village  of  Laas  in  the  Vintshgau  for  especial  study  ;  and  it  is  evident,  or  at  least highly  probable,  that  he  has  had  to  deal  there  with  a  population  more  tinctured  with  a [  91  ] No.  59,]  MAN.  [1909. dolichocephalic  northern  strain  than  in  sundry  districts  further  north,  and  even  in  the south  of  Bavaria.  Speaking  generally,  however,  and  having  embraced  in  his  own personal  measurements  as  many  as  1,064  crania  from  very  many  districts  of  Tyrol, he  confirms  and  extends  the  observations  of  John  Ranke,  Holl,  Toldt  and  Tappeiner, demonstrates  the  great  resemblance  of  the  prevailing  type  in  the  Tyrol  to  that  in Switzerland  and  Upper  Bavaria,  and  definitely  assigns  it  to  the  "  Alpine "  race. Except  in  the  case  of  Laas,  he  does  not  usually  attempt  to  determine  the  sex  of  his crania,  herein  following  John  Ranke.  Perhaps  they  are  right  in  abstaining  from guessing  :  one  of  the  distinctions  on  which  one  relies  as  between  the  sexes  in  the Germanic  races,  to  wit,  the  comparative  verticality  of  the  forehead  and  absence  of glabella  in  the  female,  is  by  no  means  conspicuous  in  the  Swiss  and  Tyrolese — where these  characters  are  very  common  also  in  the  male — whereas  in  Francothuringia  Ranke notes  the  prominent  glabella  and  receding  forehead,  as  characters  correlated  with  a reduction  of  the  cranial  capacity. Frizzi  demonstrates  clearly  enough  the  resemblance,  the  almost  identity  in  racial characters,  of  the  Tyrolese  and  the  Bavarian  mountaineers.  The  stature  may  be  a  little higher  in  the  former.  Frizzi  puts  it  at  1,673  mm.  in  the  living  ;  but,  on  applying Manouvrier's  rule  to  some  skeletons,  he  got  only  1,631  mm.  in  males  and  1,512  mm. in  females. In  colour  he  does  not  claim  to  be  a  practised  observer,  but  he  notes  a  huge proportion  of  green  eyes,  which  Mr.  John  Gray  or  I  would  probably  call  medium  or neutral.  In  the  hair  he  finds,  as  Schimmer  did,  a  very  great  difference  between  the German  and  Italian  Tyrolese,  the  German  being  lighter  in  eye,  and  still  more  so  in hair.  The  line  of  demarcation  is  almost  as  well  marked  as  that  of  Vanderkindere between  the  Flemings  and  the  Walloons,  but  it  bulges  northwards  to  include  in  the Italian  area  the  rural  parts  of  Bozen,  where  the  German  element  is  probably  retreating before  the  Italian  (see  my  map  in  Colour  and  Race  and  those  of  Schimmer).  Frizzi carries  out  a  careful  comparison  of  the  Tyrolese  with  Ranke's  Upper  Bavarians,  and Wettstein's  Disentis  folk,  a  comparison  extending  to  many  minute  details.  He  is cautious  in  coming  to  positive  conclusions  ;  but  on  the  whole  it  may  be  said  that  he finds  a  common  element  prevailing  among  all  these  Alpine  people,  the  brachycephalic and  leptoprosopic,  which  is,  perhaps,  most  pure  in  the  Disentis  series.  Frizzi  derives it  from  the  Rhaeti,  so  far  as  his  own  province  is  concerned.  There  seem  to  be  greater local  differences  in  Tyrol  than  in  Bavaria  proper,  as  might  be  expected  in  a  country of  valleys  separated  by  almost  impassable  mountain  ranges.  It  would  seem  that  some of  the  more  secluded  glens,  or  the  heads  of  valleys,  such  as  the  Oetzthal,  the Taufererthal,  the  Martelthal,  the  Miinsterthal,  retain  a  population  more  hyperbrachy than  even  that  of  the  Vorderrhein  valley,  with  mean  indices  over  85.  On  the other  hand,  the  Zillerthal,  the  Val  Sugana  east  of  Trent,  and  Laas  in  the  Vintzgau, and  some  other  places  in  less  degree,  are  at  most  sub-brachycephalic,  and  would  seem, either  from  the  circumstances  of  their  original  conquest  by  the  Germans  or  from what  one  can  only  call  accidents,  to  have  retained  a  notable  proportion  of  the  Marcoman or  Swabian  element.  In  this  connection  one  may  be  forgiven  if  one  recalls  the  fact of  the  persecution  of  the  Zillerthalers,  and  the  expulsion  of  many  of  them  from  their native  homes,  on  account  of  their  stedfast  adherence  to  the  Protestant  religion. The  low  index  (80)  of  the  Valsugana  folk  may  possibly  result  from  the  smallness of  the  number  measured.  The  index  for  Fassathal,  another  Italian  locality,  is  84  •  5  ; yet  there  is  a  kind  of  likeness  in  other  points.  The  modern  Lombards  have  a  high index  ;  but  their  racial  elements  are  not  exactly  the  same  as  those  of  the  Bavarians  and Tyrolese.  Frizzi  measured  the  capacity  in  his  Laas  people  with  millet  ;  the  result was  small — 1,358  for  men  and  1,260  for  women.  This  fact  Frizzi  himself  ascribes  to the  method,  but  I  think  his  personal  equation  may  also  have  a  little  to  do  with  it.  Still, [     92     ] 1909,] MAN. [No.  59. his  Laas  folk  must  surely  have  smaller  heads  (with  one  extraordiuary  exception)  than the  Tyrolese  in  general.  By  Welcker's  Table  C  the  former  should  have  a  capacity  of 1,344,  the  latter  one  of  1,462  ccm.,  agreeing  fairly  with  Ranke's  Upper  Bavarians. I  have  calculated  the  probable  capacity  of  most  of  the  divisions  of  Frizzi's Tyrolese,  but  the  results  I  have  obtained  are  obscured  and  rendered  of  smaller  value by  the  unsolved  question  of  sex.  My  own  peripheral  plan  yields  rather  high  figures  as a  rule — often  over  1,500 — but  almost  always  between  those  gotten  by  the  Manouvrier  - Flower  process  for  males  and  for  females,  and  fairly  comparable  with  Ranke's — if  I read  him  rightly — as  well  as  with  Welcker's  Table  D,  the  circumferential  one.  Pearson's processes  all  give  smaller  results,  as  a  rule — too  small,  as  I  believe.  Considering  the desirability  of  getting  the  best  possible  process  for  the  estimation  of  capacity  (for  our best  one,  Manouvrier's,  is  nearly  perfect  only  in  his  own  practised  hands),  I  may  dwell a  little  on  this  point.  Frizzi's  circumference  for  90  Innthal  skulls,  male  and  female,  is 528*4  ;  Ranke's  for  100  from  the  same  valley  is  515  ;  Frizzi  measures  as  low  down  on the  glabella  as  he  can  ;  Ranke,  I  suspect,  over  the  ophryon.  This  would  increase  my estimate  by  about  2^  per  cent.  Frizzi  measures  his  Q  arc  from  the  top  of  the  earhole over  the  bregma  ;  and  his  heights  are  bregmatic,  which  Pearson's  are  not.  How  that would  affect  Pearson's  results  I  am  not  sure. More  important,  probably,  is  the  question  of  sex-relations,  of  the  probable  proportion of  male  to  female  capacity  in  skulls  of  the  same  measurement.  Now  Manouvrier  says that  in  such  a  case  the  female  skull  will  have  the  larger  capacity,  the  mean  difference averaging  in  different  races  from  about  2  to  nearly  5  per  cent.,  and  on  the  whole,  as  I read,  about  3.  Mme.  Pelletier  makes  it  3,  i.e.,  she  divides  the  product  of  length, breadth,  and  ear-height  by  202  for  males  and  196  for  females  to  get  the  respective capacities.  But  Professor  Pearson  and  Dr.  Lee,  on  the  other  hand,  have  constructed formulae  which  in  most  cases,  from  identical  measurements,  would  bring  out  a  smaller capacity  for  the  female.  Professor  Pearson  has  blamed  me  because,  having  little experience  in  female  skulls,  I  have  not  devised  any  special  plan  for  measuring  their capacity,  but  simply  used  my  masculine  one.  Ranke's  and  Frizzi's  labours  yield  fair opportunities  for  testing  whether  Athanasius  is  in  the  right  as  against  the  anthropometric world,  which  follows  Manouvrier. The  following  are  Ranke's  figures,  arranged  in  the  simplest  form  : — MALE. FEMALE. No.  of  Cases. Average  Circum- ference. Average Capacity. No. Average  Circum- ference. Average Capacity. 6 513  6 1,321 21 511 1,374 11 26 9 519 526 530 1,371 1,470 1,508 12 5 6 518 521 528 1,431 1,457 1,520 Four  male  and  four  female  skulls  from  Laas,  measured  and  gauged  by  Dr.  Frizzi, are  available,  not  counting  outside  sizes  : — MALE. FEMALE. Modulus. Circumference. Capacity. Modulus. Circumference. Capacity. 417 435 444 438 480 496 497 498 1,080 1,110 1,200 1,175 438 430 426 433 483 484 488 490 1,320 1,220 1,160 1,200 Averages,  434 493 1,141 432 486 1,225 [    93    ] Nos.  59-60.]  MAN.  [1909. Here  the  females  average  84  c.cms.  of  capacity  over  males  of  even  larger  cir- cumference and  modulus.  The  greater  thickness  so  often  found  in  the  male  cranium, the  stronger  muscular  impressions,  the  less  vertically  of  the  forehead,  would  all  lead one  to  expect  some  such  difference. Yet  Pearson's  multitude  of  formulae,  so  far  as  I  have  examined  them,  almost  always reverse  this  difference,  so  that  with  the  same  dimensions  they  assign  to  a  feminine  skull a  smaller  capacity,  sometimes  very  much  smaller  ;  the  degree  of  diminution  varying prodigiously  in  his  several  formulae.  Thus,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Innspruck  I  find, on  applying  his  12-13,  or  basi-bregmatic  scheme,  to  Frizzi's  figures  (the  same  figures), a  difference  so  great  as  between  1,473  and  1,369,  according  to  whether  we  suppose  the same  skulls  to  be  male  or  female.  Manouvrier's  estimate  (supposing  them  female), even  when  reduced  to  Flower's  standard,  would  be  1,597,  or  more  than  200  above Pearson's.  The  latter's  German  formula,  No.  9,  is  much  better,  the  difference  of  male and  female  coming  out  as  that  between  1,472  and  1,462  ;  but  still  it  also  is  on  the wrong  side.  J.  BEDDOE. Prehistory.  Hewitt. Primitive    Traditional    History.       By  J.  F.  Hewitt.      James   Parker,   1907.     Ofl 2  vols.     Pp.  977,  4  plates.  DU This  work  deserves  more  attention  than  it  seems  as  yet  to  have  received.  Whatever may  be  said  about  the  theories  of  the  author,  his  extensive  acquaintance  with  present primitive  life  in  India  and  with  ancient  Indian  literature,  and  his  wide  reading  otherwise, must  render  the  forty-five  pages  of  index  of  these  volumes  a  valuable  mass  of  references to  such  subjects.  It  is  difficult  to  grasp  the  matter  presented,  owing  to  the  great mixture  of  statements  which  are  not  essential  to  the  case  in  question  ;  and  which, though  illustrative,  are  yet  irrelevant  to  direct  proof  which  the  reader  may  seek.  If  the work  were  a  tenth  of  the  length  it  would  probably  succeed  far  better  in  gaining acceptance  of  its  main  propositions.  Here  we  will  try  to  give  such  an  outline  as  will show  other  students  how  far  this  work  may  bear  on  their  researches. The  essential  basis  seems  highly  probable.  Many  different  kalendars  are  found to  have  been  used  by  different  peoples  ;  and  as  the  kalendar  is  not  changed  without  a great  upheaval  of  civilisation  and  habit,  so  each  kalendar  may  be  taken  as  the  most obvious  brand  of  one  type  of  civilisation,  and  by  its  transference  it  gives  good  evidence of  a  mixture  of  race.  Moreover,  each  kalendar  by  the  number  of  days,  weeks,  and months  which  it  employs,  stamps  the  use  of  these  numbers  on  the  religion  and  social life.  And  the  observation  of  the  stars  for  the  purposes  of  the  kalendar  induces  a mythology  and  cosmogony  which  is  also  characteristic  of  each  civilisation.  Our  own observation  of  historical  instances  certainly  bears  out  these  principles.  In  Indian  ritual- literature  there  appears  to  be  a  great  mass  of  references  to  numbers  connected  with  the kalendar  ;  but  it  would  need  a  first-hand  knowledge  to  criticise  the  applications  of  the Rigveda  and  other  documents  to  this  subject.  It  is  regrettable  that  on  the  Egyptian side  I  certainly  could  not  bear  out  the  statements  and  their  applications  in  manv  parts. But  the  Indian  material  is  very  different,  and  is  known  by  the  author  much  better  than the  Egyptian  ;  moreover,  there  are  express  documentary  statements  of  the  ritual adoption  of  numbers  of  objects  and  of  measures  as  referring  to  kalendar  numbers,  and the  superposition  of  one  ritual  upon  another  in  historical  order  seems  well  attested. The  author's  position  is  summarised  thus  : — "  In  short,  the  whole  ritual  of  the  Indian  Church  as  expounded  in  the  Rigveda and  the  Brahmana  ritualistic  manuals  was  that  of  the  worship  of  the  gods  who  measure time,  and  it  was  the  successive  phases  assumed  by  the  forms  of  worship  altered  with [    94     ] 1909.] MAN. [No.  60. .So 8* 11 1        >> -si a-8 1 as in .>  .S  -H         O S  s  s  s  « C8  •—    S  r>--^ g3!^  Sa 'S-a  m1  3  cr bol crifi Sym » QQ QC  f"1 Sacred nimals ~  of S  ts "3  S  >> G.S.2 ip §! ill ''- S, « "I  S        I e O tt t  --  C i^tO ecco M—      •*« + '? 4->  v O Nos.  60-61.]  MAN.  [1909. the  changing  computations  of  the  year  which  distinguished  the  epochs  of  national chronology,  and  these  changes  were,  as  we  have  seen,  all  connected  with  the  advent of  new  immigrant  races  who  became  in  course  of  time  united  in  one  composite nationality  with  those  who  had  preceded  them"  (p.  959). To  enter  on  detail  here  is  impossible,  or  even  to  give  any  idea  of  the  enormous  mass of  suggested  connections  with  the  beliefs  of  most  of  Asia  and  Europe,  and  parts of  Africa,  America,  and  Australia.  But  a  tabular  synopsis  of  the  principal  ideas connected  with  each  kalendar  will  enable  readers  to  grasp  the  outline,  and  to  see  how far  other  known  facts  will  corroborate  or  contradict  it.  If  only  a  tenth  of  the  state- ments made  in  the  work  prove  sound  there  is  enough  to  be  of  prime  value  for  a systematic  treatment  of  the  prehistoric  ages. Referring  to  the  tabular  view,  we  may  note  that  the  earliest  year  is  of  five-day weeks,  thirty-six  of  which  occupy  each  of  the  monsoon  seasons.  Next  lunar  influence appears  in  the  making  twelve  months  of  such  weeks.  Then  a  lunar  month  of  twenty- nine  days  is  used  separately  from  the  week,  and  is  levelled  up  with  the  year  by  a  twelve days'  festival  at  the  year's  end,  found  from  northern  Europe  to  India.  Five  weeks  of six  days  in  the  month  is  then  adopted  as  an  approximate  month.  The  week  of  seven days,  four  in  the  month,  and  thirteen  months  of  the  year  is  the  next,  along  with  a  curious form  of  reckoning  in  lunar  days,  nine  of  which  form  a  week,  and  twelve  months  of  three weeks  make  up  a  year.  The  strange  week  of  eleven  days  and  year  of  eleven  months seems  to  break  away  altogether  from  lunations,  as  also  do  the  years  of  fifteen  and  of seventeen  months.  The  month  of  four  five-day  weeks,  or  twenty  days,  repeated  six times  in  each  of  the  three  seasons  scarcely  touches  the  lunations.  But  the  ten-day week,  three  of  which  made  the  month,  is  about  as  near  as  our  present  kalendar. The  Babi  system  is  a  curiosity  as  showing  an  entirely  new  departure  ;  nineteen  days to  the  month,  nineteen  months  to  the  year,  and  nineteen  years  to  the  lunar  cycle  has  an attractive  uniformity.  We  may  add  another  form  of  year,  that  of  the  early  Arab,  which was  of  ten  lunations,  ignoring  the  solar  year.  This  is  shown  by  there  being  only  ten names  of  months,  and  two  of  them  duplicated  to  make  up  the  solar  twelve  months. The  adherence  to  lunar  months  still,  and  shift  of  the  whole  of  the  months  every thirty-three  years,  shows  how  entirely  lunar  is  the  Arab  system. The  other  columns  scarcely  need  any  explanation,  though  a  long  account  would  be needed  to  show  the  evidence  for  each  statement.  The  last  column  contains  the  dates suggested  by  the  connections  of  the  constellations  with  the  seasons.  Such  dates  may be  possible  for  the  rise  of  the  primitive  ideas,  but  cannot  be  linked  with  the  whole  of each  system.  For  instance,  bronze  was  probably  unknown  till  1500  or  2000  B.C.,  and so  must  be  a  much  later  incident  in  the  system  of  11000  B.C.  Even  copper  cannot  be dated  earlier  than  7000  or  8000  B.C.  The  evidence  for  these  dates  is  intricate,  and  not at  all  inevitable  ;  but  yet  they  may  well  be  true  of  the  rise  of  the  astrology  with  which they  are  stated  to  be  connected. The  work  deserves  to  be  analysed  by  several  specialists,  and  if  each  would  say how  much  is  probable  and  possible  we  might  register  a  considerable  advance  in  our ideas  of  prehistoric  ages.  W.  M.  FLINDERS  FETRIE. ANTHROPOLOGICAL   NOTE. WE  regret  to  hear   of   the  sudden  death,  at  the  age  of    seventy   years,    of  IM Dr.  J.  D.  E.  Schmeltz,   who   had   been   director   of   the   Royal   Ethnographical  Ul Museum  at  Leyden    since  1897,    and  was   editor   of    the   Internationale   Archiv  fiir Ethnographic.     He  was  elected  an  Honorary  Fellow  of  the  Institute  in  1892. Printed  by  EYBE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.C. PLATE  G. MAN,  1909. Photo:  Horsburgh,  Edinburgh. DANIEL    JOHN    CUNNINGHAM. 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  62. ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. Obituary.  With  Plate  G.  Cunningham. Daniel  John  Cunningham.  Born  April  15th,  1850;  died  June  CO 23rd,  1909.  By  Professor  Arthur  Thomson.  Ufc By  the  death  of  Professor  D.  J.  Cunningham  of  the  University  of  Edinburgh,  at the  age  of  fifty-nine,  not  only  has  the  world  of  science  lost  a  distinguished  ornament, but  many  of  us  a  valued  friend.  A  son  of  the  manse,  he  was  born  at  Crieff,  where his  father,  afterwards  the  distinguished  Principal  of  St.  Andrew's  University,  was  parish minister.  In  the  academy  school  of  the  Perthshire  town  he  received  his  early  education, subsequently  passing  to  the  University  of  Edinburgh,  where  he  graduated  with  honours in  medicine  in  the  year  1874.  During  his  undergraduate  career  young  Cunningham  was noted  for  his  brilliant  talents,  and  in  most,  if  not  all,  of  his  classes  obtained  the  highest distinctions.  In  1876  he  took  his  doctor's  degree,  being  awarded  a  gold  medal  for  the excellence  of  his  thesis.  It  was  then  that  he  entered  on  the  career  which  he  has pursued  with  such  distinction.  Appointed  a  demonstrator  on  the  anatomical  staff  of the  University  under  Professor  W.  Turner,  he  threw  himself  into  his  work  with  an energy  which  was  amazing.  In  spite  of  the  arduous  nature  of  his  teaching  duties  he yet  found  time  to  engage  in  laborious  research,  and  the  early  results  of  his  tireless industry  are  to  be  found  in  the  reports  of  the  "  Challenger  "  expedition,  to  which  he contributed  the  article  dealing  with  the  Marsupialia.  In  those  days  Cunningham  soon gave  evidence  of  marked  ability  as  a  teacher  :  possessed  of  a  clear  and  lucid  style,  he reduced  the  most  complex  subjects  to  terms  so  simple  as  that  all  might  understand. He  had  the  knack  of  enlisting  the  sympathy  of  his  audience  and  so  keeping  their attention  fixed.  Frequently  demonstrating,  as  he  had  to  do,  late  in  the  afternoon, he  succeeded  effectually  in  maintaining  the  interest  of  his  class.  Seldom,  indeed,  did the  worn-out  student  succumb  to  the  influence  of  slumber  when  Cunningham  was lecturing. As  the  results  of  his  accomplishment  as  a  teacher,  and  his  recognised  ability as  an  anatomist,  he  quickly  attained  promotion.  In  1882  he  was  appointed  Professor of  Anatomy  in  the  Royal  College  of  Surgeons  of  Ireland,  a  Chair  which  he  occupied but  for  a  year,  being  translated  to  the  corresponding  Chair  in  Trinity  College,  Dublin, on  the  resignation  of  Professor  Alex.  Macalister,  then  called  to  Cambridge.  With what  distinction  and  success  Professor  Cunningham  held  that  office  for  a  period  of twenty  years  those  conversant  with  medical  education  in  Ireland  can  best  testify. But,  in  1903,  the  Chair  of  Anatomy  in  Edinburgh  becoming  vacant  through  the appointment  of  Sir  William  Turner  to  the  Principalship  of  the  University,  Professor Cunningham,  ever  loyal  to  his  Alma  Mater,  accepted  the  invitation  to  succeed  to  the illustrious  line  of  anatomists  who  have  adorned  that  University.  At  what  personal sacrifice  he  entered  on  the  duties  of  his  new  office  those  alone  who  knew  him intimately  can  appreciate.  It  was  wholly  from  a  sense  of  duty  to  the  University he  loved  so  well  that  he  undertook  the  responsibilities  of  so  arduous  a  position.  He had  been  looking  forward  to  the  time  when,  possibly,  he  might  be  able  to  take things  a  little  more  easily,  and  so  find  opportunities  for  the  furtherance  of  those researches  to  which  hitherto  he  had  had  so  little  time  to  devote.  But  these  con- siderations never  weighed  with  him  ;  he  went  where  duty  called — too  soon,  alas!  to be  snatched  from  us  in  his  prime  just  when  probabilities  of  other  and  higher distinctions  seemed  well  within  his  grasp. It  is  outside  the  scope  of  this  article  to  deal  with  his  work  as  an  anatomist,  it is  rather  with  the  anthropological  aspects  of  his  work  that  we  are  most  concerned. Among  the  memoirs  which  he  wrote,  none,  perhaps,  has  attained  wider  recognition than  that  produced  on  "  The  Lumbar  Curve  in  Man  and  Apes,"  published  by  the [  97  ] No.  62,]  MAN.  [1909, Royal  Irish  Academy  in  1886.  It  may  be  said  to  be  the  classic  on  the  subject. Therein  he  submitted  the  data  obtained  from  the  measurement  of  the  vertebrae  of  the columns  of  men  and  apes  to  a  searching  analysis :  he  proved  how  erroneous  conclusions drawn  from  the  macerated  skeleton  might  be,  because  of  the  necessary  neglect  of  the intervertebral  discs  in  the  constitution  of  the  curves.  Whereas  the  inspection  of  the macerated  vertebral  column  of  an  Australian  might  lead  to  the  supposition  that  a characteristic  of  that  race  was  an  apparent  absence  of  the  lumbar  curve,  he  clearly demonstrated,  by  the  examination  of  recent  specimens  with  the  discs  still  in  position, that  their  vertebral  columns  displayed  as  pronounced  curves  as  those  exhibited  by  the higher  races.  He  thus  enforced  the  necessity  of  considering  the  close  correlation  which exists  between  structure  and  function  in  the  vertebral  columns,  and  was  able  in consequence  to  guard  against  the  error  of  supposing  that  the  osseous  structure  of  the column  in  the  lower  races  was  a  sign  of  inferiority  ;  whereas,  in  fact,  it  was  only  proof of  their  greater  range  of  mobility. His  studies  in  relation  to  giantism  as  embodied  in  his  memoir  on  "  Cornelius "  Magrath,  the  Irish  Giant  "  (1891),  were  an  important  addition  to  our  knowledge  of  the subject.  Of  not  less  importance,  in  regard  to  the  question  of  head  form,  was  his  paper on  the  "  Brain  and  Head  of  the  Microcephalic  Idiot,"  published  in  the  transactions  of the  Royal  Irish  Academy  in  1895.  Nor  must  we  omit  to  mention  the  illuminating address  delivered  on  the  occasion  of  the  Huxley  memorial  lecture  in  1902,  when  he expounded  in  detail  the  anatomical  evidence  bearing  on  the  subject  of  "  Right- "  handedness  and  Left-brainedness."  His  address,  as  President  of  the  Royal Anthropological  Institute  in  1908,  dealt  in  a  scholarly  way  with  the  influence  exercised by  the  pioneers  of  physical  anthropology  in  the  eighteenth  century,  and  provides  in useful  form  an  admirable  record  and  criticism  of  the  genius  and  labours  of  such  men  as Camper,  White,  Blumenbach,  Pritchard,  and  Lawrence.  Not  less  interesting,  though possibly  not  so  well  known,  was  his  address  to  the  graduates  in  medicine  of  the University  of  Edinburgh  in  1904  on  "  The  Evolution  of  the  Graduation  Ceremony," wherein  he  treated  of  the  symbolism  and  survivals  retained  in  the  various  ceremonies adopted  by  the  universities  throughout  the  world. Of  other  contributions  to  the  literature  of  anthropology  we  may  note  his  presi- dential address  at  the  Anthropological  Section  of  the  British  Association  at  Glasgow in  1901,  his  memoir  in  the  transactions  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Edinburgh  (1906) on  "  The  Varying  Forms  of  the  Stomach  in  Man  and  the  Anthropoid  Ape,"  and  his paper  on  the  "  Australian  Forehead "  in  the  collected  essays  presented  to  Professor E.  B.  Tylor  on  the  occasion  of  his  jubilee. In  other  capacities  Professor  Cunningham's  association  with  anthropology  was intimate  and  most  helpful.  He  maintained  the  high  standard  of  teaching  on  the  subject initiated  by  his  predecessor,  Sir  W.  Turner,  in  the  University  of  Edinburgh,  where physical  anthropology  is  recognised  as  one  of  the  subjects  for  the  B.Sc.  degree. Whilst  his  services  as  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  the  British  Association  charged with  the  duty  of  promoting  the  establishment  of  an  anthropometric  survey  of  the British  Isles  have  been  widely  appreciated. Of  honours  he  received  many.  A  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society,  he  also  acted  as  one of  the  secretaries  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Edinburgh.  He  was  a  D.C.L.  of  Oxford,  an LL.D.  of  Glasgow  and  St.  Andrews,  and  a  D.M.  and  D.Sc.  of  Dublin.  A  past  pre- sident of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  he  also  served  in  a  similar  capacity  in  the Anatomical  Society  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  He  rendered  yeoman  service  to  his country  as  one  of  the  Commissioners  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  care  of  the  sick and  wounded  during  the  South  African  War,  and  his  services  were  retained  by  the  War Office  Committee  to  report  on  the  physical  standards  for  candidates  for  commissions and  recruits  in  the  army. [    98    1 1909.] MAN. [Nos.  62-63. But  no  account  of  the  man  would  be  complete  without  a  reference  to  those personal  traits  which  endeared  him  to  all  who  knew  him.  Gifted  as  he  was,  he  was the  most  modest  of  men.  To  him  no  trouble  was  excessive,  no  responsibility  too great.  Everything  he  undertook  was  carried  through  with  a  deep  sense  of  duty. Slip-shod  work  was  foreign  to  his  nature  ;  thoroughness  and  efficiency  were  his  ideals. To  those  who  differed  from  him  on  matters  of  policy  he  was  always  generous  ;  to his  colleagues  and  friends  he  was  ever  loyal  and  true.  He  lived  a  life  without blemish,  and  his  record  may  well  serve  as  a  bright  example  to  those  who  have  to follow.  ARTHUR  THOMSON. Freire-Marreco. Children   of  School 63 England:  Pigmentation. Notes   on  the  Hair  and    Eye  Colour  of   591 Age   in   Surrey.41     By  Barbara  Freire-Marreco. The  observations  on  which  this  paper  is  based  were  made  up  as  follows  : — Chobham,  National  Schools,  July  19,  1901  ;  54  boys,  30  girls,  total  84.  Horsell, National  Schools,  younger  children,  July  8,  1901  ;  54  boys,  21  girls,  total  75.  West- field,  Woking,  Council  Schools,  July  23,  1901  ;  130  boys,  71  girls,  total  201. Pyrford,  Council  Schools,  July  24,  1901  ; 47  boys,  39  girls,  total  86.  Guildford, children  in  South  Street,  July  3,  1901  ; 36  girls.  Bramley,  Council  Schools, September,  1901  ;  55  boys,  21  girls,  total 76.  Shamley  Green,  National  Schools, September,  1901  ;  11  boys,  22  girls,  total 33.  Grand  total  :  351  boys  ;  240  girls. Of  the  seven  parishes  in  which observations  have  been  recorded,  Chob- ham, Horsell,  Pyrford,  and  Westfield (Old  Woking)  are  in  the  Bagshot-sand country.  Chobham  lies  in  the  water- meadows  of  the  Hale  Bourne  Brook,  and runs  up  the  slope  to  the  north  ;  Horsell, on  a  dry,  sandy  ridge,  runs  down  to  the Bourne  Brook  and  westwards  towards Bisley.  Pyrford  is  on  the  extreme  edge of  the  high  ground  overlooking  the  compli- cated waterways  round  Newark  Priory  ; Wokingf  lies  in  the  water-meadows  be- tween the  Hoe  and  the  Wey,  but  the area  served  by  Westfield  SchoolJ  extends *  Submitted  in  compliance  with  Regula- tion 3  for  the  Diploma  in  Anthropology  in  the University  of  Oxford,  June,  1908. I  take  this  opportunity  of  thanking  Mr. Marsh  and  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Saunders  of  Westfield, Mr.  Stevens  of  Pyrford,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Tidy  of Horsell,  and  Mr.  and  Miss  Wetton  of  Chobham Schools  for  their  kind  co-operation. f  Not  Woking  Junction,  which  is  a  modern settlement  on  the  south  edge  of  Horsell  Moor. J  Viz.,  Woking  village,  Westfield,  Kingfield, Button,  Mayford  ;  small  numbers  from  Worples- don,  Sander's  Lane,  Kemish  Ford,  Smart's Heath,  Pray  Heath,  Poyle  Hill,  Hook  Heath, Eglay  Nurseries,  Elm  Bridge  Green,  Cross  Lanes. C  99  ] FlG,    1.— MAP   OF   DISTRICT. No.  63.] MAN. [1909. O         W          P=          P-          O         «          en d V I s         -a-         a     •    * g               __.               ^               rg                 §                g.               t>, i              1              i              1              1              1               1 1  .           |              J                R             1               I              J O         K         P         pu         O         M         w •«»<           •*           o           h-             i            in           —  • m          m          co          •*            1           o          I-H CO O                     r-(                     —  <                      OS                      CO                     ^^                      CM CO               C^               c—               CO               CO               £•!               C^ o in g 5 CO               CO               Oo                  1                   I                 *-<               OS 2 X                         GO           i>.                         oo           in ^5                  1                 0}               t»                  I                >C               4h CO 00 04 •* m [j B H d I X               00                0}               00                                   CO               *» b-               •*                c%>               0)                                   CO               OS 1 00 s c»           co           os           <~)           >*                         in CO               OS               OS               «3               OJ                                   CO >~l                                                                          Oj                                   "^ in           ex          c-          ex          oo                       co *M >~( m CO M a Q '3 Oi                     CO                     ^                     *-t                                                 C^ 1                ! KI 00 ^               Co               CO               Co                                   00               10 1/3                       *i CO CO 1 i                 II!!! 1 i          *•     i  -.  i-     i •* ? 1 c-3                         *o           to                         '"•i           *<t> os                       05          c>                       os          N. *i            |                        ^i I 00 o M b.                          OS            oo                           e^, «O                                   OS               G^                                   X               OS OS £> OS 00 OS Tj* a !H W •S Brown. *1                                <M              "-I                |               Oj              »-i S3 c^>               eo               «3               >o               *O                00               Oi M 23 00 CO 0» CO MKDIUI '3 Oi                 ^                 5O                 Oi                                      O5                 CO Gv|               CO               <M                O}                                   Oj               Co —                 G^l                 CO                 i-H                                      ^H CO o t-»                 SO                                      UJ                 ^                 CO                 »O to           °o           OQ           ^           so           *o           ^ GO           co           t*-           co           eo           t^           o 3 00 t- 00 00 I Oi           b*           ^                                       oo A«          •»          H                           ]            ^             1 CO OJ 00 •                                    ^n                         GO           QO 1      1     ^      1     *     •*      1 ^ 00 M a 1            1            III 1 111*1            1 00 CN M »3 H Brown. OS              r~ *•             *                                                   II rH               IN                                  m                                  r-l 1 OS oo           >t<           co           so                         «i § 01 CO «0 ca P£ CO               X               X               OS                                   0» OS               C,               W5               -TK                                   00 O|               OJ                                  ^Ji^ CD                 -H                 l~                 t-                                      O "3 in eo           GVJ           b*                                      WD I •-1 1 ^                                         1                                          III CO <N l       l       i       l       i              l «0 CM *Q                                                                                                                                           O •k                                1                                          1                                          I                   $J CQ          i                                  «                                  i »rt                               O S       a       1       S       I       ^      i 1       1       1       I      1       1       1 O          W          ^          P<          O          C5          co Total  Boys  - i             i             i 1               '        '    i *      «                      '                      '                     o a            2     ^      "S      ^     >, *        zs        £         C,        £         £        £ %      $      2      a      2      a      a °        o        S        s       '"3        $        * -a                 ^        "*>        s                 ja Q        K        )S        PL,        cj        pq        en Total  Girls Total  for  both  sexes 100    ] 1909.] MAN. [No.  63. above  the  100  feet  line  to  the  north  and  west  of  the  Hoe.  GuiJJford  is  on  the  chalk, where  the  Wey  cuts  through  between  the  Hog's  Back  and  Merrow  Downs  ;  Bramley and  Shamley  Green  are  on  the  heather  hills  of  the  Lower  Greensand  ;  Bramley  lies between  the  hill  and  the  water  ;  while  Shamley  Green  is  on  a  hill-promontory. Only  Guildford  can  be  called  a  town  ;  Sbamley  Green  is  a  very  small  bamlet. The  order  of  population  in  1901  was,  approximately  : — Guildford,  Westfield,  Horsell, Bramley,  Chobham,  Pyrford,  Shamley  Green.  This  is  an  attempt  to  estimate  the working-class  population,  from  which  the  children  in  the  elementary  schools  are  drawn. It  does  not  seem  as  if  there  was  much  relation  between  the  geological  situation of  these  parishes  and  the  statistics  of  hair  and  eye  colour  obtained  ;  on  the  other hand,  it  will  be  seen  by  Table  3  (Curves  of  Hair  and  Eye  Colour)  and  the  seriations  in Table  6  that  the  geographical  situation  is  not  without  a  bearing  on  the  statistics  : — the  two  Bourne  Brook  parishes,  Horsell  and  Chobham,  fall  together,  and  so  do  the  two Hoe  and  Wey  parishes,  Pyrford  and  Westfield  (Woking).  It  should  be  noted  that  until modern  times  there  was  no  made  road  across  the  heaths  from  Horsell  to  Pyrford, whereas  there  was  fairly  easy  communication  along  the  meadows  between  Pyrford  and Westfield. I  have  compared  the  surnames  of  the  children  attending  the  schools  in  July,  1901  ; the  results  are  inconclusive.  Horsell  and  Chobham  have  fourteen  surnames  in  common, Westfield  and  Chobham  fifteen,  Horsell  and  Westfield  seventeen  ;  Pyrford  has  nine surnames  in  common  with  Westfield,  six  with  Horsell,  five  with  Chobham.  It  is unfortunate  that  the  Horsell  subjects  are  not  quite  comparable  in  age  with  the  rest, falling  mostly  within  the  lower  standards  of  the  school  ;  had  the  whole  school  been included  it  is  possible  that  the  excess  of  fair  hair  would  have  been  corrected,  and Horsell  would  have  been  brought  nearer  to  Westfield.  The  increase  and  change  of population  since  1901  make  it  impossible  to  repair  this  omission. The  observations  were  recorded,  in  the  manner  recommended  by  Dr.  John  Beddoe,* on  a  card  ruled  into  three  divisions  for  eye-colour  and  subdivided  into  columns  for  the five  colours  of  hair  ;  in  these  the  headings  R,  F,  B  stand  for  red,  fair,  and  brown  hair LIGHT. MEDIUM. DAHK. R. F. B- D. N. R. -ri B. D. N. R. F. B. D.          X. - - — — — — 1  l 1 1 — — 1   1 1 1   1 -J Boys. - - - - - - 1  l - 1 - - 1 - - ~j 13 _ — _ — — _ l  l I _ _ j 1   1 — ~  \ - - _ - - - 1  1 - - - - 1 - - - Girls. 10 — — — — — — 1 — — — — — — — -' Westfield  Infants,  3-5,  23rd  July,  1901 respectively  ;  D  stands  for  dark  brown  and  nearly  black  hair  ;  N  (niger)  is  reserved for  hair  which  looks  absolutely  black  in  all  lights.  Of  this  last  no  example  was recorded.  Dr.  Beddoe  includes  under  niger  also  "  the  very  intense  brown  which  occurs "  in  people  who  in  childhood  have  had  dark  brown  (or  in  some  cases  deep  red)  hair, "  but  which  in  the  adult  cannot  be  distinguished  from  coal-black  except  in  a  good "  light."  The  narrower  limit  assigned  to  niger  in  these  observations  must  be  taken into  account  in  considering  the  Index  of  Nigrescence,  for  which  Dr.  Beddoe's  formula is  D  +2  N  —  R  —  F. *  Beddoe,  Races  of  Britain,  1885. [     101     ] No.  63.] MAN. [1909, To  the  division  of  "  light  eyes  "  are  assigned  blue,  light  blue-grey,  and  pale  grey  ; to  the  "  medium  "  class  dark  bluish-grey,  dark  grey,  hazel,  hazel-grey,  and  bright  light brown  ;  to  the  "  dark  "  black,  dark  brown,  and  very  dark  grey  indeed. TABLE  2. LIGHT  EYES. MEDIUM  EYES. DARK  EYES. Red. Fair. Brown. Dark. Red. Fair. Brown. Dark. Red. Fair. Brown. Dark. Chobham 2  2-4 16  79- 7  8-3 — 1  1-2 24  28-6 13  75-2 7    8-3 — 2     2-4 9  70-7 3  3-6 84 Horsell  - — 14  78-7 3  4- — 2  2-7 26  34-7 11  74-7 — — 7    9-3 10  73-3 2  2-7 75 Westfield - 10    6- 1     -5 — 5  2-5 61  30-4 56  27-8 19    9-5 1   -5 11    5-5 24  77-9 13  6-5 201 Pyrford  - - 10  11-6 6  7- 2  2-3 - 22  25-6 23  26-7 10  77-6 - 2    2-3 8    9-3 3  3-5 86 Guildford       - - 5  73-9 2  6-5 - 1  2-8 13  36-7 2    5-5 - — 5  73-9 8  22-2 - 36 Bramley - 10  73-2 1  7-3 - 2  2-e 23  30-3 23  30-3 8  70-5 — 5    6-6 2    2-6 2  2-6 76 Shamley  Green - 3    9-7 1  3- — - 13  39-  1 4  72-7 5  75-2 - I     ?• 4  72-7 2  6- 33 2 68 21 2 11 1S2 !32                49 j 1 \. 33 65 25 93 374 121 TABLE  3. — COLOUR  OP  HAIR  AND  EYES,  GROUPED ACCORDING    TO    BEDDOE's    CLASSIFICATION. LIGHT  EYES    MEDIUM  EYES    DARK  EYES Pyrford  o Westfidd At  Westfield,  where  the  medium  eyes  were  70  •  1  per  cent,  of  the  whole,  they  were almost  all  dark  blue-grey ;  the  few  exceptions  were  bright  chestnut  brown.  There were  four  or  five  Welsh  families  in  the  place,  stranded  there  by  the  failure  of  the  Owen Stone  Works  ;  with  the  assistance  of  the  schoolmistress  these  have  been  excluded,  as well  as  a  few  gypsies  and  one  London  child. At  Horsell  the  characteristic  medium  eye  was  bright  light  brown. Table  1  gives  the  observa- tions for  the  seven  localities divided  according  to  sex  and Table  2  combines  them. The  outstanding  feature  of the  record  is  the  predominance of  medium  eyes,  65  per  cent, for  all  seven  places,  rising  to 73  •  7  per  cent,  at  Bramley,  and over  50  per  cent,  everywhere except  at  Guildford.  Fair  hair also  predominates  largely,  47  *  9 per  cent,  for  all  the  localities, over  50  per  cent,  except  at Westfield  and  Pyrford.  Brown hair  is  a  good  second,  36  •  9  per cent.,  over  27  per  cent,  every- where, 40  and  43  per  cent,  at Westtield  and  Pyrford  (see Tables  4  and  5).  The  percent- age of  red  hair,  3  •  6,  is  rather high  for  the  South  of  England.* Dr.  Beddoe's  method  of  expressing  the  result  of  such  observations  is  to  obtain  an "  Index  of  Nigrescence  "  for  the  hair  colours  by  the  formula  : — Dark  -f-  2  Niger  —  Red  — Fair  =  Index.  This  index  "  is  generally  positive  in  England  and  Scotland,  and  almost always  in  Ireland."*  The  result  of  applying  this  method  to  the  present  statistics  is shown  in  Table  6,  column  A.  For  the  eye-colour  Dr.  Beddoe  uses  the  formula  : — *  Beddoe,  Journ.  Roy.  Anthr.  Inst.,  XXXVIII,  p.  215. [   102   3 1909.] MAN. [No.  63. Dark  —  Light  =  Index  ;  the  result  for  these  statistics  is  shown  in  column  B.     Medium eyes  and  brown  hair  are  neglected. TABLE  4. — PERCENTAGES  OF  EYE  AND  HAIR  COLOUR. — Chobham. Horsell. Westfield. Pyrford. Quildford. Bramley. Shamley Green. All Localities. Light  Eyes 29-8 22-7 5-5 20-9 19-4 14-5 12-1 15-7 Medium  Eyes 53-6 52- 70-1 63-9 44-4 73-7 66-7 65- Dark  Eyes 16-7 25-3 24-4 15-1 36-1 11-8 21-2 21- Bed  Hair      - 3-C 2-7 3- — 2-8 2-6 — 2-4 Fair  Hair 50- 62-7 40-9 39-5 63'9 50' 61-5 47-9 Brown  Hair 34-5 32- 40-3 43- 33-2 34-2 27-3 36-9 Dark  Hair 11-9                  2-7 15-9 17-4 — 13-2 21-2 12-85 TABLE  5. — PREDOMINANCE  OF  FAIR  HAIR  AND  MEDIUM  EYES. GUILDFORD Collignon's  method  is  different  ;  he  reduces  all  the  figures  to  percentages,  and  for any  district  he  adds  the  light  eyes  to  the  light  hair,  and  the  dark  eyes  to  the  dark  hair, dividing  each  total  by  two  ;  and  he  constructs  maps  to  show  the  excess  of  one  total  over the  other.  Here  again  medium  eyes  and  brown  hair  are  neglected. TABLE  6. — LOCALITIES  seriated  according  to  (A)  Beddoe's  Index  of  Nigrescence for  Hair  ;  (B)  Beddoe's  Index  for  Eye  Colour  ;  (C)  Collignon's  Index  of  Excess of  Dark  over  Light. — A. Index  of  Nigrescence  for  Hair Colour. B. Index  of  Eye  Colour. C. Excess  of  Dark  over  Light. Dark. * Pyrford Westfield -22-1 -  27-9 Westfield        -                        18-9 Guildford-        -        -             16-7 Westfield Shamley  Green  - -    4-4 -  10-65 Dark. 1 Shamley  Green         -        —  33'  3 Shamley  Green         -              9- Pyrford -  ,3-95 Bramley    - -  39-5 Horsell      -       -        -        -   2-6 Bramley    - -21-15 Chobham -  41-7 Bramley         -           -        —   2-7 Gnildford -25-     ' i Light. Horsell       - Guildford -  62-7 -  66-7 Pyrford     -        -       -        -   5-8 Chobham       -           -        -    13- Chobbam  - Horsell -  27-35 -  30-05 i Light. Average  —  41'9 Median    -  39-5 Average  3-7 Median    2'6 Average  —  18-9 Median    -  21-15 The  results  of  this  method  are  shown  in  Table  6,  column  C.     The   seriations  by Beddoe's  Index  of  Nigrescence  for  the   hair  and  by   Collignon's  method    agree  pretty [     103     ] No.  63,] MAN. [1909. closely  ;  in  each  case  Bramley  is  the  median,  with  Pyrford,  Westfield,  and  Shamley Green  above,  and  Guildford,  Chobham,  and  Horsell  below.  The  range  above  the median  is  much  the  same  : — 17  '  4  in  A,  16*8  in  B.  The  difference  of  range  below  the median,  27 '  2  for  the  Index  of  Nigrescence  in  which  hair  alone  is  reckoned,  and  8  •  8 for  the  Excess  of  Dark  over  Light  which  combines  hair  and  eye  colour,  is  explained  by the  considerable  proportion  of  dark  eyes  at  Guildford  (36'1)  and  Horsell  (25'  3). The  figures  of  Table  6  are  somewhat  surprising.  While  Dr.  Beddoe's  Index  of Nigrescence  for  hair  is  generally  positive  in  England  and  Scotland,  and  Surrey  as  a  whole is  classed  in  his  maps  in  the  divisions  of  0 — 5  for  hair  and  33 — 39  for  eye-colour,  the average  for  these  seven  places  is  — 41  *9  for  hair,  and  +3*7  for  eyes.  (Beddoe's Compound  Index  (2  x  index  of  hair  +  index  of  eyes)  gives  practically  the  same  result, since  the  hair  factor  predominates  : — Westfield  — 36  •  9,  Pyrford  — 50,  Shamley  Green —57-6,  Bramley  —81-7,  Chobham  —96 '4,  Guildford  -116 '7,  Horsell  —122-8; average  — 78  '9.)  This  is  to  make  out  that  these  Surrey  parishes  are  four  times  as  fair as  the  fairest  parts  of  Scotland  ! The  explanation  seems  to  be  that  neither  Beddoe's  method  nor  Collignon's  gives TABLE  7. — STATISTICS  OF  WESTFIELU  AND  PYRFORD,  grouped  according  to  Age. LIGHT  EYES. MEDIUM  EYES. DARK  EVKS. R. F. B. D. R. F. B. D. R. F. B. D. WESTFIELD. Boys. 3-5 _ — — — - 4 1 2 - 3 1 2 13 5-9 — 2 — — 1 19 7 3 - 3 9 5 49 9-11 — 4 — — 2 3 Hi 1 — 1 4 1 32 U-14 - 1 - - 1 8 14 6 - - 3 3 36 - 7 - - 4 34 38 12 - 7 17 11 130 Girls. 3-5 — — — - — 5 1 — — 2 2 - 10 5-9 — 1 — — 1 13 8 6 1 2 2 2 36 9-11 - 1 — — — 4 1 J — — 1 — 8 11-14 — 1 1 - - 5 8 - - - 2 - 17 - 3 1 - 1 27 18 7 1 4 7 2 71 PTRFOBD. Boys. 3-5 — — — — — 6 1 — — — — — 7 5-9 - 5 4 - - 1 o 2 - - 1 - 15 8-10 - 2 1 — - 5 4 1 - 1 5 — 19 11-14 - - - - - 2 2 2 - - - - 6 -- 7 5 - - 14 9 5 - 1 6 - 47 Girls. 3-5 - - - - - 4 1 2 - - 1 1 9 5-9 — 1 — 1 — 3 4 2 — 1 - - 12 8-10 - 2 1 — — — 4 1 — - — 2 10 11-14 - - - 1 - 1 5 - - - 1 -    ' 8 - 3 1 2 - 8 14 5 l 2 3 39 1909.] MAN. [No.  63. a  satisfactory  account  of  a  district  iu  which  medium  eyes  predominate  to  the  extent of  64  •  97,  with  36  •  88  of  brown  hair.  The  failure  of  the  method  of  Excess  of  Dark over  Light  appears  from  a  more  detailed  investigation  of  the  Westfield  and  Pyrford figures.  In  Table  7  these  are  given  in  age  classes,  3 — 5,  5 — 9,  (9 — 11,  8 — 10),  11 — 14» following  the  school  classification  in  "  standards." TABLE  8. — PERCENTAGES  OF  HAIR  AND  EYE  COLOUR  FOR  WESTFIELD  AND  PYR- FORD, arranged  according  to  Age,  giving  Collignou's  Index  of  Excess  of  Dark over  Light,  with  Medium  Eyes  and  Brown  Hair  for  comparison. Ages. Light  Eyes  + Light  Hair. Half Sum  of Light. Medium  Eyes  + Brown  Hair. Half Sum  of Medium and Brown. Dark  Eyes  + Dark  Hair. Half Sum  of Dark. Excess  per Cent,  of  Dark over  Light. WESTFIELD. 3-5 — 68-7 34-35 56-5 21-7            31-9 43-5 17-4             34-5 -    3-8 5-9 3-5 50-6             27-05 68-2 3J-6 49-4 23-2             18-8             23-5 -    3-55 9-1] 12-5 37-5 25- 70- 55- 62-5 17-5              7-5 12-5 -12-5 11-14 5-7 30-2             17-95 79-2 50-9 65-05 15-1 17- 16-05 -    1-9 PYRFORD. 3-5 — 62-5             31-25 88-9 18-9 53-9 12-5 18-75 15-6 -  15-65 5-9 4)-7 40-7             40'7 51-9 40-7 46-3 7-4 18-5 12-95 -27- 8-10 20-7 44'8             32-75 5V7 51-7 51-7 27-6 13-8 20-7 -If 11-14 7-1 21-4             14-J5 85-7 57-1 71-4 7-1 21-4 14-25 — In  Table  8  the  figures  are  treated  after  Collignon's  method  to  obtain  an  Index  of Excess  of  Dark  over  Light  by  comparing  half  the  sum  of  the  dark  hair  and  eyes  with  half the  sum  of  the  light  hair  and  eyes,  neglecting  medium  eyes  and  brown  hair.  The  result is  highly  inconclusive.  The  light  hair  percentage  does  indeed  diminish  with  age,  quite regularly,  considering  the  overlapping  of  the  second  and  third  age-grades  at  Pyrford — but  the  dark  hair-  shows  no  proportionate  increase.  The  excess-index  rises,  so  to speak,  for  want  of  lightness  and  not  from  the  presence  of  darkness.  But  when  the brown  hair  statistics  are  added,  it  is  obvious  what  becomes  of  the  light  hair  ;  it  simply darkens  to  brown,*  in  which  category  it  escapes  Beddoe's  Index  of  Nigrescence  and Collignon's  Index  of  Excess. TABLE  9. — SUMMARY  OF  HAIR  AND  EYE  COLOUR  OF  351  BOYS. BYES. Percentage Light. Medium. Dark. Colours. Red   - 2 8 — 10 2-85 Fair       - 51 104 18 173 49-28 Brown 9 74 38 121 34-49 Dark     - — M 17 47 13-39 Niger - - - - — Totals    - 62 216                             73 351 100-00 Percentage  of  Eye  Colours  - 17-66 61-54 20-8 100-00 *  At  Pyrford  this  works  out  very  completely  ;  light  hair  loses  41-1  between  the  youngest  and  oldest classes,  and  brown  hair  gains  38  -  2. [    105    ] No,  63,] MAN. [1909, Beddoe's  Index  of  Nigrescence  (D  +  2  N  —  R  —  F) Beddoe's  Index  of  Eye  Colour  (D  —  L) Collignon's  Excess  of  Dark  over  Light —38-74 3-14 —  17  '8 Dark. Light. Half  Sum  of  Eyes  and  Hair. Excess  of  Dark over  Light. Eyes. Hair. Eyes. Hair. Light. Dark. 20-8 13-39 17-66 52-13 34-895 17-095 -17-8 TABLE  10. — SUMMARY  OF  HAIR  AND  EYE  COLOUR  OF  240  GIRLS. EYES. Percentage Light. Medium. Dark. Colours. Red    - — 3 1 4 7'67 Fair      - 17 78 15 110 45-83 Brown 12 58 27 97 40-42 Dark     - 2 19 8 29 12-08 Niger - - - - - Totals    - 31 158 51 240 100-00 Percentage  of  Eye  Colours  - 12-92 65-83 21-25 100-00 - Beddoe's  Index  of  Nigrescence  (D  +  2  N  —  R  —  F) Beddoe's  Index  of  Eye  Colour  (D  —  L) Collignon's  Excess  of  Dark  over  Light  ( ~ — ^ — -  I —  35-42 8-23 —  13-54 Dark. Light. Half  Sum  of  Eyes  and  Hair. Excess  of  Dark over  Light. Eyes. Hair. Eyes. Hair. Light. Dark. 21-25 12-08 12-92 47-5 30-21 16-67 -13-54 TABLE    11. — SUMMARY    OF  HAIR  AND  EYE  COLOUR  OF  591  CHILDREN,  both  Sexes. EYES. Percentage Light.                      Medium. Dark. Colours. Red    -                        -                                2 11 1 14 2-37 Fair                             -        -                 68 182 33 283 47'88 Brown 21 132 65 218 36-88 Dark     - 2 49 25 76 12  -S6 Niger - - - - - Totals    - 03 374                             124 Ml 100-00 Percentage  of  Eye  Colour*  - 15-74                         63-28           .              20-98 700-00 - [     106    ] 1909.] MAN. [No.  63. Beddoe's  Index  of  Nigrescence  (D  +  2  N  —  R  —  F) Beddoe's  Index  of  Eye  Colour  (D  —  L) Collignon's  Excess  of  Dark  over  Light  ( ~ —  ~ — ~) —  37-39 5-24 —  16-075 Dark. Light. Half  Sum  of  Eyes  and  Hair. Excess  of  Dark over  Light. Byes. Hair. Byes. Hair. Light. Dark. 20-98 12-86 15-74 60-25 32-995 16-92. -  16-075 Tables  9,  10,  and  11  show  Beddoe's  Indices  of  Nigrescence  and  of  Eye  Colour,  and Collignon's  Index  of  Excess  of  Dark  over  Light,  for  the  351  boys,  the  240  girls,  and the  591  children  without  distinction  of  sex. By  all  three  indices  the  girls  have  a  slight  advantage  in  darkness  : — 3  •  32  by Beddoe's  index  for  the  hair  only,  5  •  09  by  Beddoe's  index  for  the  eyes,  4  •  26  by Collignon's  index  for  the  hair  and  eyes  combined.  As  the  difference  lies  mainly  in the  eye  colour  it  is  probably  a  genuine  sex  character,  as  it  is  not  affected  by  questions of  head-covering,  hair-cutting,  washing,  and  lubrication. Lastly,  is  it  possible  to  find  a  method  of  description  which  will  give  weight  to all  shades  of  hair  and  eye  colour  ?  Something  may  perhaps  be  done  by  assigning numerical  values  to  combinations  of  hair  and  eye  colour.  I  propose  the  following scale  of  "  marks  "  : — -     1          Medium  eyes   -         -     2          Dark  eyes     -        -     3 with 1 Brown  hair  - Red  hair,   with  me- dium eyes    - Light  eyes Fair  hair      -         -     1  Brown  hair  -  -     2          Dark  hair  - Red      hair, light  eyes Hence  : — Light  eyes  and  red  hair  - Light  eyes  and  fair  hair Light  eyes  and  brown  hair Medium  eyes  and  fair  hair Light  eyes  and  dark  hair Medium  eyes  and  red  hair Medium  eyes  and  brown  hair Dark  eyes  and  fair  hair Medium  eyes  and  dark  hair  -  j Dark  eyes  and  brown  hair  -  >  5 Dark  eyes  and  red  hair  - Dark  eyes  and  dark  hair  -     6 Red  hair  is  reckoned  as  "  light "  by  both  Beddoe  and  Collignon  ;  but  is  this  satis- factory ?  In  the  present  set  of  statistics  it  is  found  in  combination  with  medium  eyes thirteen  times  out  of  sixteen,  i.e.,  64  •  5  per  cent,  in  excess  of  probability.  With  light eyes,  on  the  contrary,  it  occurs  only  twice  in  sixteen  times,  a  defect  of  4-2  per  cent, below  probability.  It  looks  as  if  there  were  some  close  connection  between  red  hair  and medium  eyes.*  On  the  whole,  it  seems  safe  to  give  it  the  value  of  "fair  "-ness  when  it *  I  am  glad  to  find  that  this  conjecture  is  confirmed  by  Mr.  Gray.  See  Gray,  A  New  Instru- ment for  Determining  the  Colour  of  the  Hair  (MAN,  1908,  27).  Cf.  Journ.  Anthr.  Inst.,  XXXVII, p.  382.  Dubois,  On  the  Correlation  of  t/te  Slack  and  Orange-Coloured  Pigments  (MAN,  1908,  46). Mr.  Gray  concludes  from  his  analysis  of  the  black  and  orange  pigment  in  hair  that  red  hair  is  the equivalent  of  dark  brown. [    107    ] Nos.  63-64.]  MAN.  [1909. is  combined  with  light  eyes,  and  of  "  medium  "-ness,  equal  to  brown,  when  it  is  found with  medium  or  dark  eyes. I  multiply  the  number  of  examples  of  each  combination  by  the  appropriate value  number,  and  reduce  the  sum  to  a  percentage.  Thus,  Chobham,  eighty-four subjects — —  Colour  value  =  (2  x  2)  +  (16  x  2)  +  (7  X  3)  +  (1  x  4)  +  (24  X  3)  +  (13  x  4) +  (7  X  5)  +  (2  x  4)  +  (9  x  5)  +  (3  x  6)  =  291  =  346'4  per  cent. A  seriation  by  these  statistics  is  given  in  Table  12  ;  it  agrees  with  the  seriation by  Collignon's  Excess-of-Dark-over-Light  Index  in  Table  6. TABLE   12. — LOCALITIES,  seriated  according  to  Numerical  Colour- Value  of Hair  and  Eyes  in  Combination. Westfield  -     394  • Shamley  Green  -     378-8 Pyrford    -  -372-1 Bramley       -  -360-5 Guildford  -     352-8 Chobham     -  -     346  •  4 Horsell     -  -  -  -  -     342  •  7 Average     -         -     363  *  9 Median    -  -360-5 It  seems,  then,  that  this  method  might  be  employed  as  a  supplement  to  those  of Beddoe  and  Collignon,  and  that  in  localities  with  a  strong  medium-and-brown  element it  might  prove  more  descriptive  than  Beddoe's  indices. BARBARA  FREIRE-MARRECO. REVIEWS. Ethics.  Westermarck. The  Origin  and  Development  of  the  Moral  Ideas.  By  Edward  Westermarck,  Q  J Ph.D.  Vol.  II.  London  :  Macmillan  &  Co.,  1908.  Pp.  xv  +  852.  22  x  14  cm.  UT Price  14s. Dr.  Westermarck  is  to  be  heartily  congratulated  on  having  brought  to  its  full realisation  a  work  designed  on  the  most  generous  lines.  The  amount  of  erudition compressed  into  these  two  volumes  is  simply  vast.  Nor,  if  one's  first  impulse  be  to praise  the  author's  immense  industry,  let  this  be  taken  as  implying  any  tacit  disparage- ment of  his  theoretical  powers.  Dr.  Westermarck  stands  in  the  eyes  of  all anthropologists  for  a  thoroughly  original,  that  is  to  say  independent,  thinker,  whose opinions  rest  on  immense  reading,  joined  to  considerable  experience  of  the  more  or less  "  primitive "  conditions  prevailing  in  the  backward  parts  of  Morocco.  As  a matter  of  fact,  however,  the  main  theoretical  interest  of  his  treatise  is  philosophical rather  than  anthropological.  It  is  his  view  of  the  relation  of  our  moral  ideas  to certain  emotions,  and  of  these  again  to  A7arious  instinctive  tendencies  due  to  natural selection — a  subject  on  which  it  is  the  special  task  of  the  philosopher  to  pronounce — that  controls  the  course  of  the  argument  throughout.  The  anthropology  is  ancillary — that  is  to  say,  illustrative.  To  be  sure,  there  is  plenty  of  it ;  but,  very  wisely,  the author  for  the  most  part  steers  clear  of  controversial  matters  of  detail,  and  confines himself  to  statements  which  every  anthropologist  will  be  ready  to  endorse. [     108     1 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  64. Most  debatable,  perhaps,  from  the  strictly  anthropological  point  of  view  is  the  view taken  of  the  relation  of  ethics  to  religion.  In  regard  to  such  a  question,  everything turns,  of  course,  on  the  definition  of  religion  that  is  adopted.  Dr.  Westermarck  is perfectly  clear  on  this  head.  "  Religion,"  he  says,  "  may  be  defined  as  a  belief  in  and a  regardful  attitude  towards  a  supernatural  being  on  whom  man  feels  himself  dependent and  to  whose  will  he  makes  an  appeal  in  his  worship.  Supernatural  mechanical  power, on  the  other  hand,  is  applied  in  magic."  So  far  his  position  essentially  resembles  that of  Dr.  Frazer.  He  differs  from  him,  however,  in  regarding  both  religion  and  magic  as alike  concerned  with  the  supernatural,  that  is,  uncanny  or  mysterious,  as  distinguished from  the  natural  or  ordinary.  Thus  the  force  inherent  in  a  tabooed  object  is,  he  argues supernatural,  whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  a  mechanical  energy  or  miasma,  being supposed  to  discharge  itself  without  the  aid  of  any  volitional  activity.  He  goes  on  to admit  that  "  magical  and  religious  elements  are  often  almost  inseparably  intermingled "  in  one  and  the  same  act." Now  so  far  I  find  myself  in  almost  complete  agreement  with  him.  There  can be  no  harm  in  distinguishing  somewhat  sharply  between  the  attitude  implying  a  quasi- mechanical  object  and  the  attitude  implying  a  more  or  less  personal,  though  not necessarily  animistic  in  the  restricted  Tylorian  sense  of  ghostlike,  object.  (I  pass  over the  difficulty  involved  in  holding  that  the  latter  attitude,  to  be  religious,  must  be "  regardful."  Threatening  a  god  is  not  magic.  Though  it  involves  constraint,  the constraint  is  in  no  sense  mechanical.  Hence  the  antithesis  between  magic  and  religion, as  interpreted  by  Dr.  Westermarck,  is  not  exhaustive,  as  it  ought  to  be  if  the  magico- religious  and  the  supernatural  are  to  be  coextensive.  But  surely  these  must  be  made coextensive  for  the  working  purposes  of  anthropology.  A  threefold  partition  of  the field  would  be  impossible  to  carry  out.)  On  the  other  hand,  it  must  never  be  forgotten that  there  is  really  but  one  magico-religious  object,  namely,  the  supernatural,  and  that, though  it  may  wear  sometimes  a  mechanical  and  sometimes  a  volitional  aspect,  these two  aspects  are  "  often  almost  inseparably  intermingled." This  being  so,  then,  in  Dr.  Westermarck's  opinion,  does  he  not  in  practice  well- nigh  identify  ethical  supernaturalism  with  religion  understood  as  a  regardful  attitude towards  personal  beings  ?  What  I  mean  to  suggest  is  that  an  ethical  magic,  or,  as I  should  prefer  to  put  it,  an  ethical  type  of  magico-religious  cult  in  which  the impersonal  aspect  of  its  object  is  relatively  predominant,  scarcely  receives  its  due meed  of  attention  at  his  hands.  It  might  seem  at  first  sight  that  our  moral  feelings were  always  directed  towards  personal  beings.  Yet  surely  at  higher  stages  of  culture an  impersonal  thing  like  "  the  moral  law  "  may  excite  a  truly  ethical  regard.  But so  likewise,  amongst  savages,  the  taboo-feeling  may  become  moralised  without  appreci- able aid  from  the  notion  of  personal  beings  in  the  background.  Indeed,  it  is  in  this feeling  that  Dr.  Jevons  discovers  the  prototype  of  the  ethical  idea  par  excellence — namely,  the  idea  of  duty. Of  course  Dr.  Westermarck  is  far  too  sound  an  anthropologist  to  have  ignored this  side  of  his  subject  altogether.  In  his  six  chapters  dealing  with  the  ethics  of man's  attitude  towards  gods  there  is  a  certain  allowance  made  for  the  purely  magical side  of  such  worship,  whilst  other  chapters,  such  as  those  on  "  restrictions  in  diet  " and  "  celibacy,"  touch  incidentally  on  the  moralization  of  taboo.  I  cannot  but  think, however,  that  a  too  exclusive  interest  in  the  religious,  as  distinguished  from  the magico-religious,  has  prevented  Dr.  Westermarck  from  doing  full  justice  to  the  question of  the  contribution  to  ethics  of  cult  as  a  whole.  As  I  am  inclined  to  believe,  it  is not  the  moral  character  imputed  to  the  gods  that'  is  the  real  make-weight  in  the evolution  of  an  ethical  type  of  cult,  but  rather  the  nature  of  the  social  conditions under  which  the  cult  is  practised.  An  Australian  initiation  ceremony,  let  us  say,  has certain  moral  effects  because  it  imparts  a  supernatural  sanction  to  education  ;  but [  109 Nos.  64-65.]  MAN.  [1909. whether  magic  or  religion  predominate  in  the  sacred  ceremony,  whether  the  Arunta or  the  Yuin  fashion  prevail,  would  seem  to  make  uncommonly  little  difference  from the  purely  moral  point  of  view. There  are  several  other  questions  in  dispute  between  Dr.  Westermarck  and  other leading  anthropologists  on  which  I  should  have  liked  to  touch,  had  my  space-conditions allowed  it.  For  instance,  there  is  his  explanation  of  the  religious  prostitution  of  the Babylonian  type  ;  or  again,  his  theory — in  my  opinion  highly  plausible — that,  when the  man-god  is  slain,  it  is  not  his  soul  that  is  transmitted  to  his  royal  successor,  but his  "  holiness,"  the  baraka  of  the  Moors — in  other  words,  his  mana.  I  must  conclude however,  with  a  brief  consideration  of  but  one  more  point,  namely,  Dr.  Westermarck's belief  that  a  notion  corresponding  to  T  'ar,  the  conditional  curse  of  Morocco,  is  a very  widespread  religious  motif  which  underlies  both  sacrifice  and  blood-brotherhood. That  in  the  latter  case,  at  any  rate,  this  explanation  will  carry  us  some  way  I  am disposed  to  allow,  on  the  strength  of  the  "  dead  blood "  of  Madagascar  and  other close  parallels.  I  think  Dr.  Westermarck  goes  too  far,  however,  when  he  virtually refuses  to  recognise  any  other  idea  of  a  blood-tie,  and  notably  the  idea  that  kin-blood involves  sympathetic  relations  between  the  members  of  the  kin,  as  postulated  by  Mr. Hartland  in  The  Legend  of  Perseus.  Mr.  Hartland,  it  is  true,  propounded  his  theory years  ago,  and  I  daresay  would  nowadays  give  a  somewhat  different  account  of  the working  of  the  sympathetic  principle.  But  surely  it  cannot  be  denied  that  various Australian  tribes  describe  the  bond  of  kin  as  a  unity  of  "  blood "  or  "  flesh,"  and regard  the  man  or  woman  who  offends  against  the  exogamic  rule  as  having  sinned against  that  common  blood  or  flesh.  The  common  interest  in  suppressing  such  sin would  seem  at  least  to  imply  a  common  spiritual  peril — a  loss  of  luck  or  what  not. Or,  again,  it  seems  to  me  that  Dr.  Westermarck  descends  to  special  pleading  in  order to  rule  out  the  class  of  instances  which  show  that,  say,  a  piece  of  a  dead  man's  flesh in  possession  of  the  enemy  may  be  used  to  work  evil  magic  on  his  kin.  He  argues that  such  a  belief  "is  a  superstition  connected  with  the  wonder  of  death,  from  which "  no  conclusion  must  be  drawn  as  to  relations  between  the  living."  I  should  have, thought  that,  if  anything  in  regard  to  these  matters  is  certain,  it  is  that  savages normally  assume  an  almost  complete  continuity  to  subsist  between  the  customs  and institutions  of  the  living  and  those  of  the  dead,  including  their  kinship  organisation. For  the  rest,  I  daresay  that  I  have  not  fully  understood  Professor  Westermarck.  If, however,  he  means  that  kinship  merely  implies  a  common  name  without  magico- religious  associations  of  any  force,  and  that  common  rights  and  duties  in  savage  society are  determined  by  local  contiguity  and  scarcely  by  the  kinship-bond  at  all,  I  must suspect  an  eminently  sane  writer  of  having  for  once  given  way  to  paradox. So  much,  then,  for  one  or  two  side  issues  in  regard  to  which  there  may  be  some disagreement  between  Dr.  Westermarck  and  his  brother  students.  Of  the  book  as  a whole  anthropologists  can  have  but  one  opinion,  namely,  that  in  respect  of  reach  and grasp  alike  it  is  masterly.  R.  R.  MARETT. Religions.  Van  Gennep. Religions,    Mceurs    et   Legendes.      Par  Arnold    van    Gennep.      Paris,    1908.     OC Pp.  318.     18  x  12'  cm.     Price  3fr.  50.  00 In  this  volume  M.  van  Gennep  has  reprinted  a  number  of  reviews  and  essays  on ethnographical  and  linguistic  subjects  which  have  appeared  from  time  to  time  during the  past  four  years.  M.  van  Gennep  deals  in  a  brilliant  and  lucid  manner  with  many of  the  problems  which  most  interest  students  of  anthropology  and  folklore  at  the present  day,  and  even  where  we  cannot  follow  him  in  all  his  conclusions  his  arguments are  stimulating  and  give  cause  for  thought.  Parthenogenesis,  Taboo,  Phallic  Rites, [    no   ] 1909,]  MAN.  [Nos.  65-66. Totemism,  Christianity  and  Buddhism,  Migrations  of  Races  as  affected  by  climate, Legends  of  Saints,  the  Formation  of  the  Cult  of  the  Virgin,  the  Christian  Fish-Symbol  ; such  are  the  subjects  dealt  with  :  and  the  compatriots  of  Frazer,  Lang,  Hartland,  and Ridgeway  will  find  that  our  latest  authorities  on  these  absorbing  topics  receive  full consideration  and  attention  ;  in  fact,  it  is  not,  perhaps,  too  much  to  claim  M.  van Gennep  as  a  disciple  of  the  English  School  of  Anthropology. One  of  the  most  interesting  of  these  essays  is  that  termed  "  De  quelques  cas  de Bovarysme  collectif,"  in  which  M.  van  Gennep  adopts  the  term  Bovarysme,  invented by  M.  Jules  de  Gaulticr,  to  describe  the  state  of  those  races  which,  like  Madame Bovary  in  Flaubert's  novel,  imagine  themselves  to  be  other  than  they  really  are.  He takes  as  his  example  of  this  state  of  mind  the  repatriated  negroes  of  Liberia,  who imagine  themselves  to  be  English  or  American  in  civilisation  and  Christians  in  religion, whereas,  in  fact,  they  are  neither,  and  are  not  capable  of  being  either,  the  result  being decay  and  degeneration.  Their  pitiable  state  is,  as  M.  van  Gennep  points  out,  well shown  in  Sir  Harry  Johnston's  recent  book,  Liberia  in  1907  :  from  these  undoubted facts  a  warning  and  a  lesson  is  drawn. Another  very  interesting  paper  deals  with  Woltmann's  Die  Germanen  und  die Renaissance  in  Italien,  and  adopts  his  conclusion  that  the  leading  part  in  the  Italian Renaissance  was  played  by  the  Germanic  element  in  the  population,  and  that  the revival  of  civilization  was  brought  about  not  by  the  masses  of  the  people  but  by  a new  race  from  the  north.  This  theory  bears  a  considerable  resemblance  to  that  of Professor  Ridgeway  as  to  early  Greece,  and  if  it  will  bear  examination  it  will  perhaps give  support  to  that  theory,  for  it  is  evident  that  we  have  a  better  chance  of  getting at  the  actual  facts  in  mediaeval  Italy  than  in  early  Greece.  It  is  not  probable, however,  that  the  facts  alleged  by  Messrs.  Woltman  and  van  Gennep  will  be  allowed to  remain  undisputed. Among  the  linguistic  essays  may  be  noted  two  excellent  papers  on  the  origin of  grammatical  gender,  which  also  no  doubt  contain  much  controversial  matter. In  La  Situation  des  Etudes  Ethnographiques  will  be  found  a  full  summary  of the  state  of  ethnographical  and  anthropological  studies  throughout  the  civilized  world which  is  well  up  to  date.  The  author  refers  with  sympathy  to  the  failure  of  the Anthropological  Institute  and  other  bodies  to  obtain  any  Government  assistance hitherto  ;  but  he  considers  that  France  is  even  in  a  worse  case  than  England.  We may  hope  that  his  good  wishes  may  bear  fruit.  He  says,  "  There  can  be  no  doubt "  that  before  long  the  obstinacy  of  the  men  of  science,  the  societies,  and  the  universities "  will  triumph  over  the  inertia,  not  to  say  the  lack  of  intelligence,  shown  by  the "  Government  of  Great  Britain." May  this  prophecy  be  fulfilled  !  .  M.  LONGWORTH  DAMES. Madagascar :  Magic.  Ferrand. Textes  Magiques  Malgaches  d'apres  les  MSS.  5  et  8  de  la  Bibliotheque  fllj Nationale.  Par  Gabriel  Ferrand.  Annales  du  Musee  Guimet.  Revue  de  UU 1'Histoire  des  Religions.  Paris,  1907.  Pp.  22.  25  x  17  cm. In  this  brochure  M.  Ferrand  continues  the  transliteration  and  translation  of portions  of  the  early  Arabic-Malagasy  manuscripts  which  have  been  already  noted  in MAN  (No.  31,  March  1907).  The  present  article  gives  the  Malagasy  text  (the  earlier folios  in  Arabic  character),  with  a  literal  translation  and  copious  notes  of  various portions  of  the  manuscripts  relating  to  (1)  the  Jinns  ;  (2)  magical  invocations  ; (3)  the  guardian  angels  of  the  different  parts  of  the  body.  The  first  is  an  account of  the  appearance  of  the  Jinns  before  Solomon,  who  interrogates  them  as  to  their Nos.  66-67,]  MAN.  [1909. names  and  practices  upon  mankind.  Each  afterwards  declares  the  actions  and  formula by  which  men  may  be  preserved  from  his  evil  actions.  The  second  section  consists of  three  invocations  to  Zanahari  for  protection  and  various  blessings,  the  first  in Malagasy,  the  others  almost  entirely  in  Arabic.  Part  three  is  abbreviated  and  gives the  names  of  the  angels  to  be  invoked  for  the  protection  of  various  parts  of  the  body of  which  forty-three  are  named.  These  documents  will  be  of  use  to  Malagasy  students as  specimens  of  the  language.  M.  Ferrand  promises  to  utilise  them  for  a  collective study  of  the  Islamised  Malagasy.  S.  H.  RAY. Classics.  Evans,  and  Others. Anthropology  and  the  Classics  :    Six  Lectures  delivered  before  the  University of  Oxford.     By  Arthur  J.  Evans,  Andrew  Lang,  Gilbert  Murray,  F.  B.  Jevons, J.  L.  My  res,   W.   Warde  Fowler,  and  edited  by  R.   R.   Marett.     Oxford  :  Clarendon Press,  1908.     Pp.  191.     24  x  15  cm.     Price  6*. This  volume  of  lectures  comes  as  a  reminder  of  the  secure  position  now  held  by anthropology  in  societies  standing  at  the  furthest  possible  remove  from  primitive culture.  There  was  a  time,  not  very  long  ago,  when  the  union  of  anthropology  and  the classics  in  a  single  title  would  have  shocked  a  majority  of  scholars.  To-day  we  find among  the  authors  of  these  essays  the  names  of  men  whose  devotion  to  Greek  and Latin  literature  is  not  likely  to  be  called  in  question,  and  even  the  most  conservative opinion  will  hardly  take  offence.  The  general  change  of  attitude  is  to  the  advantage both  of  classical  and  anthropological  studies.  Hellenic  civilisation  becomes  more intelligible  as  a  gradual  growth  from  primitive  conditions ;  nor  is  it  any  the  less admirable  when  the  path  of  its  ascent  has  been  detected,  and  it  is  found  to  have reached  its  Olympian  isolation  from  below  instead  of  from  above.  Professor  Ridgeway in  his  last  address  has  brought  out  this  point  very  clearly,  and  it  is  unnecessary  to impress  it  further  upon  readers  of  MAN.  It  is  equally  certain  that  a  closer  association with  the  classics  will  tend  to  the  advantage  of  positive  science  ;  it  will  enlarge  the outlook,  and  increase  the  influence  of  humanism. An  enumeration  of  the  subjects  treated  in  the  volume  will  give  a  general  notion of  its  scope.  The  first  lecture  by  Dr.  Arthur  Evans  deals  with  the  European  diffusion of  pictography  and  its  bearings  on  the  origin  of  script,  adducing  the  evidence  for  the gradual  development  of  writing  before  the  Phoenicians.  Mr.  Andrew  Lang  in  Homer and  Anthropology  reaffirms  his  position  against  Professor  Ridgeway.  Professor Murray's  lecture  on  the  early  Greek  Epic,  or  Anthropology  in  the  Greek  Epic  tradition, is  presented  with  the  charm  which  we  expect  from  all  his  work,  but  exception  will perhaps  be  taken  to  some  of  his  theories,  which  may  -be  thought  ta  lack  grip  and  not to  err  on  the  side  of  caution.  Dr.  Jevons  is  instructive  upon  Grreco-Italian  magic. Mr.  J.  L.  Myres  treats  of  Herodotus  and  anthropology  in  a  learned  essay  full  of the  most  various  suggestions.  Dr.  Warde  Fowler  worthily  closes  the  series  with  a discussion  of  lustratio,  or  the  ritual  designed  to  protect  a  city  from  hostile  spirits  and strange  gods. The  studies  thus  briefly  mentioned  are  not  equally  exhaustive,  nor  will  all  their conclusions  meet  with  equal  acceptance.  They  are  all  illuminating  ;  they  all  stimulate interest,  though  the  fire  is  produced  in  various  ways.  Some  of  the  authors  obtain  a glow  by  steady  friction  ;  others  strike  brilliant  and  sometimes  erratic  sparks.  The anthropologist  will  be  grateful  to  all  alike,  but  his  gratitude  will  be  deepest  to  those who  produce  a  steady  and  serviceable  flame.  The  alliance  between  anthropologists  and classical  scholars,  of  which  this  volume  is  a  fresh  proof,  will  effectively  serve  the  cause of  liberal  education.  O.  M.  D. Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.G. PLATE  H. MAN,  1909 FIG.  7. DEWLISH     "  EOLITHS. 1909.]  MAN.  [No,  68. ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. England :  Archaeology.        With  Plate  H.  Smith. Dewlish  "Eoliths"  and    Elephas  meridional  is.     By  Worthington  G.     OQ Smith,  F.L.S.  00 Dr.  B.  C.  A.  Windle,  F.R.S..  in  his  Remains  of  the  Prehistoric  Age  in  England, writes,  at  p.  7  :  "  Dr.  Blackmore  has  himself  found  eoliths  at  Dewlish  in  Dorset,  asso- "  ciated  in  undisturbed  beds  with  the  remains  of  Elephas  meridionalis.  Now  this "  particular  elephant,  as  was  noted  above,  belongs  to  the  Pliocene  period,  and  had u  disappeared  before  Pleistocene  times.  If,  therefore,  there  is  no  doubt,  and  it  must "  be  confessed  that  little  seems  to  be  possible,  as  to  the  natural  collocation  of  these "  objects  the  question  of  the  pliocene  date  of  eoliths  must  be  regarded  as  settled," and  at  p.  46,  in  writing  of  "  eoliths,"  he  says,  "  The  collocation  at  Dewlish  with  Elephas "•  meridionalis  seems  to  leave  little  doubt  of  the  age  at  least  of  those  particular "  examples."  The  age  Dr.  Windle  refers  to  is  the  Pliocene. In  December,  1908,  Professor  A.  Schwartz  and  Sir  H.  R.  Beever,  Bart.,  in  their paper  named,  "  The  Dawn  of  Human  Invention,"  read  before  the  Literary  and  Philo- sophical Society  of  Manchester,  say,  at  p.  24,  that  "  Dr.  H.  P.  Blackmore  has  found "  these  eoliths  in  association  with  Elephas  meridionalis  at  Dewlish." Of  late  years  statements  of  this  class  have  been  extensively  printed  in  books  and papers  published  in  England  and  America  and  on  the  Continent,  the  inference  intended to  be  conveyed  being,  that  there  is  "  little  doubt  "  that  stones  chipped  by  mythical Pliocene  men  have  been  found  with  bones  of  an  elephant  usually  classed  as  Pliocene, and  that  the  subject  may  be  "  regarded  as  settled."  Nothing  of  the  kind  can  be  deduced from  the  facts,  as  there  is  the  gravest  "  doubt "  of  the  human  origin — or  even  existence — of  "  eoliths  "  as  such. The  Rev.  Osmund  Fisher  very  clearly  summarises  the  finding  of  the  Dewlish elephant  bones  in  a  paper  named  "  On  the  occurrence  of  Elephas  meridionalis  at Dewlish,  Dorset,"  in  the  Quar.  Journ.  •  Geol.  Soc.,  for  November,  1888,  p.  818.  In this  he  shows  that  the  first  bones  of  this  elephant  were  found  in  1813,  and  that  the specimens  in  the  Blackmore  Museum  were  found  by  the  grandfather  of  the  present Dr.  H.  P.  Blackmore  in  1814.  Mr.  Fisher  himself  found  a  worn-down  molar  of elephant  in  1884,  and  he  gives  the  names  of  several  finders  of  elephants'  bones  in  a small  gravelly  deposit  at  Dewlish.  Dr.  Blackmore's  name  is  not  mentioned  as  a  finder and  there  is  no  reference  to  "  eoliths." In  the  same  journal  for  February,  1905,  Mr.  Fisher  returns  to  this  subject,  and although  the  paper  is  quite  recent  no  mention  is  made  by  the  author  of  "eolithic implements."  Mr.  Fisher,  however,  exhibited  five  stones  from  the  elephant  deposit, and  in  the  discussion  Dr.  Henry  Woodward — perhaps  in  a  joke — referred  to  some  of these  as  eoliths.  Professor  Sollas  joined  in  the  discussion  and  said  he  would  accept the  term  "  eolith "  if  by  that  term  "  the  exclusion  of  human  agency  was  implied." Mr.  Fisher  himself  in  a  postscript  says  :  "  It  is  said  that  '  eoliths '  were  exhibited  by *'  the  author — he  did  not  do  so  wittingly." The  stones  exhibited  at  this  meeting  have  been  preserved  by  Mr.  Fisher,  and  last year  he  kindly  sent  them  on  to  me  for  examination.  One  is  a  distinct  sponge — Cephalitis — and  although  I  have  drawn  it,  a  block  need  not  be  wasted  over  it.  The illustrations  of  the  other  four  are  drawn  to  half  scale. Fig.  1  explains  itself,  the  original  label  reads,  "  Nodule  of  chalk  flint  bearing  on u  its  surface  some  impressions  of  polyzoa  and  other  small  organisms." Fig,  2.  The  label  says  :  "  Dewlish  elephant  bed.  A  rough  chalk  flint  waterworn u  irregularly  according  to  its  structural  inequalities  (as  its  unequal  structure)  and *'  subsequently  split,  probably  by  natural  agency  (accidental)." [     113     ] Nos.  68-69.]  MAN.  [1909. Fig.  3.  The  label  states  :  "  A  piece  of  broken  chalk  flint,  not  artificially  broken." Fig.  4.  The  label  says  :  "  Broken  piece  of  chalk  flint  bearing  traces  of  structure 44  and  impression  of  a  Cidaris  spine." The  stones  2,  3,  and  4  must  be  the  mythical  "  eoliths "  disowned  by  the  author himself,  and  Professor  Sollas.  To  me  the  originals  do  not  exhibit  the  faintest  suggestion of  human  work. But  Dr.  H.  P.  Blackmore's  Dewlish  "  eoliths  "  have  to  be  dealt  with.  Dr.  Black- more  has  obligingly  sent  me  a  typical  series  for  examination  and  I  have  selected  three for  illustration,  Figs.  5,  6,  and  7.  To  me — and  I  wish  to  say  this  in  the  friendliest  and most  respectful  manner  possible — they  are  nothing  but  natural  stones  with  no  trace whatever  of  human  work. The  illustrations,  drawn  with  the  utmost  care,  must  speak  for  themselves.  Fig.  5  : the  arrows  show  where  there  is  supposed  human  work,  according  to  Dr.  Blackmore.. Fig.  6  :  the  arrows  show  the  human  work,  according  to  the  same  authority.  Fig.  7  : this  greatly  resembles  the  "  eolith  "  found  by  me  in  situ  at  Caddington,  with  the splinters  still  on  the  flint,  one  of  which  I  replaced,  illustrated  in  MAN,  Vol.  7,  p.  100. There  is  an  iron  stain  at  D  on  the  Dewlish  stone,  which  suggests  the  surface  of  the ground  as  its  place  of  finding. If  bulbed  flakes  of  undoubted  human  origin  have  been  found  at  Dewlish  (none  were sent  to  me)  with  Elephas  meridionalis,  this  cannot  prove  that  the  elephant  and  the stones  are  Pliocene  in  age,  it  only  suggests  that  the  elephant  had  survived  into Palaeolithic  times,  for  the  sufficient  reason  that  Dewlish  is  an  old  and  well-known locality  for  Palaeolithic  implements.  It  is  mentioned  in  Evans's  Stone  Implements,. Ed.  I,  1872,  p.  559  ;  and  Ed.  II,  1897,  p.  638. I  have  not  written  this  and  former  notes  on  "  eoliths  "  in  an  attempt  to  show  that a  Pliocene  ape-man  probably  never  existed.  It  is,  to  me,  possible  that  such  an  animal did  live  somewhere  in  pre-glacial  and  Pliocene  times.  When  the  evidence — geological, osteological  and  archaeological — is  conclusive,  I  shall  be  one  of  the  first  to  accept  it. WORTHINGTON  G/ SMITH. Africa,  East :  Craniology.  Duckworth. Report  on  Three  Skulls  of  A-Kamba  Natives,  British  East  Africa.* By   IV.  L.  H.  Duckworth,  M.D.,  Sc.D. Of  these  three  skulls  (presented  to  the  Department  of  Human  Anatomy  at  Cam- bridge by  C.  W.  Hobley,  Esq.,  H.M.  Commissioner  of  Uganda),  one  is  male,  the  other two  female.  Their  principal  characters  are  noted  in  the  following  paragraphs  : — No.  1.  —  Skull  (without  the  mandible)  of  an  adult  male  ;  the  dentition  has  been completed  and  the  teeth  were  normal  in  number  and  characters.  The  appearance  of the  specimen  suggests  that  it  has  been  bleached  through  exposure.  The  general  state of  preservation  is  good. For  a  negro  cranium  this  specimen  is  small.  The  usual  characters  are  more  readily seen  in  the  bones  of  the  face  than  in  those  of  the  cranium  proper.  The  glabellar prominence  is  slight,  the  temporal  ridges  are  distinct  and  rise  high  on  the  wall  of  the brain  case.  There  is  no  distinct  occipital  protuberance. The  cranial  form  is  dolichocephalic,  resembling  many  Australian  aboriginal  crania in  norma  vertically  but  the  post-orbital  frontal  width  is  greater  than  in  many  Australian crania.  The  facial  profile  is  flattened,  but  prognathism  is  not  distinct  (alveolar  index of  Flower  =  100). The  orbital  margins  are  indistinct  to  the  outer  side  of  the  cavity,  and  are notched  superiorly.  The  frontal  bone  is  furrowed  above  the  orbit,  as  in  so  many African  crania. *  Cf.  Tate,  Journal  of  the  Anthropological  Institute,  1904. [    114    ] 1909,]  MAN.  [No.  69. The  nasal  skeleton  is  an  admirable  example  of  that  type  so  commonly  found  in crania  of  African  negroes.  Subnasal  prognathism  is  slight,  however.  The  canine  fossae are  deep  and  hence  the  facial  breadth  is  apparently  very  considerable  owing  to  the zygomatic  arches  being  thrown  into  strong  relief. The  teeth  are  smaller  than  in  many  male  African  negro  crania.  The  single remaining  incisor  tooth  is  small  and  peg-like,  but  does  not  look  as  though  it  had  been filed  down  deliberately  (though  the  practice  of  filing  the  teeth  is  recorded  among  the A-Kamba — cf.  Tate,  Journal  of  the  Anthropological  Institute,  1904,  p.  130). The  palate  is  hypsiloid  in  form,  the  spheno-maxillary  fissures  are  wide,  and  the alisphenoid  and  parietal  bones  join  at  each  pterion. Viewed  from  behind  the  form  of  this  skull  is  distinctly  pentagonal. Special  points. — 1.  The  occipital  bone  bears  ridges  for  the  superior  oblique muscles,  and  thus  resembles  many  New  Guinea  crania,  in  which  these  ridges are  frequent  and  large. 2.  The  conoid  processes  (behind  the  glenoid  cavities)  are   large,  while  the  styloid and  paroccipital  processes  are  small. 3.  The  endocranial  "  fossette  "  for  the   occipital  lobe  of    the  left  hemisphere  is distinctly  more  capacious  than  that  for  the  right  lobe.  This  asymmetry  is said  to  be  associated  with  the  presence  of  the  sulcus  lunatus  occipitalis  on the  more  protuberant  lobe  (in  this  case,  the  left). On  the  whole,  the  cranium  reproduces  many  characters  of  a  Sudanese  negroid  skull in  the  Cambridge  Collection. No.  2. — Part  of  the  metopic  cranium  of  a  young  female.  The  mandible  and  the occipital  bone  are  absent. The  dentition  had  only  just  been  completed  ;  this  shows  the  youth  of  the  individual. In  general  this  cranium  bears  a  very  marked  resemblance  to  No.  1,  but  the  ridges, processes,  and  crests  are  much  more  feeble  here — the  face  is  narrower  and  the  palate smaller.  The  specimen  is  small,  and  but  for  the  absence  of  a  flattened  area  in  the region  of  the  sagittal  suture  it  would  pass  for  that  of  a  young  Bushwoman.  There  is  a zone  of  very  faintly-marked  annular  compression  in  the  nasal  situation.  The  mastoids, like  the  other  processes,  are  small  and  are  perforated  near  their  bases. The  specimen  reveals  no  features  indicative  of  inferiority  to  the  average  negro cranium.  Like  this,  it  is  also  dolichocephalic. No.  3. — Part  of  the  skull  of  an  adult  female.  The  mandible  and  the  facial  bones are  absent. The  chief  point  of  interest  in  this  example  is  its  very  small  size,  yet  it  belonged undoubtedly  to  an  adult  individual.  Like  the  two  specimens  (Nos.  1  and  2)  just described,  this  is  dolichocephalic.  Ridges  and  prominences  are  very  faintly  marked. There  is  distinct  occipital  bulging  or  "  renflement,"  which  provides  a  means  of distinguishing  this  from  a  typical  Bushwoman's  skull.  The  vertical  height  of  No.  3 is  relatively  small. Summary. — Of  the  three  crania,  the  male  (No.  1)  is  of  most  value  for  comparative purposes.  Even  this  specimen  does  not,  in  my  opinion,  present  characters  distinguish]' ug it  sharply  from  other  negro  crania  of  African  origin.  In  some  of  its  facial  features  it clearly  recalls  crania  of  aboriginal  Australians,  but,  as  already  mentioned,  the  broader and  flatter  (i.e.  not  scaphoid)  frontal  bone  easily  enables  an  observer  to  distinguish  it from  an  Australian  skull,  as  also  from  many  negroid  crania  from  New  Britain,  &c.  It  is not  possible,  therefore,  to  go  further  than  to  describe  No.  1  as  an  African  negro  skull, but  whether  from  the  Sudan,  Congo,  or  even  Madagascar,  could  not  be  stated  on  the evidence  of  the  bones  alone. The  very  small  size  of  No.  3  is  of  interest,  for  its  dimensions  are  less  than  those of  some  skulls  of  Pygmy  race. Nos,  69-70.] MAN. [1909. The  chief  dimensions  of  the  three  crania  are  shown  in  the  following  table  : — UNIVERSITY  MUSEUM  OF  HUMAN  ANATOMY,  CAMBRIDGE. CRANIA  OF  THREE  NATIVES — A-KAMBA  TRIBE,  BRITISH  EAST  AFRICA. Measurements. No.  of  Specimen       ... 1. 2. 3. Sex                                       .... Male. Female. Females. Age  (approx.) Adult. Young. Adult. Maximum  length        ... 181 177  ? 171 Maximum  breadth 137 133 127 Basi-bregmatic  height 135 123  ? 120 Horizontal  circumference 517 1 473 Antero-posterior  curve 397 1 373 Basi-nasal  length 104 77  1 ? Basi-alveolar  length 104 93  ? ? Nasi-alveolar  length 61 65 1 Bizygomatic  breadth 135 113 ? Orbital  height  - 33 32-5 ? Orbital  width           -                          ... 40 38 ? Nasal  height     -            - 44 44 ? Nasal  width 29 23-5 ? Indices  :  —  Cephalic 75-7 75-1 74-3 Altitudinal 74-6 69-5 70-2 Alveolar          -        - 100 1 ? Facial  (Kollmann's)    - 45-1 57-5 ? Orbital 82-5 85-5 ? Nasal  - 65-9 53-4 ? W.  L.  H.  DUCKWORTH. Africa :  East.  Roscoe. Brief  Notes  on  the  Bakene.     By ,  the   Rev.   J.  Roscoe,  Local    Corre-     "1ft spondent  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute.  •  U These  notes  are  the  outcome  of  a  journey  in  May  and  June,  1908,  through  Busoga and  Bukedi  to  Mount  Elgon.  The  Bakene  were  found  on  the  Mpologoma  river  in North  Busoga  on  Lake  Palisa,  which  is  another  branch  of  the  river  or  an  arm  of  Lake Kioga  ;  again,  on  the  return  journey  they  were  found  at  the  ferry  of  the  Mpologoma  in Eastern  Busoga. The  Bakene  are  a  Bantu  tribe  dwelling  chiefly  on  the  Mpologoma  river,  but  extend to  Lake  Kioga,  and  are  said  to  be  also  upon  Lake  Salisbury.  The  Mpologoma  rises  in Mount  Elgon  and  runs  for  some  miles  in  a  southerly  direction  ;  it  then  winds  to  the west  and  rapidly  widens  until  it  empties  itself  into  Lake  Kioga.  The  water  is  held up  by  the  enormous  growth  of  papyrus  and  spreads  over  a  wide  area  in  some  places fully  six  miles  wide.  It  is  well  named  by  the  natives  the  Lion  (mpologomd)  river because  of  its  width  ;  it  has  formed  a  complete  barrier  dividing  the  Bantu  from  the Nilotic  races  as  far  as  Lake  Kioga,  and  the  Nile  has  continued  the  division  to Lake  Albert.  The  Mpologoma  is  the  real  home  of  the  Bakene,  where  the  tall  papyrus forms  a  perfect  shelter  for  their  floating  homes  and  the  fish  provides  them  with ample  food. In  their  customs,  language,  and  appearance  these  people  are  closely  allied  to  the 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  70. Basoga  of  the  north-east,  and  they  have  a  tradition  that  their  forefathers  came  from that  part.  Both  sexes  extract  the  two  front  lower  teeth  and  the  women  pierce  the under  lip,  but  do  not  disfigure  themselves  in  any  other  way. In  the  lakes  their  huts  are  exposed  to  view,  but  are  always  at  a  safe  distance  from the  shore  to  prevent  any  one  from  molesting  them  without  the  means  of  canoes.  They build  their  huts  on  papyrus  roots,  some  of  which  are  not  more  than  4  feet  in  diameter so  that  the  hut  takes  up  the  whole  area  and  the  door  opens  out  immediately  upon the  water. In  the  river  their  huts  are  well  concealed  in  the  tall  papyrus  and  are  reached  by tortuous  water  tracks.  Sitting  in  a  canoe,  being  paddled  along  by  a  man  standing  to his  work,  one  was  reminded  strongly  of  Venice  and  its  gondolas ;  here,  however, instead  of  stately  stone  walls  there  were  walls  of  tall  papyrus  towering  1-i  or  16  feet above  the  water.  Every  few  moments  side  ways  were  passed  leading  to  the  homes of  some  of  the  people. Not  only  the  men,  but  also  the  women  and  children  are  experts  in  handling  the dug-out  canoes,  even  small  children  of  three  or  four  years  old  have  to  find  their amusement  in  canoes  and  also  get  their  exercise  in  this  way. I  was  fortunate  to  reach  Lake  Palisa,  which  is  a  large  open  space  in  the  river,  in the  early  morning  soon  after  sunrise.  Standing  on  the  shore  I  watched  the  people  busy with,  their  various  duties.  Both  men  and  women  were  at  work,  some  with  the  fish  traps, others  fishing  in  the  deeper  water,  whilst  some  women  were  up  to  their  waists  in  the water  emptying  holes  which  had  been  made  the  previous  day  and  into  which  small fish  had  found  their  way  during  the  night.  Numbers  of  small  children  were  paddling about  from  tuft  to  tuft  of  papyrus  in  tiny  canoes  enjoying  life  even  as  the  happiest  of English  children.  In  the  distance  was  a  huge  crocodile  floating  lazily  away  into  deep water,  and  some  children  in  a  large  canoe  watching  him  as  they  fished.  On  some  of the  smaller  tufts  of  papyrus  were  fetish  huts,  made  for  the  ghosts  of  some  departed relatives,  into  which  food  and  clothing,  &c.,  are  placed  to  prevent  the  ghosts  from troubling  the  community. Clans  and  Totems. — It  was  somewhat  difficult  to  obtain  much  information  from these  people  ;  they  were  all  so  taken  up  with  their  own  affairs,  they  were  unwilling to  come  to  the  shore  to  tell  a  stranger  about  their  lives  and  doings  ;  still,  after  a  little coaxing  and  gentle  persuasion,  a  few  came  and  were  fairly  intelligent  and  communicative. Their  clans  and  totems  are  : — The  Bakoma  clan  have  for  their  totem  the  husk  of  the  small  millet  (bulo). The  Baholwa  clan  have  for  their  totem  the  guinea  fowl. The  Bagota  have  for  their  totem  the  kyachuli,  a  small  animal  of  the  cat  tribe. The  Babira  have  for  their  totem  the  ng'onge,  an  otter. The  Bahaugo  have  for  their  totem  the  mondo,  a  civit  cat. The  Bagule. The  Bahobando. It  was  impossible  to  find  what  these  last  two  hold  as  totems.  There  may  be other  clans  and  other  totems  in  other  parts,  these  my  informants  gave  as  being  the only  clans  in  their  part. Marriage. — Polygamy  is  practised  by  the  tribe,  and  they  are  also  exogamists. The  children  all  regard  their  father's  relations  as  their  own  special  clan,  and  their mother's  sisters  are  all  mothers  to  them,  so  that  the  relationship  always  debars  them from  marrying  into  their  mother's  clan. When  a  youth  comes  to  puberty  and  wishes  to  marry  he  has  first  to  build  a  hut for  his  future  wife  ;  in  this  way  he  may  obtain  assistance  from  some  of  his  friends  and also  from  his  father.  It  may  be  he  has  seen  some  girl  who  has  taken  his  fancy,  or, on  the  other  hand,  he  may  have  no  particular  girl  in  view.  He  may  take  all  the 117     ] No.  70.]  MAN.  [1909. responsibilities  upon  himself  and  go  boldly  to  the  girl's  parents  and  ask  for  their daughter,  though,  as  a  rule,  he  leaves  the  whole  arrangements  to  his  father  or  some near  relation. The  girl  has  the  right  to  accept  or  reject  the  offer,  though  she  is  as  a  rule guided  by  her  parents  and  friends.  In  some  cases  the  youth,  after  having  asked  the girl's  father  if  he  may  have  his  daughter,  goes  to  her  house  and  places  a  hoe  in  the doorway  ;  if  she  takes  it,  it  is  the  token  that  he  is  accepted.  On  the  other  hand, if  the  hoe  is  left  the  youth  understands  his  offer  is  rejected.  When  a  girl  has accepted  a  man's  advances  he  goes  home  and  brings  a  present  for  each  of  her parents,  for  the  father  a  male  goat,  and  for  the  mother  a  female  goat  ;  this  present ratifies  the  engagement.  The  clan  next  decide  the  amount  the  man  is  to  bring  as  a dowry  ;  it  may  be  ten  goats  or  more,  and  some  barkcloths,  or  they  may  ask  other things  from  him.  When  he  has  procured  and  presented  them  he  can  claim  his  bride. The  bride  is  taken  to  her  new  home  by  her  brother  who  is  the  chief  person concerned  in  the  marriage,  he  has  the  right  to  give  her  away  or  refuse  to  allow  her to  marry  a  person  he  does  not  like.  He  takes  her  in  his  canoe  and  is  accompanied by  numbers  of  the  bride's  friends  in  their  canoes.  They  start  so  as  to  reach  the bridegroom's  house  by  sunset.  On  the  way  they  sing  songs,  keeping  time  with their  paddles.  The  party  stays  the  night  with  the  bride  and  are  regaled  with  a good  meal  and  a  plentiful  supply  of  fresh  meat,  which  is  the  principal  item  in  a feast,  according  to  the  native  idea.  The  next  morning  the  bridegroom  gives  to  each of  the  guests  a  small  present,  and  they  depart  to  their  homes,  leaving  one  girl  only, who  is  either  a  sister  or  a  near  relation  of  the  bride.  This  girl  remains  some  ten days  with  the  bride,  and  is  then  sent  back  with  a  present,  a  fowl  or  a  goat  according to  the  bridegroom's  circumstances. The  bride  is  veiled  when  she  is  taken  to  her  new  home,  a  large  bark-cloth  being thrown  over  her  head  coming  down  to  her  feet.  She  retains  her  veil  for  four  or five  days  after  she  enters  her  husband's  house  ;  when  she  removes  it,  the  bridegroom gives  her  sister  a  fowl  as  a  thank  offering  that  matters  are  progressing  favourably. After  a  few  weeks  of  married  life  the  bride  returns  to  her  parents  to  see  them and  takes  them  a  present  of  two  fowls  ;  she  does  not  stay  the  night,  but  returns  in the  evening  to  her  home  ;  her  parents  give  her  a  pot  of  butter  and  a  good  supply  of all  kinds  of  food,  which  she  takes  and  cooks  for  her  husband  and  his  friends.  This meal  ends  the  marriage  ceremonies  ;  the  woman  now  enters  upon  the  full  duties  of married  life,  assisting  her  husband  in  fishing  and  doing  the  cooking  and  other domestic  duties. Birth. — No  woman  can  bear  the  idea  of  being  childless,  it  is  a  disgrace  to  her  ;  the husband  will  do  all  in  his  power,  and  spare  no  expense  to  make  his  wife  a  mother  ; should  all  his  efforts  prove  futile  he  sends  his  wife  back  to  her  parents,  and  they  send him  another  woman  to  take  her  place,  or  failing  that  they  return  the  dowry.  Many women  elect  to  remain  with  their  husbands  after  they  have  been  returned  to  their parents  or  clan,  they  know  there  is  no  longer  any  chance  of  marriage,  and  though  they cannot  hope  to  be  a  favourite  wife,  still  they  can  have  some  of  the  privileges  of married  life. The  women  are,  as  a  rule,  strong  and  healthy  and  have  children,  though  few  of them  ever  have  so  many  as  six,  three  being  the  average  number  for  each  wife. When  the  time  draws  near  for  an  expectant  mother  to  be  delivered  she  calls someone  who  has  had  experience  in  such  matters  to  come  and  act  as  her  midwife  ; a  friend  is  also  called  in  to  be  the  assistant.  At  the  time  of  birth  the  mother  does  not go  to  bed,  she  merely  stoops  down  and  the  friend  stands  behind  her  and  supports  her by  holding  her  under  the  arms  ;  the  midwife  stands  in  front  and  receives  the  child. When  the  placenta  has  come  away  the  umbilical  cord  is  cut  with  a  bit  of  sharp  papyrus. 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  70. The  mother  remains  in  the  house  for  five  days  together  with  the  midwife  ;  on  the  fifth day  she  is  brought  out  and  bathes  and  her  hut  is  cleansed.  The  mother  and  midwife have  a  meal  together,  the  midwife  is  given  a  present  for  her  work  and  returns  to  her home.  The  husband's  mother  and  a  following  of  his  clan  come  and  name  the  child  ; it  is  given  the  name  of  one  of  his  ancestors  whose  ghost  is  expected  to  look  after  it. The  umbilical  cord  is  placed  in  a  bit  of  mud  and  hidden  away  amongst  the  papyrus near  the  hut. When  twins  are  born  the  father  announces  the  fact  by  beating  a  drum,  this  is taken  up  by  his  neighbours  ;  the  father  takes  a  couple  of  fowls  to  his  parents  and  two to  his  wife's  parents,  and  thus  announces  the  fact  to  them.  The  father's  sister's  son comes  and  closes  the  door  and  makes  a  way  out  at  the  back  of  the  hut.  He  is  the principal  person  also  throughout  the  whole  of  the  dancing  ceremonies.  The  parents each  wear  two  cowry  shells  on  their  foreheads,  which  is  the  token  that  they  are observing  the  twin  ceremonies.  The  father,  has  to  collect  food  and  especially  animals, for  the  final  ceremonial  meal  when  the  twins  are  first  brought  out  of  the  hut.  As  he goes  from  place  to  place  amongst  his  friends  and  relations  and  is  given  food  to  eat  or beer  to  drink,  he  has  to  put  some  into  a  vessel  which  he  carries  for  the  purpose,  and  a little  of  the  beer  into  a  gourd  which  he  carries,  these  portions  he  takes  back  to  his wife  who  eats  and  drinks  them.  Should  either  of  them  disregard  this  the  children will  be  sure  to  fall  ill  and  die.  This  would  be  a  great  calamity  to  the  clan  because the  children  are  supposed  to  be  the  gift  of  the  gods,  and  their  removal  by  death  a mark  of  divine  displeasure.  The  afterbirth  of  twins  is  put  into  two  new  cooking  pots, and  after  it  has  been  dried  it  is  taken  to  the  shore  and  left  in  the  grass  near  one  of the  gardens  used  by  the  Bakene. When  the  father  has  found  all  the  animals  he  needs  for  the  final  sacred  meal, he  consults  with  the  medicine  man,  and  with  him  settles  the  day  when  the  twins are  to  be  brought  out  and  named.  All  the  relatives  are  told  and  come  together  for the  ceremony  ;  the  twins  are  brought  out  and  after  the  meal  is  over  they  are  named and  the  parents  are  free  to  go  the  round  of  visits  to  dance  and  receive  gifts  from the  people  to  whom  they  go.  The  children  are  seldom  taken  with  the  parents  for the  short  journeys,  but  have  to  go  for  the  long  ones. Inheritance. — The  property  of  deceased  persons  is  divided  amongst  the  members of  the  clan,  who  also  choose  the  heir.  The  heir  receives  the  canoe  and  some  of  the household  goods  as  well  as  the  hut.  The  wives  and  the  cattle,  if  the  man  had  any on  the  shore,  are  divided  up  amongst  the  clan.  In  some  cases  the  clan  vote  the  heir one  of  the  wives  and  some  of  the  cattle,  though  this  is  quite  exceptional,  the  hut, canoe,  and  fishing  tackle  being  his  only  right. Beliefs. — They  believe  in  various  deities,  of  whom  the  chief  is  called  Gasani  ; he  is  believed  to  be  more  powerful  than  the  others,  and  especially  has  power  over the'  sky  and  water.  This  deity  has  his  temple  and  his  priest  on  the  water.  They go  to  him  in  all  kinds  of  illnesses  and  for  other  causes  also. Kibumba  is  the  second  deity  to  whom  they  go,  should  they  not  obtain  help  from Gasani. When  they  go  fishing  they  offer  a  fowl  to  the  water-spirit  to  allow  the  fish  to be  caught.  The  fowl  is  killed  over  the  side  of  the  canoe  so  that  the  blood  flows into  the  water,  the  entrails  are  also  thrown  into  the  water.  The  fowl  is  cooked  and eaten  whilst  they  are  in  the  canoe. Fishing. — The  chief  diet  of  these  people  is  fish,  they  fish  with  the  rod  and  line, they  use  traps,  and  also  sharp  sticks  for  a  kind  of  mud  fish  which  they  prod  for and  spear  in  the  likely  places.  The  fish  they  use  fresh  and  also  dry  over  wood  fires and  in  the  sun.  They  also  barter  the  fish  for  clothing  and  other  foods,  and  for cooking  pots. [    119    ] No.  70.]  MAN.  [1909. When  a  man  is  making  new  lines  or  nets,  his  father's  wives  must  keep  away from  him  lest  they  should  happen  to  step  over  his  work  ;  this  would  spoil  it,  no  net or  line  thus  stepped  over  would  catch  fish,  they  think. Government. — Each  clan  has  its  head  man  or  chief  to  whom  the  members  of  the clan  go  when  differences  arise  between  the  members.  These  head  men  are  chosen by  the  clan  when  the  vacancy  occurs.  The  office  is  held  until  death,  unless  the  man forfeits  it  through  drink  or  other  vices,  or  is  incapacitated  through  illness. They  pay  no  taxes  at  all  to  the  head  of  the  clan,  but  when  they  have  any  case to  be  tried  they  take  some  offering  of  fish,  a  goat,  or  some  other  thing  valued  by them.  Under  ordinary  circumstances  an  occasional  present  of  food,  or,  when  they  can procure  it,  some  beer,  is  all  the  people  give  to  their  chief  from  one  year  to  another. Building. — The  huts  are,  as  stated  above,  built  on  the  papyrus  roots  which  are floating  in  the  river  ;  they  are  as  a  rule  firm  and  strong.  The  method  of  building  is to  cut  or  break  down  the  stems  of  the  papyrus  and  thus  form  a  foundation  for  the hut,  other  stems  of  papyrus  are  next  laid  across  the  first  layer,  and  thus  layer  upon layer  is  placed  until  they  have  a  floor  raised  well  above  water  line.  They  next bring  fairly  strong  tree  branches  and  insert  them  firmly  into  the  foundation  in  a  circle  ; these  branches  are  bent  inwards  and  bound  into  position  by  rows  of  papyrus  stems  ; these  form  a  strong  wall  for  the  thatch.  When  the  framework  is  completed  it looks  like  a  huge  conical  basket,  some  10  feet,  or  sometimes  20  feet,  high,  and  from 10  to  15  feet  in  diameter.  This  is  thatched,  leaving  a  small  hole  at  the  apex  for the  smoke.  The  floor  is  rough  and  uneven,  it  has  only  a  small  place  plastered  upon which  the  fire  smoulders.  The  bedstead  is  raised  upon  stout  posts  fixed  into  the floor  so  that  if  a  sudden  flood  comes  the  inmates  may  be  out  of  reach  of  the  water  ; the  papyrus  often  sends  its  roots  down  into  the  earth  and  when  a  sudden  flood rushes  down  from  the  highlands  the  hut  cannot  vise  quickly  enough  and  is  there- fore flooded.  These  is  no  need  of  a  door  to  the  hut,  the  people  are  safe  from  the approaches  of  wild  animals,  and  from  their  enemies.  As  a  rule  the  door  opens immediately  upon  the  water  so  that  the  owner  steps  out  of  his  hut  into  his  canoe  ; some  of  the  chiefs  have,  however,  a  small  landing-place  in  front  of  the  hut,  and  a path  from  one  hut  to  another  if  they  have  more  than  one  wife.  All  the  paths  are made  by  cutting  the  papyrus  down  and  throwing  other  stems  across  the  first  layer. None  of  the  huts  have  poles  in  them,  they  are  simply  wicker  frames  thatched. The  Water  Ways. — The  water  ways  are  kept  open  by  constant  use  and  by  cutting back  the  growth  of  the  sudd  ;  the  off-shoots  or  side  ways  are  private  ways  ;  that  is,  they are  for  the  use  of  the  family  whose  hut  is  at  the  end  of  them.  At  the  entrance  of  the side  ways  there  is  often  an  arch,  especially  over  those  of  important  persons  ;  the  arch has  different  things  strung  to  it  which  possess  medicinal  and  magical  properties  ;  these are  meant  to  remove  any  evil  which  may  have  attached  itself  to  the  owner  during  his visits  abroad,  so  he  is  able  to  enter  his  own  water  way  and  home  void  of  danger  or  the ills  which  evil-disposed  persons  may  have  cast  upon  him. All  their  canoes  are  of  the  dug-out  kind  ;  they  use  a  long  heavy  paddle,  and  as  a rule  stand  to  paddle.  For  years  they  have  held  the  ferries  on  the  river,  and  charge a  small  fee  to  convey  people  over  from  side  to  side.  Some  of  the  canoes  are  large enough  to  hold  three  or  four  cows  and  the  men  to  guard  them  when  crossing. Dress  and  Ornaments. — In  appearance  the  Bakene  are  like  the  Basoga,  the  nose is  inclined  to  be  flat  though  they  have  not  the  protruding  jaw  of  the  negroes.  As  a  race they  have  pleasing  features.  They  are  from  5  feet  6  inches  to  5  feet  10  inches  in height  ;  most  of  the  women  met  were  about  5  feet  7  or  8  inches  in  height.  They  are  of  a wiry  build,  more  developed  in  the  arm  than  in  the  leg,  as  is  natural  from  their  mode  of life,  most  of  which  is  spent  in  a  canoe  paddling  about. The  men  wear  a  bit  of  barkcloth  threaded  under  a  string  belt  at  the  back  ;  it  is [  120  ] 1909.]  MAN.  [Nos.  70-71. passed  between  the  legs  and  threaded  under  the  belt  in  front.  When  not  at  work  they throw  a  barkcloth  over  the  right  shoulder,  pass  it  under  the  left  arm,  and  throw  the  end over  the  right  shoulder  again,  the  left  arm  being  left  exposed. The  women  have  the  same  kind  of  barkcloth  over  their  loins,  and  also  wear  belts decorated  with  cowry  shells  ;  those  who  can  afford  them  have  bracelets  and  anklets  of iron  and  brass.  Both  men  and  women  wear  their  hair  short  and  shave  their  heads  from time  to  time.  J.  ROSCOE. REVIEWS. Africa,  East.  Hollis. The  Nandi ;   their  Language  and  Folk-Lore.     By  A.   C.   Hollis.       Oxford  :     TM Clarendon  Press,  1909.     Pp.  xl  +  328.     23  X  15  cm.     Price  16*.  *  • Mr.  Hollis's  book  on  the  Masai  was  one  of  the  most  noteworthy  contributions  to ethnography  which  have  appeared  in  this  country  during  the  last  ten  years,  and  its successor,  The  Nandi,  is  in  some  respects  still  more  remarkable.  Very  little  has hitherto  been  known  of  the  non-Bantu  peoples  in  the  northern  part  of  the  East  Africa Protectorate  ;  Mr.  Hollis's  study  marks  a  distinct  advance  in  this  direction,  and  we  hope that  he  will  be  enabled  to  follow  it  up  by  similar  accounts  of  the  Suk  and  Turkana, perhaps  also  the  Gang  (Acholi)  and  Bari.  The  Nandi  are,  like  the  Masai,  herdsmen and  warriors,  though  they  have  of  late  years  become  cultivators  after  a  fashion. Their  language  is  allied  to  that  of  the  Dorobo — or  rather,  the  Dorobo  speak  a  dialect of  Nandi,  a  fact  which,  as  Sir  Charles  Eliot  points  out  (Introduction,  p.  xiv),  is somewhat  perplexing,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  they  do  not  appear  to  be  racially  akin. The  Masai  and  the  Nandi  agree  in  supposing  the  Dorobo  to  have  existed  upon  earth from  the  beginning  of  things.  The  theory  that  the  latter  borrowed  the  Nandi  language also  has  its  difficulties,  as  there  are  no  Nandi  in  the  country  principally  occupied  by the  Dorobo.  The  most  probable  solution,  according  to  the  same  authority,  is  to suppose  that  the  Nandi  formerly  extended  further  east  and  south,  or  the  Dorobo further  west,  so  that  the  two  peoples  were  in  touch,  and  that  a  wedge  was  driven between  them  by  the  Masai  invasion  from  the  north. The  Nandi  language  is  sufficiently  different  from  the  Masai  to  deserve  a  separate study.  We  are  not  aware  that  anything  has  been  done  for  it  hitherto  beyond  the vocabulary  published  by  Sir  Harry  Johnston  in  his  Uganda  Protectorate,  and  Professor Meinhof's  study  of  Dorobo  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Berlin  Oriental  Seminary  for 1907.  The  very  full  English-Nandi  vocabulary  collected  by  Mr.  Hollis,  the  list  of trees,  grasses,  &c.,  and  the  texts  with  literal  interlinear  translation,  are  all  most valuable. The  list  of  clans  and  totems  on  p.  5  is  an  item  of  unusual  interest,  together  with the  section  on  sacred  animals  and  the  tabus  observed  by  each  clan.  The  Nandi  still consider  it  wrong  to  kill  their  totem-animals,  but  the  ancient  rigour  of  the  prohibition is  somewhat  relaxed  and  in  many  cases  a  formal  apology  is  considered  sufficient. Though  Mr.  Hollis  does  not  mention  the  belief  in  the  totem  as  actual  ancestor of  the  clan,  he  relates  a  curious  story  indicating  a  strong  consciousness  of  relationship with  it.  A  Nandi  of  the  bee  totem  (the  Kipkenda  clan)  happened  to  pass  by  when Mr.  Hollis  and  his  followers  had  been  driven  from  their  camping-place  by  an  angry swarm  of  bees,  and  volunteered  to  quiet  them.  "  He  was  practically  stark  naked,  but "  he  started  off  at  once  to  the  spot  where  the  loads  were,  whistling  loudly  in  much "  the  same  way  as  the  Nandi  whistle  to  their  cattle.  We  saw  the  bees  swarm  round "  and  on  him,  but  beyond  brushing  them  lightly  from  his  arms  he  took  no  notice  of "  them,  and,  still  whistling  loudly,  proceeded  to  the  tree  in  which  was  their  hive. "  In  a  few  minutes  he  returned,  none  the  worse  for  his  venture,  and  we  were  able  to "  fetch  our  loads." No.  71.]  MAN.  [1909. It  is  not  explained  why  some  of  the  seventeen  clans  enumerated  (the  last,  Chemur, perhaps  no  longer  exists)  have  two  totems  and  others  only  one.  There  is  no prohibition  against  marrying  into  the  same  clan,  though  inter-marriage  within  the  same family  is  forbidden.  Certain  clans  may  not  marry  into  certain  other  clans,  but  there is  no  clear  division  in  this  respect.  Five  out  of  the  seventeen  appear  to  have  no restriction  laid  on  them,  while  the  Tungo,  which  has  the  hyena  totem,  is  debarred from  marriage  into  no  less  than  six  clans.  Others  have  three  forbidden  alliances, while  several  have  only  one.  In  some  cases  it  is  quite  possible  to  trace  a  connection between  the  totem  and  the  things  which  the  clan  may  or  may  not  do,  thus  the totems  of  the  Toiyoi  are  "  soldier  ant  and  rain "  (which  is  associated  with,  if  not treated  as  synonymous  with,  thunder),  and  "  if  soldier  ants  enter  the  house  of  a  Toiyoi "  they  are  requested  to  leave,  but  no  steps  are  taken  to  drive  them  away,  and  the "  house  is  vacated  if  necessary  until  the  ants  have  passed  on.  During  a  heavy "  thunderstorm  the  Toiyoi  seize  an  axe,  and  having  rubbed  it  in  the  ashes  of  the  fire, "  threw  it  outside  the  hut,  exclaiming  at  the  same  time  :  Toiyoi  sis  kain-nyo  (Toiyoi, *'  or  thunder,  be  silent  in  our  town).  In  the  event  of  a  hut  being  struck  by "  lightning,  a  member  of  the  clan  is  called  to  burn  the  place  down,  and  when  an  ox "  is  struck,  it  is  the  duty  of  a  Toiyoi  to  turn  it  over  on  its  side."  On  the  other hand,  it  is  impossible  to  conceive  of  any  reason  why  people  of  the  baboon  and  house- rat  totems  should  not  be  allowed  to  collect  honey  during  the  rains  or  why  the  cattle belonging  to  members  of  the  monkey  totem  may  not  pass  the  night  outside  their own  kraal. The  Tungo  clan,  whose  totem  is  the  hyena,  "  are  held  in  high  esteem,  and  one "  of  their  number  is  selected  as  a  judge  or  umpire  in  all  disputes."  One  wonders whether  this  is  because  of  the  sacred  character  attaching  to  the  hyena,  who  enjoys a  prestige  extending  beyond  the  limits  of  his  own  clan.  He  is  "  the  only  animal "  which  the  Nandi,  like  most  East  African  tribes,  hold  in  respect  or  fear."  Though they  will  not  scruple  to  kill  a  hyena  on  land  owned  by  no  one,  "they  will  not "  touch  him  if  he  prowls  round  their  homes.  Nobody  dares  to  imitate  the  cry  of "  hyena  under  pain  of  being  turned  out  of  the  tribe  or  of  being  refused  a  husband "  or  wife  in  marriage." A  complete  collection  of  African  beliefs  connected  with  the  hyena  has  yet  to  be made,  and  we  fancy  the  subject  would  well  repay  investigation.  The  werwolf-hyena notion  is  very  common,  existing,  e.g.,  in  Abyssinia  and  Nyasaland,  and  no  doubt  in many  intermediate  places,  though  sometimes  other  animals  seem  to  be  preferred.  We hear  nothing  of  this  particular  view  among  the  Nandi,  but  they  think  these  creatures "  talk  like  human  beings  and  hold  communication  with  the  spirits  of  the  dead."  Their peculiar  theory  as  to  the  hyena's  physical  constitution  is  shared  by  the  Zulus  (Colenso's Dictionary,  s.v.  Pisintshange(imy),  but  we  have  no  means  of  knowing  whether  it prevails  elsewhere  or  how  it  originated.  When  a  hyena  is  heard  at  night,  "  all  Nandi "  women,  except  those  of  the  Tungo  clan,  flick  their  ox-hide  covers  until  it  stops." The  Tungo  clan  are  also  exceptional  in  their  funeral  rites,  for  though,  like  others, they  expose  the  corpse  to  be  eaten  by  hyenas,  they  do  not,  if  it  is  still  untouched  on the  second  day,  turn  it  over  on  the  other  side. These  funeral  ceremonies  are  described  on  pp.  70—72.  It  is  remarkable  that  if  the hyenas  leave  a  corpse  alone,  it  is  taken  as  a  sign  that  the  deceased  met  his  or  her  death by  witchcraft.  This  seems  to  show  that  the  werwolf  idea  is  foreign  to  the  Nandi, since  where  it  prevails,  the  theory  is  that  wizards  take  the  form  of  hyenas  for  the express  purpose  of  feeding  on  the  bodies  of  the  dead. Under  the  heading  of  "  government,"  the  geographical  division  of  the  country  into "districts"  and  "  parishes  "  is  worth  notice,  especially  considering  the  comparatively short  occupation  of  the  Nandi.  Another  curious  feature  is  the  double  administration [  122  ] 1909.]  MAN.  [Nos,  71-72. carried  on  conjointly  by   the   representatives  of  the  Orkoiyot,   or   chief  medicine-man (who  is  of  Masai  descent),  and  of  the  people. The  book  is  so  packed  witn  information  that  it  has  been  impossible  to  do  more than  touch  on  a  few  among  the  points  of  interest  which  it  contains.  It  is  illustrated with  a  large  number  of  excellent  photographs.  A.  WERNER. America,  South.  Chervin. Anthropologie  Bolivienne.  By  Dr.  Arthur  Chervin.  Mission  Scientifique  TfO G.  de  Crequi  Montfort  et  E.  Senechal  de  la  Grange.  Three  Vols.  Paris,  1908.  I  fc Pp.  xl  +  411  ;  435  ;  151.  28  x  20  cm. The  data  with  which  Dr.  Chervin  deals  in  these  three  volumes  were  obtained  in connection  with  the  Mission  Scientifique  G.  de  Crequi  Montfort  et  E.  Senechal  de  la Grange.  Though  he  was  largely  instrumental  in  organising  the  Expedition,  Dr.  Chervin was  himself  unable  to  participate  in  it.  He  secured,  however,  the  services  of  M.  Julien Guillaume,  who  undertook  the  branches  of  anthropometry,  metric  photography  and phonography,  and  it  is  upon  the  materials  thus  obtained  that  Dr.  Chervin  has  worked. The  programme  of  the  Expedition  was  an  ambitious  one,  including  not  only  the general  study  of  man  in  the  Bolivian  highlands,  but  also  that  of  the  geography,  flora, and  fauna.  The  Expedition  left  France  on  April  3rd,  1903,  returning  at  the  end  of the  following  October.  M.  Courty  alone  remained  till  February  1904  to  carry  out important  excavations  at  Tiahuanaco.  On  the  conclusion  of  the  exhibition  of  the collections  made  by  the  Expedition,  M.  de  Crequi  presented  the  whole  of  the  collections to  the  State.  Dr.  Chervin's  long-cherished  hope  of  establishing  an  American  Museum in  Paris  was  unfortunately  not  realised  on  this  occasion,  as  the  various  specimens  were allocated  to  different  museums. Dr.  Cherviu's  object  has  been  to  obtain  from  the  anthropological  evidence  collected by  M.  Guillaume  some  knowledge  of  the  native  races  which,  prior  to  the  Discovery, inhabited  the  highlands  of  South  America,  now  included  in  Bolivia.  In  his  introduction and  elsewhere  he  pays  a  high  tribute  to  the  work  of  earlier  investigators  of  the  Quechua (or  Quichua)  and  Aymara  peoples — Alcide  d'Orbigny,  Sir  Clements  R.  Markham,  and David  Forbes.  With  respect  to  ethnogeny,  he  advises  the  greatest  caution  in  dealing with  questions  of  ethnical  migrations  in  prehistoric  times. As  regards  demography,  the  Expedition  found  it  necessary  to  collect  fresh  data, from  which  two  facts  of  importance  transpired  :  firstly,  that  the  exceedingly  sparse population — 1^  millions  in  a  country  3^  times  the  size  of  France — was  totally  inadequate for  making  the  most  of  the  agricultural  and  mineral  wealth  of  the  country  ;  and  secondly, that  the  half-breeds  are  rapidly  becoming  an  important  and  progressive  element  in  the community,  more  especially  from  the  commercial  and  industrial  aspect.  The  increase of  half-breeds  is  also  discussed  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  physical  effects  of altitude. The  chief  characteristics  distinguishing  Aymara  and  Quechua  are  very  briefly given  on  pp.  xxxi-ii  ;  they  are,  however,  very  slight.  The  former  have  a  flatter  face and  are  more  robust  ;  the  Quechua  take  shorter  steps  in  walking  although  they  have longer  legs,  and  they  dress  their  hair  differently  ;  there  are  also  minute  differences  in costume. Dr.  Chervin  obtained,  through  various  scientific  men  well  acquainted  with  Bolivia, answers  to  the  list  of  questions  issued  by  the  Societe  d'Anthropologie.  These  results apply  exclusively  to  certain  highland  Quechua.  As  was  to  be  expected,  the  informa- tion is  fairly  full  when  dealing  with  concrete  matters,  for  a  description  of  which  very little  special  ethnological  knowledge  or  training  is  necessary,  but  the  method  is  apt  to afford  meagre  results  where  the  social  life  is  concerned.  In  this  case  the  meagreness [  123  ] No.  72,]  MAN.  [1909, may  be  partly  due  to  the  prolonged  influence  of  the  Spaniards  and  of  the  Christian religion.  The  family  is  not  lost  in  the  tribe  and  is  well  defined  "  with  precise  terms "  for  the  uncles,  cousins,  brothers-in-law,  &c."  Marriage  is  monogyuous  and "  endogamous."  There  is  no  to  tern  ism  or  social  rank  ;  wealth  alone  counts.  They are  not  warlike  and  have  no  warrior  caste.  They  never  practised  anthropophagy. Property  is  individual.  All  are  Catholics  with  a  special  reverence  for  St.  James,  but there  is  a  great  belief  in  the  power  of  the  ghosts  of  ancestors,  who  cause  droughts,  &c. Magic  virtues  are  ascribed  to  certain  birds,  plants,  and  stones.  Divination  to  discover a  thief  consists  in  beating  an  armadillo  till  it  cries  out,  when  it  will  say  the  name  of the  culprit.  No  woman  or  priest  may  go  into  a  mine  as  evil  spirits  put  minerals there. M.  Guillaume  asked  a  large  number  of  persons  how  many  brothers  and  sisters,  and sons  and  daughters  they  had,  and  by  this  means  some  demographic  information  was obtained. Dr.  Chervin  describes  in  detail  the  photographic  methods  employed  by  M.  A. Bertillon  and  applied  by  M.  Guillaume  in  the  field.  He  condemns  the  photographs  of all  other  travellers  as  having  no  documentary  or  scientific  character  "  since  they  are not  comparable  with  one  another,"  and  he  regards  "  metric  photography  "  as  the  only scientific  method.  By  following  his  system  it  is  claimed  that  measurements  can  be taken  on  the  photographs.  The  present  writer  has  not  had  time  to  test  this  statement, and  before  the  method  is  generally  adopted  it  will  have  to  be  severely  tested  by different  observers  by  comparing  the  measurements  on  the  actual  subject  with  those on  the  photograph.  The  reliability  of  the  results  depends  on  so  many  factors  that  it  is improbable  that  investigators  of  different  nationalities,  working  with  apparatus  made in  various  places,  will  be  able  to  obtain  absolutely  comparable  results. The  second  volume  is  devoted  to  measurements  made  on  the  living.  They  consisted of  the  stature,  span,  thoracic  circumference,  sitting  height,  length  of  the  leg  (deter- mined by  subtracting  the  last  measurement  from  the  stature),  length  of  the  head (measured  from  the  root  of  the  nose),  breadth  and  height  of  the  head,  bizygomatic breadth,  length  and  breadth  of  the  left  ear,  left  cubit,  length  of  the  left  middle  and little  fingers,  length  and  breadth  of  the  left  foot.  All  these  measurements  and  their relations  to  one  another  are  carefully  analysed  and  displayed  in  seriation  tables  and in  graphic  tables  showing  the  distribution  of  the  measurements  on  squared  paper. All  this  has  entailed  a  vast  amount  of  labour  on  the  part  of  the  author,  who  sums up  each  conclusion  by  comparing  the  Aymara  with  the  Quechua,  the  main  result being  that  there  seems  to  be  very  little  difference  between  them,  although  Dr.  Chervin regards  them  as  quite  distinct  peoples.  The  stature  of  the  latter  (1'58  m.) averages  1  cm.  more  than  that  of  the  former;  their  span  (l'6m.)is  the  same;  the sitting  height  of  the  Quechua  is  84  cm.,  and  of  the  Aymara  87  cm.  ;  the  cubit  of the  Quechua  (436  mm.)  is  1  cm.  longer  than  that  of  the  Aymara,  the  legs  of  the latter  are  estimated  at  3  cm.  shorter  than  those  of  the  Quechua  ;  all  the  other  body measurements  are  identical.  The  majority  of  both  tribes  are  brachycephalic,  with  a cephalic  index  of  82  ;  about  one-third  are  mesaticephalic. The  third  volume  deals  with  craniology.  Here  again  Dr.  Chervin  insists  on  the importance  of  metric  photography.  He  very  carefully  describes  his  apparatus  and methods  of  orientation  and  fixing  the  skull  in  position.  The  Expedition  brought  back a  collection  of  nearly  500  skulls,  four  skeletons,  and  other  specimens.  As  soon  as  he had  finished  the  first  two  volumes  Dr.  Chervin  hoped  to  begin  a  study  of  the  crania, but  in  the  interval  they  had  ceased  to  be  at  his  disposal.  Thus  he  was  unable  to complete  his  study  ;  all  he  had  been  able  to  do  was  to  measure  their  length  and  breadth and  to  photograph  them.  Owing  to  prevalence  of  artificial  deformation  these  measure- ments and  the  resultant  indices  are  not  of  any  particular  value.  The  photographs  are L  124  ] 1909.]  .  MAN.  [Nos.  72-73. on  too  small  a  scale  to  be  very  serviceable,  and  it  would  have  been  better  if  they  had been  twice  the  size,  even  if  the  number  had  been  considerably  reduced. From  the  foregoing  account  it  will  be  seen  that  Dr.  Chervin  has  taken  a  great deal  of  pains  in  the  preparation  for  the  Expedition,  and  in  the  elaboration  of  the  results obtained.  In  addition  to  the  record  of  new  data,  the  book  is  a  serious  contribution to  the  discussion  of  anthropological  methods,  and  it  should  find  a  place  in  every anthropological  laboratory.  The  value  of  the  book  is  greatly  enhanced  by  the  very large  number  of  excellent  photographs.  A.  C.  H. Culture.  Frobenius. The  Childhood  of  Man  :  a  Popular  Account  of  the  Siiperstitions,  Manners,  TO Games,  Arts,  Occupations,  and  Folklore,  Sfc.,  Sfc.,  of  Primitive  Man.  By  Leo  *  U Frobenius.  Translated  by  A.  H.  Keane,  LL.D.,  F.R.G.S.  With  415  illustrations. London  :  Seeley  &  Co.,  1909.  Pp.  xviii  +  504.  23  x  14  cm.  16*.  net. Dr.  Frobenius's  book  is  already  popular  in  Germany.  The  author  spent  his  earliest days  in  the  Berlin  Zoological  Gardens,  where  "  he  came  into  constant  contact  with *'  Eskimo,  Laplanders,  Indians,  Bedouins,  and  Blacks,"  and  the  book  displays  the  spoils of  a  lifelong  collection  of  ethnographical  objects  and  information.  The  sub-title  is misleading  :  this  is  not  a  comprehensive  account  of  the  life  of  Primitive  Man,  but  rather a  selection  to  illustrate  certain  theories. Dr.  Frobenius's  theory  of  cultural  evolution  is  frankly  chronological  and  unilinear. The  Childhood  of  Man  is  the  stage  of  human  history  which  came  to  an  end  with the  beginnings  of  regular  agriculture  :  within  it,  Frobenius  recognises  three  periods, characterised  by  modes  of  thinking  about  the  universe.  Man  begins  as  a  hunter  ;  his chief  interest  is  in  the  animals  which  surround  him ;  he  regards  them  as  more  powerful than  himself,  but  not  different  in  kind.  Typical  of  this  period  are  the  Bushmen,  who *'  could  make  no  distinction  between  man  and  animals,  and  knew  no  otherwise  than  that "  a  buffalo  could  shoot  just  as  well  as  a  man  with  a  bow  and  arrow  if  he  had  any." This  is  the  period  of  "  Animalism,"  from  which  all  animal-incidents  in  mythology  are survivals.  In  the  second  period  man's  thoughts  are  concentrated  on  the  mystery  of death  ;  his  religion  consists  in  observances  towards  the  dead,  his  philosophy  in  specula- tions about  the  fate  of  souls.  This  is  the  period  of  "  Manism."  Savage  notions  of metempsychosis,  sacred  animals,  and  totemism  form  a  link  between  the  first  and  second periods.  The  third  mythological  epoch  is  characterised  by  "  Solarism,  or  the contemplation  of  the  universe."  Sun-worship  and  interest  in  the  heavenly  bodies generally  did  not  begin  with  agriculture  :  "  on  the  contrary,  the  first  stimulus  .  .  . "  to  the  contemplation  of  the  sun  was  .  .  .  given  during  the  early  migrations. "  When  the  peoples  of  the  earth  began  to  move  in  large  groups  over  wide  areas,  when "  they  had  to  find  their  bearings  .  .  .  then  they  began  for  the  first  time  to  look '•  around  upon  the  world,  and  thus  acquired  an  interest  in  the  structure  of  the  universe, "  in  the  sun,  the  moon,  and  the  stars."  A  bridge  from  the  Manistic  to  the  Solaristic period  is  found  in  the  fact  that  in  many  primitive  mythologies  the  Path  of  the  Sun  to the  West  is  also  the  Path  of  the  Souls. Each  period  is  illustrated  by  myths  from  all  parts  of  the  world,  dovetailed  into  each other  and  into  the  scheme  with  a  fascinating  ingenuity  which  does  not  fail  to  make  its impression  in  spite  of  a  certain  baffling  incompleteness  of  method.  A  few  of  the incidental  theories  must  be  noticed,  for  the  book  is  not  all  mythology.  Labour  begins with  the  manufacture  of  ornaments.  Secret  societies  belong  to  the  Manistic  epoch,  and by  them  men  try  to  assimilate  themselves  to  the  powerful  spirits  of  the  dead.  The "  Iron  Age  "  is  no  true  age  of  human  progress,  but  a  subordinate  feature  of  culture depending  on  the  presence  of  iron  ore,  unaccompanied  by  any  general  advance  in  the arts  of  life.  War  began  when  peoples  had  been  constituted  in  stable  societies  ;  until [  125  ] Nos.  73-74.]  MAN.  [1909. that  time  there  were  only  duels,  man-hunts,  murders,  and  vendettas  ;  from  these  lu>:t came  the  legalisation  of  bloodshed. If  any  English  anthropologist  has  influenced  Frobenius  it  is  probably  Tylor  ;  the validity  of  "  survivals  "  is  implied  throughout.  To  English  readers  his  work  must  be at  least  a  refreshing  change  from  the  stale  old  cliches  of  anthropological  illustration, verbal  and  graphic.  Yet  it  is  difficult  to  see  exactly  what  place  the  book  is  to  fill.  It is  not  quite  a  scientific  work  (for  one  thing  it  gives  no  references)  ;  not  quite  a  First Reader  for  the  student,  whose  teachers  will  hesitate  to  enter  him  on  a  book  which ignores  the  geographical  factor  in  cultural  evolution  ;  and  as  a  travail  de  vulgarisation it  has  (besides  being  expensive)  this  grave  fault,  that,  by  neglecting  the  material  and economic  side  of  culture,  it  gives  an  impression  of  savage  life  as  essentially  fantastic  and bizarre,  rather  a  Lunacy  than  a  Childhood  of  Man. BARBARA  FREIRE-MARRECO. America,  South.  Spruce  :  Wallace. Notes  of  a  Botanist  on  the  Amazon  and  Andes.  By  Richard  Spruce,  Ph.D.  ^  1 Edited  by  Alfred  Russel  Wallace.  London  :  Macmillan  &  Co.,  1908.  2  vols.  :  I'T Hi  +  518  ;  xii  +  542.  23  x  15  cm.  Price  21s. In  arranging  for  publication  the  manuscripts  of  the  late  Dr.  Spruce,  Dr.  Alfred Russel  Wallace  has  accomplished  a  task  which,  although  without  doubt  undertaken  as a  labour  of  love,  must  have  proved  one  of  considerable  difficulty.  In  order  to  produce this  connected  narrative  of  some  fifteen  years  spent  in  arduous  travel  and  scientific exploration,  innumerable  notebooks  have  had  to  be  consulted,  the  gaps  filled  in  from letters,  and  the  whole  thrown  into  consecutive  form  by  the  addition  of  just  sufficient editorial  comment  to  facilitate  reading. Much  as  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  continuous  ill- health  which  beset  the  latter part  of  the  long  and  useful  life  of  Dr.  Spruce  rendered  it  almost  impossible  for  him to  prepare  his  notes  for  publication  in  the  form  evidently  designed  by  him,  it  is  certain that  the  task  could  not  have  fallen  to  more  capable  hands  than  those  of  the  present editor,  and  Dr.  Wallace  is  to  be  congratulated,  not  only  on  having  rendered  accessible a  valuable  contribution  to  our  knowledge  of  tropical  South  America,  but  also  on  having raised  a  lasting  monument  to  the  memory  of  his  departed  friend. The  general  reader,  who  has  perforce  to  pass  lightly  over  much  of  the  admirable botanical  descriptive  matter,  will  probably  be  most  of  all  impressed  with  the  spectacle here  presented  of  an  indomitable  will  housed  in  a  very  frail  body.  That  a  man  whose record  in  England  was  one  of  frequent  serious  illness  should  have  spent  so  many  years in  the  Amazon  valley  and  in  the  elevated  region  of  the  Eastern  Andes,  exposed  to  all the  vicissitudes  of  a  tropical  climate  or  the  freezing  blasts  of  the  Cordillera,  passing  days and  nights  in  native  canoes  when  frequently  reduced  to  a  diet  of  uncooked  farinha and  bad  water,  and  yet  should  have  maintained  a  high  average  of  bodily  efficiency, can  only  evoke  astonishment  and  admiration. The  date  of  Richard  Spruce's  wanderings,  1849-1864,  places  his  work  within  the "  heroic  period  "  of  scientific  travel  in  South  America.  One  feels  constrained  to  place the  book  on  the  library  shelves  beside  Dr.  Wallace's  own  works,  and  in  such  good company  as  is  afforded  by  the  Voyage  of  the  Beagle,  Humboldt's  Narrative  and  the writings  of  Belt  and  Bates,  for  the  same  spirit  animates  them  all. Although  the  book,  as  its  title  implies,  is  of  primary  interest  to  botanists,  students of  other  branches  of  science  will  find  much  of  permanent  interest  and  value  in  its  pages. It  was  a  matter  of  regret  expressed  by  Spruce  himself  that  he  could  bestow  so  little  of his  attention  upon  other  than  the  botanical  and  geographical  features  of  the  wonderful country  into  which  he  penetrated,  but  none  the  less  his  observations  on  the  native  tribes of  the  great  river  region  should  prove  welcome  to  anthropologists.  The  account  he [  126  ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  74. gives  of  the  wandering  peoples  of  the  Amazon  and  Rio  Negro  forests,  who  subsist almost  entirely  upon  the  chase  and  wild  fruits,  clearly  illustrates  the  reason  of  the comparative  sparseness  of  population  in  this  vast  region,  where  a  single  family  may wander  over  wide  areas  from  camp  to  camp  as  their  foodstuffs  become  scarce  locally. As  already  mentioned,  the  author  was  often  reduced  to  the  direst  straits  for  lack  of food.  Occasionally  the  natives  threw  obstacles  in  the  way  of  his  obtaining  seeds  and other  specimens  of  their  common  edible  plants,  evidently  suspecting  the  motives  which led  the  stranger  to  seek  such  information. On  more  than  one  occasion  the  author  was  present,  much  against  his  will,  at native  feasts,  one  of  which  he  describes  in  considerable  detail.  Of  special  interest  in this  connection  are  his  observations  on  narcotics,  with  the  curious  sex-prohibitions attending  their  use,  a  matter  more  fully  discussed  under  a  special  heading  in  the second  volume.  He  has  much  to  say,  moreover,  of  the  "  payes  "  or  medicine  men and  their  customs. Considerable  space  is  devoted  to  a  description  and  discussion  of  the  Indian  rock- pictures  of  the  Casiquiari  and  Uaupes  rivers,  the  paper  being  illustrated  with  several careful  drawings  of  the  figures.  Spruce  objects  to  the  term  "  picture-writing  "  being applied  to  these  works,  since  after  careful  study  he  came  to  the  conclusion  that  they were  in  no  sense  writings  or  hieroglyphics.  The  drawings  are  for  the  most  part exceedingly  rude  in  execution,  comparatively  few  of  the  objects  represented  being recognisable  even  by  the  natives  of  the  region  to-day.  Many  of  the  drawings  figured appear  to  the  present  writer  to  bear  a  striking  resemblance  to  the  Carib  rock-scrivings of  the  West  Indies. The  opinion  arrived  at  by  Dr.  Spruce  in  regard  to  the  origin  and  object  of  these works  of  savage  art  may  be  given  in  his  own  words  : — "  Having  carefully  examined  a  good  deal  of  the  so-called  picture  writing,  I  am bound  to  come  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  executed  by  the  ancestors  of  Indians who  at  this  day  inhabit  the  region  where  it  is  found,  that  their  utensils,  mode  of life,  &c.,  were  similar  to  those  still  in  use,  and  that  their  degree  of  civilisation  was certainly  not  greater,  probably  less,  than  that  of  their  existing  descendants.  The execution  of  the  figures  may  have  ranged  through  several  centuries,  a  period  which in  the  existence  of  a  savage  people  is  but  a  year  in  that  of  the  highly-civilised nations  of  modern  Europe.  In  vain  shall  we  seek  any  chronological  information  from the  Indian  who  never  knows  his  own  age,  rarely  that  of  his  youngest  child,  and  who refers  all  that  happened  before  his  own  birth  to  a  vague  antiquity  wherein  there  are no  dates  and  rarely  any  epochs  to  mark  the  sequence  of  events." Whilst  agreeing  in  the  main  with  this  decision  of  the  author  a  certain  hesitation  is felt  in  assenting  to  his  suggestion  that  the  Indians  "  amused  themselves  by  scratching •'  on  the  rocks  any  figure  suggested  by  the  caprice  of  the  moment."  The  savage  is really  a  very  serious  person,  whose  strangest  actions  are  performed  in  obedience  to  some sort  of  logical  impulse,  however  wild  his  reasoning  may  appear  from  the  point  of  view  of civilised  man.  Unless  I  mistake,  the  ethnologists  of  North  America  hesitate  to  dismiss the  rudest  scrivings  of  the  Red  man  as  mere  meaningless  scrawls,  and  in  the  present instance  it  would  at  least  be  possible  that  the  drawings  have  some  forgotten  religious or  tribal  significance.  Perhaps  they  mark  the  sites  of  former  feasts  or  ceremonial gatherings. It  may  be  mentioned  that  Dr.  Spruce  offers  an  interesting  explanation  of  at  least one  mysterious  forest  sound,  resembling  a  gunshot,  akin  to  the  famous  "  midnight  axe  " that  has  given  rise  to  so  much  controversy.  A  sound  unhesitatingly  attributed  by  the Indians  to  the  agency  of  a  certain  malign  forest  sprite  was  traced  to  the  sudden  collapse of  a  species  of  palm,  which,  when  dead,  gradually  rots  away,  and  is  ant-eaten  until nothing  but  a  mere  shell  remains.  This  eventually  goes  suddenly  to  pieces  with  a  loud [  127  ] Nos.  74-75.]  MAN.  [1909. report,  leaving  nothing  but  a  heap  of  dust  and  splinters  to  mark  the  place  where  a  few minutes  before  it  towered  among  its  fellows. Several  beautiful  photographs  worthily  accompany  Dr.  Spruce's  delicate  pencil drawings  ;  one  of  the  magnificent  cone  of  Chimborazo  calling  for  special  admiration. This  brief  notice  would  be  incomplete  without  a  reference  to  the  misfortunes  which overtook  this  indefatigable  man  of  science  towards  the  close  of  his  long  residence abroad.  Whilst  engaged  in  the  difficult  task  of  procuring  specimens  of  the  valuable  "  red bark  "  plants  for  India,  Dr.  Spruce's  sorely  tried  constitution  gave  way,  and  an  illness resulted,  which  attended  him  throughout  the  rest  of  his  life.  Shortly  afterwards  the limited  resources  which  his  unselfish  labours  in  the  cause  of  science  had  permitted  him to  gather  were  entirely  lost  in  the  failure  of  a  bank  in  Guayaquil,  a  failure  brought about  by  the  fraudulent  dealing  of  an  Englishman.  For  the  remainder  of  his  life  he was  dependent  upon  the  all-too-scanty  pension  allowed  him  by  the  British,  and  latterly the  Indian,  Government.  It  is  some  consolation  to  think  that,  to  him,  his  work  brought its  own  reward.  OSWALD  H.  EVANS. ANTHROPOLOGICAL   NOTES. THE  Royal  Anthropological  Institute  has  arranged  an  exhibit  at  the  Imperial  TtL International  Exhibition  at  Shepherds  Bush  illustrating  certain  features  in  the  I U life  of  primitive  man,  with  particular  reference  to  the  "  Stone  Age  "  peoples,  prehistoric and  contemporary.  One  show  case  is  devoted  to  appliances  used  in  fishing,  another to  tools  and  the  products  of  native  industry,  and  a  third  to  primitive  forms  of  currency  ; another  series  of  objects  illustrates  the  survival  of  primitive  superstitions  among  people of  higher  culture,  and  a  valuable  series  of  model  dolmens  is  also  on  view,  together  with water-colour  sketches  of  Oceanic  peoples.  The  various  exhibits  have  been  lent  by various  Fellows  of  the  Institute,  and  were  arranged  by  a  sub-committee  appointed  by the  Council  of  the  Institute.  In  connection  with  the  exhibit  is  an  Anthropometric Bureau,  and  it  is  hoped  that  some  interesting  statistics  will  be  secured  through  its agency.  But  the  chief  object  is  to  show  how  the  measurement  of  physical  and  mental characteristics  is  performed,  and  to  illustrate  the  value  of  anthropometry  as  a  reliable test  of  physical  deterioration  and  progress.  In  the  bureau  at  the  exhibition  measure- ments are  made  of  weight,  stature,  head  dimensions,  breadth  of  shoulders,  and  other physical  characters,  but  the  most  interesting  feature  is  the  installation  of  mental measurements,  which  has  been  arranged  under  the  direction  of  Dr.  Spearman  of University  College.  In  particular  may  be  mentioned  the  measurement  of  perseveration by  means  of  a  rotating  colour-disc,  and  measurement  of  attention  by  McDougall's *'  spot-pattern "  apparatus.  The  correlation  of  these  characters  with  occupation  and other  data  entered  on  the  schedules  will  be  possible  when  a  sufficient  number  of persons  have  been  measured. THE  death  is  announced  of  Miss  E.  S.  Wolfe,  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Anthropological Institute  since  1881.  Miss  Wolfe  left  a  large  fortune,  the  great  bulk  of  which  is  to  be divided  amongst  certain  scientific  and  charitable  institutions.  Under  her  will  the  Royal Anthropological  Institute  will  receive  the  generous  bequest  of  £1,000. AN  exhibition  has  been  arranged  at  the  British  Museum  of  some  of  the  more  important objects  collected  among  the  Bushongo  (Bakuba)  people  of  the  Congo  Free  State  by  the expedition  under  the  leadership  of  Mr.  E.  Torday,  which  left  England  in  1907.  These objects  comprise  chiefly  specimens  of  wood-carving  and  fibre-cloth,  of  a  quality surpassing  anything  yet  collected  in  Africa ;  in  particular,  two  portrait  statues  of  chiefs, who  ruled  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century,  are  the  most  remarkable  specimens  of indigenous  art  yet  discovered  in  that  continent.  The  expedition  is  expected  to  arrive home  early  in  October. Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.G. PLATE  I— J. MAN,  1909. STRING    NETS    OF    THE    XVII    DYNASTY. 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  76. ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. Egypt :  Archaeology.          With  Plate  I— J.  Petrie. String    Nets   of  the    XVII    Dynasty.      By    W.    M.    Flinders    Petrie, F.R.S.,  F.B.A. The  past  winter's  work  of  the  British  School  in  Egypt  has  widened  our  know- ledge in  various  ways.  At  Thebes  much  search  was  made  in  the  northern  valleys, hitherto  neglected,  and  one  untouched  burial  of  the  XVII  dynasty  was  found.  This is  perhaps  the  most  varied  and  rich  burial  ever  brought  from  Egypt,  and  it  will  be preserved  as  an  entire  group  in  the  Royal  Scottish  Museum,  Edinburgh.  The  body was  in  a  single  coffin  painted  with  wings,  in  blue  and  gold.  Upon  the  neck  was  a gold  collar  of  four  rows  of  small  gold  rings,  about  400  in  a  row.  It  was  fastened by  a  gold  pin  slipping  through  four  small  eyelets  on  each  end  of  the  collar,  which fitted  together  alternately.  On  each  arm  were  two  gold  armlets  just  below  the  elbow. Around  the  waist  was  an  electrum  girdle,  copied  from  a  Nubian  type  made  of  seeds and  leather.  The  whole  jewellery  weighs  half  a  pound  avoirdupois,  the  largest  group of  gold  work  that  has  left  Egypt. Outside  the  coffin  lay  a  row  of  jars  in  string  nets,  just  as  they  had  been  brought hanging  from  a  stick.  Only  two  or  three  examples  of  these  nets  were  yet  known, in  the  Cairo  Museum.  They  vary  from  two  to  four  parallel  strings,  each  knotted with  every  string  it  crosses.  The  perfect  regularity  of  the  work  shows  how  advanced the  makers  were  in  string  working  (see  PI.  I — J).  Two  pouches  with  loop  handles  lay in  the  coffin,  made  of  bead  net-work,  which  was  unknown  before.  A  very  rare object  was  a  blue  marble  bowl  with  figures  of  four  apes,  their  tails  curving  round  to form  the  base.  The  furniture  was  of  usual  forms  but  fine  quality.  A  chair  is  very accurately  made,  and  still  has  the  string  seat  complete.  Stools,  a  head-rest,  a  decorated horn  for  scent,  baskets,  and  vases  of  alabaster  and  obsidian  complete  this  fine  group. Other  work  was  done  on  the  cemetery  of  the  XI  dynasty,  many  dozens  of  dated skulls  were  obtained  and  measured,  a  long  inscription  gave  further  detail  of  the conquest  of  Egypt  at  that  time,  and  the  pottery  was  fully  studied  and  the  dates  of various  types  settled.  Of  the  same  age  a  small  temple  was  explored  on  the  mountain, 1,200  feet  high.  It  proved  to  be  for  the  worship  of  the  Osirified  King  Sankh-ka-ra, and  to  have  contained  his  seated  figure  as  Osiris  and  the  cenotaph  which  represented his  past  mortality  while  he  still  ruled  on  earth  as  a  god.  This  illustrates  the  Egyptian conception  of  the  deified  ruler,  modified  from  the  time  when  he  was  actually  slain. Other  results  at  Thebes  are  historical  rather  than  anthropological. At  Memphis  the  main  work  was  clearing  the  palace  of  King  Apries,  of  about  580  B.C. It  covered  two  acres,  the  whole  of  which  we  dug  out  to  10  or  15  feet,  the  largest clearance  anywhere  in  Egypt  this  year.  The  capitals  and  drums  of  columns  showed that  it  had  been  40  feet  high  in  the  central  court,  and  50  feet  high  in  the  north  court. The  plan  is  the  first  yet  obtained  of  an  Egyptian  palace,  showing  it  to  have  been  on the  same  scale  as  the  great  Assyrian  palaces.  Beside  much  scale  armour  and  bronzes, a  fine  piece  of  silver  fitting  with  gold  face  of  Hathor  was  found  in  the  palace.  As many  of  the  walls  descend  far  below  the  floor  of  Apries,  it  is  probable  that  the  mound, 50  feet  high,  consists  of  the  earlier  palace  ruins.  The  sculptures  of  an  earlier  gateway of  the  palace  were  found,  thrown  aside  in  the  fosse.  This  gate  was  20  feet  high  and 7  feet  wide  on  either  side,  sculptured  with  six  great  scenes  of  the  investiture  of  the crown  prince,  of  the  most  delicate  low-relief  work. Many  more  terra-cotta  heads  of  foreigners  were  obtained,  Spanish,  Greek,  Jewish, Kurd,  and  others,  like  those  found  last  year.  The  office  of  the  school  is  at  University College,  London,  where  intending  students  can  apply  or  subscriptions  be  sent  for  the publications.  W.  M.  FLINDERS  PETRIE. [     1*9     J No.  77.]  MAN.  [1909. Ceylon  :  Religion.  Selig-mann. Note  on  the  "Bandar"  Cult  of  the  Kandyan  Sinhalese.    By  C.  G.     ~1~1 Seligmann,  M.D.  I  I In  a  paper  on  the  ".Vedda  Cult  of  the  Dead,"  published  in  the  Transactions  oj the  Third  International  Congress  for  the  History  of  Religions,  I  alluded  to  the practice  prevalent  among  the  Kandyan  Sinhalese,  that  is  of  the  Sinhalese  of  the  central portion  of  the  island,  of  canonising  important  men  soon  after  their  death  and  making offerings  to  their  spirits,  who  are  invoked  to  protect  from  evil  and  send  good  fortune. Such  canonised  spirits  are  known  as  Bandar,  and  Mr.  H.  Parker,  late  of  the Irrigation  Department,  who  has  devoted  special  attention  to  this  subject,  wriles  that he  has  the  names  of  considerably  more  than  100.  "  Some  are  included  in  the  list  as "  important  ancestors  ;  others,  the  majority,  because  of  their  power  ;  others  because "  of  their  cruelty  or  their  sudden  violent  death.  They  are  all  classed  as  Yakas  by  the "  Sinhalese  and  are  generally  hurtful  ;  but  some  have  certain  protective  functions,  and "  protect  cattle  and  cocoanut  trees  and  crops." The  object  of  this  note  is  to  draw  attention  to  certain  features  of  this  cult,  and to  give  the  invocation  used  in  seeking  success  and  protection  from  sickness  from Kosgama  Bandar,  who  appears  to  have  attained  distinction  on  account  of  his  violent death,  inflicted  by  order  of  the  Sinhalese  King.  The  invocation  of  Kosgama  Bandar was  obtained  from  one  Tissahami  the  Arachi  (headman),  of  Potuliyadde,  a  jungle settlement  in  Uva  Province.  Tissahami  is  one  of  a  line  of  spirit  dancers  (Sin. kapurale\  his  great  grandfather  having  been  a  Vedda  shaman.  Although  this  man's descendants  intermarried  with  the  local  Sinhalese  and  adopted  the  Sinhalese  mode  of life,  one  man  at  least  in  each  generation  continued  to  act  as  spirit  dancer,  and  the father  of  the  Arachi  was  a  spirit  dancer  and  wederale  (native  doctor)  of  some  note. The  Arachi,  now  a  man  of  between  forty  and  fifty,  exerts  a  great  deal  of  influence over  the  peasants  in  his  neighbourhood,  who  all  recognise  that  he  is  more  or  less  in constant  communication  with  the  spirits,  to  which  fact  his  neighbours  attribute  much of  his  success.  In  this  manner  was  explained  the  quickness  with  which  he  recently learnt  blacksmith's  work.  I  soon  discovered  that  he  was  handier,  quicker,  more intelligent,  and  very  much  less  respectful  of  established  authority  than  the  majority  of the  peasant  Sinhalese  with  whom  we  came  in  contact. Kosgama  Bandar  lived  in  the  eighteenth  century  or  earlier  at  Kosgama.  He refused  to  pay  tribute  to  the  king,  and  probably  headed  a  rebellion,  which  was  quickly put  down.  He  was  betrayed  by  an  adherent  whom  he  trusted,  and  was  tied  to  a  tree and  shot  to  death  with  arrows.  He  is  now  said  to  be  especially  helpful  in  litigation and  in  recovering  lost  cattle  ;  but,  in  fact,  he  is  of  assistance  in  every  way. In  order  that  some  of  the  references  contained  in  the  invocation  may  be  clear it  is  necessary  to  point  out  that  the  dead  are  faced  by  the  initial  difficulty  of  com- municating with  the  living.  They  have  no  power  to  appear  to  them  in  dreams  or visions,  and,  indeed,  can  only  make  their  desires  known  in  the  first  instance  by causing  sickness  or  by  means  of  certain  animals.  It  seemed  that  the  spirits  usually adopted  the  latter  expedient,  the  animal  being  a  "  sending,"  and  the  rank  of  the deceased  being  indicated  roughly  by  the  animal  sent,  in  which,  however,  the  spirit of  the  deceased  is  not  immanent.  The  lion  is  said  to  be  the  highest  ;  then  comes  the elephant ;  the  leopard  indicates  the  spirit  of  a  rather  less  exalted  person. Before  the  dead  can  manifest  their  power  in  this  manner  or  in  any  way interfere  in  human  affairs  they  must  obtain  the  permission  of  one  or  more  high  gods of  whom  the  most  important  is  Skanda,  one  of  the  four  guardian  deities  of  Ceylon, *'  the  Kataragam  God  "  as  he  is  called  by  the  jungle  dwelling  Sinhalese,  on  account of  the  position  of  his  famous  temple.  How  the  spirit  obtains  this  permission  is  not clear,  but  I  was  told  that  the  early  signs  of  the  power  of  the  deceased  are  always [  130  ] 1909.] MAN. [No.  77, in  some  way  connected  with  the  Kataragam  God,  and  when  Kosgama  became  a Bandar,  a  leopard  sent  by  him  rode  round  the  Kataragam  temple  on  the  back  of one  of  the  god's  bulls,  i.e.,  one  of  the  tavilam  bulls,  bringing  provisions  and  salt to  the  temple. Having  once  obtained  permission  from  the  Kataragam  God  to  accept  offerings and  to  help  or  injure  men,  the  spirit  indicates  his  desire  to  be  reverenced  as  a  Bandar at  a  shamanistic  ceremony  which  is  held  when  the  doings  of  the  "  sending,"  or other  mysterious  events,  suggest  that  one  of  the  dead  is  trying  to  communicate  with the  living.  A  spirit-dancer  then  invokes  the  new  Bandar  and  becomes  possessed  by him,  and  the  Bandar,  speaking  through  the  dancer,  explains  fully  who  he  is,  how he  should  be  invoked,  what  offerings  should  be  made  to  him,  and  the  benefits  that he  will  confer  in  return. I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Parker  for  the  following  transliteration  and  translation  of the  invocation  to  Kosgama  Bandar.  Two  words.  Kiteyita  in  the  sixteenth  verse and  Kitula  in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  are  left  untranslated ;  several  mistakes were  made  in  writing  down  the  song  and  afterwards  corrected  and  there  may  be uncorrected  mistakes  in  these  words.  Explanatory  remarks  are  enclosed  in  [  ], words  inserted  in  order  to  make  sense  are  in  (  ). 1.  Vldd  gamadln  pdjm  e  knttiyaya Numudd  Inapita  tiyeyi  kirittlyaya Sudd  nan  asu  pita  saraslcciyaya Vlddgamardlata  sadiwlccya 2.  Kosgamardlaga  nisi  Atapattu Dura  yanawd  daeha  Ian  karagattu Rakas  klyanneta  Ian  karagattu RaJias  poledl  sadl  karagattu 3.  Ran  kandata  Id  kanda  dlya  nawdpii Pas  katu  sandunem  dara  ekltarapu Patkada  munata  waesun  wasapu Kosgama  ran  kanda  mele  sadawapu 4.  Ran  kanda  malakada  diya  ndwdld Sandun  kapuru  pinldlya  ekkarald Ran  saluwak  gena  muna  wasdld Kosgama  ran  kanda  dawati  dqddld 5.  Aendami  sangalak  yakun  natanneta Baendami  patlya  ina  sayl  wennata Paenneml  Kola(m.)batt  saraba  uganneta Waendaml  Kosgama  raja  waslnneti 6.  Wele  aetun  wela  muda  nawatanne Male  ba(m)baru  lesa  senaga  ddanne Pele  bohoma  dura  sita  pawatinne Sale  himdayi  Kosgama  deciyanne 7.  Nd  gaga  nd  ruka  nd  sewunaele Bo  gasa  bo  ruka  bo  gewunaele Tunbo-atthana  atu  sewunaele Maenik  rajdge  pufu  sewunaele 8.  Ma&nikak  sorakan  karapu  lit.  bandiya Sorakan  nokalot  nowatlyi  bandiya Ridi  makd  wata  bubulu  paelaendiya Maenik  raja  allan  ran  bondiya. 9.  Maenik  rajdge  nlnda  kaeleyd Andd  bambaru  ran  ganiti  inuleyd Mata  wicarak  aeyi  anadu  kaleyd Maenik  rajoyi  naduwak  nolabeyd 10.  Maenik  konata  baendl  lesata  wipulld Anik  yakun  desa  no  bana  siyalld Sonikkiyata  karakaewena  siyalld Maenik  raja  waenda  ganinnt  siyalld 11.  Maeniken  ipadunu  tedaya  asanne Anikut  yakkuta  sarune  karanne Hanlkata  tun  Iowa  dlwas  balanne Maenik  rajo  uda  buwane  enne 12.  Palingu  maenik  yasane  satapenne Palingu  maenik  dlwa  salu  palandinne Palingu  maenik  male  palandinne Palingu  maenik  ran  kadu  wadaranne 13.  Maenik  baendapu  putuwe  waeda  inne Maenik  baendapu  jaya  wewaela  aeraganne Maenik  baendapu  ran  bondl  daranne Maenik  rajd  uda  buwanen  enne 14.  Kataragamata   waenda  paenald  kala  wirlya ahapanne Gonuge  pitata   dm    nangd  maluwa  maedata wadlminne Maluwa  maedata   ivaeda-mowald  teda  ana- naka  pennanne Mewan  tedati  Kosgama  Devi  ganan  gamuwa waedi  inne 15.  Awipatayindud     depatayl      Kosgamardlaga waliye Disd  fiatayima  dill  patayi  Kosgamardlaga waliye Bubulu  liaetayl  bondl  haetayl  e  allana  ran pall  ye Glnl  kukulayl  panduru  haetayl  e  Ntlat tawa  baeriye 16.  Ahashe   taru    kelineyl   kiteyi  td   taru    yata liimlnda  eteijl Polowe  waell  kelineyl   kiteyi  td  waeli  yata kiminda  eteyi 131     ] No.  77.]  MAN.  [1909. Mude    raela    kelineyi    kiteyi   td   raela   yata kiminda  eteyi Kosgama  Den  wadineyi  maduwa^a  balanda Den  wadineyi 17.  Allana  kaduwa  mini  bandala  tiyennd Dorakoda  kitula  ran  bandala  tiyennd Maeniken  pdnage  aeti  tiyennd Kosgamardla  yasane  nidi  pennend 18.  Allana  kaduwa  mini  baenduwdt  boruyi Dorakoda  kitula  ran  baenduwdt  boruyi Maeniken  pdnage  aewilenawdt  boruyi Kosgamardla  yaxane  nidi  et  boruyi 19.  Ran  manden  bat  kdld  tiyennd Ran  kendiyen  diya  bild  tiyennd Maeniken  pdnage  aewiti  tiyennd Kosgamardla  yasane  nidi  penennena. 1.  The  crime  at  Kosgama,  that  deed Done  to  Vidagamarala, Who  had  a  never-removed  kris  at  his  waist-belt, And  was  accoutred  on  a  horse  called  "white." 2.  The  base  Atapattu  of  Kosgamarala Having  seen  him  going  from  afar  called  him  near  ; To  confer  secretly  he  called  him  near  ; In  that  secret  place  he  behaved  treacherously  [i.e.,  seized   him  and  handed  him over  to  the  King]. 3.  Having  placed  gold  on  the  body  [?  in  the   mouth],  the    body  was  washed  with water, Five  parcels  of  sandal-wood,  and  firewood,  were  collected, A  piece  of  cloth  was  placed  as  a  covering  for  the  face  ; The  golden  body  of  Kosgama  in  this  way  was  made  ready  [for  cremation]. 4.  They  washed  impurities  from  the  golden  body  ; They  collected  sandal,  camphor,  and  perfume  ; They  brought  a  golden  cloth  and  covered  the  face  ; And  having  wept  they  burn  the  golden  body  of  Kosgama. 5.  I  dressed  (as  though)  for  dancing  to  a  couple  of  Yakas  ; I  tied  on  my  belt  in  order  to  contract  my  waist ; I  bounded  to  Colombo  to  learn  (to  jump  like)  a  grasshopper  ; I  (then)  paid  obeisance  for  the  Kosgama  king  to  dwell  here. 6.  In  the  paddy  field  the  tusk  elephants,  pleased  with  the  field,  are  stopping  ; Like  bambara  on  the  golden  flower  the  multitude  are  crying. The  family  descends  [lit.  continues]  from  very  distant  (times)  ; The  power  of  the  Kosgama  God  is  great. 7.  (Like  being)  in  the  Na  shadow  of  the  Na  tree,  the  Na  tree  ; (Like  being)  in  the  Bo  shadow  of  the  Bo  tree,  the  Bo  tree  ; (Like  being)  in  the  shadow  of  the  branches  of  the  Thorn-apple  ; (Is  being)  in  the  shadow  of  the  seat,  of  the  Gem  King. 8.  The  bracelet  (bandiya)  is  a  gem  which  it  is  said  was  stolen. If  it  were  not  stolen  it  would  be  of  no  value,  the  bracelet  ; It  is  ornamented  round  with  silver  bosses, The  golden  bracelet  which  the  Gem  King  carries. 9.  Having  gone  to  the  jungle  owned  by  the  Gem  King, Having  hummed  [lit.  cried]  the  bambara  take  pollen  from  the  flowers. Why  should  he  behave  unjustly  to  me  only  ? There  is  no  gain  in  a  law  suit  against  the  Gem  King. 10.  Like  a  gem  fixed  at  the  end  [of  the  spire  of  a  dagoba~]  is  the  Great  One In  the  direction  of  the  other  Yakas  not  a  sound  is  heard  ; Speedily  all  turn  away  [the  new  God  having  supplanted  them]. Let  us  all  worship  the  Gem  King. [     132     ] 1909,]  MAN.  [No.  77, 11.  They  hear  of  the  power  derived  from  the  gem, And  he  makes  the  other  Yakas  hasten  away. Quickly  he  looks  at  the  three  worlds  with  his  divine  eyes  ; The  Gem  King  comes  through  the  sky. 12.  He  sleeps  on  the  couch  set  with  crystal  gems  ; He  wears  a  divine  cloth  adorned  with  crystal  gems  ; He  wears  a  necklace  of  crystal  gems  ; He  carries  a  golden  sword  set  with  crystal  gems  ; 13.  He  is  seated  on  the  gem-set  chair  ; He  takes  a  cane  of  victory  set  with  gems  ; He  carries  a  golden  bracelet  set  with  gems  ; The  Gem  King  comes  (thus)  from  the  sky  [lit.  upper  abode]. 14.  Hear   of  his   prowess   done  when   he   came  [lit.  jumped]    down    to    worship   at Kataragama, While  the  leopard,   having  mounted  on  the  back   of  the  bull,   was   going  to  "the middle  of  the  enclosure. By  causing  it  to  come  to  the  middle  of  the  enclosure  he  shows  his  power. The  Kosgama  God  who  possesses    such   powers  as  these  visits   [lit.  is  present at]  a  number  of  villages. 15.  There  is  two-fold  prosperity  at  the  (festival)  day  of  Kosgamarala  ; There  are  (people  with)  brilliant  silk  clothes  from  even  seven  districts  (present) on  the  (festival)  day. There    are    sixty   bosses    and    sixty    ornamental   rings    round    them    [lit.   bondi — fetters]  on  the  golden  shield  that  he  carries. Cannot  (you   give)    more    than    a   red   cock   [lit.  fire  (coloured)  cock]   and  fsixty offerings  for  the  Chief  ? 16.  The  stars  gambol  in  the  sky,     ...     he  will  dive  beneath  the  stars. The  sand  gambols  on  the  earth,     ...     he  will  dive  beneath  the  sand. The  waves  gambol  on  the  sea,     ...     he  will  dive  beneath  the  waves. The   Kosgama   God    comes    to    the   maduwa,    the    God    comes    to    look  (at   the offerings). 17.  Bells  are  fixed  on  the  sword  he  holds; Gold  is  overlaid  on     ...     his  doorway  ; His  lamp  receives  its  light  from  gems  ; Kosgamarala  sleeps  on  his  couch. 18.  It  is  untrue  that  bells  have  been  fixed  on  the  sword  he  holds  ; It  is  untrue  that  gold  has  been  overlaid  on     ...     his  doorway  ; It  is  untrue  that  there  is  any  shining  of  his  lamp  from  gems  ; It  is  also  untrue  that  Kosgamarala  sleeps  on  his  couch. 19.  (His)  rice  has  been  eaten  off  (his)  golden  plate  ; (His)  water  has  been  drunk  out  of  (his)  golden  drinking  pot ; There  has  been  shining  of  his  lamp  from  gems  ; Kosgamarala  has  slept  on  his  couch. 1,  line  3. — Mr.  Parker  points  out  that  the  kris  dates  from  ancient  times  in  Ceylon. "  I  found  the  greater  part  of  a  blade  of  apparently  pre-Christian  Age  at  Tissa  (Southern "  Province).      There  is   a   true  Sinhalese  weapon  of   this  type,  the  itiya,  a  sort  of "  assegai,  which  has  similar  bends  in  the  blade,  and  there  is  a  spear  in  the  British "  Museum  with  a  wavy  blade."      My  field    interpreter    simply   translated  "hunting- knife." 2,  line  1. — Atapattu,  an  official  title. [     133     ] Nos.  77-78,]  MAN.  [1909. 5. — This  verse  describes  the  preparations  made  by  the  spirit  dancer  in  order  that he  may  do  his  part  worthily. 6,  line  1.  —  Tifesahami  explained  that  the  elephants  of  the  deceased  became possessed  by  his  spirit,  but  Mr.  Parker  considers  this  line  refers  to  the  people  being too  full  of  grief  to  drive  the  wild  elephants  out  of  their  fields. 6,  line  2. — Bambara  is  the  rock  bee  (Apis  indica)  ;  the  sound  of  weeping  is compared  to  the  humming  of  many  bees. 8,  line  1. — Mr.  Parker  writes  :  "the  meaning  of  bandiya  is  doubtful,  there  were "  sixty  among  the  decorations  of  the  shield  described  in  verse  15  ;  these  might  be "  raised  riugs  round  each  of  the  bosses  on  it." 8,  line  2. — The  stealing  of  the  gem  refers  to  a  legend  of  which  my  informants  did not  know  the  details.     It  seemed  that  this  line  referred  to  a  gem  by  the  aid  of  which the  future  might  be  predicted  ;  for  some  cause  the  gem  lost  its  lustre  and  power. 9,  line    3. — Mr.  Parker  writes  :    "  This   line   means   that    he   will   treat   all  alike, "  but  in  any  case  it  is  useless  to  quarrel  with  him." 14. — This  verse  refers  to  the  deeds  by  which  Kosgama  manifested  his  desire  to be  treated  as  a  Bandar. 15,  line  4. — The  usual  meaning  of  glni  kukula  at  the  present  day  is  "guinea-fowl," but  this  is  inapplicable  in  the  invocation. 16,  line    4. — The    maduwa    is    the  bower-like  structure  to  which    the   yaku    are called  when  they  are  invoked. 18. — This  verse  consists  of  the  remarks  of  an  imaginary  doubting  listener,  and the  words  "  it  is  untrue  "  mean  no  more  than  "  is  it  really  true  ?  " 19. — This  verse  answers  the  doubter  ;  further  details  are  given,  and  the  last  two lines  reiterate  two  of  the  statements  on  which  doubt  has  been  cast. C.  G.  SELIGMANN. Sociology :  Exogamy.  Lang. Exogamy.     By  A.  Lang. The  problem  of  exogamy  is  always  with  us,  and  will  be  revived  by Mr.  Frazer's  forthcoming  book.  I  have  been  obliged  to  look  into  the  question  again, and  especially  to  examine  the  papers  by  Mr.  .Crawley  and  Mr.  Thomas  in  the Festschrift  for  Mr.  Tylor  (Anthropological  Essays).  I  note  that  Mr.  Crawley (pp.  51,  52)  quotes  Mr.  Atkinson's  views  (Primal  Law)  from  a  summary  by Mr.  Thomas.  Where  Mr.  Thomas  gave  it  we  are  not  told,  nor  do  I  know.  "  This  rule  " (no  marriage  for  the  offspring  of  the  "  Cyclopean  "  sire)  "  crystallised  into  an  instinct." "  This,"  says  Mr.  Crawley,  truly,  "  is  a  psychological  impossibility  "  (p.  52).  But where  did  my  cousin  say  that  the  impossibility  occurred  ? Mr.  van  Gennep  attributed  the  same  opinion  about  an  "  instinct  "  to  Mr.  Atkinson in  Mythes  et  Legendes  d'Australie,  p.  116,  note  2).  I  then  re-read  Mr.  Atkinson's Primal  Law,  and  could  find  therein  no  such  assertion.  Mr.  Thomas  (in  Kinship  and Marriage  in  Australia,  p.  65)  summarises  Mr.  Atkinson's  view  thus:  "This "  law  ....  came  in  the  process  of  time  to  be  a  traditional  rule  of  conduct, "  almost  an  instinct."  Mr.  Atkinson  regarded  it  as  "  a  traditional  rule  of  conduct." That  he  said  "  an  instinct "  is  a  statement  which  I  could  not  verify,  and  I  wish  that instinct  made  us  give  exact  references  to  an  author's  own  work. Mr.  Crawley  seeks  "  a  sounder  psychology "  in  a  book  by  Mr.  Havelock  Ellis, which  I  never  saw.  There  is  "  a  normal  failure  of  the  pairing  instinct  in  the  case  of "  brothers  and  sisters,  or  of  boys  and  girls  brought  up  together  from  infancy.  The 44  sensory  stimuli  of  vision,  hearing,  and  touch  have  been  dulled  by  use,"  and  "  deprived "  of  their  potency  to  arouse  the  erethistic  excitement,"  and  so  forth.  Yes,  in  civilised family  life,  but  not  in  savage  life,  where  the  brothers  and  sisters  are  kept  apart  and [     134    ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  78. have  rules  of  avoidance,  which  romance  calls  on  them  to  break,  making  their  situation most  stimulative. Mr.  Thomas  writes,  in  the  same  book  (p.  345),  "  as  Mr.  Lang  has  pointed  out,  if "  there  is  one  thing  more  than  another  which  should  promote  incest,  on  this  theory, "  it  is  the  separation  of  brothers  and  sisters  long  before  puberty,  which  is  such  a "  characteristic  feature  of  some  primitive  societies  ....  we  are  entitled  to  ask "  why  the  custom  of  brother  and  sister  avoidance  arose  at  all  if  it  removed  the  greatest "  safeguard  against  incest,"  namely,  constant  familiarity  from  infancy.  "  If  hearth- "  mates  develop  an  instinct "  (I  do  not  adopt  the  phrase)  "  against  sexual  relations "  with  each  other,  it  would  be  unnecessary  to  separate  brothers  and  sisters  for  reasons "  of  sex  ;  and  it  would  never  occur  to  anyone  to  propose  that  they  should  be  separated u  to  provide  against  non-existent  dangers." Mr.  Crawley,  I  think,  will  reply  that  they  were  separated  for  some  mystic  reason of  "  sexual  tabou,"  but  the  obvious  explanation  is  that  of  Mr.  Thomas.  Mr.  Crawley also  explains  "  the  legal  prohibition  "  against  adelphic  unions  as  rising  from  "  a  naive "  desire  to,  as  it  were,  assist  nature,  to  affirm  what  is  normal,"  to  bolt  a  bricked-up door.  But  this  does  not  explain  separation  and  avoidance. But  why  prohibit  marriages  of  non-consanguineous  "  brothers  and  sisters  "  in  the phratry,  people  in  mere  social  classificatory  relationships  ?  "  It  is  due  to  tribal  solidarity "  and  is  engineered  by  identity  of  names "  (p.  54).  I  would  say  "  due  to  the  idea that  all  persons  in  the  phratry  are,  by  now,  legally  akin." Mr.  Howitt's  theory,  or  at  all  events  Mr.  Frazer's,  is  that  we  have  every  right to  assume  that  "  the  founders  of  exogamy  in  Australia "  (who  legislated  merely  to prevent  consanguineous  marriages)  "  recognised  the  classificatory  system  of  relationships, "  and  the  classificatory  system  only "  (Folklore,  June  30,  1904,  p.  177).  But before  the  "reform,"  before  the  phratriac  division  produced  its  effects,  where  were  the classificatory  relationships  which  alone  the  reformers  of  consanguineous  relationships recognised  ?  Either  they  did  not  exist  and  could  not  be  recognised,  or  must  not  all members  of  the  tribe,  of  a  certain  status,  have  been  classificatory  or  tribal  brothers and  sisters  ?  If  so  the  reformers  had  to  bar  the  marriages  of  all  of  them,  within  the tribe,  make  the  tribe  exogamous,  and  find  another  intermarrying  and  exogamous  tribe, to  be  the  other  phratry.  If  so  no  exogamous  partition  was  made  within  the  tribe  ;  two tribes  made  alliance  and  connubium,  which  is  practically  my  own  theory. Mr.  Crawley  does  not  believe  in  the  reformatory  division  of  the  tribe.  He  appears, however,  not  to  observe  that,  on  Mr.  Atkinson's  theory,  the  members  of  his  original Cyclopean  family  were  under  greater  temptations  than  those  of  Mr.  Havelock  Ellis's family,  who  are  brought  up  in  constant  familiarity  between  boys  and  girls  ;  for Mr.  Atkinson  postulates  hostility  between  all  his  groups.  Boys  and  girls,  to-day, meet  plenty  of  others,  not  of  their  own  family,  and  the  superior  attractions  of  these act  as  lightning  conductors  of  the  sexual  emotions.  The  Cyclopean  brothers  and  sisters having  no  such  distractions,  would  most  certainly  have  gone  the  way  of  all  flesh  had the  sire  not  expelled  the  boys. I  am  not  wholly  wedded  to  Mr.  Atkinson's  very  ingenious  theory,  for  really  we do  not  know  the  manners  of  truly  primitive  man.  But  I  do  think  that  if,  from scarcity  of  supplies.,  he  lived  in  tiny  family  groups,  with  hostile  neighbours — no accessible  lightning  conductors — the  seniors  would  forbid  to  the  juniors  love-affairs within  their  circle,  for  these  meant  the  cutting  of  fraternal  throats  by  fraternal  flints  ; blood  feuds  round  the  hearth,  and  the  ruin  of  the  party. Mr.  Crawley  begins  with  "  two  friendly  fire  circles,  consisting  each  of  father, mother,  and  one  or  more  children."  The  children  marry  out  of  their  own  family,  for they  are  biases  to  the  attractions  of  their  brothers  and  sisters,  and  into  the  other family,  and  "  the  two  connected  families  will  keep  together."  If  round  the  same L  135  ] No.  78.]  MAN.  [1909, hearth,  the  children  will  become  blasts,  on  this  theory,  I  fear,  but  they  seem  not  to have  the  same  hearth  (p.  56).  Moreover,  given  one  family,  apparently  isolated,  and by  nature  exogamous,  whence  came  the  other  two  families  ?  Where  did  the  children pick  up  mates  ?  Are  all  families  in  the  region  on  friendly  terms  all  round  ?  If  so, why  are  only  two  families  posited  as  the  result  of  the  one  family  ?  There  might be  half  a  dozen.  If  we  only  knew  who  the  original  two  parents  were,  how  they  met, and  so  on,  it  would  be  easier  to  understand.  I  do  not  understand  the  provenance  of  the original  family,  which  itself  was  an  union  of  members  of  two  families.  If  they  have only  three  sons,  three  families  and  the  original  family  co-exist,  and  thus  I  do  not  see why  the  intermarrying  was  always  on  a  dual  system.  The  supposed  original  dual family  took  women  from  other  groups,  and  vice  versd,  I  suppose,  so  we  have,  in fact,  many  families  intermarrying,  not  eternal  intermarriage  between  descendants  of the  original  two  families  only.  It  may  be  due  to  my  want  of  imagination,  but  I  keep wondering  who  the  parents  of  the  one  original  family  were,  and  whence  they  came together,  unless  we  start  with  Adam  and  Eve.  Even  so,  Cain  and  Abel  must  have married  their  sisters,  faute  de  mieux. Mr.  Crawley  anticipates  the  question,  "  Why  should  they "  (the  two  original families)  "continue  to  marry?"  and  he  answers,  "Why  not?"  Why  not,  indeed? The  question  is  why,  if  families  all  around  are  friendly,  and  if  they  are  hostile,  had not  the  founder  of  the  first  family,  the  source  of  the  other  two,  to  fight  for  his  mate  ? Mr.  Crawley  thinks  that  he  had  not,  "  all  the  facts  tend  to  show  that  primitive  man "  relied  for  his  wives  on  friendly  arrangements  as  a  rule."  Well,  if  there  were  several friendly  families  within  a  walking  distance,  or  even  two  families,  there  is  no  reason  why Mr.  Crawley's  two  families  should  for  ever  continue  to  intermarry,  and  make  a  solid system  out  of  the  arrangement,  the  phratry  system,  all  but  universal  in  Australia.* Either  Mr.  Crawley  or  Mr.  Frazer  seem  to  differ  on  a  point  of  fact.  Mr.  Crawley says,  "  The  children  of  two  brothers  may  not  marry  "  (intermarry)  "  nor  the  children "  of  two  sisters.  The  children  of  a  brother  and  sister  may "  (p.  57).  Mr.  Frazer says  "  ....  the  system  was  devised  ....  to  prevent  the  marriage  of "  a  man's  children  with  his  sister's  children"  {Folklore,  ut  supra,  p.  178).  These must  be  different  systems,  and  each  needs  explanation. I  do  not  dwell  on  other  points  in  which  I  think  Mr.  Crawley  has  misunderstood me,  as  I  certainly  do  not  understand  his  theory.  It  "  excludes  from  an  unwarranted "  pre-eminence  the  system  of  totemism,"  but  does  it  account  for  one  totem  to  one totem  marriage  ?  Probably  it  does  by  simply  supposing  both  of  the  two  original families  to  have,  somehow,  got  a  totem.  But,  as  has  been  said,  I  do  not  see  why these  two  families,  now  duck  and  dog,  continued  to  intermarry  exclusively,  and  then gave  up  their  exclusiveness,  as  they  have  done,  except  among  the  tribes  from  the northern  Urabunna  to  the  Barkinji. Mr.  Thomas,  contrary  to  both  Mr.  Atkinson  and  Mr.  Crawley,  supposes  "  fatber- "  daughter  aversion,  expulsion  of  the  young  females,  temporary  exit  of  the  young  males, "  and  then  later  return  with  brides  from  another  group  "  {Anthropological  Essays,  p.  553). The  expelled  young  males  would  easily  pick  up  expelled  young  females  !  "  In "  the  expulsion  of  one  set  of  females  and  the  introduction  of  another  we  have  the "  principle  of  exogamy  ;  and  if  we  suppose  that  only  two  communities  were  within "  such  distance  of  each  other,  we  have  the  simplest  possible  form  of  exogamy,  the "  intermarriage  of  two  and  only  two  groups."  Surely  there  is  but  sketchy  evidence for  father-daughter  aversion  in  the  higher  mammals,  only  that  of  the  Khirgiz  and *  Mr.  Crawley  says  "  the  phratry  names  are  usually  unintelligible."  Out  of  fifty-eight  known to  Mr.  Thomas,  "  nineteen  can  be  translated  with  certainty,  and  one  can  guess  at  the  meaning  of some  half  a  dozen  more  "  (Thomas,  p.  53).  It  is  long  odds  that  the  unknown  forty,  roughly  speaking, are  of  the  same  sort  as  the  known  score. [     136     ] 1909.] MAN. [Nos.  78-79. Aristotle  (Anthropological  Essays,  pp.  349,  350),  for  semi-tame  horses  and  for  tame camels.  Two  and  only  two  families  within  accessible  distance  is  also  an  improbable postulate,  which  (Anthropological  Essays,  p.  206)  makes  it  hard  to  understand  one totem  to  one  totem  marriages  ;  these,  as  Mr.  Thomas  says,  "  are  verifiable  but unverified"  (Howitt,  Native  Tribes  of  South-East  Australia,  pp.  189-194,  Spencer and  Gillen,  Central  Tribes,  p.  60,  and  note  L,  Northern  Tribes,  p.  71). Verily  we  have  not  solved  the  puzzle  of  exogamy,  and  now  I  hear  from  South Australia,  that  some  tribes  have  exogamous  phratries,  the  children  taking  the  name which  is  not  that  of  the  parent's  phratry  !  A.  LANG. India :  Archaeology.  Seton-Karr. Some  recent  Indian  Palaeolithic  Implements.    By  H.  W.  Seton-Karr. Four  implements  are  figured  from  the  valley  of  the  Penaar  River  running  into the  Bay  of   Bengal   to   the    north    of  Madras.      They  were  recently  picked  up  by  a native  whom  I  taught  to  look for  palaeolithic  implements  and forwarded  by  him  at  the  begin- ning of  the  year.  I  found  other examples  myself  of  these  types in  the  same  district,  but  these are  so  symmetrical  that  the  form and  intention  are  clearly  shown. H.  W.  SETON-KARR. [     137     ] No.  80.]  MAN.  [1909. REVIEWS. Africa,  East.  Weule. JVissenschqftliche  Ergebnisse  meiner  ethnographischen  Forschungsreise  in den  Siidosten  Deutsch-Ostafrikas.  Von  Dr.  Karl  Weule,  Direktor  des  Mu- seums fiir  Volkerkunde  und  Professor  an  der  Universitat  zu  Leipzig.  (Mitteilungen aus  den  deutschen  Schutzgebieten.  Ergaozuugsheft,  No  1.)  Berlin:  Mittler,  1908. Pp.  x  +  150.  33  x  25  cm.  Price,  3  marks. The  scene  of  Dr.  Weule's  researches  during  the  latter  half  of  1906  was  the region  comprised  between  the  Lukuledi  and  the  Rovuma,  the  greater  part  of  which is  occupied  by  the  Makonde  Plateau.  Here,  owing  to  the  wars  and  wanderings  of Several  generations,  the  slave  trade,  and  the  settlements  of  freed  slaves  at  the  mission stations,  the  population  is,  as  so  often  in  Africa,  of  an  extremely  mixed  character. It  is,  however,  so  far  as  one  can  tell,  a  mixture  of  indigenous  stocks.  No  extraneous elements  would  appear  to  have  been  imported  beyond  the  fraction  of  Arab  blood (whatever  that  may  amount  to)  contributed  by  the  Swahilis  from  the  coast.  The oldest  inhabitants  seem  to  be  the  Makonde,  who  are  closely  allied  to,  if  not  identical except  in  name  with,  the  Mavia  on  the  otber  side  of  the  Rovuma,  and  also  to  the Wamaraba  on  the  coast  near  Mikindani.  The  Makua,  driven  from  their  homes  in  the south  by  the  Walongwe,  and  afterwards  by  the  Angoni,  impinged  upon  the  Makonde from  the  south  and  south-west,  and  a  further  westward  immigration  of  Yaos  took  place after  this,  and  is  still  going  on.  Besides  these,  we  have  the  Wamwera,  inland  from Lindi,  of  whom  Dr.  Weule  saw  comparatively  little  ;  the  Wamatambwe  on  the  Rovuma  ; a  colony  of  freed  Wanyasa  (Anyanja)  slaves  at  Masasi,  and  a  few  villages  of  so-called Augoni  near  Nchichira. The  value  of  Dr.  Weule's  results  is  somewhat  unequal.  For  the  excellent illustrations,  reproduced  from  photographs  and  drawings,  there  can  be  nothing  but praise,  and  in  all  that  relates  to  externals  he  may  be  said  to  have  met  with  the  success generally  obtainable  by  a  patient  and  painstaking  collector.  But  when  we  find  how dependent  he  was  on  interpreters  and  on  a  somewhat  elementary  knowledge  of  Swahili  ; when  it  is  further  taken  into  account  that  his  expedition,  even  when  not  actually  accom- panied by  a  Government  official,  had  more  or  less  of  an  official  character,  and  that his  methods,  as  incidentally  revealed  both  here  and  in  the  more  recently  published Negerleben  in  Ostafrika^'  were  not  always  of  a  conciliatory  nature  ;  it  is  evident that  his  accounts  will  require  careful  sifting.  It  is  somewhat  surprising  that  he should  have  been  allowed  to  see  so  much  of  the  unyago  festivities  ;  but  here,  too* to  a  certain  extent,  official  pressure  was  at  work.  The  account  of  the  Makua echiputu  on  pp.  117-119  in  particular  must  be  received  with  caution.  Without pronouncing  any  opinion  as  to  its  inherent  probability  or  otherwise,  it  is  impossible to  overlook  the  fact  that  it  was  obtained  more  or  less  under  compulsion,  from  a woman  detained  to  work  out  her  husband's  taxes.  (In  Negerleben,  p.  371,  the  author relates  a  further  way  in  which  he  took  advantage — quite  unjustifiably  it  seems  to  us — of this  woman's  difficulties.)  The  statement  that  her  assertions  were  subsequently  con- firmed by  another  Makua  scarcely  by  itself  sufficient  evidence  in  a  case  of  this  sort. Our  confidence  in  Dr.  Weule  is  not  increased  by  occasional  indications  of  an a  priori  attitude  towards  his  subject,  as  when  he  says,  "  Schon  das  Vorkommen  der "  Gesichtsmaske  in  Ostafrika  wirkt  befremdend."  Why  ?  It  is  only  a  further  develop- ment from  the  animal  masks  used  in  the  Chinyau  (=  Yao,  unyago)  dance  of  the Mang'anja  and  Achewa  (see  Foa,  Traversee  de  VAfrique,  p.  40,  and  the  illustration), which,  again,  strongly  suggests  the  nadro  of  the  Bushmen  as  figured  in  their  rock- paintings  and  described  in  the  traditions  preserved  by  Stow  and  others.  From  the  use  of *  Unless,  indeed,  we  are  to  suppose  that  the  latter  contains  a  certain  admixture  of  "yarns  "to support  its  character  as  a  light  and  popular  work.  We  own  to  suspicions  of  one  or  two  passages. [    138    ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  80. actual  heads  to  that  of  wicker  or  wooden  masks  imitating  them  is  but  a  step  (cf.  Scott, Matig^anja  Dictionary  ;  "  The  masks  are  made  of  maperi  [i.e.,  maize  or  sorghum]  stalks peeled  and  strung  together,  or  of  wood,  or  earth,  or  skins)."  Both  human  and  animal masks  are  represented  in  Dr.  Weule's  collection,  so  that  the  further  transition  is illustrated  without  difficulty.  Of  special  interest  is  No.  2,  Plate  21,  described  as "  Tanzmaske  der  Makonde,  den  Hasen  darstelleud."  We  might  here  have  a  clue which,  if  followed  up,  would  help  us  to  understand  the  position  of  the  Hare  in  Bantu folk-tales,  and  perhaps,  ultimately,  in  Bantu  mythology.  But  in  the  text  it  seems  to be  classed  among  the  Shetani  or  "  devil  "  masks,  of  which  no  very  satisfactory  account is  given.  They  are  all  horned  and  bearded  ;  the  names  (if  really  current,  and  not merely  used  by  Swahili-speaking  natives  in  their  explanations  to  Dr.  Weule)  must  be imported  ;  whether  the  form  is  likewise  primitive  or  modified  in  accordance  with imported  ideas  we  cannot  know  without  further  inquiry.  He  remarks  that  in  the  mask in  question,  which,  unlike  the  others,  is  entirely  white,  the  horns  rather  resemble  hare's ears,  and  therefore  it  is  possible  that  "  diese  Maske  in  der  Tat  den  Reinecke  Fuchs "  Afrikas,  niimlich  den  Sungura,  darstellt."  Dr.  Weule  assumes  that  Moslem  influence is  out  of  the  question  here,  because  Islam  forbids  plastic  representations.  Whether  his conclusion  be  right  or  not  his  argument  will  hardly  hold,  for  all  Moslem  countries  are not  equally  orthodox  in  this  respect — cf.  what  is  said  by  M.  Bel  {La  Population  Musul- mane  de  Tlemcen)  as  to  the  religious  pictures  found  in  Algerian  marabouts'  shrines. Another  instance  of  a  dangerous  inclination  to  a  priori  judgments  occurs  on  p.  114. Speaking  of  secret  societies,  Dr.  Weule  says  he  had  hitherto  thought  this  institution inconceivable  in  East  Africa  (fur  Ostafrika  einfach  undenkbar),  and  still  does  not believe  in  its  existence  among  the  Makonde.  It  is  a  somewhat  rash  conclusion  to arrive  at  after  a  stay  of  a  few  weeks.  The  Nyasaland  Yaos  have  an  organisation  called seketera,  of  which  my  informant  discovered  the  existence  after  eight  years'  residence in  the  country  without  the  slightest  suspicion  of  such  a  thing.  Moreover,  it  may  be doubted  whether  the  stilt-dance  is  quite  so  isolated  a  phenomenon  as  our  author  thinks. Mr.  Sutherland  Rattray  (Chinyanja  Folklore,  p.  179)  speaks  of  it  as  part  of  the  ordeals undergone  by  men  initiated  into  the  secret  society  connected  with  the  Chinyau.  It must  be  remembered,  too,  that  we  know  little  or  nothing  concerning  the  initiation  and allied  ceremonies  of  the  Bemba,  Lunda,  Luba,  and  other  peoples  west  of  Nyasa. In  the  section  on  toys  and  games  (pp.  91-95)  we  think  that  the  author's  generali- sations as  to  the  absence  of  organised  games  (though  this  is  not  so  clearly  stated  as  in the  Negerleben)  and  lack  of  enthusiasm  in  play  are  a  little  too  sweeping.  It  is  difficult to  identify  the  passage  quoted  from  Livingstone  in  support  of  his  view,  especially  as no  reference  is  given.  The  nearest  we  can  find  is  Last  Journals,  II,  227  :  "  In  many "  parts  one  is  struck  by  the  children  having  so  few  games.  Life  is  a  serious  business, "  and  amusement  is  derived  from  imitating  the  vocations  of  the  parents — hut  building, "  making  little  gardens,  bows  and  arrows,  shields  and  spears.  Elsewhere  boys  are  very "  ingenious  little  fellows,  and  have  several  games  ;  they  also  shoot  birds  with  bows "  and  teach  captured  linnets  to  sing  " — going  on  to  enumerate  various  other  toys  and pastimes.  It  cannot  be  said  that  this  is  fairly  represented  by  "  Schon  Livingstone  klagt "  vor  einem  Menschenalter  iiber  die  sichtliche  Langweile,  ja  man  mochte  sagen  die "  Blasirtheit  mit  der  die  Wanyamwezikinder  sich  in  Strasse  und  Hof  herumdriickten  ; "  nichts  von  Begeisterung,  nichts  von  der  alles  vergessenden  Hingabe  wie  sie  unseren "  Kindern  so  erbeigentiimlich  ist."  This  may  seem  a  trifle,  but  such  looseness  of quotation  scarcely  inspires  confidence. We  see  no  necessity  for  Dr.  Weule's  assumption  that  the  two  forms  of  top  figured in  Plate  28  (Figs.  8,  9,  and  10)  are  necessarily  borrowed  from  Europe.  The  nanguli and  nagogo,  large  whipping-tops,  described  by  the  Rev.  D.  C.  Scott  (see  Mang'anja Dictionary,  s.v.)  eighteen  or  twenty  years  ago  can  hardly  have  taken  root  during  the [     139     ] Nos.  80-81.]  MAN.  [1909. short  interval  which  had  elapsed  since  the  establishment  of  the  mission  in  1875, and  the  Yao  top  (No.  10),  though  similar  in  principle  to  our  humming-top,  has  the peg  for  winding  the  string  below  instead  of  above,  and  may  well  have  been  evolved on  the  spot.  With  regard  to  the  "  diabolo,"  Dr.  Weule  seems  to  have  overlooked  the passage  in  Cameron's  Across  Africa  (II,  91),  which  is  quite  sufficient  to  dispose  of  his theory.  As  to  his  so-called  "  telephone,"  it  resembles  a  small  kind  of  friction-drum,  and we  should  not  be  surprised  to  learn  that  the  use  ascribed  to  it  by  Dr.  Weule  was  an after-thought,  possibly  suggested  by  some  European. Dr.  Weule's  linguistic  collections  are,  we  understand,  being  examined  and  analysed by  Professor  Meinhof,  and  will  doubtless  see  the  light  later  on.  But  we  own  that the  specimens  given  here  and  in .  Negerleben  do  not  encourage  us  to  hope  for  any great  additions  to  Bantu  linguistics.  The  Yao  ndondosha  song  on  p.  103  is  unintelli- gible without  considerable  correction  of  the  text.  Ya  chimwene,  for  instance,  should probably  be  achimwene,  "  chief,"  and  the  translation  overlooks  the  fact  that  ndondosha (as  apparent  from  the  pronouns)  is  in  the  plural  throughout.  We  doubt  whether kuilulu  wakonawe  could  mean  "the  girl  from  Ilulu"  ;  wakonowe  is  certainly  a  plural. The  ndondosha,  by-the-bye,  deserves  further  investigation  ;  it  is  a  "  fetch "  similar to  the  Zulu  umkovu,  a  corpse  resuscitated  by  wizards  for  their  own  ends. The  phonograph  records  of  native  melodies  brought  back  by  Dr.  Weule  have  been treated  by  the  Psychological  Institute  of  the  Berlin  University,  under  the  superinten- dence of  Dr.  Von  Hornbostel.  They  have,  however,  been  the  subject  of  a  lengthened controversy  carried  on  in  the  pages  of  Globus — see  also  Dr.  Von  Hornbostel's  article in  the  last  number  of  Anthropos — into  which,  fortunately,  we  need  not  enter  here. A.  WERNER. Religions.  Marett. The  Threshold  of  Religion.  By  R.  R.  Marett,  M.A.  London :  Methuen,  Q4 1909.  Pp.  xix  +  173.  19  x  13  cm.  Price  3s.  6d.  01 The  avowed  object  of  these  collected  papers  is  critical  and  classificatory.  Mr* Marett  is  not  alone  in  thinking  that  animism,  as  a  master  key,  fails  to  unlock  several doors  of  the  crypt  of  religious  origins. In  the  first  of  these  suggestive  papers  he  inquires  whether  there  may  have  been some  religious  feeling  or  thought  previous  to  or  back  of  animism.  The  type  of  the latter  he  finds  in  the  spirits  of  the  dead.  To  the  question  :  "  How  came  an  animistic "  colour  to  be  attached  to  a  number  of  things  not  primarily  or  obviously  connected  with "  death  and  the  dead  ?  "  he  answers,  that  "  in  response  to  ...  the  emotions  of "  Awe,  Wonder,  and  the  like,  .  .  .  there  arises  in  the  region  of  human  thought  a "  powerful  impulse  to  objectify  and  even  personify  the  mysterious  or  'supernatural' "  something  felt,  and  in  the  region  of  will  a  corresponding  impulse  to  render  it "  innocuous,  or  better  still  propitious,  by  force  of  constraint,  communion,  or  conciliation. "  Supernaturalism,  then,  as  this  universal  feeling  taken  at  its  widest  and  barest  may "  be  called,  might,  as  such,  be  expected  to  prove  riot  only  logically  but  also  in  some  sense "  chronologically  prior  to  animism,  constituting,  as  the  latter  does,  but  a  particular  ideal "  embodiment  of  the  former." The  proof,  however,  of  this  priority  does  not  seem  to  be  forthcoming.  He  quotes some  examples  of  awe  in  action  where  the  object  is  vague  ;  but  the  vagueness  of  the object  is  no  proof  that  the  attendant  emotion  in  the  subject  is  prior  to  the  belief  in spirits.  He  speaks  of  such  objects  as  Powers.  "  Not  all  Powers  are  ghosts  and  spirits, "  even  if  they  tend  to  become  so."  In  the  case  of  a  thunderstorm  there  is  certainly  no need  to  presuppose  a  spirit ;  nor  is  there  any  process  from  the  abstract  to  the  concrete if  such  a  phenomenon  be  prior  to  the  development  of  a  spirit  of  the  storm. But  it  is  not  clear  how  or  why  such  a  Power  should  be  objectified  or  personified 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  81. later,  still  less  why  awe  should  start  the  process  of  objectification  or  personification. If  we  say  that  emotion  is  the  origin  of  religion,  well  and  good  :  there  is  nothing  more to  say.  But  emotion  in  itself  cannot  produce  the  idea  of  soul  or  spirit,  nor  does  it foster  their  production.  It  apparently  amounts  to  this  :  some  phenomenon  is "  supernatural."  Why  ?  Because  it  inspires  awe.  Why  does  it  inspire  awe  ?  Because it  is  supernatural. Such  emotional  processes  are  neither  prior  to  nor  subsequent  to  animism.  They are  parallel  in  time  and  in  origin  ;  there  is  no  real  causal  connection.  The  term pre-animistic,  therefore,  begs  the  question. There  are  several  appeals  in  the  course  of  the  volume  to  psychology.  Now  the science  of  mind  is  able  to  throw  a  flood  of  light  on  the  origins  of  animism,  and therefore  of  animistic  religion,  but  it  supplies  no  warrant  for  a  pre-animistic  religion of  awe.  It  would  ask,  What  causes  the  emotion  ?  The  answer,  "  Anything  super- "  normal,  anything  which  defeats  reasonable  expectation,"  is  no  answer,  because  it omits  the  most  important  part  of  the  psychical  process,  all  that  comes  between  the object  and  the  final  result  (the  emotion)  qf  the  impact  of  object  and  subject.  The complete  answer  would  explain  in  one  formula  all  cases  of  awe  in  the  presence  of "  Powers "  and  all  cases  of  recognition  of  spirits. Several  phrases  invite  psychological  criticism.  Such  are  "  the  horror  of  a  human "  corpse  instilled  into  man's  heart  by  his  instinct  of  self-preservation,"  "  as  regards "  delirium,  epilepsy,  and  kindred  forms  of  seizure,  the  patient's  experience  of "  hallucinatory  images,  combined  with  the  bystanders'  impression  that  the  former  is, "  as  we  say,  '  no  longer  himself,'  would,  I  think,  well  nigh  immediately  and  directly "  stamp  it  as  a  case  of  possession  by  a  spirit."  In  the  latter  instance,  what  are  the hallucinatory  images  of  epilepsy  ?  and  what  have  they  to  do  with  the  patient's possession  by  a  spirit  ? His  criticism  of  the  Frazerian  doctrine  of  the  relation  of  magic  and  religion  as of  merely  abstract  usefulness  and  reality  is  well  argued.  That  the  prayer  is  evolved from  the  spell  is,  however,  an  unnecessary  assumption,  not  to  mention  its  apparent yielding  of  the  Frazerian  position. In  his  criticism  of  the  theory  that  taboo  is  a  negative  magic,  he  again  has recourse  to  the  "  mystery  "  suggestive  of  awe,  which  he  regards  as  the  chief  material of  religion.  Taboo  is  "a  mystic  affair,"  and  is  a  result  of  experience  of  phenomena that  are  "normally  abnormal."  He  describes  it  as  "a  negative  mawa."  This  essay is,  perhaps,  the  most  successful  in  the  volume.  As  having  nothing  to  do  with  the genesis  of  spirits  the  theory  is  not  handicapped  from  its  start. The  proposal  to  make  mana  a  category  of  comparative  religion  is  not  new,  but it  is  judicious.  "  Taboo  is  the  negative  mode  of  the  supernatural,  to  which  mana "  corresponds  as  the  positive  mode "  ;  this  is  a  convenient  formula,  but  the  author puts  it  forward  as  "  a  minimum  definition  of  religion."  In  so  doing  he  posits  the priority  of  the  impersonal  forms  of  the  supernatural.  This  seems  to  misunderstand the  essence  of  animism  as  the  doctrine  of  souls,  not  in  the  narrow  sense  of  human  and humanised  souls,  and  also  to  involve  a  process  from  the  abstract  to  the  concrete. The  last  essay  in  the  book  treats  of  Comparative  Religion  as  a  branch  of  Sociology and  of  Social  Psychology.  It  contains  some  interesting  criticism  of  various  schools and  various  points  of  view.  "  There  seems  to  be  good  reason  to  respect  the  British "  tradition  which  ordains  that  Psychology  must  preside  over  the  investigations  of "  Comparative  Religion."  If  only  the  presiding  science  were  the  science  of  the psychologists  ! The  volume  is  full  of  interesting  apergus.  Mr.  Marett's  critical  instrument  is keen  and  well  manipulated,  but,  perhaps,  does  not  always  operate  at  the  critical  spot. A.  E.  CRAWLEY. [     HI     ] No.  82.]  MAN.  [1909. Thuringia :  Archaeology.  Goetze. Die  vor-  und  fruhgeschichtlichen  Altertumer  Thiiringens.  Herausgegeben  QO von  Prof.  Dr.  A.  Goetze,  Prof.  Dr.  P.  Hofer,  San.-Rat  Dr.  P.  Zschiesche.  Mit  Ofc 24  Lichtdrncktafeln  und  einer  archaolog.  Karte.  Wiirzburg :  Curt  Kabitzsch  (A. Stubers  Verlag),  1909.  Pp.  466.  25  x  20cm. Tliis  stout  volume  with  its  accompanying  map  is  the  outcome  of  a  resolution passed  by  the  Historical  and  Archreological  Society  of  Erfurt  in  February  1905,  that a  map  should  be  prepared  on  which  all  the  prehistoric  finds  in  Thuringia  should  be carefully  marked.  The  work  was  far  more  troublesome  than  had  been  anticipated  ; difficulties  of  various  kinds  were  encountered  at  every  step,  so  that  fourteen  years have  passed  before  effect  could  be  given  to  the  resolution.  The  map,  in  two  sheets on  a  scale  of  1  :  100,000,  covers  an  area  of  about  75  x  68  geographical  miles  or 5,100  geographical  square  miles,  and  is  rather  less  than  the  province  of  Thuringia, although  the  finds  belonging  to  the  whole  area  are  noted  in  the  body  of  the  volume. Seven  colours  are  used  to  indicate  the  different  epochs  to  which  the  finds  are  assigned and  fourteen  signs  are  employed  to  show  the  nature  of  the  find,  such  as  flat  grave, barrow,  settlement,  depot-find,  fort,  &c.  To  give  an  idea  of  the  magnitude  of  the  under- taking it  may  be  mentioned  that  finds  from  1,260  localities,  including  2,030  graves, 7,600  single  objects,  237  settlements,  46  depot-finds,  198  forts,  19  workshops,  and 23  menhirs,  altogether  about  10,000  entries  or  numbers  are  duely  recorded.  The  bulk of  the  volume  is  taken  up  by  a  brief  description  of  each  find  arranged  by  places  and these  according  to  the  Kreis  or  Verwaltungsbezirk  to  which  it  belongs.  In  the  left- hand  margin  of  each  page  a  letter  or  abbreviation  such  as  St,  B,  T,  R,  F,  Slv,  in fat  type,  catches  the  eye  and  shows  that  the  entry  concerning  the  find  belongs  to the  Stone  Age,  Bronze  Age,  La  Tene,  Roman,  Frankish-Merovingian  or  Slav  Period. The  museum  or  collection  where  each  object  is  preserved  is,  of  course,  given,  and  also a  reference  to  the  work,  if  such  exists,  in  which  the  find  is  recorded.  The  biblio- graphy, a  most  useful  appendix,  covers  no  less  than  forty  pages  and  is  arranged  in sections  according  to  the  period  of  time  of  which  the  author  treats.  The  twenty- four  plates  give  good  photographical  illustrations  of  379  objects  mentioned  in  the text. The  preface  of  forty  pages  by  Professor  Goetze  briefly  summarises  some  of  the historical  results  that  follow  from  the  excavations  and  finds  recorded  in  the  volume. As  far  back  as  the  Mousterien  epoch  of  the  palaeolithic  age  Thuringia  was  inhabited by  man,  who  had  to  share  the  country  with  Elephas  antiquus,  the  rhinoceros  and  the cave-lion.  Then,  as  in  many  other  places,  a  hiatus  ensued,  and  when  man  reappeared he  was  no  longer  a  savage  but  something  of  an  agriculturalist,  living  in  large  com- munities and  surrounded  by  domestic  animals.  He  was  in  touch,  too,  with  the  outer world,  for  the  marble  arm  rings,  the  ornaments  of  spondylus  shell,  the  axes  of  nephrite and  jadeite,  as  well  as  a  rude  copper  dagger  from  Thuringian  graves,  must  all  have been  imported.  No  less  than  seven  types  of  neolithic  pottery,  most  of  it  profusely ornamented,  are  found  in  the  province,  and  these  are  described  in  some  detail.  Dr. Goetze  purposely  refrains  from  expressing  an  opinion  on  the  relative  age  of  the  Cord- and  Band-ceramic,  as  it  is  still  a  moot  point  and  still  under  discussion.  The  finds in  Thuringia  give  no  countenance  to  the  hypothesis  that  the  Bronze  Age  was  heralded by  a  Copper  period.  The  little  copper  that  found  its  way  into  the  province  altered in  no  respect  the  neolithic  character  of  the  civilisation.  In  fact  the  general  mode  of life  was  not  much  changed  by  the  substitution  of  metal  for  stone  implements  and  one type  of  stone  hammer  appears  for  the  first  time  in  the  later  Bronze  period.  At  the beginning  of  the  Bronze  Age  large  quantities  of  bronze  were  introduced  by  traders, for  as  many  as  297  bronze  axes  were  found  together  at  Bennewitz,  120  at  Schkopau and  84  sickles  at  Bedra.  There  is  no  proof  as  yet  that  the  copper  ores  of  the  Hartz [  142  ] 1909.]  MAN.  [Nos.  82-83. and  the    Thnringian  forest  were  worked    at  so  early  a  period.     In  exchange    for  the bronze  the  Thuringians  probably  gave  salt,  in  which  the  country  bounds. In  the  latter  Bronze  Age,  corresponding  on  the  whole  with  the  fourth  period  of Montelius,  a  new  people — who  brought  cremation  with  them  and  new  form*  of  ceramic, the  Lausitz  type — make  their  appearance  in  Thuringia,  arriving  from  the  south  or south-east.  The  difficulty  of  assigning  ethnic  names  to  prehistoric  people  is  illustrated by  the  circumstance  that  Dr.  Goetze  supposes  the  new  comers  were  Thracians,  while Kossinna  maintains  they  were  Karpo-Dacians,  and  Dr.  Pic  considers  them  to  have been  Slavs.  In  the  La  Tene  period,  from  the  fifth  century  B.C.  to  A.D.  1,  although the  potter's  wheel  was  known  the  great  majority  of  vessels  were  still  made  by  hand. In  the  succeeding  epoch,  from  the  first  to  the  fifth  century,  covered  by  the  Roman Period  and  the  period  of  migrations,  the  civilisation  of  the  Thuringians  developed without  a  break  from  that  of  La  Tene,  and  not  until  the  second  half  of  the  Roman Period  does  the  grave  furniture  show  signs  of  greater  wealth  and  luxury.  J.  A. Superstition.  Frazer. Psyche's  Task  :  a  Discourse  concerning  the  Influence  of  Superstition  on  the  QQ Growth  of  Institutions.  By  J.  G.  Frazer,  D.C.L.,  LL.D.,  Litt.D.  London:  00 Macmillan,  1909.  Pp.  viii  +  84.  23  x  14-5  cm.  Price  2s.  6d.  net. "  Psyche's  task  "  was  to  sort  out  the  seeds  of  good  from  the  seeds  of  evil.  Under this  title  Dr.  Frazer  has  published,  with  additions,  the  substance  of  a  paper  read at  a  meeting  of  the  Royal  Institution,  and  afterwards  given  in  the  form  of  lectures to  his  class  at  Liverpool,  "  in  the  hope,"  he  says,  "  that  it  may  call  attention  to  a "  neglected  side  of  superstition  and  stimulate  enquiry  into  the  early  history  of  those "  great  institutions  which  still  form  the  frame-work  of  modern  society."  The  theory of  the  book  is  summed  up  in  four  propositions,  to  the  effect  that  among  certain races  and  at  certain  times  superstition  has  strengthened  the  respect  for  government, property,  marriage,  and  human  life,  and  has  thereby  contributed  to  the  establishment and  maintenance  of  civil  order,  to  morality,  and  to  the  security  of  life  and  property. "  Superstition "  is  briefly  defined  as  falsehood  (p.  3)  or  a  body  of  false  opinions (p.  83).  The  four  chapters  which  follow  are  made  up  of  a  selection  from  Dr.  Frazer's immense  store  of  examples.  There  is  no  theorising  outside  the  four  corners  of  the proposition,  and  unless  the  reader  can  find  a  clue  to  Dr.  Frazer's  present  sociological position  in  the  choice  of  examples,  he  must  wait  for  Totendsm  and  Exogamy. In  the  chapter  on  Government,  Dr.  Frazer  quotes,  first,  the  mana  of  Melanesian chiefs  ;  the  worship  of  dead  chiefs  in  Fiji  ;  the  tapu  of  Maori  chiefs,  believed  to be  living  "  gods " ;  and  like  beliefs  from  the  rest  of  Polynesia,  Angola,  and  the Malay  countries.  The  next  series,  nearly  all  from  Africa  (there  is  a  new  example from  Mr.  A.  C.  Hollis'  Nandi),  shows  the  king's  power  over  weather,  crops,  and fertility  in  general ;  and  from  this  Dr.  Frazer  proceeds  to  the  "  halo  of  superstitious veneration "  which  surrounded  the  ancient  Kings  of  Peru,  India,  Greece,  Ireland, Scotland,  Sweden,  and  Burgundy  ;  and  so  on  to  Dr.  Johnson  and  the  King's  Evil. To  complain  would  be  ungrateful,  for  it  is  thanks  to  Dr.  Frazer  that  these  examples are  familiar.  Nothing  is  said  about  the  origin  of  kingship  ;  in  fact,  the  whole  book is  written  with  a  sort  of  ironical  detachment  from  modern  theory,  and  the  last sentences  of  this  chapter  might  be  a  quotation  from  the  early  eighteenth  century.  Is this  meant  to  mark  the  end  of  Dr.  Frazer's  interest  in  Sacred  Kings  ? The  chapter  on  private  property  deals  with  those  forms  of  taboo  which  are reputed  to  bring  supernatural  punishment  in  the  shape  of  sickness  and  misfortune,  on thieves  and  trespassers — an  application  of  taboo  so  strongly  developed  in  Polynesia  that [  143  ] Nos.  83-84.]  MAN.  [1909. "  some  good  authorities  .  .  .  have  held  that  the  system  was  devised  for  no  other "  purpose."  (Psyche's  Task,  p.  17.)  In  this  way,  Dr.  Frazer  says,  "  Superstition  has "  strengthened  the  respect  for  private  property  and  has  thereby  contributed  to  the 44  security  of  its  enjoyment"  (p.  30). Dr.  Frazer's  theory  of  taboo  was  announced  in  1905  (Lectures  on  the  Early History  of  the  Kingship,  p.  52).  Judging  by  the  examples  which  he  has  chosen  to use  in  this  chapter,  is  taboo  still  negative  magic  ?  understanding  by  "  magic,"  as  in 1905,  "a  misapplication  of  the  association  of  ideas  by  similarity  and  contiguity."  None of  them  exactly  fit  the  formula  "  Do  not  do  this  lest  the  counterpart  of  this  should "  follow."  Of  the  taboos  quoted  which  are  indisputably  taboos — which  are  called tabu,  tambu,  tapiu  by  their  makers — those  of  one  series  (pp.  17-20,  23)  are  not <4  sympathetic "  in  form  at  all,  the  other  series  is  "  sympathetic "  indeed,  but  the correspondence  is  between  the  taboo-mark  and  the  penalty  invoked,  not  between  the penalty  and  the  offence  (pp.  22-25).  In  a  few  cases  of  fady  in  Madagascar  (p.  26)  a special  penalty  is  attached  to  the  offence,  "  to  steal  an  egg  caused  the  thief  to  become 44  leprous  "  and  so  on,  but  there  is  no  '*  sympathetic  "  connection.  It  would  have  been interesting  if  Dr.  Frazer  had  taken  this  opportunity  of  replying  to  Mr.  Marett's criticisms.  {Anthropological  Essays  presented  to  E.  B.  Tylor,  1907,  p.  219  ff.) The  third  chapter  illustrates  the  proposition  that  "  superstition  has  strengthened "  the  respect  for  marriage,"  and  for  sexual  morality  in  general.  The  Karens,  the Assamese,  the  Battas,  the  Dyaks,  and  other  peoples  punish  (or  expiate)  immorality, lest  the  crops  should  fail  or  the  land  be  visited  with  sickness  and  dangerous  beasts. 44  Where  these  superstitions  prevail  it  is  obvious  that  public  opinion  .  .  .  will  treat 44  such  offences  with  far  greater  severity  ;  and  conversely,  wherever  we  find 44  that  these  offences  are  treated  by  the  community  with  extreme  rigour,  we  may 44  reasonably  infer  that  the  original  motive  was  superstition  "  (p.  42).  The  explanation of  this  Dr.  Frazer  finds  44  in  the  analogy  which  many  savage  men  trace  between  the 44  reproduction  of  the  human  species  and  the  reproduction  of  animals  and  plants  " — an analogy  mistakenly  applied  in  their  attempts  to  assist  the  propagation  of  animals  and plants  on  the  principle  of  magical  sympathy  or  imitation  (pp.  44,  45).  Rules  of  sexual morality  are  thus  survivals  from  a  pre-religious  age  of  magic.  The  deeper  question how  certain  relations  came  to  be  regarded  as  irregular,  and  so  disturbing  to  the  course of  nature,  is  left  for  discussion  "  in  another  place." The  last  chapter  deals  with  the  service  rendered  by  superstition  in  strengthening the  respect  for  human  life,  by  "  the  wholesome  though  groundless  terror,"  inspired  by the  ghosts  of  murdered  men.  This  has  a  two-fold  effect :  it  deters  the  prospective murderer,  and  it  prompts  the  community  to  get  rid  of  him.  Here,  as  elsewhere, Dr.  Frazer  inclines  to  refer  all  ideas  of  blood-pollution  and  all  rites  of  purification  to 44  a  fear  of  the  dangerous  ghost "  ;  though  this  explanation  does  not  easily  fit  some of  the  best-known  Hebrew  and  Greek  examples.  Surely  there  is  a  pre-auimistic aspect  of  blood-pollution. But,  as  we  have  said,  Psyche's  Task  is  little  concerned  with  anthropological theory,  and  the  modest  propositions  which  alone  it  professes  to  uphold  are  abundantly proved.  BARBARA  FREIRE-MARRECO. ANTHROPOLOGICAL   NOTE. THE  death  is  announced  of  Mr.  W.  F.  Stanley,  the  well-known  educationalist and  founder  of  the  Stanley  Trade  Schools  ;  he  had  been  a  Fellow  of  the  Royal Anthropological  Institute  since  1886. Printed  by  EYKE  AND  SPOTTISWOODB,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.G. PLATE  K. MAN,  1909. FIG.  i. GRAVE    OF    AX    ELDER:     KAYA    JIJ3AXA. FlG.    2. GRAVE    OF    A    MAX    AXD    HIS    \VIFE  :     KAYA    JIBAXA. Photo:     Caff.  S.  S.  Kncx,  R.E. FIG.  3. GRAVE  OF  AX  ELDER  : KAYA  JIBAXA. FlG.    4. GRAVE    OF    AX    ELDER  :     KAYA    JIliAXA. GRAVES    OF    THE    WA-NYIKA. 1909.]  MAN.  [Nos.  85-86. ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. Africa,  East.  With  Plate  K.  Hollis. A  Note   on   the   Graves  of  the   Wa-Nyika.     By  A.  C.  Hollis.  fljj The  tribes  that  fringe  the  British  East  Africa  littoral  from  the  Tana  River  UU to  the  Anglo-German  frontier  are  collectively  known  as  the  Wa-Nyika,  or  desert  people.* They  are  nine  in  number,  viz.,  Giryama,  Kauma,  Chonyi,  Jibana,  Kambe,  Ribe,  Rabai, Dnrnma,  and  Digo.  All  these  peoples  have  a  more  or  less  common  origin,  having  been driven  south  by  the  Galla  about  the  fifteenth  century  from  behind  Shungwaya  (Port Durnford),  between  the  Tana  and  Juba  rivers  ;  they  speak  a  very  similar  Bantu  dialect, which  is  nearly  akin  to  Ngozi.  the  old  language  on  which  the  modern  Swahili  is  based  ; they  all  profess  a  belief  in  a  god  (Mulungu)  and  in  the  transmigration  of  souls  ;  and  they worship  the  spirits  of  deceased  ancestors  and  tribal  elders.  The  shades  of  the  deceased are  called  Koma.  The  koma  cannot  be  seen  ;  at  one  time  they  reside  in  the  graves,  at another  above  the  earth.  These  spirits  are  held  to  be  powerful  for  good  and  evil  ;  to  be responsible  for  good  and  bad  crops,  health  and  sickness,  prosperity  and  poverty  ;  and they  must  at  all  times  and  on  all  occasions  be  prayed  to  and  propitiated — as,  for  instance, when  a  person  falls  ill  or  is  about  to  undertake  a  journey,  at  a  wedding,  or  at  child-birth. Individuals  worship  the  koma  of  their  immediate  ancestors  or  elder  relatives,  and  the koma  of  the  whole  tribe  are  incited  on  public  occasions,  such  as  in  times  of  war,  during a  drought  or  famine,  on  the  outbreak  of  an  epidemic,  at  the  sowing  of  seed,  when  the harvest  is  reaped,  and  at  the  removal  of  a  town  or  building  of  a  village. The  chief  resting  place  of  the  koma  is  in  or  about  the  Kaya,  the  central  point  or metropolis  of  the  tribe,  where  a  hut  is  erected  for  their  habitation.  In  that  hut  all property  deposited  by  the  people  is  safe,  for  a  kirapo  or  talisman  is  suspended  in  it, which  prevents  the  approach  of  thieves.  The  koma  are  also  supposed  to  haunt  the trees  that  surround  most  of  the  Kayas.  For  this  reason  the  Kayas  are  usually  situated in  the  centre  of  small  forests,  which  in  old  days  formed  natural  fastnesses,  where  in times  of  Avar  the  whole  tribe  congregated.  The  felling  of  trees  in  or  near  the  Kayas is  forbidden,  and  the  people  living  in  the  Kayas  often  go  many  miles  to  fetch  their building  poles  and  firewood.  Important  men  and  women  of  the  tribe  are  buried  in  the Kayas  :  others  are  interred  outside  or  near  their  own  huts  or  villages.  In  order  that the  spot  where  the  interment  has  taken  place  may  be  remembered,  a  memorial  post  is erected  at  the  head  of  the  graves.  This  post  is  sometimes  grotesquely  carved  to resemble  the  deceased  or  it  is  shaped  in  a  fantastic  form  and  bedaubed  with  paint  ; at  other  times  it  is  plain.  The  Jibana  and  Chonyi  tribes  are  more  given  to  carve  the "  headstones  "  than  the  others.  A  piece  of  cloth  is  generally  hung  round  the  men's posts,  whilst  the  women's  are  occasionally  clothed  with  the  national  kilt  in  miniature. Sacrifices  are  made  at  the  graves  of  such  of  the  deceased  as  have  families.  Flour and  water  is  poured  into  a  coco-nut  shell  let  into  the  ground,  and  goats  and  fowls are  killed  so  that  the  blood  falls  on  the  grave.  A  portion  of  the  food  eaten  on  these occasions  is  left  on  the  ground  for  the  koma.  When  the  offering  is  made  the  dead are  called  by  name  and  invited  to  come  and  eat  and  drink.  When  beer  is  brewed, some  of  the  liquid  is  poured  on  the  graves  and  the  spirits  are  exhorted  to  partake thereof,  so  that  the  drink  may  not  excite  quarrels  among  their  descendants  or  relatives who  live  upon  the  earth.  A.  C.  HOLLIS. Australia.  Frazer. Beliefs  and  Customs  of  the  Australian  Aborigines.     By  Professor    OP J.  G.  Frazer.  00 In  May  of  last  year  (1908)  I  had  the  good  fortune  to  meet  the  Bishop  of  North Queensland  (Dr.  Frodsham)  at  Liverpool,  and  he  gave  me  in  conversation  some  valuable information  as  to  the   native  Australian    beliefs  and    customs   based  on    his    personal *  These  people  call  themselves  A-Nika. [     145    ] No.  86,]  MAN.  [1909. knowledge  of  the  aborigines.  He  told  me  that  he  had  travelled  among  the  Arunta as  well  as  among  various  North  Queensland  tribes,  and  he  asked  me  whether  I  was aware  that  the  Australian  aborigines  do  not  believe  children  to  be  the  fruit  of  the intercourse  of  the  sexes.  His  lordship  informed  me  that  this  incredulity  is  not  limited to  the  Arunta,  but  is  shared  by  all  the  North  Queensland  tribes  with  which  he  is acquainted,  and  he  added  that  it  forms  a  fact  which  has  to  be  reckoned  with  in  the introduction  of  a  higher  standard  of  sexual  morality  among  the  aborigines,  for  they  do not  naturally  accept  the  true  explanation  of  conception  and  childbirth  even  after  their admission  into  mission  stations.  The  Bishop  also  referred  to  a  form  of  communal  or group  marriage,  which  he  believes  to  be  practised  among  aboriginal  tribes  he  has visited  on  the  western  side  of  the  Gulf  of  Carpentaria  ;  but,  unfortunately,  I  had  not time  to  obtain  particulars  from  him  on  this  subject.  I  pointed  out  to  his  lordship the  high  scientific  importance  of  the  information  which  he  had  volunteered  to  me,  and I  requested  that  he  would  publish  it  in  his  own  name.  He  assented,  but  as  some time  has  passed  without  his  finding  leisure  to  draw  up  a  full  account,  he  has  kindly authorised  me  to  publish  this  brief  statement,  which  has  been  submitted  to  him  and approved  by  him  as  correct.  I  need  not  indicate  to  anthropologists  the  great  interest and  value  of  the  Bishop's  testimony  as  independently  confirming  and  extending  the observations  of  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen  on  the  tribes  of  Central  Australia.  In  the interest  of  science  it  is  much  to  be  desired  that  the  Bishop,  or  those  of  his  clergy who  know  the  natives,  would  publish  fuller  information  on  these  topics. In  authorising  me  to  publish  the  foregoing  statement  the  Bishop  of  North Queensland  (Dr.  Frodsham)  wrote  me  a  letter  (dated  Bishop's  Lodge,  Townsville, Queensland,  July  9th,  1909)  in  which  he  gives  some  interesting  additional  information and  makes  certain  valuable  observations,  the  fruit  of  his  personal  experience,  which deserve  to  be  laid  to  heart  by  anthropologists,  especially  by  such  as  have  no  first-hand knowledge  of  the  Australian  aborigines.  As  he  has  kindly  allowed  me  to  make  what use  I  please  of  his  letter,  I  shall  avail  myself  of  his  permission  to  quote  some passages  from  it.  He  writes  : — "  The  result  of  thirteen  years'  observation  has  led  me  to  conclude  that  while anthropologists  may  be  right  in  placing  the  social  organisation  of  the  blacks  at  one  end of  the  ladder  of  development  and  Western  democracy  at  the  other,  they  are  absurdly wrong  in  thinking  that  they  can  carry  the  analogy  into  respective  intelligence  or even  physical  development.  Speaking  from  observation  I  can  say  deliberately  that •  the  Australian  blacks,  when  they  are  rationally  treated,  are  capable  of  intellectual development — in  one  case  also  to  my  personal  knowledge — of  no  mean  order. "  As  example  of  my  use  of  the  word  rational,  let  me  instance  the  fact  that  the aborigines  find  it  very  difficult  to  understand  any  modern  conception  of  individuality. The  tribe  is  the  norm  of  their  social  life,  and  they  regard  social  offences  in  much the  same  way  that  the  Israelites  did  when  the  law  of  the  Goel  was  in  force.  You  can readily  see  how  the  existence  of  such  a  misconception  affects  all  the  relationships between  the  blacks  and  whites  in  North  Queensland.  At  Yarrubah  we  have  frankly accepted  the  communistic  principle,  and  the  blacks  find  it  not  only  possible  but comparatively  easy  to  pass  to  our  modern  conception  of  individual  responsibility. "  With  further  reference  to  the  subject  of  my  conversation  with  you  at  Liverpool last  year,  we  often  have  girls,  who  are  sent  to  the  mission,  enceinte,  and  we  never  dwell upon  any  wrongfulness  of  their  condition.  We  have  no  trouble  afterward,  neither  have we  found,  at  any  rate  for  many  years,  that  the  girls  persist  in  the  belief,  practically universal  among  the  northern  tribes,  that  copulation  is  not  the  cause  of  conception. "  I  was  speaking  this  week  to  the  Kev.  C.  W.  Morrison  (M.A.  of  Emmanuel College,  Cambridge),  who  is  acting  head  of  the  Yarrubah  Mission.  He  told  me  that among  the  tribes  around  the  Cairns  district  in  North  Queensland  the  acceptance  of [    U6    ] 1909,] MAN. [Nos.  86-87. food  from  a  man  by  a  woman  was  not  merely  regarded  as  a  marriage  ceremony,  but as  the  actual  cause  of  conception.  Mr.  Morrison  also  added  that  monogamy  was  the custom  in  these  tribes  except  in  the  case  of  sisters.  This  latter  fact  is  borne  out  by my  own  observation.  One  aboriginal,  whom  I  know  well,  married  four  sisters  and stayed  at  that,  but  whether  from  principle  or  prudence  I  am  unable  to  say." J.  G.  FRAZER. England  :  Archaeology.  King :  Polkinghorne. Excavation   of  a  Barrow   on   Chapel  Carn   Brea,  Cornwall.     /;//     Q7 H.  King  and  the  late  B.   C.  Pol 'ki ng home,  B.Sc.,  F.C.S.  Of The  former  of  us  had  previously  noted  a  rather  curiously  shaped  mound,  and  on August    19th,    1907,   we    examined    it together. A  short  distance  from  the  tumulus shown  on  the  six-inch  Ordnance  map, south  of  the  ruined  chapel,  projects  a natural  earn,  and  carrying  on  the  ridge made  by  this  earn  and  abutting  on  the north  end  of  it  is  the  mound  in  ques- tion, obscured  by  growth  and  suggest- ing a  portion  of  a  drystone  hedge. This,  however,  we  decided  it  could  not be  in  such  a  position.  On  probing  it we  found  that  it  was  composed  of  small weathered  blocks,  such  as  could  be gathered  on  the  surface  of  the  hill. The  approximate  dimensions  are  : — Length,  18  feet ;  breadth,  7  feet ;  and height,  3^  feet. We  opened  on  the  east  side  at  the middle,  and  after  removing  a  consider- able quantity  of  weather-rounded  blocks came  upon  the  eastern  wall  of  a  kist built  of  flat-faced  stones,  irregular  in size,  supporting  a  single  slab.  Without  disturbing  this  capstone  we  caused  the  eastern wall  to  be  removed,  disclosing  a  mass  of  compact  fine  loam.  When  a  considerable amount  of  this  was  withdrawn  a  large  urn  was  disclosed  standing  at  the  south  end of  the  kist.  The  loam  was  carefully  cut  away  around  and  behind,  and  the  vessel lifted  out  without  other  injury  than  a  small  hole  made  by  the  pick.  The  interior of  the  kist  was  about  2  feet  6  inches  square,  and  the  height  2  feet  3  inches. The  fine  earth  removed  from  the  kist  contained  a  few  bones  which  had  obviously fallen  over  the  edge  when  the  remains  were  placed  in  the  urn,  and  three  small  flint flakes.  The  bottom  of  the  urn  had  a  large  hole  which  had  been  plugged  by  a  stone, and  the  lower  third  contained  partly  calcined  human  bones  held  together  by  loam.  The rest  of  the  urn  was  full  to  the  mouth  with  earth  and  granules  of  quartz  and  felspar. One  handle  was  broken. The  teeth  (four  in  number)  were  stained  and  small.  All  the  bones  suggested  a small  individual. The  dimensions  of  the  urn  are  : — Height,  20  inches  ;  diameter,  mouth  (exterior) 13  inches  ;  diameter,  base,  7^  inches  ;  maximum  diameter,  15^  inches  ;  projection  of handle,  1^  inches  ;  opening  of  handle  (vertical)  3  inches  ;  general  thickness,  \  inch. Neither  the  broken-ofF  handle  nor  the  piece  of  the  bottom  were  in  the  kist.  The ornamentation  is  very  distinct  and  interesting.  It  is  in  three  tiers  and  appears  to  have [     U7     ] Nos.  87-88,]  MAN.  [1909. been   formed  by   impress  of    twisted  reeds  ;    the  upper  tier  is  of    nineteen  concentric triangles  ;  the  middle  one  of  scooped-out  holes,  and  the  lower  of  a  lozenge-pattern. The  barrow  may  at  one  time  have  been  surrounded  by  standing  stones  ;  one  such  is in  position  at  the  free  end  (north)  of  the  mound.  Beyond  this  was  a  small  mound  of circular  plan  which  by  the  depression  on  the  summit  had  apparently  been  opened.  We had  this  re-opened  and  found  no  signs  of  a  kist  or  bones. We  do  not  suppose  that  the  urn  is  of  Neolithic  Age,  although  the  flint  flakes  were, we  think,  purposely  placed  in  the  kist,  probably  from  tradition.  We  have  not  found  a single  flake  beyond  these  on  the  hill,  but  on  the  surrounding  moors  and  fields  flakes and  small  scrapers  are  fairly  abundant.  H.  KING. B.  C.  POLKINGHORNE. Additional  Note. On  September  27th,  1907,  Mr.  H.  King  re-opened  this  barrow  on  the  western side  and  found  another  urn  considerably  broken  and  entangled  in  the  roots  of  a  furze bush  just  below  the  surface  of  the  mound,  resting  against  the  north  end  of  the capstone  and  outside  the  kist.  The  dimensions  would  be  probably  somewhat  less than  those  of  the  first  one  described.  One  handle  and  part  of  the  base  are  entirely missing  (cf.  above). The  ornament  consists  of  a  band  round  the  mouth  3^  inches  in  depth  of  repeated acute  angles  bordered  by  four  horizontal  circles  above  and  three  below,  the  whole being  the  impress  of  twisted  thongs.  The  fragments  contain  three  holes  bored  after firing,  two  of  these  make  a  pair  on  the  same  level  of  the  ornament  and  are  obviously "  repair  "  holes.  A  few  portions  of  bone  were  embedded  in  the  mass  of  roots  and earth.  B.  C.  P. Archaeology  :  Eoliths.  Lewis  Abbott. The  Eolithic  Problem.      By  W.  J.  Lewis  Abbott,  F.G.S. The  recent  attacks  of  Mr.  W.  G-.  Smith  upon  the  eoliths,  although  differing from  those  of  other  critics,  are  fortunately  susceptible  of  either- absolute  proof  or  disproof although  the  attacking  of  anything  coming  from  one  to  whom  we  must  all  feel  deeply indebted  for  so  much  magnificent  work  is  by  no  means  pleasant.  His  last  article  is unfortunately  as  painful  reading  as  its  predecessors.  Everyone  knows  that  the  question of  man-worked  flints  occurring  at  Dewlish  does  not  rest  upon  the  things  he  here  attacks. What  is  the  use  of  quoting  the  negative  evidence  of  a  paper  written  before  a  thing was  discovered  ?  And  the  attempting  to  alter  the  geological  horizon  of  E.  meridionalis simply  because  a  paheolith  was  found  on  the  surface  at  a  different  part  of  the  town, or  to  deny  the  bona  fides  of  the  Java  Mauer,  and  other  finds,  is  neither  geology  nor anthropology,  but  unfortunately  on  a  par  with  the  manner  of  attack  upon  flint  working. If  we  go  back  to  Mr.  Smith's  former  papers,  his  statements  can,  I  think,  be  reduced to  the  following  : — (a)  That  naturally-shaped  flints  exist  of  such  a  form  that  they  sometimes  possess a  thinned-out  bay,  and  that  during  the  vicissitudes  of  gravel  making,  or  gravel  life,  the weaker  edges  get  abraided  away,  resulting  in  forms  so  closely  resembling  some  eoliths as  to  prove  the  natural  origin,  not  only  of  those  which  they  resemble  but  others  from which  they  are  in  every  way  dissimilar  ! (6)  That  when  a  pebble  is  in  a  certain  position  and  "  moved  about  slightly  "  in the  direction  shown  by  the  arrows,  such  a  hollow-scraper  is  produced. (c)  That  in  this  process  minute  chips  are  detached  and  (in  the  specimens  under consideration)  have  been  arrested  by  the  oxide  of  iron,  and  now  form  a  "  pan  "  near  the place  from  which  they  were  removed. (rf)  That,  having  found  a  small  flake  which  was  obviously  removed  from  a  flint while  the  latter  was  in  the  gravel,  he  maintains  that  Nature  having  removed  one  flake can  displace  the  others  in  similar  manner  and  thus  produce  the  so-called  eoliths. [     148     ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No,  88. Now,  as  regards  (a),  no  one  who  has  had  any  experience  of  beach  action  ever questioned  for  a  moment  that  the  bombarding  which  is  incessantly  going  on  among the  stones  must  sometimes  strike  in  a  fortuitous  place,  and  eventually,  after  producing perhaps  hundreds  of  what  a  gunner  would  call  "  misses,"  but  what  we  call  incipient cones  of  percussion,  produces  a  form  similar  to  that  we  call  a  hollow  scraper.  There is  nothing  in  all  this  to  invalidate  the  artificial  nature  of  eoliths.  Upon  the  evolutionary hypotheses  the  anthropoidea  were  not  born  original  discoverers  and  inventors  :  they must  naturally  have  been  furnished  with  their  prototypes  of  implements  by  mother Nature.  But  what  we  are  most  concerned  in  just  now  is,  firstly,  are  there  any absolute  criteria  by  which  we  can  really  distinguish  any  or  all  of  the  multitudinous operations  of  Nature  from  those  of  man  ;  and  secondly,  does  Nature  work  in  the  way suggested  by  Mr.  Smith  ?  because  if  we  cau  show  it  does  not,  his  attacks  upon  the eoliths  are  assuredly  Balaam's  curses. From  hundreds  of  similar  flints  I  have,  I  pick  one  from  the  St.  Leonard's  beach, and  I  have  no  doubt  it  was  such  a  nature-formed  specimen  that  man's  progenitors  first used,  and  so  deeply  did  the  love  of  this  form  sink  down  into  his  nature  that,  throughout the  whole  of  the  succeeding  stone  ages,  he  still  clung  to  it.  Not  only  is  it  a  bulbed flake  but  the  concavity  or  bay  is  a  cup-flaked  face,  criteria  which  I  think  Mr.  Smith and  other  authorities  still  regard  as  proving  man's  work.  My  object  in  pointing  this out  is  to  show  that  I  do  not  underestimate  the  work  of  Nature  ;  on  the  contrary,  having studied  beach  action  every  morning  for  the  last  ten  years  and  the  other  natural  forces for  nearly  four  tens,  I  am  prepared  to  give  Nature  credit  for  more  things  than  most people,  and,  further,  to  show  how  she  does  them.  Space  precludes  me  entering  fully upon  the  features  which  distinguish  the  works  of  Nature  from  the  free-struck  work of  man.  I  may,  perhaps,  be  permitted  to  refer  to  the  following,  which  will  be sufficient  for  our  present  purpose  : — (a)  Upon  this  specimen  can  be  seen  those  characteristic  little  incipient  cones  of percussion  which  do  not  appear  in  flints  that  have  not  been  subject  to  cannonading. (6)  As  the  blotvs  are  administered  in  various  directions  and  with  varying  force the  axes  of  the  flakes  are  at  all  possible  angles,  and  the  flakes  of  ever-varying  sizes, (c)  Around   and  upon  the  actual  edge  of    the  "  scraper,"  instead  of    the  regular- formed  correctly-directed  pits  and  valleys  of  percussion  we  find  a  contused  edge. (rf)  We  might  further  point  out  that  if  we  examine  the  flaking  face  of  such a  specimen  we  often  see  round  the  hollow  a  number  of  incipient  flakes — flakes not  quite  removed,  but  which  a  little  push  or  necessary  change  of  temperature  will dislodge. Now  as  I  was  particularly  desirous  not  to  be  found  tilting  at  a  windmill  I  sent off"  to  Dr.  Blackmore  and  asked  him  if  he  would  be  so  kind  as  10  allow  me  to  examine the  specimens  he  had  sent  to  Mr.  Smith  ;  and  I  have  to  thank  him  for  not  only  doing this,  but  for  sending  two  others.  So  exactly  alike  are  these  that  I  am  tempted  to call  them  the  Blackmore  triplets — two  are  dextral,  one  sinistral.  I  have  examined these  very  carefully,  and  I  am  prepared  to  say  that  they  do  not  bear  a  single  one  of the  characters  of  naturally-shaped  flints  enumerated,  nor  others  I  have  not  here  gone into.  It  is  true  they  owe  their  original  outline  to  thermal  fissure,  but  this  had  nothing to  do  with  the  formation  of  the  hollow  scraper  !  Now  as  these  do  not  possess  one of  the  characteristics  of  natural  productions,  I  submit,  even  at  this  opening  of  the subject,  that  Mr.  Smith's  argument  against  the  eoliths  falls  to  the  ground.  But  let  us turn  to  the  positive  features,  a*  negatives  very  rarely  convince.  The  first  thing  that strikes  us  is  the  brilliant  uniform  orange  red  of  the  whole  surface  of  the  specimens  ; we  feel  ourselves  transported  to  the  highly  oxidised  iron  beds  of  the  Red  Crag,  and we  immediately  realise  the  fact  that  since  these  flints  entered  the  colour-giving  matrix not  a  single  flake  has  been  removed  !  Most  of  the  high  edges  show  signs  of  wear, but  nowhere  of  rock  pinching  or  pressure,  which  under  certain  conditions,  if  present, [     149     ] No.  88,]  MAN.  [1909. might  have  produced  flaking.  This,  of  course,  rules  out  Mr.  Smith's  argument  of  the small  flaking  having  been  done  at  some  subsequent  period  ! Two  other  things  strike  us  at  the  same  moment  as  the  colour  ;  firstly,  the  delicacy and  evenness  of  flaking  and  the  absolute  constancy  of  the  angle.  There  is  no  measur- able difference  in  the  three  hollows,  which  are  31  mm.  long,  and  as  there  are  some twelve  secondary  flakes  removed  in  each,  and  the  largest  is  not  more  than  4  mm., it  follows  that  the  secondary  working  more  closely  approaches  the  fine  work  of neolithic  times  than  we  should  expect ;  indeed,  I  looked  through  ten  boxes  of neolithic  scrapers  in  my  collection  before  I  found  an  example  of  better  work. Secondly,  the  axes  of  the  flakes  or  valleys  all  turn  coincidently  with  the  curve,  thus showing  that  the  direction  of  the  blow  changed  with  every  flake  removed,  and  that as  this  bears  a  constant  relation  to  the  desired  curve,  assuredly  it  follows  they  were struck  by  an  intelligent  being  who  knew,  firstly,  what  he  wanted,  and  secondly,  how to  get  it,  and  above  all  that  they  were  not  the  chance  work  of  blind  Nature,  be  her possibilities  never  so  potent.  After  many  years'  practice  and  careful  observation  I am  quite  confident  that  these  were  the  work  of  a  fairly  skilful  flaker  who  could (a)  obtain  and  maintain  the  striking  angle,  and  (6)  the  intensity  of  the  blow,  and (c)  a  complete  mastery  of  the  changing  of  the  former  while  maintaining  the  latter, or  (e?)  changing  the  latter  with  the  varying  thickness  of  the  stone  with  which  he  had to  deal.  As  I  run  my  eye  up  the  hollow  of  one  of  these  triplets  and  look  down  upon its  edge  and  see  such  a  constancy  of  angle  that  there  is  scarcely  a  mm.  difference in  the  length  of  the  whole  flakes  forming  the  entire  row  without  one  single  blow resolving,  I  am  tempted  to  admire  the  skill  acquired  by  the  one  who  worked  it.  On several  occasions  my  old  friend  has  written  down  the  idea  of  practising  flint  working. This  I  am  certain  is  a  mistake.  I  have  always  done  the  reverse  ;  the  result  is  I  can to-day  reproduce  most  of  the  work  of  the  past,  even  to  the  fine  almost  rectangular rectilinear  work  of  the  Hastings  kitchen  midden  men,  and  I  know  the  conditions necessary  for  the  production  of  the  various  kinds  of  results  desired.  I  unhesitatingly maintain  that  we  ought  to  accept  as  an  axiom  that  no  one  can  speak  with  authority upon  a  practical  subject  in  which  he  has  had  no  actual  experience.  I  respectfully submit  that  not  realising  this  has  led  the  hero  of  the  paleolithic  floors  to  go  so terribly  wrong  in  the  next  part  of  the  subject,  viz.,  how  "  Nature "  removes  flakes. One  of  the  most  elementary  but  never-varying  laws  is  that  there  must  be  a constant  relation  between  the  striking  plane,  the  striking  face,  and  the  flaking  face. Flakes  are  not  chopped  off  as  a  bricklayer  chops  chips  off  a  brick  in  the  same  plane as  the  motion  of  his  trowel  (striking  plane).  The  billiard  table  is  as  much  to  the student  of  flint-working  as  it  is  to  the  physicist  in  the  study  of  light  or  applied mechanics.  If  a  ball  were  in  the  centre  of  the  billiard  table  and  one  wanted  to  bring it  over  to  a  centre  side  pocket,  would  he  drive  his  ball  on  full  ?  Certainly  not.  Yet this  is  what  Mr. 'Smith  tries  to  do.  He  says  the  force  was  applied  in  the  direction  of ihe  arrows.  May  I  beg  my  old  friend  to  try  the  experiment  ?  If  this  hollow  were struck  at  a  normal  to  its  surface  (as  at  least  one  of  the  blows  would  be  in  traversing  a semi-circle)  hard  enough,  he  might  reduce  the  whole  flint  to  powder,  or,  as  we  used  to say  in  old  student  days  in  connection  with  shooting  the  candle  through  the  blackboard, if  the  cohesion  of  the  molecules  were  less  than  the  velocity  of  the  striker  the  latter might  pass  through  the  flint.  I  have  seen  this  done  with  a  piece  of  very  thick  plate glass,  while  the  common  case  where  the  velocity  is  insufficient  to  do  this  where  the cone  is  cut  out  with  only  a  tiny  apex  is  too  well  know*n  to  need  mentioning.  Now,  if we  look  at  the  relation  of  the  two  striking  surfaces  with  the  two  arrows  in  his  Fig.  1, we  see  there  is  there  practically  a  difference  of  90  degrees,  and,  needless  to  remark, two  blows  acting  at  right  angles  to  each  other  could  not  possibly  produce  the  same result  in  relation  to  the  plane  of  the  curve  !  Fig.  2  introduces  an  even  worse  state  of things,  and  carries  the  blow  down  till  it  only  just  skids  upon  the  surface.  It  is  therefore C  150  ] 1909,]  MAN.  [No.  88. evident  that  it  was  a  physical  impossibility  for  flakes  to  have  been  removed  with  power thus  applied. We  now  come  to  the  action  of  the  pebble  (Fig.  SA).  Here  it  is  a  little  difficult, because  we  are  only  told  that  the  pebble  "  moved  about  slightly  "  to  hollow  out  the scraper.  But  I  do  not  know,  perhaps,  that  that  matters  much,  as  it  is  a  mechanical fact  that,  move  the  pebble  about  how  we  would,  we  could  not  make  it  take  a  flake  off in  the  flaking  plane  (the  flaked  side  of  the  hollow),  no  matter  what  pressure  was exerted.  If,  however,  it  did  remove  a  splinter,  unfortunately  it  would  be  from  the  left side  !  as  anyone  can  prove  for  themselves  by  trying  the  experiment,  following  the angles  and  directions  here  given.  It  is  therefore  absolutely  certain  that  the  specimen could  not  possibly  have  been  flaked  in  the  manner  suggested. Anyone  ought  to  know,  and  Mr.  Smith  knows  it,  only  somehow  he  did  not  call  it to  mind,  that  a  striking  face  and  a  flaking  face  can  never  be  coincident.  As  a  matter of  fact,  the  force  would  have  to  come  from  the  other  side  and  act  in  an  almost  opposite direction. There  is  another  point  with  which  I  must  deal,  and  that  is  that  the  fragments of  the  flint  removed  in  the  process  of  making  the  hollow  scraper  now  rest  in  the "  pan."  It  may  seem  unnecessary  to  reply  to  this,  but,  coming  as  it  does  from  an arch-restorer  of  conjoined  flints,  I  feel  I  must.  I,  too,  have  had  some  experience  in fitting  together  detached  fragments  ;  during  the  working  of  the  Ightham  fissures  I certainly  restored  over  5,000  small  bones,  jaws,  teeth,  &c.,  of  the  small  animals.  Then again,  I  have  been  trained  all  my  life  to  ocularly  weighing  gems  ;  a  process  justly regarded  as  the  most  delicate  in  the  commercial  world  ;  the  weights  of  rose  diamonds being  gauged  by  the  eye  to  a  hundred  thousandth  of  an  ounce,  which  ought  to  qualify one  for  the  recognition  of  dislodged  flakes.  But  let  us  examine  the  composition  of this  "  pan "  and  thus  settle  the  question.  Upon  examination  we  find  this  to  be composed  of  hundreds  of  small  pieces  of  silica  of  various  sorts,  95  per  cent,  are coarse  quartz  grains  mostly  waterworn,  and  some  fractured,  some  larger  pieces  of altered  chert  and  highly  altered  flint  and  a  few  small  fragments  of  flint,  but  not  one of  the  size  that  would  have  been  produced  in  the  working  out  of  this  hollow,  and only  one  of  them  that  I  could  see,  under  microscopic  examination,  that  presented  the features  of  flaked  faces  ;  almost  all  of  them  presented  the  characteristic  features  of thermal  fissure  ;  while  the  facets  of  the  hollow  show  free  flaking  :  and  instead  of the  small  flakes  being  in  the  same  state,  and  of  the  same  colour  as  the  flint,  as  a  matter of  fact  not  one  of  them  is  ! One  more  point  shall  be  the  last.  Mr.  Smith  finds  a  small  flake,  which  has  been removed  since  the  flint  has  been  in  the  gravel,  and  therefore  concludes  that  "  if  one small  flake  can  be  detached  by  natural  pressure  all  the  other  flakes  were."  Innumerable parallels  in  this  extraordinary  logic  rush  into  my  mind  :  one  alone  shall  suffice.  Some time  ago  Mr.  Lasham  sent  me  a  lot  of  palaeoliths  from  Farnham  ;  so  roughly  were  these treated  in  transit  that  several  flakes  were  removed.  Now  if  a  railway  journey  could remove  several  flakes,  why  could  it  not  remove  all  the  others  and  produce  the palaeolith  ?  Everyone  knows  that  implements  as  well  as  flints  are  subject  to  various kinds  of  thermal  fissure  as  they  lie  in  the  gravel,  and  even  to  "  spontaneous brecciation."  Sir  John  Evans  many  years  ago  found  a  fine  implement  at  St.  Acheul which  had  split  up  into  a  great  number  of  pieces  by  thermal  fissure.  Many  of  us have  found  the  same  sort  of  thing ;  we  also  know  that  "  in-creep "  stones  have been  known  to  flake  each  other,  as  instanced  by  Mr.  F.  Gr.  Spurrell  ;  but  one  or  two flakes  do  not  make  an  implement.  Then  again,  take  a  hundred  hollow  scrapers  of one's  own  make  and  examine  them,  most  of  them  will  show  incipient  flakes,  which sufficient  contusion,  or  shake,  or  change  of  temperature,  will  dislodge.  These  incipient flakes  abound  on  beach  specimens  and  neoliths,  and  even  on  palaeoliths,  and  the  flake Mr.  Smith  found  dislodged  in  gravel  might  just  as  well  have  been  an  incipient Nos.  88-89.] MAN. [1909. flake  originating  with   man,    and   his   gravel  was  just  as  potent  an  implement  maker as  the  railway  journey  and  no  more. We  may  grant  the  possibilities  of  Nature  to  hollow  out  an  embayed  flint,  or  to flake  a  rounded  end,  so  as  to  have  taught  earlier  man  their  use.  We  admit  she  can split  up  rounded  pebbles,  and  from  these  make  "hollow  scrapers,"  very  much  more difficult  of  construction  than  those  referred  to  by  Mr.  Smith,  but  she  cannot  produce the  counterfeits  of  the  combination  tools,  with  the  different  kinds  of  work  to  suit the  different  kind  of  edges  ;  she  cannot  alter  the  striking-plane  upon  the  alteration  of the  flaking-face,  to  retain  a  constant  flaking-plane  ;  she  cannot  gradually  change  her striking-plane  from  north  to  south  to  make  the  pits  of  percussion  turn  coincidently with  the  hollow  ;  she  cannot  maintain  the  constancy  of  the  striking-angle  so  as  to keep  all  pits  (or  flakes  removed)  of  uniform  length,  especially  if  she  has  to  perform  the last-named  feats  coincidently  ;  and  there  are  numerous  other  achievements  we  see  on some  other  disputed  objects  which  lie  altogether  outside  the  possibilities  of  Nature. The  products  of  Nature  are  imitative  in  their  outline,  from  the  profundity  of natural  forces  and  resources  ;  but  it  is  the  very  variety  of  her  operations  which does  not  enable  her  work  to  stand  the  tests  of  physical  constancy.  So  long  as  it  is mere  outline,  not  too  closely  examined,  she  is  safe.  It  is  only  when  we  study  and learn  the  laws  which  underlie  all  flint-working  operations  of  man,  and  the  profound capabilities  and  incapabilities  of  Nature  in  regard  to  the  shaping  of  hard  stones,  that we  can  call  a  verdict  for  Nature  or  the  anthropoidea  in  regard  to  the  eoliths.  At any  rate  if  they  are  ruled  out  it  must  be  by  an  appeal  to  the  laws  of  Nature,  and not  by  an  array  of  unsupportable  assertions  in  direct  opposition  to  them. W.  J.  LEWIS  ABBOTT. Africa,  Central :  Archaeology.  Seton-Karr. Obsidian  Implements  in  Central  Africa.     />'//   //.    W.  Seton-Karr. I  have  lately  returned  from  a  journey  on  the  Mombassa-Uganda  Railway. I  found  scrapers  and  rough  cutting  implements  along  the  course  of  the  Gilgil  River, washed  out  of  the  river  deposits,  the  material  being obsidian  or  volcanic  glass  from  the   numerous   non- active  volcanoes  in  the  district.     During  a  temporary delay  of   a   train   in   one   of    the cuttings,   at  mile  305/400,  I  took from  the  gisement  from  the  side  of the  cutting  in  situ  three  obsidian FIG.  1.  FIR.  2.  FIG.  3. implements  from  7  feet  to  10  feet  below  the  present  surface.  I  forwarded  them  to Professor  Gregory  (without  knowing  that  he  was  in  Australia)  as  he  first  found similar  ones,  excepting  circular  scrapers,  which  he  describes  in  his  book  on  The Great  Rift  Valley.  I  found  three  types  :  (1)  scrapers,  (2)  cutting  flakes,  and (3)  lance-heads.  H.  W.  SETON-KARR, [    152    ] 1909.] MAN. [Nos.  90-S1. Physical  Anthropology  :  Method.  Gray. A  Portable  Stature   Meter.     By  J.  Gray.  flf| Travellers  who  propose  to  make  measurements  of  the  races  they  come  in  UU contact  with  have  often  felt  the  want  of  a  stature  meter  which  would  be  at  once light,  compact,  and  easily  made  ready  for  use.  A  rod  graduated  throughout  its length  and  fitted  together  with  two  or three  fishing-rod  joints  does  not  comply very  well  with  the  ahove  conditions.  It occurred  to  me  that  the  lazy-tongs  linkage might  be  adapted  for  this  purpose,  and  the illustration  shows  a  stature  meter  which  I have  designed  on  this  principle,  and  which has  been  made  by  Home  and  Rowland, Troughton  Road,  Charlton,  Kent.  The instrument  weighs  about  1  lb.,  when  made of  magnalium,  and  when  folded  up  may be  carried  in  an  overcoat  pocket.  The readings  are  taken  by  means  of  a  steel tape  graduated  to  mm.,  which  is  con- nected to  the  bottom  transverse  bar.  passes up  through  the  middle  of  the  linkage,  over a  pulley  on  the  top  bar,  then  down  to  the reading  point,  which  is  fixed  at  a  conve- nient height  for  the  eye  of  the  observer. The  length  of  the  tape  between  the top  guide  pulley  and  the  reading  point must  evidently  remain  constant  when  the linkage  expands  and  contracts.  To  ensure this,  the  tape  passes  from  the  top  pulley along  the  adjacent  link,  round  a  second guide  pulley  at  its  lower  end,  and  similarly in  a  zig-zag  manner  along  other  links  till the  reading  point  is  reached.  Finally  the tape  is  wound  on  to  a  spring  drum. The  instrument  may  be  used  for measuring  other  heights  than  stature  ;  for example,  the  height  of  the  acromion,  of the  trochanter,  or  of  the  tip  of  the  finger. It  is  preferably  fitted  with  a  level,  to  en- sure the  vertical  position. J.  GRAY. __  REVIEWS. America  :  Mexico.  Starr. In  Indian  Mexico  :  A  Narrative  of  Travel  and  Labor.     By  Frederick  Starr.     Q4 Chicago,  1908.     Pp.  xi  +  425.     24  x  16  cm.  Ul Professor  Starr  begins  hia  preface  by  the  following  remark  :  "  Why  another "  travel  book  on  Mexico  ?  Few  countries  have  been  so  frequently  written  up  by  the "  traveller.  Many  books,  good,  bad,  and  indifferent,  but  chiefly  bad,  have  been  per- "  petrated."  Professor  Starr  has  no  need  to  plead  as  an  excuse  for  publication  that "  Indian  Mexico  is  practically  unknown,"  for  the  book  is  sufficiently  interesting  even  to those  who  are  not  especially  concerned  with  the  study  of  native  races.  Indeed,  Mexico [     153     ] No.  91.]  MAN.  [1909. has  been  fortunate  during  the  last  year  in  the  publication  of  two  volumes — the  book under  notice  by  an  expert  anthropologist,  and  a  volume  on  Southern  Mexico  by Mr.  Hans  Gadow,  a  distinguished  naturalist. The  work  planned  by  Professor  Starr  was  threefold  : — (1)  The  measurement  of  100  men  and  twenty-five  women  in  each   population, fourteen  measurements  being  taken  on  each  subject. (2)  The  making  of  pictures,  portraits,  dress,  occupations,  customs,   buildings, and  landscapes. (3)  The  making  of  plaster  busts  of  five  individuals  of  each  tribe. To  do  such  work,  of  course,  involved  difficulty,  as  the  Indians  of  Mexico  are ignorant,  timid,  and  suspicious. The  book  shows  us  how,  by  persistence  and  a  very  free  use  of  the  recommenda- tions to  the  local  authorities,  given  to  the  author  by  the  Mexican  Government,  these difficulties  were  overcome. The  book  does  not  contain  a  continuous  narrative  of  travel,  but  is  arranged  in groups  of  chapters  dealing  with  different  parts  of  the  country  and  covering  journeys during  the  years  1895  to  1901,  and  as  no  map  is  given  it  will  be  difficult  for  anyone  not acquainted  with  the  localities  to  follow  the  author's  routes. The  first  chapters  describe  a  journey  made  on  horseback  in  1896  from  Oaxaca  to the  frontier  of  Guatemala  through  the  mountainous  country  of  the  Mixes,  a  country that  is  very  seldom  visited  by  travellers,  which  the  author  describes  as  very  beautiful, but  where  he  was  not  well  received  by  the  natives.  At  Ayutla  he  found  most  of  the villagers  were  drunk,  by  no  means  an  uncommon  occurrence  in  many  of  the  Indian villages,  and  he  seems  to  have  been  glad  to  get  away  from  the  Mixes,  although  it necessitated  leaving  a  beautiful  mountain  region  for  the  hot  and  arid  country  in  the neighbourhood  of  Tehuantepec.  However,  three  years  later  he  re-visited  the  Mixes, and,  after  overcoming  many  difficulties,  obtained  all  the  measurements  he  needed. From  Tehuantepec,  where  he  was  duly  impressed,  as  are  all  travellers,  with  the beauty  of  the  Tehuantepec  women,  the  author  journeyed  on  through  the  State  of Chiapas  to  the  frontier  of  Guatemala.  At  Taxtla  Gutierrez  he  notes  the  brightly painted  and  highly  polished  gourds  and  calabashes,  which  are  manufactured  in  the town  and  sent  to  all  parts  of  the  Republic,  and  tells  us  that  the  "aje,"  which  gives .  them  their  brilliant  lustre,  "  is  made  chiefly  at  San  Bartolome,  and  is  secured  from  an "  insect,  a  sort  of  plant-louse  which  lives  upon  the  blackthorn  and  related  trees.  The "  insect  is  found  only  in  the  wet  season,  is  small,  though  growing  rapidly,  and  is  of .  "  a  fiery-red  colour,  though  it  coats  itself  over  with  a  white  secretion.  It  lives  in "  swarms,  which  form  conspicuous  masses.  These  are  gathered  in  vessels,  washed  to ;  "  remove  the  white  secretion,  boiled,  crushed,  and  strained  through  a  cloth  ;  an  oily "  matter,  mixed  with  blood  (?)  and  water,  passes  out,  which  is  boiled  to  drive  off  the "  water  and  to  concentrate  the  oily  mass.  This  is  then  washed  in  trays,  to  rid  it  of  the "  blood,  and  made  up  into  balls,  which  are  sold  at  ten  or  twelve  centavos  (five  or  six "  cents)  a  pound.  It  is  a  putty-like  substance  with  a  handsome  yellow  colour.  We "  have  already  stated  that  it  is  ground  up  with  dry  paints  to  be  rubbed  on  the  object .  "  which  is  to  be  adorned,  and  that  the  brilliant  lustre  is  developed  by  gentle  and "  rapid  friction." "  Pintos,"  people  afflicted  with  a  disease,  common  in  many  parts  of  Mexico, which  discolours  and  spots  the  skin,  appear  to  be  very  numerous  in  Chiapas,  and  a photograph  given  of  a  Mestiza  woman  shows  the  unpleasant  effects  of  the  disease. Professor  Starr  began  his  measurements  with  the  Otomi,  a  name  in  ancient  times synonymous  with  stupidity,  as  he  felt  that  if  he  could  succeed  with  this  conservative and  reserved  people  he  might  surely  look  for  success  among  the  other  tribes.  The Otomi  women,  who  were  measured  first,  may  be  considered  true  pygmies,  as  the L     154     ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  91. average  stature  of  twenty-eight  subjects  was  1,437  millimetres.  "The  men  apparently "  of  pure  blood  presented  two  quite  different  types.  There  are  many  men  who  are "  as  little  as  the  women  ;  these  present  almost  the  type  already  given  as  that  of  the "  women,  but  are  a  little  lighter  in  colour.  The  second  type  is  tall,  sometimes  over "  1,700  millimetres.  The  eyes  of  these  men  are  usually  widely-spaced  and  the  face "  appears  rounder  than  in  their  smaller  brethren.  All  the  Otomis  of  both  types, "  men  and  women,  have  astonishingly  big  heads." On  Lake  Patzcuaro  Professor  Starr  found  the  "  Tsupakua,"  or  spear  thrower,  the ancieut  "  atlatl,"  still  in  use  by  the  wild  duck  hunters  for  propelling  light  cane  shafts tipped  with  iron. The  author  leads  us  through  many  little-known  towns  and  villages,  mostly  in  the state  of  Oaxaca,  in  search  of  pure-blooded  Indians,  and  even  with  the  most  recent  map of  the  state  spread  before  us  it  is  not  easy  to  follow  him  in  his  wanderings.  He  visited Mixtecs,  Triquis,  and  the  little-known  Juaves  near  Tehuantepec,  Cuicatecs,  Chinantecs, and  many  other  tribes. In  some  places,  as  at  the  large  Mazatec  town  of  Huanhtla,  where  the  women  wear particularly  interesting  costumes,  he  Avas  well  received,  and  the  work  of  measuring  both men  and  women  was  quickly  finished,  but  there  was  always  difficulty  in  persuading men  to  allow  their  heads  and  shoulders  to  be  moulded  with  plaster  of  Paris,  and  in many  instances  there  was  much  trouble  with  drunken  Indian  officials  and  no  little  risk was  run  from  the  ill-feeling  aroused  among  the  Indian  population,  and  it  was  a  wonder that  the  work  was  got  through  without  some  serious  disturbance. Among  the  Totonacs  the  author  noted  several  curious  "  costumbres,"  survivals  of a  heathen  cult,  and  he  secured  some  sheets  of  the  bark  paper  which  is  manufactured in  secret,  and  cut  into  the  shape  of  human  figures  and  used  in  "  magic  "  by  the  brujas or  witches. Tarascan,  Tlaxcalan,  Tepehua,  and  Totonac  towns  and  villages  were  visited  and  the inhabitants  were  measured  and  photographed.  A  journey  was  made  through  the  land of  the  Huastecs,  an  isolated  fragment  of  the  great  Maya  race,  and  a  visit  was  paid  to Yucatan  in  order  to  measure  and  photograph  the  Mayas  themselves. The  last  part  of  the  book  contains  the  description  of  a  long  and  somewhat difficult  journey  from  Tehuautepec  through  Chiapas  to  a  navigable  branch  of  the Grijalva  river,  which  was  descended  to  Frontera,  whence  a  coasting  steamer  plies  to Vera  Cruz.  This  journey  took  the  author  through  the  country  of  the  little-known Zoques,  Tzotzils,  Tzendals,  and  Chols.  It  was  in  the  Tzotzil  town  of  Chamula  that the  most  serious  outbreak  of  recent  times  took  place,  in  1868,  "  when  under  the *'  influence  of  the  young  woman,  Checheb,  they  attempted  to  restore  the  native "  government,  the  Indian  life,  and  the  old-time  religion.  Temples  were  erected  to *'  the  ancient  gods,  whose  inspired  priestess  the  young  woman  claimed  to  be  ;  but *'  300  years  of  Christianity  had  accustomed  them  to  the  idea  of  a  Christ  crucified  ; "  an  Indian  Christ  was  necessary,  not  one  from  the  hated  invading  race  ;  accordingly *'  a  little  Indian  lad,  the  nephew  of  the  priestess,  was  crucified,  to  become  a  saviour "  for  their  race.  Their  plans  involved  the  killing  of  every  white  and  Mestizo  in  all *'  the  country  ;  in  reality,  more  than  100  men,  women,  and  children  in  the  fincas  and "  the  little  towns  were  killed.  San  Cristobal,  then  the  capital  city,  suffered  a  veritable *'  panic,  and  it  took  the  entire  force  of  the  whole  state  to  restore  order." We  could  wish  that  the  author  had  given  us  something  more  of  the  results  of  his investigations,  but  his  ethnographic  notes  are  reserved  for  separate  scientific  publi- cations ;  it  is  probably  the  only  record  of  the  kind  that  has  ever  been  made  in  this country  and  must  be  of  immense  value,  and  it  was  secured  by  untiring  persistence  and great  energy,  entailing  much  hardship  and  the  utmost  discomfort  on  Professor  Starr and  his  companions. Nos.  91-92.]  MAX.  [1909. "  Reliable  figures,"  the  author  tells  us,  "  are  wanting  as  to  the  number  of  pure "  Mexican  Indians.  If  the  population  of  the  Republic  be  estimated  at  15,000,000, "  it  should  be  safe  to  say  that  5,000,000  of  this  number  are  Indians  of  pure  blood, "  speaking  their  old  language,  keeping  alive  much  of  the  ancient  life  and  thought." The  book  is  profusely  illustrated  by  photography  ;  there  is  a  copious  index,  and a  glossary  of  Spanish  and  Indian  words. The  appendices  consist  of  a  most  amusing  account  of  the  professor  at  work extracted  from  the  Chicago  Record,  and  a  note  on  the 'purple  spot  on  Maya  babies. A.  P.  M. France  :  Archaeology.  Congress. Congres  prehistorique  de  France,   Chambery,  Savoy,  1908.  QO The  Report  of  the  fourth  Congress,  held  at  Chambery,  Savoy,  in  August,  Ufc 1908,  is  a  volume  of  over  900  pages,  and  includes  fifty-eight  communications  with  a very  large  number  of  illustrations,  plans,  and  maps.  It  is  a  remarkable  testimony  to the  interest  taken  by  Frenchmen  in  le  prehistoire  of  their  country,  especially  as  the previous  Congress,  held  at  Autun  (for  Solutre)  in  1907,  produced  a  compte  rendu of  1,000  pages. Among  the  many  interesting  papers  are  two  by  M.  Rutot,  "  An  Eolithic  Industry contemporaneous  with  an  Industry  of  the  Upper  Paleolithic  Period  "  in  a  cave  in  the province  of  Liege,  and  "  The  Extension  in  France,  Belgium,  England,  and  Germany of  the  Flenusian  Industry."  The  latter  describes  sites  near  Havre,  one  of  them  in the  forest  of  Mongeon,  at  the  spot  called  Les  Sapinieres  ;  the  other  on  the  plateau  of Sandouville,  with  a  rudimentary  history,  "Neolithic  ivitk  an  eolithic  fades.'1'1  M.  Rutot "  had  given  this  name  provisionally  to  some  finds  at  Flenu  and  Jemappes  near  Mons, "  and  at  Spiennes,  where  the  rudimentary  objects  extend  under  the  polished  stone "  site.  The  study  of  the  station  of  Spiennes  showed  that  what  at  first  appeared  a "  true  eolithic  deposit,  exposed  on  the  surface  of  the  ground  by  the  effect  of  denudation, "  was  really  resting  on  the  brick  earth  of  Ergeron,  and  therefore  neolithic.  The  finds "  near  Havre  are  identical  with  those  in  Belgium,  which  he  has  now  named  from "  Flenu,  and  also  some  from  Surrey  and  the  chalk  plateau  in  Kent.  The  neolithic "  eoliths  of  England  cannot  be  mistaken  for  Tertiary  eoliths,  as  these  are  a  dark "  yellowish-brown,  owing  to  their  long  sojourn  under  the  Pliocene  alluvium,  and  they "  are  always  more  or  less  rolled,  while  the  former  are  intact,  with  sharp  edges  and  with "  white  or  blueish  patina.  The  explanation  of  Fleuusians  in  England  (as  a  barbarous "  people  still  entirely  in  the  eolithic  stage)  may  be  that  as  they  appeared  soon  after "  the  Tardenoisians  had  installed  themselves  in  open-air  stations,  their  invasion  took "  place  when  the  neolithic  period  had  just  commenced,  soon  after  the  opening  of "  the  Straits  of  Dover,  and  when  it  might  be  possible  to  pass  over  on  foot  at "  low  tide." The  discussions  on  these  two  papers  induced  M.  Rutot  to  write  another,  included in  the  report,  "  What  is  an  Eolith  ?  "  "  G.  de  Mortillet  gave  the  name  eolith  to  certain "  rudimentary  instruments  found  in  Tertiary  beds.  I  am  asked  why  I  apply  the  same "  name  to  a  quaternary  industry  and  even  to  neolithic  and  modern  implements,  as  the "  Tasmanian  :  (a)  The  eolithic  industry  is  the  mass  of  stone  industries  of  all  ages, "  which  include  only  (in  the  portion  preserved  to  us)  lumps  or  flakes  directly  utilised "  for  striking,  cutting,  scraping,  and  piercing  after  the  necessary  retouching  for "  accommodation  to  the  hand,  and  with  occasional  retouching  when  worn,  to  the "  complete  exclusion  of  all  instruments  shaped  intentionally.  (6)  An  eolith  is,  apart "  from  any  chronological  notion,  one  of  the  implements  intended  for  striking,  &c., "  forming  part  of  an  industrial  class  in  which  no  intentionally-shaped  instrument  exists. "  Any  industry  which  includes  intentionally-shaped  instruments  belongs  either  to  the C     166     ] 1909.]  MAN'.  [No.  92. "  palaeolithic  or  neolithic  group?.  .  .  .  That  portion  of  the  eolithic  industry  not "  preserved  to  us  cannot  include  bone  instruments,  for  we  see  that  the  most  rudimentary "  use  of  bone  appears  at  the  level  of  La  Guina,  for  me  the  Lower  Aurignacian.  If  the "  Eolithic  folk  had  used  bone  it  is  unlikely  that  the  Palasolithics,  a  progressive  people, "  would  not  have  continued  it.  The  modern  eolithic  Tasmanians  did  not  use  bone,  but "  had  two  wooden  weapons,  a  lance  and  a  bludgeon.  We  are  therefore  authorised  to "  suppose  that  some  eolithic  tribe  possessed  these  weapons,  especially  as  at  even  the "  most  ancient  eolithic  period  there  are  plenty  of  knives  and  scrapers  which  appear "  to  have  been  used  for  working  wood."  "  Intentional  shaping  is  more  complicated "  than  merely  retouching  or  preparing  for  use  by  roughly  flaking.  In  Belgium,  at "  Spiennes  near  Mons,  we  can  see  precisely  where  intentional  shaping  began,  for  in  a "  very  clear  level  between  the  Mesvinian  (the  last  pre-palaeolithic  eolithic  industry), "  and  the  Chellean,  we  recognise  the  existence  of  an  industry  which  I  have  called "  Strepyien  "which  offers  for  the  first  time  the  association  of  implements  of  eolithic "  facies  and  instruments  of  intentional  shaping,  rudimentary  but  evident.  The "  Strepyien  is  at  the  bottom  of  those  quaternary  beds  which  lie  on  the  lower "  quaternary."  "  Thanks  to  recent  discoveries,  we  have  seen  that  in  France,  Belgium, "  and  England,  the  Chellean  is  found  at  the  same  stratigraphic  level,  but  on  account "  of  different  conditions  of  climates,  the  Elephas  antiquus  existed  later  in  France  than "  in  England  and  Belgium,  where  it  more  rapidly  gave  place  to  the  mammoth  and "  its  fauna." Dr.  C.  Peabody  described  the  exploration  of  two  limestone  caverns  in  the  Ozark Mountains  (states  of  Missouri  and  Arkansas),  where,  under  clay  and  great  fallen rocks,  there  are  archaeological  deposits  of  a  considerable  depth  in  an  extremely  fine dust.  The  abundant  chipped  flint  implements  and  bone  piercers  and  needles  are  of Magdalenian  type,  and  there  are  fragments  of  coarse  pottery.  None  of  the  painted pottery  characteristic  of  south-east  Arkansas  was  found. M.  Marc  Didier  found  in  the  Vallee  du  Largue  (in  the  south-west  of  the  depart- ment of  Basses  Alpes)  that  man  had  frequented  it  largely  in  the  first  periods  of  the lower  Palaeolithic  period.  He  must  have  left  the  region  during  the  Acheulean  epoch, and  probably  was  only  there  during  part  of  the  Mousterian,  but  increased  considerably during  the  chief  Solutrean  period,  as  shown  by  its  various  forms  of  flint  instruments, especially  the  laurel  and  willow  leaf  shapes.  There  are  no  typical  Magdalenian implements,  and  the  people  may  not  have  known  the  industries  developed  in  Dordogne. The  Solutrean  merges  into  neolithic,  and  it  is  therefore  difficult  to  separate  the palaeolithic  from  the  neolithic  in  the  open  air  sites  in  this  region.  In  one  plate  of the  illustrations  some  typical  "turtle  backs  "  are  given. The  workshop  of  Bois  de  la  Roche,  at  Ige  (Saone  et  Loire),  described  by E.  Hue,  is  interesting  because  all  types  of  implements,  more  or  less  finished,  are found  there  ;  but  the  most  numerous  chips  are  in  a  layer  of  vegetable  earth  resting on  a  layer  of  flint  pebbles,  the  total  thickness  with  implements  being  about  50  cms. Examination  of  the  mass  of  implements  and  the  different  degrees  of  patina  shows that  the  site  must  have  been  actively  utilized  since  the  Mousterian  period,  and  that the  Neolithic  people  continued  to  extract  their  materials  for  implements  from  it. H.  Marlot  spoke  of  "  Workshops  and  stations,  palaeolithic  and  neolithic,  at  Dixmont "  (Nonne).  The  chain  of  low  green  hills  bordering  the  course  of  the  Nonne,  known "  as  the  Foret  d'Othe,  was  much  frequented  and  inhabited  by  the  primitive  populations. "  The  quantity  of  objects  collected  is  enormous,  and  forms  the  magnificent  collections "  of  the  Museums  of  Troyes,  Sens,  Auxerre,  and  Dijon,  and  the  important  private "  collection  of  Dr.  Leriche,  of  Joigny.  On  the  plateaux  of  Meilly-sur-Rouvre,  Sainte- "  Sabine,  Chazilly,  and  Thoisy-le-Desert,  forming  the  watershed  of  the  Seine  and  Loire, "  are  found,  under  the  untouched  quaternary  alluvium,  an  extraordinary  quantity  of [     157     ] No.  92.]  MAN.  [1909, "  flints,  especially  Mousterian   and  Magdalen  ian,  with  an    abundance  of  Chellean  coups "  de  poing,  and  complete  absence  of  Solutrean." There  were  five  papers  on  rocks  with  cup  markings,  and  then  came  the  lake- dwellings.  L.  Schandel  described  the  neolithic  site  in  the  Lake  of  Aiguebelette,  near Chambery.  The  piles,  still  visible  about  200  metres  from  the  shore,  are  trunks  of trees,  15  to  20  cms.  in  diameter.  The  depth  of  water  there  is  from  1-50  to  2  metres. Flint  implements  of  small  size,  and  some  good  pieces  finely  retouched  on  both  sides, were  found,  and  also  whorls  of  calcareous  stone,  and  a  few  fragments  of  unbaked  grey pottery.  This  site,  with  those  of  the  lakes  of  Clairvaux  and  Chalain,  and  that  close to  Annecy,  make  four  neolithic  lake  sites  known  at  present  in  France. The  lake-dwellings  at  Annecy  (lie  des  Cygnes)  were  found  when  dredging  the harbour  in  1884.  The  finds  are  in  the  Museum  at  Annecy.  M.  Le  Roux  said  that below  a  thick  hard  bed  of  sediment  was  the  archaeological  layer  formed  of  a  mixture of  mud  and  sediment,  in  which  were  the  prehistoric  objects  mixed  with  remains  of huts.  There  were  polished  axe-heads  of  amphibolite,  serpentine,  chloro-melanite,  and other  rocks,  all  found  locally  or  near  the  Lake  of  Geneva  as  erratic  blocks.  Stone whorls  and  hand-made  pottery  of  two  kinds  were  also  found.  This  site  seems  to  be of  the  end  of  the  neolithic  period,  when  there  were  extended  commercial  relations, as  shown  by  flints  from  Grand  Pressigny.  Agriculture  was  advanced,  and  there  were domestic  animals  and  many  cultivated  plants.  These  were  described  by  Ph.  Guinier. There  was  a  weed,  Silene  cretica,  originally  from  Asia  Minor  and  Eastern  Europe. It  still  grows  in  Southern  Europe,  but  only  on  cultivated  ground. A  study  of  the  "  Pottery  of  Bronze  Age  Lake-Dwellings  of  the  Lac  du  Bourget," by  Morin  Jean,  showed  that  a  period  of  perhaps  seventeen  centuries  was  represented. Two  series  are  distinguishable,  the  first  produced  under  the  influence  of  ideas  which began  at  the  end  of  the  neolithic  period,  and  prevailed  during  nearly  the  whole  of  the Bronze  Age.  This  had  local  types  with  a  few  others  connected  with  the  eastern  basin of  the  Mediterranean.  In  the  second  series  are  vases  of  more  recent  make,  indicating a  new  departure,  and  the  principles  which  the  potters  of  the  first  Iron  Age  continue  and follow.  There  are  four-footed  vases,  vaguely  zoomorphic,  similar  to  some  found  in  the second  city  of  Hissarlik,  in  Cyprus,  Sicily,  Sardinia,  and  Northern  Italy.  The  Lac  du Bourget  seems  to  have  been  the  centre  of  the  curious  black  pottery  inlaid  with  thin bands  of  tin  in  various  designs.  The  museum  of  Chambery  has  many  specimens. Professor  F.  Foret's  paper  was  on  "  Lake-dwelling  Cemeteries,"  "  a  question  still "  quite  obscure  and  inconclusive."  He  knows  three  cemeteries  on  the  north  shore of  the  Lake  of  Geneva,  which  may  be  attributed  to  Bronze  Age  lake-dwellers  ;  that  of the  Moraine  de  Saint  Prex,  discovered  about  1876,  that  of  Montreux,  and  that  of Boiron,  two  kilometres  west  of  Merges.  There  are  several  lake  sites  in  the  neigh- bourhood. Since  the  end  of  1905  he  has  opened  seventeen  burials  at  Boison,  which revealed  the  following  facts  : — It  is  a  cemetery  on  a  level  with  no  traces  of  a  tumulus, mound,  or  stela  over  the  tombs.  The  tombs  are  not  in  a  row  but  dispersed,  and  5  or  10 metres  apart,  and  must  have  had  some  surface  indication  such  as  a  wooden  post,  as  they are  never  super-imposed.  They  are  of  very  different  types,  with  juxtaposition  of burials  of  inhumation  and  incineration.  In  the  tombs  of  inhumation  there  is  no  orienta- tion of  the  skeleton,  which  is  stretched  out,  lying  on  its  back,  with  no  mortuary chamber  or  cist,  and  no  recognisable  wooden  coffin.  The  body  had  ornaments,  as bracelets,  rings,  and  bronze  pins,  but  no  arms  or  implements  and  not  one  knife.  At  the feet,  in  some  cases,  under  a  horizontal  slab,  there  were  vases,  urns,  and  piles  of  plates. Two  skulls  were  measured.  One  is  dolichocephalic,  index  71.  5,  the  other  mesaticephalic, index  78. In  the  incinerated  burials  the  remains  of  the  body  were  either  placed  in  a  vase or  more  frequently  spread  on  the  floor  of  the  tomb  in  a  layer  of  ashes  and  bones.  A [     158     ] 1909.]  MAN.  [Nos.  92-93. careful  analysis  of  the  fragments  of  calcined  bones  shows  that  there  is  no  mixture  of animal  bones  with  the  human  remains  and  therefore  no  sacrifice  on  the  funeral  pyre, and  the  remains  are  of  only  one  skeleton.  Everything  indicates  that  the  cremation took  place  elsewhere  and  that  the  ashes  were  gathered  up  and  deposited  in  the  tomb. From  the  fragments  of  jewels  it  is  apparent  that  the  body  was  burned  in  its  clothing. The  ten  or  twelve  vases,  plates,  &c.,  placed  in  the  tomb  strikingly  resemble  the arrangement  of  the  cemetery  of  Hallstatt. Dr.  M.  Baudouin  described  the  Gallo-Roman  necropolis  of  Troussepoil  at  Le Bernard  (Vendee),  and  its  remarkable  funerary  wells.  Thirty-two  well-burials  have already  been  found,  from  3  to  15  metres  deep,  and  Om.  90  to  1m.  10  in  diameter, excavated  in  the  rock.  The  illustrations  give  a  clear  idea  of  the  arrangement  of  the many  vases,  &c.  found  in  them. M.  Florance  gave  a  long  list  with  plans  of  the  camps,  mounds  and  enclosures  of the  department  of  Loir  et  Cher.  In  the  south  of  the  department  there  are  hundreds  of tumuli,  and  chipped  flints  can  be  found  whenever  they  are  looked  for.  The  museums of  Blois,  Vendome  and  Pontlevoy  are  full  of  prehistoric  souvenirs.  "My  researches "  in  the  department  have  led  me  to  believe  that  if  no  prehistoric  enclosures  are  to "  be  found  here  it  is  because  there  has  been  no  interruption,  in  our  favoured  land  of "  inhabitation,  and  that  ancient  works  are  often  thought  modern,  through  having "  been  occupied  by  successive  generations."  The  feudal  system  did  not  create  new centres  of  habitation  :  it  simply  applied  new  methods  of  defence  to  those  already existing.  Digging  under  a  castle  mound  has  revealed  neolithic  implements. Small  maps  are  given  at  the  end  of  the  volume  of  all  the  lake-dwelling  sites near  Chambery.  A.  C.  BRETON. Borneo  :  Languages.  Beech. The  Tidong  Dialects  of  Borneo.  By  Mervyn  W.  H.  Beech,  M.A.,  with  preface  QQ and  notes  by  Dr.  A.  A.  Fokker.  Oxford  :  Clarendon  Press,  1908.  Pp.  120.  UU 17  X  12  cm.  Price  5s, This  little  volume  should  prove  extremely  useful  both  to  the  students  of  Malayo- Polynesian  linguistics,  and  also  to  travellers  or  officials  in  north-east  Borneo  who come  into  contact  with  the  natives. It  consists  of  (1)  a  chapter  on  the  origin  of  the  Tidong  language  ;  (2)  a  brief but  very  interesting  sketch  of  Tidong  village  life  ;  (3)  grammar  of  the  two  Tidong dialects  of  Tarakan  and  Bolongan  ;  (4)  a  tale  in  both  dialects,  The  Tailed  Man  of Silimbatu  ;  (5)  a  vocabulary  of  Tarakan  and  Bolongan,  with  occasional  words  in  other dialects.  There  is  also  a  lengthy  appendix  by  Dr.  Fokker  on  the  comparative  phonetics and  derivation  of  Tidong. The  Tidongs  "  occupy  the  east  coast  of  Borneo  between  Lahad-Dato  and  the "  country  a  little  to  the  south  of  Bolongan,  though  they  seldom  penetrate  more  than "  thirty  miles  inland."  In  his  first  chapter  the  author  gives  a  short  account  of  their history. He  regards  them  as  of  Malay  extraction,  the  present  Tidongs  being  descendants  of Malay  immigrants  to  Bolongan,  who  intermarried  with  the  aboriginal  population. Part  of  this  mixed  population  emigrated  to  the  island  of  Tarakan,  where  the  Tidong- speech  was  retained,  but  in  Bolongan  it  assimilated  more  Malay  words.  The  abori- ginal people  and  language,  which  was  thus  modified  by  Malay  into  Tidoug,  is  called  by- the  author  "Kayan."  This  suggests  that  words  in  the  vocabulary  which  are  not Malay  should  be  Kayan,  but  a  comparison  of  such  words  with  those  used  by  the  typical Kayans  on  the  Tutau  and  upper  Apoh  Rivers  in  Sarawak  territory  shows  many differences. [    159    ] No.  93.] MAN. [1909. By  "  Kayan  "  the  author  may  possibly  mean  "  aboriginal,"  for  the  Tidong  words which  differ  from  Malay  are  almost  identical  with  those  in  the  dialects  of  the  people who  are  called  in  Sarawak  "  Orang  Bukit"  (hillmen,  Kadayans,  and  Bekiau  on  Upper Balait  and  Tutong  rivers)  and  Bisaya  on  the  Limbang  river. The  following  short  specimen  of  the  dialects  in  question  collected  by  me  in  Sarawak in  1899  show  this  very  clearly  : — English. Tarakan. Bolongan. Kadayan. Orang  Bukit, Balait  E. Bekiau. Orang  Bukit, Tutory  R. Bisaya. Limbang  R. Uma  Belubo. Kayan, Tutau  R. Uma  Apoh. Kavan. Apoh  R. Village     - pagun    - b'nua pagun bagun pagun uma  - uma Woman   - dinandu d'dor kemo kakimo kimo doh- ledo Rain dasam    - dasam sisam rasam lasam usan  - usan Sand agis agis  - agis  - agis  - pasin hit  - act Smoke lisun lisun lesun lisun . sap    - lisun Hair abok bu»    - abok abuk abok bok- bok Meat ansi 'nchi u  nchi ansi  - ansi  - sin     - sin Tooth       - ipan ipan  - ipan  - ipan ipan ipa  - ipa Wing alad alar,  sayap- alad alad  - sayap kapet kapit Coconut  - piasau    - nior  - pasau piasau bua-pasau  - nyo- klapa Flower     - busak     - bunga,  buse* usak usek  - bunga pidang pidang Know pandai   - pandai pandai pandei kito  - jam   - jam Pinch Hfflldut    - wriut ngadut menff&dut  - ngugot nit&n nyitan The  grammar  shows  the  Tidong,  as  might  be  expected  of  a  language  with  direct Malay  influence,  to  belong  to  the  western  group  (Malay,  Javanese,  Sunda,  Bali, Makassar,  &c.)  of  the  languages  of  the  Archipelago.  Dr.  Fokker  considers  its  nearest relation  to  be  the  Ngadju  Dayak  of  Barito  River,  but  a  comparison  shows  that  its  forms are  much  less  complex.  The  author  has  done  the  grammatical  part  very  thoroughly, each  rule  being  illustrated  by  examples  in  both  dialects,  sometimes  with  the  Malay added  for  comparison.  There  is  also  a  collection  of  useful  and  idiomatic  phrases. In  the  vocabulary  a  list  of  English  words  is  given  with  the  equivalents  in  Tarakan and  Bolongan  and  sometimes  in  the  Nonoekan  and  Simbakong  dialects.  In  his  intro- ductory remarks  the  author  states  that  he  has  omitted  all  words  which  are  identically the  same  as  Malay.  This  is  a  defect  which  creates  some  difficulty  for  the  student,  who could  use  the  list  with  more  certainty  if  pure  Malay  words  used  in  Tidong  had  been inserted.  As  it  is,  when  a  word  is  absent  from  the  English  list  there  will  always  be a  doubt  as  to  whether  its  equivalent  is  Malay  or  not,  e.g.,  "  arrow,  bird,  spittle,"  do  not appear  in  Mr.  Beech's  list,  which  thus  suggests  that  the  Tidong  equivalents  to  these words  are  Malay,  but  in  Aernout's  Tidoeng  vocabulary  (Indische  Gids,  1885,  pp.  536  ff.) the  Tidong  words  are  given  as  bunseoi,  susui,  u'ieq,  which  are  not  Malay.  The particular  variety  of  Malay  which  has  influenced  the  Tidong  language  is  also  left  in doubt.  Dr.  Fokker  contributes  some  interesting  footnotes  to  the  vocabulary  and  an appendix  which  will  be  very  useful  to  the  student  of  Indonesian  phonetics. The  book  is  convenient  in  size  and  very  neatly  printed.  The  few  illustrations are  good. The  publication  of  this  work  by  Mr.  Beech  should  serve  as  a  stimulus  to  other officers  in  British  Borneo  to  set  forth  in  as  able  a  manner  as  he  has  done  some  of the  wealth  of  philological  material  which  exists  in  that  little-known  country. S.  H.  R. Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.C. PLATE  L. MAN,  1909. FIGURE  A. FIGURE  B. MUSICAL    INSTRUMENTS    IN    KHORASAN. 1909.] MAN. [No.  94. Sykes. Special     fli :M.G.       m ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. Persia.  With  Plate  L. Notes    on     Musical     Instruments     in     Khorasan,    with Reference  to  the   Gypsies.     By  Major  P.  Molesworth  Sykes, This  subject  falls  into  two  headings  : — A.  Musical   instruments    used    mainly   by    the    gypsies  for    playing    at    enter- tainments. B.  The  Nakkara  Khana. A. — I  have  recently  been  making  inquiries  as  to  the  musical  instruments  in  use in  Khorasan.  To  illustrate  the  subject,  I  sent  for  some  gypsy  musicians,  of  whom three  photographs  were  taken,  marked  respectively  A,  B  and  C.  Figure  A  alone shows  all  the  instruments,  as,  in  the  other  photographs,  the  reed  instrument  does  not appear.  Con- sequently, in  my description,  I shall  refer chiefly  to  illus- tration A.  The gypsies  in  the group  are  part- ly standing  and partly  sitting down.  Standing on  the  left  of the  group  is  the player  of  the reed  instrument (No.  1),  which I  propose  to deal  with  first. It    is  termed     \ (Nay)  or  "reed" and     is       made from  a  reed  with seven  fastenings of    gut    at    the joints.     It  is  18 inches  long  and 2J  inches  in  circumference.       It    has    five    holes    in  front  and    one  behind,  all    at  the lower  end.      Fingers   are  used  in  front    and  the  thumb  behind.       According  to  Khan Sahib   Ahmad   Din  Khan,  who    has    materially  helped   me    in  collecting  these  notes, it  is  the  national  instrument  of  India,  where  it  is  called  Bansari  (bamboo).     Its  notes are  shrill  and  rudimentary. The  JG  (Tar)  or   "  stringed "    is   the  next   instrument   (No.    2).     It   is  made   of mulberry  wood  with  a  total  length  of  40  inches  and  a  total  width  of  10  inches.  Its neck  is  19  inches  long,  and  it  has  five  metal  strings,  three  on  one  side  and  two  on  the other.  It  is  played  with  a  triangular  iron  plectrum.  The  volume  of  sound  produced is  small,  but  not  unpleasing.  The  third  man  standing  up  is  playing  a  l^,  (Surna) or  oboe  (No.  3),  made  of  walnut  wood  and  mounted  in  brass,  studded  with  turquoises. Its  length  is  14^  inches  with  seven  holes  in  front  and  one  hole  behind,  played  with FIGURE  C. No.  91]  MAN.  [1909. the  thumb.  The  sounding  reed  is  always  removed  before  playing  and  kept  moist as  in  the  case  of  reed  instruments  in  Europe.  The  note  is  very  shrill  and  powerful, somewhat  resembling  that  of  a  bagpipe  ;  it  is  always  played  with  the  kettle  drums mentioned  below.  In  A  Travers  la  Perse  (Hachette  et  Cie.),  which  is  a  French adaptation  of  my  Ten  Thousand  Miles  in  Persia,  the  first  illustration  is  that  of  three Baluch  gypsies,  the  centre  man  holding  a  somewhat  similar  pipe.  The  other  two men  carry  drums  ;  the  individual  on  the  right  of  the  group,  curiously  enough,  looks  as if  he  had  stepped  out  of  an  Assyrian  sculpture. We  now  come  to  the  men  sitting  down,  one  of  whom  is  playing  on  the  pair  of  «.L5J (Nakkara)  or  kettle  drums  (4).  They  are  made  of  pottery  and  are  respectively  termed j>\  (Zlr)  or  treble  and  ^  (Bam)  or  bass.  The  former,  covered  with  camel  hide,  is 1\  inches  in  depth  with  a  diameter  of  6  inches  on  the  playing  end,  but  tapering  down to  3^  inches.  The  bass  is  covered  with  cow  hide  and  is  8^  inches  in  depth,  with  a diameter  of  7  inches,  tapering  down  to  4  inches.  The  drum  sticks  are  of  gypchin (a  hill  bush)  wood.  As  stated  above,  the  kettle  drums  are  played  with  the  pipe. The  ancient  name  was  »j~Z  (Tabirah).  The  sounds  emitted  are  not  pleasing  to European  ears. The  next  gypsy  holds  in  his  hand  a  tambourine  (5),  known  as  *?)*  (Diayrah)  or "  circle,"  cp.  our  English  word  "  diary."  It  is  made  of  the  wood  of  the  Chinar  or Oriental  plane,  with  rings  and  bells  fastened  inside.  Its  diameter  is  17  inches  and  its depth  2J  inches.  Good  instruments  are  fitted  with  gold  bells  and  rings.  I  am  informed that  this  instrument  is  used  in  Turkestan  but  not  in  Kashmir. Next  to  the  tambourine  player  is  a  man  holding  what  is  perhaps  the  most interesting  instrument  of  all  (6).  The  instrument  itself  is  reproduced  best  in Figure  B.    It  is  known  as  a  ^Ui    (Kamanchah),  or  "  little  bow,"  and  is  made  of  walnut wood.  The  total  length  is  37  inches,  with  a  finger-board  9  inches  in  length.  The instrument  is  handled  like  a  violoncello  ;  but,  in  shape,  resembles  a  mandoline  with  a long  spike  of  worked  iron.  The  belly  is  constructed  from  a  pumpkin  covered  with parchment  and  mounted  with  stripes  of  bone  radiating  from  a  turquoise.  The  neck  is pierced  on  each  side  with  three  holes,  and  with  a  hollow  at  the  back,  3  inches  in length  ;  there  are  three  wire  strings  and  six  pegs,  three  of  which  are  dummies.  The bow  resembles  our  double-bass  bows  and  is  22  inches  in  length  ;  it  is  made  of gypchin  wood  and  has  a  strap  and  a  loop  with  which  to  tighten  the  horsehair.  To complete  the  equipment,  a  bit  of  beeswax  is  tied  on  to  serve  as  rosin.  Instruments similar  in  character  and  name  are  used  in  Turkestan  and  Kashmir.  The  volume  of sound  is  small  but  not  unpleasing. To  continue,  the  next  instrument  is  a  ciLij  (Dunbak)*  or  drum  (No.  7),  which  is made  of  walnut  or  mulberry  wood,  and  is  covered  with  parchment.  Its  total  length is  17  inches,  with  a  diameter  of  11  inches.  It  consists  of  a  belly  9^  inches  in  length and  a  neck  7-J-  inches.  Somewhat  similar  drums  made  of  pottery  are  used  in Kashmir. The  last   instrument    to    describe    is    a    .«k^»  (Santur)   or  zither  (No.    8).     This instrument  is  apparently  more  modern  ;  the  length  on  its  longest  side  is  31^  inches and  14  inches  on  the  shortest  side.  It  is  played  by  tapping  with  wooden  hammers, which  somewhat  resemble  the  parts  of  a  pair  of  scissors.  There  are  seven  wooden pegs  on  each  side  and  one  of  bone.  There  are  three  perforated  holes  on  the  board. The  strings  are  wound  up  by  means  of  seventy-two  wrest-pins,  each  pin  con- *  The  name  is  clearly  an  onomatopoea,  as  are  also  nakkdra  and  bam. [    162    ] 1909.] MAN. [No.  94, trolling   four  wires.     The  zither  is  only  procurable  in  Teheran,  and    is   apparently  of foreign  make. B. — The  Nakkara  Khana. — This  music  apparently  dates  back  to  prehistorical Iran  and  looms  largely  in  the  Shah  Nama,  the  great  epic  of  Persia.  To-day,  in imitation  of  Europe,  there  are  also  brass  bands  of  varying  degrees  of  unmelodiousness  ; but  the  Nakkara  Khana  still  exists  as  an  appanage  of  royalty  in  the  chief  cities of  Iran.  It  is  played  invariably  from  a  gateway  to  usher  in  the  rising  sun  and  to play  out  the  setting  sun.  During  the  mourning  months  of  Safar  and  Muharram, it  is  silent.  It  is  possible  that  the  custom  was  originally  in  honour  of  the  great luminary  ;  but  of  this  I  have  no  proof. At  Meshed,  the  sacred  city  of  Persia,  the  Imam  Riza,  who  was  a  contemporary  of Haroun-al-Rashid,  is,  in  theory,  still  alive,*  and  the  Nakkara  Khana  belongs  to  the shrine  erected in  the  saint's honour.  The players  are  all locksmiths  by trade  and  the posts  are  here- ditary. The  in- struments used (vide  illustra- tion D)  are  three in  n  u  m  b  e  r — (a)  Nakkara,  or kettledrums  of metal  of  a  large .size.  Five  sets :are  used  at Meshed  ;  (6) Surna  or  oboes, .three  of  which are  used  ;  and (c)  Karrna    l/p or  long  trumpets. They  are  usually made  of  brass •or  copper,  and are  5  feet  in length.  Ten.  are  played  in  the  Meshed  Nakkara  Khana.  The  ancient  name  for  these formidable  instruments  was  ^  tf  (Gav  Dam)  or  "  Bull  note."     The  music  when   heard from  a  certain  distance  is  weird  in  the  extreme  and  even  fascinating.  It  commences .and  finishes  with  the  drums  and  is  unlike  any  other  music  I  have  heard.  Captain Franklin,  whose  assistance  I  would  acknowledge,  tells  me  that  similar  long,  metal trumpets  are  to  be  seen  in  Tibetan  monasteries  to-day. Khan  Sahib  Ahmad  Din  states  that  the  Nakkara  Khana  exists  in  Afghanistan  at Kabul,  Kandahar,  and  Herat.  Popular  airs  are  played  one  hour  after  sunset,  after which  a  very  big  drum  is  beaten,  and  this  is  repeated  thrice  at  intervals  ;  after  the  third *  In  this  connection,  when  Meshed  was  connected  with  Teheran  telegraphically,  the  first  message .sent- along  the  new  line  was  from  the  Shah  to  the  Imam.     The  latter  duly  replied. [    163    ] FIGURE  D. Nos,  94-95.]  MAN.  [1909. beat  no  one  can  move  abroad  without  a  pass.  The  Surna  and  Karrna  are  only played  in  the  month  of  Ramazan.  The  Amir  is  also  accompanied  on  the  march  by a  Nakkdra  Khana. I  now  propose  to  make  a  few  general  remarks.  Mr.  Sinclair  in  the  Journal  of American  Folk  Lore  (January-March  1907)  has  written  a  most  interesting  paper  on Gypsy  and  Oriental  Music,  which  my  notes,  to  a  certain  extent,  supplement.  In  it (p.  16)  he  states  that  "all  the  public  musicians,  singers,  and  dancers  in  Persia  are gypsies."  This  statement,  however,  goes  too  far.  In  Khorasan,  all  the  public  musi- cians are  gypsies  ;  but,  at  Shiraz,  they  are  all  Jews,  except  in  the  case  of  Nakkdra Khana,  which  is  played  by  gypsies.  Elsewhere  they  are  mainly  gypsies,  but  not entirely  so.  Singers  are  frequently  Persians  and  rarely  gypsies,  if  Persia  be  taken  as a  whole.  Dancing  girls  are  recruited  from  all  classes  in  Persia  and  are  seldom  gypsies. At  Meshed,  the  troupes  invariably  come  from  Teheran.  They  generally  dance  before women   with   castanets,    termed  utfCj-  (Zang),   or   "  bell,"    and  made   of  bronze.     The music  consists  of  two  kamancha  or  string  instruments,  one  dunbak  or  drum,  and occasionally  a  zither.  The  instruments,  in  this  case,  are  not  played  by  gypsies,  but by  Persians.  Dancing  boys  dance  before  both  sexes,  but  dancing  girls  only  before women,  except  in  secret.  The  gypsy  women  are  not  dancers,  except  in  rare  cases. To  resume,  I  have  in  notes  and  vocabularies,  previously  published  in  the  Journ* Anthr.  Inst.  (Vols.  XXXII  and  XXXVI),  shown  that  the  gypsies  of  Persia  have only  retained  a  percentage  of  gypsy  words  in  their  own  language,  which  is  now less  pure  than  when  Ouseley  collected  a  vocabulary  nearly  a  century  ago.  This Professor  de  Goeje  explains*  by  suggesting  that  I  was  not  given  their  own  words.  I, however,  venture  to  think  that,  as  the  various  vocabularies  were  given  to  my  agents in  different  parts  of  Persia,  and  yet,  more  or  less,  contained  the  same  percentage  of words,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  they  represent  the  gypsy  jargon  of  to-day. Consequently,  it  is  not  surprising  to  learn  that  the  gypsies  of  Persia  have  no  special songs  in  their  own  language,  but  sing  those  in  vogue  in  Persia. To  conclude  this  paper,  I  give  the  following  well-known  lines  from  Hafiz  :  — UV "  Alas  !  that  these  Lulis  (gypsy  girls),  bright  and  sweet  beings,  disturbers  of the  city  : Have  reft  patience  from  my  heart  like  the  Turks  the  tablecloth  of  loot."t P.  MOLESWORTH  SYKES. Tabu.  Aston. The  Incest  Tabu.     By  W.  G.  Aston,  C.M.G.  QC In  his  Psychology  of  Sex  Mr.  Ellis  says :  "  The  explanation  of  the  UU "  abhorrence  to  incest  is  really  exceedingly  simple.  The  normal  failure  of  the  pairing "  instinct  to  manifest  itself  in  the  case  of  brothers  and  sisters  or  of  boys  and  girls "  brought  up  together  from  infancy  is  a  merely  negative  phenomenon  due  to  the  in- "  evitable  absence  under  these  circumstances  of  the  conditions  which  evoke  the  pairing "  impulse.  Courtship  is  the  process  by  which  powerful  sensory  stimuli  proceeding "  from  a  person  of  the  opposite  sex  gradually  produce  the  physiological  phenomenon "  of  tumescence,  with  its  physical  concomitant  of  love  and  desire.  .  .  .  Brothers "  and  sisters  have  at  puberty  already  reached  that  state  to  which  old  married  people *   Vide  the  Journal  of  tlie  Gypsy  Lore  Society  for  October,  1907. f  This  refers  to  the  then  Turkish  custom  of  the  retainers  looting  everything  after  the  master  had partaken  of  the  feast. [     164     ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  95. "  by  the  exhaustion  of  youthful  passion  and  the  slow  usage  of  daily  life  gradually "  approximates." Mr.  Crawley,  in  an  article  on  Exogamy  contributed  to  Anthropological  Essays presented  to  E.  B.  Tylor,  endorses  this  view,  and  it  is  therefore  not  without  diffidence that  I  venture  to  point  out  some  considerations  adverse  to  the  opinion  held  by  these eminent  anthropologists.  Mr.  Ellis's  explanation  of  the  abhorrence  to  incest  is  no doubt  simple.  But  is  it  adequate  ?  How  can  such  a  merely  negative  phenomenon as  the  sexual  indifference  produced  by  long  familiarity  bring  about  the  very  positive result  of  abhorrence  ?  There  is  surely  a  link  missing  in  this  chain  of  reasoning. The  statement  that  tumescence  is  dependent  on  the  stimulus  of  courtship  is  only a  part  of  the  truth.  Of  course,  it  may  be  due  to  this  cause,  but  it  oftener  comes  of itself  without  any  such  stimulus,  and  in  very  young  people  generally  does  so. Mr.  Ellis's  sequence  of  cause  and  effect  is  courtship,  tumescence,  fruition.  But  is  not tumescence,  courtship  (often  brief  and  perfunctory  or  altogether  absent),  fruition,  far more  common  ?  Just  as  hunger  may  be  experienced  without  the  stimulus  of  the  sight or  smell  of  food,  so  tumescence  will  occur  even  though  there  should  be  no  person  of the  opposite  sex  within  a  hundred  miles.  There  is  an  abundance  of  tumescence  without either  courtship  or  fruition. The  truth  is  that  familiarity  causes  only  a  comparative  indifference  to  the  sexual attraction  between  brother  and  sister.  It  may  even  produce  an  opposite  effect.  Com- bined as  it  is  with  opportunity,  it  does  away  with  shyness,  which  is  a  very  potent obstacle  in  the  case  of  young  people.  The  sexual  appetite,  especially  in  the  male,  is much  too  imperious  to  be  stayed  by  such  a  flimsy  barrier,  and,  if  no  more  substantial check  existed,  would  sooner  or  later  lead  to  fruition.  We  should  then  have  a  state of  affairs  like  that  described  by  a  missionary  to  Anam.  "  There,"  he  says,  "  no  girl "  who  is  twelve  years  old  and  has  a  brother  is  a  virgin."  Sir  Harry  Johnston,  speaking of  a  Central  African  tribe,  informs  us  that  "  it  is  rare  for  children  thus  growing  up "  together  to  fail  to  marry  or  to  dislike  one  another."  How  can  we  reconcile  these facts  with  Mr.  Ellis's  statement,  that  in  the  case  of  boys  and  girls  brought  up  together from  infancy  there  is  an  inevitable  absence  of  the  conditions  which  evoke  the  pairing impulse  ?  The  case  of  the  lower  animals  is,  in  my  opinion,  fatal  to  Mr.  Ellis's  theory. The  lord  of  the  poultry  yard  distributes  his  favours  with  much  impartiality  among his  consorts,  whatever  their  relation  to  himself,  of  which,  indeed,  he  knows  nothing. He  may  show  a  passing  preference  for  a  stranger  on  her  first  introduction  to  him,  but that  is  all.  The  pigeon  fancier  knows  that  if  it  is  desired  to  make  two  birds  pair, all  that  is  necessary  is  to  put  them  in  contiguous  cages  where  they  can  see  one another  through  the  bars.  Whether  they  are  brother  and  sister  or  not  signifies  little. Mr.  Ellis's  comparison  of  the  difference  caused  by  the  slow  usage  of  daily  life in  the  case  of  married  couples  is  rather  unfortunate'  for  his  theory.  Here  we  have not  an  innocent  familiarity  as  in  the  case  of  brother  and  sister.  It  is  "love's  sad  satiety," a  very  different  thing,  which  blunts  the  edge  of  desire,  and  even  with  this  powerful ally  long  familiarity  is  notoriously  a  very  imperfect  check  on  conjugal  intercourse. What  really  brings  about  its  cessation  is  the  far  more  formidable  obstacle  of  the incapacity  produced  by  old  age. The  insensibility,  caused  by  familiar  domestic  intercourse,  to  the  sexual  attrac- tions of  a  brother  or  a  sister,  though  a  real,  is  a  negligible  quantity  in  the  problem. For-its  solution  we  must  look  elsewhere  than  in  the  mutual  relations  of  the  parties  more immediately  concerned.  The  abhorrence  of  this  crime  is  not  the  spontaneous  outcome of  the  familiarity  between  those  of  the  same  household,  but  is  imposed  from  without. The  true  obstacle  to  incest  is  the  fact  that  it  is  condemned  by  the  general  opinion  of the  community.  In  a  word,  it  is  tabu.  The  powerful  influence  exercised  by  the  tabu is  notorious.  Men  have  been  known  to  die  of  remorse  for  having  unwittingly  infringed [  165  ] No.  95.]  MAN.  [1909. far  less  important  prohibitions  than  that  which  is  directed  against  incest.  Let  me  quote a  concrete  example  of  its  power  from  Japanese  history.  In  the  fifth  century  A.D.  the heir  apparent,  Prince  Karu,  conceived  a  violent  passion  for  his  sister  by  the  same  father and  mother.  (Unions  between  the  children  of  the  same  father  only  were  not  at  this time  considered  incestuous,  at  least  in  the  case  of  princes.)  But  he  "  dreaded  the guilt "  and  was  silent.  His  passion,  however,  became  so  violent  that  he  ultimately yielded  to  it.  The  result  was  that  the  officials  and  people  "  turned  against  him." A  civil  war  followed,  Prince  Karu  was  banished,  and  he  and  his  sister  eventually committed  suicide  together.  The  guilt,  the  popular  indignation,  and  the  suicide  of the  offending  parties  are  unexplained  by  Mr.  Ellis's  theory.  The  Greek  legend  of CEdipus,  the  story  of  Kullervo  in  the  Kalevala,  and  many  others,  illustrate  the  same principle. The  origin  of  this  tabu  is  by  no  means  a  simple  matter.  Young  people,  and  indeed! the  majority  of  the  tribe  or  nation,  know  nothing  of  the  real  reasons  for  imposing  it. When  the  sexual  impulse  begins  to  stir  in  them,  as  it  does  some  years  before  puberty, they  become  possessed  with  an  intense  curiosity  regarding  sexual  matters.  Among other  things  they  discover  that  everybody  about  them  regards  incest  as  an  abominable thing  not  to  be  committed  on  pain  of  the  most  dreadful  consequences.  Perhaps  they are  told  that  bogey  carries  off  the  people  who  do  such  things,  that  they  fall  down dead  or  are  struck  with  some  fearful  disease,  and  that  they  are  hated  and  despised by  everybody.  Threats  of  corporal  and  even  capital  punishment  are  not  wanting. Teaching  of  this  kind  acting  on  impressionable  young  minds  produces  a  horror  of  the crime,  which  not  only  creates  a  motive  for  self-restraint,  but  actually  kills  desire  before it  is  born.  This,  and  not  familiarity,  is  the  real  cause  of  the  sexual  indifference  between near  relations  which  undoubtedly  exists. It  is  important  to  observe  that  when  once  the  notion  that  a  thing  is  tabu  has become  firmly  established,  a  condition  of  mind  (the  conscience  of  writers  on  ethics),, hardly  to  be  distinguished  from  the  congenital  predisposition  known  as  instinct,  is  the consequence.  The  results  on  action  are  in  both  cases  alike  prompt  and  unreasoning. The  man  himself  is  unconscious  of  any  difference.  Observe  a  hen  with  her  chickens. Her  warning  cry  (the  germ  of  the  tabu)  is  soon  recognised  by  her  offspring,  and  acted on  as  implicitly  as  if  it  were  an  instinctive  prompting  from  within.  She  tells  them (from  her  inherited  experience)  that  such  and  such  a  thing,  a  hairy  caterpillar  for example,  is  unfit  for  food,  and  they  at  once  repress  a  natural  temptation  to  make  trial of  it.  Observation  shows  that  their  shrinking  from  the  touch  of  the  human  hand  is more  owing  to  parental  teaching  than  to  instinctive  fear.  I  once  had  an  abnormally tame  hen  who  neglected  this  part  of  her  children's  (and  foster-children's)  education. They  were  so  devoid  of  fear  that  they  would  snuggle  against  me,  or  even  creep  into  my sleeve  for  warmth.  Yet  I  have  known  a  blind  kitten  a  few  hours  old  show  unequivocal signs  of  displeasure  when  taken  up  in  a  hand  which  had  caressed  a  dog  just  before. Here  it  was  no  doubt  the  sense  of  smell  which  had  aroused  a  purely  instinctive antipathy. When  Westermarck  says  in  his  admirable  work,  The  History  of  Human  Marriage (p.  319)  : — "The  home  is  kept  pure  from  incestuous  defilement  neither  by  laws,  nor  by "  customs,  nor  by  education,  but  by  an  instinct  which  under  normal  circumstances "  makes  sexual  love  between  the  nearest  kin  a  psychical  impossibility/'  he  has  hardly allowed  sufficiently  for  the  distinction  between  a  genuine  congenital  instinct  and  those quasi-instinctive  promptings  which  are  really  the  result  of  early  education,  between  the original  stem  and  the  grafts  whose  union  with  it  has  become  obliterated  by  time. The  question  remains  : — What  were  the  reasons  which  induced  the  community  or their  leaders  to  place  a  tabu  on  sexual  intercourse  between  near  relatives  ?  Sexual jealousy  has  something  to  do  with  it.  It  is  too  general  a  cause  to  account  for  this. [    166    ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  95. specific   effect,  but  it  no  doubt  helps  to   lend  vigour  and   emphasis   to  any  restrictive measures  which  may  be  dictated  by  other  considerations. There  is  evidence  that  unions  of  young  people  of  immature  age  are  condemned. Indeed  the  widespread  puberty  rites  may  be  regarded  as  the  formal  removal  of  such  a tabu.  The  injurious  effect  of  too  early  intercourse  of  the  sexes  on  physical development  is  recognised  in  the  case  of  the  lower  animals.  For  example,  I  find in  a  leaflet  addressed  to  poultry-keepers  by  the  Dublin  Castle  authorities  the  advice  : — "  At  an  early  age  separate  the  sexes.  When  not  allowed  to  run  together  both  cockerels "  and  pullets  grow  faster  and  ultimately  make  better  birds."  It  is  also  to  be  noted  that pregnant  girls,  and  babies  whose  parents  are  too  young  to  bear  their  proper  share  of their  support,  are  an  unwelcome  addition  to  the  burdens  of  the  community.  Perhaps  an additional  motive  is  the  protection  of  very  young  girls  from  male  tyranny.  But  this prohibition,  though  it  covers  to  some  extent  the  same  ground  as  the  incest  tabu  and thereby  helps  to  confirm  it,  is  too  general  to  account  for  it  :  we  must  seek  for something  more  specific. Sir  H.  Maine  in  his  Early  Law  and  Custom  (p.  228)  points  out  one  vera  causa of  the  incest  tabu,  viz.,  the  discovery  that  "  children  of  unsound  constitutions  are  born "  of  nearly  related  parents."  It  has  been  abundantly  shown  by  Darwin  and  others that  in  the  case  of  the  lower  animals,  unions  of  this  kind  yield  a  weakly  and  stunted offspring.  In  the  case  of  human  beings  we  have  no  longer  before  us  the  results  of closer  in-breeding.  But  the  marriages  of  first  cousins  are  notoriously  attended  with similar,  though  attenuated,  consequences.  The  Chuen,  a  Chinese  book  written  centuries before  the  Christian  epoch,  says  : — "  When  the  man  and  woman  are  of  the  same "  surname  the  race  does  not  continue." Still  greater  importance  is  to  be  attached  to  Dr.  Tylor's  suggestion  that  "  exogamy "  was  an  early  method  of  political  self-preservation."  Incest  is  anti-social.  It  tends to  confine  the  domestic  affections  within  the  narrow  circle  of  the  family  instead  of acting  as  a  cement  to  bind  the  community  together  and  thereby  promote  its  strength against  attacks  from  without  and  also  its  general  welfare.  Both  public  and  private interests  would  concur  in  establishing  this  prohibition.  The  head  of  a  family  or  the petty  chief  who  insists  on  his  children  marrying  outside  the .  domestic  circle  not  only confirms  his  own  power  and  prestige  by  so  doing,  but  helps  to  lay  the  foundations  of those  larger  political  units  with  which  the  welfare  of  mankind  is  so  intimately  associated. At  the  present  day,  for  somewhat  similar  reasons,  foreigners  are  usually  selected  as  the consorts  of  royal  personages. Mr.  Yate  says  of  "  the  endogamous  Maoris  who  frequently  marry  near  relations  " that  "  each  one  is  jealous  of  the  authority  and  power  of  his  neighbour  ;  the  hand of  each  individual  is  against  every  man,  and  every  man's  hand  is  against  him." The  incest  tabu  is  a  necessary  preliminary  to  progress  from  such  a  condition  of things. With  Sir  Henry  Maine,  I  do  not  see  how  it  can  be  assumed  that  savage  or half-civilised  races  are  necessarily  blind  to  the  physical  evil  consequences  of  incest. It  should  be  remembered  that  with  them,  as  with  ourselves,  it  takes  all  kinds  to make  a  world.  They  have  their  ignorant  multitude  who  practise  more  or  less imperfectly  and  unintelligently  what  they  have  learnt  from  their  ancestors  and superiors,  but  they  have  also  a  select  few  who  may,  in  comparison,  be  called  philosophers and  statesmen.  It  is  with  the  latter  that  all  impulses  to  progress  originate.  Nor should  it  be  forgotten  that  the  incest  tabu  is  not  precisely  a  primitive  institution.  It requires  a  certain  degree  of  enlightenment  for  its  establishment.  In  many  uncivilised countries  it  is  at  this  day  ill-understood,  too  narrow  in  its  scope,  weighted  with useless  provisions,  or  very  imperfectly  realised  in  practice.  Even  in  civilised  Europe there  are  countries  where  a  man  is  allowed  to  marry  his  niece.  With  ourselves  the [     167    ] Nos,  95-96.] MAN. [1909. c=, n unions  of  first  cousins  are  not  half  as  much  reprobated  as  they  ought  to  be.     Our  table of  prohibited  degrees  would  bear  revision. A  certain  share  must  be  assigned  to  the  principle  of  the  survival  of  the  fittest, in  the  wide  prevalence,  though  not  in  the  origination,  of  the  incest  tabu.  Few things  are  more  vital  to  the  welfare  of  a  family,  a  tribe,  or  a  nation,  than  the  right ordering  of  the  sexual  relations,  and  any  gross  failure  in  this  respect  handicaps  it woefully  in  the  struggle  for  existence.  W.  G.  ASTON. Egypt.  Blackmail- The    Porridge  Stirrer  as   an    Egyptian    Hieroglyph.     By  Aylward     QO M.  Btackman,  B.A. Among  the  number    of  unclassified  signs    in  his   Collection   of  Hieroglyphs  Mr. Griffith  includes     j  .     From  an  XVIIIth  Dynasty  example,  Plate  VI,  Fig.  67,  in  the above-mentioned  work,  Mr.  Griffith  thinks  it  may  perhaps  represent  a  winder  for  thread (Fig.  1).  He,  however,  points  out  that  this  is quite  possibly  a  corruption  of  the  early  forms which  occur  in  the  Old  Kingdom  tombs  at Medum,  and,  as  we  shall  see,  this  is  undoubtedly the  case.  In  those  early  paintings  the  object is  coloured  red  and  there  is  no  binding  (Fig.  2). (See  Medum,  Plates  XI  and  XXVII.) An  implement  in  common  use  among  the modern  Egyptians  and  Nubians  is  the  mifrakeh. With  this  they  stir  a  sort  of  porridge  made from  lentils  (Fig.  3).  The  example  here shown  is  made  from  part  of  the  rib  of  a palm-branch  (gerideh).  At  the  end  of  the stick  a  hole  is  bored  and  a  short  stick  is inserted,  the  middle  part  of  which  is  shaved away  so  as  to  be  thinner than  the  two  ends.  By constant  use  in  liquids  the wood  swells,  and  the  inserted  stick  becomes  tightly  fixed  in  the hole.  The  examples  given  render  it  fairly  evident  that  the  sign reading    nd    is    the    modern    mifrakeh.        The    examples    from Medum  have  the  same  shaped  ends  as  the  modern  implement,  indeed the  difference  between  the  centre  and  ends  is  more  strongly  marked in  the  ancient  than  in  the  modern  specimen. The  Arabic  word  farak,  from  which  mifrakeh  is  derived,  means to  rub  a  thing  with  the  hand,  to  husk  corn  between  the  fingers. (See  Hava's  Arabic-English  Dictionary  under  <^Jt».)  The  mifrakeh is  used  in  the  following  manner  : — The  long  stick  is  placed  between the  palms  of  the  two  hands,  the  lower  end  with  the  inserted  stick being  in  the  porridge,  and  the  hands  are  worked  exactly  as  if  one were  rubbing  the  husks  off  wheat,  hence  its  name  mifrakeh.  The instrument  revolves  rapidly  like  a  drill  and  so  the  porridge  is  stirred. It  is  perhaps  worth  noting  that  the  fire-drill  used  among  the  Dinkas is  called  mifrakeh,  being  worked  like  the  porridge-stirrer. The  meanings  of  the  Arabic  verb  farak  and  the  Egyptian  verb  nd  are  identical, z.e.,  to  rub.     This  verb  combined  with  the  verb  Hiii  sncc  occurs  frequently  in  receipts I  l°l [    168    ] FIG.  1. FIG.  2. % FIG.  3. 1909,]  MAN.  [Nos.  96-98. which  direct  that  some  hard  material  be  reduced  to  powder,  i.e.,       *  His]  nd  sncc  "  rub and  grind  fine."  It  seems  therefore  certain  that  the  object  used  as  word-sign  for  nd, 41  to  grind,"  is  identical  with  the  modern  Egyptian  and  Nubian  porridge-stirrer.  And  so one  more  sign  may  now  be  knocked  off  the  gradually  decreasing  list  of  Egyptian hieroglyphs  classed  as  uncertain. N.B. — I  found  the  porridge-stirrer  used  from  Shellal  up  to  Gerf  Hussein  in  Nubia. Two  of  my  boys,  one  from  Qus  and  the  other  from  Quft,  say  it  is  commonly  used in  their  neighbourhood,  and  my  head  guard,  from  Illahun  in  the  Fayyum,  says  it  is used  there.  While  acting  as  assistant  to  Drs.  Grenfell  and  Hunt  at  Behnasa  in Middle  Egypt  I  found  several  Graeco-Roman  examples  in  the  rubbish-mounds. AYLWARD  M.  BLACKMAN. REVIEWS. Africa,  East.  Weule. Native  Life  in  East  Africa.  The  Results  of  an  Ethnological  Research  QTF Expedition.  By  Dr.  Karl  Weule.  Translated  by  Alice  Werner.  London  :  Uf Pitman,  1909.  Pp.  xxiv  +  431.  24  X  17  cm.  Price  12*.  6d. This  book  is  not  only  translated  by  Miss  Werner,  but  is  also  reviewed  by  her in  a  "  Translator's  Introduction."  The  author  suffers  nothing  by  the  translation,  and he  has  the  benefit  of  authoritative  criticism  in  the  review.  Judged  as  an  account of  the  results  of  a  scientific  study  of  native  life  the  book  is  open  to  the  charge  of diffuseness,  a  great  deal  of  irrelevant  matter  being  included.  A  better  title  would have  been  "  An  Ethnologist  in  East  Africa,"  since  the  personal  element  is  con- spicuous. Dr.  Weule's  freshness  of  outlook,  and  his  sense  of  the  novelty  of  his experiences,  enlist  the  reader's  sympathies  even  more  than  do  his  frequent  references to  the  trials  of  a  traveller  and  investigator,  whilst  his  energy  and  enthusiasm  are worthy  of  all  praise.  The  full  value  of  his  investigations  must  be  judged  by  the detailed  accounts  of  them,  published  elsewhere,  but  it  is  evident  that  he  was  able  to get  through  a  large  amount  of  work.  Six  months  is  a  very  short  time  in  which to  travel  considerable  distances,  make  large  collections,  take  photographs,  cinemato- graphic and  phonographic  records,  study  languages,  and  explore  the  "  back  of  the black  man's  mind."  In  the  last-named  field  of  research  he  was  less  successful  than he  expected,  but,  as  Miss  Werner  incisively  indicates,  he  expected  too  much. Most  of  Dr.  Weule's  time  was  spent  amongst  the  Wayao,  Wamakua,  and  Wama- konde,  in  the  region  of  the  Makonde  plateau,  and  his  most  important  achievement was  in  his  observations  of  certain  parts  of  the  unyaqo  or  initiation  ceremonies,  of which  he  shows  a  number  of  photographs.  The  scale  on  which  they  are  reproduced is,  however,  too  small,  as  is  also  the  case  with  the  series  representing  stages  in  the making  of  pottery  and  bark  cloth  respectively.  The  wearing  of  the  pelele  is  illustrated by  a  number  of  excellent  photographs,  and  scarification  is  also  liberally  treated  in  this respect.  The  numerous  reproductions  of  drawings  by  natives  are  of  considerable interest. In  spite  of  defects  in  the  plan  of  the  book,  it  is  an  interesting  and  useful  addition to  general  anthropological  literature.  H.  S.  H. Africa,  South.  Tongue. Bushman  Paintings.  Copied  by  M.  Helen  Tongue,  with  a  Preface  by  Henry Balfour.  Oxford  :  Clarendon  Press,  1909.  Pp.  48.  Plates  56.  34  x  25  cm. Price  £3  3*. It,  is  unnecessary  to  insist  on  the  importance  of  a  work  which  serves  to  place  on permanent    record     a    large    series    of    accurate    copies    of    bushman    rock     paintings. C    169    J No.  98.]  MAN.  [1909. Apart  from  the  melancholy  interest  which  attaches  to  the  bushmen  themselves  as  an almost  extinct  aboriginal  race,  the  high  standard  of  their  pictorial  art  as  compared  with that  of  the  surrounding  peoples,  and  its  similarity  to  that  of  the  cave-men  of  Europe, appeals  strongly  to  all  those  interested  in  ethnological  science.  The  drawings,  over one  hundred  in  number,  are  the  work  of  Miss  M.  H.  Tongue,  and  were  laboriously collected  over  a  wide  area,  including  portions  of  Cape  Colony,  the  Orange  River- Colony,  and  Basutoland.  Miss  Tongue  was  fortunate  in  having  as  collaborator  Miss Bleek,  daughter  of  the  celebrated  philologist,  who  from  her  earliest  years  has  been acquainted  with  representatives  of  the  bushman  race.  The  text  consists  of  a  detailed description  of  each  site  from  which  paintings  were  copied,  together  with  suggestions for  the  elucidation  of  the  meaning  of  the  figures  where  possible,  and  also  a  short  note by  Miss  Bleek  on  a  number  of  individual  bushmen  with  whom  she  had  the  good fortune  to  come  in  contact  in  the  early  eighties.  Mr.  Henry  Balfour  contributes  an interesting  and  appreciative  preface.  Valuable  as  the  text  is,  the  illustrations  form the  main  feature  of  the  book  ;  these,  with  the  exception  of  four  plates  of  photographs and  a  good  map,  are  all  in  colour,  and  by  far  surpass  any  reproductions  of  similar paintings  heretofore  attempted.  The  majority  are  printed  on  paper  tinted  either silurian  grey  or  dark  terra-cotta,  which  gives  the  effect  of  a  dark  rocky  background  ; two  are  chromo-collotypes,  and  show  a  distinct  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  artist  at shading.  The  latter  are  pictures  of  eland,  and  are  two  of  the  best  in  the  book,  their technique  suggesting  something  of  the  Japanese. The  scenes  depicted  deal  in  the  main  with  animal  life,  and  the  figures  of  the various  beasts  are  infinitely  more  successful  than  those  of  the  men  and  women,  a feature  which  is  not  uncommon  in  primitive  art.  The  animals  represented  are  in  great variety — antelope,  buck,  lion,  leopard,  hippo,  rhino,  giraffe,  baboon,  various  domestic animals,  ostrich,  vulture,  crane,  and  so  forth.  Living  by  the  chase,  the  bushmen  were compelled  to  make  the  study  of  the  game  animals  their  chief  occupation,  and  nothing bears  witness  to  their  deep  knowledge  of  animal  life  as  the  studies  executed  by  the favoured  few  who  were  the  tribal  artists.  In  spite  of  the  simplicity  of  the  drawings it  is  impossible  not  to  acknowledge  the  vigour  of  such  scenes  as  the  springing  lion  on Plate  III,  the  hippo  turning  on  the  hunters  on  Plate  IV,  or  the  charging  wildebeest on  Plate  XXXI.  One  of  the  most  successful  paintings  is  shown  on  Plate  XVI,  a peaceful  scene  of  eland  and  hartebeest  grazing,  in  which  is  displayed  a  remarkable variety  in  the  attitudes  assumed  by  the  various  animals  ;  this  picture  is  further remarkable  as  containing  almost  the  only  representation  of  vegetable  life  contained in  the  series,  the  branch  of  a  tree  from  which  an  eland  is  pulling  the  leaves.  Desire to  depict  nature  as  he  found  it  often  led  the  primitive  artist  into  difficulties,  but  hi& courage  failed  not  at  the  delineation  of  even  the  most  awkward  attitudes,  and  attempts to  show  animals  in  a  foreshortened  aspect  are  fairly  numerous  ;  notably  on  Plates  IIr XVIII,  XXV,  and  XLI.  Of  particular  interest  to  the  ethnologist  are  those  scenes which  exhibit  pictures  of  native  life,  such  as  the  hunting  scene  (Plate  XXV)  where two  hunters  disguised  as  buck  are  stealing  up  to  a  herd  of  eland,  or  the  representation of  a  dance  (Plate  XXXVI),  where  a  number  of  men  dressed  up  to  represent  animals perform  characteristic  evolutions  while  the  women  stand  round  and  clap  their  hands. Of  other  races  the  Bechuana  are  frequently  represented,  and  are  easily  recognised by  their  shields  of  characteristic  pattern,  and  one  drawing  appears  to  represent  a couple  of  European  soldiers  behind  a  breastwork.  A  number  of  signs  are,  of  course, impossible  of  explanation,  and  of  these  no  doubt  some  have  a  magical  significance  ; but  it  is  pleasing  to  find  illustrations  of  two,  possibly  even  three,  myths  which  have been  preserved  to  us.  One  depicts  the  well-known  story  of  the  children  and  the mantis  (Plate  XL),  the  second  the  legend  of  the  man  who  was  changed  into  a  frog (Plate  VIII)  ;  besides  these  pictures  there  exist  two  (Plates  VI  and  XVIII)  showing [  170  ] 1909.]  MAN.  [Nos.  98-99. spotted  buck,  of  no  known  species,  surrounded  by  fish.  The  authors  make  the  very plausible  suggestion  that  these  may  represent  the  mythical  "  rain-bulls "  which sorcerers  were  supposed  to  lead  over  the  country  in  order  to  cause  rain ;  in  this case  the  spots  would  typify  the  raindrops.  Space  permits  no  more  than  a  short description  of  the  leading  features  of  the  pictures,  each  of  which  deserves  a  close study,  and  those  who  had  the  opportunity  of  seeing  Miss  Tongue's  drawings  when they  were  on  view  in  the  library  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute  will  know that  much  remains  unsaid. It  is  not  easy  to  estimate  the  difficulties  which  beset  the  collection  of  a  series  of drawings  such  as  these,  and  all  students  of  primitive  man  will  feel  greatly  indebted to  Miss  Tongue  and  Miss  Bleek  for  their  labours.  It  must  be  no  small  recompense to  them  to  see  their  fine  material  published,  as  it  deserves,  in  so  sumptuous  a  form. The  Oxford  University  Press  already  possesses  a  reputation  for  enterprise  and efficiency  which  it  would  be  hard  to  render  higher,  but,  if  the  thing  is  possible,  it is  accomplished  by  the  valuable  book  of  which  a  brief  description  has  been  given. T.  A.  J. PROCEEDINGS    OF    SOCIETIES. Anthropology.  British  Association. Anthropology  at  the  British  Association,  Winnipeg  Meeting,  August  25th  to     QQ September  1st,  1909.  UU The  Anthropological  Section  of  the  British  Association  met  at  the  Carlton  School, Winnipeg,  under  the  presidency  of  Professor  J.  L.  Myres.  The  President's  address  on the  influence  of  Anthropology  on  the  course  of  Political  Science  will  be  found  in Nature  (Sept.  23,  1909).  As  was  to  be  expected,  a  great  number  of  the  papers  pre- sented dealt  with  American  Ethnology  and  Archaeology,  and  an  important  feature  of  the meeting  was  the  day  devoted  to  papers  and  discussion  on  the  necessity  for  an  Ethno- graphic Survey  of  Canada,  not  only  of  the  aboriginal  population,  but  also  of  the white  settlers.  Partly  as  a  result  of  this  a  committee  was  formed  to  consider  what steps  should  be  taken  to  carry  out  such  a  survey,  and  a  memorial  was  drawn  up  on the  subject,  which,  it  is  hoped,  will  be  presented  in  due  course  to  the  Canadian Government. It  may  also  be  of  interest  to  note  that  the  Section  had  the  opportunity  of  seeing a  party  of  Sioux  and  Cree  Indians  who  happened  to  be  quartered  at  the  barracks during  a  part  of  the  meeting. In  the  summary  which  follows  the  papers  are  arranged  under  subjects,  and  the future  destination  of  the  papers,  so  far  as  known  at  present,  is  indicated  in  square brackets. PHYSICAL    ANTHROPOLOGY. Archaeological  and  Ethnographical  Researches  in  Crete.  Interim  Report  of  the Committee. — The  Committee  has  received  the  following  interim  report  from  Mr.  C.  H. Hawes,  who  was  able  to  return  to  Crete  in  the  spring  of  1909  : — Extracts  from  Mr.   C.  H.   Hawes*  Report. During  October,  1908,  four  skulls,  two  portions  of  other  crania,  several  pelvic  and long  bones  came  to  light  in  the  course  of  deepening  a  well  in  the  alluvial  bank  of  an ancient  river  ten  minutes  east  of  Candia.  The  argillaceous  deposit  on  which  they lay  had  acted  as  a  natural  plaster  of  Paris,  and  we  are  now  in  possession  of  human osseous  remains  of  not  later  than  the  Middle  Minoau  I  period,  in  the  most  extraordinary state  of  preservation.  Complete  measurements  and  observations  have  been  made  upon [    171 No.  99.]  MAN.  [1909. these,  and  I  hope  to  publish  them  at  an  early  date  with  a  comparison  of  those  discovered by  Dr.  Duckworth  in   1903. In  attacking  the  problem  of  how  to  discover  or  uncover  the  ancient  stratum  among the  modern  people,  I  have  addressed  myself  to  the  task  of  finding  out  and  isolating, if  possible,  alien  elements  of  historical  times.  Representatives  of  Turkish  and  old Venetian  families  have  been  approached,  and  genealogical,  traditional,  and  historical information  garnered,  with  a  view  of  testing  them  anthropometrically.  For  example,  one village  at  which  I  am  to  stay  this  week  claims  to  contain  only  descendants  of  Venetians who  have  strictly  refused  exogamous  marriages.  A  small  Armenian  colony  has  existed in  Candia  since  the  Turkish  occupation  in  1669,  and  inasmuch  as  the  Armenoid  type of  head  is  met  with  in  the  east  end  of  the  island,  whether  of  historic  or  pre-historic date,  this  little  band  of  settlers  is  being  measured.  Albanian  influence  has  been suspected  in  Crete,  and  rightly  so,  since  for  various  reasons  the  Turkish  janissaries  in the  island  included  large  numbers  of  these  Europeans,  and  considerable  mixture  resulted. In  view  also  of  the  Dorian  occupation  of  Crete  and  the  belief  in  certain  quarters  that Illyria  largely  furnished  the  Dorian  hosts,  it  seemed  important  to  get  at  the  Albanian type.  Records,  of  these  and  other  peoples  to  be  met  in  the  island  were  in  my  posses- sion, but  I  was  anxious  to  attempt  the  method  of  race  analysis  by  contours  of  the living  head.  During  my  short  stay  at  Athens  I  was  able,  by  the  aid  of  Mr.  Steele, of  the  Lake  Copa'is  Company,  to  pay  a  flying  visit  to  an  Albanian  village  in  the mountains  to  the  north-east  of  the  lake.  There,  in  the  village  of  Martino,  reputed  to be  the  purest  of  five  such,  I  measured  forty  individuals  and  obtained  contours  of  their heads  by  means  of  an  instrument  which  I  had  just  completed.  Contours  obtained  at random  from  Albanians  of  the  islands  of  Hydra  and  Spezzia  coincided  exactly  with the  type  from  Martino. The  problem  has  been  attacked  from  another  direction.  What  modification  of  the cephalic  index  and  the  shape  of  the  head  has  been  effected  by  artificial  deformation  or formation  of  the  head  ?  I  am  indebted  to  Professor  Macalister  for  calling  my  attention to  the  importance  of  this  factor.  It  is  a  custom  which  is  far  more  prevalent  than  is dreamed,  and  thousands  of  people  in  this  island,  mostly  of  the  male  sex,  are  unaware of  a  custom  which  is  universal  except  among  the  Mussulmans  and  the  better  educated minority  of  urban  population.  The  first  object  was  to  gauge  the  effect  on  the  cephalic index  and  the  contours.  At  the  outset  it  is  necessary  to  distinguish  between  the results  of  intentional  formation  and  involuntary  deformation  due  to  the  lying  on  hard surfaces.  For  these  purposes  I  am  making  comparisons  between  subjects  who  have and  have  not  undergone  head  shaping,  and  between  those  who  have  and  have  not suffered  from  a  pillowless  infancy.  Striking  examples  of  the  latter  are  to  be  found among  the  small  colony  of  Epirote  bakers,  who,  owing  to  the  extreme  poverty  of  their parents  at  home,  possess  the  most  extraordinary  and  incredible  head-shapes  it  has  been my  lot  to  see.  Similar  observations  are  being  made  upon  the  Armenian  settlement here.  Observations  on  these  two  extreme  forms  of  head  will  prove  instructive  in •comparison  with  the  results  of  similar,  though  modified,  treatment  of  the  Cretan  native. Further,  whole  families  of  Cretans  are  under  observation,  and  measurements  and  contours have  been  taken  of  them,  including  children  who  have  and  have  not  been  bandaged in  their  infancy,  from  the  age  of  fourteen  days  up. In  addition  to  these  researches  which  are  in  progress,  I  have  been  able  to  garner from  a  cave,  where  are  carelessly  consigned  the  bones  of  many  a  deceased  Cretan  of to-day  after  a  short  burial  in  the  cemetery,  some  hundred  bones  from  all  parts  of  the skeleton,  saving,  unfortunately,  the  cranium ;  and  thus  a  comparison  is  possible  between skeleton  and  skeleton  of  ancient  and  modern  times.  Two  collections  of  hair,  representing a  series  of  shades,  have  been  made  for  me  by  Orthodox  and  Mussulman  barbers  in Candia.  [Rep.  Brit.  Assoc.,  1909.] [     172    ] 1909.]  MAN.  [No,  99. Anthropometric  Investigation  in  the  British  Isles.  Report  of  the  Committee. — Although  the  last  report  of  the  Committee  was  considered  to  be  final  as  regards  the method  of  anthropometric  investigation,  it  was  thought  advisable  to  reappoint  the  Com- mittee to  act  as  an  organising  centre  to  promote  the  establishment  of  authropometric investigation  among  all  classes  of  the  population  of  the  British  Isles.  In  this  direction important  work  has  been  done  during  the  past  year. The  importance  of  installing  anthropometry  in  public  schools  was  brought  under the  notice  of  the  Headmasters'  Conference  on  February  10th  last,  and  their  co-operation was  asked  for.  In  reply,  a  letter,  dated  May  21st,  was  received  from  the  secretary  of the  Headmasters'  Conference  Committee,  suggesting  the  issue  of  a  short  circular explaining  the  items  of  information  that  it  was  most  important  to  collect.  In  response to  this  suggestion  a  memorandum  was  drawn  up  and  sent  out  by  the  Anthropometric Committee  to  the  headmasters  of  107  public  schools. Measurements  are  now  being  carried  out,  generally  under  the  direction  of  the medical  officers  of  the  education  authorities,  in  primary  schools,  and  in  a  certain  number of  provided  secondary  schools.  But  there  is  still  a  wide  field  among  secondary  schools for  both  boys  and  girls  in  which  the  Committee  could  do  good  work. The  Establishment  of  a  System  of  Measuring  Mental  Characters.  Report  of the  Committee. — The  work  of  the  Committee  is  going  forward  and  promises  to  yield interesting  results,  but  is  not  sufficiently  advanced  for  a  full  report. ETHNOGRAPHY. (a)  AMERICAN. Papers  relating  to  a  proposed  ethnographical  survey  of  Canada  : — (A)   The  Aboriginal  Peoples. E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND. — Retrospect. — In  this  paper  Mr.  Hartland  summarised  the work  that  had  been  done  in  Canada  from  the  time  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers  down  to  the present.  A  great  part  of  this  work  was  done  by  the  committee  of  the  Association appointed  at  the  Montreal  meeting  in  1884.  The  work  of  this  committee  ceased  with the  death  of  Dr.  George  Dawson,  and  since  then,  with  the  exception  of  Mr.  Hill- Tout's  researches  on  the  British  Columbian  tribes,  little  systematic  work  has  been  done by  Canadians,  and  it  has  been  left  almost  entirely  to  the  institutions  and  museums  of the  United  States. DK.  F.  BOAS. — Ethnological  Problems  of  Canada. — After  a  brief  enumeration  of some  of  the  gaps  in  our  knowledge  Dr.  Boas  pointed  out  that  the  general  outlines of  Canadian  ethnology  had  become  known  through  reconnaisances  carried  out  largely under  the  auspices  of  the  British  Association,  and  that  the  task  of  the  future  would be  a  systematic  study  of  the  ethnological  problems  of  the  country.  He  discussed these  problems  in  their  relation  to  the  general  ethnological  problems  of  the  American continent.  While  in  the  whole  area  from  the  Argentine  northward  to  the  Great  Lakes certain  characteristic  traits  of  civilisation  are  found  which  differentiate  the  civilisation of  ancient  America  from  that  of  other  continents,  distinct  types  of  culture  are  found on  the  extreme  north-west  of  the  continent,  including  the  whole  area  from  California  to the  coast  of  Labrador  ;  and  in  the  extreme  south-east  in  Brazil  and  Tierra  del  Fuego. This  suggests  that  these  marginal  areas  may  possess  a  culture  older  than  that  of  the middle  part  of  the  continent  and  not  exposed  to  the  same  historic  influences.  Among the  Canadian  tribes  only  the  Iroquois  and  a  few  of  the  western  tribes,  like  the  Blackfeet and  Assiniboines,  belong  to  the  middle  area  of  the  continent.  All  the  rest  belong  to the  northern  marginal  area.  The  tribes  east  of  Great  Slave  Lake  and  of  the  northern interior  of  Labrador  may  represent  the  civilisation  in  its  present  form.  The  problem [     173     ] No.  99.]  MAN.  [1909. becomes  still  more  difficult  owing  to  undoubted  influences  which  extended  from  Asia  into America,  and  which  reach  Hudson's  Bay  and  the  Great  Plains.  The  unravelling  of these  historical  conditions  is,  perhaps,  the  most  important  problem  to  be  solved  by  a study  of  Canadian  ethnology. Ethnologists  are  not  yet  in  accord  in  regard  to  the  theory  of  the  gradual  develop- ment of  civilisation.  While  some  believe  that  similarities  of  culture  occurring  among diverse  tribes,  sometimes  wide  apart,  is  due  to  pyschological  similarities,  others  believe that  gradual  dissemination  has  played  an  important  part.  In  Canada  there  are  at  least six  distinct  types  of  culture,  that  of  the  Eskimo,  the  north-west  coast,  the  Mackenzie barrier  of  the  western  plateaus,  that  of  the  plains,  that  of  the  eastern  woodland,  and that  of  the  Iroquois.  The  study  of  the  relations  of  these  will  help  to  clear  up  the fundamental  anthropological  problems  that  are  of  the  greatest  interest,  and  which  have also  a  distinct  practical  bearing  upon  our  views  relating  to  the  history  and  future  of  our own  civilisation. DR.  G.  B.  GORDON.^  The  Anthropological  Work  of  the  University  of  Penn- sylvania.— Dr.  G.  B.  Gordon,  reviewing  the  researches  into  the  history  of  man  on  the North  American  continent  that  have  been  carried  on  under  the  auspices  of  the  Govern- ment and  institutions  of  the  United  States,  called  attention  to  certain  far-reaching changes  that  have  been  witnessed  in  the  attitude  of  the  educated  classes,  and  especially of  the  institutions  of  learning,  with  reference  to  those  studies  that  fall  directly  within the  province  of  anthropology,  changes  which,  he  predicted,  are  destined  to  affect  very profoundly  those  inter-related  branches  of  learning  which,  like  history  and  sociology, are  most  directly  affected  by  the  anthropological  method.  These  tendencies  are  made manifest  by  the  history  of  anthropological  activities  in  those  quarters  which  are  most influenced  in  shaping  educational  development  and  methods  of  research. The  work  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution  through  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology  has  been a  prominent  factor  in  promoting  that  interest  in  the  study  of  the  native  races  which  has been  carried  on,  with  successful  results,  by  the  great  universities  and  museums  of  the country.  Nothing  in  the  history  of  anthropology  is  more  significant  than  the  present condition  of  archreological  studies  in  the  great  universities  as  contrasted  with  that  which obtained  a  few  years  ago.  Until  very  recently  the  name  of  American  archaeology  was obnoxious  because  it  was  foreign  to  European  civilisation.  To-day  in  the  same  quarters the  chief  archaeological  interest  lies  in  the  prehistoric  period,  and,  with  a  realisation  of the  unity  of  all  problems  of  human  development,  comes  a  rapidly-increasing  interest  in American  archaeology  as  a  subject  of  study.  This  is  the  condition  of  archaeological science  in  American  institutions  of  learning  to-day,  and,  as  an  index  of  this  condition, the  Archaeological  Institute  of  America,  which  for  many  years  has  maintained  schools at  Rome,  Athens,  and  Jerusalem,  has  only  last  year  established  a  similar  school  in New  Mexico,  and  is  making  an  effort  to  establish  another  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  the object  of  these  schools  being  the  study  of  American  archaeology. (B.)—  The  White  Settlers. DR.  F.  C.  SHRUBSALL. — Ethnographic  Study  of  the  White  Settlers. — Dr.  Shrub- sail  described  the  nature  and  methods  of  investigations  being  pursued  in  crowded centres  of  population,  with  a  view  to  obtaining  statistical  information  that  may  be  of value  in  determining  the  factors  that  lead  to  degeneration  or  improvement  in  the physical  life  of  communities.  In  the  main,  Dr.  Shrubsall  held  that  the  constitution of  a  people  depended  upon  immigration,  emigration,  and  the  birth  and  death  rates. The  death  rate  seemed  to  be  the  selective  factor  in  Nature's  method  of  evolution, weeding  out  the  weaklings  and  the  unfit.  With  the  advance  of  civilisation,  however, humanitarian  principles  had  prevailed  and  every  effort  was  made  to  save  the  unfit .from  perishing  in  childhood,  and  the  insane  from  committing  suicide,  and  the  mentally 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  99. deficient  from  the  consequences  of  their  lack  of  adaptation  to  their  environment,  thus leaving  them  to  be  parents  of  the  next  generation,  and  unfortunately  such  proved  a fertile  stock.  Of  the  relative  importance  of  heredity  and  environment  heredity predominated  and  the  degree  in  which  it  affected  the  individual  was  dependent  upon the  intensity  of  inherited  constitution.  The  entire  trend  of  the  paper  was  to  urge  the necessity  for  taking  preventative  measures  while  the  Dominion  was  still  young,  instead of  remedial  measures  when  the  country  would  be  confronted  with  the  grim  problems which  faced  the  thickly-populated  centres  of  older  lands.  Much  might  be  done,  it was  urged,  to  prevent  the  landing  of  the  physically  and  mentally  unfit,  and  to  encourage the  propagation  of  the  race  through  the  physically  and  mentally  fit  members  of  the community.  Many  illustrations  were  given  of  the  methods  of  tabulating  and  com- paring the  statistics  obtained  in  the  course  of  medical  inspection  of  school  children. C.  HILL-TOUT. — Report  on  the  Ethnology  of  the  Okanagan  of  British  Columbia. \Journ.  Roy.  Anthr.  Inst.~\ DR.  G.  B.  GORDON. — Ethnological  Researches  in  Alaska. — In  1907  the  author made  an  expedition,  on  behalf  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  Museum,  into  the Koskokwim  valley  in  Alaska  to  investigate  the  natives  of  that  region,  who,  owing to  the  remoteness  of  their  habitat  from  white  man's  influence,  preserve  in  a  marked degree  their  aboriginal  characteristics.  The  route  followed  was  from  Dawson  west- ward by  way  of  the  Tanana  and  Kantishna  rivers  to  lake  Minchunima  to  the headwaters  of  the  Koskokwim,  thence  down  the  entire  length  of  that  river  to  the coast.  In  the  upper  valley  of  the  Koskokwim  were  found  Dene  tribes  preserving the  characteristics  of  the  widespread  Dene  stock. About  700  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  river  Eskimo  culture  began  to  be  felt, and  about  200  or  300  miles  further  down  Eskimo  customs  had  entirely  replaced  the native  customs,  even  in  those  communities  where  there  was  little  or  no  mixture  of Eskimo  blood.  The  tendency  of  the  Dene  in  this  region  to  adopt  Eskimo  culture which  has  intruded  from  the  Bering  Sea  coast  is  strongly  marked,  and  shows  that  the Eskimo  culture  is  the  more  agressive  and  the  more  advanced.  At  the  mouth  of  the Koskokwim  the  Eskimo  communities  have  retained  in  full  vigour  their  peculiar customs  and  mode  of  life  because  that  part  of  the  Alaskan  coast  has  not  been  visited by  trading  vessels  or  by  whalers. The  general  health  and  physical  welfare  of  these  communities  as  well  as  of  those on  the  Koskokwim  river  was  noticeably  better  than  in  those  localities  where  the nations  have  been  in  continued  contact  with  the  white  man's  influence,  as,  for  instance, on  the  Yukon  and  on  Norton  Sound.  At  the  same  time  the  mental  and  moral  state of  the  former  population  is  decidedly  better  than  that  of  the  latter.  All  observations tend  to  show  that  the  inhabitants  of  Alaska,  both  Dene  and  Eskimo,  undergo deterioration,  physical  and  moral,  under  the  influence  of  civilisation. WILLIAM  MC!NTOSH. — Note  on  the  present  Native  Population  and  Traces  of  Early Civilisation  in  the  Province  of  New  Brunswick. — The  native  and  half-breed  population numbers  about  1,500  at  the  present  time.  These  belong  to  two  tribes  :  the  Micmacs, occupying  the  eastern  coast  and  part  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy  shores,  and  the  Malecites, who  occupy  the  St.  John  River  Valley,  or  about  the  same  country  which  was  occupied by  their  ancestors  in  early  times.  They  are  able  to  speak  English  but  use  their  own language  among  themselves. Evidence  of  the  prehistoric  occupation  of  this  region  by  a  people  who  were  using stone  implements  are  abundant.  In  sheltered  coves  along  the  coast  are  numerous kitchen  middens  ;  along  the  principal  rivers  prehistoric  camp-sites  abound.  With  a few  exceptions  the  stone  implements  are  of  the  type  common  to  the  Algonquin  areas. [  175  ] Nos.  99-100.]  MAN,  [1909. The  pottery,  in  material  and  shape,  closely  resembles  the  ware  made  by  the  Algonquin tribes  elsewhere,  but  it  shows  some  interesting  variations  in  ornamentation,  differing in  this  respect  from  the  Algonquin  pottery  of  the  south. JOHN  MACLEAN. —  The  Black  foot  Medical  Priesthood. — The  author  defined medicine-men,  or  the  medical  priesthood,  as  shamans,  conjurers,  doctors,  prophets,  and priests,  and  gave  the  different  grades  in  the  priesthood.  The  subject  of  initiation was  then  dealt  with  and  the  course  of  instruction  was  outlined.  Previous  to  this  the would-be  medicine  man  undergoes  a  period  of  voluntary  seclusion  during  which  he fasts  and  sees  visions.  The  dress  and  facial  decoration  of  the  fraternity  was  next described  and  the  sacred  numbers  were  explained.  The  subject  of  disease  was  next treated,  the  Blackfeet  being  particularly  prone  to  small-pox  and  consumption.  The causes  of  the  diseases  were  discussed,  especially  the  influence  which  the  belief  in evil  spirits  has  upon  the  minds  and  bodies  of  the  natives. The  author  then  treated  of  the  medicine-man  in  connection  with  religion,  such subjects  as  animism,  sacred  stones,  sacrifice,  spiritualism,  hypnotism,  prophecy,  and incantation  being  discussed,  as  well  as  medicine  songs,  charms,  and  amulets. Lastly,  the  author  considered  native  medicines  and  remedies,  and  discussed  the value  of  the  work  of  the  medicine  men  among  the  natives  and  the  influence  exercised by  them  on  the  native  religion.  [Manitoba  Free  Press.^ (b~)  NON-AMERICAN. DR.  F.  C.  SHRUBSALL. —  The  Geographical  Factors  bearing  on  the  Distribution of  Racial  Types  in  Africa. E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND. — On  a  Cult  of  Executed  Criminals  in  Sicily.  [See  Proc. Third  Int.  Congress  of  Religions.  Oxford,  1908.] [A  report  of    the    other    papers    read    will    appear    in    a    subsequent    number   of MAN.] ANTHROPOLOGICAL   NOTES. PROFESSOR  CESARE  LOMBROSO  died  on  October  19th.  Born  in  1835,  he studied  medicine  at  Padua  and  Vienna,  graduating  in  1856.  After  serving as  a  surgeon  in  the  Austro-Italian  war  he  became  Professor  of  Psychiatry  at  the University  of  Pavia  and  subsequently  held  the  same  chair  at  Turin.  He  was chiefly  notable  for  his  researches  in  criminology  and  his  results  are  published  in  his work  L1  Uomo  Delinquente.  He  was  an  honorary  fellow  of  the  Royal  Anthropological Institute,  having  been  elected  in  1892. DR.  ROBERT  CREWDSON  BENINGTON  died  suddenly  on  August  26th.  Of  late  years he  had  devoted  his  attention  to  anthropological  work  and  at  the  time  of  his  death was  engaged  on  a  study  of  the  African  skulls  preserved  in  the  museum  of  the  Royal College  of  Surgeons  and  at  the  Natural  History  Museum.  He  joined  the  Royal Anthropological  Institute  in  1906. THE  death  is  announced  of  Dr.  Robert  Needham  Gust.  Dr.  Cust.  who  was  born  in 1821,  was  for  twenty-four  years  a  member  of  the  Indian  Civil  Service,  and  took  part in  the  settlement  of  the  Punjab  after  the  Mutiny,  being  present  at  several  actions.  He was  subsequently  Home  Secretary  to  the  Government  of  India  and  retired  in  1867. He  was  the  author  of  a  great  number  of  works  on  linguistic  subjects,  amongst  which may  be  mentioned  those  on  the  modern  languages  of  the  East  Indies,  of  Africa,  of Oceana,  of  the  Caucasian  group,  and  of  the  Turki  branch  of  the  Ural-Altaic  family. Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majestj^'s  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.C. PLATE  M. MAN,  1909. FIG.  2. FIG.  i. FIG.  3. SOME     DOROBO     BELIEFS. 1909.]  MAN.  [Nos.  101-102. ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. Africa,  East.  With  Plate  M.  Hollis. Some  Dorobo  Beliefs.     By  A.   C.  Hollis.  4|M I  recently  went  for  a  trip  through  the  little  known  country  lying  between  I  U I Naivasha  and  the  Anglo-German  frontier,  and  was  fortunate  enough  to  obtain  a snapshot  of  a  Dorobo,  who  was  a  member  of  the  caravan,  spitting  towards  the  rising sun  before  saying  his  morning  prayer  (PL  M,  Fig.  1).  Whilst  performing  this ceremony  he  had  to  lay  aside  his  sword. The  rains  were  overdue  at  the  time,  and  I  took  photographs  of  the  same Dorobo  making  medicine  to  prevent  the  rain  from  falling.  Fig.  2  shows  him  whistling at  and  defying  the  rain-god.  In  Fig.  3  he  has  laid  aside  his  bow,  and  whilst  holding his  sword  upright  is  rubbing  the  handle  rapidly  between  his  %two  hands.  This  is done  when  the  rain-god  takes  no  notice  of  his  defiant  remarks,  and  insists  on  turning on  the  celestial  water-tap.  It  is  doubtless  only  a  remarkable  coincidence,  but although  the  rain  oftened  threatened  we  had  very  little  till  we  returned  to  the  Uganda Railway,  when  it  came  down  in  torrents.  All  the  natives  of  the  caravan — Kikuyu, Kavirondo,  and  other  East  African  tribes — believed  that  the  Dorobo  had  kept  off  the rain,  and  I  was  told  more  than  once  that  if  it  had  not  been  for  him  we  should  have been  washed  away. It  is  worthy  of  note  that  I  met  some  Masai-Dorobo  in  the  Rift  Valley  who  did not  speak  Nandi  like  most  of  the  Dorobo  in  both  British  and  German  East  Africa. Whether  their  ancestors  had  never  known  this  language  or  had  forgotten  it  owing  to  long intercourse  with  the  Masai,  or  whether  they  had  been  simply  poor  Masai,  who,  owing to  the  loss  of  their  cattle,  had  become  outcasts  and  taken  to  hunting,  I  was  unable  to ascertain.  A.  C.  HOLLIS. Persia.  Sykes. Notes    on    Tattooing    in    Persia.       By  Major  P.    Molesworth    Sykes,     4f|Q C.M.G.  Illl. Until  the  last  generation,  tattooing  was  almost  universal  in  Persia.  Ladies  of  the best  families  had  designs  pricked  on  the  forehead  to  connect  the  eyebrows  :  also  on  the chin,  on  one  cheek,  on  the  lip,  on  the  throat,  and  on  the  breasts.  Imitations  of anklets  and  bracelets,  too,  were  frequently  tattooed.  During  pregnancy,  tattooing,  more especially  on  the  sole  of  the  foot,  was  practised,  with  the  idea  that  the  mark  would be  transferred  to  their  offspring.  Women  generally  had  birds,  flowers,  or  gazelles tattooed  ;  but  occasionally  verses  from  the  Koran.  Men,  on  the  other  hand,  had  lions and  Ya  All  Madad,  or  "  Help,  O  Ali,"  on  their  arms. Tattooing  was  apparently  practised  by  women  (a)  to  embellish  their  charms, (b)  to  avert  the  evil  eye,  (c)  to  hide  a  scar  or  blemish,  and  (d)  to  cure  a  malady.  As regards  this  latter  practice,  Captain  Franklin,  I.M.S.,  tells  me  that  he  recently  saw a  patient  who  stated  that  she  had  tattooed  herself  above  her  eyebrows  as  a  cure  for granular  lids,  the  chronic  form  of  conjunctivitis.  Compare  with  this  the  old  English custom  of  curing  myopia  by  piercing  the  ears.  In  the  case  of  men,  wrestlers  and gymnasts  especially  affected  the  art,  it  being  customary  for  the  winner  in  a  wrestling match  to  have  a  lion  tattooed  on  his  arm.  To-day,  tattooing  is  rare  among  the  upper classes,  but  is  still  affected  by  the  lower  classes,  more  especially  in  Southern  Persia. The  nomads  of  Fars  of  both  sexes  tattoo.  In  Kerman,  prostitutes  are  said  to  be tattooed  with  a  tree  guarded  by  two  chained  lions  covering  the  front  part  of  the  body. The  tattooing  is  generally  done  by  a  gypsy  woman,  and  the  gypsies  also  bleed  all classes  at  certain  seasons.  The  procedure  is  to  rub  over  the  place  with  two  Chinese herbs  known  as  jadwar*  and  tanzu,  famous  for  healing  properties,  to  paint  the  design, *  Zedoary,  a  root  of  genus  curcuma. [     177     ] Nos.  102-103.]  MAN.  [1909. to  prick  it  in  with  a  needle  and  then  to  rub  in  antimony.  Ink,  indigo,  and  charcoal are  also  employed  and,  very  rarely,  a  yellow  dye,  either  turmeric  or  zalil,  a  local  herb. Probably  the  devices  originally  possessed  a  meaning,  the  lion  being  obviously  the symbol  of  bravery  ;  but,  to-day,  nothing  of  this  is  known,  except  that  the  devices  on the  forehead  and  cheeks  are  calculated  to  ward  off  the  evil  eye. The  Persian  expression  is  &±~>y  JU.  "  to  strike  in  a  mole,"  and  the  practice  is considered  to  be  against  the  teaching  of  Muhammad  who,  according  to  a  tradition, cursed  (a)  the  woman  who  added  false  hair  or  allowed  it  to  be  added  ;  (6)  the  woman who  tattooed  or  was  tattooed  ;  (c)  the  woman  who  sharpened  teeth  or  whose  teeth were  sharpened  ;  and  (rf)  the  woman  who  depilated  or  who  allowed  depilation.  This tradition  is  quoted  by  mullas  as  an  order  against  both  vaccination  and  dentistry.*  It also  shows  that  tattooing  was  in  vogue  in  Arabia  ;  indeed,  there  are  many  references  to it  in  Arabic  literature,  and,  to-day,  it  is  still  a  flourishing  art,  whereas  in  Persia  it  is considered  to  be  a  relic  of  barbarism.  P.  MOLESWORTH  SYKES. Archaeology.  Abbott. The  Pygmy  Implements.    By   W.  J.  Lewis  Abbott,  F.G.S.  IflQ In  speaking  of  the  pygmy  implements,  frequently  referred  to  in  these  pages,  lOU it  is  essential  that  we  should  have  a  set  of  definite  objects  in  our  mind,  marking  some particular  phase  of  prehistoric  culture.  As  a  matter  of  fact  flints  of  diminutive,  or,  in contrast  with  those  generally  found  in  collections,  pygmy  size,  with  minute  workings, are  found  in  deposits  of  many  ages  ;  and  in  most  of  these  the  outlines  are  more  or  less fantastic.  Upon  e*vrery  flint  pebble  beach  and  in  river  gravels  very  remarkable  small flints  with  minute  chippings  can  be  found,  of  which  the  form  and  chippings  often  so clos-ely  resemble  those  which  we  claim  to  be  the  work  of  man,  that  none  but  those  who have  given  the  necessary  amount  of  study  to  the  question  can  correctly  determine  these interesting  little  objects.  With  many  people  a  universal  negation  of  everything  of  this class  finds  an  easy  solution  of  the  difficulty.  But,  unfortunately  for  this  attitude,  many of  these  things  occur  in  settlements,  away  from  all  the  vicissitudes  of  gravel  making,. in  places  where  there  is  no  native  flint,  so  that  the  danger  of  this  wholesale  condemnation ought  to  become  obvious. In  dealing  with  the  "pygmy  "  flints  from  the  older  formations,  great  care  must  be exercised  in  drawing  a  line  between  the  work  of  man  and  the  results  of  the  multiple forces  of  Nature  ;  and  the  older  the  formation  in  which  they  occur  the  greater  the difficulty  becomes.  There  can  be  no  doubt,  I  think,  that  Nature  furnished  man,  or his  immediate  predecessors,  with  prototypes,  and  that  vast  quantities  of  flints  which have  served  his  purpose  consist  mainly  of  natural  forms  with  but  little  additions from  those  who  used  them.  It  is  as  the  ages  roll  on  that  we  see  the  artificial  pre- ponderating over,  and  finally  supplanting,  the  natural  element.  As  we  watch  this, not  only  do  new  types  appear,  but  new  methods  of  working,  and  both  types  and working  have  a  chronological  value,  and  increase  in  numbers  as  the  ages  follow one  another.  It  is  by  no  means  sufficient  for  worked  flints  to  be  of  pygmy  size, and  quaint  outlines,  to  justify  the  assumption  that  they  ought  to  be  regarded  as belonging  exclusively  to  one  particular  age  or  people  ;  they  were  not  the  product  of one  exclusive  race,  at  one  particular  "  age." The  .evolution  of  the  flint  industry  in  very  many  ways  parallels  the  evolution  of organic  life  upon  the  planet.  Many  types  become  fixed,  some  of  which  persist  through several  of  our  greatest  divisions  of  time  ;  others  had  a  shorter  life,  while  others  soon became  extinct.  Diminutive  flints  with  more  or  less  quaint  outlines  with  very  delicate *  The  Arabic  is  as  follows  :  — [     178     J 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  103. chippiugs  occur  in  the  Pliocene  beds  on  the  chalk  plateaux,  as  at  Wrotham  Hill,  ami were  thrown  out  with  Pliocene  shells  at  the  summit  level  a  little  north,  also  in  tin- Pliocene  Dewlish  gravels  and  in  the  Cromer  Forest  Bed.  Diminutive  worked  flints  of contemporary  age  are  fouud  in  many  places  upon  the  Continent,  at  various  horizons  iu our  Pleistocene  gravels,  and  in  caves  all  over  Europe  ;  in  rock  shelters,  kitchen  middens, settlements,  stations,  and  encampments  all  over  the  country  ;  in  sand  dunes,  peat  bogs and  fens,  dew  ponds,  and  numerous  other  places  throughout  the  United  Kingdom.  It  is when  we  study  these  things,  and  the  deposits  in  which  they  occur,  in  chronological  order, that  we  see  the  evolution  of  type  and  method  of  working,  the  latter  being  so  highly important  for  our  present  purpose,  while  we  watch  the  survival  of  older  forms  and  the appearance  of  new  as  we  ascend  the  series. When  we  come  to  "  open  air "  stations  the  conditions  present  grave  difficulties unless  we  have  made  a  special  study  of  the  products  of  all  the  ages  anteceding  that  to which  the  newest  relic  belongs.  The  passage  from  the  older  river  through  the  older caves  is  easily  seen,  and  from  the  older  to  the  new  cave  deposits.  It  is,  however, during  the  cave  period,  or  rather  during  the  period  represented  by  the  cave  deposits, that  we  see  the  evolutions  of  what  I  wish  to  call  the  pygmy  implements,  la  petite Industrie  of  Pierpont,  the  Tardenoisien  of  Rutot. For  over  twenty  years  some  of  us  had  been  collecting  these  little  things  without being  able  to  realise  their  importance;  it  was  not. till  the  discovery  of  the  Hastings kitchen  middens  that  this  was  done  ;  here  upon  the  old  rock  ledges,  under  the  lee  of  the overhanging  rocks  and  at  the  mouths  of  the  fissures,  were  enacted  all  the  dramas  of  the life  of  a  given  people  at  a  given  period.  Hither  they  brought  the  trophy  of  the  chase, gatherings  from  the  foreshore  and  forest,  the  fish  they  could  catch,  and  the  birds  they were  dextrous  enough  to  shoot.  Hither,  also,  they  brought  the  flints  from  the  beach and  sat  and  worked  them  into  those  delicate  characteristic  forms  by  a  method  essentially peculiar  to  them.  Here  they  lit  their  fires  and  partook  of  the  evening  meal,  and  here were  sealed  down  all  the  relics  of  the  period,  not  only  the  flint  and  bone  tools, amulets,  &c.,  but  the  bones  of  the  animals,  birds,  and  fish  of  that  period.  The  content* of  these  have  been  elsewhere  described,*  so  that  it  is  scarcely  necessary  to  go  into fuller  details — one  picture  may  suffice,  restored  from  materials  as  found. Extending  over  a  great  distance  through  the  Midden  material  was  a  stratum  of  clear barren  sand,  marking  a  period  of  rest  from  habitation.  On  carefully  removing  this, there  were  laid  bare  probably  the  most  fascinating  collections  of  objects  of  a  prehistoric period  that  have  ever  been  seen  together  ;  for  here  in  its  purity  existed  a  complete picture  of  the  life  of  these  old  hunter-fishermen  sealed  down  from  contamination  and admixture  with  the  relics  of  subsequent  times,  and  thus  this  remarkable  accumulation has  the  right  to  be  regarded  as  absolutely  typical,  and  to  justify  the  claim  of  the  term Hastings  Kitchen  Midden  Men  Period. In  a  corner  formed  by  the  cliff  face  and  a  projecting  fissure  wall  squatted  one  of the  old  fellows  chipping  away  at  a  flint,  a  heap  of  which  lay  by  his  side.  In  his  hand was  a  hard-worn  quartzite  hammer-stone,  one  of  the  most  cherished  objects  of  his life.  Near  him  crouched  his  wife,  and  possibly  offspring,  collecting  the  flakes  he struck  off,  and  sorting  them  into  little  heaps  according  to  the  purposes  for  which  they were  suitable.  Near  him  was  another  old  fellow,  working  away  at  one  of  those beautiful  bi-concavo-convex  ridged-back,  finely-worked,  round-based,  spear  tips  ;  he had  finished  the  prize  all  but  one  blow,  which  would  have  removed  the  implement from  the  flint  block  in  a  finished  condition,  when  he,  too,  stops  of  a  sudden.  Near  to him  are  several  others  splitting  bones  either  for  their  marrow  or  for  material  for implements,  &c.  One  old  fellow  has  broken  a  leg  bone  of  one  of  the  trophies  just secured  in  the  chase ;  beside  him  are  two  pointed  flint  wedges.  He  has  already *  Journ,  Anthr.  Inst..  Nov.  1895.  Plates  x  to  xiii. [  179  ] No.  103.]  MAN.  [1909. inserted  one  into  the  narrow  cavity,  and  the  bone*  is  splitting  in  several  places,  but the  skeletal  element  is  firm  and  healthy,  and  grips  the  wedge  tightly,  and  splitting requires  force  applied  several  times. A  little  further  there  is  a  fire  on  the  hearth  which  has  baked  the  underlying  loam into  a  red  brick  for  several  feet  in  extent.  Over  this  is  roasting  a  boar's  head,  till the  jawbones  are  becoming  so  exposed  that  before  the  great  episode  of  the  evening is  finished  they  will  all  be  reduced  to  charcoal.  Near  at  hand  there  are  also  several  of the  community  engaged  in  taking  off  the  damaged  flint  points  broken  in  the  chase,  and replacing  these  truncated  butt  ends  with  new  flint  tops  ;  consigning  these  broken portions  to  the  accumulating  midden  or  refuse  heap.  The  number  of  these  flint  butt •ends  that  have  accumulated  tell  us  that  these  flint  tools,  whether  on  sticks  or  sinews as  fish  hooks,  or  bound  to  hafts  or  reeds,  suffered  greatly  in  use,  and  required  periodical replacing.  At  this  moment  an  esteemed  implement  has  come  into  the  hands  of  one of  the  old  fellows.  It  is  broken  asunder  across  its  centre,  and  out  of  some  respect for  it  he  is  putting  a  new  point  to  it,  working  off  those  delicate  minute  flakes  in  the manner  characteristic  of  the  race.  He  has  run  his  bone  flaker  up  one  side,  and  left an  edge  such  as  no  other  system  of  flint  working  can  produce.  He  has  just  begun the  other,  and  apparently  in  a  minute  or  two  bi-symmetry  will  again  be  obtained, with  a  sharp  piercing  point  as  a  result,  but  he  stops  just  as  suddenly  !  Near  him, upon  the  hot  ashes  of  a  fire,  stands  the  coarse  earthen  pot,  the  prototype  of  our modern  tar  kettle — the  earliest  saucepan  we  know  ;  its  bottom  and  sides  are  incrusted with  a  thick  layer  of  soot,  telling  of  the  withstanding  of  the  ordeal  of  fire  accompanying many  an  evening  meal,  while  close  by  is  a  pile  of  calcined  flints  beneath  burning wood,  cooking  a  clay-invested  rabbit.  Near  by  are  several  flat-bottomed  vessels,  the prototypes  of  our  first  saucers  or  basins,  although  the  soot  upon  their  bottoms  tells the  tale  of  their  having  been  put  upon  the  blazing  fire.  Everyone  is  busy  ;  everyone appears  intent  upon  what  he  is  doing,  when  an  alarm  is  raised,  and  everyone  in  the settlement  has  stopped  what  he  is  doing.  It  is  the  enemy  !  Down  goes  the  core upon  which  the  first  man  is  engaged  ;  even  bis  cherished  quartzite  hammer  is  dropped in  the  alarm.  Down  goes  the  marrowbone,  with  the  flint  wedge  firmly  gripped,  and down  is  thrown  the  implement  finished  all  but  for  one  blow.  The  pot  is  left  upon the  hearth,  and  the  heap  of  hot  stones,  and  everyone  flees  for  dear  life,  which,  in  all probability,  is  barely  saved  !  From  the  discovery  of  human  bones  it  is  probable  that all  did  not  escape,  and  those  who  did  were  afraid  to  come  back  again  for  a  long  period  ; and  between  this  time  and  renewed  operations  the  Zephyrs  and  good  old  .^Eolus  had spread  a  curtain  of  blown  sand  over  it  all,  and  thus  preserved  the  picture  of  the  times for  thousands  of  years,  to  delight  the  soul  of  the  pre-historic  archaeologist  at  the  close ,  of  the  nineteenth  century  A.D. During  the  last  twenty  years  at  least  50,000  relics  of  this  period  have  been carefully  studied  by  me.  Many  pygmy  implements  identical  in'  outline  with  some  of those  found  in  the  Hastings  kitchen  middens  have  been  found  in  caves  with  the mammoth  fauna,  and  each  particular  type  has  its  history,  which  it  is  impossible  to trace  here.  Also  in  the  French  caves  certain  specialised  forms,  which,  for  want  of better  words,  I  have  named  "old  edges"  and  "tanging  pieces,"  and  which,  although not  found  in.  this  country  associated  with  polished  weapons,  are  exceedingly  plentiful in  settlements  of  the  Hastings  kitchen  midden  age.  This  method  of  production  asso- ciates these  little  objects  very  closely  with  the  survivors  of  the  French  troglodytes,  and the  fauna — land  and  marine — point  in  the  same  direction.  There  is  one  thing, however,  in  which  these  old  fellows  excelled  their  predecessors,  and  that  was  in  the introduction  of  a  method  of  right  line  minute  flaking,  which  I  believe  to  have  been effected  with  a  slot  in  a  bone  very  like  the  wards  in  a  key.  With  an  instrument  of *  Now  in  the  British  Museum. [     180    ]    • 1909.]  MAN.  [Nos.  103-104. this  description  it  is  possible  to  reproduce  the  minute  right-lined  flaking  which  is  the distinguishing  feature  of  the  Hastings  kitchen  midden  men.  No  one  can  realise  the accuracy  and  delicacy  of  this  work.  I  have  often  counted  sixty  and  eighty  of  these minute  flakings  to  one  inch,  forcibly  calling  to  mind  the  teeth  of  the  machine-cut  wheels in  a  chronograph  !  It  is  neither  minuteness  of  size,  quaintness  of  outline,  nor  small work  alone  that  entitles  a  flint  to  be  regarded  as  of  Hastings  kitchen  midden  age,  or belonging  to  la  petite  Industrie,  but  this  method  of  working,  which,  whenever  found, is  accompanied  by  the  other  characteristics. With  reference  to  the  age  of  these  interesting  little  objects  there  are  many  points to  connect  them  with  the  Continental  troglodytes,  of  whom  they  might  well  have  been the  work  of  the  descendants  who  migrated  northwards  to  Britain  and  southwards  to  the Mediterranean,  Egypt,  India,  and  nuineroiis  other  places.  The  geological  evidence  in Lancashire,  according  to  Dr.  Colley  March's  description,  would  refer  these  things  to  a time  far  more  remote  than  any  deposit  in  which  polished  stones  have  been  found.  If we  take  the  specimens  from  the  undisturbed  Hastings  kitchen  middens  as  our  types  of purity,  and  allow  no  other  forms  as  typical  that  do  not  occur  here,  or  in  some  other  place equally  well  preserved  (as  in,  say,  barrows),  we  shall  sometimes  be  able  to  fix  their  age in  relation  to  polished  and  other  neolithic  implements.  In  many  open-air  stations  and settlements  in  commanding  positions  we  find  vantage  sites  that  have  been  used  by various  peoples  in  succession.  A  magnificent  example  of  such  occurs  on  the  summit  of Blackdowu.  But,  unfortunately,  the  hunting  here  was  done  by  workmen  who  turned over  and  sifted  all  the  ground  that  yielded  any  kind  of  flint.  Cornwall  has  recently yielded  a  rich  harvest  of  the  smaller  pygmies.  Occasionally  we  get  cases  where  the  relics of  the  different  ages  occur  in  superposition,  and  it  is  obvious  that  such  sites  ought  to be  preserved  to  be  worked  only  by  qualified  men.  It  is  in  this  point  that  we  need amendments  of  the  Ancient  Monuments  Preservation  Act  to  which  I  hope  to  refer  on another  occasion.  W.  J.  LEWIS  ABBOTT. Ceylon :  Archaeology.  Andrews. Early  Defensive  Works,  Ceylon.     By  J.  B.  Andrews. I  wish  to  call  attention  to  a  fine  Cyclopean  wall  I  visited  in  Ceylon  recently, at  the  suggestion  of  Mr.  J.  Hill,  of  the  Land  Settlement  Office,  and  formerly  assistant to  Mr.  Bell,  the  Government  archaeologist.  It  surrounds  Mapagala  Hill  close  to  the famous  rock  fortress  of  Sigiri.  It  is  similar  to  others  found  in  various  countries  in England  and  on  the  French  Riviera,  such  as  are  described  and  illustrated  in  the valuable  publications  of  Dr.  A.  Guebhard,  member  of  the  Societe  prehistorique  of France.  This  wall  was  evidently  constructed  for  defensive  purposes  ;  the  enormous stones  are  piled  unhewn  on  top  of  one  another  without  the  use  of  mortar.  It dates  probably  from  the  Neolithic  epoch,  if  not  before.  Similar  fragments  exist  on Sigiri  Hill  itself,  but  most  of  the  many  walls  thereon  are  quite  different  in  style,  the stones  being  much  smaller,  more  regularly  shaped,  and  put  together  with  some  order. These  last  are  attributed  to  the  parricide  King  Kasyapa,  A.D.  500  circa.  Doubtless other  similar  walls  exist  elsewhere  in  Ceylon  and  India,  but,  to  my  knowledge,  they have  not  yet  been  noticed. I  also  visited  this  winter  the  kadangas,  long  lines  of  huge  earthworks  situated in  the  mountains  of  Coorg,  some  hours'  journey  from  the  town  of  Mysore.  I  may confirm  what  Dr.  Richter  in  his  Manual  of  Coorg  says  of  their  resemblance  to  the so-called  British  earthworks  and  dykes,  such  as  the  Wansdyke,  even  in  the  occasional presence  of  supporting  forts  or  camps.  They  are  of  unknown  antiquity,  thousands  of years  old  according  to  the  imaginative  native  traditions.  The  Coorg  Chronicle  narrates their  being  repaired  three  or  four  hundred  years  ago,  in  some  small  sections  with stone,  it  is  said.  Some  of  the  kadatigas  are  of  great  length,  traversing  the  province Nos.  104-106.] MAX. [1909. of  Coorg  from  north   to  south.     Their  height  is  some  30  feet  from  the  bottom  of  the fosse  to  the  top  of  the  vallum. The   lofty  mud    Avails   protecting    some    of    the  Mysore  villages  are  noteworthy. They  are  strengthened  by  a  fosse.     In  some  respects  they  recall  the  kadangas. J.  B.  ANDREWS. Melanesia.  Edg-e-Parting-ton. Banks  Islands  Pudding-Knives.     By  J.  Edge-Partington.  1flK The  varying  forms  of  the  handles  of  pudding-knives  from  the  Banks  group      lUu are  evidently  all  derived  from  the  same  source.  Without  doubt  the  design  is  anthro- pomorphic. Absolute  proof  of this,  however,  was  wanting  until, through  the  kindness  of  Dr.  Cod- rington,  I  became  possessed  of a  knife  the  handle  of  which  was carved  to  represent  a  complete male  human  figure  (No.  3).  In comparing  this  specimen  with others  from  the  British  Museum the  anthropomorphic  design  is at  once  apparent.  Dr.  Cod- rington  tells  me  that  the  native name  of  this  implement  is "  igot."  My  specimen  (No.  3) is  made  of  reddish-brown  wood and  measures  16^  inches  in length  and  is  much  more  highly finished  than  is  usually  the  case with  this  type  of  implement. Dr.  Codrington  says  that the  bread-fruit  is  abundant  in the  Banks  Islands,  where  it Forms  an  important  part  of  the food  supply  when  dried  over a  fire,  wound  round  with  strips of  leaves  and  preserved  in chests. The   figures  in    the  illustra- tion are  one  quarter  the  size  of the  originals. 2  J.  EDGE-PARTINGTON. Africa,  East :  Archaeology. Seton-Karr. Prehistoric  Implements  from  Somaliland.     By  H.  If.  Seton-Karr.     IflG The  place  where  I  found  the  palaeolithic   implements  about  twelve  years     I U  U ago  in  Somaliland  was  the   locality  where  they  were  produced,  manufactured,  or  made. It  was  the  work-place.     The  material  was  there. That  is  the  reason  they  were  found   in  such  a  perfect  condition  in  such  large,  or comparatively  large,  numbers,  and  aggregated  or  collected,  not  scattered.     They  had  not been  used.     They  were  not  waterworn.     They  were  probably  for  barter  and  exchange. What  were  the  conditions  under  which   they  were   found,    under   which  they  had lain  for  an  immense  period  of  time. 182 1909.]  MAN.  [Nos.  106-107. I  consider  that  there  are  three  essential  conditions  necessary  to  every  locality where  ancient  stone  implements  are  to  be  found  in  situ  on  or  near  the  surface and  in  considerable  numbers. I  judge  these  conditions  from  my  discoveries  in  India,  in  Egypt,  and  in  East  Africa, Central  Africa,  and  South  Africa,  and  from  investigations  in  these  and  other  countries and  localities  where  I  have  discovered  little  or  nothing.  Firstly,  the  surface  must  be from  ancient  times  undisturbed.  Secondly,  the  material  for  the  manufacture  of implements  must  be  present.  Thirdly,  there  must  be,  or  must  have  been,  water. This  wonderful  spot  in  Somaliland  lies  geographically  about  ninety  miles  N.W. of  the  port  of  Berbera.  It  is  a  long,  low  hill  rising  about  100  metres  above  the  bed of  the  Issutugan.  There  is  no  higher  ground  from  which  material  can  be  washed  on to  it,  and  there  is  drainage  on  all  sides,  so  that  rain  flows  off  immediately,  carrying little  or  no  material  with  it.  The  ground  is  formed  of  coarse,  red  quartzite  sand,  false- bedded,  loosely  cemented  together,  and  not  too  easily  dissolved,  and  in  this  the  boulders and  pebbles  of  quartzite  and  chert  are  buried.  On  the  lower  slopes  of  the  hill  they have  been  washed  out  and  are  lying  loose.  None  of  the  Somali  rivers  reach  the  sea. There  is  seldom  water  flowing  in  their  beds  ;  only  under  the  surface  and  obtainable by  digging.  The  climate  ever  since  neocosmic  times  has  probably  been  a  comparatively dry  one.  The  geographical  and  climatic  conditions  have  not  varied.  The  landscape, the  stratigraphical  features,  the  hills,  and  river  valleys  have  remained  the  same  since the  beginning  of  the  quaternary  period,  I  imagine,  and  perhaps  longer. The  three  conditions  I  hold  essential  are  thus  fulfilled  in  this  case,  just  as  they were  in  the  case  of  the  Indian  implements  from  near  Trivandrum  and  other  places, and  in  the  case  of  implements  from  the  upper  and  lower  levels  of  the  Egyptian desert  and  the  western  Oases. A  great  many  museums  all  over  the  world  have  been  presented  with  Somaliland implements,  but  they  are  all  from  this  one  spot  or  its  immediate  vicinity.  That  is  to say,  that  the  neolithic  lance-heads,  arrow-heads,  and  scrapers  are  from  the  low  land. a  mile  or  two  to  the  south,  where  flint  occurs  ;  and  the  heavy  Chelleen  and  Strepyien coups  de  poings  of  quartzite  and  chert  from  this  hill-top  where  these  materials  occur. I  have  not,  during  thirteen  separate  visits  to  Somaliland,  found  any  other  spot  like it,  nor  one  presenting  the  three  conditions  I  formulate.  I  have  frequently  told  other travellers  about  these  things,  especially  officers  traversing  the  country  on  duty  during our  small  wars  against  rebellious  tribes,  and  officers  and  civilians  making  pleasure trips  who  have  leisure  to  look  about.  But  I  have  not  heard  of  any  other  similar locality  having  yet  been  found  in  the  whole  of  Eastern  Africa. Similar  implements,  but  of  a  rougher,  more  unworkmanlike,  unfinished  style  and type  have  since  been  found  at  many  places  in  South  and  West  Africa  widely  separated from  each  other,  from  the  Congo  to  the  Zambesi  and  the  Cape.  But  they  were scattered  and  mostly  washed  out  of  alluvium  and  river  deposits,  and  not  so  flawless and  segregated  within  such  a  small  area  as  these  from  Jalelo  in  Somaliland  ;  and,  as Sir  John  Evans  first  observed  in  his  communication  to  the  Royal  Society,  they  form the  most  important  link  in  the  evidence  for  the  universality  of  palaeolithic  times between  east  and  west.  H.  W.  SETON-KARR. Ireland:  Archaeology.  Lewis. Ancient  Remains  on  the  Rock  of  Cashel.     />'//  A.  L.  Lewis.  1(17 Near  the  entrance  to  the  enclosure  round  the  rock  is  a  much-battered  cross  lUf or  figure  of  some  sort,  standing  on  a  stone,  which  looks  like  a  rather  shapeless boulder  from  which  the  two  ends  have  been  roughly  cut  off"  to  make  it  somewhat  square and  suitable  for  a  pedestal  ;  and  on  this  stone  I  saw  a  group  of  concentric  circular markings,  such  as  are  found  at  New  Grange,  at  Long  Meg  in  Cumberland,  and  at r  iss   ] Nos.  107-108.]  MAN.  [1909. the  little  circle  near  it,  and  in  other  places  ;  I  was  told  that  it  was  upon  this  stone that  the  early  kings  of  Munster  were  crowned,  and  it  appeared  to  me  that  there  was here  a  link  between  the  prehistoric  and  the  historic  which  was  at  least  of  some interest  from  an  anthropological  point  of  view.  Whether  these  concentric  markings have  been  recorded  before  I  do  not  know  ;  I  myself  have  seen  no  mention  of  them — not  even  in  the  Encyclopedia  Britannica — and,  as  they  are  very  faint,  and  can probably  only  be  seen  when  the  sunlight  falls  upon  them  brightly  at  a  particular angle,  I  think  it  not  unlikely  that  they  may  hitherto  have  escaped  the  observation of  those  who  would  be  most  interested  in  them,  and  that  it  may  be  well  to  note  the fact  of  their  existence.  A.  L.  LEWIS. Fiji.  Hocart. Two  Fijian  Games.    By  A.  M.  Hocart.  108 The  following  two  games  may  have  been  described.  If  so  it  will  do  no  harm  IUU to  repeat  them  in  order  to  show  how  the  manner  in  which  a  game  is  played  deserves  to be  recorded  no  less  than  the  bare  rules.  I  give  them  as  played  in  Lau  with  the Lauan  terminology  : — Fitshi. — A  bundle  of  reeds  (ngasau)  is  heaped  on  a  log  (ilango  ni  ngasau)  ;  the reeds,  about  one  foot  long,  lie  parallel  and  project  at  both  ends.  Players,  two  or  more, sit  on  each  side.  One  proceeds  to  flip  (lisena)  the  end  of  each  reed  successively  so  as to  drive  it  out  at  the  other  end.  He  may  not  make  more  than  one  fall  at  a  time  and  it must  fall  clear  of  the  ilango.  If  he  succeeds,  he  goes  on  ;  if  he  fails,  he  yields  his  turn to  the  next  player  ;  if  one  end  of  the  reed  rests  on  the  ilango  it  is  replaced  ;  if  two  are knocked  down  the  player  keeps  one  and  replaces  the  other.  When  all  the  reeds  have been  flipped  off,  each  player  counts  his  reeds  ;  each  reed  is  a  point  (kai). The  game  recalls  spilikins,  in  which  ivory  or  wooden  needles  have  to  be  removed from  a  heap  with  a  small  hook  without  causing  any  other  pin  to  move.  But  it  is instructive  to  note  the  different  spirit  in  which  they  are  played.  In  the  European  game strict  rules  are  enforced  with  a  view  to  increase  the  difficulties  and  hence  the  excite- ment ;  the  heap  may  not  be  re-arranged,  and  the  more  confused  the  heap  the  better  the game  ;  in  Jttshi  a  player  can  spread  out  the  reeds,  as  room  is  made  in  the  progress  of  the game.  I  have  seen  boys  substitute  for  a  short  log,  on  which  the  reeds  had  to  be  piled up,  a  long  one  on  which  they  could  be  laid  side  by  side  and  not  interfere  with  each other,  which  makes  the  game  rather  tame  from  our  point  of  view.  In  this  as  in  other games  they  seem  to  enjoy  the  actual  exercise  of  skill  rather  than  emulation  ;  boys — I cannot  say  how  it  is  with  men — keep  no  account  of  the  score  beyond  each  particular game. Veimbuka. — This  is  the  Lauan  name  ;  in  Tailevu  it  is  known  as  veimbithi.  A straight  line  is  drawn  on  the  beach  some  eighty  metres  long,  it  is  called  isoso.  In  the middle  is  a  small  mound  (mata  ni  isoso),  which  divides  the  line  between  two  teams  (to). The  teams  line  up  on  each  side  of  the  mata.  A  boy,  called  mbithi,  runs  out  from  one camp  and  seeks  to  reach  the  opponents'  line  ;  of  course  it  is  no  use  making  straight  for it,  so  he  has  to  run  out  with  as  much  slant  towards  the  adversaries'  line  as  the  latter allow,  for  they  rush  out  in  a  mass  to  catch  him  ;  the  one  who  touches  him  first  is chased  by  party  No.  1,  while  he  tries  to  run  round  them  or  dodge  through  them  to their  own  line  ;  the  one  who  catches  him  is  chased  in  his  turn.  The  player  caught last  and  bis  captor  stand  to  each  other  as  veilumbuna,  i.e.,  grandmother  and  grandchild  ; the  captor  is  tumbuna,  (grandmother),  the  boy  he  touches  makumbuna  (grandchild)  ; the  makumbuna  may  not  catch  the  tumbuna  until  he  has  been  caught  by  another. If  the  pursued  can  reach  the  enemy's  line  uncaught,  he  places  one  foot  on  it ;  he is  said  to  so,  and  scores  one  point  (kai)  for  his  side.  The  so  is  recorded  by  digging a  finger  into  the  mata  ;  the  holes  are  made  along  two  parallel  lines,  each  beginning [  184  ] 1909.]  MAN.  [Nos.  108-109. Its  record  on  the  opposite  side  and  extending  to  their  own.  After  each  so  they begin  again. The  game  is  one  in  which  it  is  indispensable  to  note  the  manner  of  its  playing  as well  as  its  rules,  if  we  wish  to  use  it  as  evidence  of  the  people's  character.  Judging by  the  rules,  there  is  no  reason  why  the  game  should  not  be  as  highly  competitive  as football,  and,  like  football,  it  involves  rivalry  between  parties.  Yet  in  practice  there  is very  little  emulation,  at  least  among  boys  of  twelve  to  fourteen,  an  age  at  which  the spirit  of  competition  is  fully  developed  among  British  boys  ;  each  boy  plays  for  himself, runs  when  he  chooses  and  will  simply  look  on  while  his  side  is  being  beaten  if  he  is not  inclined  to  run  ;  he  will  desert  the  game,  go  and  bathe,  or  take  to  some  other pastime  that  appeals  to  him  at  the  moment.  The  whole  game  is  merely  a  pretext  to run  and  take  exercise.  Yet  emulation  and  party  spirit  are  not  remote  from  their character  ;  in  the  course  of  three  months  I  have  seen  a  considerable  change  among boys  divided  into  two  factions  and  made  to  play  each  other  week  after  week.  In  that short  time  they  had  become  loyal  to  their  sides,  while  desertion  and  negligence  are almost  suppressed. Such  a  change  partakes  of  the  nature  of  a  rough  psychological  experiment ;  in default  of  any  real  tests,  it  raises  a  presumption,  if  no  more,  that  lack  of  emulation  and esprit  de  corps  are  not  racial  among  Fijians,  but  that  these  qualities  lack  opportunity  in the  casual  life  of  small  and  primitive  societies,  and  are  capable  of  being  developed. N.B.— Ng  as  ng  in  singer.  A.  M.  HOCART. REVIEWS. Anthropometry.  Ernst. Das  Schulkind  in  seiner  korperlichen  und  geistigen  Entwicklung.  Dar-  400 gestellt  von  Dr.  phil.  Lucy  Hoesch-Ernst  und  Dr.  phil.  Ernst  Neumann.  lUU 1  Teil  von  Dr.  phil.  Lucy  Hoesch-Ernst.  Leipzig  :  Otto  Nemnich  Verlag. This  book  is  a  very  thorough  anthropometric  study  of  Swiss  schoolchildren,  and will  be  of  special  interest  to  medical  officers  and  others  who  have  to  carry  out  measure- ments under  the  Education  Administrative  Provisions  Act.  The  number  of  children measured  by  Dr.  Hoesch-Ernst  was  not  very  large  (175  boys  and  175  girls),  but  on each  of  the  subjects,  about  twenty  anatomical  characters  and  three  physiological characters  were  measured.  The  ages  of  the  children  were  from  eight  to  fifteen  years. Extensive  tables  of  measurements  of  children  by  other  observers  are  given  for  the purpose  of  comparison,  but  in  few,  if  any,  cases  have  so  many  dimensions  been  measured as  by  Dr.  Hoesch-Ernst,  so  that  in  the  case  of  some  no  comparison  is  possible. The  necessity  for  an  international  agreement  in  the  methods  of  measurement  is illustrated  by  several  cases  in  which  comparisons  are  impossible,  owing  to  differences in  the  methods  of  different  observers.  For  example,  Dr.  Hoesch-Ernst's  rule  for measuring  the  girth  of  the  chest  is  to  pass  the  tape  round  so  that  it  touches  the  lower edge  of  the  shoulder  blades  at  the  back,  and  runs  directly  above  the  nipples  at  the front.  This  will  give  quite  a  different  result  from  the  rule  of  the  Anthropometric Committee  to  measure  the  girth  at  the  height  of  the  fourth  rib.  Differences  also  exist in  the  methods  of  measuring  the  circumference  of  the  thigh  and  of  the  head. The  greater  part  of  the  book  consists  of  a  detailed  discussion  of  the  various dimensions  measured,  of  which  complete  statistical  data  are  given.  In  every  case  tables are  given  of  the  average  dimensions  at  the  various  years  of  school  life,  and  Dr.  Hoesch- Ernst  has  apparently  collected  all  published  data  relating  to  children  of  the  same  ages  in Russia,  Germany,  America,  and  other  countries  for  comparison  with  the  Swiss  children. In  many  cases  the  differences  are  very  considerable,  and  these  appear  to  be  due partly  to  difference  of  race,  but  also,  unfortunately,  partly  to  difference  in  the  methods [  185  ] Nos.  109-110.]  MAN.  [1909. and  precision  of  the  measurements.  It  is,  therefore,  very  difficult  or  impossible  to  tell in  many  cases  whether  a  difference  is  significant  or  is  merely  due  to  inaccuracy  or  to variation  of  samples. Many  interesting  comparisons  are  made  between  boys  and  girls  at  different  ages. As  is  well  known,  between  the  ages  of  twelve  and  thirteen  girls  are  superior  to  boys in  height  and  weight,  but  the  author  shows  by  measurements  of  grip  that  this superiority  is  gained  at  the  expense  of  muscular  strength.  During  school  age  the length  of  the  trunk  as  a  percentage  of  stature  decreases  in  boys  and  increases  in  girls. The  author  finds  feebleness  of  grip  to  be  a  very  good  test  of  malnutrition. The  whole  work  shows  how  much  valuable  information  is  to  be  obtained  from  the anthropometric  study  of  the  growth  of  school  children,  and  represents  an  enormous amount  of  painstaking  work  and  research  on  the  part  of  the  author.  J.  GRAY. Africa,  South.  Theal. History  and  Ethnography  of  Africa  South  of  the  Zambesi.  By  George  4411 McCall  Theal,  Litt.D.,  LL.D.  Vol.  II.,  Foundation  of  the  Cape  Colony  by  I  III the  Dutch.  London  :  Sonnenschein,  1909.  Pp.  xix  +  523.  22  x  14  cm. The  second  volume  of  Dr.  Theal's  History  and  Ethnography  of  South  Africa, of  which  the  first  was  noticed  in  MAN,  1908,  32,  differs  widely  in  interest  from  its predecessor.  The  first  volume,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  devoted  to  a  comprehensive survey  of  the  Bushmen,  Hottentot,  and  Bantu  tribes  south  of  the  Zambesi  ;  the  second gives  the  history  of  the  first  European  colony  settled  at  the  Cape,  and,  incidentally,  the effect  of  the  advent  of  white  men  upon  the  natives.  The  constitution  and  history  of the  Dutch  settlement,  established  in  1652  under  the  leadership  of  Jan  van  Riebeek, after  a  voyage  of  104  days  (a  remarkably  short  passage  for  the  period),  is  a  most interesting  sociological  study,  and  the  organisation  and  government  of  the  colony  bear witness  to  the  businesslike  commonsense  and  energy  of  the  Dutch  of  that  time.  The main  object  of  the  colony  was  to  be  a  depot  and  relief  station  for  the  vessels  sailing between  Holland  and  the  East  Indies,  and  when  it  is  remembered  that  scurvy  was  a constant  sequel  to  all  long  voyages,  the  value  of  the  new  settlement  will  be  realised. At  the  same  time  it  was  the  dream  of  Van  Riebeek  to  make  the  settlement  self- supporting,  and  he  neglected  no  opportunity  of  developing  the  natural  resources  of  the locality.  In  this  connection  it  is  particularly  interesting  to  read  how,  when  on  one occasion  he  made  a  short  excursion  into  the  interior,  "  he  was  fairly  enraptured  with *'  the  beauty  and  fertility  of  the  land  there,  and  drew  a  bright  mental  picture  of  what "  it  might  become  if  an  industrious  Chinese  population  were  introduced  and  located "  upon  it."  The  same  suggestion  was  emphasised  by  his  successor,  Wagenaar,  in  an official  report. The  "  native  question  "  was  approached  with  great  commonsense  ;  the  greatest care  was  taken  to  conciliate  the  Hottentots  and  to  encourage  them  to  trade.  To  pre- vent collisions  between  the  settlers  and  natives  the  former  were  forbidden  to  engage in  private  trade  with  the  latter,  and  misdeeds  of  natives  were  very  leniently  treated. It  was  only  when  all  other  methods  failed  that  recourse  was  had  to  reprisal.  In the  same  way,  at  a  later  date,  the  marauding  Bushmen  were  treated  with  the  utmost forbearance,  and  not  until  they  proved  incorrigible  and  a  standing  menace  to  the prosperity  of  the  settlers  were  sterner  methods  of  repression  put  in  practice. Of  great  interest  is  the  history  of  the  gradual  exploration  of  the  country,  which proceeded  mainly  with  the  object  of  opening  up  communication  with  the  fabulous  and ever-receding  kingdom  of  Monomatapa  ;  but  the  explorers  seem  to  have  taken  little care — with  the  notable  exception  of  Hieronymus  Cruse — to  gather  information  con- cerning the  natives.  Consequently  there  is  little  actual  ethnographical  information  in [  186  ] 1909.]  MAN.  [Nos.  110-112. the  volume  ;  what  exists  is  entirely  subordinated  to  the  main  theme,  and  consists mainly  of  sidelights  upon  the  manners  of  the  Hottentots,  Bechuana,  and  Bushmen,  and a  few  valuable  items,  such  as  the  reference  of  the  introduction  of  maize  into  South Africa  from  Guinea  to  the  year  1658.  All  that  need  be  said  of  the  book,  in  conclusion, is  that  it  is  fully  worthy  of  the  knowledge  and  industry  of  Dr.  Theal.  T.  A.  J. United  Kingdom  :  Archaeology.  Smith. The  Stone  Ages  in  North  Britain  and  Ireland.  By  the  Rev.  Frederick  414 Smith.  London:  Blackie  and  Son,  1909.  With  500  illustrations.  Pp.  xxiv  III +  377.  23  X  16  cm. This  handsome  volume  is  certainly  the  work  of  a  thorough  enthusiast,  but  opinions will  be  very  much  divided  as  to  the  conclusions  which  he  advances.  He  holds  that •there  was  no  hiatu?,  even  in  these  islands,  between  the  Neolithic  and  the  Palaeolithic Ages,  and  here  many  will  agree  with  him.  He  also  holds  that  he  has  discovered numbers  of  Palaeolithic  implements  in  Scotland  and  some  in  Ireland,  and  that  many of  his  specimens  are  inter-  or  even  pre-glacial.  It  is  perfectly  obvious  from  a  careful study  of  his  book  that  the  artificial  character  of  at  least  some — many  would  say  the greater  number — of  the  objects  figured  comes  very  seriously  into  question.  Dr.  Keane, who  appears  to  have  seen  them,  hails  their  discoverer  as  "  the  Boucher  des  Perthes  of "  Scotland  "  in  the  preface  which  he  contributes  to  the  book.  This,  of  course,  he  may yet  turn  out  to  be,  but  before  the  value  of  his  work  can  be  properly  estimated  the stones  themselves  ought  to  be  submitted  to  the  scrutiny  of  a  committee  of  experts. Mr.  Smith  claims  to  have  discovered  Palaeolithic  implements  in  the  glacial  deposits exposed  on  the  sea-shore  at  Killiney,  co.  Dublin,  a  most  revolutionary  discovery  if true.  The  present  writer,  after  reading  Mr.  Smith's  book,  took  the  opportunity  of •examining  these  deposits,  and  had  no  difficulty  in  finding  a  stone  very  closely resembling  many  of  those  described  by  Mr.  Smith  (e.g.,  Fig.  444).  It  is  impossible for  him  to  say  that  it  was  identical  with  those  found  by  Mr.  Smith,  or  that  Mr. Smith  would  have  accepted  it  as  an  artefact.  It,  however,  closely  resembled  the figures,  and  it  was,  in  the  present  writer's  judgment,  a  purely  natural  object.  Such many  of  the  other  stones  figured  would  appear  to  be,  but  it  is  admittedly  difficult to  come  to  a  conclusion  in  such  matters  from  figures,  and  until  the  specimens  have themselves  been  examined  by  competent  authorities  no  definite  or  certain  conclusion is  in  any  way  possible.  BERTRAM  C.  A.  WINDLE. PROCEEDINGS    OF    SOCIETIES. Anthropology.  British  Association. Anthropology  at  the  British  Association,  Winnipeg  Meeting,  August  25th  to     44  O September  1st,  1909.      (Continued  from  MAN,  1909,  99.)  llfc ARCHAEOLOGY. (a)  AMERICAN". PROFESSOR  H.  MONTGOMERY. —  The  Archeology  of  Ontario  and  Manitoba. — The  paper  gave  an  account  of  the  author's  excavations,  illustrated  by  specimens  of the  objects  found.  The  sites  investigated  consisted  of  tumuli,  mounds,  and  communal houses,  and  it  was  mentioned  that  cromlechs  had  been  discovered  in  Saskatchewan. Among  the  finds  exhibited  were  flints,  articles  of  bone  and  shell,  pottery,  and •copper  beads. [     187    ] No.  112.]  MAN.  [1909. PROFESSOR  E.  GUTHRIE  PERRY. — Exhibit  of  a  Recent  Find  of  Copper  Imple- ments.— The  find  was  made  in  Western  Ontario,  at  Fort  Frances,  just  below  the  Alberton Falls.  The  exhibit  consisted  of  thirty-six  objects,  of  which  twenty-seven  were  fish- hooks, three  arrow  heads,  and  six  spear  points.  All  were  made  from  cold-hammered copper  from  the  Lake  Michigan  or  Lake  Superior  district,  as  the  presence  of  free  silver in  the  copper  made  clear.  The  fish-hooks  varied  in  size  from  one  inch  in  length  and  a quarter  of  an  inch  in  breadth  to  five  inches  in  length  to  one  and  a  half  inches  in  breadth and  some  seemed  to  be  copied  from  bone  or  shell  models.  The  spear  points  varied  in length  from  three  to  six  and  a  half  inches.  The  largest  was  very  perfect  in  form, shaped  like  the  typical  European  ones,  while  one  with  two  holes  in  it  for  thongs was  somewhat  akin  to  those  of  the  Eskimo.  All  the  spear  and  arrow  heads  were so  shaped  that  shafts  of  wood  could  be  inserted  in  them,  though  in  one  case  only was  the  hole  a  perfect  circle. Miss  A.  C.  BRETON. — Arms  and  Accoutrements  of  the  Ancient  Warriors  at Chicken  Itza. — Chichen  Itza,  in  Yucatan,  is  as  yet  the  principal  place  in  the  region  of Mexico  and  Central  America  where  representatives  of  armed  warriors  are  found.  There was  a  remarkable  development  in  the  later  history  of  the  buildings  there  of  painted sculptures  and  wall-paintings,  mostly  of  battle  scenes  and  gatherings  of  armed  chiefs. The  stone  walls  of  the  ruined  lower  hall  of  the  Temple  of  the  Tigers  are  covered with  sculptured  rows  of  chiefs,  who  carry  a  variety  of  weapons.  Of  the  sixty-four personages  left,  half-a-dozen  have  ground  or  polished  stone  implements  ;  others  hold formidable  harpoons  (two  of  them  double)  or  lances  adorned  with  feathers  ;  whilst  the majority  have  from  three  to  five  spears  and  an  atlatl  (i.e.,  spear-thrower).  These are  of  different  shapes.  One  figure  has  armlets  with  projecting  rounded  stones.  Some have  kilts,  sporrans,  leggings,  and  sandals.  Eleven  personages  have  tail  appendages. There  are  protective  sleeves  in  a  series  of  puffs,  breastplates,  helmets,  and  feather headdresses,  necklaces  of  stone  beads,  masks,  ear  and  nose  ornaments  in  variety.  Small round  back-shields,  always  painted  green  and  fastened  on  by  a  broad  red  belt,  may have  been  of  bronze  attached  to  leather,  as  a  bronze  disc  has  been  found.  Round or  oblong  shields  were  carried  by  two  thongs,  one  held  in  the  left  hand,  the  other slipped  over  the  arm. The  two  upper  chambers  of  the  same  building  have  reliefs  on  the  door  jamba of  sixteen  warriors  life  size.  They  carry  a  sort  of  boomerang  in  addition  to  spears  and atlatls.  In  the  outer  chamber  was  a  great  stone  table  or  altar,  supported  by  fifteen caryatid  figures.  Upon  its  surface  was  a  relief  of  a  standing  chief,  holding  out  his atlatl  over  a  kneeling  enemy,  who  offers  a  weapon.  The  walls  of  both  chambers  were covered  with  painted  battle  scenes,  in  which  several  hundred  figures  are  still  visible. They  carry  spears,  atlatls,  round  or  oblong  shields,  and  a  kind  of  boomerang  which was  intended  for  striking  rather  than  throwing.  On  one  wall  the  method  of attacking  high  places  by  means  of  long-notched  tree-trunks  as  ladders  and  scaffold towers  is  shown. The  building  at  the  north  end  of  the  great  Ball  Court  is  evidently  very  ancient,, and  its  sculptured  walls  have  chiefs  with  spears  and  atlatls.  The  temple  on  the  great pyramid,  called  the  Castillo,  also  has  warriors  on  its  doorposts  and  pillars,  with boomerangs,  spears,  and  atlatls,  and  so  has  a  building  in  the  great  Square  of  Columns.. In  an  upper  chamber  of  the  palace  of  the  Monjes  are  paintings  in  which  are  men  with spears  and  atlatls,  and  also  spears  with  lighted  grass  attached  thrown  against  high-roofed buildings.  A  survey  of  all  that  has  so  far  been  discovered  at  Chichen  gives  a  vivid idea  of  primitive  battle  array. Miss  A.  C.  BRETON. — Race-types  in  the  Ancient  Sculptures  arid  Paintings  of Mexico  and  Central  America. — The  different  race-types  in  the  ancient  sculptures  and [     188     ] 1909,]  MAN.  [No.  112, paintings  found  in  Mexico  and  Central  America  form  an  important  anthropological study.  An  enormous  mass  of  material,  evidently  of  many  periods,  includes  sculpture, archaic  stone  statuettes,  the  portrait  statues  and  reliefs  at  Chichen  Itza,  the  Palenque reliefs,  and  the  series  of  magnificent  stelaa  and  lintels  at  Piedras  Negras,  Yaxchilan, Naranjo,  Copan,  Quirigua,  &c. In  terra-cotta  or  clay  there  are  the  hundreds  of  thousands  of  small  portrait  heads and  figurines  found  at  Teotihuacan,  Ofumba,  the  neighbourhood  of  Toluca,  and  other ancient  sites.  Larger  clay  figures  have  been  found  in  quantities  in  tombs,  as  in  the States  of  Jalisco  and  Oaxaca  ;  these  were  made  as  offerings,  instead  of  the  sacrifice  at a  chief's  burial  of  his  wives  and  servants.  Small  jadeite  heads  and  figures,  also  found in  tombs,  show  strongly  marked  types.  If  there  are  few  specimens  in  gold,  it  is  because throughout  the  country  the  Spaniards  ransacked  the  tombs  for  gold.  In  painting there  are  the  picture  manuscripts,  the  frescoes  at  Chichen  Itza,  Chacmultun,  and Teotihuacan,  and  a  number  of  vases  with  figures  from  Guatemala,  and  British Honduras. Among  distinctive  types  are  : — The  chiefs  in  the  reliefs  at  Xochicales,  who  sit cross-legged  ;  the  little  shaven  clay  heads  at  Teotihuacan  ;  the  tall,  well-built  priests, with  protruding  lower  lip,  of  the  Palenque  reliefs  ;  the  fifteen  caryatid  statues  in feather  mantles,  of  the  Upper  Temple  of  the  Tigers,  at  Chichen  Itza  ;  and  the  sixteen stern  warriors  carved  at  its  doors,  these  last  similar  in  type  to  some  of  the  modern Indians  of  the  villages  near  Tlaxcala. There  are  portraits  of  the  Mexican  Kings  on  the  border  of  a  picture-map  which represents  the  western  quarter  of  Tenochtitlan,  and  of  the  householders  in  that  part of  the  city.  Of  female  types  there  are  the  painted  clay  figures  of  Jalises  with  com- pressed heads.  Some  of  them  have  short,  broad  figures,  others  are  slender.  Both types  still  survive.  The  queenly  woman  in  Codex  Nuttall-Zouche,.  and  the  women- chiefs  of  the  Guatamalan  stelse  belonged  to  a  different  caste  to  the  obviously  inferior women  on  those  stelae,  fattened  in  preparation  for  sacrifice. Herr  T.  Maler's  most  recent  explorations  on  the  borders  of  Gniatamala  have given  magnificent  results  in  the  finding  of  thirty-seven  stela?  at  Piedras  Negras,  and at  Yaxchilan  twenty  stelae  and  forty-six  sculptured  lintels.  The  superb  figures  of warriors  and  priests  indicate  a  race  of  men  of  tall,  slender  stature  and  oval  face,  with large  aquiline  nose,  whilst  the  captives  appear  to  be  of  a  different  race. (6)  EUROPEAN. The  Age  of  Stone  Circles. — Report  of  the  Committee. — In  planning  the  arrange- ments for  further  excavations  at  Avebury  Stone  Circle,  in  continuance  of  the  work done  last  year,  the  Committee  were  of  opinion  that  the  most  satisfactory  results  were likely  to  be  obtained  from  renewed  examination  of  the  silting  in  the  fosse,  particularly the  lowest  layers  occupying  the  original  bottom  of  the  huge  trench.  It  was  also considered  desirable,  as  a  minor  operation,  to  explore  the  ground  at  the  base  of  one or  more  of  the  prostrate  stones  of  the  circle,  with  a  view  to  examining  the  original sockets  in  which  the  stones  stood  when  erect.  Instructions  were  accordingly  given  to Mr.  H.  Gray,  whose  services  were  again  secured,  to  concentrate  attention  upon  these two  main  objects. The  main  result  achieved  from  the  deep  cuttings  in  the  fosse  is  a  confirmation of  the  opinion  arrived  at  last  year  as  to  the  probable  date  of  the  monument.  Additional positive  evidence  has  been  obtained  from  the  objects  discovered  in  the  lowest  layers of  silting,  and  on  the  original  bottom  of  the  ditch.  These  in  all  cases  are  objects  such as  are  characteristic  of  the  Neolithic  period,  and  although  it  would  be  hazardous  to state  definitely  that  they  must  be  of  Neolithic  date  and  cannot  belong  to  the  Bronze [  189  ] No.  112,]  MAN.  [1909, Age,  the  negative  evidence,  afforded  by  a  total  absence  of  copper  or  bronze,  and  of objects  which  are  certainly  of  Bronze  Age,  affords  powerful  confirmation  of  the probability  of  the  earlier  date  being  the  right  one.  A  transverse  section  of  the  fosse close  to  the  modern  road  was  expected  to  reveal  the  sloping  sides  of  the  causeway presumed  to  exist,  connecting  Kennet  Avenue  with  the  interior  of  the  monument,  since at  first  sight  it  seemed  likely  that  the  road  would  have  followed  the  line  of  the  cause- way. No  trace  of  the  latter,  however,  appeared  in  this  section,  and  as  it  was  of considerable  interest  to  ascertain  whether  or  not  such  a  causeway  had  existed,  ex- ploring trenches  were  cut  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  road,  and  the  causeway  was discovered  to  the  east  of  the  present  roadway.  This  locating  of  the  original  line of  approach  to  the  interior  of  the  huge  circle  is  a  most  interesting  result  of  this year's  excavations. The  Lake  Villages  in  the  Neighbourhood  of  Glastonbury.  Report  of  the Committee. — The  Committee  have  to  report  that,  owing  to  the  amount  of  work  thrown on  the  hands  of  Messrs.  Bulleid  and  St.  George  Gray  in  compiling  and  arranging  the- details  of  the  monograph  on  Glastonbury  Lake  Village,  it  was  found  inexpedient  to- resume  excavations  this  summer  on  the  new  site  at  Meare. T.  ASHBY,  M.A.,  D.LiTT.,  AND  T.  E.  FEET,  M.A. — Researches  in  the  Maltese Islands  in  Recent  Years. — Excavations  have  been  conducted  by  the  Government  of Malta  on  the  Corradino  Hill,  in  which  the  co-operation  of  the  British  School  at  Rome has  been  cordially  welcomed,  and  its  investigations  assisted  in  every  way.  The  great megalithic  buildings  of  Gigantia,  Mnaidra,  and  Hagar-Kim,  which  Dr.  Arthur  Evans considers  to  have  been  buildings  of  a  sepulchral  character  in  which  a  cult  of  departed heroes  gradually  grew  up,  and  other  smaller  prehistoric  monuments  of  the  islands, have  been  carefully  described  by  Dr.  Albert  Mayr,  though  others  have  since  become known ;  but  excavation  was  needed  in  order  that  many  essential  facts  might  b& ascertained.  The  investigation  of  the  rock-cut  hypogeum  of  Halsaflieni,  the  archi- tectural features  of  which  imitate  in  the  most  surprising  way  those  of  the  sanctuaries above  ground,  has  for  the  first  time  produced  an  adequate  series,  available  for  study,. of  the  prehistoric  pottery  of  Malta  ;  for  from  the  excavations  of  Hagar-Kim  but  little has  been,  unfortunately,  preserved.  Of  the  three  groups  of  megalithic  buildings  on the  Corradino  Hill,  two  had  been  already  in  great  part  excavated  in  the  nineties,  and the  complete  clearing  of  the  upper  one,  which  apparently  was  of  a  domestic  character,, was  the  first  work  undertaken  in  May.  Its  plan  is  extremely  irregular,  and  much of  it  can  hardly  have  been  roofed  unless  in  thatch  or  woodwork.  A  considerable quantity  of  pottery  was  found,  very  similar  in  character  to  that  of  Halsaflieni,  and belonging,  like  it,  to  the  late  Neolithic  period.  It  has  some  affinities  with  pottery recently  found  at  Terranova,  the  ancient  Gela,  in  Sicily,  but  in  many  respects  is unique.  Many  flints  were  found,  but  no  traces  of  metal.  A  stone  pillar  was  found in  one  portion  of  the  building,  some  2  feet  8  inches  long  and  about  10  inches  in diameter,  which  may  have  been  an  object  of  worship.  The  excavation  of  a  second and  smaller  group,  nearer  the  harbour,  had  been  already  completed  by  Dr.  Zammit and  Professor  Tagliaferro  ;  but  a  third  further  to  the  south,  on  the  summit  of  the ridge,  had  never  been  examined,  and  it,  too,  was  thoroughly  investigated.  An  even larger  quantity  of  pottery  of  the  same  character  was  found,  with  flints  and  fragments of  stone  basins,  &c.  It  approximates  more  iu  style  to  the  larger  megalithic  buildings of  the  island,  and  has  a  facade  with  a  more  pronounced  curve  than  at  Hagar-Kim, constructed  of  very  large  blocks,  but  much  ruined.  The  interior  consists  of  several distinct  groups  of  rooms  (often  apsidal)  not  intercommunicating.  The  construction  is of  rough  masonry,  with  large  slabs  at  the  bottom,  and  smaller  blocks  higher  up  ;  the walls  begin  to  converge,  even  at  the  height  (5  to  6  feet)  to  which  they  are  preserved, [     190    1 1909.]  MAN.  [No.  112. as  though  to  form  a  roof.  Into  one  of  the  rooms  a  very  curious  trough  has  at  a later  period  been  inserted  :  it  is  cut  in  a  block  of  the  local  hard  stone,  8  feet 9  inches  long,  3  feet  8  inches  wide,  and  is  divided  by  six  transverse  divisions  into seven  small  compartments,  which  show  much  trace  of  wear.  The  object  of  it  is not  as  yet  apparent.  Another  more  carefully  constructed  room,  perhaps  contemporary with  the  trough,  has  its  walls  partly  of  large  slabs,  partly  of  narrow  pillar-like  stones. The  floors  of  these  rooms  are  sometimes  of  cement,  sometimes  of  slabs.  Many  bones of  animals  were  found,  but  only  one  human  skeleton,  and  that  in  disorder  and  at a  comparatively  high  level.  The  use  of  standing  slabs  at  the  base  of  walls,  with coursed  masonry  above,  visible  in  these  buildings,  finds  its  parallel  in  the  Giants' tombs  at  Sardinia,  the  prehistoric  huts  of  Lampedusa,  and  in  many  other  places. Archceological  and  Ethnological  Investigations  in  Sardinia.  Report  of  the Committee. — Dr.  Duncan  Mackenzie  returned  to  Sardinia  at  the  end  of  September 1908,  and  stayed  there  till  the  middle  of  November.  He  was  accompanied  for  part of  the  time  by  Dr.  Thomas  Ashby. Their  new  observations  have  materially  increased  our  knowledge  of  the  two main  groups  of  Sardinian  megalithic  monuments,  the  Nuraghi  and  the  "Tombs  of the  Giants."  The  previous  year's  work  made  it  clear  that  the  former  were  fortified habitations.  Dr.  Mackenzie  has  now  visited  other  examples  and  recorded  variations of  type  and  peculiarities  of  construction.  The  most  remarkable  is  the  Nuraghe  of Voes  in  the  Bitti  district  towards  the  north  of  Central  Sardinia.  Triangular  in  plan, it  contains  on  the  ground  floor  circular  chambers  with  bee-hive  roofs ;  the  usual central  chamber  and  one  in  each  of  the  three  angles.  The  entrance  is  on  the  south and  leads  into  a  small  open  court  with  a  doorway  at  each  side  leading  to  the  chamber at  the  base  of  the  triangle,  and  another  doorway  straight  in  front  by  which  the central  chamber  is  entered.  There  was  an  upper  story,  now  destroyed,  reached  by  a stairway  of  the  usual  type.  Exceptional  features  are  two  long  curving  corridors  in the  thickness  of  the  wall  on  two  sides  of  the  triangle,  intended  probably  as  places  of concealment.  Above  them  were  others  of  similar  plan,  but  both  series  are  so  low that  the  roof  of  the  upper  one  is  level  with  that  of  the  bee-hive  chamber  on  the ground  floor.  This  skilfully  planned  stronghold  must  have  been  built  all  at  one  time  ; other  large  Nuraghi  were  originally  of  simpler  design,  and  have  grown  by  the  addition of  bastions  and  towers. A  new  type  of  Nuraghe  was  discovered  at  Nossia  near  the  modern  village  of Paulilatino,  in  Central  Sardinia.  It  is  a  massive  quadrangular  citadel  of  irregular rhomboidal  plan  with  a  round  tower  at  each  corner.  These  towers  resemble  the  stone huts  of  the  villages  attached  to  some  of  the  Nuraghi ;  they  are  entered  from  a  central courtyard,  which  here  takes  the  place  of  the  normal  bee-hive  chamber.  It  was  partly filled  with  circular  huts,  so  that  this  Nuraghe  must  be  regarded  as  a  fortified  village rather  than  as  the  castle  of  a  chieftain. The  dwellers  in  these  Nuraghi  buried  their  dead  in  family  sepulchres,  popularly known  as  Tombs  of  the  Giants.  Several  writers  had  suggested  that  these  tombs  with their  elongated  chamber  and  crescent-shaped  front  were  derived  from  the  more  ancient dolmen  type,  but  hitherto  there  was  little  evidence  to  support  this  conjecture,  only  one dolmen  being  known  in  Sardinia.  Dr.  Mackenzie  has  now  made  this  derivation  certain  ; he  has  studied  ten  important  groups  of  dolmen  tombs,  most  of  them  entirely  unknown, which  furnish  a  series  of  transitional  types.  In  one  case  the  chamber  of  an  original dolmen  tomb  had  at  a  later  period  been  elongated  so  as  to  resemble  that  of  a  Giant's Tomb.  In  another  example  the  large  covering  slab  was  supported  by  upright  slabs  at the  sides  and  back  ;  and  behind  it  there  are  traces  of  an  apse-like  enclosing  wall,  such as  is  characteristic  both  of  the  Giants'  Tombs  and  also  of  dolmens  in  certain  localities where  Giants'  Tombs  do  not  exist  :  for  example,  in  Northern  Corsica  and  in  Ireland. Nos.  112-113.]  MAN.  [1909. Dr.  Mackenzie  also  discovered  a  new  type  of  Giant's  Tomb  in  which  the  mound  was entirely  faced  with  stone,  upright  slabs  being  used  below  and  polygonal  work  above. Another  feature,  hitherto  unique,  is  a  hidden  entrance  into  the  chamber  at  one  side, in  addition  to  the  usual  small  hole  in  the  centre  of  the  front  through  which  libations and  offerings  were  probably  introduced. Dr.  Mackenzie  and  Mr.  Newton  intend  to  go  to  Sardinia  in  September  for  six weeks  in  order  to  continue  the  exploration  of  the  island.  The  importance  of  anthropo- metrical  work  in  connection  with  the  problems  presented  by  the  early  civilisation  of Sardinia  was  pointed  out  in  a  previous  report  of  this  Committee.  Mr.  W.  H.  L. Duckworth,  a  member  of  the  Committee,  went  to  Rome  last  April  and  studied  the collection  of  one  hundred  Sardinian  crania  in  the  Collegio  Romano.  He  made  about 1,200  measurements  and  is  preparing  a  report  which  will  serve  as  a  basis  of  comparison with  any  collection  of  ancient  crania  that  may  be  obtained.  In  addition  to  these specimens  which  had  not  been  described  previously,  Mr.  Duckworth  has  examined about  thirty  Sardinian  crania  in  the  museums  of  Rome  and  Paris.  He  has  recently spent  ten  days  in  Corsica,  where  he  obtained  valuable  illustrative  material. R.  M.  DAWKINS. —  The  Excavations  at  Sparta  of  the  British  School  at  Athens. [Ann.  Brit.  School.^ Report  of  the  Committee  to  Excavate  Neolithic  Sites  in  Northern  Greece. — Further  excavations  have  been  carried  out  which  corroborate  the  opinion  already formed,  that  in  this  isolated  part  of  Greece  a  people  existed  in  a  Stone  Age  form  of culture,,  uninfluenced,  until  a  late  period,  by  the  Bronze  culture  around  them.  It  is  of importance  to  note  that  an  analogous  state  of  affairs  has  been  discovered  in  similar latitudes  in  southern  Italy. (c)  ASIA  AND  AFRICA. D.  G.  HOGARTH. — Recent  Hittite  Research. — This  paper  summarised  the  results of  recent  work  on  the  Hittite  problem,  and  pointed  out'  that,  chiefly  owing  to  the  dis- coveries at  Boghaz  Koi,  it  was  now  demonstrated  that  the  Hittite  power  was domiciled  in  north-west  Cappadocia  long  before  the  Assyrian  records  mention  these people  as  being  at  Carchemish,  in  Syria.  \_Journ.  Roy.  Anthr.  Inst.~\ D.  RANDALL-MAC!VER. — A  Nubian  Cemetery  at  Anibeh. — The  cemetery,  which may  be  dated  within  the  first  five  centuries  A.D.,  exhibits  what  appears  to  be  a  negro culture  strongly  influenced  by  Egyptian,  Greek,  and  Roman  art.  An  important discovery  was  a  script,  which  has  not  been  deciphered  up  to  the  present. ANTHROPOLOGICAL   NOTE. As  the  year  1910  is  the  centenary  of  the  independence  of  the  Argentine  and  410 Mexican  Republics,  sessions  of  the  International  Congress  of  Americanists  will  I IU be  held  in  Buenos  Aires  from  May  16th  to  21st,  and  in  Mexico  in  September.  It  is proposed  to  organise  a  trip  for  members  by  land  from  the  north-west  frontier  of Argentina  to  Bolivia  and  Peru,  taking  ship  for  Mexico  at  the  Port  of  Callao.  In Bolivia  and  Peru  various  places  of  archaeological  interest  will  be  visited.  From  Lake Titicaca  the  excursion  will  visit  Potosi,  La  Paz,  and  Tiahuanaco,  and  proceed  to Puno  and  Cuzeo.  Going  by  train  to  the  Port  of  Mollendo,  by  steamer  thence  to Callao,  Lima,  and  various  cemeteries  and  ruins  of  importance  will  be  seen,  such  as Ancon,  Pachacamac,  &c.  Subscriptions  of  £1  for  each  member  for  the  Buenos  Ayres session,  should  be  sent  to  the  Treasurer,  Don  Alizandro  Rosa,  Director  del  Museo Mitra,  Buenos  Aires. Printed  by  EYEB  A.ND  SPOTTISWOODE,  t/ro.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  K.C. A  MONTHLY  RECORD  OF  ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SCIENCE. PUBLISHED    UNDER    THE    DIRECTION    OF    THE ROYAL    ANTHROPOLOGICAL    INSTITUTE OF GREAT     BRITAIN     AND     IRELAND 1910. Nos.  1—1  O  7. WITH      PLATES      A— M. PUBLISHED   BY   THfo ROYAL    ANTHROPOLOGICAL    INSTITUTE, 50,  GREAT  RUSSELL  STREET,  LONDON,  W.C. OOISTTEISTTS. ORIGINAL     ARTICLES. No. Africa :  Algeria.     A   Sacred   Spring  ami   Tree   at   Hammam  R'Irha,  Algeria.     Rev.  H.  J. DUKINPIELD  ASTLEY,    D.Litt 71 Africa  and  Portugal.     Bull-Fighting  in  Nigeria  and  Portugal ;  a  Humane  Sport,     (lllus- t rated.')    CAPTAIN  A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE,  F.R.G.S 87 Africa :  Benin.  Note  ou  Certain  Ivory  Carvings  from  Benin.  (  With  Plate,  D.  and  Illustra- tion*.) C.  H.  READ,  LL.D.,  P.S.A 29 Africa,  Central.     Alphabet  Boards  from  Central  Africa.    (Illustrated.)    HUGH  S.  STANNUS, M.B 18 Africa :  Congo.     Note  on  the  Pigment -Blocks  of  the  Bushongo,  Kasai  District,  Belgian  Congo. (  With  Plate  F.  and  Illustration.)  ,T.  A.  JOYCE,  M.A 46 Africa:  Congo.  Pigment-Blocks  of  the  Bushongo.  A  correction.  T.  A.  JOYCE,  M.A.  ...  61 Africa:  Congo.  The  Babinza.  G.  C.  ISHMAEL  68 Africa:  Congo  State.  On  a  Wooden  Portrait-Statue  from  the  BuShongo  People  of  the Kasai  District,  Congo  State.  (With  Plate  A.)  T.  A.  JOYCE,  M.A ,,  ...  1 Africa:  Nigeria.  Dubbo-Dubbo:  or  Notes  on  Punch  and  Judy  as  seen  in  Bornu.  (With Plate  A'.)  D.  ALEXANDER 85 Africa :  Nigeria.  Pottery  in  Northern  Nigeria.  (IlluMrated.)  CAPTAIN  A.  J.  N.  TRE- MEARNE, F.R.G.S 57 Africa :  Nigeria.  Pottery-making  of  the  Edo-Speaking  Peoples,  Southern  Nigeria.  (With Plate  G.)  N.  W.  THOMAS,  M.A 53 Africa:  Sudan.  Some  Hadendoa  words  hitherto  unpublished.  Part  I.  R.  CAMPBELL THOMPSON,  M.A.  95 Africa :  Sudan.  Some  Hadendoa  words  hitherto  unpublished.  Part  II.  R.  CAMPBELL THOMPSON,  M.A.  100 Africa:  Sudan.  Some  Sudanese  Superstitions.  E.  LLOYD,  M.D.  89 Africa:  Sudan.  Three Bisharin  Folk-Tales.  R.  CAMPBELL  THOMPSON,  M.A.  55 Africa :  Uganda.  Circumcision  among  the  Bageshu,  a  Tribe  on  the  N.W.  limits  of  Mount Elgon,  Uganda  Protectorate.  (Illustrated.)  COLONEL  W.  H.  BROUN  60 Africa :  Uganda.  Old  Customs  of  the  Baganda.  Translated  from  Sir  Apolo  Kagwa's  Book. G.  C.  ISHMAEL 19 Africa,  West.  Decorative  Art  among  the  Edo-speaking  Peoples  of  Nigeria.  I.  Decoration  of Buildings.  ( With  Plate  E.  and,  Illustrations.)  N.  W.  THOMAS,  M.A.  37 Africa,  West.  Hausa  Houses.  (With  Plate  M.  and  Illustrations.)  CAPTAIN  A.  J.  N. TREMEARNE,  F.R.G.S.  99 Africa,  West.  Notes  on  Traces  of  Totemism  and  some  other  Customs  in  Hausaland. H.  R.  PALMER,  M.A.,  LL.B 40 Africa,  West.  Some  " Nsibidi  "  Signs.  (With  Plate  H.)  E.  DAYRELL  67 Africa,  West.  The  Incest  Tabu.  N.  W.  THOMAS,  M.A 72 Africa,  West.  Trade  Signs  in  Christiansborg,  Gold  Coast.  (With  Plate  C.)  MADGE HART-DAVIS 16 Africa:  White  Nile.  African  Rain-making  Chiefs,  the  Gondokoro  District.  White  Nile, Uganda.     W.  E.  REYMES  COLE      49 Africa.    See  also  EGYPT. America,   South.     The  Bows  and  Arrows  of  the  Arawak  in  1803.    (Illustrated.)    DAVID  I. BUSHNELL,  Jun.  10 America,  South.     The  Indians  of  the  Putumayo,  Upper  Amazon.    W.  E.  HARDENBURG     ...       81 Andamans.     Nochmals  :  Puluga,  das  hochste  Wesen  der  Andamanesen.     P.  W.  SCHMIDT, s.V.D 38 Andamans.      Xochmals  :  Puluga,  das  hochste  Wesen  der  Andamanesen.      (Fortsetzung  von MAN,  1910,  38.)    P.  W.  SCHMIDT,  S.V.D 47 Andamans.    Puluga.    A.  LANG          30 Andamans.     Puluga  :  A  reply  to  Father  Schmidt.     A.  R.  BROWN,  M.A.  17 Andamans.     Puluga,  the  Supreme  Being  of  the  Andatnanese.    FATHER  W.  SCHMIDT  ...         2 Anthropology.    See  INDIA. Archaeology.    See  ASIA  MINOR  ;  ENGLAND  ;  JERSEY. Asia   Minor :    Archaeology.      On   some  Prehistoric   Stone   Implements  from  Asia   Minor. '    (Illustrated.')    R.  CAMPBELL  THOMPSON,  M.A.,  F.R.G.S.          39 Asia.     See  also  ANDAMANS  ;  BORNEO  ;  CEYLON ;  CHINA  ;  INDIA. Australia.     Marriage  and  Descent  in  North  Australia.    A.  R.  BROWN,  M.A 32 Australia.     The  "  Historicity "  of  Arunta  Traditions.     A.LANG 69 IV No. Australia.     The  Puzzle  of  Kaiabara  Sub-class  Names.     A.LANG 80 Borneo.     .Some  Customs  of  the  Sagai  of  Borneo.    MEEVYN  W.  H.  BEECH          86 Ceylon.     Swastika  and  Udakiya  in  Ceylon.     (Illustrated.)     A.  WILLEY.  D.Sc.,  F.R.S.  ...        101 China.     The  Incest  Tabu.    G.  DUNCAN  WHYTE,  M.B 54 Egypt.     Some  Egyptian  and  Nubian  Notes.    (Illustrated.')     A.  M.  BLACKMAN,  B.A 11 Egypt.     The  Earliest  Stone  Tombs.    (With  Plate  I-J.)     I'rof.   W.  M.   FLINDERS  PETRIE, U.C.L..  F.R.S 79 England  :  Archaeology.     A  Mediaeval  Earthwork  in  Wiltshire.     (Illustrated.')    Mrs.  M.  E. CUNNINGTON 3 England  :  Archaeology.     Holed  Stone  at  Kerrow,  St.  Just-in-Penwith,  Cornwall.     H.  KING and  late  B.  G.  POLKINGHORNE,  B.Sc 12 England:  Archaeology.    Lynchets.  t  W.  A.  DUTT 59 England  :  Archaeology.     Pits  on  Morgan's  Hill,  near  Devizes.      Mrs.  M.  E.  CUNNINGTON       88 England:  Archaeology.     Small  Kist  and  Urn  at  Tregiffian  Vean,  St.  Just-in-Penrith,  Corn- wall.   H.  KING          21 England :  Archaeology.     The  Existence  of  an  Early  Palaeolithic  Bed  beneath  the  Glacial Boulder  Clays  in  S.W.  Suffolk.     (Illustrated.)    J.  SlNCLAlR-HOLDEN,  M.D.  20 England :    Archaeology.       The   Pit   Dwellings  at   Holderness..       (Illustrated.)       CANON GREENWELL,  F.R.S.,  and  REV.  R.  A.  GATTY,  LL.B 48 England  :    Physical  Anthropology.     On  a  Skeleton  found  in  a  Gravel  Pit  at  Overbury, Worcestershire,    (lllusc rated.)    NORMAN  DEVEREUX 96 Europe.    See  AFRICA  and  PORTUGAL  ;  ENGLAND  ;  ICELAND  ;  JERSEY  ;  SWITZERLAND. Fiji.     A  Point  of  Fijian  Orthography.     A.  M.  HOCART         41 Fiji.     Note  on  a  Point  of  Fijian  Orthography.     S.  H.  RAY,  M.A 58 Folklore.    See  AFRICA. Iceland.    A  Note  on  Four  Icelandic  Cairns.    N.  P.  FENWICK,  Jun 9 India.     Fictitious  Kinship  in  the  Punjab.     H.  A.  ROSE 8 India.     India  and  Anthropology.    Extract  from  a  Speech  delivered  at  Winchester  College.    SIR H.  H.  RISLEY,  K.C.I.E.,  C.S.I India  :  Assam.     Note  on  the  Manipuri  "  Yek."     Lieut.-Col.  J.  SHAKESPEAR,  C.I.E.,  D.S.O. India.    See  also  ANDAMANS  ;  CEYLON. Jersey  :  Archaeology.     Report  on  the  Exploration  of  the  Palaeolithic  Cave  Dwellings  known as  La  Cotte,  St.  Brelade,  Jersey.     E.  T.  NICOLLB  and  J.  SINEL  102 Linguistics.    See  AFRICA  ;  FIJI. Method.     On  a  Slide  Rule  and  Tables  to  calculate  P  =  '000365  x  L  x  B  x  H.    (Illustrated.) W.  H.  BLYTHE,  M.A 73 New  Zealand.     Maori  Forgeries.     J.  EDGE-PARTINGTON  ...        31 Obituary.     Enrico  Hillyer  Giglioli.     (With  Plate  It.)     C.  H.  READ,  LL.D.,  P.S.A. ...         ...  7 Obituary.    See  also  15,  52. Pacific.    See  FIJI  ;  NEW  ZEALAND  ;  POLYNESIA  ;  SOLOMON  ISLANDS  ;  TONGA. Physical  Anthropology.    See  ENGLAND  ;  METHOD. Polynesia.     Note    on    a    Stone-headed    Mace    from    Rennell   Island.    (Illustrated.)    C.   M. WOODFORD          70 Polynesia.     Polynesian  Forgeries.    (Illustrated.)    W.  0.  OLDMAN          ...         ...         ...        ...      1Q3 Portugal.    See  AFRICA  and  PORTUGAL. Religion.    See  AFRICA  ;  ANDAMANS  ;  CEYLON. Solomon  Islands.  The  Solomon  Island  Basket.  (With  Plate  L)  W.  H.  R.  RIVERS,  M.D., and  MRS.  H.  QUIGGIN,  M.A 93 Sociology.    See  AFRICA,  WKST;  AUSTRALIA;  BORNEO;  CHINA;  INDIA. Switzerland:  Pygmy  Implement.  Note  on  the  Occurrence  of  a  so-called  Pygmy  or Midget  Implement  made  from  a  Quartz  Crystal  in  a  Neolithic  Lake-Dwelling  on  the Greifensee,  near  Zurich.  (Illustrated.)  C.  T.  TRECHMANN,  B.Sc 4 Tabu.    See  AFRICA,  WEST  ;  CHINA. Tonga.     A  Tongan  Cure  and  Fijian  Etiquette.     A.  M.  HOCART 56 Totemism.    See  AFRICA,  WEST. REVIEWS. Africa.     Johnston.     A  History  and  Description  of  the  British  Empire  in  Africa.    E.  A.  P....  91 Africa,  East.     Rehse.    Kiziba:  Land  und  Leute.    N.  W.  T 66 Africa,  East.     Routledge.     With  a  Prehistoric  People.     REV.  J.  ROSCOE,  M.A 63 Africa  :  Sudan.     Tangye.     In  the  Torrid  Sudan.     C.  G.  S.           76 Africa.     See  also  EGYPT. America,  North.     Speck.     Ethnology  of  the  Yuchi  Indians.    H.  S.  H ...  65 No. Anthropology.     Dieserud.     The  Scope  and  Content  of  the  Science  of  Anthropology.      E.  N.  F.        36 ArchSBOlOgy.       Lockyer.     Stuneln'mji'    and    the    British    Stoiti'    Momum-iitx    Astronomically nuixldered.     A.L.LEWIS        34 Asia.    See  BURMA  ;  CEYLON  ;  INDIA. Australia.     Matthew.     Two  Representative  Tribes  of  Queensland.     B.  M.          ."..         ...         ...         82 Australia.     Strehlow.     Die  Aranda  vnd  Loritja  Sttimme,  III.     A.  LANG          64 Burma:  Languages.     Brown.     Half  'tlte  Battle  In  Burmese.     S.  H.  RAY,  M.A.       ...         ...        42 Ceylon.     Parker.    Ancient,  Ceylon.    M.  LONGWORTH  DAMES      23 Crete.     Hasves.     Crete  the.  Forerunner  of  Greece.     H.  R.  HALL,  M.A 50 Darwinism.     Darwin.     TJie  Fonixltitioiix  of  the  •'  Oriyin  of  Species.'"     A.  E.  C.  77 Darwinism.     Seward.     Dunrin  and  Modern  Science.     A.  E.  C 83 Egypt.     Moller.     Hieratische  Paldographle.     A.  H.  G 90 Ethnology.     Haddon.     The  Races  of  Man  and  their  Distribution.     E.  N.  F 74 Ethnology.    See  also  AMERICA. Eugenics.     Whetham.     Eugenics  and  Unemployment.    J.  G.         ...         ...         ...         28 Europe.    See  CRETE  ;  GREECE  ;  IRELAND  ;  PREHISTORIC  GREECE  ;  SPAIN. Folklore.     See  INDIA  and  XEW  GUINEA. Greece:   Religion.    Farnell.     'Hie  Cults  of  the  Greek  State*.    JANE  E.  HARRISON    13 Greece.    See  aho  PREHISTORIC  GREECE. India.     Bompas.     Folklore  of  the  Santal  Parganas.     M.  LONGWORTH  DAMES  14 India:  Assam.     Playfair.     Th e  Garox.     T.  C.  HODSON     43 India:  Cochin.     Iyer.     The  Cochin  Tribes  and  Castes.     W.  CROOKE       105 India:  MagiC.     Henry.     La  Magie  dans  V Inde  Antique.     B.  F.-M.         ...         ...         ...         ...        45 India  :  Mysore,  Coorg.    Rice.    Mysore  and  Cooryfromthe  Inscriptions.    W.  CEOOKE,  B.A.  ...        22 India,  Southern.  Thurston.  Castes  and  Tribes  of  Southern  India.  M.  LONGWORTH  DAMES  104 India :  The  Bhawalpur  State.  Din.  The  Bhawalpur  State  Gazetteer.  W.  CROOKE,  B.A.  26 Ireland  :  ArehSBOlOgy.  Macalister.  The  Memorial  Slabs  of  Clonmacnois.  E.  C.  R.  ABM- STBONG,  F.S.A.  5 Linguistics.    See  BURMA. Magic.    See  INDIA. Melanesia.     O'Ferrall.     Santa,  Cruz  and  the  Reef  Islands.     J.  EDGE-PARTINGTON     25 New  Britain.     Pullen-Burry.     In  a  German  Colony.    J.  E.-P.     ...         ...         ...         27 New  Guinea.     Ker.     Papuan  Fairy  Tales.     E.  S.  H.        ...         35 Oceania.      Walker.     Wanderings  among  South  Sea  Sarages  and  in  Borneo  and  the  Philippines. J.  E.-P ...         6 Pacific.    See  MELANESIA  :  XEW  BRITAIN  ;  NEW  GUINEA  ;  OCEANIA. Prehistoric  Greece.     LPS  drill zations  Prchellenlques  dam  labassin  de  la  mer  Eyee :  Etudes de protohistoire  orlentale.     H.  R.  HALL        ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ... Pygmies.     Schmidt.     Die  Stellung  der  Pygmdenrdllter.     A.  KEITH.  M.D.          Religions.     Foucart.     La  Methode  Comparative  dans  VHistoire  des  Religions.     E.  S.  H.     ... Religion.     See  also  GREECE  ;  INDIA. Sociology.     Hartland.     Primitire  Paternity.     A.  E.  C 62 Spain.     Meakin.     Gfalicia,  the  Switzerland  of  Spain.    T.  H.  J.      ...         ...         ...         24 Voyages.     Nicoll.     Three  Voyages  of  a  Naturalist.     J.  E.-P.          ...         44 PROCEEDINGS. Anthropology  at  the  British  Association       92,  97 Seventeenth  International    Congress  of  Americanists,  Buenos  Aires.    ADELA BRETON 84 ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTES. See  Nos.  15,  52,  78,  98,  107. ERRATA. No.  37.     P.  6*J,  line  12,  for  hiHobiiiefu\  iimobo. No.  51.     P.  95,  line  9,  for  -'have"  read  "has." See  also  page  112. VI DESCRIPTION     OF    THE     PLATES. A.  Shamba  Bolongongo ...         ...         ...         ...         ...    With  No.      1 B.  Enrico  Hillyer  Giglioli          „  7 c.  Trade  Signs  in  Christiansborg,  Gold  Coast „  16 D.  Ivory  Carvings  from  Benin ...         „  29 E.  Decorations  of  Buildings,  Nigeria ,,  37 F.  Pigment-Blocks  of  the  Bushongo      ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  46 G.  The  Making  of  a  Pot — Edo-Speaking  Peoples,  S.  Nigeria           ...         ...         ...         ...  „  53 H.  Some  "Nsibidi"  Signs          „  67 i-j.  Earliest  Stone  Tomb,  Meydum         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  79 K.  Dubbo-Dubbo „  85 L.  The  Solomon  Island  Basket    ...         ...         ...         „  93 M.  Hausa  Houses 99 ILLUSTRATIONS    IN    THE    TEXT. N.B. — All  are  Photographs,  unless  otherwise  stated. Fig.  1.     Plan  of  Enclosures  showing  approximate  position  of  openings  in  the  outer  bank of  a  Mediasval  Earthwork  in  Wiltshire.     (Drawing.}     ...         ...         ...         ...         ...    With  No.     3 Fig.  2.     Section  across  Bank  and  Ditch  on  East  side  of  the  outer  Enclosure  of  a  Mediaeval Earthwork  in  Wiltshire.    (Drawing?)       ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  3 Fig.  3.    Section  across  Bank  and  Ditch  on  South  side  of  outer  Enclosure  of  a  Mediasval Earthwork  in  Wiltshire.    (Drawing.')       ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  3 Fig.  4.     Section  across  double  Banks  and  Ditch  on  South  side  of  inner  Enclosure  of  a Mediaeval  Earthwork  in  Wiltshire.    (Drawing.')            ...         ...         ...  „  3 Pygmy  or  Midget  Implement  of  Quartz  Crystal  in  a  Neolithic  Lake-Dwelling  on  the Greifensee,  near  Zurich.     (Drawing?)       ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  4 Arawak  Arrows.    (Drawing.)     ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  10 Fig.  1.     Oven          „  H Fig.  2.    Circle  of  Stones „  H Fig.  3.    Tombs  of  Sheykhs          „  \\ Fig.  4.     Pot .,  H Fig.  5.     Circle  of  Stones „  11 Fig.  6.     Sheykh'sTomb „  H Fig.  7.     Plate  over  House  Door   ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  H Alphabet  Boards  from  Central  Africa     ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         „  18 Section   of  Geological   Formations  of    an  early   Palaeolithic  Bed   beneath  the  Glacial Boulder  Clays  in  South- West  Suffolk.     (Drawing.)        ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  ,,  20 Figs.  1,  2.     Ivory  Carvings  from  Benin...          ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  .,  29 Figs.  5, 6.     Decorations  of  Buildings,  Nigeria  ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  37 Figs.  1,  2.     Implements  of  Andesite  from  neighbourhood  of  Angora.     (Drawings.')        ...  ,,  39 Fig.  3.    Axehead  f  rom  Soghanli  Dere ,.  39 Fig.  4.    Axehead  from  Euyuk.     (Drawing.)    ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  39 Fig.  1.     Pigment-Blocks  of  the  Bushongo         ...         ...         ...         „  46 Fig.  1.     Section  of  Pit-Dwelling.     (Drawing.)           ...         ...         „  48 Fig.  2.     Pottery  from  Pit-Dwelling       „  48 Circumcision  among  the  Bageshu,  Uganda  Protectorate        ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  60 Figs.  1-5.     Pottery  in  Northern  Nigeria.    (Drawings.)         ...         ...         ...         „  57 Slide  Rule  to  calculate? =-000  365xLxBxH.     (Drawing.)       „  73 Stone-headed  Mace  from  Rennell  Island.     (Drawing?)          ...         ...         ...         „  70 Bull  Fighting  in  Nigeria  and  Portugal  ...         ...         ...         ...         „  87 Fig.  1.     Site  where  Skeleton   was  found  in  Gravel  Pit  at  Overbury,   Worcestershire. (Drawing.)      „  96 Fig.  2.     Skeleton  found  in  Gravel  Pit  at  Overbury,  Worcestershire           ...         „  96 Figs.  5  &  6.     Hausa  Houses        ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  99 Fig.  1.     Udakiya  in  Ceylon.    (Drawing.)        ... ...         ...         „  101 Fig.  2.    Thibetan  Drums  and  Skull  Cup          „  101 Figs.  1  &  2.     Polynesian  Forgeries        „  103 VII LIST    OF    AUTHORS. X.B.  —The  Numbers  to  which  an  asterisk  in  added  are  those  of  Reviews  of  Books. A.,  H.  G.,  90*. ALEXANDER,  D.,  85. ARMSTRONG,  E.  C.  R.,  5*. ASTLEY,  H.  J.  D.,  71. BEECH,  M.  W.  H.,  86. BLYTHE,  W.  H.,  73. BLACKMAN,  A.  M.,  11. BRETON,  ADELA,  84. BROUN,  W.  H.,  60. BROWN,  A.  R.,  17,  32. BUSHNELL,  D.  I.,  10. C.,  A.  E.r  62*,  77*,  83*. COLE,  W.  E.  R.,  49. CROOKE,  W.,  22*,  26*,  105*. CUNNINGTON,  M.  E.,  3,  88. DAMES,  M.  L.,  14*,  23*,  104*. DAYRELL,  E.,  67. DEVEREUX,  N.,  96. DUTT,  W.  A.,  59. EDGE-PARTINGTON,  J.,  6*,  25*,  27*,  31, 44*. F.,  E.  N.,  36*,  74*. FEN  WICK,  N.  P.,  9. G.,  J.,  28*. GATTY,  R.  A.,  48. GREENWELL,  CANON,  48. H.,  E.  S.,  35*,  51*. H.,  S.  H.,  65*. HALE,  H.  R.,  50*,  106*. HARDENBURGH,  W.  E.,  81. HARRISON,  J.  E.,  13*. HART-DAVIS,  M.,  16. HOCART,  A.  M.,  41,  56. HODSON,  T.  C.,  43*. ISHMAEL,  G.  C.,  19,  68. J.,  T.  H.,  24*. JOYCE,  T.  A.,  1,  46,  61. KEITH,  A.,  75*. KING,  H.,  12,  21. LANG,  A.,  30,  64*,  69,  80. LEWIS,  A.  L.,  34*. LLOYD,  E.,  89. M.,  B.,  82*. M.,  B.  F.,  45*. XICOLLE,  E.  T.,  102. OLDMAN,  W.  O.,  103. P.,  E.  A.,  91*. PALMER,  H.  R.,  40. PETRIE,  W.  M.  F.,  79. POLKINGHORNE,  B.  C.,  12. QUIGGIN,  H.,  93. RAY,  8.  H.,  42*,  58. READ,  C.  H.,  7,  29. RISLEY,  SIR  H.  H.,  94. RIVERS,  W.  H.  R.,  93. ROSCOE,  J.,  63*. ROSE,  H.  A.,  8. S.,  C.  G.,  76*. SCHMIDT,  P.  W.,  2,  38,  47. SHAKESPEAR,  J.,  33. SlNCLAIR-HOLDEN    J.,  20. SlNEL,  J.,   102. STANNUS,  H.  S.,  18. THOMAS,  N.  W.,  37,  53,  66*,  72. THOMPSON,  R.  C.,  39,  55,  95,  100. TRECHMANN,  C.  T.,  4. TREMEARNE,  A.  J.  N.,  57,  87,  99. WHYTE,  G.  D.,  54. WILLEY,  A.,  101. WOODFORD,  C.  M.,  70. PLATE  A. MAN,  igio. SHAMBA     BOLONGONGO. (ONE-THIRD  NATURAL  SIZK.) MAN A   MONTHLY  RECORD  OF  ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SCIENCE, PUBLISHED   UNDER   THE    DIRECTION   OF   THE ROYAL  ANTHROPOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE  OF   GREAT  BRITAIN    AND  IRELAND. N.B. — All  communications  printed  in  MAN  are  signed  or  initialled  by  their authors,  and  the  Council  of  the  Institute  desires  it  to  be  understood  that  in  giving publicity  to  them  it  accepts  no  responsibility  for  the  opinions  or  statements  expressed. N.B. — MAN,  1910,  consists  of  twelve  monthly -published  sheets,  of  sixteen  pages each,  printed  in  single  column ;  containing  "  Original  Articles "  and  substantial "  Reviews  "  of  recent  publications  ;  all  numbered  consecutively  1,  2,  3,  onwards. N.B.  —  Articles  published  in  MAN  should  be  quoted  by  the  year  and  the reference-number  of  the  article,  not  by  the  page-reference ;  e.g.,  the  article  which begins  on  p.  7  below  should  be  quoted  as  MAN,  1910,  3. ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. Africa:  Congo  State.  With  Plate  A.  Joyce. On  a  Wooden   Portrait-Statue  from   the   BuShongo  People  of  the     I Kasai  District,  Congo  State.     By   T.  A.  Joyce,  M.A. The  art  of  portraiture  in  the  round,  as  far  as  Africa  is  concerned,  has  usually  been supposed  to  be  confined  to  Ancient  Egypt.  Among  the  large  material  brought  back from  the  Kasai  district  by  Mr.  E.  Torday — material  which  makes  it  necessary  for ethnographers  to  reconsider  their  former  opinions  on  the  subject  of  native  African Art — are  four  portrait-figures  in  wood,  the  likenesses  of  four  former  paramount  chiefs of  the  BuShongo  nation.  The  most  interesting  and  important  of  these  is  figured  on Plate  A.  It  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  carved,  and  tradition,  supplemented  by  certain astronomical  evidence,  into  which  it  is  unnecessary  to  enter  here,  relates  it  to  the  first decade  of  the  seventeenth  century.  The  other  figures  are  later,  dating  from  the  end  of the  eighteenth  century,  but  in  workmanship  they  are  little  inferior  to  the  specimen figured.  As  indicated  above,  the  material  is  wood,  extremely  hard,  with  a  short  grain somewhat  like  that  of  mahogany,  and  capable  of  taking  a  very  high  polish.  The chief  is  represented  sitting  with  his  legs  crossed  a  la  turque  holding  in  his  left  hand the  pattern  of  knife  known  locally  as  Ikula,  which  is  a  ceremonial  weapon  carried  by adult  men,  his  right  hand  resting  on  his  knee.  On  his  head  is  the  flat  pattern  of  cap which  was  fashionable  at  that  period  (the  present  fashion  prescribes  a  high  crown), on  the  shoulders,  passing  under  the  armpits,  are  armlets,  a  band  of  cowries  encircles each  arm  above  the  elbow,  and  a  number  of  metal  bangles  ornament  each  wrist. The  head  is  shaved  with  the  exception  of  a  lock  on  the  crown,  which  is  coiled  under the  cap,  and  a  small  lock  at  the  back  of  the  head.  Round  the  waist  is  a  broad  belt of  cowries,  and,  below  this,  a  second  belt,  the  insigne  of  a  chief,  made  of  plaited fibre  ;  the  latter  serves  to  suspend  a  small  apron  which  hangs  down  behind.  In  front of  the  figure,  projecting  from  the  curved  plinth,  is  a  model  board  for  playing  the  game known  generically  as  mancala,  and  locally  as  lela.  The  height  of  the  statue  is  54'5  cm. The  treatment  of  the  figure  is  extraordinarily  lifelike,  in  spite  of  the  incorrectness  of [     1    "] Nos.  1-2.]  MAN.  [1910. the  proportions,  and  the  face  in  particular  is  that  of  a  living  man,  the  effect  heing in  no  way  spoilt  by  the  conventional  treatment  of  the  eyebrows.  The  treatment  of the  collar  bones,  and  the  swelling  curves  of  the  trunk  display  an  attempt  at  realism usually  entirely  foreign  to  the  African  artist,  and  it  is  only  the  legs  which  appear ostensibly  inadequate  ;  the  ears  are  unusually  correct  for  the  work  of  a  primitive carver.  The  surface  of  the  wood  has  been  brought  to  a  high  polish,  the  result  of constant  rubbing  with  the  crimson  tukula-wood.  paste  ;  this  paste  has  enhanced  the reddish  tint  of  the  wood,  and  has  picked  out  the  portions  carved  intaglio  in  rich crimson. The  subject  of  the  statue  is  the  chief  named  Shamba  Bolongongo,  ninety-third  in the  list  of  kings  (starting  from  the  creation  ;  the  present  ruler  is  the  121st),  the  great national  hero  of  the  nation.  Strangely  enough  his  reputation  does  not  rest  upon military  prowess,  or  any  of  the  forceful  qualities  which  seem  to  appeal  most  strongly to  primitive  peoples  ;  it  is  as  a  man  of  peace,  a  patron  of  the  arts  and  crafts  and  a political  organiser,  that  he  is  revered  to-day.  Tradition  states  that  before  he  came  to power  he  went  off  on  a  long  journey  among  the  Bapende  and  Babunda  peoples  to  the west,  and  when  he  returned  he  introduced  tobacco,  the  art  of  weaving  cloth,  and  the game  lela,  and  that  he  reorganised  the  hierarchy  of  officials  through  whom  the  empire was  governed,  providing  for  the  representation  at  court  of  the  various  trades.  Further he  abolished  the  use  in  war  of  bows,  arrows,  spears,  and  throwing-knives,  in  order  to minimise  the  destruction  of  human  life,  and  his  soldiers  had  instructions  only  to  wound and  not  to  kill.  Many  legends  are  told  of  him,  and  a  great  many  wise  sayings  attributed to  him  have  survived  ;  and  Mr.  Torday  was  fortunate  enough  to  be  able  to  collect  a large  number,  which  it  is  hoped  will  shortly  be  published. Shamba,  it  is  said,  caused  his  portrait  to  be  carved,  so  that  later  generations  of  his people  might  remember  him  after  his  death,  and  might  receive  comfort  in  hours  of trial  when  they  gazed  upon  his  statue.  Other  chiefs  followed  his  example,  but  not every  chief,  since  it  was  not  in  every  reign  that  an  artist  could  be  found  capable  of  the task.  Four  statues  alone  had  survived  the  ravages  of  time  and  the  attacks  of  white ants,  and  of  these  the  specimen  figured  is  the  most  perfect,  owing  to  the  care  with which  it  has  been  guarded.  Of  the  others,  one  chief  is  represented  as  seated  in  front of  an  anvil,  which  bears  witness  to  his  reputation  as  a  worker  of  iron,  while  the  other two  have  each  a  drum.  It  is  difficult  to  overestimate  the  importance  of  the  discovery of  works  of  art  such  as  these  in  a  locality  where  they  were  quite  unexpected,  especially as  they  are  associated  with  a  history  and  an  elaborate  form  of  government  far above  the  general  run  of  Bantu  peoples,  at  least  as  far  as  our  present  knowledge goes. As  may  be  supposed,  the  task  of  persuading  a  highly  conservative  people  to  part with  national  treasures  such  as  these,  required  great  perseverance  and  the  utmost  tact, and  it  was  a  fortunate  thing  that  the  task  devolved  upon  Mr.  Torday.  A  still  greater debt  of  gratitude  is  owed  him  for  his  generosity  in  presenting  the  statue,  which  forms the  subject  of  this  note,  perhaps  the  most  important  work  of  art  which  primitive  Africa has  yet  produced,  to  our  national  collection.  T.  A.  JOYCE. Andamans.  Schmidt. Puluga,   the   Supreme    Being  of  the    Andamanese.       /,'//  Father    If.     A Schmidt,  S.V.D.  L Mr.  A.  R.  Brown,  who  undertook,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Board  of  Anthro- pological Studies  of  Cambridge,  the  meritorious  task  of  carrying  out,  during  the years  1906  to  1908,  an  expedition  to  the  Andamanese  Islands,  in  order  to  examine, ..correct,  and  complete  Mr.  E.  H.  Man's  well-known  researches,  read  a  paper  on  "  The [     2     ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  2. "  Religion  of  the  Andaman  Islanders,"  at  the  meeting  of  March  17th,  1909,  of  the Folklore  Society,  which  now  appears  in  Folklore,  September  1909  (pp.  257-271). Mr.  Brown  begins  by  praising  the  high  value  of  Mr.  Man's  work  :  "  Mr.  Man's "  researches  were  in  many  ways  excellent.  I  have  tested  as  far  as  possible  every "  statement  in  his  book,  and  can  speak  with  ungrudging  praise  of  it "  (loc.  cit.,  p.  257). There  will  be  many  who  will  find  it  not  a  little  strange,  that  it  was  just  those statements  which  this  exact  observer  made  about  the  religion  of  the  Andamanese, which  have  been  found  incorrect  by  his  critic.  Mr.  Brown  ascribes  his  more  correct results  to  his  "  strictness  of  method  "  :  "  Our  differences  are  almost  entirely  differences "  of  interpretation,  and  as  between  two  different  interpretations  of  one  phenomenon k'  there  is  only  one  test  by  which  we  can  choose,  and  that  test  is  strictness  of  method  " (p.  271).  Everyone  might  thus  have  expected  that  Mr.  Brown  would  have  said something  about  this  "  strict "  method  which  produced  such  important  results  ;  but we  read  on  p.  258  :  "I  cannot  here  enter  into  the  question  of  these  methods."  We must  thus  rely  on  Mr.  Brown's  affirmation  that  his  methods  are  strict,  and  Mr.  Man's methods  not.  For  Mr.  Man  also  assures  us  that  he  has  followed  "  strict "  methods (vide  his  book,  p.  89). But  to  speak  more  seriously,  the  situation  is  quite  different.  Mr.  Brown  has explored  also  the  more  northern  groups  of  Great  Andaman,  and  has  gathered  different forms  of  the  religions  beliefs,  which  afforded  him  the  means  of  comparing  the  results obtained  by  Mr.  Man — which  were  essentially  from  the  southern  parts — with  others, which  differ  considerably  from  those  of  Mr.  Man.  But  then  there  arises  a  very important  question.  Mr.  Brown  suggests  that  Mr.  Man  has,  "  perhaps  unwittingly," asked  "  leading  questions "  of  the  natives,  and  that  this  is  the  cause  of  some  of  his incorrect  statements  (pp.  270-271).  Now,  I  wish  to  ask  Mr.  Brown  :  Did  he  make his  first  new  discoveries  about  the  nature,  and  especially  the  sex,  of  Puluga-Biliku  in the  northern  or  in  the  southern  parts  of  Great  Andaman  ?  If  the  first  is  the  case, I  venture  to  say  that  Mr.  Brown's  questions,  put  afterwards  to  natives  of  the  southern parts,  were  probably  strongly  influenced,  "  perhaps  unwittingly,"  by  the  tendency  to state  also  in  the  south  what  he  had  found  in  the  north.  Because,  even  after  the statements  of  Mr.  Brown,  it  appears  evident  that  the  results  obtained  by  Mr.  Man in  the  southern  parts  are,  in  essentials,  correct  not  only  with  regard  to  observation but  also  to  interpretation  : — (1)  Puluga-Bilik  in  the  southern  parts  is  almost  always masculine  ;  (2)  Teria-Daria  is  either  his  wife,  or  his  brother,  or  his  child,  in  every case  subordinated  to  Puluga-Bilik  (Brown,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  259,  260)  ;  (3)  "  In  the  south ;t  he  [Terz'a]  is  generally  ignored,  all  storms  being  attributed  to  Puluga  whether  they "  come  from  the  N.E.  or  the  S.W. "  (loc.  cit.,  p.  267).  The  obscurity  and  fluctuation which  seems  to  exist  with  regard  to  (1)  is  perhaps  nothing  else  than  the  result  of Mr.  Brown's  "  leading  questions." But  to  come  to  Mr.  Brown's  new  results,  the  most  interesting  and  important  is, that  in  the  northern  parts  (Chari,  Kora,  Bo,  Jeru,  Kede)  Biliku  (=  Puluga)  is  a  female, and  it  was  often  *  said  that  Tarai  was  Biliku's  husband  ;  in  Juwoi,  Kol,  Puchikwar, there  seems  to  have  been  some  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  sex  of  Bilik  ;  in  the most  southern  parts,  Bale  and  Bea,  Bilik  is  male ;  in  the  Little  Andaman,  female (pp.  259,  260).  Mr.  Brown  believes  that  there  is  "  a  good  deal  of  evidence  "  for  his  view that  "  Biliku  was  originally  everywhere  female,  and  those  groups  which  represent "  Puluga  as  male  have  changed  their  belief."  He  gives  three  reasons  for  this  view  : — (1)  at  the  two  extremities  of  the  islands,  Biliku  and  Oluga  are  female  ;  (2)  in  the Puchikwar,  Kol,  and  Juwoi  groups  we  seem  to  get  an  intermediate  stage.  An argument  on  the  subject  was  given  me  by  a  native  :  "  If  Biliku  were  a  man  he  would "  take  up  his  bow  and  arrows,  and  not  throw  firebrands  or  pearl  shells  at  people. *  It  would  be  necessary  to  state  exactly  how  often  in  the  majority  or  in  the  minority  of  cases. '   [     3     ] No.  2.]  MAN.  [1910. Those  are  women's  things "  ;  (3)  Biliku  and   Tarai  are  associated  with  the   two  mon- soons  which    are  the  producers  of  rain,  storms,  thunder,  and  lightning  ;  the  latter  is explained   as  being  firebrands  or  pearl  shells  thrown  by  Biliku. Let  us  consider  these  three  instances. It  is  manifest  that  the  first  does  not  prove  anything  in  favour  of  Mr.  Brown's theory.  The  fact  here  mentioned  fits  in  well  even  with  the  theory  that  the  beginning of  the  development  was  in  the  southern  parts  of  Great  Andaman,  and  that  it  proceeded radially  to  north  and  to  south. Nor  is  the  second  reason  of  a  better  quality.  We  may,  indeed,  say  that  the Puchikwar,  Kol,  and  Juwoi  groups  present  an  intermediate  stage.  But  the  question remains  whether  the  development  is  from  the  southern  parts  of  Great  Andaman,  viz., Bea  and  Bale — through  Puchikwar,  Kol,  and  Juwoi — to  the  northern  parts,  or  in  the reverse  direction.  And  with  regard  to  the  argument  given  to  Mr.  Brown  by  a  native, Mr.  Brown  neglects  here  openly  the  "  strict  methods "  of  comparison.  For  of  the Puchikwar,  Kol,  and  Juwoi  we  do  not  know  anything  in  their  fire-legends  about pearl  shells  but  only  of  firebrands.*  The  pearl  shells  appear  only  in  the  fire-legends of  northern  groups,  Kede  (p.  263),  Jeru  (p.  265),  Chari  (p.  265)  ;  there  is  only  one case  where  in  a  northern  group  the  firebrand  is  used  (p.  264),  but  (1)  it  is  not  in the  original  fire-legend  ;  (2)  it  is  in  the  Kede  group,  the  most  southern  of  the  northern groups  ;  and  (3)  see  its  peculiar  explanation  infra.  The  difference  which  manifests itself  here  is  of  the  greatest  importance,  as  I  now  will  proceed  to  show. Firstly,  I  take  the  liberty  to  answer  the  argument  given  to  Mr.  Brown  by  a  native,, by  suggesting  that  it  is  hardly  correct  to  say  that  torches  are  ouly  "  women's  things  "  ; there  can  be  no  doubt  that  torches  are  used  also  by  men,  and  by  men  in  anger.  It  is otherwise  with  the  pearl  shell.  Mr.  Brown  himself  tells  us  that  "  the  Ba  shell  which "  Biliku  threw  ...  is  the  mother-of-pearl  shell  which  the  Andamanese  women  use "  for  slicing  yams  and  seeds — their  kitchen  knife,  in  a  word."  Thus  we  have  to  state the  fact  that  in  the  northern  groups,  just  those  islands  in  which  Biliku  is  female,  the lightning  is  represented  by  a  "  female  "  symbol,  whilst  in  the  southern  group  it  is represented  by  a  symbol  at  least  "  of  common  gender  ",  the  lighted  torch.  Now,  every- one will  see  which  symbol  of  the  lightning  is  the  original,  the  lighted  torch  or  the pearl  shell.  Evidently  it  is  the  former.  Thus  it  seems  to  me  that  already  by  this  one argument  the  theory  of  Mr.  Brown  is  rendered  nugatory. But  there  are  still  other  arguments.  Mr.  Brown  has  not  told  us  why  in  the northern — "  female " — group  Biliku  is  identified  with  the  spider  and  in  the  Little Andaman  with  the  monitor  lizard.  What  has  the  spider  to  do  with  the  lightning  ? It  seems  evident  that  the  inherent  signification  of  Puluga-Biliku  is  not  that  of "  spider "  (or  "  monitor  lizard  ").  Mr.  Portman,  in  his  Notes  on  the  Languages  of the  South  Andaman  Group  (p.  270),  writes  :  "  Pulu-ke  means  '  to  pour  with  rain,' "  and  there  may  be  some  connection  between  this  root  and  Piiluga."  A  parallel  case is  noted  by  Sir  Richard  Temple  (in  his  "  Grammar  of  the  Andamanese  Language", being  Chapter  IV  of  Part  I  of  the  Census  Report  of  the  Andaman  and  Nicobar  Islands, 1902  (for  private  circulation  only),  pp.  26,  44).  In  explaining  the  Onge-Jarawa  form of  Puluga  =  Uluga  (Mr.  Brown  has  Oluga)  that  author  refers  to  the  Onge-Jarawa word  bluga,  thunder.  Thus,  if  the  inherent  signification  of  Puluga-Biliku-Oluga  is probably  in  connection  with  "  thunder,"  "  thunderstorm,"  the  question  is  still  more urgent,  why  in  the  northern  parts  of  Great  Andaman  Biliku  is  identified  with  the spider. I  venture  to  propose  a  theory  in  solution  of  this  problem.     In  my  researches  into *  Vide  p.  262.  The  same  is  to  be  found  in  the  fire-legends  of  the  Bea,  Bale,  Puchikwar,  Kol, and  Juwoi,  given  by  Mr.  M.  V.  Portman  in  his  Notes  on  the  Languages  of  the  South  Andaman Groups  of  Tribes  (Calcutta,  1898,  p.  97,  et  seqq.*). [     4     ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  2. the  mythology  and  religion  of  the  Austronesian  peoples*  I  have  detected  an  intimate connection  between  the  spider,  the  plaiting  and  spinning  women,  and  the  waning moon.  The  reason  of  this  connection  it  would  be  too  long  to  explain  here,  but  it  is sufficient  to  state  the  fact.  Now  there  are  here  two  things  in  strange  connection with  each  other  ;  it  is  only  in  the  northern  groups  of  Great  Andaman  that  Biliku is  female,  and  that  she  is  identified  with  the  spider.  Moreover,  it  is  only  in  these groups  that  the  pearl  shell,  which  Mr.  Brown  calls  the  "kitchen-knife,"  of  the Andamanese  woman  plays  a  role.  Now  I  find  in  Mr.  E.  H.  Man's  description  of  the Andamaneset  tna*  in  his  southern  group  it  is  the  Cyrena  shell  which  is  used  in  the same  manner,  but  especially  in  string-making,  which  is,  in  the  most  cases,  the  work of  the  u'omen.^.  Thus  we  have  here  also  the  connection  with  plaiting  and  twisting. But  how  has  the  spider  and  the  female  plaiter  become  identified  with  Puluga- Biliku  ?  We  must  now  turn  to  the  third  reason  adduced  above  by  Mr.  Brown  for his  view,  viz.,  the  association  of  Puluga-Biliku  with  the  north-east '  monsoon  and  of Daria-  Tarai  with  the  south-west  monsoon.  In  the  naming  of  the  two  monsoons  we must  note  an  important  difference;  the  north-east  monsoon  is1  always  named  "Wind "  of  Puluga  (Biliku)"  but  the  south-west  monsoon  is  only  in  the  northern  group called  "  Wind  of  Tarai,"  in  the  southern  group  it  is  styled  simply  Teria  (Z>arza).§ Also  in  the  south  Tarai  is  "  generally  ignored,  all  storms  being  attributed  to  Puluga "  whether  they  come  from  the  north-east  or  the  south-west  "||  monsoon  ;  where  Tarai is  known  in  the  south,  it  is  subordinated  to  Puluga.  Amongst  the  Juwoi,  Kol,  and Puchikwar,  except  the  one  case  where  Teria  is  the  husband  of  the  female  Bilik, (see  above,  p.  3),  Teria  is  one  of  the  children  of  Bilik.  Amongst  the  Bale  there are  two  versions.  According  to  one,  Puluga  and  Daria  were  at  one  time  great  friends and  they  quarrelled  as  to  which  was  "  the  bigger  man."  According  to  the  other,  Big Puluga  has  two  brothers,  East  Puluga  and  West  Puluga.  The  name  of  the  two, Jila  Puluga  and  Kuacho  Puluga,  are  identical  with  those  of  two  of  the  children  of Bilik  amongst  the  Puchikwar,  &c.,  viz.,  Jila  Bilik^  and  Koicho-Bilik.  Who,  then, is  this  Proteus  of  Teria- Daria  ? I  venture  to  complete  my  theory  exposed  above  by  identifiyiug  Teria-Daria with  the  waxing  moon,  which  begins  with  the  new  moon.  This  latter  is  named  in the  different  southern  dialects  :  Bea,  Ogar  (=Moon)  dereka-da,  Bale,  Ogdr-Vi-ddreka  ; Puchikwar,  Puki  (=Moon)  tire-da;  Juwoi,  Pukui  fre  lekile ;  Kol,  Puki  ter  Cre-che.** The  little  sickle  of  the  crescent  moon  appears  first  at  the  west-south-western  part of  the  horizon,  that  is  the  reason  why  the  south-west  monsoon  is  associated  with Teria-Daria.  The  reason  why  the  opposed  monsoon,  that  of  north-east,  is  associated with  Puluga  is  quite  different  ;  Mr.  Man  has  already  given  it :  "  because  it  proceeds "  from  that  part  of  heaven  where  the  connecting-bridge  (=rainbow,  as  Mr.  Portman "  has  shown)  between  this  world  and  the  next  is  supposed  to  be  situated."ft Now,  in  the  Austronesian  mythology,  the  waxing  moon  is  always  male,  the waning  sometimes  male  and  sometimes  female.  In  the  latter  case  we  would  have the  relation  of  the  male  waxing  moon  to  the  waning  female  moon ;  just  that which  we  encounter  in  the  northern  groups  of  Great  Andaman  :  the  female  spider *  Under  the  title  "  Grundlinien  einer  Vergleichung  der  Religioneu  and  Mythologien  der  austro- nesischen  Volker  "  ;  it  will  appear  in  the  next  issue  of  the  Denkschriften  der  Kais.  Altad.  der  Wissen- xchaften  zu  IVien  phil.-higt.  A7.,  53  Btl.,  III.  Abh.  An  abstract  of  this  greater  work  has  jusc  appeared under  the  title  •'  Die  Mythologie  der  austronesischen  Volker"  in  the  Mitteilungen  der  Anthropolog. Gesellschaft  in  Wien.,  Bd.  XXXIX,  pp.  240-259. f  E.  H.  Man,  On  the  Aboriginal  Inhabitants  of  the  Andaman  Islands  (London,  1883),  pp.  156, 183. I  Loc.  tit.,  pp.  163,  180.  §  Brown,  loc.  tit.,  p.  260.  ||  Loc.  tit.,  p.  267. ^f  Mr.  Man  (loc.  tit.,  p.  118)  has  "  chola-ta,  south-east  wind." **  Portman,  Notes,  pp.  104,  105.  tt  E-  H-  Man>  loc-  cif->  P-  ]18. No.  2,]  MAN.  [1910. (  =  waning  moon)  and  the  male  Tarai  (  =  waxing  moon).  And  the  same  reason  which has  caused  Tarai  to  be  associated  Avith  the  south-west  monsoon — viz.,  the  fact  that the  waxing  moon  begins  to  show  himself  in  the  south-west — explains  also  the  association of  the  female  spider  (  =  waning  moon)  with  the  north-east  monsoon  :  the  waning  moon appears  first  in  the  north-east.  Because  thus  the  female  spider  is  associated  with  the north-east  monsoon  and  opposed  to  Tarai,  who  is  associated  with  the  south-west monsoon,  she  usurps  to  herself  the  name  and  the  position  of  Paluga-Biliku,  who  was once  the  counterpart  of  Teria-Tarai. I  am  quite  aware  that  the  theory  developed  here  is  based  on  the  presupposition that  the  Andamanese  had  a  lunar  mythology  similar  to  that  of  the  Austronesian  peoples, and  I  know  very  well  that  the  Andamanese,  ethnologically  and  anthropologically,  have nothing  to  do  with  the  Austronesians.  But  I  do  not  know  why  a  lunar  mythology, like  that  of  the  Austronesians,  should  be  limited  exclusively  to  the  latter.  Whether or  no  this  is  the  case  is  only  a  matter  of  fact,  and  I  believe  I  have  shown  sufficient evidence  to  prove  that  the  Andamanese  once  possessed  (for  their  actual  lunar  mythology is  of  another  kind — vide  E.  H.  Man,  loc.  ei/.,  p.  92  seyq.}*  a  lunar  mythology  similar  in many  important  points  to  that  of  the  Austronesians.  I  now  adduce  other  arguments. Not  only  in  Austronesian,  but  also  in  other  mythologies,  the  waning  moon  is associated  with  lizards  (and  alligators)  :  in  Little  Andaman  the  female  Oluga  is identified  with  the  Monitor  lizard.  In  many  mythologies  the  male  (waxing)  and  the female  (waning)  moon  are  the  first  parents  :  hence  the  variation,  amongst  some  Anda- manese groups,  as  to  whether  the  female  Biliku  and  her  husband  are  the  first  parents or  not ;  but  in  one  of  the  southern  groups,  Puchikwar,  it  is  Patia,  the  Monitor  lizard (=the  female  Oluga  of  Little  Andaman,  the  waning  moon  !),  who  is  the  first  parent.f Here  we  have  the  male  parent  associated  with  the  waning  moon,  who,  also  in Austronesian  mythology,  appears  in  two  forms — male  and  female. In  Austronesian  mythology  the  Supreme  Being,  a  Sky  God,  is,  in  the  first  stage of  development,  quite  independent  of  all  lunar  mythology  ;  but  in  the  latter  stages he  enters  that  mythology  and  always  coalesces  with  the  waxing  moon.  The  male  form of  the  waning  moon  then  becomes  his  counterpart-brother,  the  female  form  his  sister or  wife.  In  the  Andamanese  lunar  mythology  the  Supreme  Being  was  in  the  beginning equally  independent  of  all  mythology  ;  but  it  appears  now  that  in  the  subsequent  phases of  development  there  were  forms  quite  similar  to  the  latter  Austrouesiau.  Thus,  when amongst  the  Bale  it  was  said  that  Puluga  and  Daria  (both  males)  were  at  one  time great  friends,  and  elsewhere  that  Big  Puluga  had  two  brothers  called  East  Puluga.  and West  Puluga.  In  the  latter  form  we  have  in  the  "  Big  Puluga  "  still  a  survival  of  the older  supremacy  of  the  ancient  Supreme  Being.  But  already  in  the  Puchikwar,  Kol, and  Juwoi  Groups,  the  predominant  importance  of  the  two  monsoons  begins,  quite naturally  in  these  islands,  to  exercise  its  influence  and  develops  on  lines  different  from those  of  the  Austronesians  by  associating  the  ancient  Supreme  Being  with  the  female representative  of  the  waning  moon,  a  form  of  development  which  never  took  place amongst  the  Austronesians. That,  indeed,  Puluga  was  in  the  beginning  independent  of  all  lunar  mythology  is not  very  difficult  to  prove.  Even  now  in  the  southern  parts  Puluga  has  the  character of  a  pronounced  Sky-God,  just  as  with  the  Austronesians  and  so  many  of  the  Supreme Beings  of  primitive  peoples,  and  especially  with  those  of  pygmy  peoples.  He  causes *  But  it  appears  that  even  the  modern  lunar  mythology  of  the  Andamanese  has  already  begun  to exert  its  influence  on  the  Biliku-mjths.  According  to  modern  mythological  \dews  the  moon  is male  and  husband  of  the  sun,  which  is  female.  In  one  myth  of  the  Kede  Silika  throws  a  large fire-brand  into  the  sky,  which  becomes  the  sun  (Brown,  p.  264).  Moreover,  we  must  remember  that the  sun,  like  the  full  moon,  begins  its  course  in  the  (north-)east. •f  Brown,  loc.  cit.,  p.  261. [     6     ] 1910.]  MAN.  [Nos.  2-3. storm  and  rain,  the  thunder  is  his  voice,  the  lightning  his  torch.*  Now  it  is  quite  clear that  none  of  these  characteristics  can  be  developed  out  of  a  lunar  god,  and  especially with  regard  to  the  lightning  torch  we  have  expressly  proved  that  it  is  anterior  to  the pearl  shell  of  the  lunar-influenced  northern  groups. To  conclude,  I  believe  I  have  made  it  evident  that  Mr.  Brown's  attack  on  Puluga, the  Supreme  Being  of  the  Andamanese,  has  failed,  and  that  his  defeat  is  the  more manifest  as  his  attack  was  vehement.  No  doubt  his  attack  was  directed  mainly against  the  idea  of  a  Supreme  Being  to  be  found  amongst  the  Andamanese.  All  other things  related  by  Mr.  Man  about  the  Andamanese  religion — the  wife  and  children of  Puluga,  the  spirits  of  the  sea,  the  woods,  &c.,  the  myths  about  sun  and  moon,  the first  parents,  &c. — do  not  seem  to  provoke  the  criticism  of  Mr.  Brown.  The  idea  of  a Supreme  Being  alone  has  attracted  his  attention.  There  will  be  many  who  will  not understand  that.  I  regret  very  much  that  the  debut  of  such  a  hopeful  scholar  as Mr.  Brown  was  devoted  to  such  partial  aims,  and  that  the  results  of  his  valuable  and extremely  interesting  researches  were  not  applied  in  a  more  independent  and  broad- minded  spirit.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  in  the  book  about  his  expedition  Mr.  Brown will  free  himself  from  all  such  aspirations  and  go  straight  along  the  path  which  his materials  alone  shall  show  him. In  the  meantime  Mr.  Brown,  if  his  principal  attack  has  failed,  has  succeeded  in showing  us  that  amongst  the  Andamanese  tribes  also  the  mythological  corruption  of the  Supreme  Being  has  made  its  appearance,  and  that  is,  indeed,  a  valuable  result for  which  we  are  much  indebted  to  him.  But  even  this  result  has  a  positive  conse- quence, which,  I  fear,  will  not  be  welcomed  by  Mr.  Brown  and  many  of  his  friends. With  the  data  furnished  by  Mr.  Brown  it  is  now  possible  to  show  positively  that  the wife  of  the  Supreme  Being,  Puluga,  of  whom  Mr.  Man  writes,  has  accrued  to  him only  out  of  the  lunar  mythology. f  Then  as  I  have  proved  that  Puluga  originally  has nothing  to  do  with  the  lunar  mythology,  I  have  now  shown  that  originally  he  was without  wife  and  children,  and  was  thus  all  the  more  a  true  Supreme  Being. Mr.  Brown  adduces  some  other  points  in  order  to  discredit  the  character  of Puluga  as  a  Supreme  Being,  which  are  of  less  importance.  Partly  they  find  their solution  in  what  we  have  said  above  ;  the  rest  will  be  dealt  with  in  the  respective chapters  of  my  above  cited  work,  Die  Stellung  der  Pygmaenvolker  in  der  Entwicke- lungsgeschichte  des  Menschen.  The  solutions  which  Mr.  Brown  puts  forward  with  regard to  the  prohibitions  against  burning  wax  and  eating  various  roots  and  fruits  at  the end  of  the  rainy  season  are  incorrect.  Mr.  Brown  has  by  no  means  succeeded  in grasping  the  true  nature  of  these  prohibitions.  W.  SCHMIDT. England :  Archaeology.  Cunning:ton. A  Mediaeval  Earthwork  in  Wiltshire.!    By  Mrs.  M.  E.   Cunnington.  O Slight    earthworks,  more    or  less    rectangular  in    plan,    seem    to    occur    with     U varying  frequency  in  most  parts    of  the  country.     Some  of  these  have  rightfully  been ascribed  to  the  Bronze  Age,  others  more  doubtfully  so,  but  it  is  scarcely  likely  that *  It  is  quite  unjustifiable  to  associate,  as  Mr.  Brown  does,  Puluga  (Biiiltu)  exclusively  with  the north-east  monsoon.  Mr.  Brown  himself  has  felt  this,  for  he  writes  :  "  What  is  particularly  puzzling *'  is  that  the  south-west  monsoon  is  the  rainy  monsoon,  and  during  the  north-east  monsoon  the "  weather  is  generally  fine.  I  have  not  been  able  to  find  an  explanation,  and  can  only  record  the li  fact "  (p.  267).  Well,  the  only  possible  explanation  is  that  Puluga  was  originally  everywhere, as  still  now  in  the  south,  the  god  of  all  storms,  i.e.,  the  Sky-God. f  I  shall  develop  this  thesis  in  a  still  more  detailed  way  in  my  work,  Die  Stellung  der  Pygmiien- rolker  in  der  Entwickelungsgeschlchte  des  Jfenscken,  which  will  appear  in  the  course  of  the  next  yea)-. This  will  afford  an  opportunity  of  stating  some  very  interesting  details. J  The  earthwork  is  on  Crown  property,  and  permission  to  undertake  certain  excavations  in  il was  granted  to  Mr.  B.  H.  Cunnington  by  the  proper  authorities,  with  the  approval  of  the  tenant, Mr.  A.  J.  Coombs  of  Bishop's  Cannings.  The  work  was  carried  oat  during  the  summer  of  1909. [    7    ] No.  3.] MAN. [1910. this  large  and  rather  indefinite  class  of  earthworks  all  belong  to  the  same  period,  or were  made  for  the  same  purpose.* The  evidence  for  each  site  must  be  considered  independently  after  excavation, and  a  superficial  resemblance  in  situation  and  plan  cannot  be  relied  on  as  a  criterion of  identity  of  origin. A  rather  large  example  of  these  simple  enclosures,  which  not  inappropriately have  been  distinguished  under  the  term  of  "  valley  entrenchments "  is  to  be  found /a  a I  Iw  ± ,-ii 1 9.9 ">' to  8 47 It1,', -92 r--  : FlG.   1. — PLAN  OF   ENCLOSURES  SHOWING  APPROXIMATE  POSITION   OF  OPENINGS  IN  THE OUTER  BANK. The  figures  indicate  the  distance  in  feet  between  the  openings,  measured  from  centre  to  centre  of  the  gaps.    The  size of  the  gaps  is  somewhat  exaggerated. "I— LV-l".lZ'.-"-rz~H  =  ditch  of  outer  enclosure. =  ditch  of  inner  enclosure. in  one  of  the  chalk  combes  under  the  Wansdyke,  north  of  Old  Shepherd's  Shore, and  about  four  miles  north-east  of  Devizes.f  The  Wansdyke  at  this  point  takes  a sharp  turn  as  if  to  avoid  descending  into  the  combe,  and  is  carried  along  the  southern and  steeper  side  of  the  combe.  The  dyke  is  here  seen  in  its  finest  proportions,  and *  See  General  Pitt-Rivers'  Hafcavatumt,  Vol.  IV,  Martin  Down,  South  Lodge,  Angle  Ditch,  and Handley  Hill  Camps ;  Mr.  H.  S.  Toms  in  Antiquary,  Nov.  1907,  and  Feb.  1909,  p.  47  ;  Earthwork  of England,  by  Hadrian  Allcroft,  pp.  143-152. t  See  Wilts  Arch.  Mag.,  Vol.  XI,  p.  246  ;  An.  Wilts,  North,  p.  97  ;  Dr.  Stukeley's  Abury  Described, pp.  27-48 ;  Rev.  A.  C.  Smith's  Antiquities  of  N.  Wilts,  Section  IV,  C,  VII<f,  p.  65  ;  and  6-inch Ordnance  Map,  Wiltshire  Sheet,  XXVII,  S.E. [     8     1 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  3, a  little  to  the  west  towards  Morgan's  Hill  is  the  spot  where  General  Pitt-Rivers  cut his  Section  1  in  1889.* The  earthwork  consists  of  a  single  bank  and  ditch  ;  on  the  north  the  bank  is slightly  higher  than  on  either  of  the  other  sides,  and  on  the  south  it  appears  lower than  elsewhere,  but  excavation  showed  that  this  latter  is  largely  due  to  the  slope  on which  it  is  built.  As  is  often  the  case  in  more  or  less  rectangular  earthworks,  the banks  are  heightened  at  the  corners.!  Its  area  is  said  to  be  seven  acres  one  rood  ; along  the  crest  of  the  bank  it  measures  607  feet  on  the  north  side,  645  feet  on  the south,  628  feet  on  the  east,  and  620  feet  on  the  west.  The  enclosure  lies  on  the northern  slope  of  the  combe  and  has  a  southern  aspect  ;  its  lower  and  southern boundary  is  in,  and  parallel  with,  the  bottom  of  the  combe.  Its  position  is  therefore  a fairly  sheltered  one,  but  could  never  have  been  chosen  for  defensive  purposes. There  are  an  unusually  large  number  of  very  noticeable  gaps  or  openings  through the  rampart.  Even  Dr.  Stukeley  noticed  them,  and  they  are  shown  in  his  woodcut dated  1720.J  It  will  be  seen  on  the  accompanying  plan  (Fig.  1)  that  these  openings occur  at  irregular  distances  on  all  four  sides,  but  are  scarcer  on  the  south.  On  the south  and  east  sides  there  are  well-defined  openings  only  23  feet  and  26  feet  apart respectively.  All  these  openings  are  well  marked  and  cannot  be  mistaken  for  a  mere wearing  away  of  the  earthen  rampart.  In  every  case  the  ends  of  the  rampart  are clean  cut,  and  their  appearance  suggests  that  the  rampart  was  at  first  continuous  and that  the  openings  were  cut  through  it  subsequently.  The  gaps  are  fairly  uniform  in width,  namely,  about  nine  feet  across  at  the  top  of  the  bank,  narrowing  from  two  feet to  four  feet  on  the  level.  The  slope  of  the  ends  of  the  rampart  appear  too  regular to  be  the  result  of  spreading,  and  they  seem  to  have  been  cut  intentionally  at  this angle  to  prevent  spreading.  One  of  the  openings  on  the  eastern  side  is  16  feet  wide and  noticeably  larger  than  any  of  the  rest.  It  was  hoped  that  excavation  would  prove which  of  these  openings  were  original,  for  it  was  natural  to  suppose  that  where  there had  been  an  entrance  the  ditch  would  be  discontinued,  and  that  a  solid  roadway  into the  enclosure  would  have  been  left. For  this  purpose  a  section  was  made  on  the  outside  of  each  of  the  twenty-two gaps,  with  the  remarkable  result  that  the  ditch  was  found  to  have  been  continued  in front  of  every  one  of  them,  including  the  big  16-foot  opening. The  enclosure  is  therefore  entirely  surrounded  by  a  continuous  ditch,  which  must necessarily  have  been  bridged  across  in  some  way  wherever  there  was  an  entrance.  It will  be  understood  that  the  rampart,  though  not  high,  is  generally  well  preserved,  and that  as  .the  ditch  is  not  quite  filled  up  it  is  for  the  most  part  self-evident.  It  is only  opposite  the  openings  in  the  rampart  that  there  can  be  any  doubt,  even  without excavation,  as  to  whether  the  ditch  is  there  or  not.  So  although  the  entire  length of  the  ditch  was  not  opened  there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  its  continuance. It  is  noteworthy  that  before  excavation  a  distinct  heightening,  or  ridge,  was noticeable  on  the  surface  of  the  ditch  outside  the  openings  ;  at  the  time  this  was looked  upon  as  evidence  that  no  ditch  would  be  found  at  these  points.  As,  however, this  conclusion  was  wrong,  the  fact  that  the  ditch  was  fuller  at  these  spots  suggests that  entrances  were  made  by  intentionally  filling  in  the  ditch  at  some  at  least  of  the openings.  Unless  this  was  the  case,  it  is  difficult  to  see  why  the  ditch  should  have become  fuller  outside  the  openings  than  elsewhere,  especially  as  traffic  to  and  fro  would tend  to  wear  away  the  soil  rather  than  to  increase  its  depth. *  Excavations,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  246. f  As  there  is  necessarily  a  greater  length  of  ditch  in  proportion  to  that  of  the  bank  at  the angles,  the  extra  material  thus  obtained  may  account  for  the  increase  in  the  size  of  the  banks  at these  spots ;  they  need  not  have  been  increased  intentionally  for  extra  strength. \  Abury  Described,  p.  48,  plate  XL [     9    ] No,  3,] MAN. [1910. Putting  the  length  of  the  various  sections  together,  176  feet  of  this  ditch  was entirely  cleared  out ;  it  was  found  to  be  practically  of  a  uniform  depth  and  width throughout.  Sections  six  feet  wide  were  also  cut  through  the  rampart,  one  on  the eastern  and  one  on  the  southern  side  (Figs.  2  and  3).  All  these  cuttings  were  remark- FlG.   2. — SECTION  ACROSS  BANK  AND  DITCH  ON  EAST   SIDE  OF  OUTER   ENCLOSURE. a  —  turf ;  b  =  chalk  building  of  bank  ;  c  —  old  turf  line  under  banks ;  d  =  undisturbed  chalk ;  e  =  silting  in  ditch. FlG.  3.— SECTION  ACROSS  BANK  AND  DITCH   ON  SOUTH  SIDE   OF  OUTER  ENCLOSURE. a  =  turf ;  6  =  chalk  building  of  bank ;  c  =  old  turf  line  under  banks ;  d  =  undisturbed  chalk ;  e  =  silting  in  ditch. ably  unproductive  of  relics.  One  large  headed  iron  nail,  one  fragment  of  pottery,  two hammerstones,  and  a  few  scattered  fragments  of  bone  were  actually  the  only  finds. THE  INNER  ENCLOSURE. — Within  the  main  enclosure  is  a  smaller  work  (Stukeley's Prcetorium),*  the  position  of  which  may  be  seen  on  the  sketch  plan.  It  is  roughly oblong  in  shape,  the  two  longer  sides  being  164  feet  in  length  by  121  feet  on  the western,  and  92  feet  on  the  eastern  side.  This  inner  earthwork  consists  of  a  ditch with  double  banks — one  on  either  side  of  the  ditch.  The  ditch,  although  rather  larger than  that  of  the  outer  enclosure,  is  more  silted  up,  and  the  banks  are  much  worn  down, especially  on  the  north  side  ;  this,  however,  may  be  due  to  cultivation. There  is  an  opening  through  the  inner  bank  on  the  north-west  side,  and  one through  both  the  inner  and  outer  banks  on  the  north-east  side  ;  it  appears,  therefore, that  there  must  have  been  an  entrance  at  one  or  both  of  these  places  in  spite  of  the fact  that  the  ditch  was  found  to  be  continuous  at  both  of  them.  To  prove  this,  sections of  the  ditch  were  cleared  out  in  front  of  these  openings  ;  a  section  of  the  ditch  30  feet in  length  was  also  cleared  out  on  the  south  side,  and  a  section,  five  feet  wide,  was  cut across  the  enclosure  from  north  to  south  (Fig.  4). In  all  60  feet  of  this  ditch  were  cleared  out,  and  twenty-two  fragments  of  medieval pottery,  some  with  green  and  yellow  glaze,  were  found  at  varying  depths.  This,  though a  small  quantity  in  proportion  to  the  work  done,  was  a  very  considerable  amount  as compared  with  the  single  fragment  found  in  the  ditch  of  the  main  enclosure. In  this  inner  ditch  several  more  or  less  complete  skeletons  of  sheep  were  found  ; there  were  also  a  considerable  number  of  scattered  sheep's  bones  and  teeth,  a  few ox  bones,  and  those  of  at  least  three  dogs. *  "  There  is  another  very  pretty  place  of  this  sort — Druid's  House  for  aught  I  know — between '  the  Wansdyke  and  Via  Badonica  ;  'tis  a  charming  pleasant  concavity.  An  oblong  square,  with "  another  lesser  as  a  praetorium  within.  In  the  vallum  are  many  gaps  at  equal  intervals"  (Abury Described,  p.  48).  Actual  measurements  have  shown  that  the  gaps  are  not  really  equi-distant  from each  other. [     10     ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  3. About  50  yards  to  the  east  of  the  inner  enclosure  there  is  a  very  slight  semi- circular bank.  A  section  was  cut  through  this  bank  and  a  few  fragments  of  mediaeval pottery  were  found  but  the  purpose  of  the  bank  could  not  be  explained. Surface  sections  were  also  cut  in  the  north-west  and  south-east  corners  of  the main  enclosure,  but  no  relics  or  signs  of  habitation  were  found. OuUiie    So~t6 JYorlft     T~s»ae a  _. ^^s^s. g^y^       c ,      (,    ,. V'-VrT  <    '•      [.     ' ;-^:- .•••:/', '•,'•<•'•,. '  "'  ••' •:••  ••/.>/(     <•       [• *  '  ,X^-7^  r       * '     <•    1    t"    '    '  o. 5 *j>ft FlG.  4. — SECTION  ACBOSS  DOUBLE   BANKS  AND  DITCH  ON  SOUTH   SIDE  OF  INNER  ENCLOSURE. a  =  turf ;  6  =  chalk  building  of  banks ;  c  =  old  turf  line  under  banks  ;  d  =  undisturbed  chalk  ;  e  =  silting  in  ditob. CONCLUSIONS. — As  a  result  of  the  excavations  is  it  possible  to  draw  any  con- clusions as  to  whether  the  two  enclosures  have  a  common  origin,  or  are  two  distinct works,  designed  for  different  purposes  and  of  different  dates — and  in  any  case  as  to what  purpose  they  were  made,  and  when  ? In  the  absence  of  relics  from  the  ditch  of  the  outer  enclosure  it  is  not  possible to  say  definitely  that  the  two  works  are  of  the  same  date,  but  the  evidence,  such  as it  is,  is  in  favour  of  their  being  so. One  distinctive  feature  the  two  enclosures  certainly  have  in  common,  and  that  is that  they  are  both  completely  surrounded  by  their  respective  ditches,  no  entrance causeways  having  been  left  in  either  case.  This  feature  is  so  remarkable  that  it certainly  may  be  taken  as  affording  good  presumptive  evidence  that  both  works  were made  by  the  same  people.  The  two  ditches  although  not  quite  of  the  same  size  are alike  in  general  outline  and  appearance,*  and  nothing  of  a  contradictory  nature  having been  found,  it  may  be  said,  therefore,  that,  on  the  whole,  evidence  is  in  favour  of  the common  origin  of  the  two  enclosures. As  to  date  the  pottery  found  at  different  depths  in  the  inner  ditch  to  within  a few  inches  of  the  bottom  is  sufficient  to  show  that  this  ditch  at  any  rate  is  neither prehistoric  nor  Roman,  but  mediaeval. f  In  1720,  when  Dr.  Stukeley  wrote,  all  memory of  the  use  of  the  enclosures  had  faded.  Their  date,  therefore,  is  probably  somewhere between  the  twelfth  and  sixteenth  centuries. Lastly,  for  what  purpose  were  the  enclosures  made  ?  Had  they  been  the  site  of regular  habitation  there  must,  it  would  seem,  have  been  more  evidence  of  it  than there  is.  Not  only  in  the  excavations  was  pottery  very  scarce,  but  in  repeated  and diligent  search  among  the  earth  thrown  out  by  the  moles  not  a  single  scrap  of pottery  was  found, — and  this  was  certainly  not  due  to  a  want  of  activity  on  the  part of  the  moles.J  The  entire  absence  from  the  ditch  of  any  pigs'  bones,  the  presence of  dogs'  bones,  and  the  fact  that  some  of  the  sheep's  bones  Avere  found  as  more  or *  The  ditches  of  the  enclosures,  proved  by  General  Pitt-Rivers  to  be  of  the  Bronze  Age,  were  much more  formidable  than  these.  They  were  not  so  regularly  cut,  and  of  a  quite  different  shape  in  section  ; they  sloped  to  a  bottom  narrow  in  proportion  to  their  breadth  and  depth — they  were,  indeed,  funnel- shaped — whereas  the  ditches  here  had  wide  and  shallow  bottoms. t  It  is  remarkable  that  all  the  pottery,  with  the  exception  of  one  piece  of  Roman  manufacture found  in  the  turf  mould,  seems  to  be  of  the  same  period,  and  that  there  is  not  a  fragment  of  the hand-made  Bronze  Age  type.  In  addition  to  the  finding  of  mediaeval  pottery,  this  is  of  importance as  evidence  of  date,  because  had  there  been  a  Romano-British  or  earlier  settlement  on  the  site pottery  characteristic  of  these  periods  must  have  been  found. J  Sir  R.  Colt  Hoare  dug  into  several  parts  of  the  enclosure,  but  "  could  find  none  of  the  usual marks  of  residence."  (An.  Wilt*,  p.  97.) No.  3.]  MAN.  [1910. less  complete  skeletons,  is  suggestive  that  the  remains  were  not  those  of  animals  that had  been  used  for  food,  but  rather  that  they  were  those  of  animals  that  had  died  in the  ditch,  or  whose  bodies  had  been  thrown  there. It  is  suggested  therefore,  that  the  enclosure  was  used  as  a  fold  or  penning  for flocks,  chiefly  perhaps  for  sheep,  the  inner  enclosure  affording  additional  protection for  the  weak  and  sickly  ones,  and  perhaps  shelters  for  the  shepherds. The  banks  and  ditches  are  after  all  not  much  larger  than  the  ditches  and hedgerow  banks  to  some  of  our  own  fields,  but  being  situated  on  the  open  uncultivated Downs  they  appear  perhaps  more  remarkable  than  they  really  are.  Isolated,  and  now generally  abandoned  sheepfolds,  quite  as  large,  and,  if  their  use  had  been  forgotten, quite  as  mysterious  seeming,  as  this  earthwork,  are  not  uncommon  on  the  Welsh  hills. But  Wales  being  a  stony  land  the  enclosures  there  are  of  dry  built  stone  walling  ; these  folds  are  sometimes  angular  and  sometimes  roughly  circular,  and  often  have  a part  divided  off  in  the  manner  of  the  "  praetoriiim." Why  in  this  instance  the  outer  enclosure  should  have  had  so  many  breaches  in its  rampart  is  indeed  puzzling.  One  thing  only  seems  fairly  clear,  and  that  is  that if  the  openings  were  not  made  by  the  original  owners  for  some  good  reason  of  their own,  it  is  still  more  difficult  to  understand  why  anyone  at  a  later  date  should  have taken  the  trouble  to  make  them. It  may  be  said  that  if  the  original  idea  had  been  to  have  many  entrances, provision  would  have  been  made  for  them  by  leaving  the  ditch  undug  at  intervals wherever  an  entrance  was  intended.  But  as  the  original  idea  must  have  included at  least  one  entrance,  and  as  even  this  one  was  not  provided  for  by  a  discontinuance of  the  ditch,  the  fact  that  the  ditch  is  continuous  in  front  of  all  the  openings  is  not therefore  in  itself  evidence  that  they  are  not  all  coeval  with  the  original  entrance. It  is  perhaps  possible  that  the  work  as  a  whole  was  made  on  the  communal  system, and  that  each  member  of  the  community  hurdled  off  a  part  of  the  interior  according to  his  wants,  making  an  entrance  by  throwing  down  the  bank  to  fill  up  the  ditch  at the  spot  most  convenient  to  him.  The  bank  and  ditch  are  so  slight  that  this  could have  been  done  at  a  very  little  cost  of  labour.  The  irregularity  in  the  length  of  the sides  of  the  enclosure  shows  that  it  could  not  have  been  planned  out  with  much precision  or  skill,  and  if  a  good  many  entrances  were  required  it  might  have  proved practically  simpler  to  make  them  at  the  spots  that  experience  showed  to  be  most suitable  than  to  formally  plan  them  out  beforehand. RELICS. — From  Ditch  of  Outer  Enclosure  : — In  turf  mould  on  north-west  side  : — Chalk  rubber,  cut  and  shaped,  smooth  on one  side.  3^  inches  by  3  inches. In  turf  mould  in  16-foot  opening  : — Rough  flint  that  has  been  used  for  hammering  ; and  iron  spike,  square  in  section,  length,  five  inches  ;  possibly  quite  modern. Fourth  opening  from  the  south  on  the  east  side,  one  foot  above  bottom  of  the ditch  : — Broken  pebble  used  as  a  hammer. Third  opening  from  south,  east  side  ;  on  floor  of  ditch  : — Fragment  of  good  quality red  pottery  ;  possibly  mediaeval. South-eastern  corner,  18  inches  from  bottom  of  ditch  : — Small  fragment  of  thin bronze,  and  heavy  iron  nail  with  large  head. Inner  Enclosure : — Section  across  inner  enclosure  : — Sarsen  muller  or  hammer,*  fragment  of  mediaeval pottery,  fragments  of  sheep's  bones  and  teeth. Small  bank  east  of  inner'  enclosure  : — Part  of  base  of  jug  or  pitcher,  with  finger- pressed  base,  resembling  that  of  fourteenth-century  pitchers,  with  traces  of  yellow *  These  stone  implements  need  not,  of.  course,  be  of  the  same  date  as  the  earthwork  itself. [     12     ] 1910.]  MAN.  [Nos,  3-4. glaze  ;  four  other  fragments,  one  with  brown  glaze.     Pointed   iron  ferrule,  with  two rivet  holes,  possibly  an  ox  goad  ;  length,  3|  inches. Ditch   of  the  Inner  Enclosure  : — In  turf  mould  : — Base  of  a  small  vase  of  fine   grey  ware,  painted  black.     Roman. First  foot  below  turf  (turf  six  to  eight  inches  thick)  : — Sixteen  pieces  of  pottery  ; all  quite  small.  Some  of  these  have  green,  others  yellow,  glaze,  and  some  are unglazed,  of  a  rather  coarse  ware  mixed  with  pounded  flint,  but  have  also  the  same sand  that  is  mixed  in  the  paste  of  the  glazed  ware.  Certainly  most  of  this  pottery, and  probably  all  of  it,  is  mediaeval.  Three  small  iron  nails.  Bones  of  animals. Second  foot  below  turf  : —  Five  pieces  of  pottery  of  the  same  description  as  above. Third  foot  below  turf  : — Rounded  handle  of  jug  or  pitcher,  of  red  ware  with  traces of  green  glaze  ;  five  inches  in  length.  This  was  found  actually  three  feet  deep  from the  top  of  the  turf  and  within  eight  inches  of  the  bottom  of  the  ditch,  and  is  so unmistakably  mediaeval  that  it  affords  good  evidence  of  the  period  at  which  the ditch  must  have  been  open.  Fragments  of  the  rim  of  a  cup  or  basin  with  greenish- yellow  glaze  ;  found  with  the  handle. A  small  number  of  flint  flakes  were  found  in  the  various  sections,  but  these  can have  no  particular  significance,  for  whatever  the  date  of  the  enclosure,  these  flints may  have  been  lying  on  the  surface  at  the  time  of  its  construction. A  chemical  analysis  has  been  made  of  three  pieces  of  pottery  : — (a)  The  fragment found  on  the  bottom  of  the  ditch  of  the  outer  enclosure,  (b)  A  piece  not  glazed,  but probably  mediaeval,  from  the  first  foot  below  turf  in  ditch  of  the  inner  enclosure, (c)  A  piece  with  traces  of  glaze,  undoubtedly  mediaeval,  found  with  the  handle  near the  bottom  of  ditch  of  inner  enclosure. The  results  of  (a)  and  (c)  are  so  nearly  identical  that  the  ware  must  almost certainly  have  come  from  the  same  source  and  have  been  made  of  the  same  clay.  This affords  additional  evidence  to  show  that  the  two  ditches  were  open  at  the  same  period, and  that,  therefore,  the  two  enclosures  are  of  the  same  date. The  analysis  is  as  follows  : — (a)  (b)  (c) Silica  (Si02)      -  -     58 '2         55  •  2         57  •  45  per  cent. Alumina  (A12O3)  -     26  •  25       38  •  2         24-4         „ Ferric  oxide  (Fe203)      -  -     11  '2  6- 8         11 '6         „ Traces  of  calcium  and  magnesium  compounds  are  also  found  in  (a)  and  (c). M.  E.  CUNNINGTON. Switzerland  :  Pygmy  Implement.  Trechmann. Note  on  the  Occurrence  of  a  so-called  Pygmy  or  Midget  Imple- ment  made  from  a  Quartz  Crystal  in  a  Neolithic  Lake-Dwell  ing  on the  Greifensee,  near  Zurich.  By  C.  T.  Trechmann,  B.Sc. While  a  student  at  Zurich  I  paid  a  visit,  at  the  suggestion  of  Dr.  Heierli,  professor at  the  Polytechnikum,  during  November,  1906,  to  the  Greifensee,  and,  the  water  being then  very  low,  I  had  an  opportunity  of  studying  several  of  the  pile-dwellings,  of  which eight  exist  on  the  edges  of  this  small  lake. While  examining  a  pile-dwelling  at  the  northern  end  of  the  lake  called  Rietspitz, near  Fallanden,  I  was  fortunate  in  finding  in  the  lake  mud  surrounding  the  piles  a characteristic  specimen  of  the  implement  known  in  this  country  as  pygmy  or  midget implement.  It  is  formed  from  a  chip  of  a  perfectly  transparent  quartz  crystal  and measures  11  millimetres  in  length  by  6^  millimetres  in  greatest  breadth.  It  has  been delicately  chipped  to  the  form  of  a  small  spoon-shaped  scraper,  the  under  side  showing the  smooth  surface  of  the  flake,  the  bulb  of  which  occurs  at  the  upper  or  scraping edge  of  the  implement. [    13    ] Nos.  4-5.]  MAN.  [1910. I  understand  from  Dr.  Heierli  that  this  is  the  first  occurrence  of  this  type  of implement  in  Switzerland,  and  as  the  Griefensee  lake-dwellings  are  amongst  the earliest  in  Switzerland  I  desire  to  put  it  on  record. The  Griefensee  is  a  small  lake  lying  about  7  kilometres  east  of  Zurich,  and occupies  a  shallow  depression  in  the  Miocene  Molasse  formation.  Eight  dwellings, all  of  the  Stone  Age,  have  been  recognised,  corresponding  to  the  names  Uster  (one dwelling),  Maur  (two  dwellings),  Greifensee  (four  dwellings),  Fallanden  (one  dwelling)- This  last  site  is  situated  at  the  extreme  northern end  of  the  lake  on  the  west  side  of  the  stream, which  drains  the  lake  and  joins  the  Rhine  below Schaffhausen.  In  addition  to  the  pygmy  im- plement I  found  here  several  flint  flakes  of  the ordinary  Neolithic  type  and  a  fragment  of  a  bored greenstone  axe  and  a  large  hammer-stone  of Triassic  Alpine  quartzite. Perhaps  the  pygmy  implements  occur  in  some quantity  in  the  lake-dwellings,  but  have  hitherto  been  overlooked  owing  to  the difficulty  of  detecting  them  in  the  lake  mud,  where  all  the  relics  are  covered  with a  deposit  of  lake  lime  when  found.  C.  T.  TRECHMANK REVIEWS. Ireland :  Archaeology.  Macalister. The  Memorial  Slabs  of  Clonmacnois,  King's  County :  with  an  Appendix  on  the  C Materials  for  a  History  of  the  Monastery,  being  the  extra  volume  of  the  Royal  U Society  of  Antiquaries  of  Ireland  for  1907-8.  By  R.  A.  Stewart  Macalister,  M.A., F.S.A.  Dublin,  University  Press,  1909.  Pp.  xxxii  +159.  27  x  17  cm.  Price  10*. The  Royal  Society  of  Antiquaries  of  Ireland  have  published  as  their  extra volume  for  1907-8  The  Memorial  Slabs  of  Clonmacnois  by  Professor  R.  A.  S. Macalister,  M.A.,  F.S.A.  St.  Ciaran's  great  foundation  at  Clonmacnois  dating  from 547  A.D.  is  justly  celebrated  as  containing  one  of  the  most  interesting  collections  of early  Christian  Celtic  inscriptions  and  ecclesiastical  remains  in  Western  Europe. The  Christian  inscriptions  in  the  Irish  language  by  Dr.  Petrie,  edited  by  Miss Stokes,  dealt  fully  with  Clonmacnois  ;  but  this  work,  though  a  fine  monument  of learning,  was  executed  many  years  ago  and  under  various  difficulties,  and  students  of Irish  archaeology  and  philology  have  long  felt  that  a  new  work  embodying  the  results of  later  researches  was  necessary.  Professor  Macalister's  knowledge  of  Irish  palaeo- graphy and  philology  peculiarly  fitted  him  to  write  the  present  volume,  and  he  deserves the  thanks  of  all  students  of  Celtic  Christian  archasology  for  the  scholarly  and  scientific manner  in  which  he  has  treated  the  subject. Two  hundred  and  eight  slabs  and  fragments  of  slabs,  including  some  that formerly  existed  but  have  since  disappeared,  are  illustrated  in  the  volume  before  us, and  the  ornamented  slabs  with  their  different  forms  of  crosses  and  intricate  key, spiral  and  knot  patterns  are  examined  and  analysed  in  detail.  The  inscriptions themselves,  their  contents,  classification,  palaeography,  philology  and  the  possibility  of identifying  them  with  persons  mentioned  in  the  Irish  annals  are  fully  dealt  with,  and a  complete  vocabulary  of  the  words  used  in  the  inscriptions  is  appended.  The  book concludes  with  an  appendix  containing  materials  for  the  history  of  Clonmacnois  giving the  annals  of  the  monastery,  illustrations  and  descriptions  of  the  existing  buildings, and  an  illustrated  list  of  the  antiquities  that  have  been  discovered  at  Clonmacnois. There  is  one  feature  brought  out  by  the  present  work  which,  unfortunately,  calls for  note.  Professor  Macalister  in  his  preface  says,  "  When  Dr.  Petrie  visited [  14  ] 1910.]  MAN.  [Nos.  5-6. "  Clonmacnois  in  1822,  he  must  have  found  nearly  twice  as  many  slabs  as  I  was  able "  to  discover."  And  again,  "  Dr.  Petrie  records  166  inscribed  slabs  ...  59  of "  these  are  missing."  Clonmacnois  is  now  vested  in  the  Irish  Board  of  Works,  which body  is  fully  alive  to  the  importance  of  preserving  the  slabs  from  further  destruction, but  the  losses  that  have  taken  place  since  1822  are  too  serious  to  be  passed  over  in silence  by  any  reviewer  of  the  present  work.  E.  C.  R.  ARMSTRONG. Oceania.  Walker. Wanderings  among  South  Sea  Savages  and  in  Borneo  and  the  Philippines. By  H.  Wilfred  Walker,  F.R.G.S.  London  :  Witherby,  1909.  Pp.  xvi  +  254, with  forty -eight  photographic  reproductions.  23  X  14  cm.  Price  7*.  6d. The  above  work  is  the  outcome  of  the  demands  by  friends  to  publish  in  book form  the  author's  letters  written  "  in  as  concise  a  manner  as  possible,  so  that  they *'  could  be  easily  read,  and  in  consequence  I  have  left  out  much  that  might  have "  been  interesting."  Had  the  author  had  any  idea  of  publishing,  he  says,  "  I  might *'  have  mentioned  more  about  the  customs,  ornaments,  and  weapons  of  the  natives." It  is  a  pity  that  he  did  not  reconsider  his  decision,  and  rather  than  include  so much  in  one  volume,  divide  the  South  Pacific  portion  from  his  travels  in  Borneo and  the  Philippines,  and  add  the  more  interesting  ethnographical  data  so  carefully excluded  from  his  home  letters. The  full  title  shows  the  author's  varied  experiences.  The  work  opens  with  a visit  paid  to  Ratu  Lala,  the  son  of  a  very  notorious  personage  in  the  history  of  Fiji — the  Roku  Tui  Cakoudrove — and  his  description  of  this  half-educated  "  savage  "  shows the  fallacy  of  sending  such  men  to  Sydney.  I  happened  to  meet  him  there  in  1880, and  saw  something  of  his  so-called  education. The  dances  (jneke-meke)  both  of  men  and  women  are  fully  described,  although when  in  Fiji  I  was  never  fortunate  enough  to  see  the  women  take  part  in  these  ;  I fancy  this  must  be  a  later  introduction  from  Tonga  and  Samoa.  The  Kava  drinking parties  are  most  graphically  described,  but  the  material  of  which  the  decoction  is made  is  called  in  the  native  tongue  yaqona  (yangona),  not  "  angona."  During  his expedition  among  the  ex-cannibals  of  the  Viti  Levu  Mountains  the  author  describes the  modes  of  preparing  the  cannibal  feasts.  I  am  afraid,  however,  he  rather  over- steps the  mark  when  he  says,  u  Sometimes  they  would  boil  a  man  alive  in  a  huge "  cauldron."  I  wonder  how,  and  what  was  the  size  of  the  cauldron,  and  of  what was  it  made  ?  The  old  story  of  the  missionary's  feet  having  been  served  up  to  the chief  as  a  dainty  morsel — with  the  boots  on  ! — reappears. On  page  54  there  is  a  printer's  error,  in  speaking  of  the  curved  boar's  tusks  as u  carved."  It  is  a  pity  that,  while  in  out-of-the-way  places  in  Fiji  and  elsewhere,  he did  not  make  greater  use  of  the  camera.  It  would  have  been  interesting  to  have  seen a  photograph  of  the  "  horrible  looking  carved  figure  with  staring  eyes — about  5  feet high."  What  was  this  ?  Carved  figures  in  Fiji  are  of  very  rare  occurrence,  and  those mostly  small  ones,  used  to  frighten  children  into  quietness.  At  Oxford  and  in  Copen- hagen there  are  figures  made  of  fern-tree  trunks  labelled  as  coming  from  Fiji,  but these  must  be  of  very  recent  importation,  probably  from  the  New  Hebrides.  "  The "  curious  fighting  ornament  worn  on  the  forehead,  made  of  upper  bills  of  the  hornbill," cannot  be  Fijian,  as  the  hornbill  is  not  found  there.  This  specimen  probably  comes from  New  Guinea. It  is  on  reaching  the  chapters  relating  to  New  Guinea  that  one  realises  the  waul of  a  map.  In  a  book  of  travels  this  is  a  very  serious  omission.  It  is  difficult  to  follow the  author  in  his  journeyings  with  a  punitive  expedition  against  a  cannibal  tribe, occupying  a  region  "  in  the  unknown  interior,  no  white  man  having  hitherto  penetrated "  into  their  country."  The  number  of  skulls  met  with  with  uniform  holes  knocked [    15    ] No.  6.]  MAN.  [1910. in  them  shows  their  predilection  for  brains,  eaten  warm,  after  slowly  torturing  their captives  to  death  ;  and  the  advice  given  by  the  leader  of  the  expedition  to  keep  their last  shot  for  themselves,  in  case  of  being  overwhelmed,  so  as  to  escape  these  horrible tortures,  was  rather  disquieting  to  a  novice  in  bush  warfare. On  page  157  the  author  describes  a  curious  peace-offering  ceremony.  This  con- sisted in  the  presentation  of  arms,  pottery,  nets,  ornaments,  followed  by  pigs,  sago,  &c., with  cooking  vessels  ;  emblematical  of  giving  their  all  and  becoming  the  people  of the  Government. While  on  this  expedition  the  author  heard  of  the  existence  of  a  web-footed people.  "I  had  been  inclined  to  sneer,"  he  says,  "at  these  reports.  I  had  in  my "  mind  the  case  of  the  Doriri  tribe,  who  were  reported  as  having  many  tails,  which  on "  investigation  were  found  to  protrude  from  the  back  of  the  head,  being  fashioned "  by  rolling  layers  of  bark  round  long  strands  of  hair."  The  members  of  the  tribe of  which  the  author  was  in  search  are  known  as  the  Agai  Ambu.  They  occupy  the lakes  and  swamps  at  the  head  of  the  Barigi  river  :  their  principal  village  is  on  the side  of  a  lake.  The  houses  are  built  on  long  poles  a  good  height  above  the  water. Their  canoes  are  dug-outs  without  outriggers,  and  they  use  broad-bladed  paddles. After  a  considerable  amount  of  trouble  the  party  succeeded  in  persuading  one  of  these peculiar  people  to  step  out  of  his  canoe.  "  We  at  once  saw  there  was  some  truth "  in  the  reports  about  the  physical  formation  of  these  people.  There  was  between "  their  toes  an  epidermal  growth  more  distinct  than  in  the  case  of  other  people, "  though  not  so  conspicuous  as  to  permit  of  the  epithet  '  half  webbed,'  much  less "  '  webbed '  being  applied  to  them."  The  most  noticeable  difference  was  in  the shortness  of  their  legs  below  the  knee,  and  that  the  feet  were  broader  and  shorter  and very  flat.  A  fuller  account  of  these  people  is  given  in  the  Acting  Governor's  report (unfortunately  the  reference  is  not  given),  who,  in  addition  to  what  Mr.  Walker  has related,  gives  an  account  of  their  mode  of  burial  on  platforms  among  the  reeds.  It  is  a pity  that  no  photograph  of  these  people  was  obtained.  It  is  evident  that  the  author had  a  camera  with  him,  as  he  gives  one  of  a  distant  view  of  their  village. Chapters  V  and  VI  are  devoted  to  a  description  of  a  visit  to  the  Philippines where  the  author  visited  the  Florida  Blanca  Mountains  of  North  Luzon.  The  inhabi- tants of  this  district  live  in  solitary  huts  in  small  clearings  in  the  forest,  and  are,  by  far, the  smallest  race  that  the  author  had  ever  seen — they  might  quite  properly  be  termed pygmies.  "  I  certainly,"  he  says, "  never  came  across  a  Negrito  man  over  4  feet  6  inches, "  if  as  tall,  and  the  women,  as  a  rule,  only  up  to  the  men's  shoulders."  Cicatrisation was  common  to  both  sexes,  as  well  as  a  curious  mode  of  shaving  the  head.  They use  the  bow  and  arrow  for  warfare  and  a  harpoon  arrow  for  hunting,  as  well  as  the  blow- pipe with  clay  pellets.  Owing  to  hostilities  breaking  out,  the  author  was  prevented from  visiting  a  tribe  of  aboriginals  known  as  the  Buquils,  inhabiting  the  higher mountain  ranges,  where  the  women  were  said  to  be  "  bearded." In  Chapters  XII-XIV  the  author  gives  his  experience  in  Borneo  and  of  his  seven months'  residence  in  a  Dayak's  home  on  the  Sarekei  river. The  book  ends  with  an  account  of  a  visit  paid  to  the  caves  where  the  edible bird's-nests  are  obtained.  These  are  made  by  swallows  of  two  distinct  species,  the one  making  a  white,  the  other  a  black  nest,  owing  to  mixing  the  saliva,  of  which they  make  them,  with  feathers. The  book  is  interesting  to  read,  is  well  illustrated,  and  full  enough  of  hairbreadth escapes,  and  blood-curdling  descriptions  of  savage  home  life  to  please  the  average  reader of  books  of  travel.  I  am  afraid  the  title  on  the  back  of  the  book,  Wanderings  Among South  Sea  Savages,  is  rather  misleading,  and  will  cause  it  to  be  placed  amongst  books relating  to  the  South  Pacific,  thus  condemning  to  oblivion  the  Philippine  and  Borneo portions  of  it.  J.  E.-P. Printed  by  EYBE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD..  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.C. PLATE  B. MAN,  1910. ENRICO     HILLYER     GIGLIOLI. (O 1910.]  MAN.  [Nos.  7-8. ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. Obituary.  With  Plate  B.  Read. Enrico    Hillyer  Gigiioli:    Born  June   13,    1845;  died    December  16,     "7 1909.     By  C.  H.  Read,  LL.D.,  P.S.A.  I By  the  early  and  unexpected  death  of  Professor  Gigiioli  Italy  has  lost  an  accom- plished and  versatile  man  of  science,  and  one  of  the  most  genial  of  her  sons.  Born  in London  in  1845,  where  his  father,  a  political  exile,  had  married  an  Englishwoman,  he never  saw  Italy  until  1848,  when  conditions  became  favourable  for  his  father's  return, and  the  young  Gigiioli  was  sent  to  school  at  Genoa  and  Pavia  until  1861.  He  then went  back  to  England  with  a  Government  grant,  and  was  entered  at  the  School  of Mines,  where  he  remained  for  three  years,  publishing  meanwhile  memoirs  in  English and  Italian,  the  former  in  the  Lancet  and  Ibis.  In  1865  he  received  what  can  only have  been  to  him  a  most  fascinating  commission,  viz.,  to  accompany  the  voyage  of  the Magenta  on  her  scientific  and  political  voyage  to  China  and  Japan.  On  his  return  in 1868  he  was  attached  to  the  University  of  Turin  to  deal  with  the  collections  made during  the  voyage,  and  later  he  had  to  extend  the  scientific  account  of  it.  From  this time  onward  his  life  was  one  of  untiring  industry,  memoirs  on  every  kind  of  pelagic and  biological  subject  being  produced,  while  physical  anthropology  was  by  no  means neglected. In  1874  he  found  his  real  work  as  ordinary  professor  of  zoology  and  the  comparative anatomy  of  the  Vertebrates  at  Florence,  a  subject  he  had  dealt  with  for  three  years  as extraordinary  professor.  Excursions  on  scientific  quests,  both  in  the  Mediterranean  and further  afield,  now  became  of  frequent  occurrence,  varied  by  missions  as  Italian  delegate to  scientific  conferences  or  exhibitions  in  all  parts  of  the  Continent.  The  result  of these  frequent  journeys,  combined  with  a  command  of  languages,  made  Professor Gigiioli  a  well-known  character  in  scientific  circles,  and  hi?  popularity  ensured  the  kind of  recognition  that  competence  begets  in  the  honorary  membership  of  nearly  every learned  society  of  Europe  and  America.  Nor  were  his  merits  entirely  overlooked  at home,  he  became  commendatore  of  the  orders  of  SS.  Maurice  and  Lazarus  and  of  the Crown  of  Italy,  while  Austria,  France,  and  Brazil  all  conferred  decorations  upon  him. Representatives  of  all  countries  had  united  to  do  him  honour  on  the  completion  of his  fortieth  year  of  professional  work,  when  death  intervened  and  took  him  from  among us  a  few  days  before  the  date.  Great  intellectual  ability,  combined  with  industry  as great,  and  a  kindly  genial  nature  will  make  his  loss  deeply  felt  and  widely  deplored. C.  H.  READ. India.  Rose. Fictitious    Kinship    in    the    Punjab.      By  H.  A.  Rose.  Q The  ideas  underlying  the  formation  of  the  ties  of  fictitious  kinship,  and  0 the  effects  of  those  ties  when  formed,  are  not  only  of  importance  from  a  practical point  of  view,  as  illustrating  such  practices  as  adoption,  rules  of  succession,  and  the like,  but  they  are  also  of  considerable  interest  as  illustrating  the  possibilities  of castes,  or  even  tribes,  having  been  formed  by  processes  of  accretion.  Among  the most  primitive  races  on  the  North- West  Frontier  of  India  the  ties  of  fosterage  are very  strong,  more  stringent  even  than  those  of  blood  kinship  ;*  and  throughout  India, at  least  among  the  non-Muhammadans,  adoption  plays  a  very  important  role  in  the law  of  inheritance.!  The  following  notes  on  these  ideas  and  customs  have  been collected  in  an  attempt  to  ascertain  how  far  fictitious  kinship  is  now  formed  in  the Punjab. *  Kg.,  among  the  so-called  Dards;   see  Biddulph's  Tribes  of  the  Hindoo  Koosh,  pp.  82-3. f  E.g.,  among  the  Nambudri  Brahmans  of  Keraha,  on  the  Malabar  coast  (see  Calcutta  Review, 1901,  pp.  121  et  seqq.\  we  find  two  kinds  of  religious  and  one  of  secular  adoption.  All  three  forms have  remarkable  effects  on  the  laws  of  succession. [     17     ] No.  8,]  MAN.  [1910. Ganga-bahais.  —  A  fraternal  relationship,  entailing  the  consequences  of  natural kinship  and  thus  operating  as  a  bar  to  marriage  between  the  parties,  who  become Gangabhais  each  to  the  other,  is  established  by  making  a  pilgrimage  to  the  Ganges together  and  there  drinking  the  waters  of  the  sacred  river  from  each  other's  hands.* This  relationship  is  also  established  between  two  women  (or  even  between  a  man  and a  woman),  f  irrespective  of  caste,  and  the  parties  should  drink  thrice,!  or  seven  times, while  lasting  friendship  and  sisterhood  are  vowed.  In  Gurgaon  women  who  exchange dopatfas  (shawls)  at  a  sacred  place,  or  on  a  pilgrimage,  become  Ganga-bahin,  Jamna- bahin  (if  that  river  is  the  place  of  pilgrimage),  or,  generally,  tirath-bahin.  Such  women each  treat  the  other's  husband  as  a  jija,  i.e.,  as  a  sister's  husband,  and  it  is  said  that  the custom  of  making  these  alliances  is  more  prevalent  among  women  than  among  men, and  more  binding  also.  With  the  extension  of  facilities  for  making  pilgrimages  this custom  ia»  becoming  rarer,  but  when  a  pilgrimage  involved  journeying  and  living together  the  tie  was  often  contracted,  and  it  is  still  not  rare  in  cases  where  some service  or  aid  was  rendered.  A  Sanskrit  adage  declares  that  no  wrong  should  be  done to  a  person  with  whom  one  has  walked  seven  paces,  an  idea  to  which  the  seven  steps at  a  wedding  owe  their  significance. The  pahul.  —  Among  Sikhs  the  taking  of  the  pahul  together  creates  a  similar  tie, and  those  bound  by  it  are  called  gurbhais.  Here  again  caste  is  disregarded  and  the relationship  created  operates  as  an  absolute  bar  to  marriage. Adoption.  —  Adoption,  as  a  religious  rite,  is  not  very  common  in  the  Punjab,  even among  Hindus.  It  is  solemnized  with  few  rites,  and  is  usually  called  god  lena,  or "  taking  in  the  lap."  An  adopted  son  is  termed  putrela  by  Hindus.  §  But  besides  the custom  of  formal  adoption  a  kind  of  informal  adoption  of  a  man  or  woman  as  father or  mother  is  not  unusual.  The  adoptive  parent  is  thenceforth  treated  as  a  natural parent,  but  apparently  no  legal  results  ensue. Exchanging  ganans.  —  An  analogous  tie  can  be  created  between  two  youths  by exchanging  ganans\  or  wedding  wristlets,  and  eating  rice  and  milk  together.  The youth  who  is  to  be  married  puts  on  a  ganan,  and  his  would-be  friend  unties  it,  while a  Brahman  repeats  the  following  mantra  :  — TRANSLITERATION. Manglang^   B  hag  wan-  Vishnu** Manglang  Garar-dhwijd  !  f  f Manglang  Punri-kdkhiyoQ Mangld  yatno§§   Hari.\\\\ *  It  is  said  that  the  exchange  of  pagrfe  at  Hardwar  merely  cements  a  long  and  intimate  friendship without  creating  any  bond  of  artificial  kinship. t  It  is,  however,  said  that  this  tie  is  only  contracted  between  women.  It  is  apparently  rare between  a  man  and  a  woman,  but  not  unknown.  In  Multan  the  tie  is  called  bhirappi  and  does  exist between  men  and  women. J  This  is  called  in  Panjabi  chulian  lena  [literally  "to  take  handfuls"  (of  water)].  Women  thus become  dkarm-bahin,  if  Hindus. §  The  subject  of  adoption  is  fully  treated  in  the  present  writer's  Compendium  of  tlie  Punjab Customary  Law. ||  Ganan,  M.,  a  string  of  coloured  cords  or  of  goat's  hair.  -The  man  or  youth  who  unfastens  the ffdnd  of  a  bridegroom  at  his  wedding  is  also  bound  to  him  by  special  ties  of  friendship. ^f  Happiness,  fortune,  bliss,  felicity. **  The  second  deity  of  the  sacred  triad,  entrusted  with  the  preservation  of  the  world. ft  An  epithet  of  Vishnu.  Oarar  is  represented  as  the  vehicle  of  Vishnu  and  as  having  a  white face,  an  aquiline  nose,  red  wings  and  a  golden  body.  Dhwij  means  a  banner,  flag.  It  generally  bears a  picture  of  the  deity's  vehicle. JJ  An  epithet  of  Vishnu.  Lit.,  having  eyes^like  a  white  lotus  flower  (punrik  =  white  lotus, JtaJthiyd  =  eyes). §§  Lit.,  house,  residence.  ||||  An  epithet  of  Vishnu. [    18    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  8, TRANSLATION. Bhagwan  Vishnu"} Garar-dhwij  >is  the  embodiment  of  bliss. Punri-kakhiya        J Hari  is  the  abode  of  happiness. God  is  the  centre  of  all  bliss,  happiness  emanates  from  him. This  is  a  benediction  (ashir  wad)  which  a  Brahman    gives  to  other  men.      The idea  being  "  May  God,  the  embodiment  of  all  bliss,  give  you  happiness." Another  mantra : — Yen  badhdho  Bali-raja  ddn-vandro,  Mahd-bald  !! Te-natwdng  prit-badhndmi  rakshe  md-chal  md-chal ! ! "In  the  name  of  Him  who  killed  Raja  Bali,  the  mighty  leader  of  the  Daits,  I  fasten this  rakhri  thread  round  your  wrist  and  protect  you,  may  you  persevere,  cleave  to  it, and  never  deviate  from  it." Generally  this  mantra  is  recited  when  a  rakhri  (amulet)  is  tied  by  a  Brahman  at the  Rakhri-festival  (on  the  full-moon  day  in  the  month  of  Sawan). Various  other  means  are  adopted  to  create  or  cement  enduring  friendships,  hardly amounting  to  fictitious  relationship.  Thus  the  mundan  ceremony  affords  an  opportunity to  swear  lasting  friendships,  batdshas  being  distributed  among  those  present,  or  a  child of  the  same  age  being  made  to  catch  the  boy's  hair  as  it  falls,  and  thus  form  a  tie of  kinship  with  him.  Simultaneous  circumcision  forms  a  similar  bond. Among  the  Sansis  friendship  is  sworn  by  one  man's  placing  a  sword  between himself  and  his  friend.  The  latter  removes  it,  and  the  tie  is  complete. Pagwat. — But  far  commoner  than  the  solemn  religious  bond  created  by  the  fore- going fictions  is  the  looser  social  bond  created  by  the  exchange  of  pagris,  or  pagwat, as  it  is  called  in  Gujrat.  As  a  rule  this  exchange  creates  a  bond  like  that  of  kin- ship,* though  it  is  said  that  only  among  Hindus  is  its  existence  a  bar  to  intermarriage, and  that  among  Muhammadans  this  is  not  the  case.  The  pagri  or  turban f  is  typical of  a  man's  honour,  so  that  the  exchange  means  that  the  honour  of  the  one  party becomes  that  of  the  other. Such  "  brothers  "  are  ordinarily  termed  pag-bhai  or  dharm-bhai,  the  latter  term being  ordinarily  used  to  denote  a  brother  artificially  created  as  opposed  to  a  natural brother. Chadar-  or  orhna-badal. — Women  in  the  same  way  exchange  chadars  or  orhnas, and  among  Muhammadans  become  dharm-bahin  or  iman-bahin  to  each  other.  But these  customs  are  more  prevalent  among  Hindus  than  among  Muhammadans. A  custom  prevalent  among  children  is  noted  in  Ambala  ;  friendship  is  made  or broken  off  by  placing  the  finger  on  the  chin  and  moving  it  backwards  and  forwards, saying  meri  teri  yari  hodi,  "  There  is  friendship  twixt  thee  and  me,"  or  meri  teri yari  kut,  "  Our  friendship  is  broken."  In  Multan  children  hold  their  thumbs  in  their mouths  and  lock  their  little  fingers  together,  one  saying,  "  Is  thy  friendship  like  a "  sieve,  or  a  river  ?  "  If  the  other  reply,  "  Like  a  river,"  the  friendship  is  cemented. Occasionally  instead  of  a  sieve  and  a  river,  a  brass  vessel  and  a  ,grinding-stone  are the  simile.  But  the  friendship  may  be  broken  off  by  taking  a  little  dust  in  the  palm and  blowing  it  away,  or,  in  Jhang,  by  breaking  a  straw. *  But  in  Ambala,  for  instance,  it  is  said  that  no  such  tie  is  created,  because  pagwat  sometimes takes  place  between  persons  of  different  religions  (and  between  them  no  such  tie  could  be  created). In  Jhang  and  Multan  it  creates  no  such  tie. f  Cf.  the  adage,  Wair  Bararar^  Bhattian.  Kl  hvnda  imggan-watiari  ?  When  Barafs  and  Bhattis are  at  enmity,  of  what  avail  is  it  to  exchange  pagrit  ? " ' No.  8.]  MAN.  [1910. These  modes  of  creating  fictitious  relationship,  or  the  ideas  which  underlie  them, appear  to  be  the  basis  of  certain  practices  which  exist  in  various  parts  of  the  Punjab. These  practices  on  the  one  hand  find  analogies  in  the  custom  of  seeking  asylum, while  on  the  other  they  merge  in  certain  forms  of  oaths. The  pagwat  finds  a  curious  application  among  cattle-lifters  and  other  criminals. Finding  himself  suspected,  the  thief  offers  to  restore  the  stolen  property,  on  condition that  the  owner  exchanges  pagris  with  him  as  a  pledge  that  he  will  not  lodge  a complaint. An  apparent  extension  of  this  practice  is  the  custom  of  talli  pana,*  talla pana,  tikri  pana,  or  tigra  satna,  as  it  is  variously  called.  This  custom  may  be thus  described.  The  supplicant  casts  a  piece  of  clothing  over  the  head  of  his enemy's  daughter  or  sister,  whether  he  be  the  person  whom  he  has  actually  wronged, or  a  witness  against  him,  or  his  would-be  captor.  If  he  cannot  get  access  to  the girl  herself  he  employs  a  Mirasan  or  a  Machhiani  to  go  to  her  father's  house  and throw  the  cloth  over  her  head  in  his  name.  It  suffices  to  give  the  girl  a  small ornament  instead  of  casting  a  cloth  over  her.  By  this  means  a  complainant  or  a hostile  witness  may  be  compelled  to  assist  a  thief  or  any  wrong-doer  instead  of pressing  the  charge  against  him  ;  or  a  loan  may  be  extorted  from  a  money-lender.f Among  Muhammadans  in  the  western  Punjab  the  relatives  of  a  man  in  trouble with  the  police  approach  the  complainant  with  a  Quran,  which  they  place  in  his  hands and  thus  constrain  him  to  abandon  the  prosecution.  In  former  times,  it  is  said,  if  a man  who  had  a  feud  died,  and  his  kinsman  could  not,  or  would  not,  continue  the  feud they  took  his  corpse  to  his  enemy  and  thus  compelled  him  to  friendship.  This  is called  pallo  pana,%  or  niyat  khair.§  Refusal  involves  divine  displeasure.  In  the Mianwali  district  it  is  customary  for  one  side  to  send  Sayyids,  Brahmans,  or  daughters]] as  envoys  to  the  rival  faction  in  order  to  induce  it  to  give  up  its  claims.  If  this request  is  refused  and  the  rival  party  meets  with  misfortune,  it  is  attributed  to its  rejection  of  the  terms  proposed  by  the  Sayyids,  or  the  other  envoys.  In  the same  district  it  is  customary  for  a  thief  to  send  a  widow  (called  kali  siri)^  to  beg for  mercy  from  the  complainant.  Such  an  envoy  refuses  to  sit  until  her  request is  granted. The  custom  of  casting  one's  garment  over  an  enemy's  daughter  is  found  as far  west  as  Kohat,  but  in  that  district  another  method  is  also  in  vogue.  The  thief,  or one  of  his  relatives,  goes  to  the  complainant's  house,  places  his  hands  on  his  chulha (hearth  or  oven)  and  says  :  ta  angh-arc  ma  ivaniwale  da,  "  I  ha.ve  grasped  your oven  ; "  thus  claiming  his  hospitality. *  Talli,  a  small  piece  of  cloth,  a  patch  ;  tikri  and  tigra  are  not  given  in  Maya  Singh's  Punjabi Dictionary,  but  both  are  said  to  have  the  same  meaning  as  talli.  In  the  Jhang  district  at  a wedding  the  bridegroom's  friend  casts  a  piece  of  cloth  over  the  bride's  head  in  precisely  the  same  way. f  In  Gujrat  the  suppliant  party  assembles  all  the  respectable  men  of  the  locality,  and  they  go in  a  body  to  the  house  of  him  whose  favour  is  sought.  This  is  called  meta  (?  surely  meld)  pana. In  Dera  Ghazi  Khan  the  deputation  is  formed  in  a  very  similar  way,  and  is  called  merk  (?  mekar, P.,  a  crowd).  Both  Hindus  and  Muhammadans  have  this  custom,  but  only  the  latter  take  a  Quran with  them. J  Pallo,  the  border  of  a  shawl ;  pawan,  to  spread  out  the  end  of  one's  shawl,  to  invoke  a blessing ;  so  called  because  Hindus  spread  out  the  end  of  their  shawls  on  the  ground  before  them when  invoking  a  blessing. §  If  the  complainant  violate  his  solemn  promise  on  the  Quran  to  take  no  action  he  is  said  to be  niyat  khair  khatd,  and  is  cut  off  from  all  social  intercourse  with  his  fellows,  being  only  received again  into  fellowship  after  he  has  given  them  presents  and  feasted  the  whole  brotherhood.  The surrender  of  the  corpse  reminds  one  of  the  attachment  of  the  dead  for  debt.  See  The  Grateful  Dead. ||  Among  some  of  the  low  castes  daughters  act  as  priests,  rice  Brahmans. 1[  Kali  siri,  lit.  "black-head"  apparently.  A  widow  would  seem  to  be  sent  because  she  is  the most  deserving  or  pitiable  of  all  suppliants. [     20     ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  8. Compurgation  is  also  not  unknown.  Thus  in  Gujrat  if  A  is  suspected  of  stealing B's  cattle,  but  denies  his  guilt,  the  parties  nominate  C  and  agree  to  abide  by  his  word. This  is  called  sunk  laina,  or  taking  an  oath,  but  it  is  termed  rah  dena  in  Jhang, Multan,  &c. Nanwati. — Very  similar  in  idea  is  the  Patham  custom  of  nanwati,  or  nahaura.  If a  man  seeks  mercy,  or  the  protection  of  a  powerful  patron,  he  or  his  relative  goes  to his  house  with  a  posse  of  leading  men  of  the  village  and  there  kills  a  goat  or  a  sheep by  way  of  peace-offering. Sayyid  Ahmad  Dehlari  furnishes  some  curious  information  on  the  customs among  women  in  Delhi.  He  informs  me  that  the  princesses  of  the  old  Mughal dynasty,  when  resident  in  the  palace,  used  to  effect  a  tie  of  sisterhood,  called  zanakhi. Zianakh*  is  the  breast-bone  of  a  fowl  or  pigeon,  and  two  ladies  used  to  break  it,  as we  break  a  wishing-bone.  They  then  became  zanakhi,  each  to  the  other,  and  the tie  thus  created  was  a  very  strong  one.  The  custom  is  said  to  have  been  brought with  them  from  Turkestan.  Similar  ties  were  formed  by  women  of  the  palace  who were  known  as  diljan,  "  heart's  life,"  jan-i-man,^  dilmila,  dushman,  (lit.  "  enemy ") dugana,  chhagana,  &c.,  but  these  ties  were  less  binding.  Dilmila  may  be  taken  to mean  "  confidante."  Dugana  is  applied  to  two  ladies  of  equal  age  whose  friendship is  strengthened  by  eating  philippine  almonds,  "  as  if  they  were  sisters,  born  of  one mother."  Chhagana  would  appear  to  be  derived  from  chhe,  6,  and  to  mean  one  who is  six  times  dearer  than  a  sister.  Dushman  is  used,  curiously  enough,  to  imply  that the  enemy  of  either  is  also  the  enemy  of  the  other.J Among  the  women  of  Delhi  generally,  the  terms  applied  to  such  adoptive  sisters are  suheli  (companion),  §  bahneli,\\  and  sakhi^  or  sakheli.  but  the  latter  term  is  seldom used  except  in  poetry.  Another  term  for  adopted  sister  is  munh-holi,  or  "  adopted "  by  word  of  mouth."  Other  terms  remind  one  of  the  pagri-badal  or  fopi-badal brotherhoods  formed  among  men  and  include  the  chhalla-badal-bahin,  or  sister  by exchange  of  rings,  and  dopatja-badal-bahin,  or  sister  by  exchange  of  scarves.  The latter  tie  is  formed  ceremoniously,  each  "  sister "  sending  the  other  an  embroidered scarf  (dopatta)  in  a  tray  and  putting  on  the  one  received  from  her,  after  which  a number  of  invited  guests  are  feasted.  Religious  sisterhood  is  formed  by  following  the same  faith  and  becoming  chinibahin  ;  by  affecting  the  same  spiritual  teacher  (pir)  and becoming  pir-bahin ;  or  by  drinking  the  water  from  the  Jumna  or  Ganges  from each  other's  hands  while  bathing  in  one  of  those  rivers,  and  thus  becoming  Jamna- or  Gaiiga-bahin.  The  latter  is  the  stronger  tie.  Foster  sisters  are  styled dudh-sharik-bahin**  H.  A.  ROSE. *  Zandkh,  Pers.,  means  "  chin "  ;  Plaits'  Hindustani  Dictionary,  p.  618,  but  it  does  not  give zandkh. •j-  Jan-i-man,  "  life  of  mine,"  or  possibly  "  life  of  my  heart."  I  can  trace  none  of  these  Palace terms  in  Platts. J  These  Palace  terms  have  been  somewhat  disregarded,  or  have  at  least  lost  much  of  their  original force,  in  rekhti,  the  doggerel  verses  written  in  women's  language  and  expressing  their  sentiments  (Platts, p.  611).  Chttagdna,  however,  occurs  in  the  verse  :  Mui  ne  gais  s'ashiq  ko  tirike  chunwae,  Qurban  ki thi  chhagana  woh  kahmui  Laita  in  the  Taskira-i-6fuhistan-i-Sakhun  of  Mirza  Fakhr-ud-Muhk.  With the  exception  of  dugana  and  chhagana  they  are  also  said  to  occur  in  three  books,  the  Chata-bhanchi, Sugliarsiibehi,  and  Buz-i-akhir,  written  by  a  gentleman  who  had  been  brought  up  in  the  Delhi Palace,  and  describing  the  colloquial  language  used  therein. §  Platts,  pp.  707-8. ||  An  adopted  visitor,  or  female  friend,  Platts,  p.  194. «f  A  female  friend,  etc.,  see  Platts,  p.  666. **  In  Northern  India,  from  Agra  as  far  south  as  Bihar,  the  term  guiyan  is  much  in  use  among women  and  in  poetry.  In  Marwar  and  Upper  India  the  corresponding  term  is  sajni,  which  Platts (p.  643)  gives  as  a  synonym  of  sahell.  See  p.  928  for  guizan,  "  a  partner,"  or  "female  companion." [     21     ] Nos.  9-10.]  MAN.  [1910. Iceland.  Fenwick. A   Note   on    Four   Icelandic  Cairns.       By  N.  P.  Fenwick,  Junr.  Q Of  the  many  cairns  which  mark  the  track  in  Iceland,  there  are  four  which  U are  worthy  of  special  note  on  account  of  a  curious  custom  attaching  to  them. Anyone  riding  by  dismounts  and  writes  a  stanza  on  a  scrap  of  paper.  This  is rolled  up  and  placed  in  a  hollow  pony's  bone,  several  of  which  are  scattered  about, and  the  bone  is  then  pushed  among  the  stones  of  the  cairn,  to  be  found  by  the  next passer-by. The  name  for  these  cairns  is  "  Beinakerling,"  which  signifies  "crone  of  bones." The  stanzas  always  refer  to  an  old  woman  of  doubtful  character,  and  if  the  composer happens  to  know  by  name  any  man  travelling  behind  he  endeavours  to  insert  the  latter's name  and  implicate  him  in  some  intrigue  with  the  Beinakerling. The  following  is  the  translation  of  a  quatrain  which  I  found  in  the  Beinakerling a  Kaldadal,  a  cairn  situated  in  the  Kaldidalur  (cold  valley)  on  the  road  between Kalmanstunga  and  Arnavatn  : — "  I  am  sitting  here  late  and  early  ; Hungry  and  cold  I  linger. Sincere  friend  will  you  not Warm  the  old  one  ?  " The  majority  of  the  stanzas  written  is  of  a  much  coarser  type. The  second  of  these  cairns  is  situated  in  the  desert  about  ten  miles  north-east of  Arnavatn. The  third  and  fourth  are  fairly  close  together,  near  Krisavik,  rather  more  than thirty  miles  from  Reykjavik.  They  are  named  Kris  and  Herdis  after  two  witches  who are  said  to  have  fought  and  killed  one  another  there. I  also  hear  that  there  are  a  few  places  besides  these  in  which  people  leave  stanzas of  a  similar  nature,  but  these  are  not  true  "  crones  of  bones." The  aforementioned  custom  is  one  of  some  antiquity,  and  as  to  its  origin  I  am totally  ignorant. Perhaps  it  was  in  this  manner  that  the  outlaws,  of  whom  there  was  at  one  time a  large  number  in  the  island,  were  wont  to  communicate  with  their  friends  and  that thus  it  found  its  beginning. Again  it  may  have  originated  through  friends  and  admirers  having  placed  votive offerings  of  this  kind  in  the  cairns  raised  over  the  bones  of  the  illustrious  dead. N.  P.  FENWICK,  JUNR. America,  South.  Busltnell. The    Bows    and    Arrows    of   the   Arawak    in    18O3.      />'//    David   I.     ill Bushnell,  Junr.  Ill The  writer  has  recently   had  access  to   a  large  quantity  of   manuscript  material which  formerly  belonged  to  the  Hon.  J.  Henry  H.  Holmes,  who,  during  the  early  years of  the  last  century,  was  "  Barrister  and  Attorney,  otherwise  Advocate   and   Procureur "  of  the  Honourable  Court  of  Criminal  and  Civil  Justice  of  Demerara  and  Essequebo  ; "  Proctor  of  the  Court  of  Vice- Admiralty  ;  and,  provisionally,  Waiter  and  Searcher  in "  His  Majesty's  Customs." The  papers  were  brought  from  England  some  forty  years  ago,  and  are  now  in  the possession  of  descendants  living  in  Virginia.  Among  the  manuscripts  there  are  several that  were  not  written  by  Holmes,  but  had  been  given  to  him  by  another  person,  who evidently  had  an  intimate  knowledge  of  the  country  and  its  native  inhabitants.  Of these  the  most  interesting  bears  the  date  "  Demerara,  9  May  1803,"  and  is  headed "  Some  Miscellany  and  Desultory  Observations  on  some  of  the  Objects  of  Nature  as "  they  are  found  here."  Unfortunately  it  is  not  signed. [     22    1 1910,] MAN. [No,  10. mr  *  f I  I  2 S  S  6 1 J * 7*9 f  j ARAWAK  ABROWS.     FROM   A  DRAWING  MADE   IN  1803.     LENGTH   OP  ARROWS  FROM   5J  TO   6  FEET. [     23     ] No.  10.]  MAN.  [1910. The  greater  part  of  the  paper  is  devoted  to  a  description  of  the  trees  and  plants of  Guiana  ;  but  a  section  on  the  bows  and  arrows  of  the  Arawak  tribe  is  of  special interest.  At  one  place  our  unknown  author  wrote  :  "  All  the  names  of  trees,  arrows,  &c. "  are  Arowaak  names,  and  the  letters  u  and  i  when  they  are  marked  thus  u,  i,  have  the "  long  and  soft  sound  of  oo  and  ee  in  the  English  way  of  spelling,  or  oe  and  ie  in  the "  Battavians'  way  of  spelling.  This  way  of  writing  Arowaak  names  I  have  always "  used  as  being  the  easiest  and  shortest,  and  where  a  or  o  is  marked  a,  5,  it  has  a  long "  sound  as  the  omega  of  the  Greek." One  page  of  the  manuscript  shows  drawings  of  twelve  arrows  and  two  bows.  The former  are  reproduced  on  the  preceding  page  ;  their  length  being  given  as  from  5^  to 6  feet.  The  specimens  are  described  as  follows  : — "  NAMES  OF  THE  ARROWS. 1.  Mania  -  for  small  birds. 2.  Katimeru  -                                           -  for  wild  hogs. 3.  Siparari  -  for  all  quadrupeds. 4.  Serappa  -  for  fish. 5.  Asirta  -  to  walk  with. 6.  Katuruter  -                                           -  for  large  birds. 7.  Sudi  -                                           -  for  war. 8.  Wurari  -  for  war. 9.  Kabuhiteru  -                                         -  for  war. "  The  shapes  of  the  points  of  the  arrows  do  vary  according  to  fancy  more  or  less, but  still  the  distinctions  are  most  accurately  attended  to. "  Some  of  these  have  no  feathers,  because  they  are  used  against  a  near  object ; but  the  Karabiess-Bocks  give  the  Serappa,  or  fish  arrow,  a  feather,  which  the  Arawaaks never  do.  Some  of  the  arrows  are  pointed  with  soft  wood,  some  with  hard  wood, some  with  iron,  according  to  the  intended  uses.  The  war-arrows  are  pointed  with hard,  sharp  fish  bones,  or  with  sharp  splinters  of  human  thigh  bones,  or  splinters  of the  kukuriet  palm  tree,  or  iron,  and  sometimes  are  poisoned.  It  may  appear  strange that  all  the  Bock  nations  are  so  very  particular  in  distinguishing  the  shapes  and  uses of  their  arrows  ;  but  let  it  be  observed  that  a  bow  and  arrows  to  these  nations  is essential  to  their  life,  they  being  in  that  state  of  society  which  is  supported  by  hunting, both  of  fish,  of  birds,  and  of  beasts ;  their  forefathers  in  past  ages  have  lived principally  by  their  bow  and  arrows,  and  they  are  from  infancy  accustomed  to  see,  to love,  to  use,  and  to  delight  in  the  use  of  the  arrow  and  of  the  bow,  therefore  all their  art  and  skill  and  ingenuity  is  displayed  on  and  in  these  valuable  instruments — in  fact  they  constitute  their  principal  Lares  and  Lemures,  their  sacred  and  beloved household  gods  :  companions  and  friends,  in  fine.  What  a  horse  and  plough  is  to  a farmer,  what  a  loom  is  to  a  weaver,  what  an  axe  and  adze  is  to  a  carpenter,  what negroes  are  to  West  India  planters,  and  what  a  day-book  and  ledger  is  to  a  merchant, that  is  a  bow  and  arrows  to  all  the  aborigine  nations  of  America,  especially  those who  live  within  the  warm  latitudes,  and  can,  of  course,  use  them  every  day  of  the year." Elsewhere  the  bows  and  arrows  are  said  to  be  "  from  5^  to  6  feet  long." In  Among  the  Indians  of  Guiana  (London  :  1883)  im  Thurn  describes  many arrows  used  by  the  various  tribes,  and  on  p.  245  presents  a  list  of  the  different  forms together  with  their  names  as  given  by  the  scattered  tribes.  However,  only  five Arawak  names  are  tabulated,  and  of  these  four  are  queried.  Consequently  the  present list,  prepared  more  than  a  century  ago,  is  of  more  than  ordinary  interest. D.  I.  BUSHNELL,  JUNR. [     24     ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  11. Egypt.  Blackmail. Some  Egyptian    and   Nubian   Notes.    By  Aylward  M.  Blackman,  B.A.     44 On  the  day  of  the  great  'id  in  January  1907  I  witnessed  the  appearance  of  II the  Sheykh  Dakruri  in  his  tomb  at  Behnasa.  The  cemetery  at  Behnasa  is  famous  all over  Egypt,  and  is  notable  for  containing  the  tombs  of  several  of  the  so-called  Sahaba such  as  Fattah-el-Bab.  On  entering  this  well-known  tomb  of  Dakruri  with  several of  our  workmen,  I  found  it  crowded  with  enthusiastic  men  and  women,  the  latter uttering  their  shrill  cries  of  joy  (zagharit)  and  all  clapping  their  hands.  Among  them there  were  also  one  or  two  dervishes,  with  long  tangled  hair  and  beards,  clothed  in  rags and  waving  green  flags.  In  the  midst  of  all  this  clamour  one  of  my  companions  nudged my  arm  and  said,  "  Look  up  there,"  and  upon  the  whitewashed  dome  where  he  pointed I  saw  the  shadow  of  a  man  standing  by  a  horse.  On  this  being  observed  the  cries  and clapping  grew  louder  and  the  crowd  became  almost  frenzied  with  excitement.  Presently the  man  mounted  the  horse  and  disappeared.  It  is  supposed  to  be  very  lucky  to  see this  miracle.  I  inquired  if  this  was  the  Sheykh  himself  who  appeared,  and  the  reply was,  "  Not  the  Sheykh  himself  but  his  good  spirit "  (mush  esh-Sheykh  nafsuh  lakin barakatuh). On  mentioning  this  to  the  Omda's  son,  a  youth  who  had  been  educated  in  a European  school  in  Cairo,  he  told  me  that  he  and  a  friend  had  made  an  experiment  in connection  with  this  supposed  miracle.  Not  far  from  the  tomb  is  a  mound,  and  if  a man  and  horse  stand  on  this  when  the  sun  is  in  a  certain  position  they  are  reflected as  in  a  camera  obscura  through  a  small  window  on  to  the  dome. During  the  'id  there  are  many  Bedawy  horsemen  about,  in  the  neighbourhood of  this  and  other  tombs.  So  the  miracle  is  explained,  and  is  probably  produced  by unconscious  agents. Another  famous  tomb  at  Behnasa  is  that  of  the  seven  maidens  (es-saba'a  banat). Visitors  to  this  shrine  of  both  sexes  roll  over  and  over  in  the  sand  close  by.  This preserves  one's  good  health  and  is  a  cure  for  sickness  of  any  kind.  Strings  hung from  the  walls  and  from  these  were  fastened  hundreds  of  rags,  buttons,  or  ornaments, which  were  left  by  pilgrims  who  had  been  cured.  It  was  customary  for  a  pilgrim to  erect  a  small  pile  of  stones  or  bricks  outside  the  tomb  as  a  memento  of  his visit.  Similar  small  piles  I  found  in  Nubia  around  the  rough  circles  of  stones,  said by  the  local  inhabitants  to  mark  the  graves  of  Sahaba. Another  well-known  Sheykh  at  Behnasa  is  Abu  Samraq.  So  famous  is  he that  people  come  to  him  from  Alexandria.  Sick  folk  pass  the  night  in  his  tomb, often  several  nights,  and  if  recovered  offer  him  a  victim. Another  Sheykh  whose  name  I  cannot  recall  had  a  somewhat  sinister  reputation. No  one  could  ever  pass  the  night  in  his  tomb  ;  whoever  attempted  to  do  so  was ejected  by  some  invisible  agency. Passing  through  a  cemetery  late  one  night  at  Marwaw  in  Nubia  I  asked  if  the people  of  the  village  were  afraid  of  being  in  a  cemetery  in  the  dark.  The  answer was,  "  Why  should  one  fear  the  dead  who  are  resting  in  the  security  of  God  "  (elli yekunu  hi  aman  Allah)."  My  Nubian  guard  who  was  with  me  said  one  need  only fear  a  place  where  there  had  been  a  murder.  The  spilled  blood  produced  an  afrit who  disappeared  if  one  said,  "  Bismillah  er-rahman  er-rahim."  This  afrit  was  not  the spirit  of  the  murdered  man,  which  was  in  the  "  bir  el-arwah  "  but  only  an  emanation from  the  blood,  •'  nafs  min  ed-dam."  I  am  indebted  to  Dr.  Seligmann  for  the  following information  in  connection  with  this  same  idea.  An  Egyptian  told  him  that  if  a  man were  attacked  and  did  not  die  on  the  spot,  but  after  he  had  been  removed,  there was  no  ghost,  even  if  blood  were  shed.  Also  if  he  died  there  and  then,  blood  must be  spilled  and  soaked  up  by  the  earth.  Murder  by  a  bloodless  blow  on  the  head did  not  produce  an  afrit. [    25    ] No,  11,] MAN. [1910. FlG.   1. — OVEN. An  idea  about  twins,  common  to  Lower  Nubia  and  Egypt,  is  that  they  have  the power  of  becoming  cats  at  night.  They  can  enter  houses,  steal  milk  and  food,  and  eat chickens.  A  man  from  Quft  in  Egypt  told  me  that  he  was  in  a  friend's  house  one evening,  and  while  they  were  conversing  a  cat  entered  and  tried  to  drink  from  a  bowl  of milk.  The  owner  of  the  house  picked  up  a  knife  to  throw  at  the  cat,  while  the  other tried  to  prevent  him,  saying,  "  That  is  the  son  of  so and  so,  the  butcher."  But  in  spite  of  this  the  knife was  thrown,  and  the  cat  wounded  in  one  of  its hind  legs.  In  the  morning  the  boy  was  found  to be  wounded  in  the  same  leg  as  the  cat.  Grown men  who  are  twins  will  tell  one  that  they  can remember  as  children  becoming  cats,  though  as they  grow  up  they  lose  this  power.  To  break the  spell,  and  prevent  the  children  from  becoming cats,  immediately  after  birth  the  father  must  place the  twins  in  an  oven  (cold,  of  course),  and  then after  a  short  time  remove  them  (Fig.  1).  Appa- rently they  are  just  put  in  and  quickly  removed. This  latter  idea  is  Nubian  ;  the  Egyptians  that I  have  questioned  do  not  know  it. In  Nubia  hair  from  the  back  of  the  neck  of a  hyena  is  worn  for  an  amulet  as  a  cure  for  barrenness  in  women.  For  the  same reason  the  head  of  the  horned  cerastes  is  worn.  A  childless  Nubian  woman  on  hearing that  a  woman  in  the  neighbourhood  is  in  labour  will  put  on  a  gold  nose  ring  and  gash her  ankle  with  a  razor.  She  then  enters  the  room  where  the  child  is  being  born. The  evil  magic  in  her  system  passes  out  through  the  spilled  blood  and  the  gold  nose ring  into  the  fertile  woman.  This  makes  the  woman  and  her  child  ill,  the  latter  is  said nearly  always  to  die.  The  barren  woman  next  year  will  bear  a  child.  This  was  told me  by  my  boatman  from  Shellal. The  people  of  Tafeh,  a  village  near  Bab-el-Kalabsheh,  in  Lower  Nubia,  eat  the fox,  and  I  was  informed  by  my  boatman  that  the  people  of  the  village  hold  the  fox  in high  esteem.  They  say  that  he  who  eats  of  him  imbibes  his  cunning.  For  other  ideas about  the  fox  in  that  village  see  my  article  in  MAN,  January  1909,  on  the  fox  as  a birth  amulet.  Perhaps  it  is  the  last lingering  trace  of  a  fox  divinity  in  that region  (??). A  man  from  Qus  in  the  Muderiyeh of  Qena,  Upper  Egypt,  told  me  that  a man  who  desires  to  be  a  clever  scribe should  catch  a  hoopoe  bird,  and  tear  the heart  from  it  while  yet  alive  and  eat  it raw.  This  he  said  was  commonly  believed in  his  part  of  the  country,  and  his  own uncle  had  done  so  with  success. A  man  from  Quft  in  Upper  Egypt told  me  that  while  the  bridegroom  is  on his  way  to  and  from  the  mosque  in  his wedding  procession,  a  man,  holding  a  bar with  lighted  lamps  suspended  from  it,  walks  before  him  and  behind.  A  near relation  or  close  friend  walks  on  either  side  of  him  ;  this  is  done  to  prevent  anyone touching  him,  for  should  he  be  touched  ill-luck  results  and  the  marriage  produces no  children. [    26     ] FIG.   2. — CIRCLE  OF   STONES. 1910.] MAN. [No,  11. FlG.   3. — TOMBS   OF   SHEYKHS. A  Coptic  wedding  custom  is   to   slaughter  a  sheep  on  the  threshold   of  the  house door  before  the  bride  enters.     The  threshold  is  smeared  with  blood,  and  the  bride  must cross  it  without  getting  any  blood  on  her feet  or  clothing.     Should  she  do  so,   the marriage  is  unlucky. On  the  high  desert  above  Dabod Temple  in  Nubia  is  a  circle  composed of  rough  stones  (Fig.  2).  In  the  midst of  this  is  set  up  a  large  stone  with  a hole  in  it,  from  which  is  suspended  a large  ring  made  of  iron  wire.  To  the ring  are  fastened  rags,  buttons,  and small  personal  ornaments.  Close  to  the upright  stone  are  placed  offerings  of pots.  Sick  people  sleep  inside  this circle,  and  if  the  Sheykh,  who  is  sup- posed to  be  buried  there,  heals  them they  fasten  to   the    iron    ring    a    rag    torn   from    their    clothes    or    something   similar. Dr.  Seligmann  found  that  at  Qurna,  near  Luxor,  circumcision  rags  are  hung  up  in a  Sheykh's  tomb  there.     They  were  evidently  early  dressings,  as  they  were  considerably stained  with  blood.  Perhaps  they  were hung  there  to  ensure  a  speedy  healing  ? Dr.  Seligmann  also  found,  at  the  same place,  that  hard  by  the  Sheykh's  tomb grows  a  tree.  A  sick  man  plucks  leaves from  it  and  sleeps  with  them  under  his head.  In  a  dream  the  Sheykh  appears  and prescribes  a  treatment.  With  respect  to circumcision  rags,  I  find  a  somewhat similar  custom  prevailed  among  the Fijians.  "  The  blood  was  caught  on  a "  strip  of  bark  cloth  called  kulo  (red), "  which  in  some  cases  was  suspended "  from  the  roof  of  the  temple  or  the "  house  of  the  chief."* At  Gerf  Hussein  in  Nubia  is  the  domed  tomb  of  the  Sheykh  Abd  er-Rahim, among  a  group  of  Sheykhs  (Fig.  3),  he,  however,  being  the  most  popular.  People who  desire  some  temporal  blessing,  such  as  recovery  from  illness,  a  child,  or  success in  a  dispute,  make  a  vow  that  if  their wish  is  gratified  they  will  offer  the Sheykh  a  victim  (dabiha).  Outside  the tomb  is  a  block  of  stone,  coated  thick with  dried  blood  of  countless  sacrifices, on  which  the  victim  is  offered.  To  enter the  domed  tomb  one  must  pass  through a  rectangular  ante-chamber  roofed  with "  bus "  (dura-straw)  laid  on  rafters  of palm  trees.  In  this  ante-chamber  is  a small  hearth,  the  usual  kiud  consisting  of two  or  three  stones  to  stand  the  cooking  FIG.  5. — CIRCLE  OF  STONES. *  See  Tlte  Fijiaw,  by  Basil  Thomson.     In  a  Sheykh's  tomb  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river  to Qurna  Dr.  Seligmann  also  saw  pieces  of  the  dress  of  a  bridegroom,  worn  on  his  wedding-day,  hung  up. [    27    ] FIG.  4.— POT. No.  11.] MAN. [1910. FIG.  6. — SHEYKH'S  TOMB. pot  on.  Near  this  primitive  hearth  stood  two  large  pots  (Fig.  4)  for  cooking  the flesh  of  the  sacrificed  animal.  The  victim  after  being  slain  and  duly  prepared  is, I  understood,  and  as  1  have  seen  in  Sheykhs'  tombs  in  Egypt,  hung  up  just  inside  the tomb  for  a  while.  It  is  then  taken  down  and  cooked,  and  half  belongs  to  the  servant of  the  Sheykh  and  halt  forms  a  feast  for  the  poor.  The  feast,  which  is  shared  together hy     the    offerer    and    the    poor,     is     an essential  part  of  the  sacrifice. At  Gerf  Hussein  also  was  a  circle  of stones  (Fig.  5)  supposed  to  mark  the burial  place  of  a  Sheykh.  To  this  an old  woman  would  often  bring  an  offering of  dough  in  a  red  pottery  dish.  First  she would  smooth  the  sand  within  the  circle, speaking  all  the  while  in  Nubian  in- terspersed with  Arabic  interjections  such as  "ya  sheykh,  ya  rabbi."  Then  she scattered  part  of  tbe  dough  on  the  grave, and  the  rest  she  offered  to  those  who stood  by,  myself  included.  She  told  me it  was  good  to  eat  because  it  belonged to  the  Sheykh. On  the  island  of  Bigeh,  close  to Shellal,  there  is  a  domed  Sheykh's  tomb (Fig.  6),  with  a  small  offertory  chamber attached,  containing  pots.     Around  it  are  the  graves    of  the  community.      Noticeable is  the  flag  on  the  door.     Such  flags  are  the  regular  emblems  of  Sheykhs  and  tokens of  sanctity.       Wherever    they  are    put  they  denote  some  sort  of  religious  prohibition. Such   a   flag  stuck  in  a  heap   of  vegetables  lying  by   the   roadside  will    prevent    any being  taken.       The  thief   would   be    invariably    stricken    with   sickness.       Date  palms are  also  thus   protected  from  robbery.     A  newly-built  house  often  has  a    similar  flag at  each  corner.     I  was  informed  that  afrits  were  jealous  of  a  new  house  and  desired possession,  but  that  the  flapping  of  these flags    frightened    them    off.       Practically every  Sheykh's  tomb  has  one  or  more  of these   flags    inside    or   outside    it.       Is    it possible   that  the  flag  is  the  same  as  the Egyptian    hieroglyph      |,    the    sign    of    a god  ?  Griffith  (A  Collection  of  Hiero- glyphs, p.  46)  suggests  that  the  sign represents  a  roll  of  cloth,  the  lower  part bound  or  laced  over  the  upper  end appearing  as  a  flap  at  the  top,  probably for  unwinding.  From  the  early  examples of  the  sign  depicted  in  Petrie's  Medum the  sign  j  might  well  represent  a  flag.  '  •••^^^^••^^W'": FIG.  7. — PLATES  OVEE  HOUSE  DOOR. The    example    shown     m     Hieroglyphs, Plate  III,  is  possibly  a  flag  whose  stick  is  covered  with  different  coloured  bands  of cloth.  Similar  are  the  sticks  of  the  flag-shaped  fly-flaps  made  at  Esneh  in  Upper Egypt.  The  central  pole,  from  which  radiate  to  smaller  poles  strings  of  flags  and lamps,  set  up  in  every  Muslim  village  to  celebrate  the  prophet's  birthday,  is  also decorated  with  alternating  bands  of  coloured  cloth,  usually  blue  and  red. [    28     ] 1910.]  MAN.  [Nos.  11-12. Charms  and  amulets  are  in  common  use  among  both  Egyptians  and  Nubians.  In  a village  not  far  from  Fant,  in  Middle  Egypt,  the  leading  people  were  four  wealthy brothers.  One  of  them  was  widely  known  for  his  writing  of  potent  amulets  ;  he  gave one  to  a  servant  of  mine,  a  piece  of  written  paper  folded.  On  my  wanting  to  open the  paper  and  see  what  was  written  on  it,  my  servant,  greatly  alarmed,  prevented  me. He  told  me  that  should  I  open  the  paper  I  should  die,  for  so  he  had  been  told  by  the Sheykh.  At  Gerf  Hussim,  Lower  Nubia,  there  is  a  Sheykh  who  can  make  amulets for  a  religions  war.  If  a  Muslim  wearing  one  of  these  is  struck  by  a  bullet,  it  will either  glance  aside  or  pass  through  him  without  doing  harm. In  1906,  at  Behnasa,  our  head  reis  fell  ill  with  some  sort  of  fever.  He  was dissatisfied  with  European  medicine,  and  went  to  the  Sheykh  (a  living  man  in  this case).  The  Sheykh  wrote  "  excellent  writing  "  on  paper,  and  threw  it  into  the  fire. As  the  paper  was  consumed  the  fever  left  the  sick  man's  body.  The  rite  was  several times  repeated,  apparently  at  one  sitting. An  interesting  case  of  how  a  new  custom  springing  up  is,  after  a  time,  given  some magical  signification  comes  from  Lower  Nubia.  Over  nearly  every  house  door  china plates  are  fastened  up  (Fig.  7).  In  some  places  the  people  said  they  were  merely  an ornament,  in  others — a  village  called  Meris  and  at  Dehmit — the  people  said  they  were put  over  the  door  to  ensure  there  always  being  plenty  of  bread  in  the  house.  The Omda  of  Dehmit  said  that  it  was  only  in  the  last  ten  to  fifteen  years  that  Nubian servants  in  hotels  and  European  houses  had  brought  such  plates  home  with  them. Till  then  plates  had  never  been  used  for  bread,  if  anything  had  been  used  for  bread it  was,  and  indeed  still  is,  the  flat  basket  (tabaqa).  I  never  saw  a  single  instance of  a  tabaqa  fastened  over  a  door. The  people  of  Quft  believe  that  brothers  never  meet  after  death  in  Paradise. This  makes  the  grief  of  surviving  brothers  all  the  more  poignant,  and  the  outward display  of  mourning  at  such  a  funeral  is  even  more  noteworthy  than  at  other  funerals. While  one  brother  is  holding  intercourse  with  his  other  relations  in  Paradise,  should another  brother  come  up,  the  first  (they  say)  immediately  disappears.  This  is  not only  believed  of  twins,  but  of  all  brothers,  and  the  Quftis  say  it  is  taught  them  by the  'Ulema. The  people  of  the  same  place  and  neighbourhood  never  speak  to  or  of  their  wife by  her  name.  A  husband  addresses  her  always  as  ya  bint,  or  ya  marati,  O  girl, O  my  wife,  respectively.  Their  reason  for  this  is  that  such  an  appellation  would  be too  familiar,  and  would  make  the  wife  conceited.  A  man  said  to  me,  "  Iza  kunt ukallim-ha  keda  nafs-ha  yetla'  kebir."  (If  I  speak  to  her  so,  her  mind  will  become big.)  A  man  will  call  his  sister-in-law  by  her  name,  and  she  him  by  his  name. AYLWARD  M.  BLACKMAN. England  :  Archaeology.  King: :  Polkinghorne. Holed  Stone  at    Kerrow,  St.   Just-in-Penwith,    Cornwall.     By    H.     4O King  and  the  late  B.   C.  Polkinghorne,  B.Sc.,  F.C.S.  l£ While  making  enquiries  at  Kerrow  Farm  on  other  matters,  we  were  informed  by Mr.  Humphrey  Hoskins,  the  farmer,  of  a  large  stone  with  a  .hole  in  the  centre  which his  son  had  laid  bare  some  months  previously  in  cutting  furze  in  a  croft  at  the  western foot  of  Chapel  Cam  Brea. On  August  14,  1907,  we  had  the  ground  cleared  around  it  and  found  it  to  be  a circular  slab  of  granite  48  inches  in  diameter  and  12  to  14  inches  in  thickness.  In  the centre  was  a  cylindrical  hole,  of  diameter  8  inches,  and  depth  8  inches  ;  very  truly worked,  not  ground,  but  apparently  formed  by  use  of  iron  tools.  The  interior  surface was,«however,  quite  smooth  and  no  tool  marks  could  be  detected.  Our  helpers  raised [     29     ] Nos,  12-13.]  MAN.  [1910. the  stone — the  weight  would  be  about  1  ton — and  we  found  that  it  had  been  maintained in  a  horizontal  position  by  pieces  of  granite  inserted  below.  Underneath  we  found much  wood  charcoal  but  no  bone.  The  hole  contained  plant  debris. It  occurred  to  us  that  the  hollow  was  a  receptacle  for  cremated  bones,  if  not  for  a small  urn,  and  since  the  excavation  the  former  of  us  has  seen  in  the  house  of  the landowner  a  small  circular  slab  which  had  been  found  some  years  ago  in  the  same croft,  and  we  suggest  that  this  stone  was  the  cover. We  are  not  aware  of  any  similar  relic  and  would  invite  contributory  evidence. The  stone  had  parted  along  a  natural  plane  just  clear  of  the  central  cavity. H.  KING. B.  C.  POLKINGHORNE. REVIEWS. Greece :  Religion.  Farnell. The  Cults  of  the  Greek  States.  Vol.  V.  By  Lewis  Richard  Farnell,  D.Litt., M.A.  With  illustrations.  Oxford:  Clarendon  Press,  1909.  Pp.  xii  +  495. 23  X  15  cm.  Price  16*. Dr.  Farnell  here  brings  to  conclusion  the  work  of  some  twenty  years.  In  his  fifth and  last  volume  he  discusses  the  cults  of  Hermes,  Dionysos,  Hestia,  Hephaistos,  and Ares,  and  in  a  final  chapter  some  minor  cults,  such  as  of  Pan  and  Helios,  Nymphs  and Charites.  The  principle  that  governs  the  selection  of  the  minor  cults  is  not  easy  to grasp.  Everyone  will  regret  that  he  has  not  seen  his  way  to  fulfil  the  promise  of  the fourth  volume  by  giving  us  a  chapter  on  hero-worship  and  the  cults  of  the  dead. Without  such  an  account  a  work  dealing  with  state-cults  is  singularly  incomplete. We  are,  however,  promised  a  discussion  of  these  and  kindred  matters  in  a  separate publication. This  fifth  volume,  like  its  predecessors,  is  singularly  difficult  to  review  in  the  pages of  MAN.  The  anthropologist  will  find  in  it  a  tolerably  complete  Corpus  of  facts,  of the  sources  literary  and  monumental.  He  will  find  also  a  full — perhaps  too  full — discussion  of  modern  theories,  English  and  foreign  ;  but  when  it  comes  to  what  he chiefly  seeks,  the  question  of  origines,  he  will  find  this  question  tabued.  In  his  first volume  Dr.  Farnell  writes,  "  The  question  of  origins  may  be  set  aside."  Those words  were  written  in  1896,  and  may  then  have  been  felt  by  some  to  constitute  a wise  limitation.  Now,  with  full  flood  of  the  comparative  method  upon  us,  they can  only  be  felt  as  a  perilous  entrenchment.  Happily  in  1910  Dr.  Farnell  finds  him- self able  again  and  again  to  break  through  his  self-imposed  limitations.  His  chapter on  Dionysos  in  Vol.  V,  compared,  e.g.,  with  his  chapter  in  Vol.  I  on  Zeus,  marks the  advance. This  chapter  contains  at  least  one  original  contribution  to  the  vexed  question  of the  origin  and  gist  of  the  cult  of  Dionysos,  and  deserves  careful  study.  This  theory may  briefly  be  noted.  The  fact  that  the  Thracian  festivals  of  Dionysos  were  celebrated in  alternated  years,  were  as  the  Greeks  called  "  trieteric,"  is  well  known.  The  most usual,  and  we  still  believe  in  the  main  the  true,  explanation  is  that  these  trieteric festivals  depend  on  the  adjustment  of  the  moon-year  and  the  sun-year.  Dr.  Farnell makes  a  different  and  an  interesting  suggestion.  They  are  due,  he  thinks,  to  the shifting,  year  by  year,  of  land  cultivation,  a  shifting  often  found  necessary  in  early societies  owing  to  the  backwardness  of  agricultural  processes.  The  tribes  of  Assam, he  notes  (p.  180),  shift  their  cultivation  year  by  year,  and  hold  a  ceremony  intended to  determine  by  magical  rites  the  proper  site  for  the  new  cultivation.  It  is  very probable  that  this  may  have  been  at  least  one  factor  in  the  practice  of  the trieterica. We  should    like    in    this  connection  to  make  a  further  suggestion.      Dr.  Farnell [    30    ] 1910,]  MAN.  [Nos.  13-14. and  other  writers  make  frequent  mention  of  the  orgies.  We  think  of  orgies  as licentious  rites.  Is  it  not  at  least  possible  that  primitive  orgies  are  of  blameless, and  even  virtuous  origin  ?  They  are  magical  rites  of  tvorking,  of  the  promotion  of fertility.  The  savage  promotes  the  fertility  of  flocks,  and  specially  of  fields,  by  rites of  dancing  ;  for  him  to  dance  is  to  work.  Later,  man  prays  to  his  gods  to  do  his work  for  him,  but  at  first  he  tries  by'  rites  impulsive  and  mimetic  to  do  the  work himself.  Such  rites  are  opyia.  Strenuous  at  the  outset,  they  later,  when  their meaning  is  lost,  lapse  into  mere  orgies.  For  Hesiod,  Ergo,  are  the  tilled  fields,  the tilth,  Orgia  (Fepy  work)  are  the  magical  rites  that  make  tillage  effectual.  With this  interpretation  philology  can  have  no  quarrel. We  congratulate  Dr.  Farnell  on  the  conclusion  of  a  heavy  piece  of  work,  and we  are  glad  to  learn  from  his  preface  that  he  regards  his  five  volumes  as  only  a foundation  laid,  and  very  securely  laid.  Released  from  his  self-imposed  bondage  to the  twelve  Olympians  and  their  State-Cults,  he  will  pursue  the  work  for  which  he is  so  well  fitted  in  wider  and  more  fruitful  fields  of  comparative  religion. JANE  E.  HARRISON. India.  Bompas. Folklore  of  the  Santal  Parganas.  Translated  by  Cecil  Henry  Bompas,  of  the  41 Indian  Civil  Service.  London  :  Nutt,  1909.  Pp.  483.  23  x  14  cm.  Price  I*T 10*.  6d. This  collection  of  the  folklore  of  the  Santals  is  due  to  the  collaboration  of Mr.  C.  H.  Bompas,  of  the  Indian  Civil  Service,  with  the  Rev.  Dr.  Bodding,  of  the Scandinavian  Mission  to  the  Santals,  Dr.  Bodding  being  responsible  for  the  collection of  the  tales,  and  Mr.  Bompas  for  the  translation.  Sagram  Murmu,  a  Christian  Santal, who  transcribed  the  stories  in  Santali,  is  also  entitled  to  a  share  in  the  credit  due  to this  collection.  Mr.  Bompas  points  ont  that  many  of  the  stories  are  identical  with some  of  those  collected  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Campbell  in  Maubhum,  published  in  1891. Mr.  Bompas  has  added  in  an  appendix  a  translation  of  twenty-two  stories  which  he  has himself  collected  among  the  Hos  of  Singhbhum,  a  race  kindred  to  the  Santals.  There are  185  tales  and  legends  in  the  strictly  Santali  collection,  so  that  we  have  altogether 207  stories  belonging  to  these  nearly-related  Kolarian  tribes. It  will  be  found  on  examination  that  a  considerable  proportion  of  the  stories belongs  to  what  may  be  called  the  common  Indian  element,  but  these  are  none  the  less interesting  on  that  account,  for  they  have  been  transformed  to  suit  local  conditions  and have  assumed  a  Santali  dress.  Most  of  these  will  be  found  in  Part  I,  which  contains stories  of  a  general  character. The  animal  stories  contained  in  Part  II  are  thoroughly  racy  and  original ;  never- theless, some  correspondences  with  similar  lore  among  similarly  circumstanced  races  are certain  to  be  found.  Mr.  Bompas  points  out  that  No.  119,  "The  Hyaena  Outwitted," is  identical  with  a  South  African  Kafir  story,  and  there  are  other  resemblances  to African  folklore.  No.  112,  for  instance,  "  The  Jackal  and  the  Chickens,"  contains  an incident  almost  identical  with  the  amusing  adventure  of  "  Brer  Rabbit  and  the  Tar- baby,"  as  found  in  Mr.  Cable's  collection  of  Negro  stories  known  to  us  by  the  name  of Uncle  Remus. Part  III  contains  a  number  of  anecdotes  and  apologues,  some  amusing,  some without  much  point,  but  all  illustrating  Santal  manners  and  folklore  in  a  very  interest- ing way.  A  comic  version  of  the  widely-spread  theme  of  "  The  Three  Fools  "  will be  found  in  No.  131. No.  134  illustrates  the  mutual  "  taboo  "  of  the  use  of  the  true  names  of  husband and  wife.  In  this  and  in  some  of  the  other  anecdotes  the  joke  turns  on  a  pun  or play  on  words. [    31    ] Nos.  14-15.]  MAN.  [1910. Part  IV  contains  several  tales  dealing  with  the  relations  between  human  beings and  "  Bongas,"  or  Nature-spirits,  which  seem  generally  to  relapse  into  their  original snake-form  in  unguarded  moments,  but  can  assume  the  human  shape  at  will.  Marriages with  "  Bonga  "  women  seem  to  be  common. Part  V,  perhaps  the  most  interesting  of  the  collection,  contains  a  number  of genuine  Santal  legends  illustrating  their  religious  beliefs  regarding  creation  and  the origins  of  things.  These  are  not  free  from  Hindu  influence,  but  would  appear  to  be  in the  main  Santali,  and  this  remark  applies  even  more  fully  to  the  stories  regarding witchcraft  contained  in  Part  VI. The  whole  collection  is  an  extremely  valuable  addition  to  the  existing  stock  of Indian  Folk-tales  available  to  European  readers.  The  translations  are  good  and idiomatic.  M.  LONGWORTH  DAMES. ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTES. BY  the  assassination,  on  December  22nd,  1909,  of  Mr.  Arthur  Mason  Tippets  1C Jackson,  Collector  of  Nasik,  the  Indian  Civil  Service  has  lost  one  of  its  most  lU learned  members.  Educated  at  Winchester  and  Brasenose  College,  Oxford,  where  he gained  the  Boden  Scholarship  in  Sanskrit,  Mr.  Jackson  entered  the  Indian  Civil  Service in  1885,  and  commenced  his  work  in  the  Bombay  Presidency  in  1888.  Besides  his extensive  knowledge  of  Sanskrit  and  Mahratti,  Mr.  Jackson  made  valuable  contri- butions to  the  history  and  ethnology  of  Western  India  ;  in  papers  contributed  to  the Indian  Antiquary  and  the  Journal  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society.  He  collaborated  with the  late  Sir  James  Campbell  in  the  valuable  series -of  volumes  constituting  the  Bombay Gazetteer.  It  was  largely  owing  to  his  researches  that  the  origin  of  the  Rajputs  has been  traced  to  the  invading  Scythian  and  Hun  tribes  from  Central  Asia.  He  supplied the  best  type  of  the  cultured  Indian  civilian.  An  indefatigable  student  of  native religion,  sociology,  and  literature,  he  displayed  an  ardent  sympathy  with,  and  wide knowledge  of,  the  people  to  whose  service  his  life  was  devoted.  His  untimely death  closes  the  career  of  a  scholar  from  whom  much  valuable  work  might  have been  expected,  and  to  whose  labours  the  study  of  Indian  history  and  ethnology  is deeply  indebted. THE  second  session  of  the  Congress  of  Americanists  will  be  held  at  Mexico  City from  September  8th  to  14th,  1910.  The  secretary  of  the  Congress  is  Lie.  D.  Genario Garcia,  Museo  Nacional,  and  the  treasurer  Lie.  D.  Joaquin  D.  Casasus,  Banco  Central, Mexico. THE  death  is  announced  of  Dr.  Sebastian  Evans,  a  brother  of  the  late  Sir  John  Evans. Dr.  Evans  was  well  known  as  a  journalist,  poet,  and  politician.  He  was  elected  a Fellow  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute  in  1887. MR.  J.  B.  ANDREWS  died  in  December.  By  his  will  he  left  5,000/.  to  the  Cambridge Anthropological  Museum. COLONEL  GEORGE  EARL  CHURCH,  who  died  at  the  beginning  of  January  at  the  age of  seventy-four,  was  well  known  as  an  authority  on  the  history  and  geography  of South  America.  He  was  a  prominent  member  of  the  Royal  Geographical  Society, for  which  he  had  served  as  a  vice-president,  and  also  been  a  member  of  the  Council. He  was  President  of  the  Geographical  Section  of  the  British  Association  in  1898. He  became  a  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute  in  1906. Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD..  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.C. PLATE  C. MAN,  1910. I 1 7 i  i 8 10 n. TRADE     SIGNS     IN     CHRISTIANSBORG,     GOLD     COAST. 1910.]  MAN.  [Nos,  16-17. ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. Africa,  West.  With  Plate  G.  Hart-Davis. Trade  Signs  in  Christiansborg,  Gold  Coast.  By  Madge  Hart-Davis.  JO A  marked  feature  of  Christiansborg  is  the  trade  signs  with  which  many  10 of  the  houses  are  ornamented.  The  village  is  a  suburb  of  Accra,  the  capital  of  the Gold  Coast,  but  boasts  its  own  king,  its  own  fetish  hut,  and  a  fetish  grove  of  somewhat sinister  fame.  Its  irregular  streets  straggle  from  the  old  Danish  castle,  now  used  as Government  House,  for  some  distance  along  the  road  to  Aburi,  the  houses  varying from  the  meanest  huts  to  fairly  substantial  buildings. The  trade  signs  are  cut  out  of  thin  sheet  tin,  and  appear  as  a  rule  at  both  ends of  the  roof.  They  appear  to  be  of  recent  origin  and  represent  the  trade  of  the  owner, the  saw  of  the  carpenter,  the  hammer  and  anvil  of  the  smith,  &c.,  but  the  hand  which, either  as  in  9  or  in  12,  occurs  oftener  than  any  other,  has  probably  a  talismanic significance,  and  occurs  also  with  great  frequency  on  staves  of  office,  state  umbrellas, and  the  like.  MADGE  HART-DAVIS. Andamans.  Brown. Puluga:  a  Reply  to  Father  Schmidt.    By  A.  R.  Brown,  M.A.  IT In  the  January  number  of  MAN  (1910,  2)  Father  Schmidt  has  criticised  a  I* paper  of  mine  on  certain  features  of  Andamanese  religion.  I  would  have  preferred  not to  reply,  if  Father  Schmidt  had  not  raised  the  question  of  method,  and  complained  that I  did  not  explain  in  my  paper  what  I  meant  by  strict  methods  in  ethnology.  I  will therefore  take  this  opportunity  of  explaining  very  briefly  what  I  mean  by  strict  methods, an  opportunity  that  is  the  more  suitable  because  Father  Schmidt's  note  is  itself  an example  of  the  worst  methods. The  subject  of  the  controversy  may  be  explained  in  a  few  words.  After  a  careful study  of  the  Andamanese  mythology,  conducted  during  a  residence  of  several  months among  the  Andamanese  themselves,  I  was  forced  to  certain  conclusions  concerning  a being  named  by  them  Pnluga  (Biliku,  Oluga),  conclusions  which  differed  from  those drawn  by  an  earlier  student  of  the  same  people,  Mr.  Man.  Briefly  these  were  that Puluga  is  a  personification  of  the  N.N.E.  monsoon,  and  is  one  of  a  pair,  the  other being  Daria,  the  S.S.W.  monsoon.  I  showed  reason  to  believe  that  the  JS".E.  monsoon was  originally  regarded  as  female,  as  it  is  in  the  majority  of  the  tribes  at  the  present day.  I  urged  that  it  was  a  misrepresentation  of  the  Andamanese  beliefs  to  speak  of Puluga  as  resembling  an  All-Father  or  Supreme  Being.  Father  Schmidt  controverts these  statements  of  mine. Father  Schmidt  appears  to  disbelieve,  not  only  my  arguments,  but  also  my  obser- vations. He  implies  that  the  earlier  observations  of  Mr.  Man  and  Mr.  Portman  are more  reliable  than  mine.  This  question,  for  obvious  reasons,  is  one  which  it  is  very disagreeable  for  me  to  discuss.  In  my  book  I  shall  describe  fully  the  methods  of  obser- vation that  I  adopted,  and  I  shall  compare  the  results  of  my  own  observations  with those  obtained  by  the  earlier  writers.  For  the  present,  however,  I  leave  aside  the question  of  methods  of  observation.  I  will  only  reply  to  Father  Schmidt's  suggestion that  some  of  my  information  was  obtained  by  leading  questions,  by  saying  that  there is  not  a  single  statement  in  my  paper  for  which  I  relied  on  answers  to  questions. The  real  issue  between  myself  and  Father  Schmidt  does  not,  however,  turn  on  the question  of  the  facts,  but  on  that  of  their  interpretation.  I  will  therefore  explain,  as briefly  as  possible,  the  methods  I  followed  in  my  attempt  to  interpret  the  Audamanese beliefs,  and  will  then  pass  on  to  consider  the  methods  that  Father  Schmidt  follows in  his  note. (1)  The  first  rule  of  scientific  method  is  to  approach  every  new  problem  with  a mind  free  from  preconceived  opinions.  I  have  always  endeavoured  to  follow  this  rule [    33    ] No.  17,]  MAN.  [1910. as  faithfully  as  possible.  On  the  contrary,  it  must  be  evident  to  all  readers  of Father  Schmidt's  writings  that  he  is  always  seeking,  not  the  truth,  but  evidence  for a  pre-formed  theory.* (2)  In    interpreting  the    Andamanese  beliefs  I  relied  on  the  intimate  knowledge of    their  ways  of    life  and    thought    acquired  during    my  stay  with    them.     I    should hesitate  to  attempt  to  interpret  in  the  same  way  the  beliefs  of  any  people  of  whom I  had  no  personal  knowledge.     I  shall  point  out  that  Father  Schmidt's  criticism  not only  shows    complete    ignorance  of   the  ways    of  Andamanese    thought,  but    contains several  important  false  statements  about  matters  of  their  daily  life. (3)  In  my  interpretation  I  relied  entirely  on  the  comparison  one  with  another  of the  different  beliefs  and  customs  to  be  found  in  the  Andamans,  explaining  one  belief by  the   light  thrown   upon  it   by  others.     That  is    to  say,  I  tried  to    understand  the Andamanese    mentality  as    a    whole.     My  paper    in    Folk- Lore    is    part    of    a    much larger  whole,  which    can  properly  only  be    judged  as  a  whole.     It  is  on  this  feature of  my  method  that  I  most  wish  to  insist. (4)  I    carefully  abstained    from  comparing    the  beliefs    of    the  Andamanese  with those  of  any  other  people,  whether  related  or  unrelated,  because  I  am  convinced  that such  comparisons    are  more    dangerous  than  they  are   helpful.      If   we  had    full    and adequate  knowledge   of    any  people    known    to    be    related  to    the    Andamanese — for example,  the  Semang — and  particularly  if  I  myself  had  a  personal  knowledge  of  such a  people,  then  a  comparison  of    the  two  sets  of    beliefs  would  be   justifiable.     What is    quite  unjustifiable    is  the    comparison  which    Father    Schmidt  makes    between  the Andamanese  and  the  unrelated  group  of  peoples  that  he  calls  Austronesian. (5)  1  have  carefully  avoided    attributing  to    the  Andamanese,  even  in    the  past, any  belief  for  which  there  is  not  direct  evidence,  that  is,  evidence  of  observation  that the  belief   does    actually  exist    in  some   part   of   the    Andamans.     Father    Schmidt's argument   is  based   on  the    gratuitous  assumption    that    the  Andamanese    once  had  a lunar  mythology  similar  to  that  found  in  some  parts  of  Austronesia. (6)  Taking  into    consideration  that  the  Andamauese  have  for  centuries  lived    in little  groups  almost  entirely  isolated  from  one  another,  I  have  presumed  that  whatever beliefs  are  to  be  found  in  all  the  groups  are  essential  and  original  portions  of  the  myth, while   beliefs   which   are   different  in   different   groups   are   not  so  essential.     Father Schmidt   seems   to   be   of  exactly  the   opposite  opinion,  and  holds  that  the  essential feature  of  the  myth  in  question  is  a  set  of  beliefs  which  do  not  actually  exist  in  the Andamans,  while   all  the   beliefs  which   do   there   exist  are  secondary  and   relatively unimportant. (7)  In  comparing  the  beliefs  of  the  different  groups  I  have  made  allowance  for the  fact  that  the  mythology  of  the  southern  group  of  the  Great  Andaman  is,  like  their language,  more  highly  developed  than  that  of  the  northern  group,  and  has,  therefore, probably  undergone  more  change. I  will  now  briefly  examine  some  points  of  Father  Schmidt's  arguments.  I  quoted a  native  as  saying  that  throwing  a  firebrand  at  someone  in  anger  was  the  sort  of thing  he  would  expect  a  woman  and  not  a  man  to  do.  Father  Schmidt  replaces  the word  firebrand  by  the  word  torch,  and  says  that  a  torch  is  as  much  an  object  of  man's *  I  take  the  following  from  a  review  by  Father  Schmidt  of  the  Report  of  the  Cambridge Expedition  to  Torres  Strait  in  An/tbropot,  Vol.  V,  page  272  :— ij  Mr.  Haddon  concludes  his  researches on  the  religion  of  the  Eastern  Islanders  with  the  brief  remark  :  '  We  did  not  discover  in  Torres Strait  anything  like  an  All-Father  or  Supreme  Being.'  Mr.  Haddon  has  taken  care  to  formulate exactly  what  he  was  able  to  state,  and  I  shall  endeavour  not  to  be  less  exact  by  holding  the  thesis : '  There  must  have  been  an  All-Father  or  Supreme  Being  in  the  religion  of  the  Eastern  Islanders.' " It  is  clear  that  Father  Schmidt  will  not  let  the  most  careful  observations  of  the  most  thorough investigators  carry  the  least  weight  against  the  theories  that  he  has  formed  about  a  people  whom he  has  never  seen. [     34     ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  17. use  as  of  woman's.  Father  Schmidt's  use  of  the  word  torch  is  simply  a  suggestio  falsi. In  the  stories  I  give  in  my  paper  I  used  the  word  firebrand  because  that  was  the word  used  by  the  natives  who  told  me  the  tales.  There  was  never  any  question  of a  torch,  for  which  the  Andamanese  have  a  quite  different  word.  Father  Schmidt  has no  reason  for  substituting  one  word  for  the  other  except  that  it  suits  his  argument to  do  so. Father  Schmidt  complains  that  I  did  not  give  any  explanation  of  the  connection  of Biliku  with  the  spider.  I  did  not  do  so  for  the  simple  reason  that  I  could  find  no sufficient  evidence  for  any  of  the  explanations  that  suggested  themselves  to  me. Father  Schmidt  is,  of  course,  ready  with  a  theory,  and  that  theory  rests  on  two grounds.  First,  there  is  a  connection  in  Austronesian  mythology  between  the  spider, the  plaiting  and  spinning  women,  and  the  waning  moon.  Such  may  be  the  Austro- nesian belief,  or  the  belief  of  any  other  people,  but  it  is  not  the  belief  of  the Andamanese,  and  until  there  is  direct  evidence  that  they  have  such  a  belief  the argument  is  entirely  worthless.  Secondly,  Father  Schmidt's  argument  rests  on  a purely  gratuitous  confusion  of  the  pearl  shell  with  the  Cyrena  shell.  The  former is  used  in  all  parts  of  the  Andamans  for  cleaning  and  slicing  vegetables.  It  is  used for  no  other  purpose  whatever,  and  is  practically  never  used  by  men.  The  Cyrena shell  is  used  equally  by  men  and  women,  and  for  the  most  various  purposes,  including the  preparation  of  fibre  for  rope  and  string.  There  is  no  connection  between  Biliku and  the  Cyrena  shell  such  as  Father  Schmidt  supposes  for  the  sake  of  his  argument. Moreover,  it  is  quite  wrong  to  say  that  string-making  in  the  Andamans  is  "  in  most "  cases  the  work  of  women."  It  is  not. Father  Schmidt  completes  his  theory  by  identifying  the  south-west  monsoon ( Tarai,  Teria,  or  Daria)  with  the  waxing  moon.  Apparently  his  reason  for  this  is the  similarity  of  the  name  to  that  of  the  new  moon  as  given  by  Portman.  The word  for  new  moon  in  the  Bea  language  is  Ogar-dereka-da,  and  apparently  Father Schmidt  wishes  to  suggest  that  there  is  a  philological  connection  between  dereka and  Daria.  He  does  not  state  that  there  is  such  a  connection,  but  he  carefully omits  to  give  Mr.  Portman's  analysis  of  the  word.  Ogar  means  "  moon,"  and  dereka means  "  baby."  In  all  the  languages  of  the  Great  Andaman,  the  name  of  the  new moon  is  compounded  in  the  same  way,  and  can  be  translated  literally  "  baby-moon." It  can  be  confidently  stated  that  there  is  no  philological  connection  between  the names  of  the  south-west  monsoon  and  the  various  words  for  "  baby  "  in  the  different languages. Father  Schmidt  supposes  that  the  reason  why  the  Andamanese  associated  the south-west  monsoon  with  the  waxing  moon  (which  there  is  no  evidence  that  they  ever did)  is  because  the  new  moon  rises  in  the  west-south-west  portion  of  the  horizon.  The Andamanese  have  not,  perhaps,  a  very  acute  sense  of  direction,  but  I  doubt  if  even  they would  confuse  the  west-south-west  with  the  south-south-west,  whence  blows  the monsoon. I  have,  I  think,  sufficiently  demonstrated  the  nature  of  Father  Schmidt's  arguments. There  are  two  more  of  the  numerous  errors  of  his  paper  that  I  wish  to  correct.  Teria, or  Daria,  is  never  regarded  as  the  "  wife  "  of  Puluga  or  Bilik,  and  Father  Schmidt cannot  find  in  my  paper,  or  in  Mr.  Man's  book,  any  warrant  for  his  assertion  on  page  3 that  Daria  is  sometimes  the  wife  of  Puluga.  It  is  one  of  the  essential  features  of  the myth  that  the  south-west  monsoon  (Term,  Daria,  Tarai)  is  always  male,  and  this  is one  of  my  reasons  for  thinking  that  the  north-east  monsoon  (Puluga,  Biliku)  was originally  everywhere  female. Sir  Richard  Temple,  as  quoted  by  Father  Schmidt,  gives  Oluga  as  the  Onge-Jarawa (Little  Andaman)  word  for  thunder.  The  real  word  for  thunder  in  that  language  is gi  dododu,  literally,  "  it  thunders."  What  evidently  happened  is  that  Sir  Richard [    35    ] No.  17.]  MAN.  [1910. Temple  enquired  the  name  of  thunder,  and  the  native  replied  "  Olvgm"  meaning  that it  is  Oluga  (Puluga)  who  makes  the  thunder. The  whole  of  Father  Schmidt's  argument  rests  on  the  supposition  that  the Andamanese  have  at  one  time  had  a  set  of  beliefs  about  the  waxing  and  waning moons  such  as  are  actually  found  amongst  people  having  no  racial  or  cultural  affinities with  them.  His  note  would  afford  no  evidence  that  they  had  had  these  beliefs, even  if  it  were  not  full  of  errors  such  as  those  pointed  out  above.  Moreover,  even if  it  were  true  that  the  present  beliefs  of  the  Audamanese  concerning  Puluga  are derived  from  lunar  mythology,  it  is  impossible  to  see  how  this  affords  any  evidence that  the  Andamanese  formerly  believed  in  a  Supreme  Being.  Yet  this  is  the  thesis which  Father  Schmidt  is  anxious  to  defend.  The  present  Andamanese  certainly  do not  believe  in  a  Supreme  Being.* The  more  important  faults  of  Father  Schmidt's  methods  may  be  resumed  as follows  : — (1)  His  arguments  are  rendered  suspect  from  the  beginning  by  the  fact  that  he is    not    seeking    truth  with    an    open    mind,  but    is    looking    only  for    support    for    a preformed  theory. (2)  He  has  no  intimate  knowledge  of  the  people  whose  beliefs  he  would  interpret, and  even    such   knowledge    as    he    might    obtain    from    the  writings    of   others  he  is unable  to  use  because    he    continually  misreads  and    misquotes  his  authorities.     This I  have  shown  above  in  connection  with  the  torch,  the  Cyrena  shell,  the  name  of  the new  moon,  and  the  sex  of  Daria.     In  making  use  of  the  writings  of  others  the  first rule  is  never   to   go   beyond  what  is  actually  said,  never  to  suppose  that  the  writer means  something  that  his  words  do  not  warrant.     This  rule  Father  Schmidt  habitually breaks.       Thus    when    I    write    "  firebrand "    Father    Schmidt    substitutes    "  torch "  ; because  Mr.  Man  says  that  the  Cyrena  shell  is  used  in  making  string,  Father  Schmidt supposes  that  the  pearl    shell  is  also  used  for  that  purpose  ;  in  quoting  a  word  from Mr.  Portman  he  omits  to  give  Mr.  Portman's  analysis  of  that  word  into  its  components, and  thereby  creates  a  false  impression  in  the  minds  of  his  readers,  and  without    any warrant  at  all  he  states  in  his  note  that  Daria  is  sometimes  female. (3)  His    argument  rests    on    suppositions    concerning   the   former   beliefs   of    the Andamanese,  for  which  there  is  not,  and  never  can  be,  any  evidence.     The  argument is    an  extreme  example    of    a    kind    unfortunately    still    very    common  in  ethnological literature.      As  long  as  such  arguments  are    tolerated  and  listened  to,    so  long  must ethnology  remain  in  its  unscientific  stage.     The  only  way  in  which  it  is  possible  to prove  that  a  given  belief  or  institution  is  a  survival  of  another  belief  or  institution,  is to  show    that,  historically,  the    one    belief   has  followed  the  other  in  some  particular society,  and  that  the  change  from  one  to  the  other  is  due  to  a  particular  cause.       Then, if  we  find  the  later  belief  existing  in  another  society,    and  also  find  direct  evidence that    the  same   cause  or  causes    have    been  at   work,  there    is    a    probability   for   the existence,  in  that  society,  of  the  earlier  belief.     This  probability  can  be  strengthened in   many   ways,   but    it    can    never   become   certainty   till   we   have  proved   that  the later  belief  could  not  arise  in  any  other  way,  and  this    is   a  task  which  is  in  nearly *  In  my  work  in  the  Andamans  I  had  the  help  for  several  months  of  a  native  of  the.  Bale  group, Luke,  who  had  been  educated  as  a  Christian.  He  never  once  in  my  many  talks  with  him  (and  with others  when  he  was  present)  on  the  subject  of  Puluga  suggested  that  there  was  any  resemblance between  Puluga  and  the  God  of  whom  he  had  learnt  as  a  child.  Once,  however,  when  I  was  trying  to understand  certain  points  in  what  a  Puchikwar  man  was  telling  me  about  a  mythical  person  named Tomo,  Luke,  of  his  own  accord,  came  forward  with  the  suggestion  that  Tomo  was  God.  Tomo  is identified  by  Mr.  Man  with  the  Adam  of  the  myths  of  Genesis.  Luke's  knowledge  of  the  legends  of his  people  was  more  extensive  than  his  knowledge  of  the  dogmas  of  the  Christian  Church.  I  do  not attach  any  importance  to  the  incident,  but  it  shows  what  was  the  idea  of  the  God  of  the  Christians that  had  formed  itself  in  the  mind  of  an  intelligent  Andamanese. [     36     ] 1910.] MAN. [Nos.  17-18. all    cases  quite   impossible.      Father    Schmidt  needs    a   few    lessons    in    the    logic    of induction. I  have  replied  at  length  upon  Father  Schmidt's  attack  upon  me,  because  it  brings forward  the  fundamental  disagreement  that  exists  between  those  of  us  who  are endeavouring,  by  an  insistence  on  strict  methods,  both  of  observation  and  interpreta- tion, to  make  ethnology  a  science  fit  to  rank  with  other  sciences,  and  those  writers who,  by  following  such  unjustifiable  methods  as  those  to  be  found  in  Father  Schmidt's note,  hinder  the  progress  of  our  science.  It  is  probably  too  late  to  hope  that  Father Schmidt  will  change  his  methods,  but  I  have  availed  myself  of  this  opportunity  of showing  what  those  methods  are.  We  shall  probably  be  justified  in  concluding  that they  are  habitual  with  him,  and  thereby  the  whole  of  his  work  is  rendered  suspect. Theories  elaborated  on  such  a  basis  must  be  treated  with  the  utmost  scepticism,  if indeed  they  are  worthy  of  any  attention  at  all.  A.  R.  BROWN. Africa,  Central. Alphabet  Boards  from  Central  Africa. Stannus. By  Hugh  S.    Stannus,  M.B.     4Q In  the  number  of  MAX  for  December    1908    [102]     Mr.    H.  W.  Garbutt,     10 writing  from  South  Africa,  gives  some  excellent  photographs  of  what  he  calls  alphabet • U*-^> \ boards,  seen  by  him  in  the  possession  of  some  natives  from  Nyasaland.  As  his  notes upon  them  are  scanty  I  write  to  supplement  them,  and  illustrate  two  such  boards herewith. [     37     ] Nos.  18-19.]  MAN.  [1910. The  boards,  for  which  the  Yao  word  is  ubau,  are  commonly  two  feet  in  height, one  foot  broad,  and  half  an  inch  thick,  though  smaller  and  larger  are  to  be  met ; they  are  made  from  the  wood  of  the  Mlombwa  tree. The  surface  is  often  whitened  by  painting  with  a  paste  made  from  white  wood- ashes,  Pulusa,  and  the  writing  is  then  done  with  a  reed  pen,  and  ink  made  from  either soot  taken  from  cooking  pots  or  burnt  maize  rubbed  up  with  water. The  characters  and  language  are  Arabic.  •  The  making  of  these  boards  was introduced  from  the  coast  along  with  Mohammedanism  among  the  Yao,  and  practically they  are  only  found  among  the  Machinga  Yao  in  this  country,  with  a  centre  at Fort  Johnston. One  of  the  aims  of  the  Mohammedan  native  is  to  read  the  Koran,  and  to  this  end he  learns,  firstly,  the  Aliph,  Be,  Ta,  or  Arabic  A,  B,  C  ;  then  short  words  of  one syllable,  and  later  other  written  matter. But  though  he  reads,  and  always  aloud,  his  Koran  and  the  extracts  from  it written  on  these  boards,  he  does  not,  except  in  rare  cases,  understand  a  word  of  it. Having  learned,  however,  to  write  in  Arabic  characters,  he  uses  his  knowledge  to write,  letters,  &c.,  using  the  Swahili  language. One  of  the  two  boards  illustrated  belonged  to  a  corporal  of  police  named  Nkwanda, at  Fort  Johnston.  He  had  copied  out  a  portion  of  the  Koran,  and,  though  able  to read  it  again,  did  not  understand  what  he  read. A  man  going  to  another  part  of  the  country  takes  his  board  with  him,  hence the  reason  of  one  finding  its  way  to  South  Africa,  whither  natives  from  this  country go  to  work. Mr.  Garbutt  would  rather  lead  one  to  imagine  that  these  boards  were  common among  the  natives  all  over  this  country  ;  this  is  erroneous,  and  the  idea  that  they serve  as  "  slates "  is  hardly  correct. They  are  only  found  among  Mohammedanised  Yao,  and  serve  rather  as  prayer- boards,  so  that  not  having  a  Koran  the  native  may  still  read  some  part  of  it. HUGH  S.  STANNUS. Africa,  Uganda.  Kagwa:  Ishmael. Old  Customs  of  the  Baganda.     Translated  by   G.   C.  Ishmael.  4  Q The  following  is  a  translation  of  two  chapters  in  Sir  Apolo  Kagwa's  lU book  of  Old  Customs. "  These  are  our  old  customs  about  law  : — "In  a  case  where  a  man  has  'been  defrauded,  or  his  property  kept  from  him, the  aggrieved  party  takes  22  shells  and  goes  to  the  chief  to  lodge  a  complaint. When  the  complaint  is  lodged,  the  defendant  is  summoned,  and  on  his  arrival  the case  begins.  After  both  sides  have  been  heard,  the  chief  repeats  to  each  party  the statement  he  has  made,  and  asks  if  it  is  correct,  and  the  person  questioned  answers in  the  affirmative.  After  this  the  chief  orders  each  party  to  give  him  a  he-goat  and a  bark  cloth.  Two  or  three  days  are  allowed  for  the  payment  of  this  fee.  When the  fee  has  been  paid,  the  case  is  heard  again,  the  evidence  being  repeated  and questions  asked  as  before.  The  chief  then  decides  who  has  lost  the  case,  and  gives the  grounds  for  his  decision.  If  the  loser  is  satisfied  he  returns  the  other  side's property  and  pays  his  costs.  If  he  is  not  satisfied,  he  neither  returns  the  property  nor pays  the  costs,  but  lays  his  complaint  before  a  higher  tribunal.  If  he  loses  his  case here,  he  takes  it  before  the  Katikiro's  (prime  minister's)  court.  If  he  again  loses,  he takes  it  before  the  King  in  Parliament.  If  the  king  does  not  decide  in  his  favour  and the  petitioner  is  still  unsatisfied,  he  asks  that  he  and  the  other  party  may  be  allowed to  drink  a  cupful  of  datura  seed  juice.  Both  parties  are  then  sent  by  the  King,  with one  of  his  men,  to  Magunda,  the  chief  who  administers  the  drug.  Magunda  extracts [    38     ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  19. the  juice  from  the  datura  seed  and  a  cupful  is  drunk  by  each  party.  After  they have  drunk.  Maguuda  makes  a  speech  to  the  effect  that  the  party  who  is  not  guilty will  go  to  Magunda  and  thank  him,  while  the  guilty  party  will  not  move  from  the spot  where  he  drank  the  datura  juice.  Dried  banana  leaves  are  placed  in  front  of  the two  men,  and  they  have  to  jump  over  these  on  their  way  to  thank  Magunda.  After a  time,  when  Magunda  perceives  that  the  drug  has  taken  effect,  and  the  people  who are  present  shout  out  and  make  a  noise,  he  strikes  the  earth  with  a  stick,  in  order that  the  two  persons  who  drunk  the  datura  juice  should  become  very  intoxicated  and roll  about  on  the  ground.  He  then  calls  the  two  men  to  come  to  him.  The  one  who is  the  less  m intoxicated  and  can  jump  over  the  leaves,  goes  and  thanks  the  chief. The  one  who  is  too  intoxicated  to  jump  over  the  leaves  and  thank  the  chief  loses  his case.  This  decides  the  case  finally. "  If  a  man  go  before  a  chief  and  accuse  another  of  bewitching  him  or  his relatives,  and,  the  chief  having  ordered  them  to  drink  datura  juice,  the  drug  takes no  effect  on  either,  each  party  has  to  give  the  chief  one  bead  of  cattle,  one  goat, and  one  bark  cloth  as  compensation  for  bringing  a  false  case  before  him. "  If  a  man  digs  a  pit  (game  ?)  and  covers  it  with  grass  on  uncultivated  land, and  a  cow  or  bull  from  a  new  grazing  falls  into  it.  the  man  who  dug  the  pit  gets a  hind  leg  which  he  takes  to  his  chief.  The  pit  is  then  considered  the  property  of the  chief.  The  owner  of  the  animal  is  entitled  to  the  rest  of  the  meat.  The  chief receives  the  leg  of  any  animal  which  falls  into  the  pit.  The  person  who  dug  the  pit is  considered  blameless,  as  all  people  who  dig  pits  inform  everybody  in  the  neighbour- hood of  the  position  of  the  pit,  and  warn  them  against  taking  cattle  to  graze  anywhere near  it. "  If  a  person  has  any  of  his  property  stolen  and  suspects  that  it  is  in  a  certain house  he  informs  his  chief,  who  goes  with  him  and  searches  the  house  in  question. If  none  of  the  stolen  property  is  found  in  the  suspected  house  the  complainant  has to  give  the  owner  of  the  suspected  house  one  head  of  cattle  and  one  goat  as compensation,  and  to  prove  that  he  had  no  grounds  for  his  case. "  If  a  man  commits  adultery  with  another  man's  wife  he  is  arrested,  and  all  his property,  his  wives,  children,  cattle,  goats,  and  all  articles  found  in  his  house  go  to  the husband  of  the  woman  with  whom  he  committed  adultery.  The  chief  of  the  village receives  a  portion  of  the  property.  The  prisoner  is  also  handed  over  to  the  offended husband,  but  if  the  prisoner's  chief  is  rich  he  buys  him  and  pays  for  him  in  cattle. "  If  a  man  has  intercourse  with  the  king's  or  chief's  wife  he  is  killed,  as  also is  the  woman.  If,  however,  he  should  be  a  blood  brother  he  is  not  killed,  but  is mutilated,  his  ears  being  cut  and  his  eyes  put  out,  or  his  teeth  are  extracted,  his hand  amputated,  or  his  nose  and  lips  cut  off.  The  same  punishment  is  meted  out to  the  woman. "  Should  a  man  to  whom  any  sum  is  due  meet  his  debtor  on  the  road,  he  calls to  anyone  who  happens  to  be  passing  to  arrest  both  himself  and  the  debtor.  Having arrested  them  the  passer-by  instructs  them  to  fetch  their  masters,  chief,  or  sub-chief,  as the  case  may  be,  to  whom  he  hands  them  over  after  the  debtor  and  creditor  have  each given  him  a  goat.  The  passer-by  receives  these  goats  as  remuneration  for  being instrumental  in  preventing  a  fight  and  bloodshed. "If  two  men  happen  to  be  drinking  together  and  one  of  them  breaks  or  pulls  up the  doorpost  of  the  other,  the  owner  of  the  house  receives  one  white  goat,  one  white fowl,  and  a  bead  called  Ensinda  emu.*  The  act  was  considered  unlawful,  as  the  door- posts protected  the  house.  When  a  person  pulled  down  a  house  he  could  not  use  the doorposts  for  building  or  any  other  purpose  ;  they  had  to  be  thrown  away.  When *  The  natives  originally  paid  the  hut  tax  with  these  beads. [     39     ] No,  19.]  MAN.  [1910. the  owner  of  a  house  dies  his  successor  sits  on  the  doorpost  when  he  succeeds  ; all  the  children  are  given  names,  and  the  owner  or  occupier  washes  his  face  seated on  the  doorpost  every  morning. "  Should  travellers  find  any  cooked  food  in  a  cooking-pot  and  take  it  forcibly,  the woman  who  cooked  it  raises  an  alarm,  and  the  people  in  the  surrounding  houses  come out  and  fight  the  travellers.  Should  any  of  those  who  came  to  the  woman's  assistance wound  one  of  the  travellers,  the  woman  is  held  responsible.  If  the  case  goes  against her,  when  she  is  taken  before  the  chief,  she  is  handed  over  to  the  travellers,  who  take her  away  with  them  ;  the  law  being  that  cooked  food  does  not  kill  a  man.  Should a  man  find  food  in  the  entrance  of  a  house  he  is  entitled  to  eat  it.  Should  he, however,  kill  one  of  the  inmates  of  the  house  over  the  food  he  is  treated  as  a  murderer, and  is  handed  over  to  the  relations  of  the  deceased  to  be  put  to  death. "No  one  is  allowed  to  sell  or  purchase  anything  of  value,  such  as  a  woman, cattle,  or  goat,  unless  some  one  is  present  who  will  act  as  a  witness  and  receive payment  for  his  services.  The  percentage  on  the  sale  of  a  woman  is  a  goat  which has  had  a  kid  ;  on  a  slave,  a  he-goat  ;  on  a  full-grown  nanny  goat,  5  shells  (this  was raised  to  50  shells  in  the  reign  of  Sama  II)  ;  on  an  old  shield,  on  which  percentage had  already  been  paid,  20  shells,  and  on  an  old  spear,  10  shells.  All  articles  had  to pay  a  percentage.  The  custom  prevented  theft.  Anyone  found  with  an  article,  on which  he  had  not  paid  a  percentage,  was  considered  a  thief,  but  anyone  who  could prove  that  he  had  paid  a  percentage,  when  he  purchased  an  article,  was  not  considered to  have  stolen  it.  The  person  who  received  the  percentage  has  to  find  the  person who  sold  the  article  in  question.  When  he  finds  him  he  gives  the  percentage received  and  points  out  the  person  who  actually  sold  the  article.  If  that  person agreed  to  its  sale  he  says  to  the  man  who  received  the  percentage,  '  Take  your  shells '  and  go  away.  Let  the  proper  man  take  your  place.  I  did  sell  the  article  and  am *  prepared  to  defend  an  action.'  The  person  who  was  accused  of  theft  is  then  blame- less. The  man  who  is  looking  for  his  property  goes  to  the  chief  in  whose  jurisdiction the  person  who  sold  the  property  in  question  is  living,  and  complains.  The  chief then  instructs  the  complainant  to  bring  his  own  chief  to  listen  to  the  case,  and, when  the  chief  arrives,  the  defendant's  chief  hears  it.  Should  the  complainant  lose he  is  termed  a  thief,  and  has  to  compensate  the  defendant  as  directed  by  the  chief. The  complainant's  chief  can  pay  the  compensation  and  redeem  the  complainant  should he  care  to  do  so.  If  the  complainant  is  unknown  to  the  chief,  he  will  tell  him  to bring  his  father  before  him  so  that  he  may  know  him  in  case  the  complainant  runs away.  The  complainant  then  becomes  the  chief's  slave,  and  not  a  mere  tenant  on  his land  as  before.  The  party  who  has  won  the  case  receives  a  part  of  the  fine,  say 30  per  cent.  If  the  man  on  whom  the  property  is  found  fails  to  produce  his  witness, he  is  considered  a  thief,  even  if  he  be  a  chief,  and  has  to  pay  heavy  compensation  to the  owner.  In  the  reign  of  Kakaka  Suna,  a  man  found  with  stolen  property  had  all his  possessions  confiscated  and  was  even  put  to  death  ;  hence  the  saying,  '  If  you  can't '  find  your  witness,  your  middle  finger  is  cut  off.' "  If  a  man  sets  fire  to  grass  and  the  fire  destroys  a  house,  that  man  has  to  pay the  owner  of  the  house  the  value  of  the  house  and  of  all  property  destroyed  in  it. "  If  two  men  quarrel  and  one  of  them  strikes  the  other  with  a  stick,  and  the  one so  struck  loses  his  temper  and  spears  the  other,  the  one  with  the  spear  wound  wins the  case,  as  the  law  holds  that  the  spearer  should  have  used  a  stick  too.  If  A  chases B  and  B  strikes  A  gently  with  a  stick,  and  B  retaliates,  and  A  then  strikes  him  so hard  as  to  cut  his  head  open  or  do  him  grievous  hurt,  B  would  be  considered  guilty, as  he  was  the  first  to  use  a  stick. "  If  a  man  goes  into  a  village  to  trade,  he  must  first  give  the  chief  some  present before  he  sells  anything,  as  otherwise  the  chief  has  the  right  to  send  him  away. [  40  ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  19. Should  he  sell  anything  and  refuse  to  give  the  chief  a  present  when  asked,  he  is driven  away,  and  the  man  in  whose  house  he  sold  anything  has  to  give  the  chief  a goat  for  entertaining  the  trader. "  If  a  bachelor  guest  commits  an  offence,  the  host  is  not  responsible  for  him  ;  the responsibility  lies  on  the  offender.  If  the  host  is  unable  or  unwilling  to  redeem  his guest,  he  gives  the  persons  offended  a  kahazi  (send  off)  of  one  head  of  cattle  and  one goat.  (For  such  purposes  the  value  of  a  cow  is  2,500  shells  and  of  a  goat  1,000  shells.) The  guest  is  then  handed  over  to  the  offended  parties,  who  can  either  put  him  or  her to  death  or  enslave  him  until  such  time  as  he  is  redeemed. "  Should  a  herd  of  cattle  or  goats  eat  or  destroy  crops,  the  owner  of  the  crops keeps  one  goat  until  it  has  been  redeemed  by  a  hoe.  Should  the  goat  be  eaten  by wild  beasts  or  stolen  while  held  as  a  surety,  the  impounder  is  not  considered  responsible and  the  owner  of  the  animal  has  no  claim  against  him. "  Should  a  herdsman  take  his  cattle  through  a  graveyard,  the  owners  of  the graves  detain  one  of  the  herd  until  it  has  been  redeemed  by  the  owner.  It  is  con- sidered a  great  disgrace  to  have  graves  trampled  on  by  cattle.  Should  the  animal be  not  redeemed  within  a  short  time,  the  owners  of  the  graves  can  do  what  they like  with  it. "  Should  one  of  A's  cattle  or  goats  gore  one  of  B's  cattle  or  goats  and  the animal  die  of  the  wound,  A  has  to  replace  the  dead  animal,  and  the  carcase  of  the dead  animal  is  given  him  by  B. "  Should  a  herdsman  strike  an  animal  not  belonging  to  his  herd,  and  that animal  die  of  the  effects,  the  employer  of  the  herdsman  has  to  replace  the  dead animal. "If  a  man  borrow  a  he-goat  for  the  purpose  of  covering  his  nanny-goats,  and the  he-goat  gets  eaten  by  wild  animals,  the  borrower  has  to  give  the  owner  of  the lost  animal  a  she-goat  which  has  already  had  a  kid.  Hence,  the  saying,  '  He  who '  lends  a  male  gets  back  a  female.' "  If  two  boys  who  are  herding  together  fight,  and  one  of  them  loses  an  eye,  the one  who  knocked  out  the  eye  has  to  give  him  a  young  woman,  one  cow,  and  two goats,  because  a  one-eyed  person  is  not  loved  by  women  and  cannot  obtain  a  wife. Should  a  boy  knock  out  a  girl's  eye  she  receives  two  cows  and  a  goat. "  If  a  woman  wanders  about  and  a  man  discovers  her,  or  she  goes  to  him,  the man  has  to  take  her  before  the  chief  and  explain  the  circumstances  under  which  he found  her.  The  woman  then  goes  to  the  man's  house,  by  the  chief's  order.  Should she  not  be  claimed  within  a  year  she  becomes  the  man's  wife,  and  is  called  a  Mom- boze,  or  one  who  has  come  of  her  own  free  will.  Should  her  relatives  or  husband discover  her  at  any  time  they  can  take  her  away.  If  she  has  had  children  by  the man  with  whom  she  is  living,  the  children  are  the  property  of  that  man,  and  not  of the  person  who  claims  the  woman.  If  a  man  finds  a  woman,  or  she  goes  to  his house  and  he  does  not  report  it  to  the  chief,  he  is  liable  to  be  put  to  death  or  to become  the  slave  of  the  person  entitled  to  the  woman. "  When  the  whereabouts  of  cattle-  or  goat-thieves  is  reported,  the  chief  sends  his men  to  arrest  them.  If  the  accused  do  not  resist,  they  are  brought  before  the  chief  and tried.  If  guilty  they  are  punished  with  death,  but  they  can  be  redeemed  for  girls  or other  articles.  If  the  accused  resist  apprehension  and  some  are  killed,  those  sent  out to  arrest  them  are  not  liable  to  punishment. "  Persons  found  stripping  the  bark  off  bark  cloth  trees,  or  stealing  bananas  or potatoes  at  night,  are  speared.  If  the  person  so  speared  dies,  he  is  thrown  into  the road  with  the  article  he  was  stealing  tied  round  his  neck,  so  that  passers-by  may  know he  was  a  thief.  Should  a  thief  be  arrested,  he  has  to  pay  very  heavy  fines  and  to  be redeemed.  The  chief  gets  a  goat  or  a  cow  out  of  the  fine. [     41     ] No.  19,]  MAN.  [1910. "  Should  a  woman  steal  from  another  household  a  konew  (a  wooden  bowl  in  which banana  fibres  are  pounded),  and  it  is  proved  against  her,  she  becomes  the  most  degraded slave  of  the  man  of  the  household  for  ever.  Should  she  be  married,  the  husband  gives the  man  whose  konew  was  stolen  a  white  goat,  and  the  konew  is  taken  back  to  the owner  and  the  woman  is  released. "  Twins. — A  midwife  who  delivers  twins  does  not  return  home  until  the  father has  gone  through  one  of  the  ceremonies  connected  with  the  birth  of  twins.  On  her departure  she  is  given  a  goat.  On  the  birth  of  twins,  the  word  twins  is  not  mentioned  ; should  it  be  mentioned,  the  twins  will  die  shortly  afterwards.  The  word  is  not mentioned  in  order  that  the  children  may  live.  It  was  considered  an  ill  omen  to mention  the  word  soon  after  the  birth.  The  day  after  the  birth  the  father  consults a  Lubale  (god).  The  Lubale  instructs  him  to  consult  the  priest  of  the  god  Muwanga. Two  days  after  his  return  he  goes  to  his  father  or  his  father's  successor  to  ask  him  to clothe  the  children.  This  is  called  Okuluka  abalonga  (to  dress  the  twins).  His  father gives  him  a  Salongo  muto  (small  father  of  twins),  and  a  Lubuga  (an  unmarried  sister). The  father  of  the  twins  (Salongo)  is  not  allowed  to  look  at  these  two  persons  in after  life. "  On  his  return  from  his  father's  house  he  goes  to  his  father-in-law's  house  where  he is  given  another  Lubuga.  He  then  returns  to  his  house  with  his  relations  and  his  wife's relations.  On  his  arrival  he  sends  for  the  god  whom  he  consulted,  who  blocks  up  the door  of  the  house  and  makes  two  holes  in  the  back  walls.  The  house  is  then  divided into  two  rooms.  The  Nalongo  (mother  of  twins)  remains  at  the  back  of  the  house  with her  relations,  who  have  come  to  dance  the  twin  dance.  The  Salongo  lives  in  the  front part  of  the  house.  This  ceremony  is  called  Kibululu.  The  Salongo  then  steals  a  bunch of  Nakitembe  bananas,  from  the  shamba  of  the  person  who  is  shut  in  the  Kibululu,  and wraps  it  in  a  grass  called  Bombo.  He  leaves  this  bunch  of  bananas  in  the  entrance. The  Salongo  shaves  a  thin  line,  about  the  thickness  of  a  finger,  from  his  brow  to  the nape  of  his  neck  and  from  one  ear  to  the  other  (resembling  a  St.  George's  cross).  This ceremony  is  called  Amagoba.  The  Salongo  also  wears  bells  round  his  legs,  so  that  he should  be  known  as  a  Salongo,  and  consequently  not  assaulted  but  allowed  to  take bananas  from  other  people's  shambas  without  hindrance.  The  parents  are  only  allowed to  eat  bananas  which  have  been  cooked  in  their  skins  until  the  ceremony  of  Mugerengejo has  been  performed.  A  drum  has  to  be  beaten,  one  stroke  at  a  time,  continuously  for a  month  after  the  birth  of  twins.  The  Salongo  then  instructs  his  relations  to  collect fibre  and  make  dancing  skirts.  The  skirt  for  the  Nalongo  is  made  of  banana  leaves  that have  been  used  for  wrapping  food  in  to  be  steamed.  The  Salongo  muto  wears  at  the dance  a  headdress  made  out  of  parrots'  feathers. "  After  these  ceremonies  have  been  performed  the  Salongo  goes  very  early  in  the morning  to  the  houses  of  his  friends,  and  throws  in  the  doorways  bits  of  dried  banana leaves,  tied  up  neatly  into  little  bundles.  He  then  returns  to  his  house  for  the  twin dance.  On  the  night  appointed  by  the  Lubale,  that  is  on  the  appearance  of  the  new moon,  the  Salongo  kills  a  goat  and  a  feast  takes  place.  Any  person  who  has  committed adultery  does  not  partake  of  this  feast.  This  ceremony  is  called  Mugerengejo.  After the  feast  they  go  into  the  grass  to  perform  the  ceremony  of  Kugalama  (to  lie  down). On  arrival  the  Nalongo  spreads  a  bark  cloth  on  the  ground  and  sleeps  on  her  back.  She is  surrounded  by  people  holding  reed  torches.  These  people  turn  their  backs  to  her. She  then  places  a  banana  flower  on  her  abdomen.  The  Salongo  strips,  approaches her,  and  knocks  the  banana  flower  off  with  his  penis.  After  this  the  people  gather together,  shout  and  dance  and  drums  are  beaten.  On  their  return  to  the  house  the priest  (who  is  known  as  a  Mutaba)  takes  the  bags  in  which  the  twins  were  born  and places  them  inside  the  lumps  of  ant  hill,  used  for  placing  under  the  cooking  pots  before the  birth  of  the  twins,  and  takes  them  into  the  grass. [     42     ] 1910.] MAN. [Nos.  19-20, "  Should  twins  die  after  birth  they  are  not  buried  until  some  time  after  death. The  bodies  are  packed  very  firmly  in  Bombo  grass  and  handed  over  to  the  Nalongo, who  places  them  near  the  cooking  place  and  the  heat  of  the  fire  dries  the  grass  and the  bodies."  G.  C.  ISHMAEL. 20 55' -  31*1.317 UU/f/llli.      ..Ml..       .>.n.>    .•nun.. "A  -Ffo.\7i.-u.-m OT* England  :  Archseology.  Holden. The  Existence  of  an   Early  Palaeolithic  Bed   beneath  the  Glacial Boulder  Clays  in  South-West  Suffolk.     />'//  •/.   Sinclair  Holden,  M.I). The  finding  of  even  a  few  rude  implements,  in  situ,  beneath  the  blue  boulder clay  is  of  considerable  interest  and  importance,  as  they  afford  evidence  that  man  must have  existed  on  this  old  land  surface  long  before the  commencement  of  the  Glacial  period.  The following  are  particulars  : — During  1909  three  deep  private  wells  were sunk  in  this  portion  of  south-west  Suffolk.  They were  about  five  miles  apart,  and  ranged  east  and west.  As  they  were  all  in  parishes  in  the  district for  which  I  am  medical  officer  of  health,  I  kept them  under  observation. The  accompanying  section  shows  the  geological formations  which  occur  here,  and  the  average  thick- ness of  the  boulder  clays,  at  the  O.D.  height  of  270 to  280  feet,  on  which  level  all  the  wells  were situated. After  sinking  through  the  chalky  boulder  clay, and  the  blue  boulder  clay,  to  a  depth  of  over 100  feet,  a  seam  of  unrolled  flint  gravels  was struck  in  each  well  averaging  about  2  feet  thick. I  carefully  examined  what  was  bucket  raised  of this  gravel,  and  found  a  few  rude  flint  implements among  it.  These  I  sent  to  Mr.  Reginald  Smith,  at the  British  Museum,  who  had  them  also  examined by  other  authorities,  and  some  were  passed  as  being of  human  workmanship.  Allowing  for  the  very limited  area  from  which  these  were  obtained,  if only  two  or  three  are  genuine,  it  is  still  sufficient evidence  of  man's  existence  prior  to  the  Glacial period. The  site  of  the  wells  was  in  the  following parishes  : — First,  Great  Waldingfield  ;  yielded  three genuine  and  several  doubtful  implements.  The Rev.  E.  Hill,  F.G.S.,  was  with  me  at  the  time I  first  observed  these  indications,  and  also  took section  of  the  well.  Second,  Stanstead  ;  yielded one  genuine  and  several  doubtful  implements.  Third, Hawkedon  ;  specimens  all  doubtful. An  interesting  connection  with  these  wells occurs  in  a  large  gravel  pit  in  the  parish  of  Acton. This  pit  lies  about  four  miles  south  of  the  line  of the  three  wells  and  at  the  lower  level  of  130  feet  on  the  slope  of  the  Stour  Valley. Here  there  lies,  beneath  20  to  30  feet  of  chalky  boulder  clay,  an  accumulation  of gravel,  probably  derived  from  the  melting  and  retreating  of  the  blue  boulder  clay [     43     ] T^lue (\e.cl  O ^r>cL  : Silt C^  <  ol  Q 16  J t>oji-t  i-o Nos.  20-22.]  MAN.  [1910. during  an  interglacial  period.  Boulders  and  gravels  are  much  chipped  and  battered, showing  torrent  action  ;  still  among  them  are  found  some  genuine  flint  implements of  similar  type  to  those  I  found  in  the  deep  wells,  washed  down,  I  would  say,  from a  more  southern  portion  of  the  same  preglacial  laud  surface. The  first  find  of  palaeoliths  in  Acton  pit,  about  four  years  ago,  was  made  by  the Rev.  J.  D.  Gray,  late  vicar  of  Nayland,  and  afterwards,  with  Mr.  F.  J.  Bennett,  F.G.S. and  myself,  various  types  were  found.  I  think  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  there  is a  connection  with  the  implements  in  this  pit  and  my  wells. There  are  some  perplexing  problems  yet  to  be  solved  with  regard  to  the  glacial boulder  clays  in  East  Anglia  ;  in  north  Suffolk  the  chalky  and  the  blue  are  to  be  found lying  side  by  side,  while  in  south-west  Suffolk  the  chalky  boulder  clays  overlie  the blue,  with  evidences  of  a  long  interglacial  period.  J.  SINCLAIR  HOLDEN. England :  Archaeology.  King. Small    Kist   and    Urn    at    Tregiffian    Vean,    St.   Just-in-Penwith»     fll Cornwall.     By  H.  King.  fcl During  ploughing  operations  in  a  field  on  the  farm  of  Tregiffian  Vean  in  1903 the  ploughshare  grated  on  a  flat  stone  hidden  by  the  soil.  The  farmer  testing  this with  a  crowbar,  broke  it,  and  the  bar  slipped  into  a  cavity  below.  He  raised  the stone  and  found  a  broken  urn,  portions  of  which  he  brought  to  me  some  time  afterwards. The  field  was  sown  and  lay  under  grass  till  the  spring  of  1907,  when  it  was  brought again  under  the  plough  and  I  had  an  opportunity  of  examining  the  place.  I  found  a small  kist  with  sides  of  small  flat  slabs  standing  on  edge  resting  on  undisturbed  "  rab  " (i.e.,  the  stiff,  stony  loam  produced  by  the  decomposition  of  the  local  granite)  and covered  by  a  slab  broken  in  two.  This  I  removed  to  my  lawn  at  Cam  Eve  for  its preservation. The  inside  measurements  of  the  kist  are — base,  24  ins.  by  15  ins.  ;  height,  12  ins. The  broken  urn  has  been  pronounced  by  the  authorities  at  the  British  Museum as  of  date  400  B.C.  No  bones  or  ashes  were  found,  but  the  original  discoverer  said the  pot  was  lying  on  its  side.  H.  KING. REVIEWS. India  :  Mysore,  Coorg.  Rice. Mysore  and  Coorg  from  the  Inscriptions.  By  B.  L.  Rice.  Published  for  the  A  A Government  of  Mysore  by  A.  Constable  &  Co.  London,  1909.  Pp.  238.  LL 25  x  16  cm. Since  1865  Mr.  Rice  has  been  engaged  in  the  task  of  deciphering  and  translating the  ancient  inscriptions  which  are  found  in  more  abundance  in  southern  India  than  in any  other  part  of  the  country.  Of  these,  twelve  volumes,  under  the  title  of  Epigraphia Carnatica,  have  already  appeared.  In  the  present  book  Mr.  Rice  has  abstracted  the historical  information  supplied  by  the  inscriptions,  some  of  which  are  found  on  copper plates,  others  engraved  on  religious  and  secular  buildings.  Thus  for  the  first  time the  history  of  Southern  India  has  been  placed  on  a  safe  chronological  basis,  and  the fortunes  of  many  obscure  local  dynasties  have  been  elucidated.  The  most  interesting discovery  in  the  course  of  the  survey  was  that  of  a  copy  of  the  edicts  of  the  great Buddhist  Emperor,  Asoka,  thus  proving  that  his  dominions  extended  to  the  very  south of  the  peninsula. This  book  provides  much  material  to  the  student  of  religion  and  social  life.  The original  faith  of  the  people  was  snake  worship.  A  legend,  which  seems  to  have  little historical  foundation,  ascribes  the  introduction  of  Jainism,  which  supplanted  the primitive  animism,  to  the  famous  Chandragupta,  the  contemporary  of  Alexander  the [  44  ] 1910.]  MAN.  [Nos.  22-23, Great  and  the  founder  of  the  Mauryau  dynasty.  He  is  said  to  have  become  a  Jain recluse  at  the  end  of  his  life.  Jainism  for  many  centuries  remained  the  state  religion, and  one  of  its  most  remarkable  monuments,  the  colossal  image  of  Gomata,  57^  feet .high  and  carved  out  of  the  solid  rock  at  Sravaua  Belgola,  dates  from  about  A.D.  983, and  is  illustrated  by  Mr.  Rice.  Jainism  gave  way  to  Brahmanism,  first  the  cult  of  Siva being  popularised  in  the  eighth  century  of  our  era,  and  that  of  Vishnu  in  the  twelfth. Brahmanism  was  thus  introduced  at  a  comparatively  late  period,  and  the  characteristic form  of  South  Indian  Hinduism  was  allowed  to  develop  free  from  Aryan  influence. The  chapter  dealing  with  manners  and  customs  contains  much  of  interest.  The habit  of  self-immolation,  not  only  in  the  form  of  suttee,  of  wives  on  the  funeral  pyres  of their  deceased  husbands,  but  also  of  men  who  sacrificed  their  lives  on  the  death  of  their raja  or  in  fulfilment  of  a  vow,  was  common.  The  earliest  reference  to  the  healing  art  is contained  in  a  quaint  story  which  tells  how  some  soldiers  on  a  campaign  in  the eleventh  century  were  compelled  by  famine  to  eat  human  flesh,  and  were  cured  of  the resultant  indigestion  by  doses  of  elephant  meat.  The  chapter  on  administration supplies  many  instances  of  the  remarkable  methods  of  government  in  this  primitive community. Mr.  Rice  and  the  Government  of  Mysore,  by  whose  liberality  this  important  work has  been  completed,  deserve  the  congratulations  of  all  interested  in  the  history  and ethnology  of  Southern  India.  W.  CROOKE. Ceylon.  Parker. Ancient  Ceylon.  By  H.  Parker.  London  :  Luzac,  1909.  Pp.  xiv  +  695.  OO 26  x  16  cm.  Price  25s.  £U This  important  and  valuable  work  deals  with  ancient  Ceylon  in  various  aspects. Mr.  Parker  has  spent  more  than  thirty  years  in  irrigation  work  in  the  island,  and during  that  period  has  devoted  his  attention  not  only  to  strictly  professional  subjects, but  to  others  of  archaeological  and  anthropological  importance.  In  this  book  he  gives the  result  of  his  researches  in  these  subjects,  and  this  result  is,  and  will  long  remain, of  the  greatest  value  to  students.  There  has,  in  fact,  hitherto  been  no  compendious treatise  comprising  information  on  all  these  subjects,  and  Mr.  Parker's  work  fills  a real  gap  in  the  literature  dealing  with  eastern  races.  A  mere  resume  of  the  points raised  is  sufficient  to  show  the  comprehensive  nature  of  the  book. In  the  first  part  he  deals  with  the  first  inhabitants  of  Ceylon,  and  especially  with the  Vaeddas  or  Veddas,  both  ancient  and  modern.  He  considers  that  the  name  Vedda should  be  identified  with  the  Pali  Vyadha  or  hunter,  and  hence  that  the  name  was once  bestowed  on  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  by  the  northern  invaders.  The  modern Veddas,  both  the  settled  village  Veddas  and  the  forest  Veddas,  are  remnants  of  this ancient  race  which  have  not  yet  been  assimilated  by  the  Sinhalese,  although  they have  lost  their  ancient  language,  and  their  present  tongue  is  a  dialect  of  Sinhalese. Further,  Mr.  Parker  holds  that  a  large  part  of  the  Sinhalese  population  is  of  Vedda or  aboriginal  blood,  and  that  the  Kandian  Sinhalese,  especially,  may  be  identified  with them.  The  Wanniyas  stand  in  very  close  relation  to  the  Veddas,  but  have  lost  the peculiar  dialect  and  speak  ordinary  Sinhalese.  The  coast  tribes  have  in  a  similar manner  been  influenced  by  the  Tamil  population  and  have  adopted  the  Tamil  language. The  Nagas  of  the  north  coast  Mr.  Parker  compares  with  the  Nayars  of  the  Malabar coast  of  South  India.  These  conclusions  appear  to  be  borne  out  by  the  mass  of  information Mr.  Parker  has  brought  together  as  to  the  history,  physical  anthropology  and  customs of  these  primitive  tribes,  and  will  probably  be  found  in  accordance  with  the  recent researches  of  Dr.  Seligmann,  with  whom  Mr.  Parker  has  been  in  communication.  The result  seems  to  amount  to  an  establishment  of  the  theory  that  the  Veddas  are  a remnant  of  a  pre-Dravidian  race  formerly  in  possession  of  the  greater  part  of  Ceylon, [  45  ] Nos.  23-24.]  MAN.  [1910. and  the  general  admission  of  the  fact  that  they  are  of  high  caste,  in  spite  of  their present  debased  condition,  points  to  the  fact  of  their  having  been  originally  a  ruling race  enjoying  a  higher  degree  of  civilisation  than  at  present.  This  is  opposed  to  the opinion  of  Virchow,  who  however,  had  not  access  to  many  now  well-established  facts. The  chapters  on  archaeology,  on  coins,  weapons,  tools  and  games  are  all  full  and instructive  but  cannot  here  be  dealt  with  in  detail.  The  games,  both  indoor,  outdoor and  religious,  Mr.  Parker  compares  with  those  of  India,  Arabia  and  Africa,  with  which he  is  personally  acquainted.  Attention  may  also  be  drawn  to  a  most  interesting disquisition  on  the  meaning  and  origin  of  the  cross  and  Swastika  (Chapter  XV). Mr.  Parker  considers  that  the  cross  is  in  origin  a  charm  against  evil  spirits,  one  bar representing  a  river  or  obstacle  to  be  overcome,  and  a  transverse  bar  representing its  successful  crossing  or  conquest.  The  developed  cross  is  often  enveloped  in  a protective  square  from  which  the  Swastika  is  evolved.  This  theory  is  fully  worked out  with  abundance  of  illustration  and  will  evidently  furnish  a  fruitful  subject  for discussion.  M.  LONGWORTH  DAMES. Spain.  Meakin. Galicia,  the  Switzerland  of  Spain.     By  Annette  M.  B.  Meakin.     London  :     Al Methuen,  1909.     Pp.  xi  +  376.    224  X  14  c.m.  fcT Miss  Meakin  has  done  good  service  in  calling  attention  to  a  little-known  corner of  Europe,  which  possesses  much  interest  for  travellers  of  all  classes — for  the  student of  archaeology  and  ethnology — as  well  as  for  the  lover  of  the  picturesque  ;  though  the ordinary  armchair  tourist  must  not  expect  the  luxurious  hotels  and  travelling  facilities that  he  enjoys  in  Switzerland  proper.  Galicia,  situated  in  the  extreme  north-west angle  of  Spain,  just  north  of  the  Portuguese  frontier,  occupies  an  almost  unique  position in  the  Iberian  Peninsula,  having  never  been  completely  subjugated  by  either  Roman  or Moor,  and  consequently  retains  many  features  of  the  old  Iberian  and  Celtic  times.  The author  writes  ably  and  concisely  on  the  racial  question,  and  notes  the  influence  of  the old  Phoenicians  and  of  the  invasion  in  the  fifth  century  by  the  Sueves,  who  form  the subject  of  so  many  Spanish  historical  legends.  With  archaeology  and  architecture Miss  Meakin  deals  at  length.  She  gives  a  comprehensive  description  of  the  cathedral at  Santiago,  while  the  legend  of  the  bringing  of  the  body  to  St.  James  the  Apostle  to Spain  is  vividly  told,  as,  indeed,  are  many  other  historical  and  legendary  episodes. There  is  an  interesting  account  of  a  visit  to  the  prehistoric  rock-drawings  and  so-called "  cup  and  ball  "  marks,  which  have  been  recently  discovered  by  Senor  E.  Campo  near Pontevedra.  "  Cup  marks,"  writes  the  author,  "  are  to  be  found  in  many  varieties  in "  almost  every  part  of  the  world,  the  most  frequent  being  concentric  circles  with  a "  central  cup  or  dot,  and  this  is  the  kind  that  I  found  upon  some  flat  granite  boulders "  on  a  rocky  slope  near  a  pine  wood  about  half-an-hour's  walk  from  Pontevedra." Miss  Meakin  illustrates  these,  does  not  agree  with  the  theory  of  their  Phoenician  origin, and  compares  the  marks  with  those  found  in  India,  Scandinavia,  Cornwall,  and  the  east coast  of  Scotland.  Referring  to  some  illustrations  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Society  of Antiquaries  for  1899,  she  writes,  "  Many  of  the  drawings  are  almost  exactly  like  those "  I  brought  with  me  from  Pontevedra.  They  look  as  though  they  must  have  been  the "  work  of  one  and  the  same  race.  As  they  are  nearly  always  found  close  to  the  sea, "  it  looks  as  if  they  must  have  been  done  by  a  seafaring  people."  Space  prohibits any  extended  review  of  this  work,  which  is  brightly  written,  well  illustrated,  and,  besides being  a  pleasant  record  of  the  author's  travels,  forms  quite  an  antiquarian,  archaeo- logical, and  historical  encyclopaedia  of  the  places  visited.  The  social  life,  manners, and  superstitions  of  the  peasantry  are  duly  noted,  the  flora  and  fauna  are  not  neglected, while  it  may  gladden  the  heart  of  some  readers  to  learn  that  trout  "  abound  in  all "  the  rivers,  and  would  furnish  plenty  of  sport  to  British  anglers."  T.  H.  J. [    46    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [Nos.  25-27. Melanesia.  O'Ferrall. Santa  Cruz  and   the    Reef    Islands.      By   the   Rev.    W.    C.    O'Ferrall,    a Missionary   in  Santa  Cruz,   1897-1904.     Published  by  the  Melanesian    Mission, Illustrated    by   fourteen    photographic    reproductions    by    I.    W.    Beattie,    of    Hobart, Tasmania.     15   x  20  cm.     Price   1*. This  little  account  of  one  of  the  most  interesting  of  the  Western  Pacific  groups opens  with  an  historical  sketch.  The  group  includes,  besides  the  three  large  islands of  Ndeni  (Santa  Cruz),  Utupua,  and  Vanikolo,  the  Duff  group  (Taumako)  and  the Swallow  or  Reef  Islands.  It  was  on  Santa  Cruz  that  Mendana  first  landed,  and  where he  afterwards  died.  Quiros,  his  successor,  on  a  later  voyage  (1605)  discovered Taumako,  and  Captain  Carteret  in  1766  visited  the  Reef  Islands,  which  bear  the  name of  his  ship.  In  1797  Captain  Wilson,  of  the  missionary  ship  Duff,  touched  at  the group,  and  it  was  at  Vanikolo  that  the  ill-fated  Perouse  perished  ;  such,  Mr.  O'Ferrall says,  is  briefly  the  romantic  story  of  the  discovery  of  these  islands. After  a  sojourn  of  seven  years  in  the  group,  the  author  has  been  able  to  gather much  information  about  the  habits  and  customs  of  the  natives,  which  he  has  put  into a  concise  and  pleasing  description.  Some  day  he  may  be  induced  to  write  a  more substantial  work  ;  in  any  case,  he  has  set  an  example  which  might  well  be  copied  by all  missionaries  stationed  among  savage  races.  Missionaries  owe  a  large  debt  to ethnologists  for  their  neglect  in  the  past  in  this  respect,  and  before  it  is  too  late  we hope  they  will  do  their  best  to  collect  and  publish  what  material  is  still  left. The  photographs  are  full  of  interest  and  well  illustrate  the  subject,  such  as  canoes, round  huts,  club  houses,  mat  making,  ghost  houses,  and  dancing  grounds.  It  is  a  pity, however,  that  the  little  book  is  not  paginated.  J.  EDGE-PARTINGTON. India  :  The  Bahawalpur  State.  Malik  Muhammad  Din. The    Bahawalpur   State   Gazetteer.      By  Malik  Muhammad  Dm,  M.R.A.S.     OIJ Lahore,  1908.     Pp.  392.     27  X  17  cm.     Price  6*.  £U The  Bahawalpur  Native  State,  situated  in  the  south-west  of  the  Panjab,  supplies a  link,  geographical  and  ethnological,  between  that  province,  Sindh  and  Rajputaua. The  most  interesting  geographical  feature  is  the  progressive  deterioration  of  the fertility  of  the  soil,  which  apparently  resulted  from  a  diversion  of  the  courses  of  the Sutlej  and  Jumna  rivers.  This  seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  causes  which  produced the  desert  tract,  known  as  the  Thar,  or  Great  Western  Desert,  which  extends  from  the south-west  Panjab  into  Sindh  and  the  Rajput  States  of  Bikaner  and  Jaisalmer.  This part  of  India  has  hitherto  been  little  known,  and  this  monograph  supplies  much interesting  information.  The  writer  deals  little  with  pure  ethnology,  except  that  he furnishes  valuable  information  on  the  identity  of  the  Jats  with  the  Rajputs.  He supplies  a  complete  account  of  the  domestic  rites,  which  illustrates  the  survival  of animistic  practices  among  a  people  who  have  now  been  converted  to  Islam.  His account  of  the  many  holy  places,  especially  Uch  Sharif,  where  every  inch  of  ground1 is  said  to  cover  the  remains  of  a  saint,  is  full  of  interest,  and  is  a  valuable  supplement to  other  records  of  Muhammadan  hagiology.  Material  clearly  exists,  among  these primitive  races,  for  a  more  detailed  ethnographical  survey  conducted  on  the  lines  of  that now  being  carried  out  by  Mr.  H.  A.  Rose  in  the  neighbouring  province  of  the  Panjab. W.  CROOKE. New  Britain  Archipelago.  Pullen-Burry. In  a    German    Colony.     By   B.  Pullen-Burry.     London  :    Methuen    &    Co.,     AT 1909.     Pp.  ix  +  234.     Illustrations  and  two  maps.     19  x  12cm.  Li In  a   German   Colony  is  an  account  of  a  lady's  visit  to  Herbertshohe,  the  capital of  the   German  Protectorate  on  the  island  of  New  Britain,    the  stopping  place  of  the German  mail-boat  sailing  monthly  between  Sydney  and  Hong  Kong.    The  Protectorate [     47     ] Nos.  27-28.]  MAN.  [1910. includes  the  New  Britain  Archipelago,  German  New  Guinea,  the  Marshall,  Caroline  and Ladrone  Islands  with  Buka  and  Bougainville,  the  westernmost  islands  of  the  Solomon Group.  From  the  outset  the  difficulty  of  the  nomenclature  of  this  part  of  the  world  is realised  by  the  authoress,  as  on  the  same  page  she  speaks  of  New  Britain  and  New Ireland  as  well  as  the  Bismarck  Archipelago.  "  I  prefer,"  she  says,  "  to  employ  the "  names  with  which  our  atlas  has  familiarised  us,  for  the  nomenclature  of  these  regions "  is  maddening.  In  addition  to  the  names  which  the  islands  had  received  from  their "  discoverers,  who  were  mostly  British  navigators,  there  are  those  with  which  the "  Germans  re-baptised  them  on  the  acquisition  of  the  colony.  Then  there  are  the  native "  appellations  in  constant  use  between  the  planters  and  the  Kanakas."  Herr  von Luschan  some  time  ago  strongly  urged  the  retention  of  native  names,  and  it  seems  a  pity that  this  has  not  generally  been  adopted.  In  her  notes  on  native  customs  the  authoress has  evidently  derived  much  of  her  information  from  Parkinson's  Dreisig  Jahre  in  der Sudsee  (reviewed  MAN,  1908,  49),  and  from  a  visit  she  paid  to  the  author  of  that  work, as  well  as  from  Bishop  Coppee  of  the  R.C.  mission. The  probable  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  New  Britain  are  the  Baining,  inhabiting  the mountain  regions  to  the  west  of  the  peninsula,  and  having  both  language  and  customs dissimilar  to  those  of  the  other  inhabitants  of  the  archipelago.  Gustav  Fritsch,  a German  traveller,  has  examined  fifty  skulls  of  these  people,  and  considers  they  resemble the  Australian  type.  With  regard  to  these  people  the  authoress  refers  to  Dr.  Snee's work  on  the  South  Seas,  but  gives  no  title  or  reference.  Amongst  the  inhabitants  of the  Gazelle  Peninsula  magic  is  the  dominating  influence  of  all  actions  ;  everything  they wear,  all  the  face  ornamentation,  have  their  special  significance.  Shedding  of  tears  is denoted  by  three  lines  from  the  eyes  downwards  on  to  the  cheek,  lines  from  the  root of  the  nose  semicircling  Ihe  eyes  represent  a  butterfly  ;  circles  round  the  eyes,  an  owl. Certain  patterns  belong  to  particular  families. Consequent  on  the  number  of  channels  from  which  the  authoress  derived  her information  there  is  a  certain  amount  of  repetition,  but,  considering  the  shortness  of  her stay  in  the  group,  and  that  mostly  at  Herbertshohe,  she  has  collected  sufficient  matter to  make  her  work  both  interesting  and  instructive  ;  in  addition  there  are  seven  (not eight)  photographic  reproductions  of  natives  and  two  maps.  J.  E.-P. Eugenics.  Whetham. Eugenics  and   Unemployment.     By  W.  C.  D.  Whetham,  M.A.,  F.R.S.      Cam- bridge :  Bowes  and  Bowes,  1910.     Price  1*. The  author  of  this  book  gives  some  significant  statistics  tending  to  show  that  the changes  introduced  into  our  national  life  by  the  deleterious  teaching  of  Malthus  and modern  industrial  conditions  are  slowly  but  surely  lowering  the  average  efficiency  of  the people.  He  points  out  that  the  crude  annual  birth-rate  of  England  and  Wales  has fallen  from  36  per  1,000  in  1876  to  26  per  1,000  in  1909,  owing,  no  doubt,  to  the  wide dissemination  of  the  Malthusian  heresy  at  about  the  earlier  date.  To  show  that  this fall  in  the  birthrate  has  taken  place  almost  exclusively  among  the  more  efficient classes  of  the  population,  he  points  out  that,  in  the  case  of  the  families  of  persons whose  biographies  appear  in  Who's  Who,  the  average  number  of  children  before  1870 was  5 '  2,  while  after  1870  it  was  only  3 '08.  In  contrast  with  this  select  class  is that  of  those  persons  whose  children  use  the  special  schools  for  the  mentally  defective, &c.,  where  the  average  number  in  the  family  is  now  7 '  3. The  application  of  the  principles  of  Eugenics  to  the  problem  of  unemployment suggests  measures  widely  different  from  those  advocated  by  popular  politicians,  and though  the  author  wisely  admits  that  the  science  of  Eugenics  is  still  in  its  infancy,  he clearly  shows  that  enough  has  already  been  achieved  to  make  a  knowledge  of  its principles  essential  to  all  true  social  reformers.  J.  G. Printed  by  EYEE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE.  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  Bast  Harding  Street,  E.G. PLATE  D. MAN,  1910. O 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  29. ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. Africa :  Benin.  With  Plate  D.  Read. Note    on    Certain   Ivory  Carvings    from   Benin.     /•'//    C.   H.    Read,     AQ LL.D.,  P.S.A.  tU It  is  not  to  be  expected  that  the  city  of  Benin  itself  will  for  the  present  continue to  supply  any  great  number  of  works  of  art.  Such  specimens  as  come  into  the market  will  doubtless  form  part  of  collections  made  at  the  time  of  the  punitive expedition.  Most  of  these,  however,  are  well  known,  and  it  is  improbable  that  any great  surprises  are  in  store.  The  late  Sir  Ralph  Moor,  who  was  directly  instrumental in  securing  the  bulk  of  the  Government  share  of  the  loot,  was  fortunate  enough  to obtain  for  himself  some  pieces  of  exceptional  merit,  and  the  whole  of  these  were dispersed  after  his  death.  The  carvings  shown  in  the  plate  have  been  added  to  the already  fine  collection  at  the  British  Museum,  where  they  fill  a  gap,  and  serve  to  show that  Sir  Ralph  Moor  was  a  good  judge  of  the  quality  of  native  work. The  three  objects  shown  in  the  plate  are  all  of  exceptional  merit   and  interest. They  consist  of  two  elaborate  armlets  and  a  mask,  carved  in  ivory.     The  armlets  are practically    identical,    and  the  description    of  one  will  serve  for  both.     Each   consists of    two  cylinders  working   one    within  the    other,  carved    from  the  solid  tusk,  but  so contrived  in  the    carving    that   the   two    are    interlocked    by  the    projecting  ornament on  the  inner  cylinder  passing  through  openings  in  the  outer  one,  and  so  making  the two    inseparable  without    violence.       This    arrangement  recalls    certain    Chinese  carv- ings, in  which, however,  such extravagant ingenuity       is held      to      be natural      and characteristic. Complicated  as the    design    in these     armlets may  appear  at first     sight,    a ,.  ,  .     3     '  FIG.  1. slight  analysis shows  it  to  be  quite  simple.  In  reality  there  are  but  two  factors  applied  to  the making  of  it.  First  of  these  is  a  standing  figure  of  a  king,  with  legs  in  the  form  of catfish,  and  hands  upraised,  each  holding  a  leopard  ;  his  legs  form  a  kind  of  arch,  and in  the  middle  is  a  crocodile  head  grasping  a  human  hand  in  its  mouth  ;  he  wears  a cap,  surcoat,  gorget,  and  necklet  all  of  coral  beads.*  The  details  of  the  catfish, crocodile's  head,  and  the  spots  of  the  leopards  are  all  overlaid  with  copper  plates. This  figure  is  repeated  four  times  around  the  armlet,  and  is  carved  as  part  of  the outer  cylinder,  the  whole  of  the  background  being  cut  away.  Between  the  figures  of kings  are  repetitions  of  a  curious  design.  This  on  examination  proves  to  be  composed of  two  elephants'  heads,  one  pointing  upwards,  the  other  down  ;  the  shape  of  the head  is  emphasised  by  three  bold  ribs,  from  the  outer  of  which  proceed  the  two  tusks, meeting  in  front  ;  the  trunk  is  a  twisted  bar  terminating  in  a  human  hand,  grasping two  branches  with  leaves  ;  the  outlines  of  these  proceeding  from  above  and  below form  an  oval.  The  spaces  between  the  ribs  on  the  heads  and  the  middles  of  the leaves  are  filled  with  copper  inlay.  This  design  is  on  the  inner  cylinder,  and  is carved  in  even  higher  relief  than  the  figures  of  the  kings  on  the  outer  ;  the  whole  of *  67.  Read  and  Dalton,  Antiquities  from   the    City  of  Benin,  Plate  XVII. [     49     ] No.  29.] MAN. [1910. the    background    that   can  be  reached   by  a  tool  has  been  pierced  with  rows  of   small holes  close  together.* The  mask  stands  oh  a  much  higher  plane,  artistically,  than  the  armlet,  and  is clearly  the  work  of  one  of  the  best  artists  that  the  Bini  court  possessed.  It  is  carved from  the  middle  of  a  large  tusk,  and  both  in  design  and  finish  is  the  finest  thing  that has  come  from  Benin.  The  sculptor  had  a  knowledge  and  observation,  and  a  capacity for  using  both,  that  are  but  rarely  found  in  savage  Africa, and  this  much  can  be  seen  from  the  figure  in  the  plate. The  eyes  are  outlined  with  iron,  recalling  the  ancient Egyptian  method,  and  the  tribal  marks  on  the  forehead were  of  the  same  metal  ;  beside  these  are  groups  of  four faint  ribs  proceeding  vertically  from  the  inner  side  of  the orbit.  The  hair,  which  is  squarely  cut  over  the  forehead  and ears,  is  indicated  by  a  series  of  closely  set  knobs,  each having  a  hole  in  the  middle  ;  and  a  kind  of  triple  tiara  is produced  by  twisting  up  the  hair  in  small  tails,  each  having a  bead  on  the  end  ;  the  front  row  is  symbolically  treated, and  carved  to  represent  a  row  of  heads  of  Portuguese  with long  straight  hair  and  beards,  the  eyes  and  hats  being shown  in  copper.  The  ears  of  the  mask  are  well  carved, and  above  and  below  each  is  a  pierced  lug  which  has  clearly served  for  a  cord  to  pass  through  for  suspending  the  mask, probably  from  a  man's  neck.  A  collar  of  coral  beads  is conventionally  represented  beneath  the  chin,  and  from  this proceeds  a  pierced  flange  on  which  is  carved  a  plaited design  inlaid  Avith  copper.  The  hollow  back  of  the  mask is  as  highly  finished  as  the  front,  though  unornamented. A  mask  of  this  kind  is  in  the  Pitt-Rivers  Museum  at Farnham,  Dorset,  but,  though  an  interesting  and  good specimen,  is  not  comparable  with  the  exam'ple  now  in question.f The  other  two  ivory  carvings  shown  in  Figs.  1  and  2 are  not  of  such  exceptional  character  as  those  just  referred to,  but  they  are  at  the  same  time  unusual.  The  first  of these  is  the  figure  of  a  leopard,  a  favourite  animal  in Bini  art,  carved  from  the  tusk  near  the  butt,  so  that  the section  of  the  carving  is  C  shaped.  The  style  is  some- what conventional,  the  spots  of  the  beast  being  left  as plain  circles  on  a  roughly  hatched  surface,  and  in  the middle  of  each  spot  is  a  stud  of  copper.  Such  an  object from  its  form  would  be  well  suited  to  ornament  a  horizontal pole  in  a  house,  and  around  the  edge  are  seven  large  holes which  might  well  have  served  to  attach  it  in  some  such position.  The  other  object  is  a  baton  surmounted  by  a mounted  warrior  dressed  in  all  the  richness  of  Bini  fashion. He  is  riding  astraddle,  holding  a  spear  in  his  right  hand, and  the  single  rein  in  his  left  ;  he  wears  the  usual  high collar  of  coral  beads,  a  necklace  of  large  teeth,  and  an  elaborate  surcoat  reaching  to his  knees.  Such  batons  are  not  uncommon  in  Benin  collections.  General  Pitt  Rivers (op.  cit.,  PI.  V.,  Figs.  19-24)  gives  figures  of  several  in  his  collection  ;  and  in  the *  For  a  similar  armlet  of  simpler  make  see  Read  and  Dalton,  1899,  PI.  VI,  5. t  Figured  in  A.  Pitt-Rivers'  Aiitlque  Works  of  Art  from  Benin,  1900,  PI.  6,  Figs.  25,  26. [    50    ] FIG.  2. 1910.]  MAN.  [Nos.  29-30. British  Museum  the  bronze  panels  frequently  show  the  natives  holding  such  staves, sometimes  surmounted  by  a  bird  (Read  and  Dalton,  PI.  XXX). In  the  large  volume  on  the  Benin  antiquities  by  Mr.  O.  M.  Dalton  and  myself, just  referred  to,  we  reproduced  a  number  of  ivory  carvings,  cups,  hunting  horns, and  spoons,  that  bore  in  many  cases  representations  of  European  design,  such  as,  for instance,  the  coat  of  arms  of  Portugal.  This  class  of  objects  is  found  in  a  good many  continental  museums,  and  not  infrequently  described  as  being  of  mediaeval  Euro- pean work.  That  they  are  of  negro  manufacture,  however,  there  can  be  no  question, though  it  might  fairly  be  argued  that  there  is  no  evidence  to  prove  them  to  be  of Bini  make.  The  interest  of  the  specimens  now  in  question,  apart  from  their  obvious artistic  qualities,  is  that  they  show  conclusively  that  the  Bini  craftsmen  were  fully capable  of  producing  work  of  quite  as  high  a  type,  without  the  aid  of  European motives,  and,  as  far  as  we  can  tell,  without  European  suggestion.  A  comparison  of  the mask  in  the  plate,  for  example,  with  any  of  the  pieces  showing  European  ideas  is,  of the  two  alternatives,  rather  in  favour  of  the  former.  A  great  deal  of  time  has  been spent  by  various  writers  in  attempting  to  trace  different  origins  for  this  very  remark- able native  art.  Some  enthusiasts  have  even  gone  as  far  as  to  attribute  it  to  the influence  of  the  art  of  ancient  Egypt.  A  recent  writer  in  Globus*  has  been  at  great pains  to  reproduce  a  number  of  Indian  panels  of  superficially  the  same  kind  as  those characteristic  of  Benin,  and  is  convinced  that  he  has  shown  the  style  and  make  of these  latter  to  be  derived  from  Indian  models.  It  is  hardly  worth  while  to  repeat the  evidence  in  favour  of  the  Portuguese  influence  that  is  given  at  length  in  the British  Museum  volume  just  referred  to.  But  it  is  just  as  conclusive  now  as  when it  was  written  eleven  years  ago,  and  a  cas.t  bronze  panel  with  reliefs  from  Italy  or France  necessarily  presents  the  same  features  as  one  from  India  or  Benin,  and  would te  of  equal  weight  as  showing  French  or  Italian  influence. In  the  case  of  the  panels  from  Benin  the  style  of  the  art  is  unquestionably  native, while  the  metal  of  which  they  are  made  has  been  shown  by  Professor  Gowland's analysis  to  be  certainly  Portuguese.  To  argue  for  an  Indian  origin  in  face  of  these two  facts  is  only  to  waste  time  and  serves  no  useful  purpose.  C.  H.  READ. Andamans.  Lang. Puluga.  By  A.  Lang.  Qfl Though  I  am  greatly  guilty  of  a  "  theory  of  a  primitive  All-Father,"  U  U which  to  Mr.  A.  R.  Brown  seems  "  nothing  but  a  system  of  elaborate  misinter- pretation "  (Folk-Lore^  XX,  3,  p.  258),  yet  his  article,  and  his  controversy  with  Pere Schmidt,  are  full  of  interest  to  me,  and  I  think  I  discern  the  point  where  Mr.  Brown and  I  diverge.  It  is  a  point  of  great  importance.  He  writes  (MAN,  1910,  17, p.  34). :  "  I  carefully  abstained  from  comparing  the  beliefs  of  the  Andamanese  with **•  those  of  any  other  peoples,  whether  related  or  unrelated,  because  I  am  convinced •"  that  such  comparisons  are  more  dangerous  than  they  are  helpful."  Thus  it  appears that  there  is  to  be  no  study  of  comparative  mythology.  But  Mr.  Brown  may  mean that  an  observer  on  the  spot  should  merely  give  his  facts  ;  what  I  doubt  is,  whether or  not  he  allows  the  stay-at-home  reader  to  try  to  strike  light  out  of  comparisons. Assuming  that  liberty,  under  all  reserves,  I  will  try  to  show  how  the  case  of  Puluga strikes  an  inquirer  bred  in  the  old-fashioned  comparative  method.  I  should  say  that I  have  no  preconceived  opinions  to  the  effect  that  the  male  Puluga  of  the  isles  Bale and  Bea  is  part  of  an  older  belief,  though  it  is  of  a  far  more  usual  type  of  belief than  that  in  the  female  Biliku  or  Bilika  of  the  more  northern  group. Mr.  Brown's  conclusions  are  that  "  Puluga  is  a  personification  of  the  N.N.E. "  monsoon,  and  is  one  of  a  pair,  the  other  being  Daria "  (elsewhere  Tarai,  Teria, *  W.  Crahmer,  Qlobux,  Bel.  94  (1908),  p.  301  ;  Bd.  95  (1909),  pp.  345,  360  ;  Bd.  97  (1910),  p.  78. [     51     ] No,  30.]  MAN.  [1910. Deria),  "  the  S.S.W.  monsoon"  (MAN,  p.  33).  The  words  Biliku,  Bilika,  denote spider,  as  well  as  the  being  Biliku,  in  the  northern  isles  ;  in  the  southern  Bilik  and Puluga  are  only  applied  to  the  mythic  being,  and,  I  presume,  in  these  isles  the common  spider  is  otherwise  named  (Folk-Lore,  p.  259).  It  seems  to  me  conceivable that  the  southern  islanders  have  tabued  puluga  for  spider,  and  reserved  it  for  the mythic  being.  Mr.  Brown  "  could  find  no  sufficient  evidence  for  any  of  the "  explanations  that  suggested  themselves  to  him  "  "  of  the  connection  of  Biliku  with the  spider"  (MAN,  p.  35). Why  a  monsoon  should  be  called  a  spider  is  indeed  a  puzzling  question  !  In my  old-fashioned  comparative  way  I  am  anxious  to  know  whether  any  parallel  exists in  the  mythology  of  other  peoples  dwelling  in  the  region  of  monsoons  ?  We  must remember  that  the  N.E.  wind  is  not  called  Biliku,  but  is  styled  Biliku  Boto,  Bilik Tau,  Puluga  Toa,  Puluga  Ta  ;  while  in  the  four  northern  isles  the  S.W.  wind  is  not styled  Tarai,  but  Tarai  Boto.  I  do  not  observe  that  Mr.  Brown  translates  Boto, Tau,  Toa,  and  Ta,  but  we  may,  under  correction,  and  corroborated  by  Mr.  Man (Journ.  Anthr.  Inst.,  XII,  38,  for  Ta),  guess  that  these  words  mean  wind  :  wind  of Biliku  and  of  Puluga,  wind  of  Tarai.  If  so,  at  present  the  winds  are  distinguished from  the  beings  who  send  them. Mr.  Brown  "  has  carefully  avoided  attributing  to  the  Andamanese,  even  in  the "  past,  any  belief  for  which  there  is  not  direct  evidence  .  .  ."  (MAN,  p.  34  (5)). But  he  is  human,  and  has  reached  the  conclusion,  for  which  there  can  be  no  "  direct evidence,"  that  "  Puluga  is  a  personification  of  the  N.N.E.  monsoon."  We  cannot travel  into  the  past,  and  observe  the  ancestors  of  the  Andamanese  while  destitute  of Puluga,  but  beginning  to  personify  the  S.E.  wind  under  a  name  meaning  spider, certainly  a  strange  name  for  a  wind.  This  spider  (or  his  brothers  or  sons)  is  not  the wind,  but  he,  or  his  kinsfolk,  sends  the  winds.  The  N.N.E.  wind  accompanies  fine weather,  and  it  is  not  Tarai,  of  the  rainy  wind,  but  Puluga,  who  sends  all  storms. This  "  particularly  puzzles  "  Mr.  Brown  (Folk-Lore,  p.  267),  and  I  do  not  wonder  at it.  But  why  Spider  ? On  my  obsolete  method  of  comparison,  though  I  cannot  explain  why  a  spider,, of  all  things,  was  chosen  as  the  name  of  a  potent  being  (not  of  a  wind,  Puluga  and Biliku  do  not  mean  wind),  I  can  at  least  offer  parallels.  The  spider,  as  a  potent being,  is  Ananzi,  the  spider  of  negro  mythology.  Stories  about  him  and  his  feats  are called  "  Nancy  stories "  in  our  West  Indian  colonies.  I  have  no  books  at  hand  on Ananzi  the  spider  in  African  beliefs,  but  it  is  plain  that  a  spider  may  be  a  leading character  in  mythology,  in  places  wholly  remote  from  the  Andaman  Isles. Again,  we  all  know  the  potent  being  of  Bushman  belief,  named  (in  Bleek's  theory) after  the  Mantis  insect,  Cagn.  On  Cagn  I  have  read  Orpen  (Cape  Monthly  Magazine, IX,  1877,  July)  and  Bleek,  who  identifies  Cagn  with  the  Mantis  insect  (Brief  Account of  Bushman  Folk-Lore,  London,  1875,  cf.  Myth,  Ritual,  and  Religion,  II,  pp.  34,  35, 1901).  Father  Schmidt  quotes,  as  to  Cagn,  Arbousset  and  Daumas  (1872),  A. Merensky  (1875),  Wangemann  (1872),  Orpen,  and  Bleek,  but  doubts  certain  points in  Bleek's  version.  He  does  not  like  the  entomological  etymology  (Schmidt,  Die Stellung  der  Pygmden  Volker,  pp.  236-241).  It  is  superfluous  to  name  other theriomorphic  potent  primal  beings  of  savage  belief  usually  opposed  to  each  other like  Tarai  and  Biliku.  We  all  know  the  North  American  Wolf  and  Raven,  and  the South-East  Australian  Eagle  Hawk  (Punjel)  and  Crow,  the  American  Great  Hare,  and so  forth.  There  is  the  usual  confusion  ;  Puluga,  the  spider,  is  anthropomorphic  (like Ba'iame  and  Daramulun)  (Folk-Lore,  p.  270). Now,  guess  for  guess,  I  think,  from  the  parallels  adduced,  that  Biliku  (female) and  Puluga  (male)  are  creations  of  imagination  in  search  for  a  first  cause  :  Biliku "  created  "  earth,  sea,  and  sky  in  many  myths,  and  they  (or  he  and  she)  are  "  definitely C     52     ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  30. "  separated  from  the  ancestors,  and  are  not  regarded  as  one  of  them "  {Folk-Lore, pp.  262,  264-267).  Thus,  as  far  as  I  may  conjecture,  Biliku-Puluga — spiders — are  not the  personifications  of  the  N.N.E.  monsoon,  which  is  their  Boto,  Tau,  Toa,  Ta — their «  Wind  of  God,"  as  in  Kingsley's  "  Ode  to  the  East  Wind." The  question  is  of  no  great  moment.  Puluga  is  there  now,  however  he  came  there, about  which  neither  Mr.  Brown  or  I  can  do  more  than  guess. The  great  peculiarity  about  Andamanese  mythology  is  that,  in  the  dualism  so  very common  in  savage  and  other  beliefs,  Biliku  "  has  come  to  occupy  so  large  a  place  in *'  Andaman  mythology  compared  with  the  other  " — Tarai.  This  has  caused  Mr.  Brown to  "  wonder  many  times  "  (Folk-Lore,  p.  267).  If  he  did  not  think  that  "  comparisons "  are  odious "  he  would  wonder  less,  for  in  savage  mythology  the  better  of  the  two opposed  beings,  though  often  thwarted  by  his  opposite,  is  much  the  more  prominent and  victorious  figure.  In  the  isles  "  there  seem  to  be  no  legends  at  all  concerning "  Tarai "  (Folk-Lore,  p.  267),  so  that  Tarai,  if  there  be  no  legends  at  all  about  him, can  scarcely  be  regarded  as  a  potent  being,  and  as  "  the  counterpart  of  Biliku  "  (Folk- Lore,  p.  259).  Yet,  as  in  the  north  he  is  the  husband  of  Biliku,  he  is  so  far  personified, and  it  is  curious  that  there  are  no  legends  about  him  ;  some  may,  perhaps,  be  discovered. A  person  of  whom  no  legends  are  known,  at  all  events,  is  no  "counterpart"  of  a person  about  whom  there  are  so  many  legends,  and  who  is  so  puissant  as  Biliku- Puluga. As  to  his  or  her  ethical  aspect  Mr.  Brown  found  no  corroboration  of  Mr.  Man's statements.  He  therefore  "ventures  to  think  that,  perhaps  unwittingly,  Mr.  Man "  suggested  to  his  informant  that  Puluga  was  angry  if  one  man  wronged  another,  and "  the  native  of  course  agreed.  .  .  "  (p.  271).  That  is  cutting  the  knot  with  an  axe  ! Can  anyone  believe  that  Mr.  Man  inquired  of  only  one  informant,  made  suggestions  to him,  and  accepted  his  evidence  ? Mr.  Man,  confessedly  a  careful  observer,  who  lived  rather  longer  (namely,  eleven years)  in  this  region  than  Mr.  Brown  did,  writes  thus  :  "  I  have  taken  special  care,  not "  only  to  obtain  my  information  on  each  point  from  those  who  are  regarded  by  their "  fellow  tribesmen  as  authorities,  but  who,  from  having  had  little  or  no  intercourse  with u  other  races,  were  in  entire  ignorance  regarding  any  save  their  own  legends.  I  have "  besides,  in  every  case,  by  subsequent  inquiry,  endeavoured  to  test  their  statements, "  with  the  trustworthiness  of  which  I  am  thoroughly  satisfied "  (Journ.  Anthr. List.,  XII,  p.  157). Mr.  Brown  can  "  speak  with  ungrudging  praise  "  of  Mr.  Man's  book  (Folk-Lore, p.  257).  I  think  we  may  suspend  our  opinion  where  the  two  authorities  differ,  without deciding  that  Mr.  Man  was,  on  this  point,  so  strangely  careless  in  collecting  and  testing evidence. I  have  but  one  other  remark  to  make.  Mr.  Brown  speaks  of  a  suggestio  falsi in  Pere  Schmidt's  use  (in  English)  of  the  word  "  torch  "  where  Mr.  Brown  uses  "  fire- brand." But  as,  in  German,  Pere  Schmidt  employs  the  term  Feuerbrand  where Mr.  Brown  uses  "  fire-brand,"  perhaps  we  need  not  blame  the  learned  writer  for  a suggestio  falsi  ;  some  accident  of  translation  seems  more  probable  than  suggestio  falsi ; and  this  view  is  not  the  less  courteous.  I  refer  to  Pere  Schmidt's  Die  Stellung  der Pygmaen-Volker,  p.  206  (Stuttgart:  Strecker  und  Schroder,  1910).  Both  Puluga and  mortal  men  "  brandish  burning  logs,"  says  Mr.  Man,  against  evil  spirits  (Journ. Anthr.  Inst.,  XII,  pp.  97,  152).  We  are  likely  to  understand  the  subject  better  when we  have  Mr.  Brown's  book  in  our  hands  and  can  compare  it  with  that  of  Mr.  Man. In  the  meantime,  between  monsoons  and  moons  in  mythology,  and  arguments  drawn from  conchology  and  conjectural  etymology,  a  wise  passiveness  seems  an  appropriate mental  attitude.  A.  LANG. [    53     ] No.  31.]  MAN.  [1910. New  Zealand.  Edgre-Partingrton. Maori  Forgeries.     By  J.  Edge-Partington.  Of Since  my  note  on  Maori  forgeries  appeared  in  MAN  (1909,  31)  I  have  Ul received  two  very  important  communications  on  this  subject,  one  from  Professor Andree,  of  Munich,  confirming  my  statement  with  regard  to  the  manufacture  of  green- stone objects  in  Germany,  and  drawing  my  attention  to  a  visit  he  made  to  the  factory, described  by  him  in  Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologic,  Heft  6,  1907,  p.  943.  I  append  a translation  of  part  of  this  article,  but  would  refer  those  who  take  an  interest  in  this question  to  the  original,  since  the  whole  is  extremely  interesting  and  important  : — "  I  had  heard  that  the  lapidaries  of  Oberstein  and  Idar  manufactured  objects  of New  Zealand  jade,  and,  moreover,  produced  extraordinarily  accurate  copies  of  the  old Maori  weapons  and  ornaments. "In  order  to  investigate  the  matter,  in  the  summer  of  1907  I  visited  the  pretty little  localities  in  the  Nahe  valley  (on  the  Bingerbriick-Metz  line),  in  Birkenfeld,  an outlying  province  of  Oldenburg,  where  a  large  number  of  lapidaries  are  engaged  in  the cutting  of  hard  stones.  .  .  .  The  hardest  material  which  is  worked  there  is  New Zealand  jade,  the  cutting,  grinding,  and  polishing  of  which  is,  however,  relatively  easy of  accomplishment. "  Articles  which  a  Maori  never  could  have  manufactured,  at  the  expense  of  any labour,  such  as  goblets,  cigar  cases,  bowls,  coffee  cups,  of  jade,  as  well  as  ornaments of  the  most  varied  description,  are  to  be  seen  in  the  Gewerbehalle  ;  but  such  things were  of  less  importance  to  me  than  the  imitations  of  Maori  weapons,  Tiki,  Mere,  and ornaments,  which  had  also  been  made  in  Idar.  The  principal  firm  is  that  of  Jakob Wild,  who  most  courteously  showed  me  his  method  of  manufacture,  into  the  techni- calities of  which  I  will  not  enter.  I  must  make  it  clear  that  there  is  no  question  here of  forgeries  ;  the  manufacturer  quite  openly  advertises  them  as  his  own  work,  copies of  genuine  originals,  and  sells  them  as  such. "  It  must  be  noted  that  these  objects  are  mostly  made  in  response  to  commissions received  from  England,  and  are  also  sent  direct  to  New  Zealand.  Here  they  are  sold to  globe-trotters  at  a  high  price  ;  or  even  are  put  on  the  market  as  genuine  Tiki,  &c., and  so,  as  I  know  from  actual  experience,  find  their  way  into  Ethnographical  Museums. These  Idar  facsimiles  are  absolutely  exact  copies  of  the  originals  ;  at  least I  could  perceive  no  difference,  though  such  might  be  apparent  to  an  expert  after  a closer  comparison.  The  material  is  genuine,  the  forms  are  exact  reproductions  of  the original  antiques,  and  the  polish  is  equally  good." The  other  communication  was  from  Mr.  Hamilton,  the  Director  of  the  Dominion Museum,  Wellington,  N.Z.,  in  which  he  says  : — "  I  have  reason  to  believe  that  some  things  recently  purchased  in  London,  made  of bone  and  brought  out  here,  are  not  genuine,  and  it  is  also  quite  true  that  a  considerable number  of  bone  relics  of  various  kinds  are  manufactured  in  Auckland.  So  long  as  they are  simply  bought  as  curios  by  the  ordinary  tourist  it  does  not  matter  so  much,  but, if  they  proceed  to  give  them  to  museums  and  they  take  their  place  in  the  show-cases as  specimens  of  Maori  work,  the  matter  is  more  serious.  I  lately  had  a  visitor  from Auckland  who  brought  down  a  considerable  number  of  most  interesting  specimens  to sell  to  me.  They  were  so  well  made  that  I  must  honestly  confess  I  should  have  been deceived  in  at  least  two  instances.  The  value  of  the  collection  was,  at  current  prices, somewhere  between  £40  and  £50.  Fortunately  the  vendor  left  them  with  me  for examination  at  my  request,  and  I  discovered  ample  proof  that,  although  no  exception could  be  taken  to  the  method  of  the  work  or  design  or  pattern  from  their  general appearance,  yet  they  were  undoubtedly  forgeries.  I  think  it  would  be  well  if  you  were to  insert  the  tenor  of  this  letter  in  MAN,  and  more  especially  to  point  out  that,  so  far as  these  bone  and  wooden  curios  are  concerned,  there  is  an  infallible  test.  A  very  old [  54  ] 1910.]  MAN.  [Nos.  31-32. and  genuine-looking  feeding  funnel,  which  I  wanted  extremely  and  which  had  a  splendid story  attached  to  it  as  to  how  it  was  found  in  the  draining  of  the  Piako  swamp,  was put  to  this  test  and  proved  to  be  a  forgery." Mr.  Hamilton,  of  course,  refers  only  to  the  finer  class  of  forgeries,  which  are capable  of  deceiving  those  conversant  with  Maori  handiwork.  But  at  a  recent  sale  in London,  out  of  the  fifty  or  so  lots  there  was  only  one  genuine  specimen  ;  the  others would  not  have  deceived  any  ordinary  collector  interested  in  Maori  work.  Unfortu- nately there  are  many  buyers  who  have  no  knowledge,  and  it  is  through  them  that these  "  fakes  "  get  distributed  about  the  country,  finding  their  way  into  our  local museums.  It  was  only  lately  that  I  visited  one  of  our  most  important  museums  in  the west  of  England  and  was  shown  two  such  which  had  recently  been  purchased,  and  I am  sorry  to  say  at  a  very  high  figure.  I  hope  that  Mr.  Hamilton's  confession  that  he is  capable  of  being  deceived  will  make  those  who  purchase  New  Zealand  "  curios  "  in this  country  all  the  more  careful. The  foregoing  communications  refer  to  articles  in  wood,  bone,  and  greenstone, but  in  the  Journal  of  the  Polynesian  Society,  Vol.  VII,  p.  244,  there  appeared  an article  by  Mr.  W.  W.  Smith  on  "  spurious  stone  implements  "  mostly  of  a  dark-coloured limestone  in  which  the  "  polishing  had  undoubtedly  been  done  with  very  fine  emery u  paper,  which  did  not  efface  the  coarser  circular  markings,  on  their  flat  faces  and "  sides,  of  the  grindstone."  The  author  points  out  that  an  examination  by  a  strong lens  revealed  their  mode  of  manufacture  and  apart  from  this  their  faces  and  sides were  too  flat,  too  level,  and  too  broad  at  the  part  where  they  begin  to  bevel  to the  cutting  edges.  Instead  of  the  neatly  bevelled  and  polished  cutting  edge,  as  in old  Maori  implements  of  this  class,  the  bevelling  was  flat. From  the  evidence  that  we  have  now  received  on  this  subject  it  would  appear that  no  class  of  New  Zealand  "  curios  "  is  exempt  from  the  imitator's  art.  It  resolves itself  into  a  case  of  supply  and  demand.  J.  EDGE-PART1NGTON. Australia.  Brown. Marriage  and  Descent  in  North  Australia.    By  A.  R.  Brown,    '/../.      QA In  connection  with  certain  work  I  recently  found  it  necessary  to  go  thoroughly     U4L into  the  question  of  the  rules  of  descent  in  those  Australian  tribes  which  have  eight matrimonial   classes.      Mr.  R.  H.   Mathews,  in  a  number  of   publications  (e.g.,   MAN, 1908,  83),  has  criticised  the  statement  of  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen  that  in  the  tribes having  eight  matrimonial  classes,  descent,  so  far  as  class  is  concerned,  is  in  the  male line.     As  I  do   not  think  that   Mr.  Mathews  has  stated  the  position   quite  clearly,  I venture  to  raise  the  subject  once  more. To   illustrate  the  discussion  it   is  necessary  to  use  a  simple  diagram,  such  as  the following,  which    represents    the    rules    of    descent    in    a ..,     ,      .       ,,      p  DIAGRAM  I. tribe  having  the  tour-class  system. A,  B,  C,  D  represent  the  four  classes.  The  sign  = means  "  marries,"  and  may  be  read  either  way,  that  is, from  left  to  right  or  from  right  to  left.  The  arrows show  the  relation  between  the  class  of  the  mother  and  the class  of  her  child,  and  may  be  read  either  up  or  down. Thus,  the  rules  of  marriage  and  descent  may  be  expressed  as  follows  : — A  male  marries  B  female  and  the  children  are  D. **  W  99  •**•  99  9'  9'  *''• ^99  »  *'  99  99  99  "' -L*  99  99  ^  99  99  9>  •"•• If  we  substitute  for  A  Ipai,  for  B  Kubbi,  for  C  Kumbo,  and  for  D  Murri,  the diagram  illustrates  the  Kamilaroi  system  as  given  by  Howitt. [    55    ] No.  32.] MAN. [1910. If  we  apply  this  diagram  to  the  eight-class  system  of  the  Aruuta  we  find  that — A  represents  Panunga  +  Uknaria. B  „  Purula  +  Ungalla. C  „  Kumara  +  Umbitjana. D  „          Bulthara  +  Appungerta. We  can  read  the  diagram  as  before,  but  in  order  to  represent  the  eight-class  system exactly  we  must  have  eight  divisions. DIAGRAM  II. This  diagram  is  to  be  read  in  much  the  same  way  as  the  other  save  that  each  of the    lines  at    the  side    is  to    be  read    in  only  one    direction, — indicated  by  the    arrow. The  following  table  will  help  the  reader  to  understand  the  diagram  : — A'  marries  B'  and  the  children  are  D" A' C' C" B' B" D' D' B" D' D" A' A" C' C" D' B' B" C" C" A" A' As  I  propose  to  deal  with  the  Arunta  and  Chingalee  (Tjingilli)  tribes  1  give below  the  equivalent  classes  for  the  letters  of  the  diagram.  The  Chingalee  classes  are given  according  to  the  spelling  of  Mr.  R.  H.  Mathews  : — ARUNTA.  CHIXGALEE. A' A" B' B" C' C" D' D" Panunga     - Uknaria Purula Ungalla Kumara Umbitchana Bulthara     - Appuugerta Chuna. Chimitcha. Chnla. Chungalee. Chemara. Champina. Taralee. Tungaree. Thus  in  the  diagram  we  see  that  the  child  of  a  B''  man  and  an  A"  woman  is  C". In  Arunta  terms,  if  an  Ungalla  man  marries  an  Uknaria  woman,  the  offspring  are Umbitchana,  and  similarly  for  all  the  classes. In  dealing  with  questions  of  descent  in  Australia  we  must  remember  that  there are  three  distinct  questions,  concerned  with  descent  of  (1)  phratry  ;  (2)  class  ;  and (3)  totem. [     56     ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  32. If  the  classes  are  arranged  in  phratries  consisting  of  the  couples  A  +  C  and  B  +  D, then,  as  long  as  only  regular  marriages  occur  (i.e.,  marriages  in  accordance  with  the diagram)  the  phratry  is  exogamous,  and  descent  as  regards  phratry  is  matrilineal,  the child  belonging  to  the  phratry  of  its  mother.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  classes  are arranged  into  phratries  in  the  couples  A  +  D  and  B  +  C,  then,  as  long  as  only  regular marriages  occur,  descent  as  regards  phratry  is  patrilineal,  the  children  belonging  to  the phratry  of  the  father.  Spencer  and  Gillen  tell  us  that  among  the  tribes  with  eight classes,  the  classes  are  arranged  into  phratries  consisting  of  A  +  D  and  B  +  C.  There- fore, in  these  tribes,  as  long  as  only  regular  marriages  occur,  descent  as  regards  phratry is  patrilineal. Before  discussing  the  question  of  descent  of  phratry  in  cases  of  irregular  marriages, let  us  turn  to  the  question  of  descent  of  class.  As  long  as  marriages  are  all  of  the type  represented  in  the  diagram,  that  is,  as  long  as  only  regular  marriages  occur,  we cannot  say  that  descent  as  regards  class  is  either  matrilineal  or  patrilineal.  The  child of  an  A'  man  and  a  B'  woman  is  D",  but  we  cannot  decide  whether  it  is  so  because its  father  is  A',  or  because  its  mother  is  B'.  As  long  as  only  regular  marriages are  found  there  can  be  no  question  as  to  whether  descent  of  class  is  in  the  male  or the  female  line.  However,  in  all  the  tribes  with  which  we  are  dealing,  irregular marriages  sometimes  take  place. What  is  meant  by  an  irregular  marriage  is  as  follows  : — A  man  of  the  Class  A' is  required  by  the  law  of  the  tribe  to  .take  a  wife  from  the  Class  B'.  This  is  his regular  wife,  or,  following  the  nomenclature  of  Mr.  Mathews,  the  marriage  is  of Type  I.  It  may  happen,  however,  that  there  is  no  Avife  to  be  found  for  him  in Class  B',  and  he  therefore  takes  a  wife  from  Class  B".  This  is  a  marriage  of Type  II,  an  irregular  marriage  of  the  first  order  of  irregularity.  Occasionally  it  hap- pens that  a  man  of  Class  A'  marries  neither  into  B'  nor  into  B",  but  takes  a  wife from  A'  .  This  we  shall  call  a  marriage  of  Type  III.  Finally,  there  are  said  to be  cases  when  a  man  of  Class  A'  marries  a  woman  of  his  own  class.  This  last  mar- riage we  shall  speak  of  as  Type  IV.  On  no  account,  apparently,  does  A  intermarry with  C  or  D. Now,  though  it  is  impossible  to  tell  from  a  marriage  of  Type  I  (that  is,  a  regular marriage)  whether  descent  is  traced  in  the  maternal  or  the  paternal  line,  it  is  possible to  do  so  in  cases  of  irregular  marriages  of  Types  II,  III,  or  IV.  Thus,  if  A'  marries B'  the  children  are  D",  and  if  A"  marries  B"  the  children  are  D'.  Now  take  a  case of  marriage  of  Type  II,  where  a  man  of  A'  marries  a  woman  of  B"  If  descent  is reckoned  through  the  father  the  child  will  be  D",  while,  if  through  the  mother,  it  will be  D'.  Similarly,  in  case  of  a  marriage  of  Type  III,  when  a  man  of  A'  marries  a woman  of  A"  the  child  will  be  C"  in  case  of  maternal  descent,  and  D"  if  the  descent is  paternal.  Finally,  in  marriages  of  Type  IV,  where  A'  marries  into  his  own  class, the  child  will  be  C'  if  its  descent  is  traced  from  its  mother,  and  D"  if  from  its father. All  we  need,  therefore,  to  decide  whether  a  tribe  in  which  irregular  marriages  occur is  patrilineal  or  matrilineal  is  a  certain  number  of  genealogies.  Mr.  Mathews  has  realised this,  and  has  published  at  different  times  genealogies  of  the  Arunta  and  Chingalee  tribes. In  the  American  Anthropologist,  Vol.  10,  page  90,  he  gives  the  record  of  twelve marriages  of  Arunta  men  and  women,  eight  of  which  are  regular,  while  the  other  four are  all  of  Type  II.  These  four  are  as  follows  : — Purula  marries  Knuraia,  children  Kamara. Paltara       „         Mbitjana,       „         Knuraia. Bangata      „         Kamara,         „         Pananka. Pananka     „         Ngala,  „         Bangata. In  the  following  table  I  have  substituted  the  letters  of  the  diagram  for  the  names [    57     ] No.  32.] MAN. [1910. of  the  classes,  and  in  the  fourth  column  I  have    given    the  class  to  Avhich  the  child would  belong  if  the  mother  had  married  into  her  regular  class  : — B'  marries  A",  children  C'  (C"). D'  „  C",  „  A"  (A'). D"  „  C',  „  A'  (A"). A'  „  B",  „  D"  (D'). In  the  Journal  and  Proceedings  of  the  Royal  Society  of  N.S.  Wales,  Vol.  XLI, p.  151,  Mr.  Mathews  giA7es  a  further  list  of  eight  Arunta  marriages.  In  one  case there  are  no  children  :  the  other  seven  as  follows  : — Paltara  (D')  marries  Mbitjana  (C"),  children   Knuraia  (A").     [Three  cases.] Pananka  (A')     „        Ngala  (B")  „        Bangata  (D"). Bangata  (D")     „         Kamara  (C')  „        Pananka  (A'). Purula  (B')         „        Knuraia  (A")  „       Kamara  (C').     [Two  cases.] From  a  consideration  of  these  cases  (eleven  in  all)  I  think  we  are  justified  in stating  the  following  law  : — Among  the  Arunta,  when  a  man,  instead  of  marrying  into his  regular  class,  enters  into  a  marriage  of  Type  II,  the  children  belong  to  the  class to  which  they  would  have  belonged  if  they  had  been  his  children  by  a  regular  marriage, and  they  do  not  belong  to  the  class  to  which  they  'would  have  belonged  if  they  had been  the  offspring  of  their  actual  mother  by  a  regular  marriage.  We  are  therefore justified  in  asserting  that  what  evidence  there  is  shows  that  the  Aruuta  count  descent, as  regards  class,  in  the  paternal  line. We  turn  now  to  the   Chingalee  (or   Tjingilli)   tribe.     In   the   Journal  and  Pro- ceedings of  the  Royal  Society  of  N.S.  Wales,  Vol.    XLI,  p.  72,  Mr.  Mathews  gives some  genealogies,  from  which  we  extract  the  following  marriages  : — 1.     Champina  marries   Tungaree,  children  Chungalee. 2. 3. 4. 5. Tungaree Chungalee Tungaree Chimitcha 6. Chula 7. Chimitcha 8. Tar  alee 9. 10. Tungaree Taralee 11. Chuna Taralee, Chula, Chemara, Chungalee, Chuna, Chuua, Chemara, Champina, Champina, Chuna „  Chula. „  Tungaree. „  Chimitcha. „  Taralee. „  Chemara. „  Chemara. „  Chimitcha. „  Chuna. „  Chuna. (JSo  family). Substituting  the  letters  of  the  diagram  we  get  the  following  table  : — Column  I is  the  man,  column  II  his  wife,  and  column  III  their  children.  Column  IV  gives the  class  to  which  the  children  would  belong  if  they  were  the  children  of  their  actual father  by  a  regular  marriage,  and  column  V  gives  the  type  of  the  marriage  which has  actually  taken  place. — I. 11. III. IV. V. 1. C" D" B" B" I. 2. D" D' B' A' III. 3. B" B' D" C" III. 4. D" C' A" A' II. 5. A" B" D' D' I. 6. B' A' C' C' I. 7. A" A' C' D' III. 8. D' C' A" A" I. 9. D" C" A' '  A' I. 10. D' C" A' A" II. 11. A' A' No  children. IV. [    58 1910.]  MAN.  [NOB.  32-33. If  the  reader  will  study  this  table  by  the  help  of  the  diagram  he  will  see  that its  results  may  be  summarised  in  the  following  law  : — Amongst  the  Chingalee,  when  a man,  instead  of  marrying  into  his  regular  class,  enters  into  a  marriage  of  Type  II or  Type  III,  the  children  belong  to  the  class  to  which  they  would  belong  if  they  had been  the  offspring  of  their  actual  mother  by  a  marriage  of  Type  I,  and  they  do  not belong  to  the  class  to  which  they  would  belong  if  they  had  been  the  children  of  their actual  father  by  a  regular  marriage.  That  is,  the  Chingalee  reckon  descent,  in  so  far as  concerns  the  class,  through  the  mother. It  is  obvious  that  irregular  marriages  may  make  a  difference  as  regards  descent of  phratry.  Dealing  first  with  the  Arunta,  we  lind  that  marriages  of  Types  III  and IV  apparently  never  take  place.  If  we  regard  the  phratries,  on  Spencer  and  Gillen's evidence,  as  consisting  of  A  +  D  and  B  -f-  C,  we  can  say  that  among  the  Arunta  the phratry  is  always  strictly  exogamous,  and  descent  as  regards  phratry  is  patrilineal. Amongst  the  tribes  of  the  Chingalee  type,  on  the  other  hand,  the  phratries (A  +  D  and  B  +  C)  are  not  strictly  exogamous,  since  marriages  of  Types  III  and IV  are  marriages  within  the  phratry.  Further,  when  marriages  of  these  two  types occur,  the  children  belong  to  the  phratry  which  is  not  that  of  their  parents.  Thus if  an  A'  man  marries  an  A"  woman  the  child  is  C"  and  does  not  belong  to  the phratry  of  its  father  and  mother. The  facts  concerning  descent  in  tribes  having  eight  matrimonial  classes  may  be summarised  as  follows  : — (1)  Phratry. — In   tribes  of  the  Arunta  type  the  phratries  are  strictly  exogamous and  descent  is  patrilineal.     In  tribes  of  the  Chingalee  type  the  phratry  is  not  strictly exogamous,  and  descent,  while  generally  patrilineal,  is  sometimes  irregular. (2)  Class. — In  tribes  of  the  Chingalee  type  the  class  of  the   child  is  determined by  that  of  its  mother.     In  tribes  of  the  Arunta  type  the  class  of  the  child  is  determined by  that  of  its  father. (3)  Totem. — In  tribes  of  the  Arunta  type  the  totem  is  not  acquired  by  inheritance. In  tribes  of  the  Chingalee  type  it  would  seem  that  the  totem  of  a  child  is  generally inherited  from  its  father,  but  there  are  numbers  of  exceptions.     About  these  exceptions further  information  is  urgently  needed. The  tribes  of  the  Arunta  type  are  the  Arunta,  llpirra,  Iliaura,  Unmatjera,  and Kaitish.  To  the  Chingalee  type  belong  all  the  other  eight-class  tribes  of  which  we have  any  information. I  have  been  concerned  only  in  this  note  to  elucidate  the  facts,  not  to  theorise  about them.  The  facts  I  have  pointed  out  do  not,  however,  seem  to  have  been  understood  by the  writers  who  have  dealt  with  the  problems  of  the  social  organisation  of  the  eight- class  tribes,  and  much  of  what  has  been  written  on  that  subject  is  on  this  account unsatisfactory.  Any  theory  of  the  origin  of  the  eight-class  system,  and  the  relation  of the  Arunta  to  tribes  of  the  Chingalee  type,  must  take  account  of  the  facts  I  have presented  if  it  is  to  be  of  any  value.  A.  R.  BROWN. India  :  Assam.  Shakespear. Note  on  the  Manipuri  "Yek."   By  Lieut. -Colonel  J.  Shakespear,  C.I.E.,     QQ D.S.O.  00 With  reference  to  my  remarks  regarding  the  possibility  of  the  Manipuri  "  Yek  " being  a  totemistic  division  (MAN,  1908,  106),  I  have  made  inquiry,  and  the  following is  the  result  : — There  are  in  the  Meithei  population  seven  main  divisions  called  Salai  or  Yek, each  is  named  after  a  mythical  ancestor.  There  were  originally  nine  such  divisions, [  59  1 No.  33.]  MAN.  [1910. but  in  the  Raja  Gharib  Nawaz's  reign  the  Nangang  division  was  made  to  amalga- mate with  the  Ningthouja  and  the  Khaba  with  the  Nalba  division,  forming  the  division now  known  as  Khabanalba ;.  in  both  these  cases  the  smallness  of  the  division absorbed  was  given  as  the  reason  for  the  action  taken.  Each  of  these  Salais  or  Yeks is  subdivided  into  a  large  number  of  Sageis  or  Yumnaks,  each  named  after  its founder. Each  Salai  or  Yek  has  a  certain  flower,  animal,  &c.,  which  is  preferred  by  the  god of  the  Salai  and  used  in  his  worship.  The  following  is  a  translation  of  a  portion  of a  paper  given  me  by  Mr.  Hodson  for  purposes  of  inquiry  : — "  Angom  was  born  from  the  brain  (of  Guru,  the  most  excellent  spirit)  :  his  day it  is  Sunday,  his  month  it  is  Wakening,  his  star  it  is  Chingjaroibi,  his  letter  (ma, his  Yek  letter)  it  is  Ko,  his  flower  it  is  Leisang,  his  fruit  it  is  heibong,  his  fish  it  is ngawa,  his  animal  it  is  the  crow-pheasant,  his  direction  it  is  north-west  towards Kaobaru,  his  Lai  (god)  it  is  Soraren-namungba,  his  leaf  it  is  leihou,  his  firewood  it  is chinghao,  his  navel,  cord,  and  after-birth  all  three  are  in  the  Kongba  river.  His  dao is  the  Dao  Pukap.  The  woman  who  received  him  on  his  birth  was  Khakpa  Ning- thauchanu,  his  colour  is  white,  his  fire  is  sixfold." The  explanation  given  me  is  that  the  direction  is  that  in  which  Angom  was born,  and  his  descendants  face  that  way  in  domestic  worship  ;  the  various  flowers, fruits,  &c.  are  offered  in  this  worship,  and  they  are  eaten  by  the  worshippers  ;  the bird,  on  account  of  the  people  having  become  Hindus,  is  no  longer  killed  or  eaten,  but my  informants  say  that  probably  it  used  to  be  eaten.  The  fire  of  the  god  must  be  lit  in this  way  :  first  one  piece  of  wood  is  lit,  then  from  that  another,  and  so  on  six  times, and  with  the  sixth  the  fire  is  lit.  There  are  similar  rules  for  all  the  seven  Salais. None  of  these  articles  are  in  any  way  tabued  to  the  clan. The  Salais  are  exogamous.  Further,  marriages  of  persons  connected  on  the maternal  side  within  three  generations  are  prohibited,  though  they  belong  to  different Salais,  for  children  take  the  Salai  of  their  father.  Formerly  this  restriction  extended to  five  generations,  but  Maharajah  Chandra  Kriti  changed  it.  The  letter  Ko  is chosen,  as  it  represents  Kok,  i.e.,  head  whence  Angom  was  born.  It  seems  that  Yek, used  as  an  equivalent  for  Salai,  is  taken  from  the  fact  that  each  Salai  has  a  special letter.  Ziak  in  Lushai  means  "  to  write."  Angom  is  now  considered  a  Lai  or  god,  but the  domestic  worship  is  paid  to  Soraren-namungba. There  is  no  common  tabu  for  the  whole  Angom  clan,  but  each  of  the  Sageis,  or Yumnaks,  into  which  the  Salai  is  divided,  has  particular  tabus  of  its  own.  Thus,  the Sarangthem  Yumnak  of  the  Chenglei  Salai,  may  not  eat,  cut  or  plant  a  tree  called Heinang,  touching  or  seeing  it  is  not  prohibited.  Nor  must  a  member  of  that  Yumnak kill  a  bamboo  rat,  and,  though  seeing  it  is  not  unlucky,  my  informant  said  he  would  fear to  touch  one.  The  penalty  for  breaking  one  of  these  tabus  is  a  serious  illness  in  the family  of  the  offender.  To  avoid  this  the  god  of  the  Salai  is  worshipped  by  the  head of  the  household,  who  makes  offerings  of  the  appropriate  flowers,  fruits,  &e.,  which  are subsequently  eaten  by  the  family.  If  the  householder  likes  he  may  call  a  Maiba  (priest) to  perform  the  ceremony.  The  reason  of  these  tabus  in  this  Yumnak  is  said  to  have been  an  order  from  the  god  to  the  founder  of  the  family,  but  I  think  this  is  a  guess  ; probably  there  is  some  more  definite  reason  as  in  the  case  of  the  Hijam,  Yumnak, of  the  Luang  Salai,  whose  members  are  prohibited  from  eating  gourds,  because  their ancestor  was  accidentally  killed  trying  to  pluck  a  gourd.  The  Thaurem  Yumnak  of the  Khumul  Salai  may  not  put  the  wood  of  the  Semel  cotton  tree  into  their  mouths nor  use  its  charcoal  in  the  hukahs  because  the  clan  Lai,  Pakhangba,  once  turned himself  into  a  semel  tree  and  fell  into  the  river,  and  Khumul  drank  of  the  water  and went  mad.  Cutting  and  touching  and  looking  at  it  are  not  prohibited.  The  same Yumnak  may  not  kill  nor  eat  the  uthum  bird.  When  I  asked  the  reason  I  was  told [     60    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [Nos,  33-34. glibly  that  the  reason  was  that  the  uthnm  was  the  bird  of  the  Salai,  but  on  my  asking if,  then,  the  tabu  extended  to  the  whole  Salai  I  was  told  no  ;  only  to  the  Thaurem Yuranak,  and  my  informant  could  not  account  for  this,  but  further  enquiries  elicited  the fact  that  once  when  the  ancestor  of  the  Thaurem  was  offering  the  uthum  bird  to  the lai  of  the  Salai,  the  bird  flew  away,  and  so  the  Thaurem  no  longer  kill  it. It  appears,   therefore,   that  I  was   wrong  in  saying  that  there  were  some  reasons for  thinking  the  Manipuri  Yek  a  totemistic  division.  J.   SHAKESPEAR. REVIEWS. Archaeology.  Lockyer. Stonehenge  and  other  British  Sto?ie  Monuments  Astronomically  considered.  OJ By  Sir  Norman  Lockyer,  K.C.B.,  F.R.S.,  &c.  London  :  Macmillan  &  Co.  UTT 1909.  Second  edition.  Pp.  xvi  x  499.  With  106  illustrations.  23  x  15  cm. Price  14*.  net. Sir  Norman  Lockyer's  work  amongst  our  rude  stone  monuments  is  so  well  known to  all  students  of  the  subject,  that  the  adjustment  of  their  own  views  towards  it  is probably  settled  beyond  the  possibility  of  being  materially  changed  by  anything  that may  be  said  in  the  small  space  available  for  a  notice  in  MAN  :  it  -will,  therefore,  be better  to  devote  that  space  to  a  consideration  of  the  new  matter  brought  into  this edition  rather  than  to  a  review  of  the  whole  book.  Chapters  1  to  30  are  apparently a  verbatim  reprint  of  the  first  edition  ;  the  new  matter  begins  at  page  325  and  extends to  page  479,  after  which  there  are  various  appendices  and  the  index,  also  in  part  new. Beginning  at  the  end — not  always  a  bad  thing  to  do — we  find  from  "  A  General "  Summary  "  (Chapter  44)  that  the  inquiry  has  been  carried  on  at  intervals  since  March, 1890.  when  Sir  Norman  Lockyer  observed  the  magnetic  bearing  of  the  temple  axis  of the  Parthenon,  and  that  until  1894  the  research  was  almost  entirely  limited  to  Egypt, where  the  author  "  found  that  the  Egyptians  carefully  built  their  temples  so  that  the "  rising  and  the  setting  of  certain  stars,  and  of  the  sun  at  certain  times  of  the  year,. "  could  be  watched  along  the  temple  axis  by  the  priest  in  the  sanctuary,"  for  the purposes  of  : — (1)  determining  the  time  at  night ;  (2)  observing  a  star  rising  or  setting about  an  hour  before  sunrise  on  the  chief  festivals  (so  as  to  have  sacrifices,  &c.,  ready); and  (3)  to  determine  when  the  sun  had  reached  a  certain  part  of  its  yearly  path  at which  the  festivals  occurred.  A  further  conclusion  was  that  the  Egyptians  "  commenced "  with  a  year  beginning  in  May — the  '  May-year '  the  first  used  in  Britain,  and  still "  determining  the  quarter-days  in  Scotland  ;  later  they  passed  to  the  '  solstitial  year,' "  June  21,  the  beginning  of  the  Nile  rise,  and  the  longest  day,  being  the  new  new "  year's  day.  This  is  the  origin  of  our  present  English  year." A  consideration  of  our  rude  stone  monuments  on  the  basis  of  their  having  served similar  purposes  causes  Sir  Norman  Lockyer  to  think  that  the  "  stone-rows  "  and  other avenues,  whether  of  stone  or  earth,  were  the  simplest  and  the  oldest,  the  cromlechs  or dolmens,  simple  and  compound,  and  allees  couvertes  following,  and  being  connected with  the  avenues  until  in  them  "  we  are  absolutely  face  to  face  with  the  ground-plan  of "  Egyptian  temples,  so  much  so  that  there  can  be  no  question  that  those  who  built "  those  magnificent  monuments  in  Egypt  some  2,000,  3,000,  or  4,000  years  B.C.  got  their "  ideas  of  the  buildings  they  wished  to  erect  from  the  traditions  of  people  who  built "  cromlechs,  and  who  had  lived  in  and  used  them."  This  statement  will  doubtless delight  Sir  Norman  Lockyer's  Druidic  friends,  but  we  would  rather  not  be  between  them and  the  Egyptologists  when  they  discuss  that  phase  of  the  matter.  The  circles,  though connected  with  the  avenues  and  dolmens,  represent  in  the  author's  eyes  "  a  later "  development,  and  this  view  is  strengthened  by  the  fact  that  there  are  no  circles  in [     61     ] No,  34.]  MAN.  [1910. "  Egypt,  where  the  avenue-cromlech  system  is  most  developed."  The  circle  with  its outstanding  stones  was  quite  as  useful  astronomically  as  any  Egyptian  temple,  and  far easier  and  cheaper  to  construct. Returning  to  the  beginning  of  the  new  matter,  which  deals  mostly  with monuments  visited  by  Sir  Norman  Lockyer,  after  the  publication  of  his  first  edition, we  find,  in  the  first  place,  an  argument  in  favour  of  the  dolmens  having  been  made, not  for  tombs,  but  for  dwelling  places  and  observatories  for  the  priests,  who  carried on  the  ceremonies  in  the  circles,  or,  rather,  perhaps  in  the  dolmens  themselves,  before the  circles  began  to  be  erected,  for,  generally  speaking,  where  circles  abound  dolmens do  not,  and  where  dolmens  are  numerous  circles  are  scarce.  Even  in  West  Cornwall where  they  are  more  mixed  than  in  most  places,  they  are  not  in  very  close  association with  each  other.  Most  of  the  dolmens  mentioned  by  the  author  point  towards  the sun-rising  at  various  times  of  the  year  ;  the  exception  is  the  chamber  inside  the circle  at  Callernish,  which  is  suggested  to  have  been  directed  to  the  rising  of  the Pleiades  in  1330  B.C.  When  Sir  Norman  Lockyer  has  time  to  visit  Callernish  himself he  will  probably  come  to  the  conclusion  that  that  chamber  is  a  parasitic  addition, made,  perhaps,  a  thousand  years  after  the  date  mentioned.  Dolmens  generally  were certainly  oriented,  most  frequently  towards  a  winter  sunrise,  but  it  no  more  follows from  this  that  they  were  used  to  watch  for  it,  than  it  follows  from  the  orientation of  our  churches  that  they  were  intended  for  that  purpose.  At  Carrowmore  in Ireland  there  were  a  hundred  dolmens  or  more  in  one  square  mile,  and  these  could hardly  have  been  anything  but  tombs.  In  some  cases,  however,  dolmens,  differently constructed,  were  probably  used  as  shrines,  and,  perhaps,  at  some  times  and  places even  as  habitations.  Maeshowe,  in  Orkney,  resembles  much  more  the  ancient  houses in  Lewis  than  the  ordinary  dolmens,  and  was  probably,  as  Sir  Norman  Lockyer  says, a  "  Priest's  house "  ;  but  New  Grange,  with  which  it  is  often  compared,  is  quite  a •different  thing,  and,  as  a  habitation,  would  combine  the  greatest  amount  of  labour  in •construction  with  the  smallest  convenience  in  use  ;  now  the  ancient  men  did  not  give themselves  much  unnecessary  trouble  in  their  works. After  dealing  with  various  lines  and  avenues,  Sir  Norman  Lockyer  takes  up  the Aberdeenshire  circles.  Most  of  these  are  distinguished  from  all  others  by  the  long stone  set  on  edge  between  two  uprights,  and  now  commonly  called  the  recumbent stone.  Mr.  Coles,  who  has  measured  all  that  remains  of  these  circles,  has  found sixty-one  of  these  recumbent  stones,  sixty  of  which  are  in  the  southern  half  of  their respective  circles  (the  sixty-first  may  not  have  been  a  recumbent  stone  at  all)  ;  he strongly  objects  to  the  idea  that  the  builders  of  these  circles  took  any  account  of  sun •or  stars,  but  has  not  yet  explained  how  the  southern  half  of  the  circles  could  have been  differentiated  from  the  north  without  some  recourse  to  one  or  the  other  ;  and  it *can  hardly  be  contended  that  all  the  recumbent  stones  got  into  the  southern  half, if  not  indeed  into  the  southern  quarter,  by  accident,  or  that  the  builders  had  magnetic compasses.  Sir  Norman  Lockyer  has  himself  examined  twenty-nine  of  these  circles, and  says  fifteen  of  them  were  for  "clock  stars"  (to  determine  the  time  at  night), rtwo  u  May-year,"  three  solstitial,  four  facing  north  and  one  west,  the  latter  is  the sixty-first  mentioned  above.  He  associates  the  northward  facing  with  a  watching of  the  nightly  voyage  of  the  Great  Bear  round  Polaris,  and  this  view  might  find support  from  Northern  Asia.  Dolmens  are,  as  he  says,  scarce  in  Scotland,  but  with regard  to  what  he  calls  "  chambered  cairns,"  Sir  Norman  Lockyer  will  be  interested to  hear  that,  while  there  are  none  round  Aberdeen,  there  are  several,  surrounded  by •circles,  round  Inverness,  where  the  circles  with  recumbent  stones  are  not  found.  A model  of  one  at  Clava — a  small  edition  of  New  Grange — was  shown  in  the  Science .Department  of  the  Franco-British  Exhibition  under  his  own  presidency. There  are  chapters  on  the  Inter-relation  of  Monuments,  Cromlechs  in  North  Wales, [  62  ] 1910.]  MAN.  [Nos.  34-35. the  Welsh  Gorsedd,  and  "  Multiple  Circles,"  concerning  all  of  which  something  might be  said  if  space  permitted. The  observation  of  the  snn  and  stars  by  the  builders  of  the  rude  stone  monuments, and  their  nse  of  some  of  the  stones  for  the  purpose,  may  be  regarded  as  certainly established  ;  and  the  "  May-year  "  is  also  an  indisputable  fact,  since  it  still  exists  in Scotland  ;  but  the  dating  of  the  monuments  is  admitted  to  be  subject  in  all  cases to  more  precise  observations  of  them  and  their  horizons,  and  it  must  also  be  subject,  to other  considerations.  Although  some  stones  certainly  were  set  up  on  an  astronomical basis  it  does  not  follow  that  all  were,  and  the  particular  monument  under  discussion at  any  moment  may  have  served  some  other  object,  and  may  even  not  have  been  in existence  at  the  date  suggested  by  the  stars.  What  is  wanted  is  some  corroborative evidence  of  a  different  description  as  to  the  age  of  the  particular  stones  in  question, but  that  is  difficult  to  obtain.  Excavation  may  help  in  some  cases,  but  it  is  expensive and  not  always  possible  ;  at  Arborlow  and  Avebury  it  has  tended  to  show  a  neolithic origin  for  those  circles,  and  so  far  helps  to  support  Sir  Norman  Lockver's  views  as to  their  age  ;  and  much  might  be  done  in  this  way  on  the  sites  of  the  Aberdeenshire circles,  which  very  likely  belong  to  a  later  period. Whatever  result  may  be  obtained  from  further  investigations — and  there  is  room for  many  of  various  kinds — Sir  Norman  Lockyer's  essays  must  always  be  considered as  characteristically  courageous  and  original  attempts  to  solve  a  difficult  and  complex problem,  and  not  to  be  neglected  by  any  who  come  after  him,  even  if  they  should  not ultimately  be  found  correct  in  every  particular.  The  photographs  of  many  little-known monuments  in  very  different  parts  of  the  country,  most  of  which  have  been  taken  by Lady  Lockyer,  add  greatly  to  the  interest  and  value  of  the  book,  and  are  alone  worth the  additional  price  of  the  new  edition.  A.  L.  LEWIS. New  Guinea.  Ker. Papuan  Fairy  Tales.    By  Annie  Ker.    London  :  Macmillan,  1910.    Pp.  xi+149.     QC 21  X  14  cm.     Price  5.9.  UU During  the  last  thirty  or  forty  years  the  output  of  traditional  tales  has  been enormous,  alike  in  collections  and  in  scattered  contributions  to  periodicals.  They  are the  vogue.  This  is  the  result  partly  of  their  newly-discovered  anthropological  value, but  partly  also  of  their  naivete,  their  artistic  value  and  their  capacity,  wherever  they may  have  been  gathered,  to  interest  the  children  of  civilised  communities.  For  the latter  purpose,  however,  it  is  necessary  at  times  to  modify  such  as  may  be  of  savage provenience,  to  soften  some  of  their  ruggedness,  and  to  omit  or  disguise  their  more  repul- sive features.  Whether  they  can  be  depended  on  for  scientific  ends  is  therefore  a question  to  be  determined  not  only  by  reference  to  the  qualifications  and  opportunities  of the  collector,  but  also  by  the  class  of  readers  for  whom  they  are  intended. Mrs.  Ker's  little  book  is  addressed  mainly  to  children  and  non-scientific  readers. It  is  written  in  simple  and  charming  English.  The  tales  are  obviously  genuine,  and they  seem  to  be  told  with  little  alteration  of  their  original  incidents.  The  authoress has  not,  indeed,  avoided  all  difficulties,  as  witness  her  slurring  of  the  Joseph-and- Potiphar's-wife  incident  in  the  story  of  The  Unlucky  Man.  She  does,  however,  preserve items  of  native  belief  and  traits  of  manners  that  must,  one  would  think,  be  a  stumbling- block  to  children,  even  with  their  almost  unlimited  power  of  granting  implicit  postulates, and  of  investing  themselves  with  the  strange  atmosphere  of  a  foreign  tale. Fairy  Tales,  it  need  hardly  be  said,  is  a  misnomer.  Fairies  are  only  once  mentioned, and  they  are  not  fairies  but  jungle  spirits  more  or  less  hostile  to  mankind.  The  stories are  for  the  most  part,  like  the  Australian  and  other  savage  traditions,  aetiological. They  account  for  the  legs  and  wings  of  the  crane,  the  customs  in  war  of  various [    63    ] Nos,  35-36.]  MAN.  [1910. tribes,  remarkable  rocks,  and  so  forth.  While  many  of  the  incidents  are  strange  to us,  they  include  plenty  common  to  the  traditional  stories  of  mankind,  such  as  those  of Supernatural  Forgetfulness,  the  Magical  Flight,  the  Life  Token,  the  Theft  of  Fire,  the Supernatural  Birth.  It  is  interesting  to  find  that  of  the  child  born  of  a  woman  left alone  in  a  deserted  village,  who  grows  up  a  hero  and  slays  the  monster  that  ravages the  neighbourhood — a  story  common  in  North  America,  but,  perhaps,  not  so  well  known elsewhere. It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  authoress  has  not  stated  definitely  where  and  from what  tribe  she  collected  the  tales,  and  that  she  has  not  told  us  something  about  the people.  These  things  do  not  concern  children,  but  she  evidently  seeks  to  interest others  also  ;  and,  seeing  that  so  few  Papuan  tales  have  yet  reached  this  country,  the collection  will  not  be  without  its  uses  for  anthropologists.  A  vocabulary  of  the  native terms  should  have  been  added.  The  plates,  reproduced  from  photographs,  are  of varying  value  ;  some  of  them  give  a  good  idea  of  native  types  and  surroundings. E.  S.  H. Anthropology.  Dieserud. The  Scope  and  Content  of  the  Science  of  Anthropology.     By  Juul  Dieserud, A.M.     Chicago  (Open  Court),  1908.     Pp.  200.     20  x  H  cm. Mr.  Dieserud's  essay  is  divided  into  three  sections.  The  first,  dealing  with  the scope  and  content  of  anthropology,  is  mainly  critical  ;  the  second  consists  of  a classification  for  the  use  of  librarians  and  bibliographers ;  the  third  contains  a bibliography  with  a  summary  of  the  main  conclusions,  and  the  trend  of  each  work noted.  The  second  section,  in  addition  to  its  primary  object,  is,  of  course,  valuable in  assisting  the  reader  to  grasp  Mr.  Dieserud's  point  of  view  in  his  discussion  of  the definitions  of  the  scope  of  anthropology,  and  the  classifications  of  the  subject-matter of  the  science  which  have  been  proposed  from  time  to  time  by  other  writers.  A  brief historical  introduction  precedes  Part  I. Adopting  Topinard's  definition  of  anthropology  as  "  the  branch  of  natural  history "  which  treats  of  man  and  the  races  of  man,"  a  definition  which,  he  points  out, practically  all  anthropologists  accept  without  any  general  agreement  as  to  its  meaning, he  divides  the  science  both  on  terminological  grounds,  and  for  reasons  of  convenience, into  two  main  divisions,  physical  or  somatological  and  "  ethnical "  anthropology,  the latter — not  a  very  satisfactory  term — covering  the  function  of  anthropology  as  a "  psycho-socio-cultural  science." Mr.  Dieserud  accepts  as  the  main  constituent  elements  of  somatological  anthro- pology : — human  anatomy,  physiology,  pathology,  comparative  or  zoological  anthropology, and  psychology.  It  is  in  discussing  how  far  anatomy,  physiology,  pathology,  zoology, and  psychology  come  within  the  confines  of  anthropology  that  the  author  makes  what  is perhaps  his  most  useful  contribution  to  the  discussion  by  the  emphasis  he  lays  upon the  fact  that  it  is  not  so  much  the  actual  subject-matter  of  investigation,  as  the  point of  view  from  which  it  is  approached,  that  brings  an  enquiry  within  the  scope  of  the science.  To  English  anthropologists  the  section  dealing  with  the  use  of  the  terms ethnology  and  ethnography  will  probably  prove  the  least  satisfactory,  and  with  the conclusions  of  which  they  will  find  themselves  least  in  agreement,  the  author's  view being  that  ethnology  should  be  regarded  as  synonymous  with  Professor  Holmes's "  culture  anthropology."  E.  N.  F. ERRATUM. The  price  of  Santa   Cruz  and  the  Reef  Islands   (reviewed    in    MAX,    1910,  25) was  incorrectly  stated  to  be  one  shilling  :  it  should  have  been  sixpence. Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE.  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street.  E.G. MAN,  igio. O < DC O O LU Q 1910.] MAN. [No.  37. ORIGINAL     ARTICLES. Africa,  West.  With  Plate  E.  Thomas. Decorative   Art   among   the    Edo-speaking   Peoples   of   Nigeria : I.  Decoration  of  Buildings.     By  N.    W.   Thomas,  M.A. In  this  linguistic  family,  of  which  the  Bini  are  the  best  known  and  most  populous tribe,  there  is,  on  the  whole,  a  marked  absence  of  incised,  plastic,  or  laid-on  ornament. In  Benin  City  individual  houses  are  found  with  colours  laid  on  the  outer  walls  in geometrical  or  other  simple  design  ;  in  one  case  I  have  noticed  the  niche  of  an  ebo (commonly  translated  "  juju ")  with  a  circle  of  radiating  coloured  bands  around  it ; and  one  house  has  plastic  figures  of  Europeans  and  others  upon  it  ;  but  all  these  cases are  sporadic  and  due  to  individual  taste  or  eccentricity. In  Uzebu,  a  western  suburb  of  Benin  City,  where  Ojumo  resides,  I  found  on  the wall  of  a  house  a  rosette,  the  name  of  which  was  given  as  ukegbe  (tortoise-shell) and  a  scroll  pattern  termed  pbanuli,  or  "  200  mark "  ;  this  was,  with  one  exception, the  only  occasion  on  which  I  got  a  definite  name  and  interpretation  for  a  pattern  ; the  other  instance  was  that  of  the  single  hatching  ///////////  which  is  called  ebewana, ''  palm  leaf "  ;  in  all  other  cases  I  could  not  get  more  than  the  name  oba  (mark)  ; other  scroll  patterns  are  found  in  Uzebu.  Very  fine  examples  of  them  are  preserved in  the  mess-room  of  the  Resi- dency in  the  shape  of  two  large chests,  the  surfaces  of  which are  covered  with  this  design  and with  rosettes. Next  to  the  scroll  work, of  which  examples  are  figured from  Ugo,  one  day's  march east  of  Benin  City,  close  to  the Agbor  district ;  Jeduma,  two days  north-east  of  Benin  City  ; Eviakoi  and  Iguichimi,  both  ten or  twelve  miles  north  of  Benin City  ;  and  Ugboviato,  in  the  Ora  ^^^l country,  the  most  frequent  form of  ornament  was  a  series  of  con-  BMVfl centric  circles,  shown  on  the  left of  Fig.  1   in  the  plate.     I  noted  FJG-  5- this  also  at  Ewu,  near  Agbede,  in  the  Ishan  district.  Almost  equally  frequent  is  a small  incised  triangle,  not  shown  in  the  illustration,  but  analogous  to  the  rectangular depressions  in  the  lower  part  of  Fig.  2.  Non-incised  coloured  triangles  are  in  the  main the  groundwork  of  the  decoration  of  the  shrine  of  Ovato  at  Jeduma,  shown  in  Fig.  1. As  a  rule  these  decorations  are  found  in  the  house  dedicated  to  the  ebo,  as  at Jeduma  and  Eviakoi,  in  the  king's  house,  as  at  Ugo,  or  in  ruined  houses,  as  in  the case  of  Ugboviato  and  Iguichimi. In  the  extreme  north-east  of  the  Ifon  district,  on  the  boundary  of  Northern Nigeria,  but  not,  so  far  as  I  was  able  to  observe,  extending  over  the  boundary,  is  found the  singular  type  of  decorative  art  shown  in  Fig.  4.  The  example  is  from  the  interior of  the  king's  house  ;  it  is  the  work  of  women,  and  is  renewed  or  replaced  by  new designs  annually.  I  found  similar  designs  at  Otna,  some  five  miles  away,  and  they occur  sporadically  near  Afuge,  a  day's  march  south-east,  but  in  this  case  inter-marriage affords  a  probable  explanation.  Another  example  is  faintly  seen  on  the  left  of  Fig.  2, above  the  scroll  work. [    65    ] Nos.  37-38.] MAN. [1910. FIG.  6. Human  figures,  of  which  one  is  seen  in  the  centre  of  Fig.  2,  are  rare  in  plastie art  except  where  they  represent  an  e.bo,  usually  Esu,  the  mischievous  ebo  whose  figure is  never  found  save  outside  the  house,  usually  on  the  left  of  the  door.  I  could  get  na explanation  of  the  figure  at  Ugboviato. On  the  aluebo  at  Iguichimi  (Fig.  3)  are  seen,  on  the  right  of  the  scroll,  an  ada, or  chief's  knife,  carried  by  the  omada  on  state  occasions  ;  below  are  two  cocks,  and on  the  left  the  ebe,  or  ceremonial  sword. The    objects    depicted    on  the  wall    at  Okpe  are — (1)  a  tortoise,  (2)  a    big  bird (owobo),  (3)  a  small    bird,    (4)  a    butterfly  (alotomi),  (5)  a    court    messenger    accom- panying (6)  the  District  Commissioner, (0    (9)    purificatory    medicine    (aba), and  (8)  a  pepper  pounder  (innobo). Fig.  5  is  from  the  house  sacred to  Ochwaie,  at  Eviakoi,  near  Benin, City.  Above  the  scroll  work  is  seen a  snake,  the  emblem  of  this  ebo. Fig.  6  is  from  a  small  oguedion  in. front  of  the  king's  house  at  Ugo  ; lying  beneath  the  number  are  the- uchure  which  represent  his  ancestors, and  over  which  the  sacrificial  blood is  poured. With  the  exception  of  the  Okpe- examples  there  is  little  stylicisation, though  the  human  figure  on  the  left  of  the  convertical  chevrons  in  Fig.  1,  which  is formed  of  triangles,  coloured,  or  left  blank,  shows  a  tendency  in  this  direction.  As a  rule,  however,  the  objects  depicted  are  easily  recognisable.  At  Ifon  I  found  a  duck and  a  hoe  on  the  wall  of  a  house,  and  a  figure  more  like  a  platypus  than  anything else,  proclaimed  by  its  spots  to  be  a  leopard. A  lizard  drawn  before  a  shrine  in  a  village  close  to  Enyai  Market  showed  a resemblance  to  the  animal  ;  in  the  representations  of  chameleons  and  other  animals on  the  osun,  of  which  an  example  is  to  be  found  in  the  British  Museum,  we  also  find*  a considerable  amount  of  stylicisation  ;  but  in  this  case  we  are  hardly  justified  in  speaking of  the  representations  as  decorative  art,  for  the  purpose  was  almost  certainly  magical. The  present  note  deals  exclusively  with  the  design  on  walls  ;  I  propose  to  discuss  the patterns  of  rings,  bracelets,  and  other  objects  of  wood  or  metal  on  some  future  occasion. N.  W.  THOMAS. Andamans.  Schmidt. Nochmals:  Puluga,  das  hbchste  Wesen  der  Andamanesen.      '  ""     QO P.   W.  Schmidt,  S.V.D*  00 In  der  Marz-Nummer  des  MAN  (1910,  33fF)  hat  Mr.  Brown  eine  Erwiderung  auf meine  Kritik  (MAN,  1910,  2ff)  seines  Artikels  in  Folklore  (Sept.  1909,  S.  257ff) erscheinen  lassen,  die  sich  durch  eine  fiir  wissenschafthche  Erorterungeu  ganz  un- gewohnliche  Heftigkeit  des  Tones  bemerkbar  macht.  Ich  werde  mich  durch  dieselbe nicht  abhalten  lassen,  auf  seine  Ausserungeu  in  aller  Ruhe  zu  antworten. Mi\  Brown  hat  mir  auf  meine  Interpellation  hin  den  Gefallen  getan,  sich  iiber die  "  strict  methods "  zu  aussern,  die  er  befolgt  hat.  D.  h.  fiir  jetzt  nur  iiber  seine Methoden  in  der  Erklarung  der  Tatsachen  ;  die  Darlegung  seiner  Beobachtungs- *  Ich  muss  die  Redaktion  und  die  Leser  des  MAN  bitten,  mir  zu  gestatten,  bei  diesem  Artikel mich  meiner  Muttcrsprache  zu  bedienen,  da  es  mir  hier  darauf  ankommt,  mehr  noch  als  sonst,  Sinn und  Tragweite  meiner  Worte  und  Satze  genau  abmessen  zu  konnen,  was,  wie  ich  fiirchte,  ich  beim Gebrauch  des  Englischen  nicht  immer  mit  voller  Sicherheit  konnte. — P.  W.  SCHMIDT. [     66     ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No,  38. methoden  verschiebt  er   auf  sein   deranlichst   erscheinendes    Buch.     Er  meiut   inbezujr c^ auf  letztere  :  "  Fatber  Scbmidt  appears  to  disbelieve,  not  only  my  arguments,  but  also "  my  observations."  Ich  wiisste  nicbt,  wo  ich  ein  "  disbelieve "  gegeniiber  den Beobacbtungen  Mr.  Brown's  in  dieser  Allgenirinln-it  zum  Ausdruck  gebracht  hatte. Thatsache  ist  vielmehr  (1),  dass  icb  beziiglicb  einiger  Punkte,  die  ich  namhaft,  gemacht, keine  Ursache  sehe,  Mr.  Man  und  Mr.  Portman  weniger  zu  glauben  als  Mr.  Brown  ; (2)  dass  ich  die  Wahrhaftigkeit  Mr.  Brown's  bei  alien  seinen  Beobachtungen  gerade so  wenig  in  Zweifel  gezogen,  als  er,  wie  ich  denke,  die  Wahrhaftigkeit  Mr.  Man's  und Mr.  Portman's.  Dagegen  ging  Mr.  Brown  so  weit,  mir  alle  und  jede  Wahrhaftigkeit abzusprechen  ("he  is  always  seeking,  not  the  truth,  but  evidence  for  a  pre-formed u  theory  ")  ;  indes  dariiber  werde  ich  zum  Schluss  noch  ein  Wort  zu  sagen  habeu. Seine  Methode  der  Interpretation  der  Tatsachen  gibt  Mr.  Brown  dann  in  sieben Punkten  kund,  jedesmal  eine  Beurteilung  dessen,  was  er  fur  meine  Methode  halt, daranschliessend.  Insofern  diese  letztere  nur  eine  allgemeine  Abschatzung  bedeutet, habe  ich  keine  Veranlassung  darauf  niiher  eiuzugehen  ;  es  liegt  bis  jetzt  nichts  vor,  was derartigen  Urteilen  Mr.  Brown's  eine  besondere  Bedeutung  verleihen  konnte.  Wo  er dagegen  konkrete  Punkte  bespricht,  werde  ich  nicht  verfehlen,  ihm  Antwort  zu  geben. Fast  alle  methodischen  Grundsatze  nun,  die  Mr.  Brown  aufstellt,  mit  Ausnahme des  ganz  selbstverstandlichen  "  mind  free  from  preconceived  opinions,"  bediirfen  starker Korrekturen  oder  wenigsteus  Ergiinzungen.  Wenn  er  in  (2)  die  Forderung  aufzustellen scheint,  dass  nur  der  in  irgend  einer  Weise  iiber  ein  Volk  urteilen  diirfe,  der  selbst  bei ihm  geweilt  habe,  so  ist  das  nur  die  Erneuerung  der  torichten  Ansicht  von  Howitt, die  aber  dann  u.  a.  von  N.  W.  Thomas  in  sehr  nachdriicklicher  Weise  zuriickgewiesen wurde,  was  nachzulesen  Mr.  Brown  sehr  niitzlich  ware,  s.  Folklore,  XVII.  (1906), SS.  306-307.  Nach  diesem  Grundsatze  konnten  sich,  um  nur  englische  Namen  zu nennen,  Manner  wie  Tylor,  Hartland,  Lang,  Frazer,  Haddon,  Marett,  u.  s.  w.  in  der Ethnologic  entweder  gar  nicht  oder  nur  iiber  sehr  beschrankte  Gebiete  ein  Urteil erlauben. Dass  man  (3)  (4)  ein  Volk.  so  weit  es  geht  aus  seiner  eigenen  Mentalitat  erklaren soil,  ist  bis  zu  einem  gewissen  Grade  richtig  ;  in  der  Unbeschranktheit  angewendet, wie  Brown  diese  Forderung  ausspricht,  wurde  sie  zu  den  grossten  Ungeheuerlich- keiten  fiihren.  Sie  ist  dann  nichts  anders  als  die  nun  schon  veralternde  Theorie des  absoluten  Elementargedankens  von  Bastian.  Auch  die  Andamanesen  sind  mit ihrer  Mentalitat  nicht  vom  Himmel  gefallen  und  haben  sie  danu  ohne  jede  Eiuwirkung von  aussen  weiter  entwickelt.  Sondern  Einwirkungen  von  aussen  und  Zusammen- hlinge  dahin  sind  von  vornherein  wahrscheinlich,  und  jeder  exakte  Forscher  hat nicht  nur  das  Recht,  sondern  auch  die  Pflicht,  sich  nach  ihnen  umzusehen.  Und dass  hier  auch  positiv  schon  bedeutend  mehr  gesagt  werden  kanu.  als  Mr.  Brown  zu glauben  scheint,  davon  kann  er  sich  in  meinen  Pygmaen-Werke  (s.  MAN,  1910,  S.  7, Anm.  2),  S.  273  ff.,  iiberzengeu. Es  ist  mir  nicht  recht  gewiss,  was  Mr.  Brown  uuter  "  direct  evidence "  (5) versteht.  Wenn  sie  bloss  die  Beobachtungen  umfassen,  die  man  mit  Augen  sieht  und mit  Ohren  hort,  und  ausschliessen  soil  alles,  was  mau  aus  diesen  Wahrnehmungen durch  legitime  Schlussfolgerungen  ableiten  kann,  so  ist  die  Forderung  Brown's,  dass man  auch  fur  die  Konstatierung  der  vergangenen  Entwickelungsformen  uur  derlei "  direct  evidence "  verwenden  diirfe,  geradezu  ein  Nonsens,  da  die  Vergangenheit  ja doch  mit  unmittelbarer  Beobachtung  niemals  erfasst  wird,  sondern  immer  und  ohne Ausnahme  nur  durch  Schlussfolgerungen  zu  erreichen  ist.  Vielleicht  muss  ich  hier hinzunehmen,  was  Mr.  Brown,  S.  36,  unter  (3)  sagt.  Hier  begeben  sich  aber  recht seltsame  Dinge.  Mr.  Brown  meint  dort,  meine  Methode  sei  "  an  extreme  example "  of  a  kind  unfortunately  still  very  common  in  ethnological  literature.  As  long  as ';  such  arguments  are  tolerated  and  listened  to,  so  long  must  ethnology  remain  in  its [    67    ] No.  38.]  MAN.  [1910. u  unscientific  way."  Diese  pretentiose  Altklugheit  bei  einem  jungen  Forscher,  der uns  sein  erstes  wissenschaftliches  Buch  noch  erst  zu  schenken  hat,  macht  sich  ganz kostlich.  Ja,  und  sind  wir  jetzt  wirklich  so  gliicklich,  den  Messias  gefunden  zu  haben, der  uns  den  einzig  moglicben  Weg  aus  all  diesen  Wirrsalen  herauszukommen,  eroflfnet  ? Horen  wir,  wie  Mr.  Brown  fortfahrt  : — "  The  only  way  in  which  it  is  possible  to  prove *'  that  a  given  belief  or  institution  is  a  survival  of  another  belief  or  institution,  is *'  (1)  to  show  that,  historically,  the  one  belief  has  followed  the  other  in  some u  particular  society,  and  (2)  that  the  change  from  one  to  the  other  is  due  to  a *'  particular  cause.  Then  (3)  if  we  find  the  latter  belief  existing  in  another  society, *'  and  also  (4)  find  direct  evidence  that  the  same  cause  or  causes  have  been  at  work, "  there  is  (5)  a  probability  for  the  existence,  in  that  society,  of  the  earlier  belief." Nun  sind  wir  aber  doch  einigermassen  enttauscht  ;  denn  was  uns  da  als  neue  Weisheit so  stolz  verkiindet  wird,  wurde  in  solider  Forschung  doch  schon  so  lange  gettbt,  dass jemand,  der  mit  diesen  Dingen  bekannt  ist,  das  nicht  hatte  als  neuen  eigenen  Fund ausgeben  diirfen.  Und  gar  keine  andere  als  diese  Methode  habe  auch  ich  selbst hier  angewendet.  Die  Bedingungen  (1)  und  (2)*  habe  iche  in  meinem  soeben erschienenen  Werk  iiber  die  Religionen  und  Mythologien  der  austronesischen  Volker (s.  MAN,  1910,  S.  5,  Anm.  1)  erfiillt.  Die  Erfiillung  der  Bedingung  (3)  liegt  in  den Hinweisen  auf  die  ahnlichen  Formen  der  andamanesischen  Mythologie  :  BUikiCs  Identi- fikation  mit  der  Spinne  und  mit  dem  abnehmeiiden  Mond,  Teria-Darid's  Zusaminen- hang  mit  dem  zunehmenden  Mond,  die  Identifikation  von  Oluga  und  Patia  mit  der Eidechse,  das  zeitweilige  Bruder-  oder  Freundesverhaltnis  von  Daria  zu  Puluga  (MAN, 1910,  SS.  o,  6).  Die  Forderung  (4)  ist  erfiillt  durch  den  Nachweis,  dass  eine Anzahl  von  Punkten  rein  zufalliger  Natur  hier  gerade  so  zueinander  gehoren,  wie auch  in  der  austronesischen  Mythologie,  was  auf  die  Wirksamkeit  gleicher  Ursachen schliessen  lasst.  Das  alles  gibt  dann  (5)  die  Probabilitat,  das  auch  die  friih  eren  Zu- stande  der  beiden  Mythologien  gleiche  oder  ahnliche  gewesen  sind.  Denn  dass  ich fiir  diese  letztere  Schlussfolgerung  nicht  mehr  als  Probabilitat  in  Anspruch  genommen, habe  ich  doch  geniigend  zum  Ausdruck  gebracht  dadurch,  dass  ich  die  ganze  Schluss- kette  nur  als  eine  Theorie  bezeichnete.  Was  will  also  Mr.  Brown  denn  eigentlich noch  ?  Was  er  dann  jetzt  noch  weiter  folgen  lasst,  ist  beinahe  unglaublich  ;  denn  es bedeutet  nichts  anderes  als  die  glatte  Leugnung  einer  Mb'glichkeit,  iiberhaupt irgendwie  vergleichende  ethnologische  Forschung  zu  treibeu:  "This  probability  can  be •"  strengthened  in  many  ways,  but  it  can  never  become  certainty  till  we  have  proved  that u  the  latter  belief  could  not  arise  in  any  other  way,  and  this  is  a  task  which  is  in "  nearly  all  cases  quite  impossible."  Was  Mr.  Brown  zu  diesen  Seltsarakeiten  gebracht hat,  ist  wohl  einerseits  sein  jugendliches  Sichfiihlen  als  "  Spezialforscher  ",  zweitens aber  auch  der  Umstand,  dass  ihm  die  scholastischen  Eierschalen  noch  zu  sehr  anhaften. Das  letztere  schliesse  ich  daraus,  dass  er  so  besorgt  ist  mir  einige  Lektiouen  in  der Logik  der  Induktion  zu  empfehlen  ;  er  weiss  also  nicht,  dass  in  den  Geschichtswissen- schaften — und  zu  diesen  gehort  ja  die  Ethnologic — eine  metaphysische  Gewissheit  weder raoglich  noch  notig  ist,  dass  eine  moralische  vollstandig  geniigt.  Was  fiir  Lektionen ich  Mr.  Brown  empfehlen  wiirde,  werde  ich  am  Schluss  noch  sagen. Ich  kehre  zu  Punkt  (6)  (S.  34)  der  Methode  Brown's  zuriick.  Mr.  Brown  hat "  presumed  that  whatever  beliefs  are  to  be  found  in  all  the  groups  are  essential  and original  portions  of  the  myth."  Hier  ist  das  Wort-  "  original  "  zweideutig  ;  soil  es heissen,  dass  die  Meiuungen  ganz  in  der  Form,  wie  sie  jetzt  in  alien  Stammen  vorliegen, auch  friiher^  ursprunglich  in  alien  Stammen  so  gewesen  seien,  so  ist  die  Regel  falsch. Es  ist  durchaus  moglich,  dass  auch  diese,  in  alien  Gruppen  verbreiteten  Teile  sdmtlich schon  verandert  sind;  was  nun  in  Wirklichkeit  der  Fall  ist,  das  zu  bestimmen,  niitzt *  Die  Ziffern  oben  in  dem  Zitat  aus  Mr.  Brown  habe  ich  selbst  der  grosseren  Ubersichtlichkeit halber  eingesetzt. [    63    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  38. die  Brown'sche  Regel  garnichts,  das  muss  in  jedem  einzelnen  Fall  untersucht  werden. Noch  schlimmer  steht  es  mit  der  folgenden  Regel  :  u.  .  beliefs  which  are different  in  different  groups  are  not  so  essential."  1st  dieser  vage  Ausdruck  "  not  so essential "  aus  der  Verlegenheit  oder  aus  der  Fliichtigkeit  des  Schreibers  hervor- gegangen  ?  Oder  meiut  Mr.  Brown  wirklich,  dass  es  in  der  u  Essentialitat "  noch verschiedene  Grade-  gebe  ?  Zur  Sache  ist  zu  betonen,  dass  auch  Mythenteile,  die  nur  in einzelnen  Gruppen  vorkommen,  ganz  gut  wesentliche  Teile  der  urspriinglichsten  Form der  Mythe  sein  konnen.  Auch  hier  niitzt  die  Brown'sche  Regel  garnichts  ;  es  ist  wieder die  besondere  Untersuchung,  die  entscheiden  muss,  was  im  einzelnen  Fall  vorliegt. Es  scheint  fast,  dass  Mr.  Brown  als  kluger  Feldherr  seine  Truppen  so  aufgestellt hat,  dass  die  schwacheren  weiter  zuriick  ihren  Platz  bekommen.  War  schon  (6)  nicht viel  mehr  wert,  so  ist  (7)  vollends  ohne  jeden  Halt.  Denn  abgesehen  davon,  dass  jeder Beweis  fehlt  fiir  die  Behauptung,  dass  die  Mythologie  der  siidlichen  Gruppe  von Gross  Andaman — wie  ihre  Sprache  (?  ?  ?) — hoher  entwickelt  gewesen  sei  (vgl.  z.  B. Mr.  Brown's  eigene  Angabe  :  "  in  the  south  Teria  is  generally  ignored  "),  so  haben  wir in  der  abgeleiteten  Schlussfolgerung,  dass  sie  deshalb  die  spateren  Formen  aufweise, nur  ein — um  mit  Mr.  Brown  zu  reden — "  extreme  example  of  a  kind  unfortunately  still very  common  in  ethnological  literature ",  ein  Beispiel  namlich  jener  unentwegten Evolutionstheorie,  die  so  gar  nicht  an  das  Vorkommen  von  Verkiinimerungen  glauben kann,  sondern,  einzig  und  allein,  nur  Entwickelungen  von  unten  nach  oben  kennt. Der  Schlussfolgerung  Mr.  Brown's  fehlt  denn  auch  der  bescheidenste  Grad  von Probabilitat.  Denn  Mr.  Brown  weiss  nichts  zu  erwidern  auf  das,  was  ich  ihin vorgehalten,  dass  die  Entwicklung  gerade  so  gut  von  Siidandaman  (Bea,  Bale)  durch Puchikwar,  Kol,  Juwoi,  nach  Nordandaman  gehen  konne,  als  umgekehrt  ;  ferner,  dass nicht  Perlmutterschale  und  Feuerbrand  ganz  indiscriminatim  in  den  Mythen  aller Gruppen  erscheinen,  sondern  Perlmutterschale  nur  in  der  nordlichen,  Feuerbrand  nur in  der  mitlleren  und  siidlichen  Gruppe,  und  dass  Feuerbrand  zweifellos  gegeniiber Perlmutterschale  das  Friihere  darstelle.  Diese  Argumente  bleiben  in  ihrer  Kraft gegen  Brown's  Auffassung  bestehen,  auch  wenn  meine  Theorie  iiber  die  fruhere Mondmythologie  der  Andamanesen  vollstiindig  fallen  wiirde.  Nach  der  gleichen Richtung  sprechen  auch  die  beiden  Tatsachen,  die  Mr.  Brown  in  seinem  Artikel  in Folklore  (a.a.O.,  S.  267)  selbst  berichtet  und  aufrichtig  gesteht  nicht  erklareuzu  konnen, und  die  in  der  Tat  zu  seiner  Auffassung  in  scharfem  Widerspruch  stehen  :  dass  Daria im  Siiden  nahezu  unbekannt  ist,  und  dort  Puluga  alle  Stiirme  zugeschrieben  werden, dass  aber  auch  im  Norden  Blitz  und  Gewitter  nicht  mit  Tarai,  sondern  nur  mit  Biliku in  Verbindung  gebracht  werden,  obwohl  letztere  den  Nordostmonsun  repriisentirt,  der fiir  gewohnlich  schones  Wetter  bringt. So  ist  der  jetzige  Artikel  Mr.  Brown's  interessant  nicht  nur  durch  das,  was  er bringt,  sondern  noch  mehr  durch  das,  was  er  iibergeht.  Das  sticht  um  so  mehr  hervor gegeniiber  der  Vehemenz  und  der  sittlichen  Enstriistung,  mit  der  er  jetzt  einige Inkorrektheiten  hervorhebt,  die  er  bei  mir  gefunden  haben  will.  Zumal  die  sittliche Entriistung  ist  hier  etwas  sehr  seltsames.  In  wissenschaftlichen  Diskussionen  reifer Manner  entschliesst  man  sich  nui  auf  die  schwerwiegendsten  Griinde  bin,  seinem  Gegner den  guten  Glauben  abzusprechen  ;  ich  erinnere  mich  keines  Falles,  wo  dieses  Gesetz mit  solchem  Leichtsinn  iibertreten  worden  ware,  als  es  von  Mr.  Brown  geschieht. der  mir  hier  "  suggestio  falsi  "  und  "  careful  omissions  "  vorwirf t.  Wenn  ich  in  die Fussstapfen  Mr.  Brown's  treten  wollte,  so  miisste  ich  jetzt  sagen,  dass  die  entriistete Vehemenz  Mr.  Brown's  sich  aus  dem  Bestreben  erklare,  die  Aufmerksamkeit  der Leser  abzulenken  von  den  entscheidendeu  Punkten,  die  er  unwiderlegt  lassen  musste. Ich  hiite  mich,  eine  solche  Beschuldigung  auszusprechen. Mr.  Brown  wirft  mir  zuerst  vor,  dass  ich  das  Wort  "  firebrand "  durch  "  torch  " ersetzt  und  gesagt  babe,  dass  u  torches  "  gerade  so  gut  von  Miinnern  wie  von  Frauen [    69    ] No.  38.]  MAN.  [1910. gebraucht  wiirden.  Diese  "  substitution "  meinerseits  hat  tatsiichlich  stattgefunden, aber  nur  in  dem  ganz  allgemeinen  Sinne,  als  ein  vom  Feuer  genomnienes  brennendes Scheit  Holz  eine  Fackel,  im  Deutschen  wenigstens,  genannt  werden  kann.  Das  geschah ganz  ohne  weitere  Absicht.  Fiir  diese  hatte  auch  jede  Veranlassung  gefehlt,  da  ich mit  einer  "  substitution "  in  dem  anderem  Sinne  gar  nichts  gewonnen  hatte  ;  im Gegenteil,  da  gerade  die  "  torches "  von  Frauen  gernacht  werden.*  Ferner  ist  es zweifellos,  dass  nicht  nur  "  torches  "  im  eigentlichem  Sinne,  sondern  auch  "  firebrands  " nicht  nur  von  Frauen,  sondern  auch  von  Mannern  gebraucht  werden,  wenn  sie,  die sich  doch  auch  ans  Feuer  lagern,  dort  zufallig  in  Zorn  geraten.  Das  wird  ja  zu  allem Uberfluss  auch  noch  positiv  bezeugt  von  dem  ganz  bestimmt  nur  mdnnlichen  Puluga der  Bea,  der  dem  Feuerrauber  einen  Feuerbrand  nachwirft.f  Dazu  komnt  die  schon oben  hervorgehobene  Tatsache,  dass  gerade  in  der  nordlichen  Gruppe,  wo  Biliku weiblich  ist,  der  Feuerbrand  in  der  Mythe  nicht  vorkommt.  Es  zeugt  iiberhaupt  von einem  sehr  anfangshaften  Stand  des  Forschens  Mr.  Brown's,  dass  er  uns  zumutet, auf  ein  hingeworfenes  Wort  eiues  einzigen  Eingeborenen  eine  ganze  wissenschaftliche Theorie  aufzubauen.  Das  ist  hier  um  so  weniger  zuliissig,  da  die  Ursache  noch  ganz gut  angegeben  werden  kann,  aus  welcher  der  Eingeborene  zu  seiner  Meinung  kam  :  er gehorte  zu  der  Mischgruppe  Juwoi,  Kol,  Puchikwar,  in  der  das  Geschlecht  Bulk's  ja schwankend  ist.J Nun  kommt  der  einzige  Punkt,  in  welchem,  sachlich  genommen,  eine  Beanstandung Mr.  Brown's  zu  einem  Teil  zurecht  bestehen  konnte.  Sie  bezieht  sich  darauf,  dass ich,  um  die  Verbindung  der  Biliku  der  nordlichen  Gruppe  mit  der  Spinne  zu  erklaren, statt  der  Perlmuttermuschel,  welche  Biliku  wirft,  die  Cyrena-Muschel  heranzog,  welche auch  zum  Verfertigen  von  Schniiren  und  Faden  gebraucht  wird.  Mr.  Brown  stellt  dem die  doppelte  Versicheruug  gegeniiber  :  (1)  die  Perlmuttermuschel  wird  in  alien  Teilen der  Andamanen,  praktisch  genommen  nur  von  Frauen,  zum  Spalten  (Offnen)  und  Reinigen von  Pflanzennahrung  [vegetables]  und — so  fiigt  er  jetzt  hiuzu — zu  gar  nichts  anderem gebraucht ;  (2)  die  Cyrena-Muschel  wird  in  gleicher  Weise  von  Mannern  und  Frauen und  fur  die  verschiedensten  Zwecke,  einschliesslich  Bereitung  von  Faseru  fur  Faden und  Schniire,  gebraucht.  Die  Hinzufiigung,  die  Mr.  Brown  jetzt  macht,  dass  die  Perl- muttermuschel zu  garnichts  anderen  verwendet  werde  als  zum  Offhen  und  Reinigen  der Pflanzennahrung,  schliesst  allerdings  ihre  Verwendung  zur  Bereitung  von  Schnur-Fasern aus.  Indes  darf  wohl  hinzugefiigt  werden,  dass  diese  jetzt  gemachte  Hinzufiigung, deren  subjektive  Zuverlassigkeit  keinem  Zweifel  zu  begegnen  braucht,  doch  nicht  von solcher  objektiven  Zuverlassigkeit  ist,  wie  eine  Konstatierung,  die  unabhangig  von  einer kontrovertierten  Hypothese  an  Ort  und  Stelle  selbst  vorgenommen  worden  ware  ;  Mr. Brown  macht  ja  selbst  ganz  zutreffend  diesen  Unterschied  beziiglich  einer  anderen Angabe  geltfind,  die  er  auch  erst  nachtraglich  gemacht  hatte. §  Ferner  was  insbeson- dere  die  Angabe  Mr.  Brown's  augeht,  dass  die  Perlmuttermuschel  in  so  hervorragender Weise  in  alien  Teilen  der  Andamaneu  gebraucht  werde,  kann  ich  doch  uicht  umhiu, es  sehr  auffallend  zu  finden,  dass  weder  E.  H.  Man  in  der  doch  ziernlich  eingehenden List  of  Objects  made  and  used  by  the  Andamanese,\\  noch  in  der  List  of  Shells  and Shell  Fish  commonly  known  to  the  Andamanese*\  derselben  irgend  eine  Erwahnung tut ;  dasselbe  ist  der  Fall  in  dem  grossen,  2,286  Worter  enthaltenden  vergleichenden Worterbuch  von  Portman,**  in  welchem  wohi  die  Perlmuttermuschel,  nicht  aber  "cyrena *  E.  K.  MAN,   On  tlie  Aboriginal '  Inliabitants  of  the  Andaman  Islands,  S.  185. t  Portman,  Notes  of  the  Languages  of  the  South  Andaman  Group  of  Language*,  S.  97.  Portman  gibt dasselbe  fiir  die  Puchikwar  an,  bei  denen  er  Bilik  ebenfalls  nur  als  mannlich  gefunden  hat,  S.  100 I  Brown,  Folklore,  a.a.O.,  SS.  266,  260.  §  Folklore,  a.a.O.,  SS.  268,  269. ||  E.  H.  Man,  a.a.O.,  SS.  175-187.  f  A.a.O.,  SS.  214-215. **  V.  Portman,  Notes  on  the  Languages  of  the  South  Andaman  Group  of  Tribes.  Vocabulary, SS.  1-191. [     70     ] 1910.] MAN. [Nos,  38-39, shell,"*  fehlt ;  in  einem  anderen  Werke  Portman'sf  findet  sich  zwar  "  mother  of  pearl  ", aber  ohne  weitere  Angabe,  also,  wie  es  scheint,  als  blosses  Naturobjekt.  Dagegen weist  die  sehr  eingehende  List  of  Articles  made  and  used  by  the  Andamanese^  die Perlmuttermuschel  nicht,  wohl  aber  wieder  "  Cyrena-shell,  used  as  a  knife,"  auf.§ Gerade  diese  Tatsache  nun,  dass  bei  Man  und  Portman  von  der  Perlmuttermuschel und  ihrem  Gebrauch  als  "  kitchen  knife  "||  ganz  und  gar  nichts  zu  finden  war,  wahrend dagegen  die  Cyrena-Muschel  bei  dieseu  Autoren  immer  wieder,  und  zwar  gerade  auch "  used  as  a  knife  "  angefiihrt  wird,  diese  Tatsache  war  es,  die  mich  dazu  veranlasste und,  wie  ich  glaube,  jedenfalls  vor  der  neuen  Erklarung  Mr.  Brown's,  auch  dazu berechtigte,  anstatt  der  Perlmuttermuschel  die  Cyrenamuschel  einzusetzen.  Das zunachst  aber  nur  in  der  Weise  und  bis  zu  dem  Grade,  dass  ich  annahm,  wie  ich  es auch  schon  in  meinem  vorigen  Artikel  deutlich  zum  Ausdruck  brachte,1f  die  Cyreua- muschel  sei  aus  irgend  einem  Grunde  im  Norden,  ganz  oder  zum  Teil,  durch  die Perlmuttermuschel  ersetzt  worden,  da  ja  nur  in  der  Nordgruppe  die  mit  der  Perlmutter- schale  verbundene  Biliku  zu  finden  ist.  Aus  all  dem  geht  hervor,  dass  Mr.  Brown zu  seinem  heftigen  und  verletzenden  Vorwurf  keine  Berechtigung  hat.  Ferner  bleibt bestehen,  was  ich  iiber  die  objektive  Zuverliissigkeit  seiner  neuen  Hinzufiigung  gesagt habe,  und  es  liegt  Mr.  Brown  insbesondere  ob,  wenn  er  seine  Angabe  iiber  den  Gebrauch der  Perlmuttermuschel  in  alien  Teilen  der  Andamanen  aufrecht  halt,  die  auffallende Tatsache  zu  erklaren,  dass  Man  und  Portman  von  derselben  fur  ihre  Gebiete  keine Erwahnung  tun.  (Fortsetzung  folgt.}  P.  W.  SCHMIDT. Asia  Minor  :  Archaeology.  Thompson. On    some   Prehistoric  Stone  Implements  from  Asia    Minor.     By     QQ R.   Campbell  Thompson,  M.A.,  F.R.G.S.  UU While  travelling  between  Angora  and  Eregli  in  Asia  Minor  last  year  Mr.  Joseph Weissberger  and  I  obtained  the  stone implements  which  are  portrayed  in  this article.  Nos.  1  and  2  we  found  on the  surface  on  the  rolling  ground  half a  day  south-east  of  Angora,  at  our bivouac  at  Uzal.  The  neighbouring soil  was  covered  with  pieces  of  broken pottery,  but  we  obtained  nothing  ex- cept these  two  implements  and  half a  ring  of  stone,  which  may  have  been a  hammerhead.  No.  3  is  an  axehead, which  was  found  near  the  entrance  of the  Soghanli  Dere,  about  twenty-five miles  west  of  the  great  mountain Argaeus.  I  am  indebted  to  Dr.  G.  T. Prior,  of  the  Natural  History  Museum, for  his  courtesy  in  identifying  them geologically  as  andesite. No.  4  is  a  beautifully  polished axehead  of  serpentine,  which  my  friend bought  at  the  Hittite  ruins  of  Euyuk and  gave  to  me.  Dr.  Dodd,  of  the No.l IMPLEMENT  OP  ANDESITB  FEOM  NEIGH- BOURHOOD OF  ANGOBA.   (f) *  Mit  der  Angabe,  "This  is  the  primitive  knife  of  the  Andamanese,"  S.  228. t  Portman,  A  Manual  of  Hie  Andamanese  Language*  (London,  1887).  J  A.a.O.,  SS.  204-215- §  A.a.O.,  S.  208.          ||  So  Brown's  Benennung,  Folklore,  a.a.O.,  S.  263.  ^  MAN,  1910,  S.  5. [     71     ] Nos.  39-40.] MAN. [1910. American  Hospital  at  Talas,  showed   me  several  small  polished    axeheads   which  had come  from  other  Hittite  sites,  but  none  were  as  large  as  this. There  are  many  prehistoric  remains  in  the  country  between  Angora  and  Eregli. Near  Angora  itself  are  sixteen  tumuli,  and  there  are  scores  of  them  in  the  district between  Yuzgat  and  Ismail  Dagh.  At  a  place,  Ajemi,  between  Erkekli  and  the  Aje  Su, X0.2. IMPLEMENT  OP  ANDESITE  FROM  NEIGH- BOURHOOD OF  ANGORA.     ($) No.  3. AXEHEAD  FROM   SOGHANLI   DERK. No.  4. 254- AXEHEAD   FROM    EUYUK. INCHES south  of  Yuzgat  (a  route  not  marked  as  explored  on  Kiepert's  map),  lies  a  prehistdric village  of  stone  hut  circles,  extending  for  more  than  a  mile  down  a  small  valley. I    am   indebted   to   the    Society   of   Biblical   Archaeology   for   their    courtesy   in publishing  an  account  of  these  and  other  antiquities  of  the  district  in  their  Proceedings. R.  CAMPBELL  THOMPSON. Africa,  West.  Palmer. Note    on    Traces   of   Totemism    and     some    other   Customs    in     Jfl Hausaland.    By  H.  R.  Palmer,  M.A.,  LL.B.  "HI At  the  present  day  almost  all  the  peoples  called  "  Hausa "  are  Muhammadans. There  exist,  however,  small  isolated  communities  which  have  not  been  converted,  and retain  in  a  greater  or  less  degree  the  customs  of  their  forefathers.  These  communities are  known  as  Maguzawa,  a  word  which  is  probably  a  Sudani  form  of  Majusuu  a Magian  ;  hence  "  any  idolater." [    72    J 1910,]  MAN.  [No.  40. Though  not  professing  Islam,  these  Maguzawa  have  been  influenced  by  their Muslim  rulers  and  conquerors,  and  have  in  some  cases  dropped  so  much  of  their original  custom  that  the  remnant  is  in  all  but  name  a  crude  monotheism  with  some local  spirit  in  place  of  Allah.  On  the  other  hand,  sufficient  survivals  exist  to  indicate the  nature  of  the  beliefs  which  Islam  has  displaced. Besides  these  Maguzawa  there  are  a  certain  number  of  pagan  Fulani,  and  other non-Moslem  peoples  of  Berber  affinity,  who  have  migrated  into  Hausaland  at  different times  in  the  past. Hausa  is  the  lingua  franca  of  the  country.  There  is  only  one  Hausa  equivalent for  the  words  "tabu"  and  "totem."  It  is  kan-gidda  ("head  of  the  house"  or  "that which  is  upon  the  house "). It  would  appear  that  from  the  earliest  times  there  have  been  two  kinds  of  people in  the  northern  portion  of  Hausalaud — nomadic  atid  settled.  The  nomads  were  Berbers, the  settled  peoples  negro  or  negroid. For  the  last  few  hundred  years  the  country  has  been  inhabited  by  Hausa  (negroid) and  Fulani  (Berber). We  naturally  expect  to  find  an  antithesis  in  manners  and  customs  between  these two  elements  in  the  population. The  Hausa  was  polygamous  and  exogamous,  while  the  Fulani  was  monogamous  and endogamous.  The  Hausa  acquires  a  wife  practically  by  purchase,  and  takes  her  to his  own  house  ;  while  the  Fulani,  in  his  nomad  state,  does  not  expect  his  wife  to  come and  live  with  him  till  two  years  after  marriage.  In  fact,  the  sexual  relations  among the  Bush  Fulani  are  very  closely  similar  to  those  existing  among  the  Tuareg,  where the  husband  goes  to  live  with  the  wife,  not  the  wife  with  her  husband.  There  is  the same  pre-nuptial  looseness  of  morals,  though  after  marriage  rules  are  strict. The  totems  of  such  pagan  Fulani  as  are  found  in  the  northern  portion  of  Hausa- land seem  to  be  mostly  birds,  though  some  of  them  have  a  beast  or  reptile  totem  in addition  to  the  bird.  Examples  are  : — Bojabi     Fulani. — Totem  fakarra  (partridge). Rahazawa     „  „         makorua         ., Kununkwo   „  ,,  (i)  fakarra  „ (ii)  dammo  (iguana). Sulibawa       „  „         kurchia  (dove). They  all  believe  that  if  they  kill  these  birds — their  totems — they   will  die. In  addition  to  these  acknowledged  totems  there  is  a  tabu  on  sheep  and  cattle,  and the  killing  of  them  except  on  certain  occasions.  With  regard  to  sheep,  it  is  a  common practice  among  the  Yerimawa  Fulani  to  keep  a  sheep  with  black  rings  round  the  eyes (tumkia  maitozali),  which  is  supposed  to  bring  them  luck.  A  ram  with  similar  marking is  sent  by  a  bridegroom  to  his  wife's  father  after  marriage.  It  may  be  noted  that painting  rings  round  the  eyes  is  a  very  common  custom  among  the  "  women  "  to  avert "  Nemesis,"  and  the  ill-luck  that  would  follow  anyone  praising  their  beauty.  With regard  to  cattle,  most  non-Moslem  Fulani  will  not  kill  their  own  beasts  except  at  a festival,  which  is  called  "  Biwali." This  festival  takes  place  when  the  first  son  is  born  to  a  newly-married  couple — on the  day  that  his  name  is  given  him.  The  friends  and  relatives  of  the  couple  assemble under  a  big  tree.  An  ox  is  killed  and  flayed  ;  the  various  joints  are  divided  in  a manner  which  is  laid  down  between  the  paternal  and  maternal  relatives ;  the  heart and  flesh  which  covers  the  stomach  is  kept  apart  and  is  called  "  Biioali^  The  bride- groom, or  rather  ex-bridegroom's '  best  man  at  the  time  of  the  wedding,  then  comes forward,  seizes  the  Biwali  in  one  hand  and  a  blazing  brand  in  the  other,  and  runs away.  His  friends  pursue  him,  but  only  two  are  allowed  eventually  to  catch  him. The  three  then  go  to  a  tree  and  light  a  fire  ;  they  roast  the  Biwali  and  eat  it.  No [    73    ] No.  40.]  MAN.  [1910. one  else  is  allowed  to  eat,  but  if  there  is  any  over  they  may  take  it  home  and  give it  to  the  bridegroom.* Among  some  of  these  pagan  Fulani,  e.g.,  the  Rahazawa,  marriage  between  children of  the  same  father  is  permitted,  the  only  bar  to  marriage  being  in  the  case  of  persons having  the  same  mother.  At  the  end  of  the  year  a  feast  called  Girewali  is  held. The  youths  and  maidens  gather  in  the  forest  ;  the  youths  form  a  line.  Each  maiden then  comes  np  and  selects  her  youth  ;  food  is  cooked  and  the  couples  spend  the  night together.  The  observance  of  this  feast  is  supposed  to  be  of  great  importance  to  the prosperity  of  the  clan.  Any  father  who  prevents  his  children  going  is  expelled  from the  community. On  marriage,  a  girl  of  the  Rahazawa  is  given  a  white  cock  by  the  bridegroom. She  releases  the  cock,  which  remains  in  her  house  and  is  sacred. The  Hausa  pagans  or  Maguzawa  have  a  custom  known  as  "Fita  furra"  Several girls  and  an  equal  number  of  boys  are  in  the  autumn  shut  up  together  in  an  enclosure and  left  there  for  a  month.  Food  is  taken  by  an  attendant  to  them.  The  whole expense  is  borne  by  some  rich  man,  who  thinks  that  thereby  he  confers  a  benefit  on  the community.  At  the  end  of  the  time  any  of  the  girls  who  are  found  to  be  enceinte are  considered  to  be  the  wives  of  the  youths  they  have  lived  with. A  "  jigo  "  or  "  gausami "  (a  long  upright  pole)  is  erected  inside  the  enclosure. Sacrifices  of  goats,  sheep,  fowls,  &c.,  are  made  to  the  spirits  Kuri  and  Uwargari  or Uwargona. Doubtless  this  custom  is  in  origin  much  the  same  as  the  Fulani  Girewali.  The differences  between  the  two  are  illustrative  of  the  settled  as  opposed  to  the  nomadic life,  while  their  similarity  leaves  no  doubt  that  the  rite  was  practised  to  ensure fecundity  in  the  clan. At  the  present  day,  descent  traced  through  females  hardly  exists  south  of  the country  occupied  by  the  Kelgeres. All  Maguzawa  own  to  at  least  one  "  totem  "  or  "  tabu."  They  sacrifice  to  certain spirits,  but  do  not  make  images  or  fetishes.  The  chief  spirits  worshipped  are  Kuri and  a  female  divinity  called  sometimes  Uwardawa  and  sometimes  Uwargona.  Kuri  is a  woodland  deity,  Avho  wears  a  goat's  skin  and  "barks"  like  a  dog  in  the  woods. He  is  the  Hausa  Pan.  Uwardawa  is  the  goddess  of  hunting — their  Diana — and Uwargona  is  Cybele  or  Demeter  in  her  attributes.  With  these  is  usually  associated rather  loosely  the  god  of  storms  and  rain,  Gajimari,  who  lives  in  the  rainbow.  Sacri- fices are  made  to  these  deities  in  the  farm,  at  some  well  or  tree,  or  at  the  house, according  to  circumstances.  Each  has  his  or  her  appropriate  offering.  Kuri  likes a  young  red  he-goat,  Uwardawa  a  red  she-goat  or  a  red  cock,  while  Uwargona's emblems  are  white,  e.g.,  a  white  ewe.  The  psychological  beliefs  vary  from  rather intricate  rules  of  the  transmigration  of  souls  in  the  same  family  to  an  apparent absence  of  any  definite  idea  about  what  happens  after  death. It  must  be  noted  that  these  clans  of  Maguzawa  bear  no  fixed  relation  to  the political  divisions  of  the  country  as  they  exist  at  present  and  have  existed  for  some five  or  six  hundred  years.  The  political  grouping  of  the  various  Hausa  peoples  is denoted  by  facial  marks — which  are  tattooed  on  to  the  children  quite  irrespective  of their  spiritual  and  other  beliefs. While  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  Maguzawa  in  general  represent  the  most primitive  historical  Hausa,  especially  those  of  them  who  originated  in  Gobir,  Katsina and  Daura,  there  are  a  fair  number  of  Maguzawa  who  admit  that  they  have  migrated from  Bornu  and  elsewhere.  In  considering  the  beliefs  of  the  latter  there  is  apt  to be  a  doubt  whether  they  brought  them  with  them  or  adopted  them  after  arrival. *  The  first-born  sou  always  lives  with  his  mother's  relations  till  his  father  dies.      He  is  called his  father's  kunya  (shame). [     74     ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  40. As  will  be  gathered,  therefore,  from  what  has  been  said  above,  Hausa  totemism exists  only  in  patches.  It  is  impossible  to  go  to  any  one  man  or  even  community and  find  out  what  their  primitive  beliefs  were. We  may  take  as  examples,  putting  as  nearly  as  may  be  in  the  words  of  the  native informants  replies  to  questions  asked  on  the' subject  during  the  last  few  years  : — 1.  A  Katsina  Hausa  hunter  community. — (Mahalbawa.)     Totem  is  the  kwakia  (a short  black    snake.)     If    the  kivakia    kills    an    animal,   that    animal  cannot   be  eaten  ; when  a  boy  is  born  the  kwakia — which,  if  friendly  lives  in  the  rafters — comes  down to  the  floor  of  the  hut.     The  Mahalbawa  think  they  are  descended  from  the   kwakia, and  that    anyone  who  killed  a  kicakia  would  die.     The  totem  descends    in  the  male line.     They  never  marry  a  woman  having  a  kwakia  as  totem. 2.  Yan    Dorina. — Hausa    (children  of    a    hippopotamus).        Totem — the    hippo- potamus sacrifice  to  the  hippo  on  the  banks  of  a  stream  a  hen  of  the  same  colouring as  an  ostrich. 3.  Biritchi  Hausa. — Maguzawa,  called  ""  kai  na  fara"      Totem — a  fowl  with  no feathers  (?  diseased).      Informant  says  this   fowl    (kuduku  kaza)    is  sacrificed  on  very special  occasions  once  a  year. Tabus  :    (i)  They  may  not  eat  food  if  iron  has  touched  it. (ii)  If  fire  has  burnt  the  town  they  do  not  eat  what  is  left  of  the  corn. (iii)  They  do  not  carry  fire  in  a  kworia  (calabash)  or  part  of  one,  but  only in  an  akwashi  (earthenware  dish). These  Hausa  do  not  work  on  Sunday,  but  sacrifice  on  that  day. 4.  Garubawa  of  Keffindukuduku. — (Katsina)  say  that  they  are  of  Berber  origin, and  that  their  customs  are  from  the   East.     Totem — a  frog  (kwado).     Will  not  touch the  totem.      Distinguish  souls  as  good  and  bad.     The  bad  soul  wanders  after   death. The  good  soul  returns  into  the  womb  of  a  woman  of  the  family,  and  generally  reappears in  a  grandson  of  deceased.     Rub  the  head  of  a  child  with  milk  when  it  is  shaved  for the    first   time.      Village  pole   (a  "  kanya "  tree),   where   wrestling   contests  are  held. As  long  as  the  pole  (gansami)  stands  so  long  will  the  prowess  of   the  village  youth remain.     If  the  pole  is  blown  down  it  is  not  erected  till  the  next  generation. NOTE. —  Gansami  is  a  Kanuri  word,  and  means  "son  of  the  Queen." 5.  Kutumbatva. — (Hausa)  of   Kazauri    and    Kano   say   that  their  totems  are  two trees,  the  "  dashi "  (black  thorn)  and  "  tsamia  "  (tamarind).     They  may  not  burn  or cut  these  trees.      Tabu  on  boys — No  unmarried  boy  may   put  on  sandals.     Further  say that  their  totem  is  dan  magurji  (a  large  green  snake),  which  they  do  not  kill  or  touch  ; and  that  they  are  originally  Domawa  of  Bornu  and  hunters.      Sacrifice,  on  the. top  of a  crag  near  by,  to  "  Dodo  ba  farin  kasshi "  =  "  the  spirit  that    turns  bones  white." Their  prosperity  was  bound  up  with  a  black  rock  poised  on  the  top  of  the  crag.     When the  rock  fell   they  were   conquered.      This    rock    used  to   warn   them  of  coming  war by  shrieking    thrice.       (Cf.    Palmer,   "Kano    Chronicle,"    Journ.    Roy.   Anthr.    Inst., Vol.  XXXVIII,  p.  65.) 6.  Fulani  pagans — Baawa. — Herdsmen    and    nomads.     Do  not  kill   their  cattle except  on  the  occasion  of  a  feast.     Cattle  must  be  killed  at  the  foot  of  a  tree  which  is not  a  tree  with    much  sap  as    the  dunya,  kanya,  or  marki   trees.     On   the  contrary, trees  with  sap  (?  from  its  resemblance  to  milk)  are  given  the  cattle  to  eat  as  medi- cine.    In  contradistinction  to  (3)  may  only  take  up  fire  in  a  kworia  (calabash).     If  a woman  is  enceinte  and  takes  up  fire  in  an  earthen  vessel  she  has  a  miscarriage.     Totem is  a  yanyawa  (fox). 7.  Baban  Dammo. —  Hausa  of  earliest  Katsina  stock.     Totem — an  iguana  (datnmo). Their  ancestor  was,  according  to  themselves,  an  iguana.      Tabu — will  not  eat  any  hot food  in  a  calabash,  and  will  not  carry  fire  in  one.     Originally  from  Durbi   Takushayi in  Katsina.     Their  spirits  are  Kuri  and  Uwargona.     A  ewe  with  black  rings  round  the [     75     ] No.  40.]  MAN.  [1910. eyes  is  sacrificed  to  the  latter.  Belief  in  the  separate  existence  of  souls  after  death. Think  they  come  to  kill  the  living  unless  placated.  Put  thorns  on  a  corpse  so  that  the soul  cannot  get  away  from  the  body,  and  will  remain  quiet. 8.  Romaica. — Hausa  of  Kano.     Totem — dan  bida  (a  snake).     Do  not  carry  fire  in a  calabash.     Do  not  marry  within  the  totem.     The  totem  of  the  father  descends  to  his children,  but  a  wife  keeps  her  own  totem  after  marriage. 9.  Yan  Maisa. — Hausa  of  Metazu  in  Katsina.     Totem  is  dan  bida  (a  snake). 10.  Tannaiva. — Hausa  of  Kano.     Totem   is  a  crocodile.     The    "  dashi "    tree    is sacred. 11.  Yan  Zuga. — Hausa  of  Kano.     Totem — a  lion. 12.  Ba-Daffaiva. — Hausa  of  Katsina.     Totem — kivakia  (snake). 13.  Dasawa. — Hausa  of  Katsina.     Totem — kivakia  (snake).     Sacrifice  on  a  Friday to  Kuri  and  Uwardawa  at  intervals  of  three  years. 14.  Kiaioa. — Hausa  of  Kano.     Totem — an  elephant.     Sacrifices  made  at  the  foot of  a  tsamia  (tamarind)  to  Kuri  and  Uwaclawa. .15.  Dogarawa. — Hausa  of    Rimin    Gado  in  Kano.      Totems — kadda  (crocodile) and  kwakia  (snake). State  that  they  were  formerly  slaves  of  the  Berri-Berri,  which  probably  means  that they  were  a  servile  Berber  clan.     Their  divinities  are  : — Gagimari,  husband  of  Uwadawa. Kuri,  son. Uwardawa,  mother. 16.  Kimbawa. — Fulani  probably  mixed   with  Hausa.     Totems — Hankaka  (crow), kwakia  (snake). 17.  Yam-Baru. — Durbawa  Hausa  of  Baurenia  in   Katsina.     Totem  is  an   iguana (dammo).      Marry  within    the  totem    now,    though   they    say   formerly  they  did   not. Observe  Sunday   as    a  day   of  rest  ;    sacrifice    on   Sunday.     The  soul  of    a  dead  man returns  into  some  woman,  and  is  re-born  in  a  grandson. 18.  Yan    Tugamma. — Hausa    of  Maradi.     Totem    is    kamuchi.     Tabu — will   not wear  any  clothes  of  a  light  blue  colour  ;  wearing  such  clothes  causes  poverty. 19.  A  man  called  Maisheka — a  Hausa  of  Giwa — says  his  totem  is  kwakia  (black snake). 20.  Berawa. — Hausa    of    the    district    of  Yandaka  (Katsina).     Totem    is  a   lion, which  they  dare  not  touch.     They  kill  all  snakes.     Will  not  burn  a  silk  cotton  tree. Will  not  carry  fire  in  a  calabash. 21.  A  man    called    Mai-kai    of    Kurukuju  Katsina  says    his    totems    are    kivakia (snake)  and  the  tsamia  (tamarind)  tree. 22.  Geauaskawa  of  Dan  Gani  (Katsina  Hausa).     Totem  is  kivakia  (black  snake). The  soul  of  the  kwakia  is  supposed  to  be  indwelling  in  their  king. 23.  Dubawa  of  Wawalkaza. — Katsina  Hausa.       Totems — a  lion  ;  kirni  (a  tree)  ; and    shirua  (a  hawk).      Will  not  take  up  fire  in  an  earthen  pot  (kasko)  but  carry  it with  two  sticks.     The  reason  of  this  is  that  carrying  fire  in  a  kasko  causes  headache (?  the  head  may  crack  like  a  burnt  pot). 24.  Tosaiva  of  Jikamshi. — Katsina  Hausa.     Totem — a  kwakia  (black  snake). 25.  Damfawa. — Fulani     of    Zamfara.       Totem — gamraka    (crested    crane),    and hankaka  (crow). 26.  Sulibawa. — Fulani  of  Katsina.     Totem — kurchia  (a  dove). 27.  Rungumawa. — Katsina    Hausa.        Totems — (i)    kwakia    (black    snake)  ;    (ii) the  tamarind  tree. 28.  Arawa. — Daura  Hausa.     Totem — dan  maaurji  (snake). H.  R.  PALMER. [     76     ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No,  41. Fiji.  Hocart. A    Point    of   Fijian    Orthography.       By  A.  M.  Hocart.  14 In  the  official  orthography  of  Fiji,  which  is  that  of  the  Methodist  Mission,  ^1 it  is  the  rule  that  an  i  should  he  affixed  to  the  word  preceding  a  noun  with instrumental  and  kindred  senses,  thus  : — Vakarau  :  to  measure.     Ai  vakarau :  the  measure. Puli :  to  knead.     Ei  pull :    it  is  a  loaf  (Lauan). Though  universally  adopted  by  whites  and  natives  (much  to  their  inconvenience), it  is  only  an  instance  how  men  dislike  the  simple  and  prefer  to  complicate  grammar with  "  cycle  on  epicycle,  orb  in  orb." The  reader  of  Hazlewood's  grammar  is  told  that  the  article  before  nouns  of instrument  and  the  like  take  the  article  ai  or  nai  instead  of  a  or  na.  So  far  so good  : — Verb  :  sele  (to  cut).     Noun  :  nai  sele  (knife). When  he  wants  to  say  "  his  knife,"  he  naturally  says  "  nai  nona  sele,"  only  to be  corrected  and  find  that  the  right  form  is  "  na  nonai  sele"  If  he  imagines  that this  is  due  to  the  na  at  the  end  of  nona  he  is  set  right  by  "  nomui  sele "  (thy knife).  He  cannot  limit  the  i  to  possessives,  because  he  is  given  the  lie  by  such forms  as — Ei  sele  vinaka :  it  is  a  good  knife. E  ndere  isele  tiko  :  he  is  cleaning  knives. Au  kaya  mai  sele  :  I  intended  it  for  a  knife. After  going  through  this  painful  process  of  discovery,  he  remembers  that Hazlewood  actually  states  that  these  words  must  be  preceded  by  i,  whatever  the  class of  word  that  goes  before  (p.  8).  Justly  may  he  wonder  why  he  was  ever  told  about two  articles  na  and  nai,  and  an  i  that  is  always  suffixed  to  the  preceding  word,  why was  he  not  told  straightway  that  a  prefix  i  makes  instruments  of  verbs  ?  thus  : — na  isele,  not  nai  sele ; na  ivakatangi,  not  nai  vakatangi  (the  phonograph),  the  thing  made  to  cry  ; a  irairai,  not  ai  rairai :  the  appearance  (rai,  to  see). What  should  we  think  of  an  English  grammar  that  were  to  lay  down  that,  when nouns  implying  inness  are  used,  the  suffix  "  in  "  is  always  tacked  on  the  preceding  word whatever  it  be,  thus  :  an  in  come,  a  bigin  come,  to  raisein  come  ? The  accent  alone  condemns  the  received  doctrine.  The  law  in  Fijian  is  that  the accent  shall  fall  on  the  penultimate  ;  cases  in  which  the  ultimate  is  affected  are  obvious or  possible  cases  of  contraction  (kild  for  kilaa)  ;  but  never  can  the  accent  take  up another  station.  Therefore,  if  the  i  were  a  suffix  it  would  influence  the  accent,  and we  should  have  na  nonai  sulu  and  not  the  actual  na  nonai  sulu  (his  kilt),  for  t  is never  a  consonant  in  Fijian  but  a  distinct  voAvel,  and  counted  as  a  separate  syllable (e.g.,  kila,  to  know  ;  kildi,  not  kilai,  known). The  contention  that  the  na  and  the  i  sound  like  one,  is  invalid  ;  the  article  in speech  is  always  run  into  one  word  with  its  noun  ;  phonetically  "  the  captain  "  is  one undivided  word  ;  it  is  only  logically  that  we  can  distinguish  in  it  two  words.  There is  no  more  pause  between  the  and  cap-  than  there  is  between  cap-  and  tain  ;  so  in Fijian,  the  breath  does  not  halt  in  naisele  from  n  to  e.  If  we  want  to  write  it  accord- ing to  sound  it  must  be  naisele ;  if  we  want  to  divide  it  logically  we  must  follow common  sense. Take  na  ika  the  fish,  and  na  ika  (officially  nai  ka)  the  prefix  of  ordinals  ;  they sound  exactly  alike  ;  na  ika  e  rua  (the  two  fishes)  differ  from  na  ika  rua  (the  second) in  nothing  but  the  e. Comparison  also  aids  us  ;  a  similar,  if  not  the  very  same,  prefix  exists  in  Eddystone island  (Simbo),  and  Ruviana  in  the  Solomons  ;  and  there  no  mistake  is  possible  as  to [     77     ] Nos.  41-43.]  MAN.  [1910. what  master  it  owns,  since  it  is  stuck  right  into  words  beginning  with  a   consonant This  prefix  or  infix  is  in-,  e.g. : — Apo :  to  catch  bonito  for  the  first  time.     Inapo  :  the  first  bonito  caught. Ambu  :  to  fish.     Inambu  :  any  edible  fish  or  shell-fish. Salanga  :  to  cure.     Sinalanga  :  medicine.     (Ruv.) Gani:  to  eat.     Ganani :  food.     (Ruv.) Vagolomo  :  to  hide.      Vinagolomo  (hidden   treasure,  Eddystone). Enough  has  been  said  to  show   that    the  orthodox    orthography  is    a  remarkable piece  of  blindness,   which  can  only   be  explained    by  a    mechanical  adherence  to  first impressions,    instead    of    a    constant    revision    of    grammatical    rules    with    increasing experience.  ____^_^  A.  M.  HOCART. REVIEWS. Burma:  Languages.  Brown. Half  the  Battle  in  Burmese  :  A  Manual  of  the  Spoken  Language.    By  R.  Grant     Jj  A Brown,  Indian  Civil  Service,  Burma.  London  :  Henry  Frowde,  1910.  Pp.  xii  +  149.    Tfc In  this  admirable  little  book  modern  methods  of  teaching  languages  are  applied to  the  Burmese.  It  deals  in  a  most  lucid  way  with  the  phonetics  of  the  language, and  is  primarily  intended  for  pupils  studying  Burmese  with  a  native  teacher.  But the  book  may  be  read  with  pleasure  and  profit  by  those  who  desire  merely  a  literary acquaintance  with  the  language. Throughout  the  book  the  Burmese  is  written  phonetically  in  an  alphabet  adapted from  that  of  the  International  Phonetic  Association.  For  the  learner  this  is  in  itself an  immense  advantage,  for  it  avoids  all  the  difficulties  due  to  variant  spellings  and irregularities  of  pronunciation,  which  have  arisen  through  the  fitting  of  an  utterly unsuitable  alphabet  to  the  Burmese  speech.  All  Burmese  words  are  printed  in  black type,  the  signs,  "  and  .  being  used  as  in  the  Burmese  alphabet  to  mark  the  falling and  abrupt  tones. In  dealing  with  the  phonetics  the  author  describes,  first  the  simple  vowel sounds,  and  then  these  sounds  in  combination  with  a  final  consonant,  and  modified  by the  tones.  These  give  all  the  endings  of  Burmese  words,  and  are  illustrated  by  ex- amples in  Burmese,  with  approximate  representations  in  English,  and  where  necessary by  a  description  of  the  Burmese  sound.  The  consonantal  sounds  are  dealt  with  in a  similar  way,  difficulties  and  changes  due  to  assimilation,  being  discussed  in  detail. The  author  gives  no  formal  grammar  of  the  language,  but  discusses  the  syntax and  the  use  of  particles,  which  take  its  place.  Pages  52  to  101  are  occupied  by dialogues  in  Burmese,  with  copious  footnotes  and  instructions  repeated  on  every page.  This  is  followed  by  notes  on  various  points  of  colloquial  usage,  numerals, relationships,  &c.,  an  English  translation  of  the  dialogues,  with  a  Burmese  index  of  all the  words  occurring  in  them. This  book  should  form  a  model  for  similar  works  on  the  phonetics  of  Chinese, Siamese,  and  other  languages  of  the  Far  East.  In  it  the  author  has  justified  the  title, for,  with  a  thorough  knowledge  of  Burmese  phonetics,  of  the  structure  of  phrases,  and use  of  particles,  the  beginner  will,  indeed,  have  gained  Half  the  Battle  in  Burmese. S.  H.  RAY. India :  Assam.  Playfair. The  Garos.  By  Major  A.  Playfair,  with  an  Introduction  by  Sir  Bampfylde  JO Fuller.  London  :  Nutt,  1909.  Pp.  xvi  +  172.  22  X  14  cm.  Price  7*.  6d.  TU Honour  to  whom  honour  is  due.  In  1903,  Sir  Bampfylde  Fuller,  the  first Lieutenaut-Governor  of  what  I  have  heard  described  as  the  Disunited  Provinces, advocated  with  the  Government  of  India  the  scheme  for  an  ethnographical  survey  of Assam,  under  the  general  supervision  of  the  Superintendent  of  Ethnography,  by  officers [     78     ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  43. and  others  possessing,  like  Major  Playfair,  special  knowledge  of  the  peoples  of  whom they  were  invited  to  treat.  The  plan  of  the  monographs  was  thought  out  by  him, and  it  is  a  real  pleasure  to  me  to  take  advantage  of  the  opportunity  which  his  preface to  The  Garos  offers  me,  and  to  place  on  record  the  gratitude  which  anthropology owes  to  his  practical  recognition  of  the  ethnic  variety  which  makes  Assam,  indeed a  "  museum  of  nationalities." I  could  wish  that  the  plan  had  not  included  the  sections  of  Affinities  and  Origins. The  place  for  a  discussion  of  these  topics  is  surely  in  a  general  volume  synthesising the  knowledge  won  for  us  by  all  these  observers.  The  ground  has  been  covered  in part  already  by  the  labours  of  the  Linguistic  Survey  of  India,  directed  by  Dr.  Grierson and  Sten  Konow.  It  is  true  that  in  The  Mikirs  Sir  Charles  Lyall  (pages  151,  et  seq.) has  advanced  arguments  against  their  views  on  the  position  of  the  Mikir  language  in regard  to  other  members  of  the  Tibeto-Burman  group  of  languages  in  Assam.  Scholars of  his  calibre  are  unhappily  few  and  far  between.  Major  Playfair  very  wisely  follows Dr.  Grierson,  but  there  are  many  interesting  parallels  between  the  structure  and vocabulary  of  Garo  and  those  of  Meithei,  Thado,  and  Lushei,  enough  to  eslablish  their common  kinship,  but  not,  on  the  materials  in  the  book  before  me,  enough  to  estimate the  degree  of  their  divergence  from  the  archetypal  forms  of  Tibeto-Burman  speech. In  the  section  on  Origin,  Major  Playfair  records  a  legend  of  the  origin  of  the  Garo which  brings  them  from  Tibet,  and  refers  in  support  to  their  traditionary  knowledge  of the  yak  and  their  use  in  ceremonials  of  yaks'  tails.  Fitch  in  his  description,  merely  a hearsay  description  of  Butan,  says  :  "  They  cut  the  tailes  of  their  kine  and  sell  them "  very  dear  for  they  bee  in  great  request,  and  much  esteemed  in  those  partes.  The "  hair  of  them  is  a  yard  long,  the  rumpe  is  aboue  a  spanne  long  ;  they  use  to  hang  them "  for  brauerie  vpon  the  heades  of  their  Elephants  ;  they  bee  much  used  in  Pegu  and "  China"  (Ralph  Fitch,  by  Horton  Ryley,  page  117).  I  suspect  the  legend  is  largely a3tiological,  for  I  have  come  across  similar  but  less  detailed  legends  among  Naga,  which connect  them  with  Meithei,  Kuki,  and  with  Gurkha.  I  think  these  hill  people recognise  their  kinship  and  account  for  it  in  this  way.  If  the  Garo  legend  does  actually refer  to  events  so  far  distant  as  1,000  years  ago,  it  is,  indeed,  a  notable  fact  and  to  be reckoned  with  in  computing,  as  Van  Gennep  has  recently  done,  the  maximum,  "  pour "  des  populations  denuees  d'ecriture,  de  six  generations  ou  une  moyenne  de  150  ans "  pour  la  memoire  d'un  evenement  soit  naturel  (tremblement  de  terre,  inondation,  etc.), "  soit  politique  "  (Religions,  Mceurs  et  Legendes,  II.,  page  185). I  have  had  occasion  recently  to  make  rather  a  close  and  detailed  study  of  eschato- logicai  belief  in  relation  to  funerary  ritual  in  Assam,  and  it  is  interesting  to  find  many close  and  suggestive  parallels  between  Garo  beliefs  and  practices  and  those  of  the Naga  and  Kuki,  with  whom  I  am  personally  acquainted.  The  monster  Nawang  (see page  103),  who  harasses  the  ghost  of  the  dead  on  its  journey  to  Heaven,  and  who  runs in  terror  from  the  man  who  has  married  1,000  wives,  is  surely  akin  to  our  Lushei  friend, Pupawla,  who  may  not  shoot  at  men  who  have  known  three  virgins  or  seven  women. (Shakespeare,  Kuki-Lushei  Tribes  \Journ.  Roy.  Anthr.  Inst.,  Vol.  XXXIX,  p.  371]). It  is  no  question  of  a  hypersensitive  deity  who  avoids  contact  with  all  desperate characters.  Savage  deities  are  not  very  modest  or  moral  beings.  All  the  advantage is  on  the  side  of  depravity,  for  the  soul  of  the  uxorious  Garo,  like  the  soul  of  the amorist  Lushei,  escapes  safely  to  the  delights  of  Heaven,  thence,  in  the  fulness  of  time, to  return  to  earth  as  a  new-born  babe.  Far  be  it  from  me  to  hint  at  such  mysteries as  nescience  of  the  art  of  procreation,  but  I  think  it  may  be  worth  the  while  of someone  on  the  spot  to  make  an  effort  to  ascertain  the  ideas  of  Garo,  Naga,  and Lushei  on  this  difficult  and  delicate  subject. The  quotation  from  Sir  Alexander  Mackenzie's  North-East  Frontier  of  Bengal (p.  76),  is  enough  to  whet  one's  appetite  for  further  information.  We  want  to  know [     79     ] Nos.  43-45.]  MAN.  [1910. more,  if  more  is  to  be  known,  about  "  dai."  There  are  customs  among  the  Naga  of Manipur,  and  among  the  Lushei  tribes  which  offer  curious  parallels.  Thus  the  erec- tion of  a  stone  monument,  the  assumption  of  the  khullakpa's  distinctive  cloths, the  simple  luxury  of  a  coat  of  whitewash  on  one's  house,  or,  simpler  still,  the possession  of  a  window  in  one's  house  involves  a  fine  to  the  community  in  the  shape of  a  feast,  which  looks  very  like  a  counterpart  of  the  Garo  "  dai  "  customs.  I  had always  looked  on  these  acts  as  infractions  of  tabus,  so  that  the  feasts  to  the  village which  they  necessitated  was  a  means  of  social  reintegration.  Major  Playfair  notes (p.  67)  that  the  rules  of  exogamous  marriage  are  in  jeopardy  of  serious  disregard,  a  sure proof  of  the  extent  to  which  their  contamination  has  proceeded.  Yet  it  is  ill  respect  of their  social  organisation  that  the  Garo  differ  most  markedly  from  the  mass  of  Tibeto- Burman  tribes  in  Assam.  They  are  matrilinear.  Have  they,  as  Sir  Bampfylde  Fuller suggests,  borrowed  this  from  their  neighbours,  the  Khasi  ?  If  not,  is  it  a  "  sport "  ? Is  it  a  survival  from  an  earlier  state  of  things  ?  If  so,  is  it,  in  any  way,  causally related  to  polyandry  as  practised  in  Tibet  ?  It  cannot  be  easy  to  effect  a  change  in the  line  of  descent,  and  the  theory  of  borrowing  has,  at  least,  this  in  its  favour,  that  the Lynngam  (see  The  Khasis,  p.  191,  et  seq.),  who  form  a  link  between  the  Khasis  and the  Garo,  have  gone  over  to  the  former  in  the  matter  of  language  and  social  structure (see  Linguistic  Survey  of  India,  Vol.  II.,  p.  17),  though  regarded  as  of  Garo  origin. I  think  I  have  said  enough  to  show  that  this  book  is  a  valuable  addition  to  our knowledge  of  Assam.  It  is  a  sound,  careful,  and  modest  piece  of  work  on  which  the author  is  to  be  cordially  congratulated.  If  I  have  seemed  to  criticise  some  of  his views,  it  is  in  a  spirit  of  hearty  sympathy  with  the  difficulties  of  his  interesting  subject, and  my  criticism  is  only  evidence  of  a  desire  for  more  from  his  pen. T.  C.  HODSON. Voyages.  Nicoll. Three  Voyages  of  a  Naturalist  (Second  Edition).    By  M.  J.  Nicoll.    London  :      1 1 Wetherby,  1909.     Pp.  xxx  +  240.     23  x  14  cm.     Price  7*.  6d.  net.  "fT1 The  original  edition  of  the  above  work  was  published  in  March,  1908,  and reviewed  in  MAN,  1909,  8.  Within  the  year  it  lias  been  found  necessary  to  issue  a second  edition.  The  author  has  acknowledged  and  embodied  "  the  criticisms  in  the *'  many  kind  reviews,"  thus  correcting  the  few  mistakes  which  had  crept  into  the earlier  edition.  The  principal  of  these  errors  was  the  statement  that  Easter  Island  was uninhabited  when  first  discovered.  J.  E.-P. India :  Magic.  Henry. La  Magie  dans  Vlnde  Antique.  Par  Victor  Henry,  Professeur  de  Sanscrit  1C et  Grammaire  comparee  des  Langues  indo-europeennes  a  1'Universite  de  Paris.  •  U Paris :  Emile  Nourry,  1909.  Second  edition.  Pp.  xxxi  +  286.  19  X  12  cm. The  detailed  study  of  an  actual  system  of  magic  is  an  excellent  corrective  for rash  generalisations  :  M.  Henry's  book  is  valuable  in  this  respect,  though  not  4n  this respect  alone.  The  literature  of  ancient  India  affords  unrivalled  material  for  such  a study  in  the  Atharva-Veda,  a  book  of  magical  ritual  at  least  as  old  as  the  eighth century  B.C.,  and  the  Kancika- Sutra,  a  magical  manual  of  later  date.  The  magic  of the  Vedas  is  not  "  primitive,"  but  it  abounds  in  "  primitive "  survivals.  M.  Henry's treatment  of  the  functions  of  the  Brahman,  his  chapter  on  "  Rites  de  Magie  noire," and  the  section  on  "  Exorpismes  par  Represailles  "  (p.  169)  are  particularly  interesting. It  seems  that  the  "  voult "  in  Vedic  sorcery  is  often  regarded  as  an  embodiment  of  the sorcerer's  evil  wish  rather  than  as  a  "  sympathetic  "  representation  of  the  victim. The  irony  of  M.  Henry's  preface,  with  its  strictures  on  the  totemic  theories  of 1902  and  1903,  is  by  no  means  out  of  date.  B.  F.-M. Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE.  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street.  E.C. PLATE  F. MAN,  1910. 1910.]  MAN.  [No,  46. ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. Africa :  Congo.  With  Plate  F.  Joyce. Note  on  the    Pigment-Blocks  of  the    Bushongo,  Kasai   District,     Jfi Belgian  Congo.      By  T.  A.  Joyce,  M.A.  ^10 The  Bushongo,  like  many  other  tribes  of  the  south  and  south-western  Belgian Congo,  have  a  great  predilection  for  the  rich  crimson  pigment  obtained  from  the  wood known  to  them  as  tukula.  This  pigment  is  applied  by  them  to  their  bodies,  especially on  festive  occasions,  and  is  also  used  to  colour  palm-cloth  arid  embroidery  fibre. Wooden  carvings  are  also  rubbed  with  it,  and  the  intaglio  designs  on  some  of  the  older wooden  boxes,  which  are  used  to  contain  the  pigment,  are  entirely  filled  up  with  the tukula  which  has  been  applied  from  time  to  time  through  many  years. The  preparation  of  the  pigment  is  quite  simple,  and  is  performed  by  the  women  ; two  blocks  of  the  wood  are  moistened  with  water  and  rubbed  together,  and  the  crimson paste  which  results  from  the  friction  is  formed  into  cakes  and  allowed  to  harden. Before  the  hardening  process  is  complete  these  cakes  are  often  moulded  and carved  in  ornamental  shapes,  but  this  custom  seems  on  the  decline,  and  the  more modern  specimens  are  not  so  carefully  prepared  and  ornamented  as  those  of  former days. For  use,  the  requisite  amount  of  crimson  powder  is  scraped  from  the  block,  and mixed  with  water  or  palm  oil  to  form  a  paste,  which  is  then  rubbed  on  the  surface which  it  is  desired  to  decorate. The  accompanying  plate  shows  a  number  of  specimens  of  these  tukula  blocks, obtained  by  Mr.  E.  Torday  from  the  Bambala  sub-tribe  of  Bushongo  ;  they  are  all  of considerable  age,  and  the  surface  of  each  is  well  patinated  and  nearly  black.  Nos.  1 and  3  represent  female  heads  with  elaborate  coiffures  ;  No.  4  is  an  axe  ;  No.  5  a paddle  ;  Nos.  2,  6,  7,  and  8  are  merely  ornamental  blocks.  The  shape  of  No.  6  is most  peculiar,  but  no  information  is  forthcoming  as  to  what  it  is  meant  to  represent. Of  the  five  specimens  shown  in  Fig.  1,  a  represents  a  basket ;  b  a  tortoise  ;  c  a wooden  or  pottery  bottle  ;  d  a  lizard  ;  and  e  a  figure  which  may  be  an  insect,  but  on which  human  features  have  been  scratched  by  a  later  hand. All  the  specimens  are  ornamented  with  designs  thoroughly  typical  of  Bushongo art,  all  of  which  can  be  named.  I  do  not,  however,  propose  to  enter  into  the  ques- tion of  pattern  names  here,  that  question  will  be  fully  discussed  in  a  book  dealing with  the  Bushongo,  which  is  now  in  preparation  ;  what  I  wish  to  mention  is  the secondary  use  of  these  tukula  blocks — a  use  which  is  invested  with  a  peculiarly modern  atmosphere. Most  primitive  peoples  reverence  the  memory  of  their  dead  to  some  extent  ;  some indeed  provide  themselves  with  relics  of  the  departed,  but  the  majority  seem  to  concern themselves  only  with  such  observances  as  will  prevent  the  spirit  of  the  deceased  from troubling  the  survivors.  Among  the  Bambala,  however,  a  custom  exists  which  seems to  indicate  a  point  of  view  less  purely  utilitarian.  When  a  man  dies,  his  heir,  who [  81  ] Nos.  46-47.]  MAN.  [1910. acts  as  chief  mourner,  distributes  during  the  funeral  ceremonies  a  number  of  these  old tukula  blocks  among  the  principal  friends  of  the  departed.  Blocks  so  given  seem  to be  invested  with  no  magical  character  whatever,  but  are  purely  and  simply  mementos of  the  deceased.  In  fact  they  correspond  exactly  with  the  mourning  rings  of  this continent.  T.  A.  JOYCE. Andamans.  •  Schmidt. Nochmals:  Puluga,  das  hochste  Wesen  der  Andamanesen.       Von      /j  ^ P.    W.  Schmidt,  S.V.D.     (Fortsetzung  von  MAN,  1910,  38.)  llf Wenn  zum  Schluss  Mr.  Brown  meine  Angabe,  dass  "  string-making  ...  is,  in "  the  most  cases,  the  work  of  the  women,"  bestreitet  so  stehen  sich  hier  einfach  wieder die  Angaben  von  E.  H.  Man  and  Brown  gegeniiber,  und  ich  habe  nicht  nur  keine Veranlassung  dem  ersteren  weniger  zu  glauben  als  dem  letzteren,  sondern  vielmehr, in  diesem  Falle,  besonderen  Grund  E.  H.  Man  mehr  zu  glauben,  weil  er  diese  seine Angaben  volkommeu  unbefangen,  ohne  Rucksicht  auf  irgend  eine  Theorie  oder  Polemik und  an  Ort  und  Stelle  gemacht  hat.  Die  Angaben  Man's  sind  folgende  :  (1)  "  Die "  Bastfaser  von  Anadendrum  paniculatum  (yolba)  wird  hauptsachlich  gebraucht  zur "  Verfertigung  von  Bogensehnen,  kleinen  Ketzen  (chapanga),  Halsbandern  und  Schnur "  fur  die  Pfeile  ;  ihre  Herstellung  ist  aber  nicht  auf  eines  der  beiden  Geschlechter "  beschrankt,"* — d.h.  doch  wohl,  beide  Geschlechter  sind  ohne  Unterschied,  in annahernd  gleichem  Masse  daran  beteiligt.  (2)  "  Um  Handnetze  zum  Fischen  (kud} "  und  Schlafmatten  (parepa)  zu  machen,  wird  Gnetum  edule  (pilita)  verwendet  ; "  fiir  die  Vorbereitung  und  Verfertigung  derselben  kommen  ausschliesslich  Frauen  in "  Betracht."f Nach  alien  Regeln  der  gewohnlichen  Rechenkunst,  wenn  die  Frauen  bei (1)  schon  genade  so  stark  beteiligt  sind,  als  die  Manner,  wenn  dann  ihnen  allein auch  noch  die  Gesammtheit  von  (2)  zukommt,  ist  es  doch  augenscheinlich,  dass  die "  most  cases  "  in  diesem  Gewerbe  ihnen  zufallen.J  Nimmt  man  hinzu,  dass  auch  die Korbflechterei  gewohnlich  von  den  Frauen  betrieben  wird,§  so  darf  ich  getrost  den Satz  aufstellen,  dass  auch  auf  den  Andamanen  "  plaiting  and  twisting "  vorziiglich Sache  der  Frauen  ist.  Selbst  wenn  also  auch  die  Perlmutterschale  als  ausseres Werkzeug  fiir  diese  Beschaftigungen  in  Wegfall  zu  kommen  hatte,  so  bliebe  doch  noch immer  bestehen,  dass  die  Biliku  der  Nordgruppe,  eben  weil  sie  weiblich  ist,  in  naheren Beziehungen  zu  "  plaiting  and  twisting "  steht,  und  damit  ware  eine  Erklarung  ihrer Beziehung  zur  Spinne  zum  wenigsten  angebahnt.  Gerade  um  diese  Erklarung  aber handelt  es  sich  hier,  und  sie  wird  also  auch  durch  Mr.  Brown's  Rekriminatiouen in  ihrem  Wesen  nicht  beriihrt,  selbst  weun  wir  von  den  mancherlei  Bedenken  ganz absehen  wollen,  die,  wie  ich  gezeigt,  durch  diese  Rekriminationen  noch  wieder erregt  werden. Vollstandig  ohne  Bedeutung  sind  wieder  Mr.  Brown's  Rekriminationen  gegen  meine Beziehung  Darias  des  Siidwest-Monsuns  auf  den  zunehmenden  Mond,  der  zuerst  im West-Slid- West  aufgeht.  Mr.  Brown  gibt  selbst  zu,  dass  der  Sinn  fiir  scharfere Bestimmung  der  Himmelsrichtungen  bei  den  Andamauesen  nicht  sehr  ausgebildet  sei, und  wagt  meine  Zusammenlegung  nur  zu  bezweifeln.  Dagegen  wirft  er  mir  vor, dass  ich  bei  meiner  Zusammenstellung  des  Namens  fiir  Neumond — in  Bea  :  Ogar dereka-da  u.s.w. — mit  dem  Wort  Daria  Portmans  Ubersetzung  von  Ogar  dereka-da mitzuteilen  unterlassen  habe,  wodurch  die  Leser  verhindert  worden  seien,  die Unhaltbarkeit  der  Verbindung  von  Daria  mit  Ogar  dereka-da  zu  erkennen.  Ich *  E.  H.  Man,  a.a.O.,  S.  164.  t  A.a.O.    SS.  163,  180. J  Dazu  kommt  noch,  dass  E.  H.  Man  von  den  "  netted  reticules  (chapanga)"  die  er,  S.  164,  als  von beiden  Geschlechtern  gemacht  bezeichnet,  S.  180  sagt :  "  made  and  used  by  women." §  E.  H.  Man,  S.  180. [     82     ] 1910.]  .  MAN.  [No.  47. wiisste  wirklich  nicht,  was  fiir  einen  Schaden  es  fiir  meine  Theorie  haben  sollte,  dass Oqar  dereka-da  " juuger  (oder  kleiner)*  Mond  "  heisst  ;  gerade  im  Gegenteil,  es  stiitzt sie  nur  noch  mehr.  Dass  ich  diese  Ubersetzung  nicht  mitgeteilt,  lag  daran,  dass  ich meiuen  ohnedies  schon  langen  Artikel  nicht  iiber  Gebiihr  ausdehnen  wollte  ;  in  der Behandlung  des  Gegenstandes  in  meiuem  Werk  "  Die  Stellung  der  Pygmaenvolker  in der  Entwickelungsgeschichte  des  Menschen "  habe  ich  die  Ubersetzung  auch  ohne weiteres  gegeben  (S.  211).  Wenn  Mr.  Brown  nun  "  confidently  "  feststellt,  dass  keine philologische  Verbindung  bestehe  zwischen  Daria  u.s.w.  und  Dereka  u.s.w.,  so  ist  mir diese  Konfidenz  eiuigermassen  gleichgiltig  ;  interessieren  wiirden  mich  nur  die  Griinde, die  Mr.  Brown  dafiir  haben  konnte,  und  deren  Vorhandensein  ich  bezweifle.  Dagegen hat  er,  ohne  zu  wissen,  selbst  schon  eine  Bestiitigung  meiner  Auffassung  gebracht. Wenn,  wie  Portman  darlegt,  die  Crrw/jrfbedeutung  von  dereka  nicht  "  Kind  ",  sondern "  klein,"  "  Jung  "  ist,  so  passt  ganz  vortrefflich  dazu,  dass  in  dem  siidlichen  Stamm  der Bale  die  Rede  ist  von  dem  "  big  Puluga  ",  der  zwei  Briider  hat,  die  die  Stelle  des  sonst vorkommenden  Daria  einnehmen,  die  zwar  Jila  Puluga  (Qst-Puluga)  und  Kuacho Puluga  (West  Puluga)  heissen,  aber  zweifellos  gegeniiber  dem  "big  Puluga"1"1 wenigstens  in  der  Empfindung  der  Eingeborenen  als  "  little  Puluga  "  gelten.  Es  ware von  sehr  grossem  Werte,  wenn  Mr.  Brown  uns  den  andamanesischen  Wortlaut  von "  big  Puluga  "  mitteilen  wiirdef  ;  je  uachdem  dieser  ist,  wiirde  die  Bestarkung  noch grosser  sein. Mr.  Brown  greift  endlich  noch  meine  Angabe  an,  dass  Daria  zuweilen  das  Weib Puluga^s  sei.  Ich  weiss  jetzt  nicht  mehr  mit  voller  Bestimmtheit,  worauf  ich  mich stiitzte,  als  ich  diese  Angabe  machte  ;  ich  vermute,  auf  Mr.  Brown's  Mitteiluug,  dass, nach  einer  Angabe  der  Mischgruppe  Juwoi-Kol-Puchikwar,  als  Weib  des  miinnlichen Bilik  die  In  Chria  erscheint.J  In  Charia  steht  hier  zweifellos  an  Stelle  des  Teria neben  Bilik  ;  auch  ist  das  Wort  Charia  dem  Wort  Teria  nicht  allzufern  stehend  ;  aber ich  vermochte  uicht  den  Beweis  dafiir  zu  erbringen,  dass  anlauteudes  t  in  dieser Sprachengruppe  unter  dem  Einfluss  des  auslautenden  n  von  In  (=  Frau,  Mutter)  zu ch  wiirde.  Ich  habe  deshalb  gar  keine  Schwierigkeit,  auf  dieser  Angabe  nicht  zu bestehen.  Es  war  ja  gar  nicht  der  weibliche  Charakter  Teria's,  worauf  es  mir ankam,  sonderu  seine  iiberall  gegeniiber  der  von  Puluga- Biliku  zuriicktretende,  geringere Bedeutung,  und  diese  wird  auch  Mr.  Brown  nicht  wagen  in  Abrede  zu  stellen.  Noch mehr,  ein  weiblicher  Charakter  Teria's  wiirde  meiner  Lunartheorie  nur  zur  Verlegenheit gereichen,  da  ich  doch  Teria  mit  dem  zunehmenden  Mond  identifiziere,  dieser  aber  in der  vorausgesetzten  Mythologie  gerade  niemals  weiblich  ist.  Andererseits  bietet  der stets  manuliche  Charakter  Teria's  durchaus  keine  Stiitze  fiir  die  Annahme  Mr.  Brown's, dass  deshalb  Biliku  urspriinglich  stets  weiblichen  Charakters  gewesen  sei.  Browu wagt  denn  auch  selbst  keine  Sicherheit  dafiir  in  Ausspruch  zu  nehmen  ;  aber  es  kommt ihr  auch  nicht  einmal  der  kleinste  Grad  von  Probabilitat  zu,  da  neben  dem  Gattenver- haltnis  das  Bruder-  und  Freundesverhaltnis  gerade  so  gut  moglich  und  bei  den  Bale  ja direkt  bezeugt  ist.§ So  fallen  nahezu  alle  direkten  Beanstanduugen,  die  Brown  mit  soldier  Vehemenz vorbriugt,  sowohl  in  sich  als  auch  in  Bezug  auf  ihre  Bedeutung  fiir  meine  Theorie von  der  friiheren  Mondmythologie  der  Andamanesen  vollstiindig  zusammen.  Nur  der eine  Puukt  ist  richtig  zustellen,  dass,  nach  der  jetzigen  Erklarung  Brown's  iiber  die *  Dereka  heisst  in  seiner  Grundbedeutung  nicht  "  Kind,"  wie  Brown  angibt,  sondern  "  klein," "  Jung,"  s.  Portman,  Notes,  S.  204  ;  erst  Dab-dereka-da  heisst  "  junges  menschliches  Wesen  "  =  "  Kind." f  Es  ist  ija  wohl  zu  erwarten,  das  von  den  Mythen,  die  Mr.  Brown  in  seinem  demnachst erscheinenden  Buche  veroffentlichen  wird,  stets  auch  der  andamanesische  Urtext  mitgeteilt  werde  ; ware  das  nicht  der  Fall,  so  wiirden  sie  fiir  eigentlich  wissenschaftliche  Untersuchungeu  einen  guten Teil  ihres  Wertes  verlieren. J  Folklore,  a.a.O.,  S.  260.  §  Brown,  Folklore,  a.a.O.,  S.  260. [     83     ] No.  47.]  MAN.  [1910, Verweuduug  der  Perlmutterschale,  mein  Versuch  einer  positiven  Erkliirung  der  Tdenti- fikation  der  Spinne  mit  Biliku  im  Norden  nicht  mehr  aufrecht  erhalten  werden  zu konnen  scheint.  Diese  Identifikation  selbst  bleibt  natiirlich  bestehen  und  behalt  ihr voiles  Gewicht  fur  die  Annahme  einer  friiheren  Mondmythologie.  Nicht  diese  letztere ist  durch  die  jetzige  Erklarung  Brown's  getroffen,  sondern  hb'chstens  der  Versnch,  die Entstehung  eines  ihrer  Indizien  auch  positiv  zu  erklaren,  ist  zu  einem  Teil  in  Frage gestellt ;  zum  anderen  Teil  bleibt  auch  er  aufrecht,  da  jedenfalls  durch  die  Beziehungen Biliku^s  als  Weib  zu  "  plaiting  and  twisting  "  ihre  Identifikation  mit  der  Spinne mindestens  plausibel  gemacht  wird. Dagegen  habe  ich  jetzt  den  Vorwurf  des  unrichtigen  Zitierens  mit  Nachdruck gegen  Mr.  Brown  zu  wenden.  Er  schreibt,  S.  36  :  "  .  .  .  even  if  it  were  true  that "  the  present  beliefs  of  the  Andamanese  concerning  Puluga  are  derived  from  lunar "  mythology,  it  is  impossible  to  see  how  this  affords  any  evidence  that  the  Andamanese "  formerly  believed  in  a  Supreme  Being."  Es  ist  in  Wirklichkeit  nicht  leicht  zu  sehen^ wie  Mr.  Brown  die  ausdrucklichen  Ausfiihrungen  auf  SS.  6  u.  7  meines  Artikels iibersehen  konnte,  in  welchen  ich  darlegte,  class  das  hb'chste  Wesen  Puluga  gerade nicht  aus  der  Lunarmythologie  hervorgegangen,  sondern  urspriinglich  ein  Himmelsgott gewesen  sei ;  solche  Ubersehen  gehoren  zur  "  strictness  of  method  "  jedenfalls  nicht. Wenn  dann  Mr.  Brown  meint :  "  The  present  Andamanese  certainly  do  not  believe "  in  a  Supreme  Being ",  so  habe  ich  keine  Ursache  ihm  nicht  zu  glauben,  soweit  die Nordgruppe  in  Betracht  kommt,  deren  sekundaren  Entwickelungscharakter  ich  aber auch  dargelegt  habe.  Was  dagegen  den  Teil  des  Gebietes  betrifft,  der  mit  dem  von E.  H.  Man  und  Portman  zusammenfallt,  so  habe  ich  ebenfalls  keinen  Grund  Mr.  Brown mehr  zu  glauben,  als  den  ausdrucklichen  Versicherungen  der  beiden  andern  Forscher^ Mr.  Brown  verwendete  nur  zwei  Trockenzeiten  von  je  sechs  Monaten  zu  seinen Forschungen  bei  den  verschiedenen  Stammen,  von  denen  er  3^  Monate  allein  auf Klein  Andaman  zubrachte  ;  wenn  er  nun  wirklich  glaubt,  in  dieser  Zeit  schon  eine "  intimate  knowledge  of  their  ways  of  life  and  thought "  erworben  zu  haben,  so  miissen die  Anspriiche,  die  er  an  eine  solche  "  intimate  knowledge "  stellt,  doch  wohl  etwas bescheidene  sein.  E.  H.  Man  war  vier  Jahre  auf  dem  enger  umgrenzten,  siidlichen Gebiet  tatig,  und  V.  Portman  weilte,  soviel  ich  weiss,  mindestens  sieben  Jahre  auf  den Andamanen.  Wenn  nun  auch  die  Vorbildung  Brown's  fur  diese  Untersuchungen  eine speziellere  war  und  er  die  kiirzere  Zeit  durch  eine  ausschliessliche  Verwendung  zu wissenschaftlichen  Zwecken  bis  zu  einem  gewissen  Grade  kompensierte,  so  ist  doch  zu einer  wirklich  erschopfenden  Kenntnis  eines  Volkes  unter  alien  Umstanden  ein  grosserer Zeitraum  erforderlich.  Dazu  kommt,  dass  innerhalb  des  gegebenen  Zeitraums  es zweifellos  fiir  Mr.  Brown  nicht  moglich  war,  sich  eine  solche  griindliche  Kenntnis  der Sprache  anzueignen,  dass  er  sich  den  Eingeborenen  nicht  nur  verstandlich  machen, sondern  auch  deren  Gesprachen  unter  sich  ohne  Hilfe  eines  Dolmetschers  miihelos hatte  folgen  konnen ;  erst  bei  einem  solchem  Masse  von  Sprachkenntnis  aber  beginnt  man in  den  Geist  eines  Volkes  wirklich  einzudringen.  Durch  diese  Ausfiihrungen  habe  ich nicht  die  Absicht,  die  wirklichen  Verdienste  Mr.  Brown's  herabzusetzen  ;  ich  erkenne im  Gegenteil  an,  dass  er  durch  seine,  zweifellos  entbehrungsreichen  Forschungen sich  grosse  Verdienste  erworben  hat.  Aber  er  selbst  sollte  die  Anerkennung,  die er  zu  fordern  berechtigt  ist,  nicht  dadurch  in  Frage  stellen,  dass  er  verlangt,  man solle  ohne  Kritik  im  einzelnen  immer  und  iiberall  ausschliesslich  seiuem  Urteile gegeniiber  dem  Urteil  anderer  wahrlich  nicht  minder  verdienter  und  zuverlassiger Forscher  folgen. Zum  Schluss  habe  ich  noch  ein  besonderes  Wort  mit  Mr.  Brown  zu  sprechen. Wenn  Mr.  Brown  mich  auch  fiir  einen  alten  Sunder  zu  halten  scheint,  bei  dem  kaum noch  zu  hoffen  sei,  dass  er  sich  bessere  (S.  37),  so  gibt  mir  seine  Jugendlichkeit  ja desto  mehr  Recht,  zu  hoffen,  dass  er  bald  einsehen  wird,  dass  einige  weniger  gute [    84    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No,  47. Manieren  in  wissenschaftlichen  Erorterungen  einen  schlechten  Eindruck  macben  und je  eher  desto  besser  abgelegt  werden.  Was  mich  am  meisten  erstaunt  hat,  das  ist, dass  Mr.  Brown  nicbt  nur  die  Richtigkeit  der  Ansichten  seines  wissenschaftlichen Gegners  bekiimpft,  was  sein  gutes  Recht  ist,  soweit  er  Griinde  dafiir  vorbringt,  sondern auch  die  ethische  Zuverlassigkeit  desselben  in  einer  Weise  angreift,  wie  es  bisher  in wissenschaftlichen  Erorterungen  doch  nicht  iiblich  war.  Ich  habe  bereits  oben  (S.  1715) a-uf  einige  Pnnkte  dieser  Art  hingewiesen.  Uber  alles  Mass  geht  aber  der  folgende Satz.  durch  welcheu  Mr.  Brown  mir  nicht  nur  fiir  die  jetzige  Diskussion,  sondern  fur alle  Ausfuhrungen  auch  meiner  sonstigen  Arbeiten  das  aufrichtige  Wahrheitsstreben abspricht  :  "  On  the  contrary,  it  must  be  evident  to  all  readers  of  Father  Schmidt's *'  writings  that  he  is  always  seeking,  not  the  truth,  but  evidence  for  a  pre-formed theory  "  (S.  34). Als  einzigen  positiven  Beleg  fiir  seine  Anklage  fiihrt  Mr.  Brown  eine  Stelle  aus meiner  Besprechung  des  VI.  Bandes  der  Reports  der  Cambridge  Torres  Strait's  Ex- pedition in  Anthropos,  B.  V.  S.  272,  an,  wo  ich  zu  Mr.  Haddon's  Konstatierung  :  "  We *'  did  not  discover  in  Torres  Strait  anything  like  an  All-Father  or  Supreme  Being " bemerkte  :  "  Mr.  Haddon  has  taken  care  to  formulate  exactly  what  he  was  able  to  state, *'  and  I  shall  endeavour  not  to  be  less  exact  by  holding  the  thesis  :  '  There  must  have *'  been  an  All-Father  or  Supreme  Being  in  the  religion  of  the  Eastern  Islanders  '  .  .  ." Mr.  Brown  ist  nun  der  Meinung,  ich  hatte,  trotz  der  Konstatierung  Mr.  Haddon's, meinerseits  doch  noch  immer  daran  festhalten  wollen,  es  miisse  unter  alien  Umstanden ein  hochstes  Wesen  vorhanden  gewesen  sein.  Aus  einem  Briefe  von  Mr.  Haddon,  in dein  er  mir  fiir  die  Besprechung  des  VI.  Bandes  und  seiner  "  Races  of  Man  "  dankte, erfubr  ich,  dass  auch  er,  der  das  freilich  loyaler  verwendete,  dieser  Auffassung  war. Ich  habe  in  einem  Brief  an  ihn  vom  21.  Februar  das  richtig  gestellt.  Ich  zweifle  nicht, dass  diese  Richtigstellung  nicht  zur  Kenntnis  Mr.  Brown's  gelangt  ist  ;  denn  sonst hatte  er  diesen  Fall  nicht  so  verwerten  konnen,  wie  er  es  in  seinem  Artikel  getau.  Die Richtigstellung  besteht  in  folgendem  :  Ich  gebe  zu,  dass  der  Wortlaut  des  englischen Textes  die  AufFassuug  Mr.  Haddon's  und  Mr.  Brown's  ermoglichte.  Ich  meine  aber, dass  auch  das,  was  ich  wirklich  sagen  wollte,  herausgelesen  werden  konnte  ;  und andererseits  ist  die  darin  mir  imputierte  Stellungnahme  eine  derartig  unsinnige,  ja fast  wahnsinnige,  dass  Mr.  Brown  verpflichtet  gewesen  ware,  sich  erst  privatim  zu vergewissern — wie  Mr.  Haddon  es  loyaler  Weise  tat — ehe  er  damit  beschuldigend  an  die Offentlichkeit  trat.  Der  Gedanke,  den  ich  ausdriicken  wollte,  ist  dieser  :  "  Mr.  Haddon "  hat  sich  ganz  exakt  ausgedriickt  als  er  sagte — nicht  :  es  gibt  und  gab  in  der  Torres "  Strasse  kein  hochstes  Wesen,  sondern — :  wir  baben  kein  solches  dort  entdeckt. "  Ich  werde  mich  nun  bemiihen,  nicht  etwa  weniger  exakt  zu  sein  dadurch,  dass  ich "  festhalten  wurde :  Es  muss  unter  alien  Umstanden  ein  hochstes  Wesen  da  gewesen "  sein."  Man  sieht  also,  dass  durch  die  Gerundivkonstruktion  "  by  holding "  der irreale  Konjunktiv  "dass  ich  festhalten  wurde"1"1  nicht  zum  Ausdrucke  gelangt  ist, und  ferner  dass  das,  was  ich  sagen  wollte,  so  ziemlich  das  gerade  Gegenteil  ist  von dem,  was  Mr.  Haddon  und  Mr.  Brown  aus  den  Worten  entnahmen. Ich  freue  mich  nun,  dass  Mr.  Brown,  nachdem  ich  ihm  in  einem  Brief  diese Mitteilung  gemacht,  sein  Urteil  in  einer  Erkliirung  an  "  Man "  zuriickzieht,  und ich  dauke  ihm  fiir  diesen  loyalen  Schritt.  Es  ist  wahr,  er  war  der  angegriffene Teil ;  aber  es  ist  ein  Irrtum  von  ihm  zu  glauben,  ich  hatte  an  der  subjektiven Zuverlassigkeit  irgend  einer  seiner  Angaben  gezweifelt.  Wenn  ich  von  ihm  mehr *'  broad-mindedness  "  gewUnscht  habe,  so  hatte  ich  dabei  nicht  die  Absicht,  seinen guten  Glauben  in  Frage  zu  stellen.  An  einer  Stelle  freilich  habe  ich  gesagt,  dass er,  "  perhaps  unwittingly ",  "  leading  questions "  gestellt  habe.  Aber  in  dem "  perhaps  unwittingly "  habe  ich  wortlich  gebraucht,  was  er  von  E.  H.  Man  sagte, und  ich  hatte  dabei  die  Absicht,  Mr.  Brown  Uber  das  Bedeukliche  eines  Uber  andere [     85     ] Nos.  47-48.]  MAN.  [1910. gefallten   derartigen    TJrteils   dadurch    zu  belehren,  dass  ich  es   einmal   beispielsweise auch  bei  ihm  selbst  zu  Anwendung  brachte. Damit  1st,  zu  meiner  Freude,  ein  personlicber  Gegensatz,  der  sich  zu  bilden drohte,  beseitigt.  Die  Austragung  unserer  sacblichen  Differenzen  darf  dadurch  in keiner  Weise  behindert  werden  ;  ihr  vor  allem  sollte  dieser  Artikel  dienen. P.  W.  SCHMIDT. England  :  Archaeology.  Greenwell :  Gatty. The  Pit  Dwellings  at  Holderness.     By  Canon  Greenwell,  F.R.S.,  and     JO the  Rev.  R.  A.   Gatty,  LL.B.  *fO The  implements  of  stone  and  vessels  of  pottery  now  brought  under  the  notice  of the  Institute,  though  of  a  very  humble,  even  rude,  description,  and  showing  very  little evidence  of  skill  in  the  hands  of  the  makers,  are  nevertheless  of  importance  for  the light  they  throw  upon  the  cultivation  of  early  man  in  Britain,  or  at  all  events  in  that part  of  it  in  which  they  have  occurred.  They  all  belong  to  the  appliances  of  domestic life,  nothing  which  can  be  regarded  as  a  weapon,  except  scrapers,  having  up  to  the present  time  been  discovered.  They  have  been  found  on  the  floors  of  pits  sunk  into the  boulder  clay,  and  on  account  of  the  circumstances  connected  with  them  they  must be  regarded  as  the  dwelling-places  of  people  living  under  very  primitive  conditions. They  are  placed  within  an  area,  the  extent  of  which  has  not  yet  been  ascertained,  in  a position  at  the  present  day  not  far  situated  from  the  coast,  in  the  district  of  Holderness, in  the  East  Riding  of  Yorkshire. At  the  time  they  were  inhabited  they  were  no  doubt  placed  much  further  inland, the  sea  having  encroached  very  largely  during  a  long  period  on  that  part  of  the  eastern shore  of  England.  That  these  people  lived  at  some  distance  from  the  sea  appears  to be  shown  by  the  absence  of  the  bones  of  sea  fish  and  marine  shells.  It  is  possible  they may  not  have  been  able  to  catch  fish  ;  still  there  must  have  been  an  abundance  of  shell- fish on  the  coast,  and  the  contents  of  rubbish  heaps  in  the  dwelling-places  of  other early  people  living  near  the  sea  show  how  large  an  element  in  their  dietary  were cockles,  oysters,  mussels,  limpets,  and  such  like  food. The  greater  number  of  the  pits  hitherto  explored  are  situated  near  the  village  of Atwick,  two  miles  from  Hornsea,  but  they  have  been  observed  as  far  as  three  miles north  and  the  same  distance  south  of  that  place.  At  Rolston,  three  miles  south  from Atwick,  two  have  been  discovered  on  the  cliff  face,  owing  to  the  washing  away of  the  land  by  the  action  of  the  sea.  They  occur  apparently  in  groups,  and  are so  numerous  that  it  is  evident  the  district  was  then  occupied  by  a  large  population. This  seems  to  have  consisted  of  people  who,  if  we  are  to  judge  from  their  domestic belongings  and  their  place  of  abode,  must  have  been  in  a  condition  of  life  little above  that  of  savages. Nor,  does  it  appear,  were  they  living  in  the  neighbourhood  of  people  who  had attained  to  a  higher  stage  of  progress,  for  if  this  had  been  the  case  it  might  have been  expected  that  some  article  of  a  superior  kind,  or  one  of  their  own  rude  tools made  out  of  an  implement  of  better  manufacture,  might  have  been  found.  This has  sometimes  occurred  on  sites  occupied  by  people  in  much  the  same  social  condition as  these  pit-dwellers  of  Holderness.  This  evidence  is,  of  course,  only  negative,  and not  in  any  way  conclusive,  but  it  has  a  certain  value  and  is  worth  being  noticed. The  pits  were  first  discovered  by  Mr.  William  Morfitt,  of  Atwick,  when  digging the  foundations  of  a  house,  who  from  that  occurrence  was  led  further  afield  in search  of  other  pits  of  a  similar  kind.  In  this  he  was  successful,  and  it  is  due  to  his acuteness,  persevering  energy  and  patient  care,  that  so  much  has  been  recovered  in connection  with  a  community  of  very  early  dwellers  in  that  part  of  Britain. That  these  very  humble  places  of  abode  were  the  dwellings  of  a  people  living 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  48. there  at  an  early  part  of  the  period  which  is  called  neolithic  does  not  admit  of  much doubt.  The  inhabitants  of  Britain,  during  the  Neolithic  period  throughout  the  greater part  of  that  time,  and  over  the  whole  country,  except,  perhaps,  in  some  remote  places, were  acquainted  with  the  art  of  grinding  and  polishing  stone.  It  is  quite  possible, however,  that  in  the  early  stages  of  their  cultivation,  like  the  still  older  men  of palaeolithic  days,  they  may  have  been  ignorant  of  that  important  process  in  the manufacture  of  stone  implements.  To  such  a  time  it  may  be  the  pit-dwellers  of Holderness  belonged.  Anyhow,  no  stone  has  been  found  in  the  pits  which  shows  the least  trace  of  such  a  process  of  polishing. That  these  people  were  living  at  a  very  early  period,  during  the  time  when  stone and  bone  were  the  only  materials  out  of  which  weapons  and  implements  were  made (though  not  in  that  time,  the  palaeolithic,  when  the  mammoth  and  other  extinct  animals occupied  the  country),  is  shown  not  only  by  the  articles  found  in  the  pits,  but  even more  conclusively  by  the  position  which  the  pits  assume  in  relation  to  the  surface soil  and  its  contents,  by  which  they  are  overlaid. In  that  part  of  Holderness  where  these  dwelling-places  have  been  discovered the  underlying  strata  are  covered  by  a  deposit  of  boulder  clay  of  varying  thickness. This  clay,  which  contains,  together  with  the  usual  rolled  and  scratched  pebbles  and larger  blocks  of  various  kinds  of  stone,  the  remains  of  the  mammoth,  and  other animals  belonging  to  the  same  fauna,  has  been  excavated  in  places  to  form  the  pits which  constituted  the  living-places  in  question. The  pits,  which  are  generally  about  5  feet  deep,  vary  considerably  in  shape  and size.  They  are  mostly  of  an  elongated  form,  in  some  cases  as  long  as  40  feet  by 9  or  10  feet  in  width.  They  are  now  filled  in  with  a  dark-coloured  deposit,  evidently the  result  of  mud  washed  into  them  by  an  overflow  of  water,  apparently  the  result  of local  rainfall  rather  than  of  a  general  flood  of  water.  This  mud  deposit  has  not  been found  to  contain  anything  except  the  hardened  mud-  itself,  all  the  animal  bones, implements,  and  pottery  having  been  found  on  the  floor  of  the  pits. After  this  flooding  had  taken  place,  which  either  drove  out  the  occupants,  or found  the  pits  already  deserted,  they  became  covered  by  a  deposit  of  surface  soil  from 15  to  18  inches  in  thickness.  This  soil,  which  equally  covers  the  boulder  clay  and  the pits,  has  never  been  in  any  way  broken  through,  or  otherwise  disturbed  in  the  spaces occupied  by  the  pits,  and,  therefore,  they  must  have  been  dug  out  and  inhabited  before the  mud  was  carried  into  them,  and  the  surface  soil  had  later  on  accumulated  over them.  In  this  surface  soil  the  ordinary  implements  of  flint,  and  other  stones  charac- teristic of  the  Neolithic  Age,  and  in  some  measure  those  of  bronze,  have  been  found  in fair  abundance.  On  the  other  hand,  neither  on  the  floors  of  the  pits  nor  in  the  filling in  has  any  example  of  the  highly-finished  implements  of  the  Stone  Age,  or  any  portion of  one  of  them,  come  to  light. This  is  a  very  important  fact  in  connection  with  the  time  when  the  pits  were occupied.  That  time  can  only,  however,  be  considered  as  it  has  a  relation  to  other periods  of  occupation  in  the  Stone  Age  of  this  district,  and  it  must  not  be  attempted  to give  it  a  place  in  chronological  time.  If  the  occupation  of  the  pits  is  considered  with reference  to  other  and  later  periods,  when  the  country  was  inhabited  by  early  man, it  is  evident  that  the  people,  who  had  their  abode  in  them,  must  have  been  living there  a  long  time  before  the  neolithic  men  of  the  polished  Stone  Age  were  settled in  the  district. We  cannot  say  how  long  the  pit  people  had  lived  in  these  dwellings.  First  the pits  became  filled  in  with  a  deposit,  the  nature  of  which  would  require  very  many years  for  its  accumulation.  After  that,  a  surface  soil  had  grown  over  them,  of  a  depth such  as  could  only  have  taken  place  by  the  gradual  growth  of  a  long  period.  Upon this  surface  the  ordinary  neolithic  man  lived,  and  within  its  soil  are  found  the  imple- [  87  ] No.  48,] MAN. [1910. ments  he  had  used,  and  lost.  Who  can  say  how  long  before  his  days  were  those  during which  his  possible  ancestor  lived  his  life,  endowed  with  the  poorest  means  of  existence  ? That  time  must  have  been  very  remote,  and  the  interval  between  the  occupation  of  the pit-dwellers  and  the  people  who  used  polished  stone  implements  very  great. W.  GREEN  WELL. The  above  are  Canon  Greenwell's  views  on  this  subject,  and  as  I  was  present with  Professor  Boyd  Dawkins  at  the  opening  of  the  Rolston  pit  I  am  able  to supplement  them  with  details  from  my  own  observation. The  first  pit  discovered  by  Mr.  Morfitt  came  to  light  in  the  process  of  digging the  foundations  for  a  new  house,  and  four  more  were  found  as  the  work  proceeded. In  all  these  cases  the  surface  soil  was  disturbed,  and  got  worked  in  with  that  of  the pits,  so  that  it  was  impossible  afterwards  to  see  the  exact  position  of  the  layers.  A later  discovery  on  the  cliff  face,  where  the  ground  is  perpetually  falling  into  the  sea, brought  to  light  a  pit  in  section,  a  drawing  of  which  is  given  in  Fig.  1. This  pit  is  on  the  property  of  Colonel  Haworth-Booth,  at  Rolston,  who  kindly gave  permission  to  have  it  examined,  and  I  visited  it  with  Professor  Boyd  Dawkins, while  Mr.  Morfitt  was  engaged  in  digging  it  out.  It  was  at  once  seen  that  a  surface soil  of  about  18  inches  completely  unbroken  lay  over  the  pit.  It  was  of  a  colour and  texture  different  from  the  black  mud  which  filled  in  the  pit  and  the  boulder  clay in  which  the  pit  had  been  excavated. :<  Sooth  j,^  M ,  ...  ...  **-o'  ...  vt.  .,',  ..f. ,  tlllll  -JNort>, IS' SU1VFAC.E. FlG.    1.— SECTION  OF  PIT-DWELLING. Mr.  Morfitt  has  opened  about  thirty  pits,  and  in  all  these  cases  there  was  no indication,  by  mound  or  depression,  of  the  existence  of  a  pit  below.  Sometimes  the vegetation  appears  more  rank,  and  a  group  of  thistles  or  a  darker  patch  in  a  cornfield may  serve  to  show  that  there  is  a  pit  on  the  spot,  but  these  are  the  only  guides. It  was  fortunate  that  Professor  Boyd  Dawkins  was  present  to  confirm  the unbroken  position  of  the  surface  soil,  as  on  this  point  the  principal  evidence  of  the antiquity  of  the  pits  depends. In  every  case  the  pits  are  found  to  be  filled  with  a  black  mud,  which  bakes like  clay  in  summer,  and  can  only  be  dug  out  during  the  winter-time.  Whether  this mud  is  due  to  some  great  overflow  of  waters  or  is  simply  the  working  in  of  rains has  not  been  decided. In  the  present  case  of  the  Rolston  pit  we  found  the  depth  of  the  pit  to  be  about 5  feet  9  inches  in  the  centre.  The  breadth  could  not  be  definitely  ascertained,  as some  of  the  side  had  fallen  down  upon  the  shore,  but  Mr.  Morfitt  thought  it  must have  been  about  9  feet.  The  length  was  40  feet,  and  it  had  an  entrance  from  the south  sloping  down  gradually  to  the  centre,  where  the  fireplace  was  in  situ,  composed of  rough  stones.  Near  by  was  a  broken  cooking  pot,  which  Mr.  Morfitt  has  restored, while  broken  bones,  heavy  stone  pounders,  and  rude  knives,  and  flint  flakes  lay scattered  around.  On  the  floor  were  the  remains  of  a  peaty  substance,  which  might have  been  composed  of  grass  and  rushes,  suggestive  of  a  couch,  while  near  the  fire lay  the  bones  of  a  dog  curled  round  as  if  it  had  gone  to  sleep  in  that  position. [    88    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  48. Professor  Boyd  Dawkins  examined  the  bones  taken  from  this  pit,  and  they  proved to  be  those  of  Bos  longifrons,  and  comprised  horn  cores,  teeth,  and  broken  bones  of young  and  old  animals,  some  of  which  were  partially  burnt.  There  were  also  bones of  horse,  sheep  or  goat,  domestic  hog,  and  red  deer. In  one  of  the  pits  the  atlas  vertebra  of  a  whale  was  discovered,  and  this  is  the only  marine  relic  that  has  come  to  light.  This  seems  to  show  that  when  these  pits were  inhabited  they  were  a  long  way  from  the  sea.  The  cliff  erosion  which  is  taking place  in  this  part  of  Holderness  is  too  well  known  for  me  to  dilate  upon  it.  Colonel Haworth-Booth,  whose  property  is  bounded  by  the  coast  line,  told  me  he  calculated that  he  lost  two  acres  or  more  every  year  by  the  spoliation  of  the  sea. Professor  Boyd  Dawkins  describes  this  whale  vertebra  as  "  partially  burnt  while *'  fresh,  with  square  holes  cut  in  the  posterior  articulation.  Its  use  is  uncertain,  but <k  it  may  have  been  a  stool,  like  the  vertebra  of  the  Megatherium  found  in  the  Pampas "  of  the  River  Plate,  and  used  by  the  Guachos  for  a  seat  in  their  tents." Among  other  things  found  in  the  pits  is  a  red  pigment,  made  apparently  from burnt  clay.  The  cooking-pots  are  of  various  sizes  and  shapes,  but  one  very  small cup,  holding  exactly  a  teaspoonful,  is  suggestive  of  the  nursery  (Fig.  2). The  exceedingly  primitive  condition  of  the  people  who  inhabited  these  pits  is shown  more  especi- ally by  their  flint implements,  which, with  the  exception of  some  of  the scrapers,  are  hardly recognisable  as  tools. When  compared with  the  tools  found upon  the  surface  soil above  the  pits  the contrast  is  very great,  and  it  is impossible  to  sup- pose the  inhabitants of  the  pits  existed at  the  same  time  as  the  race  who  dwelt  upon  the  surface  of  the  land.  We  may therefore  reasonably  conclude  that  after  the  inhabitants  of  the  pits  had  vanished, and  after  the  filling  in  of  the  pits  with  mud,  and  on  the  top  of  this  a  deposition  of surface  soil  from  15  to  18  inches,  a  later  people  settled  on  the  soil,  and  made  the tools  now  scattered  on  the  surface.  This  must  throw  back  the  date  of  the  pit-dwellers to  a  very  remote  period  of  time. Canon  Greenwell  remarks  upon  this  absence  of  any  superior  class  of  imple- ments, "  that  if  the  people  had  been  living  at  the  same  time  with  others  of  superior "  knowledge  in  flint  manufacture,  some  of  the  latter  implements,  or  portions  of u  them,  would  have  been  found  in  the  pits,  as  in  the  case  of  the  kitchen  middens *'  in  other  localities." Canon  Greenwell  also  testifies  to  the  excellent  work  done  by  Mr.  Morfitt,  who  for more  than  twenty  years  has  steadily  pursued  the  investigation  of  these  pits,  and  carefully collected  the  objects  which  are  now  exhibited  for  the  first  time.  Only  those  who,  like, myself,  have  been  present  at  the  excavations  know  what  laborious  work  it  is,  often  in the  teeth  of  furious  gales  in  winter  on  the  north-east  coast,  to  dig  through  very  hard mud,  every  bit  of  which  has  to  be  examined  with  the  fingers  numbed  with  cold.  No work  can  be  done  in  the  summer  time  as  the  mud  and  boulder  clay  are  baked  as  hard I    89    J Nos.  48-49.]  MAN.  [1910. as  brick.  It  is  true  the  objects  which  are  found  are  not  valuable  in  themselves,  but their  extreme  rudeness  and  primitive  character  give  them  a  claim  to  be  ranked  among the  earliest  records  of  neolithic  man  in  his  domestic  life  which  have  yet  been  discovered. R.  A.  GATTY. In  the  discussion  which  followed  the  reading  of  the  paper,  Professor  Boyd  Dawkins thanked  Mr.  Gatty  for  bringing  this  interesting  discovery  of  Mr.  Morfitt's  before  the Institute,  and  said  that  he  could  testify  to  the  accuracy  of  the  details  and  to  the  energy and  enthusiasm  of  the  discoverer.  The  find  is  clearly  proved  to  be  of  early  Neolithic age  from  the  geological  section.  The  inhabited  site — now  on  the  edge  of  the  cliffs  at Rolston — was  a  camping  ground  in  a  hollow  in  the  boulder  clay,  that  had  been  filled  up by  a  subaerial  wash  up  to  the  base  of  another  subaerial  accumulation  that  covers  the whole  district  like  a  mantle.  In  this  are  neolithic  implements  of  the  usual  higher  types of  the  Yorkshire  Wolds.  The  boulder  clay  was  being  formed  in  this  area  while  the south  of  England  was  inhabited  by  the  palaeolithic  hunters.  The  date  of  the  find  is therefore  clearly  shown  by  the  section,  without  reference  to  the  further  evidence  of the  remains  of  the  short-horned  ox  (Bos  longifrons\  introduced  into  Europe  by  the neolithic  peoples. Africa  :  White  Nile.  Cole. African  Rain  making  Chiefs,  the  Gondokoro  District,  White  Nile,  JQ Uganda.  By  W.  E.  R.  Cole,  Assistant  District  Commissioner.  "fru The  district  administered  from  Gondokoro  is  the  most  northern  of  the  three  which comprise  the  Nile  Province  of  Uganda.  This  district  was  formerly  part  of  the Equatorial  Province  of  Egypt,  and  is  separated  on  the  north  from  the  Sudan  by  the 5th  parallel  of  latitude,  on  the  west  from  the  Lado  enclave  of  the  Congo  by  the  White Nile,  while  on  the  south  it  reaches  to  the  Assua  river,  and  to  the  east  to  the  distant and  unadministered  tracts  around  the  northern  shores  of  Lake  Rudolph. The  chief  tribes  who  look  to  the  District  Commissioner  at  Gondokoro  for  protection are  the  Bari,  Luluba,  Lokoiya,  and  the  Latuka. The  Bari  were  particularly  troublesome  to  Sir  Samuel  Baker  in  1870,  but  are  now a  peaceable  and  tax-paying  community.  Most  of  the  chiefs  of  these  tribes  are  rain- makers, and  enjoy  a  popularity  in  proportion  to  their  powers  to  give  rain  to  their  people at  the  proper  season.  In  one  instance  I  came  across  a  rain-maker  who  was  not  a  chief but  just  a  "  drawer  of  water  "  for  his  people.  This  arrangement  did  not  answer  very happily,  for  there  was  always  friction,  and  the  chief,  who  himself  had  proved  a  failure as  a  rain-maker,  was  very  jealous  of  the  power  exercised  by  his  man. Rain-making  chiefs  always  build  their  villages  on  the  slopes  of  a  fairly  high  hill,  as they  no  doubt  know  that  the  hills  attract  the  clouds,  and  that  they  are,  therefore,  fairly safe  in  their  weather  forecasts.  The  huts  are  conical  in  shape,  and  each  is  usually surrounded  by  a  bamboo  fence,  though  in  many  cases  the  whole  village  is  enclosed by  one  stockade. Bornbo,  the  paramount  chief  of  the  Bari,  is  perhaps  the  best  known  of  the  rain- makers, and  this  man  produces  water  from  the  clouds  not  only  for  his  own  people  but frequently  for  people  in  the  Sudan,  30  or  40  miles  away,  and  receives  altogether  quite a  handsome  return  in  kind. Rualla,  chief  of  the  Luluba,  is  a  warm  supporter  of  the  Government,  and  a  most friendly  old  man  who  lives  on  a  beautiful  table-land  at  the  top  of  a  range  of  hills.  He .has  a  great  reputation  as  a  rain-maker. Lummelun,  the  Lokoiya  chief,  who  gives  much  trouble,  and  is  a  great  raider  and the  fear  of  the  countryside,  is  another  of  these  magicians,  though  a  more  insignificant and  stupid  man  it  would  be  hard  to  find. Lukuwyero,  the  Latuka  chief,  whose  warriors  wear  the  celebrated  helmets  and [  90  ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  49. nothing  else,  is  another  rain-maker.  His  fighting  men  wear  helmets  made  of  plates  of beaten  brass  fastened  on  to  the  hair  of  the  head,  which  is  afterwards  shaved  off  and forms  the  lining  of  the  helmet,  which  is  then  worn  only  on  special  occasions,  and  being burnished,  looks  very  imposing  in  the  African  sun. The  methods  employed  by  the  rain-makers  are  much  as  follows  : — The  chief  having  been  besought  to  make  rain  for  the  village,  and  having  duly received  various  presents  of  cattle,  sheep,  goats,  and  sometimes  even  a  wife,  very  wisely selects  a  day,  on  which  to  fulfil  his  promise,  when  clouds  are  to  be  seen  in  the  sky,  and on  which  the  wind  is  favourable.  He  generally  smears  himself  over  with  wood  ashes, and  wears  many  curious  charms  of  wood  and  stone  around  his  neck  and  wrists,  and sometimes  his  waist  and  ankles  are  similarly  adorned.  He  next  produces  a  pot,  roughly made  of  clay,  in  which  he  keeps  his  rain-stones.  These  are  stones  which  have  been found  upon  the  hills,  and  are  curious  either  for  their  shape  or  colour.  I  brought several  of  them  to  England,  and  some  were  found  on  examination  to  be  pieces  of  rock crystal,  aventurine  and  amethyst.  The  stones  are  then  covered  with  water  and  the chief  takes  in  his  hand  a  peeled  cane,  which  is  split  at  the  top,  and  with  this  he beckons  the  clouds  towards  him  or  waves  them  to  a  "  promised  land,"  the  while muttering  some  strange  incantation.  He  is  most  persistent  in  his  endeavours  and  I have  known  these  frantic  efforts  Avith  his  wand  to  last  for  hours.  If  the  rain  clouds come  and  the  rain  falls  on  the  desired  spot,* all  is  well,  but  if,  as  sometimes  happens, the  clouds  are  carried  to  the  distant  hill  and  shed  their  moisture  on  the  cultivation of  an  unfriendly  chief,  he  Avill  tell  his  people  that  the  chief  over  there  is  a  bad  man and  has  stolen  the  rain.  This  sometimes  leads  to  a  raid  on  the  lucky  village  and  to many  broken  heads.  In  such  a  case  rain  is  promised  for  another  day  and  is  generally forthcoming,  which  is  as  well  for  the  reputation  of  the  chief,  who  in  consequence  of his  rain-making  abilities  is  held  in  great  respect  and  veneration. On  one  occasion  I  had  been  out  for  a  day's  shoot  in  the  Luluba  country  and old  Rualla,  the  chief,  had  accompanied  me.  We  had  had  a  successful  day  and  I  had killed  an  elephant,  the  cutting  up  of  which  had  kept  us  out  rather  later  than  usual  ; on  our  way  back  to  the  camp  we  were  overshadowed  by  heavy  thunder  clouds which  threatened  a  deluge  at  any  moment.  Old  Rualla  said  it  would  be  all  right  as he  would  keep  the  rain  off  until  we  were  in  camp,  and,  proceeding  in  advance  of the  party,  he  continued  for  the  rest  of  the  journey  frantically  to  wave  the  clouds away  with  his  wand.  I  must  say  his  efforts  on  this  occasion  were  most  successful,, for  we  no  sooner  arrived  than  a  perfect  torrent  came  down  which  would  have  been most  unpleasant  on  the  march,  though  had  we  walked  less  quickly  I  think  we  should not  have  escaped  a  good  ducking  in  spite  of  the  rain-maker's  magic.  However,  the old  chief  was  immensely  pleased  with  himself  and  delighted  to  have  such  an opportunity  of  showing  u  the  Government  "  that  he  could  really  do  something  in  his own  particular  line.  I  myself  gained  the  reputation,  not  as  a  rain-maker  but  as  a "  lucky  person,"  because  so  often,  much  to  my  personal  inconvenience,  I  took  rain to  a  parched  district  while  on  my  visits  of  inspection. On  another  occasion  I  was  on  the  point  of  moving  my  camp  when  rain  threatened. A  Bari  took  a  bunch  of  green  leaves  in  one  hand,  and  a  bunch  of  dry  grass  in  the other.  He  cast  the  green  leaves  into  one  of  the  camp  fires,  and  lighted  the  bunch of  dry  grass,  with  which  smouldering  torch  he  proceeded  to  wave  away  the  rain.  At the  same  time  another  man,  also  a  Bari,  endeavoured  to  beat  back  the  clouds  with  a split  cane.  In  this  instance  the  rain  came  down  heavily,  though  the  two  men  continued their  exercises  for  quite  an  hour,  and  all  the  time  their  unemployed  hands  rested  on a  branch  of  the  tree  under  which  they  sheltered,  regardless  of  the  vivid  lightning  which played  incessantly  around.  These  men  were  just  two  ordinary  Bari,  and  not  rain-makers of  any  repute. [    91    ] Nos.  49-50.]  MAN.  [1910. Rain  is  the  one  thing  which  matters  to  the  people  in  those  districts,  as  if  it  does not  come  down  at  the  right  time  it  means  untold  hardships  for  the  community.  It  is therefore  small  wonder  that  men  more  cunning  than  their  fellows  should  arrogate to  themselves  the  power  of  producing  it,  or  that  having  gained  such  a  reputation, they  should  trade  on  the  credulity  of  their  simpler  neighbours. When  a  rain-making  chief  ceases  to  convince  his  people  of  his  special  ability  to work  magic  he  generally  dies,  or  is  more  probably  made  away  with,  and  another  and more  successful  man  reigns  in  his  place.  Sometimes  such  a  man  sees  the  signs  of discontent,  and  flies  betimes  to  a  neighbouring  tribe  to  whom  he  offers  his  services. The  post  of  a  rain-maker  appears  to  me,  unless  it  also  carries  the  chieftainship -with  it,  a  most  precarious  one.  W.  E.  REYMES  COLE. REVIEWS. Crete.  Hawes. Crete  the  Forerunner  of  Greece.  By  C.  H.  and  H.  Hawes.  ("  Library  of  Cfl Living  Thought.")  London:  Harper  Bros.  Pp.  xiv  +  158.  18  x  11  cm.  UU Price  2s.  6d. This  little  book  is  an  useful  contribution  to  the  literature  of  prehistoric  Greek archaeology.  Like  Professor  Ronald  Burrows's  admirable  Discoveries  in  Crete,  it  is primarily  an  "  ceuvre  de  vulgarisation,"  but  while  Professor  Burrows  designed  his book  for  the  use  of  a  moderately  learned  public,  that  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hawes  is written  for  the  use  of  the  "  man  in  the  street,"  who  knows  nothing  of  archaeology, but  would  like  to  know  something  (and  that  easily  comprehensible)  of  the  new •discoveries  in  Crete  and  what  they  mean.  At  the  same  time,  since  the  book  is  written by  authors  both  of  whom  have  worked  in  Crete,  while  one  is  the  actual  excavator  and discoverer  of  remains  by  no  means  the  least  important  of  these  which  have  come  to light  during  the  last  few  years,  it  is  one  to  be  read  attentively  by  archaeologists. It  will  be  especially  useful  to  those  who  have  found  Mrs.  Hawes's  monumental,  but prohibitively  expensive,  work  on  the  excavations  of  Gournia  unattainable,  as  in  it they  will  find  a  handy  resume  of  her  conclusions.  Mrs.  Hawes  is,  of  course,  the excavator  of  Gournia,  known  to  us  a  few  years  ago  as  Miss  Harriet  Boyd,  and  her husband  has  distinguished  himself  by  a  special  study  of  the  craniology  of  the  ancient and  modern  Cretans. Mrs.  Hawes  naturally  illustrates  her  conclusions  largely  from  the  results  of  her own  excavations  at  Gournia  (on  which  there  is  a  special  chapter),  and  this  gives her  book  a  special  cachet  which  distinguishes  it  from  those,  such  as  the  works of  Pere  Lagrauge  (La  Crete  ancienne)  and  Dr.  Mosso  (The  Palaces  of  Crete),  in which  the  attention  of  the  reader  is  too  exclusively  concentrated  on  Knossos  and Phaistos. But  it  is  to  Knossos  and  Phaistos  and  their  discoverers,  Dr.  Arthur  Evans  and Professor  Halbherr,  that  Mrs.  Hawes  turns  for  the  elucidation  of  Gournia,  and  the fellow-feeling  and  good  comradeship  that  happily  distinguishes  the  company  of  Cretan explorers  is  marked  by  the  preface  that  Dr.  Evans  has  written  for  this  book,  in  which he  rightly  says  that,  under  the  guidance  of  such  authors,  "  the  reader  may  safely  trust "  himself  to  obtain  an  illuminating  glimpse  of  this  old  Minoan  world  in  its  various "  aspects." The  intention  of  the  book  precludes  any  learned  archaeological  discussions, footnotes,  or  references,  and  the  absence  of  these  makes  a  happy  distinction  between  it and  Professor  Burrows'  work,  which  while  primarily  popular  was,  as  Dr.  Evans  says, intended  "  for  more  advanced  archaeological  students."  Professor  Burrows  entered  into [  92  ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  50. technical  discussion,  and  argued  for  and  against  various  points  of  view  ;  also,  his  book is  a  mine  of  useful  references.  All  this  is  eschewed  by  our  present  authors,  who  merely give  a  resume  of  what  has  been  discovered  and  what  it  all  means  in  a  pleasant  style that  commends  itself  readily  to  the  general  reader.  Naturally,  the  archaeological student  who  is  well  posted  in  the  subject  will  detect  here  and  there  dogmatisms  and unqualified  adhesions  to  views  that  are  disputable,  but  this  was  inevitable  in  a  short popular  work  on  a  subject  which  has  only  lately  been  discovered,  and  is  still  not  yet entirely  threshed  out.  Statements  must  be  made  which  there  is  no  room  to  discuss  ; and  for  Mrs.  Hawes'  reasons  we  must  turn  to  Gournia. One  new  idea  is  stated  pretty  dogmatically  on  p.  41,  that  tin  came  to  the  .^Egeans from  Khorassan  ;  and  on  p.  144  we  read,  "  The  Black  Sea  gave  them  another  highway, "  for  by  sailing  to  its  eastern  end  they  made  connections  with  land  routes  from  the "  region  south-east  of  the  Caspian,  which  Avas  especially  rich  in  tin."  We  imagine that  Mrs.  Hawes  has  no  better  authority  for  this  than  the  legendary  voyage  of  the Argonauts  ;  we  have  no  Minoan  antiquities  from  the  shores  of  the  Euxine  to  show  us that  the  ^Egeans  ever  penetrated  into  that  sea. Like  all  those  who  have  worked  and  studied  in  Crete  (all,  without  exception,. English,  Americans,  Italians,  and  Greeks),  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hawes  accept  Dr.  Evans's general  chronology  of  the  finds  and  his  system  of  successive  "  Minoan "  periods. Mrs.  Hawes  merely  differs  on  a  minor  point  as  to  the  precise  dates  of  some  of the  periods,  which  does  not  affect  her  entire  acceptance  of  the  scheme,  apart  from mere  dates.  One  may  be  inclined  to  think  that  in  making  the  '*  Great  Palace Period"  (late  Minoan  II)  last  only  half  a  century  (1500-1450  B.C.,  as  regards Dr.  Evans's  1500-1350)  she  curtails  it  unduly,  bringing  it  to  an  end  too  soon  ;  one would  prefer  1400  as  the  most  satisfactory  date.  By  1350  the  third  late  Minoan period  was  in  full  swing,  as  we  know  from,  the  discoveries  at  Tel  el-Amarna. On  the  subject  of  Egyptian  dates  Mrs.  Hawes  says  quite  truly  that  "  there  is a  growing  conviction "  that  Cretan  evidence  favours  the  "  minimum "  system  of Egyptian  chronology,  which  places  the  Xllth  Dynasty  somewhere  about  2000  B.C.,. and  makes  the  XVIIIth  begin  , about  1580.  Professor  Petrie's  system  (as  stated in  Discoveries  in  Sinai),  which  would  put  the  Xllth  Dynasty  a  thousand  years earlier,  cannot  be  squared  with  the  results  of  Cretan  excavation.  The  question  is not  yet  settled,  and  for  the  Xllth  and  earlier  dynasties  we  can  only  say  that  we  do not  know  the  dates,  and  for  the  mere  purpose  of  time-measurement,  can,  if  we  think  the "  minimum  "  (Meyer's)  system  too  low  for  the  Xllth  Dynasty,  use  the  more  or  less arbitrary  system  of  Brugsch,  which  happens  to  split  the  difference  between  Petrie  and Meyer.  But  while  the  Egyptian  evidence  (apart  from  astronomical  calculations)  fights both  for  and  against  Meyer,  that  from  Crete  is  in  his  favour  in  so  far  that  it  tends  to bring  the  Xllth  Dynasty  down  considerably  later  than  the  date  assigned  to  it  by Brugsch  (2400  B.C.). During  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  we  are,  of  course,  now  certain  of  our  dates with  a  few  years'  margin  of  error.  But  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hawes  are  right  in  saying that  still  "  Egyptologists  differ  widely  in  their  dates  for  Pharaohs  prior  to  the "  XVIIIth  Dynasty  (1580  B.C.),  hence  our  difficulty  in  ascertaining  the  absolute "  age  of  Cretan  antiquities  which  are  known  to  be  contemporaneous  with  the  eaTlier "  Pharaohs." The  authors  hardly  lay  sufficient  stress  upon  the  early  cultural  connections  of Egypt  and  Crete  (the  possible  common  origin  of  the  two  civilisations  in  the  Nile Delta  is  now  beginning  to  be  debated),  and  are,  perhaps,  inclined  to  minimise  the mutual  influence  of  Egyptian  and  Cretan  art  under  the  XHtb  and  XVIIIth  Dynasties (though  they  mention  the  fact  that  Crete  "  received  many  ideas  from  Egypt ").  The Cretan  naturalistic  artist  was  indebted  for  much  of  his  naturalism  to  Egypt.  Thi& [  93  ] Nos.  50-51,]  MAN.  [1910. may  seem  a  hard  saving,  but  it  is  true.  The  pheasant-hunting  cat  of  Aghia  Triadha (a  fresco),  which  Mrs.  Hawes  justifiably  admires  so  much,  came  straight  from  Xllth Dynasty  Egypt ;  where,  however,  he  did  not  hunt  pheasants,  but  wildfowl,  we  may  be sure.  When  Mrs.  Hawes  says  (on  p.  127)  that  the  work  of  the  inlaid  sword  blades from  Mycenae,  with  their  very  Egyptian  representation  of  the  cats  hunting  wildfowl (besides  the  more  truly  Minoan  scene  of  the  lion  hunt),  is  not  of  Egyptian  origin, she  is,  of  course,  referring  to  the  workmanship  of  the  inlay,  not  to  the  style  of  the particular  subject  of  the  cat,  which  is  perfectly  Egyptian  in  spirit. The  statement  that  the  theory  of  the  style  of  this  inlay  being  of  Egyptian  origin "  has  long  been  abandoned  "  is  one  of  the  dogmatisms  we  have  mentioned  ;  the  matter is  debateable.  Mrs.  Hawes  does  not  mention  the  fact  that  the  Minoan  glazed  faience must  have  originated  in  Egypt,  where  glazed  faience  had  been  in  use  as  early  as  the beginning  of  the  1st  Dynasty.  la  revenge,  the  -ZEgeans  gave  to  Egypt  the  beautiful decoration  of  the  spiral  volute. Despite  a  tendency  to  idealize  Minoan  art  the  chapter  on  this  subject  is  a  very good  one  ;  and  the  conclusion  of  the  boo"k,  on  the  connection  between  the  Cretan  culture and  that  of  classical  Greece,  is  admirable.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hawes  subscribe  to  the  theory, now,  I  believe,  generally  accepted,  that  the  Hellenic  people  were  a  mixture  of  the old  Mediterranean  non- Aryan  "  ^Egeans,"  who  had  developed  the  "  Minoan  "  culture, and  Aryans  from  the  north,  who  brought  with  them  the  patriarchal  system  and  the "  Greek  language.  "  In  classical  Greece  we  see  the  results  of  the  mingling  of  two "  unusually  gifted  races^-one  autochthonous,  the  other  immigrant,  the  former;  con- *'  tributing  the  tradition  and  technical  skill  of  a  highly  advanced  native  civilisation, "  especially  rich  in  art,  the  latter  its  heritage  of  Aryan  institutions,  power  of  co- "  ordination,  and  an  all-conquering  language." This  has  been  the  parable  of  most  of  us  for  some  years  past,  and  Mr.  and Mrs.  Hawes  have  put  it  in  a  nutshell.  H.  R.  HALL. Religions.  Foucart. La  Methode  Comparative  dans  VHistoire  des  Religions.  By  George  Foucart.  C4 Paris  :  Librairie  Alphonse  Picard  et  Fils,  1909.  Pp.  239.  19  x  12  cm.  01 Price  3  f r.  50. If  criticism  be  a  form  of  co-operation  in  scientific  enquiries,  anthropologists  may cordially  welcome  this  contribution  to  their  labours.  It  is  a  plea  for  historical  method in  the  strict  sense  of  the  word  "  historical " — that  is  to  say,  an  enquiry  based  wholly on  written  records.  M.  Foucart  rejects  the  sociological  view  of  religion,  or  at  least  the sociological  method  of  enquiry,  as  based  on  a  priori  reasoning  rather  than  the  positive data  of  history,  and  as  isolating  particular  practices  and  studying  them  apart  from  their environment.  He  rejects  the  anthropological  method,  on  the  ground  that  uncivilised peoples  are  not  primitive  (which  nobody  asserts  they  are,  though  primitifs  may  be  used in  France  as  meaning  savages)  but  degenerate,  and  that  the  evidence  of  travellers, explorers,  officials,  and  missionaries  is  superficial,  uncertain,  contradictory,  and,  in  short, valueless.  He  postulates  for  the  effective  study  of  the  history  of  religions,  the  choice of  a  type  whose  evolution  from  age  to  age  can  be  studied  by  means  of  records  incon- testable and  explicit ;  and  only  when  he  has  followed  and  mastered  those  records  will he  apply  comparison.  Naturally  he  finds  the  best  type  in  the  religion  recorded  during long  millenniums  on  Egyptian  monuments.  Fixing  on  this  he  presents  an  outline of  the  evolution  of  some  of  its  chief  characteristics,  such  as  the  cult  of  animals, sacrifice,  magic,  the  condition  of  the  dead,  morality,  and  priestcraft,  as  deduced  from the  monuments. By  way  of  illustration  he  appeals  from  time  to  time  to  other  religions.  Nor, when  it  suits  him,  does  he  exclude  from  such  appeals  the  religions  of  even  uncivilised C  94  ; 1910,]  MAN.  [No.  51. peoples.  Collections  of  ethnographical  facts,  he  tells  us,  have  cited  hundreds  of  charac- teristic examples  of  belief  in  the  existence  of  a  soul  or  double  more  subtle  than  the body,  but  yet  material,  which  outlives  its  corporeal  envelope.  The  idea  of  soul  or spirit,  moreover,  is  extended  to  everything.  In  Africa  (he  condescends  to  no  more definite  location)  an  offering  is  placed  before  a  divine  tree ;  the  next  day  it  is  untouched ; but  the  black  man  believes  that  the  spirit  of  the  tree  has  absorbed  the  spirit  of  the  food. But  surely  M.  Foucart  !  if  the  uncivilised  populations  are  degenerate,  if  they  represent the  decrepitude  of  the  race,  these  beliefs  are  but  triturated  fragments  of  civilisation, relics  of  a  vigorous  manhood  of  religion  that  have  passed  away.  If  they  are  universal mankind  must  everywhere  have  started  from  civilisation,  not  from  savagery  or  something below  it,  and  religion  must  have  sprung  into  existence  like  Athene  with  a  mighty war  whoop  from  the  head  of  Zeus.  But  that  is  not  M.  Foucart's  opinion.  The  Egyptian monuments  are  against  it.  They  show  beyond  doubt. that  the  Egyptian  religion  and  the Egyptian  state  started  from  barbarism.  They  exhibit  a  continual  progress  in  refine- ment, in  complexity,  in  order,  in  morality,  and  so  forth  through  all  the  ages  of  empire and  paganism.  He  repudiates,  indeed,  the  idea  that  the  original  inhabitants  were savage,  accepting  like  big  children  without  reflection  and  without  examination  fantastic practices  and  uncouth  inventions.  But  yet  they  were  not  civilised.  Then  what  were they  ?  A  little  real  study  of  anthropology  would  have  disclosed  to  M.  Foucart  the fact  that  no  anthropologist  holds  that  savages  are  destitute  of  reason  or  act  without reasoning.  He  caricatures  the  savage  in  order  to  emphasise  his  contention,  yet  when it  is  convenient  he  appeals  to  savage  beliefs  and  practices,  and  that  upon  evidence which  he  elsewhere  denounces.  It  is  an  old  trick  of  polemics. The  fact  is  that  M.  Foucart  is  an  anthropologist  in  spite  of  himself.  He  is  always seeking  origins.  His  method,  as  far  as  it  goes,  is  anthropological.  His  results  on  the whole  concur  with  those  obtained  by  anthropologists.  Of  course  there  are  differences of  detail  ;  so  there  are  between  professed  anthropologists.  But  no  anthropologists would  object  to  an  investigation  of  historical  records  where  such  exist.  On  the  con- trary, they  gladly  avail  themselves  of  it.  They  quite  agree  that  to  understand  the camel  you  must  do  more  than  gaze  at  a  specimen  for  an  hour  in  the  Jardin  des  Plantes. They  quite  appreciate  the  necessity  of  tracking  and  observing  him  in  his  native  haunts. They  do  not  need  M.  Foucart's  reminder  of  the  weakness  of  some  anthropological evidence.  The  weaknesses  no  less  than  the  strength  of  anthropological  evidence  are a  commonplace  among  anthropologists  themselves.  M.  Foucart's  contempt  for  it would  perhaps  be  less  if  he  knew  a  little  more  of  it. He  is  a  sociologist,  too,  though  an  unconscious  one.  Sociologists  do  not  pretend to  evolve  the  camel  out  of  their  inner  consciousness.  Every  sociologist  would  insist not  less  strongly  than  M.  Foucart  on  the  necessity  of  studying  a  religion  in  its environment,  in  its  modifications  and  developments.  Every  sociologist,  like  every anthropologist,  recognises  that  religion  is  only  one  side  of  a  people's  life,  inseparable from  its  social,  its  political,  its  military,  its  industrial,  its  intellectual  sides.  This  is, in  fact,  the  very  substance  of  his  contention.  If  he  abstracts  for  the  purpose  pf special  study  some  rite,  practice,  or  belief  he  only  does  what  M.  Foucart  himself  does, and  he  is  equally  conscious  with  him  that  the  subject  of  his  special  study  must  be correlated  with  the  whole.  He  is  conscious,  too,  that  for  the  purposes  of  science this  and  everything  else  must  be  traced  back  as  far  as  possible  to  its  origins. Here,  perhaps,  is  the  point  where  the  sociologist  and  the  anthropologist  part company  with  M.  Foucart.  The  latter  will  go  no  further  than  the  written  record.  For him  where  that  begins  is  the  origin  of  all  things.  He  refuses  to  admit  (in  practice  if not  in  theory)  that  there  is  a  long  history  behind  it.  Pre-history,  he  says  in  effect, there  may  be — not  history  ;  but  what  has  this  to  do  with  the  history  of  religions  ? What  do  we  know  about  pre-history  ?  We  only  know  that  savages  are  degenerates. [  95  ] Nos.  51-52.]  MAN.  [1910. Hence  for  him  the  tortoise  rests  on  nothing.  I  can  find  nowhere  an  explicit  admission that  the  state  of  barbaric  thought  and  custom,  presented  by  Egyptian  religion  at  its earliest  appearance  on  the  monuments,  is  but  a  step  above,  and  must  have  developed out  of,  pre-historic  savagery.  Claiming  that  savagery  is  the  degeneracy  and  decrepitude of  the  race,  he  commits  himself  to  a  wide  proposition  that  he  may  be  safely  defied to  prove — a  proposition,  moreover,  that  debars  him  from  reaching  the  origins  he talks  about. M.  Foucart  has  taken  alarm  at  some  theories  more  or  less  disputable  advanced  by anthropologists  and  sociologists  on  certain  obscure  questions.  One  or  all  of  the theories  of  sacrifice  to  which  he  refers  may,  for  instance,  be  mistaken.  It  may  be  that no  one  theory  will  cover  all  the  facts.  Whether  true  or  false,  the  distinguished  students who  have  advanced  these  theories  have  assuredly  rendered  service  to  the  cause  of science  by  focussing  attention  upon  the  questions  to  be  solved  and  suggesting  solutions. Further  investigation  aided  by  criticism  is  gradually  arriving  at  the  facts,  and  their  true synthesis  will  in  time  emerge.  Rome  was  not  built  in  a  day.  M.  Foucart  is  too  im- patient. He  denounces  theory  and  method  together,  and  then  applies  the  same  method to  different  facts.  Naturally  he  obtains  a  divergent  result,  for  which  he  proceeds  to claim  the  same  universal  (primitif,  fondamentaV)  and  exclusive  character  as  the  theories he  is  controverting. Anthropologists  and  sociologists  will,  therefore,  discount  much  of  M.  Foucart's criticisms  on  their  methods  ;  they  will  read  with  some  amusement  his  account  of  their theories  ;  and  they  will  be  interested  to  find  that  his  sketch  of  various  aspects  of Egyptian  religion  on  the  whole  abundantly  confirms  their  own  researches  in  other directions.  E.  S.  H. ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTES. THE  Sixth  Congres  prehistorique  de  France  will  be  held  at  Tours  (Indre  et  CA Loire)  from  the  21st  to  the  27th  of  August  next.  An  important  feature  of  the  Ufc Congress  will  be  a  discussion  on  the  geographical  distribution  of  the  flint  industry  of Grand-Pressigny.  In  this  connection  it  is  proposed  to  hold  an  exhibition  of  flint implements  from  this  district,  and  any  persons  having  such  in  their  collections,  and being  willing  to  lend  them,  are  requested  to  communicate  with  M.  Edmond  Hue, 60  rue  de  la  Pompe,  Paris  (XVIe).  Subscriptions  (12  francs)  to  the  Congress should  be  sent,  before  July  20th,  to  Monsieur  Griraux,  11  rue  Eugenie,  Saint-Mande (Seine). THE  death  is  announced  of  Mr.  Alfred  Nutt,  who  was  drowned  in  the  Seine  on May  22nd,  in  endeavouring  to  save  the  life  of  his  son.  Mr.  Nutt,  who  was  born  on. November  22nd,  1856,  was  the  head  of  the  well-known  firm  of  publishers,  and  was one  of  the  original  members  of  the  Folklore  Society,  of  which  he  became  president in  1897,  and  he  always  took  an  active  part  in  the  work  of  the  Society.  He  was  also a  member  of  the  Honourable  Society  of  the  Cymmrodorion.  Mr.  Nutt  was  well  known for  his  writings  on  Folklore  and  Celtic  subjects,  especially  noteworthy  being  his  editions of  the  Legend  of  the  Holy  Grail,  and  of  the  Irish  saga,  The  Voyage  of  Bran. A  READERSHIP  in  Social  Anthropology,  of  the  annual  value  of  £300,  has  been established  at  Oxford  University  by  the  Delegates  of  the  Common  University  Fund. CAPTAIN  A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE  has  received  the  Diploma  in  Anthropology  at Cambridge  University. Printed  by  EYBE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE.  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. PLATE  G. MAN,  1910. : FIG.  i. FIG.  3. FIG.  5. FIG.  2. FIG. FIG.  6. FIG.  7.  FIG.  8. THE    MAKING    OF    A    POT— EDO-SPEAKING    PEOPLES,    S.    NIGERIA. 1910.]  MAN.  [No,  53. ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. Africa :  Nigeria.  With  Plate  G.  Thomas. Pottery-making  of  the  Edo-speaking  Peoples,  Southern  Nigeria.     CQ By  N,  W.  Thomas,  M.A.  UU I  saw  two  methods  of  making  pots  in  Southern  Nigeria — the  commonest  method at  Utekon  in  the  Bini  country  and  at  Sabongida  in  the  Ora  country  ;  the  other,  used for  large  pots  only,  I  saw  nowhere  but  at  Sabongida. At  Utekon  pottery  clay  was  obtained  from  Ekiadolo  (market),  and  when  it  was required  for  use  it  was  cut  in  pieces  with  a  matchet,  put  in  a  wooden  plate,  and soaked  in  water  for  one  night.  It  was  then  kneaded  and  rolled  out  with  the  hands into  sausage-shaped  masses  about  one  foot  long  and  two  or  three  inches  thick  (Fig.  1). A  number  of  these  rolls  were  put  in  a  dish  by  the  side  of  the  potter,  who  is  always a  woman. The  first  process  was  to  take  the  neck  and  shoulders  of  a  broken  pot,  which  was placed  on  the  ground  neck  downwards.  A  roll  was  then  taken  in  the  right  hand, made  into  a  ball,  and  flattened  in  the  palm.  This  was  then  put  on  the  top  of  the broken  pot  and  thinned  out  (Fig.  1).  The  next  operation  was  to  take  a  roll  and  fit  it on  the  top  of  this  base  (cf.  Fig.  2)  ;  •  the  clay  on  the  inside  was  straightened  out  with the  thumb.  The  clay  base  rests  on  the  broken  pot,  but  is  revolved  independently  ; the  pot  is  revolved  clockwise,  and  the  roll  put  on,  beginning  at  the  left-hand  side. This  goes  on  till  the  side  is  six  inches  high ;  after  this  the  pot  base  is  revolved  with the  pot,  and  the  back  of  the  pot  is  supported  with  the  flat  hand,  when  the  thumb  is applied  to  the  inside.  As  the  pot  grows  the  potter  stands  up,  and  when  the  body begins  to  contract  again  after  attaining  its  full  width  she  uses  both  first  finger  and thumb  for  smoothing. To  make  the  neck,  both  inside  and  outside  are  smoothed  ;  the  clay  is  a  little thicker  here.  A  wet  leaf  is  taken  from  the  bowl  of  water  that  stands  by  the  potter, and  as  she  squeezes  the  neck  upwards  she  wets  it  with  the  leaf  and  smooths  it. Thin  places  are  mended  when  necessary.  In  elongating  the  neck  the  direction  in which  the  hand  is  placed  is  reversed  each  time. Some  six  hours  after  the  pot  was  made  the  outside  was  smoothed  with  Ifemi  : the  pot  was  then  put  aside  to  dry,  a  process  which  might  last  five  days. The  implements  used  were  as  follows  : — (a)  The  long  leaf  to  apply  water  was  from  the  Egueue  tree. (6)  The  straight  piece  of  bamboo,  Ifeme,  was  used  for  smoothing  the  pot  after drying  a  little. (c)  Three  pieces  of  Ifeme  and  two  pieces  of  cord  were  used  as  pattern  makers (Agme). (d)  The  smoother  for  the  inside  of  the  pot  was  called  Itui,  but  this  is  really  the name  of  the  wood. After  the  pot  was  dried  the  pattern  was  put  on  ;  the  potter  wetted  her  hand  and rolled  the  cord  round  the  top,  and  after  that  went  backwards  and  forwards  (Fig.  7). At  Sabongida  the  process  was  much  the  same.  A  lump  as  big  as  two  hands  was taken  and  thinned  by  placing  the  hands  inside  till  the  sides  were  raised  6  inches  ; then  a  roll  of  clay  was  taken  and  put  on  from  right  to  left  (Fig.  2).  The  outside was  smoothed  with  bamboo  as  the  pot  grew.  When  it  was  time  to  begin  the  neck  a roll  was  put  on  from  the  outside  (Fig.  3)  ;  it  was  raised  by  a  roll  on  the  inside  and water  applied  outside  (Fig.  4). A  wet  cloth  was  then  taken  with  a  small  stone  in  it,  and  the  outside  smoothed with  it,  ornamental  circles  being  formed  by  means  of  the  stone  (Fig.  5).  The  lip  of the  pot  was  formed  with  the  cloth  and  fingers,  and  flattened  outwards  in  the  same  way [  97  ] Nos.  53-54.]  MAN.  [1910. (Fig.  6).     In  smoothing  the  pot  inside,  the  thumb  was  moved  in  the  reverse  direction to  that  by  which  the  rolls  were  put  on. To  make  the  turning  process  easier,  the  sherd  was  placed  on  a  large  piece  of wood  as  big  as  a  door. Large  pots  were  begun  at  Sabongida  by  another  process.  A  ring  of  clay  was put  on  a  broken  calabash  or  pot,  and  thinned  with  the  hands.  A  flat  circular  piece was  then  applied  inside  to  form  the  bottom. At  Sabongida  the  pots  were  allowed  to  dry  for  about  three  days  :  then  dry wood  and  bark  were  collected,  the  pots  were  put  on  a  large  sheet  of  bark,  and  fuel piled  carefully  round  them  ;  the  whole  operation  of  firing  did  not  take  much  longer than  half-an-hour,  and  when  the  fire  slackened  the  potter  fanned  the  flames  ;  the  fuel was  renewed  at  intervals.  Finally  the  pots  were  picked  out  with  a  long  pole  (Fig.  8) and  laid  down  to  cool.  The  cost  price  in  the  market  was  3d.  for  the  smaller  ones, 6d.  for  the  larger  ones,  and  about  3s.  worth  was  made  at  a  baking. Potmaking  is  somewhat  local  in  the  Central  Province.  Finely-decorated  pots are  made  at  Yaju  on  the  borders  of  Northern  Nigeria,  and  at  Ulola,  near  Benin  City, I  saw  some  highly  decorative  pots  ;  but  as  a  rule  they  are  more  useful  than ornamental. In  Benin  City  are  made  pots  with  human  figures  on  them  (Ulo-Oloku),  large round  pots  (ukodo\  yam  pots  (axe),  soup  pots  (uuaua),  small  pots  to  represent  an ebo  (juju),  which  are  called  oviaxe  or  uluebo,  toy  pots  of  the  same  shape  offered (with  a  hole  in  the  bottom)  to  Osun  or  Obiame,  and  native  basins.  Uhumilau,  or heads  of  ancestors,  which  are  frequently  made  in  bronze,  are  also  made  in  pottery. The  uhumilau  often  have  a  projection  on  the  left-hand  side  to  represent  the  white feather  worn  by  chiefs,  and  one  in  the  centre  of  the  head  to  support  the  ivory tusks  formerly  found  in  the  shrines  of  ancestors.  The  chiefs  who  talked  to  me about  these  matters  were  unanimous  in  declaring  that  the  ivory  actually  rested  on the  heads. The  photographs  in  the  plate  form  parts  of  two  series  which  supplement one  another.  The  process  was  precisely  the  same  in  all  essentials  and  in  each case  the  photograph  is  selected  which  best  illustrates  the  process. Occasionally  pots  are  found  fixed  in  the  walls  of  a  house  as  reservoirs  for  grain or  beans,  but  this  is  rare,  and  I  saw  it  only  at  Apasiu,  in  the  Uzaitui  country. N.  W.  THOMAS. China.  Whyte. The  Incest  Tabu.  By  G.  Duncan  Whyte,  M.B.  (cj.  MAN,  1909,  95).  JJ 1 Residence  in  China  has  brought  to  my  notice  facts  that  have  an  important  UT bearing  upon  the  opinion  which  is  quoted  by  Mr.  Aston  (MAN,  1909,  95)  from Mr.  Ellis's  Psychology  of  Sex  :  "  The  failure  of  the  pairing  instinct  ...  in  the "  case  ...  of  boys  and  girls  brought  up  together  from  infancy  is  ...  due  to "  the  inevitable  absence  under  these  circumstances  of  the  conditions  which  evoke  the "  pairing  impulse."  With  this  opinion  I  am  compelled  (like  Mr.  Aston)  to  disagree, for  reasons  which  have  been  brought  almost  daily  before  my  notice  for  some  few  years. No  one  can  deny  the  remarkable  fertility  of  the  Chinese.  The  Hoklo  inhabitants of  south-east  China  (a  purely  Chinese  family)  emigrate  from  Amoy  and  Swatow  in  tens of  thousands  yearly,  but  still  the  streets  of  every  town  and  village  in  South  China  are like  those  of  Jerusalem,  "  filled  with  boys  and  girls  playing  " — surely  sufficient  evidence that  "  the  pairing  impulse  "  operates  quite  fruitfully  amongst  them. To  a  varying  extent  amongst  these  Hoklo  peoples  there  is  a  custom  of  "  carrying "  in  (the  word  means  literally  "  to  take  in  the  arms ")  baby  daughters-in-law." Occasionally,  of  course,  the  daughter-in-law  does  not  enter  her  new  home  to  share [    98    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [Nos.  54-55. "bed  and  board"  till  she  is  of  mature  years,  but  in  many  places  the  almost  universal custom  is  for  parents  to  buy  (for  their  present  or  prospective  sons)  girl  "  infants-in-arms." Sometimes  before  children  are  born  two  neighbours,  who  are  expecting  offspring  at  about the  same  date,  will  arrange  to  exchange  their  children,  from  birth,  if  they  are  both  girls, or  will  agree  that  if  one  is  a  boy  and  the  other  a  girl,  the  girl  will  be  sent  at  an  early date  into  the  home  of  her  future  "  lord  and  master."  Such  "  baby  daughters-in-law  " are  treated  by  the  children  of  the  house  as  ordinary  sisters  ;  they  play,  eat,  and  sleep together  till  puberty  approaches,  when  the  girl  is  (theoretically)  kept  "  within  the house."  It  is  customary  in  many  places  for  the  "  bride  "  to  indicate,  by  a  difference  in the  way  she  does  her  hair,  when  she  has  been  promoted  to  the  full  status  of  wife,  but occasionally  the  "  pairing  instinct "  (which  according  to  Mr.  Ellis  should  under  these circumstances  be  non-existent)  is  so  strongly  developed  that  the  girl  may  be  some months  pregnant  before  her  parents  have  arranged  to  have  the  girl's  hair  done  up  in  the "  bridal  "  way  and  before  the  bedrooms  have  been  re-arranged  ;  before,  in  fact,  the  girl  is married.  While  such  strong  expression  of  the  pairing  instinct  is  doubtless  rare  (for  it causes  considerable  scandal),  yet  a  marriage  consummated  after  years  of  the  closest intimacy  is  generally  most  fruitful,  as  is  evidenced  by  the  large  number  of  yearly emigrants  in  spite  of  a  heavy  infant  mortality. One  of  my  patients  is  a  hearty  old  gentleman  of  over  sixty,  whose  greatest  -pride  it is  to  walk  out  carrying  one  or  other  of  his  ^rea^-grand-children  in  his  arms,  infants  for whom  future  wives  are  being  selected  according  to  the  custom  of  his  family. I  trust  that  the  facts  here  adduced,  together  with  the  arguments  contained  in Mr.  Aston's  article,  will  be  regarded  as  sufficient  proof  of  the  error  of  the  supposition that  "  the  pairing  impulse  is  not  evoked  in  boys  and  girls  brought  up  together  from "  infancy."  G.  DUNCAN  WHYTE. Africa  :  Sudan.  Thompson. Three  Bisharln  Folk-Tales.     By  R.  Campbell  Thompson,  M.A.,F.R.G.8.     CC The  following  three  short  stories  were  told  me  by  a  Bisharin  boy  named  UU Ahmed  ibn  Isa  in  the  district  between  the  mountains  Herano  and  Odeano  of  the Eastern  Sudan.  As  might  be  expected,  the  vocabulary,  diction,  and  humour  are primitive,  but  they  are  interesting  as  showing  the  relations  between  men  and  ghouls according  to  the  Bisharin  ideas  (presuming,  of  course,  that  these  stories  are  not  of  Arab origin).  The  ghoul  lives  in  a  house,  and,  like  the  Arab  jinn,  can  amass  treasure  and can  eat  human  beings. STORY  No.  1. Takat  or  tebare1  u-baba  aiab2  ;  durab  ebare3  :  Yaka4  to-guera5  lamsetok6.  Hireria7  ; tak  mek  idum8  argin  ibrib9  (argin  ar'o10  salolib11).  Durai  w'argin  guhartit12  ha'ad'e13. Guharat14  hama15.  Are16  herwat  o-mek  hama.  Y'harut17  o-lul18  ikta19,  u-dura  issabik20. Argiuo  ennawhob21  o-meko  y'hakuer  argino  obia22.  U-6r  da  eait23  o-mek  iha24. Ye-ang"il  kateait  u-b'harib  etir25.  Eait  w'are  o-mekna  euo26.  Darbia27  o-b'harib id'gi28  anguil  imerri29  ;  id'gi  anguil  iftik30  ;  id'gi  anguil  kinai31  imerrihob  darbia.  Id'gi u-6r  oniwa  darbia.  Id'gi  w'taki  ye'os32  w'or  dabit  w'hia33  yabik.  Yakiait  On  aneb nan  tehai  heb  !  On  aneb  jan  can  heb !  U-6r  yeusimhi34.  Indi33  Dura  w'argin hardet36  han  hindib  ha'atta  ?  Indi  Ane  hindib  ha'ad'eni  u-argin  y'harid  on  o-serrit  fufia. To-kole  yakesyait37  irtaba.  Aneb  kika  duro,  aneb  kika  duro  !  Dura  emaso  dab'yaiyiha ifre  :  o-argin-wa  o-mek-wa  o-6r  iha.  Malome  yehait  to-ndi  issat. A  woman  had  a  son,  and  the  father  was  dead  ;  he  had  an  uncle  (who  said) "  Up,  I  will  teach  you  (the  art  of)  thievery."  He  went  ;  (there  was)  a  man  riding a  donkey  (who)  had  a  sheep  ;  he  led  the  sheep  behind  him.  (The  boy  said)  "Uncle, "  I  will  steal  the  sheep  and  bring  it."  (He  answered)  "  Steal  and  bring  (it)  ;  go  on, r  99  ] No.  55.]  MAN.  [1910. "  bring  the  donkey."  He  went  and  cut  the  rope  and  caused  (his)  uncle  to  take  (it). When  (the  man)  missed  his  sheep  he  tied  up  his  donkey  (and)  looked  for  his  sheep. Then  the  boy  came  after  and  took  the  donkey  ;  he  cut  off  the  ears  and  set  them  up (on  end)  in  the  sea.  (The  man)  came  and  then  did  not  find  his  donkey.  He  ran  to  the sea,  he  found  the  ears  ;  he  pulled  up  the  ears.  When  he  found  the  ears  only  he  ran away  :  the  boy  ran  after  (him.)  Then  the  man  eased  himself  and  the  boy  ran  and removed  the  .  .  .  under  him.  He  leapt  up  and  (said),  "  What  ails  me  ?  Demons "  have  come  to  me  !  "  The  boy  came  away  from  him.  He  said,  "  Uncle,  wilt  thou "  slaughter  the  sheep  or  bring  wood  ?  "  He  said,  "  I  will  fetch  wood  :  "  (the  boy) killed  the  sheep  and  inflated  it  like  a  waterskin.  He  took  up  the  stick  and  beat (the  skin,  crying),  "  (It  was)  not  I,  (but)  my  uncle  !  (It  was)  not  I,  (but)  my  uncle  !  " The  uncle  heard  the  beating  (and)  fled  ;  the  boy  took  the  sheep  and  the  donkey,  he brought  them  both  and  gave  them  to  his  mother. 1  3  f.  s.  pres.  of  bdri,  "to  have."  A.  §  314.  2  A.  "Aja,  (von  ja),  tot,  ^s~?*.  SEETZ.aya[J],  Leiche.' *  3  m.  s.  pres.  ;  see  '.  4  Imperative  of  yak.  3  A.  gives  guhar  as  both  verb  and  noun  ;  Munz.  gives 'to'gwaher  as  the  iiouii.  *  Causative  aor.  from  lam,  "to  learn,"  with  suffix  of  second  person.  A.  p.  283, No.  23.  The  Arabic  equivalent  given  to  me  was  n'allimuk.  7  3  m.  s.  perf  .  of  hirer,  "  to  go."  8  3  m.  s. pres.  from  'am,  "  to  ride."  A.  gives  ka'im,  §  273.  9  3.  m.  s.  perf.  from  ban,  "  to  have."  A.  §  314. 10  Ari,  ".behind,"  with  3  m.  s.  suffix.  A.  p.  271,  Vocab.,  p.  5.  "  From  salol.  A.  p.  285,  No.  45. 12  Aor.  of  guitar  with  copulative  -t  ;  A.  §  336,  c.  13  1  s.  aor.  of  ha',  "to  bring"  (A.  gives  the  form ha'  at,  §  301)  with  3  m.  s.  suffix.  "  Imper.  with  copulative  -t.  ls  Imper.  from  ha',  "to  bring."  l8  I was  told  that  the  Arabic  for  Are  herwa  was  kaman  ruh.  Herwat  is  the  imper.  of  hern,  "  to  go,"  with the  copulative  -t.  and  are  may  be  referred  to  ari,  "behind,"  i.e.,  "after."  17  3  m.  s.  perf.  of  heru  (A. gives  the  form  jelieru)  with  copulative  -t.  '"  0-lul  was  explained  to  me  as  "  longer  "  than  to-yai. 19  3  m.  s.  perf.  of  kef  (adopted  from  Arabic  ;  A.  §  238,  1,  a).  *•  Causative  of  'abik,  "  to  take"  ;  Munz. gives  esabek.  21  From  nau  or  enau,  A.  III.,  p.  50,  postpos.  -hdb,  "  when."  K  Obia  was  explained  to me  as  the  Arabic  (j~».  In  story  No.  3,  note  &,  ane  rizug  Sbani  was  translated  vy--_v<»  <!-•«'•  The  root appears  to  be  6b.  a  Perf.  from  I,  "  to  come,"  with  copulative  -t.  24  3  m.  s.  perf.  of  aha,  "  to  bring." A.  §  311.  2S  Munz.  has  a  root  eder,  "to  build"  (a  house)  ;  cf.  also  A.,  p.  296,  No.  167,  de'ur  bauen (pf.  ad'ur).  Perhaps  etir  may  be  referred  to  the  same  word.  w  Eno,  from  nau  or  enau  mentioned  in  *'. 27  3  m.  s.  perf.  of  dab,  "  to  run."     Like  many  a's  in  Bedawi  the  a  assumes  this  pronunciation,  dr. 28  Idegi  ;   the  fern,   occurs  in   story   No.    2.      The    root    appears    to    be    the    same    as    A.'s    degi, "  to   give   back."     As  a  rule  the  equivalent   given  for  idegl  was   ba'aden,  "  afterwards."     This  use would  approximate  in  some  measure  (though  not  exactly)  to  the  Hebrew  }  3^1.  a  Imerri,  from meri,  "to  find."  A.  §  318.  M  Iftik.  Rein,  gives  this  word  under  the  form  fetiJt  wegziehen.  S1  I  was told  that  this  word  meant  "  only."  I  cannot  identify  it  in  A.  or  Rein.  *  Y'os  ;  A.  gives  5s  harnen, pissen  ;  it  was  translated  to  me  by  the  phrase  ga'ad  kida  'ala  safya/i,  and  explained  as  :e  en-nas,  the usual  phrase.  w  Something  appears  to  be  wanting  in  the  Bisharin  version  ;  the  Arabic  given  me  was masak  el-ma'un  tahtu.  3I  YeuslmM  was  translated  by  r'ja  minnuh,  "  went  back  from  him."  K  Indi, 3  m.  s.  pres.  from  di  ;  A.  §  304.  M  Hardet,  2  m.  s.  aor.  of  hdrid,  A.  No.  138  ;  cf.  also  y'harld  below. 31  YakSsyatt,  causative  from  yak. STORY  No.  2. Takat-wa  tak-wa  niferit1  ibrin.2  Takat  t'harut  is  ha'ata.  Ti-gul-ti  gawi  t'harut isa  ha'ata  somat  is  atapt3  :  dabalo  is  hoi  yakista  :  sumat  iso  niferitiokda  hama.  Arik iiidi  takah  :  u-is  namen4  timerri  ?  To-tyo-ti5  gawib  amerri.  Baruk  herwat  nat  hoi hama.  Arik  gigia  to-soma  sumia.  Tu-tya  da  etait  :  to-somatib  ta'abik.  Idegi  inferidak ua-mhin  ehe  ?  Indi  neferida  beb  o-mhin  ehe  :  Yakaua  aneb  rumnhebna.6  To-tya  dai ta'am7  :  o-gaw  maloma  sumia  :  o-gaw  iktimn  :  o-gaw  sumista8  :  y'areb9  angal  amtaitit.10 Tidegi  engal  amtaitit.  Tidegi  to-takat  babir  darbtait  andowaid11  eta  guad  tisa.  To-tya to-takat  oniwa  eta  :  to-takat  hadidta,  Aneb  harriw12  heb,  dirn.13  Idegi  irtaba14  idirii. A  woman  and  a  man  had  children.  The  woman  went  to  fetch  bread.  She  went to  the  ghoul's  house  to  fetch  bread  ;  (she  found)  a  box  full  of  bread  ;  she  took  up  a  little bread  therefrom.  (She  said  to  her  husband)  "  Come  in  and  bring  its  bread  to  thy "  children."  Then  said  her  husband,  "  Where  didst  thou  find  the  bread  ?  "  (She  said) [    100    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [tfo.  55. "  I  found  it  in  the  ghoul's  house,  go  them  and  bring  some  of  it."  Then  he  went,  he went  into  the  box.  The  ghoul  came  in  and  caught  him  in  the  box.  Then  (the  ghoul said),  "Where  are  thy  children?"  He  said,  "My  children  are  in  that  place;  rise, "  follow  me."  The  ghoul  rode  on  him,  the  twain  entered  the  house.  They  arrived  at the  house  ;  (the  woman)  took  them  into  the  house,  the  ghoul  ate  one  of  the  children  ; and  then  (the  next  day)  ate  another,  and  then  the  woman  went  out  of  the  door  and came  to  some  Arabs  and  dwelt  with  them.  The  ghoul  followed  the  woman  ;  the woman  cried  out,  •'  She  wants  (to  get)  me,  kill  her  ! "  Then  they  smote  and  slew  her. 1  Niferit  "children,"  from  firi,  "  to  bear."  2  Ibrin,  from  bdri,  "to  have."  A.  §  314.  *  Atap-t  ; A.  gives  dtab,  dfdb  voll.  The  phrase  sSmat  is  atap-t  was  translated  to  me  sanduk  malydn  'ex.  *  Namen for  na-mhin.  5  To-tyo :  this  word  was  repeatedly  given  me  as  the  equivalent  for  ghoul  by  one  of  the boys  who  came  from  a  distant  tribe,  but  I  was  unable  to  obtain  the  same  meaning  for  it  from  other (and  less  primitive)  inhabitants;  tijo,  te'tijo  is  given  by  Munz.  as  "wild  beast,"  and  Rein,  gives ••  Tii/o  .  .  .  die  grossen  gefarlichen  ungetiime  der  waste,"  and  in  that  case  the  connection  between ghouls  and  wild  beasts  would  appear  to  be  the  same  among  the  Bisharin  as  it  is  among  the  Arabs.  It was  frequently  pronounced  ch6.  *  Rumn-fteb,  2  pi.  imper.  from  ram,  "to  follow,"  with  1st  pers.  suffix. A.  §  273.  7  Ta'am,  3  f.  s.  perf.  from  'am,  "  to  ride."  A.  §  73.  "  Sumitta,  3  f.  s.  perf.,  from  the causative  of  sum,  "  to  enter."  •  Y'areb,  pi.  of  or,  "a  child,"  with  -eb  termination.  10  Amtaitit,  from dm,  "  to  eat."  The  root  occurs  again  in  story  No.  3,  note  9,  ametinedai,  translated  by  nakuluhum,  a variant  being  tamnai.  On  -it  it = copula,  see  A.  336,  d.  n  Ndowa  was  translated  to  me  by  "Arab"  ;  A. gives  Araber,  Beduinen  ;  Munz.  Ansiedlung,  Familie,  Stamm  ;  Seetz.  Stadt.  According  to  Rein,  it  = end-dawa,  "mannerstamm."  12  Harriw,  from  hern,  "to  go"  or  "to  wish."  13  Di'n,  2  pi.  imper.,  from dir,  "  to  kill."  '*  Irtaba,  perf.  of  (ab  (A.  No.  197)  =  "  he  smote."  The  Arabic  given  me  was  dirabu. STORY  No.  3. Mala  sana  gal  o-takat  dobab1  ;  is  kibari2.  Gal  indi,  Ane  ibabet  is  ha'adeni u-babiyait3  is  haiyia.  Ibabia  ;  hamaseyi  tak  imerri  u-darabib  ;  hos  soyia4  hamaseyi  tak, Baruk  nho  tebia  ?  Hos  soyia,  Ane  rizug  obani5.  Arik  hos  soyia,  Un  o-gawa  ib'andi6 to-tya-ti  gaw  nat  hoi  fika7  to-gul-ti  gaw  harwat  nat  hoi  hama.  O-gul  itfarhob  nat  hoi hama,  ma'  !  Arik  takatok  o-gaw  hlsa  to-esti  takatok  hisa.  Gigia,  to-esti  takatoh-wa sanahowa  haia.  Arik  indi  sanaho  baruk  aneb  senaheb,  ti-tyo-ti  gaw  harutit  estet ha'ad'eni.  Y'hariit  o-gaw  sumia ;  idegi  tu-tye  da  etait  amtaitit,  gurmaia  yakesait u-sen  ibis  seui  6-gurma  kata  aki  r'hia  w'aw  daidi8  wa-to-tya  w-gurmat  euaw  :  ti-tyo-te hada  indi,  Yaka  niba,  to-waw  niba  tamnai9  nemorta10  o-gadami  esa'ana.11  .... Two  brothers  (there  were  who)  had  married  each  a  wife  ;  (they)  had  no  bread. One  spake,  "  I  Avill  set  out  and  bring  bread."  He  set  out  and  brought  bread.  He  set out  ;  he  found  a  blind  man  on  the  way ;  the  blind  man  said  to  him,  "  Where "  goest  thou  ?  "  He  said  to  him,  "  I  am  seeking  sustenance."  Then  he  said  to  him, "  Go  to  that  house — the  house  of  the  ghoul — the  property  therein  take.  To  the  house u  of  the  ghoul  go  and  take  the  property  therein.  When  the  ghoul  has  gone  out,  take "  the  property  therein  ;  come  !  Then  show  thy  wife  the  house,  show  thy  wife  the ''  money."  He  went,  he  took  the  money  to  his  wife  and  brother.  Then  his  brother said,  "  Wait  thou  for  me.  I  will  go  to  the  ghoul's  house  and  bring  money."  He went  and  entered  the  house  ;  then  the  ghoul  came  and  ate  him,  and  he  (the  brother) took  up  his  head  and  buried  his  brother  ;  when  he  saw  the  cut-off  head  of  his  brother and  made  a  lamentation,  and  the  ghoul  missed  the  head,  the  chief  of  the  ghouls  said, "  Come,  let  us  go,  we  will  go  to  the  lamentation,  we  will  eat  them  ;  we  will  kill  them." They  sat  down  beside  them 1  D.ibdb,  from  dob,  "to  marry."  -  Kibari,  3  m.  s.  (negative)  pres.,  from  bdri,  "to  have."  s  From ibdb.  I  have  preferred  to  keep  the  pronunciation  as  I  heard  it.  4  Soyia,  3  m.  s.  perf.  of  no.  A.  §  241. On  IUM  see  A.  §  134,  where  a  form  ho*  as  dative  is  quoted  from  Munzinger.  s  Obani,  see  story  No.  1, note22.  *  Ib'andi  is  the  first  person  singular,  1st  future,  of  bai,  ''to  go"  (A.  §  325).  There  must be  some  mistake,  for  the  Arabic  equivalent  given  me  shows  that  an  imperative  was  meant.  7  Fika, see  Rein,  under  feydk.  8  It  was  explained  to  me  that  it  was  customary  to  slaughter  a  sheep  at  the funeral.  9  Tamnai,  a  variant  was  given  as  ametinedai.  10  Xemorta,  doubtless  from  the  same  root [     101     ] Nos.  55-57.]  MAN.  [1910. given  by  Munz.  oniotta,  sich  streiten  ;  probably  mot  or  mut.    Cf.  the  Eg.    YS\   e^  &S±  »ie>.     "   Exa'ana,, 3  m.  pi.  perf.  of  *a',  "  to  sit."     A.  §  273.     The  tale  finishes  with  the  death  of  the  ghouls  at  the  hands of  the  man,  who  afterwards  takes  their  treasure. R.  CAMPBELL  THOMPSON. Tonga.  Hocart. A  Tongan   Cure  and   Fijian    Etiquette.     By  A.  M.  Hocart.  CD The  following  cure  is  interesting  for  its  very  simplicity.  I  saw  it  performed  UU by  Lolohe,  a  Tongan  woman  living  in  Lakemba,  eastern  group  of  Fiji.  This  cure (Tongan,  faito  ;  Fijian,  isui)  is  known  as  fuafua ;  it  was  performed  on  a  little  girl, the  daughter  of  a  high  Mbanan  chief  and  a  high  Lauan  chieftainess,  who  had  pain in  the  ear.  Lolohe  simply  wetted  the  cork  of  the  bottle  with  ordinary  perfumed  coco- nut oil  (Mbauan,  waiwai ;  Lauan,  waliwali).  There  was  no  formula  of  any  kind,  and I  have  not  yet  found  in  Fiji  a  cure  during  which  a  formula  is  used. The  cure  is  mnna,  that  is,  knowledge  of  the  procedure  is  of  no  use  unless  it  has been  properly  transmitted  ;  if  1  wish  to  apply  this  treatment  I  must  ask  Lolohe  to rub  (yamo-d/ia)  my  hand  with  the  palmar  aspect  of  her  fingers.  No  words  are  used in  the  transmission. Tonga,  be  it  said,  has  a  reputation  in  Lakemba  for  "faito"  I  have  no  doubt  the Tongans  return  the  compliment. Soon  after  this  the  littlef  girl's  neck  swelled  ;  she  had  fula,  they  said.  This means  that  it  was  the  kind  of  swelling  usually  produced  by  certain  breaches  of etiquette  ;  she  had,  in  effect,  once  got  hold  of  her  elder  brother's  kerchief  and  put  it round  her  neck  ;  now  being  the  cadet,  she  is  plebeian  (kaisi)  to  her  brother,  and conversely  her  brother  is  noble  (turangd)  to  her.  She  had  therefore  failed  in  reverence for  her  brother  in  putting  on  her  neck  what  had  been  round  his.  Fula  does  not know  such  a  thing  as  moral  responsibility  ;  it  has  been  known  to  affect  dogs  and  cats. The  young  chief  himself  had  to  be  called  in  to  cure  his  sister's  disorder  ;  this  he did  by  rubbing  (yamd)  the  girl  with  his  hands  ;  some  do  it  with  the  feet.  In  this  case the  treatment  was  effective  and  the  swelling  sank  (uru). These  details  were  given  me  by  the  maternal  uncle  of  the  parties  concerned,  an old  man  reputed  for  his  knowledge  of  antiquities,  and  the  only  Lakemban  chief  who has  seen  the  heathen  days.  Their  maternal  uncle  adds  that  the  swelling  may  also  be bitten  gently  (laumbari)  ;  it  is  a  matter  of  indifference  which  procedure  is  used.  I  asked him  whether  it  depended  on  rank,  but  if  it  is  the  case,  it  is  not  known  to  him.  He believes  the  disease  is  specially  a  family  one  (vakayavusa)  ;  that  is,  it  is  particularly rapid  if  a  cadet  fails  in  respect  to  his  elder  brother  ;  if  there  is  no  relationship  it will  be  slow  in  appearing  ;  it  may  take  a  whole  year  and  it  may  first  appear  as  an entanglement  (vere)  in  the  bowels  ;  this  is  because  a  stranger  (tamata  tani)  is  con- cerned. In  the  case  of  brothers  and  sisters  and  cousins  (veitadhini)  it  goes  easily (rawarawa),  because  the  younger  is  truly  or  properly  (vakandondonu)  plebeian (kaisi)  to  the  elder.  A.  M.  HOCART. Africa  :  Nigeria.  Tremearne. Pottery  in  Northern  Nigeria.  By  Captain  A.  J.  N.  Tremearne,  C^ F.R.G.S.  Uf There  are  several  methods  of  pot-making  amongst  the  Hausas,  but  in  none  of them,  1  believe,  is  a  wheel  employed.  The  following  is  a  description  of  what  I  saw last  year  at  Jemaan  Daroro  (Nassarawa  Province),  together  with  a  translation  of  the information  supplied  by  the  potter,  Salifu,  Sa(r)rikin  Giuni  : — "  Clay  (of  a  light-yellow  colour)  is  obtained  near  a  stream  close  to  Arusua  (a "  neighbouring  village).  It  is  cut  out  with  a  hoe  and  put  into  a  bu(r)rima  (straw "  waterproof  covering)  and  brought  to  the  house.  Then  a  certain  kind  of  mud  is [     102    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  57. "  taken  from  another  stream  (Rafin  Gwalliki),  dried  in  the  sun,  kneaded  and  mixed "  with  the  clay  (yimbu).  Water  is  poured  on  this  mixture,  which  is  left  thus  for "  a  day. "  Next  day,  early  in  the  morning,  dust  is  sprinkled  on  the  floor  and  the  clay  is "  kneaded  up  in  a  lump  and  pressed  together.  It  is  then  picked  up  and  dust  is "  sprinkled  on  it  so  that  it  will  not  stick  to  anything."  It  was  then  again  kneaded into  the  shape  of  a  large  pancake  or  pat  of  butter  some  12  inches  in  diameter  and one  inch  or  more  in  thickness. The  next  stage  was  to  spread  it  over  an  inverted  pot  ("  the  donkey-of-building  ") and  to  mould  it  with  the  hand  and  a  piece  of  wood  (matittiki  or  matadi)  shaped like  a  "Scotch  hand"  into  a  dome  (Fig.  1).  After  having  been  wetted  and  smoothed, it  was  placed  aside  (not  necessarily  in  the  sun)  while  the  potter  repeated  the  process on  other  pots. After  four  hours  the  dome  was  removed  and  turned  upside  down.  The  potter then  placed  the  fingers  of  his  left  hand  inside  the  rim,  and  steadied  it  while  he  beat it  in  from  the  outside  with  the  matadi  until  it  had  assumed  the  shape  shown  in Fig.  2.  The  edge  was  then  trimmed  with  a  sharpened  stick  (or  knife). After  that,  a  roll  of  clay  was  prepared  about   1  foot  in  length  and  some  1^  inches in  diameter,  and  this    was  placed    around    the  opening,  thus  thickening  the  neck  and making  the  hole  smaller  (Fig.  3). CLAY 1  2  3  A The  operator  then  took  a  small  piece  of  soft  leather,  and  having  wetted  it, placed  it  astride  the  roll.  He  seized  this  with  his  left  hand,  and  went  round  and round  the  pot  backwards,  steadying  it  with  his  right,  until  the  roll  of  clay  had  been squeezed  up  into  a  bell-shaped  neck  (Fig.  4). A  small  piece  of  string — about  2  inches  long — was  then  rolled  slantwise  around the  shoulder  of  the  pot,  and  a  corresponding  pattern  was  made. Sometimes  extra  rolls  of  clay  (guraye)  may  be  placed  around  the  body  of  the  pot for  strength,  as  shown  in  Fig.  5,  and  one  I  saw  had  three  pairs  of  small  cones. The  pot  was  left  for  some  sixteen  hours  (until  next  morning),  and  was  then  baked for  two  days  in  a  fire.  The  pot  was  then  black.  Salifu  told  me  that  the  cones  repre- sented breasts,  and  were  to  show  that  the  pot  was  a  female.  They  and  the  guraye  are not  made  on  the  body  of  the  ordinary  pot  or  tukunia,  which  is  left  as  in  Fig.  4,  but only  on  those  pots  which  are  to  be  used  for  oil  (telle,  &c.).  The  reason  he  gave  was that  the  telle,  being  stronger,  and  probably  remaining  in  the  house,  lasts  a  long  time, and  so  if  one  becomes  tired  of  it  he  can  change  it  for  another  as  he  can  his  wife. But  the  tukunia,  being  always  taken  to  the  stream,  is  not  changed,  for  it  will  not  last long  enough  to  make  its  owner  tire  of  it.  It,  like  the  male, "  will  remain  in  the  house "  until  it  dies."  This  may  or  may  not  be  the  true  explanation.  Certainly  the  cone-like ornaments  were  not  put  on  for  my  benefit. Salifu  said  that  another  way  of  making  the  tukunia  and  the  tefle  is  by  moulding the  clay  into  a  hole  in  the  ground  and  then  shaping  the  upper  part  as  he  did  (Pigs.  2 and  3),  but  that  the  high-water  jars  (tulu)  are  made  in  ribbons. A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE. [    103    ] Nos.  58-59,]  MAN.  [1910. Fiji.  Ray. Note  on  a  Point  of  Fijian  Orthography.    By  S.  H.  Ray,  M.A.    (See     CO MAN,  1910,  41.)  30 The  absurdity  of  using  the  instrumental  prefix  i  in  Fiji  as  a  suffix  to  the  preceding word  was  pointed  out  twenty-five  years  ago  by  Rev.  Dr.  Codrington  (Melanesian Languages,  1885,  p.  146).  This  seems  to  have  escaped  Mr.  Hocart's  notice.  The prefix  occurs  not  only  in  Fiji,  but  is  common  in  New  Guinea  Melanesian  (Cf.  Reports of  Cambridge  Expedition  to  Torres  Straits,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  444).  It  is  found  also  in languages  of  the  New  Hebrides,  e.g..  Santo,  i-duli,  husking  stick,  duli,  to  husk,  and in  the  Solomon  Islands,  e.g.,  Florida,  i-gaho,  digging  stick,  gaho,  dig.  The  Simbo  and Ruviana  in,  to  which  Mr.  Hocart  refers,  is  probably  not  the  same  as  z.  It  is  not exclusively  instrumental,  and  is  allied  to  the  Indonesian  in,  prefixed  or  infixed,  to  form the  preterite  of  a  verbal  noun,  as,  e.g.,  Iloko  ;  p-in-asrekna,  his  letting  enter,  from pasrek,  to  let  enter,  serrek,  "  enter,"  na,  suffix  pronoun  "  his."  That  this  is  distinct from  i  is  shown  by  i  being  used  in  Indonesian  for  the  instrument  just  as  in  Fiji,  e.g., Iloko  :  i-kalap-mo,  your  apparatus  for  fishing,  from  kalap,  "  to  fish,"  mo,  "  your."  The infix  in  is  found  in  Chamorro  and  New  Britain,  as  well  as  in  Ruviana  and  Simbo. Read  in  the  light  of  other  uses  of  in,  Mr.  Hocart's  examples  would  be  translated  : inapo,  the  caught  bonito,  inambu,  the  (result  of  the)  fishing,  .sinalanga,  the  being doctored,  ginani,  the  eating,  vinagolomo,  the  hiding,  what  was  hidden.  Only  one  of  the words,  sinalanga,  apparently  indicates  an  instrument,  and  salanga,  means  "  doctor, sorcerer,"  rather  than  "  cure  "  or  "  heal,"  which  is  ele  embu. I  quite  agree  with  Mr.  Hocart  that  the  orthodox  orthography  of  Fijian  words like  nai  sele,  na  nonai  sele,  .are  remarkable  examples  of  blind  adherence  to  mechanical rules.  S.  H.  RAY. England :  Archaeology.  Dutt. Lynchets.     By  W.  A.  Dutt.  CQ The  age  and  origin  of  those  narrow  terraces  generally  known  as  lynchets —  UW although  they  have  other  local  names — have  often  been  discussed,  and  the  various conclusions  arrived  at  have  been  summarised  by  Mr.  W.  Johnson  in  his  Folk  Memory. That  these  terraces  came  into  existence  in  consequence  of  a  particular  system  of hillside  cultivation  seems  to  be  generally  agreed,  but  whether  any  of  our  British lynchets  date  from  prehistoric  times  is  still  uncertain,  although  the  contiguity  of  some of  them  to  camps  of  the  Neolithic  and  Bronze  Ages  lends  some  support  to  the  argu- ments of  those  who  urge  that  they  are  remains  of  a  primitive  and  probably  prehistoric method  of  agriculture.  In  this  connection,  a  passage  in  Captain  C.  H.  Stigand's recently  published  To  Abyssinia  through  an  Unknown  Land  seems  worthy  of  con- sideration, especially  by  adherents  to  the  theory  that  many  British  lynchets  are  relics of  Neolithic  times.  In  describing  the  settlements  of  the  Kucha  people,  Captain Stigand  writes  : — "  The  valley  beneath  is  uninhabited,  whereas  the  Kucha  ridge  is "  dotted  with  the  villages  of  the  Kucha,  a  people  resembling  the  Wallamu.  As  the "  ground  which  can  be  cultivated  only  consists  of  small  patches  on  shoulders  and "  shelves  on  the  steep  face  of  the  mountain,  there  are  no  big  villages.  As  a  rule, "  only  a  few  beehive-shaped  huts  are  clustered  together  on  such  places,  and  sometimes "  the  level  ground  available  only  suffices  for  a  single  hut.  Round  the  huts  are  clustered "  plantations  of  the  wild  banana  and  bamboo  ;  the  latter  they  grow,  as  they  utilise "  the  stems  for  building  purposes.  On  the  mountain  side  are  little  terraces,  on  which "  are  planted  a  few  crops,  and  the  large  yam  known  to  the  Kikuyu  as  kikwa.  The "  terraces  are  built  up  with  a  stone  wall  at  the  lower  end  to  prevent  the  soil  being "  washed  off  the  surface.  From  the  number  of  these  stone  walls  overgrown  with  grass "  seen  on  the  Kucha  and  Uba  Mountains,  it  would  appear  that  in  former  times  a  much [     104     ] 1910.] MAN. [Nos,  59-60. "  larger  population  must  have  inhabited  these  places."  The  fact  that  these  Kucha terraces  are  supported  by  stone  walls  at  their  lower  end  has  some  bearing  on  the origin  of  our  British  lynchets  ;  for  when  it  was  argued,  by  Dr.  Mackintosh  and  others, that  the  latter  were  merely  natural  raised  beaches,  it  was  pointed  out  that  in  Peebles- shire,  Islay,  Wiltshire,  and  elsewhere,  there  are  lynchets  supported  by  dwarf  walls  or rough  blocks  of  stone,  while  others  are  faced  with  sarsens  or  flints.  "  Generally," writes  Mr.  Johnson,  "  vegetation  and  the  wash  of  the  soil  obscure  the  facings,  and "  the  true  nature  of  the  supports  can  be  seen  only  by  cutting  into  the  bank." W.  A.  DUTT. Africa :  Uganda. Broun. Circumcision  among  the  Bageshu,  a  Tribe  on  the  North  Western      Oft Broun  (from  notes  taken  at  Mbale,  July,   1909). Limits  of  Mount   Elgon,  Uganda   Protectorate. By   Colonel    W.  H. The   people    are A  savage  ceremony  of  great  interest,  so  it  seemed  to  me. primitive  ;  wear  little  or  no clothing,  a  skin  slung  from  a shoulder  perhaps  ;  reputed  to  dis- inter human  bodies  to  eat  them  ; and  their  religion,  whatever  it may  be.  is  not  Mahomedan,  pro- bably Pagan.  The  women  look on  and  take  part  in  the  dances.  I The  young  men  for  cir- cumcision, about  eighteen  years old,  were  decked  with  beads, and  round  the  thighs  some  had tied  small  metal  receptacles  con- taining a  metal  pea,  which  jingled to  every  step.  Their  bodies were  smeared  with  the  excre- ment of  cattle  taken  from  the bowel.  A  few  had  strips  of  the skin  of  freshly-killed  cattle, the  fur  inside,  round  their shoulders  ;  this  was  removed before  the  operation.  Several parties  of  men,  carrying  sticks (spears  were  not  allowed),  and women,  each  party  with  men  for circumcision,  went  from  place  to place  in  the  vicinity,  dancing and  chanting,  going  away  from, and  returning  to,  the  place  of  circumcision  many  times.  Some  of  the  candidates looked  dazed,  they  are  said  to  drink  for  some  days  beforehand.  The  dance  was an  energetic  stamp  with  the  right  or  left  foot  leading,  the  thigh  well  flexed  up, the  body  bent  forward,  and  the  arms  and  shoulders  moved  strongly  like  a  muscular exercise.  The  visiting  parties,  dancing  and  chanting,  circled  about  from  place  to place  for  at  least  two  hours.  Meanwhile,  where  the  operation  was  to  be  performed, freshly-plucked  banana  leaves  (two)  were  laid  on  the  ground  ;  faeces  from  the  bowel of  a  bull  or  cow,  I  do  not  know  which,  two  branches  of  a  shrub,  and  a  hen's  egg were  laid  on  the  banana  leaves  ;  this  was  arranged  by  elders.  Everything  was  done with  tedious  deliberation  though  it  was  raining  hard  all  the  time.  At  last  three  young [    105    ] Nos.  60-62.]  MAN.  [1910. men  were  brought  up  for  operation  ;  they  were  naked,  and  one,  the  best  looking  and finest  in  physique  of  the  three,  wore  a  helmet  of  cowrie  shells.  Each  in  turn  stamped vehemently  in  the  mess  on  the  banana  leaves  breaking  the  egg.  Just  before  they  had bitten  off  a  small  piece  from  a  twist  of  some  material,  said  to  be  "  medicine,"  whether  a narcotic  or  for  some  other  effect,  I  know  not.  Then  the  operation  was  performed  on  one individual,  the  other  two  waiting  close  by,  side  by  side.  It  must  have  caused  acute  pain, the  knife  blunt,  filthy,  smeared  with  excrement  and  dirt.  The  foreskin  was  strongly pulled  forward,  and  by  main  force,  the  man  putting  his  weight  on  the  knife,  shorn  off : then  a  paring  was  done  deliberately  by  the  critical  operator,  who  clearly  held  views upon  the  rigid  performance  custom  required  to  ensure  the  exact  result ;  wiping  his  blood- dripping  hands  and  knife  the  while  on  the  person  and  limbs  of  his  victim.  Nothing was  attempted  to  stop  the  bleeding,  which  was  free.  A  live  fowl  was  held  above  the votary's  head  by  a  man  standing  behind  him,  which  I  was  told  was  finally  thrown  into the  air  and  liberated,  but  I  did  not  see  that.  The  first  man  broke  down  exhibiting contortions  of  suffering,  whereupon  he  was  buffeted  about  the  head,  face,  and  shoulders and  shouted  at,  but  the  operation  went  on  and  was  completed.  He  was  evidently considered  to  have  disgraced  himself,  was  roughly  dealt  with  and  thrust  aside  after- wards, no  further  notice  being  taken  of  him.  The  second  man  with  the  helmet  bore everything  with  fortitude,  without  flinching,  chanting  the  while  and  appearing  perfectly indifferent.  The  crowd  of  men,  women,  and  children  were  interested  spectators,  some eating  raw  meat,  pieces  being  cut  off  at  the  lips  while  held  between  the  teeth. The  above  is  merely  a  recital  of  what  I  closely  watched,  in  sequence.  I  could  not ascertain  the  meaning  of  any  of  the  details  of  the  ceremony,  or  of  the  operation  ;  it was  the  first  occasion  any  official  then  at  Mbale  had  seen  the  rite  of  circumcision  of the  Bageshu.  It  might  be  difficult  to  elicit  a  dependable  explanation  from  the  natives of  the  various  observances  and  acts  ;  but  unless  it  has  been  lost,  forgotten,  and  the forms  have  become  traditional,  an  inquiry  might  be  worth  attempting,  and  to  have  one made  now  would  be  simple  enough,  though  the  presence  of  an  expert  to  superintend it  would  be  both  a  check  and  a  safeguard.  W.  H.  BROUN. Africa:  Congo.  Joyce. Pigment- Blocks    of    the     Bushongo.      A   Correction.        (Sec    MAN,     Ol 1910,  46).     By  T.  A.  Joyce,  M.A.  01 In  a  short  description  of  the  pigment-blocks  of  the  Bushongo  which  appeared  in the  last  issue  of  MAN  (1910,  46)  under  my  name,  a  mistake  occurs  which   I  hasten to  correct.     It  is  stated  in  line  9  that  to  prepare  the  crimson  paste  "  two   blocks    of "  wood  are     .     .     .    rubbed  together."     This  is  incorrect,  and  for  these  words  should be  substituted, "  a  block  of  wood  is  moistened  with  water  and  rubbed  on  a  flat  stone." The    mistake  was  due    to  an  oversight,  and,  though    not  serious,  I    much  regret that  it  should  have  been  made.  T.  A.  JOYCE. REVIEWS. Sociology.  Hartland. Primitive   Paternity:    The  Myth  of  Supernatural  Birth  in    Relation  to    the History  of  the  Family.     By   Edwin  Sidney  Hartland,  F.S.A.     London  :  David Nutt,  1909-10.     Two  volumes.     Pp.  viii   +   32o  ;    328.     Index  and  List  of  Authors. 23   X   14  cm.     Price   18*.  net. The  title  which  Mr.  Hartland  has  chosen  for  his  book  indicates  the  chief  bearing of  an  inquiry  which  touches  at  many  points  the  whole  subject  of  the  evolution  of  the family.  It  also  serves  to  link  the  latest  research  with  the  earliest,  with  the  problems raised  by  Bachofen,  Morgan,  and  McLennan,  and  with  Aristotle's  a  priori  statement. 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  62. Primitive  Paternity  is  of  more  importance  than  its  precursor,  The  Legend  of Perseus,  inasmuch  as  it  deals  with  sociological  facts  rather  than  with  folk-lore,  and can  make  use  of  the  really  remarkable  accumulation  of  new  and  more  scientific material  that  has  been  made  since  the  earlier  study.  This  new  material  has  been well  employed.  It  naturally  coincides  with  the  bearing  of  the  author's  inquiry,  for  the essence  of  the  problem  of  the  family  is  the  sexual  nature  of  man,  and,  directly  or indirectly,  this  aspect  of  human  nature  is  bound  to  reveal  itself  when  analysis  is applied. The  author  commences  with  a  summary  of  the  stories  of  The  Supernatural  Birth, which  formed  the  chief  feature  of  The  Legend  of  Perseus.  "  The  myth  of  super- "  natural  birth  ...  is  world-wide  .  .  .  The  myth  is  too  far  spread — what  is "  more  important,  it  is  much  too  deeply  rooted  in  the  savage  belief  and  practices  of "  both  hemispheres — to  be  accounted  for  by  the  plain  and  easy  theory  of  borrowing." There  follows  a  very  interesting  account,  reaching  125  pages,  of  magical  practices  to obtain  children  in  which  it  is  implied  "  that  the  origin  of  the  child  afterwards  born "  is  not  the  semen  received  in  the  act  of  coition,  but  the  drug  or  magical  potency "  of  the  ceremony  or  the  incantation."  "  From  their  consideration,"  the  author  con- cludes "  that  it  was  a  widespread  belief  in  early  times  that  pregnancy  was  caused "  otherwise  than  by  sexual  intercourse."  He  adds  that  "  the  difference  of  the *'  intellectual  atmosphere  is  not  alone  sufficient  to  account  for  it  ;  a  difference  of "  social  environment  is  also  required."  A  noteworthy  concomitant  of  this  primitive ignorance  of  physiology  is  the  no  less  widespread  belief  that  children  are  not  new individuals  but  ancestors  reborn.  A  valuable  section  is  devoted  to  this  subject.  On the  whole  phenomenon  the  Central  Australian  evidence  is,  of  course,  extremely important  and  conclusive. To  many  the  discussion,  which  naturally  follows,  of  the  problem  of  mother-right will  be  not  the  least  interesting  part  of  the  book.  Mother-right  involves  the  pre- sumption that  during  many  ages  "  concentration  of  thought  on  the  problem  of  paternity  " was  not  called  for.  After  investigation  of  this  state  of  society  and  of  the  transition period  it  becomes  clear  that  "  the  father  is  a  wholly  subordinate  personage,  whose "  identity  is  of  comparatively  small  importance."  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  it is  the  primitive  ignorance,  still  maintained  in  Central  Australia  and  elsewhere,  of  the dependence  of  fecundation  on  sexual  intercourse  which  is  the  ultimate  reason  for  the reckoning  of  descent  through  the  mother  alone. "  Uncertainty  of  paternity  "  is  no  longer  a  vera  causa  ;  "  mother-right  is  found "  not  merely  where  paternity  is  uncertain,  but  also  where  it  is  practically  certain. "  Father-right,  on  the  other  hand,  is  found  not  merely  where  paternity  is  certain,  but 44  also  where  it  is  uncertain,  and  even  where  the  legal  father  is  known  not  to  have "  begotten  the  children.  .  .  .  The  uncertainty  of  paternity  cannot  be  historically 4i  the  reason  for  the  reckoning  of  descent  exclusively  through  the  mother."  "  Uncer- "  tainty  of  paternity "  is  "  in  fact,  a  crude  attempt  by  persons  accustomed  to  a "  very  different  social  condition  to  solve  the  unexpected  and,  in  their  view,  wholly "  exceptional  problem  of  mother-right." The  author  illustrates  the  rise  of  father-right  by  well-chosen  modern  -examples. "  Kindred  with  the  father  is  first  and  foremost  juridical — a  social  convention."  It  is not  due  to  "  any  change  in  savage  or  barbarous  theories  of  blood-relationship,  but  to *'  social  and  economical  causes."  "  It  is  an  artificial  system,  .  .  .  and  has  in  its "  origin,  at  all  events,  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  consciousness  of  blood- *'  relationship."  This  conclusion  is  the  main  point  of  the  book.  There  may  be difference  of  opinion  as  to  details,  but  the  general  proposition  will,  no  doubt,  be accepted  as  adequately  proven. The  author   connects  the  rise  of    "  paternity  "   with  the  growth    of  the  sense  of [    107    ] Nos,  62-63.]  MAN.  [1910. ownership.  This  is  illustrated  by  a  useful  sketch  of  primitive  chastity.  "  On  the "highest  planes  of  culture  this  sense  of  ownership  has  been  refined  into  the  conception "  of  the  virtue  of  chastity."  In  early  society  small  importance  is  "attached  to  the "  gratification  of  the  sexual  instincts  apart  from  the  limitations  imposed  by  the  sense "  of  ownership,  and  the  consequent  growth  of  the  ideal  of  chastity.  Tfae  sense  of "  ownership  has  been  the  seed-plot  of  jealousy.  To  it  we  are  indebted  for  the "  first  germ  of  sexual  regulations.  To  it  in  the  last  resort,  re-inforced  by  growing "  physiological  knowledge  and  sanctioned  by  religion,  is  due  the  social  order  enjoyed "  by  the  foremost  nations  of  Europe  and  America." A  curious  result  is  the  "  general  indifference  in  the  lower  culture  to  the  actual "  paternity  of  a  child."  Father-right,  "  far  from  being  founded  on  certainty  of "  paternity,  positively  fosters  indifference,  and  if  it  does  not  promote  fraud,  at  least "  becomes  a  hotbed  of  legal  fictions.  It  is  a  purely  artificial  system." The  psychological  theory  of  sexual  jealousy  is  as  yet  far  from  complete.  In  his study  of  its  connection  with  the  sense  of  property,  from  anthropological  data Mr.  Hartland  has  made  a  distinct  contribution  to  the  subject.  Opinion  is  also divided  among  anthropologists  as  to  the  reality  of  the  primitive  ignorance  of  the paternal  part  of  the  process  of  fecuudation.  In  his  last  chapter  the  author  gives  a forcible  a  priori  argument  in  favour  of  this  reality,  and  clinches  it  with  the  Australian and  other  evidence.  Much  of  the  magical  and  generally  superstitious  notions  on  the subject  may  have  to  be  discounted.  Such  notions  are  often  an  accretion  upon  already existing  knowledge  ;  but  there  is  an  excellent  case  here  made  out  both  for  this  primi- tive ignorance  in  particular  and  for  the  general  sociological  results  which  fall  so  readily into  line  with  it. The  simplification  of  anthropological  theory  is  a  desirable  end.  The  author,  by emphasising  the  influence  of  a  negative  phenomenon,  has  helped  the  study  in  this direction.  Such  a  simplification  is  of  far  more  value  than  the  too  common  reading into  primitive  motive  of  abstract  but  complicated  "  magical  "  intentions  or  "  religious or  "  legal  "  mystery  and  fiction.  From  such  exaltation  of  the  mystic  element  in  human motive  The  Legend  of  Perseus  was  not  free  ;  the  present  work  is,  if  we  qualify,  as we  are  meant  to  do,  the  application  of  later  legal  theorising  to  the  earliest  mentality. Mr.  Hartland  is  to  be  congratulated  on  a  notable  and  luminous  study,  which ignores  a  mass  of  irrelevant  theory  and  establishes  a  new  aspect  of  the  evolution  of the  family  and  society.  It  may,  lastly,  serve  as  a  line  along  which  a  via  media  may be  found  between  the  hypotheses  of  primitive  "  promiscuity "  and  of  permanent "monogamy."  The  character  of  the  social  impulse  in  early  society  is  certainly  not quite  analogous  either  to  that  of  modern  civilisation  or  to  those  of  the  two  opposed types  of  animal  communities.  A.  E.  C. Africa,  East.  Routledgre. With  a  Prehistoric  People.  The  Akikuyu  of  British  East  Africa.  Being  OQ Some  Account  of  the  Method  of  Life  and  Mode  of  Thought  found  existent  Oil amongst  a  Nation  on  its  First  Contact  with  European  Civilisation.  By  W.  Scoresby Routledge,  M.A.  (Oxon.),  and  Katherine  Routledge  (born  Pease),  Som.  Coll.  (Oxon.)  ; M.A.  (Trin.  Coll.,  Dublin).  London  :  Edward  Arnold,  1910.  Pp.  392  +  xxxji. 24  X  16  cm.  Price  21*. Everyone  interested  in  Africa  will  feel  grateful  to  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Routledge  for their  excellent  account  of  the  people  of  Kikuyu.  It  is  of  the  utmost  importance  that the  special  features  and  customs  of  primitive  peoples  should  be  noted  before  the advance  of  civilisation  with  its  attendant  influences  destroys  and  sweeps  them  away. This  is  especially  the  case  in  East  Africa,  where  settlers  are  flocking  and  Western  ideas arc  driving  native  thought  and  life  from  the  field.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Routledge  have [     108    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  63. gathered  an  immense  amount  of  useful  information,  which  will  render  further  research easier  ;  it  is  to  be  hoped  the  same  pens  will,  in  the  near  future,  be  able  to  add  to  the valuable  information  gathered  in  the  aid  of  science.  The  work  is  characterised  by clear  accounts  of  careful  observations  ;  the  writers  spared  no  pains  in  their  endeavours to  obtain  information,  and  undertook  many  wearisome  journeys  in  order  to  be  present at  ceremonies  or  to  explore  for  themselves  places  of  interest.  The  photographs  are exceedingly  good,  and  the  selection  of  subjects  embraces  a  wide  range.  These,  apart from  the  letter  press,  give  an  excellent  idea  of  the  place,  the  people,  their  dress, ornaments,  and  general  life.  The  book  will  be  welcomed  by  the  popular  reader,  and furnishes  the  tourist  and  hunter  with  ample  information  for  his  travels.  It  is  divided into  three  parts,  as  is  noted  in  the  Preface,  p.  xx.  In  Part  I  Mr.  Routledge  deals generally  "  with  dress,  ornaments,  and  the  arts  and  crafts  of  life  "  ;  in  Part  II  Mrs. Routledge  deals  with  "  women,  social  and  political  life "  ;  and  in  Part  III  they combine  to  deal  with  religion.  The  main  object  of  the  work  is  popular  rather  than scientific  ;  still  there  is  much  that  will  interest  the  ethnologist  and  the  anthropologist and  make  them  long  for  further  details.  The  ethnologist  will  read  the  book  with  a feeling  of  disappointment,  because  he  appears  to  be  brought  within  reach  of  the  solution of  many  ceremonies  and  customs,  to  which  no  solution  is  given.  To-day  students  are on  the  alert  for  reference  to  totemism  and  exogamy,  here  they  are  left  to  gather  from stray  remarks  that  the  clans  are  totemic.  A  list  is  given  of  the  clans,  p.  21,  and  a second  list  taken  from  Mr.  Hobley's  account  in  MAN,  1906.  In  the  account  of  marriage given  by  Mrs.  Routledge,  we  are  left  to  infer  that  the  people  are  exogamists. Mr.  Routledge  says,  p.  20,  "  He  may  not  marry  a  member  of  the  clan  of  either  his "  father  or  of  his  mother,"  which  statement  makes  it  clear  they  are  exogamists. Perhaps  the  difficulty  of  the  language  prevented  Mr.  Routledge  from  obtaining  an account  of  the  totems  and  the  customs  followed  ;  he  says,  p.  21,  "  Some  may  theoretically "  eat  wild  game,  others  not  even  out  of  a  pot  where  such  has  been  cooked,"  and  "Men "  are  even  met  with  to  whom  meat  is  forbidden."  Such  references  leave  no  doubt  in the  mind  as  to  the  tribe  being  totemic. Much  is  needed  to  clear  up  the  relationship  of  the  clans,  still  we  may  hope  to learn  more  when  a  European  has  mastered  the  language  or  in  some  way  overcome the  difficulty  of  being  merely  an  onlooker,  and  has  ingratiated  himself  sufficiently with  the  native  to  be  taken  into  his  confidence  and  given  to  understand  why  certain things  are  done,  or  why  they  are  avoided.  We  are  told  that  the  tribe  belongs  to the  Bantu  family,  that  it  is  an  offshoot  of  the  Akamba  (pp.  2,  12),  though  little  more than  a  few  linguistic  similarities  are  produced  as  evidence  of  the  statement.  We  miss, however,  the  usual  prefix  Wa,  of  the  Swahili,  or  the  Ba  of  many  other  Bantu  tribes when  speaking  of  the  people  in  the  plural ;  we  should  have  expected  to  find  the  people called  Wakikuyu,  or  Bakikuyu,  rather  than  A-kikuyu,  a  prefix  more  frequently  used among  Nilotic  tribes  ;  one  wonders  whether  the  tribe  has  in  some  way  been  influenced by  its  Nilotic  neighbours,  or  whether  this  is  common  in  Bantu  tribes  whose  languages are  still  either  unknown  or  only  partially  known. Th'e  detailed  accounts  of  art,  especially  of  iron  work,  together  with  the  illustrations, indicate  the  careful  observation  of  an  eye  witness,  and  one  regrets  the  smith  has not  been  induced  to  give  an  account  of  his  work,  and  his  reasons  for  doing  many things  left  unexplained.  The  markings  on  the  shields,  Plate  Ixxxv,  are  most elaborate,  showing  there  still  remains  much  to  be  learned  as  to  their  significance and  object. In  Part  II  one  has  the  same  feeling  of  being  a  sightseer,  gazing  at  a  performance without  understanding  why  it  is  being  enacted  or  what  it  betokens.  In  the  account  of the  initiation  ceremony  there  are  many  references  made  to  unexplained  rites,  marking, painting,  dress,  bathing,  &c. Nos.  63-64.]  MAN.  [1910. The  law  of  inheritance  is  not  very  clear  as  the  following  quotations  illustrate  ; p.  143  : — "  The  whole  estate — women,  shambas,  and  goats — passes  by  custom  to  the "  custody  of  the  heir-at-law.  If  the  eldest  son  is  an  adult  he  takes  possession  of  the "  property.  He  inherits  all  his  father's  widows,  but  only  takes  as  his  wives  any  in "  excess  of  three,  and  these  only  if  they  have  not  borne  more  than  one  child."  Lower down  we  read,  "  There  is  no  odium  attached  to  a  widow  preferring  to  live  with  another "  man,  but  any  children  born  are  reckoned  as  of  the  family  to  which  she  legitimately "  belongs,  and  the  father  could  not  claim  marli  for  any  daughter  by  such  a  connection." Again,  on  p.  144  we  read,  "  As  a  general  rule  each  widow  retains  possession  of  her "  former  shamba  and  cultivates  it  on  behalf  of  her  family."  It  is  uncertain  who  is the  real  owner  of  land,  widows,  and  children.  Each  child  as  it  grows  up  appears  to have  an  equal  right  of  ownership  of  land  with  the  heir,  who  is  only  custodian  during the  minority  of  the  children.  The  clan  appears  to  have  no  voice  in  the  disposal  of property,  and  no  authority  over  the  widows  and  children. One  is  doubtful  how  much  the  medicine-man  revealed  of  the  true  method  of medicine-making  when  he  made  medicine  for  the  European  (p.  259)  ;  the  African  is  a child  of  nature,  but  he  is  an  uncommonly  shrewd  one  and  will  adapt  himself  to  what he  thinks  the  enquirer  wants.  It  may  be  he  was  perfectly  honest  in  all  he  did  ;  at  the same  time  the  more  reliable  method  of  obtaining  information  would  be  from  ceremonies gone  through  on  their  own  behalf,  rather  than  from  those  asked  for  by  a  person  not of  the  tribe.  J.  ROSCOE. Australia.  Strehlow. Die  Aranda  und  Loritja-Stdmme.  By  C.  Strehlow.  Thiel  III.  Frankfurt  fl  J am  Main  :  Baer,  1910.  Pp.  xx  +  140.  28  X  22.  04 In  MAN  (1909,  14,  23)  I  noticed  the  first  and  second  parts  of  Mr.  Shrehlow's  work on  the  Aranda  (Arunta)  and  Loritja  tribes.  The  third  part  with  details  of  the  "cultus" of  many  totems  has  now  appeared,  and  it  is  of  value  to  the  student  of  language  no  less than  of  rites.  The  hymns  are  given  with  an  interlined  word  for  word  translation,  and  a more  free  and  readable  version. The  preface  of  Baron  von  Leouhardi  contains  remarks  on  my  review  just  cited.  It was  my  impression  when  I  wrote  that  Mr.  Strehlow  and  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen were  equally  correct  in  their  descriptions  of  rites  and  usages,  even  when  they  differed in  details.  They  had  met  with  variants,  I  said,  in  beliefs  of  portions  of  the  tribe, locally  apart,  and  it  was  and  is  my  impression  that  the  English  students  had  not  worked in  Mr.  Strehlow's  neighbourhood.  Indeed,  if  they  did  encounter  stories  of  Altjira,  the goose-footed,  red-haired,  and  perfectly  otiose  sky-dweller  of  Mr.  Strehlow  ;  or  if  they found  the  term  altjira  applied  to  the  maternal  totem  of  each  individual,  they  certainly would  not  have  omitted  facts  so  interesting  which  Mr.  Strehlow  records.  But  Baron von  Leonhardi  (Preface,  pp.  vii,  viii)  does  not,  on  some  points,  admit  my  explanation. To  me  it  appeared  that  the  linguistic  differences  in  the  two  districts,  as  reported,  were considerable.  The  Baron  points  out  that  the  "Aranda  roara"  (Mr.  Spencer's)  say,  for example,  amera,  amanga,  the  "  Aranda  ulbma  "  (Mr.  Strehlow's)  say  mera  manga.  He takes  the  Roara  erathipa  to  be  the  Ulbma  ratapa.  Looking  at  the  vocabulary  of Spencer  and  Gillen  we  read,  "  erathipa"  a  stone  representing  the  spot  at  which  a sacred  pole  was  implanted,  and  at  which  a  child  went  into  the  earth  together  with a  number  of  churinga.  Ratapa  thinks  Baron  von  Leonhardi,  like  erathipa,  are  not "  spirit  children "  (p.  viii).  Compare  Mr.  Strehlow  (III,  p.  7),  where  we  learn  that — heaven  knows  what,  for  Mr.  Strehlow's  citation  of  Native  Tribes,  p.  260,  does not  contain  the  passage  he  quotes  with  reference  to  u  spirit  parts  of  kangaroo." In  neither  Northern  nor  Central  Tribes  does  the  page  given  contain  the  passage. In  a  note  Mr.  Strehlow  says  that  the  churinga  left  at  various  spots  by  the  Alcheringa [  110  ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  64- folk  "  later  changed  into  ratapa,  and  can  enter  into  women  who  pass  the  spot."  The ratapa,  it  seems,  is  not  a  spirit.  In  the  case  of  kangaroos,  for  instance,  "  they  are "  actual  kangaroos — living,  bestial  bodies."  Mr.  Strehlow  thinks  that  he  cannot have  expressed  himself  clearly  enough  to  be  understood.  The  ceaseless  life  of  the Altjiringa  person  emanates  ratapa,  which  are  born  from  women,  but  are  not  spirits. That  seems  to  be  the  humour  of  it. That  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen,  on  the  Todd  river,  met  natives  from  Mr.  Streh- low's  district  Baron  Leonhardi  infers  from  their  statement  that  people  came  "  from  all "  parts  of  the  tribe,"  some  travelling  200  miles  (Central  Tribes,  p.  276),  and  natives pass  freely  between  Alice  Springs  and  Mr.  Strehlow's  station  at  Hermannsburg,  eighty miles  away.  The  two  sets  hold  feasts  and  ceremonies  together.  This  must  be  grievous to  Mr.  Strehlow,  for  Mr.  Frazer,  explaining  why  he  does  not  cite  Mr.  Strehlow's  work, quotes  from  a  letter  of  Mr.  Spencer's  (March  30th,  1908)  : — The  missionaries  teach  that even  ordinary  corroborees  are  "  wicked  things,"  "  and  have  endeavoured  in  every  way "to  .  .  .  prevent  the  natives  from  attending  them  "  (Totemism,  Vol.  I,  page  186, Note  2).  Still,  says  Mr.  Strehlow,  the  natives — wandering  sheep — do  attend  them (p.  viii,  Note  3).  In  that  case  one  must  suppose  that  they  did  not  lay  their  beliefs before  the  English  inquirers.  They  ought  to  have  done  so. There  was  a  very  old  medicine-man  known  to  Mr.  Strehlow,  and  photographed  by Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen  in  the  act  of  thrusting  out  his  tongue  for  scientific  inspec- tion (Central  Tribes,  p.  524,  Fig.  104).  But  he  was  a  Roara.  I  regret  to  announce his  decease. What  can  we  say,  except  that  if  the  English  explorers  did  meet  men  from Mr.  Strehlow's  district  these  men  did  not  impart  information  other  than  our  authors give  ?  Our  authors  would  not  conceal  information. I  remarked  that  Mr.  Spencer's  men  were  naked  ;  Mr.  Strehlow's  are  clothed,  and  so, it  is  to  be  inferred,  are  less  natural  and  primitive.  This  is  unimportant.  Mr.  Strehlow did  not  teach  them  the  belief  in  a  red-haired,  goose-footed,  otiose  Altjira  !  But,  says Baron  von  Leonhardi,  the  Alice  Springs  Arunta  are  also  clothed — "  don't  now  go  about "  naked."  Is  it  sportsmanlike  to  infer  that  our  authors  made  them  strip — "  zum  Zweck "  des  Photographierens  nackt  ausziehen  miissen  "  ?  We  need  documentary  evidence — the  tailor's  bills  of  Alice  Springs  natives  before  1898. I  am  sorry  if  my  modest  eirenicon  is  a  failure.  Baron  von  Leonhardi,  at  all events,  thinks  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gilleu  in  the  right  about  the  Arunta  nescience  of the  obvious  facts  of  procreation  (p.  xi).  He  does  not  understand,  nor  do  I,  Mr. Strehlow's  meaning  as  to  food  partaken  by  the  mother  as  a  cause  of  pregnancy.  He gave  his  view  in  his  preface  to  Strehlow,  I  (see  Mr.  Frazer's  citation,  Totemism,  IV, p.  59,  Note  1).  When  once  the  ratapa  belief  was  accepted,  it  does  not  much  matter  how the  ratapa  gets  into  the  woman,  by  the  hip  or  by  the  mouth.  But  how  coition  makes entrance  of  the  ratapa  by  hip  or  mouth  practicable,  and  "  so  prepares  the  mother  for "  the  reception  and  birth  of  an  already  formed  spirit  child  "  (Central  Tribes,  p.  265) might  have  puzzled  Mr.  Shandy.  If  any  one  supposes  that  all  totemistic  mankind  once believed  in  ratapa,  I  am  unable  to  agree  with  nim. That  Mr.  Strehlow,  though  unable  as  a  missionary  to  sanction  heathen  rites  by his  presence,  is  thoroughly  well  informed,  can  be  denied  by  nobody  who  reads  his  new volume.  He  gives  the  details,  gives  the  churinga  songs  with  translations,  and  gives photographs  of  scenes  of  action  and  of  decorations.  He  denies  the  statement  (Central Tribes,  p.  168)  that  the  wild  cat  is  forbidden  food  to  all  the  tribes  except  the  old  men. All  Arunta  not  of  the  cat  totem  eat  this  uninviting  animal  (p.  25).  Fifty-nine  sets  of rites  and  hymns  are  given,  and  I  do  think  that  the  book  can  be  ignored  by  the  judicious inquirer.  A.  LANG. Nos.  65-66,]  MAN.  [1910. America,  North.  Speck. Ethnology  of  the  Yuchi  Indians.  By  Frank  G.  Speck.  Anthropological  DC Papers  of  the  University  Museum,  Philadelphia,  Vol.  I.,  No.  1.  Philadelphia,  UU 1909.  Pp.  154,  with  sixteen  Plates.  26  X  19  cm. This  is  an  interesting  account  of  a  small  tribe  of  Indians,  constituting  an independent  linguistic  stock,  now  living  in  Oklahama,  and  forming  part  of  the  Creek confederacy.  The  author's  researches  embrace  practically  the  whole  field  of  the  life and  activities  of  these  Indians,  and  although  the  treatment  of  some  sections  appears  to be  inadequate,  the  paper  forms  a  valuable  addition  to  the  magnificent  series  of  records which  we  owe  to  American  anthropologists,  and  to  the  private  and  governmental generosity  of  a  practical  people. The  most  interesting  portions  of  the  paper  are  those  relating  to  the  totemic system,  the  division  of  the  tribe  into  two  societies,  the  "  town "  government,  and the  ceremonies  of  personal  purification  (by  means  of  emetics)  and  propitiation  which takes  place  at  the  ripening  of  the  crops.  Even  the  games  played  by  the  Yuchi  are in  the  main  ceremonial  in  their  intention,  and  the  ball  game  in  particular  might almost  be  regarded  as  sacrificial,  since  the  maiming  or  killing  of  players  is  frequent. *'  Strict  care  must  be  taken  by  the  players  not  to  allow  the  ball  to  be  touched  by "  their  hands.  This  is  about  the  only  rule  of  the  game,  every  sort  of  strategy  and "  violence  being  allowed."  The  approved  method  of  stopping  an  opponent's  run  for goal  is  to  hit  him  with  a  heavy  stick  or  racquet,  two  of  which  are  carried  by  each player.  The  aboriginal  candour  of  this  proceeding  is  not  unworthy  of  admiration. The  excellent  plates  are  of  great  value,  especially  those  which  illustrate  the Yuchi  decorative  art  and  its  symbolism.  Those  showing  stages  of  the  annual  corn- ripening  ceremonies  are  also  of  interest,  though  the  European  dress  of  the  performers gives  a  commonplace  effect  to  the  pictures.  H.  S.  H. Africa,  East.  Rehse. Kiziba  :  Land  und  Leute.  Eine  Monographie  von  Hermann  Rehse.  Stuttgart:  IJO Strecker  und  Schroder,  1910.  Pp.  xi  +  394.  29  x  21  cm.  Price  24  marks.  00 This  is  one  of  the  excellent  series  of  monographs  on  the  native  races  of  the German  colonies  which  are  being  published  with  the  aid  of  a  subvention  from  the German  Colonial  Office.  The  author  is  not  a  trained  anthropologist,  and  it  naturally follows  that  his  attention  has  been  mainly  directed  to  technology  and  other  matters more  on  the  surface  than  social  organisation  and  religion.  His  list  of  kinship  terms, too,  is  far  too  short,  and  he  translates-  some  of  them  by  such  useless  expressions  as nephew,  grandson,  &c.  :  it  would  be  well  if  officials  were  in  possession  of  a  list  of terms  that  are  required,  with  the  proper  European  designations,  such  as  father's daughter's  son. An  excellent  feature  of  the  book  is  a  series  of  texts  with  interlinear  translation. These  are  partly  myths,  partly  sagas.  It  is,  perhaps,  worth  while  to  suggest  that  the texts  are,  from  a  linguistic  point  of  view,  equally  valuable  if  they  deal  with  custom rather  than  tradition,  and  it  is  frequently  far  easier  for  the  untrained  observer  to  get a  detailed  account  of  a  custom,  if  he  is  able  to  take  it  down  in  the  vernacular  and translate  subsequently,  than  if  the  interpreter  has  to  intervene  at  once. Herr  Rehse  is  to  be  congratulated  on  an  excellent  piece  of  work,  and  Germany may  well  be  proud  to  have  so  many  capable  writers  on  anthropological  subjects  among her  colonial  officials.  N.  W.  T. ERRATA. In  MAN,  1910,  37,  p.  66,  line  12,  for  innobo  read  umobo. In  MAN,  1910,  51,  p.  95,  line  9,  for  have  read  has. Printed  by  EYEE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE.  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  Bast  Harding  Street.  E.G. PLATE   H. MAN,  1910. a       3       4 ,  12  -13        -14 I 49 £ 26 o     A    oY ^    T       jfc r"T       T ^  i  ^ I      ^V  3? =^O^  36 c     ) \ (1) \ C±) I T 23 2!f •fPt 1 (H) SOME    "NSIBIDI"    SIGNS. 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  67. ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. Africa,  West.  With  Plate  H.  Dayrell. Some    "  Nsibidi  "    Signs.        By     E.    Dayrell,     District      Commissioner,     Q"? Southern  Nigeria*  Of On  Plate  H  are    shown  some  Nsibidi  signs   (1-41),  and  a  story  (a-ri)   written  in Nsibidi,  collected  by  me  recently  in  Southern  Nigeria.     The  following  is  au  explanation of  the  signs  : — 1,  Fighting  stick.  2,  Woman.  3,  Pillow.  4,  Man.  5,  Man  and  woman,  pillow in  middle  ;  the  man  has  had  a  quarrel  with  his  wife  because  she  has  fallen  in  love with  another  man.  6,  The  young  men's  club,  to  which  the  lover  belongs,  sitting  on the  ekfrat  stick.  7,  The  sword  which  the  man  will  take  to  fight  the  boy,  or  man. with  whom  his  wife  fell  in  love.  8,  Poor  man's  money,  always  four  rods,  given  to the  wife  going  to  market.  9,  Young  rich  man's  money,  always  eight  rods.  10,  Rich chief's  money,  always  sixteen  rods.  11,  The  peacock,  "  Egbo  palaver";  when  a man  is  wronged  he  sends  this  sign,  .which  means  that  he  is  going  to  take  action  in the  Egbo  society.  12,  Mbudualkpe,  sent  to  notify  people  that  the  "  Egbo  "f  is  out. 13,  Ekara  'Nkanda ;  a  man  always  runs  before  the*  "  Egbo  "  with  this  in  his  hand  ; it  is  made  of  cane.  14,  Akpahata — constant  fighters  ;  one  will  not  let  the  other  go. This  sign  is  sent  by  a  strong  fighter  to  another  man  whom  he  wishes  to  fight,  and means  that  he  will  fight  to  a  finish  and  not  run  away.  15,  The  "Egbo"  fighting club.  Wheu  the  "  Egbo "  is  out,  if  a  man  is  caught  who  does  not  belong  to  the society,  he  is  tied  up  to  this  cross,  which  is  fixed  in  the  ground,  and  then  flogged  by the  "  Egbos "  with  whips  made  of  manatee  hide.  16,  A  comb;  or  give  me  a  comb. 17,  Looking  glass.  18.  A  native  umbrella,  made  of  grass,  nkanya  iboto.  19,  Big and  small  stars,  the  sign  of  night.  20,  Firebrand  or  torch.  21,  Woman,  on  left, sleeping  with  man,  on  right ;  pillows  at  head  and  foot.  22,  Woman,  on  left,  sleeping with  man,  on  right  ;  she  is  a  walking  woman,  akparu  ;  pillows  at  head  and  foot.  23,  A man  with  a  whip  in  his  hand.  When  a  boy  does  wrong  this  sign  is  sent  to  his  father to  show  that  he  has  been  caught  and  will  be  flogged,  so  that  the  father  can  pay compensation  to  the  man  wronged.  24,  A  slave  messenger,  who  always  watches  his master's  wife.  25,  A  stick  and  a  man,  who  was  caught  by  the  watcher  and  was  tied to  the  post  and  flogged  by  the  husband.  When  the  signs  23,  24,  and  25  are  sent  to a  man  it  means  that  the  husband's  "  watcher "  has  caught  the  son  doing  wrong, that  the  boy  is  tied  up  and  is  going  to  be  flogged.  If  the  wrong  done  is  stealing yams,  the  sign  of  a  farm  and  yams  is  included  ;  if  the  boy  was  caught  with the  husband's  wife,  the  sign  of  a  man  and  wife  is  inserted.  26,  A  man  dressed ready  for  a  wrestling  bout.  This  sign  was  sent  by  one  young  men's  company  to another,  when  they  wished  to  challenge  them  to  wrestle.  27,  Pots  (native), washing  pots.  The  round  black  pot  holds  ashes  to  take  away  the  oil  from  the hands,  &c.  28,  Cap  (native)  made  of  grass.  29,  Asan  Inan,  four-square  bottle, the  sign  for  rum  or  request  for  rum.  30,  Glass-stand  and  glass  (native).  31,  Palaver house — Efe  Ekpe.  32,  A  dead  body  tied  up  in  a  mat  ;  sign  for  the  death  of  a relative  of  father,  mother,  sister,  &c.  33,  Sign  for  the  death  of  a  friend  or  of  a member  of  the  house.  34,  Gun  (cross-bow).  35.  Matchet  or  sword.  36,  A  man and  a  murderer  who  murdered  someone  with  the  above  weapons  (34,  3o)  and  escaped and  was  ordered  to  be  caught.  The  murderer  stands  on  the  right,  and  the  man  who caught  him  on  the  left.  37,  Ebuka — old-time  fetters.  38,  Esit  Ima  Obutong — Obutong's  love.  It  means  that  the  husband  will  be  inconstant  and  will  go  about *  For  Ngibidl,  see  MacGregor,  Some  Notes  on  J\rxibidi,  Journ.  Roy.  Antkr.  Inst.,  XXXIX,  n.  209. t  For   Egbo,  see   Parkinson,    A    Note  on  the  Ejilt  and  Ekoi    Tribes,   Journ.    Roy.  Anthr.  Inst., XXXVII,  pp.  262  ff. [     113     ] Nos,  67-68.]  MAN.  [1910. getting  different  wives  in  many  towns.  39,  Eti  Esit  Ima — good  steady  heart  of  love. This  means  a  constant  lover.  40,  Etak  Ntana  Nsibidi — Nsibidi's  bunch  of  plan- tains. When  the  head  of  the  house  wants  plantains  he  sends  this  sign  to  the  head boy  on  the  farm.  41,  EJfe  Nsibidi — the  Hall  of  Nsibidi  ;  the  round  house  where the  young  boys  meet  to  learn  the  Nsibidi  writing. (a)  The  young  boys  were  sitting  in  the  Nsibidi  house,  (b)  There  were  two young  women  who  sold  their  favours  for  money,  (c)  They  had  two  boys  whom  they used  to  send  out  to  get  the  men  to  come  to  them  or  to  get  money  from  them, (rf)  One  of  the  two  boys  took  (e)  a  chewing  stick,  (f)  a  bottle  of  tombo,  and  (<?)  a native  glass  (h)  to  the  young  men  sitting  on  the  ekfrat  stick,  (i)  These  young  men sent  their  boy  to  bring  (j)  a  bag  containing  rods.  (k~)  The  boy  got  the  bag  of  rods and  took  it  to  the  two  boys,  who  took  the  rods  to  the  women.  (Z)  The  young  men sent  their  boy  with  the  sign  of  the  comet  to  meet  them  that  night,  (m)  One  of  the young  men  met  one  of  the  women  in  an  open  place,  et  cum  inclinata  colvit.  (»)  The next  day  the  young  man  found  the  woman  with  a  different  man  and  knew  she  was unfaithful.  E.  DAYRELL. Africa:  Congo  State.  Ishmael. The  Babinza.      By  George  C.  Ishmael,  F.R.G.S. The  Babinza,  or  Babinja,  is  a  large  tribe  which  inhabits  that  part  of  the Belgian  Congo  which  stretches  from  the  station  of  Likati  on  the  Likati  river  to  the  State post  of  Mandungu  on  the  Itimbiri  (or  Rubi)  river.  The  tribe  is  made  up  of  some  twenty clans,  of  which  the  principal  are  Amokoki,  Bachimba,  Libotnbo,  Bayeyi,  Alibonje, Bomenge,  Bongongo,  Bukata,  Yalikombe,  &c.,  similar  to  each  other  in  all  but  unimportant details.  With  few  exceptions  the  Babinza  are  neither  tall  nor  well-proportioned,  and  do not  appear  to  be  very  strong  ;  in  this  they  differ  from  the  majority  of  the  Congo  tribes, such  as  the  Azande,  who  inhabit  more  open  country  to  the  north.  Their  women, especially,  are  small  of  stature  and  ill-shaped,  but  men  and  women  alike  are  ugly  in features  and  dirty  in  habits.  Their  voices  are  thick  and  raucous,  and  the  most  friendly conversation  in  the  privacy  of  their  huts  has  the  semblance  of  a  noisy  quarrel. Their  villages  are  built  sometimes  close  to  the  water's  edge,  and  sometimes  in small  clearings  in  the  heart  of  the  forest.  A  village  consists  of  rows  of  huts  thatched with  what  would  seem  to  a  casual  observer  to  be  one  roof.  On  close  inspection, however,  one  finds  that  each  hut  is  thatched  separately.  A  Mubinza  would  no  doubt make  the  same  mistake  on  first  seeing  some  of  our  suburban  streets.  No  care  whatever is  taken  in  selecting  the  site  of  a  village,  and  when  a  village  is  formed  no  care  is  taken to  keep  the  huts  or  surroundings  in  a  sanitary  condition.  To  about  a  foot  from  the ground  the  huts  are  covered  with  moss,  and  days  after  a  heavy  shower  of  rain  the oozy  and  evil-smelling  passages  between  the  rows  of  huts  (one  can  hardly  call  them "  streets  ")  are  full  of  pools  of  stagnant  water.  The  interior  of  the  hut  is  usually  in  as unhealthy  a  state  as  the  exterior,  being  as  a  rule  musty  and  covered  with  mildew. Within  these  happy  hunting  grounds  for  microbes  the  Babinza  prepare  their  meals, and  these,  combined  with  the  state  of  squalor  I  have  described,  account  beyond  doubt for  the  spread  of  some  of  the  diseases  which  are  to  be  described  later  on.  The  first meal,  consisting  of  pounded  plantains  and  some  added  delicacy  like  boiled  snails,  takes place  between  nine  and  ten  in  the  morning.  The  snails  are  boiled  in  their  shells, and  served  up  on  a  wooden  platter.  They  are  pulled  out  of  their  shells  with  the finger  nails  or  any  piece  of  wood  that  happens  to  be  handy.  The  morning  and  after- noon dish  of  pounded  plantains  is  sometimes  also  diversified  with  caterpillars  or  slugs. After  their  meals  the  Babinza,  unlike  most  Africans,  do  not  wash  their  hands,  but wipe  them  on  their  bodies  or  scant  clothing  of  rags  and  leaves.  No  wonder,  then,  that nearly  every  man,  woman,  and  child  among  them  suffers  from  some  form  of  skin [     H4    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  68. disease,  and  it  was  terrible  to  notice  several  advanced   cases  of,  what  seemed  to  me  to be,  leprosy  and  tertiary  syphilis. The  women  do  all  the  cooking,  fetch  wood  and  water,  and  till  the  fields.  They also  fashion  and  bake  their  own  cooking  and  water  pots.  (In  some  parts  of  Uganda — perhaps  owing  to  the  want  of  proper  clay — earthenware  utensils  are  made  in  certain districts  only  and  carried  long  distances  to  various  markets).  I  watched  some  of  these pots  being  baked  and  examined  the  finished  articles.  They  were  symmetrical  and  evenly baked.  The  men — except  those  employed  by  the  State — when  not  hunting  or  fighting, spend  most  of  their  time  lying  in  their  easy  chairs  and  occasionally  tend  the  children. They  are  good  wicker  workers,  and  their  chairs  appeared  to  be  fairly  comfortable. The  Babinza  are  dexterous  sailors  and  huntsmen,  and  scores  of  canoes  of  all  sizes, paddled  by  men,  women  and  children,  perpetually  cross  the  rivers,  the  banks  of  which their  villages  "adorn."  They  are  continually  employed  by  the  State  to  conduct  canoes or  light,  flat-bottomed  barges  over  the  Go  rapids.  It  is  to  their  credit  to  say  that  this very  dangerous  task  is,  as  a  rule,  satisfactorily  accomplished  by  them.  One  of  the  head- men, who  took  me  to  the  rapids,  informed  me  that  there  had  been  one  or  two  accidents due  to  the  fact  that  they  had  been  compelled  to  shoot  the  rapids  at  the  wrong  time  of the  year.  Each  of  these  villages  has  its  baraza,  or  "  club-house,"  and  the  gossip  between them  is  the  one  similarity  between  the  Babinza  and  the  inhabitants  of  Europe.  But  the Babinza's  favourite  pastime  is  the  hunting  of  the  dog-faced  monkey,  a  great  delicacy with  them,  as  with  all  the  Congo  tribes.  The  trees  whereon  the  dog-faced  monkeys propose  to  pass  the  night  are  first  marked  and  reported  to  the  chief  by  scouts  sent  out for  that  purpose.  The  marksmen  of  the  village  are  then  provided  with  four  charges  of powder  and  bullets  each,  and  a  sufficient  number  of  percussion  caps.  The  marksmen and  others,  armed  with  spears  and  clubs,  then  set  out  at  midnight  for  the  spot  pointed out  by  the  scouts,  and  camp  about  half  a  mile  away.  Just  before  dawn  the  trees  on which  the  monkeys  are  sleeping  are  surrounded.  Great  care  is  taken  to  cover  the  arm- pits, as  I  was  informed  that  should  this  precaution  be  neglected  the  monkeys  would scent  the  hunters  and  escape.  At  break  of  day  the  oldest  and  most  powerful  of  the monkeys,  whom  my  informant  described  as  "  the  father  of  the  family,"  descends  from his  tree  and  examines  his  surroundings.  Satisfied  that  all  is  safe  he  re-ascends,  and in  a  few  minutes  descends  again,  followed  by  the  whole  troop.  As  they  descend  the marksmen  pick  off  the  largest,  whilst  the  spearmen  and  clubmen  make  an  end  of  the wounded.  The  bag  is  collected  and  the  hunters  then  return  to  the  village. Another  simian  much  hunted  by  the  Babinza  is  one  that  was  described  to  me  as "  a  very  large  monkey  with  long  beard,  thick  and  bushy  tail."  These  presumably  are colobi,  and  sleep  in  caves  or  large  holes.  They  are  tracked  in  much  the  same  way  as their  dog-faced  relatives.  Sufficient  time  is  allowed  them  in  which  to  fall  asleep,  and then  the  hunters,  armed  with  long,  pointed  stakes,  creep  out  of  their  hiding  places  and so  block  the  entrance  to  the  caves  with  the  stakes  that  only  one  monkey  at  a  time can  emerge.  A  great  noise  is  then  made  by  the  natives,  and  as  one  frightened  monkey after  another  forces  his  way  out  he  is  speared  or  clubbed  to  death.  Not  one  is spared,  all  going  to  supply  the  feast  which  takes  place  on  the  hunters'  return. The  Babinza  have  no  paramount  chief,  but  each  clan  is  ruled  by  its  own  chief,  who is  succeeded  on  his  death  not  by  a  son  but  by  a  brother. It  is  a  curious  fact  that  all  the  members  of  the  different  clans  I  have  mentioned styled  themselves  Bibinza  when  interrogated  by  a  stranger;  they  were  continually at  war  with  each  other  before  the  advent  of  the  European.  Each  village  had  its  living, cultivating  and  hunting  boundaries  clearly  defined,  and  trespass  on  a  neighbouring clan's  property  was  a  casus  belli.  I  was  informed  that  all  the  clans  have  the  same tribal  marks  raised  on  their  faces  and  bodies,  but  speak  slightly  different  dialects. I  had  considerable  difficulty  in    obtaining  information   on  the   intricate   subject  of No.  68.]  MAN.  [1910. succession,  and  perhaps  my  best  mode  of  explaining  their  customs  on  this  point  will be  to  give  a  concrete  instance.  In  this  case  there  were  four  brothers  in  the  family, the  father  of  whom  was  still  alive  ;  my  informant  being  the  second  son.  On  the  death of  the  eldest  brother  his  slaves  and  other  property,  with  the  exception  of  his  wives, who  were  equally  divided  amongst  the  surviving  brothers,  devolved  on  the  eldest surviving  brother,  subject  to  the  right  of  the  father  to  inherit  a  granddaughter  whom he  could  sell  in  marriage.  A  certain  amount  of  the  deceased's  personal  property  was buried  with  him  and  a  certain  amount,  damaged  to  prevent  temptation  to  pilfer, placed  on  his  grave.  On  some  of  these  graves,  which  are  kept  respectfully  in  a  very orderly  condition,  I  noticed  several  articles,  including  mosquito  nets,  saucepans,  cups, saucers,  boats,  &c.  Had  the  second  instead  of  the  eldest  son  died  his  property  would have  passed  to  his  eldest  brother,  who  would,  however,  not  inherit  the  wives,  who become  the  chattels  of  the  younger  brothers,  for  it  seems  to  be  contra  bonos  mores for  an  elder  brother  to  take  a  younger  one's  wives.  A  ghastly  custom  prevails  on  a chief's  death.  A  number  of  men,  women  and  children — the  number  depending  on  the importance  of  the  deceased — are  brought  in  from  neighbouring  villages,  bought  by  the adherents  of  the  late  chief,  slain,  and  thrown,  some  into  the  chief's  grave,  some  into the  river.  I  could  ascertain  neither  the  origin  nor  the  reason  for  this  practice.  After this  ceremony  there  is  a  continuous  merry-making  for  a  month  or  more. It  will  be  seen  from  this  that  the  Babinza  are  reckless  of  human  life.  They  pick quarrels  with  their  neighbours  on  any  pretence  in  order  to  satisfy  their  craving  for  human flesh.  Unlike  many  of  the  cannibal  tribes  of  the  Congo,  the  Babinza  eat  the  whole  of the  body  ;  the  heart,  liver,  kidneys,  and  parts  of  the  chest  being  reserved  for  the  chief. Not  only  do  the  Babinza  sub-clans  war  one  with  the  other,  but  there  often  is  a great  deal  of  internecine  conflict  within  the  same  sub-clan,  for  on  the  death  of  any  but the  oldest  man  there  is  a  search  instituted  for  the  enemy  of  his  family  who  slew  him. This  search  is  a  very  complicated  one,  and  begins  with  the  retaining  of  a  medicine  man, and  with  the  washing  and  opening  up  of  the  corpse  by  the  relatives  to  find  the diemba  (i.e.,  the  bewitched  article)  which  has  been  introduced  into  the  body.  But before  the  post  mortem,  which  the  whole  village  attends,  the  medicine  man  has  begun his  dance.  During  his  dance  he  smells  at  the  medicine  in  his  hand,  and  by  its  agency is  eventually  able  to  point  out  the  murderer.  On  this,  a  relative  of  the  dead  man  goes into  the  forest  for  the  bark  of  the  mbondo  tree.  He  returns  with  this,  pounds  it  into a  powder  and  mixes  it  with  water  in  a  deep  hole  dug  for  the  purpose.  The  accused, with  a  banana  leaf  in  his  hand,  has  to  drink  frequent  and  copious  draughts  of  the mixture,  the  while  tearing  strips  from  the  banana  leaf  and  protesting  his  innocence. Should  he  twice  fall  to  the  ground,  he  is  held  to  be  guilty,  and  he  is  attacked  and  killed by  the  assembled  villagers,  and  eaten.  But  should  he  not  be  overpowered  by  the mbondo  his  relatives  demand  compensation.  If  this  is  not  paid,  a  combat  takes  place between  the  accused  and  his  relatives  and  the  relatives  of  the  dead  man.  As mbondo  is  a  powerful  poison,  the  need  for  compensation  seldom  arises.  The  alleged bewitched  man  is  then  buried  in  a  semi-sitting  posture  ;  his  entrails,  lungs,  and  liver  are interred  in  a  hole  by  themselves.  This  is  the  usual  form  of  burial.  A  fight  often  takes place,  too,  between  the  relatives  of  an  adulterer  and  an  injured  husband,  for  the compensation  of  thirty  knives  or  spear  heads  and  two  boys  is  sometimes  not  paid  within the  stated  time. It  may  be  unnecessary  to  mention  the  fact  that  the  Babinza  are  polygamisjs, the  number  of  wives  depending  on  a  man's  wealth.  The  value  of  a  wife,  who  is, of  course,  a  mere  chattel,  though  now,  I  understand,  allowed  to  buy  and  hold  a  few articles,  is  about  fifty  knives  and  one  boy.  This  boy  is  really  not  a  slave,  but becomes  the  adopted  son  of  the  father-in-law,  who  has  to  buy  him  a  wife  when  he  is old  enough  to  marry.  He  is  treated  as  one  of  the  family,  and  cannot  be  sold  as  an [  H6  ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  68. ordinary  slave.  Cruelty  to  one's  wife  is  not  considered  a  very  serious  matter,  and  is easily  condoned  by  the  father-in-law  on  the  payment  of  ten  knives  or  so.  However, should  a  husband  not  agree  with  one  of  his  wives  he  often  takes  her  back  to  her father,  and  asks  for  the  return  of  the  purchase  property.  This  is  returned  on  the  re- marriage or  re-selling  of  the  woman.  Should  a  wife  not  bear  a  child  within  a  reason- able time  she  is  sent  back  to  her  father,  who  exchanges  her  with  his  son-in-law  for another  daughter,  or  failing  that  a  niece.  A  small  present  is  usually  given  to  the father-in-law  on  such  an  occasion. A  woman  gives  birth  in  a  sitting  posture,  held  by  the  back  by  another  woman, and  by  the  thighs  by  two  more,  whilst  a  third  sits  in  front  to  receive  the  child. The  umbilical  cord  is  cut  immediately  after  birth,  and  the  child  washed  in  cold  water and  anointed  with  red  colouring  matter  obtained  from  a  tree  called  mbolo.  The mother's  vagina  is  washed  thoroughly  with  warm  water,  and  both  the  mother  and  the child  are  put  in  one  bed.  Men  are  not  allowed  to  be  present  at  a  delivery.  The birth  of  twins  is  looked  upon  as  an  ill-omen,  and  a  dance  is  always  held  on  the happening  of  such  an  event,  and  much  beer  drunk  to  avert  any  evil  from  the  father and  relatives.  Should  both  children  live  the  mother  is  suspected  of  witchcraft.  The birth  of  triplets  is  an  unheard  of  thing.  Within  two  months  of  confinement  the  woman resumes  her  ordinary  avocations,  and  the  child  is  nursed  by  the  father.  As  a  rule the  Babinza  are  extremely  fond  of  their  children,  and  it  is  not  an  uncommon  sight  to see  a  father  playing  with  a  child.  Males  are  circumcised  before  they  are  twenty  ; females  never.  An  uncircumcised  male  is  looked  down  upon  by  his  fellows. The  Babinza  do  not  believe  in  a  God,  gods,  or  a  future  state.  A  spirit  known as  mumbo  is,  however,  revered  by  them.  On  the  death  of  anybody  one  of  his  eyes is  said  to  leave  the  body  and  go  to  "  mumbo."  Mumbo  is  also  said  to  capture labourers  in  the  fields  and  wanderers  in  the  forests.  He  is  supposed  to  converse  with them  in  Egenja — the  language  of  the  Babinza.  Whenever  a  villager  is  missed  he is  suspected  of  having  been  captured  by  mumbo,  and  a  general  search  is  instituted. The  lost  one  is  usually  found  in  a  famished  and  speechless  condition  near  his  own village,  where  he  is  supposed  to  have  been  left  by  mumbo.  Mumbo  feeds  his  prisoners on  what  the  Baganda  call  matungulu.  The  ex-captive  receives  nocturnal  visits  from the  spirit  who  bids  him  to  remain  silent  and  instructs  •  him  in  the  art  of  witchcraft. For  hours  after  such  a  visit  the  favoured  one  is  incoherent,  but  he  gets  his  reward in  becoming  a  powerful  medicine  man  in  his  community.  Like  all  Africans,  the Babinza  are  very  superstitious,  and  wear  numerous  charms  round  their  necks  and  arms. Snakes  are  said  to  bring  ill-luck,  and  a  Mubinza  bound  on  a  journey  will  always  turn back  and  make  a  fresh  start  should  one  of  these  reptiles  cross  his  path.  These  folk do  not  fear  being  visited  by  the  spirits  of  their  dead  relatives,  consequently  they  do  not put  out  any  sacrifices  for  them,  as  the  Azande  and  Mangbetu. The  Mubinza,  like  the  primitive  man  when  he  suffered  injury,  took  his  revenge as  well  as  he  could.  He  first  demanded  compensation  from  the  family  of  the  person who  had  injured  him,  and  if  this  was  not  forthcoming,  or  the  right  sum  to  be  paid could  not  be  agreed  upon  by  the  contending  parties,  a  fight  took  place  between  the parties  in  which  their  respective  clans  took  part  eventually.  Having  no  paramount chief  or  king  who  could  compel  the  payment  or  acceptance  of  compensation,  the  two tribes  carried  on  this  blood  feud,  with  its  attendant  wasteful  expenditure  of  human life,  until  one  side  or  the  other  was  finally  vanquished.  The  victors  then  held  dances, at  which  a  great  deal  of  beer  was  drunk,  and  gorged  themselves  with  the  flesh  of those  killed  or  captured.  It  is  now  usual  to  take  all  disputes  before  a  Belgian  official, whose  decision  is  practically  final.  GEORGE  C.  ISHMAEL. No,  69.]  MAN.  [1910. Australia.  Lang-. The  "Historicity"  of  Arunta  Traditions.     By  A.  Lang.  PQ A  most  difficult  point  in  Arunta  social  organisation,  a  point  which  probably  "U colours  the  mythic  traditions  of  the  people,  has  received  little  attention.  How  do  the Arunta  come  to  possess,  as  they  do,  "  local  totemic  groups  ?  "*  With  a  system  of male  descent  of  the  totem  name,  local  totem  groups,  like  Highland  clans,  necessarily tend  to  be  mainly  of  one  name,  totem  name,  or  patronymic.  But  the  essence  of  Arunta totemism  is  the  accidental  acquisition  of  the  totem  name.  Father,  mother,  and  each child  may  be  all  of  different  totem  names.  Yet  "  there  will  be  one  area  which  belongs "  to  a  group  of  men  who  call  themselves  Kangaroo  men,  another  belonging  to  Emu "  men,"  and  so  on.  "  The  largest,  represented  by  exactly  forty  individuals,  men, "  women,  and  children,"  is  the  Wichetty  Grub  group  at  Alice  Springs,  who  possess "  about  100  square  miles."!  Of  these  Wichetty  Grubs,  thirty-five  are  of  the  Bulthara- Panunga  phratry,  only  five  are  Purula-Kumara.J  How  in  the  world  do  they  all  come to  be  Wichetty  Grubs  ?  It  is  impossible  that  each  and  all  of  them  should  have  been conceived  in  a  Wichetty  Grub  oknanakilla,  or  centre  of  Wichetty  Grub  ratapa, "  spirit  children,"  or  "  spirits  "  (or  other  beings  —  as  in  Mr.  Strehlow's  accounts,  not regarded  as  "  spiritual  ").  Yet  "  the  local  groups  ....  consist  to  a  large  extent, "  but  by  no  means  exclusively  of  men  and  women  of  what  is  commonly  spoken  of  as  a "  particular  totem.  "§ It  is  not  easy  to  understand  how  this  happens  when  mere  accident  determines the  totem  of  each  individual.  For  example,  we  are  offered  the  case  of  a  family  ; the  father  is  Wichetty  Grub,  wife  is  Lizard,  one  son  is  Grub,  the  other  is  Lizard. In  another  case,  father,  mother,  and  one  son  are  Grub,  the  other  son  is  Kangaroo.  | In  a  third  case,  with  Eagle  Hawk  father,  and  Hakea  flower  mother  we  have  Grub, Emu,  Eagle  Hawk,  and  Elonka  sons  and  two  Grub  daughters,  and  the  totems  vary as  much  in  another  instance  ;  Hawk,  Grub,  Kangaroo,  Lizard,  Emu,  Water. In  such  circumstances,  how  can  there  be  in  each  local  group  a  large  majority  of  one totem  name  ?  "  The  totems  are  strictly  local,"1[  but  how  are  they  local  when  they come  by  chance  ?  Is  it  possible  that  while  each  local  group  is  really  made  up  of persons  of  many  totems  (as  where  female  descent  prevails)  the  entire  group  is  styled "  Wichetty  Grub  "  in  compliment  to  the  members  who  inherit  or  possess,  and  perform the  most  notable  totemic  ceremonies  ?  This  is  the  only  solution  of  the  problem  at which  I  can  conjecture.  Meanwhile  the  local  groups  are  certainly  spoken  of  as  if,  in each  case,  they  were  mainly  of  one  totem,  which  they  can  only  be  where  male  descent of  the  totem  name  prevails,  and  among  the  Arunta  it  does  not  exist.  While  "  the totem  names  are  apparently  mixed  up  in  the  greatest  confusion  possible  "*  *  how are  a  hundred  square  miles  the  property  of  one  group  of  Wichetty  Grubs  ?  We hear  of  "  a  certain  number  of  local  groups  of  individuals  belonging  to  particular totems  "ff  but  it  is  not  apparent  how  such  groups  can  exist,  when  the  individuals may  be  and  are,  of  any  number  of  totems. Now  Arunta  myth  speaks  of  the  earliest  human  groups  as  consisting  in  each case  of  individuals  all  of  one  particular  totem.  If  we  hold  that  such  traditions  are historically  worthless,  we  can  explain  them,  in  a  way,  by  saying  that  they  reflect  upon  the past  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the  present.  In  the  past,  as  in  the  present,  there  would be  one  area  which  belonged  to  one  group  of  men  "  who  called  themselves  kangaroo men,  or  emu  men,  or  Hakea  men,"  as  is  now  the  case.Q  But  how  it  can  be  the case,  when  each  person's  totem  name  is  derived  by  pure  chance,  is  what  one  fails to  understand.  Still,  granting  that  it  is  the  case,  as  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen *  Ifative  Tribes,  p.  9.  t  ^d->  P-  9-  t  -Mid.,  P-  12°-  §  Ibid->  P-  34- ||  Ibid.,  p.  116.  ^  Ibid.,  p.  119.  **  Ibid.,  p.  115.  ft  -Dative  Racet,  p.  389. "    It  Native  Tribes,  p.  9. [    H8    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No,  69. frequently  state  that  it  is,  Arunta  mythic  fancy  merely  transfers   the   conditions   of the  present  to  the  past,  with  a  slight  exaggeration. But  Dr.  Frazer,  with  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen,  finds  us  "  driven  to  conclude that  these  traditions  .  .  ."  (he  is  speaking  of  traditions  of  free  and  habitual totem-eating)  "  do  faithfully  preserve  a  recollection "  of  the  manners  which  they describe.*  This  must  apply,  I  think,  to  one  part  of  the  tradition  of  usages,  as  much  as to  another.  If  so,  the  ancestors  of  the  Arunta  lived  in  endogamous  totem  groups, while,  according  to  the  legends,  they  made  free  with  any  women  of  other  totems whom  they  came  across.  They  had  totems  because  they  were  in  many,  not  all,  cases, developed  out  of  the  animals  which  were  their  totems.  As  these  animals  were  in groups,  so  were  they,  and  they  must  wed  their  own  women,  till  they  came  across others  of  other  groups, To  me  these  traditions  appear  to  be,  not  historical,  but  dictated  by  the  logic of  fancy.  The  Arunta  meet  the  question,  "  How  did  men  become  totemic  ? "  by saying  that  the  "eternal"  or  "  self  -existing "  Ungambikula  made  them  so,  out  of creatures  "  which  were  in  reality  stages  in  the  transformation  of  various  plants  and animals  into  human  beings."|  They  were  thus  made  ''  in  local  groups  of  individuals belonging  to  particular  totems."  Here  the  present  is  reflected  into  the  unknown past  ;  in  the  past  as  in  the  present  totem  groups  were  local. Then  the  next  question  is,  "  Whom  did  the  men  marry  ?  "  and  the  answer  takes for  granted  that  they  had  wives  of  their  own  local  totemic  groups. J  What  other  women could  they  procure  before  their  wanderings  began  ? The  legend  cannot  prove,  or  suggest,  that  the  Arunta  were  never,  in  the  past, forbidden  to  marry  within  the  totem.  They  may  do  so  now,  and  their  myth  reflects  that license  on  the  mist-screen  of  the  unknown  past,  at  a  supposed  time  when  only  women of  their  own  totem  were  accessible  to  the  men  of  each  group. How  can  we  take  as  historical  evidence  fables  which  transplant,  into  the  first  dawn of  humanity,  the  terminology  of  the  present  classificatory  system  ?  No  sooner  was  a lizard  man  made  out  of  an  Inapertica  or  animate  bulk,  than  he  possessed  an  "  Okilia  or "  elder  brother,"§  being  himself  the  Itia  or  younger  brother,  I  suppose.  He  could  not be  that  till  after  the  phratry  arrangement  and  its  rules  were  made  ! I  confess  myself  unable  to  understand  how  scholars  should  take  such  stories  as these  for  historical  evidence  on  any  point  of  prehistoric  manners.  As  in  Dieri  myths  of the  origin  of  exogamy,  the  rules  are  ascribed  to  the  wisdom  of  some  sages — because now  sages  suggest  emendations  in  rules,  so  the  Arunta  myths  throw  back  the  classi- ficatory system  into  the  period  of  the  indeterminate  Inapertwa  which  could  have  no human  relationships.  The  tales  speak  of  totemic  endogamy  as  habitual.  What  else can  we  expect  from  people  who  for  long  have  practised  intra-totemic  marriage,  and whose  myth  of  the  origin  of  totemism  assumes  that  men  originally  lived  in  separate local  groups,  each  of  one  totem  only  ? The  traditions  of  the  Middle  Alcheringa  period  cheerfully  and  naturally  assume  the existence  of  the  Four  Class  names,  among  a  local  Hawk  totem  group.|  Every  one  of the  set  already  belongs  to  one  or  other  of  these  exogamous  intermarrying  divisions, just  as  the  classificatory  system  of  relationships  already  exists.  All  this  was  at  a  time when  Inapertwa  or  undifferentiated  animated  bulks  were  still  thick  on  the  ground.^ The  Arunta  in  general  adopted  the  Four  Class  names  from  the  Little  Hawk  group.** and  if  their  presence  does  not  mean  the  presence  of  the  Four  Class  system,  what  can it  mean  ? Nothing   is  said   in  the   legends   about  phratry    names.     These  are  invariably,  I *  Totemism,  Vol.  I.  p.  238.  f  Satire  Tribes,  pp.  388-389.  J  Ibid.,  p.  390. §  Ibid.,  p.  390.  ||  Ibid.,  p.  394.  ^  Ibid.,  p.  395  et  seq. **  Ibid.,  p.  396. No.  69,]  MAN.  [1910. think,  found  in  Australia,  where  the  phratriac  system  without  the  "  classes "  exists. Among  the  Arunta,  phratry  names  are  obsolete,  and  so  the  myth  says  nothing  of them.  They  are  never  absent  in  Australia,  I  think,  where  the  four  class  names have  not  been  adopted.  Dr.  Frazer*  argues  thus  :  It  appears  to  be  commonly supposed  that  names  for  the  two  moieties  (classes),  or  "  phratries,"  must  formerly have  existed  and  afterwards  been  forgotten,  from  which  again  it  has  been  inferred that  the  marriage  system  of  the  Arunta  is  late  and  decadent.  The  analogy  of  the sub-classes  points  to  the  opposite  conclusion,  namely,  that  the  marriage  system  of  the Arunta  is  developing,  not  decaying,  for  if  four  of  the  eight  sub-classes  among  them are  only  receiving  (not  losing)  names  at  the  present  time,  and  in  some  places  are  still nameless,  we  seem  bound  in  consistency  to  suppose  that  similarly  the  two  classes  or moieties  have  not  lost  their  names,  but,  on  the  contrary,  have  not  yet  received  them. My  reply  is  that  people,  if  they  get  the  chance,  may  borrow  what  they  need, but  not  (save  to  be  in  the  fashion),  what  they  do  not  need.  Arunta,  who  had  no names  for  certain  *'  degrees  "  already  among  them  "  forbidden,"  appear  to  be  borrowing, even  now,  the  names  by  which  part  of  their  tribe  denominate  these  degrees.  But  the Arunta  need  no  names  for  the  two  main  exogamous  divisions  of  their  tribe.  These are  indicated,  in  each  case,  by  a  pair  of  the  class  names.  If  I  am  not  wrong,  long before  the  phratry  names  of  the  Kamilaroi  were  discovered,  the  class  names,  Hipai, Muri,  and  the  others  served  the  turn.  When  the  phratry  system,  according  to Dr.  Frazer,  was  instituted,  a  man  "  had  only  to  ascertain  from  any  particular  woman "  whether  she  belonged  to  his  group  "  (phratry)  "  or  the  other  group,  and  his  course "  was  clear."f In  this  case  the  naming  of  the  phratries  was  a  great  and  obvious  convenience, and  I  am  unaware  of  any  Australian  tribe  with  the  phratry  system,  and  without  the classes,  which  does  not  retain  the  phratry  names.  But  when  the  classes  have  long done  all  the  work,  the  phratry  names,  being  useless,  tend  to  disappear.  In  what conceivable  circumstances  could  the  Arunta  now  find  it  convenient  to  borrow  or invent  phratry  names  ? . It  is  universally  acknowledged  that  the  Four  Classes  are  a  development  later  than the  two  phratries.  On  them  is  thrown  all  the  work,  and  it  is  natural  that  the  phratry names  where  eight  classes  exist  should  become  obsolete.  It  is  not  natural  that,  where they  are  perfectly  useless,  they  should  ever  be  needed  and  come  into  existence,  that  is, where  the  Four  Class  names  exist.  The  Arunta  legends  are  silent  about  phratry  names, voluble  about  class  names,  because  these  exist  and  are  important  ;  while  the  phratry names,  being  useless,  are  forgotten,  as  among  the  Kurnai. In  the  traditions,  Ertnatulunga,  or  sacred  storehouses  of  churinga,  existed  among certain  Inapertwa,  who  were  operated  on  and  made  into  men  of  the  Emu  totem.J The  Arunta  myth-maker  is  unspeakably  unhistorically  minded  !  Inapertwa  perform the  great  Engwura  ceremony  !  § The  class  names,  so  far,  are  not  spoken  of  in  connection  with  restrictions  on marriage. ||  They  are  merely  introduced,  I  presume,  because  the  myth-makers  can scarcely  think  of  men  without  them,  yet  they  see  that  they  must  have  had  a  beginning  ; how  they  know  not,  so  attribute  them  to  Little  Hawks.  Why  the  myth  makes  the groups  live  so  freely,  or  solely,  on  their  own  totems,  though  the  wild  cats  lived  on  the hakea  flower,^  and  quails  on  grass-seeds,**  I  do  not  pretend  to  know.  At  no  time can  a  group  have  lived  mainly  on  its  own  totem,  of  which  the  season  is  often  brief. As  to  marriage  rules,  Purula  men  and  Kumara  women,  in  the  Middle  period,  actually cohabited,  a  thing  now  wholly  forbidden.  In  other  cases  the  present  is  reflected  on  the *  Totemitm,  Vol.  I,  pp.  264,  265.  f  Ibid.,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  113,  114. t  Ibid,,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  391,  397.  §  Native  Tribes,  p.  401.  ||  Ibid.,  p.  402. If  Ibid.,  p.  403.  **  Ibid.,  p.  403. r  120  j 1910.]  MAN.  [Nos.  69-70. past,  not  so  in  this.  Apparently  the  myth  could  not  keep  the  class  names  out  of  the story.  But  it  had  also  to  account  for  the  institution  of  the  class  restrictions,  and,  in  its usual  confused  way  of  thinking,  represented  the  class  restrictions  as  later  than  the  class distinctions  of  name.  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen  can  only  explain  the  tradition  "  on *'  the  supposition  that  the  class  names  which  were  given  by  the  Ullakupera "  (Little Hawk)  "  men  entailed  restrictions  upon  marriages,  but  restrictions  which  were  of  a "  different  kind  from  those  introduced  at  a  later  period."*  But  no  restrictions  of  any kind  have  yet  been  mentioned,  nor  can  we  imagine  what  manner  of  restrictions  by  four class  could  exist  except  such  as  do  exist. We  have  shown  that  the  legends  are  absolutely  subject  to  no  logic  but  that  of fancy.  The  myth  introduces  class  names  because  the  mind  is  so  familiar  with  them, and,  by  an  afterthought,  accounts  for  the  class  restrictions  which  the  presence  of  the names  already  implies.  A  wise  man  of  the  Emu  group  simply  invented  the  class restrictions  ;  the  tribe  voted  in  favour  of  his  measure,  and  that  is  all  the  explana- tion.! "  The  legislator  in  his  wisdom  "  decreed  exogamy,  and  we  are  still  asking, why  ?  Ghosts  of  theories  rise  at  call,  but  each  in  turn  vanishes,  "  following  dark- "  ness  like  a  dream." I  am  debarred  from  quoting  the  traditions  as  containing  history.  But  in  one instance  they  chance,  I  hold,  to  deviate  into  truth.  "  The  traditions  of  the  tribe *'  point  back  to  a  time  when,  for  the  most  part,  the  members  of  any  particular *•  totem  were  confined  to  one  moiety  of  the  tribe."J  Thus,  "  in  the  Alcheringa,  all  the "  Wichetty  Grub  men  were  Bulthara  and  Panunga."§ If  so,  the  Arunta  have  passed  out  of  normal  totemism,  in  which  each  totem  is strictly  confined  to  one  phratry  only.  I  have  no  doubt  that  this  is  true,  but  not because  tradition  says  that  it  is  true.  Tradition  merely  exaggerates  the  present state  of  things,  in  which  "  the  great  majority  of "  Wichetty  Grub  men  do  belong to  the  nameless  phratry  of  the  Bulthara  and  Panunga  classes.  How  this  comes  to be  so,  why  only  a  small  minority  of  the  people  of  the  totem  name  are  "  born  into *'  the  wrong  class  "||  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen  tell  us.  It  is  owing  to  the *'  system  according  to  which  totem  names  are  acquired  "T  now.  If  totem  names  from the  first  were  acquired,  as  now,  by  chance,  each  totem  would  be  almost  equally distributed  between  both  "moieties."  But  quite  the  reverse  is  the  case.  How  this occurred  the  believers  that  the  Arunta  never  passed  through  normal  totemism  are repeatedly  but  vainly  invited  to  explain.  Till  they  do  produce  a  viable  theory  their system  is  not  to  be  accepted.  I  do  not  observe  that  Dr.  Frazer  ever  alludes  to  this crucial  problem. The  phratries  of  the  northern  tribes,  to-day,  are  locally  separate.  So,  according  to a  myth  given  by  Mr.  Strehlow  (Theil  /,  pp.  6,  7),  were  the  phratries  of  the  Arunta originally.  A.  LANG. Polynesia.  Woodford. Note  on  a  Stone-headed  Mace   -from  Rennell  Island.     />'//  C.  M.     "7fl PToodford,  F.R.G.S.,  Local  Correspondent  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  I  U Institute. After  several  years'  search,  one  of  the  stone-headed  maces  from  Rennell  Island has  come  into  my  possession,  through  the  munificence  of  Dr.  Northcote  Deck,  of  the South  Sea  Evangelical  Mission,  who  recently  visited  the  island. Mr.  Basil  Thomson,  in  The  Discovery  of  the  Solomon  Islands,  page  xl,**  appears to  connect  these  maces  with  the  maces  headed  with  a  nodule  of  iron  pyrites  and *  Notice  Tribes,  p.  418.  f  Ibid;  PP-  *20.  421.  J  Ibid.,  pp.  120,  121. §  Ibid.,  p.  125.  ||  Ibid.,  p.  125.  ^  Ibid.,  p.  126. **  Ttie  Discovery  of  the  Solomon  Islands,  Hakluyt  Society,  London,  MDCCCCI. [    121     ] Nos,  70-71.] MAN. [1910. handles  inlaid  with  nautilus  or  pearl  shell  which  occur  on  the  south  coast  of  the island  of  Malaita,  but  the  accompanying  illustration  will  show  that  they  are  utterly dissimilar.  For  notes  on  the  Malaita  maces  see  MAN.* The  specimen  from  Rennell  Islands  in  my  possession  measures  18^  inches  in  length from  the  apex  of  the  stone  head  to  the  end  of  the  knob  on  the  handle.  The  stone head  is  just  5  inches  in  its  largest  diameter,  and  2^  inches  from  apex  to  base  where it  joins  the  handle. The  stone,  which  appears  to  be  of  a  basaltic  nature,  is  star-shaped  with  eight projections. The  handle  is  15|  inches  in  length  with  a  diameter  of  l^th  inches  where  it joins  the  stone  head,  and  TVth  inch  at  the  butt,  where  it  expands  into  a  knob  with a  diameter  of  If  inches. The  handle  is  made  of  some hard  dark  wood,  probably  Af- zelia  bijuga. Two  holes,  a  quarter  of an  inch  in  diameter,  are  bored through  the  handle  at  right angles  to  one  another  :  the upper  one  1  inch  from  the  stone head,  and  the  lower  one  three- quarters  of  an  inch  below. Through  these  holes  the rattan  lashings  which  fix  the stone  head  firmly  to  the  handle are  rove,  passing  between  the rays  of  the  star-shaped  head, two  lashings  between  each  ray. I  should  have  expected  to find  the  lashings  made  of sinnett,  as  the  Rennell  Islanders make  use  of  it,  and  I  fancy 1  have    seen     Rennell     Island maces  so  lashed. The  weight  of  the  mace  is    V        ^ 2  Ibs.  10  ozs. I  am  informed  that  the  native  name  for  these  stone-headed  maces  is  "  ngakulu." Care  has  been  taken  in  the   illustration    to    show    how  the  rattan    lashings  pass over  and  under  one  another.  C.  M.  WOODFORD. Africa :  Algeria.  Astley. A  Sacred  Spring  and  Tree  at  Hammam   R'lrha,  Algeria.     /,'//  the     "M Rev.  H.  J.  Dukinfield  Astley,  D.Litt.  I  I The  cult  of  sacred  springs  and  trees  is  a  well-known  characteristic  of  the  neolithic stage  of  culture  and  one  of  the  most  valuable  proofs  of  the  solidarity  of  the  human race,  and  the  continuity  of  ideas  derived  from  the  most  primitive  couches  sociales  is  to be  found  in  its  survival  to  our  own  day  among  votaries  of  the  higher  faiths.  This  is, however,  naturally  found  among  those  classes  in  which  "  education  "  has  not  made  much progress,  and  in  which,  therefore,  "  superstition,"  which  is  only  "  survival "  with  the added  connotation  that  it  has  a  living  religious  significance,  has  sway. *  MAN,  1908,  16,  Baron  von  Hugel  ;  1908,  28,  Professor  K.  W.  Reid,  M.D. ;  1908,  90,  J.  Edge- Partington  ;  1908.  91,  C.  M.  Woodford. [     122    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [Nos.  71-72. la  Christian  countries  such  survival  is  found  to  be  more  prevalent  where  the Roman  Catholic  faith  is  still  strong  ;  for  example,  in  Ireland  and  Poland,  or  at  such places  as  Holywell  in  Wales,  whither,  however,  it  is  pilgrims  of  the  Roman  communion who  resort.  I  myself  remember  meeting  a  devout  Irish  peasant  near  Tenby  some  years ago,  who  was  afflicted  Avith  sore  eyes.  This  man  was  bathing  his  eyes  in  a  spring sacred  to  St.  David,  and  carrying  away  some  of  the  muddy  water  in  a  bottle  as  a remedy  for  his  trouble. At  Walsingham  in  Norfolk,  too,  Romanist  pilgrims  still  dedicate  pieces  of  cloth  at the  wells  sacred  to  the  Virgin,  or  drop  pieces  of  money  into  the  water.  And  the reason  is  not  far  to  seek.  In  the  early  ages  of  the  faith  the  Church  substituted  the cult  of  the  saints  for  that  of  the  local  jinns  or  spirits,  and  so  won  the  popular  mind. This  cult  survives  among  the  less  educated  members  of  the  Roman  communion. In  Mohammedan  countries,  with  their  rigid  monotheistic  faith,  one  would  not  expect at  first  sight  to  find  similar  survivals  ;  nevertheless  there  are  such,  and  by  no  means rare.  Dr.  Arthur  Evans  in  his  Mycenean  Tree  and  Pillar  Cult  gives  an  interesting example  of  such  a  survival  at  a  place  called  Tekekeoi  in  Turkey,  to  which  I  referred in  a  lecture  given  before  the  Royal  Society  of  Literature  on  "  Tree  and  Pillar  Worship." Here,  in  Algeria,  at  my  very  door,  I  have  found  another  ;  if  I  could  explore  I  should doubtless  find  others. Hammam  R'Irha,  in  the  heart  of  the  Algerian  mountains,  about  seventy-five  miles from  Algiers,  1,500  feet  above  the  sea,  has  been  noted  for  its  hot  springs  since  the days  of  the  Romans.  As  Aquce  Calidce  it  was  a  fashionable  watering-place  in  the days  of  the  Emperor  Tiberius,  and  the  ruins  of  the  baths  and  of  a  flourishing  town are  scattered  in  all  directions  on  the  hillside  above  the  modern  Etablissement  thermal. Besides  the  hot  springs  to  which  it  owes  its  reputation  there  are  other  mineral  springs, which  are  used  for  drinking  purposes. One  of  these,  known  as  the  Source  Vichy,  flows  into  a  basin  on  the  hillside  just below  the  hotel,  which  is  made  lively  of  an  evening  by  the  croaking  of  innumerable frogs.  A  few  paces  from  this,  hidden  by  overhanging  trees  and  bushes,  is  the  sacred pool.  Hither  come  the  natives  to  perform  ritual  acts  and  ablutions,  and  one  of  the trees,  a  thorn  bush,  is  hung  on  every  branch  with  strips  of  cloth  torn  from  their  clothing. Around  the  pool  are  earthenware  pots  and  sherds,  representing,  no  doubt,  originally, offerings  for  the  spirits  of  the  tree  and  spring.  One  of  these  I  noticed,  curiously enough,  to  be  ornamented  with  the  double  chevron  characteristic  of  Bronze  Age  pottery — a  survival  in  art-motif  harmonising  well  with  the  survival  of  cult. The  presiding  genius,  whose  blessing  is  procured  by  the  offerings,  and  the  bestowal of  portions  of  clothing  from  the  body  of  the  worshipper,  is  now  said  to  be  a Mohammedan  marabout,  or  saint,  who  lived  some  generations  ago  ;  but  who  can  doubt that  here  again  we  have  a  living  survival  of  neolithic  animism  preserved  in  all  its simplicity  to  the  present  day  ?  H.  J.  DUKINFIELD  ASTLEY. Africa,  West.  Thomas. The   Incest  Tabu.     By  N.   W.  Thomas,  M.A. The  facts  cited  from  China  by  Mr.  Duncan  Whyte  (MAN,  1910,  54)  are borne  out  by  statements  made  to  me  in  more  than  one  place  in  Southern  Nigeria, specially  at  Agbede,  by  natives  who  seemed  to  me  to  be  extremely  reliable.  So  far from  the  pairing  instinct  failing  in  the  case  of  brothers  and  sisters,  who  are,  of  course, brought  up  together,  I  was  told  that  sexual  intercourse  was  exceedingly  common, although  marriage,  of  course,  was  prohibited.  In  connection  with  avoidance  it  is somewhat  curious  that  the  only  kind  of  avoidance  practised,  so  far  as  I  know,  among the  Edo-speaking  peoples  is  that  between  bride  and  bridegroom.  A  man  who  is  paying bride-price  is  frequently,  if  not  invariably,  much  older  than  the  girl,  and  if  she  meets I    123    ] Nos.  72-73.] MAN. [1910. him  in  the  street,  or  if  he  visits  her  father's  house,  she  will  "  go  for  bush."  This does  not,  however,  appear  to  me  to  be  due  to  any  fear  that  frequent  meetings  between bride  and  bridegroom  over  a  series  of  years  would  result  in  failure  of  the  pairing instinct. As  a  proof  that  the  statements  made  to  me  at  Agbede  are  worthy  of  credence,  I may  mention  that  cases  occasionally  came  up  in  the  courts  of  brother  and  sister  incest, and  in  Sabongida  alone  four  or  five  cases  of  sexual  relations  between  members  of  the same  family,  though  not  between  brothers  and  sisters,  were  quoted  to  me,  and  some  of the  parties  admitted  the  facts. I  may,  perhaps,  add  one  rather  interesting  case  related  to  me  in  the  form  of  a story,  but  possibly  not  without  a  basis  of  fact.  There  was  once  a  man  who  was irresistible  to  all  women,  but  one  day  he  committed  incest  with  his  mother  owing  to the  fact  that  no  other  women  were  available.  When  she  saw  that  it  was  her  son,  she cried  out  and  all  the  people  came.  The  old  people  decided  that  the  man's  head  should be  shaved  like  that  of  a  recently  born  child,  that  his  mother  should  take  him and  make  a  pretence  of  suckling  him,  and  then  treat  him  as  a  small  child  for  three months.  He  was  the  eldest  of  a  family  of  seven,  and  so  far  was  this  pretence  of re-birth  carried  that  the  second  son  took  his  place  as  the  eldest  child. N.  W.  THOMAS. Method.  Blythe. On  a  Slide  Rule  and  Tables  to  calculate  P   -  -000365  x  L  x  B  x  H.     "IQ By   W.  H.  Ely  the,  M.A.  fU Where  the  product  of  three  factors  multiplied  by  a  constant  has  to  be  performed frequently,  it  seems  more  convenient  to  have  tables  constructed,  or  perhaps  a  slide rule,  by  means  of  which  the  necessary  calculations  may  be  quickly  and  accurately performed. The  following  figure  illustrates  a  convenient  slide  rule  : — 10 45 10 50 10 55 10 60 10  65 P 1    1    1 | H 1 18 1 19 1  20 L 1 81 1 80 1 79 B 1 34 1 35 1 36 On  the  upper  fixed  rule  the  scale  of  logarithms  of  the  product  (P)  is  indicated. On  the  lower  fixed  scale  are  the  logarithms  of  the  breadths  (B),  and  on  the moveable  slide  those  of  the  length  (L)  and  the  height  (H)  measured  in  opposite directions.  The  scales  should  be  so  arranged  that  one  value  of  the  product  must agree  with  the  proper  positions  of  the  respective  logarithms  of  L,  B  and  H  ;  the  rest will  follow. Thus  let  it  be  so  arranged  that  when  L  ==  180,  B  =  135,  H  =  119,  P  =  1055-5  ; then  above  H  =  118,  H  =  120,  we  read  respectively  P  =  1047  and  P  =  1064.  Now move  the  slide  so  that  L  =  180  coincides  with  B  =  134,  then  above  H  =  118, P  =  1039  ;  H  =  119,  P  =  1048  ;  H  =  120,  P  =  1056.  Next  move  the  slide  so  that L=181  coincides  with  B  =  134,  then  above  H  =  118,  P  =  1045  ;  H  =  119, P  =  1054  ;  H  =  120,  P  =  1062.  If  the  divisions  showing  units  of  P  were  reduced to  rather  less  than  one-tenth  of  an  inch,  a  slide  rule  of  convenient  length  could  be constructed  for  each  200  values  of  P. r  124  ] 1910,] MAN. [No.  73. Tables  for  the  same  purpose  may  be  constructed.  Take  some  values  of  L  and  H near  the  average  values,  say,  180  and  120. We  find  each  increase  by  unity  in  the  value  of  B,  adds  7*884  to  that  of  P. Hence  construct  Table  I.  We  may  add  8  eight  times,  and  then  a  7.  Where many  values  are  required,  results  should  be  checked  about  every  twenty  places  by actual  calculations.  Tables  II  and  III  are  constructed  by  the  rule  that  in  Table  I each  addition  of  12  to  P  increases  H  by  •!,  and  of  18  to  P  increases  L  by  •!. Now  to  use  these  tables,  find  P  if  L  =  188,  H  =  116,  B  =  141. Take  that  when  L  =  180,  H  =  120,  B  =  141,  P  =  1112.  Table  II  tells  us  that when  P=  1112  we  subtract  37  for  four  units  of  H,  i.e.,  120-116.  .• .  P  =  1075. From  Table  III,  if  P  =  1075,  we  add  47  for  an  increase  of  8  units  in  L . '.  P  =  1122. Next  take  L  =  180,  H  =  121,  B  =  136. To  P  =  1072,  Table  I,  add  9  from  Table  II,  and  48  from  Table  III.  .  • .  P =  1129. The  calculations  are  shown  shortly,  thus  : — L  =  188,  H  =  116,  B  =  141,  P  =  1112 Subtract  for  H    -     —  4  units        —  37 Add  for  L 1075 +  8  units         +  47 1122 L  =  188,  H  =  121,  B  =  136,  P  =  1072 Add  for  H         -     1   unit  +  9 Add  for  L         -     8  units 1081 +  48 1129 TABLE  I.— L  =  180,  H  =  120. B. P. B. P. 135 1064 139 1096 136 1072 140 1104 137 1080 141- 1112 138 1088 142 1120 TABLE  II. — VARIATIONS  IN  P  FOK  DIFFERENCES  IN  H. P. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 1056 8-8 18 26 35 44 53 62 70 79 1068 8-9 18 27 36 45 53 62 71 80 1080 9 18 27 36 45 54 63 72 81 1092 9-1 18 27 36 46 55 64 73 82 1104 9-2 18 28 37 46 55 65 74 83 1116 9-3 19 28 37 47 56 65 74 84 [     125    ] Nos.  73-75.]  MAN.  [1910. TABLE  III. — VARIATIONS  IN  P  FOB  DIFFERENCES  IN  L. P. 1. 2. 8. 4. & 6. 7. 8. 9. 1062 5-9 12 18 24 30 35 41 47 53 1082 6 12 18 24 30 36 42 48 54 1098 6-1 12 18 24 31 37 43 49 55 1116 6-2 12 19 25 31 37 43 50 56 1124 6-3 13 19 25 32 38 44 50 57 W.  H.  BLYTHE. Haddon. By  A.  C.  Haddon,  Se.D.,  F.R.S. London  :    Milne,    1909. 74 REVIEWS. Ethnology. The  Races  of  Man  and  their  Distribution. Illustrated.       Twentieth     Century     Science     Series. Pp.  x  +  126.     19  x  13  cm.     Price  Is. Dr.  Haddon  disarms  criticism  by  pointing  out  in  his  preface  the  difficulty  of giving  in  a  short  space  "  a  well-balanced  account  of  the  races  and  peoples  of  mankind  " when,  "furthermore,  our  information  is  far  from  complete."  As  our  knowledge, especially  our  knowledge  of  variation  in  physical  character,  increases,  and  the  method of  collecting  and  dealing  with  anthropological  data  gains  in  precision,  it  becomes  less and  less  possible  to  be  dogmatic  in  the  statement  of  results.  But  Dr.  Haddon's  book is  for  the  beginner ;  and  to  anyone  just  entering  upon  the  subject,  a  definite  statement is  a  psychological  necessity  as  a  basis  for  further  study. The  book  falls  into  two  main  divisions.  In  the  first,  after  a  brief  account  of  the chief  methods  of  classifying  mankind  according  to  somatic  characters,  he  gives  a classification  of  peoples  grouped  according  to  the  character  of  the  hair  under Ulotrichi,  Cymotrichi,  and  Leiotrichi ;  the  physical  characteristics  of  the  peoples coming  under  each  group  being  briefly  summarised.  Dr.  Haddon's  method  of  classifi- cation has  this  merit,  that  it  is  purely  descriptive  ;  it  depends  upon  no  racial  hypothesis. But  in  exhibiting  sub-divisions  he  has  not  been  quite  consistent  :  the  Ulotrichi  are classified  according  to  stature — pygmies  and  tall — while  the  two  remaining  divisions are  sub-divided  into  dolicho-,  mesati-,  and  brachy-cephalic. The  second,  and  larger,  section  of  the  book  contains  an  account  of  the  distribution of  races  and  peoples  according  to  areas.  The  account  of  European  peoples  ia  entirely physical  ;  in  the  other  continents,  and  particularly  in  the  case  of  the  more  primitive peoples,  a  brief  account  of  culture,  language,  and  religion  is  given.  This  section  is a  marvel  of  compression.  A  useful  bibliography  and  a  glossary  of  technical  terms are  appended.  E.  N.  F. Pygmies.  Schmidt. «/        Die  Slellung  der  Pygmaenvolker  in  der  Entwicklungsgeschichte  des  Menschen. 75 Von  P.  W.    Schmidt,    S.V.D.     Pp.   326.     Stuttgart  :    Strecker   und  Schroeder, 1910.     (Parts  VI    and  VII  of  Studien  und  Forschungen  zur  Menschen-  und  Vb'lker- kunde.     Edited  by  Georg  Buschan.)     Pp.  ix  +  315.    24  x  17  cm.     Price  M.  9.60. Some  five  years  ago  Professor  Kollmann,  of  Basel,  formulated  the  theory  that the  various  human  races  were  descended  from  pygmy  races  ;  in  brief,  he  regarded the  pygmy  type  as  a  stage  in  the  evolution  of  modern  man.  Professor  Schwalbe took  Kollmann's  theory  seriously  ;  in  the  opinion  of  those  best  qualified  to  judge  he was  able  to  show  that  Kollmann's  theory  rests  on  a  misinterpretation  of  facts,  and [     126    1 1910,]  MAN.  [Nos,  75-76. that  on  our  present  knowledge  of  physiology  the  pygmies  must  be  regarded,  not  as a  primitive  type,  but  as  an  aberrant  form  of  modern  man. Perhaps  it  is  unnecessary  to  enter  into  details  relating  to  the  theory  of  pygmy races,  now  formulated  by  Father  Schmidt  ;  he  lays  no  claim — indeed,  the  manner  in which  he  deals  with  the  physical  characters  of  the  human  body  shows  that  he  can lay  no  claim — to  an  expert  knowledge  of  physical  anthropology.  In  his  opinion  the pygmies  represent  a  very  ancient,  if  not  the  most  ancient,  human  race  of  which  we have  any  knowledge,  and  that  the  forms  found  in  Africa  and  Asia  are  survivals  of  a race,  which  at  a  very  ancient  period  was  widely  distributed  in  the  world.  In  brief, the  pygmies  in  body,  mind,  and  culture  present  the  most  primitive  stage  in  the evolution  of  man  now  to  be  seen  anywhere  on  earth. It  would  require  a  review  equal  in  bulk  to  Father  Schmidt's  book  to  do  justice to  his  statements  and  arguments.  From  a  personal  and  prolonged  inquiry  into  the physical  characters  of  the  pygmy  races,  the  reviewer  is  able  to  state  that  there  is  no human  race  known  that  has  so  little  claim  to  be  regarded  as  a  primitive  human type  as  these  same  pygmies  of  Father  Schmidt.  They  are  the  last  race  in  the  world to  answer  to  the  criteria  required  in  an  ancestral  type  for  modern  man.  The  pygmies are  small  negroes,  and  represent  a  tendency — but  to  a  marked  degree — seen  in  all  forms of  negro  to  assume  in  manhood  characters  which  mark  the  adolescence  of  other  races. Dwarfism  is  still  an  obscure  condition  ;  but  there  are  clear  signs  that  an  experimental demonstration  of  the  manner  in  which  it  is  produced  and  perpetuated  is  within  the bounds  of  legitimate  expectation. Father  Schmidt's  theory  of  the  antiquity  of  the  pygmy  race  is  based  really  on the  inference  he  draws  from  a  review  and  study  of  their  culture.  In  their  modes  of body  decoration  and  mutilation,  in  clothing,  or  rather  absence  of  clothing,  in  their nomadic  habits,  in  their  huts,  bows,  arrows,  in  their  bone  and  wood  implements,  and  in their  burial  customs,  they  show,  in  Father  Schmidt's  opinion,  the  most  primitive  stage known  in  the  evolution  of  human  culture.  Their  culture  represents  a  stage  earlier  than that  of  the  Tasmanians  and  Australians,  usually  regarded  as  the  most  primitive  of human  races.  On  the  other  hand,  the  pygmies,  following  Father  Schmidt's  state- ment, have  reached  quite  a  European  standard  in  their  religion  ;  they  clearly  "  recognise "  and  worship  a  higher  being,  the  Creator  and  Lord  of  the  Earth "  (see  p.  242). The  pygmy  is  the  most  ancient  of  men,  and  his  religion  the  most  ancient  of religions.  Q.  E.  D.  A.  KEITH. Africa:  Sudan.  Tangye. In  the   Torrid  Sudan.     By    H.  Lincoln    Tangye,  F.R.G.S.     London  :    John     Tfl Murray,  1910.     Pp.  xii  +  300.     22x14  cm.  10 A  good  deal  of  information  useful  to  the  traveller,  sportsman,  and  naturalist  will  be found  in  this  book.  Its  chief  value  to  the  anthropologist  lies  in  its  illustrations.  The author  was  able  to  make  friends  with  the  little  known  Nuers,  excellent  photographs  of whom  are  given.  These  people  have  the  same  remarkable  laws  of  inheritance  as  the Dinkas,  which,  collected  by  Captain  H.  O'Sullivan,  formed  the  subject  of  a  paper  by Mr.  Sidney  Hartland  at  the  Dublin  meeting  of  the  British  Association.  This  seems  to support  a  view  forced  on  the  writer  of  this  notice,  while  studying  the  Dinkas,  that  the Nuers  are  no  more  than  a  tribe  of  the  Dinka  nation,  varying  no  more  from  admittedly Dinka  tribes  than  the  latter  do  among  themselves.  The  book  contains  many  views which  impress  the  reader  with  the  monotonous  character  of  the  scenery  of  a  great  part of  the  Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan.  Many  of  these  photographs  should  be  of  great  interest to  geographers  and  to  all  concerned  with  the  study  of  scenery.  C.  G.  S. [     127     ] Nos.  77-78.]  MAN.  [1910. Darwinism.  Darwin. The  Foundations  of  "  The  Origin  of  Species"  Two  essays  written  in  1842  "f"l and  1844.  By  Charles  Darwin.  Edited  by  his  son,  Francis  Darwin.  Cambridge  :  *  • The  University  Press,  1909.  Pp.  xxix  -f  263,  including  index. It  is  interesting  to  observe  the  growth  of  the  theory  which  has  made  modern thought.  These  preliminary  drafts  have  also  the  value  that  they  show  by  comparison with  the  Origin  the  relative  importance  in  the  author's  mind  of  certain  principles and  classes  of  evidence.  For  example,  a  good .  deal  of  weight  is  attached  in  these essays  to  "mutations,"  and  more  reference  is  made  to  the  influence  of  the  environ- tf ment.     In  view  of  modern  tendencies  these  first  thoughts  are  therefore  significant. The  1842  essay  is  more  or  less  in  the  form  of  notes.  That  of  1844  is  a  finished sketch.  As  the  editor  says,  "  It  has  not  all  the  force  and  conciseness  of  the  Origin, "  but  it  has  a  certain  freshness  which  gives  it  a  character  of  its  own.  It  must  be "  remembered  that  the  Origin  was  an  abstract  or  condensation  of  a  much  bigger  book, "  whereas  the  essay  of  1884  was  an  expansion  of  the  sketch  of  1842.  It  is  not, "  therefore,  surprising  that  in  the  Origin  there  is  occasionally  evident  a  chafing  against "  the  author's  self-imposed  limitation.  Whereas  in  the  1844  essay  there  is  an  air  of "  freedom  as  if  the  author  were  letting  himself  go,  rather  than  applying  the  curb." The  editor  contributes  in  the  form  of  footnotes  an  excellent  and  precise  collation of  these  essays  and  the  various  editions  of  the  Origin.  He  also  discusses  in  au interesting  introduction  the  gradual  formation  of  the  author's  views.  Here  he  makes several  good  points.  For  instance,  "  It  is  surprising  that  Malthus  should  have  been "  needed  to  give  him  the  clue,  when  in  the  notebook  of  1837  there  should  occur, "  however  obscurely  expressed,  the  following  forecast  of  the  importance  of  the "  survival  of  the  fittest."  The  fact  is  one  proof  among  many  of  Darwin's  extra- ordinary selflessness.  Again,  "  The  fact  that  in  1842,  seventeen  years  before  the  pub- "  lication  of  the  Origin,  my  father  should  have  been  able  to  write  out  so  full  an  outline "  of  his  future  work  is  very  remarkable."  The  writing  of  this  essay  "  during  the "  summer  of  1844,"  as  stated  in  the  autobiography,  and  "from  memory,"  as  Darwin says  elsewhere,  "  was  a  remarkable  achievement,  and  possibly  renders  more  conceivable "  the  still  greater  feat  of  the  writing  of  the  Origin  between  July  1858  and  September "  1859."  For  long,  it  seems,  he  had  the  idea  that  the  sketch  of  1844  might  remain as  the  only  record  of  his  life-work. This  record  of  the  development  and  variation  of  a  great  theory  is  itself  an example  of  the  Darwinian  method.  All  men  of  science  will  be  grateful  to  the  editor for  this  new  instance  of  not  the  least  valuable  part  of  his  work,  the  study  of  his  father's mind.  A.  E.  C. ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTES. A  SOCIETY  has  been  formed  recently,  under  the  title  of  the  Morant  Club,  to  TO carry  on  excavations  in  the  county  of  Essex.  Any  objects  discovered  will  be  *  U deposited  in  one  of  the  public  museums  in  the  county,  and  the  results  will  be  handed over  for  publication  to  one  of  the  Essex  societies.  The  object  of  the  club  is  to  excavate barrows,  camps,  Roman  stations,  &c.,  and  it  is  expected  that  a  start  will  be  made  this season.  The  club  is  limited  to  forty  members,  but  it  is  hoped  that  outside  subscriptions will  be  forthcoming. IT  is  gratifying  to  learn  that  the  building  of  Block  I  of  the  new  Cambridge  Museum of  Archaeology  and  Ethnology  has  begun.  The  needs  of  the  department  cannot, however,  be  satisfied  until  Block  II  has  been  erected,  for  which  a  sum  of  over  £19,000 will  be  required.  Of  this  £5.100  is  already  in  hand,  leaving  a  balance  of  £13,900 still  to  be  collected  by  public  subscription. Printed  by  EYBE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.C, PLATE  I— J. MAN,  1910. SECTION   OF    MOUND. CONTEMPORARY   VASES. EARLIEST    STONE    TOMB,    MEYDUM. 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  79. ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. Egypt.  With  Plate  I— J.  Petrie. The  Earliest  Stone  Tombs.  By  W.  M.  Flinders  Petrie,  D.C.L..  F.R.S.,  'IQ Professor  of  Egyptology,  University  of  London.  I  U Although  in  recent  years  the  burials  of  the  prehistoric  and  early  dynasties  in Egypt  have  been  well  explored,  no  instance  of  a  stone-built  tomb  is  known  before  the end  of  the  Second  Dynasty,  when  King  Khasekhemui  built  a  stone  chamber  at  Abydos. The  succeeding  kings  were  buried  in  rock-cut  chambers,  and  not  till  the  latter  part  of the  Third  Dynasty  did  stone-built  chambers  become  the  custom,  even  for  kings.  The oldest  stone  tombs  of  subjects  are  those  at  Meydum,  which  were  opened  by  the  British School  this  last  winter. The  outsides  of  the  great  mastabas  of  Nefer-maat  and  another  noble,  close  to  the pyramid  of  Sneferu,  had  been  visible  in  all  ages,  but  the  interiors  had  defied  modern search.  They  were  attacked  in  a  thorough  manner  this  year.  The  mound  over  the tomb,  No.  17,  was  mined  through  to  a  depth  of  45  feet,  the  clearance  needing  to  be about  as  wide,  in  order  to  descend  safely  through  the  mass  of  stone  chips  of  which  it is  formed.  At  the  bottom  was  found  a  closed  stone  building,  which  had  been  com- pletely buried  beneath  the  mound,  without  leaving  any  external  opening.  The  burial had  therefore  taken  place  before  the  mound  was  thrown  up,  and  as  the  material  of  the mound  was  clearly  from  the  mason's  waste  left  in  building  the  pyramid  adjacent,  the burial  must  have  been  made  before  the  date  of  the  pyramid  of  Sneferu,  4600  B.C. This  is  the  earliest  private  stone  tomb  that  can  be  dated. The  construction  is  magnificent ;  the  passages  are  lofty,  and  the  great  chamber is  roofed  with  beams  of  stone  which  weigh  up  to  40  tons  each,  where  the  dimensions can  be  seen.  In  a  recess  at  the  end  of  the  hall  stands  the  sarcophagus  of  red  granite, the  oldest  stone  sarcophagus  known.  The  tomb  had  unfortunately  been  entered  by plunderers,  while  its  construction  was  well  known,  as  they  had  tunnelled  through  to its  weakest  point ;  they  had  broken  the  body,  but  not  destroyed  it. The  burial  is  of  the  greatest  interest,  as  it  shows  that  the  body  was  completely unfleshed  before  it  was  wrapped  in  linen.  We  have  long  known  of  the  prehistoric burials  being  unfleshed,  and  even  the  bones  being  broken  to  extract  the  marrow  ;  and in  the  Fifth  Dynasty  over  a  third  of  the  bodies  were  more  or  less  cut  up  before  burial. In  the  present  case  the  bones  had  been  completely  stripped  and  severed,  excepting that  the  spine  was  not  dissevered.  Each  bone  was  then  wrapped  separately  in  fine linen,  even  the  small  bones  of  the  ankles  and  wrists  ;  the  spine  was  packed  closely with  linen,  between  and  under  all  the  processes,  and  linen  was  pressed  into  the  empty eye  sockets.  A  cloth  model  of  the  penis  was  very  carefully  formed  and  placed  in the  wrappings. The  neighbouring  tomb  of  the  noble  Nefer-maat  is  the  largest  of  all,  the  size  being 380  feet  by  206  feet.  The  body  of  it  is  of  Nile  mud,  which  is  as  tedious  to  work  in  as soft  stone,  owing  to  its  toughness  and  the  hard  flints  which  it  contains.  A  large  pit, which  we  sank  behind  the  offering  chamber,  showed  nothing.  Tunnels  in  various directions  were  then  cut  until  the  chamber  was  found.  A  pit  34  feet  square  had  been sunk  in  the  rock,  5  feet  of  mud  had  been  poured  into  it  and  left  to  harden,  then  the stone  chamber  had  been  built  upon  that,  and  heaped  over  and  around  with  large  blocks of  stone.  This  arrangement  is  unique,  as  also  is  the  inlaid  colour  decoration  of the  tomb-chapel.  The  sculptured  offering  chamber  of  Nefer-maat  was  removed  to Cairo,  and  that  of  Atet  has  been  distributed  to  different  museums  by  the  British School. The  burial  of  Nefer-maat  again  proved  to  have  been  an  unfleshed  skeleton.  It  was in  bad  condition,  as  the  last  workmen  before  closing  the  chamber  had  rifled  the  body [  129  ] Nos,  79-80.]  MAN.  [1910. and  broken  up  the  wooden  coffin.  Mud  had  been  poured  into  the  passage  to  close  it, and  this  had  run  into  the  chamber  to  about  a  foot  deep,  thus  wetting  and  rotting  away any  linen.  But  it  had  preserved  a  curious  piece  of  evidence,  for  the  mud  had  flowed into  the  hip  joint,  filling  the  acetabulum  around  the  ball  of  the  thigh  which  was still  in  place.  This  proves  that  the  bones  must  have  been  separated  and  cleaned, and  that  there  was  no  tissue  or  skin  over  them  when  the  pit  was  closed. Thus  the  two  greatest  nobles  of  the  end  of  the  III  Dynasty  are  seen  to  have been  entirely  unfleshed,  and  their  bones  to  have  been  buried  recomposed  in  order. Both  the  bodies  were  extended  at  full  length,  as  were  the  dissevered  burials  of  the V  Dynasty  at  Deshasheh.  The  present  examples  show  that  dissevering  of  the bodies  was  the  custom  for  the  highest  classes  in  the  beginning  of  the  Pyramid  Period. The  full  account  by  Mr.  Wainwright,  who  excavated  these  tombs,  will  appear  in Meydum  and  Memphis,  the  annual  volume  of  the  British  School  in  Egypt. A  very  important  result  has  been  the  finding  a  series  of  quarry  marks  of  Sneferu, which  cover  the  whole  range  of  the  working  season.  This,  we  know,  by  the  conditions of  the  country,  was  from  April  to  October,  and  thus  we  find  the  interval  from  the XII  to  the  III  Dynasty  to  be  1,113  years,  with  about  40  years  of  uncertainty. This  accords  nearly  with  Manetho's  statement  of  1,198  years  :  if  we  credit  the  Egyptians with  knowing  their  own  history,  and  do  not  make  any  arbitrary  reductions,  this  gives the  date  of  4600  B.C.  for  Sneferu,  the  first  of  the  Pyramid  builders. The  other  main  results  of  the  season  were  the  removal  of  the  whole  of  the sculptures  of  Meydum,  the  earliest  known,  to  Cairo  and  other  museums  for  safety  ; the  successful  opening  of  the  low  levels  of  the  great  temple  of  Ptah  at  Memphis  by working  10  feet  under  water  level,  and  beginning  thus  to  find  the  sculptures,  a  work that  will  occupy  twenty  years  at  least,  and  the  finding  of  many  sealings  of  Persian  and early  Greek  work  which  illustrate  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries,  B.C.  Work  will  be continued  at  Memphis  and  its  neighbourhood  in  the  coming  winter. W.  M.  FLINDERS  PETRIE. DESCRIPTION  OF  PLATE. The  skull  was  found  with  the  rest  of  the  bones  in  the  granite  sarcophagus.  Its measurements  are  :  length,  187  mm.  ;  ophryon,  186  ;  breadth,  max.  141  ;  biauricular, 118;  bi-zygomatic,  123;  height  to  bregma,  140;  basi-nasal,  99;  basi-alveolar,  87; nasi-alveolar,  79  ;  nasal  height,  59  ;  width,  24  ;  nasion  to  chin,  127  ;  jaw  length,  max. 119  ;  breadth  at  joint,  121  ;  breadth  at  base,  101.  As  compared  with  usual  Egyptian heads  this  is  large  with  narrow  face,  extremely  orthognathous,  and  very  narrow  nose. In  every  respect  it  is  of  high  type. The  section  of  the  mound  shows  the  strata  of  pyramid  masons'  chips  which  were piled  over  the  stone  burial  chamber.  The  clearance  was  much  wider  within  the  mound in  order  to  reach  the  chamber  safely.  At  the  left  of  the  cutting  is  seen  the  brick wall  of  the  tomb  facade. The  granite  sarcophagus  in  the  stone  chamber  had  been  opened  by  plunderers. The  block  in  front  of  it  is  one  of  two  on  which  the  lid  had  rested  before  the  burial. The  stone  vases,  limestone  and  granite,  were  found  in  a  contemporary  tomb  of the  age  Sneferu,  4600  B.C. Australia.  Lang. The   Puzzle   of  Kaiabara   Sub-class   Names.      /;//  A.  Lang. If  we  study  the  sub-class  names  of  the  Kaiabara  tribe,  of  the  mountains Bunya  Bunya,  so  called  from  the  fruit  of  that  name  (the  hills  are  within  sixty  miles of  Maryborough  in   South  Queensland),  we  are  puzzled.      The  passages  are  in  Journ. [     130    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  80. Anthr.  Inst.,  1884,  p.  336,  in  Native  Tribes  of  South-East  Australia,  pp.  116,228, 230,  and  in  Mr.  Frazer's  Totemism,  Vol.  I,  pp.  443,  444,  446. Mr.  Howitt  (N.  T.  S.  E.  A.,  p.  231)  saw  that  there  is  probably  "an  inaccuracy." There  are  about  seven  inaccuracies  !  Mr.  Frazer  rightly  suspects  confusion  oft  the names  of  classes  and  sub-classes  with  those  of  totems,  in  Mr.  Howitt's  paper  in  Journ. Anthr.  Inst.  (XIII,  p.  336),  but  himself  makes  a  curious  oversight. If  I  may  conjecturally  emend  a  document  certainly  erroneous,  Mr.  Howitt's  table of  Kaiabara  "  totemic  marriages  "  (N.  T.  S.  E.  A.,  p.  229)  the  results  will  be  lucid, and,  I  think,  convincing.  The  puzzle  is  intricate. In  writing  on  the  social  organisation  of  the  Australian  tribes  {N.  T.  S.  E.  A., p.  104),  Mr.  Howitt,  when  he  comes  to  the  Kamilaroi  (female  descent  and  four  sub- classes), arranges  matters  thus  : — CLASSES  (PHRATRIES).  SUB-CLASSES.  TOTEMS. Kupathin.  Ipai.  Ten. Kumbo. Dilbi.  Mnrri.  Eight. Kubbi. Dealing  with  the  Kaiabara  tribe  (N.  T.  S.  E.  A.,  p.  116)  he  gives  : — CLASSES  (PHRATRIES).                   SUB-CLASSES.  TOTEMS. Kubatine.  Bulkoin.  Four. Bunda. Dilebi.  Baring.  Five. Turowain. Treating  of  the  marriage  rules  of  the  Kamilaroi,  Mr.  Howitt  mentions  only  the four  sub-class  names,  he  here  gives  none  of  the  totem  names,  and  all  is  plain  sailing. Only  the  four  class  names  occur  (N.  T.  S.  E.  A.,  p.  200). But,  on  reaching  the  marriage  rules  of  the  Kaiabara,  Mr.  Howitt  "  comes  to  the "  totemic  marriages,"  as  he  says  (^V.  T.  S.  E.  A.,  pp.  229,  230),  and  at  once  all  is confusion.  His  informants  mix  up  with  the  four  sub-class  names  certain  totem  names within  the  sub-classes,  one  name  having  been  reported  to  him  clearly  by  mistake. "  The  table  was  carefully  taken  down  from  the  statements  of  some  of  Mr.  Brooke's "  native  police,  as  to  themselves,  they  being  Kaiabara"  (N.  T.  S.  E.  A.,  p.  229). There  was  certainly  some  misunderstanding  between  Mr.  Brooke  and  the blacks. Thus,  looking  at  the  classes,  sub-classes,  and  totems  of  the  Kaiabara,  as  previously given  (N.  T.  S.  E.  A.,  p.  116),  we  find  :— CLASSES.  SUB-CLASSES.  TOTEMS. Kubatine.  Bulkoin.  Carpet  snake,  flood-water. Bunda.  Native   cat ;    white    eagle hawk. Dilebi.  Baring.  Turtle,     lightning  ;      rock Turowain.  carpet  snake. Bat,  black  eagle  hawk. The  native  names  for  the  totems  are  not  given,  nor  are  the  four  sub-class  names translated. But,  looking  again  (N.  T.  S.  E.  A.,  p.  229)  at  the  police  report  on  Kaiabara marriages,  we  find  that  in  giving  the  sub-class  names  of  the  males  who  marry,  the informants  have  mixed  in  one  of  the  four  totem  names  in  Bulkoin  and  Bunda,  and  two of  the  five  totem  names  in  Baring  and  Turowain. [    131     ] No.  80.]  MAN.  [1910, This  is  precisely  as  if  in  the  marriage  rules  of  the  Kamilaroi  one  totem  name  out of  the  ten  totem  names  in  the  sub-classes,  Ipai  and  Kumbo,  were  mixed  with  the sub-class  names  of  the  males  ;  while,  in  Murri  and  Kubbi,  two  of  the  eight  totems  in these  two  sub-classes  were  substituted  for  the  sub-class  names  of  the  males. The  result,  in  the  case  of  the  Kaiabara,  is  the  following  strange  confusion  : — MALE.  MARRIES  CHILDREN  ARE Bulkoin,  carpet  snake.       Turowain,  black  eagle.  Bunda,  white  eagle  hawk. Bunda,  native  cat.  Baring,  rock  carpet  snake.  Bulkoin,  scrub  carpet  snake. Baring,  turtle.  Bunda,  white  eagle  hawk.  Turowain,  black  eagle  haAvk. Turowain,  bat.  Bulkoin,  female  carpet  snake.       Baring,  scrub  carpet  snake. Here  "carpet  snake"  (1)  clearly  means  scrub  carpet  snake,  as  does  "female carpet  snake  "  (8)  mean  scrub  carpet  snake  ;  while  (12)  scrub  carpet  snake  loccurs twice  in  the  children's  sub-class  names,  once  as  of  Bulkoin,  once  as  of  Baring  sub-class, so  that  it  occurs  in  both  phratries !  and  (2,  3,  4)  three  totem  names  are  substituted for  class  names. It  will  be  observed  that  the  confusion  is  only  in  the  sub-class  translated  names of  the  males,  not  in  those  of  the  females  (bar  female  carpet  snake)  or  (emending  the double  appearance  of  scrub  carpet  snake  in  their  sub-class  names,  and  the  accompanying absence  of  rock  carpet  snake)  in  the  sub-class  names  of  the  children.  Here  this  is manifestly  incorrect ;  the  double  appearance  of  scrub  carpet  snake  in  both  phratries "  suggests  an  inaccuracy  which  I  was  unable  to  check,"  says  Mr.  Howitt (N.  T.  S.  E.  A.,  p.  230).  It  is  easy  to  correct  this  inaccuracy  by  reading  for "  Bulkoin,  female  carpet  snake,"  "  Bulkoin,  scrub  carpet  snake "  (as  given  as  to children's  sub-class  names),  and  for  "  Baring,  scrub  carpet  snake,"  "  Baring,  rock "  carpet  snake."  For  "  Bulkoin,  carpet  snake,"  in  the  male  sub-class  names,  we  must read  " Bulkoin,  scrub  carpet  snake"  (as  in  the  children's  sub-class  names).  In  the male  names  the  habitat  "  scrub "  has  been  carefully  omitted. Mr.  Frazer  has,  I  think,  hit  on  the  true  cause  of  the  confusion.  In  his  Totemism (Vol.  I,  p.  443,  note  3,  continued  on  p.  444)  he  speaks  of  Mr.  Howitt's  paper  in  Journ. Anthr.  Inst.,  Vol.  XIII  (1884),  p.  336.  Here  "Baring  is  interpreted  as  'turtle,' "  Bulkoin  as  '  carpet  snake,'  and  Bunda  as  '  native  cat.'  But  these  interpretations "  are  not  repeated  by  Dr.  Howitt  in  his  book." Yet  two  pages  later  (Totemism,  Vol.  I,  p.  446)  Mr.  Frazer  quotes  these  very interpretations  from  Mr.  Howitt's  book  (A7.  T.  S.  E.  A.,  p.  229).  Here,  as  in  1884, Bulkoin  is  given  as  "  carpet  snake,"  Baring  as  "  turtle,"  Bunda  as  "  native  cat,"  and Turowain  as  "  bat  "  (in  the  male  names),  just  as  in  Journ.  Anthr.  Inst.,  Vol.  XIII, p.  336.  Therefore  what  Mr.  Frazer  says  in  Totemism,  Vol.  I,  p.  443,  note  3,  about Mr.  Howitt's  interpretations  of  the  sub-class  names  given  in  Journ.  Anthr.  Inst.,  1884, equally  applies  to  the  same  interpretations  repeated  by  Mr.  Howitt  in  his  book  (1904). "  Perhaps  in  Dr.  Howitt's  earlier  statement "  (and  therefore  in  his  identical  latest)  "  the "  names  of  the  classes  and  sub-classes  were  confused  with  those  of  the  totems,  of "  which  none  were  given  "  (in  1884).  This  is  just  what  has  happened. In  1884  Mr.  Howitt  interpreted  the  Kaiabara  phratry  names  (spelled  Dilebi  and Cubatine)  as  flood-water  and  lightning.  He  now  (N.  T.  S.  E.  A.,  p.  116)  gives flood-water  as  a  totem,  not  in  Dilebi  but  in  Kubatine  phratry,  and  lightning  as  a totem,  not  in  Kubatine  but  in  Dilebi  phratry.  Of  course,  Kubatine  may  mean  flood water,  and  be  a  totem  in  Kubatine  phratry,  and  Dilebi  may  mean  lightning,  and  be a  totem  in  Dilebi  phratry,  as  we  very  frequently  find  the  phratry  animals  to  be  also totems  in  the  phratries.  But  the  names  of  the  sub-classes  appear  also  to  have  been confused  with  the  names  of  some  of  the  totems  by  Mr.  Brooke  and  the  police.  Totems in  the  sub-classes  of  the  males  have  been  given  in  place  of  the  sub-class  names  of [  132  ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No,  80. the  males,  which  themselves    are    names    of  animals,    as  in    the  Annan  River  tribe, where  we  have — SUB-CLASSES. Wandi,  eagle  hawk.  Jorro,  a(nother)  bee. Walar,  a  bee,  Kutchal,  salt-water  eagle  hawk. (N.  T.  S.E.  A.,  p.  118). Assuming  this,  we  have  : — SUB-CLASSES.  MARRIES                              CHILDREN  ARE Bulkoin,       scrub      .carpet  Turowain,      black      eagle      Bunda,  white  eagle  hawk. snake.  hawk. Bunda,  white  eagle  hawk.  Baring,  rock  carpet  snake.      Bulkoin,  scrub  carpet  snake. Baring,  rock  carpet  snake.  Bunda,  white  eagle  hawk.      Turowain,  black  eagle  hawk. Turowain,       black      eagle  Bulkoin,       scrub       carpet      Baring,  rock  carpet  snake, hawk.  snake. All  this  is  in  the  regular  normal  order.  The  children,  with  male  descent  and four  sub-classes,  take  the  linked  sub-class  of  the  father,  the  sub-class  which  is  not his  own.  The  totem  names  of  some  males,  except  "  Bulkoin,  carpet  snake  "  (when we  must  read  scrub  carpet  snake),  the  totem  names  native  cat,  turtle,  bat,  have  been erroneously  given  as  names  of  the  sub-classes ;  really  they  are  totem  names  within  their sub-classes.  "  Bulkoin,  female  carpet  snake,"  has  been  given  in  the  female  sub-class names  by  misinterpretation,  in  place  of  scrub  carpet  snake.  Finally,  "  scrub  carpet snake,"  in  the  children's  sub-class  names,  has  been  impossibly  given  to  Baring,  which is  rock  carpet  snake. Thus,  as  in  Mr.  Frazer's  suggestion,  the  names  of  the  sub-classes  were  confused with  those  of  the  totems,  and  when  two  other  careless  blunders  are  corrected,  we  solve the  puzzle  of  the  Kaiabara.  Mr.  Howitt,  on  the  other  hand,  says  that  "  while  there  is "  male  descent  in  the  classes  and  sub-classes,  it  is  in  the  female  line  with  the  totems, "  with  the  peculiarity  that  while  the  child  takes  the  same  beast  or  bird  as  its  mother, "  it  is  of  a  different  colour  or  gender  "  (N.  T.  S.  E.  A.,  p.  230). In  fact,  the  child's  totem  is  not  mentioned  at  all,  it  takes  the  sub-class  name (an  animal  name)  that  is  linked  with  its  father's  sub-class,  as  is  normal.  The  totem names,  native  cat,  turtle,  bat,  erroneously  given  as  male  sub-class  names,  do  not  again appear  in  the  tables,  nor  do  any  names  except  sub-class  names  reappear. Mr.  Frazer  says,  "  It  is  curious  that  with  male  descent  of  the  class  and  sub-class, "  the  totem  of  the  child  should  be  akin  to  that  of  its  mother  instead  of  to  that  of  its "  father"  (Totemism,  Vol.  I,  p.  447).  But,  unless  I  am  strangely  mistaken,  the  totem names  of  the  children  are  not  given,  only  their  sub-class  names  are  given,  and  these happen,  as  on  the  Annan  River,  and  among  the  Kuinmurbura  (N.  T.  S.  E.  A.,  p.  Ill), and  I  believe,  among  the  Kamilaroi,  to  be  names  of  animals.  It  is,  of  course,  possible that  the  animals  which  give  these  names  to  the  sub-classes  are  also  totems  within  the sub-classes.  In  the  Kaiabara  sub-class  names,  as  in  the  phratry  names  of  so  many tribes  (eagle  hawk — crow,  black  cockatoo — white  cockatoo  ;  crow — white  cockatoo,  &c.), we  observe  the  marked  contrast,  in  colour  or  in  habitat  (black  eagle  hawk — white eagle  hawk,  rock  carpet  snake — scrub  carpet  snake),  of  the  opposite  exogamous  sets. When  Mr.  Howitt,  followed  by  others,  says  that  the  Kuinmurbura's  is  "  one  of  the "  rare  instances  of  class  "  (phratry)  "  or  sub-class  names  being  totems  "  (A7.  T.  *S'.  E.  A., p.  Ill),  he  probably  means  "one  of  the  cases  in  which  the  names  of  phratries  or sub-classes  are  known  to  be  names  of  animals."  As  a  matter  of  fact,  only  some sixty  phratry  names  are  known  to  us,  of  these  only  a  third  can  be  translated,  while  all that  can  be  translated,  save  one  (the  Euahlayi),  are  animal  names.  Because  we  can translate  but  a  few  sub-class  names — almost  all  being  animal  names — we  cannot  decide [  133  ] Nos.  80-81.]  MAN.  [1910. that  the  untranslated  names  are  not  names  of  animals.  Animal  names  and  phratries are  so  far  from  being  rare  that  all  the  translated  names,  with  one  exception,  are  animal names.  I  may  add  that  in  Mr.  Howitt's  tables  of  the  Kuinmurbura  sub-classes  and totems  (AT.  T.  8.  E.  A.,  pp.  Ill,  218  ;  Tote  mis  m,  pp.  418,  419)  the  same  confusion  of totem  names  and  sub-class  animal  names  appears  to  have  been  made  by  informants  as in  the  case  of  the  Kaiabara.  A.  LANG. America,  South.  Hardenburg. The    Indians    of   the    Putumayo,    Upper    Amazon.       By     W.    E.     04 Hardenburg.  U I The  extensive  area  traversed  by  the  River  Putumayo — one  of  the  principal northern  tributaries  of  the  Upper  Amazon — and,  at  present  in  dispute  between  the three  rival  republics  of  Colombia,  Peru,  and  Ecuador,  is  inhabited  by  many  distinct tribes  of  Indians,  such  as  the  Huitotos,  the  Boras,  the  Cionis,  the  Andoques,  and  several others.  Of  these  the  largest  and  most  important  tribe  is  the  Huitoto. The  Huitoto  tribe  is  divided  up  inio  numerous  sub-tribes  or  naciones,  each  having a  distinct  name,  as,  for  example,  the  Maynanes,  the  Recigaros,  the  Yabuyanos,  &c. Each  of  these  sub-tribes  has  its  own  chief,  called  a  capitan  or  tuchaua,  and  appears  to be  quite  independent  of  the  rest.  A  sub-tribe  may  vary  in  size  from  twenty-five  to five  hundred  individuals,  and  often  more. All  these  sub-tribes  speak  more  or  less  the  same  language — Huitoto,  a  simple dialect  with  but  little  grammar,  employing  neither  conjunctions  nor  articles.  The words  in  a  sentence  are  pronounced  slowly,  with  a  prolonged  and  harmonious  intonation, producing  a  melodious  effect  which  is  pleasing  to  the  ear. The  Huitotos  are  a  well-formed  race,  and,  although  small,  are  stout  and  strong, with  broad  chests  and  prominent  busts  ;  but  their  limbs,  especially  the  lower,  are  but little  developed.  Their  hair,  long  and  abundant,  is  black  and  coarse,  and  is  worn  long by  both  sexes.  A  peculiar  custom  is  that  of  pulling  out  the  eye-brows,  eye-lashes,  and the  fine  hairs  of  the  other  parts  of  the  body.  That  repugnant  sight,  a  protruding abdomen,  is  very  rare  among  these  aborigines. Among  the  women,  the  habit  of  carrying  their  young  on  their  backs  makes  them adopt  an  inclined  position,  which  they  generally  preserve  all  their  life.  Their  feet  are turned  inwards,  and  when  they  walk  their  thighs  often  strike  against  each  other. Notwithstanding  these  defects,  I  have  frequently  observed  among  these  women  many really  beautiful,  for  their  magnificent  figures,  their  free  and  graceful  movements,  and a  charming  simplicity,  peculiar  to  them,  give  them  a  pretty  attractiveness  of  a  type rarely  met  among  civilized  women. The  men,  on  the  contrary,  walk  with  their  feet  turned  outwards,  as  a  rule  ;  but when  crossing  a  log  or  a  tree,  which  in  this  region  often  serves  as  a  bridge  over  a stream,  they  turn  them  inwards,  in  this  way  obtaining  greater  stability,  and  avoiding slipping.  The  big  toes  of  their  feet  are  endowed  with  great  flexibility,  and  they use  them  to  pick  up  things  from  the  ground. The  custom  of  mutilation  is  very  common  among  all  the  male  Huitotos.  Those of  the  Upper  Igaraparana  and  the  Caraparana — the  two  principal  tributaries  of  the Central  Putumayo — perforate  the  dividing  wall  of  the  nose,  and  stick  through  the orifice  a  tube  of  junco,  often  as  thick  as  a  lead-pencil,  while  the  inhabitants  of the  central  portion  of  the  Igaraparana  pierce  the  whole  lower  extremity  of  this organ  with  variously  coloured  sticks  and  feathers,  sometimes  traversing  vertically the  lower  lip  with  others.  All  have  a  long,  thick  rod,  often  adorned  with  curious carvings,  stuck  through  the  lobe  of  the  ear. These  Indians  are  humble  and  hospitable  to  a  marked  degree,  except  a  few  of  the more  remote  sub-tribes,  who  are  still — happy  beings  ! — free  and  independent,  and  not [     134    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No,  81. yet  in  contact  with  the  "  civilisation  "  of  the  Upper  Amazon.  I  remember  more  than once  reaching  some  Indian  hut,  completely  exhausted  after  a  long  day's  tramp  over the  hardly  recognisable  trails  that  traverse  these  solitudes,  and  being  warmly  welcomed by  the  Huitotos,  who  plied  my  party  with  plantains  and  fruits  from  the  forest,  in fact,  with  everything  they  possessed  in  the  way  of  food.  In  return,  we  presented them  with  such  trifles  as  a  box  of  matches,  a  small  mirror,  and  similar  articles,  with which  they  were  perfectly  content. Few  matrimonial  formalities  are  observed  among  the  Huitotos.  The  prospective bridegroom  clears  a  small  piece  of  land,  builds  a  house — or  secures  quarters  in  one already  built — gives  a  small  bag  of  coca  or  tobacco  to  the  chief  to  obtain  his approval,  and  cuts  a  supply  of  wood  for  his  future  mother-in-law  ;  a  couple  of  weeks later  the  girl  is  given  to  him.  and  they  are  man  and  wife. These  unions  are  considered  binding  among  the  Huitotos,  and  it  is  very  rarely that  serious  disagreements  arise  between  husband  and  wife.  The  women  are  naturally chaste,  and  it  was  not  until  the  advent  of  the  rubber-collectors  that  they  began  to lose  this  primitive  virtue,  so  generally  met  with  among  people  not  yet  in  contact with  white  men.  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that,  among  these  aborigines,  polygamy does  not  exist,  and  only  in  very  rare  cases  does  the  capitdn  or  tuchaua  have  more than  one  wife. Although  I  cannot  vouch  for  it,  I  have  been  told  that  when  a  child  is  born,  the mother  takes  it  to  the  river,  and,  after  washing  it,  covers  the  baby  with  rubber  milk in  order  to  keep  it  warm.  Infant  mortality  is  fairly  great  among  the  Huitotos,  owing to  the  prevailing  ignorance  of  the  women  and  the  hardships  the  babies  have  to undergo. A  peculiar  custom,  very  common  among  these  Indians,  is  that  of  giving  the  name of  a  person  who  has  just  died  to  another  member  of  the  family,  generally  to  the  one who  has  been  the  especial  favourite  of  the  deceased.  The  individual  so  honoured then  drops  his  former  name. When  any  one  of  their  capitanes  dies  he  is  buried  under  his  own  house  wrapped up  in  a  new  palm-fibre  hammock,  together  with  all  his  weapons,  utensils,  &c.  The hut  is  then  abandoned  and  a  new  one  is  built  by  the  survivors  and  their  friends Ordinary  members  of  the  tribe,  including  women  and  children,  are  merely  interred under  the  floor  without  more  ceremony. One  day,  while  at  La  Reserva,  I  witnessed  a  most  interesting  ceremony — nothing less  than  the  celebrated  chupe  del  tabaco,  or  tobacco  drinking.  A  large  group  of Indians  was  congregated  about  a  small  pot  placed  upon  the  ground,  which  contained  a strong  extract  of  tobacco.  The  capitdn  first  introduced  his  forefinger  into  the  liquid and  commenced  a  long  oration,  which  was  from  time  to  time  interrupted  by  the  rest with  an  ear-splitting  "  how  "  of  approval  ;  then  they  became  more  and  more  excited, until  finally  the  pot  was  solemnly  passed  round,  and  each  in  turn  dipped  his  finger into  the  liquid  and  applied  it  to  the  tip  of  his  tongue.  This  ceremony,  which  is  used only  to  celebrate  important  agreements,  constitutes  the  Huitotos'  most  solemn  oath, which  is  said  never  to  have  been  broken. The  houses  of  these  aborigines  are  generally  large  and  circular  in  form,  averaging about  60  or  70  feet  in  diameter,  and  covered  with  a  well-woven  thatch  roof  capable  of lasting  for  years,  made  from  the  leaves  of  the  yarina  or  vegetable-ivory  tree  (Phite- lephus  macrocarpa).  This  roof  often  reaches  almost  to  the  ground.  The  framework, generally  chonta  (Bactris  ciliatd)  or  some  other  hard,  durable  wood,  is  held  together  by means  of  strong  bejucos  and  ropes  made  of  the  tough  inner  bark  of  a  tree  called  the sacha-huasca.  As  there  are  no  windows  and  only  a  small  opening  that  serves  as  a door,  no  light  nor  air  can  enter,  and  the  smoke  and  heat  are  generally  suffocating. As  a  rule,  several  families  live  in  one  house,  each,  however,  having  its  own [  135  ] No,  81.]  MAN.  [1910. particular  corner  and  fire-place,  as  well  as  its  own  domestic  utensils,  generally  limited to  a  few  earthen  pots,  some  baskets,  various  kinds  of  paint,  a  few  primitive  musical instruments,  such  as  rude  drums,  bamboo  flutes  and  whistles  made  from  the  leg-bone of  a  large  bird  known  as  the  nandu,  several  knives  made  of  chonta,  some  torches  of the  heart  of  the  'maguey  or  a  piece  of  chonta  impregnated  with  resin,  and  a  few  similar articles.  Over  the  fire-place  there  always  boils  a  small  pot  of  the  celebrated casaramatiu,  a  peculiar  sort  of  sauce  composed  of  the  brains,  liver,  and  blood  of  the animals  they  kill,  well  seasoned  with  the  fiery  aji.  This  sauce  or  gravy  never  gives out,  for  as  it  diminishes  day  by  day  new  doses  of  the  ingredients  are  added.  A  basket of  dry  fish  or  meat  to  be  smoked  may  sometimes  be  seen  hanging  in  the  smoke  just above  the  fire. The  Huitotos  formerly  slept  in  light  durable  hammocks  which  they  manufactured from  the  strong  fibres  of  the  leaves  of  the  chambira  palm,  but  to-day  they  are  worked so  hard  by  the  rubber  collectors  that  the  greater  part  of  them  are  obliged  to  sleep  on the  ground  on  account  of  not  having  time  to  make  their  hammocks.  These  hammocks, as  well  as  most  of  the  other  interesting  objects  manufactured  by  the  Huitotos,  are now  becoming  extremely  rare. The  principal  hunting  weapon  used  by  these  Indians  is  the  bodoqueda,  cerbatana, or  blow-gun  called  obidiaque  by  them.  This  is  a  hollow  pole  about  two  or  three  metres long,  provided  with  a  mouth-piece,  and  wound  around  with  strips  of  tough  bark,  over which  is  applied  a  smooth  black  coating  of  gum  resin  from  the  arbol  del  lacre,  or sealing-wax  tree.  In  the  mouth-piece  is  inserted  a  small  arrow,  some  eight  or ten  inches  long  and  pointed  at  one  end,  the  other  being  provided  with  a  wisp  of  cotton from  the  huimba  (Bombax).  The  mouth  is  then  applied  and,  with  the  breath,  the  little arrow  is  shot  out  to  a  distance  of  from  thirty  to  forty  metres. These  arrows,  apparently  so  insignificant,  are  in  reality  fearful  in  their  effects, for  their  points  are  tipped  with  the  celebrated  curare  made  from  the  Strychnos castelmoeana,  called  by  them  ramu,  and  from  the  Cocculus  toxicoferus,  known  to  the aborigines  as  pani.  The  points  are  often  cut,  so  that  they  break  off  after  penetrating the  skin  and  stay  in  the  wound.  A  puncture  of  the  skin  by  one  of  these  arrows causes  death  within  a  minute,  for  I  have  seen  a  large  dog,  struck  by  one  of  these little  missiles,  drop  dead  before  he  could  run  five  yards. The  construction  of  the  obidiaque  is  a  long  and  laborious  process.  From  the chonta  palm  two  sticks,  from  two  or  three  metres  in  length,  are  split  and  gradually elaborated,  so  as  to  have  the  section  of  a  semi-circle  throughout  their  whole  tapering length.  Then,  on  the  flat  surface  of  each  stick,  a  small  semi-circular  groove  is  cut, and  the  two  pieces  are  cleverly  joined  together.  The  hole  is  then  Arery  skilfully finished  and  polished  internally  by  means  of  a  gummy  cord,  previously  rolled  in  sand and  dried.  This  operation  concluded,  the  whole  length  of  the  weapon  is  carefully wound  around  with  strings  made  from  the  inner  bark  of  the  huimbaquiro,  gummed together  and  covered  with  a  thick  coating  of  the  resinous  gum  of  the  sealing-wax tree.  The  mouth-piece  is  then  attached,  and  this  novel  arm  is  ready  for  use. Another  important  weapon  is  the  moruco,  a  light  spear  with  a  poisoned  tip,  about two  metres  long.  The  Indians  generally  carry  eight  or  ten  of  them  together  in  a bamboo  case,  and  they  handle  them  with  the  greatest  skill,  throwing  them  from  the hand  to  a  distance  of  twenty  metres.  These  spears  are  equipped  with  various  points, according  to  the  purpose  for  which  they  are  to  be  used.  Thus,  a  spear,  the  sides  of which  are  provided  with  barbs,  is  for  hunting  large  animals  like  the  tapir  ;  a  round one  with  a  sharp  point  is  for  war  ;  a  spear  with  a  sort  of  blade,  formed  from  bamboo, with  two  sharp  edges,  is  for  fishing,  while  an  arrow  with  a  blunt  point  is  used  to kill  birds,  without  injuring  their  feathers.  The  points  of  most  spears  and  arrows  are of  chonta.  Bows  are  not  used  by  the  Huitotos. [    136    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  81. The  macana  is  a  stout,  heavy  piece  of  hard  wood,  shaped  like  a  double-edged sword,  and  is  generally  used  only  in  combats  between  individuals.  A  well-delivered blow  with  this  terrible  weapon  will  split  a  man's  head  from  crown  to  chin. For  fishing  they  use  nets  made  of  chambira  palm  fibre,  spears  and  hooks  manu- factured from  hard  wood  or  thorns,  which  they  bait  with  larvae  or  with  the  fruits  of the  setico  tree.  Besides  these,  they  very  frequently  employ  the  celebrated  barbasco, (Yacquinia  armillaris.)  Selecting  some  pool  or  quiet  corner  of  the  river,  they  drop a  quantity  of  the  crushed  leaves  and  root  of  this  plant  into  the  water,  which  shortly assumes  a  milky  hue  and  soon  poisons  the  fish,  both  large  and  small.  Immediately the  whole  surface  of  the  pool  becomes  covered  with  the  dead  bodies  of  the  fish,  of which  the  largest  are  selected,  the  rest,  including  the  millions  of  tiny  fish,  thus  being left  to  rot  without  the  slightest  compunction.  On  other  occasions,  the  Huitotos  often take  advantage  of  the  pools  left  when  the  river  goes  down  in  the  dry  season,  the fish  imprisoned  in  them  being  either  speared  or  caught  in  a  net. A  peculiar  apparatus,  used  by  these  Indians  as  a  sort  of  wireless  telegraph,  is  the manguare,  formed  by  two  logs  of  hard  wood,  about  two  metres  long  and  about  forty  and seventy  centimetres  in  diameter  respectively,  pierced  longitudinally  by  a  narrow  hole  of a  rectangular  section,  burnt  in  by  heated  stones.  Thus  each  log  has  two  distinct sonorous  surfaces,  separated  by  this  narrow  rectangular  hollow,  each  surface  giving a  different  sound,  as  the  longitudinal  hole  "is  generally  a  little  to  one  side  of  the  centre of  the  log.  One  of  these  logs  is  always  thicker  than  the  other,  and  this  one  produces two  grave  tones,  while  the  smaller  trunk  gives  out  two  acute  ones  ;  in  all,  four  notes. This  instrument  is  generally  suspended  by  a  string  from  the  roof  timbers  or  from  a  high tree  near  the  house,  and,  in  order  to  prevent  swinging,  it  is  tied  by  another  string  to a  stick  buried  in  the  ground. To  communicate  by  this  novel  instrument  the  Indian  steps  between  the  two  logs, and  with  a  stout  club  tipped  with  rubber  knocks  alternately  upon  the  sonorous  surfaces of  the  two  logs.  A  code  is  arranged,  based  upon  the  difference  of  tones  and  the  length and  number  of  the  blows  struck,  so  that  all  kinds  of  messages  can  be  exchanged.  I have  frequently  distinctly  heard  messages  sent  from  a  distance  of  from  twelve  to  fifteen kilometres  ;  that  is,  on  a  calm  day,  when  there  was  no  wind. The  dress  of  the  men  is  very  simple,  being  composed  only  of  a  broad  belt  of  a tough  inner  bark  called  llanchama,  from  which  another  piece  of  the  same  material reaches  down  in  front,  and,  passing  between  the  legs,  is  attached  to  the  belt  again behind.  This  garment  is  called  moggen  by  the  Huitotos.  The  tribes  of  the  Upper Igaraparana  have  simplified  this  already  simple  costume,  and  suspended  from  the  front of  the  belt  only  a  small  sheet  of  llanchama.  They  sometimes  wear,  in  addition  to  this, several  bracelets  of  chambira  fibre  on  their  wrists  and  ankles. The  garb  of  the  women  is  still  more  primitive,  for  they  are  clothed  only  in  four bracelets,  two  of  which  they  wear  on  their  wrists  and  the  other  two  just  above  their ankles.  This  poverty  of  dress  is  not  on  account  of  any  dislike  for  clothes,  but  because their  employers  will  not  supply  them  with  any. As  the  Huitotos  are  so  constantly  employed  in  the  extraction  of  rubber,  the  only food  they  get  is  the  little  yuca,  and  plantains  that  their  women  have  time  to  cultivate, and  a  few  products  of  the  forest,  such  as  certain  large  worms  they  extract  from  the bark  of  different  trees,  the  tender  tops  of  the  chonta  palm,  a  few  wild  fruits,  &c.  The result  is  that  many  die  of  starvation. Their  only  beverage  is  the  cahuana,  a  preparation  of  yuca  and  the  pulp  of  a  forest fruit,  called  the  aguaje.  It  is  of  a  dirty,  brownish  colour,  and  tastes  as  bad  as  it looks. A  custom  very  general,  not  only  among  the  Huitotos,  but  also  among  many  of  the "  whites,"  is  the  use  of  the  coca  (Erythroxylon  coca).  The  leaves  are  picked  from [    137    1 No.  81.]  MAN.  [1910. the  tree,  and,  after  being  well  toasted,  are  pulverised  and  mixed  with  the  ashes  of  the burnt  leaves  of  another  plant — I  could  not  ascertain  its  name — in  order  to  take  away the  bitter  taste  observed  when  the  coca  is  used  alone.  The  drug  is  then  ready  for  use, and,  inserted  into  the  mouth,  is  rolled  up  under  the  cheek,  where  it  is  sometimes  kept  for half  a  day  at  a  time.  The  juice  is  swallowed. It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  coca  acts  as  a  powerful  stimulant,  and  these  Indians claim  that  it  is  especially  useful  when  on  a  march  or  without  food.  Indeed,  it does  seem  to  enable  them  to  perform  really  wonderful  feats  of  endurance.  While in  this  region  I  took  several  doses  of  the  coca,  which  at  first  affected  me  with a  slight  nausea,  but  I  soon  became  accustomed  to  it,  and  found  it  very  useful  on many  occasions. Sometimes  the  Indians  hold  one  of  their  rare  dances,  which  is  an  occasion  of  much festivity  ;  but  it  should  be  observed  that  to-day  they  have  lost  many  of  their  former interesting  ceremonies,  and  those  that  th'ey  still  have  are  held  only  for  a  short  period  in the  dry  season,  when  the  extraction  of  rubber  must  be  temporarily  abandoned. In  order  to  carry  out  these  dances  properly,  the  Huitotos  paint  themselves  all  over with  various  colours,  some  of  the  designs  representing  branches  of  trees,  animals,  and geometrical  figures,  while  both  men  and  women  adorn  themselves  with  their  beautiful feather  ornaments  of  many  different  colours,  and  various  necklaces  of  monkey  and danta -teeth.  Around  their  bodies  and  on  their  legs  they  attach  long  strings  of  rattling shells,  called  cascabeles. Then  they  begin  dancing,  keeping  accurate  time,  marking  time  with  their  right feet,  at  the  same  time  singing  in  chorus  their  ancient  songs,  the  peculiar  and  ear- splitting  intonation  of  which  is  accompanied  by  blows  upon  the  manguare,  the beating  of  drums  and  the  shrill  whistle  of  their  flutes.  They  generally  imbibe  during these  dances  a  goodly  quantity  of  cahuana,  and  the  chupe  del  tabaco  is  always  an important  feature.  The  few  who  possess  clothes  generally  wear  them  on  these occasions,  painting  those  parts  of  the  body  not  covered  by  them.  These  dances formerly  went  on  from  one  house  to  another  for  several  days  in  succession,  and  the manguare  was  hardly  ever  silent  during  this  time. On  other  special  occasions  the  Huitotos  also  paint  themselves.  During  my  stay  in this  region  I  remember  on  one  journey  I  stopped  at  an  Indian  hut  near  La  Reserva, where  I  saw  an  Indian  woman  painted  in  a  most  extraordinary  manner.  Her  arms were  painted  red  and  her  legs  yellow,  while  her  face,  bosom,  and  hips  were  covered  with different  designs,  strange  and  bizarre-looking  in  the  extreme.  The  women  of  the Quinenes  sub-tribe  have  the  custom  of  sometimes  covering  the  whole  body  with  a  sort of  resin  obtained  from  the  arbol  del  lacre,  over  which  they  daub  ashes.  I  was  unable to  ascertain  the  reason  for  this  extraordinary  proceeding. The  religion  of  the  Huitotos  is  a  confused  mixture  of  several  beliefs.  Thus,  after over  ten  years  contact  with  the  "  whites,"  who  have  taught  them  nothing  of  Christianity, they  still  worship  the  sun  (Itoma)  and  the  moon  (Fuel),  and  at  the  same  time  believe  in the  existence  of  a  Superior  Being  called  Usinamu,  and  an  inferior  potentate  named Taifeno,  who  is  also  supposed  to  be  the  spirit  of  evil.  They,  also  appear  to  believe  in a  future  life  to  be  spent  in  happy  hunting  grounds,  &c.,  but  these  ideas  are  vague  and confused,  and  mingled  with  the  most  astounding  superstitions. In  conclusion,  I  must  call  attention  to  the  fact  that,  owing  to  the  oppressions  of the  rubber  collectors,  the  numbers  of  these  Indians  are  diminishing  to  an  alarming degree,  and  unless  something  is  done  to  protect  them  this  noble  race  of  aborigines  will, in  my  opinion,  soon  disappear  completely,  as  have  so  many  others  in  the  region  of  the Upper  Amazon.  W.  E.  HARDENBURG. I    138    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  82. REVIEWS. Australia.  Matthew. Two  Representative  Tribes  of  Queensland,  with  an  Inquiry  concerning  the  Qfl Origin  of  the  Australian  Race.  By  John  Matthew,  M.A.,  B.D.,  with  an  Ofc introduction  by  Professor  A.  H.  Keane,  LL.D.,  F. R.A.I.,  F.R.Gr.S.  London  :  Unwin, 1910.  Pp.  xxiii  +  25-256.  19  x  12  cm.  Price  5*.  net. This  new  book  by  the  Rev.  J.  Matthew  contains,  besides  a  short  discussion  of his  theory  on  the  origin  of  the  Australians,*  a  very  full  and  interesting  description of  the  Kabi  and  Wakka  tribes  ;  it  being  the  only  extensive  first-hand  information on  this  part  of  Australia  that  we  have.  His  "  Eaglehawk  and  Crow "  theory  is shortly  but  clearly  set  forth  (pp.  xi,  xii)  in  the  introduction  by  Professor  Keane, who  also  gives  a  brief  account  of  Mr.  Matthew's  studies  and  scientific  achievements (pp.  xi-xix).  According  to  the  theory  of  Mr.  Matthew  "  the  Australians  are  a "  hybrid  race  whose  basal  element  is  the  Papuasian,  but  represented  in  recent  times "  by  the  now  extinct  Tasmanians."  Afterwards  "  Australia  was  invaded  by  a  people "  of  unknown  stock,  possibly  akin  to  the  Dravidians  of  India."  "  Lastly,  there  was "  a  very  much  later  and  slighter  Malayan  graft  "  (pp.  xi,  xii  ;  28-31).  With  these events  the  author  connects  the  problem  of  origin  of  phratries  ;  "  the  inter-marrying "  classes  originally  represented  two  different  races"  (p.  138).  Hence  the  phratric names  Eaglehawk  and  Crow,  White  Cockatoo  and  Black  Cockatoo  (p.  138),  light- blooded  and  dark-blooded  phratry  (p.  141).  "The  multiplication  of  classes  from  two "  to  four  and  from  four  to  eight  was  due  to  an  amalgamation  of  tribes "  (p.  140). This  is  a  rough  outline  of  the  ingenious  theory  of  Mr.  Matthew,  which  is  supported by  many  arguments,  chiefly  of  a  linguistic  character  (p.  26).  In  this  book,  besides  a short  repetition  of  the  theory  and  many  additional  instances  in  its  favour  (pp.  25-36, 138-143,  149-152,  160),  we  find  a  short  polemic  with  ir,s  opponents  (pp.  36-66). What  is  especially  valuable  in  a  book  of  first-hand  information  is  a  description as  objective  and  full  as  possible  of  the  facts.  Every  side  and  feature  of  native  life should  be  described  in  as  concrete  terms  as  possible.  Even  details,  insignificant  and superfluous  as  they  appear,  may  in  light  of  a  new  method  of  investigation  prove  of the  greatest  importance.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  always  good  if  the  observer  refrains from  mixing  his  own  theories  with  the  related  facts  as  much  as  possible.  The  book on  the  Todas,  by  Dr.  Rivers,  stands  as  a  model  in  both  these  methodological  respects  ; as  he  also  is  the  first  who  puts  these  two  points  as  a  basis  of  his  methods  of  investi- gation. From  such  collection  of  facts  future  students  will  always  be  able  to  draw their  conclusions  and  build  their  theories,  even  if  they  have  by  far  surpassed  the original  author  in  general  views  and  methods  of  reasoning. The  book  of  the  Rev.  J.  Matthew  possesses  these  two  qualities  to  a  consider- able degree,  and  will  be  undoubtedly  in  the  future  a  valuable  source  for  Australian reference. The  two  tribes  in  question,  Kabi  and  Wakka,  live  in  the  south-eastern  part  of Queensland  round  Maryborough,  about  eighty-five  miles  inland.  The  country  is  in general  hilly,  well- watered,  and  fertile  ;  it  is  the  country  of  the  bunya  tree  (pp.  67-71). The  tribes  present  the  usual  type,  both  mentally  and  bodily  ;  now  they  are nearly  extinct  and  the  remnant  live  in  aboriginal  reserves  (pp.  72-82). Mr.  Matthew  gives  plenty  of  useful  information  on  native  family  life,  which  is the  more  valuable  as  many  authors,  even  of  our  best,  prefer  to  prove  the  previous existence  of  group  marriage,  or  even  promiscuity,  than  to  give  clear  accounts  of  the actually  existing  individual  family.  The  present  book  brings  much  light  to  bear  on this  point,  and  although  the  author  did  not  consider  it  advisable  to  abstain  from expressing  side  by  side  with  the  facts  his  views  on  them,  there  is,  however,  in  most *  Exposed  in  Eaglehaivk  and  Crow. [     139    ] No.  82,]  MAN.  [1910. cases,  a  very  clear  line  of  demarcation  between  what  actually  exists  and  what  the author  would  like  to  prove — a  quality  that  we  do  not  often  find  in  Australian  infor- mation on  family  or  even  class  systems. We  have  a  very  clear  statement  on  the  individual  family  :  "  The  family,  con- "  sisting  of  husband  and  wife,  or  wives,  with  their  children,  constituted  a  distinct "  social  unit."  The  mother  always  reared  her  own  children.  Children  were  over- indulged (p.  153).  The  author  gives  two  kinship  tables  (pp.  155,  156).  There  were no  individual  terms  for  father,  mother,  son,  daughter.  Mr.  Mathew  is  opposed  to  the theory  of  group  marriage  and  its  origins  as  it  was  set  forth  by  Howitt  and  Spencer and  Gillen  (pp.  157,  159).  There  are,  further,  some  interesting  new  facts  in  connection with  marriage.  Marriage  by  capture  and  marriage  by  arrangement  have  different designations  (p.  160).  There  seems  to  have  been  sexual  jealousy  and  exclusive individual  rights  to  a  woman,  with  rare  exceptions,  perhaps  (pp.  161,  162)  ;  mono- polisation of  women  by  old  men  (p.  162)  ;  the  well-known  mother-in-law  taboo  seems to  have  existed  in  these  tribes,  too  (p.  163)  ;  not  so  much  scarcity  of  food  as  the troubles  of  nursing  are  alleged  as  the  cause  of  infanticide  (pp.  165,  166).  The  author also  gives  a  short  sketch  of  the  family  in  its  daily  life.'  Each  family  lived  under  a  mere shelter  of  bark  (p.  89).  The  man  had  to  hunt  and  cook  (pp.  86,  87).  The  women did  the  other  work  (p.  87)  :  the  building  of  shelters  (p.  89)  and  carrying  of  babies, household  implements,  and  fire  sticks  on  the  march  (pp.  83,  84).  Amongst  other  food we  have  mentioned  are  honey  and  the  mode  of  obtaining  it  (p.  86)  ;  opossum,  and  the way  it  is  cut  out  of  a  tree  (p.  88)  ;  grubs,  turtles  (p.  89)  ;  bunya  nuts  (93)  ;  and  other kinds  of  food,  which  are  very  fully  enumerated  (pp.  86-94).  There  were  some  age and  sex  taboos  (p.  91).  Cannibalism  was  known  (p.  94).  Of  the  other  social  units we  get  a  very  clear  definition  of  local  group,  which  consists  "  of  a  few  families  claiming territory  "  (p.  128).  Speech  was  the  chief  bond  of  a  tribe  which  consisted  of  several groups  (p.  128).  Old  men  wielded  all  authority  (p.  129). The  tribes  in  question  had  four  classes  forming  two  strictly  exogamous  phratries (pp.  131-133).  Each  class  has  in  the  opposite  phratry  a  preferential  class  in  which  it should  marry,  but  if  it  were  impossible  to  obtain  a  wife  from  this  preferential  class  a man  could  have  a  spouse  from  the  other  class  of  the  right  phratry  (p.  136).  Descent was  matrilineal  (pp.  133-136).  Mr.  Matthew  proves  that  we  can  only  divide  the  classes of  these  tribes  into  two  groups,  in  such  a  way  as  to  maintain  matriliny  (p.  135). He  quotes  also  a  couple  of  concrete  examples  illustrating  this  assertion  (p.  137). Interesting  is  the  distribution  of  many  (but  not  all)  objects,  animals,  and  plants  between the  two  phratries  (pp.  143-145).  There  were  no  class  taboos  (p.  145).  There  is  a  full account  of  the  initiation  ceremony  (pp.  97-109).  There  was  neither  circumcision  nor subincision  (p.  9),  some  fire  ceremonies  of  the  Eugwura  type  (pp.  100,  102),  and  a  sort of  marriage  ceremony  which  was  as  yet  an  unknown  feature  of  these  ceremonies (p.  106). The  methods  of  medical  treatment  are  of  the  usual  type  (pp.  110-114),  but  they are  very  amply  described  as  also  burial  and  mourning  (pp.  113-116).  The  natives  had some  propitiatory  religious  rites  (p.  168),  and  also  some  vague  conceptions  of  super- natural beings  (pp.  169—173).  Black  magic  was  practised  by  everybody,  curative  by specialists  (p.  174).  Magical  power  was  attached  to  some  material  objects  (pp.  174- 176).  There  is  a  collection  of  myths,  some  of  them  given  in  aboriginal  language  and translated  literally,  which  gives  them  the  more  value  (pp.  179-197). An  account  of  language  (pp.  198-224)  and  a  vocabulary  (pp.  225-256)  are  given  at the  end.  As  may  be  seen  from  these  instances,  there  is  a  great  deal  of  most  useful information  in  this  little  book,  which  will  prove  an  indispensable  source  for  all  who have  any  interest  in  Australian  ethnology.  B.  M. [     140    J 1910.]  MAN.  [Nos,  83-84. Darwinism.  Seward. Darwin  and  Modern  Science.     Essays   edited  by  A.  C.  Seward.     Cambridge  :     QQ The  University  Press,  1909.     Pp.  xvii  +  595.     Index.     Price  18s.  net.  00 This  tribute  to  Darwin  is  a  collection  both  comprehensive  and  distinguished.  The essays  have  been  distributed  impartially  among  the  old  schools  and  the  new,  and  extend to  subjects  as  remotely  connected  with  Darwinian  science  as  Religious  Thought  and the  Genesis  of  Double  Stars.  To  them  is  prefixed  an  epitome  of  Darwin's  life.  The volume  is  a  notable  record  of  fifty  years  of  Darwinism.  One  cannot  expect  specialists in  the  space  allotted  to  do  more  than  supply  a  precis  of  what  has  been  done,  and  whet our  appetites  for  more.  The  precis  is  bound  to  be  unsatisfactory,  and  the  promise — so cautious  is  the  modern  scientist — is  verbal  rather  than  material.  Still  the  general  reader will  find  much  to  interest  and  instruct  him.  Prominent  is  the  essay  by  Sir  George Darwin  in  which  he  applies  Poincare's  principles  to  the  development  of  double  stars, and  applies  the  analogy  to  human  institutions.  It  is  a  pretty  case  of  the  extent  to which  scientific  analogies  may  be  carried.  Suggestive  also  is  Professor  Bury's  essay on  history,  largely  indebted  as  it  is  to  French  theory.  Most  outspoken  is  Professo Bateson  when  dealing  with  variation.  He  blows  with  no  uncertain  sound  the  trumpet of  De  Vries — in  our  opinion  most  justifiably — for  the  principle,  if  not  the  results,  of De  Vries'  work  is  a  new  addition  to  science  of  enormous  significance.  Mr.  Francis Darwin  has  a  cautious  essay  on  the  movements  of  plants,  Professors  Loeb  and  Klebs give  an  insight  into  the  results  of  the  Entwicklungsmechanik  school,  the  most important  offspring  of  the  Darwinian  movement,  though  apparently  so  opposed  to  some of  Darwin's  own  conceptions.  Another  essay  of  general  and  philosophic  interest  is Professor  Sedgwick's  on  Embryology. Somewhat  foisted  in  are  the  essays  of  Messrs.  Waggett  and  Giles,  and  Miss Harrison,  on  Religious  Thought,  the  Science  of  Language,  and  the  Study  of  Religions. The  important  topics  in  language  are  untouched  in  the  second  of  these  essays  ;  in  the first  and  third  there  is  more  verbiage  than  science.  A.  E.  C. PROCEEDINGS    OF   SOCIETIES. Anthropology.  Americanists'  Congress. Seventeenth    International    Congress    of  Americanists,   Buenos Aires,   May  16th   to  24th,  191O.      By  Miss  Adela  Breton. The  first  session  of  the  Seventeenth  International  Congress  of  Americanists was  held  in  Buenos  Aires  from  May  16th  to  24th,  in  the  Faculty  of  Philosophy and  Letters  of  the  University  of  Buenos  Aires,  under  the  presidency  of  Dr.  J.  N. Matienzo,  and  with  the  active  assistance  of  Professor  J.  B.  Ambrosetti  and  Dr.  R. Lehmann-Nitsche. A  second  session  will  be  held  in  Mexico  City  on  September  8th,  in  consequence of  the  centenary  of  independence  in  both  countries  taking  place  this  year. Nearly  400  members  and  associates  attended,  and  all  the  principal  countries  of Europe  were  represented  by  official  delegates,  with  the  exception  of  Great  Britain. Many  learned  societies  and  institutions  also  sent  delegates,  and  for  all  these  the  Argen- tine Government  generously  provided  board  and  lodging  at  a  comfortable  hotel. About  fifty  papers  were  presented,  which,  with  discussions,  occupied  five  days, and  one  day  was  pleasantly  spent  in  the  city  of  La  Plata,  as  guests  of  the  University of  La  Plata.  This  university,  like  that  of  Buenos  Aires,  has  taken  great  interest  in the  ancient  history  of  the  country,  and  its  large  and  well-arranged  museum  (created  by Dr.  F.  P.  Moreno)  contains  a  magnificent  collection  of  the  fossil  animals  found  in  the Pampoon  formations,  and  of  the  skulls  and  skeletons  of  the  different  races  of  men  who No.  84,]  MAN.  [1910. have  occupied  the  land,  with  their  productions  in  stone,  pottery,  and  bronze.  The museum  of  the  University  of  Buenos  Aires,  at  430  Calle  Viamonte,  also  has  an interesting  collection,  archaeological  and  ethnological,  and  the  contents  of  both  are absolutely  new  to  the  European  visitor. The  papers  read  included  several  on  craniology.  Aldobrandino  Mochi  gave  one on  Eleven  Skulls  from  the  Chaco  (eight  with  entire  skeletons),  in  the  Museo  Nazionale de  Antropologia  at  Florence.  He  said  that  osteological  material  from  the  Chaco  is extraordinarily  rare  in  European  museums,  and  that  European  craniological  literature contains  no  notice  of  any,  with  the  exception  of  three  skulls  mentioned  in  the Thesaurus  of  Davis.  After  giving  details  of  the  methods  used  in  determining  the measures  and  descriptions,  he  stated  that  eight  of  the  eleven  skulls  were  much  alike and  belonged  to  the  group  of  mesati-brachy-hypsicephali,  which  appears  to  have  been the  predominating  type  amongst  the  Peruvians,  Calchaqui,  &c.,  as  far  as  can  be  judged from  their  deformed  skulls.  The  hypsi-brachycephali  are  centred  in  Europe,  chiefly in  the  Balkan  peninsula,  and  are  found  in  Asia  Minor  (Armenians),  amongst  the Arabs,  the  Turcomans,  and  in  eastern  Asia,  where  in  Corea  it  is  the  predominant type.  He  hoped  to  study  the  Argentine  collections  and  to  arrive  at  definite conclusions. Dr.  Ales  Hrdlicka  said  in  his  paper  on  Artificial  Deformations  of  the  Human Skull  with  especial  reference  to  America,  that  they  are  of  two  main  classes  :  fronto- occipital  (flat  head)  and  circumferential  (macrocephalous  or  Aymara).  Intentional deformations  are  found  in  three  areas  in  North  America,  in  two  main  areas  in  South America,  and  in  the  Antilles.  They  seem  to  have  had  no  bad  effect  on  the  health or  mental  qualities  of  the  individual,  and  he  had  known  men  with  the  most  deformed skulls  who  were  heads  of  villages. Carlos  Marelli  had  studied  Tico  Hundred  Skulls  of  Ancient  Patagonians  buried  in the  Valley  of  Rio  Negro,  by  means  of  the  statistics  of  biological  variation,  using  the methods  of  Pearson,  Davenport,  and  others.  He  found  that  the  primitive  Patagonians were  variable  in  some  characters,  approximating  sometimes  to  the  superior,  sometimes to  the  inferior  races. Dr.  F.  Ameghino  presented  specimens  of  the  stone  industry  of  Homo  pamp<zus from  a  marine  deposit  on  the  coast,  south  of  the  watering  place  Mar  del  Plata.  The pebbles  used  were  split  vertically  by  resting  one  end  in  a  cup  hollow,  formed  in  a lump  of  quartzite,  and  striking  perpendicularly  with  another  stone  used  as  a  hammer. The  peculiarity  of  this  method  is  that  a  flake  is  detached  from  both  sides  of  the pebble  with  one  blow.  He  possesses  several  of  the  pieces  of  quartzite  with  a  number of  the  cup-hollows  on  all  sides,  and  great  quantities  of  the  split  and  trimmed  pebbles, and  other  flaked  implements. On  petroglyphs  there  were  papers  by  J.  Toscano,  Petroglyphs  of  North  and  West Argentine;  F.  Kiihn,  those  of  The  Penon,  Antofagasta  de  la  Sierre,  in  which  the principal  figures  are  a  man  leading  a  huanaco,  some  dogs,  the  sun,  and  the  serpent ; A.  Onarzun,  Petroglyphs  of  Llaima,  Chili,  on  two  rocks  at  the  hacienda  of  Quinchol. T.  Guevara  gave  a  list  of  rocks  with  cup  cavities  in  the  north,  centre,  and  south  of Chili,  and  established  the  fact  that  they  were  related  to  an  ancient  cult  of  the  deities of  the  air,  which  still  survives  in  the  Araucanian  ceremony  of  praying  for  rain.  He described  this  ceremony. P.  Canales  gave  an  account  of  the  Ancient  Cemeteries  near  Tacna,  where  he opened  about  fifty  tombs,  and  of  those  of  Arica,  Pisagua,  and  Punta  Pichalo.  Exca- vations of  the  Prehistoric  Cemeteries  at  La  Isla,  Quebrada  de  Humahuaca,  north  of Jujuy,  in  1908,  by  Dr.  S.  Debenedetti,  showed  that  it  was  the  limit  of  the  Calchaquis, Quichuas,  and  the  people  of  the  Chaco  and  Atacama,  whilst  Professor  J.  B. Ambrosetti's  Exploration  in  El  Pukara  of  Tilcara  brought  out  the  fact  that  the [    142    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  84. culture  there  was  different  from  the  Isla,  although  only  a  few  miles  further  south, and  that  the  ornamentation  on  the  pottery  was  identical  with  that  of  La  Poma  in  the north  of  the  valley  of  Calchaqui.  The  wooden  objects,  such  as  great  knives, scarifiers,  and  tables  of  offerings,  are  identical  in  type  with  those  of  the  valley  of Calchaqui.  The  bronze  objects  seem  to  have  been  made  on  the  spot,  judging  by  a mould  found.  El  Pukara  de  Tilcara  appears  to  represent  the  northern  limit  in  the valley  of  Humahuaca  of  the  culture  types  of  the  south. L.  M.  Torres  had  studied  the  Archceology  and  Anthropology  of  the  Primitive Inhabitants  of  the  Delta  of  the  Parana  since  1894,  and  collected  instruments  and arms  of  stone  and  bone,  and  fragments  of  pottery,  also  noting  the  existence  of  hearths, stations,  and  cemeteries  in  1898  ;  but  the  most  important  expeditions  were  those  of 1904  to  1906,  when  collections  were  made  from  tumuli  of  about  one  hundred  skulls, an  entire  skeleton,  stone  arms,  and  instruments  of  different  classes,  types  and  technique, bone  instruments,  bronze  objects,  and  fragments  of  ornamental  pottery. Ethnological  contributions  included  the  presentation  of  a  collection  by  A.  Fri9, from  the  Chamacoceo  Indians.  Some  headdresses,  lengthened  into  cloaks  of  different coloured  feathers  mounted  on  a  brown  or  white  homespun  web,  were  very  handsome and  artistic.  They  resemble  the  feather  mantles  (which  have  not  headdresses  attached) of  the  caryatid  statues  at  Chichen  Itza,  Yucatan. F.  C.  Mayntzhusen  gave  two  interesting  papers  :  the  first  on  the  ancient  Stations and  Urn  Cemeteries  of  the  Guarani  in  Alto  Parana,  where  he  found  human  bones which  left  no  doubt  that  anthropophagy  had  been  practised.  The  pottery  was  painted, or  incised  in  dotted  designs,  and  there  were  stone  implements  of  Neolithic  character. He  brought  a  small  collection  of  Guarani  objects,  and  also  a  variety  of  things  from the  Guayaki,  a  tribe  hitherto  almost  unknown,  as  the  people  are  very  shy  and  fly from  their  camps  at  the  approach  of  strangers.  In  this  way  he  was  able  to  carry  off what  he  wanted,  leaving  tobacco  and  sardines  in  exchange.  His  collection  is  going to  the  Berlin  Museum.  It  included  some  arrows  with  a  hole  in  the  middle  of  the  shaft, which  produces  a  whistling  noise  when  the  arrow  falls. D.  H.  von  Jhering,  Director  of  the  S.  Paulo  Museum,  spoke  on  the  Ethnography of  Southern  Brazil.  The  Indians  of  the  four  southern  states  belong  to  three  linguistic groups — the  Tupi-Guarani  family,  the  Caingango  or  Corvados,  and  the  Chavantes  of S.  Paulo  or  Eochavantes.  The  Guarani  and  Cainguas  immigrated  from  Paraguay  in the  last  century.  Among  recent  publications  worthy  of  study  are  those  of  F.  Vogt, on  the  Indians  of  the  Alto  Parana,  of  T.  Borba,  on  those  of  the  State  of  Parana,  and of  Dr.  Gensch,  on  the  Botocudos,  or  Bagres,  of  St.  Catherine. Dr.  A.  Simoens  da  Silva  described  the  method  of  preparing  dried  human  heads by  the  Mundurucus  (Rio  Tapajoz)  and  by  the  Jibaros,  and  also  the  preparation  of curare  by  the  Ticunas  of  the  Amazon,  and  showed  photographs  of  stone  implements of  Neolithic  types  from  Brazil. The  curious  little  wooden  pipes  with  carved  figures,  from  tombs  in  the  Calchaqui Valley,  suggested  to  Dr.  S.  Lafone-Quevedo  that  they  might  have  been  used  as  blow- pipes for  poisoned  arrows.  In  an  account  by  Diego  Fernandez  of  the  death  of  Diego de  Roxas,  from  a  poisoned  arrow,  in  the  Province  of  Tucuman,  it  is  stated  that  "  the "  points  of  these  arrows  were  like  needles."  With  the  small  pipes  were  found  packets of  cactus,  or  other  thorns,  which  may  have  been  the  arrows  described. T.  Guevara  and  A.  Oyarzun's  paper  on  Tobacco  and  Pre-hispanic  Pipes  in  Chili gave  an  account  of  the  present  customs  of  the  Araucanians  in  regard  to  smoking, and  the  native  plants  of  Nicotiana,  with  sketches  of  the  pipes  collected  in  the country. Dr.  E.  Seler  illustrated  with  lantern  slides  the  extraordinary  varieties  of  painted pottery  from  the  coast  of  Peru,  which  include  representations  of  plants,  animals,  persons, [  143  ] No.  84.]  MAN.  [1910. scenes  of  human  life,  and  mythical  figures.  Max  Schmidt  gave  illustrations  of  the woven  stuffs  from  Pachacamac,  now  in  the  Berlin  Museum,  especially  with  reference  to the  scenic  representations  in  which  rules  of  perspective  are  evident,  a  type  very  unlike those  previously  known. Dr.  Max  Uhle  described  the  Social  Organisations  of  the  Incas  at  Cuzco,  and  the Prehistoric  Relations  between  Peru  and  Argentina. A.  Posnansky  gave  a  long  account  of  his  excavations  at  Tiahuanaco,  where  he made  observations  on  the  position  of  the  sun  with  reference  to  the  buildings.  He  found a  difference  of  27  minutes  between  that  period  and  the  present.  He  also  noticed  the difference  of  Orientation  between  the  smaller  and  apparently  earlier  building  on  the  east side  of  the  great  square  of  monoliths  and  the  latter. Miss  A.  Breton  showed  lantern  slides  to  illustrate  Painting  and  Sculpture  in Ancient  Mexico  and  Central  America,  and  Seiiora  Morales  gave  a  learned  paper  on the  Faculties  which  have  contributed  to  develop  the  Exercise  of  the  Chase  among Primitive  Folk. There  were  also  several  linguistic  papers,  and  Dr.  Lehmann-Nitsche  called attention  to  the  good  Tehuelche  grammar  and  vocabulary  prepared  by  the  Rev.  T. Schmidt  of  the  South  American  Missionary  Society  about  1860,  which  has  now  been published  by  the  International  American  Scientific  Congress. The  delegates  were  given  a  banquet  at  the  Jockey  Club,  attended  the  opera,  and witnessed  the  Centenary  festivities.  The  following  week  a  small  party  started  for La  Paz,  which  was  reached  on  June  15th.  The  journey,  not  so  long  ago  formidable to  the  ordinary  civilized  person,  is  now  comparatively  easy,  as  the  railway  extends about  1,115  miles  from  Buenos  Aires  by  Tucuman  to  La  Quiaca,  whence  a  coach drive  in  3^  days  to  Uyuni  in  Bolivia  brings  one  again  to  a  railway,  to  continue  in two  days  to  La  Paz.  At  Tucuman  Dr.  Heger  bought  a  small  collection  of  the  fine painted  Calchaqui  jars  (from  ancient  tombs)  for  the  Vienna  Museum. The  ethnological  interest  of  this  route  is  considerable,  as  there  is  time  at  the frequent  stations  to  study  the  varied  types  of  the  native  passengers,  and  it  also  shows with  what  facility  man  could  walk  up  and  down  this  continent,  for  there  are  no obstacles.  The  open  valley  of  Humahuaca  leads  straight  from  Jujuy,  at  4,500  feet, to  La  Quiaca  on  the  central  plateau,  at  12,000  feet.  Then  after  some  hours'  drive on  that  high  plateau,  the  road  descends  to  river  beds,  which  it  follows  almost  all  the way  to  Uyuni.  The  llamas,  which  provide  the  Indian  with  wool  and  fuel,  and  carry light  loads,  appear  able  to  live  on  almost  nothing,  and  although  at  this  season  the country  is  dry,  the  rains  from  November  to  April  enable  agriculture  to  be  carried  on, even  at  nearly  13,000  feet. Bolivia  is  entirely  peopled  by  Indians,  ruled  by  a  handful  of  whites.  In  the south  they  are  Quichuas,  but  at  La  Paz  Aymara  is  spoken,  and  although  there  are many  cholos,  or  mestizos,  the  majority  are  pure  Indians,  who  cling  to  their  own customs  and  costumes. The  Congress  delegates  were  given  free  transport  from  Buenos  Aires  to  La  Paz, and  then  on  to  Cuzco  and  Mollendo,  the  respective  governments  doing  their  best  to make  the  journeys  pleasant.  Senor  Don  M.  V.  Ballivian,  President  of  the  Geogra- phical Society  of  La  Paz,  organised  an  evening  of  lectures  by  Dr.  Seler,  and  others of  the  party,  in  the  handsome  hall  of  the  legislature,  when  the  president  and  diplo- matic corps  were  present.  The  museum  contains  interesting  painted  pottery  from Tiahuanaco,  which  is  only  three  hours  distant  by  train.  The  ancient  buildings  on  the Islands  of  the  Sun  and  Moon  in  Lake  Titicaca  are  most  interesting,  and  are  accessible by  steamer.  The  other  islands,  and  many  places  round  the  lake,  also  have  ancient remains.  An  excellent  little  guide  to  Bolivia  is  published  by  the  Ministry  of Colonisation  and  Agriculture.  ADELA  BRETON. Printed  by  ETBE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE.  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.C, PLATE    K MAN,  1910. 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  85. ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. Africa :  Nigeria.  With  Plate  K.  Alexander. Dubbo  Dubbo ;     or     Notes    on    Punch     and    Judy    as    seen     in     QC Bornu.      By  D.  Alexander.  UU HISTORY. — The  performer  states  that   he  learned  the  play  from  his  master,  who  in turn  learned  it  from  the  people  of  the  Pagan  town  of  Buni  near  to  Gujiba  on  the  River Gongola,  where  he  believes  it  originated. (2)  Auta,  a  Government  interpreter,  says  that  while  Dubbo-Dubbo   is  played  in Kano,  those  who   play  it  learned  it  from  the  people  of  Kazauri,  who  were  originally Kanuri. (3)  Adamu  Kano,   on  the  other  hand,  says  that  the   Kano  Dubbo-Dubbo  comes from  Dan  Batta,  a  town  in  the  country   of  the   Margazawa,   where  it  is  supposed  to have  originated. (4)  Suleiman,  a  Shuwa.  from   Wadai,   says   Dubbo-Dubbo  is  not  played  at  Wadai or  in  any  Shuwa  country  or  in  Tripoli. THE  PERFORMANCE. — The  performer  is  usually  attended  with  three  or  four  men with  drums  who  play  all  the  time  the  performance  is  going  on.  A  stick  with  a  fork about  4  feet  long  is  stuck  into  the  ground,  the  performer  kneels,  takes  off  his  black gown,  throws  it  over  the  stick,  covering  himself  at  the  same  time,  the  top  of  the  gown being  stretched  taut  between  his  head  and  the  stick,  the  opening  for  the  head,  lying midway  between  the  performer's  head  and  the  stick,  serving  for  the  display  and withdrawal  of  the  figures.  The  conversation  is  carried  on  in  a  squeaky  voice  very similar  to  that  of  the  home  Punch  and  Judy. The  following  is  a  list  of  the  characters  as  they  appear  and  their  conversation  :- — (1)  Aisa   Goje,  a  girl,  (Plate  K,  Figs.  1   and  4),  is    discovered    dancing.      Then Kachella  Dambulla,  a  rogue,   appears   and  compliments  her  on  her  dancing   and  cries aloud  with  delight.     He  then   appeals  to  the  audience,  "  Don't  you  see  this  fine  girl, *'  don't  you   see  her  dance  much,  will  you  not  give  her  kolas  ?  "     Kachella  Dambulla now  tells  the  girl  to  go  home.     Both  figures  then  disappear. (2)  Kachella    Dambulla    appears    and    calls  on   Momado   Ngumati   to  come    out, Momadu    Ngumati   appears    and  the    two    "  make    barga,"    i.e.,  dance  with    sticks,  in which  the  dancers  clash  their  sticks  together  (Plate  K,  Fig.  2). (3)  Pana  Zermara,    a  woman,    appears   and    dances.     Kachella   compliments    her also    and    appeals    again  to  the  audience  for    a  dash  for    the  great    artiste.     He  then proposes  to  see  her  home,  and  the  figures  disappear. (4)  Another  girl,  nameless,  appears  and  dances.     Kachella  Dambulla  as  before. (5)  Kachella    Amsa,  another    woman,  appears  and   dances.     Kachella    Dambulla as  before. (6)  Kolo    Koloram,    another    woman,    appears    and    dances.     Kachella    Dambulla proceeds  as  before. (7)  A  Shuwa  girl  appears  and  dances.     Kachella   Dambulla  as  before. (8)  Pero  Ngudibe,  a  girl,   appears  (Ngudi,  poor ;   be,  gen).     Kachella  Dambulla appears  and  says  to  her  :  "  I    want   you   for   a  friend."     The    girl  replies  :  "  I    don't "  want  you,  you  are  a  poor  man."     Kachella  :  "  Well,  I  get  money,  I  get  one  rattal *'  (i.e.,    thirty-two    cowries)."     Girl  :    "  Go  and    bring  it."     Exit  Kachella.     Re-enter Kachella    saying,  "  I  am    sorry    I    no   meet  my    proper  money,  I  only   meet    it  half." Girl  :   "  Well  go  and    bring    the    half."     Exit    and    re-enter    Kachella  saying,  "  I    am "  very  sorry,  the    man  whose  house    I    am    lodging    in   is  not  good.      He  go    to  the *•  waterside  with  my  money.     But  if  you  like  me  we  will  sleep."     Girl  :  "  No,  I  no "  like  you,  I  no  believe  you,  go  and  bring  someone  who    will  give  me  the  money." Kachella  then  calls  to  the  drum  man  and  says    to  him,  "  Will  you  be  responsible  to *'  pay   her  ? "     Drum   man  :  "  No,  I  fear   you,   you   be    bad   man,    you  no  fit   to  pay [    145    ] Nos,  85-86.]  MAN.  [1910. "  me  the  money,  so  sometime   the  girl  fit  to  hold  me."      Kachella  swears  ten    times "  I  will  pay  you."     Drum  man  agrees,  and  girl  and  Kachella  go  off  together. (9)  A  Mallam  is  discovered  praying  and  shouting,  "  I  come  from  Mecca  !     I  come "  from  Mecca  !  "     Enter  Kachella  Dambulla  :  "  You're  a liar.     You  never  go  to "  Mecca.      You  come  from   Kussuri,  where  the  French  live.     You  and  I  will  dance "  together  or  I  will  break  your  head."     Mallam  (after  some  hesitation  and  argument)  : "  Well,  I  can  dance,  don't  break  my  head."     (They  dance.)      Mallam  then  goes  off to  complain  to  the  Leman  that  he,  a  Mallam,  has  been  made  to  dance.     (From  inside.) Leman  is  heard  calling  Momadu  Ngumati  to  call  Kachella  Dambulla.    Momadu  Ngumati refuses  to  go  because  he  fears.     The  Leman  then  calls  Korri-Korri  to  go,  but  he  also refuses  as  he  fears  plenty.      (Outside.)   Kachella,  delighted,  shouts  out:    "All  man "  fear  me,  no  man  fit  to  come  call  me."     Enter  Momadu  Ngumati  :  "  They  are  calling "  you,  Kachella  Dambulla."     Kachella  :  "  Why  are  they  calling  me  ?     Are  they  com- "  plaining   against  me  ?  "       Momadu    Ngumati  :  "  Yes."       Kachella  :  "  Well,    go    and "  make   my   word  good  for  the  Alkali,  and  I  will  give  you  $4."     Momadu  Ngumati  r "  I    no  agree  for   $4."     Kachella:  "I   make   it   $6."     Momadu  Ngumati:  "Well,  I "  agree."     (Exit.)     Inside  Momadu  Ngumati  says  to  the  Leman  :  "  This  man  no  do "  wrong  thing,  only  they  lie  for  him."      Leman  says,  "  All  right,  palaver  finish,  go  and "  call   him    and    let  him  sit  down,   nothing  happen  to   him."     Momadu  Ngumati,  re- appearing,  says  :    "  I   finish   your   talk,   where   my   $6."      Kachella  :    "  What   $6  ?  " Momadu  Ngumati  :  "  The  $6  you  promised  me,  you  thief."     Kachella  :  "  1  think  you "  are  the  thief.     I  shall  take  you  for  guard-room."     Momadu  Ngumati  :  "  Oh,  all  right> "  never  mind,  come  we  go  back." (10)  Enter  Kachella  and  Momadu  Ngumati.     They  agree  to  settle  their  money palaver  by  fighting — the   winner   to   have   the   $6.      They   fight.      Momadu   catches Kachella   by   the  neck.     Kachella  ;  "  Let  go    my  neck,   let  go  my  neck."      Momadur however,  knocks   him  down.     Kachella  says  :  "  I   no  agree  for  that,  it  no   be  fair  you "  hold  my  neck.     However,  never  mind,  to-morrow  we  will  do  it  right." D.  ALEXANDER. Borneo.  Beech.. Some    Customs    of   the    Sagai    of    Borneo.       By   Mervyn  •  W.   H. Beech,  M.A. Whilst  on  a  visit  to  Dutch  Borneo  in  1906,  T  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing some  of  the  Sagai  who  inhabit  the  upper  waters  of  the  Bolongan  river.  These  people are  of  medium  height,  and  of  a  light  brown,  almost  yellow  colour.  Their  only  clothing is  a  loin  cloth  or  chawat,  1^  feet  in  length  and  1  foot  in  breadth. When  a  child  has  reached  the  age  of  four  years,  the  lobes  of  its  ears  are  pierced, and  earrings  of  lead  are  put  into  them  to  weigh  them  down.  Periodically  more  rings are  added  until  the  lobe  has  reached  the  breast.  One  man  I  saw  whose  ear  lobes were  elongated  almost  to  his  waist.  He  carried  about  two-thirds  of  a  pound  of  lead in  each  ear.  The  more  the  ear  is  elongated  the  more  respect  is  due  to  its  owner. When  a  Sagai  wishes  to  become  married  he  must  first  go  on  a  head  hunting expedition,  m'ngaiau.  Having  obtained  a  head  he  starts  off  home,  and  when  he  is still  some  distance  from  his  village  he  sends  a  messenger  to  announce  his  coming with  a  head.  The  women  of  the  village  thereupon  assemble  together,  and  go  forth to  meet  him,  and  accompany  him  back  to  his  village  in  triumph.  The  head  is  dried in  a  certain  manner  for  a  week,  until  it  no  longer  smells. A  large  feast  is  made  at  which  the  successful  head  hunter  makes  a  speech,  in which  he  informs  everyone  about  his  bravery — how  he  got  the  head,  whose  it  was, and  to  what  tribe  the  victim  belonged,  &c.  Whereupon  all  the  unmarried  women rise  up  and  present  him  with  a  cup  (earthenware)  of  native  wine.  As  they  offer it  to  him  he  scans  them  all  with  his  eye,  accepting  the  wine  only  from  the  one 1910.]  MAN.  [Nos,  86-87. whom  he  selects  as  his  future  bride.  From  the  moment  of  his  accepting  the  wine  the girl  is  considered  his  betrothed. A  few  days  before  the  marriage  the  bridegroom  spends  in  collecting  at  his  house all  the  rice  that  he  can  obtain — at  least  three  or  four  times  as  much  as  can  possibly be  consumed.  There  appears  to  be  no  ceremony  beyond  the  feast,  whereat  all  eat  as much  as  possible.  The  rice  that  remains  is  thrown  on  the  ground  for  the  pigs  and fowls.  Should  there  remain  anything  after  these  latter  have  been  satisfied,  the bridegroom  is  considered  noble  indeed.  His  reputation  varies  directly  as  the  waste. As  seasoning  to  the  rice,  the  flesh  of  all  manner  of  beasts,  which  has  been  kept in  jars  and  hollow  bamboos  until  liquidly  putrid,  is  eaten. Their  chiefs  at  the  time  were  named  respectively  Lipai,  Layap,  and  Angilohong. Formerly  Titan,  a  female  who  had  four  husbands,  appears  to  have  been  the recognised  chief. The  chief  proclaims  his  edicts  from  a  seat  composed  of  three  gongs.  By  him stands  the  chief  adviser  with  drawn  sword.  Very  few  things  are  done  without  con- sulting the  chief  ;  e.g.,  an  assembly  is  always  called  for  the  purpose  of  discussing  at .what  time  the  rice  shall  be  planted. When  a  chief  dies,  his  body  is  embalmed  to  a  certain  extent,  then  placed  in  a coffin  and  suspended  in  the  roof  of  his  house  for  the  space  of  six  months  or  even  a year,  according  to  his  dying  instructions. Once  every  year  he  calls  a  meeting  and  gives  his  orders  as  to  what  is  to  be  done at  his  death.  If  by  the  end  of  a  year  he  is  not  yet  dead,  fresh  orders  are  issued. Possibly  he  will  demand  ten  heads  ;  his  people  mnst  obtain  these  before  he  can  be buried.  Much  the  same  custom  is  observed  at  the  death  of  rich  men,  but  with  the poor  there  is  no  ceremony. Perhaps  as  many  as  500  people  will  live  in  one  house,  which  is,  therefore,  of  vast proportions,  and  always  very  high. When  the  subjects  have  fulfilled  the  dead  chief's  orders  they  take  his  coffin  to  the dungun  (grave),  bury  him,  and  place  round  the  spot  offerings  of  money,  beads,  fowls, &c.,  &c.  A  rude  picture  of  a  man  with  a  drawn  sword  is  depicted  on  wood  and set  up  beside  the  grave  to  keep  away  thieves.  None  dare  visit  the  burial  place for  the  space  of  twelve  months. I  conclude  with  the  translated  extract  from  the  letter  of  a  Malay  trader  to myself.  He  visited  the  Sagai  in  1872.  "...  And  I  was  very  astonished,  indeed,  to "  behold  their  ways  and  customs.  If  their  chief,  or  chief's  son,  or  their  chief's  wife "  even,  has  died,  they  must  obtain  four  men's  heads  for  the  funeral  feast,  and  for "  three  months  it  is  proscribed  for  any  trader  to  come  into  their  kingdom — neither "  may  they  buy  nor  sell  anything  therein. "  If  their  provisions  run  short,  they  must  themselves  go  in  person  to  the  coast "  and  buy.  It  is  at  least  two  days'  journey  down  stream,  but  ten  days  up,  for  the "  current  is  strong  and  the  boulders  are  many. "  And  whoever  transgresses  this  custom  is  fined  one  pig,  seven  '•jankal '  long,  and "  one  jar  valued  at  500  dollars,  also  one  gong  value  50  dollars.  And  it  is  necessary "  to  find  a  very  large  pig.  This  is  measured  from  the  neck  to  the  tip  of  the  tail, "  and  if  it  does  not  come  up  to  seven  '•jankal '  that  man  must  pay  50  dollars  for "  every  '  jankal '  wanting.  If  he  cannot  pay  this  he  is  slain  ;  no  one  can  save  him." MERVYN  W.  H.  BEECH. Africa  and  Portugal.  Tremearne. Bull-fighting:  in   Nigeria   and    Portugal;  a    Humane   Sport.       />'//    07 Captain  A.  J.  N.    Tremearne,  F.R.G.S.  Of "  Bull-fighting  is    a    survival    of    barbarism,   the   existence   of   which  is  fervently "  deplored  by  all  but  its  devotees     .     .     .     The  bull  is  doomed  from  the  moment  of [     147     ] No.  87.]  MAN.  [1910. •"  its  entrance  into  the  arena."  Thus  writes  the  contributor  in  the  Encyclopedia Britannica*  and  then  goes  on  pompously,  "  That  a  brief  description  of  bull-fighting "  should  be  here  given  must  not  be  accepted  in  any  way  as  a  token  of  approval  or "  admiration."  The  description  given  is  that  of  a  Spanish  bull-fight,  and  although the  writer  says  that  in  Portugal  and  South  America  the  picadores  (or  caballeros)  are not  cruel  so  far  as  the  horses  are  concerned — for  they  are  "  expert  riders  provided "  with  good  horses  ....  and  it  is  considered  a  disgrace  if  they  do  not  save  their "  horses  from  injury  " — he  omits  to  mention  that  the  bull  is  not  killed,  and  that  the  only animal  in  danger  or  injury  or  death  is  the  man.  In  fact,  in  Portugal  horses  are  not  used at  all  in  more  than  one  half  of  the  fights,  for — being  highly  trained — they  are  very expensive  and  the  caballeros  must  be  rich  men  to  afford  them. Mr.  Calvert  (Impressions  of  Spairi),^  trying  to  account  for  the  different  views prevailing  in  Spain  and  England,  says  : — "  The  Spaniard  grows  up  to  the  sport  as  our "  Elizabethan  ancestors  grew  to  bull-baiting — even  as  the  present  generation  of  Eng- "  lishmen  grows  to  pugilism  .  .  .  long  habit  has  familiarised  him  [the  Spaniard] "  with  the  bloody  details,  and  his  experienced  eyes  follow  each  trick  and  turn  of  the "  contest  with  the  enthusiasm  of  an  athlete  watching  an  athletic  display  .... "  Danger  gives  to  the  contest  a  dignity  which  is  absent  from  pheasant-shooting,  and u  which  formed  no  excuse  for  the  vogue  to  which  bear-baiting  and  cock-fighting  once "  attained  in  this  country  ....  The  banderillero  inflicts  no  more  pain  on  the "  bull  than  the  humane  angler  deals  out  to  the  wily  trout,  and  the  agility  and "  daring  with  which  he  addresses  himself  to  his  task  is  superb  ....  These "  feats  appear  to  be  fraught  with  infinite  danger,  and  the  agility  with  which  the "  performers  acquit  themselves  cannot  be  witnessed  without  a  tremor  of  amaze- "  ment  and  admiration  ....  One  may  lecture,  write,  and  preach  against  the "  barbarity  of  bull-fighting  ;  but  so  long  as  Spain  can  breed  men  of  such  amazing "  nerve,  and  skill,  and  dexterity  that  they  can  successfully  defy  death  and  mutila- "  tion  to  provide  their  countrymen  with  such  lurid  sport,  so  long  will  bull-fighting •"  continue  to  flourish  in  Spain."  Mr.  HuttonJ  is  even  more  emphatic  in  his denunciation  of  the  hypocrisy  with  which  Englishmen — and  even  more  Americans — decry  the  dangerous  sport  while  delighting  in  the  coursing  of  helpless  rabbits  with dogs,  and  in  the  shooting  of  tame  birds  which  are  bred  up  as  pets  only  to  be  killed for  the  owner's  amusement  later. One  would  think  from  the  article  in  the  Encyclopaedia  that  there  had  never  been any  cruel  sport  in  England  even  in  the  past,  much  less  in  the  present.  The  following is  a  description  of  "  The  Bull-running  at  Tutbury."§  The  bull  was  formerly  pro- vided "  by  the  Prior  of  Tutbury,  now  by  the  earl  of  Devonshire  ;  which  bull,  as  soon  as "  his  horns  are  cut  off,  his  ears  cropt,  his  tail  cut  by  the  stumple,|  all  his  body  smeared "  over  with  soap,  and  his  nose  blown  full  of  beaten  pepper ;  in  short,  being  made  as u  mad  as  it  is  possible  for  him  to  be,"  was  turned  forth  to  be  caught,  if  possible,  by  the minstrels.  I  think  I  am  right  in  saying  that  not  even  in  Spain — let  alone  in  Portugal or  Nigeria — has  a  bull  been  so  cruelly  mutilated.  Nor  did  the  cruelty  end  here,  for  if the  wretched  animal  was  caught  before  sunset  he  was  "  brought  to  the  bayliffs  house  in "  Tutbury,  and  there  collared  and  roapt,  and  so  brought  to  the  bull-ring  in  the  High- "  street,  and  there  bated  with  dogs,  and  afterwards  killed  and  eaten."  Truly  a  gentle sport !  There  was  probably  not  much  danger  to  the  minstrels  in  this,  but  there  were sometimes  even  milder  risks  to  run,  for  "  on  occasions  of  rendezvous  and  public  meetings "  of  merriment  in  a  village,  the  landlord  of  the  alehouse  will  give  a  tup  (so  they  call  a *  Vol.  XXVI.  f  Pages  220  et  seqq.  J  Cities  of  Spain. §  Archceologia  (published  by  the  Society  of  Antiquarians  of  London),  Vol.  II,  1773,  Article No.  XIII. ||  To  make  him  more  difficult  to  hold  ? [     148    ] 1910.] MAN. [No.  87. "  ram)  or  a  pig,  well  soaped,  with  tjie  tail  and  the  horns  and  the  ears  respectively "  cut  off."  The  writer  goes  on  to  say  that,  though  some  authorities  traced  the  intro- duction of  the  bull-running  to  John  of  Gaunt  (who  was  Lord  of  Castile),  he  himself thought  it  much  older  and  of  purely  local  origin,  being  connected  with  the  tenure  of  the lands  by  the  earl.  Since  our  own  bull-baiting  was  much  more  cruel  and  less  dangerous than  that  in  vogue  even  in  Spain,  we  naturally  have  a  right  to  deplore  the  depraved tastes  of  its  devotees,  and  to  deny  it  any  "  token  of  approval  or  admiration  !  " As  the  writers  quoted  have  described  in  detail  the  various  aspects  of  the  bull- fighting— the  play  on  horseback  and  on  foot,  pole-jumping,  sitting  on  a  chair,  &c. — I need  give  no  account  of  them,  but,  strange  to  say,  none  have  mentioned  the  bull-catching, which  seems  to  me  the  most  dangerous  of  all,  and  as  I  have  seen  it  in  both  Portugal  and Northern  Nigeria,  an  account  may  have  some  anthropological  value. In  Portugal  the  bull  is  loose  and  the  horns  are  cased  in  leather  and  bandaged.  A number  of  u  catchers  "  *  enter  the  arena  and  one  of  them  will  stand  in  front,  legs  close together,  arms  extended,  and  call  and  insult  the  bull  until  it  charges  him.  As  the man  is  tossed  he  catches  the  bull  by  the  neck  (see  illustration),  and  he  must  maintain himself  on  the  bull's  head  until  the  other  "  catchers  "  can  hold  the  animal  and  enable the  man  to  extricate  himself. I  should  imagine — though  I have  no  authority  for  saying so — that  only  bulls  with  very long  and  wide  horns  can  be thus  caught,  for  if  the  horns were  short  and  pointing  to- wards the  front  the  danger  of impalement  would  be  very much  greater,  and  also  there would  hardly  be  room  for  the  man's  body  to  hang  down  between  them.  I  saw  this done  twice  at  Lisbon,  and  the  second  time  one  of  the  men  was  rather  badly  hurt. In  Northern  Nigeria  the  horns  are  not  protected  in  any  way,  but  the  bull  is  not loose.  The  performers  are  usually  Filani,  a  cattle-keeping  people  of  partly  Berber descent.f  Two  men  hold  a  rope  tied  to  a  hind  foot,  and  one — the  "  catcher  " — holds another  rope  fastened  to  the  neck  or  to  the  horns.  The  animal  is  maddened  by  tugging at  the  rope,  drumming  and  shouting,  and  is  allowed  to  dash  about,  being  brought  up  by one  rope  or  the  other.  The  catcher  then  begins  shortening  his  rope,  and  in  consequence advancing  towards  the  bull,  care  being  taken  that  the  hind  rope  is  quite  taut  so  that  no sudden  rush  can  be  made.  When  close  up,  the  bull  tries  to  gore,  the  man  is  tossed exactly  as  in  Portugal,  and  holds  on  until  extricated.  Sometimes  the  man  will  get astride  the  animal's  neck,  using  the  horns  like  parallel  bars.  As  the  horns  are  not protected  there  is  always  a  great  risk.  Five  times  I  have  seen  this  game,  and  twice the  principal  performer  came  to  grief. In  Northern  Nigeria  this  is  the  only  form  of  the  sport  ;  horses  are  never  used, the  performers  are  not  armed  in  any  way,  and  the  bull  is  not  injured.  In  Portugal exactly  similar  conditions  prevail  so  far  as  the  catching  is  concerned.  As  for  the regular  bull-fighting,  horses  are  not  always  used,  and  when  they  are,  they  are  very seldom  injured  owing  to  their  speed  and  their  riders'  dexterity.  The  performers  on foot  are  armed  with  short  darts  which  do  not  pierce  the  flesh  more  than  an  inch  or two,  and  the  local  "  S.P.C.A."  insists  that  only  a  certain  number  of  darts  may  be  used. *  I  do  not  know  if  there  is  a  special  name  in  Portuguese  or  Filani  for  these  people,  I  have used  the  word  ';  catchers  "  as  best  describing  their  functions. f  See  The  Niger  and  the  West  Sudan,  p.  51.  I  wonder  if  bull-fighting!  originated  in  North Africa  ! [    149    ] Nos.  87-88.]  MAN.  [1910. Each  bull  is  played  only  from  15  to  20  minutes*  and  is  then  driven  out  of  the  ring {by  tame  bulls),  so  that  his  hurts  can  be  attended  to  ;  he  is  not  killed. Most  of  the  bull  fighting  in  Spain  is,  I  understand,  very  cruel,  though  as  I  have seen  it  only  in  cinematograph  pictures  I  cannot  pretend  to  know  for  certain.  The cruelty  is,  at  any  rate,  not  universal,  for  a  strange  game  takes  place  at  Noya  (Galicia) four  times  a  year,  according  to  Miss  Annette  Meakin,f  who  says  :  "  On  these  occasions "  a  street  serves  the  purpose  of  a  ring  ;  the  two  ends  are  blocked  by  tribunes  filled "  with  spectators,  and  the  balconies  of  the  houses  on  both  sides  overflow  with  ladies "  and  gentlemen.  .  .  .  The  men  rush  at  the  bull — which  is  practically  a  tame "  one  from  the  neighbouring  hills — and  try  to  aggravate  it  ;  at  length  they  succeed, "  and  it  plunges  at  them,  whereupon  they  turn  their  backs  and  flee  before  it  in  a  crowd, "  falling  at  last  in  a  heap,  one  on  top  of  another,  those  who  come  last  and  fall  on "  top  getting  their  clothes  rent  by  the  horns  of  the  bull,  to  the  immense  gratification  of "  the  spectators  ;  it  ends  in  the  bull  becoming  the  matador  and  the  men  playing  the "  part  usually  assigned  to  the  bull."  According  to  the  Illustrated  London  News (23rd  July),  a  somewhat  similar  entertainment  (ISarrivee  de  Taureaux)  is  provided on  festival  days  by  the  people  of  Beaucaire,  a  town  situated  opposite  Tarascon  in the  south  of  France.  But  in  this  case  no  less  than  five  bulls  are  let  loose  at. the same  time,  and — if  the  illustration  is  a  faithful  one — the  people  in  the  "ring"  seem to  have  a  very  poor  chance  as  the  animals'  horns  are  not  protected  in  any  way. There  is  certainly  no  cruelty  to  the  bull  in  either  of  these  cases,  for  again  we  see that  no  horses  are  employed,  and  the  only  danger  is  that  to  the  men. As  the  danger,  therefore,  is  wholly  on  the  men's  side  (particularly  in  N.  Nigeria), and  the  animal  is  not  "  doomed  from  the  moment  of  its  entrance  into  the  arena  "  ; bull-fighting  in  Portugal  and  Nigeria,  at  any  rate,  may  justly  be  considered  a  humane sport.  Certainly  those  who  shoot  tame  birds  and  set  dogs  on  to  helpless  animals cannot  condemn  it.  A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE. England :  Archaeology.  Cunning-ton. Pits  on  Morgan's  Hill,  near  Devizes.      By  (Mrs.)  M.  E.  Cunnington. In  August  1909  some  pits  on  Morgan's  Hill,  near  Devizes,  Wilts,  were examined  by  Mr.  B.  H.  Cunnington,  F. S.A.Scot.,  with  a  view  to  ascertaining  their nature.  Some  years  ago  the  Rev.  A.  C.  Smith  called  attention  to  these  numerous pit-like  depressions  on  Morgan's  Hill,  and  suggested  that  they  were  the  sites  of pit-dwellings.;}; On  the  slope  of  the  hill  east  of  Furze  Knoll,  about  the  800  contour  line,  and all  within  an  area  of  a  few  hundred  yards,  some  thirty-five  pits  may  be  counted. As,  however,  it  is  not  always  easy  to  distinguish  between  the  pits  and  the  irregu- larities of  the  surface  left  by  old  chalk  diggings,  this  number  can  only  be  taken  as approximately  correct. The  pits  vary  in  size,  ranging  from  shallow,  saucer-like  depressions,  4  or  5  feet  in diameter,  up  to  large  pond-like  basins  of  from  18  to  20  feet  in  diameter.  The  depths vary  also,  irrespective  of  the  diameters,  some  of  the  larger  ones  being  shallow,  while others  of  medium  size  are  from  4  to  5  feet  deep.  Some  of  the  pits  are  solitary,  others are  grouped  in  twos  and  threes,  sometimes  actually  merging  one  into  another.  Round about  some  of  them  are  heaps  of  rubbish  showing  that  at  some  time  they  have  been  dug into,  and  it  was  thought  that  the  pits  might  all  prove  to  be  only  the  sites  of  old  chalk *    There  were  ten  bulls  fought  in  a  period  of  two  hours'  actual  play  ;  but  this,  I  was  told,  gave less  time  to  each  bull  than  is  usually  the  case. •)•    ffalicia,  the  Switzerland  of  Spain,  p.  252. t  Antiquities  of  North  Wiltshire,  Section  IV,  B  VII.  d,  p.  63.     Ordnance  Map,  Wiltshire  Sheet, XXXIV,  N.E.,  6  inches. [     150    J 1910.]  MAN.  [No,  88. diggings  ;  it  was  therefore  with  no  very  sanguine  expectations  of  their  proving  to  be indeed  pit-dwellings  that  it  was  decided  to  test  some  of  them. For  this  purpose  two  pits  were  chosen  close  to  the  right-hand  side  of  the  track from  Bishops  Cannings  to  Calstone.  The  smaller  of  the  two  before  excavation  was 5  feet  in  diameter  and  6  inches  deep  in  the  centre,  the  larger  one,  only  2  feet  from  the smaller,  was  12  feet  in  diameter  and  1  foot  deep. The  smaller  pit  was  cleared  out,  and  was  found  to  be  5  feet  3  inches  deep,  the sides  were  very  smooth  and  even,  and  the  bottom  rounded  like  a  basin.  It  contained a  gravelly  rubble  mixed  with  some  clay  and  occasional  streaks  of  sand,  and  a  few unworn  flints  ;  some  of  the  gravel  was  black  coated.  Lining  the  bottom  of  the  pit  was a  layer  of  red  clay,  3  to  4  inches  thick,  that  had  almost  the  appearance  of  having  been puddled. Of  the  larger  pit  a  half-section  only  was  taken  out,  for  had  it  proved  to  be  a  pit- dwelling,  it  was  thought  that  a  better  idea  of  its  construction  could  be  gained  by  taking out  first  one  half  and  then  the  other,  than  by  working  over  the  whole  area  at  once. As  in  the  smaller  adjoining  pit  the  chalk  sides  were  smooth  and  even,  but  the filling-in  differed  somewhat.  The  gravel  was  not  rubbly,  but  was  mixed  with  an extremely  stiff  tenacious  clay,  and  there  were  a  great  number  of  large  unworn  flints. The  digging  was  hard  and  laborious,  and  when  it  had  been  carried  down  to  a  depth  of 6  feet,  it  was  given  up,  as  it  was   then  quite  clear  that   the  deposit  was  a  natural  one, and   that  the   pit   might   be  of  very  considerable  depth.      Neither  of    these   two    pits showed  any  signs  of  having  been  previously  dug  into. A  large  pit  some  50  yards  to  the  east  of  the  first  two  was  then  tried. It  was  19  feet  in  diameter  and  4  feet  deep  before  excavation.  There  were  heaps of  rubbish  about  its  sides,  and  it  appeared  to  have  been  dug  into  before,  and  chiefly for  this  reason  it  was  chosen  as  a  test.  It  proved  to  be  a  pit  filled  with  clay  and  flints practically  identical  with  the  larger  of  the  two  first  opened.  The  digging  was  carried down  for  4  feet  and  then  given  up  for  the  same  reason  that  the  other  had  been.  Two other  medium-sized  pits,  11  feet  and  13  feet  in  diameter  respectively,  were  also  tested with  the  same  results,  and  as  the  work  was  tedious,  and,  from  the  point  of  view  of pit-dwellings,  apparently  hopeless,  no  more  were  attempted. The  five  pits  thus  tested  were  undoubtedly  "  swallow  "  or  "  pot  "  holes  in  the chalk,  and  although  it  would  be  rash  to  say  that  all  the  similar  pits  thereabouts are  also  pot  holes  there  is  nothing  superficially  to  differentiate  them  from  those chosen  for  examination. One  of  the  workmen  said  that  at  one  time  he  had  dug  clay  for  puddling  a  pond from  a  pit  on  the  other  side  of  Morgan's  Hill  where  the  clay  was  mixed  with  flints  and of  a  similar  nature  ;  another  local  labourer  called  the  pits  "  clay  holes,"  and  apparently thought  that  we  ought  to  have  known  that  only  clay  and  flints  would  be  found  in  them. A  little  further  down  the  hill  to  the  south-east,  following  the  crop  of  the  strata, there  are  a  series  of  diggings  for  hard  chalk,  some  of  them  being  quite  recent.  In  the section  there  exposed  the  chalk  is  in  places  capped  with  red  clay,  and  small  basin  and funnel-like  cavities  are  filled  with  similar  clay  reproducing  in  miniature  the  larger pot-holes. As  it  was  rather  unexpected  to  find  pot-holes  in  this  situation  on  Morgan's  Hill, the  circumstances  were  made  known  to  A.  J.  Jukes  Browne,  Esq.,  F.G.S.,  who  very kindly  replied  that  pot-holes  of  the  kind  described  and  filled  with  the  material  which is  generally  known  as  "  clay  with  flints "  may  be  found  in  any  part  of  the  chalk, although  not  always  marked  by  depressions.  "  Your  experience,"  Mr.  Jukes  Browne adds,  "  is  worth  putting  on  record  as  a  warning  to  archreologists  against  the  pit-falls that  lurk  in  supposed  pit  dwellings."  M.  E.  CUNN1NGTON. Nos.  89-90.]  MAN.  [1910. Africa  :  Sudan.  Lloyd. Some    Sudanese  Superstitions.      By  E.  Lloyd,  M.D. My  boy,  Mohammed,  has  just  been  favouring  me  with  his  views  of  the supernatural.  He  told  me  of  a  race  of  beings  who  by  day  walk  the  streets  as  men but  by  night  retire  into  the  depths  of  the  river  in  the  form  of  crocodiles,  from  whence they  watch  for  people  to  come  down  and  bathe,  who  become  their  prey.  Such  an  one some  time  ago  took  a  man  here.  The  mamour  (a  sort  of  mayor)  tried  to  shoot  the creature,  but  failing  he  went  over  to  the  Sheikh  in  Halfaiya,  to  whom  he  gave presents  to  shut  the  creature's  mouth.  Since  then  it  has  been  restrained  by  the power  of  the  Sheikh.  When  you  see  someone  who  you  fear  is  one  of  these  creatures in  human  shape,  you  try  it  by  saying,  "  Peace  be  on  you."  A  man,  of  course,  will reply,  "  On  you  be  peace."  But  if  it  is  the  creature  it  will  walk  straight  on  without taking  any  notice.  There  are  other  charming  creatures  that  inhabit  dark  rooms  and leap  out  and  scream  at  you.  Certain  places  are  inhabited  by  creatures  that  play  about at  night  like  men  laughing  and  shouting  to  each  other  and  who  kill  with  stones  anyone who  comes  near  to  them.  The  great  thing  is  always  to  sit  tight  and  say,  "  In  the "name  of  God,  the  merciful,  the  compassionate,"  a  charm  which  in  theory  causes all  such  things  to  vanish.  Practically  on  at  least  one  occasion  when  he  met  some  of these  queer  folks  by  night,  Mohammed  ran  for  an  hour  without  stopping.  He  also told  me  a  story  of  a  woman  who  married  a  blind  man  and  soon  after  died.  In compassion  for  him  the  neighbours  combined  to  pay  the  funeral  expenses  and  get  the woman  buried,  rather  previously  as  it  transpired,  for  two  days  later  she  arose  from  the grave  and  returned.  Now  she  always  goes  about  with  eyes  cast  down  unable  to raise  them  to  look  anyone  in  the  face,  and  further,  always  has  a  queer  noise  going on  in  her  chest.  E.  LLOYD. REVIEWS. Egypt.  Holler. Hieratische  Paldographie ;  die  dgyptische  Buchschrift  in  ihrer  Entwicklung  A  A von  der  fiinften  Dynastic  bis  zur  romischen  Kaiserzeit.  Dargestellt  von  Georg  WV Moller.  Band  1. :  Bis  zum  Beginn  der  achtzehnten  Dynastic.  Band  II. :  Von  der Zeit  Thutmosis  III  bis  zum  Ende  der  einundzwanzigsten  Dynastic.  Leipzig,  1909. The  first  two  instalments  of  Dr.  Moller's  work  on  hieratic  palaeography  exhibit in  a  high  degree  those  qualities  of  accuracy  and  thoroughness  which  one  is  accustomed to  expect  in  a  German  handbook.  The  practical  value  of  the  treatise  will  be  con- siderable :  to  the  student  still  unfamiliar  with  the  forms  of  the  hieratic  signs  it  will prove  a  sure  guide  ;  to  the  scholar  seeking  to  determine  the  age  of  an  undated  manu- script it  will  supply  the  requisite  evidence.  Dr.  Moller's  own  interest  in  the  subject is,  however,  obviously  no  mere  practical  one  ;  his  chief  concern  has  been  to  trace  the development  of  the  hieroglyphs  into  cursive  and  relatively  unpictorial  symbols,  and to  discover  the  reasons,  the  method,  and  the  actual  cause  of  that  development. And,  indeed,  the  theme,  broadly  viewed,  has  an  interest  considerably  wider  than the  narrow  limits  of  Egyptian  philological  research.  Recent  authorities  no  longer favour  the  view  that  derives  the  Phoenician  alphabet  from  the  hieratic,  as  was  main- tained by  de  Rouge.  But  whatever  the  origin  of  that  alphabet — some  now  look towards  Crete  for  its  source — it  undoubtedly  sprang  ultimately  from  a  pictographic script  ;  and  the  development  of  the  Egyptian  hieratic  and  demotic  characters  remains by  far  the  most  illuminating  analogy  by  which  the  early  history  of  Semitic  and  Euro- pean scripts  can  be  reconstructed  in  the  imagination. In  Egypt  the  need  for  a  rapid  writing  in  addition  to  the  laborious  lapidary  kind was  felt  from  the  very  beginning,  and  the  adoption  of  the  reed  pen  and  the  papyrus in  place  of  chisel  and  stone  at  once  created  a  cursive  style.  Still,  this  did  not  oust [  152  ] 1910.]  MAN.  [fros.  90-91. the  earlier  mode  of  writing,  the  ornamental  value  of  which  caused  it  to  be  preserved for  public  and  semi-public  monuments.  For  little  less  than  3,000  years  the  hieroglyphic and  hieratic  styles  co-existed,  often  mutually  influencing  and  modifying  one  another. Throughout  the  earlier  ages  hieratic  gradually  gains  in  individuality,  and  at  last, towards  the  Persian  period,  sub-divides  into  two  varieties,  of  which  the  more  cursive, known  as  demotic,  no  longer  bears  any  visible  resemblance  to  its  hieroglyphic  ancestor. Hieratic  is  henceforth  reserved  for  sacred  texts  written  on  papyrus,  and  thus  at length  acquires  its  title  to  the  name  by  which  it  is  known  to  scholars — we  have  the name  from  Clement  of  Alexandria.  Demotic  is  employed  for  business  and  literary texts,  written  on  papyrus  and  on  potsherds.  The  hieroglyphs  are  still  retained  to adorn  the  vast  walls  of  the  Ptolemaic  temples.  In  detail  the  evolution  is  extremely complex,  and  this  is  not  the  place  to  summarise  its  leading  principles.  Those  whom  it may  interest  can  safely  be  referred  to  Dr.  Moller's  work,  and  especially  when  the  fourth part,  wherein  the  development  of  the  individual  signs  will  be  discussed,  has  been  issued. The  principal  portion  of  the  volumes  already  in  our  hands  consists  of  admirable tabular  plates,  in  which  is  displayed  the  gradual  modification  of  the  signs  from  their hieroglyphic  prototypes  downwards.  The  examples  for  each  period  are  traced  from well-dated  papyri,  which  are  discussed  and  described  in  a  preliminary  section.  Had the  author  been  able  to  consult  the  collections  of  Turin,  Leiden,  and  London  as  well as  those  of  Berlin,  Paris  and  Cairo,  he  would  doubtless  have  been  able  to  supplement his  second  volume  with  a  certain  number  of  rare  forms  and  uncommon  signs  ;  but  this is  no  very  serious  defect  where  so  much  that  is  good  is  offered,  and  the  first  volume is  singularly  complete. A  special  word  of  commendation  is  due  to  the  reproductions  of  hieroglyphs  in the  first  column  of  the  tables  ;  Dr.  Moller  has  rightly  not  contented  himself  with giving  the  late  and  often  grossly  misapprehended  forms  employed  in  printed  works on  hieroglyphs.  Excellent  photographic  samples  of  hieratic  writing  terminate  each volume.  A.  H.  Gr. Africa.  Johnston. A  History  and  Description  of  the  British  Empire  in  Africa.  By  Sir  Harry  Q4 Johnston,  G.C.M.G.,  K.C.B.,  D.Sc.  London  :  National  Society,  N.D.  Pp.  01 xix  +  429.  Price  10*.  6d. In  this  book  Sir  Harry  Johnston  gives  a  brief  but  succinct  history  of  each  of our  African  colonies.  Written  in  an  easy,  unaffected  style,  it  affords  the  ordinary reader  the  opportunity  of  learning,  with  the  expenditure  of  little  time  or  effort,  the present  condition  of  those  colonies  and  how  they  came  to  reach  it.  South  Africa, not  unnaturally,  claims  the  lion's  share,  half  the  book,  in  fact,  being  devoted  to  the South  African  colonies,  including  a  chapter  on  the  natives  inhabiting  them.  The ethnology  is  also  dealt  with  in  a  series  of  lengthy  notes  at  the  end  of  several  of  the chapters.  With  his  very  long  and  wide  experience  of  Africa  the  author's  views  on this  aspect  of  his  subject  will  be  read  with  interest  and  respect,  though  some  ethno- logists will  probably  be  unable  always  to  come  to  conclusions  so  certain  and  definite as  he  does.  Some  of  his  remarks  are  certainly  striking  ;  for  instance,  he  describes the  Cape  Boys  as  a  strongly-built,  yellow-skinned  people  of  Hottentot,  Boer,  British, Negro,  and  Malay  intermixture  on  their  way  to  make  a  new  race,  which  resembles somewhat  in  outward  appearance  the  Tartar  type  of  Central  Asia. An  interesting  feature  of  the  work  is  found  in  the  references  to  the  fauna,  on which  the  author  is  so  high  an  authority. There  is  a  good  deal  of  criticism  of  the  Home  Government  in  its  dealings  with our  African  colonies.  He  points  out  how  the  weakness,  vacillation,  and  ignorance  of the  governing  powers  at  home  have  intensified  the  difficulties  of  governing  South Africa,  and  the  injustice  done  to  some  of  the  best  and  most  enlightened  governors  ; [  153  ] Nos.  91-92.]  MAN.  [1910. and  their  mistakes  are  attributed  to  ignorance  of  geography,   anthropology,  and   history. Cabinet  ministers  might  spend  their  time  less  usefully  than  in  reading  this  book. There  are  a  number  of  good  maps  and  a  profusion  of  illustrations,  mostly  from photographs,  and  a  good  index.  It  is  a  matter  for  regret,  however,  that  the  book is  printed  on  heavily  loaded  paper,  which  adds  greatly  to  its  weight,  and  makes  it heavy  and  unwieldy  to  hold.  E.  A.  P. PROCEEDINGS    OF    SOCIETIES. Anthropology.  British  Association. Anthropology  at  the  British  Association,  Sheffield  Meeting,  August  3lst  to     QA September  7M,  1910.  Ufc The  Anthropological  Section  met  at  the  Central  Secondary  School,  Sheffield, under  the  presidency  of  Mr.  W.  Crooke.  The  President's  address,  which  dealt  chiefly with  anthropological  problems  in  relation  to  India,  will  be  found  in  Nature.  Particular attention  should  be  drawn  to  the  joint  discussion  of  the  Anthropological  and  Educational Sections  on  intelligence  testa  for  school  children.  Some  of  the  papers  read  at  this discussion  will  be  found  below. In  the  summary  which  follows  the  papers  are  classified  under  subjects,  and  the final  destination  of  papers,  so  far  as  is  known  at  present,  is  indicated  in  square brackets. PHYSICAL     ANTHROPOLOGY. PROFESSOR  C.  J.  PATTEN,  M.A.,  M.D.,  Sc.D. — A  Hare  Form  of  Divided  Parietal in  the  Cranium  of  a  Chimpanzee. — Apart  from  the  presence  of  groups  of  small  wormian bones,  division  of  the  parietals  in  the  anthropoids  is  a  very  rare  condition.  The  case which  I  now  describe  appears  also  to  be  one  of  complete  division  of  both  parietals,  each by  a  horizontal  suture  running  the  entire  length  of  the  bones  and  joining  the  coronal with  the  lambdoid  sutures.  This  case,  however,  is  of  further  interest  owing  to  the extraordinary  way  in  which  the  upper  segment  of  each  bone  is  again  subdivided,  giving that  part  of  the  vault  of  the  cranium  the  appearance  of  the  counties  of  a  map,  when viewed  from  above.  Correlated  with  the  condition  there  is  a  thinning  out  of  the  bones of  the  cranial  vault  and  reduction  of  the  size  and  strength  of  the  zygomatic  arch  and of  many  processes  of  the  base  of  the  skull.  In  weight  this  cranium  is  decidedly lighter  than  that  of  an  average  chimpanzee  of  its  size. — \_Journ.  Roy.  Anthr.  Inst.~\ W.  L.  H.  DUCKWORTH,  M.A.,  M.D.,  Sc.D. — Note  on  some  Anatomical  Specimens of  Anthropological  Interest,  prepared  by  means  of  the  New  Microtome  of  the Cambridge  Scientific  Instrument  Company. — The  new  microtome  of  the  Cambridge Scientific  Instrument  Company  provides  a  means  of  preparation  of  anthropological material  possessing  great  interest.  The  instrument  has  been  carefully  tested  at  the Anatomy  School  at  Cambridge,  and  some  of  the  preparations  yielded  by  it  have  been mounted  as  lantern-slides.  The  instrument  is  fully  described  in  the  Instrument Company's  list,  and  it  will  therefore  suffice  in  this  place  to  state  that  it  combines  some of  the  valuable  mechanism  of  the  well-known  "rocking  "  microtome  with  great  rigidity and  uniform  action.  The  experiments  above-mentioned  show  that  the  instrument  will cut  good  sections,  of  an  area  of  10  square  inches  at  least  and  of  material  of  very varying  density,  which  always  presents  special  difficulties.  The  chief  point  emphasised is  the  importance  of  such  preparations  in  elucidating  the  details  of  structure,  when the  human  tissues  are  compared  with  corresponding  parts  of  the  larger  mammalia, particularly  anthropoid  monkeys. Anthropometric  Investigation  in  the  British  Isles.  Report  of  the  Committee. — During  the  past  year  anthropometric  investigation  has  been  making  steady,  though  as yet  somewhat  slow,  progress  in  the  British  Isles. [    154    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  92. Under  recent  Acts  of  Parliament  measurements  of  height  and  weight  are  being extensively  carried  out  in  primary  schools  in  England  and  Scotland,  and  numerous inquiries  have  been  received  from  medical  officers  and  others  as  to  the  best  methods of  making  these  measurements. The  Committee  is  making  arrangements,  in  co-operation  with  other  agencies,  to have  measurements  made  of  the  adult  rural  population  of  the  British  Isles. Applications  have  been  received  for  information  about  methods  of  measurement from  many  parts  of  Greater  Britain,  as,  for  example,  Cyprus,  Australia,  and  New Zealand. ARCHEOLOGY. GREAT  BRITAIN. T.  ASHBY,  M.A.,  D.LiTT. — The  Excavations  at  Caerwent,  Monmouthshire,  on the  Site  of  the  Romano- British  City  of  Venta  Silurum  in  1909—10. — The  excavations of  1909  were  at  first  carried  on  in  the  north-east  corner  of  the  city.  Important additions  were  made  to  the  plan,  which  was  found  to  preserve  the  regular  arrangement noticed  elsewhere.  Remains  of  several  houses  were  discovered,  and  also  those  of  a building,  more  than  once  altered,  which,  it  is  possible,  are  those  of  a  Christian  church. Later  in  the  season  attention  was  devoted  to  the  completion  of  the  excavation  of  the central  insula  in  the  north  half  of  the  city,  which  contains  the  Forum  and  Basilica. The  greater  part  of  it  had  been  excavated  in  1907,  but  it  was  found  possible  in  1909 to  make  arrangements  for  the  exploration  of  the  western  portion  of  the  Basilica  and the  western  side  of  the  Forum.  The  block  was  found  to  be  perfectly  rectangular, being  thus  more  carefully  laid  out  than  most  of  the  other  buildings  at  Caerwent. The  Basilica  had  no  apse  at  either  end,  but  at  each  end  of  the  north  aisle  and  nave was  a  chamber  of  the  same  width  as  theirs,  while  at  each  end  of  the  south  aisle  there was  an  entrance  from  the  streets  which  ran  outside  the  Forum  on  the  east  and  west. The  south  aisle  had  an  open  arcade  towards  the  Forum,  which  was  surrounded  on  the other  sides  (with  the  possible  exception  of  the  west  side)  by  an  ambulatory  and  shops  ; and  the  open  area  was  drained  by  a  large  box  drain. The  excavations  of  1910  were  conducted  on  the  south  side  of  the  high  road, which  coincides  with  the  ancient  road  through  the  centre  of  the  town.  They  resulted in  the  discovery  of  a  few  houses,  one  of  them  much  altered,  so  that  its  original  plan is  difficult  to  make  out.  In  the  centre  of  it  is  a  well-constructed  cellar.  Numerous skeletons  have  been  discovered  here,  over  a  hundred  in  all.  The  burials  are  obviously of  post-Roman  date,  the  walls  of  the  house  having  been  partially  destroyed  when  the graves  were  dug. H.  D.  ACLAND. — Some  Prehistoric  Monuments  in  the  Stilly  Isles. — Two  groups of  menhirs  were  described,  each  of  which  appears  to  have  an  unusual  arrangement. Several  of  the  menhirs  of  one  group  have  a  constant  orientation  differing  4  degrees from  the  normal  bearing. A  group  of  intersecting  banks  was  also  described.  The  bearings  of  the  different members  have  the  same  variation  from  a  normal  bearing  as  the  menhirs  in  one  of  the groups  first  described. The  Lake  Villages  in  the  Neighbourhood  of  Glastonbury.  Report  of  the Committee. — The  results  of  the  tentative  explorations  in  1908  of  the  Lake  Village  at Meare  were  of  so  important  and  encouraging  a  nature,  that  the  matter  was  at  once taken  up  by  the  Somersetshire  Archa3ological  and  Natural  History  Society,  but  owing to  the  large  amount  of  work  to  be  accomplished  for  the  publication  of  the  monograph on  the  Glastonbury  Lake  Village,  it  was  deemed  advisable  to  postpone  the  further examination  of  the  Meare  site  until  1910.  The  first  season's  systematic  digging opened  on  May  23rd  and  continued  for  three  weeks,  excluding  the  week  devoted  to filling  in  the  area  dug. [    155    ] No.  92.]  MAN.  [1910. The  Lake  Village  at  Meare  lies  three  miles  west  of  the  now  fully-explored Glastonbury  Lake  Village,  in  the  peat  moor  adjoining  the  north  margin  of  a  low  ridge of  ground,  formerly  an  island,  on  which  the  modern  village  of  Meare  now  stands,  and from  400  to  600  feet  south  of  the  River  Brue.  Before  the  Brue  was  embanked,  and  the draining  of  the  swamps  had  been  attempted  in  monastic  times,  Meare  Pool  was  of  far greater  extent,  and  included  the  Lake  Village  within  the  limits  of  its  south-west border.  The  Lake  Village  now  stands  in  fertile  pasture,  the  level  of  the  surrounding fields  being  from  12  to  14  feet  above  the  mean  tide  level,  and  is  situated  eleven  miles south-east  from  the  present  coast-line  at  Burnham.  The  ancient  site  consists  of  two distinct  groups  of  low  circular  mounds  separated  by  a  level  piece  of  ground  from  200 to  300  feet  in  width.  So  far  as  a  superficial  survey  permits  the  two  settlements  appear to  consist  of  about  100  dwellings  covering  parts  of  seven  fields  (not  five  as  formerly stated)  and  occupying  a  track  of  land  that  measures  roughly  from  1,500  to  1,600  feet east  and  west,  by  from  200  to  250  feet  north  and  south.  The  highest  mound measures  4  •  4  feet  a.bove  the  surface  of  the  surrounding  field-level.  The  alluvium covering  the  adjoining  fields  varies  from  12  to  30  inches  in  depth.  From  borings made  this  year  it  was  ascertained  that  the  depth  of  peat  underlying  the  dwellings varies  from  7  to  11  feet  in  thickness.  Below  the  peat  is  a  layer  of  soft  grey-coloured clay,  lying  on  beds  of  lias  stone.  The  recent  excavations  included  the  examination of  three  dwellings,  i.e.,  Mounds  I,  II,  VI,  the  partial  exploration  of  Mound  VII,  and the  west  quarter  of  Mound  V,  together  with  the  intervening  spaces  of  level  ground situated  in  Field  IV  ;  also  the  digging  of  several  trenches  on  the  north  and  south sides  of  the  marginal  mounds  in  Field  IV,  with  the  object  of  finding  the  palisading. Although  the  ground  was  examined  for  some  100  feet  or  more  from  the  dwellings, no  border  -  protection  was  discovered  comparable  with  that  which  surrounded  the Glastonbury  Lake  Village. — [Rep.  Brit.  Assoc.,  Sheffield,  1910.] REV.  A.  IRVING,  D.Sc.,  B.A. —  The  Bishop's  Stortford  Prehistoric  Horse. — The bones  have  been  compared  with  others  of  neolithic  age  at  South  Kensington  and Jermyn  Street  ;  also  with  those  from  Newstead,  near  Melrose,  of  the  Roman  period. Close  anatomical  relations  were  given  between  the  Stortford  skeleton  and  the  bones discovered  (a)  in  the  neolithic  deposits  of  Pomerania,  (6)  the  bronze  deposits  of Spandau,  (c)  the  pile-dwelling  site  of  the  Starnberger  See,  (d)  the  river  drift  at Ilford,  and  (e)  the  pleistocene  deposits  of  Granchester.  The  vertebral  formula  is that  of  the  zebra  (Flower),  and  differs  both  from  horses  of  the  Equus  Prjwalskii  type and  the  Plateau  type  of  Ewart.  It  is  a  lighter-limbed  animal  than  Nehring's  Remagen horse,  though  in  its  teeth  it  resembles  that  most  closely.  Upon  the  whole  it  seems to  be  a  blend  of  the  "  Forest "  and  the  "  Plateau "  types  of  Ewart.  The  general conclusion  seems  warranted  that  the  horse  represents  a  race  of  late  pleistocene  times, as  a  survival  into  the  neolithic  or  bronze  age,  certainly  not  later  than  the  La  Tene age. PROF.  R.  C.  BOSANQUET. —  The  Work  of  the  Liverpool  Committee  for  Excavation and  Research  in  Wales  and  the  Marches. — The  author  described  the  excavations  which have  been  carried  on  at  Caersws. — \_Report  of  the  Liverpool  Committee.^ ALEX  SUTHERLAND. — Excavation  of  Brock  of  Cogle,  JVatten,  Caithness. — It  is due  to  Dr.  Anstruther  Davidson,  Los  Angeles,  that  the  existence  of  the  broch  was proved. The  plan  was  carefully  drawn  by  exact  measurements  on  the  spot  by  Mr.  Nicolson. The  only  entrance,  about  2  feet  wide,  to  the  Cogle  Broch  is  on  the  west.  At  the Scottack  and  other  excavated  Caithness  brochs  the  entrance  is  on  the  east. The  thickness  of  the  walls  is  15  feet,  and  the  circle  enclosed  has  a  diameter of  30  feet.  There  were  two  upright  flagstones  2  feet  high  and  2  feet  apart.  The [  156  ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  92. average  height  of  the  walls  remaining  in  situ  would  be  about  3  feet.  Probably 60  feet  or  70  feet  had  fallen  and  helped  to  form  the  mound.  Vegetation  had  grown and  decayed  and  buried  the  stupendous  structure  for  ages.  Dr.  Davidson  identified five  successive  layers  of  ashes  and  pavement,  and  the  charred  remains  of  wood indicated  the  fuel.  Trunks  and  branches  of  pine,  birch,  and  hazel-nuts  are  frequently got  in  peat  cutting  at  considerable  depth  in  Cogle  moss. Dr.  Davidson  made  sections  of  some  of  these  pines,  and  found  that  their  aunual rate  of  growth  coincided  with  that  of  the  charred  fragments  found  so  abundantly  in the  broch. The  most  important  of  the  neolithic  remains  were  the  stone  pestles  found  in the  lowest  stratum  of  ashes.  These,  over  twenty,  were  in  only  a  few  instances pestle  shaped.  They  were  made  of  hard-grained,  basaltic-like  stone,  and  were originally  of  oval  or  oblong  shape.  By  constant  use  in  pounding,  the  edges  were bevelled,  and  a  few  of  them  were  worn  quite  circular  and  bevelled  all  round.  Two stones  with  shallow  mortars  were  found,  as  also  some  saddle  querns  with  the  usual hand-grinding  stone,  and  numerous  stone  pebbles,  probably  used  for  sling  stones. Almost  all  the  bones  were  broken  to  extract  the  marrow.  None  showed  evidence of  fire,  and  the  condition  of  the  bones  would  show  that  they  were  very  imperfectly cooked.  Parts  of  tusks  of  boar,  goat,  horse,  and  ox  could  be  identified,  and  also bat,  with  probably  great  auk.  These  have  been  sent  to  Professor  Bryce,  Glasgow University,  for  further  investigation. GEORGE  CLINCH.  —  Some  Unexplored  Fields  in  British  Archceology.  —  The purpose  of  this  paper  was  threefold,  viz.  : — (1)  To    indicate    some  hitherto  unexplored    fields    of   research    where    antiquities await  the  spade  of  the  field  archaeologist ; (2)  To  draw  attention  to  the    wholesale  destruction   of  antiquities  now  going  on in  different  parts  of  the  kingdom  ;  and (3)  To  suggest  the  establishment  of   regular  and    systematic  oversight  of    great engineering  works  which  involve  excavation  and  removal  of  the  soil. The  writer  advocated  the  immediate  establishment,  as  far  as  possible,  of  a  regular system    of    archaeological   oversight    wherever   and    whenever    excavations   are    being made  in    the    soil  ;  and    he    suggested    that  the    matter    be    brought  to  the    notice  of the  Government  in  order  to  enlist  its  sympathy  and  support. — [Antiquary.] AFRICA. PROFESSOR  W.  M.  FLINDERS  PETRIE,  D.C.L.,  F.R.S. — Excavations  at  Memphis. — [See  MAN,  79,  1910.] C.  G.  SELIGMANN,  M.D. — A  Neolithic  Site  in  the  Southern  Soudan.  —  [Journ. Roy.  Anthr.  Inst.,  Vol.  XL.] MEDITERRANEAN. Archaeological  and  Ethnological  Investigations  in  Sardinia.  Report  of  the Committee. — SJx  more  dolmen  tombs  were  added  to  the  list  of  four  last  year, making  ten  monuments  altogether  of  this  kind  which  have  been  discovered.  The significance  of  this  discovery  may  be  realised  from  the  fact  that,  previous  to  the researches  of  last  year  and  this,  only  one  monument  of  this  class  was  known  in  Sardinia — that  near  Bironi,  referred  to  by  Montelius,  and  since  published  by  Taramelli.  The general  scientific  result  accordingly  is  :  That  we  can  now  say  definitely,  not  only  that the  great  Tombs  of  the  Giants  were  developed  from  an  earlier  type  of  dolmen  tomb as  has  been  conjectured  by  Montelius  and  others,  but  that  this  development  took  place on  the  soil  of  Sardinia  itself.  The  mysterious  civilisation  of  the  dolmen  people  has [    157     ] No.  92,]  MAN.  [1910. long  been  a  puzzle  to  archaeologists.  We  can  now,  however,  confidently  say  that  in Sardinia  at  least  this  dolmen  culture  represents  an  early  episode  in  the  great  Bronze Age  civilisation  of  the  Nuraghi. A  curious  circumstance  came  out  in  the  course  of  these  researches.  The  dolmens in  no  case  showed  that  juxtaposition  to  the  Nuraghi  which  we  had  previously  found to  be  so  constant  a  concomitant  phenomenon  in  the  case  of  the  Tombs  of  the  Giants. One  might  as  well  have  been  in  Corsica  !  And  it  is  well  known  that  in  the  sister island  there  are  no  Nuraghi,  and  that  there  the  dolmen  type  of  tomb  survived throughout  the  Bronze  Age. The  last  part  of  the  campaign  was  devoted  to  a  partial  exploration  of  the  country to  westward  of  Macomer,  called  Planargia,  as  far  as  Cuglieri  and  the  sea. The  Nuraghi  in  this  whole  region  are  of  the  very  greatest  importance,  especially from  the  point  of  view  of  their  strategic  significance.  They  form  a  regular  network as  far  as  the  sea,  and  one  can  see  by  studying  their  positions  of  vantage  that  they  are all  directly  or  indirectly  in  signalling  communication  with  each  other.  They  are,  as Mr.  Newton  has  well  remarked,  regular  block-houses  which  might  very  well  be compared  with  those  which  have  performed  so  prominent  a  part  in  modern  warfare, for  example,  in  the  final  stages  of  the  Transvaal  War. T.  ASHBY,  M.A.,  D.LiTT. — Excavations' at  Hagiar  Kim  and  Mnaidra,  Malta. — The  excavations  which  were  carried  out  by  the  Government  of  Malta,  under  my direction,  during  the  month  of  June,  at  the  well-known  megalithic  buildings  (in all  probability  sanctuaries)  of  Hagiar  Kim  and  Mnaidra,  had  a  twofold  object ;  it was  desired  to  ascertain  whether,  in  the  original  excavations  of  both  buildings  in 1839  and  1840,  and  in  the  supplementary  excavations  of  the  former  in  1885,  the ground  plan  had  been  completely  discovered,  or  whether  there  were  any  additions  to be  made  to  it ;  and  also,  inasmuch  as  previous  explorers  had  unfortunately  almost entirely  neglected  to  preserve  the  small  objects,  and  especially  the  pottery,  which  it was  obvious  that  they  must  have  found,  to  see  whether  it  were  not  possible  to  remedy the  deficiency  to  some  extent  by  the  recovery  of  sufficient  pottery,  at  any  rate,  for  the determination  of  the  date  of  the  structure.  In  the  course  of  ten  days'  work  at  each building  satisfactory  results  were  arrived  at  in  both  these  respects.  It  was  found  that in  front  of  the  facade,  both  of  Hagiar  Kim  and  of  the  lower  building  at  Mnaidra,  there was  a  large  area  roughly  paved  with  slabs  of  stone.  This  was  also  the  case  at  a building  of  a  similar  nature,  excavated  in  1909  on  the  hill  of  Corradino,  and  seems  to have  been  a  regular  feature.  No  further  additions  (except  in  small  details)  were  made to  the  plan  of  Hagiar  Kim,  but  at  Mnaidra  it  was  found  that  besides  the  two  main parts  of  the  structure  there  were  some  subsidiary  buildings,  which,  though  less  massive, were  of  considerable  importance  ;  they  were  perhaps  devoted  to  domestic  uses,  inasmuch as  a  very  large  quantity  of  pottery  was  found  in  them.  It  was  also  ascertained  that the  site  for  the  upper  part  of  the  main  building,  which  is  undoubtedly  later  in  date than  the  lower,  was  obtained  by  heaping  up  against  the  external  north-east  wall  of  the latter  a  mass  of  small  stones  so  as  to  form  a  level  platform,  instead  of  by  cutting  away the  side  of  the  rocky  hill  upon  the  slope  of  which  Mnaidra  is  situated. In  both  buildings  there  were  places  in  which  the  soil  had  not  yet  been  completely cleared  away,  and  chambers  in  which  the  ancient  floors  of  pounded  limestone  chips (locally  called  "  torba ")  still  maintained  their  hardness  after,  perhaps,  4,000  years. It  was  here  that  small  objects  were  found  in  considerable  quantities — numerous  frag- ments of  pottery  and  of  flint,  but  no  trace  of  metal.  The  former  corresponded  absolutely with  that  found  in  the  hypogeum  of  Halsaflieni,  and  in  the  other  megalithic  buildings of  the  island  ;  so  that  it  seems  clear  that  Hagiar  Kim  and  Mnaidra,  like  the  rest,  belong to  the  neolithic  period. [    158    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  92. Under  one  of  the  earlier  floors  in  Mnaidra  a  curious  group  of  small  votive terra-cottas  was  found. A  few  examples  were  also  found  of  the  small  stone  pillars,  often  narrowed  in  the centre,  which  are  common  in  the  megalithic  buildings  of  Malta,  both  in  isolation  and as  supports  to  the  cover-slabs  of  the  dolmen-like  niches  which  are  so  important  a  feature in  these  buildings.  In  either  case  Dr.  Arthur  Evans  thinks  that  they  must  be  treated as  baetyli,  or  personifications  of  the  deity.  Dr.  Albert  Mayr  is  of  opinion  that  the round  towers,  of  which  some  half-dozen  exist  in  Malta,  also  belong  to  the  prehistoric period  ;  but  in  a  final  excavation  at  Torre  Tal  Wilgia,  near  Mkabba,  we  were  not  able to  find  any  evidence  in  favour  of  this  supposition,  all  the  pottery  which  came  to  light belonging  at  the  earliest  to  the  Punic  period. REV.  H.  J.  DOKINFIELD  AsTLET,  M.A. — Cup-  and  Ring -mar  kings  and  Spirals ; some  Notes  on  the  Hypogeum  at  Halsaflieni,  Malta. — This  hypogeum,  or  series  of subterranean  chambers,  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  of  the  many  prehistoric  remains in  the  island  of  Malta.  It  has  been  thoroughly  excavated,  and  has  recently  been described  by  Professor  Zammit.  The  hypogeum  is  a  monument  of  the  late  Neolithic Age  of  Mediterranean  culture. Two  of  the  chambers  have  decorated  roofs.  These  decorations,  in  red  paint,  quite clear  and  distinct,  though  somewhat  worn  by  time,  consist  of  a  number  of  cup-  and ring-markings  and  spirals,  finely  executed  and  in  great  variety.  The  combination  is  not common  in  prehistoric  Europe,  though  it  is  in  Australia.  It  would  seem  to  point  to an  infiltration  of  Bronze  Age,  or  Mycenean,  culture,  superimposed  upon  the  Neolithic culture  of  the  earlier  population  towards  the  close  of  that  age.  It  is  native  work,  but the  influence  of  Crete  is  seen. A.  J.  B.  WAGE,  M.A.,  and  M.  S.  THOMPSON,  M.A. — Excavations  in  Thessaly, 1910. — The  sites  chosen  for  this  year's  work  were  Tsangli  in  Central  Thessaly,  about midway  between  Pharsala  and  Velestino,  and  Rachmani,  half-way  between  Larissa and  Tempe. At  Tsangli  we  sank  several  shafts  from  the  top  of  the  mound  to  virgin  soil  to test  the  stratification,  and  also  on^the  east  side  cleared  two  small  areas,  where  we found  the  remains  of  neolithic  houses.  The  mound  is  about  200  metres  long  and 210  wide,  and  the  deposit  in  the  highest  part  is  about  10  metres  thick.  The results  of  the  stratification  of  the  pottery  will  be  mentioned  in  connection  with  that at  Rachmani.  The  houses  are  very  interesting;  one  consists  of  three  houses  built one  over  another.  They  are  square  in  plan  and  have  as  a  rule  two  internal buttresses  in  each  angle,  and  all  three  belong  to  the  latter  part  of  the  first  neolithic period,  but  the  earliest  house  is  slightly  more  primitive  in  plan,  and  has  only  five internal  buttresses  instead  of  eight.  The  first  two  houses  were  abandoned,  but  the third  had  been  destroyed  by  fire,  and  in  it  several  good  vases  were  found  and  twelve celts.  In  the  second  a  store  of  over  sixty  terra-cotta  sling  bullets  was  found.  The other  house  had  been  destroyed  by  fire  towards  the  end  of  the  first  neolithic  period and  was  never  afterwards  rebuilt.  This  house  is  very  large  and  divided  across  the middle  by  a  row  of  wooden  posts.  It  had  eight  internal  buttresses  and  a  door  in  the middle  of  the  south  wall.  A  large  number  of  vases  were  found  in  this  house,  many celts,  and  some  interesting  terra-cotta  statuettes.  In  general  the  excavation  was  very rich  in  stone  implements.  We  found  about  seventy  celts,  including  some  fine  examples ; also  between  twenty  and  thirty  good  terra-cotta  statuettes  were  discovered.  Of  these the  male  figures,  which  are  rare  in  Thessaly,  are  remarkable  for  their  phallic  character and  the  female  figures  for  their  marked  steatopygy. At  Rachmani  the  mound  is  about  112  metres  long  and  95  wide,  and  the  deposit  is 8  metres  thick.  A  careful  observation  of  the  stratification  of  the  shafts  sunk  in  this r  159  i No.  92.]  MAN.  [1910. mound  and  a  comparison  of  it  with  the  results  from  Tsangli  and  other  sites  enables us  to  divide  the  prehistoric  remains  of  Thessaly  into  four  periods  :  (1)  Neolithic — marked  by  the  presence  of  red  on  white  painted  pottery  ;  (2)  Neolithic — marked  by the  presence  of  Dhimiui  and  kindred  wares  ;  (3)  Sub-neolithic — in  this  period  falls  the remarkable  encrusted  ware,  but  while  stone  tools  are  common  no  trace  of  bronze  has yet  been  found  in  deposits  of  this  period  ;  (4)  chalcolithic — in  this  period  the  pottery is  unpainted,  and  the  latter  part  of  it  is  apparently  contemporaneous  with  late Minoan  II  and  III,  for  to  it  belong  the  tombs  of  Sesklo,  Dhimini,  and  Zerelia,  and the  L.M.  Ill  and  Minoan  ware  found  at  these  and  other  sites.  It  is  also  noticeable that  at  Rachmani  in  the  top  of  the  deposit  of  the  fourth  period  we  found  many  sherds of  L.M.  Ill  ware  mixed  with  fragments  of  primitive  geometric  pottery  like  that  found in  early  Iron- Age  tombs  at  Marmariani  and  Theotokou.  In  the  deposit  of  the  third period  we  found  an  oblong  one-roomed  house  with  the  southern  short  side  rounded. In  it  we  found  three  good  specimens  of  encrusted  ware,  a  series  of  four  figurines  with rough  terra-cotta  bodies  and  painted  stone  heads,  and  a  large  store  of  carbonised  wheat, pease,  lentils,  figs,  &c.  Another  house  of  the  same  type,  with  a  slightly  more  developed plan,  was  found  in  the  deposit  of  the  fourth  period,  but  apart  from  a  few  stone  imple- ments nothing  was  found  in  it.  The  only  other  finds  worth  separate  mention  are  three fragments  of  bronze  found  in  the  deposits  of  the  fourth  period  and  a  tomb  that  contained one  L.M.  Ill  vase  and  two  inferior  gems. A.  M.  WOODWARD,  M.A.,  and  H.  A.  ORMEROD,  M.A. — A  Group  of  Prehistoric Sites  in  South- West  Asia  Minor. — In  all  nineteen  prehistoric  mounds  were  examined, extending  from  the  plain  of  Elmeli  (in  North-East  Lycia)  to  Lake  Kestel  in  Pisidia, and  by  way  of  Lake  Karalitis  and  the  plain  round  Tegenni  to  Kara-Eyuk-bazar  at  the foot  of  Kazak-Bal  in  Southern  Phrygia.  The  sherds  found  on  the  mounds  consisted mainly  of  a  red  hand-polished  ware,  assignable  to  the  Bronze  Age,  with  rarer  frag- ments of  a  black  polished  ware.  Some  of  these  sherds  may  possibly  be  of  neolithic origin.  With  these  was  found  on  certain  sites  a  large  quantity  of  painted  fragments, showing  analogies  on  the  one  hand  with  Cappadocian  pot  fabrics,  and  again  with  those of  the  early  Cypriote  Iron  Age.  This  pottery  would  seem,  however,  for  the  most  part independent  of  -ZEgean  influence  or  importation,  and  fragments  of  obsidian  obtained are  apparently  not  of  Melian  origin.  One  of  the  larger  mounds  at  Tchai  Kenar,  partly excavated  for  brick  earth,  provided  a  rough  sectional  view  of  stratification  to  a  depth of  8  metres  with  three  superimposed  floor  levels.  On  another  mound  a  few  miles  to the  west  were  the  remains  of  a  megalithic  house  of  rectangular  plan  with  an  outer- walled  courtyard.  This  building  is  probably  to  be  dated  not  earlier  than  the  beginning of  the  Iron  Age. The  full  extent  of  this  civilisation  is  riot  yet  determined,  and  generalisation  would be  premature ;  it  would  appear,  however,  that  it  is  not  merely  a  south-westerly  extension of  the  prehistoric  Cappadocian  culture,  but  largely  independent  of  it. AMERICA. ALICE  C.  FLETCHER. — Archaeological  Activities  in  the  United  States  of  America, — The  paper  opened  with  a  brief  account  of  the  foundation  of  the  Peabody  Museum of  American  Archaeology  and  Ethnology,  Harvard  University,  the  first  institution  in America  founded  for  anthropological  study,  and  recited  its  activities  during  the  current year. A  short  account  followed  of  the  Government's  movements  which  finally  led  to the  establishment  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  its  scope,  and  its  work  in the  past  and  at  the  present  time,  and  the  paper  concluded  with  an  account  of  the work  undertaken  by  other  public  bodies. [A  report  of  the  other  papers  read  will  appear  in  a  subsequent  number  of  MAN.] Printed  by  EYBE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE.  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.C, PLATE  L MAN,  1910. LU * CO < CQ Q Z < CO Z o 2 o O co 1910.]  MAN. <<o.93' ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. Solomon  Islands.  With.  Plate  L.  Rivers  :  v The  Solomon  Island  Basket.     By  W.  H.  R.  Rivers,  M.D.,  F.R.S.,  an  ^ Mrs.  Hingston   Quiff  gin,  M.A. The  Solomon  Island   basket,  with  its   peculiar  patchlike   base,  shown   in   Plate Figs.  4  and  6,  has   been  somewhat  of  a  mystery  to  anthropologists.     It  has  even  beei. supposed  that  the  basket  is  first  made  and  then  for  some  unknown  reason  patched. The  materials  for  the  following  account  were  obtained  in  the  island  variously  called Eddystone,  Simbo,  or  Narovo  in  the  western  part  of  the  Solomon  Islands.  Here,  and probably  throughout  the  group,  the  manufacture  is  carried  out  exclusively  by  women. The  baskets  are  made  from  leaves  of  the  coco-nut  palm  called  ngandi,  which  are about  120  to  130  cm.  in  length,  and  about  6  cm.  in  width  at  their  broadest  part.  Only new  leaves  from  near  the  top  of  the  tree  are  used.  The  leaves  are  stripped  off with  a  piece  of  bark  attached  ;  the  leaves  and  attached  part  together  are  called  talonjo, and  the  piece  of  bark  simalona.  These  are  dried  over  a  special  kind  of  fire,  called vinato,  made  by  heaping  a  square  mass  of  stones,  spreading  firewood  over  them,  and stones  again  over  all.  When  the  fire  has  been  lighted  and  the  stones  are  well  heated, the  talonjo  are  held  over  the  stones  at  such  a  distance  as  to  give  a  very  decided  heat  to the  hand.  The  leaves  sweat  when  thus  held  over  the  fire,  and  are  kept  there  till  they are  quite  dry,  probably  for  about  ten  minutes  as  a  rule,  and  the  long  leaf  is  then readily  split  down  the  middle  and  the  midrib  (pipiruku)  taken  out.  The  halves  of the  leaves  are  then  split  into  narrow  strips  ;  those  near  the  edge  of  the  leaf  called  the talinga  (ears)  are  of  no  use,  so  they  are  torn  off"  and  thrown  into  the  sea.  The  tips  of the  half  leaves  are  then  snipped  off  with  the  nail  and  the  leaves  split,  also  with  the  nail, into  narrow  strips  called  njira.  In  the  case  of  every  alternate  njira  the  splitting  is carried  right  up  to  the  simalona,  but  the  intervening  strips  are  only  split  up  to  about 16-18  cm.  from  the  top  ;  the  broader  strips  at  the  top  being  called  ruanjira,  i.e.,  two njira.  Each  ruanjira  is  thus  about  3  mm.  in  width,  divided  about  16-18  cm.  from  its attachment  into  two  strips,  each  about  1  •  5  mm.  above,  gradually  tapering  off"  to  a breadth  of  about  a  millimetre.  The  strips  next  to  the  midrib,  called  epata,  are  coarser than  the  rest,  and  are  separated  to  be  used  for  the  manufacture  of  the  ruder  kinds  of basket.  The  finer  split  strips  are  separated  from  the  simalona  ready  for  use  and  are then  called  kotungandi.  The  basket  is  called  mani,  and,;  the  process  of  its  manufacture or  plaiting  is  called  viri. For  the  purpose  of  description  it  will  be  convenient  to  divide  the  process  of manufacture  into  three  stages  :  —  (1)  Making  the  upper  rim  ;  (2)  Making  the  body  of the  basket,  including  the  lower  rim  ;  (3)  Filling  in  the  base. (1)  The  first  step  is  to  prepare  a  piece  of  leaf  called  pinggu  vapcrangai,  which is  used  as  a  framework  on  which  to  start  the  upper  rim  of  the  basket.  This  does not  enter  into  the  completed  structure,  but  is  removed  when  the  rim  is  joined  into a  circle.  The  pinggu  should  be  properly  prepared  ;  but,  as  it  does  not  actually  form part  of  the  basket,  the  Eddystone  women  are  now  content  to  use  it  green,  though it  was  said  that  in  Ruviana  it  is  still  properly  dried.  The  process  of  beginning  a  new basket  is  called  pinggupinggu  mani. In  the  specimen  figured  (Fig.  1),  the  pinggu  (A)  consists  of  a  double  strip  of  leaf, split  about  15-16  cm.  from  its  base  into  six  strips  which  form  the  wefts.*  At the  point  where  the  splitting  begins  the  pinggu  is  folded  obliquely,  and  the  wefts are  interlaced  as  shown  in  the  illustration.  Then  other  wefts  (kotungandi}  are- introduced  and  interwoven  with  the  pinggu  to  form  the  upper  rim  of  the  basket. of  leaf. *  The  term  weft  is  applied  to  each  weaving  element,  whether  consisting  of  one  or  more  strips No.  93.]  MAN.  [1910. These  kotungandi  are  all  in  pairs.  Two  long  kotungandi  are  taken,  and  their  ends laid  one  above  the  other,  overlapping  for  a  space  of  about  17-18  cm.,  with  the shiny  surfaces  outside.  They  thus  form  one  long  strip,  single  at  the  ends  with  a double  piece  in  the  centre.  It  is  this  double  piece  which  is  plaited  in  with  the pinggu  (see  Fig.  1).  The  upper  rim,  therefore,  is  woven  with  double  wefts,  while only  single  wefts  are  left  to  form  the  body  of  the  basket,  the  ends  of  both  series forming  a  fringe  on  the  inside  of  the  completed  structure. At  the  stage  shown  in  Fig.  1,  when  six  or  seven  kotungandi  have  been  plaited in  with  the  pinggu,  the  latter  could  be  removed  without  disturbing  the  plaited rim,  but,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  it  is  not  removed  till  the  plait  has  been  continued as  far  as  is  necessary  and  the  maker  is  ready  to  join  the  ends  to  make  the  circle complete.  Taking  out  the  pinggu  is  called  unisi  pania,  and  joining  the  top  of  the basket  is  varikarovona.  Fig.  2  shows  the  completed  rim  pulled  apart  at  the  place of  junction  to  illustrate  the  method  of  joining,  the  short  ends  being  on  the  inside. (2)  The    plaiting   is   then  continued  all  down  the  body  of   the  basket  in  various simple   patterns  until   it  becomes   necessary  to  begin   the  contraction  for  the  curved base.     At  this  point  two  or  three  kotungandi  are  taken  together  to  form  each  weft and  the  plaiting  continued  until  the  base  is  sufficiently  narrowed. So  far  there  is  nothing  peculiar  about  the  construction,  but  at  this  stage  a characteristic  feature  is  introduced  which  has  led  observers  to  assume  that  the  work is  here  finished  off  and  a  patch  added  to  form  the  bottom.  The  process  is  somewhat intricate,  but  may  be  elucidated  by  reference  to  the  illustrations. First,  all  the  kotungandi  are  doubled  obliquely  back  towards  the  inside  of  the basket,  and  all  the  sinistral  wefts*  caught  down  under  the  next  sinistral  weft  but .two,  working  from  left  to  right  (see  diagram,  Fig.  3).f Next,  the  basket  is  turned  inside  out  by  being  put  on  to  the  head  and  drawn down  over  it.  The  work  is  then  continued  and  the  basket  completed  inside  out. The  wefts  which  had  been  caught  down  on  the  inside  (now  the  outer  side)  of the  basket  are  not  used  to  fill  in  the  bottom,  but  are  cut  off  later,  and  the  cut ends  can  be  seen  inside  the  base  of  the  finished  structure  (Fig.  4).  Before  they  are cut  off  they  are  pulled  tight,  so  as  to  diminish  the  size  of  the  hole  at  the  bottom. The  specimen  photographed  (Fig.  5),  shows  the  basket  at  the  stage  at  which  the kotungandi  have  been  pulled  tight  but  have  not  yet  been  cut  off. (3)  The  last  stage  is  the.  filling  in  of  the  hole  at  the  bottom.     The  rest  of  the kotungandi  are  pulled  out  (i.e.,  the  dextral  wefts  in  the  diagram),  and  are  plaited  on together,  four  kotungandi  being  taken  together  to  form  each  weft,  until  the  greater part  of    the    hole    is    filled  in.     Then  the  wefts  first  plaited  are  lifted  up,  and  those from  the  other  side  interlaced   until  the  opposite  side  is  reached.     When   the   filling in  is  complete  the  whole  is  quite  loose.     The  wefts    are  then  pulled  tight.     All  the kotungandi  thus  meet  round  the   edge   of  the  "  patch "   which  forms  the  base.     The final  process  is  to  finish  them  off  and  keep  them  from  slipping  by  plaiting  in  the  ends. This  plait  can  be  seen  encircling  the  rim  on  the  interior  of  the  basket  in  Fig.  4. The  filling  in  of  the  hole  is  called  popoana^  and  the  hole  itself  popopo.  The rim  seen  round  the  base  of  the  completed  basket  on  the  outside  is  vegolai,  and  the plaiting  on  the  inside  piriuta.  The  "  patch "  at  the  bottom  of  the  basket  is  the mboto,  or  navel. The  essential  feature  of  the  filling  in  of  the  bottom  of  the  basket  producing  its *  Dextral  wefts  are  those  leaning  towards  the  right,  sinistral  those  leaning  towards  the  left. (0.  T.  Mason,  Report,  U.S.  Nat.  Mug.,  1902  [1904],  p.  18). •j-  In  the  diagram  the  dextral  wefts  are  shaded  and  the  sinistral  left  plain.  The  dextral  wefts are  shown  pulled  oat  ready  for  the  final  stage. J  The  name  popoana  is  also  applied  to  the  first  few  rows  at  the  top  of  the  basket. [     162     ] 1910.]  MAN.  [Xos.  93-94. patch-like  appearance  is  that  its  level  is  different  from  that  of  the  rest  of  the  bottom. It  is  clear  that  this  difference  in  level  is  produced  by  the  fact  that  the  strands,  by  means of  which  the  base  is  filled  in,  have  to  pass  over  those  turned  back.  The  proximate cause  of  the  special  feature  of  the  Solomon  basket  is  the  technical  fact  that  half  the strands  are  not  used,  but  are  doubled  back  out  of  the  way. When  we  turn  to  inquire  why  half  of  the  strands  are  turned  back,  the  most probable  catise  would  seem  to  be  the  fineness  of  the  mesh.  If  a  basket  is  begun  from the  top,  the  filling  in  of  the  base  will  present  no  special  difficulty  so  long  as  the  strands are  broad,  and  therefore  few  in  number  ;  but  when  they  are  fine,  they  form  so  great  a mass  as  to  become  unmanageable,  and  the  makers  of  the  Solomon  basket  adopted  the device  of  using  only  half  of  them. There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  presence  of  the  "  patch  "  within  the  basket  is due  to  the  turning  inside  out  during  the  process  of  manufacture.  If  this  did  not  take place,  and  the  strands  were  turned  back,  the  "  patch  "  would  be  on  the  outer  side  of  the basket,  and  it  seems  most  probable  that  the  turning  inside  out  was  designed  to  transfer it  to  the  inside. We  have  here  a  good  example  of  the  principle  that  in  technology  the  obvious explanation  from  the  civilised  point  of  view  is  not  necessarily  correct.  The  basket  of the  Solomon  islander  plays  a  great  part  in  his  life,  and  the  obvious  explanation  of  its special  feature  is  that  it  was  devised  to  strengthen  what  was  otherwise  the  weakest part.  So  far  from  this  feature  having  been  due  to  the  need  for  strength,  we  have  seen that  it  is  more  probably  the  consequence  of  the  fineness  of  the  materials  used  in  making the  basket.  It  has  followed  as  the  natural  result  of  a  technical  difficulty  arising  from this  fineness.  It  is  true  that  the  mode  of  filling  in  the  basket  has  actually  strengthened it ;  but,  according  to  the  above  interpretation,  this  was  not  the  primary  aim  of  the procedure,  though  the  strength  so  produced  has  doubtless  promoted  survival.  The Solomon  basket  would  not  have  survived  if  it  had  not  been  strong. This  affords  a  good  illustration  of  a  principle  which  in  its  application  is  not confined  to  technology.  Because  a  social  or  religious  institution  has  a  certain  effect it  does  not  follow  that  it  was  brought  into  being  to  produce  that  effect,  though  it may  have  been  that  effect  which  has  allowed  it  to  survive. W.  H.  R.  RIVERS. A.  HINGSTON  QUIGGIN. DESCRIPTION  OF  PLATE  L. Fig.   1. — Showing  the  pinggu  (A)  with  a  few  kotungandi  added. Fig.  2. — Showing  the  completed  rim  pulled  apart  at  the  place  of  junction  to illustrate  the  method  of  joining  when  the  pinggu  has  been  removed. Fig.  3. — Exterior  diagram  to  illustrate  method  of  forming  lower  rim  (vegolai). Fig.  4. — Showing  interior  of  basket. Fig.  5. — Showing  basket  immediately  before  filling  in  the  base. Fig.  6. — Showing  the  completed  base. India.  Risley. India   and    Anthropology:    Extract    -from    a    Speech    delivered     QJ at  Winchester  College.     By    Sir    Herbert    H.   Risley,    K.C.I.E.,    C.S.L,     UT President  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute. It  is  not  only  official  work  that  I  would  ask  you  to  consider  when  you  make up  your  minds  as  to  your  career.  Just  off  the  beaten  track  of  your  regular  duties  as  a civilian,  but  only  just  off  it,  and  overlapping  it  at  many  points,  there  lies  a  wide field  of  research  which  offers  endless  attractions  to  a  classical  scholar  trained  on modern  lines.  I  mean  ethnography,  the  study  of  custom,  myth,  ritual,  religion, social  structure,  and  so  on.  It  is  hardly  an  exaggeration  to  say  that  you  'have  in [     163     ] Nos.  94-95,]  MAN.  [1910. India  at  the  present  day  spread  out  before  you  veluti  descrlpta  tabella,  a  version,  in some  respects  a  grotesque  version,  of  the  daily  life  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans. Ancestor  worship  determining  the  law  of  inheritance  ;  Di  majores  worshipped  at  rare intervals  ;  minor  gods  without  number,  gods  of  boundaries,  villages,  rocks,  trees,  rivers, and  departmental  deities  who  run  diseases  like  cholera  and  small-pox  and  have  to  be kept  in  good  temper — these  are  some  of  the  incidents.  Some  of  the  classical  parallels are  remarkable.  Take,  for  example,  the  slaying  of  the  suitors  in  the  Odyssey,  the details  of  which  are  rather  puzzling.  When  you  have  seen  the  courtyard  of  an  Indian house  the  whole  affair  becomes  perfectly  plain.  One  understands  how  the  dais  was  at the  entrance  of  the  hall,  so  that  the  suitors  were  trapped,  and  why  they  could  not  rush Odysseus,  as  many  a  fanatic  running  amuck  with  a  magazine  rifle  has  been  rushed in  India.  Then  there  is  the  passage  in  the  beginning  of  the  Coloneus  where  CEdipus and  his  daughter  violate  a  sacred  grove  and  pay  forfeit.  Thai  has  happened  to  me several  times  in  the  pursuit  of  bears.  It  usually  costs  a  rupee. There  is  room  for  a  most  interesting  study  of  classical  analogies  in  India.  If one  could  reincarnate  my  friend  Dr.  Jackson,  scholar  and  anthropologist,  as  an  Indian civilian,  one  would  get  the  ideal  combination  of  philosophic  insight  and  administrative capacity.  Dr.  Jackson  as  a  district  officer  would  have  been  a  great  power  in  the  land. For  anthropology,  which,  after  all,  is  merely  a  long  and  rather  alarming  word  for knowledge  of  the  people  (the  German  word  volker-kunde  is  much  better)  has  a  high political  value.  Sir  Bampfylde  Fuller  put  the  point  well  when  he  said  in  the  Spectator, "  Nothing  wins  the  regard  of  an  Indian  so  easily  as  a  knowledge  of  facts  connected "  with  his  religion,  his  prejudices,  or  his  habits.  We  do  biit  little  to  secure  that "  our  officers  are  equipped  with  these  passports  to  popular  regard."  I  endorse  every word  of  that,  and  I  cherish  a  faint  hope  that  some  day  the  Government  of  India will  follow  the  wise  example  of  the  Colonial  Office  and  insist  on  selected  candidates for  the  Indian  services  being  taught  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  people  they have  to  govern.  If  it  is  right  to  teach  the  anthropology  of  West  Africa  to  the men  who  go  there,  much  more,  as  our  old  enemy  Euclid  says,  is  it  right  to  teach the  anthropology  of  India  to  the  men  of  the  Indian  services.  H.  H.  RISLEY. Africa:  Sudan.  Thompson. Some   Hadendoa  Words   hitherto   unpublished.     Part  i.      By    R.     QC Campbell   Thompson,  M.A.,  F.R.G.S.  UU During  six  months  travelling  in  1906  in  the  Eastern  Sudan  in  the  district  north and  north-west  of  Port  Sudan  among  the  Bisharin  and  Hadendoa,  who  live  among these  mountains,  I  made  some  small  collection  of  words  and  folk-tales  in  these  dialects. As  many  of  them  are  not  given  in  Almkvist's  vocabulary  and  grammar  or  Reinisch's Worterbuch  der  Bedauye  Sprache,  I  have  given  them,  however  imperfectly,  in  the following  list.  Arabic  is  gradually  ousting  the  native  tongue  of  these  wild  and interesting  tribes,  just  as  Gaelic  has  been  replaced  by  English  in  the  Highlands. LIST     OF     HADENDOA  WORDS. ABBREVIATIONS. A.  =  Almkvist,  Die  Bischari-Sprache.  O.  =  Okela. Am.  =  Amarar.  R.  =  Rotana. B.  =  Bishari.  Rein.  =  Reinisch. Burckh.  =  Burckhardt.                                                  S.  =  Sawakin. H.  =  Hadendoa.  Schw.  =  Schweinfurth. Lin.  =  Linant  de  Bellefonds.  Seetz.  =  Seetzen. Munz.  =  Munzinger. I  have  retained  Almkvist's  forms  in  quoting  from  him  ;  note  that  his  j  is  a y  or  i;  to  him  also  are  due  the  quotations  from  writers  other  than  Reiuisch. [    164     1 1910,]  MAN.  [No.  95. ABSCESS  :  A.  gives  dnne  and  asul :  I  heard  girhai  (B.),  and  in  camels  to-bab  (B.). ABSENT  :  kuidave,  pronounced  kuerdab  by  B. ABUSE  :  A.  gives  a  root  gehar :  I  heard  agreadi  for  "he  abuses"  (B.). ACACIA:   (I**—)  :  tawwa    (B.).     A.  gives    "  tawei    (?),  die   Agba,  Mimosenart,  Mi'\z. (to?/*?*)."     Rein,  gives    Tawdy,  acacia  spirocarpa. ACACIA  :  tortiles  ('/*—)  :  sagane  (S.)  :    Schw.  gives  sdngane,  acacia  spirocarpa. ACCOUNT  (s-»^~»-)  :  Arabic  word    adopted,  ica-hasab.     A.  gives  ddguej,  which  I  also heard  (i.e.,  daguai  (B.)). ACCOUNT  (;**•)  :  A.  gives  sdkana :  I    heard  both  ^-  and    sdkan    (B.).     Rein,  gives habir. ACCUSTOMED  :  Arabic  word  adopted  :  "  thou  art  accustomed  "  awwadamtenia  (B.). AFTER:  postpositive    oro,  e.g.,  haivil    oro,  "after    this    year";    hawil    arawe    semne (B.).      Cf.  A.  dri. AFTERNOON  :  ed-dhuri  tufunda  (B.). AFTERWARDS  :  arik  (B.). AGAIN:  malotma  (i.e.,  composed  of  malo  "two")  (B.). AGE  :  "  how  old  are  you  ?  "     baruk  naka  haiclaia  (B.).     (A.  gives    hdula    as    pi.  of hdwil,  "  year  "),  or  'umruk  naka  hawlai  (B.). ALL  :  A.  gives  kdris,  Munz.  kess\_a],  Krockow  cass[_o~]  :  I  heard  kasso :   "  are  all  of you  living  ?  "  is  kassak  d'haniban.     Rein,  says  "  kars  im  norden,  kass  im  siiden." ALMOND  :  Arabic  word  loza  8;  J  adopted  (Am.). ALMS  :  Arabic  word  S^  adopted  (Am.,  B.). ALONE  :  "  I  alone,"  aneb  ganaw  (Am.)  :  aneb  gonaya  (B.). ALOUD  :  wnnnet  hadida  (i.e.,  "  high  voice  ")  (B.). AMBER  :  Arabic  word  adopted  under  the  forms  kehraban  (Am.),  gehraban  (B.). AMULET  :  Arabic  word  for  "writing"  adopted,  to-Ktab :  malut. AMUSE  :   Arabic  word  adopted,  <J^^  (B.). ANCIENT  :  A.  gives   hdda,  siano,  and  seja  for  "  old "  :  I  heard  sia(b}  and  sinai. ANOTHER  :  arikaina  (B.). ANT  :  A.    gives    hdnkana,    hengana,    Munz.    hanganob    [in.],    hanganot    [f.],    Seetz. \t~\anganu  :  I  heard  w'hongana  (B.,  with  article),  hongtirnu  (Am.),  pi.  y'hungana (B.). ANTIQUITIES  :  Arabic  word  antikat  adopted. APE  :  A.  gives  lalunko,  Rein,  lalunkue  :  I  heard  lalnnkuo(b)  (H.). APPLE  :  Arabic  word  adopted,  o-tiffah. ARMY  :  e-kager  (B.). ASH  :  nPed-dol  (cf.  Rein,  ne  te  has)  (B.). AUNT  :  A.  gives  dera,  dura  for  both  d£c  and  d5U-  :  according  to  my  notes  I  was  told hota  for    the  former  (B.),  but    this    is    given    as  "  grandmother "  by  A.,  Munz., Krem.,  and  Seetz.,  so  there  is  probably  a  mistake  about  my  information. AXE  :  A.  gives  mdlau,  Munz.  lo'melau,  Krock.   \the~\mallo :    I  heard  te-malo  from  a Hadendoa  soldier,  but  one  Ahmed,  a  Bishari,  had  forgotten  its  name. BAKE  :  Seetz  gives  [e~\barda :  I  heard  for  "baked  "  hardi(b),  imperative  hartika,2  m.  s. perf.  hardibtawa.      I  was  also  told  for  "  the  bread  is  baked  "  o-hardi  basukw  (S.), a  word  given  under  the  form  besdkua  for  "  cooked  "  or  "  ripe  "  by  A.      Another imperative  given  me  was  dumboa  (B.)  :  baruk  sur  dumbotia,  "  thou  didst  cook  " (B.)  :  cf.  Rein,  ddmbo,  "  bread." BALL  :  dabbesani  (H.).     A.  gives  a  word  debalu,  "  round." BAREFOOT  :  aminsa'ab  (H.),  tugiab  (H.). BARK:    "the  dog    barks,"  hawini    o-yas  (H.    of    the    town),    hclini  o-yas  (H.  of  the hills).      A.    gives    both    words,  but    does    not  distinguish    between    them   in    his vocabulary. [    165    ] No.  95.]  MAN.  [1910. BARREN  :  A.  gives  gedudi,  "unfruchtbar  "  /^ec,  which  I  beard  for  women  and  animals (H.)  :  I  was  told  for  "  the  ground  is  barren"  o-has  dimmah  (H.). BASKET  :    small,  ebil  (H.)  ;  the  Arabic    <*J&&»  gafds   (H.,  perhaps   from  Arabic  (jflAi, which  Seetz.  gives  under  the  form  hafas,  "  nest "). BAT  :  Seetz.  gives  "  fledennaus,"  obitt :  I  heard  e-bllag  (H.). BEAD  :  A.  gives  ala,  f.  pl.=,  Glasperle,  ^. — MUNZ.  to'ale,  PI.  te'ale,  die  Glasperle  : I  heard  to-alla,  pi.  te-alla  (B.)  ;  tis'ba  (S.)  ;  (black)  sindid  (H.)  ;    (red)  berjan (H.)  ;  (with  a  small  projection)  dabe  (H.)  ;  (Mecca  type)  o-babanus  (B.). BEANS  :  Arabic  word  adopted,  ful  (H.),  so  also  Seetz. :  (haricot,  4**^)   o-skam  (H.). BEE  :    Munz.    gives    o'ujut    (i.e.    o'uyut),  pi.  te'au ;    Seetz.    [ti~\wau,  which    latter  I heard  (H.,  S.). BEETLE  :    hadaksia(b)  (H.)  :    a  large  species,  not    unlike  a  spider,  but    does  not  eat flies,  enkerewil  (S.). BELLOWS  :  o-kur  (H.). BELT  :  A.  gives  hakur :  I  heard    haguer  (Beidawi)  and  e-berim  (H.,  S.) BEND  :  A.  gives  hdlig :  I  heard  baruk  fhamga,  "  thou  didst  bend  "  (H.)  :  Rein,  gives "  halig  or  hanig" BLANKET  :  Arabic  word  adopted,  to-Vtania  (Am.). BLEED,  TO  :  imp.  /add,  pres.  fadini,  perf.  fadia  (H.)  :   Cf.  Seetz.  teffadeh  "  Narbe." BLIND,  HALF-  :  talo-hamase(b)  (S.). BLUE  :    as  an  instance  of   the  confusion  of   colours  among   the  Hadendoas,  nay  notes give   sotai   as    equivalent   for  v3^j\  "  blue,"  while   according    to  A.  it  =  "  green," Lin.  "yellow."     Rein,  dunkelfdrbig .     See  also  TWO-COLOURED. BOAT  (SMALL,  FOR  FISHING)  :  to-embai  (H.),  to-umbai  (H.). BODY  :  o-besdrog  (H.). BOIL,  TO  :    imp.   hima,    pres.   himaini,    perf.  himaia  (H.)  :    "  the    water   boils,"   aiam yimaian  (S.). BONE  :  A.  gives  wlta  for  the  singular  :  I  heard  also  miakua  with  pi.  te-mitdt. BONE    AT    THE    BACK    OF    THE    EARS  :    tO-akdld    (S.). BOSS    OF    CAMEL    UNDER    CHEST    BETWEEN    FORELEGS  :    O-JOTT    (pi.    the    Same)    (H.)    (the Arabic  jt\  ?  )• BOTTLE  (gulla)  :  Arabic  word  adopted. Bow,  TO  :    imp.  rika,  pres.  rikini,  perf.  rikia ;    the    noun    is   te-rlka  (H.)  ;    probably from  "Arabic  g^j. BOWL  :  the  Sawakin  equivalent  for  the  Arab  mu^raf  is  o-karnsa. BRAIN  :  A.  gives  hum,  which  I  heard  with  the  article  w'hum  (H.)  and  o-hom  (S.). BRAND,  TO  :    imp.  (baruk)alima,  past    suri  almawa  (H.).       Cf.  the    noun    to-dldmat, "  a  camel-mark  "  (S.). BRASS  :  Arabic  word  adopted,  o-n'has  (Okela),  as  well  as  o-bdlu. BREAD  :  the  ordinary  word  is  6-herdi,  o-hardi,  A.  giving  the  form  Jidda ;   bread  made of  dough  wrapped  round  stones  and  toasted  on  the  fire  is  o-berkuitan. BREAST  :  A  gives  "ataba*[?],  Brust,  KREM.  (adtabay  :  I  heard  o-ddbd  (B.).     Rein. has  a  word  daba,  "  vorderseite." BRIDLE,  CAMEL-  :  o-hdsal. BROTHER-IN-LAW:    A.  gives    malljo  [?]  :  Munz,   o'malljo,   der    Schwager,   te'malito die  Schwagerin  :  I  heard  o-malyo.     Rein,   gives  two  forms  :  me'dli,  ma'eli. BRUISE  :  pres.  fadamtenia :  pass,  baruk  fadamab  :  the  noun  is  fldid  (H.). BUCKET  :  o-druk,  pi.  te-drukua  (H.)  :    I  heard  also  the  bastard  form  te-duguera.     See CISTERN.     The   word  shaduf  has    been  adopted  under    the   form  e-sarduf  (H.), but  it  is  not  known  in  the  hills. BUCKLE  :  o-ma'ade  (H.). BUD  :  "  it  puts  forth  buds,"  buk  taiab  (H.). [    166    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  95. BUSTARD  :  I  was  told  that  the  equivalent  of  the  Arabic  ^W  was  to-ndirhe,  the  great bustard  being  to-malalit  ndirot  (H.)  :  Rein,  gives  malal-i-t  endirho  as  wiistenhun : tandirhu  is  given  by  Seetz.  as  Kiiker,  Henne  ;  and  Krockow  gives  teantie-reh  as Haushuhn.  I  certainly  was  told  "chicken,"  "fowl,"  for  wu-ndirho  (S.)  and tu-ndirhe  (S.). BUTCHER  :  "  he  is  a  butcher,"  baru  tagaribv  (H.). CABBAGE  :  I  was  told  that  no  word  was  known. CAKE  :  to-legemat  (H.),  to-sambusa  (S.). CAMEL-BAG  :  Arabic  word  adopted,  o-hurig. CAMEL-DRIVER  :  Arabic  word  adopted,  o-gemalib. CAMEL-MARK,  or  BRAND  :  to-alamat  (H.)  (Arabic). CAMEL  PACK-SADDLE  :  o-basur  (B.  and  Odeano  district),  to-hawiya  (S.). CAMEL,  UNWEANED  :  o-hiwa  (H.). CAMEL,  YOUNG  :  o-s"ior  (H.). CANAL  :   (&f)  :    to-mada  (madat)  (H.). CANE  :  (s~*\j£«)  :  ow-unkole  (H.)  ;  Rein,  gives  enkulub. CAP  :  Arabic  word  adopted,  ti-borneta  (H.)  :  skull-cap  ;  Arabic  word  adopted, ti-tagea  (H.). CAPTAIN  :    Arabic  word  adopted,  on-rais  (H.). CARAVAN  :    Arabic  word  adopted,  gillaba  (H.). CARELESS  :  "  he  pays  no  heed  "  (Arabic  ma  iftikar)  nat  kihalil :   Cf.  Rein,  under  halal. CARPENTER  :   o-hasana  (H.). CARPET  :  Arabic  word  adopted,  ti-seggada  (S.),  but  I  was  also  told  o-angare  (H.). (=  angareb  "  bed ").  A.  gives  embad,  which  I  noted  as  o-mbard,  for  the burs-mat  ;  it  was  explained  to  me  as  the  burs  el-kebir  (H.). CASTOR-TREE  :    ti-mbelas  (H.)  ;     castor-oil,  ti-mbelasti-zet  (H.). CAT  :  ti-bisesa  (B.)  ;  ti-bissa  (0.).  (A.  gives  besa  ;  Rein,  bissa,  besa)  •  o-lolis (Kassala).  A.  gives  a  word  nolis :  Rein,  gives  both  nolis  and  lolis. CATARACT  IN  THE  EYE  :    Cf.  te-lelit  fis  efe. CAULDRON  :   to-wa  to-win,  i.e.,  "  the  great  pot." CENTIPEDE  :  given  as  lolis  by  Munz.  :  I  heard  te-bilholls  for  the  worm-like  black centipede  found  on  the  tops  of  the  mountains. CERTAIN,  A  CERTAIN  PERSON  :   Arabic  word  adopted,  filan  (S.). CHICKEN  :   nearly  full  grown,  i-siwe :    see  also  BUSTARD. CINNAMON  :   Arabic  word  adopted,  te-girfa. CIRCUMCISION  :  Seetz.  gives  koaschab  for  the  noun,  which  approximates  to  the  root which  I  heard  :  the  imperative  of  the  verb  given  to  me  was  kusiba. CISTERN  :  this  word  is  given  as  deruk,  pi.  derk"a  by  A.  ;  Munz.  has  cfderuk :  I heard  o-druk,  pi.  te-drukua,  the  word  also  being  used  for  "  bucket." CIVET  :    Seetz.  gives  tisbateh,  i.e.,  the  Arabic  »>^j  :    I  heard  o-Cbad  (S.). CLAP  THE  HANDS  :    Cf.  te-dumbe  tikta  (/v/keta). CLUB  :   o-son,  pi.  sona. COARSE  (OP  FLOUR,  ETC.)  :   glribd  (S.). COCK  :  A.  gives  dlk,  the  Arabic  «^»J  :  I  heard  o-jik  (S.).  This  is  also  given  by Rein. COFFIN  :    Arabic  word  adopted,  ti-tdbot  (S.). COLD  :    adj.  makuir  ;    A.  gives  the  noun  mdkuara,  which  I  heard  as  o-makudra  (S.). COLIC  :    "  I  have  a  bad  stomach-ache,"  to-inai  winnet  etuin  heb. CUP  :  o-kos  (Arabic  ?)  (B.). [The  remainder  of  this   article  will  appear  in  the  December  number  of  MAX.} [     167     ] No.  96.] MAN. [1910. England  :  Physical  Anthropology.  Devereux. On  a  Skeleton  found   in   a  Gravel    Pit   at   Overbury.  Worcester-     flfi shire.     By  Norman  Devereux,  M.A.  UU It  is  well  known  that  Bredon  Hill,  an  eminence  of  strategic  importance,  was once  a  stronghold  of  the  ancient  Briton.  On  the  north  side  is  a  British  camp overlooking  the  Severn  and  Avon  valleys.  On  the  south  a  camp  of  Danish  repute, commanding  a  view  of  the  vale  as  far  as  the  Cotswold  hills.  It  also  boasts  of  pre- historic stones.  The  conclusion  may  therefore  be  drawn  that  many  a  Celt  lies  buried in  its  vicinity. A  short  while  ago,  at  Overbury,  a  village  on  the  south  side  of  the  hill,  a  skele- ton was  found  in  a  quarry  of  oolitic  brash.  It  was  lying  at  a  depth  of  5  feet  below the  surface,  the  depth  of  the  surface  soil  being  3^  feet,  and  had  evidently  been roughly  built  around  with  rough  stones,  as  there  were  remains  of  an  arch  over the  head  on  the  one  side  and  over  the  feet  on  the  other,  the  centre  of  the  arch — __    ^   __ _     _ .  _    ._       ^    T._  j   ,     I..»LT._  which  was  wanting — having  probably subsided.  The  floor was  roughly  paved with  flat  quarry stones.  The  length of  the  enclosure was  3|  feet  and its  probable  height 1^  feet. The  body  was sitting,  or  rather reclining,  with  the spine  bent  forward facing  west,  with legs  fully  extended and  lying  parallel, the  right  leg  being higher  than  the left  in  the  same horizontal  plane,  so that  the  pelvis  was tilted  to  the  left. The  skull rolled  out  before the  workmen  knew what  they  were  upon,  and  with  it  an  iron  plate  which  was  broken  by  the  fall. The  iron  plate  had  been  nailed  originally  to  a  wooden  backing,  one  side  of  it  being covered  by  a  thin  layer  of  decayed  wood  and  having  iron  nails  projecting  through it.  The  skull  also  had  one  or  two  spots  of  decayed  wood  attached  to  the  occiput. It  was  sent  to  Professor  MacAlister,  to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  the  following interesting  description  : — "  The  skull  is  probably  late  British.  ,  It  resembles  some  of  the  pre-Roman  skulls "  we  have  here  "  (i.e.,  in  the  Cambridge  University  Anatomical  Museum), "  but  it  is "  of  a  kind  which  is  usually  associated  with  iron  weapons,  and  so  cannot  be  much "  before  the  Roman  invasion. "It  is  dolichocephalic  (index  70 "5),  a  male,  but  of  effeminate  type,  of  fairly k'  large  capacity,  had  a  long,  narrow  face,  narrow  nose  (leptorrhine),  and  was  that  of [    168    ] FlG.   1. — SITE  WHEEE  SKELETON  WAS  FOUND   IN   GRAVEL   PIT  AT OVERBURY,   WORCESTERSHIRE. 1910.] MAN. [No.  96. 4*  a  man  not  more  than  35  or  40  years  of  age.     The  sutures  have  prematurely  united, "  but  the  teeth  are  singularly  unworn  for  one  of  that  age." Most  of  the  vertebrae,  the  ribs,  clavicles,  and  scapulas  fell  to  pieces  soon  after the  discovery  was  made,  but  the  long  bones,  sacrum  and  right  os  innominatum  were removed  fairly  whole. The  length  of  the  femur  was  15  inches,  of  the  fibula  12|  inches.  The  humerus 10|  inches,  and  the  ulna  9j.  The  left  humerus  had  an  anatomical  peculiarity.  It  was perforate,  that  is  to  say,  its  olecranon  and  coronoid  fossas  communicated,  which  would allow  a  greater  range  of  motion  at  the  elbow  joint.  The  right  was  imperforate. The  left  foot  lay  in  its  natural  position,  with  toes  pointing  upwards.  The  right was  displaced  inwards  at  the  first  tarsal  joint. On  the  sole  of  each  foot  were  about  thirty-five  iron  nails,  extending  from  the toes  to  about  the  middle  of  the  metatarsal  bones.  The  material  into  which  they were  fixed  was  very  much  decayed,  and  of  a  deep  chocolate  colour.  There  were traces  of  the  same  on  the  dorsa  of  the  feet,  and  some  was  firmly  adherent  to  the under  surfaces  of  the  phalanges  after  their  removal. The  nails  were  about  three-quarters  of  an  inch  in  length,  with  large  corroded heads,  and  comparatively well  -  preserved  spikes, with  a  bulge  near  the head  and  bent  towards the  point. A  number  of  iron nails  were  found  on  the floor  round  the  skeleton, all  much  corroded.  They fractured  so  easily  that removal  was  difficult without  breakage,  even when  the  soil  around  had been  removed  with  a pocket  knife.  Each  was surrounded  by  a  film  of decayed  wood. Their  arrangement was  as  follows  : — One,  4  inches  long,  bent  in  the  shape  of  a  hook  a  few  inches  behind  the  sacrum, with  close  to  its  side  another,  which  was  twisted. A  row  parallel  with  and  to  the  right  of  the  right  thigh.  Another  parallel  with the  leg,  and  several  inches  to  the  right  of  the  above.  And  a  third  row  parallel  with, and  below  the  sole  of  the  left  foot. All  these  nails  had  their  points  projecting  vertically  from  the  ground. Probably  there  were  some  originally  on   the  left   side,  which   had    been   removed before  the  discovery. This  distribution  seems  to  point  to  some  form  of  wooden  casing  having  existed inside  the  stonework,  but  there  was  no  vestige  of  decayed  wood  under  the  skeleton or  on  the  under  surfaces  of  the  bones.  A  piece  of  iron,  2  inches  in  length,  with an  eye  at  one  end,  lay  flat  on  the  ground  to  the  right  of  the  line  of  nails  opposite the  thigh. Numerous  fragments  of  charcoal  were  found  amongst  the  soil,  also  many  small flakes  of  the  same  colour  as  the  substance  round  the  feet  into  which  the  nails  were fixed.  These  pulverised  when  picked  up  between  the  fingers. (    169    ] FlO.  2. — SKELETON   FOUND  IN  GBAVEL   PIT  AT   OVEBBUBY, WORCESTERSHIBE. Nos.  96-97.]  MAN.  [1910. A  few  feet  from  the  interment,  in  the  uppermost  layers  of  the  brash  were  some layers  of  cement,  formed  in  the  process  of  iron  smelting,  containing  a  large  proportion of  iron.  NORMAN  DEVEREUX. PROCEEDINGS    OF    SOCIETIES. Anthropology.  British  Association. Anthropology  at  the  British  Association,   Sheffield  Meeting,  August  31s/  to September  7/A,  1910.     (Continued  from  MAN,  October,   1910.) ETHNOGRAPHY  AND  ETHNOLOGY. PROFESSOR  H.  J.  FLEURE,  M.A.,  D.Sc.,  AND  T.  C.  JAMES,  M.A. —  The  People  oj Cardiganshire. — An  anthropometrical  survey  of  the  Welsh  population  has  been  in progress  for  some  years,  and  detailed  observations  of  about  1,500  adults  have  been taken.  The  present  paper  is  a  first  report  and  deals  with  the  characteristics  of 520  adult  males  whose  family  history,  so  far  as  it  is  known,  shows  that  they  belong exclusively  to  Cardiganshire,  though  that  name  is  not  used  in  the  exact  sense,  but  is held  to  denote  the  region  bounded  by  the  River  Dyfi,  the  Plynlimmon  anticline, Mynydd  Prescely,  and  the  sea. The  foundation  of  the  population  is  of  Mediterranean  type,  characterised  by  great length  and  size  of  head,  dark  brown  to  black  hair,  slight  prognathism,  stature  slightly below  the  average  (1,671  mm.),  largely  through  the  absence  of  very  tall  individuals, and  a  somewhat  high  ratio  of  length  of  leg  to  stature.  All  the  characteristics  are shown  most  markedly  among  the  men  with  black  hair,  dark  fresh  skin,  and  brown  eyes, whose  head  indices  are  about  74-6.  The  length  of  head  seems  due  mainly  to  a  marked occipital  projection.  As  one  goes  from  these  individuals  to  others  with  hair  dark brown  instead  of  black,  one  finds  that  the  prognathism  and  the  occipital  projection decrease  and  disappear,  the  latter  change  involving  a  shortening  of  the  head  and  a consequent  rise  of  head  index.  The  best  types  are  undoubtedly  those  from  the  remoter valleys  in  the  mountain  sides  and  those  from  the  deep  valley  of  the  Teify  and  its tributaries  around  Llandyssul. There  are  scattered  individuals  with  dark  pigmentation  and  a  head  index  80-5. These  usually  have  the  head  short,  and  they  are  more  numerous  along  the  open  coast from  Llanrhystyd  to  New  Quay  than  elsewhere. The  distribution  of  the  fair-haired  people  is  most  interesting.  There  is  a  sprinkling of  them  throughout  the  county  with  a  cluster  of  the  narrower-headed  men  (76-8)  at Newcastle  Emlyn,  some  distance  up  the  Teifi.  They  occur  in  large  numbers  along  the open  coast  from  Llanrhystyd  to  New  Quay  and  extend  eastward  up  the  valley  of  the Wyre  and,  further  south,  across  the  low  hills  of  Mynydd  Bach  into  the  centre  of the  county,  around  Pontrhydfendigaid,  Tregaron,  and  Llanddewi  Brefi,  and  here  it  is the  individuals  with  an  index  of  79-80  who  predominate,  while  their  features  are  more strongly  developed  than  in  the  case  of  the  Newcastle  Emlyn  men.  They  are opisthognathous  and  slightly  taller  (1,699  mm.)  than  the  Mediterranean  people,  but include  several  individuals  about  1,800  mm.  in  height,  the  average  being  brought  down by  occasional  very  short  individuals  (below  1,600  mm.).  The  fair  type  becomes decidedly  rarer  inland  north  of  the  Wyre,  and  this  is  interesting  as  that  valley  forms  one of  the  most  marked  dialect  boundaries  in  Wales,  and  the  hills  above  it  have  a  remarkable series  of  early  earthworks  which  need  further  study. Among  the  fair  people,  as  among  the  dark,  increase  of  head  index  in  correlated with  a  decrease  of  head  length,  which  is  continuous  except  for  a  break  due  to  a number  of  exceptionally  big  men  (average  stature,  1,724  mm.)  with  index  78-9.  Here and  there,  and  notably  around  Tregaron,  there  are  men  with  index  about  78-81,  red hair,  florid  features,  large  foreheads,  prominent  zygomatic  arches,  and  often  an  insinking [     170     j 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  97. of  the  cheek.     Our  observations  point  to  their  being  the  result  of  crossing  between  fair and  dark  types,  but  this  opinion  is  stated  with  reserve  for  the  present. A  similar  account  of  Merionethshire  will  be  ready,  we  hope,  before  long,  and similar  work  is  in  progress  for  Carnarvonshire  and  Carmarthenshire,  while  numerous observations  have  been  collected  for  other  counties  and  a  definite  campaign  in Glamorganshire  is  being  organised. Archceological  and  Ethnological  Researches  in  Crete.  Report  of  the  Committee, — The  Committee  reported  that  Mr.  C.  H.  Hawes  had  made  some  progress  in  analysing the  observations  which  he  made  during  his  visit  to  Crete  in  1909,  and  that  Dr. Duckworth  had  reported  further  on  the  observations  he  made  in  1903.  Both  these reports  are  reprinted  in  full  in  the  Report  of  the  British  Association,  1910  (Sheffield). PROFESSOR  G.  ELLIOT  SMITH,  M.A.,  M.D..  F.R.S. — The  People  of  Egypt. — In the  present  state  of  our  knowledge  it  would  be  idle  to  discuss  the  origin  of  the  Pre- dynastic  Egyptian  population  beyond  stating  that  the  people  show  undoubted  affinities with  the  so-called  "  Mediterranean  Race  "  as  well  as  with  the  Arabs,  and  that  they  must have  been  settled  in  the  Nile  valley  for  many  ages  before  they  constructed  the  earliest prehistoric  graves  known  to  us,  for  their  peculiarly  distinctive  culture,  their  arts,  their mode  of  writing,  and  their  religion  were  certainly  evolved  in  Egypt. But  even  before  the  end  of  the  Predynastic  period  a  slight  change  in  the  physical traits  of  the  population  can  be  detected,  although  it  is  not  until  more  than  four  centuries later,  i.e.,  until  the  time  of  the  3rd  Dynasty,  that  the  modification  of  the  physical  type becomes  sufficiently  pronounced  to  afford  unmistakable  evidence  of  its  significance.  For then  the  three  Nile  territories  under  consideration  had  each  its  own  distinctive  people  : Lower  Nubia,  a  population  essentially  identical  with  the  Predynastic  Egyptian,  but slightly  tinctured  with  negro ;  Lower  Egypt,  the  descendants  of  the  Predynastic Egyptians,  profoundly  modified  by  admixture  with  alien  white  immigrants,  who  entered the  Nile  valley  via  the  Delta  ;  and  Upper  Egypt,  protected  by  its  geographical  position from  the  direct  effect  of  either  of  these  foreign  influences,  was  being  subjected  to  the indirect  influence  of  both  by  the  intermingling  of  its  people  with  those  of  Nubia  and Northern  Egypt. In  the  time  of  the  Middle  Kingdom  this  double  racial  influence  became  much  more pronounced  in  the  Thebaid,  and  the  effect  of  the  white  immigration  became  almost  as pronounced  there  as  it  had  been  in  Lower  Egypt  in  the  times  of  the  Pyramid  builders  of the  Old  Kingdom.  The  Nubian  element  also  became  more  significant,  the  influx  con- sisting at  various  times  of  slaves,  mercenaries,  and  perhaps  also  invaders,  not  to  mention the  slow  but  steady  percolation  into  Egypt  of  a  negroid  element  resulting  from  the secular  intermingling  of  neighbouring  peoples.  Thus  began  that  graduation  of  racial characters  in  the  Nile  valley,  ranging  from  the  Levantine  white  population  of  Alexandria to  the  -negro  of  the  Soudan,  which  has  persisted  until  the  present  day,  and  is  displayed even  in  the  measurements  of  30,000  modern  Egyptian  men  which  are  now  being examined  by  Mr.  J.  I.  Craig. It  is  not  yet  possible  to  express  a  positive  opinion  as  to  the  source  of  the  white immigration  into  the  Delta,  which  first  reached  significant  proportions  in  the  times  of the  3rd  and  4th  Dynasties,  but  from  evidence  which  I  have  recently  collected  it  seems probable  that  the  bulk  of  it  came  from  the  Levant.  It  is  most  likely,  however,  that there  was  a  steady  influx  into  the  Delta  of  people  coming  both  from  east  and  west,  and that  their  percolation  into  Egypt  was  so  gradual  as  not  to  disturb  violently  the  even flow  of  the  evolution  of  the  distinctive  Egyptian  civilisation.  Nevertheless,  it  is perhaps  not  without  significance,  especially  when  we  take  into  account  the  simple- minded,  unprogressive,  and  extremely  conservative  character  of  the  real  Egyptian,  to note  that  none  of  the  greatest  monuments  were  constructed  nor  the  most  noteworthy No.  97.]  MAN.  [1910. advances  made  in  the  arts  of  the  Egyptian  civilisation  except  on  the  initiative  of  an aristocracy  in  the  composition  of  which  there  was  a  considerable  infusion  of  non- Egyptian  blood.  From  the  times  of  the  Pyramid  builders  until  the  present  day  Egypt's rulers  have  probably  never  been  of  undiluted  Egyptian  origin. E.  TORDAY. —  The  BuShongo  of  the   Congo  Free  State. MERVYN  W.  H.  BEECH,  M.A.— The  Suk  of  East  Africa.— The  Suk,  or  Pokwut, who  live  north  of  Lake  Baringo,  are  of  mixed  origin,  as  proved  by  language,  appearance, and  anthropometry.  They  are  akin  to  the  Nandi,  but  there  is  a  large  aboriginal element.  They  were  originally  agriculturists,  and  their  tribes  are  subdivided  into totemic  and  exogamous  clans.  Their  social  system  resembles  that  of  the  Nandi. They  have  no  chiefs,  only  advisers — i.e.,  influential  men  with  no  real  power.  Cattle are  their  chief  interest  and  food.  There  are  many  beliefs  and  customs  connected  with cattle.  Great  precaution  is  taken  lest  women  touch  men's  food.  Dress,  weapons  and ornaments,  and  dances  differ  entirely  from  those  of  the  Nandi,  but  resemble  those  of  the Turkana.  The  agriculturists  have  an  elaborate  system  of  land  tenure  and  interesting customs  connected  with  cultivation,  industries,  and  hunting.  Religion  is  vague.  Com- parison of  customs  connected  with  crime  shows  the  hill  tribes  to  be  the  hardier  people. The  Suk  language  shows  a  large  percentage  of  Nandi,  a  little  Turkana,  and  a  con- siderable amount  of  what  is  probably  aboriginal.  The  absence  of  an  article  is  the most  noteworthy  feature. G.  W.  GRABHAM,  M.A. — Native  Pottery  Methods  in  the  Anglo- Egyptian  Sudan. — With  the  exception  of  a  stretch  of  country  along  the  Nile  between  Khandak  and  Kerna, in  Dongola  Province,  the  use  of  the  wheel  is  unknown  in  the  Sudan.  Three  distinct methods  of  shaping  wares  by  hand  are  in  use,  and  may  be  detailed  as  follows  : — 1.  The   manufacture  of   bormas,  godus,  &c.,  by  men,  often  of  the  Shaigia  tribe  of Dongola.     The  mud  is  mixed   with   a  large    proportion   of   dung  to  prevent  cracking on  drying.     The  mouth  and  upper  part  of  the  jar  are  first  formed  and  placed  to  dry in  a  special  way.     When  the  mouth   is  sufficiently  hard   to   stand  the   weight  of  the vessel,  the  lower  part  is  finished  by  drawing  out  the  surplus  mud  left  for  the  purpose. The  wares  are  baked  in  a  flask-shaped  kiln,  often  hollowed  out  of  the  ground. 2.  The  manufacture  of  bormas  and  basins  by  women.     The  clay  used  is  fairly  pure, but  a  small  amount  of  chopped   grass  is  mixed  in  during  the  formation  of  the  wares. These  are  shaped  by  pressing  the  clay  into  a  hollow  in  the  ground,  and  by  this  means an  almost  spherical  vessel  is  produced,  with  a  hole   only  large  enough  to  admit  the arm  of  the  worker.     The  neck  is  finished  off  by  hand,  and   the  wares  are  built  up into  a  low  pile  with  dung,  and  baked  by  setting  fire  to  the  heap. 3.  The  manufacture  of  gobanas.     This  is  carried  on  in  Omdurman,  but  the  home of  the  industry  is    probably  farther  east.     Two   cup-shaped   basins    are    formed,  and, with  the  aid  of  a  hole  cut  in  one,  the  two  are  joined  together.     A  spout  and  handle are  added  before  the  vessel  is  scraped,  polished  and  ornamented.     The  baking  is  done by  building  the  wares  into  a  heap  with  dung. These  gobanas,  or  coffee-pots,  are  beautifully  symmetrical  and  remarkable  for  the thinness  of  the  ware.  [./.  Cairo  Scientific  Society.~\ W.  H.  R.  RIVERS,  M.A.,  M.D. — Kava-drinking  in  Melanesia. — It  is  usually supposed  that  the  practice  of  drinking  the  infusion  of  the  root  of  Piper  methysticum in  Melanesia  has  been  introduced  from  Polynesia,  but  there  are  many  facts  in  favour of  its  being  an  indigenous  Melanesian  custom,  or,  if  introduced,  of  far  greater  antiquity than  other  features  of  Melanesian  culture  which  can  be  ascribed  to  Polynesian  influence. In  the  Southern  New  Hebrides  the  infusion  is  called  Kava,  and,  so  far  as  can  be judged  from  published  accounts,  the  method  of  preparing  it  resembles  that  practised in  Polynesia.  Here  the  practice  may  have  been  modified  by  Polynesian  influence.  In [  172  ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No,  97. the  Northern  New  Hebrides,  the  Banks  and  Torres  Islands,  .on  the  other  hand,  there are  indigenous  names  ;  the  whole  ceremonial  of  making  and  drinking  the  infusion differs  fundamentally  from  that  of  Polynesia,  and  the  use  of  the  substance  is  closely connected  with  other  social  institutions.  In  many  cases  the  use  of  kova  has  a  clearly religious  character. The  occurrence  of  kava-drink'mg  in  the  Fly  River  region  of  New  Guinea  suggests that  the  distribution  of  the  custom  may  at  one  time  have  been  very  wide,  and  that in  the  greater  part  of  New  Guinea  and  in  Northern  Melanesia  it  has  been  replaced by  betel.  So  far  as  it  is  used  as  a  stimulant  and  narcotic,  it  is  easy  to  understand how  substances  always  ready  to  hand  for  immediate  use,  such  as  the  ingredients  of  the betel  mixture,  should  have  displaced  one  requiring  the  special  and  prolonged  preparation which  is  necessary  in  the  case  of  kava.  A  good  example  of  such  displacement  is  to be  found  in  the  Polynesian  island  of  Tikopia,  where  betel,  almost  certainly  a  com- paratively recent  introduction,  has  in  everyday  life  entirely  displaced  kava,  which  is only  used  in  the  form  of  libations  poured  out  at  the  graves  of  the  dead,  and  during various  religious  ceremonies. In  the  Northern  New  Hebrides  and  in  the  Torres  Islands  the  root  is  scraped,  and it  seems  probable  that  the  ancient  practice  of  the  inland  tribes  of  Fiji  was  to  pound  it. It  is  likely  that  the  original  Melanesian  practice  was  scraping  or  pounding,  and  that the  custom  of  chewing  the  root  arose  in  Polynesia. A.  K.  NEW  MAX. — A  Search  for  the  Fatherland  of  the  Polynesians. Ethnographic  Survey  of  Canada.  Report  of  the  Committee. — As  the  result  of representations  made  by  the  Committee,  it  was  decided  by  the  Dominion  Government to  establish  a  Department  of  Ethnology  under  the  Geological  Survey. Two  sums  for  the  year  were  added  to  the  Supplementary  Estimates  of  the  House of  Commons — viz.,  one  of  420/.  sterling,  and  the  other  of  400/.  sterling,  the  former  to pay  the  salary  of  an  Ethnologist,  the  latter  for  the  working  of  the  Department.  The Geological  Department  has  had  already  packed  away  3,000/.  sterling  worth  of  most valuable  ethnological  material  chiefly  from  British  Columbia. ALICE  C.  FLETCHER. — A  Sidelight  on  Exogamy. — Some  of  the  theories  as  to the  origin  of  this  widespread  custom  were  reviewed  and  objections  stated.  No  one explanation  of  exogamy  is  possible  at  the  present  stage  of  our  knowledge  of  the many  and  various  peoples  who  practise  it.  Evidences  as  to  the  reason  for  the practice  of  this  custom  among  the  Omaha  tribe  and  of  five  cognate  tribes  have  been gathered  during  more  than  twenty  years  of  study  among  them.  The  organisation  of these  tribes  is  based  upon  cosmic  ideas,  religious  in  character,  and  their  influence  can be  traced  in  the  arrangement  of  the  kinship  groups  and  in  the  custom  pertaining  to marriage,  which  explain  why  these  people  practice  exogamy. E.  S.  HARTLAND. — On  Mourning  Dress. — The  question  of  mourning  dress  was discussed  by  Professor  Frazer  in  the  fifteenth  volume  of  the  Journal  of  the  Anthropo- logical Institute,  in  which  he  raised  several  questions  that  have  not  yet  been  definitely settled.  It  is  clear,  as  he  says,  that  mourning  garb  was  intended  to  be  something quite  distinctive  from,  if  not  the  reverse  of,  ordinary  costume,  but  its  exact  purpose seems  still  to  be  under  discussion.  It  has  been  suggested  that  it  was  meant  as  a disguise,  in  order  to  deceive  the  ghost  of  the  dead.  All  kinds  of  spirits  are  easily deceived,  and  while  protection  is  required  from  the  spirits  of  the  dead,  from  various examples  it  is  by  no  means  so  clear  that  that  protection  took  the  form  of  disguise. Weapons  and  amulets  are  certainly  employed.  Other  suggestions  are  that  mourning garb  and  customs  were  intended  as  a  return  to  more  primitive  conditions,  as  a  means of  expressing  union  with  the  dead.  The  mourner  was  supposed  to  partake,  to  some extent,  of  the  condition  of  the  dead,  especially  during  the  arduous  journey  of  the [     173    ] No.  97.]  MAN.  [1910. ghost  to  its  ultimate  home.  On  the  whole,  some  weight  must  be  given  to  these suggestions,  but  the  real  intention  seems  more  likely  to  have  been  an  expression  of sorrow  and  abasement  so  as  to  deprecate  the  malice  of  a  spirit  which  was  naturally annoyed  at  finding  itself  disembodied. PSYCHOLOGY. JOINT  MEETING  WITH  SECTION  L  (EDUCATION)  ON  INTELLIGENCE  TESTS  IN CHILDREN. OTTO  LIPMANN,  D.PHIL. —  On  Testing  Intelligence  in  Children. — In  dealing  with the  method,  not  the  results,  of  investigations  of  intelligence  in  children  reference  was made  principally  to  that  followed  by  Binet  and  Simon  and  by  Bobertag  in  investigations, of  which  the  results  are  not  yet  published.  Starting  with  a  definition  of  intelligence based  on  the  concepts  of  u  leading  idea  "  and  of  "  inhibition  ''  it  was  shown  that  an intelligence  test  should  be  not  merely  a  memory  test.  In  employing  intelligence  tests certain  limitations  should  be  observed.  Only  children  subject  to  like  conditions  should be  compared,  while  the  chief  result  of  the  investigation  will  be  to  draw  a  boundary line  between  normal  and  subnormal  pathological  cases. Binet  and  Simon  give  a  number  of  tests  by  which  all  the  mental  functions belonging  to  the  intelligence  may  be  investigated.  They  show  for  each  age  the  tests which  a  "  normal "  child  might  be  expected  to  accomplish.  The  preliminary  question, what  percentage  of  the  children  of  the  same  age  are  normal,  is  answered  by  nearly the  same  number,  whether  the  method  of  Galton,  McDougall  (Mental  Measurements Committee),  or  that  followed  in  several  other  investigations,  is  employed. If  the  supernormal  individuals  who  accomplish  the  test  are  added,  the  result  is nearly  always  the  same — a  percentage  of  77. WILLIAM  BROWN,  M. A. —  The  Measurement  of  Intelligence  in  School  Children. — Since  the  mind,  like  the  body,  is  variable,  the  method  most  applicable  to  the problem  will  be  the  statistical  method  of  correlation.  Taking  a  sufficient  number  of cases  we  may  proceed  to  determine  the  magnitude  of  the  tendency  to  concomitant variation  displayed  by  the  various  subsidiary  mental  capacities  distinguished  by ordinary  thought  and  measured  by  ordinary  standards.  To  carry  out  this  plan with  any  attempt  at  systematic  completeness  would  involve  the  evaluation  of  the "  correlation  ratio "  (p)  as  well  as  the  "  correlation  coefficient "  (r)  for  each  pair  of capacities  under  consideration,  in  order  to  determine  the  form  as  well  as  the  degree of  the  correlation.  A  further  indispensable  part  of  the  mathematical  technique  would be  to  apply  the  method  of  "  multiple  correlation,"  whereby,  on  a  certain  assumption (the  assumption  of  linear  regression),  the  magnitude  of  the  tendency  to  concomitant variation  possessed  by  any  two  of  the  capacities  under  consideration,  independently of  the  tendencies  of  each  to  vary  concomitantly  with  the  other  capacities,  may  be determined. The  writer  has  applied  this  method  to  the  investigation  of  the  interrelations  of part-capacities  in  elementary  mathematical  reasoning  in  eighty-three  boys.  The results  show  a  certain  general  tendency  to  agreement  among  themselves,  though indicating  a  much  more  complicated  scheme  of  interrelation  than  that  inferred — on somewhat  inadequate  data — by  the  champions  of  a  "  central  factor."  The  correlations are  also  low. Much  of  the  correlation  hitherto  appealed  to  as  evidence  of  the  existence  of one  single  "  central  'factor  "  is  undoubtedly  "  spurious  "  in  nature,  i.e.,  arising  from irrelevant  factors,  such  as  the  influence  of  strange  apparatus  on  the  children,  per- sonality suggestion,  differences  in  the  degree  of  discipline  to  which  the  various members  of  the  groups  examined  had  been  accustomed,  &c.  The  mathematical [  174  ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No,  97. formulas,  again,  which  have  been  employed  to  demonstrate  this  central  factor  from the  crude  correlation  results,  are  much  too  abstract,  involve  too  many  improbable presuppositions,  to  be  of  any  practical  applicability.  The  method  of  "multiple correlation"  is  the  only  sound  and  rational  one  for  the  investigation  of  the  law  of relation  of  the  various  correlation  coefficients  one  to  another. CYRIL  BURT,  M.A. — Experimental  Tests  of  General  Intelligence. — A  series  of experiments  was  carried  out  at  Oxford  two  years  ago,  mainly  upon  thirty  elementary school  children,  12^  to  13^  years  of  age.  The  chief  object  was  to  determine  the  relative value,  as  tests  of  general  intelligence,  of  a  dozen  brief  tasks,  involving  mental  processes at  various  levels,  in  various  aspects,  and  of  various  degrees  of  complexity. By  general  intelligence  was  understood  innate,  unspecialised  mental  efficiency,  as distinguished  both  from  acquired  knowledge,  interests,  and  dexterities,  and  from  specific endowment,  aptitude,  or  talent.  To  form  tests  of  general  intelligence,  the  tasks  were required,  not  necessarily  to  prove  a  means  of  measuring  its  amount  in  any  individual child,  but  merely,  with  sample  groups  of  children,  readily  and  rapidly  to  yield  results which  should  be  reliable  in  themselves,  and  correspond  to  a  constant  and  definite  degree with  the  results  of  prolonged  and  careful  observations  of  the  teacher.  The  degree  of correspondence  was  calculated  by  the  method  of  correlation,  and  the  coefficients  obtained were  taken  as  indicating  the  relative  value  of  the  tests. Views  attributing  to  sensory  discrimination,  whether  general  or  specific,  an  intimate functional  correspondence  with  general  intelligence  were  not  confirmed.  Auditory  and visual  tests,  indeed,  showed  positive,  though  not  considerable,  correlations  with  intelli- gence ;  but  these  seem  rather  to  be  referred  to  the  dependence  in  the  course  of  evolution of  the  progress  of  intelligence  upon  the  perception  of  space  and  upon  the  perception of  spoken  words,  and  of  these  respectively  upon  delicacy  of  eye  and  ear.  Tests  of discrimination  of  touches  and  of  weights  showed  approximately  no  correlations  with intelligence  whatever.  Simple  motor  tests,  such  as  tapping  and  dealing,  showed somewhat  higher  correlations  than  the  sensory  tests. The  remaining  six  dealt  either  with  processes  of  a  higher  mental  level — such  as memory,  habituation,  scope,  and  maintenance  of  attention — or  with  more  complex mental  processes,  involving  co-ordination  of  both  sensory  and  motor  activities,  such as  the  "  alphabet  "  and  "  dotting  "  tests  devised  by  Mr.  McDougall.  Each  of  these  six yielded  correlations  of  over  0  •  50,  the  coefficients  in  the  case  of  the  last  two  being particularly  high.  An  amalgamation  of  the  results  of  the  six  gave  correlations  with intelligence  of  0  *  85  to  0' 91  ;  and  these  figures  are  distinctly  higher  than  those  for  the estimates  of  one  teacher  with  another's,  or  with  the  results  of  examinations. Further  experiments  have  since  been  made  in  Liverpool  at  a  mixed  secondary school  and  at  a  secondary  school  for  girls.  The  main  object  of  these  was  to  investigate three  problems  suggested  by  the  limitations  of  the  foregoing  investigation,  viz.,  how  far such  tests  are  affected  by  difference  in  sex,  how  far  they  can  be  undertaken  with  success by  teachers  untrained  in  a  psychological  laboratory,  and  how  far  they  can  be  carried  out as  mass-experiments  with  numbers  of  children  simultaneously  instead  of  singly  upon individuals.  Tests  have  also  been  added  to  represent  processes  of  the  highest  mental level — abstraction,  judgment,  inference,  perception  of  relations — a  level  untouched  by the  previous  research.  The  results  indicate  that,  as  compared  with  simple  sensory  or motor  tests,  tasks  involving  higher  and  more  complex  processes  are  vitiated  to  a far  less  extent  by  difference  of  sex  in  the  subjects,  absence  of  special  training  in the  experimenter,  and  the  peculiar  conditions  of  experiments  upon  children  in  class. They  also  appear  to  possess  the  most  intimate  relations  to  intelligence.  Tests, therefore,  of  this  type  seem  the  more  practicable  for  educational  investigations  and sociological  surveys  upon  a  scale  sufficiently  extensive  for  statistical  treatment  of the  results. l75 Nos.  97-98.]  MAN.  [1910. J.  GRAY,  B.Sc. — Perseveration  as  a  Test  of  the  Quality  of  Intelligence  and Apparatus  for  its  Measurement. — Perseveration  depends  on  an  elemental  property  of the  brain  which  determines  the  persistence  of  mental  impressions  or  the  rapidity  with which  one  impression  can  follow  another.  It  may  be  measured  in  various  ways,  one  of the  best  being  by  Wiersma's  colour  disc.  On  this  disc  are  two  colours,  which  can be  seen  separately  when  the  disc  is  rotating  slowly,  but  as  the  speed  of  the  disc  is gradually  increased,  a  point  is  reached  when  the  two  colours  fuse  into  one  uniform tint.  This  critical  speed  is  a  measure  of  the  perseveration  of  the  subject  being  tested: Perseveration  indicates  the  quality  of  the  intelligence  rather  than  its  amount  ; persons  with  high  perseveration  may  be  described  as  slow-intelligent,  and  those  with low  perseveration  as  quick-intelligent.  There  is  a  considerable  range  of  perseveration among  normal  persons,  but  when  it  passes  above  or  below  certain  limits  it  is  usually associated  with  insanity  of  different  kinds.  Acute  maniacs  have  abnormally  low  and melancholies  abnormally  high  perseveration. CHARLES  S.  MYERS,  M.A.,  M.D. —  The  Pitfalls  of  "  Mental  Tests." — A  protest is  here  entered  against  the  collection  of  vast  quantities  of  psychological  data,  especially by  an  army  of  untrained  observers. Within  any  given  community  the  individual  variation,  in  physical,  and  no  doubt also  in  mental,  characters  are  so  wide  that  the  average  of  any  measurement  must  differ very  widely  from  the  average  of  that  measurement  in  another  community,  for  the difference  between  the  averages  to  be  with  certainty  significant.  Thus  the  statis- tical treatment  of  racial  mental  characters  does  not  discover,  so  much  as  measure, racial  differences.  Accuracy  is  therefore  essential. The  statistician  who  aims  at  collecting  psychological  data  in  large  numbers  is apt  to  neglect  the  various  influences,  which,  in  different  degrees,  affect  different  subjects in  the  tests,  and  to  pour  all  data  from  whatever  source  into  the  statistical  mill,  which, in  consequence,  expresses  a  psychologically  meaningless  result.  This  is  especially  apt to  occur  in  the  case  of  correlations,  in  the  calculation  of  which  different  observers  so frequently  disagree. The  main  cause  lies  in  the  neglect  of  the  introspective  element.  The  only  way to  ascertain  what  is  being  tested  by  psychological  experiment  is  to  have  recourse to  the  subject's  experience.  To  avoid  spurious  measurements  and  correlations  too much  care  cannot  be  taken  to  find  out  exactly  what  factors  the  experiment  involves  ; and  this  can  only  be  done  by  individual  introspection,  which  is  impossible  in  the  blind wholesale  collection  of  data  by  untrained  observers. Mass  experiments,  however,  have  their  use.  In  everyday  life  we  do  not  care  how an  individual  works,  how  he  knows  ;  we  want  to  know  how  much  he  can  work,  how much  he  knows.  For  this  purpose  we  require  standards  of  productiveness,  standards of  knowledge,  which  will  differentiate,  for  example,  the  feeble  from  the  normal,  and will  mark  the  progress  of  the  former.  But  let  us  clearly  recognise  that  these  are not  psychological  tests.  For  from  the  psychological  aspect  the  results  are  a  mere  blur. ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTE. THE  first  Universal  Races  Congress,  which  will  meet  in  London  in  June  1911, will  be  of    considerable  interest  to  anthropologists.       It    is    expected  that  most of   the   leading  races  in  the  world  will   be  represented.     The    papers  to  be  discussed at  the  Congress  will  be  published  before  the  meeting  in  a  separate  volume. All    information    about    the    Congress    may    be    obtained     from    the    secretary, G.  Spiller,  63,  South  Hill  Park,  Hampstead. Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE.  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.C. 1 r PLATE   M. MAX,  1910. Fir,  3. FIG.  4. HAUSA     HOUSES. 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  99. ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. Africa,  West.  With  Plate  M.  Tremearne. Hausa    Houses.      By    Captain    A.    J.     N.     Tremearne,    B.A.,   D.Anth.,     AQ F.R.G.S.  UU In  some  parts  of  the  Hausa  country  the  mosques  and  the  houses  of  the  chiefs are  very  fine  buildings,  the  materials  available  considered.  The  larger  dwellings  are made  of  mud,  the  roofs  being  either  flat  (soron  bent*)  of  the  same  material,  or  square and  sloping,  or  conical  (da(i)ki\  in  which  cases  they  are  of  grass.  The  whole  house is  called  the  gidda,  the  separate  huts  da(f)ki  or  zaure,  and  the  wall,  fence  or  stockade bango,  damfammi  or  kaffi,  the  last  word  giving  its  name  to  many  towns. The  first  step  is  to  clear  the  ground  (shema},  the  next  to  mark  it  out.  This  may be  done  with  sticks,  or  in  the  case  of  a  round  house  with  string,  and  then  the  plan is  drawn  on  the  ground  by  the  chief  builder  (Sa(r)rikin  Ginni),  who  drags  one  foot along  the  marks  so  that  they  become  wider  and  more  distinct,  hoes  or  shovels  being afterwards  used  to  deepen  the  depressions  thus  made. The  next  step  in  the  building  of  a  mud  house  is  the  preparation  of  the  material. The  earth  (ka(s)sa')  is  mixed  with  water  (rua)  trodden  and  kneaded,  and  left  for  a day  or  two.  It  may  then  be  made  into  sun-dried  bricks  (tuboH),  or  be  simply  moulded into  rough  balls  about  the  size of  a  bowl,  and  is  brought  from the  pit  to  the  builders  by  men on  pieces  of  wood,  or  anything. These  "  bowls  "  are  then  laid  in a  line  in  the  excavation  ;  another line  or  two  is  placed  on  top,  and loose  mud  is  then  pressed  into the  crevices  between  the  lumps and  squared  off,  leaving  the  sides quite  straight.  Some  walls  will require  several  rows  of  these bowls  or  bricks,  but  one  row  is enough  for  those  of  the  ordiuary house,  the  process  being  repeated  _, as  often  as  is  necessary  to  bring the  walls  to  the  required  height.  The  building  must  be  done  in  the  dry  season  to  be any  good,  else  the  mud  will  be  too  damp  to  bind  properly,  nnd  for  a  similar  reason  the walls  are  usually  raised  but  a  foot  or  two  each  day.  Should  the  work  have  to  take place  during  the  "  rains,"  however,  plaited-grass  protections  are  laid  along  the  top  of the  walls  to  keep  off  the  water.  I  have  never  seen  any  scaffolding  erected  (note  ladder in  Fig.  6),  as  the  walls  grow  the  builders  climb  up  and  squat  on  them  if  too  high  to  be reached  by  men  standing  on  the  ground  or  on  boxes  or  tree-stumps  ;  the  higher  the walls  the  thicker  they  are  usually,  so  this  is  easy.  Fig.  5|  (the  ruins  of  the  Basle Mission  at  Kumasi,  1900)  shows  how  straight  the  walls  can  be  built ;  Fig.  2  shows two  completed  ordinary  mud  huts — in  this  case  built  for  my  servants  at  Jemaan  Daroro  ; while  in  Fig.  4J  can  be  seen  flat-roofed  houses  built  wholly  of  mud,  with  tin  or  bark spouting  to  carry  off  the  rain  water  from  the  roofs.  Only  the  mosques  (masaJachi) *  The  singular  is  given  in  all  cases. f  The  buildings  in  Fig.  5  were  not  put  up  by  Hausus,  but  the  work  is  very  similar,  so  they  do to  illustrate  this  article. J  Figs.  3  and  4  are  reproduced  with  the  kind  permission  of  Colonel  Elliot  and  the  Secretary  of the  Royal  Geographical  Society  (see  Journal  for  November,  1904). [     177    ] No.  99.]  MAN.  [1910. and  the  largest  houses  (tafafara)  are  square  amongst  the  Hausa  (in  all  probability clue  to  Filani  influence),  but  tlie  Yoruba  nearly  always  use  this  form. With  a  grass  house,  after  the  forked  poles  (maigoffci),  bamboos  (gora),  or palm-ribs  (gongold),  and  grass  (chiawa)  have  been  collected,  the  rate  of  erection  is simply  a  question  of  how  quickly  the  builders  can  work.  A  small  hut,  with  walls from  four  to  five  feet  high  (taffe),  can  be  put  up  in  a  couple  of  hours,  or  even  less, and  the  season  makes  no  difference — though  it  is,  of  course,  preferable  to  have  the floor  quite  dry.  After  the  ground  has  been  cleared  and  marked  out  as  before,  holes, some  one  to  two  feet  deep,  are  dug  at  intervals  of  a  yard  or  so  around  the  circum- ference, and  forked  posts  (dirka)  of  the  required  height  are  placed  in  them,  arranged so  that  the  forks  will  be  on  about  the  same  level  all  the  way  round.  A  number  of long  supple  withes  (especially  if  the  house  be  circular)  and  stouter  poles  are  then laid  in  the  forks  horizontally,  in  order  to  connect  the  uprights,  and  are  bound  to them  with  tie-tie  (ramma),  or  bark  or  native  string  (igid),  so  as  to  make  the  whole  as rigid  as  possible  (see  foreground  of  Fig.  1).  Other  cross-pieces  are  then  tied  in  parallel rows  below  these  right  down  to  the  ground,  and  long  grass  (see  left-hand  side  of  Fig.  2) may  now  be  placed  upright  against,  and  outside  of,  these  cross-pieces,  being  secured by  other  cross-pieces  outside  of  it  again.  Lastly,  a  trench  is  made  around  and  a foot  or  so  away  from  the  house,  the  earth  being  thrown  on  to  the  lowest  part  of the  grass  so  as  to  make  the  house  proof  against  rain  streams,  in  much  the  same  way as  we  protect  our  tents.  Sometimes  large  grass  mats  (zana)  are  used  instead  of the  loose  grass,  and  in  this  case  the  lower  cross-pieces  may  be  dispensed  with. Fences  (damfammi)  are  made  in  the  same  way.  The  roofs  are  usually  put  on before  the  grass  is  arranged  on  the  walls,  but  it  is  easier  to  finish  the  description  of this  part  of  the  subject  before  going  on,  so  the  proper  order  has  not  been  strictly adhered  to. When  building  a  large  grass  house,  or  a  mud  house  with  a  verandah,  the  frame- work of  the  roof  would  have  to  be  erected  at  about  the  same  time  as  the  forked  posts are  set  up,  for  all  would  be  connected.  With  a  square  house  two  or  more  (with  a round  house  one)  stout  forked  posts  (maiffoffa),  high  enough  to  give  the  proper pitch  to  the  roof,  are  erected  in  the  centre  line  and  connected  by  a  long  cross-piece (mafiadt)  lying  on,  and  bound  to,  the  forks,  as  before.  These  and  the  cross-piece are  then  connected  with  the  shorter  uprights  (dirka)  by  other  slanting  poles  (tsayko) — generally  bamboos  (gora),  or  palm-ribs  (gongola)  in  the  large  houses,  smaller palm-stalks  (tukurua),  or  perhaps  even  guinea  corn  stalks  (kara)  in  the  very  small ones — which  are  again  connected  with  each  other  by  more  cross-pieces  (tanka),  the whole,  which  now  has  the  appearance  of  lattice-work,  being  securely  bound.  In  the case  of  a  high  house  these  tanka.  are  first  tied  on  near  the  bottom,  the  builders gradually  working  upwards  and  using  each  line  like  a  rung  in  a  ladder  until  they reach  the  top,  when  the  projecting  pieces  are  cut  off  or  bent  over  (see  Fig.  6). The  longer  the  grass  the  easier  is  the  thatching,  and  the  better  it  will  be  ;  it  is usually  about  three  to  four  feet  long  when  ready  for  use.  While  the  builders  have been  at  work  other  men  have  joined  the  grass  stalks  together  with  igia,  making  a kind  of  fringe  (yanta),  which  is  rolled  up  like  stair  carpets  and  stacked  ready  to hand.  On  the  completion  of  the  framework,  the  rolls  are  passed  up  to  the  men above,  who  unroll  the  grass  (bebeyd)  over  the  tanka,  and  either  tie  it  (now  known as  bunu)  or  pin  it  with  short  sticks  (kinni).  This  also  is  commenced  at  the  bottom — as  with  our  slate  or  tin  roofs — and  over  the  ridge  is  placed  a  wide  plaited  layer like  that  described  as  being  used  on  the  walls  when  building  in  wet  weather.  The framework  of  the  roofs  of  small  houses  is  usually  put  together  on  the  ground  (perhaps even  thatched  here)  and  is  then  lifted  bodily  on  to  the  mud  walls  or  uprights  by half-a-dozen  men.  One  can  be  seen  in  the  course  of  construction  in  the  right-hand [  178  ] 1910.] MAN. [No.  99. side  of  Fig.  2.  It  does  not  seem  to  be  anything  like  so  large  as  the  two  completed ones  in  position  to  the  left,  but — as  will  be  seen  by  the  mud  walls  on  each  side — the  huts  are  all  of  much  the  same  size.  The  complete  conical  roof  is  known  as the  jinka. In  the  case  of  a  grass  house  the  doorway  (kofa")  is  simply  the  space  left  uncovered between  two  of  the  uprights,  but  in  a  mud  building  a  proper  lintel  (almanani)  is made  by  placing  a  stick  or  two  across  the  top  of  the  opening,  long  enough  to  rest securely  upon  the  wall  on  each  side,  mud  being  placed  on  top  of  this,  and  building going  on  as  before  ;  windows  are  made  in  the  same  way. The  doorway  is  closed  with  a  roughly  made  wooden  or  grass  door  (keanri,  but generally  called  kofa)  kept  in  place  by  hinges  or  a  cross  pole  (madogara),  or  with a  mat  (tufania,  askunin^),  a  cloth  (zenne),  or  a  string  blind  (tsetod).  The  floor  will be  stamped  and  beaten  hard,  when  it  is  known  as  debbi,  and  may  be  blackened with  dorowa  solution  (makubba).  The  walls  may  be  whitewashed  with  alii,  or fa(r)rin  ka(s)sa,  reddened  with  jan  ka(s)sa,  or  blackened  like  the  floor. To  the  house  proper  many  additions  may  be  made.  Outside  hut-like  structures (rumbu\  raised  on  stones  to  keep  out  white  ants  and  perhaps  two-storied,  are  built for  grain,  while  smaller  ones  (rafonia)  are  placed  inside  the  house.  There  is  also a  lodge  (zaure)  opening  on  to  the  street,  where  attendants  generally  live  and  are at  hand  to  announce  a  visitor  ; the  zaure    may  also  act    as  a  -BRfMttiujL^///  /     * stable.  Beehives  are  usually at  a  distance,  and  may  be made  of  long  strips  of  bark cut  in  the  form  of  a  cylinder (ainya),  or  of  gourds  or  pots (butumi).  A  small  porch  or verandah  (shiria)  may  be  built out  over  the  door  of  the zaure,  or  of  any  of  the  huts. Each  wife  has  her  separate hut,  the  husband  having  a larger  one  nearer  the  zaure, and  the  whole  will  be  sur- rounded by  a  wall  or  fence,  FlG'  6* as  is  seen  in  Fig.  3.  In  markets  (kasua)  or  at  halting  places  (zungo)  little  grass shelters  (bukd)  are  run  up.  Natives  are  particularly  reckless  folk,  they  will  pull out  the  grass  at  night  to  make  a  fire,  though  knowing  full  well  that  they  may want  the  shelter  badly  a  week  hence. Europeans  have,  of  course,  tried  to  improve  the  local  conditions  and  methods, and  it  is  usual  to  have  an  extra  outside  roof  joining  two  or  three  complete  huts. Fig.  1  shows  the  three  huts  of  my  house  at  Jemasin  Daroro  with  a  small  verandah (connecting  each  hut),  the  latter  is  being  removed  as  it  had  fallen  in.  In  this  house there  was  at  first  only  a  single  roof,  but  in  Fig.  6  can  be  seen  the  same  three huts,  each  with  its  own  roof,  and  a  large  roof  being  erected  over  all ;  the  verandah, therefore,  will  have  one  roof,  the  rooms  two.  Fig.  1  shows  the  dirka  for  this  new  roof. The  Hausas  are  very  fond  of  riddles  and  proverbs,  and  it  is  only  natural  that many  should  refer  to  their  domestic  conditions.  The  best-known  riddles  are  :  "  My "  mare  is  in  foal,  but  I  do  not  ride  her;  I  ride  the  foetus" — Answer,  a  hut  with a  bed.  "  The  owner  is  in  his  house,  but  his  beard  is  outside  " — Fire  and  smoke.  Of proverbs  the  following  are  examples  :  "  Does  the  rack  (of  string  fastened  to  the  roof) *'  remain  if  the  roof  is  blown  away  ? " — This  comes  to  mean,  will  a  good  woman [     179     ] Nos.  99-100.]  MAN.  [1910. refuse  to  accompany  her  husband  should  he  go  to  another  town  to  live  ?  "  The  one "  who  lives  in  the  house  knows  where  the  roof  leaks,"  z'.e.,  everyone  knows  his  own business  best,  or  the  wearer  knows  where  the  shoe  pinches.  "  Though  a  naked  man "  may  be  ignored  on  the  feast  day,  he  will  be  sought  after  when  building  is  going  on.'1 Compare  Kipling's  "  Thin  red  line  of  heroes  when  the  drums  begin  to  roll." "  The  only  prevention  against  fire  is  to  have  two  houses."  Grass  is,  of  course,  easily inflammable,  but  the  cooking  is  usually  done  inside.  "  The  small  pot  (the  wife) *'  goes  to  and  fro,  but  the  big  pot  (the  husband)  remains  at  home,"  i.e.,  does  no  work. Yet  we  think  that  we  can  teach  them  the  dignity  of  labour  ! A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE. Africa :  Sudan.  Thompson. Some  Hadendoa  Words  hitherto  unpublished.    Part  ii.      By  R.     I  fill Campbell    Thompson,  M.A.,  F.R.G.S.  IIIU DANCE  :    I  was  given  the  phrase  "  rise,  dance  "  (in  fantasia)  tama  yakanat    legend. DEEP  :  "  the  well  is  deep,"  tu-re  ni'haton't  (B.). DEVIL  :  Arabic  word    adopted,    e-gann  (B.),  (see    also    story  No.  2,   note  5)  :    DUST- DEVIL,  e-logdni. DROP  OF  WATER,  ETC.  :  debbe/iuna  (B.). EAST  :  e-mimha  (S.)  ;  o-mhon  (B.),  which  A.  gives  as  mahdn,  im  Osten. EAT,  TO  :  see  story  No.  2,  note  10. ELBOW  :  A.  gives  gulhe  for   Unterarm  :  I  heard  o-gulhin  for  "  elbow,"  which,  I  see, Rein,  gives  as  pi.  form. EYE-LASHES,  EYE-BROWS  :  I  heard    o  samVhan    for    both  (S.)  :    A.  gives    simbehane Augenwimper,  Munz.  shimbehdne  Angenbrauen,  Lin.  ochombanni,  sourcils,  Rein. simbehdni  for  both. FEATHER,  BIRD'S  :  ti-tumba  ti-kelai  (Okela). FINE  (OF  FLOUR)  :  A.  gives  naku  :  I  heard  the  causative  participial  form  s'ndk^a  (S.). FINISH  :  Arabic  word  adopted,  imperative  kamdla  (B.). FLEE  :  imper.  lebaba,  2  in.  s.  perf.  tilbdba  (B.). FLUTE  :  t-ambilhoi  (O.).     Given  by  Rein,  as  trompete. FOOT  FROM  ANKLE  TO  BASE  OF  TOES  ;  o-sawa  (pi.  the  same)  (S.). FOREARM  :  o-sulai  (S.). Fox:  A.  has  "  baso*  [?],  m.  SALT,  ba-sho,  fox;  LIN.  (Text  s.  131  :  '  un  petit  renard nomine  backs ')  ;   Seetz.    baaschob,  Fuchs,  Schakal "  :  I   heard  i-bas6(b)  (H.)  and o-timbil  (B.). Go  :  I  was  told  that  saka  was  used  to  dogs,  and  giga  to  men  (B.). GREETING  :    The  greeting  is  dabahva,  with    answer  ddban  (B.).     N'harak  said  and leltak  saida  are  not  used. GROUSE,  PALLAS  SAND-  :  wa-anno1  (Okela). GUN  :  The  ordinary  word  bundukiyya  I  heard  under  the  form  minduk  (H.),  but  Seetz. gives  bundukijje. HAIL  :  A.  gives  mi,  Seetz  \_e~\meh  ;  Munz.  <?m&«[?]  :  I  heard  ebi  (B.). HAND  :  I  heard  te-dumbe  for  both  the  palm  of  the  hand  and  the  sole  of  the  foot  :  see A.  sub  voce  ddmba.     Rein,  gives  fuss-,  schuhsole. HANDLE  OF  A  KNIFE  :  ddir  (Am.). HAPPY  (•***-)  :  erkab  (B.)5 HARLOT  :  te-rautune,  pi.  amakta  (S.).     I  will  not  vouch  for  the  accuracy  of  either  of these    words  ;    the  former  appears  to    be  connected  with    rau,  a  friend,   and    the latter  appears  to  be  connected  with  the  word  amag,  "  bad." HEEL  :  te-gisat  (S.). [    180    ] 1910,]  MAN.  [No.  100. HILT  OF  A  SWORD  :  o-gaim  (O.)  :  the  sword-hilt  guard  is  e»ibardi  bersim  (0.),  and  the protecting  brass  at  the  end  of  the  hilt  (?)  is  cstabanai  (O.). INK  :  Arabic  word  adopted,  daicaya  (Am.). IKON  :    A.  gives  endi,  ende,  Munz.    to'endi,  Seetz.   \_to~\nda  :  I  heard  to-unde  ;  "  it  is made  of  iron "  is  unditi  jamub  (B.). KETTLE  :  Arabic  word  adopted,  barrat  (Am.). KIDXEY  :    A.  gives    tunkula,  Seetz.    tetunkold,  Hiifte    [?],  Munz.    te'onkola  :    I  heard tonguiUa  and  tunkuila  (S.). KILL,  TO  :  see  story  No.  3,  note  9. KNEE-CAP  :  o-kafal  (H.). KXIFE  :  te-manen  (pi.  manna)  (S.)  :  te-manun  (H.). LARL>  (.«v«rte-FAT.)  :  A.  gives  the  forms  la\  o'/«,  [o]/«,  \_oli\-lah  old,  ola,  from  various authorities  :  I  heard  o-old. LEAVES  :  the  white  leaves  of  the  thorn  in   summer  (?),  o-tobuk  (H.). LEATHER,  or  STRAP  (?)  :  iva'ade  (0.). LEFT-HAND,  NORTH  :  tarhaguad  (B.). LIE,  TO  :    if  a  man    lies,  the  hearer  says  Alai    iinifirhok= Allah    isawwud  wujhak  = "May  God  blacken  thy  face." LIGHT,  TO  :  se^'han,  1  s.  pret.  ane  esd'han. LIVER  :  A.  gives  sa,  Munz.  to*se,  Seetz.  toszeh  :  I  heard  to-si. MATTER  :  "  it  does  not  matter,"  bawwaica  (negative  form),  (B.). MONKEY  :  small  monkey  with  long  arms,  o-habalai  (S.)  :  Rein,  abalay. MOSQUITO  :  o-taweg  (pi.  the  same)  (H.)  ;  Rein,  has  taicigay,  pi.  tawig  :  in  the  mountain- speech  o-fclus  (pi.  the  same). MOTH  :  te-fdlan  (S.). MUSCLE  AT  SIDE  OF  NECK  :  e-'sambukia  (S.). NAVEL  :  A.  has  tefa  :  I  heard  o-haf  (S.). NECESSARY  :  gudye  (B.). NEWS:  A.   gives  sdkana,  which  I  also  heard:  sakanab   tibariya,  "have  you  news?" If  the  answer  is  negative,  the  man  says  el-hamdu  lillah. "  No,  NO  "  (negation  repeated  rapidly)  :  bak  kik  (S.). NOON  :  o-««6o(6)(?)  (S.).     The  root  neba1  means  "  to  be  hot." NORTH  :    Arabic  word  adopted,  o-safil  (S.)  :    A.  gives    sqfit,  which    may  perhaps  be a  misprint  for  this  word(?)  :  "the  left  hand,"  tarhdguad  is  also  used  (B.). Now  :   hadeld  (Am.)  :  6nta  (B.). ONLY  :  see  story  !No.   1,  note  31. ORION  :  the  three  stars  of  the  "  belt "  of  this  constellation  are  known  as  e-mhai,  "  the three"  (S.). OTHER  :  A.  has  wdri,  iceri,  iver  "  anders,  auf  andere  Weise  "  :  I  heard,  wer  kiha  (B.) and  wena  kitta,  "there  is  none  else,"  and  wet  kabar,  "I  have  none  other"  (H.). PENIS  :  A.,  Munz.,  Burckh.,  Seetz.,  heard  mid:  I  was  told  o-mit  (S.). PEPPER  :  Arabic  word  adopted,  filfil. PLASTER  :  I  was  told  for  the  Arabic  u~-«-  (the  exact  equivalent  in  English  is  doubtful here)  the  words  denger  (B.)  and  gir. PLEIADES  :  te-tetita  (R.  and  S.). POOL  :  o-hdgir  (S.). POTATOES  :  Arabic  word  adopted,  batata. RADISH  :  Arabic  word  adopted,  o-figil  (H.). RAVEN  :  A.  gives  k"ik"ei,  which  Munz.  gives  as  "eagle"  and  Seetz.  as  "raven":  I heard  o-kika*  (S.)  for  raven. RAW  :  Seetz.  gives  aszu  as  "  unreif,"  Munz.  assu  "  nngegerbt "  :    I  heard  asl  as  the equivalent  of  the  Arabic  ^  "raw"  (S.). [     181     ] No.  100.]  MAN.  [1910. READY:    I   heard  the    Arabic  word  used  in    the  phrase   "is  the  bread    ready?"   v-is hadcrra  (B.).      Cf.  Rein,  hadira. RIB  :  A.  gives  bije  (i.e.,  biyc)  :  I  heard  e-bai  (S.)  for  the  plural,  agreeing  more  nearly with    MUM/.  oV>ci(i)  and  Seetz.  (e)beij. RICH  :   heknalu  (B.)  :  guderewib  (B.). RING  (on  swordhilt)  :  te-limmi  (O.)  :  Lin.  gives  tolemne  for  "ear-ring." SACK  :  o-telis  (B.). SEND  :  A.  gives  minjal  as  "Bote":  I  heard  minjala,  as  3  m.  s.  pres.,  "he  sends"  (B.). SHADE  :  te-nandat  (O.). SHAKE  HANDS  :  sop  (Am.). SEEK,  TO  :  6b :  see  story  No.  1,  note  22. SHAWL  :  Arabic  word  adopted,  sal  (Am.). SHIN  :  pi.  te-mikuol  (S.)  :  Rein,  gives  mikffdl,  mark,  knochenmark,  but  Seetz.  tmik-ol Schiene. SHOULDER  :  the  collar-bone  is  o-argigan  (S.)  :  the  shoulder-blade  is  to-mfsa  (S.). SMOKE  :  A.  gives  ega  for  "  smoke,"  and  de  for  Rauchbad  (so  also  Munz.)  :  I   heard o-de  given  for  "  smoke "  (S.). SOUTH  :  (ungua  (S.)  :  "the  right  hand,"  o-mayeguad  is  also  used  (B.). SPIDER  :  Seetz.  gives  taszim  :  I  heard  fhasim,  with  plural  fhasima  (S.). SPINE  :  ta-gia  (S.)  (Cf.  (?)  A.  enga,  Riicken). STONES  IN  A  FINGER-RING,  THE  :  te-hatim  ti-aiit  (S.). STRAIGHT  :  "  go  straight,"  igeglsok  hirera  (B.). SUMMER  :  o-non  (B.). SUN  :  0.  dialect  to-i,  R.  to-yin :  both  forms  given  by  A.,  but  unspecified. SUPPORT  :  see  story  No.  1,  note  33. SWIM  :  A.  gives  um  and  Munz.  bedef:  I  heard  nidaba,  with  2  m.  s.  perf.,  tinddba  : "do  you  know  how  to  swirn  "  is  tenideb  tiktena  (S.). SWORD  :  A.  gives  mdded :  I  heard  embardad  (0.),  which  is  nearer  Seetz.  mbadet  and Munz.  o'embadet. SYPHILIS  :    given  by  A.  as    hdleg    (Tigr.  halag\  Muuz.    o'haleg.     Amery,  English- Arabic.   Vocabulary  for  Sudan   Government   Officials,  gives  halag  as  one  of  the words  in  use  in  the  Sudan.     I  heard  halgiiva  (S.). TABLE  :  Arabic  word  adopted,  to-tarabeza  (B.). TEMPLES  OF  TJHE  FOREHEAD  :  tu-k"6mai. THIGHS  :  the  two  thighs,  malo  serimai  (S.). THROAT  :    o-nseba    (S.)  :    "  Adam's    apple,"    o-kertum    (S.).     Rein,    gives    enseba    as Halsknorpel,  der  Adamsapfel. TIE,  TO  :  imp.  lidid,  pres.  landida,  perf.  aldid  (H.).     I  cannot  vouch  for  the  certainty of  this  word. TOMATO  :  babinjel  (S.)  (=  bedinjan  ?). TOOTH  :  I  heard  to-kuirre  :  A.  gives  several  variants. TWO-COLOURED  :  gualal  (H.),  but  this  word  was  also  given  me  as  the  colour  of  the sky  (blue)  (B.). WAR  :  e-morfatan    (B.)  :  A.  gives    "  motta*    [?],  MUNZ.    omotta    sich    streiten  "  :    see To  KILL. WEST  :  A.  gives  indeb  :  I  heard  e-endiVh  (S.)  and  o-bade  (B.). WORK  (J**-)  :  sagama  (H.). WRIST  :  to-sipka  (pi.  the  same  (S.). NOTE. — The  name  of    two    small    black  beasts  which  I  saw  only  indistinctly  by night  was  g»ilawr.  R.  CAMPBELL  THOMPSON. r    1.82    1 1910.]  MAN.  [No,  101, Ceylon.  Willey. Swastika  and   Udakiya   in    Ceylon.      By  A.    Willey,  D.Sc.,  F.R.S.     JIM Amongst  the  more  or  less  forced  interpretations  which  have  been  brought  to  III  I bear  upon  the  swastika,  one  of  the  simplest  is  that  which  defines  it  as  the  ancient Indian  symbol  of  the  Wheel  of  the  Law.  I  do  not  know  whether  this  is  meant  to imply  that  it  is  a  derivative  of  the  spoked  wheel  which  is  recognised  as  one  of  the greatest  inventions  in  primitive  transport,  but  the  idea  of  rotation,  inseparable  from  a wheel,  certainly  would  seem  to  be  conveyed  in  the  swastika,  whatever  the  actual origin  of  its  peculiar  form  may  have  been. The  term  swastika  is  merely  the  Sanskrit  name  of  a  widely-distributed  symbol, by  no  means  the  exclusive  property  of  Hindu  and  Buddhist  mysticism.  It  was  pro- bably old  even  in  ancient  days  although  its  concentrated  spirituality,  like  that  of  all hieroglyphs,  denotes  an  advanced  state  of  culture.  Into  its  metaphysical  qualities I  am  very  far  from  wishing  or  being  able  to  enter,  nor  would  this  be  the  place  to  do so,  but  I  have  recently  had  occasion,  in  connection  with  the  compilation  of  a  descriptive list  of  ancient  bronzes  in  the  Colombo  Museum  (vide  Spolia  Zeylanica,  Vol.  VI, Part  XXII,  September  1909),  to  consider  the  possibility  of  an  anthropomorphic explanation  which  seems  to  accord  with  its  probable  antiquity  and  with  what  is  known of  other  derived  designs. The  sign  of  the  swastika  is  not  very  frequently  found  in  an  original  state  in Ceylon,  though  it  does  occur  incised  upon  stone,  as  on  an  image  of  the  sacred  footprints {Sri  pada)  and  on  ancient  pottery.  Finely-executed  rosettes  in  the  form  of  scrolled or  floreated  swastikas  are  carved  on  the  wooden  pillars  of  the  principal  dewale  at Badulla.  I  believe  these  latter  have  never  yet  been  figured  or  even  mentioned  in any  published  work. It  seems  safe  to  say  that  the  swastika  is  a  symbol  of  pre-Buddhist  origin  and of  world-wide  distribution,  but  it  is  rare  to  find  it  in  an  ancient  state  as  a  separate portable  charm.  A  small  solid  bronze  swastika,  about  2\  inches  in  diameter,  found at  Anuradhapura  has  been  exhibited  for  many  years  in  the  Colombo  Museum.  A somewhat  larger  metal  swastika  with  more  slender  arms  and  of  cruder  construction was  recently  unearthed  by  the  archaBological  survey  at  Polonnaruwa  (Ceylon Administration  Reports,  1909,  Colombo  Museum). As  a  miniature,  the  swastika  appears  to  represent  the  limitless  immensity  of space  reduced  to  the  dimensions  of  a  pocket  amulet.  Its  typical  shape  is  that  of  a Greek  cross  [it  occurs  on  Greek  coins]  with  the  ends  of  the  beams  bent  at  a  right angle  in  one  direction  either  to  right  or  to  left.  In  the  preface  to  the  second  reprint of  the  Report  on  the  Old  Records  of  the  India  Office  (London,  1891),  Sir  George Birdwood  gives  an  explanation  of  the  ritualistic  significance  of  the  swastika  as manifested  in  Hindu  symbolism.  He  says  that  the  "  right-hand  swastika  is,  among *'  modern  Hindus,  a  symbol  of  Ganeesa,  and  is  commonly  placed  by  them,  instead  of  the "  image  of  Ganeesa  at  the  head  of  invoices  and  other  papers."  It  is  also  the  symbol of  the  sun  in  his  diurnal  course  from  east  to  west,  and  it  is  coloured  red,  the  proper colour  of  the  East.  The  left-hand  swastika  is  the  symbol  of  Kali,  the  mother  of Ganeesa,  and  of  the  sun  in  his  nocturnal  course  from  west  to  east,  and  is  coloured  blue. The  right  and  left  hand  forms  are  spoken  of  as  "  reversely  revolving  swastikas." The  deities  who  preside  over  the  four  quarters  of  the  universe,  or  what  comes  to the  same  thing  in  Oriental  cosmogony,  the  four  cardinal  points  of  the  compass,  are called  in  the  Sinhalese  vernacular  the  Hataravaran-deviyo  or  Sataravaran-deviyo.  In a  coloured  wood-carving  some  18  inches  in  diameter,  now  exhibited  in  the  Colombo Museum,  they  are  represented  in  a  realistic  manner  revolving  round  the  sun  in  the direction  of  the  hands  of  a  watch.  The  right  hand  of  each  figure  is  raised  over  the head  to  grasp  the  extended  right  foot  of  the  next  one,  each  right  forearm  is  bent [     183    J No.  101.] MAN. [1910. approximately  at  a  right  angle  upon  the  upper  arm,  and   the  whole  device   suggests the  idea  of  the  swastika. The  Chaturmaharajika-chakra  (symbol  of  the  four  guardian  deities)  occasionally appears  as  a  decorative  design  upon  Sinhalese  brass  tobacco  or  betel  boxes.  An example  of  this  kind  is  figured  on  p.  91  in  Dr.  A.  K.  Coomaraswamy's  monograph  on Medicsval  Sinhalese  Art,  and  on  p.  106  of  the  same  work  the  design  is  described  as "four  women  arranged  swastika-wise." The  second  object  mentioned  in  the  title  of  this  note,  namely,  the  Sinhalese udakiya,  is  a  small  hand  drum,  shaped  like  an  hour  glass,  with  a  skin  stretched  across each  end  (Fig.  1).  It  is  carried  by  dancers  in  procession  on  ceremonial  and  festive occasions,  as  at  Perahera,  and  is  commonly  made  of  wood  lacquered with  circular  bands  of  red,  yellow,  and  black.  Its  sociological importance  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  it  has  been  executed in  precious  ivory.  An  example  in  brass  is  shown  at  the  British Museum.  In  old  bronze  statuettes  of  the  dancing  Siva,  called Nata-raja,  one  of  the  hands  is  represented  holding  an  udakiya. This  particular  form  of  Eastern  drum  has  therefore  clearly an  ancient  meaning,  and  what  this  meaning  is  may  possibly  be revealed  by  a  comparison  with  somewhat  similar  objects  from  Tibet. The  direct  comparability  of  these  things  is  vouched  for  by  the well-known  historical  connection  between  Northern  and  Southern Buddhism. The  illustration  (Fig.  2),  from  a  photograph  kindly  sent  to  me at  my  request  by  Dr.  H.  S.  Harrison,  shows  three  drums  and  a skull-cup  from  Tibet,  which  are  exhibited  side  by  side  in  the Horniman  Museum  at  Forest  Hill.  The  first  example  is  described  as  a  drum,  or rattle,  with  a  string  knotted  at  the  end,  on  either  side  of  the  drum,  for  striking. It  is  made  from  the  upper  part  (calotte  or  calvariuj/h)  of  two  human  skulls,  inverted and  superposed,  the  ends  covered  with  skin.  The  long  diameter  is  given  as  6J  inches. Next  to  this  is  a  circular  wooden  drum,  covered  with  skin  at  the  two  ends,  with string  and  leaden  striker  and  ornamental  sash.  It  is  a  conventionalised  form  of the  skull-drum,  round  instead  of  ovate,  with  a  diameter  of  6^  inches.  The  third FIG.  l. FIG.  2. specimen  is  one    shaped    like    the    original    skull-drum,   though    smaller,   with    a   long diameter  of  4£  inches  ;  it  is  executed  in  brass  and  bears  an  inscription. The  fourth  and  last  member  of  this  interesting  series  is  a  drinking  cup  made  from the  skull  of  a  Tibetan  Lama.     This  use  of  the  human   calvaridm  is   paralleled  by  a [     184     ]  /  ^ 1910.]  MAN.  [Nos.  101-102. Ac- custom in   Africa.      In    the  Reading   Museum  there  is   exhibited   the   calvarium  of  a Basuto  skull,  "  used  by  the  Zulus  as  a  dipping  vessel  or  basin." It  seems  certain  that  the  Sinhalese  udakiya  and  the  Tibetan  skull-drum  belong to  one  and  the  same  category,  and  that,  the  former  is  a  derivative  of  the  latter. The  employment  of  the  skull  of  a  holy  man  or  of  an  enemy  as  a  drinking  or dipping  vessel  belongs  to  another  category,  and  there  may  be  other  examples  or  it with  which  I  am  not  at  present  acquainted.  ARTHUR  WILLEY. Jersey  :  Archaeology.  Nicolle  :  Sinel. Report    on    the    Exploration    of  the  Palaeolithic  Cave-Dwelling   IflO known  as  La  Cotte,  St.  Brelade,  Jersey.     By  E.  T.  Nicolle  and  J.  Sinel.    I  Ufc The  cave  known  as  La  Cotte  is  situated  in  a  cliff  near  Le  Ousine,  which  is  the name  given  to  the  eastern  horn  of  St.  Brelade's  Bay. At  this  part  of  the  island  the  cliffs,  which  are  of  coarse-grained  syenitic  granite, rise  vertically  to  about  200  feet  above  mean  tide  level,  and  the  shore,  at  the  base of  the  cliffs,  consists  of  large,  more  or  less  rounded,  boulders,  which  have  from  time to  time  fallen  from  the  cliffs  as  the  waves  have  sapped  their  base. In  one  part  of  these  cliffs  there  is  a  little  ravine  or  gorge,  about  40  feet  in  width, which  penetrates  inland  about  150  feet,  the  side  walls  of  which  are  vertical. This  ravine  was  evidently  formed  in  past  geological  times  by  the  sea  removing a  dike  of  granite  of  looser  texture  than  the  surrounding  rock,  and  in  it  the  lines  of cleavage  were  horizontal.  The  cave  itself  was  formed  by  the  same  agency  at  a  period when  the  land  stood  at  a  lower  level  than  it  does  at  present,  very  probably  at  the  period when  the  70  foot  raised  beach,  traceable  on  various  parts  of  the  coast,  was  deposited. It  is  iu  one  of  the  vertical  walls  of  this  ravine,  near  its  inner  extension,  that  the cave  is  situated. The  opening  of  the  cave  is  in  the  form  of  a  rough  and  irregular  arch,  25  feet  in height  and  about  20  feet  in  width,  and  its  floor  is  some  60  feet  above  mean  tide level. There  is  evidence  that  the  ravine  was,  in  recent  times,  completely  filled  by  rubble drift,  consisting  of  clay  and  boulders  washed  by  floods  from  land  which  must  have existed  at  a  level  higher  than  that  of  the  now  existing  table-land.  The  cave  itself was  filled  to  some  extent  by  the  lateral  spread  of  this  rubble  drift  of  clay  and  boulders as  it  was  washed  down,  and  to  a  certain  extent  by  blocks  fallen  from  the  roof. In  more  recent  times  the  sea  has  re  excavated  the  ravine,  leaving  a  portion  of  the rubble  drift  in  the  form  of  a  steeply  sloping  talus  at  its  inner  end.  The  removal  of this  drift,  though  leaving  the  cave  filled  up,  revealed  the  outline  of  its  opening,  and laid  bare  a  small  portion  of  its  floor. The  first  indication  we  have  that  the  cave  had  once  been  a  dwelling  dates  from 1881,  when  Mr.  S.  Daucaster  and  the  late  Mr.  T.  Saunders,  whilst  geologising  on that  part  of  the  coast,  found  a  flint  implement  at  the  foot  of  the  talus,  and,  tracing  its source,  came  upon  a  slightly  exposed  section  of  the  cave  floor.  There  they  found flint  chipping*,  and  one  or  two  bones,  apparently  of  a  large  bird,  but  the  importance of  the  discovery  did  not  occur  to  them.  So  the  matter  rested  until  about  1894,  when Mr.  R.  Colson  and  Dr.  Chappuis  excavated  a  portion  of  the  exposed  floor  section,  and found  a  considerable  number  of  flint  implements  and  bone  breccia,  of  which  the  floor is  largely  composed.  This  bone  breccia  was  later  found  to  contain  one  tooth,  and  one metatarsal  of  horse.  All  these  "finds"  are  in  the  museum  of  the  Societe  Jersiaise. Subsequent  to  this  date  various  examinations  of  the  floor  section  by  the  gentlemen just  mentioned,  by  Captain  Rybot,  and  one  or  two  others,  resulted  in  the  discovery of  further  implements  and  innumerable  flint  chippiugs,  most,  if  not  all,  of  which  are in  the  Society's  museum. [     185     ] No,  102,]  MAN.  [1910. In  September  1905  the  Society  decided  to  explore  the  cave  more  systematically, and  Dr.  Chappuis,  the  secretary  (Mr.  Nicolle),  and  Mr.  Colson  commenced  work  in that  part  of  the  exposed  floor  already  mentioned.  More  flint  implements  were discovered,  but  at  the  commencement  of  October  the  work  had  to  be  abandoned owing  to  the  rainy  season  and  to  the  fact  that  the  explorers  were  excavating  uuder dangerous  conditions.  It  then  became  clear  that  a  considerable  portion  of  the  talus had  to  be  removed  before  the  work  could  proceed. Thus  matters  remained  until  July  of  the  present  year  (1910),  when  the  Society resolved,  with  the  permission  of  the  proprietor,  Mr.  G.  F.  B.  De  Grucby,  Seigneur of  Noirmont,  to  make  another  attempt,  and  Mr.  Harris,  the  Society's  contractor, put  experienced  quarrymen  on  the  work,  a  work  not  only  difficult  by  reason  of  the position  of  the  cave,  but,  owing  to  the  loose  and  toppling  condition  of  the  whole  of the  surrounding  cliff,  fraught  with  considerable  danger. Excavation  was  commenced  on  August  1st,  and  after  a  little  over  three  weeks' work,  sufficient  of  the  rubble  had  been  removed  to  reveal  the  form  of  the  interior and  to  lay  bare  a  portion  of  the  floor  about  11  feet  square  on  the  left  of  the entrance.  The  signatories  to  this  report  and  Mr.  P.  N.  Richardson  were  in  frequent attendance  while  the  work  progressed. The  dimensions  of  the  cave,  as  revealed  at  this  stage,  are  as  follows  : — The entrance,  as  already  stated,  is  25  feet  in  height  and  about  20  feet  in  width.  Just within  the  entrance  the  roof  slopes  upwards  into  a  rough  dome  30  to  32  feet  from the  floor.  How  far  the  cave  enters  the  rock  cannot  as  yet  be  ascertained,  but judging  from  the  slope  of  the  roof  downwards  towards  the  back,  this  is  probably some  40  to  50  feet ;  the  portion  of  roof  already  cleared  measuring  about  35  feet  in that  direction. As  soon  as  the  portion  of  floor  just  mentioned  had  been  reached,  viz.,  on August  25th,  the  cave  was  visited  by  the  following  members  of  the  society  :  Dr.  P. Chappuis,  Dr.  A.  Dunlop,  Colonel  R.  G.  Warton,  and  Mr.  A.  H.  Barreau,  as  well as  by  Mr.  Emile  F.  Guiton.  Careful  search  and  examination  was  then  commenced, with  the  following  results  : — The  floor  proper  was  not  clearly  marked,  for  layers  of  black  soil,  which  proved to  be  a  combination  of  ashes,  carbonised  wood,  and  clay,  were  mixed  up  with  whitish masses  of  bone  detritus  and  clay  compacted  into  a  breccia.  Flint  implements  and chippiugs  were  interspersed  plentifully  throughout  these  deposits. On  the  left  of  the  entrance,  and  at  a  distance  from  it  of  about  8  feet,  was  a hearth  containing  a  quantity — probably  a  quarter  of  a  ton  or  so — of  wood  ashes  and carbonised  wood. Close  together,  among  the  ashes  of  the  hearth,  were  a  few  pebbles  of  granite and  felsite  bearing  indication  of  having  been  heated.  These  were  probably  used  for boiling  water,  by  dropping  them  red-hot  into  gourds  of  water,  a  method  of  cookery among  primitive  races  which  has  been  suggested  by  archaeologists  owing  to  the discovery  of  pebbles  under  similar  conditions  in  other  caves. Unfortunately  the  nature  of  the  clay  in  this  cave,  as  in  the  previously  explored "  Cotte  a  la  Chevre "  at  St.  Ouen,  on  the  north  coast  of  the  island,  is  such  that  the preservation  of  bone  in  fair  integrity  is  not  possible,  most  of  the  clay  of  the  island having  strong  decalcifying  properties,  whilst  the  water  from  the  roof  running down  the  talus  has  also  contributed  to  render  the  conditions  of  the  floor  still  more unfavourable.  The  presence  of  bone  was  manifest  all  through  the  layers  con- stituting the  floor,  but  only  here  and  there  could  fragments  retaining  any  form  be obtained. In  one  corner,  however,  at  a  slightly  higher  elevaliou  than  the  hearth,  there was  found  a  mass  of  bone  from  which  some  determinable  portions  were  obtained. [  186  ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  102. Teeth,  on  the  other  hand,  were  better  preserved,  although  even  some  of  these  had fallen  into  a  porridge-like  state. Whenever  possible  the  portions  of  bone  were  lifted,  together  with  a  portion  of the  surrounding  clay,  and  carefully  packed  in  boxes  with  soft  material.  These  were then  transferred  to  an  attendant  carriage  and  taken  to  the  museum,  where  they  were infiltrated  with  gelatine  and  hardened. In  one  part  of  the  most  coherent  bone  mass  had  been  the  right  half  of  a  human lower  jaw,  nine  teeth  being  ranged  side  by  side  in  original  position,  but  unfortunately no  trace  of  the  once  supporting  bone  was  apparent. The  results  were  reported  by  us  to  the  executive  committee,  and  the  bones, teeth,  &c.,  were  ihen  taken  to  the  British  Museum  by  Mr.  Percy  Adrian  Aubin  for determination.  Drs.  Woodward  and  Andrews  identified  the  specimens  as  follows  : — Teeth, — Part  of  left  lower  premolar  of  the  Avoolly  rhinoceros,  Rhinoceros  tichorhinus. Last    premolar  and    first    molar    of    reindeer,  Rangifer  tarandus  (a  large  species apparently  as  large  as  the  caribou). Upper  cheek  teeth  of  a  small  species  of  horse. Parts  of  lower  molars  and  upper  cheek  tooth  of  a  large  species  of  horse. Lower  teeth  in  portion  of  jaw  of  one  of  small  bovidae. Left  incisor  of  bos.     Species  (?) Nine  human  teeth. Bones  and  Horns. — Part  of  horn-core  of  one  of  small  bovidaa. Portion  of  antler  of  reindeer. Bone  (probably  articulation  of  foreleg  of  a  deer). Pelvic  bones  (probably  small  bovid). Portion    of   a   bone    not   less    than  6  inches    in    diameter  and    about  9    inches  in length,  which  fell  to  pieces  on  removal  from  the  clay  (probably  rhinoceros). In  addition  to  the  above  there  were  also  found  portions  of  large  and  small  bones in  too  broken  a  condition  to  be  identified.  Among  these  is  one,  apparently  portion of  a  human  tibia. Of  flint  instruments  about  one  hundred  have  been  obtained.  They  are,  without exception,  of  the  well-known  tongue-shaped  Mousterien  type,  the  "  pointe  a  main  " of  Mortillet. After  receiving  the  report  from  the  British  Museum  authorities  on  the  finds,  the committee  of  the  society  decided  to  continue  the  work  of  exploration.  The  work was  recommenced  on  September  19th.  It  was  decided  to  proceed  with  the  examina- tion of  the  cave  inwards,  starting  from  the  point  where  the  teeth  and  bones  had  been discovered.  In  order  to  effect  this  a  considerable  quantity  of  rubble  had  to  be  cleared and  many  stones  of  large  dimensions  dislodged.  In  the,  course  of  these  operations  it was  thought  that  the  work  was  becoming  dangerous.  Mr.  Charles  Messervy,  engineer, member  of  the  committee,  visited  the  cave,  and,  after  a  careful  examination,  advised that  the  work  should  be  discontinued  for  the  present.  The  work  was  consequently stopped  on  September  23rd. It  may  be  mentioned  that  this  second  disturbance  of  the  rubble  and  stones  has,  by covering  and  filling  up  the  floor,  made  an  effective  barrier  against  any  interference with  the  cave  until  such  time  as  the  Society  may  see  fit  to  again  proceed  with  its examination. The  cave  bears  no  evidence  of  other  than  one  occupation,  and  is  thus  free  from the  confusion  which  results  when  implements  and  remains  of  the  fauna  of  different periods  occur  together  and  become  mixed  by  the  work  of  burrowing  animals,  and  by disturbance  through  the  access  of  water  during  floods,  as-  is  often  the  case  with cave  dwellings  in  other  districts. [     187    ] Nos.  102-103.] MAN. [1910. The  cave  is  thus  clearly  shown  by  its  fauna  ami  the  uniform  type  of  implement  to be  of  the  Mousterien  period,  and  thus  forms  an  interesting  addition,  not  only  to  the archaeology  of  Jersey,  but  to  that  of  Europe  at  large.  ED.  TOULMIN  NICOLLE. J.  SINEL. Polynesia. Polynesian  Forgeries.    By  W.  0.  Oldman. Having    read    the   valuable    articles    by  Mr.  J. so-called    chief's    staff Oldman. in? Edge-Partington  in  MAX  IUU (31,  1910),  on  Maori  forgeries, I  venture  to  think  the  follow- ing may  be  a  welcome  addition to  same. I  have  lately  had  offered to  me  several  splendidly  made copies  of  Maori  flutes,  the workmanship  on  which  was so  excellent  that  it  would  de- ceive anyone  familiar  with  old Maori  work  ;  the  wood,  method of  manufacture  (rending  of wood),  carving,  bindings,  &c., were  all  quite  correct,  even to  a  deposit  of  dust  inside  ; however,  all  were  wanting  in one  small  detail,  which  was overlooked  by  the  maker. I  have  also  seen  a  carved of  remarkable  form,    and   several bone  comb,  feeding  funnel, "  Hawaiian  "  bone  fish- hooks. The  latest  pro- duction of  this  "  artist," as  far  as  I  know,  is  a pair  of  "  Marquesan  "  stilt steps.  I  have  fortunately been  able  to  secure  two photographs  of  these, showing  the  original  from which  they  were  undoubt- edly copied,  which  I  send herewith.  The  work  and finish  on  these  is  so  good that  they  would  be  very likely  to  deceive  even  an expert,  at  any  rate  at  first sight. I  trust  this  short  note will  be  of  some  use  as  a warning  to  collectors  of ethnogrnphica  to  look  very  carefully  at  any  rare  objects  offered  for  sale  ;  I  hope  also that  it  Avill  lead  ultimately  to  a  stop  being  put  to  these  dangerous  reproductions. W.  O.  OLDMAX. [     188     ] 1919.]  MAN.  [No.  104. REVIEWS. India,  Southern.  Thurston. Castes  and  Tribes  of  Southern  India.      By  E.   Thurston.     Madras,   1909.      4flj| 7  vols.  IU1! It  is  not  easy  within  the  compass  of  a  short  notice  to  deal  adequately  with  this fine  work,  in  which  Mr.  Thurston  records  the  results  of  many  years'  careful  observa- tion of  the  castes  and  tribes  of  Southern  India.  It  has  been  brought  out  by  the Madras  Government  in  an  attractive  form  and  is  well  illustrated.  Every  anthropologist will  be  pleased  to  recognise  here  a  worthy  companion  to  the  works  of  Risley  and Crooke  in  Bengal  and  Northern  India.  Between  them  these  works,  viz.,  that  of Sir  H.  Risley  on  The  Tribes  and  Castes  of  Bengal,  that  of  Mr.  Crooke  on  The Tribes  and  Castes  of  the  North- Western  Provinces  and  Oudh,  and  that  now  under consideration,  occupy  the  greater  portion  of  the  central  block  of  northern  and  peninsula India.  It  remains  for  the  Governments  of  Bombay,  the  Punjab,  and  the  Central Provinces  to  complete  their  part  of  the  work,  and  continental  India  will  be  well provided  with  a  series  of  authoritative  and  exhaustive  treatises  on  its  races.  Assam has  already  done  good  work  in  its  series  of  monographs  on  some  of  the  more interesting  tribes  found  there. The  main  feature  of  Mr.  Thurston's  Avork,  as  in  the  case  of  its  predecessors mentioned  above,  consists  of  an  alphabetically-arranged  account  of  the  castes  and tribes.  This  fills  the  greater  part  of  the  seven  volumes,  and  represents  an  enormous amount  of  original  investigation  by  Mr.  Thurston  and  his  collaborators.  Perhaps, however,  the  introduction,  which  occupies  the  first  seventy-three  pages  of  Vol.  I, will  be  of  even  greater  interest  for  the  anthropologist  who  is  not  a  specialist  in Indian  matters.  In  this  Mr.  Thurston  discusses  several  obscure  and  interesting problems  in  the  light  of  the  physical  and  anthropometrical  data  he  has  been  able  to bring  together  here.  Such  are  the  origin  of  the  Dravidian  race  and  of  the  other scattered  primitive  tribes  which  Mr.  Thurstou,  with  good  reason  probably,  holds  to be  the  remnants  of  a  pre-Dravidian  race,  and  perhaps  connected  with  the  Sakais and  similar  races  of  the  Malay  peninsula. The  Dravidians  are,  Mr.  Thurston  shows,  a  dolichocephalic  race,  and  are  not, as  has  been  assumed  by  some  writers,  divided  from  the  more  primitive  races  by any  marked  difference  in  this  respect.  The  brachycephalic  type  of  certain  west coast  races  described  by  Sir  H.  Risley  as  of  Scytho-Dravidian  type  is  duly  noted by  Mr.  Thurston,  especially  among  the  Tulu,  Canarese,  and  Telugu,  and  he  also points  out  that  tbe  more  distinctly  dolichocephalic  races,  such  as  the  Tamil  and Malayalam,  show  a  greater  constancy  in  their  head  types  than  the  brachycephalic. Mr.  Thnrston  does  not  bring  forward  any  new  theory  as  to  the  causes  of  this difference,  and  we  have  not  the  advantage  of  his  opinion  as  to  whether  the  brachy- cephalic element  is  to  be  traced  to  a  Scythian  migration,  or  whether  it  is  of  earlier pre-historic  origin. Among  the  separate  articles  on  tribes  attention  may  be  drawn  especially  to  the very  full  and  interesting  accounts  of  the  Badaga,  the  principal  agricultural  tribe  of the  Nilgiris,  the  Balija,  the  trading  caste  among  the  Telugus,  the  Brahmans  in  all their  varieties,  the  Cheruman,  an  agricultural  Malayalam  caste  of  low  social standing,  the  Idaiyan  or  shepherds  of  the  Tamil  country,  the  nomadic  Koravas,  the Todas,  Kotas,  Irulas,  and  other  races  of  the  Nilgiris,  the  Is'ayars  of  the  West Coast,  the  Paraiyan,  better  known  to  the  outer  world  as  Pariahs,  and  the  Tiyans, the  Malayalam  toddy-drawing  caste,  besides  others  too  numerous  to  mention.  The photographs  are  often  of  the  greatest  value  at  the  present  time  as  representing  the primitive  races  before  they  have  altogether  been  absorbed  into  the  common  herd. [     189     ] Nos.  104-105.]  MAN.  [1910. Our  congratulations  are  due  to  Mr.  Thurstou  and  Mr.  Rangachari  on  the completion  of  this  most  important  work,  and  onr  thanks  to  the  Madras  Government for  bringing  it  out  in  such  an  excellent  form.  M.  LONGWORTH  DAMES. India  :  Cochin.  Anantha  Krishna  Iyer. The  Cochin  Tribes  and  Castes.     By  L.  K.  Anantha  Krishna  Iyer,  B.A.,  L.T.     4  flC Vol.  I.     Madras,  1909.     Pp.  xxx  +  366.     23  x   15  cm.  lUo This  is  the  first  volume  of  an  important  work  on  the  ethnography  of  the  Native State  of  Cochin,  which  is  situated  on  the  west  coast  of  Southern  India,  and  includes an  area  nearly  as  large  as  Cornwall  with  the  population  of  Middlesex.  The  present instalment  is  devoted  to  a  description  of  the  animistic  castes  and  tribes,  including  the jungle  races  and  the  menial  population  of  the  more  settled  region.  The  author  promises two  additional  volumes,  the  second  dealing  with  the  higher  castes  and  the  foreign elements  of  the  population,  the  third  with  physical  anthropology.  Much  labour  has been  devoted  to  the  collection  of  the  materials  from  which  this  volume  has  been compiled  ;  the  facts  are  conveniently  arranged,  and  it  is  illustrated  by  an  excellent series  of  photographs.  A  vernacular  index  is  supplied,  to  which  with  advantage  one of  the  subjects  treated  in  the  volume  might  have  been  added.  The  author  possesses little  knowledge  of  comparative  anthropology,  shows  hardly  any  acquaintance  with  the races  beyond  the  limits  of  his  own  state,  and  is  not  always  so  precise  in  giving references  to  authorities  as  is  desirable  ;  but  he  is  a  competent,  careful  observer. His  accounts  of  the  beliefs,  customs,  and  domestic  ceremonies  of  the  people  are clear  and  accurate,  and  will  supply  much  material  to  ethnologists. Speculation  on  the  facts  thus  collected  is  supplied  by  Dr.  A.  H.  Keane,  whose introduction  is  largely  devoted  to  a  criticism  of  the  views  advanced  by  Sir  H.  Risley. His  conclusions  may  be  summarised  as  follows  : — First,  "  In  India  there  is  no  f unda- "  mental  racial  unity,  the  superficial  uniformity  of  physical  characters  being  far  less "  than  is  commonly  supposed,  and  due  not  to  a  primordial  unity,  but  to  secular "  interminglings  of  several  originally  distinct  ethnical  groups  superinducing  surface u  resemblances  "  ;  secondly,  the  authority  of  the  Hindu  scriptures  which  claim  racial unity  is  worthless  ;  thirdly,  the  present  amalgam  represents  five  primary  stocks — Negrito,  Kolarian,  Dravidian.  Aryan,  Mongol — which  entered  the  peninsula  in  this order,  while  designations  of  compound  groups,  such  as  Indo-Aryan,  Dravido-Munda,, Scytho-Dravidian,  and  the  like,  are  "  for  the  most  part  meaningless,  if  not  actually "  misleading."  Some  of  these  propositions,  such  as  the  secular  intermingling  of  races and  the  distrust  of  the  ethnological  speculations  of  the  early  Hindu  writers,  will probably  be  largely  accepted ;  but  the  re-assertion  of  the  distinction  between Dravidian  and  Kolarian,  mainly  based  upon  linguistics,  will  be  disputed. Again,  the  account  of  the  form  of  Black  Magic,  known  as  the  Oti  of  the  Parayan, and  other  degraded  tribes,  suggests  to  Dr.  Keane  that  it  disposes  of  the  controversy whether,  as  some  assert,  religion  and  magic  belong  to  two  distinct  lines  of  thought,, or  whether,  as  Mr.  E.  S.  Hartland  believes,  religion  is  saturated  with  magic,  and  that it  is  only  in  their  later  developments  the  one  becomes  separated  from  the  other.  It  is true  that  among  these  tribes  we  find  the  sorcerer  performing  the  functions  of  priest or  intercessor.  But  this  condition  of  things  is  found  elsewhere,  and  some  authorities will  continue  to  argue  that  this  union  of  function,  even  at  "  a  very  early  phase  of "  religious  thought,"  does  not  settle  the  question  at  issue. Without  attempting  to  discuss  in  detail  the  questions  raised  by  Dr.  Keane,  enough has  been  said  to  indicate  the  importance  of  the  present  work.  Anthropologists  will congratulate  the  authorities  of  the  Cochin  State  on  the  patronage  and  encouragement which  they  have  bestowed  on  this  ethnographical  survey,  and  on  the  liberality  which they  have  exhibited  in  publishing  the  results  in  such  admirable  form.  W.  CROOKE.. [     190    ] 1910.]  MAN.  [No.  106. Prehistoric  Greece.  Dussaud. Les  Civilizations  Prehelleniques  dans  le  bassin  de  la  Mer  Egee  :  Etudes  4AQ de  protohistoire  orientale.  By  Rene  Dussaud.  Paris:  Geutlmer,  1910.  Pp.314.  IUU 207  figs.,  2  plates.  26  X  18  cm.  Price  £12. M.  Dussaud  has  written  a  general  description  of  the  prehistoric  civilisation  of Greece  in  a  small  compass  and  with  a  large  number  of  well-selected  illustrations, which  will  be  of  use  to  all  who  are  interested  in  the  subject.  To  French  readers it  will  be  especially  useful,  as  it  is  the  first  general  account  in  French  of  the  whole circle  of  ^Egean  culture.  Pere  Lagrange's  book  which  appeared  two  years  ago  dealt only  with  Crete.  Here  in  England  we  have  lately  had  a  very  good  general  account  of the  subject  (though  unillustrated)  from  Professor  Burrows,  while  Mrs.  Hawes's  little book  (reviewed  in  MAN,  June,  1910)  is  written  with  the  authority  of  an  actual excavator  in  Crete.  So  for  British  readers,  M.  Dussaud's  book  is,  though  useful, somewhat  superfluous,  and  most  of  its  illustrations  are  well  known  to  us  from  the publications  of  Dr.  Evans  and  the  other  British  and  American  workers  in  Crete.  The French  "  learned  public  "  is,  however,  by  no  means  so  well  instructed  on  the  subject as  ours,  and  we  congratulate  them  on  being  provided  with  so  good  a  general  account of  the  recent  discoveries. The  book  is,  on  the  whole,  good,  especially  on  the  subjects  of  Crete,  the Cyclades,  and  Cyprus.  The  chapter  on  Troy,  Mycenae,  and  Tiryns  is,  however, rather  jejune  ;  perhaps  the  author  felt  that  he  was  merely  telling  an  oft-told  story over  again,  with  regard  to  which  he  had  little  new  to  say.  In  the  final  chapter on  the  .^Egean  peoples  generally,  the  sections  on  the  navigation  of  the  early  Cretans and  the  origin  of  the  Greek  alphabet  are  interesting,  but  that  on  the  all-important question  of  race  and  language  is  disappointing  ;  it,  again,  tells  us  nothing  new. M.  Dussaud  is,  generally  speaking,  extremely  cautious,  and  not  very  original  in his  treatment  of  the  pre-history  (or,  as  he  would  call  it,  "  proto-history")  of  Greece, a  subject  which  calls  for  some  imagination  if  it  is  to  be  envisaged  adequately, while  at  the  same  time  one  has  to  be  cautious  lest  one  is  led  away  by  fantastic imaginings. Wanderings  of  this  kind  have  especially  to  be  guarded  against  when  one  is dealing  with  the  vague  subject  of  prehistoric  Greek  religion.  And  here  M.  Dussaud's native  caution  doubtless  stands  him  in  good  stead.  His  chapter  on  "  Cultes  et Mythes "  contains  much  matter  of  interest,  especially  notable  being,  besides  a  dis- cussion of  the  Agia  Triada  sarcophagus,  a  description  of  the  funerary  terra-cottas  from Cyprus  (Figs.  188,  189),  which  show  that  the  ^Egean  had  the  same  idea  as  the  old Egyptian  of  burying  with  his  dead  models  of  servants  at  work,  which  would  by  art- magic  turn  in  the  next  world  into  actual  slaves,  ready  to  do  the  bidding  of  the dead  master  in  their  several  spheres  when  called  iipon.  The  Egyptian  ushabti,  or "Answerer,"  of  the  later  Middle  Kingdom  onwards  is  a  development  of  the  wooden figures  of  boatmen,  butchers,  and  other  workpeople  which  were  buried  with  the  dead from  the  time  of  the  Sixth  till  the  end  of  the  Twelfth  Dynasty,  and  they  no doubt  replaced  the  human  sacrifices  of  the  First  Dynasty.  The  -3£gean  clay  figures of  the  Bronze  Age  represent  the  same  idea,  and  are  a  further  proof  of  the  close relation  of  Egyptian  and  vEgean  religious  ideas,  which  go  to  prove  an  ultimate  common origin  for  the  two  civilisations.  This  comparison  of  M.  Pottier's,  made  ten  years  ago, is  rightly  brought  forward  again  by  M.  Dussaud. It  is  a  great  pity  that  M.  Dussaud  just  stops  short  of  being  up  to  date  by  omitting all  notice,  not  only  of  the  important  finds  of  Professor  Doerpfeld  and  Dr.  Kurt Miiller  at  Kakovatos  in  the  Peloponnese,  but  also  of  the  recent  discoveries  of  Messrs. Wace  and  Thompson  in  Thessaly,  which  have  thrown  such  remarkable  light  on the  previous  discoveries  of  Tsountas  at  Dimini  and  Sesklo,  and  of  Sotiriadis  at [  191  ] Nos.  106-107.]  MAN.  [1910. Chaironeia  and  Drachmani  in  Bceotia  and  Phokis,  also  not  mentioned  by  M.  Dussaud. These  are  regrettable  omissions.  The  Kakovatos  discoveries  have  shown  us  that  the '•  Mycenaean  "  culture  of  the  Western  Peloponnese  was,  if  not  of  Cretan  origin,  entirely under  the  denomination  of  Cretan  art,  and  have  also  lent  considerable  weight  to  the supposition  thut  the  great  t/wlos-tombs  of  the  mainland  are  to  be  dated  to  the  First, rather  than  the  Third,  Late  Minoan  period.  The  Thessalian  and  Boeotian  finds have  totally  altered  our  conceptions  of  the  early  history  of  Northern  Greece,  and  have shown  that  a  Neolithic  culture  persisted  there  till  quite  late  in  the  Cretan  Bronze Age.  The  questions  raised  by  this  discovery  cannot  be  omitted  with  impunity  from a  book  dealing  with  the  general  antiquities  of  prehistoric  Greece.  They  must  be  faced and  discussed,  and  some  way  found  of  explaining  them  satisfactorily.  If  M.  Dussaud preferred  to  leave  them  for  a  time  undiscussed,  as  being  too  perplexing,  he  should  at least  have  said  so.  In  the  second  edition  of  his  work,  which  all  will  cordially  welcome, wo  may  hope  to  see  a  full  discussion  of  the  important  points  which  are  raised  when these  North  -  Greek  discoveries  are  brought  into  connection  with  the  views  of Dr.  Mackenzie  on  the  origin  of  the  Cretan  Baukunst,  and  its  relation  to  the  building styles  of  Mycenaean  Greece. However,  M.  Dussand  is  very  up-to-date  with  regard  to  Crete.  He  reproduces the  curious  "  Phaistos  Disk,"  on  which  Mr.  Evans  has  commented  in  Scripta  Minoa, and  is  well  acquainted  with  Mr.  Seager's  discoveries  at  Mochlos.  Indeed,  he  figures (Fig.  201)  the  fine  gold  ring  with  the  figure  of  a  goddess  seated  in  a  boat,  which has  not  yet  been  published  by  the  discoverer  himself.  It  was  extremely  good  of Mr.  Seager  to  have  permitted  M.  Dussaud  to  anticipate  him  thus  (as  we  presume he  has  done,  though  we  find  no  acknowledgment  of  the  permission  in  M.  Dussaud's text).  Unhappily  the  ring  in  question,  one  of  the  most  interesting  specimens  of the  Minoan  goldsmith's  art,  has  lately  been  stolen  from  the  Candia  Museum.  One notes  that  M.  Dussaud  still  accepts  the  theory  (now  generally  abandoned)  that  the JEgean  spiral  decoration  owed  its  origin  to  Egypt.  There  is,  however,  little  doubt that  Egypt  received  the  spirals  from  the  JEgean.  H.  R.  HALL. ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTES. H.I.M.  THE  EMPEROR  OF  AUSTRIA  has  conferred  the  Imperial  gold  medal  for  4  (1*7 Science  and  Art  on  Mr.  E.  Torday,  Fellow,  and  Local  Correspondent  in  the  "Uf Congo,  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  for  his  ethnographical  researches in  the  Belgian  Congo. THE  following  are  some  of  the  papers  promised  to  be  discussed  at  the  meeting  of the  first  Universal  Races  Congress  in  London  in  June  1911  : — Anthropological   View  of  Race.      Prof.  Felix  v.  Luschan,  of    the  University  of Berlin. Sociological   View  of  Race.     Prof.  Alfred  Fouille,  Paris,  Membre  de  1'Institut. Differences  in   Customs    and  Morals  and   their  Resistance   to  Rapid   Change. — Dr.  Guiseppe  Sergi,  of  the  University  of  Rome. Inter-racial  Marriage.     M.  Joseph  Deniker,  D.Sc.  (Paris),  LL.D.  (Aberdeen). The  African  Problem.     Sir  Harry  Johnston,  G.C.M.G.,  K.C.B. The   respect  due  by  the   White  Race    to   other  Races.     Baron  d'Estournelles  de Constant. An  International   Tribunal.     Sir  John  Macdonell,  C.B. All  information  about  the  Congress  may  be  obtained  from  the  secretary,  G.  Spiller, 63,  South  Hill  Park,  Hampstead. Printed  by  EYGK  AND  SPOTTISWOODE.  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. •  \ ;  4s ,  J- *•-,.  :x    ;•'»'     , . GN 1 M25 v.9-10 Man PLEASE  DO  NOT  REMOVE CARDS  OR  SLIPS  FROM  THIS  POCKET UNIVERSITY  OF  TORONTO  LIBRARY nwttt