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Full text of "A dictionary of christian antiquities, being a continuation of the "Dictionary of the Bible""

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Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive in  2007  with  funding  from IVIicrosoft  Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/dictionaryofchri01smituoft A    DICTIONARY i OF aPilSTIAN    ANTIQUITIES, BEING A  CONTINUATION  OF  THE  'DICTIONARY  OF  THE  BIBLE.' EDITED    BY WILLIAM    SMITH,    D.C.L.,    LL.D. AND SAMUEL   CHEETHAM,   M.A., PROFESSOR  OF  PASTOKAr,  THEOLOGY  IN  KING'S  COLr.FGF,,  LONDON. IN   TWO    VOLUMES.— Vol.  I. ILLUSTRATED  BY  ENGRAVISGS  ON  WOOD. BOSTON: LITTLE,   BROWN,   AND   COMPANY. 1875. /// LIST  OF  WRITERS IN  THE  DICTIONAEIES  OF  CHEISTIAN  ANTIQUITIES AND  BIOGEAPHY. NAMES. Eev.  Churchill  Babington,  B.D.,  F.L.S., Disney  Professor  of  Archaeology  in  the  University  of Camhridge ;  late  Fellow  of  St.  John's  College. Eev,  Henry  Bailey,  D.D., Warden  of  St.  Augustine's  College,  Canterbury,  and Honorary  Canon  of  Canterbury  Cathedral ;  late  Fellow of  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge. Eev.  James  Barjiby,  B.D., Principal  of  Bishop  Hatfield's  Hall,  Durham. Eev.  Edward  White  Benson,  D.D., Chancellor  of  Lincoln  Cathedral ;  late  Fellow  of  Trinity College,  Cambridge. Eev,  Charles  Williaji  Boase,  M.A., Fellow  of  Exeter  College,  Oxford. Henry  Bradshaw,  M.A., Fellow  of  King's  College,  Cambridge  ;  Librarian  of  the University  of  Cambridge. Eev.  William  Bright,  D.D., Canon  of  Christ  Church,  Oxford ;  Eegius  Professor  of Ecclesiastical  History  in  the  University  of  Oxford. The  late  Eev.  Henry  Browne,  M.A., Vicar  of  Pevensey,  and  Prebendary  of  Chichester  Cathedral. ISAMBARD  BrUNEL,  D.C.L., Of  Lincoln's  Inn  ;  Chancellor  of  the  Diocese  of  Ely, Thomas  Eyburn  Buchanan,  M.A., Fellow  of  All  Souls  College,  Oxford. Eev.  Daniel  Butler,  M.A., Eector  of  Thwing,  Yorkshire;  late  Head  Master  of  the Clergy  Orphan  School,  Canterbury. iv  LIST  OF  WRITERS. INITIALS.  NAMES J.  M.  C.       Eev,  John  Moore  Capes,  M.A., of  Balliol  College,  Oxford. J.  Ct.  C.       Rev.  John  Gibson  Cazenove,  M.A., late  Principal  of  Cumbrae  College,  N.B. C.  Eev.  Samuel  Cheetham,  M.A., Professor  of  Pastoral  Theology  in  King's  College,  London, and  Chaplain  of  Dulwicli  College ;  late  Fellow  of Christ's  College,  Cambridge. E.  B.  C.       Edward  Byles  Cowell,  M.A., Professor  of  Sanskrit  in  the  University  of  Cambridge. J.  LI.  D.      Rev.  John  Llewelyn  Davies,  M.A., Rector   of  Christchurch,    Marylebone  ;    late    Fellow    of Trinity  College,  Cambridge. C.  D.  Rev.  Cecil  Deedes,  M.A., Vicar  of  St.  Mary  Magdalene,  Oxford. W.  P.  I).     Rev.  Willtam  P.  Dickson,  D.D., Regius  Professor  of  Biblical  Criticism,  Glasgow. S.  J.  E.        Rev.  Samuel  John  Eales,  M.A., Head  Master  of  the  Grammar  School,  Halstead,  Essex. J.  E.  Rev.  John  Ellerton,  M.A., Rector  of  Hinstock,  Salop. E.  S.  Ff.     Rev.  Edmund  S.  Ffoulkes,  B.D., Late  Fellow  of  Jesus  College,  Oxford. A.  P.  F.        The  Right  Rev.  Alexander  Penrose  Forbes,  D.C.L., Bishop  of  Brechin. W.  H.  F.     Hon.  and  Rev.  William  Henry  Fremantle,  M.A., Rector  of  St.  Mary's,  Marylebone  ;  Chaplain  to  the  Arch- bishop of  Canterbury. J.  M.  F.       Rev.  John  M.  Fuller,  M.A., Vicar  of  Bexley. C.  D.  G.       Rev.  Christian  D.  Ginsburg,  LL.D. W.  F.  G.     The  late  Rev.  William  Frederick  Greenfield,  M.A., Master  of  the  Lower  School,  Dulwich  College. A.  W.  H.     The  late  Eev.  Arthur  West  Haddan,  B.C., Rector  of  Barton-on-the-Heath  and  Honorary  Canon  of Worcester  Cathedral  ;  formerly  Fellow  of  Trinity College,  Oxfoid. E.  H.  Rev.  Edv/in  Hatch,  M.A., Vice-Principal  of  St.  Mary  Hall,  Oxford. LIST  OF  WRITERS.  V INITIALS.  NAMES. E.  C.  H.      Kev.  Edwards  Comerford  Hawkins,  M.A., Head  Master  of  St.  John's  School,  Leatherhead. L.  H.  Eev.  Lewis  Hensley,  M.A., Vicar  of  Hitchin,  Herts ;  late  Fellow  of  Trinity  College, Cambridge. H.  Kev.  Fenton  John  Axthony  Hort,  M.A., Fellow  of  Emmanuel  College,  Cambridge  ;  Chaplain  to the  Bishop  of  Winchester. H.  J.  H.      Rev.  Henry  John  Hotham,  M.A., Vice-Master  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. J.  H.  John  Hullah, Late  Professor  of  Music  in  King's  College,  London. W.  J.  Eev.  William  Jackson,  M.A., Late  Fellow  of  Worcester    College,    Oxford  ;    Bampton Lecturer  for  1875. G.  A.  J.       Eev.  George  Andrew  Jacob,  D.D., late  Head  Master  of  Christ's  Hospital,  London. W.  J.J.       Eev.  William  James  Josling,  M.A., Eector  of  Moulton,  Suffolk  ;  late  Fellow  of  Christ's  Cullege, Cambridge. L.  Eev.  Joseph  Barber  Lightfoot,  D.D., Canon  of  St.  Paul's  ;  Lady  Margaret's  Professor  of  Divinity in  the  University  of  Cambridge;  Fellow  of  Trinity College,  Cambridge. E.  A.  L.      E.  A.  Lipsius, Professor  in  Ihe  University  of  Kiel. J.  M.  L.       John  Malcolm  Lddlow,  M.A., Of  Lincoln's  Inn. J.  E.  L.        Eev.  John  Egbert  Lunn,  B.D., Vicar  of  Marton,  Yorkshire;  late  Fellow  of  St.  John's College,  Cambridge. G.  F.  M.      Eev.  George  Frederick  Maclear,  D.D., Head  Master  of  King's  College  School,  London. S.  M.  Eev.  Spencer  Mansel,  M.A., Vicar  of  Trumpington,  Cambridge  :  Fellow  of  Trinity College,  Cambridge. W.  B.  M.     The  late  Eev.  Wharton  B.  Marriott,  M.A., Of  Eton  College;  formerly  Fellow  of  Exeter  College, Oxford. G.  M.  Eev.  George  Mead,  M.A., Cliaplain  to  the  Forces,  Dublin. LIST  OF  WRITERS. F,  M.  Rev.  Frederick  Meyrick,  M.A., Eector  of  Blickling,  Norfolk ;  Prebendary  of  Lincoln Cathedral;  Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln;  late Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Oxford. W.  M,  Rev.  William  Milligan,  D.D., Professor  of  Biblical  Criticism  in  the  University  of  Aber- deen. G.  H.  M.     Rev.  George  Herbert  Moberly,  M.A., Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  Salisbury;  Rector  of  Dunst- bourne  Rouse,  Gloucestershire. H.  C.  G.  M.  Rev.  Handley  Carr  Glyn  Moule,  M.A., Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. I.  R.  M.       John  Rickards  Mozley,  M.A., late  Fellow  of  King's  College,  Cambridge. A.  N.  Alexander  Nesbitt,  F.S.A., Oldlands,  Uckfield. P.  0.  Rev.  Phipps  Onslow,  B.A., Rector  of  Upper  Sapey,  Hereford. G.  W.  P.     Rev.  Gregory  Walton  PennethornK,  M.A.,, Rector  of  Ferring,  Sussex ;  late  Vice-Principal  of  the Theological  College,  Chichester. W.  G.F.P.  Walter  G.  F.  Phillimore,  B.C.L., Lincoln's  Inn ;  Chancellor  of  the  Diocese  of  Lincoln. E.  H.  P.      Rev.  Edward  Hayes  Plumptre,  M.A., (sometimes  Professor  of  New  Testament  Exegesis  in  King's  College, P.)  London;  Prebendary  of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral;  Vicar  of Bickley ;  formerly  Fellow  of  Brasenose  College,  Oxford. DE  Pressense.  Rev.  E.  de  Pressense, of  Paris. J.  R.  Rev.  James  Raine,  M.A., Prebendary  of  York  ;  Fellow  of  the  University  of  Durham. W.  R.  Rev.  William  Reeves,  D.D., Rector  of  Tjnan,  Armagh. G.  S.  Rev.  George  Salmon,  D.D., Regius  Professor  of  Divinity,  Trinitv  College,  Dublin. P.  S.  Rev.  Philip  Schaff,  D.D., Professor  of  Theology  in  the  Union  Theological  Seminary, New  York, W.  E.  S.      Rev.  William  Edward  Scudamore,  M.A., Eector  of  Ditchingham  ;  late  Fellow  of  St.  John's  College, Cambridge. J.  S.  Rev.  John  Sharpe,  M.A., Fellow  of  Christ's  College,  Cambridge. LIST  OF  WRITERS.  vii INITIALS.  NAMES. B.  S.  Benjamin  Shaw,  M.A., Of  Lincoln's  Inn ;  late  Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cam- bridge. E.  S.  Kev.  Egbert  Sinker,  M.A., Librarian  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. I.  G.  S.        Eev.  L  Gregory  Smith,  M.A., Eector  of  Great    Malvern,  and  Prebendary  of  Hereford Cathedral ;  late  Fellow  of  Brasenose  College,  Oxford. J.  S — T.       John  Stuart,  LL.D., Of  the  General  Eegister-House,  Edinburgh. S.  Eev.  William  Stubbs,  M.A., Eegius  Professor  of  Modern  History,  in  the  University  of Oxford;  Fellow  of  Oriel  College,  Oxford. C.  A.  S.       Eev.  Charles  Anthony  Swainson,  D.D., Norrisian  Professor    of  Divinity    in    the    University    of Cambridge,  and  Canon  of  Chichester  Cathedral;  late Fellow  of  Christ's  College,  Cambridge. E.  S.  T.      Eev.  Edward  Stuart  Talbot,  M.A., Warden  of  Keble  College,  Oxford. E.  St.  J.  T.  Eev.  EicHARD  St.  John  Tyrwhitt,  M.A., Late   Student   and  Ehetoric   Lecturer  of  Christ  Church, Oxford. E.  V.  Eev.  Edmund  Venables,  M.A., Canon  Eesidentiary  and  Precentor  of  Lincoln  Cathedral ; Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  London. W.  Eev.  Brooke  Foss  Westcott,  D.D., (sometimes       Canon  of  PeterboroTigh  ;  Eegius  Professor  of  Divinity  in B.  F.  W.)  the  University  of  Cambridge ;  late  Fellow  of  Trinity College,  Cambridge. H.  W.  Eev.  Henry  Wage,  M.A., Chaplain  of  Lincoln's  Inn,  and  Professor  of  Ecclesiastical History,  King's  College,  London. G.  W.  Eev.  George  Williams,  B.D., Eector  of  Eingwood,  Hants  ;  late  Fellow  of  King's  College, Cambridge. J.  W.  Eev.  John  Wordsworth,  M.A., Prebendary  of  Lincoln ;  Examining  Chaplain  to  the  Bishop of  Lincoln ;  late  Fellow  of  Brasenose  College,  Oxford. W.  A.  W.    William  Aldis  Wright,  M.A., Trinity  College,  Cambridge, E.  M.  Y,      Eev.  Edward  Mallet  Young,  M.A., Assistant  Master  of  Harrow  School ;    Fellow  of   Trinity College,  Cambridge. H.  W.  Y.    Eev.  Henry  William  Yule,  B.C.L.,  M.A., Eector   of  Shipton-on-Cherwell,  and   Vicar  of  Hampton Gay,  Ox  on. \IIH IX PREFACE. This  Work  is  intended  to  furnish,  together  with  the  '  Dictionary  of Christian  Biography,  Literature,  and  Doctrines,'  which  will  shortly follow,  a  complete  account  of  the  leading  Personages,  the  Institu- tions, Art,  Social  Life,  Writings  and  Controversies  of  the  Christian Church  from  the  time  of  the  Apostles  to  the  age  of  Charlemagne. It  commences  at  the  period  at  which  the  '  Dictionary  of  the  Bible ' leaves  off,  and  forms  a  continuation  of  it :  it  ceases  at  the  age  of Charlemagne,  because  (as  Gibbon  has  remarked)  the  reign  of  this monarch  forms  the  important  link  of  ancient  and  modern,  of civil  and  ecclesiastical  history.  It  thus  stops  short  of  what  we commonly  call  the  Middle  Ages.  The  later  developement  of  Eitual and  of  the  Monastic  Orders,  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  great Mendicant  Orders,  the  Painting,  Sculpture  and  Architecture,  the Hagiology  and  Symbolism,  the  Canon  Law,  and  the  Institutions generally  of  the  Middle  Ages,  furnish  more  than  sufficient  matter for  a  separate  book. The  present  Work,  speaking  generally,  elucidates  and  explains in  relation  to  the  Christian  Church  the  same  class  of  subjects  that the  '  Dictionary  of  Greek  and  Eoman  Antiquities '  does  in  reference to  the  public  and  private  life  of  classical  antiquity.  It  treats  of the  organization  of  the  Church,  its  officers,  legislation,  discipline, and  revenues ;  the  social  life  of  Christians ;  their  worship  and ceremonial,  with  the  accompanying  music,  vestments,  instruments, vessels,  and  insignia ;  their  sacred  places  ;  their  architecture  and other  forms  of  Art ;  their  symbolism  ;  their  sacred  days  and  seasons  ; the  graves  or  Catacombs  in  which  they  were  laid  to  rest. We  can  scarcely  hope  that  every  portion  of  this  wide  and  varied field. has  been  treated  with  equal  completeness  ;  but  we  may  venture to  assert,  that  this  Dictionary  is  at  least  more  complete  than  any attempt  hitherto  made  by  English  or  Foreign  scholars  to  treat  in one  work  the  whole  archaeology  of  the  early  Church.     The  great X  PEEFACE. work  of  Bingham,  indeed,  the  foundation  of  most  subsequent. books on  the  subject,  must  always  be  spoken  of  with  the  utmost  respect ; but  it  is  beyond  the  power  of  one  man  to  treat  with  the  requisite degree  of  fulness  and  accuracy  the  whole  of  so  vast  a  subject ; and  there  is  probably  no  branch  of  Christian  archaeology  on  which much  light  has  not  been  thrown  since  Bingham's  time  by  the numerous  scholars  and  divines  who  have  devoted  their  lives  to special  investigations.  We  trust  that  we  have  made  accessible to  all  educated  persons  a  great  mass  of  information,  hitherto  only the  privilege  of  students  with  the  command  of  a  large  library. In  treating  of  subjects  like  Church  Government  and  Ritual  it is  probably  impossible  to  secure  absolute  impartiality ;  but  we  are confident  that  no  intentional  reticence,  distortion  or  exaggeration has  been  practised  by  the  writers  in  this  work. It  has  been  thought  advisable  not  to  insert  in  the  present  work an  account  of  the  Literature,  of  the  Sects  and  Heresies,  and  of the  Doctrines  of  the  Church,  but  to  treat  these  subjects  in  the 'Dictionary  of  Christian  Biography,'  as  they  are  intimately  con- nected with  the  lives  of  the  leading  persons  in  Church  History, and  could  not  with  advantage  be  separated  from  them. It  has  not  been  possible  to  construct  the  vocabulary  on  an entirely  consistent  principle.  Where  a  well -recognized  English term  exists  for  an  institution  or  an  object,  that  term  has  generally been  j)referred  as  the  heading  of  an  article.  But  in  many  cases obsolete  customs,  offices,  or  objects  have  no  English  name;  and in  many  others  the  English  term  is  not  really  co-extensive  with  the Latin  or  Greek  term  to  which  it  seems  at  first  sight  to  correspond. The  word  Decanus  (for  example)  has  several  meanings  which  are  not implied  in  the  English  Dean.  In  such  cases  it  was  necessary  to adopt  a  term  from  the  classic  languages.  Cross-references  are  given from  the  synonyms  or  quasi-synonyms  to  the  word  under  which  any subject  is  treated.  The  Councils  are  placed  (so  far  as  possible) under  the  modern  names  of  the  places  at  which  they  were  held,  a cross-reference  being  given  from  the  ancient  name.  In  the  case  of the  Saints'  Days,  the  names  of  the  Western  saints  have  been  taken from  the  martyrology  of  Usuard,  as  containing  probably  the  most complete  list  of  the  martyrs  and  confessors  generally  recognized  in the  West  up  to  the  ninth  century ;  the  occurrence  of  these  names in  earlier  calendars  or  martyrologies  is  also  noted.  In  the  letters  A and  B,  however,  the  names  of  Saints  are  taken  principally  from  the '  Martyrologium  Romanum  Vetus,'  and  from  the  catalogues  which bear  the  names  of  Jerome  and  of  Bede,  without  special  reference PREFACE.  xi to  Usuard.  In  the  case  of  the  Eastern  Church;  we  have  taken from  the  calendars  of  Byzantium,  of  Armenia,  and  of  Ethiopia, those  names  which  fall  within  our  chronological  period.  This alphabetical  arrangement  will  virtually  constitute  an  index  to  the principal  martyrologies,  in  addition  to  supplying  the  calendar, dates  of  events  which  are  fixed — as  is  not  uncommonly  the  case  in ancient  records  —  by  reference  to  some  festival.  The  names  of persons  are  inserted  in  the  vocabulary  of  this  Work  only  with reference  to  their  commemoration  in  martyrologies  or  their  repre- sentations in  art,  their  lives,  when  they  are  of  any  importance, being  given  in  the  Dictionary  of  Biography, Eeferences  are  given  throughout  to  the  original  authorities  on which  the  several  statements  rest,  as  well  as  to  modern  writers  of repute.  In  citations  from  the  Fathers,  where  a  page  is  given  without reference  to  a  particular  edition,  it  refers  for  the  most  part  to  the standard  pagination — generally  that  of  the  Benedictine  editions— which  is  retained  in  Migne's  Patrologia. At  the  commencement  of  this  work,  the  Editorship  of  that  por- tion which  includes  the  laws,  government,  discipline,  and  revenues  of the  Chur(;h  and  the  Orders  within  it,  was  placed  in  the  hands  of Professor  Stubbs ;  the  education  and  social  life  of  Christians  in  those of  Professor  Plumptre ;  while  the  treatment  of  their  worship  and ceremonial  was  entrusted  to  Professor  Cheetham;  all  under  the general  superintendence  of  Dr.  William  Smith.  As  the  work  pro- ceeded, however,  a  pressure  of  other  engagements  rendered  it  impos- sible for  Professors  Stubbs  and  Plumptre  to  continue  their  editorship of  the  parts  which  they  had  undertaken ;  and  from  the  end  of  the letter  C  Professor  Cheetham  has  acted  as  Editor  of  the  whole work,  always  with  the  advice  and  assistance  of  Dr.  William  Smith. In  conclusion,  we  have  to  express  our  regret  at  the  long  time that  has  elapsed  since  the  first  announcement  of  the  work.  This delay  has  been  owing  partly  to  our  anxious  desire  to  make  it  as accurate  as  possible,  and  partly  to  the  loss  we  have  sustained  by the  death  of  two  of  our  most  valued  contributors,  the  Kev.  A.  W. Haddan  and  the  Kev,  W.  B.  Marriott. X/l DIOTIONAEY OP CHEISTIAN    ANTTOTTTTTlT.s EREATA. Page      9,  Col.  2, 15,      , >     ^, , ,        35,      , ,     2, ,,        78,      , ,      2, ,,      104,      , ,      1. , ,      145,      , ,      1, ,,      153,     , ,      1, ,,     213,     , ,      1, ,,     237, ,      2, ,,     350,     , ,      1, , ,     364,     , ,     2, ,,     396,     , ,      2, , ,     424,     , ,     1, , ,     623, ,      1, Line  32  from  top,  for  Confession,  Penitence,  read  Exomologesis. , ,      8        , ,        ,  dele  AcTisTETAE  [Ctistolatkae]. , ,      9        , ,        ,  for  Chronology  read  Era. , ,     16        , ,        ,  for  pressing  read  preserving. 9         , ,        ,  for  Holt  Orders  read  Desertion. 8  &  9  from  top,  for  Clermont,  Council  of,  read  Gallican  Councils. , ,    25  from  top,  for  Orange  read  Orleans. , ,    42        , ,        ,  for  Eucharist  read  Priest. , ,     20        , ,        ,  for  Fkibur  read  Tribur. , ,      8         from  bottom,  for  Education  read  Schools. . .     25,  24  , ,         ,  for  Paschal  Ctcle  read  Indiction  :  deU  Golden  Numbers. , ,    31,  30  , ,         ,  for  Akvebnense  read  Gallican  Councils. , ,     31  from  top,  for  Penitence  read  Penitentiary. , ,     27,        , ,      ,  for  year -day  read  year-date. diately  after  the  death  of  Constantine.  The earliest  iustauces  are  an  aureus  nummus  of  Con- staatius  (Banduri,  v.  ii.  p.  2'J7,  Numismata  Imp. Romanorum,  &c.) ;  and  another  golden  coin  bear- ing the  effigy  of  Constantine  the  Great,  with  the words  "  Victoria  Maxima."  Constantine  seems not  to  have  made  great  use  of  Christian  em- blems on  his  coin  till  after  the  defeat  of  Lici- nius  in  323,  and  e.spocially  after  the  building of  Constantinople.  (See  Martigny,  s.  v.  Numis- matique.') The  use  of  these  symbolic  letters  amounts  to a  quotation  of  Rev.  xxii.  13,  and  a  confession  of faith  in  our  Lord's  own  a.ssertion  of  His  infinity CHRI.ST.  A.\T. antiquity  at  Lucca  (Borgia,  Be  Cruce  Veliterna, p.  33).  For  its  general  use  as  a  part  of  the monogram  of  Christ,  see  Monogram.  It  will  be found  (see  Westwood's  Palaeographia  Sacra)  in  the Psalter  of  Athelstan,  and  iu  the  Bible  of  Alcuin  ; both  in  the  British  Museum.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] AARON,    the    High    Priest,    commemorated »  Boldetti:  "Quaiitoallelettere  Aandu.non  v'hadubbio che  quel  primi  Cristiani  le  presero  dall'  Apocalisse." He  goes  on  to  say  that  it  is  the  sigrf  of  Christian,  not Arian,  burial;  and  that  Arians  were  driven  from  Rome, and  e.xchided  frooi  the  Catacombs.  Ariiighi  also  protests that  those  cemeteries  were  "  baud  unqiiam  heretico  schis- maticoque  commercio  poUutae." xfi DICTIONAKY CHEISTIAN    ANTIQUITIES, A AAEON l-2l \ J A  apd  W.  (See  Rev.  xxii.  13.)  Of  these symbolic  letters  the  o)  is  always  given  in  the minuscular  form.  The  symbol  is  generally  com- bined with  the  monogram  of  Christ.  [Moxo- GRAM.]  In  Boldetti's  Ossenazioni  sopra  i  ciiiiiteri, &c.  Rom.  1720,  fol.  tav.  iii.  p.  194,  no.  4,  it  is found,  with  the  more  ancient  decussated  mono- gram, on  a  sspulchral  cup  or  vessel.  See  also De  Rossi  (Liscriptions,  No.  776),  where  the  letters ai-e  suspended  from  the  arms  of the  St.  Andrew's  Cross.  They are  combined  more  frequently with  the  upright  or  Egyptian monogram.  Aringhi,  liom. Subt.  vol.  i.  p.  381,  gives  an engraving  of  a  jewelled  cross, with  the  letters  suspended by  chains  to  its  horizontal  arm,  as  below.  And the  same  form  occurs  in  sepulchral  inscriptions in  De  Rossi,  Inscr.  Chr.  Rom. t.  i.  nos.  661,  666.  See  also Boldetti,  p.  345,  and  Bottari, tav.  xliv.  vol.  i. The  letters  are  found,  with or  without  the  monogram,  in almost  all  works  of  Christian antiquity  ;  for  instance,  right and  left  of  a  great  cross,  on  which  is  no  form  or even  symbolic  Lamb,  on  the  ceiling  of  the  apse of  St.  Apollinare  in  Classe  at  Ravenna,  circ.  A.D. 675.  They  were  worn  in  rings  and  sigils,  either  j alone,  as  in  Martigny,  s.  v.  Anneaux,  or  with the  monogram,  as  in  Boldetti,  ms.  21-31,  30-33. On  coins  they  appear  to  be  first  used  imme- diately after  the  death  of  Constantine.  The earliest  instances  are  an  aureus  nummus  of  Con- stantius  (Banduri,  v.  ii.  p.  227,  Nmnismata  Imp. Romanorum,  &c.) ;  and  another  golden  coin  bear- ing the  effigy  of  Constantine  the  Great,  with  the words  "  Victoria  Maxima."  Constantine  seems not  to  have  made  great  use  of  Christian  em- blems on  his  coin  till  after  the  defeat  of  Lici- nius  in  323,  and  especially  after  the  building of  Constantinople.  (See  Martiguy,  s.  v.  Numis- matique.') The  use  of  these  symbolic  letters  amounts  to a  quotation  of  Rev.  xxii.  13,  and  a  confession  of faith  in  our  Lord's  own  assertion  of  His  infinity CHRIST.  ANT. and  divinity.     There  is  one  instance  iu  Martial (^Epig.  V.  26)  where  A,  Alpha,  is  used  jocularly (as  A  1,  vulgarly,  with  ourselves)  for  "  chief"  or "  first."     But  the  whole  expression  in  its  solemn meaning  is  derived  entirely  from  the  words  of Rev.    xxii.    13.     The   import  to   a  Christian    is shewn  hj  the  well-known  passage  of  Prudentius (Hymnus   Omni  Hora,  10,   Cathemsrinon,  ix.  p. 35,  ed.  Tiibingen,  45)  : — "Corde  natus  ex  parentis  ante  mundi  exordium, Alpha  et  fi  cognominalus,  ipse  tons  et  clausula, Omnium  quae  sunt,  fuerunt,  quaeque  post  futura  sunt." The  symbol  was  no  doubt  much  more  frequently used  after  the  outbreak  of  Arianism.  But  it  ap- pears to  have  been  used  before  that  date,  from  its occurrence  in  the  inscription  on  the  tomb  raised by  Victorina  to  her  martyred  husband  Heraclius in  the  cemetery  of  Priscilla  (Aringhi.  i.  605). It  is  here  enclosed  in  a  triangle,  and  united  with the  upright  monogram.  See  also  another  in- scription in  Fabretti  {Inscr.  antiq.  expUcatio, Rom.  1699,  fol.),  and  the  cup  given  iu  Boldetti from  the  Callixtine  catacomb,  tav.  iii.  no.  4,  at p.  194.  From  these  it  is  argued  with  apparent truth  that  the  symbol  must  have  been  in  use before  the  Nicene  Council."  No  doubt,  as  a  con- venient symbolic  form  of  asserting  the  Lord's divinity,  it  became  far  more  prominent  after- wards. The  Arians  certainly  avoided  its  use (Giorgi,  Be  Monogram.  Christi,  p.  10).  It  is found  on  the  crucifix  attributed  to  Nicodemus (Angelo  Rocca,  Thesatirus  I'ontifciarura,  vol.  i. 153,  woodcut),  and  on  a  wooden  crucifix  of  great antiquity  at  Lucca  (Borgia,  Be  Cruce  Vcliterna, p.  33).  For  its  general  use  as  a  part  of  the monogram  of  Christ,  see  Monogram.  It  will  be found  (see  Westwood's  Palaeographia  Sacra)  in  the Psalter  of  Athelstan,  and  in  the  Bible  of  Alcuin ; both  in  the  British  Museum.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] AAEON,    the    High    Priest,    commemorated »  Boldetti:  "Quantoalle letiere.\andu), non v'hadubbio che  quei  primi  Ciistiani  le  presero  dall'  Apocalisse." He  goes  on  to  say  that  it  is  the  sigif  of  Christian,  not Arian,  burial;  and  that  Arians  were  driven  from  Rome, and  excluded  from  the  Catacombs.  Aringhi  also  protests that  those  cemeteries  were  "  baud  unqiiam  heretico  schis- maticoque  commercio  pollutae." 2  ABACUC Miaziah  1  =  March  27  (^Cal.  Ethiop.).    Deposition in  Mount  Hor,  July  1  {Mart.  Bedae,  Hieron.).  [C] ABACUC.  (1)  Habakkuk  the  Prophet,  com- memorated Jan.  15  (Martyrologium  Bom.  Vetus, Hieron.,  Bedae).  ■ (2)  Martyr  at  Rome  under  Claudius,  a.d.  269, commemorated  Jan.   20  {Martyr.  Horn.  Vetus). [C] ABBA.    [Abbat.] ABBAT.  (Abbas  or  Abha  [-cfw],  a^^as, a00a,  in  low  Latin  sometimes  Abas,  Ital.  Abate, Germ.  Abt,  from  the  Chaldee  and  Syriac  form  of the  common  Semitic  word  for  Father,  probably adopted  in  that  form  either  by  Syriac  monks, or  through  its  N.  T.  use.)  A  name  employed occasionally  in  the  East,  even  so  late  as  the  10th century,  as  a  term  of  respect  for  any  monks (Cassian.,  Collat.  i.  1,  A.D.  429;  Seg.  S.  Columb. vii.,  A.D.  609  ;  Jo.  Mosch.,  Prat.  Spir.,  a.d.  630 ; Epiphan.  Hagiop.,  Be  Loc.  SS.,  a.d.  956  ;  Byzant. auth.  ap.  Du  Cange,  Lex.  Inf.  Graec.  ;  Bulteau, Hist.  Mon.  d'Orient,  819  :  and,  similarly,  aPISd- Slov,  aPPaSiaKiov,  ^evSdfi^as,  KXiTrrd^^as,  for an  evil  or  false  monk,  Du  Gauge,  zd.) ;  and  some- times as  a  distinguishing  term  for  a  monk  of singular  piety  (Hieron.,  in  Epist.  ad  Gal.  c.  4 ;  in Matt.  lib.  iv.  in  c.  23)  ;  bat  ordinarily  restricted to  the  superior  of  a  monastery.  Pater  or  Princeps Monasterii,  elective,  irremoveable,  single,  abso- lute. Replaced  commonly  among  the  Greeks by  'Apxip-avSpirns  [Archimandrita],  'Hyov- fjiivos,  or  more  rarely  Koivo^idpx'ns ',  the  first of  which  terms  however,  apparently  by  a  con- fusion respecting  its  derivation,  came  occasion- ally to  stand  for  the  superior  of  more  monas- teries than  one  (Helyot,  Hist,  des  Ordr.  Mon. i.  65) : — extended  upon  their  institution  to  the superior  of  a  body  of  canons,  more  properly called  Praepositus,  Abbas  Canonicorum  as  op- posed to  Abbas  Monachorum  (e.  g.  Cone.  Paris. a.d.  829,  c.  37;  Cone.  Aquisg.  II.  a.d.  836. canon,  c.  ii.  P.  2,  §  1 ;  Chron.  Leod.) ;  but  varied by  many  of  the  later  monastic  orders,  as  e.  g.  by Carmelites,  Augustinians,  Dominicans,  Servites, into  Praepositus  or  Prior  Conventualis,  by  Fran- ciscans into  Gustos  or  Guardianus,  by  Camaldu- lensians  into  Major,  by  Jesuits  into  Hector  : — distinguished  in  the  original  Rule  of  Pachomius, as  the  superior  of  a  combination  of  monasteries, from  the  Pater,  Princeps,  or  Oeconomus  of  each and  from  the  Praepositi  of  the  several  families  of each.  Enlarged  into  Abbas  Abbatum  for  the  Ab- bat of  Monte  Cassino  (Pet.  Diac.  Chron.  Casin. iv.  60 ;  Leo  Ostiens.,  ib.  ii.  54),  who  was  vicar  of the  Pope  over  Benedictine  monastei-ies  {Privil. Mcol.  I.  Papae,  A.d.  1059,  ap.  And.  a  Nuce  ad Leon.  Ostiens.  iii.  12),  and  had  precedence  over all  Benedictine  abbats  {Priml.  Paschal.  II.  Pajyae, A.D.  1113,  in  Ihdl.  Casin.  ii.  130;  Chart.  Lothar. Imp.,  A.D.  1137,  ib.  157).  Similarly  a  single Abbat  of  Aniana,  Benedict,  was  made  by  Ludov. Pius,  A.D.  817,  chief  of  the  abbats  in  the  empire {Chron.  Farf.  p.  671 ;  Ardo,  in  V.  Bened.  c.  viii. 36):  and  the  Hegumenos  of  St.  Dalmatius  in Constantinople  was,  from  the  time  of  St.  Dal- matius himself  (A.D.  430),  &px<^v  or  iraTvp fiovacTTjpiccv,  Abbas  Univeisalis  or  KaOo\iKhs, Exarchus  omnium  monasteriorum  in  urbe  regia {Cone.  Constant,  iv.,  a.d.  536,  Act  i. ;  Cotic. Ephes.  iii.  a.d.  431  ;  and  see  Tillem.,  Mem.  Feci. xiv.  322    and   Kustath.   in  T'.  EtU>jc/i.  n.  18,  Jo. ABBAT Cantacuz.  i.  50,  Theocterictus  m  V.  S.  Nicefae,  n. 43,  quoted  by  Du  Cange).  Transferred  im- properly sometimes  to  the  Praepositus  or  Prior, the  lieutenant  (so  to  say)  of  a  monastery,  Abbas Secundus  or  Secundarius  {Reg.  S.  Bened.  65  ;  and see  Sid.  Apoll.  vii.  17),  the  proper  abbat  being called  by  way  of  distinction  Abbas  2Iijor  {Cone. Aqnisgr.  A.D.  817  c.  31).  Transferred  also,  in course  of  tirne,  to  non-monastic  clerical  offices,, as  e.  g.  to  the  principal  of  a  body  of  parochial clergy  (i.  the  Abbas,  Gustos,  or  Rector,  as  distin- guished from  ii.  the  Presbyter  or  Capeilanus,  and iii.  the  Sacrista  ;  Ughelli,  Ital.  Sac.  vii.  506,  ap.  Du Cange)  ;  and  to  the  chief  chaplain  of  the  king  or emperor  in  camp  under  the  Carlovingians,  Abbas Castrensis,  and  to  the  Abbas  Curiae  at  Vienne (Du  Cange) ;  and  in  later  times  to  a  particular cathedral  official  at  Toledo  (Beyerlinck,  Magn. Theatrum,  s.  v.  Abbas),  much  as  the  term  car- dinal is  used  at  our  own  St.  Paul's ;  and  to  the chief  of  a  decad  of  choristers  at  Anicia,  Abbas Clericulorum  (Du  Cange) ;  and  later  still  to  the abbat  of  a  religious  confraternity,  as  of  St.  Yvo at  Paris  in  1350  and  another  'in  1362  {Id.). Adopted  also  for  purely  secular  and  civil  officers, Abbas  Populi  at  Genoa,  and  again  of  the  Genoese in  Galata  (Jo.  Pachym.  xiii.  27),  of  Guilds  at Milan  and  Decurions  at  Brixia ;  and  earlier  still, Palatii,  Clocherii,  Campanilis,  Scholaris,  Esclaf- fardorum  (Du  Cange)  ;  and  compare  Dante {Purgat.  xxvi.).  Abate  del  Collegio.  Usurped in  course  of  time  by  lay  holders  of  monasteries under  the  system  of  commendation  [COM- MENDa];  Abbas  Protector,  Abbas  Zaicus,  Arcld- abbas,  Abba-  [or  Abhi-^  Comes,  denominated  by  a happy  equivoque  in  some  papal  documents  Abbas Irreligiosus ;  and  giving  rise  in  turn  to  the  Abbas Legitimus  or  Monasticus  {Serm.  de  Tumulat.  S. Quintin.,  ap.  Du  Cange),  as  a  name  for  the  abbat proper  (sometimes  it  was  the  Decani,  Contin. Almoin,  c.  42  ;  and  in  Culdee  Scotland  in  the parallel  case  it  was  a  Prior)  who  took  charge  ot the  spiritual  duties.  Lastly,  perverted  altogether in  later  days  into  a  mock  title,  as  Abbas  Laetitiae, Juvenum,  Fatuorum,  or  again  Abbas  Bejanorum (of  freshmen,  or  "  Yello-w  Beaks,"  at  the  univer- sity of  Paris),  or  Cornardorum  or  Conardorum  (an equally  unruly  club  of  older  people  elsewhere  in France),  until  "  in  vitium  libertas  excidit  et  vim dignam  lege  regi,"  and  the  mock  abbats  accord- ingly "  held  their  peace  "  perforce  (Du  Cange). The  abbat,  properly  so  called,  was  elected  in the  beginning  by  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  out  of the  monks  themselves  (with  a  vague  right  of assent  on  the  part  of  the  people  also,  according to  Du  Cange);  a  right  confirmed  at  first  by Justinian  {Novell,  v.  c.  9,  A.D.  534-565);  who, however,  by  a  subsequent  enactment  transferred it  to  the  monks,  the  abbat  elect  to  be  confirmed and  formally  blessed  by  the  bishop  {Norell.  cxxiii. c.  34).  And  this  became  the  common  law  of Western  monasteries  also  {Reg.  S.  Bened.,  a.d. 530,  c.  64 ;  Cone.  Carthag,,  a.d.  525,  in  die  Ilda  ; Greg.  M.,  Epist.  ii.  41,  iii.  23,  viii.  15;  Theodor., Poenit.  II.  vi.  1  in  Wasserschl.  p.  207 ;  Pseudo- Egbert,  Poenit.  Add.  in  Thorpe,  ii.  235,  &c. ; — "Fratres  eligant  sibi  abbatem,"  Aldhelm  ap.  W. Malm.,  De  G.  P.  v.  p.  Ill),  confirmed  in  time  by express  enactment  {Capit.  Car.  M.  et  Lud.  Pii, 1.  vi.,  a.d.  816), — "  Quomodo  (monachis)  ex  se ipsis  sibi  eligendi  abbates  licentiam  dederimus;" — Urban.  Pap.  ap.  Gratian,  cap.  Alien,  cans.  12. AB13AT qu.  2  ;  and  so  also  cap.  Quontam  Disl.  Ixix.— enforcing  the  episcoyial  benediction,  from  Cone, Nicaen.  ii.,  a.D.  787,  c.  14.  So  also  Counc.  of Cealchyth,  A.D.  785,  c.  5  (monks  to  elect  from their  own  monastery,  or  another,  with  consent  of bishop),  but  Counc.  of  Becanceld,  A.D.  694,  and of  Cealchyth,  A.D.  816  (bishop  to  elect  abbat  or abbess  with  consent  of  the  "  family ").  And forms  occur  accordingly,  in  both  Eastern  and Western  Pontificals,  for  the  liem-dictio  re- spectively of  an  Hegumenos,  or  of  an  Abbas,  both Jloiiac/iorum  and  Canonicoruin,  and  of  an  Abba- tissa  (see  also  Theodor.,  Poenit,  II.  iii.  5,  in Wasserschl.  p.  204,  &c. ;  and  a  special  form  for the  last  named,  wrongly  attributed  to  Theodore, in  Collier's  Beconls  from  the  Ordo  Jiom.,  and with  variations,  in  Gerbert).  An  abbat  of  an exempt  abbey  (in  later  times)  could  not  resign without  leave  of  the  Pope  (c.  Si  Ahbatem,  Bonif. VIII.  in  Sext.  Deer.  1.  vi.  36) ;  and  was  to  be confirmed  and  blessed  by  him  (Matt.  Par.  in  an. 1257).  A  qualification  made  in  the  Benedictine Eule,  allowing  the  choice  of  a  minority  if  theirs were  the  sanius  consilium,  necessarily  became  a dead  letter  from  its  impracticability.  Bishops, however,  retained  their  right  of  institution  if  not nomination  in  Spain  in  the  7th  century  {Cone. Tolet.,  A.D.  63o,  c.  50);  and  the  Bishop  of Chalons-sur-Marne  so  late  as  the  time  of  St. Bernard  {Epist.  58).  See,  however,  Caus.  xviii., Qu.  2.  The  nomination  by  an  abbat  of  his  suc- cessor, occurring  sometimes  in  special  cases  (e.g. St.  Bruno),  and  allowed  under  restrictions  {Cone. CabiUon.  ii.,  A.D.  650,  c.  12 ;  Theodor.,  Capit. Dachcr.  c.  71,  in  Wasserschl.  p.  151),  was  ex- ceptional, and  was  to  be  so  managed  as  not  to interfere  with  the  general  right  of  the  monks. So  also  the  founder's  like  exceptional  nominations, as  e.  g.  those  made  by  Aldhelm  or  Wilfrid.  The intei'ference  of  kings  in  such  elections  began  as  a practice  with  the  system  of  commendation  ;  but in  royal  foundations,  and  as  suggested  and  pro- moted by  feudal  ideas,  no  doubt  existed  earlier. The  consent  of  the  bishop  is  made  necessary  to an  abbat's  election,  "  ubi  jussio  Regis  fuerit," in  A.D.  794  {Cone.  Franco/,  c.  17).  The  bishop was  also  to  quash  an  unfit  election,  under  the Benedictine  rule,  and  (with  the  neighbouring abbats)  to  appoint  a  proper  person  instead  {Beg. Ben.  64). Once  elected,  the  abbat  held  office  for  life, unless  canonically  deprived  by  the  bishop ;  but the  consent  of  his  fellow-presb3'ters  and  abbats  is made  necessary  to  such  deprivation  by  the Council  of  Tours  {Cone.  Turon.  ii.,  a.d.  567,  c.  7  ; so  also  Excerpt.  Fseudo-Ei/berti,  65,  Thorpe  ii. 107).  And  this,  even  if  incapacitated  by  sickness (Hincmar  ad  Corbeiens.,  ap.  Flodoard.  iii.  7). Triennial  abbats  (and  abbesses)  were  a  desperate expedient  of  far  later  popes.  Innocent  VIII. (A.D.  1484-1492)  and  Clement  VII.  (a.d.  1523- 1534). Like  all  monks  (Hieron.,  ad  Eustic.  95 ; Cassian.,  Collat.  v.  26 ;  Caus.  xvi.  qu.  1,  c.  40  ; Dist.  xciii.  c.  5),  the  abbat  was  originally  a  lay- man ("  Abbas  potest  esse,  et  non  presbyter : laicus  potest  esse  abbas ;"  io.  de  Turrecrem.,  sup. Dist.  Ixix.)  ;  and  accordingly  ranked  below  all orders  of  clergy,  even  the  Vstiarius  (Dist.  xciii. c.  5).  In  the  East,  Archimandrites  appear  to have  become  either  deacons  at  least,  or  .com- monly priests,  before  the  close  of  the  5th  century ABBAT  3 (inter  Epist.  Hormisd,  Pap.,  a.d.  514-523,  ante Ep.  xxii.;  Cone.  Constantin.  iv.,  a.d.  536,  Act  i.), although  not  without  a  struggle :  St.  Sabas,  e.g., a.d.  484,  strictly  forbidding  any  of  his  monks to  be  priests,  while  reluctantly  forced  into  the presbyterate  himself  by  the  Patriarch  of  Jeru- salem (Surius,  in  Vita,  5  J)ec.,  cc.  xxii.  xxv). And  Archimandrites  subscribe  Church  Councils in  the  East,  from  time  to  time,  from  Gmc. Constantin.,  a.d.  448.  The  term  'A^PaSoirpeir- ^vrepos,  however,  in  Komocan.  (n.  44,  ed.  Co- teler.),  appears  to  indicate  the  continued  ex- istence of  abbats  not  presbyters.  In  the  West, laymen  commonly  held  the  office  until  the  end of  the  7th  century,  and  continued  to  do  so  to some  extent  or  other  (even  in  the  proper  sense of  the  office)  into  the  11th.  Jealousy  of  the priestly  order,  counterbalanced  by  the '  absolute need  of  priestly  ministrations,  prolonged  the struggle,  in  the  6th  century,  whether  Western monasteries  should  even  admit  priests  at  all.  St. Benedict,  a.d.  530,  hardly  allows  a  single  priest ; although,  if  accepted,  he  is  to  rank  next  the abbat  {Reg.  60).  Aurelian  of  Aries,  a.d.  50, allows  one  of  each  order,  priest,  deacon,  sub- deacon  {Reg.  46).  The  Ecgula  Magistri  (23) admits  priests  as  guests  only,  "  ne  abbates  ut- pote  laicos  excludant."  St.  Gregory,  however, A.D.  595,  gave  a  great  impulse,  as  to  monastic life  generally,  so  in  particular,  by  the  nature  of his  English  mission,  to  presbyter  (and  episcopal) abbats.  And  while  Benedict  himself,  a  layman, was  admitted  to  a  council  at  Rome,  A.D.  531,  as by  a  singular  privilege  (Cave,  Hist.  Litt.  in  V. Bened.) ;  during  the  next  century,  abbats  occur commonly,  1.  at  Councils  of  State,  or  in  Councils of  abbats  for  monastic  purposes,  in  Saxon  England and  in  France  ;  but  2.  in  purely  Church  Councils in  Spain.  Theodore  (about  A.D.  690)  repeats the  continental  canon,  inhibiting  bishops  from compelling  abbats  to  come  to  a  council  without reasonable  cause  {Poenit.  II.  ii.  3 ;  Wasserschl. p.  203).  And  in  one  case,  both  Abbates  pres' hytcri,  and  Abbates  simply,  subscribe  a  Saxon Council  or  Witenagemot,  viz..  that  of  Oct.  12, 803  (Kemble,  C.  D.  v.  65),  which  had  for  its purpose  the  prohibition  of  lay  commendations ; while  abbesses  occur  sometimes  as  well,  e.  g.  at Becanceld,  a.d.  694  {Anglo-Sax.  Chron.),  and at  London,  Aug.  1,  a.d.  811  (Kemble,  C.  D.  i. 242).  Lay  abbats  continued  in  England  a.d. 696  (Wihtred's  Dooms,  §  18),  a.d.  740  (Egbert's Ansuj.  7,  11),  A.D.  747  {Counc.  of  Clovesho,  c.  5), A.D.  957  (Aelfric's  Can.  §  18, — abbats  not  an order  of  clergy).  In  France,  an  annual  Council of  abbats  was  to  be  summoned  by  the  bishop every  Nov.  1,  the  presbyters  having  their  own special  council  separately  in  May  {Cone.  Aure- lian. i.,  A.D.  511  ;  Cone.  Autisiod.,  a.d.  578  or 586,  c.  7).  Abbats,  however,  sign  as  represen- tatives of  bishops  at  the  Councils  of  Orleans,  iv. and  v.,  A.D.  541,  549.  But  in  Spain,  abbats subscribe  Church  Councils,  at  first  after  and  then before  presbyters  {Cone.  Braear.  iii.,  A.D.  572  ; Oscens.,  A.D.  588;  Emerit.,  a.d.  666;  Tolet.  xii. and  xiii.,  a.d.  681,  683) ;  occurring,  indeed,  in all  councils  from  that  of  Toledo  (viii.)  a.d.  653. From  A.D.  565,  also,  there  was  an  unbroken succession  of  presbyter-abbats  at  Hy,  retaining their  original  missionary  jurisdiction  over  their monastic  colonies,  even  after  these  colonies  had grown  into  a  church,  and  both  needed  and  had B  2 4  ABBAT bishops,  although  undiocesan  (Baed.,  H.  E.,  iii. 4,  V.  24).  And  clerical  abbats  (episcopal  indeed first,  in  Ireland,  and  afterwards  presbyteral — see  Todd's  St.  Patrick,  pp.  88,  89)  seem  to  have been  always  the  rule  in  Wales,  Ireland,  and Scotland.  In  Ireland,  indeed,  abbats  were  so identified  with  not  presbyters  only  but  bishops, that  the  Pope  is  found  designated  as  "Abbat of  Rome"  (Todd's  St.  Patrick,  156).  Most  con- tinental abbats,  however  (and  even  their  Frae- positi  and  Decani)  appear  to  have  been  pres- byters by  A.D.  817.  These  officers  may  bestow the  benediction  ("quamvis  presbyteri  non  sint"; Gmc.  Aquisgr.,  A.D.  817,  c.  62).  AH  were  ordered to  be  so,  but  as  yet  ineifectually,  A.D.  826  {Cone. Rom.  c.  27).  And  the  order  was  still  needed, but  was  being  speedily  enforced  by  custom,  A.D. 1078  (Com.  Fictav.  c.  7:  "  Ut  abbates  et  decani \_aUter  abbates  diaconi]  qui  presbyteri  non  sunt, presbyteri  fiant,  aut  praelationes  amittant "). A  bishop-abbat  was  forbidden  in  a  particular instance  by  a  Council  of  Toledo  (xii.,  A.D.  681, c.  4),  but  permitted  subsequently  as  (at  first)  an exceptional  case  at  Lobes  near  Liege,  about  A.D. 700,  (conjecturally  )  for  missionary  purposes  among the  still  heathen  Flemish  (D'Achery,  Spicil.  ii. 730)  ;  a  different  thing,  it  should  be  noted,  from bishops  resident  in  abbeys  under  the  abbat's jurisdiction  ("  Episcopi  monachi,"  according  to a  very  questionable  reading  in  Baed.  //.  E.  iv. 5),  as  in  Ireland  and  Albanian  Scotland,  and  in several  continental  (mostly  exempt)  abbeys  (St. Denys,  St.  Martin  of  Tours,  &c.),  and  both  at  this and  at  later  periods  in  exempt  abbeys  generally (DufCange,  voc.  Episcopi  Vagantes:  Todd's  St. Fatrick,  51  sq.) ;  although  in  some  of  these  con- tinental cases  the  two  plans  seem  to  have  been interchanged  from  time  to  time,  according  as  the abbat  happened  to  be  either  himself  a  bishop,  or merely  to  have  a  monk-bishop  under  him (Martene  and  Durand,  Thcs.  JVoi:  Awed.  i. Pref.  giving  a  list  of  Benedictine  Abbatial  bishops  ; Todd,  ih.).  In  Wales,  and  in  the  Scottish  sees in  Anglo-Saxon  England  (e.g.  Lindisfarne),  and in  a  certain  sense  in  the  monastic  sees  of  the Augustinian  English  Church,  the  bishop  was  also an  abbat ;  but  the  latter  office  was  here  ap- pended to  the  former,  not  (as  in  the  other  cases)  the former  to  the  latte'-.  So,  too,  "  Antistes  et  abbas," in  Sidon.  Apoll.  (xvi.  114),  speaking  of  two  abbats of  Lerins,  who  were  also  Bishops  of  Riez.  Pos- sibly there  were  undiocesan  bishop-abbats  in Welsh  abbeys  of  Celtic  date  (Rees,  Welsh  SS. 182,  266).  Abbats  sometimes  acted  as  chore- piscopi  in  the  9th  century :  v.  Du  Cange,  voc. Chorepiscopus.  The  abbats  also  of  Catania  and  of Monreale  in  Sicily  at  a  later  period  were  always bishops  (diocesan),  and  the  latter  shortly  an archbishop,  respectively  by  privilege  of  Urban  II., A.D.  1088-1099,  and  from  A.D.  1176  (Du  Cange). So  also  at  Fulda  and  Corbey  in  Germany. We  have  lastly  an  abbat  who  was  also  ex officio  a  cardinal,  in  the  case  of  the  Abbat  of Clugny,  by  privilege  of  Pope  Calixtus  II.,  A.D. 1119  (Hug.  Mon.  ad  Fontium  Abb.  Ciun.,  ap. Du  Cange). The  natural  rule,  that  the  abbat  should  be chosen  from  the  seniors,  and  from  those  of  the monastery  itself  {Reg.  S.  Scrap.  4,  in  Holsten. p.  15),  became  in  time  a  formal  law  {Decret. Bonif.  VIII.  in  6  de  Elect.— Ahhat  to  be  an already  professed  monk  ;  Capit.  Car.  M.  et  Liid. ABBAT Pii,  i.  tit.  81,  "  ex  seipsis,"  &c.,  as  above  quoted ; ConcH.  Rotom.,  A.D.  1074,  c.  10)  :  although  the limitation  to  one  above  twenty-five  years  old  is no  earlier  than  Pope  Alexander  III.  {Cone.  La- teran.  A.D.  1179).  In  the  West,  however,  the rule  was,  that  "Fratres  eligant  sibi  abbatem de  ipsis  si  habent,  sin  autem,  de  extraneis " (Theodor.,  Capit.  Each.  e.  72,  in  Wasserschl.  p. 151 ;  and  so  also  St.  Greg.,  Epist.  ii.  41,  viii.  15)  : while  in  the  East  it  seems  to  be  spoken  of  as  a privilege,  where  an  abbey,  having  no  fit  monk of  its  own,  might  choose  a  ^evoKovpirris — one tonsured  elsewhere  (Leunclav.  Jus  Graeco-Rom. p.  222). Repeated  enactments  prove  at  once  the  rule  of one  abbat  to  one  monastery,  and  (as  time  went on)  its  common  violation  (Hieron.  ad  Rustic.  95  ; h'eg.  S.  Scrap.  4,  and  Regulae  passim;  Cone. Venetic.,  a.D.  465,  c.  8 ;  Agath.,  A.D.  506,  cc.  38, 57  ;  Epaon.,  a.d.  517,  cc.  9,  10  ;  and  so,  in  the East,  Justinian,  L.  I.  tit.  iii. ;  De  Episc.  1.  39 :  and Balsamon  ad  Nomocan.  tit.  i.  c.  20. — "  Si  non  per- mittitur  alicui  ut  sit  clericus  in  duabus  ecclesiis. nee  pr.Tfectus  sen  abbas  duobus  monasteriis praeerit ").  No  doubt  such  a  case  as  that  of Wilfrid  of  York,  at  once  founder  and  Abbat  of Hexham  and  Ripon,  or  that  of  Aldhelm,  Abbat at  once  (for  a  like  reason)  of  Malmesbury,  Frome, and  Bradford,  was  not  so  singular  as  it  was  in their  case  both  intelligible  and  excusable.  The spirit  of  the  rule  obviously  does  not  apply,  either to  the  early  clusters  of  monasteries  under  the Rule  of  St.  Pflchomius,  or  to  the  tens  of  thou- sands of  monks  subject  to  the  government  of e.  g.  St.  Macarius  or  St.  Serapion,  or  to  the  later semi-hierarchical  quasi-jurisdiction,  possessed  as already  mentioned  by  the  Abbats  of  St.  Dalma- tius,  of  Monte  Cassino,  or  of  Clugny,  and  by Benedict  of  Aniana.  Generals  of  Orders,  and more  compact  organization  of  the  whole  of  an Order  into  a  single  body,  belong  to  later  times. The  abbat's  power  was  in  theory  paternal,  but absolute — "  Timeas  ut  dominum,  diligas  ut  pa- trem  "  {Reg.  S.  Macar.  7,  in  Holsten.  p.  25  ;  and Regulae  passim).  See  also  St.  Jerome.  Even  to act  without  his  order  was  culpable  {Reg.  S. Basil.}.  And  to  speak  for  another  who  hesitated to  obey  was  itself  disobedience  {Reg.  passim). The  relation  of  monk  to  abbat  is  described  as a  libera  servitus  {Reg.  S,  Orsies.  19,  in  Holsten.  ' p.  73);  while  no  monk  (not  even  if  he  was  a bishop,  Baed.  H.  E.,  iv.  5)  could  exchange  mo- nasteries without  the  abbat's  leave  {Reg.  passim), not  even  (although  in  that  case  it  was  some- times allowed)  if  he  sought  to  quit  a  laxer  for a  stricter  rule  {Peg.  FF.  14,  in  Holsten.  p.  23  ; Gild.  ap.  MS.  S.  Gall.  243,  pp.  4,  155) ;  unless indeed  he  fled  from  an  excommunicated  abbat (Gild.  ih.  p.  155,  and  in  D'Ach.,  Spicil.  i.  500). In  later  times,  and  less  civilized  regions,  it  was found  necessary  to  prohibit  an  abbat  from  blind- ing or  mutilating  his  monks  {Cone.  Franco/. A.D.  794,  c.  18).  The  rule,  however,  and  the canons  of  the  Church,  limited  this  absolute  power. And  each  Benedictine  abbat,  while  bound  exactly to  keep  St.  Benedict's  rule  himself  (e.  g.  Cone. Avgustod.  c.  A.D.  670),  was  enjoined  also  to  make his  monks  learn  it  word  for  word  by  heart  {Cone. Aquisgr.,  A.D.  817,  cc.  1,  2,  80).  '  He  was  also limited  practically  in  the  exercise  of  his  authority (1)  by  the  system  of  Fraepositi  or  Friores,  elected usually  by  himself,  but  "  consilio  et  voluntate  fra- ABBAT trwn  "  (^Beg.  Orient.  3,  in  Holsten.  p.  89  ;  Heg.  S. Bened.  65),  and.  in  Spain  at  one  time  by  the bishop  {Cone.  Tolet.  iv.  a.d.  633,  c.  51);  one  in  a Benedictine  abbey,  but  in  the  East  sometimes two,  one  to  be  at  home,  the  other  superintending the  monks  abroad  {Reg.  Orient.  2,  in  Holsten. p.  89)  ;  and  under  the  Rule  of  Pachomius  one  to each  subordinate  house  ;  a  system  in  some  sense revived,  though  with  a  very  different  purpose,  in the  Priores  non  Conventuales  of  the  dependent Obedientiae,  Cellae,  &c.,  of  a  later  Western  Abbey ; and  (2)  by  that  of  Decani  and  Centenarii,  elected by  the  monks  themselves  (Hieron.  ad  Eustoch. Epist.  xviii. ;  Reg.  Monach.  in  Append,  ad  Hieron. 0pp.  V. ;  Reg.  passim  ;  see  also  Baed.  H.  E.  ii.  2), through  whom  the  discipline  and  the  work  of  the monastery  were  administered.  He  was  limited  also from  without  by  episcopal  jurisdiction,  more  effi- ciently in  the  East  {Gone.  Chalc,  a.d.  451,  cc.  4, 8,  &c.  &c. ;  and  so  Balsam,  ad  Avmoonn.  tit.  xi., "Episcopis  raagis  subject!  monachi  quam  monas- teriorum  praefectis "),  but  in  theory,  and  until the  11th  century  pretty  fairly  in  fact,  in  the West  likewise  {Reg,  S.  Bened. ;  Cone.  Agath.,  a.d. 506,0.  38;  Aurelian.  I,  A.D.  511,  c.  19;  Epaon., A.D.  517,  c.  19;  Herd.  a.d.  524,  c.  3;  Arelat.  v., A.D.  554,  cc.  2,  3,  5 ;  and  later  still,  Cone.  Tail., A.D.  859,  c.  9;  Rotomag.,  a.d.  878,  c.  10;  A^l- gxistan.,  A.D.  952,  c.  6;  and  see  also  Greg.  M. Epist.,  vii.  12  ;  x.  14,  33  ;  Hincmar,  as  before quoted  ;  and  Cone.  Paris,  a.d.  615  ;  lolet.  iv.  a.d. 633  ;  Cahillon.  i.  A.D.  650  ;  Herutf.  A.D.  673,  c.  3, in  Baed.  H.  E.  iv.  5,  among  others,  putting  restric- tions upon  episcopal  interference).  The  Fi-euch canons  on  this  subject  are  repeated  by  Pseudo- Egbert  in  England  {Excerpt.  63-65,  Thorpe,  ii. 106,  107).  Cassian,  however,  in  the  West,  from the  beginning,  bids  monks  beware  above  all  of two  sorts  of  folk,  women  and  bishops  {De  Instit. Coenob.  xi.  17).  And  although  exemptions,  at  first merely  defining  or  limiting  episcopal  power,  but in  time  substituting  immediate  dependence  upon the  Pope  for  episcopal  jurisdiction  altogether,  did not  grow  into  an  extensive  and  crying  evil  until the  time  of  the  Councils  of  Rheims  and  of  Rome, respectively  A.D.  1119  and  1122,  and  of  the  self- denying  ordinances  of  the  Cistercians  {Chart. Chirit.  in  Ann.  Cisterc.  i.  109)  and  Premonstra- tensians,  in  the  years  a.d.  1119,  1120,  repudiating such  privileges  but  with  a  sadly  short-lived virtue,  and  of  the  contemporary  remonstrances  of St.  Bernard  {Lib.  3  De  Consid.,  and  Epist.  7,  42, 179,  180);  yet  they  occur  in  exceptional  cases much  earlier.  As  e.  g.  the  adjustment  of  rights between  Faustus  of  Lerins  and  his  diocesan  bishop at  the  Council  of  Aries,  c.  a.d.  456  (which  se- cured to  the  abbat  the  jurisdiction  over  his  lay monks,  and  a  veto  against  the  ordination  of  any of  them,  leaving  all  else  to  the  bishop,  Mansi, vii.  907),  a  parallel  privilege  to  Agaune  (St. Maurice  in  the  Valais),  at  the  Council  of  Chalons a.d.  579,  and  privilegia  of  Popes,  as  of  Hono- Tius  I.  A.D.  628  to  Bobbio,  and  of  John  IV.  a.d. 641  to  Luxeuil  (see  Marculf.,  Formul.  lib.  I.  §  1 ; and  Mabill.,  Ann.  Bened.  xiii.  no.  11,  and  Ap- pend, n.  18).  Even  exempt  monasteries  in  the East,  i.e.  those  immediately  depending  upon  a patriarch,  were  subject  to  the  visitatorial  powers of  regular  officials  called  Exarahi  Monasteriorum (Balsam,  in  Nomocan.  i.  20  ;  and  a  form  in  Greek Pontificals  for  the  ordination  of  an  exarch,  Ha- bert.,  Archierat.,  Pontif.  Grace,  o'jserv.  i.  ad  Edict. ABBAT  5 pro  Archimandrit.  pp.  570,  587),  exercised  some- times through  Apocrisiarii  (as  like  powers  of  the bishops  through  the  Defensores  Ecelesiarum) ;  and even  to  visitations  by  the  emperor  himself  (Justi- nian, Novell,  cxxxiii.,  cc.  2,  4,  5).  The  Rule  of Pachomius  also  qualified  the  abbat's  power  by  a council  of  the  Jilajores  Monasterii,  and  by  a  tri- bunal of  assessors,  viri  sancti,  5,  10,  or  20,  to  as- sist in  administering  discipline  {Reg.  S.  Pack. 167,  in  Holsten.  p.  49).  And  the  Rule  of  St,  Bene- dict, likewise,  compelled  the  abbat,  while  it  re- served to  him  the  ultimate  decision,  to  take counsel  with  all  the  brethren  (juniors  expressly included)  in  greater  matters,  and  with  the  Seni- ores  Monasterii  in  smaller  ones  {Reg.  S.  Bened.  2, 3).  The  Rule  of  Columbanus  gave  him  an  un- qualified autocracy. The  abbat  was  likewise  limited  in  his  power over  abbey  property,  and  in  secular  things,  by  his inability  to  interfere  in  person  with  civil  suits ; which  led  to  the  appointment  of  an  Advocatus, Yicedomnus,  Occononms,  Procurator  {Cod.  Can. Afrie.  A.D.  418  (?),  c.  97;  Justinian,  lib.  i.  Cod. tit.  3,  legg.  33,  42 ;  Cod.  Theodos.  lib.  ix.  tit,  45, leg.  3  ;  St.  Greg.  Ejnst.  iii.  22 ;  Cone.  Nicaen.  ii, A.D.  787,  c.  11),  revived  with  greater  powers under  the  title  of  Advocatus  Ecclesiae,  or  Monas- terii, by  Charlemagne  {Capit.  A.D.  813,  c,  14 ;  and Lothar.,  Capit.  tit.  iii,  cc.  3,  9,  18,  &c.)  ;  who  from a  co-ordinate,  frequently  proceeded  to  usurp  an exclusive,  interest  in  the  monastic  revenues.  The abbat  also  was  required  to  give  account  of  the abbey  property  to  both  king  and  bishop,  by  the Council  of  Vern  (near  Paris)  A.D.  755 ;  while neither  abbat  nor  bishop  separately  could  even exchange  abbey  lands  in  Anglo-Saxon  England, but  only  by  joint  consent  (Theodor.,  Poen.  II.  viii. 6,  in  Wasserschl.  p.  208). Within  the  abbey  and  its  pi-ecincts,  the  abbat was  to  order  all  work,  vestments,  services  {Reg. S.  Bened.  47,  57  ;  Regulae  passim)  ;  to  award  all punishments,  even  to  excommunication  {Reg.  S. Bened.  24  ;  Leidrad.,  Lugdun.  Arch.,  ad  Car.  M. ap,  Galland.,  xiii.  390,  restoring  to  the  Abbat  of Insula  Barbara,  "  potestatem  ligandi  et  solvendi, uti  habuerunt  praedecessores  sui ;"  Honorius  III. cap.  Dilecta,  tit.  de  Major,  et  Obedientia,  desiring a  neighbouring  abbat  to  excommunicate  refrac- tory nuns,  because  their  abbess  could  not ;  and  see Bingham),  or  to  the  use  of  the  "  ferrum  abscis- sionis  "  {Reg.  S.  Bened.  28).  He  was  also  to  be  ad- dressed as  "Domnuset  Abbas"  (i6. 63).  And  while in  the  East  he  was  speciallv  commanded  to  eat  with the  other  monks  {Reg.  PP.  11,  in  Holsten.  p.  23), the  Rule  of  Benedict  (56)  appoints  him  a  separate table  "  cum  hospitibus  et  peregrinis,"  to  which he  might,  in  case  there  was  room,  invite  any  monk he  pleased.  The  Council  of  Aix  a.d.  817  (c.  27) tried  to  qualify  this  practice  by  bidding  abbats "  be  content "  with  the  food  of  the  other  monks, unless  "propter  hospitem ;"  and  some  monas- teries kept  up  a  like  protest  in  the  time  of  Peter Damiani  and  Peter  the  Venerable  ;  but  it  con- tinued to  be  the  Western  rule.  He  was  ordered also  to  sleep  among  his  monks  by  the  Council of  Frankfort  a.d.  794  (c.  13).  The  abbat  was  spe- cially not  to  wear  mitre,  ring,  gloves,  or  sandals, as  being  episcopal  insignia — a  practice  growing up  in  the  West  in  the  loth  and  11th  centuries, and  (vainly)  then  protested  against  by  the  Coun- cil of  Poictiers  a.d.  1100,  and  by  St.  Bernard {Epist.  42)  and  Peter  of  Blois  {Epist.QQ ;  and  see t; ABBAT also  Thoiii.  Ciintiprat.,  De  Apihus,  i.  6 ;  Chron. C'asiii.  iv.  78).  But  a  mitre  is  said  to  have  been granted  to  the  Abbat  of  Bobbie  by  Pope  Theodo- ras I.  A.D.  643  (5m//.  Casin.  I.  ii.  2),  the  next alleged  case  being  to  the  Abbat  of  St.  Savianus by  Sylvester  II.  A.d.  1000.  A  staff,  however,  but of  a  particular  form,  and  some  kind  of  stockings (''  baculum  et  pedules  "),  were  the  special  insig- nia of  an  abbat  in  Anglo-Saxon  England  in  the time  of  Theodore  A.D.  668-690,  being  formally given  to  him  by  the  bishop  at  his  benediction {Poenit.  II.  iii.  5,  in  Wasserschl.  p.  204).  And  the staff  was  so  everywhere.  He  was  also  to  shave  his beard,  and  of  course  to  be  tonsured  (Cone.  Bitu- ric.  A.D.  1031,  c.  7).  His  place  of  precedence, if  an  ordinary  abbat,  appears  to  have  been  finally fixed  as  immediately  after  bishops,  among  prac- lati,  and  before  archdeacons  (see,  however,  Decret. Greg.  IX.,  lib.  ii.  tit.  1,  cap.  Becernimus) ;  but the  list  of  our  English  convocations  from  Arch- bishop Kemp's  Register  A.D.  1452  (Wilk.  I.  xi. sq.),  though  following  no  invariable  rule,  appears usually  to  postpone  the  abbat  and  prior  to  the archdeacon.  In  Saxon  England,  he  shared  in  like manner  with  the  king  (as  did  an  abbess  also)  in the  ''  wer  "  of  a  murdered  "  foreigner  "  (^Laics  of Lie,  23;  Thorpe,  i.  117).  The  abbat  also  was not  named  in  the  canon  of  the  mass  (Gavant.  in I,'u'>r.  Miss.  P.  iii.  tit.  8  ;  Macr.  F.F.,  Hierolex,  in Can.  Missae),  except  in  the  case  of  the  abbat  of Monte  Cassino  (Ang.  a  Nuce,  in  notis  ad  Leo. Ostiens.  ii.  4).  But  an  anniversary  was  allowed to  be  appointed  for  him  on  his  death  (e.  g.  Cone. Aquisgr.  A.D.  817,  c.  73).  He  was  forbidden  (as were  all  monks,  at  least  in  France)  to  stand sponsor  for  a  child  (Cone.  Autissiod.  a.d.  578,  c.  ' 25 ;  Greg.  M.,  E^ist.  iv.  42),  with  a  notable  ex-  i ception,  however,  in  England,  in  the  case  of  Abbat Robert  of  Mont  St.  Michel,  godfather  to  King  ! Henry  II.'s  daughter  Eleanor  (Rob.  de  Monte  ad an.  1161),  or  to  go  to  a  marriage  (  C'o?ic.  Autissiod., ih.) ;  or  indeed  to  go  far  from  his  monastery  at all  without  the  bishop's  leave  {Cone.  Arel.  v. A.D.  554) ;  or  to  go  about  with  a  train  of  monks except  to  a  general  synod  (Cone.  Aquisgr.  A.D. 817,  c.  59).  He  of  course  could  not  hold  pro- perty (although  it  was  needful  sometimes  to  pro- hibit his  lending  money  on  usury,  Pseudo-Egbert. Poenit.  iii.  7,  in  Thorpe,  ii.  199);  neither  could he  dispose  of  it  by  will,  even  if  it  accrued  to  him  ■ by  gift  or  heirship  after  he  became  abbat  (^Eeg. PP.  2,  in  Holsten.  p.  22) ;  but  if  the  heirship was  within  the  4th  degree,  he  was  exceptionally  : enabled  to  will  the  property  to  whom  he  pleased  i (Justinian,  lib.  i.  Cod.  tit.  de  Episc.  ct  Cler.  c.  ! 33).  Further,  we  find  bishops  and  archdeacons prohibited  from  seizing  the  goods  of  deceased abbats  (Cone.  Paris.  A.D.  615  ;  Cabillon.  i.  A.D. 650).  And  later  wills  of  abbats  in  the  West  are sometimes  mentioned  and  confirmed,  but  prin- cipally in  order  to  secure  to  their  abbeys  pro- perty bequeathed  to  those  abbeys  (see  Thomassin). Privileges  of  coining  money,  of  markets  and  tolls, of  secular  jurisdiction,  began  certainly  as  early as  Ludov.  Pius,  or  even  Pipin  (Gieseler,  ii.  p.  255, notes  5,  6,  Eng.  Tr.).  Others,  such  as  of  the  title of  prince,  of  the  four  Abbates  Imperii  in  Germany (viz.,  of  Fulda — also  ex  officio  the  empress's chancellor — of  Weissenberg,  Kempten,  Murbach), of  the  English  mitred  baronial  abbats,  and  the like,  and  sumptuary  laws  limiting  the  number  of  I their  h'jrses  and  attemlants,  kc,  belong  to  later ABBAT times.     An  abbat,  however,  might  hunt  in  Eng- land (Laics  of  Cnut,  in  Thorpe,  i.  429).  An  abbat, or  an  abbess,   presiding  over   a  joint  house    of monks  and  nuns,  is  noted  by  Theodore  as  a  pecu- liar Anglo-Saxon  custom  : — "  Apud  Graecos  non est  consuetudo  viris  feminas  habere  monachas, neque  feminis  viros  ;  tamen  consuetudinera  istius provinciae" (England)  '"non  destruamus"(Poe«(Y. II.  vi.  8,  in  Wasserschl.  p.  208).    The  well-known cases  of  the  Abbesses  Hilda  and  Aelbfled  of  Whitby and  of  Aebba  of  Coldingham  are  instances  of  the latter  arrangement  (Baed.  //.  E.  iv.  23,  24,  25, 26)  ;  and  the  last  of  them  also  of  its  mischievous- ness  (Id.   ib.  25).     Tynemouth  and  Wimbourne are  other  instances.  But  the  practice  was  a  Celtic one    (e.  g.    St.    Brigid ;    see    Todd,    St.    Patrick, pp.  11,  12),  not  simply  Anglo-Saxon;  and  with Celtic  monastic  missions,  penetrated  also  into  the Continent  (e.g.  at  Remiremont  and  Poictiers),  and even  into  Spain  and  into  Rome  itself  (so  Jlontalem- i  bert,  Monks  of  West,  vol.  v.  p.  297,  Engl.  Tr.). [  It  is,  however,  remarkable,  that  while  instances of  abbesses  ruling  monks  abounded,  abbats  ruling '  nuns  rest  for  us  upon  the  general  assertion  of Theodore.    And  the  practice,  while  it  died  out  on the  Continent,  was  not  restored  in  England  after the  Danish  invasion.     In  the  East  there  was  a rigorous  separation  between   monks  and    nuns. And  where  two  such  communities  were  in  any ,  way  connected,  a  special  enactment  prohibited  all but  the  two  superiors  from  communication  with j  one  another,  and  placed  all  possible  restrictions upon  even  their  necessary  interviews    (Peg.  S. I  Basil,  in  Holsten.  p.  158).     St.  Pachomius  esta- blished the  double  order,  but  put  the  Nile  be- I  tween  his  monk.i  and  his  nuns  (Pallad.,  Hist.  Laus., I  cc.  30-42). Interference  by  abbats  with  the  ministrations of  parochial  clergy  could  scarcely  exist  until  ab- bats were  presbyters  themselves,  nor  did  it  ever (as  was  naturally  the  case)  reach  the  extent  to which  it  was  carried  by  the  friars.  We  find, however,  an  enactment  of  Theodore  (Poenit.  II.  vi. 16,  in  Wasserschl.  p.  209),  prohibiting  a  monas- tery from  imposing  penances  on  the  laity,  "  quia (haec  libertas)  proprie  clericorum  est."  And  a much  later  and  more  detailed  canon,  of  the  4th Lateran  Council  (a.d.  1123),  forbids  abbats  to impose  penance,  visit  the  sick,  or  administer unction.  They  were  authorized  in  the  East,  it presbyters,  and  with  the  bishop's  leave,  to  confer the  tonsure  and  the  order  of  reader  on  their  own monks  (Cone.  Nicaen.  ii.  a.d.  787,  c.  14).  And they  could  everywhere  admit  their  own  monks ("ordinatio  monachi" — ^Theodor.,  Poenit.  II.  iii.  3, in  Wasserschl.  p.  204).  But  encroachments  upon the  episcopal  office,  as  well  as  upon  episcopal  in- signia, gradually  arose.  Even  in  A.D.  448  abbats were  forbidden  to  give  a.-wocTT6KLa.(Conc.  Constan- tin., — corrected  by  Du  Cange  into  iTTi(TT6\ia  = commendatory  letters  for  poor,  and  see  Cone.  Au- relian.  ii.  c.  13,  and  Turon.  ii.  c.  6).  But  by  a.d. 1123  it  had  become  necessary  to  prohibit  gene- rally their  thrusting  themselves  into  episcopal offices  (Cone.  Lateran.  iv.  c.  17).  And  we  find it  actually  asserted  by  Sever.  Binius  (in  Canon. Apostol.  ap.  Labh.  Cone.  i.  54e,  on  the  authority of  Bellarmine,  De  Eccles.  iv.  8),  that  two  or  more "  abbates  iufulati "  might  by  Papal  dispensation be  substituted  for  bishops  in  consecrating  a bishop,  provided  one  bishop  were  there  ;  while Innocent  IV.  in   1489  empowered  an  abbat  by ABBAT nimse'f  to  confer  not  only  the  subdiaconate,  but the  diaconate. The  spiritual  abbat  was  supplanted  in  Wales (Girald.  Cambr.,  Itin.  Camh.,  and  repeatedly)  and in  Scotland  (Robertson,  Early  Scotl.  i,  329,  339), by  the  end  of  the  8th  and  so  on  to  the  12th  cen- tury, by  the  Advocatus  Ecclesiae  (confused sometimes  with  the  Oeconomus,  who  in  Welsh and  Irish  monasteries  was  a  diti'erent  officer,  and managed  the  internal  secular  affairs,  as  the  other did  the  external),  called  in  Scotland  Herenach,  in Ireland  Airchinneac/i,  who  was  originally  the  lay, and  gradually  became  also  the  hereditary,  lessee  of the  Termon  (or  abbey)  lands,  being  commonly  the founder  or  his  descendant,  or  one  of  the  neighbour- ing lords ;  and  who  held  those  lauds,  receiving  a th:'rd  part  of  their  value  in  the  first  instance,  but who  is  found  as  an  hereditary  married  lay  abbat during  the  period  named  ;  e.  g.  Crinan,  the  Abbat of  Dunkeld,  who  was  grandfather  of  Shakspeare's Duncan,  and  one  Dunchad,  also  Abbat  of  Dunkeld, who  died  in  battle  A.D.  961.  The  case  was  the same  at  Abernethy  and  at  Applecross.  The  spi- ritual duties  devolved  upon  the  bishop  and  a prior.  See  also  Du  Cange  (voc.  Advocatus),  for a  similar  process  although  to  a  less  degree  on  the Continent.  In  Ireland,  the  Comarb,  or  similar hereditary  abbat  (or  bishop),  retained  his  spiritual character  (Todd,  St.  Patrick,  pp.  155  sq.).  The lay  abbats  in  Northumbria,  denounced  by  Baeda (Epist.  ad  E/bert.),  were  simply  fraudulent  imi- tations of  abbats  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  word. An  entirely  like  result,  however,  and  to  as  wide an  extent  during  Carlovingian  times  as  in  Scot- laud,  ensued  abroad  from  a  different  cause, viz.,  from  the  system  of  commendation  [COM- menda];  which  began  in  the  time  of  Charles Martel  (a.d.  717-741,  being  approved  by  Cone. Leptin.  a.d.  743  ;  Co7ic.  Suession.,  a.d.  744 ;  and see  Baron,  in  an.  889,  n.  31),  with  the  plausible object  of  temporarily  employing  monastic  re- venues for  the  pressing  needs  of  warfare  with Saracens,  Saxons,  or  other  heathens,  care  being taken  to  reserve  enough  to  keep  up  the  monas- tery proper.  The  nobleman,  or  the  king  himself, who  led  the  troops  thus  raised,  became  titular abbat.  And  in  Carlovingian  times,  accordingly, most  of  the  great  Frank  and  Burgundian  nobles and  kings,  and  sometimes  even  bishops  (e.  g. Hatto  of  Mainz,  A.D.  891-912,  who  enjoyed  the reputation  of  holding  twelve  abbeys  at  once), were  titular  abbats  of  some  great  monastery,  as of  St.  Denys  or  St.  Martin,  held  for  life  or  even by  inheritance  ;  the  revenues  of  which  were  soon diverted  to  purposes  less  patriotic  than  that  of supplying  the  king  with  soldiers  (see  a  short list  by  way  of  specimen  in  Gieseler,  ii.  p.  411, note  1,  Eng.  Tr.).  In  the  East  a  like  system  ap- pears to  have  grown  up,  although  hardly  from the  same  origin,  some  centuries  later  ;  John,  Pa- triarch of  Antioch,  at  the  beginning  of  the  12th century,  informing  us  that  most  monasteries  in his  time  were  handed  over  to  laymen  (x'^P^'^''''''- KapioL  —  beneficiarii),  for  life  or  for  two  or  thu- descents,  by  gift  of  the  emperors;  while  Balsamon {ad  Cone.  Nicaen.  c.  13)  actually  condemns  him for  condemning  the  practice.  Later  abuses  of  the kind  in  the  West,  as  in  the  time  of  Francis I.  of  France  or  of  Louis  XIV.,  need  here  be  only alluded  to. (Bingham  ;  Bulteau,  Hist.  Mon.  d'Orient ;  Du Cange;  Ant.  Dadini,  Ascetic,  seu  Origg. Rei  Monas- ABBESS  7 tic. ;  Ferraris  ;  Helyot,  Hist,  des  Ordr.  Mon. ;  Her- zog  ;  Hospinian,  De  Monach. ;  Macri  FF.,  Hiero- lexic. ;  Martene,  De  Antiq.  Monach.  liitibus ;  Mar- tigny ;  Montalembert,  Monks  of  the  West ;  Tho- massin,  Be  Benefic. ;  Van  Espen.)        [A.  W.  H.] ABBATISSA.    [Abbess.] ABBESS.  (Abbatissa  found  in  inscript.  of A.D.  569,  in  Murator.  429.  3,  also  called  Anti- stita  and  Majorissa,  the  female  superior  of  a  body of  nuns ;  among  the  Greeks,  'Hyou/ieVrj,  'Apx'- fxavSp7ris,  Archimandritissa,  Justinian,  Novell., 'Afi/xa?  or  mother,  Pallad.,  Hist.  Laus.,  c.  42,  in the  time  of  Pachomius,  Mater  monasterii  or  moni- alium,  see  St.  Greg.  M.,  Lial.  IV.  13  [where "  Mater "  stands  simply  for  a  nun]  ;  Cone. Mogunt.  a.d.  813;  Aquisgr.,  a.d.  816,  lib.  ii.). In  most  points  subject  to  the  same  laws  as  ab- bats, mutatis  mutandis ; — elective,  and  for  life (triennial  abbesses  belonging  to  years  so  late  as A.D.  1565,  1583)  ;  and  solemnly  Admitted  by  the bishop — Benedictio  Abbatissae  (that  for  an  abbess monasticam  regulam  profitentem,  eapit.  ex  Canone Theodori  Anglorum  Episcopi,  is  in  the  Ordo  Eo- manus,  p.  164,  Hittorp.);  and  in  Fi-ance  re- stricted to  one  monastery  apiece  {Cone.  Vern.  a.d. 755)  ;  and  with  FraejMsitae,  and  like  subordinates, to  assist  them  {Cotic.  Aquisgr.,  a.d.  816,  lib.  ii. cc.  24-26) ;  and  bound  to  obey  the  bishop  in  all things,  whether  abbesses  of  Monachae  or  of  Cano- iiicae  {Cone.  Cabillon.  ii.  a.d.  813,  c.  65)  ;  and  sub- ject to  be  deprived  for  misconduct,  but  in  this case  upon  report  of  the  bishop  to  the  king  {Cone, Francof.  A.D.  794)  ;  bound  also  to  give  account  of monastic  property  to  both  king  and  bishop  {Cone. Vern.,  A.D.  755) ;  entitled  to  absolute  obedience and  possessed  of  ample  powers  of  discipline,  even to  expulsion,  subject  however  to  the  bishop  {Cone. Aquisgr.  A.D.  816,  lib.  ii.) ;  and  save  only  that while  an  abbat  could,  an  abbess  could  not,  excom- municate (Honorius  III.,  cap.  Dilecta,  tit.  de  Ma- jor, et  Obedientia)  ;  neither  could  she  give  the  veil or  (as  some  in  France  appear  to  have  tried  to do)  ordain  {Capntul.  Car.  M.  an.  789,  c.  74, Anseg.  71);  present  even  at  Councils  in  England (see  Abbat,  and  compare  Lingard,  Antiq.  i. 139  ;  Kemble,  Antiq.  ii.  198  ;  quoted  by  Mont- alembert, Monks  of  West,  v.  230,  Engl.  Tr.). While,  however,  a  bishop  was  necessary  to admit  and  bless  an  abbat,  Theodore  ruled in  England,  although  the  rule  did  not  become permanent,  that  a  presbyter  was  sufficient  in  like case  for  an  abbess  {Foenit.  II.  iii.  4,  in  Wasserschl., p.  203).  The  limitation  to  forty  years  old  at  elec- tion is  as  late  as  the  Council  of  Trent ;  Gregory the  Great  speaks  of  sixty  {Epist.  iv.  11).  An I  abbess  also  was  not  to  leave  her  monastery,  in France,  save  once  a  year  if  summoned  by  the king  with  the  bishop's  consent  to  the  king's presence  upon  monastic  business  {Cone.  Vern. a.d.  755 ;  Cabillon.  ii.  a.d.  813,  c.  57).  Neither was  she  even  to  speak  to  any  man  save  upon necessary  business,  and  then  before  witnesses and  between  the  first  hour  of  the  day  and evening  {Cone.  Cabillon.  ii.  A.D.  813,  cc.  55, 56).  For  the  exceptional  cases  of  Anglo-Saxon, Irish,  or  Continental  Irish,  abbesses  ruling over  mixed  houses  of  monks  and  nuns,  see Abbat.  It  was  noted  also  as  a  specially Western  custom,  that  widows  as  well  as  virgins were  made  abbesses  (Theod.,  Foenit.  II.  iii.  7,  in Wasserschl.  p.  204).  [A.  \V.  IL] 8  ABBEY ABBEY.     [Monastery.] ABBUNA,  the  common  appellation  of  the Bishop,  Metran,  or  Metropolitan,  of  Axum,  or Abj'ssinia,  or  Ethiopia,  not  a  patriarch,  but,  on the  contrary,  appointed  and  consecrated  always by  the  patriarch  of  Alexandria,  and  specially forbidden  to  have  more  than  seven  suftVagan bishops  under  him,  lest  he  should  make  himself so,  twelve  bishops  being  held  to  be  the  lowest canonical  number  for  the  consecration  of  a  patri- arch. In  a  Council,  if  held  in  Greece,  he  occu- pied the  seventh  place,  immediately  after  the prelate  of  Seleucia.  (Ludolf,  Hist.  Ethiop. iii.  7.)  [A.  W.  H.] ABDELLA,  martyr  in  Persia  under  Sapor, commemorated  Apr.  21  (^Martyr.  Rom.  Vet.).  [C] ABDIANUS,  of  Africa,  commemorated  June 3  (Mart.  Hieron.).  [C] ABDON,  Abdo  or  Abdus,  and  SENNEN, Sennes,  or  Senxis,  Persian  princes,  martyred  at Rome  under  Decius,  A.D.  250,  are  commemorated July  30  {Marty rologiutn  Bom.  Vet.,Bedae,  Adonis). Proper  office  in  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  p.  116 ; and  Antiphon  in  the  Lib.  Antiphon.  p.  704. It  is  related  (Adonis  Martyrol.  iii.  Kal.  Aug.) that  their  relics  were  translated  in  the  time  of Constantine  to  the  cemetery  of  Pontianus.  There Bosio  discovered  a  remarkable  fresco,  represent- ing the  Lord,  seen  from  the  waist  upward  emerg- ing from  a  cloud,  placing  wreaths  on  the  heads of  SS.  Abdon  and  Sennen  (see  woodcut).     This  is '  iriNr7!,';>infi^''«ii!n''''''^;ii!|pi,,,,^,ji|iini:ii|i, Ab.iun  and  Sennen.    (Fiom  the  cemetery  of  Pontianus.) in  front  of  the  vault  enclosing  the  supposed remains  of  the  martyrs,  which  bears  the  inscrip- tion [DEPOSiTipNIS  DIE.  The  painting  is,  in Martigny's  opinion,  not  earlier  than  the  seventh century.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  painter  has evidently  made  an  attempt  to  represent  the  Per- sian dress.  The  saints  wear  pointed  caps  or hoods,  similar  to  those  in  which  the  Magi  are sometimes  represented;  cloaks  fastened  with  a fibula  on  the  breast ;  and  tunics  of  skin  entirely unlike  tlie  Roman  tunic,  and  resembling  that given  to  St.  John  Baptist  in  a  fresco  of  the Lord's  Baptism  in  the  same  cemetery  of  Ponti- anus (Bottari,  Scultura  e  Pitture,  tav.  xliv.). Some  account  of  the  peculiar  dress  of  Abdon  and Sennen  may  be  found  in  Lami's  treatise  De  Eru- ditione  Apostoloi'wn,  pp.  121-166. The  gesture  of  the  Lord,  crowning  the  martvrs ABJURATION for  their  constancy,  is  found  also  on  the  bottoms of  early  Christian  cups  [Glass,  Christian], where  He  crowns  SS.  Peter  and  Paul,  and other  saints  (Buonarruoti,  Vasi  Antichi,  tav. XV.  fig.  1,  and  elsewhere);  and  on  coins  of  the Lower  Empire  the  Lord  is  uot  unfrequently seen  crowning  two  emperors.  (Martigny,  Did. des  Antiq.  chretiennes.~\  [C] ABECEDAEIAN.  The  term  «  Hymnus  "  or "  Paean  Abecedarius"  is  applied  specially  to  the hymn  of  Sedulius,  "A  solis  ortus  cardine." [Acrostic]  [C] ABEECIUS  of  Jerusalem,  i(raTv6(TToKos davfiaTovpyhs,  commemorated  Oct.  22  (Cal. Byzant.).  [C] ABGARUS,  King,  commemorated  Dec.  21 (Cal.  Armen.).  [C] ABIBAS,  martyr  of  Edessa,  commemorated Nov.  15  {Cal  Byzant.).  [C] ABIBON,  invention  of  his  relics  at  Jerusa- lem, Aug.  3  {Martyrol.  Bom.  Vet.).  [C] ABILIUS,  bishop  of  Alexandria  (a.d.  86-96), commemorated  Feb.  22  {Martyrol.  Bom.  Vet.); Maskarram  1  =  Aug.  29  {Cal  Ethiop.).       [C] ABJUEATION-denial,  disavowal,  or  re- nunciation upon  oath.  Abjuration,  in  common ecclesiastical  language,  is  restricted  to  the  renun- ciation of  heresy  made  by  the  penitent  heretic on  the  occasion  of  his  reconciliation  to  the  Church. In  some  cases  the  abjuration  was  the  only  cere- mony required ;  but  in  others  it  was  followed up  by  the  imposition  of  hands  and  by  unction. The  practice  of  the  ancient  Church  is  described by  St.  Gregory  the  Great  in  a  letter  to  Quiricus and  the  bishops  of  Iberia  on  the  reconciliation of  the  Nestorians.  According  to  this,  in  cases  in which  the  heretical  baptism  was  imperfect,  the rule  was  that  the  penitent  should  be  baptized  ; but  when  it  was  complete,  as  in  the  case  of  the Arians,  the  custom  of  the  Eastern  Church  was to  reconcile  by  the  Chrism  ;  that  of  the  Western, by  the  imposition  of  hands.  As,  however,  the mystery  of  the  Chrism  was  but  the  Oriental  rite of  Confirmation,  the  practice  was  substantially identical.  (On  the  question  of  Re-baptism,  see Re-Baptism,  Baptism.)  Converts  from  the Monophysites  were  received  after  simple  confes- sion, and  the  previous  baptism  was  supposed  to take  effect  "  for  the  remission  of  sins,"  at  the moment  at  which  the  Spirit  was  imparted  by the  imposition  of  hands ;  or  the  convert  was  re- united to  the  Church  by  his  profession  of  faith (St.  Greg.  Ep.  9,  61).  A  similar  rule  is  laid down  by  the  Quinisext  Council,  canon  95,  which classes  with  the  Arians,  the  Macedonians,  Nova- tians  and  others,  to  be  received  with  the  Chrism. The  Paulianists,  Montauists,  Eunomians,  and others,  are  to  be  re-baptized ;  to  be  received  as Christians,  on  th^r  profession,  the  first  day,  as Catechumens  the  second,  and  after  they  have been  allowed  a  place  in  the  Church  as  hearers for  some  time,  to  be  baptized.  In  all  cases,  the profession  of  faith  must  be  made  by  the  pre- sentation of  a  libellus,  or  form  of  abjuration,  in which  the  convert  renounced  and  anathematized his  former  tenets.  After  declaring  his  abjura- tion not  to  be  made  on  compulsion,  from  fear  or any  other  unworthy  motive,  he  proceeded  to nnathematize    the    sect    renounced,    by    all   its ABLUTION names ;  the  neresiarchs,  and  their  successors,  past, present,  and  future ;  he  then  enumerated  the tenets  received  by  them,  and,  having  repudiated them  singly  and  generally,  he  ended  with  making profession  of  the  true  faith.  (Bandinius,  Monu- menta  ii.  109-111.  But  for  the  whole  subject  see Martene  and  Durand,  De  Antiquis  Ecclesiae  Biti- hus  II.  liber  iii.  ch.  6  ;  Mj.  de  levi  et  de  vehementi, later  date.     See  Landon's  Eccl.  Die.)       [D.  B.] ABLUTION.  A  term  under  which  various kinds  of  ceremonial  washing  are  included.  The principal  are  the  following :  the  washing  of  the head,  as  a  preparation  for  unction  in  baptism, and  the  washing  of  the  feet,  which  in  some places  formed  part  of  the  baptismal  ceremony [Baptism]  ;  the  washing  of  the  feet  of  the  poor by  exalted  persons,  which  forms  part  of  the  cere- mony of  Maundy  Thursday  [Feet,  washing  of]; the  lustral  ceremony  which  preceded  entrance  to  a church  [Caxtharus;  Holy  Water];  and  the washing  of  the  priest's  hands  at  certain  points in  the  celebration  of  the  liturgy  [Aquamanile  ; Hands,  washing  of].  [C] ABORTION. — The  crime  of  procuring  abor- tion is  little,  if  at  all,  noticed  in  the  earliest laws.  It  is  a  crime  of  civilization :  the  repre- sentative of  the  principle  which  in  a  barbarous state  of  society  is  infanticide.  The  oration  of Lysias  which  was  pronounced  on  occasion  of  a suit  on  this  subject  is  lost,  so  that  it  cannot  be decided  whether  the  act  was  regarded  by  the Athenians  as  an  oflence  against  society,  or  merely as  a  private  wrong.  It  is  in  the  latter  aspect that  it  is  chiefly  regarded  in  the  civil  law.  The child  unborn  represents  certain  interests,  and  his life  or  death  may  be  beneficial  or  injurious  to individuals :  thus,  it  may  have  been,  that  a father,  by  his  wife's  crime,  might  lose  the  jus trium  Uberomm.  The  case  quoted  from  Cicero pro  Clunntio  (Dig.  xlviii.  19,  39),  in  which  a woman  was  condemned  to  death  for  having  pro- cured abortion,  having  been  bribed  by  the  second heir,  is  clearly  exceptional.  The  only  passage in  the  civil  law  in  which  the  crime  is  mentioned without  such  connexion,  is  a  sentence  of  Ulpian, in  the  Pandects  (Dig.  xlviii.  8,  8,  ad  legem  Cor- neliam  de  Sicariis),  where  the  punishment  is declared  to  be  banishment.  The  horrible  preva- lence of  the  practice  among  the  Romans  of  the Empire  may  be  learned  from  Juvenal. It  was  early  made  a  ground  of  accusation  by the  Christians  against  the  heathen.  Tertullian denounces  the  practice  as  homicidal.  "  Pre- vention of  birth  is  a  precipitation  of  murder," Apol.  ix.  Minucius  Felix  declares  it  to  be  par- ricide. The  Council  of  Ancyra  (a.d.  314)  having  men- tioned that  the  ancient  punishment  was  penance for  life,  proceeds  to  limit  it  to  ten  years ;  and the  same  space  of  lime  is  given  by  St." Basil,  who condemns  the  practice  in  two  canons,  ii.  and  viii., alleging  the  character  of  the  crime  as  committed against  both  the  mother  and  the  oi!spring  ;  and declining  to  accept  the  distinctions  drawn  by the  lawyers  between  the  degrees  of  criminality varying  with  the  time  of  the  gestation.  The Council  of  Lerida  (324)  classes  "the  crime  with infenticide,  but  allows  the  mother  to  be  received to  Communion  after  seven  years'  penance  even when  her  sin  is  complicated  with  adultery.  The Council   in  Trullo   condemns  it    to   the  "pfnancr  | ABSTINENCE  9 of  homicide.  Pope  Gregory  III.  in  the  next century  reverts  to  the  ten  years'  penance,  al- though he  differs  from  St.  Basil  in  modifying  the sentence  to  a  single  year  in  cases  where  the child  has  not  been  formed  in  the  womb ;  this  is based  on  Exod.  xxi.,  and  is  countenanced  by  St. Augustine,  in  Quaestiones  Exodi,  in  a  passage  in- corporated by  Gratian. There  is  thus  abundant  evidence  that  the  crime was  held  in  extreme  abhorrence,  and  punished with  great  severity,  as  pertaining  to  wilful murder,  by  the  canons  of  the  Church.  By  the Visigothic  law  (lib.  VI.  tit.  iii.  c.  1),  the  person who  administered  a  draught  for  the  purpose was  punished  with  death.  [D.  B.] ABRAHAM.  (1)  the  patriarch,  comme- morated Oct.  9  {Martyrol.  Bom.  Vet.).  Also  on the  23rd  of  the  month  Nahasse,  equivalent  to August  16.  {Cal.  Ethiop.  ;  Neale,  Eastern  Church, Iiitrod.  pp.  805,  815.) (2)  Patriarch  and  martyr,  commemorated Taksas  6  =  Dec.  2  {Cal.  Ethiop.).  [C] ABRAHAM,  ISAAC,   AND  JACOB  are commemorated  by  the  Ethiopic  Church  on  the 28th  of  every  month  of  their  Calendar.         [C] ABRAXAS  GEMS.  [See  Abrasas  in Dict.  of  Christ.  Biogr.] ABREHA,  first  Christian  king  of  Ethio- pia, commemorated  Tekemt  4  =  Oct.  1  {Cul. Ethiop.).  ^0.] ABRENUNTIATIO.    [Baptism.] ABSOLUTION  (Lat.  Ahsolutio).   (For  Sacra- mental Absolution,  see  Confession,  Penitence.) 1.  A  short  deprecation  which  follows  the Psalms  of  each  Nocturn  in  the  ordinary  offices for  the  Hours.  In  this  usage,  the  word  '"  ahso- lutio "  perhaps  denotes  simply  "  ending  "  or  "  com- pletion," because  the  monks,  when  the  Nocturns were  said  at  the  proper  hours  of  the  night,  broke otF  the  chant  at  this  point  and  went  to  rest (Maori  Hierolexicon  s.  v.).  In  fact,  of  the  "  Ab- solutiones"  in  the  present  Roman  Breviary,  only one  (that  "  in  Tertio  Nocturne,  et  pro  feria  iv. et  Sabbato  ")  contains  a  prayer  for  absolution, in  the  sense  of  a  setting  free  from  sin. 2.  For  the  Absolution  which  follows  the  intro- ductory Confession  in  most  Liturgies  and  Offices,, see  Confession. 3.  The  prayer  for  Absolution  at  the  beginning of  the  office  is,  in  Oriental  Liturgies,  addressed to  the  Son  :  but  many  of  these  liturgies  contain a  second  "  Oratio  Absolutionis,"  at  some  point between  Consecration  and  Communion,  which  is addressed  to  the  Father.  For  example,  that  in the  Greek  St.  Basil  (Renaudot,  JAt.  Orient,  i.  81), addressing  God,  the  Father  Almighty  (6  06oy, 6  Uar^p  6  UavTOKparup),  and  reciting  the  pro- mise of  the  Keys,  pr-nys  Him  to  dismiss,  remit and  pardon  our  sins  i^&ves,  &<p€s.  (Tvyx'ipv'^oy illMv).    Compare  the  Coptic  St.  Basil  (/j.  i.  22). 4.  The  word  "  Absolutio  "  is  also  applied  to those  prayers  said  over  a  corpse  or  a  tomb  in which  remission  of  the  sins  of  the  departed  is entreated  from  the  Almighty.  (Maori  Hiero- lexicon, s.  V.)  [C] ABSTINENCE.  Days  of  abstinence,  as  they are  called,  on  which  persons  may  take  their meals  at  the  ordinary  hour,  and  eat  and  drink what   they  please,  in  any  quantity  so  that  they 10 ABUNA abstain  from  meat  a]one,  belong  to  modern  times. Anciently,  fasting  and  abstinence  went  together, as  a  general  rule,  foi'med  parts  of  the  same  idea, and  could  not  be  dissevered.  There  may  have been  some  few,  possibly,  who  ate  and  drank  in- discriminately, when  they  brol^e  their  fast,  as Socrates  (v.  22,  10)  seems  to  imply ;  but  in general,  bayond  doubt,  abstinence  from  certain Ivinds  of  food  was  observed  on  fasting  days  wften the  fast  was  over,  "  abstinentes  ab  iis,  quae  non rejicimus,  sed  differimus,"  as  Tertullian  says (Z>e  Jejun.  15).  Thus  it  will  be  more  properly considered  under  the  head  of  fasting,  to  which it  subserved.  [E.  S.  F.] ABUNA.    [Abbuna.] ABUNDANTIUS,  of  Alexandria,  commemo- rated Feb.  26  (Mart.  Hicron.).  [C] ABUNDIUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome  under Decius,  commemorated  Aug.  26  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet. ct  Bedae);  Aug.  23  (Mart.  Hieronym.). (2)  The  deacon,  martyr  at  Spoleto  under  Dio- cletian, Dec.  10  (Martijrol.  Bom.  Vet.).         [C] ACACIUS,  martyr,  commemorated  May  7 {Cal.  Byzant).  [C.] ACATHISTUS  (Gr.  a(ca9io-Tos).  A  hymn  of the  Greeli  Church,  sung  on  the  eve  of  the  fifth Sunday  in  Lent,  in  honour  of  the  Blessed  Virgin, to  whose  intercession  the  deliverance  of  Constan- tinople from  the  barbarians  on  three  several  oc- casions was  attributed.  Meursius  assigns  its origin  more  especially  to  the  deliverance  of  the city  from  Chosroes,  king  of  the  Persians,  in  the reign  of  the  Emperor  Heraclius  (626).  It  is called  oLKadiffTOS,  because  during  the  singing  of it  the  whole  congregation  stood,  while  during the  singing  of  other  hymns  of  the  same  kind they  occasionally  sat.  (Suicer's  Thesaurus,  s.  v. ; Keale's  Eastern  Ch.  Introd.  747  ;  Daniel's  Codex Liturg.  iv.  223.) Francis  Junius  wrongly  supposed  this  use  of the  Acathistus  to  commemorate  the  journey  of Mary  and  Joseph  to  Bethlehem.  (Macri  Hicro- Icxicon,  s.  V.) The  word  Acathistus  is  also  used  to  designate tlie  day  on  which  the  hymn  was  used.  (Sabae Typicum,  in  Suicer,  s.  v.)  [C] ACCENTUS  ECCLESIASTICUS.    One  of the  two  principal  kinds  (accentus  and  concentus) of  ecclesiastical  music. 1.  The  consideration  of  this  subject  is  encum- bered by  an  especial  difficulty — the  popular,  and now  all  but  exclusive  application  of  the  word '■  accent "  to  emphasis,  stress,  or  ictus.  Accent, however,  claims  and  admits  of  a  much  wider application.  Ben  Jonson "  speaks  of  accent  as being  "with  the  ancients,  a  tuning  of  the  voice, in  lifting  it  up,  or  letting  it  down," — a  defini- tion not  only  clear  and  concise,  but  thoroughly accordant  with  the  derivation  of  the  word "  accent,"  from  accino,  i.  e.  ad  cano,  to  sing  to. We  are  all  conscious  of  and  aftected  by  the varieties  of  accent''  (in  this,  its  etymological and  primitive  acceptation)  in  foreign  languages spoken  by  those  to  whom  they  are  native,  as well  as  in  our  native  language  spoken  by  fo- reigners, or  (perhaps  still  more)  by  residents  of ACCENTUS  ECCLESIASTICUS parts  of  Great  Britain  other  than  our  own.     The  ] Scottish,   Irish,  and  various  provincial  accents,  | are  not  so  much  the  result  of  diflerent  vocaliza-  ] tion  (i.e.  utterance  of  vowel  sounds)  as  of  the  i dift'ereut  gradations  in  which  the  Scotch,  Irish,  I and  others,  "  tune  their  voices." 2.  The  Accentus  Ecclesiasticus,  called  also  mo- dus choraliter  legendi,  is  the  result  of  successive attempts  to  ensure  in  Public  Worship  uniformity of  delivery  consistent  with  uniformity  of  matter  \ delivered ;  so  as,  if  not  to  obliterate,  at  least  to  ; hide  individual  peculiarities  under  the  veil  of  a  j catholic  "  use."     It  presents  a  sort  of  mean  be- tween speech  and  song,  continually  inclining  to-  ' wards  the  latter,  never  altogether   leaving   its         i hold  on  the  former ;  it  is  speech,  though  always attuned  speech,  in  passages  of  average  interest and  importance ;  it  is  song,  though  always  dis- tinct and  articulate  song,  in  passages  demanding more  fervid  utterance.    Though  actually  musical only  in  concluding  or  culminating  phrases,  the          1 Accentus  Ecclesiasticus  is  always  sufficiently  iso-         i chronous  to  admit  of  its  being  expressed  in  musi- cal  characters,  a  process  to  which  no  attempt (and  such  attempts  have  been  repeatedly  made) has  ever  succeeded  in  subjecting  pure  speech. 3.  Accentus  is  probably  the  oldest,  as  it  is  cer-  J tainly  the  simplest,  form  of  Cantus  Ecclesiasticus.  ' Like  most  art-forms  and  modes  of  operation  , which  have  subsequently  commended  themselves on  their  own  acco  mt  to  our  sense  of  beauty,  it grew  in  all  likelihoo-^  out  of  a  physical  difficulty. The  limited  capacity  of  the  so-called  "  natural " or  speaking  voice  must  have  been  ascertained  at a  very  early  period ;  indeed  its  recognition  is confirmed  by  th6  well-known  practice  whether  ' of  the  ancient  temple,  theatre,  or  forum.    The  old  ] rhetoricians,  says  Forkel,  are,  without  exception, of  the  same  way  of  thinking ;  and  we  may,  from their  extant  works,   confidently  conclude,   that         : neither  among  the  Greeks  nor  the  Romans  was         i poetry  ever  recited  but  in  a  tone  analogous  to         | that  since  known  as  the  ctccentus  ecclesiasticus.  i The  Abbe  du  Bos'*  too  has  demonstrated  that         ^ not   only  was  the  theatrical   recitation  of  the ancients  actually  musical — "  un  veritable  chant," susceptible  of  musical  notation,  and  even  of  in- strumental accompaniment — but  that  all  their         ] public  discourses,  and  even  the,ir  familiar  lan- guage, though  of  course  in  a  lesser  degree,  pai--         ! took  of  this  character.  , 4.  The  advantages  resulting  from  the  employ- ment of  isochronous  sounds  (sounds  which  are the  result  of  equal-timed  vibrations)  would  be- come apparent  on  the  earliest  occasion,  when  a single   orator  was   called   upon    to  fill   a   large auditorium,  and  to  make  himself  intelligible,  or even  audible,  to  a  large  assembly.     So,  too,  for simultaneous  expression  on  the  part  of  large  num- bers, these  advantages  would  at  once  make  them-         i selves  felt.     In  congregational  worship  a  uniform         ] (technically,   a    "  unisonous  ")  utterance   might         ' seem  as  essential,  as  conducive  to  the  decency and  order  with  which  we  are  enjoined  to  do  ""  all         ■ a  English  Grammar,  1640,  chap.  viii. I'  "  Esl  in  dicendo  etiam  quidara  cantus  obscurior." Cicero,  drat.  IS,  57. "=  "  Die  alten  Spvach-  and  Declamations-Leliver  sind samnitlicli  eben  derselben  Meiuung,  und  wir  konnen  aus Ihren  hinterlassenen  Werkcn  mit  dcm  hochsten  Grad  von Wahrscheinlichkeit  schliesscn,  dass  sovvohl  bei  den  Grie- clien  als  Rijmern  die  meisten  Gedicbte  mit  keiner  andern als  mit  dieser  Art  von  Gesang  gesungen  weiden  sein."— Forkel,  Allgem.  Gcfchidtti:  der  Musik,  ii,  153. "1  lxijlixio)is  stir  la  l-'oesie.  &c. ACCENTUS  ECCLESIASTICUS things,"  as  is  that  still  more  essential  uniformity expressed  in  the  term  Common  Prayer,  without which,  indeed,  congregational  worship  would  seem to  be  impossible.  "  Accent,"  says  Ornithoparcus, "  hath  great  affinity  with  Coucent,  for  they  be Brothers  :  because  jS'otims,  or  So^md  (the  King  of Ecclesiastical  Harmony),  Js  Father  to  them  both, and  begat  one  upon  Grammar,  the  other  upon jMusick,"  &c.  (He)  "so  divided  his  kingdome, that  Concentus  might  be  chief  Pailer  over  all things  that  are  to  be  sung,  as  Hymnes,  Sequences, Auti  phones,  Responsories,  lutroitus.  Tropes,  and the  like  :  and  Accentus  over  all  things  which  are read ;  as  Gospels,  Lectures,  Epistles,  Orations, Prophecies :  For  the  functions  of  the  Papale Kingdome  are  not  duely  performed  without  Con- cent," &c.  "  Hence  it  was  that  I,  marking  how many  of  those  Priests  (which  by  the  leave  of  the learned  I  will  saye)  doe  reade  those  things  they have  to  reade  so  wildly,  so  monstrously,  so faultily  (that  they  doe  not  onely  hinder  the  de- votion of  the  faithful,  but  also  even  provoke them  to  laughter  and  scorning,  with  their  ill reading),  resolved  after  the  doctrine  of  Concent to  explain  the  rules  of  Accent  ;  in  as  much  as  it belongs  to  a  Musitian,  that  together  with  Con- cent, Accent  might  also  as  true  heire  in  this Ecclesiasticall  Kingdome  be  established  :  Desiring that  the  praise  of  the  highest  King,  to  whom  all honour  and  reverence  is  due,  might  duely  be performed."  * 5.  The  Accentus  Ecclesiasticus,  or  modus  cho- raliter  legendi,  must  have  been  perpetuated  by tradition  only,  for  many  ages.  That  the  rules for  its  application  have  been  reduced  to  writing only  in  comparatively  modern  times  does  not  in the  least  invalidate  its  claim  to  a  high  antiquity. On  the  contrary,  it  tends  to  confirm  it.  That which  is  extensively  known  and  universally  ad- mitted has  no  need  of  verification.  It  is  only when  traditions  are  dying  out  that  they  begin  to be  put  on  record.  So  long  as  this  kind  of  reci- tation was  perfectly  familiar  to  the  Greeks  and Eomans  there  could  be  no  necessity  for  "  noting  " it ;  not  till  it  began  to  be  less  so  were  "  accents  " (the  characters  so  called)  invented  for  its  pre- servation,— just  as  the  "vowel-points"  were introduced  into  Hebrew  writing  subsequently  to the  dispersion  of  the  Jews.  The  force  and  accu- racy of  tradition,  among  those  unaccustomed  to the  use  of  written  characters,  have  been  well ascertained  and  must  be  unhesitatingly  admitted  ; their  operation  has  certainly  been  as  valuable  in music  as  in  poetry  and  history.  Strains  incom- parably longer  and  more  intricate  than  those  now accepted  as  the  ecclesiastical  accents  have  been passed  on  from  voice  to  voice,  with  probably  but trifling  alteration,  for  centuries,  among  peoples who  had  no  other  method  of  preserving  and transmitting  them. (3.  The  authorities  for  the  application  of  the Cantus  Ecclesiasticus  are,  as  we  have  said,  com- l)aratively  modern.  Lucas  Lossius,f  a  writer frequently  quoted  by  Walther,  Kock,  and  other more  recent  musical  theorists,  gives  six  forms  of cadence  or  close,  i.e.,  modes  of  bringing  to  an end  a  phrase  the  earlier  portion  of  which  had been  recited  in  monotone.     According  to  Lossius, ACCENTUS  ECCLESIASTICUS      11 accent  is  (1)  iinmutahilis  when  a  phrase  is  con- cluded without  any  change  of  pitch,  i.e.,  when  it is  monotonous  throughout ;  (2)  it  is  medius  v.'hcn on  the  last  syllable  the  voice  falls  from  the reciting  note  (technically  the  dominant)  a  third  ; (3)  gravis,  when  on  the  last  syllable  it  falls  a fifth ;  (4)  acutus,  when  the  "  dominant,"  after  the interposition  of  a  few  notes  at  a  lower  pitch,  is resumed ;  (5)  moderatus,  when  ^e  monotone  is interrupted  by  an  ascent,  on  the  penultimate,  of a  second ;  (6)  interrogativus,  when  the  voice, after  a  slight  descent,  rises  scale-wise  on  the  last syllable.  To  these  six  forms  other  writers  add one  more,  probably  of  more  recent  adoption ; (7)  the  finalis,  when  the  voice,  after  rising  a second  above  the  dominant,  falls  scale-wise  to the  fourth  below  it,  on  which  the  last  syllable  is sounded.  The  choice  of  these  accents  or  cadences is  regulated  by  the  punctuation  (possible,  if  not always  actual)  of  the  passage  recited  ;  each  par- ticular stop  had  its  particular  cadence  or  cadences. Thus  the  comma  (distinctio)  was  indicated  and accompanied  by  the  accentus  immutabilis,  acutus, or  moderatus ;  the  colon  (duo  puncta)  by  the medius;  and  the  full  stop  (punctum  quadratum ante  syUabam  capitalem)  by  the  gravis. 7.  The  following  table,  from  Lossius,  exhibits the  several  accents,  in  musical  notation : — (1)    Immutabilis. Leo  -  ti  -  o      E  -  pi's  -  to  • (2)    Medics. lae  sane-  ti  Pau  -  li. et      o  -  pe  -  ra  -  tur  vir  -  tu  -  tes    in    vo  -  bis : (3)    Gravis. Be  -  ne  -  di-  cen-tur   in    te    oni-nes  gen-tes. (4)    AcDTCS.  (5)    Moderatus. ^ Cum  spi  -  ri  -  tu  coe  -  pe  -  ri  -  tis  i (6)      IKTEEKOIJATIVUS. ex  op-e-ri-bus  le-gis  an  exau-di-tu (7)    Finalis. ni  -  ma    me The  examples  given  by  Ornithoparcus  are  similar to  the  above,  with  two  exceptions — (5),  the  31ode- ratus,  which  in  '  His  Micrologus'  appears  thus : "  Andreas  Ornitlioparcus,  His  Microwgu hy  John  Dowland.     1609.     P.  69. '  Krotemala  Muskae  I'mclicae,  1590. Jl  -  lu  -   mi  -  iia  -   re     Je  -  ru  -  sa  -  lem. I  And  the  Interrogativus,  of  which  he  says  :  "  A '  speech  with  an  interrogation,  whether  it  have  in the  end  a  word  of  one  sillable,  or  of  two  sillables, or  more,  the  accent  still  falls  upon  the  last  sil- lable, and  must  be  acuated.  Now  the  signs  of such  a  speech  are,  who,  which,  what,  and  those which  are  thus  derived,  whi/,  wherefore,  when, how,  in  what  sort,  wlicthcr,  and  such  like." ACOESS Quanlas  ha- be  -  o  In  -  i -qui- ta-tes  etpec-ca-taf "  To    these    are   joyned    verbes   of   asking ;    as, laske,  I  seeke,  I  require,  I  searche,  Iheare,  I  see, and  the  like." Some  variations  too  fi-om  the  above,  in  the present  Roman  use,  are  noticed  by  Mendelssohn  :  K e.g.  in  the  Gravis,  whei-e  thei-e  the  voice  rises  a tone  above  the  dominant,  on  the  penultimate, before  fallinEf : — changing  the  cadence  from  a  fifth  (compare  5) to  a  sixth ;  and  in  the  Interrogativus,  where  the voice  falls  from  the  dominant  (also  on  the  penul- timate) a  third  :^ To  the  accentus  belong  the  following  forms,  or portions  of  offices  of  the  Latin  Church:''  (1) Tonus  Collectaruin  seu  Orationurn,  (2)  Tonus Epistolarum  et  Evangelii,  including  the  melodies to  which  the  Passion  is  sung  in  Passion  Week. (3)  Tonus  Lectionum  solemnis  et  luguhris ;  Pro- phetiarum  et  Martyrologii.  (4)  Various  forms of  Intonation,  Benediction,  and  Absolution  used in  the  Liturgy.  (5)  Single  verses.  (6)  The Exclamations  and  Admonitions  of  the  assistants  at the  altar.  (7)  The  Prefaces ;  the  Pater  Noster, with  its  Prefaces ;  the  Benediction,  Pax  Domini sit  semper  vobiscum.  [J.  H.] ACCESS.  1.  The  approach  of  the  priest  to the  altar  for  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist. Hence  the  expression  "  prayer  of  access  "  is  used as  equivalent  to  the  Eux'/  "^vs  irapaffrdaeoos,  or prayer  of  the  priest's  presenting  himself  at  the altar,  in  the  Greek  Liturgy  of  St.  James  (Neale's Eastern  Church,  Introduction,  i.  360). 2.  But  the  expression  "  prayer  of  access,"  or "  prayer  of  humble  access,"  is  more  commonly used  by  English  liturgical  writers  to  designate a  confession  of  unworthiness  in  the, sight  of  God, occurring  at  a  later  point  of  the  service ;  gene- rally between  consecration  and  communion.  So that  the  "  prayer  of  humble  access  "  corresponds to  the  "Prayer  of  Inclination  "  or  "of  bowing the  neck "  in  the  Greek  Litui-gies.  Though words  more  expressive  of  "  humble  access  " occur  in  other  places ;  for  instance,  in  the  Greek St.  James,  where  the  priest  declares  :  iSoii  irpos- ijXdov  Tw  deicf)  rovTO!  Kal  eirovpavlcf  fj.vffT7jpi(fi ovx  ds  &^ios  inrdpxoiv  (Daniel's  Codex  Lit.,  iv. 88);  in  the  Jlozarabic,  "Accedam  ad  Te  in humilitate  spiritus  mei  "  (/6.  i.  71)  ;  or  in  the "  Domine  et  Deus  noster,  ne  aspicias  ad  multitu- dinem  peccatorum  nostrorum"  in  the  Liturgy  of Adaeus  and  Maris  (76.  i.  176).  Compare  Con- fession, [C] ACCLAMATION.  1.  A  term  applied  by opigraphists  to  certain  short  inscriptions,  ex- pressed in  the  second  person,  and  containing  a s  Re.isebriefe  aus  den  Jahren  1830  bis  1832,  p.  167. li  Rhau,    JUvchiridion,   1538  ;    quoted    by  Arrey    von Oommer;  Koch's  Mu&ikaliscUes  Lexikon. ACLEENSE  CONCILTUM wish  or  injunction ;  as,  VIVAS  IN  DEO  (Mura- tori,  ITiesaurus  Vet.  Inscrip.  1954,  no.  4).  By far  the  greater  part  of  these  acclamations  are sepulchral  [EpiTAPif],  but  similar  sentences  are also  seen  on  AMULETS,  on  the  bottoms  of  cups [Glass,  Christian]  found  in  the  Catacombs,  and on  GEMS.     (See  the  Articles.) 2.  The  term  acclamation  is  also  sometimes applied  to  the  responsive  cry  or  chant  of  the congregation  in  antiphonal  singing.  Compare Acrostic  (§  5) ;  Antiphon.  [C] ACCUSERS,  FALSE ;  HOW  PUNISHED. — Those  who  made  false  accusations  against  any person  were  visited  with  severe  punishments under  the  canons  of  several  councils. In  Spain.  The  Council  of  lUiberis  (a.d.  305 or  306)  refused  communion  even  at  the  hour  ot death  ("  in  fine,"  al.  "  in  finem  ")  to  any  person who  should  falsely  accuse  any  bishop,  priest,  or deacon  (can.  75). In  France.  By  the  14th  canon  of  the  1st Council  of  Aries  (a.d.  314)  those  who  falsely accuse  their  brethren  were  excommunicated  for life  ("  usque  ad  exitum  ").  This  canon  was  re- enacted  at  the  2nd  Council  held  at  the  same city  (a.d.  443),  but  permission  was  given  for  the restoration  of  those  who  should  do  penance  and give  satisfaction  commensurate  with  their offence  (can.  24).     See  also  Calumny.      [I.  B.] ACEPSIMAS,  commemorated  Nov.  3  {Cal. Bt/iant.) ;  Nov.  5  (^Cal.  Armen.) ;  April  22 (_i¥art.  Pom.).  [C] ACERRA  or  ACERNA.  (The  latter  is possibly  the  original  form,  from  Acer,  maple.) Acerra  designated,  in  classical  times,  either  the incense-box  used  in  sacrifices  ;  or  a  small  altar,  or incense-burner,  placed  before  the  dead.  (Smith's Diet,  of  Greek  and  Poman  Antiquities,  s.  v.)  And in  ecclesiastical  latinity  also  it  designates  either an  incense-box  or  an  incense-burner ;  "  Area thuris,  vel  thuribulum,  vel  thurarium."  (Pajjias in  Ducange's  Glossary  s.  v.  '  Acerna.') It  is  used  in  the  rubrics  of  the  Gregorian  sa- cramentary  (Corbey  MS.)  in  the  office  for  the consecration  of  a  church  (p.  428) ;  and  in  the office  for  the  baptism  of  a  bell  (p.  438) ;  in the  latter  in  the  form  Acerna :  "  tunc  pones  in- censum  in  acerna."  In  both  cases  it  designates an  incense-burner  or  Thurible  (q.  v.).         [C] ACHAICUM  CONCILIUM.— Two  synods of  Achaia,  in  Greece,  are  recorded  :  one,  A.D.  250, against  the  Valesians,  who,  like  Origen,  inter- preted St.  Matth.  xix.  12,  literally;  the  other,  in 359,  against  the  followers  of  Aetius.  [A.  W.  H.] ACHILLEA  S  (or  Achillas),  bishop  of  Alex- andria, commemorated  Nov.  7  (Martyrol.  Pom. Vet.).  [C] ACHILLEUS,  the  eunuch,  martyr  at  Eome, May  12,  A.D.  96.  (Martyrol.  Pom.  Vet.,  Hier. Bedae).  [C]  ' ACINDYNUS  Q Kk'iv^vvos)  and  companions, martyrs,  A.D.  346,  commemorated  Nov.  2  {Cal. Byz.).  [C] ACEPHALI     [Vagi    Clerici  ;     Autoce- PHALl]. ACLEENSE  CONCILIUM  (of  Aclea  = "  Field  of  the  Oak,"  supposed  to  be  Ayclif5'e,  in Durham;  Raine's  Priory  of  Hexlmm,  i.  38,  note), (i.)  A.D.  781  (Flor.  Wig.  in  M.  H.  B.  545),  Inii ACOEMETAE 782  (Angl.-Sax.  Chr.  and  H.  Hunt.,  ib.  336, 731).  (ii.)  A.D.  787  (Kemble,  C.  J).,  No.  151). (iii.)  A.D.  788,  Sept.  29,  in  the  year  and  month  of the  murder  ofElfwald  of  Northumbria,  Sept.  21, 788  (Wilk.  i.  153  ;  Mansi,  xiii.  825,  826).  (iv.) A.D.  789  (^Angl.-Sax.  Chr.,  M.  H.  B.  337  "a  great svnod  "),  in  the  6th  year  of  Brihtric,  King  of Wessex  (H.  Hunt.,  ih.  732).  (v.)  A.D.  804  (Kemble, C.  D.,  No.  186).  (vi.)  A.D.  805,  Aug.  6  {id.  ib., Nos.  190, 191).  (vii.)  A.D.  810  (id.  ib.,  No.  256). Nos.  ii.,  v.,  and  vi.  probably,  and  No.  vii.  cer- tainly, were  at  Ockley,  in  Surrey ;  or,  at  any rate,  not  in  the  Northumbrian  Ac'lea.  Nothing more  is  known  of  any  of  these  synods,  or  rather Witenagemots,  beyond  the  deeds  (grants  of  lands) above  referred  to,  in  Kemble.  [A.  W.  H.] ACOEMETAE,  lit.  the  "  sleepless  "  or  "  un- resting "  (for  the  theological  or  moral  import  of the  term  v.  Suicer,  Thesaur.,  Eccl.  s.v.),  a  so-called order  of  monks  established  in  the  East  about  the middle,  rather  than  the  commencement,  of  the 5th  century,  being  altogether  unnoticed  by Socrates  and  Sozonien,  the  latter  a  zealous  chro- nicler of  monks  and  monasteries,  who  bring  their histories  down  to  A.D.  440  ;  yet  mentioned  by Evagrius  (iii.  19)  as  a  regularly  established  order in  483.  Later  authorities  make  their  founder  to have  been  a  certain  officer  of  the  i'npei-ial  house- hold at  Constantinople  named  Alexander,  who quitted  his  post  to  turn  monk,  and  after  having had  to  shift  his  quarters  in  Syria  several  times, at  length  returned  to  Constantinople,  to  give permanence  to  the  system  which  he  had  already commenced  on  the  Euphrates.  The  first  monas- tery which  he  founded  there  was  situated  near the  church  of  St.  Mennas.  It  was  composed  of 300  monks  of  different  nations,  whom  he  divided into  six  choirs,  and  arranged  so  that  one  of  them should  be  always  employed  in  the  work  of  prayer and  praise  day  and  night  without  intermission all  the  year  round.  This  was  their  peculiar  cha- racteristic— and  it  has  been  copied  m  various ways  elsewhere  since  then — that  some  part  of "  the  house,"  as  Wordsworth  {Excurs.  viii.  185) expresses  it,  "  was  evermore  watching  to  God." Alexander  having  been  calumniated  for  this practice  as  heretical,  he  was  imprisoned,  but regained  his  liberty,  and  died,  say  his  biographers, about  A.D.  430 — it  might  be  nearer  the  mark  to say  450 — in  a  new  convent  of  his  own  founding on  the  Dardanelles.  Marcellus,  the  next  head  of the  order  but  one,  brought  all  the  zeal  and energy  to  it  of  a  second  founder  ;  and  he  doubt- less found  a  powerful  supporter  in  Gennadius, patriarch  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  458-71,  a  great restorer  of  discipline  and  promoter  of  learning amongst  the  clergy.  Then  it  was  that  Studius, a  noble  Roman,  and  in  process  of  time  consul, emigrated  to  Constantinople,  and  converted  one of  the  churches  there,  dedicated  to  St.  John  the Baptist,  into  the  celebrated  monastery  bearing his  name,  but  which  he  peopled  with  the  Acoe- metae.  There  was  another  monastery  founded  bv St.  Dius,  in  the  reign  of  Theodosius  the  Great, that  also  became  theirs  sooner  or  later,  to  which Valesius  {Ad.  Ewj.  iii.  19  and  31)  adds  a  third founded  by  St.  Bassianus.  It  may  have  been owing  to  their  connexion  with  Studius  that  they were  led  to  correspond  with  the  West.  At  all events,  on  the  acceptance  by  Acacius,  the  patri- arch succeeding  Gennadius,  of  the  Henoticon  of the  emperor  Zeno,  and  communion  with  the  schis- ACOLYTES 13 matic  patriarch  of  Alexandria,  their  "hegumen," or  president,  Cyril  lost  no  time  in  despatching complaints  of  him  to  Rome  ;  nor  were  their emissaries  slow  to  accuse  the  legates  of  the  Pope themselves  of  having,  during  their  stay  at  Con- stantinople, held  communion  with  heretics.  The ultimate  result  was,  that  the  two  legates,  Vitalis and  Misenus,  were  deprived  of  their  sees,  and Acacius  himself  excommunicated  by  the  Popes Simplicius  and  Felix.  Meanwhile  one  who  had been  expelled  from  their  order,  but  had  learnt his  trade  in  their  monasteries,  Peter  the  Fuller, had  become  schismatic  patriarch  of  Antioch,  and he,  of  course,  made  common  cause  with  their  op- ponents. Nor  was  it  long  before  they  laid  them- selves open  to  retaliation.  For,  under  Justinian, their  ardour  impelled  them  to  deny  the  cele- brated proposition,  advocated  so  warmly  by  the Scythian  monks,  hesitated  about  so  long  at  Rome, that  one  of  the  Trinity  had  suffered  inthe  flesh. Their  denial  of  this  proposition  threw  them  into the  arms  of  the  Nestorians,  who  were  much  in- terested in  having  it  decided  in  this  way.  For, if  it  could  be  denied  that  one  of  the  Trinity  had suffered,  it  could  not  be  maintained,  obviouslv, that  one  of  the  Trinity  had  become  incarnate. Hence,  on  the  monks  sending  two  of  their  body, Cyrus  and  Eulogius,  to  Rome  to  defend  their views,  the  emperor  immediately  despatched  two bishops  thither,  Hypatius  ancl  Demetrius,  to denounce  them  to  the  Pope  {Pagi  ad  Baron., A.D.  533,  n.  2).  In  short,  in  a  letter,  of  which they  were  the  bearers,  to  John  II.,  afterwards inserted  by  him  in  Lib.  L  Tit.  "De  summaTrini- tate  "  of  his  Code,  he  himself  accused  them  of favouring  Judaism  and  the  Nestorian  heresv. The  Pope  in  his  reply  seems  to  admit  their  hete- rodoxy, but  he  entreats  the  emperor  to  forgive them  at  his  instance,  should  they  be  willing  to abjure  their  errors  and  return  to  the  unity  of the  Church.  With  what  success  he  interceded for  them  we  are  not  told.  During  the  iconoclastic controversy  they  seem  to  have  shai-ed  exile  with the  rest  of  the  monks  ejected  from  their  monas- teries by  ConstantineCopronymus(/'agi  ad  Baron. A.D.  798,  n.  2) ;  but  under  the  empress  Irene  the Studium,  at  all  events,  was  repeopled  with  its  for- mer alumni  by  the  most  celebrated  of  them  all, Theodore,  in  whose  surname,  "  Studites,"  it  has perhaps  achieved  a  wider  celebrity  than  it  ever would  otherwise  have  possessed. In  the  West  a  branch  of  the  order  long  held the  abbey  of  St.  Maurice  of  Agaune  in  Valais, where  they  were  established  by  Sigismund,  king of  Burgundy,  and  had  their  institute  confirmed by  a  Council  held  there  A.D.  523.  For  fuller  de- tails see  Bonanni's  Hist,  du  Clerg.  sec.  et  reg.  vol. ii.  p.  153  et  seq.  (Amsterdam,  1716);  Bulteau's Hist.  Monast.  d' Orient,  iii.  33  (Paris,  1680); Hospin,  De  Orig.  Monarh.  iii.  8 ;  Du  Fresne, Gloss.  Lat.  s.  V.  ;  and  Constant.  Christian,  iv.  8, 2;  Bingham's  Antiq.  vii.  11,  10.  [E.  S.  F.] A(:OLYTER-ACOLYTHS— ACOLYTH- ISTS  ("AkoAou^oi).  One  of  the  minor  orders peculiar  to  the  Western  Church,  although  the name  is  Greek.  In  the  Apostolic  age,  the  only order  which  existed,  in  addition  to  those  of bishops,  priests,  and  deacons,  was  that  of  dea- conesses— widows  usually  at  first,  who  were  em- ployed in  such  ministrations  towards  their  own sex  as  were  considered  unsuitable  for  men,  espe- cially in  the  East.    But  about  the  end  of  the  2iid 14 ACOLYTES or  early  in  the  3rd  century,  other  new  officei-s below  the  order  of  the  deacons  were  introduced, and  amongst  them  this  of  Acolytes,  though  only in  the  Latin  Church  as  a  distinct  order.  In  the rituals  of  the  Greek  Church  the  word  occurs  only as  another  name  for  the  order  of  sub-deacon. The  institution  of  the  minor  orders  took  its origin  in  the  greater  Churches,  such  as  Rome and  Carthage,  and  was  owing  partly  to  the  sup- posed expediency  of  limiting  the  number  of  dea- cons to  seven,  as  first  appointed  by  the  apostles, and  partly  to  the  need  which  was  felt  of  assist- ance to  the  deacons  in  performing  the  lower  por- tions of  their  office;  of  which  functions,  indeed, they  appear  in  many  cases  to  have  been  impa- tient, regarding  them  as  unworthy  of  their  im- portant position  in  the  Church.  Tertullian  is  the earliest  writer  by  whom  any  of  the  inferior  order is  mentioned.  He  speaks  of  Readers,  De  Praesci c.  41.  It  is  in  the  epistles  of  Cyprian  that  the fuller  organization  of  these  orders  comes  before us  (JEpp.  xxix.,  xxxviii.,  Ixxv.,  &c.).  It  is  also stated  by  his  contemporary  Cornelius,  Bishop  of Rome,  that  the  Church  of  Rome  at  that  time numbered  forty-six  presbyters,  seven  deacons seven  sub-deacons,  forty-two  acolyths,  and  fifty- two  exorcists,  readers,  and  doorkeepers  (Ostiarii). None  of  these  inferior  orders,  according  to  St, Basil,  were  ordained  with  imposition  of  hands but  they  were  simply  appointed  by  the  bishop with  some  appropriate  ceremony,  to  certain  sub- ordinate functions  of  the  ministry  such  as  any Christian  layman  might  be  commissioned  by episcopal  authority  to  perform.  The  form  of ordination  employed  in  the  case  of  Acolijtes  is thus  prescribed  by  a  canon  of  the  4th  Council  of Carthage.  "  When  any  Acolythist  is  ordained,  the bishop  shall  inform  him  how  he  is  to  behave  him- self in  his  office  ;  and  he  shall  receive  a  candlestick with  a  taper  in  it,  from  the  archdeacon,  that  he may  understand  that  he  is  appointed  to  light  the candles  of  the  church.  He  shall  also  receive  an empty  pitcher  to  furnish  wine  for  the  Eucharist of  the  blood  of  Christ."  Hence  it  appears  that the  Acolyte's  office  at  that  period  consisted  chiefly in  two  things,  viz.,  lighting  the  candles  of  the church  and  attending  the  officiating  priest  with wine  for  the  Eucharis't. The  Acolyte  of  the  ancient  Western  Church  is represented  in  the  later  Roman  communion  by the  Ceroferarius  or  taper-bearer,  whose  office  con- sists in  walking  before  the  deacons  or  priests  with a  lighted  taper  in  his  hand. Both  in  the  East  and  West  the  minor  orders  of ancient  times  were  afterwards  conferred  as  merely introductory  to  the  sacred  orders  of  deacon  and presbyter,  while  the  duties  which  had  formerly belonged  to  them  were  performed  by  laymen.  In the  7th  century  the  readers  and  singers  in  the Armenian  Church  were  laymen — in  the  8th  cen- tury the  readers,  and  in  the  12th  the  ostiarii and  exorcists  were  laymen  in  the  Greek  Church. Before  the  year  1300  the  four  orders  of  acolyte, exorcist,  reader,  and  ostiarius  began  to  be  con- ferred at  the  .same  time  in  the  Western  Churches. Not  long  afterwards  it  became  customary  to  re- lease the  clerks  thus  ordained  from  discharging the  duties  of  their  orders,  which  were  entrusted to  lay  clerks.  The  Councils  of  Cologne  and  Trent vainly  endeavoured  to  alter  this  custom  ;  and ,aymen  continue  generally  to  perform  the  offices of  the  ancient  orders  in  the  Roman  churches  to ACROSTIC the  present  day.  In  England  the  same  custom  has prevailed  ;  and  the  minor  orders  having  for  some centuries  become  merely  titular,  were  disused  in the  Reformation  of  our  Churches. Fuller  information  on  the  subject  of  the  minor orders  may  be  found  in  Field's  Book  of  the C/ncrch,  h.  v.  c.  25  ;  Bingham's  Antiquities,  b. iii. ;  Thomassin,  Vet.  et  Nov.  Eccl.  pars  I.  lib.  ii. See  also  Robertson's  History  of  the  Church  and Palmer's  Treatise  on  the  Church  of  Christ.  [D.B.] ■  ACONTIUS,  of  Rome,  commemorated  .Tulv 25  {Mart.  Hicron.).  [C.]" ACROSTIC.  CAKpoffTix'is,  aKpoffTixtoy, aKp6aTLxov,  Acrostichis.)  A  composition  in which  the  first  letters  of  the  several  lines  form the  name  of  a  person  or  thing.  The  invention  is attributed  to  Epicharmus. We  find  several  applications  of  the  Acrostic principle  in  Christian  antiquity. 1.  The  word  Acrostic  is  applied  to  the  well- known  formula  Ix^vs.     [See  IX0TC.] 2.  Verses  in  honour  of  the  Saviour  were  fre- quently written  in  the  acrostic  form  ;  Pope  Da- masus,  for  instance,  has  left  two  acrostics  on  the name  Jesus  {Carm.  iv.  and  v.),  the  former  of which  runs  as  follows  : "  In  rebus  tantis  Trina  conjunctio  mundi Erigit  humanum  sensum  laudare  venuste  : Sola  salus  nobis,  et  mnndi  suninia  potestas Venit  pecoati  nodum  dissolvere  fructu. Summa  salus  cunctis  nituit  per  saecula  terris." The  same  pope,  to  whom  so  many  of  the  in- scriptions in  the  Catacombs  are  due,  composed an  acrostic  inscription  in  honour  of  Constantia, the  daughter  of  Constantine.  This  was  origin- ally placed  in  the  apse  of  the  basilica  of  St. Agnes  in  the  Via  Nomentana,  and  may  be  seen  in Bosio,  li'oma  Sotteranea,  p.  118.  And  inscrip- tions of  this  kind  are  frequent.  Lest  the  reader should  miss  the  names  indicated,  an  explanation of  the  acrostic  principle  is  sometimes  added  to the  inscription  itself.  For  instance,  to  the  epi- taph of  Licinia,  Leontia,  Ampelia,  and  Flavia (Muratori,  Thesaurus  Novus,  p.  1903,  no.  5)  are added  these  verses,  which  give  the  key : "  Nomina  sanctarum,  lector,  si  forte  requiris. Ex  omni  versu  te  litera  prima  docebit." So  the  epitaph  of  a  Christian  named  Agatha (Marini,  Fratelli  Arvali,  p.  828),  ends  with  the words,  "  ejus  autem  nomen  capita  ver[suum] ;" and  another,  given  by  the  same  authority,  ends with  the  words,  "  Is  cujus  per  capita  versorum nomen  declaratur."  Fabretti  {fnscnpt.  Antiq.  iv. 150)  gives  a  similar  one,  "Revertere  per  capita versorum  et  invenies  pium  nomen."  Gazzera (Iscrizione  del  Fiemonte,  p.  91)  gives  the  epitaph of  Eusebius  of  Vercelli,  in  which  the  first  letters of  the  lines  form  the  words  EVSEBIVS  EPIS- COPVS  ET  MARTYR;  and  another  acrostic epitaph  (p.  114),  where  the  initial  letters  form the  words  CELSVS  EPISCOPVS  (Martigny, Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chre't.  11). We  also  find  acrostic  hymns  in  Greek.  Several of  the  hymns  of  Cosmas  of  Jerusalem,  are  of this  kind ;  the  first,  for  instance  (Gallandi,  Bi- bliotheca  Fat.  siii.  234),  is  an  acrostic  forming the  words, XptfjTos  /3pOTa>0et?  rjv  OTrep  ©eb?  fJ-^i'JJ' 3.  Those  poems,  in  which  the  lines  or  stanzas ommence  with  the  letters  of  the  alphabet  taken ACROTELEUTIC iu  order,  form  another  class  of  acrostics.  Such is  the  well-known  hymn  of  Sedulius,  ''A  solis ortiis  cardine,"  a  portion  of  which  is  introduced in  the  Roman  offices  for  the  Nativity  and  the  Cir- cumcision of  the  Lord ;  and  that  of  Venantius Fortunatus  {Cann.  xvi.),  which  begins  with  the words  "  Agnoscat  omne  saeculum."  St.  Augustine composed  an  Abecedarian  Psalm  against  the  Do- natists,  in  imitation  of  the  119th,  with  the  con- stant response,  "Omnes  qui  gaudetis  de  pace, modo  verum  judicate." 4.  A  peculiar  use  of  the  acrostic  is  found  in the  Office-ljooks  of  the  Greek  Church.  Each Canon,  or  series  of  Troparta,  has  its  own acrostic,  which  is  a  metrical  line  formed  of  the initial  letters  of  the  Troparia  which  compose  the Crnon.  To  take  the  instance  given  by  Dr.  Neale (Eastern  Church,  Introd.  p.  832);  the  acrostic for  the  Festival  of  SS.  Proclus  and  Hilarius  is, — €77T0ts  a^Arjrat?  0"e7rTbf  €t9(/)6p(o  |Lte'Ao9. The  meaning  of  this  is,  that  the  first  Troparion of  the  Canon  begins  with  2,  the  second  with  E, and  so  on.  These  lines  are  generally  Iambic,  as in  tlic  instance  above ;  but  occasionally  Hex- ameter, as, Thv  'N LKrj<j>6pov  ois  VLKyi<p6pou  acr/xacri.  /neATrto. They  frequently  contain  a  play  on  the  name  of the  Saint  of  the  day,  as  in  the  instance  just  given, and  in Aiopoi'  0eou  (re  TTa(Xjxd.KCLp  Jlaiep  (re'jSaj, for  St.  Dorotheus  of  Tyre.  The  Trojiaria  are sometimes,  but  rarely,  arranged  so  as  to  form an  alphabetic  acrostic,  as  on  the  Eve  of  the Transfiguration  (Neale,  u.  s.). 5.  The  word  aKpoarixia,  in  the  Apostolical Constitutions  (ii.  57,  §  5)  denotes  the  verses,  or portions  of  a  verse,  which  the  people  were  to sing  responsively  to  the  chanter  of  the  Psalm, "  6  Aahs  TO,  a/fpocTTixia  inroipaWeroi."  The constantly  repeated  response  of  the  136th  Psalm ("For  His  mercy  endureth  for  ever"),  or  that of  the  '  Benedicite  omnia  Opera '  ("  Praise  Him, and  magnify  Him  for  ever"),  are  instances  of what  is  probably  intended  in  this  case.  Compare AxTiPHON,  Psalmody  (Bingham's  Antiq.  xiv.  1, §  12).  [C] ACROTELEUTIC.  [Doxology;  Psalmody.] ACTIO.  A  word  frequently  used  to  desig- nate the  canon  of  the  mass. The  word  "  agere,"  as  is  well  known,  bears  in classical  writers  the  special  sense  of  performing a  sacrificial  act ;  hence  the  word  "  Actio  "  is  ap- plied to  that  which  was  regarded  as  the  essential portion  of  the  Eucharistic  sacrifice  ;  "  Actio  dici- tur  ipse  canon,  quia  in  eo  sacramenta  conficiuntur Dominica,"  says  Waiafrid  Strabo  {De  Rebm  Ecol. c.  22,  p.  950,  Migne).  Whatever  is  included  in tlie  canon  is  said  to  be  "  infra  actionem  ;"  hence, when  any  words  are  to  be  added  within  the canon  (as  is  the  case  at  certain  great  festivals), they  bear  in  the  liturgies  the  title  or  rubric "  infra  actionem  ;"  and  in  printed  missals  these woi'ds  are  frequently  placed  before  the  prayer "Communicantes."  Conqiare  Canon.  (Bona, de  Rebus  Liturgicis,  lib.  ii.  c.  11;  Maori,  Hiero- lexlcon,  s.  v.  "  Actio  ".) Honorius  of  Autun  supposes  this  use  of  the word  "  actio  "  to  be  derived  from  legal  termino- logy.   "  Missa  quoddam  judicium  iniitatur ;  unde ACTORS  AND  ACTRESSES        15 et  canon  Actio  vocatur  "  (lib.  i.,  c.  8) ;  and  "  Canon .  .  .  etiam  Actio  dicitur,  quia  causa  populi  in  eo cum  Deo  agitur"  (c.  103).  (In  Du  Cange's Glossary,  s.  v.  •'  Actio.")  But  this  deri^Tition, though  adopted  by  several  mediaeval  writers, does  not  appear  probable.  [C] ACTISTETAE.  [Dict.of  Biogr.  s.v."Ctisto- latrae." ACTORS  AND  ACTRESSES.— The  in- fluence of  Christianity  on  social  life  was  seen, as  in  other  things,  so  specially  in  the  horror with  which  the  members  of  the  Christian  Church looked  ou  the  classes  of  men  and  women  whose occupations  identified  them  with  evil.  Among these  were  Actors  and  Actresses.  It  must  be  re- membered that  they  found  the  drama  tainted  by the  depravity  which  infected  all  heathen  society, and  exhibiting  it  in  its  worst  forms.  Even  Au- gustus sat  as  a  spectator  of  the  "scenica  adulteria  " of  the  "  mimi,"  whose  ■  performances  were  the favourite  amusement  of  Roman  nobles  and  people (Ovid,  Trist.  ii.  497-520).  The  tragedies  of Aeschylus  or  Sophocles,  or  Seneca,"  the  comedies, even  of  Menander  and  Terence  could  not  compete with  plays  whose  subject  was  always  the  "  vetiti crimen  amoris,"  represented  in  all  its  baseness and  foulness  {Unci.).  What  Ovid  wrote  of  "  ob- scaena"  and  "  turpia"  was  there  acted.  The stories  of  Mars  and  Venus,  the  loves  of  Jupiter with  Danae,  Leda,  and  Ganymede,  were  exhibited in  detail  (Cyprian,  De  Grat.  Dei,  c.  8).  Men's minds  wei-e  corrupted  by  the  very  siglit.  They learnt  to  imitate  their  gods.  The  actors  became, in  the  worst  sense  of  the  word,  effeminate,  taught "gestus  turpes  et  molles  et  muliebres  exprimere" (Cyprian,  Ep.  2,  ed.  Gersdorf.  61,  ed.  Rigalt). The  theatre  was  the  "  sacrarium  Veneris,"  the "  consistorium  impudicitiae  "  {Ibi-I.  c.  17).  Men sent  their  sons  and  daughters  to  learn  adultery (Tatian.  Orat.  adv.  Grace,  c.  22  ;  TertuU.  De Spect.  c.  10).  The  debasement  which  followed on  such  an  occupation  had  been  recognized even  by  Roman  law.  The  more  active  cen- sors had  pulled  down  theatres  whenever  they could,  and  Pompeius,  when  he  built  one,  placed a  Temple  of  Venus  over  it  in  order  to  guard against  a  like  destruction  {Ibid.  c.  10).  The Greeks,  in  their  admiration  of  artistic  culture, had  honoured  their  actors.  The  Romans  looked on  them,  even  while  they  patronised  them,  witli a  consciousness  of  their  degradation.  They  were excluded  from  all  civil  honours,  their  names  were struck  out  of  the  register  of  their  tribes ;  they lost  by  tlie  "  minutio  capitis"  their  privileges  as citizens  {Ibid.  c.  22  ;  Augustin.  De  Civ.  Dei,  ii. 14).  Trajan  banished  them  altogether  from Rome  as  utterly  demoralized. It  cannot  be  wondered  at  that  Christian  writers should  almost  from  the  first  enter  their  pro- test against  a  life  so  debased.''  They  saw in  it  part  of  the  "pompae  dfaboli,"  which they   were    called    on    to    renounce.       Tertul- »  Augustine,  who  in  his  youth  had  delighted  in  the higher  I'orms  of  the  drama  {Confess,  iii.  2),  draws,  after his  conversion,  a  distinction  between  these  ("  scenicorum tolerabiliora  ludorum  ")  and  the  obscenity  of  the  mimca (De  Civ.  Dei,  ii.  8). b  No  specific  reference  to  this  form  of  evil  is  found,  it is  true,  in  the  N.  T.  The  case  had  not  yet  presented itself.  It  would  have  seemed  as  impossible  for  a  Christian to  take  part  in  it  as  to  join  in  actual  idolatry. 16 ACTOES  AND  ACTRESSES lian  wrote  the  treatise  already  quoted  specially against  it  and  its  kindred  evils  of  the  circus  and the  amphitheatre,  and  dwells  on  the  inconsis- tency of  uttering  from  the  same  lips  the  aimm of  Christian  worship,  and  the  praises  of  the gladiator  or  the  mime.  The  actor  seeks,  against the  words  of  Christ,  to  add  a  cubit  to  his  stature by  the  use  of  the  Cothurnus.  He  breaks  the Divine  law  which  forbids  a  man  to  wear  a woman's  dress  (Deut.  sxii.  5).  Clement  of Alexandria  reckons  them  among  the  things which  the  Divine  Instructor  forbids  to  all  His followers  (Paedagog.  iii.  c.  77,  p.  298).  In  course of  time  the  question  naturally  presented  itself, whether  an  actor  who  had  become  a  Christian might  continue  in  his  calling,  and  the  Christian conscience  returned  an  answer  in  the  negative. The  case  which  Cyprian  deals  with  {Ep.  2,  ut supi'ci)  implies  that  on  that  point  there  could  be no  doubt  whatever,  and  he  extends  the  prohibition to  the  art  of  teaching  actors.  It  would  be  better to  maintain  such  a  man  out  of  the  funds  of  the Church  than  to  allow  him  to  continue  in  such  a calling.  The  more  formal  acts  of  the  Church  spoke in  the  same  tone.  The  Council  of  Illiberis  (c.  62) required  a  "pantomimus"  to  i-enounce  his  art before  he  was  admitted  to  baptism.  If  he  re- turned to  it,  he  was  to  be  excommunicated. The  3rd  Council  of  Carthage  (c.  35)  seems  to be  moderating  the  more  extreme  rigour  of  some teachers,  when  it  orders  that  "  gratia  vel  recon- ciliatio"  is  not  to  be  denied  to  them  any  more than  to  penitent  apostates.  The  Codex  Eccles. Afric.  (c.  63)  forbids  any  one  who  had  been  con- verted, "  ex  qualibet  ludicra  arte,"  to  be  tempted or  coerced  to  resume  his  occupation.  The  Coun- cil in  TruUo  (c.  51)  forbids  both  mimes  and  their theatres,  and  ras  ettI  <rKr]vaiv  opxvo'fts,  under pain  of  deposition  for  clerical,  and  excommuni- cation for  lay,  offenders.  With  one  consent  the moral  sense  of  the  new  society  condemned  what seemed  so  incurably  evil.  When  Christianity had  become  the  religion  of  the  Empire,  it  was of  course,  more  difficult  to  maintain  the  high standard  which  these  rules  implied,  and  Chryso- stom  {Horn.  vi.  in  Matt.,  Horn.  xv.  ad  Pop.  Antioch. Hum.  X.  iu  Coloss.  ii.  p.  403,  i.  38,  731,  780), complains  that  theatrical  entertainments  pre- vailed among  the  Christians  of  his  time  with  no abatement  of  their  evils.  At  Rome  they  were celebrated  on  the  entrance  of  a  consul  upon  his office  (Claudian  in  Cons.  Mall.  313).  On  the triumph  of  the  Emperors  Theodosius  and  Arcadius the  theatre  of  Pompeius  was  opened  for  perfor- mances by  actors  from  all  parts  of  the  Empire (Symmachus,  Epp.  x.  2,  29).  With  a  strange inversion  of  the  old  relations  between  the  old  and the  new  societies,  the  heathen  Zosimus  reproaches the  Christian  Emperor  Constantine  with  having patronised  the  mimes  and  their  obscenity.  The pantomimes  or  ballets  in  which  the  mythology of  Greece  furnished  the  subject-matter  (Medea and  Jason,  Perseus  and  Andromeda,  the  loves  of Jupiter),  were  still  kept  up.  Women  as  well as  men  performed  in  them  (Chrysost.,  Horn.  vi. in  Thess.),  and  at  Rome  the  number  of  actresses was  reckoned  at  3000.  The  old  infamy  adhered to  the  whole  class  under  Christian  legislation. They  might  not  appear  in  the  forum  or  basilica, or  use  the  public  baths.  And  yet,  with  a  strange inconsistency,  the  civil  power  kept  them  in  their degradation  rather  than  deprive  the  population ADRIANUS of  the  great  cities  of  the  empire  of  the  amuse- ments to  which  they  were  so  addicted.  If the  Church  sought  to  rescue  them,  admitting them  to  baptism,  and  after  baptism  claiming immunity  from  their  degrading  occupation,  it stepped  in  to  prevent  any  such  conversion,  ex- cept in  extremis  (Cod.  Theodcs.,  De  Scenicis,  xv.). Compare  Milman's  History  of  Christianity,  book iv.  c.  2  ;  Chaste],  p.  211.  Perhaps  the  fullest collection  of  every  passage  in  Christian  antiquity bearing  on  the  subject  is  to  be  found  in  Prynne's  > Histrv/mastix.  .  [P.] ACUTUS,  martyr  at  Naples,  commemorated Sept.  19  (Marty rol.  Rom.  Vet.).  [C] ACUS  (accubium,  or  acuhium,  acicula,  spina, spinula).  Pins  made  of  precious  metal,  and,  in later  mediaeval  times,  enriched  with  jewels,  for attaching  the  archiepiscopal  (or  papal)  pallium to  the  vestment  over  which  it  was  worn,  i.  e.  the planeta  or  casula  (the  chasuble).  The  earliest mention  of  these  known  to  the  present  writer  is in  the  description  given  by  Joannes  Diaconus  of the  pallium  of  St.  Gregory  the  Great.  Writing himself  in  the  9th  century,  he  notes  it  as  a  point of  contrast  between  the  pallium  worn  by  St.  Gre- gory and  that  customary  in  his  own  time,  that it  was  nullis  acubus  perforatum.  Their  first use,  therefore,  must  probably  date  between  the close  of  the  6th  and  the  beginning  of  the  9th century.  For  details  concerning  these  ornaments at  later  times,  see  Bock  (Gesch.  der  liturg,  Ge- wander,  ii.  191).  Innocent  III.  {De  Sacra Altaris  Mysterio,  lib.  i.  cap.  63)  assigns  to  these pins,  as  to  every  other  part  of  the  sacerdotal dress,  a  certain  mystical  significance.  "Tres acus  quae  pallio  iniiguntur,  ante  pectus,  super humerum,  et  post  tergum,  designant  compas- sionem  proximi,  administrationem  officii,  destric- tionemque  judicii."  [W.  B.  M.] ADAM  AND  EVE  are  commemorated  in the  Ethiopia  Calendar  on  the  6th  day  of  the month  Miaziah,  equivalent  to  April  1.  The Armenian  Church  commemorates  Adam  with Abel  on  July  25.  (Neale,  Eastern  Church,  Introd., pp.  800,  812.)  [C] ADAUCTUS  or  AUDACTUS.  (1)  Martyr at  Rome,  commemorated  Aug.  30  (Marty rol. Pom.  Vet.,  Hieron.).  Proper  collects  in  Gre- gorian Sacramentary  (p.  127),  and  Antiphon  in Lib.  Antiph.  p.  709. (2)  Commemorated  Oct.  4  (M.  Ilieron.).  [C] ADDERBOURN,   Council  near   the  (Ad- DERBURXENSE    CONCILIUM),    A.D.    705  ;     OU    the River  Nodder,  or  Adderboiirn,  in  Wiltshire ;  of English  bishops  and  abbats,  where  a  grant  of free  election  of  their  abbat,  after  Aldhelm's death,  made  by  Bishop  Aldhelm  to  the  abbeys of  Malmesbury,  Frome,  and  Bradford,  was  con- firmed (W.  Malm.,  De  Gest.  Pont.  r.  pars  iii.,  p. 1645,  Migne ;  Wilk.  i.  68).  [A.  W.  H.] ADJUTOR,  in  Africa,  commemorated  Dec. 17  (Mart.  Hieron.).  [C] ADMONITION.    [Monition.] ADRIANUS.  (1)  Martyred  by  Galerius  in Nicomedia,  commemorated  Sept.  8  (Martyr-ol. Horn.  Vet.,  Hieron.  Bedae)  ;  -\ug.  26  (Cal. Byzant.)  ;  Nov.  6  (M.  Hieron.). (2)  Martyr,  Natale  March  4  (Mart.  Bedae) ADULTERY (3)  July  26  (M.  Hieron.). (i)  August  8  {Cal.  Armen.).  [C] ADULTERY.— We  shall  attempt  to  give  a general  account  of  laws  and  customs  i-elating  to [his  topic,  dwelling  more  fully  upon  such  as elucidate  the  spirit  of  their  several  periods,  and upon  the  principles  involved  in  disputable  points, Dur  outline  breaks  naturally  into  the  three  fol- lowing divivions : — 1.  Antecedents  of  Christian  jurisprudence  in Church  and  State  on  adultery. 2.  Nature  and  classification  of  the  crime. 3.  Penalties  imposed  upon  it. Our  quotations  from  Eastern  canonists  when compared  with  civilians  are  made  from  the  older Latii.  versions ;  on  occasion  the  Greek  phrases are  added.  In  imperial  laws  the  Latin  is  com- monly the  most  authentic.  These  are  numbered, first  "the  Book  of  Codex,  next  Title,  then  Law; but  in  the  Digest,  where  it  is  usual  to  subdivide, the  Title  is  distinguished  by  a  RonTan  numeral. I.  Antecedents  of  Christian  Jurisprudence  in Church  and  State  on  Adultery. — Respecting  the germs  of  future  differences  as  regards  this  and connected  subjects  traceable  in  the  Apostolic times,  Neander  has  some  useful  observations {Planting  of  the  Christian  Church,  Bohn's  ed.  I. 246-9  and  257,  261).  Many  circumstances,  how- ever, kept  down  these  tendencies  to  opposition. In  an  age  of  newly  awakened  faith,  and  under the  pressure  of  persecution,  living  motive  took the  place  of  outward  law.  The  revulsion  from heatlien  sins  was  strong,  and  filled  the  souls  of converts  with  abhorrence,  while  the  tender  sym- pathy of  their  teachers  urged  men  to  control themselves,  succour  the  tempted,  and  pity  the fallen.  "I  am  overwhelmed  with  sadness," writes  Polycarp  to  the  Philippians  (cap.  xi.), "  on  account  of  Valens  who  was  made  presbyter amongst  you,  because  he  thus  knows  not  the place  which  was  given  him."  This  man  had fallen  into  adultery  (see  Jacobson  in  loco).  "I grieve  exceedingly  both  for  him  and  for  his wife,  to  whom  may  the  Lord  grant  true  repent-  i ance.  Be  ye  therefore  also  sober-minded  in  this matter,  and  count  not  such  persons  as  your  ene- mies ;  but  as  suffering  and  wayward  members call  them  back,  that  you  may  save  the  one  Body of  you  all.  For  so  doing  ye  shall  establish  your own  selves." Clement  of  Rome,  unlike  Polycarp,  had  no special  example  to  deal  with ;  his  warnings  are therefore  general.  In  Up.  i.  30  and  cap.  6  of the  2nd  Up.,  attributed  to  him,  adultery  is  stig- matized among  the  foulest  and  most  heinous sins.  His  exhortations  and  promises  of  forgive- ness (i.  7,  8,  9,  50)  are  likewise  general,  but their  tenour  leaves  no  doubt  that  he  intended  to invite  all  such  sinners  to  repentance.  The  same declarations  of  remission  to  all  penitents  and the  loosing  of  every  bond  by  the  grace  of  Christ, occur  in  Ignat.  Ep.  ad  Philadelph.  8  ;  and  are found  in  the  shorter  as  well  as  the  longer  recen- sion (see  Cureton,  Corp.  Ignat.  p.  97).  In  these addresses  we  seem  to  catch  the  lingering  tones of  the  Apostolic  age  ;  and  all  of  like  meaning and  early  date  should  be  noted  as  valuable  testi- monies. De  I'Aubespine  (Bingham,  xvi.  11,  2) asserted  that  adulterers  were  never  taken  back into  communion  before  the  time  of  Cyprian,  and, though  Bishop  Pearson  refutes  this  opinion,  he CHRIST.  ANT. ADULTERY 17 allows  that  respecting  them,  together  with  mur- derers and  idolaters,  there  was  much  dispute  in the  early  Church.  Beveridge  also  {Cod.  Can. vii.  2)  believes  that  its  severity  was  so  great  as to  grant  no  such  sinners  reconciliation  except upon  the  very  hardest  terms. Of  this  severe  treatment,  as  well  as  the  differ- ence of  opinion  alluded  to  by  Pearson,  we  see various    traces ;  yet    the    prevailing   inclination was  to  hold  out  before  the  e3'es  of  men  a  hope mingled  with  fear.    Hermas  {Pastor  Mandat.  4,  1 and  3)  concedes  one,  and  but  one,  repentance  to those  who  are  unchaste  after  baptism  ;  for  which mildness  and  a  reluctant    allowance   of   second nuptials,  Tertullian  {De  Pudicit.  10)  styles  this book  an  Adulterers'  Friend.     Dionysius  of  Co- rinth, writing   to   the   churches   of  Pontus   on marriage  and  continency,  counsels  the  reception of  all  who  repent  their  transgressions,  whatever their  nature  may  be  (Euseb.  iv.  23).     Thus   also Zephyrinus    of  Rome    announced,    accoi-ding    to Tertullian,    "ego   et   moechiae   et   fornicationis delicta,  poenitentia  functis  dimitto  ;"  and  though quoted  in  a  spirit  of  hostility  and  satire,  this sentence,    which    forms   a  chief  reason  for  the treatise  {De  Pudicit.),  probably  contains  in  sub- stance an  authentic  penitential  rule.    Of  Tertul- lian's  own  opinion,  since  he  was  at  this  time   a Montanist,  it  is  needless  to  say  more  than  that, differing  from  his  former  views,  not  far  removed from  those  maintained  by  Hermas  (cf  De  Peni- tent. 7-10),  he  now  held  adultery  to  be  one  of those  sins  not  only  excluding  for  ever  from  the company  of  believers,  but  also  (cap.  19)  abso- lutely without  hope   through  our  Lord's  inter- cession.    Exclusion  from  the  faithful  was,  how- ever,   insisted    upon    in    such    cases    by   some Catholic  bishops.    Cyprian  {ad  Antonian.),  while himself  on  the  side  of  mercy,  tells  us  how  cer- tain bishops  of  his  province  had,  in  the  time  of his  predecessors,   shut  the  door  of  the  Church against  adulterers,    and  denied  them  penitence altogether.    Others  acted  on  the  opposite  system  ; yet    we    are    assured  that   peace    remained  un- broken —  a    surprising   circumstance,  certainly, considering  the  wealth  and  intelligence  of  that province,   and  the  importance  of  such  decisions to  a  luxurious  population.     Cyprian  hints  at  no lay    difficulties,    and    simply    says    that    every bishop  is  the  disposer  and  director  of  his  own act,  and  must  render  an  account  to  God  (cf  also Cypr.  De    Unitate,    several  Epistles,  and    Cone. Carthag.  Proloquium).     Hence  the  determination of  one    bishop    had   no    necessary    force    in    the diocese  of  another.     So,  too,  the  acts  of  a  local council  took  effect  only  within  its  own  locality, unless  they  were  accepted  elsewhere.      But  the correspondence    of    bishops    and    churches    set bounds  to  the  difficulties  which  might  otherwise have  arisen,  and  prepared  the  way  for  General Cou  jcils — see,  for  instance,  the  fragment  (Euseb. v.  25)  of  the  early  Synod  at  Caosarea  in  Pales- tine— its  object  being  the  diff'usion  of  the  Syno- dical    Epistle.      United   action   was   also  much furthered    by    the    kind    of    compilation    called Codex    Canonum,    but    the    first   of  these    (now lost)  was  formed  towards  the   end  of  the   4th century.    See  Dion.  Exig.  np.  Justell.  I.  101,  and Bevereg.,  Pand.  Can.  Proleg.  vii. The  passages  already  cited  show  the  strength  of Christian  recoil  from  heathen  sensuality.  In  his instructive  reply  to  Celsus  (iii.  51)  Origen  coin- 18 ADULTERY pares  the  attitude  of  the  Church  towards  back- sliders, especially  towards  the  incontinent,  with that  fueling  which  prompted  the  Pythagoreans  to erect  a  cenotaph  for  each  disciple  who  left  their school.  They  esteemed  him  dead,  and,  in  pre- cisely the  same  way.  Christians  bewail  as  lost  to God,  and  already  dead,  those  who  are  overcome with  unclean  desire  or  the  like.  Should  such regain  their  senses,  the  Church  receives  them  at length,  as  men  alive  from  death,  but  to  a  longer probation  than  the  one  converts  underwent  at tirst,  and  as  no  more  capable  of  honour  and dignity  amongst  their  fellows.  Yet  Origen  goes on  to  state  (59-64)  the  remedial  power  of  Chris- tianity. Taken  together  these  sections  paint  a lively  picture  of  the  treatment  of  gross  trans- gressors within  and  without  the  Christian  fold. On  the  passage  in  his  De  Oratione,  which  sounds like  an  echo  of  Tertullian,  see  foot-note  in  Dela- rue's  ed.,  vol.  i.  256. Christians  might  well  shrink  from  what  they saw  around  them.  Licentious  impurities,  count- less in  number  and  in  kind,  were  the  burning reproaches,  the  pollution,  and  the  curse  of heathendom.  It  is  impossible  to  quote  much  on these  topics,  but  a  carefully  drawn  sketch  of them  will  be  found  in  two  short  essays  by  Pro- fessor Jowett  appended  to  the  first  chapter  of his  Conmientary  on  the  Romans.  They  demon- strate how  utterly  unfounded  is  the  vulgar notion  that  Councils  and  Fathers  meddled  un- neces^arily  with  gross  and  disgusting  oftences. With  these  essays  may  be  compared  Martial and  the  Satirists,  or  a  single  writer  such  as Seneca — unus  instar  omnium — e.g.  "  Hinc  de- centissimum  sponsaliorum  genus,  adulterium," &c.,  i.  9 ;  or  again,  iii.  16,  "  Nunquid  jam  ulla repudio  erubescit  postquam  illustres  quaedam ac  nobiles  foeminae,  non  consulum  numero, sed  maritorum,  annos  suos  computant  ?  et exeunt  matrimonii  causa,  nubunt  repudii  ?  .  .  . Nunquid  jam  ullus  adultcrii  pudor  est,  postquam eo  ventum  est,  ut  nulla  virum  habeat,  nisi  ut adulterum  irritet?  Argumentum  est  deformi- tatis,  pudicitia.  Quam  iuvenies  tam  miseram, tam  sordidam,  ut  illi  satis  sit  unum  adulterorum par?"  &c.  In  Valerius  Maximus  we  hear  a sigh  for  departed  morals — in  Christian  writers, from  the  Apologists  to  Salvian,  a  recital  of  the truth,  always  reproachful,  and  sometimes  half triumphant.  Moreover,  as  usual,  sin  became  the punishment  of  sin — Justin  Martyr,  in  his  first Apology  (c.  27  seq.),  points  out  the  horrible  con- sequences which  ensued  ft-om  a  heathen  prac- tice following  upon  the  licence  just  mentioned. The  custom  of  exposing  new-born  babes  pervaded all  ranks  of  society,  and  was  authorized  even  by the  philosophers.  Almost  all  those  exposed,  says Justin,  both  boys  and  girls,  were  taken,  reared, and  fed  like  brute  beasts  for  the  vilest  purposes of  sensuality ;  so  that  a  man  might  commit  the grossest  crime  unawares  with  one  of  his  own children,  and  from  these  wretched  beings  the State  derived  a  shameful  impost.  Compare  Ter- tull.  Apologet.  9,  sub  fin.  Happy  in  comparison those  infants  who  underwent  the  prae  or  post Oatal  fate,  described  by  Minucius  Felix  c.  30.  To Lactantius  (^we  may  remark)  are  attributed  the laws  of  Constantine  intended  to  mitigate  the allied  evils  of  that  later  age,  cf.  Milman  {Hist. Christ,  ii.  394).  "We,"  continues  Justin  (c. 29),  "  expose  not  our  offspring,  lest  one  of  them ADULTERY should  perish  and  we  be  murderers;  nay,  the bringing  up  of  children  is  the  vei-y  object  of  our marriages."  There  are  passages  to  the  same effect  in  the  Ep.  ad  Diognet.  c.  5,  and  Athenag. Zegat.  p7-o  Christian,  (c.  33  al.  28),  and  thus these  early  apologists  adduce  a  principle  laid down  amongst  the  ends  of  matrimony  in  the Anglican  marriage  -  service.  They  no  doubt utter  the  thought  of  their  fellow  Christians in  opposing  to  the  licence  of  the  age  the  purest parental  instincts,  and "  these  are  perhaps  in every  age  the  most  stringent  restraints  upon adultery. The  standard  of  contemporary  Jewish  practice may  be  divined  from  the  Dial,  cum  Tryphon, cc.  134  and  141.  The  Rabbis  taught  the  law- fulness of  marrying  four  or  five  wives, — if  any man  were  moved  by  the  sight  of  beauty  Jacob's example  excused  him, — if  he  sinned,  the  prece- dent of  David  assured  his  forgiveness. Surrounding  evils  naturally  deepened  the  im- pression upon  Christians  that  they  were  stran- gers and  pilgrims  in  the  world,  that  their  aim must  be  to  keep  themselves  from  being  partakers in  other  men's  sins ;  to  suffer  not  as  evil  doers, but  as  Christians,  and  to  use  the  Roman  law  as St.  Paul  used  it,  for  an  appeal  on  occasion — a possible  protection,  but  not  a  social  rule.  Hence the  danger  was  Quietism ;  and  they  were  in  fact accused  of  forsaking  the  duties  of  citizens  and soldiers — accusations  which  the  Apologists,  par- ticularly Tertullian  and  Origen,  answered, though  with  many  reserves.  The  faithful thought  that  their  prayers  and  examples  were the  best  of  services ;  they  shunned  sitting  in judgment  on  cases  involving  life  and  death,  im- prisonment or  torture,  and  (what  is  more  to  our purpose)  questions  de  pudore.  On  the  admission of  Christians  to  magistracy  as  early  as  the  An- tonines,  cf.  Dig.  50,  tit.  2,  s.  3,  sub  fin.,  withGotho- fred's  notes.  Traces  of  their  aversion  from  such business  appear  in  some  few  Councils ;  e.  g.  Elib. 56,  excludes  Duumvirs  from  public  worship during  their  year  of  office.  Tarracon.  4,  forbids bishops  to  decide  criminal  causes — a  rule  which has  left  its  mark  on  modern  legislation.  Natu- rally resulting  from  these  influences,  was  a higher  and  diffused  tone  of  purity.  Obeying human  laws,  believers  transcended  them,  Ep.  ad Diognet.  5,  and  compare  Just.  Apxil.  I.  17,  seq. with  15.  He  speaks  emphatically  of  the  in- numerable multitude  who  turned  from  license to  Christian  self-control.  The  causeless  divorce allowed  by  law  led  to  what  Christ  forbade  as digamy  and  adultery,  while  the  latter  sin  was by  Him  extended  to  the  eye  and  the  heart.  In like  manner,  Athenagoras  {Leg.  pro  Christ.  2) asserts  that  it  was  impossible  to  find  a  Christian who  had  been  criminally  convicted — and  that  no Christian  is  an  evil-doer  except  he  be  a  hypocrite —32,  33,  al.  27,  28,  that  impurity  of  heart  is essentially  adultery,  and  that  even  a  slightly unchaste  thought  may  exclude  from  everlasting life.  He  says,  as  Justin,  that  numbers  in  the Church  were  altogether  continent ;  numbers,  too, lived  according  to  the  strictest  marriage  rule. Athenagoras  goes  so  far  (33  al.  28)  as  to  pro- nounce against  all  second  marriages,  because  he who  deprives  himself  of  even  a  deceased  wife  by taking  another  is  an  adulterer.  Clement  of Alexandria  (Paedag.  ii.  6)  quaintly  observes that  "  Non  Moechaberis  "  is  cut  up  by  the  roots ADULTERY through  "  non  concupisces,"   and  in   the   same spii'it  Commodian  (^Instruct.  48)  writes "  Escam  muscipuli  ubi  mors  est  longe  vitate : Multa  sunt  Martyria,  quae  fiunt  sine  sanguine  fuso, Alienuni  non  cupere,"  &c. Compare    other    passages    on    adultery   of  the heart,  Lactant.  Instit.  vi.  23,  and  Epit.  8 ;  Greg. Nazianz.,  Horn.  37  al.  31  ;  and  later  on,  Photius, Ep.  139 — a  remarkable  composition. Another  safeguard  from  licentiousness  was the  high  valuation  now  set  upon  the  true  dignity of  woman  not  only  as  the  help-meet  of  man  but as  a  partaker  in  the  Diyine  Image,  sharing  the same  hope,  and  a  fit  partner  of  that  moral union  in  which  our  Lord  placed  the  intention and  essence  of  the  married  state.  Clement  of Alexandria  draws  a  picture  of  the  Christian wife  and  mother  (^Paedag.  iii.  11,  p.  250  Sylb. and  Potter's  Gr.  marg.);  of  the  husband  and father,  {Strom,  vii.  p.  741).  Tertullian  before him,  in  the  last  cap.  ad  Uxorem  describes  a  truly Christian  mai-riage — the  oneness  of  hope,  prayer, practice,  and  pious  service ;  no  need  of  conceal- ment, mutual  avoidance,  nor  mutual  vexation  ; distrust  banished,  a  freeborn  confidence,  sym- pathy, and  comfort  in  each  other,  presiding  over every  part  of  their  public  and  private  existence. This  language  derives  additional  strength from  Tertullian's  treatment  of  mixed  marriages. Those  contracted  before  conversion  fall  under  1 Cor.  vii.  10-17  (cf.  ad  Uxor.  ii.  2),  yet  their consequences  were  most  mischievous.  He  tells us  (ad  Scapulam  3)  how  Claudius  Herminianus, whose  wife  became  a  convert,  revenged  himself by  barbarous  usage  of  the  Cappadocian  Chris- tians. A  mixed  marriage  after  conversion  is  a very  great  sin,  forbidden  by  1  Cor.  vii.  39  and  2 Cor.  vi.  14-16,  and  Tertullian  ad  Uxor.  ii.  3 condemns  those  who  contract  it  as  "  stupri  reos  " —  transgressors  of  the  7th  Commandment. Addressing  his  own  wife,  he  proceeds  to  describe its  serious  evils  to  a  woman.  When  she  wishes to  attend  worship  her  husband  makes  an  appoint- ment for  the  baths.  Instead  of  hymns  she  hears songs,  and  his  songs  are  from  the  theatre,  the tavern,  and  the  night  cellar.  Her  fasts  are hindered  by  his  feasts.  He  is  sure  to  object against  nocturnal  services,  prison  visits,  the  kiss of  peace,  and  other  customs.  She  will  have  a difficulty  in  persuading  him  that  such  private observances  as  crossing  and  exsufflation,  ai-e  not magical  rites.  To  these  and  other  remarks, Tertullian  adds  the  sensible  arguments,  that none  but  the  worst  heathens  would  marry Christian  women,  and  how  then  could  believing wives  feel  secure  in  such  hands  ?  Their  hus- bands kept  the  secret  of  their  religion  as  a means  of  enforcing  subjection ;  or,  if  dissatisfied, nursed  it  for  the  day  of  persecution  and  legal- ized murder.  Their  own  motives  were  of  the baser  kind — they  married  for  a  handsome  litter, mules,  and  tall  attendants  from  some  foreign country ; — luxuries  which  a  faithful  man,  even if  wealthy,  might  not  think  proper  to  allow them.  This  being  the  early  experience  of  the Church,  we  are  not  surprised  to  find  mixed marriages  forbidden  in  after  times  sub  poena adulterii. We  cannot  here  pass  over  a  history  told  by Justin  Martyr  in  his  Apol.  ii.  2,  and  repeated by  Eusebius  iv.  17,  respecting  which  the  learned Bingham  has  been  led  into   a  remarkable  mis- ADULTERY 19 take,  copied  and  added  to  by  Whiston  in  a  note on  Antiq.  xv.  7,  10.  A  woman  married  to  a very  wicked  husband,  herself  as  drunken  and dissolute  as  the  man,  became  a  convert  to  the faith.  Thoroughly  reformed,  she  tried  to  per- suade him  by  the  precepts  of  the  Gospel  and the  terrors  of  eternal  fire.  Failing  in  her  at- tempts, and  revolted  by  the  loathsome  and  un- natural compulsion  to  which  her  husband  sub- jected her,  she  thought  repudiation  would  be prefei-able  to  a  life  of  impious  compliances.  Her friends  prevailed  upon  her  to  wait  and  hope  for the  best,  but  a  journey  to  Alexandria  made  her husband  worse  than  before,  and,  driven  to  des- pair, she  sent  him  a  divorce.  Immediately  he informed  against  her  as  a  Christian  ;  a  blow which  she  parried  by  presenting  a  petition  for delay  to  the  Emperor  Marcus  Aurelius,  who granted  her  request.  Upon  this  her  husband, thirsting  for  revenge,  accused  her  teacher  in religious  truth,  and  had  the  satisfliction  of  seeing three  lives  sacrificed  in  succession  to  his  ven- geance. Bingham  (svi.  11,  6)  cites  the  narrative  as  an instance  of  a  wife's  being  allowed  by  the  Church to  divorce  a  husband  on  the  ground  of  adultery. But  the  valuable  writer,  led  perhaps  by  Gotho- fred  {Cod.  Theod.  vol.  i.  p.  312)  has  here  erred  in a  matter  of  fact,  for  Justin  takes  some  pains  to show  that  the  woman's  grievance  was  not  adul- tery at  all.  Fleury  (iii.  49)  has  apprehended the  truth  with  correctness  and  expressed  it  with delicacy.  The  like  case  is  discussed  by  an  author long  called  Ambrose  in  his  comment  on  1  Cor.  vii. 11  {Amhros.  op.  ed.  Benedict.,  tom.  ii.  appendix p.  133  E-F),  and  he  determines  that,  under  the given  circumstances,  a  woman  must  separate from  her  husband,  but  she  must  not  marry  again. The  Imperial  law  also  provided  a  remedy,  Cod. Theod.  9,  tit.  7,  s.  3.  It  is  certainly  noteworthy that,  in  telling  this  brief  tragedy,  neither  Justin nor  Eusebius  says  a  word  against  the  wife's  seek- ing relief  from  the  heathen  custom  of  divorce. Yet  its  license  was  condemned  on  all  sides.  The founder  of  the  Empire  strove  to  check  it ;  and, had  the  aggrieved  woman  lived  under  the  first Christian  emperor,  that  resource  would  have been  denied  her.  Clearly,  circumstances  justi- fied the  wife,  but  it  would  seem  natural  to  have mentioned  the  danger  of  doing  wrong,  while pleading  her  justification.  We,  in  modern  times, should  say  that  such  cases  are  exceptional,  and the  inference  from  silence  is  that  similar  wicked- ness was  not  exceptional  in  those  days,  and  was treated  by  the  Church  as  a  ground  of  divorce ; a  mournful  conclusion,  but  one  that  many  facts render  probable,  e.g.  the  Imperial  law  above cited. From  these  antecedents  our  step  is  brief  to laws  for  the  repression  of  incontinency.  The natural  beginning  was  for  each  community  to follow  simply  the  example  of  St.  Paul  (1  Cor. V.  and  2  Cor.  ii.),  but,  as  converts  multiplied,  it became  necessary  to  prescribe  definite  tests  of repentance  which  formed  also  the  terms  of  re- conciliation. Such  rules  had  for  one  object  the good  of  the  community,  and  in  this  light  every offence  was  a  public  wrong,  and  is  so  looked upon  by  canon  law  at  this  day.  But  penitence had  a  second  object — the  soul's  health  of  the offender — and  thus  viewed,  the  same  transgres- sion was  treated  as  a  moral  stain,  and  censured C  2 20 ADULTERY according  to  its  intrinsic  heinousness,  or,  in  few words,  the  crime  became  a  sin.  This  idea,  no doubt,  entered  into  the  severe  laws  of  Christian princes  against  adultery,  and  is  an  indication  of ecclesiastical  influence  upon  them.  Framers  of canons  had  in  turn  their  judgment  acted  upon by  the  great  divines,  who  were  apt  to  regulate public  opinion,  and  to  enforce  as  maxims  of  life their  own  interpretations  of  Scripture.  Some- times the  two  characters  met  in  the  same  per- son, as  in  the  eminent  Gregories,  Basil,  and others ;  but  where  this  was  not  the  case,  theo- logians commonly  overlooked  many  points  which canonists  were  bound  to  consider. Church  lawgivers  must  indeed  always  have regard  to  existing  social  facts  and  the  ordinary moral  tone  of  their  own  age  and  nation.  They must  likewise  keep  State  law  steadily  in  mind when  they  deal  with  offences  punishable  in  civil courts.  That  they  did  so  in  reality,  we  learn from  the  Greek  Scholia ;  and  hence,  when  divorce is  connected  with  adultery  (particularly  as  its cause),  the  Scholiasts  trace  most  canonical changes  to  foregoing  alterations  in  the  laws  of the  Empire.  The  reader  should  reproduce  in  his mind  these  two  classes  of  data  it  he  wishes  to form  a  judgment  on  subjects  like  the  present. We  have  called  attention  to  the  license  which tainted  prae-Christian  Rome.  Of  the  Christian world,  homilists  are  the  most  powerful  illustra- tors, but  the  light  thrown  upon  it  by  canons  is quite  unmistakable.  The  spirit  prevalent  at  the opening  of  the  4th  century  may  be  discerned from  its  Councils,  e.g.  Gangra ;  one  object  of which  (can.  4)  was  to  defend  married  presbyters against  the  attacTis  made  upon  them ;  of  Elib.  33, and  Stanley's  account  of  the  later  1  Nic.  ^{Eastern Ch,  196-9).  Gangra,  14,  forbids  wives  to  desert their  husbands  from  abhorrence  of  married  life  ; 9  and  10  combat  a  like  disgust  and  contempt  of matrimony  displayed  by  consecrated  virgins, and  16  is  aimed  against  sons  who  desert  their parents  under  pretext  of  piety,  i.e.  to  become celibates,  something  after  the  fashion  of  "  Cor- ban."  An  age,  where  the  springs  of  home  life are  poisoned,  is  already  passing  into  a  morbid condition,  and  legislative  chirurgeons  may  be excused  if  they  commit  some  errors  of  severity  in dealing  with  its  evils.  But  what  can  be  said  of the  frightful  pictures  of  Roman  life  drawn,  some- what later,  by  Ammian.  Marcell.  xiv.  6  ;  xxvii.  3  ; and  xxviii.  4 ;  or  the  reduced  copies  of  them  in Gibbon,  chaps.  25  and  31,  to  which  may  be  added the  fiery  Epistles  of  Jerome  (jxissim),  and  the calm  retrospect  of  Milman  (^Hist.  of  Christ,  iii. 230,  seq.)?  Can  any  one  who  reads  help  reflect- ing with  what  intensified  irony  this  decrepit age  might  repeat  the  old  line  of  Ennius — Mulierem :  quid  potius  dicam  aut  verius  quam  mulierem  ? Or  can  we  feel  surprised  with  Aaolent  efforts  at coercing  those  demoralized  men  and  women  ? Gibbon,  in  giving  an  account  of  the  jurispru- dence of  Justinian,  saw  that  it  could  not  be understood,  particularly  on  the  topic  of  our article,  without  some  acquaintance  with  the laws  and  customs  of  the  earliest  periods.  To his  sketch  we  must  refer  the  reader,  adding  only the  following  remarks  : — 1.  His  opinion  upon  the  barbarity  of  marital rule  has  found  an  echo  in  Hegel  (see  Werke,  Bd. ix.  p.  348,  seq.).     F.  von  Schlegel,  tliough  in  his ADULTERY Concordia  highly  praising  the  conjugal  purity  of ancient  Rome,  had  already  (Wet-ke,  xiii.  261,  2) blamed  that  rigid  adherence  to  letter  and  for- mula which  pervades  the  system.  To  such  cen- sures Mommsen  is  thoroughly  opposed.  In  book i.  chap.  5,  he  views  the  stern  simplicity  of  idea on  which  all  household  I'ight  was  founded  as  true to  nature  and  to  the  requirements  of  social  im- provement. In  chap.  12  he  points  out  how  the old  Roman  religion  supplemented  law  by  its code  of  moral  maxims.  The  member  of  a family  might  commit  grievous  wrong  untouched by  civil  sentence,  but  the  curse  of  the  gods lay  henceforth  heavy  on  that  sacrilegious  head. Mommsen's  remarks  on  religious  terrors  agree well  with  the  very  singular  restraints  on  divorce attributed  by  Plutarch  to  Romulus.  The  im- pression of  ethical  hardness  is  in  fiict  mainly due  to  the  iron  logic  of  Roman  lawyers.  Father, husband,  matron,  daughter,  are  treated  as  real- istic universals,  and  their  specific  definitions worked  out  into  axioms  of  legal  right.  Yet  in application  (a  fact  overlooked  by  Schlegel)  the summumjus  is  often  tempered  by  equitable  allow- ances, e.g.  a  wife  accused  of  adultery  had  the power  of  recrimination.  Dig.  48,  tit.  5,  s.  13,  §  5  ; and  cf  August.  De  Conjug.  Adulterin.  ii.  7  (viii.) for  a  longer  extract,  and  a  comment  on  the  re- script. Such  facts  go  far  to  explain  the  course pursued  by  Christian  lawgivers. 2.  On  the  vast  changes  which  took  place after  the  2nd  Punic  war  Gibbon  should  be  com- pared with  Mommsen,  b.  iii.  cap.  13,  pp.  884—5, But  neither  of  these  writers,  in  dwelling  on the  immoral  atmosphere  which  infected  married life,  point  out  any  specially  sufficient  cause  why Roman  matrons  showed  such  irrepressible  aA^i- dity  for  divorce  with  all  its  strainings  of  law, its  dissolution  of  sacred  maxims,  its  connection with  celibacy  in  males,  and  a  frightful  train  of unbridled  sensualities.  Perhaps  the  only  true light  is  to  be  gained  from  a  comparison  with ecclesiastical  history.  We  shall  see  that  in later  ages  of  the  Church  there  came  about  an entire  reversal  of  earlier  opinions  on  the  crimi- nal essence  and  the  very  definition  of  adultery, and  that  the  ground  of  complaint  at  both  periods (Pagan  and  Christian)  was  one  and  the  same  ; the  cause,  therefore,  may  not  improbably  be  one also,  viz.,  the  inadequate  remedy  afforded  to women  for  wifely  wrongs.  Some  particulars will  be  found  in  our  second  division,  but  the question  opens  a  wide  field  for  speculation,  out- lying our  limits,  and  belonging  to  the  philoso- phy of  history. 3.  The  parallel  between  Church  and  State ought  to  be  carried  further.  Imperial  Rome, looking  back  upon  the  Republic,  felt  the  de- cadence of  her  own  conjugal  and  family  ties, and  wrote  her  displeasure  in  the  laws  of  the first  Caesars,  So,  too,  when  the  nobleness  of apostolic  life  ceased  to  be  a  substitute  for  legis- lation, it  sharpened  the  edge  of  canonical  cen- sure by  regretful  memories  of  the  better  time. The  same  history  of  morals  led  to  a  sameness  in the  history  of  law,  the  State  repeated  itself  in the  Church. 4.  Gibbon  has  a  sneer  against  Justinian  for giving  permanence  to  Pagan  constitutions.  But those  laws  had  always  been  presupposed  by Christian  government,  both  civil  and  spiritual. The  emperors  amended  or  supplemented  them, ADULTERY and  where  bishops  felt  a  need,  they  petitioned for  an  Imperial  edict — e.g.  the  canons  of  three African  councils  relating  to  our  subject,  and noted  hereafter,  in  which  the  synods  decide  on such  a  petition.  Then,  too,  the  opposite  experi- ment had  been  tried.  The  Codex  Theodosianus began  with  the  laws  of  Constantine  (cf.  art. Theodosius  in  Bid.  Biograph.);  but  when  Jus- tinian strove  to  give  scientific  form  to  his  juris- prudence he  found  that  completeness  could  no way  be  attained  except  by  connecting  it  with the  old  framework  ;  and,  as  we  have  seen,  Gibbon himself  felt  a  similar  necessity  for  the  minor purpose  of  explanation. Our  plan  here  will  therefore  be  to  use  the great  work  of  Justinian  as  our  skeleton,  and clothe  it  with  the  bands  and  sinews  of  the Church.  We  gain  two  advantages :  his  incom- parable method ;  and  a  stand-point  at  an  era  of systematic  endeavour  to  unify  Church  and  State. For  this  endeavour  see  Novell.  131,  c.  1,  held  by canonists  to  accept  all  received  by  Chalcedon, can.  1  (comprehending  much  on  our  subject),  and Novell.  83,  extending  the  powers  of  bishops  on ecclesiastical  oftences.  His  example  was  after- wards followed  by  the  acceptance  of  Trull,  can.  2, adding  largely  to  the  list  of  constitutions  upon adultery  ;  cf.  Photii  Nomocanon,  tit.  i.  cap.  2,  with Scholia,  and  for  the  difficulties  Bev.  Pand.  Can. Proleg.  viii.,  ix.  For  harmonies  of  spiritual and  civil  law  as  respects  breaches  of  the  7th Commandment  see  Antiochcni  Nomoc,  tits.  xli. and  xlii.,  and  Photii  Nomoc.  tit.  ix.  29,  and  tit. xiii.  5  and  6.     Both  are  in  Justellus,  vol.  ii. After  A.D.  305  the  Church  was  so  frequently engaged  in  devising  means  for  upholding  the sanctity  of  the  marriage  tie  that  every  step  in the  reception  of  canons  concerning  it  forms  a landmark  of  moral  change.  Such  an  era  was the  reign  of  Justinian ;  it  was  an  age  of  great code  makers — of  Dionysius  Exiguus  aird  Joannes Antiochenus.  Numbers  of  local  constitutions became  transformed  into  world-wide  laws  ;  the fact,  therefore,  never  to  be  overlooked  respecting canons  on  adultery,  is  the  extent  of  their  final acceptance. We  now  come  to  Division  II.,  and  must  con- sider at  some  length  the  definition  of  adultery strictly  so  called.  On  this  point  a  revolution took  place  of  no  slight  significance  in  the  great antithesis  between  East  and  West.  Details  are therefore  necessary. II.  Nature  and  Classification  of  the  Crime. — Neglecting  an  occasional  employment  of  the  words promiscue  (on  which  see  first  of  following  refer- ences), we  find  (Dig.  48,  tit.  5,  s  .6,  §  1,  Papinian), "Adulteriura  in  nupta  committitur  stuprum vero  in  virginem  viduamve."  Cf.  same  tit.,  34, Modestinus,  and  Dig.  1,  tit.  12,  s.  1,  §  5,  Ulfnan; see  Diet.  Antiq.,  and  Ih-issonius  do  Verb.  Signif. 1,  s.  V.  for  distinctions  and  Greek  equivalents. The  oflending  wife  is  thus  regarded  as  the  real criminal ;  and  her  paramour,  whether  married or  unmarried,  as  the  mere  accomplice  of  her crime.  She  is  essentially  the  adultera,  and  he, because  of  his  complicity  with  a  married  woman, becomes  an  adulter.  If  the  woman  is  unmarried, the  condition  of  the  man  makes  no  difference — the  offence  is  not  adulterium. This  was  also  the  position  of  the  Mosaic  code — see  Lev.  xx.  10,  compared  with  Deut.  xxii.  22. It  is  not  easy  to   perceive  how  the   law  could ADULTERY 21 stand  otherwise  when  polygamy  was  permitted ; cf.  Diet,  of  Bible,  in  verbo.  Espousal  by  both  codes (Roman  and  Jewish)  is  protected  as  qinsi  wedlock (Dig.  48,  tit.  5,  s.  13,  §_  3,  Deut.  xxii.  23,  24). So  likewise  by  Christian'  canons,  e.g.  Trull.  98. "  He  who  marries  a  woman  betrothed  to  a  man still  living  is  an  adulter."     Cf.  Basil,  can.  37. Both  in  Scripture  language  and  in  ordinary Roman  life  the  legal  acceptation  of  the  crime  is the  current  meaning  of  the  word.  Hosea  (iv. 13,  14)  distinguishes  between  the  sins  of  Jewish daughters  and  wives ;  and  the  distinction  is  kept in  the  LXX  and  Vulgate  versions.  A  like  dis- tinction forms  the  point  of  Horace's  "  Matronam nuUam  ego  tango ;  "  cf.  Sueton.  Get.  67  "  adul- terare  matronas."  Instances  are  sufficiently  com- mon, but,  since  (for  reasons  which  will  soon appear)  it  is  necessary  to  have  an  absolutely clear  understanding  of  the  sense  attached  to  the word  adulterium  {  =  fi.oixeicC)  during  the  early Christian  period,  we  note  a  few  decisive  re- ferences from  common  usage.  Val.  Max.  (under Tiberius)  explains  (ii.  1,  3)  adulteri  as  "  sub- sessores  alieni  matrimonii."  Quintilian  (under Domitian)  defines,  Instit.  Orat.  vii.  3,  "  Adulte- rium est  cum  aliena  uxore  donii  coire."  Juvenal may  be  consulted  through  the  index.  Appuleius (under  the  Antonines),  in  the  well  known  story Metamorph.  ix.,  describes  the  deed,  and  refers  to the  law  de  Adulteriis. Chi-istian  writers  seldom  explain  words  un- less used  out  of  their  curi'ent  sense,  and  when they  do  so,  the  explanation  is  of  course  inci- dental. We  find  an  early  example  in  Athena- goras,  De  Jtesur.  Mort.  23.  al.  17,  where  in treating  of  bodily  appetites  occurs  a  designed antithesis.  On  the  one  side  "  legitimus  coitus quod  est  matrimonium  " — on  the  other,  "incon- cessus  alienae  uxoris  appetitus  et  cum  ea  consue- tude— rovTo  yap  iffri  notxeia."  Another  early instance  is  in  the  Shepherd  of  Hermas,  Mandat. iv.,  which  thus  begins:  "Mando,  ait,  tibi,  ut castitatem  custodias,  et  non  ascendat  tibi  cogi- tatio  cordis  de  alieno  matrimonio,  aut  de  forni- catione."  We  have  here  a  twofold  division  like Papinian's  above  quoted,  but  instead  of  opposing stuprum  to  adulterium  (implied  in  alieno  Matri- monio), he  employs  "  fornicatio,"  an  ecclesiasti- cal expression  when  it  has  this  special  meaning. Origen  (Levit.  xx.,  Homil.  xi.),  in  contrasting the  punishment  of  adulterei-s  under  the  Mosaic and  Christian  dispensations,  assumes  the  same act  to  be  intended  by  the  laws  of  both.  This passage  has  often  been  ascribed  to  Cyril  of  Alex- andria, but  Delarue  (ii.  179,  180)  is  clear  for Origen.  Arnobius  (under  Diocletian)  writes,  lib. iv.  (p.  142,  Varior.  ed.),  "  Adulteria  legibus  vin- dicant,  et  capitalibus  afficiunt  eos  poenis,  quos  in aliena  comprehenderint  foedera  genialis  se  lectuli expugnatione  jecisse.  Subsessoris  et  adulteri persona,"  &c. The  canonists,  Greek  and  Latin,  use  criminal terms  like  ordinary  authors  without  explanation, and  obviously  for  the  same  reason.  But  on  our subject  the  meaning  is  generally  made  certain by  (1)  an  opposition  of  words  resembling  the examples  before  quoted ;  (2)  by  the  case  of  un- married women  being  treated  in  separate  canons ; or  else  (3)  by  a  gradation  of  penalties  imposed on  the  several  kinds  of  sin. In  the  latter  half  of  tlic  4tli  century  we  have again  exact  ecclesiastical  definitions.     They  are 22 ADULTERY very  valuable,  because  given  by  two  of  the greatest  canonists  the  Church  ever  produced, and  also  because  they  were  accepted  by  can.  ii. Trull.  Gregory  of  Nyssa  thus  distinguishes  (ad Letoium,  resp.  4),  "  Fornicatio  quidem  dicatuv cupiditatis  cujuspiam  expletio  quae  sine  alterius fit  injuria.  Adulterium  vero,  insidiae  et  injuria quae  alteri  afFertur."  This  antithesis  is  substan- tially the  same  with  that  in  the  Digest,  but Gregory  so  states  it  because  (as  his  canon  tells us)  he  is  replying  to  certain  somewhat  subtle reasoners  who  argued  that  these  acts  of  inconti- nence are  in  essence  identical — a  theory  which would  equalize  the  offences,  and,  by  consequence, their  punishments.  The  arguments  are  such  as we  should  call  verbal,  cfj.  what  the  law  does not  permit,  it  forbids — the  non  proprium  must  be alienum.  He  answers  by  giving  the  specific  di- vision made  by  the  Fathers  (as  above),  and  main- tains (1)  its  adaptation  to  human  infirmity,  (2) the  double  sin  of  adultery,  and  (3)  the  propriety of  a  double  penitence.  With  Gregory,  therefore, the  canonist  pi-evails  over  the  theologian  —  he refuses  to  treat  the  crime  merely  as  a  sin. In  Basil's  canon  ad  Amphiloch.  18 — which  is concerned  with  lapsed  virgins — who  had  been treated  as  digamists,  and  whom  Basil  would punish  as  adulterous,  we  find  an  incidental  defi- nition :  "  eum,  qui  cum  aliena  muliere  cohabitat, adulterum  nominamus." Basil's  important  21st  canon  is  summed  by Aristenus  :  "  Virum,  qui  fornicatus  est,  uxor  pro- pria recipiet.  Inquinatam  vero  adulterio  uxorem vir  dimittet.  Fornicator,  enim,  non  adulter  est, qui  uxori  junctus  cum  soluta"  (an  unmarried woman)  "rem  habuerit."  Here,  again,  is  the old  opposition  (as  in  stuprum  and  adulterium) the  logical  essence  of  the  crime  turning  upon the  state  of  the  woman,  whether  married  or  sole. But  a  clause  of  great  value  to  us  is  omitted  by Aristenus.  Basil  considers  the  fornicatio  of  a married  man  heinous  and  aggravated  ;  he  says, "  eum  poenis  amplius  gravamus,"  yet  adds  ex- pressly, "  Canouem  tamen  non  habemus  qui  eum adulterii  crimini  subjiciat  si  in  solutam  a  Matri- monio  peccatum  commissum  sit."  This  clear assertion  from  a  canonist  so  learned  and  vera- cious as  Basil  must  be  allowed  to  settle  the matter  of  fact,  that  up  to  his  time  Church  law defined  adultery  exactly  in  the  same  manner  as the  civil  law. It  is  to  be  remarked,  too,  that  Basil's  answer addresses  itself  to  another  kind  of  difficulty from  Gregory's,  that,  namely,  of  injustice  in  the different  treatment  of  unchaste  men  and  women. No  objection  was  of  older  standing.  We  almost start  to  hear  Jerome  (^Epitaph.  Fahiolae)  echoing, as  it  were,  the  verses  of  Plautus ;  cf.  the  passage (^Mercator,  iv.  5) — "  Ecastor  lege  dura  vivont  niulieres, Multoque  iniquiore  miserae,  quam  viri  .... ....  Utinam  lex  esset  eadem,  quae  uxori  est  viro." Yet  no  writer  tells  more  pointedly  than  Plautus the  remedy  which  Roman  matrons  had  adopted (^Amphitr.  iii.  2) — "  Valeas :  tibl  habeas  res  tuas,  reddas  meas." As  to  the  legal  process  by  which  women  com- passed this  object,  it  was  probably  similar  to their  way  of  enlarging  their  powers  respecting property  and  other  stich  matters,  on  which  see Mommscn,  book   iii.  13. ADULTERY  | V/'e  now  note  among  divines  a  desire  to  im-  i press  upon  the  public  mind  the  other,  i.e.  the. purely  theological  idea  that  all  incontinent, persons  stand  equally  condemned.  They  appear to  reason  under  a  mixture  of  influences — 1.  A feeling  of  the  absolute  unity  of  a  married  couple,'  • a  healthy  bequest  from  the  first  age  ;  2.  Indig-  J nation  at  marital  license ;  3.  Desire  to  find  a  | remedy  for  woman's  wrong ;  4.  The  wish  to  ] recommend  celibacy  by  contrast  with  the  "  ser-  ' vitude  "  of  marriage. Lactantius  (as  might  be  expected  from  his  ' date)  fixes  upon  points  1  and  2.  He  finds  fault with  the  Imperial  lavv^  in  two  respects — that adultery  could  not  be  committed  with  any  but  a  i free  woman,  and  that  by  its  inequality  it  tended  i to  excuse  the  severance  of  the  one  married  bodyj Instit.  vi.  23.  "Non  enim,  sicut  juris  publicij ratio  est;  sola  mulier  adultera  est,  quae  habet ! alium  ;  maritus  autem,  etiamsi  plures  habeat,  a crimine  adulterii  solutus  est.  Sed  divina  lex  ita  i duos  in  matrimonium,  quod  est  in  corpus  unum^  i pari  jure  conjungit,  ut  adulter  habeatur,  quis-; quis  compagem  corporis  in  diversa  distraxerit." ' Of.  next  page — "  Dissociari  enim  corpus,  et  dis- trahi  Deus  uoluit."  It  would  seem  therefore that  this  Father  would  really  alter  the  ordinary,; meaning  of  the  word  aduiterium,  and  explain  the offence  differently  from  its  civil-law  definition. He  would  extend  it  to  every  incontinent  act  of  j every  married  person,  on  the  ground  that  byi such  an  act  the  marriage  unity  enforced  by  our Lord  is  broken.  It  is  true  that  another  view' may  be  taken  of  the  words  of  Lactantius.  They.' may  be  considered  as  rhetoric  rather  than  logic,* both  here  and  in  Epitome  8,  where  the  same! line  of  thought  is  repeated;  but  this  is  a  ques-:i tion  of  constant  recurrence  in  the  Fathers,  andi reminds  us  of  Selden's  celebrated  saying.  The; student  will  in  each  case  form  his  own  judg-i ment ;  in  this  instance  he  may  probably  think: the  statement  too  precise  to  be  otherwise  than" literal.  ' The  same  must  be  said  of  Ambrose,  whose dictum  has  been  made  classical  by  Gratian.  Yet it  should  be  observed  that  he  is  not  always  con-:i sistent  with  himself,  e.g.  {Hexaem.  v.  7)  he  lays it  down  that  the  married  are  both  in  spirit  aud< in  body  one,  hence  adultery  is  contrary  to  naturcil We  expect  the  same  prefatory  explanation  as from  Lactantius,  but  find  the  old  view  :  "  Nolite quaerere,  viri,  alienum  thorum,  nolite  insidiarij alienae  copulae.  Grave  est  adulterium  et  naturae injuria."  So  again,  in  Luc.  lib.  2,  sub  init.,  he attaches  this  term  to  the  transgression  of  an espoused  woman. The  celebrated  passage,  one  chief  support  of  a distinction  which  has  affected  the  law  and  lanr. guage  of  modern  Europe  (quoted  by  Gratian,' JJecret.  ii.  c.  32,  q.  4),  occurs  in  Ambrose's  Defence of  Abraham  (Be  Mr.  Pair.  i.  4).  We  give  it  aSj in  Gratian  for  the  sake  of  a  gloss:  "Nemo  sibil blandiatur  de  legibus  hominum  "  (gloss — quae^ dicunt  quod  adulterium  non  committitur  cum' soluta  sed  cum  nupta)"Omne  stuprum  adulte-f rium  est :  nee  viro  licet  quod  mulieri  non  licet. Eadem  a  viro,  quae  ab  uxore  debetur  castimonia.l Quicquid  in  ea  quae  non  sit  legitima  uxor,  com- missum fuerit,  adulterii  crimine  damnatur.", This  extract  sounds  in  itself  distinct  and  con-| sccutive.  But  when  the  Apology  is  read  as  a whole,  exactness  seems  to  vanish.     It  is  divided] ADULTERY into  three  main  he.ads  or  defensiones :  1st,  Abra- ham lived  before  the  law  which  forbade  adultery, therefore  he  could  uot  have  committed  it.  "  Deus ia  Paradiso  licet  conjugium  laudaverit,  non  adul- terium  daranaverat."  It  is  hard  to  understand how  such  a  sentence  could  have  been  written  in the  taoe  of  Matt.  xix.  4-9,  or  how  so  great  an authority  could  forget  that  the  very  idea  of  con- jugitim  implied  the  wrong  of  adulterium.  2ndly, Abraham  was  actuated  by  the  mere  desire  of offspring ;  and  Sarah  herself  gave  him  her  hand- maiden. Her  example  (with  Leah's  and  Rachel's) is  turned  into  a  moral  lesson  against  female jealousy,  and  then  men  are  admonished — "  Nemo sibi  blandiatur,"  &c.,  as  above  quoted.  3rdly. Galat.  iv.  21-4,  is  referred  to,  and  the  conclusion drawn,  "  Quod  ergo  putas  esse  peccatum,  adver- tis  esse  mysterium  ;  "  and  again  "  haec  quae  in figuram  contingebant,  illis  crimini  non  erant." We  have  sketched  this  chapter  of  Ambrose  be- cause of  the  great  place  assigned  him  in  the controversy  of  Western  against  Eastern  Church law. Another  passage  referred  to  in  this  Q.  "  Dicat aliquis,"  is  the  9th  section  of  a  sermon  on  John the  Baptist,  formerly  numbered  65,  now  52  (Ed. Bened.  App.  p.  462),  and  the  work  of  an  Am- brosiaster.  But  here  the  adulterium  (filii  testes adulterii)  is  the  act  of  an  unmarried  man  with his  ancilla  (distinguished  from  a  concubina,  Be- cret:  I.  Dist.  34,  "  Concubina  autem,"  seq.),  i.e. a  sort  of  Contubernium  is  called  by  a  word which  brings  it  within  the  letter  of  the  7th Commandment. Perhaps  Ambrose  and  his  pseudonym,  like many  others,  saw  no  very  great  difference  be- tween the  prohibition  of  sins  secundum  literam and  secundum  analogiam — as,  for  example,  idola- try is  adultery.  It  seems  clear  that  he  did  not with  Lactantius  foi-m  an  ideal  of  marriage  and then  condemn  whatever  contradicted  it.  His language  on  wedlock  in  Paradise  forbids  this explanation. Looking  eastwards,  there  is  a  famous  sermon (37,  al.  31)  preached  by  Gregory  Nazianzen,  in which  he  blends  together  the  points  we  have numbered  2,  3,  and  4.  He  starts  (vi.)  from  the inequality  of  laws.  Why  should  the  woman  be restrained,  the  man  left  free  to  sin  ?  The  Latin version  is  incorrect ;  it  so  renders  KaTairopveveiv as  to  introduce  the  later  notion  of  adulterium. Gregory  thinks  (inore  Acsopi)  that  the  inequality came  to  pass  because  men  were  the  law-makers  ; further,  that  it  is  contrary  to  (a)  the  5th  Com- mandment, which  honours  the  mother  as  well  as the  father ;  (b)  the  equal  creation,  resurrection, and  redemption  of  both  sexes  ;  and  (c)  the  mys- tical representation  of  Christ  and  His  Church. A  healthy  tone  is  felt  in  much  of  what  Gre- gory says,  but  (ix.)  the  good  of  marriage  is  de- scribed by  a  definition  far  inferior  in  life  and spirituality  to  that  of  the  pagan  Modestinus, and  (in  x.)  naturally  follows  a  preference  for  the far  higher  good  of  celibacy.  The  age  was  not  to be  trusted  on  this  topic  which  formed  an  under- lying motive  with  most  of  the  great  divines. Chrysostora  notices  the  chief  texts  in  his Expository  Homilies.  For  these  we  cannot  afford space,  and  they  are  easily  found.  We  are  more concerned  with  his  sermon  on  the  Bill  of  Divorce (ed.  Bened.  iii.  198-209).  "  It  is  commonly  called adultery,"  he  says  in  substance,  "  when  a  man ADULTERY 23 wrongs  a  mra-ried  woman.  I,  however,  affirm  it of  a  married  man  who  sins  with  the  unmarried. For  the  essence  of  the  crime  depends  on  the  con- dition of  the  injurers  as  well  as  the  injured. Tell  me  not  of  outward  laws.  I  will  declare  to thee  the  law  of  God."  Yet  we  encounter  a qualification  :  the  offence  of  a  husband  with  the unmarried  is  (p.  207)  /xoixflas  erepoi/  elSus. We  also  find  the  preacher  dwelling  with  great force  upon  the  lifelong  servitude  (SouAeta)  of marriage,  and  we  perceive  from  comparing  other passages  that  there  is  an  intentional  contrast with  the  noble  freedom  of  celibacy. Asterius  of  Amaseia  has  a  forcible  discourse (printed  by  Combefis,  and  particularly  worth reading)  on  the  question:  "An  liceat  homini dimittere  uxorem  suam,  quacunque  ex  causa  ?  " The  chief  part  of  it  belongs  to  our  next  division, but  towards  the  end,  after  disposing  of  insuffi- cient causes,  he  enters  on  the  nature  of  adul- tery. Here  (as  he  says)  the  preacher  stands  by the  husband.  "Nam  cum  duplici  fine  matrimo- nia  contrahuntur,  benevolentiae  ac  quaerendorum liberorum,  neutrum  in  adulterio  continetur.  Nee enim  affectui  locus,  ubi  in  alterum  animus incliuat;  ac  sobolis  omne  decus  et  gratia  perit, quando  liberi  confunduntur."  Our  strong  Teu- tonic instincts  feel  the  truth  of  these  words. Asterius  then  insists  on  mutual  good  faith,  and passes  to  the  point  that  the  laws  of  this  world are  lenient  to  the  sins  of  husbands  who  excuse their  own  license  by  the  plea  of  privileged harmlessness.  He  replies  that  all  women  are the  daughters  or  wives  of  men.  Some  man must  feel  each  woman's  degi-adation.  He  then refers  to  Scripture,  and  concludes  with  precepts on  domestic  virtue  and  example.  The  sermon of  Asterius  shows  how  kindred  sms  may  be thoroughly  condemned  without  abolishing  esta- blished distinctions.  But  it  also  shows  a  gene- ral impression  that  the  distinctions  of  the  Forum were  pressed  by  apologists  of  sin  iijto  their  own baser  service. Jerome's  celebrated  case  of  Fabiola  claims  a few  lines.  It  was  not  really  a  divorce  propter adulterium,  but  parallel  to  the  history  told  by Justin  Martyr.  The  points  for  us  are  the antithesis  between  Paulus  noster  and  Papini- anus  ( with  Paulus  Papiniani  understood ) and  the  assertion  that  the  Roman  law  turned upon  dignity — i.e.  the  matrona  as  distinguished from  the  ancillula.  Jerome  feels  most  strongly the  unity  of  marriage,  and  joins  with  it  the proposition  that  the  word  Man  contains  Woman. He  therefore  says  that  1  Cor.  vi.  16,  applies equally  to  both  sexes.  Moreover,  the  same tendency  appears,  as  in  Chrysostom,  to  de- press wedlock  in  fiivour  of  celibacy.  Marriage is  servitude,  and  the  yoke  must  be  equal,  "  Eadem servitus  pari  conditione  censetur."  But  the word  adulterium  is  employed  correctly ;  and  in another  place  (on  Hosea,  ii.  2)  he  expressly draws  the  old  distinction — "  Fornicaria  est,  quae cum  pluribus  copulatur.  Adultera,  quae  unum virum  deserens  alteri  jungitur."  « Augustine,  like  Lactantius,  posits  an  idea  of marriage  (Z>e  Genesi,  ix.  12  [vii.]).  It  possesses  a Good,   consisting  of  three  things — fdes,  proles, »  The  inmipta  who  offends  cum  vivo  conjugato  Is  not here  made  an  adulteress ;  Jerome's  remedy  might  hiivn been  a  specific  constitutiun. 24 ADULTERY sacramentum.  "  In  fide  attenditur  ne  praeter  vin- culum conjugale,  cum  altera  vel  altei'o  concum- batux-."  But  {Quaest.  in  Exod.  71)  he  feels  a difficulty  about  words — "  Item  quaeri  solet  utrum moechiae  nomine  etiam  f'ornicatio  teneatur.  Hoc enim  Graecum  verbum  est,  quo  jam  Scriptura utitur  pro  Latino.  Moechos  tameu  Graeci  nonnisi adulteros  dicunt.  Sed  utique  ista  Lex  non  solis viris  in  populo,  verum  etiam  feminis  data  est  " (Jerome,  supra,  thought  of  this  point);  how much  more  by  "non  moechaberis,  uterque  sexus astringitur,  ....  Ac  per  hoc  si  femina moecha  est,  habens  virum,  concumbendo  cum eo  qui  vir  ejus  non  est,  etiamsi  ille  non  habeat uxorem ;  profecto  moechus  est  et  vir  habens uxorem,  concumbendo  cum  ea  quae  uxor  ejus non  est,  etiamsi  ilia  non  habeat  virum."  He goes  on  to  quote  Matt.  v.  32,  and  infers  "  omuis ergo  moechia  etiam  fornicatio  in  Scripturis dicitur  —  sed  utrum  etiam  omnis  fornicatio moechia  dici  possit,  in  eisdem  Scripturis  non mihi  interim  occurrit  locutionis  exemplum." His  final  conclusion  is  that  the  greater  sin  im- plies the  less — a  part  the  whole. Augustine's  sermon  (ix.  al.  96)  De  decern Ghordis  is  an  expansion  of  the  above  topics.  In 3  (iii.)  occurs  the  clause  quoted  Decret.  ii.  32,  q. 6.  (a  quaestio  wholly  from  Augustine) — "JS'on moechaberis:  id  est,  non  ibis  ad  aliquam  aliam praeter  uxorem  tuam."  He  adds  some  particulars reminding  us  of  Asterius.  On  the  7th  Com- mandment, which  Augustine  calls  his  5th  string, he  says,  11  (ix.),  "  In  ilia  video  jacere  totum  pene genus  humanum ; "  and  mentions  that  false witness  and  fraud  were  held  in  horror,  but  (12) "si  quis  volutatur  cum  ancillis  suis,  amatur, blande  accipitur ;  convertuntur  vulnera  in  joca." We  cannot  pass  by  two  popes  cited  by  Gra- tian.  One  is  Innocent  I.,  whose  4th  canon  Ad Exup.  stands  at  the  end  of  same  c.  32,  q.  5.  "  Et illud  desidei'atum  est  sciri,  cur  communicantes viri  cum  adulteris  uxoribus  non  conveniant : cum  contra  uxores  in  consortio  adulterorum virorum  manere  videantur."  The  gloss  explains *'  communicantes "  of  husbands  who  commit  a like  sin  with  their  -wives.  But  this  may  or  may not  mean  that  they  sinned  cum  conjugatis,  and the  words  "  pari  ratione,"  which  follow,  to  be- come decisive  must  be  read  with  special  emphasis. The  other  is  the  great  Gregory,  quoted  earlier in  same  q.  5.  The  passage  is  from  Greg.  Mag. Moralium,  lib.  21,  in  cap.  Jobi  xxxi.  9;  and  as it  is  truncated  in  quotation,  we  give  the  main line  of  thought,  omitting  parentheses  :  "  Quam- vis  nonnunquam  a  reatu  adulterii  nequajuam discrepet  culpa  fornicationis  (Matt.  v.  28,  quoted and  expounded).  Tamen  plerumque  ex  loco  vel ordine  concupiscentis  discernitur  (instance).  In personis  tamen  non  dissimilibus  idem  luxui-iae distinguitur  reatus  in  quibus  fornicationis  culpa, quia  ab  adulterii  reatu  discernitur,  praedicatoris egregii  lingua  testatur  (1  Cor.  vi.  9)."  The  dif- ference between  the  two  sins  is  next  confirmed from  Job.  It  is  easy  to  see  that  the  old  juridical sense  of  adulterium.  is  not  taken  away  by  these expository  distinctions. We  now  come  to  the  event  which  gives  signi- ficance and  living  interest  to  our  recital  of opinions.  The  canon  law  of  Rome  took  ground which  allied  it  on  this  as  on  other  questions with  what  appeared  to  be  the  rights  of  women. Its  treatment  of  cases  arising  out  of  the  7th ADULTERY Commandment  widened  the  separation  of  East and  West,  and  left  a  mark  on  those  barbarian nations  which  owed  their  civilization  or  their faith  to  pontifical  Rome.  Our  business  here  is only  with  a  definition,  but  canonists  followed civilians  in  working  their  doctrine  out  to  its more  remote  consequences,  and  some  of  these would  form  a  curious  chapter  in  history. The  essence  of  the  pontifical  definition  is  not that  a  wife  is  the  adultera,  and  her  paramour the  adulter,  but  that  the  offence  be  committed "cum  persona  conjugata,"  whether  male  or female.  Hence  it  comprehends  two  distinct degrees  of  criminality.  It  is  called  simplex  in two  cases,  "  cum  solutus  concumbit  cum  conju- gata, vel  conjugatus  cum  soluta."  It  is  called duplex  "  cum  conjugatus  concumbit  cum  conju- gata." These  distinctions  are  taken  from  F.  L. Ferraris,  Proynpta  Bibliot/wca  (ed.  1781),  in  verbo. They  rest  upon  the  Decretum  as  referred  to  by Ferraris,  part  2,  cause  32,  quaest.  4.  But  the extracts  we  gave  from  qs.  5  and  6  should  not  be neglected. The  Decretum,  according  to  C.  Butler  (Ilorae Juridicae  Suhsecivae,  p.  168),  is  made  up  from (1)  decrees  of  councils,  (2)  letters  of  pontiffs, (3)  writings  of  doctors.  But  on  our  subject  the last-named  is  the  real  source— e.gr.  q.  4  is  from the  moral  and  doctrinal  writings  of  Augustine, Ambrose,  Jerome,  and  Gregory  I. ;  q.  6  wholly from  Augustine.  This  is  a  very  noteworthy fact,  since  it  tends  to  confirm  a  conclusion  that canonists  had,  previously  agreed  with  the  civil law  so  for  as  concerns  its  definition  of  the  crime. Gratiau  would  never  have  contented  himself  with quoting  theologians  if  he  could  have  found councils,  or  canonical  writings  accepted  by  coun- cils, to  support  his  own  decisions. Such,  then,  is  one  not  unimportant  antithesis  in the  wide  divergence  between  East  and  West.  It would  form  an  interesting  line  of  inquiry  (but beyond  our  province)  to  use  this  antithesis  as  a clue  in  those  mixed  or  doubtful  -cases  of  descent where  the  main  life  of  national  codes  and  cus- toms is  by  some  held  homesprung,  by  others given  to  old  Rome,  and  by  a  third  party  derived from  Latin  Christianity. Through  all  inquiry  on  this  subject  the  stu- dent must  bear  in  mind  that  a  confusion  of thought  has  followed  the  change  in  law ;  e.g. Ducange,  Glossar.,  s.  v.,  commences  his  article with  a  short  quotation  from  Gregory  of  Nyssa's 4th  can.  ad  Let.  (explained  above),  but  the  sen- tence cited  contains  the  opinion,  not  of  the saint,  but  of  the  objector  whom  he  is  answering. Ducange  proceeds  to  trace  the  same  idea  through various  codes  without  a  suspicion  that  he  has begun  by  applying  to  one  age  the  tenets  of  an- other. The  difficulty  of  avoiding  similar  mis- takes is  greater  than  at  first  sight  might  have been  anticipated.  In  the  Dictionnaires  of  Tre- voux,  Furetiere,  Richelet,  and  Danet,  avoutrie or  adidtere  is  explained  from  papal  law  or  Thom. Aquin.,  while  the  citations  mostly  give  the  older sense.  In  Chaucer's  Persone's  Tale  we  find  the same  word  (^avoutrie')  defined  after  the  civilians, but  soon  after  he  mentions  "  mo  spices  "  (more species)  taken  from  the  other  acceptation.  John- son gives  to  adultery  the  papal  meaning,  but  his sole  example  is  from  pagan  Rome,  and  most modern  English  dictionary  makers  are  glad  to copy  Johnson.     A  still  more  striking  instance ADULTERY of  confounded  explanations  occurs  in  a  remark- able dialogue  between  the  doctor  and  his  friend, vol.  iii.  46,  of  Crolver's  Boswell. The  natural  inference  is  that  the  above-men- tioned authors  were  not  conversant  with  the great  change  of  delinition  undergone  by  the  word adultery  and  its  equivalents.  But  when  those who  write  on  the  specialties  of  church  history and  antiquities  quote  Fathers,  councils,  jurists, and  decretals,  they  ought  in  reason  to  note  how far  the  common  terms  which  their  catenae  link together  are  or  are  not  used  in  the  same  sense throughout.  This  precaution  has  been  generally neglected  as  regards  the  subject  of  this  article, — hence  endless  confusion. Immediately  upon  the  nature  of  the  crime  (as legally  defined)  followed  its  Classification.  By Lex  Julia,  48  Dig.,  i.  1,  it  was  placed  among public  wrongs.  But  a  public  wrong  does  not necessarily  infer  a  public  right  of  prosecution ; see  GoVhofred's  note  on  Cod.  Theod.  9,  tit.  7,  s.  2. — "Aliud  est  publicum  crimen;  aliud  publica accusatio."  For  Publica  Judicia,  cf.  Dig.  as above  and  Institut.  Justin.  4,  18,  sub  init. Under  Augustus  the  husband  was  preferred  as prosecutor,  next  the  wife's  father.  The  hus- band was  in  danger  of  incurring  the  guilt  of procuration  (lenociniuni)  if  he  failed  to  prose- cute (48,  Dig.  V.  2,  §  2,  and  29,  sub  init. ;  also 9,  Cod.  Just.  9,  2).  He  must  open  proceedings  by sending  a  divorce  to  his  wife  (48,  Dig.  v.  2,  §  2 ; 11,  §  10  ;  and  29,  init.).  Thus  divorce  Avas  made an  essential  penalty,  though  far  from  being  the whole  punishment.  By  Nocell.  117,  c.  8,  pro- ceedings might  commence  before  the  divorce. Such  prosecution  had  60  days  allowed  for  it, and  these  must  be  dies  utiles.  The  husband's choice  of  days  was  large,  as  his  lihellus  might be  presented  "  de  piano,"  i.e.,  the  judge  not  sit- ting "pro  tribunali"  (48,  Dig.  v.  11,  §  6;  and 14,  §  2).  The  husband  might  also  accuse  for  4 months  further,  but  not  "jure  mariti,"  only  "  ut quivis  extraneus"  (Goth,  on  11,  §  6).  For  ex- ample, see  Tacit.  Ann.  ii.  85 ;  Labeo  called to  account  by  the  praetor  (cf  Orell.  note), for  not  having  accused  his  wife,  pleads  that  his 60  days  had  not  elapsed.  After  this  time  an extraneus  might  intervene  for  4  months  of  avail- able days  (tit.  of  Dig.  last  quoted,  4,  §  1). If  the  divorced  wife  married  before  accusation, it  was  necessary  to  begin  with  the  adulterer  (2, init. ;  39,  §  3).  The  wife  might  then  escape through  failure  of  the  plaint  against  him  (17, §  6).  He  was  liable  for  five  continuous  years even  though  she  were  dead  (11,  §  4;  39,  §  2), and  his  death  did  not  shield  her  (19,  init.),  but that  period  barred  all  accusation  against  both oftenders(29,  §  5;  and  31 ;  also  9,  Cod.  J.  9,  5). Under  Constantine,  a.d.  826  (9,  Cod.  Theod.  7,  2, and  9,  Cod.  J.  9,  30),  the  right  of  public  prose- cution was  taken  away.  The  prosecutors  were thus  arranged :  husband ;  wife's  relations,  i.e. father,  brother,  father's  brother,mother's brother. This  order  remained  unaltered  (see  Balsam.  Scliol. in  Bevereg.  Pandect,  i.  408,  and  Blastaris  Syn- tagma, p.  185). The  Mosaic  law,  like  the  Roman,  made  this oftence  a  public  wrong,  and  apparently  also  a matter  for  public  prosecution ;  compare  Deut. xxii.  22,  with  John  viii.  3  and  10.  As  long  as tho  penalty  of  death  was  enforced,  the  husband could  not  condone.     But  in  later  times  he  might ADULTEKY 25 content  himself  with  acting  under  Deut.  xxiv.  1- 4.  See  Matt,  i.,  19.  [Espousals  count  as  matri- mony under  Jewish  law  even  more  strongly  than under  Roman  ;  compare  Deut.  xxii.  23,  seq.,  with 48,  Dig.  V,  13,  §  3].  See  also  Hosea,  ii.  2,  iii.  1, and  parallel  passages. By  canon  law  all  known  sins  are  scandals,  and as  such  public  wrongs ;  cf.  Gothofr.  marg.  annot. on  Dig.  48,  tit.  1,  s.  1  ;  Grat.  Becret.  ii.  c.^6,  9,  1  ; J.  Clarus,  Sent.  Bee.  v.  1,  6;  and  on  Adultery, Blackstone,  iii.  8,  1,  and  iv.  4,  11.  This  offence became  known  to  Church  authorities  in  various ways;  see  Basil  34;  Innocent  ad  Bxup.  4;  and Elib.  76,  78,  Greg.  Kyss.  4,  where  confession mitigates  punishment.  A  similar  allowance  for self-accusation  is  found  in  regard  of  other  crimes, e.g.  Greg.  Thaum.  cans.  8  and  9. The  Church  agreed  with  the  State  in  not allowing  a  husband  to  condone  (Basil,  9  and 21),  and  on  clerks  especially  (Neocaesarea,  8). Divines  who  were  not  canonists  difl'ered  consi- derably. Hermas's  Pastor  (Mandat.  iv.)  allowed and  urged  one  reconciliation  to  a  penitent  wife. Augustine  changed  his  mind  ;  compare  Be  Adal- terin.  Conjug.  lib.  ii.  8  (ix.)  with  Bctractat.  lib. i.  xix.  6.  In  the  first  of  these  places  he  hesitates between  condonation  and  divorce  ;  opposes  for- giveness "  per  claves  regui  caelorum  "  to  the  pro- hibitions of  law  "  secundum  terrenae  civitatis modum,"  and  concludes  by  advising  continence, which  no  law  forbids.  In  the  latter  passage  he speaks  of  divorce  as  not  only  allowed  but  com- manded. "  Et  ubi  dixi  hoc  permissum  esse,  non jussum  ;  non  attendi  aliam  Scripturam  dicentem  ; Qui  tenet  adulteram  stultus  et  impius  est " (Prov.  xviii.  22  ;  Ixx.). A  public  wrong  implied  civil  rights  ;  therefore this  offence  was  the  crime  of  free  persons  (Dig. 48,  tit.  5,  s.  6  init.).  "  Inter  liberas  tantum  per- sonas  adulterium  stuprumve  passas  Lex  Julia locum  habet."  Cf.  Cod.  J.  9,  tit.  9,  s.  23  init.  A slave  was  capable  only  of  Contubernium  (see  Ser- vics  and  Matrimonium  in  Diet.  Antig.).  Servitude annulled  marriage  (Dig.  24,  tit.  2,  s.  1),  or  rather made  it  null  from  the  first  (Novell.  Just.  22.  8,  9, 10).  "  Ancillam  a  toro  abjicere  "  is  laudable  ac- cording to  Pope  Leo  I.  (Ad  Bustic.  6).  That Christian  princes  attempted  to  benefit  slaves rather  by  manumission  than  by  ameliorating  the servile  condition,  we  see  from  the  above-quoted Novell,  and  from  Harmenop.  Proch.  i.  14  ;  the slave  (sec.  1)  is  competent  to  no  civil  relations, and  (sec.  6)  his  state  is  a  quasi-death. Concubinage  was  not  adultery  (Dig.  25,  tit.  7, s.  3,  §  1);  but  a  concubine  might  become  an  adult- eress, because,  though  not  an  uxor,  she  ought  to be  a  matrona,  and  could  therefore,  if  unfaithful,  be accused,  not  jure  niar-iti,  but  jure  extranet.  Yor legal  conditions,  see  Cod.  J.  5,  tit.  26  and  27,  Jtist. Novell.  18,  c.  5  ;  also  74  and  89.  Leo  (Nov.  91) abolished  concubinage  on  Christian  grounds.  For the  way  in  which  the  Church  regarded  it,  cf. Bals.,  on  Basil,  26,  and  Cone.  Tolet.  i.  17 ;  also August.  Qwwst.  in  Genesim,  90,  De  Fid.  et  Op. 35  (xix.),  and  Serm.  392,  2.  Pope  Leo  I.  (Ad Rustic.  4,  cf.  6,  as  given  by  Mansi)  seems  to  make the  legal  concubine  a  mere  ancilla ;  cf.  Grat. Decret.  I.  Dist.  34  (ut  supra)  and  Diet.  Antiq.  s.  v. We  now  come  to  much  the  gravest  conse- quence of  a  classification  under  public  wrongs — its  eflect  on  woman's  remedy.  By  Lex  Julia,  the wife  has  no  power  of  plaint  against  the  husband 26. ADULTEEY for  adulteiy  as  a  public  wrong  (Cod  J.  9. tit.  9,  s.  1.).  Tliis  evidently  flows  from  the  de- finition of  the  crime,  but  the  glossators'  reasons are  curious.  She  cannot  complain  jure  inariti because  she  is  not  a  husband,  nor  jure  extranei because  she  is  a  woman. The  magistrate  was  bound  by  law  to  inquire into  the  morals  of  any  husband  accusing  his  wife (Dig.  48,  tit.  5,  s.  1 3  §  5).  This  section  is  from  an Antonine  rescript  quoted  at  greater  length  from the  Cod.  Gregorian,  by  Augustine,  De  Conjug. Adulterin.  lib.  ii.  7  (viii.).  The  husband's  guilt did  not  act  as  a  compensatio  criminis.  In  Eng- land the  contrary  holds,  and  a  guilty  accuser shall  not  prevail  in  his  suit  (see  Burns,  Eccl. Law,  art.  "  Marriage.").  But  the  wife's  real remedy  lay  in  the  use  of  divorce  which  during the  two  last  centuries  of  the  Republic  became the  common  resource  of  women  under  grievances real  or  fancied,  and  for  purposes  of  the  worst kind.  There  is  a  graphic  picture  of  this  side of  Roman  life  in  Boissier's  Ciceron  et  ses  Amis ; and  for  the  literature  and  laws,  see  "  Divor- tiura "  in  Smith's  Diet,  of  Antiquities.  Bris- sonius  de  Funnulis  gives  a  collection  of  the phrases  used  in  divorcing. Constantine  allowed  only  three  causes  on either  side  —  on  the  woman's  these  were  her husband's  being  a  homicide,  poisoner,  or  violator .  of  sepulchres  (jCod.  Theod.  3,  tit.  16,  s.  1 ;  cf.  Edict. Theodor.  54).  This  law  was  too  strict  to  be maintained  ;  the  variations  of  Christian  princes may  be  seen  in  Cod.  J.  5.  tit.  17.  Theodos.  and Valentin.  1.  8,  added  to  other  causes  the  hus- band's aggravated  incontinency.  Anastasius,  1. 9,  permitted  divorce  by  common  consent ;  this again  "  nisi  castitatis  concupiscentia  "  was  taken away  by  Justinian  in  his  Novell.  117,  which  (cap. 9)  allowed  amongst  other  causes  the  husband's gross  unchastity.  Justin  restored  divorce  by common  consent. The  Church  viewed,  the  general  liberty  to  re- pudiate under  the  civil  law,  with  jealousy ;  cf Greg.  Naziauz.  Epp.  144,  5  (al.  176,  181),  and "Victor  Antiochen.  on  Mark  x.  4-12.  But  it  was felt  that  women  must  have  some  remedy  for extreme  and  continued  wrongs,  and  this  lay  in their  using  their  legal  powers,  and  submitting the  reasonableness  of  their  motives  to  the  judg- ment of  the  Church.  Basil's  Can.  35  recognizes such  a  process ;  see  under  our  Div.  III.  Spiritual Penalties,  No.  2.  Still  from  what  has  been  said, it  is  plain  that  divorce  might  become  a  frequent occasion  of  adultery,  since  the  Church  held  that a  married  person  separated  from  insufficient causes  really  continued  in  wedlock.  Re-marriage was  therefore  always  a  serious,  sometimes  a  cri- minal step.    [Divorce.] Marriage  after  a  wife's  death  was  also  viewed with  suspicion.  Old  Rome  highly  valued  conti- nence under  such  circumstances  ;  Val.  Max.  ii.  1, §  3,  gives  the  fact ;  the  feeling  pervades  those tender  lines  which  contrast  so  strongly  with Catullus  V.  ad  Lesbiam — "  Occldit  mea  Lux,  meumque  Sidus ; Sed  caram  sequar ;  arbores que  ut  alta Sub  tellure  sues  agunt  amoves, Et  radicibus  impUcantur  imis : Sic  nos  consociabimur  sepulti, Et  vivis  erinius  beatiores." Similar  to  Val.   Max.   is  Herm.  Mandat.  iv.  4. Gregory  Nazianz.  (^Hmn.  37,  al.  31)  says  that ADULTERY marriage  represents  Christ  and  the  Church, and  there  are  not  two  Christs  ;  the  first  mar- riage is  law,  a  second  an  indulgence,  a  third swinish.  Against  marriages  beyond  two,  see Neocaes.  3,  Basil,  4,  and  Leo.  Novell.  90.  Curi- ously enough,  Leo  (cf.  Diet.  Biog.)  was  him- self excommunicated  by  the  patriarch  for  marry- ing a  fourth  wife.     [Digamy.] III.  Penalties. — We  are  here  at  once  met  by  u very  singular  circumstance.  Tribonian  attri- butes to  Constantine  and  to  Augustus  two  suspi- ciously corresponding  enactments,  both  making death  the  penalty  of  this  crime,  and  both  inflict- ing that  death  by  the  sword.  The  founder  of the  Empire  and  the  first  of  Christian  emperors are  thus  brought  into  a  closeness  of  juxtaposi- tion which  might  induce  the  idea  that  lawyers, like  mythical  poets,  cannot  dispense  with  Kpo- nyms. The  Lex  Julia  furnishes  a  title  to  Cod.  Theod.  9, tit.  7  ;  Dig.  48,  tit. ;  and  Cod.  J.  9,  tit.  9  ;  but  in none  of  these  places  is  the  text  preserved,  and  we only  know  it  from  small  excerpts.  The  law  of Constantine  in  Cod.  Theod.  9,  tit.  7,  s.  2,  contains no  capital  penalty,  but  in  Cod.  J.  9,  tit.  9,  s.  30, after  fifteen  lines  upon  accusation,  six  words are  added — "  Sacrileges  autem  nuptiarum  gladio puniri  oportet."  The  word  "  sacrileges  "  used substantively  out  of  its  exact  meaning  is  very rare  (see  Facciolati).  For  the  capital  clause, ascribed  to  the  Lex  Julia,  see  Instit.  iv.  18,  4  ;  but this  clause  has  been  since  the  time  of  Cujacius rejected  by  most  critical  jurists  and  historians,  of whom  some  maintain  the  law  of  Constantine, others  suppose  a  confusion  between  the  great  em- peror and  his  sons.  Those  who  charge  Tribonian with  emhlemata  generally  believe  him  to  have acted  the  harmonizer  by  authority  of  Justinian. On  these  two  laws  there  is  a  summary  of  the  case in  Selden,  Uxor.  Ebr.  iii.  12,  with  foot  references. Another  is  the  comment  in  Gothofred's  ed.  oi' Cod. Theod.  vol.  iv.  296,  7.  Heineccius  is  not  to  be blindly  trusted,  but  in  Op.  vol.  III.  his  Syll.  xi.  De Secta  Triboniano-mastigum  contains  curious  mat- tei-,  and  misled  Gibbon  into  the  idea  of  a  regular school  of  lawyers  answering  this  description. The  passages  in  Cujacius  may  be  traced  through each  volume  by  its  index.  See  also  Hoffmann, Ad  Leg.  Jul.  (being  Tract  iv.  in  Fellenberg's Jurisprudentia  Antiqua)  ;  Lipsii  Excurs.  in  Tacit. Ann.  iv. ;  Orelli,  on  Tacit.  Ann.  ii.  50 ;  Ortolan, Explication  des  Instituts,  iii.  p.  791 ;  Sandars, On  the  Institutes,  p.  605  ;  Diet.  Antiq.,  "  Adult- erium  " ;  and  Diet.  Biog.,  "  Justinianus." The  fact  most  essential  to  us  is  that  prae- Christian  emperors  generally  substituted  their own  edicts  for  the  provisions  of  the  Lex  Julia, and  that  the  successors  of  Constantine  were equally  diligent  in  altering  his  laws.  Histo- rians have  frequently  assumed  the  contrary ; Valesius'  note  on  Socrates,  v.  18,  may  serve  by way  of  example.  The  Church  could  not  avoid adapting  her  canons  to  the  varied  states  of  civil legislation ;  cf.  Scholia  on  Can.  Apost.  5,  and Trull.  87,  besides  many  other  places.  The  true state  of  the  case  will  become  plainer  if  we  briefly mention  the  different  ways  in  v/hich  adultery might  be  legally  punished. 1.  The  Jus  Occidendi,  most  ancient  in  its  ori- gin ;  moderated  under  the  Empire  ;  but  not  taken away  by  Christian  princes.  Compare  Dig.  48,  tit. 5,  s.  20  to  24,  32  and  38,  with  same  48,  tit,  8, ADULTEEX s.  1,  §  5  ;  Cod.  J.  9,  tit.  9,  s.  4 ;  and  Pauli  Becept. Sentent.  ii.  26.  This  right  is  commou  to  most nations,  but  the  remarkable  point  is  that  Roman law  gave  a  greater  prerogative  of  homicide  to  the woman's  father  than  to  her  husband.  For  a similar  custom  and  feeling,  see  Lane's  Modern Egyptians  i.  297.  The  Jus  Occidcndi  under  the Old  Testament  is  treated  by  Selden,  De  Jure  Nat. et  Gent,  juxta  Discip.  Ebraeor.  iv.  3 ;  in  old  and modern  France,  by  Ducange  and  Ragueau ;  in England,  by  Blackstone  and  Wharton.  There  is a  provision  in  Basil's  Can.  34-  directing  that  if  a woman's  adultery  becomes  known  to  the  Church authorities  either  by  her  own  confession  or  other- wise, she  shall  be  subjected  to  penitence,  but  not placed  among  the  public  penitents,  lest  her  hus- band, seeing  her  should  surmise  what  has  occurred and  slay  her  on  the  spot  (cf.  Blastaris  Syntagma, letter  M,  cap.  14).  This  kind  of  summary  venge- ance has  often  been  confounded  with  the  penalty inflicted  by  courts  of  law,  e.g.  its  celebrated  as- sertion by  Cato  in  A.  Gell.  x.  23,  though  his  words "  sine  judicio  "  ought  to  have  prevented  the  mis- take. Examples  of  it  will  be  found  Val.  Max. vi.  1,  13 ;  the  chastisement  of  the  historian  Sal- lust  is  described  A.  Gell.  xvii.  18 ;  many  illustra- tions are  scattered  thi'oUgh  the  satirists,  and one,  M.  Ann.  Senec,  Controv.  i.  4,  is  pai'ticularly curious. 2.  The  Household  Tribunal,  an  institution better  known  because  of  the  details  in  Dion. Hal.  ii.  25.  The  remarks  of  Mommsen  (i.  5  and 12),  should  be  compared  with  Mr.  Hallam's  phi- losophical maxim  {Suppt.  to  Middle  Ages,  art.  54) that  the  written  laws  of  free  and  barbarous nations  are  generally  made  for  the  purpose  of preventing  the  infliction  of  arbitrary  punish- ments. See  for  the  usage  Val.  Max.  ii.  9,  2,  and A.  Gell.  X.  23,  in  which  latter  place  the  husband is  spoken  of  ts  the  wife's  censor,  a  thought  which pervades  Origen's  remarkable  exposition  of  Matt. XIX.  8,  9,  compared  with  v.  32  (tomus  xiv.  24). The  idea  itself  was  likely  to  be  less  alien  from the  mind  of  the  Church  because  of  the  patri- archal power  which  sentenced  Tamar  to  the flames,  and  the  apostolic  principle  that  "  the Head  of  the  Woman  is  the  Man."  It  is  plain, however,  that  all  private  administration  of  jus- tice is  opposed  to  the  whole  tenour  of  Church legislation.  But  perhaps  the  most  pleasant  ex- ample of  the  Roman  Household  Court  best  shows the  strength  and  extent  of  its  jurisdiction.  Pom- ponia  Graecina  (Tacit.  Ann.  xiii.  32)  was  so  tried on  the  capital  charge  of  foreign  superstition, and  the  noble  matron,  an  early  convert,  as  is sometimes  supposed,  to  Christianity,  owed  her life  to  the  acquittal  of  her  husband  and  his family  assessors. 3.  A  far  more  singular  penalty  on  adultery  is mentioned.  Tacit.  Ann.  ii.  85,  Sueton.  Tib.  35,  and Merivale,  v.  197.  It  consisted  in  permitting  a matron  to  degrade  herself  by  tendering  her  name to  the  Aediles  for  insertion  in  the  register  of  pub- lic women.  Tacitus  speaks  of  it  as  "more  inter veteres  recepto,"  and  looks  back  with  evident regret  upon  the  ages  when  such  shame  was  felt to  be  an  ample  chastisement.  His  feeling  is shared  by  Val.  Max.  ii.  1.  A  like  custom  sub- sisted before  1833  among  the  modern  Egyptians, (see  Lane,  i.  176-7),  difl'ering  only  in  the  fact  that the  degradation  was  compulsory,  a  custom  curi- ously parallel  to  a  narrative  of  Socrates,  v.  18, ADULTERY  27 (copied  by  Nicephorus,  xii.  22),  who  says  that there  remained  at  Rome,  till  abolished  by  the Christian  Emperor  Theodoslus  I.,  places  of  con- finement called  Sistra,  where  women  who  had been  caught  in  breaking  the  7th  Commandment were  compelled  to  acts  of  incontinency,  during which  the  attention  of  the  passers-by  was  at- tracted by  the  ringing  of  little. bells  in  order  that their  ignominy  might  be  known  to  every  one. Valesius  has  a  dubious  note  founded  chiefly  on a  mistake,  already  observed,  as  to  the  constancy of  Roman  punishments.  They  really  were  most variable,  and  here  again  Egypt  offers  a  parallel, cf.  Lane,  i.  462-3.  Kiebuhr  {Lectures  on  Soman Hist.  i.  270)  thinks  the  unfixed  nature  of  penal- ties for  numerous  ofi'ences  in  Greece  and  Rome  a better  practice  than  the  positive  enactments  of modern  times.     We  now  pass  to 4.  Judicial  Punishments. — Augustine  (  Civ.  Dei, iii.  5)  says  that  the  ancient  Romans  did  not  in- flict death  upon  adulteresses  (cf.  Liv.  i.  28,  x. 2,  XXV.  2,  and  xxxix.  18  ;)  those  who  read  Plautus will  find  divorce  described  as  their  usual  chas- tisement. The  critics  of  Tribonian  generally  be- lieve that  Paulus  (Sentent.  ii.  26,  14)  gives  the text  of  the  Lex  Julia.  It  commences  with  the punishment  of  the  woman,  and  proceeds  to  that of  her  paramour  on  the  principle  before  noticed of  the  adultera  being  the  true  criminal,  and  the adulter  her  accomplice.  After  Constantine, though  the  civil  law  maintains  this  ancient position,  there  is  an  apparent  inclination  to  punish the  man  as  a  seducer — a  clearly  vital  alteration, and  due  pi-obably  to  Christian  influences. Augustine  places  the  lenity  of  old  Rome  to- wards adulterous  women  in  contrast  with  the severities  exercised  on  Vestal  virgins.  His  state- ment is  not  necessarily  impugned  by  those  who rank  adultery  among  capital  crimes  (e.g.  Cod.  J. 9,  tit.  9,  s.  9),  since  by  some  kinds  of  banishment "eximitur  caput  de  civitate,"  and  hence  the phrase  "  civil  death  "  (see  Dig.  48,  tit.  1,  s.  2  ; tit.  19,  s.  2 ;  tit.  22,  s.  3-7).  Emperors  varied from  each  other,  and  from  themselves.  Augustus exceeded  his  own  laws  (Tacit.  Ann.  iii.  24).  Ti- berius was  perverse  (ibid.  iv.  42).  Appuleius, under  the  Antonines,  represents  the  legal  penalty as  actual  death,  and  seems  to  imply  that  burn- ing the  adulteress  alive  was  not  an  unknown thing  (3Iet.  ix.  ut  supra).  Of  Macrinus  it  is  ex- pressly stated  (Jul.  Capit.  12),  "  Adulterii  reos semper  vivos  simul  incendit,  junctis  corporibus." Alexander  Severus  held  to  a  capital  penalty  (Cod. J.  9,  tit.  9),  as  above.  Paulus  was  of  his  council (cf.  Ael.  Lamprid.  25),  a  fact  favouring  the  sup- position that  the  section  (Becept.  Sent.  ii.  26,  14) which  mentions  a  punishment  not  capital  must represent  an  earlier  law.  Arnobius,  under  Dio- cletian (see  Diet.  Bioq.),  speaks  of  adultery  as capital  (iv.  p.  142,  ed.  Var.).  With  the  above precedents  before  him,  the  reader  may  feel  in- clined to  distrust  the  charge  of  new  and  Mosaic severity  brought  against  Constantine  and  his successors  in  chap.  44  of  Gibbon,  vol.  v.  p.  322, ed.  Milman  and  Smith. Whether  the  disputed  penal  clause  of  Con- stantine be  genuine  or  not,  by  another  law  of  his (Cod.  J.  9,  tit.  11)  a  woman  offending  with  a slave  was  capitally  punished,  and  the  slave  burned. Constantius  ami  Constans  (Cod.  Theod.  11,  tit. 36,  s.  4)  enacted  "  pari  similique  ratione  sacrilcgoa nuptiarum,   tanquam  manifestos  parricida.s,   in- 28 ADULTERY suere  culeo  vivos,  vel  exurere,  judicautem  opor- teat."  Compare  Diet.  Antiq.  art.  Leges  Corneliae, "  Lex  Pompeia  de  Parricidiis,"  and  for  burning, Pauli  Sentent.  Eecept.  \.  24.  Baronius  (sub  fin. Ann.  339)  has  a  note  on  "  Sacrileges," — a  word which  placed  the  male  offender  in  a  deeply  criminal light.  The  execution  of  the  sentence  was  en- forced by  clear  cases  of  adultery  being  excepted from  appeal  {Sent.  Eecept.  ii.  26,  17),  and  after- wards XCod.  Theod.  9,  tit.  38,  s.  3-8),  from  the Easter  indulgence,  when,  in  Imperial  phrase,  the Resurrection  Moi-ning  brought  light  to  the  dark- ness of  the  prison,  and  brolce  the  bonds  of  the transgressor.  Yet  we  may  ask.  Was  the  Con- stantian  law  really  maintained?  Just  thirty years  later,  Ammianus  (xxviii.  1)  gives  an  ac- count of  the  decapitation  of  Cethegus,  a  senator of  Rome  ;  but  though  the  sword  was  substituted for  fire,  he  reckons  this  act  among  the  outrages of  Maximin,  prefect  of  the  city ;  and  how  easily a  magistrate  might  indulge  in  reckless  barbarity may  be  seen  by  the  horrible  trial  for  adultery described  by  Jerome  {Ad  Innocent.'),  in  which  both the  accused  underwent  extreme  tortures.  Again, though  the  Theodosian  code  (in  force  from  A.D. 439)  gave  apparent  life  to  the  Constantian  law, yet  by  a  rescript  of  Majorian  (a.d.  459)  it  is ordered  that  the  adulterer  shall  be  punished  "  as under  former  emperors,"  by  banishment  from Italy,  with  permission  to  any  one,  if  he  return, to  kill  him  on  the  spot  {Novell.  Major.  9).  That death  in  various  times  and  places  was  the  penalty, seems  clear  from  Jerome  on  Nah.  i.  9  ;  the  Vandal customs  in  Salvian,  7 ;  and  Can.  Wallici,  27. Fines  appear  in  later  Welsh,  as  in  Salic  and A.  S.  codes.  For  these  and  other  punishments among  Christianized  barbarians,  see  Ancient  Laws of  Wales;  Lindenbrogii  Cod.  Leg.,  Wilkins,  vol.  i., Olaus  Mag.  de  Gent.  Septent.  XIV. ;  and  Ducange s.  V.  and  under  Trotari. For  Justinian's  legislation  see  his  134th  Novell. Cap.  10  renews  the  Constantian  law  against  the male  offender,  extends  it  to  all  abettors,  and  in- flicts on  the  female  bodily  chastisement,  with other  penalties  short  of  death.  Cap.  12  contem- plates a  possible  evasion  of  justice,  and  further oflences,  to  which  are  attached  further  severities. Caps.  9  and  13  contain  two  merciful  provisions. Leo,  in  his  32nd  Novell,  (cited  by  Harmenop.  as 19th),  compares  adultery  with  homicide,  and punishes  both  man  and  woman  by  the  loss  of their  noses  and  other  inflictions.  For  a  final summary,  cf  Harmenop.  Proch.  vi.  2,  and  on  the punishment  of  incontinent  married  men,  vi.  3. Spiritual  penalties  may  be  thus  arranged — 1. Against  adultery  strictly  so  called  (Can.  Apost. 61  al.  60).  A  convicted  adulter  cannot  receive orders. — Ancyra,  20.  Adultera  and  adulter  (so Schol.,  husband  with  guilty  knowledge,  Routh and  Fleury),  7  years'  penitence. — Neocaesarea,  1. Presbyter  so  ofl'ending  to  be  fully  excommunicated and  brought  to  penitence. — Neocaesai'ea,  8.  The layman  whose  wife  is  a  convicted  adultera  can- not receive  orders.  If  the  husband  be  already ordained,  he  must  put  her  away  under  penalty of  deprivation. — Basil,  can.  9.  An  unchaste  wife must  be  divorced.  An  unchaste  husband  not  so, even  if  adulterous ;  this  is  the  rule  of  Church custom.  [N.B. — We  place  Basil  here  because  ac- cepted by  Trull.  2.]— Basil,  58.  The  adulter  15 years'  penitence;  cf.  59,  which  gives  7  years  to simple  incontinence,  and  compare  with  both  can. ADULTERY 7  and  Scholia. — Gregor.  Nyss.,  can.  4,  prescribes 18  years  (9  only  for  simple  incontinence). — Basil, 27,  and  Trull.  26,  forbid  a  presbyter  who  has ignorantly  contracted  an  unlawful  marriage  be- fore orders  to  discharge  his  functions,  but  do  not degrade  him. — Basil,  39.  An  adultera  living  with her  paramour  is  guilty  of  continued  crime.  This forbids  her  marriage  with  him,  as  does  also  the civil  law.  Cf.  on  these  marriages  Triburiense,  40, 49,  and  51. — On  intended  and  incipient  sin,  com- pare Neocaesarea,  4,  with  Basil,  70  (also  Scholia) and  Blastaris  Syntagma,  cap.  xvi. — The  synod  of Eliberis,  though  held  A.D.  305,  was  not  accepted by  any  Universal  Council,  but  it  represents  an important  part  of  the  Western  Church,  and  its canons  on  discipline  are  strict.  The  following arrangement  will  be  found  useful.  Eliberis,  19. Sin  of  Clerisy.  (Cf.  Tarracon.  9.)— 31.  Of  young men. — 7.  Sin,  if  repeated. — 69.  Of  married  men and  women. — 47.  If  habitual  and  with  relapse after  penitence. — 64.  Of  women  continuing  with their  accomplices  ;  cf.  69. — 65.  Wives  of  clerks. — 70.  Husbands'  connivance  (F.  Mendoza  remarks on  the  antiquity  of  this  sin  in  Spain). — 78.  Of married  men  with  Jewesses  or  Pagans. 2.  Against  Adultery  as  under  Sjjiritual  hut  not Civil  Law. — Both  canonists  and  divines  joined  with our  Saviour's  precepts,  Pi'ov.  xviii.  23  ;  Jer.  iii.  1 (both  LXX);  1  Cor.  vi.  16,  and  vii.  11-16  and  39. They  drew  two  conclusions:  (1)  Divorce,  except for  adultery,  is  adultery.  Under  this  fell  the questions  of  enforced  continence,  and  of  marriage after  divorce.  (2)  To  retain  an  adulterous  wife is  also  adultery — a  point  disputed  by  divines,  e.g. Augustine,  who  yielded  to  the  text  in  Proverbs {Retract,  i.  xix.  6).  These  divisions  should  be remembered  though  the  points  are  often  blended in  the  canons. Can.  Apost.  5.  No  one  in  higher  orders  to cast  out  his  wife  on  plea  of  religion.  This  is altered  as  regards  bishops  by  Trull.  12,  but the  change  (opposed  to  African  feeling)  was  not enough  to  satisfy  Rome.  It  must  be  remem- bered that,  though  divorce  was  restrained  by Constantine,  whose  own  mother  had  thus  suf- fered (see  Eutrop.  ix.  22),  his  law  was  relaxed by  Theod.  and  Valentin,  and  their  successors, and  it  was  common  for  a  clerk,  forced  into  conti- nence, to  repudiate  his  wife.  Trull.  13,  opposes the  then  Roman  practice  as  concerns  priests  and deacons,  and  so  far  maintains,  as  it  says,  Can. Apost.  5. — The  Scholia  on  these  three  canons should  be  read.  For  the  Roman  view  of  them compare  Binius  and  other  commentators  with Fleury,  Hist.  Eccl.  xl.  50.  Cf.  Siricius,  Ad  Himer. 7;  Innocent  I.  AdExup.  1,  Si-ad  Ad  Max.  et  Sev. ; Leo  I.  Ad  Rustic.  3,  and  Ad  Anastas.  4.  See  also Milman,  Lat.  Christ,  i.  97-100.  The  feeling  of Innocent  appears  most  extreme  if  Jerome's  asser- tion {Ad  Dcmetriad.)  of  this  pope's  being  his predecessor's  son  is  literally  meant,  as  Milman and  others  believe. — Can.  Apost.  18,  al.  17. On  marriage  with  a  cast-out  wife ;  cf.  Levit. xxi.  7. — 48,  al.  47.  Against  casting  out  and marrying  again,  or  marrying  a  dismissed  woman. "Casting  out"  and  "dismissed"  are  explained by  the  Scholiasts  in  the  sense  of  unlawful  repu- diations. Sanchez  {De  Matrim.  lib.  x.  de  Divort. Disp.  ii.  2)  quotes  this  canon  in  the  opposite  sense, and  brings  no  other  authority  to  forbid  divorce before  Innocent  I.;  indeed  mDisp.  i.  12,  he  says, "  Posterior  (excusatio)  est,  indissolubilitatem  ma- ADULTERY tiiinonii  non  ita  arete  in  primitiva  Ecclesia  in- tellectam  esse,  quia  liceret  ex  legitima  causa, apud  Episcopos  provinciales  probata,  libellum repudii  dare."  F.  Mendoza  makes  a  like  reserve on  Eliberis,  8.  It  is  to  be  observed  that  Latin renderings  of  Greek  law  terms  are  apt  to  be  am- biguous ;  e.g.  "  Soluta "  is  sometimes  used  of a  dismissed  wife,  sometimes  of  an  unmarried woman. — Basil,  Ad  Amphiloch.  can  9.  The  dictum of  our  Lord  applies  naturally  to  both  sexes,  but it  is  otherwise  ruled  by  custom  [i.e.  of  the Church,  see  a  few  lines  further,  with  Scholia ; and  on  unwritten  Church  custom  having  the force  of  law  cf.  Photii  Nomoc.  i.  3,  and  refer- ences]. In  the  case  of  wives  that  dictum  is stringently  observed  according  to  1  Cor.  vi.  16  ; Jer.  iii.  1,  and  Prov.  xviii.,  latter  half  of  23 (both  in  LXX  and  Vulgate). — If,  however,  a  di- vorced husband  marries  again,  the  second  wife  is not  an  adultera,  but  the  first ;  cf.  Scholia.  [Here the  Latin  translator  has  mistaken  the  Greek  ;  he renders  ovk  olSa  el  Svvarai  by  "  nescio  an  possit," instead  of  "  nescio  an  non  " — so  as  to  give  the  con- trary of  Basil's  real  meaning.]  A  woman  must not  leave  her  husband  for  blows,  waste  of  dower, incontinence,  nor  even  disbelief  (cf.  1  Cor.  vii.  16), under  penalty  of  adultery.  Lastly,  Basil  forbids second  marriage  to  a  husband  putting  away his  wife,  i.e.  unlawfidly  according  to  Aristenus, Selden,  Ux.  Ebr.  iii.  31,  and  Scholia  on  Trull.  87. On  like  Scripture  grounds  Can.  26  of  2nd  Synod attributed  to  St.  Patrick,  commands  divorce  of adulteresses,  and  permits  husband  to  remarry. — Basil,  21,  assigns  extra  penitence  to  what  would now  be  called  simple  adultery  (then  denied  by Church  custom  to  be  adultery),  i.e.  the  incon- tinency  of  a  married  man.  Divorce  is  next treated  as  a  penalty — an  offending  wife  is  an adulteress  and  must  be  divorced — not  so  the  hus- band ;  cf.  can.  9.  Basil,  unlike  Gregory  of  Nyssa, does  not  justify  in  reason  the  established  custom. — 35.  Alludes  to  a  judgment  of  the  sort  men- tioned by  Sanchez  and  Mendoza,  and  referred to  above. — Can.  48.  Separated  wife  had  better not  re-marry. Carthage,  105  ap.  Bev.  (in  Cod.  Ecd.  Afric. 102). — Divorced  persons  (i.e.  either  rightly  or wrongly  repudiating)  to  remain  unmarried  or be  reconciled,  and  an  alteration  of  Imperial  law in  this  sense  to  be  petitioned  for.  This  breathes a  Latin  rather  than  an  Eastern  spirit,  and  is  the same  with  2  Milevis  (Mileum),  17  (repeated  Cone. Afric.  69),  cf.  1  Aries,  10,  and  Innocent  I.,  Ad Exup.  6.  The  case  is  differently  determined under  differing  conditions  by  Aug.  de  Fid.  et Oper.  2  (i.)  compared  with  35'(xix.). The  Scholiasts  hold  that  the  Carthaginian canon  was  occasioned  by  facility  of  civil  divorce, but  superseded  by  Trull.  87.  Innocent  III.,  with a  politic  regard  for  useful  forgeries,  ordained  that earlier  should  prevail  over  later  canons  (cf Justell.  i.  311),  but  the  Greek  canonists  (as  here) maintain  the  reverse,  which  is  likewise  ably  up- held and  explained  by  Augustine,  De  Bapt.  II.  4, (iii.),  and  14  (ix.). Trull.  87,  is  made  up  of  Basil's  9,  21,  35,  and 48.  The  Scholia  should  be  read — but  they  do not  notice  that,  when  it  was  framed,  divorce  by consent  had  been  restored  by  Justin,  Novell.  2 (authent.  140).  They  are  silent  because  neither this  Novell,  nor  all  Justinian's  117  were  insorteil in  the  Basilica  then  used :  his  134  alone  repre- ADULTERY 29 seuted  the  law  (see  Photii  Nomoc.  XIII.  4,  Sch.  3). — Trull.  87,  is  so  worded  as  to  express  desertion, and  therefore  implies  a  judicial  process,  without which  re-marriage  must  be  held  mere  adultery (see  on  this  point,  Blastaris  Syntagm. :  Gamma, 13).  The  "  divine  "  Basil,  here  highly  magnified, is  elevated  still  higher  in  Blastaris,  Caus.  Matrim. ap.  Leunclavii  Jus  Graeco-Boman.  p.  514. This  canon  closes  the  circle  of  Oecumenical law  upon  adultery,  and  on  divorce,  treated  partly as  its  penalty  and  partly  as  its  cause.  The points  of  agreement  with  State  law  are  plain  ; the  divergence  is  an  effect  of  Church  restraint upon  divorce,  which,  if  uncanonical,  easily  led  to digamy,  and  formed  per  se  a  species  of  adultery. According  to  canonists  (Photii  Nomoc.  I,  2,  Schol. 2),  Church  law,  having  a  twofold  sanction,  could not  be  resisted  by  Imperial  constitutions. As  the  ancient  mode  of  thinking  on  adultery is  alien  from  our  own,  it  seems  right  to  refer the  reader  to  the  vindication  of  its  morality  by Gregory  Nyss.  (Ad  Let.  4). — Gregory  is  by  no means  lenient  to  the  incontinency  of  married  or unmarried  men  with  single  women ;  9  years  of penitence  with  all  its  attendant  infamy  made  up no  trifling  chastisement.  But  he  held  that  the offence  of  a  married  woman  and  her  paramour involves  three  additional  elements  of  immorality — the  treacherous,  the  specially  unjust,  and  the unnatural ;  or,  to  put  the  case  another  way,  he estimated  the  sin  by  the  strength  of  the  barriers overleaped  by  passion,  and  by  the  amount  of selfishness  involved  in  its  gi-atification.  So,  in modern  days,  we  often  speak  of  an  adulteress  as an  unnatural  mothei-,  and  visit  her  seducer  with proportionate  indignation.  Thus  viewed,  spuri- ousness  of  progeny  is  not  a  censure  by  rule  of expediency,  but  a  legal  test  of  underlying  de- pi-avity. This  section  may  usefully  close  with  examples showing  how  the  ancient  position  has  been  over- looked as  well  as  resisted.  We  saw  that  Car- thage, 105,  and  its  parallels  forbade  marriage after  divorce,  whether  just  or  unjust,  and  that the  view  of  its  being  adultery  had  gained  ground in  the  West.  Now,  three  earlier  Eliberitan  canons uphold  the  other  principle.  Can.  8.  Against  re- marriage of  a  woman  causelessly  repudiating. 9.  Against  re-marriage  of  a  woman  leaving  an adulterous  husband.  10.  Against  marriage  with a  man  guilty  of  causeless  dismissal.  From  this last  canon,  compared  with  8  and  9,  it  appears that  the  husband  divorcing  an  adulteress  may marry  again,  which  by  9  an  aggrieved  wife  can- not do ;  cf.  the  parallel,  Basil,  9,  supra.  Cote- lerius,  note  16,  3,  to  Herm.  Fast.  Mand.  iv., quotes  cans.,  9  and  10  as  a  support  to  the  pseudo- Ambrose  on  1  Cor.  vii.  10,  11,  and  construes both  to  mean  that  the  man  is  favoured  above the  woman  under  like  conditions.  He  is  fol- lowed by  Bingham,  xvi.  11,  6,  as  far  as  the  so- called  Ambrose  is  concerned.  But  we  have  suf- ciently  proved  that  Church  custom  did  not  per- mit incontinency  to  be  held  a  like  condition n  husband  apd  in  wife.  The  pseudo-Ambrose himself  misleads  his  readers  —  his  law  agrees with  the  Basilean  canon,  but  not  content  with la3nng  down  the  law,  he  goes  on  to  reason  out the  topic — the  man's  being  the  head  of  the woman,  &c.  The  Western  Canon  ascribed  to  St. Patrick  {supra)  seems  a  remarkable  contrast  to the  Latin  rule.     The  fact  is  equally  remarkable 30 ADULTERY that  at  no  further  distance  from  Eliberis  than Aries,  and  as  early  as  A.D.  314,  it  was  enacted by  Can.  10  that  young  men  detecting  their  wives iu  adultei-y  should  be  counselled  against  mariy- ing  others  during  the  lifetime  of  the  adulteresses (cf.  Kantes  12).  Most  curious  to  us  are  the  de- crees of  Pope  Leo  I.,  Ad  Nicet.  1,  2,  3,  4,  which allow  the  wives  of  prisoners  of  war  to  marry others,  but  compel  them  to  return  to  their husbands  under  pain  of  excommunication  should the  captives  be  released  and  desire  their  society. Such  instances  as  these  and  some  before  cited illustrate  the  various  modes  of  affirming  an  iron bond  in  marriage,  and  of  resisting  the  law  on adultery,  and  on  divorce  as  the  penalty  of  adul- tery (afterwards  received  in  TruUo),  ere  yet  the opposition  formed  an  article  in  the  divergence 01  Greek  and  Latin  Christendom.  With  them should  be  compared  the  extracts  from  divines given  under  Division  H.  supra,  which  display  in its  best  colours  the  spirit  of  the  revolution.  For other  particulars,  see  Divorce. 3.  Constructive  Adultery. — The  following  are treated  as  guilty  of  the  actual  crime  : — Trull.  98. A  man  marrying  a  betrothed  maiden ;  cf  Basil, 37,  with  Schol.,\and  Dig.  48,  tit.  5,  s.  13,  §  3 ; also  Siricius,  Ad  Him.  4. — Elib.  14.  Girls  seduced marrying  other  men  than  their  seducers. — Basil, 18.  Consecrated  virgins  who  sin  and  their  para- mours ;  cf  his  60.  These  supersede  Ancyra,  19, bv  which  the  offence  was  punished  as  digamy. See  on  same.  Trull.  4  ;  Elib.l3  ;  Siric.  Ad  Him.  6, Innocent,  J^ii  TVrfr.  12  and  13.  Cyprian,  ^cZ  PoHi- jion.,  pronounced  it  better  they  should  marry — the  offender  is  "  Christi  Adultera."  Jerome,  Ad Demetriad.  sub  fin.,  perplexes  the  case  for  irre- vocable vows  by  declaring,  "  Quibus  aperte  dicen- dum  est,  ut  aut  nubant,  si  se  non  possunt  conti- nere,  aut  contineant,  si  nolunt  nubere." — Laod. 10  and  31,  accepted  by  Chalced.  i.  and  Trull.  2, forbid  giving  sons  and  daughters  in  marriage  to heretics.  Eliberis,  15,  16,  17,  enact  severe  penal- ties against  parents  who  marry  girls  to  Jews, heretics,  and  unbelievers,  above  all  to  heathen priests.  1,  Aries,  11,  has  same  prohibition,  so  too Agde,  67.  By  Cod.  Thcod.  16,  tit.  8,  s.  6  (a.d. 339),  Jews  must  not  take  Christian  women ;  by Cod.  Theod.  3,  tit.  7,  s.  2  (a.d.  388),  all  marriage between  Jew  and  Christian  is  to  be  treated  as adultery,  a  law  preserved  by  Justinian  {God.  J. 1,  tit.  9,  s.  6).  Some  suppose  this  phrase  simply means  treated  as  a  capital  offence,  but  Elib.  1,5, mentions  the  risk  oi adidterium  animae.  The  pas- sage in  TertuUian,  Ad  Ux.  ii.  3,  "fidcles  gentilium matrimonia  subeuntes  stupri  reos  esse  constat," &c.  (cf.  Division  L  supra)  shows  how  early  this thought  took  hold  of  the  Church.  Idolatry from  Old  Testament  times  downward  was  adul- tery ;  and  divines  used  the  principle  1  Cor.  vi. 15,  16,  and  parallel  texts,  to  prove  that  marriage with  an  unclean  transgressor  involved  wife  or husband  in  the  sinner's  guilt.  Compare  Justin Martyr  in  the  history  cited  Division  I.,  Cyprian, Testimon.  iii.  62,  and  Jerome,  Epitaph.  Fabiolae. It  would  appear  therefore  that  law  was  thus worded  to  move  conscience,  and  how  hard  the task  of  law  became  may  be  gathered  from  Chal- cedon,  14.  This  canon  (on  which  see  Schol.  and Routh's  note,  Opusc.  ii.  107)  concerns  the  lower clerisy  ;  but  the  acceptance  of  Laodicea  by  Can. 1  had  already  met  the  case  of  lay  people.  See further  under  MarriaCxE. ADVENT The  Church  was  strict  against  incitements  and scandals.  Professed  virgins  must  not  live  with clerks  as  sisters.  See  SuB-iNTRODUCTAE.  On promiscuous  bathing.  Trull.  77,  Laod.  30 ;  the custom  was  strange  to  early  Rome,  but  practice varied  at  different  times  (se«  Diet.  Antiq.  Bal- neae).  On  female  adornment,  Trull.  96,  and  com- pare Commodian's  address  to  matrons,  Inst.  59, 60. — Elib.  35,  forbids  women's  night  watching in  cemeteries,  because  sin  was  committed  under pretext  of  prayer.  Against  theatricals,  loose reading,  some  kinds  of  revels,  dances,  and  other prohibited  things,  see  Bingham,  xvi.  11,  10-17, with  the  references,  amongst  which  those  to Cyprian  deserve  particular  attention. For  the  general  literature  on  Canon  Law  see that  article.  Upon  civil  law  there  are  excellent references  under  Justinianus,  Diet.  Biogr.,  with additional  matter  in  the  notes  to  Gibbon,  chap. 44,  ed.  Smith  and  Milman,  and  a  summarv  re- specting the  Basilica,  vol.  vii.  pp.  44,  45.  "  We may  here  add  that  Mommsen  is  editing  a  text  of the  Corjms  Juris  Civilis  ;  and  the  whole  Russian code  is  now  being  translated  for  English  publica- tion. There  is  a  series  of  manuals  by  Ortolan deserving  attention :  Histoire  de  la  Legislation romaine,  1842 ;  Cows  de  Legislation  penale  com- paree,  1839-41 ;  Explication  des  Listituts,  1863. Gothofredi  Mamuxle  Juris,  and  Windscheid's Lehrbuch  d.  Pandektenrechts  (2nd  ed.)  may  be useful.  An  ample  collection  of  Councils  and  Ec- clesiastical documents  relating  to  Great  Britain and  Ireland  is  being  published  at  Oxford.  Re- ferences on  special  topics  have  been  fully  given above,  and  will  serve  to  indicate  the  readiest sources  for  further  information.  Curious  readers will  find  interesting  matter  in  Saint  Edme,  Dic- tionnaire  de  la  P^nalite ;  Taylor,  On  Civil  Law; and  Duni,  Origine  e  Progressi  del  Cittadino  e  del Governo  civile  di  Roma,  1763-1764.       [W.  J.] ADVENT  {Adventus,  NriTTfia  tS>v  Xpiarov- yevyuv),  is  the  season  of  preparation  for  the Feast  of  the  Nativity,  to  which  it  holds  the  like relation  as  does  Lent  to  Easter.  As  no  trace  of an  established  celebration  of  the  birth  of  our Lord  is  met  with  before  the  4th  century  [Na- tivity], no  earlier  origin  can  be  assigned  to  the ecclesiastical  institution  of  Advent;  the  state- ment otDnvamd  {Eationale  divin.  off  .vi.  21),  which makes  this  an  appointment  of  St.  Peter  (unless, like  other  statements  of  the  same  kind,  it  means only  that  this  was  an  ordinance  of  the  see  of  St. Peter),  may  rest,  perhaps,  on  an  ancient  tradition, making  Christmas  an  apostolic  institution,  but is  contrary  to  all  historical  testimony,  and  devoid of  probability.  Expressions  which  have  been alleged  on  that  behalf  from  TertuUian,  St.  Cyprian, and  other  early  writers,  are  evidently  meant,  not of  "Advent  "  as  a  Church  season,  but  of  the coming  of  the  Loi-d  in  the  fulness  of  time.  A passage  of  St.  Chrysostom  (Horn.  iii.  ad  Eph. t.  xi.  22  B),  in  which  Kaiphs  tt)?  irpocrShov  is mentioned  in  connection  with  ra  'EirLipavia  (t.  e. the  ancient  Feast  of  Nativity  and  Baptism)  and with  the  Lenten  Quadragesima,  speaks,  as  the context  manifestly  shows,  not  of  the  season  of Advent,  but  of  the  fit  time  (or  rather  fitness  in general)  for  coming  to  Holy  Communion  (comp. Menard  on  Libr.  Sacram.  S.  Gregorii ;  0pp.  t.  iii. col.  446).  Setting  aside  these  supposed  testi- monies, and  that  of  the  Sermons  de  Adventu, ADVENT ADVENT 31 alleged  as  St.  Augustine's,  but  certainly  not  his, we  have  two  homilies  In  (or  De)  Adcentu  Domini, de  eo  quod  dictum  est,  sicut  fulijur  coruscans,  &c., et  de  duobus  in  lecto  uno,  by  St.  Maximus,  Bishop of  Turin,  ob.  466.     In  neither  of  these  sermons is  there  any  indication  of  Advent  as  a  season, any  allusion    to   Lessons,    Gospels,    &c.,    appro- priated   to    such  a  season,  or   to    the   Feast   of Nativity  as  then  approaching.     And,  indeed,  the lact  that  the  "  Sundays  in  Advent  "  are  unknown to  the  Sacramentary  of  Pope  Leo  of  the  same  age sufficiently  shows  that  this  season  was  not  yet established  in  the   time  of   Maximus.      Among the    Homilies     (doubtfully)    ascribed     to    this bishop,  edited  by  Mabillon  (J/ms.  Ital.  i.  i.  pt.  2), one,   hom.   vii.,  preached   on  the   Sunday  before Chri-Stmas,  simply  exhorts  to  a  due  observance  of the    feast,    and    contains    no    indication    of  any ecclesiastical   rule.       Even   in    the    Sermons    de Adventu,    formerly   ascribed    to    St.  Augustine now    generally     acknowledged     to    have    been written  by  Caesarius,  Bishop  of  Aries,  ob.  542  (S. Augustini  0pp.  t.  v.  210,' Ben.  Append,  n.   115, 116),  there  is  no  distinct  recognition  of  Advent as  an  established  observance.    In  these,  the  faithful are  exhorted  to  prepare  themselves,  several  days (ante  plures  dies),  foi  the  due  celebration  of  the Nativity,  especially  of  the  Christmas  Communion, by  good  works,  by  guarding  against  anger  and hatred,  by  modest   hospitality  to  the  poor,  by strict  continence,  &c.      Still  there  is    no  indi- cation of  the  length  of  time  so  to  be  set  apart, nor  any  reference  to  Lessons,  Gospels,  or  other matters  of  Church  usage.     The  preacher  urges such  preparation,  not  on  the  ground  of  Church observance,   but   as    matter   of  natural  fitness  : "  Even  as  ye  would  prepare  for  celebrating  the birth-day  of  a  great  lord  by  putting  your  houses in    order,"    &c.      "  Ideo  ab  omni   inquinamento ante  ejus  Natalem  multis   diebus  abstinere  de- betis.      Quotiescumque  aut  Natalem  Domini  aut reliquas  sollemnitates  celebrare  disponitis,  ebrieta- tem   ante  omnia   fugite,"  &c.     And   so  in    the second  sermon  :  "  Et  ideo  quotiescumque  aut  dies Natalis  Domini,  aut  relUiuae festivitates  adveniunt, sicut  frequenter  admonui,  ante  plures  dies  non solum    ab   infelici    concubinarum    consortio,  sed etiam  a  propriis  uxoribus  abstinete :  ab  omni  ira- cundia,"  &c.     There  is  indeed  a  canon  cited  by Gratian  {Decretal,  xxxiii.  qu.  4)  as  of  the  Council of  Lerida,  A.d.  523,  prohibiting  all  marriage /rom Advent  to  Epiphany.     But  this  canon  is  known to   be    spurious,    and   does    not    appear   in    the authentic  copies  (see  Brun's  Concilia,  t.  ii.  20). A  similar  canon  of  the  Council  of  Macon,  (a.d. 581,   ibid.  242)  is  undisputed.      This  (can.  ix.) enjoins   that    from    the    Feast    of  St.    Martin (Nov.     11)  to    the    Nativity    there     be    fasting on    Mon<lay,    Wednesday,    and    Friday    of  each week,  and  that  the  canons   be  then  read  ;  also that  the  sacrifices  be  offered  in  the  quadragesimal order.     (Subsequent   councils,  after  our  period, enjoin  the  observance  of  this  Quadragesima  S. Martini  as  the  preparation  for  Christmas,  corre- sponding  to    the    Lenten   Quadragesima    before Easter.)     It   does   not   appear   what   were   the canons  appointed  to  be  read,  relating,  of  coui-se, to  the   observance    of  these   forty  days   before Christmas;  only,  it  may  be  infevred  that  such canons  were,  or  were  supposed  to  be,  in  exist- ence, of  earlier  date  than  that  of  Macon  (in  the preface  to  which  council  it  is  said  these  enact- ments are  not  new  :  "  non  tarn  nova  quam  prisca patrum  statuta  sancientes  "  &c.).    In  the  second Council  of  Tours  (a.d.   567),  the  fast  of  three days  in  the  week  is  ordered  (can.  xvii.)  for  the months  of  September,  October,  and  November, and  from  (1)  December  to  the  Nativity,  omni die.    But  this  is  for  monks  only.     St.  Gregory, Bishop  of  Tours,   in  De  Vitis  Patrum,   written between  590  and  595,  alleges   that   Perpetuus, Bishop  of  Tours  (461-490),  ordered  "a  deposi- tione   B.  Martini  usque  ad  Nat.  Dom.  terna  in septimana  jejunia."      This  may  have  been   one of  the  prisca  statuta  appealed  to  ;  but  no  trace is  extant  of  any  such  canon,  either  in  the  First Council  of  Tours,  a.d.  460,  or  in  any  other  Latin council  before  that  of  Macon.     It  seems,  from  all that  is  certainly  known,  that  Advent  took  its  place among  Church  seasons  only  in   the  latter  part of  the   6th  century.      When   the  Nativity  had become  established  as  one  of  the  great  festivals, it  was  felt  that  its  dignity  demanded  a  season  of preparation.     The  number  of  days  or  weeks  to  be so  set  apart  was  at  first  left  to  the  discretion  of the  faithful :  "ante  plures  dies,  multis  diebus,  ' as  in  the  above-cited  exhortation   of  Caesarius. Later,  this  was    defined   by    rule,    and  first,  it seems,  in  the  Churches  of  Gaul.     Yet  not  every- where the  same  I'ule:    thus  the  oldest  Galilean Sacramentary  shows  three  Sundays  in  Advent, the  Gothic-Gallican    only  two  (Mabillon,    Mus. Ital.  t.  i.  pp.  284-288  ;  and  de  Liturg.  Oallicana, p.  98,  sqq.).     But  the  rule  that  the  term  of  pre- paration should  be  a  quadragesima  (correspond- ing with  that  which  was  already  established  for Easter),    to   commence    after    the    Feast  of  St. Martin,   which  rule,  as  has  been  seen,   was  not enacted,  but  reinforced  by  the  canon  of  Macon, 581,  implies  six  Sundays ;  and  that  this  rule  ob- tained in  other  Churches  appears  from  the  fact that  the  Ambrosian  (or  Milan)  and    Mozarabic (or  Spanish)  Ordo  show  six  missae,  implying  that number  of  Sundays ;  and  the  same  rule  was  ob- served (as  Martene  has  shown)  in  some  of  the Galilean  Churches.     The  Epistola  ad  Bibinnum falsely  alleged  to  be  St.  Augustine's  account  of "  the    offices  of  divine  worship  throughout  the year  "  in  his  diocese  of  Hippo  (see  Bened.  Ad- monitio   at    end    of  0pp.   S.    Augustini,   t.   ii.), also  attests  this  for  Churches   of  Gaul,  if,    as Martene  surmises,  this  was  the  work  of  some Galilean  writer.      It   should  be  remarked  that this   writer   himself   makes   the   ordo   adventus Domini   begin   much    earlier,   at  the   autumnal equinox,    Sept.    25,    as    being    the    day    of    the conception  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  and  so  the beginning   of  the   times   of  the  Gospel.      "Sed quia  sunt  nonnulli  qui  adventum  Domini  a  festi- vitate    B.    Martini    Turonensis    urbis    episcopi videntur  insipienter  excolere,  nos  eos  non  repre- hendamus"  &c.     This  Quadragesima  8.  Martini seems  to  have  originated  in  Gaul,  in  the  diocese of  Tours,  to  which  it  was  specially  recommended by  the   devotion   paid   to   its   great   saint ;    an additional   distinction   was   conferred   upon   his festival  in  that  it  marked  the  beginning  of  the solemn  preparation  for  the  Nativity.     So  far,  we may  accept  Binterim's  conclusion  {Denkwiirdig- keiten  der  christ.-kathol.  Kirchc,  vol.  v.,  pt.  i.,  p. 166):  the  rule — not,  as  he  says,  of  Ad  vent,  but — of this  Quadragesima  is  first  met  with  in  the  diocese of  Tours.     If,  indeed,  the  Tractatus  de  Sanctis tribus   Quadragesimis,  "  unde  eas  observari   ac- 32 ADVENT cepimus,  quodque  qui  eas  transgrediuntur  legem violent "  (ap.  Cotelcr,  Monum.  Eccl.  Gr.  iii.  425), be,  as  Cave  (^Hist.  Lit.)  represents,  the  work  of that  Anastasius  Sina'ita  who  was  patriarch  of Autioch,  561,  oh.  599  ;  this  Quadragesima,  under another  name  ("  Q.  S.  Philippi,"  or  "  Fast  of  the Nativity "),  was  already  observed  in  the  East. But  the  contents  make  it  plain  enough  that  its author  was  another  and  much  later  Anastasius Sinaita,  who  wrote  after  a.d.  787.  The  ob- servance of  the  "Quadragesima  Apostolorum," and  "Quadragesima  S.  Philippi"  (the  Feast  of St.  Philip  in  the  Greek  Calendar  is  November 14)  is  enjoined  upon  monks  by  Nicejshorus, Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  806.  This  fast  of 40  days  befoi-e  Christmas  seems  to  have  been kept  up  chiefly  by  the  monastic  orders  in  Gaul, Spain,  Italy,  (Martene  De  Bit.  Ant.  Eccl.,  iii. p.  27);  it  was  observed  also  in  England  in the  time  of  Bede  {Hist.  iii.  27;  iv.  30),  and much  later.  It  was  not  until  the  close  of  the 6th  century  that  the  Church  of  Rome  under St.  Gregory  received  the  season  of  preparation as  an  ecclesiastical  rule,  restricted,  in  its  proper sense,  to  the  four  Sundays  before  the  Nativity (Amalarius  Do  Eccl.  Off.  iii.  40,  A.D.  812,  and Abbot  Berno,  De  quibusdam  rebus  ad  Missam pertiiientibus,  c.  iv.  1014) ;  and  this  became  the general  rule  for  the  Western  Church  throughout the  8th  century,  and  later.  And,  in  fact,  four  is the  number  of  Sundays  in  Advent  in  the  Sacra- mentary  of  Gregory  {Liber  Sacrament,  de  circulo anni,  ed.  Pamelius  ;  and  in  the  Lecfionarium  Bo- manura,  ed.  Thomasius).  But  other  and  older copies  of  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  (ed.  Menard, 1642,  reprinted  with  his  notes  in  the  Benedic- tine 0pp.  S.  Gregorii,  t.  iii.);  the  Comes,  ascribed to  St.  Jerome ;  the  Sacramentary  of  Gelasius,  ob. 496  (a  very  ancient  document,  but  largely  in- terpolated with  later  additions);  the  Antiquum Kalend.  Sacrae  Romanae  Eccl.  ap.  Martene.  Thes. Anccdot.  t.  V.  (in  a  portion  added  by  a  later  hand)  ; the  Pontifical  of  Egbert,  Archbishop  of  York,  ob. 767  ;  a  Lectionary  written  for  Charlemagne  by Paul  the  Deacon  (ap.  Mabillon) ;  and  other  MSS. cited  by  Martene  (m.  s.  iv.  80,  ff.),  all  give  five Sundays.  Hence,  some  writers  have  been  led  to represent  that  the  practice  varied  in  different Churches,  some  reckoning  four,  others  five  Sundays in  Advent — an  erroneous  inference,  unless  it  could be  shown  that  the  first  of  the  five  Sundays  was designated  "Dominica  Prima  Adventus  Domini." The  seeming  discrepancy  is  easily  explained. The  usual  ancient  names  of  the  four  Sundays, counted  backwards  from  the  Nativity,  are :  Do- minica i.,  ante  Nat.  Domini  (our  4th  Advent), Dom.  ii..  Dom.  iii.,  Dom.  iv.  ante  Nat.  Domini. To  these  the  next  preceding  Sunday  was  prefixed under  the  style  Dom.  v.  ante  Nat.  Dom.,  not  as itself  a  Sunday  in  Advent,  but  as  the  preparation for  Advent.  So  Amalarius  and  Berno,  u.  s., and  Durandus :  "In  quinta  igitur  hebdomada ante  Nat.  D.  i)ichoatur  praeparatio  adventus  .  .  . nam  ab  ilia  dominica  sunt  quinque  officia  domi- nicalia,  quinque  epistolae  et  quinque  evangelia quae  adventum  Domini  aperte  praedicant."  The intention  is  evident  in  the  Epistle  and  Gospel for  this  Sunda}',  which  in  the  Sarum  Missal  is designated  "dominica  proxima  ante  Adventum," with  the  rule  (retained  by  our  own  order  from that  of  Sarum),  that  these  shall  always  be  used for  the  last  Sunday  before  Advent  begins. ADVENT After  the  pattern  of  the  Lenten  fast.  Advent was  marked  as  a  season  of  mourning  in  the  pub- lic  services    of  the    Church.      The    custom    of omitting  the  Gloria  in  Excelsis  (replaced  by  the Benedicamus  Domino},  and  also  the  Te  Deum  and Ite  missa  est,  and  of  laying  aside  the  dalmatic        i and  subdeacon's   vestment   (which   in  the   11th        I and    12th    century  appears    to   have    been    the        j established  rule,  Micrologus  De  Eccl.  Obs.  c.  46 ; Rupert  Abbas  Tuit.  de  Div.  Off.  iii.  c.  2),  was coming  into  use  during  the  eighth  century.     In the  Mozarabic  Missal,  a  rubric,  dating  probably from  the  end  of  the  6th  century  {i.e.  from  the        i refashionment  of  this  ritual  by  Leander  or  Isidore        j of  Seville),  appoints  :    "  In  Adventu  non  dicitur        j Gloria  in  Excelsis  dominicis  diebus  et  feriis,  sed        i tantum  diebus  festis."     And  Amalarius,  o6.  812        ! {De  Offic.  Sacr.  iii.  c.  40),  testifies  to  this  custom for  times   within  our   period:  "  Vidi    tempore prisco  Gloria  in  Excelsis  praetermitti  in  diebus        '. adventus  Domini,  et  in  aliquibus  locis  dalmaticas  " :         . and  iv.  c.  30  :  "  Aliqua  de  nostro  officio  reser-        ; vamus  usque  ad  praesentiam  nativitatis  Domini,        ( h.   e.    Gloria  in  Excelsis  Deo,  et  clarum  vesti-        ' mentum  dalmaticam  ;    si  forte   nunc   ita  agitur        \ ut  vidi  actitari  in  aliquibus  locis."     The  Bene-        ! dictine  monks  retained  the  Te  Deiimin  Advent  as        ' in  Lent,  alleging  the  rule  of  their  founder.     The        I Alleluia   also,   and    the    Sequences,    as   also   the        j hymns,  were  omitted,  but  not  in  all  Churches.        [ In  the   Gregorian  Antiphonary,    the   Alleluia  is marked  for  1  and  3  Advent  and  elsewhere.     In some  Churches,  the  Miserere  (Ps.  li.)  and  other        ; j  mournful  Psalms  were  added  to  or  substituted  ^ for  the  ordinary  Psalms.  For  lessons,  Isaiah  ] was    read    all    through,    beginning    on    Advent        ' .  Sunday  ;  when  that  was  finished,  the  Twelve  ' Minor  Prophets,  or  readings  from  the  Fathers,  | especially  the  Epistles  of  Pope  Leo  on  the  Incar-  1 nation,  and  Sermons  of  St.  Augustine,  succeeded.  j The  lesson  from  "  the  Prophet  "  ended  with  the form,  "  Haec  dicit  Dominus  Deus,  Convertimini  ad        ] j  me,  et  salvi  eritis."  ' In  the  Greek  Church,  the  observance  of  a  season        . I  of  preparation  for  the  Nativity  is  of  late    intro-        ; duction.     No  notice  of  it  occurs  in  the  liturgical works   of  Theodorus   Studites,  ob.   826,  though,        j as  was  mentioned  above,  the  40-days'  fost  of  St. Philip  was  enjoined  (to  monks)  by  Nicephorus, A.D.  806.     This  TiaaapoLKovraiifj.fpov,  beginning November    14,    is    now   the    rule  of  the    Greek Church  (Leo  Allat.  de  Consensu  iii.  9,  3).    Codinus {De  Off.  Eccl.  et  Curiae  Constantinop.  c.  7,  n.  20) speaks   of  it  as  a  rule  which  in  his  time  (cir. 1350)  had  been  long  in  use.     The  piece  De  Tribus Quadragesimis   above  noticed,   ascribed  to  Ana-        j stasius  Sinaita,  Patriarch  of  Antioch,  shows  that,        | except  in  monasteries,  the  rule  of  a  40-days'  fost        j before    the  Nativity  was   contested  in  his  time        j (A.D.  1100  at  earliest).     And  Theodore  Balsamon, A.D.  1200,  lays  down  the  rule  thus:— "We  ac-        j knowledge    but    one  quadragesima,  that   before        j Pascha ;  the  others  (named),  as  this  Fast  of  the        : Nativity,  are  each  of  seven  days  only.      Those        ' monks  who  fast  40  days,  viz.  from  St.   Philip        ' (14  Sept.),  are  bound  to  this  by  their  rule.    Such laics  as  voluntarily  do  the  like  are  to  be  praised therefor."     Bespons.  ad  qri.  53  Marci  Patriarch.        ! Alex.,    and   ad  interrog.    monachorum,    app.   to       • Photii    Nomocanon.      In    the    calendar    formed        ! from  Evangelia  Eclogadia  of  9th  century  our  4 I  Advent  is  marked  "  Sunday  before  the  Nativity,' ADVOCATE  OF  THE  CHURCH while  the  preceding  Sundcays  are  numbered  from All  Saints  =  our  Trinity  Sunday.  (Asseraanni Kalend.  Eccl.  Univ.,  t.  vi.  p.  575.)  The  term "Advent"  is  not  applied  to  this  season:  the KvptaKT)  Tris  SeuTf'pas  TlapovcTias  is  our  Sexa- gesima. In  the  separated  Churches  of  the  East,  no trace  appears,  within  our  period,  of  an  Advent season  ;  unless  we  except  the  existing  Nestorian or  Chaldean  rule,  in  which  the  liturgical  year begins  with  four  Sundays  of  Annunciation  {evay- yeKicr/xov),  before  the  Nativity  (Assemanui  Bi- hliotheca  Orient,  t.  iii.  pt.  2,  p.  380  sqq.).  This beginning  of  the  Church  year  is  distinguished  as Risk  phenkito,  i.e.  initium  codicis,  from  the  Rish .viarmoto,  i.e.  new-year's  day  in  October.  The Armenian  Church,  refusing  to  accept  25th  De- cember as  the  Feast  of  Nativity,  and  adhering  to the  more  ancient  sense  of  the  Feast  of  Epiphany as  including  the  Birth  of  Christ,  prepares  for this  high  festival  (6th  January)  by  a  fast  of  50 days,  beginning  17th  November. The  first  Sunday  in  Advent  was  not  always the  beginning  of  the  liturgical  year,  or  circulus totius  anni.  The  Comes  and  the  Sacramentary of  St.  Gregory  begin  with  IX.  Kal.  Jan.,  the Vigil  of  the  Nativity.  So  does  the  most  ancient Lectionarium  Gallicanum  ;  but  the  beginning  of this  is  lost,  and  the  Vigil  is  numbered  VII.,  the Nativity  VIII.  Hence  Mabillon  {Liturg.  Gallic. p.  98,  101)  infers  that  it  began  with  the  fast  of St.  Martin  (or  with  the  Sunday  after  it,  Dom. VI.  ante  Nat.  Dom.).  One  text  of  the  Missale Amhrosianum  begins  with  the  Vigil  of  St. Martin  (ed.  1560).  The  Antiphonarius  of  St. Gregory  begins  1  Advent,  and  the  Liber  Re- sponsalis  with  its  Vigil.  But  the  earlier  practice was  to  begin  the  ecclesiastical  year  with  the month  of  March,  as  being  that  in  which  our Lord  was  crucified  (March  25);  a  trace  of  this remains  in  the  notation  of  the  Quatuor  Tem- pora  as  Jejunium  primi,  quarti,  septimi,  decimi mensis,  the  last  of  which  is  the  Advent  Ember week. Literature. — De  Catholicae  Ecclesiae  divinis  offic. ac  tninisteriis,  Rome,  1590  (a  collection  of  the ancient  liturgical  treatises  of  St.  Isidore,  Alcuin, Amalai-ius,  Micrologus,  Petr.  Damianus,  &c.); Martene,  De  Ritihus  Ant.  Ecclesiae  et  Mona- chorum,  1699 ;  Binterim,  Die  vorziiglichsten Denkwiirdlgkeiten  der  christ.-katholischen  Kirche, Mainz,  1829  (founded  on  the  work  of  Pel- licia,  De  Christ.  Eccles.  Primae  Mediae  et  No- vissirnae  Aetatis  Politia,  Neap.  1777);  Augusti, DenkwUrdigkeiten  aus  der  christlichen  Archdo- logie,  Leipzig,  1818;  Herzog,  Real-Encyclopadie fiir  protestantische  Theologie  u.  Kirche,  s.  a.  Ad- ventszeit,  185.'t  ;  Rheinwald,  Kirchliche  Archd- ologie,  18:i0 ;  Alt,  Der  ChristUche  Cultus,  Abth. ii.  Das  Kirchenjahr,  1860.  [H.  B.] ADVOCATE  OF  THE  CHURCH  (Ad- vocatus,  or  Defensor,  Ecclesiae  or  Monasterii ; l,vvStKos,''EKSiKos :  and  Advocatio  =  th(i  office,  and sometimes  the  fee  for  discharging  it): — an  eccle- siastical officer,  appointed  subsequently  to  the recognition  of  the  Church  by  the  State,  and  in consequence  (1)  of  the  Church's  need  of  pro- tection, (2)  of  the  disability,  both  legal  and  re- ligious, of  clergy  or  monks  (Can.  Afost.  xx., Ixxxi. ;  Const  it.  Apostol.  ii.  6  ;  Justinian,  Novell. cxxiii.  6  ;  and  see  Bingham,  vi.  4)  either  to  plead CIIHIST.  AXT. ADVOCATE  OF  THE  CHURCH      33 in  a  civil  court  or  to  intermeddle  with  worldly business.  In  its  original  form  it  was  limited  to the  duties  thus  intimated,  and  took  its  origin  as  a distinct  and  a  lay  office  in  Africa  {Cod.  Can.  Eccl. Afric.  c.  97,  A.D.  407,  "  Defensores,"  to  be  taken from  the  ^^  Scholastici ; "  Cone.  Milevit.  ii.  c.  16, A.D.  416  ;  Can.  Afric.  c.  64,  c.  A.D.  424)  ;  but  re- ceived very  soon  certain  privileges  of  ready  and speedy  access  to  the  courts  from  the  emperors (Cod.  Thcod.  2.  tit.  4.  §  7  ;  16.  tit.  2.  §  38). It  became  then  a  lay  office  (defensores,  distin- guished in  the  code  from  ^^coronati"  or  tonsured persons),  but  had  been  previously,  it  would  seem, discharged  by  the  oeconomi  (Du  Cange).  And,  as it  naturally  came  to  be  reckoned  almost  a  minor order,  so  it  was  occasionally,  it  would  seem,  still held  by  clerics  (Morinus,  De  Ordin. ;  Bingham). The  advocatus  was  to  be  sometimes  asked  from the  emperors  (authorities  as  above), — as  judices were  given  by  the  Praetors  ;— but  sometimes  was elected  by  the  bishop  and  clergy  for  themselves (Cod.  lib.  i.  tit.  iv.  constit.  19).  The  office  is mentioned  by  the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  cc.  2, 25,  26,  A.D.  451,  and  is  there  distinguished  both from  the  clergy  and  from  the  oeconomus  ;  by  Pope Gelasius,  Epist.  ix.  c.  2,  A.D.  492-496 ;  and  by Maxentius  (Resp.  ad  Hormisd.)  some  S'.'ore  of years  later.  But  it  had  assumed  a  much  more formal  shape  during  this  period,  both  at  Con- stantinople and  at  Rome.  In  the  former  place, as  protectors  of  the  Church,  under  the  title  of 'EKK\r]<n4K5iK0i,  there  were  four  officers  of  the kind  :  i.  the  irpooTiK^iKos,  who  defended  the clergy  in  criminal  cases  ;  ii.  one  who  defended them  in  civil  ones;  iii.  6  rov  B^/iaroy,  also  called the  ir^oiTJiroTras  ;  iv.  6  ttjs  'E/c/cArjo-ias  ;  increased by  the  time  of  Heraclius  to  ten,  and  designed  in general  for  the  defence  of  the  Church  against the  rich  and  powerful  (Justinian,  Edict,  xiii.,  and Novell.  Ivi.  and  lix.  c.  1 ;  and  see  the  passages from  Codrinus,  Zonaras,  Balsamon,  &c.,  in  Meur- sius,  Gloss.  Gr'aecobarbarum,  voc.  "EkSikos,  and  in Suicer),  They  appear  also  to  have  acted  as judges  over  ecclesiastical  persons  in  trifling  cases (Morinus).  They  were  commonly  laymen  (su Cod.  Thcod.  as  above)  ;  but  in  one  case  certainly (Cone.  Constantin.,  A.D.  536,  act.  ii.)  an  skkXtj- (TifKSiKos  is  mentioned,  who  was  also  a  pres- byter; and  presbyters  are  said  to  have  com- monly held  the  office,  while  later  still  it  was  held by  deacons  (Morinus).  In  Rome,  beginning  with Innocent  I.  (a.D.  402-417,  Epist.  xii.  ed.  Con- stant) and  his  successor  Zosimus  (Epist.  i.  c.  3), the  Defensores  became  by  the  time  of  Gregory the  Great  a  regular  order  of  officers  (Defensores Romanae  Ecclesiae^,  whose  duties  were — i.  to  de- fend Church  interests  generally  ;  ii.  to  take  care of  alms  left  for  the  poor ;  iii.  to  be  sent  to  held applicants  from  a  distance  for  Papal  protection  ; iv.  to  look  after  outlying  estates  belonging  to St.  Peter's  patrimony  (S.  Greg.  M.,  Epistt.  pas- sim). There  were  also  in  Rome  itself  at  that time  seven  officers  of  the  kind,  called  Defensores Regionarii  (Ordo  Roman.),  each  with  his  proper region,  and  the  first  of  the  seven  known  as  tin? Primicerius  Defensorum  or  Primus  Defensor  (St. Greg.  Epistt.,  passim).  St.  Gregory  certainly marks  them  out  as  usually  laymen,  yet  in  some cases  clerics,  and  generally  as  holding  a  sort  of ecclesiastical  position.  And  the  other  Popes  who allude  to  them  (as  quoted  above),  are  led  to  do so  while  treating  the  question  of  the  steps  and 1) 34    ADVOCATE  OF  THE  CHURCH delays  to  be  made  m  admitting  laymen  to  holy orders,  and  feel  it  necessary  to  say  that  such  re- strictions apply  "  even  "  to  Defensores.  See  also St.  Gregory  of  Tours,  De  Vitis  Patrum,  c.  6. The  great  development  of  the  office,  however, took  place  under  Charlemagne  ;  who  indeed,  and Pipiu,  were  themselves,  KaT  i^ox^v,  '■'■Defensores Ecclesiae  Romanae."  And  the  German  emperors became,  technically  and  by  title,  Advocati  et Defensores  Ecclesiarmn  (Charles  V.  and  Henry VIII.  being  coupled  together  long  afterwards  as respectively  eccfesi'ae,  and/c?e«,  defensores).  It  was then  established  as  a  regular  office  for  each  church or  abbey,  under  the  appellations  also  occasionally of  Mundiburdi  (or  -hiirgi),  Pastores  Laid,  and sometimes  simply  causidici  or  tulores  ;  to  be  nomi- nated by  the  emperor  [Leo  IX.,  however,  as  Pope appointed  (Du  Cange)],  but  then  probably  for  a particular  emergency  only  (Car.  M.  Gapit.  v.  31, vii.  308);  and  usually  as  an  office  for  life,  to which  the  bishops  and  abbats  were  themselves to  elect  {Cone.  Mogunt.  c.  50,  A.D.  813, — all bishops,  abbats,  and  clergy,  to  choose  "vicedo- minos,  praepositos,  advocatos,  sive  defensores;" Cone.  Hern.  ii.  c.  24,  A.D.  813, — "  Ut  praepositi  et vicedomini  secundum  regulas  vel  canones  con- stituantur;"  and  see  also  Cone.  Roman,  cc.  19, 20,  A.D.  826,  and  Cone.  Duziac.  ii.  P.  iii.  c.  5. A.D.  871),  but  "in  praesentia  comitum  "  (Legg. Longohard.  lib.  ii.  tit.  xlvii.  §  1,  2,  4,  7),  and  from the  landowners  in  their  own  neighbourhood  (cap. xiv.  ex  Lege  Salica,  Romana,  et  Gumbata, — "  Et ipsi  [advocati]  habeant  in  illo  comitatu  propriam haereditatem ; "  and  in  a  capitular  of  A.D.  742, we  find  mention  of  a  "  Graphio,"  i.  e.  count,  "  qui est  defensor,"  Morinus,  De  Ordin.,  P.  III.  p.  307) ; and  this,  not  only  to  plead  in  court  or  take  oath there  (sometimes  two  advocati,  one  to  plead,  the other  to  swear,  Legg.  Longohard.  ii.  xlvii.  §  8), but  in  course  of  time  to  hold  courts  (placita  or media)  as  judges  in  their  own  district  (Du  Cange, but  A.D.  1020  is  the  earliest  date  among  his authorities),  and  generally  to  protect  the  secular interests  of  their  own  church  or  abbey.  The Advocatus  was  at  this  time  distinguished  from the  Vicedomnus,  sometimes  called  Major  Domus, who  ruled  the  lay  dependents  of  the  Church  ; from  the  Praepositus,  who  ruled  its  clerical  de- pendents ;  and  from  the  Oeconomus,  who  (being also  commonly  a  cleric)  managed  the  interior economy  of  its  secular  affairs  ;  although  all  these titles  are  occasionally  used  interchangeably.  He was  also  distinct  from  the  Cancellarius,  whether in  the  older  sense  of  that  term  when  it  meant an  inferior  officer  of  the  court,  or  in  the  later when  it  meant  a  judge  (Bingh.  III.  xi.  6,  7). Two  circumstances  however  gradually  changed both  the  relative  position  of  the  Advocatus  to his  ecclesiastical  clients,  and  the  nature  of  his functions ;  the  one  arising  from  the  mode  in which  he  was  remunerated,  the  other  from  the mode  of  his  nomination.  1.  He  was  paid  in the  first  instance  at  this  period  by  sometimes  an annual  salary,  with  certain  small  privileges  of entertainment  and  the  like ;  also,  by  the  third part  of  the  profits  of  his  judicial  office  (Tertia pars  bannorum,  emendarum,  legum,  compositionum, sn.  "  placitorum  ad  quae  ab  abbate  vocatus  fue- rit,"  Chron.  Sen.  lib.  ii.  c.  5,  in  D'Ach.  Bpicil.  ii. C13,  ed.  1723  ;  tertius  denarius)  ;  but  commonly and  finally  by  lands  held  from  the  church  or abbey,  a  third  of  their  value  belonging  to  himself ADVOCATE  OF  THE  CHURCH' as  his  portion.  And  the  growth  of  the  feudal tenure,  in  addition  to  other  obvious  influences, gradually  converted  him  through  this  last  cir- cumstance from  a  dependent  into  a  superior, from  a  law  officer  into  a  military  one,  and  from a  beneficiary  into  an  owner,  and  sometimes  into an  usurper  outright.  In  the  Ordo  Romanus,  is an  Ordo  ad  armandum  Ecclesiae  Defensorem  vel alium  Militem,  beginning  with  a  benedictio  vexilli, lanceae,  ensis  (p.  178  Hittorp.,  about  the  time  of Charlemagne).  His  suhadvocatus,  let  us  add  (the number  of  whom  was  limited  by  various  enact- ments), was  to  be  paid  in  one  instance  by  the receipt,  from  each  vill  of  the  ecclesiastical  pro- perty, of  one  penny,  one  cock,  and  one  sextarius of  oats.  2.  The  nomination  to  the  office,  resting originally  Avith  the  Church  itself  or  with  the  em- peror, was  usurped  gradually  by  the  founder, and  as  an  hereditary  ajipanage  of  his  own  estate  ; whence  followed  first  an  usurpation  of  the  Church property  by  the  lay  ^dlfOca^MS,  and  next  an  usurpa- tion by  the  same  officer  of  the  right  of  nomi- nating to  the  church  or  abbey.  And  fi-om  the latter  of  these  has  arisen  the  modern  use  of  the word  advoti-son,  which  now  means  exclusively and  precisely  that  right  which  the  original  advo- catus did  not  possess ;  the  jics  patronatus  no doubt  being  attached  to  the  founder  of  a  church from  the  time  of  the  Council  of  Orange  (c.  10) A.D.  441,  and  of  Justinian  (Novell.  Ivii.  c.  2,  cxxiii. c.  18),  A.D.  541,  555  ;  but  the  combination  of foundership  with  the  office  of  advocatus  being  an accidental  although  natural  combination,  belong- ing to  the  ninth  and  following  centuries.  The earliest  charter  quoted  by  Du  Cange,  in  which mention  is  made  of  an  election  (in  this  case  of  an abbat)  "  asseusu  et  consilio  advocati,"  is  a  "  pri- vilegium  Rudolphi  Episc.  Halberstad.,"  A.D.  1147. But  in  Scotland,  Wales,  and  Ireland,  the  officer analogous  to  the  lay  advocatus  had  usurped  the position  and  the  very  name  of  abbat  long  pre- vious to  the  12th  century  [see  Abbat].  And instances  of  similar  usurpation  abroad  may  no doubt  be  found  of  a  like  earlier  date  (see  Robert- son's Early  Scotland).  The  advocatio  of  a  bishopric seems  to  have  included,  at  least  in  England,  the custodia  (i.  e.  the  profits)  of  the  property  of  the see,  sede  vacante ;  but  wss  a  distinct  right  from that  of  nomination  to  the  office,  the  '■' dignitas crociae"  (as  e.g.  in  the  case  between  the  Welsh Lords  Marchers  and  the  English  Crown,  the  former claiming  the  custodia  but  not  the  nomination) : although  the  two  became  in  England  combined in  the  Crown.  There  does  not,  however,  appear to  be  evidence,  that  this  particular  usurpation was  laid  to  the  charge  of  advocati  abroad  during the  Carlovingian  period  ;  although  the  system  of lay  abbats,  commendataries,  &c.,  and  the  usurpa- tion of  such  offices  by  kings  and  nobles,  led  to the  same  general  result  of  usurpation,  there also,  by  the  lay,  over  the  ecclesiastical,  func- tionary. Councils  in  England  put  restrictions  on these  usurpations  of  lay  domini,  advocati,  &c.,  as early  as  the  Council  of  Beccanceld,  A.D.  696  X  716 and  of  Clovesho,  A.D.  803  (Councils  III.  338, Haddan  and  Stubbs  ;  Wilk.  i.  56,  167).  Abroad, the  first  canon  on  the  subject  is  that  of  Rheims (c.  6),  A.D.  1148,  followed  among  others  by the  Councils  of  Salzburg  (c.  24),  A.D.  1274  and (c.  12),  A.D.  1281.  But  a  check  upon  them was  attempted  as  early  as  the  10th  century  by the  Capetian  dynasty  in  France. ADVOCATES The  title  of  Fidei  Defensor,  attached  to  the Crown  of  England,  and  so  strangely  inverted  from the  special  intent  of  its  original  Papal  donor,  may be  taken  as  the  last  existing  trace  of  the  ancient Advocatus  or  Defensor  Ecclcsiae.  Unless  (with Spelman)  we  are  to  give  an  ancient  pedigree  to churchwardens,  and  find  the  old  office  still  in them.  (Bingham  ;  Du  Cange  ;  Meursius,  Gloss. Graecobarbar. ;  Morinus,  De  Ordinat.;  Tho- massin.)         .  [A.  W.  H.] ADVOCATES,  NOT  TO  BE  OEDAINED, — Amongst  the  laws  which  imposed  restraints upon  the  clei-gy  was  one  which  forbad  them, except  in  certain  specified  cases,  to  act  as  advo- cates before  civil  tribunals ;  since  it  was  con- sidered that  any  such  interference  with  worldly matters  would  be  inconsistent  with  the  words of  St.  Paul  (2  Tim.,  ii.  4  "  No  man  that  war- reth  \inilitans  Deo"]  entangleth  himself  with  the affairs  of  this  life : "  see  St.  Ambrose,  De  Off. Minist.  1,  36  ;  and  Gelasii  Papae  Epp.  17,  sec. 15).  For  this  reason  the  3rd  Council  of  Car- thage (a.d.  397)  in  its  15th  canon  prohibits  all clerks  from  becoming  agents  or  procurators. The  prohibition  is  repeated  in  the  3rd  canon  of the  Oecumenical  Council  of  Chalcedon  (a.d.  451), but  with  the  proviso  that  secular  business  may be  undertaken  by  the  clergy  when  the  bishop directs  it  for  the  protection  of  Church  property, or  of  orphans  and  wndows  who  are  without  any one  to  defend  them.  This  exception  was  in  Liter times  extended  to  the  poor  and  all  others  who came  under  the  designation  of  "  miserabiles personae."  So  likewise  were  monks  forbidden  by the  11th  canon  of  the  Council  of  Tarragona (a.d.  516)  to  undertake  any  legal  business  ex- cept for  the  benefit  of  the  monastery  and  at  the command  of  the  abbot. In  France  the  above-cited  provisions  of  the Council  of  Chalcedon  were  repeated  by  the  16th canon  of  the  Council  of  Verneuil  (a.d.  755)  and  the 14th  canon  of  the  Council  of  Mayence  (a.d.  813). There  are  many  other  canons  which  prohibit  the clergy  from  mixing  themselves  up  with  worldly matters,  and  which  therefore  forbid,  though not  in  express  terms,  their  acting  as  advocates. There  are  also  several  imperial  constitutions to  the  same  effect,  as,  for  instance,  one  of  Theodo- sius  II.  (a.d.  416)  which  he  afterwards  repeated in  the  Codex  Theodosianus,  a.d.  438  (16.  tit.  2. 42),  and  which  was  also  inserted  in  the  1st  book (tit.  3.  s.  17)  of  the  Codex  Rcpetitae  Fraelectionis of  Justinian  (a.d.  534). _  Similar  provisions  are  to  be  found  in  the  34th title  of  the  Liber  novellarum  of  Valentian  III. (a.d.  452),  and  in  the  6th  chapter  of  the  123rd novell.  of  Justinian  (a.d.  541). (Thomassinus,  ^'etus  et  nova  Ecelesiae  Disci- plina,  De  Beneficiis,  Pars  III.  Lib.  3,  cap.  17-19  ; Bouix,  Tractatus  de  Judiciis  Ecclesiastic-is,  Pars I-,  3,  4-5).  [I.  B.] AEDITUI.     [Doorkeeper.] AEGATES,  Saint,  commemorated  Oct.  24 (Mart.  Bedae). AEITHALAS.  (1)  Deacon  and  martyr,  com- memorated Nov.  3  {Cal.  Byzant.). (2)  Martyr,  commemorated  Sept.  1  {lb.).  [C] AEMILIANUS.    (1)  Saint  in  Armenia,  com- memorated Feb.  8  (Martyrol.  Bom.  Vet.,  Hieron.). (2)  Confessor  in  Africa,  Dec.  6  {Mart.  R.  V.).  \ AFFINITY 35 (3)  Confessor,  Jan.  8  {Cal.  Byzant.). (4)  Bishop  of  Cyzicum,  Confessor,  Aug.  8 (^6.).  [C.] AEMILIUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Africa,  comme- morated May  22  {Marti/rol.  Mom.  Vet.). (2)  Of  Sardinia,  May  28  (/6.). (3)  Commemorated  June  18  {Mart.  Hieron.). [C] AER.     [Veil.] AEEA.    [Chronology.] AFRA,  martyr  in  Rhaetia,  commemorated Aug.  5  {Martyrol.  Bom.  Vet.);  Aug.  6  {M. Hieron.).  ["c.] AFFIDATIO  {affiance,  Spenser;  Fr.  fiun- ^ailles),  betrothal.  It  appears  doubtful  whether this  term  came  into  use  within  the  first  nine  cen- turies of  the  Christian  era.  It  seems  rather  to belong  to  the  period  of  fully  developed  feudalism. The  earliest  example  quoted  by  Du  Cange,  from the  synodal  statutes  of  the  Church  of  Liege  in ilartene's  Thesaurus  Kovus  Anecdotorum,  is  in- deed of  the  year  1287.  The  forms  given  in Martene's  work,  De  Antiquis  ecelesiae  Bitibus (see  vol.  ii.  pp.  136,  137),  in  which  the  word occurs,  from  the  rituals  of  Limoges  and  ot Rheims,  are  palpably  more  modern  yet,  to  judge from  the  passages  in  French  which  are  inter- mixed in  them.  [J.  M.  L.] AFFINITY  {adfinitas),  a  relationship  by marriage.  The  husband  and  wife  being  legally considered  as  one  person,  those  who  are  related to  the  one  by  blood  are  related  to  the  other  in the  same  degree  by  affinity.  This  relationship being  the  result  of  a  lawful  marriage,  the  per- sons between  whom  it  exists  are  said  to  be  related in  law  ;  the  father  or  brother  of  a  man's  wife being_  called  his  father-in-law  or  brother-in-laic. The  distinction  between  affinity  and  consanguinity is  derived  from  the  Roman  law.  The  kinsfolk {cognati)  of  the  husband  and  wife  become  re- spectively the  adfines  of  the  wife  and  husband. We  have  borrowed  the  words  afiiinity  and  con- sanguinity from  the  Roman  law,  but  we  have  no term  corresponding  to  adfines.  The  Romans  did not  reckon  degrees  of  adfinitas  as  they  did  of consanguinity  {cognatio)  ;  but  they  had  terms  to express  the  various  kinds  of  adfinitas,  as  soccr, father-in-law  ;  socrus,  mother-in-law. It  has  resulted  from  the  Christian  doctrine  of marriage  that  persons  related  by  affinity  have been  always  forbidden  by  the  Church  to  marry within  the  same  degrees  as  those  who  are  related by  blood.  The  Council  of  Agde  (506)  particu- larises the  forbidden  degrees  as  follows  (Can.  61)  : — "A  man  may  not  marry  his  brother's  widow, his  own  sister,  his  step-mother  or  father's  wife, his  cousin-german,  any  one  nearly  allied  to  him by  consanguinity,  or  one  whom  his  near  kinsman had  married  before,  the  relict  or  daughter  of  his uncle  by  the  mother's  side,  or  the  daughter  of his  uncle  by  the  father's  side,  or  his  daughter- in-law,  i.e.  his  wife's  daughter  by  a  former husband." This  canon  is  repeated  almost  verbatim  in  the Council  of  Epone,  and  again  in  the  second  Council of  Tours  (566).  The  same  prohibitions  are  also specified  in  the  Council  of  Auxerre  (578). Certain  spiritual  relations  have  been  also  in- cluded within  the  prohibited  degrees.     This  re- striction,   however,    was    first    mtroduced    by D  2 36 AFFUSION Justinian,  who  made  a  law  (Cod.  Just.  lib.  5, tit.  4,  de  Xnptiis,  leg.  26)  forbidding  any  min to  marry  a  woman  for  whom  he  had  been  god- father in  baptism,  on  the  ground  that  nothing induces  a  more  paternal  affection,  and,  therefore, a  juster  prohibition  of  mai-riage,  than  this  tie, by  which  their  souls  are  in  a  divine  manner united  together. The  Council  of  Trullo  (Can.  53)  extends  the prohibition  to  the  mother  of  the  godchild  :  and, by  the  Canon  law  afterwards,  those  spiritual relations  were  canned  still  further,  so  as  to exclude  from  marrying  together  even  the  bap- tiser  and  the  bajrtised,  the  catechist  and  cate- chumen, <ind  various  other  degrees  of  supposed .spiritual  affinity.  Such  restrictions,  however,  of course,  could  not  be  maintained  in  practice,  and the  dispensing  power  of  the  Pope  was  accordingly extended  to  meet  the  necessity.  (Bingham  ;  Gib- son's Codex  ;  Thorndike  ;  Wheatly,  On  Common Frai/er.)  [D.  B.] AFFUSION.    [Baptism.] AFRICAN  CODE.     [African  Councils.] AFRICAN  COUNCILS.  Under  this  head we  must  include  whatever  Councils  were  held  in Africa — no  matter  at  what  places,  only  distinct from  Egypt — for  this  simple  reason  :  that  so  many of  their  canons  were  so  soon  thrown  together  in- discriminately and  made  one  code,  which,  as such,  afterwards  formed  part  of  the  code  received in  the  East  and  West.  On  this  African  code  a good  deal  has  been  written  by  Justellus  {Cod.  Eccl. Afric,  Paris,  16 14-,  8vo.),  who  was  the  first  to  pub- lish it  separately,  Bishop  Beveridge  (Synod,  vol. ii.  p.  202,  et  seq.),  De  Marca  (Diss,  de  Vet.  Coll. Can.  c.  iv.-xi.),  and  the  Ballerini  in  their  learned Appendix  to  the  works  of  St.  Leo  (torn.  iii.  De Antlq.  Col.  Diss.,  pars  I.  c.  3,  21-9),  but  a  good deal  also  remains  unsolved,  and  perhaps  insoluble. Several  of  the  canons  contained  in  it  have  been assigned  to  more  Councils  than  one,  and  several of  the  Councils  differently  dated  or  numbered  by <iiff"erent  editors  or  collectors.  Perhaps  the  best edition  of  it  is  that  published  in  Greek  and  Latin by  Mansi  (tom.  iii.  pp.  699-843).  Not  that  it was  originally  promulgated  in  both  languages, though,  as  Beveridge  suggests,  the  probability  is that  it  had  been  translated  into  Greek  before  the Trullan  Council  of  A.D.  683,  by  the  second  canon of  which  it  became  part  of  the  code  of  the  Eastern Church.  As  it  stands  in  Mansi,  then,  it  compre- hends, first,  the  deliberations  of  the  Council  of ('arthage,  A.D.  419  ;  then  the  canons  of  the  same Synod  to  the  number  of  33 ;  then  "  canones  di- versorura  conciliorum  ecclesiae  Africanae  " — in the  words  of  their  heading,  the  first  of  which  is numbered  34,  in  continuous  series  with  the  pre- ceding, and  the  last  138.  However,  in  reality, the  canons  proper  ought  to  be  said  to  end  with the  one  numbered  133,  at  which  point  Aurelius, Bishop  of  Carthage,  who  presided,  calls  upon  the Council  to  subscribe  to  all  that  had  gone  before, which  is  accordingly  done ;  he  signing  first,  the primate  of  Numidia  second,  the  legate  from Kome,  Faustinus,  Bishop  of  Potenza,  third,  St. Augustine,  Bishop  of  Hippo,  fourth;  and  the  other bishops — 217  or  229,  according  to  the  reading selected — in  order  ;  and  after  them  all  the  two presbyter-legates  from  Rome,  who  sign  last. This  done,  the  day  following,  a  letter  in  the name  of  the  whole  Synod  was  addressed  to  Boni- AFRICAN  COUNCILS face,  bishop  of  Rome,  to  be  despatched  by  the  three legates.  This  is  given  at  length,  and  numbered 134.  It  acquaints  him  with  their  objections  to the  "  commonitorium  "  or  instructions  received by  the  legates  from  the  late  Pope  Zosimus,  par- ticularly to  that  part  of  it  bearing  upon  appeals to  Rome  in  conformity  with  some  supposed  canons of  Nicaea,  which  they  had  not  been  able  to  find  in any  Greek  or  Latin  copy  of  the  «cts  of  that Council  in  their  possession,  and  therefore  beg  him to  send  for  authentic  copies  of  them  at  once  from the  Churches  of  Antioch,  Alexandria,  and  Con- stantinople. This  course  they  had  already  taken themselves,  while  recommending  it  to  him  ;  and what  follows  as  canon  135  proves  to  be  a  letter from  St.  Cyril  of  Alexandria  to  the  same  bishops, telling  them  that  in  conformity  with  their  re- quest he  has  sent  them,  by  his  presbyter  Inno^ cent,  faithful  copies  of  the  authentic  Synod  of Nicaea,  which  they  would  also  find,  if  they  looked for  them,  in  the  ecclesiastical  history :  he  does not  say  by  whom. In  the  same  way  canon  136  is  a  letter  from Atticus,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  telling  them that  he  too  sends  them  the  canons  as  defined  by Nicene  Fathers  pure  and  entire,  by  their  mes- senger Marcellus  the  sub-deacon,  as  they  had  re- quested. We  can  hardly  suppose  the  Synod  to have  been  sitting  all  the  time  that  it  must  have taken  these  messengers  to  go  and  return.  Next a  copy  of  the  Nicene  Creed  follows,  and  is  num- bered 137.  It  had  been  already  recited  and  ac- cepted, together  with  the  Nicene  canons,  in  the. previous  deliberations  of  the  Council,  before  the resolution  to  send  for  authentic  copies  of  both had  been  carried  out.  Caecilian,  who  was  Bishop of  Carthage  at  the  time  of  the  Council  of  Nicaea, and  had  attended  it,  had  brought  back  with  him copies  of  its  creed  and  canons  in  Latin,  which  had been  preserved  with  great  care  by  his  Church ever  since.  What  follows  in  the  last  place,  and is  numbered  138,  cannot  have  been  written earlier  than  A.D.  422,  it  being  a  letter  addressed to  Celestine,  the  successor  of  Boniface,  who  died  in that  year,  "  our  beloved  lord  (Sea-rrSTrt)  and  most honoured  brother,"  as  he  is  styled,  in  the  name of  Aurelius  and  others  wliose  names  are  given (St.  Augustine's  is  not  one)  and  the  rest  of  those present  in  the  universal  Council  of  Africa,  in which  they  tell  him  that  the  canons  of  which  his predecessor  had  spoken  were  nowhere  to  be  found in  the  authentic  copies  of  the  Nicene  decrees  just received  from  the  East ;  and,  further,  that  in  no Council  of  the  Fathers  could  they  find  it  defined that  "  any  should  be  despatched  as  it  were  from the  side  of  his  Holiness,"  as  had  been  attempted  in this  instance.  If  the  last,  or  20th  Council,  as  it  is called,  under  Aurelius,  therefore,  has  been  rightly assigned  to  A.D.  421, — and  Aurelius  opens  its  pro- ceedings by  saying  that,  for  reasons  well  known to  his  audience,  it  had  been  suspended  for  the space  of  two  years,  thus  connecting  it  with  the Council  of  A.D.  419, — either  it  must  have  sat  the year  following  as  well,  or  there  must  have  been a  21st  Council  under  Aurelius  the  year  following to  indite  this  episTie,  which,  as  has  been  observed, could  not  have  been  done  till  the  accession  of Celestine  had  become  known  in  Africa,  that  is, till  towards  the  end  of  A.D.  422.  And  with  it  this collection  of  the  canons  of  the  African  Church  is brought  to  a  close.  Dionysius  Exiguus,  in  his edition,  heads  them  appropriately  "  the  Synod  of AFRICAN  COUNCILS the  Africans  at  Carthage  that  enacted  138 canons,"  meaning  of  course  the  Synods  of  A.D. 419-22  considered  as  one,  where  they  were passed  or  confirmed  (Migne's  Patrol.,  torn.  67, p.  161  ct  seq.).  Not  but  there  are  other  collec- tions extant  containing  fewer  or  more  canons than  are  included  in  this.  For  instance,  the Spanish  and  Isidorian  Collections  begin  with  the Synod  of  Carthage  under  Gratus,  A.D.  348,  and end  with  the  Synod  of  Milevis,  A.D.  402,  making eight  Synods  in  all,  one  of  Milevis  and  seven  of Carthage  (Migne's  Patrol.,  torn.  84,  pp.  179-236). In  Beveridge  (Synodic,  i.  p.  365-72)  the  synodi- cal  letter  of  a  Council  of  Carthage  as  far  back  as A.D.  258  (or  256  according  to  others)  under  St. Cyprian,  is  printed  in  the  form  of  a  canon,  and placed,  together  with  the  speeches  made  there  by him  and  others,  immediately  before  the  Ancyran canons,  as  though  it  had  been  one  of  the  provin- cial Councils  whose  canons  had  been  accepted  by the  whole  Church,  which  it  was  not.  Earlier  far than  either  of  them  is  the  compendium  of  eccle- siastical canons,  African  mainly,  232  in  all,  by Fulgentius  Ferrandus,  deacon  of  the  Church  of Carthage,  seemingly  drawn  from  independent sources  (Migne's  Patrol.,  tom.  67,  p.  949-62). Then  earlier  still  than  his  were  the  two  books produced  by  Boniface,  Bishop  of  Carthage,  at  the Synod  held  there  by  him  A.D.  525,  as  having been  discovered  in  the  archives  of  that  church, one  volume  containing  the  Nicene  canons  in  part, and  those  which  had  been  passed  in  Africa before  the  time  of  Aurelius ;  the  other  volume called  "  the  book  of  the  canons  of  the  time  of Aurelius,"  in  which,  according  to  the  Ballerini, nine  of  the  Synods  of  Carthage  under  Aurelius, and  some  others  of  Milevis  and  Hippo,  were  con- tained (Mansi,  viii.  p.  635-56).  Finally,  there is  a  "  Breviarium  canonum  Hipponensium " printed  in  Mansi,  with  the  comments  of  the Ballerini  upon  them,  supposed  to  have  been passed  in  the  Synod  held  there  A.D.  393,  at which  St.  Augustine  was  present,  but  as  a priest ;  and  afterwards  inserted  in  the  Council  of Carthage,  held  four  years  afterwards  under Aurelian,  amongst  its  own,  and  evidently  con- firmed by  the  34th  canon  of  the  Synod  of  A.D. 419,  as  proposed  by  one  of  the  bishops  named Epigonius. The  argument  drawn  by  the  Ballerini,  after elaborately  comparing  these  collections,  is  unfa- vourable to  the  title  given  by  Justellus  to  the .138  canons  above  mentioned  of  the  African  code  : .still  as  designating  those  canons  alone  which have  been  received  generally  by  the  East  and West,  it  cannot  be  called  meaningless  ;  and  this fact  having  been  made  patent  by  his  publication of  them,  it  remains  as  a  matter  of  antiquarian interest  solely  to  determine  what  canons  belong to  what  councils.  The  general  account  seems  to be  that  there  are  sixteen  Councils  of  Carthage, one  of  Milevis,  and  one  of  Hippo,  whose  canons were  received  and  confirmed  by  the  Council  of A.D.  419  besides  its  own  (.Johnson's  Vade  Mecnm, ii.  171);  but  it  is  beset  with  difficulties.  The two  canons  interdictiag  appeals  beyond  the  sea — 28  and  125  according  to  the  Latin  numbering, and  doubtless  23  and  39  were  passed  with  the same  object — have  been  attributed  to  a  Synod  of Hippo  by  some ;  but  the  22nd  canon  of  the second  Synod  of  Milevis,  A.D.  416,  to  which  both Aurelius  and   St.    Augustine    subscribed,    reads AFRICAN  COUNCILS 37 identical  with  one  of  them,  and  the  34th  canon of  a  Council  of  Carthage  two  years  later  with  the other.  It  is  of  more  practical  importance  to ascertain  whether  they  steer  clear  of  the  Sardican canons,  as  some  maintain ;  or  were  framed  in antagonism  to  them,  as  others.  The  Sardican canons,  it  has  been  said,  allowed  bishops  to  appeal to  Rome  ;  the  African  canons  forbade  priests  and all  below  priests  to  appeal  to  Rome.  The  African fathers  carefully  abstained  from  laying  the  same embargo  upon  bishops  :  nay,  they  undertook  to obsei've  the  canons  cited  by  Zosimus  as  Nicene, till  authentic  copies  of  the  Nicene  canons  had been  obtained  from  the  East.  There  can  be  no doubt  whatever  that  all  this  is  delusive.  In  the discussion  that  took  place  on  the  canons  cited  in the  "  Commonitorium,"  some  were  for  observing them,  pending  the  inquiry;  St.  Augustine  among the  number.  But  when  Aurelius  called  upon  the Council  to  say  definitively  what  it  would  do,  the collective  reply  was:  "All  things  that  were  en- acted in  the  Nicene  Council  are  acceptable  to  us all."  And  to  no  more  could  they  be  induced  to pledge  themselves.  Then  as  to  the  canons,  which if  they  did  not  frame,  they  confirmed  subse- quently ;  the  28th,  according  to  the  Latin  num- bering, is:  "It  was  likewise  agreed  that  presby- ters, deacons,  or  any  of  the  inferior  clergy  with causes  to  try,  should  they  have  reason  to  com- plain of  the  judgment  of  their  bishops,  might  be heard  by  the  neighbouring  bishops  with  consent of  their  own  ;  and  such  bishops  might  decide between  them  ;  but  should  they  think  they  ought to  appeal  from  them  likewise,  let  them  not  ap- peal to  transmarine  tribunals,  but  to  the  primates of  their  provinces,  as  has  also  been  frequently  en- acted in  regard  of  bishops.  But  in  case  any  should think  he  ought  to  appeal  to  places  beyond  the sea,  let  him  be  received  to  communion  by  nobody within  Africa."  The  words  "sicut  et  de  episcopis saepe  constitutum  est,"  are  found  in  all  manu- scripts of  this  canon,  as  it  stands  here.  They  are wanting  in  the  125th.  And  the  meaning  is clearly,  that  there  had  been  earlier  canons  in abundance  passed  for  regulating  episcopal  ap- peals ;  for  instance,  the  6th  canon  of  the  Council of  Constantinople,  where  it  is  said  that  bishops should  be  brought  before  the  greater  Synod  of the  diocese,  in  case  the  provincial  Synod  should be  unable  to  decide  their  case.  And  nothing  had occurred  to  induce  them  to  legislate  further  for bishojvs.  The  present  controversy  had  originated with  a  simple  priest,  Apiarius.  Accordingly  their canons  were  directed  to  prevent  priests  and  all below  priests  in  future  from  doing  as  he  had done.  In  short,  they  told  Celestine  that  "  the canons  of  the  Nicene  Council  left  all,  whether inferior  clergy  or  bishops  themselves,  to  their own  metropolitan ;  it  having  been  wisely  and justly  considered  there  that,  whatever  questions might  arise,  they  ought  to  be  terminated  in  their own  localities."  Which  was  in  effect  as  much  as telling  him  that  the  genuine  Nicene  canons  were in  flat  contradiction,  upon  each  point  to  those  so designated  by  his  predecessor.  Canon  125  is identical  with  the  preceding,  except  that  it  omits the  clause  "  sicut  et  de  episcopis,"  &;c.,  rtnd  men- tions the  African  Councils  as  another  legitimate tribunal  of  appeal  besides  the  primates.  Canon 23,  that  "  bishops  should  not  go  beyond  the  sea without  leave  from  their  primate,"  reads  verv like  another  outpouring  of  their  sentiments  on 38 AFRICAN  COUNCILS the  same  subject ;  and  canon  39,  that  "  no  pri- mate should  be  called  a  prince  of  priests,  or  pon- tiff," seems  almost  borrowed  from  the  well- known  invective  of  St.  Cyprian  against  Stephen. Such,  then,  is  the  language  of  some  of  the  canons of  the  African  code,  fairly  construed,  to  which the  assent  of  Eome  as  well  as  Constantinople  has been  pledged.  And  "  it  was  of  very  great  autho- rity," says  Mr.  Johnson  {Vade  Mecum,  ii.  p.  171) m  the  old  English  Churches;  for  many  of  the "  excerptions  "  of  Egbert  were  transci'ibed  from it. It  only  remains  to  set  down  the  different African  Councils  in  the  order  in  which  they  are generally  supposed  to  have  occurred,  with  a  run- ning summary  of  what  was  transacted  in  each  ; referring  generally  for  all  further  information  to Mansi,  Cave,  Beveridge,  Johnson,  De  Marca,  the Art  de  verifier  les  dates,  and  the  Ballerini.  Num- bering them  would  only  serve  to  mislead,  at  least if  attempted  in  any  consecutive  series.  Cave,  for instance,  reckons  9  African  between  A.D.  401  and 603,  and  as  many  as  35  Carthaginian  between A.D.  215  and  533  ;  but  among  the  latter  are  in- cluded 6  (between  A.D.  401  and  410),  which  he had  already  reckoned  among  the  9  African. Carthage,  a.d.  200,217 — Supposed  to  be  one and  the  same,  under  Agrippinus,  in  favour of  rebaptizing  heretics. A.D.  251 — Under  St.  Cyprian ;  decreed that  the  lapsed  should  be  received  to  com- munion, but  not  till  they  had  performed their  full  penance. A.D.  252 — Against  Novatian,  who  denied that  the  lapsed  were  ever  to  be  received  to communion  again  ;  and  Felicissimus,  who  af- firmed they  were,  even  before  they  had performed  their  penance. A.D.  254,  255 — Doubtful  in  which  year  ; under  St.  Cyprian,  in  favour  of  infant  bap- tism. A.D.  256 — Under  St.  Cyprian,  approving the  consecration  by  the  Spanish  bishops  of Felix  and  Sabinus  in  place  of  Basil  and Martial, — two  bishops  who  had  purchased certificates,  or  "libels,"  of  havipg sacrificed to  idols,  and  declaring  that  Stephen,  Bishop of  Rome,  had  interposed  in  favour  of  the latter  unreasonably,  from  having  been duped  by  them. A.D.  256 — Another  held  in  the  same  year — or  there  may  have  been  sevei-al — in  fa- vour of  rebaptizing  all  who  had  received heretical  baptism,  when  St.  Cyprian  uttered his  celebrated  invective  against  Stephen. The  question  was  finally  ruled  in  the  7th of  the  Constantinopolitan  canons.  This  is the  Council  whose  synodical  letter  is printed  by  Beveridge  in  the  form  of  a canon,  immediately  before  those  of  Ancyra. It  is  given  in  Mansi,  i.  922-6  ;  but  the speeches  belonging  to  it  follow  951-92, under  the  head  of  "Concil.  Carthag.  iii. sub  Cypriano  episcopo  ;"  what  purports  to have  been  the  second  being  given  p.  925, and  all  three  supposed  to  have  been  held A.D.  256. ClRTA,  A.D.  305 -To  elect  a  new  bishop  in place  of  one  who  had  been  a  "  traditor  ;" that  is,  had  surrendered  copies  of  the  Scrip- tures to  the  Pagan  authorities,  to  which  all AFRICAN  COUNCILS present,  when  they  came  to  be  asked,  how- ever, pleaded  equally  guilty. Carthage,  a.d.  312— Of  70  Donatist  bishops against  Caecilian,  bishop  of  that  see, A.D.  333 — under  Donatus,  author  of  the schism  ;  favourable  to  the  "  traditores." A.D.    348 — under  Gratus;    its  acts   are comprised  in  fourteen  chapters,  of  which the  first  is  against  rebaptizing  any  that have  been  baptized  with  water  in  the  name of  the  Trinity.  This  is  probably  the  Council whose  canons  are  invoked  in  canon  12  of the  African  code. Theveste,  a.d.  362— Of  Donatists  quarrelling amongst  themselves. African,  a.d.  380— Of  Donatists,  in  condem- nation of  Tichonius,  a  Donatist  bishop. Carthage,  a.d.  386— Confirmatory  of  the synodical  letter  of  Siricius,  Bishop  of  Rome. Leptes,  a.d.  386 — Passed  canons  on  disci- pline. Carthage,  a.d.  390 — Formerly  regarded  as two  sejjarate  Councils,  under  Genethlius, Bishop  of  Carthage;  made  13  canons,  by the  second  of  which  bishops,  priests,  and deacons  are  required  to  abstain  from  theii wives  and  observe  continence.  Mansi  prints what  used  to  be  regarded  as  a  second Council  of  this  year  twice,  iii.  pp.  691-8 and  867-76. A.D.     393  —  Of    Maximian's    (Donatist bishop  of  Carthage)  supporters  against Primian  (another  Donatist  bishop  of  Car- thage). Hippo,  a.d.  393— At  which  St.  Augustine  dis- puted "  de  fide  et  ■  symbol©  "  as  a  pres- byter. Cabarussi  and  of  the  Caverns,  a.d.  394 — Of the  same  on  the  same  subject. Bagais,  a.d.  394 — Of  Primian's  supporters, against  Maximian. A.D.    396 — One  canon  only  preserved ; against  translations  of  bishops  and  priests. Byzatium,  a.d.  397— Confirming  all  that  had been  decreed  in  393  at  Hippo. Carthage,  a.d.  397 — Called  the  3rd,  either reckoning  that  under  Gratus  as  first,  and that  under  Genethlius  as  2nd ;  or  else supposing  two  to  have  been  held  under Aurelius  previously  in  394  and  397,  and making  this  the  3rd  under  him  ;  passed  50 canons,  among  which  the  "Breviarium canonum  Hipponensium "  is  said  to  have been  inserted  (Mansi,  iii.  875,  and  the notes). Carthage,  a.d.  400 — Called  the  5th  under Aurelius;  of  72  bishops;  passed  15  canons on  discipline  (Pagi,  quoted  by  Mansi,  iii. p.  972).  Yet,  p.  979,  Mansi  reckons  a  first African  Council  m  399,  and  a  2nd  and  3rd in  401,  which  he  calls  4th,  5th,  and  6th Councils  under  Aurelius,  in  the  pontificate of  Anastasius. MiLEVis,  a.d.  402 — To  decide  several  points artecting  bishops. Carthage,  a.d.  403,  404,  405 — Mansi  makes 3  African  Councils  of  these  ;  a  1st,  2nd, and  3rd,  in  the  Pontificate  of  Innocent, or  8th,  9th,  and  10th  under  Aurelius,  for bringing  back  the  Donatists  to  the  Church (iii.  pp.  1155  and  1159). a.d.  407,  408,  409— Called    bv    Mansi AFRICAN  COUNCILS 4th,  5th,  6th,  and  7th  Africau  Councils  in the  pontificate  of  Innocent,  the  5th  and tith  being  regarded  by  him  as  one,  or  the 11th,  12th,  and  13th  Councils  under  Aure- lius — all  incorporated  into  the  African code  (iii.  p.  1163). Carthage,  a.d.  410 — Against  the  Donatists — probably  the  14th  under  Aurelius. A.D.  411 — Great  conference  between  the Catholics  and  the  Donatists  ;  Aurelius  and St.  Augustine  both  taking  part  on  behalf of  the  former  ;  286  bishops  said  to  have been  present  on  the  Catholic  side,  and  279 on  the  Donatist,  yet  313  names  are  given on  the  latter  side.  There  were  three  dif- ferent stages  in  the  proceedings.  (Mansi, iv.  pp.  269  and  276.) A.D.  412 — In  which  Celestius  was  ac- cused of  Pelagianism  and  appealed  to  the Pope,  probably  the  15th  under  Aurelius. CiRTA,  A.D.412 — In  the  matter  of  the  Donatists — published  a  synodical  letter  in  the  name of  Aurelius,  St.  Augustine  and  others.  Sil- vanus,  primate  of  Numidia,  heads  it. African,  a.d.  414 — Of  Donatists. Carthage,  a.d.  416 — or  the  2nd  against  the Pelagians:  probably  the  16th  under  Au- relius :  composed  of  67  bishops  :  addressed a  synodical  letter  to  Innocent  of  Rome, condemning  both  Pelagius  and  Cplestius. iVIiLEVis,  a.d.  416 — Called  the  2nd  of  Milevis against  Pelagius  and  Celestius — composed of  60  bishops — published  27  canons  on discipline — addressed  a  synodical  letter  to Innocent  of  Rome,  to  which  was  appended another  in  a  more  familiar  tone  from Aurelius,  St.  Augustine  and  three  more. Tisdra,  a.d.  417 — Passed  canons  on  disci- pline. Carthage,  a.d.  417,  418 — Against  the  Pela- gians— regarded  as  one,  probably  the  17th under  Aurelius. Hippo,  Suffetula,  Macriana,  a.d.  418 — Passed  canons  on  discipline  preserved  by Ferrandus  (Mansi,  iv.  439). Thenes,  a.d.  418 — Published  nine  canons  on discipline. Carthage,  a.d.  419 — Attended  by  229,  or, according  to  other  accounts,  217  bishops  ; and  by  Faustinus,  Bishop  of  Potenza,  and two  presbyters  as  legates  from  Rome.  Its proceedings  have  been  anticipated  in  what was  said  on  the  African  code.  It  would seem  as  if  it  really  commenced  in  418, and  extended  through  419.  Pagi  supposes 33  canons  to  have  been  passed  in  the former  year,  and  but  6  in  the  latter (Mansi,  iv.  419)  ;  and  Mansi  seems  even  to make  two  synods  of  it,  calling  one  a  5th or  6th,  and  the  other  a  7th  Council  of Carthage  (against  tjie  Pelagians,  he  pro- bably means),  and  yet  evidently  reckoning both  together  as  the  18th  under  Aurelius. From  419  it  seeme  to  have  been  adjourned to  421,  and  then  lasted  into  422  at  least, as  has  been  shown  above  ;  this  adjourned council  was  therefore  in  reality  the  20th under  Aurelian,  though  sometimes  headed the  18th,  as  being  one  with  the  council  of which  it  was  but  the  adjournment.  Then the  19th  under  Aurelius  is  the  title  given iu    Mansi   (iv.    443)    to    one    held    in    the AGAPAE 39 mterim,  a.d.  420,  to  determine  certain questions  of  precedence  amongst  bishops, possibly  the  missing  6th  against  Pela- gianism. Numidia,  a.d.  423 — In  which  Antonius,  a bishop  of  that  province,  was  condemned. Carthage,  a.d.  426— At  which  Leporius,  a French  presbyter,  cleared  himself  from Pelagianism. Hippo,  a.d.  426 — At  which  Heraclius  was elected  successor  to  St.  Augustine  at  his nomination. A.D.  427 — Said  to  have   passed   canons 29  and  30,  in  the  Latin  numbering  of  the African  code  (Mansi,  iv.  539). African,  a.d.  484 — To  render  account  of  their faith  to  King  Hunneric,  when  it  appeared that  of  475  sees,  14  were  then  vacant :  88 had  been  deprived  of  their  bishops  by death,  and  most  of  those  who  survived were  in  exile  (Mansi,  vii.  pp.  1156-64 and  the  notes). Byzatium,  a.d.  507 — To  appoint  new  bishops in  place  of  those  who  had  died  or  been exiled. JuNCA,  a.d.  523 — under  Liberatus  :  to  con- demn a  bishop  of  the  province  of  Tripoli who  had  usurped  a  church  not  in  his diocese  :  St.  Fulgentius,  Bishop  of  Ruspe, being  one  of  those  present. Carthage,  a.d.  525 — under  Boniface  ;  when two  volumes  of  the  canons  were  found,  as already  described  (Mansi,  viii.  635-56). African,  a.d.  533— Sent  a  synodical  letter  to John  II.  of  Rome  by  Liberatus,  deacon  of the  church  of  Carthage,  so  well  known  for his  writings. Byzatium,  a.d.  541 — Sent  a  deputation  to Justinian,  and  legislated  on  discipline. African,  a.d.  550 — Excommunicated  Vigilius for  condemning  the  three  chapters. Suffetula,  a.d.  570 — Passed  canons  on  dis- cipline, some  of  which  are  preserved. African,  a.d.  594 — Against  the  Donatists, probably  for  the  last  time. Byzatium,  a.d.  602 — To  examine  certain charges  made  against  Clement  the  pri- mate. Numidia,  a.d.  603— To  examine  the  case  of Donadeus,  a  deacon,  who  had  appealed from  his  bishop  to  Rome. Byzatium,  Numidia,  Mauritania,  Car- thage, a.d.  633 — Against  Cyrus,  Pyrrhus, and  Sergius,  the  Monothelite  leaders. Byzatium,  Numidia,  Mauritania,  Car- thage, 646 — Against  the  Monothelites  : the  councils  of  Byzatium,  Numidia,  and Mauritania  addresse'd  a  joint  synodical letter:  and  the  Bishop  of  Carthage  a letter  in  his  own  name  to  Theodore, Bishop  of  Rome  :  all  preserved  in  the  acts of  the  Lateran  Council  under  Martin  I.. A.D.  649.  [E.  S.  F.] AGABUS,  the  prophet  (Acts  xxi.  10),  com- memorated Feb.  13  {Martyrol.  Jiom.  Vet};  April 8  {Cal.  Byzant).  [C] AGAPAE.— The  custom  which  prevailed  in the  Apostolic  Church  of  meeting  at  fixed  times for  a  common  meal,  of  which  all  alike  partook as  brothers,  has  been  touched  on  in  the  Diet,  of the  Bible  [Lord's  Supper.]     It  had  a  precedent 40 AGAPAE in  the  habits  of  the  Esseue  communities  in Judaea  (Joseph.  Bell.  Jvd.  ii.  8),  and  in  the  tpavoi of  Greek  guilds  or  associations  ;  in  the  Charisties of  Roman  life  (Ovid,  Fasti,  ii.  616),  in  the <TV(r(TtTta  of  Crete,  in  the  (peiSiTta  of  Sparta. The  name  apparently  was  attached  to  the  meals towards  the  close  of  the  Apostolic  age.  The absence  of  any  reference  to  it  in  1  Cor.  xi.  or xiii.,  where  reference  would  have  been  so  natural, had  it  been  in  use,  may  fairly  be  taken  as  nega- tive evidence  that  it  was  not  then  current.  The balance  of  textual  authority  inclines  in  favour  of aydirais,  rather  than  ctTraTois,  in  Jude  v.  12, and  perhaps  also,  though  less  decidedly,  in  2  Pet. ii.  13,  and  we  may  fairly  assume  (without  enter- ing on  the  discussion  of  the  authorship  and  date of  those  epistles)  that  they  represent  the  termi- nology of  the  Church  in  the  period  from  A.D.  60 to  A.D.  80.  The  true  reading  of  1  Pet.  v.  14 (eV  <pt\ri/xaTi  ayainii)  cannot  be  disjoined  from the  tact  that  there  was  a  feast  known  then  or very  soon  afterwards  by  that  name,  at  which such  a  salutation  was  part  of  the  accustomed ceremonials.  Soon  the  name  spread  widely  both in  the  East  and  West.  Ignatius  (t;d  Svvjrn.  c.  8),"* for  the  Asiatic  and  Syrian  Churches,  Clement for  Alexandria  {Paedaq.  ii.  p.  142),  TertuUian  for Western  Africa  {Apol.  c.  39),  are  witnesses  for its  wide-spread  use. It  is  obvious  that  a  meeting  of  this  character must  have  been  a  very  prominent  featui'e  in  the life  of  any  community  adopting  it.  The  Christians of  a  given  town  or  district  came  on  a  fixed day,  probably  the  first  day  of  the  week  (the "stato  die"  of  Pliny's  letter  to  Trajan,  Epp.  x. 96),  in  some  large  room  hired  for  the  purpose, or  placed  at  their  disposal  by  some  wealthy  con- verts. The  materials  of  the  meal  varied  ac- cording to  the  feeling  or  wealth  of  the  society. Bread  and  wine  were,  of  course,  indispensable, both  as  connected  with  the  more  solemn  com- memorative act  which  came  at  some  period  or ether  in  the  service,  and  as  the  staple  articles  of food.  Meat,  poultry,  cheese,  milk,  and  honey, were  probably  used  with  them  (August.,  c. Faust.  XX.  20).  Early  paintings  in  the  cata- combs of  Rome  seem  to  show  that  fish  also was  used  (Aringhi,  Roma  Suhtcrran.  ii.  pp.  77, 83,  119,  123,  185,  199,  267).  Both  the  fact  of its  being  so  largely  the  common  diet  of  the  poor in  Syria  (Matt.  vii.  9,  xiv.  17,  xvi.  34),  and the  associations  of  Luke  xxiv.  42,  John  xxi. 9  (to  say  nothing  of  the  mystical  significance attached  to  the  word  j'xflus  as  early  as  Tertul- lian),  would  naturally  lead  Christians  to  use  it at  their  "  feasts  of  love."  The  cost  of  the  meal  j fell  practically  on  the  richer  members  of  the Church,  whether  it  was  provided  out  of  the common  funds,  or  made  up  of  actual  contribu- tions in  kind,  meat  ov  fruit  sent  for  the  purpose, or  brought  at  the  time.  At  the  appointed  hour they  came,  waited  for  each  other  (1  Cor.  xi.  33), a  There  is  a  suggestive  difference,  indicating  a  change in  language  and  practice,  between  the  shorter  and  longer texts  of  the  Jgnatian  Epistles  in  tbis  passage.  Jn  the former  the  writer  claims  for  the  bishop  the  sole  prero- gative of  baptizing,  or  ayi-rrriv  woielv.  In  the  latter  the word  Trpo(r</)e'pcii'  is  interpolated  between  them.  The Agape  is  distinguished,  i.  e.  from  the  "Supper  of  the Lord,"  with  which  it  had  before  been  ideiitilled ;  and  the latter,  thus  separated,  is  associated  with  a  more  sacrificial terminology,  and  placed  before  the  social  feast. AGAPAE men  and  women  seated  at  different  tables,  per- haps on  opposite  sides  of  the  room,  till  the  bishoj> or  presbyter  of  the  Church  pronounced  the blessing  (^ev\oyia).  Then  they  ate  and  drank. Originally,  at  some  time  before  or  after''  the rest  of  the  meal,  one  loaf  was  specially  blessed and  broken,  one  cup  passed  round  specially  as "  the  cup  of  blessing."  When  the  meal  was  over, water  was  brought  and  they  washed  their  hands. Then,  if  not  before,  according  to  the  season  of  the year,  lamps  were  placed  (as  in  the  upper  room  at Troas,  Acts  xx.  8)  on  their  stands,  and  the  more devotional  part  of  the  evening  began.  Those who  had  special  gifts  were  called  on  to  expound Scripture,  or  to  speak  a  word  of  exhortation,  or  to sing  a  hymn  to  God,  or  to  "  Christ  as  to  a  God" (Plin.  1.  c).  It  was  the  natural  time  for  intel- ligence to  be  communicated  from  other  Churches, for  epistles  from  them  or  their  bishops  to  be read,  for  strangers  who  had  come  with  (iriffrSKai crva-TaTiKol  to  be  received.  Collections  were made  for  the  relief  of  distressed  churches  at  a distance,  or  for  the  poor  of  the  district  (1  Cor. xvi.  1;  Justin.  M.  Apol.  ii. ;  TertuUian.  ApoL  c. 39).  Then  came  the  salutation,  the  kiss  of  love (1  Pet.  V.  14),  the  "  holy  kiss"  <^  (Rom.  xvi.  16), which  told  of  brotherhood,  the  final  jn-ayer,  the quiet  and  orderly  dispersion.  In  the  ideal  Agapae, the  eating  and  drinking  never  passed  beyond  the bounds  of  temperance.  In  practice,  as  at Corinth,  the  boundary  line  may  sometimes  have been  transgressed,  but  the  testimony  of  Pliny  in his  letter  to  Trajan  (1.  c),  as  well  as  the  state- ments of  the  Apologists,  must  be  allowed  as proving  that  their  general  character  at  first  was that  of  a  pure  simplicity.  The  monstrous slanders  of  "  Thyestean  banquets  "  and  "  shame- less impurity"  were  but  the  prurient  inventions of  depi'aved  minds,  who  inferred  that  all  secret meetings  must  be  like  those  of  the  Bacchanalian orgies  which  had  at  various  periods  alarmed  the Roman  Senate  with  their  infinite  debasement (Liv.  xxxix.  13,  14).  At  Alexandria,  indeed,  as was  natural  in  a  wealthy  and  luxurious  city, there  seems  to  have  been  a  tendency  to  make the  Agape  too  much  of  a  sumptuous  feast, like  the  entertainments  of  the  rich,  and  to  give the  name  to  banquets  to  which  only  the  rich were  invited.  Clement  protests  with  a  natural indignation  against  such  a  misapplication  of  it by  those  who  sought  to  "  purchase  the  promise of  God  with  such  feasts"  {Paedag.  ii.  1,  §  4,  p.  61). It  seems  probable  from  his  protest  against  the use  of  flutes  at  Christian  feasts  (Paedag.  ii.  4,  p. 71)  that  instrumental  music  of  a  secular  and meretricious  character  had  come  to  be  used  instead of  the  "  psalms  and  hymns  and  spiritual  songs" (Eph.  v.  19,  Col.  iii.  16)  which  had  been  in  use, without  accompaniment,  at  the  original  Agapae. Clement,  however,  permits  the  employment  of the  harp  or  lyre. At  first  the  practice  would  naturally  serve  as  a •>  Chrysostom  (Bam.  27  and  54,  on  1  Cor.  xi.),  followed by  Theodoret  and  Theophylact  in  loc,  and  most  liturgical writers,  say  "  before,"  but  obviously  under  the  influence of  later  practice,  and  the  belief  that  the  Kuchari?t  could not  have  been  received  otherwise  than  fasting  in  the  time of  the  Apostles. "^  We  may  probably  think  of  some  order  like  that  which attends  the  use  of  a  "  grace-cup  "  in  college  or  civic  feast ; each  man  kissed  by  his  neighbour  ou  one  side,  and  kissing in  turn  him  who  sat  on  the  other. AGAPAE witness  and  bond  of  the  brotherhood  of  Christians. Rich  and  poor,  even  master  and  slave,  met  together on  the  same  footing.  What  took  place  but  once a  year  in  the  Roman  saturnalia  was  repeated  in the  Christian  society  once  a  week.  But  in  pro- portion as  the  society  became  larger,  and  the sense  of  brotherhood  less  living,  the  old  social distinctions  would  tend  to  reassert  themselves. The  Agapae  would  become  either  mere  social entertainments  for  the  wealthy,  as  at  Alexan- dria, or  a  mei-e  dole  of  food  for  the  poor, as  in  Western  Africa  (Augustin.  c.  Fauslum XX.  20),  and  in  either  case  would  lose  their original  significance.  Other  causes  tended  also tD  throw  them  into  the  back-ground.  When Christians  came  to  have  special  buildings  set apart  for  worship,  and  to  look  on  them  with something  of  the  same  local  reverence  that  the Jews  had  had  for  the  Temple,  they  shrank  from sitting  down  in  them  to  a  common  meal  as  an act  of  profanation.  The  Agapae,  therefore,  were gradually  forbidden  to  be  held  in  churches,  as bvthe  Council  of  Laodicea  (c.  27),  and  that  of  3rd Carthage  A.D.  391  (c.  30),  and  that  in  TruUo much  later  "*  (a.d.  692).  This,  of  course,  to- gether with  the  rule  of  the  3rd  Council  of  Carthage (c.  29),  that  the  Eucharist  should  be  received fasting,  and  the  probable  transfer,  in  consequence of  that  rule,  of  the  time  of  its  "celebration"  from the  evening  to  the  morning,  left  the  "feast  of love  "  without  the  higher  companionship  with which  it  had  been  at  first  associated,  and  left  it to  take  more  and  more  the  character  of  a  pauper meal.  Even  the  growing  tendency  to  asceticism led  men  who  aimed  at  a  devout  life  to  turn  aside fastidiously  from  sitting  down  with  men  and women  of  all  classes,  as  a  religious  act.  So Tertullian,  who  in  his  Apology  had  given  so beautiful  a  description  of  them,  after  he  became a  Montanist,  reproaches  the  Church  at  large with  the  luxury  of  its  Agapae,  and  is  not  ashamed to  repeat  the  heathen  slander  as  to  the  preva- lence in  thym  even  of  incestuous  licence  {De Jcjun.  c.  xvii.).  One  effort  was  made,  as  by  the Council  of  Gangra,  to  restore  them  to  their  old position.  Those  who  despised  and  refused  to come  to  them  were  solemnly  anathematised  (c. 11).  But  the  current  set  in  strongly,  and  the practice  gradually  died  out.  Their  close  con- nexion with  the  annual  commemoration  of  the deaths  of  martyrs,  and  the  choice  of  the  graves of  martyrs  as  the  place  near  which  to  hold  them, was,  perhaps,  an  attempt  to  raise  them  out  of the  disrepute  into  which  they  had  fallen.  And for  a  time  the  attempt  succeeded.  Augustine describes  his  mother  Monica  as  having  been  in the  habit  of  going  with  a  basket  full  of  provi- sions to  these  Agapae,  which  she  just  tasted  her- self, and  then  distributed  (Con/ess.  vi.  2).  And this  shows  the  prevalence  of  the  practice  in Western  Africa.  In  Northern  Italy,  however, Ambrose  had  suppressed  them  on  account  of  the disorders  which  were  inseparable,  and  their  re- semblance to  the  old  heathen  Parentalia,  and Augustine,  when  he  returned  to  Africa,  urged Aurelius,  Bishop  of  Carthage,  to  follow  the example  {Ejdst.  xxii.).  The  name,  indeed,  still lingered  as  given  to  the  annual  dedication  feasts AGAPE 41 <*  The  significance  of  the  reversal  of  the  prohibition at  so  late  a  date,  is  that  it  shews  that  the  practice  still lingered. of  churches  at  Rome  in  the  sixth  century  (Greg. M.,  Epp.  ii.  76),  and  the  practice  left  traces  of itself,  in  the  bread,  blest  as  distinct  from  conse- crated, which,  under  the  title  of  EuLOaiA,  was distributed  in  churches,  or  taken  from  them  to absent  members  of  the  congregation,  (2)  in  the practice,  prohibited  by  the  Apostolic  canons  (c. 3),  and  by  the  Council  in  Trullo  (c.  28,  57,  99) of  bringing  to  the  altar  honey,  milk,  grapes, poultry,  joints  of  meat,  that  the  priest  might bless  them  there  before  they  were  eaten  at  a common  table.  The  grapes  appear,  indeed,  to have  been  actually  distributed  with  the  ayia,  or consecrated  elements,  while  the  joints  of  meat are  mentioned  as  a  special  enormity  of  the Armenian  Church.  (3)  Traces  of  the  Agapae are  to  be  found  lastly  in  the  practice  which prevailed  in  Egypt,  from  the  neighbourhood  of Alexandria  to  the  Thebaid,  in  the  5th  century, of  meeting  on  the  evening  of  Saturday  for  a common  meal,  generally  full  and  varied  in  its materials,  after  which  those  who  were  present partook  of  the  "  mysteries "  (Sozom.  H.  E. vii.  19 ;  Socrates,  H.  'E.  v.  22).  The  practice, then,  noticed  as  an  exception  to  the  practice of  all  other  Churches  (comp.  Augustin.  Epist. ad  Jan.  i.  5)  was  probably  a  relic  of  the  primi- tive Church,  both  as  to  time  and  manner,  when the  Lord's  Supper  had  been,  like  other  suppers, eaten  in  the  evening,  when  an  evening  meeting on  "  the  first  day  of  the  week"  meant,  according to  the  Jewish  mode  of  speech,  the  evening  of Saturday,  when  the  thought  that  "  fasting"  was a  necessary  condition  of  partaking  of  the  Supper of  the  Lord  was  not  only  not  present  to  men's minds,  but  was  absolutely  excluded  by  the Apostle's  rule,  that  men  who  could  not  wait patiently  when  the  members  of  the  Church  met, should  satisfy  their  hunger  beforehand  in  their own  houses  (1  Cor.  xi.  34). The  classification  of  Agapae,  according  to  the occasion  on  which  they  were  held,  as  (1)  con- nected with  the  anniversaries  of  martyrdoms [comp.  Natalitia],  (2)  as  Conmtbkdes  [comp. Marriage],  (3)  as  accompanying  funerals [Burial],  (4)  as  at  the  dedication  festivals  of churches  [Dedications],  must  be  looked  on  as an  after-growth  of  the  primitive  practice  of weekly  meetings.  Details  will  be  found  under the  respective  headings. We  have  lastly  to  notice  the  probable  use  at  the Agapae  of  cups  and  plates  with  sacred  emblems and  inscriptions,  of  which  so  many  have  been fouud  in  the  Catacombs  [Glass,  Christian],  and which  almost  suggest  the  idea  of  toasts  to  the  me- mory of  the  martyrs  whose  Natalities  were  cele- brated. "  Victor  Vivas  in  Nomine  Laureti  " (Buonarrott.  Plate  xix.  fig.  ,2),  "  Semper  Refri- geris  in  Nomine  Dei"  {Ibid.  xx.  2),  "IIIE ZH2A12  EN  ArA0Ol2,  DULCIS  ANIMA  VI- VAS, BIBAS  (for  Vivas)  IN  PACE,"  are  ex- amples of  the  inscriptions  thus  found.  In  the judgment  of  the  archaeologist  just  referred  to, they  go  back  to  the  third,  or  even  to  the  second century.  The  mottoes  were  probably  determined by  the  kind  of  Agape  for  which  they  were  intended (comp.  Martigny,art.  Fonds  de  Coupe.).    [E.H.P.] AGAPE.  (1)  Virgin  of  Antioch,  commemo- rated Feb.  15  and  March  10  (Mart.  Hieron.). (2)  Virgin  of  Thessalonica,  commemorated  April 3  {Martijrol.  Rom.  Vet.). 42 AGJAPETI,  AND  AGAPETAE (3)  Martyr,  April  16  (Cal.  Bymnt.). (4)  Daughter  of  Sophia,  Sept.  17  (/6.). (5)  Virgin,  commemorated  at  Rome  Aug.  8 {M.  Hieron.). (6)  Virgin,  commemorated  at  Heraclea,  Nov. 20  (J/.  Hkron.).  [C] AGAPETI,  and  AGAPETAE,  respectively, men  who  dwelt  in  the  same  house  with  dea- conesses, and  virgins  who  dwelt  in  the  same house  with  monks,  under  a  profession  of  merely spiritual  love ;  the  latter  of  the  two  akin  to (TvvfiaaKTOt,  and  also  called  a.'5iK<pa\ :  denounced by  St.  Gi-eg.  Naz.  (Carm.  III.),  by  St.  Jerome {Ad  Eustoch.  and  Ad  Oceanian, — "  Agapetarum pestis  "),  by  St.  Chrysostom  (Pallad.  in  V.  S. Chn/s.  p.  45),  by  Epiphanius  (Hacr.  Ixiii.,  Ixxix.), and'  by  Theodoret  (/«  Ejnst.  ad  Philem.  v.  2)  ; and  forbidden  by  Justinian  (Novell,  vi.  c.  6),  and others  (see  Photius  in  Nomocan.  tit.  viii.  c.  xiv. p.  99).  (Du  Cange,  Meursius  in  Glossar.,  Suicei-.) The  Irish  Kules  and  Penitentials  severely  con- demn a  like  practice  :  see  e.  g.  Reg.  Columban. ii.  13.  And  the  "  second  order  of  saints,"  in Ireland  itself  (according  to  the  well-known document  published  by  Ussher),  "  abnegabant mulierum  administrationem,  separantes  eas  a monasteriis,"  owing  apparently  to  the  abuse arising  from  the  practice  when  permitted  by "  tlie  first  order."  See  Todd,  Life  of  St.  Patrick, jip.  90-92.     (See  avv^iaaKroi..)  [A.  W.  H.] AGAPETUS  or  AGAPITUS.  1.  Comme- morated March  24  {Mart.  lUeron.,  Bedae). (2)  Of  Asia,  April  12  {Mart.  Hieron.). (3)  The  deacon,  martyr  at  Rome,  commemo- rated with  Felicissimus,  Aug.  6  {Mart.  Rom. Vet.,  Hieron.,  Bedae).  Proper  office  in  Gregorian Sacramentary,  p.  118,  and  Antiphon  in  Lib. Antiph.,  p.  705. (4)  Martyr  at  Praeneste,  commemorated  Aug. 18  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Bedae).  Proper ofHce  in  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  p.  123,  and Antiphon  in  Lib.  Antiph.  p.  707.  [C] AGAPIUS.  (1)  The  bishop,  martyr  in  Nu- midia,  commemorated  April  29  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.). (2)  And  companions,  martyrs  at  Gaza,  March 15  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] AGATHA  or  AGATHE.  (1)  The  virgin, martyr  at  Catana,  passion  commemorated  Feb.  5 {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Cal.  Byzant.). Another  commemoration,  July  12  {M.  Hieron.). One  of  the  saints  of  the  Gregorian  Canon.  Proper office  for  her  Katalis  in  Gregorian  Sacramentary, p.  25,  and  Antiphon  in  Lib.  Antiph.  p.  665. (2)  Commemorated  April  2  {Mart.  Hieron.). [C] AGATHANGELUS,  martyr,  commemorated Jan.  23  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] AGATHENSE  CONCILIUM.    [Agde.] AGATHO.  (1)  Martyr  at  Alexandria,  com- memorated Dec.  7  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.). (2)  Deacon,  April  4  {Mart.  Bedae). (3)  Commemorated  July  5  (76.  et  Hieron.).  [C] AGATHONICA    of   Pergamus,    commemo- rated April  13  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.).  [C] AGATHONICUS,  martyr,  commemorated Aug.  22  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] AGATHUS,  commemorated  May  8  {Mart. Hieron.).  [C] AGAUXE,    COUNCIL    OF    (Agaunensk AGE,  CANONICAL  ; CoxciLitJM),  April  30,  a.d.  515,  516,  or  523 ;  of  ! sixty  bisiiops  and  sixty  nobles,  under  Sigismund,  ] King  of  the  Burgundians  ;  established  the  "  Laus Ferennis  "  in  the  monastery  of  Agaune  (or   St. Maurice  in  the  Valais),  then  also  endowed  with  ] lands  and  privileges.    Maximus,  Bishop  of  Geneva,  ] heads  the    signatures  ;    but  Avitus,  Archbishop  | of  Vieune,  is  supposed  to  have  been  also  present  i (Mansi,  viii.  531-538).                        [A.  W.  H.] AGDE,  COUNCIL  OF  (Agathense  Coxci- LIUM),  in  Narbonne,  a.d.  506,  Sept.  10  or  11; of  35  bishops  from  the  South  of  France  ;  in  the 22nd  year  of  Alaric,  (Arian)  King  of  the  Goths  ; enacted  73  canons  in  matters  of  discipline ; among  other  things,  forbidding  "  bigami "  to be  ordained ;  commanding  mamed  priests  and deacons  to  abstain  from  their  wives  ;  fixing  25 as  the  age  of  a  deacon,  30  as  that  of  a  priest  or bishop,  &c.  It  was  assembled  "  ex  permissu domini  nostri  gloriosissimi  magnificentissimique  ■ regis,"  sc.  Alaric;  without  any  mention  of  the  ' pope  (Symmachus),  save  as  mentioning  his  vear  '; in  the  title  (Mansi,  viii.  319-346).    [A.  W.  H.]  • AGE,  CANONICAL.     The  age  required  by  i the  canons  for  ordination.    In  the  case  of  bishops,  " it  appears  to  have  been  the  rule  of  the  Church from    early   times   that   they  should   be   thirty  j years  old  at  the  time  of  their  ordination.     This  j rule,  however,  was  frequently  dispensed  with, either  in  cases   of  necessity  or  in   order  to  pro-  I mote  persons  of  extraordinary  worth  and  singular  ' qualifications.      It  may  be   questioned  whether  ' this  rule  was  observed  from  the  days  of  the Apostles,  as  it  is  nowhere  enjoined  in  St.  Paul's  I Pastoral  Epistles  or  elsewhere  in  the  New  Testa- ment.    And  in  the  so-called  Apostolical  Consti-  I tutions,  which  may  be  taken   as   expressing  the  j system   of  the    Eastern    Church    as    it   was  es- tablished about  the   end  of  the  third  century, fifty  is  the  age  required  of  a  bishop  at  his  ordi- nation,  except  he  be   a  man  of  singular  merit,          ' which  may  compensate  for  the  want  of  years.  ; The  age   of  thirty  is  required  by  implication  ■ by  the  Council   of  Neocaesarea,  A.D.  314,  which  ! forbids  to  admit  any  one,  however  well  qualified,  i to  the  priesthood,  under  thirty  years  of  age, because  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  at  that  age  be- gan His  ministry.  The  Council  of  Agde  (Con- cilium Agathense)  forbids  the  ordination  of bishops  or  priests  under  thirty  years  of  age. By  this  rule,  as  enacted  by  the  above-named councils,  the  ordinary  practice  of  the  Church has  been  regulated.  The  deviations,  however, in  special  cases  have  been  numerous,  and  for these   a  warrant  may  be   found   in  the   case  of  ! Timothy,  whose  early  ordination  as  Bishop  of Ephesus  is   inferred   from    the  Apostle's    admo-  j nition, — "  Let  no   man  despise  thy    youth  "    (1  \ Tim.  iv.  12).  We  learn  from  Eusebius,  that Gregory  Thaumaturgus  and  his  brother  Atheno-  \ dorus  were   both   ordained  bishops  very  young  ;  ' €Tj  viovs  &fiL(po}.  It  is  probable  that  Athanasius was  ordained  to  the  see  of  Alexandria  before  he  • was  thirty.  Remigius,  Bishop  of  Rheims,  as  all  I authors  agree,  was  ordained  at  the  age  of  twenty-  -J two,  A.D.  471.  ^ In  later  times,  boys  of  eleven  or  twelve  years of  age  have  been  ordained  to  the  episcopate  by papal  dispensation ;  but  this  abuse  was  unknown to  the  ancient  Church. Presbyters,  like  bishops,  might  not  be  ordained AGENDA before  the  age  of  thirty.  Justinian,  indeed, enacted  that  none  should  be  a  presbyter  before thirty-five;  but  the  Sixth  General  Council  of  Con- stantinople reduced  it  to  the  old  period,  appointing thirty  for  a  priest  and  twenty-live  for  a  deacon. Which  ages  were  also  settled  in  the  Saxon  Church, as  appears  by  Egbert's  Collection  of  the  Canons then  in  force  in  this  country. The  councils  of  Agde,  506,  of  Carthage,  397, of  Trullo,  692,  of  Toledo,  633,  all  prescribe twenty-five  as  the  minimum  of  age  for  a  deacon  ; and,  according  to  Bingham,  this  rule  was  very nicely  observed,  so  that  we  scarce  meet  with  an instance  of  any  one  that  was  ordained  before  this age  in  all  the  history  of  the  Church.  For  this  the Council  of  Toledo  cites  the  Levitical  precedent. In  the  Greek  Church  the  age  of  thirty  is  still prescribed  for  a  priest,  and  twenty-five  for  a deacon.  In  our  own  Church,  the  first  Prayer- book  of  Edward  VI.  prescribed  twenty-one  for deacons,  twenty-four  for  priests.  The  present rubric  is  a  provision  of  Canon  34. (Bingham,  n.  1,  xx.  20  ;  Landon's  Manual  of Councils ;  Comber's  Companion ;  Frayerhook  in- terleaved.) [D.  B.] AGENDA  (from  agere  in  the  special  sense  of performing  a  sacred  act).  A  word  used  to  desig- nate both  the  mass  and  other  portions  of  Divine service. 1.  In  the  plural. — The  second  Council  of  Car- thage (390)  speaks  of  presbyters  who  committed a  breach  of  discipline,  in  that  "  agant  agenda  "  in  | private  houses,  without  the  authority  of  the bishop  (Canon  9).  Innocent  I.  {Epistola  ad  De- centium,  §  3,  p.  552,  Migne)  speaks  of  cele- brating other  agenda,  in  contrast  with  the  con- secration of  the  mysteries. 2.  The  plural  form  "agenda"  came  in  time, like  "  Biblia,"  to  be  considered  a  singular  femi- nine. For  instance,  St.  Benedict  in  his  Rule,  c. 13  (p.  291),  speaking  of  the  morning  and  evening office,  says,  "  Agenda  matutina  et  vespertina  noii transeat." 3.  The  word  "agenda"  is  not  nnfrequently used  absolutely  to  denote  the  office  for  the  dead. This  may  not  improbably  be  the  case  in  the canon  quoted  above  by  the  II.  Cone.  Carthage  ; and  it  is  certainly  used  in  this  sense  by  Venerable Bede,  when,  speaking  of  local  commemorations  of the  dead,  he  says,  "  Per  omne  sabbatum  a  presby- tero  loci  illius  Agendae  eorum  sollenniter  cele- brantur  "  (Vita  St.  Augustini,  in  Ducange  s.  v.). Compare  Menard's  note  in  his  edition  of  Gregro/'i/'s Sacrarnentary,  p.  482.  (Ducange's  Glossary,  s.  v. "  Agenda  ").  [C] AGNES,  or  AGNE  (ayvi,).  (1)  The  virgin, martyr  at  Rome.  Her  Natalis,  which  is  an  an- cient and  highly-honoured  festival,  is  celebrated Jan.  2\{Mart. Eom.  Vet.,  Hieron., Bedae) ;  Octave, Jan.  28  (i6.).  Proper  office  for  the  Natalis  in the  Gregorian  Sacrarnentary,  p.  23,  and  Antiphon in  Lib.  Antiph.  p.  664.  By  Theodorus  Lector (Ecloga  ii.)  the  deposition  of  her  relics  is  joined with  the  deposition  of  those  of  Stephen  and Laurence  (see  Greg.  Sacram.  p.  304,  ed.  Menard). She  is  one  of  the  saints  of  the  Gregorian  Canon, where  her  name  appears  in  the  form  Agne. Tillemont  {Me'm.  Eccl.  iv.  345)  conjectures that  the  second  festival  on  Jan.  28  commemorates the  apparition  of  St.  Agnes  to  her  parents  eight days  after  her  death. AGNUS  DEI 43 Her  remains  are  said  to  have  been  buried  in  a praediolum  belonging  to  her  family  on  the  Via Nomentana.  The  crypt  dug  to  receive  them  bo- came  the  nucleus  of  the  famous  cemetery  of  St. Agnes.  Two  churches  at  Rome  are  dedicated  to St.  Agnes,  one  of  which  is  said  to  be  that  built by  Constantine  at  the  request  of  his  daughter Constantia,  and  is  certainly  one  of  the  most  an- cient basilicas  in  Rome.  In  early  times,  it  was customary  for  the  Pope  to  be  present  at  the  fes- tival of  St.  Agnes  in  this  church,  in  which Gregory  the  Great  delivered  several  of  his  homi- lies {e.g.  in  Matt.  c.  xiii.,  Ho7n.  2);  and  in  this church  still,  on  Jan.  21,  the  lambs  are  blessed, from  the  wool  of  which  the  Pallia  destined  for archbishops  are  to  be  made. In  the  illustration,  taken  from  an  ancient glass  vessel,  the  doves  on  each  side  bear  the  two crowns  of  Chastity  and  of  Martyrdom.  This representation  illustrates  the  verse  of  Prudentius {Feristeph.  xiv.  7), "  Duplex  corona  est  praestita  martyri." Representations  of  St.  Agnes  are  found  very  fre- quently on  glass  vessels  iu  the  catacombs  ;  only St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  are  found  more  often  so represented.  When  alone,  she  is  generally  placed between  two  trees ;  sometimes  she  is  at  the  side of  the  Virgin  Mary ;  sometimes  between  the Lord  and  St.  Laurence;  between  St.  Vincent and  St.  Hippolytus ;  between  St.  Peter  and  St. Paul. (2)  There  is  another  festival  of  St.  Agnes  on Oct.  18  {Mart.  Hieron.).  Tillemont  (1.  c.)  con- jectures that  this  was  instituted  in  commemora- tion of  the  dedication  of  some  church  in  her honour.  (Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  chre't.  p. 22  ff.  ;  the  Abbe  Martigny  has  also  written  a monograph.  Notice  historique,  liturgique,  et  arche'o- logiquo  sur  le  Culte  de  Ste.  Agnes.  Paris  et Lyons,  1847.)  [C] AGNITUS,  commemorated  Aug.  16  {Mart. Hieron.).  [C.J AGNUS  DEI.  The  versicle  "  Agnus  Dei,  qui toUis  peccata  mundi,  Miserere  nobis,"  is  generally spoken  of  as  the  "  Agnus  Dei." 1.  A  reference  to  the  "  Lamb  of  God,  which taketh  away  the  sin  of  the  world,"  was  intro- duced (as  was  natural)  into  some  of  the  liturgies at  an  early  period.  Thus  in  the  Liturgy  of  St. Chrysostom,  during  the  breaking  of  the  bread, the    priest   says,    MtAiferai   Koi    Siaue/tC^rai    6 44 AGNUS  DEI aij.vhs  rod  &fov  (Neale's  Tetralogia,  176) ;  and  m that  of  St.  James,  after  breaking  and  signing with  the  cross,  tlie  priest  says,  'iSe  6  ajxvhs  tov @eov,  o  Tibs  TOV  Uarphs,  6  aipwu  tV  afxapTiav TOV  KOfffiov,  (TcpayiaaSels  virlp  ti)s  tov  K6ff/j.ov Cairis  Kal  ffcoTTjpi'as  (Pj.  179).  And  in  the  ancient "  Morning  Hymn  "  [Gloria  in  Excelsis] adopted  both  iu  Eastern  and  Western  Liturgies, the  deprecation  is  found  :  'O  a/j.vhs  tov  @eov, 'O  Tlhs  TOV  IlaTphs,  6  aipwu  ras  aixaprias  tov K6(Tfxov,  'EXerjcrov  7iiJ.as. 2.  At  the  Trullau  Council  (692)  it  was  decreed, among  other  matters,  that  the  Lord  shoukl  no longer  be  pictured  in  cliurchos  under  the  form  of  a lamb,  but  in  human  form  (Canon  82).  The  then Pope,  however,  Sergius  I.,  rejected  the  decrees  of this  Council  (though  its  conclusions  had  been subscribed  by  the  Papal  legates),  and  Anastasius the  Librarian  (in  Baron.,  an.  701,  vol.  xii.  179)  tells us  that  this  Pope  first  ordered  that,  at  the  time of  the  breaking  of  the  Lord's  body,  the  "  Agnus Dei  "  should  be  chanted  by  clerks  and  people. Some  think  that  Sergius  ordered  it  to  be  said thrice,  where  it  had  previously  been  said  only once  ;  others,  as  Krazer  (De  Liturgiis,  p.  545), that  he  ordered  it  to  be  said  by  the  whole  body of  the  clergy  and  people,  as  being  a  prayer  for all ;  not,  as  previously,  by  the  choir  only.  How- ever this  may  be,  the  evidence  of  the  Ordines Eomani  I.,  II.,  and  III.  (Mabillon,  Museum  Itali- cum,  li.  pp.  29,  50,  59),  and  of  Amalarius  of Metz,  shows  that  in  the  beginning  of  the  9th  cen- tury the  choir  alone,  and  not  the  priest  at  the altar,  chanted  the  "  Agnus  Dei ;"  and  this  was the  case  also  when  Innocent  III.  wrote  his  trea- tise on  the  "  Mystery  of  the  Altar."  The  Ordines Komani  do  not  define  the  number  of  repetitions  of the  versicle  ;  but  Martene  {De  Bitihus  Ecdesiae, lib.  i.,  c.  4,  art.  9)  proves  from  ancient  documents that  the  threefold  repetition  was  expressly  en- joined in  some  churches — as  in  that  of  Tours — • before  the  year  1000  ;  and  in  the  12th  century this  custom  prevailed  in  most  churches.  Subse- quently, probably  from  about  the  14th  century, the  "  Aguus  Dei  "  came  to  be  said  in  a  low  voice by  the  priest  with  his  deacon  and  subdeacon.  In later  times,  says  Innocent  III.  (^De  sacro  Altaris Mysterio,  i.  4,  p.  910,  Migne),  as  trouble  and  ad- versity fell  upon  the  Church,  the  response  at  the third  repetition  was  changed  into  "  Dona  nobis pacem ;"  in  the  church  of  St.  John  Lateran only  was  the  older  form  retained.  When the  substitution  of  "  Dona  nobis  pacem  " was  made  is  uncertain ;  it  is  found  in  no MS.  older  than  the  year  1000.  The  reason which  Innocent  gives  for  the  introduction  of  the prayer  for  peace  may  perhaps  be  the  real  one ; but  it  is  not  an  unreasonable  conjecture  that  it had  reference  to  the  "  pax,"  or  kiss  of  peace, which  was  to  follow. 3.  Gerbert  {De  Musica  Sacra,  i.  p.  458)  men- tions among  ancient  customs  the  chanting  of  the "  Agnus  Dei "  by  the  choir  during  the  time  that the  people  communicated,  before  the  antiphon called  "Communio"  (Daniel,  Codex  Liturgicus, i.  148). 4.  The  "  Agnus  Dei "  was  sometimes  interpo- lated with  "tropes;"  for  instance,  the  following form  is  quoted  by  Cardinal  Bona  from  an  ancient missal,  the  date  of  which  he  does  not  mention  : "Agnus  Dei,  qui  tollis  peccata  mundi,  crimina tollis,  aspera  mollis,  Ag7nis  honoris,  Miserere  nobis. AGNUS  DEI Agnus  Dei,  qui  tollis  peccata  mundi,  vuliiera sanas,  ardua planus,  Agnus  amoris.  Miserere  nobis. Agnus  Dei,  qui  tollis  peccata  mundi,  sordida muiidas,  cuncta  foecundas,  Agnus  odoris.  Dona nobis  pacem  "  {Ve  Behus  Liturgicis,  lib.  ii.  c.  16, p.  473).  And  Rupert  of  Deutz  has  the  addition, "  Qui  sedes  ad  dextram  Patris,  Miserere  nobis  " (Daniel,  Codex  Lit.  i.  142). 5.  In  the  Ambrosian  rite  the  "  Agnus  Dei  " occurs  only  in  masses  for  the  dead  ;  where,  after "  Dona  nobis  pacem,"  the  words  are  added,  "  Re- quiem sempiternam,  et  locum  indulgentiae  cum Sanctis  tuis  in  gloria "  (Krazer,  De  Liturgiis, p.  637). 6.  A  legend  preserved  by  Robert  of  Jlount  St. Michael  (in  Bona,  De  Eeh.  Lit.  lib.  ii.  c.  16)  tells how,  in  the  year  1183,  the  Holy  Virgin  appeared to  a  woodman  at  work  in  a  forest,  and  gave  him a  medal  bearing  her  own  image  and  that  of  her Son,  with  the  legend  "Agnus  Dei,  qui  tollis  pec- cata mundi.  Dona  nobis  pacem."  This  she  bade him  bear  to  the  bishop,  and  tell  him  that  all  who wished  the  peace  of  the  Church  should  make such  medals  as  these,  and  wear  them  in  token  of peace.  [C] AGNUS  DEI.  A  medallion  of  wax,  bearing the  figure  of  a  lamb.  It  was  an  ancient  custom to  distribute  to  the  worshippers,  on  the  first Sunday  after  Easter,  particles  of  wax  taken  from the  Paschal  taper,  which  had  been  solemnly blessed  on  the  Easter  Eve  of  the  previous  year. These  particles  were  burned  in  houses,  fields,  or vineyards,  to  secure  them  against  evil  influences or  thunder-strokes. In  Rome  itself,  however,  instead  of  a  Paschal taper,  the  archdeacon  was  accustomed  to  pro- nounce a  benediction  over  a  mixture  of  oil  and wax,  from  which  small  medallions  bearing  the figure  of  a  lamb  were  made,  to  be  distributed  to the  people  on  the  first  Sunday  after  Easter,  espe- cially to  the  newly  baptised.  {Ordo  Bmnanus  I. pp.  25,  31 ;  Amalarius  de  Eccl.  Off.  i.  17,  p. 1033  ;  Pseudo-Alcuin,  de  Div.  Off.  c.  19,  p.  482.) In  modern  times  this  benediction  of  the  Agiius Dei  is  reserved  to  the  Pope  himself,  and  takes place  in  the  first  year  of  each  pontificate,  and every  seventh  year  following. The  Paschal  taper  was  anciently  thought  to symbolise  the  pillar  of  fire  which  guided  the Israelites,  and  the  Agnus  Dei  the  Passover  Lamb (Amalarius,  u.  s.  c.  18 ;  compare  the  Gregorian Sacramentary,  p.  71;  "  Deus,  cujus  antiqua miracula  in  praesenti  quoque  saeculo  coruscare sentimus"). A  waxen  Agnvs  Dei  is  said  to  have  been  among the  presents  made  by  Gregory  the  Great  to Theodelinda,  queen  of  the  Lombards  (Frisi, Memorie  di  Monza,  i.  34)  ;  but  nothing  of  the kind  is  mentioned  by  the  saint  himself  in  the letter  (Epist.  xiv.  12,  p.  1270)  in  which  he  gives a  list  of  his  presents.  One  was  found  in  1725  in the  church  of  San  Clemente  on  the  Coelian  Hill at  Rome,  in  a  tomb  supposed  to  be  that  of Flavins  Clemens  a  martyr.  This  Agnus  is  sup- posed, by  De  Vitry  (in  Calogiera's  Baccolta, xxxiii.  280),  to  have  been  placed  in  the  tomb  at the  translation  of  the  relics  which  he  thinks  took place  in  the  7th  century. An  Agnus  was  frequently  enclosed  m  a  case  or reliquary  ;  and  some  existing  examples  of  such cases  are  thought  to  be  of  the  8th  or  9th   ccd- AGRICIUS tuiy.  A  very  remarkable  one,  said  to  have belonged  to  Charlemagne,  is  among  the  treasures of  Aix-la-Chapelle ;  but  the  style  appears  to  be of  a  much  later  age  than  that  of  Charlemagne (Cahier  and  Martin,  Melanges  d'Archeoloqie, vol.  i.  pi.  xix.  fig.  D.).  [C.] AGRTCIUS,  Bishop  of  Treves  and  confessor, deposition  Jan.  13  (JIart.  Bedae).  [C] AGRICOLA.  (1)  In  Africa,  martyr,  com- memorated Nov.  3  (If.  Hieron.). (2)  Martvr  at  Bologna,  commemorated  Nov. •27  t^Mart  Bom.  Vet.). (3)  Saint,  Natale  Dec.  3  (if.  Bedae). (4)  In  Auvergne,  Dec.  9  {M.  Hieron.). (6)  At  Ravenna,  Dec.  16  (if.  Hieron.).     [C] AGRIPPINA,  martyr  at  Rome,  commemo- rated June  23  {Cal.  Byzant).  [C] AGRIPPINENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Co- logne, COUXCIL  OF.] AGRIPPINUS,  of  Alexandria,  commemo- rated Julv  15  {Mart.  Hieron.);  Jakatit  5  =  Jan. oQ  (Cal.  Ethiop.). AINOI.    [Lauds.] AISLE.    [Church.] AIX-LA-CHAPELLE,  COUNCILS  OF (Aquisgraxexsia  Coxcilia)  : — i.  a.d.  789  ;  a mixed  synod  held  under  Charlemagne  in  his palace,  which  enacted  82  capitulars  respecting the  Church,  IQ  ad  monachos,  21  on  matters  of  a mixed  kind  (Baluz.,  Capit.  i.  209). — ii.  a.d.  797 ; also  under  Charlemagne,  and  consisting  of  bishops, abbats,  and  counts  ;  at  which  11  capitulars  were made  respecting  matters  ecclesiastical  and  civil, and  33  "  de  partibus  Saxoniae."  The  canons  (46) of  Theodulph,  Bishop  of  Orleans,  "ad  parochiae suae  sacerdotes,"  are  appended  to  this  council (Baluz.,  Capit.  i.  250  ;  Mansi,  xiii.  994-1022). — iii.  A.D.  799;  also  under  Charlemagne,  and  in his  palace,  of  bishops,  abbats,  and  monks,  where Felix  of  Urgel  was  induced  by  Alcuin  to  re- nounce the  heresy  of  Adoptianism  (Mansi,  xiii. 1033-1040,  from  Alcuin,  ad  Elipand.  i.,  and  the Vita  Alcuin.).— \y.  A.D.  802,  October ;  also  under Charlemagne,  of  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons, who  then  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  him (Mansi,  xiii.  1102). — v.  a.d.  809,  November; also  under  Charlemagne,  upon  the  question  of *he  Filioque ;  which  sent  messengers  to  Pope .eo  III.,  and  was  insti-ucted  by  him  to  omit  the ^ords  from  the  Creed,  although  the  doctrine itself  was  de  fide  (Mansi,  xiv.  17-28).  The  later Councils  of  Aix  are  beyond  the  period  assigned to  this  work.  [A.  W.  H.] ALB  (alba,  tunica  alba,  tunica  talaris,  poderis, Jinca,  supparus,  su'mcula,  camisia  ;  see  also  Sti- CHARIOX). §  1.  The  word  and  its  derivation. — The  Latin word  alba,  the  fuller  expression  for  which  is tunica  alba,  first  appears,  as  the  technical  de- signation of  a  white  tunic,  in  a  passage  of  Vopis- cus,  who  speaks  of  an  al'm  subserica,  or  tunic made  of  silk  interwoven  with  some  other  mate- rial, sent  as  a  present,  circ.  265,  a.d.,  from  Gal- lienus  to  Claudius  {Hist.  August.  Script.  Tre- bellius  in  Claudio,  p.  208).  The  same  expression, alba  subserica,  occurs  more  than  once  in  a  letter of  the  Emperor  Valerian.  The  word  survives  in the  Fr.  "  aube,"  as  in  our  own  "  alb."     The  cor- ALB 45 respondmg  Italian  word  "camice"  is  derived from  "  camisia  "  (see  below,  §  3). §  2.  Ecclesiastical  use  of  the  word,  and  of  the vestment. — There  are  two  uses  of  the  term  in ancient  writers,  between  which  it  is  not  always easy  to  distinguish.  When  used  in  the  singular it  has  generally  the  technical  meaning  above  no- ticed, that  of  a  white  ^MHjc.  But  in  the  plural the  phrase  in  albis,  and  the  like,  may  either mean  "  in  albs,"  or,  more  vaguely  and  compre- hensively, "  in  white  garments."  Context  only can  determine  which  is  meant. The  first  recorded  instance  of  the  technical use  of  the  term,  as  a  designation  of  a  vestment of  Christian  ministry,  occurs  in  a  canon  of  the African  church  {Concil.  Carthag.  iv.  can.  41), dating  from  the  close  of  the  4th  century.  That canon  prescribes  that  deacons  shall  not  wear  the alb  except  when  engaged  in  Divine  service.  "  Ut diaconus  tempore  oblationis  tantum,  vel  lectionis, alba  utatur."  This  probably  implies  that  bishops and  presbyters,  but  not  deacons,  were  allowed to  wear  in  ordinary  life  a  long  white  tunic,  re- sembling that  worn  in  divine  service.  Other early  canons,  on  the  subject  of  ecclesiastical habits,  show,  as  does  that  last  quoted,  that  there was  a  general  tendency  on  the  part  of  the  dea- cons, and  other  yet  inferior  orders,  to  assume  the insignia  which  properly  belonged  to  the  higher grades  of  the  ministry.  "Human  nature  "  had found  its  expression  in  such  and  the  like  ways  in the  early  church  as  in  later  times. This  conjecture  as  to  an  alb  being  worn  by bishops  and  presbyters  even  in  ordinary  lite (from  the  time  of"  the  "  Peace  of  the  Church  " under  Coastantine),  at  least  on  occasions  when "full  dress"  was  required,  is  confirmed  by  the remarkable  mosaics  in  the  church  of  St.  George at  Thessalonica.  These  date  in  all  probabilitv from  the  4th  century.  Among  the  personages represented,  all  of  them  in  the  more  stately  dress of  ordinary  life,  there  are  two  only  who  are ecclesiastics,  Philip  Bishop  of  Heraclea,  and  the Presbyter  Romanus ;  and  the  dress  of  each  is  so arranged  as  to  show  the  white  chiton  (or  tunic), though  an  outer  tunic  of  darker  colour  is  also worn.  In  this  respect  their  dress  differs  from that  of  the  other  figures,  which  are  those  of  lay- men. These  mosaics  are  figured  in  the  Byzantine Architecture  of  Texier  and  PuUan  (Lond.,  1864). That  an  alb  was  so  worn,  more  or  less  generally, by  presbyters,  at  least  in  some  parts  of  the  West in  later  centuries,  appears  clearly  from  such  a direction  as  that  of  Leo  IV.  in  his  Cura  Pastor- alis:  "NuUus  in  alba  qua  in  suo  usu  utitur praesumat  missas  cantare."  This  direction  is repeated  almost  verbatim  in  the  Capitula  of Hincmar  of  Rheims  (1882),  and  in  the  Disciplina Ecclesiastica  of  Regino,  abbot  of  Prume,  in  the following  century. §  3.  Primitive  forms  of  the  Alb. — In  the  earlv ages  of  the  church  the  alb  of  Christian  ministry- was  of  full  and  flowing  shape,  and  distinguished in  this  respect  from  the  closely-fitted  funic  of Levitical  priesthood.  St.  Jerom'e  {Epist.  ad  Fa- biolam)  follows  Josephus  {Antiq.  Jud.  iii.  7)  in dwelling  particularly  on  this  distinctive  charac- teristic of  the  Levitical  tunic ;  and  in  order  to convey  to  his  readers  an  idea  of  its  general  ap- pearance, he  is  obliged  to  refer  them  to  the  linen shirts,  called  camisiae,  worn  by  soldiers  when  on service.    More  than  four  centuries  later,  Amala- 46 ALB rius  of  Metz  quotes  this  passage  of  St.  Jerome, in  his  treatise  De  Ecdesiasticis  Officiis  (lib.  n. cap.  18);  and  expressly  notices  the  fact  that  the Christian  alb  differed  from  the  poderis,  or  fuU- leni^th  tunic  of  Levitical  ministry,  in  that,  while this  last  was  strictum,  closely  ritted  to  the  body, that  of  the  church  was  largum,  full  and  flowing. With  this  statement  the  earliest  monuments  ol ministering  vestments  quite  accord.  The  albs (if  they  be  not  rather  dalmatics)  worn  by Archbishop  Maximian  and  his  attendant  clergy in  the  Ravenna  mosaics  (see  Vestiarium  Chris- tiamm,  PI.  xxviii. ;  and  under  vestments),  and in  a  less  degree,  that  assigned  to  the  deacon  in the  fresco  representing  Ordination  in  the cemetery  of  St.  Hermes  at  Rome  (Aringhi,  Soma .-u'jt.  torn.  ii.  p.  329);  and  again  those  worn under  a  planeta  by  Pope  Cornelius  of  Rome  and St.  Cyprian  of  Carthage  in  frescoes  ot  (probably) the  8th  century  (De  Rossi,  Eoma  Sott.  vol.  i.  pp. 298-304)  all  agree  in  this  respect.  In  these last,  particularly,  the  albs  (possibly  DALMATICS, q.  V.)  worn  under  the  planeta,  have  sleeves  as large  as  those  of  a  modern  surplice. But  while  this  was,  no  doubt,  the  prevailing form,  we  have  pictorial  evidence  to  show,  that, in  the  ninth  century  certainly,  and  in  all  proba- bility at  a  considerably  earlier  time,  a  difterent form  of  alb  was  in  use  side  by  side  with  the  first. Considerations  of  practical  convenience  deter- mined this,  as  had  been  the  case,  we  may  well believe,  in  the  case  of  the  Levitical  priests.  If these  latter,  in  the  discharge  of  their  sacrificial duties,  would  have  been  not  only  incommoded but  endangered  by  wearing  full  and  flowing  linen garments,  so  were  there  occasions,  particularly the  administration  of  baptism,  when  large  and full  sleeves,  like  those  of  the  ordinary  alb  or dalmatic,  would  have  been  inconvenient  in  the highest  degree  to  those  engaged  in  offices  of Christian  ministry.  We  find  accordingly,  in  an illumination  dating  from  the  9th  century  (see woodcut  in  the  article  baptism),  that  the  priest in  baptizing  wore  a  closely  fitted  alb,  girded. This  is,  we  have  reason  to  believe,  the  earliest example  in  Christian  art  of  an  alb  so  shaped  ; but  in  later  centuries,  as  the  "sacred  vest- ments" continually  increased  in  number,  the alb,  which  was  worn  underneath  the  rest,  was gradually  more  and  more  contracted  in  form  ; and  at  the  present  time  the  alb,  technically  so called,  is  a  closely-fitting  vestment,  girded, nearly  resembling  that  of  the  priest  in  the  plate just  referred  to. §4.  Decoration  of  the  a?6.— Like  other  vest- ments which,  in  primitive  times,  were  of  white linen  only,  the  alb  was  often  enriched  in  later times  in  respect  of  ornament,  material,  and colour.  Details  as  to  this  are  given  by  Bock {Litnrgische  Gewander,  ii.  33)  and  by  Dr.  Rock (C/mrch  of  our  Fathers,  vol.  i.  p.  424  sqq.).  The most  common  ornaments  of  the  kind  were  known as  parurae  (a  shorter  form  of  paraturae),  which were  oblong  patches,  richly  coloured  and  orna- mented, attached  to  the  tunic.  Hence  a  distinc- tion between  cdba  parata,  an  alb  with  "  ap- parels "  (technically  so  called),  and  alba  pura, this  last  being  the  "  white  alb  plain  "  spoken  of in  the  first  Prayer-book  of  Edward  VI.  These nlbae  pc.ratae  date,  according  to  Professor  Weiss, from  the  close  of  the  lOth  century  (Kostum- .....  '     of  I ALEXANDRIA ecclesiastical  use.  Ornaments  like  in  kind  to these  apparels  had  long  been  in  use  for  the  richer albs  worn  by  persons  of  high  secular  rank.  They were  called  Paragaudac,  from  a  Syriac  word  of similar  import.  See  Casaubon's  note  on  the  pas- sage of  Trebellius  referred  to  in  §  1.    [W.B.M.] ALBANUS  (1)  (St.  Alban)  or  Alciniis (Mart.  Bicron.)  and  his  companions,  martyrs  in Britain,  commemorated  June  22  (3fart.  Horn. Vet.,  Hieron.,  ct  Bedae). (2)  Saint,  commemorated  December  1  (M. Bedae).  [^^0 ALBINUS.     (1)  Bishop  and  confessor,  com- memorated March  1  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Bedae). (2)  Martyr,  June  21  {M.  Bedae).  [C] ALCESTEE,  Council  of  (Alnense  Con- cilium), A.D.  709  ;  an  imaginary  council,  resting _olely  on  the  legendary  life  of  Ecgwin,  Bishop of  Worcester,  and  founder  of  Evesham  Abbey,  by Brihtwald  of  Worcester  (or  Glastonbury) ;  said to  have  been  held  to  confirm  the  grants  made to  Evesham  (Wilk.  i.  72,  73;  Mansi,  xii.  182  - 189).  Wilfrid  of  York,  said  to  have  been  at  the council,  died  June  23,  709.  [A.  W.  H.] ALDEGL^NDIS,  virgin,  deposition  Jan.  30 {Mart.  Bedae).  [C-] ALDERMANN.    [Ealdorman.] ALEXANDER,   (1)  martyr  under  Decius, commemorated  Jan.  30  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.). (2)  Commemorated  Feb.  9  {Mart.  Bedae). (3)  Son  of  Claudius,  martyr  at  Ostia 18  (*.). (4)  Bi-shop  of  Alexandria,  Feb.  26  {lb.) ;  April 10  {M.  Hieron.). (5)  Of  Thessalonica,  Feb.  27  {M.  Hieron.). (6)  Of  Africa,  March  5  {M.  Hieron.). (7)  Of  Nicomedia,  March  6  {M.  Hieron.). (8)  With  Gains,  March  10  {Mart.  Bedae). (9)  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  martyr,  March  13 {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae). (10)  Martyr  at  Caesarea  in  Palestine,  March 28  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.) ;  Mar.  27  {M.  Bedae). (11)  Saint,  April  24  {Mart.  Bedae)  ;  April  21 {Hieron.). (12)  The  Pope,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Trajan, May  3  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae).  Named  in  tlie Gregorian  Canon,  Antiphon  in  Lib.  Antiph.  p.  693. (13)  Martyr  at  Bergamo,  Aug.  26  {Mart.  Rom. Vet.). (14)  Bishop  and  confessor,  Aug.  28  (Jo.). (15)  "  In  Sabinis,"  Sept.  9  {lb.  et  Hieron.). (16)  Commemorated  Sept.  10  {M.  Hieron.). (17)  In  Capua,  Oct.  15  {M.  Hieron.). (18)  Patriarch,  Nov.  7  {C'al.  Arm£n.) ;  Miaziah 22  =  April  17,  and  Nahasse  18  =  Aug.  11  {Cal. Ethiop.). (19)  Bishop  and  martyr,  Nov.  26  {M.  R.  \ .). (20)  Martvr  at  Alexandria,  translated  Dec. 12  {lb.).        '  [C-] ALEXANDRIA,  CATECHETICAL SCHOOL  OF.  The  school  thus  described  occu- pies an  exceptional  position  in  the  history  of  the Feb. Lvjide, p.  667).      But  this  is  true  only Christian  Church.  Everywhere,  of  course,  there was  instruction  {Kar-hxv<^i^)  of  some  kind  for  con- verts [Catechumens]  ;  everywhere,  before  long, there  must  have  been  some  provision  made  for the  education  of  Christian  children.  That  at  Alex- andria was  the  only  one  which  acquired  a  special reputation,  and   had  a  succession   of  illustrious ALEXANDRIA teachers,  and  affected,  directly  and  indirectly, the  theology  of  the  Church  at  large.  The  lives of  those  teachers,  and  the  special  characteristics of  their  theological  speculations  will  be  treated of  elsewhere.  Here  it  is  proposed  to  consider (1)  the  outward  history  of  tlie  school ;  (2)  its actual  mode  of  working,  and  general  influence  on the  religious  life  of  the  Alexandrian  Church. (1.)  The  origin  of  the  Alexandrian  school  *  is buried  in  obscurity.  Eusebius  (//.  E.,  v.  10) speaks  of  it  as  of  long  standing  (ef  apxaiov edovs),  but  the  earliest  teacher  whom  he  names  is Pantaenus,  circ.  A.D.  180.  If  we  wei-e  to  accept the  authority  of  Philip  of  Sida  (Fragm.  in  Dod- well's  Dissert,  in  Iren.  Oxf.  pp.  488-497),  the honour  of  being  its  founder  might  be  conceded to  Athenagoras,  the  writer  of  the  Apologia ;  and this  would  carry  us  a  few  years  further.  But  the authority  of  Philip  is  but  slight.  His  list  is manifestly  inaccurate,  the  name  of  Clement  com- ing after  Origen,  and  even  after  Dionysius,  and the  silence  of  Eusebius  and  Jerome  must  be  held to  outweigh  his  assertion.  Conjecture  may  look to  St.  Mark  (Hieron.,  Cat.  36),  with  more  proba- bility, perhaps,  to  Apollos,  as  having  been  the  first conspicuous  teacher  at  Alexandria.  Pantaenus, however,  is  the  first  historical  name.  He  taught both  orally  and  by  his  writings,  and,  though  his work  was  interrupted  by  a  mission  to  India,  he seems  to  have  returned  to  Alexandria,  and  to have  continued  teaching  there  till  his  death. First  working  with  him,  and  then  succeeding him,  we  have  the  name  of  Clement,  and  find  him occupying  the  post  of  teacher  till  the  persecution of  Severus,  A.d.  202,  when  he  with  others  fled  for safety.  The  vacant  place  was  filled  by  Origen (Euseb.  H.  E.  vi.  3),  then  only  eighteen  years  of age,  but  already  well  known  as  a  teacher  of grammar  and  rhetoric,  and  as  having  studied profoundly  in  the  interpretation  of  the  Scriptures. It  is  probable,  but  not  certain,  that  he  himself had  attended  Clement's  classes.  As  it  was,  seekers after  truth  came  to  him  in  such  numbers  that  he renounced  liis  woi'k  as  an  instructor  in  other subjects,  and  devoted  himself  to  that  of  the school  which  was  thus  reopened.  Clement  may possibly  have  returned  to  Alexandria,  and  worked with  him  till  his  death,  circ.  A.D.  220.  Origen himself  left  soon  afterwards,  and  founded,  in  some sense,  a  rival  school  at  Caesarea.  Of  the  teachers that  followed  we  know  little  moi-e  than  the  names. Philip  of  Sida  (I.  c.)  gives  them  as  Heraclas, Dionysius,  Pierius,  Theognostus,  Serapion,  Peter, Macarius,  Didymus,  Rliodon.  Eusebius  (i/.  E. vii.  32)  names  Pierius  as  a  man  of  philosophical attainments  at  Alexandria,  and  mentions  Achillas more  distinctly  as  having  been  entrusted  with the  SiSacTKaAeTuv  there  under  the  episcopate  of Theonas.  He  further  speaks  of  the  school  as existing  in  his  own  time  (circ.  a.d.  330).  Theo- doret  (i.  1)  names  Arius  as  having  at  one  time  been the  chief  teacher  there,  and  Sozomen  (H.E.  iii.  15) and  Rufinus  (//.  E.  ii.  7)  name  Didymus,  a  teacher wiio  became  blind,  as  having  held  that  post  for  a long  period  of  years  (circ.  A.D.  340-395).  During the  later  years  of  his  life  he  was  assisted  by Rhodon  as  a  coadjutor,  who,  on  his  death,  re- *  It  may  be  worth  while  to  note  the  names  by  which  it 18  described: — (1)  to  t^?  Kar/jxiicrea)?,  or  to  riov  lepuiv \6yiav  StSao-icaAeiov,  Huseb.,  H.  E.  v.  10,  vi.  3,  26  :  (2)  to lepbi/  hi£aaK(x\eiov  rwf  iepwi'  naSruJudToiu,  Sozom.  iii.  15  : (3)  Kcclesiastica  Sclwla,  Hieron.,  Cat.  c.  3H. ALEXANDRIA 47 moved  to  Sida,  where  he  numbered  among  his pupils  the  Philip  from  whom  we  get  the  list  of the  succession.  This  seems  to  have  broken  up  the school,  and  we  are  unable  to  trace  it  further. (2.)  The  pattern  upon  which  the  work  at  Alex- andria was  based  may  be  found  in  St.  Paul's labours  at  Ephesus.  After  he  ceased  to  address the  Jews  through  his  discourses  in  the  synagogue he  turned  to  the  "  school  "  (o'xoA'J;)  of  Tyrannus (Acts,  xix.  9).  That  "  school  "  was  probably  a lecture-hall  (so  the  word  is  used  by  Plutarch,  Vit. Arati,  c.  29),  which  had  been  used  by  some  teacher of  philosophy  or  rhetoric,  and  in  which  the  apostle now  appeared  as  the  instructor  of  all  who  came  to inquire  what  the  "  new  doctrine  "  meant.  Some- thing of  the  same  kind  must  have  been  soon found  necessary  at  a  place  like  Alexandria.  With teachers  of  jjhilosophy  of  all  schools  lecturing round  them,  the  Christian  Society  could  not  but feel  the  need  of  lecturers  of  its  own.  Elsewhere, among  slaves  and  artisans  it  might  be  enough  to hand  down  the  simple  tradition  of  the  faith,  to  de- velope  that  teaching  as  we  find  it  in  the  Catechises of  Cyril  of  Jerusalem.  The  age  of  apologists,  ap- pealing, as  they  did,  to  an  educated  and  reading class,  must  have  made  the  demand  for  such  teachers more  urgent,  and  the  appearance  of  Pantaenus  as the  first  certainly  known  teacher,  indicates  that he  was  summonea  oy  the  Church  to  supply  it. In  a  room  in  his  own  house,  or  one  hired  for  the purpose,  the  teacher  received  the  inquirers  who came  to  him.  It  was  not  a  school  for  boys,  but for  adults.  Men  and  women  alike  had  free  access to  him.  The  school  was  open  from  morning to  evening.  As  of  old,  in  the  schools  of  the Rabbis,  as  in  those  of  the  better  sophists  and philosophers  of  Greece,  there  was  no  charge  for admission.  If  any  payment  was  made  it  came,  in the  strictest  sense  of  the  word,  as  an  honorarium from  grateful  pupils  (Euseb.  H.  E.  vi.  4). After  a  time  he  naturally  divided  his  hearers into  classes.  Those  who  were  on  the  threshold were,  it  is  natural  to  think,  called  on,  as  in  the Cohortatio  ad  Graecos  of  Clement,  to  turn  from the  obscenities  and  frivolities  of  Paganism  to  the living  and  true  God.  Then  came,  as  in  his  Paeda- gogiis,  the  "  milk  "  of  Catechesis,  teaching  them to  follow  the  Divine  Instructor  by  doing  all things,  whether  they  ate  or  drank,  in  obedience to  His  will.  Then  the  more  advanced  were  led on  to  the  "  strong  meat  "  of  ^  eiroiniKr)  deupia (Clem.  Alex.,  Strom,  v.  p.  686,  Pott.).  At  times he  would  speak,  as  in  a  continuous  lecture, and  then  would  pause,  that  men  might  ask  the questions  which  were  in  their  hearts  (Origen, in  Matt.  Tr.  xiv.  16).  The  treatises  which remain  to  us  of  Clement's,  by  his  own  account of  them,  embody  his  reminiscences  of  such  instruc- tion partly  as  given  by  others,  partly  doubtless as  given  by  himself.  We  may  fairly  look  on Origen's  treatises  and  expositions  as  having  had a  like  parentage.  (Comp.  Guerike,  De  Schold Alex.;  Hasselbach,  De  Schola  Alex.;  Redepen- ning's  Origenes,  i.  57,  ii.  10 ;  and  Art.  Alex- a.ndrinisches  Catecheten  Schule,  in  Herzog's  JReal. Encyclopadie ;  Neander's  Church  History  [Engl. Translation],  ii.  260,  et  seq.)  [E.  H.  P.] ALEXANDRIA,  COUNCILS  OF.  There were  no  councils  of  Alexandria  proportionate  to its  situation  as  the  marine  gate  of  the  East,  or  to tiie  fame  of  its  catechetical  and  eclectic  schools, 48 ALEXANDRIA or  to  its  ecclesiastical  position,  as  having  been the  second  see  of  the  world.  And  the  first  of them  was  held  a.d.  230,  under  Demetrius,  in  a hasty  moment,  to  pass  judgment  upon  one  of the  most  distinguished  Alexandrians  that  ever lived,  Origen  :  his  chief  fault  being  that  he  had been  ordained  priest  in  Palestine,  out  of  the diocese.  His  works  were  condemned  in  this, and  he  himself  excommunicated  and  deposed  in  a subsequent  council ;  but  both  sentences  were disregarded  by  the  bishops  of  Palestine,  under whose  patronage  he  continued  to  teach  and  to preach  as  before. A.D.  235 — There  was  a  synod  under  Heraclas, who  is  said  to  have  appointed  20  bishops  ; one  of  whom,  Amraonius,  having  betrayed the  faith,  was  reclaimed  at  this  synod. A.D.  263 — This  was  a  synod,  under  Dionysius, against  the  errors  of  Sabellius  ;  in  another, Nepotianus,  a  bishop  of  Egypt,  and  Ce- rinthus  iell  under  censure  for  their  views on  the  Millennium. A.D.  306 — under  Peter ;  against  Meletius,  a bishop  of  Lycopolis,  who  had  sacrificed  to idols,  and  was  therefore  deposed. A.D.  821 — Against  Arius,  who  was  deposed  in two  svnods  this  year  under  Alexander. A.D.  324 — Against  Arius  once  more ;  but  this time  under  Hosius,  Bishop  of  Cordova,  who haa  been  despatched  to  Alexandria  to make  enquiries,  hj  Constantine. A.D.  328 — When  St.  Athanasius  was  conse- crated bishop.  (On  the  date,  see  Mansi, ii.  1086.) A.D.  340 — In  favour  of  St.  Athanasius.  De- puties were  sent  from  the  council  to  Rome and  Tyre  in  that  sense.  Its  synodical letter  is  given  by  St.  Athanasius  in  his  2nd Apology. A.D.  352 — Called  "Egyptian;"  in  ftivour  of St.  Athanasius  again. A.D.  362 — under  St.  Athanasius,  on  his  return from  exile,  concerning  those  who  had Arianised.  It  published  a  synodical  letter. On  its  wise  and  temperate  decisions,  see Newman's  Arians,  v.  1. A.D.  363 — under  St.  Athanasius  on  the  death  of Julian  ;  published  a  synodical  letter  to  the new  emperor  Jovian. A.D.  371 — Of  90  bishops,  under  St.  Athanasius  : to  protest  against  Auxentius  continuing  in the  see  of  Milan.  This  is  one  of  those called  "  Egyptian." A.D.  371 — under  St.  Athanasius  tlie  same vear;  to  receive  a  profession  of  faith  from Marcellus,  Bishop  of  Ancyi-a,  which  turned out  orthodox. A.D.  399 — Against  the  followers  of  Origen, who  were  condemned.  Part  of  its  synodical letter  is  preserved  in  that  of  the  emperor Justinian  to  Mennas  on  the  same  subject long  afterwards. A.D.  430 — under  St.  Cyril  against  Nestorius  ; '  where  St.  Cyril  indited  his  celebrated epistle  with  the  twelve  anathemas. A.D.  457 — under  Timothy,  surnamed  Aelurus, or  the  Cat,  at  which  the  Council  of  Chal- cedon  was  condemned.  This  was  repeated, A.D.  477. A.D.  482 — At  which  John  Tabenniosites  was  con- secrated bishop  ;  he  was  ejected  at  once  by the  emperor  Zeno,  when  Peter  Moggus  re- ALEXANDEIA turned,  and   in   a   subsequent   synod   tne        I same   year    condemned   the   4th    council, having  first  caused  a  schism  amongst  his own  followers  by  subscribing  to  the  He- uoticon  (Evag.  iii.  12-16). A.D.  485 — under  Quintiau,  to  pronounce  Peter the  Fuller  deposed  from  Antioch. A.D.  578 — The  last  of  those  called  Egyptian  ; it  was  composed  of  Jacobites,  to  consider        i the    case    of   the    Jacobite    patriarch    of Antioch,  Paul.  ' A.D.  589 — under   Eulogius ;    against   the    Sa- maritans. A.D.  633 — under  Cyrus,  the  Monothelite  pa- triarch :    the  acts  and  synodical  letter  of which  are  preserved  in  the  13th  action  of the  6th  general  council.     This  is  the  last        i on  record. The  interests  of  the  Church  History  of  Alex- andria are  so  great,  that  a  few  words  may  be added  respecting  its  patriarchate. The  patriarchate  of  Alexandria  grew  out  of  thp see  founded  there  by  St.  Mark,  "  according  to  the constant  and  unvarying  tradition  both  of  the  East       ^ and  West  "  (Neale's  Patriarch  of  Alex.  1.  i.)  ;  to which  jurisdiction  was   assigned,   as  of  ancient custom   appertaining,  by  the  6th  Nicene  canon, over  "  Egypt,  Libya,  and  Pentapolis."    This  was,       ; in  eifect,  what  was  already  known  as  the  Egyp- tian diocese,  being  one  of  five  placed  under  tlie jurisdiction  of  the  praefect  of  the  East,  and  com- prehending itself  six  provinces.     Of  these,  Au-        '. gustanica  was  subdivided  into  Augustanica  prima,        , and  secunda  :  the  first  stretching  upon  the  coast        : from  Rhinocorura  on  the  borders  of  Palestine  to Diospolis  on  the  east  of  the  Mendesian  mouth  of the  Nile,  with  the   second  immediately  under  it inland  ;   Egypt  proper  was  likewise   subdivided        ' into    prima    and    secunda,    of   which    secunda        | stretched  westwards  of  the  same  mouth  of  the        \ Nile   along  the  coast,  with  prima  lying  imme-       j diately  under  it  inland.     Then  Arcadia  at  Hep-        I tanomis,    forming  the   3rd  province,    lay  under        i Augustanica    secunda   and  Aegyptus  prima   on        \ both  sides  of  the  Nile  ;  and  south  of  this  Thebais, or  the  4th  province,  whose  subdivisions,  prima comprehended  all  the  rest  of  the  country  lying        , north,  and  secunda  all  the  country  lying  south of  Thebes,    included    in   Egypt.     Returning  to-       j wards  the  coast,  westwards  of  Aegyptus  secunda,        I the  5th  province,  Libya  inferior  or  secunda,  was also   called   Marmarica  ;  and  to  the  west  of  it was    the    6th    province,   Libya    Pentapolis,   also        ; called    Cyrenaica.      The    ecclesiastical    arrange- ments in  each  of  these  provinces  have  yet  to  be given.     For   this   purpose  the   "  Notitia "  pub- lished by  Beveridge    (Synod,   ii.    143-4)   might have  been  transcribed  at  length  ;  but  as  the  sites of  so  many  of  the  sees  are  unknown,  their  mere names,  which  ai-e  often  uncouth  and  of  doubtful spelling,   would  be   devoid  of  interest.     It  may    ■ suffice  to  enumerate  them,  with  their  metropolis       i in    each    case.      Thus   Augustanica   prima    con-    '  1 tained  14  episcopal  sees,  of  which  Pelusium  wai       5 the  metropolis  ;  Augustanica  secunda  6,  at  the       .' head  of  which  was  Leonto  ;  Aegyptus  prima  20, at  the  head  of  which  was  Alexandria  ;  Aegyptus secunda  12,  at  the   head  of  which  was   C.ibasa The  province  of  Arcadia  contained  6,  under  the metropolitan  of  Oxyrinchus  :    but   7   are    given subse'juently,  corresponding  to  the  7  mouths  of the   Nile,  of  which   Alexandria    is  placed  fii-st. ALEXANDEIA There  wpve  8  sees  in  Thebais  prima,  under  the metropolitan  of  Antino  ;  and  twice  that  number in  Thebais  secunda,  under  the  metropolitan  of Ptolemais.  Libya  secunda,  or  Marmarica,  con- tained 8,  under  the  metropolitan  of  Dranicon ; and  Libya  Pentapolis  6,  at  the  head  of  which was  Sozuza.  Tripoli  was  a  later  acquisition,  in- cluding 3  sees  only.  They  may  have  been  placed under  Alexandria  subsequently  to  the  time  of the  4th  Council,  when  all  to  the  west  of  them lay  in  confusion  under  the  Vandals  ;  and  possibly may  have  been  intended  to  compensate  for  those two  sees  of  Berytus  and  Rabba  bordering  on Palestine,  of  which  Alexandria  was  then  robbed to  swell  the  patriarchate  of  Jerusalem  on  the south-west  (Cave,  Ch.  Govt.  iv.  11).  The  list  of sees  in  Le  Quien  (^Oriens  Christianus,  vol.  ii.  p. 330-640),  illustrated  by  a  map  of  the  patriarch- ate fi'om  D'Anville,  agrees  with  the  above  in most  respects,  only  that  it  is  shorter. Alexandria  had  been  synonymous  with  ortho- doxy while  St.  Athanasius  lived  ;  shortly  after his  death,  however,  the  next  place  after  Rome, which  it  had  ever  enjoyed  from  Apostolic  times, was  given  by  the  2nd  General  Council  to  Con- stantinople. For  this  it  seemed  to  have  re- ceived ample  compensation  in  the  humiliation of  the  Constantinopolitan  patriarch  Nestorius, at  the  3rd  Council  under  St.  Cyril ;  when  the want  of  tact  and  perverseness  of  his  successor Dioscorus  enabled  the  more  orthodox  patriarchs of  Jerusalem  and  Constantinople  to  help  them- selves at  its  expense,  and  obtain  sanction  for their  proceedings  at  the  4th  Council.  For  a time,  it  is  true,  Rome  peremptorily  refused  as- senting to  them  ;  and  charged  their  authors  with having  infringed  the  Nicene  canons.  But  Alex- andria lalling  into  the  hands  of  those  by  whom the  doctrinal  decisions  of  the  4th  Council  were called  in  question  and  even  condemned,  Rome naturally  ceased  taking  any  further  steps  in  its favour ;  and  under  Jacobite  patriarchs  princi- pally, and  sometimes  exclusively,  Alexandria gradually  came  to  exercise  no  palpable  influence whatever,  even  as  3rd  see  of  the  world,  on  the i-est  of  the  Church.  Le  Quien  reckons  48  patri- archs in  all,  down  to  Eustathius,  who  was  con- secrated A.D.  801,  but  several  of  them  were heretical ;  and  there  were  num.erous  anti-patri- archs, both  heretical  and  schismatical,  from  time to  time  disputing  their  claims.  The  '  Art  de verifier  les  Dates '  makes  this  Eustathius  the 66th  patriarch.  Dr.  Neale  makes  him  the  40th. and  contemporary  with  Mark  II.,  the  49th  Jaco- bite patriarch. There  were  several  peculiarities  connected with  the  see  of  Alexandria,  which  have  been variously  explained.  One  rests  upon  the  autho- rity of  Eutychius,  patriarch  of  Alexandria  in  the 10th  century,  and  of  St.  Jerome.  The  words  of Eutychius  are  as  follows  :  "  St.  Mark  along  with Ananias  ordained  12  presbyters  to  remain  with the  patriarch  ;  so  that  when  the  chair  should become  vacant,  they  might  elect  one  out  of  the 12  on  whose  head  the  other  11  should  lay  their hands,  give  him  benediction,  and  constitute  him patriarch ;  and  should  after  this  choose  some other  man  to  supply  the  place  of  the  promoted presbyter,  in  such  sort  that  the  presbytery should  always  consist  of  12.  This  custom  con- tinued at  Alexandria  till  the  time  of  the  patri- arch Alexander,  one  of  the  318  (Fathers  of OimiST.  ANT. ALEXANDRIA 49 Nicaea)  who  forbade  the  presbyters  in  future  to ordain  their  patriarch  ;  but  decreed  that  on  a vacancy   of  the    see,    the    neighbouring    bishops should  convene  for  the  purpose  of  filling  it  with a  proper  patriarch,  whether  elected  from  those 12  presbyters  or  from  any  others."     Eutychius adds,  "  that  during  the  time  of  the  first  10  patri- archs, thei-e  were  no  bishops  in  Egypt ;  Deme- trius the  11th  having  been  the  first  to  consecrate them."     (Taken  from   Neale,  p.   9.)     This  per- haps may  serve  to  explain  the  extreme  offence taken  by  r)emetrius  at  the  ordination  of  Origen to  the  priesthood  out  of  the  diocese,  if  a  priest in  Alexandria  was  so  much  more  to  the  bishop than  a  priest  elsewhere.     It  may  also  serve  to explain  the  haste  with  which  Alexander  insti- tuted proceedings  against  Arius.     The   passage of  St.  Jerome  seems  conclusive  as  to  the  inter- pretation   to   be   given    to    that   of  Eutychius. This    Father   in   an  epistle  to  Evagrius,  while dwelling  on  the  dignity  of  the  priesthood,  thus expresses   himself:    "At  Alexandria,  from    the time  of  St.   Mark  the  Evangelist  to  that  of  the bishops   Heraclas  and  Dionysius  (in  the  middle of  the   3rd  century),  it  was  tlie  custom  of  the presbyters  to  nominate  one,  elected  from  among themselves,  to  the  higher  dignity  of  the  bishopric ; just  as  the  army  makes  an  emperor,  or  the  dea- cons nominate  as  archdeacon  any  man  whom  they know  to  be  of  active  habits  in  their  own  body." {Ibid.).     St.  Jerome  would  be  talking  nonsense, if  the   12  of  whom    he    is    speaking   had  been bishops  themselves;  that  is,  of  the  same  rank as  their  nominee  was  to  be.     Hence  the  theory of  an  episcopal  college,  to  which  Dr.  Neale  seems to  incline,  falls  to  the  ground  at  once.     On  the other    hand,   it    seems    unquestionable    that  St. Jerome  must  have   meant   election,  not  ordina- tion, from  the  marked  emphasis  with  which  he lays  down  elsewhere  that  presbyters  cannot  or- dain.    Otherwise,  from  the  age  in  which  Euty- chius lived,  and  still  more  the  language  in  which he  wrote,  it  would  hardly  be  possible  to  prove that  he  meant  election  only,  when  he  certainly seems  to  be  describing  consecration.     But  again, if  there  were  "  no  bishops  in  Egypt  during  the time  of  the  first  ten  patriarchs,"  how  could  epis- copal consecration  be  had,  when  once  the  patri- arch had  ceased  to  live  ?     To  this  no  satisfactory answer    has    ever   been   returned.      Eutychius, though   he  lived  in  the  10th  century,  may  be supposed  to  have  known  more  about  the  ancient customs   of  his  see,  in  a  land  like  Egypt,  than those  who    have    decried   him.     And  certainly, though  we  know  there  wei-e  bishops  in  Egypt under    Demetrius,    for    two    synods    of  bishops (Phot.  Bibl.  s.  118  and  Huet.  Origen.  i.  12),  we are  told,  met  under  him  to  condemn  Origen ;  it would    be   ditficult   to   produce   any   conclusive testimony  to  the  fact  that  there  were  any  epis- copal sees  there,  besides  that  of  Alexandria,  be- fore then.     The  vague  statement  of  the  Emperor Adrian,  "  Illi  qui  Serapim  coliint  Christiani  sunt ; tit  devoti   sunt  Serapi,   qui  se  Christi  episcopos dicunt,"  sjieaking  of  Egypt,  clearly  warrants  no such  inference,  standing  alone  ;  nor  does  it  ap- pear to  have  ever  been  suggested  that  each  of the    first    ten    patriarchs    consecrated    his    suc- cessor during  his  own  life-time.     Yet  there  was a  strange  haste  in  electing  a  new  patriarch  of Alexandria,  that  seems   to   require  some  expla- nation.    The  new  patriarch,  we  learn  from  Libe- 50 ALEXIUS ratus,  always  interred  his  predecessor  ;  and  be- fore doing  so,  placed  his  dead  hand  on  his  own head.  Can  it  have  been  in  this  way,  during that  early  period,  extraordinary  as  it  may  seem, that  ejiiscopal  consecration  was  supposed  to  be obtainel,  as  it  were,  in  one  continuous  chain from  St.  Mark  himself?  The  position  of  the patriarch  after  consecration  was  so  exceptional, that  it  would  be  no  wonder  at  all  if  his  consecra- tion dift'ered  materially  from  all  others.  In civil  matters  his  authority  was  very  great ;  in ecclesiastical  matters  it  was  quite  despotic.  All bishops  in  Egypt  were  ordained  by  him  as  their sole  metropolitan.  If  any  other  bishop  ever  per- formed metropolitan  functions,  it  was  as  his  dele- gate. The  Egyptian  bishops  themselves,  in  the 4th  action  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  professed loudly  that  they  were  impotent  to  act  but  at his  bidding  ;  and  hence  they  excused  themselves from  even  subscribing  to  the  letter  of  St.  Leo while  they  were  without  a  patriarch,  after  Dios- corus  had  been  deposed  ;  and  that  so  obstinately,- that  their  subscription  was  allowed  to  stand over,  till  the  new  patriarch  had  been  consecrated. The  patriarch  could  moreover  ordain  presbyters and  deacons  throughout  Egypt  in  any  number, where  he  would ;  and  it  is  thought  profcable that  the  presbyters,  his  assessors,  had  power  given them  by  him  to  confirm.  All  the  episcopal  sees in  Egypt  seem  to  have  originated  with  him  alone. As  early  as  the  3rd  century  we  find  him  called "  papa,"  archbishop  in  the  next,  and  patriarch in  the  5th  century,  but  not  till  after  St.  Cyril. In  later  times,  "judge  of  the  whole  world  "  was a  title  given  him,  on  account  of  his  having  for- merly fixed  Easter.  On  the  liturgies  in  use  in the  Egyptian  diocese.  Dr.  Neale  says  (General Tntrod.  i.  323-4),  "  The  Alexandrine  family  con- tains 4  liturgies :  St.  Mark,  which  is  the  normal form.  St.  Basil,  St.  Cyril,  and  St.  Gregory.  .  .  . St.  Mark's  was  the  rite  of  the  orthodox  Church of  Alexandria.  .  .  .  The  other  three  are  used  by the  Monophysites.  St.  Basil  (i.  e.  the  Copto- .Tacobite)  is  the  normal  and  usual  form  ;  St. Gregory  is  employed  in  Lent ;  St.  Cyril  on  festi- vals. .  .  .  Why  the  first  of  these  liturgies  bears the  name  of  Basil  "  is  uncertain.  "  It  is  not possible  now  to  discover  its  origin,  though  it would  appear  to  have  been  originally  Catholic ; to  have  been  translated  from  the  Greek  into Coptic,  and  thence  after  many  ages  into  Arabic. The  liturgy  of  St.  Cyril  is  to  all  intents  and purposes  the  same  as  that  of  St.  Mark  .  .  .  . and  in  both  that,  and  in  the  office  of  St.  Gregory, the  first  part  is  taken  from  the  normal  liturgy of  St.  Basil."  Both  the  proanaphoral  and  ana- phoral  parts  of  the  Copto-Jacobite  liturgy  of  St. Basil,  together  with  the  anaphoral  part  of  that of  St.  Mark  are  given  in  parallel  columns  farther on  in  the  same  work.  And  the  Copto-Jacobite patriarchal  church  at  Alexandria,  said  to  be  the burial-place  of  the  head  of  St.  Mark,  and  of  72 of  the  patriarchs,  is  described  there  likewise,  p. 277.  Between  the  two  works  of  Dr.  Neale already  cited,  and  the  Oriens  Christianus  of  Le Quien,  everything  further  that  has  yet  been discovered  on  the  subject  of  this  patriarchate may  be  ootaiued.  [E.  S.  F.] ALEXIUS,  b  &v6pa>wos  Tov  &eov,  comme- morated March  17  (Cal.  Byzant.);  July  17 (Mart.  Rom.).  [C] ALIENATION ALIENATION     OF     CHURCH     PRO- PERTY. —  In  treating  of  a  subject   like  that  I of  the  alienation  of  Church  property,  the  canons and    other  authorities  cited   as  evidence  of  the law  concerning  it  might  either  be  arranged  ac-  1 cording  to  the  various  descriptions  of  property  ] to  which  they  refer,  or  else  the  entire  legislation  | of  each  church  and  nation  might  be  exhibited  in chronological   order    apart  from  the  rest.     The latter  plan  has  been  here  adopted,  both  as  being  ] more   suitable   to   a   general    article,  and    also  ; because    in  matters  of  church  order  and  disci-  ' pline  the  canons  of  councils  were  not  in  force beyond  the  limits  of  the  churches  in  which  they  ' were  authoritatively  promulgated. The  alienation — by  which  is  to  be  understood the  transference  by  gift,  sale,  exchange,  or  per-  ' petual  emphytiusis  » — of  Church   property  [see  ' Property  of  tjie  Church]  was  from  early  times restrained  by  special  enactments.  i It  is  a  much  debated  question  amongst  Ca-  I nonists  whether  or  not  alienation,  except  in  ex- traordinary cases,  was  absolutely  prohibited  in the  first  ages  of  the  Church,  by  reason  of  the  j sacred  character  impressed  upon  property  given for  ecclesiastical  purposes,  and  by  that  act  dedi- cated to  God  (see  Balsamon  in  can.  12,  Cone.  VII.  ' ap.  Beveridge  I'and.  Can.  i.  303).     As,  however, the  property  of  the  Church  must  in  those  times have  consisted  only  of  the  offerings  and  oblations  ] of  the  faithful,  which  were  placed  in  the  hands  \ of  the  bishops,''     it  would  appear  most  probable  ; that  they  were  free  to  make  such  use  of  it  as they  might  think  would  be  productive  of  the  , greatest  benefit  to  their  several  dioceses.  ; The  general  law  of  the  Church  has  been  well epitomised  in  the  Commentary  of  Balsamon  (ap.  I Beveridge  Pand.  Can.   ii.  177).     "  Unusquisque  j nostrorum    Episcoporum    rationem    administi-a-  1 tionis  rerum   suae  Ecclesiae  Deo  reddet.     Vasa enim  pretiosa  Ecclesiarum,  seu  sacra,  et  reliqua  ', Deo  consecrata,   et  possessiones  irnmobiles,   non  \ sunt  alienabilia,  et  Ecclesiae  servantur.     Eccle- siasticorum  autem  redituum  administratio  secure  ; credi  audacterque  committi  debere  illis,-qi(i  statis  i temporibus  sunt  Episcopi."     Its  history,  as  it  is  | found  in  the  councils  of  different  churches,  has  ■ now  to  be  traced.  "  i In  the  East. — The  earliest  canon  which  refers  I to  the  subject  is  the  15th  canon  of  the  Council  ' of  Ancyra  (a.D.  314),  which  provides  that  the  \ Church  (on  the  expression  rh  KvpiaKhv  see  Beve-  I ridge,  Adnott.  in  loc.)  may  resume  possession  of  ' whatever  property   the   presbyters  of  a  diocese may  have  sold  during  the   vacancy  of  the  see ;  < but  this  canon  does  not  limit  any  power  which  j the  bishop  himself  may  previously  have  possessed,  ' and  is  simply  an  application  of  the  well-known  ' rule  "  sede  vacante  nihil  innovetur."  , The  Council  of  Antioch  (a.d.  341)  has   two    ^  ' canons,  the  24th  and  25th,   bearing  upon  this  : "  On  the  nature  of  this  tenure  see  Smith's  Dictionary      ,, of  Greek  and  Roman  Antiquities,  sub  voce,   '  Emphy-      | teusis.'    It  may  be  described  in  brief  as  the  right  to  use another  person's  land  as  one's  own,  on  condition  of  culti- vaiing  it,  aTid  paying  a  fixed  rent  at  fixed  times. b  'The  oath  now  taken  by  bishops  consecrated  accord- ing to  the  Roman  ordinal,  contains  a  clause  relating  to the  alienation  of  Church  property.  In  what  words  and at  what  time  a  clause  of  this  nature  was  first  introduced into  the  ordinal  is  a  question  which  has  given  rise  to much  controversy. ALIENATION  OF  CHURCH  PEOPERTY 51 question,  which  are  either  imitated  from  the 39th  and  40th  Apostolic  Canons,  or  have  been imitated  by  the  authors  of  that  collection  [Apos- tolic Canons].  The  24th  directs  that  Church pi'operty,  which  ought  to  be  administered  subject to  the  judgment  and  authority  of  the  bishop, should  be  distinguished  in  such  a  way  that  the presbyters  and  deacons  may  know  of  what  it consists,  so  that  at  the  bishop's  death  it  may  not be  embezzled,  or  lost,  or  mixed  up  with  his  private property.  That  part  of  this  canon  in  which reference  is  made  to  the  duties  imposed  on  pres- byters and  deacons  is  not  contained  in  the  Apos- tolic canon.  This  omission  would  seem  to  point to  the  conclusion  that  this  council  is  later  in date  than  the  39th  Apostolic  canon ;  and  Beve- ridge  {Cod.  Can.  i.  43)  draws  the  same  inference as  to  the  date  of  the  40th  Apostolic  canon  from its  not  making  mention  of  oi  rwv  aypHv  Kapirol, words  which  are  to  be  found  in  the  25th  Canon of  Antioch.  By  the  25th  canon  it  is  provided  that the  Provincial  Synod  should  have  jurisdiction  in cases  where  the  bishop  is  accused  of  converting Church  property  to  his  own  use,  which  was also  forbidden  by  the  37th  Apostolic  canon, or  managing  it  without  the  consent  {/xri  /xera •yvdifjiris)  of  the  presbyters  and  deacons,  and  also in  cases  where  the  bishop  or  the  presbyters  who are  associated  with  him  are  accused  of  any  mis- appropriation for  their  own  benefit.  Here  again it  will  be  noted  that  the  eflect  of  this  canon  is to  make  provision  for  the  better  and  more  care- ful management  of  Church  property,  and  that  it does  not  abridge  any  right  of  alienation  which the  bishop  may  have  before  possessed.  It  must, however,  be  observed  that  the  power  of  the bishop  to  manage  (xfipiC^'")  Church  property  (an expression  which  would  doubtless  include  the act  of  alienation)  is  qualified  by  the  proviso  that it  must  be  exercised  with  the  consent  of  his presbyters  and  deacons. The  7th  and  8th  canons  of  the  Council  of Gangra  (the  date  of  this  council  is  uncertain, some  writers  placing  it  as  early  as  A.D.  324,  and others  as  late  as  a.d.  371  :  see  Van  Espen, Dissertatio  in  Synodum  Gangrensem,  Op.  iii.  120, ed.  Lovan.  1753,  and  Beveridge,  Adiwtt.  in  id. Cone,  who  inclines  to  the  opinion  that  it  was held  a  short  time  before  the  Council  of  Antioch, A.D.  341),  prohibit  under  pain  of  anathema  all persons  from  alienating  {SiSovai  e^w  ttjs  eKKArj- ffias)  produce  belonging  to  the  Church,  except they  first  obtain  the  consent  of  the  bishop  or  his oeconomus,  or  officer  entrusted  with  the  care  of Church  property. The  enactments  contained  in  the  second  Coun- cil of  Nicaea  (or  as  it  is  generally  styled  the  7th Oecumenical  Council)  a.d.  787,  will  be  more  con- veniently considered  below. The  African  Church  seems  to  have  found  it necessary  to  place  special  restrictions  upon  the power  of  alienating  Chui'ch  property  possessed by  bishops  under  the  general  law.  By  the  31st canon  of  the  code  known  as  the  Statuta  Ecclesiae Antiqua,  promulgated  (according  to  Bruns,  Ca- nones,  i.  140)  at  the  4th  Council  of  Carthage (a.d.  398),  the  bishop  is  enjoined  to  use  the  pos- sessions of  the  Church  as  trustee,  and  not  as  if they  were  his  own  property  ;  and  by  the  next canon  all  gifts,  sales,  or  exchanges  of  Church property  made  by  bishops  without  the  consent  in writing  ("absque  conniventia  et  subscriptione  ") of  their  clergy  are  pronounced  invalid.  In  the 31st  canon  there  are  further  provisions  against the  unauthorized  alienation  of  Church  property by  the  inferior  clergy.  If  convicted  in  the synod  of  this  offence  they  are  to  make  restitu- tion out  of  their  own  property. Again  by  the  26th  (ap.  Bev.  29th)  canon of  the  Codex  Ecclesiae  Africanae  promulgated a.d.  419,  which  repeats  the  4th  canon  of  the 6th  Council  of  Carthage  (  a.d.  401 ),  it  is ordained  that  no  one  sell  the  real  property  be- longing to  the  Church  ;  but  if  some  very  urgent reason  for  doing  so  should  arise,  it  is  to  be  com- municated to  the  Primate  of  the  Province,  who  is to  determine  in  council  with  the  proper  number  of bishops  (i.e.  twelve)  whether  a  sale  is  to  be  made or  not ;  but  if  the  necessity  for  action  is  so  great that  the  bishop  cannot  wait  to  consult  the  synod, then  he  is  to  summon  as  witnesses  the  neigh- bouring bishops  at  least,  and  to  be  careful  after- wards to  report  the  matter  to  the  synod.  The penalty  of  disobedience  to  this  canon  was  de- position. By  the  33rd  canon  (ap.  Bev.  36th) presbyters  are  forbidden  to  sell  any  Church  pro- perty without  the  consent  of  their  bishops ;  and in  like  manner  the  bishops  are  forbidden  to  sell any  Church  lands  (praedia)  without  the  privity of  their  Synod  or  presbyters.  (See  on  these canons  Van  Espen,  Op.  iii.  299,  &c. ;  and  the Scholion  of  Balsamon  ap.  Bev.  Band.  Can.  i.  551.) Passing  from  Asia  Minor  and  Africa  to  Italy, the  earliest  provisions  with  reference  to  alienation to  be  found  in  the  councils  are  in  the  council  held at  Rome  by  Pope  Symmachus  in  A.D.  502.  The circumstances  under  which  the  canons  of  this council  were  passed  (and  which  relate  solely  to  the question  of  alienation)  are  thus  described  by  Dean Milman  :  "On  the  vacancy  of  the  see  [by  the  death of  Pope  Simplicius,  A.d.  483]  occurred  a  singular scene.  The  clergy  were  assembled  in  St.  Peter's. In  the  midst  of  them  stood  up  Basilius,  the Patrician  and  Prefect  of  Eome,  acting  as  Vice- gerent of  Odoacer  the  barbarian  King.  He  ap- peared by  the  command  of  his  master,  and  by the  admonition  of  the  deceased  Simplicius,  to take  care  that  the  peace  of  the  city  was  not disturbed  by  any  sedition  or  tumult  during  the election.  ...  He  proceeded,  as  the  protector of  the  Church  from  loss  and  injury  by  church- men, to  proclaim  the  following  edict :  '  That  no one  under  the  penalty  of  anathema  should  alie- nate any  farm,  buildings,  or  ornaments  of  the churches ;  that  such  alienation  by  any  bishop present  or  future  was  null  and  void.'  So  im- portant did  this  precedent  appear,  so  dangerous in  the  hands  of  these  schismatics  who  would even  in  those  days  limit  the  sacerdotal  power, that  nearly  twentj'  years  after,  a  foi'tunate  occa- sion was  seized  by  the  Pope  Symmachus  to  annul this  decree.  In  a  Synod  of  bishops  at  Eome  the edict  was  rehearsed,  interrupted  by  protests  of the  bishops  at  this  presumptuous  interference  of the  laity  with  affairs  of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction.  ^ The  authenticity  of  the  decree  was  not  called  ' in  question  ;  it  was  declai'ed  invalid  as  being" contrary  to  the  usages  of  the  Fathers  enacted on  lay  authority,  and  as  not  being  ratified  by the  signature  of  any  Bishop  at  Rome.  The same  council,  however,  acknowledged  its  wisdom by  re-enacting  its  oi-dinances  against  the  al'ienn- tion  of  Church  property "  {History  of  Latin Christianity,  vol.  i.,  p.  221,  2nd  ed'.).  On  this E  2 ^ S 52 ALIENATION  OF  CHUKCH  PROPERTY Council  Boehmer  notes  that  it  has  not  more authority  than  belongs  to  it  as  a  Council  of the  Italian  Church,  and  that  therefore  its  decrees (which  go  far  beyond  any  yet  promulgated  else- where) were  not  binding  upon  other  Churches. Previously,  however,  to  this  date  Pope  Leo  the Great  (a.d.  447)  had  written  to  the  bishops  of Sicily  and  forbidden  the  alienation  of  Church property  by  the  bishops  except  for  the  benefit  of the  Church,  and  with  the  consent  of  the  whole clergy  {Ep.  17).  Pope  Gelasius  also  (a.d.  492- 40G),  writing  to  Justinus  and  Faustus  (who  were acting  in  the  place  of  their  bishop),  directed  the restitution  of  all  property  belonging  to  the Church  of  Volterra  which  had  been  alienated  up to  that  time  ;  and  in  another  letter  he  forbad the  appropriation  of  Church  lands  for  the  pay- ment of  anv  particular  stipend  (Fragg.  23  and  24, ap.  Thiel)." In  the  history  of  the  Gallican  C/iurch  the earliest  reference  to  alienation  is  to  be  found in  a  letter  from  Pope  Hilarus  (a.d.  462)  to  the bishops  of  the  provinces  of  Vienne,  Lyons,  Nar- bonne,  and  the  Maritime  Alps,  in  which  he  pro- hibits the  alienation  of  such  Church  lands  as  are neither  waste  nor  unproductive  ("  nee  deserta nee  damnosa ")  except  with  the  consent  of  a council  (Ep.  8  sec.  ult.). The  Council  of  Agde  (a.d.  506)  contains  seve- ral canons  on  alienation.  The  22nd  canon,  while declaring  that  it  is  superfluous  to  define  any- thing afresh  concerning  a  matter  so  well  known, and  a  practice  forbidden  by  so  many  ancient canons,  prohibits  the  clergy  from  selling  or giving  away  any  Church  property  under  pain  of being  excommunicated  and  having  to  indemnify the  Church  out  of  their  private  resources  for any  loss,  the  transaction  being  at  the  same  time declared  void.  The  26th  canon  inflicts  the  like punishment  on  those  who  suppress  or  conceal  or give  to  the  unlawful  possessor  any  document  by which  the  title  of  the  Church  to  any  property is  secured.  The  48th  canon  reserves  to  the Church  any  property  left  on  the  death  of  a bishop,  which  he  had  received  from  ecclesiastical sources.  The  49th  canon  repeats  almost  in  the same  words  the  above  cited  31st  canon  of  the Statuta  Ecdesiae  Antiqua  ;  the  53rd  canon  pro- hibits, and  pronounces  void,  any  alienation  by parish  priests ;  while  by  the  56th  canon  abbots are  forbidden  to  sell  Church  property  without the  bishop's  consent,  or  to  manumit  slaves,  "  as it  would  be  unjust  for  monks  to  be  engaged  in their  daily  labours  in  the  field  while  their  slaves were  enjoying  the  ease  of  liberty." The  1st  Council  of  Orleans  (a.d.  511)  places all  the  immoveable  property  of  the  Church  in the  power  of  the  bishop  "that  the  decrees  of  the ancient  canons  may  be  observed"  (canons  14 and  15). Pope  Symmachus,  A.D.  513  (who  died  A.D.  514), in  answering  certain  questions  put  to  him  by Caesarius,  Bishop  of  Aries,  forbids  Church  pro- perty to  be  alienated  under  any  pretence,  but he  permits  a  life  rent  to  be  enjoyed  by  clerks worthy  of  reward  {Ep.  15). By  the  5th  canon  of  the  1st  Council  of  Cler- mont (a.d.  535)  all  persons  are  excommunicated who  obtain  any  Church  property  from  kings. In  the  same  year  Pope  Agapetus  writing  to Caesarius,  Bishop  of  Aries,  says,  that  he  is  "un- willingly obliged  to  refuse  the  bishop  permission to  alienate  some  Church  lands,  "  revocant  nos veneranda  Patrum  manifestissima  constituta, quibus  specialiter  prohibemur  praedia  juris  ec- desiae quolibet  titulo  ad  aliena  jura  transferre  " {Gone.  Gall.  i.  240). The  12th  canon  of  the  3rd  Council  of  Orleans (a.d.  538)  allows  the  recovery  of  Church  pro- perty within  30  years,  and  ordains  that  if  the possessor  should  refuse  to  obey  the  judgment  of the  Council  ordering  him  to  surrender,  he  is excommunicated. The  23rd  canon  renews  the  prohibition  against       ; the  alienation  of  Church  property  by  abbots  or       j other  clergy  without  the  written  consent  of  the       j bishop  ;  and  by  the  9th  canon  of  the  4th  Council       ] held  at  the  .same  city  (a.d.  541)  it  is  provided       j that  Church  property  which  has  been  alienated       > or  encumbered   by  the  bishop  contrary  to  the canons    shall,    if    he    has    left    nothing    to    the Church,  be  returned  to  it  ;  but  slaves  whom  he may  have  manumitted  shall  retain  their  freedom, though  they  must  remain  in  the  service  of  the Church.    The  11th,  18th,  30th,  and  34th  canons contain  further  provisions  on  the  subject.  ' The  1st  canon  of  the  3rd  Council  of  Paris (a.d.  557)  is  directed  against  the  alienation  of Church  property,  but  this  canon,  as  well  as  those  ; next  mentioned,  would  appear  to  refer  to  seizure by  foi-ce  jather  than  to  possession  by  any  quasi-  \ legal  process.  Alienation  is  forbidden  by  the  2nd canon  of  the  2nd  Council  of  Lyons  (a.d.  567). In  the  2nd  Council  of  Tours  (a.d.  567)  there       ^ are  two  canons — the  24th  and  25th — relating  to       | the  recovery  of  Church  property  from  the  hands of  unlawful  possessors. In  Spain  the  Council  held  a.d.  589  at  Nar- bonue,  which  in  its  ecclesiastical  relations  must be  considei-ed  in  Spain  (Wiltsch.  Gcog.  of  the Church,  i.  100),  prohibits  the  alienation  of  Church property  by  the  inferior  clergy,  without  the  con- sent of  the  bishop,  under  pain  of  suspension  for two  years  and  perpetual  inability  to  serve  in the  church  in  which  the  offence  was  committed (can.  8). By  the  3rd  Council  of  Toledo  (held  in  the  same  | year),  can.  3,  bishops  are  forbidden  to  alienate  i Church  property,  but  gifts  which,  in  the  judg-  [ ment  of  the  monks  of  the  diocese,  are  not  detri-  ! mental  to  the  interests  of  the  Church  cannot  be  ' disturbed ;  by  the  next  canon  bishops  may assign  Church  property  for  the  support  of  a monastery  established  with  the  consent  of  his  | Synod. By  the  37th  canon  of  the  4th  Council  of  1 Toledo  (a.d.  633)  the  bishop  is  permitted  (sub-  \ ject  to  the  confirmation  of  a  Provincial  Council)  j to  redeem  any  promise  of  reward  made  for  ser-  ; vices  to  the  Church.  • The  9th  Council  of  Toledo  (a.d.  655)  contains  1 provisions  very  similar  to  the  above  cited  canons  ; of  the  3rd  Council  held  at  the  same  place.  ': In  England,  Archbishop  Theodore  of  Canter-      •' bury  (a.d.  668-690)  forbids  abbots  to  make  ex-      '; changes  without  the  consent  of  the  bishop  and their  brethren  {Poenitcntiale — De  Ahhatihus). The  E.rrerjtiones  ascribed  erroneously  to  Arch-  . ; bishop  Egbert  of  York  (who  held  that  metropo- litical  see  from  A.D.  732  to  766)  declare  that gifts,  sales,  or  exchanges  of  Church  property  by bishops  without  the  consent  and  written  per- mission of  the  clergy  shall  he  void  (cap.  144). The  Poonitentiale,  also  attributed  wrongly  to  the ALIENATION  OF  CHUECH  PEOPEETY same  prelate,  permits  exchanges  between  mo- nasteries with  the  consent  of  both  communities (addit.  25). The  last  Council  which  passed  canons  on  the subject  of  alienation  during  the  period  covered by  this  article,  is  the  2nd  Council  of  Nicaea  (the "  Seventh  Oecumenical  Council  ")  held  A.D.  787. The  12th  canon  making  mention  of  the  39th Apostolic  Canon  forbids  the  alienation  or  transfer of  Church  lands  by  bishops  and  abbots  in  favour of  princes  or  other  secular  potentates  ;  and  it  also, like  many  of  the  canons  hereinbefore  cited,  pro- hibits bishops  from  appropriating  any  ecclesias- tical property  to  their  own  use  or  to  that  of their  relatives.  Even  when  the  retention  of  any Church  lands  is  unprofitable  they  may  not  be sold  to  magistrates  or  princes,  but  to  the  clergy or  to  farmers  ;  and  these  again  may  not  sell  them to  magistrates,  and  so  contravene  the  spirit  of  the canon.  Such  deceitful  transactions  are  invalid, and  the  bishop  or  abbot  who  is  guilty  of  taking part  in  them  is  to  be  deposed. — See  the  elaborate SchoUon  of  Balsamon  on  this  canon,  ap.  Bev. Fund.  Can.  i.  303. Having  now  gone  through  the  principal canons  passed  by  the  ecclesiastical  assemblies  of the  first  eight  centuries,  there  remain  to  be  consi- dered the  laws  by  which  the  Christian  emperors limited  the  power  of  the  Church  as  regards  the alienation  of  its  property. Constantine  the  Great  had  in  a  decree  of  the year  A.D.  323  (sees.  16,  18)  assured  to  the Church  the  safe  enjoyment  of  its  property,  and had  commanded  the  restitution  as  well  by  the State  as  by  private  individuals  of  all  such  pro- perty as  they  might  have  got  possession  of;  but it  does  not  appear  that  there  was  any  imperial legislation  concerning  the  alienation  of  Church property  until  after  the  promulgation  of  the Codex  Theodosianus  in  a.d.  438. The  Codex  Repetitae  Fraelectlonis  promulgated by  Justinian  in  December  a.d.  534  contains  in the  2nd  title  of  the  1st  Book  various  provisions, made  by  his  predecessors  and  re-enacted  by  him, on  the  subject  of  alienation. In  the  14th  section  there  is  a  constitution  of the  Emperor  Leo  (a.d.  470)  which  prohibits  the Archbishop  of  Constantinople,  or  any  of  his stewards  (oeconomi)  from  alienating  in  any  way the  land  or  other  immoveable  property  or  the coloni  or  slaves  or  state  allowances  ( civiles annonae)  belonging  to  his  Church,  not  even  if  all the  clergy  agreed  with  the  Archbishop  and  his steward  as  to  the  propriety  of  the  transaction. The  reason  given  for  this  stringent  law  is  that as  the  Church  which  is  the  mother  of  Religion and  Faith,  is  changeless,  her  property  ought  to be  preseiwed  also  without  change.  Any  trans- .  actions  completed  in  defiance  of  this  constitution were  void,  and  all  profits  resulting  therefrom were  given  to  the  Church.  The  stewards  who were  parties  to  the  act  were  to  be  dismissed,  and their  property  made  liable  for  any  damage  which might  arise  from  this  infringement  of  the  law. The  notaries  employed  were  to  be  sent  into  per- petual exile,  and  the  judge  who  ratified  the  pro- ceeding was  punished  by  the  loss  of  his  office and  the  confiscation  of  his  property.  There was,  however,  an  exception  made  to  this  rule  in tlie  case  of  a  usufruct,  the  creation  of  which was  permitted  for  a  term  of  years  or  for  the life  of  the  usufructuary.     (The  editions  of  the 53 Juris  Civilis  generally  contain  after  this section  a  series  of  extracts  from  the  Novells  on the  same  subject.) The  17th  section  contains  a  constitution  of  the Emperor  Anastasius  to  which  no  precise  date is  affixed  by  the  commentators,  but  which  must have  been  promulgated  between  the  years  A.D. 491  and  517  (Haenel,  Indices  ad  Corjnis  Legum ah  Imp.  Rom.  ante  Just,  latarum,  p.  82,  Lipsiae 1857).  This  constitution,  like  the  last  cited, applies  solely  to  the  Church  of  Constantinople, and  relates  to  monasteries,  orphanages  and other  eleemosynary  institutions  whose  property might  in  cases  of  necessity  be  sold,  exchanged, mortgaged,  or  leased  in  perpetual  emphyteusis  ; provided  that  the  transaction  be  eflected  in  the manner  therein  prescribed  and  in  the  presence of  the  civil  authorities  and  the  representatives of  the  particular  body  whose  property  is  about to  be  dealt  with.  It  is,  however,  decreed  that  if there  be  moveable  property  (the  sacred  vessels excepted)  sufficient  to  meet  the  sum  required, the  immoveable  property  shall  not  be  touched. In  the  21st  section  is  given  a  constitution  of Justinian  himself  (a.d.  529)  in  which  he  forbids any  sale  or  other  alienation  of  sacred  vessels  or vestments  except  only  with  the  object  of  re- deeming captives  (and,  according  to  some  edi- tions, relieving  famine)  ;  "  quoniam  non  absur- dum  est  animas  hominum  quibuscunque  vasis vel  vestimentis  praeferri." The  rule  which  permitted  the  sale  or  melting down  of  Church  plate  for  the  redemption  of captives  is  one  of  great  antiquity.  Its  propriety is  nowhere  more  eloquently  defended  than  in the  following  passage  from  the  2nd  Book  of St.  Ambrose  Be  Officiis  Ministrorum  (cir.  A.D. 391)  "Quid  enim  diceres  ?  Timui  ne  templo Dei  ornatus  deesset  ?  Responderet :  Aurum  Sa- cramenta  non  quaerunt ;  neque  auro  placent, quae  auro  non  emuntur.  Ornatus  sacramento- rum  redemptio  captivorum  est.  Yere  ilia  sunt vasa  pretiosa,  quae  redimunt  animas  a  morte. lUe  verus  thesaurus  est  Domini  qui  operatur quod  sanguis  Ejus  operatus  est.  .  .  .  Opus est  ut  quis  fide  sincera  et  perspicaci  providentia munus  hoc  impleat.  Sane  si  in  sua  aliquis  deri- vat  emolumenta,  crimen  est ;  sin  vero  pauperibus erogat,  captivum  redimit,  misericordia  est."  He concludes  by  directing  that  vessels  which  are not  consecrated  should  be  taken  in  preference  to those  which  have  been  consecrated ;  and  that both  must  be  broken  up  and  melted  within  the precinct  of  the  Church  (cap.  28).  The  supreme claims  of  charity  over  all  other  considerations  are insisted  upon  in  the  same  strain  by  St.  Jerome (^Ep.  ad  ISepotianum,  A.D.  394)  and  St.  Chrysostom (Hom.  52  in  St.  Matthaeum),  while  at  the  same time  the  proper  respect  due  to  the  sacred  vessels is  always  emphatically  enjoined,  as,  for  example, by  St.  Optatus,  De  Schisnuite  Donatistarum  vi.  2. An  example  of  the  precautions  taken  against  the abuse  of  this  privilege  is  to  be  found  in  one  of the  letters  of  Gregory  the  Great  (vii.  13)  in which  writing  (a.d.  597)  to  Fortunatus,  Bishoj) of  Fano,  he  gives  permission  for  the  sale  of Church  plate  in  order  to  redeem  captives,  but directs,  with  the  view  of  avoiding  all  suspicion, that  the  sale  and  the  payment  over  of  the money  received  therefrom  should  be  made  ia the  presence  of  the  "  defensor." Passing  to  the  Novells  of  Justinian — the  71  h 54 AIJENATION  OF  CHURCH  PROPERTY Novell  (a.d.  535)  relates  to  the  question  of alieuatioii  of  Church  property,  and  professes  to amend  and  consolidate  the  then  existing  laws, and  to  extend  their  operation  to  the  whole  of ^he  empii'e.  In  the  first  chapter  the  alienation, either  by  sale,  gift,  exchange,  or  lease  on  per- petual emphyteusis,  of  immoveables  or  quasi- immoveables  belonging  to  churches  or  eleemo- synary institutions,  was  forbidden  under  the peTialties  prescribed  by  the  above-cited  consti- tution of  Leo. Under  the  2nd  chapter  alienation  is  permitted in  favour  of  the  emperor  when  the  proper  forms are  observed  and  ample  compensation  made,  and when  the  transaction  is  for  the  public  benefit. The  reason  given  for  this  exception  is  not  with- out significance.  In  the  Latin  version  it  is  as follows  :  "  Nee  multum  differant  ab  alterutro  j sacerdotium  et  imperium,  et  res  sacrae  a  com- munibus  et  publicis  ;  {juando  omnis  sanctissimis ecclesiis  abundantia  et  status  ex  impei'ialibus  [ munificentiis  perpetuo  praebeatur."  ] The  third  and  four  succeeding  chapters  con- tain regulations  for  the  lease  of  Church  estates by  emphyteusis.  Their  provisions  are  too  ela- borate to  be  set  out  at  length,  but  may  be  | briefly  stated  thus :  "  The  usual  conditions  of  J these  emphyteuses  are  for  three  lives  —  that of  the  original  emphyteuta  and  of  two  of  his  | or  her  heirs,  being  children  or  gi'andchildren,  j or  the  husband  or  wife  of  the  emphyteuta  if  i there  be  a  special  clause  to  that  efl'ect  (though about  this  power  there  is  some  doubt)  in  suc- cession. Thus  the  duration  of  the  lease  is  in-  , determinate  and  contingent.  The  contract  was  ' invalidated  by  default  in  payment  of  the  quit rent  (canon)  for  two  instead  of  for  three  years as  was  the  case  with  lay  emphyteuses  "  (Colqu- houn,  Roman  Civil  Law,  §  1709). The  8th  chapter  renews  the  prohibition  against the  sale,  pledge,  or  melting  down  of  Church plate,  except  with  the  object  of  redeeming  cap- tives. The  12th  chapter  sanctions  the  abandonment of  all  contracts  made  on  behalf  of  the  Church for  the  acquisition  by  gift  or  purchase  of  un- profitable land. The  40th  Novell  (pi-omulgated  the  following year, "  a.d.  536)  gives  to  the  "  Church  of  the Holy  Resurrection "  at  Jerusalem  the  privilege of  alienating  buildings  belonging  to  it,  notwith- standing the  general  prohibition  contained  in the  7th  Novell. The  46th  Novell  (a.d.  536  or  537)  relaxed  the law  against  the  alienation  of  immoveable  Church property  when  there  was  not  sufficient  moveable property  to  pay  debts  owing  to  the  State  or  to private  creditors.  But  this  step  could  not  be taken  excejjt  after  investigation  by  the  clergy, the  bishop,  and  the  metropolitan,  and  under  a decree  of  the  "judex  provinciae." The  2nd  chapter  of  the  54th  Novell  (a.d. 537)  permits  exchanges  between  ecclesiastical and  eleemosynary  corporations,  but  the  Church  of St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople  is  excepted  from the  operation  of  this  law  as  it  is  also  from  that of  the  46th  Novell. The  55th  Novell  (a.d.  537)  forbids  alienation made  ostensibly  in  favour  of  the  emperor,  but really  for  the  benefit  of  private  individuals.  It ■ilso  permits  churches  and  other  religious  bodies (\\-\i\\  the  exception  of  the  ("huvch  of  St.  Sophia) to  lease  their  lauds  to  one  another  in  perpetua; emphyteusis. The  65th  Novell  has  i-eference  to  tlie  alienation of  property  belonging  to  the  Church  of  Mysia, but  being  only  of  local  importance  it  need  not be  further  considered. In  the  67th  Novell  (a.d.  538)  the  number of  persons  appointed  under  the  46th  Novell  to enquire  into  the  propriety  of  any  alienation  is increased  by  the  addition  of  two  bishops  chosen by  the  metropolitan  from  his  Synod. The  10th  chapter  of  the  119th  Novell  (a.d. 544)  permits  the  alienation  by  the  emperor  of Church  property  which  had  been  transfei-red  to him. The  last  of  the  numerous  edicts  promulgated by  Justinian  on  the  alienation  of  Church  pro- perty is  contained  in  the  120th  Novell  (a.d. 544)  in  which  he  again  undertakes  the  task  of consolidating  the  law  on  this  subject. The  first  four  chapters  concern  only  the Church  of  Constantinople.  The  alienation  of immoveables  is  forbidden,  except  in  favour  of  the emperor. The  5th  chapter  relates  to  the  property  of other  Churches.  The  provisions  thei-ein  con- tained, and  those  contained  in  the  previous chapters  on  emphyteusis  are  thus  briefly  sum- marized by  Colquhoun  (Soman  Civil  Lav:,  § 1709): — "The  120th  Novell  was  promulgated by  Justinian  in  order  to  modify  the  rigour  of the  prohibition  against  creating  perpetual  em- phyteuses on  ecclesiastical  property  by  restrict- ing it  to  the  estates  of  the  Church  of  Constanti- nople, leaving  the  property  of  other  Churches  to be  regulated  by  the  common  law.  It  is,  how- ever, very  doubtful  whether  or  not  the  emphy- teusis on  Church  property  can  be  perpetual without  the  express  stipulation  for  a  term.  Nor does  the  prohibition  appear  to  be  absolute  even as  regards  the  Church  of  Constantinople,  which had  permission  to  grant  perpetual  emphyteuses in  cases  where  it  owned  ruined  edifices  without the  means  of  restoring  them.  The  Novell  fixes the  amount  at  a  third  of  the  revenue  whicli such  edifices  produced  before  their  then  ruined state,  payable  from  the  date  of  the  emphyteu- tical  title,  or  at  a  half  of  the  revenue  which  the buildings  actually  produced  after  their  restora- tion. What  is  doubtful  with  respect  to  the  lay is  clear  with  regard  to  ecclesiastical  emphyteusis, viz.,  that  they  must  be  reduced  to  writing.  As before,  the  contract  was  invalidated  by  default  to pay  the  quit  rent  for  two  instead  of  three  years, as  was  the  case  with  lay  emphyteuses.  The point  open  to  discvission,  in  respect  to  lay  emphy- teuses, of  whether  the  rent  in  arrear  may  be recovered  and  the  expulsion  of  the  tenant  also insisted  on,  is  clear  in  the  case  of  ecclesiastical emphyteuses  in  the  affii-mative.  Lastly,  the Churches  enjoyed  a  right  of  resumption  entirely exceptional  to  the  common  law  when  the  estate accrued  '  aut  in  imperialem  domum,  aut  in  sac- rum nostrum  aerarium,  aut  in  civitatem  aliquam. aut  in  curiam,  aut  in  aliquam  venerabilem  ali- am  domum.'  This  right  of  resumption  applied equally  in  the  case  of  all  transmission  of  the right,  whether  inter  vivos  or  mortis  causa,  with- out reference  to  the  title  of  acquisition,  and  the time  for  its  exercise  was  two  years  mstead  of two  months  as  in  lay  cases." The  remaining  chapters  of  this  Novell  relate ALIENATION to  the  exchange  of  ecclesiastical  property  and the  sale  of  immoveables  and  Church  plate  for the  redemption  of  captives.  The  provisions therein  contained  do  not  differ  in  any  important particular  from  the  previous  laws  above  cited  on the  same  subject,  and  they  need  not  be  repeated. The  provisions  of  the  Civil  Law  (which  have now  been  examined)  have  been  usefully  arranged by  the  glossator  on  the  Corpus  Juris  Civilis, Nov.  7  and  Nov.  120  (ed.  Lugd.  1627).  Im- moveable property  belonging  to  the  Church  can- not be  alienated  under  any  circumstances  if  it fall  within  the  following  classes — 1.  If  it  had been  given  by  the  emperor  (Nov.  120,  7).  2.  If the  thing  to  be  alienated  is  the  church  or  mo- nastery itself  (i5.).  3.  When  the  proposed  trans- feree is  the  oeconomus  or  other  church  officer ((').).  4.  When  the  property  was  given  to  the Church  subject  to  a  condition  that  it  should not  be  alienated  (Nov.  120,  9).  5.  If  the  pro- posed transferee  be  a  heretic  (131,  14).  But subject  to  the  above  restrictions,  immoveable property  may  be  alienated  under  the  following circumstances,    Aaz. : — 1.    For   debt    (Nov.    46). 2.  By  way  of  emphyteusis   for   a   term  (var.). 3.  In  exchange  with  another  church  (Nov.  54,  2). 4.  If  the  transferee  be  the  emperor  (Nov.  7,  2). 5.  For  the  redemption  of  captives  (Nov.  120,  9). On  the  other  hand  moveable  property  can  be freely  alienated  if  it  be  for  the  advantage  of  the Church  that  such  a  step  should  be  taken.  The exception  to  this  rule  is  in  the  case  of  Church ])late,  which  cannot  be  alienated  except  for  the redemption  of  captives  (Nov.  7,  8  and  Nov.  120, 10),  and  for  the  payment  of  debt  when  it  is  not necessary  for  the  proper  performance  of  Divine Service  (Nov.  120,  10). The  Barbarian  Codes  contain,  as  might  be expected,  many  laws  directed  against  the  forci- ble seizure  of  Church  property,  but  such  acts can  hardly  be  considered  to  fall  under  the  head of  alienation.  There  are,  however,  a  few  pro- visions on  the  subject  anterior  in  date  to  the death  of  Charlemagne. By  the  3rd  chapter  of  the  5th  Book  of  the Leges  Visigothorum  (cir.  a.d.  700  :  see  Davoud Oghlou,  Histoire  do  la  Legislation  des  Anciens Germains,  i.  2)  if  any  bishop  or  clerk  alienate by  sale  or  gift  any  Church  property  without  the consent  of  the  rest  of  the  clergy,  such  sale  or gift  is  void,  unless  it  be  made  according  to  the ancient  canons. Again  in  the  20th  chapter  of  the  Lex  Alain- manoriiin  (which  in  its  present  shape  was  pro- bably comfjiled  about  the  beginning  of  the  8th century — see  Davoud  Oghlou,  op.  cit.  i.  304)  the inferior  clergy  are  forbidden  to  sell  Church  lands or  slaves  except  by  way  of  exchange. In  the  collection  entitled  Capitularia  Begum Francorum  there  is  a  Capitulary  of  the  date  a.d. 814,  forbidding  all  persons  whatsoever  to  ask for  or  receive  any  Church  property  under  pain  of excommunication  (6,  135). There  are  also  two  Capitularies  v.'hich  are probably  not  later  in  date  than  the  one  last cited.  By  the  first  of  these  presbyters  are  for- nidden  to  sell  Church  property  without  the  con- sent of  the  bishop  (7,  27);  to  which  in  the second  is  added  the  consent  of  other  priests  of good  reputation  (7,  214). (The  following  authorities  may  be  consulted  : — Da  Rousseaud  de  la  Combe,  Hecucil  de  Juris- ALLELUIA 55 prudence  Canonique  [Paris  1755],  sub  voce  Alie-  I nation ;  Boehmer,  Jus  Ecclesiasticum  Froteitan-  \ tium  [Halae  Magd.  1738,  &c.]  in  Decretcd.  III.  13  ; Ferraris,  Bibliotheca  Canonica  [ed.  Migne],  sub voce  Alienatio;  Sylvester  Mazzolini  da  Prierio [Lugd.  1533]  sub  voce  Alienatio ;  Redoanus,  De Rents  Ecclesiae  non  alicnandis  [printed  in  the  2nd part  of  the  15th  volume  of  the  Tractatus  Uni- versi  Juris,  Venice,  1584];  and  the  Commenta- tors on  the  above-cited  passages  from  the  CorjMs Juris  Civilis,  and  on  the  following  passages  from the  Corpus  Juris  Canonici,  Decreti  Secunda Pars,  Causa  xii.  Quaestio  2  ;  and  Decretal,  lib. III.  13).  [I.  B.] ALLELUIA  (Greek  ' hKK-riXovia).  The  litur- gical form  of  the  Hebrew  rT""!??!!,  "  Sing  ye praises  to  Jehovah  ;"  a  formula  found  in  Psalm 117,  and  in  the  headings  of  several  Psalms,  espe- cially Psalms  113-118,  which  formed  the  "Hal- lel,"  or  Alleluia  Magnum,  sung  at  all  the  greater  ,1 Jewish  feasts.  Alleluia  and  Amen,  says  the Pseudo-Augustine  {Ep.  178,   ii.    1160,    Migne),  J neither  Latin  nor  barbarian  has  ventured  to translate  from  the  sacred  tongue  into  his  own ;  \ in  all  lands  the  mystic  sound  of  the  Hebrew  is heai-d. 1.  It  is  thought  by  some  that  the  early  Church transferred  to  the  Christian  Paschal  feast    the custom  of  singing  Psalms  with  Alleluia  at  the  j Paschal    sacrifice  ;  and    this    conjecture    derives  ] some  probability  from  the  fact,  that  in  the  most  i ancient  sacramentaries  the  Alleluia  precedes  and follows  a  verse,  as  in  the  Jewish  usage  it  precedes and  follows  a  Psalm.  Yet  we  can  hardly  doubt that  the  use  of  the  Alleluia  in  the  Church  was confirmed,  if  not  originated,  by  St.  John's  vision {Apoc.  19,  6)  of  the  heavenly  choir,  who  sang Alleluia  to  the  Lord  God  Omnipotent.  By  the 4th  century  it  seems  to  have  been  well  known  as the  Christian  shout  of  joy  or  victory;  for  Sozo- men  {H.  E.  vii.  15,  p.  298)  tells  of  a  voice heard  (an.  389)  in  the  temple  of  Serapis  at Alexandria  chanting  Alleluia,  which  was  taken  ' for  a  sign  of  its  coming  destruction  by  the  Chris-  | tians.  The  victory  which  the  Christian  Britons, under  the  guidance  ofGermanusof  Auxerre,  with  j their  loud  shout   of  Alleluia,    gained    over   the  J pagan  Picts  and  Scots  (an.  429)  is  another  instance of  the  use  of  Alleluia  for  encouragement  and triumph  (Beda,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  i.  c.  20, p.  49);  and  Sidonius  Apollinaris  (lib.  ii.  Ep.  10, p.  53)  speaks  as  if  he  had  heard  the  long  lines  of haulers  by  the  river  side,  as  they  towed  the boats,  chanting  Alleluia  as  a  "celeusma,"  to  make them  pull  together.  These  instances  are  of  course not  altogether  tree  from  suspicion ;  but  they serve  to  show  that  in  early  times  the  Alleluia was  regarded  as  a  natural  expression  of  Christian exultation  or  encouragement. 2.  A  special  use  of  the  Alleluia  is  found  in  the liturgies  both  of  East  and  West.  In  most  Eastern liturgies,  it  follows  immediately  upon  the  Chk- Rumc  Hymn,  which  precedes  the  greater  En- TRAXCi; ;  as,  for  instance,  in  those  of  St.  James, St.  Mark,  and  St.  Chrysostom  (Neale's  Tetralogia, pp.  54,  55).  In  the  Mozarabic,  which  has  many Oriental  characteristics,  it  is  sung  after  the Gospel,  while  the  priest  is  making  the, oblation : "  Interim  quod  chorus  dicit  Alleluia,  olTerat  saccr- dos  hostiam  cum  calice "  (Nealo's  Tetrahigia, p.  60).     In  the  West,  it  follows  the  GUAiJUAL, ALLELUIA 50 and  so  immediately  precedes  the  reading  of  tha Gospel.  In  eai'ly  times  it  seems  to  have  been simply  intoned  by  the  cantor  who  had  sung  the Gradual,  standing  on  the  steps  of  the  Ambo,  and repeated  by  the  choir ;  but  before  the  8th  cen- tury the  custom  arose  of  prolonging  the  last  syl- lable of  the  Alleluia,  and  singing  it  to  musical notes  (Ordo  Romauus  II.,  in  Mabillon's  Museum ItaUcum,  vol.  ii.  p.  44).  This  was  called  jw'jjYa- tio.  The  jubilant  sound  of  the  Alleluia,  however, was  felt  to  be  fitting  only  for  seasons  of  joy ; hence  its  use  was  in  many  churches  limited  .to the  interval  between  Easter  and  Whitsunday. Sozomen,  indeed  (//.  E.  vii.  19,  p.  307)  seems  to say  that  in  the  Roman  Church  it  was  used  only on  Easter-day ;  but  we  cannot  help  suspecting that  he  must  have  misunderstood  his  informant, who  may  have  used  the  word  "  Pascha  "  to  de- note the  whole  of  the  seven  weeks  foUo'wing Easter-day ;  for  St.  Augustine  distinctly  says (£•/;.  ad  Janarium;  Ep.  119  [al.  55]  p.  220 Migne)  that  the  custom  of  singing  Alleluia  dur- ing those  fifty  days  was  universal,  though  in several  churches  it  was  used  on  other  days  also. In  the  Rule  of  St.  Benedict  (c.  15,  p.  297)  the use  of  Alleluia  in  the  responsories  of  the  mass seems  to  be  limited  to  the  season  from  Easter  to Whitsunday ;  but  soon  after  Benedict's  time  it was  probably  more  common  in  the  West  to  inter- mit its  use  only  from  Septuagesima  to  Easter. For  at  the  end  of  the  6th  century,  Gregory  the Great  writes  to  John  of  Syracuse  (^Epist.  ix.  12, p.  940)  that  some  murmured  because  he  (Gregory) was  overmuch  given  to  following  the  customs  of the  Greek  Church,  and  in  particular  because  he had  ordered  the  Alleluia  to  be  said  at  mass beyond  the  Pentecostal  season  (extra  tempora Pentecostes) ;  so  far,  he  continues,  is  this  from being  the  case,  that  whereas  the  Church  of  Rome in  the  time  of  Pope  Damasus  had  adopted, through  Jerome's  influence,  from  the  Church  of Jerusalem  the  limitation  of  the  Alleluia  to  the season  before  Pentecost,  he  had  actually  inno- vated on  this  Greek  custom  in  ordering  the Alleluia  to  be  said  at  other  seasons  also.  This seems  the  most  probable  sense  of  this  much-con- troverted passage,  as  to  the  reading  and  intei-pre- tation  of  which  there  is  much  difference  of opinion.  (See  Baronius,  Ann.  384,  n.  27,  vol.  v., p.  578 ;  and  Mabillon,  Museiun  ItaUcum,  ii.  xcvii.). The  4th  Council  of  Toledo  (canon  ll)oi-ders  that (in  accordance  with  the  universal  custom  of Christendom)  the  Alleluia  should  not  be  said  in the  Spanish  and  Gaulish  churches  during  Lent — an  injunction  which  seems  to  imply  that  its  use was  permitted  during  the  rest  of  the  year.  The same  canon  (in  some  MSS.)  also  forbids  the  Alle- luia on  the  Kalends  of  Januarj',  "  quae  propter errorem  gentilium  aguntur,"  but  on  which  Chris- tians ought  to  fast. The  intermission  of  Alleluia  during  a  particular season  is  expressed  by  the  phrase  "  Alleluia  clau- sum  "  (Du  Cange,  s.  v.). 3.  We  have  already  seen  that  St.  Benedict prescribed  the  use  of  the  Alleluia  in  the  respon- sories of  the  Mass  from  Pasch  to  Pentecost.  He prescribed  it  also  in  the  ordinary  offices  (Eegula, c.  12,  p.  286).  From  Pentecost  to  Ash- Wednes- day, however,  it  was  to  be  said  in  the  nocturnal office  only  with  the  six  last  Psalms:  "A  Pen- tecoste  autem  ad  caput  quadragesimae  omnibus aoctibus    cum    sex    posterioribus    Psalmis    tan- ALL  SAINTS tum  ad   nocturnas  dicatur"  (^Boguht,  c.   15,  p. 297). In  the  Roman  arrangement  of  the  ordinary offices,  the  Alleluia  follows  the  "  Invocation  "  in all  the  hours  ;  but  from  Septuagesima  to  the Thui'sday  in  Holy  Week  the  verse,  "  Laus  tibi Domiue  ;  Rex  aeternae  gloriae,"  is  substituted. 4.  We  learn  from  Jerome  {Ep.  27  [108],  §  19, p.  712,  ad  Eustochium  ;  cf.  23  [38],  §  4,  p.  175) that  the  sound  of  the  Alleluia  summoned  monks to  say  their  offices  :  "  Post  Alleluia  cantatum,  quo signo  vocabantur  ad  collectam,  nuUi  residere licitum  erat." 5.  It  was  chanted  at  funerals ;  as,  for  instance, at  that  of  Fabiola  (Jerome,  Ej}.  ad  Oceanum,  30 [77],  p.  466) ;  at  that  of  Pope  Agapetus  in  Con- stantinople (Baronius,  ann.  536,  §  64,  vol.  ix., p.  544). This  usage  is  found  in  the  Mozarabic  rite,  and perhaps  once  existed  in  the  ancient  Galilean  (Ba- ronius, ann.  590,  §  39,  vol.  x.  p.  485). (Bona,  De  Divina  Psahnodia,  c.  xvi.  §  7  ;  J>e Rebus  Liturgicis,  lib.  ii.,  c.  6,  §  5  ;  Krazer,  lie Liturgiis,  p.  419.)  [C] ALL  SAINTS,  Festival  of  {Omnium  Sanc- torum Natalis,  Fosthntas,  Solemnitas). — In  tJie Eastern  Church  a  particular  Sunday,  the  first after  Pentecost,  was  appropriated  in  ancient times  to  the  commemoratiou  of  all  martyrs. Chrysostom,  in  the  'EyK(vfj.iov  its  rohs  ayious nduTas  Toi/s  ev  oKcii  tw  kSvijlw  /xapTvpriauvTas., says  that  on  the  Octave  of  Pentecost  thej-  find themselves  in  the  m.idst  of  the  band  of  martyrs ; irapeAajSei'  rifxas  /j-aprvpcov  x^P"^  (0pp.  ii-  711): and  there  is  a  similar  allusion  in  Orat.  contra Judaeos,  vi.  (0pp.  ii.  p.  650).  This  Festival  of All  Martyrs  became  in  later  times  a  Festival  of All  Saints,  and  the  Sunday  next  after  Pentecost appears  in  the  Calendar  of  the  Greek  Jlenologion as  KvpiaKT]  toiv  'Ayiwv  iravTccv.  The  intention in  so  placing  this  commemoration  probably  was to  crown  the  ecclesiastical  year  with  a  solemnity dedicated  to  the  whole  glorious  baud  of  saints and  martj'rs. In  the  West,  the  institution  of  this  festival is  intimately  connected  with  the  dedication  to Christian  purposes  of  the  Pantheon  or  Rotunda at  Rome.  This  temple,  built  in  honour  of  the victory  of  Augustus  at  Actium,  was  dedicated by  M.  Agrippa  to  Jupiter  Vindcx,  and  was  called the  Pantheon,  probably  from  the  number  of statues  of  the  gods  which  it  contained,  though other  reasons  are  assigned  for  the  name. Up  to  the  time  of  St.  Gregory  the  Great,  idol- temples  were  generally  thrown  down,  or,  if  tliey were  suffered  to  remain,  were  thought  unworthy to  be  used  in  the  service  of  God.  Gregory himself  at  first  maintained  this  principle,  but  in the  latter  part  of  his  life,  thought  it  would  con- duce more  to  the  conversion  of  the  heathen  if they  were  allowed  to  worship  in  the  accustomed spot  with  new  rites  (see  his  well-known  letter to  Mellitus,  in  Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  30  ;  0pp.  vi. p.  79);  and  from  this  time,  the  principle  of  con- verting heathen  fanes  to  Christian  uses  seems  to have  become  familiar.  In  the  beginning  of  the 7th  century,  the  Pantheon  remained  almost  the solitary  monument  of  the  old  heathen  worshiji in  Rome.  In  the  year  607  Boniface  III.  obtained from  the  Emperor  Phocas  the  important  re- cognition  of  the  supremacy  of  Rome   over  all ALL  SAINTS other  churches ;  and  in  the  same  year  his  suc- cessor, Boniface  IV.,  having  cleansed  and  restored the  Pantheon,  obtained  the  emperor's  permission to  dedicate  it  to  the  service  of  God,  in  the  name "  S.  Mariae  semper  Virginis  et  omnium  Mar- tyrum  :"  {Liber  Pontif.  in  Muratori,  Rcr.  Ital. Scriptores,  iii.  1,  135).  This  dedication  is  com- memorated, and  is  believed  to  have  taken  place, on  May  13.  On  this  day  we  find  in  the  old  Ro- man jiartyrology  edited  by  Eosweyd,  "  S.  Mariae ad  Martyres  dedicationis  dies  agitur  a  Bonifacio Papa  statutus."  Baronius  tells  us,  thjat  he  found it  recorded  in  an  ancient  MS.  belonging  to  the Church  itself,  that  it  was  first  dedicated  "  In hoflorem  S.  Mariae,  Dei  Genetricis,  et  omnium SS.  Martyrum  et  Confessorum  ; "  and  that  at  the time  of  dedication  the  boues  of  martyrs  from the  various  cemeteries  of  the  city  were  borne  in a  procession  of  twenty-eight  carriages  to  the church.  {Martyrol.  Horn.  p.  204-.)  The  technical use  of  the  word  "  confessor  "  seems,  however,  to indicate  a  somewhat  later  date  than  that  of  the dedication  ;  and  Paulus  Diaconus  (Jlist.  Lorvjo- bard.  iv.  37,  p.  570)  tells  us  simply  that  Phocas granted  Boniface  permission,  "  Ecclesiam  beatae semper  Virginis  Mariae  et  omnium  Martyrum fieri,  ut  ubi  quondam  omnium  non  deorum  sed daemonum  cultus  erat,  ibi  deinceps  omnium  fieret memoria  sanctorum,"  and  the  church  bears  to this  day  the  name  of  "S.  Maria  dei  Martiri." This  festival  of  the  13th  May  was  not  wholly confined  to  the  city  of  Rome,  yet  it  seems  to  have been  little  more  than  a  dedication-festival  of  the Rotunda,  corresponding  to  the  dedication-festivals of  other  churches,  but  of  higher  celebrity,  as  the commemoration  of  the  final  victory  of  Christianity over  Paganism. The  history  of  the  establishment  of  the festival  of  All  Saints  on  Nov,  1  is  somewhat obscure.  Tlie  Marti/rologium  Bom.  Vet.,  al- ready quoted,  gives  under  "  Kal.  Kovembr."  a "  Festivitas  Sanctorum,  quae  Celebris  et  gene- ralis  agitur  Romae."  The  very  terms  here  used show  that  this  "  Festivitas  Sanctorum  "  was  a specially  Roman  festival,  and  it  was  probably simply  the  dedication-feast  of  an  oratory  dedi- cated by  Gregory  III.  "  In  honorem  Omnium Sanctorum."  But  in  the  8th  century,  the  ob- servance of  the  festival  was  by  no  means  con- fined to  Rome.     Beda's  Metrical  Martyrology  has "  Multiplicl  rutilat  gemma  ceu  in  fronte  November, CuDctorum  fulget  Sanctorum  laude  decoris." In    the     ancient    Hieronymiaa    calendar     in D'Achery  (Spicileg.  tom.  ii.),  it   appears  under Kal.    Novemb.,    but    only    in    the    third   place ; "  Natalis  St.  Caesarii ;  St.  Andomari  Episcopi ; sive  Omnium  Sanctorum."     The  list  of  festivals in  the  Penitential  of  Boniface  gives  "  In  solemni- tate  Omnium  Sanctorum  ;  "  but  the  feast  is  not found  in  the  list  given  by  Chrodogang  (an.  762), or   iu   Charlemagne's    Capitulary   {0pp.    Caroli Magni,  i.  326)  on  the  subject  of  festivals.     It appears   then  to  have    been    observed   by  some chuixhes  in  Germany,  France,    and  England  iu the  middle  of  the   8th  century,  but  not  univer- sally.    It  was  perhaps  this  diversity  of  practice which  induced  Gregory  IV.,  in  the  )'ear  835,  to !       suggest  to  the  Emperor  Lewis  the  Pious,  a  ge- i       neral  ordinance  on  the  subject.  Sigebert,  in  his I        Chronicon  (in    Pistorius,  Script.   Germ.  tom.  i.), t       tells  us    under  that  veai",   ''Tunc  moncutcGre- 1 ALL  SOULS 67 gorio  Papa,  et  omnibus  cpiscopis  assentiontibus,  I Ludovicus  Imperator  statuit,  ut  in  Gallia  et Germania  Festivitas  Omnium  Sanctorum  iu  Kal. Novemb.  celebraretur,  quam  Romani  ex  instituto Bonifacii  Papae  celebrant."  (Compare  Adonis Martyrol.  ed.  Rosweyd,  p.  180.)     It  would  seem  j from    this,   that    the    festivals   of  May   13    and  I Nov.  1  had  already  coalesced  on  the  latter  day, and  that  the  one  festival  then  observed  was referred  to  Boniface  IV.,  who,  in  fact,  instituted  ' that  of  May  13.     The  time  was  perhaps  chosen  j as  being,  in  a  large  part  of  Lewis's  dominions,  i the  time  of  leisure  after  harvest,  when  men's  '■ hearts  are  disposed  to  thankfulness  to  the  Giver  , of  all  good.     From  this  time,  All  Saints'  day  be- came one  of  the  great  festivals  of  the  Church,  j and  its  observance  general  throughout  Europe. It  probably  had  a  Vigil  from  the  first,  as  be- fore the  time  of  its  genei-al  observance  a  Vigil and   Fast   preceded    the   great    festivals   of  the  j Church,     It  may,  perhaps,  have  had  an  octave  -j from  its  first  institution  in  Rome  itself;  but  this  | was  not  the  case  in  other  churches,  for  an  octave  i of  All  Saints  does  not  seem  to  be  found  in  any  j calendar  earlier  than  the  loth  century.     Proper  j collects,  preface,  and  benediction  for  the  "  Natalis  > Omnium  Sanctorum  "  are  found  in  some,  but  not  I the  most  ancient,  MSS.  of  the  Gregorian  Sacra-  ' mentary  (p.  138). (Baronius  in  Martyrologio    Bornano,   May    13  -; and  Nov.  1 ;  Binterim's  Denkwurdigkeiten,  vol, V.  pt.  1,  p.  487  tr. ;  Alt  in  Herzog's  Beal-Ency-  , clopddie,  i.  247.)  [C]  ; ALL  SOULS,  Festival  of  {Omnium  fide- Hum  defunctorum  memoria  or  commemoratio). Very  ancient  traces  of  the  observance  of  a  day  ' for  the  commemoration  of  "the  souls  of  all those  who  have  died  in  the  communion  of  the  1 body    and    blood    of   our    Lord "    (according    to  j Cyprian)  appear  in  the  Fathers  of  the  Church.  I Tertullian  {I>e  Corona  Militis,  c.  3)  says, "  Oblationes   pro   defunctis  annua  die  facimus."  | And  to  the  same  effect  he  speaks  {De  Exhort. Castitatis,  c.  11,  and  De  Monogmn.  c.  10)  of annual  offerings  (oblationes)  for  the  souls  of  the  1 departed.  These  were  probably  made  on  the  an- niversary of  the  death,  and  were  especially  the business  of  surviving  relatives.  So  Chrysostom {Horn.  29  in  Acta  Apost.),  speaks  of  those  who made  commemoration  of  a  mother,  a  wife  or  a child.  Similarly  Augustine  {De  Cura  pro  Mor- tiiis,  ch.  4). It  appears  from  an  allusion  in  Amalarius  of  | Metz  (before  837)  that  in  his  time  a  day  was  j specially  dedicated  to  the  commemoration  of  all  < souls  of  the  departed,  and  it  seems  probable  that  ' this  was  the  day  following  All  Saints'  Day. Amalarius  says  expressly  {De  Eccl.  Officiis,  lib.  | iii.   c.    44)    "  Anniversaria    dies    ideo    repetitur  I pro  defunctis,  quoniam  nescimus  qualiter  eorum  i causa  habeatur  in  altera  vita."     And  in  c.  65,  1 he   says  "  Post   officium    Sanctorum   inserui   of-  j ficium  pro  mortuis ;  multi  enim  transierunt  de praesenti  saeculo  qui  non  illico  Sanctis  conjun-  j guntur,  pro  quibus  solito  more  officium  agitur."  j The  festival  of  All  Souls  is  here  regarded  as  a kind  of  supplement  to  that  of  All  Saints,  and  | may  very  probably  have  taken  place  on  the morrow  of  that  day.     But  the   earliest  definite  ' injunction  for  the  observance  of  a  commemoration of  all  souls  of  thn  departed  on  Nov.  2  apjicar.s  tn 58 ALMACHICS be  that  of  Odilo,  Abbot  of  Clugny,  in  the  10th century.  A  pilgrim  returning  from  Jerusalem, says  Peter  Damiani  (Vita  Odilonis,  0pp.  ii.  410), reported  to  Odilo  a  woful  vision  which  he  had had  on  his  journey  of  the  suffering  of  souls  in purgatorial  fire  ;  Odilo  thereupon  instituted  in the  churches  under  his  control  a  general  com- memoration of  the  souls  of  the  faithful  departed on  the  day  following  All  Saints'  Day :  "  per omnia  monasteria  sua  constituit  generale  de- cretum,  ut  sicat  primo  die  Mensis  Novembris juxta  universalis  Ecclesiae  regulam  omnium Sanctorum  solemnitas  agitur ;  ita  sequent!  die  | in  psalmis,  eleemosynis  et  praecipue  Missarum  j solemniis,  omnium  in  Christo  quiescentium  ! memoria  celebraretur."  This  order  was  soon adopted,  not  only  by  other  monastic  congrega- tions, but  by  bishops  for  their  dioceses;  for instance,  by  the  contemporary  Bishop  Notger  of Liege  {Ghronicon  Belgicum,  in  Pistorius's  Scrip- tores  German,  iii.  92).  The  observance  appears, in  fact,  in  a  short  time  to  have  become  general, without  any  ordinance  of  the  Church  at  large  on the  subject. But  even  after  the  observance  of  a  commemo- ration of  All  Souls  on  Nov.  2  became  common, we  find  {Statutes  of  Cahors,  in  Martene,  The- saurus  Anecdot.  iv.  766)  that  in  some  places  the morrow  of  St.  Hilary's  Day  (Jan.  14),  and  in others  the  morrows  of  the  Octaves  of  Easter and  Pentecost  were  appropriated  to  the  special commemoration  of  the  souls  of  the  departed  j (Binterim's  DenkwUrdigkeiten,  vol.  v.  pt.  1,  p. 492  ff.).  [C] ALMACHIUS,  martyr  at  Rome,  commemo- rated Jan.  1  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae).        [C] ALMS  ('EXiTifjioawri,  non-classical  in  this sense,  either  word  or  thing ;  although  for  the thing,  see  Seneca,  De  Benefic.  vi.  3,  and  Martial, Epigr.  V.  42  ;  and  for  the  word  also,  Diog.  Laert. V.  17  :  first  found  in  the  special  meaning  of  alms  in LXX.,  Dan.  iv.  24  [27  Heb.],  where  the  original reads  "righteousness;"  so  also  Tobit  xii.  9,  xiv. 11  [and  elsewhere],  Ecclus.  iii.  30,  iv.  2,  vii.  10, xxix.  15,  16,  XXXV.  2).  Alms  i-ecognized  as  a  duty throughout  the  0.  T.,  but  brought  into  promi- nence in  the  later  Jewish  period  (cf.  Buxtorf, Floril.  Hebr.  p.  88;  Lightfoot,  Hor.  Hebr.  in Matt.  vi.  2,  Luc.  ii.  8),  when  they  were  formally and  regularly  given  in  the  synagogues  ( Vitring. De  Syn.  Vet.)  to  be  distributed  by  appointed officers,  as  also  by  putting  them  into  certain trumpet-shaped  alms-boxes  in  the  temple,  called ■ya^o^vXaKia  (Le  Moyne,  Not.  in  Var.  Sac.  ii. 75 ;  Deyling,  Observ.  Sac.  iii.  175  ;  distinct  from the  ya(o(pv\a.Ktov  or  treasury  of  St.  Luke  xxi.  1). They  were  regarded  also  as  a  work  specially acceptable  to  God  (Prov.  xix.  17,  xxii.  9,  &c. ; Tobit,  and  Ecclus.,  passim  ;  St.  Luke  xi.  41,  Acts X.  2).  In  like  manner  they  became  in  the  Chris- tian Church — I.  A  fundamental  law  of  Christian  morality (St.  Matt.  X.  42,  xix.  21,  xxv.  35 ;  St.  Luke  xii. 33 ;  Acts  ii.  44,  iv.  34-37,  xi.  29,  30 ;  Rom.  xii. 13,  XV.  25 ;  2  Cor.  viii.  12,  ix.  7  ;  Gal.  ii.  1,  vi. 10 ;  Ephes.  iv.  28  ;  1  Tim.  vi.  18 ;  Hebr.  xiii. 16;  1  Pet.  iv.  8,  9;  1  John  iii.  17),  so  tho- roughly reoognized  as  to  make  it  both  super- llnous  and  impossible  to  enumerate  patristic allusions  to  it.  Special  tracts  on  almsgiving, by  St.  Cyprian,  De  Opere  et  Elecnuos.  ;  St.  Greg. ALMS Nyss.,  De  Pauperibus  Amandis  Oratt.  II.  St. Greg.  Naz.,  De  Pauperum  Amore  Orat. ;  St.  Basil M.,  Serm.  de  Eleemos.  inter  Seimon.  XXIV. ;  St. Ephraem  Syrus,  De  Aw.ore  Pauperum ;  St.  Leo M.,  Sermones  T'J.  De  CoUectis  et  Eleemos.;  St. INIaximus,  Ad  Joann.  Cubic.  EpAst.  II.  {De  Elee- mos^ ;  and  among  the  sermons  attributed  to  St. Chrysostom,  one  De  Jejun.  et  Eleemos.,  and  three De  Eleemos.,  &c.  (and  see  a  collection  of  patristic citations  in  Drexelius,  De  Eleemosyna).  Even Julian  the  Apostate,  c.  a.d.  351,  bears  testimony that  the  almsgiving  of  "the  Galileans"  over- flowed beyond  their  own  poor  to  the  heathen (Epist.  adArsac,  Epist.  xlix.;  and  compare  Lucian, as  quoted  below);  and  thinks  it  expedient  to boast  of  his  own  kindness  (Ad  Themist.).  Com- pare also  such  notable  examples  as  those,  e.g., of  Pope  Soter  as  described  by  his  contemporary Dionysius  Bishop  of  Corinth,  c.  a.d.  160  (ap. Euseb.  H.  E.  iv.  23);  of  Pauiinus  of  Kola;  of Deo  Gratias  Bishop  of  Carthage  towards  Gen- seric's  captives  (see  Milman,  L.  C.  i.  205,  and Gibbon);  of  Johannes  " Eleemosynarius,"  Patri- arch of  Alexandria,  A.D.  606-616:  and  the  oc- currence of  such  expressions  as,  "  Hoc  praestat eleemosyna  quod  et  Baptisma "  (St.  Hieron.  in Ps.  cxxxiii.),  "  Christian!  sacrificium  est  eleemo- syna in  pauperem "  (St.  Aug.  Serm.  xlii.,  from Heb.  xiii.  16);  or  again,  that  almsgiving  is  the "characteristic  mark  of  a  Christian,"— xapa/c- T-npiariKhv  XpKTTtavoii,  and  that  it  is  /j-riTvp aya.irr]i,  (pap/xaKov  a/xapTrffidTuiu,  KAifxa^  fls  rhu ovpavhv  iarrjpiyij.ivyj  (St.  Chrys.  in  Heb,  Horn. xxxii.,  and  in  Tit.  Horn,  vi.);  or  again,  that "  res  ecclesiae  "  are  "  patrimonia  pauperum." n.  An  integral  part  of  Christian  worship  (Acts ii.  42,  vi.  1 ;  1  Cor.  xvi.l  ;  1  Tim.  v.  3, 16)  :  alms for  the  poor,  to  be  distributed  by  the  clergy  (Acts xi.  30),  being  a  regular  portion  of  the  otierings made  in  church,  among  those  for  the  support  cf the  clergy,  and  oblations  in  kind  for  the  Church services  (Justin  M.,  Apol.  I.  p.  98,  Thirlby  ;  St. Greg.  Naz.,  Orat.  sx.,  Opp.  !.  351 ;  Constit. Apostol.  iv.  6,  8;  St.  Chrys.,  Horn.  1.  in  S. Matth.  Opp.  vii.  518,  Ben. ;  Cone.  Gangrens., circ.  A.D.  324,  c.  8 ;  for  the  East : — St.  Iren., Adv.  Haer.  iv.  18  ;  St.  Cypr.,  Da  Op.  et  Elecm., 203,  Fell;  Tertuli.,  Aiol.  39;  Arnob.,  Adv. Gent,  iv.,  in  fin.  ;  St.  Ambros.,  Ep.  xvii.  Ad Valent.  Opp.  ii.  827,  Ben. ;  Cone.  Eliber.,  a.d. 304,  cc.  28,  29  ;  Cone.  Carthag.  iv.,  a.d.  398, cc.  93,  94  ;  Optatus,  De  Schism.  Donat.  vi.  p.  93, Albaspin. ;  Cone.  Matiscon.  !!.,  a.d.  585,  c.  4 ; Horn,  cclxv.  in  Append,  ad  S.  Aug.  Opp.  v. ; Pesp.  Greg.  M.  ad  Qu.  Aug.  ap.  Baed.  H.  E.. i.  27  ;  for  the  "West :  Psalms  being  sung,  at  least at  Carthage,  during  the  collection  and  distribu- tion, St.  Aug.  Petract.  ii.  11);  and  this  as  a  pri- vilege, the  names  of  considerable  donors  being vecited  (Constit.  Apostol.  iii.  4;  St.  Cj^i:,  Epist. ix.  al.  xvii.,  Ix.  al.  Ixii. ;  St.  Hieron.,  in  Jerem.  xi. lib.  ii.,  in  Ezech.  xviii. ;  St.  Chrys.,  Mom.  xviii. in  Act. :  Gest.  Caecil.  et  Felic.  ad  fin.  OpAati  p.  95), and  the  offerings  of  evil-livers,  energumeni,  ex- communicate persons,  suicides,  and  of  those  at enmity  with  their  brethren,  being  rejected  (St. Iren.,  Adv.  Haer.  iv.  34;  TertulL,  De  Praescrip. 30  ;  Constit.  Apost.  iv.  5-7  ;  St.  Athan.,  Ep.  ad Solitar.,  p.  364,  ed.  1698 ;  Epist.  ad  Bonifac.  in App.  ad  Opp.  S.  Aug.  ii. ;  Cone.  Herd.  a.d.  524,  c. 13;  and  Aitissiod.  i.,  a.d.  578,  c.  17  :  tiip  Irish synods  assigned  to  St.  Patrick,  c.  12,  Wilk.  i.  3, ALMS auii  c.  2,  ib.  4- ;  and  St.  Ambrose,  Optatus,  and  the Councils  of  Lerida  and  Carthage,  above  quoted  ; or  later  still,  Capit.  Hcrard.  Archiep.  Turon. 116,  in  Baluz.  Capit.  1.  1294,  and  repeatedly  in the  Cajiitiilaries).  There  was  also  an  alms-box (ya^o(pv\a.Kiov,  corhona,  see  St.  Cypr.,  De  Op.  et Eleemos.,  and  St.  Hieron.,  Ejnst.  27,  c.  14),  placed in  the  church  for  casual  alms,  to  be  taken  out nonthly  (TertuU.  Apol.  39).  And  Paulinus {Epist.  32)  speaks  of  a  table  (rnensa)  for  re- ceiving the  offerings.  Collections  for  the  poor  in church  both  on  Sundays  and  on  week  days  are mentioned  by  St.  Leo  the  Great  {Serm.  de  Col- lectis).  The  poor  also  habitually  sat  at  the church  door,  at  least  in  the  East,  to  receive  alms (St.  Chrys.,  Horn.  xxvi.  De  Verb.  Apost.,  Horn.  i. in  2  Tim.,  Horn.  iii.  De  Poenit.). III.  An  institution  having  a  formal  list  of  re- cipients, mainly  widows  and  orphans  (St.  Ignat., ad  Pohjcarp.  iv. ;  Constit.  Apost.  iv.  4,  &c.) ;  or, upon  occasion,  martyrs  in  prison  or  in  the  mines, or  other  prisoners,  or  shipwrecked  persons  (Dion. Corinth,  ap.  Euseb.  ff.  E.  iv.  23  ;  TertulL,  De Jejun.  13  ;  Lucian,  De  Morte  Peregrin.  §  11,  Op. viii.  279,  Bipont. ;  Liban.,  A.D.  387,  Orat.  xvi. in  Tisamen.,  Orat.  de  Vinctis,  ii.  258,  445,  ed. Reiske):  and  special  officers,  as  for  other  directly ecclesiastical  functions,  so  also  for  managing  the Church  alms,  viz.  deacons  {Const.  Apost.  ii.  31, 32,  iii.  19;  Dionys.  Alex.  ap.  Euseb.  H.  E.  vii. 11  ;  St.  Cypr.,  E/jist.  xli.,  and  xlix.  al.  Iii.,  Fell. ; St.  Hieron.,  Ad  Nepot.  Epist.  xxxiv.) ;  and  among women,  deaconesses,  commonly  widows  of  ad- vanced age  {Constit.  Apost.  iii.  15  ;  St.  Hieron., Ad  Nepot.  Epist.  xxxiv. ;  and  Lucian  and  Libanius as  above).  See  also  Tertullian  {Ad  Uxor.  ii. 4  and  8)  for  the  charitable  works  of  married Christian  matrons. IV.  These  arrangements  were  supplemented when  necessary  by  special  collections  appointed by  the  bishop  (TertulL,  De  Jejun.  13),  after  the pattern  of  St.  Paul,  for  extraordinary  emer- gencies, whether  at  home  or  among  brethren  or others  elsewhere  ;  e.  g.  St.  Cyprian's  collection of  "  sestertia  centum  millia  nummorurn "  for the  redemption  of  Numidian  captives  from  the barbarians  (St.  Cj'pr.,  Epist.  Ix.)  ;  mostly  accom- panied by  fast  days  (TertulL  ib. — and  so,  long after,  Theodulph,  A.D.  787  {_Capit.  38],  enjoins almsgiving  continually,  but  specially  on  fast  days), but  sometimes  at  the  ordinary  Church  service (St.  Leo  M.,  De  Collectis) :  a  practice  which  grew sometimes  into  the  abuse  which  was  remedied  by the  Council  of  Tours  (ii.  a.d.  567,  c.  5),  enact- ing that  each  city  should  provide  for  its  own poor,  and  by  Gregory  the  Great,  desiring  the Bishop  of  Milan  to  protect  a  poor  man  at  Genoa from  being  compelled  to  contribute  to  such  a collection  (St.  Greg.,  Epist.  ix.  126).  See  also St.  Hieron.,  Adc.  Vigilantiuni. The  a7ci7roi  also  may  be  mentioned  in  this connection  (1  Cor.  xi.  20,  Jude  12  ;  TertulL, Apol.  39 ;  Constit.  Apost.  ii.  28 ;  prohibited Cone.  Laod.,  a.d.  364,  c.  5,  and  see  Cone.  Quini- sext.  A.D.  762,  c.  74;  and  under  Agapae).  Also the  leycSi/es  or  ^ecoSoxe^a  (St.  Chrys.,  Horn.  xlv.  in Act.  Apostol.  ;  St.  Aug.,  Tract,  xcvii.  in  Joh. §  4);  the  ■irrcoxoTpo(pf7a,  managed  by  tlie  "kA»j- piKol  or  a.(priyov/j.{voL  rwv  tttoix^'i-'^v  "  {Cone. Chalced.  A.D.  451,  c.  8  ;  and  Pallad.,  Hist.  Lavs. v.);  the  YTjpo/coueia,  the  yocro/cu^era  (Pnllad.,  V. Chrys.  p.  19),  the  opcpavorpocpfla :  of  which  the ALMS 59 names  explain  themselves  (and  see  abundant  re- ferences in  Suicer,  sub  voce.,  and  Justinian  also enacts  laws  respecting  such  institutions  and  the clergy  who  manage  them),  and  which  came  into being  with  the  Christian  Church.  E.  g.,  the ^ao-iAeias  of  St.  Basil  at  Caesarea  stands  as  a notable  example  of  a  Christian  hospital,  at  once for  sick  and  strangers  (St.  Basil.  M.,  Epist.  94; St.  Greg.  Naz.,  Orat.  xxvii.  and  xxx. :  Sozom.  vi. 34),  with  its  smaller  oilshoots  in  the  neighbour- ing country  (St.  Basil.  M.,  Epist.  142,  143) ;  and so  also  the  hospital  of  St.  Chrysostom,  with  his advice  on  the  subject  to  the  faithful  of  Con- stantinople (St.  Chrys.,  Horn.  xlv.  in  Act.  Apost. 0pp.  ix.  343) ;  and  the  Xenodochium  founded "  in  portu  Romano  "  by  Pammachius  and  Fabiola (St.  Hieron.,  Ad  Ocean.  Ep.  Ixxxiv.).  Add  also the  alms  given  at  marriage  and  at  funerals  (St. Chrys.,  Horn,  xxxii.  in  S.  Matth.;  St.  Hieron., Ad  Pammach.  de  Obitu  Uxor.  Ep.  liv. ;  Pseudo- Origen.,  Comment,  in  Job.  lib.  iii.  p.  437  ;  St. Aug.,  Cont.  Faust,  xx.  20;  and  see  Bingham). Our  own  Council  of  Cealchyth,  in  A.D.  816  (c. 10),  directs  the  tenth  of  a  bishop's  substance to  be  given  in  alms  upon  his  death.  The  Mani- chaeans  appear  to  have  refused  alms  to  needy persons  not  Manichaeans  on  some  recondite  prin- ciple of  their  connection  with  the  principle  of evil,  for  which  they  are  condemned  by  St.  Aug. {De  Mor.  Manich.  ii.  15,  16)  and  Theodoret {Haer.  Fab.  i.  26). There  was  apparently  no  specified  rule  for division  of  ecclesiastical  revenues,  originally  of course  entirely  voluntary  offerings,  anterior  to the  5th  century ;  the  bishop  being  throughout their  chief  administrator,  but  by  the  hands  of the  deacons  (see  e.  g.  St.  Cypr.,  about  Felicis- simus,  Efjist.  xli. ;  and  Cone.  Gangr.,  c.  8,  and Epiphan,  Haer.  xL,  condemning  the  Eustathians for  withdrawing  their  alms  from  the  bishop  or the  officer  appointed  by  him).  In  the  Western Church  in  the  5th  century  (setting  aside  the questionable  decree  of  the  Synod  of  Rome  under Sylvester  in  324)  we  find  a  fourfold  division  of them :  1,  for  the  bishop  ;  2,  for  the  clergy ;  3, for  the  poor ;  4,  for  the  fabric  and  sustentation of  the  churches.  Or  again,  for  1.  Churches; 2.  Clergy  ;  3.  Poor ;  4.  Strangers.  This  origin- ated with  the  Popes  Simplicius  {Ejnst.  3,  a.d. 467)  and  Gelasius  (in  Gratian  Cans.  12  qu.  2, c.  Sancimus,  a.d.  492) ;  is  mentioned  repeatedly by  St.  Gregory  the  Great  at  the  end  of  the  6th century  {e.g.  Ep.  iv.  11,  v.  44,  vii.  8,  xiii.  44: Resp.  ad  August.,  &c. ; — and  see  also  Cone.  AureL I.  c.  5),  was  varied  in  Charlemagne's  and  Lud. Pius'  Capitularies  (i.  80,  Baluz.  718),  as  re- garded voluntary  offerings,  into  two-thirds  to the  poor  and  one-third  to  the  clergy  in  rich places,  and  half  to  each  in  poor  ones;  but  was repeated  in  the  old  form  by  the  Capd.  of  Charle- magne himtelf  respecting  tithes  (Baluz.  i.  350) and  by  the  Counc.  of  Worms,  a.d.  8G8,  c.  7 ; Tribur.,  A.D.  895,  c.  13  ;  and  Nantes,  A.  D.  895  (:-■), c.  10  (if  at  least  this  last  is  not  to  be  referred to  the  Council  of  Nantes  in  658). The  special  office  of  Elecmosynarius  or  Almoner occurs  in  later  times,  afterwards  the  name  of the  superintendent  of  the  alms-house  or  hospital, but  at  first  a  distributor  of  alms  :  both  in  monas- teries (described  at  length  by  Du  Gauge,  fi-om  a JIS.  of  St.  Victor  of  Paris),  although  the  office  in tiie  older  Egyjitian  monasteries  belonged  to  tli<? 60 ALMS oeconomus,  under  the  special  name  of  SiaKovia (Cassian,  Collat.  xviii.  7,  xxi.  9)  ;  and  afterwards, in  England  at  least,  as  an  officer  attached  to each  bishop  {Cone.  Oxon.,  a.D.  1222 ;  Lyndw., Provinc.  i.  13,  p.  67)  ;  and  lastly  to  the  king,  as e.g.  in  England,  and  notably  to  the  Kings  of France  (see  a  list  in  Du  Cange). in  the  history  of  doctrine,  the  subject  of  alms- giving is  connected — I.  With  the  notions  of  com- munity of  goods,  voluntary  poverty,  and  the difficulty  of  salvation  to  the  rich  ;  the  current voice  of  fathers,  as  e.g.  Tertull.,  AjmI.  39,  Justin M.,  AjmI.  i.,  Arnob.  Adv.  Gent.  iv.  in  fin.,  magni- fying the  temper  indicated  by  to  twu  <pi\ei>v irdvra  Koivd,  while  others,  as  St.  Clem.  Alex. (Strom,  iii.  6,  p.  536,  Potter),  rejected  its  literal and  narrow  perversion  (see  also  his  tract  at length,  Quis  Dices  Salvetur) ;  which  perversion indeed  the  Church  condemned  in  the  cases  of  the Apostolici  or  Afotaotitae  (St.  Aug.,  De  Haer.  xl. 0pp.  viii.  9 ;  St.  Epiphan.,  Haer.  Ixi.),  and  of  the Massalians  (St.  Epiphan.  Haer.  Ixx.),  and  again m  that  of  the  Pelagians,  who  maintained  that rich  men  must  give  up  their  wealth  in  order  to be  saved  (so  at  least  Pseudo-Sixtus  III.,  De Divitiis  ;  and  see  St.  Aug.,  Epist.  cvi.  ad  Paulin., and  Cone.  DiospoUt.  §  6,  A.D.  415).  Compare Slosheim's  Diss,  de  Vera  Nat.  Commun.  Bono- rum  in  Eccl.  Hieros.  II.  With  the  relation  of good  works  to  justification;  alms  and  fasting standing  prominently  in  the  question,  i.  as  com- paratively outward  and  positive  acts,  ii.  as  being specially  urged  from  early  times  as  parts  of repentance  and  charity  {e.  g.  Hermas,  Pastor X.  4  ;  Salvian,  Adv.  Avarit.  ii.  p.  205  ;  Lactant., Div.  Instit.  vi.  13,  torn.  i.  p.  470 ;  Constit.  S. Clem.  vii.  12  ;  St.  Ambros.,  De  Elia  et  Jejun. XX. ;  St.  Chrys.,  Horn.  vii.  de  Poenit.  §  6,  0pp. ii.  336  C).  "  Date  et  dabitur  vobis,"  found  its answer  in  the  repeated  occurrence  of  the  words ((?. .'/.  St.  Caesar.  Arel.,  Hom.  xv. ;  St.  Eligius,  in nia  ii.  15,  ap.  D'Ach.,  Spicil.  ii.  96).  "Da,  Do- mine,  quia  dedimus ; "  but  the  whole  doctrine derived  its  colour  in  each  case  from  the  succes- sive phases  of  the  doctrine  of  merit.  III.  With (in  time)  the  idea  of  compounding  for  other  sins by  alms,  a  feeling  strengthened  by  the  imposition of  alms  by  way  of  satisfaction  and  of  commuta- tion of  penance.  The  introduction  of  the  practice is  attributed  to  Theodore  of  Canterbury,  c.  A.D. 700,  but  upon  the  ground  only  of  the  Peniten- tials  hitherto  falsely  attributed  to  him  ;  while  the abuse  of  it  is  severely  condemned  by  the  Coun'^il of  Cloveshoe,  A.D.  747  (c.  26),  and  by  Theodulph (Capit.  32,  A.D.  787).  Its  grossest  instance  is probably  to  be  found  in  the  ledger-like  calcula- tion of  the  payments,  by  which  "  powerful  men  " could  redeem  their  penances,  in  Eadgar's  canons, in  pn.  (Thorpe,  ii.  286-289),  about  A.D.  963. See  also  Morinus,  Dc  Poenit.  lib.  x.  c.  17,  who treats  tlie  question  at  length.  IV.  With  alms for  the  dead.  See  Cunc.  Carth.  iv.,  A.D.  398,  c. 79  ;  St.  Chrys.,  as  before  quoted,  and  Bingham. See  also  for  later  times,  Car.  M.,  Capit'.  v.  364, .ip.  Baluz.  i.  902. Plough-alms  in  England  (eleem.  carucarum, SM-aehwissan),  viz.,  a  penny  for  every  plough used  in  tillage,  to  be  paid  annually  fifteen  days after  Easter  (Laws  of  Eadgar  and  Guthrun,  a.d. 906,  c.  6 ;  Eadgar's  Laws  i.  2,  and  can.  54,  a.d. 959  and  975;  Ethelred's,  ix.  12,  a.d.  1014: Cnut's,  0.  8,  c.  A.D.  1O30 ;  Pectit.  -^itig  Pers.,  §  de ALTAR Vilkaiis),  were  rather  a  church  due  than  alms properly  so  called.  As  was  also  St.  Peter's penny,  Elcemos.  S.  Petri.  And  Libera  Eleemo- syna,  or  Frank-Almoign,  is  the  tenure  of  most Church  lands  from  Saxon  times  (viz.,  tenure on  condition,  not  of  specified  religious  services, but  of  Divine  Service  generally),  although  now incapable  of  being  created  de  novo  (Stat.  Quia Emptores,  18  Edw.  I.).  See  Stephen's  Blackstone, i.,  Bk.  n.  Pt.  i.  c.  2,  in  fin.  [A.  W.  H.] ALNENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Alcester, Council  of.] ALTAR. — The    table   or   raised   surface   on which  the  Eucharist  is  consecrated. I.  Names  of  the  Altar. 1.  Tpdire^a,  a  table  ;  as  rpairefa  Kvplov,  1  Cor. X.  21.  This  is  the  term  most  commonly  used  by the  Greek  Fathers  and  in  Greek  Liturgies ;  some- times simply,  fi  TpdireCa,  as  the  Table  by  pre- eminence (Chrysost.  in  Ephes.  Hom.  3),  but more  frequently  with  epithets  expressive  of  awe and  reverence ;  fivariKii,  irvev/xaTiK-fi,  cpo^fpa, (ppiKTrj,  (ppiKuSrjS,  PaffLKtKT),  aOdvaros,  lepd,  ayla, Oeia,  and  the  like  (see  Suicer's  Thesaurus,  s.  v.). St.  Basil  in  one  passage  (Ep.  73,  0pp.  ii.  870) appears  to  contrast  the  Tables  (rpawe^as)  of  the orthodox  with  the  Altars  (Qvffiaarripia)  of  Basi- lides.  Sozomen  (Eccl.  Hist.  ix.  2,  p.  368)  says of  a  slab  which  covered  a  tomb  that  it  was fashioned  as  if  for  a  Holy  Table  (licnnp  fls  hpav elrjcr/feiTO  rpdire^av),  a  passage  which  seems  to show  that  he  was  familiar  with  stone  tables. 2.  Qvciacrrripiov,  the  place  of  Sacrifice ;  the word  usad  in  the  Septuagint  for  Noah's  altar (Gen.  viii.  20),  and  both  for  the  Altar  of  Burnt- sacrifice  and  the  Altar  of  Incense  under  the Levitical  law,  but  not  for  heathen  altars. The  word  Qvcnatrriipwv  in  Heb.  xiii.  10,  is referred  by  some  commentators  to  the  Lord's Table,  though  it  seems  to  relate  rather  to  the heavenly  than  to  the  earthly  sanctuary  (Thomas Aquinas).  The  Ovaiaffrripiov  of  Ignatius,  too (ad  Philad.4;  compare  Magn.  7;  Trail.  7), can  scarcely  designate  the  Table  used  in  the Eucharist  (see  Lightfoot  on  Philippians,  p.  263, u.  2).  But  by  this  word  Eusebius  (Hist.  Eccl. X.  4,  §  44)  describes  the  altar  of  the  great church  in  Tyre,  and  again  (Panegyr.  sub  fin.)  he speaks  of  altars  (Qvcriaffriipia)  erected  through- out the  world.  Athanasius,  or  Pseudo-Athana- sius  (Disp.  cont.  Arium,  0pp.  i.  90),  explains the  word  rpdneCa  by  QvaiaaT-rtpLov.  This  name rarely  occurs  in  the  liturgies.  @v(na(TT^piov not  unfrequently  designates  the  enclosure  within which  the  altar  stood,  or  Bema  (see  Mede,  On  the Name  Altar  or  ©vaiacrr-hpiov,  Works,  p.  382  ff.). 3.  The  Copts  call  the  altar  'lAaa-T-fiptov,  the word  applied  in  the  Greek  Scriptures  to  the Mercy-Seat,  or  covering  of  the  Ark  [compare Arca]  ;  but  in  the  Coptic  liturgy  of  St.  Basil they  use  the  ancient  Egyptian  word  Pimaner- schoouschi,  which  in  Coptic  versions  of  Scripture answers  to  the  Heb.  nitD  and  the  Greek  Bvffia- irTrtpiov  (Renaudot,  Lit.  Orient,  i.  181). 4.  The  word  Bwfios  (see  Nitzsch  on  the Odyssey,  vol.  ii.  p.  15)  is  used  in  Scripture  and in  Christian  writers  generally  for  a  heathen altar.  Thus  in  1  Maccab.  i.  54,  we  read  that  in the  persecution  under  Antiochus  an  "abomina- tion of  desolation"  was  built  on  the  Temple-altar ALTAR {Qva-iaffT-fipiov),  while  idol-altars  {Bw/xol)  were set  up  in  the  cities  of  Judah  ;  and,  again  (i.  59), sacrifices  were  ottered  "  iizl  tov  Bto,u^y  hs  itv  ^irl rod  @vcria(TTT]plov."  The  word  Boo/xos  is,  how- ever, applied  to  the  Levitical  altar  in  Ecclesias- ticus  1.  12,  the  work  of  a  gentilizing  writer.  It is  generally  repudiated  by  early  Christian  writers, except  in  a  figurative  sense  :  thus  Clement  of Alexandria  (^Stwm.  vii.  p.  717)  and  Origen  (c. C'lilsum  viii.  p.  389)  declare  that  the  soul  is  the true  Christian  altar  (Bai^os),  the  latter  expressly admitting  the  charge  of  Celsus,  that  the  Chris- tians had  no  material  altars.  Yet  in  later  times Bcafios  was  sometimes  used  for  the  Christian altar;  Syuesius,  for  instance  (Karao-Taffis,  c.  19, p.  303),  speaks  of  flying  for  refuge  to  the unbloody  altar  (Bto/xoV). 5.  The  expression  "  Mensa  Domini,"  or  "  Mensa Dominica,"  is  not  uncommon  in  the  Latin  Fathers, especially  St.  Augustine  (e.g._Sermo  21,  c.  5,  on Ps.  Ixiii.  11).  And  an  altar  raised  in  honour  of a  martyr  frequently  bore  his  name  ;  as  "  Mensa Cypriani"  (Augustine,  Sermo  310).  The  word "  mensa  "  is  frequently  used  for  the  slab  which formed  the  top  of  the  altar  (v.  infra). 6.  Ara,  the  Vulgate  rendering  of  Bai^ps  (1 Maccab.  i.  54  [57],  etc.),  is  frequently  applied by  TertuUian  to  the  Christian  altar,  though  not without  some  qualification  ;  for  instance,  "  ara Dei"  (de  Oratione,  c.  14).  Yet  ara,  like  Bcojuos, is  repudiated  by  the  early  Christian  apologists on  account  of  its  heathen  associations ;  thus Minucius  Felix  (Octavius,  c.  32)  admits  that "  Delubra  et  ai-as  non  habemus  ;  "  compare  Arno- bius  (adv.  Gentes  vi.  1)  and  Lactantius  {Divin. Instit.  ii.  2).  In  rubrics,  Ara  designates  a  port- able altar  or  consecrated  slab.  (Macri  Hiero- lexicon,  s.v.  "  Altare.")  Ara  is  also  used  for  the substruotm-e  on  which  the  mensa,  or  altar  proper, was  placed ;  "  Altaris  aram  funditus  pessum- (lare  "  (Prudentius,  Peristcph.  xiv.  49).  Compare Ardo  Smaragdus,  quoted  below. 7.  But  by  far  the  most  common  name  in  the Latin  Fathers  and  in  Liturgical  diction  is  altare, a'"  high  altar,"  from  altus  (Isidore,  Origines,  xv. 4,  p.  1197;  compare  alveare,  collare).  This  is the  Vulgate  equivalent  of  6v<na<rTripiov.  Ter- tuUian (de  Exhort.  Castitatis  c.  10)  speaks  of  the Lord's  Table  as  "  altare  "  simply  ;  so  also  Cyprian (Epist.  45,  §  3,  ed.  Goldhorn),  who,  by  the phrase  "  altari  posito,"  indicates  that  the  church- altar  in  his  time  was  moveable  ;  and  who,  in another  place  (Epist.  59,  §  25),  contrasts  the Lord's  Altar  ("  Domini  Altare  ")  with  the  "  ara  " of' idols.  So  again  (Epist.  65,  §  1)  he  contrasts "  aras  diaboli "  with  "  Altare  Dei."  So  Augus- tine (Sermo  159,  §  1)  speaks  of  "Altare  Dei." Yet  Cyprian  speaks  (Ep.  59,  §  15)  of  "diaboli altaria,"  so  uncertain  was  the  usage.  In  the Latin  liturgies  scarcely  any  other  name  of  the altar  occurs  but  altare.  The  plural  altaria  is also  occasionally  used  by  ecclesiastical  writers, as  invariably  by  classical  authors,  to  designate an  altar ;  thus  Caesarius  of  Aries  (Horn.  7)  says that  the  elements  (creaturae)  to  be  consecrated "  sacris  altaribus  imponuntur."  (Mone's  Griech. u.  Lat.  Messen,  p.  6.) The  singular  "  altarium  "  is  also  used  in  late writers :  as  in  the  Canon  of  the  Council  of Auxerre  quoted  below,  mass  is  not  to  be  said more  than  once  a  day,  "super  uno  altario." Altarium    is   also    used    in  a   wider  sense,   like ALTAR 61 0v<Tia(Tr-nf>iov,   for  the  Bema   or  Sanctuary;    so also  altaria. 8.  In  most  European  languages,  not  only  of the  Romanesque  family,  but  also  of  the  Teutonic and  Slavonic,  the  word  used  for  the  Loi-d's  Table is  derived,  with  but  slight  change,  from  altare. In  Russian,  however,  another  word,  prestol,  pro- perly a  throne,  is  in  general  use.  [C] II.  Parts  composing  altars. — Although  in  strict- ness the  table  or  tomb-like  structure  consti- tutes the  altar,  the  steps  on  which  it  is  placed, and  the  ciborium  or  canopy  which  covered  it, may  be  considered  parts  of  the  altar  in  a  larger sense,  or,  at  least,  were  so  closely  connected  with it,  as  to  make  it  more  convenient  to  treat  of them  under  the  same  head. The  altar  itself  was  composed  of  two  portions, the  supports,  whether  legs  or  columns,  in  the table  form,  or  slabs  in  the  tomb-like,  and  the "mensa"  or  slab  which  formed  the  top. The  expression  "  cornu  altaris,"  horn  of  the altar,"  often  used  in  rituals  (as  in  the  Sacrament. Gelasianum  1,  c.  Ixxxviii.),  appears  to  mean merely  the  corner  or  angle  of  the  altar,  no  known example  showing  any  protuberance  at  the  angles or  elsewhere  above  the  general  level  of  the mensa,  although  in  some  instances  (as  in  that  iu the  church  of  S.  Giovanni  Evangelista  at  Ravenna hereafter  mentioned)  the  central  part  of  the  sur- face of  the  mensa  is  slightly  hollowed.  By  the Cornu  Evangelii  is  meant  the  angle  to  the  left  of the  priest  celebrating,  by  Cornu  Epistolae  that  to the  right.  These  phrases  must,  however,  it  would seem,  date  from  a  period  subsequent  to  that when  the  Gospel  was  read  from  the  ambo. III.  Material  and  form  of  altars. — It  is  admitted by  all  that  the  earliest  altars  were  tables  of wood  ;  in  the  high  altar  of  the  church  of  S.  Gio- vanni Latei-ano  at  Rome  is  enclosed  an  altar  of the  tomb-like  form,  the  mensa  and  sides  formed of  wooden  planks,  on  which  St.  Peter  is  asserted to  have  celebrated  the  Lord's  Supper,  and  at Sta.  Pudenziana,  in  the  same  city,  fragments  of another  are  preserved  to  which  the  same  tra- dition attaches.    [Arca.] This  shows  an  ancient  belief  that  altars  were of  wood.  And  there  is  abundant  proof  that  in Africa  at  least  the  Holy  Table  v.-as  commonly  of wood  up  to  the  end  of  the  fourth  century. Athanasius,  speaking  of  an  outrage  of  the  Arians in  an  orthodox  church  (Ad  Monachos,  0pp.  i. 847),  says  that  they  burnt  the  Table  (i^vXivrt yap  ^jv)  with  other  fittings  of  the  church.  Op- tatus  of  Mileve,  describing  the  violence  of  the Donatists,  mentions  their  planing  afresh,  or breaking  up  and  using  for  firewood,  the  Holy Tables  in  the  churches  of  their  rivals  (De  Schis- mate  Donatistaruin  vi.  1,  p.  90  ff.)  ;  and  St.  Augus- tine (Epist.  185,  c.  27)  declares  that  they  beat the  orthodox  Bishop  Maximinianus  with  the wood  of  the  altar  under  which  he  had  taken refuge.  In  England,  at  a  much  later  date,  if  we may  trust  William  of  Malmesbury  (Vita  S. Wulstani,  in  Pe  Gestis  Pontif.  Angl.  iii.  14), Wulstan,  bishop  of  Worcester  (1062-1095),  de- molished throughout  his  diocese  the  wooden altars  which  were  still  in  existence  in  England as  in  ancient  days,  "  altaria  lignea  jam  inde  a priscis  diebus  in  Anglia."  Martene  (De  Antiq. Eccl.  Ritibiis  i.  3)  and  Mabillon  (Acta  SS.  Ber^- dict.  Saec.  vi.,  pars  2,  p.  860)  have  shown  that wooden  altars  were  anciently  used  in  Gaul. 62 ALTAR Yet  there  is  distinct  evidence  of  the  exist- ence of  stone  altars  in  the  fourth  century. Gregory  of  Nyssa  {Do  Christi  Baptismate,  0pp. iii.  3G9)  speaks  of  the  stone  of  which  the  altar was  made  being  hallowed  by  consecration.  To tlie  same  eft'ect  St.  Chrysostom  (on  1  Cor.  Hom. 20).  And  stone  became  in  time  the  usual  canon- ical material  of  an  altar.  I'he  assertion  that Pope  Sylvester  (314-335)  first  decreed  that altars  should  be  of  stone  rests  upon  no  ancient authority  (Bona,  De  Reh.  Lit.  i.,  c.  20,  §  1). The  earliest  decree  of  a  council  bearing  on  the .subject  is  one  of  the  provincial  council  of  Epaona (Pamiers  in  France)  in  517,  the  26th  Canon  of which  (Brun's  Canones  ii.  170)  forbids  any  other than  stone  altars  to  be  consecrated  by  the  appli- cation of  Chrism. As  this  council  was  only  provincial,  its  decrees were  no  doubt  only  partially  received.  The 14th  chap,  of  the  Capitularies  of  Charles  the Great,  A.d.  769  (Migne's  Patrologia,  xcvii.  124), orders  that  priests  should  not  celebrate  unless "in  mensis  lapideis  ab  Episcopis  consecratis." This  seems  to  mark  a  period  when  the  use  of wooden  altars,  although  disapproved  of,  was  by no  means  unknown.  In  the  Eastern  churches the  material  of  the  altar  has  been  deemed  a m.itter  of  less  importance,  and  at  all  times  dojvn to  the  present  day  altars  have  been  made  of wood,  stone,  or  metal. Assemani  {Bibl.  Orient,  iii.  238)  cites  a  Canon of  a  Synod  of  the  Syro-Jacobites,  held  circa  A.D. 908,  which  orders  the  use  of  fixed  altars  of  stone, and  the  disuse  of  wood;  he  adds  that  in  the churches  of  the  Maronites  and  of  the  Jacobites the  altars  were  sometimes  of  wood,  sometimes of  stone  (compare  Neale,  Eastern  Ch.  Intr.  181). In  some  instances  at  the  present  day  pillars  of stone  are  used  to  support  a  mensa  of  wood. This  change  of  material  was  in  some  degree occasioned  or  accompanied  by  the  adoption  of  a different  type  of  form,  that  of  the  tomb.  Such adoption  has  been  usually  accounted  for  by  the supposition  that  the  tombs  in  the  Roman  cata- combs known  as  "  arcosolia "  were  used  during the  period  of  persecution  as  altars.  These  arco- solia were  forn^ed  by  cutting  in  the  wall  of  the chamber  or  oratory,  at  a  height  of  about  three feet  from  the  floor,  an  opening  covered  by  an arch.  In  the  wall  below  this  opening  an  exca- vation was  made  sufficiently  large  to  receive  one or  sometimes  two  bodies,  and  this  was  covered by  a  slab  of  marble. "  Such  tombs  would  evidently  furnish  suffici- ently convenient  altars,  but  there  appears  to  be some  deficiency  of  proof  that  they  were  actually so  used  during  the  period  of  persecution,  to which,  indeed,  the  far  greater  number  are  by some  centuries  posterior.  Some  writers  assert that  up  to  the  time  of  St.  Sylvester  the  only altars  in  use  were  wooden  chests  [compare Arca]  carried  about  from  place  to  place  where- ever  the  Roman  bishop  had  his  habitation. Whether  this  opinion  be  or  be  not  well-founded, it  is  certain  that  traces  of  altars  occupying  the normal  position,  viz.,  the  centre  of  the  apse,  have been  found  in  the  oratories  of  the  catacombs. Bosio  and  Boldetti  state  that  they  had  met  with such,  the  one  in  the  cemetery  of  Priscilla,  the other  in  that  of  SS.  Mai'cellinus  and  Peter,  and Martigny  {Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chret.  p.  58),  adds that  ho  had  been  shown  bv  the  Cav.  de  Rossi  in ALTAlt the  cemetery  of  Calixtus  the  traces  left  by  the four  pillars  which  had  supported  an  altar.  The date  of  the  altars  in  question  does  not,  however, appear  to  have  been  clearly  ascertained. It  was,  however,  not  only  in  Rome  that  the memorials  of  martyrs  and  altai-s  were  closely associated;  the  83rd  Canon  of  the  Codex  Can. Ecd.  Afric.  A.D.  419  (in  Brun's  Canones,  i. 176)  orders  that  the  altaria  which  had  been raised  everywhere  by  the  roads  and  in  the  fields as  "Memoriae  Martyrum,"  should  be  overturned when  there  was  no  proof  that  a  martyr  lay beneath  them  ;  and  blames  the  practice  of  erect- ing altars  in  conseauence  of  dreams  and  "iuanes revelationes." In  the  Liber  Pontificalis  it  is  stated  that  Pope Felix  I.  (A.D.  269-274)  "  constituit  supra  sepul- cra  martyrum  missas  celebrari,"  but  perhaps  the most  ciear  proofs  of  the  prevalence  of  the  prac- tice of  placing  altars  over  the  remains  of  martyrs and  saints  at  an  'early  period,  are  furnished  by passages  in  Prudentius,  particularly  that  so  often quoted  {Feristeph.,  Hymn  XI.  v.  169—174):— "  Talibus  Hippolyti  corpus  mandatur  opertis Propter  ubi  apposita  est  ara  dicata  Deo, Ilia  sacramenti  donatrix  mensa  eademque Gustos  fida  sui  martyris  apposita, Servat  ad  aeterni  spam  judicis  ossa  sepulcro Pascit  item  Sanctis  tibricolas  dapibus." The  practice  of  placing  the  altar  over  the  re- mains of  martyrs  or  saints  may  probably  have arisen  from  a  disposition  to  look  upon  the  suffer- ings of  those  confessors  of  the  faith  as  analogous with  that  sacrifice  which  is  commemorated  in the  Eucharist ;  and  the  passage  in  the  Reve- lation (chap.  vi.  V.  9),  "  I  saw  under  the  altar the  souls  of  them  that  were  slain  for  the  word of  God,"  no  doubt  encouraged  or  instigated  the observance.  The  increasing  disposition  to  vene- rate martyrs  and  their  relics  fostered  this  prac- tice, by  which,  as  Prudentius  says  {Peristeph., Hymn.  III.  v.  211)— "  Sic  venerarier  ossa  libet Ossibus  altar  et  impositum." And  it  took  firm  root  in  the  Western  Church ; so  much  so  that  a  rule  has  long  been  established that  every  altar  must  contain  a  relic  or  relics, among  which  should  be  one  of  the  saint  in  whose honour  it  was  consecrated.  [Consecration  of Churches;  Relics.] This  practice,  no  doubt,  conduced  to  the  change of  material  from  wood  to  stone,  and  also  to  a change  of  form  from  that  of  a  table  to  that  of a  chest  or  tomb,  or  to  the  combination  of  the two.  The  table-form  seems  to  have  been  still common  in  Africa  in  the  early  part  of  the  5th century :  for  Synesius  (Karao-Toins,  c.  19,  p. 303),  says  that,  in  the  terrors  of  the  Vandal invasion,  he  would  cast  himself  beneath  the altar,  and  clasp  the  columns  that  supported  it. The  annexed  woodcut  furnishes  an  example  of the  combination  of  the  table-form  with  the tomb-form.  It  was  discovered  in  the  ruins  of the  so-called  basilica  of  S.  Alessandro  on  the Via  Nomentana,  about  seven  miles  from  Rome, and  may  with  all  probability  be  ascribed  to  the fifth  century.  The  mensa  is  a  slab  of  porphyry, the  rest  is  of  marble.  The  small  columns  were not  placed  as  represented  in  the  woodcut  at  the time  when  the  sketch  from  which  it  is  taken was  made ;  they  were,  however,  found  close  by ALTAR the  altar,  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  but  that they  were  originally  so  placed.  Beneath  the altar  is  a  shallow  cxcMvatiou  lined  with  marble, ALTAR 63 mmm?, ALEXAMDROOaiCATV Altar  of  S.  Alessandro  on  the  Via  Notneutaim. in  which  the  bones  of  St.  Alexander  are  believed to  have  been  deposited.  The  square  opening  in the  cancellated  slab  was  probably  used  for  the purpose  of  introducing  cloths  [Brandea],  which were  laid  on  the  tomb  of  a  saint,  and  afterwards preserved  as  relics.  A  part  of  the  inscription  on the  front  has  been  lost:  what  remains  reads  "et Alexandro  Delicatus  voto  posuit  dedicante  Aepis- copo  Urs  .  .  "  The  name  wanting  at  the  begin- ning is  supposed  to  be  that  of  Eventius,  also  buried in  the  same  cemetery.  Ursus  is  believed  to  have been  bishop  of  Nomentum. The  altar  in  the  sepulchral  chapel  at  Ravenna, known  as  "  SS.  Nazzaro  e  Celso,"  is  an  example of  the  simple  tomb-lilse  form.  The  chapel  was built  about  A.D.  450,  and  this  altar  may  be  of about  the  same  date.  According  to  the  Rev.  B. Webb  (^Sketches  of  Continental  Ecclesiology,  p. 429)  it  is  composed  of  three  slabs  of  alabaster supporting  a  mensa ;  on  the  ends  are  carved crosses ;  on  the  front  is  a  cross  between  two sheep ;  and  on  each  side  of  it  the  device  of  a crown  suspended  from  a  wreath.  It  is  shewn iu  the  engraving  of  the  chapel  in  Gaily  Knight's Eccl.  Arch,  of  Italy. In  the  somewhat  earlier  mosaics  in  the  bap- tistery of  the  cathedral  of  Ravenna,  altars  are represented  as  tables  supported  by  columns  with capitals ;  the  tables  are  represented  red  and  the columns  gold,  indicating  perhaps  the  use  of  por- phyry and  gilt  bronze  as  tlie  materials.  Nor, although  the  tomb-lilce  form  eventually  became  in the  Western  Church  the  ruling  one,  was  the  table- form  disused,  for  examples  of  it  of  a  date  even  as late  as  the  thirteenth  century  are  still  extant. i^^^^^i-gssf^i Alt4ir,  from  Axiriol A  variety   of  the   table-form,   in   which    the a  is  supported  by  only  one  leg,  is  shown  in the  accompanying  woodcut.  This  altar  was found  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Auriol,  in  the department  of  the  Bouches-du-Rhune,  in  France, and  may  be  attributed  to  the  fifth  or  sixth century. Martigny  {Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chret.,  p.  59)  men- tions other  examples  in  which  the  mensa  is  sup- ported by  five  columns,  one  being  in  the  centre. One  of  these  found  at  Avignon  is  supposed  to have  been  erected  by  S.  Agricola  (dec.  A.D.  580). Another,  in  the  Muse'e  at  Marseilles,  he  attri- butes to  the  5th  centui-y,  and  a  third  he  says exists  in  the  crypt  of  the  church  of  St.  Martha, at  Tarascon. In  the  baptistery  of  the  cathedral  of  Ravenna is  an  altar  composed  of  a  mensa  with  two  columns in  front,  and  a  quadrangular  block  of  marble,  in which  is  a  recess  or  ca^•ity  now  closed  by  a modern  brass  door ;  the  front  of  this  block  has some  decoration  of  an  architectural  character,  a small  cross,  doves,  ears  of  wheat,  and  bunches  of grapes.  This  central  block  would  appear  to  be an  altar  (or  part  of  one)  of  the  6th  century.  A very  similar  block  is  at  Parenzo,  in  Istria,  and  is engraved  in  Heider  and  Eiselberger's  Alittelalter- liche  Kunstdenkmale  des  Oesterreichischen  Kaiser- staatcs  (i.  109) ;  the  writer  of  that  work  is, however,  disposed  to  consider  it  not  an  altar  but a  tabernacle. Mr.  Webb  (Sketches  of  Cont.  Ecclesiology,  pp. 430,  440)  mentions  two  altars  at  Ravenna,  one in  the  crypt  of  S.  Giovanni  Evangelista,  the  other in  the  nave  of  S.  Apollinare  in  Classe,  of  the  same form  as  that  of  the  baptistery  of  the  Cathedral described  above,  and  seems  to  consider  this  ar- rangement as  original ;  but  says  of  the  altar  of the  baptistery  that  it  was  the  tabernacle  of  the old  Cathedral.  He  remarks  that  the  mensa  of the  altar  in  S.  Giovanni  is  not  level,  but  slightly hollowed  so  as  to  leave  a  rim  all  round. Many  notices  of  altars  may  be  found  in  the Liher  Pontificalis  (otherwise  known  as  Anastasius Bibliothecarius  de  Vitis  Pontijicum)  as  that  Pope Hilarus  (A.D.  461-467)  made  at  S.  Lorenzo  f. 1.  m.  "  altare  argenteum  pensans  libras  quadra- ginta,"  that  Leo  III.  (a.d.  795-816)  made  at  S. Giovanni  Laterano  "  altare  majus  mirae  mag- nitudinis  decoratum  ex  argento  purissimo  pensans libras  sexaginta  et  novem." In  these  and  in  the  numerous  like  instances  it is  either  expressly  stated  that-  the  altar  was decorated  with  gold  or  silver,  or  the  quantity  of the  metal  employed  is  evidently  quite  insufficient to  furnish  the  sole  material ;  but  we  are  not  told whether  the  altar  was  constructed  of  stone  or  of wood. In  a  mosaic  at  S.  Vitale,  at  Ravenna,  dating from  the  6th  century  (engraved  in  Webb's  Cont. Eccles.  p.  437),  an  altar  doubtless  is  represented as  standing  on  feet  at  the  angles,  and  therefore of  the  table  form.  It  has,  according  to  Mr. Webb,  an  ornamental  covering  of  white  linen with  a  hanging  beneath. The  annexed  woodcut  taken  from  the  same work  (p.  440)  shows  an  altar  similarly  re- presented in  a  mosaic  in  S.  Apollinare  in  Classe at  Ravenna.  This  church  was  commenced between  534  and  538,  and  dedicated  between 546  and  552,  but  much  of  the  mosaic  was  not executed  until  between  671  and  677  (Hiibsch, Altchristlichen  Kirchen). Paul  the  Silentiary,  in  his  poetical  description 64 of  St.   Sophia  at  Constantinople,  as  rebuilt  by Justinian   (between    A.D.    532    and    A.D.    563), describes  the  altar  as  of  gold,  decorated  with precious  stones  and  supported  on  golden  columns. This  has  of  coui-se  long  since  been  destroyed, but  there  still  exists  an  altar  of  almost  equal splendour,  though  of  the  other  type,  viz.,  that  of the  tomb,  and  more  recent  by  three  hundred years.  This  is  the  high  altar  of  S.  Ambrogio,  at Milan,  made  in  a.d.  835,  measuring  7  ft.  3  in.  in length  and  4  ft.  1  in.  in  height,  the  mensa  being 4  ft.  4  in.  wide.  The  front  is  of  gold,  the  back and  sides  of  silver.  It  is  covered  with  subjects in  relief  in  panels  divided  by  bands  of  ornament, and  many  small  ornaments  in  cloisonne  enamel are  interspersed.  The  subjects  on  the  back  are chiefly  incidents  in  the  life  of  St.  Ambrose ; those  of  the  front  are  Christ  seated  within  an oval  compartment  within  a  cross,  in  the  branches of  which  are  the  symbols  of  the  Evangelists, figures  of  tlie  Apostles  being  placed  above  and below.  On  the  right  and  left  are  subjects  from the  Gospels  or  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  On  the ends  of  the  altar  are  crosses  in  compartments, surrounding  which  are  angels  in  various  attitudes ( t  iloiation      It  la  iepie»ented  m  the  wocdcut Altar  of  S    \mbrog  o  at  "Milan Two  examples  of  the  tomb-like  form,  of  stone and  of  earlier  date,  may  be  seen  in  the  lateral apses  of  the  basilican  church  which  foi-ms  part of  S.  Stetano  at  Bologna.  These  perhaps  date from  the  7tli  or  8th  century.  On  one  are  a  cross and  two  peacocks,  and  an  inscription  in  honour of  S.  Vitalis  ;  on  the  other,  figures  of  a  lion  and a  stag  or  ox.  It  is  not  clear  whether  these  were construcljed  to  serve  as  altars,  or  are  tombs  con- verted to  that  use  ;  but  the  first  seems  the  more probable  suggestion. The  account  given  by  Ardo  Smaragdus,  in  his life  of  St.  Benedict  of  Aniane  (Act.  Sanct.  Feb. vol.  ii.  die  12,  p.  614),  of  one  of  the  altars  con- structed by  the  latter  in  the  church  of  that  place (in  A.D.  782  ?),  is,  though  somewhat  obscure,  too remarkable  to  be  passed  over;  the  altar  was  hol- low within,  having  at  the  back  a  little  door;  in A.LTAII the  cavity  boxes  (capsae)  containing  relics  were preserved  on  non-festive  days.  This  "altare," wliich  was  the  high  altar,  was  so  constructed (in  altari  .  .  .  tres  aras  causavit  subponi)  as  to symbolize  the  Trinity. It  is  difficult  to  find  the  date  at  which  it became  customary  to  incise  crosses,  usually  five in  number,  on  the  mensa  of  an  altar;  they  do not  appear  to  exist  on  the  mensa  of  the  wooden altar  in  S.  Giovanni  Laterano  at  Rome,  which  is no  doubt  of  an  early  date,  on  that  of  the  altar  of S.  Alessandro,  near  Kome,  or  on  those  of  the  early altars  at  Ravenna,  or  Auriol,  or  even  on  the  altar of  S.  Ambrogio.  Crosses  are  however  found  on the  portable  altar  which  was  buried  with  St. Cuthbert  (a.d.  087).  The  veiy  fragmentary state  of  this  object  makes  it  impossible  to  deter- mine with  certainty  how  many  crosses  were  on it.  Two  are  to  be  seen  on  the  oaken  board  to which  the  plating  of  silver  was  attached,  and two  on  the  plating  itself,  but  it  is  quite  possible that  originally  there  were  five  on  each.  In  the order  for  the  dedication  of  a  church  in  the Sacramentary  of  Gregory  the  Great  (p.  148), the  bishop  consecrating  is  desired  to  make crosses  with  holy  water  on  the  four  corners  of the  altar;  but  nothing  is  said  of  incised  crosses. The  practice  of  making  below  the  mensa  a cavity  to  contain  relics,  and  covering  this  by  a separate  stone  let  into  the  mensa,  does  not  appear to  be  of  an  early  date.     [Consecration.] IV.  Structural  accessories  of  the  altar. — Usually,  though  not  invariably,  the  altar  was raised  on  steps,  one,  two,  or  three  in  number. From  these  steps  the  bishop  sometimes  preached  ; hence  SiJonius  Apoll.,  addressing  Faustus,  Bishop of  Riez,  says  (Carm.  XVI.  v.  124), — "  Seu  te  conspicuis  gradibiis  venerabilis  arae Concionaturum  plehs  sedula  circumsistit." Beneath  the  steps  it  became  customary,  from the  fourth  century  at  least,  at  Rome  and  wherever the  usages  of  Rome  were  followed,  to  construct a-small  vault  called  confessio  ;  this  was  originally a  mere  grave  or  repository  for  a  body,  as  at  S. Alessandro  near  Rome,  but  gradually  expanded into  a  vault,  a  window  or  grating  below  the  altar allowing  the  sarcophagus  in  which  the  body  of the  saint  was  placed  to  be  visible.     [Confessio.] In  the  Eastern  Church  a  piscina  is  usually found  under  the  altar  (Neale,  Eastern  C/iurc/i Introd.  189),  called  X"'''>  X'"'^'*"'  '^^'  more  com- monly Q6.\a(raa  or  6a\aaai5iov.  What  the  an- tiquity of  this  practice  may  be  does  not  seem  to be  ascertained,  but  it  may  have  existed  in  the Western  Church,  as  appears  from  the  Frankish missal  published  by  Mabillon  (Liturg.  Gall.  iii. §  12,  p.  314),  where,  in  consecrating  an  altar, holy  water  is  to  be  poured  "  ad  basem."  So  the Gregorian  Sao'amentary,  p.  149. The  altar  was  often  enclosed  within  railings  of wood  or  metal,  or  low  walls  of  marble  slabs ; these  enclosures  were  often  mentioned  by  early writers  under  the  names  "  ambitus  altaris," "  circuitus  altaris ;  "  the  railings  were  called *'  cancelli,"  and  the  slabs  "  transennae."  Some further  account  of  these  will  be  found  under  the words. Upon  these  enclosures  columns  and  arches  of silver  were  often  fixed,  and  veils  or  curtains  of rich  stutFs  suspended  from  the  arches :  they  are frequently  mentioned   in  the  Lib.  Pontif.,  as  in i J ALTAR the  instance  where  Tope  Leo  III.  gave  96  veils, some  highly  ornamented,  to  be  so  placed  round the  "  ambitus  altaris  "  and  the  "  presbyterium  " of  St.  Peter's  at  Rome. V.  Ciborium,  otherwise  umbraculum,  Gr.  ki- ^ipiov.  Ital.  baldachino. — Down  to  the  end  of the  period  with  which  we  are  now  concerned, and  even  later,  the  altar  was  usually  covered  by a  canopy  supported  by  columns,  the  ciborium. The  word  is  no  doubt  derived  from  the  Greek Ki^cipiov,  the  primary  meaning  of  which  is  the cup-like  seed-vessel  of  the  Egyptian  water-lily. It  does  not  appear  when  the  ciborium  came first  to  be  in  use,  though  this  was  probably  at  as early  a  date  as  that  in  which  architectural splendour  was  employed  in  the  construction  of churches.  Augusti  quotes  Eusebius  (^Vit.  Const. M.  lib.  iii.  c.  38)  as  using  the  word  KtPiipiov when  describing  the  church  of  the  Sepulchre  at Jerusalem,  and  connecting  it  with  the  word  r^fxt- (Tcpaipiov ;  but  in  this  there  seems  to  be  a  mistake, as  neither  word  occurs  in  cap.  38,  while  in  cap. 37  the  latter  occurs  in  connection  with  ice<p- a.\atov:  by  which  last  it  would  seem  that  the apse  was  meant. Paulinus  of  Nola  has  been  thought  to  allude to  the  ciborium  in  the  verses  {Lib.  ii.  LJpig.  2) : "  JMvinum  veneranda  tegunt  altaria  foedus, Compositibque  sacra  cum  cruce  martyribus." AliTAR (55 Veils  are  mentioned  by  St.  Chrysostom  {ITom. iii.  in  Ephes.)  as  w  ithdrawn  at  the  consecration of  the  Eucharist,  and  it  is  probable  that  these were  attached  to  the  ciborium  in  the  fashion represented  by  the  accompanying  woodcut, where  a  ciborium  is  shown  with  the  veils  con- rcaling    the    altar.     This    representation,   taken CHRIST.  ANT. from  Messrs.  Texier  and  Pullau's  work  on  By- zantine Architecture,  is  found  in  the  mosaics of  St.  George  at  Thessalonica,  works  certainly not  later  than  a.d.  500,  and  perhaps  much earlier ;  the  authors  are  indeed  disposed  to  refer them  to  the  era  of  Constantine  the  Great. Ciboria  are  not  mentioned  in  the  Liber  Pon- tificalis  in  the  long  catalogue  of  altars  erected  in and  gifts  made  to  churches  erected  in  Rome  and Naples  by  Constantine,  unless  the  "  fastigium " of  silver  weighing  2025  lbs.  in  the  basilica  of  St. John  Lateran  was,  as  some  have  thought,  a ciborium.  Much  doubt,  it  must  be  remembered, has  been  thrown  on  the  trustworthiness  of  this part  of  the  Liber  Pontificalis,  nor  does  any  men- tion of  one  occur  until  the  time  of  Pope  Symma- chus  (498 — 514),  who,  it  is  stated,  made  at  S. Silvestro  a  ciborium  of  silver  weighing  120  lbs. Mention  is  made  in  the  same  work  of  many other  ciboria  ;  they  are  generally  described  as  of silver  or  decorated  with  silver.  The  quantity  of metal  varies  very  much :  one  at  S.  Paolo  f.  1,  m. is  said  to  have  been  decorated  with  2015  lbs.  of silver,  that  of  St.  Peter's,  of  silver-gilt,  weighed 2704  lbs.  3  oz.,  and  that  at  S.  Giovanni  Laterano only  1227  lbs.  All  these  were  erected  bv  Pope Leo  in.  (795-816).  The  last  is  described  as "  cyborium  cum  columnis  suis  quatuor  ex ai-gento  purissimo  diversis  depictum  historiis cum  cancellis  et  columnellis  suis  mirae  magni- tudinis  et  pulchritudinis  decoratum."  The "cancelli"  were,  no  doubt,  railings  running  from column  to  column  and  enclosing  the  altar.  The ciborium  in  St.  Sophia's,  as  erected  by  Justinian, is  described  by  Paul  the  Silentiary  as  having four  columns  of  silver  which  supported  an octagonal  pyi'amidal  dome  or  blunt  spire  crownea by  a  globe  bearing  a  cross.  From  the  arches hung  rich  veils  woven  with  figures  of  Christ,  St. Paul,  St.  Peter,  &c. Ciboria  were  constructed  not  only  of  metal, or  of  wood  covered  with  metal,  but  of  marble  ; the  alabaster  columns  of  the  ciborium  of  the high  altar  of  St.  Mark's  at  Venice  are  said  to have  occupied  the  same  position  in  the  chapel  of the  Greek  Emperor  at  Constantinople.  They are  entirely  covered  with  subjects  from  Biblical history,  sculptured  in  relief,  and  appear  to  be  of as  early  a  date  as  the  fifth  century ;  but  perhaps the  earliest  ciborium  now  existing  is  one  in  the church  of  S.  Apollinare  in  Classe  at  Ravenna, which  is  shown  by  the  inscription  engraved  upon it  to  have  been  erected  between  a.d.  806  and A.D.  810. Various  ornaments,  as  vases,  crowns,  and baskets  (cophini)  of  silver,  w^ere  placed  as  deco- rations upon  or  suspended  from  the  ciboria;' and, as  has  been  already  said,  veils  or  curtains  were attached  to  them ;  these  last  were  withdrawn after  the  consecration  but  before  the  elevation  of the  Eucharist.  These  curtains  are  mentioned repeatedly  in  the  Liber  Poritif.  as  gifts  made  by various  popes  of  the  seventh,  eighth,  and  ninth centuries,  e.  g.,  "  Vela  alba  holoserica  rosata quae  pendent  in  arcu  de  cyborio  numero  qua- tuor," given  to  S.  Maria  Maggiore  by  Pope Leo  III.  (A.D.  795-816). It  does  not  appear  when  the  use  of  these  veils was  discontinued  in  the  Western  Church  ;  in  the Eastern  a  screen  (eiKovoa-Taffis)  with  doors  now serves  the  like  purpose.  Some  of  the  ciboria  at Rome,  according  to  Martignv  (Art.  Colombe F 00 ALTAR Eucharistiqiie),  having  a  ring  fixed  in  the  centre of  the  vault,  from  which  he  conceives  a  receptacle for  the  host  to  have  been  suspended.  [Peei- STERIUm].  No  ciborium  now  existing  at  Rome seems  to  be  of  earlier  date  than  the  twelfth century,  but  the  practice  of  suspending  such receptacles  is  no  doubt  much  earlier. Martigny  is  of  opinion  that  besides  the  cibo- rium, the  columns  of  which  rested  on  the  ground, there  was  sometimes  a  lesser  one,  the  columns  oi which  rested  on  the  altar,  and  that  these  last were  more  properly  called  ".peristeria,"  as  enclos- ing a  vessel  in  the  form  of  a  dove,  in  which  the host  wn«  contained.     [CiBORiUM,  TuRRiS,  Pern VI.  Appendages  of  the  Altar. — In  ancient  times nothing  was  placed  upon  the  altar  but  the Altar-cloths  and  the  sacred  vessels  with  the Elements.  A  feeling  of  reverence,  says  Mar- tene  (de  Antiq.  Eccl.  Bit.  i.  112),  permitted  not the  presence  of  anything  on  the  altar,  except  the things  used  in  the  Holy  Oblation.  Hence  there were  no  candlesticks  on  the  altar,  nor  (unless  on the  columns,  arches,  and  curtains  of  the  ciborium) any  images  or  pictures.  Even  in  the  ninth  cen- tury we  find  Leo  IV.  (an.  855)  limiting  the  objects which  might  lawfully  be  placed  on  the  altar  to the  shrine  containing  relics,  or  perchance  the codex  of  the  Gospels,  and  the  pyx  or  tabernacle in  which  the  Lord's  body  was  reserved  for  the viaticum  of  the  sick.  (D<?  Cum  Fastorali,  §  8, in  Migne's  Patrologia,  cxv.  677.) The  Book  of  the  Gospels  seems  anciently  to have  been  frequently  placed  on  the  altar,  even when  the  Liturgy  was  not  being  celebrated (Neale,  Eastern  Cli.  Introd.  188).  An  example may  be  seen  in  the  frescoes  of  the  Baptistery  at Ravenna  (Webb's  Continental  Ecclesiology,  427). With  regard  to  the  relics  of  saints,  the  ancient rule  was,  as  St.  Ambrose  tells  us  (Ad  Marcel- linam,  Epist.  85)  "  Ille  [Christus]  super  altare  .  . isti  [martyres]  sub  altari ;"  and  this  was  the practice  not  only  of  the  age  of  St.  Ambrose,  but ALTAR of  much  later  times,  even  up  to  the  middle  of the  ninth  centuiy,  as  Mabillon  (Acta  SS.  Be- nedict. Saec.  iii.  Praefatio  §  105),  assures  us  ;  for the  anonymous  author  of  the  Life  of  Servatius of  Tongres  says  expressly  that  the  relics  of  this saint,  when  translated  by  command  of  Charles the  Great,  were  laid  before  the  altar,  as  men did  not  yet  presume  to  lay  anything  except  the sacrifice  on  the  altar,  which  is  the  Table  of  the Lord  of  Hosts.  And  even  later,  Odo  of  Clugny tells  us  (Collationes  ii.  28)  that  when  Berno (an.  895)  laid  the  relics  of  St.  Walburgis  on the  altar,  they  ceased  to  work  miracles,  resenting the  being  placed  "  ubi  majestas  divini  Mysterii -nlummodo  debet  celebrari."  The  passage  of Lho  IV.,  quoted  above,  seems  in  fact  the  first ermission  to  place  a  shrine  containing  relics  on lie  altar,  and  that  permission  was  evidently  not I  accordance  with  the  general  religious  feeling t  that  age. In  the  early  centuries  of  the  Christian  Church, he  consecrated  bread  was  generally  reserved  in vessel  made   in  the  form  of  a  dove  and  sus- II  uded  from  the  ciborium  [Peristerium],  or icrhaps  in  some  cases  placed  on  a  tower  on  the altar  itself  (Liber  Fontif.,  Innocent  I.  c.  67,  and Hilary,  c.  70).  Gregory  of  Tours  (De  Gloria Uiirtyiiiin  i.  86)  speaks  distinctly  of  the  deacon t,\kmg  the  turris  from  the  sacristy  and  placing it  on  the  altar,  but  this  seems  to  have  contained till'  unconsecrated  elements  [TuRRis],  and  to  have I I  en  placed  on  the  altar  only  during  celebration  ; imr  does  the  reservation  of  the  consecrated  bread III  the  turris,  capsa  or  pyxis  on  the  altar  appear t(i  be  distinctly  mentioned  by  any  earlier  autho- iity  than  the  decree  of  Leo  IV.  quoted  above (Bmterim's  Denkwiirdigkeiten,  ii.  2.  167  ff.). No  instance  of  a  Cross  placed  permanently  on the  mensa  of  an  altar  is  found  in  the  first  eight I  cnturies,  as  we  should  expect  from  the  decree (if  Leo  IV.  The  vision  of  Probianus  (Sozomen, Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  3.  p.  49)  shows  that  crosses  were seen  in  the  sanctuary  (BvffiaffT-fjpiov)  in  the fourth  century ;  the  cross  was  found  on  the  sum- mit of  the  ciborium,  as  in  the  great  church  of St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople  (Paul  the  Silentiary, Descrip.  S.  Sophiae,  Til  [al.  ii.  320]),  and,  in  some churches  both  at  Rome  and  in  Gaul,  suspended from  the  ciborium  over  the  altar  (Gregory  of Tours,  De  Gloria  Mart.  ii.  20),  but  not  on  the mensa  of  the  altar  itself.  A  cross  was,  however, placed  on  the  altar  during  celebration.  Sec jSacrayn.  Gelas.  i.  41. The  third  Canon  of  the  Second  Council  of Tours  (an.  567,  Bruns's  Canones  ii.  226),  "  ut corpus  Domini  in  altari  non  in  imaginario  ordine, sed  sub  crucis  titulo  componatur,"  which  has been  thought  to  mean,  that  the  Body  of  the Lord  should  not  be  reserved  among  the  images in  a  receptacle  on  the  reredos,  but  under  the cross  on  the  altar  itself,  might  possibly  refer  to a  suspended  cross;  but  it  is  probably  rightly explained  by  Dr.  Neale  (Eastern  Ch.  Introd.  520') to  mean  that  the  particles  consecrated  should not  be  arranged  according  to  each  man's  fancy, but  in  the  form  of  a  cross,  according  to  the rubric. Tapers  were  not  placed  on  the  altar  within the  period  which  we  are  considering,  though  it is  a  very  ancient  practice  to  place  lights  about the  altar,  especially  on  festivals.     [Lights.] Flowers  appear  to   have  been  used    for  the ALTAR festal  decoration  of  altars  au  least  as  early  as the  sixth  century ;  for  Venantius  Fortunatus (Carmina  viii.  9)  says,  addressing  St.  Rhadegund, ALTAR 67 ■  Texii ^•ariis  altaria  festa  coronis." They  appear  as  decorations  of  churches  as early  as  the  fourth  century. Vil.  Number  of  altars  in  a  C/mrch. — There  was in  primitive  times  but  one  altar  in  a  church,  and the  arrangements  of  the  most  ancient  Basilicas testify  to  the  fact.  (See  Pagi  on  Baronius,  ann. 313,  No.  15.)  Eusebius  {Hist.  Heel.  x.  4,  §  45), in  the  description  of  the  great  church  at  Tyre, mentions  only  one  altar.  St.  Augustine  (on 1  John,  Tract.  .3)  speaks  of  the  existence  of  two altars  in  one  city  (civitate)  as  a  visible  sign  of the  Donatist  schism.  But  his  words  should  per- haps not  be  taken  in  their  literal  sense ;  for  in the  time  of  St.  Basil,  there  was  more  than  one altar  in  Neo-Caesarea  ;  for  he,  speaking  (Hom.  19, in  Gordium)  of  a  persecution  of  Christians  in  that city,  says  that  "  altars  (dvcrtaffT^pia)  were  over- thrown." The  Greek  and  other  oriental  churches  have even  now  but  one  altar  in  each  church  (Renau- dot.  Lit.  Orient,  i.  18'2)  ;  nor  do  they  consecrate the  Eucharist  more  than  once  on  the  same  day in  the  same  place.  They  have,  however,  and  have had  for  several  centuries,  minor  altars  in  irapeK- KArjfTiai  or  side-chapels,  which  are  really  dis- tinct buildings.  Such  side-chapels  are  generally found  where  there  has  been  considerable  contact with  the  Latin  Church  (Neale,  Eastern  Church, Introd.  183). Some  writers,  as  Martigny  (Diet,  des  Antiq. Chre't.,  art.  Autel),  rely  upon  the  "  arcosolia  " or  altar-tombs  in  the  catacombs  as  pi'oving  the early  use  of  many  altars :  two,  three,  and  more such  tombs  are  often  found  in  one  crypt,  and  in one  case,  a  crypt  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Agnes near  Rome,  there  are  as  many  as  eleven  arco- solia (Marchi,  Man.  delle  Arti  prim.  Crist.,  tav. XXXV.,  xxxvi.,  xxxvii.),  ei^ht  of  which,  according to  Padre  Marchi,' might  have  been  used  as  altars (p.  191);  but  there  seems  to  be  generally  a deficiency  of  proof  that  such  tombs  were  actually so  used,  nor  is  their  date  at  all  a  matter  of certainty  in  the  great  majority  of  cases. It  would  appear  probable  that  the  practice  of considering  the  tomb  of  a  martyr  as  a  holy  place fitted  for  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharistic sacrifice,  and  such  celebration  as  an  honour  and consolation  to  the  martyr  who  lay  below,  led  first to  the  use  of  several  altars  in  a  crypt  in  the catacombs  where  more  than  one  martyr  might rest,  and  then,  when  the  bodies  of  several  martyrs had  been  transferred  to  one  church  above  ground, to  the  construction  of  an- altar  over  each,  from a  wish  to  leave  none  unhonoured  by  the  celebra- tion of  the  Eucharist  above  his  remains.  Such ideas  were  prevalent  as  early  as  the  beginning  of the  fifth  century,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  writings of  Prudentius  (Peristeph.  Hymn.  XI.  v.  169- 174;  Hymn.  III.  v.  211),  Pope  Damasus,  and  St. Maximus,  Bishop  of  Turin  (Sermo  LXIII.  De  na- tali  sanctorum;  v.  Marchi,  p.  142  et  seq.).  At that  period,  and  indeed  long  after,  the  disturbance of  the  relics  of  saints  was  held  a  daring  and scarcely  allowable  act,  and  was  prohibited  by Theodosius  and  much  disapproved  of  by  Pope Gregory  the  Great ;  nor  was  it  until  some  cen- turies later  that  the  increasing  eagerness  for  the possession  of  such  memorials  was  gratified  by  the dismemberment  of  the  holy  bodies. It  has  been  contended  that  more  than  one altar  existed  in  the  Cathedral  of  Milan  in  the latter  part  of  the  fourth  century.  That  St. Ambrose  more  tlian  once  uses  the  plural  "al- taria" in  connection  with  the  church  proves nothing,  for  "altaria"  frequently  means  an altar;  but  in  describing  the  restoration  of  the church  to  the  orthodox  (an.  385),  after  the attempt  of  the  Arians  to  occupy  it,  he  has  been understood  to  say  that  the  soldiers  rushing  in kissed  the  altar  :  hence  it  is  argued  that,  as  they could  not  reach  the  altar  of  the  Bema  or  sanc- tuary, which  was  closed  to  the  people,  there must  have  been  at  least  one  altar  in  the  nave. But  the  words  "  milites  irruentes  in  Altaria  os- culis  significare  pacis  signum  "  (ad  Marcellinim, Ep.  33)  seem  rather  to  imply  that  the  soldiers rushing  into  the  Bema  signalized  by  their  kisses the  making  of  peace.  Altaria  is  used  in  the same  sense,  as  equivalent  to  "  sanctuary,"  in  the Theodosian  Codex.  [Altarium.]  However  this may  be,  at  the  end  of  the  sixth  century  we  find distinct  traces  of  a  plurality  of  altars  in  Western churches.  Gregory  of  Tours  (De  Gloria  Mar- tyrum  i.  33)  speaks  of  saying  masses  on  three altars  in  a  church  at  Braisne  near  Soissons ;  and Gregory  the  Great  (Epist.  v.  50)  says  that  he' heard  that  his  correspondent  Palladius,  bishop of  Saintonge,  had  placed  in  a  church  thirteen altars,  of  which  four  remained  unconsecrated for  defect  of  relics.  Now  certainly  Palladius would  not  have  begged  of  the  Pope,  as  he  did, relics  for  his  altars,  if  the  plui'ality  of  altars had  not  been  generally  allowed.  Moreover,  tlie Council  of  Auxerre  of  the  year  578  (Can.  10; Bruns's  Ganones  ii.  238)  forbade  two  masses  to be  said  on  the  same  day  on  one  altai-,  a  prohi- bition which  probably  contributed  to  the  multi- plication of  altars,  which  was  still  further  acce- lerated by  the  disuse  of  the  ancient  custom  of the  priests  communicating  with  the  bishop  or pi'incipal  minister  of  the  church,  and  the  intro- duction of  private  masses,  more  than  one  of which  was  frequently  said  by  the  same  priest  on the  same  day  (Walafrid  Strabo,  De  Beb.  Eccl. c.  21).  Bede  (Hist.  Eccl.  r.  20)  mentions  that Acca,  bishop  of  Hexham  (deposed  an.  732),  col- lected for  his  church  many  relics  of  apostles and  martyrs,  and  placed  altars  for  their  vene- ration, "  distinctis  porticibus  ad  hoc  ipsum  intra muros  ejusdem  ecclesiae,"  placing  a  separate canopy  over  each  altar  within  the  walls  of  the church.  There  were  several  altars  in  the  church built  by  St.  Benedict  at  Aniane  (Acta  Sanctorum, Feb.  ii.  614). In  the  seventh  and  eighth  centuries  the  num- ber of  altars  had  so  increased  that  Charlemagne, in  a  Capitulary  of  the  years  805-6  at  Thionville, attempted  to  restrain  their  excessive  multiplica- tion. See  Capitula  infra  Ecclesiam,  c.  6  (Migne's Patrol.  97,  283). This  was  not  very  effectual,  and  in  the  ninth century  the  multiplication  of  altars  attained  a high  point,  as  may  be  seen  by  the  plan  of  the church  of  St.  Gall  in  Switzerland  [Church], prepared  in  the  beginning  of  that  century.  In this  are  no  less  than  seventeen  altars.  The will  of  Fortunatus  Patriarch  of  Grado  (dec. c.  A.D.  825)  also  affords  proof  of  the  increase  in the  number  of  altars  then  in  active  progress:  in 68 ALTAR one  oratory  he  placed  three  altars,  and  five  others in  another  {Marin.  Com.  dei  Veneziani,  t.  i. p.  270). VIII.  Places  of  Altars  in  Churches. — From  the earliest  period  of  which  we  have  any  knowledge^ the  altar  was  iisually  placed,  not  against  the wall  as  in  modern  times,  but  on  the  chord  of  the apse,  when,  as  was  almost  invariably  the  case, the  church  ended  in  an  apse ;  when  the  end  of the  church  was  square,  the  altar  occupied  a corresponding  position.  St.  Augustine  therefore says  {Seriiio  46,  c.  1.)  "  Mensa  Christi  est  ilia  in medio  posita."  The  officiating  priest  stood  with his  back  to  the  apse  and  thus  fliced  the  congre- gation. In  St.  Peter's  at  Rome,  and  a  very  few other  churches,  the  priest  still  officiates  thus placed;  but  though  in  very  many  churches, particularly  in  Italy,  the  altar  retains  its  ancient position,  it  is  very  rarely  that  the  celebrant does  so. That  such  was  the  normal  position  of  the  altar is  shown  by  many  ancient  examples,  and  by  the constant  usage  of  the  Eastern  churches.  The ancient  rituals  invariably  contemplate  a  detached altar  as  when,  in  the  Sacramentarij  of  Gregory, m  the  order  for  the  dedication  of  a  church  (p. 148),  the  bishop  is  directed  to  go  round  the  altar (vadit  in  circuitu  altaris),  or  in  the  Sacramentary of  Gelasius  where  the  subdeacon  (L.  1,  cxlvi.) is  directed,  after  having  placed  the  Cross  on  the altar,  to  go  behind  it  (vadis  retro  altare). Exceptions  at  an  early  date  to  the  rule  that the  altar  should  be  detached,  are  of  the  greatest rarity,  if  we  except,  the  tombs  in  the  catacombs, which  have  been  supposed  to  have  been  used  as altars.  It  is  possible,  also,  that  in  small  chapels with  rectangular  terminations,  as  the  chapel of  St.  John  the  Evangelist,  annexed  to  the  bap- tistery of  the  Lateran,  the  altar  may  for  con- venience have  been  placed  against  the  wall. When,  however,  it  became  usual  to  place  many altars  in  a  church  it  was  found  convenient  to place  one  or  more  against  a  wall ;  this  was  done in  the  Cathedral  of  Canterbury  [Church],  where the  altar  enclosing  the  body  of  St.  Wilfrid  was placed  against  the  wall  of  the  eastern  apse ; another  altar,  however,  in  this  case  occupied  the normal  position  in  the  eastern  apse,  and  the original  high  altar  was  placed  in  the  same manner  in  the  western  apse. In  the  plan  of  the  church  of  St.  Gall,  prepared in  the  beginning  of  the  ninth  century,  the  places of  seventeen  altars  are  shown,  but  of  these  only two  are  placed  against  walls. In  a  few  instances  the  altar  was  placed  not  on the  centre  of  the  chord  of  the  arc  of  the  apse  but more  towards  the  middle  of  the  church ;  such was  the  case  in  S.  Paolo  f.  1.  m.  at  Rome,  if  the altar  occupies  the  original  position.  In  this  in- stance it  stands  in  the  transept.  In  some  other early  churches  at  Rome,  the  altar  occupies  a  posi- tion more  or  less  advanced.  The  Lib.  Pontif.  tells us  that  in  the  time  of  Pope  Gregory  IV.  (a.d.  827- 844)  the  altar  at  S.  Maria  in  Trastevere  stood  in a  low  place,  almost  in  the  middle  of  the  nave  (in humili  loco  paene  in  media  testudine),  the  Pope therefore  removed  it  to  the  apse,  and  the  altar at  S.  Maria  Maggiore  seems  to  have  been  in  the time  of  Pope  Hadrian  I.  (a.d.  772-795),  as appears  from  the  account  in  the  same  book  of  the alterations,  effected  by  that  Pope  in  that  church. It  is  thought  by  some  tliat  in  the  large  circular ALTAR or  octagonal  churches  of  the  fourth  and  fifth centuries,  as  S.  Lorenzo  Maggiore  at  Milan,  and S.  Stefano  Rotondo  at  Rome,  the  altar  was  placed in  the  centre. In  the  churches  of  Justinian's  period  con- structed with  domes,  there  is  usually,  as  at  St. Sophia's  Constantinople  and  S.  Vitale,  Ravenna,  a sort  of  chancel  intervening  between  the  central dome  and  the  apse ;  when  such  is  the  case,  the altar  was  placed  therein. I X .  Use  of  Pagan  Altars  for  Christian  purposes. — Pagan  altars,  having  a  very  small  superficies, are  evidently  ill  suited  for  the  celebration  of  the Eucharist ;  nor  would  it  appear  probable  that  a Christian  would  be  willing  to  use  them  for  that purpose  ;  nevertheless,  traditions  allege  that  in some  cases  pagan  altars  were  so  used  (v.  Mar- tigny  art.  Autel),  and  in  the  church  of  Arilje  in Servia,  a  heathen  altar  sculptured  with  a  figure of  Atys  forms  the  lower  part  of  the  altar. (Mittheil.  der  K  K.  Central  Comm.  zur  Erfor- schung  und  Erhaltung  der  Baudenkmale,  Vienna, 18(35,  p.  6.)  Such  altars,  or  fragments  of  them, were,  however,  employed  as  materials  (par- ticularly in  the  bases)  in  the  construction  of Christian  altars.  Instances  are  stated  by  Mar- tigny  to  have  been  observed  in  the  churches  of St.  Michele  in  Vaticano  and  of  St.  Nicholas  de' Cesarini  at  Rome. X.  Portable  Altars  (altaria  portatiUa,  gesta- toria,  viatica}  are  probabl}"^  of  considerable  anti- quity ;  indeed,  it  is  evident  that  from  the  time when  the  opinion  prevailed  that  the  Eucharist could  not  be  fitly  celebrated  unless  on  a  conse- crated mensa  or  table,  a  portable  altar  became  a necessity.  Constantine  the  Great  (Sozomen,  Jlist. Eccl.  i.  8)  carried  with  him  on  his  campaigns  a church-tent,  the  fittings  of  which  no  doubt  in- cluded a  portable  altar,  as  the  participation  of the  mysteries  is  especially  mentioned.  Bede {Hist.  Eccl.  V.  10)  tells  us  that  the  two  Hewalds, the  English  missionaries  to  the  continental Saxons  (an.  692),  took  with  them  sacred  vessels and  a  consecrated  slab  to  serve  as  an  altar  (tabu- lam  altai'is  vice  dedicatam) ;  and  bishop  Wulfram, the  apostle  of  Friesland  (before  740),  was  accus- tomed to  carry  with  him  on  his  journeys  a. port- able altar,  in  the  midst  and  at  the  four  corners of  which  were  placed  relics  of  saints  (Jonas  in Surius's  Hist.  Sanctorum  ii.  294).  The  portable altar  of  St.  Willebrord  is  described  by  Brower {Annal.  Trevirens.  an.  718,  §  112,  p.  364);  it bore  the  inscription:  "Hoc  altare  Willebrordus in  honore  Domini  Salvatoris  consecravit,  supra quod  in  itinere  missarum  oblationes  Deo  offerre consuevit,  in  quo  et  continetur  de  ligno  crucis Christi  et  de  sudario  capitis  ejus."  This,  how- ever, is  probably  not  a  contemporary  inscrip- tion, and  the  genuineness  of  the  I'elic  may  pei- haps  be  doubted.  St.  Boniface  also  carried  an altar  with  him  in  his  journeys.  And  the  monks of  St.  Denys,  when  accompanying  Charles  the Great  in  his  campaign  against  the  Saxons, carried  with  them  a  wooden  board,  which,  covered with  a  linen  cloth,  served  as  an  altar  (Anonym  us de  Mirac.  S.  Dionysii  i.  20,  in  Mabillon,  Acta  SS. Pen.  saec.  iii.  pt.  2,  p.  350). These  portable  altars  seem  to  have  been  in almost  all  cases  of  wood.  Not  until  the  latter part  of  the  eighth  century  do  we  find  instances of  such  altars  being  made  of  any  other  materi.al. The  capitulary  of  796  (quoted  above)  seems  to I I I ALTAR enjoin  the  use  of  stone  tablets  for  portable  as  well us  fixed  altars.  Hiucmar,  bishop  of  Reims  {Ca- .pitulare  lii.  c.  3 ;  in  Hardouin's  Concilia  v.  408), foi'bids  any  priest  to  celebrate  mass  except  on  a recrular  alLar,  or  on  a  "  tabula  ab  episcopo  conse- crata,"  which  table  might  be  "  de  marmore  vel nigra  petra  aut  licio  honestissimo."  If  the  read- ing be  correct,  the  last  term  certainly  seems  to indicate  a  consecrated  cloth  [Antimensium]  of very  rich  material ;  though  some  (Binterini's Denkiciirdigheiten  iv.  1,  lOG)  connect  "licium" with  "sublicius,"  and  suppose  that  it  means  a thick  piece  of  wood.  An  "  altare  portatile  "  is said  to  have  been  given  by  Charles  the  Bald  to the  monastery  of  St.  Denys  at  Paris,  square  in shape,  made  of  porphyry  set  in  gold,  and  con- taining relics  of  St.  James  the  Less,  St.  Stephen, and  St.  Vincent  {ib.  107). A  portable  altar  of  wood  is  preserved  in  the church  of  S.  Maria  in  Campitelli  at  Rome, which  is  said  to  have  belonged  to  St.  Gregory Nazianzen,  but  it  does  not  appear  to  have 'a legitimate  claim  to  so  high  an  antiquity.  Pro- bably no  earlier  existing  example  is  to  be  found than  that  which  was  found  with  the  bones  of St.  Cuthbert  (dec.  A.D.  687)  in  the  cathedral  of Durham,  and  doubtless  belonged  to  him :  it  is now  preserved  in  the  chapter  library.  The  an- nexed   woodcut    will    render    any   detailed    de- ALTAR  CLOTHS 69 Purtable  Altar  of  St  C scription  needless:  it  measures  G  inches  by  5|, and  is  composed  of  wood  covered  with  very  thin silver :    on  the  wood  is  inscribed  in  hoxor  .  . S.  PETRV  .  .  and  two  crosses.     The  sense  of  the letters  on  the  silver  has  not  been  satisfactorily made   out   (v.    St.    Cuthbert,    by   James    Raine, p.  200).     A  similar  portable  altar  is  recorded  by Simeon  of  Durham  {3Ionumenta  Hist.  Brit.  p.  659 d)  to  have  been  found  on  the  breast  of  St.  Acca, i      Bishop  of  Hexham  (ob.  A.D.  740),  when  his  body ;      was  exhumed  more  than  300  years  afterwards. 1      It  was  of  two  pieces  of  wood  joined  by  silver j     nails,  and  on  it  was  cut  the  inscription,  "  Alme '     Trinitati  agie  Sophie  Sanctae  Mariae."    Whether I     relies  were  placed  in  it,  the  writer  adds,  is  not 1     known. The  "  taboot  "  still   in  us'i  in  tlie  Abyssinian churches  is  a  square  slab  of  wood,  stone  or  metal, on  which  the  elements  are  consecrated,  in  fact,  a portable  altar.     [AucA.] In  the  Greek  Church  the  substitute  for  a  port- able altar  was  the  Antimensium. For  the  consecration  of  altars,  see  Consecra TiON  OF  Churches. XI.  Literature.— '&QsiA&%  the  works  quoted  in this  article,  the  following  may  be  mentioned  :  — J.  B.  Thiers,  Dissertation  sur  les  Frincipaux Autels,  la  Cloture  du  Chceur  et  les  Jube's  des Eglises  :  Paris,  1688.  J.  Fabricius,  De  Aris  Ve- terumChristianorum:  Helmstadt,  1698.  G.Voigt, Thysiasteriologia,  seu  De  Altar ibus  Veterum  Chris- tianorum :  Ed.  J.  A.  Fabricius ;  Hamburg,  1709. S.  T.  Schonland,  Histor.  Nachricht  von  Altdren : Leipzig,  1716.  J.  G.  Geret,  De  Veterum  Chris- tianorum  Altaribus  :  Anspach,  1755.  J.  T.  Trei- ber,  De  Situ  Altarium  versus  Orientem:  Jena, 1668.  Kaiser,  Dissertatio  De  Altaribus  Porta- tilibus :  Jena,  1695.  Heidelofl",  Der  Christl. Altm-:  Nurnberg,  1838.  [A.  N.] ALTAR  CLOTHS  Qinteamina,  pallia  or palLio  altaris.  In  Greek  writers,  "Af.i.(j)ia,  aficpi- aa/xara,  iita.jx(\)ia,  a,TrXcifji.aTa,  evSvrai,  and  in authors  "  infimae  aetatis,"  rb  KardaapKa,  and  rb TpaTTf^ocpopoy).  Cloths  of  different  kinds,  and  of various  materials  (in  the  earliest  ages,  probably of  linen  only),  must  have  been  used  in  connection with  the  celebration  of  Holy  Communion  from the  very  earliest  times.  They  were  needed partly  for  the  covering  of  the  holy  table,  and  of the  oblations,  and  of  the  consecrated  elements [Corporale]  ;  partly  also  for  the  cleansing  of the  saci-ed  vessels,  and  the  like  [Mappa],  The first  of  these  uses,  of  which  we  have  now more  particularly  to  speak,  is  referred  to  by  St. Optatus,  Bishop  of  Milevis  in  Africa  (circ.  370 A.D.)  as  matter  of  general  notoriety.  "  Who  is there,"  he  asks,  "  among  the  faithful,  who knows  not  that  during  the  celebration  of  the mysteries  the  wood  of  the  altar  is  covered  with a  linen  cloth  ('ipsa  ligna  linteamine  cooperiri,'  " De  Schism.  Donat.  lib.  vi.  c.  i.  p.  92.)  With this  we  may  compare  the  allusion  made  by Victor  Vitensis  {De  Persec.  Afric.  lib.  i.  cap.  12). Writing  in  the  year  487,  he  says  that  Genseric, the  Vandal,  some  sixty  years  before,  sent  Pro- culus  into  Zeugitana,  and  the  latter  required the  vessels  used  in  holy  ministry,  and  the  books, to  be  given  up;  and  when  these  were  refused they  were  violently  seized  by  the  Vandals,  who "  rapaci  manu  cuncta  depopulabantur,  atque  de palliis  altaris  proh  nefas  !  camisias  (shirts)  sibi et  femoralia  faciebant."  In  the  6th  century St.  Gregory  of  Tours  speaks  of  an  altar,  with the  oblations  upon  it,  being  covered  with  a  silken cloth  during  the  celebration  of  mass.  "  Cum jam  altarium  cum  oblationibus  pallio  serico opertum  esset "  (Hist.  Franc,  vii.  22 ;  compare Mabillori,  Liturgia  Gallicana,  p.  41).  A  little later  in  the  same  passage  he  speaks  of  one  claim- ing right  of  sanctuary  in  the  church,  and  laying hold  on  the  "  pallae  altaris  "  for  his  protection. It  is  remarkable  that  at  Rome  no  mention  is found  of  any  pallia  altaris  among  the  many  do- nations to  churches  recorded  by  Anastasius,  till after  the  close  of  the  6th  century.  Writing  of Vitalianus  Papa  (sed.  658-672),  Anastasius  says that  in  his  time  the  Emperor  Constans  came  to Rome    and  went   to  St.  Peter's  in  state,  "  funi II 70 ALTAR  CLOTHS exercitu  sue,"  attended  by  his  guards,  the  clergy coming  out  to  meet  him  with  wax  tapers  in  their hands ;  and  he  offered  upon  the  altar  "  pallium auro  textile,"  or,  accoi'diug  to  another  reading, "  pallam  auro  textilem,"  after  which  mass  was celebrated  (Anast.  Bihl.  135, 1.15;  Migne,  P.  C.  C. torn.  128,  p.  775).  The  same  writer,  speaking of  Zacharias  Papa  (^sed.  741-752),  says  that  he "  fecit  vestem  super  altare  beati  Petri  ex  auro textam,  habentem  nativitatem  Domini  et  Salva- toris  nostri  Jesu  Christi,  ornavitque  earn  gemmis pretiosis."  The  earliest  monument  in  the  west, showing  an  altar  (or  holy  table)  set  out  for  the celebration  of  "mass,"  is  of  the  10th  or  11th century  (^Vestiarmm  Christianum,  PI.  xliii.),  one of  the  frescoes  in  the  hypogene  church  of  S. Clemente  at  Eome.  The  holy  table  is  there covered  with  a  white  cloth,  which  is  pendent  in front,  but  apparently  not  so  on  the  two  sides. A  richly  ornamented  border,  several  inches  in breadth,  appears  on  the  lower  edge  of  this  "  lin- tcamen  "  (if  such  be*  intended)  as  it  hangs  down in  front  of  the  altar. The  allusions  in  Greek  writers  of  early  date correspond  in  character  with  those  above  quoted. In  the  collection  of  Canons  Ecclesiastical  (Si'i'- ray/xa  Kavdvcav)  formed  by  Photius  o*'  Constan- tinople, the  earliest  in  date,  bearing  upon  this point,  is  one  of  the  so-called  "  Canons  of  the Apostles  "  (Kav.  73)  to  this  efl'ect :  "  Let  no  one alienate  for  his  own  private  use  any  vessel  of gold  or  of  silver,  which  has  been  set  apart  for holy  use  "  (aytaadey),  "  or  any  linen  "  (u66vr]v)  ; and  the  inference  we  naturally  draw  that  the '•linen"  here  spoken  of  has  reference  to  altar linen  (perhaps  also  to  ministering  vestments) is  confirmed  by  the  subsequent  language  of  the First  and  Second  Councils  of  Constantinople.  In Canons  1  and  10,  after  quoting  the  "  Canon  of the  Apostles"  above  mentioned,  the  Council identities  the  666vr]  of  that  earlier  canon  with 71  (Tsfiaafxia  t7}s  aylas  Tpaire^ris  eVSurifj,  "  the sacred  covering  of  the  holy  table."  On  the  other hand  a  passage  of  Theodoret,  which  has  been alleged  (Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chre'tiennes, in  voc.  '  Autel ')  as  proving  the  use  of  rich  cloths for  the  altar  early  in  the  4th  century,  has  pro- bably a  very  different  meaning  from  that  attri- buted to  it.  The  word  Ouaiacrr-rtpioi'  in  early ecclesiastical  Greek  is  more  frequently  used  in the  sense  of  the  whole  space  immediately  about the  holy  table,  the  "  sanctuary,"  than  of  the "  altar  "  itself.  When  therefore  Theodoret  states (Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  i.  cap.  xxix.  al.  cap.  xxxi.)  that at  the  consecration  of  a  church  at  Jerusalem,  in the  time  of  Constantine  the  Great,  Siettoo-^erro TO  &i1ov  dv(na<TT7)piov  ^aaiAiKo'is  re  Trapcama- (Tfxaaiv  Ka\  K€ifj.7i\ioLs  XidoKoW-riTOLs  xP'^coh,  the reference  is  in  all  probability  to  rich  curtains,  or "  veils,"  hung  about  the  sanctuary,  not  to  altar- cloths  properly  so  called.  Much  more  certainly to  the  purpose  is  a  passage  of  St.  Chrysostom (Horn.  1.  al.  li.  in  Matt.  cap.  xiv.  23,  24),  part of  a  homily  originally  delivered  at  Antioch,  in which  he  draws  a  contrast  between  the  cover- ings of  silk,  often  ornamented  with  gold  (xpuco- Traa-ra  iTnl3\rifj.aTa),  bestowed  upon  the  holy table,  and  the  scanty  covering  grudgingly  given, or  altogether  refused,  to  Christ  in  the  person  of His  poor  members  upon  earth.  Among  the  Acts of  the  Council  of  Constantinople,  held  in  the  year 536,  is    preserved   (Labbe's   Concilia,  by  Mansi, ALTARIUM torn.  ix.  pp.  1102,  3)  a  curious  lettei  drawn  up by  the  clergy  of  the  church  of  Apamea  in  Syria Secunda.  They  complain  of  the  iniquitous  con- duct of  Severus,  bishop  of  Antioch,  and  of  their own  bishop  Petrus  ;  and  amid  many  grave  charges brought  against  the  latter,  one  is  that  owing  to the  gross  carelessness  (worse  than  carelessness  is charged  by  the  letter)  with  which  he  celebrated the  Holy  Liturgy,  the  purple  covering  of  the altar  was  defiled  {Karexp^ffe  iTTixTixaTi  rod  ae- TTTOv  OvffLaffTripiov  ti]v  aXovpyiSa).  In  the  7th and  8th  centuries  we  find  evidence  that  these richer  coverings  of  the  altar  were  in  some  cases adorned  with  symbolic  ornaments  and  with  pic- tures of  saints  (^apaKTrjpes  ayiwv),  which  in- curred the  condemnation  of  the  Iconoclasts,  who carried  them  away  together  with  images  and pictures  of  other  kinds.  So  we  learn  from  Ger- manus  of  Constantinople,  early  in  the  8th  century (Scti.  Germani  Patriarchae  de  Sanctis  Synodis,  &c. apud  Spicileg.  Bom.  A.  Mai,  tom.  vii.  p.  62). On  the  other  hand,  in  times  of  grievous  public calamity,  we  read,  in  one  instance  at  least,  of  the altar  as  well  as  the  person  of  thebishop  and  his episcopal  throne  being  robed  in  black.  So  Theo- doras Lector  records  of  Acacius,  patriarch  ot Constantinople  :  Ka\  iavrdv  koI  tov  Opovov  Koi TO  6vaiaiTT7]pL0v  jj.i\avo7s  ivSv/nacriv  T)fx(pucFev. In  the  later  liturgical  offices  (see  Goar,  Euchol. Grace,  pp.  623,  627,  sqq.),  and  in  writers  such as  Symeon  of  Thessalonica  (circ.  1420  A.D.),  we find  mention  of  an  inner  covering  of  linen,  known as  KardaapKa,  and  of  a  second  and  more  costly covering  without.  Patriarch  Symeon  makes further  mention  of  four  pieces  of  cloth  on  each of  the  four  corners  of  the  altar.  "The  holy table  hath  four  pieces  of  woven  cloth  (reaaapa fiepr]  ixpoLffixaTos)  upon  the  four  corners  thereof; and  that  because  the  fulness  of  the  Church  was formed  out  of  all  the  quarters  of  the  world ;  and on  these  four  pieces  are  the  names  of  the  four Evangelists,  because  it  was  by  their  instrtlment- ality  that  the  Church  was  gathered,  and  the Gospel  made  circuit  of  the  whole  compass'  of  the world.  But  the  [inner  cover]  called  KardaapKu, has  an  outer  covering  (Tpaire^o<p6pov)  imme- diately above  it.  For  here  is  at  once  the  tomb, and  the  throne,  of  Jesus.  The  first  of  these  cover- ings is  as  it  were  the  linen  wherein  the  dead body  was  wrapped ;  but  the  second  is  as  an  outer garment  (Trepj/SoArj)  of  glory  according  to  that of  the  psalm,  said  at  the  putting  on  thereof, '  The  Lord  is  king  :  he  hath  put  on  beauteous apparel'  "  (Symeon  of  Thessalonica,  apud  Goar, Euchol.  Graec.  p.  216).  Of  the  two  words  here  and elsewhere  employed  as  the  technical  designation of  these  two  altar-cloths,  the  first,  KardaapKa, was  originally  used  of  an  inner  chiton,  or  tunic, worn  "  next  the  skin  "  (^aTa  aapKo).  Thence  its secondary  usage  as  a  compound  word  (to  Kard- ffapKo)  in  speaking  of  any  inner  covering,  as  here of  an  inner  covering,  of  linen,  for  the  holy  table. The  use  of  the  word  rpaTreCo(p6puv,  as  a  desig- nation for  the  more  costly  outer  cover,  belongs in  all  probability  to  a  comparatively  late  date. The  word  does  occur  in  eaidiei;,  writers,  but  in  a wholly  different  sense,  and  one  more  in  accord- ance with  classical  analogy.  [W.  B.  M.] ALTAEIUM  (compare  Altar).  This  word is  sometimes  used  to  designate  not  merely  an  altar, but  the  space  within  which  the  altai' stood.    For ALTINO instance,  Perpetuus,  Bishop  of  Tours,  feuilt  a  | basilica  in  honour  of  St.  Martin,  which  had  I "  fenestras  in  altxrio  triginta  duas,  in  capso  vi- ginti ;"  "  ostia  octo,  tria  in  altario,  quinque  in capso"  (Gregory  of  Tours,  Hist.  Franc,  ii.  14-). Ruinart  remarljs  upon  the  passage  that  by  "  alta- rium  "  we  are  to  understand  the  presbytery,  by "  capsum  "  the  nave.  Compare  Mabillon,  de  Lit. Gall.  i.  8,  §  1,  p.  69.     [Bema.] The  plural  "  altaria  "  is  also  used  in  a  similar sense  ;  as  by  St.  Ambrose  in  the  passage  {Epist. 33)  quoted  under  Altar  ;  and  in  the  Theodosian Codex,  where  (Lib.  ix.  tit.  45,  De  Spatio  Ucclesi- astici  Asyli)  it  is  provided  :  "  Pateant  summi Dei  templa  timentibus ;  nee  sola  altaria,"  etc. The  equivalent  word  in  the  Greek  version  is duaiaffrrtpLa. The  same  extended  sense  is  found  in  some modern  languages,  e.g.  in  Portuguese  "  altar mdr  "  (great  or  high  altar)  is  used  in  the  sense of  choir  or  chancel  (Burton,  Highlands  of  the Brazil,  i.  128).  [A."N.] ALTINO  (near  Aquileia),  Council  of  (Al- TiNENSB  CoxciLiUM),  A.D.  802;  considered  as fictitious  by  Mansi  (.xiii.  1099-1102);  said  to have  been  held  by  the  Patriarch  of  Aquileia  to appeal  to  Charlemagne  for  protection  against  the Doge  of  Venice.  [A.  W.  H.] ALYPIUS,  Holy  Father,  commemorated  Nov. 26  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] A'MA{Amula,  Hama,  Hamula  ;  compare  Germ. Ahm,  Ohme). "  Amae  vasa  sunt  in  quibus  sacra  oblatio  con- tinetur,  ut  vinum Amula,   vas   vinarium. Amulae  dicuntur  quibus  ofiertur  devotio  sive oblatio,  simile  arceolis"  (Papias,  in  Ducauge's Glossary,  s.  v.).  The  vessel  in  which  wine  for the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist  was  oflered  by the  worshijjpers. The  word  Ama  is  used  by  Columella  and  other classical  authors,  but  the  earliest  instance  of  its use  as  a  liturgical  vessel  which  has  been  noticed is  in  the  Charta  Cornutiana  of  the  year  471 {Mabillon  de  Be  Dipl.  vi.  262),  where  "  hamulae oblatoriae  "  are  mentioned.  "  Amae  argenteae  " are  mentioned  in  the  Ordo  Bomanus  I.  (p.  5) among  the  vessels  which  were  to  be  brought from  the  Church  of  the  Saviour,  now  known as  St.  John  Lateran,  for  the  Pontifical  Mass on  Easter-Day ;  and  in  the  directions  for  the Pontifical  Mass  itself  in  the  same  Ordo  (p.  10), we  find  that  after  the  Pope  had  entered  the senatorium  or  presbytery,  the  archdeacon  follow- ing him  received  the  amulae,  and  poured  the wine  into  the  larger  chalice  (calicem  majorem) which  was  held  by  the  subdeacon ;  and  again (c.  14,  p.  11)  after  the  altar  was  decked,  the  arch- deacon took  the  Pope's  amula  (compare  Araa- larius,  Ecloga,  554)  from  the  oblationary  sub- deacon,  and  poured  the  wine  thi-ough  the  strainer (super  colum)  into  the  chalice  [Chalice]  ;  then those  of  the  deacons,  of  the  primicerius,  and  the others.  Whether  the  "  amae  argenteae  "  are  iden- tical with  the  "  amulae  "  may  perhaps  be  doubted ; but  at  any  rate  the  amulae  seem  to  have  been church-vessels  provided  for  the  purpose  of  the olfertory.  Among  the  presents  which  Pope  Ad- rian (772-795)  made  to  the  church  of  St.  Adrian at  Rome,  the  Liber  Bontificalis  (p.  346)  mentions "amam  unam,"  and  also  an  "amulani  offertoriam  " AMBITUS  71 of  silver  which  weighed  sixty-seven  pounds. They  were,  however,  often  of  much  smaller  size, and  the  small  silver  vessels  (see  woodcuts)  pre- served in  the  Museo  Cristiano  in  the  Vatican are  deemed  to  be  amulae.  They  measure  only about  7  inches  in  height,  and  may  probably  date from  the  5th  or  6th  century.  Bianchini  in  his edition  of  the  Lib.  Pontif.  has  given  an  engraving of  a  similar  vessel  of  larger  size.  On  this  the miracle  of  Cana  is  represented  in  a  tolerablv good  style.  Bianchini  supposes  this  to  be  of the  fourth  century. the  Vatican  Museum. The  material  of  these  vessels  was  usually silver,  but  sometimes  gold,  and  they  were  often adorned  with  gems.  Gregory  the  Great  {Epist. i.  42,  p.  539)  mentions  "  amulae  onychinae," meaning  probably  vessels  of  onyx,  or  glass  imi- tating onyx.  [A.  N.] AMACIUS,  bishop,  deposition  of,  July  14 {Mart.  Bedae).  [C] AMANDUS,  Bishop  and  confessor.  Katalis, Feb.  6  {Mart.  Bedae)-,  translation,  Oct.  26  {Bj.). His  name  is  recited  in  the  Canon  in  one  MS.  of the  Gregorian  Sacramentary.  (See  Menard's  ed. p.  284.)  [C.l AMANTIUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome,  com- memorated Feb.  10  {Mart.  Bom.  Yet.). (2)  Of  Nyon,  commemorated  June  6  {Mart. Hicron.,  Bedae).  [C] AMATOE,  Bishop  of  Auxerre,  commemorated Nov.  26  {Mart.  Hieron.).  [C] AMATUS,  confessor,  commemorated  Sept.  13 {Mart.  Bedae).  [C] AMBITUS,  compAss,  in  music.  {Toni  dcbi- tus  ascensus  et  descensus.)  The  compass  of  the earliest  Church  melodies  did  not  in  some  instances reach,  in  few  did  it  exceed,  a  fifth.  "  Principio cantilenae  adeo  simplices  fuere  apud  primores Ecclesiae,  ut  vix  diapente  ascensu  ac  descensu implerent.  Cui  consuetudini  proxime  accessisse dicuntur  Ambrosiani.  Deinde  paulatim  ad  Dia- pason deventum,  verum  omnium  Modorum  sys- tema."  (Glareanus,  Bodeoachordon,  lib.  i.  cap. xiv.)      In  Gregorian  music   the  octave  was  the 72 AMBITUS  ALTARIS limit;  the  four  authentic  scales  [Authentic] moving  from  the  key-note  to  its  8ve,  the  four plagal  [Plagal]  from  the  4th  below  the  key- note to  the  5th  above  it.  In  later  times  this compass  (ambitus)  was  much  extended.  A  me- lody occupying  or  employing  its  whole  compass was  called  Cantus  Perfectus;  falling  short  of  it, Cantus  Irnpcrfectus ;  exceeding  it,  Cantus  Plus- quamperfectus.  Subsequently  other  interpre- tations (such  as  the  course  of  modulation  per- mitted in  fugue)  have  been  given  to  the  word ambitus.  With  these  we  are  not  now  concerned. (Gerbert,  Script.  Mus. ;  Forkel ;  Kock,  Mus. Lex.)  [J.  H.] AMBITUS  ALTAEIS  ('UpaTeTov,  Renaudot, Lit.  Orient.  1.  182).  This  expression  is  some- times used,  as  apparently  by  Anastasius  (Lib. Fontif.  in  Vita  Sergii  II.),  for  the  enclosure which  surrounded  the  altar.  Pope  Sergius  II. (A.D.  844-877),  he  says,  constructed  at  St.  John L/iteran  an  "  ambitus  altaris "  of  ampler  size than  that  which  had  before  existed. It  would  seem  that  it  was,  in  some  cases  and perhaps  in  most,  distinct  from  the  presbyterium or  "  chorus  cantorum  ;"  and  according  to  Sarnelli (^Antica  Basilicographia,  p.  84)  there  was  usually between  the  presbyterium  and  the  altar  a  raised space  called  "solea."  Various  passages  in  the Lib.  Pontif. — e.g.  those  in  which  the  alterations made  by  Pope  Hadrian  I.  (a.D.  772-795)  at S.  Paolo  f.  1.  M.,  and  by  Pope  Gregory  IV.  (a.D. 827-844)  at  Sta.  Maria  in  Trastevere,  are  de- scribed— show  that  the  position  of  the  altar  and the  arrangement  of  the  enclosures  were  not  alike in  all  cases.  It  seems  not  improbable  but  that  in the  lesser  churches  one  enclosure  served  both  to fence  round  the  altar  and  to  form  the  "chorus." In  the  plan  prepared  for  the  church  of  St. Gall  in  the  beginning  of  the  9th  century  (v. woodcut,  s.  V.  Church)  an  enclosure  is  marked "  chorus,"  and  a  small  space  or  passage  intervenes between  this  and  an  enclosure  shutting  off  the apse,  within  which  stands  the  altar.  This  is  at the  west  end  of  the  church  ;  at  the  east  end  the apse  is  in  like  manner  enclosed,  but  the  enclosure of  the  "  chorvis "  is  brought  up  to  the  steps leading  to  the  raised  apse  without  a  break.  A small  enclosure  is  shown  round  all  the  altars, except  those  which  are  within  the  enclosures  of the  apses. It  appears  not  unlikely  that  the  square  en- closure in  the  church  at  Djemla  in  Algeria [Church]  may  be  such  an  "  ambitus  ; "  Mr. Fergusson  considers  this  enclosure  a  cella  or choir,  and  says  that  it  seems  to  have  been  enclosed up  to  the  roof,  but  that  the  building  is  so  ruined that  this  cannot  be  known  for  a  certainty.  A choir  enclosed  by  solid  walls  would  be  a  plan  so anomalous  in  a  Christian  church  that  very strong  evidence  would  be  required  to  prove  its having  existed.  The  building  in  question  may, from  the  purely  classical  character  of  the  mosaic floor,  be  safely  assigned  to  an  early  date,  probably anterior  to  the  fourth  century. It  is  doubtful  whether  any  early  example  of an  "Ambitus  altaris"  now  exists.  We  may  learn from  the  Lib.  Pontif.  that  they  were  usually  of stone  or  marble,  no  doubt  arranged  in  posts  or uprights  alternating  with  slabs  variously  sculp- tured, and  pierced  in  like  manner  with  the presbyterium  at  S.  Clemente  in  Rome.     The  Lib. AMBO Pontif.  tells  us  of  the  Ambitus  which  as  above mentioned  Pope  Sergius  II.  constructed  at  St. John  Lateran,  that  he  "pulchris  columnis  cum marmoribus  desuper  in  gyro  sculptis  splendide decoravit : "  many  fragments  of  marble  slabs with  the  plaited  and  knotted  ornament  charac- teristic of  this  period  are  preserved  in  the cloister  of  that  church,  and  may  probably  be fragments  of  this  "  Ambitus." In  the  richer  churches  silver  columns  bearing arches  of  the  same  metal  were  often  erected  on the  marble  enclosure,  and  from  these  arches  hung rich  cui  tains,  and  frequently  vessels  or  crowns of  the  precious  metals  ;  repeated  mention  of  such decorations  maybe  found  in  the  Lib.  Pcmtif.,  and a  passage  in  the  will  of  Fortunatus  Patriarch  of Grado  (Hazlitt,  Hist,  of  the  Ecpublic  of  Venice, vol.  i.  App.),  who  died  in  the  early  part  of  the  9th century,  describes  a  like  arrangement  very  clearly in  the  following  words:  "Post  ipsum  altare  alium parietem  deauratum  et  deargentatum  similiter longitudine  pedum  xv.  et  in  altitudine  pedes  iv.  et super  ipso  pariete  arcus  volutiles  de  argento  et super  ipsos  arcus  imagines  de  auro  et  de  argento." This  expression  "ambitus  altaris"  may  per- haps also  sometimes  stand  for  the  apse  as  sur- rounding the  altar.  [A.  N.] AMBO  (Gr.  "A/x^oov,  from  ava^aiveiv).  The raised  desk  in  a  church  from  which  certain parts  of  the  service  were  read.  It  has  been also  called  irvpyos,  pulpitum,  sflggestus.  By Sozomen  (Eccks.  Hist.  ix.  2,  p.  367)  the  ambo is  explained  to  be  the  "  /Sfjjua  raiv  avayvwarSiv  " — the  pulpit  of  the  readers.  From  it  were  read, or  chanted,  the  gospel,  the  epistle,  the  lists  of names  inscribed  on  the  diptychs,  edicts  of  bishops, and  in  general  any  communications-  to  be  made to  the  congregation  by  presbyters,  deacons,  or subdeacons ;  the  bishop  in  the  earlier  centuries being  accustomed  to  deliver  his  addresses  from the  cathedra  in  the  centre  of  the  apse,  or  from  a chair  placed  in  front  of  the  altar ;  St.  John  Chry- sostom  was,  however,  in  the  habit  of  preaching sitting  on  the  ambo  (eirl  rod  &fx^ojvoSf  Socrates Eccl.  Hist.  vi.  5),  in  order  that  he  might  be better  heard.  Full  details  as  to  the  use  of  the ambo  will  be  found  in  Sarnelli  {Antica  Basilico- grafia,  p.  72),  and  Ciampini  ( Vet.  Man.,  t.  i.  p. 21  et  seq.);  but  the  examples  which  they  describe are  probably  later  by  several  centuries  than  the period  with  which  we  are  now  concerned,  and the  various  refinements  of  reading  the  gospel from  a  higher  elevation  than  the  epistle,  and the  like,  are  probably  by  no  means  of  very  early introduction.  Two  and  even  three  ambones  some- times existed  ;  one  was  then  used  for  the  gospel, one  for  the  epistle,  and  one  for  the  reading  of the  prophetical  or  other  books  of  the  Old  Testa- ment (Martigny,  Bid.  des  Antiq.  Cliret.).  In  the old  church  of  St.  Peter's  there  was,  however, but  one,  which  Platner  (Bescfu-eibung  von  Pom) thinks  was  a  continuance  of  the  ancient  usage. Something  in  the  nature  of  an  ambo  or  desk  no doubt  was  in  use  from  a  very  early  period. Bunsen  (Basiliken  des  Christlichen  Poms,  p.  48) expresses  his  opinion  that  the  ambo  was  origin- ally moveable.  In  the  earlier  centuries  much  of the  church  furniture  was  of  wood,  and  the  am- bones were  probably  of  the  same  material. Wherever  a  "  presbyterium  "  or  "  chorus  can- torum "  (i.e.   an   enclosed  space   in  front  of  tlw AMBO altar  reserved  for  the  use  of  the  inferior  clergy) existed,  an  anibo  was  probably  connected  with  it, being  placed  usually  on  one  side  of  the  enclosure. Where  no  "  chorus  "  existed,  the  ambo  was  pro- bably placed  in  the  centre. At  St.  Sophia's  in  Constantinople  the  ambo  con- structed by  Justinian  stood  nearly  in  the  middle of  the  church,  but  more  towards  the  east.  A  full account  of  it  is  given  by  Paul  the  Silentiary  in  a poem  in  hexameter  verse  upon  it.  From  this  we learn  that  it  was  ascended  by  two  flights  of stairs,  one  from  the  west,  the  other  from  the  east; and  that  it  was  covered  by  a  canopy  resting  on eight  columns.  It  was  constructed  of  the  most precious  marbles,  and  adorned  with  gold  and precious  stones.  The  area  at  the  top  of  the  stairs was  sufllciently  spacious  for  the  coronation  of  the Emperor,  and  the  space  below  enclosed  by  rail- ings was  occupied  by  the  singers.  During  the services  the  gospels  and  epistles  were  no  doubt read  from  the  raised  part. Pope  Pelagius  (555-559)  erected  an  ambo  in St.  Peter's  (Lib.  I'ontif.),  and  in  the  cathedral  of Ravenna  are  the  remains  of  one  erected  by Archbishop  Agnellus  (558-566).  This  last  is ornamented  with  figures  of  lambs,  peacocks, doves  fishes,  &c  ,  within  panels,  the  design  and execution  being  pool  «  nd  lude Ambo  of  &  ApoUinare  Nnovo  at  Eai The  ambo  represented  in  the  woodcut  is  in  the church  of  S.  ApoUinare  Nuovo  at  Ravenna,  the date  of  its  erection  has  not  been  ascertained with  certainty,  but  it  would  seem  not  impro- bable that  it  formed  a  part  of  the  original  fittings of  the  cliurch  built  between  A.D.  493  and  a.d. 525.  The  pillars  on  which  it  is  now  elevated wei-e  doubtless  added  at  some  later  period,  when it  was  arranged  in  order  to  be  employed  as  a pulpit. AMBEOSIAN  MUSIC  73 The  ambones  in  S.  Clemente  at  Rome  are  of different  periods  :  the  smaller  and  earlier  may perhaps  be  of  the  same  date  as  the  chorus  with which  it  is  connected  (6th  century  ?),  but  there is  some  difference  in  the  character  of  the  work. The  larger  dates  probably  from  the  12th  centuiy, as  no  doubt  does  also  that  in  S.  Lorenzo  f.  1.  M.  at Rome.  The  circumstance  upon  which  the  Abbe Martigny  {Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chret.)  relies  as  prov- ing the  high  antiquity  of  this  last,  viz.  that  a part  of  its  base  is  formed  from  a  bas-relief  relating to  pagan  sacrifices,  cannot  be  considered  as  having much  weight,  as  a  part  of  the  superstructure  is formed  from  a  slab  bearing  an  early  Christian inscription,  and  as  the  whole  style  and  character of  the  work  are  so  evidently  those  in  use  at  Rome during  the  12th  and  13th  centuries. The  lesser  and  earlier  ambo  at  S.  Clemente  has two  desks — one,  the  most  elevated,  looking  towards the  altar,  the  other  in  the  contrary  direction ; the  later  ambo  has  a  semi-hexagonal  projection on  each  side,  and  is  ascended  by  a  stair  at  each end.  This  latter  plan  seems  to  have  been  the more  usual ;  the  ambones  at  Ravenna  and  those  at Rome  of  the  12th  and  13th  centuries  are  all  thus planned. In  the  plan  for  the  church  of  St.  Gall  (c.  A.D. 820),  the  ambo  is  placed  in  the  middle  of  the nive  but  near  its  eastern  end,  in  front  of  the enclosure  marked  "  chorus,"  and  is  within  an t  nclosure. A  tall  ornamented  column  is  often  found  at- tiched  to  the  ambo  ;  on  this  the  paschal  candle w  as  fixed.  This  usage  may  have  existed  from m  early  period,  but  perhaps  the  earliest  existing f  xample  of  such  a  column  is  one  preserved  in  the museum  of  the  Lateran  at  Rome,  which  however lb  probably  not  older  than  the  11th  century.  It lb  engraved  by  Ciampini  (  Vet.  2Ion.,  t.  i.  pi.  xiv.). According  to  Sarnelli  (^Ant.  Bus.  p.  S-l),  the word  ambo  is  the  proper  expression  for  the  raised platform  or  chorus  cantorum  ;  he  however  gives no  authorities  for  this  use  of  the  word.    [A.  N.] AMBROSE.  (1)  Bishop  of  Milan,  confessor, commemorated  April  4  (^Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron., bcdae);  Dec.  7  {Cal.  Byzant.). (2)  Bishop,  commemorated  Nov.  30  (ilart. Hieron.).  [C] AMBEOSIAN  MUSIC,  the  earliest  music ^ed  in  the  Christian  Church  of  which  we  have IV  account,  and  so  named  after  Ambrose,  bishop t' Milan  (374-398),  who  introduced  it  to  his ncese  about  the  year  386,  during  the  reign  of mstantine. The  notions  prevailing  among  musical  and ther  writers  respecting  the  peculiarities  of \mbrosian  music  are  based  rather  on  conjecture than  knowledge.  It  may  be  considered  certain that  it  was  more  simple  and  less  varied  than  the Gregorian  music  which,  about  tv/o  centuries later,  almost  everywhere  superseded  it.  Indeed it  has  been  doubted  whether  actual  melody  at all  entered  into  it,  and  conjectured  that  it  was only  a  kind  of  musical  speech — monotone  with melodic  closes,  or  AcCE^'TUS  Ecclesiasticur, a  kind  of  music,  or  mode  of  musical  utterance, which  Gregory  retained  for  collects  and  responses, but  which  he  rejected  as  too  simple  for  psalms and  hymns.  On  the  other  hand,  it  has  been argued  more  phiusibly  that,  to  whatever  extent the  Acccntus   or   Modus  ckomlitcr   legendi  may 74  AMBROSIAN  MUSIC have  been  used  in  Arabrnsian  music,- an  element more  distinctly  musical  entered  largely  into  it ; that  a  decided  cautus,  as  in  Gregorian  music,  was used  for  the  psalms ;  and  that  something  which might  even  now  be  called  melody  was  employed for  (especially  metrical)  hymns.  That  this  me- lody was  narrow  in  compass  [Ambitus],  and little  varied  in  its  intervals,  is  probable  or  cer- tain. The  question  however  is  not  of  quality, but  of  kind.  Good  melody  does  not  of  necessity involve  many  notes ;  Rousseau  has  composed  a very  sweet  one  on  only  three  (^Consolations  des Miseres  de  ma  I  '«<?,  No.  53). The  probability  that  this  last  view  of  Ambro- sian  music  is  the  right  one  is  increased  by  the accounts  of  its  effect  in  performance,  given  in the  Benedictine  Life  of  St.  Ambrose,  drawn  from his  own  works,  wherein  one  especial  occasion  is mentioned  on  which  the  whole  congregation  sang certain  hymns  with  such  fervour  and  unction tliat  many  could  not  restrain  their  tears — an incident  confirmed  by  an  eye-witness,  St.  Augus- tine. "How  did  I  weep,",  he  says,  "in  Thy hymns  and  canticles,  touched  to  the  quick  by the  voices  of  Thy  sweet  attuned  Church  !  The voices  flowed  into  mine  ears,  and  the  truth  dis- tilled into  my  heai't,  whence  the  aftections  of  my devotions  overflowed,  and  tears  ran  down,  and happy  was  1  therein.""  It  is  difficult  to  attri- bute to  mere  "musical  speech,"  however  em- ployed, such  effects  as  these,  even  upon  the rudest  and  least  instructed  people,  a  fortiori,  on persons  like  Augustine,  accomplished  in  all  the learning  and  the  arts  of  his  time.  The  hymns and  canticles  must  surely  have  been  conjoined, and  the  voices  attuned  to  a  sweeter  and  more expressive  song.  "  Dulcis  est  cantilena,"  says Ambrose  {Op.  t.  i.  p.  1052)  himself,  "quae  nou corpus  effeminat,  sed  mentem  animamque  con- firmat."  Whatever  its  properties,  its  usefulness, or  its  dignity,  no  one  would  apply  the  epithet dulcis  to  the  Accentus  Ecclesiasticus,  or  speak  of it,  or  anything  like  it,  as  cantilena. That  neither  Augustine  nor  any  contemporary writer  has  described  particularly,  or  given  us any  technical  account  of,  the  music  practised  by the  jMilanese  congregations  of  the  end  of  the  4th century,  however  much  we  may  regret  it,  need hardly  cause  us  any  surprise.  We  are  very  im- perfectly informed  about  many  things  nearer  to us  in  point  of  time,  and  practically  of  more  im- portance. Augustine  has  indeed  told  us  in  what manner  the  psalms  and  hymns  were  sung  in  the church  of  St.  Ambrose,  and  that  this  manner  was exotic  and  new.^  But  of  the  character  of  the song  itself — in  what  the  peculiarity  of  the  Cantus Aiiihrosianus  consisted — he  tells  us  nothing.  Pos- sibly there  was  little  to  tell  ;  and  the  only  pecu- liaritv  consisted  in  the  employment  in  psalmody of  more  melodious  strains  than  heretofore  — strains  not  in  themselves  new,  but  never  before a  "  Quantum  fl^vi  in  liymnis  et  canticis  tuis,  suave sonantis  !■>.  I'-i.i'  i  !i  m  VMiilms  commotus  acriter  !  Voces illae  influclKii-t  ui:  ilni-  m  i-~,  ot  eliquabatur  Veritas  in  cor meurn  ;  et  exu'  s;iKil>jt  indf  affectus  pietatis,  et  currebant lacrimae,  et  bene  inilii  eiat  cum  eis." — S.  Augustini Confessionum,  lib.  ix.  cap.  vi.  c.  14. b  "Tunc  bymni  et  psalmi  ut  'canerentur'  secundum morem  oricntaUum  partiuiii,  ne  populus  maeroris  taedlo contabesceret,  institutum  est;  et  ex  illo  in  bodieniura  re- teiitum,  multis  jam  ac  pene  omnibus  gregibus  tuis,  et  per cetera  ovbis  imitanlibus."— Co?;/.,  lib.  ix.  cap.  7-15. AMBROSIAN  MUSIC so  employed  ;  for,  "  in  the  first  ages  of  Christi- anity," says  St.  Isidore,  "the  psalms  were  re- cited in  a  manner  more  approaching  speech  than song."'=  In  this  view  most  writers  on  Ambrosian music  have  concurred ;  that  it  was  veritable song,  in  the  proper  musical  sense  of  the  word, not  musical  speech  or  "half-song;"  and  that, not  only  was  it  based  on  a  scale  system  or  tona- lity perfectly  well  understood,  but  that  its rhythmus  was  subject  to  recognised  laws.  S. Ubaldo,  the  author  of  a  work  {Disquisitio  de cantu  a  D.  Ambrosio  in  Mediolanensem  ecclesiam introducto,  Mediolani,  1695)  especially  devoted to  Ambrosian  music,  says  expressly  that  St.  Am- brose was  not  the  first  to  introduce  antiphonal singing  into  the  West,  but  that  he  did  introduce what  the  ancients  called  Cantus  Harmonicus,  on account  of  its  determined  tonality  and  variety  of intervals,  properties  not  needed  in,  and  indeed incongruous  with,  musical  speech.  With  this Cantus  Harmonicus  was  inseparably  connected the  Cantus  lihythmicus  or  Metricus ;  so  that,  by the  application  of  harmonic  (t.  e.  in  the  modern sense,  melodic)  rule,  a  kind  of  melody  was  pro- duced in  some  degree  like  our  own.  That  Am- brosian music  was  rhythmical  is  irrefragably  at- tested by  the  variety  of  metres  employed  by Ambrose  in  his  own  hymns,  and  that  such  was held  to  have  been  the  case  for  many  centuries  is confirmed  by  Guido  Ai-etinus  and  John  Cotton (11th  century). The  first  requisite  of  melody  is  that  the  sounds composing  it  be  not  only  in  the  same  "  system," but  also  in  some  particular  scale  or  succession, based  upon  and  moving  about  a  given  sound. The  oldest  scales  consisted  at  the  most  of  four sounds,  whence  called  tetrachords.  The  influ- ence of  the  tetrachord  was  of  long  duration  ;  it is  the  theoretical  basis  even  of  modern  tonality. Eventually  scales  extended  in  practice  to  penta- chords, hexachords,  heptachords,  and  ultimately octachords,  as  with  us.  .  The  modern  scale may  be  defined  as  a  succession  of  sounds  con- necting a  given  sound  with  its  octave.  The theory  and  practice  of  the  octachord  were  fami- liar to  the  Greeks,  from  whose  system  it  is believed  Ambrose  took  the  first  four  octachords or  modes,  viz.  the  Phrygian,  Dorian,  Hypolydian, and  Hypophrygian,  called  by  the  first  Christian writers  on  music  Protus,  Deuterus,  Tritus,  and Tetrardus.  Subsequently  the  Greek  provincial names  got  to  be  misapplied,  and  the  Ambrosian system  appeared  as  follows : Pectus  or  Dorian. These  scales  differ  essentially  fr-om  our  scales, ■^  "Ita,  ut  pronuntianti  vicinior  esset,  quam  psalleutl." -IM  OJnc,  cap.  vii. AMBKOSIAN  MUSIC major  or  minor,  of  D,  E,  F,  G,  which  are  virtu- ally transpositions  of  one  another,  or  identical scales  at  a  higher  or  lower  pitch,  the  seats  of whose  t^yo  semitones  are  always  in  the  same places, — between  the  3rd  and  4th  and  the  7th and  8th  sounds  severally.  Whereas  the  Greek and  Ambrosian  scales  above  are  not  only  unlike one  another  (the  seats  of  the  semitones  being  in all  different),  but  they  are  also  unlike  either  our modern  typical  major  scale  of  C,  which  has  its semitones  between  the  3rd  and  4th  and  7th  and 8th  sounds,  or  our  typical  minor  scale  of  A, which  has  one  of  its  semitones  always  between the  '2nd  and  3rd  sounds,  another  between  the  5th and  6th  or  the  7th  and  8th,  and  in  its  chromatic form  between  both. Modern  Typical  JIajok  Scale. Modern  Typical  Minor  Scale.. Chromatic  Forii. :i^ The  1st,  2nd,  3rd,  and  4th  Ambrosian  scales or  tones  thei'efore  are  not  what  we  now  call "kevs,"  but  "modes,"  diflering  from  one  another as  the  modern  major  and  minor  modes  differ,  in the  places  of  their  semitones.  Melodies  there- fore in  this  or  that  Ambrosian  "  tone  "  have  a variety  of  character  analogous  to  that  which distinguishes  our  major  apd  minor  modes  so  very widely.  Thus  tenderness  is  the  popular  attri- bute of  the  minor  mode ;  strength  and  clearness are  those  of  the  major.  In  like  manner  one Ambrosian  tone  was  supposed  to  be  characterised by  dignity,  another  by  languor,  and  so  on. The  rhythmus  of  Ambrosian  melody  is  thought by  some  to  have  consisted  only  in  the  adaptation to  long  and  short  syllables  of  long  and  short notes.  "  Of  what  we  call  time,"  says  Forkel {Gesch.  der  MusHi,  ii.  168), — the  proportion between  the  different  divisions  of  the  same melody, — "the  ancients  had  no  conception." He  does  not  tell  us  how  they  contrived  to  march or  to  dance  to  timeless  melodies — melodies  with two  beats  in  one  foot  and  three  in  another,  or three  feet  in  one  phrase  and  four  in  another,  nor how  vast  congregations  were  enabled  to  sing them ;  and  if  anything  is  certain  about  Ambrosian song  it  is  that  it  was  above  all  things  congrega- ■  tional. Whether  Ambrose  was  acquainted  with  the use  of  musical  characters  is  uncertain.  Probably he  was.  The  system  he  adopted  was  Greek,  and he  could  hardly  make  himself  acquainted  with Greek  music  without  having  acquired  some knowledge  of  Greek  notation,  which,  though  in- tricate in  its  detail,  was  simple  in  its  principles. But  even  the  invention,  were  it  needed,  of  cha- racters capable  of  representing  the  compara- tively few  sounds  of  Ambrosian  melody  could have  been  a  matter  of  no  difficulty.  Such  cha- racters needed  only  to  represent  the  pitch  of these  sounds;  their  duration  was  dependent  on. AMEN  7o and  sufficiently  indicated  by,  the  metre.  Copies of  Ambrosian  music-books  are  preserved  in  some libraries,  which  present  indications  of  what  may be,  probably  are,  musical  characters.  Possibly however  these  are  additions  by  later  hands.  It is  certain  that,  in  the  time  of  Charlemagne,  Am- brosian song  was  finally  superseded,  except  in the  Milanese,  by  Gregorian.  The  knowledge of  the  Ambrosian  musical  alphabet,  if  it  ever existed,  may,  in  such  circumstances,  and  in  such an  age,  have  easily  been  lost,  though  the  melo- dies themselves  were  long  preserved  tradition- ally. [J.  H.I AMBROSIANUM.— This  word  in  old  litur- gical writings  often  denotes  a  hymn,  from  S. Ambrose  having  been  the  first  to  introduce metrical  hymns  into  the  service  of  the  Church. Originally  the  word  may  have  indicated  that  the particular  hymn  was  the  composition  of  S. Ambrose,  and  hence  it  came  to  signify  any  hymn. Thus  S.  Benedict,  in  his  directions  for  Nocturns, says,  "  Post  hunc  psalmus  94  (Venite)  cum  anti- phona,  aut  certe  decantandus."  hide  sequatur Ambrosianum :  Deinde  sex  psalmi  cum  anti- phonis."  Also,  S.  Isidore  de  Divin.  off.  lib.  i. c.  1,  §  2,  speaking  of  hymns,  mentions  S. Ambrose  of  Milan,  whom  he  calls  "  a  most  illus- trious Doctor  of  the  Church,  and  a  copious  com- poser of  this  kind  of  poetry.  Whence  (he  adds) from  his  name  hymns  are  called  Amhrosians," (unde  ex  ejus  nomine  hymni  Amhrosiani  appel- lantur).  '    [H.  J.  H.] AMEN  (Heb.  |0X).  The  formula  by  which one  expresses  his  concurrence  in  the  prayer  of another,  as  for  instance  in  Deut.  xxvii.  15. 1.  This  word,  which  was  used  in  the  services of  the  synagogue,  was  transferred  unchanged  in the  very  earliest  age  of  the  Church  to  the Christian  services  [compare  Alleluia]  ;  for  the Apostle  (1  Cor.  siv.  16)  speaks  of  the  Amen  of the  assembly  which  followed  the  evxapicrria,  or thanksgiving.  And  the  same  custom  is  traced in  a  series  of  authorities.  Justin  Martyr  (Apol. i.  c.  65,  p.  127)  notices  that  the  people  present say  the  Amen  after  prayer  and  thanksgiving ; Dionysius  of  Alexandria  (in  L'useb.  H.  E.  vii.  9,  p. 253,  Schwegler)  speaks  of  one  who  had  often listened  to  the  thanksgiving  (^vxapiffTio),  and^ joined  in  the.  Amen  which  followed.  Cyril  of Jerusalem  {Catechismus  Mystag.  5,  p.  331)  says that  the  Lord's  Prayer  is  seeded  with  an  Amen. Jerome,  in  a  well-known  passage  (Prooemium  in lib.  ii.  Comment.  Ep.  Gal.,  p.  428)  speaks  of  the thundering  sound  of  the  Amen  of  the  Roman congregations. 2.  The  formula  of  consecration  in  the  Holy Eucharist  is  in  most  ancient  liturgies  ordered  to be  said  aloud,  and  the  people  respond  Amen.  Pro- uably,  however,  the  custom  of  saying  this  part of  the  service  secrete — afterwards  universal  in the  West — had  already  begun  to  insinuate  itself in  the  time  of  Justinian  ;  for  that  emperor  ordered (Novella  123,  in  Migne's  Patrol,  tom.  72,  p.  1026), that  the  consecration-formula  should  be  said aloud,  expressly  on  the  ground  that  the  people might  respond  Am£n  at  its  termination.  [Com- pare  Canon.]      In   most  Greek   liturgies  also, «  This  is  explained  as  "  omnlno  protrahendo  et  ab  uno aut  a  pluiibus  morose"  or  as  "in  directum  sine  Anti- phoiia."    Martmc  Oe  Ant.  Man.  rit.,  Lib.  I.  cap.  ii.  22. 7t) AMENESIUS when  the  priest  in  administering  says,  "  awiJia. Xpiarov,"  the  receiver  answers  Amen.  So,  too, m  the  Clementine  Liturgy,  after  the  ascription of  Glory  to  God  (Apost.  Const,  viii.  13,  p.  215, Ultzen).  (Bona,  l>e  Rebus  Liturgicis,  1.  ii.  cc.  5, 12,  17.)  [C] AMENESIUS,  deacon,  commemorated  Nor. 10  {Mart.  Bcdae).  [C] AIMICE  (Amictus,  Humerale,  Superhuinerale or  Ephod,  Anaboladium,  Anaholagium,  Anagolai- uin).  §  1.  The  word  Amictus  is  employed  in  clas- sical writei-s  as  a  general  term  for  any  outer garment.  Thus  Virgil  employs  it  {Aen.  iii.  405) in  speaking  of  the  toga,  ornamented  with  purple, the  end  of  which  was  thrown  about  the  head  by priests  and  other  official  persons  when  engaged in  acts  of  sacrifice.  (See  for  example  "  the Emperor  sacrificing,"  from  the  column  of  Trajan, Vest.  Christ,  pi.  iii.)  The  same  general  usage may  be  traced  in  the  earlier  ecclesiastical  writers, as  in  St.  Jerome,  and  in  Gregory  of  Tours,  who uses  the  word  in  speaking  of  a  bride's  veil.  St. Isidore  of  Seville  (circ.  630  A.D.)  nowhere  em- ploys the  word  as  the  designation  of  any  par- ticular garment,  sacred  or  otherwise.  But  in defining  the  meaning  of  anaboladium  (a  Greek word  which  at  a  later  time  was  identified  with amictus  as  the  name  of  a  sacred  vestment),  he describes  it  as  "  amictorium  lineum  femiuarum quo  humeri  eperiuntur,  quod  Graeci  et  Latini sindonem  vocant."  (Origines,  xix.  25.)  With this  may  be  compared  St.  Jerome  on  Isaiah,  cap. iii.,  where  in  referring  to  the  dress  of  Hebrew women,  he  says,  "  Habent  sindones  quae  vocantur amictoria."  This  usage  of  "  amictorium,"  and its  equivalent  "  anaboladium,"  in  speaking  of  a linen  garment  worn  by  women  as  a  covering  for the  shoulders,  will  prepare  us  for  the  first  refer- ence to  the  "amictus"  as  a  vestment  early  in the  9th  century,  when  it  is  compared  by  Eabanus Maurus  (such  seems  to  bn  his  meaning)  with  the "superhumerale"  of  Levitical  use  {De  Instit. Cler.  Lib.  1.  cap.  15).  Eabanus,  howevei-,  does not  use  the  word  "  amictus,"  though  he  seems evidently  to  refer  to  the  vestment  elsewhere  so called.  Amalarius  of  Metz,  writing  about  the same  time  (circ.  825  A.D.),  speaks  of  the  "  amic- tus" as  being  the  first  in  order  of  the  vestments of  the  Church,  "  primum  vestimentum  nostrum quo  collum  undique  cingimus."  Hence  its  sym- bolism in  his  eyes  as  implying  "  castigatio  vocis," the  due  restraint  of  the  voice,  whose  organs  are in  the  throat  {De  Eccl.  Off.  ii.  17.).  Walafrid Strabo  writing  some  few  years  later  (he  was  a pupil  of  Eabanus),  enumerates  the  eight  vest- ments of  the -Church,  but  without  including  in tliem  the  amice  {De  Reh.  Eccl.  c.  24.).  But  in  all the  later  liturgical  writers  the  vestment  is  named under  some  one  or  other  of  the  various  designa- tions enumerated  at  the  head  of  this  article. As  to  its  use  in  this  country  there  is  no  evidence till  nearly  the  close  of  the  Saxon  period.  It  is not  mentioned  in  the  Pontifical  of  Egbert.  In a  later  Anglo-Saxon  Pontifical  (of  the  10th  cen- tury. Dr.  Eock  says,)  among  the  vestments enumerated  occurs  mention  of  the  "  super- humerale sen  poderem,"  an  expression  which  has been  supposed  to  point  to  the  amice,  though  the use  of  "  poderis,"  as  an  alternative  name,  seems to  make  this  somewliat  doubtful.     ((Quoted   by AMICE Dr.  Eock,  Church  of  our  Fathers,  vol.  i.  p.  465 ; from  the  Archaeologia,  vol.  xxv.  p.  28.) §  2.  Shape  of  the  Amice,  its  Material,  and  orna- mentation. The  amice  was  originally  a  square  or oblong  piece  of  linen,  somewhat  such  as  that which  forms  the  background  in  the  accompany- ing woodcut,  and  was  probably  worn  nearly  as shown  in  Fig.  1,  so  as  to   cover  the  neck  "and shoulders.  Early  in  the  10th  century  (a. D.  925) we  hear,  for  the  first  time,  of  ornaments  of  gold on  the  amice.  {Testaiuentuin Eeadfi  Episcopi  in Migne's  I'atrologia,  tom.  cxxxii.  p.  468,  "  caligas et  sandalias  paria  duo,  amictos  [_sic']  cum  auro quattuor.")  This  ornament  was  probably  an "aurifrigium"  or  "  orfrey."  From  the  11th century  onwards  the  richer  amices  were  adorned with  embroidery,  and  at  times  even  with  pre- cious stones.  These  ornaments  were  attached  to a  portion  only  of  the  amice,  a  comparatively small  patch,  known  as  a  plaga,  or  panira  («.  e., paratura)  being  fastened  on  (see  Fig.  4  in  wood- IraoH^|y.nicua pJ5  crucifix"  <i>e(i.f! .•lIVM-l-lMiMWMIvli Fig.  4. cut)  so  as  to  appear  as  a  kind  of  collar  above  the alb  (see  Fig.  3).  An  example  is  given  of  late date,  to  show  the  shape  of  the  parura,  as,  from the  nature  of  the  material,  very  early  amices are  not  extant.  These  parurae  were  known  in later  times  as  "  collaria  "  or  "  colleria  "  (see Eock,  Ch.  of  our  Fathers,  i.  470). §  3.  IIoio  worn. — All  the  earlier  notices  of the  amice  are  such  as  to  imply  that  it  was  worn on  the  neck  and  shoulders  only.  Honorius  of Autun  (writing  circ.  1125  A.D.)  is  the  first  who speaks  of  it  as  being  placed  on  the  head.  "  Hu- merale quod  in  Lege  Ephot,  apud  nos  Amictus dicitur,  sibi  imponit  et  illo  caput  et  collum  et humeros  (unde  et  Humerale  dicitur)  cooperit,  et in  pectore  copulatum  duabusvittis  ad  mammillas cingit.  Per  Humerale  quod  capiti  imponitur spes  caelestium  intelligitur."  {Qemma  animae,  i. c.  201.)  It  appears  to  have  been  temporarily placed  on  the  head  (as  shown  in  Fig.  2  of  the above  woodcut)  till  the  other  vestments  were arranged,  after  which  it  was  turned  down  so that  the  parura  might  appear  in  its  proper place.  To  this  position  on  the  head  is  to  be referred    its    later    symbolism    as    a    liehnet   of AMICUS salvation.  "  Amictus  pro  galea  caput  obnubit." Dui-andi  Rationale  iii.  1.  For  other  symbol- isms see  lunocent  III.,  De  Sacro  Altaris  Mysterio, i.  cc.  35  and  50.  (The  woodcut  above  is  from Dr.  Bock's  Geschichte  der  Uturgischen  Gewdnder, B.  ii.  Taf.  ii.)  [W.  B.  M.] AMICUS,  confessor  at  Lyons,  commemorated July  14  (J/ari.  Hiercm.).  [C] AMMON.  (1)  Commemorated  Feb.  7  {Mart. Uicron.). (2)  Commemorated  Feb.  9  (Jf.  Hicron.,  Bedae). (3)  'Afi/xovv,  the  deacon,  with  the  forty  women his  disciples,  martyrs,  commemorated  Sept.  1 {Cal.  Byzant.). (4)  Commemorated  Sept.  10  (J/.  Hieron., Bedae). (5)  Martyr  at  Alexandria,  Dec.  20  {Mart. Rom.  Vet,  Bedae).  [C] AMMONARIA,  martyr  at  Alexandria,  com- memorated  Dec.  12  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.).         [C] AMMONIUS.  (1)  Martyr,  Jan.  31  {Mart. Hieron.,  Bedae). (2)  Infant  of  Alexandria,  commemorated  Feb. '12  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.). (3)  Commemorated  Oct.  6  {M.  Hieron.).  [C] AMOS,  the  prophet,  commemorated  June  15 {Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] AMPELUS  of  Messana,  commemorated  Nov. 20  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.).  [C] AMPHIBALUII  or  AMPHIBALUS.    §  1. This  word  appears  to  be  confined  to  Gallican writers.  And  this  fact,  coupled  with  its  Greek derivation,  pointing  as  this  does  to  a  very  early period  for  its  introduction,  is  noticeable,  as  one among  many  instances  of  diversities  of  usage in  minor  matters,  characteristic  of  the  Gallican church,  and  indicating  an  origin  distinct  from that  of  other  western  churches. §  2.  Form  of  the  vestment,  and  its  prevailing use.  There  are  three  passages  to  which  refer- ence may  here  be  made  as  determining  all  that can  with  certainty  be  known  with  regard  to the  vestment  now  in  question.  St.  Remigius, Archbishop  of  Aries,  dying  about  500  A.D., left  to  his  successor  in  the  see  "  Amphibalum album  pasclialem,"  a  white  amphibalus  for use  on  Sundays  and  high  festivals.  (For '  paschalis '  see  Ducange  in  voc.)  We  cannot here  conclude  with  absolute  certainty  that  it is  of  a  vestment  for  church  use  that  he  is speaking,  though  the  context  seems  to  imply this.  (The  quotation  is  from  the  Testamentum 8.  Remigii  Remensis,  ajmd  Galland,  Bihliothec. Pat.,  tom.  X.  p.  806.)  But  in  the  passages  that follow  this  meaning  is  beyond  doubt.  In  a  life of  S.  Bonitus  {alias  S.  Bonus),  f  circ.  710,  a.d. written,  as  it  is  supposed,  by  a  contemporary {Acta  Sanctorum  Januar.,  d.  xv.  p.  1071  sqq.),  we are  told  that  the  saint  was  much  given  to  weep- ing even  in  church  ;  so  much  so,  that  the  upper part  of  his  amphibalus,  which  served  as  a  cover- ing for  his  head,  was  found  to  be  wet  with  the tears  he  shed.  "  Lacrimarum  ei  gratia  in  sacro non  deerat  officio  ita  ut  amphibali  summitas,  qua caput  tegebatur,  ex  profusione  earum  madida videretur."  This  "  upper  part "  of  the  amphi- balus was  evidently  a  kind  of  liood  (like  that  of AMPULLA 77 the  casula),  separable,  m  some  sort,  from  the rest  of  the  garment.  For  the  saint  is  repre- sented as  appearing  after  death,  in  a  vision,  to  a certain  maiden,  devoted  to  God's  service,  and sending  through  her  a  message  to  the  "  mother  " of  the  neighbouring  monastery,  bidding  her  keep by  her  (no  doubt  as  a  relic)  that  part  of  his amphibalus  which  covered  his  head.  "  Ut  par- tem amphibali  mei  qua  caput  tegitur,  secum  re- tineat." Even  in  this  passage,  however,  though  it  is evidently  spoken  of  as  worn  in  church,  and during  the  "  holy  office,"  it  does  not  follow  that a  sacerdotal  vestment,  distinctively  so  called,  is there  intended.  The  mention  of  the  hood  (or hood-like  appendage)  as  worn  over  the  head points  rather  to  use  in  the  choir.  But  in  a fragmentary  account  of  the  Gallican  rite,  of  un- certain date,  but  probably  of  the  9th  or  10th century,  the  word  amphibalus  is  used  as  equiva- lent to  the  "  casula,"  then  regarded  as  specially belonging  to  sacerdotal  ministry.  "  The  casula, known  as  amphibalus,"  the  writer  says,  "  which the  priest  puts  upon  him,  is  united  from  top  to bottom  .  .  .  it  is  without  sleeves  .  .  . joined  in  front  without  slit  or  opening '  Casula,  quam  amphibalum  vocant,  quod  sacer- dos  induetur  {sic),  tota  unita  .  .  ,  Ideo sine  manicas  {sic)  quia  sacerdos  potius  benedicit quam  ministrat.  Ideo  unita  prinsecus,  non  scissa, non  aperta,'"  &c.  (See  Martene,  Thesaurus Anecdotorum,  tom.  v.) From  the  above  passages  we  may  infer  that "  amphibalus "  was  a  name,  in  the  Gallican church  of  the  first  eight  or  nine  centuries,  for the  more  solemn  habit  of  ecclesiastics,  and  par- ticularly for  that  which  they  wore  in  offices  of holy  ministration.  Having  regard  to  its  (pro- bably) Eastern  origin,  and  to  its  subsequent  iden- tification with  the  casula,  we  shall  probably  be right  in  thinking  that  it  resembled  in  shape  the white  phenolia,  in  which  Eastern  bishojjs  are  re- presented in  mosaics  of  the  6th  century,  in  the great  church  (now  Mosque)  of  St.  Sophia  at Constantinople.  For  these  last  see  the  article Vestments  (Greek),  later  in  this  work,  and Salzenberg's  Altchristliche  Baudenkmale,  plates xxviii.  and  xxix.  [W.  B.  M.] AMPHILOCHIUS,  bishop  of  Iconium,  com- memorated Nov.  23  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] AMPIDIUS,  commemorated  at  Rome  Oct.  14 {Mart.  Hieron.).  [C] AMPLIAS,  "  Apostle,"  commemorated  Oct. 31  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] AMPODIUS,  commemorated  Oct.  11  {Mart'. Hieron.).  [C] AMPULLA  (Probably  for  amh-olla,  from  its swelling  out  in  every  direction),  a  globular  ves- sel for  holding  liquid.  In  ecclesiastical  language the  word  denotes  — 1.  The  flasks  or  cruets,  generally  of  precious metnl,  which  contain  the  wine  and  water  used at  the  altar.  The  word  "pollen,"  used  in  some districts  of  Germany  to  designate  these  vessels (Binterim's  DenhvurdigJiciten,  iv.  1.  183)  is  pro- bably derived  from  "  Ampullae." When  the  custom  of  making  offerings  of  wiae for  the  Holy  Communion  ceased,  ampullae  seem to   have  taken   the   place   of  the  larger  Amai;. 78 AMPULLA The  notiou  of  the  ampullae  themselves  having been  large  vessels  is  probably  founded  on  the ancient  etymology,  "ampulla,  quasi  vas  am- plum ;"  an  etymology  which  Walafrid  Strabo {Be  Beb.  Ecd.  c.  24)\idapts  to  the  facts  of  his own  time  by  reversing  it,  "  ampulla  quasi  parum ampla."  The  first  mention  of  ampullae  as  altar- vessels,  appears  to  be  in  the  Liber  Pontificalis (c.  110)  in  the  life  of  John  III.  (559-573),  who is  said  to  have  ordered  that  the  oratories  of  the martyrs  in  the  city  of  Rome  should  be  supplied with  altar-plate,  including  ampullae  [al.  amulae] from  the  Lateran  church. 2.  More  commonly  the  word  ampulla  denotes a  vessel,  XrjKvOos,  used  for  holding  consecrated oil  or  chrism.  In  this  sense  it  is  used  by  Optatus Milevitanus  (contra  Lonatistas  ii.  19,  p.  42), when  he  tells  us  that  an  "ampulla  chrismatis" thrown  from  a  window  by  the  Donatists  mira- culously remained  unbroken.  In  the  Gregorian Sacramentary  (p.  65),  in  the  directions  for  the benediction  of  Chrism  on  the  "  Feria  V.  post Palmas,"  or  Thursday  in  Holy  Week,  "  ampullae duo  cum  oleo"  are  ordered  to'  be  prepared,  the better  of  which  is  to  be  proi^ented  to  the  Pope. [Chrisji.] By  far  the  most  renowned  ampulla  of  this kimd  is  that  which  was  said  to  have  been  brought by  a  dove  from  heaven  at  the  baptism  of  Clovis, and  which  was  used  at  the  coronation  of  the •Frank  kings.  Hincmar,  in  the  service  which  he drew  up  for  the  coronation  of  Charles  the  Bald (840),  speaks  of  the  first  Christian  king  of  the Franks  having  been  anointed  and  consecrated with  the  heaven-descended  chrism,  whence  that which  he  himself  used  was  derived  ("caelitus sumpto  chrismate,  unde  nunc  habemus,  perunc- tus  et  in  regem  sacratus"),  as  if  of  a  thing  well known.  In  Flodoard,  who  wrote  in  the'  first half  of  the  10th  century,  we  find  the  legend  fully developed.  He  tells  us  {Hist.  Eccles.  Eemensis, 1.  13,  m  Migne's  Patrol,  vol.  135,  p.  52  c.)  that at  the  Baptism  of  Clovis,  the  clerk  who  bore  the chrism  was  prevented  by  the  crowd  from  reach- ing his  proper  station;  and  that  when  the moment  for  unction  arrived,  St.  Kemi  raised  his AMULETS eyes  to  heaven  and  prayed,  when  "  ecce  subito columba  ceu  nix  advolat  Candida  rostro  deferens ampullam  caelestis  doni  chrismate  repletam." This  sacred  ampulla  (the  "  Sainte  Ampoulle") was  preserved  in  the  abbey  of  St.  Eemi,  at  Reims, and  used  at  the  coronation  of  the  successive  kings of  F'rance.  It  was  broken  in  1793,  but  even then  a  fragment  was  said  to  have  been  preserved, and  was  used  at  the  coronation  of  Charles  X. The  ampulla  represented  in  the  woodcut,  from Monza,  is  said  to  be  of  the  7th  century.  It  is of  a  metal  resembling  tin,  and  has  engraved upon  it  a  representation  of  the  Adoration  of  the Magi  and  of  the  Shepherds,  with  the  inscription, eAeON  EYAOY  ZcoHC  TojN  AricuN  XPICTOV TOnojN,  having  been  used  for  pressino-  Holy Oil.    [Oil,  Holy.]  "  [c] AMULETS.     The   earliest  writer  in  whom the  word  occurs  is  Pliny  {H.  N.  xxix.  4,  19  ;  .xxx. 15,  47,  et  al.),  and  is  used  by  him  in  the  sense  of a  "  charm  "  against  poisons,  witchcraft,  and  the like  ("  veneficiorum  amuleta  ").    A  Latin  deriva- tion   has   been   suggested   for  it  as   being   that "  quod  malum  amolitur."     Modern  etymologists, however,    connect    both    the    word  as    well    as the  thing  with  the  East,  and  derive  it  from  the Arabic  hammalet  (=    a  thing  suspended).     The practice  which  the  word  implies  had  been  in  the Christian  Church,  if  not  from  the  first,  yet  as soon  as  the  Paganism  and  Judaism  out  of  "which it  had  emerged  began  again  to  find  their  wav into  it  as  by  a  process  of  infiltration,  and  the history  of  amulets  presents  a  strange  picture  of the  ineradicable  tendency  of  mankind  to  fall  back into  the  basest  superstitions  which  seem  to  belong only  to  the  savage    bowing    before   his  fetiche. Man  has  a  dread  of  unseen  powers  around  him- — demons,   spectres,  an   evil  eye — and  he  believes that  certain  objects  have  power  to  preserve  him from  them.     That  belief  fastens  sometimes  upon symbolic  forms  or  solemn  words  that  have  once served   as   representatives   of  higher   thoughts, sometimes   upon   associations  which    seem    alto- gether   arbitrary.       When    the    Israelites    left Egypt,  they  came  from  a   people  who   had  car- ried this  idea  to  an  almost  unequalled  extent. The    scarabaeus,    the    hawk,    the    serpent,    the uraeus,  or  hooded  snake,  an  open  eye,  outspread wings,    with    or    without    formulae    of  prayer, deprecating  or  invoking,  are  found  in  countless variety  in  all  our  museums,  and  seem  to  have been  borne,  some  on  the  breast,  some  suspended by  a  chain  round  the  neck.     The  law  of  Moses, by  ordering  the  Zizith,  or  blue  fringe  on  the  gar- ments which  men  wore,  or  the  papyrus  scrolls with  texts  (Exod.  xiii.  2-10,  11-17;  Deut.  vi. 4-9,  13-22),  which  were  to  be  as  frontlets  on their  brows,  and  bound  upon  their  arms,  known by  later  Jews  as  the  Tephillim,  or  when  nailed  on their  door  posts  or  the  walls  of  their  houses  as the  Mesusa,  sought,  as  by  a  wise  "  economy,"  to raise    men    who    had    been  accustomed   to  such usages  to  higher  thoughts,  and  to  turn  what  had been  a  superstition  into  a  witness  for  the  truth. The  old  tendency,  however,  crept  in,  and  it  seems clear  that  some  at  least  of  the  ornaments  named by  Isaiah  (iii.  23),  especially  the  D'E^TIp,  were  of the  nature  of  amulets  {Bib.  Diet.  Amulets).  And the  later  <pv\aKT-i)pLa  of  the  N.  T.,  though  an  at- tempt has  been  made  by  some  archaeologists  to explain    the    name    as    tliough    they    reminded AMULETS meu  <pv\a(T(T€iv  rhv  vofxov  (Schottgen)  were, there  can  be  little  doubt,  so  called  as  "pre- servatives "  against  demons,  magic,  and  the  evil eye.''  Through  the  whole  history  of  Rabbinism, the  tendency  was  on  the  increase,  and  few  Jews believed  themselves  free  from  evil  spirits,  unless the  bed  on  which  they  slept  was  guarded  by  the 3Icsicsa.  Mystic  figures — the  sacred  tetragram- maton,  the  shield  of  David,  the  seal  of  Solomon — witli  cabalistic  words,  AGLA  (an  acrostic  formed from  the  initial  letters  of  the  Hebrew  words  for "Thou  art  mighty  for  everlasting,  0  Lord";, Abracalan,  and  the  like,  shot  up  as  a  ranis  after- growth. Greelv,  Latin,  Eastern  Heathenism,  in like  manner,  supplied  various  forms  of  the  same usage.  Everywhere  men  lived  in  the  dread  of the  fascination  of  the  "  evil  eye."  Sometimes  in- dividual men,  sometimes  whole  races  (e.g.  the Thibii  of  Pontus)  were  thought  to  possess  the power  of  smiting  youth  and  health,  and  causing them  to  waste  away  (Plutarch,  Sympos.  v.  7). And  against  this,  men  used  remedies  of  various kinds,  the  'Ecpeffia  ■ypaixixara,  the  phallus  or fascinum.  The  latter  was  believed  to  operate  as diverting  the  gaze  which  would  otherwise  be fixed  on  that  which  kept  it  spell-bound  (Plu- tarch, I.  c. ;  Varr.  de  Ling.  Lat.  vi.  5),  but  was  pro- bably connected  also  with  its  use  as  the  symbol of  life  as  against  the  evil  power  that  was  working to  destroy  life.  It  is  obvious  that  superstitions of  this  kind  would  be  foreign  to  Christian  life  in its  first  purity.  The  "  bonfire  "  at  Ephesus  was a  protest  against  them  and  all  like  usages  (Acts xix.  19).  They  crept  in,  however,  probably  in the  first  instance  through  the  influence  of  Juda- izing  or  Orientalizing  Gnostics.  The  followers of  Basilides  had  their  mystical  Abraxas  and  Jal- dabaoth,  which  they  wrote  on  parchment  and used  as  a  charm  \_Chr.  Biogr.  art.  Basilides]. Scarabaei  have  been  found,  with  inscriptions (Jao,  Sabaoth,  the  names  of  angels,  Bellerman, Uher  die  Scarahaeen,  i.  10),  indicating  Christian associations  of  this  nature.''  The  catacombs  of Rome  have  yielded  small  objects  of  various  kinds that  were  used  apparently  for  the  same  purpose, a  bronze  fish  (connected,  of  course,  with  the mystic  anagram  of  IXQTfS),  with  the  word SriSAIS  on  it,  a  hand  holding  a  tablet  with ZHCE2,  medals  with  the  monogram  which  had figured  on  the  laharum  of  Constantine  (Aringhi, Romi  Subterranea,  vi.  23  ;  Costadoni,  Del  Pesce, pi.  ii.,  iii.,  19  ;  Martigny,  s.  v.  Foisson).  In  the East  we  find  the  practice  of  carrying  the  Gospels (j8t;8Aia  or  fvayy^Xia  fxiKpd)  round  the  neck as  (pu\aKT7)pia  (Chrysost.  IIoui.  Ixxiii.  in  Matt.) ; and  Jerome  (in  Matt.  iv.  24)  confesses  that he  .had  himself  done  so  to  guard  against  disease. When  the  passion  for  relics  set  in  they  too  were employed,  and  even  Gregory  the  Great  sent  to Theodelinda  two  of  these  (^i/Aa/cr-^pia,  one  a  cross containing  a  fragment  of  the  true  cross,  the  other a  box  containing  a  copy  of  the  Gospels,  each  with Greek  invocations,  as  a  charm  against  the  #s'il spirits'  or  lamiae  that  beset  children  (Epp.  xii.  7). In  all  these  cases  we  trace  some  Christian  asso- »  This  is  distinctly  stated  in  the  Jerusalem  Gemara (Beracli.  fol.  2, 4).  Comp.  the  exhaustive  article  by  Leyrcz on  '  Phylakterien'  in  Herzog. •>  The  mention  of  "  the  horns  of  the  Scarabaeus  "  as  an amulet  by  Pliny  (B.  iV.  xxviii.  4)  shews  how  widely  the old  Egyptian  feeling  about  it  had  spread  in  the  first ci'Utury  of  the  Christian  era. ANAGNOSTES  79 ciations.  » Symbolism  passes  into  superstition. In  other  instances  the  old  heathen  leaven  was more  conspicuous.  Strange  words,  trepiepyoi XapaKTrjpes  (Basil,  in  Ps.  xlv.,  p.  229  A),  names of  rivers,  and  the  like  (Chrysost.  Horn.  Ixxiii.  in Matt.),  "%a<Mrae"  of  all  kinds  (August.  Tract  vii. in  Joann.),  are  spoken  of  as  frequent.  Even  a child's  caul  (it  is  curious  to  note  at  once  the antiquity  and  the  persistency  of  the  superstition), and  the  iyKdhiriov  evSvfj.a  became  an  kyK6\Tnov in  another  sense,  and  was  used  by  midwives  to counteract  the  "  evil  eye  "  and  the  words  of  evil omen  of  which  men  were  still  afraid  (Balsamon, in  Cone.  Trull.,  c.  61).  Even  the  strange  prohibi- tion by  the  Council  just  referred  to  of  the  practice of  "  leading  about  she  bears  and  other  like  beasts to  the  delusion  (nphs  iraiyviov)  and  injury  of  the simple,"  has  been  referred  by  the  same  writer (ibid.),  not  to  their  being  a  show  as  in  later times,  but  to  the  fact  that  those  who  did  so  car- ried on  a  trade  in  the  (j>v\aKT7)pia,  which  they made  from  their  hair,  and  which  were  in  request as  a  cure  for  sore  eyes. Christian  legislation  and  teaching  had  to  carry on  a  perpetual  warfare  against  these  abuses. Constantine  indeed,  in  the  transition  stage  which he  represented,  had  allowed  "  remedia  humanis quaesita  corporibus "  (Cod.  Theodos.  ix.  tit.  1(5, s.  3),  as  well  as  incantations  for  rain,  but  the Council  of  Laodicea  (c.  36)  forbade  the  clergy to  make  <pvXaKT7ipLa,  which  were  in  reality  "Secr- ficoTTipia  for  their  own  souls."  Chrysostom  fre- quently denounces  them  in  all  their  forms,  and lays  bare  the  plea  that  the  old  women  who  sold them  were  devout  Christians,  and  that  the  prac- tice therefore  could  not  be  so  very  wrong  (Horn. viii.  in  Coloss.  p.  1374  ;  Horn.,  vi.  c.  Jud. ;  Horn. Ixii.  p.  536,  in  Matt.  p.  722).  Basil  (I.  c.)  speaks in  the  same  tone.  Augustine  (I.  c.  and  Senn.  ccxv. De  Temp.)  warns  men  against  all  such  "  diabolica phylacteria."  Other  names  by  which  such  amulets were  known  were  irepiairTa.  ■KepidfXfx.aTa.  We may  infer  from  the  silence  of  Clement  of  Alex- andria and  Tertullian  that  the  earlier  days  of  the Church  were  comparatively  free  from  these  super- stitions, and  from  the  tone  of  the  writers  just  re- ferred to  that  the  canon  of  the  Council  of  Laodicea had  been  so  far  effectual  that  the  clergy  were  no longer  ministering  to  them.  [E.  H.  P.] ANACHOEETAE.     [Hermit.] ANACLETUS,  the  pope,  martyr  at  Rome, commemorated  April  26  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.).  [C] ANACTORON  (^KvaKTopov  from  avaKToip), the  dwelling  of  a  king  or  ruler.  In  classical authors,  generally  a  house  of  a  god,  especially a  temple  of  the  Eleusinian  Demeter  or  of  the Dioscuri ;  also,  the  innermost  recess  of  a  temple, in  which  oracles  were  given  (Lobeck's  Aglaopha- mus,  i.  pp.  59,  62).  Eusebius  (Fanegyr.  c.  9) applies  the  word  to  the  church  built  by  Constan- tine at  Antioch,  whether  as  equivalent  to  /Sain- XiKT),  or  with  reference  to  the  unusual  size  and splendour  of  the  church,  or  with  a  reminiscence of  the  classical  use  of  the  word,  is  difficult  to  say. (Bingham's  Antiquities,  viii.  1.  §  5.)  [C] ANAGNOSTES— LECTOR-READER.— Tertullian  is  the  earliest  writer  who  mentions this  office  as  a  distinct  order  in  the  Church  (De Praescr.  c.  41).  It  would  seem  that,  at  first,  tlie public  reading  of  the  Scriptures  was  performed 80 ANANIAS mdifierently  by  presbyters  and  deacons,  and  pos- sibly at  times  by  a  layman  specially  appointed by  the  bishop.  From  Tertullian's  time,  how- ever, it  was  included  among  the  minor  oi-ders, and  as  such  is  frequently  referred  to  by  Cyprian {Epp.  29,  38,  &c.).  It  is  also  one  of  the  three minor  orders  mentioned  in  the  so-called  Apos- tolical Canons,  the  other  two  being  the  viroSid- Kovos  .and  the  ^dXTfis.  The  Scriptures  were read  by  the  Anagnostes,  from  the  pulpitum  or tribunal  ecclesiae.  If  any  portion  of  the  sacred writings  was  read  from  the  altar,  or  more  pro- perly from  the  bema  or  tribunal  of  the  sanc- tuary, this  was  done  by  one  of  the  higher  clergy. By  one  of  Justinian's  Novels  it  was  directed that  no  one  should  be  ordained  reader  before the  age  of  eighteen  ;  but  previously  young  boys were  admitted  to  the  office,  at  the  instance of  their  parents,  as  introductory  to  the  higher functions  of  the  sacred  ministry  (Bingham, Thorndike).  [D.  B.] ANANIAS.  (1)  Of  Damascus  (Acts  ix.  10), commemorated  Jan.  25  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.');  Oct. 1  {Cal.  Byzant.);  Oct.  15  (C.  Armen.). (2)  Martyr  in  Persia,  April  21  (Jfar!!.i?om.  Vet.). (3)  Martyr,  with  Azarias  and  Misael,  Dec.  16 (Tb.);  April  2.3  (Mart.  Bedac);  Dec.  17  (Cal. Byzant.).  [C] ANAPHOKA.  ('Ava(f>opd.  The  word  aua- (pipnv  acquired  in  later  Greek  the  sense  of "  lifting  up  "  or  "  offering  :  "  as  aya(pepeiv  0v- alas,  Heb.  vii.  27  ;  1  Pet.  ii.  5  ;  a.va<p4peiv  eii- Xapiariav,  €vcprifj.iav,  So^o\oyiav,  Chrysostom  in Suicer,  s.  v.  'Avatpopd  was  also  used  in  a  cor- responding sense  ;  in  Ps.  1.  21,  [LXX],  it  is  the equivalent  of  the  Hebrew  H^'y,  "  that  which goeth  up  on  the  altar.") 1.  In  the  sense  of  "lifting  up"  Anaphora came  to  be  applied  to  the  celebration  of  the Holy  Eucharist ;  whether  from  the  "  lifting up"  of  the  heart  which  is  required  in  that service,  or  from  the  "  oblation "  which  takes place  in  it;  probably  the  latter. In  the  liturgical  diction  of  the  Copts,  which has  borrowed  much  from  the  Greeks,  the  word Anaphora  is  used,  instead  of  liturgy,  to  designate the  whole  of  the  Eucharistic  service,  and  the book  which  contains  it ;  but  more  commonly  its use  is  restricted  to  that  more  solemn  part  of  the Eucharistic  office  which  includes  the  Consecration, Oblation,  Communion,  and  Thanksgiving.  It  be- gins with  the  "  Sursum  Corda,"  or  rather  with the  benediction  which  precedes  it,  and  extends to  the  end  of  the  office,  thus  corresponding  with the  Preface  and  Canon  of  Western  rituals. The  general  structure  of  the  Anaphorae  of Oriental  liturgies  is  thus  exhibited  by  Dr.  Neale (Eastern  Church,  Introduction,  i.  463). The  Great  Eucharistic  Prayer — 1.  The  Preface.    [SnKstnn  Corda.] 2.  The  Prayer  of  the  Triumphal  Hymn.  [Pkefaiie.] 3.  The  Triumphal  Hymn.     [Sanctus.] 4.  Commemoration  of  our  Lord's  Life. 5.  Commemoration  of  Institution. TliC  Consecration — 6.  Words  of  Institution  of  the  Bread. 7.  Words  of  Institution  of  the  Wine. 8.  Oblation  of  the  Bodj'  and  Blood. 9.  Introductory  Prayer  for   the  Descent  of  the Holy  Ghost. 10.  Prayer  for  the  Change  of  Elements. ANASTASIS The  Great  Intercessor//  Prayer — 11.  General  Intercession  for  Quick  and  Dead. 12.  Prayer  before  the  Lord's  Prayer. 13.  The  Lord's  Prayer. 14.  The  Embollsmus. 77(6  Communion — 15.  The  Prayer  of  Inclination  (ra;  Ke^a.Xa';  kAi- 16.  Td  ayia  rots  ayi'ois  and  Elevation  of  Host. 17.  The  Fraction. 18.  The  Confession. 19.  The  Communion. 20.  The  Antidoron  ;  and  Prayers  of  Thanksgiving. This  table  exhibits  the  component  parts  of  the Anaphorae  of  all,  or  nearly  all,  the  Eastern  litur- gies, in  the  state  in  which  they  have  come  down to  us ;  but  different  parts  are  variously  de- veloped in  different  liturgies,  and  even  the  order is  not  always  preserved ;  for  instance,  in  the existing  Nestoriau  liturgies,  the  general  inter- cession is  placed  before  the  invocation  of  the Holy  Ghost,  and  other  minor  variations  are  found. The  principal  of  these  will  be  noticed  under  their proper  headings. It  is  in  the  Anaphorae  that  the  characteristics are  found  which  distinguish  different  liturgies of  the  same  family ;  in  the  iiitroductory  or  pro- anaphoral  portion  of  the  liturgies  there  is  much less  vai-iety.'  "In  every  liturgical  family  there is  one  liturgy,  or  at  most  two,  which  supplies the  former  or  pro-anaphoral  portion  to  all  the others,  and  such  liturgies  we  may  call  the  normal offices  of  that  family ;  the  others,  both  in  MSS. and  printed  editions,  commence  with  the  '  Prayer of  the  Kiss  of  Peace,'  the  preface  to  the  Ana- phora "  (Neale,  Eastern  Church,  i.  319).  Thus, when  the  liturgy  of  Gregory  Theologus  or  of Cyril  is  used,  the  pro-anaphoral  portion  is  taken from  that  of  St.  Basil ;  the  Ethiopian  Church  has twelve  liturgies,  which  have  the  introductory portion  in  common  ;  the  numerous  Syro-Jacobite liturgies  all  take  the  introductory  portion  from that  of  St.  James ;  the  three  Nestorian  from that  of  the  Apo.stles.  Further  particulars  will be  found  under  Canon  and  Communion. 2.  The  word  h.va.(popd  is  sometimes  used  iu liturgical  writings  as  equivalent  to  the  a.i]p  or Chalice-veil ;  and  has  found  its  way  in  this  sense, corrupted  in  form  (Nuphir)  into  the  Syrian liturgies.    (Renaudot,  Lit.  Orient,  ii.  61.)    [C] AN  ASTASIA.  (1)  Martyr  under  Diocletian. Her  Natalis,  an  ancient  and  famous  festival,  falls on  Dec.  25  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Bedae). Her  name  is  recited  in  the  Gregorian  Canon. The  proper  office  for  her  festival,  in  the  Gre- gorian Sacram.  (p.  7),  is  headed,  in  Menard's text,  Missa  in  Mane  prima  Nat.  Dom.,  sire  S. Anastasiae ;  and  is  inserted  between  the  Missa In  Vigilia  Domini  in  Nocte  and  the  Missa  In  Die Natalis  Domini.  The  titles  in  the  other  MSS. are  equivalent.  In  the  Byzantine  Calendar  she is  .commemorated  as  (papfiaKoXvrpia,  dissolver  of spells  on  Dec.  22  (see  Neale's  Eastern  Church, Introd.  786). (2)  Of  Rome,  Scrtofidprvs,  commemorated  Oct. 29  (Cal.  Byzant.).  [C.I ANASTASIS.— The  Orthodox  Greek  Church commemorates  the  dedication  of  the  Church  of the  Anastasis  by  Constantine  the  Great  ('EyKai- via  Tov  NaoO  rris  aylas  tov  XpiffTov  /cat  Qeov Tji.i.Sii'  ' Avaardaiois)  on  Sep.  13.     (Daniel,  Codex ANASTASIUS Liturgicus,  W.  2(58.)  This  festival  refers  to  the dedication  of  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre, or  of  the  Resurrection  of  the  Lord,  at  Jerusalem, A.D.  335.  (Eusebius,  Vita  Constantini,  iii.  26  ff.) A  similar  name  was  given  to  the  room  where Gregory  of  Nazianzus  preached  at  Constantinople, afterwards  converted  into  a  magnificent  church. (Gibbon's  Eomc,  iii.  367,  ed.  Smith.)  [C] ANASTASIUS.  (1)  The  monk,  martyr  in Persia,  commemorated  Jan.  22  (^Cal.  Byzant., Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Hieron.). (2)  Saint,  April  1  QIart.  Bedae). (3)  The  pope,  April  27  {Mart.  R.  V.,  Bedae) ; Oct.  28  (^Cal.  Armen.). (4)  Saint,  May  2  (Jf.  Bedae). (5)  The  Cornicularius,  martyr,  Aug.  21  {Mart. B.  v.). (6)  Commemorated  Aug.  26  (Jf.  Hieron.). (7)  Bishop,  Oct.  13  (if.  Bedae,  Hieron.).    [C] ANATHEMA,  the  greater  excommunica- tion, answering  to  Cherem  in  the  Synagogue, as  the  lesser  form  did  to  Niddui,  i.e.  Separation : this  latter  is  called  a^opi(r/ubs  in  the  Constitutions of  the  Apostles. The  excision  of  obstinate  offenders  from  the Christian  fellowship  was  grounded  upon  the words  of  Christ — "  If  he  will  not  hear  the  Church, let  him  be  as  a  heathen  man  and  a  publican." So  St.  Gregory  interprets  them — "  let  him  not be  esteemed  for  a  brother  or  a  Christian  " — "  vi- delicet peccator  gravis  et  scandalosus,  notorius aut  accusatus  et  convictus  "  ;  being  reproved  by the  bishop  in  the  public  assemblies  of  the  Church, if  he  will  not  be  humbled  but  remains  incorri- gible and  perseveres  in  his  scandalous  sins — "  tum  anathemate  feriendus  est  et  a  corpore  Ec- clesiae  separandus"  (St.  Gregory  in  Ps.  v.),  and St.  Augustine  (Trac£  xxvii.  in  Johan.)  vindicates this  severity  of  discipline  on  the  Church's  part in  such  a  case — "  quia  neque  influxum  habet  a capite,  neque  participat  de  Spiritu  Christi." This  application  of  the  word  Anathema  to  the "  greater  excommunication  "  was  warranted,  in the  belief  of  the  ancient  Church,  by  St.  Paul's use  of  it  (Gal.  i.  8,  9),  and  the  discipline  itself being  distinctly  warranted  by  our  Lord's  words, as  well  as  by  other  passages  in  the  New  Testa- ment, the  anathema  was  regarded  as  cutting a  man  off  from  the  way  of  salvation ;  so  that unless  he  received  the  grace  of  repentance  he would  certainly  perish. A  milder  sense,  however,  of  the  word  Ana- thema, as  used  by  St.  Paul,  has  not  been  without its  defenders,  both  among  our  own  Divines  as Hammond  and  Waterland,  and  by  Grotius.  The latter  wi-iter,  commenting  on  Rom.  ix.  3,  gives the  following  interpretation  :  "  Hoc  dicit :  Velim non  modo  carere  honore  Apostolatus,  verum etiam  contemptissimus  esse  inter  Christianos, quales  sunt  qui  excommunicati  sunt." And  as  to  the  effect  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Ana- thema— it  is  maintained  by  Vincentius  Lirinen- sis  that  it  did  not  bear  the  sense  of  cursing among  the  ancient  Christians,  as  Cherem  did among  the  Jews. It  is  certain,  however,  that  the  word  Ana- thema is  uniformly  employed  by  the  LXX  as  the equivalent  of  Cherem ;  and  it  can  hardly  be questioned,  therefore,  that  where  it  occurs  in the  N.  T.  it  must  be  understood  in  the  deeper sense — as  relating  to  the  spiritual  condifion — CHRIST.  ANT, ANGHOK 81 and  not  merely  to  exclusion  from  Church  privi- leges, whatever  may  have  been  the  force  subse- quently attached  to  the  word,  as  expressing  the most  solemn  form  of  ecclesiastical  excommuni- cation. On  this  point  and  on  the  history  of  the woi-d  in  general,  the  reader  is  referred  to  Light- foot  on  Galatians ;  Thorndike,  vol.  ii.  338 ;  Bp. Jeremy  Taylor  (Buctor  Luhitantium)  ;  J.  Light- foot,  Be  Anathemate  Maranatha.  [D.  B.] ANATOLIA,  martyr,  commemorated  July  9 {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.).  [C] ANATOLIUS,  bishop,  commemorated  Julv  3 {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.).  [C.] ANAXARBE  (Synods  of),  a.d.  431,  to  con- firm the  deijosition  of  St.  Cyril,  and  those  who held  with  him.  Another  was  held  there  two years  later,  as  at  Antioch,  to  make  peace  with St.  Cyril.  [E.  S.  F.] ANCHOR  (AS  Symbol).  The  anchor  is  an emblem  very  frequently  used,  from  the  earliest ages  of  Christianity,  in  symbolism.  As  the  anchor is  the  hope  and  often  the  sole  resource  of  the sailor,  the  ancients  called  it  sacred;  to  weigh anchor  was,  "  Anchoram  sacram  solvere."  St. Paul  adopts  an  obvious  symbolism,  when  he says  (Heb.  vi.  19)  that  we  have  hope  as  "  an anchor  of  the  soul  both  sure  and  stedfast ;"  so that,  in  its  special  Christian  sense,  the  anchor would  seem  to  be  an  emblem  of  hope. By  the  early  Christians  we  find  it  used,  some- times with  reference  to  the  stormy  ocean  of human  life,  but  more  often  to  the  tempests  and the  fierce  blasts  of  persecution  which  threatened to  engulf  the  ship  of  the  Chui-ch.  Thus  the anchor  is  one  of  the  most  ancient  of  emblems ; and  we  find  it  engraved  on  rings,  and  depicted on  monuments  and  on  the  walls  of  cemeteries  in the  Catacombs,  as  a  type  of  the  hope  by  which the  Church  stood  firm  in  the  midst  of  the  storms which  surrounded  it.  In  this,  as  in  other  cases, Christianity  adopted  a  symbol  from  Paganism, with  merely  the  change  of  application. The  symbols  on  sepulchral  tablets  often  con- tain allusions  to  the  name  of  the  deceased.  The Chevalier  de  Rossi  {De  Monum.  IXGTN  cxhih.  p. 18)  states  that  he  has  three  times  found  an anchor  upon  tituli  bearing  names  derived  from Spes  or  iXirls ;  uj)on  the  tablet  of  a  certain ELPIDIVS  (Mai,  Collect.  Vatican,  v.  449),  and upon  two  others,  hitherto  unpublished,  in  the cemetery  of  Priscilla,  of  two  women,  ELPIZVSA and  Spes.  In  some  cases,  above  the  transverse bar  of  the  anchor  stands  the  letter  E,  which  is probably  the  abbreviation  of  the  word  'EAtt^s. Further,  we  find  the  anchor  associated  with  the fish,  the  symbol  of  the  Saviour  [IX0T5].  It  is clear  that  the  union  of  the  two  symbols  expresses "  hope  in  Jesus  Christ,"  and  is  equivalent  to  the formula  so  common  on  Christian  tablets,  "  Spes in  Christo,"  "  Spes  in  Deo,"  "  Spes  in  Deo Christo." The  transverse  bar  below  the  ring  gives  the upper  part  of  the  anchor  the  appearance  of  a  crtix ansata  [Cross]  ;  and  perhaps  this  form  may  have had  as  much  influence  in  determining  the  choice of  this  symbol  by  the  Christians  as  the  words  of St.  Paul.  The  anchor  appears,  as  is  natural,  very frequently  upon  the  tombs  of  martyrs.  (See Lupi,  Sever ae  Epitaphium,  pp.  136,  137  ;  Boldetti, Osservazioni,  366,  370,  &c.;  Fabretti,  Inscrip- G 82 ANCYEA tionum  Explic.  568,  569  ;  and  Martign)-,  Diet, des  Antiq.  Chre't.  s.  v.  '  Ancre.')  [C] ANCYEA. — Two  synods  of  Ancyra  are  re- corded ;  the  first  of  which  stands  at  the  head  of those  provincial  synods  whose  canons  form  part of  the  code  of  the  universal  Church.  It  was held  under  Vitalis  of  Antioch,  who  signs  first ; and  of  the  18  bishops  composing  it,  several attended  the  Nicene  Council  subsequently. Twenty-five  canons  \yere  passed,  about  half  of which  relate  to  the  lapsed,  and  the  rest  to  dis- cipline generally  (v.  Beveridge,  Synod,  ii.  ad  L). The  date  usually  assigned  to  it  is  A.D.  314. Another  synod  met  there,  A.D.  358,  composed of  semi-Arians.  They  condemned  the  second Synod  of  Sirmium,  accepted  the  term  homoi- ousion,,  and  published  12  anathemas  against  all who  rejected  it,  together  with  a  long  synodical letter.  Another  synod  of  semi-Arians  was  held there,  A.D.  375,  at  which  Hipsius,  Bishop  of Parnassus,  was  deposed.  [E.  S.  F.] ANCYEA,  THE  SEVEN  VIEGINS  OF, are  commemorated  by  the  Armenian  Chiirch  on June  20,  as  fellow-martyrs  with  Theodotion,  or Theodorus,  of  Salatia,  the  first  Bishop  of  Ancyra of  whom  we  have  an}'  account.  (Neale,  Eastern Church,  Introd.  p.  800.)  [C] ANDEGAVENSE  CONCILIUM.  [.An- gers, Council  of.] ANDELAENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Axde- LOT,  Council  of.] ANDELOT,  COUNCIL  OF  (Andelaense CONCiLiUJi),  near  Langres  ;  summoned  by  Gun- tram,  King  of  Orleans  (at  a  meeting  to  ratify  a compact,  also  made  at  Andelot,  between  himself and  Childebert,  Nov.  28  or  29,  587),  for  March  1, A.D.  588,  but  nothing  further  is  recorded  of  it,  and possibly  it  was  never  held  at  all  (Greg.  Turon., Hist.  Fr.  ix.  20;  Mansi,  ix.  967-970).  [A.W.H.] ANDOCHIUS  or  ANDOCIUS,  presbyter, commemorated  Sept.  24  (Mart.  Hieron., Bedae).  [C] ANDEEAS.  (1)  Martyr,  commemorated Aug.  19  {Mart.  Horn:  Vet.). (2)  King,  Hedar  16  =  Nov.  12  (Cal.  Ethiop.). (3)  The  general,  with  2953  companion  mar- tyrs, commemorated  Aug.  19  (Cal.  Byzant.). (4)  Of  Crete,  oawixapTvs,  Oct.  17  {Cal. Byz.).  [C] ANDEEW,  Saint,  Festival  of. — As  was natural,  the  name  of  the  "  brother  fisherman  " of  St.  Peter  was  early  held  in  great  honour. He  is  invoiced  by  name  as  an  intercessor  in  the prayer  "Libera  nos  "  of  the  Roman  Canon,  with the  Virgin,  St.  Peter,  and  St.  Paul;  and  his principal  festival  was  anciently  placed  on  the same  level  as  that  of  St.  Peter  himself  (Krazer, De  Liturgiis.  p.  529).  His  "Dies  Natalis,"  or martyrdom,  is  placed  in  all  the  Martyrologies, agreeing  in  this  with  the  apocryphal  Acta  Andreae, on  Nov.  30.  It  is  found  in  the  Calendar  of  Car- thage, in  whicli  no  other  apostles  are  specially commemorated  except  St.  Peter,  St.  Paul,  and St.  James  the  Great ;  and  in  St.  Boniface's  list of  Festivals,  where  no  other  apostles  are  named except  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  (Binterim's  Eenk- wiirdigkeiten,  v.  i.  299).  The  hymn  "  Nunc  An- dreae solemnia,"  for  the  festival  of  St.  Andrew, is  attributed  to  Venerable  Bede.     Proper  offices ANDEEW,  SAINT for  the  Vigil  and  Festival  of  St.  Andrew  are found  in  the  Sacramentaries  of  Leo  and  Gregory. In  the  latter  (p.  144)  there  is  a  clear  allusion  to the  Acta  (sei;  Tischondorf's  Acta  Apost.  Apocry-        I pha,  p.  127 ),  where  it  is  said  that  the  saint  franlily        j proclaimed  tiie  truth,  "  nee  pendens  taceret  in        j cruce ; "   and   in  the   ancient  Liber  Responsalis,        I which  bears  the  name  of  Gregory,  is  one  equally clear  to  the  same  Acta  in  the  words  of  St.  An- drew's prayer,  "  Ne  me  patiaris  ab  inipio  judice        ] deponi,  quia  virtutem  sanctae  crucis  aguovi  "  (p.        ] 836).    A  trace  of  the  influence  of  these  same  Acta is  found  again  in  the  Gallo-Gothic  Missal  (pro- bably of  the  8th  century),  jjublished  by  Mabillon, in  which  the  "  contestatio,"  or  preface  {Liturgia Gall.  lib.  iii.  p.  222),  sets  forth  that  the  Apostle, "  post  iniqua  verbera,  post  carceris  saepta,  alii-        ; gatus  suspendio   se   purum   sacrificium   obtulit. .  .  .  Absolvi  se  non  patitur  a  cruee  .  .  .  turba .  .   .  laxari  postulat  justiim,   ue  ])ereat  populus        i line  delicto  ;    interea   fundit  martyr  spiritum."        1 The  .■\rmenian  Church  commemorates  St.  Andrew        ' with  St.  Philip  on  Nov.  16.  i The  relics  of  the  apostle  were  translated,  pro-       j bably  in  the  reign  of  Constantius,  though  some        1 authorities  place  the  translation  in  that  of  Con-       | stantine  (compare  Jerome,  c.  Vigilant ium,  c.  6, p.  391,  who  says  that  Constantius  translated  the relics,  with  Paulinus,  Carm.  26,  p.  628),  to  Con-        ! stantine's  great   "Church   of  the  Apostles"  at Constantinople,  where  they  rested  with  those  of St.    Lulce ;    the    church    was   indeed    sometimes called,  from  these  two  great  sunts,  the  church        \ of  St.  Andrew  and   St.  Luke.     Justini  in   built        j over  their  remains,  to  which  those  of  St.  Timothy had  been  added,  a  splendid  tomb.  i The  Martyrologiurn  Hieronymi  places  the  trans-        i lation    of  St.    Andrew    on    Sept.   3,  and    has    a "  Dedicatio  Basilicae  S.  Andreae  "  on  Nov.  3  ;  but        ' most    Martyrologies    agree    with    the    Martyro- logiurn Romanum  in  placing  the  translation  on May  9.     Several  Mai'tyrologies  have  on  Feb.  5        '\ an  "  Ordinatio  Episcopatus  Andreae  Apostoli,"  in        j commemoration    of  the   saint's   consecration   to       \ the    see    of    Patras   (Florentinus,    in   Martyrol.        \ Hieron.  p.  300 ;  Baronius,  in  Martyrol.  Romano,        \ Nov.  30,  p.  502 ;  Tillemont,  Mem.  Eccles.  i.  320, 589  ;  Binterim's  Benkwilrdigkeiten,  v.  i.  503,  fif.). As  was  natural  in  the  case  of  so  distinguished a  saint  as  the  first-called  Apostle,  churches  were dedicated  in  honour  of  St.  Andrew  in  early  times. Pope  Simplicius  (c.  470)  is  said  to  have  dedicated        '■ a  basilica  at  Rome  in  his  honour  (Ciampini,  Vet.        * Monum.  i.  242) ;  and  somewhat  later  (c.   500)     ' .' Pope    Symmachus    converted    the    "  Vestiarium        ! Neronis "   into  a  church,  which  bore  the  name       ^ "  S.  Andreae  ad  Crucem."    This  was  not  far  from        ; the  Vatican  (Ciampini,  De  Sacris  Aedif.  p.  86). Later  examples  are  frequent. The   representation   of  St.  Andrew  with  the decussate   cross  (X)  as   the  instrument  of  his       - martyrdom    belongs    to    the   Middle  Ages.      In       i ancient  examples   he  appears,  lilie  most  of  the other  apostles,  simply  as  a  dignified  figure   in the  ancient  Roman  dress,  sometimes  bearing  a crown,    as    in    a    5th-century    Mosaic    in    the church  of  St.  John  at  Ravenna  (Ciampini,  Vetera        i Momimenta,  torn.  i.  tab.  Ixx.  p.  235),  sometimes a  roll    of  a    book,  as   in  a  9th-century  Mosaic figured    by    Ciampini   (u.  s.    torn.    ii.    tab.    liii. p.  162),  whei'e  he  is  joined  with  the  favoured disciples,  SS.  Peter,  and  James,  and  John.     [C] ANDKONICUS ANDRONICUS.  (1)  Saint,  April  5  {M. Bcdae). (2)  May  13  {M.  Hieron.). (3)  "  Apostle,"  with  Junia  (Rom.  xvi.  7),  com- memorated May  17  {Cal.  Byzant.) ;  inveution of  their  relics,  Feb.  22  (75.,  Neale). (4)  Commemorated  Sept.  27  (il/.  Hieron.). (5)  "Holy  Father,"  Oct.  9  {Cal.  Byzant). (6)  Martyr,  commemorated  Oct.  10  {Mart. Hieron.');  Oct.  11  (J/.  Rom.  Vet.);  Oct.  12  (Cal. Byzant).  [C] ANESIITS,  of  Africa,  commemorated  March 31  {Mart.  Hieron.).  [C] ANGARIENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Sanga- RiKNSE  Concilium.] ANGELS  and  ARCHANGELS,  in  Ciipjs- TiAN  Art.  The  representations  of  angels  in Christian  art,  at  various  periods,  reproduce  in a  remarkable  manner  the  ideas  concerning  them, which  from  time  to  time  have,  prevailed  in  the Church.  In  one  and  all,  however,  we  may  trace, though  with  various  modifications  of  treatment, an  embodied  commentary  upon  the  brief  but  ex- pressive declaration  concerning  their  nature  and office  which  is  given  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews (i.  14).  Worship  or  service  rendered  unto God  {Xeirovpyia),^  and  work  of  ministration (Sio/coj'i'a)  done  on  God's  behalf  to  men,  these  are the  two  spheres  of  angelic  operation  suggested  in Holy  Scripture,  and  these,  under  various  modifi- cations ^  curiously  characteristic  of  the  successive ages  in  which  they  are  found,  come  before  us  in a  series  of  monuments  extending  from  the  fourth to  the  close  of  the  14th  centui-y. §  2.  First   three    Centuries.      Existing   monu- ments of  early  Christian  art,  illustrative  of  our present  subject,  are,  for  the  first  500  years,  or more,  almost  exclusively  of  the  West,  and,  with one  or  two  doubtful  exceptions,  all  these  are  of [      a  date  subsequent  to  the  "  Peace  of  the  Church," '      under  Constantine  the  Great,  and  probably,  not I     earlier   than    400    A.D.       As    a   special   interest attaches  to  these  earliest  monuments,  it  may  be j     well  here  to  enumerate  them.  The  earliest  of  them [     all,  if  DAgincourt's  judgment  {Histoire,  etc.  vol. I     V.  Feinture,  PI.  vii.  No.  3.)  may  be  trusted,  is j     a  monument  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Priscilla," ANGELS  AND  ARCHANGELS 83 *  Heb.  i.  14.  \eiTOvpyiKoL  Trfeu/xara  aTrotrreWofxeva  et9 SiaKonav.  The  distinction  of  the  two  words  noticed above  is  lost  in  our  English  version.  It  is  well  brought out  by  Origen,  cont.  Celsum,  lib.  v.  (quoted  by  Bingham, Avtiq.,  book  xiii.  cap.  lii.  J  2,  note  2).  See  this  further illustrated  in  the  description  of  woodcut  in  $  6  below. •>  Absent  (almost,  if  not  altogether)  fur  the  first  four centuries  (see  ^  2),  they  subserve  purposes  of  dogma  (}  3) in  the  5th  century ;  they  are  Scriptural  still,  but  also  in one  case  legendary  (}  4)  in  the  6th.     From  that  time  for- ward canonical  and  apocryplial  Scripture  and  mediaeval legend  are  mi.\ed  up  together.    We  find  them  imperial •    in  character,  or  sacerdotal  and  liturgical,  as  the  case  may I    be ;  while  in  the  later  middle  ages  even  feudal  notions !    were  characteristically  mi.xed  up  with  the  traditions  con- I    ceming  them  derived  from  Holy  Scripture.     (For  this  last see  Jameson.  Sacred  and  Legendary  Art,  3rd  edit.  vol.  i. ;    p.  95,  quoting  from  II  Perfetto  Legendario.) j       '  The  Abbe'  Martigny  (^Dictimnaire,  &c.  in  vnc. '  Anges ') j  speaks  with  evident  doubt  of  the  date  assigned  to  this j  fresco.    D'Agincourt  himself  in  his  description  gives  no I  particulars  a.s  to  the  source  from  which  his  drawing  was I  derived.    Neither  earlier  nor  later  antiquaries  know  any- thing of  its  history.     And  this  being  so,  an  unsupported opinion  as  to  its  date,  resting  on  the  authority  of  D'Agin- dating,  as  he  thinks,  from  the  second  century. It  is  a  representation  of  Tobias  and  the  angel.  ! (This  same  subject,  suggestive  of  the  "  Guardian  ^ Angel,"  reappears  in  .some  of  the  Vetri  Autichi,  ^ of  the  4th  and  5th  century.)     Another  fresco  of early  but    uncertain    date    in    the    cemetery    of St.  Priscilla  (Aringhi,  B.  S.  ii.  p.  297)  has  been generally  interpreted  as  representing  the  Annun- ciation.    The  angel  Gabriel  (if  such  be  the  inten-  ] tion  of  the  painter)  has  a  human  figure,  and  the dress  commonly  assigned  to  Apostles  and  other  | Scriptural  personages,  but  is  without  wings,  or  , any   other    special    designations.      With    these             ,i doubtful  exceptions,  no  representations  of  angels, now  remaining,  are  earlier  than  the  fourth  cen-  | tury,  and  probably  not  earlier  than  the  fifth.                     ] §  3.  Fourth  and  ffth  Centuries.  There  was  an interval  of  transition  from  this  earlier  period, the  limits  of  which  are  indicated  by  the  Council of  Illiberis,''  A.D.  305,  on  the  one  hand,  and  on the  other  by  the  Christian  mosaics  of  which  we first  hear  ^  at  the  close  of  that  century,  or  early in  the  nest.  The  first  representation  of  angels in  mosaic  work  is  supposed  (by  Ciampinus  and  I others)  to  be  that  of  the  Chui-ch  of  S.  Agatha  at  .  J Ravenna.    These  mosaics  Ciampinus  admits  to  be  J of  very  uncertain  date,  but  he  believes  '  them  to be  of  the  beginning  of  the  5th  century.     (See  his  j Vetera  Monumenta,  vol.  i.  Tab.  xlvi.)     The  first  j representations  of  the  kind  to  which  a  date  can  j with  any  certainty  be  assigned,  are  those  in  the  ij Church  of  S.  Maria  Major  at  Rome,  put  up  by  j Xystus  in.  between  the  years  432  and  440  A.D.  | In  those  of  the  Nave  of  this  Church  (Ciampini  ' V.  M.  tom.  i.  Pll.  1.  to  Ixiv.)  various  subjects  from  < the  Old  Testament  have  their  place ;  and  amongst  ' others  the  appearance  of  the  three  angels  to Abraham  (PL   li.)  and  of  the  "  Captain  of  the  ; Lord's  Hosts"  (by  tradition  the  archangel Michael)    to    Joshua    (PL   Ixii.).     But    on    the  I "Arcus    Triumphalis"s   of  this  same    Church,  ( there  is  a  series  of  mosaics,  of  the  greatest  pos- sible interest  to  the  history  of  dogmatic  theology; and  in  these  angels  have  a  prominent  part. This  series  was  evidently  intended  to  be  an  em- court  alone,  carries  but  little  weight.  The  same  subject  is reproduced  in  the  Cemetery  of  SS.  Thraso  and  Satuminus (Perret,  vol.  iii.  pi.  .'jxvi.). d  The  37th  canon  forbids  the  painting  upon  walls  the objects  of  religious  worship  and  adoration.  "  Placuit  pic- turas  in  ecclesia  esse  non  debere,  ne  quod  colitur  et  adoratur in  parietibus  depingatur."  Roman  writers,  for  obvious reasons,  seek  to  explain  away  the  apparent  meaning of  this  prohibition.  As  to  this,  see  Bingham,  C.  A., book  viii.  cap.  viii.  }  6. «  PauUinus,  bishop  of  Nola,  early  in  the  5th  century, describes  at  much  length  in  a  letter  (Ep.  xii.)  to  his  friend Severus  the  decorations  with  which  he  had  adorned  his own  church.  His  descriptions  accord  closely  with  some of  the  actual  monuments  (sarcophagi  and  mosaic  pictures) of  nearly  contemporary  date,  which  have  been  preserved to  our  own  time. f  The  form  of  the  Nimbus  here  assigned  to  our  Lord seems  to  indicate  a  later  date. g  By  the  "triumphal  arch"  of  a  Roman  church  is meant  what  will  correspond  most  nearly  with  the  chancel arch  of  our  own  churches.  It  was  full  in  view  of  the asspml)led  people  on  entering  the  church.  And  for  the first  six  centuries  (or  nearly  that  time)  it  was  reserved exclusively  for  such  subjects  as  had  immediate  reference to  our  Lord ;  more  particularly  to  His  triumph  over  sin and  death,  and  His  session  as  King  In  heaven.  See farther  on  this  subject  Ciampini,  V.  M.  tom.  i.  p.  193,  sqq. G  2 84 ANGELS  AND  AltCHANGELS bodiment  in  art  of  the  doctrine  decreed  just previously  in  the  Council  of  Ephesus,  A.D.  4H1. The  angels  represented  in  the  scenes  of  "  The Annunciation,"  the  Worship  of  the  Magi  (see woodcut''  annexed),  and  the  Presentation  in  the Temple,  are  here  made  to  serve  to  the  declaration of  what  had  just  before  been  proclaimed,  viz.  : that  He  who  was  born  of  Mary  was  not  a  mere man  in  whom  the  Word  of  God  might  afterward take  up  his  abode,'  but  was  himself  God,  as  well as  man,  two  natures  united  in  one  person.  The angels  throughout  are  represented  as  ministering as  it  were  in  homage  to  a  king.  Even  in  the Annunciation,  not  Gabriel  only  is  represented, but  two  other  angels  are  seen  standing  behind the  seat  on  which  the  Virgin  Mary  is  placed. Of  these  Ciampinus  rightly  saj's,  that  they  are  to be  regarded  as  doing  homage  to  the  Woi-d  then become  incarnate.  "  Duo  illi  ....  astant,  sive Gabrielis  asseclae,  sive  Deiparae  custodes,  aut potius  iucaruato  tunc  Verbo  obsequium  ex- liibentes."  They  embody,  as  he  observes,  the thought    expressed    by    St.    Augustine.      "All ANGELS  AND  ARCHANGELS angels  are  created  beings,  doing  service  uiito Christ.  Angels  could  be  sent  to  do  Him  homage, (ad  obsequium)  could  be  sent  to  do  Him  service, but  not  to  bring  help  (as  to  one  weak  or  helpless in  himself) :    and   so  it    is  written  that  angels I  ministered  to  Him,  not  as  pitying  one  that  needed I  help,  but  as  subject  unto  Him  who  is  Almighty." I  (S.  Aug.  in  Pscil.  Ivi.) [  §  4.  Sixth  Century.  Between  500  a.d.  and 600  A.D.,  the  following  examples  may  be  cited  : I  the  triumphal  arch  of  the  Church  of  SS.  Cosmas j  and  Damianus  at  Rome  (Ciampini  T".  M.  torn.  ii. Tab.  XV.)  circ.  530  A.D.,  and  fifteen  years  later  the mosaics  of  S.  Michael  the  archangel  at  Ravenna, ihid.  Tab.  xvii.).  In  the  apse  of  the  tribune  is a  representation  of  Our  Lord,   holding   a  lofty j  cross,  with  Michael  r.  and  Gabrihel  (sic)  1.  On the  wall  above,   the  two   archangels  are  again I  seen  on  either  side  of  a  throne,  and  of  one  seated thereon.  These  two  bear  long  rods  or  staves, but  on  either  side  are  seven  other  angels  (four  r. and  three  1.)  playing  upon  trumpets.  There  is here  an  evident  allusion  to  Rev.  viii.  2,  6,  "  I  saw Worship  of  the  Magi,  fixm  S.  Maria  Major  at  Rome. the  seven  angels,  which  stand  before  God,  and  to them  were  given  seven  trumpets."  Com  p. Ezek.  X.  10,  Tobit  xii.  15,  and  Rev.  1.  4;  iv. 5.  (Ciampini  V.  M.  ii.,  xvii.,  comp.  Tab.  xix.) Michael  and  Gabriel  appear  yet  again  on  the arch  of  the  Tribune  of  S.  ApoUinaris  in  Classe (ihid.  Tab.  xxiv.) ;  and  there  are  representations of  the  four  archangels,  as  present  at  the  Worship of  the  Magi,  in  the  S.  ApoUinaris  Kovus  (ihid. Tab.  xxvii.)  towards  the  close  of  that  century. To  this  period  also  is  to  be  assigned  the  diptych of  Milan,"  which  is  remarkable  as  containing  an t  For  further  particulars  as  to  this  see  $  15  below. >  See  Cyril.  Alex.  Epist.  ad  Monachos,  in  which  the patriarch  of  Alexandria,  the  chief  opponent  of  Nestorius, represents  In  these  terms  the  doctrine  condemned  at Ephesus. k  Figured  and  described  in  Bngatl,  Memorie  di  S.  Celso Martire,  Append.  t<ab.  i.  and  ii.  The  particular  group above  referred  to  is  figured  in  JIartigny,  Dictionnaire,  &c., under  '  Annonciation.'  The  whole  diptych  is  published In  facsimile  of  fictile  ivory  by  the  Arundel  Society. embodiment  (probably  the  first  in  Christian  art)  | of  legends  concerning  the  appearance  of  Gabriel  i to  the  Virgin  Mary,  derived  from  the  Apocryphal  j Gospels. §  5.  From    600   to    800   A.D.      Art    monu-     ; ments   of  this  period  are  but   few  in   number,    j For  examples,  bearing  upon  our  present  subject,    ', see    Ciampini    V.   M.   vol.    ii.    Tabb.    xxxi.    and    J xxxviii.    and  D'Agincourt,""   Feinture,    tom.    v.,     , PI.  xvi.  and  xvii.     They  contain  nothing  to  call     i for  special  remark,  save  that,  in  the  8th  century    .! particularly,  the  wings  of  angels  become  more and  more   curtailed  in  proportion  to  the  body; a  peculiarity  which  may  serve  as  an  indication  of date  where   others  are  wanting.     One  such  ex- ample in  sculpture,  of  Michael  and  the  Dragon,  is referred  to  below,  §  10. §  6.  Eastern  and  Greek  Representations.    Early monuments  of  Christian  art  in  the  East  are  un- ^  See  also  his  pi.  x.  and  xii.,  containing  frescoes  of  lat? but  uncertain  date  from  the  catacombs. ANGELS  AND  ARCHANGELS fortunately,  very  rare,  the  zeal  of  the  Iconoclasts, and  at  a  later  period  of  Saracens  and  Turks, having  been  fatal  to  many,  which  might  other- wise have  been  preserved.  The  earliest  example in  (jrreek  art  is  a  representation  of  an  angel  in a  MS.  of  Genesis  in  the  Imperial  Library  at Vienna,  believed  to  be  of  the  4th  or  5th  century. It  is  figured  by  Seroux  D'Agincourt,  Pcintxire, PL  xix.  It  is  a  human  figure,  winged,  and  with- out   nimbus    or  other  special  attributes.      The ANGELS  AND  ARCHANGELS  85 tiery  sword,  etc.,  spoken  of  in  Gen.  iii.  is  there represented  not  as  a  sword,  in  the  hand  of  the angel,  but  as  a  great  wheel  °  of  fire  beside  him. Next  in  date  to  this  is  an  interesting  picture  of the  Ascension,  in  a  Syriac  MS.  of  the  Gospels, written  and  illuminated  in  the  year  586  a.d.  at Zagba  in  Mesopotamia.  We  have  engraved  this, as  embodying  those  Oriental  types  of  the  angel form  which  have  been  characteristic  of  Eastern and    Greek    art    from    that   time    to   this.       It will  be  seen  that  the  Saviour  is  here  repre- sented in  glory.  And  the  various  angelic  powers .appear  in  three  diflerent  capacities.  Beneath  the feet  of  the  Saviour,  and  forming  as  it  were a  chariot  upon  which  He  rises  to  Heaven,  is  what the  Greeks  call  the  Tetramorphon.  The  head and  the  hand  of  a  man  (or  rather,  according  to Greek  tradition,  of  an  angel),  the  heads  of  an eagle,  a  lion,  and  an  ox,  are  united  by  wings  that are  full  of  eyes  (comp.  Ezekiel  i.  18).  On  either side  of  these  again  are  two  pairs  of  fiery  wheels, "  wheel  within  wheel,"  as  suggested  again  by  the description    in    Ezek.    i.    16.      These    serve   as symbolic  representations  of  the  order  of  angels known  as  "thrones"  (comp.  §  7  below),  and  of  the cherubim.  Of  the  six  other  angels,  here  repre- sented in  human  form,  and  winged,  four  are  min- istering to  Our  Lord  (^Xiirovpyovvres),  either  by active  service,  as  the  two  who  bear  Him  up  in "  Compare  the  mosaic  of  the  S.  Vitalis  at  Ravenna (Ciamp.  V.  M.  ii.  tab.  xix.),  in  the  upper  part  of  whiclj two  angels  are  seen  upholding  a  mystic  "  wheel."  Ciam- pinus,  apparently  without  understiinding  what  was  the symbolism  intended,  rightly  describes  it  in  the  words (p.  72)  "  duo  angeli  ....  quandam  rotam  prae  manibus teiieutes." ANGELS  AND  AKCHANGELS their  hands,  or  by  adoration,  as  two  others  who  are offering  Him  crowns  of  victory  {crriipavoi).  Two others,''lastly,  have  been  sent  on  work  of  ministry to  men  (comp.  note  "  above),  and  are  seen,  as St.  Luke's  narrative  suggests,  asking  of  the eleven  disciples,  "Why  stand  ye  here  gazing up  into  heaven?"  and  the  rest.  (The  central fio-ure  of  the  lower  group  is  that  of  the  Virgin jfary.) §  7.  The  Celestial  Hierarchy  of  Dionysius. The  best  comment  on  the  picture  last  described  is to  be  found  in  the  'Celestial  Hierarchy'  of  Diony- sius. The  whole  number  of  celestial  beings  are to  be  divided  (so  he  tells  us),  into  three  orders,  in each  of  which  a  triple  gradation  is  contained.  In the  first  order  are  contained  the  "thrones,"  the seraphim  and  cherubim.  And  these  are  con- tinually in  the  immediate  presence  of  God,  nearer than  all  others  to  Him,  reflecting,  without  inter- vention of  anv  other  created  being,  the  direct effulgence  of  His  glory.  Next  to  these,  and  of the  second  order,  are  dominions,  authorities, powers  {Kvpi6T>\Tis,  e^ova-iat,  Svydfieis),  forming a  link  between  the  first  and  the  third  order.  To these  last  (principalities  [apx"']i  archangels, and  angels)  he  assigns  that  more  immediate  ex- ecution of  the  divine  purposes  in  the  sphere  of creation,  and  towards  mankind,  which  in  the belief  of  religious  minds  is  generally  associated with  the  idea  of  angelic  agency. This  teaching  of  Dionysius,  regarded  as  it  was both  in  East  and  West  as  of  all  but  apostolic authority,  has  served  as  a  foundation  upon  which all  the  later  traditions  have  been  built  up.  And this  language,  with  the  additional  comments quoted  in  the  next  section,  will  give  the  reader the  key  to  much  that  would  be  otherwise  obscure in  the  allusions  of  Greek  fathers,  and  in  the forms  of  Greek  art. §  8.  Angels  in  later  Greek  Art.  The  language of  the  'Epfj-riveia  Trjs  C<^ypa(piKrjs,  °  or  '  Painter's Guide'  of  Panselinos,  a  monk  of  Mount  Athos  in the  11th  century,  may  be  regarded  [see  under Apostles]  as  embodying  the  unchanging  rules  of Greek  religious  art  from  the  8th  century  to  the present  time.  Taking  up  the  division  quoted above,  the  writer  says,  as  to  the  first  order,  that "the  thrones  are  represented  as  wheels  of  fire, compassed  about  with  wings.  Their  wings  are full  of  eyes,  and  the  whole  is  so  arranged  as  to produce  the  semblance  of  a  royal  throne.  The cherubim  are  represented  by  a  head  and  two wings.  The  seraphim  as  having  six  wings, whereof  two  rise  upward  to  the  head,  and  two droop  to  the  feet,  and  two  are  outspread  as  if  for flight.  They  carry  in  either  hand  a  hexapteryx,  p inscribed  with  the  words  'Holy,  Holy,  Holy.' It  is  thus  that  they  were  seen  by  Isaiah."  Then, after  describing  the  "  Tetramoi-phi,"  he  proceeds to  speak  of  angels  of  the  second  order."  These are  dominions,  virtues,  powers.  "These,"  he says,  "are  clothed  in  white  tunics  reaching  to the  feet,  with  golden  girdles  and  green  outer robes.  1     They  hold  in  the  right  hand  staves  of "  Obtained  by  M.  Didron  in  MS.  at  Mount  Athos,  and published  by  bim  in  a  French  translation. p  The  "  flabellum"  or  "  fan"  of  the  Greeks  was  called efaTTTe'pvf,  as  containing  the  representation  of  a  six- winged  seraph.  The  "  thrones,"  represented  as  wheels (with  wings  of  flame),  described  by  Panselinos,  may  be Been  in  the  second  of  the  illustrations  of  this  article. 1  Outer  robes.     "  Ues  Stoles  vertes,"  says  M.  Didron. ANGELS  AND  ARCHANGELS gold,  and  in  the  left  a  seal  formed  thus  ^  ."' Then,  of  the  third  order,  (principalities,  arch- angels, angels),  he  writes  thus.  "These  are represented  vested  as  warriors,  and  with  golden girdles.  They  hold  in  their  hands  javelins  and axes;  the  javelins  are  tipped  with  iron,  as lances." §  9.    Attributes  of  Angels.      There   are    tv^^o sources  from  which  we  may  infer  the  attributes regarded  as  proper  to  angels  iu  early  times ;  the description    given    of   them    in    the    treatise    of Dionysius  already  quoted,  and  the  actual  monu- ments of  early  date  which  have  been  preserved to  our  times.     As  to  these  Dionysius  writes  tha,t angels  are  represented  as  of  human  form  in  regard of  the  intellectual  qualities  of  man,  and  of  his heavenward  gaze,  and  the  lordship  and  dominion which  are  naturally  his.     He  adds  that  bright vesture,  and  that  which  is  of  the  colour  of  fire, are  symbolical  of  light  and  of  the  divine  likeness, while  sacerdotal  vesture  serves  to  denote  their office  in  leading  to  divine  and  mystical  contem- plations, and  the  consecration  of  their  whole  life unto  God.     He  mentions,  also,  girdles,  staves  or rods    (significant    of  royal  or    princely  power), spears  and  axes,  instruments  for  measurement  or of  constructive   art  (ra  yeooixiTpLKo.  Kal  tskto- viKo.    ffKevT]),    among    the    insignia   occasionally attributed    to    angels.     If,    from    the    pages   of Dionysius,  we  turn  to  actual  monuments,  we  find the  exact  counterpart  of  his  descriptions.     They may  be  enumerated  as  follows  : — 1.   The  human form.     In  all  the  earlier  monuments  (enumerated above,  §§  3,  4),  angels  are    represented  as  men, and    either    with    or   without   wings.      In   this Christian  art  did  but   follow  the  suggestions  of Holy  Scripture.     But  St.  Chrysostom  expresses what  was  the  prevailing  (but  not  the  universal) opinion  of  early  Christian  writers,  when  he  says {De  Sacerd.   lib.  vi.    p.    424  D)  that  although ano-els,    and    even    God    Himself,   have    ofttimes appeared  in  the  form  of  man,  yet  what  was  then manifested  was  not  actual  flesh,  but  a  semblance .  assumed    in    condescension    to    the  weakness    of mankind^    (ou    (TapKhs  a\iideta  aWa   crvyKaTa,- /Bao-is).     Both    in    ancient    and    in    modern    art examples  are  occasionally  found  of  angels  thus represented  as  men,  without  any  of  the  special attributes    enumerated   below.      2.    Wings.     As heavenly  messengers  ascending    and   descending between  heaven  and  earth,  angels  have,  with  a natural    propriety'    as    well   as   on    Scriptural But  we  suspect  that  in  the  original  he  found  o-ToXat,  a  word which  Greek  writers  never  use  in  the  technical  sense  ot "Stoles"  (the  ecclesiastical  vestment  known  as  stola  in the  West  since  the  Hth  century). r  This  is  what  was  known  in  mediaeval  times  as  the "  Signaculum  Dei,"  or  Seal  of  God.  Such  a  seal  is  repre- sented in  the  hand  of  Lucifer  before  his  fall,  in  the  Horlvs Ddiciarum,  a  MS.  once  in  the  Library  of  Strasbourg. 8  With  this  agrees  the  language  of  TertuUian,  De  Eesur- rectione  Carnis.  cap.  Ixii. :  "  Angeli  aliquando  tanquam, homines  fuerunt,  edendo  et  bibendo,  et  pedes  lavacro  por- rigendo,  humanam  enim  induerunt  superficiem,  salva intus  substantia  propria.  Igitur  si  angeli,  Jacti  tanquam homines,in  eadem  substantia  spiritiis  permanserunt,"  &c., Similar  language  reappears  in  other  Latin  Fathers. t  Comp.  Philo,  Quaest.  in  £xod.  xxv.  2n,  al  tov  Oeov na<T<xi  aui-dneis  7rTcpo<i>vovai.  t^?  ii'o,  wp'o?  tov  Harepa 6Sov  vX.xoj^^""'  "  ""''  e<|..e>evac.  And  very  beautifully elsewhere  he  speaks  of  the  angels  as  going  up  and  down between   heaven    and    earth,   and   conveying  (SiayveV' ANGELS  AND  ARCHANGELS authority,"  been  represented  in  all  ages  of  the church  as  furnished  with  wings.  We  may  add that  this  mode  of  expressing  the  idea  of  ubiquity and  power,  as  superhuman  attributes,  had  pre- vailed in  heathen  art  from  the  earliest  times, and  that  in  East  and  West  alike.  Examples  of this  in  Assyrian  art  are  now  familiar  to  us. Similar  figures  are  found  in  Egypt.  They  were less  common  in  classical  art.  Yet  Mercury,  as the  messenger  of  the  gods,  had  wings  upon  his feet ;  and  little  winged  genii  were  commonly  repre- sented in  decorative  work,  and  thence  were  trans- ferred (probably  as  mere  decorations)  into  early Christian "  works  of  art.  As  to  the  number  of these  wings,  two  only  are  to  be  found  in  all  the earlier  representations.  We  do  not  know  of  any example  of  four,  or  of  six  wings,  earlier  than  the 9th  century,  though  the  descriptions  given  in  Holy Scripture  of  the  "Living  Creatures"  with  six wings,  and  the  four-winged  deities  of  primitive Eastern  art,  might  naturally  have  suggested such  representations.  As  to  later  representations of  cherubim  and  seraphim,  and  the  like,  see below,  section  IL  3.  Vesture.  The  vesture assigned  to  angels,  in  various  ages  of  the  Church, has  ever  been  such  as  was  associated  in  men's minds  with  the  ideas  of  religious  solemnity,  and in  the  later  centuries,  of  sacerdotal  ministry.  In Holy  Scripture  the  vesture  of  angels  is  described as  white  (Matt,  xxviii.  3 ;  John  xx.  12 ;  liev.  iv. 4;  XV.  6),y  and  in  mosaics  of  the  5th  and  6th centuj-ies,  at  Rome  and  Ravenna  (where  first  we ean  determine  questions  of  colour  with  any accuracy),  we  find  white  vestments  generally assigned  to  them  (long  tunic  and  pallium),  ex- actly resembling  those  of  apostles.  But  in mosaics,  believed  to  be  of  the  7th  century  (St. Sophia  at  Thessalonica)^  angels  have  coloured himatia  (outer  robes)  over  the  long  white  tunic, and  their  wings,  too,  are  coloured,  red  and  blue being  the  prevailing  tints.  And  these  two colours  had,  long  ere  that  time,  been  recognised as  invested  with  a  special  significance,  red  as  the colour  of  flame,  and  symbolical  of  holy  love (caritas),  blue  as  significant  of  heaven,  and  of heavenly  contemplation  or  divine  knowledge. And  in  the  later  traditions  of  Christian  art  (from the  9th  century  onwards)"  these  two  colours were  as  a  general  rule  assigned,  red  more  espe- cially to  the  seraphim  as  the  spirits  of  love,  and blue  to  the  cherubim  as  spirits  of  knowledge  or of  contemplation ;  while  the  two  colours  com- bined, as  they  often  are  found,  are  regarded  as Xovcrai)  the  biddings  of  the  Father  to  His  children,  and the  wants  uf  the  children  to  their  Father. "  See  the  passages  in  Fjcodus,  Isaiah,  and  Ezekiel  already- referred  to ;  and  compare  the  expression  in  Rev.  xiv.  6,  of an  angel  flying  (weroixevoi)  there. ^  For  examples  see  Aringhi,  /?o?na  Subterranea,  torn.  i. pp.  323,  615 ;  torn.  ii.  p.  167.  Compare  p.  29,  where  similar figures,  without  wings,  are  introduced  in  an  ornamental design. y  See  Ciamplni,  V.  31.  il.  pp.  58  and  64.  He  speaks  of "  tunicae  "  and  "  pallia "  as  being  white  ;  and  of  "  stoles " (really  stripes  on  the  tunic),  and  wings  of  violet. '  Texier  and  PuUan,  Byzantine  Architecture,  pi.  xl. Compare  the  curious  picture  of  the  Holy  Family,  a  bishop (or  other  ecclesiastic),  and  two  angels,  from  Urgub,  figured in  plate  v.,  where  the  robes  of  the  angels  are  white,  their wings  blue  and  reddish  yellow. "  "  The  distinction  of  hue  in  the  red  and  blue  angels  we find  wholly  omitted  towards  the  end  of  the  15th  century  " (Mrs.  Jameson,  Sacred  and  Legendary  Art). ANGELS  AND  ARCHANGELS  87 suggesting  the  union  of  the  two  qualities  of  love and  knowledge,  the  perfection  of  the  angelic nature.  It  should  be  added  that  the  vestments of  angels  have  not  unfrequently  such  ornament appended  to  them  as  was  of  ordinary  usage  from time  to  time  in  ecclesiastical  dress,  viz.,  coloured stripes  on  the  tunic,  in  the  earlier  centuries, afterwards  oraria  or  stoles,  and  even  "omophoria," the  distinctive  insignia  of  episcopal  office  in  the East.  4.  The  Nimbus.  In  the  early  Greek  MS. already  noticed,  §  6,  and  in  one  or  two  early representations  in  the  catacombs  at  Rome,  angels are  represented  without  the  Nimbus.  But  from the  middle  of  the  5th  century  onward,  this  orna- ment is  almost  invariably  assigned  to  them. [Nimbus.]  5.  The  Wand  of  Power.  Only  in exceptional  instances  during  the  first  eight  cen- turies, are  angels  represented  as  bearing  anything in  the  hand.  Three  examples  may  be  cited,  in mosaics,''  of  the  6th  century,  at  Ravenna,  in which  angels  attendant  on  our  Lord  (see  §  3) hold  wands'^  in  their  hands,  which  may  either represent  the  rod  of  divine  power,  or,  as  some have  thought,  the  "  golden  reed " — the  "  mea- suring reed,"  assigned  to  the  angel  in  Rev.  xxi. 15,  as  in  Ezek.  xl.  3.  The  representations  of archangels,  particularly  of  Michael,  as  warriors with  sword,  or  spear,  and  girdle,  are  of  later  date. 6.  Instruments  of  Music.  One  early  example has  been  already  referred  to  (§  4)  of  a  Ravenna mosaic,  in  which  the  "  Seven  Angels"  are  repre- sented holding  trumpets  in  their  hands.  In  the later  traditions  of  Christian  art,  representations of  angels  as  the  "  Choristers  of  Heaven "  have been  tar  more  common,  various  instruments  of music  being  assigned  to  them. §  10.  Michael. — The  archangel  Michael  is  first designated  by  name  in  mosaics  of  the  5th  cen- tury, at  Ravenna  (Ciampini,  vol.  ii.  pi.  xvii.  and xxiv.).  And  in  other  cases  where  we  see  two angels  specially  marked  out  as  in  attendance  on our  Lord,  we  may  infer  that.  Michael  and  Gabriel are  designated.  For  the  names  of  these  two alone  are  prominent  in  Holy  Scripture.  And according  to  a  very  ancient  tradition,  traced  back to  Rabbinical  belief,  perpetuated  as  many  such traditions  were  in  the  East,  and  thence  handed on  to  Western  Christendom,  these  two  arch- angels  personified    respectively"*   the  judgment ^  Ciampini,  T.  M.  ii.  tab.  xvii.,  xix.,  and  xxiv.  Com- pare in  his  plate  xlvi.  of  vol.  i.  the  mosaic  at  S.  Agatha, which  we  believe  to  be  of  nearly  the  same  date. "  Jn  the  church  dedicated  in  the  name  of  the  archangel Michael  at  Ravenna,  in  the  year  545,  an  indication  of special  honour  is  given  to  liim  by  the  small  cross  upon  his wand,  whith  is  wanting  in  that  of  Gabriel  (Ciamp.  V.  M. ii.  tab.  xvii.). d  In  yet  other  traditions  the  mercy  of  God,  and  more particularly  His  healing  grace,  is  ministered  by  Raphael, riiere  is  great  variety  in  the  older  Jewish  traditions. According  to  one  (Joma,  p.  37,  quoted  by  Biihmer  in Herzog's  Encycl.),  when  the  three  angels  appeared  to Abraham,  iVIichael,  as  first  in  rank,  occupied  the  central place,  having  Gabriel,  as  second,  on  his  right  hand,  and Raphael,  as  third  in  rank,  on  his  left.  This  place  on  the right  hand  of  God  is  elsewhere  assigned  to  Gabriel,  as being  the  angel  of  his  power  (comp.  Origen,  Trepl  apxutv, i.  8),  and  to  Raphael  that  on  the  lelt  (near  the  heart),  as being  the  angel  of  His  mercy.  And  again  in  Pliilo  (Qtiaest. in  Gen.  iii.  2-1),  the  two  cherubim  on  either  side  of  ihe mercy-seat  represent  respectively  the  messengers  of  the Wrath,  and  of  the  Mercy,  of  the  Lord  (comp.  Exod.  xxxiv. 5-7). 8«  ANGELS  AND  AECHANGELS and  the  mercy  of  God,  and  were  therefore  fitly placed,  Michael,  as  the  angel  of  power,  on  the right  hand,  Gabriel,  nearer  to  the  heart,  on  the left  hand.  For  the  special  traditions  concerning "  St.  Michael,"  his  appearances  in  vision  at Mount  Galgano  in  Apulia,  to  St.  Gregory  the Great  on  the  mole  of  Hadrian,  now  the  castle  of St.  Angela,  and  to  Aubert,  Bishop  of  Avranches in  706,  A.D.,  at  "Mount  St.  Michel"  in  Nor- mandy (to  this  our  own  St.  Michael's  Mount owes  its  designation),  see  Jameson's  Sacred  and Legendary  Art,  pp.  94  sqq.  The  oldest  ex- ample in  sculpture  of  St.  Michael  treading  under foot  the  dragon  (see  Rev.  xii.  7,  8),  is  on  the porch  of  the  Cathedral  of  Catana,  believed  to  be of  the  7th  century.  [Figured  above.]  Later pictures  often  represent  St.  Michael  as  the  angel of  judgment,  holding  scales  in  his  hand,  in  which souls  are  weighed. §  11.  Gabriel  (Heb.  "  Man  of  God,")  as  the messenger  more  especially  of  comfort  and  of  good tidings,  occupies  a  prominent  place  in  the  New Testament,  as  announcing  the  birth  both  of  John the  Baptist  to  Zacharias  and  of  our  Lord  to  the Virgin  Mary.  (In  apocryphal  legend  he  is  repre- sented as  foretelling  to  Joachim  the  birth  of  the Virgin  Maiy.)  In  the  language  of  Tasso  he  is "  I'Angelo  Annunziatore."  Though  only  twice (as  far  as  I  have  observed)  designated  by  name in  early  Christian  Art  (Ciampini,  V.  M.  ii..  Tab. xvii.  and  xsiv.),  j'et  in  the  various  pictures  of the  Annunciation,  which  are  many,  it  is  he,  of course,  who  is  to  be  understood.  By  a  singular tate,  having  been  regarded  by  Mahomet  as  his immediate  inspirer,  he  is  looked  upon  in  many parts  of  the  East  as  the  great  protecting  angel of  Islamism,  and,  as  such,  in  direct  opposition  to Michael  the  protector  of  Jews  and  Christians. §  12.  Raphael  (Heb.  the  Healer  who  is  from God,  or  "Divine  Healer")  is  mentioned  in  the book  of  Tobit  as  "  one  of  the  seven  holy  angels which  go  in  and  out  before  the  glory  of  the  Holy One,"  cap.  xii.  15.  Through  the  influence  of this  beautiful  Hebrew  story  of  Tobias  and Raphael,  his  name  became  associated  in  early times  with  the  idea  of  the  guardian  angel.     As ANGELS  AND  ARCHANGELS such  he  is  twice  figured  in  tlie  Roman  catacombs, and  allusions  to  the  same  story  are  frequent in  the  Vetri  Antichi.  [Glass,  Christian.]  In mediaeval  Greek  art  the  three  archangels  already named  ai-e  sometimes  represented  together,  de- signated by  their  initial  letters  M,  r,  and  P, Michael  as  a  warrior,  Gabriel  as  a  prince,  and Raphael  as  a  priest — the  three  supporting  be- tween them  a  youthful  figure  of  our  Lord,  him- self represented  with  wings  as  the  "angelus" or  messenger  of  the  will  of  God.  (Figured  iu Jameson's  S.  L.  A.,  p.  93.) §  13.  Uriel.  (The  Fire  of  God.)  The  fourth archangel,  named  Uriel  in  Esdras  ii.  4,  has  be«n much  less  prominent  in  legend  and  in  art  than the  three  already  named."  He  is  regarded  as charged  more  particularly  with  the  interpreta- tion of  God's  will,  of  judgments  and  prophecies (with  reference,  doubtless,  to  Esdras  ii.).  These "archangels"  of  Christian  tradition  are  to  the Jews  the  first  four  of  those  "Seven  Angels"  who see  the  glory  of  God  (Tobias  sxii.  15);  the  other three  being  Chamuel  (he  who  sees  God),  Jophiel (the  beauty  of  God),  and  Zadkiel  (the  righteous- ness of  God).  But  these  last  three  names  have never  been  generally  recognised  either  in  East  or West.  And  in  the  first  example  of  the  repre- sentation of  these  Seven  Angels  in  Christian  art they  are  distinguished  from  the  two  archangels Michael  and  Gabriel,  who  hold  wands,  while  to the  seven,  as  already  noticed,  §  4,  trumpets  are assigned.     (Ciampini,  V.  M.,  ii.,  pi.  xvii.) §  14.  Seraphim  and  Cherubim.  These  two names  appear,  the  first  in  Isaiah  vi.  2  (there  only), and  the  latter  in  Exodus  xxv.  18,  where  tuo are  spoken  of,  and  in  Ezekiel  i.  4-14,  who  speaks of  four  (compare  the  four  "  living  creatures " of  Rev.  iv.  6).     They  have  been  perpetuated  iu Sfcrapliim  and  Clierubim Christian  usage,  and  the  descriptions  given  of them  in  Holy  Scripture  have  been  embodied (those  of  the  cherubim  or  four  "  living  creatures," first,  and  somewhat  later  those  of  the  seraphim) in  Christian  art  from  the  5th  century  onwards. They  were  regarded  (see  above  §  9)  as  the  spirits of  love  and  of  knowledge  respectively.  For  fuller details  concerning  the  two  in  Holy  Scripture  see e  From  the  name  ot  Uriel  being  little  known,  the  fourtn archangel  is  designated  in  some  mediaeval  : (Jiimcsuii,  &  and  L.  AH,  i).  92)  as  "  St.  Cherubin." ANGELS  OF  CHURCHES 'Dictionary  of  the  Bible.'  In  art  they  do  not appear  as  Angel  forms,  with  any  special  modi- fication of  the  ordinary  type,  as  far  as  we  have observed,  in  any  earlier  representation  than  that of  the  Syriac  MS.  already  described  and  figured. Later  modifications  of  this  oldest  type  may  be seen  in  Jameson,  S.  and  L.  Art,  p.  42  sqq., from  which  the  cut  given  above  is  taken ; D'Agincourt,  Sculpture,  pi.  xii.  16  (the  diptych of  Eambona,  9th  century),  Peinture,  pi.  1.  3 (Greek  MS.  of  12th  century).  Cherubic  repre- sentations of  the  four  "  Living  Creatui-es"  will be  separately  treated  under  Evangelists. §  15.  The  Illustrations  to  this  Article.  Great interest  attaches  to  the  mosaic  of  Xystus  IIL, which  forms  the  first  of  the  illusti-ations  to  this article,  from  its  bearing  upon  the  history  of doctrine, .  and  especially  of  the  cultus  of  the Virgin  Marv,  and  as  restorations  made  in  the time  of  Benedict  XIV.  (1740-1758)  have  pro- duced considerable  changes  in  the  mosaic  here figured,  it  will  be  well  to  state  the  authority for  the  present  representation.  The  only  pub- lished picture  of  the  mosaic  in  its  older  state (that  here  reproduced),  is  a  very  rude  engraving in  Ciampini,  Vetera  Monumenta,  i.  p.  200,  Tab. xlix.  In  some  important  particulars  of  archaeo- logical detail  his  engraving  varies  from  the  care- fully drawn  and  coloured  pictures,  from  which the  illustration  above  given  has  been  taken.  But in  the  general  arrangement  and  outline  of  the figures  the  two  are  in  accord.  The  coloured drawings  of  which  we  speak,  form  part  of  a  col- lection (in  two  large  folio  volumes)  which  was made  by  Pope  Clement  XI.  when  Cardinal Albano.  These,  with  a  number  of  other  volumes containing  classical  antiquities  of  various  kinds, were  purchased  at  Rome  by  an  agent  of  George  IIL, and  are  now  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Windsor. The  second  of  the  illustrations  (from  a  Syriac MS.)  is  from  a  photolithograph,  reproducing  the outline  given  by  Seroux  d'Agincourt,  Peinture,  pi. xxvii.  That  author  speaks  of  it  as  "  caique'  sur I'original,"  and  from  a  comparison  with  an  exact copy  made  from  the  original  by  Professor  West- wood,  we  are  able  to  vouch  for  the  perfect  accu- racy of  the  present  illustration.  [W.  B.  M.] ANGELS   OF  CHURCHES— Bishops.     It does  not  appear  that  the  bishops  of  the  Primitive Church  were  commonly  spoken  of  under  this title,  nor  indeed  did  it  become  in  later  times  the ordinary  designation  of  the  episcopal  office.  In- stances, however,  of  this  application  of  it  occur in  the  earlier  Church  historians,  as,  e.  g.,  in  So- crates, who  so  styles  Serapion  Bishop  of  Thomais (Lib.  iv.  c.  23).  The  word  Bydel  also,  which  is Saxon  for  angel  or  messenger,  is  found  to  have been  similarly  employed  (see  Hammond  on  Rev. i.  20).  But  though  no  such  instances  were forthcoming,  it  would  prove  nothing  against  the received  interpretation,  as  it  may  be  considered, of  the  memorable  vision  of  St.  John,  recorded  in the  first  three  chapters  of  the  Apocalypse,  in which  he  is  charged  to  convey  the  heavenly message  to  each  of  the  seven  churches  through its  "  Angel."  It  should  be  remembered  that the  language  of  this  vision,  as  of  the  whole book  to  which  it  belongs,  is  eminently  mystical and  symbolical;  the  word  "Angel,"  therefore, as  being  transferred  from  an  heavenly  to  an earthly  ministry,  though   it  would  very  signifi- ANGELS  OF  CHURCHES 89 cantly  as  well  as  honourably  characterize  the office  so  designated,  could  yet  scarcely  be  ex- pected to  pass  into  general  use  as  a  title  of individual  ministers.  By  the  same  Divine  voice from  which  the  Apostle  receives  his  commission the  "mystery"  of  the  vision  is  interpreted. "  The  seven  stars,"  it  is  declared,  "  are  the angels  of  the  seven  churches;  and  the  seven candlesticks  which  thou  sawest,  are  the  seven churches."  The  symbol  of  a  star  is  repeatedly employed  in  Scripture  to  denote  lordship  and pre-eminence  (e.g.  Num.  xxiv.  17).  "There  shall come  a  star  out  of  Jacob,"  where  it  symbolises the  highest  dominion  of  all.  Again,  the  actual birth  of  Him  who  is  thus  foretold  by  Balaam  is announced  by  a  star  (Matt.  ii.  2  ;  cf.  Is.  xiv.  12). Faithful  teachers  are  "  stars  that  shall  shine  for ever  "  (Dan.  xii.  3)  ;  false  teachers  are  "  wander- ing stars  "  (Jude  13),  or  "  stars  which  fall  from heaven  "  (Rev.  vi.  13,  viii.  10,  xii.  4).  Hence  it is  naturally  inferred  from  the  use  of  this  symbol in  the  present  instance  that  the  "angels"  of  the seven  churches  were  placed  in  authority  over these  churches.  Moreover,  the  angel  in  each church  is  one,  and  the  responsibilities  ascribed to  him  correspond  remarkably  with  those  which are  enforced  on  Timothy  and  Titus  by  St.  Paul in  the  Pastoral  Epistles.  Again,  this  same  title  is given  to  the  chief  priest  in  the  Old  Testament, particularly  in  Malachi  (ii.7), — where  he  is  styled the  angel  or  messenger  of  the  Lord  of  Hosts, whose  lips  therefore  were  to  keep  knowledge, and  from  his  mouth,  as  ft-om  the  oi-acle,  the people  were  to  "  seek  the  law,"  to  receive  know- ledge and  dii'ection  for  their  duty.  To  the  chief minister,  therefore,  of  the  New  Testament,  it  may be  fairly  argued,  the  title  is  no  less  fitly  applied. By  some,  however,  both  among  ancient  and modern  writers,  the  word  "  angel "  has  been understood  in  its  higher  sense  as  denoting  God's heavenly  messengers ;  and  they  have  been  supposed to  be  the  guardian  angels  of  the  several  churches — their  angels — to  whom  these  epistles  were  ad- dressed. It  is  contended  that  wherever  the word  angel  occurs  in  this  book,  it  is  employed unquestionably  in  this  sense  ;  and  that  if  such guardianship  is  exercised  over  individuals,  much more  the  same  might  be  predicated  of  churches (Dan.  xii.  1).  Among  earlier  writers  this  inter- pretation is  maintained  by  Origen  (Hom.  xiii.  in Luc.  and  Hom.  xx.  in  Num.)  and  by  Jerome  (in Mich.  vi.  1,  2).  Of  later  commentators,  one  of its  most  recent  and  ablest  defenders  is  Dean Alfoi-d.  But  besides  the  obvious  difficulty  of giving  a  satisfactory  explanation  to  the  word "  write  "  as  enjoined  on  these  supposed  heavenly watchers,  there  remains  an  objection,  not  easily to  be  surmounted,  in  the  language  of  reproof  and the  imputation  of  unfaithfulness,  which  on  this hypothesis  would  be  addressed  to  holy  and  sm- less  beings, — those  angels  of  His  who  delight  to "  do  His  pleasure."  So  is  it  observed  by  Au- gustine (Ep.  43,  §  22)  :  "  '  Sed  habeo  adversum te,  quod  caritatem  primam  reliquisti.'  Hoc  de superioribus  angelis  did  non  potest,  qui  per- petuam  retinent  caritatem,  unde  qui  defeceruut et  lapsi  sunt,  diabolus  est  et  angeli  ejus." By  presbyterian  writers  the  angel  of  the vision  has  been  variously  interpreted  : — 1.  Of  the collective  presbytery  ;  2.  Of  the  presiding  pres- byter, which  office,  however,  it  is  contended  was soon  to  be  discontinued  in  the  Church,  because 90 ANGERS of  its  foreseen  corruption.  3.  Of  the  messengers sent  from  the  several  churches  to  St.  John.  It hardly  falls  within  the  scope  of  this  article  to discuss  these  interpretations.  To  unprejudiced readers  it  will  pi'obably  be  enough  to  state  them, to  make  their  weakness  manifest.  It  is  difficult to  account  for  them,  except  as  the  suggestions  of a  foregone  conclusion. On  the  other  hand,  as  St.  John  is  believed  on other  grounds  to  have  been  pre-eminently  the organiser  of  Episcopacy  throughout  the  Church, so  here  in  this  wonderful  vision  the  holy  Apostle comes  before  us,  it  would  seem,  very  remarkably in  this  special  character ;  and  in  the  message which  he  delivers,  under  divine  direction,  to  each of  the  seven  churches  through  its  angel,  we recognize  a  most  important  confirmation  of  the evidence  on  which  we  claim  for  episcopal  govern- ment, the  precedent,  sanction,  and  authority  of  the apostolic  age.  (Bingham,  Thorndike,  Archbishop Trench  on  Epp.  to  Heven  Churches.')  [D.  B.] ANGERS,  COUNCIL  OF  (Andegavense Concilium),  a.d.  453,  Oct.  4;  wherein,  after consecrating  Talasius,  Bishop  of  Angers,  there were  passed  12  canons  respecting  submission of  presbyters  to  bishops,  the  inability  of "  digami "  to  be  ordained,  kc.  (Slansi,  vii.  899- 90'2).  [A.  W.  H.] ANGLICAN  COUNCILS  {Concilia  Angli- canci) ;  a  designation  given  to  English  general councils,  of  which  the  precise  locality  is  un- known;  e.g.  A.D.  756,  one  of  bishops,  presbyters, and  abbats,  held  by  Archbishop  Cuthbert  to appoint  June  5  to  be  kej^t  in  memory  of  the martyrdom  of  St.  Boniface  and  his  companions (Cuthb.  ad  Lullum,  intr.  Epnst.  S.  Bonif.  70 ;  Wilk. i.  144 ;  Mansi,  xii.  585-590) ;  A.d.  797  (Alford), 798  (Spelman),  held  by  Ethelheard  preparatory  to his  journey  to  Rome  to  oppose  the  archbishopric of  Lichfield  (W.  Malm.  G.  P.  A.  lib.  i. ;  Pagi  ad  an. 796,  n.  27  ;  Mansi,  xiii.  991,  992).      [A.^Y.  H.] ANIANUS.  (1)  Patriarch,  commemorated Hedar  20  =  Nov.  16  {Gal.  Ethiop.). (2)  Bishop ;  translation,  June  14  {Mart.  Bedae, Ificron.) ;  deposition  at  Orleans,  Nov.  17  {M. Hieron.).  [C] ANICETUS,  martyr,  commemoi-ated  Aug. 12  {Gal.  Bijzant.).         '  [C] ANNA,  the  prophetess,  commemorated  Sept.  1 (Ado,  De  Festiv.,  Martyrol.)  ;  Jakatit  8  =  Feb.  2 {Gal.  Ethiop.).  [C] ANNATES  ;  lit.  the  revenues  or  profits  of one  year,  and  therefore  synonymous  with  first- fruits  so  far ;  but  being,  in  their  strict  auc technical  sense,  a  development  of  the  Middle Ages,  the  only  explanation  that  can  be  given  of tiiem  here  is  how  they  arose.  Anciently,  the entire  revenues  of  each  diocese  were  placed  in the  hands  of  its  bishop,  as  Bingham  shews  (v.  6. 1-3),  who  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  his senate  of  presbyters  distributed,  and  in  the Western  Church  usually  divided  them  into  4 parts.  One  part  went  to  himself;  a  2nd  to  his clergy  ;  a  3rd  to  the  poor  ;  a  4th  to  the  mainte- nance of  the  fabric  and  requirements  of  the diocesan  churches.  Of  these  the  3rd  and  4th were  claimants,  so  to  speak,  that  never  died  ; but  in  the  case  of  the  two  former,  when  offices bscame  vacant  by  death  or  removal,  what  was ANNE to  be  done  with  the  stipend  attaching  to  them, till  they  were  filled  up  ?  Naturally,  when  en- dowments became  fixed  and  considerable,  and promotions,  from  not  having  been  allowed  at  all, the  rule,  large  sums  constantly  fell  to  the  dis- posal of  some  one  in  this  way  ;  of  the  bishop, when  any  of  his  clergy  died  or  were  removed  ; and  of  whom,  when  the  bishop  died  or  was  re-  \ moved,  by  deposition  or  by  translation,  as  time went  on,  but  of  the  metropolitan  or  primate  at last,  though,  perhaps,  at  first  of  the  presbytery  ? And  then  came  the  temptation  to  keep  bishop- rics vacant,  and  appropriate  "  the  annates,"  or  i else  require  them  from  the  bishop  elect  in  return  j for  consecrating  him.     It  was  but  a  step  further in  the  same  direction   for  Rome  to  lay  claim  to what  primates  and  archbishops  had  enjoyed  so  ' long,  when  the  appointment  of  both,  so  far  as the    Church    was    concerned,  became  vested    in Rome.     But,   on  the   other   hand,  it  is   equally  : certain,  that  had  the  primitive  rule,  founded  as it  was  in  strict  justice,  been  maintained  intact, each  parish,  or  at  least  each  diocese,  would  have preserved  its  own  emoluments,  or,  which  comes           ; to  the  same  thing,  would  have  seen  them  applied  i to  its  own  spiritual  exigencies  in  all  cases.     The           'i 34th  Apostolical  canon,  the  15th  of  Ancyra,  and the  25th  of  Antioch,  alike  testify  to  the  old  rule           i of  the  Church,  and  to  what  abuses  it  succumbed.            i Still,  De  Marca  seems  hardly  justified  in  ascrib-           ; ing  the  origin  of  annates  to  direct  simonv  {De Concord.  Sac.  et  Imp.  vi.  10).                [E.  S".  F.] ANNE  {"Avva,   HSn).    Mother  of  the  Virgin  ; Mary.     July   25   is   observed   by  the    Orthodox  i Greek    Church    as    the    commemoration    of  the  '' "  Dormitio  S.  Annae,"  a  Festival  with  abstinence  I from  labour  {dpyia).    The  same  day  is  said  to  have  j been  anciently  dedicated  to  S.  Anne  in  the  West  | also,  and  the  feast  was  probably  transferred  in  the  j Roman  Calendar  to  the  26th  (the  day  on  which  j it  is  at  present  held)  from  a  desire  to  give greater  prominence  to  S.  Anne  than  was  possible  | on  S.  James's  Day.    In  the  Greek  Calendar,  also,  i Joachim  and  Anna,  "  0f  OTrart^pss,"  have  a  festival  ' on  Sep.  9,  the  day  following  the  Nativity  of  the Virgin  Mary.  Both  the  Armenian  and  the  Greek Calendars  have  on  Dec.  9a"  Festival  of  the  Con-  I ception  of  the  Virgin  Mary,"  or  (as  it  is  called in  the  latter)  'H  (rvWrji\iis  ttjs  ayias  koX  deoirpo- fx-OTopos  "Awns,  i.  e.  S.  Anne's  Conception  of the  Virgin,  koI    yap  avr^    6,TTiKvrj(Ti   T'jjr  vir\p  ; Koyov    Toy   Koyov  Kv-ficraaau.     In   the   Ethiopic,  , "  Joachim,  avus  Christi,"  has  April  7  ;  and  on  ,' July  20  is  commemorated  the  "  Ingressus  Annae Matris    Mariae    in    Templum  "    or    "  Purificatio  '} Annae."     (Daniel's  Codex  Liturgicus, .  tom.  iv. ;  | Alt's  Kirchenjahr.)     There  is  no  evidence  of  any  i public  recognition  of  S.  Anne  as  a  patron  saint until  about  the  beginning   of  the  6th  century,  ; when  Justinian   I.    had  a  temple   built    in    her  ' honour,  which    is    described    by   Procopius   {De  j Aedijic.  Justin,  ch.  iii.)  as  'upo-n-peir4s  re  Kal ayaarhv  oAcos  eSos  "Avvrj  ayia,  ''  whom,"  he adds,  "some  believe  to  be  ixrjTepa  QeoroKov  and grandmother  of  Christ ; "  and  we  are  informed bv  Codinus  that  Justinian  II.  founded  another  in 705. Her  body  was  brought  from  Palestine  to  Con- stantinople in  740,  and  her  "  Inventio  Corporis  " was  celebrated  with  all  the  honour  due  to  a saint.  [C]  j ANNOTINUM  PASCHA ANNOTINUM  PASCHA.  In  the  Grego- rian Liber  Eesponsalis,  and  in  some  MSS.  of  the Sacramentary,  following  the  Dominica  in  Alhis (First  after  Easter),  we  find  an  office  in  Pas- cha  Annotina.  That  it  was  not,  however,  in- variably on  the  day  following  the  Octave  of Easter  is  shown  by  Martene  (quoted  by  Binterim, V.  i.  246),  who  found  it  placed  on  the  Thursday before  Ascension  Day  in  an  ancient  ritual  of Vienne.  And  it  is  mentioned  in  later  autho- rities as  having  been  celebrated  on  various  days, as  on  the  Sahbatum  m  Albis,  the  Saturday  after Easter-Day. As  to  the  meaning  of  the  expression  there  are various  opinions.  Natalis  Alexander  (^Hist.  Feci. Diss.  ii.  qiiaest.  2),  with  several  of  the  older  au- thorities, supposed  it  to  be  the  anniversary  of the  Easter  of  the  preceding  year.  If  this  anni- versary was  specially  observed,  when  it  fell  in the  Lent  of  the  actual  year  it  would  naturally be  omitted,  or  transferred  to  a  period  when  the Fast  was  over;  for  the  services  of  the  Fascha annotinum  were  of  a  Paschal  character,  and  con- sequently unsuited  for  a  season  of  mourning. Probably,  however,  the  nature  of  the  Fascha annotinum  is  correctly  stated  by  the  Micrologus (c.  56);  Annotine  Pascha  is  a  term  equivalent to  anniversary  Pascha  ;  and  it  is  so  called  because in  olden  time  at  Rome  those  who  had  been  bap- tized at  Easter  celebrated  the  anniversary  of their  baptism  in  the  next  year  by  solemn  ser- vices. Honorius  of  Autun,  Durand,  and  Beleth, give  the  same  explanation,  which  is  adopted  by Thomasius,  Martene,  and  Mabillon.  To  this  call- ing to  mind  of  baptismal  vows  the  collects  of the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  (p.  82)  refer.  The words  of  the  Micrologus,  that  this  was  observed  in olden  time  (antiquitus)  seem  to  imply  that  even at  the  time ,  when  that  treatise  was  written (about  1100),  it  had  become  obsolete  (Gregorian hacram.  Ed.  Menard,  p.  399 ;  Binterim's  Denk- wiirdigkeiten,  v.  i.  245  ft'.).  [C] ANNUNCIATION.  [Mary  the  Virgin, Festivals  of.] ANOINTING.     [Unction.] ANOVIUS,  of  Alexandria,  commemorated July  7  {Mart.  Hieron.). ANSENTIUS.  Commemorated  August  7 {2Iart.  Ilieron.).  [C] ANTEMPNUS,  bishop,  commemorated  April 27  {Mart.  Micron.).  ,  [C.] ANTEPENDIUiNI  (or  Antipendium),  a  veil or  hanging  in  ft-ont  of  an  altar.  The  use  of  such a  piece  of  drapery  no  doubt  began  at  a  period when  altars,  as  that  at  S.  Alessandro  on  the  Via Nomentana  near  Rome  [Altar],  began  to  be constructed  with  cancellated  fronts:  the  veil hanging  in  front  would  protect  the  interior from  dust  and  from  profane  or  irreverent  curio- sity. Ciampini  {Vet.  Man.  t.  ii.  p.  57)  says that  in  a  crypt  below  the  church  of  SS.  Cosmo e  Damiano  at  Rome  there  was  in  his  time  an ancient  altar  "  cum  duabus  columnis  ac  epistilio et  corona;  nee  non  sub  i]iso  epistilio  anuli  sunt ferrei  e  quibus  vela  pendebant."  (Compare  t.  i. p.  64.) In  the  7th  and  8th  centuries  veils  of  rich  and costly  stuffs  are  often  mentioned  in  the  I.th. Pontif.  as  suspended    "ante  altare,"  as  in   the ANTIMENSIUM 91 case  where  Pope  Leo  III.  gave  to  the  chu.-ch  of St.  Paul  at  Rome  •'  velum  rubeum  quod  pendet ante  altare  habens  in  medio  crucem  de  chrysoclavo et  periclysin  de  chrysoclavo,"  a  red  veil  which hangs  before  the  altar,  having  in  the  middle a  cross  of  gold  embroidery  and  a  border of  the  same.  It  is  possible,  however,  that  in this  and  like  cases  the  veil  was  not  attached  to the  altar,  but  hung  before  it  from  the  ciborium or  from  arches  or  railings  raised  upon  the  altar enclosure.  [A.  N.] ANTEKOS,  the    pope,    martyr    at    Rome, commemorated  Jan.  3  {Mart.  Pom.  Vet., Bedae).  [C] ANTHEM.  [Antiphon.] ANTHEMIUS,  commemorated  Sept.  26  {Cal. Armeti.).  [C] ANTHIA,  mother  of  Eleutherius^  comme- morated April  18  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.).  [C] ANTHIMUS.  (1)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Nico- media,  commemorated  April  27  {Mart.  Rom. Vet.). (2)  Presbyter,  martyr  at  Rome,  May  11  (7^6. et  Bedae). (3)  Martyr  at  Aegaea,  Sept.  27  {Mart. R.  v.).  [C] ANTHOLOGIUM  CAvQoUyiov),  a  compi- lation from  the  Paraclotice,  Meuaea,  and  Horo- logium,  of  such  portions  of  the  service  as  are  most frequently  required  by  ordinary  worshippers.  It generally  contains  the  olHces  fur  the  Festivals  of the  Lord,  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  of  the  prin- cipal saints  who  have  festivals  {riov  eopra^o- fx^vaiv  ayioiv) ;  and  those  ordinary  offices  which most  constantly  recur.  (Neale,  Eastern  Church, Introd.  890.)  This  book,  which  was  intended  to be  a  convenient  manual,  has  been  so  swollen  by the  zeal  of  successive  editors,  that  it  has  become, says  Leo  Allatius,  a  very  monster  of  a  book.  {De Libris  Ecclesiasticis  Graecorum,  p.  89.)         [C] ANTIGONUS,  of  Alexandria,  commemorated Feb.  26  {Mart.  Hieron.).  [C] ANTIMENSIUM,  a  consecrated  altar-cloth, "cujus  nomiuis  ratio  haec  est,  quod  ea  adhibeant loco  mensae  sive  altaris  "  (Bona,  De  Lebus  Lit. I.  XX.  §  2).  This  seems  the  natural  derivation, especially  if,  as  Suidas  says  (in  Suicer's  Thesaurus s.  V.)  the  word  was  a  Latin  one,  meaning  a  table placed  before  a  tribunal  {-Kpo  SiKaffTT]piou  /cei- IJ.iv7]).  Nevertheless,  the  Greeks  always  write the  word  avTijxivaiov,  and  derive  it  from  /xivcros, a  canister  (Neale,  Eastern  Church,  Introd.  p.  186). These  Antimensia  were,  and  are,  consecrated only  at  the  consecration  of  a  church  (Goar's  Eu- cho'logion,  p.  648),  when  a  piece  of  cloth  large enough  to  form  several  antimensia  was  placed  on the  altar,  consecrated,  and  afterwards  divided and  distributed  as  occasion  required.  "Relics being  pounded  up  with  fragrant  gum,  oil  is  poured over  them  by  the  bishop,  and,  distilling  on  to  the corporals,  is  supposed  to  convey  to  them  the mysterious  virtues  of  the  relics  themselves.  The Holy  Eucharist  must  then  be  celebrated  on  them for  seven  days,  after  which  they  are  sent  forth as  they  may  be  wanted  "  (Neale,  u.  s.  p.  187). As  to  the  antiquity  of  these  ceremonies  it  is difficult  to  speak  with  certainty. Theodore  Balsamon  (in  Suicer,  s.  v.)  says  that these  Antimensia  were  for  use  on  the  Tables  o/ 92 ANTIOCH Oratories  (tcSj/  tvKTnpioov),  which  were  probably for  the  most  part  unconsecrated ;  and  Manuel Charitopulus  (in  Bona,  u.  s.)  says  that  they  were for  use  in  cases  where  it  was  doubtful  whether  the altar  was  consecrated  or  not.  They  were  required to  be  sufficiently  large  to  cover  the  spot  occupied by  the  paten  and  chalice  at  the  time  of  conse- cration. The  Syrians  do  not  use  these  cloth  antimensia, but  in  their  stead  consecrate  slabs  of  wood,  which appear  to  be  used  even  on  altars  which  are  con- secrated (compare  the  Ethiopic  Area  [Arca]). The  Syriac  Nomocanon  quoted  by  Kenaudot  {Lit. Orient,  i.  182)  in  the  absence  of  an  Antimensium of  any  kind  permits  consecration  of  the  Eucharist on  a  leaf  of  the  Gospels,  or,  in  the  desert  and  in case  of  urgent  necessity,  on  the  hands  of  the deacons.  [C] ANTIOCH,  COUNCILS  OF.  Cave  reckons only  13  Councils  of  Antioch  between  A.D.  252 and  800,  at  which  date  the  first  vol.  of  his  Hist. Litcraria  stops  :  Sir  H.  Nicolas  as  many  as  33, and  Mansi  nearly  the  same  number.  Numbering them,  however,  is  unnecessary,  as  there  are  no first,  second,  and  third  Councils  of  Antioch  as  of Carthage  and  elsewhere.  They  may  be  set down  briefly  in  chronological  order,  only  three of  them  requiring  any  special  notice. A.D.  252 — under  Fabian,  against  the  followers of  Novatus  (Euseb.  vi.  46). —  264,  269— On  their  dates  see  Mansi  i. 1089-91  :  both  against  Paul  of  Samosata, who  was  also  Bishop  of  Antioch  after  De- metrian  (Euseb.  vii.  27-9).  For  details, see  below. —  331 — Of  Arians,  to  depose  Eustathius, Bishop  of  Antioch,  for  alleged  Sabellianism (Soc.  i.  24). —  339 — Of  Arians,  to  appoint  Pistus  to  the see  of  Alexandria,  to  which  St.  Athanasius had  just  been  restored  by  Coustautine  the  . —  younger  {TAfe  of  St.  Athanasius  by  his Benedictine  editors). —  341 — known  as  the  Council  of  the  Dedi- cation :  the  bishops  having  met  ostensibly to  consecrate  the  great  church  of  the metropolis  of  Syria,  called  the  "  Dominicum Aureum,"  the  only  council  of  Antioch whose  canons  have  been  preserved  (Soc. ii.  8).     For  details,  see  below. —  345 — Of  Arians  :  when  the  creed  called the  "  Macrostiche,"  from  its  length,  was put  forth  (Soc.  ii.  18). —  348 — Of  Arians  :  at  which,  however, Stephen,  Bishop  of  Antioch,  himself  an Arian,  was  deposed  by  order  of  Constantius for  the  monstrous  plot  organised  by  him against  the  deputies  from  Sardica  (New- man's Arians,  iv.  3,  4). —  354 — Of  Arians  :  against  St.  Athanasius. —  358 — under  Eudoxius  :  rejected  the  words Homoousion  and  Homoiousion  equally : but  "without  venturing  on  the  distinct Anomoean  doctrine  "  (Newman's  Arians, iv.  4). —  361— To  authorise  the  translation  of  St. Meletius  from  Sebaste  to  Antioch.  A second  was  held  shortly  afterwards,  by  the same  party,  to  expel  him  for  having  made proof  of  his  orthodoxy. —  363 — Of  semi-Ariaus  :    addressed    a    sy- ANTIOCII nodical  letter  to  the  new  emperor  Jovian, as  had  been  done  by  the  orthodox  at  Alex- andria. St.  Meletius  presided,  and  signed first  (Soc.  iii.  25). A.D.  367— Creed  of  the  Council  of  the  Dedica- tion confirmed. —  379 — under  St.  Meletius:  condemned  Mar- cellus,  Photinus,  and  Apollinaris.  Ad- dressed a  dogmatic  letter  to  St.  Damasus and  the  bishops  of  the  West,  who  had  sent a  similar  one  to  St.  Paulinas. —  380 — For  healing  the  schism  thera  :  when it  was  agreed  that  whichever  survived — St.  Meletius  or  St.  Paulinus — should  be  ac- cepted by  all.  Here  the  tSixos  or  synodical letter  of  the  Westerns  was  received  (at least  so  says  De  Marca,  Explic.  Can.  V. Concil.  Const.  A.D.  381,  among  his  Dis- sertations). St.  Meletius  signed  first  of  146 others.  St.  Paulinus,  apparently,  was  not present  at  all.  A  meeting  of  Arians  took place  there  the  same  year  on  the  death  of their  bishop  Euzoius,  when  Dorotheus  was elected  to  succeed  him  (Soc.  iv.  35,  and V.  3  and  6). —  389 — To  prevent  the  sons  of  Marcellus, Bishop  of  Apamea,  trom  avenging  his murder  by  the  barbarians. —  391 — Against  the  Messalians. —  424 — or,  as  Mansi  thinks  (iv.  475)  in  418  : at  which  Pelagius  was  condemned. —  431 — under  John  of  Antioch,  condemning and  deposing  St.  Cyril  and  five  others (Mansi,  5,  li47). —  432 — under  John  also ;  for  making  peace with  St.  Cyril :  after  which  he  in  this,  or another  synod  of  the  same  year,  condemned Nestorius  and  his  opinions. —  435— Respecting  the  works  of  Theodorus of  Mopsuestia  and  Diodorus  of  Tarsus lately  translated  into  Armenian. —  440 — On  the  same  subject :  occasioned  by a  letter  of  Proclus,  patriarch  of  Constanti- nople. —  445 — under  Domnus  :  in  which  a  Syrian bishop  named  Athanasius  was  condemned. —  448 — under  Domnus  also :  when  Ibas, Bishop  of  Edessa,  was  accused ;  but  his accusers  were  excommunicated. —  471 — At  which  Peter  the  Fuller  was  de- posed, and  Julian  consecrated  in  his  room  ; then  Peter,  having  been  restored  by  the usurper  Basilicus  in  476,  was  again  ejected by  a  synod  in  478  on  the  restoration  of Zeno. —  482 — At  which  the  appointment  of  Ca- leiidio  to  that  see  was  confirmed  ;  but  he in  turn  was  ejected  by  the  emperor  Zeno in  485,  and  Peter  the  Fuller  restored,  who thereupon  held  a  synod  there  the  same year,  and  condemned  the  4th  Council. —  512 — at  which  Severus  was  appointed patriarch. —  542 — Against  Origen. —  560 — under  Anastasius:  condemning  those who  opposed  the  4th  Council. —  781— under  Theodoric  :  condemning  the Iconoclasts. Of  these,  the  two  synods  A.D.  264  and  269 against  Paul  of  Samosata  were  conspicuous  both from  the  fact  that  the  accused  was  bishop  of  the city  in  which  they  were  held,  and  from  the  novel ANTIOCH character  of  their  proceedings.  They  came  to the  steru  resolution  of  deposing  him,  yet  had  to apply  to  a  pagan  emperor  to  enforce  their  sen- tence, who,  strange  to  say,  did  as  they  requested. No  such  case  had  occurred  before :  it  was  the gravity  of  their  deliberations  and  the  justice  of their  decisions  tliat  caused  them  to  be  respected. With  the  first  of  them,  as  we  learn  from  Eu- sebius,  there  were  some  celebrated  names  as- sociated. Firmilian,  Bishop  of  Caesarea  in  Cappa- docia,  the  well-known  advocate  for  re-baptising  he- retics with  St.  Cyprian,  St.  Gregory  the  wonder- worker, and  Athenodorus  his  brother,  the  bishops of  Tarsus  and  Jerusalem,  and  others.  Dionysius of  Alexandria  was  invited,  but  sent  excuses  on account  of  his  age ;  declaring  his  sentiments  on the  question  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  whole diocese,  without  so  much  as  naming  the  accused, its  bishop.  Those  who  were  present  exposed  his errors  ;  but  Paul,  promising  amendment,  man- aged to  cajole  Firmilian,  and  the  bishops  sepa- rated without  passing  sentence.  At  the  second council,  having  been  convicted  by  a  presbyter named  Malcliion,  occupying  the  highest  position in  the  schools  of  Autioch  as  a  sophist,  he  was cut  off  from  the  communion  of  the  Church  ;  and a  synodical  letter  was  addressed  in  the  name  of those  pi'escnt,  headed  by  the  bishops  of  Tarsus and  Jerusalem — Firmilian  had  died  on  his  road to  the  council— and  of  the  neighbouring  churches, to  the  bishops  of  Rome  and  Alexandria,  and  the whole  Church  generally,  setting  forth  all  that had  been  done  in  both  synods,  as  well  as  all  the ftilse  teaching  and  all  the  strange  practices — so much  in  harmony  with  what  is  attributed  to the  sophists  of  Athens  in  Plato — for  which  Paul had  been  deposed,  also  that  Domnus,  son  of Demetrian,  his  predecessor  in  the  see,  had  been elected  in  his  place.  Still,  condemned  as  he  had been,  Paul  held  his  ground  till  the  emperor Aurelian,  having  been  besought  to  interfei-e,  com- manded that  "  the  house  in  which  the  bishop lived  should  be  given  up  to  those  with  whom the  bishops  of  Italy  and  of  the  city  of  Rome  com- municated as  regards  dogma."  This  settled  his fate  once  for  all. The  remaining  council  of  Antioch  to  be  spe- cially noticed  is  that  of  the  Dedicatio  a.d.  S-il. It  was  attended  by  90  bishops,  says  St.  Atha- nasius,  or  by  97  as  St.  Hilary.  Of  these  but  36 are  said  to  have  been  Arian  :  yet  they  carried their  point  through  Constantius  so  far  as  to substitute  Eusebius  of  Hems  for  St.  Athanasius, and,  on  his  hesitating,  to  get  George  or  Gregory of  Cappadocia  sent  out  to  be  put  in  possession  of the  see  of  Alexandria  without  delay. Not  content  with  this,  they  got  their  12th canon  levelled  against  those  who,  having  been deposed  in  a  synod,  presume  to  submit  their case  to  the  emperor  instead  of  a  larger  synod, averring  that  they  deserved  no  pardon,  and ought  not  ever  to  be  restored  again.  In  this way  the  restoration  of  St.  Athanasius  to  Alex- andria by  Constantine  the  younger  was  virtually declared  uncanonical  and  his  see  vacant.  To this  canon  St.  Chrysostom  afterwards  objected, when  it  was  adduced  against  him,  that  it  was framed  by  the  Arians.  Lastly,  they  managed  to promulgate  four  different  creeds,  all  intended  to undermine  that  of  Nicaea.  Yet,  strange  to  say, the  25  canons  passed  by  tliis  council  came  to  be among  the  most  respected  of  any,  and  at  length ANTIPnON 93 admitted  into  the  code  of  the  Universal  Church. They  are  termed  by  Pope  Zacharias  "  the  canons of  the  blessed  Fathers;"  by  Nicholas  I,  "the venerable  and  holy  canons  of  Antioch ; "  and  by the  Council  of  Chalcedon  "  the  just  rules  of  the Fathers."  Hence  some  have  supposed  two councils  :  one  of  50  orthodox  bishops,  or  more, who  made  the  canons ;  another  of  30  or  40 Arians,  who  superseded  St.  Athanasius  (Mansi,  ii. 1305,  note).  But  canon  12  plainly  was  as  much directed  against  St.  Athanasius  as  anything  else that  was  done  there.  On  the  other  hand,  it  laid down  a  true  principle  no  less  than  the  rest ;  and this  doubtless  has  been  the  ground  on  which they  have  been  so  widely  esteemed.  Among them  there  are  five  which  cannot  be  passed  over, for  another  reason.  The  9th,  for  distinctly proving  the  high  antiquity  of  one  at  least  of  the Apostolical  canons,  by  referring  to  it  as  "the antient  canon  which  was  in  force  in  the  age  of our  fathers,"  in  connexion  with  the  special honour  now  claimed  for  metropolitans — on  which see  Bever.,  Sijnod.  ii.  ad  loc. — canons  4  and  5,  for having  been  cited  in  the  4th  action  of  the  Council of  Chalcedon,  or  rather  read  out  there  by  Aetius, Archdeacon  of  Constantinople,  from  a  book  as "canons  83  and  84  of  the  holy  Fathers  ;"  and likewise  canons  16  and  17,  for  having  been  read out  in  the  11th  action  of  the  same  council  by Leontius,  Bishop  of  Magnesia,  from  a  book  as "  canons  95  and  96  ; "  being  in  each  case  the identical  numbers  assigned  to  them  in  the  code  of the  Universal  Church,  thus  proving  this  code  to have  been  in  existence  and  appealed  to  then,  and therefore  making  it  extremely  probable,  to  say the  least,  that  when  the  Chalcedonian  bishops  in their  first  canon  "  pronounced  it  to  be  fit  and just  that  the  canons  of  the  holy  Fathers  made  in every  synod  to  this  present  time  be  in  full  force," they  gave  their  authoritative  sanction  to  this very  collection.  Hence  a  permanent  and  in- trinsic interest  has  been  imparted  to  this  council irrespectively  of  the  merits  of  its  own  canons  in themselves,  though  there  are.  few  councils  whose enactments  are  marked  throughout  by  so  much good  sense.  [E.  S.  F.] ANTIPAS,  Bishop  of  Pergamus,  tradition- ally the  "  angel "  of  that  church  addressed  in the  Apocalypse,  commemorated  April  11  {Cal. Byzant.).  [C] ANTIPHON— (Gr.  'AvTl(t>wvov:  Lat.  Anti- phona :  Old  English,  Antefn,  Antem  [Chaucer] : Modern  English,  Anthem.  For  the  change  of Antefn  into  Antem,  compare  0.  E.  Stefn  [prow] with  modern  Stem.  French,  Antienne.^  "An- tiphona  ex  Graeco  interpretatur  vox  reciproca ; duobus  scilicet  choris  alternatim  psallentibus ordine  comniutato."     (Isidore,  Origines  vi.  18.) There  are  two  kinds  of  responsive  singing  used in  the  Church  ;  the  Responsorial,  when  one  singer or  reader  begins,  and  the  whole  choir  answers  in the  alternate  verses ;  the  present  Anglican  prac- tice when  the  Psalms  are  not  chanted ;  and  the Antiphonal  (described  in  Isidore's  definition)  when the  choir  is  divided  into  two  parts  or  sides,  and each  part  or  side  sings  alternate  verses.  Of these  forms  of  ecclesiastical  chant  we  are  now concerned  only  with  the  second,  the  Antiphonal. We  shall  endeavour,  as  brietly  as  may  be,  to  men- tion (1)  Its  origin.  (2)  The  different  usages  of the  term  "  Antiphon."    (3)  Its  application  in  the 94 ANTIPHON Missal,  and  in  the  Breviary;  pointing  out  as they  occur  any  peculiarity  or  diti'erence  of  usage between  the  Eastern  and  the  Western  Churclies. I.  Its  origin  may  be  found  in  the  Jewish Church.  For  we  read  (1  Chron.  vi.  31  &c.),  that David  divided  the  Levites  into  three  bands,  and "  set  them  over  the  service  of  song  in  the  house of  the  Lord,  after  that  the  ark  had  rest.  And they  ministered  before  the  dwelling-place  of  the tabernacle  of  the  congregation  with  singing, until  Solomon  had  built  the  house  of  the  Lord  in Jerusalem ;  and  then  they  waited  on  their  office according  to  their  order."  It  appears  further that  the  sons  of  the  Kohathites,  under  "  Heman  a singer"  (v.  33),  stood  in  the  centre  while  the Gershomites,  led  by  Asaph,  stood  on  the  right hand,  and  the  Merarites,  led  by  Ethan  (or  Jedu- thun),  on  the  left.  These  arrangements,  and  the further  details  given  in  1  Chron.  xxv.  clearly point  to  some  definite  assignment  of  the  musical parts  of  the  tabernacle  and  temple  worship. Some  of  the  psalms,  moreover,  as  the  xxiv.  and the  cxxxiv.  appear  to  be  composed  for  antiphonal singing  by  two  choirs. It  appears  on  the  evidence  of  Philo,  that  this mode  of  singing  was  practised  by  the  Essenes. Speaking  of  them  he  says:  "In  the  first  jslace two  choirs  are  constituted  ;  one  of  men,  the  other of  women.  They  then  sing  hymns  to  the  praise of  God,  composed  in  diflerent  kinds  of  metre  and verse — now  with  one  mouth,  now  wnth  anti- phonal  hymns  and  harmonies,  leading,  and  direct- lug,  and  ruling  the  choir  with  modulations  of the  hands  and  gestures  of  the  body ;  at  one  time in  motion,  at  another  stationary  ;  turning  in  one direction,  and  in  the  reverse,  as  the  case  requires. Then,  when  each  choir  by  itself  has  satisfied itself  with  these  delights,  they  all,  as  though inebriated  with  divine  love,  combine  from  both choirs  into  one." Pliny  appears  to  allude  to  antiphonal  chanting when,  in  a  well-known  passage  (JEpist.  x.  97),  he says  that  the  Christians  sing  a  hymn  to  Christ as  God,  "by  turns  among  themselves"  (secum invicem). The  introduction  of  antiphonal  singing  among the  Greeks  is  ascribed  by  an  ancient  tradition  to Ignatius  of  Antioch  (Socrates,  Eccl.  Hist.  vi.  8), who  saw  a  vision  of  antiphonal  chanting  in heaven.  And  this  tradition  probably  represents the  fact,  that  this  manner  of  singing  was  early introduced  into  Antioch,  and  spread  thence  over the  Eastern  Church. We  learn  from  S.  Basil  that  it  was  general  in his  time.  He  says  (Ep.  ccvii.  ad  Cleric.  Neo- ciiesar.)  prefacing  that  what  he  is  going  to  speak of  are  the  received  institutions  in  all  the  churches (tol  vvy  KeKparriKSra  iQt]  izaaais  tats  rod  ©eoD e/f/cA.7)(riais  ffvi'ifiSd  eVri  Kal  (rvjx(puva),  "  that  the people,  resorting  by  night  to  the  house  of  prayer at   length,  rising  from    prayer,  betake tliemselves  to  psalmody.  And  now,  divided  into two  parts,  they  sing  alternately  to  each  other (5ix?l  Siavefx-^QivTis,  avTii^dWovffiv  a.Wi\\ois  .  .). Afterwards  they  commit  the  leading  of  the melody  to  one,  and  the  rest  follow  him." Theodoret  {Hist.  Ecclss.  ii.  19)  ascribes  the introduction  of  antiphonal  singing  to  Flavian and  Diodorus,  who,  while  still  laymen,  he  says, were  the  first  to  divide  the  choirs  of  singers  into two  parts,  and  teach  them  to  sing  the  songs  of David  alternately  (oSrot  irpwroi,  Sixfj  5ie\6vres ANTIPHON Tovs  Twv  \paW6i>Twv  xofovs,  in  SiaSoxvi'  aSeip ri]v  AaviSiXTji'  idiSa^ov  fxeXcvSiai/),  and  then  he adds  that  this  custom,  which  thus  took  its  rise  at Antioch,  spread  thence  in  every  direction. In  the  Western  Church  the  introduction  of Antiphonal  singing  after  the  manner  of  the  Ori- entals (secundum  morem  Orientalium),  is  attri- buted to  S.  Ambrose,  as  S.  Augustine  says (Confess,  ix.  c.  7,  §  15),  and  he  gives  as  a  reason, that  the  people  should  not  become  weary. A  passage,  indeed,  is  adduced  from  Tertullian (ad  Uxor,  ii.),  from  which  it  is  argued  that  the practice  of  alternate  singing  was  in  vogue  before the  time  of  S.  Ambrose.  It  has  also  been  con- tended that  Pope  Damasus,  or  again  Caelestiue, was  its  originator  in  the  Western  Cliurch.  As these  opinions  do  not  seem  to  be  generally  adopted, and  as  the  arguments  by  which  they  are  sup- ported may  easily  admit  of  another  interpreta- tion, it  does  not  appear  to  be  necessary  to  occupy space  by  discussing  them  here. II.  The  word  Antiphon,  however,  has  been used  in  several  diftereut  senses. 1.  Sometimes  it  appears  to  denote  the  psalms or  hymns  themselves,  which  were  sung  anti- phonally.  Thus  Socrates  (Hist.  Eccl.  vi.  8)  calls certain  hymns  which  were  thus  sung  "Anti- phonas."  When  the  word  is  used  in  this  sense there  is  generally  a  contrast  expressed  or  implied with  a  "  psalmus  directus,"  or  "directaneus." "  Psallere  cum  antiphona"  is  a  phrase  much used  in  this  connexion,  to  which  "psallere  in directum"  is  opposed.  Thus  S.  Aurelian  in  the order  for  psalmody  of  his  rule,  "  Dicite  Matu- tinarios,  id  est  primo  canticum  in  antiphona : deinde  directaneum,  Judica  me  Dcus.  ...  in antiphonS,  dicite  hymnum,  Splendor  paternae gloriae."  It  is  not  quite  certain  what  is  meant by  these  two  expressions ;  tae  general  opinion  is that  "  psallere  cum  (or  in)  antiphoniJ,"  means  to sing  alternately  with  the  two  sides  of  the  choir ; and  "psallere  directaneum"  to  sing  either  with the  whole  choir  united,  or  else  for  one  chanter  to sing  while  the  rest  listened  in  silence  (this  latter mode  of  singing,  howevei-,  is  what  is  usually denoted  by  "  tractus ;")  while  some  think  that "  psallere  in  "  or  "  cum  antiphona"  means  to  sing with  modulation  of  the  voice  ;  and  that  "  psallere directaneum"  denotes  plain  recitation  without musical  intonation.  Thus  Cassian  (De  Instit. Coenoh.  ii.  2),  speaking  of  psalms  to  be  sung  in the  night  office,  says,  "  et  hos  ipsos  antiphonarum protelatos  melodiis,  et  adjunctione  quarumdam modulationum ;"  and  S.  Benedict  directs  that some  psalms  should  be  said  "  in  directum,"  but many  more  "modulatis  vocibus."  A  third opinion  is  that  "psallere  cum  antiphona"  means to  sing  psalms  with  certain  sentences  inserted between  the  verses,  which  sentences  were  called antiphons,  from  their  being  sung  alternately with  the  verses  of  the  psalm  itself.  Of  this method  of  singing  we  shall  speak  more  fully presently.  In  opposition  to  this  sense,  "  psallere directum"  would  mean  to  sing  a  psalm  straight through  without  any  antiphon ;  and  it  may  be remarked  that  the  "  psalmus  directus,"  said  daily at  Lauds,  in  the  Ambrosian  office,  has  no  Anti- phon. The  expression  "  oratio  recta "  seems  also to  be  used  in  much  the  same  sense. 2.  The  word  Antiphona »  is  also  used  to  denote »  "  A  distinction  is  made  by  liturgical  writers  betweea ANTIPHON a  sacred  composition,  or  compilation  of  verses from  the  Psalms,  or  sometimes  from  other  parts of  Scripture,  or  several  consecutive  verses  of  the same  psalm  appropriate  to  a  special  subject  or festival.  This  was  suug  by  one  choir,  and  after each  verse  an  unvarying  response  was  made  by the  opposite  choir ;  whence  the  name. Compilations  of  this  nature  are  to  be  found  in the  old  office  books,  e.g.,  in  the  Mozarabic  office for  the  dead,  where,  however,  they  are  called  "a Psalm  of  David,"  as  being  said  in  the  place  of psalms  in  the  Nocturns  ;  and  they  have  this  pecu- liarity, that  each  verse  (with  very  few  excep- tions) begins  with  the  same  word.  Thus  the verses  of  one  such  "psalm"  all  begin  with  "Ad te ;"  those  of  another  with  "  Miserere ;"  of another  with  "  Libera ;"  of  another  with  "  Tu itomiue,"  and  so  on.  They  are  also  found  in  the Ambrosian  burial  offices,  where  they  are  called Antiphonae,  each  verse  being  considered  as  a separate  Antiphon,  and  are  headed  Antiph.  i. Antiph.  ii.  and  so  on.  The  Canticles,  which  were appointed  to  be  said  instead  of  the  "  Veuite"  in the  English  state  services,  there  called  "hymns," and  directed  to  be  said  or  sung  "  one  verse  by the  Priest,  and  another  by  the  Clerk  and  people" (j.  e.  antiphonally),  are  of  this  nature. 3.  The  word  "  Antiphona"  denotes  (and  this is  the  sense  in  which  we  are  most  familiar  with its  use),  a  sentence  usually,  but  by  no  means invariably,  taken  from  the  psalm  itself,  and  ori- ginally intercalated  between  each  verse  of  a  psalm, but  which,  in  process  of  time,  came  to  be  sung, wholly  or  in  part,  at  the  beginning  and  end  only. We  shall  speak  more  at  length  on  this  head  pre- sently. 4.  The  word  "Antiphona"  came  to  denote such  a  sentence  taken  by  itself,  and  sung  alone without  connexion  with  any  psalm.  These  Anti- phons  were  frequently  original  compositions. (We  thus  arrive  at  our  common  use  of  the  word anthem  as  part  of  an  Anglican  choral  service.) Antiphons  of  this  description  are  of  common occurrence  in  the  Greek  offices. As  an  example  take  the  following  from  the office  for  the  taking  the  greater  monastic  habit (toC  fj.eyd\ov  axhl^oLTOs).  In  the  Liturgy,  after the  entrance  of  the  Gospels,  the  following  Anti- phons {^ AvTi(p(ava)  are  said  : — Ant.  1 .  "  Would  that  I  could  wipe  out  with  tears  the handwriting  of  my  offences,  0  Lord :  and  please  Thee  by repentance  fur  the  remainder  of  my  life :  but  the  enemy deceives  me,  and  wars  against  my  soul.  0  Lord,  before  1 finally  perish,  save  me. "  Who  that  is  tossed  by  storms,  and  makes  for  it,  does not  find  safety  in  this  port  ?  Or  who  that  is  tormented with  pain  and  falls  down  before  it,  does  not  find  a  cure  in this  place  of  healing?  0  thou  Creator  of  all  men,  and physician  of  the  sick,  0  Lord,  before  1  finally  perish, save  me. "  I  am  a  sheep  of  Thy  rational  flock ;  and  I  flee  to  Thee, the  good  Shepherd ;  save  me  the  wanderer  from  Thy  fold, 0  God.  and  have  mercy  on  me." Then  follows  "  Gloria  Patri  "  and  a  "  Theoto- kion,"'  which  is  a  short  Antiphon  or  invocation addressed  to  the  B.V.M.  as  "Theotokos."  Then Antiphon  ii.,  after  the  model  of  the  first,  but  in ANTIPHON 95 antiphona,  and  antiphonum,  the  neuter  form  denoting antiphons  of  the  nature  here  described ;  and  the  feminine a  sentence  or  modulation  sung  as  a  prefi.x  or  adjunct  to  a given  psalm '  quasi  ex  opposito  respondens.' " — Goar,  Euch. p.  123. two  clauses  only.  So  after  another  "  Gloria " and  "  Theotokiou,"  Antiphon  iii.  in  one  clause. in.  We  shall  now  refer  to  the  principal  uses of  Antiphons  in  the  services  of  the  Church. 1st.  In  the  Liturg)^,  or  office  of  the  Mass. We  will  take  the  Greek  offices  first.  In  these (and  we  will  confine  ourselves  to  the  two  Litur- gies of  SS.  Basil  and  Chrysostom)  before  the  lesser entrance  {i.e.  that  of  the  Gospels)  3  psalms,  or parts  of  psalms  are  sung  with  a  constant  re- sponse after  each  verse.  These  are  called  re- spectively the  1st,  2nd,  and  3rd  Antiphon,  and each  is  preceded  by  a  prayer,  which  is  called  the prayer  of  the  1st,  2nd,  and  3rd  Antiphon  respec- tively. The  Greek  liturgical  Antiphons  consist  each  of four  vei-sicles  with  its  response,  though  occasion- ally, as  on  Christmas  Day,  the  third  Antiphon has  but  three ;  that  "  Gloria  Patri  "  is  said  after the  first  and  second  Antiphons,  but  not  after  the third.  (This  is  doubtless  because  the  office  passes on  immediately  after  the  third  Antiphon  to  other singing  with  which  we  are  not  now  concerned.) In  the  first  Antiphon  the  antiphonal  response is  always  the  same,  and  is  that  given  in  the cases  quoted  ;  in  the  second  it  varies  with  the day  to  the  solemnity  of  which  it  has  reference ; it  always  begins  with  the  words  "  Save  us,"  and ends  with  "  Who  sing  to  Thee,  Alleluia  "  {aomov VIJMs  .  .  .  ypaAAovrds  ffoi  'AAAijAouta);  in  the third  it  varies  likewise  with  the  day,  but  is  not of  so  uniform  a  type.  It  is,  as  a  rule,  the  same as  the  "  Apolyticon,"  an  Anthem  which  is  sung near  the  end  of  the  preceding  vespers.  That after  the  "Gloria"  in  the  second  Antiphon,  in- stead of  repeating  the  proper  response  of  the Antiphon  "0  only  begotten  Son  and  Word  of God,"  &c.,  is  sung  as  a  response.  (This  invoca- tion occurs  in  the  office  of  the  "  Typics.") Other  compositions,  which  are  virtually  Anti- phons, are  found  in  Greek  offices,  and  will  be spoken  of  under  their  proper  heads  ;  see  Conta- KION,  ThEOTOKIOX. We  turn  now  to  the  Liturgies  of  the  Western Church. The  three  Antiphons  of  the  Greek  Liturgies correspond  both  in  structure  and  position  with the  single  Antiphon  of  the  Western  Church. The  chant  which  the  Church  uses  at  the  begin- ning of  the  Mass  is  commonly  called  "  Introitus," or  "  Antiphona  ad  Introitum,"  from  its  being sung  Antiphonally  when  the  priest  enters  upon the  service,  or  mounts  to  the  altar ;  for  both  ex- planations are  given  [Introit],  It  still  retains its  name  of  "  Introitus  "  in  the  Roman  missal ; and  the  word  "  Introit "  is  frequently  used  among ourselves  at  the  present  day  with  a  similar  mean- ing. In  the  Ambrosian  Liturgy  the  corresponding Antiphon  was  called  "  Ingressa "  for  the  same reason  ;  while  in  the  Mozarabic  and  Sarum  Litur- gies it  was  called  "Officium."  In  the  Galilean rite  it  was  called  "  Antiphona  "  or  "  Antiphona ad  praelegendum,"  or  "  de  praelegere." The  institution  of  the  Antiphon  at  the  Introit is  almost  universally  ascribed  to  S.  Caelestine, who  was  Pope  A.D.  422,  and  who  is  said  to  have borrowed  this  kind  of  singing  from  S.  Ambrose, and  to  have  appointed  that  the  cl.  psalms  of David  should  be  sung  antiphonally  before  the Sacrifice,  which  was  not  done  previously,  but only    the    Epistles   of  S.   Paul   and    the  Gospel 96 ANTIPHON were  read,  and  thus  the  Mass  was  conducted.** In  the  account  given  by  S.  Augustine  (de  Civ. Bel,  xxii.  8  sub  fin.)  of  a  Mass  which  he  cele- brated, A.D.  425,  there  is  no  mention  of  such  an Introit.  After  speaking  of  certain  preliminary thanksgivings  (as  we  should  say  occasional)  for a  recent  miracle,  he  says,  "  I  saluted  the  people  " when  silence  was  at  length  established,  the appointed  lections  of  Holy  Scripture  w^re  read as  though  that  was  the  beginning  of  the  Mass. It  seems,  however,  doubtful  what  we  are  to understand  by  the  singing  of  Psalms  thus  insti- tuted by  Caelestine  — whether  an  entire  Psalm, varying  with  the  office,  was  sung,  or  only  cer- tain verses  taken  from  the  Psalms,  and  used  as an  Antiphon.  The  former  opinion  is  held  by Honorius  (Gemma  anmae,  87),  who  says  that "  Caelestine  appointed  Psalms  to  be  sung  at  the Introit  of  the  Mass,  from  which  (de  quibus) Gregory  the  Pope  afterwards  composed  Anti- phons  for  the  Introit  of  the  Mass  with  musical notations  (modulando  composuit.)"  Also  by Priscus  in  his  "  Acts  of  the  Popes,"  and  by  Cardi- nal Bona. The  latter  opinion  is  held  by  Micrologus (cap.  i.),  and  by  Amalarius  (De  Eccl.  Off.  in. 5),  who,  in  explaining  this  addition  of  Caeles- tine's,  says,  "Which  we  understand  to  mean that  he  selected  Antiphons  out  of  all  the  Psalms, to  be  sung  in  the  office  of  the  Mass.  For  previ- ously the^Mass  began  with  a  lection,  which  cus- tom is  still  retained  in  the  vigils  of  Easter  and Pentecost." It  has  again  been  argued  with  much"  force  that it  was  customary  to  sing  Antiphons  taken  from the  Psalms  at  the  Mass  before  the  time  of  Caeles- tine.^  S.  Ambrose  {de  Myst.  cap.  8)  and  the writer  de  Sacr.  (iv.  2)  speak  as  though  the  use of  the  verse  "  Introibo,"  &c.,  at  the  Introit  were familiar.  So,  too,  Gregory  Nazian.  says,  When lie  (the  priest)  is  vested,  he  comes  to  the  altar saying  the  Antiphon  "  I  will  go  unto  the  altar  of God  """(Introibo  ad  altare  Dei).  It  is  also  noticeable that  some  of  the  verses  said  to  have  been  used  as Antiphons  in  early  times  differ  somewhat  from Jerome's  version.  This  is  strong  evidence  that the  use  of  Antiphons  at  the  Introit  was  anterior to  the  time  of  Caelestine.  However  this  may be,  Caelestine  may  well  have  so  organized  or altered,  or  developed  the  custom,  as  to  be  called its  inventor.  And  on  the  whole  the  more  pro- bable opinion  seems  to  be  that  he  appointed  en- tire Psal\iis  to  be  sung  before  the  Mass  and  that afterwards  Gregory  the  Great  selected  from  them verses  as  an  Antiphon  for  the  "Introit,"  and others  for  the  "  Responsory,"  ^  "  Offertory,"  and "  Communion,"  which  he  collected  into  the  book which  he  called  his  Antiphonary.  In  support  of this  view  it  may  be  observed  that  the  Respon- sory &c.  (which  are  really  Antiphons,  though the  Introit  soon  monopolized  that  name)  are often  taken  from  the  same  Psalm  as  the  Introit. The  form  of  the  Antiphon  at  the  Introit  was as  follows.  After  the  Introit,  properly  so  called, a  psalm  was  sung,  originally  entire,  but  after- •>  Liber  pontijicalis  in  vita  S.  Caclestini.  See  also  the •  Catalogue  of  the  Roman  rontiffs,  April,  vol.  i.  (Henschen and  Papebroch). c  Vide  Radulph.  Tungrcns.  De  Can.  Obscrv.  prop.  23. Cassian,  Instit.  iii.  11. d  Afterwards  known  as  the  "Gradual."  In  the  Anti- phonary it  is  called  "  Responsorium  gradalo." ANTIPHOJJ wards  a  single  verse  with  "  Gloria  Patri."  The Introit  was  then  repeated,  and  some  churches used  to  sing  it  three  times  on  the  more  solemn days. The  Introit  in  the  Antiphonary  of  S.  Gregory is  taken  from  the  Psalms,  with  a  few  exceptions, which  Durandus  (Hat.  iv.  5)  calls  "  Irregular Introits."  These  Introits,  taken  from  other  parts of  Scripture,  are  in  all  cases  followed  by  their appointed  "  Psalmus."  There  are  also  a  few  In- troits which  are  not  taken  from  any  part  of Scripture.  Such  is  that  for  Trinity  Sunday  in tlie  Roman  and  Sarum  missals. "  Blessed  be  the  Holy  Trinity,  and  the  undivided Unity  ;  we  will  give  thanks  to  It,  fur  It  has  dealt  merci- fully with  us." And  that  for  All-Saints  Day  in  the  same  Missal. "  Let  us  all  rejoice  celebrating  the  festival  in  honour of  all  the  Saints,  over  whose  solemnity  the  angels  rejoice, and  join  in  praising  the  Son  of  God." These  non-scriptural  Introits,  however,  are mostly,  as  will  be  observed,  for  festivals  of  later date,  and  are  not  found  in  Gregory's  Antiphonary. A  metrical  Introit  is  sometimes  found.  Thu.s in  the  Roman  Missal  in  Ma.sses,  "  in  Commemora- tione  B.V.M.,  a  purif.  usque  ad  pasch."  the Introit  is : — Salve,  sancta  Parens,  enixa  puerpera  llegem, Qui  coelum  terramque  regit  in  secula  seculoruni.e Psalmus. — Virgo  Dei  genetrix,  quem  totus  non  capit  orbis In  tua  se  clausit  viscera  factus  homo. Gloria  Patri. Here  the  "  Psalmus  "  is  not  from  the  Psalms, which  is  Tery  unusual,  though  this  is  not  a  soli- tary case.     That  of  Trinity  Sunday  is  another. The  lines  are  the  beginning  of  an  old  hymn  to the  Virgin,  which  is  used  in  her  office  in  various Breviaries. The  different  Sundays  were  often  popularly distinguished  by  the  first  word  of  their  "  Officium," or  "  Introitus."  Thus,  the  first  four  Sundays  in Lent  were  severally  known  as,  "  Invocavit," "  Reminiscere,"  "  Oculi,"  "  Laetare."  Low  Sun- day as  "  Quasimodo,"  and  so  in  other  cases. So  too  we  find  week  days  designated,  i.e.  Wednes- day in  the  third  week  in  Lent  called  in  Missals, "Feria  quarta  post  Oculi."  In  rubrical  direc- tions this  nomenclature  is  very  frequent. The  Ambrosian  "  Ingressa  "  consists  of  one  un- broken sentence,  usually  but  by  no  means  always, taken  from  Scripture,  and  not  followed  by  a "Psalmus,"  or  the  "Gloria  Patri."  It  is  often the  same  as  the  Roman  "Officium."  It  is  never repeated  except  in  Masses  of  the  Dead,  when  its form  approaches  very  nearly  to  that  of  the  Ro- man "  Introitus." The  form  of  the  Mozarabic  "  Officium  "  though closely  approaching  that  of  the  Roman  "  In- troitus" differs  somewhat  from  it.  The  Anti- phon is  followed  by  a  "  versus,"  corresponding  to the  Roman  "  Psalmus,"  with  the  "  Gloria  Patri," before  and  after  which  the  second  clause  alone  of the  Antiplion  is  repeated.' Durandus  (Bat.  lib.  iv.  cap.  5)  and  Beleth  (De Dlv.  Off.  cap.  35)  state  that  in  their  time  a Tropus  was  sung,  in  some  churches,  on  the  more solemn  days  before  the  Antiphon. e  The  line  is  thus  given  in  the  Roman  and  Sarum. Missals.    It  was  probably  read  "  in  secla  seclorum."         ; f  This  is  the  Roman  manner  of  repeating  the  "Ke- sponsories''  at  Matins. ANTIPIION We  now  come  to  that  use  of  Antiphons  with which  we  are  probably  most  familiar — as  sung as  an  accompaniment  to  Psalms  and  Canticles. In  general  terms  an  Antiphon  in  this  sense  is a  sentence  which  precedes  a  Psalm  or  Canticle  to the  musical  tone  of  which  the  whole  Psalm  or Canticle  is  sung,  in  alternate  verses  by  the  oppo- site sides  of  the  choir  which  at  the  end  unite  in repeating  the  Antiphon.  This  sentence  is  usually, but  by  no  means  universally,  taken  from  the Psalm  itself,  and  it  varies  with  the  day  and occasion.  Originally  the  Psalm  was  said  by  one choir,  and  the  Antiphon  was  intercalated  between each  verse  by  the  opposite  choir :  whence  the nime.  Ps.  136  (JJonfitemini)  and  the  Canticle "  Benedicite "  are  obvious  examples  of  this method  of  singing.  Indeed  in  Ps.  135  (v,  10-12) we  have  very  nearly  the  same  words,  without what  we  may  call  the  Antiphon  ("for  His  mercy endureth  for  ever"),  which  occur  in  Ps.  136  with that  Antiphon  inserted  after  each  clause,  and the  "  Benedicite "  is  often  recited  without  the repetition  of  its  Antiphon  after  every  verse.? Pss.  42  and  43  (^Quemadmodum  and  Judica),  80 (Qui  regis  Israel),  and  107  {Confitemini)  will  at once  suggest  themselves  as  containing  an  Anti- phonal  verse  which  is  repeated  at  intervals. There  are  many  examples  of  this  earlier  use  of Antiphons  in  the  Greek  Services.  For  instance  : at  Vespers  on  the  "  Great  Sabbath  "  (i.  e.  Easter Kve),  Ps.  82  {Deus  stetit)  is  said  with  the  last verse,  "Arise,  0  God,  and  judge  Thou  the  earth, for  Thou  shalt  take  all  heathen  to  Thine  inheri- tance," repeated  Avith  beautiful  application,  as  an Antiphon  between  each  verse. Again,  in  the  Office  for  the  Burial  of  a  Priest, Pss.  23  (Doniinus  regit  me),  24  (Domini  est terra),  84:(Quam  dilecta),  are  said  with  ''Alleluia, Alleluia,"  •»  repeated  as  an  Antiphon  between each  verse.  Here  the  three  Psalms  are  called respectively  the  first,  second,  and  third  Anti- phons. It  appears  that  in  the  Roman  Church  the  same custom  of  repeating  the  Antiphon  after  each verse  of  the  Psalm  originally  prevailed.  In  an old  mass,  edited  by  Menard,  in  the  Appendix  to the  Sacramentary  of  S.  Gregory,  we  read,  "  An- nuente  Episcopo,  incipiatur  psalmus  a  Cantore, cum  Introitu  reciprocante."  • Amalarius,  too  {De  Ordine  Antiphonarii,  cap. iii.),  speaking  of  the  Nocturns  of  weekdays,  has the  words,  "  Ex  senis  Antiphonis  quas  vicissim chori  per  singulos  versus  repetunt."  We  have evidence  that  this  custom  was  not  obsolete  (in places  at  least)  as  late  as  the  10th  century,  in  the life  of  Odo,  Abbot  of  Cluny,  where  we  are  told that  the  monks  of  that  house,  wishing  to  pro- long the  office  of  the  Vigils  of  S.  Martin  (Nov. 11),  when  the  Antiphons  of  the  office  are  short,'' ANTIPHON 97 e  E.g.  iu  the  Lauds  of  the  Ambrosian  Breviary,  and  in a  still  more  compressed  form  in  the  Mozarabic  Lauds ; where  the  word  "Benedicite"  is  omitted  from  the  begin- 1  liing  of  each  verse  after  the  first.. I  *>  The  use  of  "  Alleluia  "  on  this  and  on  similar  occa- j         sions  of  mourning  (e.g.  during  Lent)  is  different  from  the :  usage  of  the  Western  Church. I  »  This  seems  to  point  more  to  the  mode  of  singing  the Introit  than  Psalms  in  the  daily  office. ''  The  circumstance  of  their  frequent  repetition  has been  susrgestcd  as  a  reason  why  the  Antiphons  to  the I  I'salms  in  the  daily  office  are,  as  a  rule,  so  much  shorter ;  than  that  at  the  Introit  of  the  Mass. ,  CHRIST.  ANT. and  the  nights  long,  till  daybreak,  used  to  repeat every  Antiphon  after  each  verse  of  the  Psalms. W^e  find  also,  in  a  letter  by  an  anonymous  author to  Batheric,  who  was  appointed  Bishop  of Eatisbon,  A.D.  814  (quoted  by  Thomasius),  the writer  complaining  that  he  has  in  the  course  of his  travels  found  some  who,  with  a  view  to  get through  the  office  as  rapidly  as  possible,  that they  may  the  quicker  return  to  their  worldly business,  recite  it  "  without  Antiphons,  in  a perfunctory  manner  and  with  all  haste"  ("sine Antiphonis,  cursim,  et  cum  omni  velocitate  "  ). Theodoret  also  relates  (Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  10)  that Christians,  in  detestation  of  the  impiety  of Julian,  when  singing  the  hymns  of  David,  added to  each  verse  the  clause,  "  Confounded  be  all  they that  worship  carved  images." A  familiar  instance  of  this  older  use  of  an Antiphon  is  found  in  the  "  Reproaches  "  ("  versi- culi  improperii"  or  "  improperia ")  of  the Roman  Missal  for  Good  Friday. These  are  Gregorian :  the  introductory  rubric as  it  stands  in  the  Roman  Missal  is  cited,  as  it  is so  precise  as  to  the  manner  of  singing  them.  It runs  thus  :  "  Versiculi  sequentes  improperii  a binis  alternatim  cantantiir,  utrosque  choro  simul repetente  post  quemlibet  versum  Popmle,  &c."  "' Sometimes  metrical  hymns  were  sung  anti- phonally  after  this  manner.  Thus  at  the  "  Salu- tation of  the  Cross"  the  verse  of  the  hymn "  Fange  lingua,"  which  begins  "  Crux  fidelis,"  is sung  in  the  Sarum  rite  at  the  beginning,  and after  every  verse  of  the  hymn,  the  rubric  being — "  Chorus  idem  repetat  post  unumquemque  versum. "  Crux  fidelis  inter  omnes,"  &c. (.  .  .  Sacerdotes  cantent  hunc  versum  seqiientem.) "  Pange  lingua  gloriosi  proelium  certaminis,"  &c. Chorus—"  Crux  fidelis,"  &c. And  so  on.  So  also  before  the  Benediction  of the  Paschal  Candles  on  Easter  Eve,  according to  the  Sarum  rite,  the  hymn  "  Inventor  rutili  " is  sung  in  the  same  manner,  with  the  first  stanza repeated  antiphonally  after  each  stanza. A  variation  of  this  form  of  antiphonal  inter- polation is  when  the  interpolated  clause  itself varies.     The  following  is  a  striking  example  : — On  the  morning  of  Easter  Eve  in  the  Greek office,  the  following  Antiphons  (rpoirdpta)  are said  with  Ps.  IIP,  "saying"  (as  the  rubric directs)  "one  verse  ((rTLxof)  from  the  Psalm after  each  troparium."     These  are  known  as  to. "  Blessed  art  Thou,  0  Lord,  0  teach  me  Thy  statutes. Blessed  are  those  that  are  undefiled  in  the  way,  and  walk in  the  law  of  tlie  Lord." "Thou,  0  Christ,  the  Life,  wast  laid  low  in  the grave,  and  the  angelic  hosts  were  amazed,  glorifying Thy  condescension  " "  Blessed  are  they  that  keep  His  testimonies,  and  seek Him  with  their  whole  heart" "0  Life,  how  is  it  that  Thou  dost  die?    How  is  it that  Thou  dost  dwell  in  the  grave?    Thou  payest  the tribute  of  death,  and  raiscst  the  dead  out  of  Hades." "For  they  who  do  no  wickedness  walk  in  His  ways." "We  magnity  Thee,  0  Jesu  the  King,  and  honour Thy  burial,  and  Thy  passion,  by  which  Thou  hast  sav<>(l us  from  destruction." And  so  on  throughout  the  whole  Psalm. In  the  same  manner  at  the  burial  of-  monks, the  blessings  at  the  beginning  of  the  Sermon  on ">  The  rubricil  directions  with  respect  to  the  "  Tnipro- pcria"  in  the  Mozarabic  Missal  are  very  full. H 98 AXTIPHON the  Mount  (oi  ixaKapKT/xoC)  are  recited  with  a varying  antiphonal  clause  after  each,  beginning from  the  fifth. As  an  example  from  the  Western  Church,  we may  refer  to  the  following,  which  belongs  to Vespers  on  Easter  Eve.  It  is  given  in  S.  Gre- gory's Antiphonary,  with  the  heading  Antiph.  and Ps.  to  the  alternate  verses. Antiph.  "  In  the  end  of  the  Sabbath,  as  it  began  to  dawn towards  the  first  day  of  the  week,  came  Mary  Magdalene, and  the  other  Mary  to  see  the  sepulchre."    Alleluia. Ps.  "  My  soul  doth  magnify  the  Lord." Antiph.  "  And  behold,  there  was  a  great  earthquake,  for the  angel  of  the  Lord  descended  from  heaven."    Alleluia. Ps. "  And  my  spirit  hath  rejoiced  in  God  my  Saviour." And  so  the  Magnificat  is  sung  with  the  suc- cessive clauses  of  the  Gospel  for  the  day  used  as Antiphons  after  each  of  its  verses. The  missal  Litanies  which  are  said  in  the  Am- brosian  Mass  on  Sundays  in  Lent,  and  the  very beautiful  Preces  with  which  the  Mozarabic Missal  and  Breviary  abounds,  are  so  far  anti- phonal  that  each  petition  is  followed  by  an  un- varying response.  Their  consideration,  however interesting,  .scarcely  belongs  to  our  present subject. The  repetition  of  the  Antiphon  after  each verse  was  called  "  Antiphonare."  In  the  old Antiphonaries  we  frequently  find  such  directions as  "Hoc  die  Antiphonamus  ad  Benedictus"  or simply  "Hoc  die  antiphonamus."  The  word "  antiphonare  "  is  explained  to  mean  to  repeat the  Antiphon  after  each  verse  of  the  Canticle. The  "  Greater  Antiphons  "  (i.  e.  "  0  Sapientia," &c.)  are  directed  to  be  sung  at  the  Benedictus,^ with  the  rubric,  "Quas  antiphonamus  ab  In  Sanc- titate ;"  which  means  that  the  repetition  of  the Antiphon  begins  from  the  verse  of  which  those are  the  first  words.** At  a  later  period  the  custom  of  repeating  the Antiphon  after  each  verse  of  the  Psalm  dropped, and  its  use  was  gradually  limited  to  the  beginning and  end  of  the  Psalm.  A  relic  of  the  old  usage still  survives  in  the  manner  of  singing  the "  Venite "  at  Nocturns,  in  which  Psalm  the Antiphon  is  repeated,  either  wholly  or  in  part, several  times  during  the  course  of  the  Psalm. It  remained  a  frequent  custom,  and  more  par- ticularly in  the  monastic  usages,  at  Lauds  and Vespers  on  the  greater  feasts  to  sing  the  Anti- phon three  times  at  the  end  of  Benedictus  and of  Magnificat,  once  before  Gloria  Patri,  once before  Sicut  erat,  and  once  again  at  the  conclu- sion of  the  whole.  This  seems  to  have  been  the general  use  of  the  Church  of  Tours;  and  the Church  of  Rome  retained  the  practice  in  the 12th  century,  at  least  in  certain  offices  of  the festivals  of  the  Nativity,  the  Epiphany,  and  S. Peter.  It  was  called  "  Antiphonam  triumphare," which  is  explained  by  Martene  (^De  Ant.  EccL Bit.  iv.  4)  as  "  ter  fari."  Antiphonam  levare,^  or imponere,  means  to  begin  the  Antiphon. Other  variations  in  the  manner  of  singing  the Antiphon  are  mentioned  by  other  writers.     Thus n  This  differs  from  the  later  (and  the  prespnt)  -practice, according  to  which  these  Antiphons  are  said  to  the  Mag- nificat at  Vespers. o  This  is  the  manner  in  which  the  "  ixcucapitrfiLoC  "  men- tioned above  are  recited.  The  first  four  are  followed  by no  antiphonal  sentence. p  Compare  our  English  use  of  the  word  to  raise. ANTIPHON we  are  told  i  that  sometimes  the  Antiphon  was said  twice  before  the  Psalm ;  or  at  least,  if  only    • said  once,  the  first  half  of  it  would  be  sung  by    ; one  choir,  and  the   second    half  by    the  other. This  was  called  "  respondere  ad  Antiphonam."  ■"      ; It  appears  that    this  method  of  singing  the    j Antiphon  was  confined  to  the  beginning  and  end    I of  the  Psalm  or  Canticle.     When  repeated  during    ] the  Psalm,  the  Antiphon  was  always  sung  by  one choir,  the  other  taking  the  verse. The  repetition  of  the  Antiphons  was  in  later times   still  further  curtailed,    and  the  opening words  only  sung  at  the  beginning  of  the  Psalm    I or  Canticle,  the  entire  Antiphon  being  recited  at    1 the  close.     Still  later,  two  or  more  Psalms  were    1 said  under  the  same  Antiphon,  itself  abbreviated    i as  just  stated.     This  is  the  present  custom  of  the    \ Roman  Breviary.     When  the  Antiphon  was  taken from    the  beginning   of  the  Psalm  or  Canticle, after  the  Antiphon  the  beginning  of  the  Psalm  or    , Canticle  was  not  repeated,  but  the  recitation  was   ' taken  up  from  the  place    where   the  Antiphon    i ceases.     For  instance,  the  opening  verses  of  the 92nd  Psalm  are  said  at  Vespers  on  Saturday  in the  Ambrosian  rite  in  this  manner : — Ar\t.  "  Bonuni  est."  I Ps.  "  El  psallere  nomini  Tuo  Altissime,"  &c.  | "Gloria  Patri,"  &c.  I Ant.  "  Bonum  est  confiteri  Domino  Deo  nostro." Where  the  recitation  of  the  Psalm  begins  with the    verse  following  the   Antiphon,  though   the    ; opening  words  only  of  the  Antiphon  are  said  at the  beginning. On  the  more  important  festivals  the  Anti-  , phons  at  Vespers,  Matins,  and  Lauds  (but  not  at  -j the  other  hours),  were  said  entire  before  as  well  I as  after  the  Psalms  and  Canticles.  These  feasts  j were  hence  called  "  double ;"  those  in  which  the  t Antiphons  were  not  thus  repeated,  "  simple."  j There  are  a  few  peculiarities  in    the  use  of Antiphons  to  the  Psalms  and  Canticles  in  the     ' Ambrosian  and  Mozarabic  rites  which  may  be mentioned. 1.  The  Ambrosian  Antiphons  are  divided  into simple  and'  double.     The  simple  Antiphons  are     j said  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Roman  Antiphons    j on   days   which    are    not  "  double."      They   are    ] always  so  said   whatever  be  the  nature  of  the    J feast.     In  Eastertide  the  Antiphon  is  said  entire before  the  Psalm,  and  instead  of  its  repetition at  the  end,  "  Alleluia,  Alleluia,"  is  said.  ] The  double  Antiphons  consist  of  two  clauses,    j the  second  being  distinguished  by  a  V.  (i.  e.  ■cersiis),     \ and    is    said    entire  both    before   and  after   the     , Psalm.     The  following  is  a  specimen  which  is said  to  be  one  of  the  Psalms  on  Good  Friday: —       I Ant.  duplex.  "  Simon,  sleepest  thou.'  Couldest  not  thou  ] watch  with  me  one  hour  ?"  | Y.  "  Or  do  ye  see  Judas,  how  he  sleeps  not,  but  hastens  | to  deliver  Me  to  the  Jews  ?" These  double  Antiphons  occur  occasionally  and irregularly  on  days  which  have  proper  Psalms,    j q  By  Amalarius,  De  Eccl.  Off.  iv.  7. '  In  the  Vatican  Antiphonary  we  find  the  follnwing direction  on  the  Epiphany:— "Hodie ad  omnes  Antiphonas respondenms,"  and  so  in  other  instances.  Jn  a  MS.  of  the church  of  Rouen  the  antiphon  before  and  after  the  "  Mag- nificat "  at  first  Vespers  of  the  Assumption  is  divided  into four  alternate  parts  between  the  two  sides  of  the  choir, and  after  the  "Gloria  Patri"  is  again  sung  by  both  sides together. ANTIPHON Thus  on  Wednesday  before  Easter,  out  of  iiinc I'salms,  one  was  a  double  Antiphon  ;  on  Thurs- day, out  often,  none,  and  on  Good  Friday,  out  of eighteen,  one  ;  on  Christmas  Day,  out  of  twenty- one,  four ;  and  on  the  Epiphany,  out  of  twenty- one,  six.  Festivals  are  not  divided  into  "  double  " and  "  simple "  as  distinguished  by  the  Anti- phons. 2.  The  Mozarabic  Antiphons  are  said  entire before  as  well  as  after  their  Psalm  or  Canticle. Occasionally  two  Antiphons  are  given  for  the same  Canticle.'  They  are  often  divided  into  two clauses,  distinguished"  by  the  letter  P,'  in  which case  at  the  end  of  the  Psalm  the  "  Gloria  "  is  in- tercalated between  the  two  clauses. Of  the  nature  of  the  sentence  adopted  as  an Antiphon  little  is  to  be  said.  It  is,  for  the  most part,  a  verse,  or  part  of  a  verse,  from  the  Psalm it  accompanies,  varying  with  the  day  and  the occasion,  and  often  with  extreme  beauty  of  ap- ])lication.  Sometimes  it  is  a  slight  variation  of the  verse  ;  or  it  is  taken  from  other  parts  of Scripture ;  sometimes  it  is  an  original  composi- tion, occasionally  even  in  verse.  E.  g.  in  the 3rd  Nocturn  on  Sundays  between  Trinity  and Advent  in  the  Sarum  Breviary  : To  Ps.  19  {Coeli  enarrant), "  Sponsus  ut  e  thalamo  pi-ocessit  Cbristus  in  orbem  : Descendens  coelo  jure  salutifero." The  Antiphons  for  the  Venite  are  technically called  the  Invitatorta." The  corresponding  Antiphons  of  the  Eastern Church  need  not  detain  us,  as  they  are  less  pro- minent and  important,  and  present  no  special features.  They  are  always  taken  from  the  Psalm itself,  and  are  said  after  the  Psalm  only,  and  are prefaced  by  the  words  Koi  TraKiv  (and  again), and  are  introduced  before  the  "  Gloria  Patri." Thus  Ps.   104-  (^Benedic    anima    mea)  is    said daily   at  Vespers.      It    is    called  the  proocmiac Psalm ;  and  the  Antiphon  at  the  end  is — And  again. "  The  sun  knoweth  his  going  down.  Thou  makest darkness  that  it  may  be  night. "  0  Lord,  how  manifold  are  Thy  works.  In  wisdom hast  Thou  made  them  all." "Glory  be,"  &c.        "  As  it  was,"  &c. Antiphona  Post  Evangelium. — An  Antiphon said,  as  its  name  indicates,  after  the  Gospel,  in the  Ambrosian  rite.  It  consists  of  a  simple  un- broken clause,  and  is  sometimes  taken  from   the I  Psalms  or  other  parts  of  Scripture  ;  sometimes it  is  composed  with  reference  to  the  day.     One I        example  will  show  its  form,  that  for  the  C'Am^o- I        phory  or  return  of  Christ  out  of  Egypt  (Jan.  7). I  "  Praise  the  Lord,  all  ye  angels  of  His ;  praise  Him  all His  host.  Praise  Him  sun  and  moon :  praise  Him  all  ye stars  and  light." There  is  nothing  corresponding  in  the  Roman Monastic  and  Sarum  Missals,  in  which  the  Gospel ANTIPHON 99 "  We  do  not  feel  sure  whether  in  these  cases  it  is  in- tended that  both  Antiphons  be  used  at  once,  or  a  choice given  between  the  two. «  It  does  not  seem  quite  clear  what  this  1'.  represents. Probably  it  stands  for  I'salraus. "  The  Roman  is  taken  rather  than  any  other  Breviai-y as  giving  a  short  form.  The  Inviiatories  of  the  Sarum Breviary  are  nearly  the  same  for  the  weekdays.  Fur ordinary  Sundays  there  is  a  greater  variety,  which  would have  made  them  longer  to  quote,  without  adding  to  the v.-.liie  of  the  illustration. is  immediately  followed  by  the  Greed.  In  the Mozarabic  office  the  Lmtda  followed  the  Gospel. (The  Creed,  it  will  be  remembered,  is  sung  after the  consecration.) Antiphona  ad  Confractioneni  Panis. — An  Anti- phon said  in  the  Mozarabic  Mass  on  certain  days at  the  breaking  of  the  consecrated  Host.*  It occurs  for  the  most  part  during  Lent,  and  in votive  Masses.  Also  on  Whitsunday  and  on Corpus  Christi.  It  is  usually  short  and  said  in one  clause.  Thus  from  the  4th  Sunday  in  Lent {Mediante  die  Festo),  up  to  Maundy  Thursday {In  coend  Domini),  and  also  on  Corpus  Christi, it  is — "  Do  Thou,  0  Lord,  give  us  our  meat  in  due  season. Open  Thine  hand,  and  fill  all  things  living  with  plcn- teousness." In  the  Ambrosian  Missal  the  Confractorium corresponds  to  the  Antiph.  ad  Confrac.  There is  no  Antiphon  appointed  at  the  same  place  in the  Roman  and  Sarum  Missals. Antiphona  in  Choro. — An  Antiphon  said  in the  Ambrosian  rite  at  Vespers  on  certain  davs. It  occurs  near  the  beginning  of  the  office,  before the  Hymn,  and  is  said  on  Sundays,  and  at  the second  Vespers  of  festivals.  It  is  also  said  at the  first  Vespers  of  those  festivals  which  have the  office  not  solemn  7  (o'fficium  non  solemne)  and of  some,  but  not  of  all,  "  Solemnities  of  the  Lord." It  is  not  said  at  first  Vespers  of  a  Solemn  Office. This  is  the  general  rule,  though  there  are  oc- casional exceptions.  It  varies  with  the  days,  and is  usually  a  verse  of  Scripture,  in  most  cases  from the  Psalms,  and  has  no  Psalm  belonging  to  it. Sometimes  it  is  an  adaptation  of  a  passage  of Scripture,  or  an  original  composition.  Thus,  on Easter  Day,  we  have — Ant.  in  ch.  Hallel.  Then  believed  they  His  words, and  sang  praise  unto  Him."    Hallel. Antiphona  ad  Crucem. — An  Antiphon  said  in the  Ambrosian  rite  at  the  beginning  of  Lauds after  the  Benedictus.  It  is  said  on  Sundays (except  in  Lent),  on  Festivals  which  have  the "Solemn  Office"  (except  they  fall  on  Satur- day), in  "  Solemnities  of  the  Lord "  (even though  they  fliU  on  Saturday),  and  during Octaves.  It  is  usually  a  verse  from  Scripture, but  sometimes  an  original  composition  with  very much  of  the  character  of  a  Greek  Tpundptov,  au(i always  ends  with  Kyr.  Kyr.  Kyr.  (i.  e.  Kyrie eleison,  sometimes  written  K.  K.  K.).  It  is  said five  times,  the  Antiphon  itself  is  repeated  three times,  then  follows  Gloria  Patri,  then  the  Anti- phon again,  then  Sicut  erat,  and  then  the  Anti- phon once  more.  On  Sundays  in  Advent,  except the  6th,  on  Christmas  Day,  the  Circumcision, and  the  Epiphany,  it  is  said  seven  times,  i.  e.,  is repeated  five  times  before  the  Gloria  Patri. «  In  the  Mozarabic  rite  the  Host  after  consecration  is divided,  as  is  well  known,  into  nine  parts,  which  are arranged  on  the  paten  in  a  prescribed  order,  which  it would  be  foreign  to  our  present  purpose  to  describe.  In the  Eastern  Church  the  Host  is  broken  into  four  parts  by tlie  Piicst,  who  recites  an  unvarying  form  of  words.  But this  is  not  an  Antiphon,  and  therefore  beyond  our  pro- vince. y  Festivals  are  divided  in  the  Ambrosian  rite  into  i'o- Icmnities  of  the  Lord  (Solemnitates  Domini),  and  those which  have  the  office  solemn  (oflicinm  solemne),  or  not solemn  (oflicium  non  solenme). IJ  2 100 ANTIPHONAEIUM Thus  on  Ascension  Day — Ant.  ad  cruceni  quinquies.  "  Ye  men  of  Galilee,  why stand  ye  gazing  up  into  heaven  ?  As  ye  have  seen  Him go  into  heaven,  so  shall  He  come."  Hallel.  Kyr.  Kyr.  Kyr. "  Ye  men,"  &c. "  Ye  men,"  &c. "  Glory  be,"  &c. "  Ye  men,"  &c. "  As  it  was,"  &c. "  Ye  men,"  &c. An  Antiphona  ad  crucem,  apparently  recited once  only,  often  occurs  in  the  Antiphonary  of Gregory  the  Great,  after  the  Antiphons  of  Ves- pers or  Lauds.  The  early  writers  on  the  offices of  the  Koman  Church  make  no  mention  of  it,  so that  it  was  probably  peculiar  to  the  monastic rites,  which  more  readily  admitted  additions  of this  nature.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  the monastic  orders  derived  it  from  the  Church  of Milan. Antiphona  ad  Accedentes  or  ad  Accedendum. — An  Antiphon  in  the  Mozarabic  Mass,  sung  after the  Benediction,  and  before  the  Communion  of the  Priest.  They  do  not  often  change.  There js  one  which  is  said  from  the  Vigil  of  Pentecost to  the  first  day  of  Lent  inclusive,  one  which  is said  from  Easter  Eve  to  the  Vigil  of  Pentecost. In  Lent  they  vary  with  the  Sunday,  that  for the  first  Sunday  being  said  on  weekdays  up  to Thursday  before  Easter  exclusive.  '  The  first  of these  whiclj  is  said  during  the  greater  part  of the  year,  is  as  follows  : — "  0  taste  and  see  how  gracious  the  Lord  is."  Allel. AUel.  AUel. V.  "  1  will  always  give  thanks  unto  the  Lord.  His praise  shall  ever  be  in  my  mouth."  P.  Allel.  Allel.  Allel. V.  "  The  Lord  delivereth  the  souls  of  His  servants ; and  all  they  that  put  their  trust  in  Him  shall  not  be  des- titute."   P.  Allel.  Allel.  Allel. V.  "Glory  and  honour  be  to  the  Father,  aiid  to  the Sou,  and  to  the  Holy  Ghost,  world  without  end."  Amen. P.  Allel.  AUel.  AUeL In  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  Ps.  24  (Beue- dicam),  from  which  this  Antiphon  is  taken,  is appointed  to  be  said  during  the  Communion,  as it  is  in  the  Armenian  Liturgy  during  the  dis- tribution of  the  Azymes.^  (During  the  com- munion of  the  people  another  Canticle  is  sung.) S.  Ambrose  alluded  to  the  practice  in  the  words "  Unde  et  Ecclesia  videns  tantam  Gratiam,  horta- tur,  Gustate  et  videte." The  second  Antiphon,  that  used  between  Easter and  Pentecost,  has  reference  to  the  Kesurrection. It  is  adapted  from  the  words  of  the  Gospel  nar- rative, and  we  need  not  quote  it. That  for  Thursday  before  Easter  is  much longer,  and  is  broken  into  many  more  antiphonal clauses,  and  is  an  abstract  of  the  Gospel  narra- tive of  the  institution  of  the  Sacrament  of  the Lord's  Supper.  Those  in  use  during  Lent  are  of precisely  the  oi-dinary  form. There  is  nothing  in  the  other  Western  Liturgies which  exactly  corresponds  to  this  Antiphon. The  Roman  and  Sarum  Communio,  and  the  Am- brosian  Transitorium,  which  are  the  analogous parts  of  those  offices,  are  said  after  the  Recep- tion. [H.  J.  H.] ANTIPHONARrUM  (also  Antiphonale,  An- tiphonarius,  Antiphonarius  liber),  an  office  book of  the  Latin  Church,  containing  the  Antiphons '  These  corresiwnd  to  the  French ;jain  bini.  [Kulogiae.] ANTIPHONAEIUM and  other  portions  of  the  Service,  which  were sung  antiphonally. The  name  Antiphonarium  is  applied  to  such books  by  John  the  Deacon,  in  his  Life  of  Gregory the  Great,  who  says  that  that  Pontiff"  was  the author  of  Antiphonaries.  The  complete  collec- tion, however,  of  Antiphons  and  Responsories, known  by  the  general  name  of  Antipihonariurry or  Eesponsorium,  was  usually  divided  into  three  , parts  in  the  Roman  Church.  i Amalarius  writes :  *  "It  is  to  be  observed that  the  volume  which  we  call  Antiphonarium has  three  names  ^  (tria  habet  nomina)  among the  Romans.  That  part  which  we  term  Gradual (Gradale)  they  term  Cantatory  (Cantatorium); which  is  still,  according  to  their  old  custom,  in some  churches  bound  in  a  separate  volume.  The following  part  they  divide  under  two  headings (in  duobus  nominibus).  The  part  which  contain.^ the  Responsories  is  called  the  Eesponsorial  (Re^ sponsoriale)  ;  and  the  part  which  contains  the Antiphons  is  called  the  Antiphonary  (Antiphon- arius)." As  to  the  name  Cantatorium,  we  find  in  the "  Ordo  Romanus  I."  (§  10)  the  direction  :— * "  After  he  [the  Subdeacon]  has  finished  reading [the  epistle],  the  singer  (Cantor),  with  the  Canta- tory, mounts, <=  and  sings  the  Response."  And Amalarius  {De  Eccl.  Off.  iii.  IG)  says:  "The singer  holds  the  Tablets  (Tabulas),"  where  the word  Tabulas  is  thought  to  mean  the  same  thing as  Cantatorium,  i.  e.  the  book  itself. The  derivation  of  these  words  is  obvious.  The book  was  called  Cantatorium  from  its  containing ; the  parts  of  the  Service  which  were  sung :  Oradale, ' Gradalis,  or  Graduale  (Gradual  or  Graile),  from  j their  being  sung  at  the  steps  of  the  am  bo  or  j pulpit ;  and  Tabulae  in  all  probability  from  the  i plates  in  which  the  book  was  contained,  and  \ which  appear  to  have  been  of  bone,  or  perhaps  I horn.  Amalarius,  in  the  context  of  the  passage  i quoted,  says  that  the  tabulae  which  the  Cantor  \ holds  are  usually  made  of  bone  (solent  fieri  de  | osse).  i By  whatever  name  this  book  was  known,  il  | contained  those  portions  of  the  office  of  the  Mass  1 which  were  sung  antiphonally,  and  was  the  first  ■ of  the  three  divisions  above  alluded  to.  The second  part,  the  Re  sponsoriale,  contained  the  : Responsories  after  the  lessons  at  Nocturus  ;  and the  third  part,  the  Antiphonarium,  the  Antiphons  | for  the  Nocturns  and  diurnal  offices.  | The  three  parts  together  make  up  what  is  ; generally  understood  by  the  Antiphonale  or  An- tiphonarium.  The  book  is  also  sometimes  called  \ the  Official  Book,  or  tlie  Office  Book  (Liber  ofii-  ' cialis.  A  MS.  of  the  Monastery  of  St.  Gall,  of! part  of  an  Antiphonary  and  Responsorial  of  the  • usual  type,  is  headed  "  Incipit  officialis  liber  "). It  seems  also  to  have  been  occasionally  called  the  -' Capitular  Book  (Capitulare).  In  a  MS.  of  St.  ; Gall,  of  apparently  about  the  beginning  of  the  ' llth  century,  we  find  the  direction,  "  Respon- : soria  et  Antiphonae  sicut  in  Capitulari  habetur ;" and  though,  according  to  the  aid  Roman  use  of words,  '■^Capitulare"  means  the  Book  of  Epistles and  Gospels,  the  context  in  this  place  necessitates  i «  De  ord.  Antiph.,  Prologus. b  I.e.  consists  of  three  parts,  as  the  context  shows. ■=  i.e.  the  Ambo  or  its  steps,  for  the  custom  would  seem 3  have  varied. ANTIPHOlSrAEIUM the  meaning  of  Antiphonary.  The  word  occurs, moreover,  throughout  the  MS.  in  the  same sense. Antiphonaries  are  sometimes  found  in  old MSS.  divided  into  two  parts  —  one  beginning with  Advent,  and  ending  with  Wednesday  or some  later  day  (for  the  practice  is  not  uniform) in  the  Holy  Week,  and  the  other  comprising the  rest  of  the  year.  Sometimes,  again,  they were  divided  into  two  parts,  containing  respect- ively the  services  for  the  daily  and  the  nocturnal offices.  Among  the  books  of  the  Monastery  of Pisa  (Muratori,  Ann.  Ital.  iv.)  we  meet  with "  Antiphonnrios  octo,  quinque  diurnales,  tres  noc- turnales,"  and  in  an  old  inventory  of  the.  church of  Tarbes  "  Antiphonariiim  de  die "  and  "  Anti- phonarium  de  node  are  mentioned.  We  have thus  to  distinguish  between — (1.)  The  Antiphonarium  (properly  so  called), which  contained  the  Antiphons  for  the  Nocturns and  daily  office. (2.)  The  Liber  Responsorialis  ct  Antiphona- rius,  frequently,  and  in  the  Roman  Church usually,  called  for  brevity  Antiphonarium,  which comprised  the  contents  of  the  last-mentioned hook,  together  with  the  Responsories,  originally divided  into  two  distinct  parts,  but  afterwards united  into  one,  and  arranged  in  order  of sequence. (3.)  The  Antiphonarium,  otherwise  called  Gra- dmle,  Gradale,  or  Gradalis,  and  which  contains those  pqrtions  of  the  missal  which  are  sung  anti- phonally.  This  is  what  is  called  by  some  Canta- torium. Those  which  are  most  frequently  met  with  are of  classes  2  and  3, 2.  As  to  the  origin  of  Antiphonaries, — St. Gregory  the  Great  is,  as  we  have  stated,  usually considered  to  have  been  the  author  of  Antipho- naries. It  is,  however,  maintained  by  some,''  and with  much  reason,  that  as  the  use  of  Antiphons and  Responsories  in  the  Roman  Church  was  older than  the  time  of  Gregory,  it  is  likely  that  books of  Antiphons  and  Responsories  existed  likewise previously,  and  that  that  Pontiff  merely  revised and  rearranged  the  Antiphonal  and  Responsorial books  he  found  in  use,  much  in  the  same  manner as  he  recast  the  old  Sacranwntary  of  Gelasius into  what  is  now  universally  known  as  the  Gre- gorian Sacramentary. It  has  been  also  questioned  by  some  whether Gregory,  the  reputed  author  of  Antiphonaries, may  not  be  Pope  Gregory  II.  A.D.  715.  But  as the  title  of  the  Great  was  not  ascribed  to  Gregory I.  till  long  after  his  death, ^  the  argument  founded on  the  absence  of  that  title,  which  is  much  relied on,  does  not  seem  of  great  force. The  Roman  Antiphonary,  substantially,  we may  suppose,  as  Gregory  compiled  it,  was  sent by  Pope  Adrian  I.  (a.d.  772-795)  to  Charle- magne. The  received  story  is  that  the  Pope sent  two  Antiphonaries  to  the  Emperor  by  two singers  (Cantores)  of  the  Roman  Church.^  Of !these,  one  fell  ill  on  his  journey,  and  was  received at  the  Monastery  of  St.  Gall,  to  which  monastery ANTirHONAEIUM 101 d  As  by  Thomasius,  Opera,  iv.  p.  xxxiv. »  In  the  writings  of  Bede,  Gregory  of  Tours,  &c.  &c., he  is  called  B.  Grrgorius,  or  Gregorius  Papa,  or  Gre- goritis  EccUsiae  Doctor,  but  not  Gregorius  Magnus. f  It  was  after  this,  according  to  Thomasius  (h'p.  i.  ad Schcnk),  that  the  Antiphonary  was  divided  into  the  luuls above  named. he  left  an  Antiphonary.  The  other  book  reached its  destination,  and  was  deposited  at  Metz.  This Antiphonary  was  held  in  high  estimation,  as  we learn  from  St.  Bernard,  who  says  that  the  early Cistercians,  who  could  find  nothing  more  authen- tic, sent  to  Metz  to  transcribe  the  Antiphonary, which  was  reputed  to  be  Gregorian,  for  their use.  It  is  also  said  that  the  clergy  of  Metz excelled  the  rest  of  the  Gallic  clergy  in  the Roman  Church  song  (Romana  Cantilena)  as  much as  the  Roman  clergy  excelled  them. A  Roman  Antiphonary  was  also  sent  by  Pope Gregory  IV.  (a.d.  827-844)  to  the  then  Abbat  of Corbie,  whicli  was  known  as  the  Corbie  Anti- phonary ;  and  as  this  often  varies  from  that  of Metz,  it  is  inferred  (as  is  probable)  that  cei-tain changes  and  variations  between  different  copies had  by  that  time  crept  into  the  Antiphonary  as compiled  by  Gregory, After  the  Gregorian  Antiphonary  was  intro- duced into  France,  it  soon  underwent  many  addi- tions and  modifications. Walafrid  Strabo,  who  lived  in  the  9th  century, says  that  the  Church  of  Gaul,  which  possessed both  learned  men  and  ample  materials  for  the divine  offices  of  its  own,  intermingled  some  of these  with  the  Roman  offices.  Hence  a  great variety  in  the  usages  of  the  dift'ereut  French churches,  on  which  we  need  not  touch. 3.  As  examples  of  the  contents  of  these  books, we  will  give  a  sketch  of  two. (1.)  The  Antiphonary  for  the  Mass,  or  Gra- dual, attributed  to  St.  Gregory.  This  is  headed "  In  Dei  nomine  incipit  Antiphonarius  ordinatus a  St.  Gregorio  per  circulum  anni." This  title  is  followed  in  the  St.  Gall  MS.  by the  well-known  lines — "Gregorius  Praesul  meritis  et  nomine  dignns, Unde  genus  ducit  Summum  conscendit  Honorem,"  etc. The  book  contains  the  various  Antiphons  sung at  the  Mass  for  the  course  of  the  ecclesiastical year,  divided  into  two  parts ;  that  for  the  Sun- days and  moveable  feasts,  and  that  for  the  Saints' days.  The  first  part,  corresponding  to  the  Tem- porale  of  the  Missals,  has  no  special  heading.  It begins  with  a  rule  for  finding  Advent  (that  it must  not  begin  before  V.  Kal.  Dec,  or  aft^r III.  Non,  Dec),  and  then  proceeds  with  the Sundays  and  Festivals  in  their  course,  beginning with  the  first  Sunday  in  Advent  (Dom.  1™»  de Adventu  Domini),  giving  for  each  day  the  Station, the  Antiphona  ad  Introitum,  with  the  tone  for the  Psalm  ;  the  Eesponsorium  Gradale,  the  Trac' tus,  when  it  occurs ;  the  Antiphona  ad  Offerenda, and  the  Antiphona  ad  Conimunionem,e  each  with its  verstis  ad  repetendum,  and  the  last  with  its psalm  also. In  the  arrangement  of  the  year,  there  is  little to  be  noticed.  The  Sundays  during  the  summer are  counted  from  the  Octave  of  Pentecost,  and are  called  Dominica  prima  post  Octavos  Fente- costas ;  and  so  on  until  the  5th,  which  is  called  in some  MSS.  Dominica  prima  post  Natale  Aposto- lomm}^  the  numbering  from  the  Octave  of  Pente- cost being  likewise  continued  till  Advent.  After six    of    these    Sundays   post-Natale,  &c.,  comes e  These  are  now  called  respectively  the  Gradual  (Gra- dualc,  or  Gradale),  the  Offertory  (Offertorium;,  and  the Camnamion  (Communio),  and  the  last  two  are  shortened into  a  single  verse. h  i.e.  SS.  I'etcr  and  I'iuil. 102 ANTIPHONAEIUM Dominica  prirrui  2Mst  St.  Laurentii,'  and  so  on  for six  Sundays  more,  when  we  come  to  Dominica prima  post  S.  Angeli,^  of  which  last  set  of  Sun- days seven  are  provided.  Trinity  Sunday  does not  appear,  but  the  last  Sunday  before  Advent  is called  "  de  SS.  Trinitate,  [«/.]  Dmn.  xxiv.  post Octav.-Pentec.  ;  and  the  Antiphons  are  those  now used  in  the  Roman  Church  on  Trinity  Sunday, i.e.,  the  Octave  of  Pentecost.  The  Festival  of  the Circumcision  does  not  appear,  the  day  being  called Oct.  Domini.  There  is  also  a  second  office  pro- vided for  the  same  day,  according  to  an  old  prac- tice, called  variously  In  Natal.  Sanctae  Mariae t)r  De  Sancta  Maria  in  Octava  D"',  or  Ad  hono- rem  Sanctae  Mariae.'" The  offices  for  Good  Friday  "  ad  crucem  ado- randam,"  and  the  Reproaches  (called  here  simply Ad  crucem  Antiphond)  and  that  for  baptism  on Easter  Eve,  as  also  Various  Litanies  and  other occasional  additions  to  the  usual  office,  are  found in  their  proper  places. The  second  part  is  headed  "  De  natalitiis Sanctorum,"  and  corresponds  with  the  Sanctorale of  later  books.  It  begins  with  the  festival  of  St. Lucy  [Dec.  13],  and  ends  with  that  of  St.  Andrew [Nov.  30].  This  is  followed  in  the  St.  Gall  MS. by  offices  for  St.  Nicholas,  the  Octave  of  St. Andrew,  St.  Damasus  [Dec.  11],  and  the  Vigil  of St.  Thomas,  and  one  for  the  Festival  of  St.  Thomas, which  differs  from  that  previously  given.  There are  also  a  variety  of  occasional  and  votive  offices. The  Festival  of  All  Saints  is  found  in  some MSS.  There  is  one  Festival  of  the  Chair  of  St. Peter  in  one  of  the  St.  Gall  copies  on  Jan.  18,° and  one  in  three  MSS.  on  Feb.  22.°  There  is  no addition  in  either  ease  of  the  words  Romae  or Antiochiae,  and  both  are  not,  it  seems,  found  in the  same  MS. As  a  specimen  of  the  arrangement,  take  the first  Mass  for  Christmas  Day,  that  in  media  nocte or  in  gain  cantu. "VIII.  Kalendas  Jamiarii Nativltas  Domini  nostri  Jesu  Cbristj;; Ad  Sauctam  Mariam. Antiphona  ad  Introitum.  ■ Doniinus  dixit  ad  me,  Filius  mens  es  tu.iEgo  Uodie geuui  te.    [Dominus  dixit.]  '.    : Ton.  ii.  oia,  euonae.        '    ' Ps.1.   Quare  fremuerunt  gentes?  et  populi  meditati suntinania?    [Dominus  dixit]  [Gloria^' Dominus  dixit] V'  ad  repetendum.  Postula  a  me,  ef  dabo  tibi  gentes haereditatem  tiiam,  et  possessionem  tuam  terminos  terrae. [Dominus  dixit.]" Then  follow  successively  the  Eesponsorium gradale,  the  Antiphona  ad  offerenda,  and  the Antiphona  ad  Communionem,  each  with  its versus,  and  the  last  with  its  psalm  and  versus  ad repetendum.  All  these  Antiphons  are  repeated in  the  manner  whicli  has  been  explained  in  the article  on  Antiphons ;    and  as  they  are  of  the '  i.e.  Aug.  10. ^  i.e.  Michaelmas,  as  we  should  say. m  This  has  been  put  forward  as  an  argument  for  the Gregorian  authorship  of  this  Antiphonary,  as  it  is  said that  St.  Gregory  was  in  the  habit  of  celebrating  two masses  on  this  day,  the  second  of  which  was  "  de  Sancta Maria." "  This  corresponds  with  the  present  festival  of  the Chair  of  St.  Peter  at  Rtyme. »  This  corresponds  with  the  present  festival  of  the Chair  of  St.  Peter  at  Antivrh. ANTIPHONAEIUM ordinary  form,  it  does  not  seem  necessary  to  set them  out  at  length  here. (2.)  As  an  example  of  an  Antiphonary  for  the, canonical  hours,  we  will  take  the  Antiphonary  of the  Vatican  Basilica.  It  is  a  MS.  with  musical notation  differing  from  that  adopted  later.  It represents  the  use  of  the  Roman  Church  in  the 12th  century,  and  may  be  considered  as  embody- ing the  substance  of  the  Gregorian  Antiphonary, together  with  some  later  additions.  It  is  headed — "  In  nomine  Domini  Jesu  Christi  incipit  Re- sponsoriale  et  Antiphonarium  Romanae  Ecclesiae de  circulo  anni  juxta  veterem  usum  Canonicorum Basilicae  Vaticanae  St.  Petri."  It  begins  with  a calendai;,  with  the  usual  couplets  of  hexameters at  the  head  of  each  month,  and  then,  without any  further  title,  proceeds  with  the  Antiphons at  the  first  Vespers  of  the  first  Sunday  in  Ad- vent, and  thence  onwards  throughout  the  course of  the  year,  giving  the  Antiphons  at  Nocturns and  all  the  hours;  and  the  Responsories  after the  lessons  at  Nocturns.  These  Antiphons  and Responsories  are  so  nearly  the  same  as  those  in the  present  Roman  Breviary  that  it  is  unneces- sary to  quote  more  than  the  following  specimen of  the  manner  in  which  they  are  set  out : — "  Dominica  i.  de  Adventu  Domini. Statio  ad  Sanctam  Mariam  Majorem  ad  Praesepe. Istud  Invitatorlum  cantamus  eo  die  ad  Matutiiiuni usque  in  Vigil.  Natal.  Domini,  exceptis  Festivitatibus Sanctorum. Kegem  Tenturum  Dominum,  venite  adoremus.  Venite. In  i.  Nocturno. Ant.  Missus  est  Gabriel  Angelus  ad  Mariam  Virginem desponsatam  Joseph.  I'sal.  Beatiis  vir.  Quare  fremu- erunt.   Domine  quid.    Domine  ne  in. Ant.  Ave  Maria,  gratia  plena,  benedicta  tu  inter  muli- eres.  Psal.  Domine  Deus  meus.i  Domine  Dominus noster.    Confitebor.    In  Domino  confido. Ant.  Ne  tinieas  Maria,  invenisti  gratiam  apud  Domi- num; ecce  concipies  et  piuies  Filium.  AUeluja.  Psal. Salvum  me  fac.  Usquequo.  Dixit  insipiens.  Domiue quis. V.  Ostende  nobis  Domine  misericordiam  Tuam. H.  Et  salutare  Tuum  da  nobis." Then  follows  a  long  rubric,  directing  how  the Responsories  should  be  sung,  and  then  the  three well-known  Responsories : — (1)  Aspiciens  a  longe,  &c. (2)  Aspiciebam  in  visu  noctis,  &c. (3)  Missus  est  Gabriel,  &c. The  lessons  are  not  indicated ;  but  the  Re- sponsories are  usually  taken  from  the  book  which is  being  read  in  its  course.  Thus,  on  the  Octave of  Pentecost  the  Books  of  the  Kings  p  were begun ;  and  we  have  the  rubric,  "  Historia Regum  cantatur  usque  ad  Kalendas  Augusti," followed  by  a  series  of  Responsories  taken  or adapted  from  those  books  for  use  during  that time.i The  Antiphons,  &c.,  for  ordinary  week  days (Feriae)  are  given  after  the  Octave  of  the  Epi- phany. On  days  on  which  there  are  nine  lessons, nine  Responsories  are  given.  According  to  the present  Roman  custom,  the  ninth  is  replaced  by Te  Deuni  on  those  days  on  which  it  is  said. There  is  also  an  Antiphonary  of  this  description p  Including  what  we  call  the  Books  of  Samuel. 1  The  older  Roman  custom  was  to  sing  in  the  Octave of  Pentecost  and  during  the  following  week  Respcjnsories from  the  Psalms  (de  Psalmista)  after  that  from  the  Kings. ANTISTES attributed  to  St.  Gregory,  which  exists  at  St. Gall.  It  is  headed  by  an  introduction  in  verse, which  begins  thus — "  Hoc  quoque  Gregorius  Patres  de  more  secutus, Instauravit  opus,  auxit  et  in  melius. His  vigili  Olerus  mentem  conamlne  subdat Ordinibus,  pascens  hoc  sua  corda  favo." (and  so  on  for  14  lines.) The  MS.  bears  the  heading — "Incipiunt  Re- sponsoria  et  Antiphonae  per  circulum  anni." These  are  in  the  main  identical  with  those  in  the Antiphonary  just  mentioned,  but  are  arranged with  reference  to  the  monastic  distribution  of psalms  and  lessons. Towards  the  end  of  the  Antiphonary  is  a  large number  of  Antiphons,  given  for  the  Benedicite, the  Benedictus,  and  the  Magnificat  respectively. In  a  portion  of  an  Antiphonary  ("  ex  vetus- tissimo  codice  MS.  raembranaceo  Palatino  signato num.  487  in  Bibliotheca  Vaticana,  in  quo  conti- neutur  vetustiores,  germanioresque  libelli  Ordinis Romani "),  containing  the  service  for  Easter week,  one  or  more  of  the  Antiphons  to  the psalms  for  each  day  is  given  in  Greek,  but written  in  Roman  characters,  the  others  remain- ing in  Latin.  Thus  at  Vespers  on  Easter  Tuesday, the  Antiphon  to  Ps.  cxii.  is  thus  given — "  Alleluja.  Piosechete  laos  mu  to  nomo  mu  :  clinate  to us  liymon  is  ta  rhimata  tu  stoniatos  mu. V.  Anixo  en  paiabolaes  to  stoma  mu  :  phthenxomae pioblemata  aparches. " ■■ Those  to  the  other  psalms  at  the  same  Vespers are  in  Latin. This  may  suffice  to  explain  the  general  nature of  Antiphonaries.  The  consideration  of  the  many points  of  interest  which  their  details  present  is beyond  the  scope  of  this  article.  [H.  J.  H.] ANTISTES.— This  title  appears  to  have been  common  to  bishops  and  presbyters  in  the Early  Church.  As  the  name  "  sacerdos  "  is  com- mon to  both  estates  in  respect  of  the  offices  of divine  service  which  were  performed  by  both, so  in  respect  of  the  government  of  the  Church in  which  they  were  associated,  we  find  them designated  alike,  sometimes  as  "  Presbyters  "  as marking  their  age  and  dignity — sometimes  in respect  of  their  "  cure  "  or  charge — as  "  antis- tites,"  Trpoeo-TtuTcj,  praepositi.  Thus  in  the  first canon  of  the  Council  of  Antioch,  a.d.  341,  the bishop  and  presbyter  are  both  expressly  classed among  the  irpoiaTwTes,  and  the  corresponding title  of  "Antistites"  is  evidently  extended  to the  second  order  of  the  ministry  by  St.  Augus- tine QSenn.  351  de Foenitentid),  as  follows:  "  Ve- niat  (peccator)  ad  antistites,  per  quos  illi  in ecclesia  claves  ministrantur,  et  .  .  .  a  praepo- sitis  sacramentorum  accipiat  satisfactionis  suae modum."  Here  it  is  plain  that  "antistites  in ecclesia  "  are  not  the  bishop  alone,  but  the  bishop and  the  presbyters.  This  usage  of  the  word agrees  with  that  of  Archisynagogus  in  the Jewish  synagogue,  and  may  have  been  suggested by  it.  (Thorndike,  Priinitive  Government  of Churches,  voL  i.  p.  34.)  [D.  B.] ANTONICUS,  saint,  commemorated  April  19 {Mart.  Bcdac).  [C] '  npoaexfre  Aao?  ftov  Tip  voixto  /nou  '  <cAt'i/aT€  to  o8s v^lav  eU  TO,  piiftara  to?  crTOjitaTos  ixov. avoi^u)  iv  irapa^oAats  to  (TTOjaa  /xov,  00tyfo,uat  irpo- ^AiijuaTO  air'  apxfi';. APOLLONIUS 103 ANTONINA,  martyr,  commemorated  June 10  (Cal.  Byzant.,  Neale).  [C] ANTONINUS.  (1)  Abbat,  Jan.  17  {M. Hieron.). (2)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia,  May  4  {M.  Hieron.). (3)  Martyr  at  Apamea,  commemorated  Sept.  2 {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.) ;  Sept.  3  (Mart.  Hieron.).  [C] ANTONIUS.  (1)  The  hermit,  Jan.  17  {Mart. Bedae,  Cal.  Byzant.,  Armen.). (2)  Martyr  at  Rome,  commemorated  Aug.  22 {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.). (3)  In  Piacenza,  Sept.  30  {M.  Hieron.). (4)  In  Caesarea,  commemorated  Nov.  13 {Mart.  Hieron.).  [C] ANYSIA,  martyr  of  Thessalonica,  commemo- rated Dec.  30  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] APER,  bishop,  commemorated  Sept.  15  {Mart, Bedae,  Hieron.).  [C] APOCREOS  {'ATr6Kp€ws).—T:he  Sunday  in the  Orthodox  Greek  Calendar,  which  corresponds to  our  Sexagesima  Sunday,  is  called  KvpiuKrj 'Air6Kpews,  because  from  it  the  abstinence  from flesh  begins,  though  the  more  strict  observance  of the  Lent  fast  does  not  commence  until  the  follow- ing Sunday.  [Lent.]  The  whole  of  the  preceding week  is  also  named  from  this  Sunday,  and  is  a kind  of  carnival.  (Daniel,  Codex  Liiurgicus,  iv. 214  ;  Suicer,  Thesaurus,  s.  v.  'A.-K6Kpews.)       [C] APODOSIS  CAtto'Soo-is).— When  the  com- memoration of  a  Festival  is  prolonged  over  several days,  the  last  day  of  this  period  is  called  in  the Greek  Calendar  the  "Apodosis"  of  the  Festival. For  instance,  on  the  Thursday  before  Pentecost is  the  Apodosis  of  the  Ascension  (aTroSi'Sorat  ^ 'Eoprrj  Tijj  ' hva\-r]\\/iQis).  In  this  case,  and  in some  others  (for  instance,  the  Exaltation  of  the Cross  and  the  Transfiguration)  the  Apodosis coincides  with  the  octave  ;  but  this  is  not  always the  case.  Sometimes  the  period  is  more  than  an octave  ;  Easter-day,  for  instance,  has  its  Apodosis on  the  eve  of  the  Ascension  :  but  generally  it  is less  ;  the  Nativity  of  the  Theotokos  (Sept.  8),  for instance,  has  its  Apodosis  Sept.  12.  (Neale's Eastern  Church,  Introd.  764 ;  Daniel's  Codex Liturgicus,  iv.  230.)  fC] APOLLINARIS.  (1)  Bishop,  martyr  at Ravenna,  commemorated  July  23  {Mart.  Rom. Vet.,  Bedae).  Antiphon  for  Natalis  Sancti  Apol- linaris  in  Liber  Antiphon.  p.  704. (2)  Commem6rated  Aug.  23  {Mart.  Bedae). (3)  "  Avernus,"  Sept.  26  {M.  Hieron.). (4)  Bishop,  Oct.  5  {lb.  et  Hieron.).  [C] APOLLINARIUS,  martyr,  commemorated June  5  {Mart.  Bedae).  [C] APOLLONIA,  virgin,  martyr  at  Alexandria, commemorated  Feb.  9  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.).     [C] APOLLON,  bishop  and  martyr,  commemo- rated Feb.  10  {Mart.  Hieron.).  [C] APOLLONIUS.  (1)  Commemorated  March 19  {Mart.  Bedae). (2)  Of  Egypt,  commemorated  April  5  {Mart. Rom.  Vet);  Dec.  U  {Gal.  Byzant.). (3)  Presbyter,  of  Alexandria,  April  10  {Th.  et Hierun.). (4)  Senator,  martyr  at  Rome,  April  18  {!h. et  Bcdac). 104 APOSTASY '  (5)  Commemorated  July  7  {Mart.  Bcdac  et Bieron.). (6)  Gommcmorated  Dec.  23  (if.  Micron.).  [C] ■  APOSTASY  (airo(7Ta<ria,  apostasia,  pracvari- catid)  is  of  three  kinds.  1.  Apostasy  a  fide,  or perfidiae ;  2.  Apostasy  a  religione  ;  3.  Apostasy ah  ordine  suscepto.  Of  these  the  two  last  will be  more  appropriately  considered  under  the articles  MoNASTiciSM  and  Holy  Orders. Apostasy  a  fide  is  the  voluntary  and  com- plete abandonment  of  the  Faith  by  those  who have  been  made  members  of  the  Church  by baptism.  It  is  voluntary,  and  herein  to  be  dis- tinguished from  the  sin  of  the  lapsed  [Lapsi], who  fall  away  through  compulsion  or  the  fear of  death  ;  it  is  also  complete,  and  consequently  a graver  crime  than  heresy,  which  is  the  denial of  one  or  more  of  the  articles  of  the  Faith,  but not  an  entire  rejection  of  the  Faith  itself.  Lastly, Apostasy  is  an  abandonment  of  the  Faith,  and therefore  an  offence  which  could  only  be  com- mitted by  members  of  the  Church,  by  those who  had  in  baptism  taken  the  soldier's  oath  to ■fight  under  her  standard.  For  this  reason  apos- tates were  accounted  to  be  betrayers  of  their Master's  cause,  and  deserters  from  the  ranks in  which  they  had  sworn  to  serve.  "  Praeva- ricatores  eos  e.\istimamus,  qui  susceptam  fidem et  cognitionem  Dei  adeptam  relinquunt ;  aliud pollicitos,  et  aliud  nunc  agentes "  (St.  Hilar. Pict.  in  Fs.  118,  vers.  119). It  would  also  appear  that  catechumens  were by  some  considered  capable  of  committing  the sin  of  apostasy  (Cod.  Theod.,  De  AjMstat.  xvi.  7,  2), although  their  guilt  was  not  so  great  as  that  of the  baptized  apostate. Apostates  a  fide  were  of  two  classes :  those who  became  Jews,  and  those  who  became  Pagans. Of  the  former  class  there  were  those  who  entirely abandoned  the  Christian  Faith,  and  who  there- fore were  properly  called  apostates  ;  and  those who  did  not  altogether  reject  it,  but  mingled  to- gether Christianity  and  Judaism,  and,  as  it  were, made  for  themselves  a  new  religion.  Such  were the  Coelicolae,  Cerinthiani,  Ebionaei,  Nazaraei, Elcesaei,  and  Samsaei.  There  were  others,  again, who  were  also  called  apostates,  who,  without embracing  any  distinctive  Jewish  doctrines,  ob- served parts  of  the  ceremonial  law,  such  as  rest- ing on  the  Sabbath,  or  who  kept  the  Jewish feasts  and  fasts,  or  consulted  Jews  with  the object  of  procuring  charms  for  the  cure  of  sick- ness. And,  secondly,  there  were  those  who  volun- tarily abandoned  Christianity  and  returned  to heathenism.  And  persons,  who  without  going to  this  length,  accepted  the  office  of  flamen,  or who  attended  sacrifices  (except  in  the  discharge of  duty),  or  joined  as  actors,  stage  players,  or charioteers  in  the  heathen  games,  or  who  sold animals  or  incense  for  sacrifice,  or  manufactured idols  and  the  like,  were  considered  to  have  be- trayed their  faith  and  to  be  guilty  of  a  sin  almost as  gi-ave  as  that  of  apostasy,  and  to  merit  the name  of  apostates  (Devoti.  Inst.  Can.  iv.  3; Bingham,  Antiq.  xvi.  6,  4). The  crime  of  apostasy  was  punished  in  the same  way  as  heresy,  though  it  ^yas  a  graver offence.  There  are  also  special  enactments  in  re- ference to  it,  both  in  the  qanons  of  Councils  and in  the  constitutions  of  the  Christian  emperors. APOSTASY By  the  11th  canon  of  the  Oecumenical  Council of  Nicaea  (a.d.  325),  those  who  had  voluntarily denied  Christ,  if  they  gave  proof  of  hearty  re- pentance, were  admitted  for  three  years  amongst the  audientes.  For  the  next  seven  years  they were  permitted  to  become  substrati,  and  were obliged  to  leave  the  church  at  the  same  time  a? the  catechumens.  After  the  expiration  of  this term  they  were  allowed  to  join  as  consistentes  in the  prayers  of  the  taithful ;  but  two  years  had still  to  elapse  before  they  were  permitted to  make  oblations,  or  to  partake  of  the  Holy Eucharist ;  then  they  were  said  f\de7i>  eiri  rb TfAfiov  (cf.  Beveridge,  Fund.  Can.  Annotationes in  loc,  and  Bingham,  Antiq.  viii,  3  ;  xviii.  1). These  provisions  were  an  amelioration  of  the earlier  discipline  of  the  Church,  as  we  learn  from St.  Cyprian  (a.d.  252).  "  Apostatae  vero  et  de- sertores  vel  adversarii  et  hostes  et  Christi  Eccle- siam  dissipautes,  nee,  si  occisi  pro  nomine  foris fuerint,  admitti  secundum  Apostolum  possunt ad  ecclesiae  pacem,  quando  nee  Spiritus  nee  Eccle- siae  tenuerunt  unitatem  "  (St.  Cyprian,  Ep.  Iv. ad  fin.). By  the  63rd  (or  64th)  of  the  Canons  of  the Apostles,  clerks  who  went  into  synagogues  to pray  were  deposed  and  excommunicated ;  and  if laymen  committed  a  like  offence  they  were  ex- communicated (on  the  interpretation  of  this  canon with  regard  to  the  question  whether  or  not  clerks were  to  be  excommunicated  as  well  as  deposed, see  Beveridge,  Fand.  Can.  Antwtationes,  in  loc). The  same  punishments  were  by  the  65th  (or 66th)  canon  inflicted  on  clerks  and  laymen  who fiisted  on  the  Lord's  Day,  or  upon  any  Sabbath Day  except  the  Great  Sabbath,  Easter  Eve ;  and by  the  69th  (or  70th)  canon,  those  were  included who  observed  Jewish  fasts  or  feasts,  or  (canon 70  or  71)  who  gave  oil  for  consumption  in  syna- gogues or  heathen  temples. By  the  11th  canon  of  the  "Concilium  Quini- sextum,"  or  "in  Trullo  "  (a.d.  691  or  692),  the clergy  and  laity  were  forbidden — the  former  under pain  of  deposition,  and  the  latter  under  pain  of excommunication — to  eat  unleavened  bread  with Jews,  or  to  have  any  friendly  intercourse  with them,  or  to  consult  them  in  sickness,  or  even  to enter  the  baths  in  their  company. In  Africa,  by  the  35th  canon  of  the  3rd Council  of  Carthage  (a.d.  397)  "  Apostaticis  con- versis  vel  reversis  ad  Dominum  gratia  vel  re- conciliatio  non  negetur." In  the  East,  by  the  29th  canon  of  the  Council of  Laodicea  (a.d.  365,  according  to  Beveridge) Christians  were  forbidden  to  Judaize  (lovid'c^nv) under  the  penalty  of  anathema.  By  the  37th and  following  canons  of  the  same  Council  they were  forbidden  to  be  present  at  Jewish  or  Pagan feasts. In  Spain,  the  Council  of  f^liberis  (a.d.  305  or 306)  contains  several  provisions  for  the  suppres- sion and  punishment  of  apostasy  ;  for  example, by  the  first  canon  persons  of  full  age,  who  after baptism  went  to  a  heathen  temple  and  sacrificed to  an  idol  were  refused  communion,  even  at  the hour  of  death.  By  the  46th  canon  of  the  same Council  apostates  who  have  not  been  guilty  of idolatry  are  admitted  to  communion  after  ten years'  penance  ;  by  the  49th  the  blessing  of  the fruits  of  the  earth  by  Jews  is  forbidden,  and those  who  allow  that  ceremony  to  be  performed are  cast  out  altogether  from  the  Church.     Upon APOSTASY this  canon  Hefele  (C'o}iciliengeschichte,  i.  148)  ob- serves :  "  In  Spain  the  Jews  had  become  so  nu- merous and  powerful  during  the  early  ages  of  the Christian  era  that  they  believed  they  might  ven- ture to  attempt  to  convert  the  whole  country.  .  . There  is  no  doubt  that  at  that  period  many Christians  in  Spain  of  high  standing  became  con- verts to  Judaism." Again,  by  the  59th  canon  of  the  4th  Council  of Toledo  (a.d.  633),  apostate  Jews  who  practise circumcision  are  punished  ;  but  (canon  61)  their children,  if  believers,  are  not  excluded  from  suc- cession to  their  property.  The  next  canon  (62) forbids  any  intercourse  between  converted  Jews rnd  those  who  remain  in  their  old  faith  ;  and  there are  several  other  canons  which  show  that  apos- tasy to  Judaism  was  still  a  prevalent  crime  in Spain  ;  as,  for  instance,  the  64th  canon,  which ordains  that  the  evidence  of  apostate  Jews  should not  be  received  in  a  court  of  justice. In  the  French  Councils  there  are  several  canons relating  to  apostasy.  By  the  22nd  canon  of  the  1st Council  of  Aries  (A.D.  314)  it  was  forbidden  to give  communion  to  apostates  who  sought  it  in sicifness,  until  they  were  restored  to  health,  and had  exhibited  proper  evidence  of  their  repent- ance. By  the  12th  canon  of  the  CouncU  ofVennes (a.d.  465)  the  clergy  were  forbidden  to  attend Jewish  banquets  or  to  invite  Jews  to  their  own tables — a  prohibition  which  was  repeated  in  the 40th  canon  of  the  Coiincil  of  Agde  (a.d.  506),  and extended  to  laymen  by  the  15th  canon  of  the Council  of  Epone  (a.d.  517),  and  also  by  the  13th canon  of  the  3rd  Council  of  Orleans  (a.d.  538), and  the  15th  canon  of  the  1st  Council  of  Macon (A.  D.  581). In  the  collections  of  the  Imperial  Law — the '  Codex  Theodosianus  '  (which  was  promulgated A.D.  438)  contains  various  provisions  made  by  the Christian  emperors  for  the  punishment  of  apos- tasy. Constantine  the  Great  ordained  (a.d.  315) that  apostates  to  Judaism  should  suffer  "  poenas meritas  "  (CW.  Tlieod.  xvi.  8,  1),  which  were  de- fined by  Constantius  (a.d.  357)  to  be  the  confis- cation of  the  property  of  the  offender  {Cod. Theod.  xvi.  8,  7).  They  were  deprived  by  Valen- tinian  the  Younger  (a.d.  383)  of  the  jus  testandi, but  the  action  upsetting  the  will  had  to  be brought  within  five  years  of  the  death  of  the testator,  and  by  persons  who  had  not  in  his lifetime  known  of  his  offence,  and  remained silent  {Cod.  Theod.  xvi.  7,  3).  Apostates  to  Pa- ganism were  deprived  by  Theodosius  the  Great (a.d.  381)  of  thejMs  testandi  (Cod.  Theod.  xvi.  7, 1);  but  another  constitution  ofthe  same  emperor, promulgated  A.D.  383,  made  a  distinction  be- tween the  baptized  (Christiani  ac  f  deles)  and catechumens  {Christiani  et  catechumeni),  and  the latter  were  permitted  to  execute  testamentary 'lispositions  in  favour  of  their  sons  and  brothers german.  By  this  constitution  it  was  further  pro- vided that  apostates  should  not  only  be  unable, with  the  foregoing  exceptions,  to  bequeath  pro- perty by  will,  but  should  also  be  incapable  of receiving  property  under  the  will  of  another person  (Cod.  Tlieod.  xvi.  7,  2).  One  day  later Valentinian  the  Younger  promulgated  through- out the  Western  ]£mpire  the  constitution  cited above,  which  applied  to  all  classes  of  apostates alike  {Cod.  Theod.  xvi.  7,  3).  By  a  constil  ution of  the  year  of  I  fhs  same  emperor  ordained  tliat APOSTLE 105 baptized  apostates  professing  Paganism  should  be deprived  of  the  right  of  bequeathing  by  will,  of receiving  property  under  a  will,  of  bearing  wit- ness in  a  court  of  justice,  and  of  succeeding  to  an inheritance.  They  were  also  condemned  "  a  con- sortio  omnium  segregari "  (on  the  meaning  of this  expression  see  the  note  of  Godefroi,  in  toe), and  were  dismissed  from  all  posts  of  civil  dignity. It  was  also  declared  that  these  penalties  remained in  force  even  though  the  apostate  repented  of his  sin — "  perditis,  hoc  est  sanctum  Baptismum profanantibus,  nullo  remedio  poenitentiae  (quae solet  aliis  criminibus  prodesse)  succurritur  "  {Cod. Theod.  xvi.  7,  4-5).  Arcadius  (a.d.  396)  extended the  power  which  his  father  Theodosius  the  Great had  given  to  apostate  catechumens  to  make  cer- tain testamentary  dispositions,  and  ordained  that all  apostates,  whether  baj^tized  or  catechumens, should  have  the  power  to  bequeath  property  to their  father  and  mother,  brother  and  sister,  son and  daughter,  and  grandson  and  granddaughter {Cod.  Theod.  xvi.  7,  6).  The  last  constitution contained  in  the  Codex  Theodosianus  under  this title  is  a  very  severe  enactment  of  Valentinian the  Third  (a.d.  426),  abrogating  the  provisions ofthe  above-cited  constitution  of  Valentinian  the Younger  of  the  year  323,  as  tar  as  it  related  to apostates  to  Paganism.  Under  its  provisions  a person  could  be  accused  of  apostasy  at  any  time, although  five  years  may  have  passed  since  his death,  and  it  was  immaterial  whether  the  accuser had  or  had  not  been  privy  to  the  offence.  Apo- states were  also  prohibited  from  disposing  of their  property  by  will  and  from  alienating  it  by sale  or  gift  {Cod.  Theod.  xvi.  7  ult.).  The  "  Para- titlon  "  prefixed  to  this  title  in  the  edition  of Godefroi  (Leipsic,  1736,  «Sjc.)  gives  a  brief  but very  useful  summary  of  its  contents. The  '•  Codex  Repetitae  Praelectionis  "  promul- gated by  Justinian  in  December  A.D.  534  contains a  title,  "  De  Apostatis  "  (Lib.  i.  tit.  7),  the  first four  Sections  of  which  relate  to  this  subject,  and consist  of  extracts  from  the  "  Codex  Theodosi- anus." The  first  section  re-enacts  the  constitution  of Constantius  (A.D.  357),  by  which  the  property  of apostate  Jews  is  confiscated  {Cod.  Theod.  xvi.  8, 7).  The  second  section  contains  that  part  of  the constitution  of  Valentinian  the  younger  (a.d. 383),  which  limits  the  time  in  which  an  accusa- tion of  apostasy  could  be  brought  {Cod.  Theod. xvi.  7,  3).  In  the  third  section  the  constitution of  the  same  emperor  (a.d.  391)  is  re-enactetl, which  is  contained  in  the  Codex  Theodosianus  (xvi. 7,  4),  and  is  cited  above.  The  fourth  section  re- peats the  enactment  of  Valentinian  the  Third (a.d.  426),  by  which  very  severe  penalties  were inflicted  on  apostates  {Cod.  Theod.  xvi.  7  ult. cited  above).  It  appears,  therefore,  that  the  le- gislation of  Justinian  was  not  more  tolerant  than that  of  his  predecessors  in  its  treatment  of  this offence. Although  beyond  the  limits  of  this  article,  it may  be  noted  that  the  title  of  the  Decretals  re- lating to  apostasy  is  the  9th  title  of  the  fiftli book  ("De  Apostatis  et  Reiterantibus  Baptisma  "). The  subject  is  also  considered  by  St.  Thomas Aquinas  {Summa  Theol.  2-2,  quaestio  12).  [I.  B.] Al'OSTATE  (aTroo-Tarr/s,  apostata,  praevari- cator).     See  Ai'OSTASr. APOSTLE  {in  IIo,jiolo>jj).     The  word  'Atto 106 APOSTLES (TToXos  is  used  in  the  Greek  Calondaf  to  designate not  only  those  who  are  called  Apostles  in  the New  Testament,  hut  the  Seventy  Disciples  and others  who  were  companions  of  the  Apostles, strictly  so  called.  It  is  applied,  for  instance,  to Agabus,  Rufus,  Asyncritus,  and  others,  supposed to  be  of  the  Seventy  (April  8) ;  and  to  Ananias of  Damascus  (Oct.  1).  But  the  Apostles,  in  the naiTower  sense,  are  distinguished  from  others  to whom  the  title  is  applied  by  some  epithet  or description.  For  instance,  Nov.  30  is  described as  the  Festival  tov  ayioi/  ivdo^ov  koX  iTav€v(pi)- fjiov  'AttocttoKov  'AvSpeov  tuv  npaiTOK\-i)Tov, K.T.K. ;  SS.  Peter  and  Paul  are  described  by the  terms  ■irpojTOKopv(paloi,  in  addition  to  the epithets  applied  to  St.  Andrew.  It  is  noteworthy that  the  Constantinople  "  Typicum "  e.xpressly forbids  St.  Peter  to  be  called  the  Apostle  o/\fiome, APOSTLES inasmuch  as  he  was  a  teacher  and  eulightener  ot the  whole  world ;  and  it  hints  that  if  any  place is  to  be  connected  with  his  name,  it  should  be Antioch  (Daniel,  Codex  Lit.  iv.  261). The  term  'IffawoaToXos,  the  equal  of  the Apostles,  is  applied  to 1.  Bishops  supposed  to  be  consecrated  by Apostles  ;  as  Abercius  of  Hierapolis  (Oct.  22). 2.  Holy  women  who  were  companions  of  the Apostles  :  as  Mary  Magdalene,  Junia,  and  Thekla. 3.  Princes  who  have  aided  the  spread  of  the Faith ;  as  Constautine  and  Helena  in  the  Ortho- dox Greek  Church,  and  Vladimir  in  the  Russian Church. 4.  The  first  preachers,  or  "  Apostles,"  of  the Faith  in  any  country;  as  Nina,  in  the  Georgian Calendar  (Neale,  Eastern  Church,  Introd.  p. 7(31).  [C] The  Twelve  Apostles  on  thrcnes,  with  Oar  Lord  in APOSTLES  IN  CHRISTIAN  ART.  §  1.  j In  representations  of  the  Twelve,  antecedent  to  j the  year  1300  a.d.  or  thereabouts,  only  slight variations  of  treatment  are  to  be  observed, whether  in  Eastern  or  in  Western  monuments. It  will  be  convenient  to  speak  separately  of  these two  classes. §  2.  Of  the  Eastern  and  Greek  Churches. — Eastern  monuments  of  an  early  date  are  very limited  in  number,  owing  to  the  destructive  zeal, first  of  the  Iconoclasts,  and  afterwards,  in  many eases,  of  the  Turks.  And  among  these  the  only representations  of  the  Twelve  Apostles  known  to the  present  writer  are  the  following.  In  an  early Syriac  manuscript  of  the  Gospels  written  at Zagba  in  Mesopotamia  in  the  year  585  A.D.,  now in  the  Library  of  the  Medici  at  Florence,  is  a picture  of  the  Ascension,  in  which  twelve  (not eleven  only)  Apostles  are  represented,  the  Virgin Mary  standing  in  the  midst  of  them  (see  this figured  under  Angels).  Of  about  the  same  date are  some  mosaics  in  the  church  of  St.  Sophia  at Thessalonica,  figured  by  Texier  and  Pullan  in their  '  Byzantine  Architecture,'  pi.  xl.,  xli.  Se- parate representations  of  many  of  the  Apostles will  be  found  among  the  illuminations  of  the Menologium  Graecorum  of  the  emperor  Basil. These,  though  of  considerably  later  date  (10th  or 11th  century),  are  all  but  identical  in  character with  those  above  mentioned.  Indeed  the  reli- gious art  of  the  Greeke,  as  everything  else  per- taining to  religion,  has  been  stereotyped  once  for all  from  the  close  of  the  8th  century  until  now. "  Greek  art,"  says  M.  Didron,  "  is  wholly  inde- pendent of  time  and  place.  The  painter  of  the Morea  reproduces  at  this  day  art  such  as  it  was at  Venice  in  the  10th  century ;  and  those  Vene- tians again  reproduce  the  art  of  Mount  Athos four  or  five  centuries  before.  The  costume  of tlie  personages  represented  is  everywhere  and at  all  times  the  same,  not  only  in  shape,  but in  colour  and  drawing,  even  to  the  very  number and  size  of  the  folds  of  a  dress."  For  in  the  eyes of  the  Greeks,  at  all  times,  religious  art  has  been, what  one  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Seventh  General Council  described  it — not  a  matter  to  be  regu- lated by  the  inventive  power  of  painters,  but  by the  prescriptions  and  tradition  of  the  Church (Labbe's  Concil.  torn.  vii.  col.  831). §  3.  Early  Monuments  in  the  West. — Repre- sentations of  the  Apostles  in  monuments  of  early date,  still  existing  in  Italy  and  in  France,  are very  numerous,  and  of  very  various  kinds  ;  as, for  exam jile,  in  mosaics,  frescoes,  marble  sarco- phagi, and  even  in  smaller  objects  of  art,  such as  vessels  of  glass  or  ornaments  of  bronze.  The principal  works  in  which  these  are  figured  or  de- .scribed  are  enumerated  in  §  12  below. APOSTLES §  4.  Costunw  and  Insignia. — lu  all  the  early monuments  above  referred  to,  whether  of  the East  or  of  the  West,  in  which  the  Twelve  are represented,  almost  exactly  the  same  costume and  insignia  are  attributed  to  them.  Only  St. Peter  and  St.  Paul  [see  Paul  and  Pkter  below] have  any  special  attributes.  The  dress  assigned to  them  is  a  long  tunic  reaching  to  the  feet  (with rare  exceptions,  which  are  confined,  as  far  as  the writer  knows,  to  some  of  the  Roman  catacombs) and  with  a  pallium  {IfxaTiov)  as  an  outer  gar- ment. The  insignia  by  which  they  are  designated are  a  roll  of  a  book  (volumen)  generally  in  the left  hand,  indicative  of  their  office  as  Preachers of  the  Divine  Word,  or  a  chaplet  (corona},  also held  in  the  hand,  significant  either  of  the  Mar- tyr's crown,  or  of  what  is  but  a  slight  variation of  the  same  idea,  the  crown  of  Victory  which the  Lord  bestows  upon  them  who  contend  faith- fully unto  the  end.  The  scroll  above  spoken  of is  sometimes  replaced  by  a  codex  or  book  of  the more  modern  form  (this  latter  is  generally  the distinctive  mark  of  a  bishop).  In  the  mosaics  of St.  Sophia  at  Thessalouica  above  mentioned  (§  2) the  roll  is  assigned  to  some,  the  codex  to  others, while  others  are  represented  without  either. [For  an  example  of  the  codex  assigned  to  an apostle  in  Westei-n  Art,  see  Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon. torn.  ii.  tab.  xliii.,  a  monument  of  the  9tli  cen- tury.] They  are  occasionally  represented  as  seated on  '  thrones '  or  chairs  of  state  (see  woodcut,  p. 106)  in  reference  to  their  delegated  authority (compai'e  Luke  xxii.  30)  to  rule  in  Christ's  name over  the  Church.  And  in  one  mosaic,  probably of  the  5th  century,  in  the  church  of  St.  John  in Fonte  at  Ravenna,  all  the  Twelve  wear  a  kind  of tiara  or  peaked  cap,  suggestive  of  the  thought that  the  office  of  the  Apostles  in  the  Church corresponds  to  that  of  the  High  Priest  under the  Law.  [See  further  under  Tiara.]  This monument  is  engraved  by  Ciampini,  Vet.  Hon. torn.  i.  tab.  Ixx. §  5.  Names  of  the  Apostles  in  early  Monuments. — In  early  representations  of  the  whole  number  of the  Twelve  the  addition  of  names  to  each  is of  very  exceptional  occurrence.  The  only  ex- ample known  to  the  present  writer  is  that  of  a mosaic  referred  to  above  in  the  church  of  St. John  m  Fonte  at  Ravenna.  The  arrangement there  is  a  circular  one,  the  figures  being  so  dis- posed that  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  occupy  the principal  position,  while  the  names,  and  figures, of  the  rest  occur  in  the  following  order:  An- dreas— Jacobus — Joannes — Philipus— Bar- TOLOMEus — Simon — Judas  Thadeus— Jacobus MI — Mateus— Thomas.  It  will  be  observed  that the  number  Twelve  is  obtained,  after  insert- ing the  name  of  St.  Paul,  by  omitting  that  of Mathias.  This  last  omission  is  generally  made in  similar  enumerations  of  the  Twelve  in  later centuries. §  6.  Mode  of  representation. — In  Western  mo- numents of  the  first  eight  centuries  (the  period with  which  we  are  here  principally  concerned) tlie  Twelve  are  almost  invariably  represented  as standing,  or  as  seated,  on  either  side  of  our  Lord, who  is  either  figured  in  His  human  person,  or (much  more  rarely)  symbolically  designated.  In either  case  He  is  distinguished  from  the  Apostles themselves  by  conventional  designations  of  higher dignity.  And  in  the  case  of  the  Apostles  them- selves symboliciil  designations  sometimes  take  the APOSTLES 107 jilace  of  any  more  direct  representation,  while  in other  cases,  as  on  many  of  the  sarcophagi,  the two  modes  of  representation  are  combined. §  7.  Direct  representation — In  many  early  mo- numents (see  under  Paul  and  Peter)  there  has been  an  evident  attempt  at  portraiture  in  the case  of  the  two  "  chief'est  Apostles."  Of  the  rest, some  are  represented  as  of  youthful  appearance, and  beardless,  others  as  bearded,  and  of  more  ad-' vanced  years.  But  beyond  this  no  special  tradi- tionary rules  of  representation  can  be  traced  in early  monuments. §  8.  Symbolical  designation. — Of  the  symbols employed  to  represent  the  Twelve,  the  most common  is  that  of  twelve  sheep,  adopted  (so  it has  been  thought)  with  reference  to  those  words of  Our  Lord,  "  Behold  I  send  you  forth  as  sheep in  the  midst  of  wolves."  These  twelve  sheep  are commonly  represented  six  on  either  side  of  Our Lord  (personally  or  symbolically  represented), who  is  generally  seen  standing  upon  a  rock, whence  flow  four  streams.  To  such  a  repre- sentation Paulinus  refers  (in  his  Epist.  xxxii.  ad- dressed to  his  friend  Severus,  bishop  of  Milevis in  Africa ;  Migue,  P.  C.  C.  torn.  Ixi.  p.  366)  in speaking  of  his  own  church  at  Nola  in  Campania. He  is  writing  circ.  400  a.d. ".Petram  superstat  Ipse  petra  Ecclesiae, De  qua  sonori  quatuor  fontes  meant, Evangelistae,  viva  Christi  flumina." The  two  groups,  each  of  six  sheep,  are  generally represented  as  issuing  from  two  towers  repre- senting Betnlehem  and  Jerusalem,  the  cities  of  the birth  and  the  passion  of  Our  Lord,  the  beginning and  the  end,  as  it  were,  of  that  Life  upon  earth, of  which  the  Apostles  were  the  chosen  witnesses. Another  symbol,  founded  also,  in  all  probability on  words  of  Our  Lord  ("  Be  ye  .  » .  .  harmless  as doves,"  Watt.  x.  16)  is  that  of  twelve  doves.  Pau- linus, bishop  of  Nola,  in  the  letter  already  quoted, speaks  of  a  mosaic  picture  on  the  roof  of  the  apse of  his  church,  on  which  was  represented,  inter alia,  a  Cross  surrounded  with  a  'Corona,'  a  circle of  light,  to  use  his  own  words,  and  round  about this  Corona  the  figures  of  twelve  doves,  emblem- atic of  the  twelve  Apostles.  Beneath  this  picture was  the  following  inscription,  descriptive  of  its meaning : — "  Pleno  coruscat  Tiinitas  niysterio : Stat  Christus  agno ;  vox  Patris  caelo  tonat ; Et  per  colunibam  Spiritus  ,-anctus  Quit, Cruoem  corona  lucido  cingit  globe, Cui  coronae  sunt  corona  Apostoli, Quorum  figura  est  in  columbarum  chore." A  representation "  of  the  Twelve,  nearly  an- swering to  this  description,  forms  the  frieze  of  an early  sarcophagus  preserved  in  the  Museum  at Marseilles,  and  figured  below  (after  Millin,  Voy- ages, etc.   plate  Ivi.  6).     Yet  other  symbols  are occasionally  used  in  designation  of  Apostles,  but these,  as  being  less  capable  of  definite  inter])re- tation,  are  rather  accompaniments  of  personal «  A.  crucifix  with  twelve  doves  upon  the  four  portions of  tlie  cross  ilsolf,  in  the  apse  of  the  church  of  Kt.  Clcniput at  Rome,  is  of  the  13th  century.  So  Didroii,  in  the  Jnnales Archaeologiniies,  torn.  xxvi.  p.  1 1.  This  cross  is  figured  by .\ilcgranza,  Spiegazionc,  &c.,  torn.  i.  p.  118. 108 APOSTLES representations  of  the  Twelve,  than  substitutes for  them.  Such  are  palm  trees,  vines,  and  other trees,  to  which  a  mystical  reference  was  given iu  Christian  art  as  well  as  in  early  Christian literature.  St.  Hilary  of  Poitou,  commenting  on Matt.  xiii.  (the  parable  of  the  '  Sinapis '  or  Mus- tard Plant),  sees  in  the  seed  committed  to  the ground,  and  then  springing  up  therefrom,  a  type of  Christ,  and  in  the  branches  of  the  tree,  put forth  by  the  Power  of  Christ,  and  embracing  the whole  earth  beneath  their  shade,  a  type  of  the Apostles,  branches  to  which  the  Gentiles,  like birds  of  the  air,  should  fly  from  the  world's troubling  storms,  and  find  rest.  St.  Augustine uses  nearly  similar  language  in  reference  to  the same  parable.  {Sermo  in  Festo  S.  Laiirentii.~) And  this  traditional    application    aftbrds   a  pro- APOSTLES bable  interpretation  of  the  small  bush-like  trees'" which  are  seen  associated  iu  some  early  frescoes with  figures  of  Our  Lord  and  the  Apostles.  The symbolism  of  the  vine  resulted  naturally  from the  words  addressed  to  His  disciples  by  Our  Lord ("  I  am  the  vme  :  ye  are  the  branches,"  Joh.  xv. 5).  The  palm-tree,  as  the  recognised  symbol  of victory  and  of  triumph,  was  suggestive  of  the same  thoughts  as  those  indicated  by  the  victor's chaplet  (corona)  which  Apostles  often  bear  in their  hands,  or  have  bestowed  upon  them  by  a hand  from  heaven. Yet  one  other  symbol  may  be  referred  to, unique  of  its  kind,  adopted,  so  it  has  been  inge- niously suggested,"^  by  some  poor  man  who  could not  by  any  other  more  elaborate  means  express  the Christian  faith  and  hope  in  which  he  rested.     On the  walls  of  the  cemetery  of  St.  Callixtus  is  an inscription,  in  rude  characters,  much  such  as that  here  given  : — JAAAAAA/^"^  A  AA  A  AAJ The  central  letters  of  the  inscription  are  believed to  represent  the  A  and  d,  which  frequently  occur in  early  monuments  as  symbols  of  Our  Lord ; while  the  twelve  letters  on  either  side  signify the  twelve  Apostles,  who  in  early  monuments, and  especially  on  sarcophagi,  are  frequently  re- presented, six  on  either  hand. §  9.  Later  conventional  designations  of  the different  Apostles. — Christian  art '  in  the  West for  the  last  five  centuries,  or  rather  more,  has assigned  special  attributes  to  each  one  of  the Twelve,  most  of  them  having  reference  to  late traditions  concerning  them,  unknown  to  the  early Church.  These  traditions,  by  their  late  date, lie  beyond  the  range  properly  embraced  by  the present  work.  But  for  the  sake  of  comparison and  contrast  with  the  older  representations  above described,  it  may  be  well  very  briefly  to  notice them.  For  fuller  particulars,  the  reader  should consult  Didron's  Manuel  d'Iconographie  (see  be- low §  12)  and  Jameson's  Sacred  and  Legendary Art. §  10.  As  Anthers  of  separate  Articles  of  the Creed. — Probably  the  earliest  of  these  later  modes (after  1300  A.D.)  of  designating  the  several Apostles,  is  that  of  assigning  to  each  (written  on a  scroll  held  in  the  hand)  the  particular  article of  the  Creed  of  which  each  was,  by  tradition,  the author.  (For  the  tradition  as  to  this  authorship, see  Durandi,  Rationale,  lib.  iv.  cap.  xxv.)  In  the cathedral  church  of  Albi  (Didnm,  Manuel  d'Ico- nographie, p.  304)  the  Apostles  are  represented in  this  manner. §  11.  Distinguished  by  special  Insignia. — As an  example  of  yet  another  mode  of  designating the  Apostles  individually,  we  may  refer  (with M.  Didron)  to  a  series  of  enamels  by  Leonard Limousin  in  the  chuixh  of  St.  Peter  at  Chartres. The  Twelve  are  there  represented  with  the  fol- lowing insignia : — St.  Peter  with  the  Keys  ;  St; Paul  with  a  Sword ;  ^  St.  Andrew  with  a  Cross, saltier-wise;e  St.  John  with  a  Chalice ;'"  St.  James the  Less  with  a  Books  and  a  Club  -j^  St.  James  the Elder  with  a  Pilgrim's  Staff,''  a  broad  Hat  •>  with scallop-shells,  and  a  Book;e  St.  Thomas  with  an Architect's  Square;'    St.  Philip  with   a   small b  As,  for  example,  in  that  of  our  Lord  as  the  giver  of the  Divine  Word,  with  two  Apostles  on  either  side,  in  the cemetery  of  St.  Agnes  at  Rome.  Aringhi,  R.  S.  torn.  ii. p.  329  ;  figured  also  in  Testiarium  Christianum,  pi.  xii. c  Lupi  (Antonmaria),  i3isse)ta«ione, &c.  Faenza,  1785, 4to. ;  torn.  i.  p.  260. d  As  the  instrument  by  which  he  was  believed  to  have suffered  martyrdom :  or  (so  Durandus,  Rat.  i.  cap.  iii.  16) as  a  soldier  of  Christ,  armed  (so  he  probably  would  suggest) with  "  the  sword  of  the  Spirit." e  "  En  sautoir;"  the  "  crux  decussata,"  shaped  like  an X,  and  generally  known  as  St.  Andrew's  Cross.  In  Greek Martyrologies  (and  in  one  or  two  Western  examples) St.  Andrew  is  depicted  as  crucified  on  a  cross  of  the  ordi- nary form.  See  the  Menologium  Graecorum,  vol.  i.  p.  221 (Nov.  30). t  Originally  perhaps  with  reference  to  the  words  (Matt. XX.  23),  "  Ye  shall  indeed  drink  of  my  cup."  For  the  later legendary  stories  of  a  poisoned  chalice  given  to  him,  see Jameson,  S.  and  L.  Art,  vol  i.  p.  159. K  Equivalent  to  the  scroll  (see  $  4)  of  primitive Christian  art. h  All  the  insignia  here  mentioned  are  assigned  to  St. James  (the  St.  lago  of  Spanish  legend),  as  the  patron  of pilgrims.  The  pilgrimage  to  Compostella,  the  reputed place  of  St.  lago's  burial,  was  a  favourite  object  of  medi- aeval devotion. i  In  allusion  to  a  beautiful  legendary  story  (Jameson, .S'.  and  L.  A.  p.  246),  in  respect  of  which  St.  Thomas  Is recognised  as  the  patron  of  architects  and  builders. APOSTLES'  FESTIVALS  AND  FASTS 109 Cross,  the  staff  of  which  is  knotted  like  a  reed  ;•' St.  Matthew  with  a  Pike  (or  Spear);-"  St.  Ma- thias  with  an  Axe;™  St.  Bartholomew  with  a Book°  and  a  Knife  ;"  St.  Simon  with  a  Saw." §  12.  Authorities  referred  to. — In  the  follow- ing section  are  enumerated  the  principal  works in  which  the  monuments  above  referred  to  are figured  or  described.  For  the  Syriac  MS.  re- ferred to  in  §  2,  see  the  Bibliotheca  Medicea  of S.  E.  Assemanus,  Florentiae,  fol.  1742.  For  the Greek  Monuments,  see  Texier  and  Pullan,  Byzan- tine-Architecture, fol.  London,  1864.  The  Meno- logium  Graecoi-um  referred  to  in  §  2  was  published at  Urbino,  3  vols.  fol.  1727.  And  on  the  subject of  the  later  Greek  Religious  Art  generally,  see  Di- dron,  Manuel  d'Iconographie  Chre'tienne,  Grecque, et  Latine,  Paris,  1845.  (This  is  a  French  trans- lation of  the  'Y-pfx-qveia  rfjs  ((iiypa(piKrjS,  or 'Painter's  Guide'  of  Penselinos,  a  monk  of  Mount Athos  in  the  11th  century,  and  the  recognised authority  in  the  school  of  Greek  Art  which  has its  centre  in  the  same  "  holy  mountain  "  to  this day.  It  is  enriched  with  very  valuable  notes  by the  editor.  For  what  relates  to  the  Apostles, see  p.  299  sqq.)  For  early  monuments  at  Piome and  Ravenna  —  Ciampini,  Vetera  Monumenta, Romae,  fol.  1699 ;  and  for  those  of  the  Roman Catacombs  more  particularly  —  Aringhi,  Boma Subterrajiea,  2  vols.  fol.  Romae,  1651,  or  Bottari, Sculture  e  Fitture  sagre,  etc.,  Romae,  fol.  1737  ; Perret,  Catacombes  de  Borne,  6  vols.  fol.  Paris, 1851  (not  always  to  be  depended  on  in  matters of  detail);  Alemannus,  rfe  Barietinis  Lateranen- sibus,  Romae,  4°  1625  ;  and  for  ancient  ornaments in  Glass,  chiefly  from  the  Roman  Catacombs, Garrucci,  Vetri  ornati,  etc.  Roma,  1864.  For monuments  at  Verona,  Maffei,  Verona  Illustrata, fol.  1732 ;  and  at  Milan,  AUegranza  (Giuseppe), Spiegazione  e  Biflessioni,  etc.,  Milano,  4"  1757. For  early  sarcophagi  at  Aries,  Marseilles,  Aix, and  other  towns  in  France,  the  chief  authority is  Millin,  Voyages  dans  les  De'partemens  du  Midi de  la  France,  8°  and  4°  Paris,  1807-1811.  One monument  of  special  interest,  that  of  the  Sancta Pudentiana  at  Rome  (the  figures  of  the  Twelve, ten  only  of  which  now  remain,  are  believed  with good  reason  to  be  of  the  4th  century,  though the  upper  part  of  the  mosaic  is  of  the  8th)  may best  be  studied  in  the  coloured  drawing  and description  given  by  Labarte,  Histoire  des  Arts Industriels,  etc.,  vol.  iv.  p.  166  sqq.,  and  the Album  of  Flates,  vol.  ii.  pi.  cxxi.  This  mosaic is  also  represented  in  Gaily  Knight,  Ecclesias- tical Architecture  of  Italy  (London,  1842),  vol.  i. pi.  sxiii.  [W.  B.  M.] APOSTLES'  FESTIVALS  AND  FASTS. — I.  Festivals.  —  1.  In  the  Afostolical  Consti- tutions (viii.  33,  §  3)  we  find  abstinence  from labour  enjoined  on  certain  "  days  of  the  Apostles" (tos   fi/xepas  raiv  qlttocttoKijiv   apyetTaxrai'),   but k  "  Petite  croix  de  roseaux."  So  Didron.  A  leferonce to  Jameson's  S.  and  L.  A.  p.  242,  and  to  the  drawing  tliei  e given,  suggests  tbe  e.^planation  abuve  given.  The  shape described  is  that  of  a  traveller's  staff;  and  tlie  emblem marks  the  apostle  as  a  preacher  of  Christ  trucilied  to distant  nations. ""  See  note  <■,  preceding  page. »  See  note  S,  preceding  page. o  According  to  Western  tradition  he  was  sawn  asMider ; but  in  the  Greek  representation  of  his  martyrdom  ho is  affixed  to  a  cross  exactly  like  that  of  our  Saviour (Jameson,  vol.  i.  p.  253). what  these  days  were  does  not  appear,  though the  injunction  to  abstain  from  labour  betokens a  great  festival. 2.  As  the  services  of  Easter  week,  following the  evangelic  narrative  of  the  events  after  the Resurrection,  placed  a  commemoration  of  the solemn  sending  and  consecration  of  the  Apostles (St.  John  XK.  21-23)  on  the  first  Sunday  after Easter,  this  day  appears  to  have  been  sometimes called  "  the  Sunday  of  the  Apostles."  This Sunday  was  one  of  the  highest  festivals  in  the Ethiopian  Calendar  (Alt,  Christliche  Cultus,  ii. 33,  184). 3.  In  the  West  the  commemoration  of  all  the Apostles  was  anciently  joined  with  that  of  the two  great  Apostles,  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul ;  and this  festival  appears  to  have  been,  at  the  time  of its  first  institution,  the  only  festival  in  honour of  the  Apostles ;  for  we  find  in  the  Missae  for that  festival  in  the  Leonine  Sacramentary (Migne's  Fatrol.  vol.  55,  p.  44)  an  "  oratio  super oblata,"  which  runs,  "  Omnipotens  sempiterne Deus,  qui  nos  omnium  apostolorum  nierita  sub U1UI  tribuisti  celebritate  venerari."  And  this seems  to  have  been  the  case  also  when  the "  Epistola  ad  Chromatium"  quoted  by  Cas- siodorus  (in  Leonine  Sacram.  p.  44)  was  written ; for  we  there  read  that  the  Apostles  were  com- memorated on  one  day,  "  ut  dies  varii  non videantur  dividere  quos  una  dignitas  Apostolatus in  coelesti  gloria  fecit  esse  sublimes." 4.  It  was  no  doubt  from  this  close  connection with  the  Festival  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul  (June  29) that  the  Festival  of  the  Twelve  Apostles  CXvva^is Twv  SciSeKa  'AiroffrSKwv}  came  to  be  celebrated  in the  orthodox  Greek  church  on  the  morrow  of that  festival — June  30 — as  it  is  to  this  day. This  is  a  great  festival,  with  abstinence  from labour  {'Apyia). 5.  In  the  Armenian  calendar,  the  Satuiday  of the  sixth  week  after  Pentecost  is  dedicated  to  the Twelve  Holy  Apostles,  and  their  chiefs,  Peter and  Paul ;  and  the  Tuesday  in  the  fifth  week after  the  elevation  of  the  Cross  is  dedicated  to Ananias  of  Damascus,  Matthias,  Barnabas,  Philip, Stephen,  Silas  and  Silvanus,  and  the  Twelve Apostles.     (Alt,  Christliche  Cultus,  ii.  242,  256.) 6.  The  Micrologus  tells  us  (c.  55)  that  on May  1,  "invenitur  in  Martyrologiis  sive  in Sacramentariis  festivitas  SS.  Philippi  et  Jacob; et  omnium  Apostolorum."  The  existing  Mar- tyrologies  and  Sacramentaries,  however,  men7 tion  no  commemoration  on  May  1,  beyond  that of  SS.  Philip  and  James  ;  but  the  mention  of  a commemoration  of  all  Apostles  may  have  arisen from  the  "  Deposition"  of  the  bodies  of  SS.  Philip and  James  in  the  "Basilica  omnium  Apostolo- rum." (Binterim's  Denkwilrdigkeiten,  v.  i.  365 ; Wetzer  and  Welte's  Kirchenlexicon,  xii.  57.) 7.  The  15th  of  July  is  in  the  Roman  calendar the  Feast  of  the  "Division  of  the  Apostles," (Divisio  SS.  Apostolorum).  This  was  probably intended  to  commemorate  the  traditional  event related  by  Rufinus  (//.  E.,  i.  9),  that  the  Apostles, before  leaving  Jerusalem  to  begin  their  work  of preaching  the  Gospel  to  all  nations,  determined by  lot  the  portions  of  the  world  which  encli should  evangelise.  By  others,  however,  the Feast  is  supposed  to  commemorate  tlio  "  Divisio ossium  Petri  et  Pauli."  The  legend  to  which this  refers  is  as  follows: — The  remains  of  St. Peter  and  St.  Paul  were  placed  together  after  their 110 APOSTOLICAL  CANONS martyrdom,  aud  when  Pope  Sylvester,  at  the consecration  of  the  great  church  of  St.  Peter, desired  to  place  the  sacred  remains  of  the  patron saint  in  au  altar,  it  was  found  impossible  to  dis- tinguish them  from  those  of  St.  Paul ;  but  after fasting  and  prayer,  a  divine  voice  revealed  that the  larger  bones  were  those  of  the  Preacher,  the smaller  of  the  Fisherman ;  and  they  were  con- sequentlv  placed  in  the  churches  of  St.  Peter and  St.  Paul  respectively.  (Ciampini,  de  Sacris Aedificiis,  p.  53,  quoting  Beleth,  Explicat.  Divin. Offic.  0.  138.) II.  Fasts. — 1.  As  early  as  the  Apostolical Constitutions  (v.  20,  §  7)  we  find  the  week  fol- lowing the  octave  of  Pentecost  marked  as  a  fast. The  intention  of  this  probably  was,  as  no  fast was  allowable  in  the  joyful  season  between  Pasch and  Pentecost,  that  men  should  endeavour  to 3-ender  themselves  fit  recipients  of  the  gifts  of the  Holy  Spirit  by  subsequent  mortification. This  fast  was  afterwards  extended  to  the  eve  of the  Festival  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul,  and  as  it now  filled  the  whole  space  between  the  "  Apostle Sunday  "  and  the  great  commemorations  of  the Apostles  on  June  29  and  June  30,  it  came  to  be called  the  "Apostles'  Fast,"  NrjCTeio  tojc  ayiwu 'ATToaT&Kav.  (Augusti,  Handbuch  der  Christl. Archaologie,  iii.  481.) 2.  There  is  a  collect  for  a  Fast  in  the  mass already  referred  to  in  the  Leonine  Sacramentary. This,  perhaps,  indicates  that  an  extraordinary fast,  instituted  in  the  time  of  St.  Leo  for  the relief  of  Rome,  or  for  some  other  reason,  con- curred with  the  Festival  of  All  Apostles.  (Note in  the  Leonine  Sacram.  Migne's  Patrol,  vol.  55, p.  44.) III.  Dedications. — A  church  {VlapTvpiov),  de- dicated to  the  Twelve  Apostles,  second  in splendour  only  to  that  of  St.  Sophia,  was  built at  Constantinople  by  Constantine  the  Great,  who intended  it  for  the  place  of  his  own  sepulture (Eusebius,  Vita  Constantini,  lib.  iv.,  cc.  58-60). He  also  dedicated  at  Capua,  in  honour  of  the Apostles,  a  church  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of Constantinian  (Liber  Pontif.,  under  '  Sylvester,' Muratori  Scriptores,  iii.  1).  The  ancient  church at  Rome  dedicated  to  the  Apostles,  is  said  to  have been  begun  by  Pope  Pelagius  I.  (555-560),  and completed  by  his  successor  John  III.  (560-573). (Ciampini,  de  Sacris  Aedif.  p.  137.)  [C] APOSTOLUS,  the  formal  missive  of  the  judge of  a  lower  court,  whereby  a  cause  was  trans- ferred to  a  higher  court  to  which  appeal  had been  made  from  him.  See  Justinian,  Cod.  vii. 62,  &c.  &c.,  and  under  Appeals.       [A.  W.  H.] APOSTOLICiAL  CANONS.  About  500 A.D.,  Dionysius  Exiguus,  a  Roman  monk  of  great learning,  at  the  request  of  Stephen,  Bishop  of Salona,  made  a  collection  of  Greek  canons,  trans- lating them  into  Latin.  At  the  head  of  this collection  he  placed  50  canons,  with  this  title, "  Incipiunt  Regulae  Ecclesiasticae  sanctorum Apostolorum,  prolatae  per  Clementem  Ecclesiae Romanae  Pontificem."  At  the  same  time,  how- ever, Dionysius  says  in  the  preface  to  his  work, "  In  principle  itaque  canones,  qui  dicuntur  Apos- tolorum, de  Graeco  transtulimus,  quihus  quia plurimi  consensum  non  praebuere  facilem,  hoc ipsum  vestram  noluimus  ignorare  sanctitatem, quamvis  postea  quaedam  constituta  pontificum ex  ipsis  canonibus  assumpta  esse  videantur." APOSTOLICAL  CANONS These  words  obviously  point  to  a  difference  of opinion  prevailing  in  the  Church,  though  it  has been  doubted  by  some  whether  the  dissentients spoken  of  rejected  the  canons  altogether,  or merely  denied  that  they  were  the  work  of  the apostles.  And  with  regard  to  the  last  clause,  it is  much  disputed  whether  previous  popes  can  be shown  to  have  known  and  cited  these  canons.* Hefele  denies  that  "  Pontifices  "  means  Popes,  aud would  understand  it  of  bishops  in  their  synodical constitutions.'' The  subsequent  course  taken  by  the  Church  of Rome  in  relation  to  these  canons  is  not  altogether clear.  In  the  last  decade  of  the  5th  century Pope  Gelasius  published  a  decree  De  Libris  non  re- cipiendis,  and  in  the  text  of  this  decree  as  it  now stands  in  the  Decretum  Gratiani  there  appears, amongst  other  rejected  works,  '  Liber  cauonum Apostolorum  apocryphus.'  But  it  is  said  that these  words  are  not  found  in  the  most  ancient MSS.  of  the  deci-ee,  and  Hincmar  of  Rheims,  in speaking  of  it,  expressly  says  that  Gelasius  is silent  as  to  the  Apostolical  Canons.  Moreover, Dionysius,  who  was  by  birth  a  Scythian,  does  not seem  to  have  come  to  Rome  until  after  the  death of  Gelasius,  and  consequently  his  collection  cannot have  appeared  at  the  time  of  the  decree.<= Hefele  therefore  thinks  that  the  words  in  ques- tion were  for  the  first  time  inserted  by  Pope  Hor- misdas  (514-523),  when  he  republished  the  decree '  De  Libris  non  recipiendis '  (^Conciliengeschichte,  i. TIO)."*  If  so,  the  point  is  not  very  material.  It is  clear  that  Dionysius,  in  setting  forth  a  later collection  during  the  popedom  of  Hormisdas  (of which  the  preface  alone  is  now  extant)  left  out these  canons.  He  says  :  "  Canones  qui  dicuntur Apostolorum  et  Sardicensis  concilii  atque  Afri- canae  provinciae  quos  non  admisit  universitas,  ego quoque  in  hoc  opere  praetermisi,  &c."  * »  Bishop  Pearson  contends  that  Leo,  Innocent,  and  Ge- lasius himself,  refer  to  them  (  Vindic.  fgnat.,  part  i.  cap. iv.) ;  but  this  has  been  as  strongly  denied.  Bickell  thinks that  Dionysius  may  have  had  in  view  expressions  of Siricius  (,Ep.  ad  Div.  Episc,  anno  386)  and  Innocent  {Ep. ad  Victvic,  anno  404),  which,  however,  he  conceives  him to  have  misunderstood  (G'esch.  des  Kirchenrechts,  p.  74). Von  Drey  seems  to  think  the  canons  were  not  known  at Rome  till  the  version  of  Dionysius ;  but  Hefele  observes that  they  might  have  been  known  In  their  Greek  form. Dionysius  in  his  preface  says  that  he  had  been  exhorted to  the  work  of  translation  by  his  friend  Laurentius,  who was  "  confusione  priscae  translationis  offensus."  Does  this point  to  an  existing  version  of  the  canons,  or  is  it  to  be understood  of  the  other  matters  contained  in  his  col- lection ?  The  latter  seems  most  in  accordance  with  the received  theory. b  See  his  ConcHiengeschichte,  vol.  i.  p.  767.  But  unless it  can  be  limited  to  Eastern  bishops,  this  view  would equally  admit  that  the  canons  so  quoted  or  relied  en  must have  been  known  in  the  Western  Church. <^  Dionysius  says  in  his  preface :  "  Nos  qui  eum  (Ge- lasiuni)  praesentia  corporal!  non  vidimus."  This  in  itself would  not  be  conclusive  as  to  the  decree,  though  the  only alternative  would  be  to  admit  that  the  canons  were  known at  Rome  before  Dionysius's  translation.  Bishop  Pearson seeks  to  throw  donbt  on  the  decree  (  Vindic.  Ignat.,  part  i. cap.  iv.) ;  but  much  of  his  reasoning  is  not  inconsistent with  the  theory  of  Hefele. d  So  too,  apparently,  Bickell,  vol.  i.  p.  74. ^  Cited  in  Bxkell  (i.  75),  who  also  meutions  that  they were  omitted  from  the  Spanish  collection  of  canons  in  the 7th  century,  with  these  words:  "Canones  autem  qui dicuntur  Apostfilorum,  scd  quia  eosdem  nee  sedcs  apos- tolica  recipit,  nee  SS.  patres  illis  consensum  praebuerunt. APOSTOLICAL  CANONS At  all  events  it  must  be  taken  that  the  Church of  Rome  at  the  present  day  does  not  accept  these canons  as  of  apostolic  authority.  Though  the citations  made  by  Gratian  under  the  head  "  De auctoritate  et  numero  Canonum  Apostolorum," are  not  very  consistent  v/ith  each  other,  yet  the latest  canonists  speak  more  distinctly. "  Canoues  illi  non  sunt  opus  genuinum  aposto- lorum, nee  ah  omni  naevo  immunes  ;  merito  tamen reputantur  insigne  monumentum  disciplinae  Ec- clesiae  per  priora  secula,"  says  M.  Icard  in  his Praelectiones  Juris  Canonici  at  St.  Sulpice  (pub- lished with  the  approbation  of  the  authorities  of the  Church)  in  18G2,  and  he  then  cites  the  Gela- sian  decree  declaring  them  apocryphal. Nevertheless  great  attention  has  been  paid  to them.  Extracts  were  admitted  by  Gratian  into the  Decretum,  and,  in  the  words  of  Phillips  ('  Du Droit  ecclesiastique  dans  ses  Sources,'  Paris,  1852) '■'  ils  ont  pris  rang  dans  la  legislation  canonique." But  we  must  return  to  the  6th  century. About  fifty  years  after  the  work  of  Dionysius, John  of  Antioch,  otherwise  called  Johannes  Scho- lasticus,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  set  forth  a ffvvTayjxa  Kav6vtiiv,  which  contained  not  50  but 85  Canons  of  the  Apostles.  And  in  the  year  692 these  were  expressly  recognized  in  the  decrees  of the'  Quinisextiue  Council,  not  only  as  binding canons,  but  (it  would  seem)  as  of  apostolic  ori- gin.f  They  are  therefore  in  force  in  the  Greek Church. How  it  came  to  pass  that  Dionysius  translated only  50  does  not  appear.  Some  writers  have supposed  that  he  rejected  what  was  not  to  be  re- conciled with  the  Roman  practice,  s  But,  as Hefele  observes,  this  could  hardly  be  his  motive, inasmuch  as  he  retains  a  canon  as  to  the  nullity of  heretical  baptism,  which  is  at  variance  with the  view  of  the  Western  Church.  Hence  it  has been  suggested  that  the  MS.  used  by  Dionysius was  of  a  different  class  from  that  of  John  of  An- tioch (for  tliey  vary  in  some  expressions,  and have  also  a  difference  in  the  numbering  of  the canons),  and  that  it  may  have  had  only  the  50 translated  by  the  former.  And  an  inference  has also  been  drawn  that  the  35  latter  canons  are  of later  date>  Indeed,  according  to  some,  they are  obviously  of  a  different  type,  and  were  pos- sibly added  to  the  collection  at  the  same  time APOSTOLICAL  CANONS 111 pro  eo  quod  ab  haereticia  sub  nomine  Apostolorum  com- positi  dignoscuntur,  quamvis  in  eisdem  quaedam  inve- niuntur  utilia,  auctoritate  tamen  canonica  et  apostolica eorum  gesta  constat  esse  remota  et  inter  apocrypha deputata." '  'ESofe  KoX  toCto  t^  o.yia  ravrr)  (TVi'oSo)  KaWiiTTa.  re Kal  OTTrovBaioTaTa,  uitne  fJLei'eiv  Koi  (xtto  tou  vvv  ^e^aiou; Kal  acT'^aAets  Trpbs  i/(uxt«'i'  Bepaveiav  Kol  larpeCav  naSuiv Tous  vTTo  Twv  TTpo  Trjjuuii'  ayt'wi'  KaX  fx(LKapC(jjv  vraTepoiv SexOevTai;  Kai  Kvpto^eVra?,  aAAo.  p.r)V  Koi  napaSoB^VTa? rjiJ.iv  ocojLLaTt  Ttoi/  aytoiv  Kal  ivSo^tjv  a7ro(r7oA(oi'  oySorj- KovTo.  ireVre  Kavova^.     Can.  II.,  cited    in  Ultzen,  Pref. r.ix. Beveridge  argues  that  the  word  ovoij^aTi  shews  that, while  their  validity  as  canons  of  the  Church  was  admitted, their  apostolical  origin  was  not  decided.  Contra  Hefele, Concilievgesch.  i.  768. The  additional  35  canons  in  the  collection  of  Scho- lasticus  have  not  been  iti  any  way  recognized  by  the Church  of  Rome. g  As,  for  instance,  De  Marca;  and  see  AylifTe's  Parergon, Jntrod.,  p.  iv. ••  See  on  this  subject,  Hefele,  i.  768.  Scholasticus  says there  were  previous  collections  containing  85. that  the  canons  were  appended  to  the  Constitu- tions.' It  is  time  to  come  to  the  Canons  themselves. Both  in  the  collection  of  John  of  Antioch  and  in that  of  Dionysius  they  are  alleged  to  have  been drawn  up  by  Clement  from  the  directions  of  the Apostles.  In  several  places  the  Apostles  speak  in the  first  person,''  and  in  the  85th  canon  Clement uses  the  first  person  singular  of  himself. Their  subjects  are  briefly  as  follow: — ' I  &  2  (I.  &  II.).  Bishop  to  be  ordained  by  two or  three  bishops  ;  presbyters  and  deacons,  and  the rest  of  the  clerical  body  by  one. 3  &  4  (HI.)  relate  to  what  is  proper  to  be  of- fered at  the  altar  ;  mentioning  new  corn,  grapes, and  oil,  and  incense  at  the  time  of  the  holy  ob- lation. 5  (IV.).  First-fruits  of  other  things  are  to  be sent  to  the  clergy  at  their  home,  not  brought  to the  altar. 6  (V.).  Bishop  or  presbyter  or  deacon  not  to put  away  his  wife  under  pretence  of  piety. 7  (VI.).  Clergy  not  to  take  secular  cares  on them. 8  (VII.).  Nor  to  keep  Easter  before  the  vernal equinox,  according  to  the  Jewish  system. 9  (VIII.).  Nor  to  fail  to  communicate  without some  good  reason. 10  (IX.).  Laity  not  to  be  present  at  the  read- ing of  the  Scriptures  without  remaining  for prayer  and  the  Communion. II  (X.).  None  to  join  in  prayer,  even  in  a house,  with  an  excommunicate  person. 12  (XL).  Clergy  not  to  join  in  prayer  with  a deposed  man  as  if  he  were  still  a  cleric. 13  (XII.  &  XIIL).  Clergy  or  lay  persons,  being under  excommunication  or  not  admitted  to  Com- munion, going  to  another  city  not  to  be  received without  letters. 14  (XIV.).  Bishop  not  to  leave  his  own  diocese and  invade  another,  even  on  request,  except  for good  reasons,  as  in  case  he  can  confer  spiritual benefit ;  nor  even  then  except  by  the  judgment  of many  other  bishops,  and  at  pressing  request. 15  (XV.).  If  clergy  leave  their  own  diocese, and  take  up  their  abode  in  another  without  con- sent of  their  own  bishop,  they  are  not  to  perform clerical  functions  there. 16  (XVI.).  Bishop  of  such  diocese  not  to  treat them  as  clergy. 17  (XVIL).  One  twice  married  after  baptism, or  who  has  taken  a  concubine,  not  to  be  a  cleric. 18  (XVIIL).  One  who  has  married  a  widow  or divorced  woman,  or  a  courtesan  or  a  slave,  or an  actress,  not  to  be  admitted  into  the  clerical body. »  So  Bickell,  i.  86  and  235.  For  the  Constitutions,  see the  next  article. k  Beveridge  however  contends,  from  the  variations  and omissions  in  MSS.  and  versions,  that  the  introduction  of the  first  person  is  a  mere  interpolation  of  late  date,  in order  to  promote  the  fiction  of  apostolic  origin  {Cod.  (an. in  Cotel.,  vol.  ii;  p.  73,  Appendix).  Ses  instances  in Canons  XXIX.,  L.,  LXXXII.,  LXXXV.  The  various  read- ings may  be  seen  in  Ultzen's  edition,  and  in  Lagarde's Ediq.  Jar.  Kccles.  Antiquiss. I  The  numbering  varies.  Thus  Canon  III.  of  the  Greek text  is  divided  into  two  by  Dionysius.  The  Arabic  nu- merals represent  the  order  in  Dionysius ;  the  Roman  that in  the  Greek  of  .Johannes  Scholasticus.  Cotelorins,  ag.Tiii, gives  a  (lifferwit  iiumhering,  making  the  canons  only  76 in  all. 112 APOSTOLICAL  CANONS 19  (XIX.).  Nor  one  who  has  married  two  sis- ters or  his  niece. .    20  (XX.).  Clergy  not  to  become  sureties. 21  (XXI.).  One  who  has  been  made  a  eunuch by  violence,  or  in  a  persecution,  or  was  so  born, may  be  a  bishop. 22  (XXII.).  But  if  made  so  by  his  own  act, cannot  be  cleric. 23  (XXIII.).  A  cleric  making  himself  so,  to  be deposed. 24  (XXIV.).  A  layman  making  himself  a eunuch  to  be  shut  out  from  Communion  for  three years. 25  &  26  (XXV.).  Clerics  guilty  of  inconti- nence, perjury,  or  theft,  to  be  deposed,  but  not excommunicated  (citing  Nah.  1,  9  ovk  e/c5i/c?]<re's Sis  €7r2  rh  aiiTb). 27  (XXVI.).  None  to  marry  after  entering  the clerical  body,  except  readers  and  singers. 28  (XXVII.).  Clergy  not  to  strike  offenders. 29  (XXVIII.).  Clergy  deposed  not  to  presume to  act,  on  pain  of  being  wholly  cut  off  from  the Church. 30  (XXIX.).  Bishop,  &c.  obtaining  ordination by  money  to  be  deposed,  and,  together  with  him who  ordained  him,  cut  off  from  communion,  as was  Simon  Magus  by  me,  Peter. 31  (XXX.).  Bishop  obtaining  a  church  by means  of  secular  rulers  to  be  deposed,  &c. 32  (XXXI.).  Presbyters  not  to  set  up  a  sepa- rate congregation  and  altar  in  contempt  of  his bishop,  when  the  bishop  is  just  and  godly. 33  (XXXII.).  "Presbyter  or  deacon  under  sen- tence of  his  own  bishop  not  to  be  received  else- where. 34  (XXXIII.).  Clergy  from  a  distance  not  to be  received  without  letters  of  commendation,  nor unless  they  be  preachers  of  godliness  are  they to  have  anything  beyond  the  supply  of  their wants. 35  (XXXIV.).  The  bishops  of  every  nation  are to  know  who  is  chief  among  them,  and  to  consi- der him  their  head,  and  do  nothing  without  his judgment,  except  the  affaii-s  of  their  own  dio- ceses, nor  must  he  do  anything  without  their judgment. 36  (XXXV.).  Bishop  not  to  ordain  out  of  his diocese. 37  (XXXVI.).  Clergy  not  to  neglect  to  enter on  the  charge  to  which  they  are  appointed,  nor the  people  to  refuse  to  receive  them. 38  (XXXVIL).  Synod  of  bishops  to  be  held twice  a  year  to  settle  controversies. 39  (XXXVIII.).  Bishop  to  have  care  of  all  ec- clesiastical aflfairs,  but  not  to  appropriate  any- thing for  his  own  family,  except  to  grant  them relief  if  in  poverty. 40  (XXXIX.  &  XL.).  Clergy  to  do  nothing without  bishop.  Bishop  to  keep  his  own  affairs separate  from  those  of  the  Church,  and  to  provide for  his  family  out  of  his  own  property. 41  (XLI.).  Bishop  to  have  power  over  all  eccle- siastical affairs,  and  to  distribute  through  the presbyters  and  deacons,  and  to  have  a  share  him- self if  required. 42  (XLII.).  Cleric  not  to  play  dice  or  take  to drinking. 43  (XLIII.).  Same  as  to  subdeacon,  reader, singer,  or  layman. 44  (XLIV.).  Clergy  not  to  take  usury. 45  (XLV.).  Clergy  not  to  pray  with  heretics, still  less  to  allow  them  to  act  as  clerarv. APOSTOLICAL  CANONS 46  (XLVI.).  Clergy  not  to  recognize  heretical baptism  or  sacrifice. 47  (XLVIL).  Clergy  not  to  rebaptize  one  truly baptized,  nor  to  omit  to  baptize  one  polluted  by the  ungodly,™  otherwise  he  contemns  the  cross and  death  of  the  Lord,  and  does  not  distinguish true  priests  from  false. 48  (XLVIIL).  Layman  who  has  put  away  his wife  not  to  take  another,  nor  to  take  a  divorced woman. 49  (XLIX.).  Baptism  to  be  in  name  of  Father, Son,  and  Holy  Ghost,  not  of  three  eternals,  or three  sons,  or  three  paracletes. 50  (L.).  Baptism  to  be  performed  by  three  im- mersions, making  one  initiation — not  one  single immersion  into  the  Lord's  death. LI.  Clergy  not  to  hold  marriage  or  the  use  of meat  and  wine  things  evil  in  themselves,  or  to abstain  on  any  other  than  ascetic  grounds. LII.  Bishop  or  presbyter  to  receive,  not  to  re- ject penitents. LIII.  Clergy  not  to  refuse  to  partake  of  meat and  wine  on  feast  days  [as  if  evil,  or  on  other than  ascetic  grounds]. LIV.  Clerics  not  to  eat  in  taverns  except  on  a journey. LV.  Clerics  not  to  insult  bishop. LVI.  Nor  presbyter  or  deacon. LVII.  Nor  to  mock  the  maimed,  deaf,  dumb, blind,  or  lame,  nor  must  a  layman  do  so, LVIII.  Bishops  and  presbyters  not  to  neglect their  clergy  or  people. LIX.  Nor  to  refuse  succour  to  the  needy clergy. LX.  Nor  to  publish  in  the  church  as  sacred works  forged  by  the  ungodly  in  false  names. LXI.  Those  convicted  of  incontinence  or  other forbidden  practices  not  to  be  admitted  into  the clerical  body. LXII.  Clerics  from  fear  of  Jew  or  Gentile  or heretic  denying  Christ  to  be  excommunicated,  or if  only  denying  that  they  are  clerics,  to  be  de- posed.   On  repentance,  to  be  admitted  as  laymen. LXIII.  Cleric  eating  blood,  or  things  torn  by beasts,  or  dying  of  themselves,  to  be  deposed,  on account  of  the  prohibition  in  the  law.  Laymen doing  so  to  be  excommunicated. LXIV.  Cleric  or  layman  entering  synagogue  of Jews  or  heretics  to  pray,  to  be  deposed  and  ex- communicated. LXV.  Cleric  in  a  struggle  striking  a  single blow  that  proves  mortal  to  be  deposed  for  his precipitancy.     Laymen  to  be  excommunicated. LXVI.  Neither  cleric  nor  layman  to  fast  on Sunday  or  on  any  Saturday  but  one." LXVII.  Any  one  doing  violence  to  an  unbe- trothed  virgin  to  be  excommunicated.  He  may not  take  another,  but  must  keep  her,  though poor. LXVIII.  Clergy  not  to  be  ordained  a  second time,  unless  when  ordained  by  heretics,  for  those baptized  or  ordained  by  heretics  have  not  really been  brought  into  the  number  of  the  faithful  or of  the  clergy. LXIX.  Bishop,  presbyter,  deacon,  reader,  or singer,  not  fasting  in  the  holy  forty  days,  or  on the"  fourth  and  sixth  days,  to  be  deposed,  unless m  /.  e.  baptized  by  heretics.  Heretical  baptism  is styled  not  an  initiation,  but  a  pollution.  See  Apost. Cmist.  vi.  15. "  Namely,  that  before  Easter  day.  Apost.  Const,  v. IS  and  20. APOSTOLICAL  CANONS suffering  from  bodily  weakness.  Laymen  to  be excommunicated. LXX.  None  to  keep  fast  or  feast  with  the Jews,  or  receive  their  feast-gifts,  as  unleavened bread  and  so  forth. LXXI.  No  Christian  to  give  oil  for  a  heathen temple  or  Jewish  synagogue,  or  to  light  lamps  at their  feast  times. LXXII.  Nor  to  purloin  wax  or  oil  from  the Church. LXXIII.  Nor  to  convert  to  his  own  use  any consecrated  gold  or  silver  vessel  or  linen. LXXIV.  Bishop  accused  by  credible  men,  to  be summoned  by  the  bishops ;  and  if  he  appear  and confess  the  charge,  or  be  proved  guilty,  to  have appropriate  sentence  ;  but  if  he  do  not  obey  the summons,  then  to  be  summoned  a  second  and third  time  by  two  bishops  personally ;  and  if  he still  be  contumacious,  then  the  Synod  is  to  make the  fit  decree  against  him,  that  he  may  not  ap- pear to  gain  anything  by  evading  justice. LXXV.  No  heretic,  nor  less  than  two  wit- nesses, even  of  the  faithful,  to  be  received  against a  bishop  (Deut.  19,  15). LXX  VI.  Bishop  not  to  ordain  relatives  bishops out  of  favour  or  aftection. LXXVII.  One  having  an  eye  injured  or  lame may  still  be  a  bishop,  if  worthy. LXXVIIL  But  not  one  deaf,  dumb,  or  blind,  as being  practical  hindrances. LXXIX.  One  that  has  a  devil  not  to  be  a  cleric, nor  even  to  pray  with  the  faithful,  but  when cleansed  he  may,  if  worthy. LXXX.  A  convert  from  the  heathen  or  from  a vicious  life  not  forthwith  to  be  made  a  bishop  ; for  it  is  not  right  that  while  yet  untried  he should  be  a  teacher  of  others,  unless  this  come about  in  some  way  by  the  grace  of  God." LXXXL  We  declare  that  a  bishop  or  presbyter is  not  to  stoop  to  public  [secular]  offices,  but  to give  himself  to  the  wants  of  the  Church  (Matt. 6,  24). LXXXIL  We  do  not  allow  slaves  to  be  chosen into  the  clerical  body  without  consent  of  their masters,  to  the  injury  of  those  who  possess  them, for  this  would  subvert  households.  But  if  a  slave seem  worthy  of  ordination,  as  did  our  Onesimus, and  the  masters  consent  and  set  him  free,  let  him be  ordained. LXXXIII.  Clergy  not  to  serve  in  the  army,  and seek  to  hold  both  Roman  command  and  priestly duties  (Matt.  22,  21). LXXXIV.  Those  who  unjustly  insult  a  king  or ruler  to  be  punished. LXXXV.  For  you,  both  clergy  and  laity,  let there  be.  as  books  to  be  reverenced  and  held  holy, in  the  Old  Testament — five  of  Moses,  Genesis,  Exo- dus, Leviticus.  Numbers,  Deuteronomy — of  Jesus the  son  of  Nun,  one  ;  of  Judges,  one  ;  Ruth,  one  ;  of Kings,  four  ;  of  Paraleipomena  the  book  of  days, two  ;  of  Esdras,  two  ;  of  Esther,  one  ;  of  Macca- bees, three  ;  of  Job,  one  ;  of  the  Psalter,  one  ;  of Solomon,  three — Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  Song  of 'Songs  ;  of  the  Prophets,  thirteen  ;  of  Isaiah,  one  ; of  Jeremiah,  one  ;  of  Ezekiel,  one  ;  of  Daniel,  one. Over  and  above  is  to  be  mentioned  to  you  that your  young  men  study  the  Wisdom  of  the  learned Sirach.  But  of  ours,  that  is  of  the  New  Testa- ment,  let    there    be    four   sospels,    Matthew APOSTOLICAL  CANONS 113 /.  e.  unless  he  be  designated  as  such  in  some  special *ray  by  the  hand  of  God.  Beveridge  refers  to  the  case of  Ambrose. fiHRIST.  ANT. Mark's,  Luke's,  John's ;  fourteen  epistles  of Paul ;  two  epistles  of  Peter  ;  three  of  John  ;  one of  James  ;  one  of  Jude  ;  two  epistles  of  Clement ; and  the  regulations  addressed  to  you  bishops through  me,  Clement,  in  eight  books,P  which  it  is not  right  to  publish  before  all,  on  account  of  the mysteries  in  them ;  and  the  Acts  of  us,  the Apostles. The  above  is  merely  the  substance  of  the canons  in  an  abridged  form.  It  will  not  of  course supersede  the  necessity  of  referring  to  the  origi- nal in  order  to  form  an  exact  judgment.  For  the sake  of  brevity  the  penalties  have  been  in  most cases  omitted.  They  are  usually  deposition  for the  clergy,  excommunication  for  laymen. Turrianus  attempted  to  maintain  that  these canons  really  are  what  they  profess  to  be,  the genuine  work  of  the  apostles.  Daille,  on  the other  hand,  contended  that  they  were  a  produc- tion of  the  middle  or  end  of  the  5th  century. Against  him  Bishop  Beveridge  entered  the  field ; and  in  two  treatises  of  great  learning,  acuteness, and  vigour,  1  sought  to  show  that  though  not  the work  of  the  apostles  themselves,  they  were  yet of  great  antiqiiity,  being  in  substance  the  decrees of  primitive  Synods  convened  in  different  places and  at  different  times  during  the  latter  part  of  the 2nd,  or  at  latest  the  earlier  part  of  the  3rd  cen- tury. And  he  further  thinks  that  during  the 3rd  century  they  were  brought  together  and formed  into  a  collection  or  Codex  Canonum, which  was  recognized,  and  cited  as  of  authority in  the  Church.  ' Bishop  Pearson  also  holds  the  canons  in  a  col- lected form  to  have  been  in  existence  prior  to  the Council  of  Nice  (  Vindic.  Ignat.  part  i.  caj).  iv. in  Cotel.,  vol.  ii.,  append,  p.  295). ' It  will  be  well  to  endeavour  to  give  some samples  of  the  evidence  which  Beveridge  adduces to  show  that  the  tanons  are  quoted  at  all  events from  the  first  part  of  the  4th  century  down- wards. George  of  Cappadocia  buys  the  favour  of  the Praefect  of  Egypt,  and  is  thrust  into  the  bishopric of  Alexandria.  Athanasius  thereupon  says,  toS- ro  Tovs  iKK\f]ffia(TTiKovs  Kav6vas  TrapaXvtrer  (ad ubique  orthod.  c.  1,  p.  945).  The  reference,  it  is alleged,  is  to  Apost.  Can.  30  (xxix.)  and  31  (xxx.) p  Viz.  the  Apost.  Constitutions.    See  next  article. 1  'Judicium  de  Canonil.us  Apostulicis,'  to  be  found  in Cotel.  I'atres  Apost.  vd.  i.  p.  432,  edit.  112i ;  and  '  Codex Canonum  Ecclesiae  Primitivae  illustratus.  Ibid.  vol.  ii. Appendix,  p.  i. r  '  Judic'  in  Cotel.  vol.  i.  pp.  436-441  ;  and  see  CoJ. Can.  in  Cotel.  vol.  ii.  Append,  pp.  8-10,  et  alibi.  lie appears  to  think  that  in  many  cases  they  may  represent apostolical  traditioiis.  They  wore  called  "apostolical" from  this  feeling,  and  also  because  framed  by  apostolical luen.  He  allows,  however,  that  they  were  probably  col- lected by  divers  persons,  some  of  whom  put  together more,  some  fewer.  Hence  Dionysius  found  only  50  in the  Codex  from  which  he  translated,  while  Scolasticus found  85.  Hincmar  of  Hheims  is  cited  by  Beveridge  as en  his  side ;  but  it  would  seem  that  he  looked  on  the Apostolical  Canons  as  collections  of  aposlolical  tradi- tions mads  by  pious  persons,  rather  than  as  decrees  of synods.  He  speaks  of  them  as  "  antcquam  episcoi)i  concilia libere  inciporent  cclebrare,  a  devotis  quibusque coUectos.' See  Cod.  Can.  in  Cotol.  vol.  ii.  App.  p.  12. 9  The  question  of  the  collection,  however,  stands  on veiy  different  grounds  from  that  of  the  antiquity  of  pfr- ticular  canons,  and  the  two  points  should  be  kept  separate in  investigating  the  subject. I 114         APOSTOLICAL  CANONS Basil,  in  his  letters  to  Amphilochius  (which hive  themselves  obtained  the  authority  of Canons  in  the  Greek  Church)  says  a  deposed deacon  is  not  to  be  excommunicated,  St6Ti apxoui?  eCTi  Kauwv  tovs  airb  l3a6fiov  TreTTToi/cd- Tos,  rovTCf)  ij.6v(f>  rqj  Tpoxqi  ttjs  KoXdcreccs  vivo- pd\K€ff6ai.  Reference  alleged  to  be  to  Apost. Can.  25.' Again  he  says,  rohs  Siydfiov^  iravre^ws  6 Kavuiv  rys  virripeaias  a,Tv4K\€i(Tf.    Comp.  Can.  17. Once  more  he  says,  the  Church  must  SovXeveiv d/cpt/Seiot  Kav6va)y,  and  reject  heretical  baptism. See  Apost.  Can.  46. The  Council  of  Nice,  Can.  1,  while  treating self-inflicted  mutilation  as  a  bar  to  orders,  says : — lia-irep  5e  toCto  TrpdSijA.oi',  Srt  trepl  raiv  eTrjTi]- Sev6vTa}V  rh  Trpay/j.a  Kal  TuAfxuVToiv  iuvrovs 4KT(fXV€iv  iip-qrai'  oiirois  elf  TiJ/es  virh  ^ap^apwv ^  Z^ffTzoTWv  ivvovxiff^V'^O'V,  iiipiaKoivTO  5e  aAAcos ai,ioi.  TOVS  ToiovTovs  eis  K\i]pov  TrpocrifTai  6 Kuviiu.  Reference  alleged  to  Can.  Apost.  21 and  22. Again  Can.  2  says,  that  things  had  lately  been done  irapa.  tov  Kavova  rhv  iKKKi\(na(TTiK'bv,  to correct  which  it  enacts  that  no  neophyte  is  to  be made  a  presbyter.  The  reference  is  alleged  to be  to  Apost.  Can.  Ixxx. Can.  5  says  : — KpaTeLToi  r)  yvwixt]  Kara  rhv Kav6va  rhv  iiayopivovra  tovs  vcp'  eTepaiv  airo- ^\7\diVTas,  ixp"  eTfptiiv  fji.ii  TrpoaUaQai.  Comp. Can.  Apost.  13  (xii.  and  xiii.)  and  33  (xxxii.) Again,  Can.  9,  concerning  the  ordination  of known  sinners,  treats  it  as  irapa  KavSva,  and says,  TovTovs  6  Kaviav  ou  irpocrliTai.  See  Can. Apost.  Ixi. Can.  10,  concerning  such  as  are  ordained  in ignorance  of  their  having  lapsed,  says  : — tovto  ov TvpoKpivei  Tip  Kav6vL  TCfi  iKKKriffLaffTiKw'  yvai(T- 64vTes  yap  Ka&aipovvTai.  Bev.  thinks  the  re- ference is  to  Can.  Apost.  Ixii.,  and  that  the Council  of  Nice  found  it  needful  to  extend  the rule  to  those  who  had  lapsed  before  ordination. Can.  15  and  16  restrain  the  clergy  from moving  from  city  to  city,  a  practice  which  it calls  (Tvv7]Qeia  izapa  Thy  Ka.v6va,  and  speaks  of .such  persons  as  /irjre  Thv  iKKXriffiacTTLKhv  Kavova eiSoTis.     Comp.  Can.  Apost.  14  and  15. The  Synod  of  C4angra,  held  in  the  middle of  the  4th  century  against  the  Eustathians,  after passing  several  canons  on  matters  more  or  less similar  to  those  treated  in  some  of  the  Apost. Canons,  declares  that  its  object  has  been  to  con- demn those  who  bring  in  novelties, — Trapa  Tas ypacpas  Kal  Tovs  fKKKriaiaffTiKovs  KavSvas. The  Council  ofConstantinople,  a.d.  381,  speaks of  a  iraXaios  Ofafxhs,  as  well  as  the  Nicene Canon,  for  bishops  to  ordain  in  the  f-irapxia  or ecclesiastical  province  to  which  they  belong. Bev.  finds  in  the  mention  of  "  provinces,"  a  re- ference to  the  authority  of  Metropolitans,  Can. Apost.  35  (xxxiv.). Not  long  afterwards  a  synod  at  Ctirthage  says  : —  o  apxa7os  tvttos  ^v\ax6i]<T^Tai,  'iva  fxr)  riTTOves Tpiwv  Tuv  opiadfVTwv  els  x^V''"'"'''^''  'ETiff/co- irwv  apKeaciiffiv.     Comp.  Can.  Apost.  i. t  Daille,  and  his  ally, "  Observator"  (who  seems  to  have been  Matt,  de  la  Roque)  contend  that  the  context  shews that  Basil  cannot  have  meant  to  allude  to  the  Apostolical Canons.  Beveiidge  replies  at  length  (^Cod.  Can.  38,  39). Bickell  takes  the  same  view  as  Daille  {Gesch.  dcs  Kirchen- rechts,  i.  83,  note),  but  without  noticing  the  arguments  of Beveridge. APOSTOLICAL  CANONS The  Council  of  Ephesus,  431  a.d.,  sent  three times  to  suiumon  the  accused  bishop,  Nestorius,  ■ to  appear,  saying,  that  it  did  so  in  obedience  t^  I Kavdvi,  and  afterwards  informed  the  Emperor  of  j the    course    taken, — rwu    Kav6vo3v    TrapaKeXevo- fxivoiu  rf  TpiTj)  K\ri(rei  TrapaKaKeTffdai  Thv  airei- QovvTa. And  in  like  manner  at  Chalcedon,  451  A.D.,  , upon  the  third  summons  sent  to  Dioscoi-us,  the  j bishops  who  were  the  bearers  of  it  say  that  \ the  Council  sent  them  to  him : — Tp'iT-qv  ^5tj  '■ kXtjctlv  Tavri]!/  iroiovfi.ivT)  KaTo.  tt]v  aKoKov-  i 6iav  Twv  ayiccv  Kav6v(iiv.  Compare  Can.  Apost.  j Ixxiv.  -: At  Ephesus  a  complaint  was  made  against  the  ' Bishop  of  Antioch  for  trying  to  sii.bject  to  him-v self  the  island  of  Cyprus  : — "  Contrary  to  the  -I Apostolic  canons  and  the  decrees  of  the  most  'i holy  Nicene  Synod."  Comp.  Can.  Apost.  36:' (xxxv.) We  may  now  perhaps  pause  in  our  extracts,/ from  Councils  and  Synods,  as  we  are  approaching  : a  period  about  which  there  is  less  dispute  :  but we  must  go  back  to  the  Nicene  times  in  order  to. ' cite  one  or  two  individual  testimonies.  Alex-  i ander,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  writes  that  Arius,  ! though  excommunicated  there,  was  received  by other  bishops,  which  he  blames, — rcf  fiT^Te  tov ' AtroaToXiKdv  KavSva  tovto  avyxoDpeTv  (apud Theodoret,  Hist.  Eccl.  i.  c.  iv.).  See  Can.  Apost. 13. About  the  same  time  Eusebius,  declining  to  be  '■ translated  from  Caesarea  to  Antioch,  Gonstantine the  Great  writes  to  praise  him  for  observing  tos  re  i ivToXas  tov  0eoO  Kal  Thv  ' AiroaroAiKdv  Kavova,  i Kal  TVS  iKKX-ncrlas  (Euseb.  Vita  Const,  iii.  61). The  reference  is  alleged  to  be  to  Can.  Apost.  14,  j while  iKKXriaias  is  said  to  allude  to  the  15th  •: Canon  of  Nice. Again,  during  the  reign  of  Constantine,  Pope  " Julius,  writing  of  the  deposition  of  Athanasius  i' and  the  intrusion  of  Gregory  into  his  see,  declares  f it  to  have  been  done  in  violation  of  the  Canons  i of  the  Apostles.  See  2nd  Apol.  of  Athanasius.  ;1 The  reference  is  asserted  to  be  to  Can.  36  (xxxv.)  i and  Ixxiv.  (Gregory  being  an  untried  lay-i| man.)"  j Once  more,  in  a  provincial  synod  at  Con- I stantinople,  394  a.d.,  it  was  determined  that  the  ' deposition  of  a  bishop  must  not  be  merely  by  two or  three  bishops, — aWa  irXeiovos  (rvv6Sov  ^'^((x!},  < Kal  Twv  Tr\s  ivapxias,  KaOiiis  Kal  ol  ' Airoa-ToXiKol KavSvfs  StwpiffavTo.  The  allusion  is  said  to  be  1 to  Can.  Apost.  Ixxiv.  ^ Of  late  years  not  much  has  been  done  by  I English  scholars  in  the  way  of  original  investiga- tion into  the  subject,  but  German  writers  have given  a  good  deal  of  attention  to  it  during  the present  century,  and  have  arrived  at  I'esults widely  diflerent  from  those  we  have  just  been  ' considering.  Among  these  Von  Drey  and  Bickell stand  conspicuous.  The  former  seems  to  con- sider that  the  first  50  canons  were  collected  in  : the  early  part  of  the  5th  century,  partly  out  of  i decrees  of  post-Nicene  Councils,  partly  out  of  | the  so-called  apostolical  constitutions ;  and  that  , the  other  35  were  added  subsequently,  probably «  If  this  could  be  considered  to  be  proved,  it  would; settle  the  point  that  the  Canons  were  known  at  Rome, and  refen-ed  to  by  popes  before  Dionysius's  version  of them.  And  if  the  LXXIVth  be  really  intended,  it  would  ; show  that  more  than  50  were  then  recognised.  ■' APOSTOLICAL  CANONS at  the  beginning  of  the  6th  century,  when  the whole  85  were  appended  to  the  constitutions." Bickell  while  adopting  a  similar  theory  does not  press  it  so  far.  He  believes  the  collection  to have  been  made  out  of  like  materials  to  those specified  by  Drey,  but  to  be  not  later  than  the end  of  the  ^th  century  ;  and  holds  that  the  apos- tolical canons  were  quoted  at  Chalcedon  (instead  of being  in  part  derived  from  the  decrees  of  that  Coun- cil as  Drey  would  maintain),  and  possibly  also  at Ephesus  and  Constantinople,  448  {Gesch.  des  Kir- chenrechts,  vol.  i.  p.  83 ;  see  also  Hefele  Conci- liengesch.,  vol.  i.  p.  771).  Both  Von  Drey  and Bickell  agree  in  denying  the  position  of  Beve- ridge  that  the  collection  was  made  not  later than  the  3rd  century^  and  was  composed  out  of bond  fide  previous  canons  then  existing.  And they  meet  his  citations  by  denying  that  Kavwv. OefffiSs  and  such  like  words  always  imply  what we  call  a  canon,  and  by  alleging  that  they  are used  in  early  times  of  any  generally  received rule  in  the  Church.  Thus  Kavtiiv  airoarToKiKbs might  either  i-efer  to  some  direction  of  the  Apos- tles contained  in  the  New  Testament,  or  to  some ecclesiastical  practice  supposed  to  have  been ori'jinated  by  them,  and  to  have  their  authority. Thus  Clem.  Rom.  speaks  of  rov  oipiff^iivov  ttjj KtLTovpyias  avTov  Kavova  (^Ep.  i.  41),  and  it  is not  to  be  supposed  that  he  can  here  allude  to any  synodical  decree.  Comp.  Iren.  Ad.  Haer.  i.  9  ; Polycrates,  apud  Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  v.  24  ;  Clem. kl.'Strom.  i.  350,  vi.  076,  vii.  753,  756,  764  (see also  the  instances  in  De  La  garde  Bel.  Jur.  Eccl. Ant.  pref.  p.  vi.).  Accordingly  Bickell  would thus  intei'pret  (as  Daille'  had  done  before  him) the  use  of  the  words  Kav^v  and  KavoviKos  vof^os, in  canon  15  of  Neocaesarea,  and  in  canons  13,  15, 18,   of  Niec.y     So    also   Cornelius   Ad  Fahium .APOSTOLICAL  CANONS 115 ^  The  following  table  gives  what  he  supposes  to  be  the original  of  the  various  Canons : — 1.,  11.,  VI.,  VII.,  XVII.,  XVllI.,  XX.,  XXVL,  XXXIII., XLVI.,  XLVII.,  XLIX.,  LI.,  LII.,  LIII.,  LX.,  LXIV.,  are all  taken  from  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  ;  the  first bix  books  of  which  he  considers  as  of  latter  half  of  3rd century. LXXIX.  is  from  the  8th  book,  which  is  later,  but before  the  year  325. XXI.-XXIV.,  and  LXXX.,  are  taken  from  the  Nicene Decrees. VIII.-XVI.,  and  XXVIII.,  and  XXXl.-XLl.,  from those  of  Antioch. XLV.,  LXX.,  LXXI.,  from  those  of  Laodicea. LXXV.  from  those  of  Constantinople,  A  D.  381. XXVIl.  from  those  of  Constantinople,  a.d.  394. XXIX.,  LXVII.,  L.XX1V.,  LXXXL,  LXXXIII.,  from those  of  Chalcedon. XIX.  from  Neocaesarea. XXV.  from  a  canonical  letter  of  Basil. LXIX.  and  LXX.,  out  of  the  supposed  Epistle  of Ignatius,  Ad  PhilcuMph. About  a  third  of  the  Canons  Drey  treats  as  of  unknown origin.  The  subject  matter  of  many  of  them  he  considers may  be  more  ancient,  but  not  in  the  form  of  canons. As  to  tlie  distinction  .'aid  to  be  apparent  between  the first  50  Canons  and  the  residup,  see  Bickell,  i.  86  and  236. y  For  an  examination  of  these  instances  from  a  con- trary point  of  view,  see  Beveridge  iCod.  Can.  lib.  i.  cap. xi.).  But  the  reader  should  notice  that  in  Nic.  Can.  18, he  inexactly  translates  i^anep  oiire  6  xaviiiv  ovre  -q  crvv- ijflEia  Trape'SiuKe  by  "  noc  canoiiem  ncc  coiisuctudinem esse,"  and  neglects  the  words  ;rapd  Kavova  Kal  napa  tol^lv at  the  end  of  the  Canon.  He  understands  the  Canon  of Neocaesarea,  that  there  must  be  seven  deacons,  Kara  toc (cai/ovo,  to  allude  to  Acts  vi.  (the  written  law  of  Scrip- (Euseb.  vi.  43)  Kara  rou  ttjs  iKKK7)a'ias  Kavova, and  Firmilian  Ad  Cyprian.(ef.  75)  and  Cone.  Are- lat.  canon  13,  "  ecclesiastica  regula,"  and  comp. Euseb.  vi.  24.  Bickell  also  thus  interprets  .the letter  of  Alexander  to  Meletius,  and  that  of Constantine,  which  as  we  have  seeTi(ante,  p.  114) Beveridge  takes  as  allusions  to  the  apostolical canons. In  short  Von  Drey  and  Bickell  maintain  that the  instances  brought  forward  by  Beveridge  are not  really  proofs  that  the  set  of  canons  called apostolical  are  there  quoted  or  .  referred  to,  but rather  that  allusion  is  made  to  broad  and  gene- rally acknowledged  principles  of  ecclesiastical action  and  practice,  whether  written  or  un- written (see  Bickell,  i.  p.  2,  and  p.  81,  82,  and the  notes).^  But  they  go  further  and  proceed to  adduce  on  their  side  what  they  consider  to  be a  positive  and  decisive  argument.  Many  canons of  the  Council  of  Antioch,  A.D.  341,  correspond not  only  in  subject  but  to  a  very  remarkable degree  in  actual  phraseology  with  the  apostolical canons.  Yet  they  never  quote  them,  at  least  eo nomine. The  following  table  gives  the  parallel  cases  : — Antioch  I.  compared  with  Can.  Apost.  VII. J.  (VIII.,  IX.,  X., "      (XI.,  XII.,  XIII. III.  ,,  ,,  ,,        XV.,  XVL IV.  ,,  ,,  ,,        XXVIII. V.           ,,           ,,  ,,        XXXI. VL  ,,  ,,  ,,        XXXIL VJI.,  VIII.  ,,  ,,  ,,        XII.,  XXXIII IX.  ,,  ,,  ,,        XXXIV. XIIL  ,,  ,,  ,,        XXXV. ™-.}        „  ,.  ..        XXXVL XX.  ,,        ,,        ,,      xxxvn. XXI.  ,,  ,,  ,,        XIV. xxn.        ,,        ,,         ,,      XXXV. XXIII.  ,,  ,,  ,,        LXXVl. XXIV.  ,,  ,,  ,,        XL. XXV.           ,,           ,.  ,,        XLK On  this  state  of  facts  Von  Drey  and  Bickell maintain  that  the  apostolical  canons  ate  ob- viously borrowed  from  those  of  Antioch,  while Beveridge  argues  that  the  converse  is  the  case. The  argument  turns  too  much  on  a  close  com- parison of  phrases,  and  of  the  respective  omi.s- sions,  addition.s,  and  modifications,  to  admit  of being  presented  in  an  abridged  form.  It  will  be found  on  one  side  to  some  extent  in  Bickell,  vol. i.  p.  79,  et  seq.,  and  p.  230,  et  seq.  (who  gives ture).  Some  might  possibly  contend  that  tlie  words  of the  Epistle  of  Alexander  (sijpj-a,  p.  114)  refer  to  2nd  Epist. John  10.  He  also  deals  with  a  Canon  of  Ancyra  (Can. 21),  which  mentions  that  6  Trporepo;  opos  refused  com- munion, except  on  the  death-bed,  to  unchaste  women guilty  of  abortion.  This  Beveridge  argues  does  not  mean  a "  Canon  "  at  all,  but  rather  a  decision  of  Church  discipline. Hefele,  on  the  other  hand,  thinks  it  alludes  to  a  Canon of  Elvira,  refusing  the  sacrament  to  such  even  at  death {Conciliengesch.  i.  208). 2  To  a  certain  extent,  Beveridge  discusses  this  theory when  put  forward  by  "  Observator  "  (see  Cod.  Can.  lib.  i. c.  ]l,p.  44),  and  appears  to  contend  that  Kaviov  is  not  used for  unwritten  law,  at  all  events  by  Councils  in  their  de- crees. There  certainly  seems  some  apparent  distinction drawn  in  Nic.  Can.  18,  oi/re  6  Kaviav  ovre  7)  avvTi)8iia TrapdSuiKe. <<■  It  will  be  observed  that  all  the  Apostolical  Canong except  one,  for  which  parallels  are  here  found  in  the Antioch  decrees,  fall  within  the  first  50  :  and  the  parallel to  the  LXXVlth  Canon  is  very  far-fetched. I  2 116        APOSTOLICAL  CANONS  _ the  references  to' the  corresponding  parts  of  Von Drey's  work)  ;  and  on  tJie  other,  in-  Beveridge's ■  Codex  Canonum,  lib.  i.  cap.  iv.  and  cap.  xi.,  and elsewhere  in  that  treatise.'' As  a  general  rule  the  apostolical  canons  are shorter,  the  Antioch  canons  fuller  and  more  ex- press :  a  circumstance  which  leads  Bickell  to  see in  the  former  a  compendium  or  abridgment  of the  latter,  but  which,  according  to  Beveridge, proves  the  former  to  be  the  brief  originals,  of which  the  latter  are  the  subsequent  expansion. Beveridge  observes  with  some  force  that though  the  apostolical  canons  are  not  quoted  by name,  the  canons  of  Antioch  repeatedly  profess to  be  in  accordance  with  previous  ecclesiastical rules,  whereas  the  apostolical  canons  never  men- tion any  rules  previously  existing. "=  Still  the same  question  must  arise  here  as  in  relation  to the  canons  of  Nice,  viz.,  whether  the  allusion really  is  to  pre-existing  canons  of  councils,  or whether  the  terms  used  are  to  be  otherwise  ex- plained. And  as  regards  the  silence  of  the  apos- tolical canons  as  to  anything  older  than  them- selves, it  must  be  recollected  that  any  other course  would  have  been  self-contradictory.  They could  not  pretend  to  be  apostolic  and  yet  rely  on older  authorities.  Hence  even  had  such  refer- ences been  found  in  the  materials  of  which  they were  composed,  these  must  have  been  struck  out when  they  wei-e  put  together  in  their  present shape. The  synod  of  Antioch  lying  under  the  re- proach of  Arianismi,  it  may  seem  improbable  that any  decrees  should  have  been  borrowed  from  it. To  meet  this  objection  Bickell  urges  that  though the  Antioch  clergy  were  Arian,  the  Bishop  Me- letius  was  not  un-orthodox,  and  was  much  re- spected by  the  Catholics.  And  he  throws  out the  theory  that  the  apostolical  canons,  which shew  traces  of  Syrian  phraseology,  may  be  a sort  of  corpus  canonum  made  at  that  period  in Syria,  and  drawn  up  in  part  from  the  Antioch decrees,  in  part  irom  the  apostolical  constitutions (which  shew  like  marks  of  Syrian  origin),  and in  part  from  other  sources. ■*  This  work,  it  is conjectured,  Meletius  brought  with  him  when he  came  to  the  Council  of  Constantinople  (where he  died)  in  381  A.D.,  and  introduced  it  to  the favourable  notice  of  the  clergy :  a  hypothesis which  is  thought  to  account  for  the  apostolical canons  being  cited  (as  Bickell  thinks  for  the  first time)  at  the  Provincial  Synod  of  Constantinople, A.D.  394. The  opinion  of  Hefele  may  be  worth  stating. He  thinks  that  though  there  is  a  good  deal  to  be said  for  the  theory  that  many  of  the  apostolical canons  were  borrowed  from,  those  of  Antioch, b  The  suggestion  is  there  made  that  the  Council  stu- diously re-enacted  certain  ortliodox  canons,  in  order  to gain  a  good  reputation,  while  they  thrust  in  here  and there  a  canon  of  their  own  so  framed  as  to  tell  against Athanasius  and  the  Catholics,  See  Cod.  Can.  lib.  i.  cap.  iv. ad  Jin. c  However,  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the  37-39  Canons of  Laodicea,  which  closely  resemble  the  LXX.  and  LXXI. Apostolical  Canons,  do  not  in  any  way  refer  to  them, though  on  Beveridge's  theory  the  A  post.  Canons  must have  been  in  the  hands  of  the  Fathers  of  Laodicea. ■i  In  Can.  XXXVII.  the  Syro-Macedonian  name  of  a month,  Hyperberetaeus,  occurs  in  connexion  with  the time  for  the  autumnal  synod.  Similar  nimes  of  months occur  in  Ap.  Const,  v.  17,  20,  and  at  viii.  10.  Evadius, Bishop  of  Antioch,  is  prayed  for  as  "  our  bishop." APOSTOLICAL  CANONS  •; i the  converse  is  quite  possible,  and  the  point  by  j no  means  settled.  In  regard  to  the  Council  of Nice,  it  would  appear,  he  thinks,  that  it  refers to  older  canons  on  the  like  subjects  with  those  • which  it  was  enacting.  And  it  is  by  no  means  j impossible  that  the  allusion  may  be  to  those which  are  now  found  among  the  apostolic  canons, ; and  which  might  have  existed  in  the  Church before  they  were  incorporated  in  that  collection. This  view  he  thinks  is  supported  by  a  letter  from certain  Egyptian  bishops  to  Meletius  at  the  com- mencement of  the  4th  century ,«  in  which  they  I complain  of  his  having  ordained  beyond  the  ] limits  of  his  diocese,  which  they  allege  is  con-' trary  to  "  mos  divinus  "  and  to  "  regula  eccle- siastica ; "  and  remind  hini  that  it  is  the  "  lex patrum  et  propatrum.  ...  in  alienis  paroeciis  j non  licere  alicui  episcoporum  ordinationes  cele-  ! brare."  The  inference,  Hefele  thinks,  is  almost  j irresistible  that  this  refers  to  what  is  now  the  I o6th  (xxxv.)  Apostolical  Canon.  And  at  all  i events  he  appears  to  hold  with  Bickell  that  the  ■ apostolical  canons  are  referred  to  at  Ephesus, Constantinople  (a.D.  448),  and  Chalcedon.  But : such  a  view  falls  short  of  that  of  Beveridge. Coming  to  the  internal  evidence,  we  find  great  j stress  to   have   been  laid  by  Daille^  Von  Drey, Bickell,  and  others  on  the  contents  of  the  canons,  as  • distinctly  marking  their  late  date.    Thus  the  8th (vii.)  (as  to  Easter)  is  in  harmony  with  the  pre- sent interpolated  text  of  the  apostolical  consti- tutions,  but  is  at  variance  with  what  Epiphanius  | read  there,  and  with   the  Syriac  didascalia  (see  j infra,  pp.  122, 123).  It  relates  to  the  settlement  of  i a  particular  phase  of  the  Easter  controversy  which  ' did  not,  according   to   Hefele,  spring  up   until  : the  3rd  century  (ConciUengcsch.  i.  303  and  776).'  j Moreover,  if  known  and  recognized  previous  to  .| the  Council  of  Nice,  it  seems  extraordinary  that  | this   canon  should  not  have  been  mentioned  in Constantine's  famous  letter  to  the  Nicene  Fathers  , on  the  Easter  Controversy  (Euseb.  Vita  Const,  iii. 18-20). Canon  27   (xxvi.)  hardly  savours   of  a  very  j early  time.     On  this  canon  Beveridge  (Annot.  iri Can.  Apost.,  sub  Canone  xxvi.)  cites  the  Council  | of  Chalcedon  (a.D.  451),  as  saying  that  in  many  . provinces  it  was  permitted  to  readers  and  singers to  marry  ;  and  understands  it  of  those  provinces in  which  the  apostolical  canons  had  been  put  in  ' force,  they  having  been,  he  says,  originally  passed iji  different  localities  by  provincial  synods.     (See also  his  Jud.  de  Can.  Apost.  §  xii.  inCotel.  vol.  i. p.  436.)     This  seems  to  derogate  somewhat  from  | the  general  reception  which  he  elsewhere  appears disposed  to  claim  for  them.    So  limited  an  opera-  ] tion  even  in  the  5th  century  is  scarcely  what  was to  be  expected  if  the  whole  collection  had  been made,  and  promulgated  a  century  and  a  half  be-  j fore. The  31st  (xxx.),  the  Ixxxi.,  and  Ixxxiii.,  all appear  to  speak  of  a  time  when  the  empire  was Christian  (see  Hefele,  vol.  i.  p.  783,  789  ;  Bic- kell, i.  80.).g e  Given  in  Routh,  Rel.  Sacr.  vol.  iti.  pp.  381,  382 f  If  Hifele's  view  on  this  subject  be  accept  xi,  Beveridge must  be  held  to  have  confused  the  special  point  here  ruled with  other  questions  in  dispute  in  the  Easter  controversy (Coci.  Can.  lib.  2,  c.  iii.). 8  Von  Drey,  however,  points  out  that  it  is  difficult  to suppose  a  council  under  the  empire  would  set  itself  so openly  against  the  emperor's  interference.    If  so,  some APOSTOLICAL  CANONS The  35th  (xxxiv.),  recognizing  a  kind  of  metro- politan authority,  has  also  been  much  insisted on  by  Yon  Drey  and  Bickell,  as  well  as  by  Daille, in  23root'  of  an  origin  not  earlier  than  the  4th century  (see  contra,  J3ev.  Cod.  Can.  lib.  2,  cap.  v.).'' The  46th  suggests  the  remark  that  if  it  were  in existence  at  the  time  of  Cyprian,  it  would  surely have  been  cited  in  the  controversy  as  to  heretical baptism.  It  agrees  with  the  doctrine  of  the  apos- tolical constitutions  vi.  15,  and  according  to  some has  probably  been  taken  thence.  Beveridge  indeed observes  that  Cyprian  {Epist.  to  Jubajanus)  does rely  on  the  decree  of  a  synod  held  under  the presidency  of  Agrippinus  (see  Jud.  de  Can.  Ap. §  xi.  and  Cod.  Can.  lib.  3,  cap.  xii.).  This  de- cree he  seems  to  think  may  be  the  original  of canon  46.  If  so,  however,  it  would  seem  to  shew the  local  and  partial  character  of  the  apostolical canons,  for  we  know  that  the  Roman  Church held  at  this  very  time  a  contrary  view  (Comp. the  admissions  of  Bev.  in  Jud.  de  Can.  §  xii.). Again,  other  orders  besides  bishop,  priest,  and deacon  appear  in  the  clerical  body.  We  have  sub- deacons,  readers,  and  singers  (canon  43).'  Though the  second  of  these  is  found  in  Tertullian,  the first  and  last  are  not  to  be  traced  further  back than  the  middle  of  the  third  century. Not  to  mention  other  instances,  it  may  in  con- clusion be  observed  that  much  contest  has  taken place  over  the  list  of  canonical  books  in  the  last canon,  and  as  to  the  reference  therein  to  the  con- stitutions. Beveridge  thinks  that  the  variation iu  that  list  from  the  canon  of  Scripture  as  eventu- ally settled,  is  a  proof  that  it  was  drawn  up  at an  early  date  and  before  the  final  settlement was  made.  But  at  the  same  time  he  (somewhat inconsistently)  is  inclined  to  take  refuge  in  the theory  that  this  last  canon  has  been  interpolated. Here  again  it  would  be  vain  to  attempt  an abridgement  of  the  argument  (see  Cod.  Canon. lib.  2,  0.  ix.  and  Jud.  de  Can.  Apost.  §  xvi.  et  seq.) Before  concluding,  the  opinions  of  one  or  two other  writers  must  be  mentioned.  Krabbe  thinks that  at  the  end  of  the  4th  or  early  in  the  5th century,  a  writer  of  Arian  or  Macedonian  ten- dencies drew  up  both  the  8th  book  of  the  consti- tutions and  the  collection  of  canons,  the  former being  composed  out  of  precepts  then  in  circulation under  the  Apostles'  names,  with  many  additions  of his  own,  the  latter  out  of  canons  made  in  different placer,  during  the  2nd  and  3rd  centuries,  with sui^port  might  be  hence  gained  for  the  theory  that  these canons  (iu  the  present  form,  at  all  events)  did  not  really emanate  from  any  council. •>  Beveridge  observes  that  the  Apostolical  Canon  merely speaks  of  tov  npioTou  kTvidKoirov,  whereas  the  corre- sponding Canon  of  Antioch  has  to:/  iv  rp  /liijTpoTroAct TrpoeiTToiTa  i-nidKonov ;  the  latter  being  in  conformity with  the  name  metropolitan.  This  name  did  not  arise  till the  4th  century ;  and  he  therefore  thinks  the  Apostolical Canon  is  proved  to  be  the  older  of  the  two,  and  to  be before  that  era.  Moreover  the  Canon  of  Antioch  pro- fesses its  enactment  to  be  Kara  toj/  ap^at'oTepoi/  <cpa- ■n)(Tai'Ta  ex  ruiv  Trarepwi'  rnxiav  Kavova.  It  may  be  worth "l'->iving  that  there  is  no  trace  of  a  primacy,  among I'i-li'  ps  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  even  in  'their pivscTit  state. '  Sometimes  we  find  only  a  general  expression,  as  In Can.  9  (.viii.),  which  runs  e'i  tis  eTri'o-KOJros  r}  Trpeo-jSuTepo? [^  SittKovos  ij  eK  Tov  (caraAoyou  toO  lepaTi/coC ;  the  latter words  comprehending  the  other  orders,  and  being  appa- rently strictly  equivalent  to  the  phrase  rj  oAws  roO  Kara- 'Adyou  Tuii/  KAvjpiKwi/  in  Can.  15. APOSTOLICAL  CANONS        117 the   mterpolation  of  the   7th  and  85th   canons forged  by  himself  (see  Ultzen,  p.  xvi.  pref.). Bunsen  attaches  much  importance  to  the  apos- tolical canons.  He  regards  them  as  belonging to  a  class  of  ordinances  which  were  "  the  local coutumes  of  the  apostolical  Church,"  i.  e.  if  not of  the  Johannean  age,  at  all  events  of  that  imme- diately succeeding.  Yet  such  "never  formed any  real  code  of  law,  much  less  were  they  the decrees  of  synods  or  councils.  Their  collections nowhere  had  the  force  of  law.  Every  ancient and  great  church  presented  modifications  of  the outlines  and  traditions  here  put  together;  but the  constitutions  and  practices  of  all  churches were  built  upon  this  groundwork  "  (Christ,  and Mankind,  vol.  ii.  421).  Our  apostolical  canons served  this  purpose  in  the  Greek  Church.  The fiction  which  attributes  them  to  the  Apostles  is probably  ante-Nicene  (vol.  vii.  p.  373) ;  but  they are  now  in  an  interpolated  state. Internal   evidence   shews,  he  thinks,  that  the original  collection  consisted  of  three  chapters  : — I.  On  ordination. II.  On  the  oblation  and  communion. III.  On  acts  which  deprive  of  official  rights or  offices. These  comprise,  with  some  exceptions,  rather more  than  a  third  of  the  whole.  To  these,  he says,  were  appended,  but  at  an  early  date — IV.  On  the  rights  and  duties  of  the  bishop  ; and  subsequently  when  the  collection  thus  ex- tended had  been  formed — V.  Other  grounds  of  deprivation. Canons  6  (v.),  27  (xxvi.),  he  considers  from internal  evidence  to  be  interpolations.  Relying on  the  fact  that  the  Coptic  version  (to  which  hs attaches  much  weight,  calling  it  "  The  Apos- tolical Constitutions  of  Alexandria ")  omits canons  xlvii.,  xlviii.,  xlix.,  1.,  he  treats  these also  as  of  later  date.  Canon  35  (xxxiv.)  ho appears  to  consider  as  a  genuine  early  form  of what  subsequently  became  the  system  of  metro- politan authority. Coming  then  to  what  he  styles  "  The  Second Collection,  which  is  not  recognized  by  the  Roman Church,"  i,  e.  to  the  canons  not  translated  by Dionysius,  he  says  they  "  bear  a  more  decided character  of  a  law  bogk  for  the  internal  dis- cipline of  the  clergy,  with  penal  enactments." Canon  Ixxxi.  is  a  repetition  and  confirmation of  one  in  the  first  collection,  viz.,  xx.  compared with  31  (xxx.).  This  and  canons  Ixxxiii.,  Ixxxiv., are  post-Nicene.  The  canon  of  Scripture  also  is sjjurious,  as  contradicting  in  many  points  the authentic  traditions  and  assumptions  of  the  early Church.  It  is  wanting  in  the  oldest  MS.,  the Codex  Barberinus  (Christianity  and  Mankind, voj.  ii.  p.  227). Ultzen,  though  modestly  declining  to  express- a  positive  judgment,  evidently  leans  to  the  view of  Bickell  that  the  Autiochene  decrees  were the  foundation  of  many  of  the  canons,  and  re- grets that  Bunsen  should  have  brought  up  again the  theory  of  Beveridge,  which,  he  considers, "recentiores  oinnes  hujus  rei  judices  refuta- verant "  (Pref.  p.  xvi.  note,  and  p.  xxi.). There  are  Oriental  versions  of  the  apostolical canons.  As  Bunsen  has  observed,  the  Coptic  and Aethiopic  (the  former  being  a  very  late  but faithful  translation  from  an  old  Sahidic  version, see  Tattam's  Edition,  1848)  omit  certain  of  the canons  relating  to  heretical  baptism.     Except  in 118 APOSTOLICAL  CANONS this  and  in  Can.  Ixxxv.  they  do  not  differ  in  any- important  degree  ^  Some  account  of  these  ver- sions, and  also  of  the  Syriac,  may  be  seen  in  Bickell, vol.  i.  append,  iv.  He  considers  even  the  last- named  to  be  later  than  our  Greek  text,  and  that little  assistance  is  to  be  derived  from  them  (see p.  215);  others,  however,  as  Bunsen,  rate  them highlv.     The  subject  deserves  further  inquiry. To  attempt  to  decide,  or  even  to  sum  up  so large  a  controversy,  and  one  on  which  scholars have  difiei-ed  so  widely,  would  savour  of  pre- sumption. It  must  suffice  to  indicate  a  few points  on  which  the  decision  seems  principally to  turn.  The  first  question  is.  Can  we  come  to Beveridge's  conclusion  that  a  corpus  canonum corresponding  to  our  present  collection,  and  pos- sessing a  generally  recognized  authority,  really existed  in  the  3i-d  century  ?  If  so,  much  weight would  deservedly  belong  to  it. But  if  an  impartial  view  of  Beveridge's  argu- ments should  be  thought  to  lead  merely  to  the conclusion,  that  a  number  of  canons  substanti- ally agreeing  with  certain  of  those  now  in  our collection,  are  quoted  in  the  4th  century,  and presumably  existed  some  considerable  time  pre- viously, we  find  ourselves  in  a  dift'erent  position. In  this  case  the  contents  of  our  present  col- lection may  possibly  be  nothing  more  than  de- crees of  synods  held  at  different  and  unknown times,-!  and  in  different  and  uncertain  places,  not necessarily  agreeing  with  each  other,  and  not necessarily  acknowledged  by  the  Church  at  large, at  all  events  till  a  later  period.™ Again,  if  our  present  collection  as  a  whole  be not  shewn  to  be  of  the  3rd  century,  the  question at  once  arises  when  and  how  it  was  made,  and whether  any  modification  or  interpolation  took place  in  the  component  materials  when  they  were so  collected  together." If  it  be  to  be  looked  upon  as  a  digest  of  pre- existing canons  brought  together  from  various sources,  it  is  necessary  to  consider  how  far  the fact  that  any  particular  canon  is  authenticated I'  In  Can.  LXXXV.  the  Copiic  omits  Esther  from  the O.  T.  and  puts  Judith  and  Tobit  in  place  of  Maccabees, and  after  mentioning  the  16  Prophets,  it  goes  on  :  "  These also  let  your  young  persons  learn.  And  out  of  the  Wis- dom of  Solomon  and  Kstber,  the  three  Books  of  Maccabees, and  the  AVisdom  of  the  Son  of  Sirach,  there  is  much  in- struction." In  N.  T.  it  adds  the  Apocalypse,  between Jude  and  the  Kpistles  of  Clement,  and  says  'nothing  what- ever about  the  eight  books  of  ■> eg ulat ions.  "The  Acts" are  merely  mentioned  by  that  name,  and  follow  the Gospels  in  the  list. '  Some  may,  no  doubt,  be  of  an  early  date :  thus  Von Drey  admits  the  probable  antiquity  of  Can.  1,  Can.  10  (ix.), Can.  11  (x.),  and  others.  See  notes  to  the  Canons  in Hefele's  Conciliengeschichte,  vol.  i.  Append. ;  and  comp. Bickell,  vol.  i.  pp.  80,  81. ™  Beveridge  speaks  of  the  Apostolical  Canons  as  the work  "  not  of  one  but  of  many  synods,  and  those  held  in divers  places"  {Cod.  Can.  lib.  1,  cap.  ii.).  He  thinks that  the  name  of  the  month  Hyperberetaeus  in  Can. XXXVII.  shews  that  Canon  to  be  oi  Easta-n  origin; wliile  he  argues  that  the  rule  as  to  Easter  in  Can.  VII. proves  that  Canon  to  belong  to  the  Western  Church, inasmuch  as  the  rule  in  question  does  not  agree  with  the Oriental  practice  {Jiid.  de  Can.  s.  12 ;  and  see  s.  27). n  As  to  admissions  of  interpolations,  see  Bev.  Jud.  de Can.  ad  finein,  and  Cod.  Can.  in  Cotel.  vol.  ii.  Append, pp.  10,  73,  114.  Nor  can  it  be  forgotten  that,  in  the  only ^;happs  in  which  ve  Icnow  of  their  having  been  collected, they  are  introduced  by  the  untrue  pretext  of  being  the words  of  the  Apostles  dictated  to  Clement. APOSTOLICAL  CANONS by  being  cited  at  Nice  or  elsewhere,  in  an; degree  authenticates  any  other  canon  not  s cited.  For  unless  some  bond  of  connexion  cm be  shewn,  two  canons  standing  in  juxtaposition may  be  of  quite  different  age  and  origin. These  considerations  have  been  principall; framed  with  reference  to  the  ai-guments  of  Beve ridge.  Of  course  if  the  views  of  Von  Drey  b adopted,  any  importance  to  be  attached  to  tl! canons  is  materially  diminished.  Up  to  a  certaii point  Beveridge  certainly  argues  not  only  witi ingenuity  but  force,  and  his  reasoning  does  no seem  to  have  received  its  fair  share  of  attentioi from  Von  Drey  and  Bickell."  Still,  after  allow ing  all  just  weight  to  what  he  advances,  a  carefu consideration  of  the  points  just  suggested,  ma; perhaps  tend  to  shew  that  it  is  not  difficult  t see  why  controversialists  of  modern  times  hav not  ventured  to  lay  much  stress  on  the  apos tolical  canons. But  there  is  another  reason  for  this.  N Western  church  can  consistently  proclaim  thei authority  as  they  now  stand.  Protestant  churche will  hardly  agree,  for  instance,  to  the  rule  tha one  who  was  ordained  unmarrjed,  may  not  after wards  marry,  nor  will  they  recognize  the  Mac cabees  as  a  canonical  book  ;  while  the  canon which  require  a  trine  immersion  in  baptism,  am the  repetition  of  baptism  when  performed  b; heretics,  will  not  be  accepted  by  either  Protest ant  or  Roman  Catholic.P It  may  be  proper  to  add  that  the  canons  her discussed  are  not  the  only  series  extant  whic^ claim  apostolical  authority. Thus,  for  instance,  besides  the  AiaTa|eis  rai ayiwv  aTro(TT6\cov  irepl  x^^poToviatu,  Sia  'Itt troXvTuv  and  Ai  Siarayal  ai  Sia  KATj^eVroj  kc KavSviS  €KKK7]0iaaTiKo\  Tciv  ayiwv  airoiTToXai (both  of  which  will  he  treated  of  in  conuexio with  the  Apost.  Constitutions),  we  have  certai pretended  canons  of  an  apostolic  council  at  An tioch  (the  title  being  rov  ayiov  Upofidprvpo nafi(t>i\ov  €K  TrjS  fv  'AvTiox^'^f  't^v  aTro(n6Aai ffVVoSoV,    TOVr'     kffTlV    iK     TOIV    (TWo'SlKUlV    avTU} Kav6vaJi'  fiipos  twv  vtt'  aurov  evpedevrwi'  ets  t^ 'Hptyevovs  Pi^\io6r}K7]v).  They  are  in  Bickel i.  138,  and  Lagarde,  Ji'elig.  Juris  Eccles.  p.  18. We  also  find  another  set  of  apostolic  canon (opos  KavoviKhs  Tuiv  ayiwv  airo(TT6Kwv^  als published  by  Bickell,  i.  133,  and  Lagarde,  p.  3 (and  of  which  the  latter  critic  says  that  it  i "  nondum  theologis  satis  consideratum  ")  ;  'an yet  again  a  curious  series  of  alleged  apostoli ordinances  (many  of  which  resemble  parts  c the  apostolical  constitutions),  in  three  ancien Syriac  MSS.,  one  translated  into  Greek  by  Lagard (Bel.  Jur.  Eccl.  p.  89),  and  two  into  English,  wit notes,  by  Cureton,  in  '  Ancient  Syriac  Documenti o  Yet  it  is  certainly  remarkable  that,  when  we  fin hear  of  these  Canons,  the  question  seems  to  be  whethe they  are  apostolic  or  apocryphal.  The  view  that  the are  an  autlientic  collection  of  post-apostolic  synodic; decrees  does  not  seem  to  have  then  suggested  itself. P  Refined  distinctions  have  indeed  been  drawn  to  quo lify  the  apparent  sense  of  some  of  tliese  Canons  (see  Be> Cod.  Can.  in  Cotel.  vol.  ii.  Append,  p.  100,  and  p.  130) but  the  difficulty  attending  them  has  probably  had  il share  in  preventing  their  full  recognition.  Hefele  speak of  the  Canon  on  Hereticiil  Baptism  as  contrary  to  tli Roman  rule.  Can.  LXVI.  is  also  contrary  to  the  disc plinc  of  Rome;  but  not  being  in  the  first  50,  it  is  hel apocryphal, APOSTOLICAL  CONSTITUTIONS 119 relating  to  the  earliest  establishment  of  Christi- anity in  Edessa,'  &c.,  with  preface  by  W.  Wright, Lond.  18G4-.  It  appears  that  in  Cod.  Add.  14,173, fo).  37,  in  Brit,  Mus.  this  document  is  quoted  as "  Canons  of  the  Apostles." It  is  not  perhaps  a  wholly  unreasonable  hope that  further  researches  into  the  ecclesiastical MSS.  of  Syria  may  be  the  means  of  throwing more  light  on  the  perplexing  questions  which surround  alike  the  apostolic  canons  and  the  apos- tolic constitutions,  both  of  them,  in  all  proba- bility, closely  connected  in  their  origin  with  that Church  and  couutry.i Authorities. — Ceiduriatores  Magdeburg,  ii.  c.  7, p.  544,  &c.  Fr.  Turrianus,  Pro  Canon.  Apost.  et Epp.  Decret.  Pontif.  Apost.  Adversus  Magd.  Centur. Defensio  (Flor.  1572,  Lutetiae  1573),  lib.  i.  P.  de Marca,  Cone.  Sacerd.,  iii.  2.  J.  Dallaeus,  DePseud- epigraphis  Apost.,  lib.  iii.  Pearsoni  Vindic. /gnat,  (in  Cotelerius,  Patr.  Apost.,  vol.  ii.  app. p.  251),  part  i.  cap.  4.  Matt.  Larroquanus  in App.  Obs.  ad  Pearsonianas  Ignatii  Vindic.  (Rotho- mag.  1674).  Beveregii  Judicium  de  Can.  Apost. (in  Cotel.,  Patr.  Apost.,  edit.  1724,  vol.  i.  p.  432). Beveregii  Adnotationes  ad  Can.  Apost.  (Ibid.  p. 455).  Codex  Canonum  Ecclesiae  Universalis  Vin- dicatus  a  Gul.  Beveregio  (Ibid.  vol.  ii.  app.  p.  1, and  Oxford  1848.)  Brunonis  Judicium  de  Auctore Canonum  et  Const itutionum  Apostolicor'um  (Cotel. vol.  ii.  app.  p.  177).  Proleg.  in  Ignatium  Jac. Usserii  (Ibid.  vol.  ii.  app.  p.  199),  see  cap.  vi. Regenbrecht,  Diss,  de  Can.  Ap.  et  Cod.  Ecc. Hisp.,  Ratisb.  1828.  Krabbe,  De  Cod.  Can.  qui Apost.  dicuntur,  Eitt.  1829.  Von  Drey,  Neue Untcrsuch.  iiber  die  Konstit.  und  Kanones  der Apost.,  Tubingen  1832.  Bickell,  Geschichte  des Kirchenrechts,  Giessen  1843,  vol.  i.  Hefele,  Con- ciliengeschichte,  Freiburg  1855,  vol.  i.  append. Bunsen,  Christianity  aiid  Mankirui-,  Lcndon  1854. Ultzen,  Constitutiones  Apost.,  Suerini  1853,  pre- face §  2.  De  Lagarde,  Reliquiae  Juris  Ecclesi- astici  Antiquissinuw,  1856.  [B.  S.] APOSTOLICAL  CONSTITUTIONS.  The .npostolical  constitutions  consist  of  eight  books. Their  genei\al  scope  is  the  discussion  and  regula- tion (not  in  the  way  of  concise  rules,  but  in diffuse  and  hortatory  language)  of  ecclesiastical affairs.  In  some  places  they  enter  upon  the private  behaviour  proper  for  Christians;  in other  parts,  in  connexion  with  the  services  of the  Church,  they  furnish  liturgical  forms  at considerable  length."  A  large  share  of  the whole  is  taken  up  with  the  subjects  of  the  sac- raments, and  of  the  powers  and  duties  of  the clergy. At  the  end  of  the  eighth  book,  as  now  com- monly edited,  are  to  be  found  the  apostolical canons.  These  we  have  already  treated  of  in  the previous  article. The  constitutions,  extant  in  MSS.  in  various libraries,**  appear  during  the  middle  ages  to  have been    practically    unknown.      When    in    1546, 9  Bickell,  however,  warns  us  that  the  fruits  of  such researches  must  be  used  with  caution,  on  account  of  the uncritical  way  in  which  various  pieces  are  put  to- gether in  these  MSS.  (vol.  i.  p.  218). »  These  belong  especially  to  the  question  of  Liturgies, and  will  not  therefore  be  considered  at  length  hero. •>  An  account  of  the  MSS.  is  given  in  (jltzen's  edition, and  by  Lagarde  in  Bunsen's  Vhriit.  and  Man.,  vol.  vi. p.  35. Carolus  Capellus,  a  Venetian,  printed  an  epitome of  them  in  Latin  translated  from  a  MS.  found  in Crete,  Bishop  Jewell  spoke  of  it  as  a  work  "  in these  countries  never  heard  of  nor  seen  bel'ore." (Park.  Soc,  Jew.,  i.  111.)  In  1563  Bovius  pub- lished a  complete  Latin  version,  and  in  the  same year  Turrianus  edited  the  Greek  text.  It  is  not expedient  here  to  pursue  at  any  length  the question  of  subsequent  editions,  but  it  may  be as  well  to  mention  the  standard  one  of  Cote- lerius in  the  Patres  Apostolici  and  the  useful  and portable  modern  one  of  Ultzen  (Suerin,  1853). There  is  also  one  by  Lagarde,  Lipsiae,  1862. The  constitutions  profess  on  the  face  of  them to  be  the  words  of  the  Apostles  themselves written  down  by  the  hand  of  Clement  of  Rome. Book  1  prescribes  in  great  detail  the  manners and  habits  of  the  faithful  laity. Book  2  is  concerned  chiefly  with  the  duties  of the  episcopal  office,  and  with  assemblies  for divine  worship. Book  3  relates  partly  to  widows,  partly  to  the clergy,  and  to  the  administration  of  bapti.sm. Book  4  treats  of  sustentation  of  the  poor,  of domestic  life,  and  of  virgins. Book  5  has  mainly  to  do  with  the  subjects  of martyrs  and  martyrdom,  and  with  the  rules  for feasts  and  fasts. Book  6  speaks  of  schismatics  and  heretics,  and enters  upon  the  question  of  the  Jewish  law,  and of  the  apostolic  discipline  substituted  for  it,  and refers  incidentally  to  certain  customs  and  tradi- tions both  Jewish  and  Gentile. Book  7  describes  the  two  paths,  the  one  of life,  the  other  of  spiritual  death,  and  follows  out this  idea  into  several  points  of  daily  Christian life.  Then  follow  rules  for  the  teaching  and baptism  of  catechumens,  and  liturgical  pre- cedents of  prayer  and  praise,  together  with  a  list of  bishops  said  to  have  been  appointed  by  the Apostles  themselves. Book  8  discusses  the  diversity  of  spiritual gifts,  and  gives  the  forms  of  public  prayer  and administration  of  the  commitnion,  the  election and  ordinations  of  bishops,  and  other  orders  in the  Church,  and  adds  various  ecclesiastical  regu- lations. This  enumeration  of  the  contents  of  the  books is  by  no  means  exhaustive — the  style  being diffuse,  and  many  other  matters  being  incident- ally touched  upon — but  is  merely  intended  to  give the  reader  some  general  notion  of  the  nature  of the  work. From  the  ("ime  when  they  were  brought  again to  light  down  to  the  present  moment,  great differences  of  opinion  have  existed  as  to  the  date and  authorship  of  the  coastitutions. Turrianus  and  Bovius  held  them  to  be  a genuine  apostolical  work,  and  were  followed  in this  opinion  by  some  subsequent  theologians,  and notably  by  the  learned  and  eccentric  Whiston, who  maintained  that  (with  the  exception  of  a few  gross  interpolations)  they  were  a  record  of what  our  Saviour  himself  delivered  to  his Apostles  in  the  forty  days  after  his  resurrection, and  that  they  were  committed  to  writing  and were  sent  to  the  churches  by  two  apostolic councils  held  at  Jerusalem,  A.D,  64  and  a.d.  67, and  by  a  third  held  soon  after  the  destruction of  the  city. On  the  other  hand  Baronius,  Bellarmine  and I'etavius  declined  to  attach  weight  to  the  Con- 120 APOSTOLICAL  CONSTITUTIONS stitutious,  while  Daille  and  Blondel  fiercely  at- tacked their  genuineness  and  authority. Whiston's  main  argument  was  that  the  early Fathers  constantly  speak  of  SiSac-KaXia  ano- (TToKiKi],  5tari|ei$,  ZinTayai,  Ziard.yiJ'-o.Ta  rSiv o.Troar6Kwv.,  km'iiiv  ttjs  XeiTovpyias,  Kavwv  ttjs aXriOeias,  and  so  forth,  which  is  true  ;  but  he has  not  proved  that  these  expressions  are  neces- sarily used  of  a  definite  book  or  books,  and  far less,  that  they  relate  to  what  we  now  have  as the  so-called  Apostolical  Constitutions. It  will  be  well  to  look  at  some  of  the  chief  of these  passages  from  the  Fathers. We  may  begin  with  the  words  of  Ireuaeus  in the  fragment  first  printed  by  Pfafl'iu  1715.  oi To'is  SevTepais  tuiv  aTroffToAoov  Siara^ecTi  iraprj- KoAovdriKOTes  XcraaL  top  Kvpiov  nav  iTpoiT(popav h>  -rf]  Kaivij  Sia8r]Kri  KadearTiKevai  Kark  to MaAox'ou  K.  T.  A. Professor  Lightfoot  is  disposed  to  see  here  a reference  to  the  apostolical  constitutions,  but does  not  recognise  the  Pfaflian  fragments  as genuine.'^  (Lightfoot  On  Epist.  to  Fhilipjnans, London,  1868,  pp.  201,  202.)  But  if  the  genu- ineness be  admitted,  the  reference  is  surely  in the  highest  degree  vague  and  uncertain.  There is  no  evidence  that  the  ordinances  spoken  of (whatever  they  were)  were  to  be  found  in  any one  particular  book— still  less  is  there  anything to  identify  what  is  spoken  of  with  the  apostolical constitutions  either  as  we  now  have  them,  or under  any  earlier  and  simpler  form.  Moreover, it  appears  singular  that  if  the  CDnstitutions  were really  what  the  writer  was  relying  on,  he  should not  quote  some  passage  from  them.  Instead  of this,  he  goes  on  to  cite  the  Revelation,  the  Epistle to  the  Romans,  and  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews, almost  as  if  these  contained  the  5ioTa|6is  in question.  What  is  meant  by  the  word  Sevrepai it  seems  very  difficult  to  say  with  certainty. Origen  speaking  of  fiisting  (in  his  10th  Homily on  Leviticus)  says,  "  Sed  est  et  alia  adhuc  re- ligiosa  [jejunandi  ratio],  cujus  laus  quorundam apostolorum  Uteris  praedicatur.  Invenimus  enim iu  quodam  libello  ab  apostolis  dictum,  Beatus est  qui  etiam  jejunat  prae  eo  ut  alat  pauperem. Hujus  jejunium  valde  acceptum  est  apud  Deum et  revera  digne  satis  :  imitatur  euirn  Ilium  qui animam  suam  posuit  pro  fratribus  suis." The  terms  in  which  Origen  introduces  this citation  do  not  seem  very  appropriate  to  such  a work  as  the  Constitutions,  nor  in  point  of  fact do  the  words  (which  seem  meant  as  an  exact quotation)  occur  in  it.  There  is  indeed  (Book V.  1)  a  general  exhortation  to  fast  iu  order  to give  the  food  to  the  saints,  but  the  passage  has  a primary  reference  (at  all  events)  to  raints  im- prisoned on  account  of  the  faith.  There  is,  there- fore, a  considerable  divergence  between  the  words in  Origen  and  those  in  the  Constitutions;  and we  are  hardly  justified  in  seeing  any  reference  to the  latter  in  the  former.* «  Hilgenfeld  appears  to  take  a  lilce  vipw,  both  as  to  the Apostolical  Constitutions  being  inteudeu,  and  as  to  the passage  not  being  genuine.  {Nov.  Test,  extra  Canon,  recept. Fascic.  iv.  pp.  83,  84.)  Bunsen  thinks  the  Fragment  ge- nuine, and  that  it  refers  to  some  early  "  Ordinances,"  not necessarily  the  same  as  we  now  have :  Christ,  and  Man., vol.  ii.  p.  39?,  et  seq. <•  Prima  iiicie.  too,  "  literae  quorvndam, aiiostoloiuni "  is not  an  apt  designation  of  a  work  professuig  to  njucsent the  joiut  decrees  of  all. A  later  treatise  entitled  '  De  Aleatoribus,'  of unknown  date  and  authorship,  erroneously  as- cribed to  Cyprian,  refers  to  a  passage  "  in  doc- trinis  apostolorum,"  relating  to  Church  discipline upon  oft'enders.  Here  again  no  effort  has  suc- ceeded in  tracing  the  words  of  the  citation  either iu  the  constitutions  or  in  any  known  work. There  is,  indeed,  a  passage  of  a  similar  effect (Book  ii.  c.  39),  but  the  actual  language  is  not the  same ;  and  a  similarity  of  general  tenor  is not  much  to  be  relied  upon,  inasmuch  as  the subject  in  hand  is  a  very  common  one. We  come  now  to  Eusebius.  In  his  list  of books,  after  naming  those  generally  allowed,  and those  which  are  avTiXi-y6fj.ivoi,  he  goes  on, — "  We must  rank  as  spurious  (yodoi)  the  account  of  the '  Acts  of  Paul,'  the  book  called  '  The  Shepherd,' and  the  '  Revelation  of  Peter,'  and  besides  these, the  epistle  circulated  under  the  name  of  '  Bar- nabas,' and  what  are  called  the  'Teachings  of the  Apostles' (Twj' d7ro(rT(SA.coi/  o.l  \ey6fievat  Si- Sa)(al},  and  moreover,  as  I  said,  the  '  Apocalypse of  John,'  if  such  an  opinion  seem  correct,  which some  as  I  said  reject,  wdiile  others  reckon  it among  the  books  generally  received.  We  may add  that  some  have  reckoned  in  this  division  the Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews,  to  which  those Hebrews  who  have  received  [Jesus  as]  the  Christ are  especially  attached.  All  these  then  will  be- long to  the  class  of  controverted  books."  (Euseb. Hist.  Ecd.  iii.  25.) The  place  here  given  to  the  SiSctxot  (even supposing  them  to  be  the  constitutions)  is  in- consistent with  their  being  held  a  genuine  work of  the  Apostles.  It  speaks  of  them,  however,  as forming  a  well-known  book,  and  from  the  con- text of  the  passage,  they  seem  to  be  recognised as  orthodox ;  but  there  is  nothing  to  identify them  directly  with  our  present  collection. Athanasius,  among  books  not  canonical,  but directed  to  be  read  by  proselytes  for  instruction in  godliness,  enumerates  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon, the  Wisdom  of  Sirach,  Esther,  Judith,  Tobias, and  what  he  styles  ^i^axv  KaKovfi.ev7)  tcov  airo- aroXav.  The  same  remarks  obviously  apply  to this  Father  as  to  Eusebius  (Op.  S.  Athan.  i.  963, Ed.  Bened.). The  language  of  neither  of  them  indicates  that the  work  in  question  was  looked  upon  as  an  au- thoritative collection  of  Church  laws.  Lagarde denies  that  either  of  them  is  to  be  considered as  quoting  any  book  of  our  constitutions,  laying much  stress  on  the  distinction  between  5i5axai and  5iaTa|6iy  or  ^laTayai  airoaroKojv.  (Bunsen, Christ,  and  Man.,  vol.  vi.  p.  41.")  Bunsen,  how- ever, himself  is  inclined  to  see  here  a  real  refer- ence to  a  primitive  form  of  the  constitutions. {Tbid.  vol.  ii.  p.  405.) We  now  come  to  Epiphanius,  who,  writing  at the  close  of  the  4th  century,  has  numerous explicit  references  to  the  Siaralis  of  the  Apostles, meaning  thereby  apparently  some  book  of  a similar  kind  to  that  which  we  now  have.  His view  of  its  character  and  authority  is  to  be  found in  the  following  passage  : — "For  this  purpose  the  Audiani  themselves [a  body  of  heretics]  allege  the  Constitution  of the  Apostles,  a  work  deputed  indeed  with  the e  In  this  work  Lagarde  writes  under  the  name  of Boetticher,  which  he  has  since  changLd  lor  family  reasons Iu  L;,irarde. APOSTOLICAL  CONSTITUTIONS 121 majority  [of  Christians]  yet  uot  worthy  of  re- jectiou.f  For  all  canonical  order  is  contained therein,  and  no  point  of  the  faith  is  falsified,  nor yet  of  the  confession,  nor  yet  of  the  adminis- trative system  and  rule  and  faith  of  the  Church." {Hacr.  70,  No.  10 ;  comp.  also  Ibid,  No.  11,  12  ; 75,  No.  6 ;  80,  No.  7.) But  when  we  examine  his  citations,  we  find that  none  of  them  agree  exactly  with  our  present text,  while  some  of  them  vary  from  it  so  widely, that  they  can  be  connected  with  it  only  by  the supposition  that  they  were  meant  to  be  made  ad seusum  not  ad  literam.  Even  this  resource  fails m  a  famous  passage,  immediately  following  that just  cited,  where  Epiphanius  quotes  the  consti- tutions as  directing  Easter  to  be  observed  ac- cording to  the  Jewish  reckoning,^  whereas  in  our present  copies  they  expressly  enjoin  the  other system.     (See  Book  v.  17.) lu  a  work  known  as  the  '  opus  imperfectum  in Matthaeum,'  once  ascribed  to  Chrysostom,  but now  considered  to  have  been  the  production  of an  unknown  writer  in  the  5th  century,  there  is a  distinct  reference  to  "the  8th  book  of  the apostolic  canons."  And  words  to  the  efi'ect  of tliose  quoted  are  found  in  the  second  chapter. Another  citation,  however,  in  the  same  writer cannot  be  verified  at  all. It  is  not  necessary  to  pursue  the  list  further. From  this  time  forwards  references  are  found which  can  be  verified  with  more  or  less  exactness, and  in  the  year  692  the  council  of  Constantinoijle, known  as  Quinisextum,  or  the  Trullan  council, Ijad  the  work  under  their  consideration,  but  came to  a  formal  decision,  refusing  to  acknowledge  it as  authoritative  on  account  of  the  extent  to  which it  had  been  interpolated  by  the  heterodox. It  appears  then  that  we  must  conclude  that there  is  no  sufficient  evidence  that  the  Church generally  received  as  of  undoubted  authority  any collection  of  constitutions  professing  to  have come  from  the  Aim^tlr^  fluiusL'lves,  or  at  least to  be  a  trustworthy  iJiiuiiti\o  record  of  their decisions.  Even  Epipliauius  bases  his  approbation of  the  work  of  which  he'  speaks  on  subjective grounds.  He  refers  to  it,  because  he  thinks  it orthodox,  but  admits  that  it  was  not  received  as a  binding  authority.  Yet  had  such  a  work existed,  it  should  seem  that  from  its  practical character  it  must  have  been  widely  known,  per- petually cited,  and  generally  acted  upon. Indeed  that  the  so-called  apostolic  constitu- tions, as  they  now  stand,  are  not  the  production of  the  Apostles  or  of  apostolical  men,  will  be clear  to  most  readers  from  their  scheme  and  con- tents. "  Apostles,"  says  the  author  of  an  article on  the  subject  in  the  '  Christian  Remembrancer  ' in  1854,  "  are  brought  together  who  never  could have  been  together  in  this  life :  St.  James,  the greater  (after  he  was  beheaded),  is  made  to  sit in  council  with  St.  Paul  (Lib.  vi.  c.  14),  though elsewhere  he  is  spoken  of  as  dead  (Lib.  v.  c.  7). Thus  assembled,  they  condemn  heresies  and heretics  by  name  who  did   not   arise  till  after '  Tr\v  TuiV  anoiTToXtov  Sidra^LV,  oixrai^  fi^v  T0t5  ttoA- ,  Aois  ec  aix^LKiKTif,  a\A'  oiiK  aSoKt/iOi'. B  'Opifoucri  -yap  iu  Trj  aVTrj  iiarajei  ol  a7ro(rToAot  int- Y^eis  fir]  {p-q(j)L(^riT<;,  oAAa  woniTe  orau  ol  aSeA(|)0(.  iip.ui'  oi e(C  T^s  TrepiTOfi^s-  huer'  aiiTiov  a/j.a  iroulTe.  And  lie  adds  : Hapa  Tot5  ctTTocTToAot?  fie  TO  pr^TOf  fit' 6/xdt'OLaf  ezi  t(|>t:'peTat , uis  CTrifiapTupoOtri  Ae'yoi'TCS  ore  Kaf  re  TrAarijflioO'i,  iJi-rfii va-lv  fieAeVu. their  death  (Lib.  vi.  c.  8) ;  they  appoint  the observance  of  the  days  of  their  death  (Lib.  viii. c.  33),  nay,  once  they  are  even  made  to  say '  These  are  the  names  of  tiie  bishops  whom  we ordained  in  our  lifetime '  (Lib.  viii.  c.  47)." Most  persons  will  also  be  of  opinion  that  there is  a  tone  about  the  constitutions  themselves which  is  by  no  means  in  harmony  with  what  we know  of  apostolic  times.  Thus  for  instance,  the honour  given  to  the  episcopate  is  excessive  and hyperbolical. ovTos  [i.  e.  6  eTTicTKOTros]  vfxaiu  PaffiXevs  Kul Svudarris-  ovtos  vjxSiv  iTTLy^ios  ©eos  fjnTO.  @€6u, OS  6<peiAei  TTJs  Trap'  ii/xoiv  tl/xTis  arroAai^eii' (citing Ps.  Ixxxii.  6  and  Exod.  xxii.-xxvJii.  in  LXX.). 'O  yap  iwiaKOTTOs  irpoKad^^iadco  v/j.wv  oos  @€ov d|ia  riTiiJ.rifJ.evos,  rj  Kparel  rov  K\T]pov  Kal  rov Xaov  irauTOS  apx'ei  (Book  ii.  26 ;  comp.  also Book  ii.  33). And  in  Book  vi.  2  we  read : — 64  yap  6  fiaaiXevaiv  ineyeipSixiVOS  KoXaireais a^ios,  K&t'  vios  fi,  Kav  (piXos-  Trdacp  fnaWov  u Upevcriv  iiravKndfxivos  ;  "Otroi  yap  iepcoawii /SamAe/as  d/xeivaiv,  ivepl  xpvxv^  ex"'^"'"  '''^'' aySiva,  roffovTw  ku]  ^apvripav  exei  rrjc  npno- piav  6  ravTT)  To\fir]ffas  avrofXfj.aTi7v,  fjirep  6  rfj ^aaiAeia.^ A  system,  too,  of  orders  and  classes  in  the Churcli  stands  out  prominently,  especially  in  the 8th  book,  of  which  there  is  no  trace  in  the  ear- liest days  (see  Bickell,  vol.  i.  p.  62).  Thus  we have  subdeacons,  readers,  &c.,  with  minute  direc- tions for  their  aj^pointment.  Ceremonies  also  are multiplied.  The  use  of  oil  and  myrrh  in  baptism is  enjoined  (Book  vii.  22),  and  the  marriage  of the  clergy  after  ordination  is  forbidden  (vi.  17). We  must  therefore  feel  at  once  that  we  have passed  into  a  different  atmosphere  from  that  of Clement's  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  and  that the  connection  of  Clement's  name  with  the  work must  be  a  fiction,  no  less  than  the  assertion  that he  wrote  its  contents  at  the  mouth  of  the  apos- tles. Even  those  who  think  that  they  trace something  like  the  origin  of  such  a  system  in  the letters  of  Ignatius  must  allow  that  it  is  here represented  in  a  state  of  develojjment  which must  have  required  a  considerable  period  of  time to  bring  about. The  questions,  however,  still  remain  : — To  what  date  are  we  to  assign  the  work  in  the form  in  which  it  now  exists  ? Can  we  show  that  it  was  in  any  degree  formed out  of  pre-existing  materials  ? Bishop  Pearson"'  and  Archbishop  Usher  regard the  variations  between  the  citations  of  Epipha- nius, and  what  we  read  in  our  present  copies  of the  constitutions,  as  conclusive  evidence  that there  have  been  alterations  and  interpolations  on a  large  scale  since  the  time  of  that  Father,  and the  latter  of  these  writers  thinks  that  the  same falsifier  has  been  at  work  here,  who  expanded  the shorter  epistles  of  Ignatius  into  the  so-called longer  epistles,  J 1'  CoDip.  U.sber,  in  Cotel.  J'atr.  Apost.  vol.  ii.  p.  220, edit.  1724. i  Vind.  Ignat.  Part  i.  c.  4  pmpe  fin.  And  scp  tlie opinion  oF  Hpvi'vidm-,  Cod.  Can.  lib.  2,  cap.  i.x. j  Cdl.!.  I'<:ii-.  .1/1,  \wl.  li.  Append,  p.  22S.     Biclccll  lias colic,  i-'l  M'  i:i>i  iiiirs  <ii  CMrrespondencc  in  phraseology Ijctuccr  llir  l-iiai.an  l',iM>t!i'S  and  the  Oonstitulions  as tiny  htaiid,  wliich  the  reader  may  refer  to  in  order  to e.\aniine  the  piobuljility  of  the  latter  theory  {lUidi.  dcs 122 APOSTOLICAL  CONSTITUTIONS According  to  Pearson,  we  should  probably attribute  the  work  in  its  existing  form  to  about the  middle  of  the  5th  century,  while  Usher  re- fuses to  place  it  higher  than  the  6th  century.  If, on  the  other  hand,  we  could  suppose  that  Epipha- nius  quoted  loosely,  and  that  the  book  which  he had  may,  with  occasional  exceptions,  have  re- sembled in  substance  what  we  now  have,  ^  we should  be  able  to  put  its  antiquity  somewhat higher.  But  whatever  conclusion  may  be  come to  on  this  point,  there  is  no  satisfactory  evidence to  warrant  its  being  assigned  to  any  period  suffi- ciently early  to  make  it,  as  it  stands,  an  authority as  to  apostolic  usage. But  the  question  still  remains.  Can  we  trace its  composition,  and  in  any  degree  identify  the materials  out  of  which  it  has  been  put  together  ? That  the  work  was  a  pure  and  simple  forgery is  improbable.  Such  was  not  the  course  which matters  took  in  early  days ;  nor  would  the  mea- sure of  acceptance  which  it  obtained  be  easily  ac- counted for  on  this  theory. Moreover  it  contains  passages  which  seem manifestly  to  belong  to  an  early  age.  Thus  in case  of  quarrels  the  Christian  is  recommended to  seek  reconciliation  even  at  a  loss  to  himself, Kal  ytt^  ipxfcrd(>>  firl  KpiTTjpLov  iOviKov  (book  ii. c.  45) — words  which  at  all  events  savour  of  a time  before  the  empire  was  Christian.  So  again, the  secular  judges  are  said  to  be  idviKol  Kal  ov yivdxTKovTts  dedrrira.  So  also  martyrdom  and persecution  ou  account  of  Christianity  are  spoken of  as  by  no  means  exclusively  belonging  to  the past  (see  Lib.  5,  init.  et  alibi). And  to  mention  but  one  more  point,  the  charge of  Arianism,  which  was  at  one  time  freely  brought against  the  constitutions,  and  used  to  prove  that they  had  been  corrupted,  if  not  forged,  by  here- tics,'  has  in  later  days  been  sometimes  made  the ground  of  an  opposite  inference.  It  is  thought  by some  modern  writers  merely  to  show  that  the phrases  excepted  against  date  from  a  time  before the  conti'oversy  arose,  and  when  therefore  men spoke  with  less  of  dogmatic  exactness.  ™ Perhaps  it  is  possible  to  go  even  a  step  further, at  all  events,  by  way  of  not  unreasonable  conjec- ture. We  have  seen  that  Whiston  relied  on  a number  of  places  in  which  the  early  Fathers speak  of  SiSaxai,  SiSacr/caAiai,  5iaTa|ets  rtSi'  ano- (tt6\q>v,  and  some  years  before  Whiston  wrote. Bishop  Pearson  (in  his  Vindiciae  Ignatianae) had  suggested  the  idea  that,  so  far  as  such  ex- pressions really  referred  to  any  specific  woi-ks  at all,  they  were  to  be  understood  of  smaller,  more ancient,  and  more  fragmentary  treatises,  of  a kind  not  rare  in  the  Primitive  Church,  professing to  contain  the  words  of  the  apostles  or  of  aposto- lical men  on  matters  of  doctrine  and  Church order.  Some  of  these  were  the  production  of  here- tics, some  were  of  an  orthodox  character.  Those which  related  to  doctrine  were  called  didascaliae. Kirchenrechts,  vol.  i.  p.  58,  note).  Pearson  takes  a  some- what different  view,  Vind.  Ignat.  ubi  supra. k  Comp.  Bickell,  i.  pp.  SV,  58,  note.  Epiphanius,  how- ever, never  quotes  from  the  7th  or  8th  books,  which  on any  theory  are  doubtless  of  later  date. 1  See  fur  instance  Le  Clerc,  in  Cotel.  Patr.  Apnst.  vol.  ii. App.  p.  492,  ct  seq.;  and  Bruno,  ibid.  p.  177,  et  seq. Indeed  Photius  and  the  TruUan  Council  had  insinuated the  same  accusation  {RibUoth.  Can.  ivz,  113). ■"  See  Bickell,  p.  58,  note,  p.  61,  and  p.  69,  note.  Cuuip. BuU,  Oef.  Fid.  A'ic.  lib.  2,  c.  3,  ij  6 those  which  gave  rules  of  ritual  or  discipline, Stard^eis  or  Constitutiones.  These  woi-ks,  written at  different  times  and  in  different  parts  of  the Church,  furnished  (as  Pear.son  supposes)  the  mate- rials to  the  compiler,  who,  with  many  altei-ations and  interpolations  formed  out  of  them  our  present constitutions  (  Vindic.  Ignat.,  Part  i.  c.  4). Other  critics  have  spoken  in  terms  which  seem rather  to  point  to  a  gradual  accretion,  added  to from  time  to  time  to  express  the  Church  system as  developed,  and  modified  at  the  periods  when such  additions  wore  respectively  made.  Thus Lagarde  says,  "  Communis  virorum  doctorum  fere omnium  nunc  invaluit  opinio,  eas[Con.stitutiones] saccule  tertio  clam  succrevisse  et  quum  sex  ali- quando  libris  absolutae  fuissent,  septimo  et  octavo  . auctas  esse  postea "  (^lieliq.  Juris  Eccles.  Antiq. 1856). That  the  work  as  we  have  it  is  a  composite one  is  indeed  manifest  enough  "  from  the  general want  of  internal  unity,  method,  or  connexion  ; the  difference  of  style  in  the  various  portions,  and sometimes  statements  almost  contradictory  ;  the same  topics  being  treated  over  and  over  again  in different  places  ;  besides  a  formal  conclusion  of the  end  of  the  sixth  book,  and  other  indications of  their  being  distinct  works  joined  together  " (^Christ.  Rememhr.  ubi  supra). In  the  Paris  Library  is  a  Syriac  MS.  called  the Didascalia  or  Catholic  doctrine  of  the  12  Apos- tles and  holy  disciples  of  our  Saviour.  It  con- tains in  a  shorter  form  much  of  the  substance  of the  first  six  books  of  the  constitutions,  but  with very  great  omissions,  and  with  some  variations and  transpositions. Its  contents  were  printed  in  Syriac  by  De  La- garde  (without  his  name)  in  1854:  and  the  same  . critic,  in  the  6th  vol.  of  Bunsen's  Christianity  and Mankind,  has  published,  1st,  our  present  text, with  what  he  states  to  be  the  variations  of  the Syriac ;  and  2nd,  a  shorter  Greek  text  or  '  Didas- calia Purior,'  founded  on  the  Syriac." Bickell,  who,  however,  when  he  wrote  had only  seen  extracts,  thought  this  Syriac  MS. 'a mere  abridgement  of  the  larger  work,  and  there- fore posterior  in  date  to  it,  and  adding  little  to our  knowledge. But  Bunsen  {Christianity  and  Mankind,  vol  i.  p. X.),  Lagarde  {Eel.  Jur.  Eccl.  Ant.  pref.,  p.  iv.),  and the  author  of  the  article  in  the  Christian  liemem- hrancer  1854,  all  agree  that  we  have  here  an older  and  more  primitive,  if  not  the  original work.  Hilgenfeld  says,  "  Equidem  et  ipse  Syria- cam  Didascaliam  ad  hujus  operis  primitivam formam  propius  accedere  existimo,  sed  eandem nunquam  mutatam  continere  valde  dubito.""  He concludes,  on  the  whole,  "  tertio  demum  saeculo didascalia  apostolica  in  eam  fei'e  formam  redacta esse  videtur,  quam  Eusebius  et  Athanasius  nove- rant,  quam  recensionem  a  nostris  constitutionibus apostolicis  valde  diversam  fuisse  antiquissima decent  testimonia,  praecipue  Epiphanii.   Ea  autem °  It  does  not  seem,  however,  that  this  literal'y  repre- sents the  Syriac.  For  one  of  the  passages  given  by  Hil- genfeld (see  infra),  which  undoubtedly  e.xists  in  the  Syriac, is  not  to  be  found  in  the  'Didascalia  Purior.'  It  is  much to  be  regretted  that  neither  Lagarde  nor  any  other  Oriental scholar  has  published  a  literal  translation  of  the  Syriac text.  , o  His  own  view  is  that  the  Apostolical  Constilutions sprang  from  an  Ebionite  source,  allied  to  that  which  jiro- duced  the  Clementine  Recognitions. APOSTOLICAL  CONSTITUTIONS 123 etiara  a  Syriaca  didascalia  quamvis  cognata saeplus  discedunt."  He  thinks  that  the  Syriac appears  not  to  bo  very  consistent  on  the  subject of  the  calculation  of  Easter.  It  seems,  however (from  the  translations  which  he  gives),  that  it contains  a  passage  agreeing  in  substance  with  what Epiphanius  quotes  as  to  keeping  Easter  by  the Jewish  method(ante  p.  121) :  "Ihr  sollt  aber  begin- nen  dann,  wenn  cure  Briider  aus  dem  Volk  [Israel] das  Pascha  halten,  weil,  als  unser  Herr  und  Lehrer mit  uns  das  Pascha  ass,  er  nach  dieser  Stunde  von Judas  verrathen  wurde.  Und  um  dieselbe  Zeit haben  wir  angefangen,  bedriickt  zu  wei'den,  weil er  von  uns  genommen  war.  Nach  der  Zahl  des Mondes,  wie  wir  ziihlen  nach  der  Zahl  der  gliiu- bigen  Hebraer,  am  zehnten  im  Monat,  am  Montag haben  sich  die  Priester  und  Aeltesten  des  Volks versammelt  "  u.  s.  w.,  and  subsequently  —  "  Wie also  der  vierzehnte  des  Pascha  fallt,  so  sollt  ihr ihn  halten.  Denn  nicht  stimmt  der  Monat,  und auch  nicht  der  Tag  in  jedem  Jahre  mit  dieser Zeit,  sondern  er  ist  verschieden."  p Tliis  is  worthy  of  serious  attention,  as  an  argu- ment for  the  antiquity  of  this  Syriac  work. It  would  seem  that  it  must  at  all  events  be  ad- mitted that  the  original  work  from  which  the Syriac  was  taken  consisted  of  six  books  only. The  7th  and  8th  books,  as  they  now  stand,  formed no  part  of  it. The  same  is  the  case  with  an  Aethiopic  version translated  by  Mr.  Piatt.  This  also,  though  said to  be  very  loose  and  of  little  value  as  a  guide  to the  original  text,  is  a  witness  to  the  fact  that there  were  but  six  books  when  it  was  made.  The like  is  true  of  the  Arabic  versions,  of  which  some account  was  first  given  by  Grabe,  and  of  which two  MSS.  are  in  the  Bodleian,  i Not  only  do  these  facts  tend  to  isolate  the  first six  books  from  the  7th  and  8th ;  but  the  formal conclusion  which  occurs  at  the  end  of  the  6th even  in  our  present  Greek,  and  the  style  of  the contents  itself,  furnish  internal  evidence  in  the same  direction. It  has  therefore  been  contended  that  the kernel  out  of  which,  to  a  great  extent,  the  first six  books  sprang  was  a  shorter  book  called SiSacr/caA-ia  riv  airoarSXaiv,  of  which  the  Sj-riac version  furnishes  a  fair  idea,  if  not  a  really  pure text. And  as  none  of  Epiphanius's  citations  are  made from  the  two  last  books,  it  is  suggested  that  we may  have  here  something  like  a  key  to  the  work as  it  was  in  his  time,  the  7th  and  8th  books  hav- ing been  added  since. " Coming  to  the  7th  book,  we  must  notice  that its  first  thirteen  chapters  or  thereabouts  exhibit :i  :,'reat  similarity,  both  in  matter  and  expression, to  the  first  part  of  an  ancient  tract  printed  by I'-ickell  from  a  Vienna  MS.,  and  entitled  Al  Sia- Tuyai  al  5ia  K\r]fxevTos  Kal  KavSves  iKK\r](TLa<TTi- I'  SeeHilgenfeld,  Xovum  Test,  extra  Can.  recept.  Fasci- iilu:;  iv.  p.  79,  et  seq.     (Lipsiae,  1866.) 'I   I'here  are  in  the  Arabic  five  chapters  not  in  the '  The  fact  that  there  is  no  Oriental  version  of  the  eight I .  reck  books  as  a  whole,  has  been  reUed  on  to  shew  that I  hey  had  not  been  united  together  in  one  work  up  to I  he  year  451,  when  the  Egyptian,  Aethiopic,  and  Syriac I  liurches  were  severed  from  the  communion  of  the  Greeks aid  Latins  (Christ.  Remembr.,  1854,  p.  liVs).  The  same a\ilhority  is  inclined  to  date  the  Didascaly  in  the  latter iurt  of  the  3rd  centmy. Kol  rSiV  ayiujv  airo(rT6\a>v, '  This  tract  professes to  contain  short  and  weighty  utterances  by  the apostles  (who  ai-e  introduced  as  speaking  success- ively) on  Christian  morals,  and  on  the  ministers of  the  Church.'  An  Aethiopic  version  (for  it  is extant  in  Coptic,  Aethiopic,  and  Arabic)  calls  it "  canons  of  the  apostles  which  they  have  made for  the  ordering  of  the  Christian  Church."  "  It is  the  piece  which  Bickell  and  others  after  him have  called  "  Apostolische  Kirchenordnung." It  is  assigned  by  him  to  the  beginning  of  the 3rd  century.*  The  same  date  is  given  in  the article  on  the  subject  in  Ilerzog's  Encyclopddie. where  it  is  treated  as  a  document  independent  of the  constitutions.  Bunsen,  removing  the  dra- matic form  and  presenting  only  the  substance  of the  piece,  considers  it  to  be  in  fact  a  collection  of rules  of  the  Alexandrian  Church.  This  view, however,  is  warmly  disputed  by  the  writer  in  the Christian  Eemembrancer  (1854,  p.  293),  who contends  that  its  whole  garb,  style,  and  lan- guage show  that  it  was  not  an  authoritative work,  but  was  the  production  of  a  pious  writer, who  arrayed  in  a  somewhat  fictitious  dress  what he  sought  to  inculcate.  It  is  more  remarkable  for piety  than  knowledge ;  for  though  the  number  of twelve  apostles  is  made  out,  it  is  by  introducing Cephas  as  a  distinct  person  from  Peter,  and  by making  him  and  Nathanael  occupy  the  places  of James  the  Less  and  of  Matthias.  St.  Paul  does not  appear  at  all — a  fact,  perhaps,  not  without its  bearing  on  conjectures  as  to  its  origin. It  should  be  observed  that  the  language  of  the first  part  of  this  tract,  and  of  the  7th  Book  of  the Constitutions,  coincides  to  a  great  extent  with  the latter  part  of  the  Epistle  of  Barnabas,  leaving  it doubtful  whether  it  was  taken  thence  or  whether the  transcribers  of  that  epistle  subsequently  in- corporated therewith  a  portion  of  this  treatise. Borrowing  and  interpolation  must,  it  would seem,  have  taken  place  on  one  hand  or  on  the other,  and,  as  in  other  cases,  it  is  difiicult  to  de- cide the  question  of  originality. Upon  this  state  of  facts  the  writer  in  the Christ.  Rem.  argues  that  this  tract  furnished materials  for  the  first  part  of  the  7th  Book  of the  Constitutions.  He  also  thinks  that  it  is  it- self the  work  refei-red  to  by  Eusebius  and  Atha- nasius  under  the  name  of  SiSax^  tcoi'  airo- (tt6\wv.  We  have  seen  already  that  the  title in  the  Greek  varies  from  that  in  the  Aethiopic, and  it  is  urged  that  (considering  the  subject) there  seems  no  reason  why  it  may  not  also  be suitably  designated  'Teaching  of  the  Apostles.' Now  in  an  old  stichometry  appended  to  Niceph- orus'  chronography,>'  but  perhaps  of  earlier  date than  that  work,  the  number  of  lines  contained in  certain  works  is  given,  and  from  this  it  would appear  that   the    'Doctrina   Apostolorum'    was 8  Bickell,  vol.  i.  A  pp.  I.  It  will  also  be  found  vi Lagarde's  Rel.  Juris  Eccl.  Ant,  p  74. <■  It  is  the  former  of  these  points  alone  in  which  the likeness  appears  between  this  work  and  the  7th  Book  of the  Constitutions. "  See  Bickell  ubi  supra;  and  i.  p.  88. «  It  mentions  only  "Readers"  in  addition  to  the  three orders  of  the  ministry;  and  as  'rerlnlliaii  does  the  same {De  Praescr.  Ilaer.,  c.  41),  this  is  thouglit  a  ground  for attributing  it  to  his  epoch  (Bickell,  vol.  i.  p.  92).  See also  Hilgcnfcld,  A'ou.  Test,  extra  Can.  rec,  Fasciculus  iv. lip.  93,  9 1. y  A  production  of  the  9th  century. 124 APOSTOLICAL  CONSTITUTIONS shorter  than  the  Book  of  Canticles,  and  that  a book  called  the  '  Teaching  of  Clement,'  was  as long  as  the  Gospel  of  Luke.  Hence,  if  the  '  Doc- trina '  of  this  list  be  the  same  as  that  of  Euse- bius,  it  must  have  been  a  book  very  much shorter  than  our  present  constitutions,  and  one not  far  differing  in  length  from  the  tract  of which  we  have  been  speaking;  while  the  'Teach- ing of  Clement '  (a  larger  work)  may  be  a  desig- nation of  the  earlier  form  of  our  present  first six  books — in  short,  of  the  Didascalia.  Euffinus, in  a  list  otherwise  very  similar  to  those  of Eusebius  and  Athanasius,  omits  the  'Teaching of  the  Apostles,'  and  inserts  instead  '  The  two ways,  or  the  Judgment  of  Peter.'  Assuming that  the  '  Doctrina '  is  the  tract  we  have  been discussing,  reasons  are  urged  for  supposing  that it  reappears  here  under  a  different  title.  We have  already  seen  that  the  Greek  and  Aethiopic give  it  two  different  names,  and  its  contents might  perhaps  render  the  designation  in  Euf- finus not  less  appropriate.  For  St.  John,  who speaks  first,  is  introduced  as  beginning  his  ad- dress with  the  words,  "There  arc  two  ways, one  of  life  and  one  of  death  ;"  and  St.  Peter  in- tervenes repeatedly  in  the  course  of  it,  and  at the  close  sums  up  the  whole  by  an  earnest  ex- nortation  to  the  brethren  to  keep  the  foregoing injunctions.  Such  is  the  hypothesis  of  the learned  writer  in  the  Christ.  Rem. Hilgenfeld,  it  may  be  mentioned,  has  independ- ently arrived  at  a  conclusion  in  part  accordant with  the  above.  He  argues  strongly  that  the treatise  published  by  Bickell  is  that  spoken  of  by RuflSnus  under  the  name  of  '  Duae  viae  vel  Judi- cium Petri,'  but  does  not  apparently  identify  it with  the  '  Doctrina  Apostolorum  '  of  Athanasius. He  thinks  the  book  was  known  in  some  form  to Clemens  Alesandrinus,  and  agrees  that  great  part of  it  passed  intii  the  7th  Book  of  the  Constitu- tions (see  Hilgenfeld's  Novum  Test,  extra  Canonem Receptum,  Lipsiae  1866 ;  Fasciculus  iv.  p.  93). We  now  come  to  the  8th  Book.  Extant  in several  Greek  MSS.  (one  being  at  Oxford)  are large  portions  of  the  matter  of  the  earlier  part of  this  book,  not  however  connected  together throughout,  but  appearing  in  two  distinct  and apparently  separate  pieces.  The  first  of  them is  entitled  '  Teaching  of  the  Holy  Apostles  con- cerning gifts  '  (xapi(r,uaT&)r),  the  second  'Eegu- lations  (Siarafeis)  of  the  same  Holy  Apostles concerning  ordination  [given]  through  Hippo- lytus '  (irepi  x^ 'po'^'oi'twi'  ^la  'IttttoAutov).  The two  together,  as  just  observed,  comprise  a  very large  proportion  of  the  8th  Book,  but  are  not without  some  omissions  and  several  variations from  it.  In  that  book  as  we  have  it,  the  two portions  represented  respectively  by  these  sepa- rate treatises  stand  connected  by  a  short  chapter, containing  nothing  of  importance,  and  seeming to  serve  only  as  a  link. Hence  it  has  been  suggested  that  we  have  in the  treatises  in  question  an  older  and  purer  form of  the  8th  Book,  or  rather  the  materials  used  in its  composition.  The  '  Regulations  '  are  also  in existence  in  Coptic  (indeed  there  are  two  Coptic forms  differing  from  each  other  and  from  the Gi-eek  by  additions  and  omissions  and  probably in  age),  in  Syriac,  Arabic,  and  Aethiopic,  the text  being  in  many  cases  a  good  deal  modified.^ 8  Tlie  Syriac  and  Coptic  form  part  of  the  coUectious Bunsen  ti-eated  these  as  a  collection  of  AleX' audrian  Church  rules,  and  Mewed  tlie  por- tions common  to  them  and  to  the  8th  Book  of the  Constitutions  as  in  a  great  degree  derived from  a  lost  work  of  Hippolytus  Trepi  x'*/""^/""' Ta-r^  {Christ,  and  Man.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  412). On  the  other  hand  Bickell  argues  that  the tracts  in  question  are  nothing  more  than  ex- tracts from  the  constitutions,  more  or  less abridged  and  modified.  He  relies,  for  example, on  the  fact  that  in  one  of  these  treatises  no  less than  in  the  text  of  our  8th  Book,  St.  Paul  (who is  introduced  as  a  speaker)  is  made  to  command Christian  masters  to  be  kind  to  their  servants, "  as  we  have  also  ordained  in  ichat  has  preceded, and  have  taught  in  our  epistles."  This  he  con- siders to  be  a  clear  reference  to  what  has  been before  said  in  the  constitutions  on  the  same  sub- ject (Book  vii.  c.  13). Lagarde  expresses  a  similar  view,  and  draws mentioned  infra,  p.  125.  See  also  Christ.  Semembr.,p.  2i0, as  to  anotlier  Syriac  MS.,  and  comp.  p.  283. ^  The  inscription  on  the  statue  of  Hippolytus  at  Eome mentions  among  his  works  nepl  xapttr/ixdrtor  aTrocTToAtKtj jrapdSoats.  It  is  not  clear  whether  the  Trepl  \ap.  was one  treatise  and  ourotrT.  napaS.  another,  or  whether  tlie whole  is  the  title  of  one  work.  See  Bickell,  p.  60,  note.- As  resrards  the  -n-epl  ;^ei,poToi'iioc,  Bunsen  considers  it  to li  r  '  I'  ■  II  til"  subject  of  much  interpolation,  and  regards in:  ill  ;  spcct  to  have  been  like  that  of  the  Consti- 1 1 1 1  i>.  I  I  :  .  s,  the  composition  of  which  he  describes ill  w ui di  w uiili  quoting  in  relation  to  the  general  subject : "  Here  we  sue  the  very  origin  of  these  Constitutions. Towards  the  end  of  the  ante-Nicene  period  they  made the  old  simple  collections  of  customs  and  regulations  into a  book,  by  introducing  different  sets  of '  coutumes,'  by  a literary  composition  either  of  their  own  making,  or  by transcribing  or  extracting  a  corresponding  treatise  of  some ancient  father.  Thus  the  man  who  compiled  our  Vth  book has,  as  everybody  now  knows,  extracted  two  chapters  of the  ancient  epistle  which  bears  the  name  of  Barnabas. The  compiler  of  the  8th  book,  or  a  predecessor  in  this  sort of  compilation,  has  apparently  done  the  same  with  the work  of  Hippolytus  on  the  Charismata"  {Christianity and  Mankind,  vol.  li.  416).  Elsewhere,  in  the  same  work, he  expresses  an  opinion  that  the  old  collections  of  customs here  spoken  of  were  themselves  made  at  a  much  earlier time — perhaps  in  the  2nd  century — and  express  the  prac- tice of  various  great  churches ;  and  that  the  consciousness of  apostolicity  in  that  primitive  age  justifies,  or  at  least excuses,  the  fiction  by  which  they  were  attributed  to Apostles, — a  fiction  which  deceived  no  on",  and  was  only meant  to  express  an  undoubted  fact,  viz.,  the  apostolicity of  the  injunctions  as  to  their  substance  (vol.  ii.  399). Ascending  still  a  step  higher,  he  believes  that  the  mate- rials employed  in  these  old  collections  were  of  all  but apostolic  times.  The  oldest  horizon  to  which  we  look back  as  reflected  in  them  is  perhaps  the  age  immediately posterior  to  Clement  of  Home,  who  himself  represents  the end  of  the  Johannean  age,  or  first  century  (see  vol.  ii. p.  402).  To  Bunsen's  mind,  full  of  faith  in  the  power and  tact  of  subjective  criticism,  this  means  more than  to  the  mind  of  theologians  of  the  English  school. He  believed  in  the  possibility  of  applying  the  cri- tical magnet  to  draw  forth  the  true  fragments  of  steel from  the  mass  in  which  to  our  eyes  they  seem  inex- tricably buried.  He  thus  speaks  of  the  subjective process  by  which  he  makes  the  first  step  upwards: — "  As  soon  as  we  get  rid  of  all  that  belongs  to  the  bad taste  of  the  fiction,  some  ethic  introductions,  and  all  occa- sional moralising  conclusions,  and  generally  everything manifestly  re-written  with  literary  pretension ;  and  lastly, as  soon  as  we  expunge  some  interpolations  of  the  4th  and 5th  centuries,  which  are  easily  discernible,  we  find  our- selves unmistakeably  in  the  midst  of  the  life  of  the  Church of  the  2nd  and  3rd  centuries  "  (vol.  ii.  p.  405  >. APOSTOLICAL  CONSTITUTIONS 125 attention  to  the  circumstance  that  in  one  part  of the  Munich  MS.  of  the  -jrepl  x^^poroviSiv,  there is  a  note  which  expressly  speaks  of  what  follows as  taken  out  of  the  apostolical  constitutions.'' In  conclusion,  it  may  be  remarked  that  all such  researches  as  those  we  have  been  consider- ing as  to  one  piece  being  the  basis  or  original  of another,  are  beset  with  much  difficulty,  because certain  statements  or  maxims  often  recur  in several  tracts  which  (in  their  present  state  at all  events)  are  distinct  from  each  other,  though sometimes  bearing  similar  names.  Lagarde  points out  {Bel.  Jur.  Eccl.  Ant.,  preface  p.  xvii.,  and Bunsen's  Christianity  and  Mankind,  vol.  vi.  p.  38, 39)  that  there  once  was  a  Syriac  collection  in eight  books  equally  professing  to  be  the  work  of Clement,  yet  far  from  being  identical  -with  our present  Greek  constitutions,  though  here  and there  embracing  similar  pieces.  Passages  which Lagarde  deems  to  be  extracts  from  the  2nd  and 3rd  Books  have  been  edited  by  him  in  Syriac from  fragments  found  in  the  same  Paris  MS. (Sangerm.  38)  which  contains  the  Syriac  Didas- calia"^  (see  his  Eel.  Jur.  Eccl.  Ant.  Syrian.  1856). He  has  also  translated  them  into  Greek  (see  his Bel.  Jur.  Eccl.  Ant.  Graece,  p.  80,  and  Pref. p.  xvii.).<i  Then  again,  there  is  an  Egyptian  col- lection,^ also  in  eight  books,  the  relation  of  which to  the  abovementioned  Syrian  Octateuch  is  dis- cussed by  Lagarde  {Bel.  Jur.  Eccl.  Ant.  preface, and  Bunsen's  Christ,  and  Mankind,  vol.  vi.  p.  39). We  have  thus  endeavoured  to  present  a  sketch of  some  of  the  leading  theories  which  have  been put  forward  as  to  the  apostolical  constitutions. Did  space  pei-mit  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  add others.  Krabbe  appears  to  have  thought  that Eusebius,  Athanasius,  and  Epiphanius  knew  the first  seven  books,  and  that  they  were  composed in  the  East  not  long  after  the  time  of  Cyprian (the  seventh  being  a  kind  of  appendix  to  the others),  and  probably  by  one  author,  whose  object was  to  model  the  Church  on  a  Levitical  pattern, and  who  perhaps  described  not  so  much  what existed  as  what  he  desired  to  see.  At  a  later period  (end  of  4th  or  beginning  of  5th  century) the  8th  Book  was  added,  embracing  divers  pre- cepts which  were  commonly  supposed  to  be  apos- tolical, together  with  much  from  the  writer  him- b  Lagarde,  Eel.  Juris  Eccl.  Ant.,  Preface,  p.  viii. ;  and see  also,  ibidem,  a  theory  as  to  the  name  of  Hippolytus, as  connected  with  the  treatise. <>  'I'his  must  not  be  confonnded  with  the  Syriac  Didas- calia  previously  mentioned,  from  which  it  is  quite distinct. d  Matter  closely  agreeing  with  these  fragments,  though not  in  quite  the  same  order,  and  connected  with  nmch that  Is  additional,  is  also  found  in  a  MS.  of  the  12th  cent, in  the  Cambridge  Univ.  Library.  This  MS.  (brought  by Buchanan  from  Southern  India)  contained  eight  books  of Clementine  Constitutions  placed  at  the  end  of  a  Syriac Bible ;  but  it  is  now  in  a  dilapidated  state.  It  may  be that  the  Paris  fragments  are  extracts  from  it,  or,  on  the other  hand,  this  MS.  (as  the  later  of  the  two  in  date)  may possibly  contain  a  subsequent  development.  It  may  be hoped  that  further  attention  will  be  paid  to  it  by  Oriental scholars.  Its  existence  seems  to  have  been  unknown  to Lagarde. «  Of  this  Egyptian  collection,  the  first  two  books  arc printed  in  a  Greek  version  by  Lagarde  in  Bunsen's  CIn-ist. and  Mavlcind,  vi.  451 ;  and  see  Bunsen's  analysis  of  the collection,  ibid.  vii.  372.  Another  Coptic  MS.  was  trans- ited by  Dr.  Tattam  in  1848.  There  is  a.  notice  of  it  in tlie  Vhriit.  Rcmembr.  for  1854,  p.  2S2. self,  probably  an  Arian  or  Macedonian.  Thi:T second  writer  probably  is  responsible  for  many intei'polations  in  the  previous  books.' Von  Drey  again,  who  spent  much  labour  on the  subject,  advocated  the  view  that  the  treatises of  four  distinct  writers  are  combined  in  our  pre- sent work.  The  first  six  books,  he  thought, were  written  after  the  middle  of  the  3rd  century, to  teach  practical  religion,  and  were  adapted  for catechumens.  The  seventh  is  probably  of  the date  of  A.D.  300,  and  treats  of  the  mysteries  for the  use  of  the  faithful  alone.  The  8th  Book  is a  kind  of  pontifical  of  some  Eastern  Church,  being full  of  liturgies  for  the  use  of  the  clergy.  It dates  perhaps  from  the  3rd  century,  but  has been  altered  and  adapted  to  the  state  of  things in  the  middle  of  the  4th.  Athanasius,  who speaks  of  the  StSaxv  KaXovjxivrj  rHv  a-KoffToXwv as  fit  for  recent  converts  desirous  of  instruction, is  to  be  taken  as  referring  to  tl]e  six  first  books.e But  before  the  time  of  Epiphanius  the  eight books  were  joined  as  one  work. Interesting  as  such  inquiries  are,  they  cannot at  present  be  considered  as  having  removed  the question  of  the  origin  and  date  of  the  apostolical constitutions  out  of  the  class  of  unsolved  problems.'' The  majority  of  scholars  will  perhaps  decline  to say  with  confidence  more  than  that  the  precise age  and  composition  of  the  work  is  unknown, but  that  it  is  probably  of  Eastern  authorship,' and  comprises  within  itself  fragments  of  very different  dates,  which  we  have  no  certain  mean* for  discriminating  from  one  another,  and  which have  undergone  great  modifications  when  in- corporated with  the  rest.  The  consequence  is that,  as  it  stands,  the  work  cannot  be  deemed  to reflect  a  state  of  things  in  the  Church  much,  if at  all,  prior  to  the  Nicene  age."* Nor  can  it  be  said  ever  to  have  possessed,  so far  as  we  know,  any  distinct  ecclesiastical  au- thority. We  are  in  the  dark  as  to  its  author- ship, and  there  is  no  such  proof  of  its  general and  public  reception  at  any  period  as  would seem  needful  to  establish  its  validity  as  an  autho- ritative document.  There  are  indeed  signs  of  a common  nucleus  of  which  various  churches  seem to  have  availed  themselves,  but  in  adopting  it  into their  respective  systems  they  modified  it  in  re- lation to  their  respective  needs,  with  a  freedom hardly  consistent  with  the  idea  that  it  was  en- titled to  very  great  veneration. Authorities. — F.  Turrianus,  Proocm.   in  Lihr. f  When,  however,  a  very  late  date  is  attempted  to  be assigned,  it  should  be  remembered  e  contra  that,  as  ob- served by  Bickell,  metropolitan  authority  does  not  appear ; and  if  we  hear  of  asceticism  (in  book  viii.),  there  is  no metition  of  monasticism. g  While,  on  the  other  hand,  the  85th  of  the  Apostolical Canons  perhaps  refers  to  the  7th  and  »th  when  it  speaks of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  as  &MTaya\  a?  ov  XPV Sjjfxocroeueti/  cttI  Trai'Twt'  fita  to.  er  aurat?  fj.v<JTiKa.. h  See  the  words  of  Lagarde  in  Bunsen,  Christ,  and Manic.,  vol.  vi.  p.  40. '  See  Bickell,  vol.  i.  p.  63,  who  assigns  several  grounds for  this  conclusion.  It  is  worth  notice  that  throughout the  Constitutions  the  Church  of  Eome  never  occupies  any position  of  priority  or  pre-eminence. •'  The  age  of  the  Syriac  Didascalia  is  of  course  another question.  It  demands  fuller  consideration,  which  it  can hardly  receive  from  scholars  in  general  until  it  has  been literally  translated.  According  to  the  '  Didascalia  Purior' in  Bunsen,  it  is  not  free  from  very  hyperbolical  language in  relation  to  the  clergy. 12G APOSTOLICUS dementis  Rom.  dc  Const.  Apost.,  kc.  Antv.  1578. Joh.  Dallaeus,  De  I'seudepigraphis  Apost.,  lib. iii.  Harderv.  1653.  Jac.  Usserii,  Diss,  de Ignat.  Epist.  (in  Cotel.  Patr.  Ap.,  vol.  ii.  app. p.  199,  &c.  Edit.  1724).  Pearsoni,  Vindic.  Ignat. (in  Cotel.  Patr.  Ap.,  vol.  ii.  app.  p.  251).  Part  I. chap.  4.  Brunonis,  Judicium  (Ibid.  p.  177). Cotelerii,  Judic.  de  Const.  Apost.  (Cotel.  vol.  i. p.  195).  J.  E.  Grabe,  Spicileg.  Patr.  Oxen. 1711.  J.  E.  Grabe,  Essay  upon  tico  Arabic  MSS. Loud.  1711.  W.  Whistoa,  Primitive^  Christianity Recived.  Loud.  1711.  Krabbe,  JJber  den  Ur- sprung  und  den  Inluilt  der  Ap.  Const.  Hamb. 1829.  Von  Drey,  Neue  Untersuchungen  iiber die  Const,  &c.  Tubingen  1832.  Rothe,  Anfdnge der  Christl.  Kirche.  Bickell,  Geschifhte  der  Kir- chcnreclds,  vol.  i.  Giessen  1843.  Ultzen,  Const. Apost.  Sueriui  1853.  Bunsen's  Cliristianity  and Mankind,  London  1854.  Christian  Remembrancer for  1854.  De  Lagarde,  Reliquiae  Juris  Ecclesi- astici  Antiquissimae,  1856.  Idem,  Si/riace  1856. Hilgenfeld,  Novum  Testamentum  extra  Canonem receptum.  Lipsiae  1866 ;  Fascic.  IV.  The  Ethiopnc Didascalia  ;  or,  the  Ethiopia  version  of  the  Apos- tolical Constitutions,  received  in  the  Church  of Abyssinia.  With  an  English  translation.  Edited and  translated  by  Thomas  Pell  Piatt,  F.A.S. Loudon,  printed  for  the  Oriental  Translation Fund,  1834.  The  Apost.  Constitutions ;  or,  the Canons  of  the  Apostles  in  Coptic,  with  an  English Translation  by  Henry  Tattam,  LL.D.,  «S:c. ;  printed for  the  Oriental  Translation  Fund,  1848.  [B.  S.] APOSTOLICUS,  a  title  once  common  to  all bishops  (the  earliest  instance  produced  by  Du Cauge  is  from  Venantius  Fortunatus,  6th  century, addressing  Gregory  of  Tours,  Prolog,  to  V.  S. Martini  and  elsewhere  ;  but  none  of  his  quota- tions use  the  word  absolutely  and  by  itself,  but rather  as  an  epithet);  but  from  about  the  9th century  restricted  to  the  Pope,  and  used  of  him in  course  of  time  as  a  technical  name  of  office. It  is  so  used,  e.g.,  by  Rupertus  Tuitiensis,  12th century  (Z>e  Divin,  Offic.  i.  27) ;  but  had  been formally  assigned  to  the  Pope  still  earlier,  m the  Council  of  Rheims  A.D.  1049, — "quod  solus Romanae  sedis  Pontifex  universalis  Ecclesiae  pri- mas  esset,  et  Apostolicus," — and  an  Archbishop of  Compostella  was  excommunicated  at  the  same council  for  assuming  to  himself  "  culmen  Apo- stolic! nominis  "  (so  that,  in  the  middle  ages, Apostolicus,  or,  in  Norman  French,  VApostole  or I'Apostoile,  which  =  Apostolicus,  not  Apostolus, became  the  current  name  for  the  Pope  of  the time  being).  Claudius  Taurinensis,  in  the  9th century,  recognizes  the  name  as  already  then appropriated  to  the  Pope,  by  ridiculing  his being  called  "  not  Apostolus,  but  Apostolicus,"  as though  the  latter  term  meant  Apostoli  cUstos  : for  which  Claudius's  Irish  opponent  Dungal takes  him  to  task.  (Du  Cange ;  Raynaud,  Contin. Baronii.)  [A.  W.  H.] APOSTOLIUM  ('A7roo-ToA.€:oy),  a  church dedicated  in  the  name  of  one  or  more  of  the Apostles.  Thus  Sozomen  {Hist.  E-rl.  i\.  lit,  p. 376)  speaks  of  the  Basilica  of  St.  Vvtw  at  Koine as  TO  Ylirpov  airo'cnoKiiov;  and  the  saiiic  wi'iti'r, speaking  of  the  church  which  Kufinus  built  at the  Oak  (a  suburb  of  Chalcedon)  in  honour  of SS.  Peter  and  Paul,  says  that  he  called  it  'Airo- aToX€Lov  from  them  {Hist.  Eccl.xiu.  17,  p.  347). [Martyrium,  Propheteum.]  [C] APPEAL APOTAXAMENI  (o7roTo|ci^€i'oO— renun- ciantes,  renouncers,  a  name  by  which  the  monks of  the  ancient  Church  were  soriietimes  designated, as  denoting  their  renunciation  of  the  world  and a  secular  life,  e.g.  in  Palladius  Hist.  Lausiac, c.  15,  and  Cassian,  who  entitles  one  of  his  books, De  Institutis  Renunciantium.  (Bingham,  book  vii. c.  2.)  [D.  B.] APPEAL  {Appellatio  in  reference  to  the court  appealed  to,  Provocatio  in  reference  to  the opponent ;  ecptais  in  classical  Greek,  verb  in N.  T.  iTriKa\f7crdat),  a  complaint  preferred  before a  superior  court  or  judge  in  order  to  obtain  due I'emedy  for  a  judgment  of  a  court  or  judge  of  an inferior  rank,  whereby  the  complainant  alleges that  he  has  suffered  or  will  suffer  wrong.  We are  concerned  here  with  ecclesiastical  appeals only.  And  they  will  be  most  conveniently  dis- cussed if — distinguishing  between  1,  appeals fi'om  an  ecclesiastical  tribunal  to  another  also ecclesiastical,  and  2,  appeals  from  an  eccle- siastical to  a  lay  tribunal,  or  vice  versa ; and  further,  as  regards  persons,  between  (a) bishops  and  clei-gy,  to  whom  in  some  rela- tions must  be  added  monks  and  nuns,  and  (;8) laity — we  treat  successively,  as  regards  subject matter,  of  I.  Spiritual  Discipline  properly  so called,  II.  Civil  Causes,  and  III.  Criminal  ones. It  will  be  convenient  also  to  include  under  the term  Appeal,  both  appeals  properly  so  called, where  the  superior  tribunal  itself  retries  the case ;  and  that  which  is  not  properly  either revision  or  rehearing,  where  the  jurisdiction  of the  superior  tribunal  is  confined  to  the  ordering, upon  complaint  and  enquiry,  of  a  new  trial  by the  original,  or  by  an  enlarged  or  otherwise altei'ed,  body  of  judges ;  and  that  again  which is  properly  a  mere  revision,  where  the  case  is revised  by  a  higher  tribunal  but  without  sus- pending sentence  meanwhile ;  and,  lastly,  the transference  also  of  a  cause  from  one  kind  of tribunal  to  another  not  co-ordinate  with  it,  as e.g.  from  lay  to  spiritual  or  vice  versa,  which,  if the  first  court  have  completed  its  sentence, practically  constitutes  the  second  into  a  court  of appeal  to  its  predecessor.  It  is  necessary  also to  bear  in  mind  the  difference  between  a  friendly interference,  such  as  brotherly  love  requires  on the  part  of  all  bishops  if  any  fall  into  heresy or  sin,  but  which  implies  no  formal  authority of  the  adviser  over  the  advised  ;  and  an  arbitra- tion, where  the  arbiter,  who  may  be  any  one, derives  his  authority  from  the  mutual  and  free consent  of  (properly)  both  parties,  but  (as  will be  seen)  in  certain  cases  sometimes  from  the  sole action  of  one ;  and  an  appeal,  where  some  defi- nite superior  tribunal  may  be  set  in  motion  by either  party,  but  has  in  that  case  exclusive  as well  as  compulsory  jurisdiction ;  and  the  yet further  step,  where  (like  the  intercossio  of  the Tribuni  Plcbis)  the  superior  court  or  magistrate has  the  power  of  calling  up  the  case  for  revision, and  of  suspending  sentence  meanwhile,  suo  motu. An  appeal,  however,  of  whatever  kind,  implies the  legality  in  the  abstract,  and  assumes  the fact,  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  court  appealed from  as  a  primary  court.  And  it  becomes  need- ful, therefore,  here  to  assume,  although  it  is no  business  of  this  article  either  to  detail  or to  prove,  the  extent  and  limits  of  ecclesiastical jurisdiction  in  the  first  instance;  in  order  clearly . APPEAL to  set  forth  the  various  checks  in  the  way  of appeal  placed  in  such  case  upon  that  original jurisdiction.  On  the  other  hand,  the  limitation of  the  subject  to  the  period  antecedent  to Charlemagne,  excludes  from  consideration  the whole  of  the  elaborate  fabric  built  up  by  the Canon  Law  of  later  times,  mainly  upon  the  basis of  the  False  Decretals.  And  we  have  nothing to  do,  accordingly,  with  that  grand  innovation, whereby,  in  the  West,  the  entire  system  of  purely ecclesiastical  appeals  (and,  indeed,  of  justice)  was in  effect  perverted  and  frustrated,  viz.,  the  right gradually  allowed  of  appealing  immediately  from any  ecclesiastical  tribunal,  high  or  low,  upon any  subject  great  or  small,  to  the  Pope  at  once  ; nor  yet  with  the  elaborate  disputes  upon  the nature  and  limits  of  majores  causae  (the  phrase, however,  dating  from  Innocent  I.);  nor  with the  encroachments  of  the  highest  or  of  other ecclesiastical  tribunals  upon  those  of  the  State  ; nor  with  the  celebrated  Ap2xl  comme  d'Abus  in medieval  and  later  France ;  nor  with  such questions  as  the  legitimate  effect  of  the  clause ajjpcllatione  remota  or  postposita  in  a  Papal brief;  nor  with  the  appeal  from  the  Pope  to  a General  Council,  present  or  future ;  or  from  the Pope  ill-informed,  to  the  Pope  well-informed : nor  again,  on  another  side  of  the  subject,  with distinctions  between  appeals  judicial  or  extra- judicial, or  from  sentences  definitive  or  inter- locutory ;  nor  with  the  system,  at  least  as  sub- sequently elaborated,  of  Apostoli  (certainly  not derived  from  j^ost  appellationeni)  or  letters  di- missory,  whether  reverential,  refutatory,  repo- sitory, testimonial,  or  conventional,  whereby the  under  court  formally  transferred  the  cause to  the  upper  one  ;  nor  with  the  fatalia  appel- latlonum,  scil.,  the  fixed  times  wilihin  which  an appeal  must  be  laid,  carried  to  the  upper  court by  means  o{ Apostoli.  prosecuted,  and  concluded; nor,  in  a  word,  with  any  other  of  the  elaborate details  of  the  later  Canon  Law  upon  the  subject. Our  attention  must  be  confined  to  the  system so  far  as  it  was  worked  out  under  the  Koman Empire,  and  renewed  or  modified  under  that  of Charlemagne. L  1.  Spiritual  jurisdiction  in  matters  of  dis- cipline over  clergy  and  laity  alike,  rested  in  the beginning  both  by  Scriptural  sanction  and  by primitive  practice  with  the  bishop,  acting,  how- ever, rather  with  paternal  authority  and  in  the spirit  of  mutual  love,  through  moral  influence on  the  one  side  met  by  willing  obedience  on  the other,  than  according  to  the  hard  outlines  of  a (ixed  Church  law  laid  down  in  canons  ;  although such  canons  gradually  grew  into  existence  and into  fulness,  and  the  ultimatum  of  excommuni- cation must  have  existed  all  along  as  the  punish- ment of  obstinate  or  repeated  transgression.  The Apostolic  canons,  however  (xxxvii.  and  Ixxiv.), recognize  as  the  then  Church  law,  and  the  Nicene Council  (a.d.  325)  formally  establishes,  the  au- thority of  the  synod  of  each  province  as  a  court of  (revision  rather  than)  appeal  from  a  single bishop  :  enacting,  that  "  excommunicate  clerks and  laymen  shall  abide  by  the  sentence  of  their bishop,"  but  that,  "  to  prevent  injustice,  synods of  the  bishops  of  a  province  (eTrapx'")  shall  be held  twice  a  year,  in  order  that  questions  arising on  such  subjects  may  be  enquired  into  by  the community  of  the  bishops ;  a  sentence  of  excom- munication, if  confirmed  by  them,  to  hold  good APPEAL 127 until  a  like  synod  should  reverse  it"  (Cone.  Nic. can.  5)  :  such  right  of  appeal  being  apparently the  common  law  of  the  Church,  and  the  Council interfering  only  to  secure  it  by  requiring  synods to  be  held  with  sufficient  frequency.  And  this right,  as  respects  presbyters  and  all  below  pres- byters, was  recognised  and  confirmed  by  Cone. CartL,  A.D.  390  can.  8,  and  A.D.  398  can.  29, 66,  Cone.  Milev.  a.d.  416  c.  22,  for  Africa  ;  by Cone.  Vasens.  a.d.  442*  can.  5,  and  Cone.  Venet. A.D.  465  can.  9  ("  Episcoporum  audientiam,  non secularium  potestatum,"  in  this  last  instance), for  Gaul  and  Armorica;  by  Cone.  Hispal.  a.d. 590  cc.  5,  9,  for  Spain;  and  by  Cone.  Antioch. cc.  6,  11,  A.D.  341,  directed  both  against  the  Pope and  against  appeals  to  the  Emperor  (adopted  into the  canons  of  the  Church  Catholic),  and  by  the Council  of  Constantinople  in  381,  cc.  2,  3,  6,  for the  East.  The  last-named  Council  also  in  effect limited  the  right  of  appeal  from  above  as  well as  below,  by  forbidding  all  bishops  rals  virepopiois iKKXrjffiats  eirievai,  and  by  establishing  each  pro- vince in  an  independent  jurisdiction  (Cone.  Con- stantinop.  c.  2). a.  Confining  ourselves  first  to  the  case  of  clergy, the  right  of  the  bishop  to  judge  his  brethren  or his  clerks,  was  further  limited,  in  that  part  of the  Church  where  Church  law  was  earliest  and most  formally  developed,  viz.,  Africa,  by  the requirement  of  twelve  bishops  to  judge  a  bishop, of  six  to  judge  a  presbyter,  of  three  to  judge  a deacon  (Cone.  Carth.  A.D.  348  can.  11,  a.d.  390 can.  10,  A.D.  397  can.  8).  And  a  dispute  be- tween two  bishops  was  still  later  referred  by  the (African)  Council  of  Mileum  a.d.  416  (can.  21), to  bishops  appointed  by  the  metropolitan.  In the  East,  and  generally,  bishops  (and  presbyters) would  seem  to  have  been  left  by  the  Nicene canon  merely  to  the  natural  resort  of  an  appeal from  one  synod  to  another  and  a  larger  one,  viz. to  the  metropolitan  and  bishops  of  the  next  pro- vince ;  which  is  the  express  rule  laid  down  in Cone.  Antioch.  a.d.  341,  cc.  11,  12,  14,  15,  and in  Cone.  Constaiitinop.  A.D.  381,  can.  6.  So  also canon  13  of  the  collection  of  Martin  of  Braga. But  between  the  Nicene  and  Constantinopolitan Councils  and  that  of  Chalcedon  in  451,  a  further modification  took  place  in  accordance  with  the settlement  of  the  several  Patriarchates,  whereby the  appeal  was  made  to  lie  from  the  bishop  to the  metropolitan  with  his  synod,  and  then  from him  to  the  Patriarch  ;  with  the  further  claim gradually  emerging  on  the  part  of  the  Bishop  of Rome  to  a  right  of  supreme  judicial  authority' over  the  entire  Church.  (But  whether  the  sen- tence was  to  remain  in  force  pending  the  appeal seems  to  have  been  a  doubtful  question,  variously settled  at  diffei-ent  times  and  places  ;  see  Bal- samon  in  Can.  Afric.  32.)  The  first  step  was that,  in  the  West,  of  the  Council  of  Sardica,  A.D. 347,  intended  to  be  oecumenical  but  in  result  only Western,  and  not  accepted  as  authoritative  either by  the  Eastern  or  even  by  the  African  Churches : which  attempted  to  make  the  system  work  more fairly,  and  perhaps  to  escape  reference  to  an  Arian Emperor,  by  giving  presbyter  or  deacon  an  ap- peal to  the  metropolitan  and  the  comprovincial bishops  (can.  14  Lat.),  and  by  enacting  with  re- spect to  bishops,  in  the  way  of  revision  rather than  appeal,  that,  whereas  ordinarily  they  should be  judged  by  the  bishops  of  their  own  province, if  a  bishop  thought  himself  aggrieved,  either  the 128 APPEAL bishops  who  tried  him  or  those  of  the  neighbour- ing province  should  consult  the  Bishop  of  Rome  , and  if  he  judged  it  right,  then  the  comprovincial or  the  neighbouring  bishops  should  by  his  ap- pointment retry  the  case,  with  the  addition  (if the  complainant  requested  it,  and  the  Bishop  of Rome  complied  with  his  request)  of  presbyters representing  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  who  were  to taka  their  place  in  that  capacity  among  the judges  (can.  4,  5,  7)  :  no  successor  to  be  appointed to  the  deposed  bishop  pending  such  new  trial.  The choice  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome  as  referee  (to  decide, however,  not  the  case  itself,  but  whether  there ought  to  be  a  new  trial)  has  some  appearance  of having  been  personal  to  Julius  the  then  Pope  (as was  the  subsequent  grant  of  Gratian  to  Pope Damasus),  to  whom  the  right  is  granted  by  name in  the  Greek  version  of  the  canons  (so  Richerius and  De  Marca) ;  but  certainly  it  was  determined to  the  see  of  Rome,  not  through  previous  prece- dent, or  as  by  inherent  right,  but  as  in  honour of  the  one  Apostolical  see  of  the  West, — "  in honour  of  the  memory  of  St.  Peter."  It  was  in fact  giving  to  the  Pope  the  right  previously possessed  exclusively  by  the  Emperor,  save  that the  latter  would  refer  causes  to  a  Council.  Prior to  347,  the  case  of  Fortunatus  and  Felicissimus A.D.  252  (striving  to  obtain  the  support  of  Pope Cornelius  against  their  own  primate  St.  Cyprian, and  eliciting  from  the  latter  an  express  assertion  of tlie  sufficiency  and  finality  of  the  sentence  passed upon  them  by  their  own  comprovincial  African bishops,  St.  Cypr.  Epist.  59,  Fell)— and  that  of Marcian,  Bishop  of  Aries  A.D.  254  (whom  the bishops  of  Gaul  are  exhorted  to  depose  for  Nova- tianism,  St.  Cyprian  interfering  on  the  sole ground  of  brotherly  episcopal  duty  to  urge  them to  the  step,  and  asking  Pope  Stephen  to  inter- fere also,  but  solely  on  the  like  ground.  Id.  Epist. 68),' — and  those  of  Basileides  and  of  Martial, Bishops  respectively  of  Leon  with  Astorga  and  of Merida,  also  A.D.  254  (deposed  by  the  Spanish bishops  as  having  lapsed,  and  of  whom  Basileides, having  deceived  Pope  Stephen  into  re-admitting him  to  communion,  and  into  "canvassing"  for  his restoration,  was  rejected  nevertheless  by  the Spanish,  seconded  by  the  African  bishops.  Id.  Epist. 67)  —  sufficiently  shew  that  while  the  Nicene canons  only  confirmed  and  regulated  the  ju'e- viously  established  and  natural  principle  of  the final  authority  of  the  provincial  synod,  that  of Sardica  introduced  a  new  provision,  although  one rather  opening  the  way  for  further  extensive *changes  than  actually  enacting  them.  In  341, also,  the  Council  of  Antioch,  representing  the East,  repudiated  the  same  Pope  Julius's  in- terference on  behalf  of  St.  Athanasius  (Spzom. iii.  8 ;  Socrat.  ii.  15)  and  passed  a  canon against  the  return  of  a  deposed  bishop  to  his  see unless  by  decree  of  a  synod  larger  than  that which  had  deposed  him  (can.  12);  as  well  as against  appeals  of  deposed  bishops  to  emperors, unsanctioned  by  the  comprovincial  bishops:  canons adopted  into  the  code  of  the  whole  Church.  In the  West,  however,  the  Sardican  canon  became the  starting  point  of  a  distinctly  marked  ad- vance in  the  claims  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome, although  not  without  opposition  on  the  part  of the  Church,  nor,  on  the  other  hand,  without political  suppoi-t  from  the  Emperors.  In  367  a Council  of  Tyana  restored  Eustathius  of  Sebastea to  his  see,  among  other  grounds,  on  the  strength APPEAL of  a  letter  of  Pope  Liberius  ;  but  tlie  proceed- ing was  condemned  in  strong  terms  by  St. Basil  the  Great  {EpAst.  263  §  3).  In  378,  the Emperor  Gratian  added  State  sanction — at  least during  the  Popedom  of  Damasus,  and  in  reference to  the  schism  of  the  antipope  Ursicinus — to  the judicial. authority  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  but  in conjunction  with  six  or  seven  other  bishops  if the  accused  were  a  bishop  himself,  and  with  an alternative  of  fifteen  comprovincial  bishops  in  the case  of  a  metropolitan,  the  attendance  of  the accused  bishop  at  Rome  to  be  compelled  by  the civil  power  {Cone.  Horn.,  Epist.  ad  Gratian.  et Valentin.  Lnpp.  a.d.  378,  in  Mansi,  iii.  624,  and the  Rescript  appended  to  it  of  the  same  Em- perors ad  Aquilimim  Vicarium).  In  381,  how- ever, the  epistle  of  the  Italian  bishops  (including St.  Ambrose)  to  Theodosius,  claims  no  more  re- specting Eastern  bishops  in  the  case  of  Maximus (deposed  by  the  Council  of  Constantinople),  than that  the  voice  "  of  Rome,  of  Italy,  and  of  all  the West,"  ought  to  have  been  regarded  in  the  matter. But  in  some  year  between  381  and  398  (see Tillemont,  Mem.  EccL),  although  Theodoret  (v. 23)  seems  to  place  it  under  Innocent  I.  in  402, Flavian,  accepted  by  the  East,  but  rejected  by Egypt  and  by  Rome  and  the  West,  as  Bishop  of Antioch,  was  summoned  by  the  Emperor  to  go to  Rome  to  be  judged  there  by  the  Bishop  of Rome,  but  refused  to  submit;  and  was  finally accepted  by  the  Pope,  to  whom  he  sent  a  depu- tation of  bishops,  at  the  intercession  of  St. Chrysostom,  but  without  any  pretence  of  trial. In  404-406,  Innocent's  interference  to  procure St.  Chrysostom's  own  restoration  to  his  see,  even to  the  extent  of  withdrawing  communion  from St.  Chrysostom's  opponents,  proved  as  great  a failure  as  Pope  Julius's  like  attempt  on  behalf of  St.  Athanasius  (Sozom.  ■N'iii.  26-28.  and  the letters  of  St.  Chrysostom  and  Pope  Innocent  in Mansi,  iii.  1081-1118);  although  the  mean  pro- posed was  not  a  trial  by  the  Pope  but  a  general Council.  While  St.  Chrysostom  himself  at  the same  period  affirms  the  old  principle,  that  causes must  not  vtrepopiovs  (AKicrOat,  dAA'  ev  Ta7s  fwap- Xi'ais  TO,  Twv  iirapx^iv  yv^va^iadai  (in  Mansi,  i/>.). But  even  in  the  Western  Church  at  the  same period  the  Roman  claim  was  admitted  with  diffi- culty, and  only  gradually  and  by  continual  strug- gles. Innocent  I.  indeed  declared  that,  "si  majorcs causae  in  medium  fuerint  devolutae,  ad  seder.i Apostolicam,  sicut  syuodus  statuit"  (meaning,  of course,  but  exaggerating,  the  Sardican  canons) "  et  vetus  sive  inveterata  consuetudo  exigit,  post judicium  episccpale  referantur "  (Epist.  2  ad Victric).  But  in  actual  fact,  1.  in  Africa,  A.D. 417-425,  the  appeal  to  Pope  Zosimus  of  the  pres- byter Apiarius,  condemned  by  his  own  Bishop, Urbanus  of  Sicca,  whom  the  Pope  summoned  to Rome  to  be  judged,  and  on  refusal  sent  legates  to successive  Carthaginian  Councils  to  enforce  his claims,  was  in  the  first  instance  provisionally  com- promised, by  a  temporary  admission  of  the  Papal authority  (Ejiist.  Cone.  Afric.  ad  Bonifac.  Papain A.D.  419,  in  Mansi,  iv.  511),  on  the  ground  of  the canons  of  Sardica,  alleged  by  the  Popes  (Zosimus, Boniface,  Celestine)  to  be  Nicene;  but  on  the production  of  the  genuine  canons  of  Nicaea  from Constantinople  and  Alexandria,  was  absolutely rejected  {Epist.  Cone.  Afric.  ad  Caelestinum  a.d. 425,  in  Mansi,  iv.  515):  whilst  the  canon  (22) of  Mileum,  a.d.  416,  which  is  repeated  byCarth- APPEAL Rginian  Councils  down  to  a.d.  525  (Mansi,  viii. 644),  assigns  presbyters  and  all  below  them  to appeal,  *'  non  ad  transmarina  judicia  sed  ad primates  suarixm  provinciarum  ;  ad  transmarina autem  qui  putavei-it  appellandum,  a  uullo  intra Africam  ad  commuuionem  suscipiatur  ;"  and  the Cod.  Can.  Afric.  18  Gr.  31  (a.d.  419),  adds  to  this — "sicut  et  de  Episcopis  saepe  constitutum  est," the  genuineness  of  which  last  clause  is  suppoi'ted by  Tillemont,  De  Marca,  and  Beveridge,  although denied  by  Baronius.  It  seems  certainly  to  have been  inserted  in  the  canon  by  some  African  coun- cil of  this  period.  At  the  same  time,  while  the gloss  of  Gratian  on  the  word  "  transmarina  " — '•  nisi  forte  ad  Romanam  sedem  appellarerit " — is  plainly  of  the  kind  that  as  exactly  as  possible contradicts  its  text;  it  is  evident  by  St.  Augustin's letter  to  Pope  Celestine  in  424  (Epist.  209),  that applications  from  Africa  in  a  friendly  spirit  to Rome  in  disputes  respectiag  bishops,  both  to judge  and  to  confirm  others'  judgments,  and  this not  only  during  the  provisional  admission  of^he Papal  claim  (as  in  the  case  of  the  Bishop  of Fussala),  but  before  it,  had  been  frequent.  It  is hard  to  believe,  in  the  face  of  the  precisely  con- temporary and  unmistakeable  language  of  the assembled  African  bishops  at  the  close  of  the controversy  respecting  Apiarius,  that  such  ap- plications could  have  been  in  the  nature  of  formal appeals ;  although  the  case  of  Pope  Leo  I.  and  Lu- picinus,  A.D.  446,  shows  the  Papal  claim  to  have been  still  kept  up  (St.  Leo,  Epist.  xii.  al.  i.  §  12). 2.  In  lUyria, — whereas,  in  421,  the  Emperor Theodosius  had  decreed  that  doubtful  cases  should be  determined  by  a  council,  "non  absque  scientia" of  the  Bishop  of  Constantinople  {Cod.  Tlicod. xvi.  tit.  2.  s.  45), — in  444,  Pojje  Leo  I.,  insisting upon  the  canons  apparently  of  Sardica,  and  as part  of  the  Papal  measures  for  securing  the whole  of  lUyria  to  the  Roman  Patriarchate, commanded  appeals  ("caussae  graviores  vel  appel- lationes  ")  from  Illyria  to  be  brought  to  Rome (St.  Leo,  Epist.  X.  §  6).  And  3.  in  Gaul,  in  445, the  same  Pope,  overthrowing  tlie  decree  of  Pope Zosimus  in  418,  which  had  constituted  Aries the  metropolitan  see  of  the  province,  insisted  on rehearing  at  Rome  in  a  synod  the  causes  of Bishop  Projectus  and  of  Celidonius  Bishop  either of  Vesontio  or  of  Vienne,  whom  Hilary  of  Aries had  deposed,  and  carried  the  point,  although  with strong  opposition  from  Hilary  (St.  Leo,  Epiist. X.).  Pope  Hilary,  however,  461-462,  Epist.  xi., respecting  the  Metropolitan  of  Vienne  and  Aries, refers  his  authority  as  Bishop  of  Rome  to  the "decreta  principum."  And  undoubtedly  a  decree of  the  Emperor  Valentinian  III.,  in  the  year  445, •definitely  assigned  to  the  Pope,  not  simply  an  ap- pellate jurisdiction,  but  the  right  of  evoking  causes to  Rome  smo  motu,  by  enacting  that  "  omnibus  pro lege  sit  quidquid  sanxit  vel  sanxerit  Apostolicae sedis  auctoritas,  ita  ut  quisquis  Episcoporum  ad judicium  Romaui  autistitis  evocatus  venire  neg- le.xerit,  per  moderatorem  ejusdem  provinciae adesse  cogatur"  (Cod.  Tlicod.  NovcU.  tit.  xxiv., Suppl.  p.  12).  An  ultimate  appellate  jurisdiction teas  also  given  at  the  same  period,  but  by  Church atithority,  viz.,  by  the  general  council  of  Chalce- don  in  451,  to  the  Bishop  of  Constantinople  :  the I  order  of  appeal  being  there  fixed  from  bishop  to metropolitan  and  synod,  and  from  tlie  latter  to I  the  particular  Patriarch  or  to  the  Bishop  of  Con- stantinople (Cone.  Chalc.  c.  9). CHRIST.  ANT. APPEAL 129 The  Eastern  rule  appears  to  have  henceforward remained  the  same  ;  except  that  Justinian  a.d. 533,  confirming  the  canon  of  Chalcedon  in  other respects,  dropped  all  special  mention  of  the Bishop  of  Constantinople,  but  enacted  in  general that  an  appeal  should  lie  from  bishop  to  metro- politan, and  from  metropolitan  alone  to  me- tropolitan with  synod,  but  that  from  the  synod each  Patriarch  should  be  the  final  court  of appeal  in  his  own  Patriarchate,  as  final  as  was  in civil  cases  the  Praefcctus  Practorio  (Justin.  Cod. vii.  tit.  62.  s.  19) ;  although  no  cause  was  to  come to  him  at  once  unless  in  the  form  of  a  request that  he  would  delegate  it  to  the  bishop,  who  was the  proper  primary  tribunal  (Id.  i.  tit.  4.  s.  29 , 7.  tit.  62.  s.  19 ;  l^ovell.  cxxiii.  22).  A  law  of  Leo and  Constantius  in  838  (Leunclav.  Jus  Gr.  Pujin.  II. 99)  likewise  declares  the  patriarch  to  be  the  apx'? of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  whose  decision,  there- fore, is  final,  unless  indeed  he  chooses  to  review  it himself  And  so  also,  apparently,  the  8th  General Council  of  Constantinople  A.D.  870  (Act  10,  cc. 17,  26).  It  is  to  be  added,  however,  that  in  the case  of  any  one  under  the  degree  of  bishop, and  in  cases  not  ecclesiastical,  the  bishop  was the  primary  judge,  but  from  him  the  case  might be  taken  to  the  civil  judge,  the  Emperor  deciding if  they  differed  ;  but  in  the  case  of  a  bishop,  the right  of  appeal  to  the  patriarch  enacted  by Justinian  is  final  (Justin.,  Novell.  Ixxxiii.  12. cxxiii.  21,  22). In  the  West,  the  changes  in  the  matter  relate to  two  points,  to  the  fruitless  attemjjts  of  the  Popes to  obtain  appellate  jurisdiction  over  the  I^ast, and  to  their  more  successful  efforts  to  secure  their Western  claim  of  the  like  kind  under  the  altered laws  and  policy  of  the  new  Barbarian  rulers  of Europe ;  efforts  which  may  be  said  to  have finally  secured  success  under  the  Carlovingians, in  the  popedom  of  Nicliolas  I.  about  858.  and  as confirmed  by  the  false  Decretals,  first  used  by Nicholas  in  864  (Gieseler).  For  the  former,  in 449,  Flavian  no  doubt  ajjpealed  from  Dioscorus and  the  Ephesine  Latrocinium  nominally  to  the Pope,  but  Leo's  own  lettei  to  Theodosius  in  con- sequence (St.  Leo,  Epist.  43  al.  34,  and  44  al.  40  ; Liberat.  lircv.  12,  in  Mansi,  ix.  379),  shows  that the  tribunal  of  appeal  contemplated  by  even  the Pope  himself,  was  a  general  council  (see  Quesnel and  Van  Espen).  In  484,  however,  Felix  II.  in  a synod  at  Rome,  as  the  issue  of  a  long  dispute, during  which,  among  other  steps,  he  had  sum- moned Acacius  of  Constantinople  to  be  tried  at Rome  upon  the  strength  of  the  canons  of  Sardica, misnamed  Nicene,  made  an  open  schism  with  the East,  which  lasted  40  years,  by  excommunicating and  deposing  Acacius  (Mansi,  vii.  1054);  a  sen- tence wliich,  it  need  not  be  said,  was  disregarded. In  587,  Pelagius  II.  seems  to  have  confirmed  the sentence  of  acquittal  passed  by  a  tribunal  at Constantinople,  summoned  by  the  Emperor,  in the  case  of  Bishop  Gregory  of  Antioch,  while protesting  against  the  title  of  universal  bishop applied  by  the  same  authority  to  the  Bishop  of Constantinople  (St.  Greg.  M.,  Epist.  v.  18;  Eva- grius,  vi.  7) ;  a  protest  renewed,  as  every  one knows,  by  Gregory  himself  But  this  implied no  formal  superiority  over  Eastern  bishops. And  the  claim  unhesitatingly  advanced  by  Gre- gory— "De  Constantinopolitana ecclesia  quis  earn dubitet  Apostolicae  sedi  esse  subjectam"  (St.  Greg. M.,  Epist.  ix.  12) — was  assuredly  not  admitted  by 130 APPEAL the  Church  of  Constantinople  itself.  Further on,  the  Council  in  Trullo  in  691,  repeated  uot only  the  3rd  canon  of  Constantinople  in  381, but  the  28th  of  Chalcedon  in  451,  which  latter equals  Constantinople  to  Eome  (Cone.  Quinisext. can.  36)  ;  and  also  the  17th  of  the  same  Council of  Chalcedon  (/'>.  38),  which  involves  the  9th  of the  same  council,  viz.,  that  which  (as  above  said), so  regulates  the  course  of  appeals  as  to  put  the patr'arch  of  a  province  with  an  alternative  of the  Bishop  of  Constantinople  as  the  ultimate tribunal.  The  dispute  which  a  century  after issued  in  the  great  schism,  cut  short  the  narrowev, by  absorbing  it  in  the  broader,  controversy.  For the  West,  however,  matters  proceeded  more  suc- cessfully. Gelasius  (492-496),  while  allowing ihe  subordination  of  the  Pope  to  a  general council  approved  by  the  Church,  asserts  posi- tively (^Epist.  13),  that  the  see  of  St.  Peter  "  de omni  ecclesia  jus  habeat  judicandi,  neque  cui- quam  de  ejus  liceat  judicare  judicio,"  and  that "  ad  illam  de  qualibet  mundi  parte  canones  ap- pellari  voluerint,  ab  ilia  autem  aemo  sit  appellare permissus."  In  503,  although  the  Arian  Theodoric appointed  a  commission  of  bishops,  under  the  presi- dency of  a  single  bishop  (of  Altino),  to  judge  of  the disputed  election  of  Symmachus  to  the  Popedom, ami  although  Symmachus  in  the  first  instance admitted  their  jurisdiction,  and  both  parties appealed  to  the  judgment  of  Theodoric  himself; yet  1.  a  Roman  synod  {Synodus  Palmar  is)  both sanctioned  Symmachus's  election  without  pre- suming to  make  enquiry,  and  declared  the  inter- ference of  laity  in  Church  elections  or  property to  be  against  the  canons  (Mansi,  vlii.  201,  sq. ; Anastas.  Lib.  Pontif.  in  v.Sjjmmachi);  and  2.  Enno- dius  of  Ticinum,  in  511,  formally  asserted  in  an elaborate  document  the  absoluteness  of  the  Papal power,  and  especially  that  the  Pope  is  himself the  final  court  of  appeal,  whom  none  other  may judge  (Mansi,  viii.  282-284).  And  at  the  end of  the  century  Gregory  the  Great  assumes  as indisputable  that  every  bishop  accused  is  subject to  the  judgment  of  the  see  of  Rome  (Epist.  ix. 59).  During  the  following  period,  however, — while  the  sutlering  African  Church,  retaining  her privilege  untouched,  but  as  a  privilege,  under  Gre- gory the  Great,  yet  practically  gave  up  her  an- cient opposition  a  few  years  later  (Epist.  Episc. Afric.  ad  Papam  Theodorum,  in  Act.  Cone.  Lat- eran.  A.D.  649,  Mansi,  x.  919), — the  European Churches  were  practically  under  the  government of  the  kings,  although  the  theoretical  claims  of the  Popes  remained  undiminished.  The  Irish Ciiurches,  indeed,  were  still  independent  of  the Pope,  the  end  of  the  seventh  century  being  the close  of  the  Celtic  schism,  except  in  Wales.  In Saxon  England,  the  proceedings  of  both  kings  and synods  in  the  appeals  of  Wilfrid  (678-705),when the  Pope  reversed  the  judgments  of  English synods  on  Wilfrid's  complaint,  showed  on  the  one hand  a  feeling  of  reverence  for  the  Pope  (e.g.  the Council  of  Nidd,  A.D.  705  [Eddius  58]  did-  not repudiate  the  Pope's  decree,  but  the  testimony  of Papal  letters,  which  might  be  forged,  as  against the  viva  voce  evidence  of  Archbishop  Theodore)  ; but  on  the  other,  disregarded  such  decree  in practice,  by  enforcing  that  precise  severance  of Wilfrid's  diocese  against  which  he  had  appealed. And  the  Council  of  Cloveshoo,  A.D.  747,  pointedly limits  appeals  to  the  provincial  council,  and  no f\irther  (can.  25).     In  Spain,  although  Gregory APPEAL the  Great  interfered  by  a  legate  authnri^ tatively  in  tavour  of  deposed  bishops,  viz., Stephanus  and  Januarius,  on  the  ground,  first, of  Justinian's  law  as  being  their  Patriarch,  and if  that  was  refused,  then  by  the  right  of  the  see of  Rome  as  head  of  the  Church  (Epist.  xiii.  45), yet  in  701  or  704,  King  Witiza,  in  a  Council  of Toledo,  expressly  forbade  appeals  to  any  foreign bishop  (Cone.  Tolct.  xviii.).  And  a  little  earlier, admission  into  Church  communion  was  declared dependent  on  the  will  of  the  Prince  (Cone.  Tolef. A.D.  681  c.  3,  and  683,  c.  9).  The  Kings  in  effect were  in  Spain  supreme  judges  of  bishops  ( Cenni, De.  Antiq,  Eecl.  IJisp.  ii.  153,  quoted  by Gieseler).  In  Gaul,  the  cases  of  Salonius, Bishop  of  Embrun,  and  Sagittarius,  Bishop  ot Gap,  deposed  in  577  by  a  synod  of  Lyons,  re- stored by  Pope  John  III.  on  appeal,  but  by  per- mission and  power  of  King  Guntram,  and  then again  finally  deposed  in  579  by  a  Council  of Chalons  (Greg.  Turon.,  Hist.  Franc,  v.  21-28), leave  the  Papal  claim  iu  a  similar  state  of  half recognition  to  that  iu  which  it  stood  in  England. And  in  the  ensuing  century  the  Royal  authority here  also  practically  superseded  the  Papal.  In 615,  the  administration  of  ecclesiastical  disci- pline is  made  subservient  to  the  king's  interces- sion (Cone.  Parif.  c.  3,  as  confirmed  by  Chlotarius II.).  And  many  instances  of  depositions  of  bishops occur  without  appeal  to  the  Pope,  beginning with  that  of  Saffaric  of  Paris,  deposed  by  a second  synod  there,  to  which  he  had  appealed from  a  former  one,  under  King  Chilperic,  a.d. 555.  Gregory  the  Great,  indeed,  renewed  the ingenious  expedient  of  appointing  the  Bishop  of Aries  his  vicar  to  decide  such  causes  in  Gaul,  in conjunction  with  twelve  bishops  ;  and  yet  even so,  most  of  such  causes  were  decided  without eveu  the  presence  of  the  Papal  vicar  (De  Marca, vii.  19).  The  Capitula  of  Hadrian  I.,  sent  to Ingilram  of  Metz  in  785,  introduced  the  first great  innovation  upon  preceding  rules,  by  enact- ing (c.  3)  that  no  bishop  should  be  condemned unless  in  a  synod  called  "  Apostolica  aucto- ritate ;"  and  again,  that,  if  a  deposed  bishop, whose  primary  tribunal  was  the  comprovincial synod,  appealed  from  it  to  Rome,  "id  observandum esset  quod  (Papa)  ipse  censuerit"  (c.  20,  23,  and Epitome  Capit.  A.D.  773).  But  they  contained also  the  African  prohibition  of  appeals  ad  trans- marina  judicia  (see  Gieseler).  And  while  the  Ca- pitulary of  Aix  in  789,  repeated  more  expressly by  the  Council  of  Aix  in  816  (cc.  73,  74),  repeats the  Nicene  and  Antiochene  (341)  canons  without the  addition  of  those  of  Sardica,  the  Capitularies as  collected  by  Benedict  Levita  contain  also  the Sardican  canons.  For  bishops,  then,  Charlemagne allowed  the  appeal  to  Rome  for  a  new  trial, the  comprovincial  synod  being  still  held  to  be the  proper  tribunal  for  such  cases  :  and  an  appeal being  also  allowed  to  more  numerous  episcopal judges  if  dissatisfaction  were  felt  with  those originally  appointed  by  the  metropolitan,  and, again,  from  them  to  a  synod  (Capit.  vii.  413), or  again,  from  a  suspected  judge  to  another  (ib. vii.  240,  and  Add.  iii.  25,  iv.  18,  sq.) :  —  see aipit.  V.  401,  410,  vi.  300,  vii.  102,  103,  314, 315,  412,  Add.  iii.  105  :— but  left  the  ordinary and  direct  right  of  a  proper  appeal  to  the  Pope, and  the  condition  of  his  prior  consent  to  the  trial of  an  accused  bishop,  sufficiently  unsettled  to  lead to  the  great  disputes  of  the  fo!lowin.<j  period,  of APPEAL which  tlie  case  of  Hincmar  and  Bishop  Rothad is  the  primary  case.  The  Carlovingian  Princes, indeed,  deposed  bishops  in  synods,  just  as  they elected  them,  without  any  reference  to  the Pope.  But  the  Papal  power  gradually  in- creased. And  while  Gregory  IV.,  in  835,  and Leo  IV.,  about  850,  expressly  claim  a  proper appellate  jurisdiction,  Pope  Nicholas  I.,  85^-807, on  the  strength  of  the  False  Decretals,  may i)e  said  to  have  finally  established  the  claim in  its  fulness.  Even  in  791,  however,  the  synod of  Friuli  asserted  for  the  Patriarch  of  Aquileia the  right,  that  even  no  presbyter,  deacon,  or archimandrite  be  deposed,  in  his  Patriarchate, without  consulting  him  (can.  27)  :  the  same  right which  Hadrian  claimed  universally  for  the  Bishop of  Rome.  As  regards  all  below  bishops,  the Council  of  Frankfort  in  794,  can.  6,  re-enacts  the order  of  appeal  from  bishop  to  metropolitan,  i.e., to  the  provincial  synod,  but  no  further  ;  and,  in addition,  orders  the  civil  magistrate  (Comes)  to act  as  assessor,  and  to  refer  to  the  Emperor  all cases  too  hard  for  the  metropolitan.  And  Capit. iii.  1,  A.D.  812,  includes  bishops  also  among  those who  are  to  bring  their  disputes  to  the  Emperor for  settlement. In  sum,  appeal  from  a  bishop  or  bishops  to  his neighbouring  brethren,  under  their  metropolitan, i.e.,  fi'om  one  or  few  bishops  to  many,  was the  Church's  common  law;  the  appeal  termi- nating there,  until  the  law  of  Valentinian  in 445  for  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  the  canon  of  Chal- cedon  in  451  for  the  Bishop  of  Constantinople and  patriarchs  generally,  and  the  law  of  Jus- tinian in  533  for  all  patriarchs  without  dis- tinction, allowed  further  appeal  from  bishops  to their  patriarchs :  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  however, alleging  also  for  his  right  the  nari'ow  and  in- sufficient basis  of  the  canons  of  Sardica,  and  cus- tom, and  in  time  also  the  broader  and  sentimental ground  of  the  privilege  of  St.  Peter.  The  False Decretals  first  established  in  the  West,  in  its  full meaning,  the  absolute  both  appellate  and  imme- diate jurisdiction  of  the  Popes  as  of  Divine  right,  in the  9th  century,  during  the  Papacy  of  Nicholas  I. It  remains  to  add,  that  the  Cyprian,  the  Armenian, the  Georgian,  the  Bulgarian,  and  the  Ravennate, claims,  to  be  autocephalous,  were  simply  rem- nants of  the  older  condition  of  things  before  the existence  of  patriarchates,  ditfering  from  each other  only  in  the  fact  that  the  Cyprian  right was  actually  tried  and  confirmed  by  a  general council. p.  The  above  canons  for  the  most  part  leave laymen  to  their  original  right  of  appeal  to  a provincial  synod,  according  to  the  canon  of  Nice. And  this  was  plainly  their  right,  generally speaking,  throughout ;  and  is  confirmed  (as  above said)  by  the  Council  of  Frankfort  in  794.  In Africa,  however,  where  the  right  of  appeal  was more  jealously  guarded  than  elsewhere,  it  was enacted  at  one  time  {Cone.  Carth.  A.D.  397  can. 18,  and  A.D.  398  can.  22,  23)  that  the  bishop  of the  place  "  agnoscat  et  finiat"  the  causes  of  all below  presbyters,  although  in  no  case  "  absque lir;ieseutia  clericorum  suorum."  Hincmar,  in  the :*tli  century,  limits  the  same  class  of  appeals  to tlio  provincial  synod,  protesting  only  against  any furtlier  right  of  appeal  in  such  cases  to  the  Pope. I.  2.  The  interference  of  lay  tribunals  in  causes ■'liiritual,  after  the  Emperoi-s  became  Christian, bulungs  properly  to  other  articles.     Questions  of APPEAL 131 faith  and  such  as  were  purely  ecclesiastical,  as  it is  sufficient  here  to  state  upon  the  unqualified testimony  of  Gothofred  (^Comment,  in  Cod.  TlieoL 16.  tit.  2.  s.  23,  quoted  by  Bingham),  were  left ordinarily  to  bishops  and  synods,  by  laws  reach- ing from  Constantius  to  Justinian  (e.  g.  Novell. Ixxxiii.,  cxxiii.  21).  And  the  law  of  Honorius in  399  {Cod.  Tlwud.  16.  tit.  11.  s.  1),  among  others, which  expressly  denies  any  proper  right  of Church  courts  to  civil  jurisdiction,  affirms  also that  causes  of  religion  as  properly  belong  to them.  When,  however,  either  questions  of  faith or  private  causes  became  of  political  importance, a  qualified  and  occasional  practice  of  appeal  to the  Emperors  from  spiritual  tribunals  naturally grew  up.  Our  business  is  with  the  latter,  i.e. with  judicial  cases.  And  here  it  may  be  said  in brief,  tliat  the  Emperors  throughout  claimed  and exercised  a  right  of  ordering  a  new  trial  by spiritual  judges ;  the  choice  of  whom  so  far rested  with  themselves,  that  they  took  them  if  it seemed  good  from  another  province  than  that  of the  parties  accused  or  accusing.  So  Constantino dealt  with  Caecilianus  in  the  Donatist  contro- versy, appointing  fii-st  Melchiades  of  Rome  and three  Gallic  bishops  to  judge  the  case  at  Rome, and  then,  upon  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  Doua- tists,  commanding  a  synod  to  rehear  it  at  Aries (without  the  Pope  at  all)  in  314.  The  precise question,  however,  was  one  of  discipline  more than  of  belief.  And  Constantino  disclaimed  all right  of  appeal  from  the  episcopal  tribunal  to himself.  So  also  Bassianus  of  Ephesus,  and Eusebius  of  Dorylaeum,  asked  letters  from  the Emperor  Marcian,  that  the  Council  of  Chalcedon in  451  might  judge  their  appeals.  And  at  a somewhat  earlier  period  Theodosius  in  a  like case  transferred  causes  from  one  province  to another  (De  Marca,  De  Cone.  Sac.  <t  Imp.  iv. 3).  So  also  Theodoric  appointed  bishops  to  de- cide the  case  of  Pope  Symmachus  c.  A.D.  500, although,  after  commencing  the  case,  they  ulti- mately refused  to  judge  the  Bishop  of  Rome, save  by  a  merely  formal  judgment.  And  the Council  of  Mileum  in  416,  while  condemning  to deprivation  any  appellant  to  a  civil  tribunal, excepts  the  case  of  those  who  ask  from  the Emperor  "  episcirpale  judicium."  On  both  sides, however,  this  middle  course  was  occasionally transgressed.  Bishops  sometimes  asked  the Emperors  themselves  to  decide  their  appeals : e.g.,  even  St.  Athanasius,  while  in  his  Apol. ii.  expressly  repudiating  the  Emperor's  power to  decide  such  a  cause,  yet,  after  the  Coun- cil of  Tyre  had  deposed  him,  requested  the Emperor  nevertheless,  not  only  to  assemble  a "  lawful"  council  of  bishops  to  i-ehear  the  case, but  as  an  alternative,  ■^  Kal  ahrhv  Se^aadai rriv  airoXoyiav  (Socrat.  i.  33).  And  the  Council of  Antioch  accordingly,  in  341,  took  occasion  (as above  said)  to  prohibit  all  applications  to  the Emperor  except  such  as  were  backed  by  letters of  metropolitan  and  provincial  bishojis,  and  to insist  upon  the  restriction  of  fresh  trials  to  "  a lai-ger  synod ;"  canons  repeated  down  to  the days  of  Charlemagne,  and  adopted  by  the  Church at  large,  although  repudiated  as  Arian  by St.  Chrysostom  and  by  Pope  Innocent  I.,  wlien quoted  against  the  former.  And  about  a.d.  380, Suljjicius  Sevcrus,  again,  affirms  that  he  himself and  his  fellow  bishops  had  done  wrong  in  allow- in"  Priscillian  to  appeal  to  the  Emperor,  and K  2 132 APPEAL lays  it  down  tliat  he  ought  to  have  appealed  to other  bishops.  Yet  both  Pope  Symmaclius  and  his opponent  Laurentius  requested  the  Arian  Lom- bard Theodoric  to  decide  between  them.  On the  other  side,  when  mentioning  a  very  late case,  where  the  Emperor  transferred  a  cause  of a  spiritual  kind  from  the  Patriarch  Luke  of  Con- stantinople, A.D.  1156-1169,  to  a  civil  court, Bnlsamon  (in  can.  15  Syn.  Carthag.),  while alfirming  this  to  be  against  the  canons,  yet  ad- mits that  a  lay  co-judge  might  rightly  be  asked of  the  Emperor.  And  Justinian  (AortV/.  cxsiii. 21)  reserves  indeed  a  right  upon  appeal  of  as- signing judges,  from  whom  an  appeal  lay  "se- cundum legum  ordinem,"  i.e.  ultimately  to  the rracfectus  Prcwtorio  and  Quaestor  Palatii  (Cod. 7.  tit.  62.  s.  32);  but  ecclesiastical  causes  are expressly  excepted  from  such  appeal.  On  the other  hand,  Arcadius  and  Honorius  expressly prohibit  appeals  from  councils  to  themselves ; unless,  indeed,  this  refers  only  to  civil  and criminal  causes.  The  Carlovingian  Emperors (as  we  have  seen  above)  reserved  an  appeal  to themselves  in  difficult  cases  from  the  metro- politan, in  causes  of  presbyters  and  all  below them ;  besides  appointing  the  civil  magistrate as  assessor  to  the  metropolitan  in  the  first  in- stance. And  in  the  case  of  Leo  IIP  a.d.  800, when  Charlemagne  convened  a  synod  at  Rome  to investigate  accusations  against  that  Pope,  the bishops  appointed  declined  to  act,  on  the  ground that  it  was  the  Pope's  right  to  judge  them,  and not  theirs  to  judge  the  Pope  (Anastas.,  in  V. Leon.  IIP). II.  We  pass  next  to  civil  causes :  and  the jurisdiction  of  bishops  in  these,  whether  lay  or clerical,  is  of  course,  as  a  coercive  jurisdiction, purely  a  creation  of  municipal  law.  As  founded upon  1  Cor.  vi.  4,  it  could  not  have  been  until the  time  of  Constantine  more  than  a  voluntarily conceded  power  of  arbitration,  whereby  both plaintiff  and  defendant,  being  Christians,  agreed to  be  bound  (see  Estius,  adloc.y  But  upon  prin- ciples of  Christian  love  and  of  avoiding  scandal, the  decision  of  such  cases  became  the  common and  often  the  inconveniently  troublesome  busi- ness of  bishops  :  e.g.,  of  Paphnutius  (see  Euffi- nus),  Gregory  Thaumaturgus  (St.  Greg.  Nyss.  in Vita),  St.  Basil  the  Great  (St.  Greg.  Naz.  Orat. 20),  St.  Ambrose  (Epist.  34),  St.  Augustine  (Pos- sid.  in  Vita),  St.  Martin  of  Tours  (Snip.'  Sev. ' Dial,  li.):  and  is  recognized  as  their  work  by St.  Chrysostom  {De  Sac.  iii.  18).  The  Apost. Constit.  ii.  45-47  regulate  the  process.  St. Cyprian  (Adv.  Judaeos  iii.  44),  speaking  of  resort to  the  bishop  and  not  to  the  secular  court  as  the duty  of  Christians,  may  serve  as  a  specimen  of the  feeling  upon  which  the  practice  rested.  And while  Socrates  (vii.  37)  speaks  of  Bishop  Syl- vanus  of  Troas  as  declining  it  either  for  himself or  his  clergy,  it  is  recognized  even  by  the  Council of  Tarragona  in  516  (c.  4)  as  extending  to  pres- byters and  deacons  also.  The  practice  was changed  from  a  precarious  to  a  recognized  and legal  institution  by  Constantine.  Either  party to  a  suit  was  allowed  by  him,  not  in  form  to appeal  from  magistrate  to  bishop,  but  to  do  so in  effect ;  in  that  he  gave  to  either  the  power  to choose  the  bishop's  court  in  preference  to  the magistrate's,  the  bishop's  sentence  to  stand  as good  in  law  as  if  it  were  the  Emperor's  (Euseb., De  V.  Constantini,  iv.  27 ;  Sozom.  i.  9) ;  and  if APPEAL the  law  at  the  end  of  the  Theodosian  code  Is (as  Seldeu,  and,  among  later  writers,  Haenel and  Walter  [see  Robertson's  BccJtet,  p.  80]  think, but  Gothofred  denies)  his,  then  took  the  still further  step  of  empowering  either,  without  the other's  consent,  and  whether  the  cause  were actually  pending  or  even  already  decided  by  the civil  court,  to  claim  a  rehearing  in  the  court  of the  bishop  (Extrav,  de  Elect.  Judic.  Episc.  Cod. Theod.  vi.  303). o.  This  power  was  enlarged  in  the  case  of  the clergy  into  a  compulsory  jurisdiction,  the  Church forbidding  clergy  to  take  civil  cases  in  which they  were  concerned  before  any  other  tribunal than  the  bishop's  {Cone.  Carth.  a.d.  397  c.  9, Cone.  Milevit.  a.d.  416  c.  19,  Cone.  Chalc.  a.d. 451  c.  2,  Cone.  Venetic.  A.D.  465  c.  9,  Cmic. Cabillon.  i.  A.D.  470  c.  11,  Cone.  Matiscon.  a.d. 582  c.  8),  while  the  Empei-ors  permitted  and ratified  episcopal  jurisdiction  between  clergy  in civil  cases,  and  where  both  parties  agreed  to  the tribunal  (Valentin.  III.,  Novell,  de  Episc.  Judieio, xii.  Gothofr.).  And  Justinian  in  539  gave  civil jurisdiction  outright  to  the  bishops  over  the clergy,  the  monks,  and  the  nuns,  subject  to  an appeal  to  the  Emperor  in  case  the  civil  judge decided  differently  to  the  bishop  (Novell.  Ixxix., Ixxxiii.,  cxxiii.  c.  21).  The  law  also  of  Constan- tius,  in  a.d.  355,  refers  all  complaints  against bishops  without  distinction,  and  therefore  civil as  well  as  criminal,  to  an  episcopal  tribunal (Cod.  Theod.  16.  tit.  2.  s.  12);  which  Justinian specifies  into  a  regular  chain  of  appeal  to  metro- politan and  patriarch,  unless  in  one  exceptional case,  where  either  the  Praefectus  Praetorio  per Orientem,  or  "judges  appointed  by  the  Emperor," are  to  decide  (Novell,  cxxiii.  cc.  22,  24).  If  a layman,  however,  were  a  party  to  the  suit,  it rested  with  him  to  choose  the  tribunal. /8.  With  respect  to  laymen,  indeed,  generally, the  law  of  Constantine,  if  it  ever  did  go  to  the length  of  allowing  a  transfer  of  the  cause  at  the will  of  either  party,  and  at  any  stage  of  the  suit, was  soon  limited.  Arcadius  and  Honorius  A.D. 408  require  the  consent  of  both  parties  (Cod. Justin.  1.  tit.  4.  s.  7,  8).  And  both  they,  and Valentinian  III.  A.D.  452,  expressly  allow  a  lay- man to  go  if  he  chooses  to  the  civil  court,  and  in all  cases  and  persons  require  the  "  vinculum  com- promissi,"  and  the  "voluntas  jurgantium,"  as  a prior  condition  to  any  episcopal  (coercive)  juris- diction at  all ;  expressly  laying  down  also  that bishops  and  presbyters  "  forum  non  habere  nee  de aliis  causis  pi'aeter  religionem  posse  cognoscere  " (Cod.  Theod.  16.  tit.  11.  s.  1 ;  and  Valentin.  IIL, as  before  cited).  Justinian,  however,  appears  to have  gone  further.  1.  He  granted  to  the  clergy of  Constantinople  a  right  to  have  all  their  pe- cuniary causes,  even  if  a  layman  were  con- cerned, tried  in  the  first  instance  by  the  bishop ; and  only  if  the  nature  of  the  case  hindered  him from  deciding  it,  then,  but  not  otherwise,  before the  civil  court  (Novell.  Ixxxiii.);  and  2.  he  ap- pointed the  bishop  generally  co-judge  with  the civil  magistrate,  and  with  an  appeal  from  the latter  to  the  former  (Novell.  Ixxxvi.).  And  both in  Cone.  Carthag.  A.D.  399  c.  1  (Cod.  Can.  Afric. 5),  and  in  Justin.  Novell,  cxxiii.  §  7,  Cod.  1.  tit. 3.  s.  7,  and  Cod.  Theod.  11.  tit.  39.  s.  8,  provi- sion is  made  to  pi-otect  a  bishop  or  clergyman, who  had  thus  acted  as  judge,  from  being  subse- quently molested  by  a  discontented  party  to  the APPEAL suit,  who  should  summon  him  to  give  account of  his  judgment  before  a  secular  tribunal. The  law  of  Constantine  in  its  widest  form,  and as  applying  to  laity  as  well  as  clergy,  is  alleged to  have  been  revived  by  Charlemagne  {Capit.  vi. •281),  expressly  as  a  renewal  of  the  (extreme) Theodosian  enactment,  but  very  serious  doubts are  thrown  on  the  genuineness  of  the  re-enact- meut :  viz.,  that  "Quicuuque  litem  habeat,  sive ])ossessor  sive  petitor  fuerit,  vel  in  initio  litis  vel decursis  temporum  curriculis,  sive  cum  negotium peroratur  sive  cum  jam  coeperit  promi  sententia, si  judicium  elegerit  sacrosanctae  legis  Antistitis, illico  sine  aliqua  dubitatione,  etiam  si  alia  pars refragatur,  ad  Episcoporum  judicium  cum  ser- moue  litigantium  dirigatur :  .  .  .  omues  itaque causae,  quae  vel  praetorio  jure  vel  civili  tractan- tur,  Episcoporum  senteutiis  terminatae,  perpe- tuo  stabilitatis  jure  firmentur  :  nee  liceat  ulterius retractari  negotium,  quod  Episcoporum  senten- tia deciderit :" — thus  interposing  an  absolute right  of  appeal  in  civil  causes  for  either  party, whether  lay  or  clerical,,  at  every  stage  of  the civil  suit,  from  the  civil  judge  to  the  bishop,  and forbidding  appeal  from  the  latter  (see  also  Capit. vii.  306,  and  Gratian,  Becrci.  P.  II.,  c.  xi.  qu.  1 cc.  35-37;  and  Hallam,  Middle  Ajes,  ii.  146, 11th  ed.).  At  the  same  time  it  is  obvious,  by Cone.  Franco/.  A.v.  794  c.  6,  above  referred to,  that  an  appeal  to  the  Emperor  himself  was allowed,  even  from  the  metropolitan,  in  all  civil cases.  The  joint  jurisdiction  of  bishops  and aldermen  in  Saxon  England  belongs  to  a  different subject. III.  In  criminal  cases,  this  article  is  not  con- cerned to  define  the  limits  and  nature  of  the exemptions  or  privileges  of  clergy,  beyond  the brief  statement  that,  1.  Clergy,  and  in  particu- lar bishops,  were  exempted  from  civil  tribunals by  the  Emperors  in  criminal  cases,  provided  that first  the  delicta  were  Icvia,  and  next  the  con- sent of  the  plaintiff'  if  a  layman  were  obtained ; and  2.  Episcopal  intercession  for  criminals,  all along  looked  upon  as  a  duty  and  regarded  with favour,  received  a  civil  sanction  at  the  liands  of Justinian;  while  Heraclius  a.d.  6'28  formally committed  jurisdiction  over  the  criminal  offences of  clergy  to  the  bishops,  to  be  judged  "  Kara rovs  Bfiovs  Kav6vas"  (Leunclav.  Jus  Graeco- Jtom.  i.  73).  In  relation  to  appeals,  we  have only  to  mention,  that  Justinian,  in  criminal cases  of  clerks,  appoints  the  bishop  and  civil judges  to  act  together,  with  an  appeal  to  the Emperor  {Novell,  cxxiii.  c.  21);  the  civil  judge to  try  the  case,  but  within  two  months,  and the  bishop  then  (if  the  accused  is  condemned) to  deprive  {Novell.  Ixxxiii.)  ;  and  that  in  the  law of  Heraclius,  just  mentioned,  occurs  the  well- known  phrase  —  that  if  the  case  were  beyond canonical  punishment,  then  the  bishop  should be  directed,  "T^y  towvtov  toIs  ttoAj- i|  TiKols  &  p  xov  (T I  IT  ap  aS  tS  6  (T  6  a  I,  ras \  ToTy  TjixeTepois  Siajpifffievas  v6/j.0is  rifxcopias ,  uiroo-XTjcro'/^ecoj'."  And  in  such  cases,  therefore, the  cause  was  thenceforth  transferred  from  the spiritual  to  the  lay  tribunal.  So  also  Justinian {Xnvell.  Ixxxiii.)  requires  the  convicted  criminal ilcrk  to  be  first  deposed  by  the  bishop,  and  then, lint  not  before,  virh  ras  raiv  vSfxoiv  yiveaOai X^^pas.  Under  the  Carlovingian  empire,  the I  A/Kicrisiaritis  or  Archicaprllanus  acted  as  the 1-mperor's  deputy  in  the  final  decision  of  clerical APSE 133 causes  of  all  kinds,  the  Emperor  being  the  ulti- mate judge  in  these  as  in  secular  ones  {Cone. Francof.  a.d.  749  c.  6 ;  and  see  for  Cappelkmi under  the  Franks,  Walafr.  Strab.,  De  Beh.  Eccl. c.  31). (Besides  the  works  of  De  Marca,  Richerius, Quesnel,  Thomassin,  Van  Espen,  and  Church Historians,  such  as  Fleury,  Neander,  Gieseler: and  Beveridge,  Bingham,  &c.  among  ourselves, the  works  of  Allies  and  of  Hussey,  on  the  Papal Supremacy,  and  Greenwood's  Cathedra  Petri, Lond.,  1856,  sq.,  may  be  referred  to ;  also,  He- benstreit,  Hist.  Jurisd.  Eccl.  ex  legg.  utriusque Cod.  illustrata,  (Lips.  1773),  Schilling,  De  Origine Jurisd.  Eccles.  in  Gausis  Civilibus  (Lips.  1825), and  Jungk,  De  Originibus  et  Progressu  Episcop. Judicii  in  Causis  Civilibus  Laicorum  usque  ad Justinianum,  Berlin  1832-8,  referred  to  by Gieseler.)  [A.  W.  H.] APPROBATION  OF  BOOKS.  [Censok- SHip  OF  Books.] A*PRONIANUS,  martyr  at  Rome,  comme- morated Feb.  2  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.).  [C] APSE,  the  niche  or  recess  which  terminates a  church  at  the  end  near  which  the  high  altar is  placed.  This  feature  existed  in  the  basilicas or  halls  of  justice  constructed  by  the  Romans, the  tribunal  for  the  presiding  magistrate  having been  placed  in  the  centre  of  the  arc  forming  the apse. In  the  earlier  centuries  the  apse  was  almost invariably  semicircular,  in  some  churches  and particularly  in  those  which  would  appear  to date  from  the  third  or  eaidy  part  of  the  fourth century  the  apse  is  internal,  so  that  the  building has  a  rectangular  termination.  Sta.  Croce  in Gerusalemme,  at  Rome,  has  this  plan,  though  it is  doubtful  whether  this  was  the  plan  adopted when  it  first  became  a  church ;  but  in  Italy  it  is very  rarely  found ;  in  Africa  and  in  Asia  it  seems to  have  prevailed,  pai'ticularly  in  the  earlier jjcriod  :  the  basilica  of  Reparatus  at  Orleansville, in  Algeria,  believed  to  date  from  a.d.  252  ;  the churches  at  Deyr  Abu-Faneh  near  Hermopolis Magna,  at  Hermouthis  (Erment)  in  Egypt,  at Ibrihm  in  Nubia,  at  Pergamus,  and  Ephesus,  are all  thus  planned.    [Ciiukch.] In  the  basilica  of  St.  Reparatus  there  is  a  se- cond apse,  also  internal,  at  the  other  end  of  the building ;  this  is  believed  to  have  been  added about  the  year  403. In  the  churches  built  in  the  fifth  century  in the  East  three  apses  are  often  found,  the  aisles as  well  as  the  central  nave  being  so  terminated  ; in  the  following  century  this  j)lan,  the  so-called parallel  triapsal,  was  introduced  into  Italy  and churches  at  Ravenna,  as  St.  ApoUinare  in  Classe, built  A.D.  538-549,  (though  with  a  peculiar  mo- dification), and  the  Duomo  at  Parenzo  (a.d.  542), exhibit  it.  In  the  eighth  and  ninth  centuries  it appears  at  Rome,  as  in  St.  Maria  in  Cosmedin  (a.d. 772-795),  and  a  few  other  churches. The  transverse-triapsal  plan,  that  in  which there  are  three  apses,  one  projecting  from  the end,  and  one  from  each  side  of  the  building,  is rarely  found  in  churches  of  the  usual  basilican plan,  or  in  any  anterior  to  the  sixth  century.  It occurs  (with  some  modification)  in  St.  Sophia's, Constantinople,  and  in  other  churches  for  which tiiat  building  served  in  some  degree  as  a  moilel, and  in  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries  is  com- 134 APTONIUS mon  in  Germany.  It  is,  however,  found  at  Rome in  oratories,  even  in  the  fifth  century,  as  in  that of  St.  John  the  Baptist  opening  from  tlie  bap- tistery of  the  Lateran,  built  by  Pope  Hihirus, cir.  A.D.  461,  and  that  of  Sta.  Croce,  built  by  the same  pope,  but  now  destroyed. About  the  year  800  churches  in  Germany  were constructed  with  an  apse  at  each  end :  the  greater church  at  Reichenau,  in  the  Lake  of  Constance, begun  in  816,  has  a  semicircular  apse  at  one end  and  a  square  recess  at  the  other ;  the  jilan jirepared  for  the  church  of  St.  Gall  in  the  begin- ning of  the  ninth  century  shows  a  semicircular apse  at  each  end. The  altar  was  usually  placed  in  the  chord  of the  arc  of  the  apse,  the  cathedra  or  chair  for  the bishop  in  the  centre  of  the  arc  against  the  wall, while  a  stone  bench,  or  a  series  of  such,  one above  the  other,  afforded  places  for  the  clergy. At  Torcello,  near  Venice,  there  are  six  such ranges.  Apses  so  fitted  appear  to  have  l)een called  "apsides  gradatae."    [Church.]    [A.  N.] APTONIUS,  commemorated  May  23  (^Mart. Hieron.').  [C.] APULEIUS,  disciple  of  Peter,  martyr  at Rome,  commemorated  Oct.  7  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet., Hedae)  ;  in  Rheims  MS.  of  the  Gregorian  Sacra- nientary  (see  Menard's  ed.  p.  418). AQUAMANILE  (other  forms,  Aquamanl- lium,  Aquanianiis,  Gr.  Xtpyi^ov),  the  bason used  for  the  washing  of  the  hands  of  the  cele- brant in  the  liturgy.  The  aquamanile  with  the urceus  are  the  bason  and  ewer  of  the  sacred ceremony. In  the  Statuta  Antiqua  called  the  "  Canons  of the  Fourth  Council  of  Carthage  "  {Canon  V.),  it is  laid  down  that  a  subdeacon  should  receive  at Ills  ordination  from  the  hands  of  the  archdeacon an  aquamanile  (corruptly  written  "  aqua  et  man- tile")  as  one  of  the  emblems  of  his  office.  Com- pare Isidore,  De  Eccl.  Off.  ii.  10.  And  these  di- rections are  repeated  verbatim  in  the  office  for the  ordination  of  a  subdeacon  in  the  Gregorian Sacramentary  (p.  221).  In  the  Greek  office,  the subdeacon  receives  x^pvi^ui^icnov  koX  fj.avSv\iov, where  the  word  x^P^'/Soleo-Toi/  perhaps  includes Itoth  urceus  and  aquamanile  (Daniel's  Codex  Lit. iv.  550). In  the  Vrdo  Romanus  I.  (p.  5),  the  acolytes are  directed  to  carry  an  aquamanus  (among  other things)  after  the  Pope  in  the  great  procession  of Easter-Day. Aquamanilia  of  great  splendour  are  frequently mentioned  in  ancient  records.  Desiderius  of  Aux- erre  is  said  to  have  given  to  his  church  "  aqua- manile pensans  libras  ii.  et  uncias  x. ;  habet  in medio  rotam  liliatam  et  in  cauda  caput  homi- nis;"  and  Brunhilda,  queen  of  the  Franks,  offered through  the  same  Desiderius  to  the  church  of St.  Germanus  "  aquamanilium  pensans  libras  iii. et  uncias  ix. ;  habet  in  medio  Neptunum  cum  tri- dente  "  (Krazer,  De  Liturgiis,  p.  210).  Compare LTkcicus.  [C] AQUILA.  (1)  Wife  of  Severiauus,  martyr, commemorated  Jan.  23  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.'). (2)  Husband  of  Priscilla,  July  8  (76.) ;  July U{Cal.  Byzant.). (3)  Martvr  in  Aralna,  Aug.  1  {Mart.  Rom. Vet.).  '  [C] AQUTLEIA,  COUNCIL  OF  (Aqoiliessk Concilium).     I.,  iV.n.  jHI,  provincial,  although ARCA  ARCULA the  Easterns  were  invited,  St.  Ambrose  being  the most  imjiortant  bishop  prcL^cut ;  summoned  by the  Emperor  Gratian,  to  try  the  cases  of  Bishop Palladius  and  Secundianus,  who  were  there  con- demned for  Arianism  (Mansi,  iii.  599-632). II.  A.D.  553,  Western  or  rather  provincial,  on behalf  of  the  three  chapters.  It  rejected  the Oecumenical  Council  of  Constantinople  of  A.D. 550,  and  thereby  severed  the  Aquileian  Church from  the  Church  Catholic  for  over  100  yeai's (Baed.,  De  VI.  Aetat. ;  Mansi,  ix.  659).  III. A.D.  698,  a  like  Synod  for  a  like  purpose  (Baed., ib. ;  Paul.  Diac,  v.-  14 ;  Sigebert  in  an. ;  Mansi, xii.  115).  [A.  W.  H.] AQUILINA,  martyr,  commemorated  June  13 {Cal.  liyzant.).  [C] AQUILINUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Africa,  Jan.  4 {Mart.  Hieron.,  Bedae). (2)  Commemorated  Feb.  4  {M.  Hieron.). (3)  Of  Isauria,  commemorated  May  16  {Mart. Rom.   Vet.,  Hieron.,  Bedae). (4)  Presbyter,  May  27  {M.  Hieron.). (5)  Saint,  July  16  {lb.);  July  17  {M. Hkron.).  [C] AQUISGRANENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Aix.] ARABICUM  CONCILIUM.  — A  council was  held,  A.D.  247,  in  Arabia  against  those  who maintained  that  the  soul  died  with  the  body. Origen  went  to  it,  and  is  said  to  have  reclaimed them  from  their  error  (Euseb.  vi.  37).  [E.  S.  F.] ARATOR,  commemorated  April  21  {Mart. Hieron.).  [C] ARAUSICANUM  CONCILIUM.[Orange.] ARCA,  ARCULA.  1.  A  chest  intended  to receive  pecuniary  offerings  for  the  service  of  the church  or  for  the  poor  (Tertullian,  Apologeticus, c.  39).  Of  this  kind  was  probably  the  "  area pecuniae,"  which  Pope  Stephen  (an.  260)  is  said to  have  handed  over,  with  the  sacred  vessels,  to his  archdeacon  when  he  was  imprisoned  {Liber Pontif.  c.  24);  and  such  that  which  Paulinus Petricordius  says  (in  Vita  S.  Martini,  lib.  iv.  ap. Ducauge)  was  committed  to  the  charge  of  a deacon  chosen  for  the  purpose.  The  box  from which  priests  received  their  portions  is  described as  "  arcula  sancta  "  by  Marcellus  (  Vita  S.  Felicts, c.  3). 2.  It  is  used  of  a  box  or  casket  in  which  the Eucharist  was  reserved :  thus  Cyprian  {De  Lapsis, c.  26,  p.  486)  speaks  of  an  "  area  in  qua  Domini sacramentum  fuit,"  from  which  fire  issued,  to the  great  terror  of  a  woman  who  attempted  to open  it  with  unholy  hands.  In  this  case,  the casket  appears  to  have  been  in  the  house,  and perhaps  contained  the  reserved  Eucharist  for  the sick. 3.  Among  the  prayers  which  precede  the  Ethi- opic  Canon  (Renaudot,  Lit.  Orient,  i.  501)  is one  "  Super  arcam  sive  discum  majorem."  The prayer  itself  suggests  that  this  area  was  used for  precisely  the  same  purpose  as  the  paten, inasmuch  as  in  both  cases  the  petition  is  that in  or  upon  it  may  be  perfected  (perficiatur)  the Body  of  the  Lord.  Renaudot  (p.  525)  seems  to think  that  it  may  have  served  the  purpose  of  an Antimensium  (q.  v.). It  does  not  appear,  however,  that  its  use  was limited  to  the  case  of  unconsccrated  altars ;  and wliou  we  remember  that  the  Copts  applied  the term  iKaarriptov  to  the  (.'hristiau  altar  (Kenau- AECADIUS dot,  i.  182)  it  does  not  seem  improbable  that this  area  was  an  actual  chest  or  ark,  on  the  lid of  which,  the  Mercy-Seat,  consecration  took  place. It  is  worth  noticing  that  chests  are  said  to  have been  anciently  used  as  altars  in  Rome  [Altar]. Dr.  Neale  (Eastern  Church,  Introd.  p.  186)  says that  the  tabout  or  ark  of  the  Ethiopic  Church _  is used  for  the  reservation  of  the  Sacrament.  Major Harris's  informant  {Highlands  of  Ethiopia,  iii. i:i8)  declared  that  it  contains  nothing  except  a ]tarchment  inscribed  with  the  date  of  the  dedi- cation of  the  building.  [C] AECADIUS.      (1)    Martyr,    commemorated Jan.  12  {Mart.  Bom.   Vet.X (2)  Martyr  in  Africa,  Nov.  12  (75.).  [C] AKCANI  DISCIPLINA  [Disciplina  Ar- CANl]. AECHANERIS,    commemorated    at    Rome Aug.  10  {Mart.  Hieron.).  [C] ARGIIBISIIOP.— The  earliest  use  of  this title  was  probably  the  same  as  that  with  which we  are  familiar  in  the  Modern  Church,  viz.,  as designating  a  metropolitan  or  chief  bishop  of  a ])roviuce.  Afterwards,  however,  as  the  hierar- chical system  of  the  Church  was  further  extended to  correspond  with  the  civil  divisions  of  the Roman  empire,  it  became  appropriated  to  the higlier  dignity  of  patriarch.  Thus,  according  to Bingham  (ii.  17),  Liberatus  {Breviar.,  c.  17)  gives all  ithe  patriarchs  this  title  of  archbishops,  and, he  adds,  so  does  the  Council  of  Chalced'on  fre- quently, speaking  of  the  patriarchs  of  Rome  and Constantinople  under  the  name  of  archbishops also.  About  the  time  of  Constantine  the  empire was  divided  into  dioceses,  each  of  which  contained many  provinces.  This  division,  like  the  earlier one  of  provinces,  was  also  adopted  by  the  Church  ; and  as  the  State  had  an  exarch  or  vicar  in  the capital  city  of  each  civil  diocese,  so  the  Church, in  process  of  time,  came  to  have  her  exarchs  or patriarchs  in  many,  if  not  all,  the  capital  cities of  the  empire.  These  patriarchs  were  originally called  archbishops,  which  title  had  therefore  a much  more  extensive  signification  than  it  has  at j)resent.  The  principal  privileges  of  the  arch- bishops of  that  period  were — 1.  To  ordain  all  the metropolitans  of  the  diocese,  their  own  ordination being  received  from  a  Diocesan  Synod  ;  2.  To  con- vene Diocesan  Synods  and  to  preside  in  them  ; 3.  To  receive  appeals  from  metropolitans  and  from Metropolitan  Synods  ;  4.  To  censure  metropoli- tans, and  also  their  suffragans  when  metropolitans were  remiss  in  censuring  them.  The  Patriarch  or Archbishop  of  Alexandria  had  from  very  early times  some  peculiar  privileges  within  his  diocese, but  originally  all  patriarchs  were  co-ordinate,  as well  as  mutually  independent  as  regards  actual power,  though  some  had  a  precedence  of  honour, as  those  of  Rome,  Constantinople,  Alexandria,  and Jerusalem,  to  whom  the  canons  gave  precedence of  all  others. For  "  Archbishop  "  in  its  later  and  present  sig- nification, see  Metropolitan.  [D.  B.] AECHUEACON.  —  'ApxiS^dKouos,  'Apx«- SiaKoov,  'Apxi^evirTjs  (Catal.  Patriarch.  Constant. 10:506,  aj).  Mai  Script.  Vet.  iii.  243,  though  per- haps somewhat  late),  Archidiaconus,  Archidia- con,  Levita  Septimus  {Joannes  Sccundus,  Vit.  Grcjj. Max.  1.  i.  c.  25). !         1.  Oriijin  of  Name  and  OjHicc— That  tiicro  was AECHDEACON 1^5 from  the  first  a  primacy  among  deacons,  as  there appears  to  have  been  among  presbyters,  and  as there  was  aftei-wards  among  bishops,  is  more  a matter  of  conjecture  than  of  historical  certainty. It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  some  one  deacon, either  the  senior  in  oilice  or  the  most  eminent  in ability,  took  the  lead  of  the  rest,  as  St.  Stephen appears  to  have  taken  the  lead  of  the  seven  tirst deacons  (whence  the  Menologium  gives  him  the title  'Apx'SiaKocos)  ;  but  it  is  uncertain  when this  became  a  part  of  the  regular  ecclesiastical order.  The  name  is  sometimes  given  by  later writei's  to  prominent  deacons  of  the  first  four centuries  ;  for  example,  St.  Lawrence,  who  had evidently  some  precedence  over  his  brother deacons,  is  called  archdeacon  by  St.  Augustine {Serm.  de  Biversis,  cxi.  ca]).  9  ;  Sanctus  Baurentlus archidiaconus  fuit)  ;  and  Caecilian  of  Carthage  is called  archdeacon  by  Optatus  (1.  i.  p.  18,  ed. Paris,  1679).  But  other  writers  describe  the office  by  a  periphrasis  ;  for  example,  Theodoret {H.  E.  i.  26)  uses  the  phrase  6  tov  xopov  rSiv iiaKovwv  Tiyovfjievos  to  describe  the  position — which  was  evidently  equivalent  to  that  of  an archdeacon — of  Athanasius  at  Alexandria ;  and there  is  the  negative  evidence  that  neither  the name  nor  the  office  is  mentioned  in  the  Aposto- lical Constitutions  (although  some  have  supposed the  phrase  6  Trapeffruis  T(fi  apxtepel  Slolkovos,  in ii.  57,  to  refer  to  it),  and  that  Cornelius  {ap. Euseb.  H.  E.  vi.  43)  omits  the  archdeacon  from his  list  of  Church  officers  at  Rome.  The  first contemporary  use  of  the  title  is,  in  the  Eastern Church,  in  the  old  version  of  the  acts  of  the Council  of  Ephesus  (Labbe,  Supplem.  Concil.  p. 505),  and,  in  the  Western  Church,  in  St.  Je- rome {e.g.  Ep.  xcv.  ad  Rusticum).  After  that period  it  is  in  constant  use. In  both  East  and  West  the  title  appears  to have  been  restricted  to  the  secular  clergy ;  the first  in  rank  of  the  deacons  of  a  monastery seems  to  have  had,  in  the  East,  the  title  of ■KpooToZicLKovos  (but  not  univei-sally,  for  Joannes Climacus,  Seal.  Barad.  p.  58,  also  uses  the  title cipx'Sici/ca!!/  of  a  monk) ;  a  deacon  in  a  similar position  in  the  West  seems  to  have  had,  at  least in  early  times,  no  special  designation. II.  Mode  of  Appointment. — The  mode  of  ap- pointment varied  with  particular  times  and places.  At  first,  and  in  some  places  perma- nently, the  deacon  who  was  senior  in  date  of ordination  appears  to  have  held  the  office,  with- out any  special  appointment,  by  right  of  his seniority.  That  this  was  the  usual  practice  at Constantinople  is  clear  from  the  answer  of  Ana- tolius  to  Leo  the  Great  in  the  case  of  Andrew and  Aetius.  Leo,  probably  having  the  use  of the  Roman  Church  in  his  mind,  assumes  in  his letter  of  remonstrance  to  Anatolius  that  the latter  had  appointed  {constituisse)  Andrew  arch- deacon. Anatolius  replies  that,  on  the  ordina- tion of  Aetius  as  presbyter,  Andrew  had  suc- ceeded him  as  archdeacon  in  regular  order  {noii provectus  a  nobis  sed  gradu  faciente  Archidiaconi dignitate  honoratus — S.  Leon.  Mag.  Op.  vol.  i,  p. 653,  ed.  Paris,  1675).  But,  on  the  other  hand, Sozomen  speaks  of  Serapion  as  having,  been  ap- pointed by  Chrysostom  (Sf  apxi^i-aKovov  avrov Kareffrria-e — //.  E.  viii.  9),  and  Theodoret  notices that  Athanasius  was  at  the  head  of  the  deacons, tiiough  young  in  years  {vtos  t^v  7)\LKiav),  which could    hardly  have   been  the  case  in  so  large  a 136 ARCHDEACON church  as  that  of  Alexandria  if  the  rule  of seniority  had  been  followed.  St.  Jerome  has indeed  been  sometimes  quoted  to  show  that  the practice  at  Alexandria  was  for  the  deacons  to fleet  their  archdeacon,  but  the  hypothetical form  of  the  sentence  ("  quomodo  si  ...  . diaconi  eligant  de  se  quem  industrium  noverint et  Archidiaconum  vocent  ")  makes  it  difficult  to use  the  passage  as  an  assertion  of  an  existing tact.  In  the  West  there  appears  to  have  been  a similar  diversity  of  practice.  The  phrases  which are  sometimes  used  (e.g.  by  Joannes  Secundus, 17^.  S.  Greg.  Max.  i.  25,  "  levitam  septimum ad  suum  adjutorium  coustituit  ")  seem  to  show, what  might  also  be  expected  from  the  nature  of tlie  case,  that  when  the  archdeacon  became  not so  much  the  first  in  rank  of  the  minor  officers of  the  Church  as  the  bishop's  secretary  and  dele- gate, the  bishop  had  at  least  a  voice  in  his  ap- pointment. But  there  is  a  canon  of  a  Gallic council  in  A.D.  506  {Cone.  .Agath.  can.  xxiii., Mansi,  viii.  328)  which  strongly  asserts  the  rule of  seniority,  and  enacts  that  even  in  cases  in which  the  senior  deacon,  propter  simpliciorem iiaturam,  was  unfit  for  the  office,  he  was  to  have the  title  {loci  sui  nomen  teneat),  although  the burden  of  the  duty  devolved  upon  another.  In later  times,  howevei-,  it  is  clear  that  the  right  of appointment  rested  absolutely  with  the  bishop. III.  Number,  and  Duration  of  Office. — It  is  clear, both  from  the  statement  of  St.  Jerome  {Ep.  xcv. ad  Susticum,  "  singuli  ecclesiarum  episcopi,  sin- guli  archipresbyteri,  singuli  archidiaconi ")  and from  the  invariable  use  of  the  singular  number in  the  canons  of  the  councils  which  refer  to  the office,  that  for  several  centuries  there  was  but one  archdeacon  in  each  diocese.  When  the number  was  increased  is  not  altogether  clear. The  increase  seems  to  have  been  a  result  partly of  the  increase  in  the  number  of  rural  parishes, partly  of  the  difficulty  of  dividing  dioceses which  were  coextensive  with  civil  divisions. The  fact  of  the  Council  of  Merida  (a.d.  666) having  directly  prohibited  the  appointment  of more  than  one  archdeacon  in  each  diocese  seems to  indicate  that  such  a  practice  had  been  con- templated, if  not  actually  adopted  {Cone.  Emerit. can.  X.,  Mansi,  si.  81) ;  but  the  first  actual  re- cord of  a  plurality  of  archdeacons  occurs  a century  later  in  the  diocese  of  Strasburg.  In 774,  Bishop  Heddo  divided  that  diocese  into three  archdeaconries  {archidiaconatus  rurales), and  from  that  time  there  appears  to  have  been throughout  the  West — except  in  Italy,  where  the dioceses  were  small — a  general  practice  of  re- lieving bishops  of  the  difficulties  of  the  admi- nistration of  overgrown  dioceses  by  appointing archdeacons  for  separate  divisions,  and  giving them  a  delegatio  (ultimately  a  delegatio  perpetua) as  to  the  visitation  of  parishes.  Thence  grew up  the  distinction  between  the  "  Archidiaconus magnus"  of  the  Cathedral  Church  and  the "  Archidiaconi  rurales."  The  former  was  at  the head  of  the  cathedral  clergy,  whence  in  much later  times  he  was  known  as  the  provost  (prae- positus)  of  the  cathedral,  ranking  as  such  before the  archpresbyter  or  dean.  The  latter  had  a corresponding  status  in  their  several  districts  ; they  were  usually  at  the  head  of  the  chapter  of a  provincial  town,  and  they  had  precedence,  and perhaps  jurisdiction,  over  the  "  Archipresbyteri rurales,"  who  were  at  the  head  of  subdivisions AECHDEACON of  the  archdeaconries,  and  corresponded  to  modern "  rural  deans."  There  was  this  further  diti'er- ence  between  the  two  classes,  that  the  rural archdeacons  were  usually  priests,  whereas  the cathedral  archdeacon,  even  so  late  as  the  12th century,  was  usually  a  deacon. Originally,  the  office  was  limited  to  deacons ; an  archdeacon  who  received  priest's  orders ceased  thereby  to  be  an  archdeacon.  Proofs  and examples  of  this  are  numerous.  St.  Jerome says  (in  Ezech.  c.  xlviii.)  that  an  archdeacon "  injuriam  putat  si  presbyter  ordinetur."  Anato- lius  made  his  archdeacon  Aetius  a  presbyter  in order  to  get  rid  of  him,  of  which  proceeding Leo  the  Great,  in  a  formal  complaint  to  the Emperor  Marcian  on  the  subject,  says  "  dejec- tionem  inuoceutis  per  speciem  provectionis  im- ple\it "  (S.  Leon.  Magn.  Epist.  57,  al.  84) ;  and Sidonius  Apollinaris  speaks  of  an  archdeacon John  who  was  so  good  an  archdeacon  that  he  was kept  from  the  presbyterate  in  consequence  ("  diu dignitate  non  potuit  augeri  ne  potestate  posset absolvi" — lib.  iv.  ep.  24).  It  is  not  certain  at what  date  presbyters  were  allowed  to  hold  office as  archdeacons ;  probably  the  earliest  certain evidence  on  the  point  is  that  which  is  afforded by  Hincmar  of  Rheims,  who  (A.D.  874)  addresses his  archdeacons  as  "  archidiaconibus-presbyteris  " (Mansi,  xv.  497). IV.  Functions. — At  first  an  archdeacon  dif- fered only  from  other  deacons  in  respect  of  pre- cedence. In  the  churches  of  the  East  he  was probably  never  much  more.  Individual  arch- deacons attained  to  eminence,  but  not  by  virtue of  their  office.  Their  office  gave  them  such privileges  as  the  right  of  reading  the  Gospel  in the  cathedral  {e.g.  at  Alexandria ;  Sozomen,  vn. 19),  and  of  receiving  the  sacred  elements  before the  other  deacons  (Joannes  Citri,  Eesp.  ad  Cabasil. ap.  Meursius,  67.  Gracco-Barh.  s.  v.);  but  they appear  to  have  had  no  administrative  functions, and  at  Constantinople,  so  unimportant  did  the office  become,  from  an  ecclesiastical  point  of  view, that  at  last  the  archdeacon  became  only  an  officer of  the  Imperial  court  (Codinus,  De  Off.  Constant. c.  xvii.  38). It  was  different  in  the  West.  Partly  from  the fact  that  the  deacons,  and  especially,  therefore, the  senior  deacon,  wei-e  the  administrative  offi- cers of  the  Church ;  partly  from  the  fact  that the  senior  deacon  had  been  from  early  times  es- pecially attached  to  the  bishop,  the  office,  which, even  in  the  time  of  St.  Leo,  was  called  the  "  offi- ciorum  primatus"  (S.  Leon.  Magn.  Ep.  106,  al. 71),  assumed  an  importance  which  at  one  period was  hardly  inferior  to  that  of  the  episcopate itself. The  functions  of  the  office  may  conveniently be  distributed  under  two  heads,  according  as  they grew  out  of  the  original  functions  of  the  diaco- nate,  or  out  of  the  special  reLation  of  the  arch- deacon to  the  bishop. (1)  The  archdeacon  seems  to  have  had  charge of  the  funds  of  the  Church  ;  e.g.  both  St.  Am- brose and  St.  Augustine,  in  speaking  of  St.  Law- rence, speak  of  him  as  having  the  "  opes  ecclesiae" in  his  custody  (S.  Aug.  Serm.  de  Divers,  cxi. c.  9);  and  St.  Leo  describes  the  appointment  of an  ai-chdeacon  by  the  phrase  "  quem  ecclesias- ticis  negotiis  praeposuit "  (S.  Leon.  Magn.  Ep. 85,  al.  58). This  involved  the  distribution  of  the  funds  to AECHDEACON the  pool-;  St.  Jerome  speaks  of  the  archdeacon as  "  mensarum  et  viduarura  minister  "  (S.  Hie- ron.  in  Ezech.  cxlviii.),  and  the  4th  Council  of Carthage  prohibits  a  bishop  from  attending  to the  "  gubernationem  viduarum  et  peregrinarum  " himself,  but  orders  him  to  do  so  "per  archi- presbyterum  aut  per  archidiaconum  "  (IV.  Cone. Garth,  can.  xvii. ;  Mansi,  iii.  952). Aftevv/ards,  if  we  are  to  trust  the  letter  of Isidore  of  Seville  to  the  Bishop  of  Cordova, he  appears  to  have  distributed  to  the  clergy  of the  several  orders  the  money  which  was  oHered for  their  support  at  the  communion  (Isid.  Hisp. Ep.  ad  Luidifr.,  Op.  ed.  Paris,  1601,  p.  615). (2)  The  archdeacon  had  the  "  ordinatio  eccle- siae,"  that  Is,  the  superintendence  of  the  arrange- ments of  the  cathedral  chui-ch  and  of  divine service.  He  was  "  master  of  the  ceremonies." As  such  he  had  (a)  to  keep  note  of  the  calendar, and  to  announce  the  fasts  and  festivals  (Isid. Hisp.  ibid. ;  cf.  the  phrase  "  concionatur  in  po- pulos  "  of  Jerome  in  Ezech.  c.  xlviii.).  (/8)  He had  to  correct  oflences  against  ecclesiastical  order during  divine  service  ;  for  example,  at  Carthage a  woman  who  kissed  the  relics  of  an  unrecog- nized martyr  was  reproved  (correpia)  by  Caeci- lian  (Optat.  i.  p.  18).  Probably  this  was  a  duty of  the  archdeacon  in  the  East  as  well  as  in  the West ;  at  least  it  is  difUcult  to  account  for  the origin  of  the  unseemly  scuflle  between  Meletius and  his  archdeacon  at  Antioch  (Sozom.  H.  E.  iv. 28)  unless  we  suppose  that  the  latter  was  exer- cising a  supijosed  right.  (7)  He  had  to  see  that the  arrangements  of  the  Church  for  divine  ser- vice were  properly  made,  and  that  the  ritual was  properly  observed.  Isidore  of  Seville  {ibid.') assigns  to  him  in  detail,  "  cura  vestiendi altaris  a  levitis,  cura  incensi,  et  sacrificii necessaria  sollicitudo,  quis  levitarum  Aposto- lum  et  Evangelium  legat,  quis  preces  dicat." (5)  The  same  authority,  or  qnasi-authority,  may be  quoted  for  his  having  also  charge  of  the fabric  of  the  cathedral  church :  "  pro  repa- randis  diocesanis  basilicis  ipse  suggerit  sacerdoti " {ibid.). (3)  The  archdeacon  had  to  superintend  and  to exercise  discipline  over  the  deacons  and  other inferior  clergy.  This  was  common  to  both  East and  West ;  and  as  early  as  the  Council  of  Chal- cedon  we  find  it  stated  that  a  deacon  (Maras  of Edessa)  had  been  excommunicated  by  his  arch- deacon {h.K0ivd>v7]r6s  kcTTi  Tif  ISicfi  apxiStaKovctj  : but  the  bishop,  Ibas,  who  is  speaking,  goes  on  to  say, oiiSe  ifiol  icTTiv  aKoiuwvrjTos,  which  seems  to  im- ply that  the  bishop  and  the  archdeacon  had  co- ordinate jurisdiction  over  deacons  :  Mansi,  vii. 232).  A  curious  instance  of  the  extent  of  their authority  is  afforded  by  a  canon  of  the  Council of  Agde,  in  Gaul,  which  enacts  that  "  Clerici  qni comam  nutriunt  ab  archidiacono  etiamsi  nolu- erint  inviti  detondeantur  "  {Cone.  Agath.  can.  xx. ; Mansi,  viii.  328).  This  ordinary  jurisdiction  of an  archdeacon  over  the  inferior  clergy  must  bo distinguished  from  the  delegated  jurisdiction which  he  possessed  in  later  times.  The  canon of  the  Council  of  Toledo  which  is  cited  in  the Decretals  as  giving  him  an  ordinary  jurisdiction over  presbyters  is  confessedly  spurious  (Mansi, iii.  1008). (4)  This  power  of  exercising  discipline  was combined  with  the  duty  of  instructing  the  in- ferior clergy  in  the  duties  of  their  office.     The AECHDEACON 13^ 4th  Council  of  Carthage  enacts  that  the  ostia- rius  before  ordination  is  to  be  instructed  by the  archdeacon.  Gregory  of  Tours  identifies  the archdeacon  with  the  "  praeceptor "  {H.  F.  lib. vi.  c.  36),  and  speaks  of  himself  as  living  at  the head  of  the  community  of  deacons  {Vit.  Pair.  c. 9).  The  house  of  this  community  appears  to have  been  called  the  "  diaconium  "  ("  lector  in diaconio  Caeciliani  " — 02}tat.  lib.  i.  c.  21),  and  is probably  referred  to  by  Paulinus  when  he  says that  he  lived  "  sub  cura  "  of  the  deacon  Castus (Paulin.  Vit.  Ambros.  c.  42). (5)  As  a  corollary  from  these  relations  of  an archdeacon  to  the  inferior  clergy,  it  was  his  office to  enquire  into  their  character  before  ordination, and  sometimes  to  take  part  in  the  ceremony itself.  Even  in  the  East  it  is  possible  that  he had  some  kind  of  control  over  ordinations,  for Ibas  is  said  to  have  been  prevented  by  his  arch- deacon from  ordaining  an  unworthy  person  as bishop  (/f&)Au9els  TTopa  ToC  TTiuiKavra  apxiSia- k6vov  aiiTov — Cone.  Chale.  act  x.,  as  quoted  by Labb^,  iv.  647,  e.,  but  Mansi  substitutes  Trpcc- fivTfpo V — vii.  224).  In  the  African  Church  the archdeacon  was  directed  to  take  part  in  the ordination  of  the  subdeacons,  acolytus,  and ostiarius  (IV.  Cone.  Garthag.;  Mansi,  iii.  951). Throughout  the  West  his  testimony  to  charac- ter appears  to  have  been  required.  At  Rome this  was  the  case  even  at  the  ordination  of  pres- byters ;  but  Jerome  speaks  of  it  as  "  unius  urbis consuetudinem  "  (S.  Hieron.  Ep.  ci.  al.  Ixxxv.  ad Evang.).  In  later  times  the  archdeacon  enquired into  the  literary  as  well  as  into  the  moral  quali- fications of  candidates  for  ordination  ;  but  there is  no  distinct  authority  for  supposing  this  to have  been  the  case  during  the  first  nine  cen- turies ;  the  earliest  is  that  of  Hincmar  of  Eheims, in  874,  who  directed  his  archdeacon-presbyters to  enquire  diligently  into  both  the  "vita  jet seientia  "  of  those  whom  they  presented  for  ordi- nation (Mansi,  xv.  497).  In  one  other  point  they appear  in  some  places  to  have  conformed  to  later practice,  for  Isidore  of  Pelusium  {Ej}.  i.  29)  re- proves his  archdeacon  for  making  money  from ordination /ees  {airh  TifjiTJs  x^'POTovLooy). 2.  The  second  class  of  an  archdeacon's  func- tions were  those  which  grew  out  of  his  close connection  with  the  bishop.  The  closeness  of this  connection  is  shown  as  early  as  the  4th century  by  St.  Jerome,  who  says  of  the  "  primus ministeriorum,"  i.e.  the  archdeacon,  that  he never  leaves  the  bishop's  side  ("  a  pontificis latere  non  recedit  " — Hieron.  in  Ezech.  c.  xlviii.). This  expression  has,  without  any  corroborative evidence  except  the  indefinite  phrase  of  the Apostolical  Constitutions  (quoted  above),  been  in- terpreted exclusively  of  his  attendance  upon  tlu; bishop  at  the  altar.  It  is  probable  that  this  is included  in  the  expi-ession,  but  it  is  improbable that  nothing  else  is  meant  by  it.  The  mass  of evidence  goes  to  show  that  while  the  arch-pres- byter was  the  bishop's  assistant  chiefiy  in  spi- ritual matters,  the  archdeacon  was  his  assistant chiefly  in  secular  matters. (1)  He  was  attached  to  the  bishop,  probably in  the  capacity  of  a  modern  chaplain  or  secre- tary. He  transacted  the  greater  part  of  the business  of  the  diocese  ;  for  example,  St.  Leo speaks  of  the  office  as  involving  "dispensationem totius  causae  et  curae  ccclesiasticae  "  {Ep.  Ixxxiv. al.  Ivii.).    He  conveyed  the  bishop's  orders  to  the 138 AECHDEACON clergy ;  for  example,  wheu  John  of  Jerusalem prohibited  Epiphanius  from  preaohiiig,  he  did so  "per  archidiaconum"  (S.  Hieron.  Ep.  xxxviii. al.  Ixi.).  He  acted  as  the  bishop's  substitute  at synods  ;  for  example,  Photinus  at  the  Council  of Chalcedon  (Mansi,  vi.  567).  Compare  the  canon of  the  Council  of  Trullo,  in  692  (Mansi,  xi.  943), which  forbids  a  deacon  from  havang  precedence over  a  presbyter,  except  when  acting  as  substi- tute for  a  bishop,  and  the  canon  of  the  Council of  Merida,  in  666  (Mansi,  xi.  79),  which  expressly disapproves  of  the  practice.  Ordinary  deacons were  sometimes  called  the  "  bishop's  eyes," whence  Isidore  of  Pelusium,  writing  to  his  arch- deacon, says  that  he  ought  to  be  "  all  eye " (oAos  b(p6a\^hs  ocpiiKds  vwdpxetv — Isid.  Pel. Up.  i.  29). (2)  In  somewhat  later  times  he  was  dele- gated by  the  bishop  to  ^^sit  parishes,  and  to exercise  jurisdiction  over  all  orders  of  the  clergy. There  is  no  trace  of  this  in  the  East.  It  grew up  in  the  West  with  the  growth  of  large  dio- ceses, with  the  prevalence  of  the  practice  of  ap- pointing bishops  for  other  than  ecclesiastical merits,  and  with  the  rise  of  the  principle  of  the immanity  of  ecclesiastical  persons  and  things from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  secular  power.  But it  is  difficult  to  determine  the  date  at  which such  delegations  became  common.  The  earliest evidence  upon  which  reliance  can  be  placed  is that  of  the  Council  of  Auxerre  in  578,  which enacted  that,  in  certain  cases,  a  parish  priest who  was  detained  by  infirmity  should  send  "ad archidiaconum  srmm,"  implying  a  certain  official relation  between  them.  More  definite  testimony is  atlbrded  by  the  Council  of  Chalons  in  650, which  expressly  recognises  his  right  of  visiting private  chapels  ("  oratoria  per  \'illas  potentum  " — /.  Cone.  Cabill.  can.  14 ;  Mansi,  x.  1192).  A  simi- lar enactment  was  made  at  the  second  Council of  Chalons,  in  813,  which,  however,  censures  the exacting  of  fees  for  visitations  ("  ne  census  exi- gant" — //.  Cotic.  Cabill.  c.  15).  In  later  times this  "  delegatio  "  became  a  "  delegatio  perpetua," not  revocable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  bishop  who had  conferred  it ;  but  that  such  was  not  the  case during  the  first  nine  centuries  is  clear  from  the letter  of  Hincniar  to  his  archdeacons  (quoted above),  and  also  from  tlie  fact  that  Isidore  of Seville,  whose  authorit)'',  or  quasi-authority, was  so  frequently  quoted  to  confirm  the  later [iretensions  of  the  archdeacons,  only  speaks  of their  visiting  parishes  "  cum  jussione  episcopi." The  rise  of  the  separate  jurisdiction  of  the archdeacon  is  still  more  obscure.  In  the  6th century  we  find  him  named  as  the  bishop's  as- sessor in  certain  cases  (I.  Coiic.  Matisc.  can.  8, Mansi,  ix.  933;  II.  Cone. Matisc.  can.  12;  Mansi,  ix. 954) ;  but  there  is  no  trustworthy  evidence  in favour  of  the  existence  of  an  "archdeacon's court "  within  the  period  of  which  the  present work  takes  cognizance. (3)  In  the  East,  during  the  vacancy  of  a  see, the  archdeacon  appears  to  have  been  its  guardian or  co-guardian.  Chrysostom  writes  to  Innocent of  Rome,  complaining  that  Theophilus  of  Alex- andria had  written  to  his  archdeacon  "as  though the  church  were  already  widowed,  and  had  no bishop  "(uJo-Trep  ^5rj  xvpovffrjs  rrjs  eKKXtjaias  Ka) ovK  fX'>'^<^VS  iiriffKo-Koi' — Mansi,  iii.  1085)  ;  and  in the  letter  which  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  wrote to  the  clergy  of  Alexandria  to  inform  them  of  the  | ARCHIMANDRITE deposition  of  their  bishop  Dioscorus,  the  arch- deacon and  the  oeconomus  are  specially  named. In  the  West  it  is  not  clear  that  this  was  the  case ; but  sometimes  the  archdeacon  was  regarded  as having  a  right  of  succession.  Eulogius  (ap.  Phot. Bibl.  182)  says  that  it  was  a  law  at  Rome  for  the archdeacon  to  succeed  ;  but  the  instance  which he  gives,  that  of  Cornelius  making  his  arch- deacon a  presbyter,  to  cut  off  his  right  of  suc- cession, is  very  questionable,  the  date  being earlier  than  the  existence  of  the  office.  No doubt,  many  archdeacons  were  chosen  to  succeed, but  the  most  striking  instances  which  are  some- times quoted  to  confirm  the  statement  of  Eulogius, those  of  St.  Leo  and  St,  Gregory,  were  probably both  exceptional. (An  amusing  blunder  identified  the  archdeacon, who  was  sometimes  called  not  only  "  oculus  epis- copi," but  '■'■  cor  episcopi  "  with  the  chorepiscopus or  suffragan  bishop ;  the  blunder,  which  has  been not  unfrequently  repeated,  seems  to  be  traceable in  the  first  instance  to  Joannes  Abbas  de  trans- kdione  reliquiarum  S.  Glodesindis,  quoted  in  H. Vales.  Adnot.  ad  Thcodoret,  i.  26.)  [E.  H.] ARCHELAUS,  or  ARCHILLAUS,  com- memorated Aug.  23  {3fart.  Bom.  Vet).        [C] ARCHIMANDRITE  i&pxo^"  ^^s  fidvSpas, praefectus  coenobii),  lit.  ruler  of  "  the  fold " — the  spiritual  fold  that  is — a  favourite  me- taphor for  designating  monasteries  in  the  East, and  very  soon  applied.  As  early  as  A.D.  376 we  find  St.  Epiphanius  commencing  his  work against  heresies  in  consequence  of  a  letter  ad- dressed to  him  by  Acacius  and  Paul,  styling themselves  "  presbytei's  and  archimandrites," that  is,  fathers  of  the  monasteries  in  the  parts  of Carchedon  and  Beroea  in  Coele-Syria.  Possibly St.  Epiphanius  omits  to  style  them  "  archiman- drites "  in  his  reply,  because  the  tei'm  was  not yet  in  general  use.  "  But  at  the  time  of  the Council  of  Ephesus  the  Emperors  Theodosius  and Valentiniau  received  a  petition  from  "a  deacon and  archimandrite,"  named  Basil  (Mansi,  tom.  iv. p.  1101).  At  the  Council  of  Constantinople,  A.D. 448,  under  Flavian,  23  archimandrites  affixed their  signatures  to  the  condemnation  of  Eutyches, himself  an  archimandrite.  Sometimes  the  same person  was  styled  archimandrite  and  hegumen indifferently  ;  but,  in  general,  the  archimandrite presided  over  several  monasteries,  and  the  hegu- men over  but  one.  The  latter  was  therefore  sub- ject to  the  former,  as  a  bishop  to  a  metropolitan or  archbishop.  Again,  there  was  an  exarch,  or visitor  of  monasteries,  by  some  thought  to  have been  inferior  to  the  archimandrite,  by  some  supe- rior, and  by  some  different  only  from  him  in name.  But  if  it  is  a  fact  that  archimandrites were  admitted  to  their  office  by  the  patriarch alone,  though  he,  of  course  may  have  sometimes admitted  the  others  as  well,  it  would  seem  to suggest  that  they  occupied  the  highest  rank  in the  monastic  hierarchy,  analogous  to  that  of  pa- triarch amongst  bishops.  According  to  Goar {Euchol.  p.  240)  archimandrites  had  the  privilege of  ordaining  readers,  which  the  ordinary  hegumen had  not ;  but  he  has  omitted  to  point  out  where this  privilege  is  conferred  in  the  form  of  admis- sion given  by  him  further  on  (p.  492).  King (p.  367),  in  his  history  of  the  Greek  Church,  re- °  Both  letters  are  prefixed  to  bis  work. AECHINIMUS gards  archimandrite  as  the  equivalent  for  abbot, and  hegumen  for  prior,  in  the  Western  monas- teries ;  but  he  can  only  mean  that  the  offices  in riach  case  were  analogous.  Rarely,  but  occasion- ally, bishops  and  archbishops  themselves  were designated  archimandrites  in  the  West  and  East. For  fuller  details,  see  Suicer,  Thescmr.  Eccl.  s.  v. ; Du  Fresne,  Gloss.  Grace,  s.  v.,  /j.dvSpa ;  Habert's Pontifical.  Eccl.  Graec.  p.  570,  et  seq.     [E.  S.  F.] ARCHINIMUS,  confessor,  commemorated March  29  {3fart.  Rom.  Vet.).  [C] ARCHIPARAPHONISTA  ('Apx"rapa(j)a)- vi(JTT!)s),  a  principal  officer  of  the  Roman "  Schola  Cantorum,"  [Cantor]  called  also '•  Quartus  Scholae."  It  belonged  to  his  office  to name  the  chanters  who  wei'e  to  sing  the  several parts  of  the  service  in  a  Pontifical  Mass  {Ordo Iloinanus,  I.  c.  7  ;  III.  c.  7) ;  to  go  before  the  pope, and  place  for  him  a  prayer-desk  before  the  altar {().  H.  I.  c.  8);  and  to  bring  to  the  sub-deacon the  water  for  use  in  tlie  celebration  of  mass (6>.  R.  I.  c.  14).  [C] ARCHIPPUS,  the  fellow-labourer  of  St.  Paul commemorated  March  20  (^fart.  Rom.  Vet.) ;  as "  Apostle,"  Feb.  19  (^Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] AROHISUBDIACONUS.— This  is  a  word which  occurs  in  the  canons  of  the  synod  of  Aux- erre  {Synod.  Autissiodor.  can.  6  ;  Mansi,  ix.  912), but  apparently  not  elsewhere.  If  the  reading  be genuine,  it  would  appear  that  in  some  dioceses the  subdeacons  as  well  as  the  deacons  had  their primate  ;  but  it  is  pi-obable  that  the  reading should  be  subarchidiaconum,  which  may  have been  another  name  for  the  officer  known  to  the Greeks  as  6  Sevrepevocv,  and  to  some  Western dioceses  as  secundarius.  [E.  H.J ARCH  PRESBYTER.  (apxnrpecPirfpos, Sozom.  H.  E.  viii.  12  ;  but  the  ordinary  Greek term  was  irpwToirpecr^vTepos,  which  is  found  ap- plied to  the  same  person  in  the  corresponding passage  of  Socrates,  H.  E.  vi.  9 ;  cf.  also  Phot. Bibl.  59,  in  the  account  of  the  irregular  synod against  Chrysostom,  and  Mansi,  vii.  252,  from which  it  appears  that  the  word  was  found  iu some  versions  of  the  acts  of  the  Council  of  Chal- cedon ;  in  later  times  =  wpojToirdiras,  Codin.  De Off.  Eccl.  Const,  c.  i. ;  arcMpresbyter,  S.  Hieron. Ep.  scv.  ad  Rustic.) The  origin  of  the  office  is  not  clear ;  after  the permanent  establishment  of  the  distinction  be- tween the  episcopate  and  presbyterate  it  appears that  the  senior  presbyter  had  certain  recognized rights  in  virtue  of  his  seniority  ;  but  there  is  no evidence  of  his  having  had  a  distinct  name  until the  close  of  the  4th  century,  when  we  find  it,  as quoted  above,  in  Socrates. For  some  time  the  name,  when  given  at  all, seems  to  have  been  given  as  a  matter  of  course to  the  presbyter  who  was  senior  in  date  of  ordi- nation. But  the  assertion  of  Gregory  Nazianzen (Orat.  xliii.  39)  that  he  refused  riju  twv  irpca- Purepaiv  irpoTifj-riaiv,  which  Basil  offered  him, and  the  phrase  of  Liberatus  {Brcv.  c.  xiv.)  "qui [see  Diet,  of  Chr.  Biogr.  art.  DioscORUS  OF Alkxandria]  et  eum  [Diet,  of  Chr.  Biogr.  art. Protj:rius]  archipresbyterum  fecerat "  seem  to show  that  in  some  places  in  the  East  the  bishop had  the  power  of  making  a  special  appointment. In  the  West,  however,  this  was  regarded  as  a  vio- lation of  the  regular  order,  for  St.  Leo  (^Ep.  v. al.  xvii.)  finds  great  fault  with  Dorus  of  Beue- ARCOSOLIUM 13{ ventum  for  giving  precedence  (he  does  not  use the  word  archpresbyter)  to  a  newly  ordained presbyter  over  his  seniors. At  first  there  appears  to  have  been  only  one archpresbyter  in  a  diocese  (cf.  S.  Hieron.  Ep.  xcv. ad  Rustic,  "  singuli  ecclesiarum  episcopi,  singuli archipresbyteri,  singuli  archidiaconi").  He  took rank  next  after  the  bishop,  all  of  whose  functions he  performed  during  the  vacancy  of  a  see,  and some  of  them,  e.g.  baptism,  during  the  bishop's temporary  absence.  It  has  been  held  that  he had  also  a  right  of  succession,  but  this  is  hardly proved.  With  the  increase  in  the  population  in the  large  dioceses  of  the  West  and  the  growing difficulty  of  subdividing  them,  on  account  of  their identification  with  civil  divisions,  began  the  sys- tem of  placing  an  archpresbyter  (arch,  ruralis') in  each  of  the  larger  towns,  who  stood  in  the same  relation  to  the  clergy  of  the  surrounding disti-ict  as  -the  archpresbyter  of  the  cathedral  to the  rest  of  the  clergy  of  the  cathedral.  The first  mention  of  these  rural  archpresbyters  is  in Gregory  of  Tours  {Mirac.  i.  78,  ii.  22).  Their duties  may  be  gathered  from  various  canons  of Gallican  and  Sjianish  councils.  The  Council  of Tours,  in  567,  enacted  that  subpresbyters  were  to be  liable  to  penance  if  they  neglected  to  compel the  presbyters  and  other  clergy  of  their  re- spective districts  to  live  chastely  (Mansi,  i.x.  797). The  Council  of  Auxerre,  in  578,  inflicted  a  similar but  heavier  penalty  on  them  if  they  neglected to  inform  the  bishop  or  the  archdeacon  (the  first instance  of  such  a  subordination  of  rank)  of clerical  delinquencies ;  and  also  enacted  that "  saeculares  "  who  neglected  to  submit  to  the "  institutionem  et  admoniticncm  archipresbyteri sui "  were  to  be  not  only  suspended  from  ecclesi- astical privileges  but  also  to  be  fined  at  the  king's discretion  (Mansi,  ix.  797).  From  Can.  19  of  the Council  of  Rheims,  in  630,  it  would  appear  that certain  feudal  rights  of  seigniority  had  begun  to attach  to  the  archpresbytei's,  in  consequence  of which  the  office  was  being  held  by  laymen (Mansi,  x.  597).  The  Council  of  Chalons,  in  650, enacted  that  lay  judges  were  not  to  visit  monas- teries or  parishes,  except  on  the  invitation  in  the one  case  of  the  abbot,  in  the  other  of  the archpresbyter  (Mansi,  x.  1191). The  name  dccanus,  which  was  given  to  the archpresbyter  of  the  cathedi-al,  and  decanus  ru- ralis, which  was  given  to  the  archpresbyter  of  a country  district,  as  also  the  struggle  for  pre- cedence between  the  archpresbyters  and  the archdeacons,  in  which  the  latter  were  ultimately victorious,  belong  to  a  later  period.  [E.  H.] ARCHIVES.    [Registers.] ARCOSOLIUM.  This  word  is  derived  by Martigny  {Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chre't.)  from  "  arcus, an  arch,  and  "  solium,"  which  according  to  him is  sometimes  used  in  the  sense  of  sarcophagus. Some  inscriptions,  and  particularly  one  now  in the  cortile  of  the  Palazzo  Borghese  (Marchi, Mon.  delle  Arti  Christ,  priniit.  p.  85),  which  runs thus,  "  Domus  eternalis  Aur.  Celsi  et  Aur.  Ilari- tatis  compari  mees  [leg.  comparavimus]  fecimus nobis  et  nostris  et  amicis  arcosolio  cum  parieti- culo  suo  in  pacem,"  make  mention  of  it,  and  it has  been  supposed  to  denote  those  tombs  hewn in  the  living  rock  of  the  catacomb.s  at  Rome  (and elsewhere),  in  which  there  is  an  arched  ojiening above  the  jjortiou  reserved  for  the  deposition  of 140 AKCOSOLIUM the  body  to  be  inteiTed,  the  grave  being  dug from  above  downwards  into  the  reserved  portion below  the  arch. There  seems,  however,  some  reason  for  doubt- ing whether  the  attribution  of  the  word  is correct,  and  whether  we  ought  not  rather  to understand  by  it  the  sepulchral  chambers  or  cu- bicula  in  which  the  great  majority  of  these tombs  are  found. It  is  difficult  to  understand  how  one  tomb  of  the kind  could  contain  moi'e  than  about  five  bodies, even  if  two  were  placed  in  the  grave  below,  and three  in  loculi  cut  in  the  wall  under  the  arch ; while  the  inscription  quoted  above  would  seem to  imply  that  a  much  larger  number  were  to  be placed  in  the  arcosolium  made  by  Aurelius  Cel- sus;  but  it  maybe  that  these  persons  were  all  men- tioned in  order  that  the  right  of  interment  of  rela- tions or  friends  might  not  be  disputed  if  claimed. It  is  not  clear  how  or  where  the  parieticulum or  partition  could  be  placed.  Martigny  says that  the  arcosolia  were  divided  into  several  com- partments by  these  walls,  but  does  not  explain in  what  way.  If  the  word  mean  merely  the tomb,  parieticulum  would  probably  mean  the wall  included  under  the  arch. The  word  may  really  be  derived  from  "  area," a  sarcophagus,  and  "  solium,"  which  among  other meanings  has  that  of  a  piscina  or  reser\  oir  in  a bath,  and  in  mediaeval  Latin  of  a  chambei  Tgne- rally  ;  it  may  thus  denote  a  vault  contxmmg sarcophagi. ■  In  the  tombs  of  this  kind  the  receptacle  foi  fl corpse  was  sometimes  covered  by  a  slab  of  m  u  I or  sometimes  a  marble  sarcophagus  is  msei  t In  a  few  cases  the  sarcophagus,  projects  toiw  u  I into  the  chamber,  and  the  sides  of  the  iich  ai continued  to  the  ground  beyond  the  sarcoph  igu Such  slabs  or  sarcophagi  have  been  suppos<  i to  have  served  as  altars  during  the  period  of  ]  c secution,  as  being  the  resting-places  of  samts    i martyrs,  and  in  some  instances  this  m\j   h\.\ been  the  case  ;  but  the  far  greater  numbei  of  the tombs  are  no  doubt  of  later  date,  and  simply  tii monuments  used  by  the  wealthier  class       I  h bishops  and  martyrs  of  the  3rd  century  -weie may  be  seen  in  the  cemetery  of  Callixtus  (on  th Via  Appia  near  Rome),  placed,  not  in  these  '  ii cosolia  "  or  "  monumenta  arcuata,"  but  in  smij  1 "  loctili,"    excavations   in   the   wall  just    Hi enough  to  receive  a  body  placed  lengthwi  e  (\ De  Rossi,   Roma  Sott.   Crist,  t.  ii.  tav.  i   ii   in  ) It  seems  hardly  probable  that,  when  such  illu trious   martyrs  were    interred  in  so    humble    \ manner,  more  obscure  sufferers  should  be  moie highly    honoured ;    this    consideration   seems    to aflbrd  ground  for  the  supposition  that,  where  a saint  or  martyr  of  the  first  three  centuries  has been  placed  in  a  decorated  tomb,  such  a  memorial IS  to  be  attributed  not  to  the  period  of  the  ori- ginal interment,  but  to  the  piety  of  a  later  time. In  the  4th  and  5th  centuries  the  humble  "locu- lus"   was  altered    into    the    decorated    "monu- mentum   arcuatum,"    and  the  whole  sepulchral chamber  in  many  cases  richly  adorned  with  in- crustations of  marble,    with    stucco,    and   with ])aintings.   An  excellent  example  of  this  is  afforded by  the  chamber  in  the  cemetery  of  Callixtus,  in which  the  remains  of  the  Popes  Eusebius  (309- 311)   and   Miltiades   (or   Melchiades,    311-314) were  placed,  a  part  of  which  is  represented  in the  annexed  woodcut. AKCOSOLIUM In  the  walls  of  this  chamber  are  three  large "arcosolia,"  in  front  of  one  of  which  was  a marble  slab,  with  an  inscription  by  Pope  Damasus commemorating  Pope  Eusebius  (v.  De  Rossi,  t. ii.  tav.  iii.  iv.-and  viii.).  The  whole  chamber has  been  richly  decorated  with  marble  incrusta- tions, paintings,  and  mosaics.  These  decorations it  would  seem  reasonable  to  assign  to  Pope  Da- masus, who  undoubtedly  set  up  the  inscription. Another  inscription  by  Pope  Damasus,  found  in the  crypt  of  St.  Sixtus  in  the  same  cemetery,  tes- tifies the  desire  then  felt  to  lie  in  death  near  the remains  of  holy  personages,  and  at  the  same time  the  awe  and  respect  felt  for  them  in  these words — "  Hie  fateor  volui  Damasus  mea  condere  membra Sed  cineres  timui  sanctos  vexare  piorum." This  pious  awe  gradually  diminished,  and  loculi are  found  excavated  above,  below,  before,  at  the side  of  the  sepultures  of  confessors  and  martyrs. Hence  the  formulae  "ad  sanctos,"  "ad  martyres," "  supra  sanctos,"  "retro  sanctos,"  "ante  sanctos," often  found  in  inscriptions  in  the  catacombs.  A good  instance  of  this  practice  may  be  sefj.  over the  tomb  of  Pope  Eusebius,  where  a  painting  re- presenting the  Good  Shepherd  has  been  cut thiough  in  oidei  to  foim  \  loculus the  Ceraet  ry  of  Calliitus. Loculi  so  excavated  within  the  arch  of  the  "  ar- cosolia "  are,  however,  too  common  to  be  always accounted  for  in  this  manner,  and  in  many  in- stances were  no  doubt  intended  for  the  children or  near  relatives  of  those  who  lay  below. In  the  year  1859,  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Cal- lixtus, an  unviolated  "arcosolium"  was  disco- vered :  in  this  a  marble  sarcophagus  was  found, in  which  lay  a  body  swathed  in  numerous  bands of  linen  exactly  in  the  manner  shown  in  the  early representations  of  the  raising  of  Lazarus. These  "arcosolia"  were  often  decorated  with paintings,  either  on  the  front  of  the  sarcophagus or  on  the  wall  above  it.  Examples  may  be  found in  Perret's  work  on  the  'Catacombs,'  vol.  i. pi.  Ivii.-lxx.     One  of  the    most  remarkable  in- AEEA stances  is  the  tomb  of  St.  Hermes  in  the  cata- combs neai"  Rome  called  by  his  name. Tiie  tombs  of  this  class  are  more  usually  found in  the  "  cubicula,"  or  small  chambers,  than  in the  galleries  of  the  catacombs:  in  the  former,  two, three,  or  more  are  often  found.  Martigny  seeks to  draw  a  distinction  between  those  found  in  the "  cubicula,"  which  he  thinks  may  often  or  gene- i-ally  be  those  of  wealtliy  individu.ils  made  at their  own  cost,  and  those  in  the  so-called  chapels or  larger  excavations,  which  he  thinks  were  con- structed at  the  general  charge  of  the  Christian community.  In  one  such  chapel  in  the  cemetery of  St.  Agnes  near  Eome  there  are  eleven  such tombs.  Kostell  (^Beschreibung  von  Bom,  by  Bunsen and  others,  vol.  i.  p.  408)  gives  it  as  his  opinion that  such  chapels,  specially  connected  with  the veneration  of  martyrs,  do  not  usually  date  from an  earlier  period  than  the  4th  or  5th  century. The  work  of  the  Cav.  de'  Rossi  on  the  catacombs (Roma  Crist.  Solterranea)  will  no  doubt  when completed  throw  great  light  on  all  these  ques- tions, which  cannot  be  satisfactorily  solved  except by  that  union  of  the  most  careful  and  minute  in- vestigation, and  candid  and  impartial  criticism, which  that  learned  archaeologist  will  bring  to bear  upon  them. Examples  of  tombs  of  the  same  form  may  be found  in  structures  above  ground  at  a  much  later date :  two  such  are  in  the  walls  of  the  entrance to  the  baptistery  at  Albenga,  between  Nice  and Genoa,  a  building  probably  not  later  than  the 7th  century.  One  tomb  is  quite  plain,  the  other decorated  with  plaited  ornaments  in  the  style prevalent  circa  800.  [A.  N.] AREA.  I.  A  space  within  which  monuments stood,  which  was  protected  by  the  Roman  law from  the  acts  of  ownership  to  wliich  other  lands were  liable.  Such  areae  are  freijuent  by  the side  of  most  of  the  great  roads  leading  into  Rome, and  letters  on  the  monument  describe  how  many feet  of  frontage,  and  how  many  in  depth,  belong  to it.     The  formula  is,  IN-FR-P IN-AG'P.  .  .  . i.e.,  "In  fronte  pedes — ":  "In  agro  pedes — ." The  size  of  these  areae  varied  much ;  some  were 16  feet  square,  some  24  feet  by  13  ;  a  square  nf about  125  feet  each  way  seems  to  have  been common;  the  example  in  Hoi-ace  (Sat.  i.  8,  12) gives  us  1000  feet  by  300  ;  and  some  appear  to have  been  even  larger  than  this  ;  one  of  Gruter's Inscriptiones,  for  instance,  (i.  2,  p.  cccxcix.  1), runs,  "  Huic  monumento  cedunt  agri  pui-i  jugera decern."  So  large  a  space  was  required,  not  for  the mausoleum  which  was  to  be  erected,  but  in  some cases  for  the  reception  of  many  tombs,  in  others for  the  performance  of  sacra,  which  were  often numerously  attended  (Northcote  and  Brownlow's Roma  Sotterranea,  pp.  47  f.). On  a  monument  or  a  boundary  stone  of  the area  was  engraved  a  formula  indicating  that  this plot  was  not  to  pass  to  the  heirs  of  him  who  set it  apart  for  sepulture.  This  was  generally H'M-H-N-S.  i.e.,  "Hoc  monumentum  haeredes  non sequitur  "  (Orelli's  Inscriptiones,  No.  4379).  The Cvjrresponding  Greek  form  was,  "to7s  K\7]pov6- iioii  aov  ovK  iiraKoXovdriffei  rovro  rh  fivT^fielov  " (Bockh's  Corjyiis  Inscriptionum,  No.  3270). In  the  Roman  catacombs  care  has  evidently been  taken  lest  the  subterranean  excavations should  transgress  the  limits  of  the  area  on  the surtace  (Northcote,  u.s.  48). ARLES 141 This  reverence  of  the  Roman  law  for  burial- places  enabled  the  early  Christians,  except  ill times  of  persecution  or  popular  tumult,  to preserve  their  sepulchres  inviolate.  The  areas about  the  tombs  of  martyrs  were  especially  so preserved,  where  meetings  for  worship  were  held, and  churches  frequently  built.  Tertullian  (Ad Scapul.  3)  tells  us  that  when  Hilarianus,  a  perse- cutor, had  issued  an  edict  against  the  formation  of such  areae,  the  result  was  that  the  areae  (thresh- ing-floors) of  the  heathen  lacked  corn  the  follow- ing year.  So  the  Acta  Proconsularia  of  the  trial of  Felix  (in  Baronius,  ann.  314  §  24)  speak  of  the areae,"  where  you  Christians  make  prayers "(ubi orationes  facitis).  These  areae  were  frequently named  from  some  well-known  person  buried there;  thus  St.  Cyprian  is  said  to  have  been buried  "in  area  Candidi  Procuratoris"  (Acta Mart.  S.  Cypriani  in  Ducange's  Glossary  s.  v.).  In the  Gesta  Purgationis  Caeciliani  (Ihid.'),  certain citizens  are  said  to  have  been  shut  up  "  in  area martyrum,"  where,  perhaps,  a  church  is  intended. Compare  Cemetery,  Martyrium. II.  The  court  in  front  of  a  church  [Atrium.] (Bingham's  Antiquities,  viii.  3  §  5.)  [C] ARELATENSE  CONCILIUM.    [Arles.] ARETHAS  and  companions,  martyrs,  com- memorated Oct.  24  (Gal.  Byzant.).  [C] ARGEUS,  martvr,  commemorated  Jan.  2 (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.).  '  [C] ARICION,  of  Nicomedia,  commemorated June  23  (Mart.  Ilieron.).  [C] ARIMINENSE  CONCILIUM.     [Rimini.] ARISTARCHUS,  disciple  of  Apostles,  com- memorated Aug.  4  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.);  "Apostle," April  15  [14,  Neale],  (Gal.  Byzant.).  [C] ARISTIDES,  of  Athens,  commemorated  Aug. 31  (3lart.  Rom.  Vet.).  [C] ARISTION,  one  of  the  Seventy  Disciples  of Christ,  commemorated  Oct.  17  (Mart.  Rom. Vet.).  [C] ARISTOBULUS,  "Apostle,"  commemorated Oct.  31  (Gal.  Byzant.).  [C] ARISTON,  and  others,  martyrs,  comme- morated July  2  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.).  [C] ARISTONICUS,  martyr,  commemorated April  19  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.).  [C] ARISTONIPPUS,  commemorated  Sept.  3 (Mart.  Ilieron.).  [C] ARISTUS,  commemorated  Sept.  3  (Mart. Bedac).  [C] ARLES,  COUNCILS  OF  (Arelatensia Concilia).  —  I.  a.  d.  314,  summoned  by  the Emperor  Constantine  to  try  afresh  the  cause of  the  Donatists  against  Caecilian,  Bishop  of Carthage, —  a  cause  "  de  Sancti  Coelestisque Numinis  cultu  et  fide  Catholica  ;"  because the  former  complained  that  the  judgment  given at  Rome  in  313  by  the  Pope  and  certain  Gallic bishops  (whom  Constantine  had  appointed  to  try the  case  there),  was  an  unfair  one.  The  emperor accordingly  summoned  other  bishops,  from  Sicily, Italy  (not  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  he  having  been one  of  the  former  judges),  the  Gauls  (which include  Britain),  and  Africa  itself,  to  the  number of  200  according  to  St.  Augustin,  to  come  to Aries  by  August  1  to  retry  the  case.     The  sum- 142 ARLES mous  to  Clirestus  of  Syracuse  (Mansi,  li.  4C6, 467,  from  Euseb.  x.)  desires  him  to  bring  two presbyters  and  three  servants  with  him  at  the public  expense.  And  the  letter  of  Constantine to  the  Vicarius  Africae  (ib.  463-465)  claims  it as  the  emperor's  duty  to  see  that  such  conten- tions are  put  an  end  to.  The  sentence  of  the Council,  adverse  to  the  Donatists,  is  likewise to  be  enforced  by  the  civil  power  {Rescript. Constant,  post  Synodum,  ib.  477,  478).  But  Con- stantine in  the  same  letter  expressly  disclaims  all appeal  to  himself  from  the  "  judicium  sacerdotum" (ib.  478).  The  Synod  also  announces  its  judg- ment and  its  canons  to  Pope  Sylvester,  in  order that  "  per  te  potissimum  omnibus  insinuari,"  re- gretting also  the  absence  of  their  "  frater  dilectis- simus,"  who  probably  would  have  passed  a severer  sentence.  The  canons  begin  with  one enacting  that  the  observance  of  Easter  shall  be "  uno  die  et  tempore,"  the  Bishop  of  Rome  "  juxta cousuetudinem  "  to  make  the  day  known.  They include  also  among  other  regulations  a  prohibi- tion of  the  rebaptizing  of  heretics  if  they  had been  baptized  in  the  name  of  the  Holy  Trinity ; an  exhortation  ("  consilium ")  to  those  whose wives  had  been  guilty  of  adultery,  not  to  marry another  "  vivcntibus  uxoribus;"  a  requirement to  the  consecration  of  a  bishop  of  eight  bishops, if  possible,  but  of  three  at  the  least ;  and  a  con- demnation of  those  "  sacerdotes  et  Levitae,"  who do  not  abstain  from  their  wives.  The  Council was  purely  a  Western  one,  and  of  the  emperor's selection,  although  St.  Augustine  {De  Baft.  cont. Bonat.,  ii.  9,  and  elsewhere)  calls  it  "universal." Among  the  signatures  to  it,  according  to  the most  authentic  list,  are  the  well-known  ones  of, "  Eborius  Episcopus  de  civitate  Eboracensi  pro- vincia  Britannia;  Restitutus  Episcopus  de  civi- tate Londinensi  provincia  suprascripta  ;  Adelfius Episcopus  de  civitate  Colonia  Londinensium  "  («.  e. probably.  Col.  Legionensium  i.e.  Caerleon  on  Usk); "  exinde  Sacerdos  presbyter,  Arminius  diaconus  " (Mansi,  ib.  476,  477).  There  were  present,  ac- cording to  this  list,  33  bishops,  13  presbyters,  23 deacons,  2  readers,  7  exorcists,  besides  2  presby- ters and  2  deacons  to  represent  Poj^jc  Sylvester. J  I.  A.D.  353,  of  the  Gallic  bishops,  summoned by  the  Emperor  Constans  to  condemn  the  person of  St.  Athanasius  (but  without  discussing  doc- trine) under  penalty  of  exile  if  they  refused, Paulinas,  Bishop  of  Treves,  being  actually  exiled for  refusing  (Sulp.  Sever.,  ii. ;  Hilar.,  Libell.  ad Constant.;  and  Mansi,  iii.  231,  232). JII.  A.D.  452,  called  the  second,  which  com- jiiled  and  reissued  56  canons  of  other  recent  Gallic Councils  respecting  discipline  (Mansi,  vii.  875). I'ossibly  there  had  been  another  in  451  (Id.  ib. 873). IV.  A.D.  455,  commonly  called  the  third,  pro- vincial, determined  the  dispute  between  Bishop Theodorus  and  Faustus  abbat  of  Lerins,  by  de- creeing that  the  right  of  ordination,  and  of giving  the  chrism,  kc,  pertain  to  the  bishop, but  the  jurisdiction  over  laj-men  in  the  monas- tery to  the  abbat  (Mansi,  vii.  907). V.  A.D.  463,  provincial,  convened  by  Leontius, Archbishop  of  Aries,  to  o])j)ose  Maniertinus, Archbishop  of  Vienne,  who  had  encroached  upon the  province  of  Aries  (Mansi,  vii.  951,  from  St. Hilary's  Epist.). Vi.  A.D.  475,  provincial,  under  the  same  Leon- tius, to  condemn  the  error  of  "predestination." ARRHAE The  books  of  Faustus,  De  Gratia  Dei,  &c.,  were written  to  express  the  sense  of  the  Council,  and the  Augustinians  condemned  it  as  semi-Pelagian (Mansi,  vii.  1007). VII.  A.D.  524,  commonly  called  the  fourth, provincial,  among  other  canons  on  discipline,  ap- pointed 25  as  the  age  for  deacons'  orders,  and  30 for  priests'  (Mansi,  viii.  625). VIII.  A.D.  554,  commonly  called  the  fifth,  pro- vincial, chiefly  to  reduce  monasteries  to  obedience to  their  bishop  (Mansi,  ix.  702). IX.  A.D.  813,  under  Charlemagne,  enacted  26 canons  respecting  discipline,  and  among  others, that  the  Bishop  "  circumeat  parochiam  suam semel  in  anno"(c.  17),  and  that  "Comites,judices, seu  reliquus  populus,  obedientes  sint  Episcopo,  et invicem  consentiant  ad  justitias  taciendas "  (c. 13 ;  Mansi,  xiv.  55).  [A.  W.  H.] ARMARIUS,  in  monastic  establishments,  the precentor  and  keeper  of  the  church  books.  Ar- marius  is  continually  used  by  Bernard  (in  Ordine Cluniaccnsi,  &c.)  for  Cantor  and  Magister  Cere- moniarum.a  [J.  H.] ARMENIA,  COUNCIL  OF.— A  council was  held  in  Armenia,  simultaneously  with  an- other at  Antioch,  A.V.  435,  condemning  the works  of  Theodorus  of  Mopsuestia,  and  Diodorus of  Tarsus,  lately  translated  into  the  language of  Armenia  and  circulated  there  (Mansi,  v. 1179).  [E.  S.  F.] ARMOGASTES,  confessor,  commemorated March  29  (Mart.  Mom.  Vet.).  [C] ARMORICA,  COUNCIL  IN,  a.d.  555,  to excommunicate  Maclou,  Bishop  of  Vannes,  who had  renounced  tonsure  and  celibacy  on  the  death of  his  brother  Chanao,  Count  of  Brittany  (Greg. Tur.,  Hist.  iv.  4 ;  Mansi,  ix.  742).     [A.  W.  H.] ARNULPHUS,  confessor,  Aug.  16  {Mart. Bedae) ;  July  18  (if.  Hieron.).  [C] ARONTIUS,  commemorated  Aug.  27  {Mart. Hieron.).  [C] ARRIANUS,  martyr,  commemorated  Dec.  14 {Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] ARRHAE,  OR  ARRAE  SPONSALITIAE, also  Arrhaho,  Arraho,  earnest  money  on  be- trothal. The  practice  of  giving  earnest  money on  betrothal,  of  which  ti-aces  are  to  be  found  in all  parts  of  the  world,  has  its  root  evidently  in the  view,  common  yet  to  many  savage  races,  of marriage  as  the  mere  sale  of  a  wife,  to  which betrothal  stands  iu  the  relation  of  contract  to delivery. Among  the  Jews,  as  will  be  seen  from  Selden's treatise,  De  Uxore  llehraica  (Book  ii.  cc.  1,  2, 3,  4),  betrothal  was  strictly  a  contract  of  pur- chase for  money  or  money's  worth  (although two  other  forms  were  also  admitted) ;  the  coin used  being,  however,  the  smallest  that  could  be had.  The  earnest  was  given  either  to  the  wife herself,  or  to  her  parents.  It  could  not  be  of forbidden  things  or  things  consecrated  to  priestly use,  or  things  unl.awfuUy  owned,  unless  such  as might  have  been  taken  from  the  woman  herself; but  a  lawfully  given  earnest  was  sufficient  to  . constitute  betrothal  without  words  spoken.     In ■>  Pi-aecentuv  et  Avmarius :  Armarii  nompii  ohtirmit,  eo quod  in  ejus  manu  solet  esse  liibliol'neca,  q\iae  tt  in  alio nomine  Aimarium  appellatur.— iiHcarioe. ARRHAll strict  cousisteucy  with  the  view  of  marriage  as  a purchase  by  the  man,  it  was  held  that  the  giving of  earnest  by  the  woman  was  void.  And  when, at  a  hiter  period,  the  use  of  the  ring  as  a  symbol of  the  earnest  crept  into  Jewish  betrothals  from Gentile  practice,  so  carefully  was  the  old  view preserved  that  a  previous  formal  inquiry  had  to be  made  of  two  witnesses,  whether  the  ring oflered  was  of  equal  value  with  a  coin. The  first  legal  reference  among  the  Romans to  the  arrha  on  betrothal,  and  the  only  one  in the  Digest,  belongs  to  the  3rd  century, — i.e.  to  a period  when  the  Roman  world  was  already  to  a great  extent  permeated  by  foi'eign  influences, — at  this  time  chiefly  Oriental.  It  occurs  in  a passage  ■  from  Paul  us,  who  flourished  under Alexander  Severus,  223-235  {Dig.  23.  tit.  2. s.  38).  The  jurist  lays  it  down  that  a  public functionary  in  a  province  cannot  marry  a  woman from  that  province,  but  may  become  betrothed to  her ;  and  that  if,  after  he  has  given  up  his office,  the  woman  refuses  to  marry  him,  she  is only  bound  to  repay  any  earnest-money  she  has received, — a  text  which,  it  will  be  observed, applies  in  strictness  only  to  provincial  function- aries, and  may  thus  merely  indicate  the  ex- istence of  the  practice  among  subject  nations. Certain  it  is  that  the  chapter  of  the  Digest  on betrothals  {De  Sfonsalibus,  23.  tit.  1)  says  not  a word  of  the  arrha  ;  Ulpian  in  it  expressly  states that  "  bare  consent  suffices  to  constitute  be- trothal," a  legal  position  on  which  the  stage betrothals  in  Plautus  supply  an  admirable  com- ment. About  eighty  years  later,  however — at  a  time when  the  northern  barbarians  had  already  given emperors  to  Rome — the  arrha  appears  in  full development.  Julius  Capitolinus — who  wrote under  Constantiue  —  in  his  life  of  Maximinus the  younger  (killed  313),  says  that  he  had been  betrothed  to  Junia  Fadella,  who  was afterwards  married  to  Toxotius,  "  but  there remained  with  her  royal  arrhae,  which  were these,  as  Junius  Cordus  relates  from  the  testi- mony of  those  who  are  said  to  have  examined into  these  things,  a  necklace  of  nine  pearls,  a  net of  eleven  emeralds,  a  bracelet  with  a  clasp  of four  jacinths,  besides  golden  and  all  regal  vest- ments, and  other  insignia  of  betrothal." »  Am- brose indeed  (346-397)  speaks  only  of  the symbolical  ring  in  relating  the  story  of  St.  Agnes, whom  he  represents  as  replying  to  the  Governor of  Rome,  who  wished  to  marry  her  to  his  son, that  she  stands  engaged  to  another  lover,  who has  offered  her  far  better  adornments,  and  given her  for  earnest  the  ring  of  his  affiance  (et aunulo  fidei  suae  subarrhavit  me,  Ep.  34).  To a  contemporary  of  Ambrose,  Pope  Julius  I.  (336- 352)  is  ascribed  a  decree  that  if  any  shall  have espoused  a  wife  or  given  her  earnest  (si  quis desponsaverit  uxorem  vel  subarrhaverit)  his brother  or  other  near  kinsman  may  not  marry her  (Labbe  and  Mansi,  Concil.  ii.  1266).  About a  century  later,  the  word  arrha  is  used  figura- tively in  reference  to  the  Annunciation,  considered as  a  betrothal,  by  Peter  Chrysologus,  Archbishop of  Ravenna  in  433,  as  quoted  by  Du  Cange,  in verbo. In  the  days  of  Justinian,  we  see  from  the  Code ARRHAte 145 »  A  few  words  of  the  above  passage  have  greatly clsed  commentators. that  the  earnest-money  was  a  regular  element  in Byzantine  betrothal.  It  was  given  to  the  in- tended bride  or  those  who  acted  for  her,  and was  to  be  repaid  in  the  event  of  the  death  of either  party  (Cud.  5.  tit.  1.  s.  3,  Law  of  Gra- tian,  Valentinian,  and  Theodosius,  A.D.  380), or  of  breach  of  promise  by  the  woman ;  in the  latter  case,  indeed,  the  woman  sui  juris,  or the  father,  mother,  grandfather  or  great-grand- father of  one  under  age  having  to  pay  an  equal additional  sum  by  way  of  penalty  ;  though  a woman  under  age  was  only  bound  to  simple  re- payment, as  was  also  the  case  in  the  event  of any  unlawful  marriage,  or  of  the  occurrence of  some  cause  unknown  at  the  time  of  betrothal which  might  dispense  the  woman  from  fulfilling her  promise.  The  fourfold  penalty  of  the  earlier law  was  still,  by  the  one  now  quoted,  made exigible  by  special  contract  {Ibid.  5,  Law  of  Leo and  Anthemius,  A.D.  469).  Simple  restitution was  sufficient  in  case,  after  betrothal,  either  party chose  to  embrace  a  religious  life  (1.  tit.  3.  s. 56  ;  Nov.  123,  c.  xxxix.)  ;  or  in  case  of  diversity of  religious  faith  between  the  betrothed,  if  dis- covered or  occurring  after  betrothal,  but  not otherwise  {Code,  1.  tit.  4.  s.  16,  law  of  Leo  and Anthemius,  A.D.  469). It  is  difficult  not  to  seek  for  the  reason  of  this development  of  the  arrha  within  the  Roman  or Byzantine  world  of  the  6th  century  in  some foreign  influence.  Accordingly,  if  we  turn  to the  barbarian  races  which  overran  the  empire from  the  end  of  the  4th  century,  we  find  almost everywhere  the  prevalence  of  that  idea  of  wife- buying,  which  is  the  foundation  of  the  betrothal earnest ;  see  for  instance  in  Canciani,  Leges  Bar- barorum  Antiquae,  vol.  ii.  85,  the  (reputed)  older text  of  the  Salic  law,  tit.  47,  as  to  the  purchase  of a  widow  for  three  solidi  and  a  denari^cs,  vol.  iii. 17,  18,  22  ;  the  Burguudian  Law,  titles  xii.  1 and  3,  xiv.  3,  and  xxxiv.  2 ;  vol.  v.  49,  50 ; the  Saxon  Law,  titles  vi.  1,  2,  3,  xii.  xviii.  1,  2, &c.,  or  (in  the  volume  of  the  Becord  Commission) our  own  Laws  of  Ethelbcrt,  11,  83;  Ine,  31. And  in  the  regions  overspread  by  the  Prankish tribes  in  particular,  the  arrha,  as  a  money payment,  is  visible  as  a  legal  element  in  be- trothal. Gregory  of  Tours  (544-595)  repeatedly refers  to  it  (i.  42  ;  iv.  47  ;  x.  16). In  the  earlier  writers  there  is  nothing  to connect  the  betrothal  earnest  with  a  religious ceremony.  Nor  need  we  be  surprised  at  this, when  we  recollect  that,  in  the  early  ages  of Christianity,  marriage  itself  was  held  by  the Roman  world  as  a  purely  civil  contract ;  so  that Tertullian,  enumerating  those  ceremonies  of heathen  society  which  a  Christian  might  inno- cently attend,  writes  that  "  neither  the  virile robe,  nor  the  ring,  nor  the  marriage-bond  (neque annulus,  aut  conjunctio  maritalis)  flows  from any  honour  done  to  an  idol "  {De  idoloL,  c.  16). And  indeed  the  opinion  has  been  strongly  held, as  Augusti  points  out,  whilst  disclaiming  it,  that church  betrothals  did  not  obtain  before  the  9th century.  The  earliest  mention  of  a  priestly benediction  upon  the  sponsi  appears  to  occur  in the  10th  canon  of  the  Synod  of  Reggio,  a.d.  850 (see  Labbe  and  Mansi,  Concil.  xiv.  p.  934) ;  and it  is  not  impossible  that  that  confusion  between the  sp07isus  and  maritus,  the  sponsa  and  uxor, was  then  already  creeping  into  middle  age  Latin, which  has  absolutely  prevailed  in  French,  where 144 ARRHAE ^poux,  spouse,  are  synonymous  with  mari  and feinrne  in  the  sense  of  uxor.  In  a  contemporary document,  the  reply  of  Pope  Nicolas  I.  (858- 867)  to  the  consultation  of  the  Bulgjarians,  the question  whether  betrothal  was  a  civil  or  reli- gious ceremony  remains  undecided  ;  but  as  he pi-ofesses  to  exhibit  to  them  "  a  custom  which the  holy  Roman  Church  has  received  of  old,  and still  holds  in  such  unions,"  his  testimony,  though half  a  century  later  than  the  death  of  Charle- magne, deserves  to  be  here  recorded,  bearing  wit- ness as  it  does  expressly  to  the  betrothal  earnest. "  After  betrothal,"  he  says,  "  which  is  the promised  bond  of  future  marriage,  and  which is  celebrated  by  the  consent  of  those  who  enter into  this,  and  of  those  in  whose  authority  they are,  and  after  the  betrother  hath  betrothed  to himself  the  betrothed  with  earnest  by  marking her  finger  with  the  ring  of  affiance,  and  the  be- trother hath  handed  over  to  her  a  dower  satisfac- tory to  both,  with  a  writing  containing  such  con- tract, before  persons  invited  by  both  parties, either  at  once  or  at  a  fitting  time  (to  wit,  in order  that  nothing  of  the  kind  be  done  before  the time  prescribed  by  law)  both  proceed  to  enter into  the  marriage  bond.  And  first,  indeed,  they are  placed  in  the  Church  of  the  Lord  with  the oblations  which  they  ought  to  offer  to  God  by  the hand  of  the  priest,  and  thus  finally  they  receive the  benediction  and  the  heavenly  garment." It  will  be  seen  from  the  above  passage  that whilst  Pope  Nicolas  recognises  distinctly  the practice  of  betrothal  by  arrha,  symbolized through  the  ring,  yet  the  only  benediction which  he  expressly  mentions  is  the  nuptial,  not tlie  spousal  one. It  has  been  doubted  in  like  manner  whether clitirch  betrothals  were  practised  at  this  period in  the  Greek  Church,  and  whether  the  form  of betrothal  in  the  Greek  Euchologium  is  not  of iaie  insertion.  Tiiat  at  the  date  of  the  last  quoted authority,  or  say  in  the  middle  of  the  9th  cen- tury, the  Greek  ceremonies  appertaining  to  mar- riage differed  already  from  the  Roman  appears from  the  text  of  Pope  Nicolas  himself;  his  very object  being  to  set  forth  the  custom  of  the  Roman Church  in  contrast  to  that  of  the  Greek  (consue- tudinem  quam  Graecos  in  nuptialibus  contuberniis habere  dicitis).  Now  tlie  striking  fact  in  refer- ence to  the  form  of  the  Euchologium  is  that  in  it the  earnest  or  appa^wv  is  not  a  mere  element  in betrothal,  but,  as  with  the  Jews,  actually  consti- tutes it — a  practice  so  characteristic  that  it  can hardly  be  supposed  to  flow  otherwise  than  from ancient  usage.  Here,  in  fact,  the  words  appa^wv, appa^wuL^eaOat,  can  only  be  translated  "  be- trothal," "  betrothing."  The  formula,  repeated alternately  by  the  man  and  the  woman,  runs : '■  So  and  so,  the  servant  of  God,  betroths  to  him- self (apfia^ooyi^frai)  this  handmaid  of  God  in  the name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the Holy  Ghost,  now  and  ever,  and  world  without end.  Amen."  The  prayer  is  in  like  manner  : "  Look  upon  this  Tliy  servant  and  this  thine handmaid,  and  confirm  their  betrothal  {(TT7]p7^ov Tov  appa^wva  avroov)  in  faith  and  concoi'd,  and truth,  and  love.  For  thou,  Lord,  didst  show  us to  give  the  earnest  and  thereby  to  confirm  all things."  And  the  heading— wliich  may  indeed well  be  more  modern — is  "  service  for  betrothal, otherwise  of  the  earnest." The  most  therefore  that  can  be  concluded  on ARSENIUS this  still  doubtful  subject  seems  to  be  this 1st.  That  the  earnest-money  on  betrothal,  sym- bolizing as  it  clearly  does  the  barbarous  custom of  wife-buying,  must  essentially  have  been  every- where in  the  first  instance  a  civil,  not  a  religious act.  2.  That  the  practice  was  unknown  to  an- cient Greek  and  Roman  civilization,  and  was especially  foreign  to  the  spirit  of  the  older Roman  law.  3.  That  it  was  nevertheless  firmly rooted  in  Jewish  custom,  and  may  not  impro- bably have  passed  from  thence  into  the  ritual of  the  Eastern  Church,  where,  as  with  the  Jews, the  giving  of  earnest  constitutes  the  betrothal. 4.  That  it  was  very  generally  prevalent  among the  barbarian  tribes  which  overran  the  Roman empire,  and  seems  from  them  to  have  passed  into its  customs  and  its  laws,  making  its  appearance in  the  course  of  the  3rd  century,  and  becoming prominent  by  the  6th  century  in  Justinian's Code,  at  the  same  time  when  we  also  find  its prevalence  most  distinctly  marked  in  Gaul,  and as  a  Prankish  usage.  5.  That  no  distinct  trace of  it  in  the  cei-emonies  of  the  Church  can  how- ever be  pointed  out  till  the  later  middle  age, although  it  may  very  likely  have  prevailed  in the  Eastern  Church  from  a  much  earlier  period. It  follows,  however,  from  what  has  been  said above  that  whatever  may  have  lingered  in  later times  of  the  betrothal  m-rha  must  be  ascribed to  very  ancient  usage  ;  as  in  the  formula  quoted by  Seiden  from  the  Parochial  of  Ernest,  Arch- bishop of  Cologne  and  Bishop  of  Liege,  which includes  the  use,  not  only  of  the  ring,  but  also, if  possible,  of  red  purses  with  three  pieces  ot silver,  "  loco  arrhae  sponso  dandae."  Our  own Sarum  ordinal  says  in  reference  to  betrothal  : "  men  call  arrae  the  rings  or  money  or  other things  to  be  given  to  the  betrothed  by  the  be- trother, which  gift  is  called  suharratio,  particu- larly however  when  it  is  made  by  gift  of  a  ring." And  the  two  forms  of  Sarum  and  York  respec- tively run  as  follows  :  (Sarum)  "  With  this  ring I  thee  wed,  and  this  gold  and  silver  I  thee  give ;" (York)  "  With  this  ring  I  wed  thee,  and  with this  gold  and  silver  I  honour  thee,  and  with this  gift  I  honour  thee."  The  latter  formula indeed  recalls  a  direction  given  in  one  of  the  two oldest  rituals  relating  to  marriage  given  by  Mar- tene,  De  Antiquis  Ecclesiae  Ritibus,  vol.  ii.  p.  127 (extracted  from  a  Rennes  missal,  to  which  he ascribes  about  700  years  of  antiquity,  or  say,  of the  11th  century),  entitled,  "  Ordo  ad  sponsum et  sponsam  benedicendam,"  which  says  that "  after  the  blessing  of  the  ring  in  the  name  of the  Holy  Trinity  ....  the  betrother  shall  hon- our her  (the  betrothed)  with  gold  or  silver  ac- cording to  his  means  "  (honorare  auro  vel  argento prout  poterit  sponsus). As  respects  the  use  of  the  ring  in  betrothal, see  further  under  Ring,  and  also  Betrothal. (Augusti,  Denkioiirdigkeiten,  vol.  ix.  295,  and foil,  may  be  consulted,  but  is  far  from  satis- factory. Bingham,  Antiquities,  book  xxii.  ch. iii.,  confounds  together  everything  that  can  be confounded.  Sehlen,  Uxor  Hehraica,  book  ii., remains  by  far  the  best  single  source  of  re- ference.) [J.  M.  L.] ARSENIUS.  (1)  6  iJiiyas,  May  8  {Cal  By- zant). (2)  Confessor,  July  19  (Mart.  Bedae). (3)  Martyr,  commemorated  Dec.  14  (Mart. Rom.  Vet.X  [C] ARTEMIUS ARTEMIUS.  (1)  Husband  of  Candida, martyr,  at  Rome,  commemorated  June  6  (^Mart. limn.  Vet.). (2)  MeyaAo/xapTvp  of  Antioch,  Oct.  20  (Cal. Byzant).  [C] ARTEMON,  commemorated  Oct.  24  (Cal. Armen.).  [C] ARVERNENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Cler- mont, COUKCIL  OF.] ASCENSION  DAY:  (Asccnsio  and  Ascensa Domini ;  dies  festus  Ascensionis :  eopTTi  rris ava\ri\f/ea)s ;  v  ovaATjiJ/is  and  T]fj.epa  avaX-n^pifMOs). This  festival,  assigned,  in  virtue  of  Acts  i.  3,  to  the fortieth  day  after  Easter-day,  is  not  one  of  those which  from  the  earliest  times  wore  generally  ob- served. No  mention  of  it  occurs  before  the  4th century,  unless  an  earlier  date  can  be  made  good for  the  "Apostolic  Constitutions,"  or  for  the  pas- sages in  which  mention  is  made  of  this  festival — Lib.  V.  19  :  "  From  the  first  day  (Easter-day)  num- ber ye  forty  days  to  the  fifth  day  (Thursday),  and celebrate  the  Feast  of  the  afaX-qipis  tov  Kvpiov, Ka9'  ^v  Tr\7}pu(ras  Tracrav  o'lKovofiiav  Koi  didra^iv a.vri\6f,  K.  T.  A.."  :  viii.  33,  "On  what  days  serv- ants are  to  rest  from  work  :  r^v  avaK-nipiv  apyei- rcucrav  Sta  rh  ir4pas  ttjs  kotoi  Xpttrrhv  oIkovo- fxias."  Origen  (c.  Cels.  viii.  362),  names  as  holy- days  generally  observed,  besides  the  Lord's  Day, only  Parasceue  (Good  Friday),  Pascha  (Easter- day),  and  Pentecost.  No  others  than  these  are mentioned  by  Tertullian.  Of  sermons  preached on  this  festival,  the  oldest  seems  to  be  one  extant only  in  a  Latin  version,  ap.  Sirmondi  0pp.  Va)-ia, t.  i.  p.  39,  which  he  and  Valesius,  on  insufficient grounds,  assign  to  Eusebius  the  Church  historian; Cave,  and  later  writers,  to  Eusebius  of  Emesa. Its  title  is  de  Besurrcctione  et  Ascensione  Domini, and  the  preacher  dwells  chiefly  on  the  Resurrec- tion ;  but  the  opening  words  show  that  it  was preached  on  Ascension  Day  :  "  Laetantur  quidem coeli  de  festivitate  praesenti,  in  qua  Dominum suscepere  victorem."  Next,  perhaps,  in  point  of antiquity,  is  one  by  Epiphanius  (t.  ii.  285,  ed. Petav.).  In  the  opening,  he  complains  that  the greatness  of  this  festival  is  not  duly  appreciated, though  it  is,  to  the  others,  what  the  head  is  to  the body,  the  crown  and  completion.  First,  he  says, is  the  Feast  of  Incarnation ;  second,  the  Theopha- nia  ;  third,  the  Passion  and  Resurrection.  "  But even  this  festival  brought  not  the  fulness  of  joy, because  it  still  left  the  risen  Lord  fettered  to  this earth.  The  Pentecost,  also,  on  which  the  Holy Ghost  was  communicated,  contains  a  great,  un- speakable joy.  But  to-day,  the  day  of  the Ascension,  all  is  filled  with  joy  supreme.  Christ, opening  highest  heavens,  &c."  It  is,  of  course, only  with  a  rhetorical  purpose  that  Pentecost  is here  named  before  Ascension.  There  were  in- deed heretics,  Valentinians  and  Ophites  (Iren. i.  1,  5,  and  34  ad  fin.),  and  other  Gnostics  (repre- sented by  the  Ascensio  Esaiae,  Aethiop.),  who assigned  a  period  of  eighteen  months  to  our Lord's  sojourn  on  earth  after  the  Resurrection ; and  besides,  there  are  traces  of  a  belief  among the  orthodox  that  the  bodily  presence  of  the risen  Lord  with  his  disciples,  from  time  to  time, was  continued  during  three  years  and  six months  (Eus.  Dem.  E%\  viii.  400  B. ;  Browne's Ordo  Saeclorum,  p.  82  f.) ;  but  certainly  the  day  on which  the  Ascension  was  celebrated  was,  in  all the  churches,  the  fortieth  after  Easter-day.     Of CHRIST.  ANT. ASCENSION  DAY 145 about  the  same  time,  is  a  sermon  by  St.  Gregory of  Nyssa,  remarkable  for  its  title :  Eis  rrfu XeyofjLfvrjv  t<£  intxaipiv  tcvv  KaTnraSdKwv  tdd, 'ETrio-aifojueVTji',  tJtis  (cttlv  7]  a.vd\ri\l/is  tov  K. ■>]/j.u!V  '1.  X.  Bingham,  Augusti,  Rheinwald,  Alt, and  others,  explain  this  as  eoprr]  rrjs  €7ri(ra>fo- fievris  cpvffews  avOpoDwivr]?  (or  iwl  (Tw^ofiivrj  cpvcrei dvOpanrivp),  with  reference  to  the  crowning  work of  redemption  in  the  glorification  of  the  Manhood. The  name,  marked  by  Gregory  as  local  to  Cap- padocia,  is  not  retained  in  the  Greek  calendai", but  it  occurs  in  the  title  of  St.  Chrysostom's 19th  sermon  on  the  Statues  (ad  pop.  Antioch.,  t, ii.  188  Ben.),  tt?  KvpiaK^  ttjs  'E.Tr i(7w(oiJi.ivns,  al. 'SooCofj.tvTis.  Leo  Allatius  (de  Domm.  et  Ilebdoni. Graecorum,  §  28),  who  evidently  knows  the designation  only  from  these  two  places,  says  that the  Sunday  is  the  fifth-  after  Easter,  the  Sunday of  Ascension  week.  Tillemont  (see  the  Bene- dictine Praefat.  t.  ii.  p.  xi.  .sqq.)  infers  from  the place  of  this  sermon  in  the  series  between  S.  18, preached  after  mid-Lent,  and  S.  20,  preached at  the  end  of  the  Quadragesima,  that  it  was delivered  on  Passion  Sunday,  5  Lent.  But Chrysostom's  own  recital  in  the  first  sermon  de Anna  (t.  iv.  701  A.)  clearly  shows  that  the  19th sermon  is  later  by  "  many  days "  than  the 21st,  preached  on  Easter-day  :  see  the  Bene- dictine Monitum,  prefixed  to  the  sermons  on Anna,  and  also  (for  Montfaucon's  final  conclusion) Vit.  Chrysost.  t.  xiii.  128  sqq.  ed.  Par.  Ben.  2. Hence  it  appears  that  the  Sunday  'Eiriaw^o- fj.4vr\s  cannot  be,  as  Savile  (t.  viii.  809)  supposes, the  octave  of  Easter,  dominica  in  alhis,  and  it seems  most  probable  that  Leo  Allatius  is  right  in making  it  the  Sunday  of  Ascension  week.  In this  case,  the  term  'ETrio-co^OyueVrj  belongs  to  the Feast  of  Ascension.  Baumgarten  (Erliiut.  des Christl.  Alterthums,  p.  299  ap.  Augusti)  takes it  to  mean  any  day  specially  retained  for  solemn celebration  over  and  above  the  great  festivals  ; in  this  sense,  or  rather,  perhaps,  in  that  of  "a holiday  gained  or  secured  in  addition,"  it  will  be suitable  to  the  Feast  of  Ascension  as  one  of  recent introduction,  regarded  as  a  welcome  boon  espe- cially to  servants  and  labourers.  On  the  Feast itself,  Chrysostom  has  one  sermon  (t.  ii.  447),  of uncertain  date.  The  celebration  was  held  e|co  rrts TTiiXeous :  this,  which  was  the  established  rule  fw Good  Friday  (Serm.  de  Coemet.  et  de  Cruce,  t.  ii. 397),  was  here  done  on  a  special  occasion,  in honour  of  the  martyrs  whose  remains  the  bishop Flavian  had  rescued  from  impure  contact,  and translated  to  the  martyrium  called  Romanesia outside  the  walls.  It  does  not  follow  that  an extramural  celebration  or  procession  was  the established  practice  at  Antioch  on  Ascension-day, as  some  writers  have  inferred  from  this  passage. In  the  sermon  de  b.  Philogonio,  preached 20th  Dec.  386,  St.  Chrysostom  (t.  i.,  497  C), extolling  the  dignity  of  the  approaching  Feast  of Nativity  (then  of  recent  introduction),  says : "  From  this  the  Theophania  and  the  sacred Pascha,  and  the  Ascension,  and  the  Pentecost have  their  origin.  For  had  not  Christ  been  born after  the  flesh.  He  had  not  been  baptised,  which is  the  Theophania;  not  crucified,  which  is  the Pascha ;  had  not  sent  the  Spirit,  which  is  the Pentecost."  Here  the  words  koI  ij  avdXrjypts  are clearly  an  interpolation.  The  three  ancient festivals,  he  would  say,  are  Theophania,  Pas- cha, Pentecost:  they  require  Nativity  as  their L 146 ASCENSION  DAY ground.  So  in  Serm.  1  de  Pcntccoste  (t.  i.  458) — also  of  anknown  date — ^he  enumerates  as  the three  leading  festivals,  Epiphany,  Pascha,  Pen- tecost, with  no  mention  of  Nativity  or  of Ascension,  although  p.  461  he  refers  to  the  As- cension as  an  event :  "  for,  ten  days  since,  our nature  ascended  to  the  royal  throne,"  &c.  But in  another,  the  second  de  Pentecoste  (ib.  469),  he says :  "  Not  long  since  we  celebrated  the  Cross and  Passion,  the  Resurrection,  after  this,  the Ascension  into  heaven  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ." On  the  whole,  it  would  seem  that,  so  far  as Dur  sources  of  information  go,  the  institution  of this  festival,  in  the  East,  dates  at  earliest  from the  middle  of  the  4th  century. Nor  do  we  find  it  earlier  in  the  Western Church  :  there  is  no  mention  of  it  in  Tertullian, SS.  Cyprian,  Ambrose,  Hilary,  or  in  the  canons of  the  early  councils.  In  St.  Augustine's  time, indeed,  the  iisage  was  so  well-established  that  he speaks  of  it  as  universal,  therefore  of  Apostolic institution.  In  the  Epistle  to  Januarius,  liv.  [rd. cxviii.]  (t.  ii.  123,  sqq.  Ben.),  he  ranks  it  with Pascha  and  Pentecost.  "Ilia  autem  quae  non scripta  sed  tradita  custodimus,  quae  quidem  toto terrarum  orbe  servantur,  datur  intelligi  vel  ab ipsis  Apostolis  vel  plenariis  conciliis.  .  .  com- niendata  atque  statuta  retineri,  sicuti  quod Domini  passio  et  resurrectio  et  ascensio  in  caelum, et  adventus  de  caelo  Sp.  sancti,  anniversaria solemnitate  celebrantur,"  &c.  (He  does  not name  the  Nativity,  this  was  well  understood  to be  of  recent  institution.)  Beverege,  Cod.  Can. Vindic.  c.  ix.  puts  the  argument  thus  : — "  What- ever is  universal  in  the  Church  must  be  either Apostolic  or  ordained  by  general  councils ;  but no  general  council  did  ordain  these  festivals, therefore  they  come  to  us  from  the  Apostles themselves."  On  the  authority  of  this  passage of  St.  Augustine,  liturgical  writers,  Martene  and others,  have  not  hesitated  to  conclude  that  the Feast  of  Ascension  is  as  old  as  Pascha  and  Pente- cost. In  the  silence  of  the  first  three  centuries, we  can,  at  most,  accept  the  passage  as  testimony to  matter  of  fact,  that  at  the  end  of  the  4th century  Ascension-day  was  generally  kept;  as  in the  second  of  his  five  Ascension-sermons  (261- 265,  t.  V.  1065  sqq.  Ben.),  St.  Augustine  says,  §  3, "  Ecce  celebratur  hodiernus  dies  toto  oi'be  ter- rarum." From  this  time,  certainly,  the  observ- ance of  the  day  was  general  in  East  and  West. But  it  does  not  appear  to  have  ranked  with  the highest  festivals,  which  were  Nativity,  Easter, and  Pentecost  (Concil.  Agathense,  a.  506.  can.  63, and  Aurelianense  1,  a.  511,  can.  25).  As  a  feast of  r  jcondary  order,  it  ranked,  in  the  Latin  Church with  Epiphany  and  St.  John  Baptist's-day  (comp. Concil.  Agath.  can.  21).  In  the  Eastern  Church it  was  celebrated  with  solemn  extra-mural  pro- cessions— possibly  as  early  as  St.  Chrysostom's time  at  Antioch,  though,  as  before  observed, this  is  not  necessarily  implied  in  the  passage cited ;  in  Jerusalem,  to  the  Mount  Olivet,  on which  the  Empress  Helena  had  erected  a  church. Bede  says  that  the  celebration  there  was  almost as  solemn  as  that  of  Easter;  it  began  at  mid- night, and  with  the  multitude  of  tapers  and torches  the  mountain  and  the  subjacent  land- scape were  all  ablaze  (de  loc.  sacr.  c.  7). .  Else- where, the  procession  was  to  the  nearest  hill  or rising  ground,  from  which  at  the  same  time  a benediction  was  pronounced    on  the    fields    and ASCENSION  DAY fruits  of  the  earth.  In  the  Western  Church  this procession  and  benediction  were  transferred  to the  Rogation-days  ;  and  when  Gregory  of  Tours, ob.  595  {Hist.  Franc,  v.  11),  speaks  of  the solemn  processions  with  which  Ascension-day was  everywhere  celebrated,  perhaps  he  means only  processions  into  the  churches.  Martene describes  one  such  as  held  at  Vieune,  in  France. The  archbishop,  with  deacon  and  subdeacon, headed  it :  on  their  return  to  the  church,  they  are received  by  all  standing  in  the  nave ;  two  canons advance  towards  the  cantors:  Cant.  Quern  quae- ritis'l  Canon.  Jesum  qui  resurrexit.  Cant. Jnm  ascendit,  sicut  dixit.  Canon.  Alleluia. Then  all  proceed  into  the  choir,  and  mass  is  cele- brated. There  was  also,  on  this  day,  in  some churches  (in  others  reserved  for  Pentecost)  a service  of  benediction  over  loaves  provided  for the  poor,  and  also  over  the  new  fruits  of  the earth. The  vigil  of  Ascension  was  kept  by  some  as  a fost,  as  an  exception  to  the  ancient  rule,  rigidly maintained  by  the  Greeks,  and  long  contended for  by  many  of  the  Latins.  "Hoc  [paschal i] tempoi-e  nullius  festi  vigiliam  jejunare  vel observare  jubemur,  nisi  Ascensionis  et  Pente- costes."  (Micrologus,  de  Eccl.  Observat.  c.  55.) Isidore  of  Seville  (610)  (de  Eccles.  Off.  c.  37) acknowledges  no  fast  whatever  between  Easter and  Ascension-day :  he  holds  that  all  fifty  days to  Pentecost  are  days  of  rejoicing  only ;  but  some, he  says,  on  the  ground  of  our  Lord's  words,  St. Matt.  ix.  15,  "Can  the  children  of  the  bride- chamber  mourn,"  &c.,  kept  fast  on  the  eight days  from  Ascensiin  to  Pentecost.  The  extended fast  of  three  days  before  Ascension,  which Amalarius  (de  Eccl.  Off.  iv.  37)  calls  triduannm vigiliae  Ascens.  jejunium  (apologising,  as  do  other early  liturgical  wi-iters,  for  that  institution  as an  innovation  upon  the  known  ancient  rule  of East  and  West)  came  but  slowly  into  general observance  in  the  Western  Church.  Especially was  this  the  case  in  Spain.  "  Hispani,  propter hoc  quod  scriptum  est,"  says  Walafrid  Strabo (823)  (de  rebus  Eccl.  c.  28), ""  '  Non  possunt  filii sponsi  lugere  quamdiu  cum  illis  est  sponsus,'  infra quinquagesimam  Paschae  recusantes  jejunare, litanias  suas  post  Pentecosten  posuerunt,  quinta, sexta  et  septima  feriis  ejusdem  hebdomadis  eas fiicientes."  Accordingly,  in  the  Spanish  collection of  the  Canons,  the  wording  of  those  relating  to  the Rogation  fast  is  altered.  In  Cone.  Aurelian.  i.  can. 27,  the  title,  "De  Litaniis  ante  asc.  Domini  cele- brandis,"  is  made,  "  Ut  Litaniae  post  Dom.  asc. celebrentur ;"  and  in  the  body  of  the  Canon, for  "  Rogationes,  i.e.,  Litanias  ante  asc.  Dom.  ab omnibus  ecclesiis  placuit  celebrari  ita  ut  prae- missum  triduanum  jejunium  in  Dom.  ascensionis festivitate  solvatur,"  the  Spanish  codex  has, "  Rog.,  i.e.,  lit.  post  Asc.  Dom.  placuit  celebrari, ita  ut  praem.  trid.  jej.  post  Dom.  asc.  solemni- tatem  solvatur ;"  and  the  next  canon  which pronounces  censui-e  "  de  clericis  qui  ad  litanias venire  contempserint,"  is  made  to  affect  only clerics  who  refuse  to  come  ad  officium,  ad  opus sacrum  generally. The  Mosarabic  Order  does  not  even  recognise a  vigil  of  Ascension,  though  it  has  one  for Pentecost. Thei-e  was  no  octave  of  Ascension;  the  fol- lowing Sunday  is  simply  Dominica  post  Ascen' sionem. I ASCENSION  DAY (Binterim,  Die  vorziiglichsien  Denhp.  der  Christ- Kathol.  Kirche,  B.  v.  th.  i.  253-256.  Augusti, Denkw.  der  Christl.  Archaologie,  B.  ii.  351  sqq. Rheinwald,  Die  Kirchliche  Archaologie,  204  sq. Horn,  Ueher  das  Alter  des  Himmelfahrtsfestes,  in JAturg.  Joiirnnl,  v.  J.  H.  Wagnitz,  1806.)    [H.  B.] ASCETICISM.  The  difficulty  of  tracing  the liistory  of  asceticism  in  the  early  ages  of  Christi- anity arises  in  part  from  scantiness  of  materials, but  chiefly  from  the  circumstance  that  this  and the  cognate  terms  have  been  used  in  two  senses, one  genera],  one  more  specific.  These  two  signi- fications, and  this  enhances  the  difficulty,  cannot be  strictly  assigned  to  different  periods,  being not  infrequently  synchronous;  nor  is  it  always easy  to  distinguish  one  from  the  other  merely  by the  context.  The  neglect  of  this  important  dis- tinction and  the  vehemence  of  partisanship  have complicated  the  controversy  on  the  origin  and growth  of  asceticism  ;  some  writers  contending that  Ascetics  as  an  order  are  coeval  with Christianity,  some  denying  their  existence  alto- gether till  the  4th  century.  Neither  statement can  be  accepted  without  sdme  qualification.  The following  attempt  at  an  historical  sketch  of asceticism  among  Christians,  in  its  earlier  phases, is  based  on  a  collation  of  the  principal  ))rissages in  early  Christian  writers  bearing  on  the  suliject. The  principle  of  asceticism,  and  this  is  allowed on  all  sides,  was  in  force  before  Christianity. The  Essenes,  for  instance,  among  the  Jews,  owed their  existence  as  a  sect  to  this  principle.  It  was dominant  in  the  oriental  systems  of  antagonism between  mind  and  matter.  It  asserted  itself even  among  the  more  sensuous  philosophers  of Oreece  with  their  larger  sympathy  for  the  plea- .sui-able  development  of  man's  physical  energies. But  the  fuller  and  more  systematic  development of  the  ascetic  life  among  Christians  is  contem- poraneous with  Christianity  coming  into  con- tact with  the  Alexandrine  school  of  thought, and  exhibits  itself  first  in  a  country  subject to  the  combined  influences  of  Judaism  and  of the  Platonic  philosophy.  Indeed,  the  groat  and fundamental  ]irinciple  on  which  asceticism,  in  its narrower  meaning  rests,  of  a  two-fold  morality, one  expressed  in  "  Precepts  "  of  universal  obliga- tion for  the  multitude,  and  one  expressed  in "  Counsels  of  Perfection  "  intended  only  for  those more  advanced  in  holiness,  with  its  doctrine  that the  passions  are  to  be  extirjintcd  rather  than controlled  (Orig.  J^p.  ad  Horn.  Lib.  iii.  ;  Tertull. de  Pallio,  7,  8 ;  Clem.  Alex.  ,Strom.  iv.  529,  vi. 775)  is  very  closely  akin  to  the  Platonic  or  Py- thagorean distinction  between  the  life  according to  nature  and  the  life  above  nature,  as  well  as  to their  doctrine  of  the  supremacy  of  the  contem- plative above  the  practical  life,  and  is  more naturally  deducible  from  this  source  than  from any  other  (Porphyr.  de  Abstinent. ;  Eus.  //.  E. ii.'l7).  In  fact  the  ascetics  of  the  3rd  and  4th centuries  loved  the  designation  of  philosophers (Rosw.  Vitae  Pair.  pass. ;  cf.  Greg.  Nyss.  Orat. Oatech.  18  ;  Soz.  H.  E.  i.  13).  At  the  same  time it  must  be  noted  that  the  Church  uttered  its protests  from  time  to  time  against  the  idea  of there  being  anything  essentially  unholy  in  matter, and  its  cautions  against  excessive  abstinence. Thus  Origen  insists  that  the  Christian  reason  for abstinence  is  not  that  of  Pythagoras  (c.  Celsum V.  264);  and  the  so  called  "Apostolic  Canons  " (51,  53)  while  approving  asceticism  as  a  useful ASCETICISM 147 discipline  condemn  the  abhorrence  of  things  in themselves  innocent  as  if  they  involved  any contamination  (cf.  Eus.  //.  E.  v.  3). During  the  1st  century  and  a  half  of  Chris- tianity there  are  no  indications  of  ascetics  as  a distinct  class.  While  the  first  fervour  of  conver- sions lasted,  and  while  the  Church,  as  a  small  and compact  community,  was  struggling  for  existence against  opposing  forces  on  every  side,  the  pro- fession of  Christianity  was  itself  a  profession  of the  ascetic  spirit ;  in  other  words,  of  endurance, of  hardihood,  of  constant  self-denial  (cf.  Acts  ii. 44;  iv.  34,  35).  Thus,  even  at  a  rather  later date,  Clemens  of  Alexandria  represents  Chris- tianity as  an  &ffK7)(Tis  (Strom,  iv.  22 ;  cf.  Minuc. Fel.  Oct.  cc.  12,  31,  36).  Similarly  the  term  Ls applied  to  any  conspicuous  example  of  fortitude or  patience.  Eusebius  so  designates  certain martyrs  in  Palestine  (de  Mart.  Pal.  10),  a  region into  which  monks,  strictly  so  called,  were  not introduced  till  the  middle  of  the  4th  century (Hicnm.  Vit.  Jfilar.  14),  and  Clemens  of  Alex- andria, calls  the  patriarch  Jacob  an  aincTjT^j (Paedagog.  i.  7).  This  more  vague  and  more general  use  of  tlie  wor<l  appears  again  and  again even  after  the  formal  institution  of  monachism. Athanasius,  or  whoever  is  the  author,  speaking of  the  sufferings  of  the  martyr  Lucian,  in  prison, calls  him  "a  great  ascetic  "  (Synops.  Scr.  iSacr.). Cyril,  of  Jerusalem,  calls  those  who,  like  Anna the  prophetess,  are  frequent  and  earnest  in prayer  "ascetics"  (Catcch.  i.  19).  Jerome  ap- plies the  word  to  Picrius  for  his  self-chosen poverty,  and  to  Serapion,  Bishop  of  Antioch (Scr.  Ecc.  76.  41) ;  and  Epiphanius  to  Marcion because,  pi-ior  to  liis  lapse  into  heresy,  h«  had  ab- stained, though  without  any  vow,  from  marriage {H'lrr.  xlii.).  Cyril  of  Alexandria  uses  &ffKr]ais .-IS  (M|ni\;ilfnt  to  self-denial  (in  Joan.  xiii.  35)  in till'  -^iinic  way  as  Chrysostom  speaks  of  virtue  as a  disci]ilinfi  (Horn,  in  Inscr.  Act.  Ajnsfol.  ii.  )3). So  far  there  is  nothing  to  prove  the  existence  of an  ascetic  class  or  order  bound  by  I'ulcs  not common  to  all  Christians. For  about  a  century  subsequent  to  150  A.n. there  begin  to  be  traces  of  an  asceticism  more sharply  defined  and  occupying  a  more  distinct position ;  but  not  as  yet  requiring  its  votaries  to separate  themselves  entirely  from  the  rest  of  their community.  Athenagoras  speaks  of  persons habitually  abstaining  from  matrimony  (Apol.pro Chr.  xxviii.  129  ;  cf.  Irenaeus  ap.  Eus.  //.  E.  v. 241 ;  cf.  Dionys.  Alexandr.).  Eusebius  mentions devout  persons,  ascetics,  but  not  an  order,  wlio ministered  to  the  poor  (de  Mart.  Pal.  cc.  10,  11), and  calls  Narcissus,  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  an "ascetic"  (H.  E.  vi.  9).  Tertullian  uses  the term  "  exercitati  "  or  disciplined,  (de  Ptiecr.  14), but,  apparently  in  reference  to  students  of  Holy Scripture.  Clemens  of  Alexandria  styles  the ascetics  iK\fKTu>v  eKKeKTOTffioi  "  more  elect  than the  elect  "  (Horn.  "  Quis  Dives  1 "  36  ;  cf.  Strom. viii.  15) ;  and  Epiphanius  in  a  later  century speaks  of  monks  as  oi  ffirovSaioi  or  "  the  earn- est"  (Expos.  Fid.  22;  cf.  Eus.  H.  E.  vi.  11). just  as  the  word  "religious"  came  in  the  mid- dle ages  to  be  restricted  to  those  wlio  devoted themselves  to  a  life  of  more  than  ordinary  strict- ness. This  increasing  reverence  for  austerities as  such  is  seen  in  most  of  the  sects,,  which  were prominent  in  the  2nd  century  ;  only  with  the exaggeration  whit'h  usually  characterises  move- L  2 148 ASCETICISM ments  of  the  kiml.  The  Montanists  prescribed a  rigorous  asceticism,  not  for  their  more  zealous disciples  only,  but  for  all  indiscriminately.  The Syrian  Gnostics,  the  followers  of  Saturuinus  and Basilides,  the  Encratitae,  the  disciples  of  Cerdo and  Marcion  in  Asia  Minor  and  Italy,  all  car- ried the  notion  of  there  being  an  inherent  pollu- tion in  the  material  world,  and  of  it  being  the positive  duty  of  Christians  to  shun  all  contact with  it,  to  an  extent  which  left  even  the  Church doctrine  of  asceticism  far  behind  (Ii-en.  adv.  Haer. i.  24  ;  Epiphan.  Haer.  23).  How  far  their  prac- tice corresponded  with  theory  is  doubtful.  The proneness  of  human  nature  to  a  reaction  into excessive  laxity  after  excessive  austerities  hardly admits  of  exception,  and  gives  probability  to  the allegations  made  by  the  orthodox  writers  of flagrant  licentiousness  in  some  cases. The  middle  of  the  3rd  century  marks  an  era  in the  development  of  Christian  asceticism.  Antony, Paul,  Ammon,  and  other  Egyptian  Christians  not content,  as  the  ascetics  before  them,  to  lead  a  life of  exti-aordinary  strictness  and  severity  in  towns and  villages,  aspired  to  a  more  thorough  estrange- ment of  themselves  from  all  earthly  ties  ;  and by  their  teaching  and  example  led  very  many to  the  wilderness,  there  to  live  and  die  in  almost utter  seclusion  from  their  fellows.  The  Great Decian  persecution  was  probably  the  imme- diate occasion  of  this  exodus  from  the  cities into  the  desert ;  not  only  by  driving  many  to take  refuge  in  the  desert,  but  by  exciting  a  spirit which  longed  to  emulate  the  self-renunciation  of the  martyrs  and  confessors.  But  it  was  probably the  influence  of  the  Alexandrine  teaching,  as  has been  already  suggested,  which  had  fostered  the longing  to  escape  altogether  from  the  contamina- tions and  persecutions  of  an  evil  world.  It  was no  longer,  as  in  earlier  days,  only  or  chiefly  from external  enemies  that  a  devout  Christian  felt himself  in  danger.  As  Christianity  widened  the circle  of  its  oj)erations,  it  became  inevitably  less discriminating  as  to  the  character  of  those  who were  admitted  into  the  community ;  and  the gradual  intrusion  of  a  more  secular  spirit,  among Christians,  first  forced  those  who  Avere  more thoroughly  in  earnest  to  aim  at  a  stricter  life  in the  world,  and  then  thrust  them  out  of  the  world altogether.  Eusebius  bears  witness  to  this Alexandrine  influence  on  Christian  asceticism  in a  remarkable  comparison  of  the  ascetics  of  his own  creed  with  the  Therapeutae  in  Egypt  (H.E. ii.  17  ;  Soz.  H.  E.  i.  13).  There  seems  to  have been  something  in  the  climate  and  associations  of Egypt  (as  in  Syria)  which  predisposed  men  thus to  abdicate  the  duties  and  responsibilities  be- longing to  active  life.  The  exact  position  which these  Therapeutae  occupied  is  uncertain.  Pro- bably they  were  in  existence  prior  to  Christianity  ; are  not  to  be  confounded  with  the  Essenes  ;  but were  chiefly,  though  not  exclusively,  Jews. From  Philo's  account  (de  Vita  Contempl.  pp. 892-4)  it  'seems  clear,  at  any  rate,  that  this manner  of  life  resembled  in  many  respects  that of  the  Christian  ascetics  in  the  desert.  They dwelt  in  separate  cells  not  far  from  one  another  ; renounced  their  possessions ;  practised  fastings and  other  austerities;  and  devoted  themselves partly  to  contemplation,  and  in  part  to  study.  In this  last  point  their  example  was  not  imitated  by their  Christian  anti-types  in  Egypt.  They  seem to  have  been  imbued  with  the  mystical  spirit  of ASCETICISM Alexandria.  Their  name  signifies  that  they  gave themselves  either  to  serve  God,  or,  more  proba- bly, to  cultivate  their  own  souls  and  those  of their  disciples.     (Eus.  H.  E.  ii.  17.) Hitherto  Christian  asceticism  has  been  in- dividualistic in  its  character.  About  the  middle of  the  4th  century  it  begins  to  assume  a  corporate character.  Naturally,  as  the  number  of  recluses increased,  the  need  was  felt  of  organisation. Pachomius  is  generally  regarded  as  the  first  to form  a  "Coenobium,"  that  is  an  association  of ascetics  dwelling  together  under  one  supreme authority  (Hieron.  Heg.  Pack.  ;  cf.  Graveson  Hist. Eccl.  i.  116).  A  fixed  rule  of  conduct  and  a promise  to  observe  the  rule  were  the  natural consequences  of  forming  a  society.  But  the exaction  of  an  irrevocable  and  lifelong  vow  be- longs to  a  later  phase  of  asceticism.  James  of Nisibis  speaks  of  ascetics  practising  a  rigid  celi- bacy {Senn.  6tus).  The  term  ascetic  begins  now to  be  nearly  equivalent  to  monastic.  The  so- called  "  Apostolical  Constitutions,"  which  are generally  assigned  to  this  period,  enumerate "  ascetic's,"  but  not  "  monks  "  among  orders  of Christians  (13).  The  Koyos  affK7)TiKhs  of  Basil of  Caesaraea  is  on  the  monastic  life.  So  &(TK-q(ns is  used  by  Palladius  (^Hist.  Laus.  Proem,  c.  46, &c.) ;  in  canons  of  the  Council  of  Gangra  against excessive  asceticism  (12,  13),  and  by  Athanasius in  his  life  of  Antony.  Athanasius  calls  the two  disciples  who  waited  on  Antony  acTKOvnevoi, "  learning  to  be  ascetics."  'Actktjttjpi'oj'  in  So- crates (i/.  E.  iv.  23)  means  what  is  now  called  a monastery  ;  dtrKijTijcr)  KaXv^r],  a  monastic  cell (Theodoret,  //.  E.  iv.  25).  At  that  time  fj-ovaa- T-qpiov  was,  as  the  word  literally  expresses,  .t separate  cell ;  affKriTtiplov  a  common  dwelling- place  under  the  rule  of  a  superior,  in  which  those who  desired,  according  to  the  idea  of  the  age,  a yet  higher  stage  of  perfection,  might  be  trained and  disciplined  for  absolute  seclusion  (Greg. Naz.  Or.  XX.  359).  In  the  middle  ages  the  word "  asceterium  "  was  altered  into  "  arclsterium or  "  archisterium  "  (Du  dingo,  s.  voce). In  the  beginning  of  the  6th  century  the  widow* and  virgins  who  were  oflScially  recognised  as  such, are  designated  affKrjTpiai  (Justinian,  Nocell.  cxxiii., 43).  At  a  later  period  the  word  means  a  nun  : and  is  the  Greek  equivalent  for  "  sanctimoni'alis," or  "  monialis  "  (Phot.  Nomocan.  Tit.  ix.  1  p.  207). 'A(TKr}TpioT  is  a  later  form  for  a.aK-r\Tris. The  history  of  asceticism,  after  the  institution of  monastic  societies  belongs  to  the  history  of MOXASTiciSM.  There  it  will  be  seen  with  what marvellous  rapidity  this  development  of  Christian asceticism  spread  far  and  wide  from  the  deserts of  the  Thebaid  and  Lower  Egypt ;  how  Basil, Jerome,  Athanasius,  Augustine,  Ambrose,  were foremost  among  its  earliest  advocates  and  propa- gators, and  how  Cassian,  Columbanus,  Benedict and  others  crowned  the  labours  of  their  prede- cessors by  a  more  elaborate  organisation.  It  is enough  here  to  endeavour  to  trace  the  gradual and  almost  imperceptible  process  by  which  as- ceticism, from  being  the  common  attribute  of Christianity,  became  in  course  of  time  the  dis- tinctive speciality  of  a  class  within  the  Christian community. (Besides  the  writers  quoted  already,  see  Bing- ham, Origiiies,  bk.  vii.  Paleotimo,  Summa  Anti- quitatum,  lib.  vii.  Gluck's  Attescrrae  Urigines^ Eei  Monasticae.     Mamachi,  Costumi  del  primitivi ASCHAIMENSE Christiani.  Disscrtatio  de  Ascetis  praef.  S.  Jac. jVis.  Serm.  vi.  Claudii  Salmasii  Kotae  in  Tertull. de  PalUo.)  [I.  G.  S.] ASCHAIMENSE  CONyiLIUM.— A  coun- cil was  held,  a.d.  76.5,  at  Ascheini,  under  Tas- silo  II.,  Duke  of  Bavaria,  that  jjassed  15  decrees on  discipline.  [E.  S.  F.] ASCLEPIADES,  bishop  and  martyr,   com- memorated Oct.  18  {Mart.  Eom.  Vet.).         [C] ASH  WEDNESDAY.     [Lent.] ASIATICUM    CONCILIUM.  — A   council was  held,  a.d.  '21:5,  in  Asia  Minor  against  Noetus, but  at  what  place  is  uncertain.  [E.  S.  F.] ASINARII  (Tertull.  Apol.  c.  svi.),  a  term of  reproach  against  the  early  Christians.  That the  Jews  worshipped  an  ass,  or  the  head  of  an ass,  was  a  current  belief  in  many  parts  of  the Gentile  world.  Tacitus  {Hist.  v.  4)  sa^-s  that there  was  a  consecrated  image  of  an  ass  in  the temple,  the  reason  for  this  special  honour  being that  a  herd  of  wild  asses  had  been  the  means  of guiding  the  Jews,  when  they  were  in  the  desert, to  springs  of  water.  Plutarch  {Sympos.  iv.  5,  2) tells  virtually  the  same  story.  Diodorus  Siculus says  (lib.  xxxiv.  Frag.)  that  Antiochus  Epiphanes found  in  the  temple  a  stone  image  representing a  man  sitting  upon  an  ass;  but  on  the  other hand  Joseph  us  (c.  Ajjion.  ii.  c.  7)  adduces  the fact  that  no  such  image  had  been  found  in  the temple  by  any  conqueror  as  an  argument  for  the groundlessness  of  the  calumny. The  same  belief  appears  to  have  prevailed  in reference  to  the  early  Christians.  It  is  men- tioned by  both  Tertulfian  {Ad  Nat.  i.  14 ;  Apol. xvi.)  and  Minucius  Felix  {Octav.  9  and  28),  but, though  referred  to  in  later  times,  appears  to have  died  out  in  the  course  of  the  3rd  century. (The  fact  mentioned  by  Servetus,  De  Trin.  Error. C.  16,  that  he  heard  the  same  reproach  made  by the  Turks  against  the  Christians  in  Africa  is probably  to  be  connected  with  the  mediaeval "Festival  of  the  Ass"  rather  than  with  the earlier  calumny.) •  The  origin  of  the  reproach  has  been  a  subject of  various  speculations : — (1)  It  has  been  con- sidered to  have  arisen  somewhere  in  the  Gentile world,  and  to  have  been  applied  to  the  Jews before  the  Christian  era.  On  this  hypothesis various  explanations  of  it  have  been  given. Morinus  {De  Capite  Asinino  Deo  Christiano,-Dord- recht,  1620)  thought  that  there  was  a  confusion between  the  two  words  Chomer  {~\dh),  which  is used  (?)  for  the  "pot"  of  manna  in  the  temple, and  Chamor  ("llDri),  which  means  a  "  wild  ass," and  that  this  confusion  was  confirmed  by  the appearance  of  the  pot  of  manna  with  its  two  large ears.  Hasaeus  {De  Onolatria  olim  Judaeis  et  Chrts- tianis  impacta,  Erfurt,  1716)  thought  that  the use  among  the  Jews  (?  more  probably  late  Sama- ritans) of  the  word  "Ashinia"  (  =  "name")  for the  more  sacred  word  "Jehovah  "  may  have  sug- gested the  perversion  "asinus"  to  the  Roman soldiers;  and  Heinsius  {De  Laudc  Asini,  p.  186, ed.  1629)  thought  that  the  ovpavds  which  the Jews  were  reputed  to  worship  ("  nil  praeter  nubes et  coeli  numen  adorant,"  Juv.  Sat.  xiv.  97)  was corrupted  into  oVos.  (2)  It  has  been  considered to  have  arisen  in  Egypt,  and  on  this  hypothesis two  explanations  have  been  given.  Tanaquil Faber  {Ujnst.  i.  6)  thought  that  it  was  a  corrup- ASTERISCUS  lA'i) tion  from  the  name  of  Onias,  who  built  a  Jewls-i temple  at  Heliopolis;  and  Bochart  {Hierozoic.  i. 2.  c.  18)  thought  that  the  Egyptians  wilfully  per- verted  the  expression  "Pi  iao"  (  =  " mouth  of God  ")  into  "  Pieo,"  which  in  an  Egyptian  voca- bulary edited  by  Kircher  signifies  "ass."     (3)  It has  been  viewed  as  a  calumny  of  the  Jews  against the  Christians,  which  was  reflected  back  upon  the Jews  themselves.     In  favour  of  this  view  it  is urged  that  Tertullian  distinctly  speaks  of  it  as  a Jewish  calumny;  and  against  it  is  the  prevalence of  the  story  in  writers  whom  a  Jewish  calumny, however    industriously    spread,    would    hardly reach.      (4)   It    has    been    regarded   as    having originated  from  the  use  of  the  ass  as  a  symbol by  some  Gnostic  sects.     That  the  ass  was  thus used  is  clear  from  the  statement  of  Epiphanius (c.  Haeres.  26,  10 ;  see  also  Origeu,  c.  Gels.  vi.  9). Between  these  various  hypotheses  it  is  hardly possible,  in  the  absence  of' further  evidence,  to make  a  choice ;    the  question  must  be  left  un- decided.    A  slight  additional  interest  has  been given  to  it  by  the  discovery  at  Rome,  in  1856,  on a  wall  under  the  western  angle  of  the  Palatine, of  a   graffito,  which   forcibly  recalls  the  story mentioned  by  Tertullian.     The  apologist's  words are  {Ad.  Nat.  i.  14) — "  nuper  quidam  perditissi- mus  in  ista  civitate,  etiam  suae  religionis   de- sertor,  solo  detrimento  cutis  Judaeus    °.  .  .  pic- turam   in   nos  proposuit  sub  ista  proscriptione ONOCOETES.     Is  erat  auribus  canteriorum  et in  toga,  cum   libro,  altero   pede   ungulate,     Et credidit  vulgus  infami  Judaeo."     The  graffito  in question  represents  an  almost  similar  caricature, evidently  directed  against  some  Christian  con- vert of  the    2nd  century.      Upon  a  cross   is  a figure  with  a  human  body  wearing  an  interula, but  with  an  ass's  head.   'On  one  side  is  another figure  lifting  up  his  head,  possibly  in  the  attitude of  prayer.    Underneath  is  written  AAEHAMENOs SEBETE   ©EON  ("Alexamenos    is    worshipping God ").     The  form  of  the  letters  points  to  the graffito  hnwing  been  written  towards  the  end  of the  2nd  century,  about  the  very  time  at  which Tertullian  wrote  (see  P.  Garrucci's  article,  with a  copy  of  the  graffito,  in  the  Civilta  CattoUca, serie  3,  vol.  iv.  p.  529).      This  graffito  is  now preserved  in  the  library  of  the  Collegio  Romano in  Rome.  r£_  |£  -i ASPERGILLUM.  The  brush  or  twig  used for  sprinkling  Holy  Water  [HoLY  Water].  It anciently  was,  or  was  said  to  be,  of  hyssop,  a plant  supposed  to  possess  cleansing  virtues,  from its  use  in  the  Mosaic  law,  and  the  well-known reference  to  it  in  the  51st  Psalm.  Thus,  in  the Gregorian  Sacramentary  (p.  148)  the  bishop  in the  consecration  of  a  church,  sprinkles  the  altar seven  times  with  hyssop.  The  modern  French name  Goupil  indicates  that  a  fox's  brush  was some  time  used  as  an  aspergillum.  {Goupil  for Vulpicula,  Ducange's  Glossary,  s.  v.).  [C] ASPERSION.     [Baptism.] ASS,  WORSHIP  OF  THE.     [Asixahii  ] ASSUMPTION  OF  THE  VIRGIN MARY.    [Mary  the  Virgin,  Festivals  of.] ASTERISCUS  (sometimes  called  Stellula  by Latin  writers).  To  prevent  the  veil  from  dis- turbmg  the  particles  arranged  on  the  discus  or ].aten,  in  preparation  for  the  celebration  of  the hucharist,  St.  Chrysostom  is  sai.l  tohnvo  invented two  siuall  arches   to  support  it.      Tlios,.,  when 150 ASTEKIUS placed  so  as  to  cross  each  other,  resembled  a  star, and  hence  were  called  hffT^p  or  affT-npttrKos,  the star ;  hence  the  priest,  placing  it  over  the  paten, is  directed  to  say,  "  And  the  star  came  and  stood over  where  the  young  child  was."  In  modern times  the  arches  are  riveted  together  at  the  point of  intersection,  but  so  loosely  as  to  admit  of  one arch  being  turned  within  the  other  for  con- venience of  carriage.  See  woodcut.  (Neale, Eastern  Church,  Introd.  350 ;  Daniel,  Codex Liturgicus,  iv.  336,  390.)  [C] ASTEEIUS,  martyr,  commemorated  March  3 {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.).  [C] ASTORGA,  COUNCIL  OF  (Asturicense Concilium),  a.d.  446,  condemned  certain  Mani- chees,  or  Priscillianists  (Cave  ;  Mansi,  vi.  490 ; but  omitted  by  Labbe).  [A.  W.  H.] ASTKOLOGEES.  No  element  of  heathenism was  more  difficult  to  eradicate  than  the  belief that  the  stars  in  their  courses  influenced  the lives  of  men,  and  that  the  destinies  of  individuals and  of  nations  might  be  foretold  by  those  who studied  their  combinations.  Under  the  names  of Chaldaei  (as  representing  those  who  were  more famous  than  any  other  people  of  the  ancient world  for  their  devotion  to  this  study),  Mathe- matici  (in  popular  language  this  had  become  the exclusive  meaning  of  the  word),  Apotelcsmatici (as  dealing  with  the  a.-Kore\€<rfx.aTa,  or  influences of  the  stars),  Genethliaci  (as  casting  horoscopes of  the  positions  of  the  planets  at  the  hour  of birth),  they  were  to  be  found  in  every  city  of  the empire.  They  became  on  many  grounds  objects of  suspicion  to  its  police.  They  were  cheats  and impostors  ;  they  brought  in  the  foreign,  eastern superstitions  of  which  Roman  magistrates  stood in  dread  ;  they  might  at  any  time  play  into  the hands  of  political  rivals  by  pi'edicting  their  suc- cess as  the  favourites  of  heaven.  The  annals  of the  empire  accordingly  present  a  series  of  edicts against  them.  They  were  banished  from  Rome by  Agrippa  and  Augustus  (Dion.  Cass.  xlix.  43, Ivi.  25),  by  Tiberius  (Tacit.  Ann.  ii.  32  ;  Sueton. Tiber,  c.  36),  by  Claudius  (Tacit.  Ann.  xii.  52), by  Vitellius  (Sueton.  Vitell.  14).  The  frequent repetition  of  the  measure  shews  how  ineradicable was  the  evil.  Sometimes  the  emperor  himself, Vespasian,  in  his  eager  ambition  (Tacit.  Hist.  ii. 78),  Domitian,  in  his  restless  suspicion,  yielded to  their  influence.  Otho's  murder  of  Galba  had been  prompted  by  their  counsels.  Over  the minds  of  most  men,  and  yet  more,  of  women, they  exercised  an  unbounded  sway  (Juven.  vi. 553-568),  often  in  proportion  to  the  notoriety which  they  had  gained  by  being  mixed  up  in political  or  other  mysteries,  and  were  on  that account  expelled  from  the  city. Christian  feeling  was  opposed  to  the  practice ATHEISTS on  other  grounds.  It  belonged  to  the  system of  demon-worship  and  lying  magic,  which  Scrip- ture had  forbidden.  The  astrologer  was  a  child of  the  devil.  His  art  had  come  down  from  the Egyptians  and  Chaldaeans  (Clem.  Alex.  Strom. i.  ie,  p.  132).  It  substituted  the  idea  of  des- tiny for  that  of  the  providence  of  God,  and tampered  with  the  sense  of  responsibility  by leading  men  to  impute  their  vices  to  the  stars. (August,  de  Civ.  Da,  v.  1 ;  Tract,  in  Ps.  Ixi. ;  da' Mathem. ;  Greg.  Nyss.  Ep.  contr.  Fatuin ;  Tertull. de  Idol.  c.  ix.  p.  156.),  Some  teachers  pointed  to the  case  of  Esau  and  Jacob,  born  in  the  same hour  yet  with  such  diiferent  destinies,  as  a  proof that  the  system  was  false  (August,  de  Boolr. Christ,  ii.  21).  Some  conceding  that  the  heathen world  was  subject  to  these  influences,  favourable or  malignant,  held  that  baptism  placed  men  in another  region  in  which  they  were  set,  and  that the  "  new  birth  "  annulled  the  horoscope  that was  cast  for  the  first  nativity.  The  action  of the  Church  was  in  accordance  with  the  teaching of  its  chief  writers.  The  burning  of  the  books of  those  who  used  "  curious  arts  "  in  Acts  xix. 19,  served  as  a  precedent.  Mathematici  were  to give  up  their  books  to  the  bishop,  or  to  burn them  (Constit.  Apost.  i.  4).  Clergy  of  all  orders were  forbidden  to  practise  the  art  under  pain  of excommunication  (C  Laod.  c.  36).  In  two  or three  instances  the  operation  of  the  laws  con- nects itself  with  memorable  names.  Aquila,  the ti-anslator  of  the  Old  Testament,  was  said  to have  been  expelled  from  the  Church  on  the charge  of  being  an  astrologer  (Epiphan.  de  Mens, et  Pond.  §  XV.  t.  ii.  p.  171,  but  the  narrative  is hardly  more  than  a  legend).  Eusebius,  of  Emesa, had  to  contend  against  the  suspicions  to  which his  love  of  science  exposed  him,  that  he  was addicted  to  the  /x^pos  airoTfXeafjiaTiKhv  of  astro- logy (Sozom.  //.  E.  iii.  6).  It  was  one  of  the crimes  imputed  to  the  Priscillianists  of  Spain that  they  had  revived  the  old  superstitions  of the  Mathematici,  and  had  taught  men  that  the several  parts  of  their  body  were  under  the  con- trol of  the  signs  of  the  zodiac  (August,  de  Haer. Ixx.)  [E.  H.  P.] ASTURICENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Astorga.] ASYLUM.    [Sanctuary.] ASYNCEITUS,   "Apostle,"  commemorated April  8  {Cal.  Byz.).  [C] ATHANASIUS  (1)  Bishop  of  Alexandria; Natale  commemorated  Jan.  18  {Cal.  Byzant.) ; Jan.  26  and  June  6  {Armen.);  May  2  {Mart.  Rom. Vet.)  ;  Dec.  20  {Mart.  Bedae) ;  translation,  May  2 {Cal.  Byzant.)  ;  commemoi-ated  Maskarram  13  =: Sept.  16,  and  Ginbot  7  =  May  2  {Cal.  Ethiop.). (2)  Presbyter,  Oct.  11  {Mart.  Bedae,  Hicron.). ATHEISTS  {iadsoi),  a  name  of  reproach which  was  applied  to  the  early  Christians.  The absence  of  material  symbols  of  the  Deity,  of  sac- rifice, of  temples,  and  of  almost  all  the  external observances  which  constituted  the  religion  of contemporary  heathendom,  naturally  induced  a popular  cry  that  Christianity  was  a  new  form  of atheism.  The  cry  was  repeated  by  Jews  as  well as  by  Gentiles  (see  Justin  Mart.  c.  Tryph.  cviii.). It  was  a  leading  cause  of  the  general  animosity against  the  Christians  and  the  apologists  were at  some  pains  to  i-efute  it  (see  especially  Athenag. Letjat.  pro  Christ.  3  and  4).    The  following  are  the ATHENAGOEAS chief  allusions  to  the  calumny  outside  the  writings of  the  apologists :— Eusebius  {H.  E.  iv.  15)  tells us  that  the  formula  in  which  Polycarp  was  de- sired by  the  proconsul  to  abjure  his  faith  was aipe  Tovs  adeovs.  Dion  Cassius  (Ixvii.  14)  relates that  Flavius  Clemens,  the  uncle  of  Domitian, whom  some  writers  have  identified  with  Clemens Romanus,  and  who  was  no  doubt  a  Christian, was  put  to  death  for  atheism.  Lucian  {Alexahd. Pseud,  c.  25,  cf.  c.  o8)  says  that  Pontus  was  full aefo)!/  Koi  Xpi(TTiavwv.  Even  so  late  as  the  4th century  we  find  Licinius  accusing  Constantine  of having  embraced  tV  o.6eov  56^av  (Euseb.  Vit. Const,  c.  15) ;  and  Julian  summed  up  his  objec- tions to  Christianity  when  he  described  it  as adeoTTiTa  (Julian,  Ep.  ad  Arsac.  ap  Sozom.  H.  E. V.  16).  But  by  that  time  the  Christian  fathers had  already  begun  to  turn  the  tables  upon  their adversaries  and  atheism  became  a  reproach,  not of  Paganism  against  Christianity,  but  of  Chris- tianity against  Paganism  (see  Clem.  Alex.  Pro- trcpt.  p.  11).  [E.  H.] ATHENAGOEAS,  with  ten  disciples  and five  priests,  commemorated  July  23  {Cal. Aniwn.).  [<^-] ATHENOGENES,  martyr,  and  ten  disciples, commemorated  July  16  (Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] ATRIUM,  the  court  attached  to  churches .  the  earlier  centuries.  It  was  usually  placed before  the  front  of  the  church,  and  surrounded by  porticoes.  In  the  centre  of  the  open  area a  fountain,  or  at  least  a  cantharus  [CAN- THARUS],  a  large  vessel  containing  water  for  ab- lution. This  fountain  was  sometimes  covered with  a  roof  and  surrounded  by  railings.  The atrium  was  in  the  earlier  ages  considered  an  im- portant, almost  indispensable  adjunct  to  at  any rate  the  larger  churches.  Eusebius  describes (Eccles.  Hist.  x.  4,  §  39)  the  atrium  with  its four  porticoes  in  his  account  of  the  church  built by  St.  Paulinus  at  Tyre ;  and  atria  dating  from the  5th  century  existed  at  St.  Peter's  and  S. Paolo  f.  1.  M.  at  Rome.  Examples,  though  not dating  from  the  period  with  which  this  work is  concerned,  may  be  seen  in  several  churches at  Rome,  as  S.  Clemente,  S.  Cecilia,  and  others, and  indeed  elsewhere.  In  the  ruins  of  the  basi- -ica  of  S.  Stefano,  in  Via  Latina,  the  atrium,  in- stead of  occupying  its  normal  place,  is  placed  by the  side  of  the  apse,  the  reason  probably  being that  the  Via  Latina  ran  past  the  apse,  and  that those  who  wished  to  enter  the  church  from  that great  thoroughfare  would  thus  pass  through  the atrium.  Where,  however,  no  important  street or  public  building  prevented  the  architect  from fully  developing  his  plans,  the  atrium,  it  should seem,  during  the  whole  period  treated  of  in  this ■work  (and  indeed  until  a  later  period),  in  Italy at  least,  and  probably  elsewhere,  formed  a  part of  every  important  church.  [A.  N.] ATTIGNY,  COUNCILS  OF  (Attiniacen- 8IA  Consilia),  held  at  Attigny  (Attiniacum),  a town  of  France,  on  the  river  Aisne,  N.E.  of Rheims. — I.  A.D.  765,  provincial,  under  Pipin (Mansi,  xii.  674). II.  A.D.  822,  at  which  the  Emperor  Louis  did public  penance,  "de  omnibus  quae  publice  perpe- ram  gessit,"  and  especially  for  his  cruelty  to his  nephew  Bernard  (Mansi,  xiv.  403). III.  A.n.  834,  November,  under  Ludovicus Pius,  a  synod  of  "the  whole   empire,"    passed AUDIENTES 151 some  canons  on  behalf  of  the  Church,  and  re- ferred a  criminal  cause,  brought  before  them by  the  emperor,  to  the  state  tribunal  (Mansi, xiv.  655).  [A.  W.  H.] ATTINIACENSE  CONCILIUM.  [At- tigny.] AUBEETUS  or  AUTBEETUS,  bishop and  confessor,  commemorated  Dec.  13  (Mart. Bedae).  [C] AUCTOE,  bishop,  commemorated  Aug.  9 (Mart.  Bedac).  [C] AUDACTES,  martyr,  commemorated  Oct.  24 (Mart.  Bom.  Vet.).  [C] AUDACTUS.    [Adauctds.] AUDAX,    martyr,    commemorated    July    9 (Mart.  Bom.  Vet.).  [C] AUDIENTES  ( AKpow/xei-ot).  Two  stages have  to  be  noted  in  the  history  and  significance of  this  word.  Down  to  the  time  of  Novatus  and the  consequent  development  of  the  penitential system  of  the  Church,  it  is  used  as  equivalent to  catechumen.  The  Audientes  are  those  who are  present  in  the  Church,  but  are  not  yet  bap- tized, and  who  therefore,  in  the  nature  of  the case,  were  not  present  during  the  passages  of the  Fideles,  or  the  yet  more  sacred  service  which followed.  They  heard  the  psalms,  the  lessons, the  sermon,  and  then  left  (Tertull.  de  Poenit. c.  vi.,  vii. ;  Cypr.  Ep.  13).  At  Carthage  they were  placed  under  the  special  care  of  a  catechist or  Audientium  Doctor  (Cypr.  Ep.  31).  The  trea- tise of  Augustine,  de  catechizandis  rudibus,  was written  for  such  a  catechist,  and  shews  fully what  was  the  nature  of  the  instruction  given. The  word  seems  to  be  used  with  somewhat  of the  same  vagueness  by  Augustine  (Serm.  132). There  is  no  trace  at  this  period,  if  indeed  at any  time  in  the  West,  of  a  distinct  position  for them  in  the  place  where  Christians  met  for worship. In  the  East,  however,  we  find  from  the  time of  Gregory  Thaumaturgus  onwards  a  more  syste- matic classification,  and  that  one  made  subser- vient to  an  elaborate  penitential  system.  The Audientes  are  the  second  in  a  graduated  series  of those  who,  as  catechumens  or  members  of  the Church,  have  fallen,  and  need  to  be  restored. Outside  the  Church  stood  the  Flentes  (KAaiSfifuoi) mourning  over  their  guilt,  catching  only  the indistinct  sounds  of  what  was  passing  within, exposed  to  sun  or  rain.  Then  within  the narthex,  the  portico  in  one  sense  outside  the church,  but  communicating  with  it  by  open doors,  were  the  Audientes  (Greg.  Thaum.  Can. xi.).  They  might  stay  there  and  listen,  like  those who  bore  the  same  name  in  the  older  system,  till the  sermon  was  over.  Then  the  deacon  bade them  depart  along  with  the  unbelievers  (Const. Apost.  viii.  5),  and  they  had  not  the  privilege  of joining  in  any  prayers.  After  a  year  thus  jiassed they  came  within  the  church,  as  Fiectentes (yovvKKivovres),  joining  in  the  prayers  up  to the  commencement  of  the  proper  Eucharistic service,  but  kneeling  in  their  contrition.  Lastly, they  became  Consistentes  ((TvvnTrdfj.fi'oi),  stand- ing with  those  in  full  communion  with  the Church,  but  not  yet  admitted  themselves  to  that privilege.  Such  was  the  ideal  system  laid  down by  the  Council  of  Nieaea  (c.  xi.),  elaborated  by Basil  (Can,  sxii.,  Ixxv.),  and  more  or  loss  acted 152 AUDIENTIA on  throughout  the  churches  of  the  East.  It brought  with  it,  in  the  risk  of  degradation  from a  higher  order  to  one  of  shame  and  dishonour, from  the  position  of  full  membership  to  any  one of  them,  a  system  of  secondary  punishments  the actual  effect  of  which  it  is  not  easy  to  estimate. [Catechumens;  Penitents.]  [E.  H.  P.] AUDIENTIA  EPISCOPALIS.  This forms  one  of  the  heads  or  titles  in  the  first  book of  Justinian's  Codex,  and  is  there  used  in  rela- tion to  an  authority,  not  only  in  spiritual  but also  in  certain  secular  matters,  conferred  upon the  bishops  of  the  Church.  In  conjunction  with the  temporal  magistrates,  they  were  empowered to  take  part  in  managing  the  revenues  of  cities, the  guardianship  of  young  pei'sons,  and  various other  matters  of  a  civil  natui-e  (see  Guizot,  Hist, of  Civilisation  in  Europe,  Lecture  II.,  as  to  the influence  which  the  Church  thus  exercised  in society).  But  the  phrase  more  especially  de- notes the  power  given  to  the  bishops  of  hearing and  deciding  disputes  as  to  temporal  rights  in certain  cases.  Thus  we  find  {Cod.  i.  tit.  4.  s.  8) "  si  qui  ex  consensu  apud  sacrae  legis  antistitem litigare  voluerint,  non  vetabuntur.  Sed  expe- rientur  illius  in  civili  duntaxat  negotio,  more arbitri  sponte  residentis,  judicium  ;  "  and  {Ibid. s.  9)  "  Episcopale  judicium  ratum  sit  omnibus, .qui  se  audiri  a  sacerdotibus  elegerint ;  eamque eorum  judicationi  adhibendam  esse  reverentiam jubemus,  quam  vestris  deferri  necesse  est  potesta- tibus,  a  quibus  non  licet  provocare,  &c."  Two limitations  appear  on  the  face  of  these  passages  ; — 1.  That  the  matter  in  controversy  must  be  of a  civil  character,  no  criminal  cases  being  to  be thus  decided.  2.  That  both  parties  to  the  dis- pute must  voluntarily  agree  to  have  their  cause thus  tried.  The  result  therefore  is  to  make  the bishop  an  authoritative  arbitrator,  whenever  the parties  submitted  themselves  to  his  decision. This  repeats  what  had  been  previously  autho- rized by  Arcadius  and  Honorius  (see  Theod. Codex.  De  Jurisdict.  ii.  1),  and  by  Valentinian III.  ;  and,  indeed,  was  perhaps  little  more  than an  acceptance  and  recognition  on  the  part  of  the state  of  a  custom  which  had  long  prevailed  in Christian  communities,  of  bringing  their  disputes before  their  Christian  superiors  instead  of  before heathen  judges,, in  accordance  with  the  words  of St.  Paul  (1  Cor.  vi.).  At  one  period,  however, there  is  some  ground  to  believe  that  the  secular power  of  Rome  was  inclined  to  go  much  further. According  to  Eusebius  {Vit.  Const,  iv.  27)  and Sozomen  (i.  9),  Constantine  ordained  that  either party  in  a  dispute  of  a  civil  nature  might  select the  bishop  as  his  judge,  even  against  the  will  of the  other  party  ;  and  that  the  episcopal  decision should  be  conclusive,  and  should  be  executed  by the  temporal  authorities.  This  compulsory  set- ting aside  of  the  ordinary  tribunals  of  the  Roman Empire  at  the  pleasure  of  either  litigant,  did  not long  endure,  and  seems  to  have  been  superseded by  the  more  moderate  principle  adopted  by  Arca- dius and  Honorius.  Indeed  the  learned  commen- tator Gothofred,  who  is  followed  by  Bingham {Antiq.  ii.  7,  3),  doubts  whether  Constantine  ever really  made  any  such  decree.  Later  writers, however,  have  not  shared  these  doubts  (see Herzog,  Eeal.  Encycl.  sub  voce,  "  audientia  Epis- copi.").  This  alleged  decree  was  in  later  ages revived  in  the  west,  being  then  attributed  to Theodosius.     In  that  form  it  was  accepted  by AUGUSTINUS Charlemagne  {Capit.  vi.  3G6),  passed  into  the collections  of  laws,  and  finally  found  its  way  into the  Decretum  of  Gratian  (Part  II.  causa  xi. quaest.  i.  35).  Innocent  III.  lays  stress  upon  it (Decretal.  Greg.  i.  lib.  2,  tit.  i.  13),  and  indeed in  this  shape  it  was  well  calculated  to  minister to  the  Papal  pretensions.  [B.  S.] AUDIFAX,  martyr,  commemorated  Jan.  20 {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Ilieron.).  [C] AUDOENUS  or  AUDOINUS  (St.  Ouen), bishop  of  Rouen,  commemorated  Aug.  24  {Ifart. Hicron.).  [C] AUFINUS.  Natalia  in  Africa,  Oct.  16  {MI. Hicron.).  [C] AUGENTIUS-.  In  Africa,  Jan.  4  {Mart. Hieron.).  [C.] AUGULUS,  bishop  and  martyr,  comme- morated Feb.  7  {Mart.  Bedae,  Hieron.).         [C] AUGUEIES.    [Divinations.] AUGUSTA,  virgin,  commemorated  July  28 {Mart.  BcdaeX  [C] AUGUSTALIS,  commemorated  at  Aries, Sept.  7  {Mart.  Hieron.).  [C] AUGUSTINE'S  OAK,  Conferences  at,  be- tween Augustine  of  Canterbury  and  the  British bishops: — I.  In  A.D.  602  or  603,  and  probably at  Aust  on  the  Severn,  or  some  spot  near  to  it, with  a  view  to  induce  the  British  bishops  to  give up  their  Easter  Rule,  and  to  co-operate  with Augustine  in  preaching  to  the  Saxons.  The  first conference  (Baed.  ii.  2)  was  only  preliminary (Augustine,  however,  working  a  miracle  at  it, ace.  to  Bede),  and  led  to — II.  A  more  formal conference  shortly  after,  in  the  same  year,  at  the same  place,  at  which  seven  British  bishops  were present,  with  "  many  learned  men,"  especially from  Bangor  monastery  (near  Chester),  then under  Dinoth  as  its  abbat.  On  this  occasion Augustine  limited  his  demands  to  three,  con- formity in  keeping  Easter,  and  in  the  baptismal rite,  and  co-operation  in  preaching  to  the  Saxons  : suppressing,  if  Bede's  account  is  complete,  all claim  of  the  jurisdiction  which  Gregory  the  Great had  bestowed  upon  him  over  the  British  bishops, and  saying  nothing  of  the  tonsure  ;  but  disgust- ing the  Britons  by  refusing  to  stand  up  at  their approach — a  token,  according  to  the  words  of  a certain  anchorite  whom  they  had  consulted,  that he  was  not  a  man  of  God,  and  therefore  was not  to  be  followed.  The  conference  accordingly broke  up  without  any  other  result  than  that  of drawing  from  Augustine  some  angry  words, which  unfortunately  came  true  a  dozen  years afterwards,  when  he  was  dead,  in  the  slaughter of  the  Bangor  monks  at  Chester  (Baed.  ih.).  The baptismal  differences  have  been  conjectured  by Kiinstmann  to  relate  to  trine  immersion,  by Dr.  Rock  (upon  the  better  evidence  of  the Stowe  Missal)  to  have  referred  to  the  washing of  the  feet  which  the  Britons  are  supposed  to have  attached  to  baptism ;  but  both  are  con- jectures only.  For  the  date,  locality,  and  his- tory of  these  conferences,  see  Haddan  and  Stubbs, Cowicils,  iii.  40,  41.  And  for  the  well-known "  Answer  of  Dinoth,"  which  is  plainly  the work  of  some  mediaeval  Welsh  antiquary,  see ib.  i.  122.  [A.  W.  H.] AUGUSTINUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia, commemorated  May  7  {Mart.  Ram.  Vet.,  Hieron.'). AUGUSTODUNENSE (2)  Bishop  and  confessor,  Apostle  of  England, Jlay  26  {Martyrol.  Bedae,  Adonis). (3)  Commemorated  at  Rome  Aug.  22  {M. Ilicron.). (4)  Bishop  of  Hippo,  confessor,  Aug.  28  (Mart. Rom.  Vet.,  Hiei-on.,  et  Bedae).  In  Mart.  Hieron., under  May  26,  "  in  Africa  Agustini  Episcopi ;" under  Aug.  28,  "  Ipono  regio  Depositio  Agustini Episcopi ;"  so  that  May  26  seems  to  have  been given  to  St.  Augustine  of  Canterbury  at  a  date later  than  that  of  Mart.  Hieron.  His  name  is recited  in  the  Gregorian  Canon. (5)  Presbyter,  Oct.  7  {M.  Bedae). (6)  "  In  Cappadocia  Agustini  Episcopi,"  Nov. 17  'JI.  Hieron.).  [C] AUGUSTODUNENSE    CONCILIUM. [AUTUN,  COUXCIL  OF.] AUGUSTUS.  (1)  Of  Alexandria,  Jan.  11 {M.  Hieron.). (2)  Martyr,  commemorated  Slay  7  (Mart. Bom.  Vet.). (3)  Confessor,  commemorated  at  Bourges,  Oct. 7  (31.  Hieron.).  [C] AURELIANENSE  CONCILIUM. [Orange,  Council  of.] AUREOLA.    [Nimbus.] AURELIUS,  commemorated  April  26  (Mart. Hieron.).  [C] AUSTERIUS,  commemorated  Oct.  19  (Mart. Hieron.).  [C] AUSTEEBERTANA,  abbess,  commemo- rated Feb.  lU  {2Iart.  Hieron.).  [C] AUTHENTIC.  The  sounds  connecting  the final  (in  Gregorian  music)  with  its  octave,  or  a melody  in  which  they  only  are  employed,  were called  Authentic,  in  contradistinction  to  those  con- necting the  4th  below  the  final  with  its  8vc,  the 5th  above  it,  which  were  called  Plagal  (v.  Plagal). In  Ambrosian  music  authentic  scales  only  were employed,  and  of  these  only  four ;  the  Phrygian (D— d),  Dorian  (Iv— e),  Hypolydian  (F— f),  and Hypophrygian  (G — g)  of  the  Greek  system.  The Aeolian  (A — a)  and  the  Ionian  (C — c),  subse- quently added  to  the  number  of  the  church scales  (tones  or  modes),  were  subjected  to  the same  classification.  Authentic  scales  are  cha- racterised by  the  harmonic  division  (6:4:  3) of  their  octaves  ;  e.rj.  C — g — c  ;  the  plagal  by  the arithmetical  division  (4:3:2);  e.  g.  G — C — g. Authentic  melodies  are  thought  to  have  gene- rally greater  dignity  and  strength  than  plagal. A  good  modern  example  of  the  former  is  the well-known  German  chorale  Ein  feste  Burg  ist unser  Gott,  and  of  the  latter  our  Evening  Hymn, attributed  to  Tallis;  and  it  would  be  difficult to  find  in  pure  melodic  music  better  examples of  the  sublime  and  the  beautiful.  But  the  tune known  in  England  as  the  Old  Hundredth  (essen- tially plagal)  certainly  contravenes  this  theory in  a  very  striking  instance  and  manner. The  relations  of  subject  and  answer  in  the modern  tonal  fugue  (as  when  C — g  are  "  an- swered" not  by  g — d  but  by  g — C)  obviously grew  out  of  the  division  of  scales  into  authentic and  plagal.  [J.  H.] AUTISSIODORENSE      CONCILIUM. [AuxERRE,  Council  of.] AUTOCEPHALI  (AuTO/ce^oAoi,  from  ahrhs and  Ke^aKr]),  a  name  given  by  canonists  and  in AUTOCEPHALI 153 the  Notitiae — 1.  To  Metropolitans  who  remained independent  of  Patriarchs  after  Patriarchs  were established,  i.  e.,  who  then  continued  still  to  be what  all  Metropolitans  originally  were.  So  the Cyprian  archbishop  (Cone.  Ephcs.  A.D.  431,  act. vii. ;  and  again,  as  late  as  Cone.  Trull.  A.D.  691, can.  39,  at  a  time  when  the  Cypriots  had  fled from  Cypr'js  itself,  and  had  taken  refuge  in  the 'ETrapx'"  'E\\r)(T7r(i«'Tios) :  to  whom  Balsamon joins  the  archbishops  of  Bulgaria  and  of  Iberia (Georgia).  The  privilege  had  been  given  to  the former  of  these  two  by  Justinian.  (See,  how- ever, Le  Quien,  Oriens  Christ.,  vol.  i.  9'6.)  The latter  would  seem  to  have  been  at  first  reckoned as  subject  to  the  Patriarchate  of  Antioch,  and then  to  Constantinople;  but  from  A.D.  450  he styled  himself  avTOKe<paKos,  and  appears  to  have been  considered  as  such  (Malan,  Hist,  of  Georg, Ch.  35,  196,  &c.).  The  Armenian  Church  is  also so  styled  in  the  Notitiae  (see  Bingh.  II.  xviii.  2) ; but  it  would  rather  appear  to  have  claimed  to be  in  itself  a  patriarchate,  inasmuch  as  Nerses its  second  bishop,  present  at  Cone.  Constantin., A.D.  381,  styled  himself  Patriarch  and  Katho- licos  of  Armenia,  as  did  thenceforward  his  suc- cessors (Malan,  Life  of  Gregory  tlie  Illuminator, 27).  Ravenna  in  the  west  is  also  said  to  have arrogated  the  privilege  of  ''  autocephalism,"  and only  to  have  surrendered  it  under  the  pontifi- cate of  Pope  Bonus,  A.D.  676-679.  Roman  (and Welsh)  Britain,  which  is  usually  adduced  as another  western  instance,  and  which  undoubtedly had  no  relations  to  the  Roman  patriarchate  or any  other  for  three  centuries  (400-700), — as neither  had  Celtic  Ireland  nor  Columban  Scot- land,— was  rather  a  case  of  bishops  who  still remained  without  a  metropolitan,  the  legends of  the  archbishoprics  of  Caerleon  or  of  St.  David's, or  indeed  of  any  archbishopric  in  the  island  at all  except  as  an  honorary  and  unmeaning  title, being  without  any  historical  authority  whatever. The  epithet  is  applied  to  Britain  only  by  late controversial  writers. 2.  A  nam.e  given  to  a  class  of  bishops  who came  to  exist  in  the  9th  century  in  the  eastern patriarchates,  as  Constantinople,  Jerusalem,  An- tioch, who  were  dependent  directly  upon  their patriarch  without  the  intervention  of  a  metro- politan, and  who  might  be  more  accurately  (and sometimes  were)  called  archbishops  or  metropo- litans themselves,  only  without  suffragans  (see authorities  in  Bingh.  II.  xviii.  3). 3.  The  name  migld  be  applied,  on  the  same principle  upon  which  it  is  attached  to  metroj)o- litans  whose  independence  survived  the  establish- ment of  patriarchs,  to  bishops  whose  independence survived  the  establishment  of  metropolitans.  But the  origin  of  metropolitans  was  too  early  and  too universal  to  allow  of  any  ancient  authority  sig- nalizing possible  temporary  exceptions  of  this kind  by  a  name.  The  British  bishops,  however, appear  to  be  (substantially)  a  case  in  point. And  Valesius,  although  inaccurately  in  point  of fact,  has  applied  the  name  to  the  Bishop  of  Jeru- salem before  that  Bishop  became  himself  a patriarch  (Bingh.  ih.  4). 4.  No  doubt  also  the  name  might  be  applied, as  Bingham  suggests,  to  any  case  where  there happened  to  be  only  one  bishop  in  the  country, as  in  Scythia  in  the  time  of  Sozomen. Acephalus  ('AKfcpaXos)  is  said  to  be  sometimes used  for  Auioccphalus. 154 AUTONOMUS (Bingham  ;  Brerewood,  Patriarch,  Oov.  of Ahc.  C/i. ;  Cave,  Dissert,  on  Gov.  of  Anc.  Ch. ; BeveriJge,  Pandect.  ;  Du  Cange  ;  Meursius ; Suicer.)  [A.  W.  H.] AUTONOMUS,  commemorated  June  24  (Ca^. Arnwn.).  [C] AUTUN,  COUNCIL  OF  (Augustodun- ENSE  Concilium),  a.d.  670,  under  Bishop  Leo- degar,  passed  some  canons  respecting  monks, and  one  enforcing  the  Athanasian  creed  (Mansi, xi.  123).  [A.  W.  H.] AUVERGNE,  COUNCILS  OF.  [Clee- MOXT,  Council  of.] AUXENTIUS,  holy  father,  commemorated Feb.  14  {Cal.  Byzant.) ;  July  28  {Mart. Ilieron.).  [C] AUXEEEE,  COUNCILS  OF  (Autissiodo- REXSiA  Concilia).  L  a.d.  578,  diocesan,  where the  bishop,  with  his  7  abbats,  and  34  presbyters and  3  deacons,  passed  45  canons,  and  among others,  one  requiring  a  synod  of  abbats  every November  and  of  presbyters  every  May  (Mansi, ix.  911). II.  A.D.  841,  provincial,  gathered  by  the  Em- perors Louis  and  Charles  to  consult  respecting the  slaughter  in  the  war  between  them,  for  which a  three  days'  fast  was  appointed  (Mansi,  xiv. 786).  [A.  W.  H.] AVE  MARIA.     [Hail  Mary.] AVITUS.  (1)  Bishop,  deposition,  Feb.  5 (Mart.  Hieron.). (2)  Presbyter,  commemorated  June  17  (Mart. Bcdae). (3)  Confessor,  June  23  {lb.  et  Hieron.).    [C] AZARIAS,  martyr,  with  Ananias  and  Misael, commemorated  Dec.  16  {Mart.  Rom.  Yet.);  April 23  {Mart.  Bcdae) ;  Dec.  17  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] AZYMB.    [Elements.] B BABYLAS.  (1)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Antioch, A.D.  253  ;  commemorated  Jan.  24  {Mart.  Pom. Vet.,  Hieron.,  Bedae);  Sept.  4  {Cal  Byz.). (2)  Saint,  Natale,  June  11  {M.  Bedae).     [C] BACCANCELDENSE      CONCILIUM. [Bapchild,  Council  of.] BACCHUS.  (1)  Secuudicerius,  martyr,  A.D. 290 ;  commemorated  Oct.  7  {Mart.  Pom.  Vet., Cal.  B,/z.).  (2)  "  Passio  S.  Bacchi,"  Sept.  25 {M.  Bedae).  [C] BACULUS.    [STAFF.] BAGAJENSE  CONCILIUM,  Donatist,  at Vagais  or  Bagais,  in  Numidia,  A.D.  394,  where 310  bishops,  under  Priraian  the  Donatist  Primate of  Carthage,  condi'mned  IMnximian,  the  Catholic bishop  of  that  citv  (St.  Aug.  Cont.  Crescon.  iii. 53,  V.  10,  0pp.  X.  465,  490 ;  Tillemont,  M.  E.  vi. 165 ;  Labb.  ii.  1154).  [A.  W.  H.] BAGAN,  virgin,  commemorated  with  Eu- gjuia,  Jan.  22  {Cal.  Armen.).  [C] BAHED.  The  name  of  a  fast  in  the  Ethiopic Ciilendar,  observed  on  Ter  10  =  Jan.  5  (Neale, Eastern  Ch.  Int.  p.  810).  [C] BALANCE  (Symbol).  The  balance  appears sometimes  upon  Christian  tombs,     A  sepulchral BALANCE stone  from  the  cemetery  of  St.  Cyriac  (Aringhi, Poina  Subt.  ii.  139)  displays  this  instrument  in conjunction  with  a  crown ;  it  may  also  be  seen upon  a  mai-ble  slab  taken  by  Bosio  from  a cemetery  of  the  Via  Latina  (Aringhi,  ii.  658), accompanied  by  a  house,  a  fish,  by  a  doubtful object  which  has  been  taken  wrongly  for  a  can- delabrum, and  by  a  mummy  set  up  in  a  niche. A  monument  of  the  same  nature  reproduced  in the  work  of  M.  Perret  {Inscript.  No.  37)  repre- sents a  balance  with  a  weight  (see  woodcut).  De Rossi  {Poma  Sott.  T.  i.  p.  86)  notices  another example  in  the  church  of  St.  Cecilia  at  Rome. Balance  with  weigli tbe  Catai^cmbg. Some  antiquaries,  as  Mamachi  {Origincs  v.  98) have  supposed  that  the  balance  is  symbolical  of judgment  or  justice.  And  it  is  true  that  it  is found,  doubtless  with  this  signification,  on  coins of  Gordian,  Diocletian,  and  other  emperors  of pagan  Rome.  The  mediaeval  artists  again  have frequently  made  use  of  this  idea.  We  may  see it,  for  instance,  in  the  tympanum  of  the  great doorwav  of  Notre  Dame  in  Paris,  and  in  that  of the  cathedral  of  Autun,  where  it  may  be  con- sidered as  a  translation  in  sculpture  of  the  wordi of  the  Apocalypse  (xxii.  12).  But  in  the  first two  instances  which  we  have  mentioned,  and which  are  almost  the  only  examples  transmitted to  us  by  Christian  antiquity  properly  so  called, it  is  important  to  observe  that  mention  is  made of  the  contract  entered  into  between  the  pur- chasers of  the  tombs  and  the  fossores  Montanus and  Calevius:  VRSICINVS  ED  QVINTILIANA SE  BIBI  (vivis)  CONPARAVERVNT  LOCV  A MONTANV.  II  CALEVIVS  BENDIDIT  (ven- didit)  AVIN  TRISOMV. It  is  therefore  more  natural  to  suppose  that the  balance  symbolises  purchase  and  sale,  per  aes et  libram. Sometimes  upon  tombs  the  balance  is  simply indicative  of  a  trade,  as  for  example  on  the  slab of  a  Roman  moneyer  found  in  the  cemetery  of St.  Priscilla  (Marini  Papiri  diplom.  p.  3.">2) : AVR.  VENERANDO.  NVM  ||  QVI.  VIXIT. ANN.  XXXV  II  ATILIA.  VALENTINA. FECIT  II  MARITO.  BENEMERENTI.  IN.  PACE. Bronze  balances  were  found  in  a  Frankish  se- pulchre of  the  Merovingian  period  by  the  Abbe' Cochet  {Sepuli.  Gauloises,  p.  253  and  following), where  in  all  probability  they  indicated  the  tomb of  a  monetary  officer,  or  fiscal  agent,  or  accountant of  some  kind.  This  is  rendered  almost  certain by  the  fact  that  a  balance  in  the  Faussett  col- lection {Inventorium  Sepulchrale,  p.  43 ;  pi.  xvii. fig.  1,  2,  3),  was  found  in  the  same  tomb  with  a "louch-stone  "  for  the  trial  of  metals.  Another, found  like  the  preceding  in  an  ancient  tomb  in Kent,  is  described  and  figured  by  Mr.  Roach Smith  in  Collectanea  Antiqua,  vol.  iii.  pp.  12-14; BALBINA pi.  iv.  fig.  1  (Martignv,  Diet,  dcs  AnUq.  Chrift. p.  67).  "  [C] BALBINA.  (1)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Rome, A.D.  130 ;  commemorated  March  31  (^Mai-t.  Rom. Vet.,  Bedae). (2)  Natnle,  Oct.  6  (J/.  Bedae). BALDEGUNDIS,  deposition  at  Poictiers, F(;b.  11  (^Mart.  Hieron.). BANNER.     [Labarum;  Vexillum.] BAPCHILD,  COUNCIL  OF  (Baccancel- DENSE  Co.NCinuji),  Or  rather  Witenagemot. (1)  Between  A.D.  696  &  716,  at  Bapchild,  near Sittingbourne,  in  Kent ;  a  Kentish  Witenagemot, at  which  abbesses  and  presbyters,  as  well  as bishops  and  abbats,  were  present,  and  where  the celebrated  Privilege  of  Wihtred  was  enacted, granting  to  the  Kentish  metropolitan  a  free election  in  the  case  of  abbats,  abbesses,  priests, and  deacons.  The  date  cannot  be  precisely determined;  and  is  further  confused  by  a  dis- crepancy between  the  Canterbury  Register  and the  Texius  Roffensis  on  the  one  hand,  and  the Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle  on  the  othei-,  respecting the  dates  of  Gebmund  and  Tobias,  successively bishops  of  Rochestei-.  Spurious  forms  of  the Privilegium  extend  it  to  the  election  of  bishops and  to  the  whole  of  Saxon  England.  See  Haddan and  Stubbs,  Councils,  in.  238-247. — (2)  a.d.  798, if  at  all ;  said  to  have  been  held  under  Kenulf, king  (not  of  Kent,  but)of  Mercia,  and  Archbishop Athelard,  with  bishops  (two  lists,  both  spurious), abbats,  and  an  archdeacon ;  and  to  have  prohi- bited lay  interference  with  churches  and  mo- nasteries, in  compliance  with  a  mandate  of  Pope Leo  III.  The  decree,  however,  is  verbatim  that of  the  (genuine)  Council  of  Cloveshoo  of  A.D.  803, from  which  also  one  of  the  lists  of  bishops  is partially  talien  (Kemble,  Cod.  Dipl.  1018,  1024, Wilk.  i.  162  ;  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Counc.  iii. 517).  The  copy  in  Reg.  A  1  at  Canterbury, howevei-,  has  no  signatures.  [A.  W.  H.] BAPTISM.  This  Article  -is  arranged  as follows  :  — I.  Tei-ms  used  to  designate  Baptism. II.  The  Order  of  Baptism  in  various  Churches. III.  The  several  Parts  of  the  entire  Ritual,  viz. : Consecration  of  the  Water;  Interrogations  and Responses  (Renunciation  and  Profession);  Pre- paratory Unction ;  Unclothing  of  the  Catechu- men ;  the  Immersion  ;  the  Baptismal  Formula ; the  subsequent  Ceremonies,  viz.  :  the  Kiss,  the lighted  Tapers,  the  white  Garments,  the  red and  white  Thread,  the  Chaplet,  and  the  washing of  Feet.  IV.  At  what  times,  in  what  places, and  by  whom,  Baptism  was  administered  ;  with what  matter,  in  what  mode,  and  at  what  age. V.  Graphic  representations  of  Baptism.  VI.  Li- terature. The  subject  of  Sponsors,  and  that  of Baptismal  Names,  are  treated  separately  in  their alphabetical  order. I.  Terms  used  to  designate  Baptism. §  1.  Ba-TTTifeij'  and  derived  words.  The  moaning of  this  verb  is  not,  as  commonly  asserted,  identical with  that  oi^oLirreiu,  to  "dip,"  but  presented  this idea  under  special  modifications  characteristic  of the  various  ages  in  which  it  was  employed.  In classical  usage  it  was  commonly  used  meta- phorically in  speaking  of  one  "  drenched  "  with wine,  "overwhelmed"  with  misfortunes,  and the  like.  Polybius  uses  it  (iii.  72)  in  speaking of  troops  passing  through  water  which  reached BAPTISM 155 up  to  their  breasts :  fidXii  'iais  ruv  fiacrruv ol  irefot  0aTrTi^6fj.evoi  Sie^aivov.  In  the  Canon- ical 13ooks  of  the  LXX  it  occurs  but  once in  speaking  of  Naamau  either  "washing"  or "dipping  "  himself  in  the  Jordan  (1  Kings  v.  14). In  the  Apocrypha,  in  speaking  of  one  washing herself  (e/SaTTTi'feTO  i-jrl  rrjs  xriyrj^,  Jud.  xii.  7) at  a  spring ;  and  again  (Ecclus.  24,  37  al.  29)  of one  washing  himself  after  touching  a  dead  body ; both  cases  having  reference  to  ceremonial  puri- fication. In  the  New  Testament  it  is  occasionally used  metaphorically  (Matt.  xx.  22  ;  Mark  x.  38, 39  ;  Luke  xii.  50).  But  it  generally  has  reference either  to  Jewish  ceremonial  purification  (Mark vii.  4  ;  Luke  xi.  28),  or  to  Christian  Baptism. §  2.  AovTpbv,  or  T^riyri,  lavacruin,  fons.  These terms  (laver  and  font)  have  reference,  like  the last  noticed,  to  the  outward  circumstances  of  the Baptismal  Rite.  Aovrphv,  the  Latin  lavacriim, means  literally,  "  what  serves  for  washing  the body,"  that  is,  either  the  vessel,  or  the  miter  so used.  St.  Paul  twice  (Eph.  v.  26,  and  Tit.  iii.  5) uses  the  word  in  reference  to  baptism.  In  Justin Martyr  it  appears  as  an  evidently  technical  de- signation of  baptism  (rh  Xovrphv  iroiovvTai,  Apol. I.  c.  79),  and  from  that  time  onward  the  word  is repeatedly  used.  The  terms  777777)  and  fons, meaning  a  spring,  or  a  pool  fed  by  a  spring,  date as  technical  terms  from  the  time  when  either natural  pools  (see  §  39)  in  the  open  air,  or  bap- tisteries supplied,  as  was  commonly  the  case,  by natural  springs,  were  made  use  of  for  the  purpose of  Christian  baptism. §  3.  Terms  expressive  of  doctrine. — The  most common  of  these  doctrinal  designations  are  those which  have  reference  to  the  idea  of  Regeneration — in  Greek  avajivvriffis,  and  more  rarely  izaXiy- ysvecria  and  dsoyiveais,  in  Latin  rcgeneratio, secunda  or  spiritualis  nativitas,  renasci,  and  re- nascentia.  Terms  of  regeneration  had  Ijeen  used in  a  figurative  sense  both  by  classical  authors and  by  Hellenists,  such  as  Philo  and  Josephus, before  they  were  adopted  into  the  language of  Christianity.  They  served  to  express  the  idea of  an  entire  change  of  condition,  as  for  ex- ample the  passing  out  of  a  state  of  misery,  of slavery  or  of  subjection,  into  a  state  of  well- being,  of  freedom  and  of  independence.  (See Wetsteiu  on  Matt.  six.  28  ;  Trench's  Si/nonyms  of N.T.  pp.  71,  72.  Add  Tertullian,  de  Bapt.  c.  5.) The  Rabbinical  use  of  such  terms  more  directly illustrates  the  Christian  meaning  of  these  words, but  the  ultimate  date  to  which  that  use  is  to be  traced  is  open  to  doubt.  ,  (See  Lightfoot  on John  iii.  4 ;  0pp.  tom.  ii.  p.  610,  fol.  Kotterdami 1687;  Schoettgen,  Hor.  Heb.  i.  p.  704,  Dresdae 4,  1733  ;  Carpzovii  Annotationes  in  Th.  Goodwini Moscn  et  Aaronem,  Francofurti  4,  1748,'  lib,  i. cap.  iii.  §  vii.) §  4.  '2<ppayls,  Signactdum,  &c.  Baptism  is not  unfrequently  spoken  of  as  "the  seal,"  or more  fully  "  the  seal  of  the  Lord,"  (Clemens Alex.),  and  that  partly  perhaps  with  reference  to the  language  of  Holy  Scripture  (2  Cor.  i.  22, Eph.  i.  13,  and  iv.  30).  But  other  thoughts  were also  connected  with  the  term,  as  e.g.  that  of  the sign  of  the  cross  (this  being  more  especially  the seal)  being  the  seal  of  the  Christian  covenant  or  of the  "spiritual  circumcision."  (St.  Cyril.  Ilieros. Cotech.  V.  Mera  ti]v  iriffTiv  Ttjv  ■irv€VfiarLK)]u \afj.Pavofj.ei'  acfipaylSa,  'Kyioi  Xlfev/jLaTt  Sia  rov KoiiTpuv  ■mpiTtfj.vofj.ivoi.)     Hence  further  modi- 156 BAPTISM fications  of  the  same  idea,  such  as  "  Character Dominicus,"  the  mark  impressed  by  the  Lord (St.  Augustine  de  Bapt.  c.  Donat.  lib.  vi.  cap.  i. and  Ejnst.  184  bis,  c.  vi.  §  23,  Migne,  tom.  ii. p.  803);  Seo-rroreias  (nj/j-eiaxTis,  a  mark  indicative of  ownership  or  dominion  (St.  Greg.  Naz.  Or.  xl. ; compare  St.  Isaac  of  Armenia,  quoted  below, §  101);  or  again  the  Nota  Militaris  (St.  Augus- tine de  Bapt.  lib.  i.  cap.  iv.),  r)  rov  (rrpariuirov (Tfppayis  (St.  Chrysostom  in  ii.  Cor.  Hmn.  iii.  ad lin.),  the  mark  put  upon  soldiers  to  ensure  their recognition. §  5.  Tei-ms  of  Initiation  or  Illumination. — The idea  of  baptism  being  an  initiation  {fj.vricris, /xvcTTayooyia,  TfAer?))  into  Christian  mysteries, an  enlightenment  {^wriafihs,  illumiuatio,  illus- tratio)  of  the  darkened  understanding,  belonged naturally  to  the  primitive  ages  of  the  Church, when  Christian  doctrine  was  still  taught  under great  reserve  to  all  but  the  baptized,  and  when adult  baptism,  requiring  previous  instruction, was  still  of  prevailing  usage.  Most  of  the  Fathers interpreted  the  cpaiTLcOtvrfs,  "  once  enlightened," of  Hob.  vi.  4,  as  referring  to  baptism.  In  the middle  of  the  second  century  (Justin  M.  Apol.  ii. KaAeZTai  Se  tovto  rh  KovTphv  (pcoriafxbs  ws  (pw- Ti^onivwv  TTjV  Sidvoiav  tSiv  ravra  fj.ai'BavSi'Tcov) we  find  proof  that  "  illumination  "  was  already a  received  designation  of  baptism.  And  at  a later  time  (St.  Cyril  Hieros.  Catech.  passim),  ol (poiTi^ofXivoi  (illuminandi)  occurs  as  a  technical term  for  those  under  preparation  for  baptism, ol  (pwTKrdiVTis  of  those  already  baptised.  So  oi afxvrjToi  and  ol  fj.efj.vr]fj.euoi,  the  uninitiated  and the  initiated,  are  contrasted  by  Sozomen,  //,  £. lib.  i.  c.  3. §  6.  Modern  terms. — In  most  of  the  modern  Eu- ropean languages  the  words  expressive  of  baptism are  derived  directly  from  the  Latin  baptizare,  and testify  to  the  ftict  of  Latin  having  been  in  the Western  Churches  the  one  ecclesiastical  language almost  to  the  exclusion  of  all  others.  But  there is  one  notable  exception.  The  German  taufen, to  "  baptize,"  akin  to  our  English  "  dip,"  has  the same  technical  meaning  as  baptizare,  and  recals the  time  when  on  the  conversion  of  the  German tribes  baptism  was  as  a  rule  performed  by  "dip- ping "  (see  §  92),  and  when  not  Latin,  but  as  far as  possible  the  mothei'-tongue  of  the  converts was  employed  in  the  baptismal  offices.  Our countryman,  St.  Boniface,  in  his  Statuta  (Mar- tene,  de  Ant.  Ecc.  Bit.  tom.  i.  p.  48)  desires  that the  catechumens  be  taught  to  make  the  Renun- ciations and  Confessions  of  Faith  in  Baptism  "  in ^jsa  lingua  qua  nati  sunt,"  and  directs  any  pres- byter to  leave  the  diocese  who  is  too  pi-oud  to obey  this  direction. II.  The  Order  of  Baptism  in  various  Churches of  tlie  East  and  of  the  West. §  7.  Described  by  Justin  Martyr. — The  earliest description  of  the  actual  rite  of  baptism  is  that given  by  Justin  Martyr  in  his  first  Apology  (cap. Ixxix.),  which  dates  from  the  middle  of  the second  century.  "  We  will  now  relate  after  what manner  we  dedicated  (Ji.ve6itKap.iv)  ourselves  unto God,  when  we  were  new-made  through  Christ (^KaivoTvoLri&ivTis  5ta  tov  X.).  So  many  as  are convinced,  and  believe  the  truth  of  what  we teach  and  affirm,  and  who  promise  to  be  able  to live  accordingly,  are  taught  both  to  pray,  and with  fasting  to  ask  of  God  remission  of  their  past BAPTISM sins,  while  we  join  with  them  in  their  prayers and  in  their  fast.  Then  they  are  conducted by  us  to  a  place  where  there  is  water,  and they  are  regenerated  {kvaytwoivrai)  after  the same  manner  of  regeneration  as  that  in  which we  ourselves  were  regenerated.  For  they  then make  their  ablution  (rh  Xovrphv  iroiovvTai)  in the  water,  in  the  name  of  God,  the  Father  and Lord  of  the  Universe,  and  of  our  Saviour  Jesus Christ,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  For  Christ  said  : 'Except  ye  be  regenerated  (iav pj)  avaytvvridrJTe) ye  cannot  enter  into  the  kingdom  of  heaven.'  " §  8.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  description  here given  is  without  full  details  concerning  the  rite itself,  as  was  natural  in  one  writing  concerning a  Christian  Sacrament  to  persons  who  were  not Christians  themselves.  But  we  may  trace  clear allusions  to  the  prefatory  instruction  and  guid- ance of  the  catechumens — to  the  baptismal  pro- mises or  stipulations — to  a  place  of  baptism  apart from  the  ordinary  place  of  assembly  for  the faithful  (^&yovTai  v(j>'  7)pwv  evda  vSup  fcrn).  We find  also  the  baptismal  formula,  "  In  the  name of  the  Fathei-,  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost," though  with  slight  interpolations  which  are  pro- bably due  to  the  need  of  some  explanation  in addressing  a  heathen  audience  on  such  a  subject. §  9.  Bitual  described  by  Tertullian. — About fifty  years  later  than  Justin  Martyr,  and  about the  close  of  the  second  century,  we  find  evidence in  the  works  of  Tertullian  of  the  nature  of  the baptismal  rite  as  observed  at  that  time.  He speaks  first  of  the  Preparation  of  the  Catechumens immediately  before  Baptism — saying  that  they should  be  frequent  in  prayer,  with  fasting  and kneeling  (then  a  penitential  attitude),  and  watch- ing, and  with  confession  of  all  former  sins. "  Ingressuros  baptismum,  orationibus  crebris, jejuniis  et  geniculationibus,  et  pervigiliis,  orare oportet,  et  cum  confess!  one  omnium  retro  delict- orum,  ut  exponant  etiam  baptismum  Joannis. Tinguebantur,  inquit,  coufitentes  delicta  sua" {DeBapt.  c.  20).  §  10.  He  describes  the  solemn renunciatioH  of  the  devil  and  his  pomp,  and  his angels,  distinguishing  the  renunciation  made  at the  time  of  baptism  from  that  made  some  time previously  in  the  church  (on  admission  as  cate- chumens). ("  Aquam  adituri  ibidem,  sed  et  ali- quanto  prius  in  ecclesia  sub  antistitis  manu, coutestamur  nos  renuntiare  diabolo  et  pompae  et angelis  ejus."  De  Cor.  Mil.  c.  3.)  He  speaks  then of  other  "  responses  "  made  by  the  baptized  while standing  in  the  water,  alleging  these  as  an  ex- ample of  custom  founded  on  tradition  only,  not  on any  express  direction  of  our  Lord.  ("  Dehinc  ter mergitamur  amplius  aliquid  respondentes  quam Dominus  in  evangelio  determinavit."  Ibid.  See below,  §  93.)  §  11.  The  words  (ter  mergitamur) just  quoted,  and  those  of  the  treatise  De  Bapd.  c.  1, "  in  aquam  homo  demissus  et  inter  pauca  verba tinctus,"  have  reference  to  the  Trine  Immersion then  customary  (see  below,  §  49)  and  the  use of  the  woi-ds  implicitly  prescribed  in  Matt,  xxviii. 19.  These  points  he  more  exactly  determines elsewhere.  ("  Novissime  mandans  ut  tinguerent in  Patrem  et  Filium  et  Spiritum  Sanctum,  non  in unum  :  nam  nee  semel  sed  ter,  ad  singula  nomina, in  personas  singulas  tinguimur."  Ado.  Praxeam, c.  26.)  §  12.  Among  the  traditionary  customs, Tertullian  mentions  the  tasting  of  a  mixture (concordiam)  of  honey  and  milk  on  leaving  the font  ("  Inde  suscepti  lactis  et  mellis  concordiam BAPTISM praegustamus."  De  Cor,  Mil.  c.  3).  But  there  is uo  let'ercuce  to  this  in  his  treatise  de  baptismo,  so that  it  may  not  improbably  have  been  of  occa- sionai  or  local  usage  only  in  his  time.  §  13.  The anointing  with  a  consecrated  (benedicta)  oil,  and the  imposition  of  hands  by  the  bishop,  which followed  upon  baptism,  is  spoken  of  as  being intimately  connected  with  the  actual  baptism. In  the  font,  according  to  his  view,  we  are  wUshed from  sin,  and  so  prepared  for  the  reception  of the  Holy  Spirit.  ("  Non  quod  in  aquis  spiritum sanctum  consequamur  sed  in  aqua  emundati  sub Angelo  Spiritui  Sancto  praeparamur  ....  An- gelas baptismi  arbiter  superventuro  Spiritui Sancto  vias  dirigit  ablutione  delictorum  quam fides  impetrat  obsignata  in  Patre  et  Filio  et Spiritu  Sancto  ....  Exinde  egressi  de  lavacro perungimur  benedicta  unctione  ....  Dehinc manus  imponitur  per  benedictionem  advocans et  invitans  Spiritum  Sanctum."  Be  hapt.  cc.  6, 7,  8).  The  evidence  of  Tertullian  on  other  points will  come  under  notice  later  in  this  article. §  14.  Ritual  at  Jerusalem,  A.D.  347.  The Catecheses  of  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  delivered  in Lent,  a.  347,  picture  to  us  in  tolerably  full detail  the  ceremonial  usages  there  customary  in his  time.  Throughout  Lent  (^Gatech.  i.  naaapa.- Kovra  7}fj.epas  oii  crxoAofeiy  Trj  Tpomvxfl ;  and again  Teffcrapa/coi/Ta  T]iJ.(pS>v  exeis  fiiTavoiav)  the catechumens  assembled  day  after  day  in  the church  of  the  Anastasis  {Cat.  siv.)  for  prayer, and  for  catechetical  instruction.  §  15.  And  at the  close  of  Lent,  on  the  "  Sabbath,"  or  Easter Eve,  as  the  evening  {Myst.  Catcch.  i.  /cot'  €Kelv7]v Tov  PairTLff/xaTos  tt/i'  ecnrepav.  Compare  Chry- sost.  in  1  Cor.  Ifom.  xl.,  where  he  speaks  of  t7]v iaTr4pav  kKeip7]v,  that  evening  in  which  baptism is  solemnized)  closed  in  upon  the  holy  city,  those to  be  baptized  assembled  in  the  outer  chamber of  the  baptistery  {ds  rhu  ■KpoavXiov  tov  /SaTrritr- TTipiov  OLKOv,  Myst.  Cat.  i.)  and  facing  towards the  west,  as  being  the  place  of  darkness,  and  of the  powers  thereof,  with  outstretched  hand, made  open  renunciation  of  Satan.  §  16.  Then turning  them  about,  and  with  face  towards  the East,  "  the  place  of  light,"  they  exclaimed,  "  I  be- lieve in  the  Father  (€is  Thv  IT.)  and  in  the  Son, and  in  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  in  one  baptism  of repentance."  §  17.  This  said,  they  went  forward into  the  inner  chamber  (oIkos)  of  the  baptistery, and  (^Myst.  Cat.  ii.)  put  off  the  garment  (chiton) wherewith  they  were  clothed,  and  being  thus naked  were  anointed  with  oil  from  head  to  foot. §  18.  After  this  preparatory  unction  they  were led  by  the  hand  to  the  font  itself,  and  then  each one  was  asked,  "Dost  thou  believe  in  the  name of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy Ghost  ? "  and  they,  in  answer,  witnessed  the saving  confession  of  their  ftiith,  and  dipped  them- selves thrice  in  the  water,  and  thrice  lifted themselves  up  from  out  thereof;  and  so  set forth,  by  symbol,  the  three  days'  burial  of  the Lord,  and  his  Resurrection ;  and  the  saving water  was  to  them  at  once  death  and  life,  at once  "a  tomb  and  a  mother."  §  19.  Then,  on coming  forth  from  the  water,  they  were  clothed with  white  garments,  significant  of  the  purity and  brightness  of  that  spiritual  vesture  with which  they  were  ever  henceforth  to  be  clothed {Myst.  Cat.  iv.  in  fin.).  §  20.  Afterward,  as Christ,  coming  up  out  of  the  waters,  was anointed  with   the   unction  of  the  Holy  Ghost, BAPTISM 15- descending  upon  Him  in  bodily  shape  as  a  dove, an  unction,  not  bodily  but  spiritual,  so  the  bap- tized, when  made  partakers  of  "  the  anointed," ai-e  themselves  "anointed"  with  a  holy  oil  "on the  forehead,  the  ears,  the  nostrils,  and  the breast;  and  while  the  body  was  thus  touched with  material  ointment,  the  spirit  was  sanctified [or  'consecrated,'  ayia^erai]  by  the  holy  and lifegiving  Spirit"  {Myst.  Cat.  iii.).  §  21.  Holy Communion.  After  this  followed  holy  communion, of  which  all  the  newly  baptized  were  partakers, therein  becoming  "  of  one  body  and  of  one  blood  " with  Christ  {avcrcTwiioi.  koI  (jvvaLjxoi  lov  XptaTov), and  there  partaking  of  a  heavenly  bread,  and  of  a Gup  of  salvation,  that  sanctify  both  soul  and  body (/6.  iv.).  §  22.  Fsalms  and  lights.  Under  the figurative  language  employed  by  St.  Cyril  in  his prefatory  address,  we  may  see  evident  allusions  to the  accompanying  ceremonial  of  the  great  Easter rite.  This  was  celebrated,  as  we  have  already mentioned,  on  the  eve,  and  during  the  night (jTore  jxev  v/mu  Sei'lj?  6  6ebs  eKeivrjv  T7)f vvKTa  K.T.X.,  Praefatio)  preceding  Easter  day. And  the  use  of  artificial  light,  thus  rendered necessary,  was  singularly  in  harmony  with  the occasion,  and  with  some  of  the  thoughts  most prominently  associated  with  it  (see  §  6  above). It  would  be  difficult  to  imagine  any  scene  more moving  than  that  pictured  to  us  iu  the  pages  of St.  Cyril,  when  on  the  eve  of  the  Saviour's resurrection,  and  at  the  doors  of  the  church  of the  "Anastasis,"  the  white-robed  (§  19)  band of  the  newly  baptised  was  seen  approaching  from the  neighbouring  baptistery,  and  the  darkness was  turned  into  day  (t5  ckStos  tJ)  7]/j.fpo(t>aves, Praefat.  ad  Catech.)  in  the  brightness  of  unnum- berecl  lights.  And  as  the  joyous  chant  swelled upwards,  "  Blessed  is  he  whose  unrighteousness is  forgiven,  and  whose  sin  is  covered,"  it  might well  be  thought  that  angels'  voices  were  heard echoing  the  glad  acclaim,  "  Blessed  is  the  man unto  whom  the  Lord  imputeth  no  sin,  and  in whose  spirit  there  is  no  guile."  {ore  vfiHv  aud^v- Tuiv,  i.  e.,  after  your  baptism,  ol  ayy^Xoi  t-Kicpai- vi](Tovaiv,  MaKapioL  wv  a<j)46r]ffav,  k.t.A.,  Prae- fat.) §  23.  Other  Eastern  rdes.  In  Egypt.  The order  of  baptism  which  we  have  traced  above  as observed  at  Jerusalem  in  the  year  347  A.D.,  bears a  close  resemblance  in  all  its  more  important  de- tails to  those  of  which  we  find  record  elsewhere. The  limits  of  this  article  do  not  admit  of  our- quoting  these  in  full.  For  the  order  followed  in the  Egyptian  Church,  see  the  Constitutiones  Eccle- siae  Aeijyptiacae,  §  46  seqq.,  published  by  La  garde (al.  Botticher)  in  his  I'eliqidae  Juris  Ecclesiastici antiquissimcte.  It  will  be  found  also  in  Bunsen's Christianity  and  Mankind,  vol.  vi.  p.  465,  seqq., in  a  Greek  translation  by  Lagarde  from  the Coptic  original.  With  this,  which  may  probably date  from  the  4th  or  5th  century  (not  as  a  MS. but  as  a  rite),  may  be  compared  the  Ordo  Bap- tismi oi  Severus,  Patriarch  of  Alexandria  in  the 7  th  century  {Biblioth.  Max.  Patrum,  Paris,  fol. 1654,  torn.  vi.  col.  25),  and,  for  a  much  later time,  see  Vansleb,  I/istoire  de  I'Eglise  d'Alex- andrie,  Paris,  1677,  cap.  21,  p.  80. §^24.  In  Aethiopia.  The  Ethiopic  rite  must originally  have  resembled  that  of  Alexandria. Our  first  detailed  accounts  of  it  come  to  us  from the  Jesuit  missionaries  {Bibl.  Max.  Patr.  as above,  torn.  vi.  col.  57,  seqq.).     Witli  their  state- 158 BAPTISM ments,  which  coming  from  various  quarters appear  at  times  somewhat  inconsistent  with each  other,  may  be  compared  the  account  given by  Ludolf  in  his  Historia  Aethiopica,  lib.  iii. cap.  vi. §  25.  The  Descriptions  of  the  Eite  given  by Dioni/sius,  the  so-called  Areopagite  (Ecc.  Hier. lib.  ii.),  and  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions, cannot  be  assigned  with  certainty  to  any  par- ticular date  or  locality  ;  but  they  afford  interest- ing points  of  comparison  with  the  ritual  de- scribed elsewhere. §  26.  Western  Rites.  The  only  complete Ordines  Baptismi  of  any  early  Western  churches are  the  Roman  and  the  Gallican.  The  Roman may  be  traced  with  slight  variations  in  the sacramentary  attributed  to  Gelasius  (Mignr, Patrol,  torn."  74,  p.  1105,  and  Muratori,  Liturg. Rorr/m.  Vct.\  and  that  of  Gregory  the  Great (ed.  H.  Menard).  Many  variations  of  the  Gallican Ordo  Baptismi  are  given  by  Martene  {De  Ant. Ecc.  Bit.  tom.  i.  Part  1),  and  of  these  we  select one  example  as  being  of  exceptional  interest. §  27.  The  Gotho-Gallican  Rite.  The  earliest of  the  Gallican  Ordines  Baptismi  is  probably that  sometimes  described  as  the  Gothic,  as having  been  in  use  in  the  Visigothic  Church. The  order  commences  with  a  prefatory  address, remarkable  for  the  figurative  language  employed, which  is  utterly  unlike  that  to  be  met  with  in any  other  known  ritual,  and  in  which  we  ma}^ probably  see  traces  of  the  peculiar  circumstances under  which  Christianity  was  first  introduced into  Gaul.  "  Standing,  dearest  brethren,  on  the bank  of  this  ciystal-clear  fount,  bring  ye  from  the land  to  the  shore  new-comers  to  ply  the  traffic whereof  they  have  need  (mercaturos  sua  com- mercia).  Let  all  who  embark  on  this  voyage make  their  way  over  this  new  sea,  not  with a  rod  ['  virga,'  probably  with  reference  to Moses  and  the  Red  Sea],  but  with  the  cross ; not  with  bodily  touch,  but  with  spiritual  appre- hension; not  with  traveller's  staff,  but  in  sacra- mental mj'stery  (non  virga,  sed  cruce,  non  tactu sed  sensu,  non  baculo  sed  sacramento).  The place  is  small  but  full  of  grace.  Happy  hath been  the  pilotage  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  Therefore let  us  pray  tlie  Lord  our  God,  that  He  will  sanc- tify this  fount,  and  make  it  a  laver  of  most blessed  regeneration  in  remission  of  all  sins ; through  the  Lord."  §  28.  The  Collect  then follows,  being  a  prayer  for  the  benediction  of the  font.  "  God  who  didst  sanctify  the  fount of  Jordan  for  the  salvation  of  souls,  let  the  angel of  thy  blessing  descend  upon  these  waters, that  thy  servants  being  bathed  (perfusi)  there- with may  receive  remission  of  sins,  and  being Ijorn  again  of  water  and  the  Holy  Spirit,  ma_v devoutly  serve  thee  for  ever  ;  thi'ough  the  Lord." §  29.  The  Contestatio.  "  It  is  meet  and  right. Holy  Lord,  Almighty  Father,  Initiator  of  the Saints,  Father  of  all  Unction,  and  author  of  a new  sacrament  through  thine  only  Son  our  Lord God  ;  Who,  through  the  ministry  of  water  be- stowest  in  place  of  the  riches  of  the  world  ('  atde divitias  mundi,'  evidently  from  the  Greek  avTL ToD  -nXovTov  ToO  k6(t/j.ov)  thine  Holy  Spirit ; Thou  that  providest  the  waters  of  Bethgsda through  the  healing  operation  of  the  Angel ; Who  didst  sanctify  the  channel  of  Jordan  by  the worthiness  of  Christ  thy  Son  ;  have  regard,  0 Lord,  to  these  waters  prepared   for  the   doing BAPTISM away  of  the  sins  of  men;  grant  that  the  Angel of  thy  fatherly  love  (pietatis  tuae)  may  be  pre- sent to  this  holy  fount ;  may  he  wash  off  the stains  of  the  former  life,  and  sanctify  a  shrine wherein  Thou  mayest  dwell,  causing  them  that herein  shall  be  regenerated  to  grow  and  be strengthened  evermore  in  the  inner  man  (procu- rans  ut  regenerandorum  viscera  aeterna  florescaut, probably  iVa  OdWrj  eh  Thv  alaiva  to  (TirKdyxya ■iSiv  avajfvvuifj.fywv'),  and  bestowing  that  true renewal  which  is  of  baptism.  Bless,  Lord  God, this  water  that  Thou  didst  create,  and  let  Thy healing  power  (virtus  tua)  descend  upon  it. Pour  down  from  above  Thy  Holy  Spirit,  the Paraclete,  the  messenger  [angel]  of  truth.  Sanc- tify, O  Lord,  these  waters  as  thou  didst  the streams  of  Jordan ;  that  they  who  go  down  into this  fount,  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  may  be  found worthy  to  obtain  both  pardon  of  sins  and  the on-pouring  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  through  our  Lord Jesus  Christ,  Who  with  (apud)  Thee  and  the Holy  Ghost  is  blessed  for  evermore."  §  30. Consecration  v:ith  Chrism.  "  Then  thou  makest a  cross  with  chrism,  and  sayest :  I  exorcise thee,  thou  water  of  God's  creation  ;  I  exorcise thee,  the  whole  army  of  the  devil,  the  whole power  of  the  adversary,  and  all  darkness  of  evil spirits ;  I  exorcise  thee  in  the  name  of  our  Lord Jesus  Christ  of  Nazareth,  to  whom  the  Father hath  subjected  all  things  in  heaven  and  in  earth. Fear  and  tremble,  Thou  and  all  the  malice  that is  thine :  give  place  to  the  Holy  Spirit,  that  all who  descend  into  this  font  may  have  the  laver of  the  baptism  of  i-egeneration,  unto  remission  of all  sins,  through  Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who will  come  unto  the  judgment  seat  of  the  Majesty of  His  Father  with  the  holy  angels,  to  judge thee  thou  enemy,  and  the  world,  through  fire, for  evermore."  ^?>\..  Insufflation.  "Then  thou shalt  breathe  (see  §  42)  three  timrs  upon  the water,  and  put  chrism  therein  in  the  form  of  a cross,  and  say :  '  the  on-pouring  of  the  salutary chrism  of  Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  that  this  may be  made  a  fountain  of  water  springing  up  unto life  eternal.'  Amen."  §  32.  The  interrogations and  the  baptism.  "  While  baptizing  thou  shalt make  the  interrogations  (dum  baptizas  inter- rogas  :  see  below,  §  43)  and  say  :  '  I  baptize  thee (naming  him)  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  unto  remission  of sins,  that  thou  mayest  have  eternal  life.  Amen.' " §  33.  Unction.  "  While  touching  him  with chrism  thou  shalt  say  :  '  I  anoint  thee  with  the (chrism)  unction  of  holiness,  the  clothing  of  im- mortality, which  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  first received,  bestowed  by  the  Father,  that  thou mayest  present  it  entire  and  undiminished  before the'judgraent  seat  of  Christ,  and  mayest  live  for ever  and  ever."  §  34.  The  washiwj  of  feet. "  While  washing  his  feet,  thou  shalt  say  :  '  I wash  thy  feet,  as  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  did unto  his  disciples.  Do  thou  the  like  to  strangers and  pilgrims,  that  thou  mayest  have  eternal life.'"  §  35.  The  clothing.  "  While  putting  the garment  upon  him  thou  shalt  say  :  '  Receive  this white  garment,  which  thou  mayest  keep  and present  (quam  perfcras)  before  the  judgment seat  of  our  Lord  \Tesus  Christ.'  "  §  36.  The collect.  "  Let  us  pray,  most  dear  brethren,  our Lord  God,  for  these  his  neophj'tes,  now  baptized, that  when  the  Saviour  shall  come  in  His  ma- BAPTISM jesty,  He  will  cause  them  whom  He  hath regenerated  of  water  and  the  Holy  Spirit  to be  clothed  for  ever  with  the  garment  of  salva- tion ;  through  the  Lord."  §  37.  Another  collect. '•  For  these  who  are  now  baptized,  and  crowned (see  §  65)  in  Christ,  on  whom  our  Lord  hath deigned  to  bestow  regeneration,  we  pray  thee. Almighty  God,  that  they  may  preserve  undefiled unto  the  end  the  baptism  which  they  have received ;  through  Our  Lord." §  38.  Peculiarities  of  this  Rite. — There  is  strong internal  evidence  that  this  rite  in  its  present shape  is  a  translation  mto  debased  Latin  of  an older  Greek  original.  There  are  many  parts of  it  of  which  the  sense  can  onl)'  be  guessed  by fii-st  translating  it  back  into  Greek,  word  for word,  taking  Latin,  such  as  that  of  the  translator of  Irenaeus,  as  a  guide  in  so  doing.  And  this fact,  coupled  with  that  of  the  metaphors  in  the opening  address  being  taken  wholly  from  the  lan- guage of  trade  and  of  navigation,  bears  out  in a  remarkable  manner  the  conclusion  to  which other  independent  evidence  points,  viz.,  that Christianity  was  introduced  into  Gaul  through Greek  missionaries,  and  in  connection  with  the great  line  of  commercial  traffic  of  which  Mar- seilles was  the  chief  western  entrepot,  and  the cities  of  Cyzicus,  Phocaea,  and  Alexandria  the principal  eastern  ports.  It  has  another  point of  interest  for  English  readers,  viz.,  that  there are  strong  grounds  for  believing  that  the  primi- tive British  and  Irish  rites  were  based  on  the old  Gallican  use,  of  which  that  just  quoted presents,  probably,  the  oldest  example  now  re- maining. §  39.  British  and  Irish  Bites. — No  complete Orclo  Baptisini  appears  to  have  been  preserved which  will  illustrate  the  primitive  usage  of  the British  and  Irish  Churches.  Incidental  notices of  the  latter  in  ancient  documents  serve  to  de- termine many  points  of  detail  which  will  be noticed  in  their  place.  The  fullest  of  these,  and one  which  is  of  great  interest  on  many  grounds, is  the  story  told  by  Tirechan  (6th  century)  in  the Book  of  Armagh,  concerning  St.  Patrick's  bap- tising the  two  daughters  of  King  Laoghaire  at the  pool  of  Clebach  in  Connaught.  For  this,  see Todd's  Life  of  St.  Patrick,  p.  452. §  40.  Spanish  Bite. — Such  details  as  can  now be  determined  concerning  the  primitive  baptismal rite  in  Spain  are  contained  in  a  treatise  of  St. Ildephonsus  of  Seville  (7th  century),  Be  Cojni- tione  Baptisini.  Further  particulars  may  be inferred  from  Isidoi-e  of  Seville  Be  off.  Eccl. lib.  ii.  cap.  24  ;  and  from  the  Mozarabic  Liturgy, attributed  by  some  to  him.  That  Spanish  usage in  the  4th  century  ditfei-ed  in  some  respects  from that  of  Rome,  is  indicated  by  the  letter  of Siricius  of  Rome  to  Himerius  Tarraconensis.  See below,  §  73. III.  Betails  of  the  Ritual  of  Baptism. §  41.  Theodulf,  bishop  of  Orleans,  just  at  the close  of  the  8th  century,  wrote  a  treatise  Be Ordine  Baptismi  (Migne's  Patrol,  cv.  223). in  which  he  describes  the  complicated  Ritual practised  in  Western  Churches  in  his  own  time. Taking  his  description  as  a  basis,  but  omitting here  the  notice  of  such  points  as  will  come Tinder  separate  discussion  in  other  articles,  we may  proceed  now  to.  describe  separately  the  main features  of  the  order  of  baptism  as  they  had  been BAPTISM 150 developed  in  the  8th  century,  viz.,  the  Conse- cration of  the  Water,  the  Renunciations,  the Profession  of  Faith,  the  Immersion  with  accom- panying Interrogations,  and  the  subsequent ceremonial. §42.  Consecration  of  the  Water  of  Baptism. — This  consecration  is  first  mentioned  by  Tertullian {de  Bapt.  c.  iv.)  as  brought  about  by  invocation of  God.  St.  Cyprian  {Epist.  Ixx.  ad  Januar.), speaks  of  the  water  "  being  cleansed  beforehand and  sanctified  by  the  bishop  (a  sacerdote) ;"  and a  Council  held  at  Carthage  under  him,  speaks  of this  sanctification  being  brought  about  (prece sacerdotis)  by  the  bishop's  prayer.  St.  Cyril  of Jerusalem,  Catech.  iii.,  speaks  of  the  water  re- ceiving power  and  being  sanctified  iipon  invo- cation of  the  Holy  Spirit  and  of  Christ.  St.  Basil the  Great  {de  Sp.  Sancto,  cap.  27)  reckons  the blessing  of  the  baptismal  water  among  the traditional  customs  derived  from  the  Apostles. Fi-om  St.  Augustine,  however  (de  Bapt.  lib.  vi. c.  25)  we  learn  that  the  "Invocations"  were  not regarded  as  essential  to  the  validity  of  the  sacra- ment. In  St.  Augustine  first  (m  Joann.  Evang. Tract.  118  ad  fin.)  we  hear  of  the  sign  of  the cross  being  made  at  this  Invocation.  Oil  also,' poured  crosswise,  was  used,  at  least  in  some churches,  in  the  consecration  of  the  water.  (Dio- nys.  Areop.  Be  Hier.  Eccl.  cap.  11;  Severus Patriarch.  Alexandr.  Be  Ordine  Baptismi,  Bibl. Patt.  Max.  t.  vi.  p.  25.)  To  the  same  eflect  the Sacramentary  of  St.  Gregory  the  Great  and  the early  Gallican  Rite  already  quoted  in  §  30. This  ceremony,  and  the  baptism  of  an  infant by  immersion,  are  represented  in  the  engraving below,  which  is  from  a  Pontifical  of  the  9th  cen- tury. A  further  ceremony,  used  as  time  went on,  was  Exorcism  accompanied  by  Insufflation, or  breathing  upon  the  waters.  See  §  31  above, and  Martene,  Be  A.  E.  R.  torn.  i.  pp.  63,  64. The  Ldcrrogations  arid  Responses. §  43.  Renunciation  and  Profession.— The  two portions  of  the  Order  of  Baptism  next  to  be  con- sidered, viz.,  Renunciation  followed  by  Profession of  Faith,  are  often  classed  together  in  early writers  under  the  designation  of  the  Interro- gationes  et  Rcsponsa,  eirepaiTr,<reis  Kal  a,iroKpi<Tets, in  reference  to  the  formulae  of  question  and  an- swer by  which  both  one  and  the  other  were  ex- pressed. These  phrases  had  their  ultimate  origin probably  in  an  exceptional  word  (iitfpwTnixa, an  answer  formally  made  to  a  question  formally put)  used  by  St.  Peter  (1  Pet.  iii.  21)  in  speaking of  baptism.  This  was  a  word  of  technical  legal use,  having  reference  especially  to  foi-ms  of  co- venant stipulation.  And  this,  with  very  slight modification  only,  appears  as  a  received  technical 160 BAPTISM term  of  the  baptismal  ceremonial  in  the  middle ot"  the  3rd  century.  At  that  time  there  were forms  of  inteiTogation  and  response  recognised  as of  "  legitimate  ecclesiastical  rule "  in  Africa (Tertullian,  above,  §  10;  Cyprian.  Epist.  Ixx.  ad Janiiar.),  in  Egypt  (Dionysius  apud  Euseb.  //.  £. lib.  vii.  c.  9),  in  Cappadocia  (Firmilianus  apud Cyprian.  Opj).  Baluz.  Up.  Ixxv.),  and  at  Rome  (i6.). §  44.  2he  ceremonial  of  Benunciation. — The Catechetics  of  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  when  com- bined with  allusions  incidentally  made  by  Dio- nysius, St.  Basil,  and  others,  put  before  us  very vividly  the  ceremonial  with  which  these  renun- ciations were  made.  St.  Cyril  {Cat.  Myst.  i.) .iddressing  the  neophytes,  says,  "  Ye  entered  in first  into  the  outer  chamber  of  the  baptistery, and  standing  with  your  faces  to  the  west  ye  heard how  ye  were  bidden  to  stretch  forth  the  hand with  a  gesture  of  repulsion  (aTTwdovvra  ra^ Xf'ipas,  Dionys.  Areop.  Eec.  Hier.),  and  ye  re- nounced Satan,  as  though  there  present  before you  .  .  .  saying,  '  I  renounce  thee,  Satan '  .  .  . Then,  with  a  second  word  thou  art  taught  to say,  '  and  thy  works  '  .  .  .  and  then  again  thou sayest,  '  and  [his]  thy  pomp.'  And  afterward thou  sayest,  *  and  all  thy  worship  '  {Karpeiav)  .  .  . When  thou  hadst  thus  renounced  Satan,  breaking altogether  all  covenants  with  him,  then  .  .  . turning  from  the  west  toward  the  sunrising,  the place  of  light,  thou  wast  told  to  say, '  I  believe in  the  Father,  and  the  Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost, and  in  one  baptism  of  repentance.'  "  From  Dio- nysius we  learn  further  that  before  making  this renunciation  the  catechumen  was  divested  of  his upper  garment,  and  standing  barefoot,  and  in his  chiton  (shirt)  only,  made  three  separate renunciations  in  answer  to  questions  put  to him  [this  is  implied,  but  not  so  distinctly  stated by  St.  Cyril],  and  then  being  turned  toward  the east  was  bidden  to  look  up  to  heaven,  and  with uplifted  hands  (ras  x^'^po's  avanivavTa)  to  de- clare his  allegiance  unto  Christ  (crvvrd^aaOai Tw  Xpicrr^),  and  after  so  doing  he  again,  in answer  to  questions  put  to  him,  thrice  made confession  of  his  faith. §  45.  Words  used  in  Benunciation. — These  are given  with  more  or  less  of  detail,  according  to the  use  of  various  churches,  by  the  following writers  after  Tertullian  and  Cyprian  already quoted : — St.  Cyril,  Catech.  Myst.  i. ;  St.  Basil, be  Sp.  S.  capp.  xi.  and  xxvii. ;  St.  Chrysostom, Horn.  xxi.  ad  Pop.  Antiochenum ;  Liber  Saci-am. Gelasii  apud  Martene,  De  A.  E.  B.  i.  p.  65 ; Isidore  Hispal.  De  Eccl.  Off.  lib.  ii.'  cap.  20 ;  and St.  Ildephonsus,  DeCognit.  Bapt.  cap.  iii. ;  Ephraem Syrus,  De  Abrenuntiatione,  &c.  (Opp.  ed.  Voss, 2"fol.  Romae  1589,  t.  i.  p.  199).  For  the  Galilean usage,  see  Martene,  as  above,  torn.  i.  p.  64.  The mode  of  making  the  Renunciations,  and  the woi'ds  employed,  are  very  fully  described  in  the treatise  De  Sacramentis,  attributed  to  St.  Am- brose, but  of  uncertain  date  and  of  doubtful authenticity.  In  the  Baptism  of  Infants  the Renuntiations  and  the  Profession  of  Faith  were made  by  the  Sponsor. The  Profession  of  Faith. §46.  Baptism  "in  the  name  of  the  Father, and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,"  involves in  its  very  nature  a  profession  of  Faith.  And  of the  formal  Declaration  of  Faith  made  in  Baptism, we  may  see    the    first  trace,   probably,  in  Acts BAPTISM viii.  37  (si  sana  est  lectio).  Fuller  details  will be  found  in  Tertullian,  De  Bapit.  c.  vi.  and  De Corona  Mil.  c.  iii. ;  in  St.  Cyprian,  Ep.  Ixx.  and  the letter  of  Firmilian  published  with  St.  Cyprian's works  (^Ep.  Ixxv.).  A  comparison  of  the  many passages  in  later  writers  referring  to  these  In- terrogations and  Responses,  leads  to  the  con- clusion, that  this  profession  was  originally  a  re- citation of  the  Creed,  assented  to  with  a  "  Credo  " by  the  Catechumen,  much  as  in  our  own  bap- tismal service  now.  The  form,  however,  varied according  to  the  gradual  enlargement  of  the original  Creed,  and  special  questions  were  some- times added  having  reference  to  prevailing  here- sies or  schisms  in  particular  Churches.  Ex- amples will  be  found  in  the  Missale  Gallicanum quoted  by  Martene  {De  Ant.  Ecc.  Bit.  t.  i.  p.  65) and  in  the  Ordo  iii.  ibid.  p.  64. TJie  Preparatory  Unction. §  47.  Without  entering  at  length  upon  the subject  of  "  Unction,"  which  will  be  treated  in a  separate  article,  it  may  be  well  to  note  here that  in  many  documents  dating  from  after  the close  of  the  3rd  century,  we  find  allusions  to  an Unction  preceding  Baptism,  in  addition  to  that which  was  given  (see  §  58)  after  Baptism.  Nei- ther Justin  Martyr,  nor  Tertullian,  nor  St.  Cy- prian, say  anything  of  such  a  preparatory  Unction. But  this  is  spoken  of  in  the  Apostolical  Consti- tutions (lib.  iii.  0.  15),  even  in  the  earliest  form in  which  they  have  been  preserved  to  us,  and  by St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  (Catech.  Myst.  ii.).  This last  gives  us  as  a  fixed  date  the  year  347  A.D. The  use  may  of  course  have  been  even  earlier than  this  at  Jerusalem  and  elsewhere.  But  in Africa  we  may  infer  that  it  had  not  been  intro- duced even  at  the  close  of  the  4th  century,  as St.  Augustine  nowhere  alludes  to  any  such  rite; and,  what  is  more,  in  one  passage  {Sermo  ccxxvii. in  die  Paschae ;  al.  De  Diversis,  83)  he  dwells with  much  emphasis  on  the  fact  (necessary  to the  argument  he  is  pursuing)  that  the  Unction of  Christians  follows  after  their  baptism.  Among books  of  doubtful  date,  which  contain  allusions to  this  particular  rite  are  the  "Recognitions," ascribed,  though  falsely,  to  St.  Clement  of  Rome (lib.  iii.  c.  Ixvii.);  the  Besponsiones  ad  Ortho- doxos  (Qiiaest.  137,  ed.  Ben.  p.  501,  E.  7)  falsely attributed  to  Justin  Martyr ;  the  Ecclesiastical Hierarchy  of  Dionysius,  the  so-called  Areopagite (see  §  39,  above) ;  and  the  Constitutions  of  the Egyptian  Church  already  referred  to. ■  I7ie  Unclothing  of  the  Catechumens. §  48.  A  comparison  of  all  the  evidence  leads to  the  conclusion  that  the  catechumens  entered the  font  in  a  state  of  absolute  nakedness.  See particularly  St.  Cyril,  Hieros.  Myst.  Catech.  ii.  ad init. ;  St.  Ambrose,  Serm.  xx.  (Opp.t.  v.  p.  153, Paris,  1642),  and  Enarrat.  in  Ps.  Ixi.  32  (BB. t.  i.  p.  966)  ;  St.  Chrysostom,  ad  Ilium.  Cat.  i. (Migne,  tom.  ii.  p.  268).  Possibly  a  cincture  of some  kind  (quo  pudori  consuleretur)  may  have been  worn,  as  indicated  in  some  mediaeval  works of  art.  But  in  any  case,  the  question  arises, considering  the  great  numbers,  of  both  sexes  and of  all  ao-es,  baptised  at  one  time,  how  could  the solemn  "celebrations  at  Epiphany,  Easter,  or  Pen- tecost have  been  conducted  with  decency  and order  ?  The  explanation  of  this  difficulty  seems to  lie  in  the  construction   of  the  ancient  bap- BAPTISM tisteries,  in  which  the  actual  KoAvfi^riOpa,  or pool,  occupied  the  centre  of  a  much  larger chamber,  from  which  it  was  in  a  measure  sepa- rated by  rows  of  surrounding  columns.  If  we suppose  the  intervals  of  these  columns  to  have been  occupied  at  the  time  of  baptism  by  cur- tains, it  is  easy  to  imagine  how  the  necessary arrangements  could  be  made  without  difficulty, the  more  so,  as  the  custom  was  for  the  baptism of  men  to  take  place  fii-st,  that  of  women  after- wards. And  that  curtains  were  so  used  we  may infer  with  some  certainty  from  the  following facts.  St.  Gregory  of  Toui-s,  in  his  well-known description  of  the  baptism  of  Clovis  and  his  fol- lo'vers,  speaks  thus  of  the  preparations  made  at the  baptistery  for  the  occasion  (^Hist.  Franc,  lib. ii.  c.  xxxi.).  "  The  open  spaces  of  the  church are  shaded  (or  are  darkened,  adumbmntur)  by coloured  hangings,  and  fitted  up  with  white  cur- tains ;  the  baptistery  is  duly  arranged,  balsams diffuse  their  scent,  burning  liglits  are  gleaming, and  the  whole  enclosure  of  the  baptistery  is  be- dewed with  a  divine  fragrance,"  &c.  Similar arrangements  to  these  we  find  extemporised  some centuries  later  by  St.  Otto  in  Pomerania.  He himself  baptised  boys  in  one  place,  while  the grown  men  and  the  women  respectively  were baptised  in  separate  places  by  others.  Large vessels  were  let  down  deep  into  the  ground, the  edge  i-eaching  upwards,  above  ground,  to the  height  of  the  knee,  or  somewhat  less.  These were  filled  with  water.  And  round  these  cur- tains were  hung  on  "  columellae,"  probably  stout poles,  and  attached  to  a  rope.  A  further  ar- rangement is  described  in  the  following  terms  : "  Ante  sacerdotem  vero  et  comministrOs,  qui  ex una  parte  adstantes  sacramenti  opus  explere  ha- bebant,  linteum  fune  trajecto  pependit  quatenus verecuudiae  undique  provisum  foret."  (S.  Ottonis Vita,  lib.  ii.  c.  15,  apud  Surium,  2  Julii.) The  Immersion. §  49.  Triple  Finmersion,  that  is  thrice  dipping the  head  (Kaddirep  tv  Tivi  rdcpui  t£  v'Sari  Kara- SvovTtav  riixwv  ras  KeipaKas,  St.Chrysost.  in  Joan, iii.  5,  Hum.  xxv.)  while  standing  in  the  water, was  the  all  but  universal  rule  of  the  Church  in early  times.  Of  this  we  find  proof  in  Africa (Tcrtullian  c.  Praxeam,  cap.  xxvi.),  in  Palestine (St.  Cyril  Hiero.  Catech.  Myst.  ii.),  in  Egypt {Omstitt.  Eccl.  Acfjypt.  see  above,  §  23),  at  Anti- ocli  and  Constantinople  (St.  Chrysostom,  Jfom. di;  Fide,  t.  ix.  p.  855),  in  Cappadocia  (St.  Basil l>e  Sp.  Scto,  c.  xxvii.  and  St.  Gregor.  Nyssen.  De J'''i/it.  vSart  iavTovs  kyKpiirrofiev  .  .  .  Koi  rpirov rovTo  TToiricravris).  For  the  Roman  usage  Ter- tullian  indirectly  witnesses  in  the  second  cen- tury; St.  Jerome  {mIv.  Lucifer,  cap.  iv.  t.  iv. ]'.  -94)  in  the  fourth  ;  Leo  the  Great  {Epist.  iv. '■/  Fpisc.  Sicul.  c.  iii.)  in  the  fifth  ;  and  Pope  Pela- uiiis  {Epist.  ad  Gaudent.  apud  Gratian.  Distinct. iv.  cap.  Ixxxii.),  and  St.  Gregory  the  Great (Fjiist.  i.  41,  ad  Leandruni)  in  the  sixth.  Theo- ilulf  of  Orleans  witnesses  for  the  general  practice of  his  time,  the  close  of  the  eighth  century  {De Ordine  Baptismi,  cap.  xi.  sub  trina  mersioue  in foutem  .  .  .  descendimus).  Lastly,  the  Aposto- lical Canons,  so  called,  alike  in  the  Greek,  the Coptic,  and  the  Latin  versions  (Can.  42  al.  50), give  special  injunctions  as  to  this  observance, saying  that  any  bishop  or  presbvtor  should  be deposed  wlio  violated  this  rule. CHRIST.  ANT. BAPTISM 161 §  50.  Single  Immersion. — While  trine  immer- sion was  thus  an  all  but  universal  practice,  Euno- mius  (circ.  360)  appears  to  have  been  the  first  to introduce  simple  immersion  "  unto  the  death  of Christ"  (Sozomen.  B.  E.  lib.  vi.  c.  26;  and Theodoret.  Haeret.  Fab.  iv.  §  3  ;  Schultze,  t.  iv. p.  356).  This  practice  was  condemned,  on  pain of  degradation,  by  the  Canon.  Apost.  46  [«/.  50]. But  it  comes  before  us  again  about  a  century later  in  Spain  ;  but  then,  curiously  enough,  we tind  it  regarded  as  a  badge  of  orthodoxy  in  oppo- sition to  the  practice  of  the  Arians.  These  last kept  to  the  use  of  trine  immersion,  but  in  such a  way  as  to  set  forth  their  own  doctrine  of  a gradation  in  the  three  Persons.  Hence  arose, and  long  continued,  a  diversity  of  practice  in  the orthodox  Churches,-  some  following  one  rite  and some  another.  Gregory  the  Great  (Epist.  i.  41), when  his  advice  upon  the  subject  was  asked  by Leander  bishop  of  Hispala,  replied  that  either simple  or  trine  immersion  are  allowable,  the  one setting  forth  the  Unity  of  Godhead,  the  other the  Trinity  of  Persons.  But  under  the  special circumstances  of  the  Spanish  Churches,  and  in view  of  the  fact  that  trine  immersion  was  there specially  the  usage  of  heretics,  he  thought  they would  do  well  to  hold  to  simple  immersion.  But the  matter  was  still  unsettled  some  twenty  or thirty  years  later.  At  the  Council  of  Toledo  (the 4th,  held  a.d.  633)  the  practice  suggested  by St.  Gregory  was  laid  down  as  the  rule  of  the. Spanish  Churches,  and  from  that  time  onward,' though  triple  immersion  has  been  the  prevailing practice,  yet  both  canons  of  councils  and  writers on  ritual  questions  have  maintained  the  legiti- macy of  simple  immersion.  (See  Martene,  De A.  E.  E.  lib.  i.  cap.  i.  art.  xiv.  §  viii.) T/te  Baptismal  Formula. §  51.  Not  less  necessary  to  a  valid  baptism than  the  use  of  water  was  the  pronouncing  of the  words  prescribed  by  implication  by  Our Lord,  in  Matt,  xxviii.  19,  "I  baptize  thee  in  the name  of  the  Father,  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy Ghost."  With  the  slight  exceptions  noticed below  there  has  been  at  all  times,  and  in  all Christian  Bodies,  a  practically  universal  assent as  to  the  use  of  these  "  Evangelical  Words,"  as they  are  called  by  St.  Augustine.  In  this  we find  complete  assent  between  the  Churches  of the  East  and  of  the  West.  Tertullian,  in  reference to  this,  appeals,  not  to  any  ecclesiastical  tradi- tion, but  to  the  direct  command  of  Our  Lord, "  Lex  tinguendi  imposita,  et  forma  praescripta  : 'Ite,  inquit,  docete  nationes,  tingentes  eos  in Nomine  Patris  et  Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti '  "  (Be Bapt.  c.  13.  Compare  his  treatise  Ado.  Praxeam, c.  26,  quoted  in  §  11).  St.  C3'prian,  fifty  years later,  uses  similar  language  in  his  Epist. Ixxiii.,  ad  lubai.  p.  200.  And  St.  Augustine (de  Bapt.  lib.  vi.  cap.  25)  assei-ts  that  it  was easier  to  find  heretics  who  rejected  baptism altogether  than  to  find  any  who,  giving  baptism, used  any  other  than  the  generally  received  for- mula. The  use  of  this  form  was  no  less  care- fully maintained  in  the  East.  The  41st  of  the "  Canons  of  the  Apostles  "  orders  the  degradation of  any  bishop  or  Presbyter  who  baptized  other- wise than  according  to  the  commandment  of  the Lord  €(s  narepo  Kol  tihv  koX  " Kyiov  Uvivfxa. Didymus  of  Alexandria  (ed.  Vallars.  1735, vol.  ii.  p.  130),  St.  Basil  (Dc  Sp.  Scto,  caj).  12, JVI 162 BAPTISM torn.  iii.  p.  23),  and  others,  speak  of  Baptism as  invalid  if  not  given  with  these  words. §  52.  Apparent  exceptions.  In  the  language of  Holy  Scripture  itself  authority  seems,  at  first sight,  to  be  found  for  a  certain  variety  of  ex- pression in  giving  effect  to  the  command  of  Our Lord.  Thus,  in  the  Book  of  the  Acts  of  the Apostles  we  find  expressions  such  as  baptizing "  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ,"  Acts  ii.  38  ;  '•  in the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus,"  ihid.  viii.  16 ;  or simply  "  in  the  name  of  the  Lord,"  ihid.  x.  48. But  in  all  probability  these  are  only  to  be  re- garded as  compendious  expressions,  equivalent  in meaning  to  a  statement  that  the  persons  in question  received  "  Christian  Baptism."  And the  apparent  exception  afforded  by  the  language of  Justin  Martyr,  quoted  above  in  §  7,  is  proba- bly apparent  only,  and  not  real.  Addressing himself  as  he  there  does  to  persons  unacquainted with  Christian  Doctrine,  he  somewhat  amplifies the  actual  formula,  which  would  otherwise  have been  unintelligible  to  a  heathen,  and  speaks  of Christians  being  baptized  "  in  the  name  of  God the  Father  and  Loi-d  of  the  Universe,  and  of  our Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  and  of  the  Holy  Spirit." §  53.  Beal  Exceptions.  On  the  other  hand  we find  evidence,  even  as  early  as  St.  Cyprian's {Einst.  Ixiii.)  time,  that  there  were  some  who maintained  that  it  was  sufficient  to  administer "  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ."  St.  Ambrose favours  this  opinion,  if  the  treatise  De  Spirltu Sancto  (lib.  i.  cap.  Ill)  be  really  his.  In  later times  this  same  opinion  was  formally  maintained liy  more  than  one  authority.  The  Council  of Frejus,  a.  792,  and  Pope  Nicholas  I.  in  his Eesponsa  ad  Bulgaros,  all  maintain  more  or  less emphatically  the  validity  of  such  a  formula. Directly  contrary  to  this  is  the  decree  of  the Syuodus  Londinensis,  held  in  the  year  605,  by Augustine  of  Canterbury,  Laurentius,  Justus, and  Mellitus.  There,  as  we  learn  from  a  letter of  Pope  Zacharias  to  St.  Boniface,  it  was  decreed, that  anyone  who  had  been  "  washed "  without invocation  of  the  Trinity  had  not  the  Sacrament of  Regeneration.  The  omission  of  the  name  of any  one  person  of  the  Trinity  was  held  to  be  fatal to  the  validity  of  the  rite  (Wilkins,  Concilia, p.  29).  St.  Ildephonsus  of  Toledo  {De  Cognit. Baptismi,  lib.  i.  c.  112),  circ.  a.  663,  uses  similar language.  "  Quod  si  omissa  qualibet  Trinitatis persona  baptismum  conferatur,  omnino  nihil egisse  baptismi  solemnitas  deputetur  nisi  tota Trinitas  veraciter  invocetur."  For  the  opinions of  the  Schoolmen  on  this  question  see  Martene De  A.  E.  B.,  lib.  i.  cap.  i.  Art.  xiv.  20.  And  for those  of  vai'ious  theologians  at  the  time  of  the Pieformation,  and  subsequently,  see  Augusti Denhciirdigkeiten,  vol.  vii.  p.  239. §  54.  Slight  variations.  The  passages  above quoted  shew  that  all  the  earlier  Church  au- thorities, almost  without  exception,  speak  of  the use  of  the  words  "  In  the  name  of  the  Father, and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,"  as absolutely  required.  Yet  it  is  worth  noting  that it  was  an  essential  not  a  literal  identity  of  ex- pression that  was  required.  The  main  point  of faith  in  the  three  Persons  of  the  Blessed  Trinity being  secured,  slight  verbal  variations  in  the formula  were  not  regarded  as  of  vital  importance. Indeed  the  usage  of  various  churches  was  not absolutely  identical.  Thus  while  in  most  cases the  identical  words  of  Our  Lord  els  rh  ovo/j.a  rod BAPTISM Uarphs  Koi  Tov  tlov  koI  rod  ayiov  Uvevfxaroi, were  exactly  reproduced  (in  Latin  Ritual  "  In Nomine  Patris  et  Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti  "),  thi; words  eis  rh  uvofxa,  "  in  nomine,"  were  in  some churches  omitted.  The  formula,  as  given  by  Ter- tullian  (§  11)  and  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions (lib.  iii.  c.  14),  serves  to  exemplify  this  omission. Elsewhere  additions  were  made  to  the  formula, as  thus  ;  "  In  nomine  Patris,  Amen  ;  et  Filii, Amen;  et  Spiritus  Sancti,  Amen."  The  cor- responding Greek  words  are  the  formula  of  the Greek  Church  to  this  day.  In  the  Gothic  missal already  quoted  in  §  32,  we  find  "  In  nomine Patris  et  Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti  in  remissionem peccatorum,  ut  habeas  vitam  aeternam."  In  an ancient  Gallican  Missal,  there  is  still  greater variation,  "  Baptize  te  ci-edentem  in  nomine Patris  et  Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti  ut  habeas  vitam aeternam  in  saecula  saeculorum,"  or  again, "Bapti'/o  te  in  nomine  Patris  etc.,  .  .  .  unam habentium  substantiam,  ut  habeas  vitam  aeternam et  partem  cum  Sanctis."  Again  Martene  {De A.  E.  R.  tom.  i.  p.  31,  §  xix.)  quotes  the  for- mula once  in  use  at  Cambray,  in  which  the words  "  Ego  te  baptizo"  were  altogether  omitted, and  the  ministrant  said  only,  "In  nomine  Patris et  Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti.  Amen."  Hugo  de St.  Victor,  Peter  Lombard,  and  others,  held  this to  constitute  a  valid  baptism  ;  Pope  Alexander III.  decided  in  a  contrary  sense.  This  was  in  the year  1175  A.d.  About  400  years  earlier,  Za- charias (Martene  §  xix.),  then  Roman  Pope,  had formally  to  decide  whether  Baptism  given  by  an ignorant  Priest  "  In  nomine  Patria  Filia  et Spiritua  Sanctua  "  was  valid  or  no.  St.  Boni- face had  decided  that  such  baptism  was  in- valid, and  was  for  rebaptizing  a  child  who had  so  received  it.  But  he  was  opposed  by  two other  bishops  (Virgilius  and  Sidonius)  whose opinion  was  endorsed  by  the  bishop  of  Rome  on appeal  made  to  him.  "If"  (so  he  wrote)  "he who  so  ministered  baptism  did  so  not  by  way  of introducing  error  or  heresy,  but  only  through ignorance  of  our  Roman  speech  spoke  with  .i broken  utterance,  we  cannot  consent  to  any  re- petition of  the  baptism  so  conferred." §  55.  Eastern  and  Western  Forms.  One  dif- ference there  is  between  the  mode  of  employing the  "  Evangelical  words,"  which  is  characteristic of  Eastern  and  of  Western  Churches  respectively. In  the  West,  with  very  rare  exceptions  only,  the personal  office  of  the  ministrant  has  been  made somewhat  prominent  by  the  formula  ^^  I  baptise thee  (Ego  baptizo  te)  in  the  name  "  etc.  But  in the  Eastern  use  this  is  not  the  case,  the  third person  being  employed,  ^anTi^irai  6  SeTva  (some- times 6  5ov\os  rov  6eov,  adding  the  name)  els  rb uvofjLa  K.  T.  A..  "  Such  au  one  "  (naming  him),  or "  The  servant  of  God,  N.  or  M.  is  baptized  in  the name,"  &c.  The  exceptions  among  Eastern Churches  are  very  few.  The  Coptic  Formula (Abudacni  Historia  Jacobitarum  seu  Copitorum, Oxon.  1675.  J.  E.  Gerhardi,  Exercit.  de  ecclesia Copitica,  1666)  is  in  the  first  person,  "  I  baptize thee  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  Amen  ;  I  baptize thee  in  the  name  of  the  Son,  Amen  ;  I  baptize  thee in  the  name  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  Amen."  And  the Nestorians  (Badger's  Nestorians  andthcir  Bituals) of  Syria,  though  their  own  older  formula  agreed with  that  of  other  Eastern  Churches,  adopted also  that  prescribed  by  the  Roman  Church,  ex- pressed in  the   first  person.     A  more   remark- BAPTISM able  exception  to  the  usual  Eastern  practice  is that  of  the  Aethiopian  Church,  if  it  really  were as  described.  Alvarez,  one  of  the  Jesuit  Mis- sionaries, states  in  one  place  that  the  form  they employ  is  "I  baptize  thee  in  the  name  of  the Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost." And  Ludolf  (who  has  no  sympathy  with  these Roman  authorities  when  he  thinks  thenj  moved by  prejudice)  states  that  in  the  ritual  books  of the  Ethiopians  he  had  never  been  able  to  find any  other  formula.  On  the  other  hand  there were  others  of  the  same  Jesuit  Mission  who  spoke of  the  great  variety  of  forms  which  they  found in  use,  obliging  them  to  rebaptize.  See  Ludolf, Hist.  Aethiop.  lib.  ili.  cap.  vi. Subsequent  Ceremonial. §  56.  The  ceremonies  subsequent  upon  the actual  baptism  are  commonly  (as  by  Bellarmine, de  Bapt.  lib.  i.  cap.  27)  reckoped  as  five  in  num- ber, the  Kiss,  the  Unction  of  the  Head  (distinct from  the  Unction  in  Confirmation),  the  lighted Taper,  the  white  Robe,  the  Tasting  of  Milk  and Honey.  To  these  may  be  added  the  Washing  of Feet,  and  the  Chaplet  on  the  head,  which  found place  in  the  Ritual  of  some  early  Churches. §  57.  The  Kiss.  We  first  hear  of  this  as  a customary  practice  in  Africa  in  St.  Cyprian's Epist.  l.xiv.  (al.  liv.)  ad  Fidum.  St.  Augustine quotes  the  passage  (contra  duas  epist.  Pelag.  lib. iv.  cap.  viii.  §§  23,  24)  in  a  way  which  shews that  the  usage  had  been  maintained  to  his  own time.  It  is  expressly  presci'ibed  (to  be  given  by the  bishop  first  and  afterwards  by  the  assembled faithful)  in  the  ritual  of  the  Egyptian  Church §  50.  (See  above  §  23  of  this  Article),  and  in  St. Chrysostom  (Sermo  50  de  util.  leg.  script,  tom. iii.  p.  80  I.)  we  find  proof  of  a  similar  usage. §  58.  The  Unction  of  the  Head.  No  trace  is to  be  found  in  the  earliest  records  of  more  than one  Unction  after  baptism,  viz.,  that  given  in Confirmation  by  the  bishop.  Its  introduction  is attributed,  by  Roman  tradition,  to  St.  Sylvester, bishop  of  Rome,  from  314  to  335  a.d.  See further  under  Unction. §  59.  The  Use  of  Lights.  We  have  already seen  that  in  the  4th  century  certainly,  and  pro- bably therefore  in  yet  earlier  ages,  baptism  was administered  after  dark  (generally  late  on  Easter Eve).  In  this,  as  in  so  many  other  cases,  what was  perpetuated  in  late  Christian  usa^e  for doctrinal  or  symbolical  reasons  took  its  rise  in considerations  of  practical  convenience  or  neces- sity. References  made  to  the  use  of  Lights  by St.  Cyril  Hieros.,  have  already  been  alleged (§  22).  And  to  the  same  effect,  though  with more  of  detail,  is  the  language  of  St.  Gregory Nazianz.  Orat.  xl.  "  The  station  that  thou  shalt take  before  the  great  bema  (of  the  church), after  thy  baptism,  is  a  foreshadowing  of  the glory  that  shall  be  from  heaven  ;  the  psalmody wherewith  thou  shalt  be  received  is  a  prelude of  the  hymns  that  thence  shall  sound  ;  the  lamps that  thou  shalt  kindle  set  forth  in  mystery  that procession  of  many  lights  wherewith  bright  and virgin  souls  shall  go  forth  to  meet  their  Lord, having  the  lamps  of  faith  bright  and  burning." With  these  passages  compare  Ambrosius,  de lapsu  virg.  sac.  c.  5  ;  Marcus  Gazensis,  ad  Arca- dium  Imp.  apud  Baronium  ad  ann.  401 ;  Gregor. Turon.  Hist.  Franc,  lib.  v.  c.  11  ;  St.  Gregory the  Great,  Lib.  Sacram.  de  sabbato  sancto :  Al- BAPTISM 163 cumus,  de  Div.  off.  de  sabbato  sancto;  Amala- rius,  de  eccl.  off.  lib.  i.  c.  18  ;  Rabanus,  de  Inst. Cler.  lib.  ii.  e.  38,  39  ;  St.  Ivo,  of  Chartres,  de Sacramento  Ncophytorum ;  and  the  Ordo  Bap- tismi  xviii.  in  Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  tom.  i. p.  78. §  60.  The  wearing  of  white  garments  (\evKet- fxovilv  or  \afj.Trpo<popi7v  in  Greek  writers)  by the  newly  baptized  was  of  universal  custom both  in  West  and  East,  and  this  was  continued throughout  the  week  to  the  Lord's  Day immediately  following,  thence  called  the  "Do- minica in  albis  depositis,"  the  KvpiaKrj  rris SiaKaLvnalixov  (Goar,  Euchol.  Grace,  p.  373)  of the  Greeks.  I5y  their  colour  these  garments were  significant  both  of  innocence  and  of  jov (Marriott,  Vestiarium  Christianum,  p.  182,  n. 19),  and  by  their  material,  which  was  generally linen,  they  were  associated  with  the  idea  of  de- liverance from  death  (Philo  de  Somniis,  p.  597. Paris,  fol.  1640,  and  Jerome,  Epist.  ad  Fahiol. 0pp.  tom.  ii.  p.  574.  Paris,  fol.  1693).  The allusions  to  this  practice  in  early  writers  are  in- numerable. It  will  suffice  here  to  state  a  few particulars  as  to  the  various  vestments  of  which we  find  mention. §  61.  The  Alb.  The  outer  garment,  vestis alba,  or  simply  "  alba  "  (q.  v.),  Xaixirpa  or  Aeuwrj f(T0iis,  or  ifji^coTiov,  was  probably  not  unlike that  worn  in  early  times  as  a  vestment  of  holy ministry.  In  some  instances  we  hear  of  this being  kept  as  a  memorial  of  baptism,  to  serve  as  a covering  for  the  body  after  death  (Antonini  Mart. It inerarium :  "induti  sindones  .  .  .  quas  sibi  ad sepulturam  servant.")  So  Constantine  the  Great, dying  shortly  after  his  baptism,  was  buried  /xer avToiv  Twv  ffKpcoTiwv,  in  the  garments  which he  had  then  worn  (St.  Germanus  Patriarch. De  Sanctis  Synodis  etc.  apud  Spicil.  Rom.  A. Mai,  tom.  vii.  §  14).  And  so  Probus  Anicius  in his  epitaph  (Bosio,  Horn.  Subt.  p.  47)  is  described as  one,  "  Qui  nova  decedens  muneris  aetherii vestimenta  tulit."  At  other  times  these  white garments  were  presented  to  the  Church.  This is  implied  in  the  story  of  Elpidophorus  and  the Deacon  Maritta,  told  by  Victor  of  Utica  (De Perscc.  Vandcd.  lib.  v.  Bibl.  Patr.  3Iax.  tom. viii.  p.  699).  For  the  use  of  the  poor  they  were provided  gratuitously,  as  e.g.  by  Constantine the  Great  (Surii  Vit.  Sanctorum,  in  S.  Syl- vestro,  die  31  Dec),  and  by  Gregory  the  Great {Epjist.  iv.  16  ;  and  vii.  24). §  62.  The  Sahanum.  "This  word  (in  Greek aa^avov)  as  originally  used  meant  either  a  large wrapper  for  covering  the  body  immediately  after bathing,  or  a  towel  used  for  drying  it.  The same  word  is  occasionally  used  (as  by  Victor Uticensis)  in  speaking  of  baptismal  vestments, and  it  is  used  in  the  Greek  Church  to  this  day. A  letter  is  extant  from  Pope  Paul  I.  in  which he  thanks  King  Pepin  for  having  sent  him  the "  Sabauum  "  used  at  the  baptism  of  the  king's daughter  Gislana.  It  is  not  clear  whether  this is  identical  with  the  "  alba  "  or  no. §  63.  The  Chrismale.  This  was  a  piece  of white  linen  tied  round  the  head,  and  intended to  retain  the  chrism  upon  the  head  throughout the  week  "  in  albis." §  64.    TIte  twisted  thread.     In  the  Armenian rite,  as  still  celebrated,  there  is  a  curious  relic of  the  primitive  customs  in  regard  of  baptismal dress.     We  here  read  [Translation,  unpublished, M  2 164 UAPTISM BAPTISM by  the  Rev.  S.  C.  Malan]  of  the  priest  "  twist- ing the  thread."  And  the  Catholicos  (bishop) Joseph,  in  his  Russian  translation  of  this  order of  baptism,  enlarges  this  rubric  as  follows: "While  the  choir  sings,  the  priest  takes  two threads,  one  white  and  the  other  red,  in  remem- brance of  the  water  and  the  blood  that  flowed from  the  side  of  the  Sariour  of  the  world.  He lifts  them  up  under  the  holy  cross,  and  lays  them at  last  upon  the  catechumen  or  child  to  be  bap- tized." There  can  be  little  doubt  that  this  is  a last  trace  of  former  white  baptismal  robes  with red  embroidery.  This  hypothesis  is  confirmed by  some  references  in  ancient  authors.  A  MS. at  Turin,  of  unknown  authorship  and  date  [from internal  evidence  it  appears  to  the  writer  to  be of  the  11th  century],  thus  describes  the  "  chris- male."  "Induitur  deinde  chrismali  neophytus, scilicet  alba  veste  quae  instar  cappae  lineaecapu- tium  habet,  quo  caput  quasi  quadam  mitra  ope- ritur,  et  filo  rubeo  supersuitur."  Durandus  too {Rationale  Die.  Off.  lib.  vi.  c.  82),  mentions  a custom  still  existing  in  his  time  (13th  century) in  Narbonne,  that  the  white  garment  of  the  bap- tized had  sewn  upon  it  a  red  band  like  a  '  co- rona.' And  the  same  combination  of  colours was  still  preserved  in  the  usage  of  the  Ethiopic Church  two  centuries  ago  (Ludolf,  Hist.  Aethiop. lib.  iii.  cap.  6),  and  may  be  traced  back  in  Africa to  the  5th  century  of  our  era.  Victor  of  Utica {de  Pers.  Vand.  lib.  ii.)  speaks  of  the  white robe  as  "  purpura  sanguinis  Christi  decoratam." §  65.  The  Chaplet  (corona  or  aT4(pa.vos).  The earliest  certain  reference  to  this  as  worn  by Neophytes  is  in  the  ritual  of  Alexandria  de- scribed by  Patriarch  Severus  in  the  7th  century. "  Then  (i.  e.  after  baptism  and  unction)  he  takes the  baptized  to  the  altai-,  and  gives  them  the sacrament  of  the  Eucharist,  and  the  priest  crowns them  with  garlands"  {Bibl.  Max.  Fatr.  Paris 1()54,  torn.  vi.  p.  25).  This  usage  was  still  main- tained at  Alexandria  200  years  ago.  Vansleb, describing  their  baptismal  ritual,  writes  as  fol- lows. The  piiest,  "  trempe  dans  I'eau  du  bap- teme  la  couronne  et  la  ceinture  de  I'enfant  qui a  e'te'  baptise,  et  lui  met  cette  couronne  sur  la tete,  et  il  lui  ceint  les  reins  de  cette  ceinture," &c.  {Hist,  de  I'Eylise  d' Alexandrie,  Paris  1677, 12).  Allusions  to  a  similar  rite,  on  very  slight grounds  however  of  what  is  probably  merely metaphorical  language,  have  been  imagined  in the  Gotho-Gallican  Missal  (baptizati  et  in  Christo coronati),  in  St.  Chrysostom,  Catech.  I.  ad  Illu- minandos  {orau  StdSrifia  [not  a  chaplet,  but  a royal  crown],  avaSriariade  tUv  TjAiaKoiv  aKTivoiv (paiSpoTfpas  ^xov  naprdxoOev  iKin}Sci(Tas  Aa^u- TrriSdvas),  and  Catech.  II.  rhy  crrfcpavov  rrjs SiKci.ioavi'T)^,  a  quotation  from  Scripture.)  A pas-.age  of  Gregory  Nazianz.  {Oratio  xxiii.  ad i7iit.),  quoted  by  Augusti  for  this  usage,  has certainly  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  bap- tism, as  an  examination  of  the  entire  context will  conclusively  shew.  The  "  crowns "  there spoken  of  are  the  words  of  public  encomium wherewith  St.  Gregory  welcomes  Heron,  a  con- fessor of  the  faith,  comparing  him  to  one  who has  conquered  in  the  arena. §  66.  Tasting  of  milk  and  honeii.  This  sym- bolical usage,  like  many  others,  originated  in  a prevailing  metaphor.  ''  Quid  ergo  lac  et  niel  ?  " asks  Barnabas.  "  Quia  nimirum  infans  lacte  et melle  vivificatur,  sic  et  nos  fide  promissionis  et verbo  nutrimur."  Tertullian  in  more  than  one passage  (see  §  12  above,  and  adv.  Marc.  lib.  j. c.  14) ;  Clement  of  Alexandria  {Paedag.  lib.  i. cap.  vi.);  the  Third  Council  of  Cai'thage,  can. 24 ;  the  Constitutions  of  the  Egyptian  Church, §  51  ;  St.  Jerome  {adv.  Lucifer.  0pp.  torn.  ii. p.  180,  and  in  Esaiam.  cap.  Iv.)  ;  and  the  Leonine Sacramentary  (Muratori,  Liturg.  Rom.  Vet.  tom. i.),  all  allude  to  the  tasting  of  mingled  milk  and honey  after  baptism.  The  rite  is  again  men- tioned by  Macarius  Bishop  of  Memphis,  circ.  a. 756,  and  was  still  preserved  both  in  Alexandria and  in  the  Ethiopic  Church  two  hundred  years ago  (Vansleb  and  Ludolf,  referred  to  above). §  67.  Pedilavium.  The  washing  of  feet.  A peculiar  custom  prevailed  in  the  early  Galilean ritual,  of  a  symbolical  washing  of  the  feet  of  the newly  baptized,  having  reference  to  the  action of  our  Lord  recorded  in  the  Gospel  of  St.  John (xiii.  1-16).  The  so-called  Gothic  missal, and  another  early  Gallican  missal  (Martene,  De A.  E.  R.  tom.  i.  pp.  63,  64),  both  contain  refe- rences to  this  as  a  recognized  part  of  the  bap- tismal ritual.  In  the  first,  see  above  §  34,  im- mediately after  the  application  of  the  chrism, we  read,  "  Dum  pedes  ejus  lavas,  dicis,  '  Ego tibi  lavo  pedes.  Sicut  Dominus  noster  Jesus Christus  fecit  discipulis  suis,  tu  facias  hospi- tibus  et  peregrinis  ut  habeas  vitam  aeternam  :'  " (then  follows  the  impositio  vestimenti).  In  the second  of  the  two  documents,  a  collect  is  given "  ad  pedes  lavandos,"  which  follows,  as  before, immediately  upon  the  "  Infusio  Chrismae." "  Dominus  et  Salvator  noster  Jesus  Christus ap>;stclis  suis  pedes  lavit :  Ego  tibi  pedes  lavo, ut  et  tu  facias  hospitibus  et  peregrinis,  qui  ad te  venerint.  Hoc  si  feceris  habebis  vitam  aeter- nam in  saecula  saeculorum.  Amen."'  In  yet  a thii'd  Gallican  sacramentarj'  (Mabillon,  Mus.  Ital. tom.  i.  and  Martene,  De  A.  E.  R.  tom.  i.  p.  64) the  same  rite  is  noticed,  but  is  placed  after  the clothing  with  the  "  Vestis  Candida,"  instead  of immediately  before  as  in  the  two  earlier  MSS. ; and  there  is  a  slight  variation  in  the  terms  of the  collect  prescribed.  From  two  treatises  of doubtful  authenticity  attributed  to  St.  Ambrose {De  Sacram.  lib.  iii.  c.  1  and  De  Myster.  c.  6), it  has  been  inferred  that  the  rite  was  in  use  at Milan.  In  the  first  of  the  two  passages  the writer,  whoever  he  was,  mentions  that  the  rite in  question  was  not  of  Roman  usage.  No  traces of  it  are  now  to  be  found  in  the  Ambrosian ritual.  Allusions  to  a  similar  rite  after  baptism, occurring  in  the  works  of  St.  Augustine,  are not,  as  might  be  thought,  a  proof  of  a  similar usage  in  the  African  Church.  They  occur  in  a sermon  {Detemfore  160)  which  on  other  grounds had  been  judged  not  to  be  St.  Augustine's,  but to  have  been  composed  by  Caesarius  Archbp.  of Aries  (t540).  He  quotes  the  words  of  a  Gal- lican missal  still  extant  (Martene,  De  A.  E.  R. p.  64):  "  Secundum  quod  ipsis  in  baptismo  dic- tum est,  Hospitum  pedes  lavent,"  &c.  The 48th  canon  of  the  Council  of  Illiberis,  forbidding the  practice  (neque  pedes  eorum  [qui  bapti-  . zantur]  lavandi  sunt  a  sacerdotibus  vel  clericis), marks  probably  a  previous  attempt  to  introduce the  observance  in  some  parts  of  Spain,  in  imita- tion of  the  usage  elsewhere  existing.  No  traces of  the  rite  ai'e  now  anywhere  to  be  found  in  con- nection with  the  administration  of  baptism.  But a  ceremonial,  similar  in  its  origin,  in  which  the BAPTISM Pope  takes  part,  forms  one  ot'  the  observances  of the  Hoi}-  Week  at  Rome  to  this  day. IV.  At  vhat  times  Baptism  u-as  administered. §  68.  In  the  Apostolic  Age  no  special  times were  appointed  for  the  administration  of  bap- tism, this  being  determined  by  the  vary- ing circumstances  consequent,  in  the  nature of  things,  on  the  first  establishment  of  the faith.  The  first  administration  of  Christian baptism,  properly  so  called,  was  on  the  first Christian  Pentecost  (Acts  ii.),  when  some 3000  persons  gladly  receiving  the  words  of Peter  were  at  once  baptized  on  the  same  day (vcr.  41).  The  Ethiopian  eunuch  (Acts  viii.), wheu  Philip,  taking  occasion  from  the  prophecy of  Isaiah  (cap.  liii.),  had  taught  him  the  glad tidings  of  Jesus,  was  straightway  baptized  in water  by  the  way  side.  The  jailor  at  Philippi (Acts  xvi.),  when  the  word  of  the  Lord  had been  spoken  unto  him  (ver.  32)  by  Paul  and Silas,  was  baptized  vith  all  his  household  while it  was  night  (vei-.  33  compared  with  vei-.  25). And  neither  in  Scripture  nor  in  any  of  the  ear- lier Christian  writers  before  Tertullian,  is  any trace  to  be  found  of  the  setting  apart  of  any special  season  as  more  suited  than  others  for  the administration.  This  greater  liberty  of  the Apostolic  times  is  often  alluded  to  by  early fathers,  when  dissuading  men  from  the  indefinite deferring  of  baptism  under  pretext  of  observing the  fixed  times"  appointed  by  the  Church  for  its more  solemn  administration. §  69.  Special  seasons  spoken  of  b;/  Tertullian. The  first  mention  of  any  particular  season  as being  set  apart  for  solemn  administration  of  bap- tism, is  found  in  Tertullian  {de  Bapt.  c.  sis.) writing  about  the  close  of  the  2nd  century. "  Pascha  "  {i.  e.  Easter),  he  says,  "  oflers  a  more solemn  season  for  baptism,  for  then  was  fulfilled the  Passion  of  the  Lord  into  which  we  are  bap- tized ....  And  afterward  Pentecost  "  (('.  e.  the whole  period  from  Easter  to  the  day  of  Pente- cost) "'  is  a  lengthened  time  for  the  preparation of  the  waters  (ordinandis  aquis).  Therein  was the  Resurrection  of  the  Lord  celebrated  among the  disciples,  and  the  grace  of  the  Holy  Spirit bestowed,  and  the  hope  of  the  advent  of  the Lord  suggested."  But  in  mentioning  these  as times  when  baptism  was  administered  with  more than  usual  solemnity,  he  is  careful  to  add,  that "every  day  is  the  Lord's  ....  no  hour,  no time,  unsuitable  for  baptism  ;  the  solemnity  may 08  less,  but  in  the  grace  given  there  is  no  diver- sity." Other  references  to  these  two  periods, or  one  of  them,  as  specially  observed  for  the solemn  administration  of  baptism,  will  be  found in  St.  Jerome,  St.  Gregory  Nazianz.,  St.  Chry- sostom,  and  other  writers  both  in  East  and  West. §  70.  B ifjtism  at  Epiphani/.  Beside  the  two seasons  of  Easter  and  Pentecost,  there  were  not a  few  churches  in  which  the  Epiphany  festival was  observed  in  the  same  way.  Towards  the close  of  the  4th  century,  Siricius  Bishop  of Home  stated  (Epist.  ad  Himerium,  Labbe,  Concil. t.  ii.  p.  1018),  that  all  Churches  agreed  with that  of  Rome  in  an  exclusive  observance  of Easter  and  Pentecost.  But  in  this  he  was  mis- taken. Many  Eastern  Churches,  and  not  a  few in  the  West,  which  by  origin  or  by  subsequent intercourse  came  under  Eastern  influence,  ob- served Epiphany  (traditionally  the  time  of  our BAPTISM 165 Lord's  baptism  in  Jordan)  as  a  season  for  solemn administration  of  baptism.  We  find  evidences of  this  in  the  churches  of  Cappadocia  (St.  Greg. Nazianz.  Orat.  si.  fxlvw  ra  (po'To),  at  Antioch, but  before  St.  Chrysostom's  time  (this  by  in- ference from  a  comparison  of  St.  Chrysostom's Catechesis  I.  ad  Illuminandos ;  Migne,  t.  ii.  p. 268  ;  De  Baptismo  Christi,  ibid.  p.  433,  seqq.  ; and  Horn.  HI.  in  Ephes.  i.  ibid.  t.  xi.  p.  25);  at Jerusalem  (lypicum  S.  Sabae,  quoted  by  Valesius on  Theodoret.  Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  ii.  c.  27  ;  and  the Itinerariuin,  Antonini  Martyris) ;  in  Africa (Victor  Uticensis,  Be  Fersec.  Vandal,  lib.  ii.  in- ferred from  his  mention  of  baptism  when  "  appro- pinquabat  jam  futurus  dies  ....  Kalendarum Februarium  ") ;  in  Spain  and  Sicily  (Siricius  ad Hiiuerium,  already  referred  to,  and  Leo,  ad  Epis- copos  Siciliae,  Labbe,  Concil.  t.  iii.  p.  1297) ;  in Gaul  (see  Martene,  de  A.  E.  E.  lib.  i.  cap.  i.  p. 2) ;  in  Ireland  (St.  Patricii  ....  Si/nodi,  Ca- nones,  &c.,  ed,  T.  P.  Villanuova,  Dublini  1835  ; Wilkins,  Concilia,  p.  26,  can.  xix.  These  canons are  of  late  date  in  their  present  form,  but  pre- serve some  genuine  traditions). §  71.  Other  days  were  observed  in  some churches.  Thus  we  hear  of  "  Natalitia  Christi," or  Christmas,  in  Spain  and  in  Gaul  (see  Martene, as  above),  and  of  Festivals  of  Apostles  and Martyrs,  in  Spain  (Siricius  ad  Himerium'),  in Campania,  Samnium,  and .  Picenum  (Leo  M. Epist.  136),  and  of  the  Festival  of  St.  John Baptist  (Gregor.  Turon.  Hist.  Franc,  cap.  9). All  days  were  allowable  for  the  more  private administration  in  cases  of  pressing  necessity  from sickness  or  other  causes. §  72.  Roman  usige,  however,  w^as  much  more strict  in  this  particular  than  that  of  other Western  Churches.  And  with  the  zeal  for  ritual uniformity  which  has  ever  been  characteristic  of that  Church  (Gregory  the  Great  a  notable  ex- ception), her  bishops,  and  a  series  of  councils more  or  less  under  Roman  influence,  made  re- peated efibrts  to  confine  the  solemn  administration to  the  two  seasons  of  Easter  and  Pentecost. §  73.  Papal  decrees  to  this  effect,  directed  to churches  of  the  Roman  obedience,  are  those  of Siricius  (385-398),  in  his  epistle  (Labbe,  Concil.  ii. p.  1018)  to  Himerius,  Bishop  of  Tarraco,  in Spain;  of  Leo  the  Great  (440-461),  writing  to the  bishops  of  Sicily  (Labbe,  Concil.  iii.  p.  1297); of  Gelasius  (492-496),  to  the  bishops  of  Lucania ; Gregoiy  II.  (715-731)  to  the  clergy  and  people of  Thuringia,  and  Nicolas  I.  in  his  J.esponsa  ad Bulgaros,  cap.  69.  It  is  curious  to  find  the  same Roman  tradition  seeking  to  assert  itself  in  England many  centuries  later,  in  the  face  of  a  superstitious belief  on  the  part  of  some  that  it  was  perilous  to have  children  baptised  at  those  times.  So  we learn  from  the  language  of  Otto,  Cardinal  Legate at  the  Council  of  London,  a.  1237  ("NonnuUi  in Anglia  periculum  suspicantur  si  praefatis  diebus pueri  baptizentur."     Wilkins,  Concil.  p.  650). §  74.  Councils.  Identical  in  effect  with  the decrees  last  quoted  are  the  canons  of  a  series  of provincial  councils,  extending  from  the  0th  to the  13th  century.  The  earliest  of  these  is  the Council  of  Gerunda,  in  Hispania  Tarraconensis, a.  517.  With  this  agree  the  Councils  of  Autis- siodurum  (Auxerre),  a.  578  ;  of  Moguntia  (Ma}'- ence),  a.  813,  can.  4,  and  again,  a.  847,  can.  3; of  Paris  (Parisiense  vi.  a.  829,  part  1.  cm.  7); i  of  Meaux  (Meldcuse,  a.  84.5);  of  Worms  (Woima- BAPTISM tiense,  a.  868,  can.  1)  ;  of  Tribiir,  or  Teuver, near  May ence  (Triburiense,  a.  895,  can.  12);  of liouen  (  Rothomagense,  a.  1072,  can.  23) ;  of Winchester  (Wintoniense,  a,  1074,  can.  7);  of London  (Londinense,  a.  1237). §  75.  Imi.erial  and  otiier  authorities  were  not wanting  from  time  to  time  to  enforce  a  practice which  popes  and  provincial  councils  were  thus continually  enacting.  The  capitularies  of  Charle- magne, a.  804,  direct  "ut  nuUus  baptizare  prae- sumat  nisi  in  Pascha  et  Pentecosten,  excepto infirmo."  To  the  same  effect  are  the  capitularia collected  by  Benedictus  Levita  (lib.  1,  n.  171). "  Ut  baptismus  non  fiat  nisi  statutis  temporibus id  est  Pascha  et  Pentecosten,  nisi  iufirmitas  inter- oesserit."  And  lib.  ii.  n.  171 :  "  Ut  nullus  bapti- zare praesumat  nisi  per  duo  tempora,  id  est  vigilia Paschae  et  vigilia  Pentecostes,  praeter  mortis periculum."  Bishops  sometimes  made  this  ob- servance matter  of  special  injunction  to  the  clergy at  their  ordination  (St.  Hildephonsus  Ve  Cogn. Baptism!,  lib.  i.  c.  108;  Rodulfi  Archiepisc.  Bitu- ricensis  Capitular,  n.  20  ;  Ratherii  Veronensis Episcopi  Synodica,  apud  Martene,  Spicilegium, torn,  ii.),  or  desired  parish  priests  to  enforce  this duty  upon  their  people  from  the  pulpit  (Otto, Cardinalis,  apud  Wilkins,  Concilia,  p.  650). §  76.  Later  usage. — The  limitation  of  baptism to  one  or  two  special  periods  in  the  year  was  of advantage  in  the  first  four  centuries,  or  there- abouts, when  the  baptism  of  adults,  requiring previous  instruction  and  preparation,  was  still  of prevailing  usage.  But  this  limitation  no  longer served  any  important  end,  when  under  the  changed circumstances  of  the  church  the  baptism  of  adults was  rare  and  exceptional.  And  accordingly  these restrictions  have  long  ceased  to  be  observed  in churches  both  of  the  East  and  of  the  West. Places  of  administering  Baptism. §  77.  Originally  no  limitation  of  place  was observed.  Water  by  the  roadside  (Acts  viii.  36- 38),  private  houses  (Acts  ix.  18),  or  a  prison (Acts  xvi.  29,  30),  were  all  made  use  of  for  the purpose.  And  in  sub-apostolic  times  we  find proof  of  the  same  freedom  from  all  limitation. See  Justin  Mai-tyr,  quoted  above,  §  7  ;  Clementis Eecog.  lib.  iv.  c.  32,  and  lib.  vi.  c.  15;  Tertullian de  Bapt.  c.  4.  To  the  same  effect  are  the  tradi- tionary stories,  in  early  Hagiologies,  of  baptisms performed  in  private  houses,  in  prisons,  in  the public  road.  See  the  lives  of  St.  Laurentius (Surii  Vit.  Sand,  die  23  Julii),  of  St.  Apollinaris (iiiiil.  die  10  August),  and  of  the  Deacon  Cyriacus ((•/-/(/.  die  16  Jan.).  It  is  not  till  the  close  of  the .'ird  century  that  we  meet  with  any  mention  of baptisteries  properly  so  called,  and  under  the name  "  baptisterium  "  (See  the  story  of  St.  Cyri- acus apud  Suriam,  die  16  Jan.).     [Baptistery.] Baptism,  by  whom  administered. §  78.  In  the  first  fice  centuries,  or  there- abouts, the  rule  and  the  practice  of  the  Church was,  that  the  solemn  celebration  of  baptism, whether  at  Epiphany,  Easter,  or  Pentecost,  should be  presided  over  by  the  bishop.  The  earliest authorities  bearing  upon  this  subject  are,  St. Ignatius,  ad  Smyrn.  cap.  8  ;  Tertullian  dc  Bapt. c.  17 ;  Consttt.  Apost.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xi.  (bishops and  presbyters  to  baptize,  deacons  being  in  at- tendance upon  them)  ;  St.  Gregor.  Nyssen.  Orat. xl.  (Paris,  Morell,  fol.  1630,  tom.  i.  p.  656)  where BAPTISM I  baptism  by  bishops  and  presbyters  is  spoken  of Council  of  llliberis,  a.  313,  can.  77,  decreeing that  if  a  deacon  baptise  any  one,  without  either bishop  or  presbyter,  the  sacrament  must  be  "com- pleted" afterwards  by  the  benediction  of  the bishop ;  St.  Jerome,  adv.  Lucifer,  c.  4  (saying that  neither  Presbyter  nor  deacon  have  the  right of  baptising  without  direction  from  the  bishop, though  even  laymen  are  frequently  allowed  to baptise  if  necessity  so  require).  In  the  5th  and 6th  centuries  we  find  at  one  time  (Gelasii  Papae Kpist.  ad  univ.  episc.  and  Isidor.  Hispal.  Off.  Eccl. lib.  ii.  c.  24),  a  declaration  that  bishops  and  pres- byters are  the  only  proper  administrators  (cases of  necessity  excepted);  at  another  (Concil.  Hispal. ii.  a.  619,  can.  7),  the  vindication  of  the  supreme right  of  bishops  in  this  matter,  in  depreciation of  that  of  presbyters.  Of  the  practice  of  the Eastern  Churches  at  this  time  we  find  an  indi- cation in  a  letter  written  by  the  people  of  Edessa at  the  time  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  a.  451, and  inserted  among  its  Acta.  In  it  they  beg  that Abas,  their  bishop,  will  return  to  them  as  soon as  possible,  on  account  of  the  approaching  Easter Festival,  his  presence  being  required  for  the instruction  of  the  catechumens,  and  for  those  who are  found  worthy  to  receive  holy  baptism.  More remarkable  is  a  somewhat  similar  letter  (quoted by  Martene  Be  A.  E.  R.  tom.  i.  p.  7),  in  which certain  of  the  clergy  in  Italy  write  to  Constanti- nople, begging  that  the  emperor  will  allow Dacius,  bishop  of  Milan,  to  i-eturn  to  his  diocese after  an  absence  of  fifteen  or  sixteen  years,  giving as  a  reason  that  almost  all  the  bishops  custom- arily ordained  by  the  Bishop  of  Milan  were  now dead,  and  an  immense  multitude  of  people  died witnout  baptism  (quia  cum  pene  omnes  episcopi, quos  ordinare  solet,  ....  mortui  sint,  im- mensa  populi  multitude  sine  baptismo  moritur). It  is  worthy  of  note  in  connection  with  this  that from  the  time  of  St.  Ambrose  to  that  of  Cardinal Borromeo,  if  not  later,  the  traditions  of  the Church  of  Milan  have  maintained  in  a  variety  of ways  the  special  office  of  the  bishop  in  the  admi- nistration of  baptism.  Paulinus,  writing  (circ. 420)  the  life  of  St.  Ambrose,  says  that  St. Ambrose  had  with  his  own  hands  baptised  more persons  than  five  succeeding  bishops.  And  in the  Caeremoniale  Ambrosianum,  published  by Cardinal  Borromeo  (Martene,  p.  7),  it  is  stated that  the  archbishop  administered  baptism  solemnly twice  in  the  year,  at  Easter  and  at  Pentecost, and  also  at  other  times  throughout  the  year  in the  event  of  any  adults,  converted  from  unbeliefj being  presented  for  baptism. §  79.  In  later  centuries.  The  provision  last mentioned  will  of  itself  serve  to  suggest  why  it was  that  as  time  went  on  the  personal  action  of the  bishop,  as  the  recognised  administrator  of baptism,  became  gradually  less  and  less  ;  while that  of  presbyters,  deacons,  and  even  of  clergy of  the  minor  orders,  was  continually  increasing. From  the  time  when  the  baptism  of  adults  be- came the  exception  rather  than  the  prevailing rule,  and  when,  from  the  wider  extent  of  the Church,  the  number  of  the  children  brought  to baptism  was  continually  increasing,  the  older practice  of  the  Church  gradually  changed.  It was  revived  at  a  later  time  by  missionary  bishops, such  as  our  own  countryman  St.  Bonifece  in Germany,  or  St.  Otto  of  Bamberg  in  Pomerania (_Hist.  S.  Bonifacii  and   Hist.  S.  Ottonis,  lib,  ii. BAPTISM c.  19,  quoted  by  Maiteue  De  Ant.  Ecrl.  Bit.  lib.  i. cap.  i.  art.  iii.).  But  with  exceptions  such  as these  last,  exceptions  which  prove  the  rule, the  tendency  in  most  Churches,  from  about the  clcse  of  the  5th  century,  was  to  make the  administration  of  baptism  of  less  prominent importance;  and  the  part  taken  by  the  bishop himself  became  gradually  less  and  less.  In  the Gregorian  Sacramentary,  not  the  bishop,  but presbyters,  are  spoken  of  as  being  in  a  special sense  the  ministers  of  baptism  (ministri  baptismi). And  even  at  the  more  solemn  ceremonies  of  the Easter  Baptism  at  Rome  and  elsewhere,  the bishop  merely  inaugurated  the  ceremony  by baptising  a  few  himself,  leaving  the  rest  to presbyters,  to  deacons,  or  if  need  were  to  acolytes. {Ordo  Romanus  apud  Mabillon  Mus.  Ital.  t.  ii., and  Martene   De  A.  E,  B.  t.  i.  p.  8,  col.  2.) §  80.  Lay  Baptism.  Tertullian  (de  hapt.  cap. 17)  and  St.  Jerome  (adv.  Lucif.  cap.  4 ;  see  above, §  78)  say,  in  efiect,  that  for  a  layman  to  baptise is  not  contrary  to  essential  Christian  principles, though  contrary  to  ecclesiastical  order.  And such  practically  has  been  the  judgment  of  the Church  in  all  later  times,  forbidding  lay  baptism as  a  rule,  but  recognising  it  in  cases  of  necessity. See  as  to  this  the  Council  of  Illiberis,  a.  313, can.  38.  In  late  mediaeval  times  the  practice  of lay  baptism  became  very  common.  See,  as  illus- trating English  usage  in  this  matter,  the  Council of  Durham  (between  the  years  1217  and  1222; in  Wilkins,  Concil.  p.  575)  and  the  Council  of Oxford,  a.  1222  (ibid.  p.  59-i). §  81.  Baptism  by  Women.  The  question whether  women  may  lawfully  baptise  is  first adverted  to  by  Tertullian.  Nothing  can  well  be stronger  than  his  language,  diluted  though  it  be by  some  later  writers  into  the  assertion  that women  may  not  "publicly  baptise  in  the  church.". After  saying  (de  bapt.  cap.  17)  that  in  cases  of perilous  necessity  laymen  should  not  hesitate  to give  baptism,  he  goes  on  to  say  that  women, though  they  took  upon  themselves  to  teach, would  scarcely,  with  all  their  presumption, attempt  to  create  a  right  to  administer  baptism, unless  indeed  some  strange  beast  arose  like  to one  that  formerly  had  been.  That  former  one sought  to  do  away  with  baptism ;  some  successor might  perhaps  seek  to  confer  baptism  herself. Compare  De  Virgin,  veland.  cap.  9,  and  De Praescript.  cap.  41 .  The  Apostolical  Constitutions, lib.  iii.  cap.  9  ;  Epiphanius,  Haeres.  70 ;  and  the Fourth  Council  of  Carthage,  a.  398,  canon  20 ("  Mulier,  quamvis  docta  et  sancta,  viros  in  con- ventu  docere,  vel  aliquos  baptizare,  non  prae- sumat "),  are  all  to  the  same  effect.  Isidore  of Hispalais  referred  to  (by  Augusti,  Denim,  p.  115) as  saying  that  persons  baptised  by  wonven  are  not to  be  rebaptised.  And  Joannes  Moschus  (Pratwii Spirituale,  cap.  3)  says  that  it  is  contrary  to  the canons  for  women  to  baptise,  yet  makes  an  ex- ception for  ca.ses  of  the  last  extremity.  Even  as late  as  the  12th  century  .we  find  Hugo  de  S. Victore  speaks  of  it  as  still  with  some  a  disputed question  whether  baptism  by  women  was  valid. §  82.  Baptism  by  Heretics.  The  question  of the  validity  or  otherwise  of  baptism  by  heretics is  one  which  was  forced  on  the  attention  of  the Church  in  the  3rd  century  by  the  Donatist  Schism. The  dissension  thence  arising  between  St.  Cyprian (supported  by  all  the  African  bisho]is  and  by several  of  the  Eastern  Churches)  and    Steplicii BAPTISM 167 Bishop  of  Rome,  is  on  many  grounds  of  great importance  to  early  Church  history.  But  this lies  beyond  the  scope  of  the  present  article.  The final  settlement  of  the  question  was  based  upon the  principle  that  the  unworthiness  of  the  minis- trant  cannot  mar  the  act  of  God,  or  as  was  said, that  the  wickedness  of  the  sower  affects  not  the vitality  of  the  seed.  Hence  the  question  of  re- baptising  or  otherwise  was  for  the  most  part determined  simply  by  the  question  whether  the essential  elements  of  baptism  were  wanting  or no,  viz. :  water  and  the  words  prescribed  by  our Lord.  If  these  were  employed  the  baptism  was regarded  as  valid,  though  irregular,  and  the person  so  baptised  was  admitted  into  communion, if  on  other  grounds  found  worthy,  after  impo- sition of  the  hands  of  the  bishop. §  83.  Baptism  by  Pagans  and  Jews,  and  excom- municate persons,  has  been  held  to  fell  under  the same  rule  as  that  last  stated.  But  opinions  have not  been  altogether  at  one  upon  this  point.  See the  authorities  quoted  by  Martene,  De  A.  E.  B. lib.  i.  cap.  1,  art.  iii. §  84.  Bapjtism  administered  in  sport.  Perhaps the  strongest  illustration  of  the  feeling  of  anti- quity in  this  matter  is  afforded  by  the  story  told by  Socrates  (Hist.  Ecc.  lib.  ii.  c.  16)  and  by Ruffinus  (Hist.  Ecc.  lib.  i.  c.  14).  When  Atha- nasius  was  a  boy,  so  the  story  is  told,  he  was playing  with  some  young  companions  on  the shore  at  Alexandria.  The  bishop,  Alexander  by name,  happened  to  be  looking  on  from  a  distance as  they  played,  and  observed,  to  his  astonishment, that  they  were  imitating  the  ceremonial  of baptism,  Athanasius  acting  as  "  boy-bishop,"  to anticipate  a  phrase  of  well-known  Mediaeval usage.  "On  diligent  inquiry,"  we  translate  now the  words  of  Ruffinus,  "  both  from  those  who were  said  to  have  been  baptised,  as  to  what  they had  been  asked  and  what  they  had  replied  (the i-mpooTTjffets  and  the  a-KOKpirrei^,  above,  §  43), and  from  him  also  who  had  put  the  baptismal questions,  when  the  bishop  found  that  all  things had  been  duly  performed  according  to  the  ob- servances of  religion,  he  conferred  with  his  clergy in  council,  and  is  said  to  have  decided  to  this effect,  that,  as  water  had  been  poured  upon  these persons  after  the  interrogations  and  responses had  been  duly  made,  their  baptism  ought  not  to be  repeated,  but  only  be  made  complete  by  tlie customary  sacerdotal  acts  (adimplere  ea  quae  a sacerdotibus  mos  est).  Doubts  have  been  raised as  to  whether  such  an  occurrence  ever  actually took  place  ;  but  whether  the  story  be  true  or  no it  serves  equally  to  illustrate  the  feeling  of  the Church  at  the  time  the  story  was  first  told. §  85.  Baptism  self-administered.  To  make  this subject  complete,  it  may  perhaps  be  added  that on  one  occasion  the  question  arose  whether  bap- tism self-administered  was  valid.  The  question was  decided  in  the  negative  by  Pope  Innocent  111. on  the  ground  that  there  is  an  essential  distinction of  person  between  the  baptiser  and  the  baptised. The  Council  of  Nismes  (a.  1283)  embodied  this decision  in  one  of  their  canons:  "Si  quis  se  ipsum baptizaverit  talem  non  esse  baptizatum  ecclesia judicabit." With  lohat  matter  Baptism  was  administered. §  86.  Of  water  as  the  material  element.  Water from  natural  associations  has  ever  been  associated with  ideas  of  life  in  the  minds  of  most  cultivated 168 BAPTISM nations.  And  to  Heathens  (Tertullian.  de  hapt. c.  5),  as  well  as  to  Jews,  it  was  associated  not in  thouglit  only,  but  in  actual  ceremonial  usage, with  ideas  of  religious  purification.  This  was  the material  element  employed  in  the  Baptism  of  our Lord,  this  that  was  united  in  mention  by  Him with  the  Name  of  the  Spirit,  when  speaking (.John  iii.)  of  the  gift  of  a  new  spiritual  birth. And  this  accordingly  from  the  first  Christian Pentecost  (Acts  ii.)  to  this  time,  has  been  re- garded in  all  parts  of  Christendom  and  at  all times  as  determined  by  divine  appointment  to be  the  material  element  in  the  administration  of Baptism.  The  few  exceptions  to  this  statement which  require  notice  are  the  following. §  87.  Baptism  by  fire.  Philastrius  of  Brescia (De  Haeres.  n.  viii.  apud  Biblioth.  Patr.  Galland. torn.  vii.  p.  489),  and  St.  Augustine  quoting  him as  an  authority  {De  Haeres.  cap.  lix.  BB.  torn, viii.  p.  20  s.  7),  speak  of  Seleucus  and  Hermas  as founders  of  a  Sect  of  which  one  characteristic was  their  maintaining  the  only  true  baptism  to be  "  Spiritu  et  igni."  And  in  an  anonymous Treatise  on  Heretical  Baptism  we  read  of  some who,  by  what  means  is  not  known,  produced  an appearance  of  fire  on  the  baptismal  water,  iu order  to  complete  what  they  thought  necessary for  Christian  Baptism.  And  so  again  Irenaeus and  Clement  of  Alexandria  speak  of  certain heretics  (Carpocratians  and  Heraclians)  who branded  a  mark  upon  the  ears  of  their  disciples, this  being  in  their  eyes  the  true  sealing  (ff(ppayi- Cetv)  witii  the  Holy'Chost. §  88.  Baptising  with  wine  and  the  like.  The authority  of  a  bishop  of  Rome,  Siricius  (a.  384 to  389),  or  according  to  others  of  Stephanus  II. or  III.,  has  been  claimed  for  the  assertion,  that Baptism  iu  wine  is  valid  though  not  to  be  allowed except  in  cases  of  the  last  necessity.  The  facts concerning  this,  much  disputed  by  Koman  Ritu- alists, may  be  determined  by  comparison  of  the following  authorities  :  Antoninus  Augustinus  de emendatione  Gratiani,  p.  200.  Baluzius,  JS'otae  in Anton.  August,  p.  431.  Martene  de  Ant.  Ecc. Hit.  lib.  i.  cap.  i.  Art.  xiv.  Bertini  de  Sacrament. Vindob.  1774,  p.  507.  Harduini  Dissert,  de  bap- tism/) in  vino.  Others  mingled  wine  with  water and  were  condemned  {Excerpta  Egberti,  a.  750 in  Wilkins,  Concil.  p.  104)  for  so  doing. §  89.  Baptism  idth  sand.  In  one  case,  for which  Joannes  Moschus  is  the  earliest  authority, the  question  arose  not  as  a  mere  abstract  dispu- tation, but  in  reference  to  an  actual  matter  of fact,  whether  baptism  in  sand  be  legitimate  or no.  In  the  reign  of  Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus a  certain  Jew  was  travelling  in  company  with some  Christians  through  a  dry  and  desert  coim- try,  when  he  was  seized  with  grievous  illness ; and  being  apparentl}'  at  the  point  of  death begged  his  companions  to  baptize  him.  They replied  that  there  was  neither  priest  nor  water at  hand,  and  that  without  these  baptism  could not  be  had.  "  But  being  earnestly  adjured  not  to refuse  him,  they  divested  the  man,  and  sprinkled him  three  times  with  sand  instead  of  water, saying  that  they  baptized  him  in  the  name  of the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy Ghost."  Upon  this,  (so  the  story  proceeds)  his strength  was  miraculously  restored,  and  on  their return,  Dionysius,  then  Bishop  of  Alexandria, being  consulted  on  the  subject,  decided  "  Bapti- zatum  esse  Judaeum  si  modo  aqua  denuo  per- BAPTISM funderetur,"  in  other  words  that  the  only  thing wanting  to  his  Baptism  was  the  element  of  water, with  which  he  was  to  be  "  perfusus."  Autho- rities for  this  will  be  found  in  Joannes  Moschus, Pratum  Spirituale,  cap.  176  (De  la  Bigne,  Bi- blioth. Patr.  torn.  ii.  pp.  1132,  1133),  in  Nice- phorus  {Hist.  Ecc.  lib.  iii.  c.  37) ;  and  the  story is  told  in  detail  by  the  Magdeburg  Centuriators, who  are  quoted  by  Bingham  {Antiq.  book  xi.  c. 2,  §  5). §  90.  Baptism  with  milk.  Benedictus  Abbas Petroburgensis  (in  Gehtis  Henrici  II.  ad  ann. 1171,  edit.  Hearne  tom.  i.  p.  38)  states  that  a custom  prevailed  in  the  early  Irish  Church  of baptizing  the  children  of  the  rich  in  milk.  Oc- casional references  are  found  elsewhere  to  such  a practice.  See  Michelet,  Histoire  de  France,  vol. i.  p.  263.     Note. §  91.  Figurative  expressions.  Phrases  such  as "  the  baptism  of  blood,'  meaning  martyrdom ; "  Baptism  with  fire,"  meaning  either  martyrdom (as  in  Euseb.  H.  E.  lib.  vi.  c.  4)  or  gifts  of  the Holy  Spirit  (as  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  iu  three different  passages)  ;  the  Baptism  of  Tears,  mean- ing Repentance  (as  in  Isidore  of  Seville  and others),  are  merely  metaphorical  expressions, l)caring  indeed  upon  primitive  Doctrine,  but  not in  any  way  upon  primitive  Ritual  to  which  this article  is  limited. Modes  of  administering  Baptism  (by  Immersion, Affusion,  Aspersion). §  92.  Tmmersion.  Passages  already  quoted  in this  article  will  have  sufficed  to  show  that  the ordinary  mode  of  Baptism  in  primitive  times,  at least  in  the  case  of  adults,  was  that  the  Cate- chumen should  descend  into  a  Font  of  water (whether  natural  or  artificial),  and  while  stand- ing therein  dip  the  head  thrice  under  the  water. See  §§  11,  18,  49. §  93.  Affusion.  Yet  there  are  not  wanting indications  both  in  literature  and  in  art  of  an- other usage,  viz.,  that  of  the- bishop  or  other administrant  pouring  water  out  of  the  hand,  or fi-om  some  small  vessel,  on  the  head  of  the  bap- tized. Thus  we  meet  more  than  once  in  Latin writers  with  the  expression  "  perfusus  "  applied to  tlie  Catechumen  (see  §§  28  and  89 ;  and  aqua infusa  §  84).  And  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the word  ^aTTTi^eiv,  which  is  used  in  Greek  Ritual in  speaking  of  the  act  of  the  ministrant,  might be  used  with  perfect  propriety  of  such  a  pouring of  water  upon  the  head  and  body  as  that  now  in question.  One  common  mode  of  bathing  among the  ancients  was  the  pouring  of  water  from vessels  over  the  bodv,  as  we  may  see  in  ancient liepressntation  of  Bajt    m  f    1 1  11  i •\  ISP  pamtings  (compaie  OMd's  descii])tion  of Diana's  bath,  where  her  attendants  '"  urnis  capa- cibus  undam  Eifundunt ").  And  it  is  remarkable that  in  almost  all  the  earliest  representations  of BAPTISM Baptism  that  have  been  preserved  to  us,  this  is the  special  act  represented.  Such  appears  to  be the  representation  in  the  fresco  from  the  Ceme- tery of  St.  Calixtus  here  engraved. In  the  picture  of  Our  Lord's  Baptism  in  the Baptistery  of  St.  John  at  Ravenna  (Ciampini Vet.  Mun.  tom.  i.  Tab.  Ix.x.)  dating  probably from  about  the  year  450,  our  Lord  is  standing in  the  Jordan,  the  water  reaching  to  the  waist, and  the  Baptist  is  standing  near,  as  if  upon  the bank,  and  pouring  water  from  a  shell,  or  from some  small  vessel,  upon  the  head  of  our  Lord. And  there  is  a  similar  representation,  varying, however,  in  some  of  its  details,  in  the  Church  of S.  Maria  in  Cosmedin,  also  at  Ravenna  (Ciam- pini Vet.  Mon.  i.  Tab.  xxiii.),  the  Mosaics  of which  are  said  to  date  from  the  year  553  a.d. And  it  would  seem  probable  on  a  review  of  all the  evidence,  that  in  primitive  times,  while  adult Baptism  was  still  of  prevailing  usage,  the  two modes  hitherto  described  were  combined.  The dipping  of  the  head  under  water  took  place,  in some  churches  certainly,  so  we  find  clearly stated,  during  the  final  Interrogations.  And where  this  was  the  case  we  may  infer  that  the "  Aflusio "  or  "  Perfusio,"  the  pouring  on  of water  by  the  Ministrant,  took  place  during  the pronunciation  of  the  formula.  This  hypothesis of  a  double  _  use  explains  some  difficulties  in ancient  authors,  more  particularly  in  the  Trea- tise De  Sacramentis  attributed  to  St.  Ambrose, and  in  the  Egyptian  Ritual  already  referred  to. And  it.=  probability  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that in  the  Armenian  Order  of  Baptism  even  to  this day  the  double  usage  of  Immersion  and  Affusion is  maintained.  There  the  actual  administration is  described  as  follows  :  The  priest  asks  the  child's name,  and  on  hearing  it,  lets  the  child  down into  the  water,  saying,  "  This  N.  servant  of  God, who  is  come  from  the  state  of  childhood  (or from  the  state  of  a  Catechumen)  to  Baptism,  is baptized  in  the  Name  of  the  Father  and  of  the Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost."  ....  While  say- ing this  the  priest  buries  the  child,  (or  Catechu- men) three  times  in  the  icater,  as  a  figure  of Christ's  three  days'  burial.  Then  taking  the child  out  of  the  water  he  thrice  pours  a  handful of  icater  on  his  head,  saying,  "  As  many  of  you as  have  been  baptized  into  Christ  have  put  on Christ.  Hallelujah.  As  many  of  you  as  have been  enlightened  by  the  Father,  the"  Holy  Spirit is  put  into  you.  Hallelujah."  (From  an  unpub- lished translation  by  the  Rev.  S.  C.  Malan.) §  94.  Affusion  and  Aspersion  in  clinic  Baptism. In  one  case  of  very  common  occurrence  in  early times,  viz.,  that  of  the  Baptism  of  the  sick  under fear  of  approaching  death,  the  administration was  necessarily  by  Affusion  or  by  Aspersion.  And in  the  middle  of  the  third  century  we  find  the question  formally  raised,  by  one  of  the  African bishops,-  whether  persons  so  baptized  (clinici,  or as  they  were  also  called  grabatarii,  baptized  on  a sick-bed)  could  be  regarded  as  "  legitimi  Chris- tiani,"  could  be  supposed,  in  other  words,  to  have received  baptism  in  a  legitimate  and  regular manner.  The  manner  in  which  Cyprian  replies to  the  enquiry  (Cypriani  Epist  Ixxvi.  al.  Ixix. ad  Magnum)  shows  that  no  formal  decision  had, to  his  knowledge,  ever  been  given  previously  on the  question.  He  judges  of  the  question  sub- mitted to  him  to  the  best  of  his  own  ability (quantum  concipit   mediocritas  nostra),  and  cx- BAPTISM 109 presses  an  opinion  that  the  mode  in  which  t!ie water  was  applied  was  a  matter  of  minor  im- portance, provided  that  Faith  was  not  wanting on  the  part  both  of  Ministrant  and  Recipient. In  the  ninth  century  Walafrid  Strabo  speaks  of Baptism  by  Affusion,  "  desuper  fundendo,"  as  ex- ceptional only  {De  Eeh.  Eccl.  cap.  26).  Not  till the  13th  century  (Augusti  Denkwiirdig.  cap.  ix.  § 11)  do  we  find  proof  that  Affusion  or  Aspersion had  become  the  rule  of  the  Western  Church. The  older  practice  is  maintained  in  the  East  to this  day. Age  at  ixhich  Baptism  iras  conferred.  (Infant and  Adult  Baptism.) §  95.  Infant  Baptism.  St.  Irenaeus.  Direct evidence  of  the  practice  of  Infant  Baptism  first occurs  in  St.  Irenaeus,  who  was  born,  probably,  in the  year  97  A.  D.,  and  who  had  sat  at  the  feet  of Polycarp,  the  disciple  of  St.  John.  In  his  book against  Heresies  (lib.  ii.  cap.  39  al.  22)  he  says that  our  Lord  came  (into  the  world)  in  order that  through  Himself  He  might  save  all  men, infants,  and  little  ones,  and  children  and  youths and  elders,  even  all  who  through  Him  are  horn again  unto  God.  No  unprejudiced  interpreter, acquainted  with  the  forms  of  speech  habitually employed  by  Irenaeus  himself,  and  by  the  early fathers  generally,  will  doubt  that  when  Irenaeus thus  speaks  of  infants  and  little  ones,  as  well  as others  of  more  mature  age,  being  "  born  again unto  God,"  he  refers  to  the  fact  of  their  being baptized.  (For  Irenaeus'  own  usage  see  particu- larly adv.  Ilaer.  lib.  i.  c.  18  ets  i^apv-qaiv  rov ^a-Kriffjxaros  TrfS  els  dehu  avayevyi^fffois,  and  cap. xix.,  where  authority  to  baptise  is  described  as "  potestas  regenerationis  in  Deum.") §  96.  Tertullian  was  of  full  age  before  the death  of  Irenaeus,  and  in  knowledge  of  antiquity, and  of  the  usages  of  the  Church,  was  second  to none  then  living.  And  he  gives  absolutely  con- clusive proof  that  Baptism  of  Infants  was  a  com- mon practice  of  the  Church  in  his  own  time, towards  the  close  of  the  second  century.  With characteristic  freedom  he  expresses  his  own opinion  that  the  practice  might  wisely  be altered,  stating  reasons  for  his  opinion  (de  Bapt. c.  18).  But  he  nowhere  says  one  word  to  im- ply that  the  practice  of  his  own  contemporaries was  an  innovation  upon  the  earlier  usage  of  the Church. §  97.  Origen.  We  have  testimony  no  less decisive  from  Origen  as  to  what  was  the  tradi- tionary practice  of  the  more  Eastern  Churches. He  was  born  probably  in  the  year  186  A.D.  and was  a  disciple  of  Clemens  Alex,  and  an  inheritor of  his  great  learning.  His  language  in  several passages  shows  not  only  that  Infant  Baptism  was a  recognised  practice  of  the  Church  i-n  his  own day,  but  that  in  his  belief  (and  no  man  knew more  of  antiquity)  had  been  equally  so  from  the time  of  the  Apostles.  See  his  Horn.  viii.  on  Le- viticus (Oberthur  t.  vi.  p.  137)  and  Horn.,  xiv. on  St.  Luke  (t.  xiii.  p.  335),  where  he  argues that  infants  must  have  original  sin,  "else  why are  they  baptized  ?  " — and  his  comment  in  Ei>. ad  Rom.  lib.  v.  c.  vi.  (ecclesia  ab  apostolis  tradi- tionem  accepit  etiam  parvulis  baptismum  dare). §  98.  Other  early  evidence,  but  indirect  and inferential  only,  has  by  some  been  cited  (Bing- ham (J.  A.  book  xi.  ch.  iv.  §§  vi.  vii.)  from  Cle- ment <if  Rome,  and  from  Justin  Martyr.      More 170 BAPTISM conclusive  than  these  is  an  expression  of  Clemens Alex,  in  the  second  centmy,  when  {Po.edaq.  lib. iii.  c.  11)  he  speaks  of  tS>v  i^  vSarwu  avacnTwfii- vwv  TraiSi'coj',  tlie  children  that  are  drawn  u])  from out  of  the  water,  iu  a  context  which  shows  clearly that  it  is  of  Baptism  that  he  speaks. §  99.  Jewish  Prosehjte  Baptism. — In  order  to complete  the  subject  of  the  evidence  for  Infant Baptism,  it  may  be  well  to  refer  to  the  argu- ments based  on  the  analogy  of  Christian  Baptism botli  to  the  Proselyte  Baptism  of  the  Jews, which  was  given  to  infants  as  well  as  to  adults, and  to  the  rite  of  circumcision,  administered  on the  8th  day  after  birth,  and  only  in  exceptional cases  to  adults.  For  the  first  of  these,  the  Bap- tism of  Proselytes,  the  argument  from  analogy is  exceedingly  strong,  on  the  assumption  that the  practice  in  question  really  existed  before  the Apostolic  age.  Lightfoot  (on  Matt.  iii.  and  John iii.)  and  many  other  Hebraists  assume  the  pre- existence  of  the  Jewish  rite  without  doubt.  To the  present  writer  there  appear  to  be  the strongest  grounds  for  this  opinion.  But  among Continental  scholars  at  the  present  time  the prevailing  opinion  appears  to  be  opposed  to  that of  Lightfoot.  A  summary  of  the  arguments on  either  side,  and  full  references  to  the  best authorities,  will  be  found  in  Carpzovius  Anno- tationes  in  T.  Goodwini  Mosen  et  Aaronem.  Fran- cofurti,  4,  1748.  See  particularly  the  Notes on  Lib.  i.  cap.  iii.  §  vii.  For  additional  authori- ties see  the  Bibliographia  Antiquaria  of  T.  A. Fabricius,  p.  385. §  100.  The  Analogy  of  Circumcision  (adminis- tered as  this  was  in  infancy)  with  Christian Baptism,  is  recognised  both  in  Scripture  (Col.  2. ii.)  and  in  early  Christian  writers,  as  Justin Mart3'r,  Dud.  cum  Ti-yp.  lud. ;  St.  Irenaeus  adv. Huer.  lib.  iv.  c.  xxx.  (this,  however,  open  to  dis- pute). In  St.  Cyprian's  time  so  close  was  this analogy  considered  by  some  as  to  cause  doubt whether  in  view  of  "  eiglith  day  circumcision  " any  day  earlier  than  the  eighth  were  allowable for  Christian  Baptism  (Cypriani  Epist.  lix.).  St. Gregory  Nazianz.  expressly  appeals  to  this  as analogous  to  the  practice  of  Infant  Baptism {Orat.  xl.  de  Bapt.  p.  658). §  101.  Adult  Baptism.  The  genei-al  conclu- sion, resulting  from  an  impartial  investigation of  all  the  evidence  now  available,  appears  to  the present  writer  to  be,  that  in  the  first  four  cen- turies of  Christian  History  adult  baptism  was, from  a  variety  of  concurrent  causes,  the  pre- vailing practice.  Yet  that  during  the  same period  infants  were  always  baptised  without delay  if  in  apparent  danger  of  death.  But  in the  absence  of  such  danger  their  baptism  was deferred  to  the  time  of  solemn  baptism  held  at Epiphany,  Easter,  or  Pentecost.  And  it  is  pro- bable that  in  many  cases  Christian  parents  may have  shared,  and  have  acted  on,  the  opinion  ex- pressed by  Tertullian  in  the  second  century,  and l)y  Gregory  Nazianz.  in  the  fourth,  and  thought it  well  to  defer  the  baptism  of  children,  cases of  grave  sickness  excepted,  till  they  were  able  to make  answer  on  their  own  behalf  to  the  inter- rogations of  the  ba})tismal  I'ite  (see  Gregor.  Naz., Orat.  xl.  He  urges  the  baptism  of  infants  in case  of  danr/cr,  and  yet  shortly  after  advises  the deferring  their  baptism  in  other  cases  till  they were  three  years  old).  In  tlie  year  450  or  there- abouts, we  find  evidence  that    in   Svria,  if  not BAPTISM elsewhere,  the  baptism  of  infants  was  regarded as  not  allowable  only  but  matter  of  absolute duty.  (St.  Isaac  the  Great  in  Assemani  Bibl. Oriental,  t.  i.  221.  "  Let  the  lambs  of  our  flock be  sealed  from  the  first,  that  the  Robber  may see  the  mark  impressed  (§  4)  upon  their  bodies and  tremble.  Let  not  a  child  that  is  without the  seal  (§  4)  suck  the  milk  of  a  mother  that hath  been  baptized  ....  Let  the  children  of the  kingdom  be  carried,  from  the  womb,  to baptism.") V.  Baptism  as  represented  in  Ancient  Art. §  102.  Direct  JRepresentations.  Of  two  modes in  which  we  find  baptism  represented  in  ancient art,  the  first,  that  of  direct  representation,  is confined  to  a  very  limited  number  of  examples. The  earliest,  probably,  is  one  of  those  engraved for  this  article  (see  §  93)  from  the  cemetery of  St.  Calixtus  at  Rome,  and  believed  by  De  Rossi to  be  of  the  second  century.  It  serves  to  illus- trate what  has  been  said  above  of  what  appears to  have  been  one  customary  mode  of  administer- ing the  rite,  viz.,  by  pouring  water  from  the hand,  or  from  a  small  vessel  held  in  the  hand, upon  a  person  standing  in  shallow  water.  Two Mosaics,  at  Ravenna  and  at  Rome,  in  which  the baptism  of  our  Lord  is  represented,  have  been already  described  (see  §  93).  Another  similar representation  is  painted  in  fresco  on  the  walls of  a  chamber  in  the  cemetery  of  Pontianus, originally  used  as  a  baptistery ;  and  yet  another in  the  church  of  S.  Maria  in  Cosmedin,  at Ravenna  (the  Mosaic  said  to  be  of  the  6th  cen- tury), figured  in  Ciampini,  Vet.  Monum.  i.  p.  78. Millin  {Midi  de  la  France)  has  engraved  {Atlas, PL  Ixv.  11)  a  peculiar  representation  of  this  sub- ject from  a  sarcophagus.  With  this  may  be compared  that  on  the  diptych  of  Milan,. figured and  described  by  Bugati  {Memorie  di  S.  Celso,  p. 282),  and  reproduced  in  facsimile  by  the  Arundel Society.  No  other  such  representations  are known  to  the  present  writer,  dating  certainly  from any  period  antecedent  to  800  a.d.  But  two  very curious  representations  were  engraved  by  Ciam- pinus  in  his  Monum^nta  Vetera  (tom.  i.  p.  16) of  Sarcophagi,  to  which  he  attributed  a  very great  antiquity.  In  the  first  is  represented  the baptism  of  a  king  and  queen  (their  rank  being indicated  by  a  Royal  crown  on  the  head  of  each), and  these  he  supposes  to  represent  Agilulfus  and his  wife  Theodelinda,  queen  of  the  Lombards, baptized,  as  he  thinks,  in  the  year  590.  On  the other  sarcophagus  a  somewhat  similar  scene  is represented.  A  man  somewhat  advanced  in years  kneels  to  receive  baptism,  which  is  admi- nistered by  affusion  only,  water  being  poured upon  his  head  from  a  small  vessel,  which  has been  filled  evidently  from  one  of  larger  size  (not unlike  the  upper  part  of  a  modern  English  font) which  stands  near.  Ciampinus  supposes  (but  on very  slight  grounds)  that  the  event  represented is  the  baptism  of  Arrichius,  second  Duke  of Beneveutum,  a  contemporary  of  Gregory  the Great,  circ.  591  A.D.  It  is  remarkable  that  in both  these  scenes  the  ministrant  of  the  baptism has  the  distinctive  dress  of  a  layman,  while  all the  other  men  represented  are  designated  by  an ecclesiastical  ora  monastic  dress.  The  real  date of  these  sarcophagi  must,  however,  be  regarded as  extremely  uncertain.  To  the  12tli  century belongs  a  fresco  m  the  church  of  St.   Lorenzo, BAPTISM at  Rome  (ibid.  torn.  i.  Tab.  vi.),  vepresentiug  the baptism  of  St.  Romanus,  by  St.  Laurentius.  This embodies  the  tradition  alluded  to  by  Walafrid Strabo  in  the  9th  century.  "  Notandum  non solum  mergendo  verum  etiam  desuper  fundendo multos  baptizatos  fuisse,  et  adhuc  posse  ita baptizari  si  necessitas  sit,  sicuti  in  passione  B. Laurentii  quendam  urceo  allato  legimus  bap- tizatum.  Hoc  etiam  solet  evenire  cum  provec- tiorum  granditas  corporum  in  minoribus  vasis homiiieni  tingi  non  patitur."  The  baptism  of two  adults  by  St.  Paul,  represented  in  the  same plate  (from  a  chapel  in  the  church  of  S.  Puden- tiana)  is  probably  of  the  same  date.  To  the same  period  is  to  be  assigned  the  representation of  the  imaginary  baptism  of  Constantine  by  St. Silvester,  formerly  on  the  fagade  of  St.  John Lateran,  at  Rome  (Ciampini  deSac.  Aedif.  tab.  ii. fig.  4).     The  picture  engraved  below  is  from  a BAPTISM 171 sea,  into  the  light  of  the  heavenly  habitation." And  to  come  somewhat  nearer  home  we  find St.  Patrick  and  his  nephew  Secundinus  fre- quently employing  the  same  language  in  re- ference to  the  missionary  work  in  which  they were  engaged.  The  former  says  in  his  "  Con- fession," "  Valde  debitor  sum  Deo  qui  mihi tantam  gratiam  dedit  ut  populi  multi  per  me  in Deum  renascerentur  et  postmodum  consum- marentur  ....  Idcirco  oportet  quidem  bene  et diligenter  piscari,  sicut  Domiuus  praemonet dicens,  venite  post  me,  faciam  vos  fieri  piscatores hominum."  And  Secundinus,  speaking  of  St. Patrick  :— "  Dominus  ilium  elpgit  ut  doceret  barbaraa Nationes,  et  piscaretur  per  doetrinae  retia, Ut  de  saeculo  credentes  traheret  ad  gratiam, Dominumque  sequerentursedem  ad  aetheream." Baptismal  Ceremouy,  from  a  Poutiflcal  of  the  Ninth  Ceutury, I'niitifical  of  the    9th    century,  now  in    the  S. Minerva    Library   at  Rome.     It   represents  the li.ijjtism  of  an  infant  and  of  an  adult,  and  it  is rLMuarkable    that    the    latter ucaring  a  tunic  in  the  font, sit  ion  to  the  conclusions  drawn  from  literar ,    _ '■\  i'lence,  noticed  above  in  §  48.     The  en-  I uiMving  in  §  43  is  from  the  same  WS.,   or  "i lather  from  an  exact  copy  in  the  collection "f  Pope  Clement  XL,  now  in   the    Royal Library  at  Windsoi*. §  103.  Sumhoiical  Eepresentation.  From a  very  early  period  indeed,  the  practice  ob- tained of  representing  baptism  symbolically under  a  figure  due,  probably,  in  the  first instance,  to  an  expression  recorded  in  Mark i.  17  ("I  will  make  you  fishers  of  men"), and  to  the  parable  wherein  our  Lord  com- |iares  the  heavenly  kingdom  to  a  net  en- closing fish  both  bad  and  good.  A  well- known  passage  of  Tertullian  will  suffice  for illustration  of  this  symbolical  meaning. "  Nos  pisciculi  secundum  piscem  nostrum in  aquis  nascimur,  nee  nisi  in  aquis  per- inanendo  salvi  sumus."  We  smaller  fishes, alter  the  example  of  our  Ichthus,  are  born Ml  water,  and  only  by  continuing  in  the u  iter  do  we  remain  safe  {de  Bapt.  c.  1). \\  '•  find  the  same  figure  in  a  passage  of  St. Hilary  (/ft  Matthacuin,  ed  i5en.  torn.  lii. I'-  ')79),  in  which  he  says  that  in  tin; wonts  recorded  in  Matt.  iv.  19,  "The  future ua.rk  of  the  Apostles  is  set  forth,  in  draw- in:4    forth    men,  like   fish    from    out   of   the This  symbol  of  the  fish  is  of  frequent  occurrence in    the    Roman    catacombs,    and    in    various parts  of  France.     The  writer  has  observed  in manuscripts,  and  in  ecclesiastical  monuments of  various  kinds  at  Autun,  Clermont  Ferrand, and  at  Paris,  a  peculiar  application  of  this symbol,  which  has  not  hitherto,  to  his  know- ledge,  been    either   described   or   explained. Two  fishes  are   represented  in  close  proxi- mity, attached  the  one  to  the   other  by   a string  which  issues  from  the  mouth  of  one, and  attaches  to  the  head  of  the  other.     This is  in  all  probability  a  Christian  adaptation of    an   old    Celtic    symbol   familiar    to    the Gauls  in  Pagan  times.     Their  God  of  Elo- quence was  represented  with  a  golden  cord issuing  from   his  mouth,  and  entering    the ear  of  one  to  whom  he  is  supposed  to  speak. And  so  in  the  Christian  symbolism  of  Gaul at  a  later  period.  He  who  spake  as  never  man spake,  is  represented  under  the  well-known  figure of  an  IX0TC  or  Fish,  drawing  to  Him  by^the power  of  His  Word  one  who  is  himself  (in  the epresented    as  j  language    of  the    Autun    inscription)    IX0rOc This  is  in   oppo-     OTPANIOT  TENOC,  the  offspring  of  that  liea- Capilal  from  lUo  Cbun  h  of  St.  Ocrmalii  cics  Pn 172 BAPTISM venly  Fish.  This  represent<ation  may  be  seen, over  the  western  doors  of  the  cathedral  at  Autuu, in  a  MS.  Bible  (11th  century  probably)  in  the public  libi-ary  at  Clermont  Ferrand,  and  on  the capital  of  a  column  in  the  baptistery  of  the church  of  St.  Germain  des  Pre's  at  Paris.  There also  appears  a  modification  of  the  fish  symbol, which  is  probably  unique  in  its  kind.  Figures  are r.epresented  which  are  half-man  and  half-psh,  with their  hands  clasped  upon  a  fish,  which  is  rising upwards  through  the  water,  as  shown  in  the accompanying  woodcut.  The  church  in  which this  capital  is  still  to  be  seen  is,  even  in  its  pre- sent state,  the  oldest  in  Paris.  When  it  was built  in  the  11th  or  12th  century  in  place  of  a church,  originally  built  six  centuries  before,  the capitals  of  many  of  the  older  columns  were  pre- served, and  emploj'ed  in  the  construction  of  the present  building.  And  on  these,  as  on  other grounds  which  cannot  now  be  stated  in  detail, there  can  be  little  doubt  that  this  representation dates,  in  origin  at  least,  from  the  very  earliest period  of  the  Gallican  Church.  (See  Marriott's Testimony  of  the  Catacombs,  4'C;  p-  1-42,  sq.) YI.  Literature. §  104. — It  only  i-emains  to  mention  briefly  the chief  sources  of  information  upon  the  various matters  treated  in  this  article.  Details  as  to  the primitive  ritual  of  baptism  are  to  be  sought  in the  various  authors  and  treatises  already  quoted or  referred  to.  See  particularly  §§  27  to  40. Among  modern  authors,  who  have  treated  of  the Kitual  of  Baptism,  may  be  mentioned  Hugo Menardus,  whose  notes  on  the  sacramentary  of St.  Gregory  the  Great  abound  with  instruction upon  this  as  upon  other  matters  of  which  he treats.  The  treatise  of  Edmond  Martene,  Dc Antiqiiis  Ecclesiae  Eitibus,  part  i.,  is  full  of  infor- mation as  to  Western  usages,  and  gives,  what  is of  especial  value,  a  large  collection  of  the  earliest "  Ordines  Baptismi."  But  he  shows  little  ac- quaintance with  Greek  authors,  and  his  references to  them,  and  occasionally  to  Latin  writers,  are uot  always  exact.  Goar,  in  his  Euchologion Graecorum,  gives  full  details  of  the  latei'  Greek rites,  ami  his  notes  upon  these,  illustrating modern  usage  from  the  older  writers,  are valuable.  Bingham  (Antiquities,  book  xi.)  does not  appear  to  have  investigated  the  early  ritual of  baptism  very  thoroughly,  but  the  later editions  of  his  treatise  are  of  use  as  containing in  the  notes  full  citations  from  the  original  text of  the  various  authors  whom  he  quotes.  The Treatise  of  Augusti,  Archciolo;jie  der  Taufe,  form- ing vol.  vii.  of  his  Denkwiirdigkeiten  aus  der ChristUcher  Archdologie,  contains  more,  and  more exact  information,  than  any  of  the  older  writers on  the  subject.  And  it  is  also  valuable  as  giving lists  of  writers  who  have  treated  either  of  bap- tism generally,  or  of  special  questions  in  con- nection with  it.  Binterim  has  given  {Die  Vor- ■  ziijlichstcn  Denkwiirdigkeiten  der  Christ- Catho- lischen  Kirclie,  vol.  i.  pt.  1)  a  fair  account  of  the ceremonies  of  Baptism,  with  abundant  citations  ; and  an  essay  on  Baptism  in  Wine,  Milk,  and  Sand {Denkw.  ii.  pt.  i.,  pp.  2-34).  [W.  B.  M. BAPTISM,  Angel  of.  Tertulliau  in  his treatise  de  Baptismo,  cc.  5  and  6,  speaks  of  an angel  who  rs  present  at  baptism  (baptismi arbiter),  and   who   prepares   the   waters   of  the BAPTISM font  (aquis  in  salutem  hominis  temperandis  adest — aquis  mtervenit),  and  under  whose  auspices men  are  prepared,  by  the  cleansing  of  the  font, for  the  following  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit  (in  aqua emundati  sub  angelo  Spiritui  Sancto  praepara- mur).  His  language  is  not  inconsistent  with  a belief  that  this  may  have  been  a  mere  individual speculation  of  his  own,  rather  than  a  doctrine generally  accepted  in  his  time.  No  parallel  to this  language  has  hitherto,  as  far  as  the  writer knows,  been  alleged  from  any  other  early  writers. But  in  more  than  one  of  the  early  '•  Ordines Baptismi "  there  will  be  found  expressions,  de- rived, in  all  probability,  from  this  very  passage  of TertuUian.  See  the  Article  Baptism,  §  29, where  there  is  the  same  allusion  as  in  TertuUian to  the  angel  at  Bethesda  (angelum  aquis  inter- venire  si  novum  videtur,  exemplum  futuri  prae- cucurrit.      Piscinam   Bethesdam   angelus   inter- veniens  commovebat de  Bapt.  c.  5).    With this  compare  the  "  Collectio  "  of  the  Gotho-Gal- lican  Missal.  "  Descendat  super  has  aquas  angelus benedictionis  tuae,"  and  again  "  qui  Bethesdae aquas  angelo  medicante  procuras ange- lum pietatis  tuae  his  sacris  fontibus  adesse  dig- nare."  So  too  in  the  Liber  Sacramentorum  of Gelasius  Papa  (Martene,  De  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  tom. i.  p.  66),  "  Super  has  aquas  angelum  sanctitatis emittas."                                               [W.  B.  M.] BAPTISM,  Iteration  of.  CAyaBairrtCuy. Denuo  bapt iz are ;  baptismum  iterare.)  It  has always  been  held,  as  matter  of  theory,  that baptism  once  really  conferred  can  never  be  really repeated.  And  yet,  from  the  2nd  century  to  the present  time,  questions  concerning  the  repetition of  baptism  have  continuall}^  arisen,  and  have  been determined  upon  other  considerations  than  that of  the  abstract  principle  just  stated.  Yet  the principle  itself  was  always  maintained.  Those who  rebaptized  heretics  did  so,  as  St.  Cyril Hieros.  says  (Ca^ecA.  i.  ol  a'lpeTiKol  ai/aPaTTTi^ovTai iireiSr)  to  irpSrepov  ovk  i)v  ^aTTTifffia),  on  the ground  that  the  former  (reputed)  baptism  was not  really  baptism.  And  baptism  administered in  cases  where  the  feet  of  previous  baptism  was open  to  doubt,  was  defended  in  terms  which  imply that  any  conscious  or  intended  repetition  of baptism  would  be  matter  for  grave  condemnation. (Non  potest  in  iterationis  crimen  devenire,  quod factum  esse  omnino  nescitur.  Leo  M.  Epist. xxxvii.  ad  Leon.  Ravenn.  Labbe  t.  iii.  p.  1326). But  the  abstract  principle  was  wholly  inadequate to  the  solution  of  the  more  difficult  question, "  what  constitutes  valid  baptism  ?  " §  2.  Baptism  by  Heretics. — Among  the  ques- tions thus  left  open  the  most  important  was whether  baptism  given  by  heretics  and  schis- matics was  to  be  regarded  as  valid  or  no.  This question  came  prominently  before  the  Church  in connection  with  the  Donatist  controversy  in  the 3rd  century.  St.  Cyprian,  supported  by  many bishops  in  the  East,  maintained  that  baptism given  "outside  the  Church"  (extra  ecclesiam), i.e.  by  schismatics  or  by  excommunicated  here- tics, was  not  to  be  accounted  valid,  and  was therefore  to  be  repeated  (in  theory,  given  for the  first  time),  in  the  case  of  penitents  seeking reconciliation  with  the  Church.  Similar  ques- tions had  to  be  determined  in  respect  of  the Marcionites,  Paulinianists,  Arians,  Eunomians, and  others. S  3.  Ultimate  decision. — The  ultimate  result  of BAPTISM the  controversy  concerning  rebaptization  was  the acceptance,  in  the  West  absolutely,  but  with more  of  reserve  in  the  East,  of  the  principle  that the  validity  of  the  Sacrament  depended  upon  ad- ministration in  accordance  with  Christ's  Institu- tion (i.  e.  with  water  and  the  "  Evangelic  words  ") without  regard  to  the  orthodoxy  or  otherwise  of the  administrator.  This  doctrine  finds  decisive expression  in  the  language  of  St.  Augustine {contra  I'etil.  de  unico  baptismo,  c.  3).  "Si  de ipsa  Trinitatis  unitate  dissentientem  haereticum iuvenlo,  et  tamen  evangelica  et  ecclesiastica  regula baptizatum,  intellectum  hominis  corrigo  non Dei  violo  sacramentum."  And  again  in  speak- ing of  baptism  given  by  Marcion,  "  Si  evangelicis verbis  in  nomine  Patris  et  Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti Marcion  baptismum  consecrabat,  integrum  erat sacramentum,  quamvis  ejus  fides  sub  eisdem  ver- bis aliud  opinautis  quam  catholica  Veritas  docet non  esset  integra,  sed  fabulosis  falsitatibus  in- quinata."  The  Council  of  Aries  (a.  448)  for  the reasons  stated  by  St.  Augustine,  allowed  the baptism  of  the  Bonosiani  as  valid,  but  rejected that  of  the  Photinians.  And  the  precedents  thus established  have  been  followed  in  the  West,  ever since,  with  scai-cely  any  exceptions.  See  Baptism §§  82  to  89.  But  in  the  Eastern  Churches  the difference  of  tendency  indicated  in  what  has  been already  said  may  clearly  be  traced  in  other  cases. St.  Cyril  liieros.,  as  we  have  already  seen,  says simply  that  "  Heretics  are  rebaptized,"  as  their baptism  is  not  really  such.  And  with  this  ac- cords the  language  of  the  Apostolic  Canon,  quoted by  Photius  {Syntagma  Canonum :  Spicil.  Eoni.  A. Mai,  torn.  vii.).  "If  a  bishop  or  presbyter  re- baptize  one  who  has  true  baptism  (rhv  kuto, aXrjOeiav  exovra  ^oLTrricrfxa),  or  if  he  refuse  to rebaptize  one  who  has  been  defiled "  («'.  e.  by a  pretended  baptism — compare  St.  Athanasius quoted  below)  "  by  the  ungodly,  let  him  be  re- garded as  making  mockery  of  the  Cross  and  of the  Death  of  Christ,  and  not  distinguishing priests  {l^pias)  from  pretended  priests."  With this  St.  Athanasius  agrees  both  iu  doctrine  and  in expression.  The  Arians,  he  says  {Orat.  ii.  cont. Ariaii.  BB.  tom.  i.  p.  510)  are  in  peril  as  to  the fulness  of  the  Sacrament  itself.  "  The  baptism they  bestow  must  be  (&\\o  av  eit) — tailing  short of  absolute  assertion)  alien  from  the  truth,  even though  out  of  regard  to  what  is  written"  [in Holy  Scripture]  "they  make  pretence  of  naming the  Father  and  the  Son."  And  again  to  the same  effect  (ibid.  §  43)  speaking  of  other  heretical bodies  which  do 'but  utter  the  divine  names  (in the  Formula  of  Baptism),  but  without  a  right intention,  and  without  salutary  faith,  the  water that  they  bestow  is,  he  says,  "  without  profit (a\ucnT6Aes),  being  destitute  of  true  godliness,  so that  he  who  is  sprinkled  {pavTi^ofievov)  by  them is  rather  defiled  in  ungodliness  than  redeemed with  the  ransom  of  Christ."  This  aKua-ne\es, "without  profit,"  reminds  us  of  the  recurrent formula  of  St.  Augustine,  in  speaking  of  heretical baptism,  when  followed  by  repentance  and  re- ception into  the  Church.  In  heresy  men  may have  baptism,  though  they  have  not  (per  qiiod utile  est)  its  beneficial  effect.  On  repentance  and conversion,  "  prodesse  incipit  ad  salutem,"  that baptism  "  begins  to  avail  unto  salvation,"  which before  availed  only  to  condemnation  {Be  Baptismo c.  Donat.  lib.  i.  cap.  xii.,  lib.  iv.  capp.  iv.  and KV.,  lib.   V.  capp.   V.  and  viii.,  and  xviii.  &c.). BAPTISTEEY 173 A  tone  like  that  of  Athanasius  may  be  traced  in the  decisions  of  various  Eastern  Councils  quoted by  Photius.  After  the  "  Canon  of  the  Apostles  " already  quoted,  there  follows  Canon  29  of  the Council  of  Nicaea,  which  orders  the  rebaptizing  of the  followers  of  Paulinus.  It  has  been  conjec- tured (by  St.  Augustine  first,  De  Haeres.  c.  44) that  this  was  because  of  some  defect  in  the formula  which  they  employed.  This  is  very  pro- bable, but  there  is  nothing  in  the  language  of  the canon  to  imply  this.  Forty  years  later,  at  the Council  of  Laodicea,  a  distinction  was  made. Canon  78  directs  that  Novatians  or  Photinians and  Quartodecimans  are  to  be  received  back  on conversion,  with  chrism  and  imposition  of  hands, and  then  adds,  "Moreover  we  rebaptize,  as heathens  ('EAA^ray)  Manichaeans,  Valentinians, and  Marcionists."  See  further  Canons  on  the same  subject  in  the  Syntagma  Canonum  of Photius. §  4.  Bebaptizing  in  case  of  doubt. — The  second class  of  cases  involving  the  question  of  iteration of  baptism  was  that  of  children  whose  baptism was  matter  of  doubt.  This  question  was  formally bi-ought  before  a  Synod  at  Carthage  (the  Fifth, a.  425)  in  reference  to  children  redeemed  from slavery,  and  who  could  neither  themselves  recol- lect, nor  had  witnesses  to  testify,  whether  or  no they  had  been  baptized.  It  was  determined "absque  uUo  scrupulo  eos  esse  baptizandos  ne ista  trepidatio  eos  faciat  sacramentorum  purga- tione  privari."  This  canon  was  re-enacted  by Cone.  Carthag.  vi.  a.  525 :  and  in  the  East,  in almost  identical  terms,  by  the  Quinisext  Council (Constantinople  a.  691).  It  appears  again  in  col- lections of  mediaeval  canons,  and  amongst  othei's in  those  of  Theodore,  Archbp.  of  Canterbury,  in the  Excerpta  of  Egbei't  of  York,  and  the  Syntagma Canonum  of  Photius.  The  hypothetical  form  of baptism,  "  //"thou  art  not  already  baptized."  &c., was  apparently  unknown  till  the  8th  century. The  earliest  example  of  it  is  found  in  the  Statuta of  St.  Boniface,  Archbp.  of  Mayence  (Martene De  Bit.  Antiq.  Ecd.  t.  i.  p. '59).  "Si  do aliquibus  dubium  sit  utrum  sint  baptlzati  absque ullo  scrupulo  baptizentur :  his  tamen  verbis praemissis :  non  te  rebaptizo,  sed  si  nondum  es baptizatus  ego  te  baptizo  in  nomine  Patris  et Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti."  Cases  of  doubt  arising from  other  causes  have  been  noticed  under Baptism,  §§  80  to  89.  [W.  B.  M.] BAPTIST,   NATIVITY   OF.     [St.  John Baptist,  Festivals  of.] BAPTISTERY  (Lat.  Baptisterium,  Greek BawTicTTiipiov,  also  Domus  illuminationis,  (pccri- arripLov),  the  building  or  chamber  set  apart  for the  celebration  of  the  sacrament  of  baptism. The  receptacle  for  the  water  was  called  in  Latin "  piscina,"  in  Greek  "  KoXv/x^ridpa,"  and  more rarely  by  some  other  names,  as  virov6fxos,  lava- crum,  natatoria.  Besides  the  receptacle  for  the water  a  baptistery  was  furnished  with  an  altar, for  the  practice  existed  from  a  very  early  period until  the  10th  century,  and  perhaps  even  later (v.  Martene,  De  Antiq'.  Ecd.  Bit.  t.  i.  p.  153),  of allowing  the  newly  baptized,  even  if  infants,  to partake  of  the  Eucharist.  In  the  earliest  ages the  administration  of  baptism  was  confined  to the  principal  church  of  the  diocese  ;  and  this practice  still  exists  at  Florence,  Pisa,  and  else- where in  Italy.     Pope  Marcellus  (a.d.  304-309) 174 BAPTISTERY is  said,  in  the  Ia'k  Pontif.,  to  have  appointed twenty-five  "tituli"  in  Rome  "as  though  (quasi) dioceses,  on  account  of  the  baptism  and  penance of  many."  Many  passages  in  the  Lib.  Tontif. shew  that  baptisteries  existed  attached  to  many of  the  minor  churches  down  to  the  9th  century, and  it  is  probable  that  every  parish  church  in Rome  had  its  baptistery.  The  existence  of  many baptisteries  in  one  city  was,  it  would  seem,  al- most or  quite  peculiar  to  Rome. As,  during  the  earlier  centuries,  immersion, either  alone  or  accompanied  by  aspersion,  and not  merely  sprinkling,  was  deemed  to  be  the  pro- per mode  of  administering  the  rite  (v.  Martene, De  Antiq.  Eccl.  Bit.  t.  i.  p.  135),  a  large  recep- tacle for  water  was  required;  and  as  Easter, Pentecost  and  the  Epiphany  were  seasons  specially appointed  for  baptisms,  and  large  crowds  of people  were  therefore  attendant  at  those  feasts, it  became  necessary  to  pro-inde  a  spacious  apart- ment in  which  the  sacrament  might  be  adminis- tered. When  on  Holy  Saturday  St.  John  Chry- sostom  was  attacked,  three  thousand  men  had been  baptized,  and  many  more,  both  men  and women,  fled,  who  were  still  waiting  to  undergo baptism  (Chrysostom,  Epist.  ad  Innocent. ;  0pp. iii.  518,  ed.  Montfaucon  ;  Palladius,  Vita  Chry- sost.  c.  9).  The  presence  of  the  "  piscina,"  or  re- ceptacle for  water  would  have  been  inconvenient in  a  church,  and  all  the  space  of  even  a  very  large edifice  would  be  required,  at  the  great  festivals above  mentioned,  by  those  attending  the  solemn services  of  those  occasions.  From  these  circum- stances the  practice  of  constructing  a  building distinct  from  the  church  or  basilica  very  natu- rally arose,  and  though  we  have  no  existing baptisteiy  which  can  be  referred  to  any  period earlier  than  the  4th  century,  nor  indeed  any  dis- tinct account  of  the  building  of  one  before  the time  of  Constantine  the  Great,  it  seems  highly probable  that  where  in  Asia  or  elsewhere  churches had  been  built  at  earlier  periods  they  were' ac- companied by  baptisteries.  In  the  earliest  ages a  river  or  a  pool  may  have  served  as  a  place  of baptism,  and  indeed  the  spot  in  the  Jordan  whete our  Saviour  was  baptized  by  St.  John  is  said  to have  been  lined  with  marble  and  resorted  to  by crowds  on  the  eve  of  the  Epiphany  (v.  Martigny, J)ict.  des  Antiq.  Chret.,  art.  Baftistere). That  Easter  was  still  in  the  8th  centurv chosen  as  a  peculiar  season  for  baptism  at  Rome is  shewn  by  a  passage  in  the.Zj6.  Pontif.  in  the life  of  Hadrian  I.  (772-795).  This  Pope,  we  are told,  repaired  the  Claudian  Aqueduct,  which supplied  the  baths  of  the  Lqteran  palace  and  the baptistery  of  the  church,  and  from  which,  it  is added,  many  churches  were  supplied  on  the  holy day  of  Easter.  Charles  the  Great,  by  a  capitu- lary of  A.D.  804,  ordered  that  baptisms  should take  place  only  at  Easter  and  Pentecost. Passages  in  the  writings  of  TertuUian  {l)e Coron.  Mil.  c.  3)  and  of  Justin  Martyr  {A^wl i.  c.  61)  shew  that  baptism  was  not  administered in  the  church,  but  that  the  place  of  baptism  was without  it.  Such  places  of  baptism  are  believed to  have  existed  in  the  catacombs  at  Rome  ;  in one  of  these,  in  a  cemetery  known  as  the  Ostri- anum.  nOt  for  from  the  church  of  St.  Agnes  on the  Via  Nomentana,  St.  Peter  is  traditionally said  to  have  baptized.  The  spot  was  known  as "  ad  Nymphas  S.  Petri,"  or  "  fons  S.  Petri " (v.   De  Rossi,  Boma  So't.    Crist.,   t.  i.   p.   189). BAPTISTERY Boiaetti  believed  that  he  had  discovered  more than  one  of  these  baptisteries  ;  but  Padre  Marchi says  expressly  (lion,  delle  Arti  Crist.  Prim.,  &c., p.  222)  that  the  only  "  battisterio  cimiteriale  " known  at  the  time  that  he  wrote  (1844)  was that  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Pontianus.  This (engraved  in  PI.  xlii.  of  Marchi's  work)  consists of  a  small  cistern  or  "  piscina  "  supplied  by  a current  of  water.  The  piscina  would  appear  to be  between  3  and  4  feet  deep  and  about  6  feet across ;  it  is  approached  by  a  flight  of  steps, between  the  base  of  which  and  the  water  is a  level  space  about  5  feet  wide,  on  which  the priest  or  bishop  may  ha\-e  stood  while  performing the  rite.  There  seems  to  be  no  trace  of  an  altar, nor,  indeed,  any  fit  place  for  one.  Above  the water  is  a  painting  representing  the  baptism  of Our  Lord,  and  on  another  side,  and  partly  hidden by  the  water,  a  painting  of  a  cross  adorned  with gems  and  throwing  out  leaves  and  flowers  from its  stem.  Two  lighted  candelabra  rest  upon  the arms  of  the  cross,  and  an  alpha  and  an  omega hang  suspended  from  them  by  chains.  [See A  and  <a,  p.  1.] The  lighted  candelabra  are  no  doubt  in  allusion to  the  divine  illumination  of  the  soul  attendant on  baptism,  whence  baptisteries  were  often  called (paiTiiTTTipia,  as  has  been  remarked  above.- This  baptistery  has  been  noticed  at  some length,  as  although  the  date  of  the  pamtings which  decorate  it  cannot  be  fixed  with  any  cer- tainty, it  is  perhaps  one  of  the  earliest  examples now  remaining  of  a  chamber  set  apart  fcr  the performance  of  this  rite. Of  the  construction  of  baptisteries  in  the  time of  Constantine  the  Great  we  have  abundant  proof. The  anonymous  pilgrim  of  Bordeaux,  who  visited Jerusalem  c.  A.D.  334  when  speaking  of  the  basilica which  Constantine  had  just  built  at  the  Sepulchre of  our  Lord  says,  that  by  its  side  were  reservoirs for  water,  and  behind  it  a  bath  where  children were  "  washed  "  (balneum  a  tergo  ubi  infantes lavantur),  that  is,  no  doubt,  baptized.  Eusebius evidently  includes  a  baptistery  aniong  the  Exedrae of  the  church  of  Paulinus  at  Tyre,  and  Paulinus of  Nola  {Ep.  12,  ad  Severum")  says  that  Severus built  a  baptistery  between  two  basilicas.  Cyril of  Jerusalem  speaks  of  the  baptistery  as  having a  porch  or  anteroom,  irpoavKios  oIkos,  where  the catechumens  made  their  renunciation  of  Satan and  Confession  of  Faith,  and  an  iffwTepos  oIkos, the  inner  room  where  the  ceremony  of  baptism was  performed.  This  shows  that  a  well-con- sidered plan  for  such  buildings  then  existed. Constantine  is  usually  said  to  have  built  the baptistery  of  the  Lateran,  and  the  Lib.  Pontif. contains  a  long  detail  of  the  magnificence  with which  he  decorated  it.  Niebuhr  understands  by the  account,  which  is  not  without  obscurity,  that the  walls  of  the  baptistery  were  covered  with porphyiy  and  that  the  piscina  was  of  silver,  five feet  in  height ;  the  water  is  said  to  have  flowed into  this  receptacle  from  seven  stags  of  silver and  a  lamb  of  gold.  On  the  right  hand  of  the lamb  stood  an  image  of  the  Saviour,  of  silver, five  feet  high,  and  on  the  left  one  of  St.  John  the Baptist,  of^the  same  size  and  of  the  same  metal. In  the  middle  stood  columns  of  porphyry  bearing a  "  phiala  "  of  gold,  weighing  52  lbs.,  in  which the  Paschal  candle  was  placed.  As,  however,  the expression  which  Niebuhr  interprets  to  mean the  building  or  baptistery,  is  "fons  sanctus,"  and BAPTISTERY the  expression  "  fons  baptisterii  "  occurs  imme- diately .afterwards,  it  may  be  doubtful  whether the  meaning  of  the  passage  is  not  that  the  build- ing (*.('.  the  baptistery)  was  constructed  of  or covered  with  porphyry,  but  that  the  piscina  which it  contained  was  of  porphyry  covered  with  silver. Niebuhr  and  several  other  writers  have  ques- tioned whether  this  part  of  the  Lib.  Fontif.  can be  relied  on  as  historical ;  the  erection  of  images of  the  Saviour  and  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  is  cer- tainly not  in  accordance  with  the  practice  of  the Church  at  that  period,  and,  in  conjunction  with other  statements  of  a  doubtful  nature,  must  throw considerable  doubt  upon  the  trustworthiness  of the  account  of  the  buildings  and  donations  of Constantine  which  the  book  contains.  There  is, however,  no  doubt  but  that  Constantine  erected a  basilica  witliin  the  Lateran  palace,  or  at  least converts  1  sinno  hall  of  the  palace  into  a  church, and  a  baptistery  in  all  probability  formed  a  part of  the  group  of  ecclesiastical  buildings.  It  is generally  believed  that  the  existing  baptistery owes  its  form  (though  it  has  undergone  many alterations  and  been  much  added  to),  to  Pope Sixtus  III.  (a.D.  432-440).  He  is  said  by  the compiler  of  the  Li').  Fontif.  to  have  added,  as  a decoration  to  the  "  fons,"  the  porphjiy  columns which  Constantine  had  collected,  ind  maible ''  epistylia  ;"  by  which  we  should  under- stand not  only  the  capitals  but  the  aichi- ti'aves,  as  those  now  there  are  no  doubt antique,  and  have  inscribed  upon  them  six- teen verses  referring  to  baptism  (punted in  the  Fesch.  v.  Fom.,  bd.  iii.  abt.  1  ) which  are  doubtless  those  which  the  Li  > Fontif.  alludes  to,  though  by  a  coiruption of  the  text  they  are  said  to  ha\e  bei  u placed  not  on  the  architraves  but  on  tliL columns. The  building  as  it  now  exists  is  an  octi- gon  about  62  feet  in  diameter,  in  the  centie of  which  are  eight  columns  of  poiphvi} carrying  antique  capitals  and  architiaves, lesser  columns  are  placed  on  the  aichi- traves,  and  support  the  roof.  This  octa- gon is  entered  from  a  large  portico  with apsidal  ends  which  may  answer  to  the ■KpoavXios  oJkos  mentioned  by  C}iil  ot Jerusalem. Hiibsch    (Alt.    Christ.    Kirchcn)    asseits that  the  walling  as  well  of  the  octagon  a-> of  the  portico  to  a  height  of  about  50  teet  beai  s the  stamp  of  the  Constantinian  period. Another  very  remarkable  building  at  Rome  is no  doubt  of  the  period  of  Constantine,  but  it  is uncertain  whether  it  is  to  be  regarded  as  a  bap- tistery or  as  a  sepulchral  church.  This  is  the circular  church  close  to  St.  Agnes,  on  the  Via Nomentana,  known  as  Sta.  Costanza.  The  Lib. Pontif.  (in  vita  S.  Silvestri)  says  that  Constantine built  "  basilicam  Sanctae  Martyris  Agnetis  "  and "  baptisterium  in  eodem  loco  ;"  and,  as  no  trace of  any  other  baptistery  has  been  found  near  the place,  this  church  has  been  usually  taken  to  be the  baptistery  mentioned  in  the  above-quoted book.  No  trace  of  a  "  piscina  "  has  however,  it would  seem,  been  noticed;  the  building  was certainly  the  place  of  sepulture  of  one  or  more I  members  of  the  Imperial  family ;  and  it  appears !  doubtful  whether  at  that  period  it  would  have 4  j  been  deemed  right  to  bury  in  a  basilica  or  a i    baptistery  any  person,  of  rank  however  exalted. BAPTISTERY 175 A  building  very  similar  to  this,  the  circular church  at  Nocera  dei  Pagani,  known  as  Sta.  Maria Maggiore,  was  no  doubt  constructed  for  a  bap- tistery, as  it  possesses  a  large  and  apparently- original  piscina.  It  is  a  circle  about  80  feet  in diameter,  with  an  apse  of  about  three-fourths  of a  circle  in  plan,  projecting  from  one  side.  Thirty columns  arranged,  as  at  Sta.  Costanza,  in  pairs, support  arches  on  which  rests  a  dome,  and  the aisle  has  barrel  vaults.  The  piscina  in  the  centre is  circular  and  about  20  feet  in  diameter  and nearly  5  feet  deep ;  within  are  two  steps  or benches  running  round  the  whole  circumference, and  there  is  a  raised  wall  or  parapet  round  it, octagonal  on  the  exterior.  This  parapet  was decorated  on  the  outside  with  slabs  of  marble bearing  incised  patterns,  and  upon  it  stood  eight columns,  which  perhaps  once  supported  a  canopy; three  only  of  these  columns  now  remain  (v. Hiibsch,  Alt.  Christ.  Kirchen,  PI.  xvii.  xviii.).  The date  of  this  building  is  not  known  from  any  his- torical data,  but  it  may  perhaps  be  attributed with  probability  to  the  5th  century. Another  baptistery,  which,  though  probably considerably  older  than  that  at  Nocera,  has  the piscina  arranged  in  a  very  similar  manner,  is that  at  Aquileia.  It  is  now  in  luius,  but  the annexed  woodcut  copied  tiom  the  engiaxing  in Baptistci  \  at  Aquilei% the  Mtttelalterliche  Kunstdenlmale  des  QSstet  t  ei- chischen  Kaiser staates,  by  Heider  and  Eitelberger (bd.  i.  s.  119),  will  give  a  good  idea  of  the  manner in  which  a  baptistery  at  the  period  was  arranged. The  piscina  is  hexagonal,  and  would  seem  to  have one  step  and  a  low  paraj)et  wall  on  the  outside, and  two  steps  in  the  inside.  The  authors  of the  above-quoted  work,  however,  state  that  the number  of  steps  is  five,  meaning  probably  that any  one  ascending  from  the  floor  and  descending to  the  bottom  of  the  piscina  would  mount  two steps  and  descend  three.  In  the  eastern  angle of  the  octagon  is  a  small  apse. This  baptistery  is  entered  by  a  vaulted  passage- like building  in  three  compartments,  which  bears the  name  of  "  Chiesa  dei  Pagani,"  and  probably served  as  a  place  of  assemblage  and  instruction for  the  catechumens  before  they  were  admitted to  baptism.  It  appears  to  have  had  an  upper stfii'v,  which  may  have  been  set  apart  for  women, as    tliere   is   ground   for    believing    that   such  a 17G BAPTISTERY separation  of  the  sexes  was  practised  in  the  bap- tisteries or  the  apartments  connected  with  them. No  one  of  the  baptisteries  of  this  period  has come  down  to  the  present  time  in  a  more  un- altered condition  than  that  of  the  Cathedral  of Ravenna,  known,  like  many  other  baptisteries  in Italy,  as  S.  Giovanni  in  Foute. It  was,  if  not  built,  at  least  renovated  and decorated  by  Neon,  archbishop  from  A.D.  425  to 430,  as  an  inscription  (v.  Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon. t.  i.  cap.  XXV.)  formerly  existing  within  it  testi- fied, lliibsch  (^Alt.  Christ.  Kirchen)  expresses  an opinion  that  the  decorations  now  existing  may  be considered  as  for  the  most  part,  if  not  entirely, BAPTISTERY the  work  of  Neon.  The  occurrence  of  a  mono- gram, which  may  be  read  Maximianus  (Arch- bishop of  Eavenna  in  the  time  of  Justinian),  of an  inscription  in  the  mosaics,  which  appears  to refer  to  Theodoric  the  Great  (Webb,  Contin. Eccles.  p.  428),  and  very  close  similarity  in  the patterns  of  the  marble  inlay  on  the  walls  to those  in  St.  Sophia's  at  Constantinople,  and  in the  Duomo  at  Parenzo,  in  Istria,  lead  to  the  con- clusion that  the  work  of  decoration  was  only gradually  executed  and  not  completed  until  the middle  of  the  6th  century. As  will  be  seen  by  the  plan  annexed,  the  build- ing is  an  octagon,  with  two  niches  or  apsos ;  it Baptistery  at  Kavenna  (horizontal  sections), measures  about  40  feet  in  diameter.  Recent  j  This  baptistery  aflbrds  one  of  the  best  examples excavations  have  shewn  that  there  were  origin-  of  the  internal  decoration  of  tlie  period,  carried ally  four    apses.     In  the  centre  is  the    piscina,  |  through  the  whole  of  a  building,  now  existing  in i Baptistery  at  Kavenna  (Elevation). which,  according  to  Hiibsch,  is  probably  original. The  semi-circular  indentation  in  one  side,  in  which the  priest  stood  while  baptizing,  is  remarkable. LA 9:/ I Baptistery  at  Eavenna  fVertical  Section). Europe;  the  architectural  arrangement understood  from  the  elevation  and  the The  columns  and  arches  are  of  marble, will  be section, and  the BAPTISTERY lower  part  of  the  walls  is  lined  with  the  same material  in  long  slabs  ;  above  this  are  panels  of "opus  sectile,"  marqueterie  in  porphyry,  ser- pentine, marbles  of  various  colours,  and  brick. Beneath  the  ai'ches  carried  by  the  upper  range of  columns  are  figures  of  saints  (?)  executed  in stucco  in  low  relief,  as  to  the  age  of  which  there is  some  ditfereuce  of  opinion.  The  dome  is covered  with  mosaic ;  in  the  centre  the  baptism of  our  Lord  is  represented,  round  this  the  twelve Apostles,  and  below  them  a  range  of  eight  com- partments, in  each  of  these  are  alternately  two cathedrae  placed  under  canopies  with  an  altar between  them,  and  two  tombs  of  an  altar  form st.inding  under  canopies,  between  which  is  what seems  to  represent  a  slab  or  low  tombstone  lying on  the  ground,  over  which  hangs  a  mass  of  drapery supported  on  ornamental  posts.  The  meaning of  these  representations  has  not  been  clearly explained  ;  the  cathedrae  and  altars  have  been supposed  to  symbolize  a  council,  but  this  leaves unexplained  the  signification  of  the  tombs;  the altar-tombs  appear  to  stand  for  tombs  of  confes- sors or  martyrs,  as  wreaths  appear  to  crown  them and  lilies  or  palm  branches  to  spring  from  them; the  tombs  over  which  the  draperies  hang  are thought  by  Ciampini  (t.  i.  p.  178)  to  represent  the tombs  of  bishops.  The  intention  may  have  been to  symbolize  the  whole  Church,  the  cathedrae standing  for  living  bishops,  the  tombs  for  saints and  bishops  deceased. The  church  now  called  S.  Maria  in  Cosmedin, in  Ravenna,  was  also  once  a  baptistery,  having been  built  (it  is  believed)  in  the  time  of  Theo- doi'ic  for  the  use  of  the  Arians  ;  it  is  circular  in- ternally, octagonal  externally,  with  a  small  round ended  apse  projecting  from  one  of  the  sides  and a  loggia  of  three  arches  from  another.  It  is  co- vered by  a  dome,  on  which  are  mosaics  represent- ing the  baptism  of  our  Lord  and  the  twelve Apostles.  These  are  believed  to  be  of  later  date than  the  original  building. The  baptistery  of  St.  Sophia's,  Constantinople, which  no  doubt  is  that  erected  by  Justinian,  has a  portico  or  narthex,  and  is  rectangular  exter- nally, with  a  rectangular  projection  containing an  apse ;  internally  it  is  octangular,  with  on  the ground-plan  four  niches  (besides  the  apse)  on four  of  the  sides ;  the  upper  story  is  octangular, with  a  large  window  in  each  side.  It  is  placed near  the  south-west  angle  of  the  cathedral,  facing ■westwards  (Salzenberg,  Baudenkmale  v.  Constan- tinopel,  pi.  vi.).  '  At  Parenzo,  in  Istria,  the  bap- tistery stands  in  fi'ont  of  the  duomo,  and  con- nected with  it  by  a  square  atrium,  which  last position  was  one  frequently  adopted. The  preceding  examples  will  give  a  sufficient idea  of  the  form,  arrangements,  and  decorations of  baptisteries  down  to  the  6th  century.  One •curious  example,  which  perhaps  should  be  attri- buted to  the  7th,  is  the  baptistery  at  Poitiers  : this  is  in  plan  an  oblong,  with  an  apse  projecting from  one  of  the  longer  sides ;  this  apse  is  straight lined,  but  not  rectangular  on  the  outside  and five-sided  within.  Two  large  arches  in  the  end walls  make  it  probalde  that  niches  existed  en- tered by  them.  A  building  of  later  date  has been  added  on  the  side  opposite  to  the  apse,  so ,that  the  form  of  the  original  entrance  cannot  now jbe  determined.  The  piscina,  nearly  in  the  centre i"f  the  oblong,  is  octagonal.  The  architectural dccoiation  is  partly  original  and  partly  made  up CHRIST.  ANT. BAPTISTERY 177 from  old  materials ;  what  is  original  is  rude,  but has  something  of  a  classical  character  (v.  Gail- habaud,  Mon.  A71C.  et  Mod.,  t.  ii.). The  baptistery  at  Albenga,  between  Nice  and Genoa,  is  octangular  externally,  but  within  semi- circular ;  three  rectangular  niches  are  formed in  the  thickness  of  the  wall,  and  on  the  eighth side  was  the  entrance.  It  is  roofed  by  a  dome,  in the  drum  below  which  were  tight  windows, which  were  filled  with  slabs  oi'  marble  pierced  in patterns  of  circles  and  crosses.  The  vault  of  the niche  opposite  the  entrance  and  the  wall  at  its back  have  been  covered  with  mosaic;  the  labarum, doves,  and  a  lamb  can  be  distinguished.  No  re- mains of  the  piscina  are  now  to  be  ti-aced,  but  a perfectly  plain  cylindrical  font  stands  in  one  of the  niches.  Those  architectural  details  which are  original,  e.g.  the  slabs  in  the  windows,  are very  rudely  executed,  and  the  building  is  pei- haps  not  earlier  than  the  7th  or  even  the  8th century. About  A.D.  750,  Cuthbert,  archbishop  of  Can- terbury, erected  a  church  to  tlie  east  of  his cathedral,  and  almost  touching  it,  to  serve  as  a baptistery,  and  for  other  purposes  (Edmer,  Vita S.  Breiji-cini,  Ang.  Sac.  t.  ii.  p.  186).  It  was dedicated  in  honour  of  St.  John  the  Baptist. During  the  8th  and  9th  centuries  baptisteries continued  to  be  in  full  use  in  Italy,  as  we  may learn  from  the  Lib.  Pontif.,  where  mention  is made  of  the  building  or  rebuilding  of  five  bap- tisteries attached  to  churches  in  Rome,  between A.D.  772  and  A.D.  816.  In  one  of  these  cases, that  of  S.  Andrea  Apostolo,  rebuilt  by  Pope Leo  III.  (795-816),  we  are  told  expressly  that the  place  was  too  small  for  the  people  who came  to  baptism,  and  that  the  Pope  therefore built  a  circular  baptistery  "amiila  largitate," that  he  also  enlarged  the  "fons"  and  decorated it  with  porphyry  columns  round  about. llartigny  {Did.  dcs  Antiq.  Chret.)  expresses  an opinion  that  in  France  the  practice  of  placing the  baptistery  first  in  the  portico  and  then  in  the interior  of  the  church,  began  in  the  6th  century; but  the  passage  in  the  Hist.  Franc,  of  St.  Gregory of  Tours  (1.  ii.  chap,  sxi.),  to  which  he  refers, seems  hardly  sufficient  to  prove  this  statement. St.  Gregory  himself  states  that  he  constructed  a baptistery  "  ad  basilicam"  (apparently  of  St.  Per- petuus, at  Tours),  and  the  baptistery  at  Poitiers was  evidently  a  separate  building.  The  baptistery at  Fr<5jus,  which  according  to  Texier  and  Pullan {By-:.  Arch.)  was  built  in  810,  is  also  a  detached structure. In  Germany  and  Italy  baptisteries  were  built as  detached  structures  down  to  a  much  later date ;  but  this  was  not  an  invariable  practice, for  in  the  plan  for  the  church  of  St.  Gall [Church'],  prej)ared  in  the  beginning  of  the 9th  century,  there  is  no  detached  baptistery,  but a  circular  "  fons,"  about  six  feet  in  diameter,  in the  middle  of  the  nave  towards  the  west  end  of the  church,  suri'ounded  by  a  screen. It  has  been  seen  that  the  earlier  baptisteries were,  if  not  circular,  octagonal;  it  is  uncertain whether  these  forms  were  adopted  merely  from reasons  of  convenience,  or  as  symbolical.  The circular  form  was  that  almost  invariably  adopted for  a  sepulcliral  chapel  or  memorial  church,  and the  immersions,  with  which  the  rite  of  baptism was  in  the  earlier  centuries  invariably  performed, were  considered  as  typical  of  dying  to  the  world. N 178 BARBARA The  octagonal  form  is  said  to  have  been  adopted as  typical  of  perfection. The  piscina  was  usually  octagonal,  but  some- times hexagonal,  and  sometimes  circular.  In Lusitania,  we  are  told  by  Gregory  of  Tours  (Be Gloria  Martyrum,  1.  i.  c.  23),  it  was  customarily constructed  of  variegated  marble  in  the  form  of a  cross. Of  baptisteries  in  Asia  or  Africa  we  have  but little  information.  Texier  and  Pullan  (Byz.  Arch. p.  14)  however  state  that  small  baptisteries  are frequently  found  adjoining  ancient  churches  in the  East ;  and  Count  de  la  Vogiie'  has  given  a drawing  and  plan  of  one  at  Deer-Seta,  in  Central Syria  (Arch.  Civ.  et  Relig.  en  Syrie,  &c.  pi.  117), of  au  hexagonal  form,  which  would  appear  to  be of  the  6th  century.  It  has  the  peculiarity  of three  doors,  one  in  each  of  three  contiguous  sides  ; in  the  centre  was  an  hexagonal  piscina,  with  a column  at  each  angle. Mr.  Curzon  (Monast.  of  the  Levant,  cap.  131) describes  as  entered  from  the  vestibule  of  the church  of  the  White  Monastery  (or  Derr  Abou Shenood)  in  Egypt,  a  small  chapel  or  baptistery, 25  feet  long,  arched  with  stone,  with  three  niches on  each  side,  and  a  semicircular  upper  end,  the whole  highly  decorated  with  sculptured  ornament of  very  good  style.  This,  as  well  as  the  adjacent church,  are  said  to  have  been  built  by  order  of the  Empress  Helena. Besides  being  used  for  baptisms,  baptisteries were  used  as  places  for  assemblies.  Cuthbert, archbishop  of  Canterbury,  is  stated  to  have  built the  baptistery  mentioned  above,  in  order  that  it might  serve  for  "  baptisteria,  examinationes judiciorum,"  and  also  that  the  bodies  of  tlie archbishops  might  be  there  buried  (Anglia  Sacra, ii.  186). This  practice  of  burying  in  baptisteries,  though prohibited  at  an  earlier  period  (as  by  the  14th Canon  of  the  Council  of  Auxerre  in  578),  was common  before  burial  in  the  church  was  allowed. Many  of  the  archbishops  of  Canterbury  were buried  in  the  baptistery  from  the  time  of  Cuth- bert, who  built  it,  until  a.d.  1067,  when  it  was burnt.  In  the  original  entrance  to  the  baptistery at  Albenga  are  two  tombs  in  the  fashion  of  the "  arcosolia  "  of  the  Roman  catacombs,  as  early  as the  8th  or  9th  centuries. Baptisteries  appear  to  have  been  in  the  earlier ages  (at  least  in  the  West),  almost  always  dedi- cated under  the  invocation  of  St.  John  the Baptist.  [A.  N.] BARBARA,  virgin,  martp-  in  Tuscany,  circ. 200  ;  commemorated  Deo.  16  (Mart.  Horn.  Vet.); Dec.  4  (M.  Hieron.,  Cal.  Byzant.);  Oct.  8  (Cal. Annen.y  [C] BARBARIANS,  BISHOPS  FOR.  In  ordi- nary cases  the  election  of  a  bishop  required  the consent  or  suftrage,  not  only  of  the  clergy  of  the diocese  over  which  he  was  to  preside,  but  of the  faithful  laity  also.  This  rule,  however, could  obviously  be  applied  only  to  countries already  Christian.  When  a  bishop  was  to  be sent  out  to  a  distant  or  barbarous  nation,  it  was required  by  the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  Can.  xxviii., that  he  should  be  ordained  at  Constantinople, io  which  city,  as  the  New  R.ome,  equal  privi- leges with  "the  Elder  royal  Eome,"  were  now to  lie  assigned.  The  Bishop  of  Tomi  in  Scythia, is  au   instance  of  a  missionary  bishop  thus  or- BARNABAS daiued,  and  commissioned  by  the  Patriarch  of Constantinople — the  consent  of  the  people  to whom  he  was  sent  to  minister  being,  of  necessity, dispensed  with.  In  the  previous  century  it  is  re- corded by  the  Church  historians  that  Athanasius ordained  Frumentius  at  Alexandria  to  be  Bishop of  the  Ethiopians,  when,  as  Bingham  remarks,  "No one  can  imagine  that  he  had  the  formal  consent, though  he  might  have  the  presumptive  approba- tion of  all  his  people."  [D.  B.] BARCELONA,  COUNCIL  OF  (Barci- NONENSE  Concilium),  provincial.  (1)  a.d.  540, of  Sergius  the  metropolitan  and  six  suffragans, passed  ten  canons  upon  discipline  (Labb.  v.  378, 379).— (2)  A.D.  599,  Nov.  1,  in  the  14th  year  of King  Recared,  under  Asiaticus,  metropolitan  of Tarragona,  and  eleven  suffragans,  against  simony, probably  in  compliance  with  the  representations of  Gregory  the  Great  (Baron,  in  an.  599,  §  23, fi'om  Gregory's  letters).  It  also  forbad  ordina- tions per  saltum  ;  and  ordered,  in  the  election  of  a bishop,  a  choice  by  lot  from  two  or  three  candi- dates, to  be  nominated  by  the  "  clerus  et  plebs  " of  the  diocese,  and  presented  to  the  metropolitan and  bishops  (Labb.  v.  1605,  1606).     [A.  W.  H.] BARCINONENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Bar- celona, Council  of.] BARDINIANUS,  martyr  in  Asia ;  comme- morated Sept.  25  (Mart.  Hieron.).  [C] BARNABAS,  ST.,  Legend  and  Festival OF.  There  is  a  ti-adition  that  he  became  a believer  after  witnessing  the  miracle  wrought by  our  Lord  at  the  pool  of  Bethesda,  and  that he  was  one  of  the  seventy  disciples.  (Eusebius, Hist.  Eccl.  i.  12,  and  ii.  1.)  It  is  also  said  that he  was  the  first  preacher  of  Christianity  at Rome,  that  he  converted  Clemens  Romanus  to the  faith  and  that  he  founded  the  churches  of Milan  and  Brescia.  But  these  and  other  state- ments about  him  may  certainly  be  regarded  as unworthy  of  credit.  There  is  however  a  general agreement  of  testimony  about  the  time,  place and  cause  of  his  death.  From  very  early  times, in  the  Western  as  well  as  in  the  Eastern  church, he  has  had  the  credit  of  martyrdom.  It  is believed  that  he  was  stoned  to  death  by  the Jews  of  Salamis  in  Cyprus  about  the  year  64 A.D.  Tradition  says  that  his  death  took  place  on the  11th  of  June  and  that  he  was  buried  at  a short  distance  from  the  town  of  Salamis.  No- thing however  seems  to  have  been  heard  of  his tomb  until  about  the  year  478  A.D. The  discovery  of  his  body  is  fully  related  in the  Eulogy  of  St.  Barnabas,  written  by  Alexander, a  monk  of  Cyprus,  about  the  beginning  of  the sixth  century.  After  giving  an  account  of  the martyrdom  and  burial  of  Barnabas,  this  writer asserts  that  in  consequeuce  of  the  many  mira- culous cures  that  liad  occurred  in  the  neigh- bourhood of  the  tomb  the  spot  had  been  called the  "place  of  healing"  (tSttos  vyieias).  But the  cause  of  these  miracles  was  unknown  to  the Cypriotes  until  the  discovery  was  made  in  the following  way.  Peter  the  Fuller,  Patriarch  of Antioch,''a  man  who  had  been  very  successful  in creating  dissensions,  was  endeavouring  to  bring Cyprus"  under  his  episcopal  sway,  on  the  plea tliat  the  Word  of  God  in  the  first  instance  was carried  from  Antioch  to  Cyprus.  The  Cypriotes resisted  this  claim  on  the  ground  that  their church  had  from  the  time  of  its  founders  been BARTHOLOMEW inilepemlent  of  the  see  of  Antioch.  Anthemius, the  Bishop  of  Cyprus,  a  timid  and  retiring  pre- late, was  scarcely  a  match  for  an  opponent  so able  and  experienced  as  Peter.  But  he  was encouraged  by  Barnabas  himself  who  appeared to  him  several  times  in  a  vision.  At  the  saint's bidding  he  searched  a  cave  in  the  neighbourhood of  the  TOTTos  vyieias,  and  found  a  coffin  con- taining the  body  of  Barnabas  and  a  copy  of  St. Matthew's  Gospel.  He  proceeded  to  Constan- tinople, where  the  dispute  was  heard  before  the Emperor  Zeno,  and  in  support  of  his  claim  to remain  independent  he  announced  that  the  body of  Barnabas  had  lately  been  discovered  in  his diocese.  On  hearing  this  the  emperor  gave  his decision  in  favour  of  Anthemius,  bade  him  send at  once  to  Cyprus  for  the  copy  of  St.  Matthew's Gospel,  and  as  soon  as  it  arrived  had  it  adorned with  gold  and  placed  in  the  imperial  palace. After  conferring  great  honours  on  Anthemius, the  emperor  sent  him  back  to  Cyprus  with instructions  to  build  a  magnificent  church  in honour  of  Barnabas  neav  the  spot  where  the body  was  found.  This  oraer  was  strictly  carried out,  tho  body  was  placed  at  the  right  hand  of the  altar  and  the  11th  of  June  consecrated  to the  memory  of  the  saint.  {Acta  Sanctorum : Junii  xi.) However  ready  we  may  be  to  reject  this account  of  the  finding  of  the  body  of  Barnabas, there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  in  the Eastern  Church  these  events  were  the  origin  of the  festival.  No  church  however  was  built  to the  saint's  memory  at  Constantinople.  It  is  also remarkable  that  from  early  times  the  day  was kept  in  the  Eastern  Church  in  honour  of  Bar- tholomew as  well  as  of  Barnabas.  When  the second  saint's  name  was  added  is  quite  uncertain, but  there  are  good  grounds  for  believing  that the  day  was  originally  sacred  to  Barnabas  only. In  the  Menologium  Basilianum,  edited  by  com- mand of  the  Emperor  Basil  in  the  year  886  A.D., the  day  is  tho  joint  festival  of  the  two  saints. At  what  time  it  was  first  observed  in  the  Western Church  is  very  doubtful.  Papebrochius  asserts that  the  festival  was  not  kept  In  Eastern  earlier than  in  Western  Christendom,  but  he  has  not proved  this  statement.  The  day  occurs  as  the Feast  of  Barnabas  in  the  calendar  of  the  Venerable Bede,  so  that  unless  this  be  one  of  the  additions made  after  the  author's  death,  we  may  conclude that  the  day  was  observed  in  the  Western Church  in  the  8th  century.  It  does  not  how- ever occur  in  all  the  old  service-books.  In  the Martjirologium  Bomanum  it  appears  as  the  Fes- tival of  Barnabas  only. ;  The  principal  account  of  the  ti-aditions  con- 1  cerning  Barnabas  is  the  work  above  referred !  to,  Alexandri  Monachi  Laudatlo  in  Apost. \  Barnahani;  in  Migne's  Patrol,  Series  Graeca, ';  vol.  87,  col.  4087;  Surius,  Vitae  Sanctorum, j    Janii  si-  [W.  J.  J.] j  BARTHOLOMEW,  bishop  ;  commemorated i  with  Pachomius,  Taksas  11  -  Dec.  7  {Gal. ;    f'thiop.)  [C] !  BARTHOLOMEW,  ST.,  Legend  and  Fes- '  TIVAL   OF.     The  New  Testament    tells    us    but '  little   of  this    Apostle,  and    there    is  an    equal i  absence    of  any  great   amount    of  early   trust- !  worthy  tradition.     He  is  by  some,  with  a  great '  show  of  probability,  identified  with  Nathanael, BARTHOLOMEW 179 for  the  arguments  as  to  which  derived  from scripture,  see  DiCT.  Bibl.,  under  Bartholomkw, Nathanael.  It  may  be  further  remarked  in favour  of  the  Identification  that  in  such  a  matter Eastern  tradition  is  more  to  the  point  than Western  (considering,  that  is,  the  scene  of  this Apostle's  labours  and  martyrdom),  and  that  the former  uniformly  identifies  Nathanael  with  Bar- tholomew. For  example,  from  the  Armenian and  Chaldaean  writers  cited  by  Assemani  {Bihl. Or.  vol.  iii.  part  2,  p.  4),  e.g.  Ellas,  bishop  ot Damascus,  and  Ebedjesu  Sobensis,  we  may  infer that  Nathanael  was  in  those  churches  included among  the  Apostles,  and  viewed  as  one  with  Bar- tholomew ;  in  fact,  Assemani  remarks,  "  Bartho- lomaeum  cum  Nathanaele  confundunt  Chaldaei  " (ibid.  p.  5).  Moreover  in  martyrologies  and calendars,  both  of  Eastern  and  Western  Churches, the  name  of  Bartholomew  is  of  constant  occur- rence, while  that  of  Nathanael  is  ordinarily absent,  which  would  be  strange  on  the  hypo- thesis of  a  difference  between  the  two.  It  must be  allowed,  however,  that  the  Egyptian  and Ethiopian  Churches  seem  to  identify  Nathanael with  Simon  the  Canaanlte,  for  in  their  Meno- logies  and  Calendars,  edited  by  Job  Ludolf (Frankfort,  1691),  there  is  no  mention  of  Simon the  Canaanlte,  but  on  July  10  is  "  Nathanael  the Canaanlte  "  (p.  3o).  In  Greek  ]\fenologies  also, under  the  days  April  22,  May  10  is  a  similar Identification,  as  also  in  the  Russian  Calendar  for the  latter  day. The  general  account  given  by  tradition  of  the labours  of  this  Apostle  is  to  the  effect  that  he preached  the  gospel,  using  especially  that  by St.  Matthew,  in  India,  where  he  suffered  martyr- dom by  beheading,  having  been,  according  to  some writers,  previously  flayed  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  v. 10;  Jerome,  Be  viris  Illustr.  36,  vol.  ii.  651,  ed. Migne.  Cf.  also  Ado's  Lihellus  de  festiv.  SS. Apostolorum  in  Migne's  Patrol.  Lat.  cxxiii.  185). In  the  appendix  De  vitis  Apostolorum  to  Sophro- nius's  Greek  version  of  the  De  viris  Illustribus, allusion  is  made  to  the  Apostle's  mission  'lySoix rots  KaXoufiiuoLS  evSaifxoffiv,  which  might  pos- sibly refer  to  Arabia  Felix,  and  it  is  added  that he  suffered  in  Albanopolis,  a  city,  of  Armenia Major  (Jerome,  vol.  ii.  722).  The  latter  state- ment is  also  found  in  several  other  writers  (e.g. Theodorus  Studita  and  Nicetas  Paphlago,  -vide infra:  and  the  Martyrologies  of  Florus  and Rabanus),  generally  in  the  form  that  the  Apostle suffered  through  the  machinations  of  the  priests, who  stirred  up  Astyages  brother  to  the  king Polymius  whom  Bartholomew  had  converted. See  further  the  Pseudo-Abdias's  Acta  of  this Apostle,  published  by  Fabriclus  (Godex  Pseude- pigrajohus  Novi  Testamenti,  vol.  i.  pp.  341  seqq.). The  tenor  of  the  tradition  as  to  the  disposi- tion of  the  relics  of  St.  Bartholomew  is  on  the whole  consistent,  though  not  altogether  free  from difficulties.  Theodorus  Lector,  a  writer  of  the sixth  century,  tells  us  {Gollectan.  2.  In  Magn. Bihl.  Pair.  vol.  vi.  part  1,  p.  505  ed.  Col.  Agr. 1618)  that  the  Emperor  Anastasius  gave  the body  of  St.  Bartholomew  to  the  City  ofDaras  in Mesopotamia,  wlilch  he  had  recently  founded (circa  507  A.D.).  Wo  next  find  that  before  tho end  of  the  sixth  century,  a  translation  had  been effected  to  the  Lipari  islands  (cf.  Greg.  Turon. De  Gloria  Martyrum,  i.  33).  Thence  in  809 A.D.  the  relics  were  transferred  to  Beneventum, N  2 i«0 BARTHOLOMEW and  finally  in  983  A.D.  to  Rome,  where  they  lie m  a  tomb  beneath  the  high  altar  in  the  church of  St.  Bartholomew  in  the  island  in  the  Tiber (See  Ciampini,  De  Sacris  Aedificiis  &c.,  vol.  iii. pp.  58,  66,  who  refers  to  a  temporary  transference of  the  relics  to  the  Vatican  Basilica  in  con- sequence of  an  overflow  of  the  Tiber  during  the Episcopate  of  Paul  IV.).  For  these  statements we  may  refer,  in  addition  to  the  writers  cited above,  to  a  panegyric  of  Theodoras  Studita (ob.  826  A.D.),  translated  into  Latin  by  Anasta- sius  Bibliothecarius,  and  published  in  D'Achery's Spicilegium  (vol.  iii.  pp.  13  seqq.) ;  to  an  oration of  a  certain  Joseph,  possibly  Joseph  Hymno- graphus,  a  contemporary  of  Theodorus  Studita {Acta  Sanctorum,  August,  vol.  v.  pp.  43  seqq.)  ; and  to  a  panegyric  of  Nicetas  Paphlago  (Com- befis,  Auctar.  Nov.  Patrum,  i.  p.  392). It  would  seem  that  not  before  the  eighth  cen- tury did  the  previously  existing  festival  com- memorating the  collective  body  of  the  Apostles, held  upon  the  day  after  the  "feast  of  St.  Peter and  St.  Paul,  develops  itself  into  festivals  of individual  Apostles  ;  consequently  it  is  in  writers of  the  eio-hth  and  ninth  centuries  that  notices  are to  be  loolced  for  of  a  festival  of  St.  Bartholomew, which  would  appear  to  have  originated  with  the Eastern  Church  (for  the  notices  in  Latin  writers are  later),  probably  with  that  of  Constantinople. Of  this,  indeed,  the  encomiastic  orations  of  Theo- dorus and  Nicetas  are  evidence,  and  we  further have  a  direct  statement  on  the  part  of  the  latter (§  2)  to  the  effect  that  the  festival  of  this  Apostle \vas  then  annually  celebrated. It  will  of  course  follow  from  what  has  been said  that  in  the  more  ancient  Sacramentaries (e.  g.  those  of  Gelasius  and  Gregory)  in  their original  form  there  is  no  trace  of  a  festival  of this  Apostle,  nor  indeed  is  there  in  any  Latin writer  for  a  considerable  time  after  their  date. As  to  the  special  day  or  days  on  which  this festival  was  held,  very  great  diversity  exists  in ancient  Martvrologies  and  Calendars  :— thus  in the  Calendar  'of  the  Byzantine  Church,  we  find on  June  11,  "  Bartholomew  and  Barnabas,"  while on  August  25  is  the  "  Translation  of  Barnabas the  Apostle  and  Titus  the  Apostle  :  "  the  Arme- nians held  the  feast  on  February  25  and  December 8,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  two  Calendars  given bv  Assemani  {Bibl.  Or.  vol.  iii.  part  2,  p.  645). The  Ethiopic  or  Abyssinian  Church  again  com- memorates St.  Bartholomew  on  November  19 and  June  17  (Ludolf  pp.  11,  31).  In  the  Arabian Calendar  the  name  occurs  several  times,  some- times alone,  sometimes  with  the  added  title martyr,  and  on  November  15  and  June  30,  with the  addition  Apostle  (Selden,  £>e  Syncdriis  Ve- terum  Ebraeorum,  bk.  iii.  c.  15,  pp.  228,  243,  ed. Amsterdam,  1679).  It  is  explained  in  the  Greek metrical  Ephenierides  that  the  one  day  (June  11) cominemorates  the  martyrdom  Ij/SeKar??  ffTuv- poiaav  ificppova  BapeoXonalou ;  and  the  other (August  2.^-.),  the  finding  of  the  relics,  ahf  vUvv f-AKa^L  -Kiix-KTTi  BapBoXoixaTe  e<pevpov—on  which latter  day  several  Calendars  associate  him  with Barnabas",  c.  g.  in  the  Pictorial  Moscow  Calendar prefixed  by  Papebroch,  together  with  the  pre- ceding, to  the  Acta  Sanctorum  for  May,  vol.  i. Cf.  Assemani  Calendarium  Ecclesiae  Universae, vol.  vi.  pp.  420,  541. The  ancient  Latin  Martyrology  which  bears the   name    of  St.  Jerome  follows  the  Greek  in BASIL the  double  announcement,  and  on  June  13  has "  In  Perside  natalis  S.  Bartholomaei  Apostoli ; " on  Auo-ust  24,  "  In  India  natalis  S.  Bartholomaei Apostoli "  (vol.  xi.  463,  472).  The  later  Mar- tyrologies  content  themselves  with  a  notice  on August  24  or  25 :  ibr  example,  those  of  Bede (MiVne,  Patr.  Lat.  xciv.  604),  and  the  amplifica- tion" of  this  by  Floras  {ib.  1015),  of  Rabanus Maurus  (*.  ex.  1164),  of  Wandelbert  {ib.  cxxi. 608),  of  Ado  (ib.  cxxiii.  167,  335),  and  of  Usu- ardus  (/6.  cxxiv.  393). We  subjoin  the  notice  of  the  day  as  given  m the  Metrical  Martyrology  of  Wandelbert, "  Bartholomaeus  nonam  exornat  retinetque  beatus, India  quo  doctore  Dei  cognovit  honorem, Herculis  et  Bacchi  insanis  vix  eruta  sacris ; Nunc  ilium  fama  est  varia  pro  sorte  sepulcri, Acolium  Lipare  Benevenli  et  templa  tenere." With  regard  to  the  relative  importance  of  this festival,'  Binterim  (Denkwurdigkeiten,  i.  445) refers  to  Schulting,  who  gives  an  extract  from  an old  English  Missal  which  contained  a  special  pre- face for  St.  Bartholomew's  day,  and  he  adds  that before  the  middle  of  the  tenth  century  this festival  was  viewed  in  England  as  of  consideraljle importance.  It  is  not  certainly  known  whether the  vigil  is  coeval  with  the  festival ;  in  most Calendars,  however,  drawn  up  before  the  middle of  the  tenth  century  the  vigil  is  wanting,  while it  is  marked  in  later  ones. We  have  already  called  attention  to  the  fact that  the  date  of  the  rise  of  this  festival  is  such as  to  preclude  its  appearance  in  the  ancient Roman  Sacramentaries  in  their  original  form. In  the  various  later  accretions,  however,  of Gresory's  Sacramentary,  is  a  collect,  &c.,  for  this day '(said  first  to  occur  in  the  Cod.  Gemeticensis, of  about  the  year  1000  A.D.)  on  which  the collect  of  our  own  prayer  book  is  based.  (Migne Patrol.  Ixxviii.  138.) The  name  of  Bartholomew  has  apparently  not been  a  favourite  with  the  writers  of  pseudony- mous literature.  Traces,  however,  of  writings bearing  his  name  are  not  altogether  wantmg. Thus  Jerome  {Prol.  in  Comm.  in  S.  Matt,  init., vol.  vii.  17)  refers  to  an  apocryphal  gospel bearing  the  name  of  Bartholomew,  doubtless  the same  c1)ndemned  by  a  Council  held  at  Rome  in the  episcopate  of  Gelasius,  "  Evangelium  nomine Bartholomaei  Apostoli  apocryphum "  (Migne Patrol,  lix.  162)  and  this  also  may  be  that  re- ferred to  by  the  Pseudo-Dionysius  Areopagita, OvTco  yovv  6  e^los  'QapQoXojxaiis  4)T)(n,  Kai ■KoXK^v  TTjf  eioKoyiav  ilvai  Koi  i\axiffrriv  Kol Th  evayyeXiov  irKaTV  Kal  fxeya,  Kol  avdis  ffvv- TeTixvfJi4voviMystica  Theologia,  c.  1  §  3).  Finally, in  the  Apostolic  Constitutions  (lib.  vni.  cc.  19, 20)  is  given  under  the  name  of  the  Apostle  Bar- tholomew the  regulation  as  to  the  appointment of  Deaconesses.  L^*-  ^-J BASIL,  LITURGY  OF.    [Liturgy.] BASIL.      (1)    Holy   Father    and   Confessor under  Leo  the  Iconoclast ;  commemorated  Feb.  28 (Cal.  Byzant.). (2)  Presbyter  of  Ancyra,  martyr  under  Julian ; commemorated  March  22  {Cal.  Bijzant.). (3)  Bishop  of  Parium,  is  commemorated  as "  Holy  Father  and  Confessor,"  April  12  (Cal. Byzant.).  ,      t-  •   • (4)  Bishop  of  Amasea,  martyr  under  Licimus, April  12  (Cal.  Byz.). BASILEUS (5)  Tlie  Great,  Bishop  of  Caesarea  in  Cappa- docia,  commemorated  June  14  (^Mart.  Rom.  Vet.)  ; May  23  {Mai^t.  Hierm.) ;  Jan.  1  {Cal.  Byzant.) ; Nov.  12  {Cal.  Armen.) ;  Ter  6  =  Jan.  1  {Cal. Etiiiop.').  A  standing  figure  of  St.  Basil,  after ancient  precedents,  is  given  in  the  Benedictine edition  of  his  works ;  a  head  in  Spizelius's  Aca- dcmia  Vetus  C'hristi,  and  in  Acta  SS.  June,  torn. ii.  p.  936.  [C] BASILEUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome  under Gallienus;  commemorated  March  2  (^Maj-t.  Bom. Vet.). (2)  "  In  Antiochia  Basillei  et  aliorum  xxx wartyrum  "  Dec.  22  (3fart.  Ilieron.).  [C] BASILIANI.  [See  Diet,  of  Chr.  Biogr. Art.  Basilius.] BASILICA  (sc.  aula,  aedes).  This  word  in its  classical  acceptation  signifies  a  hall  suited  for or  employed  as  a  court  of  justice  or  a  place  of meeting.  Such  buildings,  often  of  great  size  and .splendour,  existed  in  every  Roman  city ;  they were  usually  oblong  in  plan,  sometimes  with, sometimes  without  ranges  of  columns  dividing the  space  into  a  nave  and  aisles ;  at  one  end  was usually  a  semi-circular  apse  (v.  Diet,  of  Greek and  Roman  Antiq.,  Art.  '  Basilica ; '  Bunsen,  Die Basiliken  des  Christ.  Boms.).  When  Christianity became  the  religion  of  the  state,  these  buildings w^ere  found  to  be  so  well  adapted  to  the  cele- bration of  public  worship  that  some  were  by some  slight  modifications  fitted  and  used  for  the purpose,  and  the  new  buildings  constructed  ex- pressly to  serve  as  churches  were  built  almost universally  on  the  same  model.  Hence  basilica came  to  be  used  in  the  sense  of  church  by  the writers  of  the  fourth  and  later  centuries  without any  regard  for  the  form  or  size  of  the  building. Earlier  writers  use  "  dominicum  "  in  Latin,  or KvoiaKbu  in  Greek,  and  some  other  names [Church].  Eusebius,  in  his  account  of  the 'church  built  by  Constantine  at  Jerusalem,  calls it  6  liaffiXeios  veivs,  and  the  nave  ^acrlXeios oJkos.  The  use  of  the  word  "  basilica "  as meaning  a  church  seems  to  have  arisen  gradu- ally, for  the  anonymous  pilgrim  who,  in  333, wrote  an  itinerary  from  Bordeaux  to  Jerusalem, wnen  he  says  that  a  "  basilica  "  had  been  built at  the  Holy  Sepulchre  by  Constantine,  adds the  explanation,  "  id  est  dominicum."  Mabillon (Op.  posthu/n.,  t.  ii.  p.  335)  says  that  it  has  been satisfactorily  shown  that  in  the  writings  of  au- thors who  wrote  in  Gaul  in  the  6th  and  7th  cen- turies "  basilica"  is  to  be  understood  as  meaning the  church  of  a  convent,  cathedral  and  parish churches  being  called  "  ecclesiae  ;"  the  writers  of other  countries  do  not  observe  this  distinction. I  Seven  churches  at  Rome — S.  Pietro  in  Vati- cano,  S.  Giovanni  Laterauo,  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore, Sta.  Croce  in  Gerusalemme,  S.  Paolo  fuor  le IMura,  S.  Lorenzo  in  Agro  Verano,  and  S.  Sebas- tiano — are  styled  basilicas  by  pre-eminence  and enjoy  certain  honorific  privileges. Basilicula  is  used  by  St.  Paulinus  (Epist.  xii, ad  Sevcrum)  and  by  A  vitus  Vieunensis  {Epist.  vi.) for  a  chapel  or  oratory. The  word  basilica  is  found  in  the  Salic  Law (tit.  58,  c.  3,  4,  and  5)  in  the  sense  of  a  monu- ment erected  over  a  tomb,  apparently  the  tomb of  a  person  of  high  rank.  With  the  Franks  they appear  to  have  been  constructeil  of  wood,  as mention  is  made  of  their  being  burnt.     Ciampini BATH 181 has  engraved  {Vet.  Mon.,  t.  i.  tab.  xlv.)  two  mo- numents which  in  his  time  existed  in  the  jiortico of  S.  Lorenzo  in  Agro  Verano  at  Rome,  which he  conceives  to  have  been  basilicae  or  basiliculae. One  may  be  described  as  a  model  of  a  temple with  four  pilasters  on  each  side,  and  without  a cella.  It  has  a  somewhat  elegant  and  almost classical  character.  The  other  would  seem  to have  been  only  the  lower  part  of  a  monument ; it  has  three  fluted  pilasters  in  front,  with  an open  space  behind  them.  These  pilasters  carry a  base  of  many  mouldings  of  somewhat  classical character,  upon  which  rest  the  bases  of  two  plain pilasters.  Ciampini  gives  no  hint  as  to  the  date of  these  monuments. Tombstones  of  very  early  date  may  be  found, in  which  the  top  is  ridged  like  the  roof  of  a house  and  carved  with  an  imitation  of  tiles  or shingles ;  one  (engraved  in  Fosbroke's  Encycl. of  Antiq.,  vi.  1,  p.  132)  at  Dewsbury,  in  York- shire, may  be  as  early  as  the  7th  or  8th  century. Tombs  in  the  form  of  chapels  of  early  date  still remain  in  Ireland  (Petrie,  Bound  Tovers  and Architecture  of  Ireland,  p.  454),  and  did  exist  at lona,  and  probably  at  Glastonbury  and  elsewhere, such  structures  are  no  doubt  instances  of  what the  Salic  Law  calls  "  basilicae  "  [Tomb]. The  word  Basilica  is  used  in  the  Vulgate  (c.  fj. 2  Chron.  vi.  13)  for  the  court  of  the  Tem])le ; hence  Christian  writers  occasionally  use  the expression  "  basilica  ecclesiae,"  as  equivalent (seemingly)  to  the  Atpjum  or  fore-court  of  a church.  (Binterim's  Denkicurdigkeiten,  iv.  i. 24.)  [A.  N.] BASILICLES.  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome,  with Rogatus  and  others,  under  Aurelian ;  comme- morated June  10  {Ma7-t.  Rom.  Vet.). (2)  Martyr,  with  Polymachus  and  others, under  Diocletian,  June  12  (M.  Hieron.,  Bedae). This  saint  has  a  proper  collect,  &c.,  in  the Sacram.  Greq.  (p.  105),  "  pridie  Idus  Junii,"  i.  e. June  12,  with  Cyrinus,  Nabor,  and  Nazarius.  An- tiphon  in  the  Gregorian  Lib.  Antiph.  p.  699.  [C] BASILIDIANS.  [See  Diet,  of  Chr.  Biog.  Art. Basilides.] BASILISCUS,  martyr  under  JIaximian,  A.D. 308;  commemorated  May  22  (C'a/.  Byzant.); March  3  {M.  Rom.  Vet.).  [C] BASILISSA,  wife  of  Julian,  martyr  at  An- tioch,  A.D.  296  ;  commemorated  June  9  {Mart. Rom.  Vet.);  May  20  {Mart.  Hieron.);  March  3 {Cal.  Byzant.);  Nov.  25  {Cal.  Armen.).        [C] BASILLA.  (1)  Virgin-martyr  at  Rome  un- der Gallienus;  commemorated  May  20  {Mart. Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Bedae). (2)  Commemorated  Aug.  26  {M.  Hieron.). (3)  In  Antioch,  Nov.  23  {M.  Hieron.).      [C] BASKET.    [Canistrum.] BASSUS.  (1)  Saint  of  Africa,  Natale,  IMarcli 19  {M.  Bedae). (2)  Saint,  Natale,  Oct.  20  {M.  Bedae). (3)  In  Heraclea,  Nov.  20  {3Ia7-t.  Hieron.).  [C] BATH.  Baths  in  the  earlier  Christian  cen- turies were  in  such  frequent  use,  that  they  were almost  necessary  adjuncts  to  houses  of  a  superior class.  Moreover,  a  practice  existed  that  cate- chumens should  bathe  before  baptism,  and  priests on  the  eve  of  certain  festivals  and  other  occa- sions. We  therefore  find  that  baths,  Aovrpa, are  mentioned  among  the  adjuncts  of  the  Church 182 BATHING of  the  Twelve  Apostles,  built  by  Coustautiue  at Constantinople  (Euseb.,  Vit.  Const.,  1.  iv.  c.  59). They  are  also  mentioned  in  the  Codex  Thcod,, b.  IX.  tit.  4,  among  the  buildings  and  places  in- cluded within  the  precincts  of  churches. The  anonymous  pilgrim  of  Bordeaux,  who  was at  Jerusalem  c.  a.d.  333,  says  that  a  "  balneum  " was  placed  behind  the  basilica,  built  by  Constan- tine  over  the  Sepulchre  of  our  Lord,  but  as  he adds  the  words  "  ubi  infantes  lavantur,"  it  is probable  that  he  speaks  of  a  baptistery,  or  of the  piscina  of  a  baptistery. The  Lib.  Pontif.  frequently  mentions  baths  in connexion  with  churches.  Pope  Hilarius  (a.d. 461-467),  we  are  told,  built  the  "balneum"  of St.  Stephen,  and  in  the  life  of  Pope  Hadrian  I. (772-795)  mention  is  made  of  a  bath  at  the  La- teran  palace,  and  of  another  near  St.  Peter's ;  at this  last  we  are  told  the  poor  who  came  to  receive alms  at  Easter  were  accustomed  to  bathe.  Some- times these  baths  were  made  sources  of  profit, as  Pope  Damasus  (A.D.  367-385)  is  stated  to  have built  or  given  a  bath  near  the  "  titulus,"  S.  Lo- renzo in  Damaso  (which  he  had  created),  which bath  yielded  27  solidi.  Martigny  {Diet,  des Antiq.  Chret.)  mentions  other  instances  of  bishops, — as  St.  Victor  of  Ravenna,  in  the  6th  century,  and Auastasius  II.  of  Pavia — who  erected  or  adorned b;iths  for  the  clergy;  and  in  the  7th,  of  St.  Aguel- lus  of  Naples,  who  made  an  ordinance  obliging the  priests  under  his  authority  to  bathe  on  cer- taiu  days,  and  made  a  foundation  to  furnish  them with  soap  at  Christmas  and  Easter.  Certain  hot baths  at  Pozzuoli  he  states  are  still  known  as "  fons  episcopi." In  an  enclosure  near  the  apse  of  the  ruined church  of  S.  Stefano,  in  Via  Latina,  near  Rome, discovered  in  the  year  1858,  is  a  small  reservoir (v.  woodcut  under  Church),  which  has  been  con- sidered to  have  been  a  bath.  It  seeras,  however, possible  that  it  may  have  been  the  piscma  -of  a baptistery,  or,  if  the  area  in  which  it  stands  was the  atrium  of  the  church,  the  place  of  the  foun- tain or  cantharus.  [A.  N.] BA.THING.  The  common  use  of  baths throughout  the  Roman  Em]ure  presented  to Christian  converts  a  special  difficulty  and  danger. Tlie  liabits  of  the  time  had  given  a  marked  pre- ference to  the  thermae  or  hot-aii-  baths  such  as we  now  know  as  "  Turkish,"  and  neither  these nor  the  halneae  (swimming  or  plunge  baths)  were to  be  had  in  their  own  houses.  To  give  these up  was  to  sacrifice  comfort,  and,  it  might  be, health,  and  yet  to  go  to  them  was  in  many  cases to  run  the  risk  of  moral  contamination.  The feeling  of  the  older  Romans,  which  hindered  even a  grown-up  son  from  bathing  with  his  father (Cic.  Do  Off.  i.  35  ;  Valer.  Max.  ii.  17),  had  died out,  and  in  the  thermae  of  all  large  cities  were to  be  found  crowds  of  men  and  boys,  frequently of  women  also,  sitting  naked  in  the  tepidirium  or Laconicum.  It  lies  in  the  nature  of  things  that in  a  society  corrupt  as  was  that  of  the  Empire, this,  even  without  the  last-named  enormity,  must liavo  brought  with  it  many  evils,  foul  speech  and fouler  acts.  It  might  have  seemed  at  first,  as  if those  who  were  seeking  to  lead  a  purer  life  would have  had  to  renounce  the  habit  altogether,  as they  renounced  the  obscenities  of  the  mimes, and  the  ferocities  of  gladiatorial  shows. It  is  noticeable,  however,  that  the  rigorism  of BATHING early  Christian  life  never  readied  this  point. Doubtless,  in  every  city,  there  were  establish- ments of  diflerent  grades,  and  the  Christian  could choose  those  which  were  conducted  with  greater decency.  Probably,  too,  before  long,  as  the  em- ployment was  not  a  forbidden  one.  Christians would  be  found  to  enter  on  it  and  reform  its  evils. The  public  baths  at  Rome  which  were  established by  emperors  or  placed  under  magisterial  control, were  free  from  the  grosser  evils  of  the  mixture  of the  two  sexes  ;  and  it  is  recorded  to  the  honour of  many  of  the  emperors  who  were,  more  or  less, under  the  influence  of  a  higher  culture,  that  they sought  to  check  them.  Hadrian  (Spartianus,  p. 25),  Antoninus  Pius  (Julius  Capit.  p.  90),  Alex- ander Severus  (Lamprid.  c.  42),  are  all  named  as having  taken  steps  to  put  down  the  lavacra mixta,  which  were  so  flagrant  an  outrage  on  all natural  decency.  As  it  is,  though  the  practice, like  most  others  in  the  common  routine  of  life,  is but  little  noticed  unless  where  its  accompaniment calls  for  censure,  we  find  traces  enough  to  show that  the  most  devout  Christians  did  not  think  it necessary  to  abstain  from  the  public  bath.  It was  in  the  "baths"  of  Ephesus  that  St.  John encountered  Cerinthus  (Euseb.  //.  E.  iii.  38). Tertullian,  with  all  his  austerity,  acknowledged that  bathing  was  necessary  for  health,  and  that he  practised  it  himself  (AimL  C.  xlii.)  Clement of  Alexandria  {Faedag.  iii.  c.  9),  lays  down  rules, half  medical  and  half  moral,  for  its  use.  It formed  part  of  the  complaints  of  the  Christians of  Lugdunum  and  Vienna,  and  was  mentioned  by them  as  the  first  sign  of  the  change  for  the worse  in  their  treatment,  that  they  were  ex- cluded from  the  public  baths  (Euseb.  //.  E.  v.  1). Augustine  narrates  how  on  his  mother's  death, led  by  the  popularly  accepted  etymology  of ^aXaveiov  (as  if  from  jSaXAeiv  aviav)  he  had gone  to  the  thermae  to  assuage  his  sorrow,  and found  it  fruitless  ("ncque  enim  exsudavit  de corde  meo  moeroris  amaritudo."  Confess,  ix.  32). The  old  evils,  however,  in  spite  of  the  reforming Empire,  continued  to  prevail,  probably  in  worse forms  in  the  provinces  than  in  the  capitaL Epiphanius  mentions  KovTpa  avSpoywa  as  com- mon among  the  Jews  of  his  time  {ffaer.  30). Clement  describes  the  mixture  of  the  sexes  as occurring  in  the  daily  life  of  Alexandria  {Paedag. iii.  5) ;  Cyprian  as  in  that  of  Carthage  {de  Cult. Virg.  p.  73) ;  Ambrose  as  in  that  of  Milan  {do Off.  i.  18) ;  and  both  plead  against  it  with  an earnestness  which  shows  that  it  was  a  danger for- Christians  as  well  as  heathens.  Even  those whose  sense  of  shame  led  them  to  avoid  the more  public  exposure,  submitted  to  the  gaze and  the  cares  of  male  attendants  (Clem.  Al.  /.  c;). It  is  even  more  startling  to  find  that  it  was necessary,  after  the  conversion  of  the  Empire,  to forbid,  under  pain  of  deposition,  the  clergy  of  all orders  from  frequenting  baths  where  the  sexes were  thus  mingled  (C.  Laod.  c.  30  ;  C.  Trull,  c. 77).  Offending  laymen  were  in  like  manner  to come  under  sentence  of  excommunication.  Gra- dually the  better  feeling  prevailed,  and  the  lava-  j era  mixta  fell  into  a  disrepute  like  that  of  houses  , of  ill  fame.  It  was  reckoned  a  justifiable  cause of  divorce  for  a  wife  to  have  been  seen  in  one  i (Cod.  Justin.  V.  tit.  17  de  Repud.).  j Another  aspect  of  the  practice  remains  to  be  | noticed.  Traces  meet  us  here  and  there  of  a  dis-  j tinctly  liturgical  use  of  bathing,  analogous  to  the  ; BAVO nbhitions  of  Jewish  worshippers-  and  priests,  as pr.'liminary  to  solemn  religious  acts,  and,  in  parti- cular, to  baptism.  The  practice  existed  among  the Essenes  (Joseph.  Vit.  c.  2),  and  there  may  probably he  a  roference  to  it  in  the  "  washed  with  pure water"  of  Heb.  x.  22.  Tertullian  (de  Orat.  c. xi.)  condemns  as  superstitious  what  he  describes as  the  common  custom  ("  plerique  superstitiose curant")  of  washing  the  whole  body  before every  act  of  prayer.  In  "Western  Africa  there was  a  yet  stranger  usage,  which  Augustine  cha- racterises as  "  pagan,"  of  going  to  the  sea  on  the Feast  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  and  bathing  as  in his  honour  (^Serm.  cxciv.  de  Temp.  23).  As  pre- paratory to  baptism,  it  was,  however,  recog- nised. The  catechumens  who  were  to  be  admit- ted at  Easter  had  during  the  long  quadragesimal fest  abstained  from  the  use  of  the  bath;  and there  was  some  risk  in  such  cases,  wlien  large numbers  were  gathered  together  for  baptism  by immersion,  and  stripped  in  the  presence  of  the Church,  of  an  uucleauliuess  which  would  have been  offensive  both  to  sight  and  smell.  Here, therefore,  the  bath  was  brought  into  use  (August. Epist.  54),  and  the  balncator  attended  with his  strigil,  and  his  flask  of  oil  and  his  towels, after  the  usual  fashion  (Zeuo  Veron.  Invit.  ad font.  vi.).  It  may  be  noted,  as  implied  in  this, that  the  employment  was  among  those  which it  was  not  unlawful  for  Christians  to  engage  in. It  was  probably  for  this  purpose,  as  well  as  for the  use  of  priests  before  they  celebrated  the eucharist,  that  Constantine  constructed  baths within  the  precincts  of  the  great  church  which he  built  at  Constantinople  (Euseb.  Vit.  Const. IV.  59),  and  that  they  were  recognised  as  import- ant, if  not  essential,  appendages  to  the  more stately  churches,  and  were  entitled  to  the  same privileges  of  asylum  {Cod.  Theodos.  ix.  tit.  45). Popes  and  bishops  followed  the  imperial  example, and  constructed  baths  in  Rome,  in  Pavia,  in  Ra- venna, and  in  Naples.  A  full  account  of  their structure  and  use  is  to  be  found  in  Sidon.  Apol- ,  liuar.  JEpp.  ii.  2.  (Comp.  the  monograph  De I     sacris  Christianorum  balneis,  by  Paciandi.    Rome, 1758.)  [E.  H.  P.] '  BAVO,  Saint,  of  Ghent  (died  653),  Natale, '  Oct.  1  (Mart.  Bedae,  Adonis  in  Appendice).  In j  the  Reims  MS.  of  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary, the  commemoration  of  SS.  Bavo,  Germanus,  and j     Vedast,  is  joined  with  that  of  St.  Remigius.    [C] i  BEADLE.  \_An.g.  Sax.  Bydel,  a  messenger.] An  inferior  officer  of  the  Church  answering  to  the modern  beadle,  is  possibly  referred  to  in  a  Canon of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  (a.d.  451)  under  the name  of  irapaixopapios .  In  the  Roman  Church the  officer  was  called  mansionarius.  By  Gregory the  Great  he  is  also  styled  Custos  Ecclesiae — whose business  it  was  to  light  the  lamps  or  candles  of the  church.  Later  critics,  however,  have  given  a different  interpretation  of  irapafxavapios.  Thus, Justellus  explains  it  by  "  villicus,"  a  bailiff  or steward  of  the  lands ;  and  Bishop  Beveridge  (Not. in  Cone.  Clia.lced.  c.  2)  styles  him  "  rerum  eccle- siasticarum  administrator,"  which  would  have the  same  meaning  (Bingham,  iii.  13).       [D.  B.] BEARDS.     The   practice    of  the  clergy   in •incient  times  in  respect  of  wearing  beards  was I    in  conformity  with  the  general  custom.     Long I    hair  and  baldness  by  shaving  being  alike  in  ill- j    repute  as  unseemly  peculiarities,  the  clergy  were BELFRY 183 required  to  observe  a  becoming  moderation  be- tween either  extreme.  To  this  effect  is  the Canon  of  the  4th  Council  of  Carthage — Clericus nee  comatn  nutriat  nee  barbam  radat.  The  con- trary practice,  however,  having  obtained  in  tlie later  Roman  Church,  it  has  been  contended  by Bellarmine  and  others,  that  the  word  radat  was  an interpolation  in  the  Canon.  But  this  allegation has  been  disproved  by  Savaro,  on  the  testimony of  the  Vatican  and  many  other  manuscripts :  and it  appears  further,  from  one  of  the  Epistles  of Sidonius  (lib.  iv.  Ep.  24),  that  in  his  time  it  was the  custom  of  the  French  bishops  to  wear  short hair  and  long  beards :  his  friend  Maximus  Pala- tinus,  who  had  become  a  clergyman,  being  thus described — "  Habitus  viro,  gradus,  pudor,  color, sermo  religiosus  :  turn  coma  brcvis,  barba  pro- lixa,"  &c.  (Bingham,  b.  vi.  c.  iv.)  [D.  B.] BEASTS,  IN  SYMBOLISM.  [Svmbolism.] BEATITUDES.  In  the  Liturgy  of  St. Chrysostom,  the  Beatitudes  (ij.aKaptffij.ol)  are ordered  to  be  sung  by  the  choir  on  Sundays, instead  of  the  third  Antiphon  (Daniel's  Codex Liturgicus,  iv.  343  ;  Neale's  Eastern  Ch..  Introd. 390).  Goar  (Eucliologion)  seems  to  have  been uncertain  of  the  meaning  of  the  word,  or  of  the practice  of  the  Church  ;  for  he  writes  that  these ficcKapiff/xoi  are  "hymni  sanctorum  beatitudinis memoriam  recolentes  ;  vel  poti'us  eae  beatitudines de  quibus  S.  Matthaei  V. ;  vel  tandem  pia viventium  vota  pro  defunctorum  requie."  Dr. Neale  takes  them,  no  doubt  rightly,  for  the Beatitudes  of  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount.       [C] BEATRIX,  martvr ;  commemorated  July  29 (Mart.  Horn.  Vet.,  Bedae).  The  Mart.  Hicron. has  under  July  29  "  Veatrix  ;"  July  28,  "  Bea- trix ;"  and  again  "  Beatrix,"  July  30.  The Corbey  MS.  of  the  Sacram.  Greg,  has  a  comme- moration of  S.  Beatrix  (with  S.  Felix  and  others) on  July  29.    Antiphon.  in  Lib.  Antiph.  p.  704.  [C] BELFRY  (High-German,  Bercvrit,  Bervrit, a  tower  for  defence ;  Low-Latin,  bertefredum, battefredum,  belfredum,  &c. ;  Italian,  bettifredo,  a sentry-box  on  a  tower;  Old  French,  berfroi ; Mod.  French,  beffroi;  Eng.  belfi^y,  the  corrupt etymology  of  which  has  limited  the  application, see  Wedgwood's  Diet,  of  Eng.  Etymology,  i.  142). The  place  in  which  bells  hang.  Berfredum  is also  found  used  for  the  structure  of  timber  on which  a  bell  is  hung,  in  German  Glockenstuhl. In  common  parlance  belfry  and  its  equiv-alents are  used  for  the  whole  tower  in  which  bells hang. The  earliest  examples  of  bell-towers  connected with  churches  appear  to  be  those  of  Ravenna  : that  of  S.  Francesco  Hiibsch  atti'ibutes  to  the beginning  of  the  6th  century,  and  those  of  S. Giovanni  Battista  and  S.  Apollinare  in  Classe  to the  middle  or  latter  jiart  of  the  same  century. Of  the  towers  at  Rome  he  thinks  that  those  of Sta.  Pudenziana  and  S.  Lorenzo  in  Lucina  may be  in  part  at  least  of  the  7tli ;  but  no  docu- mentary notice  of  bell-towers  has  been  found earlier  than  that  in  the  Lib,  J'ontif.  of  the "turris"  built  by  Pope  Steplien  III.  (a.d.  768- 772)  at  St.  Peter's,  in  which  he  placed  three bells  "  to  call  together  the  clergy  and  people to  the  service  of  God."  (This  passage  is  given by  Ducange,  but  does  not  appeal-  in  all  e<litions of  the   lib.   I'ontif.)     Pofw    Leo   IV.,   Uie  same 184 BELL book  informs  us,  built  ii  campanile  at  S.  Andrea Apostolo,  and  placed  there  a  bell  with  a  brazen hammer.  C-^-  ^-J BELL,  BOOK,  AND  CANDLE.  [Ex- communication.] BELLS.  L  Names  of  Bells.— The  name  cam- pnnuiii  or  campana  is  commonly  said  to  have  been given  to  bells,  because  they  were  invented  by "Paullinus  of  Nola  in  Campania.  Paullinus,  how- over,  who  more  than  once  describes  churches, never  mentions  bells,  and  the  more  probable  sup- position is,  that  bells  in  early  times  were  cast from  Campanian  brass,  which  Pliny  {Nat.  Hist. xxxiv.  8)  describes  as  the  best  for  such  a  purpose, and  so  received  the  name  campana  or  campanuin. The  word  nola  can  scarcely  be  derived  from  the citv  Nola,  and  is  perhaps  imitative  of  the  sound, like  the  English  "  knoll." The  word  which  we  have  in  the  form  clock (compare  Irish  clog,  French  dochc.  Germ,  glocke) was  adopted  in  later  Latin,  both  in  the  neuter  form cloccum  ( Vita  S.  Bonifacii,  in  Act.  Sand.  June, torn.  i.  p.  472)  and  the  feminine  clocca  (Bonifacii Kpistt.  9  et  75);  the  latter  is  the  usual  form. The  "  Anonymus  Thuanus,"  quoted  by  Binterim {Denkwiird'xw  1.  290)  gives  the  form  cloqua  for a  turret-bell  (cloquam  turris). lignum  (Ital.  segno,  old  French  seint,  whence tocsm)  is  the  most  usual  word  for  a  church-boll from  the  6th  century.  In  some  cases  it  appears to  designate  not  a  bell,  but  some  other  kind  of semantron.  (Ducange's  Glossary,  s.  v.  ;  Rosweyd, Vitae  Patruin,  Unomast.  s.  v.  p.  1056.) Small  bells,  such  as  were  rung  by  hand  in  the refectories  of  monasteries,  were  called  tintinna- bula;  and  the  still  smaller  bells  which  were sometimes  appended  to  priestly  vestments,  were designated  tinniola,  from  their  tinkling  sound. (Ducange,  s.  v.)  Tintinnum  seems  to  have  been sometimes  used  for  a  larger  bell  (see  Tat  win, quoted  below). The  word  skella,  skilla,  scilla,  squilla,  or  cs- quilla  (Ital.  squilla,  Germ,  schelle)  is  also  used  for a  small  bell :  see  below.  In  the  Tahularium  of St.  Remi  (quoted  by  Ducange)  a  "  schilla  de metallo "  is  mentioned  as  well  as  "  signum ferreum." Other  designations  occasionally  found  are  acs, aeramentum,  le'ies,  muta,  KdoSav. II.  Use  of  Bells. — For  the  purpose  of  annoimcing meetings  of  Christians  in  times  of  persecution  a messenger  was  employed  [Cursor];  in  quiet times  future  services  were  announced  by  a  deacon in  time  of  divine  worship;  in  some  parts  of Africa  a  trumpet  seems  to  have  been  employed to  call  the  people  to  their  assemblies. After  the  time  of  Constantine  some  sonorous instrument,  whether  a  clapper  [Semantron]  or a  bell,  seems  to  have  been  generally  employed  to give  notice  of  the  commencement  of  Christian assemblies.  The  word  "  signum  "  in  Latin  writers is  probably  used  to  designate  both  these  instru- ments, and  it  is  not  always  easy  to  say  which  is intended.  Gregory  of  Tours  {Hist.  Franc,  ii.  23, J).  73)  mentions  a  "  signum  "  as  calling  monks  to matins,  in  the  time  of  Sidonius  Apollinaris ;  and elsewhere  {Do  Mirac.  S.  Martini,  ii.  45,  p.  1068) he  mentions  the  "  signum  "  (signum  quod  com- moveri  solet)  as  if  it  were  something  swung  like  a bell.  vSo  Venantius  Fortunatus  {Carm.  ii.  10) speaks  of  the  "  signum  "  of  the  principal  church BELLS in  Paris  calling  to  prayer.  St.  Columba  is  said,  iu the  life  by  Cumineus  Albus  {Acta  SS.  Junii,  torn, ii.  p.  188,  c.  10),  to  have  gone  into  the  church  when the  bell  rang  (pulsante  campana)  at  midnight ; and  Bede  {Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  23)  mentions  that  at St.  Hilda's  death,  one  of  her  nuns  at  a  distance from  Whitby  heard  suddenly  the  well-known sound  of  the  bell  which  roused  or  called  them  to prayer  when  one  departed  from  this  world.  These testimonies  seem  to  show  that  bells  of  considerable size  were  used  in  England,  at  least  in  convents, as  early  as  the  6th  century.  Tatwin,  archbishop of  Canterbury  (731-734)  in  some  verses  "  De Tintinno  "  (Hook's  Archbishops,  i.  206)  speaks  of a  bell  "  superis  suspensus  in  auris  "  hastening  the steps  of  the  crowd.  The  Excerptiwies  attri- buted to  Egbert  {canon  ii.),  enjoin  "  ut  omnes sacerdotes  horis  competentibus  diei  et  uoctis  su- arum  sonent  ecclesiarum  signa." St.  Sturm  when  dying  (an.  779)  ordered  all the  bells  (gloggas)  of  his  convent  to  be  rung (Eigil's  Vita  S.  iSturmii,  c.  25,  in  Migne's  Patrol. cv.  443). In  Gaul  we  have  already  seen  that  "  signa " were  used  as  early  as  the  6th  century.  At  a later  period,  Flodoard  {Hist.  Semens,  ii.  12) tells  us  of  the  miraculous  silence  of  two  of  the bells  of  a  Gascon  church  in  which  St.  Rigobert (•|-749)  was  praying.  We  cannot,  of  course,  in- sist upon  all  the  details  of  this  narrative  as  if they  were  literally  true,  but  the  account  shows at  any  rate  that  Flodoard  (about  950)  took  fos granted  that  in  the  8th  century  the  great churches  in  the  Gascon  territory  had  many  bells, which  were  rung  at  certain  hours;  and  that even  country  churches  had  more  than  one,  for the  two  silent  bells  had  been  stolen  from  a country  church ;  moreover,  the  bells  must  have been  of  considerable  size,  for  the  narrator  speaks expressly  of  their  loud  sound  (his  altisone  re- boantibus).  It  is  worth  observing,  too,  that  he uses  the  words  campanae,  nolae,  and  signa  as precisely  synonymous. By  the  time  of  Charles  the  Great,  in  fiict,  the use  of  church-bells  seems  to  have  become  common in  the  empire.  Charles  encouraged  the  art  oi bell-founding,  and  entertained  bell-founders  at his  court.  Among  the  most  famous  of  these  was Tancho,  a  monk  of  St.  Gall,  who  cast  a  fine  bell  for the  great  church  at  Aachen.  (The  Monk  of  St. Gall  De  Gestis  Caroli,  i.  31.)  He  asked  for  100 pounds  of  silver  as  alloy  for  the  copper,  from which  we  infer  that  the  bell  may  have  weighed 400  or  500  pounds. Bells  appear  to  have  been  held  in  especial  re- gard by  the  Irish  ecclesiastics  of  the  fifth  and succeeding  centuries.  Their  bells  seem  to  have been  chieflv  hand-bells  ;  but  Dr.  Petrie  {Round Towers  of  "Ireland,  p.  383)  says  that  "  it  is  per- fectly certain  that  bells  of  a  size  much  too large  for  altar-bells  were  abundantly  distributed by^St.  Patrick  in  Ireland,  as  appears  from  his oldest  lives."  Sinall  of  Cill  Airis,  m  the  tri- partite life  of  St.  Patrick  supposed  to  have been  originally  written  in  the  6th  century,  is called  campanarius.  Hand-bells  are  preserved, which  are  attributed  to  Irish  Saints  or  ecclesi- astics from  the  5th  century  downwards.  They seem  to  have  been  reckoned  among  the  most necessary  insignia  of  a  bishop :  thus  in  the  an- notations of  tirechan,  in  the  Book  of  Armagh, we  are  told  that  Patrick  conferred  on  Fiac  the The  Bell  of  St.  Patrick. BELLS ilerjree  of  a  bishop  and  gave  him  a  box  or  satchel cnntaining  a  bell,  a  "  monster  "  (i.  e.  a  reliquary), a  rrozier,  and  a  "  polaire "  or  ornamental  case for  a  book  (Petrie,  p.  338).  The  earliest  of  these bells  and  the  most  highly venerated  is  that  known as  the  'Clog-an-eadhachta Phatraic,' — the  bell  of  the will  of  Patrick, — given  to the  church  of  Armagh  by St.  Columba ;  this  is  of quadrangular  form,  of tliick  sheet  iron,  sis  inches HLjh,  tive  inches  by  four at  the  mouth  and  dimi- nishing upwards,  with  a loop  at  the  top  for  the hand  (v.  woodcut).  It  is kept  in  a  splendidly  orna- mented case,  made  for  it  between  a.d.  1091  and 1105. Many  other  such  bells  are  in  existence,  as  the li.ll  of  St.  Gall,  in  the  Treasury  of  the  church Hi'  St.  Gall  in  Switzerland;  the  bell  of  St. ^I.'gue  (d.  A.D.  624),  in  possession  of  the  Primate lit'  Ireland,  &c. In  the  9th  century,  according  to  Dr.  Petrie (Hound  Toicers  of  Ireland,  p.  252),  the  quad- rangular form  which  is  found  in  all  the  early bells  began  to  give  way  to  the  circular.  The early  bells  are  usually  of  iron,  but  one  of  bronze in  the  collection  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy, which  has  been  ascribed  to  St.  Patrick,  in  con- sequence of  its  being  inscribed  with  the  name "  Patrici,"  is  of  bronze,  as  are  some  others. In  the  East,  church-bells  were  of  later  intro- duction. No  mention  of  them  in  the  East  ap- pears to  occur  until  Orso,  duke  of  Venice,  towards the  end  of  the  9th  century,  gave  twelve  large bells  of  brass  to  ]\Iichael  (or  Basil)  the  Greek emperor,  who  added  a  bell-tower  to  the  church of  St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople  for  their  re- ception. (Baronius,  in  Augusti's  JIandbuch,  i. 402.)  [A.  N.]  and  [C] We  gather  from  the  above  examples  that  from the  6th  century  at  least  bells  were  used  in  the West,  first  in  convents,  afterwards  in  churches generally,  to  summon  worshippers  to  the  various services,  and  to  give  notice  to  the  faithful  of  the passmg  away  of  one  of  the  brotherhood.  Details of  the  manner  of  making  and  hanging  these  bells are  altogether  wanting. Besides  these  uses,  we  find  that  bells  were anciently  used  by  the  Western  Church  in  proces- sions. For  instance,  the  rubric  of  the  Mozarabic Missal  (p.  166,  ed.  Lesley)  directs  that  a  boy ringing  a  hand-bell  (esquillam)  should  precede 'the  procession  which  bore  the  Eucharist  to  the Sepulchre  on  Maundy  Thursday. Another  ecclesiastical  use  of  small  bells  is  the following  : — Benedict  of  Aniane  (see  his  Life by  Ardo,  c.  8,  in  Ada  SS.  Febr.  torn.  ii.  p.  612) ordered  a  squilla  to  be  rung  in  the  monk's  dor- mitory before  the  signum  of  the  church  rang  for the  nocturnal  "  Hours." It  is  generally  agreed,  that  there  is  no  trace within  our  period  of  the  practice  of  ringing  either a  small  bell  or  the  great  bell  of  the  church  at the  elevation  of  the  Host.  The  ancient  Irish hand-bells  may  probably  have  been  used  in  pro- cessions, or  in  monasteries  for  such  uses  as  those described  above. BELLS 185 The  belief  that  the  ringing  of  bells,  whether the  great  bells  of  a  church  or  hand-bells,  tended to  dispel  storms  is  of  considerable  antiquity.  The origin  of  this  belief  is  traced  by  hagiographers  to St.  Salaberga,  who  lived  in  the  beginning  of  the 7th  century.  The  story  is,  that  a  small  bell attached  to  the  neck  of  a  stag,  was  brought  from heaven  to  St.  Salaberga,  for  the  relief  of  her daughter  Anstrudis,  who  was  terrified  at  thunder. This  belief  is  expressed  in  the  lines "  Relliquiae  sanctae  Salabergae  et  campatia  praesens Expellunt  febres  et  ipsa  tonitrua  pellit." See  Mabillon's  Acta  SS.  Sened.  saec.  ii.  p.  414 ; BoUandist  Acta  SS.  Sept.  torn.  vi.  p.  517. This  supposed  property  of  dispelling  storms  is alluded  to  in  the  services  for  the  benediction  or "  baptism  "  of  bells. III.  Benediction  of  Bells. — It  is  probable  that from  the  time  that  bells  first  became  part  of  the furniture  of  a  church,  they  were  subjected,  like other  church-furniture  and  ornaments,  to  some kind  of  consecration.  Forms  for  the  benediction of  a  church-bell  {Ad  signum  ecclesiae  henedicen- duni)  are  found  in  the  Reims  and  the  Corbey MSS.  of  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  {Sacrain. Greg.  ed.  Menard,  p,  438)  to  the  following  effect. After  the  benediction  of  the  water  to  be  used  in the  ceremony,  Psalms  145-150  (Vulg.),  were chanted ;  meantime  the  bell  was  washed  with the  holy-water,  and  touched  with  oil  and  salt, by  the  officiating  bishop,  who  said  at  the  same time  the  prayer,  beginning,  "  Deus,  qui  per Moysen  legiferum  tubas  argenteas  fieri  praece- pisti ;  "  the  bell  was  then  wiped  with  a  napkin, and  the  A  ntiphon  followed,  "  Vox  Domini  super aquas  "  (Ps.  xxix.  3,  Vulg.) ;  the  bell  was  then touched  with  chrism  seven  times  outside  and four  times  inside,  while  the  prayer  was  said, "Omnipotens  sempiterne  Deus,  qui  ante  arcam Foederis,  &c. ; "  it  was  then  fumigated  with incense  within  and  without,  and  "  Viderunt  te aquae  "  (Ps.  Ixsvi.  16)  was  chanted ;  the  service concluded  with  the  collect  "  Omnipotens  Domi- nator  Christe,  quo  secundum  assumptioueni carnis  dormiente  in  navi,"  &c.  Both  the  verses and  the  prayer  allude  to  the  supposed  power  of the  bell  to  calm  storms. The  office  Ad  signum  ecclesiae  benedicendum given  in  Egbert's  I'ontifical  (pp.  177  ff.  ed.  Sur- tees  Society,  1853)  differs  in  no  essential  point from  the  Gregorian. The  custom  of  engraving  a  name  upon  a  bell is  said  by  Baronius  {Annates,  an.  961,  c.  93)  to have  originated  with  Pope  John  XIII.,  who  cou- secrated  a  bell  and  gave  it  the  name  John.  This will  probably  be  accepted  as  sufficient  testimony to  the  fact,  that  the  custom  of  engraving  a  name on  a  bell,  in  connexion  with  the  ceremony  of  con- secration, did  not  arise  in  Italy  before  the  10th century.  It  is,  of  course,  possible  that  in  other countries,  as  in  Ireland,  it  may  be  of  earlier  date  ; or  the  names  engraved  on  some  ancient  Irish  bells may  simply  indicate  ownership. In  Charles  the  Great's  capitulary  of  the  year 789,  c.  18,  the  words  occur,  "  Ut  cloccae  uon baptizentur."  As  it  is  almost  certain  that  some kind  of  dedication-rite  '  for  church-bells  was practised  continuously  through  the  period,  we must  either  conclude  that  some  particular practice  in  the  matter — it  is  impossible  to  de- termine what— is  here  condemned  •  or  that  the 186 BEMA "cloccae"  here  intended  were  hand-bells  for domestic  use.  The  latter  supposition  is  strength- ened by  the  fact  that  the  direction  immediately follows  in  the  capitulary,  that  papers  should  not be  hunt'  on  poles  to  avert  hail;  clearly  a  domes- tic superstition.  (Binterim,  Denkwiirdigkeiten iv.  1,  29^.)  The  connexion  suggests,  that  these "  cloccae  "  were  house-bells  to  be  used  for  avert- ing storms.  See  the  legend  of  St.  Salaberga, above. IV'.  Literature.  N.  Eggers,  De  Origine  et Nomine  Campanarum  (Jena,  1684);  De  Carn- panarum  Materia  et  Forma  (lb.  1685).  H. Wallerii  Diss,  De  Cumpanis  et  praecipuis  earum Usibus  (Holm.  1694).  P.  C.  Hilscher,  De  Cam- panis  Templorum  (Lipsiae,  1692).  J.  B.  Thiers, Traits'  des  Cloches,  &c.  (Paris,  1719).  J.  Mon- tanus,  Historische  Nachricht  von  den  Glocken, II.  s.  IV.  (Chemnitz,  1726).  C.  W.  J.  Chrysander, Hist.  Nachricht  von  Kirchen- Glocken  (Rinteln, 1755).  Canon  Barraud  in  Didron's  Annales ArcheoL,  xvi.  325;  xvii.  104,  278,  357;  xviii. 57,  145.  [C] BEMA,  otherwise  tribunal,  sanctuarium  (Gr. ^Tj/xa).  The  part  of  a  church  raised  above  the rest,  shut  off  by  railings  or  screens,  and  reserved for  the  higher  clergy.  The  part  so  reserved, when  the  apse  was  large,  was  sometimes  the  apse alone,  but  often  a  space  in  front  of  the  apse  was included.  When,  as  is  the  case  in  many  churches of  the  basilican  type  at  Eome  and  elsewhere, there  was  a  transept  at  that  end  of  the  church,  the bema  often  commenced  at  the  so-called  triumphal arch  at  the  end  of  the  nave.  In  the  old  church of  St.  Peter  at  Rome  the  bema  appears  to  have comprised  the  apse  alone,  but  at  S.  Paolo  f.  1.  M. the  whole  transept  is  slightly  raised.  Some- times where  a  transept  exists,  the  bema  does  not extend  into  the  arms  of  the  transept,  which  are parteil  off  by  screens.  The  altar  was  usually placed  within  in  the  bema,  often  on  the  chord  of the  arc  of  the  apse.  Beneath  the  altar  was usually  a  crypt  or  confession.  Round  the  wall of  the  apse  or  "  conchula  bematis  "  ran  a  bench for  the  presbyters,  which  was  interrupted  in  the centre  by  the  cathedra  or  throne  for  the  bishop. These  seats  are  alluded  to  by  St.  Augustine when  (Ep.  203)  he  speaks  of  "  apsides  gradatae  " and  "  cathedrae  velatae."  Such  an  arrangement is  this  was  probably  in  use  as  early  as  the  time of  Constantine ;  for,  from  the  description  given us  by  Eusebius  of  the  church  built  by  Paulinus at  Tyre  (Eccles.  Hist.  s.  14),  we  find  that  the altar  stood  in  the  middle,  and,  together  with  the seats  for  the  dignitaries,  was  surrounded  by  rail- ings of  wood  admirably  worked.  We  should probably  understand  by  middle,  not  absolutely the  middle  of  the  church,  but  the  middle  of  the apse,  for  the  description  is  given  in  a  very  in- exact and  rhetorical  style.  At  St.  Sophia's,  when rebuilt  by  Justinian,  there  was  an  enclosure (epKos)  formed  by  a  stylobate,  on  which  were twelve  columns  surrounded  by  an  architrave, which  divided  the  bema  from  the  solea.  This enclosure  had  three-  gates,  and  was  entirely  of silver,  very  richly  ornamented  (Pauli  Silentiarii Descrip.  S.  Sophiae).  Such  an  enclosure  is  called by  Sozomcn  SpvcpaKra,  and  by  Constantine  Por- phyrogenitus,  KiyK\lSes.  Such  was  the  normal arrangement,  but  it  was  not  invariable  ;  for  the Lib.  J'ontif.,  in  the  life  of  Pope  Hadrian  I.  (a.D. 772-795),  narrates  how  at  S.  Maria  ad  Praesepe BENEDICITE (now  S.  Maria  Maggiore)  the  women  who attended  the  service  intervened  between  him and  his  attendant  clergy,  and  in  the  life  of  Pope Gregory  IV.  (a.d.  827-844)  that  the  altar  at  S, Mai-ia  in  Trastevere  stood  in  a  low  place,  almost in  the  middle  of  the  nave,  so  that  the  crowd surrounding  it  were  mixed  up  with  the  clergy. The  Pope  therefore  made  for  the  clergy  a  hand- some "  tribunal  "  in  the  circuit  of  the  apse,  rais- ing it  considerably.  This  arrangement  remained in  use  until  perhaps  the  11th  or  12th  century; it  is  clearly  shown  in  the  plan  for  the  church  of St.  Gall  drawn  up  in  the  beginning  of  the  9th  cen- tury {Arch.  Journal,  vol.  v.,  see  Church),  both apses  being  shut  otf  and  raised  above  the  rest  of the  church.  Probably  no  example  now  exists of  a  period  as  early  as  that  treated  of  in  this work,  in  which  a  "  bema "  remains  in  its  ori- ginal state ;  but  the  raised  tribunal  may  be  seen in  many  Italian  churches  in  Rome,  Ravenna,  and elsewhere.  In  S.  Apollinare  in  Classe,  in  the latter  city,  a  part  of  the  marble  enclosure  seems to  remain.  The  bench  of  marble,  with  the  ca- thedra in  the  middle,  may  also  be  seen  in  that and  many  other  churches,  a  good  example  is  af- forded by  those  at  Parenzo  in  Istria  which  wouldl seem  to  be  of  the  same  date  as  the  church — the 6th  century.  In  the  church  of  S.  Clements  at Rome  marble  screens  of  an  early  date  (7th  cent- ury?) jjart  off  the  bema  in  the  ancient  fashion, but  the  church  is  not  earlier  than  the  12th  cent- ury. The  word  is  little  used  by  Latin  wi-iters, being  in  fact  the  Greek  equivalent  for  what  in the  Lib.  Pontif.  is  called  "  tribunal ; "  "  presby- te  -lum  "  in  the  same  work  is  perhaps  sometimes ushI  with  the  same  meaning,  though  by  this word  the  "  chorus  "  or  place  for  the  singers  and inferior  clergy  is  generally  meant  [v.  Choeus, Presbyterium].  The  word  "  bema "  is  also found  in  use  for  a  pulpit  or  ambo,  as  by  Sozomen (1.  ix.  c.  2) ;  but  it  is  distinguished  from  the bema,  or  sanctuary,  by  being  called  /3r?;ua  tSiv avayuoxTTwv,  the  readers'  bema.  The  same  ex- pression is,  however,  apjslied  by  Symeon  of  Thesr salonica  to  the  soleas,  a  platform  in  front  of  the bema  (Neale,  FMSt.  Church,  v.  i.  p.  201).  [A.  N.] BENEDICAMUS  DOMINO.  This  is  a liturgical  form  of  words,  said  by  the  priest  at the  end  of  all  the  canonical  hours,  with  the exception  of  matins.  The  response  to  it  is  always Deo  gratias.  It  is  also  said  at  the  end  of  the mass  in  those  masses  in  which  Gloria  in  excelsis is  not  said,  and  which  are  not  masses  for  the dead,  in  which  the  corresponding  form  is  Eequies- cat  in  pace.  The  custom  of  substituting  Bene- dicamus  for  Ite  missa  est  in  these  masses  is derived  from  the  old  practice  of  the  Church, according  to  which  after  masses  for  the  dead, or  those  for  penitential  days,  the  people  were  not dismissed  as  at  other  times,  but  remained  for the  recitation  of  the  psalms,  which  were  said after  the  mass.  Benedicamus  Doinino  is  sung  on the  same  tone  as  Ite  missa  est,  which  varies  accord- ing to  the  character  of  the  day.  [H.  J.  H.] BENEDICITE.  This  canticle,  called  also Caidicum  trium  puerorum,  is  part  [v.  35  to  the middle  of  v.  66]  of  the  prayer  of  Azarias  in  the  . furnace,  which  occurs  between  the  23rd  and 24th  verses  of  Daniel  iii.  in  the  LXX.,  but  is  not in  the  Hebrew.  It  is  used  in  the  lauds  of  the Western  Church,  both  in  the  Gregorian,  inclu- BENEDICTINE  RULE  AND  ORDER 187 <liug  the  old  English,  and  Monastic  uses,  among tlie  psalms  of  lauds,  on  Sundays  and  festivals, immediately  before  Pss.  cxlviii.,  cxlix.,  cl.  It u-ually  lias  an  antiphon  of  its  own,  though  in some  uses  the  psalms  at  lauds  are  all  said  under one  antiphon.  The  autiphonal  clause,  "  Laudate et  superexaltate  eum  in  saecula,"  is  only  said alter  the  first  and  last  verses.  Gloria  Fatri  is not  said  after  it,  as  after  other  canticles,  but in  its  place  the  verses — Benedicamus  Patrem  et  Filium  cum  Spiritu  Sancto  : 1  uidemus  et  tuperexaltemus  eum  in  saecula. Benedictus  es,  Domine,  lu  firmamento  coeli :  et  lauda- biiis  et  gluriosus  et  superexaltatus  in  saecula. In  the  Ambrosian  lauds  for  Sundays  and  festi- vals, Benedicite  occurs  with  an  antiphon  varying with  the  day,  and  preceded  by  a  collect  [Oratio .-ecreta]  which  varies  only  on  Christmas  Day and  the  Epiphany.  During  the  octave  of  Easter Hidklujah'^  is  said  after  each  verse. Benedicite  also  occurs  in  the  private  thanks- ;j,iving  of  the  priest  after  mass ;  in  the  Roman I'liiee  in  full  ;  in  the  Sarum  the  last  few  verses In  the  Mozarabic  breviary  this  canticle  is found  in  the  lauds  for  Sundays  and  festivals  in t  somewhat  different  form,  with  a  special  anti- niion,  and  is  called  Benedictus.  It  begins  at  v. .  .' ;  the  antiphonal  clause  is  omitted  altogether i  the  end  ;  and  the  opening  words  of  the  Bene- <  lie  proper,  "  Benedicite  omnia  opera  Domini Domino,"  are  never  repeated  after  their  first occurrence. In  the  offices  of  the  Greek  Church  this  canticle is  the  eighth  of  the  nine  "  Odes  "  appointed  at lauds.  The  antiphonal  clause  is  said  after  every verse,  and  a  supplementary  verse  is  added  at the  end,  "  euAoyeire  AttoctoAoi,  'npo(priTai, Ka\  MdpTvpes  Kvpiov,  rhv  Kvpiov  k.t'.X.  This canticle  is  sometimes  called  {e.g.  by  St.  Benedict and  by  St.  Fructuosus  Archb.  of  Bragas,t  665) from  the  nature  of  its  contents  the  Benedictio, in  the  same  way  as  the  last  three  psalms  of  the Psalter  are  known  as  the  Laudes.        [H.  J.  H.] BENEDICT  A,  religious  woman,  martyr  at Rome  under  Julian,  commemorated  January  4 {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.).  [C] BENEDICTINE  RULE  AND  ORDER, founded  by  St.  Benedictus  of  Nursia,  born  a.d. 480,  and  died  probably  542.  [See  Diet,  of  Chr. Biogr.  s.  v.']  Even  before  the  institution  of  the Benedictine  Rule,  monasticism  was  widely  esta- blished in  Southern  and  Western  Europe,  and was  instrumental  in  spreading  Christianity  among the  hordes  which  overran  the  prostrate  Roman Empire.  But  there  was  as  yet  neither  uni- formity nor  permanency  of  rule  (Mab.  Act. 0.  S.  B.  Praef.).  In  the  words  of  Cassian,  which seem  to  apply  to  Occidental  as  well  as  Oriental monachism,  there  were  as  many  rules  as  there were  monasteries  {lustit.  ii.  2).  In  Italy,  always easily  accessible  to  Greek  influences,  the  Rule  of Basil,  which  had  been  translated  into  Latin  by Ruffinus  (Praef.  Reg.  Bas.),  was  the  favourite ; in  Southern  Gaul,  and  in  Spain,  that  of  Cassian, or  rather  of  Macarius ;  and  as  the  Rule  of  Bene- dict worked  its  way  into  the  North-west  of Europe,  it  was  confronted  by  the  rival  system  of Columbanus  (Pellic.  Bolit.  Ecc.  Chr.  1.  iii.  1,  §  4 ; •  So  spelt  in  the  Ambrosian  books. Mab.  Ann.  Praef.).  Like  Aaron's  rod,  in  the quaint  language  of  the  Middle  Ages,  it  soon  swal- lowed up  the  other  rules.  But,  in  fact,  there was  often  a  great  diversity  of  practice,  even among  those  professing  to  follow  the  same  Rule, often  a  medley  of  difterent  rules  within  the  same walls  (Mab.  Ann.  Praef.),  and  a  succession  of  new rules  iu  successive  years  (Mab.  Ann,  i.  29).  The Columbanists,  for  iLstance,  were  not,  strictly speaking,  a  separate  order  (Mab.  Ann.  Praef.). The  Benedictines  may  fairly  be  regarded  as  the first  in  order  of  time,  as  well  as  in  importance, of  the  monastic  orders. The  Benedictine  Rule  gave  stability  to  what had  hitherto  been  fluctuating  and  incoherent (Mab.  Ann.  Praef.).  The  hermit-life  had  been essentially  individualistic,  and  the  monastic  com- munities of  Egypt  and  the  East  had  been  an  aggre- gation, on  however  large  a  scale,  of  units,  rather than  a  compact  and  living  organization,  as  of "  manjr  members  in  one  body."  Benedict  seems to  have  felt  keenly  the  need  of  a  firm  hand  to control  and  regulate  the  manifold  impulses,  of  one sort  and  another,  which  moved  men  to  retire from  the  world.  Apparently  there  was  a  good deal  of  laxity  and  disorder  among  the  monks  of his  day.  He  is  very  severe  against  the  petty fraternities  of  the  Sarabaitae,  monks  dwellins two  or  three  together  in  a  "  cell,"  or  small monastery,  without  any  one  at  their  head,  and still  more  against  the  "  Gyrovagi "  monks,  who led  a  desultory  and  unruly  life,  roving  from  one monastery  to  another.  Unlike  his  Eastern  pre- decessors, who  looked  up  to  utter  solitude  as  the summit  of  earthly  excellence,  Benedict,  as  if  in later  life  regretting  the  excessive  austerities  of his  youth,  makes  no  mention  at  all  of  either hermits  or  anchorites  {Prol.  Reg.  S.  B.).  Any- thing like  anarchy  offended  his  sense  of  order and  congruity  ;  and,  with  his  love  of  organizing, he  was  the  man  to  supply  what  he  felt  to  be wanting. Accordingly,  in  Benedict's  system  the  vow  of self-addiction  to  the  monastery  became  more stringent,  and  its  obligation  more  lasting. Hitherto,  it  had  been  rather  the  expression  of  a resolution  or  of  a  purpose,  than  a  solemn  vow  of perpetual  persevei-ance  (Aug.  Ep.  ad  Mon.  109, p.  587  ;  Aug.  Rett.  c.  Jovinian.  ii.  22  ;  Hieron. Ep.  48;  Cass.  Inst.  x.  23).  But  by  the  Rule (c.  58)  the  vow  was  to  be  made  with  all  possible solemnity,  in  the  chapel,  before  the  relics  in  the ihrine,  with  the  abbat  and  all  the  brethren  stand- ing by  ;  and  once  made  it  was  to  be  irrevocable — "Vestigia  nulla  retrorsum."  The  postulant  for admission  into  the  monastery  had  to  deposit  the memorial  of  his  compact  on  the  altar :  and  from that  day  to  retrace  his  steps  was  morally  impos- sible. The  Rule  contemplates  indeed  the  possi- bility of  a  monk  retrograding  from  his  promise, and  re-entering  the  world  which  he  had  re- nounced, but  only  as  an  act  of  apostasy, committed  at  the  instigation  of  the  devil  (c.  58). Previously,  if  a  monk  married,  he  was  censured and  sentenced  to  a  penance  (Basil.  Respons.  30 ; Leo,  Ep.  90,  ad  Rustic,  c.  12;  Epiphan.  Ilier. Ixi.  7;  Hieron.  Ep.  ad  Dem.  97  (8);  Aug.  de Bon.  Vid.  c.  10;  Gelas.  Ep.  5,  ad  Episc.  Lu:an. ap.  Grat.  Onus,  xxvii. ;  Quaest.  i.  c.  14 ;  Cone. Aurcl.  I.  c.  23) ;  but  the  marriage  was  not annulled  as  invalid.  After  the  promulgation  of the   Rule,  far    heavier   penalties   were   enacted. 188 BENEDICTINE  RULE  AND  ORDEB The  monk,  who  had  broken  his  vow  by  marrying, was  to  be  excommunicated,  was  to  be  compelled to  separate  from  his  wife,  and  might  be  forcibly reclaimed  by  his  monastery  :  if  a  priest,  he  was to  be  degraded  (Greg.  M.  Ep.  i.  33,  40,  vii.  9, xii.  20,  ap.  Grat.  xxvii. ;  Qu.  i.  c.  15;  Com. Turon.  II.  c.  15).  These  severities  were  no  part of  Benedict's  comparatively  mild  and  lenient code ;  but  they  testify  to  his  having  intro- duced a  much  stricter  estimation  of  the  monastic vow. At  the  same  time,  as  with  a  view  to  guard against  this  danger  of  relapse,  Benedict  wisely surrounded  admission  into  his  order  with  diffi- culties. He  provided  a  year's  noviciate,  which was  prolonged  to  two  years  in  the  nest  cen- tury (Greg.  M.  Ep.  x.  24) ;  and  thrice,  at certain  intervals,  during  this  year  of  probation, the  novice  was  to  have  the  Rule  read  over  to him,  that  he  might  weigh  well  what  he  was undertaking,  and  that  his  assent  might  be  deli- berate and  unwavering  (c.  58).  The  written petition  for  admission  was  required  invariably (c.  58).  None  were  to  be  received  from  other monasteries,  without  letters  commendatory  from their  abbat  (c.  61);  nor  children  without  the consent  of  parents  or  guardians,  nor  unless  for- mally disinherited  (c.  59).  Eighteen  years  of age  was  subsequently  fixed  as  the  earliest  age for  self-dedication.  The  gates  of  the  monastery moved  as  slowly  on  their  hinges  at  the  knock  of postulants  for  admission,  as  they  were  inexorably closed  upon  him  when  once  within  the  walls (cf.  Fleury,  Hist.  Ecc.  xxxv.  19 — note  by  Bened. Editor  ;  Aug.  Vindel.  1768). Benedict  had  evidently  the  same  object  before his  eyes,  the  consolidation  of  the  fabric  which  he was  erecting,  in  the  form  of  government  which he  devised  for  his  order.  This  was  a  monarchy, and  one  nearer  to  despotism  than  to  what  is called  a  "constitutional  monarchy."  Poverty, humility,  chastity,  temperance,  all  these  had  been essential  elements  in  the  monastic  life  from  the first.  Benedict,  although  he  did  not  introduce the  principle  of  obedience,  made  it  more  precise and  more  implicit  (cc.  2,  3,  27,  64 ;  cf.  Mab.  Ann. iii.  8) ;  stereotyped  it  by  regulations  extending even  to  the  demeanour  and  deportment  due  from the  younger  to  the  eider  (cc.  7,  63) ;  and  ci'owned the  edifice  with  an  abbat,  irresponsible  to  his subjects.  Strict  obedience  was  exacted  from  the younger  monks,  towards  all  their  superiors  in the  monastery  (cc.  68-71);  but  the  abbat  was to  be  absolute  over  all  (c.  3).  He  alone  is  called Dominus  in  the  Rule ;  though  the  word  in  its later  form,  Domnus,  became  common  to  all  Bene- dictines (c.  63).  The  monks  had  the  right  of electing  him,  without  regard  to  seniority.  Sup- posing a  flagrantly  scandalous  election  to  be made,  the  bishop  of  the  diocese,  or  the  neigh- bouring abbats,  or  even  the  "  Christians  of  the neighbourhood,"  might  interfere  to  have  it  can- celled;  but  once  duly  elected  his  will  was to  be  supreme  (c.  64).  He  was  indeed  to convoke  a  council  of  the  brethren,  when  neces- sary :  on  any  important  occasions,  of  them  all ; otherwise,  only  of  the  seniors  :  but  in  every  case the  final  and  irrevocable  decision,  from  which there  was  no  appeal,  rested  with  him  (c.  3).  He was  to  have  the  appointment  of  the  prior,  or l>rovost  (c.  65;  cf.  Greg.  l[.  Ep.  vii.  10),  and  of the  decani   or   deans,  as  well    as  the  power  of deposing  them  (c.  21),"  the  prior  after  four,  the deans  after  three  warnings  (c.  65).  Benedict was  evidently  disti-ustful  of  any  collision  of authority,  or  want  of  perfect  harmony,  between the  abbat  and  his  prior ;  and  preferred  deans,  as more  completely  subordinate  (c.  65) ;  for,  while the  abbat  held  his  office  for  life,  the  deans  as well  as  all  the  other  officers  of  the  monastery, except  the  prior,  held  theirs  for  only  a  certain time  (cc.  21,  31,  32).  Even  the  cellerarius,  or cellarius,  the  steward,  who  ranked  next  to  the abbat  in  secular  things,  as  the  prior  in  things spiritual,  was  to  be  appointed  for  one,  four,  or ten  years ;  the  tool-keepers,  robe-keepers,  &c., only  for  one.  The  abbat  was  armed  with  power to  enforce  his  authority  on  the  recalcitrant,  after two  admonitions  in  private  and  one  in  public, by  the  "  lesser  excommunication,"  or  banishment from  the  common  table  and  from  officiating  in the  chapel  ;  by  the  "  greater  excommunication," or  deprivation  of  the  rites  of  the  Church  ;  by  flog- ging, by  imprisonment,  and  other  bodily  penances (cc.  2,  23-29 ;  cf.  Mart,  de  Ant.  Hon.  Hit.  ii.  11) in  case  of  hardened  ofli'enders  ;  and,  as  an  extreme penalty,  by  expulsion  from  the  society.  Bene- dict, however,  with  characteristic  clemency, expressly  cautions  the  abbat  to  deal  tenderly with  offenders  (c.  27) ;  allowing  readmission  for penitents  into  the  monastery,  even  after  relapses ; and,  as  though  aware  how  much  he  is  entrusting to  the  abbat's  discretion,  begins,  and  almost  ends, his  Rule  with  grave  and  earnest  cautions  against abusing  his  authority. Benedict's  constitution  was  no  mere  democracy, under  the  abbat.  All  ranks  and  conditions  of  men were  indeed  freely  admitted,  from  the  highest to  the  lowest,!*  and  on  equal  terms  (c.  51 ;  cf.  Aug. de  Op.  Mon.  22) :  within  the  monastery  all  the distinctions  of  their  previous  life  vanished  ;  the serf  and  the  noble  stood  there  side  by  side  (c.  2). Thus  even  a  priest,  whose  claims  to  precedence, being  of  a  spiritual  nature,  might  have  been supposed  to  stand  on  a  different  footing,  had  to take  his  place  simply  by  order  of  seniority  among the  brethren  (c.  60),  though  he  might  be  allowed by  the  abbat  to  take  a  higher  place  in  the  chapel (c.  62),  and  might,  as  the  lay-brothers,  be  pro- moted by  him  above  seniors  in  standing  (c.  63 ; cf.  Fleury,  Hist.  Ecc.  xxxii.  15).  Similarly,  a monk  from  another  monastery  was  to  have  no especial  privileges  (c.  61).  But,  with  all  this levelling  of  distinctions  belonging  to  the  world without,  the  gradations  of  rank  for  the  monks as  monks  were  clearly  defined.  Every  brother had  his  place  assigned  him  in  the  monastic hierarchy.  Such  offices  as  those  of  the  hebdo- madarius  or  weekl}'  cook,  of  the  lector  or  reader- aloud  in  the  refectory,  were  to  be  held  by  each in  turn,  unless  by  special  exemption  (cc.  35,  38), and  the  younger  monks  were  enjoined  to  address^ the  elder  as  "nonni,"  or  fathers,  in  token  of affectionate  reverence  (c.  63).  Benedict  seems to  have  had  an  equal  dread  of  tyranny  and of  insubordination. Indeed,  the  strict  obedience  exacted  by  the Rule  is  tempered  throughout  by  an  elasticity, and  considerateness,  which  contrast  strongly with  the  inflexible  rigour  of  similar  institutions. »  V.  Martene,  note  in  Beg,  Comm.  ad  loo. ;  cf.  Cone. Mogunt.  c.  11. b  The  restrictions  and  limitations  in  Marteno's  Beg. Covim.  are  not  m  the  Kule. BENEDICTINE  RULE  AND  ORDER 189 Like  the  Evangelic  Sermon  on  the  Mount,  which ho  makes  his  model  (Pro/.  Reg. ;  cf.  c.  4),  Benedict riften  lays  down  a  principle,  without  shaping  it into  details.  Thus  he  enjoins  silence,  as  a  whole- some discipline,  without  prescribing  the  times  and ]ii:ices  for  it,  beyond  specifying  the  refectory  and the  dormitory  (c.  6).  Like  Lycurgus,  he  wishes to  bequeath  to  his  followers  a  law  which  shall liever  be  broken  (c.  G4) ;  and  yet,  in  the  closing words  of  his  Rule,  he  reminds  them  that  the Uiile,  after  all,  is  imperfect  in  itself  (c.  73). More  than  once  he  seems  to  anticipate  the  day w  iieu  his  order  shall  have  assumed  larger  dimen- sions, and  provides  for  monasteries  on  a  grander siale  than  existed  when  he  was  writing  his  Rule (rr.  31,  32,  53).  Thus,  about  dress,  as  if  fore- s.M.'ing  the  varying  requirements  of  various  climes, lie  leaves  a  discretionary  power  to  the  abbat, allirming  merely  the  unvarying  principle  that it  is  to  be  cheap  and  homely  (c.  .55) ;  and  that there  are  to  be  two  dresses,  the  "  scapulare,"  or sort  of  cape,  for  field-work,  and  the  "  cucullus," or  hood,  for  study  and  prayer  (cf.  Fleury,  Hist. J.'rc.  xxxii.  16).  The  colour  of  the  tunic  or  toga, liring  left  undetermined  by  the  founder,  has varied  at  different  times :  till  the  8th  century it  was  usually  white  (Mab.  Ann.  iii.).  Nor  is there  any  Procrustean  stillness  in  the  directions about  diet.  Temperance,  in  the  strictest  sense, is  laid  down  as  the  principle  :  but  the  abbat may  relax  the  ordinary  rules  of  quantity  and quality  (c.  40) ;  more  food  is  ordered  whenever there  is  more  work  to  be  done  (c.  39);  baths and  meat  are  not  allowed  merely,  but  enjoined for  the  sick  (c.  36),  for  the  young  or  aged (c.  37),  as  well  as  for  guests  who  may  chance  to be  lodging  in  the  monastery  (c.  42) ;  and  even wine,  forbidden  by  Eastern  Asiatics,  is  allowed, sparingly,  by  Benedict,  as  if  in  concession  to  the national  propensities  imported  into  Italy  by  the barbarians,  and  to  the  colder  climate  of  Northern Europe  (c.  40).  Even  those  minuter  rules,  in which  Benedict  evinces  his  love  of  order,  pro- portion, and  clocklike  regularity,  and  which show  that  Benedict,  like  Wesley,  wished  to direct  everytliing,  originate  almost  always  in a  wise  and  tender  consideration  for  human !  weaknesses.  The  day  is  mapped  out  in  its  round I  of  duties,  so  that  no  unoccupied  moments  may invite  temptation  (c.  48),  but  the  hours  allotted for  work,  prayer,  or  rest,  vary  with  the  seasons. Benedict  seems  to  take  especial  delight  in arranging  how  the  Psalter  is  to  be  read  through, ordering  certain  Psalms  on  certain  holy  days  ; but  he  leaves  it  open  to  his  followers  to  make  a better  distribution  if  they  can  (cc.  15,  18).  The first  Psalm  is  to  be  recited  slowly ;  but  this  is  to give  the  brethren  time  to  assemble  in  their oratory.  The  monk  who  serves  as  cook  is, during  his  week  of  office,  to  take  his  meals  before the  rest  (c.  35);  the  cellarer,  or  steward,  is  to have  fixed  hours  for  attending  to  the  wants  of the  brethren,  that  there  may  be  no  vexation  or disappointment  (c.  31);  a  list  is  to  be  kept  by the  abbat  of  all  the  tools  and  dresses  belonging j  to  the  monastery,  lest  there  may  be  any  con- i  fusion  (c.  32) ;  the  monks  are  to  sleep  only  ten I  or  twelve  in  the  same  dormitory,  with  curtains j  between  the  beds,  and  under  the  charge  of  a j  dvan,  for  the  sake  of  order  and  propriety  (c.  22)  ; the  Historical  Books  of  the  Old  Testament  were not  to  be  read  the  last  thing  before  going  to  bed, i 1 as  unedifying  to  weak  brethren  (c.  42) ;  and,  last and  least,  no  monk  is  to  take  the  knife,  which was  part  of  his  monastic  equipment,  with  him  to bed,  lest  he  should  hurt  himself  in  his  sleep (c.  22).  But  it  is,  above  all,  in  its  treatment of  weaker  bi-ethren  (the  "  infirmi "  or  "  pusil- lanimi  "),  that  the  Rule  breathes  a  mildness,  and what  Aristotle  would  call  "  iin^tKeia,"  rnre indeed  in  those  days.  The  abbat  is  to  "  love the  offender,  even  while  hating  the  offence ;" he  is  to  "  beware  lest  he  bi-eak  the  vessel  in scouring  it ;"  he  is  to  let  "  mercy  prevail  over justice  "  (c.  64).  A  whole  chapter  (c.  43)  is devoted  to  meting  out  the  degrees  of  correction for  monks  coming  late  to  chapel  or  refectory; and,  in  this  unlike  Wesley,  Benedict  expressly discourages  the  public  confession  of  secret  faults, a  practice  inevitably  tending  to  unreality  and irreverence  (c.  46),  as  well  as  loud  and  demon- strative private  prayer  in  the  chapel  (c.  52). There  is  something  peculiarly  characteristic  of Benedict's  gentle  and  courteous  spirit  in  his  oft- repeated  cautions  against  murmuring  on  the  one hand  (cc.  31,  40,  41,  53),  and,  on  the  other, against  anything  like  scurrility  (cc.  43,  49,  &c.). Compared  with  Eastern  Rules,  the  Benedic- tine Rule  is  an  easy  yoke  (Sev.  Sulp.  Vit.  S. Martini,  i.  7  ;  Cass.  Instit.  i.  11) ;  and  this may  be  attributed  partly  to  the  more  prac- tical temperament  of  the  West,  partly  to  the exigencies  of  European  climates,  partly,  too,  to the  personal  character  of  the  lawgiver  (cc.  39. 40,  46,  &c.).  Taking  the  passage  in  the  Psalms. "  Seven  times  a  day  will  I  praise  Thee,"  and another,  "  At  midnight  I  will  rise  to  give thanks  unto  Thee,"  as  his  mottoes,  he  portioned out  day  and  night  into  an  almost  unceasing round  of  prayer  and  praise  (c.  16).  But  whereas his  predecessors  had  ordered  the  whole  of  the Psalter  to  be  recited  daily,  Benedict,  thougn with  a  sigh  of  regret  for  the  degeneracy  of  his age,  was  content  that  it  should  be  gone  through in  the  week  (c.  18).  There  is  a  curious  direc- tion, too  (c.  20),  against  lengthy  private  devo- tions, especially  in  chapel  after  service.  In harvest  time,  or  if  they  were  far  from  home,  the monks  were  to  say  their  devotions  in  the  field,  to save  the  time  and  trouble  of  returning  to  the monastery  (c.  50 ;  cf.  Mab.  Ann.  iii.  8).  What- ever ascetic  austerities  were  introduced  at  a later  date  into  some  of  the  reformed  Benedictine orders,  we  find  no  trace  at  all  in  the  original Rule  of  those  ingenious  varieties  of  self-torture which  had  been  so  common  in  Egypt  and  Syria. Benedict  shows  no  love  of  self-mortification  for its  own  sake  ;  and,  while  prizing  it  in  moderation as  a  discipline,  makes  it  subservient  to  other practical  purposes.  Thus  he  orders  some  more suitable  occupation  to  be  allotted  to  such  of  the brethren  as  may  be  incapacitated  in  any  way from  hard  work  out  of  doors  (c.  48).  The  diet allowed  by  the  Benedictine  Rule  would  have seemed  luxurious  to  the  monks  of  the  East (c.  39,  &c.). But  the  great  distinction  of  Benedict's  Rule was  the  substitution  of  study  for  the  compara- tive uselessness  of  mere  manual  labour.  Not  tliat his  monks  were  to  be  less  laborious ;  rather  they were  to  spend  more  time  in  work  ;  but  their  work was  to  be  less  servile,  of  the  head  as  well  as  of the  hand,  beneficial  to  future  ages,  not  merely furnishing  sustenance  for  the  bodily  wants  of  the 190 BENEDICTINE  RULE  AND  ORDER community,  or  for  almsgiving  (cc.  38,  43  :  cf. Cass.  Instit.  X.  23  ;  Hier.  Ep.  ad  Eustoch.  18,  22). ,As  if  conscious  of  his  innovation  Benedict  seems to  restrict  the  word  "labor,"  as  heretofore,  to manual  occupations ;  to  these  he  still  devoted the  larger  part  of  the  day:  and  his  range  of literature  is  a  na-i'ow  one,  specifying  by  name only  the  Holy  Scriptures  and  the  writings of  the  Fathers  (cc.  9,  48).  But,  by  reserving some  portion  for  study,  he  implanted  the  princi- ple, which  afterwards  bore  so  glorious  fruits  in the  history  of  his  order,  that  liberal  arts  and sciences  were  to  be  for  them  not  permitted merely,  but  sanctioned  and  encouraged  (c.  48). It  is  a  question  how  far  Benedict  is  indebted  for this  to  Cassiodorus,  his  contemporary,  wrong- fully claimed  by  some  zealous  Benedictines  as one  of  their  order  (Mign.  Patrol.  Ixix.  483). But  the  "  Vivarium  "  which  Cassiodorus  founded in  Calabria  seems  to  have  been  more  like  an university,  or  eren  the  intellectual  and  artistic t'ourt  over  which  Frederick  II.  presided  in  that part  of  Italy  during  the  13th  century,  more genial  in  its  tone  and  wider  in  its  range  of studies  (Cassiod.  de  Instit.  Div.  Litt,  cc.  28, 30,  31).  Probably  Benedict  and  his  more  secular contemporary  were  both  alike  aft'ected  by  the same  impulses,  inherited  from  the  dying  litera- ture of  Imperial  Rome. A  monk's  day,  according  to  the  Rule,  was  an alternation  of  work,  manual  or  mental,  and prayer,  in  the  words  of  the  Rule  of  the  "  opus  Dei or  divinum  officium  "  and  "  labor  et  lectio,"  with the  short  intervals  necessary  for  food  and  rest (cf.  Mab.  Ann.  iii.  8;  Fleury,  Hist.  Ecc.  xxxii.  15 et  seq.).  In  winter  the  middle  of  the  day,  and in  summer  the  morning  and  evening,  were  for manual  labour ;  for  study  the  heat  of  the  day  in summer,  and  the  dusk  and  darkness  of  morning and  evening  in  the  short  days  of  winter  (cc. 8,  48).  After  the  midday  meal  in  summer,  the monk  might  take  his  siesta,  or  a  book  (c.  48). The  seven  hours  for  divine  service  were  those called  "canonical;"  and  the  services  were — ma- tins (afterwards  called  lauds)  at  sunrise  (in summer),  prime,  tierce,  sext,  nones,  vespers, compline,  separated  each  from  each  by  three hours,  as  well  as  a  midnight  service,  which  was to  be  held  a  little  before  the  matins,  called  in the  Rule  "  nocturnae  vigiliae"  (c.  16).  On  Sun- days the  monk  was  to  rise  earlier  and  have longer  "vigiliae"  (c.  11),  and  was  to  substitute reading  for  manual  work  (c.  48).  Each  ser- vice was  to  include  a  certain  number  of  Psalms, often  selected  with  especial  reference  to  the time  of  day,  as  the  third  for  nocturns,  of  Can- ticles, and  of  lections,  or  readings  from  Holy Scripture  or  the  Fathers  (c.  8,  &c.).  On  Sun- days and  holy  days  all  the  brethren  were  to receive  the  Holy  Communion  (c.  25).  The  pre- cise times  for  the  several  avocations  of  the monastic  day  were  to  vary  with  the  four  seasons, both  of  the  natural  and  of  the  Christian  year (c.  8,  &c.).  The  work  or  the  book  for  the  time was  to  be  assigned  to  each  at  the  discretion  of the  abbat  (c.  48).  The  evening  meal  was  to  be taken  all  the  year  round  before  dark  (c.  41). As  the  monk  had  to  rise  betimes,  so  his  thought- ful legislator  would  have  him  retire  early  to rest. Chapters  1-7  in  the  Rule  are  on  the  monastic character  generally — obedience,  humility,  &c. ; 8-20  on  divine  service;  21-30  on  deans  and  the correction  of  offenders ;  31—41  on  the  cellarer and  his  department,  especially  the  refectory;  42- 52  are  chiefly  on  points  relating  either  to  the oratory  or  to  labour:  the  remaining  twenty- one  rules  hardly  admit  of  classification,  being miscellaneous  and  supplementary  to  those  pre- ceding. On  the  whole,  the  Benedictine  Rule,  as  a  Rule for  Monks,  must  be  pronounced,  by  all  who  view it  dispassionately,  well  worthy  of  the  high  praise which  it  has  received,  not  from  monks  only,  but from  statesmen  and  others.  "  First  and  fore- most in  discretion,  and  clear  in  style,"  is  the appropriate  comment  on  it  of  Gregory  the  Great (Dial.  ii.  36).  In  the  7th  century  the  observance of  it  was  enjoined  on  all  monks,  by  the  Council of  Augustodunum  (c.  15),  and  by  Lewis  the  Pious {Exh.  adEigil.  Abb.  Fuld.  ap.  Migne,  Praef.  Meg.). It  is  commonly  entitled  in  councils  "the  holy Rule"  (Migne,  Praef.  Peg.);  and  by  one  held  in the  9th  century  it  is  directly  attributed  to  the inspiration  of  the  Holy  Spirit  (Cone.  Duziac.  ii.). By  one  writer  it  is  contrasted  with  previous rules  as  the  teaching  of  Christ  with  that  of Moses  (Gaufr.-Abb.  Vindocin.  Sermo  de  S.  B.  ap. Migne,  Praef.  Peg.).  It  was  a  favourite  alike with  Thomas  Aquinas,  as  a  manual  of  morality, and  with  the  politic  Cosmo  de'  Medici,  as  a manual  for  rulers  (Alb.  Butler,  Lives  of  the  Saints, s.  voce;  cf  Gue'ranger,  Enchirid.  Bened.  Praef.). Granted  the  very  questionable  position,  that  the life  of  a  monk,  with  its.  abdication  of  social  and domestic  duties,  is  laudable,  Benedict's  conception of  that  life,  in  principle  and  in  detail,  is  almost unexceptionable.  His  monks  are  indeed  treated throughout  as  simply  children  of  an  older  growth  : they  may  not  even  walk  abroad  (c.  67) ;  nor,  if sent  outside  the  precincts,  may  they  stop  any- where to  eat,  without  the  abbat's  leave  (c.  51) ; nor  may  they  even  receive  letters  from  home  (c. 51).  The  prescribed  washing  of  strangers'  feet (c.  53),  and  the  very  strict  prohibition  against  a monk  having  anything,  however  trifling,  of  any sort  to  call  his  own,  are  all  part  of  this  extension into  maturer  years  of  a  discipline  proper  for  chil- dren. But,  if  treated  as  children,  the  followers of  Benedict  were  at  any  rate  under  a  wise  and sympathising  Master ;  and  the  school  where  they were  to  be  trained  in  humility  and  obedience  was not  one  of  needless  and  vexatious  mortifications. Order,  proportion,  regularity,  these  are  the characteristics  of  the  Rule;  with  an  especial tenderness  for  the  "weaker  brethren."  As  in all  monastic  institutions,  self-love  seems  to force  its  way  through  all  the  barriers  heaped around  it ;  tinging  even  the  holiest  actions  with a  mercenariness  of  intention  {Prol.  &c.  &c.). Thus  the  motive  proposed  for  waiting  sedulously on  the  sick  is  the  reward  which  may  be  won  by so  doing  (c.  37).  But  the  Rule  appeals  also, though  less  expressly,  to  higher  motives  than  the fear  of  punishment  or  the  hope  of  recompense- to  the  love  of  God  and  of  man  (e.  g.  P/  oL).  It cannot  be  said  of  Benedict's  Rule,  as  of  solitary asceticism,  that  self  is  the  circumference  as  well as  the  centre  of  the  circle.  The  relations  of  the brethren  to  their  father,  and  to  one  another, tend,  in  the  Rule,  to  check  that  isolation  of  the heart  from  human  sympathies  which  is  the  bane of  monasticism.  If  there  is  a  disregard  of  the claims  of  the  outer  world,  at  all  events  some- BENEDICTINE  RULE  AND  ORDEE 191 tliiivj;  like  the  ties  of  family  is  duly  recognised within  tlie  order,  hallowing  even  the  trivial  de- tails of  daily  life.  The  monastery  is  the  "  House 01  I  ;,id ;"  and  even  its  commonest  utensils  are ■■  ii.ilv  things"  (c.  31).  Benedict  disclaims  for man  either  any  merit  in  keeping  the  divine  law, 01-  any  power  to  do  so  without  help  from  heaven O-roL). In  style  the  Rule  is  clear  and  concise ;  largely interspersed  with  apposite  quotations  from  the Scri]>tures,  especially  the  Psalms.  But  its  La- tiuity  is  very  uuclassical,  not  only  in  syntax,  but in  single  words  (e.  g.  odire  for  odisse,  c.  4 ;  solatium, fur  "helper,"  cc.  31,  35;  ti/jMS  for  "  arrogance  " or  '•  circumlocution,"  c.  31).  In  this  respect  the Eule  contrasts  unfovourably  with  Cassian's  com- pr.ratively  accurate  and  polished  style.  The text  may  have  been  corrupted;  but  there  seems to  have  been  a  serious  deterioration  in  Latin literature  during  the  5th  century. With  the  lapse  of  time,  the  right  meaning  of many  passages  in  the  Rule  gave  rise  to  violent controversies.  Its  very  brevity  and  conciseness were  themselves  the  occasion  of  an  uncertainty, frequently  enhanced  by  the  changes  of  meaning which  the  same  word  often  undergoes  in  succes- sive periods.  Whether  such  phrases  as  "  Com- manio"  and  "Missa"  are  to  be  taken  in  their more  technical  and  ritualistic  sense,  or  merely for  "  charity  "  and  the  "  termination  of  divine service ;"  whether  "  excommunicatio  "  means  the greater  or  the  lesser  sentence  of  deprivation  (cc. 24,  25) ;  whether  "  clerici "  (c.  62)  means  dea- cons only,  or  pinests  as  well ;  all  these  have  been questions  with  commentators  and  reformers. "Matutini"  in  the  Rule  is  said  to  correspond with  the  service  afterwai-ds  known  as  "  Laudes  ;" and  "Laudes"  in  the  Rule  to  mean  the  thi-ee last  Psalms,  all  commencing  "  Laudate  "  (Fleury, Bist.  Ecc.  xxxii.  15).  "Prior"  seems  in  one place  (c.  63),  where  the  younger  brethren  are ordered  to  salute  the  "  priores,"  to  mean  merely older,  at  least  in  precedence ;  while  in  another place  (c.  68),  which  treats  of  obedience,  it  seems to  mean  those  in  office.  There  is  some  ambi- guity about  the  several  articles  of  dress  pre- scribed (c.  55);  and  still  more  about  the  diet. "  Mixtum  "  (c.  38)  is  supposed  by  some  to  mean "  wine  and  water,"  by  others  "  wine  and  bread  ;" and  it  is  a  vexed  question,  whether  eggs  and  fish, birds  and  fowls,  as  well  as  "pulse,"  are  included in  the  word  "  pulmentum  "  (Mart.  Coram,  in  Reg. cc,  38,  55;  Mab.  Ann.  i.  53,  xiii.  2,  xiv.  46).  The enactment  that  "  even  a  small  part  "  of  the  bre- thren may  elect  the  abbat  is  variously  explained, as  meaning  either  a  minority,  in  certain  cir- cumstances, or,  more  probably,  "a  majority  how- ever small "  (^Comm.  in  Reg.  c.  64)  ;  and  another provision  in  the  next  chapter,  that  "a  council of  the  brethren "  is  to  take  part  in  electing  the prior,  is  vague  both  as  to  the  size  of  the  council and  the  extent  of  its  powers  (c.  65).  A  distinction familiar  to  Roman  Catholic  casuists  has  been drawn  by  some  commentators  between  the  "  pre- cepts "  and  "  counsels  "  in  the  opening  words  of the  Prologue  to  the  Rule ;  and,  however  that may  be,  the  opinion  has  prevailed  that  the  spirit rather  than  the  letter  of  the  Rule  is  to  be  ob- served, and  that  it  is  not  strictly  obligatory  in  its lesser  details  (note  by  Ed.  on  Fleury,  Hist.  Ecc. xxxii.  12,  Aug.  Vindel.  1768  :  cf.  Bern,  de  Praec. et  Dispens.,  Patrol,  clxxii. ;  Petr.  Clun.  Epp.  i.  28, iv.  17,  Patrol,  clxxxix. ;  Hospin.  de  Monachatu,  pp. 132-134).  But  the  hottest  dispute  has  been  on the  permissibility  of  secular  studies  for  the  bre- thren. In  the  17th  century  Mabillon  and  others argued  against  their  Trappist  opponents,  that, though  not  mentioned  expi-essly,  these  studies are  implied  and  involved  in  the  Rule ;  that  as the  order  in  time  came  to  consist  more  and more  largely  of  students,  and  as  Latin  became  to them  a  dead  language,  instead  of  being  one  with which  they  were  habitually  familiar,  such  pur- suits became  for  them  an  absolute  necessity (Mab.  Breve Scrij)t.  deMm.  Stud.  Eat.;  cf.  Mait- land's  Dark  Ages,  158-171). The  Rule  of  I3enedict  soon  reigned  alone  in Europe,  absorbing  into  itself  the  Rule  of  Colum- banus,  which  had  been  dominant  in  Western Europe  (Mab.  Ann.  Praef  i.  13,  v.  11).  In  Italy it  was  accepted  generally,  before  the  close  of  the century  in  which  Benedict  died  (Joan.  Diac. Vita  Greg.  M.  iv.  80).  It  was  probably  intro- duced into  Gaul  during  his  lifetime  by  his disciple  Maurus,  from  whom  the  famous  monas- tery of  St.  Maur  claims  its  name  ;  and  there  it  soon made  its  way,  its  comparative  elasticity  pre- vailing over  the  rigidity  of  the  rival  system. Thus  Faremoutier  transferred  itself  from  the Columban  Rule  to  that  of  Benedict  (A.  Butler, Lives  of  the  Saints  s.  S.  Fara).  The  Council  of Aachen  in  788  A.D.  ordered  the  Benedictine  to be  observed,  and  no  other,  in  the  Empire  of Karl  and  his  son  {Cone.  Aqtiisgran. ;  cf.  Cone. Aiigustod.  c.  15).  It  won  Germany  early  in  the 9th  century  {Cone.  Mogunt.  c.  11  ;  cf.  Pertz Legg.  I.  166,  c.  11),  and  Spain  in  the  next  cen- tury (Mab.  Ann.  Praef.  iv.  saec).  It  is  a  question at  what  date  it  was  introduced  into  England ; whether  by  Benedict  Biscop,  by  Wilfrid  (Ling. Ang.-Sax.  Church,  ch.  5),  or,  as  Mabillon  and other  learned  writers  have  asserted  (see  in  A. Butler's  Lives  of  the  Saints,  under  Benedict),  by Augustine,  importing  it  from  the  monastery  of S.  Andrea  on  the  Caelian  hill,  under  the  auspices of  Gregory.  A  lax  Rule  probably  prevailed  till the  time  of  Dunstan  (see  Marsham's  Praef. to  Dugd.  Monastic.  Anglic. ;  cf.  Cone.  Clovesh. 747  A.D.).  [v.  Benedictus,  in  Diet.  Chr.  Biog.'] In  the  10th  century  the  Benedictine  Rule  held almost  universal  sway  in  Europe  (Pellic.  Polit. Ecc.  Chr.  I.  iii.  1,  §  4),  and  wherever  it  pene- trated, it  was  the  pioneer  not  of  Christianity only,  but  of  civilization  and  of  all  humanizing influences.  For  their  labours  in  clearing  forests and  draining  swamps,  in  setting  an  example  of good  husbandry  generally,  as  well  as  for  having fostered  what  little  there  was  of  leai-niug  and refinement  in  that  troublous  and  dreary  period, a  debt  of  gratitude  is  due  to  them,  which  cannot easily  be  overrated. For  more  than  three  centuries  after  its  insti- tution one  Rule  sufficed  for  the  Benedictine order  generally.  Between  the  9th  and  15th centuries,  as  the  order  extended  itself  more widely,  and  as  reformers,  ardent  against  abuses, arose  here  and  there  in  its  ranks,  various  "  con- stitutions "  were  engrafted  on  the  original  Rule. For  so  early  as  in  the  8th  century  there  were symptoms  of  decay.  The  rich  endowments granted  by  kings  and  nobles  had  brought  with them,  as  was  inevitable,  the  seeds  of  luxurv  and self-indulgence,  and  the  very  popularity  of  the "  religious  "  life  often  gave  occasion  to  unreality 192 BENEDICTINE  RULE  AND  ORDER in  professing  it.  Thus,  as  for  instance  in  England, when  it  had  become  the  fashion  for  kings  and queens  to  quit  their  palaces  for  a  monastery, and  to  lavish  their  treasures  on  it  (Bed.  Ecc. Hist.  iii.  19,  23,  24;  Ling.  A.-S.  C.  i.  211,  214), this  fatal  munificence  served  to  attract,  in  the course  of  years,  oppressive  taxes,  or  spoliation  of a  more  downright  sort  (Bouif.  Ep.  ad  Cudbert. c.  11,  ap.  Bed.  Hist.  Ecc.  p.  353,  Hussey).  Often too  the  immunity  (Pertz,  Legg.  i.  223)  and  com- parative security  of  the  monastic  life  tempted  a noble  to  assume  the  name,  without  the  reality, of  abbat ;  in  order  to  escape  legal  obligations he  would  get  his  "  folkland  " .  converted  into "  bocland  "  on  pretence  of  conveying  it  to  the service  of  God,  and  there  would  live  with  his family  and  dependants,  an  abbat  in  name  and  in tonsure,  but  in  nothing  more  (Bede,  Ejy.  ad Egb.  ap.  Hist.  Ecc. ;  Ling.  A.-S.  C.  i.  226-7,  230, 407,  413).  The  need  of  reformation  soon  called into  existence  reformers.  Clugni,  in  the  10th century,  was  the  first  separate  congregation,  with a  separate  Rule  of  its  own  (Mab.  Praef.  Aiui.; Thomass.  Vet.  ct  Nova  Discipl.  I.  iii.  21,  25).  The four  centuries  which  followed  witnessed  the  birth of  more  than  twenty  "  Reformed  Orders,"  all  pro- fessing to  hold  the  original  Rule  of  Benedict  in its  pristine  purity  and  integrity,  but  each  super- adding its  own  special  exposition  of  the  Rule  as binding  on  its  members  (Hospin.  de  Man.  p.  132). Monte  Casino,  the  head-quarters  at  first,  if  not  the birthplace,  of  the  order,  retained  its  supremacy, which,  according  to  some  authorities,  the  founder intended  for  it  (v.  note  on  Fleury,  Hist.  Ecc. xxxiii.  12),  for  some  three  centuries  ;  its  primacy has  never  been  denied.  It  was  sacked  by  the Lombards  in  591  A.D.  (Clint.  Fast.  Horn.),  or 580  A.D.  (Fleury,  Hist.  Ecc.  xxxiii.  10),  and  the fugitives  who  escaped  founded  the  Lateran Monastery  at  Rome  (Paul.  D.  Hist.  Lomh.  iv.  18  ; cf.  Mab.  Ann.  vii.).  In  the  beginning  of  the  8th century  it  rose  again  from  its  ruins,  and  received within  its  walls  Carloman,  weary  of  the  cares  of eiii])ire.  But  Odo,  the  founder  of  Clugni,  became "  General  "  of  his  own  "  congregation,"  and  his example  has  been  followed  by  others  (Mab.  Ann. i.  19). Anmng  the  most  famous  Benedictine  abbeys 'the  term  is  a  specialty  of  the  order)  were, besides  those  already  mentioned,  Bamberg,  Font- evraud,  Fulda,  Sta.  Giustina  at  Padua,  including in  its  jurisdiction  Sta.  Scholastica  (A.  Butler, Lives  of  Saints  ;  see  St.  Bened.),  Grotta  Ferrata, Marmoutier,  S.  Paolo  fuori  near  Rome,  S.  Seve- rino  at  Naples,  &c.,  and  in  England,  St.  Albans, Glastonbury,  Malmesbury,  &c.,  with  many  of  our Cathedrals.  The  preference  of  the  old  Benedic- tines for  mountainous  sites  is  proverbial : "  Bernardns  valles,  colles  Benedictus  amabat" It  would  be  endless  to  enumerate  the  dis- tinguished members  of  the  order.  The  list  of those  belonging  to  Monte  Casino  alone,  during its  first  six  centuries,  fills  25  folio  pages  of Fabricius'  Bihliotheca  Ecclesiastica,  with  a  brief notice  of  each  (Petr.  Diac.  De  Vir.  El.  Casin.). Trithemius,  the  learned  abbat  of  Spanheim, counts  on  the  roll  of  the  order,  in  the  beginning of  the  16th  centur}',  18  popes  (Gue'ranger,  A.D. 1862,  says  "30,"  Enchirid.  Bened.  Praef.),  more than  200  cardinals,  1600  archbishops,  about 4000  bishops,  and,  almost  incredible  as  it  sounds 15,700  famous  abbats,  with  an  equal  number  of canonized  saints !  (v.  Fabric.  Bibl.  Ecc.  s.  v. :  cf. Mab.  AA.  Praef.  vi. ;  Ziegelbauer  u.  Legipont; Hist.  Lit.  0.  S.  B.).  St.  Paul  is  the' Patron Saint  of  the  Order. The  original  copy  of  the  Rule  is  said  to  have been  burnt  at  Teano,  near  Monte  Casino,  towards the  close  of  the  9th  century  (Leo  Marsic.  ap. Mab.  Ann.  iii.  263).  Sigebertus  Gemblacensis,  in the  12th  century,  states  that  it  was  first  made public  by  Simplicius,  third  abbat  of  Monte  Casino (Fabric.  Bibl.  Ecc.  s.  v.  Bened.).  Hospinian  gives no  authority  for  his  counter-statement,  that many  attribute  it  to  Gregory  the  Great  {Be Monach.  p.  116).  Mabillon  assumes  it  to  have been  made  by  Benedict  himself  at  Monte  Casino about  528  A.D.  {Ann.  iii.  8;  A.  Butler,  Lives  of Saints,  see  St.  Bened.).  Wion  speaks  of  more than  a  hundred  editions  of  the  Rule  in  1554  A.D. {Lign.  Vit.  i.  7).  It  is  said  to  have  been  trans- lated into  English  by  Duustan  (Mign.  Braef.  Beg. S.  Bened.). The  best  commentaries  on  it  are  those  of Martene  and  Calmet.  That  of  Me'ge  is  con- sidered lax  by  stricter  Benedictines.  The  com- mentaries of  Smaragdus,  p]'obably  abbat  of  St. Michael's,  not  Smaragdus  Ardo,  and  of  Hilde- marus,  a  French  Benedictine  in  the  8th  cen- tury, are  commended  by  Martene,  in  his  jn'e- face  to  the  Rule  (Mign.  Patrol.  Ixvi.) ;  also  that of  Bernardus,  a  monk  of  Lerins,  afterwards abbat  of  Monte  Casino  in  the  13th  century,  and one,  incomplete,  by  Trithemius  lately  mentioned. But  especially  he  praises  those  of  Menard,  a monk  of  St.  JDenys,  who  afterwards  placed  him- self under  the  stricter  rule  of  St.  Maur ;  and of  Haeften,  a  Benedictine  prior,  the  author  of  the prolix  Disquisitiones  Monasticae,  in  twelve  books, epitomized  by  Stengel  or  Stengelius.  Mabillon seems  to  have  contemplated  a  Commentary  on the  Rule,  but  from  want  of  time  to  have  resigned the  task  to  Martene  {Praef.  Beg.  S.  B.  ap.  Mign. Patrol.  Ixvi. ;  cf.  Not.  cc.  2,  9).  The  Rule  was harmonized  with  other  monastic  rules  by  Bene- dictus Anianensis.  [See  Bid.  of  Chr.  Biogr.  s.  ■!).] The  following  are  important  works  on  the Benedictine  Rule  and  Order  : Petr.  Diac.  Casin.  de  Vir.  Lllustr.  Casin.  in Fabric.  Bibl.  Ecc.  and  de  Ortu  et  Obit.  Just: Casin.  in  Mail  Scr.  Vet.  Nov.  Coll.  and  Prolog. in  Vit.  S.  Placidi,  in  Martene  et  Durand,  Ampliss. Coll. ;  Leonis  Marsic.  et  Petr.  Diac.  Chronic.  Casin, "  ed.  W.  Wattenbach  in  Monum.  German."  (Mign. Patrol,  s.  V.) ;  Reg.  S.  Bened.  C.  Comment.  Joan, de  Turre  Cremata  et  Smaragdi  Abb. ;  item IV.  Libri  de  Vir.  III.  0.  S.  B.  Joan.  Trithemii, Col.  Agr.  1575,  fol. ;  Arnold.  Wion,  Lignum  Vitae, Venet.  1595  ;  Me'ge,  Commentaire  sur  la  Begle  de St.  Benoit,  Jos.  Me'ge  (de  St.  Maur)  Paris,  1687,  and Vie  de  St.  Benoit  avec  une  Histoire  de  son  Ordre, Paris,  1690 ;  Bulteau,  Histoire  de  VOrdre  de  St. Benoit,  Paris,  1691;  Menard,  Martyrclog.  O.S.B. Par.  1629.  La  Begle  de  St.  Benoit  explique'e  par  M. de  Rance,Abbede  la  Trappe,  Paris,  1690;  Martene, de  Ant.  Monach.  Bit.  Lugd.  1690,  and  Comment,  in Beg.  S.  B.  Paris,  1690 ;  Mabillonii  Annales  0.  S.  B. Paris,  1703-39 ;  Dacherii  et  Mabillonii  AA.  SS. 0.  S.  B.  Paris,  1668-1701;  Mabillonii  Breve Scriptum  de  Monast.  Stud.  Ratione  in  Bibl.  Ascet. Pezii ;  Berthelet,  Traite  historique  et  m,orale  sur V Abstinence,  1726,  Paris,  1731 ;  Calmet,  Comment. Hist,  et  Morale  sur  la  Regie  de  S.  B.  Par.  1734- ' BENEDICTION Hnlt-tenii  Codox  Regular.  Monast.  et  Canonic,  a K'.  P.  Mariano  Brockie  illustratus,  &c.,  Aug. \iii.lel.  1759;  Hist.  Lit.  0.  S.  B.,  Aug.  Vind. 17."i-t;  Ziegellauer  u.  Legipont.  Martyrologiuni '•  ^Bcnedikt.  Orcfews,  Augsburg,  1855;  St.  Benoit ,\'  .vt'.s  Ordres  religieux,  Lille,  1855;  Gueranger, /.'.■■'/ iridion  Benedictiaum,  Andegav.  1862.  [1.  G.  S.J IJENEDICTION,  the  spousal  or  nuptial. Aiming  the  Jews  special  benedictions  were  in  use 111  it  II  for  betrothal  and  actual  marriage,  the  latter I  Hustituted,  as  with  the  Romans,  by  a  deductio  or I  ill  icejsion  accompanying  the  bride;  which  how- iMT  with  the  Romans  had  for  its  goal  the  house lit'  the  husband,  with  the  Jews  the  nuptial  bed itself.  A  passage  in  Tobit  (vii.  13,  14)  indicates tlui  close  connexion  of  the  blessing  with  what  we sill  mid  term  the  marriage  settlement.  Forms  of lidth  benedictions  will  be  found  in  Selden's  Uxor Jl'i'raica,  bk.  ii.,  cc.  vii.,  xii.  But  Maimonides expressly  observes  {Uxor.  Ehr.  bk.  ii.  c.  13)  that Oi't  the  blessing  of  the  betrothed  makes  niar- li  i-i'.  but  the  leading  of  the  bride  to  the  uup- tiil  bed. ('ertain  heathen    marriages,   e.g.    the  Roman "furreatio,    being    also    accompanied    with    a liiuediction,  it  was  but  natural  that  the  same custom  should  prevail  in  reference  to  Christian I  ones.  A  good  deal,  however,  of  confusion  seems to  have  arisen  on  the  subject,  especially  through I  not  distinguishing  the  legal  and  spiritual  aspects of  the  benediction.  It  cannot  be  too  often  re- peated that  for  many  centuries  both  betrothal and  marriage  were  in  the  eyes  of  the  Church primarily  civil  contracts,  valid  although  cele- brated according  to  heathen  rites,  if  in  conformity with  the  civil  law,  subject  only  to  certain  peculiar Christian  restrictions.  It  is  not  meant,  however, by  these  expressions  that  such  contracts  were looked  on  as  merely  "  secular,"  as  many  would term  them  now,  or  "  profane, "  as  the  middle ages  termed  them.  For  Our  Lord  and  His  Apos- tles, human  society  itself  was  a  sacred  thing  : the  State,  which  embodied  it  for  all  purposes  of civil  life,  was  sacred  (Rom.  xiii.,  1,  4,  6)  ;  mar- riage above  all,  the  very  keystone  of  all  human society,  had  a  primordial  sacredness  (Matt.  xiv.  4), entirely  transcending  all  enactments  of  municipal or  ceremonial  law. But  this  view  in  nowise  prevented  the  Church from  claiming  spiritual  control  over  such  con- tracts as  between  the  faithful,  from  recognizing and  sealing  their  unions  by  its  benediction,  or even  from  looking  upon  such  unions  with  dis- favour when  this  was  not  solicited.  Thus  the 5th  chapter  of  the  Epistle  of  Ignatius  to  Poly- carp  (admitted  by  Dr.  Cureton  as  genuine  into his  '  Corpus  Ignatianum ')  says :  "  It  is  meet that  men  and  women  who  are  marrying  should unite  with  the  approval  of  the  bishop,  that  the marriage  be  according  to  the  law  and  not  ac- cording to  lust."  So  Tertullian  (writing  about A.D.  200),  in  his  work  Be  Budicitid,  speaks  of "secret  unions,  that  is,  not  first  declared  before the  church  "  (non  prius  apud  ecclesiam  professae) as  running  the  risk  of  being  deemed  nigh  to  adul- tery and  fornication.  Another  passage  of  his, {Ad  Uxor.  c.  8),  is  generally  quoted  as  one  of  the nrst  distinct  authorities  in  favour  of  the  eccle- siastical benediction  on  marriage.  According  to the  ordinary  reading,  it  runs  thus  :  "  How  should w«  be  sutKcient  to  set  fortli  the  bliss  of  that marriage  which  the  Church  brings  about  (conci- CilUIsr.  AXT. BENEDICTION 93 liat),  and  the  oblation  confirms,  and  the  benedic- tion seals,  angels  proclaim,  the  Father  ratifies  ?  " It  must,  however,  be  observed  that,  if  the  above reading  be  correct,  the  substitution  of  the  bene- diction for  the  execution  of  the  tabulae  nupiiales, which  the  words  "  et  obsignat  benedictio  "  im- ply, antedates  by  many  centuries  the  rule  of  the Church  in  the  matter.  It  is  remarkable,  too, as  pointed  out  by  Augusti,  that  one  text,  instead of  the  words  "et  obsignat  benedictio,  angeli  re- nuntiant,"  has  simply  "  et  obsignatum  angeli renuntiant,"  '  the  angels  proclaim  when  sealed,' — a  reading  which  brings  back  the  passage  into accordance  with  the  law  and  practice  of  the  time, but  at  the  expense  of  the  decisive  word  "  bene- dictio "  itself."  That  such  benedictions  were pronounced,  however,  there  can  be  no  reason  to doubt.  Thus  Ambrose,  writing  against  mixed marriages,  says  :  "  For  since  marriage  itself should  be  sanctified  by  the  priestly  veil  (vclamine sacerdotali)  and  by  benediction,  how  can  that  be called  a  marriage  where  there  is  no  agreement of  feith  ? "  (Bk.  ix.  Ep.  70).  But,  as  Selden  has observed,  the  like  benedictions  were  often  claimed on  behalf  of  many  other  kinds  of  contract  besides that  of  marriage, — a  sale  for  instance.  The  total absence  from  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  of  any liturgical  formulae  relating  to  marriage,  and  of any  notice  of  church  usages  in  respect  to  it, seems  a  conclusive  proof  that  nothing  of  the  kind formed  part  of  the  ritual  of  the  early  church during  the  3  or  4  centuries  (or  even  more)  over which  the  collection  of  the  materials  for  the compilation  in  question  probably  extended. There  is  however  extant,  under  dates  ranging as  far  back  as  the  former  half  of  the  2ud  cen- tury, a  whole  series  of  authorities  enforcing  the necessity  of  the  ecclesiastical  benediction,  upon which  the  Church  of  Rome  has  unhesitatingly built  its  practice  as  to  the  ceremonial  validity  of the  rite,  and  which  have  been  quoted  without comment  by  Bingham  and  other  Protestant writers.  But  as  these  are,  for  the  most  part, spurious  documents  of  the  forged  Decretal  class, and  are  only  so  far  important  as  they  shew  the points  for  which  it  was  sought  to  claim  the  sanc- tion of  an  earlier  period,  and  thus  to  establish the  jurisdiction  of  the  clergy  in  matters  con- nected with  marriage,  they  may  be  passed  over. Turning  to  the  Eastern  Church,  we  find  that Chrysostom  in  his  voluminous  works  never  indi- cates the  existence  of  a  marriage  liturgy,  or  the indispensableness  of  sacerdotal  benediction.  Two letters  of  Gregoi-y  Nazianzen  show  clearly  that such  benediction  was  looked  upon  rather  as  a seemly  accompaniment  to  Christian  marriage  than as  a  condition  of  it,  since  the  writer,  in  that  grace- ful tender  style  of  which  he  is  a  master,  professes to  give  his  by  letter.  One  is  to  Procopius  {Ep.  57, otherwise  44),  on  the  marriage  of  "  his  golden Olympias."  "  I  join  to  each  other,"  he  writes, "  the  right  hands  of  the  young  people,  and  both to  that  of  God.  For  it  is  fitting  that  like  many other  good  things,  so  should  marriage  take  place in  the  best  way  in  all  respects,  and  according  to our  common  prayers."     However  visible  may  be »  It  should  not  be  overlooked  that  the  same  Tertullian, In  his  treatise  on  Idolatiy  (c.  16),  expressly  admits  the purity  of  betrothal  and  marriage  in  themselves,  even when  celebrated  amongst  heathens,  and  therefore  the lawfulness  of  a  Christian's  presence  at  both.  See  ^wd, art.  BKTi;oTitAL. 0 194 BENEDICTION here  the  hauitual  form  of  Christian  marriage, nothing  can  be  more  obvious  than  that  the  inter- ference of  the  Church  is  not  treated  as  indispens- able. Another  letter  to  Eusebius(171)  is  still  more conclusive,  as  shewing  that  whilst  Gregory  made it  a  rule,  whenever  present  at  a  wedding,  to  inter- pose the  prayers  of  the  church,  the  actual  rites ofmarriat;e  he  left  to  be  performed  by  others, and  considered  that  a  sufficient  consecration  of them  could  be  given  from  afar,  since  prayers "  are  not  bounded  by  space." We  must  now  however  notice  a  singular  docu- ment, which  is  included  by  Labbe  and  Mansi among  those  of  the  4th  century,  and  appended by  them  to  the  Acts  of  the  Nicene  Council,  as being  attributed  to  the  Nicene  Fathers  by  a Vatican  codex.  It  is  termed  "  Sanctiones  et decreta  alia  ex  quatuor  regum  " — quaere,  regu- lorum? — "ad  Constantinum  libris  decerpta  " (L.  and  M.,  Councils,  vol.  ii.  p.  1029  and  foil.), and  is  written  in  Latin,  though  evidently  repre- senting the  practice  of  the  Greek  Church.  The 2nd  chapter  of  these  '  Sanctions  and  Decrees  ' forbids  marriage  with  a  person's  nuptial  para- nymphs,  with  whom  "the  benediction  of  the crowns  "  is  received.  Benedictions  are  mentioned in  like  manner  in  c.  6  and  7,  but  it  is  clear  that the  ceremony  of  the  Greek  ritual  known  as  the benediction  of  the  crowns,  and  not  the  Latin  bene- diction of  the  marriage  itself,  is  what  the  above passages  refer  to.  But  when  we  attempt  to  fix  a date  for  the  work  which  contains  them,  we  shall be  compelled  to  carry  this  to  the  second  half  of the  6th  century  at  earliest.  For  it  is  a  re markable  tact  that  Justinian's  legislation,  mi- nutely occupied  as  it  is  with  Church  matters, never  once  refers  to  the  ecclesiastical  benedic- tion of  marriage  :  it  requires  a  will  to  see  it, as  some  have  done,  in  the  mere  expression "  vota  nuptialia;"  and  this  although  it  will be.  seen  (Contract  of  marriage)  that  a  kind of  church-registration  of  marriages  was  pro- vided for. It  is  however  by  no  means  improbable  that between  the  6th  and  7th  centuries  the  regular practice  of  an  ecclesiastical  benediction  upon marriage,  and  the  Greek  ritual  of  marriage  itself, became  established.  And  it  is  a  well-known Greek  name  which  now  carries  us  back  to  the next  Western  authority  on  the  subject, — that  of the  canons  of  a  Council,  held  in  England  towards the  end  of  the  7th  century,  under  Archbishop Theodore,  which  enact  that  "  in  a  first  marriage the  priest  should  perform  the  mass  and  bless both  "  parties  (c.  59) ;  implying,  it  would  seem, the  practice  set  forth  by  the  'Sanctions  and Decrees,'  of  confining  the  blessing  to  the  as  yet unmarried  party  only,  where  the  other  has  been In  tlie  Cr.rlovingian  era,  finally — to  which  be- long tViC  head  springs  of  the  great  stream  of  church forgeries, — forgeries  which,  amongst  other  au- thorities, have  so  dealt  with  the  Capitularies themselves  that  it  is  frequently  impossible  to determine  the  precise  age  of  a  given  text — the priestly  benediction  entered  into  the  civil  law  as an  essential  requisite  of  marriage ;  and  the  various spurious  authorities  from  the  annals  of  the Western  Church  above  commented  on  were a[)pareut]y  invented  for  the  purpose  of  carrying back  to  a  remote  period  the  ecclesiastical  re- cognition of  its  necessity.     And  it  may  be  ob- BENEDICTION served  that  the  mention  of  it  almost  invariably occurs  in  connexion  with  the  subject  of  consan- guinity,— another  great  source  of  clerical  in- fluence and  income  in  its  relation  to  marriage, which  has  been  even  more  prolific  in  suggestions of  pious  fraud.  By  the  35th  article  of  the  first Capitulary  of  802,  none  are  to  be  married  before inquiry  be  made  as  to  whether  they  are  related  ; "  and  then  let  them  be  united  with  a  benedic- tion." (Comp.  also  vi.  130,  vii.  179,  viii.  408.) The  473rd  article  (vii.  473),  "on  lawful  mar- riage "  is  almost  exactly  identical  in  its  wording with  the  supposed  letter  of  Pope  Evaristus,  and may,  it  is  submitted,  be  fairly  deemed  its  ori- ginal. We  may  briefly  refer  to  certain  canons  of  the patriarch  Nicephorus,  recorded  by  Coteierius,  and perhaps  enacted  at  the  Council  of  Constantinople in  A.D.  814,  which  indicate  that  at  this  period  at least  the  benediction  was  by  the  Church  decreed to  constitute  the  marriage.  If  any  having  a concubine  would  neither  leave  her  nor  allow  her to  receive  the  benediction,  and  have  her  with  the sacramental  rite,  his  offerings  were  not  to  be  ■ received  (can.  xxxiv.).  And  lastly,  the  well- known  document  known  as  the  reply  of  Pope Nicolas  to  the  Bulgarians,  though  belonging only  to  the  latter  half  of  the  9th  century,  pre- serves to  us  probably  the  practice  of  the  Roman Church  on  this  subject  from  an  earlier  period. It  indicates  evidently  a  different  ceremonial  from that  of  the  Greek  Church,  and  although  dwelling on  the  formalities  of  betrothal,  speaks  of  no  bless- ing but  the  nuptial  one. To  sum  up  the  conclusions  of  this  inquiry  : 1st.  There  never  was  a  period  when  the  Christian Church  did  not  rejoice  to  sanction  the  nuptial rite  by  its  benedictions,  and  did  not  exhort  the faithful  to  obtain  them  for  their  unions.  2nd. But  having  a  profound  faith  in  the  primordial sanctity  of  marriage  in  itself,  many  centuries elapsed  before  the  pronouncing  of  such  a  benedic- tion was  held  essential  to  the  validity  of  marriage, when  duly  contracted  according  to  the  municipal law,  and  not  contrary  to  the  special  ethical  rules of  the  Church  in  reference  to  marriage.  3rd. Hence  the  total  absence  of  marriage  liturgies from  the  early  Christian  rituals,  extending  to about  the  beginning  of  the  7th  century ;  the genuineness  of  the  one  in  the  Gelasian  Missal (end  of  the  5th  century)  being  confessedly  im- pjugned  by  the  absence  of  any  in  the  Gregorian, a  century  later.  4th.  It  may  however  be  ad- mitted that  by  the  end  of  the  7th  century  the priestly  benediction  of  marriage  had  probably become  the  rule  in  both  great  branches  (divisions not  yet)  of  the  Church  ;  and  in  the  course  of  the 8th  and  9th  centuries  it  hardened  into  a  legal institution  within  the  domains  of  the  great usurpers  of  the  West,  the  Carlovingians,  being now  largely  supported  by  supposititious  church authorities,  carried  back  as  far  as  the  beginning of  the  2ud  century.  5th.  It  is  also  possible that  about  this  period  a  practice  of  sacerdotally blessing  betrothals  likewise  grew  up,  and  promis- ing to  open  a  new  source  of  income  to  the  clergy and  above  all  to  the  Roman  pontiffs,  was  in  like manner  sought  to  be  maintained  by  spurious authorities  ;  but  the  date  of  this  cannot  be  fixed earlier  than  A.D.  860,  since  Pope  Nicol.is,  in  his reply  to  the  Bulgarians,  clearly,  speaks  only  of the  nuptial  benediction.  [J.  M.  L.] BENEDICTIONS BENEDICTIONS.  {Benedlctio,  evXoyla.) I.  Definition,  ^c. — Like  many  other  points  of ritual,  tlie  practice  of  benediction  passed  from the  Jewish  to  the  Christian  Church.  In  the  in- fancy of  the  former,  under  Aaron,  we  discover the  existence  of  the  blessing  of  the  congregation by  the  priest  after  the  morning  and  the  evening sacrifice  (Lev.  ix.  22) ;  and  later  notices  may  be seen  in  1  Chron.  xxiii.  13,  Ecclus.  xxxvi.  17,  xlv. 15, 1.  20.  The  actual  form  is  prescribed  in  Num. vi.  22  sqq. ;  cf.  Ps.  Ixvii.  1. The  benediction,  ordinarily  pronounced  by priests  (as  e.g.  in  the  case  of  Zacharias,  for whose  blessing  the  people  waited,  Luke  i.  21). would  on  occasions  of  special  solemnity  be  re- served for  the  high  priest.  Even  the  king,  as the  viceroy  of  the  Most  High,  might  give  the blessing  (cf.  2  Sam.  vi.  18,  1  Kings  viii.  55, 1  Chron.  xvi.  2).  It  would  appear  that  Levites had  ordinarily,  though  not  invariably,  the  power ofgiving  the  blessing.  Cf.  perh.  2  Chron.  xxx.  27. The  actual  formula  referred  to  above  does  not occur  in  the  New  Testament,  though  our  Lord is  spoken  of  as  blessing  little  children  and  His disciples  (Mark  x.  16,  Luke  xsiv.  50),  besides the  blessing  on  the  occasion  of  the  institution  of the  Eucharist  (Matt.  xxvi.  26).  Still,  the  gene- ral tenor  and  form  of  the  blessing,  must  have been  similar,  and  the  familiar  "  peace  "  of  the benediction  is  probably  a  relic  of  the  old  Aaron- itic  form. Before  proceeding  to  consider  the  various  oc- casions of  benediction  in  the  Christian  Church, attention  may  be  called  to  the  strict  definition of  the  term,  in  contradistinction  from  the  allied expressions,  consecration,  dedication,  although  the distinction  is  not  unfrequently  lost  sight  of. Benediction,  then,  may  be  defined  to  be  a  certain holy  action  which,  combined  with  prayer,  seeks for  God's  grace  for  persons,  and,  in  a  lower  de- gree, a  blessing  upon  things,  with  a  view  whether to  their  efficiency  or  safety.  We  may  add  St. Ambrose's  definition  {[le  Benedictionihus  Patri- archanim,  c.  2),  "  Benedictio  est  sanctificationis et  gratiarum  votiva  collatio."  On  this  point  the following  extracts  may  be  cited  from  Gillebert (bishop  of  Limerick  in  the  12th  century),  De Usu  Ecclesiastico,  in  Du  Gauge's  Glossary,  s.  vv. "  Consecrare,"  "  Benedictio."  "  Dedicat  pontifex atvium,  templum,  altare,  tabulam  altaris.  De- dicare  enim  est  locum  Deo  offerre,  benedicere  et sanctificare.  Cvnsecrat  autem  episcopus  uten- silia  ecclesiae,  quae  fere  omnibus  sacerdotibus sunt  communia,  vestimenta  videlicet  sacerdotalia et  pontificalia,  altaris  velamina,  calicem,  patenam et  corporalia  et  vasculum  Eucharistiae,  chrisma, oleum,  vas  chrismale,  thus  et  thuribulum,  baptis- terium,  arcam  vel  scrinium  reliquiarum,  cibo- rium,  id  est  altaris  umbraculum,  crucem,  tiu- tinnabulum  et  ferrum  judiciale.  Ea  enim  tantum consecrat  quae  a  communi  usu  in  cultum  divinum separantur."  ..."  Benedicere  autem  dico  prae- sulem  ea  quae  uon  sunt  utensilia  ecclesiae,  con- secrare vero  ipsa  utensilia.  Benedicit  ergo  pon- tifex reginam,  et  virginem  cum  velatur,  et  quem- libet  fidelem  benedici  postulautem  et  totum jiopulum  ante  pacem."  These  benedictions  may not  be  conferred  by  a  priest  in  the  presence  of  a bishop.  Gillebert  had  previously  said,  "Bene- dicere potest  praesente  episcopo  aquam  et  sal  in Dominicis  sacerdos  et  prandium  et  sponsum  et aquam  judicii  vel  panem  et  caetera.    In  absentia BENEDICTIONS 195 vero  episcopi  potest  benedicere  coronam  clerici et  velum  viduae,  novos  fructus,  candelas  in  Puri- ficatione  S.  Mariae,  cineres  in  capite  jejuuii, ramos  in  Dominica  Palmarura,  et  peregrinaturos et  lecturum  Evangelium,  et  populum  cum  dimit- titur,  aquam  benedictam  aspergit  ad  benedicendas novas  domos  et  caetera  nova." II.  Minister  of  Benediction. — It  will  be  obvious from  the  nature  of  the  case,  that  a  benediction is  imparted  by  a  superior  to  an  inferior  (cf.  Heb. vii.  7,  where  this  is  explicitly  stated).  Hence it  is  laid  down  in  the  Apostolic  Constitutions  (viii. 28)  that  a  bishop  may  bestow  the  blessing,  and receive  it  from  other  bishops,  but  not"  from priests  ;  so  too  a  priest  may  bless  his  fellow- priests  and  receive  the  blessing  from  them  or from  a  bishop ;  the  deacon  merely  receives  and cannot  impart  the  blessing.  Thus  if  a  bishop  be present,  to  him  does  the  Benedictio  super  pkbem appertain,  and  only  in  the  absence  of  a  bishop, unless  special  authority  be  given,  is  it  permitted to  the  priest,  whose  blessing,  however,  is  not held  as  of  the  same  solemn  import  as  that  of  the bishop. The  ancient  Sacramentaries  do  not  distinguish between  Episcopal  and  Sacerdotal  blessings; while  in  later  times  a  minutely  developed  system has  been  formed,  as  may  be  seen,  for  example, from  the  extracts  from  Gillebert  given  above. To  enter,  however,  at  any  length  into  these  ac- cretions is  foreign  to  our  present  scope.  It  will suffice  to  allude  to  one  or  two  general  points. Here  will  appertain  the  division  of  Benedictions into  solemnes  and  communes,  magnae  and  parvae, and  the  like,  although  these  distinctions  are  by no  means  uniformly  explained.  The  benedictio solemnis  appears  to  belong  strictly  to  the  bishop, md,  in  his  absence,  to  the  priest  acting  as  his representative  :  other  benedictions,  it  has  been seen,  the  priest  may  confer  in  the  presence  of the  bishop.  In  no  case,  however,  can  they  be imparted  by  a  deacon  or  layman  (cf.  Apostolic Constitutions,  viii.  48,  iii.  10). The  distinction  between  the  6.  pai-va  and  the 6.  magna  is  variously  explained  :  by  some  they are  held  to  be  the  blessings  conferred  by  priest and  bishop  respectively ;  by  others,  that  the former  implies  a  private  benediction,  the  latter a  public  and  solemn  one  (cf.  Cotelier's  note,  Fa- tres  Apost.  i.  28-I-.  ed.  1698). Here  may  be  added  a  remark  as  to  special powers  of  blessing  possessed  by  abbots.  Their pre-eminence  above  priests  in  general  consists  in a  superiority  of  jurisdiction,  not  in  a  higher order  of  consecration.  From  the  8th  century, however,  abbots  who  were  priests  have  possessed sundry  episcopal  rights  both  of  benediction  within the  limits  of  their  own  cloisters  and  even  of several  lower  forms  of  consecration,  the  latter of  which  indeed  was.  specially  allowed  by  the second  General  Council  of  Nicea,  A.D.  787,  can. 14  (Labbe  and  Cossart,  Concilia  vii.  909).  This example  seems  to  have  been  further  acted  on,  for in  the  time  of  Charlemagne  we  find  abbesses assuming  to  themselves  the  right  of  conferring benedictions  even  upon  men,  with  laying  on  of hands  and  the  sign  of  the  cross,  although  this was  distinctly  prohibited.  (Baluzius,  Capitularia Reg.  Franc,  [anno  789]  i.  238,  ed.  Paris,  1677.) III.  Objects  of  Benediction.  — It  will  be  readily seen  that  Benedictions  may  be  divided  into  Litur- gical  auil   non-Liturgical,   tiiat   is,  into  siu-h  as (»  2 196 BENEDICTIONS are  in  immediate  connection  with  various  holy offices,  and  those  which  may  be  Tiewed  as  inde- pendent offices.  Those  of  the  former  class specially  regard  persons,  those  of  the  latter may  regard  either  persons  or  things.  We shall  touch  briefly  on  each  class  of  objects separately. (A.)  Benedictions  of  Perso?is.— Here  may  be reckoned  in  the  first  place  all  Liturgical  bless- ings, whether  (a)  general,  the  blessing  communi- cated to  the  whole  congregation  in  the  dismis- sion-formula (a.Tr6Kv(ns),  as  Domimis  vobiscum, pax  vobiscum,  &c.,  in  the  ordinary  services  of  the Church,  as  those  of  the  Canonical  Hours,  of  which the  Benediction  is  an  essential  element  in  both Eastern  and  Western  ritual,  varying  however  in the  former  according  to  the  day  of  the  week  :  or (;9)  special,  as  those  at  the  Eucharist,  Baptism, Ordination,  Marriage,  Penance,  Extreme  Unction, Burial.  We  shairbriefly  comment  here  on  the Benedictions  entering  with  the  first  of  these offices,  for  the  others  reference  may  be  made  to the  several  articles  on  these  rites. The  old  Latin  Sacramentaries  agree  in  placing a  Benediction  in  the  Mass  after  the  Lord's Prayer  and  before  the  Communion,  a  custom which,  in  the  Romish  ritual,  appears  to  have been  introduced  from  the  Gallican  and  Moza- rabic  Liturgies  (Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg.  i.  141). Up  to  this  point  the  congregation  was  pro- hibited from  leaving,  as  e.g.  by  the  Council  of Agde  (506  A.D.)  and  the  First  and  Third  Councils of  Orleans  (.511  and  538  A.D.).  "  Missas  die  Do- minico  a  saecularibus  totas  teneri  speciali  ordi- natione  praecipimus,  ita  ut  ante  benedictionem sacei'dotis  populus  egredi  non  praesumat."  (^Conc. Agath.  can.  47  ;  Labbe;  iv.  1391.)  Menard  (Grey. Sacram.  p.  297 ;  but  cf.  Mabillon,  De  Liturgia  Galli- cnim,  i.  4,  §  13, 14)  refers  this  to  the  benediction  at the  end  of  the  Mass.  "Populus  non  ante  discedat quam  Missae  solennitas  compleatur,  et  ubi  epis- copus  fuerit,  benedictionem  accipiat  sacerdotis." {Cone.  Aurel.  I.  can.  26;  Labbe',  iv.  1408.  Sirmond remarks  that  the  edd.  have  no  MS.  authority  for prefixing  a  negative  to  fuerit,  and  that  the  error is  apparently  due  to  its  not  being  perceived  that episcopus  and  sacerdos  are  used  synonymously.) "  De  Missis  nuUus  laicorum  ante  discedat  quam Dominica  dicatur  oratio  ;  et  si  episcopus  praesens fuerit  ejus  benedictio  expectetur."  {Cone.  Aur. ILL  can.  29  ;  Labbe',  v.  302.)  The  Mass  in  one sense  was  now  over,  and  thus  those  who  did  not communicate  might  leave.  (Cf.  e.jr.  Greg.  Tur., Be  Miraculis  S.  Martini,  ii.  47  :  "  Cumque  ex- pletis  Missis  populus  coepisset  sacrosanctum corpus  Redemptoris  accipere.")  We  may  further cite  the  injunction  laid  down  by  the  Fourth ('ouncil  of  Toledo  (633  A.D.),  which,  after  finding fault  with  those  priests  who  "  post  dictam  ora- tionem  Dominicam  statim  communicant  et  postea benedictionem  in  populo  dant,"  proceeds  "  post or.  Dom.  et  conjunctionem  panis  et  calicis  bene- dictio in  populum  sequatui-,  et  turn  demum  coi'- poris  et  sanguinis  Domini  sacramentum  sumatur  " (can.  18  ;  Libbe,  v.  1711).  This  may  be  further illustrated  by  a  remark  of  Caesarius  of  Aries,  to the  efl'ect  that  he  v/ho  wishes  "Missas  ad  inte- grum cum  lucro  animae  suae  celebrare "  must remain  in  the  church  "  usquequo  or.  Dom.  di- catur et  benedictio  populo  detur."  {Serm.  281, §  2;  Migne,  xxxix.  2277.)  This  benediction, which  is  properly  the  prerogative  of  the  bishop, BENEDICTIONS is  uttered  generally  in  three,  sometimes  however in  four  and  even  five  or  more  divisions,  at  the end  of  each  of  which  is  responded,  Amen. The  following  is  the  manner  in  which  this Benediction  is  ordinarily  introduced.  The  deacon, if  one  be  present,  having  called  with  a  loud voice,  Humiliate  vos  henedictioni  (cf.  Caesarius, l^eriiL.  286,  §  7),  the  imparter  of  the  blessing  fol- lows with  Dominus  sit  semjjer  vobiscum,  to  which is  responded  M  cum  spiritu  tuo  ;  then  follows the  benediction.  As  showing  the  nature  of  this, we  subjoin  the  benediction  for  the  festival  of St.  Stephen,  from  three  old  Latin  Liturgies,  the Gallican,  the  Gregorian,  and  the  Mozarabic  re- spectively (Migne,  Ixxii.  232  ;  Ixxviii.  33  ;  Ixxxv. 199).  "  Deus,  qui  tuos  martyres  ita  vinxisti caritate  ut  pro  te  etiam  mori  cuperent,  ne  peri- rent.  Amen ;  et  beatum  Stephanum  in  coufes- sione  ita  succendisti  fide,  ut  imbrem  lapidum  nou timeret.  Amen.  Exaudi  precem  familiae  tuae amatoris  inter  festa  plaudentem.  Amen.  Acce- dat  ad  te  vox  ilia  intercedens  pro  populo,  pro iuimicis  quae  orabat  in  ipso  martyrio.  Amen. Ut  se  obtinente  et  te  remunerante,  perveniat illuc  plebs  adquaesita  per  gratiam,  ubi  te,  caelis apertis,  ipse  vidit  in  gloriam.  Amen.  Quod  Ipse praestare  digneris,  qui  cum  Patre  et  Spiritu Sancto  vivis  et  rognas  in  saecula  saeculorum." "  Deus  qui  beatum  Stephanum  Protomartyreni coronavit,  et  confessione  fidei  et  agone  martyrii mentes  vestras  circumdet,  et  in  praesenti  saeculo corona  justitiae,  et  in  futuro  perducat  vos  ad corouam  gloriae.  Amen.  lUius  obtentu  tribuat vobis  Dei  et  proximi  charitate  semper  exuberare, qui  hanc  studuit  etiam  inter  lapidantium  im- petus obtinere,  Amen.  Quo  ejus  exemplo  robo- rati,  et  intercessione  muniti,  ab  eo  quern  ille  a dextris  Dei  vidit  stantem,  mereamini  benedici, Amen.  Quod  Ipse  .  .  .  ."  "  Christus  Dei  Filius, pro  cujus  nomine  Stephanus  martyr  lapidatus est  innocens,  contra  incursantium  daemonum ictus  vos  efficiat  fortiores,  Amen.  Quique  eum pro  inimicis  orantem  consummate  martyrio  pro- vexit  ad  caelum,  conferat  in  vobis  ut  sine  con- fusione  ad  eum  veniatis  post  transitum.  Amen. Ut  illic  laetatura  post  istud  saeculum  accedat anima  vestra,  quo  praedictus  martyr  spiritum suum  suscipi  exorabat.  Amen." Besides  the  above,  there  was  here  also  a  short benediction  at  the  end  of  the  service,  such  as "  Pax  Domini  sit  semper  vobiscum,"  or  the  two following  taken  from  Saxon  offices,  "  Benedictio Dei  Patris  Omnipotentis  et  Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti maneat  semper  vobiscum."  "  B.  Dei  Patris  et Fil.  et  S.  S.  et  pax  Domini  sit  semper  vobiscum." (Palmer,  Orig.  Lit.  iv.  §  24.) By  way  of  illustration  of  this  last  we  may cite  Amalarius  {De  I'Jccl.  Off.  iii.  36),  "  Hunc morem  tenet  sacerdos,  ut  post  omnia  Sacramenta consummata  benedicat  populo;"  and  Rabanus Maurus  {De  Inst.  Cleric,  i.  33),.  "  Post  commu- nionem  ergo,  et  post  ejusdem  nominis  canticum, data  Benedictione  a  sacerdote  ad  plebem,  diaconus praedicat  Missae  officium  esse  peractum,  dans licentiam  abeundi." In  the  Apostolic  Constitutions  (lib.  viii.),  it  is ordained  that  before  the  Missa  Fidelium  a  solemn dismission-blessing  should  be  pronounced  over catechumens,  energumens,  and  penitents  (cc. 6-8).  The  solemn  blessing  over  the  congrega- tion is  to  be  found  later  (c.  15)  after  the  com- i  muniou,    the    deacon    havinsr    first    uttered    the BEISEDICTIONS usual    form,    T<^    ©ew    dia    rod   XptcTToii    avrov The  blessings  entering  into  Eastern  liturgies sire  tVequent ;  and  we  find  them  at  various  point's of  the  service  introduced  by  the  formula  fv\6y,]- arov  Seffirora.  It  has  been  remarked  as  in  some degree  significant  of  the  characters  of  the  two great  divisions  of  Christendom  that  when  such a  request  as  the  above  has  been  made  by  the deacon  to  the  ]jriest,  in  the  Western  Church  the latter  proceeds  to  invoke  God's  blessing  on  the congregation  and  himself,  in  the  Eastern  Church he  answers  it  as  a  rule  by  an  ascription  of  praise to  God.  Thus  at  the  beginning  of  the  Prothesis (or  introductory  part  of  the  Eucharistic  Service) in  the  Liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom,  the  deacon's request  to  bless  is  answered  by  evAoyrirhs  6 Qihs  rifj.wy  iravrore  vvv  koX  del  koI  e(s  tovs aliiivas  ruiv  aldivoiv.  'Aijltjv.  (Daniel,  iv.  .329, and  often.)  Or  again,  we  may  cite  the  form  as used  at  the  beginning  of  the  proanaphoral  part of  the  Liturgy  {i.  e.,  the  continuation  of  the servict  jp  to  the  Sursum  corda)  fv\oyrifxfvr)  ri /BuffiAeia  Tov  Xlarphs  kol  tov  T.  koI  rov  'A. rii'.   vvv  Koi   ael,  k.t.X.  (i/>.  .340). The  long  benediction  we  have  spoken  of  as occurring  in  Latin  liturgies  after  the  Lord's Prayer,  is  not  found  in  the  Eastern  ritual,  at the  corresponding  part  of  which  occurs  what  is known  as  the  "  Prayer  of  Inclination,"  answer- ing in  character  to  the  "prayer  of  humble access"  of  our  own  church.  (Neale,  Holy Eastern  Church,  Introd.  p.  51.5.) '  A  further  enumeration  of  the  benedictions  of Greek  liturgies  appertains  rather  to  a  description of  the  Eastern  Eucharistic  offices  ;  it  may,  how- .ever,  be  mentioned  that  in  addition  to  the  final dismission-blessing,  universal  here  as  in  the Latin  ritual,  some  of  the  Eastern  liturgies  (as those  of  St.  Mark  and  the  Coptic  so-called  liturgy of  St.  Basil)  give  a  long  benediction  after  the post-communion  prayers  of  thanksgiving  (see e.g.  Neale,  ib.  pp.  688,  694);  also  the  Nestorian liturgy  of  Theodore  the  interpreter  closes  with a  similar  benediction  (Daniel,  iv.  193).  The above  are  too  long  for  quotation  hei'e,  but  we may  cite  as  an  example  of  a  Greek  benediction the  final  blessing  from  the  liturgy  of  St.  Mark (Daniel,  fv.  170):  evXoyeiTca  6  Qihs  6  fiiXoywv Kcd  ayid^ccv  Kol  crKtirav  koI  SiarripcSv  irdvras vfias  5id  T^5  yuefls'leois  twv  ayCoiv  avrov  /jlvct- TTjpiojj',  6  S>v  tvXoyrjTbs  els  tovs  a.  t&v  a. It  may  be  mentioned  as  a  curious  peculiarity that  in  the  Constantinopolitan  rite  the  priest does  not  give  the  final  blessing  till  he  has  dis- robed (Daniel,  iv.  372). At  the  end  of  tlie  Ethiopic  liturgy  is  a  prayer of  the  people,  of  the  nature  of  a  benediction, spoken  after  the  blessing  of  the  bishop  or  priest has  been  pronounced,  preluded  too  by  the  call of  the  deacon  to  kneel :  "  May  the  Lord  bless  us His  servants  .  .  .  ." Besides  the  above,  there  was  another  solemn benediction,  the  special  prerogative  of  the bishop,  the  b.  matutinalis  et  vespertinalis,  said, as  its  name  implies,  at  the  end  of  matins  and vespers.  For  this  we  may  again  refer  to  the ("ouncil  of  Agde  (can.  30),  "  Plebs  collecta  ora- tione  ad  vesperam  ab  episcopo  cum  benedictione dimittatur."  (Labbe,  iv.  1388  ;  cf.  also  Cone. Barcell.  [540  A.D.]  can.  2  ;  ih.  v.  378.) Of  non-liturgical  blessings  ajjpci-iaining  to  pcr- BENEDICTIONS 1<J7 sons,  we  may  briefly  speak  here  of  the  general blessing,  properly  though  not  exclusively  the episcopal  prerogative,  as  may  be  seen  from  e.g. Basil,  £>i.  199,  §  27  [iv.  724,  ed.  Migne],  and Athanasius,  Vita  S.  Anton,  c.  G7.  It  would seem  that,  especially  on  the  entrance  of  a  bishop  • into  a  place,  his  blessing  was  reverently  be- sought by  the  people.  Cf  Chrys.  Jimn.  Encom. in  Mel.  §  2;  Aug.  Ep.  33,  §  5  [ii.  131,  ed. Migne]  ;  and  Greg.  Nyss.  Vita  Macrinae  [iii.  976, Migne].  This  blessing  was  eagerly  sought  for even  by  princes,  as  by  Clodoveus  from  Remigius, or  by  the  Empress  Eudoxia  from  the  Bishop Porphyrins  {Acta  Sanctorum,  i.  154  Oct.;  iii. 653  Feb.).  This  may  be  further  illustrated  by a  statement  of  Philostorgius  (see  Valesius'  note on  Theodoret  iv.  5)  to  the  eflect  that  when  all the  other  bishops  went  to  pay  homage  to  Eu- sebia,  wife  of  the  Emperor  Constans,  Leontius, Bishop  of  Tripoli,  refused  to  do  so  save  on  the condition  that  the  empress  should  rise  at  his approach,  and  with  bowed  head  ask  his  blessing. It  was  allowed  by  the  Council  of  Epao  [517  A.D.] for  people  of  rank  {cives  superiorum  natalium) to  invite  the  bishop  to  themselves  to  receive  his blessing  at  Christmas  and  Easter. (B.)  Benedictions  of  things.  Before  proceed- ing to  enumerate  some  of  the  more  striking cases  of  benedictions  of  things,  we  may  once more  call  attention  to  the  distinction  already dwelt  on  between  benediction  and  the  stronger term  consecration,  in  that  in  the  one  regard  is had  but  to  the  bestowal  of  certain  grace  or efficacy,  whereas  in  the  other,  a  thing  is  not only  destined  for  a  holy  use,  but  is  viewed  as changed  into  a  holy  thing.  Augusti  {Denlmiir- digk.  X.  192)  brings  out  this  distinction  by  a comparison  of  the  phrases  panis  benedictus  and panis  consecrutus  ;  and  so  the  Greek  Church  re- cognizes the  difference  between  ivKoyia  on  the one  hand  and  ayiaa'jx6s  or  KadUpooais  on  the other.  Similar  is  the  distinction  between  bcnc- dict tones  invocativae  and  b.  constitutivae,  sacra- tivae,  destinativae,  the  names  of  which  show  that the  one  invoke  God's  grace,  the  .other  dedicate permanently  to  His  service. We  shall  now  enumerate  some  of  the  more frequent  instances  of  special  benedictions  of things,  for  detailed  information  respecting  which reference  may  be  made  to  the  separate  articles. (I)  B.  fontis,  the  blessing  of  the  baptismal water,  &c.  [Baptism].  (2)  b.  aquae  histndis [Holy  Watkr].  (3)  b.  panis  et  vini,  which substances  when  blessed  bore  the  name  of  the saint  on  whose  festival  the  benediction  took place,  as  St.  John's  wine,  St.  Mark's  bread,  &e. (4)  6.  salis  [Salt],  whether  for  admixture  with holy  water  or  otherwise.  (5)  b.  lactis  et  mellis [Milk  and  Honey].  (6)  b.  olei,  whether  for  the catechumens  at  baptism  or  confirmation,  or  for the  Chrisma,  or  for  the  sick  {eiixe^atov) [Chrism  ;  Oil].  (7)  b.  incensi.  (8)  6.  cercorum, as  for  the  special  feast  of  Candlemas  Day,  Feb. 2.  (9)  b.  cinerum,  of  Ash  Wednesday  [Lkkt]. (10)  6.  palmarum,  of  Palm  Sunday  processions. (II)  b.  paschales,  whether  of  Easter  eggs  or  the paschal  lainb  or  the  Easter  candles ;  and  to  these may  be  added  an  immense  number  of  varieties of  benedictions  for  almost  every  imaginable  occa- sion, wherein  the  pious  of  past  ages  deemed  that the  church  could  draw  forth  on  their  bolialf from  a   rich  store  of  blessing.     Thus   we   may 198 BENEDICTIONS BENEDICTIONS mention,  in  addition  to  those  already  cited,  the following  benedictions  of  things,  occurring,  un- less the^contrarv  be  specified,  in  the  Gregorian Sacramentary.  {l)  b.  domus.  {2')  uvae  vel  favae (=  fahae).  (3)  ad  fructus  novos.  (4)  ad  omnia quae  volueris.  (5)  carnis.  (6)  putei  (Gall.). (7)  casei  et  ovoruin  (Euch.  Graec).  (8)  ijnis (Pontif.  Egb.).     (9)  librorum  (ib.). IV.  Mode  of  imparting  Benediction.  However various  the  objects  for  which  blessings  are  sought, and  however  different  therefore  the  formulae  in which  they  are  conferred,  still  there  are  certain accompaniments  which  are  as  a  rule  always present,  and  as  to  which  the  directions,  simple enough  in  the  earliest  Church,  have  been  in  pro- cess of  time  rendered  more  and  more  definite,  to leave  as  little  as  possible  to  individual  will, (a)  As  showing  how  the  Christian  Ritual  on these  points  is  foreshadowed  in  the  Jewish,  we have  thought  it  well  to  prefix  a  brief  note  as  to the  laws  of  blessing  in  the  latter.  The  priests, to  whom  the  power  of  imparting  blessings  was committed,  were  to  do  so  standing  (cf.  Deut.  x. 8;  xxvii.  12),  with  outstretched  hands.  We cite  here  a  passage  from  the  Mishna,  the  earliest authority  to  which  we  can  appeal  next  to  the Bible.  "  In  what  way  is  the  sacerdotal  blessing performed  ?  In  the  provinces  [{.  e.  away  from the  temple]  they  say  it  in  three  blessings  [i.e. the  formula  of"  Numbers  vi.  24-26  is  divided into  three  clauses,  and  Amen  responded  at  the end  of  each],  but  in  the  temple  in  one.  In  the temple  they  say  the  Name  as  it  is  written  [;.  e. the  TeTpaypdix/xaTov'],  in  the  provinces  with  the substituted  name  [_i.e.  Adonai].  In  the  provinces the  priests  raise  their  hands  on  a  level  with  their shoulders,  but  in  the  temple  above  their  heads, except  the  high-priest,  who  does  not  raise  up  his hands  above  the  diadem."  [Or  perhaps  rather  a plate  of  gold  worn  upon  the  forehead  of  the  high- priest.  The  reason  of  the  pi'ohibition  in  his  case was  because  of  the  presence  of  the  Sacred  Name upon  the  plate.]  Mishn.  Sota,  vii.  6.  In  a  some- what later  authority,  the  commentary  on  Num- bers and  Deuteronomy  known  as  Si  free,  we  have further  directions  given  :  (1)  the  blessing  is  to be  pronounced  in  the  Hebrew  language ;  (2)  the imparter  of  the  blessing  is  to  stand,  and  (.3)  with outstretched  hands.  (4)  The  sacred  name  miT' is  to  be  used;  (5)  the  priest  must  face  the people,  and  (6)  speak  in  a  loud  voice.  (Sifrce  on Numb.  vi.  22-27.)  Reference  may  also  be  made to  a  still  later  authoritv,  the  Babylonian  Talmud itself  (5oto,  fol.  38  a).  ' During  the  conferring  of  the  blessing  the people  must  not  look  at  the  priest,  for  for  the  time the  glory  of  God  is  supposed  to  rest  upon  him (vide  m/m).  Also,  his  hands  are  disposed  so that  the  fingers  go  in  pairs,  forefingers  with middle  fingers,  ring  fingers  with  little  fingers, with  the  tips  of  the  two  thumbs  and  of  the  two forefingers  respectively  touching  each  other,  thus arranging  the  whole  ten  fingers  in  six  divisions. We  shall  quote  in  illustration  of  this  from  the Lekach  Tab  of  R.  Eleazar  b.  Tobiah  (the  so- called  I'esikta  Zotarta)  on  Numbers,  I.  c.  "  It is  forbidden  to  look  at  the  priests  at  the  moment that  they  lift  up  their  hands,— and  he  divides  his hands  mto  six  parts,  as  it  is  said, '  Every  one  had six  wings.'     Isa.  vi.  2." One  more  extract  will  suffice,  which  we  take from   the  ancient  commentary  on  Numbers  (in loc),  the  Bammidhar  Rabha  (c.   11).      "There- fore it  is  said  (Cant.  ii.  9),  '  Behold   he   stands  ; behind   our  wall,'   that  is,  synagogues  and   col-  i leges.     'He  looks  from  the  windows': — At  the         I time  when  the  Holy  One,  Blessed  be  He,  said  to         ' Aaron  and  his  sons   '  Thus  shall  ye  bless '  &c., Israel   said  to  the  Holy  One,  '  Lord  of  the  Uni-  i verse,   thou  tellest  the  priests  to   bless  us,  we want  only  Thy  blessing  and  to  be  blessed  from Thy  mouth ;  according  as  it  is  said.  Look  from         1 the  abode  of  Thy  holiness,  from  heaven '  (Deut. xxvi.  15).     The  Holy  One  said,  '  Although  I  com- manded the  priests  to  bless  you,  /am  standing         '\ with    them  and    blessing    you.'      Therefore  the          i priests  stretch  forth  their  hands  to  indicate  that the  Holy  One  stands  behind  us,  and  therefore  it says,  '  He    looks    from    the  windows '  [i.e.  from between  the  shoulders  of  the  priests],  '  He  peeps from   the   lattice  work  '  [i.e.  from  between  the         j fingers  of  the  priests]." (j3)  The   foregoing  points  afford  a  very  close  . parallel  to  the  usages  of  the  Christian  church.         ] That  the  imparter  of  the  blessing  should  stand  i is  but  in  accordance  with  the  natural   order  of         i things,  and  thus  is  a  point  universally  observed,  , so  that  the  Latin   church   does  but  stereotype         j usage,  when  in  the  ritual  of  Paul  V.  it  is  laid  i down  as  a  Rubric  stando  semper  henedicat.     As  to  j the  kneeling  of  the  recipients  of  the  blessing,  we  i may  find  ancient  evidence  in  the  Apostolic  Con-         j stitwtions  (viii.  6),  where  the  injunction  is  pre-  ; fixed  to  the  Benediction,  "...  and  let  the  deacon  ! say,  K\ii/aT€  koI  evKoyelcrBe." The  order  of  the  Jewish  ritual  that  the  priest  j should    face    the    people    is    paralleled    (to    say  j nothing  of  unvarying  custom)  by  the  Rubric before  the  benediction  in   the  mass  in  ancient  | Sacramentaries,  (thus  e.  g.  "  Postea  dicat  episco-  i pus  convertens  ad  populum,"  in  an  ancient  mass  j for  Easter.     Greg.  Sacram.  p.  248);  and  that  to  | pronounce  the  blessing  in  a  loud  voice  by  the equivalent  command  constantly  met  with  in Greek  service  books  (e.g.  iwevxeraL  6  iepevs lj.fya\6(paivos,  Goar,  Euchol.  p.  42). The  lifting  up  of  hands  (errapcns  rwv  x^'p^'') is  an  inseparable  adjunct  of  benedictions.     It  is         j constantly  associated  in  the  Bible  with  actions  of        j a  more  solemn  character,  as  oaths  (e.g.  Gen.  xiv. 22  ;  Rev.  x.  5),  or  prayer  (e.g.  Psalm  xxviii.  2  ;         i xliv.  21  [20,  E.V.];  Ixiii.  5  [4,  E.V.];  1  Tim.  ii.         i 8),  or  benediction  (e.g.  Lev.  ix.  22  ;  Luke  xxiv.         , 50).     An  occasional  addition  is  that  of  the  laying         j on  of  hands  :  of  this  we  find  traces  in  Gen.  xlviii.         ; 14,  18 ;  Matt.  xix.  13,  15  ;  Mark  x.  16  :  and  we may  again    refer  to  the  Apostolic  Constitutions         \ (viii.  9),  where  the  benediction  upon  penitents  is         j associated  with   the  laying  on  of  hands  (xeipo- Oeaia).     The   feeling  of  the  greater  worth  and         ' power  of  the  right  hand  is  shown  in  patriarchal times  (Gen.  /.  c.) ;  and  in  later  times  it  is  either         I taken  for  granted  or  is  expressly  commanded  that         ( the  right  hand  should  be  used.  ; (7)  With  this  natural  and  almost  universal gesture,  the  act  of  benediction  is  constantly  re-  \ presented  in  ancient  art.  Thus,  the  Lord  extends His  open  hand  over  the  demoniac,  in  the  bas- reliefs  of  a  'Sarcophagus  at  Verona  (Maffei, Verona  Ulustrata,  pars  iii.  p.  54) ;  and  also  over a  kneeling  figure  in  an  Arcosolium  of  the cemetery  of  St.  Hermes  (Bottari,  Pittitre  c  Sctd- ture,  clxxsvii.  No.  2).  ; In  process  of  time,  as  in  the  Jewish  so  in  the        j BENEDICTIONS Chiisti.an  ritual,  a  particular  disposition  of  the fingers  in  the  act  of  blessing  became  usual.  In the  Greek  church,  and  in  Greek  paintings  for  the most  part,  the  hand  outstretched  in  blessing  has the  thumb  touching  the  tip  of  the ring-finger,  while  the  forefinger, the  middle,  and  the  little  finger are  erected.  According  to  a  view mentioned  by  Ciampini  (^De  Sacris Aedif.  Const,  p.  42,  from  Theoph. Raynaud,  De  Attrilmtis  Christi,  4. 9.  733,  who  cites  it  from  some fragments  of  a  Greek  writer  of uncertain  date,  Nicolaus  Malaxus), tlie  erect  forefinger  with  the  curved middle  finger  make  IC,  i.e.  'IrjiroiJs, while  the  crossing  of  the  thumb  and  ring-finger and  the  curving  of  the  little  finger  make  XC,  i.e. XpiffTos.  One  cannot  but  agree  here  with  the remark  in  the  Acta  Sanctorum  (June,  vol.  vii. p.  135)  that  this  is  rather  an  ingenious  specula- tion of  Malaxus  than  a  received  doctrine  of  the Greek  church.  According  to  Goar  (^Euchohgion, p.  923)  the  thumb  and  ring-finger  crossed  made a  X,  the  other  fingers  erect  with  the  fore  and miildle  fingers  slightly  separated  were  supposed to  represent  r,  I,  the  whole  standing  for  'IrjiroCs Xpiurhs  vlkS..  He  also  gives  (pp.  114,  115) pictures  of  St.  Methodius  and  St.  Germanus, with  the  fingers  disposed  as  above,  save  that  the fore  and  middle  fingers  are  united.  Evidence, however,  is  not  forthcoming  as  to  the  date  of these  representations.  (Cf.  Leo  Allatius,  De Cons.  Eccl.  Occid.  et  Orient,  pp.  1358  sqq.,  wno describes  as  used  by  the  Greeks  a  disposition  of the  fingers  akin  to  that  spoken  of  by  Malaxus, and  considers  it  as  indicating  the  doctrines  of  the Trinity  and  of  the  twofold  nature  of  our  Lord.) Neale  (t6.  352,  n.)  thus  describes  the  eastern method,  "The  priest  joins  his  thumb  and  third finger,  and  erects  and  joins  the  other  three ;  and is  thus  supposed  to  symbolize  the  procession  of the  Holy  Ghost  from  the  Father  alone ;  and, according  to  others,  to  form  the  sacred  name IHC  by  the  position  of  his  fingers." In  the  Latin  manner  of  benediction  the  erected fingers  are  the  thumb,  the  forefinger  and  the middle  finger,  wliile  the  other two  are  doubled  down  on  the palm  of  the  hand.  The  hand of  the  Lord  is  thus  represented in  some  monuments,  when  He works  a  miracie,  not  holding a  rod  in  the  hand :  for  in- stance, in  the  healing  of  the man  born  blind  (Bottari,  tav. xix.),  that  of  the  woman  with an  issue  of  blood  (xxi.),  and in  the  representation  of  Christ's  entry  into  Jeru- salem (cxxxiii.) :  see  also  the  illustrations  of Bi-ixD,  Healing  of,  and  Bethesda.  The  same arrangement  of  the  fingers  is  observed  in  the  bas- belief  of  an  ancient  sarcophagus,  representing the  Good  Shepherd  blessing  His  sheep.  In  some cases  the  representation  of  the  natural  gesture  of an  orator  or  teacher  resembles  the  act  of  blessing  ; as,  for  instance,  in  the  representation  of  Christ  in the  midst  of  the  doctors,  given  by  Bottari  (liv.). Tliis  arrangement  of  the  fingers  is  said  to  be found  in  the  most  ancient  pictorial  representa- tions of  the  Popes  (Molanus,  Hist.  SS.  Imaginum, p.  4G8  n.  ;  ed.   Louvain,   1771).     Pope   Leo  IV. BENEDICTIONS 199 (Horn,  de  Cura  Pastorali,  Migne's  Patrol,  cxv. 678)  seems  to  enjoin  a  somewhat  difierent  ar- rangement, still  for  the  purpose  of  symbolizing the  Trinity  ;  "  districtis  duobus  digitis  et  pollice  ' intus  recluso,  per  quod  Trinitas  annuitur." These  words,  however,  though  given  by  Labbe', are  wanting  in  many  authorities. But  it  seems  certain,  that  it  is  only  in  com- paratively modern  times  that  the  rite  of  benedic- tion has   constituted  a  distinction  between  the  , Greek  and  Latin  Churches.     For  instance,  in  the most  Roman  of  monuments,  the   Vatican   con- fessio  (or  crypt)  of  St.  Peter  (see  the  frontis-              | piece  to  Borgia's  Vaticana  Cunfcssio  B.  Petri),  the              \ Lord  gives  the  blessing  in  the  Greek  manner ;  in              ' the  triumphal  arch  of  St.  Mark's  Church,  in  the              ' Latin  manner  ;  in  the  tribune  of  the  same  church,              j after  the  Greek  manner  ;  so  also  in  a  mosaic  of  the              I ancient  Vatican  (Ciampini,  Be  Sacr.  Aedif.  p.  43),              j executed  under  the   direction   of  Innocent  III.             -; (1198-1216),    who,    treating   expressly    of  this              1 matter   (De  Sacro  Altaris   Myst.    ii.    44),    pre- scribes the   elevation  of  three  fingers,  without indicating  which.     On  the  other  hand,  the  bas- relief  of  a  Greek  diptych  given  by  Foggini  (Z>e Pom.  It  in.  Petri,  p.  471),  represents  St.  Peter giving  the  blessing  in  the  Latin  manner,  while              | St.  Andrew,  the  reputed  founder  of  the  Church              I of  Constantinople,  blesses  in  the  Greek  manner  ;              i a  circumstance  which  may  perhaps  indicate  that              1 ditferent   gestures  of  blessing  were  regarded  as             J characteristic    of    East    and   West    respectively             ! (see  Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chre't.  p.  84). (S)  The  SIGN  OF  THE  Ceoss  (see  the  article) constantly  accompanies  benedictions  both  in  the Eastern  and  the  Western  rites,  and  was  thought to  impart  validity  to  the  act ;  "  quod  signum nisi  adhibeatur  .  .  nihil  horum  rite  perficitur," says  St.  Augustine  {Tract,  in  Joannem,  118,  §  5). (e)  Incense  is  a  frequent  accompaniment  of Benedictions  ;  and  the  employment  of  Holy  Water to  be  sprinkled  on  persons  or  things  may  be regarded  as  a  form  of  Benediction  [Holy  Water]. The  modern  Romish  Ritual  makes  a  special  vest- ment incumbent  on  the  priest  who  gives  a  blessing. This,  however,  is  beside  our  present  purpose. V.  Benedictioncds. — It  has  been  already  shown that  various  early  forms  of  benedictions  are found  interspersed  in  ancient  Sacramentarios. In  that  attributed  to  Pope  Leo  are  found  forms of  blessing  "ascendentibus  a  fonte,"  and  "  lactis  et mellis,"  as  well  as  a  "  benedictio  fontis,"  which is  possibly  a  later  addition.  It  is,  however,  in the  somewhat  later  Sacramentary  of  Gregory  the Great  that  we  meet  with  specimens  of  benedic- tions on  a  more  extended  scale,  in  some  MSS. variously  interspersed  through  the  book,  and  in some  given  separately,  forming  the  so-called Benedictionale.  This  is  the  case  with  the  very ancient  MS.  of  the  Caesarean  Library,  edited  by Lambecius,  not  knowing  that  the  greater  part  of it  had,  undei-  a  different  arrangement,  already been  edited  by  Menard.  Another  of  somewhat diilerent  form  has  been  edited  by  Pamelius (Liturgg.  vol.  ii.)  from  tw'o  MSS.  of  the  time of  Charlemagne  now  in  the  Vatican.  The  Liher Sacramcntorum  of  Ratoldus,  of  the  tenth  century, also  contains  numerous  benedictions,  but  the fullest  Benedictional  is  that  found  in  two  MSS. of  the  Monastery  of  St.  Theodoric,  near  Rheims, written  about  tlie  year  0(i().  Menard  has  also edited  a  Benedict i<iiial  from  a   BIS.  in  llic  abbey 200 BENEDICTUS of  St.  Eligius,  and  Angelus  Rocca  another  from a  MS  in^'the  Vatican.  A  large  collection  of benedictions  is  also  to  be  found  in  the  Pontifical of  Ecrbert  (Archbishop  of  York,  A.D.  732-766), published  by  the  Surtees  Society  in  1853.  It will  be  observed  that  all  the  above  are  merely recensions,  more  or  less  added  to,  of  the  bene- dictions in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary ;  it will  suffice  to  mention,  in  addition  to  those, the  benedictions  of  the  Gothic  Missal,  first edited  by  Joseph  Thomasius  and  then  by  Ma- billon  {Museum  Italicwn,  vol.  ii.),  which  are numerous,  but  of  very  different  form. VI.  Literature. — For  the  matter  of  the  present article  we  have  to  express  considerable  obliga- tions to  the  essay  Sege7i  und  Fluch  in  Binterim's Deukwiirdiqkeiten  (vol.  vii.  part  2),  and  to Augusti's  Denkwiirdigkeiten  aus  der  ChristlicTien ArcMologie,  vol.  x.  pp.  165  seqq.  We  have  also consulted  the  articles  Benedict ioncn  and  Seg- nungen  in  Herzog's  EealencyklopMie,  and  in Wetzer  and  Welte's  Kirchen-Lexicon.  See  also Gerhard,  Be  Benedictione  Ecclesiastica,  and  Hae- ner,  De  Ritu  Benediciionis  Sacerdotalis.  A  vast mine  of  information  is  to  be  found  in  Martene, De  Antiquis  Ecclesiae  Ritihiis,  and  in  Gretser, De  Benedictionihm.  [R-  S.] BENEDICTUS,  of  Nursia,  abbot  of  Monte Cassino,  born  A.D.  480,  and  died  probably  542. [See  Diet,  of  C/ir.  Biogr.  s.  v.]  His  festivals  are as  follows : — Under  March  21,  the  Hart.  Bom.  Vet.  has "In  Cassino  Castro,  Benedicti  Abbatis; "  Mart. Hieron.,  "Depositio  Benedicti  Abbatis  ;"  Mart. Bedae,  "  Natale  Benedicti  Abbatis." Under  July  11,  Mat't.  Bedae  has, "  Floriaco  adven- tus  S.  B.  A. ;"  Mart.  Adonis,  "  Translatio  S.  B.  A. ;" while  3L  Hieron.  has  again  "  Depositio  S.  B.  A." Under  Dec.  4,  the  M.  Hieron.  has  "Floriaco adventus  Corporis  S.  B.  A." The  Cal.  Bi/zant.  celebrates  "Benedict  of Nursia,  Holy  Father,"  on  March  14. We  see  that  the  festival  of  March  21  commemo- rates the  death  (or  burial)  of  the  saint;  that  of July  11,  the  translation  of  his  relics  to  Fleury (St.  Benoit  sur  Loire),  in  653.  The  Mart.  Hieron., here  as  in  some  other  places,  is  inexplicable. The  name  of  St.  Benedict  is  recited  in  the prayer  Communicantes  of  the  Gregorian  canon, and  in  the  ancient  canon  of  Milan  (Menard's Greg.  Sacram.,  p.  546).  The  Corbey  MS.  of  the Sacram.  Greg,  has  on  vi.  Idus  Julii  (July  10) "  Vigilia  S.  Benedicti  Abbatis,"  with  proper  col- lect, &c.,  and  on  v.  Id.  Jul.  (July  11)  "  Natale S.  B.  A.,"  with  proper  collect,  &c.,  for  the  mass. The  MSS.  of  Reims  and  of  Ratold  have  also  the Natale  on  this  day,  but  the  office  is  simply  de communi  unius  abbatis  (Menard,  u,  s.  p.  407). Antiphon  in  Lib.  Antiph.  p.  703.  Compare  Liber Ilcsponsalis,  p.  810. Stephen  of  Tournai  {Epist.  105)  tells  us  that the  ancient  church  of  St.  Benedict  at  Paris  was built  so  that  the  sanctuary  was  towards  the west,  an  arrangement  which  was  afterwards altered  (in  Menard,  u.  s.  p.  329).  [C] BENEDICTUS.  The  song  of  Zacharias  con- tamed  in  S.  Luke  i.  68-79,  so  called  from  its hrst  word.  This  canticle  has  been  said  at  lauds in  the  Western  Church  from  early  times  every day  throughout  the  year,  whatever  be  the  ser- vice. The  introduction  of  the  custom  is  attri- buted to  S.  Benedict.     It  is  said  with  a  varying BEEGHFORDENSE  CONCILITOI  ; antiphon  which  is  doubled,  i.e.,  said  entire  both        , before  and  after  the  canticle,  on  double  feasts; in  the  Roman,  Monastic,  and  other  offices  derived       .; from  a  Gregorian  or  Benedictine  origin,  at  the end  of  lauds,  immediately  before  the  oratio  or        i collect,  and  occupies  the  same  position  at  lauds        ; which  the  Magnificat  occupies  at  vespers.     In      '} the  Ambrosian  office  it  occurs  on  the  contrary        i at  the   very  beginning  of  the   office,  after  the opening  versicles.     The  Ambrosian  rules  too  for        ] the  duplication  of  antiphons  are  diil'erent  from        j the  Roman.     The  Benedictus  is  also  found  else- where,   e.g.,    in   the   Mozarabic   lauds    for   the       | nativity  of  S.  John  Baptist.     In  the  Greek  rite, the  Benedictus  called  irpocrevyj]   Zaxapiov,  rod TTarphs  Tov  XlpoSpofiov,  forms  together  with  and following  the  Magnificat  the   last  of  the    nine        I odes  [Ode]  appointed  for  lauds.  j The  introductory  part  of  the  Song  of  the  Three  ! Children,  which  precedes  the  Benedictiones,  or Benedicite  proper,  is  also  known  as  the  Bene-  J dictus  from  its  opening,  "  Benedictus  es  Domine  ,! Deus  pati'um  nostrorum,  &c.  .  .  ."  This  is  said  j daily  in  the  Ambrosian  rite  at  matins  before  the  j psalms,  in  the  place  the  Venite  occurs  in  other  j western  rites.  The  whole  of  the  Song  of  the  j Three  Children  is  also  called  the  Benedictus  in  [ the  Mozarabic  breviary,  and  said  daily  at  lauds,  ' as  has  been  already  stated.  [H.  J.  H.] BENEFICE.  This  subject  occupies  a  larger  ' space  in  the  writings  of  Canonists  than  almost  | any  other  question  within  the  cognisance  of  eccle-  j siastical  law ;  but  its  history  prior  to  the  year  ] 814  may  be  compressed  into  a  small  compass.  ' The  term  benefice  is  thus  defined — the  per- petual right  of  receiving  profits  from  real  pro- perty established,  by  authority  of  the  Church  in favour  of  a  spiritual  person  in  respect  of  the performance  of  a  spiritual  office. The  expression  seems  to  have  originated  in  the practice  of  granting  the  right  of  occupation  in  ; Church  lands  to  laymen  in  exchange  for  pro-  i tection  afforded  to  the  Church.  These  were  j called  benefices,  and  the  property,  when  restored  , to  the  Church,  retained  the  name.  : The  custom  of  assigning  to  ecclesiastics  a  life  \ interest  in  Church  property  appears  to  have  ■: commenced  about  the  beginning  of  the  6th century,  and  is  referred  to  in  the  22nd  canon  j of  the  Council  of  Agde  (A.D.  506)  and  in  the  | 23rd  canon  of  the  first  Council  of  Orleans  (a.d.  ■  I 511),  also  in  a  letter  of  Pope  Symmachus  to  j Caesarius,  Bishop  of  Aries  (a.d.  513). But  the  grant  was  not  larger  than  a  life  | interest  to  the  beneficiary;  and  it  therefore lacked  the  condition  of  perpetuity,  which  was an  essential  characteristic  of  a  benefice  in  later ecclesiastical  law  (Ducange,  Glossarium,  sub voce ;  Ferraris,  Bibliotheca  Canonica,  sub  voce ; Thomassinus,  Vetus  et  Nova  Ecclesiae  Disciplina, ii.  3,  13,5;  Boahmer,  Jus  Ecclesiasticum,  iii. 5,  492).  [I.  B.] BENIGNUS.  (1)  Martyr  atTomi  in  Scythia ; commemorated  April  3  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.). (2)  Presbyter,  martyr  at  Dijon  under  M.  Au- relius  ;  commemorated  Nov.  1  {Mart.  Hieron., Adonis'). BERGHAMSTEDENSE  CONCILIUM. [Bersted,  Council  of.]  [C] BERGHFORDENBE  CONCILIUM.  [Buk- Fora>  Council  ok.] BERONICUS BERONICUS,  martyr  at  Antioch  in  Syria; commemorated  Oct.  19  (J^Iart.  Horn.  Vet., Adonis).  [C] BERSTED,  COUNCIL  OF  (Bergham- STEDENSE  CONCILIUM),  or  rather  Witenagemot, of  Kent,  at  Bersted  near  Maidstone,  A.D.  696,  at which  the  ecclesiastical  laws  of  Wihti-ed,  king of  Kent,  were  passed.  The  date  is  uncertam, Gebmund,  bishop  of  Rochester  (who  was  pie- sent),  living  until  696  according  to  the  Textus  \ Boffensis  (whence  the  laws  are  taken),  but  I dying  as  early  as  at  least  694-  according  to  the Saxon  Chronicle.  "  To  the  Church,  freedom from  imposts,"  or,  more  probably,  "  freedom  in jurisdiction  and  revenue,"  is  the  beginning of  the  first  law  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Comic iii.  233-238  ;  Thorpe,  Anc,  Laws  and  Institutes, ii.  16-19).  [A.  W.  H] BERYTUS,   COUNCIL  OF,  a.d.   448,  as Jlansi  thinks  (vi.  501-2),  in  September,  to  heai a  charge  preferred  against  Ibas,  bishop  of  Edessn, by  nine  of  his  clergy,  which  was  twofold :  first, that  he  had  said,  "  I  envy  not  Christ  being  made God,  having  been  made  so  m\'self  as  much   ni He,"   which   he  denied    indignantly;    and  next, that  he  had  called  St.  Cyril  a  heretic,  which  he averred  he  never   had  after    the    reconciliation between  John  of  Antioch,  his  own  superior,  and St.  ('yril.     To  refute  this,  his  celebrated  lettei to  Maris,  of  subsequent  date,  was    adduced  in evidence,  containing   a  narrative  of   the   whole controversy    between    Nestorius    and    St.  Cy Ke  rejoined    by  producing  a  testimonial  in favour  addressed  to  Eustathius,  bishop  of  Bei  >  - tus,   and    Photius,  bishop  of  Tyre,  two    of  his  , iudges,  and  signed  by  upwards  of  sixty  presbj-  I ters,  deacons,  and  subdeacons  of  his  diocese.    His acquittal  followed  :  which,  having  been  reversed at  Ephesus  by  Dioscorus  of  Alexandria  the  year following,  was  confirmed  in  the  tenth  session  of  i the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  where  the  acts  of  this  | Council  are  preserved  (Mansi  vii.  211-72).     His  J spistle   to  Maris,   indeed,   was    afterwards    con-  ] demned  at  the  fifth  General  Council.  [E.  S.  Ff.]     | BETHESDA,  Miracle   of  (in  Art).     Of  | this    miracle    there    is    an   ancient    representa-  i tion  on  a  sarcophagus  from  the  Vatican  ceme-  ! tery,  engraved    in   Bottari   QScuUure   e  Pitture, tav.    xxxix.  :    see    woodcut).       The    subject   oc- cupies the   centre  of  the   tomb.     A  wavy  line, representing     water,    divides    the    comj)osition horizontally    into    two    compartments :    on   the  I l)wer,  the   impotent  man  is  seen  lying  on   his  ] couch,    which     is    covered    by  a   stragulum  or coverlet ;  on  the   upper,  he  is  seen   healed  and  ; carrying   his  couch,    while    the    Lord    stretches forth   His   hand    towards    him ;    another   figure  : raises  his  hand,  the  fingers  arranged  as  in  the Latin  form  of  benediction.      The  background  is BETHLEHEM 201 formed  by  an  arcade  of  three  arches  supported  by columns,  intended,  no  doubt,  to  represent  one  of the  "  five  porches  "  (St.  John  v.  2)  in  which  the impotent  folk  were  laid  (Martigny,  Diet,  des Antiq.  Chv€t.  p.  542).  The  same  miracle  is  repre- sented, in  a  very  different  style,  in  the  great Laurentian  MS  See  Assemanni,  Bibliothecae Mediceae  Catal  tab  xit ,  and  Webtwood's  Palneo- graphia  Sir,  i  |-,^ -| Sarcophagus. BETHLEHEM  (architectural).  In  the Ethiopic  churches,  a  small  building  is  thrown out  from  the  east  end  of  the  sanctuary,  where the  bread  for  use  in  the  eucharist  is  prepared  by the  Deacon  alone,  and  baked  in  the,  oven  with which  the  place  is  furnished.  This  building  is called  the  Bethlehem,  or  "  house  of  bread  "  (Neale, Eastern  Church,  Introd.  190).  [C] BETHLEHEM  (Symbol).  In  an  ancient mosaic  of  the  church  of  SS.  Cosmas  and  Damian, in  the  Via  Sacra  at  Rome  (Ciampini,  Vetera Monumenta,  ii.  tab.  xvi. ;  see  woodcut)  two  flocks, each  of  six  sheep,  pass  from  cities  labelled  re- spectively HiERUSALEM  and  Bethlehem  towards the  figure  of  a  Lamb,  representing  the  Lord, which  stands  on  a  mound  in  the  centre.  Similar representations,  are  found  in  Buonarroti  (Fram- menti  di  Vasi,  tav.  vi.  1)  and  Ferret  (Catacombes de  Rome,  v.  pi.  iii.).  The  Abbe  Martigny  {Diet, des  Antiq.  Chre't.  p.  225)  supposes  Jerusalem  and Bethlehem  to  symbolize  respectively  the  Jewish and  Gentile  Churches  ;  but  this  scarcely  seems  a probable    opinion.      It    is    difficult    to    see    how iiulJilciiem  iiud  jL'lu^ilciii  iia  ^}lubul3. 202 BETHPHANIA Bethlehem  could  represent  the  Gentile  church, and  the  twelve  sheep  are  generally  supposed  to represent  the  Apostles,  none  of  whom  came  forth from  the  Gentiles.  On  the  whole,  it  seems  more probable  that  the  issuing  forth  of  the  flock  of Christ  from  Jerusalem  and  Bethlehem  symbolizes the  fact  that  the  church  is  founded  on  the Nativity,  the  Passion  and  the  Resurrection  of  the Lord.  Bethlehem  was  the  scene  of  the  former, Jerusalem  of  the  two  latter.  See  Ciampini {Vet.Mon.\.im-  [<^-] BETHPHANIA.     [Epiphany.] BETHPHANY.     [Epiphany.] BETHURIUS,   martyr   at  Carthage   under Saturninus ;     commemorated    July    17    {Mart. Rom.  Vet.).  [C] BETROTHAL.  Under  this  head  we  shall consider  only  the  ordinary  contract  of  that name,  reserving  for  the  head  of  ESPOUSALS  the specially  religious  applications  of  the  idea. The  two  influences  which  must  have  chiefly built  up  the  earliest  practice  of  the  Church must  have  been  the  Jewish  and  the  Roman,  as embodied  in  the  civil  law  of  the  Empire.  But as  respects  marriage,  these  influences  were  dif- ferent in  character.  The  Jewish  law  of  mar- riage embodied  much  of  the  old  and  to  this day  widely  prevalent  custom  among  uncivilized races,  of  tresiiing  it  as  the  purchase  of  a  wife; with  this  remarkable  feature  indeed,  that  the woman  was  at  a  very  early  age  (i.  e.  within  her 12th  year,  see  Selden's  Uxor  Hebraica,  bk.  ii.  c. iii.)  held  fit  to  dispose  of  herself.  Under  this  sys- tem, betrothal,  if  not  the  actual  marriage,  which was  held  to  consist  in  the  leading  of  the  bride  to the  nuptial  bed,  was  yet  really,  for  most  pur- poses, the  marriage  contract,  the  violation  of which  by  connexion  with  another  was  deemed adultery,  and  punishable  as  such,  the  dissolution of  which  could  only  take  place  by  a  "  writing  of divorcement "  (Selden,  quoting  Maimonides,  u.  s.. c.  i.).  The  contract  was  made  by  persons  held to  be  of  full  age  (/.  e.  speaking  generally,  and neglecting  some  exceptional  minutiae,  males  in the  last  day  of  their  13th  year,  women  in  the second  half  of  their  12th)  at  their  own  will  ; but  girls  under  age  might  be  betrothed  by  their fathers  or  guardians  (though  only  by  money  or writing),  with  power,  however,  at  10  to  repu- diate the  engagement;  it  could  also  be  entered into  through  go-betweens, — those  proxenetici  of the  Greeks  and  Romans, — whose  name  has,  in ordinary  parlance,  been  shortened  in  form  and widened  in  meaning  into  that  of  our  "  proxies," but  who  represent  a  still  recognised  function  and calling  in  the  Jewish  communities  of  our  day. Where  the  contract  was  in  writing,  with  or without  the  giving  of  earnest  money,  it  was  to be  written  out  by  the  man  in  the  presence  of witnesses,  and  handed  over  to  the  woman,  who must  know  its  purport,  otherwise  there  was no  contract.  Selden  gives  the  form  of  such  a writing,  specifying  the  man's  pronouncing  of  the words  of  betrothal,  the  assent  of  the  girl,  and  his promise  of  a  jointure. The  Roman  looked  upon  the  marriage  contract with  different  eyes  from  the  Jew.  A\  the  time when  the  Christian  Church  grew  up,  the  idea  of it  as  the  purchase  of  a  wife  had  quite  died  out from  m.-n's  minds.  j\Iarriage,  and  still  more betrothal,   was   (witli    nue    cxccotion)    a    purely BETROTHAL civil  contract,  verbally  concluded.  Under  the later  Roman  law  (we  need  not  here  go  in  detail into  the  enactments  of  the  Lex  Julia,  or  Papia- Poppaea),  which  forms  the  second  and  main basis  of  church  practice  on  the  subject,  betrothal is  viewed  simply  as  a  contract  for  future  mar- riage. It  was  of  more  weight  indeed  than  our "  engagement,"  since  it  was  held  as  much  a  note of  infamy  to  enter  into  two  contracts  of  betrothal as  of  marriage  (Big.  3,  tit.  2,  s.  1,  13),  so that  Tacitus  says  of  the  younger  Agrippina,  when thinking  of  marrying  her  son  Domitius  to  Octavia, daughter  of  Claudius,  that  it  could  not  be  done "  without  crime,"  since  Octavia  was  already  be- trothed to  Silanus  (Ann.  bk.  xii.  c.  3),  but  it  was  a compact  for  which  mere  consent  without  writing, even  of  absent  parties,  was  sufficient  (Dig.  23,  tit. 1,  s.  4),  although  for  its  full  validity  the  consent of  all  parties  was  required  whose  consent  would be  necessary  to  marriage  (s.  7).  The  consent  of  a daughter,  however,  to  her  father's  betrothal  of  her was  implied,  in  default  of  proof  to  the  contrary (s.  12);  and  Julianus  held  that  the  like  consent of  a  father  was  to  be  implied,  in  default  of  proof  of his  dissent,  to  his  daughter's  betrothal  of  herself. No  forms  were  requisite  for  the  early  Roman betrothal,  and  there  seems  no  reason  for  suppos- ing that  the  stage  betrothals  which  are  so  fre- quent in  Plautus  would  not  have  been  strictly legal.  (Aulul.  ii.  2,  vv.  77-9  :  Poenul.  v.  3.  vv. 37,  8;  Trinumn.  ii.  4,  vv.  98-103.)  In  these the  essence  of  the  contract  lies  evidently  in the  question  and  reply  (the  interrogatory  form being  a  characteristic  of  the  early  Roman  law) : "  Spondesne  ?  " — "  Spondeo."  At  the  same  time, the  early  Roman  betrothal  was  generally  accom- panied with  the  sending  to  the  woman  of  the iron  Bridal  Ring  (see  this  head). We  may  infer  from  the  much  larger  space assigned  to  betrothal  and  its  incidents  in  the Code  (5,  tit.  1-3.)  than  in  the  Digest  that  with the  growth  of  the  empire  the  contract  both assumed  greater  importance,  and  was  at  the same  time  more  frequently  broken.  The  prac- tice of  giving  earnest-money  [Arrhae]  becomes now  prominent ;  whilst  gifts  on  betrothal  are also  largely  dwelt  upon.  Under  Constantine  we see  that  the  passing  of  a  kiss  between  the  be- trothed had  come  to  have  a  legal  value.  (Code  5, tit.  3,  s.  16.) A  glimpse  at  the  forms  usual  in  the  later Roman  betrothals,  towards  the  beginning  of  the 3rd  century,  is  given  to  us  by  Tertullian.  In his  treatise  de  Veland.  Virgin,  c.  ii.,  he  ob- serves that  even  among  the  Gentiles  girls  are brought  veiled  to  betrothal,  "because  they  are united  both  in  body  and  spirit  to  the  man by  the  kiss  and  the  joining  of  right  hands." This  passage  evidently  shows  that  in  his  time Gentile  betrothal  had  grown  to  be  a  ceremony, of  which  the  veil,  the  kiss  and  the  clasped hands  were  among  the  elements ;  his  mention  of the  kiss  illustrating  the  before  quoted  constitu- tion by  Constantine,  later  indeed  by  nearly  a century  and  a  half.  He  does  not  indeed  name  the ring ;  but  the  use  of  it  [Bridal  Ring]  is  testified to  by  himself  in  another  passage,  and  by  several other  authorities. The  greater  prominence  of  the  betrothal  con- tract under  the  later  emperors — say  from  the  3rd century  inclusively — is  best  explained  through the  gradual   permeation   of  the   Roman   empire BETROTHAL by  the  barbariiin  races,  the  main  source  from which  all  the  most  energetic  elements  of  its population  were  recruited,  long  before  any  col- lective invasion.  For  when  we  turn  to  the barbaric  Codes,  we  generally  find  betrothal  in a  position  of  prominence  quite  unlike  anything in  the  earlier  Roman  law — the  ruling  idea  being almost  invariably  that  of  wife-buying.  The Salic  law  deals  with  the  subject,  after  its  wont, only  through  money-payments.  If  any  one carries  off  a  betrothed  girl  and  marries  her,  he is  to  pay  62|  solidi,  and  15  to  her  betrothed. (Pact us  anti</uior,  t.  xiv.  arts.  8,  9.)  If  any, whilst  the  bridesman  is  conducting  the  betrothed to  her  husband,  falls  on  her  in  wrath  and  with violence  commits  adultery  with  her,  he  shall  pay 200  solidi  (art.  10).  Amongst  our  forefathers  of the  Anglo-Saxon  period,  we  find  the  laws  of Ethelbert  (597-616)  decreeing  that  "if  a  man carry  oft"  a  maiden  betrothed  to  another  man  in money,"  he  is  to  "  make  hot  with  20  shillings  " (83).  The  laws  of  Ina  (688-725),  though  a century  later,  do  not  any  more  than  those  of Ethelbert  seem  to  distinguish  betrothal  from purchase :  "  If  a  man  buy  a  wife  and  the  mar- riage take  not  place,  let  him  give  the  money," &c.  (31). But  it  is  in  the  Wisigothic  and  Lombardic laws  that  we  find  most  matter  under  this  head. The  former  attribute  almost  absolute  authority in  the  betrothals  of  women  to  the  father  or  his representative.  One  of  the  more  ancient  enact- ments bears  that  "if  any  have  had  a  girl  be- trothed to  him  with  the  will  of  her  tather  or  of the  other  near  relations  to  whom  by  law  this power  is  given,"  the  girl  may  not  marry  another against  her  parents'  (or  relatives')  will ;  but  if she  do,  both  parties  shall  be  handed  over  to  the power  of  him  who  had  had  her  betrothed  to him  with  her  parents'  will,  and  any  relatives abetting  the  marriage  .shall  pay  1  pound  of  gold. The  betrothal  contract  is  by  the  Wisigothic law  treated  as  so  fiir  equivalent  to  marriage, that  the  term  adultery  is  freely  used  of  its violation  by  the  parties.  A  husband  or  betrothed are  moreover  declared  not  to  be  responsible  for killing  those  who  commit  adultery  with  their wives  or  betrothed  (1.  4).  Again,  the  same  title of  the  law  embraces  the  rupture  of  both  contracts (Be  dimrtiis  JSuptiarum  et  discidio  Sponsoruin, t.  yi.). The  Wisigothic  Code  has  been  always  held  to have  been  drawn  up  under  priestly  influence. The  Lombards  were  never  looked  on  with  favour by  the  Church.  Yet  between  the  two  systems of  legislation  there  is  less  difterence  on  the  head which  occupies  us  than  might  be  expected.  The Lombard  law,  like  the  Wisigothic,  adopts  from Rome  the  two  years'  maximum  for  delay  in carrying  out  a  betrothal  contract.  (Laws  of Notharis,  A.D.  638  or  643,  c.  178.) The  laws  of  Luitprand  (a.d.  717)  are  very severe  against  too  early  marriages  of  girls.  W any  betroth  to  himself  or  carry  away  [as  his  wife] a  girl  under  12,  he  is  to  compound  as  for  rape. The  forms  of  betrothal  among  the  barbarian conquerors  of  the  Roman  Empire  must  have  been infinitely  varied.  The  Salic  betrothal  was  by the  oft'er  of  a  solidus  and  denarius,  and  the  con- tract could  be  made  between  absent  parties ;  as when  Chlodovvig  (Clovis)  espoused  Chlotildi through   his   envoys  (Xedcgarius,    I'Jpit.   c.    18). BETROTHAL ^03 Canciani,  from  the  Euphemian  Codex  of  Verona, has  published  two  formulae,  one  apparently  of  a Lombard,  the  other  of  a  Salic  betrothal  (vol.  ii. pp.  467,  476),  which,  although  the  text  of  them may  be  somewhat  later  than  the  period  to  which this  work  relates,  no  doubt,  like  most  written formulae,  exhibit  with  some  faithfulness  the usages  of  an  earlier  period.  In  both  of  them the  betrothal  has  palpably  become  a  judicial  act. A  sword  and  a  glove  are  the  main  features  of  the former:  "For  this  cometh  M.,  for  that  ho willeth  to  espouse  D.,  daughter  of  P.  Camest thou  because  of  this  ?  "  "I  came."  "  Give pledge,  that  thou  wilt  make  unto  her  a  fourth part  of  whatever  thou  hast ;  and  by  this  sword  1 and  this  glove  I  betroth  to  thee  M.,  my  daughter,  j and  thou,  receive  her  by  title  of  betrothal."  ! "  Thou,  father  of  the  woman,  give  pledges  to  him  i that  thou  givest  her  to  him  to  wife,  and  sendest her  under  his  niundium.  And  thou,  give  [pledge] that  thou  receivest  her  ;  and  whoever  shall  with-  • draw,  let  him  compound  in  a  thousand  solidi." The  Salic  formula  is  confined  to  the  case  of  the second  marriage  of  a  "  Salic  widow ;  "  it  belongs self-evidently  to  the  Carlovingian  era,  and  in  It the  ideas  of  betrothal  and  of  marriage  seem  to run  into  each  other.  ' We  come  now  to  the  legislation  of  the  Church         i itself  on  the   subject  of  betrothal.      Tertullian         ! in   his   treatise   on   Idolatry  (c.  16),  seeking  to         | determine    what    actions    and   matters  a  Chris- tian is  not  to  meddle  with  on  account  of  their idolatrous    character,    says:    "But    as   concern-        ( ing  the  offices  of  private  and  common  solemni-        \ ties,  as   these  ...  of  betrothal   or  marriage,  I        | think  no  danger  is  to  be  apprehended  from  any breath  of  idolatry   which  may  intervene.     For the  objects  must   be    considered  for  which   the office  is  performed.     I  deem  those  pure  in  them-         , selves,  for  neither  .  .  .  the   ring  nor   the  mar-        | riage  bond  flows  from  the  worship  of  any  idol."        ' It  may   be    fairly   concluded  from  this  passage that  towards  the  end  of  the  2nd  or  beginning  of the  3rd  century,  betrothal  was  considered  by  the Church  as  being  in  itself  a  perfectly  valid  and lawful  contract,  and  even  when   celebrated  be- tween heathens,  involving  no  contamination  for the  Christian  who  should  take  part  in  the  pro- ceedings connected  with  it.  i It  is  unnecessary  to  notice  the  forgeries  which support    sacerdotal    claims.       The    first    unim- peachable authority  on  the  subject  is  found  iu Basil's  Canonical  Epistle  to  Amphilochus,  bishoj) of  Iconium.     It  will  be  seen  that  he  treats  of betrothal  in  a  quite  incidental  manner.     In  one         \ passage  (c.  xxii.)  he  takes  the  case  of  men  who have  violently   carried  away    the    betrothed    of        I another ;  these  are  not  to  be  received  to  commu-         j nion  until  they  put  their  wives  away,  and  sub-         i mit  to  the  will  of  those  to  whom  these  were  at         I first  betrothed.     Yet  he  views  betrothal  as  so  far approximating  to  marriage  that  ho  allows  (c.  69)         j a  reader  or  subdeacon  seducing  his  betrothed  be- fore marriage  to  be  admitted  to  communion  after a  year's  penance,  without  loss  of  office,  but  so that  he  cannot  be  promoted  ;  but  in  case  of  his         j misconducting  himself  without  betrothal  with  a woman  he  is  to  be  deprived  of  his  office  itself. Of  more  interest,  both  in  itself,  and  as  being, probably,  the  first  genuine  utterance  of  a  Pope which  suffices  to  dispose  of  a  whole  mass  of antedated   forgeries,  is   a    JctdT  of   i'opr    lienc- 2U4  BETKOTHAL diet  I.  (A.D.  57.-7)  to  the  Patrinrch  of  Gran. The  Pope  hail  been  asked  whether,  where  a  girl had  been  betrothed  by  word  of  mouth  only,  and died  before  marriage,  her  sister  could  marry  the same  man.  The  Pope  replied  that  it  was  connu- bial intercourse  that  made  two  one  ;  "  how  by bare  words  of  betrothal  they  can  be  made  one we  can  in  nowise  see.  Do  not  therefore  deny  that which  you  can  show  no  reason  for  denying." It  is  indeed  evident,  from  the  application  itself, that  the  question  whether  the  contract  of  be- trothal did  not  of  itself  create  a  consanguinity between  the  parties,  sufficient  to  render  the subsequent  marriage  of  either  with  a  kinsman or  kinswoman  of  the  other  unlawful,  was  already a  moot  one.  We  might  not  be  surprised  if Gregory  the  Great  (A.D,  590-603),  in  whose powerful  mind  a  strong  vein  of  ascetic  feeling is  discoverable— should  have  taken  the  opposite side  to  Benedict.  He  remains  indeed  quite within  the  law  in  allowing  a  betrothed  woman to  dissolve  her  engagement  in  order  to  enter a  convent  ;  writing  (bk.  vi.  Ep.  20)  to  the bishop  and  defensor  of  Naples,  where  one Stephen,  betrothed  to  a  girl  who  had  been ■'  convei-ted "  in  one  of  the  monasteries  of  the city,  was  alleged  to  detain  her  and  her  property, that  after  due  examination  he  was  to  be  exhorted to  restore  the  girl  herself  and  her  things,  and  if he  did  not,  then  to  be  compelled  to  do  so. The  Council  (3)  of  Constantinople  in  Trullo (A.D.  680-1)  is  the  first  oecumenical  authority for  assimilating  betrothal  to  marriage,  so  far  as to  make  it  adultery  to  marry  a  betrothed  woman in  the  life-time  of  her  first  betrothed.  Now about  this  period  indeed  betrothal  becomes  a very  frequent  subject  of  church  legislation  or church  jurisprudence.  One  of-  the  canons  (105) of  a  Council  held  in  England,  under  Archbishop Theodore,  towards  the  end  of  the  7th  century, provides  that  if  a  man  after  betrothing  to  him- self a  wife,  will  not  live  with  her,  he  shall  restore the  money  given  to  him  and  add  a  third  to  it. Another  (129)  forbids  parents  to  give  a  betrothed girl  to  another  "if  she  resist  altogether,"  but they  may  send  her  to  a  convent  (for  this  seems  the cruel  sense  of  the  enactment).  A  collection  of canons  of  the  Irish  Church,  supposed  to  be  also of  the  end  of  this  centurj',  enacts,  somewhat singularly,  that  when  betrothed  girls  have  been dishonoured  by  other  men,  they  are  to  be  bought and  given  back  to  their  first  betrothed  (bk.  xli. c.  37).  The  "Excerpt"  of  Pope  Gregory  III. (A.D.  781-41)  mentions  five  years,  "  or  more humanely  three,"  as  the  penance  for  attempting to  seduce  another's  betrothed.  In  the  case  (which is  that  mentioned  in  the  25th  canon  of  the  Council of  Ancyra)  of  a  man  seducing  the  sister  of  his betrothed,  and  of  his  victim  killing  herself,  all who  are  implicated  in  the  deed  must  do  ten  years' penance,  or  some  say  seven  (c.  18).  The  first Council  of  Rome  under  Pope  Zacharias,  A.D.  743, anathematizes  those  who  rashly  presume  to  steal a  maid  or  widow  for  their  wife,  unless  betrothed to  them  (can.  7).  The  Carlovingian  Capitularies enact  that  a  betrothed  girl  ravished  by  another man  is  to  be  given  back  to  her  former  betrothed, but  that  in  case  of  his  refusing  to  take  her  she may  marry  a  stranger,  but  not  her  ravisher, under  pain  of  anathema  (c.  124).  and  follow generally  in  the  tracts  of  the  spurious  letters  of Evaristus  and  Siricius. BIGAMY Finally,  the  reply  of  Pope  Nicolas  to  the Bulgarians  in  860,  shows  that  at  the  end  of  the 9th  century  the  form  of  betrothal  had  become confined  to  the  placing  of  the  ring,  by  way  of earnest,  on  the  woman's  finger,  and  her  endow- ment by  the  man  in  the  presence  of  invited witnesses,  a  greater  or  less  interval  separating betrothal  from  marriage. If  we  are  not  mistaken,  the  history  of  the  8  or 9  first  centuries  shows  in  the  Church  a  gradual recession  from  the  freedom  both  of  the  Jewish and  of  the  Roman  law  upon  the  subject  of  be- trothal. Two  causes  seem  to  have  operated  to produce  this  result, — on  the  one  hand,  the  in- fiuence  of  the  barbarian  codes,  which  generally look  upon  the  woman  more  or  less  as  the  property of  her  father,  if  not  of  her  family  generally, — on the  other,  that  of  the  growing  spirit  of  asceticism in  reference  to  the  relations  between  the  sexes, leading  to  the  encroachment  of  the  Church  uj)on the  domain  of  the  civil  power  as  respects  the whole  subject  of  marriage,  and  thereby  again fostering  restrictive  church  legislation  with  all its  attendant  covetousnesses  and  corruptions. The  Carlovingian  era,  with  which  we  break off,  is  that  of  the  first  establishment  of  this system.  [J.  M.  L.] BEZIEES,  COUNCIL  OF  (Biterrense Concilium),  provincial,  a.d.  356,  summoned  by command  of  the  Emperor  Constantius,  under Saturninus,  Bishop  of  Aries  ;  one  of  those  minor Councils  of  the  West,  at  which  an  attempt  was made  to  condemn  St.  Athanasius.  St.  Hilary  of Poitiers,  who  defended  the  orthodox  cause,  was shortly  afterwai'ds  banished  to  Phrygia  by  the emperor  through  the  false  dealing  of  Saturninus (S.  Hilar.  Pictav.,  De  Synod.  §  2,  Ad  Constant.  §  2, 0pp.  ii.  460,  563  ;  Hieron.  I)e  ScrqM.  Eccl.c. ; Snip.  Sever.  JI.  E.  ii. ;  Labb.  v.  783).  [A.  W.  H.] BIBIANA,  martyr  at  Rome ;  commemorated Dec.  2  {Mart.  Mom.  Vet.) ;  3s  Viviana  (Mart. Hieron.').  [C] BIBLE,  USE  OF  IN  SERVICES.  [Ca- xoxiCAL  Books;  Epistle;  Gospel;  Lectionary; Prophecy.] BIBLIOTHECA.    [Library.] BIDDING^-PRAYEE.  This  term  is  used  by Bingham  to  designate  a  prayer  of  a  particular form  uttered  by  the  Deacon  in  the  Liturgy.  As, however,  the  modei-n  English  Bidding-Prayer appears  to  be  of  media,eval  origin,  it  seems  best to  treat  of  the  ancient  prayer  under  its  proper designation  [Prosphoxesis].  [C] BIGAMY.  Under  this  head  we  shall  desig- nate only,  according  to  modern  usage,  the  case of  matrimonial  union  to  two  persons  at  the  same time  ;  premising  that  until  the  beginning  of  the 17th  century,  at  least,  the  term  was  applied  to all  cases  of  second  marriage,  whether  during the  existence  of  a  prior  union  or  after  its  dis- solution;  the  word  "polygamy"  being  applied to  the  former  case.  Thus  Sir  E.  Coke  in  his  3rd Institute  (p.  88)  writes:  "The  difference  be- tween bigamy  or  trigamy  and  polygamy,  is  quia higamus  seu  trigamus,  etc.,  est  qui  diversis  tem- poribus  et  successive  duas  seu  tres,  etc.,  uxorcs hahuit  :  polygamus  qui  duas  vel  plures  simul duxit  uxores  ;"  the  distinction  being  thus  made entirely  to  turn  on  the  simultaneous  or  successive nature  of  the  marriage  i-elations.     [Digamy.] BIGAMY It  is  of  course  not  from  Jewish  precedent  that Christendom  has  borrowed  its  condemnation  of bigamy.  The  foundation  of  the  Church's  law in  this  matter  lies  in  the  teaching  of  our  Lord, j\Iatt.  xix.  4  and  foil. ;  Mark  x.  5  and  foil.,  and in  the  developments  of  that  teaching  by  St.  Paul. (Compare  also,  as  an  early  and  quite  consonant authority,  Hermas,  Bk.  ii.  Mand.  4;  likewise Apost.  Const.  Bk.  vi.  c.  14.)  In  church  practice ■indeed  it  has  been  always  contested  whether  the expressions  in  1  Tim.  iii.  2,  12;  Tit.  i.  6,  which our  version  renders  "husband"  or  "husbands of  one  wife,"  apply  to  simultaneous  marriages only,  or  to  successive  marriages  as  well.  The jrdiuary  Protestant  interpretation  assigns  to them  the  more  restricted  meaning;  but  this conclusion  will  probably  appear  the  more  doubt- ful, the  more  Christian  antiquity  and  the  usages of  the  time  are  studied.  Whatever  might  be Jewish  theory  on  the  subject,  there  is  no  hint whatever  in  the  New  Testament  at  either  bigamy or  polygamy  as  a  Jewish  practice,  and  neither was  certainly  legal  in  either  Ephesus  or  in  Crete, when  the  Epistles  above  referred  to  were  written to  the  respective  bishops  of  those  churches.  Mo- nogamy was  the  law  both  of  Greece  and  of  Rome. So  long  therefore  as  the  Roman  power  subsisted, the  monogamy  inculcated  by  the  Church  was  also enforced  by  the  law.  The  influence  upon  this state  of  things  of  the  barbarian  invasions  must have  been  very  various.  Tacitus  notes  of  the ancient  Germans  that  "  almost  alone  among  the barbarians  they  content  themselves  with  one wife,  except  a  very  few,  who  not  through  lust but  for  honour's  sake  enter  into  several  mar- riages "  {Germ.  18).  His  words,  however,  appear to  have  applied  more  or  less  to  all  the  Teutonic races.  On  the  other  hand,  among  the  Celtic races,  or  those  mixed  with  them,  e.g.  the  Britons, Scots,  and  Hibernians  of  our  own  islands, — a  com- munity of  wives  or  something  closely  equivalent to  it  is  testified  to  by  Caesar,  Jerome,  and  Strabo. Subjection  to  Rome,  the  preaching  of  Christianity, did  not  suffice  to  introduce  monogamic  habits, and  we  find  Gildas  lamenting  that  his  country- men were  not  restrained  by  polygamy  from  fre- quenting harlots  (quam  plurimas  uxores  haben- tes,  sed  scortantes).  Monogamy  seems  to  have been  equally  unknown  to  the  Slavonic  races,  as well  as  to  the  Tartar ;  Attila's  harem  is  well known.  It  is  also  to  be  presumed  that  the weakening  of  the  Roman  power  in  Asia  allowed old  polygamic  practices,  familiar  to  Orientals, to  revive.  With  these  preliminary  observations we  shall  endeavour  to  trace  briefly  the  course  of Church  legislation  on  the  subject. The  first  authority  we  find  is  a  doubtful  one — that  of  those  Canons  attributed  to  the  Council  of Nicaea  (a.D.  325),  which  are  only  to  be  found  in the  Arabic  version.  The  24th  of  these  (2(3th  in the  version  of  the  Maronite  Abraham  Echellensis) bears  that  "  none  ought  to  marry  two  wives  at once,  nor  to  bring  in  to  his  wife  another  woman for  pleasure  and  fleshly  desire."  If  a  priest,  such person  is  to  be  forbidden  to  officiate  and  excluded from  communion,  until  such  time  as  he  cast  out the  second,  whilst  he  ought  to  retain  the  first ; and  so  of  a  layman.  The  Gtjth  Canon  (71st  of the  Echellensian  version)  enters  in  still  more detail  into  the  case  of  a  priest  or  deacon  taking anotlier  wife,  whether  free  or  slave,  without h:iving    dismissed    tlie    first,    the    penalty    beiu- BIG  AM  V 205 deposition;  or  for  a  layman  in  the  same  sin, excommunication.  The  67th  Canon  again  (22nd Echellensian)  enacts  that  whosoever  shall  have accepted  two  women  at  once  in  marriage  shall himself  be  excommunicated  with  his  second  wife. It  is  difficult  to  attribute  Nicene  authority  to these  Canons,  which  show  so  vividly  the  corrup- tions that  grew  up  in  the  more  distant  Oriental churches.  But  whether  illustrative  of  the  dege- neracy of  Arabian  Christendom  before  the  rise  of Mohammedanism  in  the  7th  century,  or  of  the influence  of  Mohammedan  polygamy  itself  upon it  at  a  later  period,  they  are  not  the  less  valuable. The  tradition  of  a  condemnation  of  bigamy  by the  Nicene  fathers  appears  also  from  the  sin- gular collection  attributed  to  them,  from  a  Vati- can Codex,  intitled  by  Labbe  and  Mansi  (see  vol. ii.  p.  1029  and  foil.),  "  Sauctiones  et  decreta  alia ex  quatuor  regum  ad  Constantinum  libris  de- cerpta."  The  5th  chapter  of  the  1st  book  bears that  "  to  no  Christian  is  it  lawful  to  have  two or  more  wives  at  once,  after  the  manner  of  the Gentiles,  who  marry  three  or  four  at  once ;  but one  is  to  be  married  after  the  other,  that  is,  the contract  is  to  be  made  with  a  second  after  the death  of  the  first."  If  any  dares  to  go  counter to  this  prohibition,  he  is  to  be  excommunicated. Reference  is  made  to  the  holy  fathers  assem- bled in  the  Council,  and  the  enactment  is  declared to  be  binding  on  all  Christians,  whether  laymen or  clerics,  priests,  deacons,  princes,  kings  and emperors. The  "  Sanctions  and  Decrees,"  whatever  be their  authority,  belong  evidently  to  the  Eastern Church.  But  from  the  canonical  epistle  of  Basil to  Bishop  Amphilochius  of  Iconium,  the  spurious- ncss  both  of  the  above  quoted  canons  from  the Arabic,  and  of  the  "  Sanctions  and  Decrees,"  so far  as  they  claim  Nicene  authority,  may  be  in- ferred, since  he  says  that  the  subject  of  polj'gamy has  been  pretermitted  by  the  fathers,  assigning a  four  years'  penance  for  it  before  the  oflender can  be  admitted  to  communion  (C.  Ixxs.). The  practice  of  the  West,  except  in  far  out- lying provinces,  seems  to  have  been  generally more  strict  than  in  the  East,  and  we  have  thus  to infer  the  spirit  of  the  Western  Church  towards bigamy  chiefly  from  enactments  against  concu- binage. The  first  Council  of  Toledo  (a.d.  400) excludes  from  communion  a  man  having  a  faith- ful wife  and  a  concubine,  but  not  one  who  has a  concubine  and  no  wife,  so  long  as  he  contents himself  with  one  woman  (c.  17).  Passing  over an  alleged  decree  of  Pope  Celestin  (a.d.  423-32), which  declares  that  a  second  wife  married  against church  forbiddance  is  not  a  wife,  although  the first  should  not  have  been  betrothed  (c.  4, Gratian);  we  should  notice  a  letter  (12)  of  Leo the  Great  (A.D.  440-61),  addressed  to  the  African bishops  of  the  province  of  Mauritania  Caesariensis, which  speaks  of  an  actual  case  of  bigamy  in  the priesthood  of  that  province.  Neither  apostolic nor  legal  authority,  it  says,  allow  the  husbaml of  a  second  wife  to  be  raised  to  the  pastoral office,  much  less  him  who,  "  as  it  has  been  re- lated to  us,  is  the  husband  of  two  wives  at  once  " (c.  5).  Another  letter  of  Leo's  (dated  458  or  9), to  Rusticus  Bishop  of  Narbonne,  is  probably  the first  authority  for  the  lower  modern  view  of  the coucubinate.  Not  every  woman  united  to  a m:; '1  is  tiie  man's  wife,  for  ncitiier  is  everv  son lii::   fatlicr's   lioir.    .   .    .   Ther.-fore    a   wile   is   one 206 BIGAMY thinf,  a  concuhiue  another;  as  a  handmaid  is one  Thino-,  a  freewoman  another.  .  .  Wherefore it"  a  clei^k  of  any  place  give  his  daughter  in marriage  to  a  man  having  a  concubine,  it  is not  to  be  taken  as  if  he  gave  her  to  a  married man ;  unless  haply  the  woman  appear  to  have been  made  free,  and  lawfully  jointured  and restored  to  honour  by  a  public  marriage  (c.  4). Those  who  by  their  father's  will  are  married to  men  are  not  in  fault  if  the  women  which such  men  had  were  not  had  in  marriage  (c.  5). Since  a  wife  is  one  thing,  a  concubine  another, to  cast  from  one's  bed  the  bondmaid  and  to receive  a  wife  of  ascertained  free  birth  is  not  a doubling  of  marriage,  but  a  progress  in  honour- able conduct  (c.  6).— The  Council  of  Angers  in 453  enacts  excommunication  against  those  who abuse  the  name  of  marriage  with  other  men's wives  in  the  lifetime  of  their  husbands  (c.  6). That  of  Vannes  (a.d.  463)  deals  in  the  same  way with  those  who  having  wives,  except  by  reason  of fornication,  and  without  proof  of  adultery,  marry others,— both  enactments,  however,  pointing  per- haps rather  to  marriage  after  separation. Towards  the  same  period,  however  (latter half  of  the  5th  century),  we  must  notice  a  Nes- torian  Synod  held  in  Persia,  under  the  presidency of  Barsumas  Archbishop  of  Nisibis,  as  aii'ording probably  the  first  instance  of  what  may  be  called the  modern  Protestant  interpretation  of  the Pauline  fiuis  ywaiKhs  avnp.  A  priest,  its  canons declare,  "  should  be  one  who  has  one  wife,  as it  is  said  in  the  Apostle's  Epistle  to  Timothy, 'Whoever  marries,  let  him  have  one  wife;'  if he  transgresses,  he  is  to  be  separated  from  the Church  and  the  priestly  order.  But  if  a  priest not  knowing  marriage,  or  whose  wife  is  dead, should  wish  for  lawful  marriage,  let  him  not  be forbidden  by  the  bishop,  whether  he  have  wished to  marry  before  or  after  his  priesthood."  Any one  who  contravenes  these  canons  is  anathe- matized, and  if  a  priest,  to  be  deposed  (see  Labbe and  Mansi,  Cone,  vol.  viii.  pp.  143-4).  It  is clear  that  the  Nestorians  in  this  case  interpreted St.  Paul  as  speaking  not  of  successive  but  of simultaneous  marriage.  That  this  was  not  how- ever the  view  of  the  Greek  Church  generally  is evident  from  many  authorities  ;  see,  for  instance, the  Canons  of  the  Council  of  Constantinople  in TruUo,  A.D.  691  and  following  years. If  Burchard's  collection  is  to  be  credited,  a canon  (16)  was  adopted  by  the  4th  or  5th  Council of  Aries  (A.D.  524  or  554)  forbidding  any  man  to liave  two  wives  at  once,  or  a  concubine  at  any time  (sed  neque  unquam  concubinam).  A  col- lection of  Irish  Canons,  supposed  to  belong  to the  close  of  the  7th  century,  shows  that  the Celtic  kings  of  Ireland  must,  as  in  Britain  in  the days  of  Gildas,  have  had  regular  harems.  The barbarous  Latin  title  of  one  of  its  chapters (bk.  xxiy.,  c.  vii.)  is,  "  De  rege  non  habente uxores  plurimas,"  and  the  Synod  is  represented as  enacting  (if  the  term  can  be  used)  as  follows : "According  as  is  the  dignity  which  the  king receives,  so  great  should  be  his  fear ;  for  many women  deprave  his  soul,  and  his  mind,  divided by  the  multitude  of  his  wives,  falls  greatly  into sin." To  the  8th  century  belongs  one  of  the  most curious  incidents  in  the  treatment  of  this  question by  the  Church.  In  a  letter  of  Pope  Gregory  II. (A.D.  714-3(1)  to  Boniface,   the  Apostle   of  Ger- BIGAMY many,  written  in  answer  to  a  series  of  questions put  to  him  by  the  latter,  we  find  the  Pope  treat- ing the  case  of  a  wife,  who  through  bodily  infir- mity becomes  incapable  of  fulfilling  the  conjugal duty.  Can  the  husband  in  such  an  event  take a  second  wife  ?  The  Pope  replies,  that  it  is  good for  him  to  remain  united  to  her.  "  But  he  who cannot  contain"  (referring  evidently  to  1  Cor. vii.  9),  "let  him  marry  rather;"  IJut  without withdrawing  maintenance  "  from  her  whom  in- firmity hinders,  but  no  detestable  fault  excludes" from  his  bed — -a  decision  closely  akin  to  that  of Luther  and  the  Protestant  theologians  in  the case  of  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse.  Further  on  (c. 6)  the  Pope  condemns  bigamy  generally,  "  since that  is  not  rightly  to  be  deemed  marriage  which exceeds  the  number  of  two,  for  the  yoke  is  not borne  except  by  two  "  (quia  nisi  in  duobus  non geritur  jugum)— not  a  very  complimentary  argu- ment in  favour  of  monogamy  (S.  Bonif.  Epistt. ed.  Wurdtwein,  No.  24). We  find  the  question  of  the  lawfulness  of  a second  marriage  in  case  of  a  wife's  bodily  in- firmity recurring  in  a  work  not  of  much  later date  than  Pope  Gregory's  letter  to  Boniface, Archbishop  Egbert  of  York's  Dialogue  on  Church Government  (Dialogus  pet-  interrogationes  et responsiones  de  institutione  ecclesiasticd).  The archbishop  is  however  more  cautious  than  the Pope.  He  puts  the  case  (c.  13)  only  in  the  shape of  a  dissolution  of  the  marriage  tie  by  agree- ment of  both  parties  (ex  convenientia  ambo- rum),  because  of  the  infirmity  of  one  of  them  ; can  the  healthy  one  marry  again,  the  infirm  one consenting,  and  promising  continence  ?  The archbishop  implies  that  he  may :  "  By  change  of times  necessity  breaks  the  law  ...  in  doubtful cases  one  should  not  judge  (in  ambiguis  non  est fei'enda  sententia)." Another  example  in  the  8th  century,  though bearing  rather  on  concubinage  than  on  bigamy, is  to  be  found  in  certain  replies  reported  to  have been  given  by  Pope  Stephen  III.,  whilst  he  was in  France,  in  the  town  of  Kierzy,  at  the  Breton monastery  (in  Carisiaco  villa  Brittannico  monas- terio),  to  various  questions  addressed  to  him  A.D. 754.  He  expressed  his  approval  of  Pope  Leo's view  as  to  the  propriety  of  dismissing  a  bond- maid concubine  and  marrying  a  freewoman,  and (c.  3)  in  further  reply  to  a  case  put  to  him  of  a man  marrying  a  bondmaid  in  a  foreign  country, then  returning  to  his  own  and  marrying  a  free- woman,  then  again  going  back  to  the  former country  and  finding  his  bondmaid  wife  married to  another,  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  "  such  a one  may  take  another  bondmaid  (is  potest  aliam accipere),"  but  not  in  the  lifetime  of  tlie  free wife. The  relaxation  of  the  sanctity  of  the  marriage tie  in  the  Carolingian  era  seems  indeed  to  have become  extreme.  This  may  be  inferred,  for  in- stance, from  the  frequency  of  enactments  for- bidding married  men  to  have  concubines,  for which  see  Ansegis,  bk.  vi.  cc.  230,  433,  and  again bk.  vii.  c.  338,  the  last  garnished  with  the  some- what ?iai/ argument,  "  fest  love  of  the  concubine detach  the  man  from  his  wife."  A  contemporary capitulary  (A.D.  774)  by  Arechis  Prince  of  Bene- veuto,  forbids  a  man  having  a  lawful  wife  to  give aught  by  any  device  to  his  sons  or  daughters born  during  "her  life  of  another  unlawful  wife (c.  8),  an  enactment  which  seemingly  points  at BIOTHANATOS practices  avowedly  bigamous.  The  dismissal  of wives  by  the  Carolingian  sovereigns,  in  order  to many  others,  becomes  likewise  so  common  that it  is  almost  impossible  to  distinguish  between patent  bigamy  and  bigamy  veiled  under  the  name of  divorce.  At  the  summit  of  the  Carolingian world  the  great  emperor,  besides  actual  and divorced  wives,  sets  tlie  law  at  defiance  by  keep- ing concubinos.  The  East  was  even  below  the West  in  servility  towards  the  vices  of  the  sove- reign. In  the  year  809  a  Council  of  Constan- tinople pronounced  a  second  marriage  of  the reigning  emperor  Constantine,  after  sending  his first  wife  to  a  convent,  lawful,  on  the  ground that  "  the  Divine  law  can  do  nothing  against kings." the  reader  is  referred  to  the  head  Digamy  for the  further  consideration  of  this  subject;  in  the meanwhile  we  may  conclude  that,  whilst  the church  of  the  eight  or  nine  first  centuries  never formally  sanctioned  simultaneous  mai'riage  rela- tions with  two  persons,  it  yet  sometimes  indi- rectly permitted  them  in  outlying  provinces  in the  case  of  a  wife's  infirmity,  and  certainly  was not  powerful  enough  to  check  them  among  the great  of  the  ruder  races,  nor  probably  generally in  the  Carolingian  era.  [J.  M.  L.] BIOTHANATOS  (Ptoddvaros),  "  Qui  morte violenta  perit,"  says  Suicer,  sitb  v. :  as  if  it  had been  contracted  from  "  biaiothanatos,"  which is  the  definition  of  "  ot  ^wdavaTovvTes"  given  by St.  Chrysostom  in  disputing  against  the  opinion that  tiie"  souls  of  such  after  death  become demons  (De  Lazaro  Serm.  ii.  §  1  ;  Op.  vol.  i. p.  727  ;  Ed.  Montf.  Comp.  Tertull.  De  Animu, c.  57).  According  to  Baronius,  A.D.  138,  n.  4-5, it  was  one  of  the  terms  applied  to  Christians generally  by  way  of  reproach  for  preferring  to lose  their  lives  sooner  than  deny  Christ :  an application  that  would'  have  been  unmeaning had  not  the  prominent  notion  attached  to  the word  all  along  been  that  of  people  laying  violent hands  upon  themselves  ;  and  hence,  according  to the  story  told  bv  Cassein  (CoHat.  iii.  6  ;  comp. Ins.  viii.  14),  a  nicmk  who  had  thrown  himself into  a  well  under  tcmptatidn  of  the  devil,  and been  drowned,  was  all  but  reckoned  by  his  abbot among  such,  as  being  unworthy  to  be  commemo- rated among  those  who  had  gone  to  their  rest in  peace.  Pagan  moralists,  we  are  told  by Mr.  Lecky  (Europ.  Mor.  ii.  46,  et  seq.),  con- demned suicide  upon  four  grounds.  "  Christian theologians,"  he  adds,  "  were  the  first  to  main- tain dogmatically  that  a  man  who  destroys  his own  life  has  committed  a  crime  similar  both  in kind  and  in  magnitude  to  that  of  an  ordinary murderer On  the   other  hand,  the  high position  assigned  to  resignation  in  the  moral scale,  .  .  .  and,  above  all,  the  Christian  doctrine of  the  i-emedial  and  pi-ovidential  character  of suffering,  have  proved  sufficient  protection against  despair.  Enthusiasm,  in  early  times, indeed,  animated  many  to  court  martyrdom ; and  Christian  women  were  honoured,  or  at  least excused,  for  committing  suicide  to  guard  their chastity.  But  this  feeling  died  away  with  the occasions  which  evoked  it,  and  even  asceticism w  as  gradually  subjected  to  rule,  when  experience had  shown  the  extreme  limits  to  which  it  could be  carried  without  injury  to  the  constitution." The  "  Circumcelliones,"  a  wild  sect  of  the  Dona- tists,  are  frequently  reproached  for  looking  npim BIRD 201 suicide  in  the  light  of  a  virtue  by  St.  Augustine (^Cont.  Ep.  Farm.  iii.  6  ;  Brev.  Coll.  cum  Don. Die  iii.  c.  8,  §  13,  &c.).  By  the  16th  canon  of the  first  Council  of  Braga,  A.D.  560  (Mansi  ix. 774-84,  and  Pagi,  ibid.),  those  who  committed it  in  any  way  "were  neither  to  be  comme- morated at  the  oblation,  nor  to  be  carried  to  the grave  with  psalm-singing."  Comp.  Gratian, Dccret.  Part  ii.  cause  23,  9.  5:  where  this  canon and  other  passages  in  point  are  cited.     [E.  S.  Ff.] BIRD  (as  symbol).  The  birds  represented  in the  earliest  Christian  art  are  generally  dis- tinguished by  their  species  [see  Dove,  Eagle, Phoenix,  &c.].  This  is  not  only  the  case  in  the early  sarcophaguses  and  frescoes  of  the  catacombs, but  it  is  specially  remarkable  in  the  first  gothic works  of  the  Lombard  churches  in  the  North  of Italy.  See  Ruskin  (^Stones  of  Venice,  Appendix, vol.  i.,  Byzantine  and  Lombard  Carvings)  where early  Lombard  work  is  contrasted  with  Byzan- tine. But  in  the  very  earliest  tombs  (see  Aringhi, ii.  324,  and  De  Eossi  almost  passim,  Bottari t.  178  viii.  tav.  174,  &c.)  birds  assignable  to  no particular  species  are  introduced,  apparently  with symbolic  purpose.  In  De  Eossi  they  occur  so often  on  tombs,  with  or  without  the  palm  branch, that  they  may  clearly  be  taken  as  images  of  the released  soul  seeking  its  home  in  heaven.  Aringhi recognizes  this  in  a  passage  of  some  beautv (ii.  324) ;  he  takes  the  lightness  and  aerial  nature of  the  Bird  as  a  symbol  of  the  aspiration  of faithful  spirits  "  quorum  jugis  potissimum  con- versatio,  ut  Apostolus  ait,  in  coelis  est "  (see  also Ps.  cxxiii.  6  of  the  released  soul).  He  refers  to Bede  who  says  "  Volucres  sunt  qui  sursum  cor habeut,  et  coelestia  concupiscunt ; "  and  who looks  on  the  bird  also  as  a  sign  of  the  resurrec- tion. The  faithful,  like  birds  '■  obviam  Xti  in aere  ex  mortuis  sunt  ituri."  [Note  the  curious analogy  of  the  Psyche-butterfiy,  and  compare with  it  Hadrian's  "  Animula  vagula,  blandula," vs:c.,  as  if  addressed  to  a  thing  of  uncertain  flight.] Ciiiicd  birds  are  occasionally  found  in  paintings  nr other  representations  (Boldetti,  p.  154,  tav.  vi.). They  are  supposed  to  represent  the  human  soul in  the  prison  of  the  flesh,  or  they  may  be  emblems of  the  imprisonment  of  a  martyr.  Martigny describes  a  mosaic  in  the  tribune  of  Sta.  Maria  in Transtevere,  in  Rome,  where  one  of  these  cages  is placed  near  the  prophet  Jeremiah,  with  inscrip- tion "Christus  Dominus  captus  est  in  peccatis nostris  ;  "  and  another  by  Isaiah,  with  the  words "  Ecce  virgo  concipiet  et  pariet  filium  " — referring thus  to  the  Passion  and  the  Incarnation  of  our Lord. The  symbolism  of  the  cross  by  a  bird's  out- sjiread  wings  is  Tertullian's  {De  Oratione,  c.  29 [al.  24]) :  Herzog  conjectures  that  the  pictures or  carvings  of  birds  with  flowers  and  fruits combined  ^are  symbolic  of  Paradise.  In  the illustrations  to  Le  Blant's  MSS.  Chr^tiennes  de la  Gaide  nondescript  birds  are  found  almost passim,  generally  in  pairs  on  each  side  of  the monogram  of  Christ,  and  almost  always  with the  letters  A  ai,  which  appear  more  frequently in  the  ancient  documents  of  Christian  France. Pairs  of  drinking  birds,  peacocks  (see  s.  v.), and  also  of  conventional  shape,  are  still  to  be seen  among  the  most  ancient  fragments  of  By- zantine domestic  sculpture  in  Venice  {>Stones  of Venire,  ii.  138,  plate  xi.).  They  may  be  carried liMck  to  the   lltii  <ir   12th  centiiry,  perhaps:  at 208 BIRRUS all  events  they  are  clearly  decorative  repetitious of  the  bird-symbols  in  the  catacombs  and  earlier monuments.  [E.  St.  J.  T.] BIRRUS,  al.  BYRRHUS.  (B»>os,  l&-npiov.) The  word  Birrus  or  Burrus  was  an  old  Latin word  (Festus  in  voc.')  equivalent  to  "  rufus  "  or red,  and  identical  probably  with  the  Greek  wvppus. So  St.  Isidore  seems  to  have  thought,  though late  copyists,  ignorant  as  most  of  them  were  of Greek,  have  made  nonsense  of  his  text.  "  Birrus a  Gi-aeco  vocabulum  trahit :  illi  enim  birrum bibrium  (?  Trvppov  or  B-npiou)  dicunt."  (Orig.  lib. XX.  cap.  24.)  No  traces  of  the  word,  as  the  name of  a  garment,  are  to  be  found  before  the  Christian era.  ■  The  earliest  known  instance  of  such  an  use is  in  Artemidorus  (early  in  2nd  century).  Speak- ing of  the  significance  of  various  articles  of dress,  when  seen  in  dreams,  he  says  that  the Chlamys  (a  short  military  cloak),  "  which  some call  Mandyas,  others  Ephestris,  others  ^ripiov, portends  trouble  and  difficulty,  and  to  prisoners under  trial  portends  condemnation,  by  reason that  it  compasses  about  and  confines  the  body  " (Oneirocritica,  lib.  ii.  cap.  3).  Other  writers identify  it  with  the  "  amphibalus "  (q.  v.). "  Birrus :  amphibalus  villosus,"  says  Pajjias. And  the  author  of  the  life  of  St.  Deicolus  (^Acta SS.  Ord.  Bened.  saec.  2,  p.  105),  "  Birrum  .... quern  Graeci  amphibalum  vocant."  A  fresco in  the  cemetery  of  Pontianus  (Aringhi,  Roma Sotterranea,  tom.  i.  p.  383),  in  which  are  repre- sented three  laymen,  SS.  Milix,  Abdon,  and Seunes,  and  one  ecclesiastic,  St.  Vicentius,  will probably  give  a  good  idea  of  the  difl'erence  be- tween the  Chlamys,  the  Birrus,  and  the  Casula (or  Planeta).  St.  Milix  is  represented  wearing a  Chlamys;  Abdon  and  Sennes  a  heavy  cloak reaching  from  the  shoulders  to  the  back  of  the knee,  and  in  form  diti'ering  but  little  from  the Chlamys  (see  woodcut,  p.  8).  But  the  Birrus (if  such  be  the  garment  intended)  is  provided with  a  hood,  or  cowl,  for  wearing  over  the head,  as  were  most  such  outer  garments  when intended,  as  was  the  Birrus,  for  out-door  use. And  this  hood  is  here  represented  as  worn on  the  head.  Such  a  rough  Birrus  as  this was  allowed  to  be  worn  by  slaves  under  the provisions  of  the  Theodosian  Code  (Lex  1,  de Habitu,  speaking  of  them  as  viks  hirri).  And hence  some  have  inferred,  though  wrongly,  that the  Birrus  was  at  that  time  regarded  as  a  gar- ment suitable  only  for  persons  cf  the  lowest class.  This  was  not  so.  There  were  "  viles birri,"  cheap  cloaks,  such  as  those  here  allowed as  a  privilege  to  slaves;  there  were  "  pretiosi birri,"  costly  cloaks,  such  as  those  of  which  St. Augustine  says  that  they  might  perhaps  be  fitting for  a  bishop,  but  not  fitting  for  Augustine,  "a poor  man,  as  his  parents  had  been  poor  before him  "  {Sermo  de  Diversis,  356,  tom.  v.  p.  1579). From  the  4th  century  onward  the  mention  of  the Birrus  is  not  unfrequent,  as  of  an  out-door  dress used  alike  by  laymen  (St.  Augustin.  De  Verbis Apost.  Serra.  xviii.  cap.  10)  and  by  ecclesiastics.* And  m  these  later  notices  it  is  almost  always »  More  particularly  we  hear  of  bishops  wearing  them (as  an  out-door  dress),  St.  Augustine,  above  cited,  and  De vda  Cknca,-um,  Serm.  ii. ;  Palladius,  Hist.  Lausaic.  c.  135; Oregor.  Turon.  mst.  Franc,  lib.  ii.  c.  1.  Many  centuries later  we  read  of  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury  wea.ing  a BISHOP referred  to  as  being  either  a  somewhat  expensive dress,  or  as  having  a  certain  secular  character attaching  to  it  as  compared  with  the  dress  worn, by  monks.  Thus  Cassianus  (circ.  418  a.d.V describing  the  dress  of  monks,  says  (De  Habitu Monach.  lib.  i.  cap.  7)  that  they  avoid  the  costli- ness and  the  pretence  to  dignity  implied  in  the Planeta  and  the  Birrus  (Planeticarum  simul atque  birrorum  pretia  simul  et  ambitionem  de- clinant).  And  St.  Isidore  in  like  manner  couples together  the  Planeta  and  the  Birrus  as  garments which  are  not  allowable  to  monks  (Linteo  nou licet  Monachum  indui.  Orarium,  birros,  planetas, non  est  fas  uti,  Regula,  cap.  13).  And  this  will account  for  the  peculiar  language  of  the  12th Canon  of  the  Council  of  Gangra  (a.  319),  warn- ing men  against  attributing  too  much  importance to  the  monastic  dress  for  its  own  sake,  and despising  those  who  wore  "  birri  "  {tovs  Popovs <t>opovt/Tas).  Towards  the  close  of  the  6th  cen- tury we  find  St.  Gregory  the  Great  using  the term  "  Birrus  albus  "  in  speaking  of  the  white "  Christening-Cloak  "  worn  by  the  newly  bap- tized (Lib.  vii.  Indict,  i.  IJpisf.  5).  And  the word  has  many  descendants  in  'mediaeval  Latin, such  as  Birettum,  Birreta,  Birrati  (the  Car- melite Monks,  "  Les  Frferes  Barrez,"  were  so called) ;  and  in  old  French,  as  '•  Bure "  coarse cloth,  Bureau  (Fr.  and  Eng.),  a  table  covered with  coarse  cloth,  such  as  was  used  for  official business  (Menage).  [W.  B.  M.] BIRTHDAYS  OF  SAINTS.    [Festivals.] BISHOP.     Xames  and  titles.     Origin  of  the office. I.  Appointment. 1.  Election. a.  Who  elected.  j3.  \\T3o  were  eligible,  y.  Time, mode,  and  place  of  election. 2.  Confirmation. 3.  Ordination. a.  Matter  and  form.  j3.  Ordaincrs.  y.  Wace and  time  of  ordination.  6.  Kegister  of  ordi- nations. 4.  Enthronization. 5.  Oaths. a.  Profession  of  obedience  to  metropolitan,  p. Oath  of  allegiance  to  the  emperor  or  king. y.  Oath  against  simony. II.  Removal. 1.  By  translation. 2.  By  resignation. a.  Simply.  /3.  In  favour  of  a  successor,  y.  So far  as  to  obtain  a  coadjutor. 3.  By  deposition,  absolute  or  temporary. A.  For  what  cause. a.  Of  irregularities  which  vitiated  the  con- secration ab  initio.  j3.  Of  such  as  en- tailed deposition  from  the  office  already conferred,  y.  Of  such  as  also  entailed excommunic;ition.  &.  Of  such  as  entailed only  suspension. B.  By  what  authority. III.  Offices   and  Functions,    in    relation    to    the Church. 1.  Spiritual,  arising  from  his  office  as  bishop. a.  Singly,  in  respect  to  his  own  diocese. i.  Ordination,  ii.  Confirmation,  iii.  Admi- nistration of  sacrament.-;,  iv.  I'reaching. v.  Discipline,  vi.  Creeds,  liturny, church worship,  &c.,  and  church  altairs  gene- rally, vii.  Visitation  of  Diocese,  viii. Was  the  representative  of  the  diocese: 1  in  issuing  Utterae  fonnatae ;  2.  in communicating  with  other  dioceses,  ix. Alms  and  church  property,  x.  Patron- age of  benefices  in  the  diocese,  xi.  Ar- bitration of  lawsuits,  xii.  How  far allowed  to  act  out  of  his  own  diocese. xiii.   A  single  bishop  to  each   dioce.se, BISHOP and  a  single  diocese  to  each  bishop, xiv.  Size  of  dioceses,  their  union,  sulxli- vision,  &c.     xv.  Resilience. p.  Jointly,  in  synod,  in  respect  to  his  province. y.  Collectively,  in  general  council,  in  respect  to the  Church  at  large. 2.  Temporal,  conferred  by  the  state. i.  Judicial  authority  in  secular  causes,  ii.  Be- came a  member  of  state  councils,  witena- gemots,  &c.  iii.  Authority  over  subordinate civil  magistrates,  iv.  Protection  of  minors, widows,  prisoners,  &c.  v.  Ofllce  of  crowning emperor  or  king.  vi.  Not  sworn  in  a  court of  Justice,  vii.  Intercession  for  criminals, viii.  Special  legal  protection  of  his  life  and property,  ix.  Exemption  Crom  jurisdiction of  civil  courts,  x.  Legal  force  of  synodiciil decisions  and  canons,  xi.  But  restricted  also by  law  or  canon  in  various  ways :  as,  1.  in the  disposing  of  his  property  by  will;  2.  in the  reading  of  heathen  or  of  heretical  books ; 3.  in  ways  of  living;  4.  in  the  matter  of fiscal  burdens,  military  service,  &c.  xii.  Of the  education  given  in  the  bishop's  house. 3.  Social  and  honorary  ]jrivileges. i.  Of  bowins  the  head,  kissing  the  hands  and  the feet,  kc.  ii.  Mitre,  ring,  pastoral  btaff,  and other  vestments  and  insignia,  iii  Of  sing- ing Hosannas  before  him.  iv.  Of  ihe  phrase "  Corona  l  ua."  v.  Of  the  bishop's  throne,  &c. vi.  Bishops  attended  by  two  presbyters,  &c. ,  Position,  in  relation  to  other  bishojss. 1.  All  in  their  inherent  office  equal— ZiHeroe  commu- nicatoriae — order  of  precedence. 2.  Archbishop,   primate,   metropolitan,    exarch,    pa- triarch, pope.     (See  under  the  several  articles.) 3.  Special  cases,  as  in  Africa  and  at  Alexandria. 4.  AvTo<4(l)a\ot.  . .">.  Chorepiscopi.  I G.  Suifragaiis.  i  ,c-  ,       , 7.  Coadjutors.  I         (^ee  under  .he 8.  Intercessores  and  inter-  |        ^'^''«'''''  articles.) V.  Anomalotis  cases. 1.  Episcopi  vagantes,  trxoAa^oi'Te!,  ambulanlcs,  &o. 2.  Monastic  bishops. 3.  Antistespalatii. 4.  Episcopus  cardinalis. 5.  Episcopus  regionarius. 6.  Titular  bishops,  and  in  partihus  ivfidelitim. 7.  Episcopus  ordinum. 8.  Libra,  as  the  collective  name  of  the  suffiagans  of the  see  of  Rome. 9.  Lay  holders  of  bishoprics. 10.  Episcopi  Fatuorum— Innocentium — Puerorum. (Auihoriiies.) Bishop  ('EiricrKoiros,  a  term  adopted  by  the Christian  Church  through  the  LXX.  usage  of  it, and  first  by  the  Hellenic  portion  of  the  Church, iniffKoirri  [Acts  i.  20]  being  formed  from  it  to express  the  office)  =  in  the  Acts,  in  St.  Paul's Epistles,  and  in  the  contemporary  St.  Clement  of Rome  (but  wrongly  so  interpreted  in  the  spurious Epist.  of  St.  Ignatius  to  Hero,  cc.  iii.  viii.),  first an  appellative  (Acts  xx.  28),  and  then  an  inter- changeable title,  of  the  irpfff^vTfpoi,  who  minis- tered to  the  several  Churches  under  the  Apostles  : but  from  the  earliest  years  of  the  2nd  century, and  from  St.  Ignatius  onwards,  the  distinctive name,  adopted  as  such  iu  every  language  used by  Christians,   Eastern  (Syriac,  )L2JQ-Cljaa2J  • Arabic,  oiJLw! ;  Ethiopic,  <\^rtf  8r^  :   Coptic, nieniCKOnOC)  as  well  as  western  (Scan- dinavian and  Teutonic,  as  well  as  Latinized),  of the  single  president  of  a  diocese  (irapotKia,  Swi- KTjtris),  who  came  in  the  room  of  the  Apostles, having  presbyters,  deacons,  and  laity  under  him, and  possessing  exclu-^ive  power  of  ordination,  and primarily  of  confirmation,  with  primary  authority in   the  administration  of  the  .sacraments  and  of CHRIST.  ANT. BISHOP 209 discipline  (St.  Ignat.  ad  Polycarp.  init.  and  v.  ri. viii. ;  ad  Ephesi  i.  ii. ;  Marti/r.  S.  fgnat.  §  iii.  ; Martyr.  S.  Polycarp.  §  xvi. ;  Polycrates  ap.  Euseb. H.  E.  V.  24 ;  Hadrian.  Imper.  Epist.  ap.  Vopisc. in  V.  Saturnin. ;  Hermas  Pastor,  Vis.  iii.  5 ; Murator.  Canon,  p.  20,  ed.  Tregelles  [of  Pius, bishop  of  Rome] ;  Hegesipp.  ap.  Euseb.  //.  E.  ii. 2.3  [of  St.  James  of  Jerusalem],  and  iv.  22  [of Symeon  of  Jerusalem,  a.d.  69] ;  Dion.  Cor.  ap. Euseb.  J{.  E.  iv.  23  [of  Dionysius  (appointed  by St.  Paul),  Publius,  Quadratus,  of  Athens];  St. Clem.  Alex.  Strom,  vi.  13,  and  ap.  Euseb.  JL  E. ii.  1 ;  &C.&C.&C.): — "Episcopi  "  being  thenceforth occasionally  still  called  "  presbyteri,"  but  not vice  versa  [see,  however,  St.  Clem.  Alex.  Quis Dives  Salvetur,  xlii.  and  Tertull.  de  Fraescript. iii.] ;  see  Pearson,  Vindic.  Ignat.  ii.  13,  pp.  .547, sq.  ed.  Churfon  : — Tdre  yap  reais  iKOivwvovv 6v6fxaTi-  Koiirhv  5e  rb  l^ia^ov  iKaffTw  airoviVf- firirat  ovofxa,  'ETriirKroVou'ETrio-KOTro),  Trpeo-^urepoi,' irpea-^vTepai  (St.  Chrys.  in  Phil.  1,  Horn.  i.). Called  also  Apostolus  at  first,  but  for  so  short  a time  as  to  leave  little  more  than  a  tradition  of  the fact  (Theodor.  Mopsuest.  in  1  Tim.  iii.  1,  ap.  Rab. Maur.  vi.  604 :  Theodoret  in  1  Tim.  iii.  1,  in  Phil. i.  1,  ii.  25 ;  Ambrosiast.  in  Ephes.  iv.  12,  and ap.  Amalar.  de  Off.  Eccl.  ii.  13 — N,  T.  usage, as  in  Rom.  xvi.  7,  2  Cor.  viii.  23,  Phil.  ii.  25, is  indecisive). Called  likewise,  but  rarely  after  the  fourth century,  by  names  applied  also  to  presbyters (cf  ■Kpoiardixevoi,  1  Thess.  v.  12  and  see  Herm. Past.  Vis.  ii.  4;  T)yovfj.ei'oi,  Heb.  xiii.  7,  17.  and see  Herm.  Past.  Vis.  ii.  2,  iii.  9,  St.  Clem.  Rom. ad  Co?:  i.  21);  as,  e.g.  npofo-rajs  or  Xlpoea-Tws rrjs  'EkkXtjo-ios  (of  bishops,  in  Euseb.  JI.  E.  iv. 23,  vi.  3,  8,  vii.  13,  viii.  18,  &c. ;  and  probably in  St.  Greg.  Kyss.  de  Scopo  Christian.  0pp.  iii. 306 ;  of  presbyters,  in  St.  Greg.  Naz.  Orut.  i. ; St.  Basil.  M.  Peg.  Moral.  Ixx.  36  ;  of  bishops  and presbyters  together,  in  Cone.  Antioch.  A.D.  341, can.  1 ;  the  word  is  ambiguous  in  St.  Justin  Mart. Apol.  i.  67)  ;  npoicmifievos  (of  bishops,  in Eusebius ;  or  again,  irpoffrds,  Euseb.  vi.  10, and  so  6  TrpoffTaTcov''Ayy€\os,  Oecum.  et  Areth. in  Apoc.  ii.  1  ;  and  Trpoaraaia  of  a  bishopric, Euseb.  H.  E.  iv.  4,  vi.  35  ;  and  of  the  presbyteratc in  St.  Greg.  Naz.  Orat.  1 ;  and  St.  Chrys.  Horn.  si. in  1  Tim.  iii.);  llp6i^pos  (of  bishops,  in  Euseb. H.  E.  viii.  2,  &c.;  Cone.  Trull,  cap.  xxxvii. ;  and TrpoeSpia  aTro(rTo\tKri  —  a  bishopric,  Theodoret, iii.  14;  of  presbyters  in  Euseb.  II.  E.  x.  4,  Synes. Epist.  xii.) ;  Praesidens  (Tertull.  de  Cor.  Mil.  iii., and  Senior  of  both,  id.  Ajwh  39);  Praepositus (of  bishops  in  St.  Cypr.  Epist.  iii.  ix.  xiii.,  &c. ; St.  Aug.  de  Trin.  xv.  26,  Ep)ist.  ^clii. ;  of  pres- byters, in  St.  Cypr.  Epist.  3,  21);  Antistes  (of bishops  repeatedly,  as  in  Justinian's  Code,  St.  Gre- gory the  Great,  &c.  &c. ;  and  so  expressly  Isidor. Hispal.  Etymol.  VH.  xii.  §  16  ;  of  presbyters,  as  in Ambrosi.ast.  in  1  Tim.  v. ;  of  both  bishop  and  pres- byter, iu  St.  Aug.  Serm.  251  de  Poenit. ;  but  "  an- tistes ordine  in  secundo  "  of  a  presbyter,  by  the time  of  Sidon.Apollin.i7/?(si.iv.  11);  and  sometimes at  first  by  the  name  itself  of  np6(r;8uT6pos(St. Iron. adv.  Ilaer.  III.  ii.  2,  IV.  xxvi.  2,  and  ap.  Eu.scb. //.  E.  r.  24 ;  St.  Clem.  Alex.,  Quis  Dives  Salvetur, xlii.,  who  calls  the  same  person  both  MffKoiroT and  irpeaffvTfpos)  ;  while  St.  Cyprian  and  St.  Au- gustin,  after  1  Pet.  v.  1,  call  presbyters  "  com- jiresbyteri  nostri ;"  and  4th  century  writers,  as Ambrosiast.  in  1  Tim.  iii.  10,  and  the  (/(/.  Vcl. V 210 BISHOP et  Nov.  Test.  ci.  in  Append,  to  St.  Aug.  III.  ii.  93, describe  the  bishop  as  "primus  presbyter"  or "  inter  presbyteros,"  and  speak  of  "  compres- bvteri  "  and  "  consacerdotes  "  (the  use  of  "  prae- latus "  for  bishop  exclusively  is  altogether  mo- dern ;  but  "  De  Praelatorum  Simplicitate  "  was  a title  of  St.  Cypr.  de  Unit.  Eccl. ;  and  the  word is  used  for  bishops  and  presbyters  together  in St.  Greg.  M.  Beg.  Pastoral. ;  it  is  used  also  of an  abbat,  as  in  Cone.  Suess.  ii.  a.d.  853). Called  also,  and  from  an  early  date,  by  names exclusively  belonging  to  bishops  specifically  such, as  "Apxaif,  ov  Frinceps,  Ecclesiae,  or  Populi (Origan,  cont.  Cels.  ill.;  Euseb.  H.  E.  vi.  28, viii.  1 ;  St.  Chrys.  de  Sacerd.  iii.  14 ;  St.  Jerome repeatedly ;  Paulinus,  Epist.  ad  Alyp.  xlv. ; Optat.  i.  p.  15,  ed.  1679 ;  and  so  apxh  for bishopric,  as  e.  g.  in  Eusebius,  H.  E.  vi.  29) ; or  Frinceps  simply  (St.  Jerome  in  Ps.  xlv.  and in  Esai.  Ix.  17,  &c. ;  and  so  in  the  5th  century [or  more  prob.  the  6th  or  7th]  St.  Patrick's canons  so  styled,  in  D'Achery,  and  in  Haddan and  Stubbs,  Counc.  ii.)  ;  Rector,  as  in  Hilary  the Deacon,  in  Ephes.  iv.,  and  Greg.  M.  Eeg.  Pastor.  ; Praesul  (Pope  Julius,  Epist.  ad  Euseb.  ap.  Cou- stant,  i.  382  [see  Du  Cange],  and  so  Praesulatus =  Episcopate  in  e.  g.  Cassiodor.)  ;  Uporiyov- Hfvos  and  Upu>T0Kade5plrrjs  (Herm.  Past.  Vis.  iii. 9) ;  IlaTras  or  Papa  (especially,  at  first,  in  Africa, Dion.  Alex,  ad  Philem.  in  Euseb.  H.  E.  A'ii.  7  ; Tertull.  de  Pudic.  xiii. ;  Letters  of  St.  Cyprian, St.  Augustin,  Sidon.  Apollin.  &c.,  and  in  St.  Jerome, Prudeutius,  Sulp.  Severus,  &c. — compare  also Abuna,  in  the  Church  of  Abyssinia),  used  down  to a  period  later  than  Charlemagne  (e.  g.  in  Walafr. Strab.  de  Reb.  Eccl.  vii.,  about  a.d.  840,  and Eulog.  CordiA.  about  A.D.  850)  of  all  bishops (Bingh.  II.  ii.  7 ;  Casaubon,  Exercit.  xiv.  §  4  ; Thomassin,  I.  i.  4,  50 ;  Suicer ;  Du  Cange)  ;  and in  the  East  (as  still  in  the  Greek  and  Russian Churches)  of  presbyters  also,  and  especially  of abbats  (but  Goar's  distinction,  iraivas  —  a  bishop, and  Trairas  =  one  of  the  lower  orders  of  clergy, seems  a  refinement),  but  gradually  restricted  by usage  in  the  West  to  the  bishop  of  Rome  (see Gone.  Tolet.  A.D.  400,  Labbe,  ii.  1227  ;  Cone.  Rom. Palm.  A.D.  503;  and  Ennodius,  Lib.  Apologet., of  the  same  date ;  Cone.  Constantin.  a.d.  681, Act.  1  and  2  ;  Gieseler  refers  to  Jo.  Diecmann, de  Vocis  Papae  Aetatibus,  Viteberg.  1671),  and finally  and  absolutely  so  limited  by  Greg.  VII.  in a  Council  of  Rome,  A.D.  1073  (Baron.  Martyrol. .Tan.  10);  and  in  the  East  to  the  bishop  of Alexandria  (Thomassin,  I.  i.  50,  §  14,  Du  Cange ; but  that  it  was  granted  formally  to  St.  Cyril of  Alexandria  by  Pope  Celestine  [Niceph.  xiv.  34] is  a  manifest  and  confessed  [Baron,  as  above] fiction) ; — sometimes,  again,  in  the  5th  century, 'KyyeXos  (St.  Aug.  Epist.  142 ;  St.  Ambrose  in 1  Cor.  xi.;  St.  Jerome  in  1  Cor.  xi.;  Socrat.  iv.  23; from  Rev.  i.  ii.,  and  compare  Gal.  i.  8,  iv.  14,  and possibly  1  Cor.  xi.  10) ;  and  so,  in  Saxon  England, God's  "Bydels,"  or  messengers  ("Bydelas,"  Laws of  Ethelred,  vii.  19,  and  of  Canute,  26);— and -'E(;)opos,  and  the  office  '-Eipopeia  (Philostorg.  iii. 4,  15);  and,  in  the  8th  and  later  centuries, Latmized  into  i>peadator  (in  Co7ic.  Suess.  iii. A.D.  862) ;  and  varied  by  Anglo-Saxon  "  pom- positas,"  in  episcopal  signatures  to  charters,  into Lispector,  Supcrspector,  Visitator,  Inspector  Flebis JJei,  Katascopus  Legis  Dei,  &c.  &c.  (Kemble, Cod.  Dipl.  passim) ;— called  also  Patriarcha  (so BISHOP Dupin,  Dissert,  i.  §  5,  and  Suicer ;  the  name  being     \ first    confined    to    the    higher    bishops,    ace.    to     • Suicer,  by  Socrates  v.  8,  c.  a.d.  440),  yet  only  rhe-     , torically  so  called  in  St.  Greg.  Naz.  {Orat.  20,  30, 41)  and  St.  Greg.  Nyss.  {Orat.  Funebr.  in  Melet.  ; and  see  Bingh.  II.  ii.  9),  but  as  an  ordinary  name under  the  Gothic  kings  of  Italy  (Athalaric,  Epist.     • ad  Joan.  Pap.  in  Cassiodor.  ix.  15). Called  also  by  names  indicative  of  their  func- tions ;    as,  'lepdpx'ns  (Pseudo-Dion.  Areop.  Eccl.     i Hierarch.  c.    v. ;    &c.) ; — Sacerdos    or   Fontifex, often    of    bishops    exclusively    (Taylor,    Episc.     \ Assert.  §  27) ;    and  so  Aeirovpyia  for  bishopric,     i e.  g.   in   Euseb.   vi.  29  : — Summits   or  Maximus     i Pontifex,    or   Summus    Sacerdos    (ironically   in Tertull.  de  Pudicit.  i.,  but  seriously,  de  Rapt., xvii. ;    and    of    all     bishops     as    such,    in    St. Ambrose,    St.    Jerome,    St.    Augustin,    Sidon, Apollin,  Qu.  in  Vet.  et  Nov.  Test.  ci.  &c. ;   Cone. Agath.  a.d.  506,  can.  35,  and  down  to  the  11th     \ century  [see  Du  Cange],  the  analogy  of  the  Jewish 'kpxiep^vs  occurring  as  early  as  St.  Clem.  Rom. ad  Cor.  i.) ; — Pater  Fatrum  and  Episcopus  Epi-     \ seoporum,  but  rhetorically  only  (Sidon.  Apollin.     ' Epist.  vi.  1,  after  Pseudo-Clem,  ad  Jacob.  Epist. 1) ;    while   in  Africa,  where  the  power  of  the      i metropolitan  developed  more  slowly,  St.  Cyprian      ] (p.  158,  Fell)  in  Cone.  Carth.  declares  that  no  one      I in  Africa  "Episcopum  se  Episcoporum  constituit;" and  Cone.  Carth.  a.d.  256  (in  St.  Cyprian),  and     \ Cone.  Hippon.  Reg.  a.d.  393,  can.  39,  in  Cod.  Can.     ' Eccl.  Afric,  forbid  expressly  the  assumption  of    :; such  titles  as  "Princeps  Sacerdotum,  aut  Summus Sacerdos,  aut  aliquid  hujusmodi,"  and  command even  the  Primate  of  Africa  to  be   called  by  no other  title  than  that  of  "  primae  sedis  Episcopus  ;" — or  again  from  the  4th  century  (but  the  terms are   in   substance  in  St.  Ignatius,  ad  Ephes.  vi. 'EiricrKOTrov  ws    avruv   rhv  Kvptov,   ad   Trail,  i.      I Tip  "Ettlctkottoi  ois  Xpiarc^  ;  and  St.  Cypr.  Epist. 55,  63;   and  cf.  2  Cor.  v.  20),  Vicarius  Christi —      ] Domini — Dei  (St.  Basil.  M.  Constit.  Monast.  22  ;      ! 0pp.  ii.  792  [6  rov  SwTrjpoy  vTTex<>>v  TrpScrwiroi''] ;      | St.  Ambrose  m  1  Cor.  xi.  10  ;  Pseudo-Dion.  Areop.      i Eccl.  Hier.  ii.  2;   Qu.  Vet.  et  Nov.  Test.  127,  in      i App.  ad  0pp.  St.  Aug.  iii.); — and  from  a  consi-      ! derably  earlier  date,  Vicarius  or  Successor  Apo-     ■] stolorum  (Hippolyt.  Haer.  Proem,  p.  8  ;  St.  Iren.      ; adv.  Haer.  iii.  3  ;  St.  Cypr.  Epist.  62,  69 ;  Fir-      : milian  in  St.  Cypr.  Epist.  55,  75 ;    Cone.  Carth.      '. iii.   in  St.    Cyprian,  a.d.  256,  can.    Ixxix. ;   St.      - Jerome,  Epist.  liv.  al.  Ivii.;   Pseud.  Dion.  Areop.      j Eccl.  Hier.  ii.  2 ;  and  in  substance  St.  Aug.  in      j Ps.  xlv.  16,  De  Bapt.  e.  Donat.  vii.  43,  Serm.  cii. c.  1,  De  Util.  Credendi,  §  35,  Epist.  42,  &c.) ;—      \ also  MctriTTjs  (Origen,  St.  Basil  M.,  St.  Chrys.,      i Apost.  Constit.  iv.  26,  &c.,  in  Cotel.  ad  Constit.      \ Apost.  vol.  i.  p.  237  ;  and  /xecrlretav  Qeov  kuI  av-      ] Qpiiiiroiv,  TovTo  yap  Iffais  6  'lipevs,  St.  Greg.  Naz.      j Orat.  1.) ;  but  by  St.  Augustin's  time  it  had  be- come expedient  to  condemn  the  calling  a  bishop     ., by  the  name  of  "  Mediator  "  (^Cont.  Parmen.  ii.  8,      I 0pp. ix. 35) ;^no(,u^i/,P«sto/- (Euseb.  H.  E.m.  36,      \ St.  Greg.  Naz.  and  St.  Hilar,  passim  ;   Cone,  Sar-     j die.  a.d.  347,  can.  vi. ;  Theodoret,  iv.  8,  &c.  &c. ; so  in  the  English  Prayer-book,  "  The  bishops  and pastors   of  Thy  flock  ;"    "  pastores    ovium,"    in     j St.  Cypr.  of  presbyters,  but  not  pastor  simply  :      , so  Taylor,  Epnscop.  Asserted,  §  25  :  see,  however,      ' the  use  of  iroifialvetv,  in  Acts  xx.  28) : — extra- vagantly denominated  Behs  ^EtriyeLOS  fjieTo.  Qehv,      j and   by   other  extreme  designations,    in  Ajjost. BISHOP Constit.  ii.  26 ;  and  at  a  later  date,  Thronus  Dei (^C'o7ic.  Tolet.  xi.  a.d.  675,  can.  5,  and  Carloving. CapituL,  quoted  by  Du  Cange). Designated  also  by  the  titles  of, — 1.  ApostoUcus, applied  to  all  bishops  (and  their  sees  called  "  sedes Apostolicae  ")  as  late  as  Charlemagne  (St.  Aug. i:pist.  42;  Greg.  Tur.  H.  F.  ix.  42;  Venant. Fortun.  Foem.  iii.  ;  Formulae  in  Marculfus  ; Gunthram  in  Cone.  Matisc.  ii.  A.d.  585 ;  and  see Casaubon,  Exercit.  xiv.  §  4 ;  and  Thomassin,  I.  i. 4);  restricted  at  one  time  to  metropolitans (Siricius,  A.D.  384-398,  Fpist.  iv.  c.  1 ;  Alcuin, de  Div.  Off.  xxxvii.)  ;  but  gradually  turned  into a  substantive  appellation  of  the  bishop  of  Rome (as  in  Rup.  Tuit.  de  Div.  Off.  i.  27,  a.d.  1111); while  a  council  of  the  11th  century  is  said  to have  excommunicated  an  archbishop  of  Gallicia for  so  styling  himself  [Apostoliccs]  ;  and  used  in the  12th  and  following  centuries  as  the  Pope's  ordi- nary designation  (e.  g.  in  the  English  Year-books, "  L'Apostoile,"  or  "  L'Apostole  ;"  Spelman's further  statement  —  that  he  was  called  also Apostolus — seems  a  mistake); — 2.  Beatissimus — Sanctissimus — Reverendissiinus — Deo  Amabilis — @eo<pi\4aTaTos  — 'Ayiwraros  —  MaKapiwTaros — 'OaiccTaros — AlSeffifj-wTUTos  (in  the  Councils, Justinian's  Laws,  superscriptions  to  letters,  as  St. Cyprian's,  St.  Augustin's,  &c.  &c. ;  and  Socrates [//.  F.  vi.  Frooeni.']  apologizes  for  not  calling  the bishops,  his  contemporaries,  Qeo^iXeffrdrovs  -/) ayiurdrovs  ^  ra  roiavra)  ; — 3.  Dominus — Aec- ttSttis  —  Sanctitas  Tua — 'H  2^  XpTjtrrtiTTjs,  Ma- Kapi6T-r)s,' AyioTtjs  (like  authorities); — 4.  "Dei gratia  Archiepiscopus "  first  occurs  in  England of  Archbishop  Theodore  (Counc.  of  Hatfield,  A.D. 680,  in  Baed.  H.  E.  iv.  17),  and  so  on  in  general of  his  successors  (^e.g.  of  Nothelm,  in  Kemble, Cod.  Dipl.  65),  &c.;— 5.  Lastly,  "Servus  Ser- vorum  Dei "  is  found  as  early  as  Desiderius, bishop  of  Cahors,  A.D.  650,  who  so  styles  himself (Thomassin,  L  i.  4,  §  4). For  the  nature  and  institution  of  the  Christian ministry  as  such — in  so  far  as  it  is  common  to bishops  and  presbyters — see  Clergy,  Presby- ters. The  special  episcopal  office  as  above  de- scribed,— consisting  in  a  presidency  over  the clergy  and  laity  of  a  particular  diocese,  with  a veto,  and  with  a  sole  power  of  ordination, — and whether  regarded  (with  later  schoolmen)  as  one order  with  the  presbyterate,  on  the  ground  of the  powers  of  the  ministry  common  to  both, difterenced  only  by  peculiar  and  additional  powers belonging  to  bishops,  or  (according  to  the  earlier and  more  common  view)  as  a  distinct  order,  on the  ground  of  those  additional  powers, — finds  its actual  institution  implied  and  recorded  in  the N.  T. :  1.  in  the  position  of  St.  James  of  Jeru- salem (Acts  xii.  17,  XV.  13,  xxi.  18,  Gal.  ii.  9), affirmed  also  by  all  antiquity  to  have  been  bishop of  Jerusalem  ; — 2.  in  the  appointment  by  St.  Paul, when  his  "  measure  "(1  Cor.  x.  16)  grew  too large  for  his  own  personal  supervision,  of  single officers,  with  powers  of  ordination  (1  Tim.  iii.  13, Tit.  i.  5)  and  jurisdiction  (both  in  church  wor- ship, 1  Tim.  ii.  1-12,  and  over  all  church  mem- bers, including  presbyters,  1  Tim.  v.  1-22,  Tit.  i. 5,  ii.),  and  probably  of  confirmation  (1  Tim.  v. 22),  in  the  Apostle's  stead  (1  Tim.  i.  3,  Tit.  i.  5), i-  e.  of  bishops  in  the  later  sense  of  the  term (removeable,  like  later  bishops,  and,  as  it  seems, actually  removed,  when  the  needs  of  the  Church iu  the  particular  cases  required  it), — viz.  Timothy BISHOP 111 at  Ephesus,  and  Titus  in  Crete,  certainly  (and  so the  Fathers  with  one  accord);  and,  not' improb- ably, Epaphroditus  at  Philipj)!  (Phil.  ii.  25,  and so  Theodoret  in  1  Tim.  vi.  1),  and  Archippus  at Colossae  (Col.  iv.  17,  Philem.  2 ;  and  so  Ambrose in  Col.  iv.  17) ;  to  whom  the  Fathers  add  a  great many  more  (see  a  list  in  Apost.  Constit.  vii.  47, and  among  moderns  in  Andrewes,  Epist.  i.  ad  Pet. Molin.,  0pp.  Posth.  pp.  185, 186)  ;— 3.  in  the  "A 7- yeXoi  of  Rev.  i.-iii.  [Angels  of  Churches],  who were  real  individual  persons,  although  symbol- ized as  stars  (Rev.  i.  20),  just  as  the  Churches they  governed  were  real  Churches,  which  are symbolized  likewise  as  candlesticks;  and  who are  proved  to  have  been  bishops,  (i.)  by  the analogy  of  Gal.  i.  8,  iv.  14 ;  (ii.)  by  their  stand- ing for  and  representing  their  several  Churches ; (iii.)  by  the  fact  (see  further  on)  that  St.  John is  expressly  and  specially  stated  to  have  ap- pointed bishops  from  city  to  city  in  these  very regions ;  (iv.)  by  the  current  interpretation  of the  term  from  early  times,  as  in  St.  Jerome, St.  Ambrose,  St.  Aug.,  Oecumen.  and  Arethas  in Apocalgps.  &c. ;  to  which  may  be  added  the probable  mention  (the  reading  of  Rev.  ii.  20  beinp- not  altogether  certain)  of  the  wife  of  one  of  theni^ And  these  intimations  find  their  counterpart  and confirmation,  (1)  in  express  statements  of  early Fathers,  as  (i.)  St.  Clem.  Rom.  ad  Cor.  1.  44, that  the  Apostles,  having  appointed  presbyter- bishops  and  deacons  in  the  several  Churches in  the  first  instance,  proceeded,  as  a  further  and distinct  step,  in  order  to  provide  for  the  con- tinuance of  the  ministry  without  schisms  or quarrels,  to  appoint  some  further  institution, whereby  the  succession  of  such  presbyters  and deacons  might  be  kept  up,  as  first  by  the  Apostles themselves,  so  after  them  by  other  chosen  men; i.  e.  in  other  words,  instituted  the  order  of  bishops  ; KareffTTicrav  \_ol  'AwdffToAot]  tovs  'irpoftpT}fj.fvovs [_eirL(TK6Trovs  Kal  SiaK6uovs'],  Kal  fxera^v  4ttivojxt)v St'buKaaiv,  Sttois  iav  KOLfi7]6£cnv,  SiaSe^onfTaL (Tfpoi  SedoKi/.iaffixei'oi  d^Spes  ttjv  \€irovpyiav avTuiW  rovs  ovv  KaTacrraOevTas  vir'  iKeiveov  [i.  e. the  Apostles  themselves]  -^  ix€Ta^v  v(p'  kripaiv eWoyifjLcov  avSpwv,  k.t.A..  (ii.)  The  Muratomin Canon  (p.  17,  ed.  Tregelles),  "  Quarti  Evange- liorum  Johannis  ex  decipolis  "  [John  the  Apostle as  distinguished  from  John  Baptist],  "  cohor- tantibus  condiscipulis  et  episcopis  suis;" — Ter- tuUian  (adv.  Marc.  iv.  5),  "  Ordo  episcoporum ad  originem  recensus  in  Joannem  stabit  auc- torem  ;" — St.  Clement  Alex.  (Qmw  Dires  Salvetur, xlii.  0pp.  p.  959,  and  in  Euseb.  II.  E.  iii.  23), 'Air-^et  [sc.  St.  John  when  returned  from  Patmos to  Ephesus]  TrapaKaAoufxeyos  Kal  (ttI  to.  ttAtj- (n6x'>'pci  Twu  (Ofuv,  OTTov  ij.\v  'ETT^TKi^TToys  Kara- ffTTjcroiv,  OTTOV  5e  oAas  'EK/cATjffias  ap/xoffcov,  oirov Se  K\7]p(f3  eya  ye  riva  K\ripcoffa>y  rHiv  vtrh  tov UyfifMaros  (ft)fxaiyofjiev(iiv  ; — St.  Jerome  (Catal. Scriptt.  Feci,  ix.),  "  Novissimus  omnium  scripsit [Joannes]  Evangelium,  rogatus  ab  Asiae  Epi- scopis;"—  testifying  to  the  appointment  by  St. John  of  bishops  from  city  to  city,  and  to  their existence  as  a  settled  and  established  order  from his  time.  (2)  In  the  fact,  that  bishops  in  the later  sense  are  actually  found  in  every  Church whatsoever,  from  the  moment  that  any  evidence exists  at  all ;  and  that  such  evidence  exists, either  simply  to  an  actual  bishop  at  the  time, or  more  commonly  to  such  a  bishop  as  in  suc- cession to  a  line  of  predecessors  traced  up  to P  2 213 BISHOP Apostles,  ami  with  no  intimation  of  such  epi- scopate being  anything  else  but  the  original, appointed,  and  unbroken  order :  and  this,  in  the case  of  Antioch,  and  of  Asia  Minor  generally,  as early  as  the  first  decade  of  the  2nd  century,  in other  cases  within  the  first  forty  years  of  that century;  in  others,  as  e.  //..Ephesus,  Alexandria, Jerusalem,  Athens,  within  the  last  quarter  of  the fii-st i.  e.  either  close  upon  the  death  of  the  last Apostle,  or  within  about  a  quarter  of  a  century of  it,  or  long  before  it  happened — a  space  of  time witnin  which,  taken  at  the  longest,  it  is  histo- rically impossible  that  so  great  a  revolution  (if it  had  been  one)  should  have  been  not  only  accom- plished but  forgotten.  A  detailed  list  of  these cases  may  be  found  in  an  Excursus  by  Professor Lightfoot  On  the  Philippians.  The  only  discover- able exceptions, — that  of  the  Church  of  Corinth when  St.  Clement  wrote  to  it,  and  that  of  Phi- lippi  when  St.  Polycarp  wrote  to  it, — are  so  few and  so  temporary,  as  to  prove  merely  that  the whole  of  the  needs  of  a  rapidly  growing  Church could  not  be  supplied  at  once,  and  that  circum- stances (as  e.  g.  the  martyrdom  perhaps,  or  the deportation,  of  an  Apostle)  might  leave  this  or that  Church  temporarily  unprovided  with  a bishop.  In  the  words  of  Ambrosiaster  (i.  e. Hilary  the  Deacon),  it  so  happened,  "  quia  adhuc rectores  Ecclesiis  non  omnibus  locis  fuerant  con- stituti "  {in  1  Cor.  xi.  2).  And  there  certainly were  bishops  in  both  the  places  named  imme- diately afterwards.  Nor,  further,  (3)  was  there any  substantial  difference  in  the  office  itself  from that  subsequently  so  styled.  St.  Clement  of  Rome, for  instance,  so  absolutely  represented  his  Church as  to  write  in  the  name  of  that  Church ;  and  is described  by  Hermas  Pastor  (  Vis.  ii.  4)  as  offici- ally communicating  in  its  name  with  foreign Churches;  and  is  placed  by  St.  Irenaeus  and others  as  one  in  a  series  of  bishops,  all  so  called in  the  same  sense.  And  although  the  succession of  the  heads  of  the  school  at  Alexandria  (for which  see  Bing.  III.  x.  5)  may  well  have  been more  important  in  point  of  influence  than  that of  the  bishops  of  that  see,  it  did  not  interfere with  the  office  and  succession  of  those  bishops, •which  is  carefully  recorded  (as  is  that  of  all  the principal  sees)  by  Eusebius.  Nor  again  does  St. Irenaeus,  who  speaks  of  a  "succession"  also  of "  presbyters,"  and  indeed  calls  bishops  themselves occasionally  "  presbyters,"  know  of  any  difference between  the  bishop  of  Eome  of  his  own  time (assuredly  a  bishop  in  the  later  sense)  and  the succession  of  single  heads  of  the  Church  of  Rome, whom  he  names  in  order  from  Apostolic  times down  to  that  same  bishop. The  Episcopate  then  is  historically  the  con- tinuation, in  its  permanent  elements,  of  the Apostolatft  And,  accordingly,  the  reasons  as- signed for  the  actual  appointment  of  the  epi- scopate are  :  (1)  as  given  by  St.  Paul  himself, to  take  the  place  of  the  Apostles  (Tim.  i.  3  ; Tit.  i.  5),  and  for  the  better  maintenance  of  the faith  (i6.),  and  in  order  to  a  due  ordination  of the  ministry  (Tit.  i.  5).  To  these  the  Fathers add,  (2)  other  reasons,  drawn  apparently  from their  own  experience  of  the  benefits  of  the  epi- scopate :  as  St.  Clem.  Rom.  and  St.  Jerome,  who allege  it  to  have  been  instituted  as  a  preventive of  schisms  ;  and  St.  Irenaeus  and  Tertullian,  a little  later  than  the  first  named,  who  reo-ard  it as  a  safeguard    of  the  faith    (and    see   f    Tim BISHOP 3 ;  Tit.  ii.  1) ;  and  St.  Cyprian,  a  little  later still,   who  chiefly  dwells  upon  it  as  a  bond  of unity;  in  which  point  of  view  St.  Ignatius  also had  regarded  it  at  the  beginning.     The  further suggestion  hazarded  by  St.  Jerome — that  it  was an   afterthought  of  the  Apostles,   suggested   to them  by  the  schisms  at  Corinth — is  inconsistent with  the  fact  that  bishops  existed  before  those schisms.     And  the  gradual  spread  of  the  institu- tion is  best  explained  by  the  sensible  and  natural remark    of    Epiphanius,    that    Oh    trdvra    eiiOvs ilSvuT^driffau  ot  ' Air6ffToKoi  KaTacrrriaai,  and  that presbyters  and  deacons  could  administer  a  church for  a  while,  until  XP^'"  yejove  {Haer.  Ixxv.  §  5 ; 0pp.  i.   908).      Bishops,  who   came  in  place  of Apostles,  could  not,  indeed,    have    existed   both coincidently  and  contemporaneously  with   those in    whose    place    they    came,    but    only    as    the growth  of  the  Church,  and  the  removal  of  the Apostles,  required  and  made  room  for  them.     A theory  started  recently  (by  Rothe,  Anfdnge  dcr C'hristlichen  Kirche,  354—392,  quoted  by  Light- foot)  of  a  special  and  formal  Council  of  the  Apostles, which  among  other  things  instituted  episcopacy, as  one  among  a  series  of  "  second  ordinances," seems  to  rest  upon  insufficient  grounds  (see  Light- foot's  Excursus  to  the  Philippians,  before  quoted), and  to  transform  a  really  apostolic  origin  into  a single  definite  and  formal  apostolic  act :  like  the parallel  but  ancient  tradition  respecting  the  com- position of  the  Creed.     On  the  other  hand,  space of  time  literally  shuts  out  the  much  older  theory, viz.  that  there  was  a  period  at  the  beginning when  each  Church  was  governed  by  a  college  of presbyters,  until  "ecclesiastical  authority"  esta- blished a  bishop  over  each  college,  in  order  to put  an  end  to  schisms,  and  notably  to  those  at Corinth ;  unless,  with  St.  Jerome,  the  originator of  it,  we  take  the  "  ecclesiastical  authority  "  to mean  the  Apostles  themselves,  and  the  period  in question  to   be  reduced  therefore  so   as  to  fall within  the  lifetime  of  the  Apostles,  and  so  refer it  simply  to  the  colleges  of  presbyters,  who  during such  lifetime  did  undoubtedly  govern  the  several Churches  under  the  Apostles  :  thus  rendering  the hypothesis  at  once  very  true  and  equally  innocent, and  in  eflect  identifying  it  with  the  contempo- rary statement  of  St.  Clem.  Rom.  before  quoted. Later   repetitions  of  St.   Jerome's    theory,    and often  of  his  words,  may  be  found  in  writers  of the  Western  Church  (see  quotations  in  Morinus, de  Sac.  Ord.  Ul.  ii.  11  sq.)  down  to  the  10th  or 11th  century.     But  these  are  of  course  simply St.  Jei-ome  over  again.    Contemporaneously  how- ever with  him, — yet  (as  it  should  seem)  chiefly with  the  view  of  repressing  the  presumption  (not of  bishops  but)  of  deacons,  or  (as  in  Augustin's case)  in  order  to  turn  a  courteous  compliment to  a  presbyter  (viz.  St.  Jerome),— the  original identity  both  of  the  names,  and  of  the  offices,  of bishop  and  pi-esbyter,  became  a  current   topic  : e.  g.  in  St.  Aug.  Epist.  19  ad  S.  Hieron. ;  Am- brosiast.  in  1  Tim.  iii.,  and  in  Ephes.  iv. ;   Qu. Vet.  et  Nov.  Test.  ci. ;  Anon,  in  1  Tim.  iii.  17,  in App.  ad  0pp.  S.  Hieron. ;  Lib.  ad  Rustic,  de  VII. Grad.  Eccl.  in  the  same  Append. ;  Sedul.  Scot,  in Epist.  ad  Tit.  i. ;  Isid.  Hispal.  de  Offic.  Eccl.  vii. ; and  of  course  St.  Jerome  himself.     And  while St.  Augustin  assigns  the  "  usus  Ecclesiae  "  as  the ground  for  the  subsequent  appropriation  of  the nam£s  ("  honorum  vocabula"),  St.  Jerome  (as already  said)  affirms  of  the  office  itself,  as  dis- BISHOP tinct  fiom  that  of  presbyter,  that  it  arose  "  ex Kcclesiae  consuetudiue  magis  quam  dispositionis Doniiuicae  veritate  "  (which  means,  apparently, that  it  rests  upon  no  written  words  of  our  Lord Himself) ;  asserting,  at  the  same  time,  that  it  was the  one  absolutely  necessary  preventive  of  schism, and  in  effect  that  the  Apostles  had  established  it as  such  ;  and  also  (in  common  with  all  the  others above  quoted)  that  presbyters,  whatever  else  they cor.ld  do,  could  not  ordain.  Another  view,  of  a like  date  with  St.  Jerome's,  probably  represents the  general  facts  of  the  case  with  very  fivir  ac- curacy, viz.  that  contained  in  Hilary  the  Deacon, in  Eplies.  iv. :  "  Ut  ci-esceret  plebs  et  multipli- cai-etur,  omnibus  inter  initia  concessum  est  et evangelizare  et  baptizare  et  Scripturas  in  ecclesia explanare  :  ubi  autem  omnia  loca  circumamplexa est  Ecclesia,  conventicula  constituta  sunt  et  rec- tores  et  cetera  oflicia  in  Ecclesiis  sunt  ordinata, ut  nuUus  de  clero  auderet,  qui  ordinatus  non esset,  praesumere  ofticium  quod  sciret  non  sibi creditum  vel  concessum."  In  other  words,  under pressure  of  necessity,  before  the  Church  could be  fully  organized,  and  before  a  longer  duration had  stift'ened  it  into  orderly  system  and  regular law,  acts  were  allowed  and  held  good  to  any  one, which  were  properly  and  primarily  the  office  of particular  officers,  viz.  of  "  Eectores,"  i.  e.  bishops, and  of  an  ordained  clergy  ;  those  acts  being  done of  co^jrse  not  against — but  owing  to  circum- stances, not  by — the  clergy.  And  those  which are  here  specified,  moreover,  are  such  only  as the  Church  has  ever  held  to  be  capable  of  being discharged  by  any  Christian  man,  so  that  they are  done  in  unity  with  the  Church.  Even  Ter- tullian's  well-known  words  do  not  make  it  plain, whether  he  meaiit  to  affirm  that,  in  case  of alisolute  necessity,  laymen  might  formally  ad- minister the  Eucharist;  or  whether  not  rather that  in  such  a  case  the  will  would  be  accepted for  the  deed.  For  this,  however,  and  like  ques- tions, see  Eucharist,  Baptism,  Laymen. L  The  first  step  towards  making  a  bishop was  his 1.  Election. a.  Who  elected. — The  election  of  bishops  [xf- pOTOvia  sometimes,  commonly  iKXoyrf]  pertained from  the  beginning  to  the  neighbouring  bishops, and  (except  in  the  obviously  special  cases  of  a bishop  sent  to  the  heathen  [as  e.  g.  Frumentius by  St.  Athanasius  to  the  Abyssinians, — Socrat. i.  19,  Theodoret,  i.  23, —  or  St.  Augustine  to  the Saxons  by  St.  Gregory],  or  of  one  sent  to  a diocese  overrun  with  heresy  or  schism),  to  the clergy  and  laity  of  the  particular  Church.  But the  relative  rights  of  each  class  of  electors  were apparently  determined,  not  by  express  enactment, but  by  Apostolic  practice,  defended  in  the  first instance  by  Jewish  precedent — "  Traditione  Di- vina  [Num.  xx.  25,  26]  et  Apostolica  observa- tione  "  [Acts  i.  15,  vi.  2]  (St.  Cypr.  Epist.  Ixvii. Fell), — and  subsequently  upon  grounds  of  com- mon sense  and  equity, — as  that,  "  Deligatur  epi- scopus  praeseute  plebe,  quae  singulorum  vitam plenissime  novit  "  {id.  ib.)  ;  or  that,  "  Nullus invitis  detur  episcopus  "  (Caelestin.  Epist.  ii.  5) ; or  that,  "  Qui  praefuturus  est  omnibus,  ab  omni- bus eligatur"  (Leo  M.  Epist.  Ixxxix);  or  again, Tlapa  TtdvTwv  Ta>y  /j.iWoVToii'  iroi/xaivfadaL  xpript- (ofjiivos  {Cone.  Clialc.  a.d.  451  ;  Act.  xi.  Labbe, iv.  698).  The  judgment  [/cpiVis,  judicimii]  i.  e. commonly  the  choice,  and  the  ratification  [Kiipos], BISHOP 213 naturally  inclined  to  the  bishops,  so  that  for  the first  500  years  such  elections  were  ordinarily ruled  by  them.  The  approval  \_(Tvviv^6Kr)ais, consensus']  and  the  testimony  to  character  [fxap- Tvpwv.  testimonium]  were  the  more  proper  office of  the  clergy  and  laity  of  the  diocese  itself. While  the  formal  appointment  [KardaTaats, which  included  the  ordination]  belonged  exclu- sively, as  to  the  Apostles  at  first,  so  to  the iXXSyiixot  &vSp€s  (St.  Clem.  Kom.  ad  Corinth. I.  xliv.)  who  succeeded  them,  i.  e.  the  bishops. But  both  classes  of  electors  are  found  (so  soon  as we  have  any  evidence  to  the  point,  i.  e.  from  the middle  of  the  3\d  century)  taking  the  initiative in  different  cases.  And  the  clergy,  and  the  people, alike,  possessed  the  right  of  giving  a  "  suftragium de  persona,"  as  well  as  a  "testimonium  de  vita" (Andrewes,  Eesp.  ad Bellarm.  xiii.) ;  a  right,  how- ever, alternating  in  point  of  fact  between  a  choice and  a  veto,  and  fluctuating  with  circumstances. The  germ  of  such  a  mode  of  election  is  found in  the  N.  T.  The  KardaTacTis  (Acts  vi.  3,  Tit. i.  5,  and  compare  Heb.  v.  1,  viii.  3,  and  St.  Matt, xxiv.  45,  «&c.)  was  throughout  reserved  to  the Apostles  or  their  successors  ;  but  the  "  choice  " of  the  persons  and  the  "  testimony "  to  their character  pertained  to  the  people  in  the  case  of the  seven  deacons  (Acts  vi.  2,  3)  ;  the  former  to St.  Paul  and  the  latter  to  "  the  brethren,"  in  that of  Timothy  (Acts  xvi.  2,  3);  St.  Paul  alone  (un- less so  far  as  the  "  presbytery  "  joined  in  the  act) both  chose  and  sent  Timothy  and  Titus  respec- tively to  Ephesus  and  to  Crete  (1  Tim.  i.  3,  18; Tit.  i.  5) ;  the  whole  of  the  disciples  appear  to have  chosen  the  two  between  whom  lots  were  to be  cast  in  the  case  of  St.  Matthias  (Acts  i.  23), which  is  however  an  exceptional  case ;  while  the word  x^^poToveco  (Acts  xiv.  23)  leaves  it  unde- termined whether  St.  Paul  and  Barnabas  only ordained,  or  did  not  also  choose,  the  Pisidiau presbyters.  The  earliest  non-Scriptural  witness, writing  however  before  the  N.  T.  canon  was closed,  St.  Clement  of  Rome  (as  above),  agrees precisely  with  the  N.  T.,  in  terms  as  well  as substance.  He  reserves  the  Kardaraais,  as  by express  Apostolic  appointment,  to  the  Apostles and  their  successors,  but  avvevSoKriadaris  Trjs 'EKKX-naias  irdarjs :  speaking,  it  is  true,  of  the  . case  of  eTricTKoTroi  who  were  presbyters,  but  in language  which  must  almost  certainly  apply  also to  that  of  bishops  properly  so  called.  In  con- formity also  with  this,  we  find,  after  a.d.  69, and  upon  the  martyrdom  of  St.  James,  the  re- maining Apostles  and  personal  disciples  of  Christ and  His  surviving  relatives,  meeting  together  and joining  in  the  appointment  of  Symeon  the  son  of Clopas  to  the  bishopric  of  Jerusalem  (Euseb.  //.  E. iii.  11).  The  theory,  that  at  first  the  "senior presbyter"  succeeded  as  of  right  to  the  epi- scopate, and  that  at  some  early  time  a  change was  effected,  "  prospiciente  concilio,"  such  that thenceforth  "  meritum,  non  ordo,"  should  select the  bishop,  seems  to  be  only  a  4th  century  hypo- thesis, based  upon  what  no  doubt  was  a  frequent practice,  of  Ambrosiaster,  i.  e.  Hilary  the  Deacon, in  Eph.  iv.  12 ;  who  however  is  thinking  of  the election,  not  of  the  consecration,  of  a  bishop, whose  specific  officj  also  he  distinctly  recognizes in  the  passage  itself. The  natural  course  of  things,  and  the  in- creasingly fixed  and  detailed  organization  of  the Church,  gradually  defined  and  modified  the  ori- 214 BISHOP giual  practice  thus  inaugurated:  1.  by  intro- ducing the  metropolitan  (and,  further  on,  the patriarch),  as  a  power  more  and  more  prepon- derant in  such  elections;  and  2.  by  regulating the  rights  of  the  comprovincial  bishops  ;  both points  formalized  into  canons  by  the  great  IS^icene Council ;  3.  by  substituting  for  the  unavoidable disorder  and  "evil  of  a  strictly  popular  suffrage (uX^ois),  an  election  by  the  chief  only  of  the laity  (a  change  begun  by  the  Councils  of  Sardica, A.D.  347,  and  Laodicea,  A.D.  365,  and  finally  esta- blished by  Justinian) ;  still  further  restricted  in practice  in  important  cases  to  a  nomination  by the  emperor  alone  ;  and  changed  from  the  middle of  the  6th  century  into  a  general  right  of  royal consent,  converted  commonly,  and  as  circum- stances allowed,  in  the  case  of  the  European  king- doms, and  partially  in  that  of  the  Eastern  em- perors also,  into  a  right  of  royal  nomination, concurrent  with,  but  gradually  and  in  ordinary cases  reducing  to  a  mere  form,  the  old  canonical mode  of  election.  The  substitution,  further,  in the  West,  of  the  clergy  of  the  cathedral  as  the electoral  body,  and  in  the  East  of  the  compro- vincial bishops  solely,  in  place  of  the  old  "  plebs et  clerus  "  of  the  diocese,  or  at  the  least  of  the cathedral  town,  hardly  dates  before  the  9th  and 10th  centuries. The  classical  passages  for  ante-Kicene  times are  principally  from  St.  Cyprian,  and  belong  to Africa,  A.D.  252-254. — "  Diligenter  de  traditione Divina  et  Apostolica  observatione  servandum  est et  tenendum  (quod  apud  nos  quoque  et  fere  per provincias  totas  tenetur),  ut  ad  ordinationes  rite celebrandas,  ad  eam  plebem  cui  praepositus  ordi- natur,  episcopi  ejusdem  provinciae  prosimi  quique conveniant,  et  episcopus  deligatur  plebe  prae- sente,  quae  singulorum  vitam  plenissime  novit, et  uniuscujusque  actum  de  ejus  conversatione prospexit"  (Ejnsf.  Ixvii.  addressed  to  the  Spa- nish Churches). — "  Instruit  et  ostendit  (Deus) ordinationes  sacerdotales  nonnisi  sub  populi  as- sistentis  conscientia  fieri  oportere "  [soil.  Num. XV.  25,  26;  Acts  i.  15,  vi.  2);  "  ut  plebe  prae- sente  vel  detegantur  malorum  crimina  vel  bo- norum  merita  praedicentur ;  et  sit  ordinatio justa  et  legitima,  quae  omnium  suffragio  et judicio  fuerit  examinata "  (id.  ib.). — "  De  uni- versae  fraternitatis  suffragio,  de  episcoporum qui  in  praesentia  convenerant  judicio  (id.  ib.). — "  Episcopo  semel  facto,  et  collegarum  et  plebis testimonio  et  judicio  comprobato "  (id.  Ejnst. xliv.). — "  Cornelius  factus  est  episcopus  [Romae] de  Dei  et  Christi  Ejus  judicio,  de  clericorum  peue omnium  testimonio,  de  plebis  quae  tunc  affuit suffragio,  et  de  sacerdotum  antiquorum  et  bo- norum  virorum  collegio  "  (id.  Epist.  Iv.). — "  Post Divinum  judicium,  post  populi  suffragium,  post co-episcoporum  consensum "  (id.  Epist.  lix.). — '_'  Episcopo  Cornelio  in  Catholica  Ecclesia  de  Dei judicio,  de  cleri  ac  plebis  suffragio,  ordinate" (id.  Epist.  Ixviii.).— In  which  passages,  s^lffm- gium,  judicium,  testimonium,  consensus,  appear  to be  used  without  precise  discrimination,  either  in regard  to  meaning,  or  to  the  several  classes  of electors  and  their  respective  functions,  and  to express  little  more  than  St.  Clement  of  Rome's vaguer  term,  (TvvfvSoKvcns. _  Tlie  same  rule  is  testified  in  the  East  by  the jomt  evidence  of  Origen,— «  Requiritur  in  ordi- naudo  sacerdote  praesentia  populi,  ut  sciant  omnes et  certi  sint,  quia  qui  praestantior  est  ex  omni BISHOP populo,  qui  doctior,  qui  sanctior,  qui  in  omni  vir- tute  eminentior,  ille  eligatur  ad  sacerdotium ;  et hoc,  adstante  populo,  ne  qua  postmodum  retrac- tatio  cuipiam,  ne  quis  scrupulus  resideret"  (Horn. vi.  in  Levit.,  0pp.  ii.  216,  ed.  Delarue) ; — and  of the  cases  mentioned  by  Eusebius ;  as,  e.  g.,  A6i,av Tots  tS)V  ofxopciiv  ''E.KKKrjaiSiv  irpoiffrSicnv,  to  elect Dius  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  c.  A.D.  190  {H.  E.  vi. 10); — Alexander,  ordained  bishop  of  Jerusalem, A.D.  214,  ix€Ta  Koiv^s  Twv  'Eirjcr/cOTro!!'  ol  rots  irepi^ SiflTTov  'E/CKA.7)(n'as  yvufxrjs  (ib.  11)  : — Thv  iravra Kahv  .  .  .'.\^LOV  iiri^orjffai  [cried  out  that  Fabian was  worthy  to  be  bishop  of  Rome],  tS>v  a.Be\(p(ii' andvTajv  x^^poTOvlas  eVeKe;/  ttjs  rov  fitAAovToi SiaSex^o'^o"  T^j'  iTTicTKOTr^v  iir).  rrjs  'EKK\T}aias ffvyK^KpoTTiixfi'wv  (ib.  vi.  29,  A.D.  236)  : — and, similarly,  the  neighbouring  "  bishops,  presbyters, deacons,  and  the  Churches,"  assembled  at  Antioch A.D.  269  or  270,  deposed  Paul  of  Samosata,  and appointed  Domnus  bishop  of  Antioch  in  his  place. The  Apostolic  Canons  (can.  i.),  and  Apostolic  Con- stitutions, viii.  27,  require  three  or  at  least  two bishops  to  the  x^^po''''"''^''^  which  at  least  in- volves the  election,  of  a  bishop.  The  former (can.  xxxiv.)  take  also  the  further  step  of  re- quiring reciprocally  the  yvci/xri  rov  irpuTov  (the metropolitan),  and  the  ■yvw^ii)  -rravTuy,  to  all church  acts.  And  the  latter  (viii.  4)  enjoin  that the  people  shall  be  thrice  asked  if  the  candidate is  worthy.  Apostolic  Canon  Ixxvi.  further  en- joins, that  no  bishop,  in  order  to  gratify  a  brother or  any  other  relative,  shall  eh  rh  a^ica/xa  rris fTriffKoirris,  tv  ^ovAfrai,  x^'-poToveiv.  And  the Council  of  Ancyra  (a.d.  314,  can.  xviii.)  proves the  power  of  the  people,  as  the  last  quoted  canon does  that  of  the  bishops,  by  providing  for  the case  of  one  "  constituted  "  (KaracrTafiels)  a  bishop, but  rejected  by  the  diocese  (jrapoiKia)  to  which he  had  been  consecrated,  such  rejection  being apparently  assumed  to  be  conclusive  as  regarded the  particular  diocese ;  although  in  Apost.  Can, xxxvi.  it  is  ordered,  ou  the  contrary,  that  the bishop  in  such  a  case  shall  "  remain."  The  case of  Alexandria  in  early  times  was  confessedly  ex- ceptional, and  arose  from  the  seditious  character of  the  Alexandrians  (Epiphan.  Haer.  Ixix.  11). The  presbyters  of  that  city  by  themselves  chose one  of  their  own  number  (ace.  to  the  well-known words  of  St.  Jerome),  and  that  immediately,  i.  e., as  it  should  seem,  without  waiting  for  the  voice of  the  people,  or  for  that  of  the  bishops  of  the patriarchate  (see  also  the  strange  story  in  Liber- atus,  Breviar.  xx.).  The  Christian  (and  Jewish) practice,  "  in  praedicandis  sacerdotibus  qui  ordi- nandi sunt,"  was  also  recognized,  and  copied,  in the  case  of  pi'ovincial  governors,  by  the  emperor Alexander  Severus  (Lamprid.  in  V.  Alex.  Severi). The  Council  of  Nice  (a.d.  325)  recognized  and established  the  power  of  the  comprovincial bishops,  and  the  authority  of  the  metropolitan, by  requiring  (can.  iv.),  if  it  can  be  had  [-Trpoo-^/cet fidXiffTo],  the  personal  presence  of  "  all  the bishops  of  the  province  (exapx'''))"  ^^  order  to the  appointment  (Kadiaracrdai)  of  a  bishop  ;  but if  this  cannot  be  had,  then  of  at  least  three, ffvfj.\l/r)(paiv  yivofxfvwv  Koi  rwv  airSpTcov  Koi  avu- Tiee/j.evwv  Sia  ypa^pLara,  the  ratification  {Kvpos) being  reserved  to  the  metropolitan ;  and  (can.  vi.) by  voiding  elections  made  X'^P'^  yvwuris  fi.7)Tpo- ttoKltov.  The  Council  of  Antioch,  A.D.  341, recognizes  also  both  people,  provincial  bishops, and  metropolitan,  by  voiding  (can.  xvi.)  an  elec- BISHOP tion  made  Si'xa  TfXeias  ffvv6Sov  (defined  to  be one  "at  which  the  metropolitan  is  present"), Kat  el  TTus  6  Xabs  'ixono.  It  repeats  also  in substance  (can.  xix.)  the  4th  Nicene  canon  ;  while (in  can.  xviii.),  providing  for  the  case  of  a  bishop refused  by  his  diocese,  it  refers  the  final  decision  to the  synod.  And  it  voids  (can.  xxiii.)  an  appoint- ment by  a  single  bishop  of  his  own  successor, referring  such  election,  according  to  rhv  iKK\r]- (naariKhv  Qiu^ov,  to  the  synod  and  judgment  of the  bishops,  whose  right  it  was.  The  Council  of Sardica,  a.d.  347  (can.  ii.),  cancels  an  election made  by  the  "  clamour "  of  the  people,  with suspicion  of  bribery  or  undue  influence ;  and (can.  vi.)  also  requires  the  consent  of  the  metro- politan [toD  e|apx""  "^^^  eVapx'C's].  That  of Laodicea,  A.d.  365,  assigns  the  choice  (^Kpiffis)  to the  metropolitan  and  ol  irepi^  'EiricrKOTroi  (can. xii.)  ;  and,  on  the  other  side,  takes  the  first  step against  popular  elections  by  forbidding  (can.  xix.) To7s  ux^ois  eTriTpeTreiv  rots  eKXoyas  iroiuadai tSiv  fxiWovTuiv  KadiffTaaOai  fls  ttji/  Uparilav. The  Council  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  381,  informs Pope  Damasus  of  the  validity  of  the  election  of Nectarius  to  the  see  of  Constantinople,  as  having been  made  "  by  the  common  consent  of  all,  in the  presence  of  the  emperor,  with  the  applause of  clergy  and  people :" — of  the  like  validity  of that  of  Flavian  to  Antioch,  because  "  canonically elected  by  the  assembled  bishops  "  ttis  iirapx^as Koi  T7JS  avaTo\LKrjS  SwiKiiffeciis,  Tratrrjs  (TVfj.\]nfi(pov rris  'EKKAriaias : — and  of  that  of  Cyril  to  Jeru- salem, because,  similarly,  Trapa  tSjv  Trjs  e-jrapxias XeipoTovn64vTa  (Epist.  Synod,  ap.  Theodoret.  v. 9).  Of  the  Councils  of  Carthage,  the  Second  (so called),  A.D.  390  (can.  xii.),  requires  the  consent of  the  primate  ;  the  Third,  A.D.  397  (can.  xxxix.), three  bishops  at  least,  appointed  by  the  primate  ; the  Fourth,  A.D.  398  (can.  i.),  the  "  consensus clericorum  et  laicorura,"  and  the  "  conventus totius  provinciae  episcoporum,  maximeque  metro- politani  auctoritas  vel  praesentia."  The  Council of  Ephesus,  A.D.  431  (can.  xix.),  secures  their right  to  the  bishops  of  Cyprus  as  against  the patriarch  of  Antioch,  but  as  not  being  within  his patriarchate.  And  that  of  Chalcedon,  A.D.  451 (Act.  xvi.  Labbe,  iv.  817),  »equires  the  consent  of all  or  the  major  part  of  the  bishops  of  the  pro- vince, rh  Kvpos  exoj'Tos  ToO /xrjTpoTToAiTou  ;  and affirms  the  authority  of  the  metropolitan  also  in Act.  xiii.  (ib.  713),  and  in  can.  xxv.  ({6.  768). Similar  testimony  to  the  necessity  of  the  metro- jjolitan's  consent  is  borne  by  Pope  Innocent  I., "  Extra  conscientiam  meti-opolitani  episcopi  nul- ius  audeat  ordinare  episcopum "  (Epist.  i.  c.  2, A.D.  402x417);  by  Boniface  I.  (Epist.  iii.  A.D. 418  X  422)  ;  by  Leo  the  Great  (Epistt.  Ixxxix. xcii.)  ;  by  Pope" Hilary  (Epist.  ii.  A.D.  461  x  468)  : by  Cone.  Taurin.  can.  i.  A.D.  401 ;  and  by  Cone. Arelat.  ii.  can.  v.  a.d.  452. On  the  other  hand,  these  enactments  respect- ing the  comprovincial  bishops,  and  the  growing power  of  the  metropolitans,  did  not  extinguish the  rights  of  the  clergy  and  people ;  who  re- mained a  real  power  for  many  centuries  still, and  continued  so  in  name  (in  the  West)  down  to the  12th  century.  The  Council  of  Nice  itself,  in dealing  with  the  Meletian  schism,  required  the choice  of  the  people  (el  6  Xahs  alpoiTo),  as  well as  the  sanction  of  the  Alexandrian  metropolitan (<rvvei:i^ri<pL^ovTos  Kol  eirKXcppayi^ovTos  tov  t^s 'AAelacSpei'os  'EwiffKoTrov),  in  case  a  reconciled BISHOP 215 Meletian  bishop  was  appointed  to  a  see  (Epist. Synod,  ap.  Theodoret.  i.  9,  Socrat.  i.  9).  St.  Atha- nasius,  immediately  after  the  council,  was  elected bishop  of  Alexandria,  ^ri(pCji  tov  \aov  iravTos (St.  Greg.  Naz.  Orat.  xxi.),  and  by  the  acclama- tion and  demand  of  rcav  rh  ttKjiQos  kolI  iras  b  Aahs TTJs  KadoXiKrjS  'EkkAtjo-ios  (Epist.  Synod.  Alex. ap.  Athanas.  Apol.  ii.) ;  and  Peter,  who  suc- ceeded him,  was  chosen  first  by  the  priests  and magistrates,  and  then  accepted  by  the  people (6  Kahi  OTTOS  TOiS  ev^i]fjiiats  idrjXovv  rr^v  ijSo- vl)v,  Theodoret,  iv.  20) ;  statements  which  indi- cate that  Alexandrian  elections  did  not  then  at any  rate  possess  any  exceptional  character.  So also  Pope  Julius  (in  S.  Athan.  Apol.)  condemns the  intrusion  of  (Jregory  into  the  see  of  Alex- andria, as  being,  1.  A  stranger;  2.  Not  baptized there  ;  3.  Unknown  to  most ;  4.  Not  asked  for  by either  presbyters,  bishops,  or  people.  Later  still, the  rights  of  the  "  clerus  "  and  "  plebs  "  are  tes- tified by  a  continuous  chain  of  witnesses  :  as,  e.  g. by  the  Councils  of  Antioch,  a.d.  341,  can,  xviii., and  the  4th  Council  of  Carthage,  A.D.  398,  can.  i. (both  above  quoted),  and  Cod.  Eccl.  African,  can. xiii.,  virh  irSWctiv  —  a  multis  —  x^'P"'''''''f 'C^o' : and  again,  (1)  in  the  West,  by  Pope  Siricius  (a.d. 394  X  398,  i/jOisi.  i.  c.  10,  "Si  eum  cleri  ac  plebis evocaverit  electio,"  and  this  either  to  presby- terate  or  episcopate) ;  Pope  Zosimus  (A.D.  417, Epist.  iii.)  ;  Pope  Caelestinus  (a.d.  422  x  432, Epist.  ii.  c.  5,  "  Cleri,  plebis,  et  ordinis  ") ;  Leo the  Great  (a.d.  440x461,  Epist.  Ixxxiv.  "Cleri plebisque,"  and  the  metropolitan  to  decide  a disputed  election; — Epist.  Ixxxix.  "Vota  civium, testimonia  populorum,  honoratorum  arbitrium, electio  clericorum  ;" — Epist.  Xcii.  "  A  clericis electi,  a  plebibus  expetiti,  a  provincialibus  epi- scopis  cum  metropolitani  judicio  consecrati ")  : Pope  Symmachus  (A.D.  498  x  514,  Epist.  v.  c.  6)  : Gregory  the  Great  (passim,  see  quotations  in  Tho- massin,  II.  ii.  10)  ;  by  the  form  itself  of  election in  the  Ordo  Romanus  (Bibl.  PP.  x.  104);  by  the system  of  Ejnscopi  Interventores  or  Iniercessores, or,  later,  Visitatores,  sent  down  to  the  vacant  see to  superintend  the  election,  and  not  only  existmg in  Africa,  but  repeatedly  mentioned  in  the  letters of  Gregory  the  Great,  of  Hincmar,  &c.  &c.  [Inter- ventores ;  Visitatores]  ;  by  St.  Jerome  ("  Spe- culator Ecclesiae  vel  episcopus  vel  presbyter,  qui a  populo  electus  est,"  in  Ezech.  lib.  x.  c.  33  ;  0pp. iii.  935) ;  Optatus  ("  SufFragio  totius  populi," lib.  i.) ;  Sulpic.  Severus  (de  V.  B.  Martini,  c.  vii. of  the  election  of  St.  Martin  of  Tours,  A.D.  371); Sidonius  Apollinaris  (Epist.  lib.  viii.  Ep.  5,  8,  9, of  the  election  of  the  metropolitan  of  Bourges, A.D.  472);  St.  Augustin  (Epist.  ex.  0pp.  ii.  601, of  the  election  of  his  own  successor) ;  by  Coudc. of  Orleans  II.  A.D.  533,  can.  vii., — of  Clermont  in Auvergne,  a.d.  535,  can.  ii., — of  Orleans  IIP.  A.D. 538,  can.  iii. ; — and  (2)  in  the  East,  by  the  case  of Eustathius,  compelled  to  accept  the  see  of  Antioch, A.D.  325,  by  ol  apx^epus  re  Kal  hpe7s  Kal  ottos o  \ahs  6  ^LASxptrrros,  \p-n(t>V  Koivfj  (Theodoret, i.  7);  by  that  of  Eusebius  to  the  see  of  Caesarea in  Pontus,  A.D.  362,  6  Sri/xos  ottos  .  .  .  Akovtu avvapirdcravris .  .  .  roh  'Ein(TK6iT0ts  ■Kpoai]yayov, TiKiffdrivai  re  ri^iouy  koL  Krjpvxdvvat,  Trei0o7 I3iav  ava/xi^avres  (St.  Greg.  Naz.  Orat.  xix., condemning  also  the  carrying  such  elei'tions KOTO  (pparpeias  Koi  crvyyeveias)  ;  by  that  of  Nec- tarius to  the  see  of  Constantinople,  a.d.  .H81, Koiv^  ^■^(pqj  rijs  avv6dou  (Sozoni.  vii.  8),  but  also 216 BISHOP apnaa-eels  vwh  rod  Aaod  (Socrat.  v.  8) ;  l>y  that of  St.  Chrj'sostom,  a.d.  397,  to  Constantinople, whom  6  /Sao-iAti/r  '.Ap/ca5io?  ixerairtixTTiTai,  to make  him  archbishop,  ^■n<pi(TiJ.aTL  koivZ  bfxov TrdvTwu,  KAvpov  re  (prj/xi  kol  \aov  (Socrat.  vi.  2) ; to  which  may  be  added  the  recognition  by  Leo the  emperor  "(a.d.  457  X  474)  of  the  KXripos  koI rh  Koivhv  (Evagr.  iii.  12);  and  abundant  other evidence,  of  which  some  will  occur  further  on. The  Laodicene  Council,  however,  a.d.  365  (as above  quoted),  took  the  first  step  towards  the ultimate  practical  extinction  of  really  popular elections  ;  although  elections  by  acclamation, held  to  be  not  irregular  as  springing  from  a  kind of  supposed  Divine  inspiration,  or  again  by  cries oi  Dignus  or  "Afios,  still  occurred:  as,  e.g.  in the  cases  mentioned  by  St.  Ambrose,  St.  Augustin, Philostorgius,  Photius,  cited  by  Bingham,  IV.  ii. 6  ;  in  the  case  of  St.  Ambrose  himself  (Paulin.  in V.  S.  Ambros. ;  Theodoret,  iv.  7  ;  Sozom.  vi.  24) ; in  that  of  Sisinnius  at  Constantinople,  A.D.  426 (Socrat.  vii.  26).  But  a  general  suflFrage  was from  that  time  gradually  superseded  as  the  ordi- nary rule  by  the  votes  of  the  rich  or  high  in station.  And  successive  councils  recognized  the l)ractice,  up  to  the  time  when  Justinian  enacted it  by  express  law.  In  the  Council  of  Ephesus, A.D.  431,  Memnon,  bishop  of  Ephesus,  complains that  his  opponent  sought  to  be  elected  by  the votes  of  rh  aejxvov  ^ovXivrr^piov  Kol  rovs  Aa,u- ■wpordrovs  (Epist.  Cathol.  in  Cone.  Ephes.  Labbe iii.  764).  Leo  the  Great  and  the  Eoman  Council, on  occasion  of  Flavian's  condemnation  by  the Latrocinium  Ephesinum,  A.D.  442,  write  in  his favour,  "Clero,  honoratis,  et  plebi,  consistenti apudConstantinopolim"  {Cone.  Clialced.  a.d.  451, p.  i.  c.  22  ;  Labbe,  iv.  47).  And  the  same  Leo  also mentions  the  "  honorati "  expressly,  although not  exclusively,  Epist.  Ixxxix.  cvi.  Stephen  of Ephesus  {Cone.  Chalced.  Act.  xi. ;  Labbe,  iv.  687) claims  to  have  been  appointed  by  forty  bishops of  Asia,  ypTjcpci}  Koi  rwu  XafXTrpordroov  koI  rwv \oydSaiv  Kol  rod  €v\al3e(Trdrov  irdvros  K\ripov KOI  ricv  \onrS}v  Trdvruv  ttjs  iroKtois  Tracrjx.  And in  Act.  xvi.  of  the  same  council  (Labbe,  ih.  618), the  right  of  election  is  said  to  belong  to  the clergv,  the  K\i\ropis  koi  Xafx-KporaToi  oi'Spes, and  the  bishops,  "  all  or  most,"  of  the  province. Again  {ib.  p.  iii.  c.  21,  Labbe,  ih.  890),  the  people of  Alexandria  and  its  "  honorati  et  curiales  et naucleri,"  are  said  to  have  demanded  Timothy  as their  bishop ;  while  Liberatus  {Breviar.  siv.  xv.) affirms  that  Froterius,  on  the  other  hand,  the bishop  upon  whom  Timothy  was  intruded,  was elected  by  the  "  nobiles  civitatis,"  which  he  also expresses  as  "  decreto  populi."  Finally,  Justinian established  by  direct  law  that  the  K\t)piKo\  Koi TTpStroi  T7]j  Tr6\€Q)s  should  choose  three  persons, whenever  a  vacancy  occurred,  of  whom  the  or- dainer  p.  e.  the  metropolitan]  should  ordain  the one  who  in  his  judgment  was  the  best  qualified (Novell,  cxxiii.  c.  1,  cxxxvii.  c.  2,  and  Cod.  lib.  i. tit.  iiU  De  Episcopis,  1.  42).  The  2nd  Council  of Aries,  A.D.  452,  had  previously  adopted  a  dif- ferent plan  for  attaining  the  same  end ;  viz.  that the  bishops  should  choose  the  three  candidates, out  of  whom  the  "  clerici  vel  cives "  were  to select  one  (can.  liv.).  And  the  Spanish  Council of  Barcelona  subsequently,  A.D.  599,  so  far  varied the  rule  of  Justinian  as  to  enact  (after  the  pat- tern of  St.  Matthias'  election)  that  the  decision should  be  made  by  lot,  between  two  or  three BISHOP elected  by  the  "  clerus  et  plebs,"  and  presented to  the  metropolitan  and  bishops  (can.  iii.).  The common  phrase  in  St.  Gregory  the  Great's  Letters is  "  clerus,  ordo,  et  plebs  ;"  or,  "  clerus  et  nobiles, ordo  et  plebs." From  the  time  of  Justinian  onwards,  both  in East  and  West,  the  chief  power  in  the  election of  bishops,  on  the  Church  side,  inclined  to  the metropolitan,  but  as  choosing  with  the  compro- vincial bishops  from  three  candidates  elected  by the  principal  people,  clei'gy  and  laity,  of  the  see  ; the  whole  process,  however,  being  summarily overruled  upon  occasion  by  the  emperors  ;  as  also in  course  of  time,  and  much  more  continuously and  absolutely,  by  the  Frankish,  Spanish,  and Gothic  kings.  Before  this  time,  indeed,  both  Theo- dosius  the  Great,  and  Theodosius  the  Younger, had  interfered  by  an  absolute  nomination  in  three several  appointments  to  the  see  of  Constantinople (Socrat.  vii.  8,  29,  40),  for  obvious  political reasons.  And  Valentiuian  had  interfered  in  a like  manner  to  enforce  the  popular  demand  for the  consecration  of  St.  Ambrose  to  Milan  (Theo- doret, iv.  6).  But  such  interference  was  con- fessedly irregular,  had  been  expressly  condemned by  Can.  Apostol.  xxx.,  and  was  in  earlier  times  pro- tested against,  as,  e.  g.  by  St.  Athanasius  (Epist. ad  Solit.  V.  Agentes,  §  51,  0pp.  i.  375,  demanding, noios  Kavii>v  cLKh  TraXariov  TrffiTnaOai  rhv  'Etti- (TKOTTov').  But  from  the  6th  century  onwards,  in the  case  of  at  least  important  sees,  the  emperors, although  leaving  the  old  forms  of  election  intact, appear  to  have  commonly  interfered  to  make  (or at  the  very  least  to  sanction)  nominations  them- selves. St.  Gregory  the  Great  treats  the  sole imperatorial  nomination  in  such  cases  as  a  mat- ter of  course.  Instances  will  also  be  found,  both from  him  and  from  later  times,  down  to  Heraclius, Justinian  II.,  Philippicus,  Constantine  Coprony- mus,  A.d.  754,  in  Thomassin,  II.  ii.  17  ;  while the  2nd  Council  of  Nice,  a.d.  787,  protests  against such  lay  interference  uncompromisingly  (can.  iii. Tlao'a;'  ■\\iri<pov  irapa  apxovrajv,  'ETna^Kdrrov,  t] TTptff^vripov,  ^  SiaK6vov,  &Kvpov  /xeveiv).  Saracen conquerors,  as  might  be  expected,  interfered  in a  like  manner :  as,  e.  g.  in  Syria,  A.D.  736,  in  the case  of  the  patriarch  of  Antioch  (Thomassin,  II. ii.  17,  §  7).  But  it  remained  for  IS'icephorus  II.,- A.D.  963  X  969,  to  enact  as  an  universal  law, that  no  bishop  whatever  should  be  elected  or consecrated  &v€v  rrjs  avrov  yvd>fj.-r}s  (Cedren. p.  658,  and  so  also  Zonaras) ;  a  law  however which  did  not  last  long.  Finally,  in  the  East,  the custom  settled  down  into  an  election  by  the clergy,  and  ultimately  only  by  the  comprovincial bishops,  of  three,  of  whom  in  such  cases  as  the see  of  Constantinople  the  emperor,  but  ordinarily the  metropolitan,  selected  one  (Morinus,  ii. 193).  The  ancient  form  of  election  however, as  modified  by  Justinian,  still  held  its  ground  for a  considerable  time.  In  the  case,  e.  g.,  of  Epi- phanius  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  528,  "  the  emperor (Justin)  and  empress,  the  magnates,  the  bishops, priests,  monk.s,  and  the  most  foithful  people," concurred  (Epist.  Epiphan.  inter  Epistt.  Honnisd. Papae  post  Epist.  Ixxi.,  Labbe  iv.  1534).  In  that of  Sophronius  of  Jerusalem,  A.D.  634,  "  the clergy,  rnonks,  faithful  laics,  in  a  word  all  the citizens  "  (Sophron.  Epist.  ad  Sergium  Constan- tinop.  ap.  Cone.  Constantin.  A.D.  680,  Act.  xi. ; Labbe,  vi.  854).  In  that  of  Stephen  of  Larissa,  who was  chosen  out  of  three,  elected  by  the  "  clerus  " BISHOP aud  "  populus,"  arid  by  those  "  quorum  adsensus eiat  actui  necessarius,"  A.D.  531,  the  "  sancta provinciae  syuodus  et  totius  civitatis  possessores oiiineque  corpus  Ecclesiae";  and  (he  adds),  "com- muui  omnium  testimonio  ordinatus  sum  "  (Hol- sten.  Collect.  Bom.  pp.  6,  7).  While  the  council in  Trullo,  A.D.  691,  spoaks  of  an  election  by  all the  bishops  of  the  province  as  the  "  ancient  eus- tom"  (can.  xxxix.)  :  and  Joh.  Antioch.  {Nomocan. tit.  vii.  in  Bibl.  Jur.  Can.  p.  610)  rules  that  a bi.shop  must  be  elected  by  the  metropolitan, and  by  all  the  bishops  of  the  province,  either jireseut  or  sending  a  written  consent ;  and  that such  elections  (e/cAoyaj)  must  not  be  entrusted to  the  multitude  :  and,  lastly,  Zonaras  and  Bal- sanion,  glossing  the  older  canons  by  the  custom of  their  own  time,  exclude  the  "  clerus  et  plebs  " altogether,  and  refer  the  whole  matter  to  the metropolitan  and  bishops,  the  former  choosing the  "  dignissimus  "  out  of  three,  elected  by  the bishops  without  the  presence  of  the  meti-opolitan (according  to  Symeon  of  Thessalonica),  and  pre- sented by  them  to  him  (see  the  form  at  length in  Sym.  Thessal.  ap.  Morin.  ii.  149,  sq.).  Pro- bably the  emperor  really  determined  the  choice, wherever  his  power  enabled,  and  his  policy  in- clined, him  to  do  so ;  while  as  a  rule  he  left ordinary  cases  to  the  ordinary  methods.  See, however,  Le  Quien,  Oriens  Christ,  i.  136,  169. In  the  West,  a  like  retention  of  the  old  form  of election  ran  parallel  with  a  gradual  increase  (less, apparently,  through  circumstances,  in  France than  elsewhere)  of  the  power  of  the  metro- politan, and  with  the  practical  assumption  of  a sole  nomination,  especially  in  France,  by  the king.  In  France,  the  Councils  of  Orleans  II., A.D.  533,  canons  i.  yiii.,  of  Clermont,  A.D.  535, can.  ii.,  of  Orleans  III.,  A.D.  538,  can.  iii.,  specify the  "  clerici,  cives,"  bishops  of  the  province,  and metropolitan,  but  require  the  consent  of  all  the comprovincial  bishops  only  in  the  election  of  the metropolitan  himself.  But  in  the  Council  of  Or- leans v.,  A.D.  549,  canons  x.  and  xi.,  occurs  first the  significant  phrase,  "  cum  voluntate  regis  ;" although  still  "  juxta  electionem  cleri  ac  plebis," aud  with  consecration  by  the  metropolitan  and comprovincial  bishops,  and  with  a  special  enact- ment that  "  nullus  invitis  detur  episcopus,  sed nee  per  oppressionem  potentium  personarum  .  .  . cives  aut  clerici  inclinentur ;"  and  although  also checked  almost  immediately  by  the  Council  of Paris  III.,  A.D.  557,  can.  ii.,  which  voids  the "  principis  imperium,"  if  against  the  will  of metropolitan  and  bishops.  Absolute  nominations by  the  kings,  however,  occur  earlier :  e.  g.  under Theodoric  of  Austrasia,  A.D.  511  x  534  (Greg.  Tur. de  SS.  Fat  rum  VV.  c.  iii.).  And  compare  also the  appointment  to  the  see  of  Leon,  of  Paulus Leonensis,  by  Childebert  (F.  ;S'.  Paul.  Leon.), A.D.  512.  The  issue  between  royal,  and  metro- politan or  ecclesiastical,  nominations  was  directly raised  A.D.  563,  in  the  case  of  Emerius,  bishop  of Saintes ;  whom  the  king  (Charibert)  forced  upon the  see  in  defiance  of  the  metropolitan,  as  being his  predecessor  Lothaire's  nominee  (Greg.  Tur. //.  E.  iv.  26).  And  Lothaire  II., — in  confirming a  re-enactment  of  can.  ii.  of  the  second  Council  of Paris,  made  by  the  Council  of  Paris  V.  A.D.  615 (can.  i.),  and  again  re-enacted  at  the  Council  of Rheims,  A.D.  625,  can.  xxv.,  and  at  the  Council of  Chalons,  A.D.  649,  can.  x., — requires  to  such elections,   made   "  a  clero  et  populo,"  the  sub- BISHOP 2r sequent  "  ordinatio  principis,"  with  no  other qualification  than  that  "  certe  si  de  palatio  eli- gitur  [episcopus],  per  meritum,  &c.,  ordinetur  " (Mansi,  x.  543).  Thenceforward,  the  action  of the  people  of  the  diocese,  under  the  Prankish kings,  is  commonly  termed,  not  "  electio,"  but "  flagitatio "  or  "  petitio,"  or  is  expressed  as "  suppliciter  postulamus,"  addressed  to  the  king. Regular  forms  for  the  donation  of  a  bishopric  by the  king,  nominally  ''  cum  consilio  episcoporum et  procerum" — in  Blarculphus,  and  in  Sirmond ((7o?ic.  Gallic,  ii.  Append.;  see  also  the  "electio quo  modo  a  clero  et  a  populo  eligitur  episcopus in  propria  sede  cum  consensu  regis  archiprae- sulisque  omniumque  populo"  [sic],  in  Morinus, de  Ordln.  ii.  304) — exhibit  the  choice,  even  when made  by  the  clergy  and  people,  and  sanctioned by  the  metropolitan,  as  ultimately  and  in  effect made  by  the  king.  And  in  point  of  fact,  the bishops  were  so  nominated.  Carloman,  however, and  Pipin  (Cone.  Liptin.  a.d.  743,  and  Cone.  Suess. A.D.  744),  professed  to  restore  liberty  of  election to  the  Church.  And  a  new  set  of  "  formulae  " occurs  accordingly  (in  Baluz.  ii.  591,  and  in  Sir- mond), as  "usurpatae  post  restitutam  electionum libertatem."  And  Charlemagne,  upon  the  advice of  Pope  Adrian,  that  he  should  leave  episcopal elections  to  the  "  clerus  et  plebs  "  according  to the  canons  {Cone.  Gallic,  ii.  96),  issued  a  capitu- lary, A.D.  803  {Cone.  Aquisgran.  c.  ii.,  repeated  by Louis,  A.D.  816,  Capit.  Aquisgran.  c.  ii.),  consent- ing "  ut  episcopi  per  electionem  cleri  et  populi secundum  statuta  canonum  de  propria  dioecesi eligantur;"  but  he  did  so  as  granting  a  grace, not  as  admitting  a  right.  And  as  the  bishops  in point  of  fact  continued  to  be  appointed  by  the emperors  (see  e.  g.  Baluz.  ad  Cone.  Gall.  Js!arhon. p.  34,  and  ad  Capit.  ii.  1141),  and  no  choice could  be  made  save  by  the  emperor's  special  per- mission (so  Gieseler,  and  this  as  late  as  Cone.  Va- lentin. A.D.  855,  can.  vii.),  and  special  privileges of  free  election  were  given  to  particular  churches (Baluz.  ib.),  which  imply  the  universality  of  the opposite  practice, — not  to  add  also  the  much disputed  but  after  all  possibly  genuine  grant  by Adrian  to  Charlemagne  (in  Gratian,  Dist.  63, c.  22)  of  an  absolute  right  to  the  appoint- ment and  investiture  of  all  bishops  and  arch- bishops in  all  provinces  of  his  empire, — it  is obvious  that  the  change  was  more  in  name  than in  reality  (as  indeed  the  "  formulae  "  themselves, as  above  in  Sirmond,  iSic,  shew),  until  at  least  the renewal  of  the  contest  after  the  middle  of  the 9th  century  in  the  time  of  Hincmar.  On  the other  hand,  the  power  of  the  metropolitan  and the  right  of  free  election  were  continually  re- asserted, although  with  little  efl'ect  (see  the councils  above  quoted,  from  that  of  Orleans  in 533  to  that  of  Rheims  in  649);  until  under Charlemagne's  immediate  successors,  whose  right to  nominate  is  actually  recognized  at  the  Council of  Paris  VI.  A.D.  829  (can.  xxii.),  and  that  of Thionville  in  845  {Capit.  G u\  Calv.  tit.  ii.  c.  2), &c. ;  and  this,  although  Carloman  and  Pipin  had both  of  them  professedly  restored  the  rights  of the  metropolitan  as  well  as  freedom  of  election (a.d.  742,  Capit.  c.  i.,  and  a.d.  755,  can.  ii.).  See the  whole  subject  carefully  treated  in  Henrv  C. Lea's  Studies  in  Church  IJisiorg,  pp.  81-90 (^Philad.  U.  S.  1869). In  Saxon  England,  king,   witan,    and    metro- politan appear  to  have  predominated,  although 218 BISHOP the  first  gradually  became  as  a  rule  the  real nominator.  At  the  same  time,  the  canonical form  of  election  was  kept  up ;  and  when  the  king was  weak  and  the  Church  strong,  it  occasionally became  a  reality.  The  Kentish  and  Northumbrian kings  agreed  in  choosing  Wighard,  but  accepted The^odore,  A.D.  668,  as  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, at  the  hands  of  the  pope,  upon  Wighard's  unex- pected death  at  Rome  (Baed.  H.  E.  iii.  29,  iv.  1). Northumbrian  kings  and  witenagemots  adjudi- cated the  various  disputes  about  Wilfrid's  sees. And  Theodore  and  a  synod  of  bishops  chose  and consecrated  Cuthbert  to  the  see  of  Lindisfarne, A.D.  684,  but  "  sub  praesentia  Regis  Ecgfridi  " (id.  iv.  28).  Wihtred's  privilege,  A.D.  696  X  716, in  its  genuine  form  refers  to  Kent  and  to  abbats and  presbyters,  not  to  England  at  large,  or  to bishops  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Counc.  iii.  238-247). And  Agatho's  privilegium  to  the  "  congregatio  " of  the  monastery  of  St.  Paul's,  A.D.  673  x  681,  to elect  their  own  bishop,  is  a  forgery  (ib.  161). On  the  other  hand  (although  no  doubt  contem- poi-ary  both  with  the  Carlovingian  nominal  re- storation of  liberty  of  election  in  France,  and  with the  breaking  up  of  the  Northumbrian  kingdom), Alcuin's  letters,  "  ad  Fratres  Eboracenses,"  of Aug.  796,  before  the  election  of  Eanbald  to  York, distinctly  affirm,  that  "  hucusque  sancta  Ebo- racensis  Ecclesia  in  electione  sua  inviolata  per- mansit,"  adding,  "  videte  ne  in  diebus  vestris maculetur ;" — imply  that  Alcuin  himself  had  a voice  in  the  election ; — and  urgently  exhort  the York  clergy  to  elect  a  proper  person,  if  he  him- self cannot  come  in  time  for  the  election  (Epistt. .54,  55,  Migne ;  48,  49,  Froben.).  "  Profes- siones,"  also,  of  a  little  later  date,  distinctly assert  an  election  by  the  diocese :  e.  g.  that  of Beornmod  of  Rochester,  A.D.  805,  or  a  year  or two  earlier, — "  electus  ab  Ethelardo  archiepi- scopo  et  a  servis  Domini  in  Cantia  constitutis  " (in  Wharton,  A.  S.), — and  that  of  a  bishop  of Lichfield  (probably  Kynferth,  A.D.  833x836), "  quoniam  me  tota  Ecclesia  provinciae  nostrae sibi  in  episcopatus  officium  elegerunt "  {Cotton MSS.  C'leop.  E.  1),— and  that  of  Helmstan  of  Win- chester, A.D.  838,  "  a  sancte  et  Apostolice  sedis dignitate  et  ab  congregatione  civitatis  Wentanae necnon  Ethel[wulti]  regis  et  totius  gentis  occi- dentalium  Saxonum  ad  episcopalis  officii  gradum electus  "  (ib.), — and  that  of  Deorlaf  of  Hereford, A.D.  857  X  866,  "  quoniam  me  tota  congregatio Herefordensis  Ecclesiae  sibi  in  officium  episcopale elegerunt "  (Ajy).  ad  Text.  Roff.).  In  a  little later  times,  we  find  Odo  made  archbishop,  A.D. 942,  by  the  "  regia  voluntas,"  followed  by  the "  assensus  episcoporum  "  (Will.  Malm.  G.  P.  A. i.) ;  Dunstan,  A.D.  960,  made  so  by  Edgar  (id.  ib.), but  with  an  election  also  by  acclamation  accord- ing to  hisLife;  and  Living,  A.d.  1013,  "suffragip Regis  Ethelredi"  (W.  Malm.  ib.).  And  in  the time  of  Eadward  the  Confessor,  Aelfric  is  elected by  the  monks  of  Canterbury,  but  set  aside  by  the king  in  favour  of  Robert,  made  archbishop "  regis  muucro"  (V.  Eadw.  ed.  Luard,  pp.  399, 400).  By  that  time  the  election  by  the  "  clerus et  plebs"  of  the  diocese,  so  far  as  it  still  sur- vived at  all,  had  gradually  shrivelled  up  into  an election  by  the  clergy,  and  by  the  clergy  of  the cathedral,— a  process  materially  accelerated  by the  monastic  character  of  the  chapters,  coupled with  the  monastic  privilege  of  choosing  their  own abbats,— but  which  was  also  perpetuatly  set  aside BISHOP by  the  necessity  of  the  royal  consent,  running naturally  into  a  right  of  royal  nomination.  See also  the  evidence  collected  by  Freeman,  Hist,  of Norm.  Conq.  ii.  61,  117,  and  571-577.  The  case of  the  see  of  Rochester  was  exceptional,  the archbishop  of  Canterbury  claiming,  and  fre- quently obtaining,  the  right  of  nomination  to that  see,  as  against  the  crown,  until  the  days  of King  John. In  Spain,  the  power  of  the  bishops  in  the election  of  the  kings  preserved  and  extended also  their  own  power,  and  among  other  things,  in j  episcopal  elections.  The  Council  of  Toledo  X., A.D.  656,  for  instance,  elected  a  metropolitan  of Braga  (the  former  bishop  being  deposed  for  in- continence) without  consulting  the  diocese.  See however  Dunbar,  Hist.of  Spain  and  Portuijal,  bk. ii.  c.  ii.,  who  rather  leans  tdwards  the  royal  power in  such  elections.  Ultimately  the  king  and  the metropolitan  of  Toledo  seem  to  have  acquired practically  a  joint  power  of  nomination.  Cone. Tolet.  XII.,  A.D.  681,  empowers  the  archbishop of  Toledo,  as  primate,  to  consecrate  at  Toledo, "  quoscunque  regalis  potestas  elegerit  et  jam dicti  Toletani  episcopi  judicium  dignos  esse  pro- I  baverit "  (can.  vi.).  And  see  also  the  history  of King  Witiza,  A.D.  701-710.  Martin  of  Braga i  too,  distinctly  says  that  the  people  are  not  to elect  bishops. ■  In   Italy,    also,    the    royal    power    gradually overruled  without  superseding  the  older  canoni- cal form  of  election.     But  that  the  latter  con- tinued in  all  ordinary  cases,  save  that  the  metro- politan's   influence    and  veto   had    grown   more powerful,  is  palpable  by  St.  Gregory  the  Great's letters.     On  the  other  hand,  Odoacer,  A.D.  476- 483,  with  the  "  advice  "  of  Pope  Simplicius,  for- bade the  election  of  a  bishop  of  Rome  without his  (the  king's)  consent.     And  the  interference of  (the  Arian)  Theodoric  in  the  disputed  election of  Pope  Symmachus,  A.D.  501,  was  both  asked  for 1  and  submitted  to;  although  it  called  forth  En- j  nodius'  Apologetic  Letter,  and  also  a  protest  from the  Cone.  Palm.  a.d.  502,  which  declared  Odoacer'.s law  invalid.     Yet  the  Gothic  kings  continued  to exercise  such  a  power.    Theodoric  appointed  suc- cessive popes  during  his  reign,  down  to  Felix  III. j  A.D.  526  (Greenwood,  Cathed.  Pet.  iii.  c.  4).    And Athalaric  issued   regulations    about  papal   eloc- t  tions  on  occasion  of  the  outrageous  simony  that '  attended    the    accession    of  John   II.    A.D.    533 '  (Cassiod.   ix.   15).      And  not    only   so,   but    the i  Greek    emperors,    when    they    recovered    Italy, !  exercised  it  likewise ;  so  that,  e.  g.  Gregory  the Great,  A.D.  590,  after  due  election  by  the  "  clerus, senatores,  populusque  Romanus,"  still  required the   "  praeceptio "    of  the    emperor  Maurice   to complete  his  election  (Jo.  Diac.  in   V.  Greg.  M. lib.  i.  ep.  39,  40).    And  Pipin  and  Charlemagne fell  heirs   to  the   like   "  jus   et   potestatem   eli- gendi    pontificem:"    for    all    which    see    details under   Pope.      The    election    of    the    pope    in- deed remained  like  other  elections  of  the  kind, until  the  decree  of  the  Cone.  Rom.  of  A.D.  1059 under  Nicholas  II.  (for  which  see  Gieseler,  ii.  369, Eng.  transl.);  which  itself  was   a   change   ana- logous to  the  contemporary  changes  elsewhere. In  brief,  then,  during  this  period,  the  old canonical  diocesan  election  continued  throughout the  Western  Church  as  the  right  and  proper  mode of  election;  but  (1)  was  in  itself  gradually  ab- sorbed into  a  vote  of  the  cathedral  clergy  ("  electio BISHOP clericorum  est,  petitio  plebis,"  is  the  utmost allowed  in  Gratian,  Deer.  i.  dist.  62),  and  (2)  was overruled  perpetually  by  the  royal  nomination, which  itself  was  concurrent  with  but  commonly superseded  the  consent  of  metropolitan  and  com- provincial bishops. For  special  conditions  attending  the  election of  metropolitans,  and  for  the  relation  of  the metropolitans  to  the  patriarchs  in  the  matter, see  Metropolitan,  Patriarch. At  what  times  special  questions  arose  respect- ing; the  qualifications  which  gave  a  right  to  vote in  the  election  of  a  bishop — how  such  questions were  determined — in  what  way  votes  were  ac- tually taken — and  other  questions  of  like  detail — there  remains  no  evidence  to  shew :  except that  we  may  infer  from  such  accounts  as  e.  g. that  in  Synesius,  Epist.  67,  that  where  there  was a  popular  assembly  ordinarily  acting  in  other  and civil  matters,  such  assembly  acted  also,  at  first, in  the  choice  of  a  bishop.  Synesius'  description also  illustrates  forcibly  the  ox^ot  of  the  Laodicene Council,  the  women  being  preeminently  noisy  on the  occasion,  and  even  the  children. p.  Who  were  eligible. — Such  being  the  electors, it  follows  next  to  consider  the  qualifications  of those  who  were  to  be  elected.  The  general  dis- qualifications for  the  clerical  office — such  as,  e.g. digamy,  clinic  baptism,  heretical  baptism,  the having  been  a  demoniac,  or  done  public  penance, or  lajised,  the  occupations  of  pleader,  soldier,  play- actor, usurer,  the  being  a  slave,  or  illegitimate, the  having  any  of  his  own  immediate  family  still unconverted  heathens,  &c.  &c.  —  will  be  best treated  under  Presbyters,  Clergy,  or  the  se- veral subjects  themselves.  The  special  conditions of  eligibility  for  a  bishopric  were,  (1)  that  the candidate  should  be,  ace.  to  Apost.  Constit.  ii.  1, fifty  years  of  age  ;  but  ace.  to  Cone.  Neocaes. A.D.  314  (requiring  30  for  a  presbyter,  on  the ground  of  St.  Luke  iii.  23 — a  canon  adopted  by the  Church  universal),  and  ace.  to  similar  later canons  (^Arclat.  IV.  A.D.  475,  can.  i.,  Agath. A.D.  506,  can.  xvii.,  Aurelian.  III.  A.D.  533, can.  vi.,  Tolet.  IV.  A.D.  581,  can.  xx. ;  and  again, Justin.  Novell,  cxxxiii.  1 ;  and  again,  Charlemagne at  Aix,  A.D.  789,  Capit.  i.  49,  and  at  Frankfort, A.D.  794,  can.  xlix.),  the  age  of  30  only  was  in- sisted on.  And  so  also  Balsamon.  Photius  in one  place  (ap.  Suicer)  says  35,  which  is  likewise Justinian's  rule  in  another  Novel  (cxxvii.  1).  And Siricius  and  apparently  Zosimus  (Sir.  ad  Himer. Epist.  1  §  9,  Zos-.  ad  Hesijch.  Epist.  1,  §  3,  a  de- tailed lex  annalis  in  both  cases)  place  the  mini- mum at  45.  Special  merits,  however  (St.  Chrys. Horn,  in  1  Tim.  x.  xi.),  and  the  precedent  of Timothy  (1  Tim.  iv.  12 ;  and  see  St.  Ignat. ad  Magnes.  3,  speaking  of  i/ecoTfpiK^  rd^is  —  a youthful  appointment),  repeatedly  set  aside  the rule  in  practice  (see  instances  in  Bingh.  II.  x.  1)  : as,  e.g.  in  the  well-known  case  of  St.  Athanasius, apparently  not  much  more  than  23  when  conse- crated bishop.  (2)  That  he  should  be  of  the clergy  of  the  church  to  which  he  was  to  be  con- secrated,—  air'  avTov  tov  lepareiov — "de  proprio clero"  (so  Pope  Julius,  Epist.  ad  Orient,  ap.  S. Athanas.  A^mL  ii. ;  Pope  Caelestinus,  Epist.  ii.  c.  4 ; Pope  Hilary,  E/jist.  i.  c.  3  ;  Leo  M.,  Epist.  Ixxxiv. ; Gregory  the  Great  repeatedly  ;  and  as  part  of the  old  canonical  rule,  the  Capit.  of  Charle- magne above  quoted,  "de  propria  dioecesi)": — a rule  likewise  repeatedly  broken  under  pressure BISHOP 219 of  circumstances,  special  merit  in  the  candidate, the  condition  of  the  diocese  itself,  &c.,  and  by translations,  so  far  as  translations  were  allowed ; but  one  also  enforced  by  the  nature  of  the  case so  long  as  the  voice  and  testimony  of  the  people of  the  diocese  was  an  important  element  in  the election,  and  on  like  grounds  disregarded  in  pro- portion as  metropolitan,  or  still  more  royal, nominations  became  predominant.  St.  Jerome's well-known  statement  about  Alexandria  seems to  speak  of  it  as  almost  a  special  privilege  of  that see  from  early  times :  which  it  plainly  was  not. If  the  presbyter  chosen  was  not  of  the  diocese itself,  the  consent  of  his  own  bishop  was  requisite (^Conc.  Nicaen.  can.  xvi.  &c.  &c. ;  and  see  below, III.  1,  o,  X.).  (3)  That  he  should  be  a  presbyter, or  a  deacon  at  the  least,  and  not  become  a  bishop per  saltum,  but  go  through  all  the  interstitia  or several  stages ; — also  at  first  an  ecclesiastical custom,  grounded  on  the  fitness  of  the  thing (e.g.  Pope  Cornelius  "  non  ad  episcopatum  subito pervenit  sed  per  omnia  ecclesiastica  olficia,"  &c. ; and  again,  "  cunctis  religionis  gradibus  ascendit," St.  Cypr.  Epist.  52  al.  55 ;  and  similarly  Greg. Naz.  Otat.  xx.  of  St.  Basil ;  and  so  repeatedly St.  Gregory  the  Great,  objecting  to  a  layman being  made  bishop),  but  turned  into  a  canon  by Cone.  Sardie.  A.d.  347,  can.  x.  (kuQ'  eKatrrov ^aOfjibv,  K.T.X.,  and  naming  reader,  deacon,  priest ; the  object  being  to  exclude  neophytes),  and  by some  later  provincial  councils  {Cone.  Aurelian. III.  A.D.  538,  can.  vi. ;  Braear.  I.  A.D.  563,  can. xxxix. ;  Barcinon.  II.  A.D.  599,  can.  iii.)  :  and  so Leo  the  Great  (admitting  deacons  however  on the  same  level  with  priests),  "  Ex  presbyteris ejusdem  Ecclesiae  vel  ex  diaconibus  optimus  eli- gaiuv" (Epist.  Ixxxiv.  c.  6): — broken  likewise perpetually  under  special  circumstances  (see Morin.  de  Sacr.  Ordin.  III.  xi.  2).  Instances  of deacons,  indeed,  advanced  at  once  to  the  epi- scopate, are  numerous,  and  scarcely  regarded  as irregular,  beginning  with  St.  Athanasius  (see  a list  in  Bingh.  II.  x.  5 ;  but  St.  Greg.  Naz.  Orat. xxi.  speaks  of  St.  Athanasius  as  iracrav  ttjv  tSiv fiaOixuiv  aKoKovQlav  Sie^eXOwv).  But  the  case of  a  reader  also  is  mentioned  in  St.  Aug.  (Epist. cxlii.),  and  of  a  subdeacon  in  Liberatus  (Breviar. xxii.).  And  although  expressly  forbidden  by  Jus- tinian (Novell,  vi.  1,  cxxiii.  ],  cxxxvii.  1)  and  by Cone.  Arelat.  IV.  A.D.  455,  can.  ii.,  yet  the  well- known  cases  of  St.  Cyprian,  St.  Ambrose,  St.  Mar- tin of  Tours,  St.  Germanus  of  Auxerre,  and others,  prove  the  admissibility  of  even  a  layman, if  under  the  circumstances — as,  e.  g.  by  reason of  the  sudden  acclamation  of  the  people — such  a choice  was  held  to  be  "voluntate"  or  "judicio Dei  "  (Hieron.  in  Jonam.  iii.  0pp.  iii.  1489  ;  Pon- tius, in  V.  S.  Ggpr.  ;  Paulin.  in  V.  S.  Ambros.  iii. ; &c.).  Instances  may  also  be  found  in  the  Alex- andrian church  (Eenaudot,  ap.  Denzinger,  Bit. Orient.  145,  146).  And  the  rubric  in  the  Nes- torian  Pontifical  expressly  admits  the  possibility of  a  bishop  elect  being  a  deacon  as  well  as  a presbyter  (Denzinger,  ib.  146).  At  the  same  time there  is  the  well-known  case  of  the  patriarcli Photius,  deposed,  because  ordained  on  five  suc- cessive days  respectively  monk,  reader,  subdea- con, deacon,  priest,  and  on  the  sixth  day  bishop (Cone.  Nicaen.  II.  A.D.  787,  can.  iv.).  See  also under  Advocate  of  the  Church.  But  then  (4) such  candidate  was  not  to  be  a  neophyte  (1  Tim. iii.  6),  or  a  heathen  i-eceutly  baptized,  who  had  not 2'JO BISHOP yet  beeu  tried  (Aposf.  dm.  Ixxx. ;  Cone.  Nicaen. "can.  ii. ;  Cone.  Laodic.  A.D.  365,  can.  iii.)  :  but  one converted  at  least  a  year  before  {Cone.  Aurelian. III.  A.D.  538,  can.  vi.);  or  who  had  been  a  reader, or  a  subdeacon,  or  (ace.  to  one  copy)  a  deacon  for a  year  {Cone.  Bracar.  II.  A.D.  563,  can.  xx.);  or ace.  to  vet  another  provincial  council  {Epaon. A.D.  517,  can.  xxxvii.),  at  the  least  "  praemissa religione."  Yet  here  too  special  circumstances were  held  to  justify  exceptions ;  as  in  the  case  of St.  Cypriau  himself,  "  adhuc  neophytus  "  (Pont. ib.)  ;  of  St.  Ambrose  and  of  Eusebius  of  Caesarea in  Pontus,  not  yet  baptized  (Theodoret,  iv.  7, Soerat.  iv.  30,  Sozom.  vi.  24,  St.  Greg.  Naz.  Orat. xix.) ;  of  Nectarius,  t^v  /jlvo-tiktiv  icrdriTa  %-ti 7]n<pif(riJLevos,  &c.  (Sozom.  vii.  8).  And  all  these are  cases  of  immediate  consecration  ;  the  later practice  of  ordaining  to  each  step  on  successive days,  in  order  to  keep  the  letter  while  brealiing the  spirit  of  the  rule,  dating  no  earlier  than the  case  of  Photius  above  mentioned  (Bingh.  II, X.  7).  (5)  Apost.  Can.  xxi.  permits  the  consecra- tion of  one  made  a  eunuch  by  cruelty,  or  born so  ;  and  {ib.  Ixxvii.)  of  one  maimed  or  diseased in  eye  or  leg :  but  {ih.  Ixxviii.)  forbids  it  in  the case  of  a  deaf  or  dumb  person.  (6)  Lastly,  the bishop  who  was  appointed  Interventor  to  a  see during  the  vacancy  was  pro  hac  vice  ineligible to  thiit  see.  [Interventores.]  It  remains  to add  (7)  that  the  candidate's  own  consent  was not  at  first  held  to  be  requisite,  but  that  in  many cases  consecration  was  forced  upon  him  &KovTa ; as  in  the  instances  in  Bingh.  IV.  vii.  2  :  to  which may  be  added  others,  as,  e.  g.  that  of  Eusebius  of Caesarea  in  Pontus,  A.D.  362  (Greg.  Naz.  Orat. xix.).  And  Apost.  Can.  xxxvi.  orders  the  excom- munication of  a  bishop  who  refuses  the  charge  of the  people  assigned  to  him.  But  first  St.  Basil {'id  Amphiloch.  x.)  exempts  those  who  in  such  a case  had  "  sworn  " — v/jLVvovris  y.^  KaraSex^aBai T^v  XfipoToviac.  And  afterwards  the  emperors Leo  and  Majorian  forbade  forced  ordinations  alto- gether {Novel,  ii.  in  Append,  ad  Cod.  Theodos.  vi. 34).  And  similarly  Pope  Simplicius  {Epist.  ii.), and  Cone.  Aurelian.  III.  A.D.  538  (can.  vii.).  At the  same  time  the  law  of  Leo  and  Anthemius {Cod.  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  iii.  De  Episcopis,  1.  31) describes  the  "  nolo  episcopari "  temper  proper  to one  to  whom  a  bishopric  is  oflered — "  ut  quaeratur cogendus,  rogatus  recedat,  invitatus  refugiat,  sola illi  suffragetur  necessitas  obsequendi ;"  and  that "  profecto  indignus  est  sacerdotio,  nisi  fuerit  or- dinatus  invitus."  And  so  the  Fathers  generally (Thomassin,  II.  ii.  65). y.  Time,  mode,  and  place  of  election. — ^Further, (1)  the  election  was  ordered  to  be  made,  and  the new  bishop  consecrated,  ivrhs  rpiwv  ixi]va>v,  un- less delay  was  unavoidable,  by  Cone.  Chalced. A.D.  431,  can.  xxv.  And  the  alleged  practice  at Alexandria  (doubtless  from  the  special  character of  the  place  already  mentioned)  was  to  elect  im- mediately after  the  death  of  the  last  bishop,  and before  he  was  interred  (Epiphan.  Haer.  Ixix.  §  11, Liberat.  Breviar.  xx.,  and  see  Soerat.  vii.  7)  ;  a l)ractice  followed  in  one  instance,  that  of  Proclus, A.D.  434-447,  at  Constantinople  also  (Soerat.  vii. 40).  The  time  allowed  in  Africa,  however,  was much  longer,  the  episcopus  interventor  being  only superseded  if  he  allowed  the  election  to  be  de- layed beyond  a  year  {Cone.  Carthag.  V.  A.D.  398, can.  iii. ;  Cod.  Can.  Eccl.  Afric.  Ixsiv.).  On the  other  hand,  Cone.  Bom.  A.D.  606,  to  prevent BISHOP bishops  nominating  their  own  successors,  for- bids election  until  the  third  day  after  the  last bishop's  death.  (2)  Such  election  was  not  to talce  place  iirl  irapovcria  aKpocofievaiv — "  in  the presence  of  the  hearers,"  i.  e.  the  class  of  cate- chumens so  called  {Cone.  Laodic.  A.D.  365,  can. v.);  probably  because  accusations  might  on  such occasions  be  brought  forward  against  clergy. (3)  Later  canon  law  {Greg.  IX.  Decretal.  I.  vi. De  Elect,  et  Electi  Potest,  c.  42)  specifies  three modes  of  electing  ;  scil.  by  "  compromissarii " (delegates  by  whose  act  the  body  of  electors i)ound  themselves  to  ilbide),  by  scrutiny  of  votes, by  "  inspiration "  (if  the  electors  agree  in  au unanimous  and  unpremeditated  choice).  Of  these three,  compromissarii  are  mentioned  by  Gregory the  Great,  although  not  under  that  name  {Epist. iii.  35).  And  election  by  acclamation  was  (as  we have  seen)  not  unlcnown.  The  other  was  of  course the  ordinary  way,  viz.  by  some  kind  or  other  of scrutiny  of  votes.  (4)  The  election  was  properly to  take  place  in  the  diocese  itself  (whereas  "  com- promissarii "  might  be  sent  elsewhere  to  perform it),  that  the  people  might  be  able  to  give  their testimony  (St.  Cypr.  Epist.  Ixvii.).  Cone.  Aure- lian. IV.  A.D.  541,  can.  v.,  &c.  &c.,  refer  to  the  place of  ordination,  for  which  see  below.  So  long  as  that also  took  place  in  the  diocesan  cathedral  (see  e.  g. St.  Aug.  Epist.  261,  and  below),  so  long  no  doubt the  election  took  place  there  likewise.  But  even when  the  ordination  came  to  be  transferred  to the  metropolitan  see,  the  election  still  remained commonly  as  to  be  done  on  the  spot  itself. [Interventores;  Visitatores.] 2.  Confirnmtion.—  The  bishop  elect  was  next to  be  confirmed,  viz.  by  the  metropolitan.  And so  far  as  such  confirmation  merely  referred  to  the metropolitan's  share  in  the  election,  it  would certainly  seem  to  follow  from  Cone.  Nicaen.  can. vi.  {KpaTeiroo  7)  roiiv  irXeiSvaiy  ^Tjipos),  from  Cone. Antioch.  A.D.  341,  can.  xix.  (repeating  the  Nicene canon),  and  even  from  so  late  a  witness  as  Cone. Arelat.  II.  A.D.  452,  can.  v.,  that  in  the  first  in- stance and  canonically  the  voice  of  the  majority of  bishops  was  final.  At  the  same  time,  a  cer- tain right  of  ratification  is  assigned  to  the  me- tropolitan, even  from  the  time  of  the  Council  of Nice  itself.  And  it  certainly  seems  that  the metropolitan  in  course  of  time,  practically,  if not  expressly,  came  to  have  a  veto.  So,  e.  g. Pope  Hilary,  A.D.  465,  Episf.  ii.  c.  1.  In  the form  of  election,  however,  in  Sym.  of  Thessal., the  bishops  alone  vote  at  all,  the  metropoli- tan not  being  even  present.  [Metropolitan.] So  likewise  with  the  patriarch,  later  still  (see, however,  for  both.  Cone.  Chalced.  A.D.  451,  Act. xvi.,  Labbe,  iv.  818,  and  Patriarch).  But  from no  doubt  the  earliest  times,  and  corresponding to  the  proof  {SoKLixaa-ia)  required  in  1  Tim.  iii. 7,  10,  something  must  have  existed  like  the enactment  of  Co7ic.  Carth.  IV.  so  called:  "Qui episcopus  ordinandus  est,  antea  examinetur,  si natura  sit  prudens,  si  docibilis,  si  moribus  tem- peratus,  &c.,  si  litteratus,  si  in  lege  Domini  in- structus,  si  in  Scripturarum  sensibus  cautus,  si in  dogmatibus  ecclesiasticis  exercitatus ;  et  ante omnia,  si  fidei  documenta  verbis  simplicibus asserat,  id  est,  Patrem  et  Filium  et  Spiritum Sanctum  unum  Deum  esse  confirmans,"  &c.  &c. So  also  Theodoret  {in  1  Tim.  v.  22), — 'E^eraCs"' ■yap  irpoTepov  ^PV  toP  yeiporovovfiivov  tOu  fiiov I  ele'  ovTws  KoAetj/  iif"  avrhv  r^v  X"P«''  '''''"  ^"ev- BISHOP uaros.  See  also  the  Apost.  Constit.,  and  the  de- scription in  the  Greek  Pontificals  of  the  bishop to  be  consecrated,  as  already  inro\p7)(pios  koI i(TTepewf/.evos  =  elect  and  confirmed.  Certainly, from  the  4th  century  onward,  the  confirmation was  a  distinct  technical  act,  following  upon  the election ;  so  for  distinct,  indeed,  that  in  time (from  the  4th  century  itself  according  to  De Marca,  de  Cone.  Sacerd.  et  Imp.  Vlll.  ii.  1 ;  but Van  Espen,  Jur.  Eccl.  Univ.  I.  xiv.  1,  §  7, more  probably  refers  it  to  the  11th  or  12th) confirmation  was  held  to  confer  upon  the bishop  not  yet  consecrated  the  power  of  juris- diction, but  not  that  of  order.  Justinian  enacts that  a  bishop  elect  shall  carefully  peruse  the "  rules  laid  down  by  the  Catholic  and  Apostolic Church,"  and  shall  then  be  interrogated  by  his ordainer  (i.  e.  the  metropolitan)  whether  he  is competent  to  keep  them  ;  and  upon  his  solemn profession  accordingly,  and  after  a  solemn  admo- nition, shall  then  be  ordained.  And  so  we  find Gregory  the  Great,  A.D.  596  (^Epist.  vii.  19),  de- siring the  archbishop  of  Ravenna  to  summon into  his  presence  the  bishop  elect  of  Ariminum (elected  by  "  clerus  et  plebs  "),  and  to  examine him  ;  and  if  "  ea  in  eo  quae  in  textu  Heptatici morte  mulctata  sunt,  minime  fuerint  reperta, atque  fidelium  personarum  relatione  ejus  vobis quid  em  vita  placuerit,  ad  nos  eum  cum  decreti pas;ina,  vestrae  quoque  addita  testificationis  epi- stola,  destinate,  quatenus  a  nobis  .  .  .  consecretur antistes."  So  again  in  Carlovingian  times,  two centuries  and  a  half  later,  upon  the  election of  Gillebert  to  the  see  of  Chalons  sur  Marne, Hiucmar,  archbishop  of  Rheims,  with  the  other bishops  of  the  province,  or  their  vicai's,  the abbats,  canons,  monks,  presbyters,  deacons,  and subdeacons,  being  assembled  at  Chiersi  (near Laon) — the  archbishops  of  Rouen,  Tours,  and Sens,  being  also  present — the  "  clerus,  ordo,  et plebs"  of  Chalons  presented  the  decree  of  election to  Hincmar  and  his  fellow-bishops,  and  (after  an explanation  respecting  a  previous  election  that had  been  set  aside)  declared  the  unanimous  con- sent to  it  of  the  "  canonici,  monachi,  parochi,  et nobiles"  of  the  diocese.  Thei-eupon  Hincmar interrogated  the  bishop  elect  respecting  his country,  condition,  literary  proficiency,  and  past ordinations ;  and  ascertained  that  he  had  not been  "  conductor  alienarum  rerum,  nee  turpia lucra  vel  exactiones  sive  tormenta  in  hominibus exercens ;"  and  further,  as  he  had  held  some court  office,  that  his  accounts  with  the  king  were settled;  to  the  former  of  which  points  certain clcrici  and  noble  laymen  bore  testimony,  while for  the  latter  he  produced  a  royal  letter,  duly sealed,  and  containing  also  an  intimation  of  the royal  wish  for  his  consecration.  Testimonies  of  a bishop  and  certain  monks  to  his  good  behaviour were  then  produced ;  and  the  consent  of  the archbishop  of  Toui's  was  given  to  the  transfer into  another  province  of  one  born  and  ordained at  Tours.  Hincmar,  then,  with  the  archbishop of  Tours  as  his  assessor,  desired  the  candidate  to read,  or  listen  to,  and  promise  to  keep,  the  Pas- toral of  Gregory  the  Great,  the  Canons,  and  the rules  usually  given  by  the  ordainer  to  the  or- dained, and  which  were  subsequently  given  to him  in  writing;  and  to  write  out  and  subscribe the  Creed,  and  hand  it  so  subscribed  to  the  me- tropolitan. The  written  consents  of  the  absent bisliops  were  then  produced  and   read,  and  the BISHOP 221 day  and  place  of  consecration  fixed  {Cone.  Gallic. Sirmond,  ii.  651).  See  also  the  Ordinals  in Martene  (ii.  386)  and  Morinus  (de  Sac.  Ord.  ii.). A  professio,  i.  e.  at  first  both  of  his  faith  and  of canonical  obedience  to  his  archbishop,  came  also to  be  part  of  the  formal  proceedings  of  the  con- firmation of  a  bishop.  The  English  "Professions" begin  early  in  the  9th  century ;  and  the  early ones  commonly  contain  a  kind  of  creed,  as  well as  a  promise  of  obedience.  So  likewise  in  the East,  the  2nd  Counc.  of  Nice,  A.D.  787  (can.  ii.) requires  a  careful  enquiry  to  be  made  whether the  candidate  is  well  acquainted  with  the  Canons, with  the  Gospels,  Epistles,  and  the  whole  Scrip- tures, and  is  prepared  himself  to  walk,  and  to teach  the  people  committed  to  him,  according  to God's  commandments.  And  the  bishop  elect  was required  to  profess  that  he  "  receives  the  Seven Synods,  and  promises  to  keep  the  canons  enacted by  them,  and  the  constitutions  promulged  by the  Fathers."  A  solemn  recitation  and  subscrip- tion of  the  Creed,  and  a  disclaimer  of  simony, were  required  also  of  the  bishop  elect  before  his consecration  (Sym.  Thessal.  ap.  Morin.  ii.  156). . In  the  Western  Church,  even  at  this  date,  no further  confirmation  was  usual  or  necessary. The  pope  only  intervened  in  a  few  extraordinary cases  (Thomassin,  II.  ii.  30,  §  1 :  and  see  Patri- arch, Pope). 3.  Ordination  (xeiporoi'ia  most  commonly,  as probably  in  Acts  xiv.  23,  although  the  word  is also  used  of  election,  as  2  Cor.  viii.  19  ;  x^'P"- Oeffia,  which  also  means  sometimes  benediction only,  as  6  irpscr/SuTepos  x* 'po^s'''S'>  "^  x^'P"''"'"'^'' Apost.  Constit.  viii.  28  [and  so  x^'poro^'err  and X^ipo6er^7v  are  distinguished  in  the  spurious Epist.  of  St.  Ignat.  to  Hero,  c.  iii.]  ;  KaOiepaicrts  ; T€\eaiovpyia',  a.((><}piaiJ.6s ;  and  in  Pseudo-Dion. Areop.,  rhetoricized  into  reAeicocris  UpariKr;, aTTOTrArjpttftns,  SiaK6(Ti.ir](ns,  /c.t.\.)*  —  followed upon  the  completion  of  the  confirmation. And  (o)  first,  the  matter  and  form  (as  it was  afterwards  called)  of  ordination  was,  from the  beginning,  laying  on  of  hands  (iirideais t5)V  xf'P't'J';  Acts  vi.  6,  1  Tim.  iv.  14,  v.  22, 2  Tim.  i.  6  ;  x^'P^'^'^s"''"?  Euseb.),  accompanieil necessarily  by  words  expressive  of  the  purpose of  the  act,  but  by  no  invariable  and  universal formula  claiming  apostolic  authority.  Other rites,  added  as  time  went  on,  cannot  claim  to be  either  apostolical  or  universal,  and  pertain therefore,  at  best,  "  to  the  solemnity,  not  to  the essence,"  of  the  rite,  (i.)  The  only  other  rite indeed  in  episcopal  ordination,  that  has  any  ap- pearance of  a  claim  to  the  "  ubique  et  ab  omnibus," but  which  is  not  traceable  (although  it  very  pro- bably existed)  before  the  3rd  century,  is  the  lay- ing of  the  Gospels,  open  in  the  ancient  and  in  the Greek  church,  shut  ace.  to  the  Ordo  Eomanus, upon  the  head  (in  some  rites,  upon  the  neck  and shoulders)  of  the  bishop  to  be  ordained. — Const. Apostol.  viii.  4  :  Kal  frianrrfs  yei'OfifVT]^,  fh  rdiu irpdirwv  'ETTiffKOTTcoi/  'dfia  Kal  hvfflv  iTfpois  ttAt)- fflof  rov  dvaiaffTVpiov  ecrTcijs,  Tajf  Kolttwv  'Etti- (TKSirwv  Koi  irpecrPvTepiiiv  fftw-n-fj  irpoffivxojJi^vwv, »  The  special  appropriation  of  the  term  consecratimt  to episcopal  ordination  is  purely  modern  ;  Leo  M.,  e.g.,  uses the  term  indifferently  of  bishops,  priests,  or  deacons;  nnd Gillebert,  quoted  by  Du  Cange,  opposes  it  to  "  dedicare," the  latter  meaning  to  devote  to  God,  the  former  to  set apart  for  holy  uses. 222 BISHOP Toiv  5e  ZiaKovwv  ra  Qtla  ZvayyiKia  eiri  tt)?  rov ^^ipoTovov/xevov  KKpaArjs  aveiTTvyfi^va  Karexo"' Twf,  Ae7€T£o,  K.r.A. — And  with  iinimportant  va- riations, Cone.  Carth.  IV.  A.d.  398,  can.  ii.  : "  Episcopus  cum  orJiuatur,  duo  episcopi  ponant et  teneant  Evangeliorum  codicera  super  caput  et cervicem  ejus,  et  uno  super  eum  fuudente  bene- dictionem,  reliqui  omnes  episcopi  qui  adsunt, manibus  suis  caput  ejus  tangant."— And  so  also Constit.  Apostol.  viii.  3  (assigning  the  act  to deacons),  Pseudo-Chrys.  {Horn,  de  Uno  Legis- lator. 0pp.  vi.  410,  Moutfauc),  Pseudo-Dion. Areop.  {de  Eccl.  Hier.  V.  i.  7,  iii.  7),  and  almost every  ritual.  Eastern  and  Western,  including  (so Denzinger)  Nestorian,  Maronite,  and  Jacobite (assignfng  it  either  to  the  patriarch  or  to  the assisting  bishops).  And  although  it  came  to  be used  in  Egypt  in  the  consecration  of  the  patri- arch only,  yet  there  too,  if  the  Pseudo-Dionysius represents  the  Alexandrian  rite,  it  must  have been  used  at  first  for  all  bishops  (Denzinger, Bit.  Orient.  135).  Alcuin  however  {de  Div.  Off.), Amalarius  {de  Offic.  Eccl.  ii.  14),  and  Isidor. Hispal.  {de  Div.  Offic.  ii.  5),  quoted  by  Morinus, seem  (rather  unaccountably)  to  imply  its  absence in  Gaul,  Germany,  and  Spain,  in  the  8th  and  9th centuries.  And  it  is  certainly  wanting  in  two pontiKcals  in  Mabillou  {Mus.  Italic,  tom.  ii. numm.  viii.  ix.).  The  actual  delivery  of  the Gospels  to  the  consecrated  bishop  occurs  among the  Maronites,  but  not  among  the  Jacobite  Sy- rians or  the  Nestorians  (Denzinger) ;  and  in  the West,  it  is  in  the  present  Roman  Pontifical,  but was  unknown  until  the  11th  century  (Morinus, iii.  23). — (ii.)  Anointing  of  the  head  in  episcopal ordination  is  a  much  less  ancient  or  general  rite than  the  imposition  of  the  Gospels.  Among  the Easterns  it  never  existed  at  all  (Morinus,  Den- zinger, &c.) ;  the  few  ambiguous  expressions  in Eastern  rituals  (cited  by,  e.  g.,  J.  A.  Assemani) referring  to  spiritual  anointing,  while,  the  tes- timony to  the  absolute  non-occurrence  of  the material  rite  is  express.  It  is  found  in  Gaul  in the  6th  century  {Bit.  ap.  Morin.  de  Ordin.  ii.  261, sq.) ;  in  Africa  not  at  all ;  doubtfully  in  Spain (Morinus) ;  but  in  Italy,  also  in  the  6th  cen- tury (S.  Leo  M.,  Serm.  viii.  de  Passion.  Domini ; Greg.  M.  in  Beg.  I.  x. ;  ap.  Moi'in.  ih.  III.  vi.  2, §  2) ;  and  in  Sttxon  England  it  was  extended  to hands  as  well  as  head  in  the  8th  century  (Egbert's Pontif.  ed.  Greenwell ;  and  so  also  in  the  Roman ordinal  in  Morinus,  ii.  288). — (iii.)  The  sign  of the  cross,  accompanying  the  imposition  of  hands (which  is  therefore  called  a<ppayh),  is  mentioned by  St.  Chrys.  {Horn.  Iv.  in  Matth.),  and  by  the Pseudo-Dionysius  as  above.  In  the  later  Greek ritual  it  occurred  thrice  (see  Morinus,  iii.  254). — (iv.)  Delivery  of  pastoral  staff  and  ring  be- came also  a  part  of  tlie  Western  rite  from  about the  latter  part  of  the  6th  century  (Maskell, Mon.  Bit.  vol.  iii.  273).  It  occurs  in  the  Ponti- ficals of  Gregory  the  Great  and  Egbert,  but  not in  those  of  Gelasius  or  Leo.  The  staff  indeed dates  from  the  4th  century,  as  one  of  the  insignia of  a  bishop,  both  in  East  and  West.  And  the  i^ng, which  is  unused  in  the  East  (except  by  the  Ma- ronite Syrians,  and  by  the  Armenians,  the  latter of  whom  borrowed  it  from  Rome— so  Denzinger— and  the  a<ppayh,  or  sign  of  the  cross,  is  di/rl  So- KTv\iov,  acc.  to  Syra.  Thessalon.),  occurs  in  the West  as  early  as  Isid.  Hispal.  de  Div.  Off.  ii.  5  : but  "  is  not  in  either  Amalarius,  Alcuin,  or  Rab! BISHOP Maurus "  (Maskell).  Both  staff  and  ring  are in  Cone.  Tolet.  IV.  a.d.  633,  can.  xxviii.  (men- tioning "  orarium,  annulum,  baculum  ")  ;  and, seemingly,  in  Gone.  Franco/.  A.D.  794,  can.  x. (mentioning,  however,  only  in  general,  "episco- palia").  [Ring  ;  Crosier  Staff.]  But  as  part of  the  rite  of  ordination,  they  belong  to  the  West, and  to  the  latter  part  of  the  6th  century. [Investiture.]  The  staff,  however,  occurs  in a  late  Greek  Pontifical  in  Morinus  {de  Sac. Ord.  ii.  124). — (v.)  The  w/aocpopiov,  or  pallium (a  linen  vestment  marked  with  crosses),  also came  to  be  given  at  episcopal  ordination  in  the East.  It  is  mentioned  as  an  (Eastern)  epi- scopal vestment  as  early  as  Isidor.  Pelus.  in  the beginning  of  the  5th  century  (lib.  i.  Ep.  136 ; and  see  Morinus,  p.  ii.  pp.  220  sq.,  and  Den- zinger) ;  and  occurs  in  the  Eastern  rituals.  In  the West,  the  delivery  of  a  vestment  also  called  by the  name  of  pallium  followed  ordination,  not  of  all bishops,  but  of  archbishops,  as  a  totally  distinct ceremony,  and  with  an  entirely  different  meaning and  purpose.  And  this  began  about  A.D.  500  :  see Gieseler,  ii.  133,  Eng.  ed.,  and  under  Pall. — (vi.)  The  delivery  of  the  mitre  at  ordination  in the  West  dates  only  after  the  close  of  the  period to  which  this  article  refers  ;  occurring  first  about the  10th  century  (see  Maskell's  Mon.  Bit.  iii.  275). It  is  in  the  Sarum,  as  in  all  later  Pontificals. As  part  of  the  episcopal  dress  during  Divine service,  in  some  shape  or  other,  and  under various  names,  it  occurs  both  in  East  and  West from  apparently  the  4th  century.  [Mitre.] — (vi.)  The  delivery  of  the  paten  "cum  oblatis," and  of  the  chalice  "  cum  vino,"  which  forms  a principal  part  of  the  later  additions  to  the  ordi- nation of  a  presbyter  [Presbyter],  is  found for  the  first  time  in  the  Sacr-am.  of  Gregory  the Great  (Morinus,  ii.  277,  iii.  134),  and  in  the  con- secration of  a  bishop  (in  which  however  it  does not  occur  again).  Among  the  Syrians,  howevei'. the  consecrating  bishop  touched  the  consecrated elements  with  his  hands  before  laying  hands  upon the  head  of  the  bishop  to  be  consecrated  (Den- zinger) ;  and  in  the  Apost.  Constit.  viii.  5,  one  of the  consecrating  bishops  is  ordered  ava(pepeiv tV  Bucrlav  iwl  twv  x^ipoiv  tov  xeiporovriOevTos. — (vii.)  The  avapp-qais  or  proclamation  {prae- dicatio,  pr-omulgatio,  a.vaK-'i]pvi,is,  iiTLKT^pv^LS,  or KTtpv^ts  e|  6v6iJ.aTOs),  and  (viii.)  the  kiss  of  peace, are  mentioned  by  Pseudo-Dion.  Areop.  as  follow- ing upon  the  consecration.  The  latter  is  men- tioned also  in  Apost.  Constit.  viii.  5,  but  as  oc- curring at  the  subsequent  enthronization.  And it  was  repeated  four  times  during  the  service  in the  East  in  the  time  of  Sym.  of  Thessal.  (ap. Morin.  ii.  171).  The  former  occurs  in  the  time of  Symeon  before  the  consecration,  and  was  in that  position  a  public  proclamation  by  name  of the  appointment  {t]  deia  X"P'^  irfuxeLpiCf^ai) of  the  elect  bishop,  made  by  the  consecrating archbishop  (among  the  Jacobites  and  Copts, however,  by  the  archdeacon — Denzinger).  There were  indeed  two  such  fx-qvifxara :  one,  the  de- claration made  to  the  bishops,  intimating  the choice  made  by  emperor,  or  by  metropolitan, among  the  three  presentees;  the  other,  the  pio- clamatiou  of  the  name  to  the  people  (Morinus, iii.  254).  In  the  older  Latin  Ordinals  the  same form  occurs  in  substance  in  like  place  {id.  ih. 27) ;  viz.  as  a  declaration  by  the  consecrator, that  "  cives  nostri  elegerunt  sibi  ilium  pastorem, BISHOP oremus  itaque  pro  hoc  viro,"  &c.  It  is  also  in  ' use  among  the  Syrians  (W.  ib.  31).  The  Apost.  j Constit.  do  not  mention  it.  But  St.  Greg.  Naz.  | seems  to  allude  to  it  under  the  term  6Tri<f)7)^i- feroi  (Mor.  ib.  30).  'Avappriffis  is  also  used  in Synesius  (Epist.  67)  as  equivalent  to  consecra- tion ;  and  see  also  Suicer  in  voce. All  these,  however,  are  later  additions  to  the rite ;  arising  (as  was  not  unnatural)  out  of  the gradual  extension  of  the  "  traditio  insti-umen- torum,"  which  had  constituted  the  ordination  of the  minor  orders  from  the  beginning  (see  Cone. Garth.  IV.),  to  the  higher  orders  also  ;  and  accom- panied in  the  case  of  some  of  them  by  an  equally natural  conversion  of  accessories  in  course  of  time into  essentials.  It  is  waste  of  words  to  prove  that the  one  and  only  essential  act  from  the  beginning was  imposition  of  hands.  This  also,  however, in  process  of  time,  became  varied,  1.  by  repe- tition, 2.  by  the  use  of  one  or  both  hands,  and the  like  :  for  which  details  see  Imposition  of Hands. The  form  of  ordination  was  not  similarly  fixed. Pope  Innocent  III.,  speaking  as  a  canonist,  and Habert,  writing  of  the  Greeks  as  a  theologian, expressly  declare  that  the  Apostles  appointed  no form  of  words ;  that  it  rests  therefore  with  the Church  to  appoint  such  a  form;  and  that,  apart from  Church  authority,  any  words  whatever, adequate  to  the  purpose,  would  suffice.  And  the facts  of  the  case  are  in  themselves  enough  to establish  this.  In  the  Greek  Church,  the  form in  Sym.  Thessal.  runs  thus  :  'H  Q^ia.  x«P's  "^9°- XeipiC^Tai  rhu  Se^fa  ei's  'EirlcTKoirov,  k.t.A.  ; these  words,  which  ai'e  iised  at  the  avappricns, being  repeated  at  the  actual  consecration.  Den- zinger,  however  (pp.  140,  141),  considers  the essential  words  in  the  Eastern  rites  which  he mentions  to  be  found  in  the  prayers  which  ac- companied the  laying  on  of  hands,  and  to  be  of  a precatory  form.  In  the  Latin  Church,  since  the 11th  century,  it  has  been  simply,  "Accipe  Spi- ritum  Sanctum,"  without  express  mention  in  the form  itself  of  the  episcopal  office  either  by  name or  by  description,  the  context  sufficiently  limit- ing the  purpose  of  the  words  (Vazquez,  &c.). Prior  to  that  date,  the  "  consecratio  "  of  a  bishop was  not  an  imperative  declaration,  but  was  in the  form  of  a  prayer.     [Ordination.] j8.  The  ordainers  were  necessarily  bishops  (see below,  III.  1,  a.  i).  "  Two  or  three  at  the  least," was  the  rule  of  the  Apostolic  Canon  (1),  and  of the  Apost.  Constit.  (viii.  4,  27) :  the  latter  also deposing  both  ordained  and  ordainer,  if  any  were ordained  (of  course,  without  sufficient  cause),  by one  bishop  (viii.  27),  yet  expressly  not  voiding  such ordination  if  the  case  were  one  of  necessity.  But while  St.  Cyprian  (Epist.  67)  implies  the  ordi- nary presence  of  all  or  most  of  the  comprovincial bishops,  the  Nicene  Council  (can.  iv.)  requires the  actual  participation  in  the  consecration,  of three  absolutely,  as  a  minimum — of  all,  if  pos- sible— but  in  any  case  with  the  consent  at  least of  the  rest  of  the  comprovincial  bishops,  or  (can. vi.)  of  the  major  part  of  them.  And  so  also Cone.  Chalced.  Act.  xvi.  Sevei-al  Galilean  pro- vincial councils  go  further,  by  requiring  in  one case  {Cone.  Arelat.  I.  A.D.  314,  can.  xx.)  seven  as  .a rule,  but  if  that  is  impossible,  at  least  "  infra  tres non  audea[n]t  ordinare ;"  or  again  (Cone.  Arelat. II.  A.D.  353,  can.  v.),  the  metropolitan  with  three suffragans  (or,  according  to  another  reading,  the BISHOP 223 metropolitan  in  person  or  by  letter,  and  three suffragans),  with  the  consent  of  the  remainder, or  of  at  least  the  major  part  of  the  whole  num- ber, in  case  of  division  ;  or  yet  again  (Cone. Arausie.  I.  A.D.  441,  can.  xxi.),  by  actually  de- posing the  ordainer,  and  (if  a  willing  participator in  the  irregularity)  the  ordained  bishop  also,  if "  two  bishops  presumed"  to  ordain;  while  yet  a fourth  like  council  {Begiens.  A.D.  439,  can.  ii.) not  only  censures  but  voids  a  consecration,  which shall  lack  any  of  the  three  conditions,  of  consent of  comprovincial  bishops,  presence  of  three  of them,  and  assent  of  metropolitan.  The  rule  re- quiring three  is  also  matter  of  constant  reference (as,  e.  g.,  in  Cone.  Epaon.  A.D.  517,  can.  i. ;  or again  by  popes  from  Damasus  onward  to  Leo  III., in  discussing  the  position  of  chorepiseopi ;  see Morin.  iii.  58).  Spanish  councils  simply  repeat  the Kicene  canon  on  the  subject  (e.  g.  Cone.  Tolet.  IV. A.D.  581,  can.  xviii.  ;  and  so  Isidor.  Hispal.  de Offie.  Ecel.  ii.  5).  And  in  Africa,  at  an  earlier date.  Cone.  Carth.  III.  a.d.  397,  can.  xxxix.,  con- demns consecration  by  two  bishops,  pronounces the  requirement  of  twelve  (which  had  been  sug- gested) impracticable,  and  repeats  accordingly the  old  rule  of  three  :  can.  xl.  of  the  same  council prohibiting  the  three  from  proceeding  to  conse- crate, in  case  objections  are  taken  to  the  bishop- elect,  until  themselves  with  "  one  or  two  "  more have  enquired  into  those  objections  on  the  spot, and  found  them  groundless.  The  rule  in  the East  was  the  same  (Denzinger,  p.  142),  "  scil. ut  non  minuatur  numerus  ternarius."  And  Cone. Seleuc.  et  Ctesiph.  a.d.  410  (ed.  Lamy,  1869), deposes  (if  the  record  is  genuine)  both  conse- crated and  consecrators,  if  any  be  ordained  bishop by  one  bishop  or  by  two.  But  then  the  principle which  underlay  this  rdle,  was  not  the  inability of  one  bishop  by  himself  to  consecrate,  but  the desirableness  that  many,  and  if  possible  all, should  co-operate  in,  and  testify  to,  the  act  of consecration.  So  expressly  the  Apost.  Constit. viii.  27 ;  adding  with  like  clearness  a  proviso, that  "  one  "  may  consecrate  in  case  of  necessity, if  only  a  greater  number  signify  their  sanction of  the  act.  So  Gregory  the  Great,  in  the  well- known  Answers  to  Augustine,  requires  "  three  or four  "  if  possible,  but  speaks  of  the  presence  of more  than  one  only  as  "  valde  utilis,"  as  of  those "  qui  testes  assistant  ^"  and  distinctly  authorizes consecration  by  one  on  the  ground  of  necessity. So  Synesius  (Epist.  67)  censures  the  consecration of  Siderius,  bishop  of  Palaebisca,  as  (not  invalid but)  iK94(Tfxajs,  1.  because  not  in  Alexandria  or with  the  consent  of  the  patriarch  ;  but  also,  2.  be- cause performed  bj''  "  not  three,"  but  a  single bishop  ;  and  Theodoret  (v.  23)  that  of  Evagrius of  Antioch,  as  also  irapa  Thy  eKK\7]cnaaTiKhv 6e(Tfj.6i',  "because  (among  other  things)  Paulinus alone  consecrated  him.  But  Synesius  adds,  that necessity  justified  the  former  of  these  consecra- tions, and  had  led  St.  Athanasius  to  allow  the  like ; and  in  that  of  the  latter,  both  the  bishop  of  Alex- andria and  the  Western  bishops  recognized  it  none the  less  (Theodoret,  ib. ;  Innocent  I.  Epist.  14). So  again  the  bishops  of  Pontus  (Epist.  ad  fin.  Cone. Chalced.)  speak  of  Dioscorus  of  Alexandria  as  actu- ally bishop,  although  consecrated  by  only  two bishops  (and  those  under  censure),  "  cum  regulae patrum  .  .  .  tres  episcopos  corporaliter  adesse  .  .  . prospiciant."  Of  the  very  councils  themselves of  Aries  II.  and  of  Riez,  above  quoted,  the  former 224 BISHOP recognizes  the  reality  of  the  censured  consecra- tion by  appointing  the  bishop  consecrated  by  two to  one"  of  the  sees  vacated  by  the  deposition  of isis  consecrators,  if  the  irregularity  had  been without  his  consent;  and  the  latter, — although its  canon  can  scarcely  be  explained  away  (as  by Thomassin)  by  referring  it  to  election  and  not consecration, — yet  both  permits  the  deposed bishop  to  confirm,  and  allows  the  orders  he  may have  already  conferred,  subject  only  to  the favour  of  the  metropolitan  ;  or  in  other  words, does  not  venture  to  quash  the  consecration  out- right. The  Welsh  and  early  Irish  and  Scotch practice — of  only  one  consecrator — was  no  doubt at  first  a  matter  of  necessity  ;  although  continued after  it  had  ceased  to  be  so.  The  Saxon  Church resumed  the  canonical  rule  of  three,  on  the  other hand,  as  soon  as  possible.'  And  even  in  664  a Wessex  bishop  called  in  two  British  bishops,  albeit he  must  have  thought  them  schismatical,  to  com- plete that  number  (Baed.  H.  E.  iii.  28).  The  cases of  Pope  Pelagius  I.  A.D.  555,  ordained  by  two bishops  and  a  presbyter  {Lib.  Pontlf.  in  F.  Pelag.), and  of  Novatian  long  before,  calling  in  three bishops,  aypo'iKOvs  Koi  aTrAovardTovs,  from  some corner  of  Italy,  to  ordain  him  to  the  see  of  Rome (Euseb.  H.  E.  vi.  43),  and  long  afterwards,  the permission  given  by  the  popes  (see  Bellarm. de  Ecd.  iv.  8)  to  make  up  the  number  of  three by  two  or  more  mitred  abbats,  so  that  there  was one  bishop  (Labbe,  i.  53), — prove  at  once  the existence  of  the  rule  while  they  violate  its  spirit. Pope  Siriciusalso  (Epist.  iv.  c.  2,  A.D.  384  x  398) Ibrbids  "  ne  unus  episcopus  episcopum  ordinare praesumat ;"  but  it  is  "  propter  arrogantiara,"  and "  ne  furtivum  beneficium  praestitura  videatur." Michael  Oxita  (patriarch  of  Constantinople, A.D.  1145-6)  also  rejected  two  bishops  who  had been  ordained  by  a  single  bishop  (Bever.  Pandect. ii.  Annot.  p.  10).  Among  the  Nestorians,  again, the  patriarch  Timotheus,  about  A.D.  900,  assert- ing the  "  need "  of  three  bishops,  allows  in  a case  of  necessity  the  sufficiency  of  two,  so  long as  the  necessity  lasted ;  but  enjoins  that  the Gospels  shall  be  placed  on  the  right  hand  upon a  throne  in  lieu  of  a  third  bishop  (Assemani, Bibl.  Orient.  III.  i.  163).  Compare  finally  the distinction  drawn  in  the  Pontificals  between  the consecrator  and  the  "  assisting  bishops  " — "  socii ordinationis"  (Coptic  Pit.):  or  again  the  words of  the  bishops  of  Pontus  mentioned  above,  "  per suffragium  consensumque  duorum  episcoporuni cum  ipso  (patriarcha)  praesentium."  Whether clioreyAscojri,  consecrated  by  one  bishop,  were bishops  themselves,  see  Chorepiscopi. y.  The  place  of  ordination  was  properly  and originally  the  actual  see  itself  to  which  the bishop  was  to  be  ordained.  So  St.  Cyprian {Epist.  67),  Possid.  (in  V.  S.  Aug.  viii.),  St.  Au- gustin  h'lmseU {Epist.  261),  Pope  Julius  {Epist.  ad Orient,  ap.  St.  Athan.  Apol.  ii.).  Cone.  Chalced.  Ac\. xi.  (Labbe,  iv.  700),  Cone.  Rom.  A.D.  531  (in  Hol- stein.  Collect.  PiOm.  p.  7),  and  Synesius  {Epist.  67, as  above).  The  practice  however  came  in  time to  be  that  the  metropolitan  appointed  the  place (Synes.  ft. ;  Cone.  Tolet.  IV.  A.D.  581,  can.  xviii.), although  it  was  commonly  the  metropolitan  see, and  the  metropolitan  himself  was  alwaj^s  to  be consecrated  there  {Cone.  Tolet.  ib.).  If,  however, not  there,  then,  by  Cone.  Tarracon.  A.D.  516, can.  X.,  the  bishop  consecrated  elsewhere  was  to present  himself  to  the  metropolitan  within  two BISHOP months.    And  Cone.  Aurelian.  IV.  A.D.  541,  can.  v., restricts   it  to  the  metropolitan  see,  unless  un- avoidably removed  elsewhere ;  and  even  in  that  i case  commands  the  presence  of  the  metropolitan,          i and  that  it  shall  be  within  the  province.     In          I whatsoever   town   it  was,   the    rite  was  always          j celebrated  at  the  altar  of  the  church,  the  can-         ] didate  kneeling  (Pseudo-Dion,  as  above,  and  re- peatedly ;  Theodoret,  iv.  15,  -Trapa  rrjv  hpav  Tpd-          1 ire^av).    A  natural  custom  also  in  course  of  time          j marked  out  the  Lord's  Day,  or  at  any  rate  some          ' great   festival,    as   the   "legitimus  dies"   for  a          '• bishop's  consecration  (Pope  Zosimus,  Epist.  vi. ;          | Cone.  Tolet.  IV.  can.  xviii.) ;  while  Leo  the  Great          | {Epist.  ix.)  insists  upon  the  Lord's  Day,  but  as          , beginning  from  the  Saturday  evening ;  and  Pope          I Gelasius  actually  limits  the  ordinations  of  pres-          ! byters  and  deacons  to  the  Saturday  evening  ex- clusively.    But  there  was  certainly  no  restric- tion of  days  at  all  until  the  4th  century  (Pagi,          i ap.  Bingh.  IV.  vi.  7).     In  the  East  the  same  rule          j of  Sunday  came  to  prevail  universally  (Denzin-          i ger);    but    the    Nestorian   rubric   (as  does  also common  Western  practice)  admits  festivals  like-           \ wise  {id.).    Ember-days,  when  they  came  to  exist,           '• belonged  to  presbyterial  and  diaconal  ordinations.          i The  hour  also  came  to  be  limited  as  well  as  the           ! day,  viz.  to  the  time  of  the  celebration  of  the           ' Eucharist,  i.e.  the  morning  (ttjs  fj-va-riKris  Upovp-           \ ylas  TTpoKeifiiv-qs,  says  Theodoret,    Hist.    Eelig. xiii.,  speaking   however   of  presbyterial  ordina- tion) :    and    this   at   an   early  period,  inasmuch           i as  Novatus  is  censured  (Euseb.  H.  E.  vi.  43),  as           | having  been  (among    other  things)  consecrated wpa  5eKaT?7,  i.  e.  somewhere  about  4  p.m.     In  the East  the  rule  became  equally  fixed,  and  on  like           j grounds  ;  and  this  as  regai'ds  bishops  universally  : save  (as   before)  the  one  exception  of  the  Nes- torians, who  leave  it  optional,  and  provide  rubrics           i for   ordinations   made    "  extra   missam  "    (Den-           ' zinger).     Theodore  in  England  enacts.  {Poenit.  II. iii.  1),  that  in  the  ordination  of  a  bishop  "  debet           \ missa  cantari  ab  episcopo  ordinante."    The  parti- cular part  of  the  liturgy,  however,  at  which  the           | ordination  was  to  be  (so  to   say)  interpolated,           i differed  in  East  and  West.     The  "  dies  anniver-           i sarins  "  of  the  ordination,  i.  e.  the  "  dies  natalis  "           { or  the  "  natalitia  "  of  the  bishop,  was  also  com-           \ monly  kept  as  a  kind  of  festival  (St.  Aug.  Cont. Lit.  Petil.   ii.  23,  Horn,   xxxii.  de    Verb.   Bom.,           ■ Horn.  xxiv.  et  xxv.  ex  Quinquaginta,  Horn,  cccxl. ed.    Bened. ;    Leo   M.,   Horn.   i.  ii.  iii. ;   Paulin. Epist.  xvi. ;  St.  Ambros.  Epist.  v. ;  Pope  Hilary, Epist.  ii. ;  Sixtus,  Epist.  ad  Joh.  Antioch.  Labbe, iii.  1261 ;  Pagi,  ap.  Bingh.  IV.  vi.  15).                             \ S.  The  ordainers  were  also,  according  to  African           \ rule  {Cod.  Can.  Afric.  89),  to  give  letters  under           ] their  own  hand  to  the  bishop  ordained,  "  con- tinentes  consulem  et  diem,"  in  order  to  prevent future  disputes  abotit  precedence.  And  a  register           | of  ordinations  {archivus,  matricula,   apxerviros,           | IxarpiKLOv)  was  to  be  kept  both  in  the  primate's           j church  and  in  the  metropolis  of  the  province  for           i the    like    purpose  {ib.    86;    and  see  Bingh.  II.            j xvi.  8).                                                                                     I 4.  Enthronization  {evOpovidC^iv,  incathedrare),           \ which  is  mentioned  in  the  Apost.  Constit.,  and           ( in  Greek  Pontificals,  as  the  concluding   act    of           j ordination,  followed  upon  ordination,  either  (as at  first)  immediately  or  (in  course  of  time)  after an  interval ;  a  regular  service  being  then  pro-           , vided  for  it,  which  is  described  by  Sym.  Thess.  c. BISHOP viii.  A  sei-moii  was  thereupon  preached,  at  least iu  the  East,  by  the  newly  consecrated  bishop, styled  "sermo  enthronisticus,"  of  which  instances are  given  in  Bingh.  II.  xi.  10.  And  litterae communicatoriae,  or  synodicae,  or  enthronisticae, ypd,ufj.aTa  Koiv<t>vi.Ka,  avWa^ai  evOpuviariKcu, were  written  to  other  bishops,  to  give  account of  the  sender's  faith,  and  to  receive  letters  of communion  in  return  (Biii-li.  i''.).  Ta  ei/dpov- lariKO.,  also,  were  pnymi'iits  wliich  came  to  be made  by  bishops  on  occasion  ot' their  enthroniza- tiou.  The  Arabic  version  of  the  Xicene  canons has  a  rule  about  enthronization  (can.  Ixxi.),  viz. that  the  bishop  be  enthroned  at  once  by  a  delegate of  the  archbishop,  and  that  the  archbishop  visit him  personally  after  three  months,  and  confirm him  in  the  see.  In  664  or  5,  ^vhen  Wilfrid  was consecrated  at  Compiogne  by  twelve  French bishops,  they  carried  him,  with  hymns  and  chants, "  in  sella  aurea  sedentem,  more  eorum  "  (Edd.  in V.  WUf.  xii.). 5.  A  Profession  of  Obedience  to  the  metro- politan, and  (in  the  Carlovingian  empire)  an oath  of  allegiance  to  the  emperor  or  king,  began to  be  required,  prior  to  confirmation,  the  former from  the  6th  century  onwards,  the  latter  from the  time  either  of  Charlemagne  or  of  his  imme- diate successors  ;  but  far  earlier  in  Spain,  a.  The earliest  written  profession  of  obedience  to  the metropolitan  produced  by  Thomassin — "  cartula de  obedientiae  sponsione  " — is  one  made  by  the metropolitan  of  Epirus  to  the  archbishop  of Thessalonica,  and  is  condemned  by  Pope  Leo  I.  A.U. 450  {Epist.  Ixxxiv.  c.  1).  And  some  kind  of written  promise — "  tempore  ordinationis  nostrae unusquisque  sacerdos  cautionem  scriptis  emit- timus,  studiose  de  fide  ordinatoris  nostri  " — was made  to  the  patriarch  of  Aquileia,  c.  A.D.  590, by  his  suffragans  (Baron,  in  an.  590,  num.  xxviii.). But  Spanish  councils  of  a  little  later  date  are  (as might  be  expected)most  express  on  the  point.  Goiic. Emerit.,  indeed,  A.D.  666,  can.  iv., — extending  to bishops,  &c.,  an  enactment  of  Cone.  Tolet.  IV. A.D.  581,  can.  xvii.,  respecting  presbyters  and deacons, — only  enjoins  the  metropolitan  at  the time  of  his  ordination,  and  the  bishops  at  the time  of  theirs,  respectively  to  promise  "  vivere caste,  recte,  et  sobrie."  But  Cone.  Tolet.  XI. A.D.  675,  can.  x.,  requires  every  one  of  all  grades of  clergy,  before  "  consecration,"  to  bind  himself, not  only  to  keep  the  faith,  live  piously,  and  obey the  canons,  but  also  "  ut  debitum  per  omnia honorem  atque  obsequii  reverentiam  praeemi- nenti  sibi  unusquisque  dependat."  St.  Boniface shortly  after,  in  Germany,  A.D.  723,  when consecrated  bishop  by  Pope  Gregory  II.,  goes  a long  step  further,  by  giving  a  written  promise (addressed  to  St.  Peter),  "  vobis,  beato  Petro,  vica- rioque  tuo  B.  Papae  Gregorio,  surci-.ssorilnHiiue ejus;"  that  he  will  keep  the  faith  iu  it>  |iiiiity, &c.,  and  that  he  will  "  fidem  et  puiitatoiii,"  \-c., "  praedicto  vicario  tuo  atque  successoribus  ejus per  omnia  exhibere,"  &c.  (S.  Bonif.  Epist.  xvii., ed.  Jafte)  ;  an  innovation  which  Thomassin  tells  us was  not  repeated  by  any  one,  not  even  by  St. Boniface's  own  successors  at  Mentz.  Further on,  in  Gaul,  Cone.  Cabillon.  A.D.  813,  can.  xiii., expressly  forbids  the  oath  which  some  then  exacted at  ordination,  "quod  digni  sint,  et  contra  canones non  sint  facturi,  et  obedientes  sint  episcopo  qui eon  ordinat,"&c. ;  "quod  juramentum  quia  peri- culosum  est,  omues  una  inhibendum  statuimus." CHRIST.  ANT. BISHOP 225 And  a  Capitulary  of  Ludov.  Pius,  A.D.  816 (^Capit.  i.  c.  97),  noticing  the  "  sacramenta,"  as well  as  "  munera,"  which  Lombai-d  bishops  then exacted  "  ab  his  quos  ordinabant,"  forbids  "  om- nibus modis,  ne  ulterias  fiat."  But  this  prohi- bition applied  to  the  exaction  of  an  oath  of  fealty (Canciani,  Le;/.  Barbar.  v.  121).  Professions  to the  metropolitan  by  the  bishop  to  be  consecrated were,  certainly,  from  that  time  forward  the  regu- lar practice.  The  form  of  that  of  the  bishop  of Teroueune  to  Hincmar  of  Rheims  is  in  Cone.  Gallic, ii.  655.  And  English  professions  likewise  run  on from  the  like  date.  A  special  oath  to  the  pope, and  the  meaning  attached  to  the  reception  of  the pall,  belong  to  later  centuries,  the  instance  of tit.  Boniface's  oath  alone  excepted.  In  the  East, a  form  of  written  promise  of  canonical  obedience, made  by  the  bishop  to  the  patriarch,  is  in  Jur. Onent.  i.  441 ;  and  is  expressly  sanctioned  by  the 8th  can.  of  Cone.  Constantin.  A.D.  869,  while condemning  certain  unauthorized  additions  to  it. It  may  also  be  mentioned  here  that  St.  Augustin procured  an  enactment,  at  a  Council  of  Car- thage, that  all  canons  relating  to  the  subject, "  ab  ordinatoribus  ordinaudis  vel  ordiuatis  in notitiam  esse  deferenda "  (Possid.  V.  S.  Aug. viii).  ;8.  A  general  oath  of  allegiance  to  the king,  from  all  subjects,  occurs  repeatedly  in the  Spanish  councils  (e.  g.  Cone.  Tolet.  XVI.  A.D. 693).  And  a  promise  of  fidelity  from  bishops  is mentioned  in  Gaul  as  early  as  the  time  of  Leode- garius  of  Autun  and  St.  Eligius,  .c.  A.D.  640.  But special  mention  of  an  oath  of  fidelity  taken  by  a bishop  at  his  ordination  seems  to  occur  first  at the  Council  of  Toul,  A.D.  850,  where  it  is  de- clared that  the  archbishop  of  Sens  had  thrice sworn  allegiance  to  Charles  the  Bald,  the  first time  being  when  the  kiui:  i;'avc  him  his  bishopric. Such  an  oatli  of'  ,illi  ^imcc  seems  also  to  be meant  by  Cou\  l''ir.  jll.  A.n.  813,  can.  i. ;  and by  Cone.  Aquisgr.  II.  a.i.>.  836,  cap.  ii.  can.  xii.  : although  spoken  of  with  no  reference  to  ordi- nation. But  the  absence  of  all  formulae  for  it  in earlier  times  is  conclusive  against  throwing  back the  date  before  Charlemagne.  Homage  in  the feudal  sense  belongs  to  a  later  period  still.  At the  same  time  Charlemagne  introduced  an  oath of  fealty  in  the  case  of  bishops,  and  invested  a bishop  with  tlie  temporalities  of  his  see  by  ring and  crosier  (De  Marca,  de  Cone.  Eeel.  et  Imp. pp.  402,  426).  As  regards  the  East,  there  is  no mention  whatever  in  Symeon  Thessalon.  of  any oath  to  the  emperor  taken  by  a  bishop  at  ordi- nation, y.  The  oath  against  simony  may  also  be mentioned  here,  enacted  by  Justinian  (Novell. cxxxvii.  c.  2)  as  to  be  takcu  by  a  bishop  at  ordi- nation ;  an  enactment  i-.']MMt.'l  li\-  Pope  Adrian  I. (Epist.Md  Car.  M.  in  ('../,-.  r,w///r.  ii.  97).  (See also  above,  I.  2  ;  and  Simony.) II.  We  have  next  to  consider  how  a  bishop ceased  to  be  so,  either  of  a  particular  see,  or altogether.     And, 1.  Of  Translation,  which,  as  a  rule,  was  for- bidden, but  only  as  likely  to  proceed  from  selfish motives,  and  therefore  with  the  exception,  ex- pressed sometimes,  but  seemingly  always  under- stood, of  cases  where  there  was  sufficient  and good  cause.  Before  the  period  of  the  Apostolic Canons  this  prohibition  would  have  been  hardly needed.  Apost.  Can.  xiv.  forbids  it,  unless  there be  a  eiiXoyos  alrla,  scil.  a  prospect  of  more  spi- ritual  "gain"   in  saving  souls;  and  guards  the 226 BISHOP right  practical  application  of  the  rule  by  the proviso,  that  neither  the  bishop  himself,  nor  the TrapoiKia  desiring  him,  but  "  many  bishops,"  shall decide  the  point,  and  that  TtapaKXiiaei  fieyiffTri. The  Council  of  Nice  (can.  xv.),  Cone.  Antioch. A.D.  341  (can.  xxi.).  Cone.  Sardic.  A.D.  347  (can. i.).  Cone.  Carth.  III.  A.D.  397  (can.  xxxvii.),  and Co)ic.  Carth.  IV.  A.D.  398  (can.  xxvii.),  forbid  it likewise:  the  first  two  without  qualification; and  the  second,  whether  the  suggestion  proceed from  the  bishop,  the  people,  or  other  bishops; but  the  third,  if  airh  itJAcCds  //.iKpas  els  erepav ; and  the  fourth,  also  in  case  it  be  "  de  loco  ignobili ad  nobilem,"  while  allowing  it  if  it  be  for  the good  of  the  Church,  so  that  it  be  done  "by  the sentence  of  a  synod,"  and  at  the  request  of  the clergy  and  laity.  And  the  Council  of  Nice  itself both  shewed  that  exceptional  cases  were  not  ex- cluded, by  actually  itself  translating  a  bishop (Sozom.  i.  2,  quoted  by  Pagi),  and  is  explained by  St.  Jerome  as  prohibiting  it,  only  "  ne  virgin- alis  pauperculae  societate  contempta,ditioris  adul- terae  quaerat  amplexus "  (Epist.  Ixxxiii.  ad Ocean.).  St.  Athanasius  indeed  gives  us  the obiter  dictum  of  an  Egyptian  council,  condemning translation  as  parallel  with  divorce,  and  therefore with  the  sin  of  adultery  (Athan.  Apol.  ii.).  And similarly  St.  Jerome  (Epist.  Ixxxiii.  ad  Ocean.). But  Pope  Julius  condemns  it  on  the  assumption throughout  that  its  motive  is  self-aggrandize- ment. Pope  Damasus  also  condemns  it,  but  it  is when  done  "  per  ambitionem ;  "  and  Pope  Gela- sius,  but  only  "  nuUis  existentibus  causis."  Leo the  Great,  c.  A.D.  450  (Epist.  Ixxxiv.  c.  8)  de- poses a  bishop  who  seeks  to  be  translated,  but it  is  "  ad  majorem  plebem,"  and  "  despecta  civi- tatis  suae  mediocritate."  And  Pope  Hilary,  in Cone.  Rom,  A.D.  465,  condemns  a  proposed Spanish  translation,  among  other  things,  as  con- trary to  the  Nicene  canon  (Hilar.  Epist.  1-3). While  Cone.  Clialced.  A.D.  451,  can.  t^.,  re-enacts the  canons  against  '•  transmigration."  At  the same  time,  both  translations,  as  a  matter  of  fact, were  repeatedly  sanctioned,  beginning  with  the noted  case  of  Alexander  and  Narcissus  of  Jeru- .salem  (Hieron.  de  Scriptt.  Eccl.  62);  as  may be  seen  in  Socrat.  vii.  35,  &c.,  and  in  the  autho- rities quoted  by  Bingh.  VI.  iv.  6.  St.  Greg.  Naz., indeed,  A.D.  382,  speaks  of  the  Antiochene  canon on  the  subject  as  a  v6nos  trdXai  TiQvr]Kois  :  and Socrates  actually  tells  us  in  terms,  that  transla- tions were  only  forbidden  when  persecutions ceased,  but  had  previously  been  perfectly  free  to all ;  and  asserts  that  they  were  a  thing  aSidfopov, whenever  circumstances  made  them  expedient (v.  8,  vii.  35) :  and  the  author  of  the  tract De  Translationihus  in  the  Jus  Orient,  (i.  293) sums  up  the  matter  tersely  in  the  statement that  7;  ixerd^aa-is  KiK(ti\vTat,  ov  n^v  7)  ^erdOfffis  : i.  e.  the  thing  prohibited  is  "  transmigration " (which  arises  from  the  bishop  himself,  from  self- ish motives),  not  "  translation  "  (wherein  the  will of  God  and  the  good  of  the  Church  is  the  ruling cause) ;  the  "  goiug,"  not  the  "  being  taken,"  to another  see.  The  same  rule  and  practice  prevailed both  in  East  and  West  down  to  the  9th  century, complicated  however  in  the  West  by  frequent cases  of  sees  destroyed  in  war,  or  removed  "  ad alia  loca  quae  securiora  putamus  "  (St.  Greg.  M. Epist.  11.  14).  Many  cases  occur  in  Greo-ory's etters,  of  bishops  of  Italy,  Corsica,  &c.,  translated by  him  for  these  or  like  causes,  but  always  under BISHOP pressure  of  necessity  (see  Thomassin,  II.  ii.  62) ; and  Joan.  Diac.  (iii.  18)  asserts  expressly,  that Gregory  "  nunquam  episcopum  ab  integritate suae  Ecclesiae  vel  ipse  in  aliam  commutavit  vel sub  quacunque  oceasione  migrare  consensit." Gregory  of  Tours  supplies  instances  of  like  trans- lations in  Gaul,  all  made  "  consensu  regum  et episcoporum,"  but  "  inconsulta  sede  apostolica  " (Tliomassin,  ib.  §  5).  So  in  Spain  (Cone.  Tolet.  X. A.D.  656,  and  XVI.  A.D.  693,  can.  xii.).  In  Saxon England,  after  the  first  shifting  of  sees  conse- quent upon  the  settlement  of  tlie  Church  down to  Abp.  Theodore  was  passed,  no  translations occurred  at  all,  except  the  simoniacal  instance  of Wine  in  666,  until  that  of  Dunstan  from  Wor- cester to  London,  a.d.  959,  except  in  the  cases  of (1)  the  ever-shifting  sees  of  Hexham  and  Whit- herne,  and  there  once,  in  789,  and  (2)  the  arch- bishoprics of  Canterbury  and  York  ;  and  even  in the  case  of  the  archbishoprics,  Cuthbert's  was  the only  instance  (A.D.  740)  until  the  10th  century. In  the  East,  while  the  case  of  Anthimus,  con- demned by  Cone.  Constantin.  A.D.  536,  Act.  i.,  for TTiv  noix^K^v  apirayTjV  rrjS  fiaaihiSos  '^KK\v<rias, viz.  Constantinople,  and  for  leaving  his  own (smaller)  see  of  Trapezus  "  widowed  and  without a  husband,  against  the  canons," — condemned  also by  Pope  Agapetus  I.  ("  Impossibile  translatitium hominem  in  ilia  sede  permanere,"  Liberat.  Bre- viar.  21), — shews  the  existence  of  the  old  feeling on  the  subject ;  the  counter  case  of  Germanus  of Cyzicum,  translated  A.D.  714  to  Constantinople, "  suffragio  atque  consensu  religiosorum,  presby- terorum,  diaconorum,  et  totius  sanctions  cleri sacrique  senatus  et  populi  imperatricis  hujus civitatis  "  (Thomassin,  from  Theophanes  in  an. and  Anastasius),  shews  equally  that  translations, if  circumstances  were  thought  to  justify  them, were  not  prohibited.  In  the  Alexandrian  Church the  rule  appears  to  have  been  exceptionally  strict, so  that  originally  it  was  forbidden  to  translate  a bishop,  already  such,  to  the  patriarchate,  although in  later  and  Mohammedan  times  this  rule  after great  contentions  became  relaxed  (Denzinger); and  among  the  Nestorians,  as  one  result  of  such relaxation  of  a  like  rule,  it  came  to  pass  that patriarchs  were  often  actually  re-consecrated (Assemani  and  Renaudot,  ap.  Denzinger). 2.  Oi  Resignation,  and  (a)  of  resignation  simply; respecting  which  there  is  no  express  canon,  abso- lutely speaking;  huiCan.  Apostol.  can.  xxxvi.Co/ic. Ancyr.  can.  x\ui.,Conc.  Antioch.  a.d.  341,  cans.  xvii. xviii.,  assume  or  enact  that  a  bishop  once  conse- crated cannot  refuse  to  go  to  a  see,  even  if  the people  will  not  receive  him  ;  and  the  two  latter refer  the  decision  to  the  synod,  which  may  allow him  to  withdraw  or  not  as  it  judges  best.  Instances accordingly  occur  of  resignations  allowed  because circumstances  rendered  it  expedient  for  the  good of  the  Church,  as  where  the  people  obstinately refused  to  submit  to  the  bishop :  e.  g.  St.  Greg. Naz.,  when  archbishop  of  Constantinople,  with the  consent  of  the  Council  of  Constantinople (Theodoret,  v.  8  ;  Socrat.  v.  7  ;  Sozom.  vii.  7  ; St.  Greg.  Naz.  Epist.  xlii.  al.  xxxvi.,  Ixv.  al.  lix., Orat.  xxxii.,  and  Carmen  de  Vita  Sua);  Meletius when  bishop  of  Sebaste  in  Armenia  (Theodoret, ii.  31) ;  Martyi-ius,  bishop  of  Antioch  (Theod. Lector  i.) :  all  cases  in  point  to  the  canons  above mentioned,  the  people  in  each  case  being  factious and  perverse  ;  but  the  second  and  third  (although the  latter  was  at  Antioch  itself),  apparently  in BISHOP direct  contradiction  to  the  Antiochene  rule,  no synodical  decision  being  mentioned,  but  only tlie  will  of  the  bishops  themselves:  e.g.  of  Mar- tyrius,  K\7)pcfi  apvitoTaKraj,  Kol  \a^  airet6(7,  (cat 'EKKXriffia  eppviroifxeur)  aTroTdTTOixai.  Instances occur  also  of  resignations  offered  (and  approved though  not  accepted)  for  peace'  sake  :  as  St.  Chrys. (Horn.  xi.  in  Ephes.\  Flavian  of  Antioch  under Theodosius  (Theodoret,  v.  23),  the  Catholic African  bishops  under  Aurelius  and  St.  Augustin at  the  time  of  the  Donatist  schism  (^Collat. Cartlmg.  A.D.  411,  die  i.  c.  xvi.).  And  Eustathius of  Perga,  again,  was  permitted  to  resign  by  the Cone.  Ephes.  a.d.  431  (Act.  vii.  in  Epist.  ad  Synod. Fanifhyliae),  on  account  of  old  age,  retaining t6  re  TTJs  eTTiffKOTrfis  uvofia  Kal  t'J/j'  rifiTiv  Kai rr)v  Koivoivlav,  but  without  authority  to  act  as bishop  unless  at  a  fellow-bishop's  request.  And a  pension  out  of  the  revenues  of  the  see  was granted  to  Domnus,  who  had  resigned  the  see  of Antioch,  by  the  Cone.  Chalced.  A.D.  457  (Act.  vii. al.  Act.  X.,  Labbe,  iv.  681),  at  the  request  of Maximus,  who  had  succeeded  him.  These  and like  instances  testify  to  the  gradual  establish- ment of  a  rule,  permitting  resignations  under circumstances  of  obvious  expediency  for  the Church,  so  that  they  were  sanctioned  by  at  least the  provincial  synod.  And  forms  of  voluntary resignation  both  for  patriarchs  and  bishops  in the  East  occur  in  Leunclav.  Jus  Orient.  At  the same  time  the  feeling  of  the  Church  ran  strongly against  resignations,  as  being  a  giving  up  of  work for  Christ.  So  Leo  M.,  Epist.  xcii.  And  Cyril Alex,  puts  the  dilemma :  "  If  worthy,  let  them continue ;  if  unworthy,  let  them  not  resign  but be  deposed "  (^Epist.  ad  Domnum  ap.  Balsam., quoted  by  Thomassin).  Although  St.  Chrys.  in like  case  bids  a  bishop,  conscious  of  serious  guilt, resign  ratherthan  be  deposed  (de  Sacerd.  lib.  iii. c.  10)  From  the  5th  century  onward,  resigna- tions occur  not  unfrequently  in  the  West  (see  a list  in  Thomassin,  II.  ii.  52),  with  the  consent  of the  clergy,  or  at  least  the  metropolitan  and council,  and  of  the  laity,  or  at  least  the  king. In  the  East,  the  consent  of  the  emperor  and  of the  patriarch  of  Constantinople  became  necessary; as  in  the  case  of  Paulus  of  Antioch  in  the  time  of Justin  (inter  Epist.  Honnisd.  Eapae,  post  Epist. Ixxx.).  The  conception  of  a  matrimonial  tie, such  that  no  authority  could  sever  it  unless  (in the  West)  that  of  the  bishop  of  Rome,  developed itself  prominently  at  a  considerably  later  period, after  at  least  the  8th  century.  The  canonical grounds  for  a  resignation,  as  summed  up,  later still,  in  the  Corp.  Juris  (Decret.  Greg.  IX.  lib.  i. tit.  ix.  de  Renuno.  c.  10),  are  in  substance  those already  intimated  :  — i.  Guilt,  limited  however from  earlier  severity  to  such  only  as  impedes  the discharge  of  the  episcopal  ofBce :  ii.  Sickness  (in which  case  Gregory  the  Great  would  have  per- mitted a  coadjutor  only)  :  iii.  Ignorance  :  iv.  Per- verse rebelliousness  of  the  people  :  v.  The  healing of  a  schism  :  vi.  Irregularity,  such  as,  e.g.  bigamy. A  desire  to  take  monastic  vows,  although  a  not unfrequent  ease,  and  in  some  instances  at  least tolerated,  was  not  a  canonical  ground  of  resigna- tion. (/3.)  Resignation  in  favour  of  a  successor, however,  was  distinctly  prohibited,  by  Cone.  An- tioch. A.D.  341,  can.  xxiii. :  'Y^triffKoirov  fih  i^elvai avr'  auTuv  KadiffTaf  eTf pov  favTov  StdSoxov,  Khy TTphf  TTJ  TeXfVTrj  Tou  plov  Tvyxdvri'  el  Se  ri roiovrov  yiyvoLro,  dnvpoi/^  tli/ai  rrjc  KaTdcrraffiv. BISHOP 22< But  it  was  so,  as  the  rest  of  the  canon  shews, only  in  order  to  secure  canonical  and  free  election when  the  see  became  actually  vacant, — /xtra  rrju KoifjL7](nu  rod  avairavaafiivov.  And  the  object was,  not  to  prohibit,  but  to  prevent  the  abuse  of, the  recommendations  very  commonly  made  by aged  bishops  of  their  successors ;  a  practice strongly  praised  by  Origen  (in  Num.  Horn,  xxii.), comparing  Moses  and  Joshua  (so  also  Theodoret, in  A'?««.  c.  xlvii.),  but  which  naturally  had  often a  decisive  influence  in  the  actual  election:  as, e.  g.  in  the  case  of  St.  Athanasius  recommended by  Bishop  Alexander,  and  Peter  recommended  by St.  Athanasius,  both  of  whom  were  duly  elected, &c.,  but  after  the  bishopric  was  actually  vacant ; the  story  being  apparently  without  grounds,  of an  intervening  and  rival  episcopate  before  St, Athanasius,  of  Achillas,  and  of  Theonas(Epiphan. Ilaer.  Ixviii.  6,  12  ;  Theodoret,  iv.  18).  So  also St.  Augustin  recommended  his  own  successor, Eraclius.  But  such  recommendations  slipped  na- turally into  a  practice  of  consecrating  the  suc- cessor, sometimes  elected  solely  by  the  bishop  him- self, before  the  recommending  bishop's  death,  thus interfering  with  the  canonical  rights  of  the  com- provincial bishops  and  of  the  diocese  itself.  Limit- ing then  the  prohibition  to  the  actual  election by  a  single  bishop  of  a  successor  to  take  his  own place  during  his  own  lifetime,  the  Antiochene canon  is  repeated  by,  e.  g.  Cone.  Paris.  V.  A.D.  615, can.  ii.  ("  ut  nullus  episcoporum  se  vivente  alium in  loco  suo  eligeret "),  and  became  the  rule ;  al- though one  often  broken  in  the  West  in  the  7th and  8th  centuries,  as  e.g.  in  the  noted  case  of  St. Boniface,  who  was  permitted  by  Pope  Zacharias, although  after  strong  remonstrances,  and  with great  reluctance,  to  nominate  and  ordain  his  own successor.  But  then  we  must  distinguish  (y) that  qualified  resignation,  which  extended  only  to the  appointment  of  a  coadjutor — not  a  coadjutor with  right  of  succession,  which  was  distinctly uncanonical,  but  simply  an  assistant  during  the actual  bishop's  life,  and  no  further.  The  earliest instance  indeed  of  a  simple  coadjutor,  that  of Alexander,  coadjutor  to  Narcissus  of  Jerusalem (Euseb.  H.  E.  vi.  11),  was  supposed  to  require  a vision  to  justify  it.  But  examples  occur  re- peatedly thenceforward,  both  in  East  and  West ((?.  g.  in  Sozom.  ii.  20 ;  Theodoret,  v.  4 :  St.  Am- bros.  Epist.  Ixxix.  ;  St.  Greg.  Naz.  Orat.  xii. ad  Patr.  Opp.  i.  248.  c,  quoted  by  Bingham)  ; including  St.  Augustin  himself,  who  did  not "  succeed,"  but  "  accede,"  to  the  see  of  Hippo, being  coadjutor  therein  first  of  all  to  his  pre- decessor Valerius,  by  the  consent  of  "  primate, metropolitan,  and  the  whole  clergy  and  people of  Hippo,"  yet  this  "  contra  morem  Ecclesiae  " (Possid.  V.  S.  Aug.  viii.) ;  the  canon  of  the  Nicene Council,  which  prohibits  two  bishops  in  one  city, being  held  to  prohibit  only  two  independent  and distinct  bishops,  and  not  where  one  was  (as English  people  might  now  call  it)  curate  to  the other,  although  Augustin  afterwards  thought that  canon  condemned  himself.  But  a  coadjutor with  right  of  succession  was  distinctly  unca- nonical ;  although  instances  occur  of  this  also  : as  of  Theotecnus  of  Caesarea  in  Palestine  (Euseb. //.  E.  vii.  32),  before  the  Antiochene  canon,  and  of Orion,  bishop  of  Palaebisca  (Synes.  Epist.  Ixvii.); and  of  Augustin  himself,  but  with  this  diflerence, that  he  was  formally  and  canonically  elected,  so that  the  one  point  in  his  case  was  his  being  cou- 228 BISHOP secrated  before  his  predecessor's  death.  So  also Paulinus  of  An'tioch,  whose  act  was  condemned as  uncanonical  by  St.  Ambrose  (Epist.  Ixxviii.), and  by  Theodoret  (v.  23)  and  by  Socrates  (ii.  15). And  a  like  case  in  Spain,  where  a  bishop  of  Bar- celona, with  consent  of  the  metropolitan  and comprovincial  bishops  and  the  whole  of  his  own diocese,  sought  to  make  a  neighbouring  bishop (who  was  also  his  heir)  his  coadjutor  and  suc- cessor, but  was  condemned  for  so  doing  by  Pope Hilary  and  a  Roman  Council,  A.D.  465,  protest- ing against  making  bishoprics  hereditary  (Hilar. Epistt.  ii.  iii.)-  So  also  Pope  Bonifixce  II.  A.D. 531,  was  compelled  to  desist  from  his  attempt  to appoint  Vigilius  his  own  successor.  And  Pope Boniface  III.  in  a  Roman  Council,  A.D.  606,  forbade any  formal  discussion  aboiit  a  successor  to  a  de- ceased bishop  until  "  tertio  die  depositionis  ejus, adunato  clero  et  filiis  Ecclesiae  ;  tunc  electio  fiat." Thomassin  sums  up  the   case  by  laying  down, (1)  that  coadjutors  or  successors  were  up  to  the 9th    century  never   asked  for  from   the    Pope ; (2)  that  the  consent  of  metropolitan  and  pro- vincial synod  was  necessary;  and  (3)  after  the 5th  century  that  of  the  king ;  but  that,  lastly, with  these  last-named  sanctions,  coadjutors  were permitted  whenever  it  was  for  the  good  of  the Church,  although  coadjutors  with  right  of  suc- cession were  forbidden.  The  hereditarv  benefices of  the  Welsh  Church  of  the  11th  and  12th  cen- turies, and  of  the  contemporary  Breton  Church, and,  indeed  (in  some  degree  or  other),  of.  other churches  also,  are  too  late  to  come  into  this article.  So  far  of  the  removal  of  bishops  merely from  a  particular  see.     But,  next,  of 3.  The  Deposition  of  bishops.  And  here  only of  the  case  of  bishops  as  such,  referring  to Ci.ERGY,  Dr:GRADATiON,  for  the  general  "  irre- gularities," which  affected  all  clergy,  and  there- fore inclusively  bishops  also. (A.)  The  grounds  upon  which  bishops  as  such were  deposed  were  as  follows,  (a.)  First,  there were  certain  irregularities  which  vitiated  an  epi- scopal consecration  ah  initio  ;  and  these  were  for the  most  part,  although  not  wholly,  irregularities such  as  disqualified  for  consecration  at  all,  as those  already  referred  to  above,  (i.)  If  prior  to ordination  to  a  bishopric  the  candidate  had  not been  examined  in  the  faith,  or  had  failed  to  meet such  examination,  Justinian  (^Novell,  cxxxvii.  c.  2) deposed  both  the  ordainer  and  the  recently  or- dained, (ii.)  Although  the  Cone.  Neocaes.  (can. ix.  A.D.  314)  speaks  of  a  belief  that  ordination remitted  sins,  except  fornication,  yet  Cone.  Nicaen. (canons  ix.  x.)  rules  that  those  who  are  ordained through  ignorance  or  laxity,  being  guilty  of  sins (without  any  exception)  that  would  rightly  dis- qualify them,  yvwa-Bei/Tes  KaOaipovvrai.  (iii.) The  canons  that  u-equire  the  consent  of  metropoli- tan and  synod,  &c.,  to  the  consecration  of  a  bishop, sometimes  proceed  to  void  a  consecration  made in  violation  of  them,  /ir)5ev  tVxueii'  (Cone.  Antioch. A.D.  341,  can.  xix.),  and  similarly  Cone.  Eegiens. can.  ii..  Cone.  Aurelian.  V.  canons  x.  xi..  Cone.  Ca- hillon.  I.  can.  x.  &c.  Yet  it  does  not  appear  that in  such  a  case  the  consecrated  bishop  sufiered commonly  more  than  the  forfeiture  of  the  see, &Kvpov  dvat  TiV'  KardcTTaa-tv.  (iv.)  Consecration of  a  bishop  into  a  see  already  lawfully  filled was  reckoned  as  no  consecration  (Bino-h.  XVII V.  3,  quoting  St.  Cypr.  Epist.  Iv. ;  Cone.  Sardic. ace.  to  Hilary,  de  Syn.  p.  128;  Cone.  Chaleed. BISHOP P.  iii.  Epist.  51,  54,  56,  57,  fcc,  about  Timothy the  Cat ;  Liberat.  Breviar.  xv.).  (v.)  The  ordi- nation of  one  under  sentence  of  deposition  was also  void  {Cone.  Chaleed.  Act.  xi.).  But  then (i8)  bishops  already  validly  consecrated  were liable  to  deposition,  as  well  for  the  general causes  affecting  all  clergy,  as  also  in  parti- cular for  causes  relating  to  their  own  especial oflice ;  as,  e.  g.  (i.)  if  they  ordained,  or  if they  preached  (Cone.  Trull,  can.  xx.),  without peruiission,  outside  their  own  dioceses  {Apostol. Can.  xxxv. ;  Cone.  Antioeh.  A.D.  341,  c.  xii.);  or (ii.)  if  they  received  a  clergyman  who  had  dis- obediently quitted  his  own  diocese  (6'omc.  Antioch. A.D.  341,  can.  iii. ;  Cone.  Chaleed.  A.D.  457,  can. j  XX.  excommunicated  them  in  this  case) ;  or  (iii.) ■  if  they  ordained  for  money  (Apostol.  Can.  xxix. ; I  Cone.  Chaleed.  a.d.  451,  can.  ii.)  ;  or  (iv.)  accord- I  ing  to  a  late  Gallican  council  {Cone.  Arjusie. !  A.D.  441,  can.  xxi.),  if  two  bishops  presumed  to ]  consecrate  by  themselves,  whereupon  both  of them  were  to  be  deposed  ;  or  (v.)  according  to Pope  Innocent  I.  {Epist.  xxiii.  c.  4,  A.D.  402 X  417),  bishops  who  ordained  soldiers  wei-e themselves  to  be  deposed  ;  or  (vi.)  if  they ordained  a  bishop  into  a  see  already  full (Cone.  Chaleed.  a.d.  451,  as  above) ;  or  (vii.)  if they  ordained  any  that  had  been  baptized  or rebaptized  or  ordained  by  heretics  (Apost. Can.  Ixviii.) ;  or  (viii.)  if  they  ordained  any  of their  own  unworthy  kindred  (Apost.  Can.  Ixxvi.)  ; or  (ix.)  if  they  absented  tliemselves  from  their diocese  for  longer  than  a  year  (  Cone.  Constantin. IV.  A.D.  870,  can.  xvi.,  says  six  months),  and persisted  in  disobedience  when  duly  summoned to  return  (Justinian,  Novell,  vi.  c.  2 ;  see  also below  under  III.  1,  a.  xv.).  (x.)  For  simony, see  SIMO^fY  ;  or  (xi.)  if  they  did  not  duly  enforce discipline  [Discipline]  ;  or  (xii.)  if  they  sought to  create  a  bishopric  for  themselves  out  of  ambi- tion, either  in  a  place  where  there  had  been  none (Cone.  Tolet.  XII.  a.d.  681,  can.  iv. :  see  however below),  or  by  getting  royal  authority  to  divide  a province,  so  as  to  erect  a  new  metropolis  in  it (Cone.  Chaleed.  a.d.  451,  can.  xii.).  And  yet further  (7),  bishops  were  liable  to  excommuni- cation as  well  as  deposition,  if  (i.)  they  received as  clergy  such  as  were  suspended  for  leaving their  own  diocese  (Apost.  Can.  xvi. ;  Cone.  Carthag. V.  A.D.  398,  can.  xiii.  &c.  &c.) ;  or  (ii.)  if  they "made  use  of  worldly  rulers  to  obtain  prefer- ment "  (Apost.  Can.  xxx.,  often  repeated)  ;  or  (iii.) if,  being  rejected  by  a  diocese  to  which  they  have been  appointed,  they  move  sedition  in  another diocese  (Cone.  Aneyr.  A.D.  314,  can.  xviii.) ;  &c.  &c. (5.)  Lastly,  bishops  were  liable  to  suspension  or other  less  censui-e,  {i.)  if  they  refused  to  attend the  synod  when  summoned  (Cone.  Carthag.  V. A.D.  398,  Can.  x. ;  Arelat.  II.  A.D.  452,  can.  xix. ; Tarracon.  A.D.  536,  can.  vi.  &c.  &c.) ;  and  if  when summoned  to  meet  an  accusation,  they  failed  to appear  even  to  a  third  summons,  they  were  de- posed (Cone.  Chale.  a.d.  451,  Act.  xiv.) ;  or  (ii.) if  they  unjustly  oppressed  any  part  of  their diocese,  in  which  case  the  African  Church  de- prived them  of  the  part  so  oppressed  (St.  Aug. Epist.  cclxi.)  ;  &c.  &c. (B.)  The  authority  to  inflict  deposition  was the  provincial  synod  :  and  for  the  gradual  growth and  the  differing  rules  of  appeal  from  that  tri- bunal, see  Appeal. Cone.   Chaleed.   can.   xxix.    a.d.    451,    forbids BISHOP degradatioa  of  a  bishop  to  the  rank  of  a  priest : he  must  be  degraded  altogether  or  not  at  all. And  Cone.  Antioch.  canons  xi.  sii.  A.D.  341,  forbids recourse  to  the  emperor  to  reverse  a  sentence  of deposition  passed  by  a  synod.     [Degradation  ; OUDEKS.] III.  From  the  appointment  and  the  removal of  a  bishop,  we  come  next  to  his  office,  as  bishop. And  here,  ingeneral,  the  conceptioii  of  that  office — consisting  in,  1.  rh  ^px^tv,  and,  2.  t^  hpa- reveiv  (so  St.  Ignat.  Interpol.  Up.  ad  Smyrn. c.  9) — was  plainly,  at  the  first,  that  of  a  ruler, not  autocratic,  but  (so  to  say)  constitutional, and  acting  always  in  concert  with  his  clergy and  people,  as  he  had  in  the  first  instance  been elected  by  them  ;  and  of  a  chief  minister,  in  sub- ordination to  whom,  for  the  sake  of  the  essential unity  of  the  Church,  all  Christian  sacraments and  discipline  were  to  be  administered,  yet  not as  by  mere  delegates,  but  as  by  the  due  co- operation of  subordinate  officers,  each  having  his own  place  and  function  :  for  the  former  of  which points  St.  Cyprian  is  the  primary  and  explicit witness,  and  no  less  so  St.  Ignatius  for  the  latter. The  legal  powers  and  the  wealth  gradually  ac- quired by  the  bishop,  the  weight  derived  from his  place  in  synods,  and  the  natural  increase  of the  power  of  a  single  ruler  holding  office  for  life, and  habitually  administering  the  discipline  and the  property  of  his  diocese,  naturally  rendered the  essential  "monarchy"  of  the  episcopate  more and  more  absolute,  from  Constantine  onwards, and  especially  under  Justinian  ;  while,  on  the other  hand,  the  bishops,  73a;'i/wssM,  became  also more  and  more  under  State  control,  especially  in the  East.  In  the  West,  and  from  the  break  up of  the  Roman  empire,  the  monopoly  in  the  hands of  chui-chmen  of  knowledge  and  of  civilization, the  political  powers  thrown  (and  necessarily thrown)  into  the  hands  of  the  bishop,  the  unity of  the  Church  of  all  the  separate  kingdoms,  and its  relations  to  the  still  respected  imperatorial, as  well  as  to  the  pontifical,  influence  of  Rome, — to  which  no  doubt  might  be  added  at  the  first the  reverence  for  the  priesthood  as  such  felt by  barbarians,  and  especially  by  Germanic  peoples, met  and  strengthened  by  the  Christian  view  of the  priestly  office, — gave  to-  the  bishops  special weight,  as  the  leaders  of  the  Church  :  a  weight exceptionally  increased  in  Spain  by  the  elective position  of  the  Visigoth  kings;  but  qualified  both there,  and  much  more  elsewhere,  especially  in France,  b}-  the  right  of  nomination  of  bishojjs assumed  by  the  kings,  and  by  their  simoniacal and  corrupt  use  of  it,  and  by  the  assumption  on the  part  of  the  State  of  a  full  right  of  making laws  for  the  Church.  But  to  proceed  to  details. And' here — (1.)  Of  the  SPIRITUAL  OFFICE  of  a  bishop,  as pertaining  to  him  essentially  and  distinctively. And   of  this,   first   (a),   in   respect    to   his   own BISHOP 229 (a.)  i.  The  power  of  ordination  belonged  to bishops  exclusively.  They  were  the  organ  by which  the  Church  was  enabled  to  perpetuate  the ministry.  •  Starting  with  the  fact,  that  no  one  is spoken  of  in  the  N.  T.  as  ordained  except  either by  an  Apostle,  or  by  one  delegated  by  an  Apostle to  this  special  office,  the  earliest  intimation  we meet  with  is  the  statement  of  St.  Clem.  Rom., already  quoted,  which  draws  a  plain  distinction between  the  original  appointment  of  presbyter- bishops  and  deacons,  and  the  subsequent  pro- vision made  by  the  Apostles  of  an  order  of  men who  should  be  able  to  perpetuate  those  offices. When  next  the  subject  happens  to  be  mentioned, the  ordainers  are  assumed,  as  of  course,  to  be bishops,  and  the  question  is  only  of  their  requisite number  and  acts,  or  the  like  ;  as  in  Can.  Aposf.  i., 'ETTicTKOTros  x^'pOTOve'KrBou  iiirh  iiritrKdiraii'  Svo  fj rpLuiv,  and  can.  ii.  Trpea^vT^pos  iiwh  evhs  ivi- aK6irov  x^^poroveiaBw  ;  and  in  Gmc.  Cart/tag.  III. A.D.  397,  can.  xlv.  "  Episcopus  unus  . . .  per  quem presbyteri  multi  constitui  possunt ;"  and  IV. A.D.  398,  canons  ii.  iii.  &c.,  which  is  the  classical passage  (so  to  call  it)  respecting  the  rites  of  or- dination, and  which  allows  presbyters  no  part at  all  in  episcopal  consecration ;  and  in  jn-esby- terial,  only  to  hold  their  hands  "  juxta  manum episcopi  super  caput  illius  "  (qui  ordinatur),  but "  episcopo  eum  benedicente  et  manum  super caput  ejus  tenente."  And  this  latter  practice (which  however  does  not  exist  in  the  Eastern church  [Denzingei-],  although  supposed  to  be based  upon  1  Tim.  iv.  14)  appears  to  be  alluded to  by  Firmilian  (in  St.  Cypr.  Epist.  Ix.xv.), "  majores  natu  .  .  .  ordinandi  habent  potesta- tem."  Similar  assumptions  occur  in  Cone.  Nic, can.  xix.,  Antioch.  A.D.  341,  can.  ix.,  Chalced. A.D.  451,  can.  ii.  &c.  &c. ;  and  in  Cone.  Sardic. A.D.  347,  can.  vi.,  'T.-k'ktkottoi  KaQia-rav  bcpel- Xovffiv  'E-TTiir/ci^Trows ;  and  also  Pseudo  -  Dion. Areop.  Eccl.  Hier.  v.  So  also,  not  affirming simply  but  assuming  the  fact,  St.  Jerome {Epist.  ad  Evangel),  "  Quid  facit,  excepta  or- dinatione,  episcopus,  quod  presbyter  non  fa- ciat?"  and  St.  Chrys.  {Horn.  xiii.  in  1  Tiin.\ Ov  yap  Stj  TTpiff^vT^poi  rhv  firiffKOTrov  ix^^po- Tovovv  (and  similarly,  Hoin.  i.  in  Philipp.),  and {Horn.  xi.  in  1  Tim.  iii.  8),  Tr7  yap  x^'porovia fxovri    {oi    iirlcTKOTroi)   vTrepl3el3r]Kaai,    Kal    tovtw fJiOVOV    SoKOliat    TTXiOViKTUU    TOVS    TTpea^VTepoVS  ; while  Epiphanius  {Haer.  Ixxv.),  expressly  affirm- ing what  at  length  Aerius  had  denied,  lays  down that  narepas  yap  yevvS,  {tj  twv  ivicTKoirwv Ta|is)  rp  'E/c/cArjtTi'a,  7)  5e  {twv  Trpfcr^vripoov) Trarepas  fXT]  Swa/x^vr)  Yej/^/a;/,  5ia  ttis  tov  \ov- Tpov  iraKiyyeveaias  reKva  yivva..  So  again,  in actual  practice,  the  cases  of  Ischyras,  declared  to be  only  a  "  layitiau  "  by  an  Alexandrian  synod, A.D.  324  or  325  (Neale,  Hist,  of  East.  Cli., Alexandria,  vol.  i.  p.  135),  because  ordained presbyter  virh  KoWovOov  tov  Trpecr^vTepov  (pav- Tacdevros  eiTiffKoir-r\v  (St.  Athanas.  Ajol.  ii.  0pp. i.  p.  193,  ed.  1698),  and  of  certain  presbyters declared  to  be  laymen  for  the  like  reason  by Cone.  Sardic.  A.D.  347,  can.  xix. ;  while  the  much later  Council  of  Seville  {Cone.  Hispal.  II.  A.D.  619, can.  V.)  pronounced  certain  presbyterial  and  dia- conal  ordinations  void,  because,  although  the bishop  had  laid  his  hands  upon  the  candidates, a  presbyter,  the  bishop  being  blind,  "illis  contra ecclesiasticum  ordiuem  benedictionem  dedisse fertur."  The  one  and  only  distinct  assertion  of a  contrary  practice  upon  this  point,  and  this  too (even  had  it  been  trustworthy)  of  a  single  and exceptional  case,  is  that  of  Eutychius,  patriarch of  Alexandria,  A.D.  933-940,  born  A.D.  876,  who affirms  in  his  Origines,  that  in  Alexandria,  from the  beginning,  the  twelve  city  presbyters  not only  chose  the  Alexandrian  patriarch,  upon  a vacancy,  out  of  their  own  number,  but  also  by imposition  of  hands  and  benediction  created  him patriarch ;    and  that   this  lasted  down   to   the 230 BISHOP patriarchate  of  Alexander,  who  was  at  the Mcene  Council,  i.e.  down  to  about  a.d.  308  or 313  :  or,  in  other  words,  that  the  bishop,  in whose  time  an  Alexandrian  synod  deposed  one who  had  received  presbyterial  ordination,  and^ on  that  very  ground,  viz.  Ischyras,  was  himself ordained  by  presbyters,  and  that  all  his  prede- cessors had  been  so  likewise.  Both  date,  and  the internal  evidence  of  this  and  of  many  other equally  gross  blunders  (see  Pearson,  Vindic.  Ignat. c.  XI.  \C  2,  pp.  270,  282  sq.,  ed.  Churton),  make Eutychius'  statement  unworthy  of  the  notice  it once  attracted.  And  it  is,  besides,  an  obvious perversion  of  the  fact  alleged  by  St.  Jerome,  that up  to  the  time  (not  of  the  patriarch  Alexander, but)  of  the  patriarchs  Heraclas  and  Dionysius,  viz. A.D.  232  or  A.D.  264,   "  Alexandriae   presbyteri semper  unum   ex   se electum,   in  excelsiori   loco lUocatum,  episcopum  nominabant ;"  and  of  the stranger  practice  still,  mentioned  by  Liberatus (as  above  in  I.  1,  7).'  That  there  were  bishops enough  in  Egypt  to  consecrate  legitimately (Eutychius  also  aflirming  that  there  were  no others  except  the  bishop  of  Alexandria  until A.D.  190),  is  evident  by  the  testimonies  collected in  Pearson  (as  above,  pp.  296,  sq.  :  there  were above  a  hundred  at  one  of  Bishop  Alexander's councils).  The  further  assertion  of  both  Am- brosiaster  (in  Ephes.  iv.  11)  and  of  the  author of  the  Quaest.  in  Vet.  et  Nov.  Test,  ci.,  that  in Egypt  "  presbyteri  consignant  si  praesens  non sit  episcopus,"  and  that  "  in  Alexandria  et  per totam  Aegyptum,  si  desit  episcopus,  consecrat presbyter,"  is  ruled  to  mean  either  the  con- secration of  the  Eucharist  or  the  rite  of  con- firmation, not  that  of  ordination,  whether  to the  episcopate  or  the  presbyterate,  1.  by  the date  of  the  statements,  viz.  long  after  the  period fixed  even  by  Eutychius,  and  much  more  that named  in  St.  Jerome  ;  2.  by  the  meaning  of  the word  consiijnare ;  3.  by  the  case  of  Ischyras, above  mentioned,  which  is  conclusive.  Other instances  of  alleged  presbyterial  ordination  are either  "  mere  mistakes  "  (see  a  list  with  expla- nations in  Bingh.  11.  iii.  7),  or  depend  upon  the assumption  that  chorepiscopi  were  not  bishops, or  upon  a  misinterpretation  of  an  obscure  canon of  the  Council  of  Ancyra,  can.  xiii.  [Chorepi- scopi.] The  early  Scotch  and  Irish  Churches,  in which  the  presbyter-abbats  of  certain  monas- teries exercised  an  anomalous  jurisdiction,  never allowed  presbyterial  ordination  (see  Adamnan in  V.  8.  Columbae,  and  other  authorities,  in  Grub's Ilist.  of  Ch.  of  Scotl.  c.  xi.  vol.  i.  152-160).  That a  bishop  however  was  not  at  liberty  to  ordain clerks  "  sine  consilio  clericorum  suorum,  ita  ut civium  conniventiam  et  testimonium  quaerat " {Cone.  Citrth.  IV.  can.  xxii.),  but  did  so  "  com- muni  consilio "  (St.  Cypr.  Epist.  xxxviii.),  see below  in  (a.)  x.  Moreover,  he  was  strictly  for- bidden to  ordain  in  the  diocese  of  another  bishop (see  below,  (a.)  xii.),  or  indeed  in  any  way aA\oTptoE7ri(rK07r6?i'. (a.)  ii.  Confirmation,  in  accordance  with  the intimations  in  the  N.  T.  (Acts  viii.  17,  xix.  6), appears  also,  when  first  mentioned,  as  the  office of  the  bishop  {Constit.  Apost.  iii.  16;  Pseudo- Dionys.  liierarch.  Eccl.  ii.  p.  254  ;  Cone.  Carthag. II.  A.D.  390,  can.  iii.,  "  ut  chrisma,  &c.,  a  pres- byteris  non  fiant").  But  (through  the  difficulty of  always  securing  the  bishop's  presence)  the practice  gradually  issued  in  a  severance  between BISHOP the  two  acts,  of  imposition  of  hands,  which  was restricted  to  the  bishop  (St.  Cypr.  Epist.  Ixxiu. ; Firraillan,  ap.  St.  Cypr.  Epist.  Ixxv. ;  Anon,  de Bapt.  Haer.  in  ApiKnd.  ad  S.  Cypr.  0pp.  ;  Cone. EUberit.  A.D.  205,  canons  xxxviii.  Ixxvii. ;  Euseb. H.  E.  vi.  43  ;  St.  Chrys.  Horn,  xviii.  in  Act.  Apost. §  3  ;  St.  Jerome,  cont.  Lucif.  iv. ;  St.  Ambros. de  Sacram.  iii.  2  ;  St.  Aug.  de  Trin.  xv.  26  ; Pope  Innoc.  Lad  Decent,  iii. ;  Gelasius,  Epist.  ix. ; Leo  M.  Epist.  Ixxxviii. ;  Greg.  M.  Epist.  iii.  9 ; Siricius,  Epist.  i.  ad  Himer. ;  Cone.  Hispal  II. A.D.  619,  can.  vii. ;  Cone.  Meld.  A.D.  845,  can. xlv.) ;  and  of  anointing  with  the  consecrated chrism,  the  consecration  of  which  was  also  re- stricted to  the  bishop  (Cone.  Carthag.  III.  a.d. 397,  can.  xxxvi. ;  Tolet.  I.  A.D.  400,  can.  xx. ; Braear.  II.  A.D.  563,  can.  xix.,  and  III.  A.D.  572, can.  iv. ;  Autissiod.  A.D.  576,  can.  vi. ;  Barcinon. II.  A.D.  599,  can.  ii. ;  Pope  Innocent  I.  Epist.  i. ad  llecent.  c.  iii. ;  Leo  M.  Ejjist.  Ixxxviii. ;  Gelas. Epist.  ix.),  and  to  the  bishop  of  the  diocese (Cone.  Garth.  IV.  A.D.  398,  can.  xxxvi. ;  Vasens. I.  A.D.  442,  can.  iii.  &c.  &c.) ;  but  the  actual application  of  it,  with  some  qualifications  and  in certain  cases,  allowed  to  presbyters  :  as  e.  g.  in the  Church  of  Rome,  there  being  a  double  anoint- ing, that  of  the  forehead  was  restricted  to  the bishop,  the  rest  not  so ;  in  Gaul,  a  single  anoint- ing was  ordinarily  the  presbyter's  office ;  in  the East,  a  single  anointing  also,  but  ordinarily  the bishop's  office,  and  only  in  his  absence,  as  at Alexandria  and  in  Egypt,  allowed  to  presbyters ; but  in  West  and  East  alike,  allowed  to  presbyters in  cases  of  urgency,  as  of  energumens  or  of  those at  the  point  of  death,  or  again  by  commission from  their  bishop  (see  Bingh.  XII.  ii.  1-6).  The Constit.  Apostol.  vii.  43,  44,  describe  the  practice of  the  3rd  or  4th  century.     [Confirmation.] (a.)  iii.  In  the  administration  of  sacraments, the  bishop's  authority  was  primary,  that  of  pres- byters, and  a  fortiori  of  deacons,  subordinate. St.  Ignat.  ad  Smyrn.  viii.  :  Ovk  i^ov  icTTL  x<^p\s Tov  iincrK6iTov  ovre  jSaTrrife"'  ovre  ay6.-Krjv TToielv.  TertuU.  de  Bajyt.  17  :  "  Dandi  (bap- tismum)  jus  quidem  habet  summus  sacerdos,  qui est  episcopus  :  dehinc  presbyteri  et  diaconi ;  non tamen  sine  episcopi  auctoritate,  propter  Ecclesiae honorem ;  quo  salvo,  salva  pax  est."  Hieron. cont.  Lucif.  IV. :  "  Inde  venit  ut  sine  jussione episcopi  ueque  presbyter  neque  diaconus  jus  ha- beat  baptizandi."  St.  Ambros.  de  Sacram.  iii.  1  : "  Licet  presbyteri  fecerint,  tamen  exordium  mi- nisterii  a  summo  est  sacerdote."  Similar  state- ments are  numerous  (Bingh.  Lay  Bapt.  i.  §  2,  sq.). So  e.  g.  Cone.  EUberit.  A.D.  305,  can.  Ixxvii — If  any are  baptized  by  a  deacon,  "  episcopus  eos  per benedictionem  perficere  debebit."  So  also  Cone. Vera.  I.  A.D.  755,  can.  viii.,  forbids  presbyters baptizing,  or  celebrating  mass,  "  sine  jussione episcopi."  Although  no  doubt  the  statement  of Ambrosiaster  in  Ephes.  iv.  is  true  also, — as  it  is indeed  perfectly  consistent  with  the  principle above  laid  down,  and  both  would  be  and  is  in like  case  the  Church's  rule  now, — that,  before the  Church  was  settled,  laymen  were  allowed "  evangelizare  et  baptizare  et  Scripturas  in ecclesia  explanare."  See  also  Van.  Espen,  Jur. Eccl.  Univ.,  Be  Bapt.  c.  iii.  §  1 ;  and  Bingham on  Lay  Baptism. (a.)  iv.  The  office  of  formal  preaching,  as  dis- tinct from  exposition  of  Scripture,  belonged  also properly   to    bishops.      So    e.g.    in    the   African BISHOP Church,  if  the  bishop  were  present,  until  the time  of  St.  Augustin ;  who  was  the  first  African presbyter  that  preached  "  coram  episcopo,"  but this,  "  accepta  ab  episcopis  potestate "  (Possid. V.  S.  Aug.  v.).  So  also  in  Spain,  Cone.  Hispal.  II. A.D.  619,  can.  vii.  In  the  East  the  practice  was otherwise,  since  there  it  was  only  "  in  quibusdam Ecclesiis,  tacere  presbyteros  et  praesentibus  epi- scopis non  loqui "  (Hieron.  ad  Nepot.  Epist.  ii.). Yet  there  also  the  privilege  depended  on  the consent  of  the  bishop,  and  was  taken  away  in Alexandria  by  an  absolute  prohibition  :  Tlp^ff^v- Tefios  iv  'AXe^avopela  ov  iTpoaujxiKit  (Socrat.  v. 22;  Sozom.  v.  17,  vii.  19),  from  the  time  of Arius.  In  Rome,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  asserted that  no  bishop  (ovre  6  eVtV/coTros  ovre  &A\os  tis, ace.  to  Sozom.  vii.  19,  repeated  by  Cassiodorus, Hist.  Tripart.)  preached  at  all  until  Leo  the  Great (Thomassin,  II.  iii.  83,  §  5).  To  preach,  however, every  Sunday,  was  reckoned  ordinarily  the  duty, as  well  as  the  privilege,  of  the  bishop  ;  on  the ground  that  he  is  to  be  SiSuKTiKhs  =  apt  to  teach (so  dpSuos  SiSacTKaXtKhs  =  the  bishop's  throne,  in St.  Chrys.  Horn.  ii.  in  Tit.,  and  a.^ia3/j.a  SiSan-Ka- XiKhu  =  the  bishop's  office,  in  St.  Cyril  Alex. Ejiist.  ad  Monach.  in  Cone.  Ephes.  Labbe,  iii.  423  ; — and  Sozom.  vii.  19,  Mdros  b  rrjs  ttoXscos  eVi- ffKoiros  SiSdcTKei, — and  St.  Ambros.  de  Offic.  i.  1, "  tpiscopi  proprium  munus  docere  populum  "). And  see  also  Origen,  Horn.  vi.  in  Levit.  Cone.  Lao- die,  c.  A.D.  366,  can.  xix.,  and  Cone.  Valent.  A.D.  855, can.  i.,  take  the  practice  for  granted.  King  Gun- tram,  A.D.  585  {Edict,  confirm.  Cone.  Matisc.  II.), exhorts  bishops  to  frequent  preaching  ;  Charle- magne enjoins  their  having  suitable  homilies (Capit.  i.  A.D.  813.  c.  xiv.,  and  Cone.  Arelat.  can.  x., Mogunt.  can.  xxv.,  and  Rhem.  canons  xiv.  xv., all  of  the  same  year),  and  deprives  bishops  of their  sees  who  should  not  have  preached  before a  fixed  day  {Momieh.  S.  Gall.  i.  20) ;  Ludov.  Pius enjoins  bishops  to  preach  either  in  person  or  by their  vicars  (Capit.  i.  109) ;  and  Cone.  Ticin. A.D.  850,  can.  v.,  threatens  deposition  to  all bishops  who  did  not  preach  at  least  on  Sundays and  holidays.  Ethelred  also  in  England  enjoins bishops  to  preach  {Laws,  vii.  19  ;  repeated  by Cnut,  Laio  xxvi).  And  similarly  in  Spain,  Cone. Tolet.  XI.  A.D.  675,  can.  ii.  Bishops  are  also  en- joined by  Cone.  Turon.  III.  a.d.  613,  can.  xvii., to  have  homilies  about  the  Catholic  faith  and  a holy  life,  and  to  cause  them  to  be  translated "  in  rusticam  Romanam  linguam  aut  Theodiscam, quo  facilius  cuncti  possint  intelligere,"  &c.  In the  East,  the  Council  in  Trullo  (a.d.  691,  canons xix.  XX.),  while  deposing  bishops  who  preached outside  their  own  dioceses  without  pei-mission, enjoins  all  bishops  to  preach  at  least  every  Sun- day, and  if  possible  every  day.  And  Balsamon, on  can.  Ixiv.  of  the  same  council,  lays  down  the principle,  that  "  to  teach  and  expound  belongs  by divine  grace  to  bishops  only,  and  so  to  those  to whom  bishops  delegate  the  office."  It  is  assumed to  be  the  bishop's  duty,  also,  in  Cod.  Theodos. lib.  xvi.  tit.  ii.,  de  Episc.  1.  25  ;  and  also  lib.  ix. tit.  xl.  de  Poenis  I.  16 ;  and  in  Cod.  Justin,  lib. ix.  tit.  xxix.  de  Crim.  Sacrilegii,  1.  1. (a.)  v.  As  in  the.  points  hitherto  mentioned, so  also  in  the  administration  of  discipline,  the bishop  took  the  lead ;  the  presbyters  (and  appa- rently in  some  cases  the  deacons)  held  their proper  subordinate  place  under  him,  and  formed his   council.      Bishop  and    presbytery  occur  to- BISHOP 231 gather  passim  in  St.  Ignatius.  The  condemna- tions of  Origen  (Pamphil.  Apol.  ad  Fhot.  Cod. cxviii.),  of  Novatian  (Euseb.  H.  E.  vi.  43),  of Paul  of  Samosata  {id.  vii.  28,  30),  of  Noetus (Epiphan.  Haer.  Ivii.  1),  of  Arius  at  Alexandria (id.  Ixis.  3 ;  and  see  Coteler.  ad  Constit.  Apost. viii.  28),  proceeded  from  the  bishop,  or  bishops, but  with  presbyters,  the  Trpea^uTepiov  alone  in- deed being  mentioned  in  the  case  of  Noetus,  and deacons  as  well  as  presbyters  in  that  of  Arius. So  also  Pope  Siricius  in  the  case  of  Jovinian, "  facto  presby terio  "  (Siric.  Ej/ist.  ii.,  the  deacons also  it  appears  concurring) ;  and  Synesius,  bishop of  Ptolemais,  in  that  of  Andronicus,  a  layman (Synes.  Ejnst.  Ivii.  Iviii.).  At  the  same  time, the  bishop  was  the  chief,  and  ordinarily  the  sole, judge  in  the  first  instance  in  cases  of  excommu- nication ("mucro  episcopalis "),  following  the authority  of  1  Tim.  v.  1,  19  (but  see  also  1  Cor. V.  4,  2  Cor.  ii.  10  : — so  St.  Cypr.  Epist.  xxxviii. xxxix.  Ixv.  &c. ;  Conc.Nicaen.  can.  v. ;  Cone.  Garth. II.  a.d.  390,  can.  viii. ;  Cone.  Carthag.  IV.  a.d. 398,  can.  Iv. ;  Can.  Apost.  xxxi. ;  Cone.  Ep/ies. can.  V. ;  Cone.  Agath.  A.D.  506,  can.  ii. ;  and countless  other  evidence  —  see  Excommuni- cation); subject  however  to  an  appeal  to  the synod  [Appeal]  :  although  his  power  came  to  be limited  in  Africa  by  a  Carthag.  Council  (II.  a.d. 390,  can.  x.),  by  the  requirement  of  twelve bishops  to  judge  a  bishop  (which  came  to  be  the traditional  canonical  number),  of  six  to  judge  a presbyter,  and  of  three,  in  addition  to  the  ac- cused s  own  diocesan,  to  try  a  deacon.  The  power of  formal  absolution  from  formal  sentence  is throughout  assumed  by  the  canons  to  be  in  such sense  in  the  bishop,  that  presbyters  could  only exercise  it  (apart  from  him)  in  cases  of  imminent danger  of  death,  unless  by  leave  of  the  bishop ; and  deacons  only  in  very  extreme  cases  indeed (Dion.  Alex,  in  Euseb.  H.  E.  vi.  44 ;  Cone.  Carth. II.  canons  ii.  iv.,  and  III.  can.  xxxii. ;  Cone.  Arausio. I.  A.D.  441,  can.  i. ;  Cone.  Epaon.  a.d.  517,  can. xvi. ;  &c.  &c.).  St.  Cypr.  {Epist.  xiii.)  allows  a deacon  to  absolve,  only  if  neither  bishop  nor presbyter  can  be  had,  and  in  a  case  of  extreme urgency.  But  he  also  Speaks  of  ''  episcopus  et clerus "  as  both  uniting  in  the  solemn  act  of absolution  by  imposition  of  hands.  And  the  rule is  laid  down  fully  in  Cone.  Eliberit.  a.d.  305, can.  xxxii. :  "  Apud  presbyterum  . . .  placuit  agere poenitentiam  non  debere  sed  potius  apud  episco- pum :  cogente  tamen  infirmitate,  neeesse  est presbyterum  communionem  praestare  debere,  et ,  diaconum  si  ei  jusserit  episcopus."  See  also  Mar- \\ia\Vs,  Penit.  Liscipjl.  pp.  91,  sq. ;  and  Taylor's Episcop.Asserted,%?jQ.  [Discipline;  Penance.] See  also  under  Penitentiap.y,  Presbyter,  for the  irpeff^vTfpos  iirl  ttjs  fj-eravoias  (Socrat.  v. 19),  and  the  like  delegates  of  this  part  of  the bishop's  oflice. This  authority  extended  over  the  whole  diocese and  all  its  members.  Exemptions,  as  of  monas- teries, from  episcopal  jurisdiction,  are  directly  in the  teeth  of  the  Counc.  of  Chalced.  canons  vii.  viii., of  Justinian's  law  {Cod.  i.  tit.  iii.  de  Episc.  1. 40), of  the  provincial  councils  of  Orleans,  I.  a.d.  511, can.  XIX. ;  Cone.  Agath.  a.d.  506,  can.  xxxviii. ; Cone.  Tlerdens.  A.D.  546,-  can.  iii. ;  &c.  The  well- known  case  of  Faustus  of  Lerins  and  his  bishop at  the  Council  of  Aries  in  A.D.  455,  was  an adjustment  of  rigiits  as  between  abbat  and bishop,    but    not   an   exemption   in    the    proper 232 BISHOP sense  of  the  .word  (as '  Hallam  -superficially states).  The  earliest  real  case  of  the  kind  appears to  belong  to  the  8th  century,  when  Zachary, A.D.  750?  granted  a  privilege  to  Monte  Casino, "  ut  nuUius  juri  subjaceat  nisi  solius  Romani ])ontificis  "  (Mabill.  Act.  S.  Orel  Bened.,  Saec.  iii. p.  643).  Precedents  for  such  exemptions,  as granted  by  royal  authority,  occur  in  the  Formulae of  Marcuifus.     [Exejiption  ;   Moxks.] (a.)  vi.  As  in  the  special  subject  of  discipline, so  generally  in  the  affairs  of  the  diocese,  the bishop  had  the  primary  administration  of  them, with  the  power  of  veto,  but  (as  throughout)  with the  counsel  and  consent  of  his  j)resbyters,  and of  the  diocese  at  large.  So  e.  g.  St.  Cyprian, repeating  the  statement  over  and  over  again  in equivalent  terms, — "  Xihil  sine  consilio  vestro (presbyterorum)  et  sine  consensu  plebis  mea  pri- vata  se'nteutia  gerere."  The  same  rule,  as  regards the  presbyters,  and  in  their  place  the  deacons,  is prominent  in  the  language  of  St.  Ignatius  in  the earliest  time.  And  the  "  consessus  presby- terorum"  is  likened  by  St.  Jerome  to  the bishop's  "  senate,"  and  by  Origen  and  others  to the  /SouAr)  'EKK\i7(n'as,  and  by  St.  Chrysostom  and Synesius  to  the  Sanhedrim  (a-vveSpiov).  That presbyters  also  shared  in  diocesan  synods,  "  ad- stantibus  diaconis,"  see  CotrNCiL,  Synod.  On  the other  hand,  firiSh  &v€v  yvdofir^s  rov  iiTLffKSirov (Cone.  Laodic.  can.  Ivii.)  is  repeated  so  endlessly by  councils,  and  asserted  by  church  writers,  as to  make  it  needless  to  multiply  quotations.  Im- peratorial  legislation,  in  conferring  special  powers upon  bishops,  tended  largely  to  increase  episcopal authority.  Yet  provincial  svikhIs  of  presbyters (and  of  a"bbats)  still  contiiiuc  I.  tlirmi-hout,  down to  Carlovingian  times.  [Ouncil  ;  SvxOD.]  And Guizot  {H.  de  la  Civ.  en  France,  Le^on  15)  joins priests  with  bishops  as  the  really  governing  body of  the  Church  in  the  earlier  Frankish  period. In  the  particular  matters  of  creeds,  liturgies, aud  church  worship  generally,  the  bishop  is  also inferred  to  have  had  authority  to  regulate  and determine  all  questions,  partly  as  being  a  natural portion  of  his  office,  partly  from  the  fact,  that  in unessentials,  even  the  treeds,  much  more  litur- gical points,  varied  in  vai-ious  dioceses,  within undefined  but  obvious  limits.  And  so  Basil of  Caesarea,  we  leai'u,  composed  certain  (vx<^v Siard^eis  Kol  evKOfffiias  rov  Pijixaros  for  Iiis own  Church  while  still  a  presbyter,  of  which Eusebius  his  bishop  sanctioned  the  use.  St. Augustin  {Epist.  86,  ad  Casulan.)  assumes  a like  power  in  the  bishop  to  appoint  fasting  days for  his  own  diocese.  And  the  like  is  implied  'in the  tradition,  that  St.  Ignatius  introduced'  anti- [)hons  and  doxologies  into-  his  own  church (Cassiod.  Hist.  Tripartit.  x.  9).  So  Proclus  of C  piistantinople,  A.D.  434-447,  is  said  to  have iiitriMluced  the  Trisagion  into  that  Church.  It was  tlic  bishop's  office  also  to  consecrate  churches aud  cemeteries  [Church,  Cemetery]  :  mentioned as  early  as_^  Euseb.  //.  K  x.  3,  'EyKaifioiv  eoprai ■  .  .  Kcd  Twv  apTt  veoiraywv  Trpo(TivKTt)pio>v  a.(pL- epu>uei<!,  iTncTK6iroiv  re  eTrl  ravrh  avveX^vciis. (a.)  vii.  Visitation  of  his  diocese  was,  at  first, rather  a  duty  following  as  a  matter  of  course  from a  bishop's  office,  than  a  legal  and  canonical  oblio-a- tion:  see  St.  Athanas.  Apol.  ii.  §  74;  St.  ChiTs Horn,  i  in  Epist.  ad  Titim  (e'Tno-Ke^sis) ;  Sulp! Sever.  Dial.  ii.  (of  St.  Martin);  St.  Aug.  Epist.  vi 0pp.  ii.  144;  <5reg.  Tur.  H.  E.  ^.  5,  and  De  Glor BISHOP Confess,  lix.  cvi. ;  St.  Greg.  M.  Dial.  iii.  38,  &c. : and  see  also  under  Chorepiscopi,  and  Ilepio- 5€uT7?y  or  ViSiTATOR.  Accordingly,  no  canons  at first  defined  or  enforced  the  duty.  But  in  course of  time,  so  soon  as  canons  came  to  be  made  upon the  subject,  the  bishop  became  bound  to  visit  his diocese  once  a  year,  both  to  confirm  and  to  ad- minister discipline,  and  generally  to  ovei'see  the diocese  :  St.  Bonif.  Epist.  Ixx.  ed.  Jaffa';  Cone. Tarracon.  A.D.  516,  can.  viii. ;  Cone.  Bracar.  III. A.D.  572,  can.  i. ;  Cone.  Tolet.  IV.  a.d.  633,  can. xxxvi. ;  Cone.  Tolet.  VII.  a.d.  646,  can.  iv. ; Conc.Liptin.  A.D.  743  (i.  e.  St.  Boniface,  as  above); Cone.  Suess.  a.d.  744,  can.  iv. ;  Cone.  Arelat.  a.d. 813,  can.  xvii;  Capit.  Car.  M.  lib.  vii.  cc.  94,  95, 109,  365,  A.D.  769,"  813,  &c. (a.)  viii.  Further  (I),  it  was  the  bishop's  office to  issue  letters  of  credence  to  any  members  of  his diocese,  which  alone  enabled  them  to  commu- nicate in  other  churches  :  sc.  litterae  formatae,  or canonieae,  &c.  So,  Can.  Apost.  xxxii.,  no  stranger bishop  or  clergy  were  to  be  received  avev  {rvara- riKwv ;  Cone.  Laodic.  a.d.  366,  can.  xli.,  Ov  Se? iepariKhv  ^  KXrjpLKhv  avev  KavovM&v  ypafjifidrccv oS^veiu ;  Cone.  Antioch.  A.D.  341,  can.  vii.,  Mtj- SeVa  &v€v  €lp7)viKccv  Se'xecflai  tUv  ^evaiy  :  Cone. Carthag.  I.  A.D.  348,  can.  vii.,  "  Clericus  vel  laicus ncn  communicet  in  aliena  plebe  sine  litteris  epi- scopi  sui."  So  also  Cone.  Milevit.  A.D.  402,  can.  xx. ("  formatam  ab  episcopo  accipiat");  Cone.  Agath, A.D.  506,  can.  Iii.,  and  repeated  Cone.  Epaon. A.D.  517,  can.  vi.  ("  sine  antistitis  sui  epistolis  ") ; but,  in  each  case,  of  the  clergy,  who  should  travel from  home.  And  the  Councils  of  Aries  (a.d.  314, can.  ix.)  and  of  Eliberis  (a.d.  305,  can.  xxv.) forbid  "  confessors "  to  give  such  letters,  and order  those  who  have  them  to  procure  fresh "  communicatoriae"  from  the  bishop.  The  Coun- cil of  Antioch,  A.D.  341,  can.  viii.,  permits  chor- episcopi di^ipai  elp-nvLKas,  but  forbids  presbyters doing  so ;  and  the  Council  of  Eliberis  (A.D.  305, can.  Ixxxi.)  prohibits  the  worse  abuse  of  the wives  (apparently  of  bishops)  giving  and  receiv- ing such  "  pacificae."  These  letters,  according to  their  purpose,  were  called  "  commendatitiae  " (of  credence,  or  recommendation),  "  pacificae  " (also  "  ecclesiasticae  "  or  "  canonieae,"  of  com- munion), or  "  dimissoriae  "  (ixTroAuTi/col,  avera- TiKol,  or  again  elpriviKal,  or  "  concessoriae  ")  ;  see e.  g.  Cone.  Trull,  can.  xvii.  (not  necessary  or granted,  like  modern  letters  dimissory,  to  any one  who  desired  to  be  ordained  in  another  dio- cese than  his  own — who,  however,  had  of  coui'se to  obtain  leave  to  do  so — but  only  when  a clergyman  desired  to  change  his  diocese)  ;  and they  are  to  be  distinguished  from  the  unauthori- tative "  libelli "  given  by  martyrs  or  confessoi-s during  a  persecution  to  those  who  had  lapsed. Cona.  Clialced.  A.D.  451,  can.  xi.,  orders  ffvcnaTi- Koi  to  be  given  only  to  such  as  were  "  suspectae  ;" but  to  those  who  were  poor  and  in  want,  only ilp7]VLKa\,  and  not  avuTarLKai — pacificae,  and  not commendatitiae.  (2.)  The  bishop  also  represented his  diocese  collectively,  besides  answering  for its  individual  members ;  as  in  communicating with  other  dioceses.  So,  e.g.  St.  Clement  ot Rome  writes  to  the  Corinthian  Church,  as  speak- ing for  the  Church  of  Rome,  of  which  he  was bishop;  and  is  spoken  of  by  Hermas  Pastor {Vis.  ii.  4)  as  officially  communicating  with Christians  of  other  dioceses.  It  is  needless  to give  evidence  from  later  times. BISHOP (a.)  ix.  The  income  and  offerings  of  the ' Church,  and  its  alms,  were  likewise,  in  the  first instance,  under  the  disposition  of  the  bishop,  to be  dispensed  either  by  himself  or  b_v  his  proper officers  (see  Alienation  of  Church  Pro- perty, Alms,  Archdeacon,  Deacon,  Oeco- NOMUS) ;  and  this  upon  the  ground  of  Acts  iv. 35,  37,  V.  2,  1  Cor.  xvi.  3,  4 ;  but  with  the general  consent  of  his  presbyters,  as  Acts  xi.  30. Ta  TTJs  'EKKX-qaias  .  .  .  StoiKeladai  TrpoffTj/fft  fiera Kpiffiws  Kol  i^ovalas  rov  eiricrKoirov  {Cone.  An- tioch.  A.d.  341,  can.  xxiv.,  and  see  can.  xxv.). And  Cone.  Gangr.  (a.d.  325,  canons  vii.  and  viii.) puts  an  anathema  on  those  who  intermeddle  with church  property,  Trapa  •yvoiixr^v  (or  irapiKrhs) Tov  iiriaKOTTOV  •()  Tov  ey/cex^'P'CM^''"'"  '''°'  TOiavra. So  Can.  Apost.  xxxvii.  :  Uaurwv  t&v  4KK\i](ria<T' riKwv  TTpajfxaTccv  6  €TriaKuTros  exfTco  rr/i/  <ppov- riSa  Kol  SioiKe'Tca  aiiTo,  a<s  @€ov  itpopoUvTOS.  And so  also  ib.  can.  xl. ;  and  at  length,  Coiistit.  Apostol. ii.  25.  And  St.  Cypr.  {Epist.  xxxviii.  al.  xli.), "  Episcopo  dispensante."  And  St.  Hieron.  ad Nepot.  Epist.  xxxiv.,  "  Sciat  episcopus,  cui  com- missa  est  Ecclesia,  quem  dispensation!  pauperum curaeque  praeficiat."  And  Possid.  in  V.  S.  Aug. But  Cone.  Antioch.  (as  above,  can.  xxv.)  forbids the  bishop  from  dealing  with  church  revenues, fxri  ^6TO  ■yvcifj.ris  riv  ■Kpea^vripwv  tj  r£v  5ia- kSvoov.  and  orders  him  evQvvas  ■napex^^"  '''V  "'"" uiiSrc  T7}S  irrapx'ias-  And  Can.  Apost.  xxxix.  al.  xl. bids  him  keep  his  own  goods  and  those  of  the church  distinct,  so  that  effTia  ^avepa  to  'iSia  tov fiTKTKSirov  irpdyixaTa  (e?  76  koL  iSia  exei)  Kal (pavepa  to,  KvpidKci.  k.t.X.  And  Cone.  Carth.  IV. A.D.  398,  can.  xxxii.,  "Irrita  erit  donatio  episco- porum  vel  venditio  vel  commutatio  rei  eccle- siasticae,  absque  conniventia  et  subscriptione clericorum."  Compare  also  the  established  ex- ceptional cases  wherein  church  plate,  &c.,  might be  sold,  viz.  for  redeeming  captives  (as  St.  Am- biiose,  de  Offic.  ii.  28  ;  Acacius  of  Amida,  in  So- erat.  vii.  21  ;  Deogratias  of  Carthage,  in  Victor Utic.  de  Persee.  Vandal,  i. ;  St.  Augustin  [Possid. in  V.  S.  Aug.  24]  ),  or  feeding  people  in  case  of famine  (as  St.  Cyril  of- Jerusalem,  in  Theodoret. ii.  27,  and  Sozom.  iv.  25);  in  which,  as  in  other cases  of  real  necessity,  the  bishoj)  allowably disposed  of  the  property,  but  with  the  consent of  the  primate  "  cum  statute  numero  episco- ])orum  "  {Cone.  Carth.  V.  A.D.  398,  can.  iv.),  or "  apud  duos  vel  tres  comprovinciales  vel  vicinos episcopos"  (Cone.  Agath.  A.D.  506,  can.  vii.); which  last  canon,  however,  permits  the  bishop  by himselfto  dispose  of  "terrulaeautvineolaeexiguae atit  ecclesiae  minus  utiles,"  &c.  (can.  xlv.) :  and C<mc.  Epaon.  A.D.  517,  can.  xii.,  requires  the  "con- scientia  metropolitani  "  to  a  like  sale.  Councils  of Orleans,  III.  and  IV.  A.D.  5oS,  541,  repeat  like rules.  And  in  Spain,  Cone.  Ilispal.  II.  A.D.  619, canons  ix.  and  xlix.,  and  Tolet.  IV.  A.D.  633,  can. xlviii.,  and  the  Capit.  of  Martin  of  Braga  ;  in Italy,  the  letters  of  Gregory  the  Great,  and  Cone. fiOm.Yl.  under  Symmachus,  A.D.  .504;  and  in the  East,  Justinian"(A^ot;e//.  123,  c.  23,  131,  c.  11), shew  a  like  system.  This  general  rule,  however, held  good  only  so  long  as  the  church  goods  of each  diocese  formed  a  common  fund.  After  the appropriation  of  special  incomes  to  special  officers and  to  particular  parishes,  the  bishop  of  course ceased  to  have  control  over  more  than  his  own share,  except  over  alms  and  general  contri- butions, and  in  like   cases    (sec    TriiiKS)  :    uu- BISHOP 233 less  so  far  as  he  still  retained  the  power  of appointing  clergy  and  ordaining  them  to  parti- cular benefices.  The  era  of  such  limitation  may be  taken  to  be  the  Cone.  Troslcian.  (Troli, near  Soissons),  a.d.  909,  can.  vi. ;  the  old rule  lingering  still  during  the  time  of  Charle- magne (see  thomassin.  III.  i.  8).  About  600^. a  year  is  Gibbon's  estimate  of  an  average  episcopal revenue  in  the  time  of  Justinian ;  the  valuation fluctuating  at  the  time  from  2  pounds  of  gold to  SO  (Justin.  Novell.  123,  c.  3). (a.)  X.  The  bishop  also  appears,  in  the  first instance,  to  have  so  taken  charge  of  his  whole diocese,  as  that,  the  diocesan  city  being  served by  clergy  of  his  own  ordaining,  the  country districts  were  served  from  the  city  by  clergy at  his  appointment,  although  with  counsel  and consent  of  both  presbyters  and  laity.  The  dio- cese was  in  fact  one  parish,  there  being  no  such thing  as  a  parish  in  the  modern  sense.  And  this original  condition  of  things  gradually  settled  into rule,  as  follows  : — 1.  That  no  clergyman  could migrate  to,  or  be  ordained  to  a  higher  order  in, another  diocese  than  that  in  which  he  had  been borfl  and  ordained,  or  (if  this  involved  two  dio- ceses) in  which  he  had  been  ordained,  without the  express  leave  of  the  bishop  who  had  ordained him  :  the  presbyters  being  bound  to  the  bishop who  had  ordained  them,  as  he  in  turn  was  bound to  support  them  if  in  need.  See  Clergy,  Lit- T0RAE  DiMissoRiAE,  Presbyter.  An  exception however  came  to  exist  in  favour  of  the  bishop  of Carthage,  iu  relation  to  Africa,  "  ut  soli  ecclesiae Carthaginis  liceat  alienum  clericum  ordinare " (Ferrand.  iirerwr.  c.  230).  2.  That  no  clergyman, when  benefices  came  to  exist,  could  resign  his benefice,  or  remove  to  another,  within  the  parti- cular diocese,  without  his  bishop's  consent.  Cone. Carth.  IV.  A.D.  398,  can:  xxvii.,  probably  refers  to different  dioceses, — "  Inferioris  gradus  sacerdotes vel  alii  clerici  concessione  suorum  episnoporum possunt  ad  alias  ecclesias  transmigrare."  But  in later  times,  Cone.  Semens.  A.D.  813,  can.  xx..  Cone. Turon.  a.d.  813,  can.  xiv.,  and  Cone.  NarniKt.  can. xvi.,  are  express,  "  De  titulo  minori  ad  majorem migrare  nuUi  presbytero  licitum  est ;"  and  are confirmed  by  Charlemagne,  Capit.  lib.  vi.  c.  197, — "  Nullus  presbyter  creditam  sibi  ecclesiam  sine consensu  sui  episcopi  derelinquat  et  laicorum suasione  ad  aliam  transeat ;"  and  see  also  lib.  vi. c.  85,  lib.  vii.  c.  73.  But,  at  the  same  time,  the bishop  could  not  remove  or  eject  a  clergyman against  his  will  or  at  his  own  pleasure,  the  rule coming  to  be  that  three  bishops  were  required to  judge  a  deacon,  and  six  a  presbyter,  including their  own  diocesan,  with  an  appeal  to  the  pro- vincial synod :  see  Appeal,  Deacon,  Presbyter, Synod.  3.  That  the  bishop  as  a  rule  collated to  all  benefices  within  his  diocese,  conferring,  by ordination  to  a  particular  "  title,"  the  spiritual jurisdiction,  which  drew  with  it  the  temporal endowments  (see  Bingh.  IX.  viii.  5,  6  ;  Thomassin, II.  i.  33-35).  But,  4.  that  the  right  of  nomi- nating to  a  church  in  another's  diocese  was granted,  as  time  went  on,  to  a  bishop  who  had founded  that  church  (and  apparently  to  his  suc- cessors, on  the  assumption  that  he  founded  it  out of  church  property),  in  the  West  {Cone.  Arausic.  I. A.D.  441,  can.  x.)  ;  and  in  the  East  from  Justinian, and  ultimately  in  the  West  likewise  (e.  g.  Cone. Told,  IX.  A.D.  655,  can.  ii. ;  Cone.  Franco/.  A.D. 794,  can.  liv.),  to  laymen  also  in   like  position; 234 BISHOP and  in  both  East  and  West,  by  the  time  of  Jus- tinian and  of  Charlemagne  respectively,  to  kings, nobles,  and  other  laymen,  without  any  such ground  :  although  the  right  of  the  bishop  to determine  whether  the  presentee  was  fit,  and if  unfit,  to  reject  him,  remained  still,  even in  the  case  of  noblemen's  chaplains.  Further, 1.  in  the  East,  a  limit  also  was  put  to  the "  requests  "  (Sva-ajirTfaiat)  of  the  nobles,  and  to the  "  command  "  (KeAevais)  of  tlie  emperor,  in making  such  presentations  (Novell.  3,  in  Praef. and  c.  2)  :  and,  2.  in  the  West,  the  Council  of  Aries, VI.  A.D.  813,  can.  iv.,  commands,  "  ut  laici  pres- byteros  absque  judicio  proprii  episcopi  non  eji- ciant  de  eccles'iis  nee  alios  immittere  prae- sumant ;"  and  the  Council  of  Tours,  III.  A.D.  813, can.  XV.,  "  Interdicendum  videtur  clericis  sive laicis  ne  quis  cuilibet  presbytero  praesumat  dare ecclesiam  sine  licentia  et  consensu  episcopi  sui ;" while,  on  the  other  hand,  both  Charlemagne  and Louis  the  Pious  guard  the  lay  side  of  the  ques- tion by  enacting,  "  Si  laici  clericos  probabilis vitae  et  doctrinae  episcopis  consecrandos  suisque in  ecclesiis  constituendos  obtulerint,  nulla  qua- libet  occasione  eos  rejiciant ;"  or  if  they  do  re- ject them,  then,  "  diligens  examinatio  et  evidens ratio,  ne  scandalum  generetur,  manifestum  faciat " (Capit.  lib.  V.  c.  178,  and  Lud.  Pii  Capit.  in Conn.  Gall.  ii.  430) :  an  enactment  repeated  by Cone.  Paris.  A.D.  829,  can.  xxii.  See  also  Cone. Bom.  A.D.  826  and  853,  can.  xxi.  The  right 'of presentation  to  such  a  benefice  by  lapse,  as  de- volving upon  the  bishop,  is  not  traced  by  Tho- massin  (11.  i.  31,  §  5)  higher  tlian  the  time  of Hincmar.  The  consent  of  the  Church,  necessary in  the  time  of  St.  Cyprian  to  tlie  ordination  of  a jiresbyter,  does  not  appear  to  have  been  required in  that  of  a  deacon — "  diaconi  ab  episcopis  fiunt  " (St.  Cypr.  PJjnst.  Ixv.) — and  a  fortiori  not  in the  case  of  minor  orders. (a.)  xi.  The  bishop  became  also  a  judge  or arbitrator  in  secular  causes  between  Christians, on  the  ground  of  1  Cor.  vi.  4 :  necessarily,  how- ever, by  consent  only  of  both  parties,  and  by  an authority  voluntarily  conceded  to  him  ;  an  office which  continued  so  late  as  the  time  of  St.  Au- gustin ;  sitting  on  Mondays  for  the  purpose  :  for which,  and  for  other  details,  see  Ap)0st.  Constit. ii.  45-53.  See  also  under  Appeal.  As  an  office conferred  by  the  State,  and  endowed  with  legal ])0wer,  see  also  below  under  (2). (a.)  xii.  All  these  powers  belonged  to  a  bishop solely  in  relation  to  his  own  diocese.  Beyond that  diocese — not  to  discuss  here,  1.  the  authority of  synods,  or,  2.  the  gradual  growth  of  the offices  of  archbisho}),  primate,  metropolitan, exarch,  patriarch  (for  which  see  the  several articles)— each  bishop  had  no  right  to  interfere, except  under  circumstances  (such  as  the  pre- valence of  schism  or  heresy,  or  of  persecution, or  the  like)  which  would  obviously  constitute  a necessity  supersedmg  law.  So,  e.  g.  St.  Atha- nasius  Ka\  x^^po-roviai  eVoi'ei  in  cities  out  of  his diocese,  as  he  returned  from  exile  (Socrat.  ii.  24). And  similarly  Eusebius  of  Samosata,  in  the  Arian persecution  under  Valens  (Theodoret,  iv.  13,  v.  4). And  Epiphanius  likewise  in  Palestine ;  defending his  act  on  the  ground  that,  although  each  bishop had  his  own  diocese,  "  et  nemo  super  alienam mensurara  extenditur,  tanien  praeponitur  om- nibus caritas  Christi "  {Epist.  ad  Joan.  Hieros. t'l-p.  II.  ;!12).     Compare  also  the  letters  of  Cle- BISHOP ment  of  Rome  to  the  Corinthians,  and  of  Dionysius of  Corinth  {KaQoXiKoL  i-ma-ToXal)  to  the  Lace- daemonians, and  to  the  Athenians,  and  many others  (Euseb.  H.  E.  iv.  23)  ;  and  St.  Cyprian's interference  in  Spain  in  the  cases  of  Martial  and Basilides,  and  in  Gaul  in  that  of  Marciau.  And see  Du  Pin,  de  Antiq.  Eccl.  Discipl.  pp.  141,  sq. Still,  the  rule  was — (a.)  xiii.  A  single  bishop  to  each  diocese,  and a  single  diocese  to  each  bishop.  "  Unus  in Ecclesia  ad  tempus  sacerdos,"  is  St.  Cyprian's dictum  (Epist.  Hi.  al.  Iv.).  And  St.  Jerome, "  Singuli  Ecclesiarum  episcopi,  singuli  archi- presbyteri,  &c.,  in  navi  unus  gubernator,  in domo  unus  dominus  "  {Epist.  ad  JRustic,  and  re- peatedly). And  similarly  St.  Hilar.  Diac.  (m Phil.  i.  1,  in  1  Cor.  xii.  28,  &c.).  And  Socrat.  vi. 22  ;  Sozom.  iv.  15  ;  Theodoret,  ii.  17  (efs  ®ehs,  elj yipiarhs,  els  iwiffKowos),  and  iii.  4;  and,  above all.  Cone.  Kicaen.  A.D.  325,  can.  viii.  &c.  &c.  &c. And  to  the  same  effect  the  numerous  canons  for- bidding the  intrusion  of  any  one  into  a  diocese  as bishop  during  the  lifetime  of  the  bishop  of  that diocese,  unless  the  latter  had  either  freely  re- signed or  been  lawfully  deposed.  The  seeming exceptions  to  this,  indeed,  prove  the  rule.  Merely as  a  temporary  expedient,  in  order  to  heal  a schism,  the  Catholic  bishops  in  Africa  offered  to share  their  sees  with  the  Donatist  bishops  {Collat. Carthaq.  1  die  c.  xvi.  in  Labbe,  ii.  1352) ;  as  Me- letius  long  before  had  proposed  to  Paulinus  at Antioch  to  put  the  Gospels  on  the  episcopal throne  while  they  two  should  sit  on  either  side as  joint  bishops  (Theodoret,  v.  3)  :  the  proposal dropping  to  the  ground  in  both  cases.  See  also what  is  said  above  of  coadjutors  ;  and  the  conjec- ture, not  however  solidly  grounded,  of  Hammond and  others,  respecting  two  joint  bishops,  respec- tively for  Jews  and  Gentiles,  in  some  cities  in Apostolic  times  (see  Bingh.  II.  xiii.  3).  It  must  be added,  however,  that  Epiphanius  (Haer.  Ixviii.  6) does  say  that  Alexandria  never  had  two  bishops, d)j  al  &Wat  ir6\eis.  On  the  other  side,  two  sees to  one  bishop  was  equally  against  all  rule.  The text,  "  Unius  uxoris  virum,"  says  the  Be  Dign. Sacerd.  (c.  iv.  inter  0pp.  S.  Ambros.),  "  si  ad altiorem  sensum  conscendimus,  inhibet  episcopum duas  usurpare  Ecclesias."  And  later  writers, e.  g.  Hincmar,  work  the  same  thought  with  still greater  vehemence,  and  loudly  inveigh  against spiritual  adultery.  And  apart  from  this  exalted view,  the  canon  of  Chalcedon,  which  forbids  a clergyman  being  inscribed  upon  the  roll  of  two dioceses,  was  (very  reasonably)  held  to  include bishops.  The  exceptional  cases  indeed  of  Inter- ventores,  and  of  the  temporary  "  commendation  " of  a  diocese  to  a  neighbouring  bishop  [Inter- VENTORES,  Commenda],  occur,  the  former  in  the early  African  Church,  the  latter  as  early  as  St. Ambrose  himseli' (Epist.  xliv.).  And  a  case  occurs in  St.  Basil  the  Great's  letters  (290  and  292), where  a  provincial  synod,  under  urgent  necessity, and  not  without  vehement  opposition,  by  a  dis- pensation (rh  T7)s  ot/coj/o/xiaj  avayKalov),  allowed a  bishop,  promoted  to  the  metropolitan  see  of Armenia,  to  retain  his  previous  see  of  Colonia. And  Gregory  the  Great  in  several  cases  joined together  in  Italy  ruined  or  impoverished  or  de- populated sees.  St.  Medard  also,  in  532,  united the  sees  of  Noyon  and  Tournay,  upon  the  urgency of  his  metropolitan  and  comprovincial  bishops, and  of  the  king,  nobles,  and  people  (Surius,  in BISHOP 1'.  S.  Med.  Jun.  8).  But  pluralities,  in  the  sense ot'  two  or  more  previously  independent  bishoprics held  together  for  merely  personal  reasons,  do  not si'em  to  have  crept  in  until  early  Carlovingian times;  when,  e.g.,  Hugh,  son  of  Drogo,  became archbishop  of  Rouen,  a.d.  722,  and  added  thereto subsequently  the  sees  of  Paris  and  Bayeux,  besides the  abbeys  of  Jumieges  and  Fontanelles  (Chron. Gernmetic.'),  for  no  other  apparent  reason  than  that he  was  nephew  ot  Pipin  the  Elder.  In  England, the  first  case  was  that  of  St.  Dunstan,  who  held Worcester  and  London  together,  in  order  no  doubt to  further  his  monastic  schemes,  a.d.  957-960. And  this  is  followed  by  the  well-known  series  of archbishops  of  York  who  were  also  bishops  of Vv'orcestei-,  from  972  to  1023 ;  and  this,  again, by  the  union  of  the  same  unfortunate  see  of  Wor- cester to  that  of  Crediton  in  the  episcopate  of Living,  1027-1046.  The  union  of  other  prefer- ment, as  of  deaneries  or  abbeys,  to  bishoprics, began  much  about  the  like  period,  when  circum- stances tempted  to  it.  And  for  two  abbeys  held together,  see  Abbat.  The  apparent  exception  of the  province  of  Europa  in  Thrace  in  earlier  times, in  which  two  bishops  were  allowed  upon  their own  petition  hj  the  Council  of  Ephesus  (a.d.  431, Act.  vii.  sub  fiuem)  to  hold  each  two,  and  in  one case  more,  bishoprics  together,  on  the  ground  that those  bishoprics  had  always  been  held  together, brings  us  rather  to  the  previous  enquiry  respect- ing the  size  of  dioceses,  and  whether  necessarily limited  to  one  city  and  its  dependent  country, and  if  so,  of  what  size  the  city  must  be.  , (a.)  xiv.  And  here,  there  being  no  principle involved  beyond  that  of  suitableness  in  each  case to  the  particular  locality,  and  the  original  diocese in  each  case  being  the  great  city  of  the  neigh- bourhood with  so  much  of  its  dependent  country and  towns  as  was  converted  to  the  faith,  questions necessarily  arose,  as  the  district  became  com- pletely Christianized,  and  were  determined  in difl'erent  ways  in  difierent  places,  as  to  the  sub- division of  the  original  vaguely  limited  diocese. In  some  countries  that  subdivision  was  carried so  far  as  to  call  forth  prohibitions  against  placing bishops  iv  KwfiT)  Ttvi  ^  eV  ^pax^'^a  iroKet  (^Conc. >ardic.  a.d.  347,  can.  vi.);  or  again,  iv  rals  Kci- fiais  Kol  ev  rais  x'^fct's  {Cone.  Laodic.  about  A.D. 366,  can.  Ivii.),  which  latter  canon  perhaps  only prohibits  chorepiscopi.  Leo  the  Great  also  vehe- mently condemns  the  erecting  sees  "  in  castellis," &c.,  in  Africa  {Epist.  Ix.xxvii.  c.  2).  And  it  was made  an  objection  to  the  Donatists  that  (to  multi- ply their  numbers)  they  consecrated  bishops  "  in villis  et  in  fundis,  non  in  aliquibus  civitatibus  " {Collat.  Garth,  c.  181;  Labbe,  ii.  1399).  The jirohibition  is  repeated  in  later  times,  as  by  Pope (Jregory  III.  A.D.  738,  and  Pope  Zacharias,  A.D. 743.  The  practice  however  had  continued  nevei-- theless  ;  as  is  obvious  by  St.  Greg.  Naz.,  St.  Chry- sostom,  Synesius,  and  others,  quoted  in  Bingh.  II. xii.  2,  3  ;  and  by  Sozomeu  (vii.  19),  stating,  but as  an  exceptional  case,  that  ioriv  oinj  koX  iv Kufxais  iiriffKOTTOi  UpovuraL.  uis  irapa  'Apa^iois Kol  Kvirpiuis  eyvwu.  On  the  other  hand,  the (■(inversion  of  the  German  and  other  European nations,  as  it  were,  wholesale,  upon  the  conver- sion of  their  kings,  led  in  a  large  part  of  northern Europe  to  sees  of  nations  rather  than  cities,  and to  sees  therefore  of  often  unwieldy  extent.  E.  g.. in  Scythia,  TroAAttl  ir6\fis  uvtss  iKvdai  'iva  irau-ns (Triaicunov  ex<'t"''<(^'^^"f'i'  ^'''-  ^'' !  ''"''  '"''''  ''^"'"  ^  '• BISHOP 23.^ 21) :  viz.  the  Bishop  of  Tomi.  In  the  older  coun- tries it  might  obviously  happen,  very  naturally, that  (as  in  the  province  of  Europa)  two  or  more towns  or  "  civitates  "  of  small  but  nearly  equal size  might  come  to  be  united  in  one  diocese,  of which  yet  neither  of  them  could  claim  to  be  pre- eminently the  city.  .Just  as,  on  the  other  hand,  Soz- omen  tells  us,  that  Gaza  and  Majuma,  being  two "  civitates  "  (although  very  small  ones)  and  also two  bishoprics,  were  united  by  the  emperors into  one  "  civitas,"  yet  remained  two  bishoprics still  (v.  4).  The  actual  number  of  bishops  in  the time  of  Constantine  is  reckoned  by  Gibbon  as 1800,  of  whom  1000  were  Eastern,  800  Western. The  authority  for  subdivision  was  "  voluntas episcopi  ad  quem  ipsa  dioecesis  pertinet,  ex  con- silio  tamen  plenario  et  primatis  authoritate " (Ferrand.  Breviar.  xiii.  in  Justell.  BM.  Jur.  Can. i.  448).  See  also  Cone.  Carthag.  II.  a.d.  397,  can. v.,  and  III.  a.d.  397,  can.  xlii'.  (Labbe,  ii.  1160, 1173),  and  St.  Aug.  Epist.  cclxi.,  respecting  his erecting  the  see  of  Fussala  with  the  consent  of the  primate  of  Numidia.  The  consent  of  the  ■ bishop  of  Rome  was  not  asked  or  thought  of, until  in  the  West  in  the  time  of  St.  Boniface,  and even  then  it  was  chiefly  in  respect  to  newly  con- verted countries.  Comjjare  the  well-known  his- tory of  Wilfrid  in  England  in  the  end  of  the  7th century,  the  action  of  Pope  Formosus  a  century later  in  respect  to  the  same  country,  and  the history  of  JS'ominoS  and  the  Breton  sees  in  845. The  Pope's  consent  became  needful  about  the time  of  Gregory  V.  The  consent  of  the  king became  also  necessary  from  the  commencement of  the  Frank  kingdom,  and  in  Saxon  England. While  in  the  East  the  absolute  power  of  erecting new  sees  accrued  to  the  emperors  solely,  without respect  to  diocesaa  bishop,  metropolitan,  council. or  any  one  else  (Thomassin,  De  Marca,  kc).  An exceptional  African  canon  {Cod.  Can.  Afric.  ex  vi.), in  order  to  reconcile  Donatists,  allowed  anv  one reclaiming  a  place,  not  a  bishop's  see.  to  retain  it for  himself  as  a  new  and  separate  bishopric  upon a  prescription  of  three  years.  And  so  again  in Spain,  according  to  Cone.  Tolet.  A.D.  633,  can. xxxiv.,  and  Cone.  Einerit.  A.D.  666,  can.  viii.,  thirty years'  undisturbed  possession  by  one  bishop,  of what  had  previously  been  a  part  of  another's bishopric,  constituted  a  prescriptive  right  on  be- half of  the  possessor.  The  Cone.  Chalced.  A.D.  451, can.  xi.,  had  fixed  the  same  period.  The  union  oi sees  was  subject  to  the  same  rules  with  the  sub- division of  them.  There  were  in  England  no  in- stances of  such  union  within  our  period,  except  in the  cases  of  the  temporary  sees  of  Hexham  and of  Whitherne,  and  of  the  possible  brief-lived  see of  Ripon  ;  the  union  of  Cornwall  and  Devonshire being  of  considerably  later  date.  The  transference of  the  episcopal  see  from  one  place  to  another  with- in the  same  bishopric,  as  distinct  from  any  change of  the  limits  or  independency  of  the  bishopric itself,  seems  to  have  followed  a  like  rule  with the  larger  measures  of  union  or  division.  The bishop,  with  sanction  of  his  comprovincials,  and with  the  acquiescence  of  the  State,  was  suflicient authority  at  first  in  European  kingdoms  or  in  the East  ;  as,  e.g.  in  the  shiftings  of  the  see  of  East Anglia,  or  of  that  of  Wessex,  kc.  The  consent of  the  Pope  came  to  be  asked  afterwards ;  as  in the  time  of  Edward  the  Confessor,  in  the  case (if  the  removal  of  Crediton  to  Exeter,  or  iu that  of  the  great  movement  of  sees  from  smaller 236 BISHOP to  larger  towns  in  the  time  of  William  the  Con-  | queror  in  England  generally ;  which  however were  both  of  them  done,  and  the  latter  of  the two  expressly,  "  by  leave  of  the  king."  1 (a.)  x-v.  Finally,  bishops  were  required  to reside  upon  their  dioceses.  The  Council  of  Nice  ] (can.  xvi.),  enjoining  residence  on  the  other  orders  j of  clergy,  plainly  takes  that  of  bishops  for  granted, and  as  needing  no  canon.  The  Council  of  Sardica, A.D.  347,  can.  xv.,  in  the  case  of  bishops  who have  private  property  elsewhere,  permits  only three  weeks'  absence  in  order  to  look  after  that property,  and  even  then  the  bishop  so  absent  had  , better  reside,  not  on  his  estate  itself,  but  in  some  [ neighbouring  town  where  there  is  a  church  and presbyter.  ^,nd  Cone.  Trull.  A.D.  691,  can.  Ixxx.,  | deposes  a  bishop  (or  other  clerk)  who  without  ; strong  cause  is  absent  from  his  church  three Sundays  running.  A  year's  absence  from  his  [ diocese  forfeited  the  see  altogether,  ace.  to  Jus- tinian's law  (at  first  it  had  forfeited  only  the pay,  Novell.  Ixvii.  c.  2),  or  six  months  ace.  to Com.  Constant.  A.D.  870  (see  above).  Presence  at a  synod  (which  was  compulsory)  was  of  course  a valid  reason  for  absence.  Bishops  however  were not  to  cross  the  sea,  ace.  to  an  African  rule  {God. Can.  Afric.  xxiii. ;  and  so  also  in  Italy,  Greg.  M. Ej'ist.  vii.  8),  without  the  permission  and  the letter  {airoAvTiKT],  Teruirco^eVrj,  fonnata)  of  the primate ;  nor  to  go  to  the  emperor  without letters  of  both  primate  and  comprovincial  bishops (Cone.  Antioch.  a.d.  341,  can.  xi.).  Nor  were they  to  go  into  another  province  unless  invited {Cone.  Sardic.  can.  ii.);  nor  indeed  to  go  to  court at  all  unless  invited  or  summoned  by  the  emperor ; nor  to  go  too  much  "  in  canali "  or  "  canalio " (along  the  public  road)  "  ad  comitatum  "  (to  the court)  to  i)resent  petitions,  but  rather  to  send their  deacon  if  necessary  {ib.  can.  ix.-xii).  Yet, A.D.  794,  by  Cone.  Fraacof.  can.  Iv.,  some  four  and a  half  centuries  later,  Charlemagne  is  permitted to  have  at  court  with  him,  by  licence  of  the  Pope and  consent  of  the  synod,  and  for  the  utility  of the  Church,  Archbishop  Angelram  and  Bishop Hildebald.  Bishops,  again,  were  not  to  leave their  dioceses  "  negotiandi  causa,"  or  to  frequent markets  for  gain  {Cone.  Eliherit.  A.D.  305,  can. xviii.).  How  ftvr  persecution  was  an  excuse  or reason  for  absence,  see  Persecution,  Martyrdom. St.  Augustin  excuses  an  absence  of  his  own  on the  ground  that  he  never  had  been  absent  "  licen- tiosa  libertate  sed  necessaria  servitute  "  (E^nst. cxxxviii.).  And  Gregory  the  Great  repeatedly insists  upon  residence.  And  to  come  later  still, Cono.  Franeof.  A.D.  794,  canons  xli.  xlv.,  renews the  prohibition  of  above  three  weeks'  absence upon  private  affairs.  And  Charlemagne  at  Aix (Capit.  Aquisgr.  A.D.  789,  c.  xli.)  restrains  the. bishop's  residence,  not  simply  to  his  see,  but  to his  cathedral  town  :  just  as  previous  Frank canons  repeatedly  enjoin  his  presence  there  at the  three  great  feasts  of  Easter,  Whitsunday, and  Christmas.  The  bishop,  too,  by  a  canon  of Gone.  Carthag.  IV.  A.D.  398,  can.  xiv.,  was  bound to  have  his  "  hospitiolum  "  close  to  his  cathedral church.  The  sole  causes,  in  a  word,  that  were  held to  justify  absence,  were  such  as  arose  from  ser- vice to  the  Church  ;  as  when  at  synod,  or  employed on  church  duties  elsewhere,  or  summoned  to court  on  church  business  or  for  Christian  pur- poses (but  this  was  an  absence  jealously  watched  : "'■   ^"'"    "'■"'■■    &c.  &c.  as   above).     Absence see  Cone.  Sardk BISHOP also  on  pilgrimage  was  seemingly,  yet  hardly formally,  acquiesced  in.  And  a  journey  to  Rome (by  permission  of  the  prince)  would  come  under the  same  class  of  exemption  as  the  attending  a synod.  By  the  time  of  Charlemagne,  moreover, the  office  of  Mlssi  Dominici,  and  other  State duties,  were  held  to  justify  at  least  temporary non-residence. 13.  From  the  spiritual  office  of  the  bishop singly,  we  pass  to  his  joint  authority  when assembled  in  provincial  synod ;  and  this,  i.  as respects  the  consecration  of  bishops,  for  which see  above ;  and,  ii.  as  a  court  of  appeal  and  judi- cature over  individual  bishops,  for  which  see Appeal,  Council,  Synod  ;  and,  iii.  as  exercising  a general  jurisdiction  over  the  province  ;  for  which, and  for  the  relative  rights  of  bishops  and  presby- ters, &c.  in  synod  assembled,  see  Council,  Synod. y.  Thirdly,  for  the  collective  authority  of bishops  assembled  in  general  council,  i.  as  re- spects doctrine,  ii.  as  respects  discipline,  see Council,  Oecumenical. III.  (2.)  Over  and  above  the  spiritual  powers inherent  in  the  episcopate  as  such,  certain  tem- poral powers  and  privileges  were  conferred upon  the  bishop  from  time  to  time  by  the  State ; and  these,  partly,  in  his  general  capacity  as  of the  clergy  (for  which  see  Clergy),  partly  upon him  as  bishop. (i.)  The  judieial  authority  in  secular  causes  be- tween Christians,  which  attached  to  the  bishop as  a  matter  of  Christian  feeling,  became  gra- dually an  authority  recognized  and  enlarged  by state  law.  See  details  under  Appeal.  He  was limited  in  the  Roman  empire  to  civil  causes,  and to  criminal  cases  that  were  not  capital,  and  almost certainly  to  cases  where  both  parties  agreed  to refer  themselves  to  the  bishop.  In  England, however,  the  bishop  sat  with  the  alderman  in the  Shire  Gemot,  twice  a  year,  "  in  order  to  ex- pound the  law  of  God  as  well  as  the  secular  law" (Eadgar's  Laus,  ii.  5,  &c.  &c.) ;  an  arrangement to  which  (as  is  well  known)  William  the  Con- queror put  an  end.  In  Carlovingian  France,  the bishop  and  the  comes  were  to  support  one  another, and  the  two  as  Missi  Dominici  made  circuits  to oversee  things  ecclesiastical  as  well  as  civil  (Capit. of  A.D.  789,  802,  806,  &c. ;  see  Gieseler,  ii.  240, Eug.  tr.).  Questions  relating  to  marriages,  and to  wills,  were  also  referred  to  the  bishops  by  the Roman  laws,  and  by  the  Carlovingian  (see  under Marriage,  Testament).  The  bishop  also  was authorized  by  Cod.  Justin.  I.  iv.  25,  to  prohibit gaming ;  as  he  had  been  by  Cod.  Tlieod.  IX.  iii.  7, XVI.  X.  19,  to  put  down  idolatry  ;  and  IX.  xvi.  12, sorcerers ;  and  XV.  viii.  2,  pimps.  He  had  also special  jurisdiction,  in  causes  both  civil  and  (sub- sequently) criminal,  over  clergy,  monks,  and  nuns —  "  e])iscopalis  audientia  "  —  from  Valentinian, A.D.  452  (Novell,  iii.  de  Episc.  Judicio\  and  from Justinian,  A.D.  539  (Novell.  Ixxix.  and  Ixxxiii.,  and so  also  cxxiii.  c.  21) ;  and  from  Herarlius,  A.D.  628 (for  the  inclusion  of  criminal  cases,  see  Gieseler, ii.  119,  u.  14,  Eng.  tr.).  And  this  exemption of  the  clergy  from  civil  courts  was  continued  by Charlemagne  (Gieselei',  86.  256). (ii.)  Bishops  also  became  members  of  the  gi-eat council  of  the  kingdom  in  all  the  European states;  the  result  of  such  amalgamation  being to  merge  ecclesiastical  councils  to  some  extent in  civil  ones.  Their  political  position  had  also the  eflect  of  rendering  them  more  despotic,  while BISHOP  BISHOP  237 it  made  them  at  the  same  time  more  worldly. They  were  in  efl'ect  nobles,  with  tlie  additional powei's  of  a  monopoly  of  education  and  of  the sanctity  of  their  office.  See  for  this  Guizot, Hist,  de  la  Civ.  en  France,  Le^on  13. (iii.)  Under  the  Koman  emperors  it  would  seem also  that  civil  magistrates  were  placed  in  a  cer- tain sense  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishop  in respect  to  their  civil  office.  Cone.  Arel.  a.d.  314, can.  vii.,  de  Praesidibus,  "  placuit  ut  cum  pro- moti  fuerint,  literas  accipiant  ecclesiasticas  com- municatorias  :  ita  tamen  ut  in  quibuscunque  '  general  question  of  the  legality  of  oaths  at  all  to locis  gesserint,  ab  episcopo  ejusdem  loci  cura  de  \  any  Christian.  And  this  privilege  was  repeated illis  agatur  :  ut  cum  caeperint  contra  disciplinam  I  by  the  Lombard  laws  (L.  ii.  tit.  51,  and  L.  iii.  tit. publioaxn  agere,  tum  demum  a  communione  ex-  1),  and  is  traceable  in  the  Capit.  of  Charlemagne cludautur  :  similiter  et  de  his  qui  rempublicam  ;  (ii.  38,   iii.  42,  v.  197).     But  oaths  of  fidelity and  King  Aidan)  only  from  about  Carlovingian times ;  in  the  East,  however,  from  the  empei-or Theodosius,  a.d.  408  (see  Maskell's  Dissert,  in 3Ion.  Eit.  iii.,  and  a  list  in  Morinus,  de  Sac, Ordin.  ii.  243 ;  and  Coronation,  Unction). (vi.)  Bishops  were  further  exempted  from  being sworn  in  a  court  of  justice,  from  Cone.  Clialced. (a.d.  451,  Act.  xi.);  confirmed  by  Marcian  and by  Justinian  {Cod.  .i.  tit.  iii.  de  Episc.  et  Cler. 1.  7,  and  Novell,  cxxiii.  7) ;  the  privilege,  however, being  mixed  up  in  the  first  instance  with  the agere  volunt  "  (l.abfae,  i.  1427).  And  so  Socrates (vii.  13),  writing  of  St.  Cyril  of  Alexandria  and Orestes  the  Praefectus  Augustalis  of  Egypt.  The episcopal  power  of  excommunication  seemed  to afford  a  ground  for  this  authority.  And  so  St. Gregory  of  Nazianzum  declares  to  the  AvvdffTai Koi  "Apxci'Tes,  that  6  rov  Xpiarov  v6fxos  vwot'l- 8r]mv  vjxas  ttJ  i/j-rj  SwaaTsia  Kul  rcf  ejuoj  p-q/nari, K  T.A.  {Orat.  xvii.).  In  Spain,  at  a  later  period. Cone.  Told.  III.  A.D.  589,  can.  xviii.,  describes the  bishops  as  "  prospeetores  qualiter  judices cum  populo  agant ,"  an  enactment  I'epeated  by to  the  king  were  imposed  upon  bishops  by  Char- lemagne (see  above).  It  was  extended  to  presby- ters also  in  so-called  Egbert's  Uxcerpts,  xix.  (9th century),  and  by  the  provincial  Council  of  Fribur (near  Mayence,  A.D.  895,  can.  xxi.)  :  as  it  was always,  by  both  law  and  canon,  in  the  East,  ace. to  Photius  in  Nomocan.  tit.  ix.  c.  27,  and  Bal- samon,  ib.  Bishops  indeed  had  the  privilege  of not  being  summoned  to  a  court  to  give  evidence at  all,  from  at  least  Justinian's  time  (as  above)  ; possibly  from  that  of  Theodosius  {Cod.  lib.  xi.  tit. xxxix.  de  Fide  Testium,  1.  8)  ;  but  the  latter  law Cone.  Tolet.  IV.  a.d.  633,  can.  xxxii.    And  a  con-  I  is  taken  to  mean  only  that  a  clergyman  chosen stitution  of  Lothaire's  in  France,  about  A.D.  559,  1  to  act  as  arbiter  could  not  be  compelled  to  give enacts,  in  case  of  an  unjust  decision  by  the  civil judge,  that,  in  the  absence  of  the  king,  "  ab  epi- scopis    castigetur"   (Labbe,  v.  828).     And  this seems  to  have  been  based  upon  Justinian's  Code (I.  iv.  26),  and  upon  Novell,   viii.  9,   Ixxxvi.  1 and  4,  cxxviii.   23  (see  Gieseler,   ii.   118,  119, Eng.  tr.) (iv.)  The  more  special  office  of  protecting  mi- nors, widows,  orphans,  prisoners,  insane  people, foundlings,  in  a  word  all  that  were  distressed and  helpless,  was  also  assigned  to  bishops  ;  at first,  as  a  natural  adjunci  to  their  office  (see, e.  g.  Cone.  Sardic.  A.D.  347,  can.  vii. ;  St.  Jerome, ad  Gerunt.  [of  a  widow  protected  "  Ecclesiae praesidio"]  ;  St.  Ambros.  de  Offie.  ii.  29  ;  St.  Aug. Epist.  252  al.  217,  and  Serm.  176,  §  2);  after- wards by  express  law  {Cod.  tit.  i.  c.  iv.  de  Epise. Audientia,  ii.  22,  24,  27,  28,  30,  38) ;  repeated further  on  by  Gallic  councils  {Aurelian.  V.  A.D. 549,  can.  xx. ;  Turon.  II.  a.d.  567,  can.  xxix.  ; Matise.  II.  A.D.  585,  can.  xiv. ;  Francof.  A.D.  794, can.  xl. ;  Arelat.  VI.  a.d.  813,  can.  xvii.) ;  and  by Spanish  ones  {Tolet.  III.  A.D.  589,  can.  xviii.); and  referred  to  in  Italy  in  the  letters  of  Gregory the  Great  frecjuently.  The  manumission  of  slaves belonging  to  the  Church  (e.  g.  Cone.  Agath.  a.d. 506,  can.  vii.),  and  the  protection  of  freedmen  {ih. can.  xxix.,  and  Cone.  Aurelian.  V.  a.d.  549,  can. vii.  &c.),  were  also  permitted  and  assigned  to bishops ;  and  this  not  only  in  Gaul  but  else- where (see  Thomassin,  II.  iii.  87,  sq.).  And the  manumission  of  slaves  generallj"^  was  often made  in  their  presence  (e.  g.  in  Wales  and England,  Counc.  I.  206,  676,  686,  Haddan  and Stubbs),  and  was  furthered  by  their  influence. (v.)  The  practice  of  anointing  kings  a't  their coronation,  and  the  belief  which  grew  up  that the  right  to  the  crown  depended  upon,  or  was conveyed  by,  the  episcopal  unction,  added  further power  to  the  bishops.  But  this  began  in  the  West (if  we  except  the  allusion  in  Gildas  to  the  prac- tice, and  the  well-known  case  of  St.  Columba account  of  his  decision  to  a  civil  tribunal  (s Bingh.  V.  ii.  1).  The  value  of  a  bishop's  evidence, and  that  not  on  oath,  was  also  estimated,  accord- ing to  a  very  suspicious  law  assigned  to  Theodosius {Cod.  xvi.  tit.  xii.  de  Episc.  Audient.  1.  1),  as  to be  taken  against  all  other  evidence  whatever; and  certainly  was  ranked  by  Anglo-^axon  laws (Wihtred's  Booms  xvi.)  with  the  king's,  as "  incontrovertible."  See  also  Egbert's  Dialogus, Eesp.  i. ;  and  a  fair  account  of  "  compurgation," as  required  or  not  required  of  the  clergy,  in H.  C.  Lea's  Superstition  and  Force,  pp.  30,  sq. Philadelphia,  1870.  Gregory  of  Tours,  when accused,  condescended,  "  regis  causa  "  and  "  licet canonibus  contraria,"  to  exculpate  himself  by three  solemn  denials  at  three  several  altars ; although  it  was  held  superfluous  for  him  to  do this,  because  "  non  potest  persona  inferior " [which  was  the  case  here]  "  super  sacerdotem credi."  Cone.  Meld.  a.d.  845,  can.  xxxvii.  forbids bishops  to  swear.  And  the  Capit.  of  Carolus Calvus,  A.D.  858  {Cone.  Carisiac.  c.  xv.)  is  ex- press in  forbidding  episcopal  oaths  upon  secular matters,  or  in  anything  but  a  case  of  "  scan- dalum  Ecclesiae  suae."  The  office  of  Advocatus Ecclesiae,  among  other  things,  was  connected with  this  inability  to  be  sworn.  See  also  H.  C. Lea,  as  above. (vii.)  Bishops  had  also  a  privilege  of  intercession for  criminals  in  capital  or  serious  criminal  cases ; which  the  Council  of  Sardica  regards  as  a  duty on  their  part  calling  for  frequent  exercise  : 'ETrei  iroWaKls  crvfi^aivn  Tivas  .  .  .  KaTacpuyflf iirl  r^v  ^EKK\7](rlau  .  .  ,  rols  towvtois  ^t/  apvy)- riav  flvat  tt)v  I3nri6etav,  aAAa  xcofils  HfWr^fffiov, ic.T.X.  (can.  vii.,  transportation  and  banishment to  an  island  being  the  penalties  named).  As an  office  naturally  as  well  as  legally  attached  to the  episcopate,  such  intercession  is  mentioned  by St.  Ambrose,  by  St.  Augustin  (interceding  for the  Circumcellions,  Epist.  clviii.  and  dx.),  by St.  Jerome  {ad  Nepot.,  Epist.  xxxiv.),  by.Socrates 238 BISHOP (v.  14,  vii.  17).  It  did  not  extend  to  pecuniary causes,  on  the  ground  that  in  these  to  help  the one  side  would  be  to  injure  the  other  (St.  Anibros. dc  Offic.  iii.  9).  It  is  mentioned  later  still  by Sulp.  Severus,  Dial.  iii.  of  St.  Martin,  by  En- nodius  of  St.  Epiphanius  of  Ticinum,  &c.  Restric- tions, however,  are  placed  upon  the  (admitted) right  by  Cod.  Thcod.  (IX.  tit.  xl.  cc.  16,  17), renewed"  by  Justinian  (I.  tit.  i,v.  De  Episc.  Audient. 1.  6),  and  again  by  Theodoric  in  Italy  {Edict,  c. 114):  free  access  being  given  nevertheless  to bishops  to  enter  prisons  with  a  view  to  such "  interventiones  "  (Append.  Cod.  Theod.  c.  xiii.). And  Charlemagne  gives  authority  to  bishops  to obtain  pardon  for  criminals  from  the  secular judges  at  the  three  great  festivals  (Cnpit.  vi.  106). A  series  of  councils,  mostly  in  Gaul,  had  put limits,  before  Charlemagne,  to  the  Church's  right of  protecting  criminals.  See  Chuech,  Sanc- tuary. (viii.)  A  bishop's  character,  life,  and  property, were  also  placed  under  special  legal  protection  : (1.)  By  the  canons,  rejecting  the  evidence  of  a heretic  altogether,  and  requiring  more  than  one Christian  lay  witness,  against  a  bishop  {Apost. Can.  Ixxiv.) ;  or  again,  rejecting  in  such  case  the evidence  of  one  known  to  be  guilty  of  crime (Cone.  Carth.  II.  A.D.  390,  can.  vi.);  or  of  one, cleric  or  lay,  without  previous  enquiry  into  the character  of  the  witness  himself  (Cone.  CImIc. A.D.  451,  can.  xxi.) ;  which  provisions  occur  also in  Cone.  Co-astantin.  (A.D.  .381,  can.  vi.),  with  the qualification  that  they  do  not  apply  to  suits against  a  bishop  touching  pecuniary  matters, but  only  to  ecclesiastical  cases.  (2.)  By  the  canons which  excommunicate  any  one  proved  to  have felsely  accused  a  bishop  (Apost.  Can.  xlvii.) ; e.ttended  also  to  priests  and  deacons  by  Cone. Eliherit.  A.D.  305,  can.  Ixxv.  Under  the  Ger- manic states  this  protection  was  carried  still further  (see,  e.  g.  for  Anglo-Saxon  laws,  Thorpe's index,  vol.  i. ;  and  'across  the  Channel,  Leg.  Ala- niann.  cc.  x.  xii. ;  Leg.  Longob.  I.  ix.  27  ;  Leg. Baimar.  i.  11 ;  and  Capit.  Carol,  et  Ludov.  lib.  vi. cc.  98,  127 ;  vii.  c.  362 ;  and  Capit.  Ludov.  Add. iv.  c.  3):  provisions  suggested  by  Justinian's, legislation  of  a  like  kind.  ' How  far  bishops  were  exempt,  with  other clergy,  from  civil  jurisdiction,  see  under  Clergy. Justinian  gave  to  bishops  the  special  privilege, that  they  could  not  be  brought  before  the  civil magistrate  for  any  cause,  pecuniary  or  criminal, without  the  emperor's  special  order  (^Novell. cxxiii.  1.  8). (ix.)  For  the  legal  force  attached  to  the  decrees oi  (episcopal)  synods,  see  under  Council,  Synod. (x.)  In  addition  however  to  privileges  thus accorded  to  bishops  by  the  State,  their  office  as bishops  entailed  upon  them  also  certain  restric- tions and  burdens,  partly  in  common  with  clergy generally  (for  which  see  Clergy,  Presbyters, &c.),  partly  peculiar  to  themselves,  or  belonging to  them  more  especially  than  to  the  clergy  of lower  rank.  As  (1)  in  the  disposal  of  their  pro- lierty  by  will  :  wherein,  in  the  case  of  any  lands acquired  by  them  after  ordination,  they  were  re- quired to  leave  such  lands  to  the  Church  (Cone Carth.  III.  A.D.  397,  can.  xlix.),  and  could  only dispose  of  such  as  had  come  to  them  by  inheritance or  by  gift,  or  such  as  they  had  possessed  before ordination.  And  even  those  they  could  not  leave save  to  their  kinsfolk,  nor  to  them  if  they  were BISHOP heretics  oi-  heathens,  but  were  bound  to  leave them  by  will  to  the  Church  in  such  case  (Can. Ecd.  Afrie.  48).  Justinian  also  allows  bishops to  leave  nothing  by  will  except  what  they  pos- sessed before  being  ordained  bishops,  or  what might  have  accrued  to  them  since  that  time  by inheritance  from  kinsmen  up  to  the  4th  degree and  no  further;  all  else  to  go  to  the  Church,  or to  works  of  piety  (Cod.  I.  de  Epise.  et  Gler. 1.  33) :  the  goods  of  a  bishop  dying  intestate  to go  wholly  to  the  Church  (ib.).  And  Gregory  the Great  acts  upon  a  like  rule.  And  in  Gaul,  Cone. Agath.  A.D.  506,  can.  vi.,  Epaon.  A.D.  617,  can. xvii.,  Paris.  III.  A.D.  657,  can.  ii.,  Lugdun.  II. A.D.  567,  can.  ii.,  contain  various  enactments founded  on  like  principles,  although  not  quite  so rigorous.  So  likewise  Spanish  councils  from Cone.  Tnrracon.  A.D.  516,  can.  xii..  Cone.  Valent. A.D.  524,  can.  ii.  iii.,  onwards  ;  carefully  guard- ing the  right  of  the  Church  to  all  church  goods (especially,  it  must  be  owned,  in  the  matter  of limiting  the  manumission  of  slaves  belonging  to the  Church),  while  leaving  the  bishop's  property, otherwise  acquired,  to  his  heirs.  And  all  these enactments  were  backed  by  a  strong  feeling  in favour  of  the  principle,  that  a  clergyman,  and especially  a  bishop,  should  have  no  private  wealth, but  should  give  up  all  to  the  Church  and  the poor  :  see  e.  g.  Possidius'  Life  of  St.  Augustin.  He was  to  have  "  vilem  supellectilem  et  mensam ac  victum  pauperem,"  ace.  to  Cone.  Carthag.  IV. A.D.  398,  can.  xv.  Nor  was  he  to  become  exe- cutor under  a  will  (ib.  xviii.),  or  to  go  to  law "  pro  rebus  transitoriis  "  (ib.  xix.).  But  see  for this  under  Clergy,  Poverty.  The  requirement of  the  royal  consent  to  a  bishop's  will  in  England in  Norman  times  arose  from  a  totally  different source,  viz.  the  king's  right  to  the  temjioralties during  vacancy,  and  the  regarding  the  bishopric as  a  fee  in  the  feudal  sense.  See  also  the  parallel case  of  abbats,  under  Abbat.  (2.)  Ace.  to  Cone. Carthag.  A.D.  398,  can.  xvi.,  a  bishop  was  not  to read  "  gentilium  libros,  haereticorum  autem  pro necessitate  et  tempore."  But  see,  for  the  fluc- tuations of  the  dispute  respecting  classical  study and  the  reading  of  Pagan  writers,  Thomassin,  II. i.  92.  (3.)  For  prohibitions  about  hunting  and hawking,,  and  social  matters  generally,  see Clergy.  (4.)  Under  the  Frank  kings  also,  and notably  under  Charlemagne  and  his  successoi-s, bishops,  who  with  the  other  clergy  enjoyed  large exemptions  under  the  Roman  empire  (see  Clergy), became  liable  to  certain  duties,  arising  from  theii wealth  and  position,  and  gradually  assuming  large proportions  as  the  feudal  system  grew  up  :  as, e.  g.  annual  gifts  to  the  crown,  the  entertainment of  the  king  and  his  officers  on  progress  (jus  gisti, jus  metatus,  &c.,  see  Du  Cange  sub  voeibus,  and Thomassin,  III.  i.  38,  sq.),  the  finding  soldiers  for the  emperor's  service,  &c.  &e.  But  feudal  dues belong  to  a  later  date.  Clerg_v  had  been  espe- cially exempted  from  the  "  jus  metatus  "  under the  Roman  emperors. (xi.)  We  may  also  mention  here  the  custom of  educating  boys  in  the  bishop's  house  for  the ministry  (see  Possid.  in  V.  S.  Aug.,  and  Sozom. vi.  31,  speaking  respectively  of  Africa  and  of Egypt);  and  Cone.  Tolet.  II.  a.d.  531,  can.  i. and  ii.,  and  IV.  A.D.  633,  can.  xxiv.  (regulating the  practice  in  Spain)  ;  and  Cone.  Turon.  V.  A.D. 567,  can.  xii.  for  Gaul).  See  Thomassin,  III.  i. 92-97. BISHOP III.  (3.)  From  the  office,  we  pass  to  the  no\0- RARY  PRIVILKGES  and  rank  of  a  bishop  ;  of  wliom in  general  the  Apost.  Constit.  (ii,  84-)  declare, that  men  ought  rhv  iiriaKoirov  (rr^pyeiv  a>s  ira- repa,  tpo^elcrOai  ws  ^aaiKla.,  rt/xav  ws  icvpiof. But  no  doubt  many  of  such  privileges  belong to  Byzantine  times,  and  date  no  earlier  than  the 3rd  or  4th  centuries  at  the  earliest.    And  here — (i.)  Of  the  modes  of  salutation  practised  to- wards him  from  the  4th  century  onwards.     As, 1.  bowing  the  head  to  receive  his  blessing — iiiro- K\iveiv  Ki<pa\riv — inclinare  caput :  see  Bingh. II.  ix.  1,  and  Vales,  in  Theodoret.  iv.  6,  from St.  Hilary,  St.  Chrysostom,  St.  Ambrose,  &c. speaking  of  bishops  only  ;  and  a  law  of  Honorius and  Valentinian,  speaking  of  bishops  as  those "  quibus  omnis  terra  caput  inclinat."  2.  Kiss- ing his  hand — manus  osculari  (Bingh.  ib.  2, quoting  Savaro  on  Sidon.  Apollin.  Epist.  viii.  11). 3.  Kissing  the  feet  also  —  pedes  deosculari — ap- pears by  St.  Jerome,  Epist.  Ixi.  (speaking  of  a bishop  of  Constantina  in  Cyprus  ;  and  see  Casau- bon,  Excrcit.  xiv.  §  4),  to  have  been  at  one  time  a mai'k  of  respect  common  to  all  bishops ;  being borrowed  indeed  from  a  like  custom  practised towards  the  Eastern  emperors.  The  deacon  is  to kiss  the  bishop's  feet  before  reading  the  Gospel, ace.  to  the  Ordo  Bomanus.  It  was  restricted to  the  Pope   as  regards  kings,  by  Gregory  VII. 4.  The  forms  of  address,  and  the  titles  and  epithets, applied  to  bishops,  have  been  mentioned  already. (ii.)  The  insignia  of  a  bishop  were, — 1.  the mitre;  seemingly  alluded  to  by  Eusebius,  x.  4, as  -rhv  ovpdviov  ttjs  5d|?js  anc^avov,  and  cer- tainly mentioned  by  Greg.  Naz.  Orat.  v.  under the  name  of  KiSapis,  and  by  Ammian.  Marcell. lib.  xxix.  under  that  of  "  corona  sacerdotalis," yet  not  occurring  in  Pontificals  in  the  West  until after  the  10th  century  (Menardus,  in  Du  Cange), and  not  reckoned  among  the  "  episcopalia  "  even in  A.D.  633  (see  above) ;  while  in  the  East, Symeon  of  Thessalonica  tells  us  that  all  bishops officiated  with  bare  heads  except  the  bishop  of Alexandria,  who  did  then  wear  a  KtSapis;  and the  homily  attributed  to  St.  Chrysostom,  de  Uno Leijislat.  (0pp.  vi.  410,  Montf.),  implies  that  there was  then  no  riapa  or  Kopv^dfTiov  appropriated to  bishops  at  their  consecration.  The  "  aurea lamina,"  however,  attributed  to  St.  John  by St.  Jerome  {de  Scriptf.  EccL),  and  by  Eusebius (jTiTaXov,  iii.  31,  v.  24)  on  the  authority  of  Poly- crates, — and  again  by  Epiphanius  (Ifaer.  xxix.), on  that  of  Eusebius  and  Clement  of  Alexandria, to  St.  James  of  Jerusalem, — seem  to  favour  the supposition  that  some  kind  of  mitre  soon  became usual.    See  Maskell,  Mon.  Hit.  iii.  274.    [Mitre.] 2.  The  ring,  peculiar  to  the  West,  and  alludecl to  by  Optatus  (lib.  i.) :  see  above,  and  under Ring.  3.  The  staff,  belonging  apparently  to patriarchs  in  the  Pkst  (so  Balsamon),  and  of  a shape  to  supply  the  ordinary  uses  of  a  staff", viz.  to  lean  upon  ;  in  the  West',  growing  by  Car- lovingian  times  into  a  sceptre  of  some  seven feet  long,   occasionally  of  gold  (see  the  Monach. 5.  Gall.  i.  19,  quoted  by  Thomassin,  I.  ii.  58) ;  so that  instead  of  golden  bishops  carrying  wooden staves,  there  had  come  to  be  (ace.  to  a  saying quoted  by  Thomassin)  wooden  bishops  carrying golden  ones.  See  Staff.  Tlie  two  last  named, the  ring  and  the  staff,  were  so  far  the  charac- teristic insignia  of  a  bishop  before  the  time of  Charlemagne   as  to  become   the   symbols  by BISHOP 239 which  bishoprics  were  given  (see  above).  And they  are  recognized  as  such  A.D.  633  in  Spain, in  conjunction  with  yet  another,  viz.,  4.  the orarium :  for  which  see  Orarium.  5.  A  cross borne  before  him  was  peculiar  in  the  East  to  a patriarch;  in  the  West  it  does  not  occur  until the  10th  century,  unless  in  such  exceptional cases  as  that  of  the  first  entry  of  St.  Augustiu into  Canterbury,  A.D.  596  :  the  cross  of  gold  men- tioned by  Alcuin  as  carried  about  with  him  by Willibrord  being  apparently  only  a  pectoral  cross. See  Cross.  6.  The  tonsure,  when  general  rules about  modestly  cut  hair,  &c.,  settled  into  formal rule  about  the  6th  century,  was  not  peculiar  in any  special  form  to  bishops  :  see  TONSURE.  Nor yet,  7.  was  there  apparently  any  special  dress for  bishops  apart  from  solemn  occasions  and  in ordinary  life,  during  the  period  with  which  this article  is  concerned  :  as  appears,  among  other evidence,  by  the  rebukes  addressed  by  popes  to the  Gallic  bishops  of  the  5th  century  onwards, who,  being  monks  before  they  were  bishops, retained  their  monastic  habit  as  bishops  (see  at length  Thomassin,  I.  ii.  43,  sq.).  For  the  vest- ments used  during  divine  service,  see  Vestments, (iii.)  Singing  hosannas  before  a  bishop  on  his arrival  anywhere,  is  mentioned  only  to  be  con- demned by  St.  Jerome  (in  Matt.  xxi.  0pp.  vii. 174  b).  But  see  Vales,  ad  Euseb.  H.  E.  ii.  23 ; and  Augusti,  Denkwiird.  aus  der  Christ!.  Archaeol. V.  218. (iv.)  The  form  of  addressing  a  bishop  by  the phrase  corona  tua  or  vestra,  and  of  adjuring  him per  coronam,  frequent  in  St.  Jerome,  St.  Augus- tin,  Sidon.  Apollin.,  Ennodius,  has  been  explained as  referring  to  the  mitre,  to  the  tonsure,  or  to the  corona  or  consessus  of  the  bishop's  presbyters. The  personal  nature  of  the  appellation  appears  to exclude  the  last  of  these.  Its  being  peculiar  to bishops  is  against  the  second.  While  the  objec- tion taken  by  Bingham  against  the  first,  viz. that  bishops  did  not  wear  mitres  at  the  period when  the  phrase  came  into  use,  seems  scarcely founded  on  fact.  And  the  bishop's  head-covering was  also  certainly  called  "  corona,"  as  by  Am- mianus  Marcellinus.  At  the  same  time,  the phrase  after  all  possibly  means  nothing  more definite  than  '•  your  beatitude,"  or  "  your  high- ness." (v.)  The  bishop's  throne — Qpovos,  BpSvos  aro- <Tro\iK6s — or  (after  the  name  of  the  founder  of the  see)  6  MdpKov  Qpovos,  for  Alexandria,  &c. — ^rjfia — 6p6vos  v\f/ri\6s,  in  contradistinction  to  the "  second  throne  "  of  the  presbyters — "  linteata sedes"  (Pacian.  ad  Sempron.  ii.) — "  cathedra  ve- lata  "  (St.  Aug.  Epist.  cciii). — Qpovos  icTToXicTfjievos iwiffKoirtKies  (St.  Athan.  Apolog.) — was  also  a  mark of  his  dignity.  The  Council  of  Antioch,  A.D.  364, condemns  Paul  of  Samosata  for  erecting  a  very splendid  throne,  like  a  magistrate's  tribunal (Euseb.  H.  E.  vii.  30).  See  also  above  in  this  ar- ticle under  Enthronization.  By  Gone.  Carthag.  IV. A.D.  398,  canons  xxxiv.  xxxv.,  a  bishop  is  enjoined that,  as  a  rule  of  courtesy,  "  quolibet  loco  sedens, .stare  presbyterum  non  patiatur;"  and  that  al- though "  in  Ecclesia  et  in  consessu  presbyterorum sublimior  sedeat,  intra  domum  .  .  .  collegam  se presbyterorum  esse  cognoscat."  During  prayers, according  to  the  Arabic  version  of  the  Nicene canons  (Ixii.),  the  bishop's  place  in  church  was "  in  fronte  templi  ad  medium  altaris  "  (Labbe, ii.  334). 240 BISHOP (vi.)  If  we  are  to  take  the  pretended  letter of  Pope,  Lucius  (Labbe,  i.  721)  to  be  worth  any- thing as  evidence  in  relation  to  later  times,  the bishop  of  Rome  was  habitually  attended  by  two presbyters  or  three  deacons,  in  order  to  avoid scandal. IV.  (1.)  The  relation  of  bishops  to  each  other was  as  of  an  essentially  equal  office,  however  dif- ferenced individuals  might  be  in  point  of  in- fluence, (Sic,  by  personal  qualifications  or  by  the relative  importance  of  their  sees.  St.  Cyprian's view  of  the  "  unus  episcopatus" — the  one  cor- poration of  which  all  bishops  are  equal  mem- bers— is  much  the  same  with  St.  Jerome's  well- known  declaration  (Ad  Evangel.  Epist.  ci.),  that "  ubicunque  fuerit  episcopus,  sive  Romae  sive Eugubii,  ....  ejusdem  meriti,  ejusdem  est  et sacerdotii."  And  a  like  principle  is  implied  in the  Utterae  communicatoriae  or  synodicae, — a-vy- ypdfi/iara  KoivaviKo.,  sometimes  called  Utterae  en- thronisticae,  avWa^al  ivdpovicrTiKal, — by  which each  bishop  communicated  his  own  consecration to  his  see  to  foreign  bishojis  as  to  his  equals (Bingh.  II.  xi.  10).  The  order  of  precedence among  them  was  determined  by  the  date  of  con- secration (see,  e.  g.  the  Cod.  Can.  Eccl.  Afric. Ixxxvi.,  Cone.  Bracar.  II.  A.D.  563,  can.  vi.,  and Tolet.  IV.  A.D.  633,  can.  iv.,  and  Bracar.  IV. A.D.  675,  can.  iv. ;  and  the  English  Council  of Hertford,  A.D.  673,  can.  viii. ;  and  Justinian's Cod.  I.  tit.  iv.  1.  29 ;  and  above  under  I.  3.  5). But— (2.)  This  equality  was  gradually  undermined by  the  institution  of  metropolitans,  archbishops, primates,  exarchs,  patriarchs,  pope :  for  each  of whom  see  the  several  articles. (3.)  However,  apart  from  this,  there  came  to  be special  distinctions  in  particular  Churches  :  as, e.  g.  in  Mauritania  and  Numidia  the  senior bishop  was  "  primus  ;"  but  in  Africa  proper,  the bishop  of  Carthage  (Bingh.  II.  svi.  6,  7) ;  and  in Alexandria  the  bishop  had  special  powers  in  the ordinations  of  the  suffragan  sees:  for  which see  Alexandria,  (Patriarchate  of),  p.  48 ;  Me- tropolitan. (4.)  The  successive  setting  up  of  metropolitans and  of  patriarchs  gave  rise  to  exceptional  cases [AuTOKe'(|)aAoi]  :  all  bishops  whatever  having  been really  ainoKf<pa.\ui,  i.e.  independent  (save  sub- jection to  the  synod),  before  the  setting  up  of metropolitans,  and  all  metropolitans  before  the establishment  of  patriarchs  :  see  Bingh.  11.  xviii. [Autocephali,  Metropolitans,  Patriarchs.1 Whether  there  continued  to  be  any  bishop  any- where, avToicicfiaKos  in  such  sense  as  to  have neither  patriarch  nor  metropolitan  nor  compro- vincial bishops,  appears  doubtful :  o.ud  such  a case  could  only  occur,  either  in  a  country  where there  was  but  one  bishop  (as  in  Scythia  in the  5th  century),  or  as  a  temporary  state  of things  in  a  newly  converted  country  :  see  Bingh. (5.)  For  Chorepiscopi,  in  contradistinction  from whom  we  find  in  Frank  times  Episcopi  Cathe- drales  (Du  Cange),  6.  for  Suffragans,  7.  for  Co- adjutors, 8.  for  Intercessores  and  Tnterventores, and,.  9.  for  Commemiatarii,  see  under  the  several titles. V.  There  remain  some  anomalous  cases;  as, (1.)  Episcopi  vacantes,  orxoKaioi,  axoXdCovres. VIZ.  bishops  who  by  no  fault  were  without  a see,  but  who  degenerated   sometimes   into  cpi- BISHOP scopi  vagi  or  ambulantes,  a,ir6\i5fs,  or  fiaKavrlfioi (BaffKCLVTi^oi,  in  Synes.  Epist.  67),  vacantivi ; and  among  whom  in  Carlovingian  times,  and in  northern  France,  "  Scoti "  enjoyed  a  bad pre-eminence.  Bishops  indeed  without  sees, either  for  missionary  purposes  to  the  heathen,  or merely  rifx-ris  eveKey  (Sozom.  vi.  34,  ov  TrdAeois Tivos),  existed  from  the  time  of  the  Council  of Antioch,  A.D.  341,  can.  xix.  ;  and  see  Apost.  Can. xxxvi.,  But  "Episcopi  vagi,  vagantes,  ambulantes, qui  parochiam  non  habent,"  are  condemned  by Cone.  Vermer.  A.D.  752  or  753,  can.  xiv.,  and Cone.  Vernens.  or  Vernovens.  A.D.  755,  can.  xiii., Cmic.  Caleh.  A.D.  816,  can.  v.,  and  Cone.  Meld. A.D.  845,  can.  x. ;  and  the  "  Scoti,  qui  se  dicunt ejjiscopos  esse,"  by  Cone.  Cahillon.  II.  A.D.  813, can.  xliii.  Compare  the  case  of  the  early  Welsh and  Irish  (Scotch)  chui'ches  for  honorary  bishops, and  again  for  the  custom  of  dioceseless  bishops. "  Episeopi  portatiles "  is  a  very  late  name  for them  (Cone.  Lugd.  A.D.  1449). (2.)  For  the  hishop-ahhats  or  bishop-monks,  prin- cipally of  Celtic  monasteries,  but  also  in  some Continental  ones,  the  former  having  no  see  except their  monastery  (see  Abbat),  the  latter  being simply  members  of  the  fraternity  in  episcopal orders,  but  (anomalously)  under  the  jurisdiction  of their  abbat,  and  performing  episcopal  offices  for  the monastery  and  its  dependent  district :  see  Todd's St.  Patrick ;  Reeves'  edition  of  Adamnan's  Life  of St.  Coluinba ;  Mabillon,  Annal.  Bened. ;  Martene and  Durand,  Thes.  Nov.  Anecd.  vol.  i.  Pref  Five bishops  of  this  class — "  episcopus  de  monasterio S.  Mauricii,  &c.  &c. —  were  at  Cone.  Attiniac. A.D.  765. (3.)  Episcopus  or  Antistes  Palatii,  was  an  epi- scopal counsellor  residing  in  the  palace  in  the  time of  the  Carlovingians,  by  special  leave  (see  above, III.  1,  a.  XV.).  For  the  court  clergy,  whether under  the  Roman  emjjerors  from  Constantine,  or under  the  Franks,  see  Thomassin,  II.  iii.  589, and  Neander,  Ch.  Hist.  vol.  v.  pp.  144,  sq.  Eng. transl. (4.)  For  Episcopus  CardinaUs,  which  in  St.  Gre- gory the  Great  means  simply  "  proprius,"  i.  e.  the duly  installed  (and  "incardinated")  bishop  of  the place,  see  Du  Cange,  and  under  Cardinalis. (5.)  Episcopus  Begionarius,  i.  e.  without  a  spe- cial diocesan  city  :  see  Regionarius. (6.)  Titular  bishops,  and  bishops  in  partibus  in- fidelium,  belong  under  these  names  to  later  times. (7.)  Episcopus  Ordinum,  in  Frank  times,  was  an occasional  name  for  a  coadjutor  bishop  to  assist in  conferring  orders  (Du  Cange). (8.)  For  the  special  and  singular  name  of  Libra, applied  to  the  suffragans  of  the  see  of  Rome,  see Libra. (9.)  For  lay  holders  of  bishoprics,  see  Commen- DATORS. (10.)  And,  lastly,  it  almost  needs  an  apology to  mention  such  mockeries  as  Episcopi  Fatuorum —  Linoeentium — Pueroi-um;  all  too  of  later date  :  for  which  see  Du  Cange. (Bingham  ;  Thomassin,  Vet.  et  Nov.  Eccl.  Dis- cipl. ;  Du  Pin,  de  Antiqua  Eccles.  Disciplina Dissert. ;  Morinus,  de  Ordinibus ;  Van  Espen, Jus  Eccl.  Univ. ;  De  Marca,  de  Cone.  Eccl.  et  Lnp., and  de  Primatu  Dissert,  ed.  Baluz. :  Martene, de  Sacris  Ordinationibus ;  Cave,  Dissert,  on  Anc. Ch.  Government ;  Brerewood,  Patriarch.  Gov.  of the  Church  ;  Bishop  Potter,  Disc,  on  Ch.  Govern- ment ;  Greenwood,  Catliedra  Petri.)    [A.  W,  H.] BISOMUS BISOMUS,  a  sepulchre  capable  of  containing two  bodies  (jrcafiaTa).  The  word  is  found  in inscriptions  in  Christian  cemeteries  at  Rome  and elsewhere,  as  in  one  found  in  the  cemetery  of Callixtus,  near  Rome  :  "  Bonifacius,  qui  vixit  annis xxiii.  et  ii.  (mens)es,  positus  in  bisomum  in  pace, sibi  et  patr.  suo."  [A.  N.] BISSEXTILE.    [Chronology.] BITERRENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Beziers, Council  of.] BITURICENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Bourges, Council  of.] BLANDINA,  martyr  at  Lyons  under  M. Aurelius ;  commemorated  June  2  (^Mart.  Rom. Vet:).  [C] BLASIUS,  or  BLAVIUS  (St.  Blaise), bishop,  martyr  at  Sebaste  (circ.  320) ;  comme- morated Feb.  15  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.);  Feb.  11 (Cal.  Byzant.);  Jan.  15  (Cal.  Armen.).         [C] BLASPHEMY:  lit.  "defamation,"  and  to blaspheme,  ^xd-rrTeiu  tV  ^VM^,  "  to  hurt  the reputation  :  to  reproach  or  speak  injuriously  of another;"  which  is  the  meaning  of  both  words in  Plato,  Demosthenes,  Isocrates,  and  other  sub- sequent writers,  where  they  occur :  particularly the  LXX.  translators  of  "the  Old  Testament. Accordingly,  when  the  Proconsul  bade  St.  Poly- carp  revile  Christ,  the  answer  was,  "  How  can  I blaspheme  " — that  is,  speak  evil  of — "  the  King who  has  saved  me  ?  "  (Euseb.  U.  If.  iv.  15).  By the  writers  of  the  New  Testament  this  word would  seem  appropriated  to  any  wickedness  said or  done  against  God,  especially  where  used  with- out adjuncts,  as  the  Jews  said  of  our  Lord, "  This  man  blasphemeth "  (Matt.  ix.  3),  and St.  Paul  of  his  own  doings  at  one  time,  "  I  com- pelled them  to  blaspheme"  (Acts  xxvi.  11)  ;  and it  is  the  wilful  and  persistent  commission  of  this act  against  the  Third  Person  in  the  Godhead,  or the  Holy  Ghost,  which  is  denounced  by  our  Lord Himself  as  the  one  sin  or  blasphemy  which  is never  forgiven  (Mark  iii.  29  :  cf.  Heb.  vi.  4-7 and  1  John  v.  16),  on  which  see  Bingham  at great  length  (xvi.  7,  3  ;  cf.  Bloomfield  on  Matt, xii.  31).  He  had  previously  shewn  that  "  blas- phemy "  was  by  the  primitive  Church  placed first  of  the  sins  against  the  third  Command- ment :  for  which  reason  it  was,  doubtless,  that all  Christians  are  forbidden  by  the  15th  African canon  to  frequent  places  where  blasphemy  was used.  Very  rarely  the  word  occurs  in  a  good sense  for  salutary  chiding  or  remonstrance  :  see Liddell  and  Scott's  Lexicon  for  its  classical,  and Schleusner's  Lexicon  and  Suicer's  Thes.  for  its Scriptural  and  ecclesiastical  senses.     [E.  S.  Ff.] BLESSING.     [Benediction.] BLIND,  HEALING  OF  (in  Art).  The healing  of  the  blind  is  frequently  represented on  ancient  monuments,  perhaps  as  a  symbolical representation  of  the  opening  of  the  eye  of the  soul  wrought  by  the  power  of  the  Saviour (1  Pet.  ii.  9).  See  Bottari,  Sculture  e  Fitture, tav.  xix.  xxxii.  xxxix.  xlix.  Ixviii.  cxxxvi. ;  Millin, Midi  de  la  France,  Ixv.  5. In  most  cases  only  one  blind  man,  probably the  "  man  blind  from  his  birth  "  of  St.  John  ix.  1, is  being  healed.  He  is  generally  represented little  of  stature,  to  mark  his  inferiority  to  the Saviour  and  the  Apostles  (when  any  of  the  latter CHRIST.  ANT. BODY 241 are  introduced),  is  shod  with  sandals  and  bears a  long  staif  tc  guide  his  steps.  The  Saviour, young  and  beardless,  touches  his  eyes  with  the fore-finger  of  the  right  hand.  This  representation is  found  on  an  antique  vase  given  by  Mamachi (Origines,  v.  520),  on  an  ivory  casket  of  the fourth  or  fifth  century,  engraved'byD'Agincourt (Sculpture,  pi.  xxii.  No.  4)  ;  in  a  bas-relief  of  a tomb  of  the  Sextian  family,  in  the  museum  of Aix  in  Provence,  of  about  the  same  epoch  (France Fittoresque,  pi.  cxxxvii.)  ;  and  elsewhere. In  a  few  cases  (e.g.  Bottari,  tav.  cxxxvi.)  the blind  man  healed  appears  to  be  Bartimaeus,  from the  circumstance  that  he  has  "cast  away  his garment"  (ludTioi/,  Mark  x.  50)  before  throwing himself  at  the  feet  of  Jesus. On  a  sarcophagus  in  the  Vatican  (Bottari, xxxix.  see  woodcut)  is  a  representation  of  the healing  of  two  blind  men  ;  probably  the  two  who Healing  of  Two  Blind  Men.    From  an  ancient  Sarcophagus. were  healed  by  the  Lord  as  He  left  the  house  of Jairus  (Matt.  ix.  27-31).  Here,  too,  the  figures of  those  upon  whom  the  miracle  is  wrought  are of  small  size;  the  blind  appears  to  lead  the  blind, for  one  only  has  a  staif,  while  the  other  places his  hand  upon  his  shoulder.  The  Lord  lays  His hand  upon  the  head  of  the  figure  with  the  staff", while  another,  probably  one  of  the  Apostles, raises  his  hand,  the  fingers  arranged  after  the Latin  manner  [Benediction],  in  blessing.  (Mar- tigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chre't.)  [C] BODY,  in  the  sense  contemplated  by  St.  Paul when  he  said  of  the  Church,  "  Which  is  His body  "  (Eph.  i.  23),  meaning  Christ's,  which  is expressed  further  on,  "  For  the  edifying  of  the body  of  Christ  "  (iv.  12),  and  of  Christians  gene- rally, "  Ye  are  the  body  of  Christ,  and  members in  particular  "  (1  Cor.  xii.  27).  The  Apostle,  we know,  spoke  (Acts  xxi.  37),  as  well  as  wrote, Greek ;  but  being  a  Roman  citizen  (ih.  xxii.  27) he  probably  had  some  knowledge  of  Latin  as well :  and  it  is  to  this  circumstance,  therefore, that  we  must  ascribe  his  affixing  a  sense  to  the Greek  word  ffUfia,  long  before  appropriated  by its  Latin  equivalent  "  corpus,"  but  which  it  had never  itself  shared  hitherto.  What  Greek  ears had  always  understood  hitherto  by  (rco/aa  was  a physical  or  material  body,  organic  or  inorganic, as  the  case  might  be ;  and  occasionally  the  latter in  a  confused  mass,  as  "  bodv  of  water  "  or  "  of 242 BODY the  universe."  But  "  corpus,"  besides  these senses,  had  for  some  time  been  familiar  to  Latin ears  as  denoting  a  combination  of  living  agents  in various  relations  :  a  troop  of  soldiers,  a  guild of  artisans,  or  the  whole  body  politic ;  of  these the  second  acceptation  was  beginning  to  be stereotyped  in  law,  where  "corpora"  (corpo- rations) quickly  became  synonymous  with  what, in  classical  literature,  had  been  known  as  "  col- legia "  (colleges).  There  must  have  been  many su^h  in  existence  at  Rome  when  the  Apostle wrote ;  and  they  were  extended,  in  process  of time,  to  most  trades  and  professions.  The  gene- ral notion  attaching  to  them  was  that  of  "a number  of  persons" — the  law  said,  not  fewer than  three — "  and  the  union  which  bound  them together"  (Smith's  Diet,  of  Boman  and  Greek Antiq.  p.  255).  Tit.  1  of  B.  xiv.  of  the  Theodo- sian  Code  is  headed  "  De  Privilegiis  Corporato- rum  urbis  Romae,"  and  Tit.  14  of  B.  xi.  of  that of  Justinian  is  on  the  same  subject.  Writing from  Rome,  therefore,  where  such  "  bodies " abounded^his  own  craft  possibly,  that  of  tent- makers,  among  the  number — -what  could  be more  natural  than  for  the  Apostle  to  apply  this designation  to  the  new  brotherhood  that  was forming,  and  then  paint  it  in  glowing  colours  to his  Ephesian  converts  as  a  corporation,  whose head,  centre,  and  inspiring  principle  was  Christ  ? He  was  the  union  that  bound  it  together and  supplied  it  with  life.  So  far,  indeed,  it stood  on  a  different  footing,  and  required  to  be placed  in  a  different  category  from  all  other corporations  ;  still,  as  outwardly  it  resembled them,  might  it  not  also  be  described  in  terms which  they  had  been  beforehand  with  it  in  aj)-' propriating,  and  invested  with  a  new  idea  ? The  Apostle  authorised  this  for  all  languages  in communicating  the  adopted  sense  of  the  Latin word  to  its  Greek  equivalent.  Accordingiy  >yith us  too  the  Church  of  Christ  is  both  spbken  of and  exists  as  a  corporation.  But  though.it  has many  features  in  common  with  all  such'  bodies, it  has  essential  characteristics  of  its  own,  evi- denced in  its  history  throughout,  which' are  not shared  by  any  other.  Their  agreement,  there- fore, must  have  been  one,  not  of  identity,  but  of analogy,  to  which  the  Apostle  called  attention. And  this  is  clear  from  his  having  j-ecourse  to other  kindred  analogies  elsewhere,  to  develop  his meaning.  "The  husband,"  he  says,  "is  the head  of  the  wife,  even  as  Christ  is  the  Head  of the  Church  ;  and  He  is  the  Saviour  of  the  body." As  if  he  had  said,  "  Do  not  misunderstand  me  : the  relation  of  the  church  to  Christ  is  not  merely that  of  corporations  in  general  to  the  principle which  binds  them  together  :  it  is  closer  still.  It may  be  compared  to  the  marriage  tie,  described when  first  instituted  in  these  solemn  words : 'They  two  shall  be  one  flesh '  (Eph.  v.  23-32). Even  this  falls  short  of  my  full  meaning.  I would  have  you  'grow  up  into  Him  in  all thmgs,  which  is  the  Head,  even  Christ,  from whom  the  whole  body  fitly  joined  together  and compacted  by  that  which  every  joint  supplieth, accordmg  to  the  effectual  working  in  the  mea- sure of  every  part,  maketh  increase  of  the  body unto  the  edifying  of  itself  in  love'  (Eph.  iv. 15,  16).  Realise  the  vital  connexion  that  sub- sists between  the  head  and  members  of  each mdividual  man;  realise  the  depth  of  communion should  or  may  be  between  husband that  there BODY,  MUTILATION  OP  THE and  wife ;  realise  the  full  force  of  the  bond determining  the  character  and  cohesion  of  everv society,  or  corporate  body  :  then  from  all  these collectively,  form  your  estimate  of  the  church  of Christ.  Each  of  them  illustrates  some  feature belonging  to  it  which  is  not  so  clearly  traced  in the  others ;  therefore  none  of  them  singly  will bear  overstraining,  and  all  together  must  not be  supposed  to  exhaust  the  subject."  Unseen realities  cannot  be  measured  or  determined  by what  can  be  seen  or  felt.  "  It  is  the  description of  a  man  and  not  a  state,"  said  Aristotle  of  the Republic  of  Plato,  in  which  every  body  could  say of  every  thing,  "  it  is  my  property  "  (Po/.  ii.  1). Spiritual  union  is  neitiier  political,  nor  conjugal, nor  physical,  nor  anything  eai-thly.  It  may  be illustrated  from  such  earthly  relations,  but  it transcends  them  all ;  nor  is  it  explained  really, when  called  "  sacramental,"  further  than  that it  is  then  asserted  to  have  been  assured  to  us by  what  are  called  in  theological — not  Scriptural — language,  the  Sacraments  of  the  Church.  As Hooker  says :  "Christ  and  His  holy  Spirit  with  all their  blessed  effects,  though  entering  into  the  soul  of man  we  are-  7iot  able  to  apprehend  or  express  how, do  notwithstanding  give  notice  of  the  times  when they  use  to  make  their  access,  because  it  pleaseth Almighty  God  to  communicate  by  sensible  means those  blessings  which  are  incomprehensible " (Eccl.  Pol.  V.  57,  3).  That  is  to  say,  when  such blessings  are  communicated  through  the  Sacra- ments. Another  writer  adds  :  "  We  are  told  in plain  and  indubitable  terms  that  Baptism  and the  Lord's  Supper  are  the  means  by  which  men are  joined  to  the  Body  of  Christ,  and  therefore by  which  Christ  our  Lord  joins  Himself  to  that renewed  race  of  which  He  has  become  the  Head. .  .  .  These  facts  we  learn  from  the  express  state- ments of  St.  Paul :  '  For  by  one  Spirit  we  are all  baptized  into  one  body;'  and  again,  'We being  many  are  one  bread  and  one  body  :  for  we are  all  partakers  of  that  one  bread.'  Herein  it is  expressly  declared  that  the  one  and  the  other of  these  Sacraments  are  the  peculiar  means  by which  union  with  the  Body  of  Christ  is  bestowed upon  men.  They  are  the  'joints'  and  'bands' whereby  the  whole  body  in  its  dependence  on  its Head  has  nourishment  ministered "  (Wilber- force's  Incarn.  p.  415).  .  .  .  Body,  then,  in the  sense  predicated  by  St.  Paul  of  the  Church, stands  for  a  multitude  of  singulars,  and  not  an abstraction.  It  means  the  collection  or  aggre- gate of  Christian  souls  who,  cleansed,  quickened, and  inhabited  by  Christ,  form  one  brotherhood in  Him.  What  each  of  them  is  separately,  that all  of  them  are  collectively,  neither  more  nor less.  Numbers  cannot  affect  its  integrity.  To say  that  a  body  so  composed  is  one  is  to  say no  more  of  it  than  must,  from  the  nature  of the  case,  be  said  of  every  body  corporate  with- out exception.  The  fact  of  its  unity  resulting from  a  personal  union  of  each  of  its  members with  one  and  the  same  Person,  viz.  Him  who redeemed  them,  is  its  distinguishing  feature. "  From  the  oneness  of  His  Body  which  was slain,  results  the  oneness  of  His  body  which  is sanctified."  [E.  S.  Ff.] BODY,  MUTILATION  OF  THE.  This subject  may  be  considered  under  three  aspects  in reference  to  Church  history ;  1st,  in  respect  to its  bearing  upon  clerical  orders  ;  2nd,  as  a  crime to  be  repressed  ;  3rd,  as  a  form  of  punishment. BODY,  MUTILATION  OF  THE I.  The  Pentateuch  forbade  the  exercise  of  the priest's  office  to  any  of  the  Aaronites  who  should have  a  "  blemish,"  a  term  extending  even  to  the case  of  a  "flat  nose"  (Lev.  xxi.  17-23);  whilst injuries  to  the  organs  of  generation  excluded  even from  the  congregation  (Deut.  xxiii.  1).  The Prophets  announce  a  mitigation  of  this  severity (Is.  Ivi.  3-5),  which  finds  no  place  in  the  teach- ing of  our  Saviour  (Matt.  xix.  12),  nor  does  any trace  of  it  remain  in  the  rules  as  to  the  selection of  bishops  and  deacons  in  the  Pastoi'al  Epistles (1  Tim.  iii.,  Tit.  i.).  Nevertheless,  the  Jewish rule  seems  to  have  crept  back  into  the  discipline of  the  Christian  Church, — witness  the  story  of the  monk  Ammonius  having  avoided  promotion to  the  episcopate  by  cutting  off  his  right  ear, — for which  see  Socrat.  H.  E.  iv.  23  (Baronius  indeed holds  him  to  have  been  eventually  ordained).  And one  of  the  so-called  Apostolical  Canons  (deemed probably  antecedent  to  the  Xicene  Council  of  A.D. 325),  which  provides  that  one-eyed  or  lame  men, who  may  be  worthy  of  the  episcopate,  may  become bishops,  "  since  not  the  bodily  defect "  (AoijStj, translated  in  the  later  Latin  version  of  Haloander mutilatio),  "  but  the  defilement  of  the  soul, pollutes"  the  man  (c.  69,  otherwise  numbered 76  or  77),  leaves  at  least  open  the  question whether  such  defects  are  a  bar  to  the  first  recep- tion of  clerical  orders.  No  general  rule  however as  to  mutilation  is  to  be  found  in  the  records  of any  of  the  early  General  Councils,  but  only  in those  of  the  non-oecumenical  ones  of  the  West,  or in  the  letters,  «fec.,  of  the  Popes,  always  of  sus- picious authority.  Thus,  a  letter  of  Innocent  I. (402-17)  to  Felix,  bishop  of  Nocera,  says  that  no one  who  has  voluntarily  cut  off  a  part  of  any  of his  fingers  is  to  be  ordained  {Ep.  4,  c.  1).  A Council  of  Rome  in  465  forbade  from  admission  to orders  those  who  had  lost  any  of  their  members, requiring  even  the  ordaining  bishop  to  undo  his act  (c.  3).  So  Pope  Gelasius  (492-6)  in  a  letter to  the  bishops  of  Lucania,  complains  that  persons with  bodily  mutilations  are  admitted  to  the  ser- vices of  the  Church ;  an  abuse  not  allowed  by ancient  tradition  or  the  forms  of  the  Apostolic see  {Ep.  9.  c.  16).  A  fragment  of  a  letter of  the  same  Pope  to  the  clergy  and  people  of Brindisi  condemns  in  like  manner  the  ordina- tion of  a  man  "  weak  and  blemished  in  any  part of  his  body."  But  a  letter  to  Bishop  Palladius lays  down — in  accordance  with  the  Apostolical Canon  above  quoted — that  a  dignity  received whilst  the  body  was  yet  whole  was  not  to  be lost  by  subsequent  enfeeblement ;  with  which letter  may  be  connected,  for  what  it  is  worth, a  canon  or  alleged  canon  of  the  Council  of  Ilerda in  524,  quoted  by  Ivo,  to  the  effect  that  a  cleric made  lame  by  a  medical  operation  is  capable  of promotion.  Not  to  speak  of  an  alleged  canon  of Gregory  the  Great,  590-603,  against  the  ordi- nation of  persons  self-mutilated  in  any  member, to  be  found  in  Gratian ;  two  centuries  later,  in  a capitulary  of  Pope  Gregory  II.  (714-30)  addressed to  his  ablegates  for  Bavaria,  we  find  in  like manner  any  bodily  defect  treated  as  a  bar  to ordination.  On  the  other  hand,  we  may  quote  a testimony  later  indeed  than  the  period  embraced in  this  work,  but  as  occurring  after  the  schism of  East  and  West,  above  the  suspicion  of  all Romanizing  partiality,  that  of  Balsamon  (ad Marci  Alex,  interrog.  23,  quoted  by  Cotelerius, Patres    Apost.    i.    pp.    478-9),    who    says    that BODY,  MUTILATION  OF  THE  243 bodily  injuries  or  infirmities  supervening  after ordination,  even  if  they  rendered  the  priest unable  physically  to  fulfil  his  office,  did  not deprive  him  of  his  dignity,  as  "  none  was  to be  hindered  from  officiating  through  bodily  de- fect "  (\<l}^ri,  also  rendered  by  Beveridge  as mutilation). We  may  take  it  therefore  that  the  rule  of  the Church  as  to  mutilations  and  bodily  defects generally  was  this  :  such  mutilations  or  defects were  a  bar  to  ordination,  especially  if  self-in- flicted ;  but  supervening  involuntarily  after ordination,  they  were  not  a  bar  to  the  fulfilment of  clerical  duties,  or  to  promotion  in  the  hier- archy. There  is,  howevei',  one  particular  form of  mutilation — that  of  the  generative  organs — which  occurs  with  peculiar  prominence  in  early Church  history,  and  is  dealt  with  by  special  en- actments. One  sect  of  heretics,  the  Valesians  (whose  ex- ample is  strangely  recalled  by  the  practices  of  a well-known  body  of  dissenters  from  the  Russian Church  at  the  present  day),  enforced  the  duty  of emasculation  both  on  themselves  and  others (Epiph.  cont.  Haer.  58  ;  Aug.  de  Haeres.  c.  37). Their  catechumens,  whilst  unmutilated,  were  not allowed  to  eat  flesh,  but  no  restrictions  as  to  food were  imposed  on  the  mutilated.  They  were  said to  use  not  only  persuasion  but  force  in  making converts,  and  to  practise  violence  for  the  purpose on  travellers,  and  even  on  persons  received  as guests. The  most  notorious  instance  of  self-mutilation in  Church  history  is  that  of  Origen,  who,  when a  young  catechist  at  Alexandria,  inflicted  this  on himself  in  order  to  quench  the  violence  of  his  pas- sions (Euseb.  //.  E.  vi,  8).  He  was  nevertheless oi-dained  by  the  bisho[is  of  Caesarea  and  Jerusa- lem, men  of  the  highest  authority  among  the  pre- lates of  Palestine.  But  Demetrius  of  Alexandria, who  had  formerly  spoken  of  him  in  terms  of  high praise,  began  attacking  the  validity  of  his  ordina- tion, and  the  conduct  of  his  ordaining  bishops. It  is  indeed  remarkable  that  Epiphanius  mentions three  separate  traditions  as  to  the  mode  which Origen  adopted  to  maintain  his  continence — two of  them  not  implying  actual  mutilation,  but  only extinction  of  the  generative  power — and  seems to  consider  that  a  good  many  idle  tales  had  been told  on  the  subject  {Contra  Haer.  64).  It  is  well known,  at  any  rate,  that  Origen  was  condemned and  sentenced  to  be  deprived  of  his  orders  for self-mutilation  by  the  Council  of  Alexandria,  A.D. 230.  This  is  not  the  place,  of  course,  for  dwelling on  the  unworthy  motives  mixed  up  in  Origen's condemnation  ;  but  if  what  is  recorded  of  the Valesians  be  true — whose  heresy  appears  to  have been  contemporaneous  with  Origen — it  was absolutely  necessary  that  the  Church  should firmly  resist  not  only  the  return  to  the  emascu- late priesthoods  of  the  heathen,  but  the  utterly anti-social  tendencies  which  such  practices  por- tended or  expressed.  The  Council  of  Achaia,  by which  the  Valesians  were  condemned,  is  usually set  down  to  the  year  250. If  the  Apostolical  Canons  are  as  a  whole anterior  to  the  Council  of  Nicaea,  they  constitute the  next  authority  on  the  subject.  According  to these,  whilst  a  man  made  a  eunuch  against  his I  will  was  not  excluded  from  being  admitted  into I  the  clergy,  yet  self-mutilation  was  assimilated  to 1  suicide,  and  the  culprit  could  not  be  admitted,  or R  2 244      BODY,  MUTILATION  OF  THE was  to  be  "  .altogether  condemned  "  (expelled  ?) if  the  act  were  committed  after  his  admission (c.  17,  otherwise  numbered  20-22,  or  21-23). A  layman  mutilating  himself  was  to  be  excluded for  3  years  from  communion  (c.  17,  otherwise 23  or  24).  It  may  however  be  suspected  that on  this  head  at  least  these  canons  must  have  been interpolated  after  the  Nicene  Council  (325),  or they  would  have  been  referred  to  in  that  well- known  one  which  stands  first  of  all  in  the  list  of its  enactments, — thatif  any  one  has  been  emascu- lated either  by  a  medical  man  in  illness,  or  by the  barbarians," he  is  to  remain  in  the  clergy  ;  but if  any  has  mutilated  himself  he  is,  if  a  cleric already,  on  proof  of  the  fact  by  examination,  to cease  from  clerical  functions,  and  if  not  already oi-dained  not  to  be  presented  for  ordination ;  this however,  not  to  apply  to  those  who  have  been made  eunuchs  by  the  barbarians  or  by  their masters,  who,  if  they  are  found  worthy,  may  be admitted  into  the  clergy.  Contemporaneously,  or nearly  so,  with  the  Council  we  find  a  constitu- tion of  the  emperor  Constantine  rendering  the making  of  eunuchs  within  the  "  orbis  Romanus," a  capital  crime  {Code,  bk.  iv.  t.  xcii.  1.  1). It  is,  however,  at  this  period  that  we  find  the next  most  prominent  instance  of  self-mutilation in  Church  history  after  that  of  Origen, — that  of Leontius,  Arian  bishop  of  Antioch  in  the  time  of Athanasius,  who,  when  a  presbyter,  had  been deposed  on  this  account,  but  was  nevertheless promoted  to  the  episcopate  by  the  emperor Constantius,  against  the  decrees  of  the  Nicene Council,  observes  Theodoret  (ii.  23;  cf.  Euseb. vi.  8).  This  Leontius  figures  by  no  means  f;ivour- ably  in  the  Church  histories.  Athanasius  was very  hostile  to  him,  and  he  was  accused  of  cun- ning and  double-dealing,  of  promoting  the  un- worthy and  neglecting  the  worthy  in  his  diocese. A  canon  on  bodily  mutilation  similar  to  the Nicene  one  was  enacted  by  the  Synod  of  Seleucia in  Persia,  a.d.  410  (c.  4),  and  by  a  Syrian  synod in  465,  and  the  interdiction  against  the  admission to  orders  of  the  self-mutilated  was  also  renewed by  the  Council  of  Aries,  A.D.  452  (c.  7).  Pope Gelasius,  in  his  before  quoted  letter  to  the Lucanian  bishops,  recalls  as  to  the  self-emasculate that  the  canons  of  the  Fathers  require  them  to be  separated  from  all  clerical  functions,  as  soon as  the  fact  is  recognized  {Epist.  9,  c.  17).  It thus  appears  that  this  most  serious  form  of mutilation,  so  long  as  it  was  not  self-inflicted, was  no  bar  either  to  clerical  ordination  or  promo- tion, but  that  if  self-inflicted,  it  was  a  bar  to  the exei-cise  of  all  clerical  functions. II.  Mutilation  as  a  Crime.— ka  alleged  decretal of  Pope  Eutychianus  (275-6),  to  be  found  in Gratian,  enacts  that  persons  guilty  of  cutting off  limbs  were  to  be  separated  from  the  Church until  they  had  made  friendly  composition  (the very  idea  of  composition  for  such  an  act  was entirely  foreign  to  the  Italy  of  the  3rd  century) before  the  bishop  and  the  other  citizens,  or,  if refusing  to  do  so  after  two  or  three  warnino-s, were  to  be  treated  as  heathen  men  and  publi- cans. The  document  may  probably  safely  be set  down  to  the  9th  century,  but  in  the  mean- while we  find  in  the  records  of  the  11th  Council of  Toledo  A.D.  675  (from  which  it  is  perhaps borrowed)  evidence  that  similar  crimes  were committed  by  the  clergy  themselves.  The  6th canon  enacts  amongst  other  things  that  clerics BODY,  MUTILATION  OF  THE shall  not  inflict  or  order  to  be  inflicted  mutilation of  a  limb  on  any  persons  whomsoever.  If  any  do so,  either  to  the  servants  of  their  church  or  to any  persons,  they  shall  lose  the  honour  of  their order,  and  be  subject  to  perpetual  imprisonment with  hard  labour.  The  Excerpt  from  the  Fathers and  the  Canons  attributed  to  Gregory  III.  bears that,  for  the  wilful  maiming  another  of  a  limb, the  penance  is  to  be  three  years,  or  more  hu- manely, one  year  (c.  30).  The  Capitulary  of Aix-la-Chapelle,  in  789,  c.  16,  and  the  Council  of- Frankfort,  794,  forbid  abbats  for  any  cause  to blind  or  mutilate  their  monks  (c.  18) — enactments which  sufficiently  shew  the  ferocity  of  the Carolingian  era,  and  with  which  may  be  noticed the  2nd  Capitulary  of  Theodulf,  bishop  of  Orleans, to  his  clergy,  a.d.  797,  treating  amongst  minor sins  the  maiming  of  a  man  so  that  he  shall  not die,  the  reference  being  at  least  mainly  to  clerical maimers. In  the  early  barbarian  codes  no  difterence  was made  in  principle  between  the  various  shapes  of bodily  mutilation,  and  all  cases  were  jmnished by  pecuniary  compensation.  But  in  the  later Roman  law  we  find  absolute  distinction  made between  emasculation  and  every  other  form  of mutilation,  the  former  being  the  only  one  which it  is  deemed  necessary  to  legislate  against.  We have  already  seen  that  Constantine  had  made  the former  a  capital  crime,  when  committed  within the  Roman  world.  The  142nd  Novel  goes  fur- ther still.  Speaking  of  the  crime  as  having  be- come rife  again,  it  enacts  the  lex  talionis  against male  offenders,  with  confiscation  of  goods  and life-long  labour  in  the  quarries  if  they  survive the  operation  ;  or  as  respects  females,  flogging, confiscation  and  exile.  We  may  probably  ascribe the  character  of  the  imperial  law  on  this  subject to  the  influence  of  the  Christian  Church,  which, at  the  risk  of  whatever  incongruities  in  its  prac- tice, has  always  treated  emasculation  as  a  crime sni  generis,  analogous  only  to  murder  and  suicide, according  as  it  is  endured  or  self-inflicted. III.  Miitilation  as  a  Punishnwnt. — Mutilation is  no  unfrequent  punishment  under  the  Christian emperors  of  the  West :  Constantine  punished slaves  escaping  to  the  barbarians  with  the  loss of  a  foot  {God.  6.  tit.  1.  s.  3).  The  cutting  off of  the  hand  was  enacted  by  several  Novels ;  by the  17th  (c.  viii.)  against  exactors  of  tribute who  should  fail  to  make  proper  entries  of  the quantities  of  lands ;  by  the  43rd  (c.  1)  against those  who  should  copy  the  works  of  the  heretic Severus.  It  is  nevertheless  remarkable  that  the 134th  Novel  finally  restricted  all  penal  mutila- tion to  the  cutting  oft'  of  one  hand  only  (c.  xiii.). In  the  barbaric  codes,  mutilation  is  a  frequent punishment.  The  Salic  law  frequently  enacts castration  of  the  slave,  but  only  as  an  alternative for  composition  (for  thefts  above  40  denarii  in value,  t.  xiii.,  and  see  t.  xlii.  ;  for  adultery with  the  slave-woman  who  dies  from  the  effects of  it,  t.  xxix.  c.  6).  The  Burgundian  law,  by  a late  enactment  {Additam.  i.  t.  xv.,  supposed  to be  by  Sigismund),  extends  the  mode  of  dealing to  Jews. Even  in  the  legislation  of  the  Church  itself mutilation  as  a  punishment  occurs  ;  but  only  in its  rudest  outlying  branches,  or  as  an  offence  to be  repressed.  Thus,  to  quote  instances  of  the former  case,  in  the  collection  of  Irish  Canons, supposed  to  belong  to  the  end  of  the  7th  cen- BONIFACIUS tui-y,  Patrick  is  represented  as  assigning  the cutting  oft'  of  a  hand  or  foot  as  one  of  several alternative  punishments  for  the  stealing  of money  either  in  a  church  or  a  city  within which  sleep  martyrs  and  bodies  of  saints  (bk. sxviii.  c.  6).  Another  fragment  from  an  li-ish synod,  appended  by  Labbe  and  Mansi  to  the above,  enacts  the  loss  of  a  hand  as  an  alternative punishment  for  shedding  the  blood  of  a  bishop, where  it  does  not  reach  the  ground,  and  no  salve (collyrium)  is  needed  ;  or  the  blood  of  a  priest when  it  does  reach  the  ground,  and  salve  is required.  Instances  of  the  latter  case  have  been already  given  in  the  enactments  against  abbats maiming  their  monks,  which  was  no  doubt  done at  least  under  pretext  of  enforcing  discipline. In  the  '  Excerptions  '  ascribed  to  Egbert,  arch- bishop of  York  (but  of  at  least  two  centuries  later date),  we  find  a  canon  that  a  man  stealing  money from  the  church-box  shall  have  his  hand  cut  oft' or  be  put  into  prison  (c.  Ixxiii.).  [J.  M.  L.] BONIFACIUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Tarsus  under Diocletian,  is  commemorated  Dec.  19  (^Cal.  By- zant.).  He  was  formerly  commemorated  in  the Roman  church  on  June  5,  the  supposed  day  of his  burial  at  Rome  {Mart.  Rom.  Yet.);  but  in more  recent  martyrologies  this  Boniface  is  com- memorated on  May  14,  the  supposed  day  of  his death  ;  and, (2)  The  Apostle  of  Germany,  archbishop  of Mentz,  martyred  in  Friesland,  is  commemorated on  .June  5  (2Iart.  Bedae,  Adonis).  This  saint  is figured  in  his  episcopal  vestments  (9th  cent.)  in the  Acta  Sanctorum,  June,  torn.  i.  p.  458.  See also  Bi-ower's  Thesaurus  Antiq.  Fuldensium,  pp. 163-165. (3)  Deacon,  martyr  in  Africa  under  Hunneric ; commemorated  Aug.  17  {Mart.  Rom.    Vet.). (4)  "  Natale  Boneft^cii  episcopi,"  Sept.  4  (J/. Bedw). (5)  Confessor  in  Africa  ;  commemorated  Dec.  8 {Mart.  Hieron.);  Dec.  6  {M.  Adonis).  [C] BONOSA,  sister  of  Zosima,  martyr  in  Porto under  Severus  ;  commemorated  July  15  {Mart. Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.).  [C] BOOKS,  CENSURE  OF.  A  studious  life was  strongly  enforced  upon  the  clergy  by  the ancient  Fathers,  and  enjoined  by  various  canons of  the  earlier  Councils.  St.  Chrysostom  in  par- ticular insists  strongly  and  very  fully  on  the  duty in  the  clergy  of  qualifying  themselves  by  patient and  laborious  study  for  the  office  of  preaching,  and for  tlie  defence  of  the  faith  against  heretics  and unbelievers;  resting  his  argument  on  the  exhorta- tion of  St.  Paul  to  Timothy  (1  Tim.  iv.  13)— "  Give  attendance  to  reading,  to  exhortation,  to doctrine:  meditate  upon  these  things  :  give  thyself wholly  to  them  ;  that  thy  profiting  may  appear to  all  men."  Exhortations  to  the  like  eft'ect occur  also  in  the  writings  of  St.  Jerome,  Cyprian, Lactantius,  Hilary,  Minucius  Felix,  and  others. In  all  these  writers  the  study  of  the  Holy  Sci-ip- tures  is  urged  upon  the  clergy  as  being  of  pri- mary obligation,  and  the  foundation  on  which all  the  superstructure  of  a  more  general  and extensive  learning  was  to  be  raised.  Certain canons  also  required,  e.g.  Cone.  Tolet.  iii.  c.  7, that  in  their  most  vacant  hours,  the  times  of eating  and  drinking,  some  portion  of  Scripture should  be  read  to  them  —  partly  to  exclude trifling  and  unnecessary  discourse,  and  partly  to BOOKS,  CHURCH 245 afford  them  proper  themes  and  subjects  for  edi- fying discourse  and  meditation. Next  to  the  Scriptures  the  study  of  the  best ecclesiastical  writers  was  recommended  as  most profitable  and  appropriate  to  the  clerical  office : the  first  place  in  such  writings,  however,  being assigned  to  the  Canons  of  the  Church.  These were  always  reckoned  of  the  greatest  use  and importance,  as  containing  a  summary  account, not  only  of  the  Church's  discipline  and  doctrine and  government,  but  also  rules  of  life  and  moral practice — on  which  account  it  was  ordered  that the  Canons  should  be  read  over  at  a  man's  ordi- nation ;  and  again,  the  Council  of  Toledo  (iv.  c. 25)  required  the  clergy  to  make  them  a  part  of their  constant  study,  together  with  the  Holy Scriptures.  The  Canons,  it  should  be  remem- bered, were  then  a  sort  of  directory  for  the  pas- toral care,  and  they  had  this  advantage  of  any private  directory,  that  they  were  the  public voice  and  authorised  rule  o'f  the  Church,  and therefore  so  much  the  more  entitled  to  respectful attention.  In  later  ages,  in  the  time  of  Charle- magne, we  find  laws  which  obliged  the  clergy  to i-ead,  together  with  the  Canons,  Gregory's  treatise De  Curd  Pastorali. With  regai-d  to  other  books  and  v/ritings  there was  considerable  restriction.  Some  of  the  canons forbade  a  bishop  to  read  heatiien  authors:  nor would  they  allow  him  to  read  heretical  books, otherwise  than  as  a  matter  of  duty,  i.  e.  unless there  was  occasion  to  refute  them,  or  to  caution others  against  the  poison  of  them;  e.g.  Cone. Carth.  iv.  c.  16:  "  Ut  episcopus  Gentilium  libros nou  legat :  haereticorum  autem  pro  necessitate et  tempore." In  some  cases,  however,  the  study  of  heathen literature  might  be  advantageous  to  the  cause of  Christian  truth  ;  and  the  Church's  prohibition did  not  extend  to  these.  Thus  St.  Jerome  ob- serves that  both  the  Greek  and  Latin  historians are  of  great  use  as  well  to  explain  as  confirm  the truth  of  the  prophecies  of  Daniel.  St.  Augustine says  of  the  writings  of  heathen  philosophers,  that as  they  said  many  things  that  were  true,  both concerning  God  and  the  Son  of  God,  they  were  in that  respect  very  serviceable  in  refuting  the vanities  of  the  Gentiles.  And  in  tact  all  who are  acquainted  with  the  Fathers  and  ancient writers  of  the  Church  know  them  to  have  been for  the  most  part  well  versed  in  the  classical  or heathen  literature. On  the  whole  it  appears  that  the  clergy  were obliged  in  the  first  place  to  be  diligent  in  study- ing the  Scriptures,  and  next  to  them,  as  they  had ability  and  opportunity,  the  canons  and  approved writers  of  the  Church.  Beyond  this,  as  there was  no  obligation  on  them  to  read  human  learn- ing, so  there  was  no  absolute  prohibition  of  it ; but  where  it  could  be  made  to  minister  as  a handmaid  to  divinity,  there  it  was  not  only allowed,  but  encouraged  and  commended ;  and there  can  be  no  doubt  that  in  many  instances the  cause  of  Christian  religion  was  advanced  bv the  right  application  of  secular  learning  in  the primitive  ages  of  the  Church.  The  principles  on which  such  studies  were  maintained  are  summed up  by  St.  Ambrose,  Prooem.  in  Luc.  Evang.: "  Legimus  aliqua,  ne  legantur  ;  legimus  ne  igno- remus ;  legimus  non  ut  teneamus,  sed  ut  repu- diemus"  (Bingham).  [D.  B.] BOOKS,  CHURCH.     [Litl-rgic.u.  Books.] 246       BORDEAUX,  COUNCIL  OF BOEDEAUX,  COUNCIL  OF  (Buediga- LEXSE  Concilium),  provincial,  at  Bordeaux. (1)  A.D.  385,  coudemned  and  deposed  PriscilJian, Instautius,  and  their  followers,  for  complicity with  Manicheeism.  Priscillian  appealed  to  the emperor  Maxentius,  who,  however,  put  him  to death  the  same  year  at  Treves  (Sulp.  Sever., H.  E.  ii.  46,  who  affirms  the  appeal  to  have been  permitted  only  "  nostrorum  inconstantia," whereas  it  ought  to  have  been  made  to  other bishops  ;  Labbe,  ii.  1034).— (2)  A.D.  B70,  under Count  Lupus  and  the  archbishops  of  Bourges, Bordeaux,  and  Eauze  in  Armagnac,  by  order  of King  Chilpe'ric,  upon  points  of  discipline  {L'Art de  Verifier  les  Bates,  i.  291).  [A.  W.  H.] BOSCI  (BoffKoi),  Syrian  monks  in  the  4th century,  so  called  because  they  lived  on  herbs only.  Sozomen  speaks  of  them  as  very  numei-- ous  near  Nisibis,  and  names  a  bishop  among  the most  famous  of  them.  They  had  no  buildings but  lived  on  the  mountains,  continually  praying and  singing  hymns.  Each  carried  a  knife,  with which  to  cut  herbs  and  grasses  (Soz.  J{.  E.  vi. 33).  A  connexion  has  been  traced  between  them and  the  sect  of  Adamiani  or  Adamitae,  who  went about  naked.  The  principle  is  the  same — of  re- turning to  a  state  of  nature — but  the  Bosci  are not  accused,  as  the  Adamitae,  of  licentiousness ; and  with  them  the  motive  was  apparently  austere self-mortification.  Frequent;  instances  of  similar abstinence  are  recorded  of  Eastern  hermits  in Moschus  {Prat.  Spirit.),  Theodoret  {Fhiloth.), and  Evagrius  {H.  E.  i.  21).  (Tillemont,  H.  E. viii.  292.)  [I.  G.  S.] BOSTEA,  COUNCIL  OF,  a.d.  243  or  244; indeed,  there  probably  were  two  such :  one  at which  Beryllus,  bishop  of  Bostra,  was  reclaimed from  his  strange  views  respecting  the  Person  of our  Lord  by  Origen ;  and  another  at  which Origen  refuted  some  Arabians,  who  said  that  the souls  of  men  died  with  their  bodies,  and  came to  life  with  their  bodies  again  at  the  resur- rection (Euseb.  vi.  33  and  7;  Mansi,  i.  787 -90).  [£.  S.  Ff.] BOUEGES,  COUNCIL  OF  (Bixdricense Concilium),  at  Bourges,  but  (1)  a.d.  454,  only conjecturally  in  that  city.  That  there  was  a council  in  that  year  in  that  neighbourhood appears  by  a  synodical  epistle  signed  by  the bishops  of  Bourges,  Tours,  and  another  (Sir- mond.  Cone.  Gall.  iii.  App.  1507  ;  Labbe,  iv. 1819).  Hincmar  wrongly  calls  it  a  Council  of Home,  under  the  mistaken  impression  that  the Leo  who  signs  it  was  the  Pope. — (2)  a.d.  473, to  elect  Simplicius  to  the  see  of  Bourges  (Sidon! Apoll.  Epistt.  vii.  5,  8,  9,  &c. ;  and  his  ora- tion to  the  people  for  Simplicius,  Labbe,  iv. 1820-1827).  Sidonius  requests  the  interven- tion of  Agroecius,  archbishop  of  Sens  (although out  of  his  province),  and  of  Euphronius  °of Autun,  the  provincial  bishops  being  too  few 111  number.  And  the  "  plebs  Biturigum  "  appear to  have  referred  the  nomination  to  Sidonius  him- self.—(3)  A.D.  767,  under  Pipin,  mentioned  by fu-giuo  and  Fredegarius,  but  with  no  record  of Its  purpose  or  acts  (Labbe,  vi.  1836).  [A  W  H  1 BOWING.  [Genuflexion.] BEACARENSE   CONCILIUM.    [Braga, Lou  NCI  L  OF.]  "-  ' BRAGA,  COUNCIL  OF  (Bracarense C0NCI.,IUM),    provincial,    at    Braga,    in    Spain, BEANDEUM between  the  Minho  and  Douro.  (1)  A.D.  411 (if  genuine),  of  ten  bishops,  to  defend  the  faith against  Alans,  Suevi,  and  Vandals,  who  were either  Arians  or  heathens,  under  Pancratianus of  Braga  (Labbe,  ii.  1507-1510). —  (2)  A.D. 561  or  563,  of  eight  bishops,  "  ex  praecepto Ariamiri  (or  probably  Theodomiri)  Regis,"  to condemn  the  Priscillianists.  It  passed  also twenty-two  canons,  about  uniformity  of  ritual, church  revenues,  precedence,  burial  without  and not  within  a  church,  and  other  points  of  disci- pline (Labbe,  v.  836-845).— (3)  a.d.  572,  June  1, of  twelve  bishops,  under  Archbishops  Martin  of Braga  and  Nitigisius  of  Luca,  under  Miro,  king of  the  Suevi,  passed  ten  canons,  about  bishops exacting  undue  fees,  appointment  of  metropolitan to  proclaim  annually  the  date  of  Easter,  and other  points  of  discipline.  It  was  also  the  first to  use  the  formula,  "  regnante  Christo  "  (Labbe, V.  894-902).  Mailoc,  bishop  of  Britona,  was  one of  the  bishops  present. — (4)  a.d.  675,  under Archbishop  Leocidisius,  with  seven  suffragans (including  a  bishop  of  Britona),  passed  nine canons  ;  prohibiting  the  giving  of  milk,  or  of  the bread  dipped  in  the  wine,  or  of  grapes  instead  of wine,  at  the  Eucharist ;  allowing  a  priest  to  have dwelling  with  him  no  other  woman  than  his mother,  not  even  his  sister ;  and  on  other  points of  discipline  (Labbe,  vi.  561-570).     [A.  W.  H.] BEAINE,  COUNCIL  OF  (Brennacense Concilium),  at  Braine  near  Soissons  (Berni  near Compiegne,  ace.  to  L'Art  de  Verifier  les  Bates, but  wrongly),  rather  a  State  than  a  Church Council,  held,  A.D.  580,  under  King  Chilpe'ric, excommunicated  Leudastes  (who  had  been  Count of  Tours)  for  falsely  accusing  Gregory  of  Tours of  having  calumniated  Queen  Fredegunda.  Wit- nesses were  not  produced,  "  cunctis  dicentibus, non  potest  persona  inferior  super  sacerdotem credi."  And  Gregory  exculpated  himself  by solemn  oath  at  three  several  altars  after  saying mass,  the  accusers  in  the  end  confessing  their guilt  (Greg.  Tur.,  Eist.  Franc,  v.  50 ;  Labbe,  v. 965,  966).  [A.  W.  H.] BEANDEUM.  The  word  Brandeum  proba- bly designated  originally  some  particular  kind  of rich  cloth.  Thus,  Joannes  Diaconus  {Vita  8. Greg.  lib.  iv.,  in  Du  Cange,  s.  v.)  speaks  of  a lady  wearing  a  head-dress  "  candentis  brandei." But  the  usages  with  which  we  are  immedi- ately concerned  are  the  following  : — 1.  The  rich  cloth  or  shroud  in  which  the  body of  a  distinguished  saint  was  wrapped.  Thus Hincmar  (  Vita  S.  Eeniigii,  c.  73)  describing  the translation  of  St.  Remigius,  says  the  body  was found  by  the  bishops  who  translated  it  wrapped in  a  red  brandeum.  Compare  Flodoard,  Hist. Rernensis,  i.  20,  21. 2.  Portions  of  such  shrouds  were  used  as relics  ;  for  instance,  a  portion  of  the  brandeum which  enveloped  St.  Remigius,  enshrined  in  ivory, was  venerated  with  due  honour  (Hincmar,  I.  c). 3.  When  relics  of  some  saint  came  to  be  regarded as  absolutely  essential  to  the  consecration  of  a church  [Consecration],  pieces  of  cloth  which had  been  placed  near  them  were  held  to  be themselves  equivalent  to  relics.  St.  Gregory the  Great  sets  forth  his  view  of  this  practice  iii a  letter  to  Constantia  {Epist.  iii.  30).  It  is  not, he  says,  the  Roman  custom,  in  giving  relics  of saints,  to  presume  to  touch  any  portion  of  the BREAKING  OF  BREAD body,  but  only  a  brandeum  is  put  in  a  casket,  and set  near  the  most  holy  bodies.  This  is  again taken  up,  and  enshrined  with  due  solemnity  in the  church  to  be  dedicated,  aud  the  same  miracles are  wrought  by  it  as  would  have  been  by  the very  bodies  themselves.  Tradition  relates,  that when  some  Greeks  doubted  the  efficacy  of  such relics,  St.  Leo  cut  a  hrandeum  with  scissors,  and blood  flowed  from  the  wound.  St.  Leo's  miracle is  related  by  St.  Germanus  to  Pope  Hormisdas {Epistt.  Pontiff,  p.  524)  and  by  Sigebert  {Chro- nicon,  A.D.  441).  Joannes  Diaconus  (^Vita S.  Greg.  ii.  42)  relates  a  similar  wonder  of St. •Gregory  himself,  which  is  said  to  be  also attested  by  an  inscription  in  one  of  the  crypts  of the  Vatican  (Torrigius  de  Cryptis  Vuticanis,  pt. 2,  c.  4,  ed.  2).  (Du  Cange's  Glossary,  s.  v. Brandeum).  [C] BREAKING  OF  BREAD.    [Fraction.] BREGENTFORD,  qv  BREGUNTFORD, COUNCIL  OF  (Brentfordense  Concilium), provincial,  at  Bregentforda,  Breguntford,  or Brentford.  (1)  A.D.  705,  an  informal  political conference,  mentioned  by  Waldhere,  bishop  of London,  as  to  be  held  by  the  kings,  bishops,  and abbats,  of  Wessex  and  of  the  East  Saxons,  about certain  unnamed  grounds  of  quarrel  (Haddan  and Stubbs,  CouHC.  iii.  274).— (2)  A.d.  781,  held  by Oifa,  king  of  JUercia,  and  Archbishop  Jaenberht, freed  the  monastery  of  Bath  from  the  jurisdic- tion of  the  see  of  Worcester  (charter  in  Kemble, Cod.  Dipl.  143).  Other  (questionable)  charters apparently  profess  to  emanate  from  the  same Council  {ib.  139,  140).  [A.  W.  H.] BRENNACENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Braine, Council  of.] BRENTFORDENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Bre- GENTFORD,    COUNCIL   OF.] BREVIARY  (Breviarmm).  This  word,  in its  ecclesiastical  sense,  denotes  an  office  book  of the  Church,  containing  the  offices  for  the  canoni- cal hours,  as  distinguished  from  the  missal, which  contains  those  of  the  mass.  The  name, wliich  Meratus  derives  from  breve  horarium,  ex- plaining it  as  compendium  precum,  indicates  that the  book  is  an  abbreviation  or  compilation;  and it  is  so  called,  according  to  some,  because  the existing  form  is  an  abbreviation  of  the  ancient office  ;  according  to  others,  because  it  is  a  short summary  of  the  principal  portions  of  Holy  Scrip ture,  of  the  lives  of  the  greatest  saints,  and  of the  choicest  prayers  of  the  Church  ;  or,  again, because  in  its  arrangement  the  various  parts  of the  office,  such  as  prayers,  hymns,  lessons,  &c., are  only  once  given  in  full ;  and  afterwai'ds  only indicated  by  the  first  words,  or  by  references.* Some,  again,  have  thought  that  the  breviary was  originally  an  abbi'eviation  of  the  missale plenarium;  and  mainly  distinguished  from  it by  the  partial  omission  or  abbreviation  of  the rubrics,  and  by  the  first  words  alone  of  the psalms,  sections,  &c.,  being  given.  It  is  sup- posed that  this  abbreviated  book  was  originally compiled  as  a  directory  for  the  choir,  and  that on  its  general  adoption  in  convents,  in  which the  canonical  hours  took  their  rise,  these  were inserted,  and  hence  the  name  breviary  came  to "  There  is  great  variety  of  practice  in  this  respect  be- tween different  breviaries,  and  even  different  editions  of the  same  breviary. BREVIARY 247 signify  the  book  containing  those  offices  in  dis- tinction to  the  missal :  a  few  short  offices,  not directly  connected  with  canonical  hours,  and  in some  breviaries  the  ordinary  and  canon  of  the mass,  with  a  few  s^^ecial  masses,  still  remaining in  it. The  contents  of  the  breviary,  in  their  essential parts,  are  derived  from  the  early  ages  of  Christi- anity. They  consist  of  psalms,  lessons  taken from  the  Scriptures,  and  from  the  writings  of the  Fathers,  versicles  and  pious  sentences  thrown into  the  shape  of  antiphons,  responses,  or  other analogous  forms,  hymns,  and  prayers.  The present  form  of  the  book  is  the  result  of  a  long and  gradual  development.  During  a  long  time a  great  diversity  existed  in  the  manner  in  which the  psalms  and  their  accompanying  prayers  were recited  in  diiferent  dioceses  and  convents  ;  but from  the  5th  century  onwards  a  marked  ten- dency to  Uniformity  in  this  part  of  divine  wor- ship may  be  observed,  till  in  later  days  the  only very  striking  diti'erence  which  remains,  with  the exception  of  the  Mozarabic  breviary,  which  has a  special  character  of  its  own,  is  between  the office  books  of  the  East  and  the  West.  The  name breviary  is  confined  to  those  of  the  West. The  books  used  in  the  daily  office  which  con- tained the  materials  that  were  afterwards consolidated  into  the  breviary,  were — (1)  the Psalter,  containing  the  psalms  and  canticles arranged  in  their  appointed  order ;  (2)  the Scriptures,  from  which  lessons  for  the  nocturns were  taken  ;  (3)  the  Horrdliary,  containing  the homilies  of  the  Fathers  appointed  to  be  read  on Sundays  and  other  days  indicated ;  (4)  the  Pas- sionary, or  Passional,  containing  the  history  of the  sufierings  of  the  saints,  martyrs,  and  con- fessors ;  (5)  the  Antiphonary,  containing  the  an- tiphons and  responsories ;  (6)  the  Hymnal;  (7) the  Collectaneum,  or  Collectarium,  or  Liber  Col-- lectarius,  or  Orationale,  containing  the  prayers, and  also  the  ShoH  Chapters  read  at  the  several hours ;  (8)  the  Martyrology.  There  were  also PiUbrics  giving  the  directions  for  reciting  the various  offices. Various  digests  of  offices  from  these  and  similar sources  have  been  attributed  with  more  or  less probability  to  Leo  the  Great,  Gelasius,  and Gregory  the  Great.  Gregory  VII.  [flOSS]  com- piled the  book  which  is  the  basis  of  the  preseut Roman  breviary.  A  MS.  copy  of  this  book  was preserved  in  the  monasteiy  of  Casini,  from  about the  year  1100  A.D.  This  was  inscribed  "  Incipit Breviarium  s.  Ordo  officiorum,  &c.  ; "  and  hence Benedict  XIV.  derives  the  probable  origin  of  the name.  An  abbreviation  of  this  book  made  in 1244  by  Michael  Haymon,  general  of  the  Mi- norites, obtained  the  approbation  of  Pope  Gre- gory X.,  and  was  introduced  by  Pope  Nicholas  III. in  1278  or  1279  into  all  the  churches  of  Rome. Originally  difi'erent  dioceses  and  monastic orders  had  their  own  special  breviaries,  varying one  from  the  other.  There  is  a  marked  diti'er- ence between  the  secular  and  the  monastic  bre- viaries, but  the  individual  members  of  these  two families,  while  they  vary  much  in  detail,  agree closely  in  their  arrangement  and  general  features. After  the  edition  by  Pius  V.,  the  Roman  breviary thus  revised  was  imposed  on  the  whole  Roman obedience  to  the  exclusion  of  those  hitherto  in use,  with  an  exception  in  favour  of  those  which had  then  been  in  use  for  200  years. 248 BRIBERY The  breviary  is  usually  divided  into  four parts,  called  after  the  four  seasons  of  the  year, "  Pars  hiemalis,  vernalis,  aestivalis  [v.  aestivaj, autunmalis."  Wheu  this  fourfold  division  was first  adopted  is  doubtful.  Traces  of  it  have been  found  in  the  11th  century.  Each  of  these parts,  in  addition  to  the  introductory  rubrics, calendar,  and  other  tables,  has  four  subdivisions  : (1)  the  Psalter  [Psalterium],  comprising  the psalms  and  canticles  arranged  according  to  the order  of  their  weekly  recitation,  and  also  other subordinate  parts  of  the  office  which  do  not  vary from  day  to  day  ;  (2)  tlie  Proper  of  the  Season [Proprium  de  tempore],  containing  those  por- tions of  the  offices  which  vary  with  the  season ; (3)  the  Proper  of  the  Saints  [Proprium  Sanc- torum] ;  i.  e.,  the  corresponding  portions  for  the festivals  of  saints;  and  (4)  the  Common  of  the Saints.  [See  Hours  of  Prayer  ;  Office,  The Divine  ;  Psalmody.]  [H.  J.  H.] BRIBERY.  The  Old  Testament  is  so  full  of warnings  against  "  the  gift "  that  "  blindeth  the wise,  and  perverteth  the  words  of  the  righteous  " (Ex.  xxiii.  8),  of  denunciations  of  those  that "judge  for  reward"  (Micah  iii.  11),  that  we could  not  expect  otherwise  than  to  find  the  like teachings  embodied  in  the  more  spiritual  morality of  the  New  Testament.  It  may  indeed  be  a  ques- tion whether  the  qualification  required  of  bishops and  deacons  by  the  Pastoral  Epistles,  that  they should  not  be  "  given  to  filthy  lucre  "  (aiVxpo- reepSeis),  1  Tim.  iii.  3,  8 ;  Tit.  i.  7,  implies  prone- ness  to  bribery,  properly  so  called,  or  covetous- ness  generally.  If,  however,  we  reckon  the Apostolical  Constitutions  as  representing  gene- rally the  Church  life  of  the  2nd  century,  we see  that  the  offence  was  then  beginning  to  take shape.  The  bishop  is  directed  not  to  be  open  to  re- ceive gifts,  since  unconscientious  men  "  becoming acceptoi's  of  persons,  and  having  received  shame- ful gifts"  will  spare  the  sinner,  letting  him  remain in  the  Church  (bk.  ii.  c.  9).  Another  passage speaks  of  either  the  bishops  or  the  deacons  sinning by  the  acceptance  of  persons  or  of  gifts,  with  the addition  of  the  remarkable  words:  "For  when the  ruler  asks,  and  the  judge  receives,  judgment is  not  brought  to  an  end  "  (i6.  c.  17).  A  third deals  with  the  still  more  heinous  offence  of  con- demning the  innocent  for  reward,  threatening with  God's  judgment  the  "  pastors  "  and  deacons who,  either  through  acceptance  of  persons  or  iu return  for  gifts,  expel  from  the  Church  those who  are  falsely  accused  (ih.  c.  42). There  was  of  course  nothing  exceptional  in  this morality.  In  the  Eoman  law  there  were  nu- merous enactments  against  bribery.  Theodosius .  enacted  the  penalty  of  death  against  all  judges who  took  bribes  {Cod.  Theod.  9,  tit.  27,  s.  5). In  Justinian's  time,  although  the  penalty  of death  seems  to  have  been  abrogated,  the  oftence is  subjected  to  degrading  punishments  {Nov.  viii., cxxiv.). The  law  of  the  Church  on  the  subject  of bribery  was  substantially  that  of  the  State.  The spiritual  sin  was  looked  upon  as  equivalent  to the  civil  offence,  and  the  Church  needed  no special  discipline  to  punish  the  former.  One form  of  bribery  indeed,  that  relating  to  the obtainment  of  the  orders  or  dignities  of  the Church,  is  considered  separately  under  the  head of  Simony.  [j.  m.  L.] BRICCIUS,   or   BRICTIUS.      (1)  Bishop, BRIDAL  RING confessor  at  Martula  in  Umbria;  is  commemo- rated July  8  {Mart.  Eom.  Vet.);  July  9  {M. Adonis). (2)  St.  Brice ;  succeeded  St.  Martin  as  bishop of  Tours;  commemorated  as  confessor,  Nov.  13 {Mart.  Bedae,  Hieron.,  Adonis).  Proper  office  in the  Gregorian  Libf^r  Responsalis,  p.  835.       [C] BRIDAL  RING.  That  the  present  use  of the  ring  in  marriage  has  grown  out  of  its  use  in betrothal,  is  historically  clear.  The  origin  of the  latter  is,  however,  obscure,  though  proba- bly it  is  the  meeting-point  of  several  different ideas  and  practices.  If  marriage  was  originally wife-catching,  as  seems  probable,  the  ring  Aiay be  considered  as  the  symbol  of  the  wife's  cap- tivity. Again,  before  money  was  invented,  or before  its  use  became  common,  a  ring  would  be one  of  the  aptest  representatives  of  wealth,  and as  such  would  easily  constitute  either  the  actual price  of  betrothal,  or  the  earnest  of  it ;  whilst we  know  that  in  some  countries  the  ring  has actually  taken  the  place  of  money,  e.g.  the "ring-money"  of  our  Teutonic  forefathers. Again,  as  signet-rings  came  into  use,  the  ring itself  would  easily  grow  to  be  looked  upon  as a  pledge  of  contracts,  a  symbol  of  faith  between man  and  man.  Lastly,  as  men's  feelings  became more  refined,  the  idea  of  the  ring,  (1st)  as  a symbol  of  the  wife's  subjection,  (2nd)  as  the price,  or  the  symbol  of  the  price,  of  her  purchase, (3rd)  as  the  pledge  of  the  contract  for  her  per- son, would  lose  itself  in  that  of  its  spiritual  ' significance  as  a  symbol  of  endless  indissoluble union. It  is  certain,  at  any  rate,  that  the  bridal  ring of  early  Christian  custom  was  not  derived  from Jewish  practice,  since  it  appears  clearly  that  its use  by  way  of  earnest  on  betrothal  among  the Jews  was  of  late  introduction,  derived  from  the Gentiles,  and  depended  for  its  validity  on  the  ring being  worth  money  [Arrhae].  But  the  early Christians,  as  above  indicated,  found  it  in  use among  the  Romans,  unconnected  (as  was  ordinary marriage  itself)  with  any  superstitious  practices, and  naturally  adopted  it.  Tertullian  uses  the term  annubis  metonymically  for  betrothal  itself, in  that  passage  of  his  treatise  on  Idolatry,  in which,  examining  what  transactions  among  the Gentiles  a  Christian  man  may  lawfully  take  part in,  he  decides  that  betrothals  are  among  the number,  since  "  the  ring  "  is  not  derived  from the  honour  paid  to  any  idol  (c.  16).  The  same author  shews  in  his  Apology  that  by  his  time  the use  of  gold  for  the  betrothal  ring  must  have  long replaced  that  of  iron,  since  he  speaks  of  the woman  of  old  knowing  "  no  gold,  save  on  one finger,"  which  her  betrothed  "  oppignorasset pronubo  annulo"  (c.  6),  with  which  may  be compared  Juvenal's  "  digito  pignus  fortasse dedisti  "  (Sat.  vi.  17). It  will  be  obvious  from  the  last  two  passages that  the  main  significance  of  the  betrothal  ring in  the  early  centuries  of  the  Christian  era  was that  of  a  pledge.  Hence  its  abiding  significance as  representmg  the  arrhae.  Its  value  in  this I  respect  was  by  no  means  confined  to  the  betrothal contract ;  thus  in  the  Digest,  Ulpian,  in  reference to  the  arrhae  on  an  ordinary  contract  of  sale,  puts the  case  of  a  ring  being  given  by  way  of  earnest and  not  returned  after  the  payment  of  the  price and  delivery  of  the  thing  sold  {Dig.  19,  tit.  1, s.  11,  §  6  ;  with  which  compare  14,  tit.  3,  s.  15), BRIDAL  RING There  is  therefore  nothing  special  in  the  ex- pression "  Subarrare  anuulo,"  which  occurs  in a  well-known  passage  of  the  34th  letter  of  St. Ambrose,  where  he  represents  St.  Agnes  saying to  the  governor  of  Rome,  when  he  pressed  her  to marry  his  son,  that  "  another  lover  "  had  already "given  her  earnest  by  the  ring  of  his  faith" (auaulo  fidei  suae  subarravit  me). Historically,  the  bridal  ring  figures  somewhat prominently  in  the  record  of  the  5th  century. Ill  M.  Augustin  Thierry's  '  Histoire  dAthila,' 2ud  ed.  vol.  i.  c.  5,  or  again  in  his  '  Placidie, reine  des  Gothes,'  appended  to  the  2nd  volume of  his  'Saint  Jerome,'  c.  4  (Gibbon  c.  xxxv. relates  the  story  somewhat  differently),  it  is  told how  in  A.D.  434,  Honoria,  the  graceless  grand- daughter of  the  great  Theodosius,  in  a  fit  of rebellion  against  parental  authority,  sent  her  ring by  a  eunuch  to  the  Hunnish  king  Attila  (then recently  come  to  the  throne)  byway  of  betrothal eai'nest,  requesting  him  to  make  war  on  her brother  Valentiuian.  The  barbarian  sovereign (who  had  a  whole  harem  of  his  own)  took  no notice  of  the  ring  at  the  time,  but  had  it  put away;  and  fifteen  years  after,  when  about  to invade  Italy,  sent  a  letter  to  the  Western  Emperor, complaining  that  the  princess,  his  betrothed,  had been  ignominiously  treated  on  his  account,  and was  kept  in  prison,  and  requiring  her  to  be  set free  and  restored  to  him  with  her  dowry,  which he  reckoned  at  half  the  personalty  of  the  late emperor  Constantius,  and  half  the  Western  Em- pire ;  and  he  forwarded  by  his  envoys  at  the  same time  her  ring,  to  avouch  the  justice  of  his  claim, — which  however  he  afterwards  did  not  care,  and probably  never  intended  to  press, — indeed  Honoria was  married  at  the  time,  as  was  stated  to  him  in reply,  and  as  no  doubt  he  knew  already. The  received  position  of  the  ring  on  the  fourth finger  is  explained  by  Isidore  of  Seville,  on  the ground  that  "  there  is  in  it,  so  they  say,  a  vein  of blood  which  reaches  to  the  heart "  (c?e  Offic.  bk.  ii. c.  19).  The  quaint  reason  assigned  for  the  choice of  the  finger  will  be  observed,  as  well  as  the indication  that  the  ring  was  only  given  in  first marriages.  A  simpler  origin  for  the  use  of  the fourth  finger  is  that  the  Greeks  and  Romans  wore of  old  their  rings  on  that  finger  (Macrobius, Saturn.  7,  1.  13,  quoted  by  Selden  in  his  Uxor Jlebraica). The  bridal  ring  is  referred  to  both  in  the Wisigothic  and  the  Lombard  Codes.  The  former speaks  of  it  as  constituting  by  delivery  an  en- forceable marriage  contract  without  writing : "  where  a  ring  has  been  given  or  accepted  in  the name  of  earnest,  though  no  writings  should  pass between  the  parties,  that  promise  should  be  in nowise  broken  with  which  a  ring  has  been  given and  terms  (definitio)  fixed  before  witnesses " (bk.  iii.  t.  i.  c.  3).  The  Lombard  law  is  to  the same  effect :  when  a  man  betroths  to  himself a  woman,  "  with  a  ring  only,  he  gives  earnest for  her  and  makes  her  his"  (cum  solo  annulo earn  subarrat  et  suam  facit),  "  and  if  afterwards he  marry  another,  he  is  found  guilty  to  the amount  of  500  solidi "  (bk.  v.  c.  i. ;  law  of  Luit- prand,  A.D.  717). As  late  as  the  9th.  century,  it  is  clear  that  the ring  was  constitutive  of  betrothal,  not  of  mar- riage. This  is  shown  by  Pope  Nicolas's  answer to  the  Bulgarians,  where  he  says  that  "  after  the future  bridecrroom  has  betrothed  to  himself  the BRIEFS  AND  BULLS 249 future  bride  by  earnest,  placing  on  her  finger  the ring  of  affiance  .  .  .  either  soon  or  at  a  fitting time  .  .  .  both  are  led  to  the  marriage  (nuptialia foedera)  .  .  .  and  thus  at  last  receive  the  bene- diction and  the  heavenly  veil."  From  this  it follows  that  all  Western  Church  formulae  of blessing  rings  must  belong  to  a  still  later  period  ; and  indeed  the  use  of  the  ring  in  marriage  is su]iposed  to  have  come  in  during  the  10th  century. On  the  other  hand,  since,  as  observed  under the  head  Arriiae,  Pope  Nicolas's  reply  expressly distinguishes  Latin  from  Greek  usage,  it  is  per- fectly possible  that  the  blessing  of  rings,  which occurs  in  the  betrothal  liturgy  of  the  Eucho- logium  may  be  of  earlier  date :  "  By  a  ring was  given  authority  to  Joseph  in  Egypt.  By  a ring  was  Daniel  glorified  in  the  land  of  Babylon. By  a  ring  was  shewn  the  truthfulness  of  Tamar. By  a  ring  our  heavenly  Father  shewed  mercy towards  his  son,  for  '  having  slain  the  fatted  calf and  eaten  let  us  rejoice  '  [he  said]  .  .  .  Thou therefore,  0  Lord,  bless  this  placing  of  rings  with a  heavenly  blessing,"  &c.  The  Greek  ceremony, it  may  be  observed,  requires  two  rings,  one  of gold  and  one  of  silver.  [J.  M.  L.] BRIDGET,  or  BRIGIDA,  virgin,  of  Ireland, martyr  in  Scotland,  A.D.  523,  wonder-worker, is  commemorated  Feb.  1  {Mart.  Micron.,  Adonis, Bedac).  [C] BRIEFS  and  BULLS  {Breve,  Bulla).  Both these  names  are  applied  to  the  Letters  Apostolic of  the  Pope  :  the  distinction  between  them  being chiefly  one  of  form,  and  relating  to  the  nature of  the  instrument  in  which  the  letters  are  con- tained. A  Papal  Brief  is  ordinarily  v/ritten  in  the Latin  character,  and  is  sealed,  not  with  lead,  but with  wax  ;  the  seal  bearing  the  impression  of  the so-called  "  fisherman's  ring,"  a  figure  of  St.  Peter fishing  from  a  boat.  It  is  signed  by  the  Secre- tary of  Briefs,  and  commonly  commences  thus : "  Pius  Papa  IX.,"  &c. A  Bull,  on  the  other  hand,  is  written  in  the Gothic  character,  and  is  sealed  with  a  leaden  seal of  a  globular  form  (from  which,  viz.  bulla,  as most  suppose,  it  derives  its  name,  though  some deduce  it  from  fiovXif),  which  is  attached  to  the document  by  a  string  of  silk,  if  the  Bull  be  one of  Grace,  or  by  a  hempen  cor;l,  if  it  be  one  of Justice.  The  seal  bears  on  one  side  a  representa- tion of  the  Apostles  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  and on  the  other  the  name  of  the  reigning  Pope. Bulls  are  issued  from  the  Papal  Chancery,  and commence  in  this  form  :  "Pius  Episcopus,  servus servorum  Dei,"  &c. Some  Bulls  have  not  only  the  Papal  seal,  but also  a  second  one  in  the  form  of  a  cross.  These are  Consistorial  Bulls,  and  are  issued -with  the assent  and  advice  of  the  Cardinals  in  Consistoiy, by  whom  they  are  subscribed. Briefs  and  Bulls  are  of  equal  force,  but  the former  are  supposed  to  have  greater  brevity  of expression  (whence  perhaps  the  name),  and  as a  general,  though  not  invariable,  rule,  to  be employed  in  matters  of  lesser  moment.  Before his  coronation,  a  Pope  ought  not  to  issue  Bulls, but  only  Briefs.  Or  if  he  issues  a  Bull,  it  does not  bear  his  name  on  the  seal. A  Brief,  on  the  whole,  may  be  said  to  corre- spond in  some  respects  to  a  Writ  of  Privy  Seal in  England,  as  distinguished  from  Letters  Patent 250       BRITAIN,  COUNCILS  IN of  the  Crown,  which  would  answer  to  a  Bull It  may  be  added  that  a  Brief  may  be  suppressed, as  it  is  not  issued  in  the  same  open  form  as  a Bull ;  and  there  are,  it  is  said,  instances  of  Briefs being  suppressed  altogether.  It  may  also  be cancelled  or  superseded  by  a  subsequent  Brief whereas  a  Bull  can  be  cancelled  only  by  a  Bull For  the  most  part  also  a  Brief  is  of  less  extensive application  than  a  Bull,  the  latter  being  some times  binding  on  the  entire  Christian  world  in communion  with  Rome. It  must  be  stated,  however,  that  some  of  the particulars  just  specified,  though  characteristic of  Bulls  and  Briefs  at  this  day  and  for  a  long period,  are  not  observed  in  very  early  documents. Thus,  for  instance,  in  the  Liber  Dinrnus  Roma- 7wrum  Pontificum,  a  work  probably  of  the  8th century  (printed  in  Migne's  Patrologiae  Cursus Completus,  vol.  cv.)  forms  of  commencements  of Papal  letters  are  given,  in  which  the  name  of the  Pope  follows  instead  of  preceding  that  of  the great  person  to  whom  the  letter  is  addressed. Thus  to  a  Patrician  the  letter  begins  "  Do- mino excellentissimo,  atque  praecellentissinjo  filio [name]  patricio,  [name  of  Pope]  Episcopus  servus servorum  Dei."  And  to  the  archbishop  of  Ra- venna—  "  Reverendissimo  et  Sanctissimo  fratri [name  of  archbishop]  Coepiscopo,  [name  of  Pope] servus  servorum  Dei."  And  even  to  a  Pres- byter we  have  —  "  Dilectissimo.  filio  [name  of presbyter],  [name  of  Pope]  servus  servorum  Dei." In  a  Dissertation  annexed  to  the  edition  of  the Liher  JDiumus  of  1860,  the  Jesuit  Gesner  states that  the  custom  of  putting  the  Pope's  name  first does  not  seem  to  have  come  in  until  about  the 9th  century.  It  will  thus  probably  be  nearly contemporaneous  with  the  appearance  of  the Forged  Decretals,  and  will  appropriately  mark the  era  when  the  Popes  first  put  forward  regal and  ultra-regal  pi-etensions. Authorities  . —  Ferraris,  Bibliotheca  Canonica vol.  i.  edit.  1844,  sub  vocibus  "  Breve,  Bulla ; " Ayliffe's  Parergon  Juris  canonici,  tit.  "  of  Bulls Papal;"  Burn's  i'ccfes.  Xaw,  tit.  "  Bull ; "  Twiss On  the  Letters  Apostolic  of  Pope  Pius  LX.  Lon- don, 1851,  p.  2.  [B.  S.] BRITAIN,  COUNCILS  IN.  [Britaxnicum Concilium.] BRITANNICUM  CONCILIUM;  j.e.  Coun- cils of  the  Welsh  Church.  See  Caerleonexse  ; Llaxdewi-Brefi  ;  LucL's  Victoriae;  Augus- tine's Oak  ;  Verulamium. 2.  Breton  Councils  [Brittaxy]. The  Councils  called  "  Britannica,"  in  Cave, Wilkins,  Labbe,  &c.,  are  either  those  above  named (mostly  misdated  and  incorrectly  described),  or are  pure  fables;  while  Cave  has  chosen  to  add to  them  the  Northumbrian  Synod  of  Onestre- feld  of  A.D.  702,  which  see  under  its  proper title.  [A.  W.  H.] BROTHERHOOD.  The  origin  of  brother- hoods or  fraternities  in  the  Christian  Church  and world,  whether  clerical,  lay,  or  mixed,  is  far  from being  satisfactorily  ascertained.  The  history  of monastic  fraternities  will  be  found  under  their appropriate  headings,  though  we  may  here  re- mark that  the  formation  of  such  fraternities was  in  direct  opposition  to  the  very  impulse which  produced  monachism  itself,  and  sent  the lx.ova.-)())s,  or^  solitary,  as  a  "hermit"  into  the wilderness  (^eprnmov).     Yet  such  fraternities  were BROTHERHOOD practically  in  existence  in  the  Egyptian  laurae, when  Serapion  could  rule  over  a  thousand  monks  ; they  received  their  first  written  constitution from  St.  Basil  (326-379),  and  both  Basil  and Jerome  (who  had  himself  been  a  hermit)  having declared  their  disapproval  of  solitary  monachism, the  social  or  fraternal  type  must  be  considered  to have  become  fully  impressed  on  the  monastic system  during  the  course  of  the  4th  and  5th centuries. Dr.  Brentano,  in  his  work  On  the  History  and Development  of  Gilds  (London,  Triibner,  1870), expresses  indeed  the  opinion  "  that  the  religious brotherhoods  of  the  middle  ages,  and  as  they still  exist  in  Catholic  countries,  have  their  origin in  a  connexion  with  monasticism,  and  in  an imitation  of  it  .  .  .  and  that  this  origin  is  to be  sought  in  Southern  lands,  in  which  Chris- tianity and  monasticism  were  first  propagated  " (p.  9).  If  this  be  so,  it  must  be  admitted  that the  imitation  was  almost  coeval  with  its  model, for  he  himself  ascribes  to  the  3rd  century—  the age  of  the  Egyptian  hermits  —  the  "Christian brotherhood  for  nursing  the  sick  "  of  the  Para- bolatii, — which  Muratori  was  the  first  to  point out  as  a  sort  of  religious  fraternity,  in  oj)po- sition  to  various  writers  quoted  by  him  (in  the 75th  Dissertation  of  his  Antiquitates  I/edii Aeri,  vol.  vi.),  who  had  held  that  such  frater- nities date  only  from  the  9th  or  even  the  13th centuries.  [Parabolani.]  Muratori  also  sug- gests that  the  lecticarii  or  decani,  who  are mentioned  in  the  Code  (1  tit.  2,  s.  4),  and  jn Justinian's  43rd  and  59th  Novels,  by  the  latter as  fulfilling  certain  functions  at  funerals,  must have  been  a  kind  of  religious  fraternity.  On the  other  hand,  the  old  sodalitas,  or  its  equiva- lent the  Greek  (pparpia  (henceforth  Latinized  as "phratria"  or  "  fratria"),  appears  to  have  be- come more  and  more  discredited,  since  the  18th canon  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  (A.D.  451) requires  the  cutting  off  of  all  clerics  or  monks forming  "  conjurationes  vel  sodalitates  "  (Isidore Mercator  translates  "  phratrias  vel  factiones  ")  ; for  if  "  the  crime  of  conspiracy  or  of  sodalitas  is wholly  forbidden  even  by  external  laws,  much more  should  it  be  so  in  God's  Church."  A decree  of  the  Vandal  king  Gundemar  (to  be found  in  the  10th  vol.  of  Labbe  and  Mansi's Councils,  p.  510),  about  A.D.  610,  directed  to the  priests  of  the  city  of  Carthage,  speaks  in like  manner  of  fratrias  et  conjurationes  against  the Metropolitan  Church.  So  again  the  6th  Oecu- menical Council,  that  of  Constantinople  in  Trullo, A.D.  680-1,  has  a  canon  (34)  against  clerics  or monks  (Tvvoixvv/j.ei'oi  ^  (pparpidCofres  (translated in  the  Latin  conjuranfes  vel  sodalitates  ineuntes), who  are  to  lose  their  rank  ;  and  other  similar enactments  could  be  adduced. In  the  8th  century  we  find  a  disposition  on  the part  of  the  Church  to  confine  the  idea  of  frater- nity to  clerical  and  monastic  use.  We  may  take as  an  instance  of  this  in  our  own  country  the '  Dialogue  by  question  and  answer  on  Church government '  of  Archbishop  Egbert  of  York  (mid- dle of  the  century),  in  which  the  terms  frater and  soror  will  be  found  applied  both  to  clerics and  monks  or  nuns,  but  never  apparently  to  lay- men. But  there  is  at  the  same  time  ground  for surmising  that  the  term  "  fraternity,"  which  in the  12th  and  13th  centuries  is  used  ordinarily  as a  synonym  for  "  gild,"  was   already  current  in BROTHERHOOD the  8th  or  9th  to  designate  these  bodies,  the organization  of  which  Dr.  Breutano  holds  to  have been  complete  among  the  Anglo-Saxons  in  the 8th  centui-y  (Brentano  on  Gilds,  pp.  11-12),  and the  bulk  of  which  were  of  lay  constitution,  though usually  of  a  more  or  less  religious  character. The  connexion  between  the  two  words  is  esta- l)lished  in  a  somewhat  singular  manner.  A Council  of  Nantes  of  very  uncertain  date,  which has  been  placed  by  some  as  early  as  658,  by others  as  late  as  800,  has  a  canon  (9)  which  is repeated  almost  in  the  same  terms  in  a  capitulary of  Archbishop  Hincmar  of  Rheims,  of  the  year 852  or  858  (c.  16).  But  where  the  canon  speaks of  "  those  gatherings  or  confraternities  which  are termed  consortia  (de  collectis  vel  confratriis  quas consortia  vocant),"  the  archbishop  has  "  de collectis  quas  geldonias  vel  confratrias  vulgo vocant,"  —  "  gatherings  which  are  commonly called  gilds  or  confraternities."  Whilst  the  feith- ful  are  authorized  to  unite  '•  in  oblations,  in lights,  in  mutual  prayers,  in  the  burial  of  the dead,  in  alms  and  other  otSces  of  piety,"  those feasts  and  banquets  are  forbidden,  where  "  undue exactions,  shameful  and  vain  merriment  and quarrels,  often  even  hatred  and  dissensions  are wont  to  arise  ; "  the  penalty  assigned  being  for clerics  deprivation,  for  laymen  or  women  exclu- sion from  communion  J;ill  they  have  given  due satisfaction. But  the  term  "  gild "  itself  was  already  in use  to  designate  fraternities  for  mutual  help  be- fore the  days  of  Hincmar.  We  meet  with  it  in a  capitulary  of  Charlemagne's  of  the  year  779, treated  by  Canciani  and  Muratori  as  enacted  for Lombardy,  but  by  Pertz  on  the  contrary  (in  his Monumenta  Germaniae  Historica)  as  enacted  for France,  which  bears  "  As  touching  the  oaths  mu- tually sworn  by  a  gild  (per  gildoniam.  Cane. ; gildonia,  Pertz),  that  no  one  presume  to  do  so. Otherwise  as  touching  their  maintenance  '  (ali- moniis;  or  "alms,"  elemosynis,  Pertz),'  or  fire, or  shipwreck,  though  they  may  make  covenant (quamvis  convenientias  faciant)  let  none  presume to  swear  thereto  "  (see  also  bk.  v.  of  the  general collection,  c.  200,  "  de  sacramentis  pro  gildoma (  gildonijl  )  invicem  conjurantibus  "  ;  and  the 4th  "Addition,"  c.  134,  "  ne  aliquis  pro  gildomid sacramentum  facere  audeat.")  It  is  thus  clear that  the  gilds  of  the  latter  half  of  the  8th  cen- tury existed  for  purposes  exactly  the  same  as those  which  they  fulfilled  several  centuries  later. So  far  indeed  as  they  were  usually  sanctioned  by oath,  they  were  obviously  forbidden  by  the  capi- tulary above  quoted,  as  well  as  by  several  others against  "  conjurations  "  and  conspiracies  which Dr.  Brentano  refers  to  from  Pertz,  the  last  (the Thionville  Capitulary  of  805)  of  a  peculiarly ferocious  character. It  may  be  suspected  that  the  subject  of  reli- gious or  quasi-religious  brotherhoods  or  fi-aterni- ties  in  the  early  Chprch  (apart  from  monastic ones)  has  been  but  "imperfectly  investigated  as yet.  It  may  at  least  be  said  that  specific  bodies are  found  apparently  answering  to  the  character, attached  to  particular  churches,  during  the  3rd, 4th,  5th,  and  6th  centuries.  In  the  West,  how- ever, we  seem  first  to  discern  them  under  the Teutonic  shape  of  the  gild,  which  in  its  freer forms  was  palpably  the  object  of  great  jealousy to  the  political  and  spiritual  despots  of  the  Car- Idvingian  era.  [.I.  iM.   L.] BURIAL  OF  THE  DEAD        251 BUCOLUS,  Bishop  of  Smyrna,  consecrated by  St.  John  ;  commemorated  as  "  Holy  Father," Feb.  6  {Cal.  Byzant.)  [C] BULLS.    [Briefs  and  Bulls.] BURDIGALENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Bor- deaux, Cou^x'IL  OF.] BURFORD,  COUNCIL  OF  (Berghford- ENSE  Concilium),  provincial,  "  juxta  vadum Berghford,"  at  Burford  in  Oxfordshire,  A.D.  685, witnesses  a  grant  by  King  Berhtwald,  an  under- king  of  Ethelred  of  Mercia,  to  Aldhelm  and  the abbey  of  Malmesbury  (charter  in  Will.  Halm. G.  P.  A.  F.,  and  Kemble,  Cod.  Dipl.  26;  the latter  correcting  the  impossible  date  DCXXXV into  DCLXXXV,  and  thus  removing  the  main objection  to  the  genuineness  of  the  document, which  however  he  still  marks  as  spurious ; Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Counc.  iii.  169).  [A.  W.  H.] BURIAL  OF  THE  DEAD.  Among  the  many points  of  contrast  between  the  Christian  Church and  the  systems  which  it  supplanted,  the  treat- ment of  the  departed  furnished  one  of  the  most conspicuous.  Side  by  side  with  their  unexampled hospitality  and  their  austere  purity  of  life,  Julian enumerates  their  care  for  the  burial  of  the  dead as  one  of  the  means  by  which  the  Christians against  whom  he  strove,  had  succeeded  in  con- verting the  Empire  {Epist.  ad  Arsac.  xlix.,  0pp. ed.  Spanheim).  That  which  was  characteristic of  the  new  faith  was  not  only  its  belief  in  the resurrection  of  the  body,  but  its  reverence  for that  body  as  sharing  in  the  redemption,  and  this showed  itself  in  almost  every  incident  connected with  the  funeral  rites. 1.  Mode  of  Burial.  In  Egypt  and  in  Palestine the  Christian  Church  inherited  the  practice  of embalming.  It  had  prevailed  from  the  earliest period  of  which  we  have  any  record.  It  had originated  in  a  belief  which  Christians  recognised as  analogous  to  their  own  (August.  Serm.  de  Div. cxx.  12).  So  the  patriarchs  and  kings  of  the  Old Testament  had  been  interred,  so  had  been  their Lord  himself.  It  was  natural  that  those  who found  the  practice  in  existence  should  not  discard it,  even  though  they  no  longer  looked  on  it  as essential.  The  language  of  Tertullian  implies that  it  was  in  general  use  in  Western  Africa (Apol.  c.  42);  that  of  Augustine  (I.  c.)  shows that  it  was  adopted  in  Egypt.  In  Greece,  on  the other  hand,  the  dead  had  been  consigned  to  the funeral  pyre,  and  the  ashes  collected  in  an  urn of  bronze  or  clay,  from  the  hei'oic  age  downward. Rome,  which  in  the  earlier  days  of  the  Republic had  interred  its  dead,  had  adopted  the  Greek usage  in  the  time  of  Sulla  (the  dictator  is  said to  have  been  the  first  Roman  whose  body  was so  disposed  of)  and  had  transmitted  it  to  the Empire  (Plin.  Hist.  Nat.  vii.  54  ;  Cic.  de  Legg. ii.  25).  Against  this  usage  Christian  feeling naturally  revolted.  Even  while  contending  that no  variation  in  the  mode  of  burial  could  affect the  resurrection  of  the  body,  Christian  writers protested  against  cremation  as  wanting  in  re- verencing, and  suggesting  a  denial  of  the  truth which  they  held  so  precious.  We,  thev  said, "  veterem  et  meliorem  consuetudinem  humandi frequentamus"  (Minuc.  Felix,  Octav.  c.  39; August,  de  Civ.  Dei,  i.  12,  13).  And  accord- ingly, when  their  persecutors  sought  to  inflict the  most  cruel  outrage  on  their  feelings,  they added   to   the   tortures   by  which   they  inflicted 252       BUEIAI,  OF  THE  DEAD death,  that  of  burning  the  bodies  of  the  dead. In  this  way,  they  thought,  they  should  rob  the Christians  of  that  resurrection  which  they  hoped fur,  or  at  least  trample  on  that  which  they  held sacred  (Euseb.  H.  E.  v.  1,  ad  fin.).  As  a  rule, accordingly,  it  may  be  held,  that  interment,  with or  without  embalming,  according  to  local  custom or  the  rank  of  the  deceased,  obtained  from  the first  in  all  Christian  Churches. 2.  Place  of  Burial.  At  first,  in  the  nature of  things,  it  was  not  ia  the  power  of  Christians to  transgress  the  laws  of  the  Empire  which  for- bade interment  within  the  walls  of  cities  (Cic.  de Lcgg.  ii.  58).  The  Jewish  custom  had  in  this respect  agreed  with  that  which  prevailed throughout  the  heathen  world,  strengthened  by the  feeling  that  contact  with  the  graves  where the  dead  reposed  brought  with  it  a  ceremonial defilement.  The  tomb  of  Christ,  e.g.,  was  in  a garden  nigh  unto  the  city,  but  outside  the  gates (Matt,  xxvii.  60),  and  the  same  holds  good  of the  burial  at  Nain  (Luke  vii.  12),  and  of  that  of Lazarus  (John  xi.  30).  The  demoniac  of  Gadara had  "  his  dwelling  in  the  tombs,"  because  they were  remote  from  human  habitations  (Mark  v. 5).  Commonly,  as  on  the  Appian  way,  and  the road  from  Athens  to  the  Piraeus,  the  strip  of ground  on  each  side  of  the  most  frequented highway,  beginning  at  the  city  gate,  became the  burial-place  of  citizens.  Slaves  and  foreign- ers were  laid  in  some  less  honourable  position. The  Jews  at  Rome  and  in  other  cities  had  burial- places  of  their  own. The  wish  to  avoid  contact  with  idolatrous rites,  and  to  escape  interruption  and  insult  in their  own  funeral  ceremonies,  would  naturally lead  Christians  to  follow  the  example  of  the Jews,  and  to  secure,  as  soon  as  possible,  a  place where  they  could  bury  their  dead  in  peace.  The earliest  trace  of  this  feeling  is  found  in  an inscription,  which  records  the  purchase  by Fnustus,  a  slave  of  Antonia,  the  wife  of  Drusus, from  Jucundus,  a  Christian,  of  the  "jus  oUa- rum,"  the  right,  i.e.  of  burying  the  remains  of the  dead  in  a  columbarium.  The  Christian,  i.  e. will  no  longer  burn  the  bodies  of  those  for whom  he  cares,  nor  have  his  own  body  to  be burnt,  but  sells  his  interest  in  the  pagan  sepul- chre, and  provides  another  for  himself  (Muratori MDCLXViii.  6).  So  in  like  manner  Cyprian (Ep.  68)  makes  it  a  special  charge  against  Mar- tialis,  bishop  of  Astura,  that  he  had  allowed  his sons  to  be  "apud  profana  sepulcra  depositos." During  the  long  periods  in  which  they  were exempt  from  persecution,  they  were  allowed  in many  cities  to  possess  their  burial-grounds  in peace.  At  Carthage,  e.g.,  they  had  their  areae. and  it  was  only  in  a  time  of  popular  fury  that their  right  to  them  was  disputed  (Tertull.  ad Scap.  c.  3).  At  Alexandria  they  had  what  they had  been  the  first  to  call  Koi/nrirTipia,  and  it  was not  till  the  persecution  under  Valerian  and  Gal- lienus  that  they  were  forbidden  to  have  access to  them  (Euseb.  E.  E.  vii.  11).  [Cemetery.] Soon  afterwards,  however,  they  must  have  been restored,  as  we  find  Diocletian  and  Maximian agam  closing  them.  Special  edicts  of  this  nature ai^,  of  course,  exceptions  that  prove  the  rule. \Miere  as  at  Rome,  Naples,  and  Milan,  the  na- tureof  the  sod  lent  itself  readily  to  subterrane- ous m  erment,  this  was  caught  at  as  givin<.  at cure  the  privacy  and  security  which  the  Chris- BUEIAL  OF  THE  DEAD tians  needed.  As  Christianity  spread,  it  was  not difficult,  by  payment  or  by  favour — often,  perhaps, through  a  secret  sympathy — to  obtain  from  the owners  of  the  land  which  was  thus  excavated  a prescriptive  right  to  its  use ;  and,  as  a  matter  of tact,  the  sanctity  of  the  catacombs  never  seems to  have  been  violated.  [Catacombs.]  Whatever other  purposes  they  might  serve,  as  meeting- places  or  refuges,  this  was,  beyond  question, their  primary  and  most  lasting  use. During  persecution,  especially  in  localities where  there  was  not  the  facility  for  concealment presented  by  the  catacombs,  the  Christians  had, of  course,  to  bury  their  dead  as  they  could. When  the  conversion  of  Constantine  restored  free liberty  of  choice,  the  places  which  had  been made  sacred  by  the  bodies  of  saints  and  martyrs were  naturally  sought  after.  The  tomb  became the  nucleus  of  a  basilica.  The  devout  Christian wished  to  be  helped  by  the  presence  and  protec- tion of  the  martyr  (August,  de  Gura  ger.  pro Mort.  c.  1  and  7).  The  phrases  POSITOS  AD SANCTOS,  AD  MARTYEES,  are  found  frequently  on monumental  inscriptions  in  Italy  and  Gaul  (Le Blaut,  Inscriptions  Chre'tiennes,  i.  83).  Gra- dually, through  the  influence  of  this  feeling,  the old  Roman  practice  of  extramural  interment fell  into  disuse.  Burial  within  the  basilica  was reserved  for  persons  of  the  highest  rank.  Con- stantine was  the  first  to  set  the  example,  and was  followed  by  Theodosius  and  Honorius  (Chry- sost.  Horn.  26  in  2  Cor.).  The  distinction  was eagerly  sought  after,  and  the  desire  to  obtain it  had  to  be  placed  under  restrictions  both  by imperial  laws,  as  by  those  of  Valentinian  and Gratian,  and  by  the  canons  of  councils  (Cone. Bracar.  A.D.  563,  c.  18).  During  the  ti-ansition period  many  cities  seem  to  have  adhered  to  the old  plan,  and  to  have  refused  their  sanction  to any  intramural  interment  (ibid.).  Where  that sanction  was  given,  the  precincts  of  the  church, sometimes  its  atrium  or  courtyard,  where  it  was constructed  after  the  type  of  a  basilica,  became the  favourite  spot.  In  the  9th  century  Gregory of  Tours  supplies  the  first  instance  of  a  formal consecration  of  a  churchyard  for  such  a  purpose (De  Glor.  Confess,  c.  6).  A  special  prohibition against  the  use  of  the  baptistery  for  interments is  found  in  Gaul  about  the  same  period  (Cone. Antissiod.  c.  14). Funeral  Rites.  The  details  of  Christian burial  j^resent,  as  might  be  expected,  points  both of  resemblance  and  contrast  to  heathen  practices. Wherever  the  usage  was  the  expression  of  na- tural reverence  or  love,  there  it  was  adopted. Where  it  was  connected  with  any  pagan  super- stition it  was  carefully  avoided. (1.)  Starting  from  the  moment  of  death,  the first  act  of  the  by-standers,  of  the  nearest  of  kin who  might  be  present,  was  to  close  the  eyes  and mouth  of  the  corpse  (Euseb.  II.  E.  vii.  22). Among  the  Romans  this  had  been  followed  by reopening  the  eyes  when  the  body  was  placed upon  the  pyre  (Plin.  Xat.  Hist.  xi.  37),  probably as  symbolizing  the  thought  that  though  they had  ceased  to  look  upon  the  world  which  they were  leaving,  they  were  yet  on  the  point  of passing  to  another  state  of  being  where  they would  see  and  be  seen  again.  Of  this  latter custom  we  have  no  trace  in  Christian  history. Then  followed  the  washing,  the  anointing,  some- times the   embalming.     In    the    society  around BURIAL  OF  THE  DEAD them  this  had  been  left  to  the  pollindores,  who made  it  their  business.  With  Christians  it  was a  worlc  of  love,  done  for  friends  and  kindred,  or even  for  strangers  and  the  poor  (Euseb.  H.  E. vii.  22). (2.)  In  Palestine  and  throughout  the  East generally  interment  followed  upon  death  after an  interval  of  a  few  hours,  during  which  the hired  mourners  made  their  lamentations  (Matt, ix.  23;  2  Chron.  sxxv.  25;  Jerem.  xxii.  18). This  was  due  in  part,  of  course,  to  the  rapidity with  which  decomposition  sets  in  under  such  a climate,  but  still  more  to  the  feeling  common  to both  Jew  and  heathen,  that  the  jiresence  of  the dead  body  brought  defilement  to  the  house  and its  inmates.  Here  also  Christian  thought  shewed itself  in  contrast,  and  the  interval  between  death and  burial  was  gradually  prolonged  to  three  or four  days.  The  body  was  swathed  in  white linen,  sometimes  with  the  insignia  of  office,  or with  ornaments  of  gold  and  gems,  placed  in  the coffin  or  sarcophagus,  and  laid  out,  sometimes  in the  chamber  of  death,  sometimes  in  the  church, that  friends  might  come  and  weep  and  take  their last  look  (Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  iv.  66,  67 ;  Ambros. Orat.  in  obit.  Theodos. ;  August.  Cunff.  ix.  12). V^igils  were  held  over  it,  accompanied  by  prayers and  hymns.  Hired  mourners,  like  those  of  the East  or  the  praejicae  of  the  Komans,  were  not allowed. (3.)  The  feeling  that  a  funeral  was  a  thing  of  evil omen  for  the  eye  to  fall  on  led  the  Romans  to  choose night  as  the  time  for  interment."  The  Christian Church,  on  the  contrary,  as  soon  as  it  was  able to  develop  itself  freely,  and  was  free  from  the risk  of  outrage,  chose  the  day,  and  gave  to  the funeral  procession  somewhat  of  the  character  of a  triumph.  The  coffin  was  borne  on  the  shoulders of  the  nearest  friends  and  kinsmen.  Where,  as in  the  case  of  Paula  (Hieron.  Ep.  27  ad  Eustoch.), honour  was  to  be  shewn  to  some  conspicuous benefactor  of  the  Church,  it  was  carried  by  the bishops  and  the  clei-gy.  The  leading  clergy  of a  diocese  took  their  place  as  bearers  at  the  funeral of  a  bishop,  as,  e.  g.  in  that  of  St.  Basil  (Greg. Naz.  Orat.  xx.  p.  371).  They  and  the  others who  took  part  in  the  ceremonial  carried  in  their hands  branches,  not  of  the  funereal  cypress,  as among  Greeks  and  Romans,  but  of  palm  and  olive, as  those  who  celebrate  a  victory.  Leaves  of  the evergreen  laurel  and  ivy  were  placed  in  the  coffin- in  token  of  the  hope  of  immortality  (Durand. Hat.  div.  off.  vii.  35).  Others,  again,  in  like  token of  Christian  joy,  carried  lighted  lamps  or  torches (Chrysost.  Mom.  IV.  in  Hehr. ;  Greg.  Nyss.  Vit. Macrin.  ii.  p.  201).  The  practice  of  crowning the  head  with  a  wreath  of  flowers  was  rejected,!" partly  as  tainted  with  idolatry,  partly  as  asso- ciated with  riotous  revels  or  shameless  eifemiuacy (Clem.  Alex.  Faedag.  ii.  8 ;  Tertull.  de  Cor.  Milit. c.  10),  but  flowers  were  scattered  freely  over  the body.  Others,  again,  carried  thuribles,  and  fra- grant   clouds    of   incense    rose    as    in    a    Roman a  Julian,  in  his  edict  against  the  pvactice  of  funeral processions,  occasioned  by  those  which  had  been  hold  at Antioch  in  honour  of  the  martyr  Babylas,  fulls  back upon  the  old  superstition :  "  Qui  enim  dies  est  bene  aus- picatus  a  funere?  Aut  quomodo  ad  Deos  et  templa venletur."— Cod   Theod.  ix.  tit.  \1, 1.  5. •>  The  denial  of  what  had  come  to  be  a  recognized mark  of  honour  was  turned  in  the  earlier  ages  of  the Church  into  a  ground  of  attack.  "  Coronas  etiam  sepulchris BUEIAL  OF  THE  DEAD       253 triumph  (Baron.  Annal.  a.d.  310,  n.  10;  Chrysost. Horn.  cxvi.  I.  6).  Nor  did  they  march  in  silence, but  chanted  as  they  went  hymns  of  hope  and joy.  "  Right  dear  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord  is  the death  of  His  saints ;"  "  Turn  again  unto  thv rest,  0  my  soul,  for  the  Lord  hath  rewarded thee ;"  "  The  souls  of  the  righteous  are  in  the hand  of  God  " — were  among  the  fiivourite  an- thems {Constt.  Apost.  vi.  30 ;  Chrysost.  Hoia. 30,  de  Dorm.).  Bells  were  not  tolled  till  the eighth  or  ninth  century,  nor  can  the  practice  of carrying  the  cross  in  the  procession  be  traced beyond  the  sixth  (Greg.  Turon.  Vit.  Patr.  c.  14). When  they  reached  the  grave,  hymns  and  prayers were  renewed,  and  were  followed  by  an  address from  the  bishop  or  priest.*^ (4.)  Either  in  the  church  or  at  the  grave  it was  customary,  as  early  as  the  fourth  century, to  have  a  celebration  of  the  eucharist  in  token of  the  communion  that  still  existed  between  the living  and  the  dead.  (123  C.  Carth.  iii.  c.  29). With  this  were  united  special  prayers  for  the  soul of  the  departed.  The  priest  first,  and  afterwards the  other  friends,  gave  the  corpse  the  last  kiss  of peace  (Dionys.  Areop.  Hicrarch.  Eccles.  c.  7).  For some  centuries,  in  spite  of  repeated  prohibitions  by councils  of  the  Church,  the  practice  prevailed,  in Western  Africa,  in  Gaul,  in  the  East,  of  placing the  consecrated  bread  itself,  steeped  in  the  wine, within  the  lips  of  the  dead  (C.  Carth.  iii.  c.  6 ; vi.  c.  83 ;  C.  Antissiod.  c.  12  ;  C.  Trullan.  c.  133). Another  practice,  that  of  burying  the  Eucharistic bread  with  the  dead,  though  not  between  the lips,  had  a  higher  sanction.  St.  Basil  is  reported, on  one  occasion,  after  consecration,  to  have  divided the  Eucharist  into  three  parts,  and  to  have  re- served one  to  be  buried  with  him  (Amphilochius in  Spicileg.  vii.  p.  81)  ;  and  St.  Benedict,  in  like manner,  ordered  it  to  be  laid  upon  the  breast  of a  young  monk,  as  he  was  placed  in  the  grave. (Greg.  Dialog,  ii.  24  ;  cf.  Martene  de  Ant. Eccles.  Bit.  i.  3  62,  ed.  1.)  The  old  union  of  the Agape  and  the  Supper  of  the  Lord  left  traces of  itself  here  also,  and  the  Eucharist  was  fol- lowed by  a  meal,  ostensibly  of  brotherhood,  or as  an  act  of  bounty  to  the  poor,  but  often  passing into  riotous  excess  (August,  de  Mor.  Eccl.  c.  34). When  the  body  was  lowered  into  the  grave  it was  with  the  face  turned  upwards,  and  with  the feet  towards  the  east,  in  token  of  the  sure  and certain  hope  of  the  coming  of  the  Sun  of Righteousness  and  the  resurrection  of  the  dead (Chrysost.  Horn.  cxvi.  t.  vi.).  Other  positions, such  as  sitting  or  standing,  were  exceptions  to the  general  rule  (Arringhi,  Boma  subt.  c.  16, p.  33).  The  insignia  of  office,  if  the  deceased had  held  any  such  position  —  gold  and  silver ornaments,  in  the  case  of  private  persons — were often  flung  into  the  open  grave,  and  the  waste and  ostentation  to  which  this  led  had  to  be checked  by  an  imperial  edict  (Cof/.  Theodos.  xi. tit.  7,  1.  14),  which  does  not  appear,  however,  to have  been  very  rigidly  enforced.      The  practice dcnegatis"  is  the  language  of  the  heathen  in  the  Octanus of  Minuciiis  Felix ;  and  the  Christian  in  his  reply  ac- knowledges "nee  mortuos  coronamus"  (c.  xii.  xxxviii.). Flowers  were  however  scattered  over  the  grave  (Pru- dent. Cathemerinon,  x.  177.) ■^  The  funeral  orations  of  Eusebius  at  the  death  of  Con- stantine,  of  Ambrose  on  that  of  Theodosius,  are  the  most memorable  instances ;  but  we  have  also  those  of  Gregory of  Nazianzum  on  his  father  brother,  and  sister. 254 BURIAL  OF  THE  LORD retained  in  our  English  service,  of  a  solemn prayer  while  the  first  handfuls  of  earth  are thrown  upon  the  coffin,  is  not  traceable  to  any early  period.  In  the  Greek  Euchologion  the earth  is  cast  in  by  the  bishop  or  priest  himself. When  the  grave  was  closed  the  service  ended with  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  Benediction. There  were,  however,  subsequent  rites  con- nected more  or  less  normally  with  the  burial. On  the  third  day,  on  the  ninth,  and  on  the  for- tieth, the  friends  of  the  deceased  met  and  joined in  psalms  or  hymns  and  prayers  {Constt.  Apost. viii.  c.  42). The  feeling  that  death  in  the  case  of  those who  fell  asleep  in  Christ  was  a  cause  not  for lamentation  but  for  thanksgiving,  shewed  itself lastly  in  the  disuse  of  the  mourning  apparel which  was  common  among  the  Romans,  of  the ashes  and  rent  garments,  which  were  signs  of sorrow  with  the  Jews.  Instead  of  black  clothes, men  were  to  wear  the  dress  which  they  wore  at feasts.  The  common  practice  was  denounced  as foreign  to  the  traditions  and  the  principles  of the  Christian  Church  (Cyprian,  de  Mortal,  p.  115  ; August.  Serm.  2,  de  Consol.  Mort.).  Here,  how- ever, the  natural  feeling  was  too  strong  to  be thrust  out,  and  gradually  the  old  signs  of  a sorrow,  which  could  not  but  be  felt,  even  though it  were  blended  with  hope,  made  their  way  into use  again. It  was  characteristic  of  the  religious  care with  which  the  Church  regarded  every  work connected  with  the  burial  of  the  dead,  that  even those  whose  tasks  were  of  the  lowest  kind,  the grave-diggers  (KoirfctTai,  fossarii),  the  sanda- pilarii.  and  others,  whose  functions  corresponded to  those  of  the  undertaker's  men  in  our  own time,  were  not  merely  a  class  doing  their  work as  a  trade,  but  were  reckoned  as  servants  of  the Church,  and  as  such  took  their  place  as  the  lowest order  of  the  clergy. The  more  developed  and  formal  ritual  of  in- terment in  the  Eastern  Church  is  given  at  some length  by  the  Pseudo-Dionysius  the  Areopagite, and  contained,  as  its  chief  elements,  the  follow- ing : — (1)  The  body  was  brought  to  the  bishop or  priest  by  the  next  of  kin,  that  he  might  offer thanksgiving  as  for  one  who  had  fought  the good  fight,  and  the  relations  sang  triumphant and  rejoicing  hymns.  (2)  The  deacons  recited the  chief  Scriptural  promises  of  the  resurrection and  of  eternal  life,  and  sang  creeds  and  hymns  of like  tenor.  (3)  The  catechumens  were  then  dis- missed, and  the  archdeacon  spoke  to  the  faithful who  remained,  of  the  bliss  of  the  departed,  and exhorted  them  to  follow  their  example.  (4)  The priest  then  prayed  that  the  deceased  might  find a  resting-place  with  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob in  the  land  where  sorrow  and  sighing  should  flee away.  (5)  The  bishop,  followed  by  the  kindred or  friends,  then  gave  the  corpse  the  kiss  of  peace. (6)  When  this  was  over,  the  bishop  poured  oil upon  the  dead  body,  and  it  was  then  placed  in the  grave.  The  anointing  of  baptism  was  to prepare  the  athlete  for  his  conflict :  that  of burial  was  a  token  that  the  conflict  was  over, and  the  combatant  at  rest.  {Eccles.  Hierarch. vii.  p.  359.)  [-E.  H.  P.] BURIAL  OP  THE  LORD.  Easter-Eve  in the  Armenian  Calendar  is  called  the  Burial of  the  Lord  (Neale,  Eastern  Ch.  Introd.  p. 798).  [;C.f BYZATIUM,  COUNCIL  OF BUTTA,  BUTTO  or  BUTRO.  (Several  kin- dred forms  are  given  by  Du  Cange,  s.  v.  Butta.)  In some  MSS.  of  the  Liber  Pontificalis  we  read  that Leo  in.  (795-816) caused  to  be  made for  the  venerable monastery  of  St. Sabas,  "  butronem [al.  buttonem]  ar- genteum  cum  canis- tro  suo  pensantem libr.  xii."  Leo  IV. (847-855)  is  also  re- ported by  the  same authority  to  have placed  in  the  church of  St.  Peter,  "  bu- tronem ex  argento purissimo,  qui  pen- det  in  presbyterio  ante  altare,  pensantem  libr. cxlix";  and  another,  also  of  pure  silver,  "  cum  ga- batis  argenteis  pendentibus  in  catenulis  septem." These  buttones  seem  to  have  been  suspended cups  used  for  lamps.  [Compare  Canistrum, Gabatha.]  The  illustrations  are  from  the  Hie- rolexicon;  the  first  represents  a  single  sus- pended hutto,  from  an  ancient  representation ; the  second,  a  corona  with  three  hanging  hut- tones,  from  an  ancient  painting  once  existing  in St.  Peter's  at  Rome, Buttones  used  as  Lamps. The  form  hutrista  is  used,  apparently  in  the same  sense,  by  Alcuin,  Poem.  165.  (Du  Cange's Glossary  ;  Macri  Hierolexicon,  s.  v.  Butto.) Martene  {de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  iii.  96)  describes a  huta  as  used  for  fetching  and  preserving  the Chrism,  according  to  an  ancient  custom,  in  the church  of  St.  Martin  at  Tours.  [C] BYBLINUS,  in  Caesarea  ;  commemorated Nov.  5  {Mart.  Hieron.).  [C] BYZACENUM  CONCILIUM.  [Byza- Tixui,  Council  of.j BYZATIUM,  COUNCIL  OF  (Btzacenum Concilium),  provincial,  at  Byzatium  in  Africa. (1)  A.D.  397,  to  confirm  the  canons  of  the Council  of  Hippo  of  A.D.  393  :  its  Synodical Letter   is  in  the  Acts  of  the  Third  Council  of BYZATIUM,  COUNCIL  OE Carthage  of  the  same  year,  397  (Mansi,  iii.  875). — (2)  A.D.  507,  a  numerous  Council,  which  in- sisted on  filling  up  vacant  bishoprics.  King  Thrasa- mund  having  forbidden  this  in  order  to  extinguish the  orthodox  Church  (Ferrand.  Diac,  V.  Fulgent. xvi. ;  Labb.  iv.  1378-1380).— (3)  a.d.  54-1,  sent a  deputation  to  the  emperor  Justinian,  who  in reply  confirms  all  the  canonical  privileges  of  the metropolitan  of  Carthage  (Dacianus),  and  of  the African  primates  (^Rescripts  of  Justinian  to  the Council  and  to  Dacianus,  in  Baron,  ad  an.  541 ; Labbe,  v.  380). — (4)  a.d.  602,  in  the  cause  of Crementius,  or  Clementius,  or  Clementinus, primate  of  the  province,  held  at  the  instigation of  Gregory  the  Great  (^/)i'sf^.  xii.  32),  who  ex- horts the  comprovincial  bishops  to  inquire  into, and  adjudicate  upon,  certain  accusations  that were  current  against  their  metropolitan  (Labbe, V.  1612). — (5)  A.D.  646,  under  Stephen  the  me- tropolitan, against  the  Monothelites  (Labbe,  v. 1835,  vi.  133).  [A.  W.  H.] CABERSUSSA,  COUNCIL  OF.  [African COUXCILS.] CABILLONENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Cha- loxs-sur-Saone.] CAECILIA,  virgin-martyr  at  Rome,  is  com- memorated Nov.  22  (^Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae, Usuardi).  [C] CAECILIANUS,  martyr  at  Saragossa,  com- memorated April  16  (3Iart.  Usuardi).  [C] CAECILIUS,  with  others  "  qui  Romae  ab apostolis  ordinati  sunt,"  is  commemorated  May  15 {3fart.  Rom.  Vet.).  [C] CAESAR  -  AUGUSTANUM  CONCI- LIUM.   [Saragossa.] CAESAEEA,    COUNCILS    OF.      (1)   In Palestine,  a.d.  196,  according  to  Cave  {Hist.  Lit. i.  97)  on  the  Easter  controversy  that  had  arisen between  Pope  Victor  and  the  churches  of  Asia Minor, — Narcissus  of  Jerusalem,  Theophilus  of Caesarea,  Cassius  of  Tyre,  and  Clarus  of  Ptole- mais  being  present,  as  we  learn  from  Eusebius (v.  25).  They  beg,  in  what  he  has  preserved  of their  letter,  to  be  understood  as  keeping  Easter on  the  same  day  as  the  Church  of  Alexandria. But,  curiously  enough,  several  versions  of  the acts  of  this  Council  have  been  discovered  in  the West,  beginning  with  that  ascribed  to  Bede (Migne's  Patrol,  xc.  607;  comp.  Mansi  i.  711- 716)  at  much  greater  length  :  the  only  question is,  are  they  in  keeping  with  the  above  letter  ? (2)  In  Palestine  (Mansi  ii.  1122),  summoned A.D.  331,  to  inquire  into  the  truth  of  some charges  brought  against  St.  Athanasius  by  his enemies,  but  not  held  till  334,  when  he  was  fur- ther accused  of  having  kept  the  Council  ap- pointed to  try  them,  waiting  thirty  months.  He knew  too  well  to  what  party  the  bishop  of  the diocese,  and  father  of  ecclesiastical  history, belonged,  to  appear  even  then ;  and  on  his  non- appearance, proceedings  had  to  be  adjourned  to the  Council  of  Tyre  the  year  following. (3)  In  Palestine,  a.d.  357  or  358  apparently, under  Acacius  its   Metropolitan,  when  St.  Cyril CALCULATORES 255 of  Jerusalem  was  deposed  (Soz.  iv.  25).  So- crates (ii.  40)  adds  that  he  appealed  from  its sentence  to  a  higher  tribunal,  a  course  hitherto without  precedent  in  canonical  usage ;  and  that his  appeal  was  allowed  by  the  emperor. (4)  In  Pontus,  or  Neocaesarea,  a.d.  358,  ac- cording to  Pagi  (Mansi  iii.  291),  at  which  Eusta- thius,  bishop  of  Sebaste,  was  deposed ;  and Melatius,  afterwards  bishop  of  Antioch,  set  in his  place. (5)  In  Cappadocia,  a.d.  370  or  371,  when St.  Basil  was  constituted  bishop  in  the  room  of Eusebius,  its  former  Metropolitan,  whom  he  had been  assisting  some  years,  though  he  had  been o]-dained  deacon  by  St.  Meletius.  The  Libellus Synodicus,  a  work  of  the  ninth  century  (Mansi i.  25,  note)  makes  St.  Basil  anathematise Dianius,  the  predecessor  of  his  own  prede- cessor at  this  synod ;  but  St.  Basil  himself (Ep.  Ii.  al.  Ixxxvi.)  denies  ever  having  done  so. Further  on  in  his  epistles  (xcviii.  al.  cclix.) he  seems  to  speak  of  another  synod  about  to  be held  in  his  diocese,  to  settle  the  question  of jurisdiction  between  him  and  the  Metropolitan of  Tyana,  consequent  on  the  division  of  Cappa- docia by  the  civil  power  into  two  provinces. St.  Basil  stood  upon  his  ancient  rights :  but eventually  the  matter  was  compromised,  as  we learn  from  his  friend  St.  Gregory  (Orat.  xliii. §  59  al.  XX.),  by  the  erection  of  more  sees  in  each, the  carrying  out  of  which,  however  beneficial  to their  country,  proved  so  nearly  fatal  to  their friendship.  The  date  assigned  to  this  Council by  Mansi  (iii.  453)  is  a.d.  372.  [E.  S.  Ff.] CAESARIUS.  (1)  Bishop  of  Aries,  comme- morated Aug.  27  (Mart.  Usuardi). (2)  Deacon  and  martyr,  is  commemorated Nov.  1  (Mart.  Rom,.  Vet.,  Bedae,  Usuardi). (3)  Martvr  under  Decius,  is  commemorated Nov.  3  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Usuardi).  [C] CAINICHUS,  abbat  in  Scotland,  comme- morated Oct.  11  (Mart.  Usuardi).  [C] CAIUS.  (1)  Gaius  of  Corinth  is  comme- morated Oct.  4  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  at  Bologna,  Jan.  4  (MaH.  Usuardi). (3)  Palatinus,  martyr,  March  4  (Mart.  Usuardi). (4)  Martyr  at  Apanmea  under  Antoninus  Verus, March  10  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Usuardi). (6)  Martyr  at  Militana  in  Armenia,  April  19 (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Usuardi). (6)  Pope,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Diocletian, April  22  (Kal.  Bucher.,  Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae, Usuardi). (7)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia,  Oct.  21  (Jifart.  Rom. Vet.,  Usuardi). (8)  Martyr  at  Messina,  Nov.  20  (3fart.  Rom. Vet.,  Usuardi).  [C] CALCHUTHENSE  CONCILIIBL  [Ceal- CHYTHE.] CALCUI-ATORES,  or  according  to  Pertz, CAUCULATORES,  casters  of  horoscopes.  This term  does  n(it  appear  to  figure  m  church  history till  the  time  of  Charlemagne.  An  ecclesiastical capitulary  of  789,  dated  from  Aix-la-Chapelle, referring  to  the  precepts  of  the  Pentateuch against  witchcraft  and  sorcery,  enacts  that "there  shall  be  no  calculators,  nor  enchanters, nor  storm-raisers  (tempestarii),  or  obligatores  (i)  ; and  wherever  they  are,  let  them  amend  or  be condemned" — the  punishment  being  apparontJy 256 CALEXDAK left  to  the  discretion  of  the  judge  (c.  64).  The term  figures  again,  and  in  much  the  same  com- pany, in  a  similar  enactment  contained  in  certain "  Capitula  Excerpta  '•'  of  the  year  802,  also  dated from  Aix-Ia-Chapelle  (c.  40).  [J.  M.  L.] CALENDAR  {Kakndarium,  Com.putus,  Dis- tribulio  Officiorum  per  circuluin  totius  anni,  ix7\va.l- ov  eopTaariKov,  Tip.(poK6yiov,  icp-Qixepis :  later, KaKiVTapiov.)  It  does  not  belong  to  this  article to  treat  of  the  calendar  except  in  its  ecclesiastical form  as  used  for  liturgical  purposes  during  the first  eight  centuries  of  the  Christian  era.  The early  Christian  communities  continued  to  use the  mode  of  reckoning  and  naming  days  and years  which  existed  in  the  countries  in  which they  had  their  origin.  The  distinctive  church calendar  exists  for  the  purpose  of  denoting  the days,  either  of  a  given  year,  or  of  any  year, which  are  marked  for  religious  celebration. First  among  these  liturgical  requirements  is the  specification  of  the  Lord's  Day.  This  was facilitated  by  a  contrivance  borrowed  from  the heathen  Rom"an  calendar.      [Sunday  Letter.] But  together  with  the  week  of  seven  days, of  which  the  first  day  or  Sunday  was  assigned  to the  celebration  of  the  Lord's  Resurrection,  there existed  from  the  earliest  times  a  yearly  com- memoration which,  eventualh',  by  general  con- sent of  the  churches,  at  first  divided  on  this point  (Easter),  was  assigned  to  the  Sunday next  after  the  day  on  which,  according  to  cer- tain calculations,  the  Jews  were,  or  should have  been,  celebrating  their  Passover,  that  is, the  day  of  the  full  moon  nearest  to  the  vernal equinox.  Hence  the  year  of  the  Christian calendar  is  partly  solar  of  the  Julian  form, partly  lunar.  All  the  Sundays  which  are  related to  Easter,  i.e.  all  from  our  Septuagesima  Sun- day to  the  last  Sunday  after  Trinity,  change their  places  year  by  year:  the  rest,  i.e.  from 1  Advent  to  the  Sunday  before  Septuagesima shifting  only  to  a  place  one  day  later ;  in  leap- years,  two.  About  the  middle  of  the  4th  cen- tury, the  Nativity  of  Christ,  until  then  com- memorated, if  at  all.  on  the  6th  January,  was fixed  to  the  25th  December  [Christmas].  And as  other  days,  commemorative  of  bishops,  mar- tyrs, and  apostles  came  to  be  celebrated,  these also  were  noted  in  the  fixed  calendar. The  calendar  existed  in  two  forms  :  one,  in which  all  the  days  of  the  year  were  noted,  with specification  of  months  and  weeks :  the  other, a  list  of  the  holy  days,  with  or  without  specifi- cation of  the  month  date.  Of  the  full  calendar, what  seems  to  be  the  earliest  extant  specimen is  furnished  by  a  fragment  of  a  Gothic  calendar, composed,  probably,  in  Thrace  in  the  4th  cen- tury, edited  by  Mai,  Script,  vet.  nova  collcdio, V.  i.  66-68.  Comp.  de  Gabelentz,  Ulphilas,  ii.  i, p.  xvii.  Krafft,  Kirch.  Gesch.  der  germanischen Vijlker,  i.  1,  371,  385-387.  This  fragment  gives only  the  thirty-eight  days  from  23  October  to 30  November.  It  assigns  the  festivals  of  seven saints,  two  of  the  New  Testament,  three  of  the Universal  Church,  two  local,  namely  Gothic. Not  less  ancient,  perhaps,  is  a  Roman  calendar, of  the  time  of  Constantius  IL,  forming  part  of  a collection  of  chronographical  pieces  written  by the  calhgrapher,  Furius  Dionvsius  Filocalus,  in the  year  354;  edited,  after  others,  by  Kollar, Analect.  Vindohon.  i.  961,  sqq.  This,  while  re- taining the  astronomical  and  astrological  notes CALENDAR of  the  old  Roman  calendars,  with  some  of  the heathen  festivals,  is  so  far  Christian  that,  side by  side  with  the  old  nundinal  letters  A — H,  it gives  also  the  dominical  letters,  A — G,  of  the ecclesiastical  year ;  but  it  does  not  specify  any of  the  Christian  holy  days.  (Comp.  Ideler,  Ildh. 2,  140.)  Next  in  point  of  antiquity  is  the calendar  composed  by  Polemeus  Silvius,  in  the year  448,  edited  by  the  Bollandists,  Acta  Sanc- torum Januar.  vii.  176  ff.  This  is  a  full  Roman calendar  adapted  to  Christian  use,  not  only  as that  of  A.D.  354,  just  noticed,  by  specification  of the  Lord's  Days,  but  with  some  few  holy  days added,  namely,  four  in  connexion  with  Christ, and  six  for  commemoration  of  martyrs. Of  the  short  calendar,  the  most  ancient  speci- men is  that  which  was  fii-st  edited  by  Bucherius, de  Doctrina  Temporum,  c.  xv.  266  sqq.  (Antwerp, 1634) — a  work  of  Roman  origin  dating  from about  the  middle  of  the  4th  century,  as  appears from  the  contents,  as  also  from  the  foot  that  it is  included  in  the  collection  of  Filocalus,  thence edited  by  Kollar,  u.  s. ;  also  with  a  learned  com- mentary by  Lambecius,  Catal.  Codd.  3ISS.  in Bihlioth.  Caesar.  Vindohon.  iv.  277  IF.,  and  by Graevius  Thes.  viii.  It  consists  of  two  por- tions, of  which  the  first  is  a  list  of  twelve popes  from  Lucius  to  Julius  (predecessor  of Liberius),  a.d.  253-352 ;  not  complete,  how- ever, for  Sixtus  (Xystus)  has  his  place  among the  martyrs,  and  Marcellus  is  omitted.  The other  part  gives  names  and  days  of  twenty-two martyrs,  all  Roman,  including  besides  Xystus, those  of  earlier  popes,  Fabianus,  Callistus,  and Pontianus.  Together  with  these,  the- Feast  of the  Nativity  is  noted  on  25th  December,  and  that of  the  Cathedra  Petri  assigned  to  22nd  February, A  similar  list  of  Roman  festivals  with  a lectionary  (Capitulare  Evangeliorum  totius  anni) was  edited  by  Fronto  (Paris,  1652,  and  in  his Epistolae  et  Dissertat.  ecclesiasticae,  p.  107-233, Veron.  1733),  from  a  manuscript  written  in letters  of  gold,  belonging  to  the  convent  of  St. Genevieve  at  Paris.  This  seems  to  have  been composed  in  the  first  half  of  the  8th  century. Another,  also  Roman,  edited  by  Martene,  Thcs. Analect.  v.  65,  is  perhaps  of  later  date. A  calendar  of  the  church  of  Carthage,  of  the  like form,  discovered  by  Mabillon,  by  Ruinart  appended to  his  Acta  Martyrum,  is  by  them  assigned  to the  5th  century.  It  contains  only  festivals  of bishops  and  martyrs,  mostly  local.  It  opens  with the  title,  "  Hie  continentur  dies  natalitiorum martyrum  et  depositiones  episcoporum  quos ecclesiae  Carthaginis  anniversaria  celebrant." As  each  church  had  its  own  bishops  and martyrs,  each  needed  in  this  regard  (i.e.  for  the days  marked  for  the  Depositiones  Episcoporum and  Natalitia  Martyrum)  its  separate  calendar. It  belonged  to  the  bishop  to  see  that  these  lists were  properly  drawn  up  for  the  use  of  the church.  And  to  this  effect  we  find  St.  Cyprian in  his  36th  epistle  exhorting  his  clergy  to  make known  to  him  the  days  on  which  the  confessors suffered.  "  Dies  eorum,  quibus  excedunt,  nuu- ciate  ut  commemorationes  eorum  inter  memorias martyrum     celebrare      possimus.       Quamquam Tertullus scripserit  et  scribat  et  sig- nificet  mihi  dies,  quibus  in  carcere  beati  fratres nostri  ad  immortalitatem  gloriosae  riiortis  exitu transeunt,  et  celebrentur  hie  a  nobis  oblationes et  sacrificia  ob  commemorationes  eorum."     Out CALENDAR of  these  calendar  notices  grew  the  Marttro- LOGIES  which,  however,  they  greatly  surpass in  authority  and  importance.  For  the  calen- dar, being  essential  as  a  liturgical  directory, was  therefore  composed  only  by  the  bishop  or bv  some  high  officer  of  the  church  appointed  by him.  Nothing  could  be  added  to,  or  altered  in, the  calendar  but  by  his  authority.  It  was accordingly  prefixed  or  appended  to  the  Sacra- mentaries  and  other  liturgical  books.  As  an example  of  an  early  form  of  this  liturgical calendar,  the  following  is  here  given  from  the Resp'jnsoriale  and  Aiitiphoiutriuim  ascrihei  to  St. Gregory  the  Great  (ed.  Thomasius) : — Specimen  distributionis  officiorum  per  circulum anni. Dominica  I.  Adventus  Do-     Dom.  V. mini.  Responsoria  de  Psalmis. Dominica  II.    ante  Nativ.     Diebus     Dominicis     Aiiti- Domini.  phoiiae. Natale  S.  Luciae  Virginis.        Vigilia  S.  Sebastian!. Dom.  III.  ante  Naliv.  Do-      Natale  S.  Agnetis. mini.  Purificatio  S.  Mariae. Dom.    proxima    ante   Nat.     Vigilia  at  Natale  S.  Agnae. Dom.  Adunatio  S.  Mariae. Vigilia  Nat.  Dom.  Dominica  in  LXXma. Nativitas  Domini.  Bom.  in  LXma. Natale  S  Stephani.  Dom.  in  Lma.  (sen  Carnis- „     S.  Joannis.  privil  et  excarnaliorum). SS.  Innocentium.  Dom.  I.  in  XLa. Dom.  I.  post  Nat  Dom.  Dom.  II. Vigilia  Octavae  Nat.  Dom.       Dom.  III. Epiph,mia      (seu      Theo-     Dom.  in  medio  XLmae  (sen phania).  de  Jerusalem) Octava  Epiphaniae.  Laetare  (vel  de  Rosa'). Dominica    I.    post    Theo-     Dom.  de  Passione  Domini phaiiiam.  (seu  Mediana). Dom.  II.  Dom.   in   Palmis   (seu  In- Dom.  III.  dulsentiae). Dom.  IV.  Vigilia  Coenae  Domini. Parasceve.  Dominica    post    Ascensum Sabbatum  sanctum.  Domini    (seu    item     de Vigiliae  S.  Paschae.  Rosa). Dominica  S.  Paschae.  Pentecoste. Dom.  octava  Paschae  (seu,      Octava  Peiitecostes. post  albas  pasohales).  Vigilia       Nativitatis       S. Dom.  I.  post  Pascha.  Joannae  Baptistap. Dom.  II.  (Sic  bequuntur  officia  pm- Dom.  III.  pria  de  Sanctis  usque  ad Dom.  IV.  Adventum). Litanla  major.  Conimunia  Otticia. Vigilia  Apostol.  Philippi  et     Responsoria   de    libro  Re- Jacobi.  gum,     Sapientiae,     Job, Dom.  III.  et  IV.  in  Pascha         Tubia,  Judith,  Esther,  de R.  R.  de  Anctoritate.  historia     Machabaeorum Dom.  V.  et  VI.  in  ,Pascha         de  Propbetis. R.  R.  de  psalmis.  Antiphonae    ad    bymnum In     Natalitiis     Ss.     infra         trium  puerorum. Pascha.  De  Canlico  Zdchariae.     S. In   Natalitiis    unlus    Mar-         Mariae. tyris  sive  Confessoris.  Antiphonae  dominicis  die- In  S.  Crucis  Inventiono.  bus  post   Pentecosten  a In  fxaltatione  S.  Crucis.  L.  usque  ad  XXIV. Ascensio  Domini. A  knowledge  of  the  calendar,  being  indispen- sable for  the  due  performance  of  the  liturgy,  was one  of  the  essential  qualifications  for  the  priestly office.  It  is  a  frequent  injunction  in  the  capi- tula  of  bishops,  "  presbyteri  computum  discant." A  canon  of  the  council  of  Ai.x-la-Chapelle,  a.d. 789,  c.  70,  and  the  Capitulare  Interrogationis, A.D.  811,  of  Charlemagne,  i.  68,  enjoin  (with  a view  to  the  supply  of  qualified  persons)  "  ut scholae     legentium     puerorum     fiant,    psalmos, notas,  cantum,  computum,  grammaticam discant."  For  instruction  in  this  department  of clerical  education  and  ecclesiastical  learning, treatises  more  or  less  copious  were  provided. An  elaborate  work  of  this  kind  is  the  de  Computo of  Kabanus  Maurus,  archbishop  of  Mayence (a.d.  8-t7),  edited  by  Baluxius,  Miscellan.  t.  i. p.  1,  sqq.     Yearly,  on  the  feast  of  Epiphany,  the CHRISr.  ANT. CALENDAR 257 bishop  announced  the  date  of  Easter  for  that year,  as  enjoined  e.  g.  by  the  4th  Council  of Orleans,  a.d.  541,can.  l(Bruns,  ii.  201):  and  from him  the  clergy,  together  with  this  announcement, received  notice  of  any  new  festival  appointed,  in order  that  the  same  might  be  entered  in  their calendar,  and  made  known  to  the  people. It  results,  partly  from  these  subsequent  addi- tions made  to  the  original  texts  of  the  calendars, which  cannot  always  be  discriminated  in  the MSS.  by  diflerence  of  handwriting,  colour  of  the ink,  and  other  palaeographical  criteria,  that  it  is not  always  easy  to  say  to  what  age,  or  to  what province  of  the  Church,  a  given  calendar  belongs. It  is  doubtful  whether  any  of  them  contains  the genuine  materials  of  such  lists  existing  in  times earlier  than  the  beginning  of  the  4th  century. For  of  these  lists,  scarce!)'  any  can  be  supposed to  have  escaped,  in  the  Diocletian  persecution, from  the  rigorous  search  then  decreed  for  the general  destruction  not  only  of  the  copies  of the  Scriptures,  but  of  all  liturgical  and  ecclesi- astical documents,  among  which  the  calendars, lists  of  bishops  and  martyrs,  and  acts  of  martyrs, held  an  important  place  (Euseb.  H.  E.  viii.  2 ; Arnob.  adv.  Gentes,  iv.  36).  Some  rules,  how- ever, which  may  help  to  determine  the  relative antiquity  of  extant  calendars,  may  be  thus  sum- marized, chiefly  from  Binterim,  Denkiciirdig- kerten,  v.  i.  20,  sqq. : — 1.  Brevity  and  simplicity  in  the  statement concerning  the  holy-day  are  characteristic  of  the earlier  times.  Only  the  name  of  the  martyr was  given,  without  title  or  eulogy ;  even  the prefix  S.  or  B.  {sancius,  becitus)  is  sparingly used.  Sometimes  the  martyrs  of  a  whole  pro- vince are  included  under  a  single  entry.  Thus the  Calendar  of  Carthage,  in  which  eighty-one days  are  marked,  has,  at  2  Kal.  Jan.  Sanctorum Temidensium :  15  Kal.  Aug.  SS.  Scilitanorum. In  several  other  calendars,  one  name  is  given,  with the  addition,  et  sociorum  (or  comitum),  ejus. 2.  To  one  day  only  one  celebration  is  assigned in 'the  oldest  calendars.  "  Commemorationes  " were  unknown  or  very  rare  in  the  earlier  times. These  seem  to  have  come  into  use  in  the  9th century,  by  reason  of  the  increasing  number  of saints'  days. 3.  The  relative  antiquity  of  a  calendar  is especially  indicated  by  the  paucity,  or  entire absence,  of  days  assigned  to  the  B.  Virgin  Mary. Writers  of  the  Church  of  Rome  satisfy  them- selves in  respect  of  this  fact  with  the  explana- tion, that  the  days  assigned  to  the  Lord  in- clude the  commemoration  of  the  Blessed  Virgin Mother.  Thus,  for  example,  Morcelli  (Afr. Christiana,  cited  by  Binterim,  u.  s.  p.  14)  ac- counts for  the  entire  silence  of  the  Calend. Carthag.  concerning  the  days  of  the  V.  Mary ; and  the  like  explanation  is  given  of  the  fact  that of  St.  Augustine  we  have  no  sermon  preached  for a  festival  of  the  Virgin. 4.  Another  note  of  antiquity  is  the  absence  of all  saints'  days  and  other  celebrations  from  the period  during  which  Lent  falls.  Thus  March and  April  in  the  Carthaginian  Calendar  exhibit no  such  days ;  and  the  like  blank  appears  in  the calendars  of  Bucherius  and  Fronto.  For  the 51st  canon  of  the  Council  of  Laodicea  (cir.  a.d. 352)  enjoins :  Stj  01;  Se?  eV  reaffapaKoeTf] fj-aprvpuv  yevedXtov  iiriTfKe7v,  aWa  tUv  ayicvv fiapTvpwi'  /xveiav  noielu    4v  roh  ffa^^drois  Kal S 258 CALEPODIUS KvptaKois-  "a  martyr's  day  must  not  be  kept during  the  quadragesima,  but  must  (at  that time)  he  reserved  lor  sabbaths  and  Lord's-days  " (Bruns,  i.  78).  And  with  this  agreed  the  rule of  the  Latin  Church,  as  expressed  in  the  1st canon  of  the  10th  Council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  65G (Bruns,  i.  298),  where,  with  especial  reference to  the  falling  of  Lady-day  (F.  of  Annunciation, 25  Mar.)  in  Lent,  or  on  Easter-day  itself,  it  is said :  "  eadem  festivitas  non  potest  celebrari condigne,  cum  interdum  quadragesimae  dies  vel paschale  festura  videtur  iucunibere,  in  quibus nihil  de  sanctorum  solomnitatibus,  siait  ex  auti- quitixte  rcguktri  cautum  est,  convenit  celebrari." 5.  Before  the  5th  century,  no  day  of  canonised bishop  or  other  saint  is  marked  to  be  kept  as festival,  unless  he  was  also  a  martyr.  The  oc- currence of  any  such  day  is  a  sure  indication that  the  calendar  is  of  later  date  than  A.D.  400  ; or,  that  the  entry  is  of  later  insertion.  To  the bishops  is  assigned  the  term  Dcpositio ;  to  the martyrs,  Natalis  or  Natalitiuin. 6,  Vigils  are  of  rare  occurrence  in  the  oldest calendars.  Not  one  vigil  is  noted  in  the  Kal. Bucherianum  and  Kal.  Carthajjinemte.  The Kal.  Frontonianum  (s?/jL>r«)  has  four.  A  Galilean Calendar  of  A.D.  826,  edited  by  d'Achery  (^Spi- cileg.  X.  130),  has  five  ;  and  another,  by  Martene, for  which  he  claims  an  earlier  date  (  Tlies,  Anecd, V.  65),  has  nine. For  the  determination  of  the  Province  or Church  to  which  a  Calendar  belongs,  the  only criterion  to  be  relied  on  is  the  preponderance  in it  of  names  of  martyrs  and  saints  known  to  be of  that  diocese  or  province.  Naturally,  each Church  would  honour  most  its  own  confessors and  champions  of  the  faith,  f^specially  does this  rule  hold  in  respect  of  the  bishops,  whose names,  unless  they  were  also  martyrs  or  other- wise men  of  highest  note  in  the  Church,  would not  be  likely  to  obtain  a  place  in  the  calendars of  other  than  their  own  Churches. The  Greek  Church  had  its  calendars,  under  the title  f(pT]in(pis  {fopraa-TtKri),  firjvalov  I'lopr.); later,  KaKfi'rdpiov,  which,  as  containing  the offices  for  each  celebration,  grew  into  enormous dimensions.  One  such,  with  the  designation, Mrivo\6ytoy  ruv  evayyeKlcov  topraaTLKhv  sive Kdendarium  Ecclesiae  Constantimpolitanac, edited  from  a  manuscript  in  the  Albani  Library by  Morcelli,  fills  two  quarto  volumes,  Rome, 1788.  But  the  title  fjLr\vo\6yiov  corresponds not  with  the  Latin  Kalendarium,  but  with  the Martyrologium.  Cave,  in  a  dissertation  ap- pended to  his  Historia  Literaria,  part  ii.  {de Libris  et  officiis  ecclesiasticis  Graecorum,  p.  43) describes  the  KaKevrdpiov  or  Ephemeris  ecclesias- tica  in  usum  totius  anni,  as  a  digest  of  all  church festivals  and  fasts  for  the  twelve  months,  day  by day,  beginning  with  September.  "  That  calen- dars of  this  kind  were  composed  for  the  use  of tlie  churches  is  plain  from  Biblioth.  Vindobon.- Cod.  Btst.  Eccl.  xcvii.  num.  xiii.,  which  gives  a letter  written  by  the  head  of  some  monastery  in reply  to  questions  concerning  monastic  observ- ances of  holydays;  to  which  ^s  appended  a  com- plete Church  Calendar." [H.  B.] CALEPODIUS,  aged Rome    under    the    emperor  Alexander   Severus, commemorated  May  10  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae Usuardi). [c; CALL  TO  THE  MINISTRY CALF.  Irrespectively  of  its  meaning  as symbol  of  an  Evangelist,  the  image  of  the calf  or  ox  is  held  by  Aringhi  (lib.  vi.  ch. xxxii.  vol.  ii.  p.  320)  to  represent  the  Christian soul,  standing  to  Christ  in  the  same  relation  as the  sheep  to  the  shepherd.  He  also  takes  the calf  or  ox  to  represent  Apostles  labouring  in  their ministry,  quoting  various  Fathers,  anil  finally St.  Chrysostom'.s  idea,  that  the  oxen  and  Catlings spoken  of  as  killed  for  the  Master's  feast  are meant  to  represent  prophets  and  martyrs.  The calf  or  ox,  as  a  sacrificial  victim,  has  been  taken  to represent  the  Ldrd's  sacrifice;  for  which  Aringhi quotes  a  comment  on  Num.  xviii.  These  simih- tudes  seem  fanciful,  and  pictorial  or  other  repre- sentations hardly  exist  to  bear  them  out.  A  calf is  represented  near  the  Good  Shepherd  in  Buona- rotti  {Vctri,  tav.  v.  fig.  2);  and  Martigny  refers to  Allegranza  {Man.  antichi  de  Milano,  p.  125) for  an  initial  letter  at  Milan,  where  the  animal is  represented  jilaying  on  a  lyre  :  typifying,  he thinks,  the  subjugation  of  the  human  nature  to the  life  of  faith.  He  also  refers  to  St.  Clement of  Alexandria  {Paedag.  lib.  i.  c.  5)  for  a  com- ]iaris(>n  of  young  Christians  to  sucking  calves (,uoo-xopia  ya\a67\va),  connected  perhaps  in  the Father's  mind  in  the  same  way  as  in  his  own; though,  as  Bishop  Potter  remarks  in  his  note  (<«/ loc.),  no  such  comparison  exists  in  Scripture. The  plate  in  Allegranza  is  of  considerable  interest, being  from  a  "  marmo  "  belonging  to  the  ancient pulj^it  of  S.  Ambrogio.  The  calf  is  lying  down, and  turning  up  its  forefoot  to  hold  the  lyre,  or "antica  cetra."  It  is  engraved  in  the  loop  of  an initial  D.  The  preceding  "  marmo  "  is  a  repre- sentation of  an  Agape,  from  the  posterior  parapet of  the  pulpit ;  and  Allegranza  considers  the  calf to  be  a  symbol  connected  with  the  Agape.  See above,  Clem.  Alex.  Pacdiig.  i.  5.  See  also  s.  v. Lyrk,  that  instrument  being  held  typical  of  the human  body  in  its  right  state  of  harmony  with, and  subjection  to,  the  divinely-guided  soul.  For oxen  with  Dolia  see  Bottari,  iii.  155,  184. [R.  St.  J.  T.] CALIGAE.  These  were  stockings,  made  of various  material,  serving  for  a  defence  against cold,  and  as  such  worn  at  times  by  soldiers (Casaubcm  on  Suetonius) ;  by  monks,  if  infirm or  exposed  to  cold  (Cassianus,  lib.  i.  c.  10  ;  S. Benedictus,  Regula,  c.  62  ;  Gregor.  Magnus,  Dial. cc.  2,  4) ;  and  by  bishops  in  out-door  dress (Gregor.  Turon.  Hist.  Franc,  lib.  vi.  c.  31). The  Ride  of  St.  Ferreolus  (quoted  by  Ducange, s.  v.),  c.  32,  has  an  amusing  passage  forbidding the  elaborate  cross-gartering  of  these  caligae, out  of  mere  coxcombry.  The  earliest  writer who  mentions  the  caligae  as  among  the  "  sacred vestments"  to  be  worn  by  bishops  and  cardi- nals is  Ivo  Carnotensis  (flllS).  "  Antequam induantur  sandaliis  vestiantur  caligis  byssinis vel  lineis,  iisque  ad  genua  protensis  et  ibi  bene constrictis"  {Sermo  de  signijicationihus  iiuhnnen- torum  sacerdotal inm,  apud  Hittorpium  de  ]>ir. Off.).    -  [W.  B.  M.] CALIXTUS  [Callistus]. CALL  TO  THE  MINISTRY  is  more  a matter  of  Christian  ethics  than  of  Church  canons  ; and  in  that  point  of  view  it  became  mixed  up,  in the  Church  of  the  4th  century  and  onwards,  with the  parallel  cases  of  the  adoption  of  the  monastic or  the  celibate  life.     Tiie  temper  that   ought  to CALL  TO  THE  MINISTRY animate  those  who  are  to  be  ordained  was  Jield to  he,  on  the  one  hand,  a  sincere  and  pure  desire to  serve  God  in  some  s])ecial  way,  but  on  the other,  also,  a  shrinking  from  the  fearful  responsi- bility of  the  ministry  ;  on  the  one  hand,  obedience to  the  call  of  superiors,  and  faith  to  undertake duties  which  came  by  no  self-seeking,  on  the  other, humility,  that  was  really  the  more  worthy  the more  it  felt  its  own  unworthiness.     In  a  word, the  true  nolo  episcopari  spirit  was  held  to  extend, in  measure,   to   the  lower  orders   also.      Com- pare Rom.  X.  15,  and  Heb.  v.  4,  5.     Under  this view  of  the  case,  it  was  not  indeed  the  absolute law,  but  it  naturally  came  to  pass,  and  so  was the  common  rule,  that  the  bishops,  or  the  right- ful electors  (which  included,  of  course,  the  bishop or  the  bishops,  and  even  in  the  case  of  the  pres- bvterate,  up  to  at  any  rate  the  3rd  century,  the ciergv  and  people  also)  should  choose  at  least  to the  higher  orders,  and  in  such  case  the  canons enacted  that  any  one  already  in  orders  in  any degree  could  not  refuse  to  accept.     A  like  rule would  apply  in  a  less  degree  to  the  first  entry into  the  ministry  ;  the  supply  in  both  cases  being supplemented  by  voluntary  candidates,  from  the necessity  of  the  case,  but  it  being  held  the  best that  the  call  should  come  from  others,  who  had authority.      A  Carthaginian    canon    among    the Cod.  Can.  Afric.  {Graeo.  c.  31)  rules  that  "  qui- cumque    clerici   vel    diaconi   pro   necessitatibus ccclesiarum  non  obtemperaverint  episcopis  suis volentibus    eos    ad    honorem    ampliorem   in   sua ecclesia  proinovere,  nee  illic  ministrent  in  gradu suo,  unde  recedere  noluerunt."    And  for  the  case of  the  episcopate,  in  particular,  see  under  BiSHOP. On  the  other  hand,  the  call  certainly  needed  not of  necessity  to  originate  with  the  bishop.     It  was open,  and  it  was  held  a  pious  act,  for  parents  to devote  their  children  to  the  ministry,  not  com- ]ielling,  but  exhorting  and  encouraging  them  so to  devote  themselves.     See,  e.g.  Gaudent.  Brix. {^Herm.   2),   and  St.  Augustin  (Epnst.  199);   the former  speaking  also  of  virgins   and  the  latter of  monks,  but    both  likewise  of  the  ministry. C<mc.  Tolet.  II.  A.D.  531,  regulates  the  education of  those,   "  quos  voluntas  parentum  a  primis  in- fantiae   annis   in   clericabus   officio   manciparit." Pope  Siricius  (Epist.  I.  cc.  9,  10)  had,    before that  (a.D.  385-398),  regulated  the  several  periods of  years  during  which  such  should  remain  suc- cessively in   each   order  of  clergy.      And  Cone. Etnerit.  A.D.  666,  can.  18,  bids  the  "  parochiani presbyteri  "  choose  promising  young  people,  and "  de  ecclesiae  suae  familia  clericos  sibi  faciant." Nor  was  this  restricted   to  young  people  with their   parents'  consent.      Setting    aside    special occupations,  &c.,  which  constituted  a  disqualifi- cation for  holy  orders  altogether,  it  was  open  to older  men  also  to  offer  themselves  for  the  mi- nistry ;  but  under  certain  couditions,  in  order  to ensure  purity  of  motive.    Pope  Siricius  (as  above) permits  the  "  aetate  jam  grandaevus  "  to  hasten "  ex  laico  ad  sacram  militiam  pervenire ;"  but he  is  only  to   obtain  the  presbyterate  or  epis- copate "  accessu  temporum,  ...  si  eum  cleri  ac plebis  vocarit  electio."      A  couple  of  centuries later,  Gregory  the  Great  required  in  like  case  a j)robation  in  a  monastery  (Jo.  Diac.  lib.  ii.  c.  16). The  Council  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  869  (can.  5), prohibited  only  those  (of  senatorial  rank  or  other worldly  occupation)  who  sought  to  be  tonsured from    ambitious   or  worldly  motives,   expressly CALOYEES 259 excepting  others  of  a  diiTerent  temper.  And canons  like  those  of  the  Council  of  Rouen  in  1072 must  be  understood  with  a  like  exception,  which sentence  those  "clerici"  to  be  deposed  "qui  non electi  nee  vocati  aut  nesciente  ejiiscopo  sacris ordinibus  se  intromittunt."  In  short,  the  words of  Hincmar  express  the  Church's  view  of  the subject,  who  praises  certain  clergy,  who  "  non importune  ad  ordinationem  . . .  se  ingesserunt . . . sed  electi  et  vocati  obedierunt"  QWncm.  Eirist. ad  Nicolaum  Fapam,  0pp.  ii.  308);  and  these  of St.  Augustin,  "  Honor  te  quaerere  debet,  non ipsum  tu"  {Horn.  13,  in  Quinqungintd),  proceed- ing to  quote  the  parable  about  taking  the  lowest room.  See  also  St.  Chrys.  l>e  Sacerd.  i.  3,  and in  1  Tim.,  Ilom.  1.  The  call  to  the  ministry,  then, in  the  earlier  Church,  meant,  in  the  case  of  the ministry  in  general,  the  invitation,  approaching to  a  command,  of  the  bishop;  but  this  might  be anticipated,  under  certain  conditions,  by  the  vo- luntary offering  of  himself  by  the  candidate  ; if  possible,  in  his  youth,  but  allowably  at  any age.  In  the  case  of  the  higher  orders,  it  was  or ought  to  have  been  the  outward  call  of  the rightful  patrons  (so  to  call  them)  of  the  parish or  diocese.  Who  occupied  this  position  in  respect to  presbyters  or  to  bishops  at  successive  periods, will  be  found  under  Bishop,  PPvIEST;  but  the bishop  did  so  jirimarily  and  properly,  and  of course  had  in  every  case  and  always  the  riglit of  examination  and  (if  he  thought  good)  rejection, when  it  came  to  the  question  of  ordination.  The inward  call  of  later  days — i.e.  the  self-devotion of  the  candidate  himself  in  real  sincerity  and earnestness — was  assumed  throughout.  And  all regulations  on  the  subject  tended  to  sift  and  test the  reality  of  that  inward  call.  (Thomassin, De  Benef.  p.  ii.  lib.  i.  cc.  23,  sq.)       [A.  W.  H.] CALLICULAE.  Ornaments  for  the  alb  or white  tunic,  made  either  of  some  richly-coloured stuff  or  of  metal.  Examples  of  these  may  be  seen in  Perret,  Catacomhes  de  Rome,  ii.  pi.  7  ;  and  in Garrucci,  Vetri  ornati,  vi.  5,  xxv.  4.  For  further particulars  see  Martigny,  Diet,  des  Ant.Chre't.,  and Ducange,  Glossarium  in  voc.  [W.  B.  M.] CALLINICUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Apollonia under  Decius,  is  commemorated  Jan.  28  {Mart. Usuardi);  July  29  (Cal.  Byzant.). 2.  Commemorated  Dec.  14  (Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] CALLISTE,  with  her  brothers,  martyr,  is commemorated  Sept.  1  (Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] CALLISTEATUS  and  the  forty-nine  martyrs (a.D.  288)  are  commemorated  July  1  (Cal.  Ar- men.);  Sept.  27  (Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] CALLISTUS.  (1)  With  Carisius  and  seven others,  martyrs  at  Corinth,  commemorated  April 16  (3fari.  Rom.  Vet.,  Usuardi). (2),  or  CALIXTUS,  pope,  martyr  at  Rome, an.  223,  commemorated  Oct.  14  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet., Bedae,  Usuardi).  [C] CALLOCERUS,  or  CALOCEEUS,  eunuch, martyr,  commemorated  May  19  (Kal.  Bucher., Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Usuardi);  Feb.  11  (Mart. Bedae).  [C] CALOYEES.  The  monks  of  the  Eastern Church.  The  word  is  derived  either  from  KaXos and  7^pas,  or,  more  probably  from  KaAos  and y4pa:v,  signifying  a  good  old  age.  Apjillel  at first  to  the  elder  monks  exclusivelv,  it  soon S  2 260 CALUMNIES  AGAINST  THE  CHEISTIANS became  the  common  designation  of  all.  (Suicer. Tliesaur.  s.  v.,  of.  Pallad.  Hist.  Laus.  ciii.  kuAos, where  Innocentius  is  called  6  KaXos  ■yepwv). These  Eastern  monks  have  preserved  from  the first,  with  characteristic  tenacity,  the  Rule  of St.  Basil.  Thus  their  fastings  are  more  frequent and  more  rigorous  than  those  in  Western  Chris- tendom. Their  offices  too  are  more  lengthv; but  partly  from  this  very  circumstance,  and partly  from  the  office-books  being  very  costly, some  are  not  infrequently  omitted  (Helyot. Hist,  des  Ordres  Belig.  I.  xix.  6).  They  are divided,  like  their  Western  brethren,  into  three kinds,  Caeiwhitae,  dwelling  together  under  one roof;  Anachoretae,  scattered  round  the  several monasteries  and  resorting  thither  for  solemn  ser- vices on  festivals,  &c. ;  and  Eremitae,  or  solitary recluses.  The  Caenobitae,  or  monks  proper,  are again  subdivided  into  Archarii,  novices ;  Micro- schemi;  and  Mejalosolicmi,  the  highest  grade (Helyot.  I.  xix.). The  "Hours"  observed  by  the  Caloyers  are much  the  same  as  those  in  the  West,  being,  in fact,  derived  from  a  common  source.  After  a prolonged  service  at  midnight  they  sleep  from 2  a.m.  to  6  a.m.  Then  a  service  corresponding to  matins,  lauds,  and  prime,  the  last  portion  of which  is  simultaneous  with  sunrise.  After  an interval  spent  in  their  cells,  they  meet  again  at 9  a.m.  for  tierce,  sext,  and  mass.  At  mid-day dinner,  with  the  usual  lections,  in  the  refectory. At  4  p.m.  vespers ;  at  6  p.m.  supper,  followed  by the  airSSeiiTvov,  a  sort  of  compline  ;  at  8  p.m.  to bed  (Helyot.  I.  xix.). They  have  four  especial  seasons  of  fasting  in the  year,  and  their  abstinence,  as  has  been  said already,  is  more  severe  than  in  Western  climes. Besides  Lent,  as  in  the  West,  there  are  the  "  Fast of  the  Apostles,"  commencing  on  the  8th  day after  Whitsunda}',  and  lasting  about  .3  weeks; the  "  Fast  of  the  Assumption,"  lasting  14  days ; and  "  Advent  "  (Helyot.  I.  xix.). Tiieir  robes,  more  flowing  and  voluminous  than f  linse  of  Western  Orders,  are  marked  on  the  cape with  the  Cross,  and  with  the  letters  IC.  XC.  NC. (.lesus  Christus  Vincit).  The  tonsure  extends all  over  the  head;  but  they  wear  beards  (cf. Mab.  Ann.  I.  xv.  32).  (Helyot.  I.  xix.).  Nu- merous lay  brothers  are  attached  to  each  monas- tery, for  the  field  work ;  and  considerable  taxes are  collected  from  each  by  the  "exarchs"  or visitors,  for  the  Pati-iarch  (Helyot.  I.  xix.). The  gi'eatest  of  the  Asiatic  monasteries  is  on Mt.  Sinai,  founded,  it  is  said,  by  Justinian,  and renowned  as  the  residence  of  St.  Athanasius  of Mt.  Sinai,  and  of  St.  John  Climacus,  whose  name figures  in  Western  Hagiologies  also.  Here,  as  at Mt.  Casino,  the  abbat  exercises  a  large  ecclesias- tical jurisdiction:  he  is  archbishop  ea;  q^«o.  As a  ])recaution  against  Arabs  there  are  no  doors and  the  only  gateway  is  blocked  up.  Provisions and  pilgrims,  &c.,  are  all  drawn  up  in  a  basket to  the  window.  In  Europe  there  are  several nionastevies;  among  which  that  of  St.  Sabas,  in the  wilderness  near  Bethlehem,  and  those  on  the isles  in  the  Levant  are  famous.  But  the  Greatest are  tnose  on  MtAthos,  where  the  penin  v  a entirely  and  e-xclusively  occupied  by  the  «Ci- loyers"  (Helyot.  I.).  [L  G.  S.] TIANS^T^^^  t^'^^^^T  THE  CHEIS- llAxVb.     It    was   hardly  possible   that  a  new society  like  the  Christian  Church  should  escape misrepresentations.  It  had  enemies  on  all  sides. It  ofl'ended  men  by  presenting  a  higher- standard of  purity  than  their  own,  and  they  revenged themselves  by  imputing  to  it  their  own  impurity. The  secrecy  that  attended  some  portions  of  its life  or  worship  gave  rise  to  suspicions.  Other societies,  heretical  or  fantastic,  which  were  popu- larly identified  with  it,  brought  upon  it  the  dis- credit to  which  their  defects  made  them  liable. Popular  credulity  was  ready  to  accept  any  sensa- tional tale  of  horror  which  malice  or  ignorance might  suggest.  The  result  was  that  the  popular feeling  of  dislike  took  definite  shape,  and  that the  persecutions  of  the  Christians  in  the  first three  centuries  were  stimulated  by  the  general belief  that  they  were  guilty  of  crimes  which made  them  enemies  of  the  human  race.  But over  and  above  these  influences,  there  was  also, if  we  may  trust  the  statements  of  many  early Christian  writers,  a  system  of  calumny,  organised and  deliberate,  of  which  the  Jews  were  the  chief propagators.  Envoys  {airoaToXoi)  were  sent  from Jerusalem  with  circular  letters  to  the  synagogues throughout  the  empire,  and  these  became  centres from  which  the  false  reports  were  disseminated among  the  heathen  (Just.  M.  Dial.  c.  Tryph. c.  17,  p.  234  ;  Euseb.  inEsaiam,  xviii.  1,  p.  424). They  spread  the  charge  of  Atheism,  which  was so  large  an  element  in  the  accusations  to  which Christians  were  exposed,  and  were  active,  as  in the  case  of  Polycarp,  in  stirring  up  the  multi- tude (^^jjsif.  Smi/rn.  9;  Clem.  Alex.  Strom,  vii. 1).  The  calumnies  in  question  are,  of  course, the  chief  subject-matter  of  the  Apologetic  trea- tises of  the  2nd  and  3rd  centuries.  Of  these, the  treatise  of  Tertullian,  ad  Nationes,  as  being addressed,  not,  like  his  Apologies,  to  emperors and  proconsuls,  but  to  the  Gentiles  at  large,  is, perhaps,  the  most  exhaustive.  It  will  be  con- venient to  deal  with  the  chief  charges  singly. (1.)  The  Agapae  and  the  more  sacred  Supper which  was  at  first  connected  with  them,  fur- nished material  ibr  some  of  the  more  horrible charges.  "Thyesteian  banquets  and  Oedipodean incest "  became  bye-words  of  reproach  (Athenag. Apol.  c.  4)  side  "by  side  with  that  of  Atheism. When  they  met,  it  was  said,  an  infant  was brought  in,  covered  with  flour,  and  then  stabbed to  death  by  a  new  convert,  who  was  thus  initi- ated in  the  mysteries.  The  others  then  ate  the flesh  and  licked  iip  the  blood.  This  was  the sacrifice  by  which  they  were  bound  together (Tertull.  ad  Nat.  i.  15 ;  Apjol.  c.  8 ;  Minuc. Felix,  Octav.  c.  9).  Two  sources  of  this  mon- strous statement  may  be  assigned  with  some  pro- bability, (rt)  To  drink  of  human  blood  had  actually been  made,  as  in  the  conspiracy  of  Catilina,  a bond  of  union  in  a  common  crime  (Sallust,  CatH. c.  22),  and  the  blood,  it  was  said,  was  that  of  a slaughtered  child  (Dio.  Cass,  xxxvii.  30).  It had  entered  into  the  popular  imagination  as  one of  the  horrors  of  a  secret  conspiracy.  Christians were  regarded  as  members  of  a  secret  society, conspiring  together  for  the  downfel  of  the  re- ligion and  polity  of  the  empire.  It  was  natural to  think  that  they  had  like  rites  of  initiation. (6)  The  language  of  devout  Christians  as  to  the Supper  of  which  they  partook  would  tend  to  con- firm, even  if  it  did  not  originate,  the  belief.  It was  not  common  bread  or  common  wine  which they  ate  and   drank    but  Flesh  and  Blood.     Bv CALUMNIES  AGAINST  THE  CHEISTIANS 261 participation  in  that  flesh  and  blood  they  be- came members  of  one  body.  It  is  singubir,  how- ever, that  the  Apologists  do  not  meet  the  charge with  this  explanation,  but  confine  themselves {I.  c.)  to  dwelling  on  the  incredibility  of  such charges,  on  the  absence  of  any  evidence  to  sup- port them.  Their  unwillingness  to  expose  the niysteries  of  their  faith  to  the  scorn  of the  heathen  was,  it  can  hardly  be  questioned,  the cause  of  this  i-eticence. (2.)  Next  in  order  came  the  charge  of  im- purity. When  the  members  of  a  Christian Church  met,  men  and  women,  it  was  at  night. A  lamp  gave  light  to  the  room,  and  to  its  stand a  dog  was  fastened.  After  they  had  supped and  were  hot  with  wine,  meat  was  thrown to  the  dog  so  as  to  make  him  overthrow  the lamp-stand  in  his  struggles  to  get  at  it,  and then  the  darkness  witnessed  a  scene  of  shameless and  unbridled  lust,  in  which  all  laws  of  nature were  set  at  nought  (TertuU.  Apol.  c.  8  ;  ad Nat.  c.  16;  Euseb.  H.  E.  iv.  7-15;  Origen,  c. Cels.  vi.  27 ;  Minuc.  Felix  c.  9).  Here,  too,  we may  trace  the  calumny  to  two  main  sources. (a)  In  the  Bacchanalia  and  other  secret  mys- teries, revelations  of  which  had  from  time  to time  startled  the  Roman  world  (comp.  Livy, xxxix.  13  for  those  of  B.C.  185),  turpitude  of this  kind  had  been  but  too  common.  Men  of prurient  imaginations  imputed  it  even  where  the lives  of  the  accused  were  in  flagrant  contradic- tion to  it.  (J))  The  name  of  the  Agapae,  inter- preted as  such  men  would  interpret  it,  was  sure to  strengthen  the  suspicion.  They  could  form no  other  notion  of  a  "  love-feast"  held  at  night. It  may  be  that  the  "  holy  kiss,"  the  "  kiss  of peace,"  which  entered  into  the  early  ritual  of the  Eucharist,  was  distorted  in  the  same  way ; and  that  the  names  of  "  brother  "  and  "  sister  " by  which  Christians  spoke  of  each  other  were associated  with  the  thought  that  the  intercourse which  was  assumed  to  take  place  was  incestuous in  its  nature  (Minuc.  Felix,  /.  c).  (c)  It  seems probable  that  in  some  cases  abuses  of  this  kind did  actually  exist  in  the  Agapae.  [Agapae.] They  became  conspicuous  for  licence  and  revelry. The  language  of  the  later  Apostolical  Epistles (2  Pet.  ii.  13,  Jude  v.  12)  shows  that  excesses had  occurred  even  then.  The  followers  of  Car- pocrates  followed  m  the  same  line,  and  are  said by  Clement  of  Alexandria  (Strom,  iii.  2-4,  p.  185), and  Eusebius  (i/.  E.  iv.  7,  §  5)  to  have  been guilty  in  their  Agapae  of  practices  identical  with those  which  were  popularly  imputed  to  the Christians  at  large. (3.)  The  charge  of  Atheism  was  natural  enough as  against  those  who  held  aloof  from  all  temples and  altars,  and,  though  it  was  a  formidable weapon  in  the  hands  of  their  persecutors,  can hardly  be  classed  as  a  distinct  calumny.  Still less  can  we  group  under  that  head  the  accusa- tion that  they  worshipped  one  who  had  died  a malefoctor's  death,  though  this  too  from  the time  of  the  Apostles  downward  was  a  frequent topic  of  reproach  (Tacit.  Annal.  xv.  63  ;  Justin M.  Dial.  c.  Try  ph.  c.  93 ;  Minuc.  Fel.  p.  86). It  was  not  strange  either  that  the  reverential use  which  the  Christians  of  the  2nd  century made  of  the  sign  of  the  cross  should  lead  to  the notion  that  they  worshipped  the  cross  itself. We  may  wonder  rather  that  the  Apologist  who speaks  of  the  accusation  should  be  content  almost to  admit  the  fact  without  any  explanation,  and to  retort  with  the  argument  that  the  framework scaffolding  of  most  of  the  idols  before  which  the Gentiles  bowed  down  exhibited  the  same  form (Tertull.  Apol.  c.  16).  We  enter  upon  the  region of  distinct  slander,  however,  when  we  come across  statements  of  another  kind,  as  to  the objects  of  Christian  adoration.  Of  these  the most  astounding  is  that  they  worshipped  their God  under  the  mysterious  form  of  a  man  with an  ass's  head.  It  seems  strange  that  such  a charge  should  have  been  thought  even  to  need denial,  and  yet  it  is  clear  that  it  was  at  one time  widely  received.  Tertullian  {Apol.  c.  16  ad Nat.  c.  11)  speaks  of  a  caricature  exhibiting  such a  form,  with  the  inscription  "  The  God  of  the Christians" — ONOKOITES."  And  a  picture  an- swering to  this  description  has  actually  been found  on  a  wall  of  the  palace  of  the  Caesars  on the  Palatine  Hill.  A  man  is  represented  as offering  homage  to  a  figure  with  an  ass's  head, and  underneath  is  the  inscription  AAEXAMEN02 2EBETE  (for  2EBETAI)  0EON.  The  fragment is  now  in  the  Kircher  Museum,  and  exhibits  the lowest  style  of  art,  such  as  might  be  found  in a  boy-artisan  bent  on  holding  up  some  fellow- workman  to  ridicule.'"  It  has  to  be  noted  that this  was  but  the  transfer  to  the  Christians  of  an old  charge  against  the  Jews,  and  that  there  it was  connected  with  the  tradition  that  it  was through  the  wild  asses  of  the  desert  that  the Jews  had  been  led  to  find  water  at  the  time  of the  Exodus  (Tacit.  Hist.  v.  3). (4.)  The  belief  that  Christians  were  worship- pers of  the  sun  obtained  even  a  wider  currency, and  had  more  plausibility  (Tertull.  Apol.  c.  16, Just.  M.  Apol.  i.  68).  They  met  together  on the  day  which  was  more  and  more  generally known  as  the  Dies  Solis.  They  began  at  an early  period  to  manifest  a  symbolic  reverence for  the  East ;  and  these  acts,  together  with the  language  in  which  they  spoke  of  Christ  as the  true  light,  and  of  themselves  as  "  children of  light,"  would  naturally  be  interpreted  as  acts of  adoration  to  the  luminary  itself.  With  this we  may  perhaps  connect  the  singular  statement ascribed  to  Hadrian  that  they  were  also  worship- pers of  Serapis  (Vopiscus,  Hist.  Aug.  p.  719). This,  however,  never  rose  to  the  rank  of  a  popu- lar calumny,  and  seems  to  have  had  its  beginning and  end  in  the  fantastic  eclecticism  of  that  em- peror, who  identified  Serapis  with  the  sun,  and so  reproduced  the  current  belief  under  this  form. (5.)  It  was  also  reported  that  the  members  of the  new  sect  worshipped  their  priests  with  an adoration  which  had  in  it  something  of  a  phallic character  ("Alii  eos  ferunt  ipsius  anstititis  ac sacerdotls  colere  genitalia,"  Minuc.  Felix,  Octav. c.  9).  In  this  case,  as  in  the  charge  of  immoral excesses,  we  have  probably  the  interpretation given  by  impure  minds  to  acts  in  themselves blameless.  Penitents  came  to  the  presbytery  of the  church  to  confess  their  sins,  and  knelt  before them  as  they  sat,  and  this  attitude  may  have suggested  the  revolting  calumny  to  those  who could  see  in  it  nothing  but  an  act  of  adoration. (6.)  Over  and  above  all  specific  charges  there »  The  word  was  probably  meant  to  signify  "  Ass-born." Another  reading  is  Onochoretes,  as  if  parodying 'Ai'axwprirr)?,  and  conveying  the  notion  of  Ass-herrajt. b  See  the  woodcut  under  Ckucifix. Kaae\avKiov. 262  CALUMNY was  the  dislike  which  men  felt  to  a  society  so utterly  unlike  their  own.  These  men  who  lived apart  from  the  world  were  a  lucifuga  natio.  They were  infructuosi  in  negotiis.  They  were  guilty of  treason  because  they  would  not  offer  sacrifice for  the  emperors,  and  looked  for  the  advent  of another  kingdom.  They  were  ignorant,  rude, uncultivated,  and  yet  they  set  themselves  up above  the  wisest  sages.  They  led  men  to  a  dark fatalism  by  ascribing  to  God  all  their  power  to act  (TertuU.  ApoL  35-42).  They  showed  a  de- fiant obstinacy  in  their  resistance,  even  co  death, to  the  commands  of  civil  magistrates  (Marc. Aurel.  xi.  3).  [E.  H.  P.] CALUMNY.     [Detraction;  Slander.] CAMBBICUM  CONCILIUM,  ad.  465,  is a    fiction,    taken    from   Geoffrey   of  Monmouth, &c.  [A.  W.  H.] CAMELAUCIUM.  A  covering  for  the  head, in  use  chiefly  in  the  East,  of  very  unsettled orthography.  We  find  camelaiKum,  cmmlaucus. mlaiaaucum,  and  in  Greek  Ka/j.rt\avKiov  and It  appears  to  have  been  a  round cap  with  ear-flaps  of  fui", originally  camel's  hair  if the  ordinary  etymology  is to  be  accepted,  or  wool,  and sometuues  adorned  with gems.  The  form  and  name being  preserved,  it  some- times became  a  helmet  and was  worn  in  battle.  We find  it  adopted  both  by royal  personages  and  by head-covering  taken  from A.D.  552,  and  presented  to Justinian,  is  called  by  Theophanes  (Chron.  p.  193) Kafj.-q\avKiov  Sid\i6ov.  Constantine  the  Great appears  on  his  triumphal  arch  at  Rome  similarly attired.  [See  Crown.]  Ferrario  {Costumi, Europa  (Rs)  vol.  iii.  part  i.  pi.  30),  and  Constan- tine Porpliyr.  {de  Adm.  Imp.  c.  13)  describe  by the  same  name  the  sacred  caps,  preserved  at the  high-altar  of  St.  Sophia's,  traditionally  be- lieved to  have  been  sent  by  an  angel's  hands to  Constantine  the  Great,  aiid  used  in  the  coro- nation of  the  emperors  of  the  East. Its  ecclesiastical  use  in  the  East  seems  to  have been  chiefly  confined  to  the  monastic  orders. Goar  (  Euckolog.  p.  156)  tells  us  that  the  mitre of  the  metropolitan  of  Constantinople  had  this name  only  when  he  was  taken  from  the  monastic rauKS.  It  is  defined  by  Allatius  {do  utrius- que  EcrJ.  Consens.  lib.  iii.  c.  viii.  no.  12,  apud Ducange),  as  a  round  woollen  cap  worn  by monks.  It  was  worn  by  Armenian  bishops  when officiating  at  the  altar  (ib.,  Isaac  Invectio  secundd in  AnncH.  p.  414).     [Mitre.] Fuller  particulars  and  authorities  may  be found  in  the  Greek  and  Latin  Glossari)  of Ducange.  For  its  form,  Ferrario  u.s.,  Goar, Lucholog.  p.  156,  and  the  plates  prefixed  to Uucange's  Gloss.  Med.  et  Inf.  Graec.  may  be  con- sulted. •'j-g_  y j CAMERA  PARAMENTI.  [Sacristy.] CAMISIA.  (Hence  the  Ital.  'Camicia'  a shirt  and  Camice'  an  alb;  -S^p.  '  Camisa  ; '  and the/',-.  Chemise,"  in  Languedoc  'Camise.')  St. .lorome  (/?/..  „d  Fahiolam),  in  describing  the vestments  ot  the  Jewish  priesthood  («  Volo  j.ro Camelmicium. eixlesiastics.      The Totila  when  killed, CANA,  MIRACLE  OF legentis  facilitate  abuti  sermone  vulgato.  Solent militantes  habere  lineas  quas  camisias  vocant sic  aptas  membris  et  astrictas  corponbus  ut expediti  sint  vel  ad  cursum  vel  ad  praelia,"  &c.), and  a  scholiast  on  Lucan  (sutiarum  est  genus  ves- timentiquod  vulgo  camisia  dicitur,id  est  interula) speak  of  this  word  as  belonging  to  the  lingua vulgaris.  St.  Jerome's  description  shews  it  to have  been  a  shirt  fitted  to  the  body  so  as  to admit  of  active  exertion  of  the  limbs,  which  was not  the  case  with  the  flowing  garments  worn  by the  more  wealthy  in  ordinary  life.  St.  Isidore (Orig.  xix.  22,  29)  derives  the  word  "«  mmis" ("  quod  in  his  dormimus  in  camis,  id  est  in  stratis nostris  ").  With  him  it  is  a  night-shirt  or  bed- gown. The  word  '  cama '  still  retains  the meaning  of  a  '  bed '  in  the  Spanish  language,  to which  St.  Isidore,  himself  a  Spaniard,  seems  to refer.  The  Arabic  '  kamis  '  is  no  doubt  con- nected with  the  Spanish  '  caniisa,'  See  further references  in  Menage,  Diet.  Etym.  'Chemise,'  and in  Ducange,  Glossariurfi,  '  camisia.'      [W.  B.  M.] CAMP  AG  AE.  (Other  forms  of  the  same  word are  Campacus,  Gambacus,  Campobus.)  A  kind  of ornamented  shoe  worn  by  emperors  and  kings (Trebellius,  in  Galliano;  "Capitolinus,  in  Maxi- min.  Jun.)  and  by  various  oflicers  of  state  ("  j)rr.e- toribus  Palatinis  et  quibusvis  aliis:"  of.  Ducange, in  voc).  At  a  later  period  they  were  worn  by the  higher  ecclesiastics  at  Rome,  and  by  others elsewhere,  but  in  disregard  of  the  special  privi- leges claimed  in  regard  of  these  by  Roman  autho- rities. Gregor.  Magnus,  ^jd.  vii.  indict,  i.  ep.  28, "  Pervenit  ad  nos,"  &c.  [W.  B.  M.] CAMPANA.     [Bell.] CAMPANARIUS.  The  special  ofl^ce  of Campanarius,  or  bell-ringer,  in  a  church  is  per- haps not  mentioned  in  the  literatuj-e  of  the  first eight  centuries.  See,  however,  the  so-called Excerpta  Egherti,  c.  2,  and  the  Leges  Presbgt. Northumhr.  c.  36. In  more  ancient  times  the  duty  of  ringing  the bells  at  the  proper  seasons  seems  to  have  been laid  upon  the  priests  themselves  {Capitulare Episcop.  c.  8  ;  Capit.  Caroli  Ilagni,  lib.  vi.  c. 168).  To  the  same  eflect  Amalarius  (de  Dir. Off.  iii.  1)  says,  speaking  of  the  ringing  of  bells, "ne  despiciat  presbyter  hoc  opus  agere."  (Du- cange s.  vv.  Campanuin,  Campanarius.)  In  latei- times  the  Ostiarius  was  the  bell-ringer  (Martene de  Bit.  Eccl.  ii.  18,  ed.  1783).  [C] CAMPANILE.     [Belfry:  Tower.] CAMPIO,  "  champion  "  :  one  whose  profes- sion it  was  to  fight  for  another  in  cases  where single  combat  was  pei'mitted  by  law  to  decide the  right  "  in  cimpo  duellum  cxercens."  People were  allowed  their  advocate  in  court,  and  their champion  in  the  field.  But  the  latter  was  a mediaeval  institution,  and  therefore  beyond  our limits.  He  was  a  superior  personage  to  the gladiator  of  old  Rome,  so  far  in  that  he  fought, not  for  a  mere  display  of  brute  force,  but  for the  triumph  of  justice.  See  Du  Cange,  Hoff- mann, Spelman,  and  Blount,  s.  v.  [B.  S.] CANA,  MIRACLE  OF.  Representations of  this  miracle  frequently  present  themselves in  Christian  art.  It  was  early  supposed  to  be typical  of  the  Eucharist ;  indeed,  Theophilus  of Antioch,  so  far  back  as  the  2nd  century,  looks on  the  chaug«  of  the  water  as  figurative  of  the CANCELLI grace  communicated  in  baptism  (^Comment,  in Evang.  lib.  iv.).  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  {Catech. sxii.  11)  says  it  represents  the  change  of  the wine  into  the  blood  of  the  Lord  in  the  Eucharist ; and  this  idea  has  been  applied  with  eager  incon- sequence to  the  support  of  the  full  dogma  of transubstantiation.  The  miracle  is  represented on  an  ivory,  published  by  Mamaclii,  Bottari,  and Gori,  which  is  supposed  to  have  formed  part  of the  covering  of  a  throne  belonging  to  the  exarchs of  Ravenna,  and  is  referred  to  the  7th  century. Bandini  (/?i  Tahulam  ehurneam  Ohservationes,  4to. Florentiae,  174G)  gives  a  plate  of  it:  and  the present  writer  saw  it  in  the  Duomo  of  Ravenna in  1871.     See  woodcut. CANCELLI 263 In  Bottari,  taw.  xix.  and  xxxii.,  our  Saviour, wearing  the  ordinary  tunic,  and  toga  over  it, touches  or  points  respectively  to  three  and two  vessels  with  a  rod.  In  tav.  li.  five  jars  are given,  as  also  in  Ixxxviii. ;  four  in  tav.  Ixxxix. The  vessels  or  hydriae  are  of  different,  and  gene- rally humble  forms,  on  these  sarcophagi.  Bottari remarks  that  the  sculptors  may  have  been  ham- pered by  knowing  the  water-vessels  to  have been  large,  containing  a  "  metretes."  But  those on  Bandini's  ivory  are  gracefully-shaped  am- phorae. Here  the  Lord  bears  a  Greek  cross  on  a staff,  and  motions  with  the  other  hand  to  the bridegroom,  or  a  servant,  who  is  carrying  a  cup to  the  master  of  the  feast,  gazing  steadily  at  it, and  extending  his  left  hand  towai'ds  the  Saviour. The  first-quoted  of  these  plates  (xix.  and  xxxii.) of  Bottari's  are  from  sarcophagi  found  in  the Vatican,  and  of  high  merit  in  an  artistic  point of  view.  The  later  ones,  not  much  inferior,  are from  the  cemetery  of  Lucina,  in  the  Callixtine catacomb,  or  from  a  sarcophagus  dug  up  in  1607, in  preparing  foundations  for  the  Capella  Borghese at  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] CANCELLI  (Podium,  Pecforalia,  Meniana ; Kiy/cAiSer,  ApvipaKra,  KdyyeXoL,  KayKeKKoi, KdyKeWa).  These  words  are  applied  to  a  par- tition formed  of  open  work  in  wood  or  iron,  or even  of  stone  (Papias,  in  Ducange,  s.  v.  Cancell'is), especially  to  the  open-work  screen  or  grating which  separates  the  choir  from  the  nave  of  a church,  or  the  sanctuary  from  the  choir.  Euse- bius  {HM.  Eccl.  x.  4,  s.  44),  after  describing  the thrones  of  the  TfpdeSpoi  in  the  upper  part  of the  great  church  at  Tyre,  the  benches  (seem- ingly) for  the  rest  of  the  clerks,  and  the  altar or  sanctuary,  says,  "  These  again,  that  they  might be  inaccessible  to  the  laity,  he  enclosed  with wooden  gratings,  wrought  with  so  delicate  an art  as  to  be  a  wonder  to  behold."  These  cancelli seem  to  have  enclosed  the  whole  of  the  space occupied  by  the  clergy.     Compare  CiiDRCH. St.  Ambrose  is  said  (Sozomen,  Hist.  Eccl.  vii. 25,  317)  to  have  excluded  the  emperors  from the  sanctuary,  and  to  have  assigned  them  a  place just  outside  the  rails  which  enclosed  it  (jrph  tS)v Spv(pdKTCi>i>  Tov  Uparetov).  Here  the  Upanlov seems  to  correspond  with  what  we  call  tlie chancel,  including  the  whole  of  the  space  as- signed to  the  clergy,  and  not  merely  the  sanc- tuaiy ;  for  the  emperor's  position  is  said  to indicate  his  precedence  among  the  people,  and  his inferiority  to  the  clergy.  The  rail  seems  to  have been,  in  short,  a  chancel-screen  rather  than  an altar-rail. Cyprian,  in  the  Life  of  Caesarius  of  Aries (^Acta  SS.  Bened.  saec.  i.  App.)  says  that  the saint  did  not  hesitate  to  give  for  the  redemption of  captives  things  belonging  to  the  administra- tion of  the  sacrament,  as  chalices  and  censers, and  even  took  down  the  silver  ornaments  from the  cancelli.  In  this  case,  the  context  suggests that  the  cancelli  were  near  the  altar.  Paul Warnefrid  (X>e  Episcop.  Metens.  in  Pertz, Monum.  German,  ii.  266)  says  that  Chrodegang caused  to  be  made  a  church  in  honour  of  St. Stephen,  and  his  altar,  and  cancelli,  and  a  pres- bytery, where  again  the  rail  or  grating  seems  to have  been  the  enclosure  of  the  altar. Athanasius  {Epistola  ad  Orthodoxos,  0pp.  i. 646)  speaks  of  the  KayiceXoL  of  a  church  as among  the  things  destroyed  by  Arian  fury. Cyril  of  Scythopolis,  in  the  Life  of  Euthymius (t  673 ;  in  Acta  SS.  Jan.  ii.  302  ff.),  tells  how  a Saracen,  leaning  on  the  screen  of  the  sanctuary {rifi  Kayy^Kw  tov  leparelov)  while  the  offering was  being  made,  saw  fire  descend  from  heaven and  spread  itself  over  the  altar.  Here  the  screen clearly  enclosed  the  bema,  or  sanctuary,  and  ad- mitted of  the  altar  being  seen  from  without. And  again,  in  the  Life  of  St.  Sabas  (in  Cotelerius, Monum.  Eccl.  Graecae,  tom.  iii.),  he  speaks  of  the rails  of  the  sanctuary  {k.  tov  dvcriacrTfipiov). Some  have  thought  that  the  Rugae  frequently mentioned  in  the  Liber  Pontificalis  among  the presents  of  various  popes  to  Roman  churches  were cancellated  doors.     But  see  the  article. Germanus  of  Constantinople''  (^Hist.  Eccl.  p. 148,  ed.  Paris,  1560)  says  that  the  rails  ((cay/ceAAa) mark  out  the  space  to  the  outside  of  which  the people  may  approach,  while  inside  is  the  Holy  of Holies,  accessible  only  to  the  priests.  Here  we must  conclude,  either  that  the  phrase  ra  ayia Tuiv  ayiwv  includes  choir  as  well  as  sanctuarv, which  is  highly  improbable,  or  that  the  people entered  the  choir  at  any  rate  for  the  purpose  ot communicating.     Compare  Choir. *  It  is  doubtful  whether  this  work  is  to  be  attributed to  the  (.iermanus  of  the  8th  century,  or  to  his  namesake of  the  12  th. 264 CANDELABRUM Durandus  {Ration  de,  i.  3,  35)  observes  that  in iincient  times  the  enclosure  of  the  choir  was  not so  high  as  to  prevent  the  people  from  seeing  the clerks ;  but  that  in  his  own  time  a  curtain  or partition  was  generally  interposed  between  the clerks  and  the  people,  so  that  they  could  not  see each  other. Ducange's  Glossary,  s.  v.  Cancellus ;  Suicer's Thesaurus,  s.  vv.  SpixpaKTov,  KiyKKls,  Kayye\a  ; JIabillon,  Comment.  Fraev.  in  Ordinem  Bom. c.  20,  p.  exxxvii.  L*^-J (2)  In  addition  to  the  use  of  this  word  for  the lattice-work  protecting  the  altar  of  a  church and  the  raised  area  on  which  it  stood,  Can- celli  was  also  employed  to  designate  a  railing round  a  tomb.  We  find  it  used  in  this  sense  by Augustine  {e.g.  Semi,  de  Divers,  xxxi.,  de  Civit. Dei  xxii.  7,  &c. ;  Gregory  of  Tours,  de  Mirac.  i. 69  ;  ii.  20,  46,  47  ;  id.  Hist.  vi.  10,  where  thieves are  described  as  breaking  into  St.  Martin's Church  at  Tours  by  raising  against  the  window of  the  apse  "  cancellum  qui  super  tumulum cujusdam  defuucti  erat"). Another  word  used  in  the  same  sense  from  the similarity  of  its  form  was  Cataracta,  Karap- paKT-t)^,  "  a  portcullis."  The  letters  of  the legates  to  Pope  Hormisdas  relative  to  the  re- quest of  Justinian  for  some  relics  of  the  apostles speaks  of  the  "  secunda  cataracta."  Labbe' Gone.  iv.  1515;  and  the  encyclic  of  Vigilius, Ep.  XV.  mentions  the  "cataracta  Beati  Petri," i.e.  the  iron  railing  surrounding  his  "confessio" {lb.  V.  330).  [E.  v.] CANDELABRUM.    [Corona  Lucis.] CANDIDA.  (1)  Wife  of  Artemius,  martyr at  Rome,  is  commemorated  June  6  {Mart.  Rom. Vet.,  Usuardi). (2)  Virgin,  of  Rome,  is  commemorated  Aug.  29 {Mart.  Usuardi).  [C] CANDIDUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome,  is  com- memorated Feb.  2  {Mart.  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  at  Sebaste  in  Armenia,  March  9 {Mart.  Bedae);  March  11  {Mart.  Usuardi). (3)  Martyr,  one  of  the  Theban  Legion,  com- memorated Sept.  22  {Mart.  Bedae,  Usuardi). (4)  Martyr  at  Rome,  Oct,  3  {Mart.  Usuardi). CANDLE.    [Lights:  Taper.]  [C] CANDLEMAS.    [Mary,  Festivals  of.] CANISTER,   or   CANISTRUM.      (1)     A basket  used  for  holding  consecrated  bread,  or perhaps  EULOGIAE.  Compare  Arca.  St.  Jerome {Ep.  ad  Rustic,  c.  20),  speaking  of  the  practice among  Christians  in  his  day  of  carrying  home the  consecrated  elements  both  of  bread  and wine,  uses  the  expression,  "  Qui  corpus  Domini in  canistro  vimineo  et  sanguinem  portat  in vitro;"  from  which  it  appears  that  a  wicker basket   was   used    for    holding    the    consecrated This  passage  is  remarkably  illustrated  by  a fresco  discovered  in  the  crypt  of  St.  Cornelius  by Cavaliere  de'  Rossi.  This  represents  a  fish  swim- ming in  the  water,  bearing  on  its  back  a  basket having  on  the  top  several  small  loaves,  and  inside a  red  object,  clearly  visible  through  the  wicker- work,  which  seems  to  be  a  small  glass  flask  of wine.  This  is  marked  in  the  engraving  by  a somewhat  darker  tint.  We  have  thus  the  Fish, the  well-known  symbol  of  the  Redeemer,  com- bined with  the  representation  of  the  sacred bread  and  wine. CANON In  another  painting  of  the  same  cemetery  is represented  a  tripod  table,  on  which  are  laid three  loaves  and  a  fish,  and  round  which  are placed  seven  baskets  full  of  loaves.  Here,  also, it  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  loaves  are  eucha- ristic,  either  as  being  the  loaves  actually  con- secrated, or  those  blessed  for  distribution  [Eu- logiae]  (Martigny,  Diet,  des  Ant.  Chre't. p.  246). Epiphanius  the  PrcNbyter  (m  Inditulo  ad Hormisdam,  quutv;d  by  I)uv.ange,  s.  v.  Canistrum) says  that  certain  persons  proved  themselves  to be  heretics  by  the  very  fiict  that  on  the  approach of  what  they  called  persecution,  i.e.  the  pre- dominance of  the  orthodox  Church,  they  con- secrated great  quantities  of  sacramental  bread, and  distributed  full  baskets  (canistra  plena)  to all,  that  they  might  not  be  deprived  of  com- munion. Ducange  refers  this  to  the  eulogiae  ; but  the  eulogiae  would  scarcely  have  been regarded  as  a  substitute  for  communion,  and  the passage  may  probably  be  referred,  like  that  of St.  Jerome,  to  the  distribution  of  bread  actually consecrated. (2)  The  disk  or  tazza  placed  under  a  lamp. This  sense  is  frequent  in  the  Liber  Pontificalis. For  instance,  Pope  Adrian  (772-795)  is  said  to have  given  to  a  church  twelve  silver  canistri, weighing  thirty-six  pounds.  Leo  III.,  his  suc- cessor, gave  a  silver  canister  with  its  chains, weighing  fifteen  pounds.  Gregory  IV.  gave  two canistra  of  nine  lights  (canistra  ennafodia  =  e^^i/ea- (pdiTia).  In  the  latter  case,  the  lights  were probably  distributed  round  the  circumference  of the  tazza.     (Ducange's  Glossary,  s.v.).         [C] CANON.  Viavii)v,  a  rule;  applied  ecclesias- tically to  many  very  diverse  things,  but  with  the one  notion  of  fixity  or  regularity  underlying  all of  them:  as — 1.  The  Holy  Scriptures,  as,  i.  themselves  a rule ;  ii.  in  respect  to  the  rule  by  which  to  de- termine what  is  Holy  Scripture,  the  latter  being the  sense  in  which  the  word  was  first  applied  to them.    [Canonical  Books.] 2.  The  Creed.     [Creed.] 3.  The  Roll  of  the  clergy  in  a  particular church  (6  iv  tQ>  Kav6vi  —  clergyman),  from  a time  prior  to  the  Kicene  Council  (can.  16,  17, 19),  =  6  0710S  Kcivwv  {Cone.  Antioch.  A.D.  341, can.  1),  KaTaKoyos  UpaTiK6s  {Can.  Apost.  14, 50),  Albus  (Sidon.  Apollin.  lib.  vi.  ep.  8),  Matri- cula  {Cone.  Agath.  A.D.  506,  can.  2),  Tabula Clericorum  (St.  Aug.  Horn.  50  de  Div.).  Hence Canonici,  and  Canonicae ;  and  later  still,  Canons Secular  and  Canons  Regular.    [Canonici.] 4.  The  rules,  either  invented  or  improved  by Eusebius  after  the  Monotessaron  of  Ammonius, for  ascertaining  the  parallel  passages  of  the  four Gospels. 5.  Canon  Paschalis  =  the  rule  for  finding Easter.     [Easter.] 6.  The  fixed  portion  of  the  Eucharistic  service. [Canon  of  the  Liturgy.] CANON  LAW 7.  The  hymns  which  formed  invariable  por- tions of  services  in  the  Greek  office  books,  e.g. 6  Miya^  Kavoou,  Kavwv  6  rrjs  "T\^dl>ff€u!s,  Kavoov v€KpuiffiiJ.os,  Kav6i'es  'AvaffraffifMOi,  &c.  &c.  (Du Cange,  Meursius,  Suicer,  Cave.)  [Canon  of Odes.] 8.  A  Lectionary,  according  to  Gothofred  (see Bingham  XIII.  v.  6);  but  this  seems  doubtful. 9?  A   synodical    decree.      [Canon-l.wv.] 10.  A  monastic  rule, — Kavoov  ttjs  //.ovaxtKrj^ ■KoXmias  (Cave,  Diss,  in  fin.  Hist.  Litt.).  So  also used  by  the  Pseudo-Egbert. 11.  A  Penitkntial  (Cave,  i6.).  "Incidere  in canona  "  came  to  mean  "  to  incur  penance  "  (Du Cange). 12.  The  epithet  canonicae  was  also  applied to,— i.  The  Canonical  Letters  given  by  bishops  to the  faithful  who  travelled  to  atother  diocese. [Epistolae.] ii.  The  Canonical  Hours  of  prayer.    [Hours.] iii.  "  Canonical  Pensions,"  granted  to  a  retired bishop  out  of  the  revenues  of  his  former  see. [Bishop;  Pension.] The  word  is  used  also,  politically,  of  an  ordi- nary as  opposed  to  an  extraordinary  tax  ;  whence St.  Athanasius  speaks  of  himself  as  accused  of getting  a  Kavwv  imposed  upon  Egypt  {AjmI.  ii. 0pp.  i.  178),  which  Sozomen  (vi.  21)  calls  <p6pos  : aud  also  of  a  pension  or  fixed  payment  (Du  Cange, Suicer).  [A.  W.  H.] CANON  LAW.  The  term  Canon  Law,  as commonly  used  at  the  present  day,  is  generally understood  to  relate  to  that  complex  system  of ecclesiastical  jurisprudence  which  grew  up  in the  Church  of  Rome  during  the  Middle  Ages.* Of  this  system,  however,  it  hardly  falls  within our  limits  to  speak.  The  Decretum  of  Gratian, which  is  the  first  part  of  the  Corpus  Juris Canonici,  was  not  drawn  up  until  the  12th century,  and  even  the  Decretals  of  the  Pseudo- Isidore,  which  form  to  so  large  an  extent  the basis  of  the  canon  law  of  Rome,  did  not  appear till  some  time  after  the  year  800.  We  have, therefore,  to  confine  ourselves  to  the  earlier collections  of  church  law "It  is  not  to  be  supposed  (says  Ayliffe,  in his  Introduction  to  his  Parergon  Juris  Canonici) that  the  communion  of  the  Church  could  long subsist  after  the  death  of  the  Apostles,  without some  other  laws  and  obligations,  holding  men  to peace  and  concord  among  themselves,  than  those contained  in  holy  writ ;  considering  the  pride and  passions  of  men,  and  an  overweening  conceit of  their  own  particular  ways  m  point  of  Divine worship,  and  the  ceremonies  of  it." The  earliest  approach  to  a  lex  scripta  other than  and  beyond  the  Scriptures,  probably  con- sisted partly  of  letters  of  eminent  bishops  in reply  to  questions  put  to  them  on  disputed topics  (a  kind  of  "  responsa  prudentum  ") — partly  of  traditional  maxims,  "  coutiimes,"  as Bunsen  calls  them  (^Christianity  and  Mankind, vol.  ii.  421),  reduced  to  writing,  and  generally accepted,  with  or  without  synodical  sanction — CANON  LAW 265 partly  of  decisions  of  local  councils,  in  which certain  neighbouring  dioceses  met  together  and agreed  upon  rules  for  their  observance  in  com- mon. The  so-called  apostolical  canons,  and  aposto- lical constitutions  [see  Apost.  Canons  and Apost.  Constitutions]  probably  contain  frag- ments derived  from  this  early  period.  The ancient  pieces  edited  in  Lagarde's  Reliquiae  Juris Ecclesiastici  Antiquissimae,  and  in  Bickell's Geschichte  des  Kirchenrechts,  also  perhaps  reflect to  some  extent  the  state  of  things  at  a  primitive stage,  with  more  or  less  of  subsequent  accretion aud  interpolation. Eusebius  mentions  synods  or  meetings  of  the orthodox  on  the  subject  of  the  Easter  contro- versy as  early  as  the  close  of  the  2nd  cen- tury {H.  E.  V.  23;  see  Bickell,  i.  38).  In  the 3rd  century  like  assemblies  were  held  on  the question  of  baptism  by  heretics,  and  on  the  con- dition of  the  lapsi.  Of  letters  of  bishops  received as  having  weight  in  ecclesiastical  questions,  ie\y or  none  remain  of  a  very  early  date.  The  epistle of  Clement  of  Rome,  and  the  epistles  of  Ignatius, hardly  fulfil  this  character,  and  the  pretended letters  of  early  popes  in  the  Pseudo-Isidorian  De- cretals are  forgeries.  But  in  the  3rd  century  we have  a  letter  of  Dionysius  of  Alexandria,  and  one of  Gregory  Thaumaturgus,  which  were  written  in. reply  to  questions  put  to  them,  and  which  find  a place  in  the  Codex  Canonum  of  the  Greek  Church. it  is  therefore  possible  that  similar  epistles  of other  bishops  may  have  exercised  more  or  less influence  in  regulating  the  affairs  of  infant churches  during  the  previous  period. At  the  beginning  of  the  4th  century,  pro- vincial  councils  became  numerous.  Before  the year  325  we  have,  for  instance,  councils  at  Elvira, Aries,  Ancyra,  and  Neocaesarea.  Then  begins  the series  of  general  councils,  that  of  Nice  being  the first,  followed,  in  381,  by  the  first  Council  of Constantinople,  minor  councils  having  been  held in  the  interim.  [Council.]  It  is  not  surprising, therefore,  that  some  effort  was  now  made  to collect  the  laws  of  the  Church.  We  begin  with the  Eastern  Church. The  first  collection  of  which  we  hear  has  not come  down  to  us  in  its  original  foi-m.  It  ap- peal's to  have  contained  at  first  only  the  canons  of Nice,  and  those  of  the  provincial  councils  of  An- cyra, Neocaesarea,  and  Gangra.  As  the  three last  mentioned  councils  were  connected  with the  diocese  of  Pontus,  it  has  been  conjectured, from  the  prominence  given  to  them,  that  the collection  originated  there. By  degrees  other  councils  were  added,  and  this Codex  Ecclesiae  Orientalis,  thus  enlarged,  became a  work  of  recognized  authority,  and  was  quoted at  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  in  451  A.D.  Jus- tellus  edited  in  1619  a  Codex  Canonum  Ecclesiae Universae,  which  he  professed  to  be  the  collec- tion quoted  at  Chalcedon,  and  to  have  been  the work  of  Steplien,  bishop  of  Ephesus,  at  the  end of  the  4th  century.  In  point  of  fact,  however, the  work  published  by  Justellus  contains  much additional  matter,  and  cannot  be  considered  as  an exact   representation  of  the   early  form  of  the »  It  is  sometimes  also  applied  to  the  provincial  canons and  coiistiiutions  passed  by  domestic  synods  in  this  coun- try. It  is  to  these  that  the  act  25  Hen.  8,  c.  19,  relates. But  these  also  belong  to  a  time  sub.sequcnt  to  the  year SOU,  and  do  not  therefore  full  to  be  noticed  hero. ollecti in     question. Subsequently     to b  •'  Notus  est  error  Justelli,  qui  codicem  suum  ca- nonum ecclesiae  universae  pro  lubitu  composiiit  et  pro collectione    a    concilio  Chalcodoncnsi  coufiriiiala,    nunc 266 CANON  LAW the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  divers  collections  ap- pear to  have  been  made,  varying  from  one another  more  or  less  in  the  order  and  character of  their  contents.  Meanwhile,  another  element had  been  added  to  church  law  by  the  decrees  of the  Christian  emperors,  collected  in  the  Codes of  Theodosius  and  Justinian  (Biener,  p.  14). In  the  middle  of  the  6th  century,  John,  sur- naraed  Scholasticus,  a  priest  of  Antioch,  and subsequently  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  made a  more  systematic  and  complete  collection,  in- troducing into  it  sixty-eight  passages  from  the works  ot^  Basil,  which  the  Oriental  Church  re- ceives as  authoritative,  <=  At  the  same  time  he  also extracted  and  put  together,  from  the  legislation of  Justinian,  a  number  of-laws  bearing  on  ec- clesiastical matters.  These  two  collections, when  afterwards  combined  (probably  by  another hand),  obtained  the  name  of  Nomocanon. We  now  come  to  the  council  in  Trullo,  held A.D.  692,  the  decree  of  which  furnishes  a  list of  what  was  then  received.  The  council  acknow- ledges 85  apostolic  canons,  and  those  of  Nice, Ancyra,  Neocaesarea,  Gangra,  Antioch,  Laodicea, Constantinople,  Ephesus,  Chalcedon,  Sardica,  and Carthage,''  also  of  the  Synod  of  Constantinople under  Nectarius.*=  It  further  recognizes  the  so- called  canons  taken  from  the  works  of  Dionysius and  Peter,  archbishops  of  Alexandria,  Gregory Thaumaturgus,  Athanasius,  Basil,  Gregory  Nys- seu,  Gregory  Theologus,  Amphilochius,  Timo- theus,  Theophilus  and  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  and Gennadius,  patriarch  of  Constantinople.  Lastly, it  confirms  the  Canon  of  Cyprian  as  to  the baptism  of  heretics,  which  it  states  to  have  been j-ecognized  by  the  usage  of  the  Church. Not  quite  two  centuries  later  appeared  the great  Nomocanon  of  Photius,  patriarch  of  Con- stantinople. This  comprehended  a  digest  of  the canons  according  to  their  subject  matter,  and  of the  laws  of  Justinian  on  the  same  subjects.  A close  connexion  was  thereby  practically  estab- lished between  the  decrees  of  councils  and  those of  emperors  (Biener,  p.  22).  It  seems  to  be  the aim  of  this  work  to  embrace  the  same  canons in  the  main  as  were  recognized  by  the  Trullan Council,  and  to  add  them  to  the  Trullan  decrees, and  those  of  the  following  councils  : — The  so-called  7th  Council,  or  2nd  Nicene ; the  so-called  Primo  secunda,  held  A.D.  861 ;  that of  St.  Sophia,  called  by  the  Greeks  the  8th Council,  A.D.  879. f The  council  styled  by  the  Latins  the  8th, viz.,  that  held  against  Photius  A.D.  869,  not being  acknowledged  by  the  Greeks,  did  not  ap- pear in  this  collection. In  the  11th  century  the  work  of  Psellus,  in demum  restituta,  venditavit."  Biener,  p.  10;  comp. Phillips,  p.  15. =  It  contained  the  Apostolic  Canons,  and  tliose  of  Nice, Ancyra,  Neocaesavea,  Sardica,  Gangra,  Antiocli.  Laodicea, Cunstantinople,  Ephesus,  and  Chalcedon,  and  the  so-called Canons  of  Basil. <>  /.  e.  probably  the  same  excerpta  from  the  Council. A.D.  419,  which  IJionysius  Exiguus  received  into  his collection. '  I.e.  that  held  in  394  in  relation  to  Agapius  and Bagadius. f  Kor  an  account,  however,  of  certain  varieties  and -n.tssions,  not  easily  to  be  accounted  for,  and  possibly '»'■  "<  part  to  subsequent  copyists  and  editors,  see biener,  ij  1. CANON  LAW the  12th,  the  commentaries  of  Zonaras  and  Bal- samon,  and  of  Aristenus,  and  later  still,  the labours  of  Blastares,  would  require  special  men- tion, as  forming  marked  eras  in  the  growth  of canon  law  in  the  East,  as  distinguished  from  the mere  collection  and  publication  of  existing  ca- nons. But  we  have  already  passed  our  chronological limit,  and  we  therefore  turn  to  the  churches  of the  West. The  canons  of  Nice  appear  to  have  been  speedily translated  into  Latin,  and  to  have  been  circulated in  the  West,  together  with  those  of  Sai-dica. Soon  after  the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  a  further collection  called  the  "  Prisca  translatio "  ap- peared, which  began  with  the  Council  of  Ancyra, and  comprehended  those  of  Chalcedon  and  Con- stantinople. We  hear  also  of  a  Gallic  collection. The  African  church,  too,  as  it  had  numerous councils,  appears  to  have  collected  their  decrees [see  Codex  Canonum  Ecdcsiae  Africanae].  In  or about  A.D.  547  Ferrandus,  a  deacon  of  Carthage, published  his  Breviatio  Canonum,  which  was  not merely  a  compilation,  but  a  systematic  digest, and  comprehended  also  the  Greek  Councils  to whicli  he  appears  to  have  had  access  through  a Spanish  version. Spain,  indeed,  hail  at  an  early  period  a  collec- tion of  her  own.  The  fact  that  a  Spanish bishop  presided  fit  the  Council  of  Nice  would ensure  a  prompt  entrance  into  that  country  for the  Nicene  decrees.  The  canons  of  other  councils followed,  some  of  which  were  held  in  Spain  itself. An  old  Codex  Canonum  appears  to  have  existed, though  not  now  extant  in  its  original  form.  It is  said  to  have  been  cited  at  the  Council  of  Braga, A.D.  591. Martin,  archbishop  of  Braga,  also  compiled extracts  from  Greek  councils,  which  became  a valuable  contribution  to  the  canon  law  of  the Spanish  church.  In  the  seventh  century  we come  to  the  collection  which  goes  by  the  name of  Isidore  of  Seville,  and  which  seems  to  be  of his  date,  though  perhaps  not  his  work.  This was  edited  at  Madrid  in  1808  and  1821  from a  Spanish  MS.  This  collection  is  a  very  full one,  and  at  once  attained  to  a  high  position.  It contains  not  only  canons  of  councils  but  de- cretals of  popes.  In  its  composition  use  was  no doubt  made  of  the  Roman  work  of  Dionysius  of which  we  are  about  to  speak. We  must  now  go  back  a  ^e\y  years  in  order  to trace  the  state  of  things  at  Rome.  The  decrees of  Nice  and  Sardica  were  speedily  accepted  and acted  upon  by  the  popes,  but  the  history  of  any regular  collection  of  canons  is  obscure  until  the end  of  the  5th  century,  when  the  Scythian  monk Dionysius  Exiguus  settled  at  Rome,  and  not  long afterwards  undertook  to  edit  a  systematic  com- pilation. That  his  work  is  not  entirely  new  is clear,  because  he  states  that  one  of  its  objects was  to  give  a  new  and  better  translation  of  the Greek  canons.  This  seems  to  refer  to  the defective  nature  of  the  "  Prisca  translatio  " above  mentioned.  The  labours  of  Dionysius  re- sulted in  a  collection  both  more  accurate  and more  complete  than  any  previously  existing  at Rome.  It  comprised  50  of  the  apostolical  canons, 27  canons  of  Chalcedon,  21  of  Sardica,  and  138 of  various  African  councils.  The  work  gave  so much  satisl'actiou  that  its  author  proceeded  to make  a  second  and  further  one,  into  which  the CANON  LAW former  was  interwoven.  He  now  collected  and edited  the  deci-etal  letters  of  the  popes  down  to Anastasius  II. S  As  the  first  systemitic  editor  of decretals,  Dionysius  gave  a  new  prominence  to that  branch  of  Canon  Law  (assimilating  it  to  the Rescripts  of  the  Emperors),  and  thus  contributed much  to  sti-engthen  the  Papal  pretensions. •» That  in  a  work  which  no  doubt  was  much valued  and  widely  circulated,  the  epistles  of popes  should  be  placed  on  a  level  with  the  canons of  councils,  was  no  light  matter.  Accordingly the  Spanish  collection  of  Isidore,  of  which  we have  just  spoken,  borrowed  and  republished these  decretals  from  the  work  of  Dionysius,  thus giving  them  standard  authority  in  the  code  of the  church  of  Spain.  The  way  was  thus  pre- pared for  the  systematic  interpolation  of  the Isidorean  collection  with  a  host  of  forged  de- cretals purporting  to  be  the  genuine  letters  of early  popes,  but  being  in  reality  fictitious  docu- ments framed  to  advance  the  extravagant  papal pretensions  then  rising  into  notice.  This,  indeed, did  not  take  place  until  the  ninth  century,  and the  Psewf^o-Isidorean  work  must  not  be  con- founded with  the  earlier  collection  of  Isidore.' The  work  of  Dionysius  became  extensively known  as  the  standard  repertory  of  canon  law. (jresconius  appears  to  have  reproduced  its  con- tents for  the  use  of  the  church  of  Africa ;  Chil- peric  in  Gaul  is  said  to  have  been  acquainted with  it ;  and  in  England,  Theodore  is  believed  to have  quoted  from  it  at  the  Synod  of  Hertford  in 673.  It  is  thought  to  have  made  its  way  even into  the  East.  Its  most  important  recognition, however,  was  that  which  was  accoi'ded  to  it  by Pope  Adrian  I.  when  he  transmitted  a  copy (augmented  by  certain  additions)  to  Charle- magne ;  and  by  Charlemagne  himself  when  he caused  the  work  to  be  solemnly  received  by  the synod  held  at  Aix-la-Chapelle.  From  this  period it  is  frequently  spoken  of  by  the  title  of  Codex Hadrianus,  sometimes  also  by  the  name  of  Codex Canonum. At  this  point  we  pause.''  The  next  century saw  the  Fseudo-lsidovia.n  collection  foisted  upon the  church. A  new  era  then  commenced ;  the  era  of  ex- travagant papal  claims,   and  of  canonical  sub- B  Last  of  all  he  published  a  revised  and  corrected edition,  which  however  has  perished. •>  In  connexion  with  the  word  "  1  )ecretal,"  the  following explanation  of  terms,  as  used  in  the  later  canon  law,  may not  be  out  of  place : — "  A  canon  is  said  to  be  that  law which  is  made  and  ordained  in  a  general  council  or  pro- vincial synod  of  the  Church.  A  decree  is  an  ordinance which  is  enacted  by  the  pope  himself,  by  and  with  the advice  of  his  cardinals  assembled,  without  being  consulted by  any  one  thereon.  A  decretal  epistle  is  that  which  the pope  decrees  either  by  himself  or  else  by  the  advice  of  his cardinals.  And  this  must  be  on  his  being  consulted  by some  particular  person  or  persons  thereon.  A  dogma  is tliat  determinalion  which  consists  in  and  has  a  relation  to some  casuistical  point  of  doctrine,  or  some  doctrinal  part of  ihe  Christian  faith."     Ayliffe,  x.\xvii. •  The  letter  of  Pope  Siricius  to  Himerius,  bishop  of Tarragona,  a.d.  385,  seems  the  first  authentic  Papal l>eiretal. "i  It  may  be  well  to  add  a  word  as  to  Poenitentials. These  were  designed  to  regulate  the  penances  to  be  caiio- nically  infii(t<-d  on  penitents.  'I'hey  do  not  appear  to have  had  general  sanction,  but  were  locally  adopted  owing to  the  position  and  influence  of  their  authors.  Thus  wo have  the  Poenitential  of  Gregory  the  Great,  of  Theodore, of  Budc,  and  otheis.    See  Aylifl'e,  xv. CANON  OF  THE  LITURGY      267 tleties  engendered  by  ecclesiastics,  whose  pro- fessional labours  and  commentaj'ies  developed the  law  of  the  church  into  a  system  more artificial  and  intricate  than  that  of  the  state. But  these  things  lie  beyond  our  present  province, and  it  is  only  necessary  to  draw  attention  to  the new  phase  which  from  this  period  the  whole subject  of  canon  law  assumes. From  this  time  forward,  the  student  has  to  do not  merely  with  a  collection  of  statutes  but with  a  fabric  of  jurisprudence — not  merely  with a  Codex  Canonum,  but  with  a  Corpus  Juris. Authorities  : —  Pdrergon  Juris  Canonici,  by Ayliffe.  London,  1726.  Biener,  De  Collection- ibus  Canonum  Ecclesiae  Graecae.  Berlin,  1827. Bickell,  Geschichte  des  Kirchenrechts.  G  lessen, 1845.  Beveridge, /"aniiecfoe  Canonum  Sanctoi-um Apostolorum  et  Concilioi-um  ah  ecclesid  Graecd receptorum.  Oxon.  1672.  Phillips,  Du  Droit Eccle'siastique  dans  ses  Sources,  traduit  par Crouzet.  Paris,  1852.— [A  useful  book  but ultramontane  in  tone.]  In  these  works,  parti- cularly in  the  first  and  last,  references  will  be found  to  the  older  authors  for  the  benefit  of such  students  as  desire  to  investigate  the  subject more  fully.  [B.  S.] CANON  OP  THE  LITURGY.  That  por- tion of  the  Liturgy  which  contains  the  form  of consecration,  and  which  in  the  Roman  and  most other  rites  is  fixed  and  invariable,  is  called  the Canon. I.  Designations.  The  word  Kaviuv  designates either  the  standard  by  which  anything  is  tried, or  that  which  is  tried  by  such  standard  (see Westcott  on  the  Canon  of  the  N.  T.,  App.  A). It  is  used  in  the  first  sense  by  Clement  of  Rome (1  Cor.  41),  where  he  desires  the  brethren  not to  transgress  the  set  rule  of  their  service  (rhu wpifffxivov  T-/JS  AeiTovpyias  Kav6va) ;  in  the second,  when  it  is  applied  by  liturgical  writers to  the  fixed  series  of  Psalms  or  Troparia  for  a particular  day.  It  is  in  the  second  sense  that the  word  canon  is  applied  to  the  fixed  portion of  the  Liturgy.  As  the  names  of  certain saints  were  recited  in  this  canon,  the  word Kavovi^iLv  came  to  designate  the  act  of  entering a  name  in  a  liturgical  list  or  diptych,  and saints  whose  names  were  so  entered  were  said  to be  canonized. It  is  also  called  Actio  (see  the  article),  and the  title  Infra  Actionem  {infra  being  used  for intra),  is  not  uncommonly  placed  over  the  prayer Communicantes  in  ancient  MSS.  See  Le  Brun, Exposition  de  la  Messe,  torn,  i,  pt.  iv,  art.  4. Pope  Vigilius  {Epist.  ad  -Profutuncm)  and Gregory  the  Great  (Epist.  vii.  64)  call  the canon  Precem,  Precem  Canonicam,  as  being  the prayer  by  pre-eminence. It  is  also  called  Secreta  and  Secretum  Missae, from  being  said  in  a  low  voice.     [Secreta.] TertuUian  appears  to  use  the  word  Benedicfio (=  ehXoyia)  to  designate  that  portion  of  the Eucharistic  .service,  or  Actio,  which  included consecration.  See  De  Fudic.  c.  14;  Ad  Uxorcta, ii.  c.  6. II.  Early  notices  of  this  portion  of  the  Liturgy. On  the  scriptural  notices  it  is  not  necessary  hero to  dwell. In  Justin  Martyr's  account  of  the  celebration of  the  Eucharist  for  the  newly-baptized  {Apol.  i. c.  65),  this  ])ortion  of  the  service  is  described  as t'ollow.s.     "Then  is   presented   (jrpoa(pfpfTai)   to 268      CANON  OF  THE  LITURGY the  brother  who  presides,  bread,  and  a  cup  of water  and  mixed  wine  (Kpafjuxros),  and  he,  re- ceiving them,  sends  up  praise  and  glory  to  the Father  of  All,  through  the  name  of  the  Son  and the  Holy  Spirit,  and  otfers  a  thanksgiving  (eux"" picTTiav)  at  some  length  for  that  He  has  vouch- safed to  us  these  blessings.  And  when  he  has finished  the  prayers  and  the  thanksgiving,  all the  people  present  respond  by  saying  Amen  .  .  . And  after  the  president  has  given  thanks  and the  people  responded,  those  who  are  called  among us  deacons  give  to  each  of  those  who  are  present to  partake  of  the  bread  and  wine  and  water  over which  thanks  have  been  given,  and  cany  them to  those  not  present.  And  this  meal  is  called with  us  eucharistia,  of  which  none  is  permitted to  partake,  except  one  who  believes  that  the things  taught  by  us  are  true,  and  who  has  passed thi-ough  the  washing  for  remission  of  sins  and new  birth,  and  so  lives  as  Christ  commanded. For  we  receive  these  not  as  common  bread  or common  drink,  but  as  Jesus  Christ  our  Saviour being  incarnate  by  the  Word  of  God  possessed both  flesh  and  blood  for  our  salvation,  so  also we  were  taught  that  the  food  over  which  thanks- giving has  been  made  by  the  utterance  in  prayer of  the  word  derived  from  Him  (rrji/  5i'  ehxvs \6you  Tov  Trap'  avrov  ivxapL(Trr)6i7ffav  Tpo(p7iv) is  the  flesh  and  blood  of  that  incarnate  Jesus. For  the  Apostles,  in  the  memoirs  which  they wrote  which  are  called  Gospels,  transmitted  to us  that  Jesus  Christ  thus  charged  them  ;  that after  taking  bread  and  giving  thanks,  He  said, '  Do  this  in  remembrance  of  me  ;  this  is  my Body;'  and  that,  in  like  manner,  after  taking the  cup  and  giving  thanks,  He  said,  'This  is my  Blood;'  and  that  He  gave  to  partake  to them  alone." The  same  ceremony  is  more  briefly  described in  the  following  chapter,  in  the  account  of  the ordinary  Sunday  services,  with  the  addition  that the  president  sends  up  prayers  and  thanksgiving, "  00-17  Svvafiis  avT(p,"  according  to  his  ability ; for,  as  F.  Xavier  Schmid  observes  {Liturgih,  i. 44),  "  even  the  prayers  of  the  sacrifice  of  the mass  depended  for  their  contents  and  length  on the  pleasure  of  the  several  presidents,  though they  might  often  be  moulded  on  a  tj'pe  given  by some  apostle  or  apostolic  man." Justin  connects  the  notion  of  sacrifice  with the  Eucharist.  In  the  Dialogue  (c.  117,  p.  386) he  speaks  of  the  acceptableness  of  the  sacrifices {duaias)  which  Christ  ordained,  "  that  is,  over  the Eucharist  or  thanksoft'eriug  (ejrl  rfj  eiixapiaTiq.) of  the  bread  and  the  cup ;  "  and  he  regards  the offering  of  tine  flour  (Lev.  siv.  10)  as  a  type  of the  Eucharist. In  Irenaeus,  with  many  passages  intei-esting in  a  dogmatic  point  of  view  (with  which  at  pre- sent we  are  not  concerned)  are  several  which contain  liturgical  indications.  He  dwells  {Haeres. iv.  18,  §  4,  p.  251)  on  the  difficulty  wliich  they, who  do  not  believe  Christ  to  be  the  very  Word ot  God  through  Whom  all  things  were  made, must  experience  in  receiving  the  truth  that  the broad  over  (or,  by  occasion  of)  which  thanks liave  been  given  ("  panem  in  quo  gratiae  actae int  )  IS  the  Lord's  Body.  And  again  he  says T2,  §  3,  p.  294)  that  natural  bread ver  It  the  word  of  God,  and  the  thank- {llae, apTos ng  beconies  the  Body  of  Christ  (6  7^70^^,^ s  eTTiSexerai  ihi>  \,iyoi>  toD  QeoC  Ka\  yire- CANON  OF  THE  LITURGY Tai  T)  evxapto'Tia  awjxa  Xptcrrov).  [Eucharist.] Speaking  of  the  heretic  Marcus  (ILieres.  i.  13, §  2),  he  says,  that  he  pretended  to  perform a  eucharistic  service,  and  that  by  uttering  a long  form  of  invocati:.n  (eTri  irAeov  tKTiivuv rhu  K6yov  rf/s  eTnK\ri<Tea)s)  he  caused  the liquid  in  the  cups  to  appear  red  and  purple. This  was  no  doubt  in  imitation  of  the  Epi- CLESIS  of  the  orthodox.  In  Fragment  38,  we read  :  "  The  offering  (jrpo(T(popa)  of  the  Eucharist is  not  fleshly,  but  spiritual,  and  therein  pure. For  we  offer  (Trpoff^epofiev)  unto  God  the  bread and  the  cup  of  blessing,  giving  thanks  {evxapi- (TTOvvTes)  unto  Him,  for  that  He  bade  the  earth bring  forth  these  fruits  for  our  sustenance ;  and at  that  point,  after  completing  our  offering,  we call  forth  {iKKaAov/j.iv')  the  Holy  Spirit,  to  de- clare (oTTojs  aTro(t>rivr])  this  sacrifice  and  the bread  the  Body  of  Christ  and  the  cup  the  Blood of  Christ,  that  they  who  partake  of  these  figures {avrLTvnav)  may  obtain  remission  of  their  sins and  everlasting  life."  And  again  (Haeres.  iv. 18,  s.  5,  p.  251)  we  read,  that  bread  produced from  earth,  receiving  over  and  above  its  proper nature  the  invocation  or  calliug-forth  of  God {TTpocTAa^onevos  tV  ^KK\-r\(nv  tov  ©eoC)  is  no longer  common  bread,  but  Eucharistia.  ■ It  is  supposed  by  some  that  Clement  of  Alex- andria describes  the  great  eucharistic  thanks- giving of  his  time,  when  he  says  that  Christians thank  God  for  the  blessings  of  creation  and  for the  gifts  of  nature  {Cohortatio  ad  Gentes,  pp.  7 and  92,  ed.  Potter) ;  for  His  mercy  in  redeeming us  by  His  Word  from  the  misery  of  the  Fall  ; for  Christ's  life  and  works  (ib.  pp.  6  and  8  ;  com- pare p.  87).  This  is  not  quite  evident ;  nor  is  it clear  that  the  allusions  to  the  Cherubic  hymn of  Isaiah  {Strom,  v.  6,  p.  668 ;  vii.  12,  p.  880) relate  to  the  use  of  that  hymn  in  the  liturgy. But  Clement  is  clearly  referring  to  the  Eucharist, when  he  insists,  against  the  Eucratites,  on  the use  of  wine  [Elements],  and  says  {Paedag.  ii.  2, p.  186)  that  the  Lord  "  blessed  {ivK6yr)(Teu)  the wine,  saying,  '  Take,  drink  ;  this  is  My  blood,' the  blood  of  the  vine ;  under  the  figure  of  the holy  stream  of  gladness  He  describes  the  Word shed  forth  for  many  for  the  remission  of  sins {rhv  \6yov  rhv  irepl  -koWwv  fKX^'JI^^vov  (Is aipiffiv  a/jLapTidSu  evcppo<Tvvr]s  ayiov  aWriyopfl yafj.a)."  He  gives  no  details  of  the  form  of  con- secration. TertuUian's  works  contain  many  eucharistic allusions.  The  intercessions  which,  according  to his  testimony,  Christians  made  on  behalf  of  em- perors and  the  peace  of  the  empire  (Apol.  cc. 30,  39),  on  behalf  of  enemies  {Apol.  c.  31),  and for  fruitful  seasons  {ad  Scapulam,  c.  4) ;  the commemoration  of  and  intercession  for  the  dead {De  Exhort.  Cast.  c.  11  ;  De  Monogamii,  c.  10) probably  all  took  place  in  connexion  with  the sacrifice  of  the  Eucharist  {ad  Scapulam,  c.  2).  Ac- cording to  the  Marcionite  theoiy,  he  says  {adv. Marcion.  i.  23),  the  eucharistic  giving  of  thanks is  performed  over  alien  bread  to  another  than the  true  God  ("super  alienum  panem  alii  Deo gratiarum  actionibus  fungitur"),  implying  that a  giving  of  thanks  to  the  true  God  over  the eucharistic  bread,  took  place  in  the  service  of the  Church.  He  describes  {Be  Anima,  c.  17)  the blessing  of  the  Cup  in  the  Last  Supper  as  "con- secration;" and  the  consecration  of  the  bread to  be  a  representation  ("  figura  ")  of  the  Lord's ^ CANON  OF  THE  LITUEGY Body  he  held  to  have  been  accomplished  by  the words,  "  Hoc  est  corpus  meum  "  (^ado.  Marcion. iv.  40 ;  cf.  da  Orat.  c.  6).  Prayers  which  are called  '' orationes  sacrificiorum "  followed  com- munion (de  Orat.  c.  14). St.  Cyprian  says  {Epist.  63,  c.  17),  that  in  the eucharistic  action,  "  because  we  make  mention  of His  Passion  in  all  our  sacrifices  (for  the  Passion of  the  Lord  is  the  sacrifice  which  we  offer)  we ought  to  do  no  other  thing  than  He  did  ;  for scripture  says  that  so  often  as  we  offer  the  cup in  commemoration  of  the  Lord  and  His  Passion, we  should  do  that  which  it  is  evident  that  the Lord  did."  He  is  arguing  here  especially  for the  mixed  chalice  [Elements],  but  his  words clearly  have  an  application  to  the  eucharistic office  in  genei'al.  We  find  also  from  Cyprian  that in  the  eucharistic  action  ("in  sacrificiis  nostris"), as  well  as  in  prayers  ("orationibus")  intercession was  made  for  brethren  suffering  afliliction  {Epist. 61,  c.  4),  whose  names  were  recited (-fc/«si.  62,  c.  5), as  were  also  the  names  of  those  who  made  offer- ings (^Epist.  16,  c.  2)  and  of  the  dead  who  had departed  uncensured  in  communion  with  the Church  {Epist.  1,  c.  2).  The  liturgical  office  of a  priest  seems  to  be  summed  up  {Epist.  65,  c.  4) m  sanctifying  the  oblation,  in  prayers  and  suppli- cations ("  orationes  et  preces")  ;  and  the  brethren are  admonished,  that  when  they  come  together to  celebrate  the  divine  sacrifices  with  the  priest of  God,  they  should  not  indulge  in  noisy  and unseemly  prayers  {De  Orat.  Dom.  c.  4) ;  a  pas- sage which  seems  to  imply  that  the  congrega- tion took  a  prominent  part  in  the  eucharistic service. Origen  has  more  than  one  passage  bearing upon  the  hallowing  of  the  elements  in  the  Eu- cliarist.  We  read  {contra  Celsum,  lib.  8,  p.  399, ed.  Spencer,  1658),  "  Let  Celsus,  as  one  who  knows not  God,  pay  his  thank-offerings  (xapiiTT^pia)  to demons;  but  we,  doing  that  which  is  well- pleasing  to  the  Maker  {Srnjnovpycp)  of  the  uni- verse, eat  the  loaves  offered  with  thanksgiving and  prayer  over  the  gifts  {rohs  fj-er'  ei/x«P'CTias «;.  evxvs  TTJs  iirl  rols  Sodelffi  irpocrayofi&ovs ixprovs),  loaves  which  are  made,  in  consequence of  the  prayer,  a  certain  body,  holy  and  hallowing those  who  use  it  with  sound  purpose."  Again, in  the  Comment  on  St.  Matthew  (c.  14),  Origen speaks  of  the  bread  being  hallowed  by  the  word of  God  and  prayer.  It  is  worthy  of  notice,  that in  the  Alexandrian  Liturgy,  the  priest  in  ad- ministering the  bread  says,  (Tw^ia  ayiov,  not aoiixsL  Xpicnov  (Daniel,  Codex  Lit.  iv.  168). Finiiiliaii  (1269),  bishop  of  Caesarea  in  Cap- padocia  (Cypriani  Epist.  75,  c.  10,  p.  818,Hartel) describes  an  ecstatic  woman  who  performed  a mock  eucharistic  act  and  sanctified  the  bread with  an  invocation  of  considerable  power  ("  invo- catione  non  contemptibili"),  and  offered  the  sacri- fice to  the  Lord  without "  the  mystic  words  of the  accustomed  form  ("sine  sacramento  solitae praedicationis'').  In  this  passage  invocatio  pro- bably corresponds  to  fTriK\7}ais,  and  praedicatio to  Kr]pvy/xa,  a  word  used  by  St.  Basil  {Epist. 141)  for  a  liturgical  form.  It  seems  to  be  here implied  that  the  form  of  the  epiclesis  used  by the  ecstatica  was  her  own  effusion ;  while  the usual    "  praedicationes  "  of  the  sacred  act  were CANON  OF  THE  LITUEGY !69 »  The  "  non  "  which  is  here  inserted  in  some  texts  is  a coiijecturc  not  support  'tl  by  any  MS. "  mysteries,"  and  either  unknown  to  her,  or  re- jected as  not  satisfying  her  aspirations. In  the  liturgical  directions  of  the  second  book of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (c.  57,  §§  13, 14) no  explicit  account  is  given  of  the  central  por- tion of  the  service.  After  describing  the  bidding- prayer,  or  Prosphonesis  of  the  deacon,  and  the prayer,  with  benediction,  of  the  priest,  the  writer proceeds:  "And  after  this   let  the  sacrifice  be made  {yiv^ffdai  i]  dvffla),  all  the  people  standing and    praying    in    a  low    voice;    and    when    the offering    has    been    made    {orav  avevex^y),    let each  order  partake  severally  of  the  Lord's  Body      j and  the  precious  Blood."     No  details  are  given of  the  sacrifice  or  anaphora,  perhaps  in  conse-       i quence  of  the  silence  imposed  in  that  respect  by       j the  "  Disciplina  Arcani."     The  eighth  book  con-       i tains    what   is  commonly  called  the  Clementine       i Liturgy,  which  is  considered  elsewhere.  ! Cyril    of  Jerusalem    gives    us  a    description {Catech.   Mystag.  V.)   of  the   liturgy  as   it  was actually  celebrated    at    Jerusalem  in  the   early part  of  the  4th  century.     After  describing  the Sursuin  Corda,  Preface,  and   Sanctus,  he  proceeds       i (§  7)  :  "  Then,  after  hallowing  ourselves  by  these spiritual  hymns,  we  beseech  the  merciful  God  to       | send  forth  His   Holy  Spirit    upon   the  elements       | displayed  on  the  table  {to.  irpoKeifiipa),  to  make the  bread  the  Body  of  Christ  and  the  wine  the Blood    of    Christ.     For    most    certainly,    what- soever  the  Holy  Spirit  may  have  touched,  that is     hallowed    and    transformed    {7]yiaarai    Kal      \ fi.eTal34^Xrirai).     Then,  after  that  the  spiritual      ' sacrifice,  the  unbloody  service  {Xarpela)  is  com- pleted, over  that  sacrifice  of  propitiation  we  be- seech God  for  the  common  peace  of  the  churches,      ' for  the  welfare  of  the  world,   for  kings,  for  sol-       ' diers    and    allies,     for    those    in     infirmity,    for those   in  special  trouble,  and,   generally,  we  all pray  for  all  who  need  help;  and  this  sacrifice  we      j ofi'er.     Then  we  make  mention  also  of  those  who      .j have    gone    to    rest    before   us,  first  patriarchs, prophets,  apostles,  martyrs ;  that   God   at  their      ; prayers  and  intercessions  would  receive  our  sup-      1 plication   (oircos   6  Qehs    Ta7s   evxals  avTwv   Ka\ TTpffffieiaiS  TTpoffSf^rtTai.  Trjv  ■r]/j.u>v  S^rjaiv);  then also  on  behalf  of  the    holy  fathers  and  bishops who  have   gone   to  rest  before  us,  and  generally all  of  our  body  who  have  gone  to  rest  before  us  ; believing  that  the  greatest  benefit  will  accrue  to      ] their  souls  for  whom  the  supplication  is  offered      . {ij  Seriais  avacpepsTat)  while  the  holy  and  most awful  sacrifice  is  displayed  {irpoKiifievris)."   Then      , follows  the  Lord's  Prayer,  the  to,  ayia  roh  ayiois, and  communion.  ■ St.  Basil,  in  a  remarkable  passage  {Be  Spiritu Sancto,  c.  27  [al.  66],  p.  54)  speaks  of  some  of the  ceremonies  of  the  Eucharist  as  having  been derived  from  unwritten  tradition.     "  The  words      ] of  the  Invocation  [Epiclesis]  at   the  displaying or  dedicating  (eVl  rrj  avahd^ei)  of  the  bread  of thanksgiving  and  the  cup  of  blessing,  which  of      i the    saints  left  behind  for  us  in  writing  ?     For, you  know,  we  are  not  content  with  the  things which  the  Apostle   or  the  Gospel   relate,  but  we      ' prefix  and  suffix  other   expressions  {irpoXiyofiev Kol     e-mKiyo/xfv    eVepa)    which    we    regard    as highly  important  for  the  mystery,  having  them      j handed   down  to    us    from    unwritten    tradition {iK  T^s   aypd.(pov    5ida<TKa\iai    -KapaXa&ovTis).'"      1 This  clearly   indicates  that   the  general  form  of      1 consecration  in  the  time  of  St.  Ba'=il  corresjionded 270      CANON  OF  THE  LITURGY to  that  in  the  existing  Greek  Liturgies,  in  that the  portion  actually  taken  from  Scripture  was preceded  and  succeeded  by  forms  not  scriptural, reputed  to  be  taken  from  apostolic  tradition, and  that  an  Epiclesis  was  an  essential  part  of the  form. St.  Chrysostom  informs  us  (on  2  Cor.  Horn. 18)  that  after  the  Kiss  of  Peace  there  followed the  blessing  of  the  priest,  to  which  the  people responded,  ""  And  with  thy  spirit ; "  then,  it  is implied,  came  the  "  Lift  up  your  hearts,"  &c., with  the  response  "It  is  meet  and  right,"  and the  cherubic  hymn.  As  to  the  petitions  of  the great  thanksgiving,  he  tells  us  (on  St.  JMatt. Honi.  25  [al.  26])  that  the  priest  bids  us  make the  eucharistic  offering  (euxapiCTerv)  on  behalf of  tlie  world,  of  those  who  have  gone  before  and those  who  are  to  follow  after  us  ;  and  again  (on 2  Cor.  Hoin.  2)  for  bishops,  for  presbyters,  for kings  and  rulers,  for  land  and  sea,  for  wholesome air,"  for  all  the  world.  It  appears  also  that founders  of  churches,  and  the  village  for  which  a church  was  founded,  were  specially  named  in  the sacred  service  {In  Acta,  Horn.  18.  c.  5).  It  also appears  that  the  Agnus  Dei  was  repeated  in  con- nexion with  the  eucharistic  intercession  :  (uTrep uiirwv  -wpoinixfv,  5f d^eroi  rov  hfxvuv  rov  Ketfifvov roll  Aa^nvTOS  Trjc  a/napTiavrov  koct/UoC;  on  1  Cor. Horn.  41  ;  compare  on  St.  John,  J/om.  24,  and on  Acts,  Horn.  21),  and  that  the  Lord's  Prayer formed  part  of  the  canonical  prayers  (/n  Genes. Horn.  27).  The  ra  ayia  rots  ayiois  [Sancta Sanctis]  formed  the  transition  to  Communion (Pseudo-Chrys.  on  Hebr.  Hotn.  17). St.  Augustine,  at  the  end  of  the  4th  century, testifies  to  the  general  order  of  the  canon  in  his time  in  the  North-African  churches,  which  pro- bably differed  little  in  this  respect  from  the Italian.  Thus  we  find  {ad  Infant,  de  Sacra- nientis,  p.  227)  that  the  Sursum  Corda  formed the  introduction  to  the  more  solemn  part  of the  service,  which  is  called  "  sanctificatio  sacri- ficii  Dei,"  and  that  this  was  followed  by  the Lord's  Prayer.  Again,  that  the  intercessions  at the  altar  included  prayer  for  unbelievers,  that God  would  convert  them  to  the  faith  ;  for  cate- chumens, that  He  would  inspire  them  with  a longing  for  regeneration ;  for  the  faithful,  that they  may  persevere  in  that  which  they  have begun  {Epist.  217,  Ad  Vital;  De  Bono  Per- severant.  c.  7);  and  for  the  dead  {De  Cura pro  Mortuis,  cc.  1  and  4).  That  the  North- African  Church  exercised  special  care  in  regard to  the  prayers  to  be  used  at  the  altar,  even  while strict  uniformity  was  not  insisted  upon,  is  indi- cated by  the  provision  (III.  Cone.  Carth.  c.  23, circ.  A.D.  397)  that  the  altar-prayers  should always  be  addressed  to  the  Father  ("  cura  altari adsistitur  -semper  ad  Patrem  dirigatur  oratio  "), and  that  the  celebrant  is  not  to  adopt  prayers irom  extraneous  authorities,  "  nisi  prius  eas  cum instructioribus  fratribus  contulerit."  A  nearer approach  to  uniformity  in  indicated  by  the  decree of  a  somewhat  later  council  (Rheinwald's  Archaol. p.  355),  "ut  preces  quae  probatae  fuerint  in  con- cilio,  sive  praefationes  sive  commendationes  seu nianus  impositiones,  ab  omnibus  celebrentur." The  pseudo-Ambrosius  de  Sacramentis,  writino- probably  in  the  4th  century,  discusses  (iv.  c.  4) tlie  question  of  consecration  in  the  Eucharist "By  what  words,"  lie  says,  "and  whose  expres- sions (sermonibus)  is  consecration  effected  ?     Bv CANON  OF  THE  LITURGY those  of  the  Lord  Jesus.  For  in  the  rest  of  the service  praise  is  given  to  God,  prayer  is  made  for the  people,  for  kings,  for  the  rest.  When  the  • point  of  completing  the  venerable  sacrament  is reached,  the  priest  no  longer  uses  his  own  ex- pressions, but  the  expressions  of  Christ." Summarij. — We  find,  then,  that  from  the middle  of  the  2nd  century,  the  presentation  of the  elements  was  regarded  as  a  thank-offering  or sacrifice  [Eucharist],  especially  for  the  fruits of  the  earth  ;  that  thanks  were  given  to  God over  the  bread  and  mixed  wine,  with  prayer, which  probably  included  the  Lord's  Prayer ; that  this  was  done  in  especial  commemoration  of the  Lord's  death,  though  it  is  not  absolutely certain  that  the  words  of  Institution  were  in  all cases  recited  over  the  elements ;  and  that  there was  in  many  churches  an  Invocation  of  the  Holy Spirit.  Moreover,  it  is  clear  that  from  the  time of  Tertullian  at  least  intercession  was  made  in the  eucharistic  service  for  the  dead  as  well  as the  living.  In  the  2nd  century,  the  details  of the  prayers  and  thanksgivings  seem  to  have depended  upon  the  president  of  the  assembly, though  a  general  type  was  probably  in  all  cases followed ;  in  the  4th  century,  the  canon  of  the liturgy  was  evidently  fixed,  both  in  East  and West,  in  forms  not  materially  differing  from those  found  in  extant  liturgies.  From  this point  we  proceed  to  consider  these  latter.  For the  discussion  of  their  respective  dates  and  mu- tual connexion,  see  LiTURGY. III.  IVte  Canon  in  existing  Liturgies.  In  the extant  Liturgies  we  find  the  Canon  (which  cor- responds nearly  to  the  Anaphora  of  the  Eastern ritual)  consisting  in  all  cases  of  nearly  the  same elements,  variously  arranged.  We  have  in  nearly all  canons,  after  the  Sandus,  commemoration  of the  Lord's  Life  and  of  the  Institution,  Oblation, prayer  for  living  and  dead,  leading  on  to  the Lord's  Prayer,  with  Embolismus.  In  the  Eastern liturgies  always,  sometimes  in  the  Gallican  and Mozarabic  masses,  but  not  in  the  Roman  or Ambrosian,  we  have  an  Epiclesis,  or  prayer  for the  descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit  on  the  elements. The  annexed  analytical  table  shows  the  principal differences  of  arrangement.  The  Canon  is generally  understood  to  exclude  the  Sanctus, while  the  Anaphora  includes  both  the  Sursum Corda  and  the  Sanctus. \_See  Table  opposite.'] The  portion  between  the  Sursum  Corda  and the  Sanctus  will  be  described  under  Preface.  In the  Alejjandrian  (St.  Mark's)  Liturgy  alone,  the prayers  for  the  living  and  the  dead,  and  for acceptance  of  the  sacrifice,  are  inserted  in  the midst  of  it.  The  arrangement  of  St.  James's liturgy  is  typical  of  that  usual  in  the  orthodox Eastern  Church,  from  which  the  Nestorian arrangement  differs  mainly  in  having  the  inter- cession for  living  and  dead  before  the  Epiclesis. The  Gregorian  (which  is  nearly  identical  with the  modern  Roman)  and  the  Gallican  (the  ar- rangement of  which  is  nearly  the  same  as  that  of the  Mozarabic)  represent  the  principal  Western types. The  canon  of  the  Roman  or  Gregorian  liturgy is  divided  into  ten  portions,  which  are  usually known  by  their  first  words.  These  are  as  fol- lows :  1.  Te  igitur,  for  acceptance  of  the  sacri- fice to  be  offered.  2.  Memento,  commemorating the  living.      3.   Communicantes,  commemorating CAXON  OF  THE  LITURGY 271 ST.  JAMES ((ireek). ST.  MAP.K. NI'ISTOIUUS. AMBROSiAN  AND GKEUOHIAN. GALLICAN. Oblation  of  Elements. Prayer  for  Living  and 1  lead. Collectio  post  Nomina. Kiss  of  Peace. Oratio  ad  Pacem. Sursum  Corda. Sursum  Corda. Sursum  Corda  (pecu- liar form). Sursum  Corda. Sursum  Corda. I'rofoce. Preface. Praye-- for  Living and  Dead ;  and for  aco-ptanee of  the  Sacrifice. Prpfiici'  re.-.umed. Preface. Preface. Preface. Sanctus. Sanctus. Sanctus. Sanctus. Sanctus. Commemoration      of Cummcmoratinn   of Prayer  for  the  Liv- Collectio po.st  Sanclus the  Lord's  life. the  Lord's  lile. ing;   and  for  ac- ceptance   of    the Sacrifice. (short). Commemoration     of Commemoration   of Commemoration    of Commemoration   of Commemoration  of  in- Institution. institution. Institution. institution. stitution. Oblation. Oblation. Oblation. Player   for    Living and  Dtad. Oblation. Prayer  for  the  Dead. Prayer  for  Descent  of Prayer  for  Descent Prayer  for   Descent "  Post  Secreta"  (some- Holy Spirit. 01  Holy  Spirit. of  Holy  Spirit. times  containing  In- vocation    of    Holy Spirit). Fried.      \       Choir. Fraction       Contracto- and  com-       riutii  (an mixtion.     |  Autiphon.) Praver     for     Living Prayer  for  Peace. and  Dead. Prelace     to      Lord's Preface     to     Lord's Preface    to    Lords Preface      to      Lord's Prayer. Prayer. Prayer. Prayer. Lord's  I'rayer. Lord's  Prayer. Fraction. Lord's  Prayer. Ijord's  Prayer. Emlwlismus. Emt)olismus. Embolismus. '  Embolismus. the  Virgin  Mary  and  other  saints.  4.  Heme  igi- tur,  for  peace  and  salvation.  5.  Quam  ohlatio- ncm,  that  the  obhition  may  become  to  the  wor- shippers the  Body  and  Blood  of  the  Lord.  6. Qui'Pridic,  commemoj-ating  the  Institution,  7. Unde  et  memores,  the  Oblation.  8.  Stipra  quae propitio,  for  a  blessing  on  reception.  9.  Memento etiam,  commemorating  the  dead.  10.  Jfobis quoque  peccatoribus,  for  the  -priest  and  people present.  The  most  remarkable  peculiarity  of the  Roman  rite  is,  that  the  commemoration  of the  living  is  separated  from  that  of  the  dead,  and precedes  consecration,  while  in  the  Eastern  litur- gies the  intercessions  for  living  and  dead  form one  prayer,  and  follow  the  recitation  of  the words  of  Institution.  It  seems  probable  that originally  the  Memento  etiam  followed  the  Me- mento imniecliately,  just  as  in  Greek  liturgies the  ixvi]ffi)r\Ti  is  followed  by  p.vlicr6riTi  Kal ;  and in  fact  in  Gerbert's  te.xt  of  the  Gelasian  Sacra- mentary  a  Memento  etiam,  in  a  form  differing considerably  from  the  Gregorian,  does  follow immediately  upon  the  Memento,  so  that  both precede  the  Communicantes ;  while  a  Memento etiam  in  the  Gregorian  form  follows  the  supra quae  propitio  (Daniel's  Codex  Lit.  i.  15,  19 ; Gerbert,  Vetus  Liturgia  Alemaiinica,  i.  365). This  arrangement  may  perhaps  represent  the state  of  transition  from  one  form  to  the  other, the  earlier  Memento  etiam  having  been  struck out  when  another  nearly  identical  was  intro- duced in  another  place. The  Gallican  canon  has  peculiarities  which show  that  it  belongs  to  a  wholly  different  family from  the  Roman.  The  prayers  for  living  and dead,  with  the  kiss  of  peace,  precede  the  sursum corda  and  sanctus :  the   sanctus   is  immediately followed  by  what  is  called  the  "collectio  post sanctus  "  (sometimes  called  the  canon),  which  is again  immediately  followed  by  the  recitation  of the  words  of  Institution.  While  the  Roman  canon is  invariable,  the  Gallican,  which  is  very  short, changes  with  every  mass.  To  give  one  by  wa}'  of example,  the  canon  for  the  eve  of  the  Nativity  in the  Gallo-Gothic  missal  (Daniel,  Cod.  Lit.  i.  83)  is "  Yere  sanctus,  vere  benedictus  Dominus  Noster Jesus  Christus  Filius  tuus  manens  in  coelis  mani- festatus  in  terris:  Ipse  enim  pridie  quam  pate- retur,  etc." The  same  form,  Vere  sanctus,  etc.,  follows  the sanctus  also  in  the  Mozarabic  liturgy.  This  is not,  however,  immediately  followed  by  the  words of  Institution,  but  by  a  prayer  commencing "  Adesto,  adesto  Jesu  bone  pontife.x,"  containing a  petition  for  the  sanctification  of  the  oblation, which  is  followed  by  "  Dominus  Noster  Jesus Christus,  in  qua  nocte  tradebatur,  accepit  jjanem, etc.,"  reciting  the  Institution. In  Mabillon's  Sacramenfarium  Gallicanum  the Roman  canon  is  given  with  the  first  mass,  and perhaps  served,  as  JVfabillon  remarks  (p.  453, Migne)  for  all ;  he  supposes,  however,  that  at  an earlier  period  the  Gallican  had  its  own  canon, and  that  the  introduction  of  the  Roman  canou was  the  beginning  of  the  supersession  of  the Gallican  i-ite  by  the  Roman,  which  was  after- wards completely  established  (^Praefat.  §  iv.). The  Commcjnoration  of  the  fiord's  Life  begins in  most  cases,  with  taking  up  the  ascription  of holiness  to  the  Almighty  already  set  forth  in  the sanctus.  For  instance,  in  the  Greek  St.  James, the  ayius  of  the  preceding  hymn  is  repeated  in A'yioy  61,  3a(Ti\fv  roiv  alwvcev  ....  ayios  Kal 6    fxavoyevri^    cruv    fihs  ....   aytof  5e    Kai   ro 272    (3AN0N  OF  THE  LITURGY nvivfid  ffov  To"Ayiov  (Daniel,  Cod.  Lit.  iv.  109) which  commences  the  commemoration  ;  and  the variable  J'ost  Smictus  of  the  Gallican  and  Moza- rabic  liturgies  begins  very  commonly  with  the words  "  Vere  sanctus,  vere  benedictus  Dominus Noster  Jesus  Christus."  The  "  commemorations  " in  St.  James  and  St.  Basil  (Daniel  iv.  427)  recite with  great  dignity  and  beauty  the  creation  of man,  his  state  in  Paradise,  his 'fell,  and  redemp- tion by  God's  mercy;  so  leading  on  to  the  com- memoration of  the  Lord's  death  and  the  Institu- tion of  the  supper.  That  of  St.  Chrysostom  is much  shorter.  St.  Marls  (Daniel  iv.  158)  has  in this  place  a  mere  allusion  to  the  manifestation  of the  Lord,  and  a  prayer  for  the  descent  of  the Holy  Spirit  to  bless  the  sacrifice.  The  Fost Sanctus  of  the  Gallican  and  Mozarabic  canon contains,  at  least  on  the  Lord's  festivals,  a  com- memoration of  some  portion  of  His  Life  ;  a  fea- ture entirely  absent  from  the  Roman.  Some liturgies  contain  in  this  poi-tion  allusions  to peculiar  opinions  with  regard  to  the  person  of Christ ;  the  Armenian,  for  instance,  after  reciting (^Liturgy  of  the  Armenian  Church,  tr.  by  Rev. S.  C.  Malan,  p.  39)  God's  mercy  in  the  prophets and  the  law,  speaks  of  the  Son  as  having  taken  a body  •  "  by  union  without  confusion  from  the Mother  of  God  and  Holy  Virgin  Mary." The  Aethiopic  liturgy  agrees  with  the  Coptic St.  Basil  and  St.  Gregory  (Renaudot,  Lit.  Orient. i.  13,  29,  516)  in  breaking  this  portion  of  the office  with  responds.  That  of  St.  Gregory,  for example,  thrice  inserts  the  '•  Kyrie  Eleison." The  transition  from  the  preceding  prayer or  ascription  to  the  Gmimemoration  of  Institution is  generally  made  in  the  Eastern  liturgies  by  the words  "  OS  Tjj  vvktI  ?/  napeSiSoTO,"  or  some  equi- valent formula;  those  of  St.  James  and  St. Chrysostom  add  "  /xaWov  Se  eavrhv  TrapeSiSov  ;  " but  this  addition  is  not  found  in  the  Syriac  St. James.  The  Coptic  St.  Basil  (Renaudot,  JJt. Orient,  i.  14)  has  a  wholly  different  form  :  "  He instituted  this  great  mysterj' of  piety  and  worship, when  He  had  determined  to  deliver  Himself  to death  for  the  life  of  the  world."  The  usual Western  form  is  "  Qui  pridie  quam  pateretur  ; " but  the  Mozarabic  has  here  "  Dominus  Noster Jesus  Christus  in  qua  nocte  tradebatur,"  approach- mg  in  this,  as  in  other  respects,  more  nearly  to the  Eastern  type.  It  has  indeed  been  contended that  this  form  is  a  comparatively  recent  interpo- lation, inasmuch  as  the  prayer  which  follows  is called  the  "  Post  Pridie "  as  if  the  usual  for- mula had  preceded  (Krazer,  Be  Liturgiis,  615; Neale,  Eastern  Church,  Int.  472).  But  in  fact the  title  "  Post  Pridie  "  is  probably  not  so  an- cient as  Isidore's  time,  who  calls  the  prayer which  follows  consecration  the  "Confirmatio Sacramenti";  and  it  is  surely  very  much more  probable  that  the  heading  "  Post  Pridie  " should  have  been  inserted  by  some  revisor  fami- liar with  Roman  liturgical  diction,  than  that  the form  "Qui  pridie,"  common  to  the  whole  of Western  Christendom,  should  have  been  displaced by  one  entirely  unheard  of,  and  that  in  the  most solemn  part  of  the  Liturgy. In  no  liturgy,  in  the  nan-ative  of  institution,  is any  one  Gospel  followed,  and  the  form  adopted is  such  as  to  suggest  rather  an  independent tradition  than  an  artificial  arrangement  from  the Gospels.  Many  of  the  forms  add  epithets  expres- sive ot  veneration  for  the  Person  of  the  Lord CANON  OF  THE  LITURGY Very  many  liturgies  contain  a  reference  to  the Lord's  raising  his  eyes  to  Heaven  before  breaking the  bread.  This  is  the  case  in  those  of  St. James  and  St.  Mark,  but  not  in  that  of  St.  Chryso- stom or  in  the  kindred  Nestorian  forms  ;  it  is the  case  in  all  the  Western  forms,  except the  Mozarabic.  St.  Mark  and  St.  James  insert the  raising  of  the  eyes  to  Heaven  before  the blessing  of  the  cup  also.  St.  James  and  St. Basil  mention  the  displaying  or  dedicating (araSei'las)  of  the  bread  to  God  the  Father. The  mingling  of  the  wine  with  water  is  a  well- known  and  almost  universal  custom  ;  but  in none  of  the  Western  liturgies  is  any  mention  of it  made  in  the  canon,  while  in  the  East  it  con- stantly appears.  The  Basilian  has  simply  "  min- gling "  (Kepda-as)  (Daniel,  iv.  429);  St.  James the  fuller  form,  "  mingling  of  wine  and  water." So  also  Coptic  St.  Gregory  (Renaudot  i.  30); and  many  of  the  Syro-Jacobite  liturgies,  as  for instance  that  of  St.  John  (76.  ii.  164).  St. Chrysostom  has  no  reference  to  the  mixing ;  but it  is  nevertheless  found  in  the  liturgy  of  Nesto- rius,  which  is  in  a  great  measure  derived  from that  of  Constantinople. It  is  an  ancient  belief  that  the  Lord  Himself partook  of  the  bread  and  the  cup  in  the  Last Supper.  This,  however,  appears  but  rarely  in the  Liturgies.  The  Coptic  forms  of  St.  Basil and  St.  Gregory  refer  to  the  Lord's  tasting  the Cup  (Renaudot,  i.  15,  31);  and  some  of  the Syro-Jacobite  liturgies  refer  to  His  partaking  oi the  Bread:  for  instance,  St.  James  of  Edessa (lb.  ii.  373).  That  of  Nestorius  (lb.  ii.  629) makes  the  Lord  partake  both  of  the  bread  and the  wine. Some  of  the  Syro-Jacobite  liturgies,  drawn  up at  a  time  when  the  controversy  was  rife  as  to the  use  of  leavened  or  unleavened  bread  in  the Eucharist,  [Elements]  introduce  into  the  canon such  expressions  as  "  common  "  or  "  leavened  " bread.  For  instance,  those  of  James  Baradai  and Matthew  the  Pastor  (Renaudot,  ii.  335,  348); and  some,  as  that  of  Dioscorus  (lb.  495)  speak of  His  accomplishing  the  Mosaic  Passover  ;  as does  also  Nestorius  (lb.  ii.  629). With  regard  to  the  actual  words  said  over the  bread,  the  usual  Latin  form  is  simply,  "  Hoc est  Corpus  Meum."  The  Ambrosian,  in  one  text adds  "quod  pro  multis  confringetur ; "  in  Pa- melius's  text,  "  quod  pro  vobis  confringetur " (Daniel's,  Codex  i.  86);  the  Mozarabic,  "quod pro  vobis  tradetur." In  the  Greek,  St.  James  has,  "  This  is  my Body,  which  is  broken  and  given  for  you  for  the remission  of  sins,"  and  with  this  the  principal liturgies  agree,  except  that  few  give  both  the words  "  broken  "  and  "  given."  The  words  found in  St.  Luke  and  St.  Paul,  to  virep  vficev  SiS6fjievov, or  KXd/xfvoi',  appear  indeed  in  all  Eastern  litur- gies with  the  exception  of  that  of  the  Syrian Eustathius  (Ren.  ii.  236).  Many  of  the  Syro- Jacobite  liturgies  amplify  the  solemn  words  of the  Lord  by  the  insertion  of  peculiar  expressions. Of  the  words  said  over  the  wine,  the  Cle- mentine Liturgy  (Const.  Apost.  viii.  12,  §  16) has  the  simplest,  as  probably  the  most  ancient form — "This  is  My  Blood,  wh'Vh  is  shed  for many  for  the  remission  of  sins."  St.  Chrysostom has  a  form  identical  with  that  in  the  English Prayer-Book ;  St.  James  and  St.  Mark  have "shed  and  distributed"  instead  of  the  simple CANON  OF  THE  LITURGY "  shed."  The  Roman,  which  in  the  case  of  the Bread  has  the  shortest  form,  in  the  case  of  the Wine  has  the  longest — "  For  this  is  the  Cup  of my  Blood,  of  the  new  and  eternal  Testament, the  mystery  of  faith,  which  shall  be  shed  for you  and  for  many  for  the  remission  of  sins  " — where  the  words  "  eternal "  and  "  mystery  of faith"  are  peculiar  to  the  Roman  form.  The Mozarabic  has,  "  For  this  is  the  Cup  of  the  New Testament  in  my  Blood,  which  shall  be  shed  for you  and  for  many  for  the  remission  of  sins." In  the  Intercession  for  the  world  and  the  Church on  earth,  the  petitions  enumerated  by  St.  Cyril  are always  found,  with  more  or  less  of  expansion  in detail,  and  often  with  the  addition  of  interesting local  peculiarities.  Thus  in  the  Liturgy  of  St. James  (i.e.  of  Jerusalem)  we  hare  special  inter- cession on  behalf  of  the  Holy  City  and  other  sacred places  visited  by  the  Lord ;  St.  Mai-k  (Alexan- drian) has  a  special  prayer  for  the  due  rise  of the  Nile  ;  so  also  the  Coptic  St.  Basil  (Renaudot, i.  17)  ;  and  the  Alexandrian  St.  Gregory  {lb.  i. 109).  Both  St.  James  and  St.  Mark  have  inter- cessions for  prisoners ;  the  former  enumei'ating "  those  in  bonds,  in  prisons,  in  captivities  (ai'xAta- Aojiriais),  and  banishments,  in  mines  and  tortures, and  bitter  slaveries"  (Daniel's  Codex,  iv,  118), phrases  which  originated  in  a  time  of  persecu- tion. In  the  Roman  liturgy  this  portion  of  the intercession  is  treated  much  more  briefly  than  is usual  in  the  Eastern  Church ;  the  intercessions are  for  the  Holy  Catholic  Church,  for  the  pope and  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  nmninathn,  and for  all  faithful  worshippers ;  the  Ambi'osian adds,  after  the  bishop,  the  king  by  name (Daniel,  i.  82).  Most  of  the  liturgies  contain a  special  intercession  for  those  who  have  made the  offerings  and  those  who  are  present  at  the sei-vice  ;  thus  in  St.  Basil  (Daniel,  iv.  433)  is  a prayer  for  the  people  here  present  (rov  irepie- (TTwros  \aov)  and  the  priest  who  presents  (Trpotr- Ko/iii^ovTos)  the  holy  gifts ;  St.  Chrysostom  men- tions the  priest  in  the  same  terms,  but  not  the people;  St.  James  (Dan.  iv.  119)  mentions  not only  those  who  have  made  the  offerings  on  that day,  but  those  on  whose  behalf  they  made them  (uTrep  S>v  eKaffros  Trpoa-fiveyKev) ;  St.  Mark (Dan.  iv.  156),  in  which  this  prayer  precedes consecration,  prays  that  God  will  receive  the thank-offerings  {evxapta-Tvpta)  of  those  who offer,  as  He  received  the  gifts  of  Abel,  the  sacri- fice of  Abraham,  the  incense  of  Zacharias,  the alms  of  Cornelius,  and  the  two  mites  of  the widow  ;  the  Roman  (Dan.  i.  14,  15)  has  a  peti- tion for  all  God's  servants,  and,  in  the  Gelasian form,  "  omnium  circumstantium  quorum  tibi fides  cognita  est  et  nota  devotio,  qui  tibi  oilerunt hoc  sacrificium  laudis  pro  se  suisque  omnibus, pro  redemptione  animarum  suarum,  pro  spe salutis  et  incolumitatis  suae;"  in  the  Gregorian form,  which  is  that  at  present  in  use,  after  the word  "  devotio,"  we  have  "  pro  quibus  tibi  ofi'e- rimus  vel  .  .  .  ,"  probably  an  addition  of  St. Gregory's  own  age. A  more  particular  account  of  the  remaining portions  of  the  canon  will  be  given  under  Dip- TYCHS,  Lord's  Prayer,  and  Embolismus. Ceremonies  which  accompanied  the  Anaphora  or Canon. 1.  We  may  take  the  ritual  of  the  liturgy  of  St. Chrysostom  as  a  tyj>e  of  the  oriental  ceremonies CHRIST.  ANT. CANON  OF  THE  LITURGY      273 of  the  anaphora  or  canon,  which  are  there  more fully  described  than  in  other  Eastern  liturgies. It  is  no  doubt  possible  that  some  of  the  cere- monies here  described  did  not  originate  within the  first  eight  centuries ;  but  on  the  whole  it may  be  said  to  represent  fairly  enough  the highest  ritual  development  attained  in  the  East within  our  period. At  the  opening  of  the  anaphora,  the  elements have  ah-eady  been  brought  into  the  sanctuaiy, and  placed  on  the  holy  table,  covered  with  the aer,  or  veil.  The  deacon  cries,  "  The  doors !  the doors!" — a  phrase  intended  originally  to  exhort the  attendants  carefully  to  exclude  the  unini- tiated {Constt.  Apost.  viii.  10) — and  then  desires the  people  to  stand  (Daniel,  Codex  Lit.  iv.  356  E.). The  priest  lifts  the  aer,  or  veil,  from  the  elements, and  the  deacon  approaching  guards  them  from  pol- lution with  his  feather-fan  [Flabellum].  Then follow  the  Sursum  Corda,  Preface  and  Sanctus. After  this  the  deacon  takes  the  Asteriscus  from off  the  Paten,  and  again  uses  the  feather-fan. The  commemoration  of  Institution  then  proceed.s, the  deacon  pointing  out  to  the  celebrant  the paten  and  chalice  at  the  proper  moment.  At the  Invocation  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  the  deacon lays  aside  his  fan,  draws  nearer  to  the  priest, and  both  make  three  reverences  or  prostrations (TTposKvvr](Teis)  before,  the  Holy  Table,  praying silently ;  then  the  deacon,  with  bowed  head, points  to  the  holy  bread,  and  the  priest  rising signs  it  thrice  with  the  cross;  the  chalice  is signed  in  like  manner,  and  then  both  elements together ;  after  which  the  deacon,  after  bowing his  head  to  the  priest,  resumes  his  place  and  his fan.  At  the  recitation  of  the  Diptychs  the deacon  censes  round  the  holy  table,  and  then recites,  standing  by  the  door  of  the  Sanctuary, those  portions  of  the  prayer  which  were  to  be heard  by  the  choir  without.  At  the  prayer  of Inclination  he  bids  the  people  to  bow  {KKiveiv) their  heads.  After  the  prayer  the  priest  elevates the  holy  Bread,  saying  the  Sancta  Sanctis;  the choir  then  sings  the  communion-anthem  (Kotvca- viK-^)  of  the  day,  and  the  Fraction,  Commixtion, and  Communion  follow. The  rubi-ical  directions  of  the  other  Greek liturgies  correspond  generally  with  these,  so  far as  they  go,  but  contain  very  much  less  detail. 2.  In  the  Roman  rite,  at  the  commencement of  the  canon,  the  celebrant  stood  before  the  altar, probably  at  first  with  hands  expanded  shoulder- high  in  the  ancient  attitude  of  prayer  (Gerbert, Lit.  Aleman.  i.  342),  while  the  attendant  clergy stood  with  bowed  heads,  as  venerating  the  Divine Majesty  and  the  Incarnation  of  the  Lord  intro- duced in  the  Sanctus.  (Amalarius,  De  Eccl.  Off. iii.  22 ;  compai-e  Ordo  Eom.  I.  c.  16  ;  and  //.  c. 8).  At  the  words  Te  igitur,  with  which  the canon  strictly  commences,  the  priest  made  a  pro- found inclination  and  kissed  the  altar  ;  frequently also  he  kissed  the  X  at  the  commencement  of  the canon,  which  was  made  to  represent  a  cross,  or in  later  times  a  crucifix.  (Muratori,  Antiq.  Ital. iv.  p.  839 ;  Gerbert,  Lit.  Aleman.  i.  341). From  very  ancient  times  also  at  each  of  the words  dona,  munera,  sacrificia,  the  priest  made the  sign  of  the  cross,  blessing  the  oblation,  as gifts,  bounties,  sacrifices.  This  is  the  first  of  the six  groups  of  crosses  mentioned  in  the  Ordo Romanus  II.  c.  10;  (compare  Amalarius,  u.s.'). The  due  use  of  the  crosses  in  the  canon  was  held T 274     CANON  OF  THE  LITURGY to  be  of  so  much  importance  that  St.  Boniface (about  750)  consulted  Pope  Zacharias  on  the subject,  who  in  answer  sent  him  a  copy  of  the canon  with  the  crosses  inserted  in  the  proper places.  This  copy  has  unfortunately  perished. Innocent  the  Third  {De  Myst.  Missae,  v.  c.  11) states  the  correct  number  of  crosses  in  the  canon as  twenty-five,  the  number  still  used  in  the Roman  rite. The  prayer  Hanc  igitur  has  long  been  recited by  the  priest  with  hands  extended  over  the  Host and  Chalice,  in  imitation  of  the  gesture  of  a sacrificing  priest  under  the  Mosaic  Law  (Lev, iv.  4,  &c.).  But  the  more  ancient  practice  was for  him  to  recite  this  prayer  profoundly  inclined to  the  altar,  as  is  clear  from  the  testimony  of Amalarius  {Edogae,  c.  30,  p.  1331  A,  Migne)  : and  this  practice  continued  as  late  as  the  end of  the  13th  century  (Durandus,  Rationale,  iv. c.  39). In  the  prayer  Quam  oblatlonem,  at  the  words benedictam,  asGriptam,  ratam,  ratiomMlem,  accep- tabilem,  occurs  the  second  group  of  crosses  of  the Ordo  Bom.  II.,  which  however  defines  nothing as  to  the  number  of  crosses,  or  the  manner  of signing  the  oblation.  The  Ordo  published  by Hittorp  at  this  point  directs  the  priest  to  stand upright,  blessing  (i.e.  signing  with  the  cross) the  bread  only  ;  then,  at  the  words,  Ut  nobis Corpus  et  Sanguis  fiat,  to  bless  both  the  Host and  the  Chalice.  The  present  custom,  according to  which  the  priest  at  the  woi-ds  Benedictam,  &c. makes  three  crosses  over  the  Host  and  Chalice together,  is  at  least  as  old  as  the  11th  century (Microl.  De  Eccl.  Ob^erv.  c.  14). At  the  words  Qui  Pridie,  4'C.  the  priest  takes the  Bread  into  his  hands.  In  this  prayer  is introduced  the  third  group  of  crosses  of  the  0)-do a.  II.,  at  the  words  accipiens  panem  ....  bene- dixit,  and  item  gratias  agens  benedixit. Amalarius  (jEcL  31,  p.  1331)  expressly  states that  in  his  time  the  whole  of  the  Canon  was  said secrete'  (see  further  under  Secreta).  Of  the Elevation  of  the  Bread  and  Wine  immediately after  Consecration  no  mention  is  found  in  the  old Sacraraentaries,  in  the  most  ancient  of  the  Roman Ordines,  or  in  the  early  commentators  on  the rite,  Amalarius,  Walafrid  Strabo,  Florus,  Remi- gius  of  Auxerre,  Pseud o-Alcuin,  and  the  Micro- logus.  The  only  indication  of  elevation  in  those of  the  Ordines  Roviani  which  are  older  than  the 12th  century,  is  that  at  the  words  Per  quern,  haec omnia,  noticed  later. At  the  words  HoHiam  puram,  says  the  Ordo Horn.  II.  (c.  10),  is  introduced  the  fourth  group of  crosses.  Amalarius  {Eclogae,  c.  30,  p.  1331) says,  "  Here  the  priest  makes  the  sign  of  the Cross  four  times  over  the  Host,  and  a  fifth  over the  Chalice  only;"  a  practice  somewhat  different from  that  of  modern  times. After  the  prayer  Supra  quae  propitio,  the priest  inclines  himself  with  bowed  head  before the  altar,  and  recites  the  Suppliciter  Te  rognmus, m  which  he  inserts  a  private  prayer  (Amalarius, ^t.  s.,  c.  31) ;  a  direction  for  which  is  also  found m  some  ancient  MSS.  of  Sacramentaries.  No crosses  are  noted  by  the  Ordo  Rom.  II.  at  the words  Sacrosanctnm  FUii  Tui  #c.,  whence  we may  conclude  that  the  crosses  now  used  there are  of  hiter  mtroduction  than  the  9th  century. That  they  were  introduced  into  the  Roman  rite not  later  tlian  the  12th  century  is  clear  from  the CANON  (IN  MUSIC) testimony  of  Innocent  III.  {De  Mi/st.  Missae.  v. c.  11). The  beginning  of  the  prayer  Nobis  quoque peccatoribus  was  anciently  said  with  the  voice somewhat  raised,  that  the  congregation  might be  able  to  join  in  it  (Ordo  Pom.  If.  c.  10).  The priest  beats  his  breast,  as  bewailing  his  sinful- ness. At  the  words  sanctificas,  vivificas,  benedicts, ^0.  comes  the  fifth  group  of  crosses,  according  to Ordo  Rom.  II.-  The  Ordo  Rom.  IV.  (p.  61)  is more  explicit,  desiring  the  priest  to  sign  Host and  Chalice  three  several  times,  making  three several  crosses.  Compare  Amalarius,  Eel.  p. 1332.  It  is  thought  by  some  (as  Bona,  De  Reb. Lit.  ii.  14,  s.  5)  that  at  the  words  of  this  prayer which  refer  to  God's  creating  and  vivifying power,  an  offering  of  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  if any  were  to  be  blessed,  was  placed  on  the  altar by  the  attendant  deacon.  There  is  no  doubt that  a  benediction  of  fruits  of  the  earth  is  in some  few  ancient  Sacramentaries  prescribed  in this  place ;  but  it  is  hard  to  say  whether  this  is a  relic  of  what  was  once  an  univei'sal  custom,  or a  peculiar  observance  of  a  few  churches. At  the  words.  Per  qiiem  haec  omnia,  ^c,  the archdeacon  rose,  the  other  deacons  still  standing with  bowed  heads,  drew  near  to  the  altar,  re- moved the  fold  of  the  corporal  which  covered the  chalice,  wrapped  the  offertorium  or  veil round  the  handles,  and  at  the  words  Per  ipsum, dj-c.  raised  the  chalice  by  the  handles.  The  cele- brant touched  the  chalice,  still  held  by  the archdeacon,  with  the  consecrated  wafers,  making two  crosses,  and  saying.  Per  ipsum  et  cum  ipjso .  .  .  per  omnia  saeciila  saeculorum.  He  then restored  the  wafei-s  to  their  place  on  the  altar, and  the  archdeacon  placed  the  chalice  by  them (Ordines  Pom.  i.  c.  16  ;  ii.  c.  10  ;  iii.  c.  15  : compare  Amalarius,  Eel.  p.  1332).  These  di- rections respecting  the  crosses  were  changed  in later  times. For  the  manner  of  saying  the  Pater  Roster, see  Lord's  Prayer.  Here  it  may  sulTice  to say  that,  while  in  the  Eastern,  Gallican,  and Spanish  Churches  this  prayer  was  said  by  the whole  people,  in  the  Roman,  from  the  time  oi Gregory  the  Great  at  least  (see  Epist.  vii.  64)  it was  said  by  the  priest  alone,  yet  in  an  audible voice,  so  that  the  people  (or  the  choir)  might "  acclaim  "  at  the  last  petition.  The  Amen  is not  commonly  found  in  ancient  Sacramentaries  ; nor  does  it  seem  in  place  here,  as  the  Lord's Prayer  is  prolonged  in  the  Libera  nos  [Embolis- Mus]  which  follows. When  the  celebrant  (in  a  papal  mass)  reached the  words  Ab  omni  perturbatione  securi,  the  arch- deacon (Ordo  Rom.  I.  c.  18)  took  the  pateni* from  the  regionary  sub-deacon,  who  was  stand- ing behind  him,  kissed  it,  and  passed  it  to  the second  deacon.  So  Ordo  Rum.  II.  11,  and  ///. 16.  The  fifth  Ordo  Rom.,  probably  of  consider- ably later  date,  desires  the  deacon  to  present the  patens  to  the  celebrating  bishop  to  kiss. For  the  remaining  portion  of  the  liturgy,  see Kiss,  Fraction,  Communion.  [C] CANON  (in  Music).  1.  The  peculiar  form of  musical  composition  called  by  this  name  was >>  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  Host  was  not  con- sccvated  on  the  paten,  but  was,  at  the  date  of  Ordo  Kom.  /., broken  upon  it ;  a  custom  subsequently  changed. CANON  (IN  MUSIC) unknown  to  the  ancients,  the  earliest  example extant  being  of  the  l.Sth  century,  we  believe. 2.  The  accepted  values  of  the  several  notes constituting  the  musical  scale  expressed  philo- sophically. The  reader  is  referred  to  Smith's Dictionary  of  Antiquities  [Musica]  for  a  general description  of  the  sounds  assumed  by  the  Greeks, and  the  systems  in  which  they  were  arranged. The  assumptions  of  the  Greek  writers  were  of course  adopted  by  the  Latins,  and  appeared throughout  the  whole  of  the  early  and  middle ages  as  the  basis  on  which  all  their  music  rested. Considerable  uncertainty  is  caused  in  this  subject by  the  fact  that  thei-e  were  two  somewhat  con- flicting schools,  the  Aristoxeneans  and  the  Py- thagoreans. Pythagoras  having  discovered  the simple  ratios  of  ^,  ^,  ^,  ^,  for  the  Octave,  the Fifth,  the  Fourth,  and  the  Tone  (major),  which last  is  the  difterence  between  the  Fourth  and Fifth,  his  disciples  maintained  that  all  sounds should  be  defined  by  determinate  ratios,  while Aristoxenus  discarded  this  idea  altogether,  and maintained  that  the  Tetrachord  or  Fourth  should be  divided  into  intervals,  the  values  of  which were  to  be  determined  by  the  ear  only.  This  is probably  the  germ  of  the  dispute  which  has lasted  to  the  present  day  respecting  the  tempera- ment of  instruments  with  fixed  tones :  and  as the  true  measure  of  an  interval  is  a  logarithm, It  was  of  course  impossible  to  reconcile  at  all completely  these  two  opinions.  Ptolemy  ex- amined the  matter  and  established  the  truth  of the  Pythagorean  views :  Euclid  seems  to  have endeavoured  to  combine  them,  that  is,  if  the  two treatises  attributed  to  him,  the  Introductio  Har- monica and  the  Sectio  Canonis,  are  both  genuine. The  latter  of  these  is  usually  considered  genuine, and  it  is  purely  Pythagorean  and  rigidly  exact ; while  the  former,  which  is  certainly  Aristosenean, and  perhaps  written  ad  populum,  is  considered more  doubtful. CANON  (IN  MUSIC)  275 The  canon  of  the  scale  then  is  the  system of  ratios  into  which  a  resonant  string  is  to  be divided  so  as  to  produce  all  the  notes  which  are assumed ;  or,  which  is  the  same  thing,  the  re- lative lengths  of  strings  for  these  notes  which are  to  be  fixed  in  an  instrument  and  stretched with  the  same  tension. The  description  of  the  intervals  given  in Smith's  Diet,  of  Antiq.,  from  the  Introductio Harmonica,  is  of  course  Aristoxenean  :  it  sup- poses a  tone  to  be  divided  into  twelve  equal parts,  and  the  tetrachord  therefore  into  thirty, and  the  intervals  in  the  tetrachord,  taken  in ascending  order,  to  be  as  follows  : — In  the  Syntonous  or  ordinary  Dia-         Parts. tonic  system 6,  12,  12 ,,     Soft  Diatonic  (^aAa/cdi/)    ..  6,9,15 ,  ,     Tonal    or    ordinary    Chro- matic (To^/ioror)    ..       ..  6,6,13 , ,     Sesquialter    Chromatic    (?;- IJ.i6\wv)         4^,4^,21 ,  ,     Soft  Chromatic  (ixa\aK6v)  4,  4,  2 '2 ,,     Enharmonic        3,  3,  24 This  makes  a  Fourth  equal  to  2-J  tones,  a  Fifth 3J,  and  an  Octave  6  tones.  But  in  the  Sectio Canonis  Euclid  has  proved  that  the  Fourth, Fifth,  and  Octave  are  each  of  them  less  than these  magnitudes  (Theor.  11,  14)  ;  and  also  that the  second  sound  in  the  Chromatic  and  Enhar- monic Tetrachords  is  not  equally  removed  from the  first  and  third  (Theor.  18)  :  it  would  there- fore appear  most  reasonable  that  he  meant  that Aristoxenus's  hypothetical  division  of  the  tone  and tetrachord  gave  results  which  might  be  treated as  equal  for  practical  purposes  or  by  unphiloso- phical  men,  but  that  tl)is  was  not  rigidly  exact. In  Theorems  19  and  20  of  the  Sectio  Canonis, Euclid  gives  the  divisions  of  the  string  (which he  calls  also  the  canon,  and  assumes  for  the Proslambanomenos)  accoi-ding  to  the  Diatonic system.     The  results  are  the  following : — Length  =: Proslambanomenos 1 Hypate  hypaton         -g Pai-hypate  hypaton ^^ Lichanos  hypaton       J Hypate  meson -^ Parhypate  meson        ^Si Lichanos  meson ^^ Mese 1 Paramese 4 Trite  diezeugmenon,  or  Paranete synemmenon  p|- Paranete  diezeugmenon,  or  Nete synemmenon  |- Nete  diezeugmenon ^ Trite  hyperbolaeon 9  56 Paranete  hyperbolaeon      . .       . .  t^^ Nete  hyperbolaeon     4- i  The  Trite  synemmenon  (bb)  does  not  appear ;  its length  will  be  x^o"'  •"'  i^  worth  noticing  that this  differs  from  our  modern  canon  in  the  values of  C,  D,  F,  G,  bb,  e,  d,  f,  g ;  these  are  at  present assumed  to  be  |,  ff  f,  f,  1|,  f_,  !&, A-,  -^^  (taking  A  to  be  1) :  all  these  notes then  are  flatter  by  a  comma  (fy)  than  ours. In  Theor.  17  Euclid  gives  a  method  of  deter- mining the  Lichani  and  the  Paranetae  of  the enharmonic  system  ;  and  if  the  direction  in which  he  takes  his  Fifths  be  reversed,  the  Chro- matic Lichani  and  Paranetae  would  seem  to  be determined  :  but  beyond  that  he  has  given  us  no information  further  than  the  rough  description of  Aristoxenus's  division. It  is  not  surprising  then  that  various  canons of  the  scale  have  been  assigned  by  different wi'iters,  just  as  in  more  modern  times  various systems  of  temperament  have  been  advocated. Ptolemy  gives  the  following  canons  for  any tetrachord  :    say,    for   example,   that   from    the Hypate  hypaton  (B)  to  the  Hypate  meson  (E). T  2 276  CANON  (IN  MUSIC) Archytas's  Canons. bU ai,M,l;B,ZS,E. Diatonic ; 07       8      3  .        ^^  ^,, Chromatic  :      1,  f-g-,    -95    i  '   B,  C,  CJ,  E. p  ^    ,  5    3  _      bb Enharmonic:    1,  ^g,  -J^,  5-5  B,  C,  C,  E. Eratosthenes's  Canons. T     043    273. Diatonic  :         1,  f  3^,  fg'  4  '  B,  C,  D,  E. Chromatic  :      1,  ^^,  T%,  |  ;  B,  C,  Ctt,  E. Enharmonic:    1,  ^q,  ^jj,  -^ CANON  (IN  MUSIC) I  ''4S273.  "    " \  Diatonic  ditonal :     1,  f -5^,  32,  4  s  B,  C,  D,  E. 1  ,  ,07273.''^'' I  Diatonic  tonal :        1,  §^,  32?  4  ;  B,  C,  D,  E. b  bb B,  C,  E. DiDYMtJs's  Canons. 11'  §2'  I  ;  B,  C,  D,  E. Diatonic  soft : i,M,  f,  |;b,c,d,e. Diatonic  equable :    1,  \^,    f,    f  ;  B,  Ci  D,  E. 91       7      3  .         ^    '^ Chromatic  intense :  1,  ^■^^,    -g,    4  5   B   C  C''   E. ,     97       q       3  .         ^-^11 Chromatic  soft :       1,  |-^,  jq,  4  ,  B,  C,  CJ,  E. Enharmonic  : t 1'  li'  lil'  4  5  B,  B,  C,  E The  canons  according  to  Euclid  or  Aristoxenus can  be  reproduced  with  pretty  considerable  ac- -   lo'  o..'  -x  -   -,  -,  ",  -       curacy  by  means  of  logarithms  and  converging -.15      9      3  .  p    p   (-'■ft    F    I  fractions  :  there  will  of  course  be  a  little  dis- Chromatic :      1,  |g,  jq,  4  ,  ^,  ^.  ^fr    '•     prepancy  according  as  the  30th  part  of  a  Bourth t  I  or  the  12th  part  of  a  Tone  is  taken  for  the  ele- '  5  B,  B,  C,    E.  I  ment,  these  not  being  exactly  equal :  the  former I  seems  preferable ;  and  it  gives  for  the  logarithm 3^^S.  j  ^^  ^^g  element   •004165;  and  the  following  re- Diatonic  intense :     1,  |§,    |,    |  ;  B,  C,  D,  E.    |  suits  in  the  cases  not  as  yet  determined  :- b    b Diatonic  syntonous :         Ratios  1,    -fsg?    32"'    ?'  B,    C,    D,    E. Diatonic  soft :  Logarithms  0,     -02499,    -06247,  -12494. Ptolemy's  own  Cano: Chromatic  tonal ; Ratios  1,   III,   f     oria-^: Logarithms  0,       "02499, Ratios l>if b  bb 15'   4'  B,   C,   D,   E. •04998,  -12494. ^nh  h    I;     B,  C,  ?j^,E, Chromatic  sesquialter  :    Logarithms  0,       -01874,       -03758,     -12494. Chromatic  soft :  Logarithms  0,         -01666,         -03332,  -12494. L2  or  13  nv  25      _3  .  ^^  ^^ Enharmonic The  values  of  the  Meson  tetrachord  (E,F,G,a) will  be  obtained  in  any  cue  of  these  systems  by multiplying  the  corresponding  ratios  by  |-  ; those  of  the  Synemmenon  tetrachord  (a,  bb,  c,  d) by  multiplying  them  by  -^g  ;  those  of  the Diezeugmenon  tetrachord  (b,  c,  d,  e)  are  half those  of  the  Hypaton  tetrachord  ;  and  those  of the   Hyperbolaeon  (e,  f,  g,  aa)  are  half  those  of Ratios  1 Logarithms  0 Ratios  1,    §5  or  |f,    If  or  If  or  p,    |  ;    j,^   Ji;  '^^^  £, Logarithms  0,        -01249,  '02499,         -12494. Ratios  1,    3^         ,,,.,,  , 3 il,lf-H-flif;B,  Ue. the  Meson,  or  |  of  those  of  the  Hypaton.  All these  will  be  expressed  in  terms  of  the  Proslam- banomenos    (A)   by  multiplying    each    of  them by  |. The  Greek  Chromatic  Scale  then  will  be,  ex- pressed in  modern  musical  notation  as  nearly  as possible,  the  following ;  Didymus's  canon  being taken  for  the  sake  of  simplicity  of  notation  : And  the  Enharmonic  Scale  will  be,  according     to  Didymus's  canon,  this : -I-fe tt=^    '^' »  The  notation  C  is  adopted  to  mean  a  C  slightly  flat- tcnrd,  C  somewhat  flatter  atill,  and  so  for  C :  the  actual amount  of  flattening  or  sharpening  is  detennined  by  the ratio  given.  At  present  we  have  no  notation  to  express these  things;  in  the  16th  century  the  symbol  X  was used  to  indicate  the  enharmonic  diesis,  but  as  it  is  now used  for  a  double  sharp,  it  has  been  thought  prudent  to avoid  employing  it  here. CANON  OF  ODES It  will  be  observed  from  the  above  that,  while Pythagoras  and  Euclid  allowed  only  the  Fourth, Fifth,  and  Octave,  v/ith  their  replicates,  to  be consonances,  the  later  writers  had  discovered  the consonances  of  the  Major  Third  (4)  and  Minor Third  (4),  also  the  Minor  Tone  (jq),  and perhaps  also  the  Harmonic  Flat  Seventh  (^) and  Sharp  Eleventh  (^j),  which  are  now  heard in  instruments  of  the  Horn  kind. There  were  no  alterations  made  in  this  until CANON  OF  ODES 277 the  developments  of  Guido  Aretiuus  in  the  11th century. S.  Ambrose  decreed  the  use  of  the  Diatonic genus  alone  in  church  music ;  and  it  is  probable that  the  chromatic  and  enharmonic  genera  soon fell  into  general  desuetude,  or  only  existed  as curiosities  for  the  learned. The  Jews  are  believed  to  have  used  a  canon proceeding  by  thirds  of  tones,  tluis  giving  18 notes  in  the  octave.  Approximating  to  these  in the  same  manner  as  for  Euclid's  chromatic  and enharmonic  canons,  we  obtain  the  following  : — 1      25     2  5     .8     6     14  2  7  13     Jl       /J  q,.  5     15     1.7    J  7    17     ^7__    JL    2  7     1.3     i -■-5   26J   27'   9'   7'    17'  34'  17'    15'   V^    ^^    7'  22'   26'   27'   28'    12'    16'   50'   25'   2' #     b       #    b  if  b     t     ^ C,    C,     D,     D,  D,     E,  E,  F,      F,     ¥^, Mr.  A.  J.  Ellis,  in  a  memoir  read  before  the Royal  Society,  1864,  states  that  the  Pythagorean canon  has  been  developed  into  an  Arabic  scale  of 17  sounds.  "No  nation  using  it,"  he  adds,  "has shown  any  appreciation  of  harmony."  It  is  in fact  next  to  impossible  to  conceive  any  satis- factory harmony  existing  with  the  non-diatonic canons,  a  consideration  which  has  scarcely  enough been  dwelt  on  in  discussing  whether  harmony was  known  to  the  ancients.  It  must  never  be forgotten  that  what  is  now  called  the  chromatic scale  is  no  representation  of  and  has  no  con- nexion with  the  ancient  chromatic  canon  (a  fact noticed  by  Morley,  annotations  to  his  Flaine  and Easie  Introduction) ;  it  is  merely  a  combination of  various  diatonic  scales,  whose  canons  are,  if necessary,  accommodated  to  each  other :  the only  case  then  in  practice  in  which  chromatic or  "enharmonic  harmonies  or  melodies  (in  the old  sense)  can  now  be  heard  is  in  the  tuning  of an  orchestra  before  a  performance,  unless  indeed peals  of  bells  may  have  sometimes  been  tuned in  those  ways,  which,  according  to  Dr.  Holder, there  seems  some  reason  to  believe.  It  may  not be  irrelevant  to  add  that  the  modern  canon,  to which  reference  has  several  times  been  made above,  is  in  some  respects  open  to  dispute,  as  it scarcely  explains  the  phenomena  which  are  ac- cepted as  musical  facts. The  writer  has  made  use  of  the  Introductio Harmonica  and  Sectio  Canonis  of  Euclid;  Mor- iey's  Flaine  and  Easie  Introduction  to  Practicall Musii-ke  ;  Sir  John  Hawkins's  History  of  Music  ; Holder's  Treatise  on  the  Natural  Grounds  and Principles  of  Harmony  ;  and  the  Memoir  of  Mr. KUis  mentioned  above.  Other  authorities  on  the subject  are  the  Antiquae  Musicae  Auctores  Scp- ii/in,  ed.  Meibomius ;  Ptolemy,  ed.  Wallis  ;  Boe- tliius,  De  Music  a ;  Salinas;  Zarliuo  ;  Kircher; Jlersennus;  Colonna.  [J.  R.  L."| I  CANON  OF  Odes  (Kdva:v).    This  word  is  ap- I  plied  to  a  part  of  the  office  of  the  Greek  Church, sung  to  a  musical  tone,  for  the  most  part  at  Lauds, and  which  corresponds  to  the  hymns  of  the  West- ern Church.  A  canon  is  usually  divided  into  nine iid^s,  each  ode  consisting  of  a  variable  number of  stanzas  or  troparia,  in  a  rhythmical  syllabic measure,  prosody  being  abandoned  except  in  three cases.  The  canon  is  headed  by  an  iambic,  or occasionally  an  hexameter  line  containing  an allusion  to  the  festival  or  the  contents  of  the canon,  or  a  play  upon  the  saint's  name,  which forms  an  Acrostic  to  which  the  initial  letters b      t    1    t,     S  b      b G,      G,    Gi,     ab,      a,     bb,     b,      c,      c. of  each  troparion  correspond.  This  acrostical form  is  thought  with  probability  to  be  derived from  Jewish  practice.  The  nine  odes  have  gene- rally some  reference  to  the  corresponding  odes at  Lauds  [v.  Canticle],  especially  the  seventh, eighth,  and  ninth.  In  practice  the  second  ode of  a  canon  is  always  omitted,  except  in  Lent. The  reason  given  is,  that  the  second  of  the  odes at  Lauds  (the  song  of  Moses  from  Deut.),  which is  assigned  to  Tuesday,  is  more  a  denunciation against  Israel  than  a  direct  act  of  praise  to  God, and  is  on  that  account  omitted  except  in  Lent. Hence  the  second  ode  of  a  canon,  which  partakes of  the  same  character,  is  also  omitted  except  on week  days  in  Lent.  It  is  not  said  on  Saturday in  Lent.  (v.  Goar.  Rit.  Grae. ;  in  San.  Olei.  Oflm. not.  14).  The  tone  to  which  the  canon  is  sung is  given  at  the  beginning,  and  each  ode  is  fol- lowed by  one  or  more  troparia  under  diflerent names.  After  the  sixth  ode  the  Synaxarion,  or the  commemorations  which  belong  to  the  day, are  read. Among  the  principal  composers  of  canons  were John  of  Damascus,  Joseph  of  the  Studium, Cosmas,  Theophanes,  St.  Sophronius  of  Jerusalem, &c. ;  and  as  examples  of  canons,  may  be mentioned  "  the  Great  Canon,"  the  composition of  St.  Andrew,  archbishop  of  Crete  (born  a.d. 660),  which  begins  irodev  &p|ai/xai  dprjvuv  k.t.A., and  is  said  on  Monday  of  the  first  week  in  Lent. This  canon  is  not  acrostical.  Also  that  for orthodoxy  Sunday,  i.  e.  the  first  Sunday  in  Lent, of  which  the  acrostic  is  aijfiepov  eiia-efii-qs  0eo- <j)fyy4os  ^Aufiei/  017X7),  and  that  for  Christmas- day  by  Cosmas,  beginning  XP'^'''^^  yivvaTai, 8o|a(raT6,  with  the  acrostic  xP'O't^J  fipoToidels ■fjv  oir^p  6e6s  fi^vy,  and  another  for  the  same day  by  St.  John  Damascene,  in  trimeter  iambics, beginning  eawcre  Aahv  Qavfxarovpyav  A^airSriqs, the  acrostic  of  which  consists  of  four  elegiac lines.  This  is  one  of  the  three  canons  which retain  the  classical  prosody.  The  two  others  are by  the  same  author,  and  said  on  the  Epiphany and  on  Whitsunday.  The  construction  of  a canon  much  resembles  that  of  a  choral  ode  of the  Greek  dramatists,  the  strophe,  antistrophe, &c.,  being  represented  by  the  odes  and  the various  kinds  of  troparia  by  which  they  are separated.  The  name  canon  is  probably  applied to  these  hymns  from  their  being  completed  in nine  odes,  nine  being  looked  upon  as  a  perfect number  (Zonaras  in  Hymn. :  Exp. :  quoted  by Goar).     Others,  however,  derive  the  name  frum 278 CANONICAL  BOOKS the  fixed  rhythmical  system  on  which  they  are constructed  ;  while  mystical  reasons  for  the  name have  been  assigned  by  some  writers. The  word  canon  is  applied  in  the  Armenian rite  to  a  section  of  the  psalter,  which  in  that  rite is  divided  into  eisrht  sections  called  canons. [H.  J.  H.] CANONICAL  BOOKS  (Libri  Canonici,  Ec- clesiastici ;  Bi/3Aia  KavovL^oi^^va,  avayiyvoxTKS- fx^va).  The  question  of  the  determination  of  the Canon,  both  of  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament, has  been  already  fully  treated  in  the  Dictionary OF  THE  Bible  (pp.  250  ft'.).  The  present  article relates  mainly  to  the  authoritative  promulgation of  lists  or  catalogues  of  books  to  be  read,  under the  name  of  Scripture,  in  the  services  of  the Church.  The  canon  of  books  to  be  publicly read  is  not  wholly  identical  with  the  canon  of books  from  which  the  faith  is  to  be  established (see  Westcott,  M.S.). 1.  Athauasius  {Ep.  Festal,  torn.  i.  pt.  ii. p.  962,  ed.  Ben.)  divided  all  the  books  which claimed  the  title  of  Holy  Scripture  into  three classes.  (1.)  Bi/SAia  Kavovi^iixeva,  books  which belonged  in  the  fullest  sense  to  the  canon,  and were  the  standard  of  the  faith.  (2.)  'hvaytyvu)- (TK6ix€va,  books  which,  though  not  belonging  in the  strictest  sense  to  the  canon,  might  be  read in  time  of  divine  service,  and  recommended  to catechumens,  "  for  example  of  life  and  instruc- tion of  manners."  (3.)  'ATr6Kpv(pa,  spurious  books claiming  authority  under  venerable  names. This  distinction  between  the  books  truly  canoni- cal and  the  books  proper  to  be  read  has  been perpetuated  in  the  Greek  Church  to  this  day  ; and  it  is  the  present  rule  of  the  English  Church, which,  in  the  sixth  Article,  after  enumerating the  books  of  the  Hebrew  canon,  proceeds  to  say that  "  the  other  books  (as  Hierom  saith)  the Church  doth  read  for  example  of  life  and  instruc- tion of  manners ;  but  yet  doth  it  not  apply  them to  establish  any  doctrine." 2.  In  the  Latin  Church  also  at  the  same  period a  distinction  was  drawn  by  some  between  the books  of  the  Hebrew  canon  and  the  later  addi- tions. Rufinus  {Expos,  in  Syrnh.  cc.  37,  38) divides  the  books  into  three  classes :  "  Canonici .  .  .  quos  patres  intra  canonem  concluserant,  ex quibus  fidei  nostrae  assertiones  constare  volue- runt ;  .  .  .  ecclesiastici  .  .  .  quos  legi  quidem in  ecclesiis  voluerunt,  non  tamen  proferri  ad auctoritatem  ex  his  fidei  confirmandam  ;  .  .  . caeteras  vero  scripturas  apocryphas  nominarunt, quas  in  ecclesiis  legi  voluerunt."  Here,  the ecclesiastici  are  exactly  equivalent  to  the  avayi- yvaiffKOfMeva  of  Athanasius.  Jerome,  in  the  Fro- logus  GaleatKS,  enumerates  the  twenty-two  books of  the  Hebrew  canon,  and  adds,  "  quidquid  extra hos  est  inter  apocrypha  ponendum,"  giving  the word  apocrypha  a  wider  meaning  than  that adopted  by  Rufinus,  so  as  to  include  all  books claiming  to  be  Scripture  not  found  in  the  He- brew canon.  This  use  of  the  word  Apocrypha, which  seems  in  ancient  times  to  have  been  pecu- liar to  Jerome,  was  adopted  by  the  Eno-lish  and other  Reformers  in  the  sixteenth  century,  and so  has  become  familiar  to  us.  It  is  not,  however used  m  the  sixth  Article,  where,  as  we  have seen,  the  books  read  by  the  Church  but  not reputed  strictly  canonical  are  called  simply  "the other  books."  '' 3.  The   Apostolic  Constitutions  were  probably CANONICAL  BOOKS intended  to  give  an  appearance  of  apostolic authority  to  actually  existing  practices,  and  the substance  of  the  first  six  books  may  be  as  old  as the  3rd  century.  In  the  fifty-seventh  chapter of  the  second  book  (p.  67,  ed.  Ueltzen),  we  have an  approach  to  a  catalogue  of  the  books  to  be read  as  Scripture  in  public  worship.  The  pas- sage is  as  follows  :  "  Let  the  reader,  standing  in the  midst  on  a  raised  space,  read  the  Books  of Moses,  and  of  Joshua  the  son  of  Nun,  those  of Judges  and  of  Kingdoms  (/SatnAei'oDj'),  those  of Chronicles  and  the  Return  from  Captivity  [Ezra and  Nehemiah] ;  in  addition  to  these  those  of Job  and  of  Solomon  and  of  the  sixteen  Prophets .  .  .  After  this  let  our  Acts  [Acts  of  Apostles] be  read  and  the  Epistles  of  Paul  our  fellow- worker,  which  he  enjoined  on  the  churches  ac- cording to  the  guidance  of  the  Holy  Spirit ;  and after  these  let  a  deacon  or  presbyter  read  the Gospels  which  we,  Matthew  and  John,  delivered to  you,  and  those  which  Luke  and  Mark,  Paul's fellow-workers,  received  and  left  to  you." In  this  catalogue  (unless  Esther  be  omitted) the  canon  of  the  Old  Testament  is  exactly  that of  the  Jews.  The  Catholic  Epistles  are  possibly included  under  Acts;  for  in  a  Syrian  version, which  places  the  Catholic  Epistles  immediately after  the  Acts,  at  the  close  of  the  Epistles  fol- lows the  colophon,  "  The  end  of  the  Acts," (Wiseman,  Horae  Syriacae,  p.  217,  quoted  by Westcott,  Bible  in  Church,  p.  176)  as  if  the term  Acts  included  the  Epistles.  It  is  not  easy to  see  on  what  ground  A.  Ritschl  (Alt-kathol. Kirche,  p.  329,  note  1)  affirms  the  sentence  re- lating to  St.  Paul's  Epistles  to  be  "  plainly  inter- polated." It  does  not  appear  that  there  is  any variation  of  MSS.  in  this  place. The  list  contained  in  the  eighty-fifth  of  the Apostolical  Canons,  of  the  books  to  be  held  in veneration  by  all  clergy  and  laity,  is  no  doubt  of much  later  date  ;  but  as  it  is  in  itself  remark- able, and  had  a  powerful  influence  on  some  of the  Eastern  Churches,  it  is  given  in  the  parallel ai-rangement  opposite.. After  the  foundation  of  Constantinople  (about A.D.  332),  Constantine  desired  Eusebius  to  pro- vide fifty  splendid  copies  of  the  Scriptures  for  the churches  of  his  new  city.  How  he  fulfilled  his charge  we  cannot  exactly  affirm,  as  he  gives  no catalogue  of  the  books  he  included  in  the  collec- tion, and  not  one  of  his  copies  is  known  to  exist ; probably  the  canon  of  these  books  differed  .little, if  at  all,  from  that  of  Cyril  and  Laodicea. A  catalogue  of  the  books  of  Scripture,  the authority  of  which  is  strictly  ecclesiastical  and not  imperial,  is  found  in  the  works  of  Athana- sius. That  great  prelate  joined  to  his  "  Festal Letter""  of  the  year  365  a  list  of  the  books which  were  canonized  and  traditional  and  con- fidently believed  to  be  divine  (ja  KavovL^Aixevtx. Koi  TrapaSod^uTO,  ina'Tevdevra  re  6e7a  elvai  j8i- /SAi'a).  In  the  New  Testament,  this  list  gives exactly  the  books  which  we  receive  in  the  order in  which  they  stand  in  the  oldest  Greek  MSS. In  the  Old  Testament,  Baruch  and  the  Letter  are added  to  Jeremiah ;  Esther  is  placed  among  the Apocrypha;  and  the  books  of  Maccabees  are omitted  altogether. '  *  The  circulars  in  whicti  the  bishop  of  Alexandria annually  announced  to  the  different  churches  of  his  pro- vince the  date  of  Easter  were  called  "Paschal"  or "  Festal "  letters. CANONICAL  BOOKS !79 Canones  Apost.  (^c.  85), (Ueltzeu's  Const. Apost.  p.  253.) Athanasius  (^Ep.  Fest..  in Cone.  Laodicenum,  can.  60 Cone.  Carthagin.  III.  can.  47. vpp.  ed.  Ben.  I.  ii.  962.) (Bruns's  Canones,  i.  79). (Bruns's  tanonts,  i.  l:J3.) Genesis Genesis 1.  Genesis Genesis Exudus Exodus 2.  Exodus Exodus Leviticus Leviticus .  3.  Leviticus Leviticus W  umbers Numbers 4.  Numbers Numbers Deuteronomy Deuteronomy 5.  Deuteronomy Deuteronony Jot-hua Joshua 6.  Joshua Joshua Judges Judges 7.  Judges  and  Ruth Judges Eutli Ruth S.  Esther Ruth Kings,  four Chronicles,  two I.  and  II.  Kings 9.  I.  and  II.  Kings Books  of  King.s,  four III.  and  IV.  Kings 10.  III.  and  IV.  Kings Books  of  Chronicles,  two Ksdras,  two Land  II.  Chronicles 11.  Land  II.  Chronicles Job Esther I.  and  II.  Esdras 12.  I.  and  IL  Ksdras The  Psalter  of  David Maccabees,  three Psalms 13.  The  150  Psalms Books  of  Solomon,  five Job Proverbs 14.  Proverbs  of  Solomon Books  of  Prophets,  twelve : The  Psalter Ecclesiastes 15.  Ecclesiastes Isaiah Solomon's  Proverbs Song  of  Songs 16.  Song  of  Songs Jeremiah Ecclesiastes Job 17.  Job Ezekiel Song  of  Songs Minor  Prophets,  twelve IS.  The  Twelve  Prophets Daniel Book  of  the  Twelve  Pro- Jsaiah 19.  Isaiah Tobit phets,  one Jeremiah,  Baruch,  Lamen- 20. Jeremiah,  Baruch,  La- Judith Isaiah tations,  and  the  Letter mentations,      and      the Esther Jeremiah Ezekiel Letter Books  of  Esdras,  two Ezeliiel Daniel 21.  Ezekiel Books  of  Maccabees,  two Daniel 22.  Daniel For  instruction  of  youth,  the Wisdom  of  Sirach Gospels,  four: Gospels,  four : Gospels,  four : Gospels,  four  books Matthew Matthew Matthew Acts  of  Apostles,  one Marli Mark Mark Epistles  ot  Paul  the  Apostle, Lulie Luke Luke thirteeu John John John The  same  to  the  Hebrews, Epistles  of  Paul,  fourteen Acts  of  Apostles Acts  of  Apostles f.ne Peter,  two Catholic        Epistles       of Catholic  Epistles,  seven : Peter  the  Apostle,  two John,  three Apostles,  seven: James,  one John  the  Apostle,  three. James,  one James,  one Peter,  two Jude  the  Apostle,  one Jude,  one Peter,  two John,  three James,  one Clement,  two John,  three Jude,  one Apostolical      Constitutions, Jude,  one Epistles  of  Paul,  fourteen : The  Apocalypse  of  .John, (^AiarayaO,  eight Epistles     of      Paul     the Romans,  one one  book Acts  of  the  Apostles Apostle,  fourteen: Corinthians,  two Romans Galatians,  one Corinthians,  two Ephesians,  one Galatians Philippiaus,  one Ephesians Colossians,  one Pbilippians Thessalonians,  two Colossians Hebrews,  one Thessalonians,  two Timothy,  two Hebrews Titus,  one Tiuiothv,  two Philemon,  one 'I'ilus,  one Philemon The  Apocalypse  of  John The  earliest  conciliar  decision  on  the  subject of  Canonical  Books  is  that  of  the  provincial synod  of  Laodicea,  about  the  year  363.  As  the canons  of  this  council  now  stand  in  the  printed editions  and  in  most  MSS.,  the  fifty-ninth  canon enacts  that  "psalms  composed  by  private  per- sons should  not  be  used  in  churches,  nor  un- canonized  (h.Kav6viffra.)  books,  but  only  the  ca- nonical books  of  the  New  and  Old  Testament "  ; and  the  sixtieth  gives  a  list  of  the  books  which should  be  read  [in  churches]  {oca  Set  Pi^\la avayiyvwaKiffOai).  But  this  list  is  .unques- tionably a  later  addition ;  it  is  not  found  in  the best  Greek  MSS.,  in  ancient  Syriac  versions,  in one  of  the  two  complete  Latin  versions,  nor  in the  oldest  digests  of  ecclesiastical  canons  (see Westcott,  Canon  of  N.  T.  pp.  500  ff.).  Yetit  is probably  a  very  early  gloss,  being  in  fact  iden- tical (excepting  in  the  addition  to  Jeremiah  of Baruch  and  the  Letter,  in  the  place  occupied  by Esther  and  Job,  and  in  the  omission  of  the  Apo- calypse) with  the  list  given  by  Cyril  of  Jeru- salem about  A.D.  350  (Catecli.  Mijst.  iv.  33  [al. 22]  ),  a  list  which  he  distinctly  describes  as  the canon  of  ecclesiastical  books,  desiring  his  cate- chumens not  to  read  other  books  than  those which  were  read  in  the  churches. In  the  Latin  Church,  as  we  have  seen,  a  dis- tinction was  drawn  by  Rufiuus  and  Jerome between  the  books  of  the  Hebrew  canon  and  the later  additions ;  but  the  distinction  drawn  by these  learned  and  able  doctors  was  not  generally received  in  the  Latin  Church.  The  old  Latin translation  was  made  from  the  LXX.  and  gave no  indication  that  the  ditferent  books  were  not all  of  the  same  authority  ;  and  when  this  had obtained  general  currency,  the  great  leaders  of the  Latin  Church  were  unwilling  to  draw  dis- tinctions which  would  shake  the  received  tra- dition. Hence  Ambrose  and  Augustine,  with the  great  mass  of  later  writers,  cite  all  the books  in  question  alike  as  Scripture,  and  Au- gustine {de  Doct.  Christ,  ii.  8)  gives  a  list  of the  books  of  which  "  the  whole  canon  of  the Scriptures"  consists,  without  making  any  clear distinction  between  the  apocryplial  and  the  other 280 CANONICAL  BOOKS books.''  The  ecclesiastical  canon  of  the  Latin Church  has  in  fact  from  the  date  of  the  first  Latin translation  included  what  we  call  the  Apocryphal Books,  though  we  not  unfrequently  meet  with expressions  which  show  that  the  Latin  Fathers were  conscious  that  the  books  of  their  canon were  in  fact  of  very  different  degrees  of  autho- rity. Gregory  the  Great,  for  instance,  speaks  of the  books  of  Maccabees  as  not  belonging,  in  the proper  sense,  to  the  canon. At  the  third  Council  of  Carthage,  at  which St.  Augustine  was  present,  and  at  which  his  in- fluence no  doubt  predominated,  a  decree  was made  which  determined  the  list  of  canonical Scriptures.  The  forty-seventh  canon  (Bruns's Camncs  i.  133)  begins  thus  :  "  It  is  also  agreed, that  besides  Canonical  Scriptures  nothing  be  read in  the  Church  as  Holy  Scripture  (sub  nomine Diviuarum  Scripturarum),"  and  a  list  of  cano- nical writings  follows,  in  which  the  Apocryphal books  are  mingled  with  those  of  the  Hebrew canon,  without  distinction.  Some  of  the  MSS. liowever  omit  the  two  books  of  Maccabees.  The canon  ends  with  saying,  in  one  text,  "  Let  it  be made  known  to  our  brother  and  fellow-bishop Boniface  [of  Rome],  or  other  bishops  of  those parts,  for  confirming  that  canon,  that  we  have received  from  our  fathers  these  books  to  be  read in  churches  ;  "  in  another  text,  "The  books  then amount  to  twenty-seven  ;  let  the  churches across  the  sea  [<.  e.  Italian]  be  consulted  about that  canon."  In  both  texts,  permission  is  given to  read  the  Passions  of  Martyrs  on  their  anni- versaries. The  confirmation  of  Rome  was  probably  ob- tained, and  this  canon  of  Carthage,  though  of course  only  binding  in  its  proper  force  on  the churches  of  a  particular  province,  became  the general  ecclesiastical  rule  of  the  West.  "  Usage received  all  the  books  of  the  enlarged  canon more  and  more  generally  as  equal  in  all  respects  ; learned  tradition  kept  alive  the  distinction  be- tween the  Hebrew  canon  and  the  Apocryj^ha which  had  been  drawn  by  Jerome  "  (Westcott, BMe  in  Church,  p.  190). The  Apostolical,  Laodicean,  and  Carthaginian canons  were  all  confirmed  by  the  second  canon of  the  Quinisextine  Council,  A.D.  692  (Bruns's Canones  i.  36),  no  regard  being  had  to  their  varia- tions. The  68th  canon  made  provision  for  the reverent  treatment  of  copies  of  the  sacred  books. In  these  lists,  the  first  and  second  books  of Kings  are  of  course  those  which  we  call  the  first and  second  books  of  Samuel,  and  the  third  and fourth  books  of  Kings  those  which  we  call  the first  and  second  books  of  Kings.  It  is  not  always easy  to  say  with  certainty  what  is  intended  by  the first  and  second  books  of  Esdras.  In  the  Vatican and  Alexandrian  MSS.  of  the  LXX.,  "  I.  Esdras  "  is the  apocryphal  book  which  we  call  the  first  book of  Esdras,  while  "  II.  Esdras  "  is  composed  of  the books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  (Westcott,  Bible  in Church,  pp.  303  ff.).  In  the  Vulgate,  "  I.  Esdras  " IS  the  canonical  book  of  Ezra,  and  "  II.  Esdras  " the  canonical  book  Nehemiah.  Jerome  in  the  Pro- lofpis  Galeatus  mentions  only  one  Esdras,  which (he  says)  the  Greeks  and  Latins  divided  into  two books;  these  two  books  were,  as  appears  from the  1  racj.  m  Esdram  and  the  Ep.  ad  Paulinum !■  Canon  Westcott  has  however  pointed  out  [art.  Canon p.  255J  that  bis  langnage  is  imonsiilont  on  this  point.      ' CANONICAL  BOOKS (c.  16)  the  canonical  books  of  Ezra  and  Nehe- miah. A  letter  of  Pope  Innocent  I.  to  Exsupe- rius,  bishop  of  Toulouse  (A.D.  405)  contains  a  list (given  by  Kirchhofer,  Quellensatnvilung,  p.  504) identical  in  contents  with  that  of  the  Council  oi Carthage,  but  differing  in  the  arrangement  of  the books.  There  is  also  a  papal  list  attributed  to Gelasius  (Pope  A.D.  492-496)  and  another  to  Hor- misdas  (514-523).  But  none  of  these  lists  are free  from  suspicion.  They  were  unknown  in  the middle  of  the  6th  century  to  Cassiodorus,  who collected  the  lists  of  canonical  books  current  in his  time,  and  still  later  to  Isidore  of  Seville  ; and  different  copies  of  the  Gelasian  list  vary  in such  a  way  as  to  suggest  that  they  were  not  all derived  from  the  same  original.  The  letter  of Innocent  is  found  in  the  collection  of  Decretals attributed  to  Dionysius  Exiguus,  but  that  col- lection, as  is  well  known,  contains  matter  of  a much  later  date  than  that  of  its  supposed  com- pilation (about  500).  It  is  not,  in  fact,  until the  8th  century  that  we  have  distinct  evidence of  its  existence,  when  it  formed  part  of  the  Code sent  to  Charlemagne  in  the  year  774  by  Pope Hadrian  I.  The  list  of  canonical  books  in  the decree  of  Gelasius  does  not  distinctly  appear  till about  the  10th  century.  Both  lists  simply  re- peat the  Canon  of  Carthage  (Westcott,  Bible  in Church,  194  ff.).  It  is  a  remarkable  instance  of the  rapid  victory  of  usage  over  scholarship,  that in  the  Codex  Amiatinus  (written  about  541)  of Jerome's  Vulgate,  the  books  of  the  Apocrypha are  mixed  with  those  of  the  Hebrew  canon, against  the  express  judgment  of  Jerome  himself. But  indications  are  not  wanting,  that  the  ques- tion of  the  value  and  authority  of  certain  works was  regarded  in  the  Latin  Church  as  distinct from  that  of  ecclesiastical  use. The  determmation  of  the  canon  in  Spain  was a  matter  of  unusual  importance.  The  Pris- cillianists  during  the  5th  century  introduced  a multitude  of  apocryphal  writings,  which  it  was one  of  the  chief  cares  of  the  orthodox  bishops to  destroy.  The  Arian  Goths  probably  rejected the  Ejustle  to  the  Hebrews  and  the  Apocalypse, as  well  as  the  Apocrypha  of  the  Old  Testament. On  their  conversion,  they  bound  themselves  to accept  the  Roman  canon,  as  well  as  other  de- crees of  the  see  of  Rome.  Isidore  of  Seville (t636)  follows  Augustine  expressly  in  dealing with  the  Old  Testament  Apocrypha,  and  reckons among  "  Canonical  Scriptures  "  books  which  the Hebrews  do  not  receive  (see  Origines,  vi.  2.)  In the  list  which  he  gives  (Kirchhofer's  Quellen- sammlung,  p.  505),  the  books  of  the  Old  Testa- ment are  enumerated  exactly  as  in  the  English canon,  except  that  Job  and  Esther  are  placed after  Solomon's  Song.  After  Malachi,  he  adds, without  any  mark  of  distinction,  "Judit  et Tobias  et  Machabaeorura  Libri  quibus  auc- toribus  scripti  sunt  minime  constat."  Eccle- siasticus,  Wisdom,  and  the  apocryphal  books of  Esdras,  do  not  seem  to  be  mentioned  at  all. In  the  New  Testament,  after  the  Gospels  and Acts,  he  proceeds,  "  Pauli  Epistol.  xiv,  novem eccle>.ii^.  rt'li^piae  discipulis  scriptae.  Ad  He- braoijs  A  |i|(ris(|ue  Latinis  ejus  esse  dubitatur, propter  (liNsunantiam  sermonis  ;  eandem  alii  Bar- nabae,  alii  Clementi  adscribunt.  Jacobi,  Petri  ii.. Cath.  Judae  et  Johannis.  Johannis  Apocaly])sis. Caetera  Apocrypha."  He  seems  therefore  to  have acknowledged  only  one  epistle  of  St.  John. CANONICAL  HOURS The  code  which  Charlcmague  gave  at  Aix  for the  government  of  the  Church  was  founded  upon that  which  he  received  from  Pope  Hadrian  as mentioned  above.  In  this  it  was  enjoined  that "  the  Canonical  Books  only  be  read  in  the Church  ;■"  but  it  does  not  appear  that  any  defi- nite list  was  given,  though  in  the  printed  editions the  list  of  Laodicea  was  appended.  Alcuin,  the well-known  English  scholar  (fSO-l),  Charle- magre's  chief  literary  adviser,  was  commissioned towards  the  close  of  his  life  to  undertake  a  revi- sion of  the  Latin  Bible  for  public  use.  He  re- stored in  a  great  measure  Jerome's  test  in  those books  which  Jerome  had  translated,  but  did  not separate  the  Apocrypha.  Several  MSS.  remain which  claim  to  be  derived  from  Alcuin's  revi- sion. One  of  the  finest  of  these,  known  as "  Charlemagne's  Bible,"  is  in  the  British  Museum. A  peculiarity  of  this  copy  is,  that  it  contains  the apocryphal  Letter  to  the  Laodiceans  as  a  fifteenth Epistle  of  St.  Paul.  [C] CANONICAL  HOURS.  [Hours  of Prayer.] CANONICI.  The  canonical  clergy  have occupied  an  intermediate  position  between  the monks  and  the  secular  clergy.  As  living  to- gether under  a  rule  of  their  own  they  were often  regarded  popularly  as  a  species  of  monks  ; while,  inasmuch  as  their  rule  was  less  strict, and  their  seclusion  from  the  world  less  complete, they  were  sometimes,  from  a  monastic  point  of view,  classed  even  with  the  laity,  as  distinguished from  those  who  were  "  religious."  Thus  the colleges  of  the  "  canonici  "  were  sometimes  called "monasteria"  (Hospin.  De  Monach.  iii.  vi.  p. 72  b.)  ;  while  Dudo  {De  Act.  Norman,  iii.  v.) broadly  dividing  Christians  into  "regular"  or "  contemplative,"  and  "  secular "  or  practical places  "  canonici  "  among  the  "  secular  "  (Du Cauge,  Gloss.  Latinit.  s.  voce).  The  canonici  did not  fully  assume  this  quasi-monastic  character till  the  8th  century.  The  theory  which  would trace  them  back  as  a  monastic  order  to  St. Augustine,  and  which  ascribes  to  him  the Augustinian  Rule  scarcely  needs  refutation (Hospin.  De  Monach.  iii.  vi.  p.  71  b. ;  Bingh. Uriqin.  Eccles.  vii.  ii.  §  9). The  "  canonici "  were  at  first  the  clergy  and other  officials  attached  to  the  church,  and  were so  called  either  as  bound  by  canons  (v.  Du  Cange, s.  v.),  or  more  probably  as  enrolled  on  the  list  of ecclesiastical  officers,  Kavthv,  matricula,  albus, tabula  (Socr.  H.  E.  i.  17 ;  Theod.  Lect.  //.  E.  i. p.  553 ;  Cone.  Chalced.  451  A.d.  c.  2 ;  Vales,  ad Socr.  H.  E.  V.  19;  Bingh.  i.  v.  §  10).  Du Cange  explains  the  word  by  the  "  canon  "  a-n-op- tvKt)  ;  a  certain  proportion  (one-fourth)  of  the alms  of  the  faithful  set  apart  for  the  maiute- nauce  of  the  clergy  and  other  officers  of  the church  {Concc.  Agath.  506  a.d.  c.  36 ;  Aurel.  iii. 538  A.D.  c.  11 ;  Narbon.  589  A.D.  cc.  10,  12). Another,  but  most  improbable  derivation  is from  KoivwviKol  (Du  Cange,  s.  v.').  A  passage is  cited  by  Du  Cauge  from  the  life  of  Antony attributed  to  Augustine — iri/u-a  rhv  KavSva — to show  that  the  word  was  equivalent  to  "  clerus." But  "  canonici "  was  at  first  a  more  compre- hensive word  than  '■  clerus,"  embracing  all  who held  ecclesiastical  offices,  as  readers,  singers, porters,  &c.  (Thomass.  Vet.  ct  Nov.  DiscipL  I.  ii. 34;  Bingh.  i.  v.  §  10). CANONICI 281 Some  bishops  even  before  the  5th  century,  for instance  Eusebius  of  Vercellae,  Ambrose  of Milan,  the  great  Augustine,  and  Martin  of  Tours, set  an  example  of  monastic  austerity  to  the clergy  domiciled  with  them,  which  became  widely popular  {Concc.  Tolet.  ii.  A.D.  531,  c.  1;  Turon. ii.  A.D.  567,  c.  12).  Gelasius  I.  at  the  close  of  the 5th  century  founded  an  establishment  of  '-ca- nonici regulares "  at  Rome  in  the  Lateran (Hospin.  III.  vi.  p.  72  b. ;  Bingh.  VII.  ii.  §  9). In  531  A.D.  the  2nd  Council  of  Toledo  speaks  of schools  conducted  by  the  "  canonici "  wherein the  scholars  lived  "  in  domo  ecclesiae  sub  Epi- scopi  praesentia  "  (cc.  1,  2) ;  and,  before  the  end of  the  same  century,  the  3rd  Council  of  Toledo orders  the  Scriptures  to  be  read  aloud  in  the refectory  of  the  priests,  "  sacerdotali  convivio  " (c.  7).  A  similar  phrase,  "  mensa  canonica,"  is quoted  by  Du  Cange  from  Gregory  of  Tours {Hist.  X.  ad  fin.)  in  reference  to  the  "  canonici  " established  by  Baudinus,  archbishop  of  Tours,  in the  6th  century,  and  from  a  charter  granted  by Chilpe'ric  in  580  a.d.  (Miraei  Diplom.  Belg.  II. 1310,  ap.  Du  Cange,  s.  v.).  In  the  3rd  Council  of Orleans,  a.d.  538,  the  "  canonici  "  are  foi-biddea secular  business  {Cone.  Aurel.  III.  c.  11).  The college  in  which  the  canons  resided,  or  rather the  church  to  which  the  college  was  attached,  is styled  "  canonica  "  in  a  charter  724  A.D.  {Chart. Langoh.  Brunett.  p.  470,  ap.  Du  Cange,  s.  v.). Bishops,  especially  for  missions,  were  fre- quently chosen  out  of  the  monasteries  ;  and  these naturally  surrounded  themselves  with  monks. In  the  words  of  Montalembert  many  a  bishoin-ic was  "  cradled  "  in  a  monastery.  Thus  in  Armo- rica  "  the  principal  communities  formed  by  the monastic  missionaries  (from  Britain  in  the  5th century)  were  soon  transformed  into  bishoprics." {Monks  of  the  West,  II.  273.)  In  countries which  owed  their  Christianity  to  monks,  the monastery  and  the  cathedral  rose  side  by  side, or  under  one  roof.  But  cathedral-monas- teries are,  strictly  speaking,  almost  peculiar to  England  (Stubbs,  Introd.  to  Epp.  Cuntuar. xxi.);  for,  while  elsewhere,  for  the  most  part, either  the  cathedral  or  the  monastery  ousted the  other,  in  England  many  of  the  cathedrals retained  their  monastic,  more  exactly  their quasi-monastic  character  till  the  Reformation. Usually  it  was  the  mother-church,  as  Canterbury or  Lindisfarne,  which  thus  adhered  to  its  original institution,  while  the  new  cathedrals  for  the sub-divided  diocese  passed  into  the  hands  of  the non-monastic  clergy  (Stubbs,  v.  sup.  xxii.).  In either  case,  as  at  Worcester,  the  cathedral  clergy were  the  parochial  clergy  of  the  city  (Stubbs,  The Cathedr.  of  Worcester  in  the  8th  Century,  Com- munic.  to  the  Historic.  Sect,  of  the  Instit.  July, 1862).  The  result  of  this  combination  on  the clergy  generally,  and  on  the  monks,  was  twofold. On  the  one  hand  the  clergy  became,  in  the  first instance,  more  monastic ;  on  the  other,  a  some- what moi-e  secular  tone  was  given  for  a  time to  the  monasteries.  But,  as  these  cathedral- monasteries  came  to  lose  their  missionary  cha- ractei",  other  monasteries  arose,  by  a  reaction of  sentiment,  of  a  less  secular  and  of  a  more ascetic  kind  ;  e.  g.  in  England,  Crowland,  and Evesham,  in  contrast  to  Peterborough  and  Wor- cester (Stubbs,  V.  sup.).  By  the  Council  of Clovesho,  A.D.  747,  all  monasteries  jiroper  in England  were  placed  under  the  Benedictine  rule ; 282 CANONICI and  thus  the  severance  was  defined  of  the  chap- ters and  the  monasteries.  {Cone.  Clooesh.  c.  24 ; cf.  Beg.  S.  Bened.  c.  58  ;  cf.  Mabill.  AA.  0.  S.  B. I.  Praef.  hi.). But  Chrodegang,  or  Chrodogang,  cousin  of Pepin  and  archbishop  of  Metz,  in  the  latter  part of  the  8th  century,  was  virtually  the  founder  of "  canonici "  as  a  semi-monastic  order.  By enforcing  strict  obedience  to  the  Rule  and  the Superior'  he  tightened  the  authority  of  the bishop  over  the  clergy  of  his  cathedral  (Eeg. Chrodeg.  ap.  Labb.  Cone.  vii.  1445).  But, while  retaining  the  monastic  obligations  of "  obedience  "  and  of  "  chastity,"  he  relaxed  that of  poverty.  His  "canonici"  were,  like  monks,  to have  a  common  dormitory  and  a  common  refec- tory {Reg.  Chrod.  c.  3  ;  Cone.  Mogunt.  813  A  D. c.  9).  Like  monks  they  were  to  reside  within the  cloister ;  and  egress,  except  by  the  porter's gateway,  was  strictly  forbidden  {Cone.  Aquisgr. 816  A.D.  cc.  117,  144).  But  they  were  allowed a  life  interest  in  private  property ; "  though  after death  it  was  to  revert  to  the  church  to  which they  belonged ;  and,  which  is  especially  curious, they  were  not  to  forfeit  their  property,  even  for crimes  and  misdemeanours  entailing  otherwise severe  penance.  {Beg.  Chrod.  cc.  31,  32;  cf. Stubbs,  Ej)]}.  Cantuar.  Introd.  xxiv.)  Thus  the discipline  of  the  cloister  was  rendered  more palatable  to  the  clergy;  while  a  broad  line  of demarcation  was  drawn  between  them  and  monks (Cone.  Mogunt.  cc.  9, 10 ;  Cone.  Turon.  III.  c.  25). They  were  not  to  wear  the  monk's  cowl  {Beg. Chrod.  c.  53,  interpolated  from  Co7ic.  Aquisgr. c.  125).  The  essential  difference  between  a cathedral  with  its  "canonici"  and  an  abbey- church  with  its  monks,  has  been  well  expressed thus  :  the  "  canonici  "  existed  for  the  services  of the  cathedral,  but  the  abbey-church  for  the spiritual  wants  of  the  recluses  happening  to settle  there  (Freeman,  Norman  Conquest,  ii.  443). Chrodegang's  institution  was  eagerly  adopted by  the  far-seeing  Karl,  in  his  reformation  of ecclesiastical  abuses ;  indeed  he  wished  to  force it  on  the  clergy  generally  (Robertson's  Ch.  Hist. II.  200).  He  ordered  the  "  canonici "  to  live "  canonice,"  and  to  obey  their  bishop  as  abbat ; a  similar  enactment  was  made  at  the  Councils  of Aachen,  788  A.D.  and  of  Mentz,  813  A.D.  {Cone. Aquisgr.  cc.  27,  29 ;  Cone.  Mogunt.  c.  9  ;  cf.  Du Cange,  s.  v.;  Hospin.  xxii.  154;  Robertson's  Ch. Hist.  II.  198).  It  was  evidently  the  great  legis- lator's intention  to  make  these  colleges  of  canons instrumental  for  education  {Cone.  Cabill.  813 A.D.  c.  3 ;  Alteser.  Aseeticon.  II.  1).  Thus  one of  the  principal  canons  was  the  "  Scholasticus  " (schoolmaster,  or  more  properly,  chancellor, Freeman,  Norman  Conquest,  II.  443),  and  the buildings  were  arranged  mainly  to  be  used  as schools  (Hospin.  p.  153-6). The  rule  of  Chrodegang  in  its  integrity  was shortlived.  By  the  middle  of  the  9th  century it  was  iu  force  in  most  cathedrals  of  France, Germany,  Italy,  and,  more  partially,  in  England (Robertson's  Ch.  Hist.  II.  200).  But,  though mihier  even  than  that  mildest  of  monastic  rules— the  Benedictine— it  was  too  severe  to  be  generally accepted  by  the  clergy,  especially  in  England. Jn  the  9th  century  (Robertson,  II.  209),  or, rather,   by  the    end   of  the  8th  (Stubbs,  Epp. "  Also,  tlie  dirt  was  more  generous,  (^lieg.  Chrod c.  Tl ;  Cone.  A<iuUijr.  816  a.d.  c.  122.) CANONICI Cantuar.  Intr.  xvii.),  bodies  of  secular  clerks, with  the  character  if  not  the  name  of  "  canonici," had  supplanted  monks  in  many  parts  of  England  ; but  they  soon  lost  the  ground  which  they  had gained.  Partly,  perhaps,  from  the  popularity  of monks  with  the  laity  in  England,  as  the  harbingers of  Christianity,  and  as  intimately  connected  with the  history  of  the  nation,  partly  from  the  repug- nance of  the  clergy  to  asceticism,  the  "  Lotha- ringian  "  rule  never  took  root  here  ''  (Freeman, V.  sup.,  II.  85).  According  to  William  of  Malmes- bury  (Stubbs,  De  Invent.  Cruc.  Intr.  ix.),  it never  was  accepted  here.  "  An  attempt  was made  to  introduce  it  in  the  Legatine  Council of  786,  which  probably  went  no  farther  in effect  than  to  change  the  name  of  secular  clerks into  canons,  and  to  turn  secular  abbots  into deans  "  (Stubbs,  v.  sup.  x.  •  Cone,  Calcyth.  c.  4.) By  1050  A.D.  it  was  nearly  obsolete  in  England (Stubbs,  V.  sup.  ix.).  Celibacy  seems  to  have formed  no  integral  part  of  the  plan  in  the foundation  of  Waltham.  (Freeman,  v.  sup.  II. 443  ;  Stubbs,  De  Inv.  Grue.  xii.) Even  where  it  had  been  at  first  in  vogue  the Rule  of  Chrodegang  was  soon  relaxed ;  nor  were the  efforts  of  Adalbero,  Willigis,  and  others, effectual  to  restore  it  (Robertson's  Ch.  Hist. II.  477).  The  "  canonici "  became,  first,  a  com- munity dwelling  together  under  the  headshij)  of the  bishop,  but  not  of  necessity  under  the  same roof  with  him ;  next,  an  "  acephalous "  com- munity,— a  laxity  which  had  been  specially  con- demned by  the  Council  of  Aachen,  already  men- tioned (c.  101) — and,  gradually,  instead  of  repre- senting the  clergy  of  the  diocese  they  developed into  a  distinct,  and,  sometimes,  antagonistic  body (Robertson,  II.  476).  As  their  wealth  and  in- fluence increased  they  claimed  a  share  in  the government  of  the  diocese  (Robertson,  II.  401). Trithemius  speaks  of  the  "  Canonici  Trevirenses  " in  the  close  of  the  10th  century,  as  both  in  name and  in  reality  "  seculares  non  regulares  " :  and Hospinian  protests  against  the  very  expression "canonici  seculares," ■=  as  a  contradiction  in terms,  like  "  regulares  irregulares."  (Hospinian, V.  sup.  p.  73.) The  "Canons  Regular  of  St.  Augustine," founded  by  Ives  of  Chartres  and  others,  in  the 11th  century,  may  be  regarded  as  resulting  from the  fliilure  of  the  attempts  to  force  the  canonical rule  on  the  clergy  of  the  cathedral  and  collegiate churches  (Robertson's  Ch.  Hist.  II.  708).  These "  canonici  "  differed  but  slightly  from  the  monks  ; and,  unlike  the  "  canonici "  of  older  date,  resem- bled the  monks  in  the  renunciation  of  private property.  This  order  was  introduced  into  Eng- land very  early  in  the  12th  century  by  Adelwald, confessor  of  Henry  1st,  but  some  assign  an  earlier date.  At  the  Reformation  there  were,  according to  Hospinian  (p.  73),  more  than  8000  "  coenobia canonicorum  "  in  Europe  ;  the  number  declined greatly  afterwards.  The  various  mediaeval  sub- divisions of  "  canonici,"  enumerated  by  Du  Cange (s.  ■«.)  do  not  fiUl  within  our  present  scope.  (See also  Thomassini,  Vetus  et  Nova  Disciplina,  I.  iii. b  Till  the  Uth  century  these  semi-regular,  semi-secular foundations  seem  to  have  been  uncongenial  to  the  English. Harold,  the  founder  of  Waltham,  is  an  exception.  (Free- man, Norm.  Conq.  II.  445). <:  The  expression  "secular  canons"  sometiniPS  occurs prematurely  {e.g.  in  Freeman's  Norman  Conquest)  where '•  secular  clerks  "  would  be  more  exact. CANONISTAE cc.  7-12;  III.  ii.  c.  27;  Bibliotheque  Sacr^e,  par liichard  et  Girardin,  s.  v.  Par.  1822;  Mai'tiguy, Dictionnaire  des  Antiquites  Chretiennes,  Par. 1865). Canonicae  in  the  primitive  church  were  devout women,  taking  charge  of  funerals  and  other works  of  charity  (Socr.  H.  E.  i.  17  ;  Soz.  H.  E. viii.  23,  cf.  Justin.  Novell,  cc.  43,  59,  ap.  Menardi Comm.  in  S.  Bened.  Anian.  Cone.  Reg.  c.  68). Though  not  originally  bound  by  a  vow,  nor compelled  to  live  in  a  community  (Bingh.  Grig. Eccl.  VII.  iv.  §  1  :  but  cf.  Pelliccia  Eccl.  Christ. Polit.  I.  iii.  3,  §  1),  they  lived  apart  from  men, and  had  a  special  part  of  the  church  reserved  for them  in  the  public  services  (Du  Cange,  s.  «.).  In the  8th  century  the  "canonicae,"  "  canonissae," or  "  canonichissae,"  lived  together  after  the example  of  the  "  canonici,"  being  like  them attached  to  particular  churches  (Pellic.  I.  iii.  4, §  1).  They  are  distinguished  from  nuns  {Coyic. Francof.  794  A.D.  cc.  46,  47);  but,  like  nuns were  strictly  debarred  from  the  society  of  men {Cone.  Aquisgr.  816  A.D.  c.  20  ;  cf.  Cone.  Gabill. 813  A.D.  c.  53).  They  were  to  occupy  them- selves specially,  like  the  "canonici"  in  education {Cone.  Francof.  c.  40 ;  Cunc.  Aquisgr.  c.  22). See  further  Magdeh.  Centur.  viii.  6.  The  "  do- micellae  "  or  secular  canonesses  are  of  later  date (Du  Cange,  s.  v.).  (See  also  Thomass.  Vet.  et Nov.  Discipl.  I.  iii.  cc.  43,  51,  63;  Alteserrae Ascetico7i.  III.  3.)  [I.  G.  S.] CANONISTAE.  [Canon  Law.] CANONIZATION  is  defined  by  Ferraris (sub  voc.  Veiieratio  Sanctorum)  to  be  a  "  public judgment  and  express  definition  of  the  Apostolic See  respecting  the  sanctity  and  glory  of  one, who  is  thereupon  solemnly  added  to  the  roll  of the  saints,  and  set  forth  for  the  public  veneration of  the  whole  Church  militant,  and  the  honours due  to  saints  decreed  to  him."  And  it  is  distin- guished by  him  from  Beatification,  which  means, according  to  the  same  authority,  a  like  "  lawful grant  by  the  pope  to  a  particular  kingdom,  pro- vince, religions  body,  or  place,  to  venerate  and  in- voke, in  the  mass  and  by  exposition  of  relics,"  &c., some  particular  person,  deceased.  Both,  in  this sense,  date  subsequently  to  the  period  of  which the  present  work  treats,  the  first  formal  canoni- zation by  a  pope  being  said  to  be  either  that  of St.  Suibert  by  Pope  Leo  III.  A.D,  804,  at  the  re- quest of  Charlemagne  (Ferraris,  as  above),  or (which  however  depends  on  a  letter  said  to  be  a forgery)  that  of  Udalric,  bishop  of  Augsburg,  by diploma  of  Pope  John  XV.  A.D.  993  (Mabill. Actt.  SS.  Ben.  Saec.  V.  Fref.  §  101 ;  Gibbings, Praelect.  on  the  Diptychs,  p.  33,  Dubl.  1864). But  canonization  in  some  sense  (  =  inserting  in  the Canon  of  the  Mass)  is  the  outgrowth  of  a  practice of  veiy  early  date  (being  alluded  to  by  TertuUian, Be  Cor.  iii.,  and,  earlier  still,  in  the  Martyr.  Poly- carp,  xviii.,  ap.  Euseb.  If.  E.  iv.  15),  viz.  that  of reciting  at  a  certain  part  of  the  Eucharistic  service the  names  (among  others)  of  deceased  saints  and martyrs  [Diptychs]  ;  not  for  invocation  ("  non invocantm-,"  St.  Aug.  Be  Civ.  Dei,  xxii.  10),  but •'  in  memory  of  those  who  have  finished  their course,  and  ibr  the  exercising  and  preparation  of those  who  have  yet  to  walk  in  their  steps " {Mart,  S.  Polyc.).  The  authority  by  which  a name  was  inserted  in  this  list — the  saint  being then  said  to  be  "  viudicatus  "  (Optat.  Be  Schism. CANOPY 283 Bonat.  i.  16)— was,  until  at  least  the  10th  cen- tury,  that  of  the  bishop,  with  (no  doubt)  the  con- sent of  his  clergy  and  people,  and,  as  time  went  on, of  the  synod  and  metropolitan,  and  according  to Mabillon  {Praef.  in  Actt.  SS.  Bened.  p.  412),  of  the emperor  or  king.     But  the  consent  of  the  last named  could  only  have  been  asked  or  given  in cases  of  political  importance,  real  or  supposed. The  last  case  of  canonization  by  a  metropolitan  is said  to  have  been  that  of  St.  Gaultier,  or  Gaucher,  I abbat  of  Pontoise,  by  the  Archbishop  of  Rouen,  i A.D.  1153  (Gibbings,  as  above).     And  a  decree  of  i Pope  Alexander  III.  a.d.  1170,   gave  the  prero- gative to    the    pope    thenceforth,  so   far  as  the  ' Western   Church    was   concerned    [Calendar  ;  ! Martvrology  ;    Menology]  ;    who    proceeded  i (ace.  to  Ferraris)  in  two  ways,  either  by  formally sanctioning  local  or  other  saints,  who  had  long  j before  been  canonized  in  effect  by  common  con- sent, or  by  initiating  the  process  himself  in  new  ■ cases.      "  Canonizare "    is   also   used    to    signify  I simply  to  "approve,"  or  to  "appoint  to  a  ca-  ' nonry,"  or  to  enrol  in  the  "  canon  "  of  the  clergy,  | or  to  make  a  canon  in  a  Council.     (Salig.  Be  | Biptychis  ;  Du.  Cange;  Suicer;  Ferraris,  Pro»ipto Biblioth.)  [A.  W.  H.]    -I CANOPY.  The  fixed  solid  canopy,  or  ciborium, over  the  altar,  has  already  been  described  under Altar,  p.  65.     It  has  been  supposed,  however, that  the  altar  was  sometimes  anciently  covered with  a  canopy  of  a  lighter  kind,  as  of  silk.     In the    will    of  Abbot   Aredius  (in  the    Works   of . Gregory  of  Tours,  p.    1313,   ed.  Ruinart),  who  ' died   A.D.    591,    we    find,    among   other    things declared   necessary  for  a  church,   "  cooperturios holosericos  tres ;  calices  argenteos  quatuor  ,  ,  , item    cooperturium  lineum  .  .  ."     These  silken coverings    Binterim    {Benkwiird.   vii.    3,    353) believes  to  be  not    altar-cloths,   but    canopies, while  the  "  cooperturius  linens  "  is  an  altar-cloth, distinct  from  the  corporal.      Gregory  of  Touj-s also,  a  contemporary  of  Aredius,  describmg    a dream  or  vision,  says,  "  cum  jam  altarium  cum oblationibus  |;a^/ioseriCOCoopertum  esset,"  Gunt- chramn  entered  {Hist.  Fi'anc.  vii.  22,  p.  347,  ed. Ruinart).     Here  again  Binterim  {u.  s.)  supposes that  a  canopy  is  intended,  insisting  on  the  words  • of  Optatus  {Be  Schism.  Bonat.  vi.  1,  p.  92),  that  I it  was  a  matter   of  notoriety  that   the   boards  I of  the    altar   were   covered    with    linen.      The  ' words    of   Optatus,    however,    written    of   the African  church   in    the  4th    century,   have  but little  application  to  Galilean  customs  at  the  end  ; of  the   6th,  nor  are  they  in  fact  contradictory to  the  words  of  Gregory  ;  for  the  altar  may  have been  first  covered  with  linen,  and  the  oblations upon  it   afterwards   covered  with  a  silken  veil.  J This  was  probably  the  case ;  for  a  word  derived  ; from  'cooperire' would  naturally  refer  to  covering up  closely,  rather  than  to  shading  as  a  canopy does.      Compai'e    Altar-cloths,  p.  69.     There  ' can  be  little  doubt  that   Mabillon  and  Ruinart  i are  right  in  explaining  the  word  cooperturius  of an   altar-covering  or  Veil.     The  "  cooperturius  j Sarmaticus,"  which   Gregory  rejected  {Be  Vitis Pat  rum,  p.  8,  1195),  seems  to  have  been  intended for  a  similar  use. The  custom  of  carrying  a  canopy  over  the  ; pope  in  certain  processions  does  not  seem  to  be mentioned  earlier  than    the    12th    century    (setf Ordo  liomanus  XL  17,  126;  40,  136);  and  the 284: CANTABRAKII use  of  a  canopy  to  overshadow  the  Eucharist  in Corpus  Christi  processions  is  later  still. For  the  canopy  surmounting  the  seat  of  a hishop,  see  Throne.  [C-] CANTABRAKII.  Literally,  bearers  of  the cantabrum,  or  cruciform  standard  of  the  later Roman  emperors,  in  military  or  i;eligious  pro- cessions. The  word  occurs  in  the  Cod  Theodos. xiv  7,  2,  as  applied  to  a  guild  of  such  persons, and  has  no  direct  connexion  with  ecclesiastical antiquity.  Bingham,  however  (xvi.  5,  6),  cites the  passage  in  its  bearing  upon  the  mention  ot centurions  by  the  C.  in  Trullo  (c.  61)  as  con- nected with  divination ;  and  hence  it  appears  in the  index  to  his  work  as  the  name  of  '-a  sort  oi conjurors."  The  cantabrum  itself  is  mentioned by  Minucius  Felix  (Octav.  c.  27)  and  TertuUian (Apol.  c.  16)  as  an  instance  of  the  unconscious honour  paid  by  the  heathens  to  the  figure  of  the cross.  ■  [^-  H-  P-] CANTATORIUM.    [ANTirnoxARiuii.] CANTERBURY,  COUNCIL  OF,  two  in Labb.  &c.  :— (1)  A.D.  605,  fictitious,  resting  on a  forged  charter  of  Ethelbert  to  St.  Augustin's monastery  at  Canterbury  (see  Haddan  and  Stubbs, Counc.  iii.  56,  57).  (2)  a.d.  685,  founded  on  a mere  mistake.  [A.  W.  H.] CANTHARUS  (or  -UM),   also  PharoCan- THARUS,  also  CaNTHARUS   CEROSTATUS    or    CERO- STRATUS,  1.  a  chandelier  for  ecclesiastical  use,  de- scribed by  Ducange,  s.  v.  as  "  a  disc  of  metal, furnished  with  candles  fixed  upon  it."  The  word is  of  very  frequent  occurrence  in  Anastasius and  other  early  authorities :  e.  g.  S.  Silv.  xxxiv. §  34,  "  canthara  cerostrata  xii  aerea  ;  "  ib.  §  36, "pharum  cantharum  argenteum  cum  delphinis cxx,  ubi  oleum  ardet  nardinum  pisticum  .  .  . canthara  cerostrata  in  gremio  basilicae  quinqua- ginta."  S.  Symmach.  liii.  §  80,  "  ad  beatum.  Pe- trum  XX  canthara  argentea  fecit."  Among  the articles  of  church  property  confiscated  by  Pope Sergius  I.  A.D.  687,  to  raise  the  donative  de- manded by  the  exarch  of  Ravenna,  as  the  price  of his  support,  we  read  of  "  cantharos  et  coronas quae  ante  sacrum  altare  et  confessionem  beati Petri  Apostoli  ex  antiquo  pendebant"  (Anast.  iS'. Sergius  Ixxxvi.  §  159).  2.  a  vessel  for  water [Phiala.]  [E.  v.] CANTIANILLA,  with  Cantianus  and  Can- Tius,  martyrs  at  Aquileia,  commemorated  May  31 {21urt.  Bom.  Vet.,  Usuardi).  [C] CANTIANUM  CONCILIUM.  [Kent.] CANTICLE  {Ganticum).  A  species  of sacred  song.  St.  Paul  [Eph.  v.  19]  mentions "  psalms  and  hymns  and  spiritual  songs," AaAoOcTes  kavrols  ^aAfxoTs  Ka\  vfivois  koI  <fSa7s ■Kv^vfxaTiKa7s  ("  canticis  spiritualibus,"  Vulg.). He  also  couples  the  three  terms  in  Col.  iii.  16. Some  of  the  psalms  are  called  in  the  LXX.  and Vulg.:  i((o\;ubs  ^Srjs  (Psalmus  Cantici),  e.g. LXVIL,  XCI.  (LXVIII.,  XCII.),  or  aho^  dSS^s (Luus  Cantici)  ;  e.  g.  XCII.  (XCIII.).  On  the  dis- tinction between  a  psalm  and  a  canticle,  Augus- tine remarks  (on  Ps.  LXVII.)  that  some  before his  time  had  made  this  distinction  between  a canticle  and  a  psalm,  that  since  a  canticle  is sung  with  the  voice  alone,  but  a  psalm  with  the accompaniment  of  an  instrument ;  so  bv  a  can- ticle, the  intelligence  of  the  mind  is  signified,  by CANTICI;E a  psalm  the  operation  of  the  body.  He  goes  on to  give  as  a  reason  why  the  book  of  Psalms  is  so called  rather  than  the  book  of  Canticles,  that  a canticle  may  be  without  a  psalm,  but  not  a  psalm without  a  canticle.  Jerome  distinguishes  to the  eflect  that  psalms  properly  belong  to  the region  of  ethics,  so  that  we  know  through  the bodily  organs  what  to  do  or  avoid — while  can- ticles deal  with  higher  matters,  the  harmony  of the  universe,  and  the  order  and  concord  of  crea- tion. Hymns  are  distinguished  from  both,  as being  directly  occupied  with  the  praises  of  God. Others  distinguish  ditferently,  while  Chrysostom and  Basil  define  to  much  the  same  effect.  So also  Thomasius.  Bona  distinguishes  between four  sorts  of  sacred  song:  (1)  Canticle  (Can- ticum)  which  is  sung  by  the  voice  alone  ;  (2) Psalm  (Psalmus),  which  is  sung  by  the  voice, accompanied  by  a  musical  instrument ;  (3)  Can- ticle of  a  psalm  (Canticum  Psalmi),  when  there is  an  instrumental  prelude  to  the  voice  ;  (4) Psalm  of  a  canticle  (Psalmus  Cantici),  when  the voice  begins  and  the  organ  or  other  instrumental accompaniment  follows.  But  this  seems  to  be over  refining,  and  hence  some  have  considered the  three  words  [Psalm,  Canticle,  Hymn]  as virtually  synonyms,  on  the  ground  that  it  is easy  to  show  that  sacred  songs  were  called  by these  three  names,  but  not  so  easy  to  show  that these  names  represent  different  kinds  of  song, since  they  are  used  pi-omiscuously  in  the  titles of  the  psalms.  Hence  it  has  been  thought by  some  that  St.  Paul  in  the  passages  referred to  is  simply  recommending  the  use  of  the  psalter. On  the  whole  we  may  be  satisfied  with  St. Augustine's  conclusion,  who  after  discussing  the point  at  some  length,  says  he  will  leave  the question  to  those  who  are  able,  and  have  the leisure  to  make  the  distinction,  and  to  define  it accurately.  The  broad  distinction,  to  which  the derivation  of  the  Greek  words  would  lead,  seems to  be  that  a  psalm  was  sung  to  instrumental accompaniment,  a  canticle  with  the  voice  alone  ; while  a  hymn  is  a  direct  praise  of,  or  thanks- giving to  God. In  ecclesiastical  use  the  word  canticle  is applied  to  those  poetical  extracts  from  Holy Scripture,  which  are  incorporated  among  the psalms  in  the  divine  office.  For  the  most  part they  are  said  at  Lauds.  In  the  Gregorian  and its  derived  rites,  a  canticle  is  said  every  day among  the  psalms  at  Lauds,  immediately  before the  three  final  psalms;  and  St.  Benedict  in  his rule  directs  that  on  each  day  at  Lauds  a  canticle from  the  Prophets  shall  be  sung,  "  sicut  psallit Ecclesia  Komana."  These  canticles,  still  retained in  the  Roman  and  cognate  breviaries,  are  :  seven from  the  Old  Testament,  said  in  the  following order — At  Lauds : — On  Sundays  and  Festivals.  "  Benedicite." On  Mondays,  The  Song  of  Isaiab  (is.  xii.). On  Tuesday.TheSongof  Hezekiah  (Is.  xxxviii.  10-20) On  Wednesday,  The  Song  of  Hannah  (1  Sam.  ii.  1-10). On  Thursday,  The  Song  of  Moses  (Ex.  xw.  1-19). On  Friday,  The  Song  of  Habakkuk  (Hab.  iii.  2-19). On  Saturday,  The  Song  of  Moses  peut.  xxxii.  1-43). And  also  three  from  the  New  Testament: — Benedictus,       said  daily  at  Lauds. Magnificat  „ A'unc  dimitli Vespers. Compline. CANTICUM  EVANGELICUM These  canticles  are  said  with  an  antiphon,  in the  same  manner  as  the  psalms. Other  Western  breviaries  use  a  greater  variety of  canticles:  thus  the  Benedictine  and  other monastic  breviaries  of  the  same  type,  have  three canticles  instead  of  psalms,  in  the  third  nocturn on  Sundays  and  festivals. In  the  Office  of  the  Greek  Church,  the  follow- ing nine  canticles,  called  odes  {d'Sdi),  are  ap- pointed at  Lauds : — (1)  The  Song  of  Moses  in  Exorlus  (Ex.  xv.  1-19). (2)  The  Song  of  Moses  in  Dent.  (Deut.  x.xxii.  1-43). (3)  The  Prayer  of  Hannah  (1  Sam.  ii.  1-10). (4)  The  Prayer  of  Habakkuk  (Hab.  iii.  2-19). (5)  The  Prayer  of  Isaiah  (Is.  xxvi.  9-20). (6)  The  Prayer  of  Jonah  (Jon.  ii.  2-9). (7)  The  Prayerf  of  the  three  Holy  Children  (Dan.  iii. 3-34).    [In  Apocry.] (8)  The  Song't  of  the  Three  Holy  Children.     [Bkkk- BICITE.] (9)  Miignificat  and  Benedictus. These  are  assigned : — (1)  to  Sunday  and  Mon- day ;  (2)  to  Tuesday ;  (3)  to  Wednesday ;  (4)  to Thursday ;  (5)  to  Friday ;  (6)  and  (7)  to  Satur- day ;  (8)  and  (9)  are  said  at  a  difl'erent  time. Benedictus  and  Benedicite  were  in  early  times sung  in  some  masses :  the  former  before  the prophecy  in  some  early  Gallican  masses ;  the latter  is  prescribed  in  the  4th  Council  of  Toledo to  be  sung  before  the  epistle  on  Sundays  and festivals  of  martyrs. "  Te  Deum  "  is  the  only  composition  not  taken from  Holy  Scripture,  which  is  usually  considered a  canticle.  Some  ritualists,  however,  think  it should  be  reckoned  among  hymns. For  a  fuller  collection  of  canticles  see  the Mozarabic  breviary,  and  Thomasius,  vol.  ii. [H.  J.  H.] CANTICUM  EVANGELICUIVI.  "  Bene- dictus "  was  sometimes  so  called,  probably  to distinguish  it  from  the  other  canticle  said  at Lauds,  which  is  taken  from  the  Old  Testament. The  expression  occurs  in  a  MS.  Pontifical  of  the Church  of  Poitiers  of  about  800  A.D.,  and  else- where. [H.  J.  H.] CANTICUM  GEADUUM.  The  Gradual Psalms  were  sometimes  so-called.  They  were recited  in  the  following  order :  the  first  five with  Eequiem  aelemam,  ^c,  and  followed  by  a few  versicles,  were  said  "  pro  defunctis."  The next  ten  each  with  "Gloria;"  five  "pro  cou- gregatione,"  and  five  "  pro  familiaribus  ; "  each group  being  followed  by  a  few  versicles  and  a collect.  [H.  J.  H.] CANTOR.  (^Psalmista,  \pd\T7)s,  ^aXrcfiSds, c^5ds.) Among  the  clerici  of  the  ancient  Church  are to  be  reckoned,  as  a  distinct  order,  the  Cantores or  Psalmistae,  whose  institution  dates,  it  would seem,  from  the  4th  century.  They  are  mentioned in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  so  called  (ii.  25, §  12  ;  iii.  11 ;  viii.  10,  §  2,  etc.)  and  iu  the  Apo- stolical Canons  (cc.  26,  43,  69).  In  the  fifteenth canon  of  the  council  of  Laodicaea,  A.D.  365,  they are  called  KavoviKol  ypaXrat,  i.e.  singers  enrolled in  the  canon  or  catalogue  of  clergy,  to  whom  the office  of  singing  in  the  church  was  then  restricted. The  reason  of  their  appointment  seems  to  have been  to  regulate  and  encourage  the  ancient  psal- mody of  the  Church.     There  can  be  no  question t  So  dislinguislied  in  the  titles. CAPITULARY 285 but  that  from  the  apostolical  age,  singing  formed a  part  of  the  public  worship,  the  whole  congre- gation joining,  as  in  the  prayers  ;  but  when  it was  found  by  experience  that  the  negligence  and unskilfulness  of  the  general  body  of  the  people rendered  them  unfit  to  perform  this  service  with- out instruction  and  guidance,  it  was  resolved  to set  apart  a  peculiar  order  of  men  for  the  singers' office,  not  with  a  view  to  abolish  the  ancient psalmody,  but  to  retrieve  and  improve  it.  That the  restriction  imposed  by  the  council  of  Laodi- caea must  be  regarded  as  a  temporary  provision, designed  only  to  revive  and  develop  the  ancient psalmody,  then  falling  into  decay,  appears  from the  f<}cts  collected  by  S.  Augustine,  Chrysostom, Basil,  and  others,  that  in  their  own  age  the custom  of  congregational  singing  was  again generally  observed  in  the  churches. As  to  the  form  of  ordination  by  which  the cantores  were  set  apart  for  their  office,  this  was done,  as  in  the  case  of  the  other  inferior  orders, without  imposition  of  hands  ;  but  in  one  thing it  differed  from  the  others,  that  whereas  the latter  were  usually  conferred  by  the  bishop  or  a chorepiscopus,  this  order  might  be  conferred  by a  presbyter,  using  the  form  of  words  following, as  given  in  the  4th  council  of  Carthage,  c.  10; "  See  that  thou  believe  in  thy  heart  what  thou singest  with  thy  mouth,  and  approve  in  thy works  what  thou  believest  in  thy  heart."  [Com- pare Confessor,  §  4.]  Bingham,  iii.  7;  Martene de  Ant.  Eccl.  Ritibus  I.  c.  vui.  art.  8,  §  4.  [D.  B.] CANTUARIENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Can- terbury.] CAPA  OR  CAPPA.    [Cope.] CAPITOLINI.  A  name  of  reproach  applied by  the  Novatians  to  the  Catholics,  because  the latter  charitably  resolved,  in  their  synods,  to receive  into  communion  again,  upon  their  sincere repentance,  such  as  had  offered  sacrifice  in  the Capitol  (Bingham,  b.  i.  c.  3).  [D.  B.] CAPITULA.  The  name  of  a  prayer  in  the Mozarabic  breviary  immediately  preceding  the Lord's  Prayer,  which  in  this  rite  occurs  near the  end  of  the  office.  It  changes  with  the  day and  office,  and  also  varies  much  in  length,  but has  no  special  characteristics  to  distinguish  it from  other  Mozarabic  prayers.  The  corre- sponding prayer  in  the  Mass,  not  however  called by  this  name,  is  directed  to  be  said  "  ad  ora- tionem  dominicam."  Baronius,  referring  to  an epistle  of  Pope  Vigilius,  observes  that  formerly the  word  Capitulum  was  used  of  "  preces  quae- dam  prolixiores  in  honorom  Sanctorum  veL Solennitatum."  [H.  J.  H.] CAPITULARE.    [Axtipiionarium,  p.  100.] CAPITUI;ARY.  The  term  "Capitulary" means  a  set  or  collection  of  capitula  or  little chapters.  It  is  applied  to  the  laws  and  ordi- nances of  the  early  Frankish  sovereigns,  because the  laws  enacted  at  one  time  and  place  were usually  collected  and  published  in  a  continuous series.  The  collective  series  was  called  a  "  Capi- tulary;" the  several  laws  which  were  the  mem- bers of  the  series  were  called  "  Capitula."  The term  has  not  in  itself  any  ecclesiastical  meaning, being  also  applicable  to  temporal  laws.  But,  as a  fact,  the  majority  (though  by  no  means  the whole)  of  the  Frankish  Capitula  were  of  an ecclesiastical  character. 286 CAPITULARY The  edition  of  Baluze*  begins  with  Childe- bei-t's  Constitution  for  the  Abolition  of  Idolatry, 554  A.D.  This  is  followed  by  various  other capitula  of  the  first  race  of  kings,  viz.  of  Lo- thaire  I.  and  II.,  Dagobert,  and  Sigebert.  Crime, slavery,  marriage,  contracts,  pledges,  judicial and  ecclesiastical  regulations,  all  find  place among  these  laws,  which  furnish  some  interest- ing evidence  of  the  religious,  political,  and  social condition  of  France.  They  show  strong  traces of  clerical  influence,  in  the  care  which  they  take of  ecclesiastical  interests.  The  Merovingian princes  were  rude  and  unlearned,  and  were  glad to  make  use  of  the  abilities  and  learning  of  the priesthood :  they  were  also  dissolute,  and  perhaps glad  to  compound  for  their  excesses  by  gratify- ing the  priesthood  ;  and  both  these  causes conspired  to  throw  wealth  and  power  into  epi- scopal hands.  Nor  was  this  state  of  things wholly  without  its  advantages.  The  influence of  the  clergy  mitigated  the  ferocity  of  the nobles,  and  it  has  been  suggested  that  the humane  tone  of  portions  of  the  Merovingian laws  is  probably  due  to  the  part  which  they took  in  the  formation  of  them. It  may  be  briefly  mentioned  that  the  follow- ing subjects  appear  repeatedly  and  with  pro- minence : The  right  of  sanctuary  in  churches.  The crime  of  doing  violence  to  churches  or  monastic houses.  The  crime  of  violence  to  the  persons  or property  of  the  clergy  or  monks.''  The  right freely  conferred  on  all  men,  without  restraint, of  making  gifts  of  land  or  other  propei-ty  to  the Church.  The  duty  of  a  strict  observance  of  the Lord's  day."^ It  is  impossible,  however,  here  to  discuss  these laws  in  detail.  Indeed,  in  the  judgment  of Guizot,  they  hardly  deserve  it.  Civilisation during  the  Merovingian  dynasty  persistently declined,  and  in  the  Church  the  bishops  came  by degrees  to  constitute  an  irresponsible  and  ill- organized  aristocracy, — the  power  of  the  Metro- politans and  of  the  State  having  gradually declined. We  come  next  to  a  few  Capitularies  in  the nominal  reign  of  Childe'ric  III.,  but  in  reality the  work  of  Carloman  and  Pepin,  and  then  to  the Capitularies  of  Pepin  le  Bref  as  sovereign  of  the Franks  in  the  year  752. Of  these  latter  Baluze  gives  five  or  six,  but Hallam  notices  that  only  one  is  expressly  said  to be  made  "in  generali  populi  conventu."      The »  Guizot  speaks  of  this  as,  when  he  wrote,  the  best edition,  but  still  only  to  be  regarded  as  the  materials  for  a really  correct  and  satisfactory  edition  of  the  Capitularies. Since  that  time  the  voluminous  and  elaborate  work  of Pertz  has  appeared,  in  which  the  Capitularies  have  been re-edited  from  MS.  authority,  and  several  unpublished  by Baluze  added  to  the  number.  This  is  therefore  probably now  the  standard  edition ;  but  the  references  in  this  article have  been  kept  to  the  work  of  Baluze,  because  it  is  more portable,  and  probably  more  accessible,  and  because CJuizot's  relerences  are  always  made  to  it. '■  "  In  all  temporal  affairs  the  Theodosian  Code  was  the universal  law  of  the  clergy.  But  the  barbaric  jurispru- dence had  liberally  provided  for  their  personal  safety :  a subdeacon  was  equivalent  to  two  Franks;  the  antrustion and  priest  were  held  in  similar  estimation  ;  and  the  life  of a  bishop  was  appreciated  far  above  the  common  standard, at  the  price  of  900  pieces  of  gold"  (Gibbon,  vol.  vi.  chap. .\xxviii.). =  This  subject  recurs  continually  in  the  Capituluri.'s. CAPITULARY rest  appear  to  be  due  to  synods ;  but  it  would, perhaps,  be  rash  to  conclude  positively  that  they may  not,  in  some  cases,  have  had  some  kind  of subsequent  assent  from  the  lay  Counts. •* It  is,  perhaps,  hardly  quite  coi-rect  to  say  that the  Capitularies  of  Pepin  "relate  without  ex- ception to  ecclesiastical  affairs"  (Hallam,  Mid. Ages,  vol.  i.  chap.  ii.  part  2).  Not  only  are  they concerned  with  questions  of  marriage  and  kin- dred matters,  which  perhaps  are  quasi-eccle- siastical, but  one  or  two  deal  with  tolls,  with the  regulation  of  money,  with  parricide,  and with  the  administration  of  justice  as  well secular  as  spiritual.  The  general  complexion, however,  is  ecclesiastical.  Amongst  other  things, two  synods  are  to  be  held  annually,  and  detailed regulations  are  made  as  to  the  rights  of  bishops, abbots,  monks,  and  clergy. The  continuance  in  the  laws  of  Pepin,  and,  as we  shall  see,  in  those  of  Charlemagne,  of  the same  strong  ecclesiastical  type  which  is  found  in those  of  the  Merovingians,  is  perhaps  due, amongst  other  causes,  to  the  desire  to  attract the  Church  to  the  side  of  the  new  dynasty.  "  In order  to  encounter  and  subvert  the  reverence which  was  still  yielded  to  a  merely  titular monarch,  the  supposed  descendant  of  the  gods, it  was  necessary  to  enlist  on  their  own  side religious  feelings  of  a  far  deeper  nature,  and  of a  much  more  solemn  significance."  (Sir  J.  Ste- phen, Lect.  on  Hist,  of  France,  vol.  i.  p.  84.) From  the  time  of  Pepin,  however,  the  Sove- reign Power  set  itself  not  only  to  advance  the interests  of  the  Church,  but  to  correct  its  dis- orders. The  strengthening  of  the  Metropolitan authority  and  that  of  the  Crown  were  among the  means  used  for  reorganizing  the  system. We  turn  next  to  the  important  and  copious legislation  of  Charlemagne. The  public  Capitularies  of  Charlemagne  are reckoned  by  Guizot  at  sixty  in  number.  Five other  documents  of  a  more  private  character may  also  claim,  in  the  opinion  of  that  writer,  a right  to  the  name."  Nearly  all  these  Capitu- laries contain  a  large  number  of  Capitula,  or distinct  articles  in  each  of  them.  These  amount in  all  to  1150,  and  are  upon  very  various  sub- jects, even  when  included  in  the  same  Capitu- lary.   Guizot  classifies — 80  under  Moral  Legislation, 273      „      Political       „ 130      „      Penal 110      „      Civil 85      „      Religious      „ 309      „      Canonical     „ 73       „       Domestic      „ 12      „      Occasional    „ Under  the  first  head  he  places  such  articles  as: "  Turpe  lucrum  exercent  qui  per  varias  cir- d  Comp.  the  2nd  Capit.  of  Carloman,  a.d.  743,  which begins  . — "  Modo  autem  in  hoc  synodal!  conventu,  qui congregatus  est  ad  Kalendas  Martias  in  loco  qui  dicitur Liptenas,  omnes  venerabiles  sacerdotes  Dei  et  comites  et praefecti  prioris  synod!  decreta  consentienter  firmaverunt, seque  ea  implere  velle  et  observare  promiserunt "  (Baluze, i.  149). e  Balnze's  collection  contains  many  errors,  but  this  is due  to  the  loose  use  of  the  word  "  capitulary."  Pertz  of course  gives  more  still ;  and  some  of  these  last  might  pro- bably be  fairly  considered  as  of  a  public  character,  ami added  to  the  computation  of  Guizot. CAPITULARY cumventiones  lucrandi  causa  inhoneste  res  quas- libet  congregare  decertant "  (Baluze  i.  454). This  is  the  16th  capitulum  of  a  Capitulary  made A.D.  806.  It  is  rather  a  maxim  of  ethics  than an  edict  or  law. Religious  legislation  in  the  above  classification is  such  as  relates  not  to  ecclesiastics  alone,  but to  all  the  faithful.  In  some  points  this  resembles the  moral  in  its  tone.     Thus  we  find  : "  Ut  nullus  credat  quod  nonnisi  in  tribus Unguis  (probably  Latin,  Greek,  and  German) Deus  orandus  sit:  quia  in  omni  lingua  Deus adoratur,  et  homo  exauditur,  si  juste  petierit " (Baluze  i.  270).  This  is  No.  60  of  a  set  put forth  A.D.  794. Canonical  legislation  is  the  term  for  what concerns  the  relations  of  the  clergy  among themselves.  The  tendency  of  this  class  of Capitula  is  to  uphold  the  power  of  the  bishops. Even  the  monastic  bodies  are  to  be  in  subordi- nation to  them.f  In  fact,  Charlemagne  appears to  have  considered  that  by  reducing  all  the clergy  under  the  episcopate,  and  then  exercising a  personal  influence  over  the  bishops  himself, he  was  providing  the  best  remedy  for  the  con- dition of  the  Church,  which  was  one  of  much disorganisation.  He  aimed  at  a  stronger  and more  pervading  discipline,  not  by  reducing  the episcopal  powers,  but  by  taking  care  that  their vast  powers  were  well  exercised. With  the  other  heads  of  the  classification  we have  not  here  to  do,  except  in  so  far  as  under the  title  of  "  Political  Legislation "  some  regu- lations are  found  as  to  the  relation  of  the  secular and  ecclesiastical  powers.  These  tend  to  show that  Charlemagne,  while  giving  gi-eat  power  to the  bishops,  consulting  with  them  on  church matters,  and  using  their  learning  and  intelli- gence for  the  general  purposes  of  his  govern- ment, was  careful  not  to  become  their  tool,  nor to  subject  his  own  authority  to  theirs.  "The laws  which  fix  the  obligations,  the  revenues, even  the  duties  of  the  clergy,  are  issued  in  the name  of  the  emperor;  they  are  monarchical  and .mperial,  not  papal  or  synodical  canons "  (Mil- man.  Lat.  Christ,  book  v.  chap.  1).  In  return for  his  having  confirmed  the  system  of  tithes  by a  law  of  the  empire,  Charlemagne  "  assumed  the power  of  legislating  for  the  clergy  with  as  full despotism  as  for  the  laity,"  though  "in  both cases  there  was  the  constitutional  control  of  the concurrence  of  the  nobles  and  of  the  higher ecclesiastics,  strong  against  a  feeble  monarch, feeble  against  a  sovereign  of  Charlemagne's  over- ruling character.  His  institutes  are  in  the language  of  command  to  both  branches  of  that great  ecclesiastical  militia,  which  he  treated  as his  vassals,  the  secular  and  the  monastic  clergy." —Ibid. In  any  inquiry,  however,  on  the  subject  of Capitularies,  it  is  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  the extremely  loose  use  of  the  word  which  prevails in  Baluze  and  other  editors.  Guizot  has  pointed out  that  they  apply  this  title  equally  to  no  less than  twelve  distinct  kinds  of  documents.  "  We find  in  their  collections  of  so-called  Capitularies" ■ — he  says  — "  1.  Ancient  laws  revived.  (^Bal.  i.  281.) f  See  4th  Capitulare,  a.d.  806,  cap.  ii.  (Bal.  i.  450),  and 1st  Capitulare,  a.d.  802,  cap.  xv.  (Hal.  i.  366).  Pepin  had laid  down  the  same  principle  (Bal.  i.  169). CAPITULARY 287 "  2.  Extracts  from  ancient  laws  put  together for  some  special  purpose.  {Ihid.  i.  395.) "  3.  Additions  to  ancient  laws  (amounting probably  to  new  laws.  (^Ibid.  i.  387.) "4.  Extracts  from  previous  Canons.  (Ibid. i.  209.) "  5.  New  laws  properly  so  called. "  6.  Instructions  given  by  Charlemagne  to  his Missi,  to  guide  them  in  their  duties. {Ibid.  i.  243.) "  7.  Answers  given  by  Charlemagne  to  ques- tions from  counts,  bishops,  &c.,  as  to practical  difficulties  in  their  administra- tion. {Ibid.  i.  401.) "  8.  Questions  drawn  up  in  order  to  be  pro- posed for  discussion  to  the  bishops  or counts  at  the  next  assembly,  e.  g.,  '  To ascertain  on  what  occasions  and  in  what places  the  ecclesiastics  and  the  laity  seek, in  the  manner  stated,  to  impede  each other  in  the  exercise  of  their  respective functions.  To  inquire  and  discuss  up  to what  point  a  bishop  or  an  abbot  is  justi- fied in  interfering  in  secular  affairs,  and a  count  or  other  layman  with  ecclesias- tical affairs.  To  interrogate  them  closely on  the  meaning  of  those  words  of  the Apostle  :  "  No  man  that  warreth  for  the law  eutangleth  himself  with  the  affairs of  this  life."  Inquire  to  whom  these words  apply.'  {Ibid.  i.  477.) "  9.  Sometimes  the  so-called  Capitula  seem  to be  little  more  than  memoranda.  {Ibid.  i. 395.)  (Perhaps,  however,  this  class  is identical  in  reality  with  Class  6.) "  10.  Judicial  decrees.  {Ibid.  i.  398.) "  11.  Kegulations  for  the  management  of  the royal  lands  and  possessions.  {Ibid.  i.  331.) "12.  Matters  of  an  executive  and  adminis- trative rather  than  legislative  nature. {Ibid.  i.  26,  in  Art.  1,  6,  7,  8,  53,  54.)" It  is  obvious  that  a  very  different  kind  of sanction  might  be  required  for  some  of  them from  thair  which  would  be  needed  for  others. No  general  rule  can  therefore  be  laid  down applicable  to  all.  Nor  even  in  respect  to  those which  are  in  the  strictest  sense  legislative  is  it easy  to  discern  an  uniform  constitutional  pro- cedure. As  regards  ecclesiastical  matters,  it  may  pro- bably be  considered  that  the  prelates  were always  consulted,  though  in  most  cases  the initiative,  and  in  all  cases  the  final,  authori- zation came  from  the  Sovereign.  Thus  a  Capi- tulary A.D.  813  of  Canonical  Rules  is  entitled — "  Capitula  de  confirmatione  constitutionum quas  episcopi  in  synodis  auctoritate  regid  nuper habitis  constituerant." If  it  could  be  safely  assumed  that  all  legis- lative Capitularia,  on  whatever  subject,  had  the collective  assent  of  one  of  the  General  Assemblies held  in  every  year,  it  would  follow  that  eccle- siastical laws  had  the  assent  of  the  laity .e     For e  See  Baluze,  Preface.  {}  7-9.  He  suggests  that  some of  the  apparent  exceptions  consist  of  capitula  whicb  are mere  extracts  from  ancient  Church  Councils,  and  which therefore  the  royal  authority  may  have  been  deemed  com- petent to  promulgate.    In  some  other  instances,  he  thinks 288  CAPITULARY in  tliRse  assemblies,  counts  and  great  men,  as well  as  prelates,  were  present.  Hincmar,  in  an important  document  at  the  close  of  the  ninth century  (Guizot,  Led.  20),  gives  some  account of  these  assemblies,  and  says  that  it  was  in  the option  of  the  lay  and  ecclesiastical  lords  to  sit together  or  separately,  according  to  the  affairs of  which  they  had  to  treat — ecclesiastical, secular,  or  both.  From  this  it  might  at  first appear  that  canonical  matters  were  considered by  the  clergy  alone,  but  perhaps  this  may  be rather  understood  of  the  previous  discussion and  preparation  of  the  law.  If  so,  it  is  con- sistent with  its  being  finally  submitted  for  the consent  and  approbation  of  the  whole  assembly. The  further  question,  as  to  which  much  con- troversy has  taken  place,  whether  the  lesser freeholders  had  a  share  in  legislation,  and  if  so, whether  their  voice  was  given  in  the  assembly, or  when  the  Capitularies  passed  by  the  assembly were  subsequently  proclaimed  locally  in  the diflerent  districts,  is  a  matter  rather  of  political inquiry,  and  hardly  belongs  to  the  subject  of  the present  work.  It  is  discussed  by  Hallam  {Middle Ages,  chap.  ii.  part  II.),  where  references  will  be found  to  other  authorities. Upon  the  whole,  it  must  always  be  borne  in mind  that  in  that  early  state  of  society — a  state in  which  the  master-mind  of  Charlemagne  was reducing  to  something  like  order  very  chaotic elements — we  must  not  expect  to  find  any pedantic  exactness  of  constitutional  law.  The will  of  the  Sovereign  was  the  motive  power  of the  whole  system,  but  before  exercising  it  he availed  himself  of  the  advice  of  the  counsellors who  were  most  likely  to  be  of  service :  so  far  all is  clear.  The  extent  to  which  he  submitted every  legislative  regulation  to  the  whole  body  of the  assembl}',  held,  with  certain  modifications, twice  in  the  year,  is  a  matter  on  which  it  is more  difficult  to  speak  positively.  Perhaps  the practice  even  as  to  legislative  regulations  was not  uniform,  while  certainly  the  boundary between  legislative  and  executive  regulations was  very  ill-defined. On  the  reception  accorded  to  the  Capitularies  by the  Church,  and  the  quasi-canonical  authority  at- capitularies  may  in  the  first  instance  have  been  put  forth by  the  sole  authority'of  the  sovereign,  but  subsequently submitted  to  the  general  assemblies  for  their  recognition and  consent,  where  such  a  step  seemed  to  be  expedient. Butler  says,  "  They  (the  Capitularies)  were  generally  pro- mulgated in  public  assemblies  composed  of  the  sovereign and  the  chief  men  of  the  nation,  as  well  ecclesiastics  as secular"  (Horae  Juridicae,  p.  129,  edit.  1807). In  one  case,  in  the  reign  of  Childeric  III.,  in  a  capitulary due  to  Pepin,  we  read  that  synods  are  to  be  held  annually, "  ut  haeresis  amplius  in  populo  non  resurgat,  sicut  Inve- nimus  in  Adalberto  haeresina,  quem  publiciter  una  voce condemnaverunt  xxiii.  episcopi  et  alii  multi  sacerdotes cum  consensu  Principis  et  populi,"  &c.  (Bal.  i.  157).  Here the  laity  seem  to  have  had  a  consentient  voice  even  in  so purely  spiritual  a  matter  as  heresy. Hallam  notices  the  more  frequent  mention  of  "  general consent"  in  the  capitularies  of  Charlemagne,  as  compared with  those  of  his  predecessors  (Middle  Ayes,  vol.  i.  p.  215, 216,  ed.  18.'>5).  On  the  other  hand,  the  authorof  the  article "Capltulancae"  in  Herzog  thinks  that  Hincmar's  words pouit  to  a  separation  made  by  Charlemagne  between  the clergy  and  laity,  so  that  the  former  obtained  a  right  to make  -leges  ecclesiasticao,"  as  distinyuishcd  from  capi- tulaiies  (for  which  latter  general  assent  was  still  needful) : but  subject  to  a  veto  on  the  part  of  the  soverei-n CAPITULUM tributed  to  them,  much  information  will  be  found in  the  Preface  of  Baluze,  §  18  et  seq.  See  also the  letter  of  Leo  IV.  in  Gratian,  Bist.  10,  c.  9. Capitularies  subsequent  to  the  reign  of  Char- lemagne do  not  tall  within  our  limits.  The latest  are  those  of  Carloman  in  882,  after  which there  is  a  long  blank  in  French  legislation. It  does  not  seem  that  a  formal  collection  of  the Capitulai-ies  was  made  till  they  were  edited  in four  books  by  Angesise,  Abbot  of  Fontenella, who  died  in  833.  These  four  books  contain  the laws  of  Charlemagne,  and  a  portion  of  those  of Louis  le  Delsonnaire.  Charles  the  Bald  cites this  work  as  a  code  of  authority.  Subsequently Benedict,  a  deacon  of  Mayence,  about  the  year 842,  added  three  more  books.  These,  however, contain  fragments  of  Roman  and  canon  law, besides  the  Capitularies  of  the  Carlovingian kings.  Four  supplements  again  have  been  added by  anonymous  compilers. Authorities. — Capitularia  Begum  Francorum. Additae  sunt  Marculfi  monachi  et  aliorum  for- mulae veteres  et  notne  doctissimorum  virorum. Stephanus  Baluzius  Tutelemis  in  unum  collegit, ad  vdustissimos  codices  manuscriptos  imendavit, magnam  partem  nunc  primnm  edidit,  notis  illus- travit.  Parisiis,  1677  (2  vols.).  Guizot' s  Lectures on  the  History  of  Civilization  in  France,  trans- lated by  Hazlitt.  Bogue,  1846.  Hallam's Middle  Ages.  Herzog's  Eeal-Encyclopiidie,  Art. "  Capitularien."  Pertz,  Monumenta  Germaniae Historica,  tom.  i.  Legum.  Hanover,  1835.  [B.  S.] CAPITULUM,  CAPITULAEE,  =  Kec^ci- Xaiov. — (1)  Properly,  a  summary  or  heading, under  which  many  particulars  are  arranged  ; "  brevis  multorum  complexio  "  (^Papias  ap.  Du Cange).  Hence  (2),  in  the  plural,  codes  of  law, ecclesiastical  or  civil,  digested  under  chapters  or capitula  (so  used  in  Cod.  Theodos.).  And  inas- much as  these  mostly  applied  to  special  emergent cases  not  adequately  met  by  existing  general laws,  Capitula  came  to  mean  Additamenta  et Appendices  legum.  So  the  Capitula  or  Capitularia of  Charlemagne  and  his  successors,  mostly  passed in  mixed  assemblies  of  clergy  and  laity.  (3)  The word  came  also  to  mean  the  (usually  short) "  chapter  "  itself,  of  which  it  was  properly  the heading.  As,  e.g.  the  capitula  or  short  lessons (e.  g.  from  the  Psalms)  for  particular  days,  men- tioned in  the  Council  of  Agde,  A.D.  .506,  can.  21, and  by  Pope  Vigilius,  A.D.  538  X  555,  Epist.  2 ; called  also  Capitella  in  the  same  Council  of  Agde, can.  30.  And  Capitulare  Evangeliorum  in  circulo Anni  was  a  list  of  the  beginnings  and  endings  of the  Gospels  for  the  Church  year.  So  also,  again (besides  our  modern  use  of  the  word  "  chapter  "), the  Capitula  of  a  Monastic  Rule.  (4)  And  from this  last-mentioned  usage,  coupled  with  the  prac- tice of  reading  a  capitulum  or  chapter  of  the  Rule, or  (as  was  St.  Augustine's  practice)  of  the  Scrip- tures, to  the  assembled  canons  or  monks,  the assembled  canons  or  monks  themselves  came  to be  called,  in  a  body,  the  capitulum  or  chapter [Chapter],  and  their  meeting-place  the  chapter- house. And  in  process  of  time  the  term  in  this sense  became  limited  to  the  cathedral  chapter  : "  Capitulum  dicitur  respectu  ecclesiae  cathe- dral is  ;  conventus  respectu  ecclesiae  regular  is ; collegium  respectu  ecclesiae  inferioris  ubi  est collectio  viventium  in  communi "  (Lyndwood). Congregatio  was  the  earlier  term.         [A.  W.  H.] CAPRASIUS Chrodegang,  bishop  of  Metz  (t  766),  in  his I^ule  (c.  18)  desires  the  canons  of  his  order  to assemble  after  prime,  to  hear  a  reading  of  a martyrology  or  some  similar  work  ;  on  Sun- days, Wednesdays,  and  Fridays,  and  on  saints' days,  treatises  or  homilies  of  an  edifying  kind were  to  precede  this  reading ;  on  other  days,  the Rule  itself,  or  a  portion  of  it.  Similar  directions are  frequent  in  later  statutes.  This  assembly was  called  capitulum.  (Martene,  De  Antiq.  EccL Ritibus,  lib.  iv.  c.  vii.  §  4.)  See  also  the  Life  of Benedict  of  Aniane  by  Ardo,  c.  52  (in  Acta  SS. Bened.  saec.  iv.  pt.  1).  In  the  Life  of  Germar, abbot  of  Flaviacum  (f  658  ?),  the  third  hour  is mentioned  as  the  time  for  holding  capitulum (c.  15,  in  Acta  SS.  Ben.  saec.  ii.);  so  in  Adre- valdus,  De  Mirac.  S.  Bened.  (c.  28,  ih.).  Dunstan {Concordia,  cc.  1  and  5)  desires  capitulum  to  be held  after  prime  in  summer,  after  terce  in  winter. This  seems  to  be  in  accordance  with  the  intentions of  St.  Benedict :  for  one  object  of  the  capitulum was  the  distribution  of  the  day's  labour  among the  brethren ;  and  according  to  his  Rule,  c.  48, labour  was  to  begin  after  prime  in  summer, after  terce  in  winter. The  place  of  holding  the  capitulum  seems anciently  (according  to  the  Ordo  Conversat. Monast.  c.  3)  to  have  been  the  cloister ;  but  see ClfAPTER-HOUSE.  [C] (5)  The  "little  Chapter,"  said  at  all  the canonical  hours  excepting  Matins,  after  the psalms.  It  consists  of  one  or  two  verses  of Scripture,  usually  taken  from  the  Epistles, whence  the  corresponding  passage  in  the  Am- brosian  breviary  is  called  Epistolella.  It  is often  taken  from  the  Prophets,  and  occasion- ally from  other  parts  of  Scripture.  It  is  recited by  the  officiating  priest,  standing,  and  is  not preceded  by  a  Benediction.  At  the  end  "Deo Gratias  "  is  said.     See  (3)  above. (6)  An  anthem  in  the  Ambi-osian  rite  said  at Lauds  after  the  psalms  and  before  the  antiphon, and  varying  with  the  day.  That  for  ordinary Sundays  is  "  Cantate  Domino  canticum  novum  : laudatio  ejus  in  ecclesid  sanctorum."  It  is  also- said  at  the  lesser  hours,  and  at  Compline  fol- lowing the  Responsio  brevis,  after  the  Upi- stolella.  [H.  J.  H.] [Du  Cange ;  Mayer,  Diss,  in  his  Thes.  Nov.  Stat. 4'C.,  Eccles.  Cathedr.  et  Colleg.  in  Geiinanid ; Walcott,  Sacred  Archaeology.'] CAPRASIUS,  martyr  at  Agen,  is  comme- morated Oct.  20  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [C] CAPSA,  also  Capsula,  Capsella.  A  box  or case.  The  name  is  applied  to  several  kinds  of caskets  for  ecclesiastical  use. 1.  The  casket  used  to  contain  the  unconse- crated  elements.  According  to  the  direction  of the  Ordo  Romanus  I.  c.  8,  two  acolytes  bear  in the  procession  before  the  pope,  when  about  to celebrate,"  capsas  cum  Sanctis  apertas."  On  this passage  Binterim  {DenkwUrdigkeiten,  vii.  1,  369) observes  that  by  'sancta'  in  the  neuter  plural we  are  to  understand,  not  the  consecrated  Body of  the  Lord,  but  the  yet  uncousecrated  Elements, which  the  acolytes  bore  before  the  mass,  just  as after  it  they  carried  off  the  remains  of  the oblations  in  '  sacculi.'  This  procession  corre- sponds, in  fact,  to  the  'Greater  Entrance'  of the  Greeks,  in  which  the  elements  are   borne  in CHRIST.  ANT. CAPTATORES 289 solemn  procession  from  the  sacristy  to  the  Holy Table. 2.  Capsa  sometimes  designates  the  vessel    in which  the  reserved  Eucharist  was   borne   from one  place  to  another.     The  seventeenth  canon  of the    council   of  Orange  enjoins,  "cum   capsa  et calix  offerendus  est,    et  admistione  Eucharistiae  j consecrandus "  [Consecration],      The  meaning  ] of  this,  ^h\hi\\on{Comm.Praev.  in  Ord.  Rom.  y>. cxxxix)  considers  to  be  that,  together  with  the           I 'capsa'  containing  the  sacred  vessels    and  per-           I haps  the  Eucharist,  the  chalice   was  also   to  be           \ brought  to  the  altar.     The  word  TuRRis  is  used           | in  a  similar  sense.     Comj^are  Tap.ernacle.                   I 3.  A  repository  or  Shrine  (Fr.  chasse')   for  ] preserving  the  relics  of  saints.     The  legates  of the  Apostolic  See  in  their  letter  to  Hormisdas  I (in  Hormisdae  Epistolae,  p.  475,  Migne)  say  that they  suggested  the  making  of  shrines  (capsailas) for  the  relics  of  each  of  the  apostles  severally in  the  church  of  the  Apostles  at  Constantinople. In   the    description    of  the  altar    built    by    St.  j Benedict   at   Aniane,  we  read  that  an  opening  | was  made  in  the  back  of  it  for  inserting  the  j '  capsae '  which  contained  relics  of  saints  {Acta  \ SS.  Feb.  ii.  614).     Compare  Altar,  p.  64.  '\ 4.  A  casket  to  contain  the  book  of  the  Gospels. Ado  of  Vienne  speaks  {Chronicon,  a.d.  519)  of twenty  "  capsae  evangeliorum  "  of  gold,  richly jewelled  [Liturgical  Books].  [C] CAPSARIUM.  The  room  in  which  the capsae  containing  relics  were  placed.  Perpetuus of  Tours  (circa  a.d.  490),  in  his  will  (D'Achery's  j Spicilegium,  v.  105)  distinguishes  a  reliquary which  he  left  to  a  friend  from  another  gilded '  theca '  which  was  in  his  capsarium,  and  which he  left  to  the  church  (Ducange's  Glossary,  s.  v.). [C] CAPSUM.  The  nave  of  a  church.  Gregory of  Tours  {Hist.  Franc,  ii.  14)  describes  a  certain  i church  as»  having    thirty-two   windows   in   the  j sanctuary,  twenty  in  the  nave  (in  capso).  (Du- cange's Glossary,  s.  v.)  [C] CAPTATORES.     The  leaving  by  testament  ! the  institution  of  an  heir  to  the  secret  will  of  ; another  was  by  thfe  Eoman  law  termed  a  cap-  , tatoria   institutio,  and   forbidden   (see    Dig.  bk.  1 xxviii.  t.  V,  11.  70,  71,  81 ;  Code,  bk.  vii.  t.  xxii.  I 1.  11).      In  a  less  technical  sense,  however,  the  ■ captator  answered  substantially  to  our  legacy- hunter,  and  the  scandal  is  one  which  seems  to have  been  rife  in  the  early  church — as  indeed the  satirists  shew  it  to  have  been  in  the  heathen world  of  the  day.  Perhaps  we  may  see  a  germ of  it  in  what  St.  Paul  says  (ii.  Tim.  iii.  1,  2)  of  ' the  "  covetous  "  who  shall  be  "  in  the  last  days," adding,  "  for  of  this  sort  are  they  which  creep into  houses,  and   lead  captive  silly  women  "  (v.  \ 6),  though  his  description  applies  mainly  to  dis-  I honest  and  selfish  teachers.'    By  the  end  of  the  ] 4th  century,  at  any  rate.  Christian  emperors  had  j to   legislate   against  it.     A  law  of  Vsilentinian,  | Valens,  and  Gratian  (a.d.  370)  in  the  Theodosian  j Code,  enacted  that  clerics  or  professors  of  con- tinence were  not  to  frequent  the  houses  of widows  and  female  wards,  but  should  be  banished by  public  judgment,   if  the    relatives   of  such  ' females  should  deem  fit  to  prosecute  them  ;  nor should  any  such  jiersons  receive  aught  from  tiie woman  with  whom  they  might  become  connected U 290 CAPTATORES under  pretext  of  religion,  by  any  lund  of  libe- rality, or  by  her  last  will;  but  any  bequest   to them  from  such  females  should  be  void,  nor  could they  take  under  any  trust  either  by  donation  or testament.     Should  anything  be  so  given  or  lett to  them  after  the  date   of  the  law,  the  public exchequer  was  to   receive  it.      Another  law_  in the  same  Code  (1.  27),  of  Valentinian,  Theodosms, and  Arcadius  (a.d.   390),   contains  special  pro- visions  as    to    liberalities   by   deaconesses,    who amono-st  other  things  were  forbidden  to  nominate as  their  heirs  any  church,  cleric,  or  poor  man ; this  however  was  partly  revoked  a  few  months later  (1.  28  ib.)  by  the  same  emperors,  so  tar  as allowino-   the    enjoyment  of  certain  articles  ot personal  use  by  clerics  or  servants,  under  the name  of  a  church  (Bingham  does  not  seem  quite to   have   understood    the    bearing   of    this   last enactment).     These  laws,  although  as  will  be seen  thev  did  not  hold  their  ground  in  the  state, are  remarkable  from  the  reference  to  them  m  one of  Jerome's  best  known  letters  (_Ep.  2,  ad  Nepo- tianum)  :  "  Shameful  to  say,  the  priests  of  idols, actors,  charioteers,  harlots  receive  inheritances ; only  to  clerics  and  monks  is  this  forbidden  by law,  and  forbidden,  not  by  persecutors  but  by the  princes.     Nor  do  I    complain    of  this    law, but    lament  that  we  should  have  deserved  it. And  he  proceeds  to   draw  one   of  his  scathing sketches  of  those  who  devote  a  shameful  service to  old  men  and  childless  old  women,  besieging their   bedsides,    performing   for  them   the  most menial   and    repulsive   offices,  in   dread    at    the doctor's  entrance,  asking  with  trembling  lips  it the  patient  be  better,  in  peril  if  he  become  a little  stronger,  feigning  joy  whilst  their  minds are   tortured  by  their  "avarice,  sweating  for  an empty  inheritance.  ^ There  is  a  striking  analogy  between  Jerome  s_ picture  and  one  traced  in  one  of  the  novels  of Leo  and  Majorian,  annexed  to  the  Theodosian  Code (bk.  viii.  N.  vi.  §  11 ;  a.d.  458).     It  professes  to restrain  the  avidity  of  these  captatores,  who  by attendance  by  the  bedside  of  persons  they  scarcely know,    corrupt    by    simulated    affection    minds wearied  with  bodily  illness  and  having  no  longer any  clear  judgment,  so  that  forgetting  the  ties of  blood  and  affinity,  they  may  name  strangers their  heirs.     Medical  men  are  suborned  to  per- suade their  patient  to  wrong,  and  neglecting  the care  of  healing  become  ministers  to  the   cove- tousness  of  others.     And  it  proceeds  to  enact  that persons  who  could  not  claim  in  case  of  intestacy in  any  degree   from   a  testator,  if  they   should receive  anything  by  way  of  bequest  or  trust, should  give  one-third  to  the  treasury,  until  by fear  of  this  the  injustice   of  testators  and  dis- honesty of  captators  should  come  to  an  end.     It will  be  observed  that  this  law,  instead  of  being confined  to  clerics  and  monks  like  the  previous one,  is  of  a  general  character.     Perhaps,  though it  did  not  hold  its  place,  it  has  not  been  without influence  on  the  differential  duties  imposed  by most  modern  states  on  legacies  and  successions, which  are  generally  highest  as  against  strangers to  the  family  of  the  testator  or  predecessor. As  respects  the  clergy,  indeed,  we  find  by  a law  almost  contemporary  with  the  last,  inserted in  Justinian's  code,  that  of  Valentinian  and Marcian,  a.d.  455  (bk.  i.  t.  ii.  1.  13),  that  widows, deaconesses,  virgins  dedicated  to  God,  nuns,  and women   bearing   any    other    name    of    religious CAR honour  or  dignity,  received  full  liberty  to  le%7e by  will  or  otherwise  all  or  any  part  of  their fortune.  In  short,  the  strongest  laws  against clerical  captation  which  Jerome  applauded  seem to  have  been  tacitly  abrogated,  utterly  incon- sistent as  they  were  with  the  growth  of  Romish or  Oriental  priestcraft.  ^  re     c The  term  haeredipetae  seems  only  to  differ  from that  of  captatores,  so  far  as  it  implies  only  the captation  of  inheritances,  not  of  gifts  from  the living.  [J-  M-  L-] CAPTIVES,  REDEMPTION  OF.  The disasters  which  fell  upon  the  Roman  empire  in the  4th  and  5th  centuries  gave  a  special  promi- nence to  this  as  one  of  the  forms  of  Christian love,  and  it  connects  itself  accordingly  with  some of  the  noblest  acts  and  words  of  the  teachers  of the  Church.  Ambrose  was  charged  by  his  Arian opponents  with  sacrilege  for  having  melted  down the  eucharistic  vessels  of  the  church  at  Milan for  this  purpose,  and  defends  himself  against  the charge  on  the  grounds  that  this  was  the  highest and  best  use  to  which  he  could  have  applied  them {De  Offic.  ii.  28).  Augustine  did  the  same  at Hippo  (Possidius,  Vita,  .€.  24).  Acacius,  Bishop of  Amidas,  ransomed  as  many  as  7000,  who  had been  taken  prisoners  by  the  Persian.s  (Socr.  H.  E. vii.  21);  Deogratias,  Bishop  of  Carthage,  the Roman  soldiers  who  had  been  carried  off  by  Gen- seric  after  the  capture  of  Rome  (Victor  Utic.  de persccut.  Vandal,  i.,  Bibl.  Pair.  vii.  p.  591).  It is  worth  noting  that  this  was  not  only  admired in  individual  actions,  but  that  the  truth  that mercy  is  above  sacrifice  was  formally  embodied in  ecclesiastical  legislation.  The  Code  of  Jus- tinian (i.  tit.  2,  de  Sacros.  Eccles.  21),  while  for- bidding the  alienation  of  church  vessels  or  vest- ments for  any  other  purpose,  distinctly  permits them  to  be  pledged  or  even  sold  for  this  or  other like  works  of  mercy  or  necessity.       [E.  H.  P.] CAPUA,  COUNCIL  OF,  a.d.  389,  provin- cial, respecting  the  schism  at  Antioch  between Flavianus  and  Evagrius  ;  also  respecting  the  de- nial by  Bonosus  of  the  perpetual  virginity  of  the B.  V.  Mary ;  passed  also  a  canon  against  rebap- tizino-,  re-ordination,  and  translation  of  bishops, embollied  in  the  African  code  (5'.  Ambros.  Epist 78,  79;  Cod.  Can.  Afric.  48;  Labb.  ii.  1039, 1072).  [^-  '^^^  H-] CAPUT  JEJUNII.    [Lekt.] CAPUTIUM,  a  covering  for  the  head,  worn by  monks,  sometimes  sewn  on  to  the  tunic,  as  a hood  {Reg.  Comm.  S.  Bened.  c.  55).       [I.  G.  S.] CAR,  CART,  CHARIOT,  &c.  Herzog (Real-Encyclopadie  filr  protestantische  Theologie u  Kirche,'iYo.  Gotha,  1861,  s.  v.  "  Sinnbilder,  ) mentions  a  sculpture  in  St.  Callixtus,  which  con- tains a  chariot  without  driver,  with  pole  turned backwards,  and  whips  left  resting  on  it.  This, as  he  says,  appears  evidently  intended  as  a  symbol of  the  accomplished  course  of  a  life.  In  Bottari, tav.  clx.,  two  quadrigae  are  represented  at  the base  of  an  arch  (covered  with  paintings  of  ancient date)  in  the  second  cubiculum  of  the  catacomb of  St.  Priscilla  on  the  Salarian  Way.  The  cha- rioteers carry  palms  and  crowns  in  their  hands, and  the  horses  are  decorated  with  palm-branches or  perhaps  plumes ;  which  connects  the  image  of the  chariot  with  St.  Paul's  imagination  of  the CARACALLA Christian  race  (1  Cor.  Ix.  24;  2  Tim.  iv.  7). (See  Martiguy,  s.  r.  "  Cheval,"  and  article  Horse in  tliis  book.) Gue'neTiault  refers  to  a  sculpture  from  an ancient  Gothic  or  Frank  tomb  at  Langres  (  Univ. Pittoresqua  {France),  pi.  xlv.),  and  to  a  cart  or waggon  on  one  of  the  capitals  in  the  crypts  in St.  Denis  (pi.  Iv.  vol.  ii.  in  A.  Hugo,  France Fittoresque  et  Monumentale).  In  Strutt  ( View of  the  Inhabitants  of  England,  Loud.  1774,  4to. vol.  i.  p.  o,  fig.  6)  there  is  a  chariot  of  the  9th century,  so  presumed.  See  also  D'Agiucourt, Feinture,  pi.  clxiv.  No.  14^  and  pi.  clvii.  In  the catacomb  of  St.  Praetextatus  (see  Ferret,  Cata- coinbes,  vol.  i.  pi.  Ixxii.)  there  is  a  somewhat powerful  and  striking  representation  of  the  Cha- riot of  Death,  who  is  taking  a  departed  woman into  his  car.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] CARACALLA  (in  late  Greek  writers  Kapa- kolKiov).  Originally  a  garment  peculiar  to  Gaul ; it  was  introduced  into  Roman  use  by  the  em- peror M.  Aurelius  Antoninus,  commonly  known in  consequence  as  Caracallus  or  Caracalla.  See Ferrarius,  de  Be  Vest,  pars  ii.  lib.  i.  c.  28. Ecclesiastical  writers  speak  of  it  as  worn  by clerics  (Ven.  Beda,  Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  i.  c.  7,  refer- ring to  the  year  305  A.D.  and  to  the  martyr- dom of  St.  Aibau),  and  as  corresponding  in  shape to  the  Jewish  ephod.  So  says  St.  Eucherius  of Lyons,  writing  about  the  middle  of  the  5th  cen- tury, and  referring  evidently  to  the  genuine Gallic  caracalla,  which  was  a  kind  of  short  tunic with  sleeves  and  furnished  with  a  hood.  With him  agrees  Dio  Cassius  (quoted  by  Rubenius, de  Re  Vest.  lib.  i.  c.  6),  who  describes  the caracalla  as  a  sleeved  tunic  made  somewhat  in the  fashion  of  a  corselet,  x^'P'Scorbs  x'''"'^''  ^^ BdpaKos  TpSiTOU  Tiva  ireTroiTj/ieVos.  But  the caracalla  introduced  into  use  by  M.  Aurelius was  lengthened  so  as  to  reach  nearly  to  the  feet. So  we  must  infer  from  the  statement  of  Aurelius Victor:  "Cum  e  Gallia  vestem  plurimam  de- vexisset,  talaresque  caracallas  fecisset,  coegisset- que  plebem  ad  se  salutandum  talibus  introire,  de nomine  hujus  vestis  Caracalla  nominatus  est." Spartianus  speaks  still  more  distinctly  to  the same  effect :  "  Ipse  Caracalla  nomen  a  vestimento quod  populo  dederat,  demisso  usque  ad  tales,  quod antea  non  fuerat,  unde  hodieque  dicuntur  An- toninianae  Caracallae  ejusmodi,  in  usu  maxime Romanae  plebis  frequeutatae."  From  the  re- ference to  this  vestment  made  by  St.  Jerome (^Epistle  to  Fabiola),  we  may  infer  that,  like  other garments  suited  for  out-door  use,  the  caracalla was  furnished  with  a  hood.  "  Ephod  .  .  .  pal- liolum  mirae  pulchritudinis  praestringens  ful- gore  oculos  in  modum  caracallarum  sed  absque cucullis."  The  statement  to  the  same  effect made  by  St.  Eucherius  of  Lyons,  is  evidently  a mere  reproduction  of  St.  Jerome.  (Tnstit.  lib.  ii. ■  cap.  10.  "Ephod,  vestis  sacerdotalis  .  .  .  Est autem  velut  in  caracallae  modum,  sed  sine  cu- cullo.")     ■  [W.  B.  M.] CARAUNUS.    [Charaunus.] CARILEFUS,    presbyter,     of   Aninsula    in Gaul,  is  commemorated  July  1  (Mali.  Usuardi). [C] CARILIPPUS,   martyr,    is    commemorated April  28  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [C] CARISIUS,  with  Callistus,  martyr  at  Co- CARDINAL 29] rinth,   is   commemorated  Ap: Vet.,  Usuardi). 1    16  (Mart.  Rom. [C] CARITAS.    [CiiARiTAS.] CARPOPHORUS.  (1)  One  of  the  Coronati QtJATUOR,  commemorated  Nov.  8  (Mart.  Rom. Vet.,  Usuardi). (2)  Presbyter,  martyr  at  Spoleto,  comme- morated Dec.   10  (Mart.  Rom.    Vet.,   Usuardi). [C] CARPUS.  (1)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Pergamus, commemorated  April  13  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet., Usuardi). (2)  The  disciple  of  Paul,  martyr  at  Troas, commemorated  Oct.  13  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Usu- ardi) ;  as  "  Apostle "  and  one  of  the  Seventy, May  27  (Cal.  Byzant.). (3)  Bishop  of  Thyatina,  martyr,  Oct.  13  (Cal Byzant.).  [C] CARDINAL.     As  the  Benedictine  Editors  of St.  Gregory  the  Great  (Ad  Ep.  i.   15)  truly  re- mark :  "  Nomen  vetus,  nova  est  dignitas,  pur- pura recentior."    Our  chronological  limits  extend at  most  to  the  early  dawn  of  the  dignity,  which is  a  long  way  out  of  sight  of  the  purple.    Cardinal winds,  cardinal   numbers,  cardinal  virtues,   the cardinal  altar,  and  cardinal  mass,  are  expressions all  illustrative  of  the  gradual  adaptation  of  the term  to  that  which  was  chief  in  the  hierarchy. As  the  name  of"  pope,"  or  "  papa,"  was  originally common  to  all  bishops,  so  the  chief  presbyters and  deacons  of  any  church  to  which  a  cure  of souls  was  attached  were  apt  to  have  the   term "  cardinal "  applied  to  them  by  way  of  distinc- tion long 'before  it  was  applied  to  the  presbyters and  deacons  ot  the  Church  of  Rome  in  particular. Parish  churches  had  come  to  be  called  "  titles," as  conferring  a  title  upon  those  who  served  them  ; and  a  title,  from  the  notion  of  fixity  that  was implied  in  it,  "  cardo,"  the  hinge  on  which,  when fxed  to  a  door,  the  door  turns.     Then,  as  there "were  chapels  and  oratories  that  were  not  parish churches — in  other  words   gave    no    distinctive title — so  there  were  priests  and  deacons  attached to  parish   churches  temporarily,  that  were  not fixtures ;  or  who  v;ent  by  their  titles,  yet  were not  therefore  called  cardinals.     In  the  writings of  St.  Gregory  the  Great  this  distinction  comes out    strongly,   being    applied    by    him    even    to bishops,  as  is  shewn  by  Thomassin  (De  Ben.  ii. part  ii.  115).     Thus,  on  one  occasion,  he  bids  the Bishop  of  Grosseto  visit  the  church  of  Porto  Bar- rato,    then   vacant,    and    ordain    "  one    cardinal presbyter  and  two  deacons   there"  (Ep.  i.  15). On  another  occasion  we  find  him  naming  Martin, a  Corsican  bishop,  whose  see  had  been  destroyed, "  cardinal  priest,"  or  "  pontiff,"  of  another  church in  the  island  that  had  long  been  deprived  of  its bishop  (i.  79).      Elsewhere,  he  forbids  Januarius, archbishop  of  Cagliari,  making  Liberatus  "  a  car- dinal-deacon," unless  furnished  with   letters  di- missory  from  his  owm  diocesan  (i.  83).     "  Car- dinales  violenter  in  parochiis  ordinatos  forensibus in  pristinum  cardinem  revocabat  Gregorius,"  as is  said  of  him  by  his  own  biographer,  John  the Deacon  (iii.  11),  a  writer  of  the  9th  century; instances    of    which    abound    in    his    epistles : "  cardinare  "  and  "  incardinatio  "  are  words  used by  him  in  describing  this  process.     The  bishop, priest,  or  deacon,  made  "cardinal"  of  a  churcii in  this  sense,  was  attached  to  it  permanently,  in contradistinction    to    bishops    administering  the U  2 292 CARDINAL affairs  of  a  diocese  during  a  vacancy,  and  priests or  deacons  holding  subordinate  or  temporary posts  in  a  parish  church.  Of  titles,  or  parish churches  in  Rome,  the  number  seems  to  have varied  in  different  ages.  According  to  Anastasius, or  whoever  wrote  the  lives  of  these  popes  (on which  see  Cave,  s.  v.),  St.  Euaristus,  A.D.  100-9, divided  the  city  amongst  his  presbyters,  and  ap- pointed seven  deacons.  St.  Fabian,  A.D.  236-50, divided  its  "  regions "  amongst  these  deacons. Cornelius,  the  next  pope,  tells  us  himself  of  as many  as  44  presbyters  there  then,  while  the number  of  deacons  remained  the  same  (Euseb. vi.  43).  From  St.  Dionysius,  A.D.  259-69,  being also  credited  by  his  biographer  with  having  di- vided the  churches  in  Home  amongst  his  pres- byters, and  instituted  cemeteries  and  parishes  or dioceses,  we  must  infer  that  the  old  arrange- ments had  been  thrown  into  confusion,  and  the number  of  churches  diminished  considerably,  by tiie  persecutions  under  Decius  and  Valerian. And  this  would  explain  what  we  are  told  once more  by  Anastasius,  that  St.  Marcellus,  A.D. 308-10,  appointed  25  titles,  as  parishes  (jjuasi dioeceses)  in  the  city,  for  administering  baptism and  penance  to  the  multitudes  converted  from paganism,  and  for  burial  of  the  martyrs.  Long after  this,  the  number  of  titles  in  the  city  stood at  28.  Accordingly,  when  we  read  of  a  pres- byter or  deacon  of  the  Roman  church  without any  further  distinction,  a  member  of  the  Roman clergy  is  meant  who  was  attached  to  some  chapel or  oratory  within  the  city.  When  we  read  of  a presbyter  or  deacon  of  some  particular  title  there, a  member  of  the  Roman  clergy  is  meant,  who was  either  temporarily  or  permanently  attached to  one  of  the  25  or  28  parish  churches,  or seven  regions  of  the  city ;  and  to  those  perma- nently attached  to  either  the  name  of  "  cardinal " was  given,  after  it  had  got  into  use  elsewhere. Anastasius  himself,  or  a  namesake  and  contem- porary of  his,  had  it  applied  to  him  (Cave,  s.  v.). The  fact  that  the  popes  in  those  days  were elected,  like  most  other  bishops,  by  the  clergy and  people  of  their  diocese,  is  amply  sufficient to  account  for  the  prodigious  importance  that attached  gradually  to  the  cardinal  presbyters  and deacons  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  throwing  those of  all  other  churches  into  the  shade.  Cardinal bishops  were  not  known  there  for  some  time afterwards,  as  Thomassin  shews  (ib.  c.  116).  On the  contraiy,  the  rule  laid  down  under  anathema by  the  synod  under  Stephen  IV.  A.D.  769,  was,  in the  words  of  Anastasius,  that  "  nobody,  whether a  layman,  or  of  any  other  rank  soever,  should be  capable  of  being  advanced  to  the  pontifical dignity,  who  had  not  risen  regularly  step  by  step, and  been  made  cardinal  presbyter  or  deacon." But  when  Anastasius,  a  little  further  on,  speaks of  the  same  pope  appointing  the  seven  bishops, whom  he  calls  "  hebdomadal  cardinals,"  to  func- tionate at  the  altar  of  St.  Peter  in  turn,  he  is probably  not  using  the  phrase  in  the  exact  sense which  it  has  since  borne  :  as  in  the  Council  of Constantinople  that  restored  Photius,  A.D.  879, and  was  contemporary  with  Anastasius,  Paul, bishop  of  Ancona,  and  Eugenius,  bishop  of  Ostia were  present  as  legates  of  John  VIII.,  and  were styled  and  subscribed  as  such;  while  Peter,  the third  legate,  subscribed  as  "  presbyter  and  car- dinal aa(  was  so  styled  throughout  (Bever. Synod,  n.  209).     Similarly,  in  the  list  of  snb- CASK scriptions  to  the  Roman  synod  that  pi-eceded  it, all  the  bishops  write  themselves  bishops  only, while  the  presbyters  and  deacons  are  written "  cardinals  "  in  addition.  The  seven  bishops  of Ostia,  Porto,  St.  Rufina,  Albano,  Sabina,  Tus- culum,  and  Praeneste,  began,  in  point  of  fact,  to be  called  "cardinals"  in  the  11th  century,  or the  age  of  St.  Peter  Damian,  himself  one  of  them, when  formed  into  a  college  with  the  cardinal  pres- byters and  deacons  by  the  decree  of  Nicholas  II. A.D.  1059,  for  electing  all  future  popes.  And  it was  a  much  later  development  by  which  bishops of  distant  sees  came  to  be  made  cardinal  deacons or  presbyters  of  some  church  in  Rome  as  well. For  a  description  of  the  Roman  church  in  the 11th  century,  by  which  time  the  seven  cardinal bishops  had  been  appointed  to  the  church  of St.  John  Lateran  to  officiate  there  in  turn  for the  pope:  and  the  28  cardinal  presbyters  distri- buted between  the  four  churches  of  St.  Mary Major,  St.  Peter,  St.  Paul,  and  St.  Laurence, seven  at  each,  see  the  old  ritual  in  Baron. A.D.  1057,  n.  19  ;  Comp.  the  Liber  Diurnus  Pontif. Bom.  iii.  11,  in  Migne's  Patrol,  cv.  p.  77;  and more  in  Du  Cange,  Hoffman,  Moreri,  Morone,  s.  v. ; and  Muratori,  Antiq.  Ital.  v.  155-8.    [E.  S.  F.] CAEENA  (  =  Quadragena).  A  forty-days' fast,  imposed  by  a  bishop  upon  clergy  or  laity, or  by  an  abbot  upon  monks  [Penitence].  A MS.  Penitential,  quoted  by  Ducange  (s.  v.), speaks  of  fasting  on  bread  and  water,  "  quod  in communi  sermone  carina  vocatur."  [C] CAENIPRIVIUM,  or  Carnisprivium.  This name  is  said  by  Macer  {Hierokxicon,  s.  v.)  to be  applied  to  Quinquagesima  Sunday,  as  being the  last  day  on  which  it  was  permitted  to  eat flesh,  the  Lent  fast  anciently  commencing  on  the following  day,  as.  he  saj's,  is  still  customary  with the  Orientals  and  with  some  religious  orders  in Europe.  In  the  calendar  of  the  Greek  Church, however,  the  KvpiaKr]  'Aw6Kpeios  [APOCREOS]  is Sexagesima  Sunday.  Beleth  says  {Rationale,  c. 65),  "  Secunda  Dominica  Septuagesimae  dicitur vulgo  carnisprivium,"  where  by  the  "  second Sunday  of  Septuagesima "  we  must  no  doubt understand  Quinquagesima ;  and  this  Sunday  is called  in  the  Mozarabic  Missal  Dominica  ante carnes  tollendas  (Ducange 's  Glossary,  s.  v.).  [C] CARNIVAL.  This  word,  variously  derived from  "  caro  vale,"  or  "  ubi  caro  valet,"  is  applied, in  the  narrowest  sense,  to  the  three  days  pre- ceding Ash-Wednesday ;  in  a  wider  sense  to  the whole  period  from  St.  Blaise's  Day  (Feb.  3)  to Ash-Wednesday.  The  period  immediately  pre- ceding Lent  has  long  been  a  season  devoted  to somewhat  more  than  usual  gaiety,  in  anticipation of  the  austerities  of  Lent.  (Wetzer  and  Welte's Jurchenlexicon.')  [C] CARPENTORACTENSE   CONCILIUM. [Carpentkas.] CARPENTRAS,  COUNCIL  OF  [near Narbonne,  Carpentoractense],  a.d.  527,  Nov. 6,  respecting  the  fair  distribution  of  revenue between  the  bishop  and  the  parish-priest  (Labb. Cone.  iv.  1663).  [A.  W.  H.] '  CARTHAGE,  COUNCILS  OF.   [African Councils.] CASK,  as  symbol.     [Dolium.] OASSIANUS CASSIANUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Saragossa,  is commemorated  April  16  {Mart.  Usuardi). (2)  Bishop  and  confessor  of  Autun,  is  comme- morated Aug.  5  (Mart.  Usuardi). (3)  Martyr  at  Rome  (Bede),  or  at  Imola {Bom.  Vet.,  Usuardi,  is  commemorated  Aug.  13 {Mart.  Eom.  Yet.,  Bedae,  Usuardi). (4)  Martyr  at  Tangiers,  is  commemorated Dec.  3  {Mart.  Usuardi). (5)  Of  Rome,  A.D.  431,  is  commemorated  Feb. 29  {Cal.  Byzant.).     Perhaps  identical  with  (3). [C] CASSIUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Damascus,  is  com- memorated July  20  {Mart.  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr,  is  commemorated  Oct.  10  {Mart. Usuardi).  [C] CASSOCK,  {rtal.  Casacha,  Casachina ;  Fr. Casaque;  Flem.  Casacke.)  It  is  not  easy  to determine  with  what  older  words,  or  with  what older  garment,  the  present  '  cassock,'  as  a  gar- ment and  as  a  word,  is  to  be  identified.  Some have  thought  that  the  Italian  'casacha'  and  the French  '  casaque '  are  to  be  traced  to  '  cara- calla  '  (see  the  article  above),  '  casacha  '  repre- senting an  older  '  caracha.'  Others  trace  the  word through  Kaffas  or  Kaaffus  (Xenophon,  Ci/roj].  viii. 3,  6-8  ;  Jul.  Pollux,  vii.  68,  describing  it  as IwmKhs  x'''^'^^)  to  Kcis,  skin  or  hide.  In  con- nexion with  this  it  may  be  noticed  that  Agathar- cides  (a  Greek  grammarian,  at  Alexandria,  of the  2nd  century  B.C.),  quoted  by  Lepsius  {Ep.  ad Belgas,  44),  states  that  the  Egyptians  had  cer- tain garments  made  of  felt  which  they  called Kacrai.  "Apud  Aegyptios  moKas  rivas  iriA.TjTas, verba  sunt  Agatharcidae,  TTfioaayoptvovari  Kaaas .  .  .  Acue  in  ultima  habes  '  casack,'  difBcili alias  originatione."  See  thjs  and  other  refer- ences in  Menage,  Diet.  Etym.  under  '  Casa- que.' [W.  B,.M.] CASTOLUS,  or  CASTULUS,  martyr  at Rome,  is  commemorated  March  26  {Mart.  Rom. Vet.,  Usuardi).  .  [C] CASTOE,  martyr  at  Tarsus,  is  commemorated April  27  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi) ;  also  March 28  (*.).  [C] CASTOEIUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome,  is  com- memorated July  7  {Mart.  Horn.  Vet.,  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  at  Rome  under  Diocletian,  Nov.  8 {Mart.  Horn.  Vet.,  Bedae,  Usuardi).  [C] CASTUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Africa  in  the  3rd century,  is  commemorated  May  22  {Mart.  Horn. Vet.,  Bedae,  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr,  Sept.  4  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi). (3)  Martyr  at  Capua,  Oct.  6  {Mart.  Hieron., Usuardi).  [C] CASULA.  (See  also  Amphibalum,  Planeta, IXFULA,  PaENULA.) §  1.    The  uord  and  its  derivation. — The  word Gtsnla  (whence  Fr.  and  Eng.  Chasuble'),  a  dimi- nutive originally  of  casa,  "  a  cottage,"   comes before  us  in  patristic  literature  in  two  senses. It  is  used,  first,  in  its  literal  meaning  of  a  cottage or  hut ;  as  by  St.  Gregory  of  Tours  {De  Mirac. j     S.  Juliani,  cap.  sliv.),  and  by  St.  Isidore  of  Seville 1     {De  Off.  Eccl.  lib.  ii.  ' de  ntontchis.').     It  is  used 1      also,  and  far  more  commonly,  as  a  designation  for an  outer  garment ;  the  word  having  been  in  all CASULA 293 probability  a  provincial  term,  of  popular  use,  for the  garment  which  in  the  older  Latin  was  known as  Apaenula.  St.  Isidore  of  Seville,  circ.  600  a.d., is  the  first  writer  who  gives  any  formal  deriva- tion of  the  word,  or  anything  ap{)roaching  to  a description  of  the  garment  itself.  "  The  casula," he  says  {De  Origin,  six.  cap.  21),  "  is  a  garment furnished  with  a  hood  {testis  cucullota)  ;  and  is  a diminutive  of  '  casa,'  a  cottage,  seeing  that,  like  a small  cottage  or  hut,  it  covers  the  entire  person." Philo  Judaeus,  some  600  years  earlier,  had  used  a similar  comparison,  when,  describing  a  garment made  of  goat-skins  (no  doubt  a  rough  paenuki) commonly  worn  in  his  time,  he  says  that  it formed  a  "  portable  house  "  {<pop7]rr]  oIk'lo)  for travellers,  soldiers,  and  others,  who  were  obliged to  be  much  in  the  open  ail-.  {De  Victimis,  Phi- lonis  Opp.  Fol.  Paris,  1640,  p.  836,  A.) §  2.  Form  and  material  of  the  Casula. — As  a description  of  the  form  or  appearance  of  the casula,  which  will  add  anything  to  that  of  St. Isidore  already  quoted,  the  earliest  notice  we have  is  in  a  MS.  of  uncertain  date  (probably  9th century,  or  thereaboa-t),  containing  fragmentary notices  of  the  old  Galilean  liturgy  (Martene, Thesawus  Anecdot.  torn.  v.  col.  99) :  "  Casula, quam    amphibalum   vocant   quo    sacerdos   indu- itur,   tota  unita Ideo  sine  manicis,  quia sacerdos  potius  benedicit  quam  ministrat.  Ideo unita  extrinsecus,  non  scissa,  non  aperta,  quia multae  sunt  Scripturae  sacrae  seci-eta  mysteria, quae  quasi  sub  sigillo  sacerdos  doctus  debet abscondere,"  etc.  This  "vestment,"  for  Church use,  for  such  it  here  is  (see  below,  §  5),  is here  described  as  "  made  in  one  piece  through- out," as  "  without  sleeves,"  and  "  without  slit or  opening  in  front."  This  description  is  exactly what  might  be  expected  on  the  supposition  that the  casula  was  virtually  a  paenula  under  another name.  And  it  exactly  corresponds  with  the earliest  representations  of  the  chasuble  preserved in  ecclesiastical  art.     (See  Planeta.) The  materials  of  the  casula  varied  according to  the  purposes  it  was  designed  to  serve.  In  the earlier  periods  of  its  history,  when  it  was  regarded as  a  garb  of  very  humble  pretensions,  it  was  made of  wool  (St.  Augustine,  De  Civit.,  quoted  below, §  3),  and  probably  also,  like  the  paenula,  often  of skins,  dressed  with  the  wool  or  fur  upon  them. But,  from  the  sixth  century  downwards,  we  hear of  chasubles  of  brilliant  colour  {superhi  coloris'), and  of  costly  materials,  such  as  silk.  Boniface  III. (a.d,  606)  sent  a  chasuble,  formed  partly  of  silk and  partly  of  fine  goats'-hair,  as  a  present  to king  Pepin.  (Bonifacii,  P.  P.  III.  Epist.  III. apud  Oct.  Ferrarium,  De  Fe  Vest.  p.  685.) §  3.  Various  uses  of  the  Casula. — The  earliest notices  of  the  casula  shew  that,  like  the  paenula,  it was  originally  a  garment  of  very  humble  charac- ter, such  as  would  be  worn  by  peasants  and  arti- sans as  their  ordinary  out-door  dress,  for  protec- tion against  cold  and  wet.  Being  furnished  with a  hood,  it  was  both  hat  and  cloak  in  one.  St.  Au- gustine, writing  about  the  close  of  the  4th  cen- tury, but  speaking  of  a  story  dating  from  before his  own  time,  tells  a  tale  of  one  Florentius,  a working  tailor  at  Hippo,  who  lost  his  casula, and  had  no  money  to  buy  a  new  one  {De  Civit. Dei,  lib.  xxii.  cap.  8,  §  9).  Fifty  ^' folks,"  as  we learn  from  the  course  of  the  story,  would  have been  thought  about  a  reasonable  sum  for  him  to pay.     But  he  himself  for  greater  economy  meant 294 CASULA to  buy  some  wool,  which  his  wife  might  make up  for  him  as  best  she  could.  In  another  passage {Scrim  cvii.  cap.  v.  opp.  torn.  v.  p.  530)  St.  Au- gustine speaks  of  the  casula  as  a  garment  which auv  one  of  his  congregation  might  be  expected  to possess,  and  one  which  every  one  would  take  care to  have  good  of  its  kind.  A  notice  of  the  casula, preserved  to  us  in  Procopius  (JDc  Bello  Vandalico, lib.  ii.  cap.  26),  shews  that  even  to  his  time (circ.  530)  the  tradition  had  survived  of  the  very humble  character  attaching  to  this  dress.  He has  occasion  to  speak  of  the  abject  submission  by which  Areobindus,  when  defeated  by  Gontharis, sought  to  disarm  the  anger  of  the  victor.  And he  speaks  of  him  as  putting  upon  him  an  outer garment  unsuited  for  a  general,  or  for  any  war- like usage,  but  befitting  a  slave  or  a  man  of humble  station;  this  being,  he  adds,  what  the Romans,  in  the  speech  of  Latium,  call  KaaovKa. §  4.  Worn  by  Monks,  and,  as  an  out-door  dress, bi/  the  Clergy. — The  same  reasons  which  made  the casula  a  suitable  dress  for  peasants,  recommended it  also  as  a  habit  for  monks.  Ferrandus,  first the  deacon  and  afterwards  the  biographer  of Facundus,  bishop  of  Ruspa,  in  Africa,  tells  us that  the  bishop  retained  his  monastic  dress and  ascetic  habits  after  being  advanced  to  epi- scopal dignity  (circ.  507  A.D.).  He  continued  to wear  a  monk's  leathern  girdle  {pelliccum  cin- guluin)  ;  and  neither  used  himself,  nor  permitted his  monks  to  use,  a  casula  of  costly  quality  or  of brilliant  colour  ("  Casulam  pretiosam  vel  superbi coloris  nee  ipse  habuit,  nee  suos  monachos  habere permisit").  At  a  period  a  little  after  this  St. Caesarius,  archbishop  of  Aries  in  Gaul  (t  540), is  described  as  wearing  a  casula  in  his  ordinary walks  about  the  streets  (S.  Caesarii  Vita,  apitd Acta  Sanctorum,  Augusti  d.  xxvii.  torn.  vi.).  And he  had  also  one  special  casula,  of  finer  material doubtless,  and  either  white  or  of  some  I'ich  colour, for  processional  use.  ("  Casulam,  qua  in  pro- cessionibus  utebatur,  et  albam  paschalem,  profert, datque  egeno,  jubetque  ut  vendat  uni  ex  clero.") The  same  bishop,  in  his  will,  when  disposing  of his  wardrobe,  distinguishes  between  the  indu- menta paschalia,  or  vestments  for  church  use  on Sundays  and  high  festivals,  which  had  been  pre- sented to  him,  and  his  casula  villosa,  or  long- napped  cloak,  which  would  be  suitable  for  out- door wear  only  : — "  Sancto  et  domino  meo  archi- episcopo,  qui  mihi  indigno  digne  successerit . . . indumenta  paschalia,  quae  mihi  data  sunt,  omnia illi  serviant,  simul  cum  casula  villosa  et  tunica vel  galnape  quod  melius  dimisero.  Eeliqua  vero vestimenta  mea,  excepto  birro  amiculari,  mei tarn  clerici  quam  laici  ....  dividant." At  or  just  after  the  close  of  the  sixth  century, a  further  notice  of  the  casula,  preserved  to  us  by John  the  Deacon  {Dim  Gregorii  Vita,  lib.  iv. cap.  63),  serves  to  indicate  that  the  casula,  worn at  Rome  as  an  out-door  habit  by  ecclesiastics, must  have  differed  in  some  respects  from  the  cus- tomary dress  then  worn  in  the  East  bv  persons  of the  same  class.  One  abbot  John,  a  PtVsian,  came 0  Rome  m  St.  Gregory's  days,  "  ad  adorandum loculos  sanctorum  Apostolorum  Petri  et  Pauli." Une  day,"  so  he  himself  tells  the  story,  "I  was standing  in  the  middle  of  the  city,  when  who should  come  across  towards  me  but  Papa  Gre- gorms.  Just  as  I  was  thinking  of  making  my obeisance  to  h,m  ("mittere  me  ante  eum"),  the pope  came   close  up,    and  seeing   my  intention. CATACOMBS sicut  coram  Deo  dico,  fraires,  he  bowed  himself to  the  ground  before  me,  and  would  not  rise  till I  had  done  so  first.  Then  embracing  me  with much  humility,  he  slipped  three  pieces  of  money into  my  hand,  and  desired  that  a  casula  should  be given  me,  and  everything  else  that  I  required." This  use  of  the  casula  as  the  characteristic  out- door garb  of  the  clei-gy,  and  in  many  places  also of  monks,  was  maintained  in  the  West  from  the 5th  to  the  8th  century.  In  the  Council  of Ratisbon,  held  in  April,  a.d.  742,  under  the  pre- sidency of  St.  Boniface,  one  of  the  canons  deter- mined on  was  directed  against  those  of  the  clergy who  (in  out-door  life,  as  we  may  infer)  adopted the  dress  of  laymen,  the  saguin,  or  short  open cloak  then  commonly  worn.  "  We  have  decreed that  presbyters  and  deacons  shall  wear,  not '  saga,'  as  do  laymen,  but  '  casulae,'  as  becometh servants  of  God."  ("  Decrevimus  quoque  ut presbyteri  vel  diaconi  non  sagis  laicorum  more, sed  casulis  utantur,  ritu  servorum  Dei.") §  5.  Use  of  the  Casula  as  a  Vestment  of  Holy Ministry. — From  the  5th  to  the  8th  century  the term  planeta  (q.  v.)  appears  to  have  been  the term  ordinarily  employed  in  Italy  and  Spain,  if  not elsewhere,  for  the  supervestment  worn  in  offices of  holy  ministry.  The  earliest  undoubted  evi- dence of  the  word  casula  being  used  in  this  precise meaning  dates  from  the  9th  century,  or  possibly the  8th,  if  the  Sacramentary  of  St.  Gregory  be- longs in  its  present  form  to  that  time.  But  the usages  of  words  in  formal  documents  such  as  this last,  confirmed  as  this  is  by  the  nearly  contem- porary writings  (cir^.  820)  of  Rabanus  Maurus. Amalarius,  and  Walafrid  Strabo,  indicate,  gener- ally, a  considerably  earlier  popular  usage.  How- ever this  may  be,  we  know  that  from  the  date  of these  last  writers  to  the  present  time,  the  word casula  has  been  used  as  the  exact  equivalent  of planeta  by  western  ritualists,  and  has  in  general usage  quite  superseded  all  other  terms,  such  as amphibaluin,  infula,  planeta,  by  which  at  various times  it  has  been  designated. It  does  not  fall  within  the  compass  of  this work  to  trace  the  various  modifications  of  the 'chasuble,'  in  respect  of  form,  material,  and ornament,  from  the  9th  century  downwards,  or to  treat  of  the  various  symbolical  meanings attributed  to  it.  Full  information,  however, upon  these  points  will  be  found  in  the  following treatises.  Bock,  Geschichte  der  liturgischen Gewdnder  des  Mitteldlters,  2  vols.  Svc,  Bonn. 1866;  Pugin,  Glossary  of  Ecclesiastical  Orna- ment, M.,Xondon,  1846;  Eock,  The  Church  of our  Fathers,  London,  1849  ;  and  in  the  Vestiariuni Christianum  (London,  1868)  of  the  writer  of  this article.  [W.  B.  M.] CATABASIA  {Karafiaala).  An  anthem  or short  hymn  in  the  Greek  offices,  so  called  because the  two  sides  of  the  choir  corne  down  {KUTafiai- vovffi)  into  the  body  of  the  church  and  unite  in singing  it.  It  often  occurs  between  the  "  odes  " of  a  "canon.;"  and  its  construction  is  that  of any  other  "  troparion."  Sometimes  two  "  cata- basiai "  occur  together  between  each  ode,  as  on the  Sunday  after  Christmas-day,  where  each pair  consists  of  the  first  troparion  of  the  corre- sponding odes  of  the  two  canons  for  Christmas- day,  mentioned  in  a  preceding  article.    [H.  J.  H.] CATACOMBS.  Few  words  are  more  familiar, or  more  universally  intelligible  than  "  Catacomb," ■A CATACOMBS as  signifying  a  subterranean  excavation  con- structed for  the  interment  of  the  dead.  Yet  in its  original  meaning  the  word  had  no  connection whatsoever  with  sepulture,  or  even  with  exca- vations, but  was  simply  used  as  the  name  of  a particular  district  in  the  vicinit}'  of  Rome." The  word  Catacumhae,  the  earliest  form  in which  we  meet  with  it,  is  unquestionably  de- rived from  tiie  Greek  KaTo,  and  Kvfx.0rj,  "  a  hol- low," and  so  ''  a  cup,"  "  a  boat,"  &c.,  a  widely spread  root  which  we  trace  in  the  Greek  /cu/tt- jSaAoi/,  the  Latin  Cymhi^  the  Celtic  Cum,  the 'A.-S.  Combe,  and  the  Piedmontese  Comba,  "  a valley,"  or  "hollow."  It  is  allied  to  the  San- skrit Kumbhas,  "  a  pit."  In  Ducauge  Gloss.  Med. et  Tnf.  Graecitatis  we  find  "  Kvfi^r],  Cymba — Tr\o7a  ir^pt(pepri  'Pco/xaiois,  Suidtts."  "  Kv/jL^elov, flSos  TTorrtpiov  irapaTrArtanov  tQ  trx'ilM"''''  T'^oitji  h KaAeTrai  Kvfj.^T]"  Auctor.  Etymol.  The  district near  the  tomb  of  Cecilia  Metella  and  the  Circus of  Romulus  on  the  Appian  Way  appears,  probably from  its  natural  configuration,  to  have  borne  this designation.  In  the  Imperia  Caesarum,  a  docu- ment of  the  7th  century,  printed  by  Eccard  in his  Corpus  Hist.  Med.  Aeo.  vol.  i.  p.  31,  the erection  of  the  Circus  of  Maxentius,  or  Romulus, AD.  311,  in  that  locality  is  spoken  of  in  these words,  "Maxentius  Termas  in  Palatio  fecit  et Circum  in  Catecumpas."  The  site  of  the  adjacent Basilica  of  St.  Sebastian  is  indicated  by  the  same name  in  a  letter  of  Gregory  the  Great  to  Con- stantia  (the  daughter  of  the  Emperor  Tiberius Oonstantinus,  married  by  him  to  his  successor Maurice)  towards  the  end  of  the  6th  century, excusing  himself  for  not  sending  her  the  head  of the  Apostle  Paul,  which  she  had  requested  as  a gift  to  the  Church  she  had  erected  in  his  honour (Greg.  Magn.  Epist.  iv.  Ind.  xii.  Ep.  30).  Speak- ing of  the  bodies  of  the  Apostles  Peter  and  Paul he  writes  "  quae  ducta  usque  ad  secundum  urbis inilliarium  in  loco  qui  dicitur  [ad]  catiicumbas eollocata  sunt."  A  various  reading,  catatumbas, found  in  some  MSS.,  and  adopted  by  Baronius, Martyrol.  ad  xiii.  Kal.  Feb.  has  led  some  writers to  adopt  a  different  etymology,  ad  (Kara)  tum- has,  and  to  consider  the  word  an  early  synonym for  "  coemeterium."  But  the  best  MSS.  read cumbas  not  tumbas,  and  there  is  no  ground  for believing  that  Christian  burial  places  generally were  known  by  any  such  name  till  a  considerably later  period,  the  view  of  Padre  Marchi  (^Monum. Primitiv.  p.  209),  that  the  word  catacomb  is  a mongrel,  half  Greek  and  half  Latin,  and  that  the second  element  is  to  be  found  in  the  verb  cumbo, is  based  on  false  philological  principles,  and  may safely  be  rejected.  The  distance  of  the  Basilica of  St.  Sebastian  from  the  Tiber  is  a  sufficient reason  for  discarding  the  etymology  of  the  ano- nymous author  of  the  History  of  t'le  Translation of  St.  Sebastian,  c.  vi.  "  Milliario  tertio  ab  Urbe, loco  qui  ob  stationem  navium  Catacumbas  dice- batur." All  through  the  middle  ages  the  phrase  "  ad catacumbas"  was  used  to  distinguish  the  sub- terranean cemetery  (catacomb  in  the  modern sense)  adjacent  to  the  Basilica  of  St.  Sebastian (•'  in  loco  qui  appellatur  Citacumbas  ubi  corpus beati    Sebastian!    martyris  cum   aliis   quiescit." CATACOMBS 295 »  For  other  examples  of  a  local  name  becoming generic  cf.  "Capitol,"  "  Palace,''  "  Academy,''  "Newgate," "  Bedlam,"  &c. Anast.  Hadrian,  i.  §  343 ;  "  coemeterio  Sancti Christi  martyris  Sebastiani  in  catacumba."  lb. Nicolaus  i.  §  601)  while  the  term  itself  in  its  re- stricted sense  designated  a  subterranean  chapel communicating  with  that  Basilica  in  which, according  to  tradition,  the  bodies  of  the  two great  Apostles  had  been  deposited  after  the  in- etfectual  attempt  of  the  Greeks,  referred  to  by S.  Gregory  u.  s.  to  steal  them  away  (Bosio,  Bom. Sotteran.  cap.  xiii.).  In  documents  from  the  6th to  the  13th  century  we  continually  meet  tvith the  expressions  "  festum  ad  catacumbas,"  "  locus qui  dicitur  in  catacumbas,"  and  the  like.  The earliest  authority  is  a  list  of  the  Roman  ceme- teries of  the  6th  century,  where  we  find  "  cime- terium  catecumbas  ad  St.  Sebastianum  Via  Appia." In  the  De  Mirabihbus  Eomae  of  the  13th  century we  read  "  Coemeteria  Calisti  juxta  Catacumbas." The  first  recorded  use  of  the  word  in  its  modern sense  out  of  Rome  is  at  Naples  in  the  9th  century  y (De  Rossi,  R.S.  i.  87.)  t> Bede,  at  the  beginning  of  the  8th  century,  wi'ites, de  Sex  aetatibus  mundi  ad  ann.  4327.  "  Damasus Romae  episcopus  fecit  basilicam  juxta  theatrum S.  Laurentio  et  aliam  in  catacumbas  ubi  jacue- runt  corpora  sancta  Apostolorum  Petri  et  Pauli." The  celebrity  acquired  by  this  cemetery  as  the temporary  resting-place  of  the  chief  of  the Apostles  led  to  a  general  familiarity  with  its name,  and  a  gradual  identification  of  the  term "  catacumhac  "  with  the  cemetery  itself.  When in  process  of  time  the  other  underground  places of  interment  of  the  Christians  fell  into  neglect and  oblivion,  and  the  very  entrances  to  them were  concealed,  and  their  existence  almost  for- gotten, this  one  beneath  the  Church  of  St. Sebastian  remained  always  open  as  the  object of  pilgrimage,  and  by  degrees  transferred  its name  to  all  similar  subterranean  cemeteries.  "  A visit  to  the  cemeteries  became  synonymous  with a  visit  ad  cat-tcumbas,  and  the  term  catacomb  gra- dually came  to  be  regarded  as  the  specific  name for  all  subterranean  excavations  for  purposes  of burial,  not  only  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Rome, but  also  in  Naples,  Malta,  Paris,  Sicily,  and wherever  else  similar  excavations  have  been discovered  "  (Northcote,  B.  S.  109). Origin.— JJntil  a  comparatively  recent  period a  very  erroneous  opinion  as  to  the  origin  of  the subterranean  cemeteries    of  Rome  was    univer- sally entertained.     No   one    thought  .of  calling in  question    the   assertion   that  they  were    ex- hausted sandpits,  and  had  been    originally  exca- vated for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  the  volcanic stratum   known  as  az-ena   by  the  ancients,  and     i as  pozzolana    by    the   moderns,    so    extensively     I used  by  them  in  the  composition  of  their  mortar  ;     1 and    that    the   Christians,   finding  in   the  laby-     \ rinthine  recesses  of  these  deserted  urenariac  suit-      ' able  places  for  the  concealment  of  the  bodies  of their  martyred   brethren,  had  taken  possession of    them   and   employed    them    as    cemeteries. There  was  great   plausibility  about   this  view. It  seemed  to  derive  support  from  the  '  Martyro- logies'  and   other  ancient  documents  in  which the  expressions  in  arenario,  or  juxta  arenarixi,in, or   in  cryptis  arenariis   are  of  not  unfrequent b  In  tbe  same  way  as  this  cemeiery  of  St.  Sebastian was  known  by  the  designation  "  ad  catacumbas,"  others were  specified  as  "  ad  Nymphas,"  "  art  Ursum  pileatum,"  . "  inter  duas  lauros,"  "  ad  Sextum  Philippi,"  and  the  like.         /v« 296 CATACOMBS occurrence.  It  also  removed  the  seeming  diffi- culty, which  a  fuller  understanding  of  the  laws regulating  sepulture  among  the  Romans  has  dis- sipated, as  to  the  possibility  of  a  small  and  per- secuted body  excavating  galleries  of  such  enor- mous extent,  and  disposing  of  the  material extracted  from  them  without  attracting  the notice  and  provoking  the  interfsrence  of  the  sup- porters of  the  dominant  religion.  Once  started and  given  to  the  world  under  the  authority  of  the names  of  men  of  acknowledged  learning  it  found general  acceptance,  and  became  an  historical  tra- dition indolently  accepted  by  one  generation  of investigators  after  another.  Bosio,  the  pioneer of  all  subsequent  examinations  of  the  catacombs, maintained  a  discreet  silence  upon  the  origin  of the  subterranean  cemeteries ;  but  their  Pagan origin  is  accepted  by  his  translator  and  editor, Aringhi,  as  well  as  by  Baronius,  Severano,  Bot- tari,  Boldetti,  and  other  writers  on  the  subject. Marchi,  with  a  touch  of  quiet  sarcasm,  affirms  that it  causes  him  no  surprise  that  this  hypothesis sliould  have  been  maintained  by  Bottari,  who,  it is  abundantly  evident,  "studied  the  subterra- nean Rome  quite  at  his  ease  not  under  but  above ground."  (Marchi,  n.s.  p.  15.)  But  he  confesses to  astonishment  that  "  the  excellent  Boldetti," with  all  the  opportunities  aflbrded  by  personal examination  for  perceiving  the  wide  difference between  the  arenariae  and  the  cemeteries  which lie  below  them,  should  have  never  seen  the untenableness  of  the  traditional  view.  In  more modern  times  the  same  origin  of  the  catacombs was  asserted  by  D'Agincourt,  Raoul-Rochette, and  indeed  by  every  one  who  wrote  on  the subject.  Padre  Marchi  ]i:is  the  merit  of  being the  first  to  jiromulgafe  the  true  doctrine  that the  catacombs  were  the  work  of  Christians alone,  and  from  the  first  designed  for  places of  sepulture.  The  Padre  ingenuously  informs us  (p.  7)  that  he  commenced  his  investigations with  the  most  unquestioning  faith  in  the  uni- versally received  theory,  and  that  it  was  only by  degrees  that  his  studies  and  experience, not  among  books  and  papers,  but  in  quarries, cemeteries,  and  sand-pits,  led  him  to  an  opposite conclusion,  and  put  him  in  a  position  to  declare to  the  woi-ld  as  an  unquestionable  fact,  that  in the  Christian  cemeteries  no  Pagan  ever  gave  a single  blow  with  pickaxe  or  chisel.  The  brothers De  Rossi,  the  pupils  of  Padre  Marchi  in  the  work of  investigafiou,  have  ccmtinued  his  labours  in tlie  same  -path  of  patient  examination  of  facts, and  that  with  such  success  that  it  may  now  be regarded  as  established  beyond  controversy  that the  origin  of  the  catacombs  was  Christian  and not  Pagan,  and  that  they  were  constructed  ex- pressly for  the  purpose  of  inferment,  and  had  no connection  with  the  arenariae  beyond  that  of juxtaposition.  In  certain  cases,  as'at  St.  Callis- t  us  and  St.  Agnes,  the  catacombs  lie  at  the  side of  or  beneath  those  excavations,  so  that  they  are entered  from  them,  the  arenariae  effectually masking  the  doors  of  access  to  the  Christian g;jlleries,  while  they  afforded  them  an  easy  mode of  I'cnioving  the  excavated  earth. Piulre  Jlarchi's  confidence  in  the  old  theory  of the  Pagan  origin  of  the  catacombs  was  first  dis- turbed by  a  careful  examination  of  the  a-eolo<^ical characteristics  of  the  strata  in  which  they  were us  a  rule,  excavated.  The  surface  of  the  Cam- I.agna  surrounding  Rome,  especially  on  the  left CATACOMBS bank  of  the  Tiber,  where  the  catacombs  are chiefly  situated,  is  almost  entirely  formed  of materials  of  volcanic  origin.  These  igneous strata  are  of  different  composition  and  antiquity. We  will  only  specify  the  three  with  which  we are  concerned,  viz.,  the  so-called  tufa  litoide,  tufa granolare,  and  pozzolana  pura.  The  pozzolana ptcra  is  a  friable  sand  rock,  entirely  destitute  of any  cementing  substance  to  bind  the  molecules together  and  give  them  the  nature  of  stone. The  tufa  granolare  is  in  appearance  almost  the same  i-ock  as  the  pozzolana  pura.  The  distin- guishing mark  is  the  presence  of  a  slight  cement, which  gives  the  mass  some  degree  of  solidity, and  unites  the  sandy  particles  into  a  stone  which is  cut  with  the  greatest  ease.  The  third  stratum, the  tufa  litoide,  is  a  red  conglomerate  cemented into  a  substance  of  sufficient  hardness  to  form  an exceedingly  useful  building  stone.  Of  these three  strata,  it  was  the  first  and  the  last  alone which  were  worked  by  the  ancient  Romans  for architectui-al  purposes,  while  it  is  exclusively  in the  second,  the  tufa  granolare,  that  the  cata-  <^ combs  were  excavated.  The  tufa  litoide  was employed  from  the  earliest  ages,  as  it  still  is,  in the  buildings  of  Rome.  The  interior  of  the Cloaca  Maxima,  the  Tahularium  of  the  Capitol, and  others  of  the  most  ancient  architectural works,  attest  its  durability,  as  well  as  the  early date  of  its  use,  and  it  is  still  extensively  quarried as  building  stone  at  the  foot  of  Monte  Verde, outside  the  Porta  Portese  (Murray's  Hundbouk for  Rome,  p.  324).  While  this  formation  fur- nished the  stone  for  building,  the  third  named— the  pozzolana  pura,  found  in  insulated  deposits, rarely  of  any  considerable  extent — supplied  the sand  required  for  the  composition  of  the  mortar, and  as  such  is  commended  by  Vitruvius  {Arch. iii.  7)  as  preferable  to  every  other  kind.  The vicinity  of  Rome,  and  indeed  some  parts  of  the city  itself,  abounded  in  pozzolana  pits,  or  aren- ariae, forming  an  intricate  network  of  excava- tions, not  running  in  straight  lines,  as  the  galleries of  the  catacombs  do  almost  universally,  but  pur- suing tortuous  paths,  following  the  direction  of the  sinuous  veins  of  the  earth  the  builders  were in  search  of.  References  to  these  sand-pits, whose  dark  recesses  afforded  secure  concealment as  well  to  the  perpetrators  of  deeds  of  blood  as to  their  intended  victims,  appear  in  some  of  the chief  classical  writers.  Cicero  mentions  that the  young  patrician  Asinius  had  been  inveigled into  the  gardens  of  the  Esquiline,  where  he  was murdered  and  precipitated  into  one  of  the  sand- quarries  :  "  Asinius  autem  .  .  .  quasi  in  hor- tulos  iret,  in  arenarias  quasdam  extra  Portam Esquilinam  perductus  occiditur "  (Orat.  pro Cluentio,  c.  13).  Suetonius  also  relates  that when  the  trembling  Nero,  fearing  instant  assas- siuation,  took  refuge  in  the  villa  of  his  freed- man  Phaon,  between  the  Nomentan  and  Sala- rian  roads,  he  was  advised  to  conceal  himself in  an  adjacent  sand-pit,  "m  specum  egestae arenae,"  but  he  vowed  that  he  would  not  go underground  alive,  "  negavit  se  vivum  sub terram  iturum  "  (Sueton.  in  Ncron.  48). Exhausted  sand-pits  of  this  kind  also  afl^orded burial  places  for  the  lowest  dregs  of  the  popu- lace, for  slaves,  and  others  who  on  ceremonial grounds  were  denied  the  honour  of  the  funeral l)ilo.  The  best  known  are  those  left  by  the sand-diggers  on  the   Esquiline,  which,  we  learn CATACOIMBS from  Horace,  were  used  as  common  receptacles fur  the  vilest  corpses,  and  defiled  the  air  with their  pestilential  exhalations,  until  Maecenas •  rescued  the  district  from  its  degradation  and converted  it  into  a  garden  (Horat.  Serm.  i.  8, 7-16). "  Hue  prius  angustis  ejecta  cadavera  cellis, Cunservus  vili  poitanda  locabat  in  area, Hoc  miserae  plebi  stabat  commune  scpulchrum." (Cf.  the  commentary  of  Acron  the  Scholiast  on the  passage :  "  Hue  aliquando  cadavera  porta- bantur  plebeiorum  sive  servorum :  nam  sepulchra publica  erant  antea.")  These  loathsome  burial pits  were  known  by  the  names  of  jmticuU  or puticulae ;  a  diminutive  of  puteics,  "a  well,"  ac- cording to  the  etymology  given  by  Festus.  They were  also  designated  culinae,  from  their  shape. (Facciolat.  siib.  voc.  culina  ;  Padre  Lupi,  Disserta- ziuni,  I.  §  cxxxix.  p.  63). We  need  not  pause  to  refute  the  monstrous theory  so  carelessly  propounded  by  Basnage,  Bur- net, Misson,  &c.,  which  identified  the  first  begin- nings of  the  Christian  catacombs  with  these horrible  charnel-houses,  which  were  the  oppro- brium of  Paganism,  and  asserted,  in  Burnet's words,  that ''  those  burying-places  that  are  graced with  the  pompous  title  of  catacombs  are  no  other than  the  puticoli  mentioned  by  Festus  Pompeius, where  the  meanest  sort  of  the  Roman  slaves  were laid,  and  so  without  any  further  care  about  them were  left  to  rot."  The  most  superficial  acquaint- ance with  the  catacombs  will  convince  us  of  the absurdity  of  such  an  hypothesis,  and  prove the  correctness  of  the  assertion  that  "  the  puti- ciili  into  which  the  carrion  of  the  Roman  slaves might  be  flung  had  not  the  slightest  analogy witli  the  decorous,  careful,  and  expensive  provi- *  sious  made  by  the  early  Christians  for  the  con- servation of  their  dead  "  (^Edin.  Rev.  No,  221, Jan.  1859). But,  if  otherwise  probable,  this  presumed connection  between  the  arenariae  and  the  ceme- teries of  the  Christians  would  be  at  once  dis- proved by  the  remarlcable  fact  first  noticed  by P.  Marchi,  and  confirmed  by  the  investigations of  the  brothers  De  Rossi,  to  which  we  have alluded  above,  that  the  strata  which  furnished pozzolana  pura  were  carefully  avoided  by  the excavators  of  the  catacombs,  who  ran  their  vast system  of  galleries  almost  exclusively  in  the tufa  granolare.  While,  on  the  one  hand,  they avoided  the  solid  strata  of  the  tufa  litoide, which  could  not  be  quarried  without  at  least threefold  the  time  and  labour  required  in  the granular  tufa,  and  the  excavated  material  from which  could  not  be  disposed  of  without  great inconvenience,  with  equal  care  these  subterranean engineers  avoided  the  layers  of  friable  jMzzolana which  would  have  rendered  their  work  insecure, and  in  which  no  permanent  gallery  or  rock  tomb could  have  been  constructed,  and  selected  that stratum  of  medium  hardness  which  was  best adapted  for  their  peculiar  purpose.  The  suita- bility of  the  tufa  grmioltre  for  the  object  in  view cannot  be  better  stated  than  in  the  words  of  Dr. Northcote :  "  It  is  easily  worked,  of  sufficient  con- sistency to  admit  of  being  hollowed  out  into  galle- ries  and  chambers  without  at  once  falling  in,  and ^  its  porous  nature  causes  the  water  quickly  to  drain oft"  from  it,  thus  leaving  the  galleries  dry  and wholesome,  an  important  consideration  when  we CATACOMBS 297 think  of  the  vast  number  of  dead  bodies  which once  lined  the  walls  of  the  subterranean  ceme- teries "  {Roma  Sotterr.  p.  321).  To  these  advan- tages may  be  added  the  facility  with  which  the rock  was  triturated  so  as  to  be  carried  out  of the  excavations  in  the  form  of  earth  instead  of heavy  blocks  of  stone,  as  would  have  been  the rase  in  the  quarries  of  compact  tufa. The  exclusively  Christian  origin  of  the  cata- combs, and  their  destination  from  the  first  for purposes  of  interment  is  also  evident,  from  the contrast  furnished  by  thoir  plan,  form,  and  mode of  construction,  to  the  arenifodinae,  or  sand-pits, and  lapidicinae,  or  stone  quarries,  of  ancient times.  This  contrast  is  made  evident  to  the  eye by  Padre  Marchi,  from  whom  the  annexed  wood- cuts are  borrowed  {Tav.  i.  iii.  ix.-xii.),  and  bv Plan  of  St.  Agnca. Dr.  Northcote  and  Mr.  Brownlow  in  the  plan and  atlas  appended  to  their  Koma  Sottcrranea. The  ground  plans  given  by  Marchi  lay  before  us in  successive  plates  the  ichnography  of  the stone  quarry  which  lies  above  the  catacomb  of St.  Pontianus,  and  of  the  arenaria  which  lies above  thltfof  St.  Agnes,  and  the  portions  of  tlie cemetery  immediately  beneath  them.  Nothing could  more  forcibly  show  the  difference  between the    vast    cavernous    chambers    of  the    quarry. 298 CATACOMBS where  the  object  was  to  remove  as  mueh  of  the stone  as  was  consistent  with  safety,  and  the  long narrow  galleries  of  the  catacomb  in  which  the object  was  to  displace  as  little  of  the  stratum  as would  be  consistent  with  the  excavator's  purpose. The  plates  also  enable  us  to  contrast  the  tortuous passages  of  the  arenariae,  running  usually  in curved  lines,  with  a  careful  avoidance  of  sharp antrles,  and  wide  enough  to  admit  a  horse  and cart  for  the  removal  of  the  material,  and  the straio-ht  lines,  right  angles,  and  restricted  dimen- sions of  the  ambulacra  of  the  catacombs.  An- other marked  difference  between  the  arenariae and  the  subterranean  cemeteries  of  the  Christians is,  that  the  walls  of  the  latter  always  rise  ver- tically from  the  floor  of  the  gallery,  while,  on account  of  the  frailness  of  the  material  in  which they  were  excavated,  the  walls  of  the  sand  quar- ries' are  set  at  a  re-entering  angle,  giving  the gallery  almost  the  form  of  a  tunnel.  This  mode of  construction  renders  it  impossible  to  form sepulchral  recesses  with  exactly  closed  apertures, as  we  find  them  in  all  the  galleries  of  the  cata- combs. The  friability  of  the  material  also  forbids the  adaptation  of  a  plate  or  marble  or  tiles  to the  aperture  of  the  recess,  which  was  essential to  confine  the  noxious  effluvia  of  the  decaying corpses. The  wide  distinction  between  the  mode  of construction  adopted  in  the  quarries  and  that rendered  necessary  by  the  i-equirements  of  the cemeteries,  and  the  practical  difficulties  which stood  in  the  way  of  transforming  one  into  the other  are  rendered  more  evident  by  the  few instances  in  which  this  transformation  has  been actually  effected.  The  examples  we  would  bring in  proof  of  our  statement  are  those  given  by  Mich. Stef.  De  Rossi  from  the  cemeteries  of  St.  Hermes and  St.  Priscilla  {Analis.  Geol.  ed  Arch.  vol.  i.  pp. 31,  32,  sq. ;  Northcote,  H.  S.  pp.  323,  329).  In the  first  piano  of  the  catacomb  of  St.  Hermes we  have  a  specimen  of  a  sepulchral  gallery  with three  rows  of  lateral  loculi,  constructed  in  brick and  masonry,  within  an  ancient  arenaria.  At fii'st  sight  the  difference  between  the  form  and proportions  of  the  galleries  and  loculi,  and  those of  the  usual  type,  is  scarcely  noticeable.  Closer inspection,  however,  shows  that  the  side  walls are  built  up  from  the  ground,  in  advance  of  the tufa  walls  of  the  gallerj^,  which  is  two  or  three times  the  ordinary  width,  leaving  space  enough for  the  depth  of  the  loculi.  These  are  closed  in the  ordinary  manner,  with  the  exception  of  those of  the  uppei'most  tier,  where  the  closing  slabs are  laid  at  an  angle,  sloping  up  to  the  barrel vault  of  the  gallery,  and  forming  a  triangular instead  of  a  rectangular  recess.  When  the galleries  cross  one  another  the  space  becomes wider  and  the  walls  more  curved,  and  the  vault is  sustained  in  the  centre  by  a  thick  wall  con- taining tombs,  which  divides  the  ambulacrum into  two  parallel  galleries.  This  example  indi- cates the  nature  of  the  alterations  required  to convert  an  arenaria  into  a  cemetery.  These  as a  rule  were  so  costly  and  laborious  that  the Christians  preferred  to  undertake  an  entirely fresh  excavation. The  second  example  is  that  from  the  cemetery ot  St.  Priscilla,  on  the  Via  Salaria  Nova.  The annexed  plan  given  from  De  Rossi  enables  us, by  a  variation  in  the  shading,  to  distinguish bi;tween  the  original  excavation  and   the  form CATACOMBS into  which  it  was  subsequently  converted  when it  became  a  Christian  burial-place,  and  helps us  to  appreciate  the  immense  labour  that was  expended  in  the  erection  of  "numerous pillars  of  various  sizes,  long  walls  of  solid  ma- sonry, sometimes  sti'aight,  sometimes  broken into  angles,  partly  concealing  and  partly  sustain- ing the  tufa  and  the  sepulchres  of  the  galleries, frequent  niches  of  various  size  often  interrupted by  pillars  built  up  within  them,"  and  the  other modifications  necessary  to  convert  the  original excavation  into  its  present  form.  We  may  men- tion a  third  example  of  the  same  kind :  the arenaria  adjacent  to  St.  Saturninus,  on  the  same road.  A  portion  of  this  cemetery  has  been  exca- vated in  good  pozzolana  earth,  and  has  the  cha- racteristics of  a  true  arenaria.  The  galleries  are wide,  and  are  curved  in  plan.  The  walls  and vault  are  arched,  and  it  has  not  been  thought Plan  of  part  of  iheCatacomlHof  St.  Priscira  fiom  I>e  I;,  ■s^i.  showing the  adaptation  of  an  Arenaria  to  a  Christian  cemetery.  The  dark shadiag  represents  the  tnfa  rock ;  the  lighter  the  added  masonry. consistent  with  security  to  construct  more  than two  ranges  of  loculi  near  the  pavement,  and  even these  occur  at  wider  intervals  than  is  usual  where the  rock  is  harder.  In  all  respects  the  contrast this  division  of  the  cemetery  presents  to  the ordinary  type  is  most  marked.  "  Here  we  have another  instance  of  the  Christians  having  made the  attempt  to  utilise  the  arenaria,  but  it  appears that  they  found  it  more  convenient  to  abandon the  attempt,  and  to  construct  entirely  new  gal- leries, even  at  the  cost  of  descending  to  a  greater depth  into  the  bowels  of  the  earth  "  (Northcote. R.  S.  p.  330). Thes^  examples  when  candidly  examined  lead to  a  conclusion  directly  opposite  to  that  affirmed so  confidently  by  Raoul-Rochette  and  others. So  far  from  its  being  the  case  that  the  Christians commenced  their  subterranean  cemeteries  by adopting    exhausted    arenariae,' \7h.\ch.  they  ex- CATACOMBS tended  and  enlarged  to  suit  their  inci'easing requirements,  so  that  "an  arenaria  was  the ordinary  matrix  of  a  catacomb,"  the  rarity  ot" such  instances  that  can  be  adduced,  and  the marked  contrast  between  the  arenaria  and  the catacom'j  both  in  phm  and  mode  of  construction, confirm  our  assertion  that  the  subterranean  ceme- teries of  the  Christians  had  a  distinct  origin,  and from  the  first  were  intended  for  places  of  inter- ment alone,  and  that  what,  previous  to  recent investigations,  was  regarded  as  the  normal  con- dition of  things,  was  really  extremely  exceptional, and  is  to  be  explained  in  each  case  on  exceptional grounds. The  traditional  hypothesis  to  which  we  have referred,  by  which  the  conclusions  of  all  inves- tigators before  the  memorable  epoch  of  Padre Marchi  were  fettered,  had  its  foundation  in  cer- tain passages  in  ancient  documents  of  very  ques- tionable value,  which  describe  the  burial-places of  certain  martyrs  and  others  as  being  in  arena- ria, juxta  arenarium,  ad  arenas,  or  m  cryptis arenariis.  These  passages  are  almost  exclusively derived  from  the  documents  known  as  "Acta Martyrum,"  which,  from  the  extent  to  which their  text  has  been  tampered  with  at  different dates,  are  generally  almost  woi'thless  as  histo- rical authorities.  None  of  those  in  question  are contained  in  Ruinart's  Acta  Martyrnm  Sinccra, and  they  are  probably  of  little  real  weight.  And further,  even  if  the  statements  contained  in  them deserved  to  be  received  with  more  confidence De  Rossi  has  very  acutely  demonstrated  that they  cannot  fairly  be  considered  to  prove  the tact  for  which  they  are  adduced.  They  show little  more  than  that  the  terms  arenarium,  kc, were  used  more  loosely  at  the  time  these  "Acts" were  compiled  than  strict  accuracy  warranted, and  were  applied  to  the  whole  "  hypogaeum  "  of which  the  sand-pit  at  most  only  foi'med  part. According  to  Mich.  Stef.  De  Rossi  {Analis.  Geol.  ed Arch.  vol.  i.  pp.  13-34),  if  we  confine  ourselves to  a  range  of  five  or  six  miles  out  of  Rome,  there are  no  more  than  nine  passages  of  these  "  Acts  " m  which  martyrs  are  recorded  to  have  been mterred  in  arenaria  or  in  cryptis  arenariis ; while  of  this  limited  number  of  authorities,  four refer  to  cemeteries  in  which  an  arenaria  is actually  found  more  or  less  closely  connected with  the  cemetery,  and  in  which  therefore  the fact  may  be  at  once  acknowledged  to  be  in  agree- ment with  the  record,  without  in  the  least impugning  our  conclusion  as  to  the  generally distinct  nature  of  the  two. It  deserves  notice  also,  as  showing  the  worth- lessness  of  these  records  as  statements  of  fact, that  two  of  the  passages  which  speak  of  inter- ments in  cryptis  arenariis,  that  of  SS.  Nereus and  Alexander  in  the  cemetery  of  Domitilla,  and that  of  S.  Laurentius  in  that  of  Cyriaca,  refer  to localities  where  pozzoluna  is  not  to  be  found, but  where  the  stratum  in  which  the  cemetery  is constructed  is  that  known  as  capellaccio,  which is  quite  worthless  for  building  purposes.  No arenarium,  or  crypta  arenaria,  properly  so  called, could  have  existed  there. With  regard  to  the  passage  which  refers  to the  place  of  sepulture  of  SS.  Marcus  and  Mar- <elliuus.  Padre  Marchi  justly  observes  that  it is  not  said  that  these  martyrs  were  buried  in cryptis  arenarum,  but  "  in  loco  qui  dicitur  ad arenas,"  and  therefore  merely  in  the  ueighbour- CATACOMBS 299 hood  of  the  pits  from  which  the  walls  of  the  city were  built. But  although  the  exclusively  Christian  origin of  the  catacombs  has  to  be  distinctly  asserted, and  the  idea  that  they  had  their  origin  in  sand quarries,  already  existing  in  the  first  ages  of  the Church,  must  be  met  with  a  decided  contra- diction, we  must  be  careful  not  to  press  the distinction  so  far  as  to  deny  the  connection  which really  exists,  in  very  many  instances,  between the  cemetery  and  an  arenaria.  We  must  also allow  that  there  are  examples  in  which  loculi  for Christian  interment  have  been  found  in  the  walls of  the  tortuous  roads  of  a  sand  quarry.  Mr. J.  H.  Parker,  who  by  his  accurate  investigations is  conferring  on  the  architecture  and  topography of  Rome  the  same  benefits  he  has  bestowed  on the  architecture  of  his  native  country  and  of France,  has  discovered  loculi  in  the  sides  of  a sand-pit  road,  near  the  church  of  S.  Urbano  alia Caflarella.  This  road  evidently  communicated with  the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus,  to  which  the main  entrance  was  from  the  church,  originally an  ancient  tomb.  A  modern  brick  wall,  built across  the  road,  prevents  any  further  examina- tion of  the  locality.  Such  communications  be- tween the  cemeteries  and  the  adjacent  arenariae were  frequently  opened  in  the  days  of  perse- cution, when,  as  Tertullian  informs  us,  the Christians  were  "  daily  besieged,  and  betrayed, and  caught  unawares  in  their  very  assemblies and  congregations;  their  enemies  having  in- formed thenjselves  as  to  the  days  and  places  of their  meetings  "  (Tert.  Apol.  vii. ;  ad  Nat.  i.  7), and  when,  therefore,  it  became  necessary  as  far as  possible  to  conceal  the  entrances  to  their burial  places  from  the  public  gaze.  In  those times  of  trial  the  original  entrances  to  the  cata- combs were  blocked  up,  the  staircases  destroyed, and  new  and  difficult  ways  of  access  opened through  the  recesses  of  a  deserted  sand-pit. These  afforded  the  Christians  the  means  of  ingress and  egress  without  attracting  public  notice,  and by  means  of  them  they  had  facilities  for  escape, even  when  they  had  been  tracked  to  the  cata- comb itself.  The  catacomb  of  S.  Callistus  aff'ords examples  of  these  connections  with  arenaiHa. (Cf.  the  plans  given  by  De  Rossi,  Northcote,  and Marchi.) History. — The  practice  of  interring  the  entire corpse  unconsumed  by  fire  in  a  subterranean  ex- cavation has  been  so  completely  identified  with the  introduction  of  the  Christian  religion  into Rome  that  we  are  in  danger  of  losing  sight  of the  fact  that  this  mode  of  burial  did  not  in  any sense  originate  with  the  Christians.  However great  the  contrast  between  the  sepulture  after cremation  in  the  urns  of  columbaria,  or  the  indis- criminate flinging  of  the  dead  into  the  loathsome pnticoli,  and  the  reverent  and  orderly  interment of  the  bodies  of  the  departed  in  the  cells  of  a catacomb,  the  Christians,  in  adopting  this  mode, were  only  reverting  to  what  one  of  the  early apologists  terms  "  the  older  and  better  custom  of inhumation"  (Minuc.  Fel.  Octac.  c.  34).  It  is well  known  that  the  custom  of  burying  the  dead was  the  original  custom  both  with  the  Greeks and  Romans,  and  was  only  superseded  by  burn- ing in  later  times,  chiefly  on  sanitary  grounds. The  Etruscan  tombs  are  familiar  examples  be- longing to  a  very  early  period.  In  Rome,  cre- mation did  not  become  general  till  the  later  davs 300 CATACOMBS of  the  republic.  The  authority  of  Cicero  is  defi- nite on  this  point.  He  states  that  Marius  was buried,  and  that  the  Gens  Cornelia  adopted  cre- mation for  their  dead  in  living  memory,  Sulla being  the  first  member  of  that  Gens  whose  body was  burnt  (Cic.  de  Leg.  ii.  22).  Under  the Empire  cremation  became  the  almost  universal custom,  though  not  so  as  absolutely  to  exclude the  other,  which  gradually  regained  its  lost  hold on  the  public  mind,  and  was  re-established bv  the  fourth  century.  Macrobius  asserts  posi- tively that  the  custom  of  burning  the  dead  had entirely  ceased  in  his  day.  "  Urendi  corpora  de- functoi-um  usus  nostro  saeculo  nullus"  (Macrob. Saturml.  lib.  vii.  c.  7).  Of  the  practice  of  in- humation of  the  unburnt  body  we  have  not  un- frequent  examples  in  Eome  itself.  The  tomb  of the  Scipios,  on  the  Appian  Way  (now  within  the Aurelian  walls),  is  a  familiar  instance.  The correspondence  between  the  arrangements  of  this tomb  and  those  of  the  earlier  Christian  catacombs, e.g.  that  of  Domitilla,  is  vei-y  marked.  In  both we  have  passages  excavated  in  the  tufa,  giving access  to  sepulchral  chambers  arranged  in  stories  ; burial  places  cut  in  the  native  rock  and  covered with  a  slab  of  stone;  sarcophagi  standing  in recesses,  partially  hollowed  out  to  receive  them. Visconti  was  of  opinion  that  this  tomb  was  a used-out  stone  quarry.  In  this  he  is  followed by  Raoul-Rochette,  Tableau  cles  Catac.  p.  23. It  is  favoured  by  the  irregularity  of  the  plan. Another  like  example  is  the  tomb  of  the  Nasos,  on the  Flaminian  Way,  described  bytBartoli,  in which  Kaoul-Rochette  has  traced  a  marked  re- semblance to  the  plan  and  general  disposition  to the  catacomb  of  St.  Hermes,  which,  as  we  have seen  already,  presents  many  marked  variations from  the  ordinary  plan  of  the  Christian  cata- combs. Other  examples  are  given  by  De  Rossi, Ii.  S.  i.  88,  who  remarks  that  this  mode  of  inter- ment was  much  more  general  in  Rome  and  its vicinity  than  is  usually  credited.  He  quotes from  Fabretti,  Insc.  Dom.  p.  55,  a  description  of a  tomb  found  by  him  at  the  fourth  mile  on  the Flaminian  Way.  "Necdum  crematione  instituta in  topho  indigena  excavatum  sepulchrum  .... qualia  in  nostris  Christianorum  coemeteriis visuntur,"  and  mentions  a  numerous  series  of cells  of  a  similar  character  cut  in  the  living  rock examined  by  him  in  ditferent  localities  in  the vicinity  of  the  city. But  although  Pagan  subterranean  burial places  possess  a  family  likeness  to  the  ceme- teries of  the  Christians,  they  are  unmis- takably distinguished  from  them  by  certain unfailing  marks.  They  are  of  much  more  con- tracted dimensions,  being  intended  for  the  mem- bers and  dependants  of  a  single  family,  instead of  being  open  to  the  community  of  the  faithful generally.  As  being  destined  to  be  the  abodes of  the  dead  only,  their  entrances  were  firmly closed,  while  the  burial  niches  were  frequently left  open  ;  while  on  the  other  hand,  in  the  Chris- tian cemeteries,  constantly  visited  for  the  pur- poses of  devotion  and  for  the  memorial  of  the departed,  the  loculi  were  hermetically  sealed,  to prevent  the  escape  of  noxious  gases,  while  the entrance  stood  always  open,  and  the  feithful could  approach  each  separate  grave  with  their prayers  and  their  offerings.  These  distinctions ■re  broadly  maintained  as  a  rule.  As  regards re  are  exceptions  each dimensions    howevi CATACOMBS way.  We  meet  with  some  isolated  Christian burial  chambers  designed  to  receive  the  indi- viduals of  a  single  family;  and  on  the  other hand,  some  heathen  tombs  exceed  the  usual limits  of  a  single  chamber.  De  Rossi  mentions the  existence  of  many  hypogaea,  opening  from the  tombs  and  columbaria  on  the  Appian  and Latin  Ways,  which  contain  a  fewsmall  cubiculaand three  or  four  very  short  ambulacra.  Such  hypo- gaea  were  assigned  by  Marchi,  without  sufficient evidence,  to  the  adherents  of  idolatrous  Oriental sects  (De  Rossi,  R.  S.  i.  pp.  88-92). But  it  is  not  in  these  heathen  examples  that we  are  to  find  the  germ  of  the  Christian  catacombs. We  are  to  look  for  them  in  the  burial  places  of another  people,  with  whom  the  Christians  of Rome  were  from  the  first  closely  connected,  and indeed  in  the  popular  mind  identified — the  Jews. The  first  converts  to  the  faith  in  Rome  were Jews ;  and,  as  Dean  Milman  has  remarked  {Lat.  ^ Christianity,  i.  31),  no  Church  seems  to  have clung  more  obstinately  to  Judaising  tenets  and Jewish  customs  than  the  Roman.  In  their  man- ner of  sepulture,  therefore,  we  should  anticipate that  the  Roman  Christians  would  follow  the customs  of  the  land  which  was  the  cradle  of  their religion,  and  to  which  so  many  of  them  traced their  parentage — customs  which  were  faithfully adhered  to  in  the  land  of  their  dispersion.  They had  an  additional  reason  for  regarding  this  mode of  interment  with  aflectionate  reverence,  as  one hallowed  to  them  by  the  example  of  their  cruci- fied Master,  and  in  Him  associated  with  the hopes  of  the  resurrection.  The  practice  of  burial in  sepulchres  hewn  out  of  the  living  rock  was always  familiar  to  the  Jews,  and  was  adopted  by them  in  every  part  of  the  world  wherever  they made  settlements  and  the  nature  of  the  soil permitted  it.  The  existence  of  Jewish  catacombs in  Rome,  of  a  date  anterior  to  Christianity,  is  no  ^ matter  of  conjecture.  One  was  discovered  by Bosio  at  the  opening  of  the  17th  century,  and described  by  him  {R.  S.  c.  xxii.  p.  141  seq;), bearing  unmistakable  evidence  of  a  very  early date.  This  cemetery,  placed  by  him  on  Monte Verde,  outside  the  Porta  Portese,  has  escaped  all subsequent  researches  (Marchi,  p.  21  seq.).  From the  meanness  of  its  construction,  the  absence  of any  adornment  in  painting,  stucco,  or  marble, and  the  smallness  and  paucity  of  its  cubicula (only  two  were  found),  it  was  evidently  a  burial place  of  the  poorer  classes.  There  was  an  utter absence  of  all  Christian  symbols.  Almost  every loculus  bore — either  painted  in  red  or  scratched on  the  mortar — the  seven-branched  candlestick.  < In  one  inscription  was  read  the  word  CTNAmr. (rvvaydyij. Another  Jewish  catacomb  is  still  accessible on  the  Via  Appia,  opposite  the  Basilica  of  St. Sebastian.  According  to  Mr.  Parker  (who  has included  photographs  of  this  catacomb  in  his  in- valuable series,  Nos.  1160,  1161),  part  of  it  is  of the  time  of  Augustus,  part  as  late  as  Constantine. It  contains  two  cubicula,  with  large  arcosolia, ornamented  with  arabesque  paintings  of  flowers and  birds,  devoid  of  distinctive  symbols.  Some of  the  loculi  present  their  ends  instead  of  their sides  to  the  galleries — an  arrangement  very  rarely found  in  Christian  cemeteries.  The  inscriptions are  mostly  in  Greek  characters,  though  the language  of  some  is  Latin.  Some  bear  Hebrew words.      Nearlv  all    have    the   candlestick.      In CATACOMBS 1866  another  extremely  poverty-stricken  Jewish catacomb,  dug  in  a  clay  soil,  was  excavated  ia the  Vigna  Cimarra,  on  the  Appian  Way. The  idea  so  long  and  so  widely  prevalent,  that works  of  such  immense  extent,  demanding  so large  an  amount  of  severe  manual  labour,  could have  been  executed  in  secret,  and  in  defiance  of existing  laws,  is  justly  designated  by  Mommsen as  ridiculous,  and  reflecting  a  discredit,  as  un- founded as  it  is  unjust,  on  the  imperial  police  of the  capital.  It  is  simply  impossible  that  such excavations  should  have  escaped  official  notice. Nor  was  there  any  reason  why  the  Christians should  have  desired  that  their  burial  places should  have  been  concealed  from  the  state  autho- rities. No  evidence  can  be  alleged  which  affords even  a  hint  that  in  the  first  two  centuries  at least  there  was  any  official  interference  with Christian  sepulture,  or  any  difficulties  attending it  to  render  secrecy  or  concealment  desirable. The  ordinary  laws  relating  to  the  burial  of  the dead  afforded  their  protection  to  the  Christians no  less  than  to  their  fellow  citizens.  A  special enactment,  of  which  we  find  no  trace,  would have  been  needed,  to  exempt  the  Christians  from the  operation  of  these  laws.  So  long  as  they  did not  violate  any  of  the  laws  by  which  the  sepul- ture of  the  dead  was  regulated  the  Roman  Chris- tians were  left  free  to  follow  their  taste  and wishes  in  this  matter.  Nor,  as  we  have  seen, was  there  anything  altogether  strange  or  repul- sive in  the  mode  of  burial  adopted  by  the  Chris- tians. They  were  but  following  an  old  fashion which  had  not  entirely  died  out  in  Rome,  and which  the  Jews  were  suffered  to  follow  un- molested. One  law  they  were  absolutely  bound to  observe,  viz.,  that  which  prohibited  interment within  the  walls  of  the  city.  And  a  survey  of the  Christian  cemeteries  in  the  vicinity  of  Rome will  show  that  this  was  strictly  obeyed.  All of  them  are  contained  in  the  zone  at  once  pre- scribed by  law  and  dictated  by  convenience, within  a  radius  of  about  21  miles  from  the Aurelian  walls.  "Between  the  third  and  fifth mile  from  the  walls  no  Christian  sepulchre  has been  found ;  at  the  sixth,  only  one,  that  of  St. Alexander;  while  beyond  the  seventh  mile  tombs are  again  met  with,  but  these  belong  rather  to the  towns  and  villages  of  the  Campagna  than  to Rome  itself"  (Northcote,  £.  S.  p.  ^34;  Mich. Stef  de  Rossi,  Analis.  Geol.  ed  Arch.  i.  45). Legal  enactments  and  considerations  of  practical convenience  having  roughly  determined  the  situ- ation of  the  Christian  cemeteries,  a  further  cause operated  to  fix  their  precise  locality.  Having regard  to  the  double  purpose  these  excavations were  to  serve — the  sepulture- of  the  dead,  and  the gathering  of  the  living  for  devotion — it  was essential  that  a  position  should  be  chosen  where the  soil  was  dry,  and  which  was  not  liable  to  be flooded  by  the  neighbouring  streams,  nor  subject to  the  infiltration  of  water.  If  these  rules  were not  observed,  not  only  would  the  putrefaction  of the  corpses  have  taken  place  with  dangerous rapidity,  and  the  air  become  poisoned,  but  the galleries  themselves  would  have  been  choked with  mud  and  been  rendered  inaccessible.  We find,  therefore,  that  the  planners  of  the  ceme- teries, as  a  rule,  avoided  the  valleys  and  low lands,  and  restricted  their  operations  to  the higher  grounds  surrounding  the  cit}',  particularly where  the  geological  conditions  of  the  soil  pro- CATACOMBS 301 mised  them  strata  of  the  tufa  gmnolare,  in  which  ^ they  by  preference  worked,  and  where  springs  of water  were  absent.     As  an  example  of  the  disas- trous consequences  of  not  attending  to  these  pre- cautions we  may  name  the  cemetery  of  Castulus,  ; on  the  Via  Labicana,  re-discovered  by  De  Rossi in  1864  (Biclletino  de  Arch.  Crist.,  Fev.  1865).  | From    its    low  position,   the   galleries  are  filled with  clay  and  water,  which  have  reduced  them  ,         I to  ruin  and  rendered  the  cemetery  quite  inac-  i cessible.                                                                                 i As  a  rule,  each  catacomb  occupies  a  separate rising  ground  of  the  Campagna,  and  one  divided  <. from  any  other  by  intervening  valleys.  The general  humidity  of  these  low  grounds,  and  the streams  which  flow  along  them,  effectually  pro-  | hibit  the  construction  of  galleries  of  communica-  1 tion  between  the  various  cemeteries.     The  idea  I broached  by  Raoul-Rochette,  and  contended  for by  Marchi,  that  a  subterranean  communication  ! at  a  low  level  exists  between  the  whole  of  the  i Christian  cemeteries  of  Rome,  as  well  as  with the  chief  churches  within  the  city,  is,  m  Momm- sen's  words,  "a  mere  fable" — in  fact,  a  complete  | impossibility.  Such  galleries  of  connection,  if formed,  would  have  been  constantly  inundated, if  they  had  not  at  once  become  mere  conduits  of  j running  water. Each  of  the  larger  cemeteries,  then,  may be  regarded  as  an  insulated  group,  embracing several  smaller  cemeteries,  corresponding  to  the original  funeral  areae  assigned  to  the  interment of  the  early  Christians,  but  never  crossing  the intermediate  depressions  or  ravines,  and  seldom,  I if  ever,    having  any  communication   with    each  I other  (M.  Stef.  de'  Rossi,  H.  S.  Analis.  Geol.  ed Arch.  i.  41,  seq.). The  notions  which  have  been  entertained as  to  the  horizontal  extent  of  the  catacombs are  very  greatly  exaggerated.  It  has  been  even gravely  asserted  that  they  reach  as  far  as  Tivoli in  one  direction  and  Ostia  in  the  other.  It  is probably  quite  impossible  to  form  a  correct  esti- mate of  the  area  actually  occupied  by  them,  from our  ignorance  of  their  real  extent.  Not  a  few which  were  known  to  the  older  investigators cannot  now  be  discovered,  and  it  can  hardly  be questioned  that  others  exist  which  have  never been  entered  since  the  period  when  they  were finally  given  over  to  neglect  and  decay.  M.  Stef. de  Rossi,  in  his  valuable  Analisi  Geologica  ed Architettonica,  so  often  referred  to,  p.  60,  de- clares his  belief  that  nearly  the  whole  of  the available  space  within  the  above-named   ceme-  j terial  zone,  where  the  soil  was  suitable  for  the purpose,  was  occupied  by  burial  vaults.  But  he discreetly  abstains  from  any  attempt  to  define either  their  superficial  area  or  their  linear extension.  The  calculations  that  have  been hazarded  by  Marchi  and  others  are  founded  on too  vague  data  to  be  very  trustworthy.  Marchi calculated  that  the  united  length  of  the  galleries of  the  catacombs  would  amount  to  800  or  900 miles,  and  the  number  of  graves  to  between  six and  seven  millions.  The  estimate  quoted  by  Mar- tigny  {Diction,  des  A)it.  Chre't.  p.  128)  does  not go  beyond  587  miles.  That  given  by  Northcote {R.  S.  p.  26)  is  more  modest  still, — "  on  the whole  there  are  certainly  not  less  than  350  miles of  them."  But  all  such  estimates  are  at  present simply  conjectural. The  beginnings  of  these  vast  cemeteries  were 302 CATACOMBS small  and  comparatively  insignificant.  There  is little  question  that  almost  without  exception thev  had  their  origin  in  sepulchral  areas  of  limi- ted' extent,  the  property  of  private  fiimilies  or individuals,  devoted  by  them  to  this  sacred  pur- pose. The  investigations  of  De  Rossi,  an  ex- plorer as  sagacious  as  he  is  conscientious,  have satisfactorily  proved  that  the  immense  cemetery of  Callistus,  with  its  innumerable  cuhicula  and stories  of  intricate  ramifications,  originally  con- sisted of  several  small  and  independent  burial grounds,  executed  with  great  regularity  within carefully  prescribed  limits.  The  manner  in which  a  subterranean  cemetery  was  constructed was  as  follows.  First  of  all  a  plot  of  ground suitable  for  the  purpose  was  obtained  by  gift  or by  purchase,  extending  so  many  feet,  i7i  f route,  in length,  along  the  high  road,  so  many,  in  ogro, in  depth,  at  right  angles  to  the  road.  That  which used  to  be  known  as  the  cemetery  of  Lucina,  the most  ancient  part  of  the  cemetery  of  Callistus, measured  100  Roman  feet  in  length  by  180  feet in  depth.  A  second  area  of  the  same  cemetery including  the  Papal  crypt  and  that  of  St.  Caecilia measured  250  along  the  road,  and  reached  back 100  feet  in  a(jro.  Such  a  plot  was  secured  by  its Christian  proprietor  as  a  burial-place  with  the usual  legal  formalities.  The  fact  of  the  indivi- dual being  a  Christian  threw  no  impediment  in the  way  of  the  purchase,  or  of  the  construction  of the  cemetery.  All  were  in  this  respect  equally  un- derthe  protection  of  the  laws.  The  first  step  in  the construction  of  the  cemetery  was  the  excavation of  a  passage  all  the  way  round  the  area,  commu- nicating with  the  surface  by  one  or  more  stair- cases at  the  corners.  Loculi  were  cut  in  the walls  of  these  galleries  to  receive  the  dead. When  the  original  galleries  were  fully  occupied, cross  galleries  were  run  on  the  same  level,  gra- dually forming  a  network  of  passages,  all  filled with  tombs.  If  a  family  vault  was  required,  or a  martyr  or  other  Christian  of  distinction  had to  be  interred,  a  small  rectangular  chamber, cubiculmn,  was  excavated,  communicating  with the  gallery.  In  the  earlier  part  of  the  cemetery of  Callistus  a  considerable  number  of  these  small burial  chambers  are  found,  succeeding  one  an- other as  we  proceed  along  the  ambulacrum  with as  much  regularity  as  bedrooms  opening  out  of  a passage  in  a  modern  house.  When  the  galleries in  the  original  piano  had  reached  their  furthest extension  consistent  with  stability,  the  excavators commenced  a  new  system  of  galleries  at  a  lower level,  reached  by  a  new  staircase.  These  were carried  out  on  the  same  principle  as  those  in  the story  above,  and  were  used  for  sepulture  as  long as  they  aflbrded  space  for  graves.  When  more room  was  wanted  the  fossores  formed  a  third story  of  galleries,  which  was  succeeded  by  a fourth,  and  even  by  a  fifth.  Instances  indeed are  met  with,  as  in  some  parts  of  the  cemetery of  Callistus,  where,  including  what  may  be  called a  mezzanine  story,  the  number  of  piani  reaches seven.  Sometimes,  however,  according  to  Cav. Mich.  S.  de  Rossi  (Analis.  Geol.  ed.  Architet.  del dmitero  di  Callisto,  vol  ii.  p.  30),  the  upper piani  are  of  later  date  than  the  lower,  experience havmg  given  the  excavators  greater  confidence  in the  security  of  the  strata,  and  the  complete cessation  of  persecution  removing  the  temporary necessity  for  concealment.  Some  of  these  later galleries  are  not  more  than  from  three  to  four CATACOMBS inches  below  the  surface.  The  extreme  narrow- ness of  the  galleries  is  one  of  the  most  marked characteristics  of  the  Christian  catacombs.  The object  of  the  excavators  being  to  economize sjjace  and  make  the  most  of  a  limited  area,  the gallery  was  not  formed  of  a  greater  width  than would  be  sufficient  for  the  purpose  of  affording two  tiers  of  sepulchral  recesses,  with  room enough  between  for  the  passage,  usually,  of  a single  person.  The  naiTowest  galleries,  which are  by  no  means  rare,  are  from  2  ft.  to  2J  ft. wide.      The    normal   width    is    from    2^    ft.    to 3  ft.  A  few  are  3J  ft.  wide.  A  still  smaller number,  and  those  usually  very  short,  are  from 4  ft.  to  5  ft.  in  width.  These  rules,  says M.  S.  de  Rossi,  are  unalterable,  whatever  be the  piano,  or  the  quality  of  the  rock.  The only  variation  is  that  where  the  rock  is  more friable  the  galleries  are  less  numerous,  and more  of  the  intervening  stratum  is  left  un- touched; while  they  become  more  numerous  and intricate  the  greater  the  solidity  of  the  forma- tion. The  ceiling  is  usually  flat,  sometimes slightly  arched.  The  height  of  the  galleries depends  on  the  nature  of  the  soil  in  which  they are  dug.  The  earliest  were  originally  the  least elevated ;  the  fossores  being  apprehensive  of making  them  too  high  for  security.  As  they gained  confidence  in  the  strength  of  the  I'ock, space  required  for  more  graves  was  obtained  by lowering  the  floor  of  the  galleries,  so  that  not unfrequently  the  most  ancient  are  now  the most  lofty.  Sometimes  the  construction  of galleries  at  a  lower  level  was  stopped  by  the cessation  of  the  strata  of  t^ifa  granolare :  and  at others,  as  in  the  Vati.an  cemetery,  by  the  oc- currence of  springs,  which  threatened  the  inun- dation of  the  galleries  and  the  destruction  of the  graves.  When  further  progress '  down- wards was  prevented,  another  funeral  area  was opened  by  the  side  of  the  original  one,  and  the same  process  was  repeated.  It  often  happened that  in  the  course  of  time  independent  ceme- teries which  had  been  foi-med  in  adjacent  plots  of ground  were  combined  together,  so  as  to  form one  large  necropolis.  Examples  of  this  are found  in  almost  all  the  great  cemeteries  of  Rome, and  the  combination  of  names  which  has  thus arisen  has  given  rise  to  no  little  confusion.  Por- tions of  what  has  since  become  one  cemetery  bear different  appellations  in  the  ancient  documents, and  it  is  not  easy  to  unravel  the  tangled  skein  : e.g.  the  cemetery  "ad  Ursum  pileatum"  on  the "Via  Portuensis  "  bears  the  titles  of  St.  Pontia- nus,  SS.  Abdon  and  Sennen,  and  St.  Pigmenius. That  on  the  "  Via  Appia,"  usually  known  as  the cemetery  of  St.  Praetextatus,  is  also  called  after St.  Urbanus,  SS.  Tiburtius  and  Valerianus,  St. Balbina  and  St.  Marcus. Tradition  and  documentary  evidence  have assigned  several  of  the  Roman  catacombs  to  the first  age  of  the  Church's  history.  For  some,  an apostolical  origin  is  claimed.  It  may  be  difficult to  prove  beyond  question  that  any  of  the  existing catacombs  belong  to  the  age  of  St.  Peter  and St.  Paul,  but  the  matter  has  been  very  care- fully and  dispassionately  examined  by  De Rossi,  a.  S.  i.  p.  184  seq.,  and  the  evidence  he collects  from  the  existing  remains  in  support  of the  traditional  view  is  of  a  nature  to  convince  us that  some  of  them  were  constructed  at  least  in  a very  early  period.     This  evidence  is  presented  by CATACOMBS    ^ paintings  in  a  pure  classical  style,  with  a  very rare  admixture  of  distinctly  Christian  symbols ; decorations  in  fine  stucco,  displaying  a  chaste architectural  spirit ;  crypts  of  consid'erable  size, not  hewn  out  of  the  living  tut'a,  but  carefully, and  even  elegantly,  built  with  pilasters  and cornices  of  brick  and  terra-cotta ;  wide  corridors with  painted  walls,  and  recesses  for  sarcophagi, instead  of  the  narrow  ambulacra  with  their walls  thickly  pierced  with  shelf-like  funeral recesses  ;  whole  families  of  inscriptions  to  persons bearing  classical  names,  and  without  any  dis- tinctively Chi-istian  expressions;  and  lastly, though  rarely,  consular  dates  of  the  second,  and one  or  more  even  of  the  first  century.  The  cata- combs that  present  these  distinctive  marks  of very  early  date  are  those  of  Priscilla  on  the  Via Salaria  Nova,  that  of  Domitilla  on  the  Via  Arden- tina,  of  Praetextatus  on  the  Via  Appia,  ancl  a portion  of  that  of  St.  Agnes,  identified  with  the cemetery  of  Ostrianus  or  Fons  Petri. The  evidence  of  early  date  furnished  by  in- scriptions is  but  scanty.  It  must,  however,  be borne  in  mind  that  only  a  very  small  proportion have  the  date  of  the  year,  as  given  by  the consuls,  upon  them.  The  chief  object  was  to  fix the  anniversary  of  the  death,  and  for  this  the  day of  the  month  was  sufficient.  The  most  ancient dated  Christian  inscription  is  of  the  third  year of  Vespasian,  a.d.  7'2,  but  its  original  locality  is unknown  (Northcote,  E.  S.  p.  6.5).  Rostell (JRoms  Beschreibung,  i.  371),  quotes  from  Bol- detti,  p.  83,  one  of  the  consulate  of  Anicius  and Virius  Callus,  a.d.  98,  from  the  catacomb  of Hippolytus ;  but  it  begins  with  the  letters D.  M.,  and  contains  no  distinctly  Christian  ex- pressions. One  of  the  consulate  of  Sura  and Senecio,  a.d.  107,  and  another  of  that  of  Piso and  Bolanus,  a.d.  110,  were  seen  by  Boldetti  in the  catacomb  beneath  the  basilica  of  St.  Paul (Boldetti,  pp.  78,  79).  The  same  explorer  found here  also  an  inscription,  which  the  name  of Gallicanus  fi.xes  either  to  A.D.  127  or  A.D.  150. The  beginning  of  the  third  century  finds  the Christians  of  Rome  in  possession  of  a  cemetery common  to  them  as  a  body,  and  doubtless  secured to  them  by  legal  tenure,  and  under  the  protection of  the  authorities  of  the  city.  We  learn  this instructive  fact  from  the  Philosophumena  of Hippolytus  (ix.  11),  where  we  read  that  Pope Zephyrinus  "set  Callistus  over  the  cemetery," KaTecrrrjffiv  sttI  rh  Koijj.riT'fipiov.  As  we  have seen  reason  to  believe  that  at  this  period  several Christian  cemeteries  were  already  in  existence, there  must  have  been  something  distinctive  about this  one  to  induce  the  bishop  of  Rome  to  intrust its  care  to  one  of  his  chief  clergy,  who  in  a  few years  succeeded  him  in  his  Episcopate.  We  can have  little  hesitation  in  accepting  De  Rossi's conclusion  (for  the  grounds  of  which  the  reader must  be  referred  to  his  great  work  Soma  Sotter- vinea,  or  to  Dr.  Northcote's  excellent  abridgement of  it  under  the  same  title)  that  this  was  the cemetery  which  we  read  in  Anastasius,  §  17, Callixtus  "made  on  the  Appian  Way,  where  the <;  bodies  of  many  priests  and  martyrs  repose,  and ^  which  is  called  even  to  the  present  day  coeme- terium  Callixti."  In  a  crypt  of  this  cemetery Zephyrinus  himself  was  buried,  in  violation  of the  rule  which  had  prevailed  almost  without exception  up  to  that  period,  that  the  bishops of   Rome    should    be   laid  where   St.   Peter  was CATACOMBS 303 believed  to  repose,  in  the  crypt  of  the  Vatican. Of  the  fifteen  bishops  who  are  reported  to  have preceded  Zephyrinus,  all  but  Clemens,  who  is recorded  to  have  been  buried  in  Greece,  and Alexander,  whose  sepulchre  was  made  near  the  ' scene  of  his  martyrdom,  on  the  Via  Nomentana,  | according  to  the  oldest  and  most  trustworthy  , recensions  of  the  Liber  Pontificalis,   were  sup-  ' posed  to  sleep  in  the  Vatican  cemetery.  Of the  eighteen  who  intervened  between  him  and Sylvester,  no  fewer  than  thirteen  repose  in  the  | cemetery  of  Callistus.  Slabs  bearing  the  names of  Anteros,  A.D.  236,  Fabianus,  A.D.  251,  (the first  bishop   of  whose   martyrdom    there   is   no  ' question),    Lucius,  A.D.   253,    and   Eutychianus,  I A.D.  275,  in  Greek  characters,  the   oflicial  lan- guage of  the  Church,  with  the  words  Episcopiis,  - and,  in   the    case    of  Fabianus,  martyr,    added, have  been  discovered   by  Cav.  de  Rossi  in  this crypt.      An   adjoining    vault    has    revealed    the epitaph  of  Eusebius,  a.d.  311,  set  up  by  Dama- sus,  and  engraved  by  his  artist  Furius  Dionysius  i Philocalus,  whose  name  it  bears.  In  another  crypt in   the  same  cemetery  De  Ros.si's  labours  have been  rewarded  by  the  fragments  of  an  epitaph which  is  reasonably  identified  with  that  of  Cor- nelius, A.D.  252,  whose  portrait,  together  with    <^  j that    of    his    contemporary    and    correspondent  i Cyprian,    is    painted    on    its    wall.       Callistus himself  does  not  lie  in  the  catacomb  that  bears          j his  name.  He  met  his  end  by  being  hurled  from a  window  into  a  well  in  the  Trastevere,  and  his          I corpse  was  hastily  removed  to  the  nearest  cem- etery, that  of  Calepodius,  on  the  Via  Aurelia. It  cannot  be  reasonably  qtiestioned  that  a  ceme- tery which  was  the   recognised  burial-place  of the    bishops    of  the    city  had    a  public,  official character  distinct  from   the  private    cemeteries with  which  the  walls  of  Rome  were  surrounded. To   the    period    of    peaceful    occupation    and undisturbed    use    of    the    cemeteries     by    the Christian  population  of  Rome  succeeded  that  of persecution.     We  cannot  place  this  earlier  than the  middle  of  the  third  century.     There  might be    occasional    outbreaks    of    popular    violence directed  against  the  Christians,  and  isolated  acts         [ of  cruelty  and  severity  towards  the  professors  of         , an  unpopular    religion.       We    know    from    the famous  correspondence  between  Pliny  and  Mar-      / cus  Aurelius,  that  even  under  the  merciful  survey of  so  wise  and  benevolent  a  ruler,  the  position  of a  Christian  was  far  from  one  of  security.      Of this  we  have  a  proof,  if  it  be  really  authentic,  in the  touching  record  of  a  martyrdom  within  the precincts  of  the  catacombs,  given   by  the  cele- brated epitaph  of  Alexander  from  the  cemetery         ' of  Callistus  (Bosio  lib.  iii.  c.  23,  p.  216). "Alexander  mortuus  non  est  sed  vivit  super astra  et  corpus  in  hoc  tumulo  quiescit.  Vitam explevit  cum  Antonino  Imp.  qui  ubi  multum benefitii  antevenire  previdei'et  pro  gratia  odium reddidit.  Genua  enim  flecteus  vero  Deo  saeri- ficaturus  ad  supplicia  ducitur.  O  tempera  in- fausta  quibus  inter  sacra  et  vota  ne  in  cavernis quidem  salvari  possimus.  Quid  miserius  vita, sed  quid  miserius  in  morte  cum  ab  amicis  et  I pai-entibus  sepeliri  nequeant.  Tandem  in  caelo coruscat.     Parum  vixit  qui  vixit  iv.  x.  Tem." Another   of  almost  equal  interest,   from   the same  cemetery,   is  also  found  in  Bosio,  p.  217, referring  to  a  martyrdom  in  the  days  of  Hadrian. "Tempore   .Adrian!    Imperatoris    Marius  ado- 304 CATACOMBS Dux  militum  qui  satis  visit  dum  vitam pro  CHO  consumsit.  In  pace  tandem  quievit. Benemerentes  cum  lacrimis  et  metu  posuerunt." There  was  no  general  persecution  of  the Christians  in  Rome  from  the  reign  of  Nero, A.D.  65,  to  that  of  Decius,  A.D.  249-251. "During  that  period,"  writes  Dean  Milman (^History  of  Christianity,  bk.  iv.  c.  ii.  p.  329,  note 2),  "  the  Christians  were  in  general  as  free  and secure  as  the  other  inhabitants  of  Rome.  Their assemblies  were  no  more  disturbed  than  the synagogues  of  the  Jews,  or  the  rites  of  other foreign  religions.  From  this  first  terrible  but brief  onslaught  under  Decius,  to  the  genei-al  and more  merciless  persecution  under  Diocletian  and Galerius,  A.D.  303,  there  is  no  trustworthy record  of  any  Roman  persecution."  These  epochs of  persecution  left  their  marks  on  the  construc- tion of  the  catacombs.  The  martyrdom  of Xystus  II.  in  the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus, A.D.  257  ("  Xystum  in  cimiterio  animadversum sciatis  ,  .  .  et  cum  eo  diaconos  quatuor,"  Cy- prian, Ep.  80),  and  the  walling  up  alive  of  a  con- siderable number  of  the  faithful,  men,  women, and  children,  near  the  tombs  of  the  martyrs Chrysanthus  and  Daria,  in  a  catacomb  on  the Via  Salaria,  recorded  by  St.  Gregory  of  Tours, De  Gloria  Martyr,  i.  c.  28  ;  and  other  traditions of  the  same  period,  even  thougli  we  are  com- pelled to  hesitate  as  to  some  of  them,  testify  to the  danger  that  attended  the  meetings  of  the faithful  in  the  cemeteries,  and  the  necessity which  had  arisen  for  secrecy  and  concealment  if  i they  would  preserve  the  inviolability  of  their graves,  and  continue  their  visits  undisturbed. To  these  fierce  times  of  trial  we  may  safely assign  the  alterations  which  we  find  made  in  the entrances  of  and  staircases  leading  down  to  the caiacombs,  and  the  construction  of  concealed ways  of  ingress  and  egress  through  the  arenariae which  lay  adjacent  to  them.  We  may  instance the  blocking  up  and  partial  destruction  of  two chief  staircases  in  the  cemetery  of  Callistus,  and the  formation  of  secret  passages  into  the  arena- riii.  One  of  these  is  approached  by  a  staircase that  stops  suddenly  short  some  distance  from  the floor  of  the  gallery,  and  was  thus  rendered utterly  useless  to  any  who  could  not  command  a ladder,  oi-  some  other  means  ot  connecting  the lowest  step  with  the  arenaria  (Northcote,  R.  S. pp.  331,  3-17  ;  De  Rossi,  B.  S.  ii.  47-49).  It  happens not  unfrequently  that  galleries  are  found  com- pletely filled  up  with  earth  from  the  floor  to  the  ' vault.  It  has  been  considered  by  many  that this  was  the  work  of  the  Christians  themselves, with  the  view  of  preserving  their  sepulchres inviolate  by  rendering  the  galleries  inaccessible to  friend  or  foe.  This  view,  first  propounded  by Buonarruoti,  Osserv.  p.  xii.,  is  strongly  main- tained by  De  Rossi,  M.  S.  ii.  52-58,  who  assigns this  earthing-up  of  the  tombs  to  the  persecution of  Diocletian,  A.D.  302.  But  the  opinion  main- tained by  other  equally  competent  authorities  is more  probable,  that  this  proceeding  was  simply dictated  by  convenience,  as  a  means  for  disposing more  easily  of  the  earth  excavated  from  newly- formed  galleries.  It  must  always  have  been a  tedious  and  laborious  operation  to  convey  the freshly-dug  earth  from  the  catacomb  to  the surface,  through  the  long  tortuous  passages,  and by  the  air-tunnels.  The  galleries  already  piled with   tombs,   and   therefore   useless  for   future CATACOMBS interments,  oft'ered  a  ready  reception  for  the material,  and  in  these  it  was  deposited.  This  is the  view  of  Marchi,  p.  94,  and  Raoul-Rochette, Tableau  des  Catac.  p.  36,  and  even  of  Boldetti, pp.  607  ;  although  the  last-named  author  is unable  altogether  to  reject  Buonarruoti's  idea that  the  galleries  were  thus  filled  up  to  save the  hallowed  remains  they  contained  from  the sacrilegious  hands  of  the  heathen. The  middle  of  the  fourth  century,  which  saw the  establishment  of  Christianity  as  the  religion of  the  Roman  states,  was  the  commencement  of a  new  era  in  the  history  of  the  catacombs.  Sub- terranean interment  gradually  fell  into  disuse, and  had  almost  entirely  ceased  by  the  close  of that  century.  The  undeniable  evidence  of  the inscriptions  with  consular  dates  as  given  by De  Rossi,  Inscr.  Christ,  i.  p.  117,  &c.,  shews  that between  A.D.  338  and  A.D.  360  two  out  of  three burials  took  place  in  the  subterranean  portions of  the  cemeteries.  Between  A.D.  364  and  a.d. 369  the  proportions  are  nearly  equal,  and  a new  era  in  the  history  of  the  cemeteries  began — the  era  of  religious  interest.  The  zeal  dis- played by  Pope  Damasus  a.d.  366-384  in  re- pairing and  decorating  the  catacombs ;  erecting new  staircases  for  the  convenience  of  pilgrims, searching  for  the  places  of  the  martyrs'  interment, and  adorning  them  with  exquisitely  engraved epitaphs  in  large  faultless  characters,  the  work of  an  artist  named  Furius  Dionysius  Philocalus, caused  a  short  sudden  outburst  of  desire  to  be buried  near  the  hallowed  remains,  resulting in  wholesale  destruction  of  many  hundreds  of early  paintings  with  which  the  walls  of  the cuhicula  and  arcosolia  were  covered.  But  the flame  soon  died  out.  Between  a.d.  373  and A.D.  400  the  subterranean  interments  were  only one  in  three,  and  after  A.d.  410,  the  fetal  year of  the 'taking  of  Rome  by  Alaric,  scarcely  a single  certain  example  is  found.  But  although the  fashion  of  interment  came  to  an  end,  the reputed  sanctity  of  those  whose  remains  were enshrined  in  them  caused  them  to  be  the  object of  wide-spread  interest.  Pilgrims  flocked  to visit  the  places  hallowed  by  the  memories  of so  many  confessors  and  martyrs,  for  whose guidance  catalogues  of  the  chief  cemeteries  and of  the  saints  buried  in  them  were  from  time  to time  drawn  up,  which  have  proved  of  consider- able service  in  their  identification.  Even  hermits came  from  a  distance  and  fixed  their  cells  in  their immediate  neighbourhood. It  appears  evident  from  Jerome's  well-known description  of  his  visits  to  the  catacombs  when  a schoolboy,  circa  A.D.  354,  Hieron.  in  Ezech.  c.  xl. that  even  in  the  latter  half  of  the  fourth  cen- tui-y  interment  was  rare  in  them.  He  speaks of  visiting  "  the  tombs  of  the  apostles  and martyrs,"  and  describes  the  walls  of  the  crypts "  lined  with  the  bodies  of  the  dead  ;"  but  his language  is  that  of  one  describing  a  cemetery long  since  disused,  not  one  in  daily  activity.  So also,  Praef.  ad  Lib.  ii.  in  Galat.,  "  Ubi  alibi  tanto studio  et  frequentia  ad  martyrum  sepulchra curritur?"  The  words  of  the  poet  Prudentius, written  about  the  same  time,  describing  the tomb  of  Hippolytus,  lead  to  the  same  conclusion. His  lengthened  and  minutely  detailed  description does  not  contain  a  word  that  indicates  that  the cemetei-y  which  contained  this  sacred  shrine  was used  for  actual  interment. CATACOMBS Amidst  all  the  devastation  committed  by  the barbarian  conquerors  both  in  the  first  and  second sack  of  Rome,  a.d.  410,  457,  we  have  no  record of  damage  inflicted  on  the  cemeteries.     It  may- be simply  lack  of  evidence.     We  cannot  deem  it likely  that  any  feeling  of  reverence  would  have led  the  Goths  to  refrain  from  the  rich  plunder the  piety  of  devotees  had  stored  up  in  the  burial chapels.    Prudentius  informs  us  that  the  aedicula which  enshrined  the  relics  of  St.  Hippolytus  was bright  with  solid  silver,  and  other  catacombs  were certainly  as  sumptuously  decorated.    But  whether the  catacombs  were  devastated  by  Alaric's  hordes or  no,  it  is  certain  that  after  A.D.  410  "  the  use of  the    subterranean    cemeteries    as    places    of burial  was  never  resumed,  and  that  inscriptions and  notices  that  seem  to  refer  to  them  will  be found  on  closer  examination  to  relate  to  basilicas and  cemeteries  above  ground.     The  fossors'  occu- pation was  gone,  and  after  A.D.  426  their  name ceases  to  be  mentioned.     The  liturgical  books  of the  fifth  century  refer  constantly,  in  the  prayers for  the  dead  and  the  benediction  of  graves,  to burials  in  and  around  the  basilicas,  never  to  the subterranean  cemeteries,"   (Northcote    B.  S.  p. 104),     But  though  disused  as  places  of  sepulture the  catacombs  continued  to  be  visited  by  pilgrims, and  were  regarded  with  special  devotion  by  the popes,  who  from  time  to  time  repaired  and  beau- tified   them    (e.  g.    Symmachus,    A.D.  498-514 ; Anast.  §81).    The  fatal  zeal  displayed  by  succes- sive pontiffs  in  the  restoration  and  decoration  of these  consecrated  shrines  is  the  cause  of  much  per- plexity to  the  investigator  who  desires  to  dis- cover   their   original    form    and   arrangements. Nothing  but  long  experience  and  an  intimate  ac- quaintance with  the  character  of  the  construction and  ornamentation  of  ditt'erent  periods  can  enable ivs  to  distinguish    with,  any   accuracv  between the  genuine  structure  of  the  catacombs  and  the paintings    with    which    they    were    originally adorned,  and  the  work  of  later  times.     JMany  of the  conclusions  drawn  by  Roman  Catholic  writers from  the  paintings  and  ritual  arrangements  of the  catacombs  as    we   now  find  them,  and  the evidence  supposed  to  be  furnished  by  them  as  to the  primitive  character  of  their  dogmas  and  tra- ditions, prove  little  worth  when  a  more  search- ing    investigation    shows  their    comparatively recent   date.       An    analogous    exaggeration   has widely  prevailed  with  regard  to  the  custom  of] resorting   to   these    gloomy  vaults   as   places    of concealment  in  times  of  persecution.     We  can- not fairly  doubt  that  they  occasionally  served  as jilaces  of  refuge,  though  it  is  not  always  er.sy  to determine  whether  the  language  used  refers  to the  subterranean  part  of  the  cemetery,  or  to  the cdlae,  the  basilicas,  and   other  buildings  which had  gradually  risen  in  the  area  that  lay  above them  ;  but  that  which  was  at  most  exceptional has  been  spoken  of  almost  as  if  it  were  the  rule. We  have  direct  evidence  that  the  ravages  of  the Goths  under  Vitiges,  when  they  sacked  Rome,  A.n. 537,  extended  to  the  catacombs,  "  Ecclesiae  et  cor- pora sanctorum  martyrum  exterminatae  sunt  a Gothis  "  (Anast.  §  99).     On  their  retirement  the havoc  they  had  committed  was  repaired  by  Pope Vigilius,  who  replaced  the  broken  and  mutilated epitaphs  of  Pope  Damasus  by  copies,  not  always very  correct.    These  good  deeds  stand  recorded  in an  inscription  of  this  pope  now  in  the  Gallery  of the  Vatican  : — CHRIST.  ANT. CATACOMBS 305 "  Dum  poritura  Getae  posuissent  castra  sub  iirbem Moverunt  Sanctis  bella  nefanda  prius, Totaque  sacrilege  verterunt  corde  sepulchra IVlartyribus  quondam  rite  sacrata  jjiis. Quos  monstrante  Deo  Jlamasus  sibi  Papa  probates Affixo  nionuit  carmine  jure  coli ; Sed  periit  titulus  coiifracte  marmere  sanctus Nee  tamen  bis  iterum  posse  latere  fuit. Diruta  Vigilius  nam  pesthaec  Papa  gemiscens Hostibus  expulsis  omne  novavit  opus." The  reverence  for  the  catacombs  was  now gradually  dying  out.  One  pope  after  another attempted  to  revive  it  by  their  decrees,  but without  any  permanent  eflect.  John  III.,  circa A.D.  568,  restored  the  cemeteries  of  the  holv martyrs,  "and  ordered  that  oblations"  (the Eucharistic  elements),  "  cruets,  and  lights  ['  ob- lationes,  ampullae  '  (var.  lect.  '  amulae  '),  vel '  lu- minaria'],  should  be  supplied  from  the  Lateran every  Sunday"  (Anast.  §  110).  It  is  also  re- corded in  commendation  of  Sergius  I.,  A.D.  687- 701,  that  when  he  was  a  presbyter  it  was  his wont  to  "  celebrate  mass  diligently  through  the different  cemeteries"  (Anast.  §  158).  In  the next  century,  circa  735,  Gregory  III.,  a  zealous builder  and  repairer  of  churches,  arranged  a body  of  priests  to  celebrate  mass,  and  provided that  lights  and  oblations  should  be  furnished  from the  palace  for  all  the  cemeteries  round  Rome (Anast.  §  204).  In  neither  of  these  cases,  how- ever, can  we  affirm  that  the  reference  is  chiefly to  underground  cemeteries  or  catacombs. We  have  now  reached  the  period  of  the  reli- gious spoliation  of  the  catacombs,  from  which they  have  suffered  more  irreparably  than  from any  violence  offered  by  sacrilegious  hands. The  injuries  commenced  by  the  Goths  had  been repeated  by  the  Lombards  under  Astolphus, A.D.  956.  But  these  invaders  did  little  mo3-e than  complete  the  devastation  which  was  being already  caused  by  the  carelessness  of  those by  whom  these  cemeteries  should  have  been religiously  tended.  The  slothfulness  and  neglect manifested  towards  these  hallowed  places  are feelingly  deplored  by  Paul  I.  in  a  Constitution dated  June  2,  A.D.  761.  Not  only  were  sheep and  oxen  allowed  to  have  access  to  them,  but folds  had  been  set  up  in  them  and  they  had been  defiled  with  all  manner  of  corruption. The  holy  father  therefore  resolved  to  trans- late the  bodies  of  the  saints  and  enshrine them  in  a  church  he  had  built  on  the  site  of  his paternal  mansion  (Anast.  §  259,  260).  Paul's immediate  successors  reversed  his  policy,  and used  all  their  endeavours  to  restore  the  lost glories  of  the  catacombs.  But  it  was  too  late, the  spirit  of  the  age  had  changed.  As  the  only means  of  securing  the  sacred  relics  from  dese- cration. Paschal,  A.D.  817-827,  was  forced  to follow  the  example  .set  by  Paul,  July  20,  A.D. 817.  He  translated  to  the  church  of  St.  Pras- sede,  as  recorded  in  an  inscription  still  to  be read  there,  no  less  than  2300  bodies.  The  work was  continued  by  succeeding  popes,  and  many cartloads  of  relics  are  recorded  to  have  been transferred  at  this  period  from  the  catacombs  to the  Pantheon.  The  sacred  treasures  which  had given  the  catacombs  their  value  in  the  eyes  of the  devout  having  been  removed,  all  interest  in them  ceased.  Henceforward  all  inducement  to visit  them  was  lost,  and  with  some  insignificant exceptions  the  catacombs  lapsed  into  complete X 306 CATACOMBS oblivion,  in  which  they  remained  wrapped  for more  than  six  centuries.  It  was  not  till  May- Si,  1578,  that  their  fortuitous  discovery  re- vealed to  the  astonished  inhabitants  of  Rome the  hidden  treasures  that  lay  beneath  theij-  feet, and  awoke  an  interest  which,  though  sometimes flagging  and  not  always  intelligently  exercised, has  never  since  expired,  and  which  the  combined genius,  learning,  and  industry  of  Marchi,  and his  i)upils,  the  brothers  De  Rossi,  together  with tlie  remarkaliie  discoveries  which  have  rewarded their  researches,  and  the  skill  with  which  they have  known  how  to  interpret  and  employ  the results  of  their  investigations,  have  of  late  raised to  a  pitch  that  has  never  before  been  equalled. It  is  not  within  the  scope  of  this  article  to record  the  names  and  trace  the  labours  of  the investigators  who  have  employed  themselves  in this  field  of  research.  This  will  be  found  in  the chronological  sketch  prefixed  to  Raoul-Rochette's excellent  and  unprejuiliced  little  work,  ^'' Tab- leau des  Catacombes  de  Rome,"  Paris,  1853,  as well  as  in  the  opening  pages  of  the  Boina Sotterranea  of  De  Rossi,  and  the  English  abridge- ment by  Dr.  Northcote  and  the  Rev.  W.  K Brownlow,  London,  1869. Description. — The  catacombs  of  Rome,  to which  as  the  most  interesting  and  most  thoroughly investigated  of  the  subterranean  cemeteries  our pri'S'Mit  remarks  will  be  confined,  consist  of  a  vast laliyriiith  of  narrow  subterranean  passages  or galleries  excavated  in  the  strata  of  volcanic  earth that  underlie  the  city  and  its  neighbourhood, for  the  purpose  of  the  interment  of  the  dead. These  galleries  are  excavated  at  different  levels, forming  various  stories  or  piani,  one  beneath  the other,  communicating  by  narrow  flights  of  steep stairs  cut  in  the  native  rock,  as  well  as  by  shafts and  wells  sunk  for  the  purpose  of  affording  light and  air.  These  stories  of  galleries  lie  one  below the  other  sometimes  to  the  number  of  frve,  or even,  as  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Callistus  of seven.     The  galleries  as  a  rule  preserve  the  level '"  "'i y:c'^,::r^r^^^' ':Aiw mi ^ US j^""^-~ ir--v-^i^- „..--.- bi  - of  the  pixmo  to  which  they  belong,  so  that  it  is very  rare  to  meet  with  galleries,  gradually  de- scending by  an  inclined  plane  to  a  lower  story. The  only  communication,  as  a  rule,  between  the sioriesis  by  flights  of  steps.  The  lowest  are  usuallv CATACOMBS the  latest ;  the  additional  labour  of  removing  the earth  from  the  greater  depth  not  being  under- taken until  the  want  of  burial  space  in  the  story above  forced  it  upon  its  possessors.  Instances occur  where  a  stratum  of  considerable  thickness having  been  left  by  the  original  constructoi-s between  two  stories  of  ambulacra,  an  interme- diate story  (a  mezzanine  or  entresol),  has  been excavated  in  later  times.  These  corridors,  or ambidacra,  follow  no  definite  system.  They  more usually  than  not  run  in  straight  lines,  formmg an  intricate  network  continually  crossing  and recrossing  one  another  at  different  angles,  and as  no  law  of  parallelism  is  adopted  in  laying  out the  plan,  it  is  not  easy  to  reduce  them  to  anv system.  These  galleries  are  not  merely  passages of  access  to  the  cemetery,  but  themselves  con- Callerj     itl      L .  \u  tbcote  b   Koiua  Sutte  i stitute  the  cemetery.  They  do  not  conduct  to the  places  of  interment,  but  the  dead  are  interred in  them.  The  walls  are  vertical,  and  (as  re- presented in  the  annexed  woodcut)  are  pierced  on each  side  with  long  low  horizontal  recesses,  com- mencing a  few  inches  above  the  level  of  the  floor, and  rising  tier  above  tier,  like  the  berths  in  a  ship's cabin,  to  the  number  of  five,  six,  and  sometimes even  twelve  ranges.  They  are  divided  from  one another  by  an  intervening  shelf  of  tufa  as  thin as  was  compatible  with  security.  The  length  of these  niches  is  almost  invariably  in  the  direction of  the  gallery.  This  form  was  much  easier  to excavate,  and  enabled  the  corpse  to  be  laid  in  its tomb  with  greater  facility  and  reverence  thai> when  the  recess  entered  deep  into  the  rock,  at right  angles  to  the  axis  of  the  corridor.  Examples of  this  latter  form  do  exist  in  the  Roman  cata- combs, but  very  rarely.  Padre  Marchi,  ilonu- menti  delle  Arti  Christ.  Prim.  pp.  110,  225,  tav. xiv.,  xliii.,  xliv.,  gives  a  description  and  engra- vings of  20  specimens  discovered  by  him  in  the cemetery  of  St.  Cyriaca  (see  ground  plan).  The same  mode  of  construction  appears  in  the  heathen catacombs  in  Egypt,  and  those  of  the  Saracens  at Taormina,  engraved  by  D'Agincourt,  pi.  ix.  Tlie name  given  in  modern  times  to  these  sepulchral cavities  is  loculus.  The  original  term,  appearing thousands  and  thousands  of  times  in  the  inscrip- CATACOMBS tioas  of  the  catacombs,  was  locus.  The  word loculus,  properly  signified  a  bier  or  a  coffin, "cujus  (Agapeti)  corpus  in  loculo  phmiJjeo  trans- latum  est  (Constantinopoli)  usque  in  basilicam  B. Petri  apostoli "    (Anastas.  lis.  §  95 ;    cf.   Ibid. CATACOMBS 307 Loculi  in  the  Catacomb  of  St.  Cyriaca,  from  Jlaichi Ixiii.  110),  and  is  incorrectly  applied  to  the grave.  Its  use  in  this  sense  was  introduced  by Lupi  in  the  early  part  of  the  18th  century.  He writes  "  loculum  appello  excavatum  in  coeitie- terii  parietibus  fenestram  parvam  ad  unum  alte- rumve  cadaver  excipiendum  "  (Lupi,  Dissert,  ad Scv.  Martyr.  Epitaph.  1734,  p.  2,  note  3).  Each recess  usually  contained  a  single  body.  But instances  are  by  no  means  rare  where  by  in- creasing its  depth  it  was  made  capable  of  re- ceiving two,  three,  or  four  corpses.  Such  recesses were  designated  bisonii,  trisomi,  qitadrit,omi,  etc  , according  to  the  number  of  bodies  for  which  thev were  destined.  Examples  of  the  use  of  all  these terms  appear  in  the  epitaphs.  Bisomi :  fiom that  of  St.  Callistus,  "  Donata  se  viv.  emit  sibi et  Maxentiae  locum  bisomum."  (Boldetti,  p. 286.)  "  Sergius  et  Junius  Fossores  B.  N.  M.  m pace  bisom."  (Boldetti,  p.  65.)  "  Hocta^  ie  roivgi neofite  bisomv.  maritus  fecit"  (Bosio,  p.  507). Trisomi:  "  Seberus,  Leontius  Bictorinus.  Tri- somu"  (Bosio,  p.  216).  "  Se  biba  (vi\a)emet Domnina  locum  a  Successum  trisomu  ubi  ])ositi," (lb.).-  Quadrisorni:  "Consulatu  Nicomnt  i  Fhibiaui locum  Marmorari  quadrisomum "  (Maitland,  p. 39;  see  Marchi,  pp.  115-117.)  The  locu'i  were in  later  times  purchased  of  the  sextons,  tossores, and  as  some  of  the  inscriptions  already  given show,  not  unfrequeotly  in  a  person's  lifetime. Another  example  is  the  following  ungrammatical epitaph  from  Bosio,  lib.  iii.  c.  41.  "  Locus  Bene- nati  II  et  Gaudiosae  compares  ||  se  vivi  compara- verunt  ||  ab  Anastasio  et  Antioeho  FS.  (fosso- ribus)."  An  inscription  from  the  Museum  of  the Ca])itol  given  by  Burgon,  Letters  from  Borne, p.  181,  no.  25,  acquaints  us  with  the  price  paid, 1500  folles  (the  follis  is  said  at  that  time  to have  been  equivalent  to  an  oholus),  and  that  the bargain  was  struck  in  the  presence  of  Severus and  Laurence  his  brother  sexton.  "  Emit  locum ab  Ar|ltaemisium  visomum  ||  hoc  est  et  prae- tium  II  datum  Fossor  Phila||ro  yd  est  Fol.  N.  >< S.  Prae||sentia  Severi  Foss.  et  Laurent."  Some- times loculi  were  excavated  by  the  heirs*  of  the fossor  with  whom  the  bargain  was  made,  "  fos- soris  discendentibus "  (De  Rossi,  R.  S.  i.  215). The  loculi  are  found  of  all  sizes,  from  those  suit- able for  an  infant  of  a  few  days  old  which  occur by  thousands  to  those  adapted  to  the  body  of  a full  grown  man.  In  the  more  ancient  galleries apertures  of  various  dimensions  occur  confusedly, having  been  formed  as  occasion  required.  The early  loculi  are  also  of  much  larger  dimensions than  was  needful  for  the  reception  of  the  body, and  neither  in  the  form  of  the  niches  themselves nor  in  their  arrangement  does  the  idea  of  eco- nomy of  space  shew  itself.  But  experience  taught the  excavators  how  to  make  the  most  of  the  space at  command,  and  Marchi,  pp.  112,  113,  tav.  xv., produces  an  example  from  the  cemetery  of  St. Cyriaca,  where  the  loculi  are  arranged  in  groups according  to  their  dimensions,  every  square  inch of  rock  being  utilised  as  far  as  was  consistent with  stability.  In  some  cases  the  back  wall  of the  loculus  instead  of  being  parallel  to  the  lines of  the  opening  is  set  at  an  angle,  forming  a trapezoidal  recess  in  which  bodies  of  different stature  might  lie  side  by  side  (see  annexe! ground  plan  and  section)  (Marchi,  tav.,  xv. xviii.).  In  later  times  space  was  also  economised by  making  the  recess  wide  at  the  head  ■  and narrow  at  the  feet.  Examples  are  not  wanting of  graves  being  dug  like  those  of  our  own  day  in the  floor  of  the  corridors.  Marchi  gives  instances from  the  catacombs  of  Calepodius  and  Callistus, tav.  xxi.  xxvi.  etc.  But  they  are  very  un- frequent.  The  loculi,  after  the  introduction  of the  body  were  closed  with  great  care,  either  with slabs    of  m.irMe    (^^^»/^■)^-M■    wifl,    lai-jr    tiles. Plan  of  above  locul usually  three,  very  exactly  cemented  together, and  luted  round  with  lime  to  prevent  the  escape of  the  gases  of  the  putrefying  bodies.  The  tiles closing  the  early  loculi  in  the  cemetery  of  Domi- tilla  are  of  vast  size.  (De  Rossi,  BuUett.  de  Ant. Christ.  Magg.,  1865.)  On  the  slabs  of  the earlier  loculi,  e.g.  in  the  cemeteries  of  Priscilla and  Domitilla,  the  name  is  only  painted  in red  and  black  pigment,  not  cut  or  scratched (Fabretti  Tnsc.  Bom.  viii.  p.  579  ;  Aringhi,  i?.  S. iv.  37,  p.  126;  Boldetti,  lib.  iL  c.  1).  The striking  fact  that,  in  the  words  of  Dean  Milman (Lat.  Chr.  i.  p.  27),  "  for  a  considerable  part  of the  first  three  centuries  the  church  of  Rome was  a  Greek  religious  colony  ;"  that  its  language, oi'ganisation,  writers,  scriptures,  liturgy,  were Greek,  is  evidenced  by  the  inscriptions  on  these primitive  burial  places.  They  are  almost  exclu- sively in  Greek.  When  engraved  the  letters  are often  coloured  with  vermilion.  But  an  immense number  of  loculi  are  entirely  destitute  of  anv X  2 308  CATACOMBS msoription  (Bosio,  lib.  iii.  c.  41 ;  Boldetti,  lib.  ii. c.  1 ;  Lupi,  p.  38).  On  these  slabs  were  engraved the  funeral  inscription  or  epitaph,  often  accom- panied with  some  of  the  more  usual  Christian emblems,  the  dove,  the  anchor,  or  the  monogram of  Christ.  The  word  tabula  appears  in  some  of the  epitaphs,  e.  g.,  of  a  master  to  a  pupil, "  Posvit  tabvla  magister  discenti  Pempino  bene- raeienti"  (Marchi,  p.  119).  "  Bicentivs  karo filio  karissimo  benemerenti  posvit  tabvla  qvi bixit  annos  iii  et  dies  xxii "  {lb.  p.  120).  Both from  the  catacomb  of  St.  Cyriaca. A  small  glass  vessel  containing  indications  of the  presence  of  a  red  fluid,  is  often  found  em- bedded in  the  moi-tar  at  one  extremity  of  the loculus.  This  was  formerly  considered  to  be  a cei-tain  mark  of  a  martyr's  tomb,  the  "  Congre- gation of  Relics"  having  so  decided  (Apr.  10, 1668),  the  red  sediment  being  supposed  to  be blood.  But  this  opinion  has  long  ceased  to  be entertained  by  the  best  and  most  unprejudiced Christian  archaeologists  who  almost  unanimously agree  that  the  vessel  contained  Eucharistic  wine, and  was  used  at  the  funeral  agape.  [Glass, Christian.]  Incised  on  the  slab,  or  scratched  on the  mortar,  the  palm  branch  is  one  of  the  symbols that  most  constantly  presents  itself  in  connection with  the  loculus.  This  also  has  been  authorita- tively declared  to  be  an  indisputable  evidence  of a  martyr's  tomb,  "  palmam  et  vas  sanguine tinctum  pro  signis  certissimis  martyrii  haberi," {Decree  of  the  Cong,  of  Belies,  u.  s.),  and  has  been as  completely  set  aside  by  later  and  less  enthu- siastic investigators.  Not  to  dwell  on  the  fact that  the  epitaphs  found  in  connection  with  the palm  branch,  have  as  a  rule,  no  reference  to  a martyr's  death,  this  symbol  is  found  on  tombs prepared  by  individuals  in  their  lifetime  (e.  _(/., "  Leopardus  se  biv.  fecit "  between  two  palm branches,  Boldetti,  p.  264),  and  decorates  those of  young  children  {lb.  p.  268) ;  dignifies  that  of Lucifer,  bishop  of  Cagliari,  who  died  in  schism, {Ih.  p.  262)  ;  and  even  appears  on  pagan  tomb- stones {lb.  p.  281,  sq.).  Not  a  few  of  the  marble slabs  {ta'mlac),  closing  the  loculi,  prove  on  exami- nation, like  some  of  our  mediaeval  sepulchral brasses,  to  have  been  used  before,  their  back bearing  a  second  inscription.  These  ai-e  known as  opAsthographs.  They  are  usually  heathen slabs,  but  not  always.  One  described  by  Marchi, p.  53,  bears  on  one  side  "  Hilara  in  Pace,"  and  on the  other  "  Irene  in  Pace " — both  Christian. Boldetti,  lib.  ii.  c.  10,  supplies  a  large  number  of examples  of  these  twice  used  slabs.  Mabillon {Iter.  Ital.  p.  136),  writes  of  this  custom,  "  Chris- tianis  mos  erat  ut  e  sepulchris  gentilium  lapides rovellerent  in  suos  usus,  et  relicta  ex  ea  parte quae  interiora  Christiani  tumuli  spectabat  pro- f'ana  inscriptione  aliam  in  exteriore  apponerent ritu  Christiano  "  (Cf.  Idem.  Euseh.  Roman,  p.  34 ; JIarchi,  pp.  53,  123). Besides  the  opisthograph^  where  a  heathen  slab has  been  applied  to  a  Christian  use  no  inconsider- able number  of  distinctly  pagan  epitaphs  has  been discovered,  in  which  no  such  transformation  has taken  place.  Boldetti,  lib.  ii.  c.  9,  gives  no  less than  57  heathen  inscriptions  without  any  Chris- tian admixture  from  the  various  catacombs,  and the  list  might  be  very  largely  increased.  One such  is  mentioned  by  Mabillon  in  his  Iter.  Itali- cum.  Mus.  It.  vol.  i.  p.  47,  which  though  it  was destitute  of  Christian  tokens  was  sent  to  Tou- CATACOMBS louse  as  the  slab  of  a  supposed  martyr,  Julia Euodia,  when  it  was  really  that  of  Casta  her mother,  and  was  pagan.  In  Boldetti,  p.  447,  we have  a  curious  heathen  slab  from  St.  Agnes,  with the  inscription  "  Domine  frater  ilaris  semper ludere  tabula"  and  symbols  of  gaming.  De Rossi  found  pagan  sarcophagi  and  pagan  inscrip- tions in  the  catacomb  of  Callistus  in  excavations made  under  his  own  eye  {Rom.  Sott.  ii.  pp.  169, 281-290).  It  has  been  usually  held  that  these  were slabs  which  had  been  removed  from  the  heathen tombs  in  the  vicinity  of  the  catacombs  after  the Christian  religion  had  become  dominant,  and brought  down  to  be  re-engraved  and  fitted  -for their  new  purpose.  "  Primes  Christianos  Paga- norum  memorias  titulosque  suffuratos  esse  et suis  loculis  coemiterialibus  claudendis  propriis  no- minibus  insculptis  et  profanorum  absconditis  aut abrasis  . .  .  ostendere  possumus  "  (Fabretti  Insc. Ant.  p.  307).  But  another  and  widely  different view  has  lately  been  propounded  by  Mr.  Parker and  others,  that  the  rigid  separation  usually  sup- posed to  exist  between  Christians  and  heathen in  the  places  of  sepulture  was  not  always  main- tained, and  that  when  in  the  fourth  century  the burning  of  the  dead  ceased  the  catacombs  became the  common  burial  places  of  Rome  for  heathen and  Christians  alike.  This  is  one  of  the  many questions  in  connection  with  the  catacombs  in which  fuller  light  may  show  that  the  traditional view  requires  some  modification,  but  which must  wait  the  result  of  further  investigations for  complete  resolution.  A  class  of  mixed  in- scriptions remains  to  be  noticed  in  which  the heathen  formula  D.  M.,  or  even  the  full  Dis Manibus  appears  in  connection  with  Christian phraseology  and  Christian  emblems.  "  Debita sacratis  roanibus  officia  "  is  quoted  from  Gruter by  Fabretti  Inscr.  Dom.  112  A.,  as  a  Christian inscription.  .  From  the  same  collection  (Grutei-, MLXI.)  he  also  gives  one  in  which  occurs  the  line "  Sanctique  Manes  nobis  petentibus  adsint,"  in connection  with  the  clause  "  quievit  in  pace," and  the  term  "  depositio."  Other  inscriptions from  Fabretti's  collection  evidence  the  same lingering  retention  of  heathen  formula  and  phra- seology in  the  expressions  "  Lachesis,  "  "Taena- riae  fauces,"  "  f;;tis  ereptus  iniquis,"  and  the  like. The  strangely  unchristian  phrase  "  Tartarea custodia  "  occurs  in  the  epitaph  of  a  presbyter (Fabr.  p.  329,  no.  484).  "  Domus  aeterna  "  is  by no  means  infrequent :  e.g.  "  Florentiaquae  vixit annis  xxvi  Grescens  fecit  Venemerenti  et  sibi  et suis  domu  aeterna  in  pace "  {ib.  p.  114,  no. 289).  The  untenable  fallacy  contended  for  by Boldetti,  lib.  ii.  c.  11,  Fabretti,  and  the  earlier school  of  antiquaries,  that  the  letters  D.  M. stood  for  Deo  Maximo  has  been  deservedly  ex- ploded. De  Rossi  allows  that  they  can  only stand  for  Dis  Manibus,  and  we  may  safely  regard the  occurrence  of  these  letters  on  Christian tombstones  as  an  instructive  example  of  the slowness  with  which  an  entire  people  changes its  ancestral  faith,  and  of  the  obstinacy  with which  certain  usages  are  clung  to  long  after their  real  force  and  meaning  has  passed  away.' "^  On  this  subject  and  its  kindred  topics  the  dispas- sionate verdict  of  Dean  Merivale  may  be  read  with advantage.  "The  first  Christians  at  Kome  did  not  sepa- rate themselves  from  the  heathens,  ii'ir  renounce  their ordinary  calluigs;   they  intermarried  with  unbeliever.'^, CATACOMBS Examples  are  not  wanting  where  the  work  of excavation  has  not  been  completed,  and  the  form of  the  loculus  is  still  seen  as  it  was  sketched  by- the  fossores  on  the  wall  of  the  ambulacrum. The  bodies  of  the  faithful  were  not  buried naked,  but  VN^ith  the  same  feeling  of  reverence that  pervaded  the  whole  rite,  were,  like  that  of their  Master,  wrapt  in  linen  cloths  "  as  the  man- ner of  the  Jews  is  to  bury."  Sometimes  the body  was  enveloped  in  a  sheet ;  sometimes  swathed in  many  lengths  of  bands,  in  the  same  fashion as  Lazarus  is  represented  in  the  early  Christian jiictures  and  has  reliefs.  Bosio  assures  us  that in  his  investigations  he  found  instances  of  both modes.  He  mentions  that,  in  excavating  the foundations  for  St.  Peter's,  bodies  were  exhumed bound  with  linen  bands,  and  that  he  himself  had seen  very  many  wrapt  in  linen  sheets  of  exceed- ing fineness,  which  fell  to  dust  at  a  touch  (Bosio, R.  S.  cap.  19  ;  Marchi,  p.  19).  The  story  of  the double  discovery  of  the  body  of  St.  Caecilia  first by  Pope  Paschal,  c.  820,  and  then  by  Cardinal Sfondrati,  a.d.  1599,  in  the  robes  of  golden  tissue she  had  worn  in  life  is  familiar.  (It  mav  be  read m  Northcote,  £.  S.  pp.  154-157.)  that  the bodies  placed  in  the  loculi  were  embalmed  is  pro- bable from  the  known  custom  of  the  early  Chris- tians. Boldetti,  lib.  i.  c.  59,  affirms  that  on  re- peated occasions  when  he  was  present  at  the opening  of  a  grave  in  the  catacombs  the  assem- bled com23any  were  conscious  of  a  spicy  odour dirt'using  itself  from  the  tomb.  Of  this  custom Prudentius  writes : "  Aspersaque  myrrha  Sabaeo, Corpus  medicaniine  servat," (in  £xeq.  its.  Ilynu)  10). Another  and  ruder  mode  of  averting  the  evils which  might  arise  from  the  putrefaction  of  the bodies  in  galleries  which  were  the  frequent  resort of  the  living  was  to  bury  the  corpse  in  quick lime.  Padre  Marchi  remarked  frequent  exam- ples of  this  custom,  especially  in  the  cemetery of  St.  Agnes.  The  lime  appeared  to  have  been placed  between  two  winding  sheets,  one  coarser and  the  other  finer,  of  the  tissue  of  which  it retained  the  impress  (Marchi,  p.  19). Interment  in  the  loculus  though  infinitely  the most  common,  was  not  the  only,  and  perhaps  not the  earliest  mode  adopted  by  the  Christians. Cav.  de  Eossi  has  been  led  by  his  investigations to  the  conclusion  that  the  earliest  form  of  Christian burial  was  in  sarcophagi  placed  in  detached chambers,  and  that  burial  in  the  loculus  was  of later  date.  The  truth  may  however  be  that  the bodies  of  the  wealthier  were  laid  in  sarcophagi, which  must  have  always  been  costly,  while  the friends  of  the  poorer  contented  themselves  with a  simple  loculus  in  the  wall.  The  Cemetery  of St.  Doraitilla  at  Tor  Marancia,  which  is  consi- dered by  De  Rossi  to  be  the  monument  of  a  Christian family  of  distinction,  and  is  shown  by  the  classi- cal character  of  its  architecture  and  decoration  to have  belonged  to  the  first  age  of  the  church, affords  examples  of  interment  in  sarcophagi,  as CATACOMBS 309 nor  even  in  their  unions  with  one  another  did  they neglect  the  ordinary  forms  of  law.  It  would  seem  that they  burnt  their  dead  after  the  Roman  fashion"  (can this  be  shown  to  be  true  ?),  "  gathered  their  ashes  into  the sepulchres  of  their  patrons,  and  inscribed  over  them  the customary  dedication  to  the  Divine  Spirits."— Sistory  of tli£  Jiumans,  ch.  liv. well  as  of  the  transition  from  the  sarcophagus  to the  loculus,  in  some  graves  which  "  though  really mere  shelves  in  the  wall  are  so  disguised  bv stucco  and  painting  on  the  outside  as  to  present to  passers  by  the  complete  outward  appearance of  a  sarcophagus"  (De  Rossi,  B.  S.  i.  187,  195 2(37;  Northcote,  i?.  S.  p.  72,  73).  Another example  is  the  so-called  Capella  6rae,a  of  the catacomb  of  St.  Priscilla.  This  crypt  is  of  a  very peculiar  character,  formed  in  the  galleries  of  an ancient  arenaria,  not  hollowed  out  of  the  tufii but  constructed  of  brick.  The  burial-places' here  are  not  loculi,  but  large  arched  recesses destined  to  contain  sarcophagi  of  which  in Bosio's  time  numerous  fragments  remained,  and some  still  exist  (Bosio,  B.  S.  513,  ^33 ;  D,;  Rossi, B.  S.  1.  188  sq.).  The  cemetery  of  Domitilla  con- tains also  numerous  examples  of  sarcophagi  of terra  cotta  buried  in  the  floor  of  the  ambulacra. Another  form  of  interment  analogous  to  the sarcophagus  was  that  in  the  Table  Tom')  or  -S'e- IMlcro  a  rnensa,  an  oblong  chest  either  hollowed out  in  the  living  rock,  or  built  up  of  masonry slabs  of  stone  or  large  tiles,  and  closed  by  a  heavy- slab  of  marble  lying  horizontally  on  the  top,  form- ing a  table.  The  rock  was  excavated  above  the tomb,  to  form  a  rectangular  recess.  When  the niche  assumed  a  circular  form,  which  is  the  more frequent  though  not  the  earlier  shape,  it  is  known by  the  name  of  arcosolium  [Arcosoliuii.]    Both forms  of  tomb  are  met  with  in  the  galleries among  the  loculi,  but  their  more  usual  position is  in  the  sepulchral  chambers,  or  cubicula,  which opened  out  of  the  galleries.  The  table  tomb  some- times stands  in  front  of  the  wall,  projecting from  it,  like  the  altar  tombs  of  our  own  churches. Examples  of  this  arrangement  appear  in  the tombs  of  the  presbyters  Eusebius  and  Gregorius in  the  papal  crypt  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Callis- tus  (De  Rossi,  vol.  ii.  p.  108,  tav.  I.  A.).  More fi-equently  it  is  let  into  the  wall,  and  stands  in  a recess,  as  we  see  in  the  tomb  assigned  by  De Rossi  to  St.  Zephyrinus,  which  formed  the  original altar  in  the  same  crypt  (/6.  pp.  20,  21,  51), and  that  of  St.  Cornelius  in  the  same  catacomb {lb.  vol.  i.  p.  284,  tab.  v.).  The  arched  form  or arcosolium  proper  is  not  found  in  the  more  ancient cemeteries,  or  in  the  earliest  constructed  cubicula. This  is  an  indication  of  date  of  great  importance in  determining  the  relative  antiquity  of  the catacombs.  De  Rossi  remarks  (vol.  ii.  p.  245) that  "the  arcosolium   is  the  dominant  form  in 310 CATACOMBS every  part  of  the  second  and  third  area  of  the cemetery  of  St.  Callistus,  and  appears  frequently in  some  of  the  crypts  added  to  the  original  rect- angular area  to  unite  it  to  the  second  area,  but is  entirely  wanting  (with  one  exception  which serves  only  to  prove  the  rule)  in  all  the  cuhicula of  the  primitive  area,  even  in  the  most  noble and  illustrious  of  its  sepulchres  "  (Cf.  De  Eossi, vol.  i.  pp.  284,  285  ;  vol.  ii.  p.  21). In  addition  to  the  ordinary  places  of  interment m  the  ambulacra,  the  catacombs  contain  an  im- mense number  of  sepulchral  chambers  or  cuhi- cula, each  enshrining  a  larger  or  smaller  number of  dead,  as  well  in  table  tombs  and  arcosolia  as m  loculi  pierced  in  the  walls.     These  were  origi- '-        >  ^"^ the  uatacuiub  oi  bt  Agues,  with  seats  Uewn  ont  oi  the  rock. nally  family  burial  places,  excavated  and  embel- lished at  the  expense  of  the  friends  of  the departed,  and  from  the  date  of  their  first  con- struction served  for  the  celebration  of  the  eucha- ristic  feast  and  agape,  on  the  occasion  of  the funeral,  and  its  successive  anniversaries.  In times  of  persecution  they  may  have  supplied places  of  religious  assembly  where  the  faith- ful might  gather  in  security  for  the  celebra- tion of  the  holy  mysteries  at  the  graves  of  the departed  martyrs  and  others  whose  faith  they might,  be  soon  called  to  follow  and  seal  their testimony  with  their  blood.  The  name  cubicu- lum  is  of  exclusively  Christian  use  as  applied  to places  of  interment.  We  find  it  repeatedly  used iu  that  sense  in  the  Liber  Pontificalis  of  Anasta- sius.  In  the  life  of  Sixtus  III.  a.d.  432-440,  it  is distinctly  used  for  a  family  vault  "  Cujus  "  (Bassi) "  corpus  sepelivit  ad  Beatum  Petrum  apostolum in  cubiculo  parentum  ejus  "  (Anast.  xlvi.  §  63). Padre  Marchi,  p.  101,  gives  several  inscriptions from  the  catacombs  themselves,  in  which  the term  occurs  in  this  reference  :  e.g.  CVBICVLVM DojiiTiANi;  CuBicuLus  Fal.  Gaudenti  Ae- GENTARI,  from  the  catacomb  of  St.  Callistus. An  inscription  of  the  year  336  given  by  De  Rossi, No.  45,  indicates  the  family  vault  of  Aurelia Martina  CcjBicuLUM  Aureliae  Martinae. '•  These  inscriptions  indicate,"  writes  Marchi,  p. 101,  "that  in  the  fourth  century  the  persons named  caused  that  their  own  cubicula  should  be excavated  at  their  own  expense.  Each  cubiculum was  of  sufficient  dimensions  to  serve  for  several generations  of  their  respective  families.  If  it proved  insuflicient  loculi  were  added  at  a  greater or  less  distauct;  from  the  ca'Aculum."    Sometimes CATACOMBS we  find  the  arch  of  an  arco^oJium  of  the  first century  cut  tlirough  and  used  as  a  door  or  en- trance to  a  second  cubiculum-  excavated  in  its  rear, the  original  sarcophagus  being  removed  and carried  to  the  back  of  the  chapel  that  other bodies  might  be  placed  near  it  {Bulletin,  di  Arch. Christ.  1867).  The  number  of  these  sepulchral chambers  is  almost  beyond  computation.  Marchi reckons  more  than  sixty  in  the  eighth  part  of  the catacomb  of  St.  Agnes.  In  that  of  St. -Callistus they  amount  to  some  hundreds.  They  are equally  frequent  in  the  other  cemeteries.  Their form  is  very  varied.  In  the  catacomb  of  St.  Cal- listus, with  very  few  exceptions,  they  are  rect- angular, and  that  appears  to  have  been  the earlier  shape.  But  the  plates  of  Marchi,  Boldetti, &e.,  afford  examples  of  many  other  forms,  tri- angular, pentagonal,  hexagonal,  octagonal,  circu- lar, and  semi-circular.  Among  the  examples given  by  Boldetti.  pp  11.  1").  inl  "Miichi,  tav. xxiii.,  of  whi(  li  u  .  u,  one Section  of  Lubicu  um  from  Catacomb  of  St  Callistus from  the  cemetery  of  Callistus  is  circular,  with  a domed  vault,  and  is  surrounded  by  six-  arched niches.  Another  from  that  of  St.  Helena  on  the Via  Labicana  is  square,  with  an  insulated  tomb  in the  centre,  the  roof  being  supported  by  four  co- lumns standing  quite  free  of  the  walls,  cut  out  oi the  native  tufa.  The  roof  is  sometimes  a  barrel vault,  sometimes  a  coved  ceiling,  nearly  flat :  in one  instance,  it  expands  into  a  lofty  dome,  lighted by  a  luminare  (Bosio,  p.  489,  Marchi,  tav.  xxxi.). Both  the  roof,  the  vaults,  and  the  recesses  of  the arcosolia  are  generally  coated  with  stucco,  and richly  decorated  with  religious  paintings.  It the  later  restorations  the  walls  are  often  veneered CATACOMBS with  plates  of  costly  marble  [Platonia].  In  a very  large  number  of  examples  the  Good  Shepherd ^  occupies  the  centre  of  the  ceiling,  the  surrounding lunettes  containing  Adam  and  Eve  after  the  Fall, the  history  of  Jonah,  the  Sacrifice  of  Abraham, Moses  striking  the  Rock,  the  Three  Children  in tlie  Furnace,  the  Visit  of  the  wise  men  to  Christ, the  Raising  of  Lazarus,  the  Healing  of  the Blind  man,  the  Paralytic  carrying  his  Bed,  the M»-acle  of  the  Loaves,  and  other  scenes  from  the limited  cycle  of  Scriptural  subjects  to  which  early Christian  art  confined  itself,  treated  with  a wearisome  uniformity  ;  embellished  with  palm branches,  vines  laden  with  grapes,  the  dove,  the peacock,  and  other  familiar  Christian  symbols. The  walls  of  the  chamber  were  also  similarly decorated  [Frescos].  The  vault  is  in  some  cases supported  by  columns,  either  cut  out  of  the  tufa, or  formed  of  brick  coated  with  stucco  (Marchi, tav.  xix.  xxii.  xxx.  xxxiii.).  A  very  interesting cubiculum  from  the  Via  Latina  given  by  Marchi, tav.  xxii.  p.  141,  sq.  from  a  plate  of  Bosio's,  p. 303,  has  a  domical  vault  and  pillars  covered  with stucco,  ornamented  with  vine  branches  and  amo- rini  in  relief.  The  character  of  the  decoration claims  for  this  a  very  early  date.  It  is  doubtful whether  any  other  of  the  kind  has  been  dis- covered in  the  catacombs.  Light  and  air  were not  unf'requeutly  admitted  by  means  of  a  shaft communicating  with  the  surface  of  the  ground, ^  called  luminare.  A  chamber  so  lighted  was known  as  a  cubiculum  alarum  (Cf.  Anastas.  Bibl. TV^.  ilf«?re^/m.  "  Sepelivit  (corpora)  ...  in  coe- meterio  Priscillae  in  cubiculo  claro ").  For  ex- amples see  Marchi,  tav.  viii.  xxix.  xxxii.  xlviii. Jerome's  well  known  description  of  the  catacombs in  Ezechiel.  c.  xl.  contains  an  allusion  to  these luminaria.  His  words  are  "  raro  desuper  lumen admissum  horrorem  temperat  .  .  .  .  ut  non  tarn fenestram  quam  foramen  demissi  luminis  putes." And  again,  praefat.  in  Daniel.  "Cum  et  quasi per  cryptam  ambulans  rarum  desuper  lumen aspicerem."  Prudentius  also  in  his  Periste- phanon,  xi.-v.  161-8  uses  similar  language  : — •'  Occurrunt  caesis  immissa  foramina  tectis Quae  jaciunt  claros  antra  super  radios. A  ttamen  excisi  subter  cava  viscera  mentis, Crebra  terebrato  fornice  lux  penetiat, Sic  datur  absentis  per  subterranea  soils Cernere  fulgorem  luminibusque  frui." The  Acts  of  SS.  Marcellinus  and  Peter  record that  the  martyr  Candida  was  put  to  death  by hurling  her  down  an  airshaft,  and  overwhelming lier  with  stones,  "per  luminare  cryptaejactantes lapidibus  obruerunt,"  ap.  Bolland.  ii.  Jun.  n.  10. From  an  epitaph  given  by  Marchi,  p.  165,  the luminaria  appear  to  have  been  divided  into "  larger  "  and  "  smaller,"  "  majora,"  "  minora." It  is  as  follows  ;  "  cumparavi  Saturninus  a||Susto (Sixto)  locum  visomum  auri  solidljos  duo  in  lu- minare majore.  Que  po|lsita  est  ibi  que  fuit  cum marito  an  xl."  Marchi  gives  an  interesting  ex- ample of  a  luminare  majus  serving  for  two  cubi- cula  from  the  cemetery  of  SS.  Marcellinus  and Peter  (pi.  xxix.  pp.  165  sq.).  A  cylindrical  shaft immediately  above  the  ambulacrum  expands  into a  cone  as  it  descends,  so  as  to  supply  light  and air  to  chambers  on  opposite  sides  of  the  passage. Painted  on  the  wall  of  the  shaft  is  a  dove  with an  olive  bi-anch.  In  the  cemetery  of  Callistus the    same    luminare  sometimes  serves  for  three CATACOMBS 311 chambers  (Northcote,  R.  S.  p.  128).  Examples of  the  smaller  luminaria  from  the  cemetery  of St.  Helena  may  be  found  in  Marchi,  tav.  vi.  vii. viii.  If  the  strata  through  which  the  shaft  was driven  were  not  sufficiently  solid  to  stand  with- out support,  it  was  lined  with  a  wall,  carried  up a  little  distance  above  the  level  of  the  ground, to  avoid  accidents.  Many  of  the  existing-  himi- naria  belong  to  the  Damasine  period,  having  been opened  to  admit  light  and  air  to  the  tombs  of the  more  renowned  martyrs  when  they  became the  object  of  pious  visits.  We  may  instance  that of  the  crypt  of  St.  Cecilia.  If,  as  was  most usual,  there  was  no  luminare,  the  chambers  were illuminated  by  lamps,  sometimes  suspended  by chains  from  the  vault,  sometimes  standing  in niches,  or  on  small  brackets  of  tile  or  marble often  placed  at  the  angle  of  a  loculus.  Bottari, vol.  i.  p.  17,  asserts  that  when  the  catacombs were  first  opened  some  of  these  lamps  were found  still  in  their  place,  and  we  are  informed  by Marchi,  p.  136,  that  the  upper  part  of  the niches,  and  the  walls  or  ceilings  above  the  lamps still  retained  the  blackness  caused  by  the  smoke. These  cubicula  were  very  frequently  double, one  on  either  side  of  the  gallery,  and,  as  we  have just  noticed,  in  some  instances  a  luminare  was sunk  in  the  centre  so  as  to  give  light  to  both (Boldetti,  p.  16,  b.).  An  inscription  of  the  highest interest  given  by  De  Rossi,  vol.  i.  p.  208,  de- scribes a  double  cubiculum  of  this  kind  con- structed by  the  permission  of  Pope  Marcellinus, A.D.  296-308,  by  the  Deacon  Severus  for  himself and  his  family,  "  Cubiculum  duplex  cum  arcisoliis et  luminare  ||  jussu  P.  P.  sui  Marcellini  Diaconus iste  II  Severus  fecit  mansionem  in  pace  quietam II  sibi  suis  que."  De  Rossi  describes  a  luminare  of very  large  size  and  unusual  character  in  the cemetery  of  St.  Balbina  discovered  by  him.  It is  nearly  hexagonal,  and  opens  on  the  subterra- nean excavations  with  no  less  than  eight  rays  of light  illumining  as  many  distinct  chambers  and galleries  {R.  S.  i.  265). Each  side  of  the  cubiculum  usually  contains  a table  tomb  or  an  arcosolium.  That  facing  the  en- trance, behind  which  the  rock  is  often  excavated so  as  to  form  an  apse,  was  the  chief  tomb  of  the chamber,  and  very  frequently  contained  the  re- mains of  a  martyr,  and  according  to  primitive usage,  based  on  Rev.  vi.  9-11,  furnished  an  altar for  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist.  The  altar was  sometimes  detached  from  the  wall.  But this  was  not  a  primitive  arrangement.  In  the papal  crypt  in  the  cemetery  of  Callistus  we  have traces  of  two  altars.  The  original  altar  remains hewn  out  in  the  rock,  the  front  of  brickwork, and  the  stone  slab  covering  it  forming  the  holy table.  In  front  of  this,  a  raised  marble  step or  podium,  with  four  shallow  holes  or  sockets is  an  evidence  of  a  second  later  altar  standing on  four  pillars.  We  have  noticed  above  an example  of  an  insulated  altar  from  the  cemetery of  St.  Helena.  As  more  space  was  required  for the  interment  of  the  bodies  of  members  of  the same  family  the  walls  above  and  around  the original  tombs  were  pierced  with  loculi,  some- times amounting  to  nearly  a  hundred.  The desire  of  reposing  in  the  same  locality  with the  blessed  dead,  and  in  close  proximity  to  a saint  or  martyr,  which  was  awakened  at  so  early a  period  and  exercised  .so  much  power  (cf.  August. i/e  Curd  pro  Mortals  gerendu  ;    Uctract.   lib.   v. 312 CATACOMBS c  64.  Maximus  Taurinensis.  Horn.  Ixxxi.  Ambros. cidpop.  de  SS.  Gervas.  et  Protas.  Paulinus  Nol. in  Panegijr.  Celsi)  led  to  the  excavation  of  loculi in  the  walls  behind  the  earlier  tombs,  with  com- plete disregard  of  the  paintings  decorating  them, which  were  thus  mutilated  or  destroyed.  A very  badly  spelt  and  ungrammatical  inscription given  by  Marchi,  p.  102,  from  Boldetti,  who copied  it  from  the  cemetery  of  St.  Cyriaca,  tells us  of  two  ladies  Valeria  and  Sabina,  who  in their  lifetime  had  purchased  from  fossores  named Apro  and  Viator  a  double  grave  (bisomum)  in the  rear  of  that  in  which  the  bodies  of  recognised saints  had  been  buried,  "  retro  sarctos."  It  is as  follows:   In  Crypta  Koba  retro  sanctds EMERUM     (-runt)     SE     VIVAS     BALER  |  RA     ET Sabina  Merum  locu  |  Bisoni  ab  aprone  et A  I  BiATORE.  The  inscription  set  up  by  Damas- us  in  the  cemetery  of  Callistus  in  honour  of  the companions  in  martyrdom  of  Pope  Xystus  bears witness  to  his  participation  in  this  feeling,  and his  relinquishment  of  the  fulfilment  of  his wishes  lest  he  should  disturb  the  ashes  of  the faithful. "  Hie  fatsor  Daniasus  volui  mea  condere  membra, Scd  cineres  timui  sanctos  vexare  pioruni." An  inscription    given    by   Gruter,   Tnsc.  Antiq. Christ,  p.  1167,  No.  4,  testifies  the  same  senti- ment. "  Sanctorum  exuviis  penitus  confine  sepulchrum, Promeruit  sacro  digiia  Marina  solo." St.  Ambrose  also  states  that  he  had  resigned  the place  beneath  the  altar  in  which  he  had  intended his  own  body  should  lie,  "  dignum  est  enim  ut ilii  voquiescat  sacerdos  ubi  ofterre  consuevit "  to i!i-  ri'lics  of  the  recently  discovered  martyrs I..  iMisius  and  Protasius,  and  contrasts  the  posi- tion of  Christ  present  on  the  altar  with  the  saints beneath  it,  '•  ille  super  altari  qui  pro  omnibus mortuus  est,  isti  sub  altari  qui  illius  redempti sunt  passione."  (Ambros.  Up.  xxii.  15.)  See  also Jerome,  adv.  Vigilant,  p.  359.  [Altar.]  For examples  of  this  ruthless  destruction  of  earlier decorations  (Of.  De  Rossi,  vol.  ii.  tav.  27,  28,  29 ; Northcote,  E.  S.  Plate  xvi.)  When  the  cuhicu- luin  was  absolutely  too  full  to  jreceive  any  more bodies  loculi  were  dug  in  its  vicinity,  their  con- nection with  the  family  vault  being  indicated by    an    inscription    to  that    effect,  e.  g.  Marchi, p.  101,  LOCA  ADPEETINENTES  AD  CUBICULUJI GERMULANI. The  altar  was  sometimes  protected  from  any careless  approach  by  lattice  work  of  marble, transenna,  the  prototype  of  the  cancelli  of  later Christian  churches.  Fragments  of  an  enclosure of  this  kind  were  found  by  De  Rossi  in  the papal  crypt,  and  supply  the  authority  for  the restoration  {R.  S.  vol.  ii.  pp.  20-27,  tav.  i.  I.  A.). Other  examples  are  given  by  Boldetti  from  the cemeteries  of  Praetextatus  and  Helena,  and PriscUla  (pp.  34,  35,  Marchi,  p.  128).  A  very beautiful  example  of  the  transenna  is  seen  in  the cemetery  church  of  St.  Alexander,  A.D.  498. We  know  that  it  was  the  universal  custom of  the  early  church  to  celebrate  the  Eucharist at  the  time  of  a  funeral,  provided  it  took  place lu  the  morning  (for  authorities  see  Bingham  bk. xxiii.  ch.  iii.  §  12).  By  degrees  a  corrupt  custom crept  in,  based  on  a  superstitious  view  of  the magical  power  of  the  consecrated  elements,  of administering  the  Holy  Communion  to  the  de- CATACOMBS parted  (Bingham  Orig.  bk.  xv.  c.  iv.  §  20).  The prohibition,  of  this  profane  custom  in  the  canons of  some  early  councils  (e.g.  Auxerre,  A.D.  578, can.  12;  Carthage  iii.  A.D.  397,  can.  6;  Trullo, A.D.  691,  can.  83)  is  evidence  for  its  existence. The  consecrated  bread  was  laid  as  a  charm  on the  breast  of  the  corpse.  The  wine  enclosed  in small  glass  or  earthenware  bottles  was  placed  in the  grave,  or  imbedded  in  the  mortar  at  the mouth  of  the  loculus,  and  the  red  colour  left' by the  exsiccated  wine  mistaken  for  blood  in  the early  stages  of  catacomb  investigation  has  created thousands  of  false  martyrs.  Another  analogous custom  was  that  of  pouring  libations  of  wine  on the  graves  after  the  old  heathen  fashion,  and supplying  the  dead  with  food  for  their  last journey,  viaticum.  The  22nd  canon  of  the  Se- cond Council  of  Tours  a.d.  567  mentions  those "  qui  in  festivitate  cathedrae  domini  Petri  Apo- stoli  cibos  mortuis  oiferuut."  Paulinus  of  Nola Poem,  xxvii.  vv.  566-7  thus  alludes  to  the  liba- tions— "  Simplicitas  pietate  cadit,  male  credula  sanctos Perfusis  halante  mero  gaudere  sepulchris." Another  purpose  of  the  cubicula  was  for  the celebration  of  the  Funeral  Feast  on  the  anniver- sary of  the  day  of  death.  This  was  a  custom inherited  from  the  heathen  sepulchral  rites, which  too  often  degenerated  into  heathen  license. St.  Augustine  deplores  that  "  many  drink  most luxuriously  over  the  dead,  and  when  they  make a  feast  for  the  departed,  bury  themselves  over the  buried,  and  place  their  gluttony  and  drunk- enness to  the  score  of  religion  "  (Z>e  Mor.  Eccl. Cath.  c.  xxxiv.),  and  condemns  those  who  "  make themselves  drunk  in  the  memorials  of  the  mar- tyrs "  (Cont.  Faust,  lib.  xx.  c.  21).  (Cf.  Ambros. de  Elia.  c.  xvii. ;  August.  Confess,  vi.  c.  2.)  In primitive  times  it  may  be  charitably  believed that  such  abuses  were  the  exceptions,  and  that the  anniversary  was  observed  in  a  seemly  manner, and  with  a  cheerfulness  tempered  by  religion. (On  this  custom  see  Neander,  Ch.  Hist.  i.  454, Clark's  edition ;  Bingham,  Origines,  bk.  xx.  ch. viii.  §§  1-10;  bk.  xxiii.  ch.  iii.;  §§  3-1?; Bosio,  lib.  iv.  c.  34.)  The  pictures  on  the  walls of  the  cubicula  in  some  of  the  catacombs  furnish representations  of  these  funeral  feasts,  of  which they  were  the  scene.  The  most  curious  is  from an  arcosoliuin  in  the  catacomb  of  SS.  Marcellinus and  Peter  (Bosio,  p.  391).  Three  guests — a woman  between  two  men — are  seated  at  a  cres- cent-shaped, or  sigma  table,  at  the  two  ends  of which,  in  stately  curule  chairs,  two  matrons  are seated.  No  dishes  appear  on  the  table:  they are  placed  on  a  small  three-legged  stand  in  the centre,  at  which  a  lad  is  stationed  preparing  to execute  the  orders  of  the  guests,  which  are written  above  their  heads — "  Irene  da  Calda," "  Agape  misce  mi  "  (cf.  Juven.  Sat.  v.  63  ;  Mar- tial, lib.  i.  Ep.  11;  lib.  viii.,  Ep.  63;  lib.  xiv., Ep.  95).  Another  painting  from  the  same  ceme- tery represents  six  persons,  three  of  each  sex, seated  at  an  empty  table.  One  is  drinking  from a  rhytion;  another  stretches  out  his  hand  to receive  a  cup  from  a  person  of  whom  no  more than  the  arm  is  left  (Bosio,  p.  355). The  cubicula  generally  speaking  are  of  small dimensions,  and  are  incapable  of  containing  more than  a  very  limited  number  of  worshippers. But  there  are  also  found  halls  and  chambers  of CATACOMBS much  larger  proportions,  which  have  been  con- sidered by  the  chief  Roman  Catholic  authorities on  the  subject  to  have  been  constructed  for  the jiurpose  of  religious  assemblies.  These  are  dis- tinguished by  Padre  Marchi,  by  an  arbitrary nomenclature  which  has  failed  to  find  acceptance, iuio  cryptae,  for  the  smaller,  and  ecclesiae,  for  the larger  excavations.  Of  the  latter  tho  most typical  example  is  that  discovered  in  the  cata- comb of  St.  Agnes  in  1842,  and  described  and figured  by  Marchi  (pp.  182-191;  Tav.  xxxv.- xxxvii.)  from  whom  we  borrow  the  annexed  plan and  section.  This  comprises  five  quadrangular  com- CATACOMBS 313 liartm^iits,  three  on  one  side  of  the  ambulacrum .•ir.ii  two  on  the  other,  connected  by  a  tolerably wide  passage  cutting  the  gallery  at  right  angles. The  two  compartments  to  the  right  of  the gallerv  are  supposed   to  have   bet.-u   rcserveil   fur but  the  whole  rests  on  too  conjectural  a  basis  to be  accepted  as  anything  more  than  a  possible hypothesis. Some  of  the  so-called  crypts  are  destitute  of arcosolia,  or  have  the  arcosolia  placed  at  too great  an  elevation  to  serve  as  holy  tables  for  the celebration  of  the  sacred  mysteries.  These  are assumed  by  Marchi  to  have  been  devoted  to  the instruction  of  catechumens.  They  usually  con- sist of  two  chambers,  one  for  each  sex,  and  are provided  with  chairs  for  the  (presumed)  cate- chists,  and  benches  cut  in  the  tufa  rock  for  the catechumens  (cf.  Marchi,  pp.  130-133 ;  tav. xvii.).  But  such  an  identification  is  exceedingly doubtful. When  the  catacombs  became  places  of  refuge in  times  of  persecution  (as  it  is  indisputable they  did,  though  not  to  the  extent  popularly credited),  it  was  essential  that  there  should  be the  means  of  obtaining  a  supply  of  water  without leaving  the  limits  of  the  cemetery.  This  want was  supplied  by  uells  and  springs,  whether  dug for  this  purpose  or  not,  many  of  which  remain to  the  present  time,  still  holding  water.  We may  mention  one  in  the  A)-ea  prima  of  the  Cata- comb of  St.  Callistus  (F,  in  De  Rossi's  plan), which  may  still  be  used  for  its  original  purpose. The  shaft  of  this  well  is  furnished  with  foot holes,  to  enable  a  man  to  descend  for  the  purpose of  cleaning  it  out,  as  is  the  case,  according  to  De Rossi,  in  all  tho  ancient  wells  connected  with  the catacombs  (M.  S.  de  Uossi,  y\„.,lis.  Geol.  ed  Arch women,  and  two  of  the  three  to  the  left  of  the gallery  for  men.  The  third  compartment,  di- vided from  the  others  by  an  arch  supported  on stuccoed  columns,  formed  the  chancel  or  sanc- tuary. In  the  centre  of  the  end  wall  stands  the cathedra,  or  bishop's  seat,  flanked  on  each  side by  a  stone  bench  running  along  the  side  walls, which  formed  seats  for  the  clergy.  Hollowed out  so  as  to  furnish  londi  for  children,  an  arco- solium  fills  the  space  behind  the  episcopal  chair, and  occupies  both  sides  of  each  of  the  compart- ment. The  walls  above  the  arcosolia  are  pierced with  tiers  of  loculi.  There  is  no  trace  of  an altar.  The  cathedra  entirely  prevents  the  arco- solium  fronting  the  entrance  being  so  used. IVIarchi  therefore  concludes  that  the  altar  must have  been  portable.  The  whole  is  entirely  des- titute of  piaintiug,  or  decorations  of  any  kind, beyond  a  rich  marble  paneling,  a  small  portion of  which  remains.  The  result  of  the  learned father's  researches  was  to  satisfy  him  that  the two  sexes  reached  the  church  by  distinct  stair- cases (p.  42)  and  by  separate  corridors,  and  that the  church  itself  must  have  been  constructed before  the  commencement  of  the  third  century : vol.  ii.  p.  97).  Wells  are  also  mentioned  by Boldetti  (p.  40)  as  existing  in  the  cemeteries  of Praetextatus  and  St.  Helena,  and  natural  springs in  those  of  St.  Pontianus,  Ostrianus  or  B'ons  Petri and  the  Vatican. In  close  connection  with  the  wells  of  the catacombs  stand  the  so-called  Baptisteries.  The most  remarkable  of  these  is  that  in  the  Cata- comb of  St.  Pontianus,  the  purpose  of  which  is put  beyond  doubt  by  its  pictorial  decoration (Aringhi,  i.  381;  Bottari,  tav.  xliv. ;  Boldetti, p.  40  ;  Marchi,  pp.  32,  220-224 ;  tav.  ii.  xlii.). A  descent  of  ten  steps  leads  to  a  cistern  filled  by a  natural  stream  flowing  through  a  channel  in the  rock.  The  wall  above  the  cistern  retains  a fresco  of  the  Baptism  of  our  Lord,  and  on  that at  the  back  of  it  is  a  magnificent  jewelled  cross, the  stem  immersed  in  the  water,  blossoming  into flowers  and  leaves,  and  from  its  arms,  which support  lighted  candles,  the  characters  A.  Cl. suspended  by  chains.  Another  of  these  so-called baptisteries  is  found  in  the  lowest  piano  of  gal- leries in  the  Catacomb  of  St.  Agnes.  It  is  a  well- preserved  chamber,  with  rude  columns  cut  in the  tufa  rock  in  the  corners.     A  spring  of  water 314 CATACOMBS runs  through  it.     The  paintings  have  entirely perished  from  damp. In  connection  with  some  cemeteries  we  find provision  for  washing  the  corpse.  This  is  seen in  the  very  remarkable  early  Cemetery  of  Domi- tilla  at  Tor  Marancia.  The  entrance  is  above ground  on  the  side  of  a  hill  cut  down  for  the purpose.  On  each  side  of  the  doorway  is  a vestibule,  or  covered  porticus.  To  the  left  is  a chamber  where  may  be  traced  a  well  and  cistern, with  the  place  for  the  pulley  of  the  bucket. This  chamber  was  probably  devoted  to  the  cus- tomary washing  of  the  dead  body  before  inter- ment. (See  Bosio,  B.  S.  cap.  17.)  A  similar chamber  is  found  at  the  entrance  of  the  Jewish Catacomb  on  the  Via  Appia.  It  has  a  mosaic pavement,  and  drains  to  carry  the  water  away. )  the  Catacomb  of  St.  DomitUla,  from  De  Bosd. a)  Entrance  to  the  Catacomb,      (i)  Porter's  lodge  with  a  well  and chamber  for  washing  the  bodiea.    (c)  "  Schola,"  or  place  of  meeting. Some  of  these  wells  probably  had  no  other object  than  that  of  draining  the  catacombs. This  was  the  case  with  that  dug  by  Damasus  in the  Vatican  Cemetery.  The  galleries  of  this catacomb  being  rendered  unfit  for  the  purpose of  sepulture  by  the  infiltration  of  water,  Da- masus cut  away  the  rock  till  he  found  the  spring, and  diverted  its  waters  to  supply  a  baptistery. It  is  this  spring  which  now  supplies  the  fountain in  front  of  the  Pontifical  Palace. Damasus  recorded  his  good  work  in  the  fol- lowing inscription : — "  Cingebant  latices  montem  teneroque  meatu Corpora  niultorum  cineres  atqne  ossa  rigabant. Non  tulit  hoc  Damasus  commiini  lege  sepultos Pust  requiem  tristes  iterum  persolvere  poenas. I'rotinus  aggiessus  magnum  superare  laborem Agseris  immensi  dejecit  culmina  montis, Intima  soUicite  scrutatus  viscera  terrae, Siccavit  totum  quidquid  madefecerat  humor, Invenit  fontem  pracbel  qui  duna  .-^alulis. Haec  curavit  Mercurius  Levita  fidelis." The   singular   variety   of    objects    discovered within  the  loculi  of  the  catacombs  is  an  evidence of  the  permanence  of  the  old  heathen  idea,  which regarded  the  life  after  death  as  a  continuation  of the  present  life  with  its  occupations  and  amuse- ments, as  well  as  of  the  strength  of  the  universal human   instinct,  which    leads   the    bereaved    to deposit  in  the  grave  of  their  loved  ones  the  tools and   ornaments  and  playthings  which    had  lost their  use  by  the  death  of  their  possessor.     Bol- detti,  lib.  ii.  cc.  14,  15,  furnishes  us  with  very interesting  details  of  the  results  of  his  investiga- tions in  this  department,  together  with  euo-raved representations  of  some  of  the  more  curious  and typical  objects  discovered  by  him,  some  of  which are  still   to  bo  seen   iu  the   Christian  Museum CATACOMBS of  the  Vatican.  Among  the  objects  extracted from  children's  graves  are  jointed  dolls  of  ivory  or bone,  similar  to  those  which  we  learn  from  Cancel- lieri  de  Seer.  Basil.  Vatican,  torn.  ii.  pp.  995-1000, were  found  in  the  bier  of  Maria,  the  daughter of  Stilicho  and  wife  of  Houorius,  belonging  to the  close  of  the  4th  century — little  earthenware money-jars, — masks,  and  a  very  great  abundance of  small  bronze  bells,  such  as  we  know  to  have  been in  use  in  classical  times  for  the  amusement  of children,  frequently  met  with  in  heathen  tombs, and  7nice  in  metal  or  terra-cotta.  Female  tombs have  furnished  numerous  examples  of  toilet  equip- aije  and  personal  ornaments;  mirrors,  combs  in ivory  or  boxwood,  bodkins,  pins  of  ivory  or  bone, vinaigrettes,  tweezers,  toothpicks,  and  earpicks ; bracelets  and  armlets,  earrinrjs  and  Tiecklaccs ; buckles  and  brooches,  rings  and  seals  ;  studs  and buttons,  bullae,  and  other  similar  objects,  setting before  us  vividly  the  Roman  Christian  ladies  of the  first  ages.  In  not  a  few  instances,  according to  the  same  authority  (Boldetti,  Ossero.  p.  297), the  false  hair  worn  in  life  was  buried  with  the corpse.  Among  other  objects  of  interest  dis- covered in  the  loculi  we  may  mention  dice,  ivory knife-handles,  nnilhcads,  a  lock  and  key,  one  half  of an  ivory  egg  with  portraits  of  a  husband  and  wife and  the  Christian  monogram  engraved  on  the flat  section ;  tortoiseshell,  weights  of  stone,  and small  glass  fish  engraved  with  numbers,  the purpose  of  which  has  not  been  determined. The  number  of  lamps  discovered  in  and  about the  tombs  is  countless.  The  majority  are  of terra-cotta,  but  some  have  been  found  of  bronze, and  some  even  of  silver  and  amber.  One  in  this last  material  was  found  in  the  catacomb  of St.  Priscilla  (Boldetti,  Osscrv.  p.  298,  tav.  i. no.  7).  By  far  the  greater  part  of  these  lamps have  only  the  monogram  of  Christ  impressed  on them.  But  there  are  a  very  large  number which  present  other  familiar  symbols,  such  as the  palm-branch,  the  dove,  the  fish,  the  ship, and  A  and  O..  The  Good  Shepherd  is  of  frequent occurrence.  The  lamps  found  in  the  Jewish catacombs  almost  universally  bear  the  seven- branched  candlestick. The  so-called  instruments  of  torture  which  the eager  imagination  of  pious  enthusiasts,  resolved to  convert  every  buried  Christian  into  a  martyr, has  discovered  enshrined  in  the  loculi,  or  in- cised on  their  closing  slabs,  in  the  opinion  of  the best  informed  and  most  calm  judging  writers, are  nothing  more  than  implements  of  handicraft. One  singular  pronged  weapon,  specimens  of which  are  preseived  in  the  Vatican  and  the Collegio  Romano,  has  been  identified  with  a heathen  sacrificial  instrument,  and  its  presence in  a  Christian  catacomb  has  yet  to  be  explained. Topography  of  the  Roman  Catacombs. The  following  catalogue  of  the  ancient  Christian cemeteries  of  Rome,  the  names  of  which  stand recorded  in  ancient  historical  documents,  ar- ranged according  to  the  chief  lines  of  road leading  from  the  city,  is  derived  from  De  Rossi's great  work.  The  first  column  gives  the  name  of the  road.  The  second  that  which  De  Rossi's investigations  have  led  him  to  believe  to  have' been  the  primitive  names  of  the  larger  cemeteries in  the  first  age  of  the  Church.  In  the  third column  appear  the  designations  by  which  they were   known    iu   the   fourth  century,  after  the / CATACOMBS 315 establishment  of  the  peace  of  the  Church.  The fourth  cnhimn  gives  the  titles  of  certain  lesser cemeteries  or  isolated  tombs  of  martyrs,  which are  often  confused  with  the  lartrer  cemeteries  to which  they  were  adjacent,  and  with  which  they were  sometimes  locally  connected.  The  later cemeteries  formed,  subsequent  to  the  peace  of  the Cliurcli,  occupy  the  last  column. Cireater  Cemeteries. Lesser  Cemeteries, or  isolated Tombs  of  JMartyrs. Cemeteries Ko»ds. Names  in  the  4th constructed  after the  Peace  of  the Primitive  Names. 1              Century. Church. /"Lucinae   . (  Hippolyti Time  of  I'eace. Appia )  S.  Xysti >S.  Caeciliae 27.  Soteridis. j  SS.  Xysti  et  Comelii S.  Januarii. SS.Urbani,Felicissimi 2.  Pnictcxtati    .    .    . Agapiri,    Januarii, Quirini, SS.  Tiburtii,  Valerian! {     et  Maximi. 3.  Ad  Catacumbas  .    . S.  Sebastiani  .    .    . (  S.  I'etroniUae      .    .  ) .        .        . 3S.  Balbinae  give  S. Marci. Ardeatina     .    .    . 4.  Domitillae     .    .    . 5.  Basilei \  SS.  Petronillae,  Ne-  } (      rei,  et  Achillei      .  ) SS.  Marci  et  Marcel- 39.  Damasi. Ostiensis  .... 6.  Commodillae      .    . liani. SS.  Felicis  et  Audacti 28.  Sepulcrum  P.nuli Apostoli  iu  praedio Lucinae. 29.  Coemeterium  Ti- mothei    in     horto Theouis. SO.EcclesiaS.Theclae 31.EcclesiaS.Zenonis Portuensis     .    .    . 7.  Pontianl  ad  Ursum Pileatum    .... SS.AbdonetSennen) i  S.  Anastasii.  pp.        [ S.  Innocentii,  pp.       } :  :  :  ^ 40.  Julii   via  Portu- ensi  mill.  lii.  S.  Fe- licis via  Portuensi. Aurelia S.  Pancratii 41.  S.  Felicis  via  Au- relia. rSS.  Processl  et  Mart- 9.  Lucinae     .... )    iani. \  S.  Agathae  ad  Giru- (    liim. i  S.  Callisti  via  Aurelia I  Julii  via  Aurelia. 10.  Calepodii    .... CorneUa    .... . ,■52.  Momoria     Petri ApostohetsepuUu- rae  episcoporum  in Vati(Lno. Flaminia  .... 11. S.  Valentini. Ad  caput  S.  Joannis. Clivus  Cucumeris  . 12.  AdSeptemCoIumbas S.  Hermetis. SalariaVetus    .     . 13.  Basillao      .... 14 SS.Hermetis,BasilI.ae, I    Proti,  et  Hyacinthi S.  Pamphyli. SalariaNova     .    . 15.  Maximi     .... 16.  Thrasonis  .... 17.  Jordanorum  .     .     . 18.  Priscillae  .... S.  Felicitatis     .    .     . S.  Saturninl. rS.  Alexandri. )  SS.  Alexandri,   Vlta- )    lis    it    iMartialis   et (    VII.  Virginum. C  S.  Silvestri. is.  Marcelli. 33.  Ecclesia  S.  Hi- lariae  in  horto  ejus- dem, 34.  CryptaSS.Chry- santi  et  Dariao. 35.  Coemeterium  No- vellae. Notnentana  . 9.  Ostrianum  vol  Os- (  Coenieterium  raajus. 36.  Coemeterium  S. trianl          .... i  Ad  Nympba.^S.  Petri. (  Montis  S.  Petri. Agnetis  in  ejusdem agello. 37.  CoeniPterium  S. Nicomedis. Tiburtina      .     ,     . )0 S.  Hippolyti. n.  Cyriacae    .... S.  Laurentii. ( S  Gorgonii.      .    .     . 42.  InComitatu  sive Labicana  .... 22.  Ad  Duas  I.auros     . 23 ^SS.  Petri  etMarcellini. ( S.  Tiburtii. S,  Castuli. [  S,  Gordiimi. SS.  Gordiani  et  Epi- SS.  (Juatuor.    Curo- natorum. Latina      .... 24 5 i I    roachi. J  .SS.  Simplicii  et  Scr- 1    viliani,    (juarti    et {    Qiiinti,  et  SopLlae. S.  Tertullini. 6    Apruniaiii      ■     ■     •  | S.  iMiseulae. 316 CATACOMBS Catacombs  of  Kaples,  &c. To  the  north  of  the  city  of  Naples,  four  sub- terranean Christian  cemeteries  are  known  to exist,  in  a  spur  of  Capodimonte,  no  great  dis- tance h-oifl  one  another.  Tiiey  have  been  distin- guished by  the  names  of  S.  Vito,  S.  Secero, iS.  Maria  delta  Santiia,  and  S.  Gennaro  (Janua- rius)  dei  poveri.  There  is  also  a  fifth  at  some distance  under  the  monastic  Church  of  S.  Efremo. That  of  S.  Gennaro  is  the  only  one  now  acces- sible. It  has  been  fully  described  by  Pelliccia (de  Christianae  Eccles.  Polit.  Neapol.  1781,  vol.  iv. Dissert.  V.),  and  more  recently  in  an  elaborate treatise  of  great  value,  embracing  the  whole subject  of  interment  in  the  catacombs,  by  Chr. Fr.  Bellermann,  Hamburg,  1839. With  many  points  of  resemblance  as  regards the  formation  of  the  graves,  and  the  actual  mode of  interment,  the  Neapolitan  Catacombs  difler very  widely  in  their  general  structure  from those  of  Kome.  Instead  of  the  low  narrow galleries  of  the  Roman  Catacombs,  we  have  at Naples  wide  lofty  corridors,  and  extensive oavern-like  halls,  and  subterranean  churches. The  chief  cause  of  this  diversity  is  the  very different  character  of  the  material  in  which  they are  excavated.  Instead  of  the  friable  tufa  gni- nolare  of  Rome,  the  stratum  in  which  the Neapolitan  catacombs  lie  is  a  hard  building stone  of  great  durability  and  strength,  in  which wide  vaults  might  be  constructed  without  any fear  of  instability.  To  quote  the  words  of Mabillon,  Iter  Italicum,  "altiores  habent  quam Romana  Coemiteria  fornices  ob  duritiem  et firmitatem  rupis  secus  quam  Romae  ubi  arena seu  tophus  tantum  altitudinis  non  patitur."  It IS  probable  that  these  catacombs  were  originally stone  quarries,  and  that  the  Christians  availed themselves  of  excavations  already  existing  for the  interment  of  their  dead.  On  this  point Marchi  speaks  without  the  slightest  hesitation {3£onum.  Primitive,  p.  13). The  Catacomb  of  St.  Januarius  derives  its name  from  having  been  selected  as  the  resting- place  of  the  body  of  that  saint,  whose  death  at Puteoli  is  placed  A.D.  303,  when  transferred  to Naples  by  Bp.  John,  who  died  a.d.  432. Mabillon  speaks  of  three  stories :  "  triplex ordo  criptarum  alius  supra  alium."  Two  only are  mentioned  by  Pelliccia  and  Bellermann  as now  accessible.  The  galleries  which  form  the cemetery  proper,  are  reached  through  a  suite  of wide  and  lofty  halls,  with  vaulted  ceilings  cut out  of  the  rock,  and  decorated  with  a  succession of  paintings  of  different  dates,  in  some  instances lying  one  over  the  other.  The  earliest  frescos are  in  a  pure  classical  style,  and  evidently  belong to  the  first  century  of  the  Christian  aera.  There is  nothing  distinctly  Christian  about  these.  In many  places  these  have  been  plastered  over,  and on  the  new  surface  portraits  of  bishops,  and other  religious  paintings,  in  a  far  inferior  style and  of  a  much  later  date,  have  been  executed. [Fresco.] Th e  interments  are  either  in  lomii,  arcosolit or  cubicala.  The  locxdi  are  cut  without  order  ... arrangement,  the  larger  and  smaller  apertures bring  all  mixed  together,  with  no  attempt  at economising  space.  The  arGosolia  have  barrel vaults.  Some  of  them  are  painted;  one  con- tains a   fresco  of  the   peacock,  and  on  the  wall CATACOMBS above  portraits  of  a  mother  and  daughter  whose remains  are  interred  below,  with  a  rudely- written  inscription,  "  Vixit  Rufina  annos  Iv.  et filia  ejus  ....  xxxvii."  Another  also  presents the  portraits  of  its  occupants,  all  in  prayer ; a  bearded  father,  Michelinus ;  a  girl,  Hilarias aged  14,  and  a  child  Nonnosa  aged  2  years  10 months,  with  spotted  frock,  pearl  head-dress  and earrings,  necklace,  and  buckle  to  belt.  In  a third  is  the  bust  of  a  young  man  in  white  tunio and  red  pallium,  with  the  inscription  "Hie requiescit  Proculus."  A  fourth  contains  full- length  figures  of  St.  Paul  and  St.  Lawrence. The  cubicula  average  7  palms  broad,  by  10  palms in  height  and  depth.  The  roof  is  horizontal  or slightly  coved.  Each  contains  from  3  to  8 loculi.  The  graves  were  hermetically  sealed with  slabs  of  marble.  But  all  have  been  opened and  ransacked.  The  interments  in  the  lower piano  occur  in  two  long  parallel  galleries,  one much  wider  than  the  other,  communicating with  one  another  by  14  transverse  passages.  In the  upper  story  the  graves  are  cut  in  the  sides of  three  large,  broad,  low  vaulted  halls  exca- vated out  of  the  rock,  and  certainly  with  no original  view  of  sepulture. At  the  entrance  of  the  lower  piano  we  find  a so-called  martyrs'  church,  with  a  slightly  vaulted roof.  It  was  divided  into  a  nave  and  sanctuary by  two  pillars,  the  bases  of  which  remain,  with cancelli  between.  In  the  sanctuary  stands  the altar,  built  of  rough  stone,  and  a  rude  bishop's seat  in  an  apse  behind  it.  On  the  South  wall  are the  arcosolia  of  John  I.  A.D.  432,  and  Paul  a.d. 764,  who,  according  to  Joannes  Diaconus,  desired to  be  buried  near  St.  Januarius.  In  other  rooms we  find  a  well  and  a  cistern,  recesses  for  lamps, and  the  remnants  of  a  Christian  mosaic  painting. In  a  niche  in  the  u\s-pev  piano,  which  was  tradi- tionally  the  place   of  the   font,  is  the  symbol '^  I  ^'^  .  Here,  according  to  Pelliccia,  iv.  162, Nl  I  KA  . a  marble  shell  was  discovered,  since  used  as  a holy  water-basin  in  the  church  of  St.  Gennaro. The  inscriptions  in  these  catacombs  go  down  to the  9th  or  10th  century. Among  other  Christian  catacombs  known  to exist  in  different  parts  of  the  shores  of  the  Medi- terranean, of  which  we  are  still  in  want  of  fuller and  more  scientific  descriptions,  we  may  parti- cularize those  o{ Syracuse  known  as  "the  grottos of  St.  John,"  and  described  by  D'Agincourt  as "  of  immense  size,"  and  believed  by  him  to  have passed  from  pagan  to  Christian  use :  the  Saracen catacomb  near  Taormina,  with  ambulacra  as much  as  12  feet  wide ;  the  loculi  at  right  angles to,  not  parallel  with,  the  direction  of  the  gal- leries ;  each,  as  in  the  Roman  catacombs,  herme- tically sealed  with  a  slab  of  stone  :  those  of  Blatta, supposed  by  Denon  {Voyage  in  Sicile,  Par.  1788), to  have  served  a  double  purpose,  both  for  the burial  of  the  dead,  and  as  places  of  refuge  for the  living  ;  and  which,  according  to  the  same authority,  "  evidence  a  purpose,  leisure,  and  re- sources far  different  from  the  Roman  catacombs  :" and  those  of  Egypt.  .Of  these  last  D'Agincourt gives  the  ground-plans  of  se  veral  of  pagan  origin. The  most  remarkable  is  one  beyond  the  canal  of Canopus,  in  the  quarter  called  by  Strabo,  xvii. p.  795,  "  the  Necropolis."  The  plan  of  tliis hypogaeum  is  drawn  with  great  regularity,  ^'ery unlike  the  intricate  maze  of  those  of  Kome.    Tlie CATALOGUS  HIERATICUS walls  are  pierced  with  three  ranges  of  locuU, running,  as  at  Taormina,  at  right  angles  to  their length.  Very  recently  a  small  Christian  catacomb has  been  discovered  at  Alexandria,  described  by Da  Rossi  (Btil/ettino,  Nov.  1 864,  Agost.  1865).  It is  entered  from  the  side  of  a  hill,  and  is  reached by  a  staircase,  which  conducts  to  a  vestibule  with a  stone  bench  and  an  apse.  This  is  succeeded  by a  cubiculum,  with  an  arcosolium  on  three  sides, opening  into  an  ambulao-um  containing  28  loculi, all  set  endways  to  the  passage.  The  whole  is  full of  paintings,  of  various  dates,  on  successive layers  of  stucco.  One,  of  a  liturgical  character, is  assigned  by  De  Rossi  to  the  4th  century.  But this  is  probably  much  too  early. Authorities. — Aringhi,  Roma  Suhterranea.  Bol- detti,  Osservazioni  sopra  i  cimiteri  de'  santi  mar- tiri  ed  antichi  Christiani  di  Roma.  Bosio,  Romu Sotteranea.  Bottari,  Sculture  e  pitture  sagre estratte  dai  cimiteri  di  Roma.  Fabretti,  Inscrip- tionum  antiquarum  explicatio.  Lupi,  Dissertatio. Mabillon,  Iter  Italicum.  Marchi,  /  monumenti delle  arti  cristiane  primitive  nella  metropoli  del Cristianesimo.  Northcote  (J.  S.)  and  Brownlow (W.  R.),  Roma  Sotterranea.  Panvinius,  De  ritu sepeliendi  mortuos  apud  veteres  Christianos  et eorum  coemeteriis.  Ferret  (Louis),  Les  cata- combes  de  Rome.  Raoul-Rochette,  Tableau  des Gatacombes.  Rossi  (J.  B.  de'),  Inscriptiones Christianae.  Rossi  (J.  B.  de'  and  Mich.  S.  de'), Roma  Sotterranea.  Seroux  D'Agincourt,  Histoire da  I' art  par  les  womuncnts.  [E.  V.] CATALOGUS  HIERATICUS,  the  name given  in  the  Apostolic  Canons  (15  and  51,  or  14 and  50)  to  the  list  of  the  clergy  of  a  particular church.  The  term  is  also  said  to  be  applied  to that  part  of  the  Diptychs  which  contained  the names  of  those,  still  living,  who  were  named  in the  Eucharistic  service  ;  viz.  of  those  who  had made  offerings,  emperors,  patriarchs,  &c.,  and lastly  of  the  bishop  and  clergy  of  the  particular church,  as  above  said.  [A.  W.  H.] CATECHUMENS.  The  work  of  the  Church in  admitting  converts  from  heathenism  or  Juda- ism presented,  from  the  nature  of  the  case,  very different  features,  according  to  the  varying  cir- cumstances with  which  she  had  to  deal.  Disci- pline might  be  more  or  less  highly  organised, converts  of  higher  or  lowel-  grades  of  knowledge or  character.  If  we  attempt  to  form  a  complete picture  from  data  gathered  from  different churches  and  centuries,  it  must  be  with  the reserve  that  all  such  pictures  are  more  or  less idealised,  and  that  practically  there  were  every- where departures  more  or  less  important  from it.  It  will  be  convenient  to  arrange  what  has to  be  said  under  the  heads  (I.)  The  Catechumens. (II.)  The  Catechists  or  Teachers.  (III.)  The Place  of  Instruction.  (IV.)  The  Substance  of  the Teaching. I.  Instruction  of  some  kind,  prior  to  the  ad- mission of  converts  by  baptism,  must  have  been given  from  the  first,  and  the  word,  which  after- wards became  technical,  meets  us  in  the  N.  T. Apollos  was  "  instructed  "  {KaTi]xi]lJ-ivos)  in  the way  of  the  Lord  (Acts  xviii.  25).  Theophilus had  been  "  instructed  "  in  the  main  facts  of  the Gospel  history  which  St.  Luke  inscribes  to  him (Luke  i.  4).  The  vriiriot  of  the  apostolic  epistles, though  not  confined  to  the  stage  ])rior  to  baptism, wiiuld  naturally  include  those  vi'ho  were  passing CATECHUMENS 317 through  it ;  and  in  the  (TToixe7a  ttjs  apxv^  tcDj' Aoyi(cv  rod  06ow  of  Heb.  v.  12,  we  have,  probably, a  summary  of  the  instruction  which  the  writer looked  on  as  adapted  for  such  persons.  In  prac- tice, however,  as  in  the  instances  of  the  Ethiopian eunuch  (Acts  viii.  36  3),  and  the  Philippian  gaoler (Acts  xvi.  33),  it  must  have  been  of  the  briefest and  simplest  kind.  The  traces  of  the  process and  method  of  instruction  in  the  sub-apostolic age,  and  the  two  centuries  that  followed,  are fragmentary  and  vague.  It  is  not  till  we  get  to the  4th  century,  with  its  strivings  after  a  more elaborate  organisation,  that  v/e  meet  with  the developed  system  which  has  now  to  be  described. So  far  as  we  may  think  of  it  as  having  actually prevailed,  it  deserves  attention  as  presenting  the most  complete  plan  of  systematic  mission-work that  the  Church  has  ever  known. The  converts,  it  is  obvious,  might  be  of  any age — might  have  been  Jews,  or  heathens,  or  here- tics— might  be  ignorant  or  educated,  of  good or  bad  character.  They  might  have  been  led  to offer  themselves  by  the  influence  of  persona) friends,  or  by  the  sermons  preached  in  Christian assemblies  at  the  religious  services  to  which  even outsiders  were  admitted.  They  presented  them- selves to  the  bishop  or  priest,  and  were  admitted sometimes  after  inquiry  into  character,  sometimes without  any  delay,  by  the  sign  of  the  cross (August.  Conff.  i.  11,  De  peccat.  merit,  ii.  26)  and imposition  of  hands,  to  the  status  of  catechumens (1  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  6,  Cone.  Elih.  c.  3).  The Councils,  as  might  be  expected,  prescribe  condi- tions and  allow  immediate  admission  only  in  cases of  sickness  and  of  at  least  decent  conduct.  St. Martin,  however,  in  his  mission  work  in  Gaul, is  reported  to  have  admitted  his  hearers  to  be catechumens  as  they  rushed  to  him  catervatim on  the  spot  (Sulpicius,  Vita,  ii.  5,  p.  294). From  that  moment  they  were  recognised  as Christians,  though  not  as  "fideles"  (1  Cone. Constant,  c.  7 ;  Cod.  Theod.  xvi.  tit.  vii.  de Apostat.  leg.  ii.),  and  began  to  pass  under  in- struction. The  next  epoch  in  their  progress  was the  time  when  they  were  sufficiently  advanced to  give  in  their  names  as  candidates  for  baptism ; and  some  writers  (e.  g.  Suicer  and  Basnage) have  accordingly  recognised  only  two  great  divi- sions, the  AuDiENTES,  and  the  Competentes. Others,  like  Bona  and  Bingham,  have  made  three or  four  divisions,  though  differing  in  details;  and it  will  be  well  for  the  sake  of  completeness  to notice  these,  though  it  is  believed  that  the  classi- fication was  never  a  generally  received  one. (1.)  Bingham's  first  class  are  the  i^w6ovfj.evoi, those,  i.  e.,  who  were  not  allowed  to  enter  the church,  and  received  whatever  instruction  was given  them  outside  its  walls.  The  existence  of such  a  body  is,  however,  very  doubtful.  It  rests only  upon  an  inference  drawn  from  the  fifth canon  of  the  Council  of  Neo-Caesarea,  ordering that  a  catechumen  (one  of  the  Audientes)  who had  been  guilty  of  grievous  ofl^ences  should  be driven  out  {i^a>6eiadaj\  and  there  is  no  mention of  such  a  class  either  in  the  canon  itself  or  else- where. What  is  described  is  the  punishment  of an  individual  offender ;  and  even  if  the  offenders a  The  interpolation  of  the  question  and  answer  of V.  ?,'!  in  the  MSS.  of  later  date  shows  an  uneasy  con- sciousness of  the  difference  between  the  ecclesiastical  and the  apostolic  practice. 318 CATECHUMENS were  numerous  enough  to  attract  notice,  there would  be  no  ground  for  classing  them  as  in  a distinct  stage  of  instruction. (2.)  The  next  division,  that  of  the  AUDIENTES, or  aKpoaifievoi,  rests  on  better  evidence.  The  Greek term  is,  indeed,  not  found  as  the  designation  of a  class  till  the  4th  century,  but  the  Audientes or  Auditores  are  mentioned  both  by  Tertullian ((fc  Pocnitent.  c.  6)  and  Cyprian  {Epist.  13  to  34). Over  and  above  the  instruction  they  received from  their  teachers,  they  were  allowed  to  attend in  churches  and  to  listen  (hence  their  name)  to the  scriptures  and  to  sermons,  sharing  this  privi- lege with  the  unbelievers,  but  probably  occupying a  distinct  place  in  the  congregation.'"  They were  not  allowed,  however,  to  be  present  when the  strictly  liturgical  worship  of  the  church began,  and  when  the  sermon  was  over,  the  deacon, mounting  on  a  rostrum  of  some  kind,  proclaimed tliat  it  was  time  for  them  to  go  (^Constt.  Apost. viii.  5).  As  applied  to  these,  or  to  the  whole body  of  those  who  were  under  catechetical  train- ing, the  missa  catechumenorum  became  the dividing  point  between  the  more  general  worship of  the  church  and  the  Keirovpyia,  properly  so called. The  feeling  which  showed  itself  in  this  disci- pVina  Grcani  kej)t  them  in  like  manner  from hearing  the  Creed  oi  the  Lord's  Prayer  till  they took  their  place  among  the  f.deles  (Chrysost. Horn.  xix.  in  Malt.).  Sozomen  {H.  E.  i.  20) even  hesitated  about  inserting  the  Nicene  Creed in  his  history  lest  it  should  fall  into  the  hands of  those  who  were  still  in  the  earlier  stage  of their  Christian  training.  The  practice  of  repeat- ing the  Lord's  Prayer  seer  do,  which,  still  prevails in  the  Western  Church,  probably  originated  in  a like  precaution.  Assuming  the  Audientes  to represent  the  first  class  of  beginners  in  Christian training,  we  may  fairly  identify  them  with  the "rudes"  of  Augustine's  treatise  (De  catechiz. rudihus)  and  the  areXearspoi  of  the  Greek Canonists  (Balsamon  ad  Cone.  Neocaesar.  c.  5). The  time  of  their  probation  probably  varied according  to  the  rapidity  of  their  progress,  and the  two  years  specified  by  the  Council  of  Eliberis (c.  42),  or  the  three  fixed  hj  the  Apostolical Constitutions  (viii.  32),  can  hardly  be  looked  on as  mo]-e  than  rough  estimates  of  what  was thought  advisable.  Any  lapse  into  idolatrous practices  or  other  open  sins  involved,  in  the nature  of  things,  a  corresponding  prolongation of  the  time  of  trial.  Where  the  olfence  was  fla- grant, the  term,  in  which  penance  rather  than instruction  was  now  the  dominant  element,  might lie  extended'  to  the  hour  of  death,  or  to  some great  emergency  {Cone.  Elib.  c.  6S). (3.)  Writers  who  maintain  a  threefold  or  four- fold division  of  the  body  of  catechumens  see  the third  class  in  th^  prostrati  ov  gcnuflcctentes  (yovv- K\ivovTis).  These  were  admitted,  not  only  to stand  and  listen,  but  to  kneel  and  pray.  As being  thus  more  prominent,  they  seem  to  have been  known  as  specially  i/ie  catechumens,  as,  e.g., in  the  evxv  Kar-nxovfi^vwu  of  the  C.  of  Laodicea, c.  19.  The  name,  it  will  be  remembered,  was applied  also  to  those  who  were  in  one  of  the stages  of  the  penitential  discipline  of  the  Church, CATECHUMENS the  fideles  being  degraded  from  their  rightful position  and  placed  on  a  level  with  those  who were  not  as  yet  entitled  to  the  privileges  of  mem- bership.   {[Penitents.] (4.)  After  these  stages  had  been  traversed, each  with  its  appropriate  instruction,  the  cate- chumens gave  in  their  names  as  applicants  for baptism,  and  were  known  accordingly  as  Compe- tentes  (^avvairovures).  This  was  done  commonly at  the  beginning  of  the  Quadragesimal  fast,  and the  instruction,  carried  on  through  the  whole  of that  period,  was  fuller  and  more  public  in  its nature  (Cyril  Hieros.  Catech.  i.  5 ;  Hieron.  Ep. 61,  ad  Pammaeh.  c.  4).  To  catechumens  in  this stage  the  great  articles  of  the  Creed,  the  nature of  the  Sacraments,  the  penitential  discipline  of the  Church,  were  explained,  as  in  the  Catechetical Lectures  of  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  with  dogmatic precision.  Special  examinations  and  inquiries into  character  were  made  at  intervals  during  the forty  days.  It  was  a  time  for  fasting  and  watch- ing and  prayer  (Constt.  Apost.  viii.  5 ;  4  C  Garth. c.  85  ;  TertuU.  De  Bapt.  c.  20 ;  Cyril.  I.  c),  and, in  the  case  of  those  who  were  married,  of  the strictest  continence  (August,  de  fide  et  oper.  v.  8). Those  who  passed  through  the  ordeal  were  known as  the  perfectiores  {reXfiwrepoi),  the  electi,  or  in the  nomenclature  of  the  Eastern  Church  as  I3air- Tt^S/j-fvoi  or  (pajTi(6/xevoi,  the  present  participle being  used  of  course  with  a  future  or  gerundial sense.  Their  names  were  inscribed  as  such  in the  album  or  register  of  the  church.  They  were taught,  but  not  till  a  few  days  before  their  bap- tism, the  Creed  and  the  Lord's  Prayer  which they  were  to  use  after  it.  The  periods  for  this registration  varied,  naturally  enough,  in  different churches.  At  Jerusalem  it  was  done  on  the second  (Cyril.  Catech.  iii.),  in  Africa  on  the  fourth Sunday  in  Lent  (August.  Serm.  213),  and  this was  the  time  at  which  the  candidate,  if  so  dis- posed, might  lay  aside  his  old  heathen  or  Jewish name  and  take  one  more  specifically  Christian (Socrat. //.  ^.  vii.  21).  The  ceremonies  connected with  their  actual  admission  will  be  found  under Baptism.  It  is  only  necessai-y  to  notice  here that  the  Sacramentum  Catechumenorum  of  which Augustine  speaks  (^De  Peccat.  Merit,  ii.  26)  as given  apparently  at  or  about  the  time  of  their first  admission  by  imposition  of  hands,  was  pro- bably the  €v\oyiai  or  jMnis  benedictus,  and  not, as  Bingham  and  Augusti.  maintain,  the  salt which  was  given  with  milk  and  honey  after baptism."^ •>  The  place  assigned  for  the  Audientes  was  the  AWthex or  portico  of  the  church.     (Zonaras,  ed.  Cone.  Nicacn. "  It  may  be  well  to  quote  the  passage  referred  to : — "  Non  unius  est  modi  sanctificatio ;  nam  et  catechunienos secundum  quendam  modum  suum  per  signum  Chrit.ti  et orationem  et  manus  impositionem  puto  sanctificari :  et quod  accipiunt,  quamvis  non  sit  corpus  Christi,  sanctum est  tanien,  et  sanctius  qiiam  cil)i  quibus  aliraur,  quoniam sacramentum  est."  Bingham  (x.  2,  16).  following  Bona, infers  from  a  ainon  of  the  3rd  Cone.  Carth.  c.  fi,  forbidding any  other  sacramentum  than  the  "  solitum  sal"  to  be givtii  to  catechumens  during  the  Easter  festival,  that  this nmst  lie  tliat  of  wliiih  Augustine  speaks ;  and  it  is  beyond question  that  this  was  given  during  ilie  period  of  probation, as  well  as  immediately  after  baptism.  Jt  wouM  seem,  how- ever, from  the  canon  Uself,  that  some  other  sacramentum was  given  at  other  times ;  and  the  words  of  Augustine, "  quamvis  non  sit  corpus  Christi,"  imply,  it  is  believed, something  presenting  a  greater  outward  likeness  to  the Eucharistic  bread  than  could  be  found  in  the  salt.  The proviso  would  hardly  have  been  needed,  on  Bingham's supposition. CATECHUMENS It  is  clear  that  many  cases  would  present themselves  in  which  the  normal  order  of  j)rogre.ss would  be  interrupted.  (1.)  The  catechumen mi'j,ht  lapse  into  idolatry  or  other  grievous  sin. In  that  case  he  was  thrown  back,  and  had  to  go through  a  penitential  discipline,  varying,  accord- ing to  the  nature  of  the  ofi'ence,  from  a  few months  to  three  or  five  yeai-s,  or  even  to  a  life- long exclusion  (C.  Elib.  c.  4, 10, 11,  68 ;  C.  Nicaen. c.  14;  C.'Neo.  Caesar,  c.  5).  In  no  case,  how- ever, was  the  sacrament,  which  was  thought  of as  indispensable  to  salvation,  refused  to  the  peni- tent when  the  hour  of  death  approached.  Their sins  were  looked  on  as  committed  in  their  unre- generate  state,  and  therefore  less  heinous  than they  would  have  been  in  those  who  had  been admitted  to  full  Christian  fellowship.  (2.)  They might,  however,  through  their  own  neglect,  die without  baptism.  In  that  case,  they  were  buried without  honour,  with  no  psalms  or  oblations (1  C .Bracar.  c.  35),  and  were  not  mentioned  ifi  the prayers  of  the  Church.  The  one  comfort  left  to their  surviving  friends  was  to  give  alms  to  the poor  in  the  hope  that  thus  they  might  obtain some  alleviation  for  the  souls  that  had  passed beyond  the  grave  without  the  new  birth  that admitted  men  to  the  Kingdom  (Chrysost.  Horn.  3 in  Philipp.).  (3.)  Where  the  loss  of  baptism  was not  incurred  by  their  «wn  default,  the  will  was accepted,  at  least  in  special  cases,  for  the  deed. The  death  of  the  younger  Valentinian  led  Am- Ijrnse  (de  Obit.  Valent.  p.  12)  to  the  wider  hope. Wluit  was  true  of  catechumen-martyrs  and  the l)aiitism  of  blood,  as  supplying  the  lack  of  the baptism  of  water — and  this  was  received  almost as  an  axiom  by  all  Christian  writers  ffom  Ter- tullian  downwards  (see  Bingham,  x.  2,  20) — was true  of  one  of  whom  it  might  be  said  "  hunc  sua pietas  abluit  et  voluntas."  Augustine,  following in  the  footsteps  of  his  master,  appealed  to  the crucial  instance  of  the  penitent  thief  against  the rigorous  dogmatism  of  those  who  thought  that baptism  was  absolutely  indispensable  (de  Bapt. iv.  22).  (4.)  Another  common  case  was  naturally that  of  those  who  were  stricken  down  by  some sudden  sickness  before  the  term  of  their  probation had  expired.  In  this  case  the  Church  did  not hesitate  to  anticipate  the  wished-for  goal,  dis- pensed with  all  but  the  simplest  elements  of instruction,  and  administered  baptism  on  the bed  of  death.     [Baptism,  p.  169.] II.  It  is  noticeable  that,  with  all  this  syste- matic discipline  as  to  the  persons  taught,  there was  no  oi-der  of  teachers.  It  was  part  of  the pastoral  office  to  watch  over  the  souls  of  those who  were  seeking  admission  to  the  Church,  as well  as  of  those  who  were  in  it,  and  thus  bishops, priests,  deacons,  or  readers  might  all  of  them  be found,  when  occasion  required,  doing  the  work of  a  catechist.  The  DOCTOR  Audientium,  of whom  Cyprian  speaks,  was  a  lector  in  the  church of  Carthage.  Augustine's  treatise,  de  Catechi- zandis  Budihus,  was  addressed  to  Deogratias  as  a deacon,  the  Catecheses  of  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  were delivered  by  him  partly  as  a  deacon,  partly  as  a presbyter.  'The  word  Catechist*  implied,  accord- ingly, a  function,  not  a  class.  Those  who  under- took that  function  were  known  sometimes  as vavT6\oyoi  (Constt.  Apost.  ii.  37),  as  having  a work  like  that  of  those  to  whom  that  title  was ap])iied  on  board  ship.  It  was  their  part  to speak  to  those  who  were  entering  the  ark  or  ship CATHEDRA 3 1 9 of  CHirist's  Church,  to  tell  them  of  the  perils  ot the  voyage  which  they  were  about  to  undertake, and  take  their  pledge  for  payment  of  the  fare. The  word  was  part  of  the  metaphor  which  saw  in the  bishop  the  steersman,  and  in  the  presbyters the  sailors,  in  the  Church  itself  the  navis  or  ship. III.  The  places  in  which  catechetical  instruc- tion was  thus  carried  on  must  have  varied widely  at  different  times  and  in  different  places : sometimes  the  room  or  building  in  which  the fidcles  met  to  worship,  before  or  after  service ; sometimes  a  room  in  the  presbyter's  or  deacon's house,  probably  at  Alexandria,  from  the  special nature  of  the  case,  a  lecture-room,  like  the "  school  "  of  Tyrannus  in  Acts  xix.  9.  It  is  not till  we  come  to  the  fully-developed  organisation of  the  Church  that  we  read  of  special  buildings  for the  purpose,  imder  the  name  of  /caT7jxoyMe«'ei'a. They  are  mentioned  as  such  in  the  97th  canon  of the  Trullan  Council,  and  appear,  from  a  Novella of  the  Emperor  Leo's,  to  have  been  in  the  viripifov, or  upper  chamber  of  the  church ;  probably,  i.  e. in  a  room  over  the  portico.  In  some  instances the  baptistery  seems  to  have  been  used  for  this purpose  (Ambros.  Ep.  33),  while  in  others,  again, perhaps  with  a  view  to  guarding  against  prema- ture presence  at  the  rite  of  baptism,  they  were not  allowed  to  enter  the  building  in  which  it was  administered  (Cone.  Arausic.  c.  19). IV.  The  ideal  scheme  of  preparation  involved obviously  a  progress  from  lower  to  higher  trutlis. The  details  varied  probably  according  to  the  dis- cretion of  the  teacher  and  the  necessities  of  the taught ;  but  two  great  representative  examples are  found  of  the  earlier  stage  in  Augustine's treatise  de  Catcchizaudis  rudibus,  and  in  the Catecheses  of  Cyril  of  Jerusalem.  The  range  of subjects  in  the  former  includes  the  sacred  history of  the  world  from  the  Creation  downwards,  and then  proceeds  to  the  truths  of  the  resurrection  and judgment  according  to  works.  The  better  edu- cated may  be  led  to  the  allegorical  meaning  of Scripture,  and  the  types  of  the  law.  Then  came the  Gospel  narratives,  and  the  Law  of  Christ. The  teaching  of  Cyril,  as  intended  for  the  com- petentes,  took  a  wider  and  higher  cycle  of  subjects, and  are  based  (Catech.  iv.)  upon  a  regula  fidei, including  the  dogmas  (1)  of  God,  (2)  of  Christ, (3)  of  the  birth  from  the  Virgin's  womb,  (4)  of the  cross,  (5)  of  the  burial,  (6)  of  the  resurrec- tion of  Christ,  (7)  of  the  ascension,  (8)  of  judg- ment to  come,  (9)  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  (10)  of  the soul,  (11)  of  the  body,  (12)  of  meats,  (13)  of the  general  resurrection,  (14)  of  the  Holv  Scrip- tures. [E.  H.  P.] CATHEDRA  (Kaee'Spa).— (1)  First  and  pro- perly, in  ecclesiastical  usage,  the  actual  throne or  seat  of  the  bishop  in  his  episcopal  church  ; the  ^ri/xa  Kal  Opofo^  v\pr)\os  of  Eusebius  (//.  E. ■vii.  30),  to  which  Paul  of  Samosata  arrogantly added  a  a-r^Kp-qrov, — distinguished  by  the  same Eusebius  from  the  Sfvrepoi  dpovoi  of  the  presby- ters (ib.  X.  5.  23); — who  also  speaks  of  tlie  airocTTo- XiKhs  dpovos  of  St.  James  at  Jerusalem,  meaning the  actual  seat  itself  still  preserved  there  (/ft.  vii. 19,  32); — called  cathedra  velata  by  St.  Augustiu (Epist.  ad  Maxim,  cciv.),  and  linteata  by  Pacian  ; and  inveighed  against  by  St.  Greg.  Naz.  {Cariii.  xi.) as  v^riXoi  OpSuoi ;  and  so  Prudentius  speaks  of the  bishop's  seat,  "  Fronte  sub  udversa  [i.  5.  as the  upper   end  of  the   apsel  gradibus  sublime 320 CATHEDRA tribunal  Tollitur  "  (Pmsfc/)A. //.  iv.  225).  St. Mcark's  chair  is  said  to  have  existed  for  a  long time  at  Alexandria  (Vales,  ad  Euseb.  H.  E.  vii.  9). And  one  assigned  to  Pope  Stephen  is  said  to  have been  found  in  the  catacombs  by  Pope  Innocent  XII. The  wooden  chair,  with  its  heathen  ivories,  .re- presenting the  labours  of  Hercules,  which  is  so carefully  honoured  in  St.  Peter's  at  Rome  as St.  Peter's,  is  at  once  the  most  celebrated,  and the  most  unfortunately  chosen,  specimen  of  the class.  Episcopal  chairs  are  frequently  repre- sented in  ancient  Christian  mosaics  or  marbles, sometimes  adorned  with  two  lions'  heads,  some- times with  two  dogs'  heads,  sometimes  with  our Lord  Himself  represented  as  sitting  in  them, sometimes  with  the  B.  Virgin,  sometimes  with the  open  Gospels  laid  upon  them,  sometimes with  the  bishop  himself  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  I. tab.  2,  37,  47,  II.  tab.  41 ;  and  cf.  St.  Aug.  Epist. ad  Diosc.  Ivi.) ;  sometimes  raised  upon  steps (^gradatae,  St.  Aug.  Epist.  nd  Maxim,  cciii.,  and see  Aringhi,  ii.  325)  ;  sometimes  "  veiled  "  (vc- latae,  St.  Aug.  as  above,  see  Bosio,  Bom.  Sotter. p.  327).  And  certain  chairs  or  seats,  cut  in  the tufa  stone  in  the  catacombs,  are  conjectured  to iiave  been  intended  for  the  bishop  at  the  time when  persecution  compelled  the  Christians  to hold  service  there.  A  Council  of  Carthage,  A.D. 535,  forbids  a  bishop  "  cathedrara  coUocare  in monasterio,"  i.  e.  to  ordain  there. But  hence  (2)  the  word  was  transferred  to the  see  itself  of  the  bishop,  as  in  Victor  Vitens. De  Persec.  Vandal,  iv.  So  Cone.  Milevit.  ii. cans.  21,  24;  and  "Cathedrae  viduatae"  in Collat.  Carthag.  i.  c.  185,  217;  "Cathedrae  ma- trices," in  Cone.  Milev.  ii.  c.  25 ;  and  Cod.  Can. Afric.  123 ;  and  "  Cathedrae  principales,"  in  Cod. Can.  Afric.  38.  So  also  Greg.  Tur.  H.  F.  iii.  1, and  Sidon.  ApoUin.  repeatedly.  And  earlier  than all  these,  TertuUian  {De  Praescript.  xxxvi.) speaks  of  "  Cathedrae  Apostolorum,"  as  still existing  in  the  "  Ecclesiae  Apostolicae ;"  mean- ing, not  the  literal  chairs,  but  the  specially Apostolic  succession  of  the  bishops  of  those  sees. (3)  The  word  became  used  for  the  Episcopal Church  itself,  "  principalis  cathedra,"  in  Cone. Aquisgr.  A.D.  789,  can.  40,  meaning  the  cathedral as  opposed  to  the  other  churches  in  the  diocese  : "  Ecclesia  Cathedralis,"  Cone.  Tarracon.  A.D.  516, c.  idt. :  called  also  "  Ecclesia  mater,"  in  the  Cone. Rom.  suh  Sylvestro,  c.  17  ;  and  "  Ecclesia  matrix," in  Cone.  Mogunt.  i.  c.  8 ;  and  "matrix,"  simply, by  Ferrand.  Breviar.  cc.  11,  17,  38.  But  "  ca- tl]edral,"  used  absolutely  for  the  "  ecclesia  cathe- dralis," dates  from  the  10th  century,  and  belongs to  the  Western  Church  only.     [Cathedral.] [Du  Cange ;  Bingham  ;  Martigny ;  Walcott, Sacr.  Archr\    '  ^  [A.  W.  H.] CATHEDRA  PETRI.    [Peter,  Festivals 01.-.] CATHEDRAL,  also  in  later  times  DoM- KiRCHE,  DuOMO:  the  chief  and  episcopal  church of  a  diocese  ;  not  so  called  however  until  the 10th  century,  when  the  epithet,  derived  from the  bishop's  cathedra  or  chair,  became  a  sub- stantive name;  called  previously  the  mother church,  or  the  ecclesia  matrix,  in  distinction from  the  parish  churches,  which  were  called tduh  or  ecclesiae  dioecesanae.  [Cathedra.1 It  was  also  sometimes  called  the  "Catholic" church.    [Catholic]    The  architectural  features CATHOLIC of  a  cathedral  are  treated  in  the  article  CHURCH, The  gradual  formation  and  character  of  the cathedral  chapter  will  be  found  under  Chapter. And  for  the  immunities  belonging  to  it  simply as  a  church,  see  Church,  Sanctuary.  As  ;i cathedral  church,  it  was  held  to  be — what  at first  and  in  the  earliest  times  it  literally  was — the  parish  church  of  the  diocese,  to  which  the others  stood  as  it  were  in  the  relation  of  chapels. In  it  the  bishop  was  formally  enthroned :  so cathedrare  and  incathedrare,  to  enthrone.  And in  it  he  was  to  be  consecrated,  according  to ordinary  rule.  [Bishop.]  Ordinations  also,  and diocesan  synods,  were  commonly  held  thei'e.  And manumissions  of  serfs,  in  Celtic  and  Saxon  England, took  place  at  the  altar  of  the  cathedral  in  the presence  of  the  bishop.  Schools  and  libraries were  pttached  in  course  of  time  to  cathedrals. And  Charlemagne,  who  ordered  monastic  schools, and  founded  palatine  schools,  found  episcopal schools  ready  to  his  hand.  [Schools  ;  Canonici, p.  281.]  [A.  W.  H.] CATHEDRATICUM.— (1)  A  pension  paid annually  to  the  bishop  by  the  churches  of  his diocese,  "in  signum  subjectionis ;"  ace.  to  Cone. Bracar.  ii.  c.  2,  "  pro  honore  cathedrae ;"  and to  Cone.  Eavenn.  A.D.  997,  c.  2,  "  pro  respect  u Sedis;"  both  councils  limiting  the  payments  in each  case  to  two  shillings  severally.  So  also  Cone. Bracar.  iii.  A.D.  572,  and  Tolet.  vii.  c.  4.— (2)  Th fvdpovKTTiKhu,  a  fee  paid  by  the  bishop  to  the bishops  who  had  consecrated  him,  and  to  tlie clerks  and  notaries  who  assisted  (Julian.  Ante- cessor, Constit.  115,  431  ;  Justinian,  Novell. cxxiii.  c.  3 ;  quoted  by  Du  Cange).     [A.  W.  H.] CATHISMA  (Kd«i(r/xa).  A  section  of  tlie psalter. (1)  The  psalter  in  the  Greek  Office  is  divided into  twenty  sections,  called  Cathismata.  Each Cathisma  is  sub-divided  into  three  Staseis,  and "  Gloria  "  is  said  at  the  end  of  each  stasis  only. These  divisions  and  the  order  of  reciting  the psalter  will  be  explained  in  a  later  article.  The reason  for  the  name  assigned  is  that,  while the  choir  stand  two  and  two  by  turns  to  recite the  psalms,  the  rest  sit  down. (2)  A  short  hymn  which  occurs  at  intervals in  the  offices  of  the  Greek  Church.  It  consists of  one  stanza,  or  troparion  (rpoTrdpiov),  and  is followed  by  "  Gloria."  The  name  is  said  to indicate  that  while  it  is  sung  the  choir  sit  down for  rest.  [H.  J.  H.] CATHOLIC,  KaOoXiKhs,  CatJiolicus,  used  in its  ordinary  sense  of  "  universal,"  not  only  by heathen  writers  (as.  e.g.  Pliny),  but  also  not uncommonly  by  ecclesiastical  wi-iters  also  (as, e.  g.  Justin  Martyr,  Dial,  cum  Tnjph.  81,  Kado- XiK^  avdffraffis,  and  TertuUian,  Adv.  Marcion. ii.  17,  "Catholica  .  .  .  bonitas  Dei,"  &c.  &c.);  but commonly  employed  by  the  latter  as  an  epithet of  the  Christian  Church,  Faith,  Tradition,  People  ; first  in  St.  Ignatius  (Ad  Smyrn.  viii.),  in  the Martyrdom  of  St.  Polycarp  (in  Euseb.  vY.  E.  iv. 14,  &c.),  in  the  Passio  S.  Pionii  under  Decius (ap.  Baron,  in  an.  254,  n.  ix.),  in  St.  Clem.  Alex. {Strom,  vii.  p.  899,  Oxf.  1715),  and  thencefor- ward commonly,  being  embodied  in  the  Eastern (although  not  at  first  in  the  Western)  creed : — indicating  (1)  the  Church  as  a  whole,  as  in  St. Ignatius  above  quoted  ;  and  so  in  Arius'  creed (Socrat.    i.   26),  =  ^   a-nu  Trepdrcov  €0)5   ■mpoTon' : CATHOLIC (2)  that  portion  of  the  universal  Church  which IS  in  any  particular  place,  as  tj  iv  'S./xvpyr]  Ka9o- Ajkt/  fKK\Ticria,  as  in  the  Mart.  S.  Polycarp.:  (3) (when  it  had  grown  into  an  epithet  ordinarily attached  to  the  word  church),  used  as  equivalent to  Christian,  "  Catholica  fides  "  in  Prudent.  Peri- stej^h.  iv.  24,  "  Catholici  populi,"  id.  ib.  30 :  or to  "  orthodox,"  as  opposed  to  "  heretical ;"  as  in Pacian.  Epist.  1,  ad  Semprort.  "  Christianus  mihi nomen  est,  Catholicus  cognomen ; "  and  in  Cone. Antioch.  A.D.  341,  ot  KaQoKiKoi  iKKX-qaiai,  as  op- posed to  the  Samosatenians  ;  and  in  Cone.  Arimin. A.D.  359,  ri  Ka9o\tK7]  iKK\riala,  in  like  opposition to  heretics ;  and  in  St.  Cyril.  Hieros.  Led.  Catech. xviii.  advising,  in  a  town  where  there  ai'e  heretics, to  enquire,  not,  ttoC  emlv  anAws  t]  iKK\r](TLa, aWa,  TTOV  ecrrlv  7]  KaOoKiKi]  eKKK7]aia,  &c.  &c. So  also  in  the  Athanasian  Creed,  "  the  Catholic religion,"  and  "  the  Catholic  faith."  (4)  When men  began  to  look  about  for  a  rationale  of  the epithet,  or  when  driven  to  do  so  as  in  the  Do- natist  controversy  (the  Donatists  meeting  the argument  against  them,  drawn  from  the  word, by  explaining  it,  "  non  ex  totius  orbis  commu- nione,  sed  ex  observatione  omnium  praeceptorum divinorum  atque  omnium  sacramentorum,"  St. Aug.  Epist.  93,  §  23),  taken  to  indicate  the  uni- versality of  the  Church  ;  so  in  St.  Aug.  Ejnst. 52,  §  1,  "  Ka6o\iKT]  Graece  appellatur,  quod  per totum  orbem  terrarum  difiunditur ;"  and  simi- larly Isidor.  Sentent.  i.  16,  &c.  &c.  And  St.  Cyril. Hieros.  {Led.  Catech.  xviii.  §  23)  dilates  upon the  word  rhetorically  in  this  sense,  as  intimating that  the  Church  subjugates  all  men,  teaches  all truth,  heals  all  sin,  &c.  In  somewhat  like  way, the  Catholic  Epistles  are  so  called  (^="E.yKVK\iOL) as  early  as  the  3rd  century  (Euseb.  H.  E.  vi.  25, vii.  25) ;  because  written,  ov  irphs  ev  'iOvos  aWa KaOSXov  nphs  irdura  (Leont.  De  Sect.  Act.  2). And  not  only  these,  but  such  epistles  also  as those  of  Dionysius  of  Corinth  (KaQoXiKois  irphs TCLS  eKKXrialas  tTrL(rTo\a7s,  Euseb.  If.  E.  iv.  23). So  Tertullian,  again  {De  Monog.\  of  Catholic tradition.  And  similarly  the  well-known  defi- nition of  "  vere  Catholicum,"  in  St.  Vine,  of Lerins,  as  that  which  had  been  held  "  semper, ubique,  et  ab  omnibus."  Optatus  {Gont.  Donat. ii.),  in  explaining  the  term  by  "  rationalis  et ubique  diffusa,"  was  possibly  in  the  first  half of  his  definition  thinking  of  the  "  Rationalis," who  was  also  called  KaOoAi/cbs,  being  the general  receiver  of  the  imperial  revenue  under the  Roman  empire ;  but  more  probably  was confounding  the  real  derivation  KaQ'  '6\ov,  with a  supposed  one  from  Kara  \6yov.  (5)  Used also  somewhat  later  of  the  Church  as  a  build- ing :  viz.  as  the  distinctive  epithet  of  the  bishop's or  cathedral  church,  as  against  the  parish churches ;  e.  g.  in  Epiphanius,  Haer.  lix.  §  1  (■i^ KaQoKiK^  4KK\r](Tia  iv  'A\(^av5peia,  in  opposition to  the  smaller  churches  there,  and  so  also  Niceph. XV.  22).  (6)  In  Cone.  Trull,  can.  lix.  (Labb. vi.  1170),  as  the  name  of  the  church,  as  op- posed to  an  oratory  {evKrripicfi  otKoi),  baptisms (and  by  inference  the  eucharist)  being  cele- brated in  the  Ka.6o\iK7i  iKKXrjo'ia,  but  not  in the  oratory.  (7)  In  Byzantine  Greek  times,  an epithet  of  the  parish  church,  v/hich  was  open  to all,  in  distinction  from  the  monastic  churches (Codinus,  Balsamon,  &c.).  (8)  Still  later,  the Patriarchs  or  Primates  of  Seloucia,  of  the  Arme- nians, of  the   Ethiopians,  were   styled   Catholici CHRIST.  ANT. CATHOLICUS 321 (Du  Cange).  See  also  Thomassin,  I.  i.  24.  The Catholicus  of  the  Persian  Church  was  so  called  as early  as  Procopius  {De  Bell.  Fersico,  ii.) ;  and  the Catholicus  of  Seleucia  was  made  so  independently of  the  Patriarch  of  Antioch  {Arabic  Vers,  of  Niccne Canons').  The  term  means,  more  exactly,  a  pri- mate, having  under  him  metropolitans,  but himself  immediately  subject  to  a  patriarch. [Catholicus.]  KaQoXiKol  QpSvoi,  in  Theophan. (in  ].  Constant.  Copronymi),  were  the  sees  of Rome,  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and  Jerusalem.  (9) The  term  became  a  title  of  the  King  of  France, Pipin  being  so  called  A.D.  767  ;  and  very  much later,  of  the  King  of  Spain  also.  (Pearson,  On the  Creed,  art.  '  Holy  Catholic  Church ;'  Du Cange  ;  Suicer.)  [A.  W.  H.] CATHOLICUS.  "  I  have  ordered  the  ca- tholicus of  Africa  to  count  out  3000  purses  to •your  holiness,"  said  the  Emperor  Constantine  to Caecilian,  bishop  of  Carthage  (Euseb.  H.  E.  x.  6). A  similar  order  to  indemnify  Eusebius  the  his- torian for  the  costs  of  getting  50  copies  of  the Bible  transcribed  for  general  use  was  issued  by him  to  the  catholicus  of  the  diocese;  that  is,  of the  civil  diocese  called  the  East  (ib.  Vit.  Const. iv.  36).  A  former  holder  of  this  office,  Eusebius elsewhere  tells  us,  named  Adauctus,  had  been martyred  under  Diocletian  {H.  E.  viii.  11).  Ap- parently there  was  one  such  for  each  of  the  13 civil  dioceses,  and  a  14th  attached  to  the  im- perial household — eVl  Tcbv  KaOoAov  \6yctiv  Xeyo- /aevos  eluai  fiaffiXfoos  {ib.  vii.  10) — who  was  in later  times,  according  to  the  Basilics,  or  code  of the  Emperor  Basil  I.,  called  the  "  logothete " (lib.  vi.  tit.  23).  Various  oi-dinances  relating  to this  office  are  to  be  seen  there.  The  two  promi- nent ideas  attaching  to  it  were  that  of  a  receiver- general,  and  of  a  ckputy-receiver.  It  was  formerly discharged  in  England  by  the  sheriff'  or  vice- comes  of  each  county,  who  forwarded  his  annual account  of  receipts  and  disbursements  to  the king's  exchequer.  The  ecclesiastical  officer  called "  catholicus "  was  of  a  piece  with  the  civil. Procopius,  in  his  history  of  the  Persian  war (ii.  25)  under  Justinian,  says  that  the  chief  dig- nitary among  the  Christians  of  Dubis  was  called "  catholicus,"  as  presiding  over  the  whole  coun- try, namely,  Persia.  But  according  to  Dr.  Neale {Eastern  Ch.  i.  141),  this  title  had  been  assumed at  a  much  earlier  date  by  the  bishops  of  Seleucia, meaning  by  it  that  they  were  "  procurators- general,"  in  the  -regions  of  Parthia,  for  the Patriarch  of  Antioch,  to  whose  jurisdiction  they were  subject,  till  for  political  reasons  their  inde- pendence was  allowed.  The  "  catholicus  "  men- tioned by  Procopius  was  doubtless  head  of  the Nestorians  in  Pei'sia,  whose  teaching  was  speedily carried  thither  from  Edessa,  as  the  well-known letter  of  Ibas,  bishop  of  the  latter  place,  to  the Persian  Maris,  alone  would  shew.  Having  on the  death  of  Acacius,  twenty-second  catholicus  oi Seleucia,  A.D.  496,  obtained  possession  of  that  see, they  established  their  head-quarters  there,  con- stituting its  archbishop  patriarch,  and  styling  him "  catholic  patriarch."  By  this  phrase  they  must have  meant  however  not  cfeptii^-patriarch,  which he  was  no  longer,  but  oecumenical  patriarch,  which to  them  he  was  in  fact.  So  that  when  the  title got  into  sectarian  hands,  it  seems  to  have  shifted its  meaning  to  some  extent,  and  imjilied  uni- versal rather  than  vicarious  powers.  But  as  it Y 322 CATULINU& was  a  dignity  confined  at  first  to  the  eastern portions  of  the  single  patriarchate  of  Antioch, and  there  common  to  the  orthodox  and  heterodox alike,  we  must  not  expect  to  find  the  accounts given  of  it  clear  or  always  consistent.  As  a general  rule  the  "  catholicus  "  was  subordinate to  the  patriarch,  and  had  metropolitans  under him ;  but  the  officer  answering  to  this  descrip- tion among  the  Jacobites  was  more  commonly called  "  maphrian"  or  "  fruit-bearer ;"  the  Nes- torians  on  all  occasions  doing  their  best  to monopolize  the  other  title.  Still  we  read  of  a "  catholicus"  for  Armenia  and  for  Georgia  among the  former,  as  well  as  for  Chaldaea  and  Persia among  the  latter ;  and  Jacobite  patriarchs  also called  themselves  "  catholic,"  in  imitation,  and to  the  annoyance,  of  the  Nestorian.  (Asseman. Be  Monoph.  §  8,  and  Do  Syris  Nestor,  c.  xi.  ;  Du Cange,  Gloss.  Graec.  s.  v.)  Later  writers,  again, speak  of  a  "  catholicus  "  of  Ethiopia,  of  Nubia," of  the  isles  and  elsewhere  :  that  is  to  say,  this title  came  to  be  applied  in  time  to  any  grade between  metropolitans  and  patriarchs  (Bever. Synod,  i.  709),  and  to  be  no  longer  peculiar  to  a single  patriarchate.  [E.  S.  F.] CATULINUS,  deacon,  martyr  at  Carthage,  is commemorated  July  15  (Hart.  Carthag.,  Usuardi). [C] CAUPONA,  CAUPONES,  tavern,  tavern- keepers.  The  Apostolical  Constitutions  enume- rate the  caupo  amongst  the  pei-sons  whose oblations  are  not  to  be  accepted  (bk.  iv.  c.  6). If  such  oblations  were  forced  on  the  priest,  they were  to  be  spent  on  wood  and  charcoal,  as  being only  fit  for  the  fire  {ih.  c.  10).  A  later  consti- tution still  numbers  the  caupo  amongst  those who  could  not  be  admitted  to  the  church  unless they  gave  up  their  mode  of  life  (bk.  viii.  c.  32). Bingham,  indeed,  holds  the  caupo  of  the  Apos- tolical Constitutions  not  to  have  been  strictly  a tavern-keeper,  but  a  fraudulent  huckster,  and there  is  no  doubt  that  the  word  is  to  be  found used  in  a  more  extended  sense  in  many  instances. But  there  is  in  the  present  one  no  reason  for diverting  it  from  its  ordinary  use.  It  is  clear from  too  many  evidences  that  the  ancient  tavern — the  caupona  of  the  Romans — differed  little from  a  brothel ;  see  for  instance  Dig.  bk.  xxiii. t.  ii.  I.  43 ;  Code,  bk.  iv.  t.  1.  vi.  1.  3.  A  Con- stitution of  Constantine  (a.d.  326),  whilst  de- claring that  the  mistress  of  a  tavern  (the  words caupona  and  taberna  are  here  used  indifferently) was  within  the  laws  as  to  adultery,  yet  if  she herself  had  served  out  drink,  assimilated  her  to  a tavern-servant,  classing  such  persons  among  those whom  "the  vileness  of  their  life  has  not  deemed worthy  to  observe  the  laws  "  (Code,  bk.  ix.  t.  ix. 1.  29).  In  the  work  called  the  "Lex  Romana," which  is  considered  to  represent  the  law  of  the Roman  population  in  Italy  during  Lombard  times, and  which  is  mainly  founded  on  the  Theodosian Code,  a  similar  provision  is  contained,  but  with the  use  of  the  word  taberna  alone  (bk.  ix.).  This evidently  implies  that  the  caupo  himself,  or  the cauponae  or  tabernae  domina,  was  undistinguish- able  from  the  brothel-keeper,  and  the  forbiddance to  receive  the  caupo's  offering  resolves  itself  into that  contained  in  Deut.  xxiii.  18. This  view  is  confirmed  by  almost  all  later church  authorities.  Thus  a  cleric  found  eating in  a  caiqjona,  nnhss  through  the  necessities  of CAUPONA travel,  was  by  the  46th  (otherwise  53rd)  of  the Apostolical  Canons — supposed  to  be  of  the  4th century — sentenced  to  excommunication,  the Canon  evidently  intending  a  tavern  and  not  a mere  huckster's  shop.  The  24th  Canon  of  the Council  of  Laodlcea  (latter  half  of  the  4th  cen- tury, but  the  alleged  dates  varying  from  357  to 367),  enacts  that  none  of  the  priestly  order (lepariKovs),  from  the  presbyter  to  the  deacon, nor  outside  of  the  ecclesiastical  order  to  the  ser- vants and  readers,  nor  any  of  the  ascetic  class shall  enter  a  tavern  (^KUTr-qKelov ;  see  also  the  7th Canon  of  the  so-called  African  Council,  which however  itself  only  designates  a  general  collec- tion of  African  Canons).  The  book  of  Canons  of the  African  church,  ending  with  the  Council  of Carthage  of  419,  c.  40,  repeats  substantially  the above-quoted  article  of  the  Apostolical  Canons. In  spite  of  these  enactments,  we  find  by  later ones  that  clerics,  who  wel-e  foi-bidden  to  enter taverns,  actually  kept  them.  Thus  certain "  Sanctions  and  Decrees  "  printed  by  Labbe  and Mansi,  after  the  various  versions  of  the  Nicene Canons,  from  a  codex  at  the  Vatican,  but  evi- dently from  a  Greek  source,  require  (c.  14)  that the  priest  be  neither  a  caupo  nor  a  tabernarius, making  thus  a  distinction  between  the  two terms,  which  often  appear  in  later  days  to  be svnonymous.  A  canon  ascribed  by  Ivo  to  the Synod  of  Tours,  a.d.  461,  states  that  "  it  hath been  related  to  the  holy  synod  that  certain priests  in  the  churches  committed  to  them  (an abuse  not  to  be  told)  establish  taverns  and  there through  caupones  sell  wine  or  allow  it  to  be sold ;"  so  that  where  services  and  the  word  of God  and  His  praise  should  alone  be  heard,  there feastings  and  drunkenness  are  found.  Such practices  are  strictly  forbidden,  the  offending priest  is  to  be  deposed,  the  laymen,  his  accom- plices, to  be  excommunicated  and  expelled  (cc.  2, 3).  In  the  East,  indeed,  it  appears  certain  from the  43rd  Novel,  that  in  the  first  half  of  the  6th century,  and  presumably  since  the  days  of  Con- stantine, taverns  were  held  on  behalf  of  the church,  and  must  have  been  included  among  the 1100  separate  trading  establishments  which  were the  property  of  the  cathedral  church  of  Con- stantinople. But  apparently  this  tavern-keeping for  the  church  was  not  held  equivalent  to  tavei'n- keeping  by  clerics,  since  about  sixty  years  later, the  9th  Canon  of  the  Council  of  Constantinople in  Trullo,  A.D.  691,  bears  "that  it  shall  not  be lawful  for  any  cleric  to  have  a  tavern.  For  if  it be  not  permitted  to  him  to  enter  one,  how  much less  can  he  serve  in  it,  and  do  there  that  which is  not  lawful  ?"  He  must  therefore  either  give  it up  or  be  deposed.  And  although  the  6Sth  Canon of  the  same  Council  uses  a  compound  of  the Greek  Synonym  for  caupo,  in  a  more  general sense  (tois  ^i^MoKair-fiXois.,  translated  librorum cauponatoribus,  i.e.  book-sellers),  yet  in  the  76th the  strict  idea  of  the  tavern  seems  to  recur, where  it  is  enacted  that  no  KairriXf'ioi/  is  to  be set  up  within  the  holy  precincts,  nor  food  or other  things  to  be  exhibited  for  sale.  And  by the  8th  century  the  original  sense  of  caupo,  cau- p)ona  is  palpable  through  the  more  modern  word (in  this  application)  taberna,  which  occurs  in numerous  repetitions  more  or  less  litei'al  of  the above-quoted  Apostolical  Canon ;  as  in  a  Capi- tulary of  Theodulf,  Bishop  of  Orleans,  to  his clergy,   A.D.  797,  forbidding    them  to    go  from CAVERNENSE  CONCILIUM tavern  to  tavern,  drinking  or  eating  (c.  13); )ne  of  the  injunctions  of  Charlemagne,  from i  MS.  of  the  Monastery  of  Angers,  forbidding priests  to  enter  a  tavern  to  drink  ;  the  19th Janon  of  the  Council  of  Frankfort,  and  the  em- peror's Frankfort  Capitulary  (794)  to  the  same iftect,  but  extending  also  to  monks ;  a  capitulary jf  801  (general  coll.,  bk.  i.  c.  14),  quoting  the Council  of  Laodicea  and  the  African ;  the  325th chapter  of  the  5th  book  ;  the  Canons  of  the Councils  or  Synods  of  Rheims  (c.  xxvi.),  applying to  monks  and  canons,  and  of  Tours  (c.  xxi),  both inA.D.813;  the  Edict  of  Charlemagne  in  814,  c.  18. It  will  thus  appear  that  whilst  the  severity  of the  Apostolical  Constitutions  against  the  indi- vidual tavern-keeper  is  not  followed  in  later times,  yet  that  the  Western  Church,  at  least luring  the  period  with  which  this  work  is  occu- pied, persistently  treated  the  use  of  the  tavern by  clerics,  otherwise  than  in  cases  of  necessity, 3till  more  their  personal  connexion  with  it,  as incompatible  with  the  clerical  character.  The witness  of  the  Eastern  Church  is  also  to  the  same affect,  but  its  weight  is  marred  by  the  trade, including  that  in  liquors,  which  for  two  centuries at  least  seems  to  have  been  carried  on  at  Con- stantinople for  the  benefit,  not  indeed  of  indi- vidual devices,  but  of  churches  and  charitable foundations.     [See  also  Drunkenness.] [J.  M.  L.] CAVEENENSE  CONCILIUM.  [African Councils.] CEALCHYTHE,  COUNCILS  OF.  [Cal- CHUTHENSE.]  Exact  locality  unknown,  but  cer- tainly in  Mercia,  and  probably  Chelsea,  originally called  Chelchcth,  Chelchyth,  &c.  (1)  A.D.  787, or  possibly  788,  a  legatine  council,  George,  bishop of  Ostia,  and  Theophylact,  bishop  of  Todi,  being the  legates  for  Pope  Adrian  I.  Its  object  was  to renew  the  "  antiquam  amicitiam  "  between  Rome and  England,  and  to  affirm  "  the  Catholic  faith  " and  the  six  Oecumenical  Councils.  But  it  also appears  to  have  been  made  the  occasion  of  pre- paring the  way  for  the  erecting  of  Lichfield  into an  archbishopric  independent  of  Cantei'bury, which  actually  took  place  in  788.  A  companion council  was  held  in  Northumbria  (Haddan  and Stubbs,  Counc.  iii.  444,  sq.).  (2)  A.D.  789,  called "  Pontificale  Concilium  ; "  grants  made  there now  extant  (K.  C.  D.  155 ;  Haddan  and  Stubbs, iii.  465).  (3)  A.d.  793,  at  which  a  grant  was made  to  St.  Alban's  (K.  C.  D.  152 ;  Haddan  and Stubbs,  iii.  478).  (4)  A.D.  799,  at  which  a cause  was  adjudicated  between  King  Coenulf  and the  Bishop  of  Selsey  (K.  C.  D.  116,  1034  ;  Haddan and  Stubbs,  iii.  528).  There  were  several  councils at  the  same  place  after  A.D.  800.        [A.  W.  H.] CELEDEI.     [COLiDEi.] CELEDONIUS,  martyr  at  Leon  in  Spain, is  commemorated  March  3  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet., Usuardi).  [C] CELENENSE  CONCILIUM,  a.d.  447, held  in  a  small  place  close  to  Lugo  in  Gallicia, against  the  Priscillianists ;  an  appendage  to  the 1st  Council  of  Toledo  (Labb.  Cone.  iii.  1466). [A.  W.  H.] CELERINA,  martyr  in  Africa  under  Decius, is  commemorated  with  Celerinus,  Feb.  3  {Mart. Hieron..  Rom.  Vet..  Usuardi).  [C] CELIBACY 323 CELIBACY.  The  history  of  Christian thought  and  legislation  in  reference  to  this  sub- ject is  essentially  one  of  development.  From  the first  there  were  the  germs  of  two  different  sys- tems, at  first  in  due  proportion,  each  the  comple- ment of  the  other.  Then,  under  influences  which it  will  be  our  work  to  trace,  one  passes  through rapid  stages  of  growth  till  it  threatens  to  over- power or  crush  the  other.  Protests  are  uttered from  time  to  time,  with  more  or  less  clearness. The  idea  which  seemed  threatened  with  extinction finally  revives  and  in  its  turn  dominates  unduly. It  remains  for  the  future  to  restore  the  balance which  we  recognise  in  the  primitive  records  of the  fiiith. 1.  Any  preference  of  celibacy  over  marriage was,  it  need  hardly  be  said,  foreign  to  the  ethics of  the  Old  Testament.  Wedlock  and  the  fruits of  wedlock  were  God's  best  gifts.  To  be  un- married or  childless  was  to  be  under  a  "  reproach," which  it  was  difficult  to  bear.  The  asceticism  of the  later  sects  of  Jews  made  in  this  respect  no difference.  Even  the  Essenes  lived  the  life  of a  communist  rather  than  a  monastic  society  and had  wives  and  children  with  them.  No  book  of the  Canonical  Scriptures  is  stronger  in  its  praises of  marriage,  or  its  condemnation  of  the  sins  that mar  its  perfection  than  that  which  represents the  ethical  teaching  of  the  Judaism  of  Alexandria (Ecclus.  XXV.  xxvi.).  Prefei'ence  for  the  celibate life  had,  it  must  be  confessed,  so  far  as  the  Chris- tian Church  was  concei'ned,  its  origin  in  the  New Testament.  The  birth  from  the  Vii-gin's  womb, the  virgin-life  of  the  Baptist  and  of  the  Son  of Man,  the  strange  words  of  implied  blessing  on those  who  "  made  themselves  eunuchs  for  the kingdom  of  heaven's  sake  "  (Matt.  xix.  12)  could not  fail  to  make  an  impression  on  the  minds  of many  disciples.  The  work  of  the  great  Apostle, whose  activity  threw  that  of  all  others  into  the shade,  tended  in  the  same  direction.  He  declared without  reserve  that  it  was  a  good  and  noble thing  for  a  man  not  to  "  touch  a  woman  "  with the  touch  even  of  wedded  love  (1  Cor.  vii.  1). Himself  leading  a  celibate  life,"  he  wished  that all  men  could  follow  his  example  (1  Cor.  vii.  7), and  laid  down  principles  which,  though  limited by  his  reference  to  a  "  present  necessity  "  (1  Cor. vii.  26),  led  on  almost  inevitably  to  a  wider generalisation.  If  the  man  or  woman  unmarried was  more  free  from  "  care,"  more  able  to  render an  undivided  service  to  their  Lord,  it  would  be  a legitimate  inference  to  think  of  that  life  as  the more  excellent  of  the  two.  The  degree  of  its superiority  might  be  exaggerated  at  a  later  period, but  a  higher  excellence  of  some  kind  was  cer- tainly implied  in  the  language  of  St.  Paul.  The vision  of  the  144,000  in  the  Apocalypse  as  of those  who  were  "  virgins,  who  were  not  defiled with  women  "  (Rev.  xiv.  4)  seemed  to  carry  the recognition  of  that  higher  excellence  into  the glorified  life  of  the  heavenly  Jerusalem. 2.  All  this  was,  however,  balanced  by  the fullest  recognition  of  the  sacredness  of  marriage, and  was  as  flir  as  possible  removed  from  the Manichaean    tendencies   which   afterwards   cor- »  This  is  not  the  place  to  discuss  the  question.  It  may be  enough  to  say  that  it  is  a  rash  exegesis  which  sees  a reference  to  a  wife  in  the  "  true  yoke-fellow  "  of  Piiil.  iv.  3, or  finds,  not  celibacy,  but  married  continence,  in  1  Cor. vii.  7,  8. Y  2 324 CELIBACY i-upted  it.  The  presence  of  Christ  at  the  mar- riaoe-feast  of  Caiia  (John  ii.  1),  his  vindication  of the"sacre(lness  of  marriage  against  the  casuistry of  the  scribes,  as  resting  on  God's  primeval  or- dinance and  the  laws  of  human  life  (Matt.  >:ix.  4), his  choice  of  Apostles  who  had  wives  (Matt, viii.  1-f-),  and  probably  children  (Matt.  xix.  27, '29),  guai-ded  against  any  tendency  to  treat  mar- riage as  aniDng  the  things  common  and  unclean. Nor  was  the  iLMcliiug  of  St.  Paul  less  clear.  The great  casuistic  Epistle  recognises  it  as  a  divine institution,  makes  all  limitation  on  the  jus  con- jugii  but  a  temporary  means  to  an  end  beyond itself  (1  Cor.  vii.  3-5);  allows  even,  though  not approving,  the  marriage  of  widowers  and  widows (1  Cor.  vii.  39).  The  duties  of  husbands  and wives  are  enforced  on  new  and  more  mystic grounds  than  in'the  ethics  of  Judaism  or  Heathen- ism (Eph.  V.  22-33).  Their  life,  in  all  its  manifold relations,  was  recognised  as  giving  scope  for  the development  of  a  high  and  noble  form  of  Christian holiness  (1  Pet.  v.  1-7).  With  what  might  seem an  almost  startling  contrast  to  his  own  example St.  Paul  reuuired  the  bishop-presbyter  to  have hail  the  experience  of  marriage  and  with  at  least a  preference  for  those  who  had  brought  up children  (1  Tim.  iii.  2,  4),  and  extended  the  re- quirement even  to  the  deacons  of  the  Church (1  Tim.  iii.  11,  12).  The  writer  of  the  Epistle to  the  Hebrews  at  least  implied,  perhaps  asserted, that  marriage  was,  or  might  be,  "honourable  in all  things  and  the  bed  uudefiled"  (Heb.  xiii.  4). '•  Forbidding  to  marry  "  is  classed  by  St.  Paul  as one  of  the  "  doctrines  of  devils  "  which  were  to be  the  signs  of  the  apostasy  of  the  latter  days (1  Tim.  iv.  1). 3.  The  two  lines  of  thought  thus  traced,  ran on  through  the  Church's  history,  but  in  unequal measure.  Gradually  the  teaeliinj;  wliicli  St.  Paul condemned  mingled  itself  witli  his,  and  the  celi- bate life  was  exalted  above  that  of  marriage,  not only  because  it  brought  with  it  a  scope  of  more  un- interrupted labour  and  more  entire  consecration, but  on  the  ground  that  there  was  in  marriage and  its  relations  something  impure  and  defiling. In  the  language  of  some  Gnostic  sects,  it  be- longed to  the  kingdom  of  the  Demiurgus,  the cr(!ator  of  the  material  universe  and  of  the human  body  as  a  part  of  it,  not  to  that  of  the higher  Christ- Aeon,  who  was  Lord  of  the  king- dom (Tertull.  clc  Praescript.  c.  33 ;  L-enaeus,  i. 28 ;  Hippolytus.  Befut.  Omn.  Haer.  i.  16).  First, women  [Virgins],  and  then  men,  devoted  them- selves to  un wedded  life,  as  offering  a  higher  spi- rituality. At  first,  indeed,  the  more  prominent teachers  kept  within  the  limits  of  Apostolic thought.  Hernias  (ii.  4,  4)  almost  reproduced the  language  of  St.  Paul.  Ignatius  (^Ep.  ad Polijc.  c.  5)  while  introducing  another  thought, tliat  the  life  of  celibacy  is  "in  honour  of  Our Lord's  flesh,"  warns  men  against  boasting  of  this, and  exalting  themselves  above  others.  Even Tertullian,  reproducing  his  own  experience, while  declaiming  vehemently  against  second,  or against  mixed  marriages,  draws,  with  great  power, a  picture  of  the  beauty  and  blessedne~ss  of  a  mar- riage in  which  husband  and  wife  are  both  true worshippers  of  Christ  (Ad.  Uxor.  ii.  8).  Clement ot  Alexandria  even  ventures  to  depict  the  true ideal  Gnostic  as  one  who  marries  and  has  children and  so  attains  to  a  higher  excellence,  because  he conquers    more    temptations    than    that    of  the CELIBACY celibate  life  (Strom,  vii.  12  p.  741).  There  were not  wanting,  however,  signs  of  a  tendency  to a  more  one-sided  development.  Putting  a^ide the  treatise  de  Virginitate  ascribed  to  Clement  of Rome,''  as  probably  one  of  the  many  spurious writings  for  which  the  authority  of  his  name  was claimed,  and  belonging  to  the  3rd  century  rather than  the  1st,  there  remain  the  facts  (1)  that, outside  the  Church,  Tatian  arid  the  Encratites developed  their  rigorous  asceticism  into  a  total abstinence  from,  and  condemnation  of,  marriage ; (2)  that  Athenagoras  (Lcgat.  c.  33),  while  not condemning  it,  speaks  of  many  men  or  women as  "  growing  old  unmarried,  in  the  hope  of  living in  closer  communion  with  God,"  and  passes sentence  upon  second  marriage  as  being  no  better than  a  "decent  adultery";  (3)  that  Justin  con- firms at  once  his  statement  and  his  opinion  {Apol.  i. 15)  ;  (4)  that  Origen  claims  a  special  glory  in  th-j world  to  come  for  those  that  have  chosen  the  life of  consecrated  celibacy  (Horn.  xix.  in  Jercm.  4), and  gave  a  terrible  proof  in  his  own  self-mutila- tion of  the  excesses  to  which  a  literal  interpi-feta- tiou  of  the  mysterious  words  of  Matt.  xix.  12 might  lead.  Many  bye-currents  of  theological thought  and  feeling  tended  to  swell  the  stream. The  influence  of  Eastern  Dualism,  the  assimilation by  the  Church  of  the  feeling,  if  not  of  the  dogma, which  culminated  in  Manichaeism,  the  growing honour  for  the  mother  of  the  Lord  as  the  Ever- virgin,  the  deepening  sense  of  the  awfulness  of the  Eucharistic  sacrifice,  the  embarrassment caused  by  domestic  ties  in  times  of  persecution, perhaps  also  the  difficulty  of  maintaining  the purity  of  married  life  in  the  midst  of  the  fathom- less social  corruption  of  the  great  cities  of  the empire' — all  these  led  men  to  take  what  seemed to  them  at  once  the  easier  and  the  shorter  road to  the  higher  blessedness  of  heaven.  As  the monastic  life  spread,  those  who  embraced  it thought  of  themselves,  and  were  looked  upon  by others,  as  being  already  "as  the  angels  in  heaven." The  praises  of  the  virgin-state  became  a  common topic  for  the  rhetoric  of  sermons  and  treatises ; and  the  dialogue  of  Methodius  oiTji-Q^Convivium decern  Virginum)  is  probably  far  from  being  an exaggerated  specimen  of  its  class. Through  all  this,  however,  strong  as  might oe  the  influence  of  dogma  or  of  feeling,  the  ques- tion, as  regards  the  lay-members  of  the  Church, was  left  as  St.  Paul  had  left  it,  as  a  matter  for  each man's  conscience.  The  common  sense  of  Christian writers  led  them  to  see  the  absurdity  of  a  rule of  life  which  would  have  led  rapidly  to  the  ex- tinction of  the  Christian  society  :  their  reverence made  them  shrink  from  condemning  what  had been  from  the  first  a  divine  ordinance  and  had now  become  the  symbol  of  the  mystic  union between  Christ  and  his  Church.  There  was  no attempt  so  far  to  enforce  the  higher  life  by any  legislation.''    Even  second  marriages,  though b  The  authonticity  of  the  treatise  has  been  defended  by Roman  Catholic  theologians.  An  English  translation  has been  published  in  Clark's  Ante-Nicene  Library. <=  Comp.  the  pictuie  drawn  by  Clement  of  Alexandria {Paedagog.  iii.  2,  3),  as  shewing  what  was  possible  even among  those  who  were  nominally  Christians. •1  A  solitary  exception  is  found  in  the  correspondence between  Rionysius  of  Alexandria  and  Pinytus  of  Gno&sus in  Kuseblus  (//.  E.  iv.  23).  The  latter,  it  would  seem,  had tried  to  enforce  celibacy  among  those  conmiitted  to  his care.     The  former  warns  him  against  rashly  placing  oa . CELIBACY condemned  by  the  more  rigorous  moralists,  were not  foi-bidden.  But  it  was  otherwise  with  the clergy.  The  feeling  that  they  were  bound  to exhibit  what  men  looked  on  as  the  higher  pat- tern of  holiness  gained  strength  in  proportion  as that  pattern  was  more  and  more  removed  from their  com.mon  life.  The  passage  already  referred to  in  Ignatius  (-£"/).  ad  Polyc.  c.  5)  shews  that even  then  there  were  laymen  who,  because  they were  celibates,  looked  down  superciliously  on bishops  who  continued,  after  their  appointment, to  cohabit  with  their  wives. The  practice  of  the  Church  of  the  first  three centuries  has  hardly  been  fairly  dealt  with  by Protestant  controversialists.  It  is  easy  to  point to  the  examples  of  married  apostles,  of  bishops and  presbyters,  who  had  wives  and  to  whom children  were  born  long  after  their  ordination,*^ and  these  prove,  of  course,  that  marriage  was  not Icoked  on  as  incompatible  by  the  Church's  law with  ministerial  duties.  But  it  is  difficult,  per- haps impossible,  to  point  to  one  instance  in  which the  marriage  was  contracted  after  ordination.^ The  unwritten  law  of  the  ancient  Church  was indeed  like  that  of  the  Greek  Church  at  the  pre- sent day.  Marriage  was  permitted  in  the  clergy, but,  as  such,  they  were  not  allowed  to  many. There  were  obviously  many  reasons  for  a  rule which,  at  first  sight,  appears  illogical  and  incon- sistent. It  carried  into  jiractice  the  principle  that a  man  should  abide  in  the  state  in  which  a  sacred vocation  had  found  him  (1  Cor.  vii.).  It  fulfilled the  condition  laid  down  by  St.  Paul,  that  the bishop-presbyter  was  to  be  the  husband  of  one wife,  and  yet  guarded  against  the  risk,  so  immi- nent in  ail  religious  sects,  of  priestly  influence being  exercised  to  secure  a  wealthy  marriage. It  allowed  the  holiness  of  married  life,  yet  tacitly implied  the  higher  excellence  of  the  celibate. Towards  the  close  of  the  3rd  century  the  prin- ciple was  formulated  into  a  law,  and  both  the so-called  Apostolical  Canons  (c.  25)  and  Consti- tutions (vi.  17)  rule  that  only  the  lower  orders of  the  clergy,  sub-deacons,  readers,  singers,  door- keepers, and  the  like,  might  marry  after  their a})pointment  to  their  office.  Those  who  disre- garded the  law,  aud  the  offenders  wfii'e  numerous enough  to  call  for  special  legislation,  were  to  be punished  by  deposition  (^Conc.  Neo-Caesar.  c.  1). Another  council,  held  about  the  same  time  (a.D. 314)  at  Ancyra,  made  a  special  exception  (c.  10) in  favour  of  deacons  who,  at  the  time  of  their ordination,  gave  notice  to  the  ordaining  bishop that  they  did  not  intend  to  remain  single.  If they  did  not  give  notice,  and  yet  married,  they were  to  lose  their  office. The  growing  feeling  that  celibacy  was  a  higher state  than  marriage  affected  before  long  what  has Leon  just  described  as  the  law  of  the  Church  for the  first  three  centuries.  The  married  clergy might  from  various  motives,  genuine  or  affected CELIBACY 325 tlioir  shoufiiers  a  burden  wbicli  they  could  not  bear.  It is  obvious  that  the  rule  would  be  applied  with  greater stringency  to  the  clergy,  who  were  more  immediately under  him. "  One  striking  example  is  found  in  the  history  of J^ov-itns,  who,  being  a  priest,  is  charged  by  Cyprian {Epist.  49)  with  having  so  ill-treated  his  wife  that  she miscarried. f  Hefelo,  a  singularly  fair  and  accurate  writer,  says that  there  is  ulisulutely  no  example  of  such  a  marriage Uitilraye,  i,  p.  Vl■^). aspirations  after  greater  purity,  desire  to  be  free from  what  they  had  come  to  regard  as  an  impe- diment to  attaining  it.  The  penalty  of  deposition pronounced  by  the  Apostolic  Canons  (c.  6)  on  any bishop,  presbyter,  or  deacon  who  separated  him- self from  his  wife  "under  the  pretence  of  piety," shows  that  so  far  the  Church  was  determined  to maintain  the  validity  of  the  contract  as  still binding. A  more  difficult  question,  however,  presented itself.  Admitting  that  the-  contract  was  not  to be  dissolved,  on  what  footing  was  it  to  continue  ? The  rigorovis  asceticism  of  the  time  did  not  hesi- tate to  answer  the  question  by  affirming  that the  husband  and  wife  were  to  live  together  as brother  and  sister,  that  any  other  intercourse was  incompatible  with  the  life  of  prayer,  and profaned  the  holiness  of  the  altar.  The  Council  of Elvira  (a.d.  305),  representing  the  more  excited feelings  that  had  been  roused  by  the  persecution of  Diocletian,  made  the  first  attempt  to  enforce on  the  clergy  by  law,  and  under  pain  of  deposition (c,  33),  what  had  probably  been  often  admired as  a  voluntary  act  of  self-control.  The  Council of  Nicaea  was  only  saved  from  adopting  a  like decree  as  a  law  for. the  whole  Church  by  the protest  of  Paphnufius,  a  conf'essor-lnshn].  frmn the  Upi^er  Thebaid,  who,  though  hims.^lfa  r.lil.ate all  his  life,  appeared  as  the  advocate  at  oucc  of the  older  law  of  the  Church,  and  of  the  married life  as  compatible  with  holiness  (Sozom.  //.  E.  i. 23;  Socrat.  H.  K  i.  ll).g It  is  probable,  however,  that  over  and  above the  ascetic  view  which  looked  on  marriage  as impure,  there  was  also  a  strong  sense  of  some of  the  inconveniences  connected  with  a  married clergy.  The  wives  of  bishops  took  too  much  upon them,  spoke  and  wrote  as  in  their  husbands'  name even  without  their  authority,  and  interfered  with the  discipline  of  the  diocese.  It  is  significant that  the  same  council  which  took  the  lead  in condemning  the  colialiitatidu  of  bishops,  priests, or  deacons  with  thcMi-  w  ivrs,  ^h.nild  have,  as  its last  canon,  one  directed  against  the  practice, apparently  common,  of  women  receiving  or giving  literae  pacificae  in  their  own  name (C.  Elib.  c.  81). The  contrast  between  the  decrees  of  the  Nicene Council  and  that  of  Elvira  on  this  matter  shows the  existence  of  opposite  tendencies  in  Eastern and  Western  Christendom,  and  from  this  point the  divergence,  first  in  feeling  and  afterwards  in legislation,  becomes  more  marked.  It  will  be convenient  to  trace  the  paths  taken  by  the  two great  divisions  of  Christendom  separately.  The Council  of  Gangra  was,  in  this  as  in  other  respects, the  representative  of  a  healthier  and  more  liuman feeling.  Eustathius,  bishop  of  Sebaste,  had  taught men  to  look  on  marriage  as  incompatible  with holiness,  on  the  ministrations  of  married  priests as  worthless,  and  his  follower^  accordingly  held aloof  from  them.  The  Council  did  not  hesitate to  pass  a  solemn  anathema  on  those  who  thus acted.  (C.  Gangr.  c.  4.)  The  more  ascetic  view, however,  gained  ground  in  Macedonia,  Thessaly, and  Achaia,  and  the  man  who  was  most  urgent g  The  nan'ative  has  been  called  in  question  by  Ba- ronius  and  otlier  Romish  writers  on  this  ground,  that Socrates  was  biassed  by  his  prepossession  in  favour  of  the Novatians,  who  allowed  the  marriage  of  tlio  elcr-y,  but is  defeuded  by  ildele  {lieUruge,  i.  129). 326 CELIBACY in  pressing  it  was  the  Heliodorvis,  then  bishop of  Tricca,  who,  in  earlier  life,  had  written  the sensuous,  erotic  romance  of  the  Aethiopica  (Socr. //.  E.  V.  22).  This  is  one  of  the  instances,  how- ever, in  which  the  exception  proves  the  rule,  and the  general  practice  of  the  Eastern  Church  was not  aftected  by  the  rigorous  asceticism  of  its European  provinces.  Even  bishops  had  children born  to  them  after  their  consecration.  This, however,  was  in  its  turn  opposed  to  the  domi- nant practice,  and  the  fact  that  Synesius  (a.d.  410) refused  to  accept  the  bishopric  of  Ptolemais  unless he  was  allowed  to  continue  to  cohabit  with  his wife,  shews  that  a  dispensation  was  necessary, and  that  he  too  was  an  exception  to  the  general practice.  It  came  accordingly  to  be  the  rule  of the  Eastern  Church  that  men  who  were  married before  their  ordination  might  continue,  without blame,  to  live  with  their  wives,  but  that  a  higher standard  of  self-devotion  was  demanded  of  bishops, first  by  public  opinion  and  afterwards  by  eccle- siastical and  even  civil  legislation.  The  feeling found  a  formal  expression  in  the  Council  in  Trullo, which  sanctioned  cohabitation  in  the  case  of  sub- deacons,  deacons,  and  priests  (c.  13)  married  be- fore ordination,  but  ordered  the  wife  of  a  bishop to  retire  to  a  convent  or  to  become  a  deaconess (c.  48).''  Those  who  had  married  after  their ordination  were  however  to  be  suspended,  and  in future  absolutely  deposed  (c.  36).  The  strong protest  in  c.  33  against  the  growth  of  a  Levi- tical  hereditary  priesthood  in  Armenia  may indicate  one  of  the  elements  at  work  in  bring- ing about  the  more  stringent  enforcement  of celibacy.  Even  the  forrner  were  subject  to  re- strictions analogous  to  those  which  governed  the ministrations  of  the  Jewish  priesthood,  and  were not  allowed  to  contract  marriage  after  their  ordi- nation, the  rule  being  based  on  the  canon  of  the Council  of  Ancyra  already  referred  to,  but  ex- cluding the  power  which  that  conceded  of  giving notice  of  the  intention  to  marry,  at  the  time  of ordination.  The  Theodosian  Code  {De  Episcop. 14,  2)  enforced  the  same  rule,  and  children  born of  marriages  so  contracted  were  to  be  treated  as illegitimate  (Cod.  Theod.  de  bonis  cleric,  Jus- tinian. Novell.  V.  c.  8).  The  Emperor  Leo  the Wise  (A.D.  886-911)  confirmed  the  Trullan  canon, with  a  modification  tending  towards  leniency. Clergy  who  so  married  were' not  to  be  reduced  as before  to  lay  communion,  but  were  simply  de- graded to  a  lower  order  and  shut  out  from  strictly priestly  functions.  The  results  of  this  compro- mising legislation  were  probably  then,  as  they are  now,  (1)  that  nearly  all  candidates  for  the priesthood  married  before  they  were  admitted  to the  diaconate,  (2)  that  they  continued  to  live with  their  wives,  but  did  not  marry  again,  if  they were  left  widowers  ;  and  (3)  that  the  great  mass of  the  secular  clergy  being  thus  ineligible  for the  episcopate,  the  bishops  were  mostly  chosen from  among  the  monks. [It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  Nestorians till  the  middle  of  the  6th  century  relaxed  consi- derably the  rules  of  the  Trullan  Council,  and that  the  Monophysite  Abyssinians  allowed  their bishops  to  retain  their  wives  and  live  with  them. •>  The  Council,  however,  recognized,  while  it  deploreil, the  fact  Ihat  bishops  continued  to  live  with  their  wives  in Africa,  Libya,  and  elsewhere  (c.  \2).  It  forbade  ihe  scandal lor  the  future,  and  punished  offenders  with  deposition. CELIBACY Zacharias,    Nuova    Giustificazione    del     Celihato Sacro,  pp.  129,  130.]  [I.  G.  S.] It  remains  to  trace  the  progress  of  a  more stringent  and  "  thorough  "  policy  in  the  Churches of  the  West.  The  principle  asserted  at  Elvira extended  to  Western  Africa,  and  was  carried  fur- ther in  application.  Not  only  bishops,  presbyters, and  deacons,  but  those  of  a  lower  grade  who ministered  at  the  altar  were  to  lead  a  celibate life  (2  C.  Carth.  c.  2).  It  was  assumed  as  an axiom  that  the  intercourse  of  married  life  was incompatible  with  prayer  and  the  sacrifice  of  the altar,  and  as  the  priest  ought  always  to  pray,  and daily  to  offer  that  sacrifice,  he  must  of  necessity abstain  altogether  (Hieron.  Contr.  Jovinian.  i.  34). The  bishops  of  Rome  used  their  authority  in  the same  direction.  Siricius,  in  the  first  authentic  De- cretal (a.d.  385),  addressed  to  Himerius,  bishop of  Tarragona,  forbade  absolutely  the  marriage  of presbyters  and  deacons.  Innocent  I.  (A.D.  405)  in two  Decretals  addressed  to  Victricius,  bishop  of Rouen,  and  Exsuperius  of  Toulouse,  enforced  the prohibition  under  pain  of  degradation  {Corp.  Juris Can.  c.  4,  5,  and  6  Dist.  31).  Leo  I.  (a.d.  443)  tried to  unite  the  obligation  of  the  marriage  vow  and the  purity  of  the  conseci-ated  life  by  allowing those  who  were  already  married  to  continue  to live  with  their  wives,  but  "  habere  quasi  uon  ha- beant  .  .  .  quo  et  salva  sit  charitas  connubi- orum  et  cessent  opera  nuptiarum""  (Epist.  167  ad Busticum).  If  this  law  were  not  kept,  they  were to  be  subject  to  the  extreme  penalty  of  excommu- nication. So  in  like  manner  the  1st  Council  of Toledo  (c.  1)  forbade  the  promotion  of  deacons  or presbyters  "  qui  incontinenter  cum  suis  uxoribus vixerint "  to  a  higher  grade.  So  also  the  1st Council  of  Orange  (can.  22,  23,  24)  forbade  the ordination  of  deacons  unless  they  make  a  vow  of chastity,  and  punishes  subsequent  cohabitation with  deprivation.  The  1st  Council  of  Tours,  as  if afraid  of  the  consequences  of  this  extreme  rigour, reduced  the  penalty  to  the  suspension  of  those who  were  already  priests  from  priestly  functions, and,  in  the  case  of  others,  excluded  them  from any  higher  grade  than  that  which  they  already occupied  (1  C.  Turon.  c.  1,  2),  but  allowed  both  to partake  of  the  sacrament  of  the  altar.  The  sub- deacons,  perhaps  as  finding  less  compensation  in the  respect  of  the  people  and  in  the  nature  of their  work,  held  out  longer  than  those  of  higher grade.  The  yoke  was,  however,  pressed  on  them too  by  Leo  (Epist.  34  to  Leo  of  Catania)  and Gregory  the  Great  {Corpus  Juris  Can.  c.  14,  Dist. 31),  and  Spain  still  kept  its  old  pre-eminence  in ascetic  rigour.  The  8th  Council  of  Toledo  (c.  6), A.D.  653,  condemned  both  the  marriage  of  sub- deacons  after  their  ordination,  and  continued  co- habitation if  they  were  married  before.  Their work  as  bearing  the  vessels  of  the  altar  required that  they  should  keep  themselves  free  from  the pollution  which  was  inseparable  from  that  union. Offenders  were  to  be  sentenced  to  something  like perpetual  imprisonment  in  a  monastery.  The 9th  Council  (c.  10),  A.D.  659,  desci-ibed  every  such union,  from  bishops  to  sub-deacons,  as  a  "  con- nubium  detestandum,"  and  their  issue  were  not only  treated  as  illegitimate  and  excluded  from  all rights  of  inheritance,  but  treated  as  slaves  "jure ■perenni "  of  the  Church  against  which  their fathers  had  offended.  It  is  melancholy,  but  in- structive, to  find  another  Council  of  the  same Church,  seventy-two  years  later  (a.d.  731),  com- CELIBACY pelled  to  pass  canons  on  the  one  hand  against  the spread  of  unnatural  crime  among  the  clergy, pronouncing  the  sentence  of  deposition  and  exile on  the  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons  who  were guilty  of  it,  and,  on  the  other,  against  the attempts  at  suicide  which  were  becoming  fre- quent among  those  who  had  been  subjected  to the  discipline  of  the  Church,  with  its  censures and  its  penances  (16  C.  Tolet.  Ct  3  and  4). Steplien  IV.  (a.d.  769)  enforced  the  rule  of  the Western  as  contrasted  with  that  of  the  Eastern Church  {Corpus  Juris  Can.  c.  14,  Dist.  31). [The  contrast  between  Eastern  and  Western feeling  is  shown  singularly  enough  in  their  esti- mate of  the  relative  guilt  of  clerical  marriage and  fornication.  The  Council  of  Neo-Caesarea (c.  1)  punishes  the  latter  with  greater  severity than  the  former.  That  of  Orleans  (c.  1)  calmly puts  the  two  on  the  same  level,  "  si  quis  pellici vel  uxori  se  jungat."]  [I.  G.  S.] One  marked  exception  has  to  be  noted  to  the general  prevalence  of  this  rigour.  The  Church of  Milan,  in  this  as  in  other  things,  maintained its  independence  of  Rome,  and,  resting  on  the  au- thority of  Ambrose,  was  content  with  the  Eastern rule  of  monogamy,  and  applied  it  even  to  its own  archbishops.  "  The  practice  of  marriage was  all  but  universal  among  the  Lombard  clergy. They  were  publicly,  legally  married,  as  were  the laity  of  Milan"  (Milman's  Latin  Cliristianitu, b.  vi.  c.  3).'  The  practice  against  which  Peter Damiani  raved  in  the  1 1th  century  was  clearly of  long  standing,  and  it  may  be  noted  that  it bore  its  fruit  in  the  high  repute,  the  thorough organization,  which  made  the  Milanese  clergy famous  through  all  Italy. It  does  not  fall  within  the  limits  of  this  work to  carry  on  the  history  further.  Enough  has been  said  to  shew  that  when  Hildebrand  entered on  his  crusade  against  the  marriage  of  the  clergy he  was  simply  acting  on  and  enforcing  what  had for  about  seven  centuries  been  the  dominant  rule of  the  church.  The  confusions  of  the  period  that preceded  this  had  relaxed  the  discipline,  but  the law  of  the  Church  remained  unaltered.  The  ex- ceptional freedom  enjoyed  by  the  Church  of  Milan would  but  make  one  who  strove  after  the  unity of  a  theocracy  more  zealous  to  put  a  stop  to what  he  regarded  as  at  once  a  defilement  of the  sacred  office  and  a  rebellion  against  divine authority. [Obviously  this  rapid  and  yet  gradual  deve- lopment which  has  been  traced  of  clerical  celi- bacy was  very  largely,  if  not  mainly,  due  to  the influence  of  monasticism.  Celibacy  becomes,  step by  step,  compulsory  on  all.  the  clergy,  while  the monastic  obligation  is  rivetted  more  and  more tightly  by  an  ii-revocable  vow.  In  the  monk celibacy  was,  as  has  been  indicated,  an  aspiration after  superhuman  holiness,  intensified  by  that feeling  of  despair  with  which  he  was  apt  to regard  the  world  around  him,  and  its  apparently hopeless  state  of  corruption  ;  and  in  subtle  com- bination with  motives  of  this  kind  was  the  han- kering after  wonder  and  veneration.     In  every CELLA 327 *  The  passages  from  Ambrose  have  been  much  tam- pered with,  and  the  text  is  doubtful.  "  Monogamia  sacer- dotum  "  and  "  castimonia  "  present  themselves  as  various readings.  One  text  permits,  another  prohibits,  coha- bitation after  marriage.  See  the  discussion  in  Milman's note,  I.  c. way  the  example  of  the  monks  told  powerfully on  the  clergy.  The  more  devout  longed  to  attain the  monk's  moral  impassibility ;  lower  natures were  attracted  by  the  prospect  of  gaining  for themselves  the  monks'  commanding  position. Thus  the  rivalry,  which  never  ceased,  between the  regular  and  the  secular  clergy,  made  the clergy  generally  more  willing  to  accept  the  hard conditions  exacted  of  them  by  the  policy  of  their rulers.  So  at  least  it  was  in  Western  Christen- dom. In  the  East  there  was  a  more  complete severance  between  the  monks  and  the  secular clergy,  the  former  being  debarred  more  closely from  intercourse  with  the  world,  and  the  latter acquiescing  in  what  was  for  them  ecclesiastically a  lower  standing.]  [I.  G.  S.] It  is  obvious  that  just  in  proportion  to  the stringency  with  which  the  law  of  celibacy  was carried  into  effect  were  its  evils  likely  to  shew themselves.  One— and  that  for  a  time  a  very formidable  one — will  form  the  subject  of  a  sepa- rate article.  If  men  had  not  wives,  while  the habits  of  society  made  them  dependent  on  the  do- mestic services  of  women,  they  must  have  house- keepers. The  very  idealism  of  purity  which  held that  husband  and  wife  might  live  together  as brother  and  sister,  seemed  to  imply  that  any  man and  any  woman  might  live  together  on  the  same footing  without  risk  or  scandal.  The  scandal came,  however,  fast  enough — -and  the  Sub-intro- DUCTAB  or  'SvueicraKTol  came  to  occupy  a  very prominent  position  in  the  legislation  of  the Church.  [E.  H.  P.] [See,  further,  Alteserrae,  Asceticon  vel  Origo Rei  Monasticae,  Par.  1674;  S.  Bonaventurae, Seyitent.  iv.  xxxvii.  Opp.  Venet.  1751 ;  Hallier, De  Sacr.  Elect,  et  Ordinat.  v.  i.  10,  Paris,  1536 ; Gerson,  Dialogus  sup.  Coelibatu,  Opp.  ii.  p.  617, Antverp.  1606 ;  Ferraris,  Bihliotheca,  s.  vv.  Cle- ricus,  Conjuges,  Venet.  1778  ;  Launoy,  Impedi- raent.  Ordin.  Opp.  I.  ii.  p.  742,  Colon.  1731  ; Schramm,  Compend.  Theolog.  iii.  p.  694,  Augs- burg, 1768  ;  Bingham,  Origines  Eccles.  VH.  iv. Lond.  1727  ;  Concina,  De  Coelibatu,  Romae,  1755  ; Paleotimo,  De  Coelibatu,  Summa  Orig.  Eccles. Venet.  1766 ;  Mich,  de  Medina,  De  Sacr.  Horn. Continentiu,  Ven.  1568 ;  Campegius,  De  Coelib. Sacerdotuin.  Ven.  1554;  G.  Callixtus,  De  Conjug. Cleric.  Helmstadt,  1631 ;  Osiander,  Exam.  Coelib. (7fe/-ic.  Tiibingen,  1664;  H.  C.  Lea,  History  of Christian  Celibacy,  Philadelphia,  1 867.]    [I.  G.  S.] CELLA  or  CELLA  MEMORIAE,  a  small memorial  chapel  erected  in  a  sepulchral  area over  the  tomb  of  the  deceased,  in  which  at  stated times,  especially  the  anniversary  of  his  decease, his  friends  and  dependents  assembled  to  celebrate an  agape,  and  partake  of  a  banquet  in  his  honour. These  were  often  built  over  the  tombs  of  martyrs, and  were  then  known  as  Martyria,  Memoriae Martyrum,  Concilia  Martyrum,  and  Confessiones. Sepulchral  buildings  of  this  character  were  com- mon both  to  heathens  and  Christians.  Indeed here,  as  in  so  much  else,  Christianity  simply  in- herited existing  customs,  purged  them  of  licen- tious or  idolatrous  taint,  and  adopted  them  as their  own.  Thus  heathen  and  Christian  monu- ments mutually  throw  light  on  one  another.  A Christian  inscription,  recording  the  formation  of an  area  and  the  construction  of  a  cella,  is  given in  the  article  Cemetery. Directions  for  the  erection  of  a  building  bearing 328 CELLA the  same  title,  and  devoted  to  a  similar  purpose by  a  pagan,  are  given  in  a  very  curious  will, once  enoraved  on  a  tomb  at  Langres,  a  copy  of a  portion  of  which  has  been  discovered  in  the binding  of  a  MS.  of  the  10th  century  in  the  Li- brary at  Basle.  The  will  is  printed  by  De  Rossi in  the  Bullcttino  di  Arc.  Crist.,  Dec.  1 863.  In  it we  find  most  particular  directions  for  the  com- pletion of  the  cella  memoriae,  which  the  testator had  already  begun,  in  exact  accordance  with  the jilan  he  left  behind  him.  This  cella  stood  in  the centre  of  an  area.  In  fi'out  of  it  was  to  be  erected an  altar  of  the  finest  Carrara  marble  in  which  the testator's  ashes  were  to  be  deposited.  The  cella itself  was  to  contain  two  statues  of  the  testatoi', one  in  bronze,  one  in  marble.  Provision  was  to be  made  for  the  easy  opening  and  shutting  of the  cella.  There  was  to  be  an  exedra,  which  was to  be  furnished  with  couches  and  benches  on  the days  on  which  the  cella  was  opened.  Coverlets {lodicos)  and  pillows  (cervicalid)  to  lay  upon  the seats  were  also  to  be  provided,  and  even  gar- ments (abollae  and  tunicae)  for  the  guests  who assembled  to  do  honour  to  the  departed.  Orchards and  tanks  (Jacus)  formed  part  of  the  plan.  It was  also  ordered  that  all  the  testator's  freedmen wore  to  make  a  yearly  contribution  out  of  which a  feast  was  to  be  provided  on  a  certain  day,  and partaken  of  on  the  spot.  Additional  light  is thrown  upon  the  last-named  provision  by  the terms  of  a  long  and  curious  inscription  relating to  a  colle  jium  for  the  burial  of  the  dead,  consist- ing chiefly  of  slaves,  of  the  year  a.d.  133.  One of  the  regulations  was  that  the  members  of  the confraternity  were  to  dine  together  six  times  in the  year  (Northcote,  R.  S.  p.  51).  These  cellae were  memorial  halls  for  funeral  banquets.  The (Jhristiaus  were  essentially  men  of  their  country and  their  age,  following  in  all  things  lawful  the customs  of  the  time  and  place  in  which  their  lot was  cast.  The  recent  investigations  of  De  Rossi do  much  to  dispel  the  idea  of  the  specific  and exclusive  character  of  the  Christianity  of  the primitive  Church.  Rejecting  the  abuses  arising from  the  license  of  pagaq  morals,  there  was nothing  in  itself  to  take  exception  at  in  the funeral  feast.  Indeed  the  primitive  agapae  or love-feasts  were  often  nothing  more  than  funeral banquets  held  in  cellae  at  the  tombs  of  the  f;uth- ful,  the  expenses  of  which,  in  the  case  of  the poorer  members,  were  provided  out  of  the  area cuininun  is  or  church-chest.  We  are  familiar  with l)ictoiial  representations  of  banquets  of  this  na- ture derived  from  the  Catacombs.  Bottari  sup- jilies  us  with  two  such  of  remarkable  interest from  the  cemeterv  of  SS.  Marcellinus  and  Peter (Bottari,  Future,  torn.  ii.  tav.  107,  109,  127), and  one  from  St.  Callistus  (ibid.  torn.  iii.  p.  1, 1 10, 118).  [Catacombs.]  There  was  a  remarkable correspondence  between  the  arrangements  of  the Christians  and  heathens  in  these  matters.  In both  not  only  was  the  cost  of  the  funeral  banquet paiil  out  of  the  general  fund,  but  suitable  cloth- ing was  also  provided  for  those  who  were  present at  these  banquets.  In  an  inventory  of  furniture confiscated  in  the  Diocletian  persecution  in  a  house where  Christians  were  in  the  habit  of  meeting  at Cirta  in  Kumidia,  in  addition  to  chalices  of  gold and  silver,  and  lamps,  &c.,  we  find  articles  of attire  and  shoes  (tunicae  muliebres  Ixjixii,  tunicae viriles  xvi,  calvjae  virites  paria  xiii,  calig.ie  wdi- ehres  parin  xlvii),  and  other  entries  of  ,i  similar GELLITAE nature.  These  celiac  were  not  only  used  for  the funeral  feasts,  which  were  necessarily  infrequent, but  also  formed  oratories  to  which  the  faithful resorted  at  all  times  to  offer  up  their  devotions over  the  remains  of  their  departed  brethren. The  name  cella,  as  applied  to  such  places  of reunion,  seems  to  have  been  restricted  to  non- subterranean  buildings  erected  in  the  funeral area,  above  the  grave  of  the  individual  whom  it was  desired  to  commemorate.  Chambers  con- structed for  this  purpose  in  the  subterranean cemeteries  were  known  as  cubicula  [CatacOMh]. Another  appellation  by  which  they  were  known whether  above  ground  or  below,  was  memoriae mariijrum  or  martyria  until  they  lost  their  pri- mitive name  of  cellae,  and  became  known  as basilicae  (Hierom.  Ep.  ad  Vifjilant.).  In  fact,  the magnificent  basilicas  erected  above  the  tombs  of the  martyrs  in  the  age  of  the  peace  of  the  Church, by  Constantine  and  other  Christian  emperors, were  nothing  more  than  amplifications  of  the humble  cellae  or  me.noriae  built  in  the  area  of the  cemeteries. We  know  from  Anastasius  (§  21)  that  many buildings  were  erected  in  the  cemeteries  by  the direction  of  Pope  Fabianus  (A.D.  238-354),  "mul- tas  fabricas  per  coemeteria  fieri  praecepit." These  fabricae  we  may  safely  identify,  with Ciampini,  Ansaldi,  De  Rossi,  &c.  with  the  cellae memoriae  of  which  we  have  been  speaking. "  They  were  probably  little  oratories  constructed either  for  purposes  of  worship,  or  the  celebra- tion of  the  agapae,  or  of  mere  guardianship  of the  tombs  according  to  the  common  practice of  the  Romans  "  (Northcote,  E.  S.  p.  86).  The peace  which  the  Church  had  at  this  time  enjoyed for  nearly  50  years  would  have  encouraged  the erection  of  such  buildings,  and  rendered  the  use of  them  free  from  apprehension. Cella  and  cellula  were  employed  at  a  later  time for  sepulchral  chapels  built  along  the  side  walls of  a  church.  It  is  used  in  this  sense  by  Pauli- nus  of  Nola,  in  whose  writings  such  chapels  are moxe  frequently  termed  cubicula.    [Cubiculum.] An  example  of  the  use  of  the  word  in  the  sense of  a  monastic  cell  is  given  by  Combefis,  De  ' Templo  S.  Sophiae  p.  260,  Se'Sorcti  t^  K\-ripai  Kal /ceAAi'a  els  to,  irepil  Kara  rrjv  Ta^iv  avrSiv. [E.  v.] CELLEEAEIUS,  Cellarius,  KeWdpios,  /ceA- XapiTT^s.  One  of  the  highest  officials  in  a  monas- tery. As  the  prior  was  next  to  the  abbat  in spiritual  things,  so  the  Cellerarius,  rmder  the abbat,  had  the  management  and  control  of  all the  secular  affairs.  He  was  sometimes  called oeconomus  (oIkovSij.os'),  dispensator  or  procurator. According  to  most  commentators  on  the  Bene- dictine Rule  he  was  to  be  appointed  by  the  abbat with  consent  of  the  seniors,  and  was  to  hold office  for  one  year  or  more  (lieg.  S.  Bened.  c.  31, cf.  Concord,  licjul.  c.  40).  [I.  G.  S.] GELLITAE,  KeXXicirai.  A  class  of  monks, midway  between  hermits  and  coenobites.  Strictly speaking,  they  were  the  anchorites,  avaxwp-nTai, so'called  because  they  withdrew  or  retired  from the  coenobia,  wherein  the  monks  dwelt  together, to  small  cells  in  the  immediate  vicinity.  On festivals  they  repaired  to  the  church  of  the monastery,  and  thus,  being  still  semi-attached to  the  community,  they  dift'ercd  from  the  her- mits, iprifiirai,  who  were  independent  of  control CELIJTAE (Suic.  Tlics.  s.  v.).  As  preferring  tlio  more complete  privacy  and  quiet  of  those  cells  to living  in  common,  they  were  sometimes  called hesychastae,  ^cruxaiTTai,  and  their  cells  r)(Tvxa- ar-npia  (Bingh.  Orig.  VII.  ii.  14. ;  Justin.  Novell. V.  3).a The  woi-d  "  cella,"  KeWlov,  originally  meaning the  cave,  den,  or  separate  cell  of  each  recluse (Soz.  H.  E.  vi.  31 ;  Greg.  Dial.  ii.  34),i>  soon came  to  be  applied  to  their  collective  dwelling- place  ;  in  this  resembling  the  term  monasterium, which  signified  at  first  a  hermit's  solitary  abode, and  subsequently  the  abode  of  several  monks together.  "  Cella,"  in  its  later  use,  was  applied even  to  larger  monasteries  (Mab.  Ann.  v.  7) ; but  usually  to  the  oilshoots  or  dependencies  of the  old  foundation  (Du  Cange,  s.  v.)  "  Cellula  " is  used  for  a  monastery  by  Gregory  of  Tours {Hist.  vi.  8,  29,  &c.).  In  the  Rule  of  St.  Fruc- tuosus  "  cella  "  stands  for  the  "  black-hole,"  the place  of  solitary  confinement  for  offenders  against tlie  discipline  (Mab.  Ann.  xiii.  41).  The  Regula Agauuensis  forbad  separate  cells  for  the  monks; but  it  is  not  clear  whether  this  prohibition  refers to  cells  within  the  walls  or  to  the  cells  outside of  tlie  "  cellitae." Cassian,  in  his  account  of  the  different  kinds of  monks  in  Egypt,  condemns  the  "  Sarabaitae," who  dwelt  together  in  small  groups  of  cells without  rule  or  superior  (Cass.  Coll.  xviii.  17). The  same  distrust  of  what  inevitably  tended  to disorder  and  licence  is  shown  in  the  decrees  of Western  Councils  (e.  g.  Concc.  Aurel.  I.  c.  22 ; Agath.  c.  38).  But  the  cells  of  the  "Cellitae," properly  so  caljed,  resembled  rather  a  "  Laura  " in  Egypt  and  Palestine,  each  Laura  being  a quasi  coenobitic  cluster  of  cells,  forming  a  com- munity to  which,  in  the  eai-lier  days  of  monachism, the  abbat's  will  was  in  place  of  a  written  rule. The  first  of  these  "  Lauras  "  is  said  to  have  been founded  by  St.  Chariton,  about  the  middle  of  the 4th  century,  near  the  Dead  Sea  (Bulteau,  Hist. Mon.  d' Orient.  282).  Other  famous  lauras  were those  of  St.  Euthymius,  near  Jerusalem,  in  the next  century,  and  of  St.  Sabns,  near  the  Jordan ; to  the  former  only  grown  men  were  admitted,  to the  latter  only  boj-s  (Helyot,  Hist,  des  Ordr. Mon.  Dissert.  Prelim.  §  5). The  motive  for  withdrawing  from  a  monas- tery to  one  of  those  little  cells  clustering  round it  was,  apparently,  a  desire  in  some  cases  of  soli- tude, in  others  of  a  less  austere  mode  of  life. Each  cell  had  a  small  garden  or  vineyard,  in which  the  monk  could  occupy  himself  at  pleasure (Du  Cange,  s.  v.).  But  sometimes  the  "Cellita" was  a  monk  with  aspirations  after  more  than ordinary  self-denial.  Thus  it  was  a  custom  at Vienna,  in  the  6th  century,  for  some  monk,  se- lected as  pre-eminent  in  sanctity,  to  be  immured in  a  solitary  cell,  as  an  inteixessor  for  the  people (Mab.  Ann.  iv.  44,  cf.  vii.  57). A  strict  rule  for  "  Cellitae  "  was  drawn  up  in the  9th  centui-y  by  Grimlac.  Their  cells  were to  be  near  the  monastery,  either  standing  apai't one  from  another  or  communicating  only  by  a window.     The  cellitae  were  to  be  supported  oy =»  KeAAiwT^s  also  meant  an  imperial  chamberlain  at tbc  court  of  Constantinople. ''  "  Ad  piupiiam  cellam  vevcrtissot "  is  taken  by  some ronmietitators  as  rci'crriiig  to  a  convent  of  nuns  already founded  by  S'"-  Scholastica  (<;i('g.  Dial.  ii.  3t). CEMETERY 329 their  own  work  or  by  alms  :  they  might  be  either clergy  or  laymen.  If  professed  monks,  they were  to  wear  the  dress  of  the  order ;  if  not,  a cape  as  a  badge.  None  were  to  be  admitted  into the  "Cellitae"  except  by  the  bishop  or  the abbat,  nor  without  a  noviciate.  They  were  to have  their  own  chapel  for  mass ;  and  a  window in  the  wall  of  the  church,  through  which  they might  "  assist "  at  the  services,  and  receive  the confessions  of  penitents.  A  seal  was  to  be  set by  the  bishop  on  the  door  of  each  cell,  never  to be  broken,  except  in  urgent  sickness  for  the necessary  medical  and  spiritual  comfort  (Helyot, Diss.  Fret.  §  5  ;  Bulteau,  Hist.  derOrdre  S.  B.  I. ii.  21). The  term  celhdanus  has  been  supposed  equiva- lent to  cellita.  It  is  used  by  Sidonius  Apolli- naris  for  the  Lerinensian  monks  (IX.  Ep.  3,  ad Faust.).  According  to  Du  Cange  it  .sometimes means  a  monk  sharing  the  same  cell  with another.  [1.  G.  S.] CELSUS.  (1)  Child-martyr  at  Antioch  un- der Diocletian,  is  commemorated  Jan.  9  (J/cwi. Rom.  Vet.,  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  with  Nazarius  at  Milan,  June  12 {Mart.  Usuardi). The  Mart.  Fom.  Vet.  places  the  invention  of the  relics  of  these  saints  on  this  day,  the  mar- tyrdom on  July  28.  The  Cal.  Bt/zant.  comme morates  them  on  Oct.  14.  [C] CEMETERY  (Koiu.r\T'r]piov,  Coemeterium). In  the  familiar  term  cemetery  we  have  an  ex- ample— one  among  many— of  a  new  and  nobler meaning  being  breathed  by  Christianity  into  a word  already  familiar  to  heathen  antiquity.  Al- ready employed  in  its  natural  sense  of  a  "  sleep- ing place  "  (Dosid.  apud  Athenaeum,  143,  C),  it became  limited  in  the  language  of  Christians  to the  places  where  their  brethren  who  had  fallen asleep  in  Christ  were  reposing  until  the  morning of  the  Resurrection.  Death,  through  the  Resur- rection of  Jesus  Christ,  had  changed  its  nature and  its  name.  "  In  Christianis,"  writes  St.  Je- rome, Ep.  29,  "mors  non  est  mors,  sed  dormitio et  somnus  appellatur."  "  Mortuos  consuevit dicere  dormientes  quia  evigilaturos,  id  est  resur- recturos  vult  intelligi"  (Aug.  Rs.  in  Fs.  Ixxxvii.). And  the  spot  where  the  bodies  of  the  departed were  deposited  also  changed  its  designation  and received  a  new  and  significant  title.  The  faithful looked  on  it  as  a  Kotixr]Tripiov,  "  a  sleeping-place  ;" the  name  being,  as  St.  Chrysostom  says,  a  per- petual evidence  that  those  who  were  laid  tliere were  not  dead  but  sleeping  :  5ia  tovto  avrhs 6  Toiros  Koifj.7]T-i)pLov  djvofjLacrrai  'iva  fidOj;^  '6ri 01  Te\€VT7]K6res  Kol  ivTavQa  Kei/ncvoL  oh  TeQvri- Kaai  akXa.  Koip-uvTui  Kal  nadevSovai.  {Honiil. Ixxxi.) The  earliest  example  of  the  use  of  the  word is,  perhajis,  in  the  Fhilosophurnona  of  Hippolytus, c.  222,  where  we  read  that  Zephyrinus,  bishop of  Rome,  "set"  Callistus,  afterwards  his  suc- cessor, "  over  the  cemetery"  els  rb  KoifjL7)T7]pLov KaT€(TT7iafv  {Fhilosophum.  lib.  ix.  c.  7).  Here  the word  is  recognized  as  an  already  established  term. That  its  origin  was  exclusively  Christian,  and that  in  its  new  sense  it  was  a  term  unknown, andliardly  intelligible  to  the  heathen  authorities, is  evidenced  by  the  form  of  the  edicts  which sr,p]ily  tlie  next  examples  of  its  use.  In  thi>  jun- MHiition    r.iidcr  Valerian,    A.D.    2.")7.    AcniiliMhus 330 CEMETERY the  prefect  prohibited  the  Christians  of  Alex- andria, els  T^  KaAou^f""  KOi/J-vr^P^a  flcrt- 4vai.  This  edict  was  revoked  by  Gallienus  on the  cessation  of  the  ])ersecution,  c.  259,  and  an imperial  rescript  again  permitted  the  bishops TO.  Tuiv  KaKovjxivaiv  KoiiJ.i]Tnpiaiv  airoKafx- $dveiv  xi^P'"'  Had  the  term  been  one  in  familiar use  among  the  heathen  inhabitants,  it  would have  been^'needless  to  have  thus  specified  them. A  distinction  between  the  burial  places  of Christians  and  those  of  another  faith  had  its oi-igin  in  the  very  first  ages  of  the  Church.  This principle  of  jealous  separation  after  death  be- tween the  worshippers  of  the  True  God  and  the heathen  was  inherited  from  the  Jews.  The  Jews wherever  they  resided  had  their  own  places  of sepulchre,  from  which  all  but  their  co-religionists were  rigidly  excluded.  In  Rome  they  very  early had  a  catacomb  of  their  own  in  the  Monte  Verde on  the  Via  Portuensis,  outside  the  Trasteverine quarter  of  the  city,  which  was  their  chief  place of  residence.  Another  has  been  investigated  by De  Rossi  on  the  Via  Appia ;  the  construction  of which  he  considers  takes  us  back  as  far  as  the time  of  Augustus.  So  also  the  Christians,  in death  as  well  as  in  life,  would  seek  to  carry out  the  apostolic  injunction  to  "  come  out,  and be  separate,  and  touch  not  the  unclean  thing." The  faithful  brethren  of  the  little  flock,  the "  peculiar  people,"  lay  apart,  still  united  by  the ties  of  a  common  brotherhood,  waiting  for  "the great  and  terrible  day  "  which  according  to  the universal  belief  of  the  primitive  church  was  so near  at  hand.  As  an  evidence  of  the  abhorrence felt  in  very  early,  though  not  the  earliest,  times of  uniting  Christians  and  pagans  in  one  common sepulchre,  we  may  refer  to  the  words  of  Cyprian, A.D.  2.54-.  This  Father  upbraids  a  lapsed  Spanish bishop  named  Martialis,  among  other  crimes,  with having  associated  with  the  members  of  a  heathen funeral  college  and  joined  in  their  funeral  ban- quets, and  having  buried  his  sons  in  the  cemetery over  which  they  had  superintendence — "  Praeter gentilium  turpia  et  lutulenta  convivia  et  collegia diu  frequentata,  filios  in  eodem  collegio,  exter- arum  gentium  more,  apud  profana  sepulchra depositos  et  alienigenis  consepultos "  (Cyprian. JSjjist.  67).  Hilary  of  Poitiers,  c.  .360,  also  com- menting on  the  text,  "  let  the  dead  bury  their dead,"  asserts  the  same  principle,  "  Ostendit Dominus  ....  inter  fidelem  filium  patremque  in- fidelem  jus  paterni  nominis  non  relinqui.  Non obsequium  humandi  patris  negavit,  sed  .  .  .  ad- monuit  non  admisceri  memoriis  sanctorum  mor- tuos  infideles  "  {Comm.  in  Mutt.  cap.  vii.).  These Christian  cemeteries  were  in  their  first  origin private  and  individual.  The  wealthier  members of  the  Church  were  buried  each  in  a  plot  of ground  belonging  to  him,  while  the  tombs  of the  poorer  sort,  like  that  of  their  Lord,  were dug  in  the  villas  or  gardens  of  rich  citizens  or matrons  of  substance  who  had  embraced  the  faith of  Christ,  and  devoted  their  property  to  His service.  The  titles  by  which  many  of  the  Roman cemeteries  are  still  designated,  though  often contused  with  the  names  of  conspicuous  saints and  martyrs  who  in  later  times  were  interred  in them,  are  derived  from  their  original  possessors, some  of  whom  mav  with  great  probability  be referred  to  very  early  if  not  apostolic  times. The  cemeteries  which  are  designated  as  those  of Lucina,  Domitilla,  Commodilla,  Cyriaca,  Priscilla CEMETERY Praetextatus,  Pontianus,  &c.,  w^ere  so  called,  not as  being  the  burial  places  of  these  individuals, but  because  the  sepulchral  area  which  formed  the nucleus  of  their  ramifications  had  been  their  pi-o- perty.     Not  that  in  every  instance  the  original cemetery  received  this  large  extension.     Under- ground Christian  tombs  have  been  found  in  the  1 vicinity  of  Rome  consisting  of  no  more  than  a single  sepulchral  chamber,  so  that  some  of  these  ' cemeteries  may  have  been  always  limited  to  the members  and  adherents  of  a  single  family.     The only  necessary  restriction  was  that  of  a  common faith.     A  few  years  ago  a  gravestone  was  found  ' in  the  catacomb  of  Nicomedes  outside  the  Porta Pia,  bearing  an  inscription  in  which  a  certain  Va- lerius Mercurius,  according  to  the  Roman  custom,  i bequeathed  to  his  freedmen  and  freedwomen  and  I their  posterity  the  right  of  sepultui-e  in  the  same  '• cemetery,   provided    that  they  belonged   to    his  I own  religion.  At  (ad)  religionem  pertinentes  i MEAM.     We  iiave   another  example  of  the  same          j kind  in  an  inscription  which  may  still  be  seen  in  j the  most  ancient  part  of  the  cemetery  of  Nereus           I and  Achilleus.     In  this  it  is   recorded  that  M.  ■ Antonius  Restitutus  made  a  hypogaeum  for  him- self and  his  family  trusting  in  the  Lord,  "  sibi           t et    suis    fidentibus    in    Domino."     We    have  no example  of  language  of  this  kind  in  any  heathen epitaph.    The  strongest  tie  of  brotherhood  among Christians  was  a  common  faith.     This  bond  out- lasted death,  and  nowhere  was  its  power  more felt  than  in  their  burials.     Nor  was  there  any-  ■ thing  in   the  social  or  religious  position  of  the           | first  Christians  in  Rome  and  elsewhere  to  curtail           I their  liberty  in  the  mode  of  the   disposing  of           ] their  dead.     The}^  lived  in,  and  with  their  age, and  followed  its  customs  in  all  things  lawful.    No existing  laws  interfered  with  them.    On  the  con- trary, all  the  ordinances  of  the  Roman  legislation under  which,  as  citizens,  they  lived,  were  favour- able to  the  acquisition  and  maintenance  of  burial places  by  the   Christians.     In   Rome  land  used for  interment  became  ipso  facto  invested  with  a religious  character  which  extended  not  only  to  the           j area  in  which  the  sepulture  took  place,  but  to           | the  hypogaea  or  subterranean  chambers  beneath it,  and  pei'haps  also  to  the  celiac  memoriae,  the gardens,  orchards,  and   other  appurtenances  be- longing to  them.     The  violation  of  a  tomb  was a  crime  under  the  Roman   law  visited  with  the           i severest  penalties.     According  to  Paulus  (Digest, lib.  xlvii.  tit.  xii.  §  11)  those  convicted  of  remov-  : ing  a  body  or  digging  up  the  bones  were,  if  per- sons of  the  lowest  rank,  to  suffer  capital  punish- ment ;  if  of  higher  condition,  to  be  banished  to            ' an  island,  or  condemned   to    the  mines.      This           .i privilege  reached  even  to  those  who,  as  martyrs,           j had  forfeited  their  lives  to  the  law.     The  Digest           ,; contains  the  opinions  of  some  of  the  most  eminent  > Roman  lawyers  that  the  bodies  of  criminals  might           ] legally  be  given  up  to  those  who  asked  for  them.           J "Corpora  animadversorum    quibuslibet  petenti-           I bus  ad    sepulturam    danda    sunt"    (Paulus   ap.            ' Digest,  lib.  xlviii.  tit.  xxiv.).     Ulpian  (ihid.  §  1) adduces  the  authority  of  the  Emperor  Augustus for  the  restoration   of  the  bodies  of  criminals to    their   relations.      In    his   own    time,  he  re- marks,   a   formal  petition   and   permission   was requisite,  and  the  request  was  sometimes  refused, chiefly  in  cases  of  high  treason.     This  exception may  have  sometimes  interfered  with  the  Chris- tians obtaining  possession  of  the  body  of  a  martyr CEMETERY who  had  refused  to  swear  "by  the  fortune  of Caesar."  But  for  the  first  two  centuries  there is  no  evidence  of  any  such  prohibition,  and unless  the  "  Acts  of  the  martyrs "  are  to  be altogether  discredited,  the  nucleus  of  many  of the  existing  catacombs  was  created  by  the  burial of  some  famous  martyr  on  the  private  property of  a  wealthy  Christian.  The  facilities  for  bui'ial would  be  also  further  enlarged  by  the  existence of  legalized  funeral  guilds  or  confraternities {collegia),  associated  together  for  the  reverent celebration  of  the  funeral  rites  of  their  members. The  Christians  were  not  forbidden  by  any  rules of  their  own  society,  or  laws  of  the  empire,  to enter  into  a  corporate  union  of  this  kind.  The jurist  Marcian,  at  the  beginning  of  the  third century,  as  quoted  in  the  Digests  (JDe  Colleg.  et Corpor.  lib.  xlvii.  tit.  xxii.  1),  when  stating  the prohibitions  against  collegia  sodalicia,  soldiers' clubs,  and  other  illicit  combinations,  expressly excepts  meetings  the  object  of  which  was  re- ligious, "  religionis  causa  coire  non  prohibentur," provided  they  were  not  forbidden  by  a  decree  of the  senate ;  as  well  as  associations  of  the  poorer classes  meeting  once  a  month  to  make  a  small payment  for  common  purposes,  one  of  which  was the  decent  burial  of  their  memljers,  "  permittitur teuuioribus  stipem  menstruam  conferre,  dum  ta- men  semel  in  mense  coeaut  "  (Digest,  ibid.).  That such  associations  existed  among  Christians  with the  object,  among  others,  of  defraying  the  funeral expenses  of  their  poorer  brethren,  is  clear  from the  Apology  of  Tertullian.  He  says,  speaking of  the  area  publica,  or  public  chest :  "  Every  one makes  a  small  contribution  on  a  certain  day  of the  month  (modicarn  unusquisque  stipem  men- strua die.  .  .  .  apponit),  or  when  he  chooses,  pro- vided only  he  is  willing  and  able,  for  none  is compelled The  amount  is,  as  it  were,  a common  fund  of  piety.  Since  it  is  expended  not in  feasting,  or  drinking,  or  indecent  excess,  but in  feeding  and  burying  the  poor,  &c.  (egenis alendis  humandis-que)."  TertuU.  Apolog.  c.  xxxix. The  first  historical  notice  we  have  of  any  in- terference with  the  Christian  cemeteries  is  found in  Africa,  A.D.  203.  And  this  was  not  an  act  of the  civil  power,  but  was  simply  an  outbreak of  popular  bigotry.  "  Areae  non  sint,"  Tertull. ad  Scapul.  c.  iii.  [area].  We  do  not  find  any general  edict  aimed  at  the  Christian  cemeteries before  that  of  the  Emperor  Valerian,  A.D.  257  ; and  even  this  is  directed  not  against  the  ceme- teries themselves  but  against  religious  meetings in  the  sacred  precincts,  and  is  absolutely  silent as  to  any  prohibition  of  burial.  After  this,  the cemeteries  became  expi-essly  recognized  by  the civil  power. We  cannot  doubt  that  places  of  interment must  have  been  provided  by  the  Church,  in its  coi-porate  capacity,  for  its  members  at  a very  early  period.  It  was  not  every  Christian whose  dead  body  would  be  sure  of  receiving the  pious  i^are  that  attended  the  more  distin- guished members  of  the  Church.  Their  ab- horrence of  cremation,  and  repugnance  against admixture  with  the  departed  heathen  foj-bad their  finding  a  resting  place  in  the  heathen columbaria.  The  horrible  puticuli  where  the bodies  of  the  lowest  slaves  were  thrown  to  rot  in an  undistinguished  mass,  could  not  be  permitted to  be  the  last  home  of  those  for  whom,  equally with    the  most  distinguished   members   of  the CEMETERY 831 Church,  Christ  died.  "  Apud  nos,"  writes  Lac- tautius,  "  inter  pauperes  et  divites,  servos  et  do- minos,  interest  nihil  "  (Lact.  Div.  Inst.  v.  14,  15). A  common  cemetery  would  be  one  of  the  first necessities  of  a  Christian  Church  in  any  city  as soon  as  it  acquired  a  corporate  existence  and stability.  Rome  could  not  have  long  dispensed with  it.  And  when  we  read  of  Callistus  being "  set  over  the  cemetery,"  by  Pope  Zephyrinus (c.  202),  we  cannot  reasonably  question  that  the cemetery  which  we  know  from  Anastasius  "Cal- listus made  (fecit)  on  the  Appian  way,  and  which is  called  to  the  present  day  the  cemetery  of  Cal- listus "  (Anastas.  §  17),  was  one  common  to  the whole  Christian  community,  formed  by -Callistus on  a  plot  of  ground  given  to  him  for  this  purpose by  some  Roman  of  distinction.  It  is  a  plausible conjecture  of  De  Rossi  that  the  example  of  those who  had  bestowed  this  cemetery  on  the  Christian community  would  speedily  be  followed  by  other believers  of  wealth,  and  that  others  of  the  larger cemeteries  which  surround  Rome  owe  their  origin, or  fuller  development  to  this  epoch.  This  pro- bability is  strengthened  when  we  find  it  recorded by  Pope  Fabian,  in  the  early  part  of  the  same century  (A.D.  238),  that  "after  he  had  divided the  regions  among  the  deacons  he  ordered  nu- merous buildings  to  be  constructed  in  the  ceme- teries" (multas  fabricas  per  coemeteria  fieri praecepit),  Anast.  §  21.  It  was  in  one  of  these memorial  chapels  that  in  all  probability  Pope Xystus  II.  was  martyred,  A.D.  261,  "  in  coemeterio ariimadversum,"  Cyprian,  Ep.  80  (81).  Anas- tasius records  that  the  charge  under  which  he suffered  was  contempt  for  the  commands  of  Va- lerian (Anast.  §  25),  and,  as  we  have  seen,  one  of the  persecuting' edicts  of  that  empei'or  forbad  the Christians  to  enter  their  cemeteries.  Among the  internal  arrangements  of  the  church  attri- buted in  the  Liber  Pontificalis  to  Dionysius  (a.d. 261-272)  is  the  institution  of  cemeteries,  "  coe- meteria instituit"  (Anast.  §26).  From  this  pe- riod large  public  cemeteries  became  a  recognized part  of  the  organization  of  the  Christian  Church. It  was  considered  a  duty  incumbent  on  the  richer members  to  provide  for  the  reverent  interment  of the  poor,  and  where  other  means  were  wanting, St.  Ambrose  sanctioned  the  sale  of  the  sacred vessels  by  the  Christian  community  rather  than that  the  dead  should  want  burial  (Ambros.  do Offic.  lib.  ii.  c.  28). The  form,  position,  and  arrangements  of  the early  Christian  cemeteries  were  not  regulated by  any  uniform  system,  but  were  modified  ac- cording to  the  customs  of  the  country,  the  nature of  the  soil,  ■  and  the  conditions  of  climate. Attention  having  been  for  a  long  time  chiefly drawn  to  the  subterranean  cemeteries  of  Rome, it  has  been  too  hastily  inferred  that  all  the  early Christian  burial  places  were  underground  vaults. But  as  Mommsen  says,  "  the  idea  that  the  dead were  usually  buried  in  such  vaults  in  early Christian  times  is  as  erroneous  as  it  is  pi-evalent  " {Contempor.  Bev.,  May  1871,  p.  166).  We  know- that  at  Carthage  the  Christian  dead  were  buried, not  in  hypogaea,  but  in  open  plots  of  ground, "  areae  sepulturarum  nostrarum."  Against  these burial  places  the  populace  directed  their  mad attack  with  the  wild  cry,  "  Down  with  the  burial places "  (areae  non  sint),  and  with  the  fury  of Bacchanals  dug  up  the  graves,  dragged  forththe decaying  corpses,  and  tore  them  into  fragments 332 CEMETERY (Tertull.  ad  Scap.  3,  Apolog.  c.  xxxvii.).  Half  a century  later  we  find  the  v/ord  in  use  at  Car- thage. St.  Cyprian  was  buried  "  ad  areas  Ma- crobii  Candidiani  procuratoris  "  (Ruinart,  Acta Martymm  Sincera,  p.  263).  It  also  occurs  in  the Acts  of  Montanus  and  Lucius,  "  in  medio  eorura in  area  solum  servari  jussit  (Montanus)  ut  nee sepulturae  consortio  privaretur  "  (&.  279).  The same  term  is  found  in  connection  with  a  monu- mental cemetery  chapel,  cella  memoriae,  in  a  very remarkable  inscription  from  Caesarea  in  Maure- tauia  (lol)  given  by  De  Rossi  (^Bullet,  di  Arch. Crist.  April,  1864)  :— "  Aream  at  (ad)  sepulchra  cultor  verbi  contulit, Et  cellam  struxil  suis  cunctis  sumptibus. I'Xlesiae  sanctae  banc  reliquit  menioriam. Salvete  fratres  puro  corde  et  simplici, Euelpias  vos  satos  sancto  Spiritu. Eclesia  Fratrum  liunc  restituit  titulum. Ex  tag.  Asteri." "This  graveyard  was  given  by  the  servant  of the  Word,  who  has  also  built  the  chapel  entirely ;it  his  own  expense.     He  left  the  memoria  to  the Holy  Church.      Hail,   brethren!    Euelpias  with a  pure  and  simple  heart  greets  you,  born  of  the Holy  Spirit."     The  remainder  of  the  inscription records  the  restoration  of  the  titulus,  which  had been  damaged  in  one  of  the' former  persecutions, bv  the  Ecclesia  Fratrum.    The  concluding  words, '■  Cx  ingenio  Asterii,"  give  the  name  of  the  poet. We  find  sufficient  evidence  of  this  custom  of I)ui-ying  in  enclosed  graveyards,  according  to  the inndern  usage,  prevailing  in  other  districts.     The l:aic,mage  of  St.  Chrysostom  with  respect  to  the immense  concourse  of  people  who  assembled  on Kaster   Eve  and  other  special  anniversaries  for worship  and  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist  in tlie  cemeteries  and  at  the  martyi-ia,  with  which tlie  city  of  Antioch  was  surrounded,  can  only  be interpreted  of  cemeteries  above  ground.     There is    uot  the   slightest  reference    to  subterranean vaults,  which  would  have  been  altogether  inade- (juiite  to  receive  the  multitudes  who  thronged tliither  (cf.  Chrysost.  Horn.  81,  ds  rh  vvofxa  kol- IJiT]TT]piov  ]    Hom.  65,  de  Marttir-ibus ;    Hom.  67, ill  Droddern).     The    same    inference    as  to    the position  of  the  cemeteries  may  be  legitimately drawn    from    other    passages  of   early   writers. Tliis    is  the  only    satisfactory  interpretation  of the    passage    in    the    Apostolical     Constitutions (lib.  vi.  c.   30),   relating   to   assemblies  held    in the  cemeteries  "  for  reading  the  sacred   books, singing   in   behalf   of   the   martyrs   which    are fallen   asleep,   and  for  all   the  saints  from    the beginning  of  the  world  and  for  the  brethren  that are  asleep  in  the  Lord,  and  offering  the  accept- able Eucharist."    We  learn  also  from  Athanasius (Apolog.  pro  Fuga,  p.  704)  that  during  the  week after  Pentecost  the  people  fasted  and  went  out to  pray  irepi  to,  Koifj.riT7ipia.     The  prohibitions  of tlie  Council  of  Elvira  (A.D.  305,  Canon,  34,  35) (if  the  custom  of  females  passing  the  night  in tl\e  cevneteries,  which  was    the    cause   of  many scandals   under  the  colour   of   religion  (cf.  Pe- tron.  Arbit.  Mutrona  Ephes.),  and  of  the  light- ing of    candles   in    them   during   the   day-time, "  jdacuit  cereos  in  coemeteriis  non  accendi,  inqui- ctandi  enim  Sanctorum  spiritus  non  sunt "  (cf. 1  Sam.  xxviii.  15,  "  Quare  inquietasti -me  ut  sus- citarcr?"),    indicate    open-air    cemeteries     fur- uislied  with  mxrtyria,  uionuments,  and  memorial CEMETERY chapels,  not  subterranean  vaults.  We  would  ex- plain in  the  same  way  the  110th  canon  of  the Council  of  Laodicaea  (A.D.  366)  forbidding  mem- bers of  the  Church  to  resort  to  the  cemeteries or  martyria  of  heretics  for  the  purpose  of  pra3'er and  divine  service,  eux^js  %  depaireias  tveKa. Sidonius  Apollinaris,  bishop  of  Clermont,  d.  482, describes  the  burial  place  of  his  grandfather  as a  grave  (scrobs)  in  a  field  (^campus)  (Sidon.  Apoll. lib.  iii.  ep.  12). Nor  even  in  Rome  itself,  though  the  actual place  of  interment  was  as  a  rule  in  a  subter- ranean excavation,  now  known  as  a  catacomb, does  the  word  coemeterium  exclusively  denote these  underground  vaults.  De  Rossi,  following Settele  (Atti  della  Font.  Acad,  d'  Arch.  tom.  ii. p.  51)  has  abundantly  shown  in  his  Soma  Sot- terranea  (cf.  vol.  i.  pp.  86,  93,  &c.),  that  coeme- terium. when  it  occurs  in  the  Lives  of  the  Fopes and  other  early  documents  frequently  denotes the  monumental  chapels  and  oratories,  together with  the  huts  of  the  fossores  and  other  officials, erected  in  the  funeral  enclosure.  "The  long peace  from  the  reign  of  Caracalla  to  that  of  De- cius  might  well  have  encouraged  the  Christians  to erect  such  buildings,  and  allowed  them  to  make frequent  use  of  them  notwithstanding  occasional disturbances  from  popular  violence  "  (Northcote, E.  S.  p.  86-87).  When  we  read  of  popes  and other  Christian  confessors  taking  refuge  in  the cemeteries  and  living  in  them  for  a  considerable period,  we  are  not  to  suppose  that  they  actually passed  their  time  underground,  under  circum- stances and  in  an  atmosphere  which  would  render life  hardly  possible^  but  in  one  of  the  buildings annexed  to  the  cemeteries,  either  for  religious purposes,  or  for  the  guardianship  of  the  sacred  en- closures." Thus  when  we  read  in  Anastasius  (§  60) that  Boniface  I.  in  the  stormy  period  that  ac- companied the  double  election  to  the  popedom, A.D.  419,  "  habitavit  in  coemeterio  Sanctae  Fe- licitatis,"  we  find  Symmachus,  his  contemporary, writing  without  any  allusion  to  the  place  of  his retirement,  "  extra  murum  deductus  non  louge ab  urbe  remoratur  "  (Symmoch.  Ep.  x.  73).  We have  a  distinct  example  belonging  to  the  same period,  of  residence  in  a  cella  of  a  cemetery.  This is  the  priest  Barbatianus,  who  having  come  from Antioch  to  Rome  retired  to  the  cemetery  of  Cal- listus,  "  clam  latens  in  celhda  sua "  (Agnellus, Vitae  Font.  Ravenn.).  Ptolemaeus  Silvius,  quoted by  De  Rossi,  Bullettino,  Giugno,  1863,  writing  A.D. 448,  speaks  of  the  innumerable  cellulae  dedicated to  the  martyrs  with  which  the  areas  of  the cemeteries  were  studded.  All  these  buildings taken  collectively  were  often  comprised  under the  name  coemeterium.  Onuphrius  Panvinius (d.  1568),  one  of  the  earliest  writers  on  Christian interment,  Be  Eitu  sepieliend.  Mort.  apjud  vet. Citrist.,  p.  85,  expressly  states  that  "  inasmuch as  worshippers  were  wont  to  assemble  in  large numbers  at  the  tombs  of  the  martyrs  on  the anniversaries  of  their  death,  the  name  of  cemetery was  extended  to  capacious  places  adjacent  to the  cemeteries,  suitable  for  public  meetings for  prayer."  "  We  read,",  he  continues,  "  that the  early  Roman  pontiil's  were  in  the  habit  of keeping  these  stations,  that  is,  performing  all their  public  pontifical  acts  among  the  tombs  of '»  Express  reference  is  made  by  U  Ipiai  i  to  the  habit  of I  .Uvi'Uins  in  sepukUres  {Uiijest.  lib.  xlvii.  tit.  .\ii.  y  3). CEMETERY the  martyrs.  And  thus  these  cemeteries  were to  the  Christians  as  it  were  temples,  and  places of  prayer  in  which  bishops  used  to  gather  their synods,  administer  the  sacraments,  and  preach the  word  of  God."  >»     [Churchyard.] That  the  term  coemeteriuin  was  not  restricted to  the  subterranean  places  of  interment  is  also clear  from  the  fact  that  though  interment  in  the catacombs  had  entirely  ceased  in  the  5th  cen- tury, wo  read  of  one  pope  after  another  being buried  in  coemctcrio  (cf.  Siricius,  A.D.  398,  Anast. §  55  ;  Anastasius  A.D.  402,  ih.  §  56  ;  Bonifacius, A.D.  '422,  ib.  §  61  ;  Coelestinus,  A.D.  432,  ib.  §62). Even  of  Vigilius,  who  died  A.D.  555,  long  after the  catacombs  were  disused  for  burial  and  had  be- come nothing  more  than  places  of  devotion  at  the tombs  of  the  martyrs,  we  read  (ib.  §  108),  "  cor- pus .  .  .  sepultum  est  ...  in  coemeterio  Priscil- !ae  "  (Anast.  §  108).  Hadrian  I.  in  his  celebrated letter  to  Charlemagne  on  images,  also  makes mention  of  the  pictures  executed  by  Coelestinus "  in  coemeterio  suo "  (Concilia,  Ed.  Mansi  xiii. p.  801).  (For  fuller  particulars,  see  De  Rossi, Rom.  Soft.  vol.  i.  p.  216,  217).  There  is  an  ap- parent exception  in  the  case  of  Zosimus,  a.d.  418, Sixtus  III.  A.D.  440,  and  Hilarius,  A.D.  468,  all of  whom  are  stated  to  have  been  buried  "ad Sanctum  Laurentium  in  crypta  "  (Anast.  §  59, 65,  71).  But  as  De  Rossi  remarks  the  exception only  proves  the  rule.  For  this  crypt  did  not at  this  time  form  part  of  the  extensive  cemetery of  St.  Cyriaca,  but  was  the  substructure  of  the altar  (confessio)  of  the  Basilica  erected  over  it by  Constautine,  A.D.  330,  of  which  it  formed  the nucleus.  The  result  of  his  investigation  is  thus summed  up  by  De  Rossi,  it.  s. :  "  It  is  manifest that  the  cemeteries  in  which  during  the  fifth  cen- tury thq  bodies  of  the  popes  were  interred  were all  buildings  under  the  open  sky,  and  that  history is  in  accord  with  the  monuments  in  presenting no  single  example  in  that  period  of  a  burial performed  according  to  the  ancient  rites  in  the primitive  subterranean  excavations." Although  the  words  Koi/xrjTTjpwj',  coemeterium, were  generally  applied  to  the  whole  sepulchral area,  and  the  buildings  included  within  it,  yet instances  are  not  wanting  in  which  it  is  used  of a  single  grave.  The  examples  adduced  by  De Rossi  (jR.  S.  p.  85)  are  exclusively  Greek.  He refers  to  Corpus  Liscr.  Grace,  n.  9298  ;  9304-6  ; 9310-16:  9439-40;  9450;  and  mentions  a  bi- lingual inscription  from  Narbonne  of  the  year 527,  in  which  the  tomb  is  styled  KTMETEPION. In  Boldetti,  p.  633,  we  have  an  inscription  from Malta  stating  that  the  KOIMHTHPION  had  been purchased  and  restored  by  a  Christian  named Zosimus.  Aringhi  also  (Jiom.  Suht.  tom.  i.  p.  5) adduces  an  example  of  a  sarcophagus  bearing this  designation,  KOIMHTHPION  TOYTO  XIK- TABIAAH  TH  lAIA  TTNAIKI  AATAAKIE. The  word  is  of  excessive  rarity  in  the  catacombs themselves.  The  epitaph  of  Sabinus  (Perret  V. xxix.  67),  in  which  we  read  Cymeterium  Bal- liiNAE,  is  perhaps  the  only  instance  known. The  Latin  equivalents  for  KoifiriTripiou  most usually  found  were  either  dormitorium  —  e.g., Fecit  in  pace  Domini  Dormitorium  (cf.  Reines, Sijiitagm.  Inscr.  Antiq.  356) ;  "  Pompeiana  ma- •>  In  the  Sacramentarium  Kcd.  Roman,  the  Missa in  C'ymHeriis,  cap.  103,  contains  prayers  for  tiio  souls '  omnium  fidelium  in  hac  Basilica  quiesceiitium." CHALCEDON 333 trona  corpus  ejus  de  judice  emit  et  imposuit  iu dormitorio  suo  "  (Acta  S.  Maximil.  apud  Kuinart,, p.  264) — or  in  Africa,  accubitorium  (De  Rossi, M.S.  i.  p.  86).  A  long  list  of  other  names  by  which at  various  epochs  and  iu  ditterent  countries, Christian  places  of  interment  were  designated may  be  found  in  Boldetti  (Osservazioni,  pi). 584-586). (Bingham,  Orig.  Eccl.  bk.  viii.  ch.  8-10,  bk. xxiii.  ch.  1-2;  Boldetti,  Osservazioni  sopra  i Cvneterii;  Bottari,  Sculture  e  pitture  sagre ; Bosio,  lioma  Soiterranea  ;  Aviaghi,  limna  SvJjter- ranea  ;  Panvinius,  De  Ritu  Scpeliendi ;  Anasta- sius, Be  Vitis  Horn.  Font  if.  ;  Raoul-Rochette, Tableau  des  Catacombes ;  De  Rossi,  Roma  Sotter- ranea  ;  Northcote  and  Brownlow,  Eoma  Sottcr- ranea).  [E.  V.] CENSER.    [Thurible.] CENSURIUS,  bishop  and  confessor  at  Aux- erre  (about  A.D.  500,  is  commemorated  June  10 (Mart.  Usuardi).  [C] CEREAIJS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome  under Hadrian,  is  commemorated  June  10  (Mart.  Rom. Vet.,  Usuardi). (2)  Soldier,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Decius, Sept.  14  (Mart.  Usuardi).  [C] CEREMONIALE.  A  book  containing  direc- tions or  rubrics  for  the  due  performance  of  cei-- tain  ceremonies.  The  more  ancient  term  for  such a  book  is  Ordo,  which  see.  [C] CEREUS.     [Taper.] CEREUS        PASCHALIS.  [Maundy Thursday.] CHAIR.    [Cathedra:  Throne.] CHALCEDON  (Councils  of),  (i)  a.d. 403,  better  known  as  "the  Synod  of  the  Oak" — a name  given  to  a  suburb  there — at  which  St. Chrysostom  was  deposed.  To  appreciate  its pi'oceedings,  we  should  remember  that  St.  John Chrysostom  had  been  appointed  to  the  see  of Constantinople  five  years  before,  and  that  Theo- philus,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  had  been  summoned thither  by  the  emperor  Arcadius  to  ordain  him. Theophilus  had  a  presbyter  of  his  own  whom  he would  have  preferred,  named  Isidore,  so  that  in one  sense  he  consecrated  St.  Chrysostom  under constraint.  It  was  against  the  2nd  of  the  Con- stantinopolitan  canons  likewise  for  him  to  have consecrated  at  all  out  of  his  own  diocese :  but  in another  sense  he  was  probably  not  loth  to  make St.  Chrysostom  beholden  to  him,  and  be  possessed of  a  pretext  himself  for  interfering  in  a  see threatening  to  eclipse  his  own,  where  he  could do  so  with  effect.  Hence  the  part  played  by  him at  the  Synod  of  the  Oak,  over  which  he  presided, and  in  which  no  less  than  12  sessions  were  occu- pied on  charges  brought  against  St.  Chrysostom himself,  and  a  13th  on  charges  brought  against Heraclides,  bishop  of  Ephesus,  who  had  been  or- dained by  him  (Mansi  iii.  1141-54).  The  num- ber of  charges  alleged  against  St.  Chrysostom was  29  at  one  time  and  18  at  another.  When cited  to  appear  and  reply  to  them,  his  answer was:  "Remove  my  avowed  enemies  from  your list  of  judges,  and  I  am  ready  to  appear  and make  my  defence,  should  any  person  bring  aught against  me ;  otherwise  you  may  send  as  often  as ycm  will  for  me,  but  you  will  got  no  favtlier." And  the  first  of  those  wliom  he  reckoned  as  such 334 CHALCEDON was  Theophilus.  One  of  the  charges  against him  was  some  unworthy  language  that  he  had used  to  St.  Epiphanius,  lately  deceased,  who  had supported  Tirnotheus  in  condemning  the  origi- nists,  regarded  by  St.  Chrysostom  with  more favour.  The  others  refer  to  his  conduct  in  his own  church,  or  towards  his  own  clergy.  The synod  ended  by  deposing  St.  Chrysostom,  having cited  him  four  times  to  no  purpose;  when  he was  immediately  e.xpelled  tlie  city  by  the  em- peror, and  withdrew  into  Bithynia,  to  be  very shortly  recalled. (2)  The  4th  general  — held  its  fii-st  session, October  8,  a.d.  451,  in  the  church  of  St. Euphemia  —  for  the  architectural  arrangements of  which  see  Evagrius  (ii.  3) — having  been  con- vened by  the  emperor  Marcian  shortly  after  his elevation.  In  his  circular  to  the  bishops  (Mansi, vi.  551-4),  he  bids  them  come  to  Nicaea— the place  chosen  by  him  originally — to  settle  "  some questions  that  he  says  had  arisen  apparently respecting  the  oi-thodox  faith,  and  been  also  shown him  in  a  letter  from  the  archbishop  of  Kome." But  in  reality  St.  Leo  had  urged  a  very  diiferent course.  In  his  last  ejiistle  to  the  late  emperor he  had  indeed  petitioned  that  a  council  might  be held  in  Italy,  should  a  council  be  required  at  all (A.  83-5) :  and  when  Marcian  applied  to  him "  to  authorise  "  the  council  about  to  be  held  (^ib. 93-4),  his  reply  was  that  he  would  rather  it were  postjjoned  till  the  times  were  more  favour- able (ib.  114-5).  It  was  only  when  he  found his  advice  unheeded  that  he  decided  on  sending representatives  thither  (j6.  126-9),  and  then  on the  solemn  understanding  that  there  should  be no  resettlement  attempted  of  the  Nicene  faith. Even  so,  he  reminds  the  empress  (jVj.  138-9)  that his  demand  had  been  for  a  council  in  Italy ;  and tells  the  council  expressly  that  his  representa- tives are  to  preside  there,  custom  forbidding  his own  presence  (i6.  131-5).  His  representatives, on  their  part,  warn  the  emperor  that  unless  he is  present  in  person  they  cannot  attend  (;ib.  557- 8).  Hence,  to  fiicilitate  this  arrangement,  the council  is  transferred  to  Chalcedon.  Bishops  to the  number  of  360  attended,  in  some  eases  by deputy,  the  1st  action,  and  19  of  the  highest  lay dignitaries  represented  the  emperor.  Usually '630  bishops  are  said  to  have  been  at  the  council sooner  or  later  (Bever.  ii.  107).  It  might  have been  supposed  this  total  had  been  gained  origi- nally by  placing  the  6  before,  instead  of  after, the  3 :  still  there  are  470  episcopal  subscriptions to  the  6th  action,  and  members  of  the  council themselves  spoke  of  it  as  one  of  600  bishops (Mansi,  vii.  57,  and  the  note). As  to  their  places  in  church,  the  lay  dignitaries occupied  the  centre,  in  front  of  the  altar-screen; and  one  of  the  most  remarkable  traits  of  this council  is  their  control  of  its  proceedings  all through.  On  their  left  were  the  legates  from Rome,  and  next  to  them  Anatolius  of  Constan- tinople, Maximus  of  Antioch,  Thalassius  of  Caesa- vea,  Stephen  of  Ephesus,  and  other  Easterns.  On their  right  were  Dioscorus  of  Alexandria,  Juvenal of  Jerusalem,  with  the  bishops  of  Egypt,  lUyria, and  Palestine  generally.  On  the"  motion  of I'aschasinus,  the  first  legate,  Dioscorus  was ordered  by  the  magistrates  to  quit  the  seat  occu- pied by  him  in  the  council,  and  to  take  his  place in  the  midst  where  the  accused  sat.  The  charges alleged  against  him  by  the  legates  were  that^he CHALCEDON had  held  a  council  and  sat  as  judge,  witliout permission  of  the  apostolic  see.  Eusebius  of Dorylaeum,  sitting  in  the  midst  as  his  accuser, complained  of  the  iniquitous  sentence  passed upon  Flavian  and  himself  at  the  council  of Ephesus  (see  the  art.  on  this)  two  years  before. Dioscorus  begged  its  acts  might  be  read.  This was  done :  but  meanwhile  Theodoret,  bishop  of Cyrus,  who  had  been  deposed  there,  having  since been  restored  by  St.  Leo,  and  invited  to  this council  by  the  emperor,  entered  and  took  his seat,  amidst  vehement  protests  from  the  bishops on  the  right.  After  the  acts  of  the  "  Robbers' Meeting"  had  been  read,  which  included  those of  the  two  synods  of  Constantinople  preceding  it, all  agreed  that  Dioscorus,  Juvenal,  Thalassius, and  three  more,  who  had  been  most  forward  in deposing  Eusebius  and  Flavian,  deserved  to  be deposed  themselves.  The  rest  might  be  par- doned, as  having  acted  in  ignorance  or  under coercion. Action  or  session  2  followed,  October  10. The  judges  or  lay  dignitaries  proposing  that  the faith  should  be  set  forth  in  its  integrity, the  bishops  replied  that  they  were  limited  to  the creed  of  Nicaea,  confirmed  at  Ephesus,  and  in- terpreted by  the  letters  of  SS.  Cyril  and  Leo more  particularly.  On  this  it  was  recited  by command  of  the  judges,  from  a  book  by  Euno- mius,  bishop  of  Nicomedia,  amidst  shouts  of adhesion.  And  immediately  after,  without  a word  more,  by  order  of  the  same  judges,  Aetius or  Atticus,  deacon  or  archdeacon  of  the  church of  Constantinople,  recited  from  a  book  what purported  to  be  the  creed  of  the  150  fathers, that  is,  of  the  2nd  general  council,  on  which some  remarks  have  been  made  elsewhere. [CoNC.  Const,  and  Antioch.]  But  the  abrupt- ness of  its  introduction  here  merits  attention, especially  when  viewed  in  connection  with  a short  scene  in  the  1st  action  (Mansi,  vi.  631-2). Diogenes,  bishop  of  Cyzicus,  there  remarked  that Eutyehes  had  dealt  fraudulently  in  professing his  faith  in  the  words  of  the  creed  of  Nicaea,  as it  stood  originally ;  for  it  had  received  additions from  the  holy  fathers  since  then,  owing  to  the false  teaching  of  Apollinarius,  Valentinus,  Mace- donius,  and  their  followers ;  two  such  being "  from  heaven  "  after  "  descended,"  and  "  by  the Holy  Ghost  of  the  Virgin  Mary "  after  "  in- carnate." This  is  the  first  clear  reference  to  the new  clauses  of  the  ConstantinOpolitan  creed  in this  or  any  other  council  extant.  And  it  is  to  be observed  that  even  the  creed  of  Nicaea,  quoted in  the  definition,  contains  them.  But  Diogenes had  hardly  finished  his  sentence,  when  the Egyptian  bishops  exclaimed,  "nobody  will  hear of  any  additions  or  subtractions  either:  let  what passed  at  Nicaea  stand  as  it  is."  Dioscorus  had urged  this  all  along.  Thus  advantage  was promptly  taken  of  his  condemnation  to  promul- gate this  creed  in  the  same  breath  with  that  of Nicaea,  while  the  account  given  of  the  additions occurring  in  it  by  Diogenes  is  such  as  to  connect it  at  once  with  those  synods  of  Antioch  and Rome,  at  which  the  errors  of  Apollinarius  and Macedonius  were  condemned.  Its  recital  was followed  by  the  same  shouts  of  adhesion  as  the older  form,  wliich  is  the  more  remarkable  as,  up to  that  time,  stress  had  been  laid  exclusively, both  here  and  at  the  synods  rehearsed  in  the first  action,  on  the  creed  of  Nicaea,  confirmed  at CHALCEDON Ei>hesus,  without  the  slightest  reference  to  any- thiQg  that  had  ever  passed  at  Constantinople. After  this,  the  two  lettei-s  of  St.  Cyril  were  read that  had  been  heard  ali-eady  from  the  acts  of  the council  under  Flavian,  and  then  the  letter  of  St. Leo  to  Flavian — the  reading  of  which  had  been prevented  at  the  "Robbers'  Meeting" — in  a Greek  translation.  Three  passages  in  it  were called  in  question  by  the  bishops  of  lUyria  and Palestine ;  but  Aetius  and  Theodoret  producing similar  expressions  from  St.  Cyril,  they  were accepted.  F^ive  days  were  allowed  for  further deliberation. At  the  3rd  action,  however,  October  13, two  days  in  advance  from  which  the  lay  dig- nitaries were  absent,  Eusebius  of  Dorylaeum having  brought  another  indictment  against  Dios- corus,  fresh  charges  were  produced  against  him also  by  two  deacons  and  one  layman  of  his  own church,  and  he  not  appearing  to  meet  them, after  having  been  twice  summoned,  was  formally deposed — the  Roman  legates,  by  general  consent, delivering  their  judgment  first,  and  the  rest  in order  assenting  to  it — but  the  sentence  of  his deposition  was  framed  on  the  model  of  that  of Nestorius.  Letters  were  written  to  the  emperor and  empress  and  to  his  own  clergy,  acquainting them  with  it. Action  4  followed,  October  17,  or  rather  15 (see  Mansi,  vii.  83),  when  the  judges  appeared true  to  their  engagement.  By  their  order minutes  of  the  1st  and  2nd  actions  were  read out,  to  the  marked  exclusion  of  what  had  passed at  the  3rd.  They  then  called  upon  the  bishops to  declare  what  had  been  decided  by  them  re- specting the  faith.  The  legates  replied  by  pro- nouncing the  faith  of  Nicaea,  Constantinople,  and Ephesus  to  have  been  embraced  by  the  council and  expounded  foithfully  by  St.  Leo  in  his  epistle to  Flavian.  To  this,  all  present  assented;  and .Juvenal,  Thalassius,  Eusebius,  Basil,  and  Eusta- thius,  the  five  bishops  who  had,  in  the  1st  actiop, been  classed  with  Dioscorus,  were  permitted  to sit  in  the  council  on  subscribing  to  it.  Con- sideration of  a  petition  from  13  Egyptian  bishops who  objected  to  do  so  was  adjourned  till  they had  elected  a  new  archbishop.  Eighteen  priests and  archimandrites  who  had  petitioned  the  em- peror were  next  heard.  Among  them  was  Bar- sumas  the  Syrian,  accused  of  having  murdered Flavian.  The  burden  of  their  petition  was  that Dioscorus  should  be  restored.  The  4th  and  5th canons  of  Antioch  were  quoted  from  a  book — in it  numbered  as  canons  83  and  4 — against  them, and  they  were  allowed  30  days  for  consideration whether  to  submit  to  the  council  or  be  deposed. Lastly,  Photius  of  Tyre  was  heard  in  behalf  of the  rights  of  his  church  against  Eustathius  of Berytus,  whose  city  had  been  created  a  metro- polis by  the  late  emperor.  The  council  ruled, and  the  judges  concurred,  that  the  question  be- tween them  should  be  settled  according  to  the canons,  and  not  prejudiced  by  any  pragmatical constitutions  of  the  empire. On  the  6th  action,  commencing  October  22, the  judges  called  on  the  bishops  to  produce  what had  been  defined  by  them  on  the  faith.  When read  it  gave  oftence  to  the  legates  and  some  few Easterns,  as  not  including  the  letter  of  St.  Leo. The  former  threatened  to  leave,  and  were  told they  might ;  but  on  reference  to  the  emperor, he  said  a  synod  should   be  held  in  the  West,  if CHALCEDON 335 they  could  not  agree.  A  committee  was  there- fore formed  of  the  principal  bishops,  and  at length  the  definition  appeared  with  the  creeds of  Nicaea  and  Constantinoj)le  following  in  suc- cession, but  authorised  equally,  in  the  first  part of  it ;  and  in  the  second,  the  synodical  letters  of St.  Cyril  to  Nestorius  and  to  the  Easterns,  and the  letter  of  St.  Leo  to  Flavian,  as  their  received exponents  on  the  mystery  of  the  Incarnation. On  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  those  creeds,  it was  particularly  said,  required  no  further  expla- nation ;  nor  was  any  other  faith  to  be  taught,  or creed  proposed  for  acceptance,  to  converts  from what  heresy  soever,  under  pain  of  deposition  in the  case  of  the  clergy  and  excommunication  in that  of  the  laity. At  the  5th  action,  October  25,  all  subscribed to  this  definition — the  Roman  legates  attesting merely  that  they  subscribed,  the  rest  that  they defined  as  well.  This  was  done  in  the  presence of  the  emperor  Marcian,  the  empress  Pulcheria, and  a  splendid  suite ;  the  emperor  telling  them in  a  short  address  that  he  had  come  thithei',  like Constantine,  to  confirm  what  they  had  done,  not to  display  his  power.  After  which,  he  approved of  their  definition,  and  announced  his  intention  of punishing  all  who  contravened  it,  according to  their  station.  At  his  instance  three  rules were  made ;  one  for  making  monks  more  depen- dent upon  bishops,  and  two  more  forbidding  the clergy  to'  undertake  secular  posts,  or  migrate from  the  church  to  which  they  belonged.  And here  the  council,  doctrinally  speaking,  ends. The  other  actions,  to  the  14th  inclusively,  re- lated to  matters  between  one  bishop  and  another, and  occupied  the  rest  of  Octobei-.  At  action  7 sanction  was  given  to  a  territorial  arrangement between  the  bishops  of  Antioch  and  Jerusalem, by  which  the  former  was  in  future  to  have jurisdiction  over  the  two  provinces  of  Phoenicia and  that  of  Arabia — the  latter  over  the  three called  Palestine.  At  the  8th  action  Theodoret,  who had  already  subscribed  to  the  definition  with  the rest,  was  called  upon  to  anathematise  Nestorius, which  he  did,  including  Eutyches,  and  three more  bishops  similarly  called  upon  did  the  same. The  9th  and  10th  actions  passed  in  enquiring  into what  had  been  decided  at  the  synods  of  Tyre  and Berytus  respecting  Ibas,  bishop  of  Edessa,  three years  before.  Their  acts  having  been  rehearsed, and  the  sentence  passed  upon  him  at  the  "  Rob- bers' Meeting"  summarily  cancelled,  he  was declared  orthodox  on  anathematising  Nestorius and  Eutyches,  and  restored  to  his  see.  Yet,  in- consistently enough,  in  another  case,  that  of Domnus  of  Antioch,  the  judgment  of  the  "Rob- bers' Meeting "  was  allowed  to  stand,  his  suc- cessor, 'Maximus,  having  been  consecrated  by Anatolius  of  Constantinople,  recognised  by  St. Leo,  and  received  at  this  council.  Domnus, whose  piety  was  admitted  by  all,  was  adjudged a  pension  out  of  the  revenues  of  the  see  in  which he  had  been  uncanonically  superseded.  The Greek  account  of  this  proceeding  indeed  has been  lost,  but  two  of  the  Latin  versions  contain- ing it  purport  to  have  been  made  from  tlie  Greek (Mansi,  vii.  177-8,  269-72,  and  771-4).  Actions 11  and  12  were  taken  up  in  hearing  a  con- tention between  Bassianus  and  Stephen  for  the see  of  Ephesus,  as  bishop  of  which,  Stephen  had hitherto  sat  and  voted  at  this  council.  Neither had   been  canonically  ordained   in  the  judgment 336 CHALCEDON of  the  council,  so  that  a  fresh  election  had  to  be made,  but  both  were  allowed  their  rank  and ordered  a  pension  of  200  aurei  respectively  out of  the  revenues  of  that  see.  In  the  former  of these  actions,  the  16th  and  17th  canons  of Antioch  were  read  out  of  a  book  by  Leontius, bishop  of  Magnesia,  numbered  as  95th  and  96th, and  api)lied  to  their  case.  At  the  13th  action Euuomius,  bishop  of  Nicomedia,  complained  that the  privileges  of  his  church  had  been  infringed by  the  bishop  of  Nicaea.  Imperial  constitutions were  quoted  on  both  sides,  which,  according  to the  judges  themselves,  had  nothing  at  all  to  do with  the  rights  of  bishops  :  and  the  4th  Nicene canon  which  Euuomius  read  out  of  a  book  as  the (>th,  settled  the  question  in  his  fiivour.  The  in- sertion of  a  salvo  to  the  see  of  Constantinople, proposed  by  its  archdeacon,  was  negatived  by the  judges,  who  said  that  its  rights  of  ordaining in  the  provinces  would  be  declared  in  their proper  order.  At  the  -lith  action,  Athanasius and  Sabinianus,  vv'ho  had  each  sat  and  subscribed as  bishop  of  Perrhe,  submitted  their  respective claims — the  former  adducing  two  lettei's  in  his favour  from  SS.  Cyril  and  Proclus,  the  latter  the acts  of  the  synod  of  Antioch  under  Domuus,  de- posing his  rival,  and  the  fact  of  the  "  Robbers' Meeting  "  having  restored  him.  For  the judgment  of  the  council,  see  Concil.  Hierap. A.D.  445. What  is  printed  as  the  15th  action,  without date  or  preface,  would  seem  to  be,  strictly speaking,  a  mere  continuation  of  the  10th  action by  the  hierarchy  for  framing  canons  after  the judges  had  retired.  This  would  follow  from  what is  said  to  have  passed  in  the  16th  action,  October 28 — at  least,  if  this  date  is  correct.  There  the legates  complained  to  the  judges  of  what  had been  done  yesterday,  after  the  latter  had  retired, and  subsequently  to  their  own  withdrawal  also. Now,  October  27  had  been  the  day  of  the  10th action,  and  the  11th  action  was  not  till  October 29.  Consequently  there  was  just  the  interval required  for  them  to  have  complained  on  October 28,  and  had  the  canon  to  which  they  objected read  out  publicly.  Thus,  when  Ibas  had  been acquitted,  the  judges  withdrew,  and  the  bishops, probably  not  expecting  any  more  business,  re- mained to  make  canons.  Twenty-seven  in  all, including  those  previously  recommended  by  the emperor,  were  drawn  up,  and,  according  to  one of  the  oldest  Latin  versions  e.xtant,  were  sub- scribed to  by  all,  not  excepting  the  legates (Mansi,  vii.  400-8).  After  the  legates  had  re- tired, the  Eastern  bishops  again  remained,  and agreed  to  three  more,  making  a  total  of  30  ;  but to  the  last  three  the  legates  had  not  been  parties, and  equally  declined  subscribing  the  day  after (Mausi,  ib.  429-54).  As  Beveridge  remarks, they  are  omitted  as  well  by  John  Scholasticus as  by  Dionysius  Exiguus  (ii.  124),  nor  have  they ever  been  received  in  the  West. ^  Only  the  28th,  however,  demands  any  notice. Those  who  were  most  interested  in  it  said  in  their defence  that  they  had  asked  the  legates  to  take part  in  framing  it,  and  they  had  replied  that they  were  without  instructions.  The  iudges.  on the  other  hand,  had  bade  them  refer  it  to  the council.  And  doubtless  it  was  as  much  a  ques- tion for  the  council  as  those  which  had  been settled  in  the  7th  and  13th  actions.  In  one sense  it  merely  renewed  the  3rd  canon  of  Cou- CHALCEDON stantiuople,  A.D.  381,  conferring  honorary  pre- cedence (TTpeo-jSeTa,  thi'oughout — erroneouslj  ren- dered by  the  Latins  in  each  case  "  primatum  ") upon  the  bishop  of  that  city  next  after  Romp, and  for  the  same  reason  as  had  there  been  given. And  if,  in  addition,  it  gave  the  bishop  of  that city  the  right  of  ordaining  metropolitans  in  the dioceses  of  Asia,  Pontus,  and  Thrace,  still  this was  afterwards  proved  to  have  been  done  with the  full  consent  of  the  bishops  of  those  dioceses. And  so  we  are  brought  to  what  really  passed  at the  16th  action,  opening  abruptly  with  a  speech  of the  legate  Lucentius  (Mansi,  vii.  441),  as  reported in  the  Greek  version.  Here  both  sides  were called  upon  by  the  judges  to  produce  the  canons on  which  they  relied  ;  and  the  legates,  in  quoting the  6th  of  Nicaea,  substituted  for  the  first  clause of  it,  "  Quod  ecclesia  Romana  semper  habuit primatum."  No  protest  was  actually  made  to these  words,  but  it  was  cited  in  its  genuine  form afterwards  by  the  Constantinopolitan  archdeacon. And  as  for  the  3rd  of  Constantinople,  Eusebius of  'Dorylaeum  testified  to  having  read  it  himself at  Rome  to  the  Pope,  and  to  his  having  received it  {ib.  449).  The  judges  at  last  having  delivered their  opinion  that  the  primacy  before  all,  and chiefest  honour,  according  to  the  canons,  should be  preserved  to  the  archbishop  of  elder  Rome,  but that  the  archbishop  of  Constantinople  ought  to have  the  honour  and  power  ass'.gned  him  in  this canon,  it  was  accepted  by  all  present,  in  spite  of the  legates,  who  had  previously  desired  to  have their  protest  recorded  against  what  had  been passed  m  their  absence,  for  this  2nd  speech  of Lucentius  clearly  followed  the  reading  out  of  the canon,  October  28.  Afterwards  it  was  denounced in  a  series  of  epistles  by  St.  Leo,  who  neverthe- less, neither  by  his  legates,  nor  in  his  own  name, seems  ever  to  have  objected  to  the  9th  and  17th canons  of  this  council,  authorising  appeals  to  the see  of  Constantinople  far  more  fully  than  the Sardican  canons  ever  had  to  Rome  (Bever.  ii. 115-6).  Yet  these  form  part  of  the  27  subscribed to  by  all,  including  the  legates,  and  received  in the  West.  No  others  among  them,  save  the  first, are  worth  noticing ;  but  these,  perhaps,  have never  been  sufficiently  noticed.  By  the  first  it is  decreed  that  "  the  canons  of  the  Holy  Fathers, made  in  every  synod  to  this  present  time,  be  in full  force " — in  other  words,  the  collection  of canons  published  by  Beveridge,  Justellus,  and others,  as  the  "  code  of  the  universal  Church,"  is ordered  to  become  law  (Bever.  ii.  108 ;  Cave, Hist.  Lit.  i.  486-7).  It  only  remains  to  observe that  Evagrius  attributes  no  more  than  14  actions to  this  council  (ii.  18),  and  seems  to  say  that most  of  the  canons  were  framed  at  the  7th. Other  accounts,  that  of  Liberatus,  for  instance (Brev.  i.  13),  vary  from  his.  Before  separating, the  bishops  addressed  the  empei-or  in  vindication of  their  definition,  and  the  Pope  in  vindication of  their  28th  canon  (Mansi,  vii.  455-74  and  vi. 147-61),  telling  St.  Leo  that  he  had  interpreted the  faith  of  Peter  to  them  in  his  epistle,  and presided  over  their  deliberations  in  the  person  of his  legates,  as  the  head  over  the  members.  The Pope  was  deaf  to  all  argument  on  the  subject  of the  canon,  while  setting  his  seal  to  their  definition. In  one  of  his  letters  to  Anatolius  (Mansi,  vi.  203) he  goes  so  far  as  to  say  that  the  3rd  canon  of Constantinople  had  never  been  notified  to  the apostolic  see,  though  Eusebius  of  Dorylaeum  had CHALDAEI testified  at  the  council  to  his  having  pulihcly received  it  himself.  In  the  same  spirit  it  i.s, perhaps,  too,  that  he  never  once  mentions  the creed  of  the  150  fathers  ;  in  other  words,  that  of Constantinople,  by  name,  though  he  must  have received  it  with  the  definition  of  this  council : and  indeed  he  said  of  it  latterly,  "  tam  plenis atque  perfectis  definitionibus  cuncta  firmata  sunt, ut  nihil  ei  regulae  quae  ex  divina  inspiratione prolata  est,  aut  addi  possit  aut  minui "  (£"/).  ad Leon.  Imp.,  Mansi,  vi.  308).  Such,  however, was  his  zeal  against  the  canon  that  he  was  at one  time  thought  not  to  have  approved  of  the definition. Edicts  in  succession  issued  from  the  emperor, ordering  all  persons  to  submit  to  the  council, and  forbidding  all  further  discussion  of  the points  settled  by  it.  The  law  of  the  late  em- peror, confirming  the  acts  of  the  "Robbers' Meeting,"  was  repealed  ;  Eutyches  deprived  of the  title  of  priest ;  and  Dioscorus  exiled  to Gangra  in  Paphlagonia.  Great  opposition  was nevertheless  made  to  its  reception  by  their  ad- mirers, in  Egypt  especially,  to  which  the  "Codex Encyclius,"  or  collection  of  letters  in  its  favour, addressed  for  the  most  part  to  the  emperor  Leo, on  his  accession,  a.D.  458,  was  intended  to  be  a counter-demonstration  (Mansi,  vii.  475-627  and 785-98).  [E.  S.  F.] CHALDAEI.    [Astrologers.] CHALICE.  (Latin,  calix  ;  Greek,  iroTt]piov, KvneWoi' ;  French,  calice ;  Italian,  calice ;  Ger- man, Kelch;  Anglo-Saxon,  calic.')  The  cup  in which  the  wine  is  consecrated  at  the  celebration of  the  Holy  Communion,  and  from  which  the communicants  drink.  Chalices  have  been  divided into  several  classes,  of  which  the  more  important are — oftertorial,  in  which  the  wine  brought  by the  communicants  was  received;  communical, in  which  the  wine  was  consecrated ;  and  mini- sterial, in  which  it  was  administered  to  the  com- municants. Vessels  of  this  description  being  indispensably required  for  the  celebration  of  the  most  impor- tant of  the  rites  of  the  Christian  religion  it  is obvious  that  from  the  very  earliest  period  some such  must  have  been  in  use,  but  it  does  not seem  possible  to  determine  ho^v  soon  they  began to  be  distinguished  by  form,  material,  or  orna- ment from  the  cups  used  in  ordinary  life.  Per- haps the  earliest  notice  which  we  have  of  any mark  by  which  a  cup  used  for  eucharistic  pur- poses was  distinguished  from  those  in  ordinary use,  is  the  passage  in  Tertullian  (Z)e  Pudicit.  c. 10) :  "  Si  forte  patrocinabitur  pastor,  quem  in calice  depingis,  prostitutorem  et  ipsum  Chris- tiani  sacramenti,  merito  et  ebrietatis  idolum  et moechiae  asylum  post  calicem  subsecuturae." It  seems  indeed  quite  possible  that  at  that early  period  when  the  administration  of  the Eucharist  was  connected  both  as  regards  time and  locality  with  the  feasts  of  charity  {agapae) the  distinction  between  the  vessels  used  for each  purpose  was  less  strongly  drawn  than afterwards  came  to  be  the  case,  and  that  in the  earliest  centuries  there  was  little  or  no  dis- tinction of  either  form  or  decoration  between the  eucharistic  cup  and  that  of  the  domestic table. The  eventually  exclusive  adoption  of  the  word *'  calix  "  as  signifying  the  eucharistic  cup,  may CHRtST.  ANT. CHALICE 337 perhaps  be  deemed  to  imply  that  the  form  of cup  most  generally  employed  in  the  celebration of  the  Communion,  was  that  specifically  called "  calix."  This  word  is  held  usually  to  denote  a cup  with  a  somewhat  shallow  bowl,  two  handles and  a  foot.  Vases  of  various  forms  are  often depicted  on  the  walls  or  vaults  of  the  catacombs, but  it  is  generally  uncertain  how  far  these  are merely  ornaments,  and  it  would  not  appear  that in  any  one  instance  a  representation  of  what  can with  certainty  be  assumed  to  be  a  eucharistic chalice  has  been  observed  among  these  paintings. It  would  at  first  sight  appear  extremely  probable that  among  these  numerous  representations  of vases,  some  at  least  should  be  intended  to  repre- sent that  which  was  above  all  precious  to  those for  whom  these  decorations  were  executed,  but the  paintings  of  the  earlier  period  are  with  hardly an  exception  allegorical  or  symbolical,  scarcely ever  in  a  primary  sense  historical,  and  never liturgical,  unless  the  allusions  to  the  sacraments conveyed  by  figures  of  fishes,  baskets  of  bread, and  tlie  like  deserve  to  be  so  called. Vasea  from  Sarcophagoa  at  Bordeaux It  has  been  supposed  by  some,  Boldetti  (^Osser- vazioni  sopra  i  Cimiteri  dei  SS.  Martiri)  among others,  that  the  glass  vessels  decorated  with gold  leaf,  the  bottoms  of  which  have  been  found in  considerable  numbers  in  the  catacombs  at- tached to  the  plaster  by  which  the  tiles  closing the  loculi  were  fixed,  were,  if  not  actually  cha- lices, at  least  drinking-vessels  in  which  the  com- Vase  from  the  Sarcophagtis  of  Atanlphns  at  Milan. municants  received  the  consecrated  wine,  and from  which  they  drank.  Padre  Garrucci  (  Vetri Ornati  d'  Oro,  Pref.  xi)  has  however  shown  that this  opinion  does  not  rest  on  any  secure  founda- tion. It  has  also  been  thought  that  the  figures of  vases  so  often  found  incised  on  early  Christian Z 338 CHALICE memorial  stones  were  intended  to  represent  cha- lices and  thereby  to  indicate  that  the  deceased person  was  a  priest.  Though  this  may  possibly have  sometimes  been  the  case,  other  and  more probable  explanations  of  the  occurrence  of  these fio-ures  of  vases  may  be  suggested ;  but  there  is a^marked  similarity  between  the  type  of  vase usually  employed  and  the  forms  of  the  earliest chalices  of  which  we  have  any  positive  know- ledge. The  woodcut  represents  one  of  these  vases  as shown  in  low  relief  on  the  sarcophagus  in  the chapel  of  St.  Aquilinus  attached  to  the  church of  S.  Lorenzo  at  Milan,  which  is  supposed  to  have contained  the  remains  of  Ataulphus  king  of  the Goths  (ob.  A.D.  415),  or  of  his  wife  Placidia. The  earliest  chalice  still  existing  is  probably that  found  with  a  paten  at  Gourdon  in  France, Chalice  foimd  at  Gollrdon. and  now  preserved  in  the  Bibliotheque  Impei"iale in  Paris.  This  is  represented  in  the  annexed  wood- cut, and  is  of  gold  ornamented  with  thin  slices of  garnets.  With  it  were  found  104  gold  coins of  Emperors  of  the  East,  25  of  which  of  Justin  I. (518-527)  being  in  a  fresh  and  unworn  condition and  the  latest  in  date  of  the  entire  hoard,  it  is reasonable  to  conclude  that  the  deposit  was  made in  the  earlier  part  of  the  6th  century. Of  not  much  later  date  were  the  splendid  cha- lices belonging  to  the  basilica  of  Monza,  no  longer in  existence,  but  of  which  representations,  evi- dently tolerably  accurate,  have  been  preserved  in a  large  painting  probably  executed  in  the  latter half  of  the  15th  century,  and  now  in  the  library Chalices  from  Monza. ot  that  church.  This  painting  represents  the i-estitutiou  to  the  basilica  of  the  contents  of  its treasury  which  took  place  in  1345.  These  cha- lices are  represented  in  the  accompanyino-  wood- cuts, bofh  were  of  gold  set  with  jewels;  their weight  IS  variously  stated  at  from  105  to  170 ounces.     Those  there  is  ground  to  believe,  were CHALICE in  the  possession  of  the  church  of  Monza  before the  year  600,  and  may  indeed  with  great  proba- bility be  supposed  to  be  of  even  greater  age.  A rude  sculpture  over  the  west  doorway  of  that church,  believed  to  date  from  circa  A.D.  600, represents  several  chalices  of  various  sizes,  some with  and  some  without  handles. Chalices  of  glass  of  very  similar  form  are  met withj  and  may  with  much  probability  be  attri- buted to  the  6th  or  7th  centuries  ;  two  examples are  in  the  British  Museum  ;  these  are  of  blue glass  and  somewhat  roughly  made.  As,  however, these  bear  neither  inscriptions  nor  any  Christian symbol,  it  cannot  be  affirmed  with  certainty  that they  were  sacramental  chalices.  Moi-oni  {Diz. di  Erudizione  Storico  -  Ecclesiast.)  mentions  a chalice  of  blue  glass  as  being  preserved  in  the church  of  the  Isola  S.  Giulio  in  the  lake  of  Orta in  Lombardy,  as  a  relic  of  the  saint  who  lived  in the  5th  century ;  this,  he  says,  was  without  a foot.     It  is  not  now  to  be  found  there. In  the  sacristy  of  the  church  of  Sta.  Anastasia at  Rome  a  chalice  is  preserved  as  a  relic,  as  it  is said  to  have  been  used  by  St.  Jerome  ;  the  bowl is  of  white  opaque  glass  with  some  ornament  in relief,  the  foot  is  of  metal. A  chalice  is  preserved  (?  at  Maestricht),  whicli is  believed  to  have  belonged  to  St.  Lambert, bishop  of  that  city  (ob.  708) ;  it  is  of  metal (?  silver)  gilt,  the  bowl  hemispherical,  the  foot a  frustum  of  a  cone  ;  the  whole  without  orna- ment. A  chalice  of  exactly  the  same  form  is  to  be seen  in  an  illumination  in  the  very  ancient gospels  preserved  in  the  library  of  Corpus  Christi College  at  Cambridge,  and  known  as  St.  Au- scustine's. Chahce  formerl' Until  the   year  1792  the  abbey  of  Chelles,  in the  diocese  of  Paris,  possessed  a  most  .splendid CHALICE example  of  a  golden  chalice  (see  woodcut),  which ancient  inventories  asserted  to  have  been  the work  of  St.  Eligius  (or  Eloi),  and  therefore  to date  from  the  first  half  of  the  7th  century. Fortunately  an  engraving  of  it  has  been  pre- served in  the  Panoplia  Sacerdotalis  of  Du  Saussay, and  the  cliaracter  of  the  work  corresponds  with the  alleged  date.  It  is  obviously  an  instance  of transition  from  earlier  to  later  forms,  though somewhat  esceptional  from  the  great  depth  of the  bowl.  It  was  about  a  foot  high  and  nearly ten  inches  in  diameter,  and  held  about  the  half of  a  French  litre. A  singular  exception  in  point  of  form  was  the chalice  which  was  found  with  the  body  of  St. Cuthbert  vi'hen  his  relics  were  examined  in  the year  1104;  this  is  described  as  of  small  size  and in  its  lower  part  of  gold  and  of  the  figure  of  a lion,  the  bowl  which  was  attached  to  the  back  of the  lion  being  cut  from  an  onyx  (^Act.  Sanct. Boll.  2  Mart.).  It  may  be  surmised  that  this was  not  really  made  for  a  chalice,  but  had  been presented  to  him  and  converted  to  that  use. Of  the  next  century,  the  8th,  a  very  i-emark- able  example  still  exists  in  the  convent  of  Krems- CHALICE 539 Chalice  at  KremsmOnBter. miinster  in  Upper  Austria ;  this  chalice  is  (vide woodcut)  of  bronze  ornamented  with  niello  and incrustations  of  silver.  As  the  inscription  shows that  it  was  the  gift  of  Tassilo,  duke  of  Bavaria, it  is  probably  earlier  than  A.D.  788,  the  year when  that  prince  was  deposed  by  Charles  the Great. One  of  the  bas-reliefs  of  the  altar  of  S.  Am- brogio  at  Milan  (finished  in  835)  gives  a  good example  of  the  form  of  a  chalice  in  the  beginning of  the  9th  century.  It  has  a  bowl,  foot,  and handles. So  much  may  be  gathered  from  still  existing examples,  or  representations  of  them  ;  much  may also  be  collected,  especially  as  regards  the  size and  weight  of  chalices  and  the  materials  of  which they  were    composed,    from    the   notices    to   be found  in  various  historical  documents,  and  par- ticularly in  the  Liher  Pmitificalis. It  has  been  asserted  that  in  the  apostolic  age chalices  of  wood  were  in  use  :  but  for  this  asser- tion there  is  no  early  authority  ;  St.  Boniface  in- deed is  reported  in  the  18th  canon  of  the  Council of  Tribur  to  have  said  that  once  golden  priests used  wooden  chalices,  and  Platina  (Z>e  Vil.  1  out.) asserts  that  Pope  Zephyrinus  (a.d.  197-217) ordered  that  the  wine  should  be  consecrated  not as  heretofore  in  a  wooden  but  in  a  glass  vessel. The  Liber  Fontificalis  in  the  life  of  Zephyrinus, however,  merely  says  that  he  ordered  patens  of glass  to  be  carried  before  the  priests  when  mass was  to  be  celebrated  by  the  bishop.  Glass  w;is no  doubt  in  use  from  a  very  early  date;  St. Jerome  {ad  Rustic.  Mvn.  Ep.  4)  writes  ot  Exu- perius,  bishop  of  Toulouse,  as  bearing  the  Lord's blood  in  a  vessel  of  glass,  and  St.  Gregory {Dialog,  lib.  i.  c.  7)  says  that  St.  Donatus,  bishop of  Arezzo,  repaired  by  prayer  a  chalice  of  glass broken  by  the  heathens.  The  use  of  wood  for chalices  was  prohibited  by  several  provincial councils  in  the  8th  and  9th  centuries  {Cone. Tribur.  can.  18),  of  horn  by  that  of  Ceal- chythe  {Cone.  Calcut.  can.  10),  and  Pope  Leo IV.  (847-855)  in  his  homily.  Be  Cura  Fas- torali,  lays  down  the  rule  that  no  one  shoula celebrate  mass  in  a  chalice  of  wood,  lead,  or glass.  Glass,  however,  continued  to  be  occa- sionally used  to  a  much  later  date.  Martene  {De Antiq.  Eccl.  Bit.  i.  iv.  p.  78)  shows  from  the life  of  St.  Wiuocus  that  in  the  10th  century  the monks  of  the  convent  in  Flanders  founded  by him  still  used  chalices  of  glass.  Pewter  was also  in  use,  and  it  would  seem  was  considered  as a  material  superior  to  glass,  for  we  are  told  of St.  Benedict  of  Aniane  (ob.  821)  that  the  vessels of  his  church  were  at  first  of  wood,  then  of  glass, and  that  at  last  he  ascended  to  pewter  (see  his Life,  by  Ardo,  c.  14,  in  Mabillon's  Act.  SS.  ord. S.  Benedicti,  Saec.  iv). A  chalice  of  glass  mounted  in  gold  is  men- tioned in  the  will  of  Count  Everhard,  a.d.  837 (Miraeus,  Op.  Dip.  t.  i.  p.  19).  A  chalice  of  ivory and  one  of  cocoa-nut  (?)  {de  nuce)  set  with  gold and  silver  are  mentioned  in  the  same  document ; those  however  may  have  been  drinking-cups,  not sacramental  chalices. The  use  of  bronze  appears  to  have  been  excep- tional and  perhaps  peculiar  to  the  Irish  monks. St.  Gall  {Mabillon's  Act.  SS.  ord.  S.  Ben.  Saec.  2, p.  241),  we  are  told,  refused  to  use  silver  vessels for  the  altar,  saying  that  St.  Columbanus  was accustomed  to  offer  the  sacrifice  in  vessels  of bronze -(aereis),  alleging  as  a  reason  for  so  doing that  our  Saviour  was  affixed  to  the  cross  by brazen  nails.  This  traditional  use  of  bronze  was no  doubt  continued  by  the  successors  of  the  Irish missionaries  in  the  South  of  Germany,  and  ex- plains why  the  Kremsmiinster  chalice  is  of  that material,  a  circumstance  which  has  caused  the question  to  be  raised  whether  that  vessel  was anything  but  a  mere  drinking  cup.  The  use  of niello  and  of  damascening  with  thin  silver  in the  decoration  of  this  vessel,  and  the  peculiar patterns  of  its  ornamentation,  connect  it  closely with  the  Irish  school  of  artificers,  who  were  in tlie  habit  of  employing  bronze  as  the  main  mate- rial of  their  works. The  precious  metals  were  however  from  a very  early,  perhaps  the  earliest,  period  most  pro- 340 CHALICE bably  the  usual  material  of  the  chalice.  The eai-liest  converts  to  Christianity  were  not  by  any means  exclusively  of  humble  station,  and  it  was not  until  it  spread  from  cities  into  remote  vil- lao;es  that  many  churches  would  have  existed whose  members  could  not  afford  a  silver  chalice  :_ nor  do  we  until  a  later  age  find  traces  of  a  spirit  of asceticism  which  would  prefer  the  use  of  a  mean material.  We  have  at  least  proof  of  the  use  of both  gold  and  silver  in  the  sacred  vessels  in  the beginning  of  the  4th  century,  for  we  are  told  by Optatus  of  Milevi  that  in  the  Diocletianian  perse- cution the  church  of  Carthage  possessed  many "ornamenta"  of  gold  and  silver  (Opt.  Mil. De  Schism.  Donat.  i.  17).  The  church  of  Cirta in  Numidia  at  the  same  time  possessed  two  golden and  six  silver  chalices  (^Gesta  Purgat.  Caeciliani, in  the  Works  of  Optatus.).  That  it  was  believed that  the  churches  possessed  such  rich  ornaments at  an  earlier  period  is  shown  by  the  language which  Prudentius  puts  into  the  mouth  of  the Praefectus  Urbis  interrogating  St.  Lawrence — "  Argenteis  scyphls  ferunt, Fumare  sacrum  sanguinem,"  &c {Peristeph.  Hymn  in.  69). The  passages  in  the  Lib.  Pont,  which  relate the  gifts  of  Constantine  to  various  churches  are with"  reason  suspected  as  untrustworthy,  but are  at  least  of  value  as  recording  the  traditions existing  at  an  early  age.  They  make  mention of  many  chalices,  some  of  gold,  some  of  silver ; 40  lesser  chalices  of  gold,  each  weighing  1  lb., and  50  lesser  ministerial  chalices  of  silver,  each weighing  2  lbs.,  are  said  to  have  been  given  to  the Constantinian  Basilica  (St.  John  Lateran),  and in  lesser  numbers  and  of  very  various  weights to  many  other  churches.  Whatever,  however, may  be  the  historical  value  of  these  passages, that  churches  in  the  4th  and  5th  centuries  pos- sessed great  numbers  of  golden  or  silver  chalices, cannot  be  doubted.  Gregory  of  Tours  (^Hist. P'ranc.  1.  ill.  c.  x.)  tells  us  that  Childebert  in  the year  531  took  among  the  spoils  of  Amalaric sixty  chalices  of  gold.  Many  instances  of  gifts  ot chalices  of  the  precious  metals  to  the  churches of  Rome  by  successive  popes  are  to  be  found  in the  Lib.  Pont.  Of  these  the  following  may  de- serve special  mention :  a  great  chalice  (calix major)  with  handles  and  adorned  with  gems, weighing  58  lbs. ;  a  great  chalice  with  a  syphon (cum  scyphone)  or  tube,  weighing  36  lbs. ;  a covered  (spanoclystus,  i.e.  eiravaiKXeiaTOs)  cha- lice of  gold,  weighing  32  lbs.  ;  all  three  given by  Pope  Leo  III.  (795  j. Little  is  to  be  found  as  to  the  decoration  of chalices ;  occasionally  they  bore  inscriptions,  as in  the  case  of  that  made  by  order  of  St.  Remigius (Remi,  ob.  533),  which  Frodoard  tells  us  bore the  following  verses  : — "  Hauriat  hiuc  populus  vitam  de  sanguine  sacro, Injei  to  aeternus  quem  fudit  vuluere  Cbristus, Kemigius  reddit  Domino  sua  vota  sacerdos." The  golden  chalices  of  Mon'za,  it  will  be  seen by  the  woodcuts,  were  splendidly  adorned  with gems,  which  in  the  painting  from  which  these figures  have  been  drawn,  are  coloured  green  and red,  but  the  only  symbol  betokening  their  desti- nation is  the  cruciform  arrangement  of  the  larger gems  on  one  of  them.  The  chalice  found  °at Gourdon  also  has  neither  inscription  nor  Chris- tian  symbol,   and   if  it  had  not  been  found  in CHALICE company  with  a  paten  bearing  a  cross  its  desti- nation might  have  been  a  matter  of  doubt. On  the  chalice  of  Kremsmiinster  are  on  the bowl  half-length  figures  of  Christ  and  the  four Evangelists,  on  the  foot  like  figures  of  four prophets. The  division  of  chalices  into  various  classes evidently  belongs  to  a  period  when  primitive simplicity  of  ritual  underwent  a  change  to  a more  complex  and  elaborate  system.  The  earlier Ordo  Bomanus  speaks  of  a  "  calix  quotidianus," and  opposes  to  this  the  "  cali.x  major "  to  be used  on  feast-days  ("  diebus  vero  testis  calicem et  patenam  majores  "),  but  says  nothing  of  any distinction  between  the  "  calix  sanctus  "  and  the "calix  ministerialis."  Reasons  of  convenience no  doubt  caused  the  use  of  chalices  of  very diflerent  sizes.  The  great  number  of  chalices  of small  size  mentioned  in  the  Lib.  Pontif.  and elsewhere  may  lead  to  the  supposition  that  at one  period  the  communicants  drank  not  from  one but  from  many  chalices  ;  but  this  matter  is  in- volved in  doubt. A  practice  existed  of  communicating  the  clergy alone  by  means  of  the  chalice  in  which  the  wine was  consecrated,  and  of  pouring  a  few  drops  from this  into  the  larger  chalice  which  was  offered  to the  laity.  When  this  practice  originated  or  how long  it  lasted  seems  obscure.  It  is  suggested  in the  article  "  Calix,"  in  Ducauge's  Glossary,  that the  verses  engraved  by  order  of  St.  Remi  on  the chalice  which  he  caused  to  be  made  (v.  ante) allude  to  this  practice ;  but  this  does  not  seem certain.  It  is  mentioned  in  the  Ordo  Rom.  (c. 29),  but  the  vessel  in  which  the  drops  of  con- seci-ated  wine  were  mixed  with  the  unconse- crated,  and  from  which  the  laity  drank  through a  "  fistula  "  or  "  pugillaris,"  is  called  scyphus, and  is  apparently  the  same  vessel  as  that  carried by  an  acolyte  at  the  time  when  the  oblations were  received  from  the  laity  and  into  which  the contents  of  the  calix  major  (c.  13)  were  poured when  the  latter  had  become  filled.  Pope  Gregory 11.  (a.D.  731-735),  in  his  epistle  to  Boniface, disapproves  of  the  practice  of  placing  more  than one  chalice  on  the  altar  ("  congruum  non  esse duos  vel  tres  calices  in  altario  ponere  ").  When this  practice  was  in  use  we  may  conclude  that the  large  chalices  with  handles  were  those  used for  the  laity. The  large  chalices  were  also  used  to  receive the  wine  which  the  intending  communicants brought  in  amulae  ;  as  in  the  1st  Ordo  Rom.  c. 13  ("  Archidiaconus  sumit  amulam  Pontificis  .  .  . et  refundit  super  colum  in  calicem  ").  When used  in  this  manner  it  is  called  "  offertorius  "  or "  ofFei-endarius."  "  Calices  baptismi  "  or  "  bap- tismales  "  were  probably  those  used  when  the Eucharist  was  administered  after  baptism,  and possibly  for  the  milk  and  honey  which  it  was  the custom  in  some  churches  {Cone.  Carth.  iii.  c.  24) to  consecrate  at  the  altar  and  to  administer  to infants.  Pope  Innocent  I.  (a.d.  402-417)  is  said in  the  Lib.  Pontif.  to  have  given  "  ad  ornatum baptisterii "  (apparently  of  the  basilica  of  SS. Ge'rvasius  and  Protasius  at  Rome)  three  silver "  calices  baptismi,"  each  weighing  2  lbs.  Whe- ther the  baptismal  chalices  difiered  from  other chalices  in  form  or  in  any  other  respect  is  not known. Besides  the  chalices  actually  used  in  the  rites of  the  church,  vessels  called  "  calices  "  were  sus- CHALICE pended  from  the  arches  of  the  ciborium  and  even from  the  iutercoluniniations  of  the  nave  and other  parts  of  the  church  as  ornaments.  In  the TAh.  Pontif.  we  find  mention  of  sixteen  "calicos" of  silver  jilaced  by  Pope  Leo  IV.  (847-8)  on  the enclosure  of  the  altar  (super  circuitu  altaris)  in the  Vatican  basilica,  of  sixty-four  suspended  be- tween the  columns  in  the  same  church,  and  of forty  in  a  like  position  at  S.  Paolo  f.  1.  m.  Many of  these  were,  however,  most  probably  cups  or CHAPEL 341 Suspended  Chalices. vases,  not  such  as  would  have  been  used  for  the administration  or  consecration  of  the  Eucharist. The  di'awings  in  MSS.  show  suspended  vessels  of the  most  varied  forms  ;  some  examples  taken  from the  great  Carlovingian  bible  formerly  in  the  Bibl. Imjt.  Paris,  now  in  the  Jluse'e  des  Souverains  in the  Louvre,  are  shown  in  woodcuts.         [A.  N.] CHALICE,  ABLUTION  OF.  [Purifi- cation.] CHALONS-SUR-SAONE,  COUNCILS  OP. [Cabillonense],  provincial:  —  (1)  a.d.  470,  to elect  John  bishop  of  Chalons  (Labb.  Cone.  iv. 1820).  (2)  A.D.  579,  to  depose  Salonius  and  Sa- gittarius, bishops  respectively  of  Embrun  and Gap,  deposed  by  a  previous  council  (of  Lyons, A.D.  5G7),  restored  by  Pope  John  III.,  and  now again  deposed  (Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Franc,  v.  21,  28  ; Labb.  Cone.  v.  963,'^  904).  (3)  a.d.  594,  to  re- gulate the  psalmody  at  the  church  of  St.  Mar- cellus  after  the  model  of  Agnune  (Labb.  Cone. v.  185:3).  (4)  A.D.  603,  to  depose  Desiderius, bishop  of  Vienne,  at  the  instigation  of  Queen Drunichilde  (Fredegar.  24;  Labb.  Cone.  v.  1612). (5)  A.D.  650,  Nov.  1,  of  thirty-three  bishops, with  the  "  vicarii "  of  six  others,  enacted  20 canons  respecting  discij)line  :  dated  by  Le  Comte A  D.  694  (Labb.  Cono.  vL  387).  [A.  W.  H.] CHANCEL  (to  ivZov  Twv  KtyK\iScov,  Theo- doret,  //.  E.  v.  18).  The  space  in  a  church  which contains  the  choir  and  sanctuary,  and  which  was generally  separated  from  the  nave  by  a  rail  or grating  (cancelli),  from  which  it  derives  its  name. "  Cancellus,  cantorum  excellens  locus  "  (Papias, in  Ducange,  s.  v. ;  compare  Cancelli).  It  is  a characteristic  difference  between  Eastern  and Western  churches  that  in  the  former  the  dis- tinction between  the  bema  (or  sanctuary)  and the  choir  is  much  more  strongly  marked  than that  between  the  choir  and  the  nave,  in  the latter  the  distinction  between  the  nave  and  the choir  is  much  more  strongly  marked  than  that between  the  choir  and  the  sanctuary.  Compare Choir,  Prksbytery.  [C] CHANT.    [Gregorian  JIusic] CHAPEL.  A  building  or  apartment  used  for the  performance  of  Christian  worship  in  cases  in which  the  services  are  of  an  occasional  character, or  in  which  the  congregation  is  limited  to  the members  of  a  family,  a  convent,  or  the  like. Greek,  Trape/c/cAijo-i'a ;  Latin,  capella,  oratorium. In  the  languages  of  the  Latin  and  Teutonic  fa- milies a  modification  of  the  word  '  capella'  is  in use,  as  also  in  Polish.     In  Russian  pridel. The  derivation  of  the  word  'capella'  is  a matter  of  doubt.  The  Monk  of  St.  Gall  {Vita Car.  Mag.  i.  4)  states  that  the  name  was  de- rived from  the  'capa'  or  cloak  of  St.  Jlartin  : "  Quo  nomine  {i.e.  'capella')  Francorum  reges propter  capam  St.  Martini  sancta  sua  appellare solebant."  The  word  '  capella '  is  said  to  be  found in  inscriptions  in  the  Koniau  catacombs  in  the sense  of  a  sarcophagus,  a  grave,  or  place  of burial.  It  occurs  at  a  later  time  as  used  for  a reliquary,  and  for  the  chamber  in  which  reliques were  preserved ;  as  in  a  charter  of  Childebert  of A.D.  710,  published  by  Mabillon  {De  Re  Dipl), in  which  the  passage  "  in  oratorio  suo  seu  capella S.  Blarthini "  occurs.  The  canopy  over  an  altar was  also  called  '  capella'  (compare  Cdpella).  In the  sense  of  a  chamber  or  building  employed  for divine  worship,  it  does  not  seem  to  have  been  in use  in  early  times.  Among  early  instances  of  its employment  which  have  been  noticed,  are,  in the  capitularies  of  Charles  the  Great  {Capit.  v. 182),  where  it  is  applied  to  chapels  in  or  an- nexed to  palaces ;  and  in  the  passage  in  the laws  of  the  Lombards  (iii.  3,  22),  "  ecclesiae et  capellae  quae  in  vestra  parochia  sunt,"  where detached  buildings  are  probably  referred  to.  In the  earlier  centuries  "  oratorium "  would  no doubt  have  been  used  in  either  sense,  as  in  the 21st  cap.  of  the  Council  of  Agde,  A.D.  506.  "Si quis  etiam  extra  parochias  in  quibus  legitimus est  ordinariusque  conventus  oratorium  in  agio habere  voluerit  reliquis  festivitatibus  ut  ibi missas  teneat  jtropter  fatigatiouem  familiae  justa ordinatione  permittimus ;"  but  with  the  proviso that  the  greater  festivals  should  be  celebrated "  in  civitatibus  aut  in  pai-ochiis." Chapels  may  be  divided  into  several  classes  : — 1st,  as  regards  their  relation  to  other  churches  ; being  (A)  dependent  on  the  church  of  the  parish, or  (B)  independent,  in  some  cases  even  exempt from  episcopal  visitation.  2dly,  as  regards  their material  structure ;  being  (A)  apartments  in palaces  or  other  dwellings ;  (B)  buildings  form- ing part  of  or  attached  to  convents,  hermitages, or  the  like  ;  (C)  buildings  forming  parts  of  or attached  to  larger  churches  ;  (D)  sepulchral  or other  wholly  detached  buildings.  No  strictly accurate  division  is,  however,  possible,  for  in  some cases  buildings  might  be  placed  in  either  of  two classes. It  is  here  proposed  to  speak  of  chapels  with regard  to  their  material  aspect  only ;  and  build- ings which  from  an  architectural  point  of  view do  not  differ  from  churches  will  be  mentioned under  the  head  Church.  As  however  it  is  im possible  to  draw  a  clear  line  between  churches and  chapels,  several  buildings  will  be  found treated  of  under  Church,  which  in  strictness should  perhaps  be  rather  deemed  chapels ;  some of  these,  as  Sta.  Costanza  at  Rome,  being  too important  in  an  historical  point  of  view,  or too  extensive  and  magnificent,  to  be  omitted from  any  attempt  to  trace  the  progress  of  church building  in  its  main  line. Gatticus  {Dc  Orat.  Dam.)  has  collected   many 342 CHAPEL proofs  of  the  early  existence  of  domestic  or private  chapels ;  but  the  earliest  existing example  of  the  first  class  is  probably  the  small chapel  now  known  as  the  Sancta  Sanctorum (originally  St.  Lawrence)  in  the  fragment  of the  ancient  palace  of  the  Lateran  which  still remains.  It  was  the  private  chapel  of  the popes,  and  apf)ears  to  have  existed  as  early  as A.D.  383 ;  for  Pope  Pelagius  II,  then  placed there  certain  relics  (MSS.  Bibl.  Vat.  ap.  Baronius). It  is  a  small  oblong  apartment  on  an  upper  floor. The  example  next  in  date  has  fortunately  been singularly  well  preserved.  It  exists  in  the  palace of  the  archbishops  of  Ravenna,  being  their  private chapel.  It  was  constructed,  or  at  any  rate  deco- rated with  mosaic,  by  the  Archbishop  Peter  Chry- sologus  (elected  in  A.D. 429).  It  is  a  simple  oblong with  a  vaulted  roof.  Of  the  same  character  is the  chapel  at  Cividale  in  Friuli,  which,  although forming  part  of  a  Benedictine  convent,  as  it  mea- sures only  30  feet  by  18  feet,  can  hardly  have been  other  than  a  private  chapel,  probably  of  the abbat.  It  is  attributed  on  historical  evidence  to the  8th  century.  It  is  a  parallelogram  without an  apse,  about  two-fifths  being  parted  off  by  a low  wall,  to  serve  as  a  choir. Oratory  at  Gallorns. Buildings  of  the  second  class,  viz.,  conventual chapels,  were  intended  for  the  private  and daily  use  of  the  community  ;  the  larger  churches for  celebration  on  great  festivals,  when  large numbers  of  strangers  attended  the  services.  In some  instances  even  more  than  two  chapels existed  in  a  monastery ;  for  Adamnan  {De  situ terrae  Sanctae,  ii.  24)  says  that  at  Mount Thabor,  within  the  wall  of  enclosure  of  the  monas- tery, were  three  churches,  "non  parvi  aedificii." In  the  tower  or  keep  of  the  convent  of  St.  Ma- carius  in  the  Nitrian  valley  are  three  chapels, one  over  the  other  (Sir  Gardner  Wilkinson,  Band- book  of  Egypt);  but  it  does  not  appear  what  their date  IS.  Sir  Gardner  Wilkinson  {Handbook  of Egypt,  p.  305)  states  that  a  tradition  among  the monks  attributes  the  foundation  of  the  convent to  the  5th  century. In  Ireland  still  exist  some  small  chapels  which may  be  assigned  with  probability  to  very  early dates.  Mr.  Petrie  {The  Ecclesiastical  Architecture of  Ireland,  p.  133)  thinks  that  such  structures CHAPEL as  the  Oratory  at  Gallerus  in  Kerry,  shewn  in  the woodcut,  may  be  considered  to  be  the  first  erected for  Christian  uses,  and  as  ancient  as,  if  even  not more  ancient,  than  the  conversion  of  the  Irish  by St.  Patrick.  This  example  measures  externally 23  feet  by  10,  and  is  16  feet  high,  the  walls being  4  feet  thick.  It  has  a  single  window in  its  east  end.  On  each  of  the  gables  were small  stone  crosses,  of  which  the  Sockets  only now  remain. Of  somewhat  later  date,  but  Mr.  Petrie  thinks as  early  as  the  5th  or  6th  centuries,  are  such buildings  as  Tempull  Ceannanach,  on  the  middle island  of  Arran,  in  the  bay  of  Galway.  This  mea- sures internally  16  feet  by  12,  and  is  built  of  very large  stones,  one  not  less  than  18  feel  in  length. The  church  of  St.  MacDara,  on  the  island  of Cruach  Mhic  Dara,  off  the  coast  of  Connemara, measures  internally  15  feet  by  1 1.  Its  roof  was  of solid  stone,  built  in  courses  until  they  met  at  the top. The  above-mentioned  examples  are  simple quadrangular  buildings  without  distinction  be- tween nave  and  chancel,  but  others  are  met with,  apparently  of  equal  antiquity,  in  which a  small  chancel  is  attached  to  the  nave  and  en- tered by  an  archway.  In  no  case is  an  apse  found  in  Ireland. ^^^=^  The  buildings  of  this  class  are '=^  so    rude    and    simple    that    it    is not  easy  to  establish  satisfactorily _  any  chronological  arrangement founded  on  their  architectural '  haracter;  it  would  appear,  how- '  ver,  that  buildings  of  similar rliaracter  were  constructed  until in  the  11th  or  12th  centuries  moi-e ornate  structures  were  erected. Many  of  these  small  chapels were,  however,  constructed  of wood,  and  the  whole  class  was known  (Petrie,  p.  343)  as  '  duir- theachs,'  or  '  dertheachs,'  the  pro- bable etymology  of  which  is  "house of  oak."  It  appears  from  a  frag- ment of  a  commentary  on  the Brehon  laws  (Petrie,  p.  365)  that -^  15  by  10  were  customary  dimen- sions for  such  buildings,  and  the stone    chapels   are   usually  found not  to  differ  very  greatly  fiom  them. Buildings  of  very  similar  character  exist  in Cornwall,  and  their  foundation  is  attiibuted  to missionaries  from  Iidind.  su(  h  w  is  the  chapel of  Pen-anzribul.K,  i  1    ^t    i'li  iii   lu   tli.   suid,  said to  have  been  founded  by  St.  Piian  (or  as  he  is called  in  Ireland  St.  Kicran)  in  the  5th  centuiy. It  had  been  completely  buried  in  the  shifting sand  of  the  coast,  but  in  1835  the  sand  was  re- CHAPEL moved,  and  the  building  discovered  in  an  almost perfect  state  ;  it  is  29  ft.  long  externally  by  IGj broad  ;  as  will  be  seen  from  the  plan,  it  was  a simple  parallelogram,  but  divided  into  two  parts by  a  wall  or  screen.  The  tomb  of  the  saint apparently  served  as  an  altar. The  chapel  of  St.  Madderu  is  very  similar  in plan,  but  has  the  peculiarity  of  having  a  well in  one  angle  ;  that  of  St.  Gwythiau  has  both  nave and  chancel,  the  latter  entered  by  a  narrow  door- way. Mention  of  several  others  of  like  character will  be  found  in  a  paper  by  the  Rev.  W.  Haslam, in  vol.  ii.  of  the  Architectural  Journal.  The  ma- sonry of  these  buildings  is  very  rude  and  irre- gular, but  the  huge  stones,  and  roofs  construC' ted  of  stone,  which  are  found  in  Ireland  do not  seem  to  occur  in  Cornwall.  A  building  of like  character  was  disinterred  froiii  the  sands of  the  coast  of  Northumberland  in  1853,  near Ebb's  Nook,  not  far  from  Bamborough ;  it  closely resembles  the  Cornish  oratories.  The  name  seems to  connect  it  with  St.  Ebba  (ob.  683),  sister  of St.  Oswald,  king  of  Northumberland. Some  of  the  Cornish  chapels  were  perhaps rather  those  of  hermitages  than  of  convents,  and the  same  observation  may  be  applied  to  the  like buildings  in  Ireland. Chapels  of  the  third  class,  those  attached  to churches,  may  be  divided  into  three  sections : A,  those  forming  part  of  the  main  building  above ground  ;  B,  those  connected  with  the  main  build- ing, but  distinct  from  it ;  C,  those  under  ground, or  crypts. Although  very  many  churches  built  before A.D.  800,  exist  in  such  a  state  that  we  may  feel tolerably  certain  that  we  possess  an  accurate knowledge  of  their  original  ground-plans,  scarcely any  clear  examples  of  chapels  which  could  be placed  in  the  first  section  can  be  pointed  out.  We cannot  suppose  the  apartments  which  are  found in  very  many  of  the  churches  of  the  5th  and  6th centuries  in  central  Syria  on  either  side  of  the uarthex  to  have  been  chapels  in  the  sense  of having  been  used  for  divine  worship ;  nor  were the  lateral  apses  originally  constructed  for  a  like use,  since  we  have  contemporary  testimony  (Pau- linus  of  Nola,  Ep.  xxxii.)  that  one  was  used  as a  sacristy,  and  the  other  as  a  place  in  which tlie  devout  might  read  the  scriptures  and  olTer [irayers  ;  if,  however,  we  define  the  word  chapel  so as  to  admit  apartments  destined  to  serve  as  places for  prayer,  but  not  for  the  celebration  of  the rites  of  the  church,  we  must  consider  the  lesser apse  on  the  left  of  the  great  apse  as  a  chapel. In  the  description  which  St.  Paulinus  has  given {Ep.  xxxii.)  of  the  basilica  of  St.  Felix,  mention is,  however,  made  of  '  cubicula '  in  the  following passage :  "  Totum  extra  concham  basilicae,  spa- tium  alto  et  lacunato  culmine  geminis  utrinque porticibus  diktat  ur,  quibus  duplex  per  singulos arcus  columnarum  ordo  dirigitur.  Cubicula  intra portions  quaterna  longis  basilicae  lateribus  in- serta  secretis  orantium  vel  in  lege  Domini  medi- tantium  praeterea  memoriis  religiosorum  et  fa- miliarium  accommodates  ad  pacis  aeternae  re- quiem locos  pi'aebent."    [Cubiculum.] This  passage  seems  to  show  clearly  that  in some  instances  apartments  were  placed  by  the sides  of  the  nave,  but  this  was  probably  very  ex- ceptional, for,  as  has  been  said  above,  no  example of  such  a  plan  now  exists.  It  should,  however, be   noticed  that  in  two  churches  of  very  early CHAPEL 343 date  openings  have  existed  in  the  side  walls  with which  chapels  may  have  been  connected ;  these are  the  churches  of  Sta.  Croce  in  Gerusalemme and  that  of  Sta.  Balbina,  both  at  Rome;  in  the first  were  five  openings  on  each  side  of  the  nave, in  the  second  six.  the  first  of  these  buildings is,  however,  held  to  have  been  the  hall  of  the palace  of  the  Sessorium,  and  not  originally  con- structed to  serve  as  a  church ;  the  second  is believed  to  date  from  the  5th  century,  but  to have  been  reconsecrated  by  St.  Gregory  about A.D.  600. At  a  very  much  later  date  we  find  in  the church  of  Sta.  Christina  at  Pola  do  Lena,  near Oviedo,  in  Spain,  apartments  attached  to  and entered  from  the  nave.  These  are  no  doubt  con- temporary with  the  church,  the  date  of  which  is probably  near  A.D.  809.  These  apartments  may have  been  chapels,  but  it  has  been  surmised  that they  were  really  built  to  serve  as  sacristies. The  like  arrangement  occurs  at  Sta.  Maria  de Naranco,  near  Oviedo,  which  dates  from  A.D.  84-8. One  almost  unique  example  exists  in  the  church of  Romain  Motier,  where  the  upper  story  of  the narthex  has  a  small  apse  on  the  east,  and  was therefore  probably  intended  to  serve  as  a  chapel  ; it  is  nearly  square  in  plan,  and  divided  into three  aisles  by  two  ranges  of  columns  supporting groined  vaults.  As  the  church  of  which  this forms  a  part  was  a  large  conventual  one,  this was  probably  intended  to  serve  as  the  smaller chapel  generally  found  in  convents.  The  church is  believed  to  date  from  753,  the  narthex  to  be somewhat  later. The  chapels  which  belong  to  the  second  section, viz.  those  attached  to  churches,  but  distinct buildings,  are  not  very  numerous,  and  in  most cases  their  primary  object  was  sepulchral.  Such the  three  attached  to  the  church  of  St.  Lorenzo at  Milan  would  appear  to  have  been,  though  it has  been  suggested  that  that  on  the  south  was a  baptistery,  and  that  on  the  north  a  porch  or vestibule. That  on  the  south,  now  called  the  church  of St.  Aquilinus,  is  octagonal  externally,  while  in- ternally semicircular  and  rectangular  niches  al- ternate, one  in  each  face ;  in  it  are  two  massive sarcophagi,  one  of  which  is  believed  to  contain the  remains  of  Ataulphus,  king  of  the  Goths. The  conchs  of  two  of  the  niches  retain  some mosaics  of  a  very  early  period,  perhaps  the  5th century.  This  building  is  connected  with  the church  by  a  vestibule,  supposed  by  Hiibsch  {Alt- Christliche  Kirchen,  p.  22)  to  be  of  later  date  ; it  is  a  square  vaulted  chamber  with  apses  east and  west.  The  chapel  of  St.  Sixtus  on  the  north side  has  exactly  the  same  plan,  but  is  much smaller ;  that  of  St.  Hippolytus  at  the  east  end of  the  church  is  also  octangular  externally,  but internally  forms  a  cross  with  four  equal  limbs. All  three  are  probably  not  remote  in  date  from the  church  itself,  which  would  seem  to  have  been built  about  the  end  of  the  4th  or  the  beginning of  the  5th  century. In  like  manner  Pope  Hilarus  (461-467)  added to  the  baptistery  of  the  Lateran  chapels  dedi- cated in  honour  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  and St.  John  the  Evangelist. Of  the  early  part  of  the  9th  century  we  have a  most  interesting  example  in  the  chapel  of  St. Zeno  attached  to  the  church  of  St.  Praxedis  (Sta. Prassede)   at    Rome,    built    by   Pope   Paschal   I. 3U CHAPEL CHAPEL about  819  and  fortunately  preserved  almost  un-  I  the  catacombs  in  which  the  i-emains  of  martyrs altered.  It  is  in  plan  a  square  with  three  rect-  |  or  confessors  had  been  placed.  What  could  be angular   recesses,    the  walls    are    covered   with ..larble  and  the  lunettes  and  vaults  with  mosaic. This  chapel  is  entered  from  the  nave,  and  the doorway  is  very  remarkable,  being  partly  made up  of  ancient  materials  and  partly  original  work, as  the  inscription  testifies,  of  Pope  Paschal's time.  Over  this  doorway  is  a  window,  and  the wall  around  it  is  covered  with  medallion  por- traits of  our  Lord,  the  Apostles,  and  some  other saints  in  mosaic.  The  execution  is  but  rude. This  chapel  is  contemporaneous  with  the  church to  which  it  is  attached,  and  is  perhaps  the  earliest undoubted  instance  of  such  an  arrangement ;  it IS,  however,  so  constructed  as  both  externally and  internally  to  seem  an  independent  building attached  to  the  church  and  not  a  portion  of  it. The  practice  of  constructing  such  appendages to  a  church  seems,  however,  to  have  continued exceptional  until  the  end  of  our  period.  None appear  on  the  plan  for  the  monastery  of  St.  Gall, no  doubt  prepared  between  820  and  830  ;  nor  do any  seem  to  have  formed  parts  of  the  minster  of Aix-la-Chapelle. In  the  East,  as  the  rule  that  there  should  be only  one  altar  in  a  church  has  always  existed, chapels  (in  the  sense  of  apartments  in  which celebrations  of  the  eucharistic  service  could  take place)  have  rarely  formed  parts  of  churches,  but sometimes  are  found  attached  to  them.  One  in- stance of  a  chapel  attached  to  a  church  would appear  to  exist  in  the  church  of  St.  Demetrius  at Thessalonica,  where  a  small  triapsal  building  is attached  (v.  Texier  and  Pullan,  Byzantine  Arch. pi.  xviii.)  to  the  east  end  of  the  south  side  of  the church.  It  has  been  suggested  that  this  was  a sacristy,  but  its  form  seems  to  show  that  it  was really  a  chapel  ;  it  may  possibly  have  belonged to  the  adjacent  monastery.  To  the  church  of the  convent  of  St.  Catherine  on  Mount  Sinai six  chapels  are  attached  on  each  side  of  the nave,  but  these  are  doubtless  not  of  the  original fabric.  " The  third  class,  viz.  subterranean  chapels, doubtless  had  their  origin  from  the  chambers  in more  natural  than  that  when  a  church  or  an oratory  was  built  over  the  spot  where  a  martyr had  been  interred,  the  chamber  should  be  pre- served and  made  accessible  ? We  have  probably  an  instance  of  one  of  these chambers  preserved  in  the  remains  of  the  basilica of  St.  Stefano,  in  Via  Latina,  built  by  Pope  Leo  I., 440-461.  Where,  however,  no  chamber  existed, a  crypt  was  not  constructed.  Hence,  in  the earlier  churches  of  the  city  of  Rome,  we  find  no crypt  forming  part  of  the  original  plan,  but small  excavations  under  the  altar,  to  receive some  holy  corpse  brought  from  the  extramural cemeteries.     [CoNFESSiO.] St.  Gregory,  we  are  told,  "fecit  ut  super corpus  beati  Petri  et  beati  Pauli  Apostolorum Missae  celebrarentur."  He  probably  formed  a crypt  and  placed  the  'loculus'  in  it,  erecting an  altar  in  the  church  above  over  the  bodies.^ After  this  time  frequent  mention  is  made  of the  confession  as  a  vault  with  stairs  leading  into it.  In  those  churches  of  the  earlier  period  at Rome,  which  remain  in  a  tolerably  unaltered state  as  Sta.  Sabina (A.D.  425)  and  Sta. Maria  in  Trastevere, only  very  small  vaults are  found  as  confes- sions, but  in  S.  Apol- linare  in  Classe,  at Ravenna,  a  crypt  ap- pears as  part  of  the original  structure;  it consists  of  a  passage running  within  the wall  of  the  apse,  and another  passing  under the  high  altar. French  antiquaries (Martigny,  Bid.  des Antiq.  Chr^t.  art. '  Crypte ')  have  claimed a  very  high  antiquity for  crypts  under  seve- ral churches  in  France, e.g.  that  under  the church  of  St.  Mellon (?  St.  Gervais),  at Rouen,  is  alleged  to show  the  construction  of  the  4th  century.  It would  seem  probable  that  in  most  cases  where they  belong  to  early  periods  they  are  ancient sepulchral  chapels  or  oratories,  or,  possibly, tombs  of  the  Roman  period,  and  not  structural crypts.  Two  crypts,  however,  exist,  which were,  it  would  seem,  structural ;  these  are  those of  St.  Irenaeus  at  Lyons  and  of  St.  Victor  at Marseilles.  The  first  of  these  has  a  central  and side  aisles  divided  originally  by  columns  which carry  arches,  the  courses  of  which  are  of  brick and  stone  alternately,  above  there  is  a  string and  a  barrel  vault.  The  central  aisle  ends  in  an apse ;  the  church  is  said  to  have  been  founded in  the  4th  century.  The  crypt  of  St.  Victor  is in  connection  with  some  catacombs,  the  original church  dated  from  the  5th  century.  The  crypt consists  of  a  series  of  vaulted  compartments divided  by  very  massive  rectangular  piers. Two  remarkable  crypts  exist  in  England,  those in  the  cathedral  of  Ripon  and  in  the  alibcy  church ,/>^ CHAPEL of  Hexham :  both  are  attributed  to  St.  Wilfrid, who  founded  monasteries  at  both  places ;  that  at liipon  between  070  and  678,  that  at  Hexham about  673.  It  appears  from  the  testimony  of Leland  {Itin.  i.  89,  2nd  ed.)  that  the  actual cathedral  of  Ripon  does  not  occupy  the  same place  as  the  church  of  the  abbey  built  by  Wilfrid, and  there  is  much  uncertainty  whether  the  lilce is  not  true  of  the  church  of  Hexham. The  similarity  of  the  plans  and  the  peculiarity of  the  structures  can  leave  no  doubt  that  one [icTsou  planned  both,  and  this  can  hardly  have been  any  other  than  St.  Wilfrid.  The  model which  he  followed  was  evidently  not  the  con- fession of  a  church  but  the  cubiculum  and galleries  of  a  Roman  catacomb,  and  the  principal vault  in  each  does  in  fact  bear  considerable  re- semblance to  the  cubiculum  adjacent  to  the cemetery  of  St.  Callixtus  (about  two  miles  from Rome  in  the  Via  Appia),  in  which  the  bodies  of SS.  Peter  and  Paul  are  said  to  have  remained  for a  considerable  time. The  vault  in  question  (Marchi,  Boma  Sott. pi.  xli. ;  Catacombs,  p.  310)  has  an  arched  roof nearly  semicircular,  but  really  formed  by  five small  segments  of  circles,  and  has  the  same height,  about  9  feet,  and  the  same  width,  8  feet,  as the  two  crypts,  but  being  in  plan  nearly  square, while  the  crypts  are  oblong,  is  only  8  feet  long, while  they  are  11-3  and  13"4.  It  is  evidently by  no  means  unlikely  that  St.  Wilftid  may have  intended  to  construct  models  of  a  place in  his  time  most  highly  venerated  and  much resorted  to,  just  as  models  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre were  built  in  later  times.  Some  of  the  small niches  in  the  walls  were  probably  intended  to contain  relics  or  to  hold  lamps.  The  ante-cham- ber to  the  principal  vault  is  stated  to  be  covered by  a  demi-vaulted  roof,  as  Mr.  Walbi'an  sur- mises, in  order  that  the  steps  of  the  altar  might be  carried  on  it.  If  these  structures  were  not beneath  churches,  probably  small  "celiac  me- moriae," such  as  will  be  hereafter  noticed, covered  and  protected  the  access  to  them. Whether  they  were  originally  provided  with altars  is  uncertain. A  crj'pt  existed  in  the  Saxon  church  of  Canter- bury, and  was,  we  are  told  by  Edmer,  the  chanter (quoted  by  Gervase,  De  Combust,  et  Rep.  JJoroh. £ccl.),  "ad  instar  confessionis  S.Petri  fabricata," it  was  beneath  a  raised  choir,  and  appears  to  have had  several  passages  or  divisions.  Whether  this formed  part  of  the  early  church,  or  was  one  of the  additions  made  by  Archbishop  Odo  (cir.  950), is  unknown. A  crypt  also  appears  in  the  plan  for  the  church of  St.  Gall  (made  cir.  A.D.  800).  It  consisted  of two  parts,  a  "confessio,"  which  was  reached  by steps  descending  between  two  flights  ascending to  the  raised  presbytery,  and  a  "crypta,"  which seems  to  have  consisted  of  two  passages  entered from  the  transepts  on  either  side,  but  running outside  the  walls  ;  a  third,  connecting  the  former two,  and  running  in  front  of  the  apse,  and  another short  passage  running  from  the  last  mentioned to  a  spot  beneath  the  high  altar.  There  is  a close  resemblance  between  this  arrangement  and that  in  the  Roman  churches  of  the  same  period (as  Sta.  Cecilia)  where  the  crypt  follows  the  line of  the  wall  of  the  apse.  Altars  were  placed  in both  crypt  and  confession. In  the  church  of  Brixworth,  in  Nortlianiptoii- CHAPEL 34^ shire,  which  there  is  evidence  for  believing  to date  from  cir.  a.d.  700,  is  a  crypt  running  round the  apse  externally,  originally  covered  with  a vault ;  and,  according  to  Mr.  Poole  (^Reports  and Papers  of  Arch.  Soc.  of  Korthants,  York,  and  Lin- coln, i.  122)  there  are  also  traces  of  a  short passage  running  westwards  from  this  to  the  pro- bable position  of  a  "  confessio  "  below  the  high altar.  Mr.  Watkins,  however  (T/-e  Basilica  &c. of  Brixnorth),  asserts  that  there  could  have  been no  crypt  under  the  apse,  as  the  original  floor  was on  a  level  with  the  rest  of  the  church.  [CnuECii.] A  remai-kable  crypt  or  "  confessio "  exists- under  the  raised  presbytery  of  the  church  of  St. Cecilia  at  Rome,  and  apparently  dates  from  the construction  of  the  building  by  Pope  Paschal  I. (817-824).  It  consists  of  a  vaulted  space  south of  the  altar  (the  chui'ch  stands  nearly  north  and south),  a  passage  running  round  the  interior  of the  apse,  and  another  passage  running  south from  the  north  end  of  the  former,  but  stopped by  a  mass  of  masonry  supporting  the  high  altar. Within  this  mass  is  a  sarcophagus,  containing the  body  of  the  saint.  The  passages  are  lined with  slabs  of  marble  set  on  end :  many  of  these have  early  inscriptions,  and  were  probably brought  from  an  adjacent  cemetery.  The  same arrangement  exists  at  Sta.  Prassede,  and  nearly the  same  at  SS.  Quattro  Coronati  and  St.  Pan- crazio — all  at  Rome — and  it  seems  to  have  been the  normal  arrangement  about  this  period.  It will  be  observed  that  it  is  very  much  the  same as  that  at  Brixworth  and  St.  Gall.  At  Fulda, in  Hesse  Cassel,  is  a  crypt  which  is  usually  attri- buted to  the  9th  century.  It  consists  of  a  circu- lar passage,  within  which  is  a  circular 'space,  the vault  of  which  rests  on  a  short  clumsy  column, with  a  rude  imitation  of  an  Ionic  capital. Buildings  of  the  fourth  class,  i.e.  sepulchral chapels,  were  constructed  at  a  very  early period.  The  practice  of  erecting  large  structures for  such  purposes  being  familiar  to  several  nations of  antiquity  before  the  Christian  era  it  is  not surprising  that  when  they  became  converts  to Christianity  they  continued  a  practice  which their  new  faith  would  rather  encourage  than reprehend. The  greater  part  of  the  chambers  in  the  cata- combs near  Rome  may  be  considered  as  belonging to  the  class  of  sepulchral  chapels.  [See  CATA- COMBS.] At  what  time  the  practice  of  placing  an  altar and  of  celebrating  the  euchai'istic  service  in  a sepulchral  chapel  was  first  introduced  cannot  be stated  with  precision.  We  are  indeed  told  in  the Liber  Pontificalis  of  Pope  Felix  I.  (250-274), that  he  "constituit  super  sepulcra  martyrum missas  celebrari,"  but  altars  not  placed  over tombs  may  have  already  been  used.  As,  however, the  practice  of  praying  for  the  dead  existed  in the  4th  and  even  in  the  3rd  century,  it  seems not  unlikely  that  the  practice  of  placing  altars in  sepulchral  chapels  may  have  come  into  use  in the  former  of  those  periods.  Perhaps  the  ear- liest undoubted  instance  of  a  chapel  having  been constructed  to  serve  at  once  as  a  place  of  sepulture and  of  divine  worship  is  that  of  the  "  Templum Pi'obi,"  a  small  basilica  attached  to  the  exterior of  the  apse  of  St.  Peter's  at  Rome,  and  built  by Sixtus  Anicius  Petronius  Probus,  who  died  A.D. 395.  He  and  Ills  wife  were  undoubtedly  buried in   it,  and    its   form   makes  it  highly  improbable 34(5 CHAPEL that  the  celebration  of  the  euchanst  within  it  was not  contemplated  by  the  builder. Cav.  de  Rossi,  however,  appears  (Bull,  di  Arch. Crist.  1864,  p.  25)  to  think  that  in  the  earlier centuries  the  chief  use  of  such  "cellae  memoriae" was  to  afford  a  fit  place  for  the  banquets  held  in honour  of  the  dead,  and  such  buildings  he  be- lieves to  have  been  erected  in  AREAK,  or  en- closures set  apart  for  sepulture  outside  the  walls of  cities,  as  early  as  the  2nd  century,  or  probably even  at  an  earlier  period.  That  such  buildings were  also  used  as  oratories  there  can  be  little doubt,  since  Sozomen  (EccL  Hist.  ix.  2)  states that  the  martyr  St.  Eusebia  was  placed  in  a fVKTTjpiov  near  Constantinople,  on  the  spot where  the  church  of  St.  Thyrsus  was  afterwards built.    [Cella  Memoriae.] An  example  has  been  recently  discovered  out- side the  gates  of  Eimini  of  very  similar  plan, which  is  described  as  that  of  a  Greek  cross, before  which  is  an  oblong  apartment.  Some remains  of  bas-reliefs,  and  a  sepulchral  inscrip- tion dated  Maximo  Consule  (i.e.  A.D.  523),  give ground  for  the  presumption  that  the  building  is not  of  later  date  thau  the  6th  century.  The remains  of  an  altar  were  discovered  ;  but  as  this contained  a  "sepulcrum  "  in  which  was  a  leaden box,  doubtless  containing  relics,  it  could  hardly liave  been  coeval  with  the  building. Of  about  the  same  date  were  apparently  the chapels  at  the  cemetery  of  St.  Alessandro,  about six  miles  from  Rome,  discovered  a  few  years  ago  : these  had  been  formed  from  chambers  in  the  first level  of  a  catacomb,  and  are  partly  below  the ground.  There  wei"e  two  chapels  with  a  space between  them ;  one  of  these  ends  with  an  apse, on  the  chord  of  which  is  what  appears  to  be  the substructure  of  an  altar;  the  other  has  a  rectan- gular termination :  at  the  end  of  this  was  found a  marble  cathedra  raised  upon  a  platform,  and below  this  platform  an  altar,  under  which  is  a shallow  grave  lined  with  slabs  of  marble,  from which  the  body  of  St.  Alexander  is  believed  to have  been  removed.  Another  chapel  opened from  this,  and  is  of  an  irregular  square  form, with  a  small  apse.  The  general  character  of the  pavements  and  such  ornamental  portions  as remained  is  of  circa  A.D.  500,  and  a  monumental inscription  bore  the  names  of  consuls  of  443 and  527. Of  sepulchral  chapels  or  mausoleums  of  un- doubted date,  perhaps  the  earliest  is  the  tomb  of the  Empress  Helena,  outside  Rome  (cir.  A.  D. 328),  a  circular  building  standing  on  a  square basement,  in  which  is  a  vault.  In  the  circular ])ortion,  wliich  is  about  66  feet  in  diameter  inter- nally, are  on  the  floor,  eight  large  niches,  and above  them  as  many  windows;  the  whole  is covered  by  a  dome.  It  may  be  said  that  this  is merely  a  tomb,  but  the  large  size  of  the  windows ]>oints  to  an  use  other  than  that  of  a  sepulchre. The  Liber  Fontificalis  states  that  it  was  provided  by the  Emperor  Constantine  with  an  altar  of  silver and  much  church  furniture  and  many  vessels, but  the  trustworthiness  of  this  part  of  the  book is  doubtful.  Of  nearly  the  same  date  is  Sta. Costanza,  the  mausoleum  of  a  daughter  of  the Emperor  Constantine,  also  a  circular  building with  a  dome,  but  which  has  an  internal  peristyle and  had  also  one  externally.  Further  descrip- tion of.  this  building  will  be  found  under Church. CHAPEL Another  circular  mausoleum,  which  no  longer exists,  was  that  built  by  the  Emperor  Honorius in  connexion  with  the  V'^atican  Basilica ;  it  was about  100  feet  in  diameter  and  very  similar  to that  of  the  Empress  Helena,  in  the  ruins  of  this, in  1543,  a  marble  sarcophagus  containing  the remains  of  one  or  both  of  his  wives  was  dis- covered. The  building  next  to  be  mentioned  is  one  of peculiar  interest  having  come  down  to  our  time almost  uninjured,  and  containing  the  sarcophagi, which  it  was  constructed  to  receive,  unviolated; this  is  the  chapel  at  Ravenna  now  called  the church  of  SS.  Naz- zai-o  e  Celso,  erected by  the  Empress  Galla Placidia,  as  a  mauso- leum for  herself  and  TZ— family  before  tlie  M year  450,  it  has,  as will  be  seen  by  the plan,  the  form  of  a Latin  cross.  There was  originally  a  por- tico by  which  it  was connected  with  the atrium  of  the  adja- cent church  of  Sta. Croce.  Three  im- mense sarcophagi  are  placed  in  the  three  upper arms  of  the  cross,  and  contain  the  remains  of the  Empress  Galla  Placidia,  and  of  the  Emperors Honorius  H.  and  Constantius  IIL  Between  these stands  the  altar,  but  this  is  said  to  have  been brought  from  the  church  of  St.  Vitale.  The chapel  is  paved  and  lined  with  rich  marbles  iip to  the  springing  of  the  arches  which  carry  the dome ;  this  last,  the  lunettes  below  the  dome and  the  arches  and  the  soffits  of  the  arches  are all  covered  with  mosaics  of  very  beautiful  cha- racter. Of  the  highest  interest,  both  architecturally and  historically,  is  the  tomb  of  Theodoric  (ob. 526),    outside   the  walls   of   Ravenna ;    this   is Nazzaro  e  Celso  Eavenuf of  two  stories,  the  lower  externally  decagonal, but  enclosing  a  cruciform  crypt.  The  upper story  is  circular  and  was  surrounded  by  a  range of  small  pillars  carrying  arches ;  opposite  to  the entrance  is  a  niche,'  which  no  doubt  once  contained an  altar  ;  this  story  is  covered  by  a  low  dome 30  feet  in  diameter  internally,  hollowed  out from  a  single  slab  of  Istrian  marble.  There  are many   peculiarities    of  detail    in    this    building. J CHAPEL among  thein  a  small  window  iu  the  form  of  a cross  with  limbs  of  equal  length,  all  the  bound- ing lines  of  which  are  convex.  The  sarcophagus containing  the  body  of  the  king  was  probably placed  in  the  centre  of  the  upper  chamber. In  one  very  remarkable  instance,  however, that  of  the  Minster  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  the  great Emperor  founded  neither  an  episcopal  nor  a conventual  church,  but  constructed  a  building  on a  magnificent  scale  indeed,  but  essentially  on  the plan  of  a  mausoleum  of  the  earlier  Empire ; whetlier  or  not  it  was  the  intention  of  Charle- magne to  construct  at  once  a  Minster  and  a splendid  tomb,  it  is  certain  that  it  has  ever  been looked  upon  as  the  "  memoria "  of  that  great man.  An  account  of  this  very  remarkable building  will  be  found  under  CnuRCif. Detached  chapel-like  buildings  not  attached  to convents,  and  not  sepulchral,  are  not  often  met with,  though  pro- bably once  com- mon. In  most instances  they have  perished either  from  time or  neglect.  In the  Haouran, however,  where since  the  6th  cen- tury the  rumed  cities  have  been  uninhabited and  the  country  a  desert,  many  buildings  which Count    de  Yogiie'  (Za    Sijrk    Centrale,    Avant- r CHAPTER 347 iKdlybe. nave,  a  square  central  portion,  and  three  large semi-circular  niches  or  apses,  the  so-called  trans- verse triapsal  arrangement.  Such  a  plan  was often  adopted  in  order  to  afford  place  for  three sarcophagi,  and  henceit  may  be  thought  that  this chapel  was  really  built  as  a  "cella  memoriae;" but  it  exists  in  tlie  church  of  Bethlehem,  where it  certainly  could  not  have  been  chosen  with  that intention. CHAPLET.  (1)  It  was  anciently  the  prac- tice of  some  churches  to  crown  the  newly  baptized with  a  chaplet  or  garland  of  flowers.  See  Bap- tism, p.  164. (2)  For  chaplet  in  the  sense  of  a  succession  of prayers  recited  in  a  certain  oj-der,  regulated  by beads  or  some  such  device,  see  RosARY.       [C.l CHAPTER  [Capitulum],  the  body  of  the clergy  of  a  cathedral,  united  under  the  bishop (for  other  senses  of  the  Latin  term  see  Capi- tulum). 1.  The  origin  of  chapters  themselves,  apart from  the  name,  begins  from  a  very  early  date. The  presbyters,  and  subordinately  the  deacons  of each  diocese,  constituted  from  the  beginning  the council  of  the  bishop  of  that  diocese  [Bishop], joined  in  his  administration  of  it,  and  in  the approval  of  candidates  for  ordination,  kc,  and  in fact,  though  not  in  name,  were  his  chapter.  And these,  at  first,  all  lived  in  the  cathedral  city ; and  as  country  cures  came  gradually  to  exist, served  them  from  that  city.     In  time,  however, propos,  p.  8)  considers  to  nave  been  oratories or  chapels  still  exist,  a  good  example  of  these Kalybe's  is  that  of  Omm-es-Zeitoun,  which an  inscription  engraved  on  its  front  shows  to have  been  built  in  a.  d.  282.  It  must,  however, be  observed  that  there  seems  to  be  in  them  no trace  of  any  altar  or  of  any  place  to  receive  it, and  that,  in  that  at  Chagga,  is  a  vault  below  the building,  which  latter  circumstance  gives  rise  to  a doubt  whether  they  may  not  have  been  sepulchral. One  example  may  be  mentioned  of  a  detached chapel  of  an  early  date,  which  was  not  certainly sepulchral,  that,  namely,  built  by  Pope  Damasus (367-385)  near  the  baptistery  of  the  Lateran  at Rome,  but  not  now  in  existence.     It  liad  a  short country  presbyters  became  fixed  in  their  several localities.  And  a  distinction  grew  up  accord- ingly, by  the  period  of  the  great  Nicene  Council, between  town  and  country  presbyters, — civita- tenscs,  and  dicccesani  or  rurales  preshyteri, — the latter  being  reckoned  as  a  somewhat  lower  grade than  the  former.  In  accordance  with  this  dis- tinction, and  as  a  natural  result  of  their  distance from  the  bishop's  residence,  the  country  presliyters (and  deacons)  became  in  effect,  although  never formally,  excluded  from  the  Episcopal  council  or (so  to  call  it  by  anticipation)  chapter.  At  Rome this  state  of  things  became  permanent,  so  that all  the  city  clergy,  and  they  only,  became  the chapter  ;  and  hence,  after  a  lapse  of  centuries  and 348 CHAPTER some  other  changes,  the  cardinal-bishops,  priests, acd  deacons.  In  general,  however,  time  brought about  two  further  but  equally  gradual  changes. 1.  The  bishop  and  his  more  immediate  clergy took  to  living  a  life  in  common,  although  each still  retaining  his  own  special  share  of  church goods  and  living  upon  it.  And  thus  the  town clergy  in  general  became  separated  from  those, who  specially  served  the  cathedral  but  had  no cure  in  the  city  itself.  And  the  chapter  (so  to cali  it)  became  griidually  restricted  to  the  latter, viz.,  the  cathcdrales  proper,  to  the  exclusion  of the  former,  or  general  body  of  the  town  clergy ; a  right  disused,  as  before,  ceasing  naturally  in time  to  be  recognised  as  a  right  at  all.  2.  The cathcdrales  themselves  became  increased  in number  by  the  addition  of  various  diocesan olhcers :  as  e.  g.  the  archdeacon,  archpresbyter, primicerius  or  custos,  scholasticus ;  or  again, through  the  musical  services  of  the  cathedral, the  archicantor ;  and  through  the  engrafting upon  the  bishop's  establishment  of  seminaries for  youths  and  clergy,  the  praepositus  or  provost, &c.  And  thus  a  body  of  officers  grew  up,  who, through  their  position  and  special  attachment  to the  bishop  and  the  cathedral,  helped  yet  more  to exclude  outsiders.  The  time  of  St.  Augustine and  of  Eusebius  of  Vercelli  may  be  taken  as  the period  whence  the  first  of  these  changes  began ; the  latter  bishop  endeavouring  also  to  engraft the  monastic  life  upon  the  common  life  of  him- self and  his  clergy,  which  St.  Augustin  did  not; and  the  monastic  bishoprics  of  the  Anglo-Saxon church,  established  by  St.  Gregory  and  the  Can- terbury St.  Augustine,  and  copied  through  Anglo- Saxon  missions  in  Germany,  helping  on  the practice.  The  British  monastic  bishops  may  be also  referred  to,  who  were  anterior  to  the  Canter- bury mission  ;  but  the  Celtic  monasteries,  with their  dioceseless  and  often  subordinate  bishops, are  anomalous,  and  ii'relevant  to  the  present question.  The  progress  of  the  change  may  be marked,  1,  by  the  Councils  of  Tours,  ii.  A.D.  567, and  of  Toledo,  iv.  A.D.  633,  which  require  the ])resbyters,  deacons,  and  all  his  c/tr«Ci,  manifestly the  town  clergy,  to  reside  with  the  bishop,  the latter  making  an  exception  for  those  only  of whom  health  or  old  age  rendered  it  desirable that  they  should  live  apart  in  their  own  houses ; and  by  Cone.  Emerit.  A.D.  666,  can.  1'2,  which empowers  a  bishop  to  recal  a  country  presbyter and  make  him  a  cathedralis; — 2,  by  the  gradual limitations  of  the  word  Canonici,  which  in  the Councils  of  Clermont,  A.D.  549,  can.  15,  and Tours  ii.  A.D.  567,  still  included  all  the  clergy, even  the  minor  orders,  while  the  3rd  Council  of Orleans,  A.D.  538,  uses  it  for  all  on  the  roll,  and the  4th,  A.D.  549,  speaks  still  of  "matricula ecclesiae  ; "  but  which  Gregory  of  Tours  {H.  F. x.  sub  fin.),  Avho  wrote  about  the  close  of  the  6th century,  speaking  of  "  mensa  canonicorum  "  and a  charter  of  Chilperic,  A.D.  580  (quoted  by  Du Cange),  restrict  to  the  cathedral  clergy  (the distinction  of  regular  and  secular  canons  and  the special  sense  of  the  term  belonging  to  the  later period  after  Chrodogang) ;  so  that  in  A.D.  813, Cone.  Mogunt.  and  Taron.  iii.,  there  had  grown accordingly  to  be  two  classes  of  "Canonici," chapters  under  a  bishop,  and  colleges  under  an abbat  (see  also  Council  of  Calchythe,  A.D.  785, can.  4) ;  and  these  two,  under  the  name  of  Capi- tula,  are  nicnticned  in  Co;ic.  Vcrn.,  A.D.  755,  can. CHAPTER 11,  the  monks  living  "secundum  regulam;"  i.e., of  St.  Benedict,  the  clergy  of  the  cathedral  "  sub ordine  canonico."  Yet  even  in  the  time  of Charlemagne  "  canouicus "  still  had  a  double meaning,  being  either  in  general  any  clergyman on  the  roll  (and  "  canonical "  life  meaning "  clerical  "  life),  or  in  particular  the  clergy  who lived  in  common  under  the  bishop  [Caxonici]. The  second  change  above  noticed  was  also  of gradual  growth.  The  offices  of  archpresbyter and  archdeacon  were  no  doubt  ancient  [Akch- PKESBYTER,  Archdeacon],  but  did  not  become attached  at  once  to  the  cathedral,  probably  not until  the  6th  or  7th  centuries.  The  Primicerius and  Archicantor  were  of  later  date  still  [Pre- centor, Primicerius]  ;  and  so  also  the  Scholas- ticus [Scholasticus].  Two  further  changes however  were  needed  in  order  to  complete  the establishment  of  the  modern  chapter, — 1,  The appointment  of  a  dean,  which  grew  out  of  the office  of  praepositus.  The  latter  carne  into existence  under  the  bishop,  in  analogy  with  the praepositus  under  the  abbat  among  Chi-odegang's canons,  but  his  office  being  gi-adually  restricted to  external  administration,  a  decanus  was  ap- pointed to  conduct  the  internal  discipline,  at\er the  analogy  apparently  of  monastic  decani;  the 10th  century  being  the  period  of  the  first  insti- tution of  the  office  ;  and  the  dean  gradually  sup- planted the  provost  [Decanus].  2.  The  con- version of  the  prebends  (in  fact  though  not  in name)  into  benefices,  i.  e.  of  customary  separate payments  to  individual  cathedral  members  out of  the  church  stock  into  a  common  .treasury  of the  body,  together  with  fixed  rights  of  individual members  to  definite  shares.  The  first  "  commune aerarium  "  in  France  is  attributed  to  Eigobert, Archbishop  of  Rheims,  after  A.D.  700;  so  that canonici  quasi  ifoivaiviKoi,  altliou^h  a  bad  deriva- tion, yet  represented  at  first  a  ifal  tact ;  as  does  also the  more  plausible  derivation  I'rcmi  canon  =  a fixed  pension,  called  sportula  by  St.  Cyprian,  and "  consuetum  clericorum  stipendium "  by  Cuuc. Valentin.,  Hispal.,  and  Agath.,  quoted  by  Pu Cange.  Prebends  also  began  to  be  founded  by bishops  and  other  patrons  about  the  same  period. 2.  For  the  history  of  the  word  chapter,  see Capitulum.  It  was  used  as  early  as  A.D.  755, Cone.  ]'ern.,  and  so  at  Aix  in  789,  and  Mayence in  813.  &c.,  for  the  episcopal  chapter,  as  well  as that  of  Chrodegang's  canons.  And  about  that time  it  was  that  bishops  began  to  make  the cathedral  clergy  their  special  council.  Its  re- striction to  this  only,  followed  in  the  course  of another  two  centuries. 3.  The  functions  of  the  cathedral  chapter  were simply  derived,  and  (so  to  say)  usurped,  from those  of  the  original  council  of  the  bishop,  viz. the  diocesan  clergy.  And  the  8th  century  may be  taken  as  the  period  when  the  "  chapter  "  thus absorbed  into  itself  the  right  of  being  the  special council  of  the  bishop.  Administration  of  the  d  io- cese  in  the  bishop's  absence  or  during  a  vacancy, naturally  fell  to  the  bishop's  "  senate ;"  and  ac- cordingly, even  in  early  times,  it  was  found necessai-y  to  enact,  "  ut  presbyteri  sine  conscien- tia  episcopi  nihil  fiiciant "  {Cone.  Arelat.  i.  c.  19  : and  see  Can.  Apiost.  38,  &c.).  Ordinations,  how- ever, were  of  course  always  excluded;  but  not  so the  patronage,  under  the  like  circumstances,  of the  bishop's  livings.  And  this  became  the  pri- vilege of  the    chapter   about    the   8th   century. CHAPTER  OF  BIBLE The  i-ight  of  electing  the  bishop  was  not  so speedily  usurpod.  It  did  Bot  become  customary for  the  chapter  only  to  elect  until  the  11th  cen- tury. And  the  final  decree,  absolutely  restrict- ing the  right  of  election  to  that  body  (to  the exclusion  of  the  comprovincial  bishops,  as  well as  of  the  other  diocesan  clergy),  only  dates  from Pope  Innocent  III.  in  the  13th.  The  change  had run  parallel  with  that  which  restricted  the  elec- tion of  the  pope  to  the  cardinals.  The  charge of  the  cathedral  services  of  course  belonged  to the  chapter.  Other  privileges  enumerated  by Ma3'er  (i.  73)  for  the  most  part  are  merely  such as  belong  to  any  corporate  body  as  such;  as,  e.g. the  possession  of  a  common  seal  (the  earliest, however,  known  to  Mabillon,  dating  only  A.D. 1289),  the  right  of  making  bye-laws,  the  power of  punishing  the  excesses  or  misconduct  of  indi- vidual members.  For  the  schools  attached  to cathedrals,  see  Schools. 4.  The  constituent  members  of  a  chapter  varied in  almost  every  cathedral.  The  dean,  as  has  been said,  was  a  comparatively  late  addition,  of  at earliest  the  10th  century ;  while  in  most  cathe- drals there  was  no  such  office  until  late  in  the 11th.  The  archpresbyter  appears  to  have  been at  first  the  principal,  under  the  bishop ;  until  he was  supplanted  by  the  archdeacon.  And  these two,  with  the  custos,  or  primiceriiis  (so  called  at Rome,  i.  e.  as  the  first  entered  on  the  wax  tablet or  list),  were  styled  the  "  tria  culmina  ecclesiae." Chorepiscopi,  in  name  but  in  nothing  else,  lingered on  in  a  very  few,  mostly  French,  cathedrals.  A scholasticus,  a  SACRISTA  or  cimeliarcha,  an  archi- cantor,  &c.,  also  occur  :  for  whom  see  under  the several  titles.  And  there  were,  besides,  a  staff of  clergy  for  the  general  service  of  the  cathedral church,  together  with  lectores,  ostiarii,  exorcistae, acolythi,  &c.  A  praepositus,  or  provost,  also occui-s  in  the  8th  and  9th  centuries.  But  the complete  organization  of  a  modern  or  a  medieval chajjter— the  bishop,  the  quatuor  personae,  sc. dean,  precentor,  chancellor,  and  treasurer,  the archdeacons,  canons,  &c. —  belongs  to  Norman times  and  the  12th  century.  And  minor  canons, and  vicars  choral,  &c.,  are  an  abuse  of  like  date. 5.  In  the  Eastern  Church,  the  body  of  clergy serving  a  cathedral  church  was  often  exceedingly numerous  :  e.  g.  under  Justinian,  the  "  Great Church,"  out  of  the  four  at  Constantinople, is  said  to  have  been  served  by  60  presbyters, 100  deacons,  40  deaconesses,  90  subdeacons,  100 readers,  25  cantores  =  \Xi  all  415;  besides  100  o.s- iiarii,  who  served  all  four  churches.  There  were also  special  officers  in  Eastern  cathedrals,  as  e.g. irpaiTOTTaTras,  Trpa)T0i(/oA.T7js,  xop'''o<?>"^''|,  ffKivo- <pi\a^,  &c. ;  for  whom  see  under  the  several  titles. But  no  such  development  of  the  chapter  took place  as  in  the  West,  so  as  to  restrict  to  it  the offices  of  electing  the  bishop,  acting  as  his  council or  repi'esentative,  &c.  &c. [Thomassin ;  Du  Cange ;  Mayer,  Thes.  Nov. Stat.,  4'C.,  Eccles.  Cathedr.  et  Coll.  in  Ger- mania ;  Walcott,  Cathedralia,  and  Sacr.  'Archae- ology.-] [A.  W.  H.] CHArXER  OF  BIBLE.    [Legtionary.] CHAPTER -HOUSE,  a  place  of  assem- bly for  monks  or  canons,  forming  part  of  the conventual  buildings ;  called  capitulum,  says Papias,  because  there  the  capitula,  or  chapters of  the  monastic  rule,  were  read  and  expounded. CHARISMATA 349 For  the  ancient  custom  was  that  after  prime, before  the  monks  went  forth  to  their  labour, a  chapter  of  the  rule  was  read  aloud  to  them. The  meeting  of  the  monks  for  the  purpose  of hearing  such  a  reading  was  itself  called  Capi- TaLUM  (Ducange's  Glossary,  s.  v.  Capitulum). The  ancient  plan  of  St.  Gall  contains  apparently no  chapter-house ;  and  perhaps  the  first  instance of  a  house  built  especially  for  the  general  meet- ings of  a  brotherhood  or  college  for  other  than devotional  purposes  is  that  mentioned  in  the  life of  Abbot  Ansegis  of  Fontanelle  (c.  9,  in  Acta  SS. Ben.  saec.  iv.  pt.  1,  p.  635),  who  is  said  to  have built,  about  A.D.  807,  near  the  apse  of  the  church of  St.  Peter,  and  on  the  northern  side  of  it, a  house  which  he  called  conventus  or  curia,  in Greek  huleuterion,  because  in  it  the  brethren were  wont  to  assemble  for  the  purpose  of  taking counsel  on  anv  matter  (Martene,  De  Rit.  Monach. lib.  i.  c.  V.  §  3).  [C] CHAPTER,  THE  LITTLE.  [Capitulum.] CHARALAMPES,  martyr,  a.d.  198,  com- memorated Feb.  10  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] CHARAUNUS,  martyr  at  Chartres,  is  com- memorated May  28  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [C] CHARIOTEERS.  Among  the  callings  which were  regarded  by  the  Church  of  the  first  three centuries,  that  of  the  charioteer  held  a  promi- nent place.  It  had  its  chief,  if  not  its  sole, sphere  of  action  in  games  which  were  inseparably connected  with  the  old  religion  of  the  empire. The  men  who  followed  it  were  commonly  more or  less  disreputable,  and  had  been  excluded,  even by  Roman  law,  from  most  of  the  privileges  of citizenship  (TertuU.  de  Spectac.  c.  22).  It  was, through  the  eager  excitement  which  attended  it, incompatible  with  meditation  and  prayer  (Tertull. I.  c).  We  find  accordingly  that  such  persons were  not  admitted  to  baptism,  unless  they  re- nounced their  occupation  (Constt.  Apost.  viii. 32).  If  they  returned  to  it  after  their  admis- sion to  Christian  fellowship  they  were  to  be  ex- communicated (C.  £lib.  c.  62,*  1  C.  Arelat.  c.  5). When  the  games  of  the  circus  were  reproduced under  Christian  emperors,  the  rigour  of  the Church's  discipline  was  probably  relaxed. [E.  H.  P.] CHARITAS,  virgin,  martyr  under  Hadrian, commemorated  Aug.  1  {Mart.  Usuardi).  As Agape,  Sept.  17  {Cal.  Byzant.).  Compare  Sa- PiENTiA,  Sophia.  [C] CHARITINA,  martyr,  is  commemorated Oct.  5  {Cal.  Byzant.).  .[C-] CHARITON,  holy  father  and  confessor,  a.d. 276,  is  commemorated  Sept.  28  {Cal.  Byzant.). [C] CHARISMATA  :  literally  «  graces  "  which are  the  effect  of  grace  ;  that  is,  of  the  outpouring of  the  Holy  Ghost,  consequent  on  the  Ascension of  our  Lord  into  heaven, — all,  properly  speaking, subjective  :  yet  St.  Paul  calls  the  pardon  of  sin in  one  place  (Rom.  v.  15),  and  eternal  life  in another  {ih.  vi.  23),  a  "  charisma " ;  that  is,  a gracious  or  free  gift  on  the  part  of  God  through Christ.     Again,  subjective  graces  have  been  dis- «  A  various  reading  gives,  however,  "  augur,"  instead of  "  auriga."  It  is  possible  that  this  may  be  a  sign  of  a diminished  horror  of  the  charioteer's  calling. 350 CHARITY  SCHOOLS tinguished  into  two  classes  :  1.  those  conferring mere  power  (gmtiae  gratis  datae) ;  and  2.  those which  aifect  the  character  {gratiae  grattim  fa- cientes).  The  locus  classicus  for  both  is  1  Cor.  xii. to  the  end  of  eh.  xiv.  (on  which,see  Bloomfieki, Alford,  Cornelius  a  Lapide,  and  others),  where they  are  thrown  together  without  much  system or  classification.  Of  the  former  class,  some  were neither  permanent  nor  universal,  as  the  gift  of  heal- ing :  others,  as  for  instance,  that  which  he  affirms elsewhere  to  he  in  Timothy  by  the  laying  on  of his  hands  (2  Tim.  i.  6 ;  comp.  1  Pet.  iv.  10)  ;  in other  words,  the  gift  conferred  upon  all  ministers of  the  Gospel  at  their  ordination,  fitting  them for  their  respective  posts,  were  permanent,  but not  universal.  Both  were  bestowed  primarily  for the  edification  of  the  whole  body ;  not  but  that it  would  fare  better  or  worse  with  each  individual possessed  of  them  according  to  the  way  in  which they  were  used.  "  The  manifestation  of  the  Spirit is  given  to  every  man,  to  profit  withal."  Of  the latter  class  all  were  permanent  and  universal, being  designed  primarily  for  individual  sanctifi- cation  :  all  had  them  therefore  without  exception  ; and  any  body  might  double  or  quadruple  his  share of  them  by  his  own  exertions.  Where  they  lay dormant  in  any,  the  fault  was  his  own.  Wherever they  were  cultivated,  they  would  bring  forth, some  thirty,  some  sixty,  and  some  a  hundredfold. "  Follow  after  charity,"  says  the  Apostle  :  this  is a  gift  of  the  same  character  with  faith  and  hope, permanent  (fxevei)  and  bestowed  on  all.  Therefore the  degree  to  which  you  may  become  possessed of  it  rests  with  youi'selves.  As  you  follow  after it,  so  you  will  obtain  it.  For  those  gifts  which are  not  given  to  all  you  can  only  pray :  still  I enjoin  you  to  pray ;  and  of  these  "  pray  rather that  ye  may  prophecy ;"  in  other  words,  that  ye may  "  understand  the  Scriptures  "  (comp.  Luke xxiv.  45),  and  be  able  to  interpret  them  for  the benefit  of  others,  as  well  as  your  own  ; — a  gift which  is  permanent,  and  for  the  good  of  all,  like charity.  Of  ordinary  gifts,  I  have  devoted  a whole  chapter  to  shew  that  charity  should  occupy the  first  place  :  of  extraordinary  gifts,  I  proceed to  shew  in  the  ensuing  chapter  my  reasons  for considering  prophecy,  taken  in  its  widest  sense, to  be  first  also ;  one  is  for  practice,  the  other  for information :  to  understand  the  Scriptures,  and to  act  upon  them  aright,  for  general  as  well  as for  private  profit  and  edification,  is  to  fulfil  every purpose  for  which  grace  is  vouchsafed.  Prophecy, therefore,  will  mean  here  the  gift  of  expounding, rather  than  of  foretelling  (Corn,  a  Lap.  ad.  /.), and  to  the  nine  extraordinary  "  charismata  "  set down  here,  correspond  the  nine  ordinary,  described as  "  the  fruit  of  the  Spirit,"  in  the  Epistle  to the  Galatians  (v.  22),  To  these  last  three  more have  been  added,  making  twelve  in  all  ;  while faith,  hope,  and  charity  have  been  contrariwise classified  by  themselves  as  the  three  theological virtues.  [E.  S.  F.] CHARITY  SCHOOLS.    [Education.] CHARMS.    [Amulets.] CHARTOPHYLAX.  One,  says  Beveridge i%nod.  11.  167),  who  kept  the  archives  and  docu- ments or  charters  of  the  church.  This  in  the Church  of  Constantinople  was  a  high  office  ;  so much  so,  that  under  Andronicus  Junior  he  was called  "  Magnus  Chartophylax"  who  discharged  it. CHERUBIC  HYMN His  duties  were  by  no  means  those  of  a  mere  libra- rian or  registrar,  but  included  with  them  those  of a  chancellor.  He  wore  suspended  round  his  neck the  ring  or  seal  of  the  patriarch  ;  received  and examined  all  letters  intended  for  him,  with  the exception  of  those  coming  from  other  patriarchs  ; furnished  the  list  of  those  who  should  be  pro- moted to- vacant  benefices  of  all  sorts;  and  was entrusted  with  the  authorisation  of  the  nuptial benediction.  When  the  6th  Council  opened,  it was  the  chartophylax,  or  keeper  of  the  archives of  the  great  church,  whom  the  emperor  ordered to  fetch  the  books  of  the  previous  oecumenical councils  from  the  patriarch's  library,  then  the depository  for  all  authentic  ecclesiastical  records. As  both  volumes  of  the  5th  Council  were  subse- quently proved  to  have  been  tampered  with [CoNciL.  Constant.  34],  there  must  have  been one  dishonest  chartophylax  at  least  in  the  130 years  intervening  between  the  5th  and  6tli councils.  For  the  rest,  see  Gretser  and  Goar, c.  4  of  their  Commentaries  on  Codinus ;  c.  1,  Du Fresne's  Gloss.  Graec.  et  Lat. ;  Suicer's  Thesaur. s.  V.  [E.  S.  F.] CHARTULARIUS.  An  officer  entrusted with  the  keeping  of  charters  or  registers ;  and  in the  Eastern  Church  subordinate  to  the  charto- phylax. Such  was  his  position,  at  all  events,  in the  Church  of  Constantinople,  according  to  the ecclesiastical  list  of  Codinus  (c.  1,  with  Gretser and  Gear's  Commentaries,  c.  13);  but  from  his next  chapter  we  see  there  was  a  superior  officer called  "  the  great  chartularius  "  attached''to  the imperial  household  (c.  2,  and  Gretser  and  Goar, c.  3).  Elsewhere  we  read  of  "  chartularii " belonging  to  the  army,  navy,  and  several  other departments  of  state,  whose  records  were  vo- luminous ;  while  the  number  of  ecclesiastical "  chartularii "  for  the  different  dioceses  of  the East  is  regulated  by  Justinian  in  the  first  book of  his  Code  (tit.  ii.  c.  25).  St.  Gregory  the  Great calls  a  monk  named  Hilary,  whom  he  employed in  Africa  to  transact  business  for  him,  indif- ferently his  "chartularius"  or  "notary";  shew- ing both  offices  to  have  been  synonymous  in  the Chui-ch  of  Rome  then  {Ep.  i.  77,  ed.  Migne,  and the  note).  And  Photius,  two  centuries  and  a  half later,  addresses  one  Gregory  several  times,  in corresponding  with  him,  as  "deacon"  and  "char- tularius "  {Ep.  iii.  ed.  Valetta).  Later,  a  very different  sense  sometimes  attached  to  this  word : "  Qui  per  epistolam  liber  fiebat,"  says  Sirmondus (ad  tom.  ii.  Concil.  Gall.  p.  679),  "  chartularius dicebatur."  Again,  "  chartularium,"  in  the neuter  gender,  stands  for  the  place  where  char- ters and  such  like  documents  were  kept  literally  ; but  in  the  West  it  has  long  served  to  denote those  volumes,  often  called  Red  or  Black  Books from  the  colour  of  their  binding  or  their  rubrics, and  written  on  parchment,  in  which  the  charters and  customs  and  properties  belonging  to  each monastery  were  transcribed  (Du  Fresne,  Gloss. Lat.  et  Graec.  s.  v.).  [E.  S.  F.] CHASUBLE.    [Casula.] CHEESE,  IN  EUCHARIST.    [Elements.] CHERSONESUS,  the  martyrs  of,  a.d.  296, are  commemorated  March  7  (Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] CHERUBIC  HYMN.  [Hymn,  the  Che- rubic] CHEST CHEST.     [Arca  :  Capsa.] CHILDBIRTH.    [Churching  of  Women."1 CHILDEBERT,   king,   deposition  at  Paris, Dec.  23  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [C] CHILDREN.  It  is  the  object  of  this  article to  briug  together  the  materials  for  a  picture  of the  home  life  of  Christians  of  the  first  eight centuries,  so  far  as  it  affected  the  treatment  of their  children  and  their  thoughts  about  them. It  is  obvious  that  every  such  picture  must  be more  or  less  idealised,  that  in  practice  its  com- pleteness was  marred  by  variations  at  different periods  and  in  different  churches,  by  the  more or  less  perfect  triumph  of  Christianity  over heathenism.  Making  allowance  for  this,  how- over,  it  is  hoped  that  the  representation  here given  will  enable  the  reader  to  estimate  the  in- fluence of  the  religion  of  Christ  in  this  phase  of human  life  with  some  distinctness.  It  is  obvious also  that  in  the  course  of  the  inquiry  we  must come  in  contact  with  many  questions  which, separately,  demand  a  more  dogmatic  and  more exhaustive  discussion.  These  it  will  be  enough to  notice  briefly. (1.)  We  may  start  with  the  fact  that  the  new iiiith  taught  men  to  set  a  higher  value  upon  the sacredness  of  human  life.  The  corrupt  morals of  the  empire  had  all  but  crushed  out  the  natural (Tropy)fi  which  binds  the  hearts  of  the  fathers  to the  children.  Infants  were  looked  upon  as  in- cumbrances to  be  got  rid  of.  The  mothers  of illegitimate  children,  sometimes  even  mothers who  were  married,  killed  or  deserted  their  child- ren without  scruple,  or  called  in  the  aid  of women  who  made  a  business  of  the  art  of  abor- tion. Against  all  such  practices  Christian  purity raised  its  voice.  Barnabas  enumerates  the  sins in  question  among  the  things  incompatible  with the  "  way  of  light  "  (c.  19).  The  author  of  the Epistle  to  JDiognetus  speaks  of  the  freedom  of  the Christian  society  from  these  practices  as  one  of the  marks  of  difference  between  them  and  the heathens  among  whom  they  lived  (c.  5).  Athe- nagoras  condemns  those  who  expose  children,  or procure  abortion,  as  alike  guilty  of  mui-der {Legat.  c.  35).  Justin  speaks  against  the  expo- sure as  a  common  offence,  and  dwells  on  the enormities  that  followed,  children  so  deserted, male  and  female,  being  the  chief  supply  of  the market  for  prostitution  (ApoL  i.  29).  The  prac- tice lingered,  however,  even  among  Christians, and  the  Council  of  Elvira  had  to  treat  them  as excluding  a  female  catechumen  from  all  but death-bed  baptism,  one  who  was  already  bap- tized even  from  death-bed  communion  (C.  Elib. c.  63,  68).  The  Council  of  Ancyra,  about  the same  time,  acknowledging  that  the  severer  pen- alty had  been  the  rule  of  the  Church,  reduced  it to  ten  years'  penanee  (c.  20),  that  of  Lerida (c.  2)  to  seven,  subject  however  to  the  condition of  continuance  in  a  penitential  life ;  and  if  the offenders  were  in  orders,  to  exclusion  from  litur- gical functions. (2.)  We  start,  then,  with  the  Christian  con- viction that  children  were  a  "  heritage  and  gift that  cometh  from  the  Lord,"  to  be  received  as  a trust  for  which  parents  would  have  to  render an  account.  It  might  have  seemed  that  that feeling  would  have  found  universal  expression  in the  dedication  of  infants,  as  soon  as  might  be after  their  birth,  by  the  sacred  rite  of  baptism. CHILDREN 351 Our  Lord's  command,  "  Suffer  little  ihildren  to come  UBto  me,  and  forbid  them  not,"  might seem  to  sanction,  if  not  to  command,  the  practice. It  must  be  admitted,  however,  that  the  traces of  Infant  bajitism  in  the  first  160  years  are  but scanty,  that  the  evidence  of  the  New  Testament is  far  from  decisive.  The  statement  of  Suicer (Thesaur.  ii.  1136)  that  for  the  first  two  centu- ries no  one  was  baptized  who  could  not  make  a conscious  profession  of  his  faith  is,  perhaps,  over- strained, but  it  is  true  that  the  evidence  on  the other  side  is  meagre.  Justin's  statement  tliat "many  had  been  made  disciples  of  Christ,  e/c TraiSoov"  {Apol.  ii.  p.  62)  is  somewhat  strained when  these  words  are  translated,  as  Bingham does,  "  from  their  infancy."  The  witness  of  fre- naeus,  who  says  that  ^'■infantes"  (as  well  as '■^  parvuU  ")  "  renascuntur  in  Deum  "  (ii.  22),  and identifies  regeneration  with  baptism  is,  however, more  distinct.  That  of  Origen,  however,  that the  Church's  practice  was  "  etiam  parvulis  bap- tismum  dari  "  {Horn.  viii.  m  Levit.)  is  rendered less  so,  by  the  distinction  drawn  by  Irenaeus between  the  "parvuli "  and  the  "  infantes."  "  The treatise  in  which  Tertullian  urges  "cunctatio  bap- tismi  "  as  the  safer  and  better  course  is  rather in  the  tone  of  one  who  is  contending  against  a growing  practice  than  of  one  who  rejects  a  tra- dition of  the  universal  Church  {de  Bapt.  c.  18). Wall  011  Infant  Baptism  is,  of  course,  the  great storehouse  of  arguments  in  favour  of  the  primi- tive and  universal  use  of  the  rite  for  infant children.  It  may  be  noted,  however,  (1.)  that the  command  in  Matt,  xxviii.  19,  seems  to  imply capacity  for  discipleship  as  a  condition  of  baptism ; (2.)  that  the  "  holiness  "  of  Christian  children is  made  to  depend,  in  1  Cor.  vii.  14,  not  on  bap- tism, but  on  the  faith  of  one,  at  least,  of  the pai-ents ;  (3.)  that  the  mention  of  "households" as  baptized  is,  at  best,  a  precarious  foundation  for a  wide  generalisation.  If  baptism  were  thought of  as  limited  to  those  who  could  make  a  confession of  faith,  it  would  not  be  deemed  necessary  to  men- tion infants  as  not  included  in  the  "  household  " that  was  baptized,  any  more  than  it  would  be  ne- cessary to  except  them  if  one  were  speaking  of  a whole  household  going  forth  to  fight  against  the enemy.  It  may  fairly  be  conceded,  however,  that at  least  from  the  time  of  Irenaeus,  Origen,  Ter- tullian, the  practice  was  common.  The  further question  remained,  at  what  stage  in  their  infancy ; and  here  the  answers  varied.  Some  pressed  the analogy  of  circumcision  and  argued  for  the  eighth day,  but  this  was  rejected  by  Cyprian  {Epiit.  ad Fidum,  lix.  al.  Ixiv.)  and  by  a  Council  of  Car- thage under  his  guidance.  Gregory  of  Nazian- zum,  on  the  other  hand,  urged  a  delay  of  three years,  more  or  less,  that  the  child  might  be  able to  utter  its  profession  of  fliith  with  its  own  lips {Orat.  xl.  de  Bapt.).  The  Council  of  Elvira (c.  22)  sanctioned  the  earlier  age ;  but  this  was done  not  as  resting  on  an  immemorial  practice,  but on  a  special  dogmatic  ground,  "quia  non  suo vitio  peccarunt,"  as  though  it  needed  a  justifica- tion. Generally,  except  in  cases  of  necessity, their  baptism,  like  that  of  adult  converts,  was "  We  have  in  both  these  passages  to  content  ourselves with  a  Latin  translation  of  a  Greek  original.  A  passage  in the  Latin  version  of  Origen's  }lom.  in  Luc.  .\iv.  seems  to bring  even  children  who  are  just  born  within  the  range  of the  "parvuli." 352 CHILDREN postponed  till  the  Easter  following  their  birth (Socrates,  //.  E.  v.  22;  C.  Antissiod.  c.  18; August.  Senn.  de  Temp.  110 ;  Ambros.  de  Muster. Pcisch.  c,  5.).''  The  case  of  Augustine  shows, however,  that  even  a  mother  like  Monica,  act- ing, it  may  be,  under  the  influence  of  the  feeling of  which  Tertullian  had  been  the  spokesman, could  postjione  her  child's  baptism  indefinitely, only  eager  to  hasten  it  if  there  were  any  immi- nent fear  of  death  (August.  Conff.  i.  11)."= Even  where  baptism  was  postponed,  however,  the child  was  claimed  for  Christ,  was  signed  with the  sign  of  the  cross,  and  made  to  taste  of  the  salt which  was  known  as  the  "  mysterium  "  or  "  sacra- ment "  of  catechumens  (Ibid.).  [Catechumens.] After  an  interval,  vary  iug  according  to  the  different views  just  stated,  the  child  was  brought  to  the  font, stripped  of  its  clothes,  and  baptized,  making  its acts  of  renunciation  and  adherence,  if  old  enough, with  its  own  lips;  if  still  in  infoncy,  through its  sponsors.  [SPONSORS.]  Where  children  were left  orphans,  or  were  deserted  by  their  parents, they  were  brought  by  benevolent  Christians, who  in  the  sight  of  the  Church  took  charge  of them.  The  priest  announced  the  fact  from  the altar,  and  the  child  became  the  "  alumnus  "  or foster-child  of  the  person  so  adopting  him'' (1  C.  Vasens.  c.  9). Baptism  in  such  cases  was  followed,  after  an interval  of  uncertain  duration,  by  confirmation. If  a  bishop  were  present  at  the  baptism,  the  rule was  that  both  rites  were  administered  in  imme- diate succession.  As  soon  as  the  child  was  taken from  the  water  he  received  the  sacred  unction and  the  imposition  of  hands.  (Tertull.  de  Bapt. c.  7,  de  Hesurr.  Cam.  c.  8.)  In  the  absence  of the  bishop  there  was,  of  course,  a  delay  ;  but the  modern  practice  of  Protestant  churches  of treating  confirmation  as  the  personal  acceptance by  the  adult  of  what  had  been  promised  by  the infant,  was  altogether  foreign  to  the  life  of  the ancient  Church,  as  it  is  now  from  that  of  the East.  In  both  cases,  indeed,  in  order  to  guard against  any  inconvenience  which  might  follow from  the  prolonged  absence  of  the  bishop,  the priest  was  allowed  to  administer  confirmation  as well  as  baptism. The  admission  of  the  infant  to  the  privileges of  Christian  fellowship  did  not,  however,  stop here.  There  is  almost,  if  not  altogether,  as weighty  evidence  for  infant  communion  as  there is  for  infant  baptism.  It  was  the  recognised practice  of  the  African  Church  in  the  time  of <>prian  (De  laps.  c.  25).  The  Apostolical Constitutions  (viii.  12,  13)  show  that  it  was also  the  custom  of  the  East.  It  was  vehe- mently urged  by  Augustine  as  essential  to  the complete  salvation  even  of  the  baptized  (Epist. 23  ad  Bonifac.  De  Peccat.  Merit,  i.  20)  and  was defended  against  the  scorn  of  unbelievers  by  the mystic  pseudo-Dionysius  (de  Hierarch.  Eccles. vii.  11).  The  Sacramentary  of  Gregory  and  the Council  of  Macon  (c.  6),  a.d.  .588,  are  witnesses to  its  prevalence  in  the  churches  of  Rome  and Gaul.     The  first  intimation  of  any  wish  to  stop ••  The  Sunday  before  Easter  was  known  in  consequence as  the  "  Octavae  Infantum." <=  Augustine  blames  the  delay,  it  is  true,  but  it  is  with reference  to  a  baptism  in  boyhood,  not  in  infancy. d  The  word  occurs  In  this  sense  in  Christian  epitaphs. (De  Rossi,  i.  46.) CHOIR it  is  found  in  the  third  Council  of  Tours  (c.  19), iu  A.D.  813,  and  that  continued  inoperative  for nearly  three  centuries.  In  this  respect  the Churches  of  the  East,  as  in  the  case  of  confirma- tion, follow  in  the  footsteps  of  antiquity. So  far,  then,  the  child  of  Christian  parents was  met  at  its  birth  with  these  symbols,  and,  as it  was  believed,  assurances  of  salvation.  The work  of  moral  training  began  with  the  first  dawn of  consciousness.  He  would  be  taught  to  make the  sign  of  the  cross  upon  his  brow,  or  lips,  or chest,  on  rising  or  lying  down  to  sleep,  or  when he  bathed  or  put  on  his  clothes  (Tertull.  de  Cor. Mil.  c.  2).  Soon  a  pious  parent  would  tell  him the  story  of  the  Gospels,  as  Monica  did  to  Augus- tine, even  though  unbaptized  (Conff.  i.  17),  or give  him  daily  some  texts  of  Scripture  to  be learnt  by  heart,  as  Leonidas  did  to  Origen  (Euseb. H.  E.  vi.  2).  He  would  learn  the  Lord's  Prayer and  the  Creed  as  things  for  daily  use,  would  be taught  to  pray  at  midnight,  at  sunrise,  and  at every  meal  (Tertull.  de  Orat.  c.  20).  The  stories of  martyrs  who  had  suffered,  sometimes  the actual  spectacle  of  those  sufferings,  would  kindle his  emotions.  The  range  of  instruction  would become  wider  as  he  would  be  led  first  to  the didactic,  or  sapiential,  books  of  Scripture,  the Psalms,  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes  ;  then  the  Gospels, the  Acts,  and  the  Epistles :  last  of  all  the  Penta- teuch, the  historical  books,  and  the  Prophets (Hieron.  Epist.  57,  ad  Laetani).  For  his  general education,  however,  he  would  have  to  go  to  any school  that  might  be  opened,  and  these  were,  for four  centuries  or  more,  in  the  hands  of  heathens. For  those  who  went  to  such  schools  Homer  was still  the  groundwork  of  intellectual  culture (August.  Conff.  i.  23).  Grammar,  dialectics,  rhe- toric, geometry,  completed  the  course  of  teaching (Euseb.  ff.  E.  vi.  2).  It  would  be  naturally  a time  of  anxious  watchfulness  for  Christian  pa- rents. When  this  was  over  the  child  would pass  to  the  responsibilities  of  adolescence.  Nega- tively we  may  be  sure  that  no  true  Christian would  allow  his  child  to  be  a  spectator  of  the games  of  the  circus  or  the  mimes  of  the  theatre  ; that  whex-ever  this  was  tolerated  it  would  be looked  on  as  a  sign  of  spiritual  decav.  [Actors.] [E.  H.  P.] CHILDREN,  COMMUNION  OF  [Infant Communion.] CHIONIA,  martyr  at  Thessalonica,  under Diocletian,  April  1  (Mart.  Hieron.,  Bedae) ; April  3  (Mart.  Usuardi)  ;  April  5  (Mart.  Hieron.) ; April  16  (Cal.  Byzant).  [C] CHIROTHECAE.    [Gloves.] CHLODOALD,  presbyter  and  confessor,  is commemorated  Sept.  7  (Mart.  Bedae,  Usuardi). [C] CHOIR,  ARCHITECTURAL  (Chorus,  Suggestus ; "Afxfiaiv).  Every  complete  church  consists  of  at least  three  parts  ;  bema  (or  presbytery),  choir, and  nave.  The  bema,  entered  in  ancient  times by  none  but  the  clergy,  was  devoted  to  the  cele- bration of  the  holy  mysteries ;  the  choir  was  for the  "  clerks,"  in  the  widest  sense  of  the  word  ; the  nave  for  the  general  body  of  the  faithful. The  bema  corresponds  to  the  space  east  of  the altar-rails  (called  the  sanctuary  or  presbytery) in  an  ordinary  English  church,  and  the  choir  to the  remaining  portion  of  the  chancel.  In  mo- nastic churches  the  choir  is  the  place  where  the CHOIR brethren  assemble  to  say  the  ordinary  daily offices. It  is  extremely  difficult  to  determine  the antiquity  of  the  division  between  sanctuary  and choir.  Most  of  the  passages  of  ancient  authors bearing  upon  the  matter  give  the  impression  that the  rail  or  screen  [Cancellt]  separated  the whole  space  devoted  to  the  clergy  from  that devoted  to  the  people,  and  that  there  was  no '  chorus '  distinct  from  the  sanctuary.  It  is,  in fiict,  probable  that  Honorius  of  Autun  (^Geinrna Animae,  i.  140)  is  right  in  saying  '•  olim  in  modum coronae  circa  aras  cantantes  stabant."  though his  etymology  is  wrong.  The  canon  of  the  fourth council  of  Toledo,  in  the  7th  century,  quoted below,  is  perhaps  the  earliest  instance  in  which the  threefold  division,  sanctuary,  choir,  and  nave, is  clearly  recognised.  The  remains  of  ancient churches  give  us  but  little  information  on  this point,  as  screens  are  the  most  destr\ictible  and changeable  portions.  When  we  do  meet  with authentic  testimony  as  to  the  arrangements  of churches,  we  find  generally  that  the  whole  of  the eastern  apse  was  occupied  by  the  sanctuary, which  was  screened  off  from  the  rest  of  the church,  while  the  choir  was  a  raised  space  im- mediately west  of  the  screen  of  the  sanctuary [Church,  p.  375].  Whether  the  Greek  Soleas was  identical  with  this  raised  space  or  suggestus is  doubtful. The  description  of  a  chui-ch  in  the  Apostolical Constitutions  (ii.  57)  implies  that  bishop,  pres- byters, and  deacons  occupied  the  space  at  the east  end  of  the  church,  which  was  set  apart  for them,  but  does  not  mention  any  barrier  between clerks  and  people.  We  find  however  such  a barrier  existing  in  the  4th  century,  when  the laity  were  forbidden  to  enter  the  enclosure  set apart  for  the  altar  and  the  clergy.  This  appears from  the  fact  that  St.  Ambrose  deprived  the emperors  of  the  exceptional  right  which  they had  enjoyed  of  passing  within  the  screen  [Can- CELLi].  See  Sozomen,  Hist.  Ecd.  vii.  25  ;  Theo- doret,  H.  E.  v.  18.  To  this  the  emperors  sub- mitted ;  and  the  edict  of  Theodosius  the  younger and  Valentinian  lays  down  that  the  emperors  are to  approach  the  altar  only  for  the  purpose  of making  their  ofiering,  and  to  withdraw  imme- diately. In  accordance  with  this  the  TruUan council  (canon  69),  while  forbidding  the  laity generally  to  enter  the  sanctuary  {lephv  QvffiaffTrr piov),  expressly  permits  the  emperors  to  enter  for the  purpose  of  offering  their  gifts,  "  according  to very  ancient  custom."  This  privilege  Tarasius, patriarch  of  Constantinople  (f  806),  threatened to  withdraw  from  Constantine  VI.  if  he  con- tracted the  marriage  which  he  was  meditating (^Life  by  Ignatius,  in  Acta  SS.  Feb.  iii.  p.  584). The  same  privilege  which  was  granted  to  empe- rors seems  in  ancient  times  to  have  been  conceded to  unordained  monks  (Jerome,  Ad  Ileliodorum). The  4th  canon  of  the  second  council  of  Tours (a.D.  567)  forbids  the  lay  people  to  stand  among the  clergy,  whether  at  vigils  or  at  mass,  and  re- serves all  that  portion  of  the  church  which  is  on the  altar-side  of  the  screen  for  the  clerks  engaged in  the  service  (choris  psallentium  clericorum)  ; yet  the  sanctuary  (sancta  sanctorum)  was  to  bo open  for  the  purpose  of  praying  and  communi- cating both  to  laymen  and  to  women  [Com- munion]. The  same  canon  was  repeated  in effect  by  the  council  of  Autun   in  the  year  672. CHRIST.  ANT. CHOEEPISCOPUS 35.^ So  too  a  Capitulary  of  the  year  744  (art.  9,  ed. Baluz.)  forbids  the  laity  to  be  within  the  screen in  time  of  divine  service,  whether  mass  or  vigil. So  the  council  of  Rome  under  Eugenius  11., canon  33. The  liberty  which  in  Gaul  was  given  to  lay people,  of  entering  the  choir  to  communicate, does  not  seem  to  have  been  given  in  Africa. St.  Augustine  (Serm.  392)  speaks  of  the  screen (cancelli)  as  the  place  where  laymen  ordinarily communicated  ;  neophytes,  however,  seem  to  have drawn  near  the  altar  for  their  first  communion (Serm.  224).  In  Spain  the  fourth  council  of  To- ledo (can.  18)  of  the  year  633  enjoins  the  [minis- tering] priest  and  deacon  to  communicate  before the  altar,  the  rest  of  clerks  in  the  choir,  the people  outside  the  choir. Women  were  generally  not  permitted  to  enter the  choir  (Cone.  Laodic.  c.  44),  unless  for  the purpose  of  communicating.  And  although  nuns were  probably  excepted  in  ancient  times  (Augus- tine, Epist.  iii.),  their  exclusion  seems  in  the  9th century  to  have  been  general,  at  least  in  Gaul (Theodulf  of  Orleans,  Capitulare,  c.  6).  Ahito, bishop  of  Basle  in  the  early  part  of  the  9th  century {Capitulare,  c.  16),  ordains  that  no  woman  should approach  the  altar;  and  that  when  the  altar- cloths  required  washing,  they  should  be  taken  off by  the  clerks,  and  handed  to  the  women  at  the door  of  the  screen.  The  presbyters  were  also  to receive  the  women's  offerings  outside  the  screen. (Ducange's  Glossary,  s.  v.  Chorus;  Martene,  De Ritibiis  Antiquis,  i.  123  ff.)  [C] CHOIR  OF  SINGERS.  (Chorus  Cantor- urn.)  St.  Augustine  (on  Fs,  149)  saj's,  "  Chorus quid  significet,  multi  norunt  .  .  .  chorus  est  con- sessio  cantantium."  Isidore  of  Sevile  gives  the definition,  "  chorus  est  multitudo  in  sacris  col- lecta,  et  dictus  chorus  quod  initio  in  modum coronae  circum  aras  starent  et  ita  psallerent." This  etymology  is  undoubtedly  false,  but  the statement  upon  which  it  is  founded  is  by  no means  improbable.  Whether  it  be  true  or  not, that  in  the  earliest  ages  the  choir  was  grouped round  the  altar,  we  know  that  at  a  comparativelv early  period  the  choir  had  a  space  assigned  to  it in  a  church,  [Choir,  Architectural,]  distinct from  the  Sanctuary,  which  contained  the  altai-. "The  choirs  of  our  time,"  says  Amalarius  (da Div.  Off.  iii.  4),  early  in  the  9th  century,  "are clothed  in  linen  (linum),"  and  he  distinguishes between  this  and  the  finer  vestment  of  byssus which  the  singers  wore  under  the  Old  Dispensa- tion (2  Chron.  v.  12).     Compare  Schola  Can- TORUM.  [C] CHOREPISCOPUS    (XcopeTrfrr/coTTos)  = country  bishop,  vicarius  episcopi  (Cone.  Ancijr., Neo-Caesar.,  Antioch.,  &c.,  Isid.  Hispal.  De  Offic. Eccl.  ii.  6,  &c.),  villanus  episcopus  (Capit.  Car.  M. vii.  187),  vicanus  episcopus  (Hincmai-),  as  opposed to  the  cathedralis  episcopus  (Du  Cange) ; — to be  distinguished,  as  being  stationary,  from  the TrepioSeuTTjx  or  visitator,  who  itinerated,  although the  two  became  often  confounded  together  : — a class  of  ministers  between  bishops  proper  and presbyters,  defined  in  the  Arabic  version  of  the Nicene  Canons  to  be  "  loco  episcopi  super  villas et  monasteria  et  sacerdotes  villarum ;"  called into  existence  in  the  latter  part  of  the  3rd  cen- tury, and  first  in  Asia  Minor,  in  order  to  meet the  want  of  episcopal  supervision  in  the  country 2  A 354 CHOREPISCOPUS parts  of  the  now  enlarged  dioceses  without  sub- division : — first  mentioned  in  the  Councils  of Ancyra  and  Neo-Caesarea,  A.D.  314,  and  again  in the  Council  of  Nice  (which  is  subscribed  by  fifteen, all  from  Asia  Minor  or  Syria) ;  sufficiently  im- portant to  require  restriction  by  the  time  of  the Council  of  Antioch,  A.D.  341 ;  and  continuing to  exist  in  the  East  until  at  least  the  9th  cen- tury, when  they  were  supplanted  by  e|apx<" [ExARCHi]  : — first  mentioned  in  the  West  in  the Council  of  Puez,  A.D.  439  (the  Epistles  of  Pope Damasus  I.  and  of  Leo  M.  respecting  them  being forgeries),  and  continuing  there  (but  not  in Africa,  principally  in  France)  until  about  the 10th  century,  after  which  the  name  occurs  (in  a decree  of  Pope  Damasus  II.  ap.  Sigeb.  in  mi.  1048) as  equivalent  to  archdeacon,  an  office  from  which the  Arabic  Nicene  canons  e.xpressly  distinguish  it. The  functions  of  chorepiscopi,  as  well  as  their name,  were  of  an  episcopal,  not  of  a  presbyterial kind,  although  limited  to  minor  offices.  They overlooked  the  country  district  committed  to them,  " loco  episcopi,"  ordaining  readers,  exorcists, subdeacons,  but,  as  a  rule,  not  deacons  or  pres- byters (and  of  course  not  bishops),  unless  by express  permission  of  their  diocesan  bishop.  They confirmed  in  their  own  districts,  and  (in  Gaul)  are mentioned  as  consecrating  churches  (Du  Cange). Thev  granted  elpriviKol,  or  letters  dimissory, which  country  presbyters  were  forbidden  to  do. They  had  also  the  honorary  privilege  (jt^ici- /xfuot)  of  assisting  at  the  celebi-ation  of  the  Holy Eucharist  in  the  mother  city  church,  which country  presbyters  had  not.  {Cone.  Ancyr.  can. xiii. ;»  Neo-Caesar.  can.  xiv. ;  Antioch.  can.  x. ; St.  Basil,  M.  Epist  181 ;  Rab.  Maur.  Be  Inst  it. Cler.  i.  5  ;  &c.  &c.)  They  were  held  therefore  to have  the  power  of  ordination,  but  to  lack  juris- diction, save  subordinately.  And  the  actual  ordi- nation of  a  presbyter  by  Timotheus,  a  chorepi- SGoptts,  is  recorded  (Pallad.  Hist.  Lausiac.  106). The  office  also  offered  an  opportunity  for  a  com- promise in  cases  of  schism,  of  which  the  Nicene Council  availed  itself,  by  authorising  a  Catholic bishop  (among  other  alternatives)  to  find  a  place as  chorepiscopus  for  any  reconciled  Novatian bishop  {Cone.  Nic.  can.  viii.).  And  the  same council  {Epist.  Syn.  in  Socrat.  i.  9)  places  recon- ciled Meletian  bishops  also  in  a  somewhat  similar position,  although  not  calling  it  by  the  name itself.  It  was  found  also  a  convenient  mode  of  dis- posing of  "  vacant  "  bishops,  when  such  occurred. The  office  continued  to  exist  among  the  later Eastern  sects  also:  so.  among  the  Jacobite Syrians,  where  the  chorepiscopus  proper,  who presided  over  a  rural  district,  is  distinguished, both  from  a  titular  chorepiscopus,  more  properly arehipresbyter  or  proto-pope,  who  was  a  kind  of leading  presbyter  in  the  episcopal  city,  and  from the  irepioSeuT^s  or  visitator,  who  went  circuit ; and  among  the  Nestorians,  where  also  both  chor- episcopus and  irepioSeuTTjs  existed,  as  distinct classes  (Denzinger,  Rit.  Orient.  Proleg.  116,  sq. ; and  see  also  the  Arabic  version  of  the  Nicene canons,  cans.  58  to  70).  In  both  these  bodies the  chorepiscopi  were  presbyters.  And  in  one ntual  they  are  appointed  without  imposition  of hands  (Denzing.  ib.).  In  the  West,  i.  e.  chiefiy m  Gaul,   the   order   appears  to  have  prevailed •  For  the  meaning  of  this  canon  and  its  various  read- ings, see  Routh,  Reliq.  Scu:.  iij.  430-439. CHOREPISCOPUS more  widely,  to  have  usurped  episcopal  functions without  due  subordination  to  the  diocesans,  and to  have  been  also  taken  advantage  of  by  idle  or worldly  diocesans.  In  consequence  it  seems  to have  aroused  a  strong  feeling  of  hostility,  which  i shewed  itself,  first    in   a  series  of  papal  bulls,  ' condemning  them ;    headed,  it  is  true,  by  two  \ forged  letters  respectively  of  Damasus  I.  and Leo  M.  (of  which  the  latter  is  merely  an  inter- polated version  of  Cone.  Hispal.  II.  a.d.  619, can.  7,  adding  chorepiscopi  to  presbyteri,  of  which latter  the  council  really  treats),  but  continuing  in a  more  genuine  form,  from  Leo  III.  down  to  Pope Nicholas  I.  (to  Rodolph,  Archbishop  of  Bourges, A.D.    864);    the   last  of  whom,  however,  takes  , the  more  moderate  line  of  affirming  chorepiscopi         \ to  be  really  bishops,  and  consequently  refusing  i to  annul  their  ordinations  of  presbyters  and deacons  (as  previous  popes  had  done),  but  orders them  to  keep  within  canonical  limits ; — and secondly,  in  a  series  of  conciliar  decrees, — Cone.  ' Ratispon.  A.D.  800,  in  Capit.  tit.  iv.  c.  1,  Paris. A.D.  829,  lib.  i.  c.  27,  Meld.  a.d.  845,  can.  44.  i Metens.  a.d.  888,  can.  8,  and  Capitul.  v.  168^  ' vi.  119,  viL  187,  310,  323,  324,— annulling  all  ' episcopal  acts  of  chorepiscopi,  and  ordering  them to  be  repeated  by  "  true  "  bishops ;  and  finally forbidding  all  further  appointments  of  chorepi- scopi at  all.     The  title  however  lingered  on  for  i some  centuries,  in  France  and  Germany,  as  applied  , to   various    cathedral    dignitaries   in    particular  ' cathedrals,  but  in  senses  wholly  irrelevant  to  its  I original  and  proper  meaning  (see   instances  in          ' Du  Cange). That  chorepiscopi  as  such — i.e.  omitting  the cases  of  reconciled  or  vacant  bishops  above  men-  \ tioned,  of  whose  episcopate  of  course  no  question  ' is  made — were  at  fii-st    truly  bishops,  both  in  ' East  and  West,  appears  almost  certain,  both  from  " their  name  and  functions,   and    even  from   the  , arguments  of  their  strong  opponents  just  spoken  \ of.    If  nothing  moi-e  could  be  urged  against  them,  ; than  that  the  Council  of  Neo-Caesarea  compared them  to  the  70  disciples, — that  the  Council  of  , Antioch  authorises  their  consecration  by  a  single  \ bishop,  and  that  they  actually  were  so  conse-  ] crated  (the  Antiochene  decree  might  mean  merely  I nomination  by  the  word  yivecrOat,  but  the  actual  I history  seems  to  rule  the  term  to  intend  con- secration,  and    the  [one]   exceptional  case  of  a  ' chorepiscopus    recorded   [Actt.    Episc.    Cenoman.          '■ ap.  Du  Cange]  in   late   times  to  have  been  or-          ^ dained  by  three  bishops  [in  order  that  he  might          1 be  a  full  bishop],  merely  proves  the  general  rule          i to  the  contrary), — and   that   they  were   conse-  j crated  for  "  villages,"  contrary  to  canon, — then they  certainly  were  bishops.    And  Pope  Nicholas          • expressly  says  that  they  were  so.     Undoubtedly          ;! they  ceased  to  be  so  in  the  East,  and  were  prac-         ■' tically  merged  in  archdeacons  in  the  West.     And the    non-episcopal    nature    of   the    functions    to          "j which  they  came  to  be  limited  would  naturally         jj lead   to   such  a  result.      The  language  of  the          "i canons   and   of  the  Fathers  {e.g.  St.  Basil.  M. above  quoted,  or  again  St.  Athanasius  [Apol.  ii. 0pp.  i.  200],  who  distinguishes  them  both  from bishops  proper  and  from  presbyters,  and  again both  from   city  and  from   country  presbyters), naturally  implies  that  at  first  they  were  bishops in  the  common  sense  of  the  word.     The  special rites  in  the  East  for  their  appointment  probably belong  to  a  time  when   they  had  undoubtedly CHOEISTER there  sunk  down  iiito  presbyters.  It  ought  to be  said,  however,  that  authorities  are  divided upon  the  question  :  English  writers  mainly  (Be- veridge,  Hammond,  Cave,  Bingham,  Routh,  to whom  may  be  added  the  weighty  authority  of Van  Espen)  asserting  their  episcopal  character, while  others  (see  a  list  in  Bing.  II.  xiv.  2,  3, to  which  may  be  added  Morinus  and  Du  Cange) allege  them  to  have  been  presbyters.  It  need hardly  be  said  that  they  are  not  identical  with either  coadjutors  or  suffragans,  properly  so  called  : although  they  do  bear  a  close  resemblance  to such  bishops  as,  e.  g.  the  Bishop  of  Dover  in  pi-e- Eeformation  times  in  England,  and  to  the  sundry Irish  and  foreign  and  other  stray  bishops,  who are  found  so  numerously  doing  the  work  of English  bishops  for  them  in  the  i2th  to  the  16th centuries,  and  to  the  suffragans  as  intended  by Henry  VIII.,  and  now  actually  revived  in  England. (Bellarm.  De  Clericis,  c.  17  ;  Cellot.  De  Hierarch. iv.  14 ;  Morinus,  De  Sac.  Ord.  and  Dissert. ;  De Marca,  De  Concord.,  cj-c.  ii.  13  ;  Du  Cange  ;  Suicer ; Bingham ;  Van  Espen.)  [A.  W.  H.] CHORISTER.    [Cantor.] CHRESTIANI.  A  heathen  variation  of  the name  Christiani.  Instead  of  Kpiarhs,  the  more classical  word,  Xpy\<nhs,  gracious  or  good,  was commonly  supposed  to  have  been  the  name  or  title by  which  Jesus  of  Nazareth  was  distinguished, and  his  followers  therefore  were  called  Chrestiani. The  mistake  is  noticed  by  Justin  Martyr,  Tei-- tullian,  Lactantius,  and  others,  but  the  name having  a  good  signification,  they  do  not  wholly reject  it.  Tertullian  however  remonstrates  with the  enemies  of  the  faith  for  prosecuting  Chris- tians merely  for  their  name,  a  name  which,  ac- cording to  either  derivation,  ought  to  command admiration  rather  than  hatred.  "  Christianus, quantiim  interpretatio  est,  de  unctione  deducitur. Sed  et  cum  perperam  Chrestianus  pronunciatur a  vobis  (nam  nee  nominis  certa  est  notitia  penes vos)  de  suavitate  vel  benignitate  compositum  est. Oditur  ergo  in  hominibus  innocuis  etiam  nomen innocuum "  (Tertul.  Apol.  c.  3 ;  Bingham,  I. i.  11).  [D.  B.] CHRISM.  (Uipav,  Xpifffia;  Chrisma.  The latter  word  is  sometimes  feminine:  "miscitat ipsam  chrismam,"  Ordo  Rom.  I.  c.  42.)  The sacred  oil  or  unguent  used  in  the  ceremony  of baptism.  The  term  is  also  used  so  as  to  include the  oil  blessed  for  the  unction  of  catechumens  and of  the  sick. St.  Basil  {DeSpiritu  8.  c.  66  [al.  27])  mentions the  blessing  of  the  oil  of  anointing  for  use  in baptism  as  one  of  the  observances  derived  from the  earliest  times  by  unwritten  tradition.  The earliest?  extant  testimonies  to  its  use,  whether  in baptism  or  in  other  ceremonies  of  the  church, are  the  following. Tertullian  {De  Baptismo,  c.  7)  says,  "next, coming  forth  from  the  baptismal  font,  we  are anointed  with  oil  blessed  according  to  the  pri- mitive ordinances,  in  accordance  with  which  men were  anointed  with  oil  from  the  horn  as  a  con- secration for  the  priesthood."  He  seems  to regard  the  anointing  with  oil  as  a  symbol  of  the universal  priesthood  of  Christians. St.  Cyprian  {Epist.  70,  c.  2,  p.  768,  ed.  Hartel) speaks  of  the  oil  sanctified  on  the  altar,  with which  the  baptized  are  anointed  [Baptism]  ;  and CHRISM 355 this  oil,  he  says,  the  heretics  who  had  no  true altar  could  not  have. In  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (vii.  43,  §  3, and  44,  §  1)  the  direction  is  given,  immediately after  baptism,  "  let  the  ministrant  anoint  the person  baptized  with  unguent  (fxvpcc),  sayinr over  it,  '  Lord  God  .  .  grant  that  this  unguent may  so  effectually  work  upon  him  that  is  bap- tized that  the  sweet  savour  of  Thy  Christ  may abide  in  him  fixed  and  firm."  In  this  case,  the unguent  was  evidently  perfumed.  There  is nothing  in  the  passage  to  suggest  that  it  had undergone  any  previous  consecration. Gregory  of  Nazianzus  {Orat.  48,  in  Julian.) speaks  of  oil  sanctified  or  consecrated  on  the spiritual  and  divine  Table;  Optatus  of  Milevis (C.  Donatist.  vii.  p.  102)  says  that  this  ointment is  compounded  (conditur)  in  the  name  of  Christ ; and  the  Pseudo-Dionysius  {De  Hierarch.  Ecclcs. c.  4)  mentions  the  use  of  the  sign  of  the  cross  in the  consecration  of  it. The  privilege  of  consecrating  chrism  was  in comparatively  early  times  strictly  confined  to the  episcopal  order.  The  twentieth  canon  of  the first  council  of  Toledo  (a.D.  398)  censures  those presbyters  who  ventured  to  prepare  chrism  for themselves,  and  desires  them  to  send  a  deacon  or subdeacon  to  fetch  the  chrism  from  the  bishop, so  as  to  be  in  time  for  the  festivities  of  Easter Day.  To  the  same  effect  writes  Bishop  Montauus to  the  clergy  of  Palencia  and  to  Theoribius (Hardouin's  Concilia,  ii.  1143). The  greater  quantity  of  chrism  was  probably at  this  time  consecrated  immediately  before Easter,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  the  con- secration was  as  yet  limited  to  a  particular  day  ; on  the  contrary,  the  canon  above  cited  expressly lays  it  down  that  the  bishop  might  consecrate chrism  at  any  time.  But  in  the  5th  century  it became  an  established  custom  to  consecrate  the chrism  and  oil  for  use  throughout  the  year  on Maundy  Thursday.  Pope  Leo  complains  in  a letter  to  his  namesake,  the  Emperor  of  the  I^ast {Epist.  156,  p.  1324),  that  in  consequence  of  the murder  of  Proterius,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  the oblation  was  prevented  and  no  chrism  was  con- secrated. Eligius  of  Noyon  (f  658),  preaching on  Maundy  Thursday  (Hom.  10  in,  Coena  Dom. p.  245,  Bihlioth.  Pair.  Colon.)  speaks  of  chrism being  consecrated  on  that  day  throughout  the Christian  world.  In  the  empire  the  consecration on  Maundy  Thursday  was  enjoined  by  a  capitulary of  Charles  the  Great  {Concil.  Germanixe,  i.  842) ; yet  at  a  somewhat  later  date  the  custom  had probably  not  become  universal ;  for  a  synod  of Meaux  of  the  year  845  forbade  (canon  46)  the preparation  of  chrism  on  any  other  day,  as  if  such preparation  was  even  then  not  quite  unknown. The  Gelasian  Saci'amentary  has  a  Missa  Chris- malis  on  Maundy  Thursday,  referring  to  the consecration  both  of  chrism  and  of  oil  for  the unction  of  the  sick  (Migne's  Patrol.  Ixxiv. p.  1099).  The  Gregorian  Sacramentary  has  also on  the  same  day  full  directions  for  the  con- secration of  oil  and  chrism  in  the  mass  (pp.  66- 69);  the  ce-remony  consists  of  benediction,  and breathing  on  the  prepared  unguent  [Ampulla]. With  this  may  be  compared  the  directions  of  the Ordo  Rom.  I.  (App.  c.  7,  p.  34),  which  are  pro- bably of  about  the  same  age.  Some  of  the  later Ordines  (see  0.  R.  X.  pp.  97,  ff. ;  XV.  pp.  480  f.) also  give  dii-ections  for  the  benediction  of  chrism 2  A  2 356 CHRISMAL by  the  pope  on  Maundy  Thursday.  It  appears from  the  Urdo  last  referred  to  that  it  was  at  one time  customary  for  the  pope  to  bless  chrism  only in  the  year  of  his  coronation,  and  every  seventh year  afterwards. It  appears  from  the  Euchologion  that  in  the Greek  Church  also  the  blessing  of  chrism  is  one of  the  ceremonies  of  Maundy  Thursday. The  chrism  is  not  simple  oil,  but  oil  mixed with  balsam.  Eligius  of  Noyon  {Horn.  8,  In Coena  Dom.)  tells  us  that  the  mingling  of  balsam with  the  oil  typifies  the  union  of  regal  and sacerdotal  glory.  Compare  Tertullian  (De  Bapt. 7),  cited  above.  And  Gregory  the  Great  (/« Cantic.  i.  13)  refers  the  balsam  of  Engaddi  to that  balsam  which,  mixed  with  oil  and  blessed by  the  bishop,  makes  chrism,  typifying  the  gifts of  the  Holy  Spirit.  For  the  Eastern  Church, the  Pseudo-Dionysius  the  Areopagite  testifies {Hierarch.  Ecd.  c.  4)  that  the  sacred  unguent {ixvpov)  or  chrism  is  composed  of  fragrant  sub- stances. The  modern  receipt  for  its  composition (as  given  in  the  Euchologion)  prescribes,  in  fact, besides  oil  and  wine,  thirty-six  different  kinds  of aromatics. For  the  principal  uses  of  chrism,  see  Baptism, Confirmation,  Ordination.  [C] CHRISMAL  (Chrlsmale).  (1)  The  vessel  or flask  in  which  the  consecrated  oil  or  Chrism was  contained  [Ampulla]. (2)  A  vessel  for  the  reservation  of  the  conse- crated Host.  In  the  Rheims  MS.  of  the  Gregorian Sacramentarii  (p.  432,  ed.  Menard)  is  given  a "  Praefatio  Chrismalis,"  while  the  Ordo  liomanus in  the  corresponding  place  has  the  rubric,  "  Prae- fatio vasculi  in  quo  Eucharistia  reconditur."  It is  of  this  kind  of  chrismal  that  Egbert  {Penit. xii.  6 ;  in  Haddan  and  Stubbs'  Councils,  iii.  428) and  Halitgar  {Penit.  c.  10,  p.  701,  Migne)  speak, as  of  a  vessel  which  the  priest  carried  with him  and  might  lose.  Some,  however,  take  this chrismal  for  the  Corporal. (3)  A  cloth  used  to  cover  relics.  In  the  Life of  Eligius,  attributed  to  St.  Ouen  (ii.  71),  we read  of  a  miracle  wrought  upon  one  who  rubbed his  face  with  the  fringe  of  a  chrismal  which covered  the  relics  of  the  saint. (4)  Old-English  Chrisom.  The  white  cloth  laid over  the  head  of  one  newly  baptized,  after  the unction  with  chrism  [Baptism,  p.  163].  This cloth  is  called  in  Theodore's  Poenitential  (ii.  iv. 7  ;  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  193)  "  pannus  cris- matis ;"  in  later  authors,  "  vestis  chrismalis," "  chrismalis  pannus,"  "  mitra  baptizatorum," "  chrismale  capitum."     (Ducange,  s.  v.)     [C] CHRISMAEIUM.  The  vessel  in  which chrism  is  kept  (Council  of  Auxerre,  c.  6).  ,  It  is sometimes  however  taken  for  a  reliquary  (Gre- gory of  Tours,  De  Mirac.  S.  Martini,  iv.  32  ; t  ortunatus.  Vita  Gennani  Paris,  c.  47).     [C] CHRISOM.     [Chrismal.] CHRIST,  PICTURES  OF.  [Jesus  Christ IN  Art.]  ^ CHRISTEMPOREIA,  Xptar,^^opda-the selling  ot  Christ— a  name  sometimes  employed 111  the  5th  century  to  signify  simony.  Durin<r tlie  ages  of  persecution  there  was  no  place  for simoniacal  transactions  :  but  when  the  higher ofhces  of  the  Church  brought  wealth  and  dio-nitv CHRISTMAS to  their  possessors,  there  were  not  wanting  am- bitious and  worldly  men  who  sought  to  obtain such  offices  by  bribery  or  other  unworthy  means. To  check  and  prevent  such  discreditable  prac- tices, severe  laws  were  enacted  both  in  church  and state  as  early  as  the  5th  century.  The  Council of  Chalcedon  (c.  2)  decreed  that  if  any  bishop gave  ordination  or  an  ecclesiastical  office  or  pre- ferment of  any  kind  for  money,  he  himself  should lose  his  office  and  the  party  so  preferred  be  de- posed. Other  like  decrees  occur  in  the  so-called Apostolical  Canons  (c.  29),  the  Council  of  Con- stantinople under  Gennadius,  a.D.  459;  the  2nd Council  of  Orleans,  Bracara,  and  many  others. The  imperial  laws  also  were  no  less  stringent  in regard  to  this  abuse.  E.g.  it  was  enacted  by  one of  Justinian's  Novels  (123,  c.  1),  that  whenever  a bishop  was  to  be  chosen,  the  electors  should  take an  oath  and  insert  it  in  the  election  paper  that they  did  not  choose  him  for  any  gift  or  promise or  friendship,  or  any  other  cause,  but  only  be- cause they  knew  him  to  be  a  man  of  the  true Catholic  faith  and  of  unblamable  life  and  good learning.  And  in  another  law  (Novel  137,  c.  2) it  is  further  provided  that  the  party  elected shall  also  at  the  time  of  his  ordination,  take  an oath  upon  the  holy  Gospels  that  he  neither  gave nor  promised  by  himself  or  other,  nor  hereafter will  give  to  his  ordainer  or  to  his  electors,  or any  other  person,  anything  to  procure  him  au ordination.  And  for  any  bishop  to  ordain  another without  observing  the  rule  prescribed,  is  depo- sition, by  the  same  law,  both  for  himself  and  the person  so  ordained. These  were  some  of  the  securities  required  by the  ancient  Church  against  the  practice  which they  stigmatized  by  the  designation  of  Christem- poreia  (Bingham,  iv.  3,  4).  [D,  B.] CHRISTENING.     [Baptism.] CHRISTIACUM  CONCILIUM.  [Cressy.] CHRISTIANA,  or  CHRISTINA,  virgin, IxfyaAo/xdpTvs,  martyr  at  Tyrus  in  Italy  (?) A.D.  200,  is  commemorated  July  24  {Mart.  Bedae, Itom.  Vet.,  Usuardi,  Cal.  Byzant.). CHRISTMAS  (Festival  of)  (^Mf>«  7^- veBXios,  TO.  yiviOXia,  Natalis,  Natalitia,  Na- tivitas,  Domini,  &c.  From  the  latter  is  derived the  name  of  the  day  among  peoples  of  the  Latin race  [e.g.  the  French  Aoe/],  and  also  among  the Celtic  nations,  which  were  Christianized  by Latin-speaking  missionaries.  In  Germany  the day  is  called  the  Weiknachtsfest  from  the  solemn vigils  which  preceded  the  festival  itself.  The English  Christinas  [so  the  Dutch  Kerstmisse, Kersmis,  whence  Kerst-maend,  a  name  for  De- cember], analogous  to  such  forms  as  Candlemas, Lammas,  Michaelmas,  Childermas,  superseded the  older  name  Yule  [Anglo-Saxon,  Geol"],  by which  the  day  is  still  known  among  the  Scan- dinavian nations). I.   Origin  of  Festival. It  is  not  hard  to  understand  why  the  Christian Church  should  have  commemorated  by  an  annual festival  the  Saviour's  Incarnation.  How  far, however,  the  church  was  led  by  the  possession of  actual  historical  evidence  to  assign,  as  it  has done,  December  25  as  the  date  of  the  Nativity,  is a    matter  on  which  it    is   impossible    to   speak CHRISTMAS otherwise  than  most  doubtfully."  On  the  one hand,  due  weight  must  be  given  to  the  una- nimous agreement  of  the  Western  Church  as  far as  the  tradition  can  be  traced  back,  and  to  the almost  universal  acceptance  of  this  view  by  the Eastern  Church  at  an  early  date.  It  is- certainly not  altogether  impossible  that  there  may  have been  some  trustworthy  tradition,  some  founda- tion for  Tertullian's  remark  as  to  the  archives  of the  Jews  stored  up  at  Rome,  some  slight  sub- stratum of  truth  underlying  the  legend  as  to  the investigation  of  the  day  by  Julius  I.  (vide  infra). Further,  sundry  independent  considerations, astronomical  and  otherwise,  tend  to  make  it probable  that  our  Lord's  birth  took  place  near the  end  of  the  year.  On  this  point  reference may  be  made  to  Seyffiirth's  Chronologia  Sacra, which  refers  the  Nativity  to  December  22  (p. 239),  see  also  Ideler,  Chronologic,  vol.  ii.  pp.  385 sqq.  On  the  other  hand,  some  have  argued  on various  grounds  in  favour  of  the  greater  pro- bability of  the  Nativity  having  been  in  the autumn.  Thus  Lightfoot  (Horae  Hehraicae  et TaliHudicae,  vol.  ii.  p.  32,  ed.  Gandell)  would make  it  coincide  with  the  Jewish  Feast  of  Taber- nacles, and  associate  it  with  that  Festival  in  the same  way  in  which  the  Passover  and  Easter, Pentecost  and  Whitsuntide  correspond.  His arguments  mainly  turn  on  the'  interpretation  of Old  Testament  prophecies ;  e.g.  our  Lord  died  in Nisan,  and  if  His  ministry  lasted  three  years  and a  half,  as  Lightfoot  infers  from  Daniel  ix.  27, then  since  our  Lord  at  the  beginning  of  His ministry  was  erciv  rpiaKovTa  apxo/^et'os  (Luke iii.  23),  we  have,  reckoning  back  from  His  death, Tisri  or  September  for  the  season  of  His  birth. Again,  he  infers  from  a  comparison  of  Zechariah xiv.  16,  17,  that  it  would  be  most  improbable that  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  alone  of  the  three great  Jewish  festivals  should  fail  of  the  honour by  which  the  Passover  became  exalted  into  Easter, and  Pentecost  into  Whitsuntide.  To  decide  the matter  thus,  however,  in  the  absence  of  anymore tangible  historical  evidence,  is  obviously  unsafe. To  the  same  end  but  on  diiferent  grounds  argues Jablonsky  {Dissertationes  ii.  dc  origine  Festi Nativitatis  Christi  in  Ecclesia  Christiana  quo- tannis  stato  die  cclehrari  solita,  in  his  Opuscula, vol.  iii.  pp.  317  sqq.  Amsterdam  1809.  See  also Mimtev,  Der  Stern  der  TTei'sen,  p.  110, Copenhagen 1827),  maintaining  for  example  that  St.  Luke's statement  (ii.  8),  of  the  shepherds  keeping  watch over  their  flecks  by  night  would  hardly  have been  possible  on  the  assumption  of  the  December date,  seeing  that  it  would  then  have  been  the rainy  season,  and  the  flocks  would  therefore  have been  under  shelter.  A  further  discussion,  how- ever, on  this  point  rather  belongs  to  the  province of  Biblical  Chronology. JIany  learned  men  have  seen  in  the  particular period  at  which  we  celebrate  Christmas,  evidence m  favour  of  our  viewing  the  Christian  festival as  an  adaptation  of  previously  existing  Jewish  or heathen  festivals ;  to  the  more  striking  views  of this  kind  we  shall  now  briefly  refer. CHRISTMAS 357 a  Even  in  very  early  limes  the  great  uncertainty  of  the matter  was  cleiuly  felt.  Tims  Jacob,  bishop  of  Edessa (ub.  5V8  A.D.),  is  quoted  by  Dionysius  Bar-Salibi  as  saying, "  No  one  knows  exactly  the  day  of  the  nativity  of  the Lord :  this  only  is  ceitain,  from  what  Luke  writes,  that He  was  born  in  the  night"  (Asscmaiii,  Blhl.  Or.  vol.  ii. p.  163). (a)  Some,  as  Oldermann  (Defesto  Encaeniorum Judaico,  origine  festi  Nativitatis  Christi,  1715) have  viewed  Christmas  as  a  continuation  and development  of  the  Jewish  Feast  of  the  Dedica- tion, a  festival  of  eight  days'  duration  beginning on  Cisleu  25  (=  December  17),  which  was  the anniversary  of  the  purification  of  the  temple  by Judas  Maccabaeus  after  the  outrages  of  Antiochus Epiphanes  (see  1  Mace.  iv.  52-59 ;  2  Mace.  x. 1-8  ;  Josephus,  Antiq.  xii.  7,  6).  Still  while there  seem  to  be  several  coincidences  between  the two  feasts,  such  a  transference  from  Judaism  to Christianity  of  which  no  hint  whatever  is  given in  early  times  is  exceedingly  unlikely. (yS)  Others  have  derived  it  from  some  one  or other  of  the  Roman  festivals  held  in  the  latter part  of  December,  as  the  Saturnalia,  or  the  Sijil- laria  which  followed  them,  or  the  Juvenalia established  by  Nero.  A  more  striking  parallel, however,  than  any  of  these  is  to  be  found  in  the Bruinalia,  or  the  Natalis  Invicti  [Soils'],  when the  Sun,  then  at  the  winter  solstice,  was,  as  it were,  born  anew,  even  as  Christ  the  Sun  of Righteousness  then  dawned  upon  the  world. This  is  the  view  of  Wernsdorf,  De  origine  Sollem- nium  Natalis  Christi e.c  festivitate  Natalis  Iniirti. Wittenberg  1757  ;  of  Jablonsky  partly  [supra]; also  of  Mr.  King  (^Gnostics  and  their  Remains, p.  49),  who  derives  the  Roman  festival  from  the Mithras-worship  of  the  Sun.  Then  as  Mith- raicism  gradually  blended  with  Christianity, changing  its  name  but  not  altogether  its  sub- stance, many  of  its  ancient  notions  and  rites passed  over  too,  and  the  Birthday  of  the  Sun, the  visible  manifestation  of  Mithras  himself,  was transferred  to  the  commemoration  of  the  Birth of  Christ.  Numerous  illustrations  of  the  above remarks  maj'  be  found  in  ancient  inscriptions, e.g.  SOLI  I'NVICTO  ET  LUNAE  AETERNAE C.  VETTI  GERMANI  LIB.  DUO  PARATL'S  ET HERMES  DEDERUNT,  or  HAin  MI0PA  ANI- KHTXl  (Gruter,  Inscriptiones  Antiq'oae,  p.  xxxiii.) In  the  legend  on  the  reverse  of  the  copper  coins of  Constantine,  SOLI  INVICTO  COMITI,  re- tained long  after  his  conversion,  there  is  at  once an  idea  of  the  ancient  Sun-God,  and  of  the  new Sun  of  Righteousness.  The  supporters  of  this theory  cite  various  passages  from  early  Christian writers  indicating  a  recognition  of  this  view. The  sermon  of  Ambrose,  quoted  by  Jablonsky,  is certainly  spurious,  and  is  so  marked  in  the  best editions  of  his  works ;  it  furnishes,  however,  an interesting  illustration  of  an  early  date.  The passage  runs  thus,  "  Bene  quodammodo  sanctum hunc  diem  Natalis  Domini  Solcm  novum  vulgus appellat,  et  tanta  sui  auctoritate  id  confirniat, ut  Judaei  etiam  atque  Gentiles  in  banc  vocem consentiant.  Quod  libenter  amplectandum  nobis est,  quia  oriente  Salvatore,  non  solum  humani generis  salus,  sed  etiam  solis  ipsius  claritas  in- novatur"  {Serin.  6,  in  Appendice  p.  397,  ed. Bened.).  In  the  Latin  editions  of  Chrysostom  is a  homily,  wrongly  ascribed  to  him,  but  probably written  not  long  after  his  time,  in  which  we  read, "  Sed  et  Invicti  Natalem  appellant.  Quis  utique tam  invictus  nisi  Dominus  noster,  qui  mortem subactam  devicit  ?  Vel  quod  dicunt  Solis  esse Natalem,  ipse  est  Sol  Justiliae,  de  quo  Malachias propheta  dixit,  Orietur  vobis  timentibus  nomen ipsius  Sol  Justitiae  et  sanitas  est  in  penuis  ejus  " (Serino  de  Nativitate  S.  Joannis  Baptistao  • voL  ii.  1113,  ed.  Paris,  1570).     Leo  the  Great 358 CHRISTMAS linds  foult  with  the  baneful  persuasion  of  some "quibus  haec  dies  solemnitatis  nostrae,  non  tam de  Nativitate  Christi,  quam  de  novi  ut  dicunt soils  ortu,  honorabilis  videtur"  (Senn.  22,  §  6, vol.  i.  p.  72,  ed.  Ballerini).  Again,  the  same father  observes,  "  Sed  hanc  adorandam  in  caelo et  in  terra  Nativitatem  nullus  nobis  dies  magis quam  hodiernus  insinuat,  et  nova  etiam  in  de- mentis luce  radiante,  coram  {al.  totam)  sensibus uostris  mirabilis  sacramenti  ingerit  claritatem  " I^Senn.  26,  §  1,  p.  87). We  may  further  cite  one  or  two  instances  from ancient  Christian  poets  :  Prudentius,  in  his  hymn Ad  Natalein  Domini,  thus  speaks  (Cathemerinon ii.  iuit.,  p.  364,  ed.  Arevalus) : — "  Quid  est,  quod  arctum  ciiculum Sol  jam  recurrens  de^erit  ? Christusne  terris  nascitur Qui  lucis  auget  tramitem  r " Paulinus  of  Nola  also  {Poema  xiv.  15-19,  p.  382, ed.  Muratori) : — "  Nam  post  solstitium,  quo  Christus  corpore  nalus Sole  novo  gelidae  mutavit  tempora  brumae, Atque  salutiferum  praestans  mortalibus  ortum, Procedente  die,  secum  decrescere  noctes Jussit." Reference   may  also  be  made   to  an  extract  in Assemani  (Bibl.  Or.  ii.  163)  from  Dionysius  Bar- Salibi,  bishop  of  Amida,  which  shows  traces  of  a similar  feeling  in  the  East;    also  to  a  passage from  an  anonymous  Syrian  writer,  who  distinctly refers  the  fixing  of  the  day  to  the  above  cause ; we  are  not  disposed,  however,  to  attach  much weight  to  this  last  passage.     More  important  for our  purpose  is  the  injunction  of  a  council  of  Rome (743  A.D.)    "  Ut   nullus  Kalendas  Januarias    et broma  (  =  brumalia)  colere  praesumpserit  "  (can. 9,  Labbe  vi.  1548),  which  shows  at  any  rate  that for   a   long   time   after  the  fall  of  heathenism, many  traces  of  heathen  rites  still  remained.     A similar  mention  is  found  also  in  the  proceedings of  the  Quinisext  Council  (692  A.D.),  ras  outco Xeyofiivas  Ka\dvSas  Kot  to,  KaXovfieva  Bpov/xaKia (can.  66,  Labbe  vi.  1170). (7)  Others  have  even  derived  Christmas  from the  Northern  festival  (Fule)  in  December,  in honour  of  Freya  (cf.  Loccenius,  Antiq.  Sueo-Goth. lib.  i.  c.  5,  Holmiae,  1645 ;  SchefFer,  Upsalia Antiqua,  p.  296,  Upsal,  1666). (5)  Jablonsky,  while  considering,  as  we  have said,  that  in  the  festival  of  the  Natalis  Invicti is  to  be  found  the  origin  of  the  celebration  of our  Lord's  Nativity  by  the  Roman  Church,  main- tains (op.  cit.  pp.  361  sqq.)  that  the  Christians derived  this  festival  primarily  from  the  Basili- dians.  These,  as  we  learn  from  a  passage  of Clement  of  Alexandria  cited  at  length  below, celebrated  Christ's  baptism  as  being  His  mani- festation to  the  world  on  Tubi  11  (  =  January  6), and  Jablonsky  argues  that  this  particular  day was  suggested  to  them  by  the  Egyptian  festival of  the  Inventio  Osiridis  or  Festum  Osiridis  nati or  renati  (cf.  Juvenal  viii.  29 ;  Athenagoras, Lecjatio,  c.  22,  p.  299,  ed.  Maranus),  itself  a  com- memoration of  the  renewed  life  of  the  sun  from year  to  year,  which  he  thinks  was  celebrated  on that  day.  (On  this  last  point,  however,  much doubt  exists.  Wyttenbach,  Animadversiones  in riutarchi  Moralia  ;  De  hide  et  Osiride,  p.  366  F, considers  that  if  Plutarch's  text  is  correct,  the i'estival  took  place  in  Athyr  or  November,  and CHRISTMAS  I Kircher,  Oedipus  Aegyptiacus,  vol.  ii.  part  2,  p. 262,  would  fix  it  in  Choeac  or  December.)  < (e)  Some  writers  have  ai-gued  that  the  Chris- tian festival  was  not  so  much  a  transformation  : of  a  previously  existing  non-Christian  one,  as  an  1 independent  festival  set  up  as  a  counter-cele-  , bration  at  the  same  time  with  the  heathen  fes- tival; this  distinction,  however,  is  rather  ap-  • parent  than  real.  Augusti,  for  example  {Dcnk-  \ wiirdigkeiten,  vol.  i.  p.  226),  sees  in  it  a  standing  ; protest  against  those  sects  which  denied  or  ob-  j scured  the  great  truth  of  the  Incarnation,  such  ! as  the  Manichaeans,  Gnostics,  Priscillianists,  and  1 the  like.  j II.  History  of  Festival. We  do  not  find  in  the  earliest  Christian  times uniformity  of  observance  as  to  the  day  on  which our   Lord's  Nativity  was  commemorated.     The earliest  allusion  to  it  is  made   by  Clement  of Alexandria,  and  is  of  so  much  importance  that we  shall  give  it  at  length.     After  speaking  of  i the  year  of  our  Lord's  birth,  he  proceeds  :  "  And  : there    are    some    who    over   curiously   (irepiep-  1 y6Tepov)  assign  not  only  the  year  but  even  the  \ day  of  the  birth  of  our  Saviour,  which  they  say  ! was  in  the  28th  year  of  Augustus,  on  the  25th  ] day  of  Pachon.b     And  the  followers  of  Basilides  . celebrate  also  the  day  of  His  baptism  {oi  5e  otto  ! B.  Ka.\  Tov  Pairriaixaros  avTuv  tt]v  ijnepav  kopra-  ; (overt),   spending  the  night  before   in   readings,  ; and  they  say  that  it  was  in  the   15th  year  t)f  > Tiberius  Caesar,  on  the  15th  of  the  month  Tubi,  '. but  some  say  that  it  was  on  the   11th  of  the  j same  month.  .  .  .  Further,   some   of  them   say  J that  he  was  born  on  the  24th  or  25th  of  Phar- muthi."  {Stromata,  lib.  i.  c.  21,  vol.  i.  p.  407,  ed. Potter).     The  two  days  here  specified  as  those on  which  the  Nativity  was  celebrated,  Pachon 25,  ana  Pharmuthi  24  or  25,  are  respectively May  20,  April  21  or  22  (see  Bede,  De  temporum  ' ratione,  c.  11;  Patrol,  xc.  345).     Jablonsky  (op.  j cit.),  and  Le  Nourry  (In  Clem.  Alex,  opp.  Diss.  ; ii.  art.  5)  infer  from  the  language  of  Clement that  Tubi  11  or  15  (January  6  or  10)  was  ob-  , served  by  the  followers  of  Basilides  as  the  day  j of  the  baptism  as  well  as.  of  the  Nativity.     We  i should  venture  to  doubt  this  idea,  but  it  is  per-  I haps  supported  by  the  passage  cited  below  from Epiphanius.      Gieseler    also    (Eirchengeschichte,  [ vol.  i.  p.  154,  ed.  3)  considers  the  inference  in- correct. 1 We  may  probably  assume   the   above-quoted  ; passage  to  be  decisive  against  any  general  cele-  ; bration  of  the  Nativity  in  Clement's  time.  _  Pos-  ■' sibly  indeed,  though  as  we  have  already  said  the  -. inference  seems  doubtful,  he  may  refer  to  a  cele-  t bration   of  the  day  by  some  of  the  sects  of  the  j time,  since  he  speaks  of  the  Basilidians  "  observ-  j ing  also   the  day  of  the  baptism."     Further,  it  | would  seem  as  if  Clement  rather  censured  the  fj attempt  to  fix  accurately  the  day  of  our  Lord's  j birth,  itself  conclusive  evidence  against  a  general  ^ recognition  of  the  festival  in  Clement's  time.  1 It  was  the  general  custom  in  early  times,  in  - the  East,  to  fix  the  Nativity  on  January  6,  which  ,■ thus  served  as  the  anniversary  both  for  the  Birth  k b  Ideler  (op.  cit.  ii.  387  n.)  suggests  as  a  reason  for  this  \ fixing  of  the  day  o;i  the  part  of  the  Egyptians,  that  hear-  -j ing  Christ  was  born  in  the  9  th  month,  they  referred  it  to  J the  9  th  month  of  their  own  calendar.  i CHRISTMAS and  the  Epiphany.  An  illustration  of  this,  not however  applying  to  an  Oriental  Church,  may perhaps  be  derived  from  the  accounts  of  the  visit of  Julian  the  Apostate,  when  at  Vienne  in  Gaul, to  a  church  with  the  view  of  seeming  in  accord with  the  religion  of  his  soldiery.  Ammianus Marcellinus  (lib.  xxi.  c.  2)  speaks  of  this  visit as  taking  place  on  the  Epiphany  ("  feriarum  die quem  celebrantes  mense  Januario  Christiani  Epi- phania  dictitant "),  and  Zonaras  (Annal.  lib.  xiii. c.  11)  on  the  Nativity  (ttjs  yev^QKiov  crairripos TjfMepas  e(pe(rTT}Kvias).  It  is  just  possible,  however, that  the  references  may  be  to  difl'erent  events. To  derive  illustrations  of  the  practice  from distinctly  Eastern  sources,  we  may  refer  in  the first  place  to  a  letter  attributed  to  Cyril  of  Jeru- salem, which  professes  to  be  addressed  by  him to  Julius,  bishop  of  Rome,  on  this  subject.  This letter,  though  a  palpable  forgery,  affords  inter- esting evidence  of  the  existence  of  the  practice of  combining  the  two  feasts  on  January  6.  We derive  our  knowledge  of  it  from  two  sources : (1)  a  summary  of  it  given  in  a  letter,  De  Nati- ritate  Domini,  of  John,  bishop  of  Nicaea  (end  of the  9th  or  beginning  of  the  10th  century)  to Zacharias,  Catholicos  of  Armenia  Major  (Combefis, Haeresis  Monothelit.  pp.  298  sqq.) ;  and  (2)  an anonymous  'kvayKaia  SiTjyrjffis,  published  by Cotelier  from  a  MS.  in  the  Library  of  Paris  {Pa- tres  Apostolici,  i.  316,  ed.  1724).  The  general substance  of  these  is  to  the  effect  that  the  bishop of  Jerusalem  complained  of  the  inconvenience  of celebrating  the  Nativity  and  the  Epiphany  on the  same  day,  seeing  that  as  he  went  in  person to  scenes  commemorated  by  these  events,  Beth- lehem and  the  Jordan,  it  was  difficult  to  perform both  journeys  in  one  day,  and  the  services  were necessarily  mutilated.  He  therefore  requests  in- foi'mation  as  to  the  proper  day  of  the  Nativity, adding  that  Titus  carried  away  to  Rome  the archives  of  the  Jews  from  which  the  fact  might be  cleared  up.  (For  this  point,  cf  Tertullian contra  Marcionem,  lib.  iv.  c.  7.)  The  pope  in answer  declares  that  he  has  examined  the  records and  finds  that  December  23  is  the  day  on  which the  Nativity  should  be  held.  The  latter  of  the two  documents  we  have  referred  to  adds  that this  decision  caused  much  murmuring- — "Now at  that  time  Gregory  Theologus  [Nazianzen] was  at  Constantinople,  and  there  arose  no  small murmuring  among  the  citizens,  as  though  he  had been  dividing  the  feast,  and  they  said.  Thou  hast divided  the  feast,  and  art  casting  us  into  idol- atry." According  to  this  document  the  name  of the  bishop  of  Jerusalem  in  question  was  Juvenal, a  successor  of  Cyril  (see  Cyril.  Hierosol.  p.  370, ed.  Touttee)." A  possible  allusion  to  this  affair  may  be  cited CHRISTMAS 859 •=  The  \inhistoricaI  character  of  these  documents  is equally  obvious  whether  we  take  Cyril  or  Juvenal :  for Julius  was  dead  nearly  a  century  before  the  time  of  the latter.  Again  as  for  Cyril,  the  letter,  according  to  Cotelier's obvious  correction,  claims  to  be  written  not  by  tl)^  well- known  Cyril  ("  who  wrote  to  Constantiiie "  [leg.  Con- stantius]  concerning  the  appearance  of  the  luminous  cross over  Jerusalem),  but  a  later  one  in  the  time  of  Valerius, mentioned  by  Epiphanius  (^Haer.  Ixvi.  20).  This  however is  impossible,  for  the  end  of  the  pontificate  of  Julius  only just  overlaps  that  of  Cyril.  Kvcn  if,  in  spite  of  the  letter, we  refirred  it  to  Cyril  I.,  we  are  no  better  off,  for  it  is clear  that  the  practice  of  celebrating  the  Nativity  and  the Epiphany  together  continued  in  Jerusalem  after  his  time. from  the  Laudatio  S.  Siephani  by  Basil  of  Se- leucia,  who  flourished  at  the  time  of  the  Council of  Ephesus  (Patrol.  Gr.  Ixxxv.  469),  who  says  of Juvenal  that  he  "  began  to  celebrate  the  glorious and  adorable  salvation-bringing  Nativity  of  the Lord,"  which  not  improbably  means  celebrated as  a  distinct  festival.  Possibly  the  explanation of  the  whole  thing  is  that  Juvenal  initiated  some change  in  accordance  with  the  Western  practice, which  was  then  explained  as  a  direct  action  of  the Roman  See,  and  was  finally  associated  with  the more  famous  name  of  Cyril, To  show  that  the  change  was  not  at  once  made in  Palestine,  we  may  further  appeal  to  the  Latin homily  De  Natimtate  Domini,  found  in  Latin  edi- tions of  Chrysostom,  which  though  not  received as  a  genuine  writing  of  that  Father,  is  assigned by  Touttee  (op.  cit.  p.  369)  to  the  4th  century or  the  beginning  of  the  5th.  The  writer  is  con- tending that  the  Western  plan  of  dividing  the festiv^als  is  correct,  and  finds  fault  with  Orientals who  clung  to  their  old  method  on  the  ground that  they  must  know  best  in  whose  land  our Lord's  earthly  life  was  past  (Chrysostom,  vol.  i. p.  1116,  ed.  Paris,  1570). Important  testimony  on  this  point  may  be  de- rived from  Cosmas  Indicopleustes  {Topographia Christiana,  lib.  v.;  Patrol.  Gr.  Ixxxviii.  197), who  after  referring  to  the  message  of  the  angel to  Zacharias  and  the  visit  of  the  Virgin  to  Eliza- beth, says  that  Christians  concur  in  celebrating the  Nativity  in  the  ninth  month,  on  Choeac  28 (  =  December  24),  "  but  the  people  of  Jerusalem, as  though  from  what  the  blessed  Luke  says that  Christ  was  baptized  when  '  beginning  to  be about  thirty  years  old,'  celebrate  the  Nativity on  the  Epiphany."  He  then  appears  to  say  that the  people  of  Jerusalem  were  right  in  supposing that  our  Lord's  baptism  fell  on  the  anniversary of  His  birth,  but  that  the  Church  had  wisely postponed  the  celebration  of  one  of  these  events for  twelve  days  lest  either  festival  should  meet with  insufficient  attention.  Thus  Jerusalem  was incorrect  in  taking  the  later  day  for  the  anni- versary of  the  Nativity.  "But  the  people  of Jerusalem  alone  by  a  reasonable  conjecture,  yet not  accurately,  celebrate  [the  Nativity]  on  the Epiphany,  and  on  the  Nativity  they  celebrate the  memory  of  David  and  of  James  the  Apostle." We  further  gather  from  the  letter  of  John  of Nicaea  already  referred  to  (op.  cit.  1141)  that  the Church  of  Jerusalem  appealed  to  the  authority of  James,  the  Lord's  brother,  for  their  practice of  celebrating  the  Nativity  on  January  6.  He adds  that  in  the  time  of  Honorius  the  patriarchs of  Constantinople  (Chrysostom),  Alexandria,  Je- rusalem, and  Antioch  formally  acquiesced  in  the Western  plan. We  shall  now  adduce  evidence  to  show  that  the practice  of  the  Alexandrian  Church  agreed  in  this matter  with  that  of  the  Church  of  Jerusalem.  In his  notes  to  his  Latin  translation  of  the  Arabic  Pre- face, Canons  and  Constitutions  of  the  Niceue  Coun- cil, Abraham  Ecchelensis  cites  from  the  Constitu- tions of  the  Alexandrian  Church,  "  In  die  autem Nativitatis  et  Epiphaniae  eo  tempore  quo  conci- lium Nicaenum  coactum  fuit,  praeceperunt  ejus patres  ut  noctu  missa  celebretur"  (Labbeii.  402). ■*  again  (Collatio  x.  c.  2  ;  Palrol.  xlix. d  It  would  almost  seem  as  though  there  were  grounds for  believing  the  change  to  have  taken  place  in  Egypt  by 360 CHRISTMAS 820)  speaks  of  it  as  the  custom  in  Egypt  in  his day  :  "  Intra  Aegypti  regionein  inos  iste  antiqua traditione  servatur,  ut  peracto  Epiphaniorum die  quem  provinciae  illius  sacerdotes  vel  Domi- nic! Baptismi,  vel  secundum  carnem  Nativitatis esse  definiunt,  et  idcirco  utriusque  sacramenti solemnitatem  non  bifarie  ut  in  occiduis  pro- vinciis,  sed  una  diei  hujus  festivitate  concele- brant  .  .  .  ."  (of.  Isidore,  De  Eccl.  Off.  i.  27) ; Gennadius  (J)e  Scriptoribus  Uoclesiasticis,  c.  58  ; Patrol.  Iviii.  1092)  speaks  of  a  certain  Bishop Timotheus  who  composed  a  book,  not  now  extant, on  the  Nativity  of  our  Lord  "  quam  credit  in Epiphania  factam."  Taken  in  conjunction  with what  we  have  a;lready  said  of  the  Egyptian  jtrac- tice  this  may  refer  to  Timotheus,  bishop  of  Alex- andria. We  next  pass  on  to  notice  the  evidence  for  the practice  of  the  Armenians  in  this  matter.  Euthy- mius  {Panoplia  Dogmatica,  tit.  23  ;  Patrol.  Gr. cxxx.  1175)  says  of  them  :  "These  deny  the  birth of  Christ  according  to  the  flesh  and  the  mystery of  the  true  Incarnation,  saying  that  they  took place  only  in  appearance ;  nor  do  they  celebrate the  Annunciation  of  the  Mother  of  Go  I  on  the day  that  we  celebrate  it,  that  is  on  March  25, as  the  inspired  Fathers,  the  great  Athanasius« and  John  Chrysostom  and  those  of  their  time and  after  their  time  have  handed  it  down  to us,  but  on  January  5  ;  in  a  very  short  time  they fancifully  and  obscurely  pretend  that  they  cele- brate the  Annunciation  and  the  Nativity  and the  Baptism  of  Christ,  to  the  deceiving  of  the uncorrupt  and  not  according  to  truth."  Similar evidence  is  forthcoming  from  Nicephorus  (Hist. Ecdes.  xviii.  53  ;  Patrol.  Gr.  cxlvii.  440)  :  "They deny  also  the  Nativity  of  Christ  according  to  the flesh,  and  say  that  He  was  born  only  in  appear- ance ;  and  differing  from  us  who  observe  them separately,  they  extend  the  fast  to  the  15th [doubtless  for  le'  here  we  should  read  e']  day  of the  month  January,  and  celebrate  together  the Annunciation  and  Nativity  and  Baptism."  The inquiry  of  the  Armenian  Catholicos  Zacharias  from John  of  Nicaea,  which  called  forth  the  letter  of the  latter,  is  also  evidence  throwing  a  light  upon the  matter  in  question. We  shall  next  cite  from  the  answers  of John,  bishop  of  Citrum,  to  Constantine  Cabasilas, archbishop  of  Dyrrachium  (quoted  by  Cotelier, Patres  Apostolici,  i.  316,  ed.  1724,  from  MSS.  in the  Library  of  Paris,  though  not  given  in  the printed  editions,  as  Leunclavius,  Jus  Graeco-Ro- manum,  p.  323)  :  "  We  abolish  the  twelve  days' [fast]  for  the  overthrowing  of  the  fast  of  the  Arme- nians. For  they  fiist  for  these  twelve  days  before Epiphany,  and  so  celebrate  together  on  the  fifth of  January  the  three  feasts  :  I  mean  the  Annun- ciation and  the  Nativity  and  Baptism  of  Christ." He  proceeds  to  attribute  this  to  the  heresiarch Ichanius,  who  held  Docetic  views. Cotelier  further  quotes  from  a  MS.  in  the  same Crtssian's  time ;  for  in  the  heading  of  a  homily  by  Paul, bisliop  of  Emesa,  delivered  at  Al-xandria  before  Cyril,  we find  \ex^f 'o-a  kB'  XoiAic  (=  December  25)  .  .  .  el;  Trji/  y^v- VT):fiv  ToO  Kvpiov  ri^Mv  'I.)(ro5  XpiaroO.  (Cone.  Eplies. Par-;  iii.  c.  31 ;  I.abbe,  iii.  1095.) «  The  writer  here  doubtless  appeals  to  the  Quaestiones ad  Antiochum  Ouctm,  55  {Patrol.  Gr.  x.xvlii.  632),  once .ittnbuted  to  Athanaslus.  but  uoiversally  acknowledged now  to  be  spurious. CHRISTMAS Library  a  form  of  renunciation  to  be  gone  through by  Armenian  heretics  on  joining  the  Roman Church.  Among  other  things  is,  "  If  any  one does  not  celebrate  on  March  25  the  Annunciation, and  on  December  25  the  Nativity  of  Christ, let  him  be  Anathema."  He  had  previously  (op. cit.  p.  238)  printed  from  the  same  MS.  an  attack on  the  Su(T<TeP^s  OprjffKfia  tSiv  KaKicrruiv  'Ap,u€- v'lcjiv,  where  we  find  :  "  And  on  January  5  in  the evening,  they  celebrate  the  feast  of  the  Annun- ciation. .  .  .  And  in  the  morning  they  celebrate the  Nativity  of  Christ,  and  in  the  Liturgy  the Holy  Epiphany." Finally,  for  the  Armenian  practice  reference may  be  made  to  two  invectives  (Koyoi  arriKi- TfvTiKoi)  of  Isaac,  Catholicos  of  Armenia,  in  the nth  or  12th  century  (i.  3,  ii.  10,  Combefis,  Haere- sis  Monothelit.  pp.  333,  405).  The  modern  Arme- nian Church  still  retains  this  practice  (Neale, Holii  Eastern  Church,  Introd.  p.  741). The  Western  Church,  so  far  as  we  can  trace the  matter  back,  seems  to  have  kept  the  two festivals  of  the  Nativity  and  Epiphany  always distinct.'  Jerome  says  unhesitatingly  (Comm.  in E-ech.  i.l,Yo\.  v.  6,  ed.  Bened.):  "  Et  dies Epiphaniorum  hucusque  venerabilis  est,  non  ut quidam  putant  Natalis  in  came,  tunc  enim  ab- sconditus  est,  et  non  apparuit." We  may  cite  the  very  ancient  Calendarium Carthaginense  (Patrol,  xiii.  1227),  which  marks December  25  thus:  "  viii.  Kal.  Jan.  Domini Nostri  Jesu  Christi  Filii  Dei,"  with  a  note  of  the Epiphany  on  Jan.  6.  We  shall  only  cite  here from  two  other  ancient  calendars,  that  of  Buche- rius  and  the  Leonine,  which  Muratori  (De  Rebus Liturgicis,  c.  4)  refers  approximately  to  the  dates 355,  488  A.D.  respectively.  These  severally mark  the  day,  "Natus  Christus  in  Bethlehem Judae,"  "  Natale  Domini  "  (I.  c).  Other  Litur- gical monuments  will  be  treated  of  separately. Evidence,, however,  is  forthcoming  to  show  that in  the  Roman  Church  the  Epiphany  was  pro- bably the  older  of  the  two  festivals,  and  there- fore in  some  respects  the  more  important,  for the  ancient  Ordo  JRomanus  (In  vigilia  Theo- phaniae,  p.  21,  ed.  Hittorp,  Cologne,  1568) remarks :  "  Nee  hoc  praetereundum  est,  quod secunda  Nativitas  Christi  (i.e.  the  Epiphany),  tot illustrata  mysteriis,  honoratior  sit  quam  prima (i.e.  Christmas)."  Still  this  is  after  all  only  a matter  of  relative  importance,  and  the  Nativity is  evidently  accounted  a  festival  of  the  highest order  in  the  Leonine  Sacramentary,  which  is  cer- tainly older  than  the  Ordo  which  Hittoi'p  refers to  the  time  of  Pepin  and  Charlemagne. We  shall  now  endeavour  to  show  that  the change  of  the  day  to  December  25,  in  accordance with  the  Western  plan,  began  to  take  place  in the  East  towards  the  end  of  the  4th  centur}-. The  old  way  was  that  believed  in  by  Ephrem Syrus  (ob.  378  A.D.),  who  is  cited  as  saying,  "On the  10th  day  [of  March]  was  His  Conception, and  on  the  6th  day  [of  January]  was  His  Na- tivity "  (Assemani,  Bibl.  Or.  ii.  163).  The change,  however,  must  have  been  gradual.     For, f  It  will  be  noticed  that  the  AVestern  Church  marks the  Epiphany  by  a  Greek  name,  and  the  Nativity  by  a Latin  name.  It  is  a  reasonable  inference  that  the  former took  its  rise  in  the  East,  and  was  thence  introduced  into the  West ;  while  the  latter  as  a  separate  festival  was  of distinclly  Western  growth. CHRISTMAS to  say  nothing  of  Armenians,  we  find  Epiphanlus >saying  {Haer.  li.  24,  vol.  i.  p.  446,  ed.  Petavius)  : "  For  since  He  was  born  in  the  month  of  January, that  is,  viii.  Id.  Jan.  which  is  according  to  the Romans  January  5,  according  to  the  Egyptians Tubi  11,  according  to  the  Syrians  or  the  Greeks Audyneus  6,  according  to  the  Cyprians  or  Sala- miaians  the  5th  of  the  5th  month,  according  to the  Paphians  Julus  14,  according  to  the  Arabians Aleom  21,  according  to  the  Cappadocians  Atarta 13,  according  to  the  Hebrews  Tibieth  (Tebeth) 13,  according  to  the  Athenians  Maemacterion  6 .  .  .  ."  It  does  not  appear  whether  Epiphanius means  that  all  these  nations  celebrated  the Nativity  on  the  day  thus  indicated :  it  is  more probable  that  he  is  merely  giving  the  various equivalents  for  the  day  in  different  systems  of reckoning.  Indeed  his  mention  of  the  Romans is  perhaps  conclusive. The  most  important  piece  of  evidence,  however, iowards  fixing  the  date  of  the  change  in  the  East by  which  December  25  became  recognized  as  the day  of  the  Nativity  is  to  be  found  in  a  Homily of  Chrysostom,  to  the  people  of  Antioch,  ils  rr/i' •yiV(:Q\iov  rifiepav  rod  Suirfipoj  ^/ucov  'IrjcroS XpiffTov  (vol.  ii.  p.  354,  ed.  Montfaucon),  which Montfaucon  (p.  352)8  gives  strong  reasons  for believing  to  have  been  delivered  on  December  25, 38G.  After  saying  how  earnestly  he  had  wished to  see  on  the  day  of  the  Nativity  a  congregation like  that  which  was  then  met  together,  Chry- sostom proceeds  :  "  Nevertheless  it  is  not  yet  the tenth  year  since  this  day  has  been  made  manifest and  plain  to  us,  still  as  though  it  had  been  handed down  to  us  from  the  beginning  (avaidev)  and many  years  ago,  it  has  flourished  thus  through your  zeal.  And  so  a  man  would  not  err  who should  call  it  at  once  new  and  ancient, — new, in  that  it  has  recently  been  made  known  to  us ; but  old  and  ancient,  in  that  it  has  speedily  won an  equality  with  older  festivals "     And  as plants  of  good  stock  speedily  grow  up  and  pro- duce fruit,  "  so  this  day  too,  known  from  the beginning    to  those   who  inhabit  the  West,  but brought  to  us  not  many  years  ago "  The change,  however,  at  first  meets  with  opposition. *'  I  know  well,"  he  adds,  "  that  many  even  yet dispute  with  one  another  about  it,  some  finding fault  with  it  and  others  defending  it,  ...  .  since it  is  old  and  ancient,  for  the  prophets  already foretold  His  birth,  and  from  the  beginning  it  has been  manifest  and  notable  to  the  dwellers  from Thrace  even  to  Gades."  Again  (§  2)  he  refers his  hearers  to  the  archives  at  Rome  as  a  soui'ce whence  certain  evidence  on  the  point  could  be  ob- tained, and  adds  "  from  those  who  have  an  accurate knowledge  of  these  things  and  inhabit  that  city, have  we  received  this  daj^.  For  they  who  dwell there,  observing  it  from  the  beginning  and  by  old tradition,  themselves  sent  to  us  now  the  know- ledge of  it."  Again  (§  5)  after  fixing  April  as the  time  of  the  Annunciation,  he  arrives  for  the Nativity  at   the   month  Apellaeus  (December), CHRISTMAS 361 e  Montfaucon  here  cites  Athanaaius  (Frag.  Comm.  in Matth.  vol.  i.  p.  1025,  ed.  Benid.  1787)  as  speaking  of December  23  as  the  Nativity.  But  in  the  first  place  the Benedictine  editors  had  considerable  doubt  of  the  genuine- ness of  the  fragment  ("si  non  aperte  spurium  admodum suspectum  videtur,  in  quo  sunt  pleraque  ij.vB<ahr)")\  and in  the  next,  it  seems  rather  the  deatli  of  Herod  which  is indicated  than  the  birth  of  our  Lord. "  this  present  month,  iu  which  we  celebrate  the day." From  the  above-quoted  language  of  Chry- sostom, we  may  notice  ;  (1)  that  about  the  year 386  A.D.  the  festival  of  the  Nativity,  as  distinct from  and  independent  of  the  Epiphany,  was  a  no- velty of  a  few  years'  standing  in  the  East ;  (2)  that Chrysostom  believed  that  the  Western  Church had  celebrated  an  independent  festival  "  from the  beginning  and  by  old  tradition  ;"  (3)  that  the change  was  met  with  opposition,  and  therefore would  be  gradual. Combining,  then,  Chrysostom's  definite  testi- mony with  the  fact  that  Epiphanius  had,  perhaps a  little  before  this  time,  concurred  with  the  old Eastern  view,  and  that  at  the  time  of  the  Council of  Ephesus  the  change  was  tacitly  recognized  at Alexandria,  we  may  fairly  argue  that  except  in those  parts  of  the  Eastern  Church  where  the  old plan  was  still  continued  (Jerusalem  possibly  and Armenia  certainly),  the  Western  plan  was  being gradually  adopted  in  the  period  which  we  may roughly  define  as  the  la.st  quarter  of  the  4th  and the  first  quarter  of  the  5th  century. Whether  before  the  time  of  Chrysostom  any part  of  the  Eastern  Church  observed  the  Nativity on  December  25,  it  is  difficult  to  say.  The date  of  the  various  parts  of  the  Apostolic  Con- stitutions (see  the  Article)  being  so  doubtful, we  shall  merely  cite  from  them  a  passage bearing  on  this  point :  "  Observe  the  days  of the  festivals,  brethren,  and  first  the  Nativity, and  let  this  be  celebrated  by  you  on  the  25th day  of  the  ninth  month.  After  this  let  the  Epi- phany be  very  greatly  honoured  in  your  eyes, on  which  the  Lord  revealed  to  you  His  Own Godhead  ;  and  let  this  be  held  on  the  6th  day of  the  tenth  month  "  (v.  13  ;  cf.  also  viii.  33, where  the  two  festivals  are  again  distinguished). Cotelier  in  his  introduction  {op.  cit.  p.  197)  also cites  a  passage  found  in  some  MSS.  of  Anastasius which  professes  to  be  quoted  from  the  Ajoostolio Constitutions,  in  the  present  text  of  which,  how- ever, it  is  not  found  :  "  For  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ was  born  of  the  Holy  Virgin  Mary  in  Bethlehem, eV  fjL7]v\  Kara  AlyvrrTiovs  XoiaK  Ke'  [probably  a  mis- take for  k6'.  which  =  December  25]  S>pa  efiSofir) TTjs  Tjixipas  %  fffrlv  irph  oktoi  KaAavSiiv  'lavova- picuv." The  result  of  all  this  investigation  then is  roughly  this.  In  the  case  of  the  Eastern Church  there  is  no  certain  evidence  pointing  to  a general  celebration  of  the  Nativity  on  December 25  before  the  time  of  Chrysostom.  Till  then  it had  been  held  on  January  6  in  conjunction  with the  Epiphany,  and  even  after  this  date  some churches  of  the  East  retained  for  some  time their  old  plan. In  the  West  we  are  told  that  the  festival  had been  recognized,  and  celebrated  on  December  25 "  from  the  beginning."  We  are  not  able  to  produce any  very  ancient  witnesses  from  Western  Fathers, but  may  fairly  assume  that  it  had  existed  suffi- ciently long  for  Chrysostom  to  be  able  to  use reasonably  and  without  fear  of  contradiction such  a  word  as  &ycc6ev.  We  have  also  called attention  to  the  recognition  of  it  in  ancient calendars. Since  the  time  of  Chrysostom,  the  Nativity  has been  received  by  all  Churches  of  Christendom  as one  of  their  most  important  festivals.  Thus,  in a   sermon  attributed  to  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  but 362 CHRISTMAS of  doubtful  authenticity,  it  is  said:  "Now  is heard  accordant  throughout  the  whole  inhabited world  the  sound  of  them  that  celebrate  the feast  "  {Patrol.  Gr.  xlvi.  1148).  Chrysostom  {In B.  Philogonmn  4,  vol.  i.  497)  speaks  of  it  as second  in  importance  to  no  festival,  "which  a man  would  not  be  wrong  in  calling  the  chief {/xr]Tp6Tro\is)  of  all  festivals." Several  sermons  are  extant  of  Pope  Leo  I.  on the  subject  of  the  Nativity,  further  exemplifying this  statement  {Serm.  21-30,  vol.  i.  pp.  64  sqq. ed.  Ballerini). It  is  curious  that  in  one  of  his  epistles  Augustine does  not  seem  to  recognize  the  Nativity  as  a  fes- tival of  the  first  order,  where  after  referring  to the  Divine  institution  of  the  Sacraments,  he  pro- ceeds to  those  things  "  quae  non  scripta  sed  tra- dita  custodimus  "  on  the  authority  of  the  Apostles and  the  Church,  "  sicut  quod  Domini  Passio  et Resurrectio  et  Ascensio  in  caelum  et  Adventus de  caelo  Spiritus  Sancti  anniversaria  solemnitate celebrantur  "  {Epist.  54  §  1  [olim  118]  ;  Patrol. xxxiii.  200).  Yet  he  deemed  the  festival  of  such importance  that  he  has  written  not  a  few  sermons for  the  day,  showing  the  celebration  of  this  festival m  Africa  (see  Serm.  184-196,  369-372 ;  Patrol. xxxviii.  995  sqq.,  xxxix.  1655  sqq. ;  the  authen- ticity of  the  latter  group,  however,  is  doubtful). III.  Liturgical  Notices. The  Roiiian  Church  evidently  accounted  the Nativity  one  of  the  most  important  feasts  from very  early  times.  Their  earliest  Sacramentary, that  of  Pope  Leo,  contains  nine  Masses  for  the day  (vol.  ii.  148  sqq.).  There  is,  however,  no notice  of  a  Vigil.  In  the  Preface  in  the  first  Mass it  is  said  :  "  Quoniam  quidquid  Christianae  pro- fessionis  devotione  celebratur,  de  hac  suinit  solem- nitate principium,  et  in  hujus  muneris  mysterio continetur."  See  again  the  Preface  in  the  seventh Mass  :  "  Atque  ideo  sicut  primis  fidelibus  extitit in  sui  credulitate  pretiosum,  ita  nunc  excusa- bilem  conscientiam  non  i-elinquit,  quae  salutaris mysterii  veritatem,  toto  etiam  mundo  testifi- cante  non  sequitur." In  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary  four  Masses altogether  are  given  :  (1)  For  the  Vigil  at  Nones  ; (2)  For  the  Vigil  in  node ;  (3)  For  the  Vigil Mane  prima;  (4)  For  the  Nativity  m  *e ;  that is  to  say,  there  are  practically  three  Masses  on the  Nativity  itself.  After  this  again  are  several prayers  for  the  Nativity,  whether  at  Vespers  or Matins. The  Gelasian  Sacramentary  borrowed  a  good deal  from  the  Leonine  here.  The  Collect  and Secreta  for  the  services  of  the  Vigil  at  Nones and  Mane  prima,  and  a  Collect  and  the  Preface for  the  Nativity  itself  as  well  as  two  (the  2nd and  4th)  of  the  added  prayei-s  all  come  from  the large  number  of  Masses  for  the  day  in  the  older Sacramentary  {Patrol.  Ixxiv.  1055  sqq.).  We  now pass  on  to  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary.  Here, as  in  the  previous  case,  there  are  altogether  four services  with  a  large  number  of  alternative  forms the  second  mass  is  connected  in  some  MSS.  with tlie  church  of  S.  Maria  Major;  thus,  Natalis Domm.  ad  S  Mariam  Majorem  (MS.  Rodradi), Nocte  ad  S  Mariam  (MS.  Ratoldi) ;  and  the  third coatams  also  the  commemoration  of  S.  Anastasia, an,i  one  MS.  mentioned  by  Menard  {in  loc.)  gives two  prefaces  lor  the  day,  one  for  the  Saint  and CHRISTMAS the  other  for  the  Nativity  (cf.  Greg.  Sacr.  col. 5  sqq.  ed.  Menard).  See  also  the  Antiphonary, where,  as  before,  four  Masses  in  all  are  recog- nized {ih.  col.  657  sqq.),  and  a  still  more  elabo- rate set  of  forms  is  given  in  the  Liber  Responsalis attributed  to  Gregory  {ib.  col.  741  sqq.). The  Ordo  Eomanus  {ed.  cit.  p.  19)  prescribes three  Lections  from  Isaiah  for  the  Vigil  of  the Nativity  :  (1)  ix.  1-x.  4;  (2)  xl.  1-xli.  20;  (3) Hi.  1-15.  The  Ambrosian  Liturgy  of  the  Church of  Milan  (Pamelius,  Liturgg.  Latt.  vol.  i.  pp. 293  sqq.)  gives  one  Mass  for  the  day. We  may  now  briefly  examine  the  Liturgical monuments  of  the  Galilean  Church.  In  the  an- cient Lectionaiy  of  that  Church,  there  were originally  twelve  Lections  for  the  Vigil  of  the Nativity.  Those  which  are  yet  extant,  five  in number,  are  :  Isaiah  xliv.  23-xlvi.  13 ;  an  ex- tract from  a  sermon  of  Augustine  ••  Be  Nativi- tate  Domini :  Isaiah  liv.  1-lxi.  7  ;  Malachi  ii.  7- iv.  6  ;  St.  John  i.  1-15. The  Lections  for  the  Nativity  itself  are  Isaiah vii.  10-ix.  8  (with  some  omissions);  Danihel [Benedicite]  cum  benedictione  ;  Hebrews  i.  1-13  ; St.  Luke  ii.  1-19  (Mabillon,  de  Liturgia  Gallicana, lib.  ii.  pp.  106  sqq.).  In  illustration  of  this  plan of  having  twelve  Lections  for  the  Vigil  of  the Nativity,  here  doubtless  equivalent  to  the  Matins of  the  Nativity,  Mabillon  {I.  c.)  cites  from  the Regula  of  Aurelian,  bishop  of  Aries  :  "In  Natale Domini  et  in  Epiphania  tertia  hora  surgite  :  di- cite  unum  nocturuum  et  facite  sex  missas  [  =  lec- tiones]  de  Isaia  propheta ;  iterum  dicite  noc- turnum,  et  legantur  aliae  sex  de  Evangelic " {Patrol.  Ixviii.  396). It  will  be  seen  that  in  the  Gallican  Lectionary one  Mass  only  is  presupposed  for  the  day  of  the Nativity,  and  in  accordance  with  this  the  Gothico- Gallic  Missal  {op.  cit.  pp.  188  sqq.)  gives  us  one Mass  for  the  Vigil  and  one  for  the  day.  In  the ancient  Gallican  Missal  are  found  forms  of  the  Pre- face "  ad  vesperum  Natalis  Domini  "  and  prayers "  ad  initium  noctis  Natalis  Domini,"  "  in  media nocte  Natalis  Domini." The  Mozarabio  Missal  gives  us  but  one  Mass for  the  day  and  ignores  the  Vigil.  The  Propheti- cal Lection,  the  Epistle,  and  the  Gospel  are  re- spectively Isaiah  ix.  1-7;  Hebrews  i.  1-12:  St. Luke  ii.  6-20  (ed.  Leslie,  pp.  37  sqq.).  The Breviary  gives  Matins  for  the  Vigil;  and  for the  day  of  the  Nativity,  (1)  Vespers — that  is  on the  evening  preceding  December  25  ;  (2)  Matins and  Lauds.  Into  the  Vesper  service  enters  the noble  h3fmn,  "  Veni  Redemptor  Gentium." It  will  have  been  noticed  that  the  Roman Liturgies,  the  Gelasian  and  Gregorian,  give  three Masses  for  the  Nativity,  while  those  for  the Churches  of  Milan,  Gaul,  and  Spain  give  but one.  In  tlie  case  of  the  Gallican  Church  this may  be  illustrated  from  Gregory  of  Tours,  who in  the  life  of  Nicetius  of  Lyons  (IVtoe  I'atrnm, viii.  11,  p.  1196,  ed.  Bened.),  says:  "Facta  quo- que  hora  tertia,  cum  populus  ad  missarum  so- lemnia  conveniret,  hie  mortuus  in  ecclesiam  est delatus."  On  the  other  hand,  we  must  men- tion that  in  a  writing  of  Eldefonsus,  a  Spanish bishop,  who  wrote  845  A.D.,  is  an  allusion  to  a triple  Mass  on  the  Nativity,  Easter,  Whitsunday, and  the  Transfiguration  {Patrol,  cvi.  888).     This i •»  This  passage,  attributed  to  Augustine,  does  not  seem to  be  bis,  nor  is  It  included  in  bis  works. CHRISTMAS IS  probably  a  leaning  to  the  Roman  plan,  or  it may  be  a  custom  of  independent  origin. The  cause  of  the  triple  Mass  in  the  Gelasian and  Gregorian  Sacramentaries  is  thus  explained by  Mabillon  (/.  c),  that  in  consequence  of  three being  the  number  of  "  stations "  discharged  in ancient  times  in  Rome  by  a  Pope  on  that  day, three  Masses  were  instituted.'  We  shall  again quote  the  ancient  Ordo  Romanus  on  this  point (p.  19):  "Prima  die  Vigiliae  Natalis  Domini hora  nona  canunt  Missam  ad  S.  Mariam.  Qua expleta  canunt  vespertinalem  synaxim,  dehinc vadunt  ad  cibum.  In  crepusculo  noctis  intrat Apostolicus  ad  vigilias  in  praefatam  Ecclesiam, tamen  non  cantant  ibi  invitatorium  ad  introitum, sed  expletis  vigiliis  et  matutinis,  sicut  in  Anti- phonario  continetur,  ibidem  canunt  primam  Mis- sam in  nocte.  Qua  expleta,  vadunt  ad  S.  Anas- tasiam  canere  aliam  Missam  de  nocte.  Dehinc pergunt  ad  S.  Pefnim,  ut  ibi  vigilias  celebrent, ab  eo  loco  ubi  invenerit  eos  psallere  qui  ibidem excubant.  Ipsi  enlm  intrant  ad  vigilias  debito tempore  in  processu  noctis  et  canunt  invitatorium et  prosequuntur  ordinem  Antiphonarii.  Unde etiam  dupla  officia  in  Komanorum  Antiphonariis hac  nocte  describuntur."  The  above  will  account for  the  commemoration  of  S.  Anastasia  at  the Mass  Ifane  prima.  The  Ordo  then  adds  the  ob- viously groundless  statement  that  the  institution of  these  nocturnal  Masses  is  to  be  referred  to Pope  Telesphorus  (ob.  138  A.D.). Attention  has  already  been  called  to  the  fact of  the  early  recognition  of  the  Vigil  of  the Nativity.  In  addition  to  the  examples  cited,  we may  further  appeal  to  a  still  older  witness,  Au- gustine, who  speaks  of  it  in  one  of  his  letters (Epist.  65  ad  Xantippum  [olim  236] ;  Patrol. xxxiii.  234).  It  differed  in  this  respect  from the  ordinary  type  of  Vigil  in  that  it  continued through  the  night,  making  with  the  Nativity itself  one  great  solemnity.  Thus  we  read  in  the letter  of  the  Bishops  Lupus  and  Euphronius  to Bishop  Talasius  :  "  Vigilia  Natalis  Domini  longe alio  more  quam  Paschae  Vigilia  celebranda,  quia hie  lectiones  Nativitatis  legendae  sunt,  illic autem  Passionis.  Epiphaniae  quoque  solemnitas habet  suum  specialem  cultum.  Quae  Vigiliae vel  maxime  aut  perpete  nocte  aut  certe  in  matu- tinum  vergente  curandae  sunt.  Paschatis  autem Vigiliae  a  Vespere  raro  in  Matutinum  usque  per- ducitur"  {Patrol.  W\i\.  66).  In  iha  Capitula  oi Theodore  of  Tarsus,  archbishop  of  Canterbury (ob.  690  A.D.),  the  difi'erence  of  the  practice  of the  Latin  and  Greek  Church  in  this  matter  is pointed  out,  in  that  the  former  began  the  Vigil at  Nones,  the  latter  late  in  the  evening  (Capit. 66;  Patrol,  xcix.  957).     The  Gelasian,    Grego- CHRISTMAS 3G3 '  This  seems  more  probable  than  the  view  adopted  by Quesnell  in  his  notes  on  the  works  of  Leo  I.  {Epist.  9 '11  ed.  Quesnell],  vol.  ii.  1399),  that  the  custom  arose from  a  distinct  authorization  in  the  Roman  Church  to hold  several  masses,  as  might  be  found  necessary,  en festivals  of  great  importance,  such  asChrislmasand  Easter, when  there  would  be  a  gi'eat  concourse  of  people,  more than  a  church  could  contain  at  once.  He  quotes  an  illus- tration of  this  from  our  own  church,  when  the  Council  of Oxford  (1222  A.D.),  under  Stephen  Langton,  archbishop of  Canterbury,  enacted  "  ad  haec  duximus  statuendum districtius  inhibentes  ne  sacerdos  quispiam  missarum solennia  celebret  bis  in  die,  excepto  die  Nativitatis  et Kesiirrectionis  Dominicae  vel  in  exequiis  deluuctorum." (Can.  6;  Labbe,  vol.  xi.  p.  274.) nan,  and  Pamelius'  Ambrosian  Sacramentaries give  also  Masses  for  the  Octave  of  the  Nativity, January  1.  which  would  also  of  necessity  be  the anniversary  of  the  day  of  the  Circumcision,  by which  express  name  it  is  denoted  in  some  other Liturgies.  [CiRCUMCisiox.] The  existence  of  the  group  of  important  fes- tivals between  Christmas  and  the  Epiphany  seems to  point  to  a  wish  on  the  part  of  the  early Church  to  render  the  whole  season  one  great  fes- tival, by  redeeming  as  much  as  possible  of  the time  from  ordinary  worldly  business,  in  com- memoration of  persons  more  or  less  indirectly connected  with  our  Lord's  Nativity.  Thus  a Council  of  Tours  declares:  "Inter  Natale  Do- mini et  Epiphania  omni  die  festivitates  sunt itemque  prandebunt"  {Concil.Turonense  ii.  can. 17 ;  Labbe,  vol.  v.  856).  From  the  great  import- ance of  the  festival,  the  Nativity,  if  happening to  coincide  with  a  fast,  claimed  the  right  of overriding  the  fast.  Indeed  there  was  a  fast  pre- ceding the  Nativity  which  just  stopped  short of  it.  Thus  Aurelian,  already  quoted,  says  (J.  c), "  A  Calendis  Novembris  usque  ad  Domini  Natale quotidie  jejunandum  absque  Sabbato  et  Domi- nico."  Cf.  also  the  canon  we  have  just  cited  of the  Second  Council  of  Tours,  "  De  Decembri usque  ad  Natale  Domini  omni  die  jejunent." We  may  further  cite  in  illustration  Epiphanius {Adversus  Hacreses :  Expositio  Fidei  22,  vol.  i. p.  1105),  who,  after  saying  that  there  is  no  fast throughout  the  fifty  days  of  Pentecost,  adds, "Nor  on  the  day  of  the  Epiphany,  when  the Lord  was  born  in  the  flesh,  is  it  lawful  to  fast, although  it  happen  to  iall  on  the  fourth  or  the sixth  day  of  the  week."  It  will  be  remembered from  a  previously  cited  passage  of  this  writer that  he  follows  the  Eastern  plan  in  this  matter, so  that  his  day  of  the  Epiphany  is  at  once Epiphany  and  Nativity. As  a  festival  of  so  great  importance,  Christmas was  one  of  the  seasons,  on  which  it  was  especially enjoined  on  all,  clergy  and  laity  alike,  to  com- municate. Thus  the  Council  of  Agde  (506  a.d.) orders  :  "  Ut  cives  qui  superiorum  solemnitatum, id  est  Paschae  ac  Natalis  Domini  vel  Pentecostes festivitatibus  cum  episcopis  iuteresse  neglexerint, cum  in  civitatibus  communionis  vel  benedictionis accipiendae  causa  se  nosse  debeant,  triennio  a communione  priventur  ecclesiae."  Again  :  "  Si quis  in  clero  constitutus  ab  ecclesia  sua  diebus solemnibus  defuerit,  id  est  Nativitate,  Epiphania, Pascha  vel  Pentecoste,  dum  potius  saecularibus lucris  studet  quam  servitio  Dei  paret,  convenit ut  triennio  a  communione  suspendatur.  .  .  ." {Concil.  Agathense,  can.  63,  64;  Labbe',  iv.  1393). Springing  from  the  same  tendency  is  the  injunc- tion of  the  First  Council  of  Orleans  (511  A.D.): "  Ut  nulli  civium  Paschae,  Natalis  Domini  vel quinquagesimae  solennitatem  in  villa  liceat  cele- brare,  nisi  quem  infirmitas  probabitur  renuisse  " (Concil.  Aureliancnse  i.  can.  25 ;  ihid.  1408).  It was  allowed  by  the  Council  of  Epao  (517  A.D.) for  people  of  rank  (cives  superiorum  natalium) to  invite  their  bishop  to  themselves  at  Christmas or  Easter  to  receive  his  blessing  (Concil.  Epaun- ense,  can.  35;  ibid.  1580). IV.  Christmas  Presents.  As  coming  at  the  be- ginning of  the  ecclesiastical  year,  and  as  being in  itself  a  time  when  from  the  Great  Gift  then given  by  God  to  man,  all  memories  call  to  peace aud  friendship,  the  season  of  Christmas  has  from 364  CHRISTOPHORI time  immemorial  been  associated  ^^'lth  the  mu- tual giving  of  presents  and  the  interchange  of ^"r:imlSrustom  prevailed  among  the  Romans, who  on  the  Calends  of  January  offered  to  the emperor  or  to  their  patrons  presents  called  strenae /•hpnce  French  etrenne).  See,  for  instance,  bue- E  Calig.  42;  cf;^«</.  57,  Tib.  34;  also Dion  Cassius,  liv.  3o.  .     ,     .     j  /•         +t,^ That  tlie  Christian  custom  is  derived  from  the above  we  do  not  of  course  affirm,  although  we are  far  from  denying  the  possibility  of  such  an ^^  Traces  of  the  custom  are  to  be  found  in  the Greek  Church,  as  we  learn  from  Goar  (Notes  to Codinus,  De  Officiis  Condantinopolitanis,  c.  6 ; Patrol.  Gr.  clvii.  308),  who  speaks  of  boys  and youths  running  about  the  streets  at  this  season, and  "ad  amkoruni  portas  modulis  sonis  ac musices  instrumentis  ^oXuxpov'a  [wishes  for  long life  and  happiness  ;  see  Ducange,  Glossanum  s.  v.J perstrepunt,  senia  reportaturi,  cunctique  xP'^t- ovy^vvvTiKo^s  pi-o  natalitiis  Christi  munenbus se  cumulant  certatim."  ^ ,      ^     ,- The  custom  of  the  strenae  as  an  offshoot  ot heathenism,  did  not  find  much  favour  in  the  eyes of  the  early  Church.  Thus  in  a  sermon  Be  ta- lendis  Januarii,  wrongly  attributed  to  Augustine, we  read,  "  Diabolicas  etiam  strenas  et  ab  aliis accipiuut  et  ipsi  aliis  tradunt"  (Pa<ro/.  sxxix. 2002,  2004). V.  Literature.  We  must  express  our  obliga- tions here  especially  to  Jablonsky's  Dissertationes II  •  Martene,  De  Antiquis  Ecclesiae  Ritihus,  vol. iii.'  pp.  31  sqq.  ed.  Venice,  1783;  Augusti, C/iristl.  Archaologie,  vol.  i.  pp.  211  sqq.:  Bin- terim,  Venkwiirdigkeiten,  vol.  v.  part  1,  pp. 528  sqq.  Reference  may  also  be  made  to  By- naeus,  De  Katali  Jesu  Christi,  Amsterdam  1694; Kindler,  Do  Natalitiis  Christi,  Rotterdam  1699  ; Kopkeu,  'l(TTopovfj.fva,  Rostock  1705  ;  Ittig,  De Eitu  festum  Nat.  Christi  celebrandi,  Wernsdorf, De  Originibus  Solemnium  Natalis  Christi,  Witten- berg, 1757.  [R-  S.] CHEISTOPHOFJ.  A  name  sometimes  ap- plied to  Christians  in  the  ancient  Church,  as expressing  the  Presence  of  Christ  within  them by  His  Spirit.  As  early  as  Ignatius  we  find  the appellation  Theophori  in  use,  to  signify  that Christians  are  the  Temple  of  God ;  and  Christo- phori  also  occurs  in  the  early  writers  in  a similar  sense :  e.g.  in  the  epistle  of  Phileas, bishop  of  Thmuis,  recorded  by  Eusebius,  1.  viii. c.  10,  we  find  him  speaking  of  the  martyrs  of his  own  time  as  XpitrTotfxipoi  ixaprvpes,  because they  were  temples  of  Christ  and  acted  by  His Holy  Spirit  (Bingham,  i.  1,  4).  [D.  B.] CHRISTOPHORUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  the city  of  Samos,  A.  D.  256,  is  commemorated July  25  (J/art.  i^oOT.  Vet.,  Usuardi) ;  April  28 (J/u/f.  Bedae) ;  May  9  {Cal.  Byzant.). (2)  Monk,  martyr  at  Cordova,  Aug.  20  QIart. Usuardi).  [C] CHRONITAE,  Xpov'iTm.  A  name  of  re- proach given  to  the  Catholics  or  orthodox  Chris- tians by  Aetius  the  Arian  and  his  party :  inti- mating that  their  religion  was  but  for  a  time, that  its  day  was  being  fast  spent,  and  that  it must  soon  give  place  to  the  more  enlightened CHRYSOTELUS characteristic  of  heresy  in  all  ages  of  the  Church (Bingham,  I.  iii.  16).  L^-  ^-J CHRONOLOGY.  The  object  of  the  several articles  in  this  work  relating  to  chronology  is  to describe  the  methods  used  by  the  writers  ot  our period  in  measuring  time,  and  the  reduction  of their  methods  to  that  at  present  in  use  in  this country.  This  evidently  involves  the  considera- tion of  the  various  non-ecclesiastical  calendars, or  modes  of  reckoning  time,  employed  by  writers of  the  first  eight  centuries,  and  of  the  modi- fications introduced  into  them  by  the  influence of  Christianity. To  place  an  event  in  time,  we  must  have  a fixed  epoch  or  era  from  which  to  measure,  and  a fixed,  or  at  least  a  determinable,  standard  by which  to  measure  the  interval  from  that  era. The  principal  epochs  from  which  intervals  of time  have  been  measured  are  given  under  ERA. The  great  natural  divisions  of  time  are  days, lunations,  and  solar  years;  and  almost  every nation  has  either  endeavoured  to  discover  the relation  which  lunations  bear  to  solar  years [Epact],  and  so  to  keep  the  lunar  months  in some  kind  of  correspondence  with  the  seasons  of the  solar  year ;  or  has  abandoned  the  observation of  the  moon  in  its  division  of  time,  and  divided the  solar  year  into  twelve  months,  somewhat longer  than  lunar  months.  See  Month,  Year. Further,  nearly  all  nations  have  adopted  for  the convenience  of  common  life  purely  conventional divisions  of  time,  not  corresponding  to  any natural  division,  such  as  the  Roman  Nundinae. The  conventional  division  with  which  we  are principally  concerned  is  the  Week As  the  various  events  of  Christian  history received  annual  commemoration,  the  days  of such  recurring  commemorations  became  recog- nised as  elements  in  chronology  [Calendar]. The  principal  modification  which  the  calendar underwent  in  consequence  of  ecclesiastical  con- siderations is  that  which  arose  from  the  annual variation  in  the  observance  of  Easter,  and  the festivals  connected  with  it.  See  Easter,  Pas- chal Cycle,  Golden  Kumbers.  [C] system  of  Arianism :  a  conceit  which  has  been  I  Rom.  Vet.  Usuardi). CHRYSANTHUS,  martyr  at  Rome  under Numerianus  (A.D.  283),  is  commemorated  Dec.  1 (Mart.  Usuardi);  March  19  {Cal.  Byzant.}  [C] CHRYSOGONUS,  martyr  at  Rome  under Diocletian,  is  commemorated  Nov.  24  {Ma)-t. Hieron.,  Bom.  Vet.,  Bedae,  Usuardi).  Some  MSS. of  the  Hieronymian  Ilartyrology  give  Aquileia  as the  place  of  rnartyrdom.  l^-i CHRYSOSTOM,  LITURGY  OF.  [Li- turgy.] CHRYSOSTOM,  ST.  JOHN,  is  commemo- rated Nov.  13  {Cal.  Byzant.,  Ethiop.).  Translation of  his  relics  to  Constantinople,  in  the  reign  of  the youno-er  Theodosius  (A.D.  435),  Jan.  27.  The Byzantine  had  also  in  more  recent  limes  a  fes- tiVal  of  SS.  Basil,  Gregory  Nazianzenus,  and Chrysostom,  on  Jan.  30.  The  Mart.  Rom.  T  et., and  Mart.  Usuardi  place  the  Natalis  of  St.  Chry- sostom on  Jan,  27,  and  do  not  mention  the Translation.  ■  l^-l CHRYSOTELUS,  presbyter,  martyr  at  Cor- dova, is  commemorated  April  22  {Mart.  Bedae, [C] CHURCH CHURCH  (1),  in  respect  to  the  reyerence and  the  privileges  attached  to  the  building. (1)  It  was  customary  to  wash  the  hands  and feet  before  entei-ing  the  church,  for  which  purpose a  fountain  was  commonly  provided  in  the  middle of  the  atrium  or  court  before  the  church,  called cantharus  or  phiala ;  so  Euseb.  H.  E.  x.  4 ; Tertull.  De  Orat.  c,  xi. ;  Paulinus  of  Nola,  Epist. xii.  ad  Severum  ;  Socrates,  ii.  38 ;  St.  Chrys.,  re- peatedly ;  Synes.  Epist.  cxxi. :  quoted  by  Bingham. Kings  and  emperors  also  left  their  arms,  and even  their  diadems,  and  their  guai-ds,  outside when  entei'ing  a  church  (Theodos.  Orat.  in  Act.  i. Cone.  Ephes. ;  Bingham,  VIII.  x.  8).  And  the Egyptian  monks,  after  Eastern  custom,  put  otf their  sandals  (Cassian.  Instit.  i.  2).  It  was customary,  also,  to:  show  reverence  to  the  church by  embracing,  saluting,  and  kissing,  its  dooi-s, threshold,  and  pillars.  So  St.  Athanasius  {0pp. ii.  304,  ed.  1627),  St.  Chrysostom  {Horn.  xxix.  in 2  Cor.),  Paulinus  {Natal,  vi.  Felicis),  Prudentius {Hjimn  II.  in  S.  La\irent.  519,  520),  &c.,  quoted  by Bingham,  ih.  9. — (2)  Upon  entering  the  church, "  the  Christians  in  the  Greek  and  Oriental churches  have,  time  out  of  mind,  used  to  bow  .  . towards  the  altar  or  holy  table  ;"  a  practice  for which  no  known  ancient  canon  exists,  and  which looks  therefore  like  a  primitive  practice,  and  one probably  borrowed  from  the  Jews  (Mede,  Disc, on  I's.  132,  quoted  by  Bingham\  A  profound silence  was  also  to  be  observed  within  the  building (Cassian,  Instit.  ii.  2  ;  S.  Greg.  Naz.  Orat.  xix.). And  coughing,  spitting,  &c.,  were  forbidden, — "  A  gemitu,  screatu,  tussi,  risu,  abstinentes " (St.  Ambi'os.  Be  Virg.  iii.  9).  And  Nonna  is eulogized  by  her  son,  St.  Greg.  Naz.  {Orat.  xix.), as,  among  other  things,  never  spitting,  and  never turning  her  back  upon  the  altar.— (3)  Election  of bishops  and  of  clergy,  synods,  catechetical  schools, and  the  like,  were  allowed  to  be  held  within churches.  But  eating  meals  there  was  strictly forbidden,  even  in  time  the  aydirai : — Ou  Se?  ev roiS  KvptaKols  t)  iu  Ta7s  eKKX-qaiais  ras  Xeyo- fjiivas  aydiras  iroieTv  Kal  ev  r^  otKoi  too  0eo9 fffdiiiv  KoL  aKov^ira  (TTpwvvvetv  {Cone.  Laodi- ccn.  c.  28)  :  — "  Ut  nuUi  episcopi  vel  clerici  in ecclesia  conviventur,  nisi  forte  transeuntes  hos- pitiorum  necessitate  illic  reficiantur;  et  populi, quantum  fieri  potest,  ab  hujusmodi  conviviis prohibeantur "  {Cone.  Carth.  III.  can.  30 ;  Cod. Con.  Afric.  42).  St.  Augustin,  however,  is  com- pelled to  tolerate,  whilst  he  severely  condemns, the  custom  of  feasting  iu  the  church  in  memory of  the  martyrs — "  Qui  se  in  memoriis  martyrum inebriant,  quomodo  a  nobis  approbari  possunt, quum  eos,  etiam  si  in  domibus  suis  faciant,  sana doctrina  condemnet"  {Cant.  Faust,  xx.  21).  The Emperor  Leo  also  {Novel.  Ixxiii.),  and  Cone.  Trull. can.  97,  forbid  people  from  lodging  in  certain galleries  in  the  church,  called  eatechumenia.  And the  Cone.  Eliberit.  can.  35,  prohibits  private  vigils of  women  in  the  church  precincts — "  ne  foeminae in  coemiterio  pervigilent ;"  although  the  practice of  spending  whole  nights  there  in  prayer  was permitted  to  men  (see  e.g.  Theodoret,  v.  24; S.  Athanas.  Epist.  ad  Serapion.  :  Socrat.  i.  37  ; &c.) ;  and  eubicula,  or  cells,  were  sometimes  pro- vided for  the  purpose  (Paulin.  Epist.  xii.  ad Sever.). — (4)  Holding  assemblies  privately  out of  the  church  was  strictly  forbidden  :  Elf  tjs vapa  Tr]V  iKKkrialav  ISia  e/c/CATjciafoj,  Kal  Kara- (ppovSiv  T^s  iKK\i](Tias  TO.  TTjs  iKKKr\<xias  ideKoi CHURCH  365 irpaTTiiv,  firi  (Tvv6vros  rov  irpefffiuTtpov  Kara. yvw/jLTfiv  rov  4in(rK6Trov,  avddefxa  earw  {Cone. Gangr.  can.  6) ;  and  can.  5  of  the  same  council condemns  those  who  despise  the  church  and  its assemblies. — (5)  The  church  was  a  place  of  safety, both  for  valuables  and  for  life  and  person.  Be- sides the  archives  and  treasure  of  the  church itself,  the  church  treasury  served  as  a  safe  re- ceptacle for  other  precious  things,  public  or private:  as,  e.g.  the  cubit  wherewith  the  in- crease of  the  Nile  was  measured,  which  had  been kept  in  the  temple  of  Serapis,  was  transferred by  order  of  Constantine  to  the  Christian  church, and  retransferred  to  the  idol  temple  by  Julian  the Apostate  (Ruffin.  ii.  30;  Sozom.  i.  8;  Socrat.  i.  18). —(6)  Immunity  of  life  and  person  attached  also  to such  as  took  refuge  in  a  church  :  for  the  details  of which  see  Saxctuary.  (Bingham.)     [A.  W.  H.] (2)  The  building  set  apart  for  the  perform- ance of  Christian  worship. This  article  is  arranged  as  follows  : — I.  Names,  p.  365. II.  Early  History,  p.  366. III,  I'he  Period  from  Constantine  to  Justinian,  p.  368. IV.  The  Period  from  the  death  of  Justinian  to  the  death of  Charles  the  Great. 1.  The  western  part  of  the  territory  of  the  Eastern Empire,  p.  378. 2   Armenia  and  the  adjacent  provinces,  p.  379. 3.  Italy,  p.  379. 4.  France,  Germany,  and  Switzerland,  p.  380. 5.  Spain,  p.  382. 6.  Ireland,  p.  384. 7.  Scotland,  p.  385. 8.  England,  p  385. I.  Names. —  Greek,  EKK\riaia,  KvpiaKT],  or rh  KvpiaKhv;  Latin, Eeelesia,  Dominica  {i.e.  domus dominica),  or  Basilica  ;  French,  ^glise  ;  Italian, Chiesa  ;  Spanish,  Igreja ;  Roumanic,  Biserica ; Anglo-Saxon,  Circ,  Gyric;  Old  German,  Chirichu  ; Modern  German,  Kirche ;  Dutch,  Kerk ;  Ice- landic, Kyrkia  ;  Swedish,  Kyrka  ;  Russian,  Tser- koff;  Polish,  Koseiol,  if  Greco-Russian,  Cerkiew  ; Irish,  Domhliag  {i.  e.  stone  house),  Tempull,  Eclais, Begles ;  Welsh,  Eghcys ;  Hungarian,  Egyhaz, Templom. The  names  for  a  church  in  the  languages  of Ihe  Latin  family  are  evidently  derived  from  the Greek  'E/cKATjo-ia  ;  those  in  the  languages  of  the Teutonic  and  Scandinavian  families  apparently from  KvpiaK-i). Several  other  terms  have  been  used  by  Greek and  Latin  writers  of  the  earlier  centuries  when speaking  either  of  churches,  or  of  oratories  or places  of  assembly.  Such  are  vahs,  templum,  by Lactantius,  St.  Ambrose,  Eusebius,  St.  John Chrysostom.  Arnobius  and  Lactantius  use  the word  conventiculum,  while  concilium  and  syno- dus  are  also  found  in  use  not  only  for  the  assem- bly but  for  the  edifice  (v.  Bingham  ii.  84). Isidore  of  Pelusium  (lib.  ii.  Kp.  245)  in  the  like case  distinguishes  betvifeen  'E/ckAtjo-io  the  assem- bly, and  'EKKAriaiacrrriptoy  the  building. Descriptive  phrases  were  also  employed,  as TlpocrevKT-fipia,  OIkoi  EvKT-qpiot  (by  Eusebius, Socrates,  Sozomen,  and  others)  Oratoria,  Domus Dei,  Domus  Ecclesiae,  Domus  Divina,  by  various writers  from  the  third  century  downwards. Bingham,  however,  has  shewn  that  in  the  6th century  Domus  Ecclesiae  was  sometimes  used, not  to  signify  the  church,  but  the  Bishop's  house, and  that  in  the  5th  century  (and  probably  even somewhat  later),  Domus  Divina  was  the  official style  for  the  Imperial  palace. 366 CHURCH 'AvaKTopov  [see  Anactoron]  as  equivalent  to basilica  is  used  by  Eusebius  (De  Laude  Constant. c.  9),  but  is  only  rarely  employed. Churches  erected  specially  in  honour  of  mar- tyrs were  called  Maprvpia,  Martyria,  Memoriae, Tp6iraia,  Tropaea,  T/tAoi,  Tituli. Those  who  wrote  in  Latin,  in  the  dark  ages, appear  to  employ  the  word  basilica  for  the  most part,  when  they  wrote  of  a  large  church,  ora- torium  when  of  a  chapel  or  oratory.  Those  who wrote  in  Gaul,  in  the  6th  and  7th  centuries,  are said  by  De  Valois  (v.  Du  Cange,  Gloss,  art.  '  Basi- lica')"to  have  used  basilica  for  the  church  of  a convent,  and  ecclesia  for  a  cathedral  or  parish church.  Gildas  in  the  6th  century  employs ecclesia  and  basilica,  adding  to  the  latter  word '  martyrum.' II.  Eai-ly  History. — At  what  time  the  Chris- tians began  to  erect  buildings  for  the  purpose  of celebrating  divine  worship  is  unknown,  but  it  is obvious  that  inasmuch  as  they  held  frequent assemblies  for  religious  purposes,  suitable  places for  such  assemblies  would  be  required,  and  that when  the  congregations  became  large  rooms  in private  houses  would  cease  to  afford  the  requisite space. The  assertions  of  some  of  the  earlier  Christian writers,  as  Arnobius  (Disputed,  adv.  Gent.  lib.  vi. c.  1),  Origen  (c.  Cels.  lib.  7,  c.  8),  Minucius  Felix {Octav.  c.  8,  10,  32)  that  the  Christians  had neither  temples,  altars  nor  images,  that  God could  be  worshipped  in  every  place,  and  that  his best  temple  on  earth  is  the  heart  of  man,  should, it  would  appear,  be  understood,  not  literally — for there  is  positive  evidence  of  the  existence  of churches  in  the  3rd  century — but  that  they had  no  temples  or  altars  in  the  Pagan  sense  of those  words,  and  that  their  religion  was  spiritual, and  not  dependent  upon  places  or  rituals. The  passage  from  Clemens  Alexandrinus(<S'irOOT. vii.  5,  p.  846)  and  those  from  other  writers,  quoted by  Bingham  {Antiq.  bk.  viii.  c.  1,  §  13),  prove that  a  certain  place  was  called  sKKXriffia,  but,  in strictness,  not  that  it  was  a  separate  building, constructed  and  set  apart  for  that  purpose.  The documentary  evidence  of  the  next  century,  the 3rd,  is,  however,  much  more  decisive.  The  chro- nicle of  Edessa  (in  Assemanni,  Bibl.  Orient,  xi. 397)  mentions  the  destruction  of  temples  of Christian  assemblies  in  a.d.  292. Aelius  Lampridius  in  his  Life  of  the  Emperor Alexander  Severus  (a.d.  222-235),  narrates  that the  Christians  having  occupied  a  certain  place,  it was  confirmed  to  them  on  the  ground  that  it was  better  that  God  should  be  worshipped  there after  any  manner,  than  that  it  should  be  given up  to  the  adverse  claimants,  the  '  popinarii,'  or tavern-keepers.  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  in  his  life of  Gregory  Thaumaturgus,  bishop  of  Neo-Caesa- rea,  states  that  he  built  sevei-al  churches  there and  in  the  adjacent  parts  of  Pontus.  In  addition to  which,  many  other  testimonies  of  a  like  nature might  be  adduced. The  edict  of  Diocletian,  usually  attributed  to the  year  302,  ordering  the  destruction  of  the churches  and  the  confiscation  of  the  lands  belong- ing to  them,  confirms  these  statements,  and Lnctantius'  account  (De  Mart.  Persecutorum,  c. 12)  of  the  destruction  of  the  church  at  Nico- nifidia  in  A.D.  303,  shows  that  some  of  them  at least  were  considerable  edifices. There  is  some  groxmd  for  believing  that  in  the CHUECH 3rd  century  those  plans  and  arrangements  of churches  which  we  find  to  prevail  in  the  4th and  following  centuries  were,  at  least  in  part, already  in  use;  St.  Cyprian  (A"/?.  59,  p.  688,  Hartel) imagines  Pagan  altai's  and  images  usurping  the place  of  the  altar  of  the  Lord,  and  entering  into' the  "  sacrum  venerandum  consessum "  of  the clergy.  In  this  there  seems  to  be  an  evident  allu- sion to  the  arrangement  usual  in  later  times,  in which  the  altar  was  placed  in  the  apse,  and  the clergy  sat  on  a  bench  around  it. So  also  in  the  passage  mTevtxi\]\nii(De  Pudicit.c. 4),  when  that  writer  speaks  of  certain  sinners being  removed  not  only  from  the  '  limen  '  but also  'omni  ecclosiae  tecto,'  not  only  from  the threshold  of  the  church  itself,  but  even  from every  dependent  building,  such  as  the  narthex, the  atrium,  or  the  baptistery.  It  is  doubtful whether  any  now  existing  church  can  be  attri- buted, upon  good  evidence,  to  this  century.  One which  had  been  believed  so  to  date,  is  the  basilica of  Reparatus,  near  Orleansville,  in  Algeria,  the ancient  Castellum  Tingitanum.  It  is  about  80 feet  long  by  52  wide,  and  is  on  the  "  dromical  " or  as  we  now  say  basilican  plan,  that  is,  in  the form  of  a  parallelogram,  longer  than  wide.  It was  divided  into  a  nave and  four  aisles  by  four ranges  of  columns.  It has  now  an  apse  at  each end,  both  internal  to the  line  of  walls.  Ac- cording to  an  inscriji- tion,  still  remaining;, the  earlier  part  of  tho building  dates  from 252,  but  the  era  is  most probably  not  that  of Christ,  but  of  Mauri- tania, and  the  date corresponds  with  a.d. 325;  the  other  apse was  added  about  a.d. 403,    to     contain    the grave      of     the       saint.  Basilica  of  Keparatns. The  earlier  apse,  with the  ground  in  front  of  it,  is  raised  about  three feet ;  and  below  it  was  a  vault,  in  which were  two  sarcophagi.  It  is  not,  however,  clear whether  this  arrangement  was  origin<il.  An- other African  church,  that  of  D'jemila,  which is  believed  to  date  from  the  latter  part  of  this century,  presents  the  remarkable  peculiarity  of being  without  an  apse.  It  measures  92  feet  by 52.  Near  the  end  furthest  from  the  entrance door  is  an  enclosure  entered  by  a  doorway  in front  and  one  on  each  side.  This,  no  doubt,  sur- rounded the  altar  and  the  seats  of  the  priests. Some  other  churches  which  have  been  supposed to  belong  to  this  century,  as  the  cathedral  of Treves  (v.  Hiibsch,  Die  altchristl.  Kirchen,  pi. vi.),  and  the  small  church  at  Annona,  in  Algeria, though  on  the  basilican  plan,  are  much  wider  in proportion  to  their  length  than  is  usual  in  the later  examples.  In  the  case  of  Trfeves  the  build- ing is,  in  fact,  a  square  (or  very  nearly  so), measuring  about  120  feet  internally  with  an apse.  The  roof  was  supported  by  two  mono- lithic columns  of  granite,  about  40  feet  high, on  each  side.  If  the  church  were  not  square, but  oblong,  about  which  there  is  some  doubt, there  were    probably   three,  and    perhaps    even ^~t3 CHURCH five  of  these  columns  on  each  side.  By  some, however,  as  by  Kugler,  Gesch.  der  Baukunst  i. 404,  this  building  is  attributed  to  about  the  year 550,  but  it  seems  very  improbable  that  so  bold  a plan,  involving  arches  of  great  span,  supported on  monolithic  columns  nearly  50  feet  high  (in- cluding bases  and  capitals)  was  conceived  and executed  at  that  time.  The  church  at  TafFkha, in  central  Syria,  exhibits  the  same  square  form, with  a  semi-ovoid  apse  projecting  from  the  side opposite  to  the  entrance.  This  building,  in  style and  construction,  most  closely  resembles  a  basilica at  Chagga,  which  M.  de  Vogiie  ascribes  to  the third  century,  and  it  must  be  presumed  that  he considers  the  chur8h  to  be  of  the  same  date.     It CHURCH 3G7 depth  by  a  little  less  in  width,  and  being  about 20  feet  high  internally. Some  of  the  churches  in  Egypt  and  Nubia, as  at  Erment  in  Egypt  and  Ibrihm  in  Nubia (v.  Kugler,  Gesch.  der  Buuhunst,  i.  376),  are, no  doubt,  of  a  very  early  date,  perhaps  of  the end  of  the  3rd  or  the  beginning  of  the  following century,  but  no  certain  date  can  be  affixed  to them.  In  both  those  named  the  apse  is enclosed  within  the  walls,  the  angles  of  which are  occupied  by  chambers.  This  arrangement, indeed,  seems  to  have  been  very  early  adopted and  very  generally  adhered  to  in  the  East.  Some early  e.iamples  of  the  same  plan  may  be  found also  in  the  West,  as  in  the  Church  of  St.  Croce \ ( ^^^^ ' ■.--"^-^5^-~  • y       y       u-     I _ is  constructed  like  many  other  buildings  in  the same  part  of  Syria,  in  a  very  peculiar  manner, being  entirely  roofed  with  large  slabs  of  stone, which  rest  on  arches  spanning  tiie  nave  at  inter- vals of  about  7  ft.  8  in.  The  flat  roofs  of  the aisles  formed  galleries. One  very  remarkable  feature  in  this  building is  the  tower  which  ranges  with  the  fa9ade  and rises  to  a  height  of  about  43  feet.  If  this church  be  of  the  date  to  which  it  would  seem  to belong,  this  must  be  considered  as  the  first appearance  of  a  tower  in  ecclesiastical  archi- tecture. The  church  is  not  large,  measuring  externally (exclusively  of  apse  and  tower)  about  57  feet  in in  Gerusalemme  at  Rome  :  but  it  does  not  seem to  have"  been  frequently  used. When,  in  the  year  a.d.  313,  the  Emperor  Con- stantiue  had  published  the  edict  tolerating  the Christian  religion,  and  still  more  when,  in A.D.  324,  he  took  it  under  his  patronage,  a great  increase  in  the  erection  of  churches,  and in  the  size  and  splendour  of  the  edifices,  natu- rally ensued — the  emperor  himself  setting  the example  by  erecting  at  Jerusalem  and  elsewhere churches  of  gi-eat  magnificence. It  has  been  shewn  that  churches  of  the  basi- lican  type  were  erected  before  the  pei-iod  of Constantine,  and  it  is  probable  that  sepulchral or  memorial  churches  of  circular  or   polygonal 3ot CHUECH plan,  and  oratories  or  chapels  of  many  various forms,  may  have  been  also  built,  but  it  is  not until  the  4th  century  that  we  have  examples  of all  three  of  these  classes,  the  date  and  character of  which  are  well  ascertained.  Typical  foi-ms for  the  two  first  classes  were  established  in  the great  buildings  erected  during  the  reign  of  Con- stantine,  and  have  influenced  the  construction  of churches  down  to  the  present  day. The  basilican,  or,  as  the  Greeks  called  it,  the dromical  plan,  continued,  in  the  great  majority of  instances,  to  be  in  use  in  the  West  (though with  certain  modifications)  until  after  the  period embraced  by  this  work,  and  in  Rome  until  after the  year  1000. It  was  almost  equally  prevalent  in  the  East until  the  genius  of  the  architect  of  St.  Sophia  at Constantinople  had  evolved  from  the  other  ty- pical form,  viz.  that  of  the  memorial  church,  a new  combination  so  striking  and  impressive  as  to have  permanently  influenced  the  church  archi- tecture of  Asia  and  of  the  east  of  Europe  in favour  of  a  modification  of  the  memorial  type ; while  in  the  West,  churches  the  plans  of  which are  thence  derived,  continue  to  be,  as  they  had been  before,  exceptional ;  such  are  S.  Vitale  at Ravenna  and  S.  Lorenzo  at  Milan. In  the  earlier  period  the  choice  of  form  would seem  to  have  been  guided  by  the  intention  most strongly  present  to  the  founder.  Where  special intention  of  doing  honour  to  the  memory  of  a martyr  existed,  the  circular  form  was  chosen, but  where  this  was  not  the  leading  thought,  the basilican ;  the  latter  lending  itself  better  to  the celebration  of  divine  services  with  a  large  at- tendance of  worshippers.  In  several  instances a  basilican  and  a  memorial  church  were  placed in  close  proximity,  as  at  Jerusalem  by  Constan- tine,  Kalat  Sema'an  in  Central  Syria,  at  Nola  by Paulinus,  at  Constantinople  in  the  churches  of St.  Sergius  and  of  St.  Peter  and  Paul,  and several  others,  the  circular  or  polygonal  church being  in  almost  all  these  cases  dedicated  in honour  of  a  martyr. It  will  be  most  convenient  when  describing the  churches  erected  from  the  time  of  Constan- tine  to  that  of  Justinian  to  divide  them  according to  the  threefold  division  mentioned  above,  viz., into:  1st,  basilican;  2nd,  memorial  or  sepul- chral churches  ;  and  3rd,  oratories  (which  are treated  of  under  the  head  chapel),  without paying  much  regard  to  the  country  in  which the  examples  are  found.  During  this  period,  in fact,  so  much  unity,  as  well  of  ritual  and  prac- tice in  religious  matters  as  of  style  and  feeling in  art,  prevailed  throughout  the  Roman  Empire, that  the  differences  between  the  ecclesiastical architecture  of  its  various  provinces  are  chiefly differences  of  detail. At  the  beginning  of  the  period  which  follows, viz.,  that  from  Justinian  to  Charles  the  Great, the  great  development  of  the  Byzantine  style took  place,  and  the  architecture  of  the  East  is thenceforward  widely  different  from  that  of  the West.  Soon  afterwards  the  fragments  into  which the  empire  had  divided  were  formed  into  new nations,  most  of  whom  developed  something  of new  plan  or  new  style  in  their  ecclesiastical buildings,  and  it  will  therefore  be  necessary  to treat  of  the  architectural  history  of  most  of these  nations  separately.  This  part  of  the  sub- ject   may    be    divided    into  the    following   sec- CHUECH tions: — 1,  The  western  part  of  the  territory  of the  Eastern  Empire ;  2,  Armenia  and  the  ad- jacent provinces  ;  3,  Italy  ;  4,  France,  Germany, and  Switzerland  ;  5,  Spain  ;  6,  Ireland  ;  7,  Scot- land ;  8,  England. III.  Ihe  Period  from  Constantine  to  Justinian. — It  has  been  thought  by  some  writers  (v. Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chre't.  art.  Basilique), that  the  crypts  or  chapels  of  the  catacombs near  Rome  have  served  as  models  for  the  pri- mitive Christian  churches,  by  which  it  would appear  that  chui-ches  of  the  basilican  type  are meant.  This  opinion  would,  however,  appear  to rest  on  no  suflicient  foundation,  for  the  so-called chapels  are  in  general  either  a  series  of  two, three,  or  even  five,  chambers,  usually  not  more than  6  or  7  feet  square,  connected  by  doorways, as  in  the  instance  of  the  "  chiesa  principale  "  of the  cemetery  of  St.  Agnes  (v.  Marchi,  tav.  xxxv. xxxvi.  xxxvii.),  or  hexagonal,  polygonal,  or  ob- long excavations,  without  apse  or  any  of  the usual  features  of  a  church,  such  as  the  crypt discovered  by  Bosio  in  the  cemetery  of  the  Via Salaria  Nuova,  but  not  now  accessible,  which  has been  held  to  have  been  a  church  (v.  Marchi,  tav. xxxii.).  In  this  an  octagon  of  about  23  feet  in diameter  is  connected  by  a  doorway  about  4  feet wide,  with  an  oblong  chamber  about  12  feet wide  by  32  long.    .[Catacombs.] The  so-called  basilica  of  St.  Hermes,  in  a  ceme- tery near  the  Via  Salaria  Vecchia,  of  an  oblong form,  terminating  in  an  apse,  was,  no  doubt, reduced  into  its  present  form  by  Pope  Hadrian  I., as  the  Lib.  Pontif.  tells  us  of  that  pope  that  he "  basilicam  coemeterii  sanctorum  martyrum  Her- metis,  etc.,  mirae  magnitudinis  innovavit." No  church  of  the  period  of  Constantine  has come  down  to  modern  times  in  a  complete  state, but  fortunately  a  contemporary  writer  (Eusebius) has  left  us  such  detailed  accounts,  that,  with  the assistance  which  we  can  obtain  from  existing remains,  we  can  form  a  very  complete  picture  of a  church  of  that  period. The  earliest  church  of  the  building  of  which we  have  a  distinct  account  is  that  which  Pau- linus built  in  Tyre  between  A.D.  313  and  A.D. 322.  Eusebius  (^Eccl.  Hist.  bk.  x.  iv.  s.  37)  states that  the  bishop  surrounded  the  site  of  the church  with  a  wall  of  enclosure ;  this  wall, according  to  Dr.  Thomson  (^Tho  Land  and  the Book,  p.  189,  c.  xiii.)  can  still  be  traced,  and measures  222  feet  in  length,  by  129  in  breadth. In  the  east  side  of  this  wall  of  inclosure  he  made a  large  and  lofty  portico  (Trp6irv\ov),  through which  a  quadrangular  atrium  {aldpiov)  was entered;  this  was  surrounded  by  ranges  of columns,  the  spaces  between  which  were  filled  by net-like  railings  of  wood.  In  the  centre  of  the open  space  was  a  fountain,  at  which  those  about to  enter  the  church  purified  themselves. The  church  itself  was  entered  through  interior porticoes  (rots  evSoTOTco  irpoirvXoi.s),  perhaps  a narthex,  but  whether  or  not  distinct  from  the portico  which  bounded  the  atrium  on  that  side does  not  appear.  Three  doorways  led  into  the nave  ;  the  central  of  these  was  by  far  the  largest, and  had  doors  covered  with  bronze  reliefs ;  other doorways  gave  entrance  to  the  side  aisles.  Above these  aisles  were  galleries  well  lighted  (doubtless by  external  windows),  and  looking  upon  the  nave  ; these  were  adorned  with  beautiful  work  in  wood. The    passage    is    rather    obscure,   and    has    been CHUKCH rariously  translated :  the  above  is  the  sense of  Bunsen's  paraphrase  (Basiliken  des  Christ. Boms,  s.  31).  Hiibsch  (Alt.  Christ.  Kirchcn,  s. 75)  thinks  that  the  word  ela-^oXds  (entrances) stands  for  windows,  and  that  the  woodwork  was in  them.  It  seems,  however,  more  probable  that the  ilu^oXai  were  the  openings  from  the  gal- leries into  the  nave,  and  the  woodwork  the railings  or  balustrades  which  protected  their fronts. The  nave  or  central  portion  (jSoo-iAeios  oIkos) was  constructed  of  still  richer  material  than  the rest,  and  the  roof  of  cedar  of  Lebanon.  Dr. Thomson  states  that  the  remains  of  five  granite columns  may  still  be  seen,  and  that  "the  height to  the  dome  was  80  feet,  as  appears  by  the remains  of  an  arch."  Nothing  which  Eusebius says  leads  to  the  supposition  that  it  was  covered by  a  dome,  and  the  arch  was  probably  the  so- called  triumphal  arch  through  which,  as  at St.  Paolo  f.  1.  m.  at  Rome,  and  many  other basilican  churches,  a  space  in  front  of  the  apse somewhat  like  a  transept  was  entered.  Hiibsch has  made  a  conjectural  restoration  of  the  church thus  arranged. The  building,  having  been  in  such  manner completed,  Paulinus,  we  are  told,  provided  it v.'ith  thrones  (6p6vots)  in  the  highest  places  for the  honour  of  the  presidents  (irpofSpaiv),  and with  benches,  or  seats  (^d.9poLS%  accordmg  to fitness,  and,  placing  the  most  holy  altar  (ayiov a-yiccv  Bv(na(TTT)piov)  in  the  midst,  surrounded the  whole  with  wooden  net-like  railings  of  most skilful  work,  so  that  the  enclosed  space  might be  inaccessible  to  the  crowd.  The  pavement,  he adds,  was  adorned  with  marble  decoration  of every  kind. Then  on  the  outside  he  constructed  very  large external  buildings  (lleSpai)  and  halls  (ol/coi), which  were  attached  to  the  sides  of  the  church (t6  ^aaiXeiov),  and  connected  with  it  by  en- trances in  the  hall  lying  between  (rais  liri  rhv fitaov  oIkov  eiVySoAais).  These  halls,  we  are told,  were  destined  for  those  who  still  required the  purification  and  sprinkling  of  water  and  of the  Holy  Ghost. In  A.D.  333  Constantine  caused  a  basilica  to be  erected  at  Jerusalem  near  the  site  of  the sepulchre  of  our  Lord,  which  was  either  included in  this  building  or  in  a  circular  or  octagonal  ad- jacent structure,  the  basilica  being  called  4kk\ti- ala  'XceTTJpos — church  of  the  Saviour.  What the  plan  and  situation  of  these  buildings  were, and  whether  anything  now  existing  be  the remains  of  these  buildings,  are  questions  full  of difficulty  and  have  been  the  subject  of  much controversy  (v.  Fergusson,  De  Vogue,  Eglises  de la  Terre-Sainte). To  discuss  the  various  theories  and  the  argu- ments on  which  they  are  founded  would  occupy far  too  much  space.  Eusebius  unfortunately  has written  of  the  subject  in  a  somewhat  rhetorical manner,  so  that  the  plan  of  the  structure  cannot be  clearly  made  out,  but  some  interesting  par- ticulars may  be  gathered  from  his  account  of the  basilica. It  had  (Life  of  Constantine  the  Great,  lib.  iii.) double  porticoes  or,  as  we  should  say,  aisles (SiTTojj'  ffToSiv),  or  rows  of  piers  with  colon- nades (irapdaTaSei)  in  two  stories  above  and below  or  on  the  ground,  which  stretched  tlirough- out  the    whole    extent   (fxriKei)    of   the   temple. CHRIST.    ANT. CHURCH 369 By  Karayduv  we  should  perhaps  understand  not subterranean  but  on  a  level  with  the  ground,  the "  avdyeiuL  "  corresponding  with  the  triforium  of a  mediaeval  church.  Recent  investigations  have shewn  that  extensive  subterranean  galleries exist  on  a  part  of  the  site  (according  to  Mr. Fergusson's  views)  of  this  church,  but  their character  and  date  has  as  yet  not  been  satis- factorily ascertained.  The  inner  rows  were  of highly  decorated  piers,  the  exterior  of  enormous columns  (iii.  c.  37).  If  we  understand  as  Bunsen (^Bie  Basiliken  Boms,  s.  33)  does,  that  the  rows stretched  across  the  front  as  well  as  along  the sides,  we  may  perhaps  understand  by  interior  (ai Se  fiffia  tS>v  efXTTpoa-Oev)  those  which  ran lengthwise,  and  by  the  exterior  (ai  tVl  Trpoa-uirov rov  oIkov)  those  which  ran  across  the  front. The  three  doors  by  which  it  was  entei-ed looked  to  the  east.  Opposite  to  these  doors  was the  hemispherical  head  region  (KicpaKaiov  rod Tzavrhs  rjfiKT^aipiov)  of  the  whole ;  i.  e.  the apse.  This  was  decoi-ated  with  twelve  columns, on  which  were  as  many  large  silver  vessels. The  walls  were  built  of  hewn  stone  in  regular courses,  and  covered  internally  with  slabs  of variegated  marble.  The  roofs  were  of  wood richly  carved  and  gilt,  and  covered  externally with  lead  (c.  36). Before  the  entrances  was  an  atrium.  There was  a  first  court  with  porticoes,  before  which were  the  entrances  of  the  court  ;  then  on  the middle  of  the  market-place  the  propylaea  or outer  gateways,  whose  magnificence  astonished all  who  saw  them.  Mr.  Fergusson  thinks  that the  so-called  golden  gateway  on  the  east  side  of the  Haram  enclosure,  is  one  of  these  propylaea. Another  building  in  the  Holy  Land,  the  church at  Bethlehem,  has  strong  claims  to  be  considered as  the  work  of  this  period  (v.  De  Vogiie,  Eglises de  la  Terre-Sainte,  p.  46).  It  has  an  oblong atrium,  a  vestibule  divided  into  three  portions, the  central  of  which  alone  opens  into  the  churcli, double  aisles  with  columns  of  the  Corinthian order,  and  at  the  end  opposite  to  the  atrium. the transverse-triapsal  arrangement — i.e.  one  apse at  the  end  of  the  building,  and  two  others,  one at  each  end  of  a  transept-like  space  ;  beneath  the centre  of  this  space  is  the  crypt  of  the  Nativity. As  to  the  churches  built  in  Rome  during  the reign  of  Constantine  much  uncertainty  exists  >> the  Liber  Fontifcalis  attributes  to  him  the erection  (in  several  cases  at  the  request  of Sylvester,  then  bishop  of  Rome)  of  seven  churches in  that  city,  and  describes  at  much  length  the ornaments  and  vessels  of  precious  metals  with which  they  were  decorated.  As,  however,  these accounts  are  for  the  most  part  not  confirmed  by other  authorities,  and  contain  many  matters  of an  improbable  character,  they  are  not  generallv accepted  as  trustwoi-thy.  That  the  churches  of St.  John  Lateran,  of  St.  Peter,  Sta.  Croce  in Gerusalemme,  and  Sta.  Costanza,  were  erected  or converted  into  churches  at  this  time  is  however universally  admitted.  Of  the  first  nothing  of the  period  of  Constantine  is  now  visible  and  no distiuct  account  of  its  size  or  plan  has  come  down to  us.  Of  St.  Peter's,  though  it  no  longer exists,  we  have  a  full  account  and  careful  draw- ings and  plans.  It  will  be  seen  by  the  accom- panying woodcut  that  it  was  of  the  same  type  as the  churches  which  Eusebius  describes,  a  fi ve- il isled  basilica  ending  in  an  apse,  before  the  front 2  B 370 CHURCH of  which  was  an  atrium.     It  was  a  church  of very  large  size,  being  380  feet  long  by  212  wide, and  covei-ing  above  80,000  English  square  feet ; as  much,   as   Mr.    Fergusson   remarks,   as  -any mediaeval  cathedral  except  those   of  Milan  and Seville.      The  transept,  it  will  be  seen,  extends beyond   the   width    of  the   nave.     The  interior rauo-e  of  columns   would  seem  to  have  been  of uniform   dimensions   and   to  have   supported    a horizontal  entablature,  the  exterior  range  carried arches.     Over  the  entablature  was  a  lofty  space of  wall  in  later  times  divided  into  two  layers  of  j panels,  each  containing  a  picture,  and  above  these were  clerestory  windows  of  great  size,  one  over each  intercolumniation.     It  is  not  certain  that the   prolongations  of  the    transept    beyond  the walls  of  the  nave  are  part  of  the  original  plans  | for  Pope  Symmachus  (a.d.  498-514)  is  said  in  i the  Lib.  Puntlf.  to  have  built  two  cubicula,  or  | oratoria,  in  honour  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  and  i CHURCH five  arched  openings,  of  which  that  in  the  centre is  the  largest.  These  have  been  supposed  by Kugler  (Gesch.  der  Baukunst,  i.  376)  to  have been  originally  windows  ;  they  are  now  built  up, but  it  may  be  seen  that  the  masses  of  wall  which separate  them  were  covered  with  thin  plates  of marble  of  two  or  more  colours  arranged  in patterns.  Above  these  openings  are  a  like  num- ber of  immense  windows  measuring,  according  to Ciampini  {]'et.  Mon.  i.  75),  about  28  feet  high by  14  feet  6  inches  wide. The  church  of  Sta.  Pudenziana  at. Rome  has also  been  assigned,  with  much  apparent  proba- bility, to  the  earlier  half  of  this  century  ;  it  has been  greatly  modernized,  but  retains  in  the  apse the  finest  early  Christian  mosaic  in  Rome  (en- graved in  Gaily  Knight's  Italian  Churches,  vol.  i. pi.  23).  This  mosaic  is  assigned  by  most  com- petent judges  to  the  4th  century. The   other  church  at  Rome  which  has  been St.  Peter,  Kome. St.  John  the  Evangelist.  The  "  Confession  "  was a  very  small  vault  under  the  altar,  and  it  is  not quite  clear  that  any  vault  at  all  was  part  of  the original  construction. The  basilica  of  Sta.  Croce  in  Gerusalemme deserves  notice  as  an  instance  of  the  alteration of  a  hall  or  civil  basilica  into  a  church.  It formed  part  of  the  palace  known  as  the  Ses- sorium.  When  converted  into  a  church  a  very large  apse  was  added  at  the  east  end;  this apse  is  enclosed  by  chapels,  of  which  that  on  the south-east  is  covered  by  a  cupola  and  is  believed to  be  original,  that  on  the  north-east  is  of  a  later date.  It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  a  chapel similar  to  that  on  the  other  side  orio-inally occupied  the  site.  This  is  the  only  instance  in Home  ot  this  system  of  enclosing  the  apse,  one which,  as  has  been  said,  was  common  in  Africa and  in  parts  of  the  East. The  lateral  walls  of  Sta.  Croce  are  pierced  by mentioned  as  of  the  Constautinian  period,  Sta, Costanza,  will  be  described  when  circular  and polygonal  churches  are  spoken  of. Other  churches  of  the  basilican  type  were constructed  by  order  of  Constantine,  as  the original  church  of  St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople, that  of  the  Apostles  and  others  at  the  same  place, but  all  these  have  been  destroyed  or  rebuilt. Towards  the  end  of  this  century  (a.d.  386) the  great  church  of  St.  Paul,  beyond  the  walls (fuor  le  mura)  at  Rome,  was  commenced  and, , until  the  fire  of  1822,  remained  far  less  altered than  any  other  building  of  the  period  in  or  near that  city.  It  resembled  St.  Peter's  in  size  and in  design,  with  the  exceptions  that  the  transept was  of  the  same  width  as  the  nav«,  and  that  the columns  of  the  nave  supported  arches  instead  of architraves.  It  was  lighted  by  (according  to Ciampini)  120  windows,  each  29  feet  high  by 14  feet  6  inches  wide. CHUECH The  church  of  S.  Stefano  in  Via  Latina,  built hy  Pope  Leo  I.  (a.d.  440-461),  had  fallen  into i-iiin  and  the  remains  become  covered  with  earth. They  were  discovered  in  the  year  1858,  and  pre- sent some  points  of  interest.  There  is  a  double vestibule  at  the  east  end  of  the  church,  and  a remarkable  arrangement  in  front  of  the  altar apparently  arising  from  a  wish  to  preserve  a  small oratory  already  existing  on  the  spot,  but  what  is still  more  interesting  is  that  the  plan  of  the "•jhorus  cantorum"  and  enclosure  of  the  altar  can be  traced,  portions  of  the  walls  foj-ming  these enclosures  existing;  they  were  worked  in  stucco and  painted.  As  this  work  has  quite  the  cha- racter of  the  5th  century  these  are  probably  the earliest  remains  of  tlie  kind  -which  have  been noticed,  if  we  except  those  on  the  basilica  at D'Jemilah  in  Algeria,  mentioned  above.  The pavement  of  large  slabs  of  marble  is  also  no doubt  original. The  church  of  St.  John  Studios  at  Constauti- CHURCH 371 Several  churches  in  Central  Syj-ia  are  described by  Count  de  Vogiie'as  belonging  tothis  pei-iod. The  other  principal  type  of  church  is,  as  has been  said,  the  sepulchral  or  memorial,  in  the earlier  examples  usually  circular  in  plan,  in later  not  unfrequently  polygonal.  The  models from  which  such  buildings  were  originally  deve- loped were  doubtless  the  sepulchres  of  a  circular form,  many  of  which  were  erected  at  Rome  at the  close  of  the  Republican  period  and  under  the emperors.  These  structures  were  originally nearly  solid,  containing  only  small  chambers; such  are  the  tomb  of  Cecilia  Metella  and  the tomb  of  Hadrian  now  enclosed  in  the  castle  of St.  Angelo.  In  later  examples,  as  in  that  of  the Tossian  family,  and  that  of  the  Empress  Helena (now  commonly  called  Torre  Pignatarra),  the upper  story  is  occupied  by  a  chamber,  taking  up as  much  of  the  diameter  as  the  necessity  of making  the  wall  strong  enough  to  sustain  a dome  permitted.     This  chamber  in   some  cases, iiople,  built  A.D.  4u3,  now  a  mosque  known  as hnrachor-Dschamissi,  shows  that  as  regards  plan and  design  there  was  in  the  5th  century  little difference  between  a  basilican  church  in  Rome and  in  Constantinople.  This  building  has  been well  illustrated  by  Salzenberg  (^Alt-ChristUche Baudenkmnle  von  Constant hiopel),  and  it  will  be seen  from  his  plates  that  it  consists  of  a  portico or  narthex,  a  nave  and  aisles  divided  by  columns, carrying  a  horizontal  architrave,  and  on  this another  colonnade  supporting  arches,  so  as  to furnish  spacious  galleries  over  the  aisles,  and  an apse  semi-circular  within,  semi-hexagonal  with- out. The  proportion  of  width  to  length  is greater  than  is  usual  in  the  basilican  churches  of Rome,  perhaps  an  early  indication  of  that  pre- ference for  plans  approaching  to  a  square  which Byzantine  architecture  afterwards  so  strongly manifests.  The  most  characteristic  feature  is, however,  the  great  size  of  the  galleries,  no doubt    intended    to    be    used    as    a    gynecaeum. as  in  that  of  the  Torre  Pignatarra,  was  well lighted  by  large  windows.  From  such  a  build- ing to  the  church  of  Sta.  Costanza  the  progress is  easy,  the  external  peristyle,  as  in  Hadrian's tomb,  was  retained,  and  another  was  intro- duced into  the  interior  on  which  the  dome was  supported.  Some  approach  to  a  cruciform plan  it  will  be  seen  was  produced  by  grouping the  twenty-four  coupled  columns  which  carry the  dome  in  groups  of  six,  and  leaving  a  wider space  between  each  group  than  between  each pair  of  columns.  A  niche  in  the  aisle  wall corresponds  to  each  inter-columniation,  those corresponding  to  the  wider  intervals  being  of larger  size  than  the  others.  In  these  larger niches  sarcophagi  were  placed  ;  one  of  porphyry now  in  the  Museum  at  the  Vatican,  was  removed from  the  niche  opposite  to  the  door.  The externa!  peristyle  has  been  entirely  destroyed. This  building  has  been  called  a  baptistery,  but there  is  no  trace  nor  record  of  the  existence  of 2  B  2 372 CHTTECH a  piscina  or  font.  The  probability  -would  appeal to  be  that  it  was  ei-ected  as  a  mausoleum  for  the Constantinian  family.  This  building  is  about 100  feet  in  diameter,  the  dome  being  about  40. If  we  admit  Mr.  Fergusson's  theory  that  the '  Kubbet-es-Sakhra,'  or  '  Dome  of  the  Eock,'  is  the building  erected  by  order  of  Constantine  over the  sepulchre  of  our  Saviour,  it  must  be  classed among  memoi'ial  churches.  This  appropriation of  the  building  has  been  the  subject  of  much controversy,  but  in  the  present  state  of  our knowledge  the  question  can  scarcely  be  satis- factorily decided.  Whoever  compares  the  en- gravings of  the  capitals  in  the  church  at  Beth- lehem, given  by  Count  de  Vogiie'  (Eglises  de  la Terrc  Suinte,  p.  52)  with  that  of  the  capitals  in the  '  Dome  of  the  Rock '  ( llie  Holy  Sepulchre, by  James  Fergusson,  p.  68),  must  see  that  both are  of  one  closely  similar  design  and  probably of  the  same  date,  which  there  can  be  little doubt  is  the  earlier  part  of  the  4th  century. The  '  Dome  of  the  Rock  '  is  an  octagon  155  feet  in diameter,  with  two  aisles  and  a  central  dome, this  is  supported  by  four  great  piers,  between each  of  which  are  three  pillars  supporting  arches springing  direct  from  their  capitals;  the  space between  these  and  the  external  wall  is  divided into  two  aisles  by  a  screen  of  eight  piers  and TrTaiz.i_j: Sta.  Costanza,  Eome. sixteen  pillars — two  pillars  intervening  between each  pier.  On  the  capitals  of  these  pillars  rest blocks  which  carry  a  frieze  and  cornice ;  these last  carry  arches  above  which  was  a  second  cor- nice. The  whole  building  has  undergone  much alteration,  and  these  capitals  and  friezes  appear to  be  the  best  preserved  portions  of  the  original design. It  seems  clear  that  one  of  two  hypotheses must  be  held  ;  either  that  the  existing  remains are  those  of  a  building  of  the  period  of  Con- stantine, erected  on  the  spot  and  still  retaining their  original  architectural  arrangement,  or  that portions  of  such  a  building  have  been  removed irom  another  site,  and  re-erected  where  we  now find  them. Eusebius  {Do  Vita  Constant,  iii.  50)  tells  us of  another  octagonal  church  erected  by  order  of Constantine,  of  which  no  trace  now  remains. This  was  at  Antioch ;  Eusebius  describes  it  as of  wonderful  height,  and  surrounded  by  manv chambers  (oYkois)  and  esedrae  (e'le'Spais),  which It  would  appear  were  entered  from  the  galleries (X'opTjMaTajj')  which  both  above  and  below  ground encircled  the  church. A  church  was  also  built  bv  Constantine  at (.onstantmople  (Eusebius,  Vitd  Constant,  iv.  58 o9)  as  a  memorial  church  of  the  Apostles  {tiap- rvpiov  ini  fivi^ixr,  tSiv  kiroffriXaiv),  and  at  the CHURCH same  time  as  a  place  for  his  own  burial.  This building  was  destroyed  by  Justinian,  and  its precise  form  is  unknown  ;  but  that  it  was  in some  manner  cruciform  appears  from  the  dis- tich of  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  in  the  poem  of the  dream  of  Anastasius  : — Ivv  Tois  Kai  ixeyaXa.v\ov  eSos  XpiCT-TOio  ixa6r]TUiV nAcupais  cTTavporvTrots  rerpaxa  renvonei'or. It  would  seem  that  it  stood  in  the  centre  of  a large  atrium,  surrounded  by  porticoes.  Bunsen (Die  Basiliken  des  Christl.  Horns,  s.  36)  thinks that  in  this  edifice  we  may  discern  the  germ  of the  Byzantine  type  of  church. It  is  a  matter  of  some  difficulty  to  distinguish between  a  sepulchral  chapel  or  tomb  and  a  me- morial church;  the  one  class  in  fact  runs  into the  other,  the  distinction  between  them  depend- ing upon  the  object  which  the  builder  had  in view ;  when  he  constructed  a  large  edifice  in which  services  were  to  be  frequently  held,  still more  if  this  building  was  intended"  to  be  the cathedral  church  of  a  bishop  or  the  church  of  a district,  the  structure  must  be  considered  as  a church,  although  it  was  also  constructed  in  order to  honour  a  martyr  and  to  protect  his  tomb  ; when  on  the  other  hand  it  was  of  small  size,  and its  primary  object  was  to  contain  the  tomb  or tombs  either  of  the  builder  or  of  some  saint,  it must  be  considered  as  only  a  sepulchral  chapel although  containing  an  altar,  and  although  ser- vices were  occasionally  celebrated' within  it. Several  remarkable  buildings  of  the  5th  cen- tury belong  to  the  first  class.  One  of  these  is the  church  of  St.  George  at  Thessalonica,  which consists  of  a  circular      nave  79  feet  in  dia- meter, covered  by  ft dome,  a  chancel,  and an  apse ;  the  walls  of the  nave  are  20  feet thick,  and  in  them are  eight  great  re- cesses, two  of  which serve  as  entrances and  one  as  a  sort of  vestibule  to  the chancel,  the  roof  is covered  with  a  mag- nificent series  of  mo- saics.   The  cathedral at  Bosrah,  in  the  Haouran,  the  date  of  which is  ascertained  to  be  A.d.  512,  has  a  plan  with several  points  of  similarity  to  that  of  St.  George, particularly  as  regards  the  chancel. In  Italy  some  circular  churches  were  con- structed to  carry,  not  domes,  but  wooden  roofs ; of  these  the  most  remarkable  example  is  St. Stefano  Rotondo,  at  Rome,  built  between  a.d. 467  and  A.D.  483.  This  church  had  originally two  aisles  and  is  of  very  large  size,  having  a diameter  of  about  210  feet. The  church  of  St.  Lorenzo  at  Milan,  once  the cathedral  of  the  city,  is  very  remarkable,  as shewing  an  attempt  to  combine  the  circular with  the  square  plan.  Its  real  date  has  not been  ascertained,  but  it  is  probably  of  the  earlier part  of  the  5th  century.  The  main  building  has lost  all  original  character  through  repairs,  but according  to  Htibsch  the  original  walls  exist  to a  height  of  nearly  40  feet,  and  the  ground  plan may  therefore  be  accepted  as  original. la -DE Catlieilial  at  Dusmh, CHUKCH It  will  be  observed  that  chapels  are  auuexeJ to  the  church  on  the  north,  south,  and  east; that  on  the  north  is  supposed  by  Htibsch  to  have been  a  vestibule,  that  now  called  St.  Aquilino on  the  south  is  thought  to  have  been  constructed as  a  baptistery,  that  on  the  east  in  all  proba- bility was  constructed  to  serve  as  a  sepulchral chapel,  a  purpose  to  which,  whether  it  was originally  destined  or  not,  the  chapel  of  St.  Aqui- lino  was  also  applied  as  early  as  the  beginning of  the  5th  century,  if  the  sarcophagus  said  to have  contained  the  body  of  Ataulphus  (ob.  A.D. 415)  really  did  so,  and  if  this  was  its  original place  of  deposit. Hiibsch,  however,  gives  it  as  his  opinion, founded  chiefly  on  the  character  of  the  brick- work, that  the  chapels  are  later  in  date  than the  main  church. In  this  instance  we  have  the  two  classes,  the memoi-ial  church  and  the  sepulchral  chapel,  in juxtaposition.  A  few  instances  of  the  latter class  remain  to  be  mentioned,  and  firstly  the two  large  circular  edifices  which  stood  on  the north  side  of  St.  Peter's  at  Rome,  one  of  which was  afterwards  called  the  church  of  St.  Andrew, CHURCH 373 St.  Stefano  Eotondo,  Borne. and  the  other  having  been  the  sepulchre  of Honorius,  or  at  least  of  his  two  wives  (^Besch. der  Stadt  Rom.,  II.  i.  95),  was  afterwards  dedi- cated to  St.  Petronilla. The  building  of  the  church  of  St.  Andrew  is attributed  to  Pope  Symmachus  (A.D.  498-514) on  the  authority  of  the  Lib.  Pontif.,  but  the position  and  connexion  of  the  buildings  was  such that  it  seems  probable  that  both  were  built  at the  same  time,  which  was  apparently  that  of the  Emperor  Honorius.  According  to  the  plans which  have  come  down  to  us  they  had  no  apses, but  seven  square-ended  recesses  in  the  thickness of  the  walls.  They  were  of  large  size,  about 100  feet  in  diameter. A  still  existing  building  of  the  same  class  is the  chapel  at  Ravenna,  built  by  the  Empress Galla  Placidia  (ob.  450),  which,  though  more  pro- perly a  sepulchral  chapel  than  a  church,  cannot be  wholly  passed  over  here.  It  is  in  plan  a  Latin cross  without  an  apse :  from  the  intersection  of the  arms  rises  a  tower  enclosing  a  small  dome. This  example  is  of  peculiar  interest,  as  the  ear- liest known  instance  of  this  plan  which  after- wards came  to  be  so  extensively  used  in  Western Europe.  Recent  excavations  have  shown  that the  chapel  was  originally  entered  by  a  portico, which  was  in  connexion  with  the  atrium  or narthex  of  the  adjacent  church  of  Sta.  Croce. (De  Rossi,  Bull,  di  Archeol.  Crist  1866,  p.  73.) A  further  account  of  sepulchral  chapels  will be  found  under  Chapel. Although  heathen  temples  were  in  consequence of  their  plans  little  suited  for  adaptation  to Christian  worship,  they  were  occasionally  during the  earlier  centuries  of  the  Christian  era,  as well  as  in  later  times,  converted  to  this  purpose. One  of  the  most  remarkable  early  examples  of this  transformation  is  that  of  the  temple  of Venus  at '  Aphrodisias,  in  Caria,  where  the  ori- ginal building  was  enclosed  by  a  wall  and  an apse  added  at  one. end,  the  cella  demolished,  the columns  of  the  posticum  removed  and  placed in  a  line  with  the  lateral  columns,  and  a  wall pierced  with  windows'was  raised  on  the  lateral colonnades  so  as  to  form  a  clerestory.  A  church was  thus  formed  of  large  size,  about  200  feet long  by  100  feet  wide.  Messrs.  Texier  and  PuUan (^Byz.  Arch.  p.  89)  believe  this  transformation to  have  taken  place  between  the  periods  of  Con- stantine  and  of  Theodosius. The  period  of  Justinian  is  one  of  special  im- portance in  the  history  of  ecclesiastical  architec- ture. Fi-om  this  time  the  basilican  plan  went, in  the  East,  almost  or  entirely  out  of  use,  and  a modification  of  the  plan  of  St.  Sophia  was  almost exclusively  adopted,  the  modified  plan  being  a quadrangular  figure  approaching  a  square  with a  dome  covering  the  centre,  and  a  large  internal porch  or  narthex  at  the  entrance.  This  plan, however,  did  not  originate  with  the  architect  of St.  Sophia,  the  germ  of  it  is  perhaps  to  be  found in  the  domed  oratories  or  Kalybe's  of  Syria ; from  such  a  simple  dome — a  building  like  the cathedral  of  Ezra,  in  which  the  dome  is  sur- rounded by  an  aisle,  and  an  apse  added — is readily  derived,  this  example  dates  from  A.D. 510 ;  and  if  to  such  a  plan  a  narthex  be  added, we  have  the  typical  Byzantine  plan,  as  in  the church  of  SS.  Sergius  and  Bacchus  at  Constanti- nople, built  under  Justinian,  but  somewhat  ear- lier than  St.  Sophia.  The  peculiar  feature  of the  latter  church  is  the  placing  of  the  dome  not upon  piers  and  arches  on  every  side,  but  upon semi-domes  east  and  west,  by  which  means  a vast  space,  more  than  200  feet  long  by  100  feet wide,  totally  unencumbered  by  piers  or  columns, was  obtained.  This  construction  has,  however, never  been  copied  in  Christian  churches,  but  it has  served  as  a  model  for  the  mosques  of Constantinople. All  the  minuter  peculiarities  of  construction and  of  detail,  however,  henceforward  prevail  in the  East,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  Roman  style, which  previously  was  in  use.  In  the  West, examples  of  Byzantine  character  continue  to  be very  rare.  St.  Vitale  at  Ravenna  is  perhaps  the only  prominent  example,  until  a  much  later period.  The  church  of  St.  Sophia  is,  however, in  itself  a  monument  of  such  importance  as  to require  to  be  noticed  in  some  detail. it   is  a  building  of  very  considerable  dimen- sions, covering  about  70,000  square  feet,  exclusive of  the  portions  of  the  atrium  (or  exo-narthex), the  baptistery,  and  other  annexed  buildings. From   the  cxo-uarthex,  the  principal   or  eso- 374 CHURCH narthex,  205  feet  in  length  internally,  by  26  feet in  breadth,  is  entered.  The  principal  mass  of the  building  forms  nearly  a  square  235  feet  north and  south,  by  250  feet  east  and  west,  with  an apse  proiecting  on  the  east  side.  The  central dome  is  107  feet  in  diameter  by  46  feet  in  height, and  rises  180  feet  from  the  floor.  The  semi- domes  are  of  the  same  diameter.  The  aisles  are spacious,  but,  in  consequence  of  the  exigencies  of the  constructional  arrangement,  are  so  divided  as CHUECH with  ornaments  in  relief;  but  those  now  existing do  not  seem  to  be  of  the  period  of  Justinian. All  the  columns,  capitals,  &c.,  are  of  porphyry or  marble.  The  floors  and  all  other  flat  spaces are  covered  with  marble  slabs  of  the  richest colours,  the  domes  and  curved  surfaces  with  gold grounded  mosaics. Little  is  known  as  regards-  the  precise  position of  the  various  fixed  appliances  by  which  the church  was  fitted  for  divine  worship.     The  altar St.  Sophia,  Constantinople. to  form  rather  a  series  of  chambers  than  con- tinuous galleries.  There  is,  it  will  be  seen,  but one  apse,  in  front  of  which  is  a  shallow  chancel space,  covered  by  a  barrel-vault.  On  the  upper floor  are  chambers  corresponding  with  those below,  which  furnished  places  for  women. _  The  windows  are  filled  with  slabs  of  marble, pierced  with  square  openings  filled  with  thick pieces  of  cast  glass.  When  the  windows  are  large they  are  divided  into  three  or  six  parts  by  co- luuins  and  architraves.    The  doors  are  of  bronze, is  supposed  to  have  stood  in  the  chancel  space  or bema,  in  front  of  the  apse-,  the  iconostasis  appears, according  to  Salzenberg,  to  have  been  placed  at  the western  end  of  the  bema,  and  to  have  been  about 14  feet  high.  From  the  poem  of  Paul  the  Silen- tiary,  we  learn  that  it  was  of  silver,  had  three doors,  the  central  the  largest,  and  12  columns raised  on  a  stylobate,  and  was  adorned  with  fi- gures (probably  bust  figures)  of  our  Lord,  the Virgin  Mary,  Prophets  and  Apostles,  in  discs  or I  medallions.     Whetlier  these  figures  were  iu  the CHUECH frieze,  as  Salzenberg  supposes,  or  between  the columns,  is  not  certain ;  but,  as  the  Silentiary t-ays  of  the  altar,  that  it  was  not  fit  that  the  eyes of  the  multitude  should  look  on  it,  it  would seem  probable  that  they  filled  the  spaces  between the  columns,  making  a  solid  iconostasis,  as  in modern  Greek  churches. The  altar  was  of  table  form,  supported  by columns,  and  of  gold,  decorated  with  precious stones  ;  over  it  was  a  splendid  ciborium  of  silver, from  the  arches  of  which   hung  curtains  with CHUECH 375 where  they  were  situated.  It  would  seem  pro- bable that  the  compartment  north  of  the  bema was  the  prothesis  and  that  south,  the  diaconicon. The  seat  for  the  emperor  was  on  the  south side,  and  near  the  diaconicon ;  that  for  the  em- press, also  on  the  south  side,  but  in  one  of  the central  divisions  of  the  triforium. The  circular  building  was  the  sacristy,  the rectangular,  the  baptistery. The  same  emperor,  also,  built  a  church  at Constantinople — that  of  St.  Sergius,  now  called Mmmp 9i .  Sopliia,  Constantinople figures  of  our  Lord,  St.  John  the  Baptist,  St. Paul,  and  others,  woven  in  silk  and  gold. The  circumference  of  the  apse  was  occupied  by the  synthronus  or  seats  for  the  patriarch  and bishops.  These  were  of  silver-gilt,  separated  by shafts,  probably  carrying  canopies. Paul  the  Silentiary  says  nothing  as  to  the chorus  or  place  for  the  readers  and  singers,  ex- cept that  the  iconostasis  divided  the  portion  set apart  for  the  celebration  of  the  mysteries  from that  of  the  "  many-tongued  multitude  "  (ttoAu- yKaxraoLO  o/xixov).  This  seems  to  show  that  the chorus  extended  from  the  iconostasis  to  the  ambo, which  the  same  authority  states  to  have  stood nearly  in  the  middle  of  the  church,  but  rather towards  the  east.  This  space  may,  however, have  been  divided  into  two  parts  ;  one,  the soleas,  to  the  east,  set  apart  for  the  priests, deacons,  and  sub-deacons ;  the  other  for  the readers  and  singers.  The  soleas  is  said-  by  Codi- nus  to  have  been  originally  of  onyx,  but  made by  Justinian  of  gold  (xpftra).  In  the  same  pas- .sage  it  is  said  that  the  ambo  was  made  of  gold. We  should  no  doubt  understand  in  both  cases that  the  true  meaning  of  the  j)assage  is  that much  gilding  was  employed  as  a  decoration.  In the  case  of  the  soleas  the  gilding  may  probably have  been  applied  to  the  seats  or  stalls  for the  priests. It  would  appear  from  the  measurement  given by  Evagrius  {Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  iv.  cap.  sxxi.)  that the  holy  conch  (071a  Koyxf))  commenced  at  the western  end  of  the  eastern  semi-dome,  possibly therefore  the  line  of  division  between  the  en- closures for  the  superior  and  inferior  clerics  ran at  this  point,  the  chorus  for  the  readers  and singers,  extending  thence  to  the  ambo. Two  compartments,  known  as  the  prothesis and  diaconicon,  are  mentioned  by  Byzantine writej-s,    but    it    has   been   a   matter  of  dispute Kutchuk  Agia  Sophia  (Little  St.  Sophia) — which evidently  suggested  the  plan  which  eventually became  the  normal  one  of  all  Byzantine  churches. In  this  the  peculiar  form  of  capitals  and  treat- ment of  foliage,  which  are  characteristic  of Byzantine  art,  are  fully  shown. The   church   of  S.  Vitale   at   Eavenna,  built between  526  and  547,  is,  as  Mr.  Fergusson  has r- J *^' St.  Vitale,  Kavenua. remarked,  so  far  as  the  arrangement  of  the  dome, of  the  galleries,  and  of  the  pillars  which  support them,  almost  identical  with  St.  Sergius.  But S.  Vitale  has  a  sort  of  clerestory  below  the dome,  which  is  raised  about  20  feet  higher.  The arrangement  of  the  aisles,  choir,  and  exterior walls  differ,  it  will  be  seen,  very  much ;  and  it would  seem  that  the  architect  had  studied the  building  at  Rome  known  as  the  Temple  of Minerva  Modica.      S.  Vitale   is   thoroughly  By- 376 CHUECH zantine  iu  dstail ,  and,  in  spite  of  most  tasteless repairs  aud  additions,  still  retains  much  that  is characteristic  and  interesting,  especially  in  the choir,  the  lower  part  of  which  is  lined  with  slabs of  precious  marbles,  and  the  upper  with  the well-known  mosaics. CHURCH interior  apse  are  innovations  upon  the  original plan. Another  basilican  church  of  the  period  of Justinian  is  that  of  Dana,  between  Antioch  and Bir.  This,  likewise,  has  a  single  apse,  but  the end    of  the    church    is   a  straight    line,    oblons While,  however,  churches  with  domes  were constructed,  basilican  churches  were  also  built. In  connection  with  that  of  St.  Sergius  at  Con- stantinople, was  a  basilican  church  dedicated  to SS.  Peter  and  Paul,  which  has  been  destroyed. The  church  of  the  monastery  of  St.  Catharine, on  Mount  Sinai,  which  still  exists,  is  basilican. It  has  never  as  yet  been  well  illustrated;  but  the apartments — no  doubt  to  serve  for  the  prothesis and  diaconicon — being  placed  one  on  each  side. It  is  remarkable  that  the  arch  of  the  apse  is  of the  horseshoe  form,  and  those  of  the  nave  are very  much  stilted.  The  capitals  are  Roman  in character. The  finest  example  of  a  basilican  church   of this  period  is,  however,  that  of  S.  Apollinare  in Wf{ B  ApollinarL  j; than  Byzantme.     It  is  a  basilica  with  one  apse ; site  of  the  burning  bush,  an  interior  ap.e  has been  formed.  At  the  sides  are  four  chapels  bu .t  would  seem  probable  that  the  chapols'aS  the Classe,  at  Ravenna,  dedicated  in  549.  Here  the eastern  ends  of  the  aisles  are  parted  off,  and  ter- minate in  apses,  of  which  arrangement  this  is, perhaps,  the  earliest  instance  of  which  the  date is  well  ascertained.  It  is  a  church  of  verv noble  proportions,  and  retains  the  decorations  of (!HURCH the  apse  in  marble  and  mosaic,  in  a  very  com- plete state.  The  capitals  are,  as  seems  to  be  usual in  the  basilican  churches  of  this  perioil,  more Roman  than  Byzantine  in  character.  Upon  the capital  rests  a  block  or  dosseret,  ornamented with  a  cross,  as  in  many  other  churches  of  the time. Attached  to  the  west  front  is a  tall  circular  tower  of  seven stages,  which  is  j)robably  of the  same  age,  and  perhaps  the earliest  extant  example  of  a church  tower.  Though,  according to  Hiibsch  (^Alt.  CImstl.  Kirchen, p.  34),  the  lower  part  of  the tower  standing  near  the  cathedral of  Ravenna  may  probably  date from  the  previous  century,  and parts  of  some  other  towers,  both at  Rome  and  at  Ravenna,  may belong  to  the  beginning  of  the 6th.  Attached  to  the  church  df S.  Vitale  at  Raveuna  are  two small  round  towers,  which  have perhaps  never  been  carried  to their  full  intended  height. Tlie  cathedral  of  Parenzo  in Istria,  built  circ.  A.D.  542,  is  too interesting  to  be  passed  over, particularly  as  it  has  undergone extremely  little  alteration,  and retains  the  atrium  before  the front,  and  the  baptistery  opening from  the  atrium  on  the  side  op- posite to  the  church — the  baptis- tery, unfortunately,  in  a  semi- ruinous  state.  Here,  it  will  be seen,  the  aisles  have  apsidal  ends internally,  but  the  wall  is  flat externally.  The  apse  is  of  pecu- liar interest,  retaining  the  cathe- dra for  the  bishop  and  the  bench for  the  clergy,  in  apparently  an unaltered  state,  while  the  wall behind,  to  about  one  half  of  its height,  is  covered  with  an  ex- tremely rich  and  tasteful  decora- tion in  "  opus  sectile,"  the  patterns  being  com- posed of  pieces  of  the  richest  marbles,  lapis  lazuli, and  mother-of-pearl.  Above  the  cathedra  is  a cross  standing  on  a  globe,  and  figures  of  dolphins, tridents,  cornucopias,  and  burning  candles  are sparingly  introduced  among  the patterns  of  architectural  cha- racter. On  the  west  front,  and on  the  east  end  above  the  apse, are  remains  of  fresco  paintings of  an  early  date.  In  this  church, although  basilican  in  plan,  the capitals  are  Byzantine  in  cha- racter. To  this  account  of  individual churches  it  may  perhaps  be desirable  to  add,  for  the  sake  of  giving  a  clearei idea  of  what  a  church  of  the  period  which  has been  under  consideration  was,  an  attempt  to reconstruct  in  imagination  such  a  building  in  a complete  state  with  its  fittings  and  decorations. Existincr  remains,  with  the  assistance  to  be  de- CHUROH 377 Constantinople,  or  one  of  the  larger  cities  of  the Roman  Empire,  may  be  thus  described. A  stately  gateway  gave  admittance  to  a  large court  (atrium)  surrounded  by  covered  colonnades, in  the  centre  of  which  was  a  fountain  or  a  vase (cantharus)  containing  water,  so  that  ablutions might  be  performed  before  the  church  was  en- B.  AiTOllinare  in  Clasae,  Ravenna. tered.  On  one  side  of  this  atrium  and  entered from  it  was  the  baptistery.  The  basilica  itself  was usually,  when  the  circumstances  of  the  site  per- mitted, placed  on  the  western  side  of  the  atrium, so  that  the  rising  sun  shone  on  its  front.     This rnrenzo, front  was  pierced  by  three  or  five  doorways  ac- cording to  the  number  of  the  aisles,  and  in  that part  which  rose  above  the  colonnade '  of  the atrium,  windows  of  immense  size  admitted  light to  the  interior;  the  wall  between  and  above these  windows  was  covered  sometimes,  in  parts, rived  from  the  writers  of  the  time,  allow  this  to  1  with  mosaic  of  glass  in  gold  and  colour,  but be  done  with  sufficient  assurance  of  accuracy,  usually  with  plates  of  richly  coloured  marbels A    basilican   church  of  the  first  class  in  Rome,  '  and  porphyries  arranged  so  as  to  form  patterns; 378 CHUKCH sometimes,  however,  stucco  painted  was  the .  cheaper  substitute.  When  the  building  was,  as was  always  the  case  at  Rome,  of  brick,  the  same decoration,  by  means  of  marble  slabs  or  of  stucco, was,  if  not  actually  carried  out,  in  all  probability almost  always  projected  for  the  whole  exterior of  the  building.  In  only  one  case  at  Rome — that of  the  ti-ansept  of  S.  Pietro  in  Vincoli,  built  A.D. 442 — is  the  finish  of  the  brickwork  such  as  to lead  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  intended  to remain  uncovered. The  doors  were  of  bronze  adorned  with  sculp- tures in  relief,  and  frequently  gilt,  or  of  wood, often  richly  inlaid  or  carved.  Curtains  of  the richest  stuffs,  often  of  purple  or  scarlet,  em- broidered with  gold,  hung  at  the  doors,  to  ex- clude the  heat  of  summer  or  the  cold  of  winter while  the  doors  stood  open. In  the  interior  the  whole  floor  was  covered either  with  tesselated  pavements  or  with  slabs of  many-coloured  marbles  arranged  in  beautiful patterns.  The  aisles  were  separated  from  the nave  by  ranges  of  marble  columns  whose  capitals supported  either  arches  or  horizontal  architraves. Tlie  great  width  of  the  nave,  in  a  first-class  basi- lica frequently  more  than  80  feet,  and  the  forest of  columns  on  either  hand  (one  of  the  colonnades often  containing  24  or  more  columns)  when  there were  double  aisles,  produced  an  architectural effect  of  great  magnificence.  The  clerestory  wall was  piei-ced  by  numerous  immense  windows  with arched  heads,  one  of  which  was  over  each  inter- columniation.  These  windows  were  no  doubt divided  by  columns  or  pilasters  and  architraves, and  the  divisions  fitted  with  slabs  of  marble pierced  in  a  variety  of  patterns — these  perfora- t  ions  were  in  many  or  most  cases  fitted  with  talc, alabastei",  or  other  transparent  or  semi-trans- parent stones,  or  with  glass  either  plain  or coloured. The  roof  was  flat  and  of  wood,  where  magnifi- cence was  sought  it  was  richly  adorned  with  carv- ing and  gilt.  The  semi-dome  which  covered  the apse  was  covered  with  mosaic  pictures,  the  subject being  usually  Christ,  either  seated  or  standing, with  his  apostles  ranged  on  each  hand.  The earliest  existing  example  of  this  arrangement  is in  the  church  of  Sta.  Pudenziana  at  Rome,  which although  it  has  been  much  injured  and  largely repaired,  still  shows  so  much  goodness  of  style  that it  can  hardly  be  attributed  to  a  later  date  than the  4th  century.  Where  a  transept  existed  it was  usually  divided  from  the  nave  by  an  arch, the  face  of  which  fronting  the  nave  was  often also  covered  with  mosaics;  a  colossal  bust  of  Christ was  often  the  central  object  of  the  picture,  being ])laced  over  the  crown  of  the  arch,  while  on  either side  and  below  are  represented  the  seven  candle- sticks, the  symbols  of  the  evangelists,  and  the twenty-four  elders. Details  as  to  the  arrangement  of  the  fittings of  churches  will  be  found  under  the  respective heads ;  it  may  be  sufficient  here  to  say  that  the apse  was  furnished  with  a  bench  following  its circumference  for  the  higher  clergv,  in  the  centre ot  which  was  a  raised  seat  (cathedra)  for  the bishop;  that  the  altar  was  usuallv  placed  on the  chord  of  the  apse  at  the  top  of  a  flight  of steps,  and  parted  off  from  the  nave  by  railings (caucolh);  below  it  was  often  a  platform  or si.aco  (solea.s),  and  beyond  this  a  quadrangular, u-^iially  oblong,  euclosure  (chorus,  presbvterium  ■ CHUECH the  last  perhaps  improperly),  in  which  the  singers and  readers  were  stationed.  This  enclosure  was formed  by  railings  or  dwarf  walls,  and  connected with  these  was  the  ambo  or  reading  desk.  At Rome,  and  probably  elsewhere,  a  space  on  either side  of  the  chorus  was  also  railed  in,  that  on  the right  being  called  *  senatorium,'  and  appropriated to  senators  or  other  men  of  rank,  that  on  the left,  called  '  matroneum,'  to  women  of  the  same degrees.  Where  a  gallery,  f  r,  as  we  now  say,  a triforium  existed,  it  was  set  apart  for  women, but  this  arrangement  was  not  very  common  in the  West. Benches  or  other  seats  were  probably  provided in  the  chorus,  the  senatorium,  and  the  m.atro- neum,  but  the  rest  of  the  church  was  left  alto- gether open  and  free.  These  seats  were  either of  marble  or  of  carved  wood,  in  many  instances gilded,  the  railings  of  the  same  materials  or  of bronze.  Over  the  altar  was  a  lofty  and  richly decorated  canopy  (ciborium),  from  the  arches  of which  hung  curtains  of  stuffs  of  the  richest colours  interwoven  with  gold.  Like  curtains often  depended  from  the  arches  of  the  nave,  and hung  at  the  doors.  Vases,  crowns,  and  lamps of  silver  or  of  gold  hung  from  the  arches,  or were  placed  upon  the  dwarf  walls  or  partitions which  separated  the  various  divisions  of  the edifice. According  to  the  proposed  plan,  the  history of  the  ecclesiastical  architecture  of  the  period which  follows,  viz.  from  the  death  of  Justinian to  that  of  Charlemagne,  will  be  treated  of  under separate  sections. IV.  The  Period  from  the  death  of  Justinian  to the  death  of  Charlemagne. — 1.  The  western  part of  the  territory  of  the  Eastern  Empire. — During  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Justinian, churches  were  built  on  the  basilican  plan, as  well  as  on  one  derived  probably  in  part from  such  churches  as  that  at  Ezra,  in  central Syria,  in  part  from  the  circular  or  polygonal churches  which  had  been  constructed  through- out Christendom.  Soon  after  the  time  of Justinian  the  basilican  type  was  no  longer followed,  but  a  peculiar  plan  was  adopted, that  in  which  the  building  assumes  a  form approaching  to  a  square,  the  central  part being  covered  by  a  dome  placed  on  a  drum pierced  with  windows.  The  period  which followed  the  death  of  Justinian  was  one  of political  trouble,  and  hence  examples  of  the progress  of  Byzantine  architectui-e  during  the latter  part  of  the  6th  and  the  7th  centuries are  somewhat  deficient.  The  church  of  St.  Cle- ment at  Ancyra,  however,  probably  belongs  to this  period,  as  the  dome  is  raised  on  a  low  drum pierced  with  windows  ;  in  plan  the  church  ap- proximates to  that  of  the  later  Greek  churches. The  church  of  St.  Irene  at  Constantinople,  which may  probably  date  from  the  earlier  half  of  the 8th  century,  shows  a  further  advance,  as  the  dome is  there  raised  on  a  lofty  drum  piei-ced  with  win- dows ;  some  features  of  the  earlier  plan  are, however,  preserved,  as  there  is  only  one  apse, and  as  its  form  is  oblong.  The  church  of  St. Nicholas  at  Myra  is  perhaps  more  modern  than either ;  it  has  a  double  narthex,  three  apses,  a lesser  on  each  side  of  the  larger,  and  a  dome raised  on  a  drum  in  which  are  windows.  If  the remains  of  the  iconostasis  and  ciborium  shewn in  jilate   Iviii.  of  Texier  and  Pullan's  Bijzantinc CHURCH Architecture  are  those  of  the  original  construc- tion, the  whole  space  east  of  the  dome  was  parted otf  from  the  bema.  This  church  is  of  considerable dimensions,  about  100  feet  in  extreme  length  by 60  wide  in  the  eastern  part,  the  uartheces  ex- tending in  width  to  about  115  feet. Another  church  of  much  interest,  and  pro- bably of  about  the  same  date,  is  that  which exists  in  ruins  near  the  remains  of  the  ancient Trabala  in  Lycia. 2.  Armenia  and  the  adjacent  provinces. — The churches  remaining  in  these  countries  have  not as  yet  been  studied  with  sufficient  care  and knowledge  to  allow  very  satisfactory  conclusions to  be  formed  as  to  the  real  dates  of  those  now existing.  The  Persian  invasions  in  the  5th  and 0th  centuries,  and  the  Mahomedan  conquest  in the  7th,  must  have  caused  damage  and  destruc- tion to  a  great  portion  of  the  older  buildings  ;  a liigh  antiquity  is  nevertheless  claimed  for  several churches,  but  how  much  of  the  existing  building is  really  of  early  date,  is  very  uncertain. One  of  the  earliest  is  apparently  that  at Dighour  near  Ani  in  Armenia,  which  Mr.  Fer- gusson  thinks  may  be  referred  to  the  7th  cen- tui-y.  It  bears  an  evident  resemblance  in  style, though  not  much  in  plan,  to  some  of  the  churches of  the  Haouran  dating  from  the  previous  century. CHURCH 379 trifnrium  carried  over  the  aisles  and  along  the wall  of  the  front.  At  S.  Lorenzo  the  aisle  roofs have  been  destroyed,  but  no  doubt  once  existed. In  other  respects  they  do  not  differ  from  tha earlier  churches. The  church  of  SS.  Vincenzo  ed  Anastasio  alle tre  Fontane,  near  Rome,  founded  625-688  and rebuilt  772-795,  is  however  very  remarkable  in an  architectural  point  of  view,  as  it  is  not  con- structed with  columns  taken  from  older  build- ings, but  altogether  of  new  material  and  with considerable  originality. In  the  early  part  of  the  9th  century  three churches  were  built  in  Rome  by  Pope  Paschal  I. (817-824),  Sta.  Prassede,  Sta.  Cecilia,  and  Sta. Maria,  in  Domenica.  All  still  exist,  and  though badly  injured  by  repairs  and  alterations,  still present  very  much  that  is  interesting  and original.  The  first  has  a  nave  and  aisles,  a transept,  and  a  single  apse.  The  columns dividing  the  nave  from  the^  aisles  are  antique and  support  an  entablature,  the  ranges  are broken  by  three  oblong  piers,  which  carry arches  spanning  the  nave,  but  these,  according to  Hiibsch,  are  not  original,  but  inserted  not very  long  after  the  construction  of  the  building. The  transept  is  entered  from  the  nave  by  a triumphal  arch,   the   front  r.id  soffit  of  which SS.  Vincenzo  ed  Anastasio. The  church  of  St.  Hripsime  near  Etchmiadzin is  believed  by  Dr.  Neale  {Holy  Eastern  Church, 1.  204)  to  date  from  the  6th  century,  and  he  con- siders its  peculiar  plan  to  have  been  the  form followed  in  a  large  proportion  of  tlie  Armenian and  Georgian  chiirches.  The  germ  of  the  ar- rangement, however,  exists  in  the  cathedral  of Bozrah  in  the  Haouran  of  A.D.  512. The  two  recesses  in  these  Armenian  churches which  flank  the  apse  in  which  the  altar  stood, were  doubtless  used  for  the  prothesis  and  dia- conicon,  but  to  what  use  the  other  two  were applied  must  be  matter  of  conjecture. The  primatial  church  of  Armenia,  that  of Etchmiadzin,  has  something  of  the  same  arrange- ment, but  wants  the  western  chamber.  It  was probably  founded  in  524,  but  underwent  many alterations  and  reparations,  one  very  important one  in  705. The  church  of  Usunlar  is  said  to  have  been erected  between  718  and  726  ;  its  plan  is  rather Byzantine  than  distinctively  Armenian. 3.  Italy. — In  Rome  but  few  important  works were  undertaken  dui'ing  the  6th,  7th,  or  8th centuries,  the  rebuilding  of  S.  Lorenzo  fuor  le Mura  (578-590)  (the  present  choir),  and  of  S. Agnese  (625-638)  were  among  the  most  consi- derable undertakings.  These  buildings  are  alike in  one  respect,  viz.  that  they  have  a  gallery  oi' are  covered  with  mosaics,  as  are  also  the  apse and  the  wall  on  each  side  of  it.  All  these  were placed  there  by  Pope  Paschal,  and  are  most valuable  monuments  of  the  state  of  art  of  his period. Below  the  raised  tribune  is  a  "  confessio  " — a vault  under  the  high  altar.  The  west  end  of the  transept  (the  church  standing  nearly  north and  south)  was  at  an  early  time  parted  off  by  a wall,  and  on  this  a  low  tower  has  been  raised. The  part  thus  walled  off  is  of  peculiar  interest, as  perhaps  no  portion  of  a  church  of  so  early  a date  remains  in  so  unaltered  a  state.  The  walls are  covered  with  remains  of  frescoes  which  seem to  be  coeval  with  the  mosaics,  and  the  windows retain  the  pierced  slabs  of  marble,  the  ajsertures of  which  still  contain  fragments  of  the  laminae of  talc  through  which  light  was  admitted. The  chapel  of  S.  Zeuo,  attached  to  the  east side  of  the  nave,  has  been  noticed  under  Chapel. The  doorway  leading  into  it  is  of  great  interest to  the  architectural  antiquary,  as  it  shows  that in  the  beginning  of  the  9th  century  the  pre- valent style  of  ornament  was  that  formed  by knots  or  plaited  patterns  of  the  same  character as  those  in  use  in  England  and  elsewhere between  a.d.  700  and  A.D.  1000.  The  execution is  fnel)le,  scratchy,  and  irregular. Sta.    Cecilia    has    been    greatly   altered,    but 380 CHURCH retains  very  interesting  mosaics,  also  the  work of  Pope  Paschal.  The  distribution  and  subjects are  much  the  same  as  those  at  Sta.  Prassede.. The  Koman  churches  of  this  date,  however mferior  in  style  to  those  of  the  earlier  period, must  have  presented  an  appearance  of  equal splendour;  mosaic  and  precious  marbles  were uot  spared,  nor  doubtless  gilded  roofs.  Doors were  of  bi'ouze,  or  even  of  more  costly  materials, for  Honorius  I.  is  said  in  the  Lib.  Pontif.  to  have covered  the  doors  of  the  Vatican  basilica  with silver  weighing  975  lbs. Examples  of  churches  of  the  period  under consideration,  with  well-ascertained  dates,  are not  so  readily  to  be  found  in  other  parts  of  Italy as  in  Rome ;  but  a  few  buildings  exist  which can  be  assigned  on  historical  data  to  this  period, the  character  of  which  is  quite  in  accordance with  that  of  those  of  other  countries  whose  date can  be  ascertained.  Such  are  the  Duomo  Vecchio and  Sta.  Giulia  at  Brescia,  and  SS.  Apostoli  at Florence.  The  first  of  these  is  by  some  assigned to  the  latter  part  of  the  7th  century,  by  others, with  greater  probability,  to  about  A.D.  774 ;  it is  a  large  circular  church  about  125  feet  in diameter,  covered  by  a  dome  of  65  feet  internal diameter  ;  it  is  extremely  plain,  having  no  shafts or   columns,   but    piers   carrying   square-edged Daomo  Veccluo,  Brescia. arches  springing  from  very  simply  moulded  im- posts ;  the  whole  is  roughly  and  irrescularlv built. Sta.  Giulia  forms  part  of  a  convent  founded  by Desiderius,  King  of  the  Lombards  (757-773) and  is  a  basilican  church. SS.  Apostoli  at  Florence  is  believed  on  respec- table authority  to  have  been  dedicated  in  the presence  of  Charles  the  Great ;  it  is  a  small basilican  church  with  antique  columns,  pro- bably brought  from  Fiesole. The  Duomo  of  Torcello,  near  Venice,  is  be- lieved to  have  been  originally  built  in  the 7  th  century,  but  largely  repaired  or  rebuilt  in A.D.  1000.  It  is  on  the  basilican  plan,  with ranges  of  columns  dividing  the  nave  from  the aisles;  it  is  particularly  interesting,  as  pre- serving in  a  more  perfect  state  than  elsewhere the  mternal  arrangement  of  the  apse,  the  bishop's cathedra  being  placed  against  the  central  point ot  the  curve  at  the  top  of  a  flight  of  steps,  on either  side  of  which  are  six  concentric  rano-es  of steps  for  the  presbyters ;  the  altar  is  placed  on a  platform  in  front,  and  a  screen  divides  the presbytery  or  chorus  from  the  nave.  Under  the apse  IS  a  small  crypt.     In   trout  of  the  church CHUECH are  the  traces  of  a  baptistery,  square  externally, octagonal  within.  The  apse  is  flanked  by  two minor  apses,  which  may  probably  date  from  the rebuilding.  This  church  has  much  resemblance to  the  cathedral  of  Parenzo  in  Istria.  Close  tc its  \yest  front  stands  the  small  church  of  Sta. Fosca,  which  by  some  is  believed  to  be  of  the Same  date  as  the  Duomo,  by  others  is  referred to  the  9th  or  10th  century.  S.  Giovanni  in Fonte,  the  baptistery  of  the  Cathedral  of  Ve- rona, though  much  altered  and  repaired,  pro- bably dates  from  a  period  not  later  than  the 9th  century ;  it  is  a  small  building  with  nave, aisles,  and  apse. 4.  France,  Germany,  and  Switzerland.—  Though many  and  large  churches  were  constructed  in the  opulent  cities  of  the  _  Roman  provinces  of Gallia  during  the  period  of  Roman  occupation, nothing  has  come  down  to  our  time  except  a few  fragments.  The  description  given  by  Sido- nius  Apollinaris  (^Epist.  xii.)  of  the  gilded  roof, the  glass  mosaic  of  the  walls,  the  variously coloured  marbles,  and  the  stony  wood  of  columns seems  to  shew  that  in  their  pristine  glory  the churches  of  Lyons  or  of  "  opulent  Vienna  "  were little  inferior  in  splendour  to  those  of  the imperial  city. Churches  continued  to  be  constructed  under the  rule  of  the  Teutonic  conquerors,  although doubtless  of  much  diminished  magnificence. Gregory  of  Tours  {Hist.  Franc,  ii.  14)  describes the  basilica  built  by  Perpetuus  at  Tours,  in honour  of  Eustoehius,  in  the  following  words  : "  Habet  in  longum  pedes  centum  sexaginta,  in latum  sexaginta ;  habet  in  altum  usque  ad  came- ram  pedes  quadringenta  quinque,  fenestras  in altario  triginti  duas,  in  capso  viginti ;  ostia  octo, tria  in  altario,  quinque  in  caj^so." Hiibsch  (Alt-Christ.  Kirchcn,  pi.  xlviii.  figs.  6 and  7)  has  made  a  conjectural  plan  and  section of  this  church,  believing  it  to  have  been  planned as  parallel-triapsal. The  same  histoi-ian  (ii.  16)  describes  the church  built  by  St.  Namatius  at  Clermont,  as 150  feet  long,  60  feet  broad,  and  50  feet  high, with  a  round  apse,  and  aisles  on  each  side.  It had,  he  says,  42  windows,  70  columns,  and  8 doors.  The  walls  of  the  altarium  were  adorned with  "Opus  sarsurium,"  i.e.  sectile  work,  of various  marbles. At  Perigueux  are  said  (J.  H.  Parker,  Archco- logia,  xxxvii.  248)  to  be  remains  of  a  church  of this  period,  remarkable  as  having  barrel  vaults carried  on  arches  transversely  across  the  aisles. At  Beauvais,  attached  to  the  cathedral,  is  a portion,  no  doubt  the  nave  and  aisles,  of  a  much earlier  church  known  as  the  Basse  Oeuvre ; it  closely  resembles  in  character  the  buildings in  Italy,  such  as  SS.  Vincenzo  ed  Anastasio  near Rome,  which  are  believed  to  date  from  the  7th or  8th  centuries  ;  but  it  may  even  be  older,  as it  is  simply  a  building  Roman  in  style,  and  so plain  as  to  give  none  of  that  assistance  towards the  formation  of  an  opinion  as  to  the  date  which mouldings  or  ornament  afibrd.  The  great  size of  the  windows  is,  however,  perhaps,  an  indica- tion of  early  date.  Several  other  smaller  ex- amples of  like  character  are  said  to  exist  within the  diocese  of  Beauvais. In  the  baptistery  at  Poitiers  we  have  an  ex- ample of  a  somewhat  more  ambitious  attempt at    classical    architecture ;    but    the   manner    in CHXJECH which  the  ornamental  pieces  are  put  together denotes  an  utter  barbarism  and  want  of  archi- tectural knowledge  or  taste. Somewhat  akin  to  this  building  are  some churches  not  far  from  the  Loire,  as  St.  Ge'ne'reux near  Poitiers,  Saveniferes  in  Anjou,  &c. ;  both these  shew  a  reminiscence  of  Roman  methods  of building,  and  the  former  has  much  decoration by  triangular  pediments  and  a  sort  of  mosaic  in brickwork,  probably  a  variety  of  the  opus  sar- surium  of  Gregory  of  Tours.  The  buildings  of this  class  are  ascribed  by  the  French  antiquaries with  much  probability  to  the  period  from  the 6th  to  the  8th  century. In  the  valley  of  the  Rhone  and  the  adjacent  ter- ritories, where  are  abundance  of  remains  of  Roman architecture  and  plenty  of  excellent  and  durable freestone,  the  classical  models  were  so  well  copied for  several  centuries  that  it  is  matter  of  great doubt  to  what  date  many  buildings  should  be assigned.     One    very   characteristic    example    is CHURCH 381 work,  but  the  imposts  generally  are  of  the  rudest kind,  though  one  or  two  shew  mouldings  of  a somewhat  complicated  character  and  apparently properly  cut,  whether  these  are  the  work  of  a later  time  or  not  is  not  clear.  Beneath  the central  tower  is  a  sort  of  cupola  resting  on  pen- dentives,  and  pierced  in  the  centre  with  a  large orifice. When,  however,  the  influence  of  Charles  the Great,  whose  regard  for  architecture  is  well known,  began  to  make  itself  felt,  we  find  a marked  improvement  in  architecture  ;  besides  the most  remarkable  monument  of  his  reign,  the minster  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  we  have  several  other churches  erected  either  under  him  or  his  imme- diate successors,  which  enable  us  to  form  a  defi- nite conoeption  of  the  style  of  the  period. Before  these  are  described  one  building  of  very anomalous  character  should  however  be  men- tioned, this  is  the  gateway  at  Lorsch,  not  far from  Worms.     It  is  a  two-stnried  parallelogratn. the  porch  of  the  cathedral  of  Avignon,  which has  all  the  character  of  a  building  of  the  lower empire,  but  in  Mr.  Fergusson's  opinion  is  not older  than  the  Carlovingian  era.  The  same ornaments  are  found  on  this  porch  and  in  the interior  of  the  church,  and  it  would  therefore seem  that  the  whole  building  is  of  about  the same  date. In  the  Jura,  not  far  from  Orbe,  at  the  con- vent of  Romain-motier,  a  church  was  dedicated in  A.D.  753  by  Pope  Stephen  II.,  and  the  nave, transepts,  and  tower  now  existing,  are  believed to  be  those  of  the  original  structure.  The  two- storied  narthex  Mr.  Fergusson  thinks  may  be  a century  or  two,  but  Blavignac  {Hist,  de  l' Archi- tecture Sacr^e,  &c.)  only  a  little  later.  The columns  of  the  nave  are  circular  masses,  only three  diameters  in  height,  corbelled  out  square at  the  top,  the  bases  quadrangular  blocks.  The arches  have  a  sunk  face,  but  no  ornament  or moulding.  Some  shafts  in  the  eastei-n  part  of  i the  church  have  capitals  rudely  imitating  Roman  | the  lower  storey  pieiced  with  three  large  arch- ways, and  was  no  doubt  the  gateway  Jeading into  the  atrium  of  the  church  of  the  monastery, of  which  class  of  buildings  this  is  perhaps  the only  existing  example  (at  least  in  the  west),  of an  early  date. The  most  remarkable  and  most  authentic  work of  the  period  in  Germany  or  France  is  the  minster of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  the  original  character  of which,  though  hidden  by  repairs  and  mistaken attempts  at  decoration,  can  still  be  satisfactorilv ascertained  :  it  was  commenced  in  796,  and  dedi- cated in  804;  it  is  externally  a  polygon  of  six- teen sides,  to  the  west  is  attached  a  tower-like building,  flanked  by  two  circular  towers  con- taining staircases.  What  the  original  arrange- ment of  the  east  end  was  is  unfortunately  un- known, as  in  the  14th  century  it  was  replaced by  a  new  choir.  The  building  is  about  105  feet, the  dome  47  feet  6  inches  in  diameter,  and  the latter  rises  about  100  feet  above  the  floor. In    the  interior  are   eight   compound   piers, 382 CHUKCH made  up  of  rectangular  figures  and  without shafts,  which  support  plain  round  arches;  the triforium  is  very  lofty,  and  the  arches  opening from  this  into  the  central  space  have  screens  of columns  in  two  stories,  the  lower  carrying  arches while  the  upper  run  up  to  the  aixh  which  spans the  openings.  Above  there  are  eight  round- headed  windows,  and  the  whole  is  covered  by an  octagonal  dome.  The  columns  of  the  trifo- rium  are  antique,  and  so  it  would  appear  were their  capitals;  the  bases  seem  to  have  been made  for  the  building,  and  'according  to  Kugler (Gcsch.  der  Baukunst,  i.  409)  are  very  shapeless. The  best  preserved  part  of  the  interior  is  the belfry  over  the  porch ;  this  is  covered  with  a plain  waggon  vault,  and  shews  plain  rectangular piers  with  moulded  bases,  and  imposts  carrying equally  plain  arches.  The  severely  simple  cha- racter of  the  building  is  very  well  seen  in  this chamber,  which  is  on  a  level  with  and  originally opened  into  the  triforium.  The  dome  was  once covered  with  mosaic,  which  has  wholly  dis- appeared; but  Ciampini  (^Vet.  Hon.  ii.  41)  has engraved  a  part  of  it,  three  of  the  eight  segments of  which  it  was  composed.  In  the  central  of these  is  a  colossal  figure  of  Christ  seated  on  a throne,  surrounded  by  concentric  rings  of  colour representing  the  rainbow,  the  ground  on  which this  figure  was  placed  was  golden  with  red  stars, below  are  seven  of  the  twenty-four  elders  of  the Apocalypse.  The  simple  grandeur  of  this  picture must  have  harmonized  well  with  the  whole chai-acter  of  the  building.  The  triforium  would seem  to  have  been  paved  with  mosaic  and  other pavements  brought  from  Ravenna  or  Rome  :  two fragments  still  remain,  one  of  black  and  white tesserae,  the  other  of  sectile  work,  in  marble slabs  of  various  colours.  The  fronts  of  the openings  from  the  triforium  to  the  central  space are  protected  by  cancelli  of  bronze,  doubtless also  brought  from  Ravenna  or  Rome ;  they  are of  several  patterns,  some  of  classical  Roman character,  others  Byzantine. A  vault  is  said  to  exist  beneath  the  centre  of the  church,  and  to  have  served  as  the  burial- place  of  the  great  emperor ;  but  it  is  not  acces- sible, and  nothing  seems  to  be  known  as  to  its character.     The  western  doors  are  of  bronze. The  exterior  is  very  plain,  the  only  ornament being  some  pilasters  at  the  angles  of  the  drum of  the  dome ;  these  have  capitals  of  classical character,  but  in  their  wasted  state  it  would  be difficult  to  decide  whether  they  are  really  antique or  copies  of  antique  work. A  document  of  the  utmost  value  as  affording information  as  to  the  arrangements  of  a  large conventual  church,  is  the  plan  preserved  in  the public  library  of  St.  Gall,  and  first  published by  Mabillon  (Ann.  Ben.  Ord.).  It  appears  to have  been  sent  to  Abbot  Gozpertus,  who  began to  rebuild  the  church  and  monastery  in  A.D.  829, and  very  probably  was  prepared  by  Eginhard, who  was  prefect 'of  the  royal  buildings  under Charles  the  Great.  The  annexed  cut  represents that  part  which  contains  the  church  and  its ap])cndages. The  plan  is  without  scale,  and  little  or  no reliance  can  be  placed  on  the  proportional  size ot  the  parts,  as  Professor  Willis  has  observed  ; the  church  is  said,  in  legends  written  upon  it, to  be  200  feet  long  and  80  feet  broad  ;  but  in the  plan,  if  we  assume  the  length  to  be  200  feet. CHURCH the  breadth  would  be  only  56  feet.  The  draw- ing must  no  doubt  be  considered  rather  as  a scheme  for  a  great  monastery  than  as  a  plan  to be  carried  out  by  an  architect ;  its  peculiarities will  be  readily  seen ;  first  among  these  are  the apses  at  each  end,  an  arrangement  afterwards common  in  Germany,  but  of  which  we  have  no earlier  instance.  The  circular  towers  are  also remarkable.  At  the  east  end  the  drawing  is confused  by  the  attempt  to  shew  both  the  crypt and  the  choir ;  the  space  marked  by  slanting lines  bears  in  the  original  the  legend  "  involutio arcuuni,"  and  no  doubt  is  meant  to  represent  an arched  passage,  from  whence  proceeds  a  short passage  to  the  confession. The  church  of  Granson,  near  the  lake  of  Neu- chatel,  according  to  Mr.  Fergusson,  is  of  the Carlovingian  era,  though  others  are  disposed  to place  it  in  the  11th  century. In  France  the  most  important  examples  of  the Carlovingian  period  seem  to  be  the  nave  of  the church  of  Mortier  en  Der,  near  Vassy,  which exhibits  a  style  very  nearly  akin  to  that  of  the Minster  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  and  the  remains of  the  church  of  St.  Martin  at  Angers.  This last  was  founded  some  years  before  819,  as  the Empress  Hermengarde,  who  died  in  that  year was  the  foundress,  and  was  interred  within it.  It  consisted  of  a  nave  and  aisles,  a  central tower,  and  a  rather  long  transept ;  the  eastern part  having  been  replaced  by  a  choir  of  the  12th century.  The  piers  separating  the  nave  from the  aisles  are  oblong,  but  chamfered  at  the angles,  and  carry  plain  unmoulded  arches  of rectangular  section  ;  there  is  no  triforium,  but  a clerestory  of  windows  of  rather  long  proportion. The  tower  has  a  dome  which  originally  sprang from  the  capitals  of  four  massive  circular  pillars, which,  as  they  are  engaged  in  the  piei's  which carry  the  tower,  shew  only  the  fourth  of  a circle.  The  capitals  have  some  shallow  carving, chiefly  patterns  of  plaited  work.  In  several parts  of  the  church  two  or  three  courses  of  flat bricks  are  introduced  between  the  courses  of stonework. The  church  of  Germigny-sur-Loire  is  a  build- ing of  very  remarkable  character,  and  in  it, incised  on  the  abaci  of  the  two  eastern  capitals of  the  tower  piers,  is  an  inscription  recording  its dedication  in  806.  The  plan,  it  will  be  seen, is  peculiar,  having  a  tower  in  the  middle  of  a square,  with  an  apse  projecting  from  three  of the  faces,  and  two  small  apses  flanking  the  eastern apse.  The  piers  are  square,  and  have  imposts  of blocks  and  some  knotwork  in  shallow  relief. Among  the  most  peculiar  features  are  the  small shafts  attached  to  the  piers  at  the  entrance  of the  eastern  apse.  These  recall  some  of  the details  of  Romain-motier,  as  the  imposts  do those  of  St.  Martin  at  Angers. 6.  Spain. — As  in  Gaul,  little  or  nothing  remains in  Spain  of  the  churches  built  before  the  in- vasion of  the  barbarians ;  and  those  which  the latter  constructed  were  destroyed  by  the  Arabs. Some  capitals  and  fragments,  probably  of  en- closures of  '  chori  cantorum,'  exist  at  Cordova ('Monumentos  Arquitectdnicos  de  Espana'),  and some  other  fragments  and  capitals  have  been found  at  Toledo  on  the  sites  of  the  basilicas  of St.  Leocadia,  built  A.D.  600,  and  of  St.  Gines, said  to  date  from  the  8th  century  ('  £1  arte Latino — Bizantino  en  Espaiia,'  by  Don  Jose' Ama- CHURCH 383 3— JLo/TvnS—S -r/w,  lyvYvw -±1U    [U-iiMU-lU-iiJ-liJ-L D £1 -UMU-lU-iiJ-liJ-UiL ^n-n-^-m-^^^^-f^-., ]LJ_ ''n°'=  Bi  c) ■1 ^M, TIT rj ij cixa   cii-i ,  The  Church. The  Abbot's  Lodging. .  The  Public  School. .  The  Hospitium  or  Gaest  House. .  Dispensary. .  Kesiclenne  of  Doctor,  with  Garden  of in.Klinil  herba. .  Another  small  double-apse  Church, divided  by  wall  a<To33  centre. .  Orchard  and  Cemetery. Sf.  Gall. I.  Great  Cloister. J.  Refectory. K.  Kitchen. L.  Wine  Cellar. M.  Dorrnitory,  with  variou.'i  dependent N.  Another  Hospitium,  apparently  for inferior  class  of  giicsta. O.  Pt^blea  for  horses,  cattle,  sheep,  &c. KH,  Open  spaces  or  paradises.  (That  to the  west  is  suiTouiided  by  an  open semicircular  porcli,  by  which  ihe public  were  to  gain  access  to  the Church.) S.  Vestry.  T.  Library. \  ■ .  Schoolmaster's  House. V.  Porter's  Houso. X.  Furnace. Y.  Detached  chimney- shaft  for  ditto. 384 CHURCH dor  de  los  Rios).  At  Venta  de  Baflos,  near Paleucia,  the  church  built  by  Eeccesvinthus  .in A.D.  661,  is  stated  to  remain  in  a  tolerably  com- plete state. The  only  other  churches  which  can  be  supposed to  date  from  a  period  even  as  early  as  the  9th century  which  have  as  yet  been  noticed,  are  a few  in  the  Asturias,  not  far  ft-om  Oviedo. These,  however,  present  many  remarkable peculiarities  of  plan,  having  square  ended  chan- cels, and  chapels  or  apartments  attached  to their  sides.  One  of  the  group,  Sta.  Maria  de Naranco  is  stated  to  have  been  built  cir.  848, and  as  the  others  are  somewhat  plainer  and ruder  in  style  they  are  more  probably  earlier than  later.  The  most  remarkable  is  that  of  the Ermita  de  Sta.  Christina,  near  la  Pola  de  Lena, which  retains  the  original  partition  separating the  choir  from  the  nave :  the  choir  is  raised above  the  nave,  and  the  altar  recess  above  the choir,  these  as  well  as  the  western  part  of  the church  are  vaulted  over,  so  that  there  are chambers  above  them.  The  central  space  is covered  by  a  waggon  vault.  The  circular  panels in  the  upper  part  of  the  choir  screen  are  pierced, the  central  panel  below  cai'ved  with  ornament, having  much  affinity  with  that  to  be  seen  on  the crowns  of  the  7th  century  found  at  Fueute  de Guarrazeo,  near  Toledo. S.  Salvador  de  Valdedios,  near  Villaviciosa, has  aisles,  but  the  same  system  of  vaulting  over both  ends  of  the  church  exists,  and  as  in  the ctliers  there  are  small  chambers  right  and  left on  entering  by  the  western  door.  One  of  these probably  served  as  a  baptistry,  as  is  the  case  at Sta.  Maria  de  Naranco.  A  porch  and  other chambers  are  attached  to  the  south  side,  and may  have  served  as  dwellings  for  priests  or attendants  on  the  church.  This  has  been  at- tributed to  A.D.  892. Sta.  Maria  de  Naranco  is  nearly  on  the  same plan,  and  appears  to  have  always  been  a  parish church. The  upper  chambers  in  all  these  churches  are open  to  the  church,  not  closed  as  in  Ireland,  and capable  of  bemg  used  as  dwelling  places. These  buildings  are  all  small,  Sta.  Cristina being  about  50  feet  long,  Sta.  Maria  de  Naranco about  70,  but  have  a  good  deal  of  ornament,  and exhibit  a  peculiarity  of  style,  the  origin  of which  cannot  be  traced  to  any  other  country, and  which  was  probably  developed  from  the earlier  imitations  of  Roman  work.  A  clue  to the  reasons  for  the  peculiarity  of  plan  seems altogether  wanting.  The  square  end  of  the chancel  may  perhaps  be  thought  to  indicate some  Irish  influence  as  that  country  is  the  only one  where  this  form  is  anything  but  the  rarest exception. Although,  as  has  been  said,  the  churches  of the  earlier  period  have  disappeared,  Spain  has preserved  in  a  remarkable  manner  some  of  the traditions  of  the  arrangement  of  churches  in the  earlier  periods ;  thus  the  '  coro,'  instead  of beginning  to  the  east  of  the  transepts,  is,  like the  "chorus  cantorum"  of  the  early  basi- licas, extended  into  the  nave,  and  the  central lantern  tower  is  called  the  'cimborio,'  in memory,  doubtless,  of  a  time  when  it  served  as the  'ciborium'  of  the  high  altar,  now  placed in  the  elongated  choir,  or,  as  it  is  called  by  the Spaniards,    '  capilla    mayor.'       Probably   these CHURCH traditions  were  handed  down  through  a  chain  of numerous  links,  the  earlier  of  which  have perished. 6.  Ireland. — We  find  here  a  great  number  of very  small  churches  very  roughly  built,  with  very little  attemptat  any  decoration,  freqviently  lighted only  by  one  very  small  window,  but  constructed usually  with  extremely  large  stones,  and  not  un- frequently  built  with  that  material  exclusively, the  roof  being  formed  by  horizontal  courses, each  brought  forward  until  they  met  at  the top. Such  are  the  churches  or  chapels  of  Tempull Ceannanach,  on  the  middle  island  of  «the  bay  of Galway  (Petrie,  Eccle.  Arch,  of  Ireland,  p.  189), of  St.  Mac  Dara  on  the  island  of  Cruach  Mhic Dara,  off"  the  coast  of  Connemara  {id.  p.  190), of  Ratass,  C^  Kerry  (id.  p.  169),  of  Fore,  Q'. Westmeath  (id.  p.  174),  and  many  others.  The two  first  of  these  churches  form  single  apart- ments without  any  division  into  nave  and  chan- cel, and  measure,  the  first  16  feet  6  inches,  by 12  feet  6  inches  internally  ;  the  second  15  feet by  11  inches;  both  are  roofed  with  stone  in  the manner  described.  The  two  other  churches  are in  a  less  complete  state,  but  their  doorways are  remarkable  for  their  square  heads,  and  the immense  size  of  the  stones  of  which  they  are constructed  ;  in  that  of  Ratass  the  lintel  is  7  feet 6  inches  long,  2  feet  high,  and  extends  through the  whole  thickness  of  the  wall.  There  appears in  this  doorway  an  evident  intention  of  imitating the  architecture  of  a  Greek  or  Roman  building. In  that  of  Fore  the  lintel  is  6  feet  long,  2  feet high,  and  3  feet  deep,  and  is  sculptured  with  a cross  within  a  circle,  on  a  projecting  tablet. Both  these  chttrches  are  attributed  by  Mr.  Petrie to  the  6tli  or  7th  centuries.  It  is  a  question of  much  interest  whence  the  builders  of  these churches  derived  their  ideas  of  architecture, these  buildings  resembling  in  no  respect  any contemporaneous  structures  in  England,  France, or  Italy.  Improbable  as  the  suggestion  may  at first  sight  appear,  it  would  seem  that  it  was Central  Syria  which  furnished  the  models ;  that country  abounds  with  churches  and  monasteries constructed  between  the  .3rd  and  7th  centuries in  a  style  founded  upon  the  Roman  architecture of  the  time,  but  with  many  peculiarities  both  of construction  and  of  detail.  Among  the  former of  these  is  the  use  of  very  large  stones,  and  the pratice  of  roofing  small  buildings  by  advancing each  course  somewhat  nearer  the  centre  than that  below ;  examples  of  both  will  be  found  in plenty  in  Count  Melchior  de  Vogue's  Syrie  Cen- trale.  Although  in  these  buildings  arched  door- ways are  the  most  common,  those  formed  pre- cisely in  the  same  manner  as  the  Irish  examples, with  one  large  block  for  a  lintel,  are  frequently found ;  and  one  of  these  (Syrie  Centralc,  p.  99, fig.  4),  may  almost  pass  for  the  original  of  which the  lintel  at  Fore  is  the  rough-  copy.  The  Irish buildings  have  far  more  the  appearance  of  such copies  of  the  products  of  a  cultivated  school  of architecture  as  might  be  achieved  by  native workmen  under  the  direction  of  immigrants, bringing  with  them  recollections,  rather  than accurate  knowledge  of  the  edifices  they  had  left behind,  than  that  of  the  first  i-ude  essays  of  an uncivilised  race. The  Persians  plundered  Syria  in  A.D.  573,  the Sai-acens  invaded    it  in  613,  and  Central  Syria CHURCH seems  to  have  been  entirely  depopulated  about tliat  period.  It  at  that  time  contained  many monasteries  and  many  monks,  and  it  is  quite possible  that  among  the  numerous  foreigners who  sought  an  asylum  in  Ireland  at  that  period may  have  been  Syrian  monks.  In  the  litany  of St.  Aengus,  written,  it  is  believed,  in  the  year 799  (Petrie,  p.  137),  among  the  scores,  and  even hundreds,  of  strangers  of  various  nations,  men- tion is  made  of  seven  Egyptian  monks  buried  in Disert  Ulidh.  The  gi'eater  part  of  these  immi- grants are  in  the  litany  simply  called  "  pere- grin!," without  indication  of  nationality.  Dr. Petrie  (p.  127),  however,  seems  to  think  the peculiarities  of  construction  of  these  early  build- ings ai'e  due  to  the  colonisation  of  the  country by  "  the  Firbolg  and  Tuatha  de  Danann  tribes, which  our  historians  bring  hither  from  Greece at  a  very  remote  period  ;  which  tribes,"  he  says, "  'vere  accustomed  to  build,  not  only  their  for- tresses, but  even  their  dome-roofed  houses  and sepulchres,  of  stone  without  cement,  and  in  the style  now  usually  called  Cyclopean  and  Pe- lasgic." Besides  the  small  churches  which  have  been mentioned  above,  larger  structures  were  also erected  in  Ireland  at  an  early  date.  The  cathe- dral church  of  Armagh,  whether  that  erected  in the  time  of  St.  Patrick  or  of  a  later  date,  would appear  m  the  9th  century  to  have  been  140  feet in  length  (Petrie,  p.  157).  The  more  usual length  of  a  church  of  the  first  class  would, however,  appear  to  have  been  60  feet ;  this dimension  having,  according  to  the  tripartite life  of  St.  Patrick,  been  prescribed  by  the  saint for  the  Domnach  Mor  (Great  Church),  near Teltown,  in  Meath,  appears  to  have  been  in- vested with  a  sort  of  sacred  character  ;  and  it is  worth  notice  that  the.  church  at  Glastonbury, fi.unded  according  to  tradition  by  a  St.  Patrick, but  undoubtedly  by  missionaries  from  Ireland, was  60  feet  long,  by  26  feet  broad  ;  it  seems  to have  been  of  wood. These  larger  churches  had  usually  a  chancel — in  plan  a  parallelogram — attached  to  the  larger oblong  which  formed  the  nave. Two  peculiarities  mark  the  ecclesiastical  ar- chitecture of  Ireland,  one,  that  the  altar  end  is invariably  rectangular,  the  other  that  the  towers found  near  the  early  churches  are  always  cir- cular. Perhaps  the  most  probable  explanation of  the  former  is  that  the  form  was  originally used  as  that  most  suitable  for  a  very  small oratory,  and  perpetuated  in  consequence  of  the extraordinary  veneration  which  the  Irish  have always  entertained  for  anything  connected  with their   early  saints.     [For   the  round  tower  see TOWKR.] 7.  Scotland. — Irish  ecclesiastics  founded  the celebrated  monastery  of  lona,  and  spread  Christi- anity through  the  isles  and  mainland  of  Scotland, but  very  few  buildings  which  can  be  referred  to the  period  under  considei'ation  have  been  ob- served. The  most  remarkable  would  seem  to  be the  church  at  Eglishay  in  Orkney,  which  bears a  close  resemblance  to  one  of  the  early  Irish churches,  and  is  specially  remarkable  as  having a  round  tower  attached  to  it.  The  nave  is  30  ft. by  16  ft.,  the  chancel  11  ft.  by  9  ft.  7  in.,  the latter  is  covered  by  a  plain  semi-circular  vault, over  which  was  a  chamber  constructed  between it  and  the  external  covering  of  frtone.     The  nave CHRIST.   ANT. CHUECH 385 also  is  stated  to  have  had  a  stone  roof.  The tower  is  entered  by  a  door  in  the  west  wall of  the  nave  ;  the  chancel  arch  is  described  as  of  a horse-shoe  form,  but  this  may  proba.bly  be  occa- sioned by  a  settlement  of  the  work.  The  windows are  i<i\v  and  small,  the  doorways  plain,  round- headed  arches.  As  in  the  Irish  islands  there were  numerous  oratoi-ies  scattered  over  Orkney and  Shetland  ;  the  parish  of  Yell  in  the  latter  is said  (Hibbert's  Scotland,  p.  530)  to  have  con- tained twenty  chapels.  The  churches  constructed by  the  Christian  Picts  were  probably  either  of wood  or  of  earth,  which  is  the  reason  of  the entire  absence  of  any  buildings  within  their territory  which  can  be  assigned  to  a  period  be- fore A.D.  800,  it  is  the  more  remarkable  as  the numerous  sculptured  monuments  show  that  the people  who  dwelt  within  the  limits  of  the Pictish  kingdom  could  carve  stone  with  extra- ordinary skill  for  the  pei-iod. 8.  England. — Though  the  Christians  of  Britain must  undoubtedly  have  possessed  churches  of considerable  size  before  the  occupation  of  the country  by  the  Saxons,  Jutes,  and  Angles,  no certain  remains  of  such  buildings  have  as  yet been  met  with. The  historians  of  Canterbury  assert  that Ethelbert  gave  to  St.  Augustine  an  existing church  in  that  city  (Willis'  Arch.  Hist,  of  Christ Church,  Canterbury,  pp.  20,  30)  which  became  the cathedral.  Bede  mentions  the  church  of  St. Martin  as  an  ancient  church  given  in  like  manner, some  portions  of  wall  in  the  latter  have  been thought  to  have  formed-  part  of  the  ancient church.    Of  the  Saxon  cathedral  nothing  remains. Three  influences  it  will  be  seen  contributed in  unequal  degrees  according  to  circumstances and  locality,  to  form  or  to  modify  ecclesiastica-1 architecture  in  England  ;  viz.  1,  that  of  Roman architecture  either  as  derived  from  buildings still  existing  in  the  country,  or  from  designs imported  by  ecclesiastics  and  other  church builders  ;  2,  that  of  the  Irish  missionaries  ;  3, that  of  the  native  school  of  timber  architecture. The  first  of  these  we  may  trace  in  the  plans,  in the  style  of  some  churches,  and  in  the  frequent assertion  that  a  church  was  constructed  "  opere Romanorum;"  the  second,  perhaps,  in  the  pre- ference of  a  rectangular  east  end  over  an  apsidal, which  last,  as  we  find  it  all  but  universal  in England  in  the  12th  century  and  common  in  the 13lh,  was  probably  the  prevalent  plan  in  earlier centuries ;  the  third,  in  construction  evidently copied  from  wooden  buildings,  and  in  the  fact  that the  baluster  shafts,  which  more  than  any  other feature  characterize  the  ante-Norman  style,  were turned  in  a  lathe  as  if  they  had  been  wood.  It seems  probable  that  the  Roman  and  the  native style  were  concurrent,  for  we  find  the  two mixed  together,  as  in  the  curious  doorway  at Monkwearmouth  which  there  seems  to  be  ground to  believe  is  part  of  the  church  built  by  Benedict Biscop,  A.D.  671.  Here  we  have  an  arch  and impost  which  are  evident  imitations  of  Roman work,  supported  by  coupled  balusters,  and  an excessively  exaggerated  base  carved  with  inter- lacing ornaments  or  snakes  by  a  hand  which  no doubt  was  accustomed  to  execute  similar  work in  wood. The  existing  remains  of  English  churches, dating  between  600  and  800,  are  unfortunatelv, with  very  rare  exceptions,  only  fragments.  These 2  C 386 CHURCH scanty  remains,  assisted  and  illustrated  by  what contemporary  or somewhat  later    writers told  us,  will  however  enable  us  to  form  tolerably clear  ideas  as  to  the  character  of  the  churches which  were  built  in  the  above-mentioned  period. Of  the  metropolitan  cathedral  of  Canterbury we  have  a  detailed  account,  written  by  Edmer the  Chanter,  in  which  he  describes  the  edifice  as it  existed  before  the  fire  of  1067.  The  annexed plan  is  copied  from  that  drawn  up  by  Professor Willis  {Uist.  of  Ch.  Ch.  Canterbury)  from  Edmer's Canterbury  Cathedral. description.  The  church,  Edmer  says,  was  built "  Romanorum  opere  et  ex  quadam  parte  ad imitationem  ecclesiae  beati  apostolorum  principis Petri,"  meaning  of  course  the  great  Vatican basilica.  The  western  apse  was  probably  added by  Archbishop  Odo  about  A.D.  950. Of  another  church  of  the  larger  class  we  have some  important  remains.  This  is  that  of  Stow,  in Lincolnshire,  where  a  bishopric  was  founded  in A.D.  678.  The  church  there  is  cruciform,  mea- suring 150  ft.  from  east  to  west,  with  a  breadth of  27  ft.  in  the  nave  and  24  ft.  in  the  chancel ; the  transept  is  90  ft.  from  north  to  south  by 23  ft.  wide  ;  the  side  walls  are  about  35  ft.  high. It  has  been  shown  that  the  transept  is  evidently the  work  of  two  periods,  the  wall  up  to  a  certain height  having  all  the  appearance  of  having suffered  from  fire,  while  that  above  shows  no trace  of  such  damage.  There  is  ground  for  be- lieving that  in  870  the  church  was  burnt  by  the Danes,  and  that  it  was  extensively  repaired between  1034  and  1050  (v.  Eev.  G.  Atkinson, On  the  Restorations  in  Progress  at  b'tow  Church, in  Beports  and  Papers  of  the  Architectural  So- cieties of  Northants,  York,  and  Lincoln,  1.  315 ; and  the  same  writer  in  v.  23  of  the  same  pub- lication, On  Saxon  Architecture),  the  existing chancel  being  added  in  the  early  jiart  of  the next  century. Another  church,  that  of  Brixworth,  in  North- amptonshire, has  strong  claims  to  be  considered Kasilica,  Brixworth. to  date  from  the  same  period,  for  Leland  tells  us, on  the  authority  of  Hugo,  a  monk  of  Peter- borough, that  Lanulphus,  abbot  of  Peterboroucrh, CHURCH about  690,  founded  a  monastery  there,  and  the existing  edifice  may  be  reasonably  supposed  to be  the  original  church.  The  repairs  which  were finished  in  1865  enabled  the  ground  plan  of  th» church  to  be  correctly  ascertained,  and  it  will  be seen  to  be  somewhat  peculiar,  consisting  of  a square  tower,  the  lower  part  of  which  forms  a porch  at  the  west  end,  with  a  chamber  on  each side  opening  into  the  porch  and  also  into  the aisles,  a  nave  and  two  aisles  with  chambers  at their  east  ends,  a  short  chancel  without  aisles, and  an  apse  surrounded  by  a  corridor  or  crypt entered  by  steps  from  the  chancel.  The  piers are  oblong  masses  ;  the  arches,  which  spring  from square  imposts,  are  of  Roman  bricks  in  two courses  and  wholly  without  ornament ;  over each  pier  is  a  rather  small  clerestory  window with  arched  head,  also  turned  in  Roman  bricks. Attached  to  the  west  side  of  the  tower  is  a circular  stair  turret  of  different  and  less  careful work,  and  therefore  probably  a  later  addition. The  bases  of  piers  which  have  been  found  show that  at  the  west  end  of  the  chancel  were  probably three  arches,  through  which  it  was  entered  from the  nave. Another  church  still  exists  in  a  state  so  far complete  that  there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  its original  plan,  but  there  is  no  historical  evidence as  to  its  date,  and  its  architectural  character  is such  as  scarcely  to  wai-rant  a  decisive  opinion. This  is  the  church  in  the  castle  of  Dover,  which, in  consequence  of  recent  repairs,  can  be  studied more  satisfactorily  than  was  previously  the  case. A  short  account  of  it  was  published  by  the  Rev. John  Puckle  in   1864,  from  which  the  ground Chtirch  at  Dover. plan  is  taken ;  from  this  it  will  be  seen  that  it  is a  cruciform  church,  with  a  tower  between  the nave  and  chancel. The  churches  described  are  undoubtedly  ex- amples of  "  opus  Romanum."  Some  others  which have  been  destroyed  were,  doubtless,  of  like character,  and  as  the  contemporary  or  later  de- scriptions contain  points  of  interest,  it  will  be  well to  cite  them.  The  most  remarkable  is  that  of  the church  built  by  St.  Wilfrid,  at  Hexham,  about 673,  written  by  his  disciple  Stephen  Eddius {Vita  S.  Wilfridi,  ap.  Mabillon,  AA.  SS.  0.  S.  Ben. saec.  iv.,  pt.  i.,  p.  646),  running  as  follows : "  cujus  profunditatem  in  terra  cum  domibus mirifice  politis  lapidibus  fundatam,  et  super terram  multiplicem  domum  columnis  variis  et porticibus  multis  suft'ultam,  mirabilique  longi- tudine  et  altitadine,  murorum  ornatam,  et  variis linearum  anfractibus  viarum,  aliquando  sursum, aliquando  deorsum,  per  cochleas  circumductam, non  est  meae  parvitatis  hoc  sermone  explicare." Richard,  the  prior  of  Hexham,  in  the  12th  cen- tury, describes  it  (Twysden's  Scriptores  Decern, CHURCH p.  290)  as  a  noble  building  of  hewn  stone,  with crypts  beneath,  and  walls  rising  to  a  great  height. Unfortunately,  how«ver,  the  church  was  not m  existence  at  the  time  the  prior  wrote,  having been  burnt  by  the  Danes,  in  875,  but  his testimony  is  not  to  be  altogether  disregarded, particularly  as  his  mention  of  crypts  and  subter- raneous oi-atories  and  winding  passages  is confirmed  by  the  still  existing  crypt,  a  plan  of which  will  be  found  under  Chapel,  p.  344. If,  however,  the  church  had  three  stories  and columns,  some  square,  some  of  various  forms, it  must  have  been  in  advance  of  any  building now  existing  of  as  early  a  date,  and  it  seems probable  that  in  his  zeal  for  the  glory  of  St. Wilfrid,  the  prior  somewhat  exaggerated  the architectural  splendour  of  the  building. Of  the  church  built  at  Ripon  by  the  same prelate,  Eddius  tells  us  "in  Hrypis  basilicam poHto  lapide-  a  fundamentis  in  terra  usque  ad summum  aedificatam,  variis  columnis  et  porti- cibus  suflTultam,  in  altum  erexit "  (Mabillon, AA.  SS.  Ben.  saec.  iv.  pt.  2,  p.  563). About  the  same  time  Benedict  Biscop  built (a.d.  671)  a  monastery  at  Monkwearmouth,  the doorway  of  the  church  of  which  has  been  already commented  on,  and  Bede  (^Hist.  Ah'iatum  Wire- muth.  c.  5)  gives  some  very  interesting  notices of  his  proceedings.  He  went,  we  are  told,  into Gaul,  and  brought  from  thence  "  caemeutarios  qui lapideam  sibi  ecclesiam  juxta  Romauorum,  quem semper  amabat,  morem  fiicerent,"  and  afterwards sent  to  the  same  country  for  makers  of  glass  to glaze  the  windows  of  his  church.  At  a  later time  he  went  to  Rome,  and  brought  thence  pic- tures of  the  Virgin  Mary  and  the  twelve  apostles, "quibus  mediam  ejusdem  ecclesiae  testudinem ducto  a  pariete  ad  parietem  tabulate  praecingeret, imagines  evangelicae  historiae  quibus  australem ecclesiae  parietem  decoraret,  imagines  visionum Apocalypsis  beati  Johannis  quibus  septentrio- nalem  aeque  parietem  ornaret."  As  it  appears from  this  passage  that  there  was  a  nave  with  aisles, the  north  and  south  walls  were  probably  the ends  of  the  transept,  and  the  church  was  there- fore perhaps  cruciform.  That  in  the  7th  century the  founders  of  churches  in  England  strove  to emulate  the  splendour  of  the  Continental churches,  we  may  learn  from  the  verses  of Aldhelm  (pp.  116,  117,  ed.  Giles)  on  the  church built  by  Bugge,  daughter  of  Kentwin  : — "  Praecelsa  mole  saccUum Bugge  construxit  supplex  vernacula  Christi, Qua  fulgent  arae  bis  seno  nomine  sacrae, Insuper  apsldam  consecrat  Virginis  aram. Aurea  contortis  flavescunt  pallia  filis, Quae  sunt  altaris  sacri  velamina  pulcra, Aureus  atque  calix  gemmis  fulvesclt  opertus. Ut  coelum  rutilat  stellis  ardentibus  aptum, Sic  lata  argento  constat  fabricata  pateiia. Hie  crucis  ex  auro  fulgescit  lamina  fulvo, Argentique  simul  gemmis  ornata  metalla; Hie  quoque  tliuribulum  capitellis  undique  eiiictum Pendet  de  summo  fumosa  foramina  pandens, De  quibus  ambrosiam  spirabant  thura  Sabaea, Quaudo  sacerdotes  missas  offerrejubentur."- The  influence  of  the  Irish  missionaries  upon church  architecture  in  England  is  perhaps  rather to  be  inferred  than  proved  from  existing  ex- amples ;  carrying,  as  they  did,  their  principles of  asceticism  even  into  their  churches  their  rude CHUECH 38-; and  humble  chapels  ofl'ered  no  models  which could  compete  with  those  supplied  by  the  archi- tects brought  from  Gaul  or  Italy  who  built  in the  manner  of  the  Romans ;  but  when  we  call  to mind  how  large  an  extent  of  country  they  oc- cupied, and  more  or  less  Christianized,  and  in what  great  veneration  they  were  held,  it  is difficult  to  believe  that  the  peculiarities  of  their ecclesiastical  architecture  were  wholly  without influence  upon  that  of  England.  But  for  the eventual  triumph  of  the  Roman  system  over theirs,  more  tangible  proofs  of  this  would  no doubt  have  existed,  but  it  is  possible  that  the preference  of  a  square  over  an  apsidal  termina- tion, which  is  so  strongly  shown  in  English churches  from  the  12th  century  downwards,  is really  due  to  the  habit  of  imitating  the  forms of  the  oratories  which  St.  Cuthbert,  St.  Aidan, or  their  disciples,  may  have  constructed.     That I:. Chnrch  Tower,  at  Earls  Barton the  influence  of  the  Irish  school  upon  ornamenta- tion was  very  great,  there  can  be  no  doubt,  as it  is  amply  proved  by  existing  manuscripts,  as the  Gospels  of  Lindisfarne,  written  about  a.d. 710.  That  these  patterns  of  interlacing  ribbons and  animals  were  copied  in  stone  may  be observed  in  the  doorway  of  Monkwearmouth, and  on  many  crosses  and  other  monuments  of the  period. No    existing    example    shows   what    a    large church  would  have  been  if  constructed  without 2  C  2 388  CHUECH-BOOKS Roman  influence,  but  the  little  oratories  of Cornwall  and  that  at  Ebb's  Nook,  in  Northumber- land (v.  Chapel),  will  serve  to  show  what  was the  character  of  their  lesser  religions  buildings. The  third  influence,  that  of  an  existing  school of  timber  architecture,  made  itself  felt  more  m the  smaller  class  of  churches  than  in  the  larger, and  though  very  many  portions  of  churches which  exhibit  marks  of  it  exist,  no  entire  church of  any  early  date  which  manifests  it  has  remamed. The  chief  peculiarity  is  the  use  of  narrow  stones placed  upright,  dividing  the  wall  into  sections, exactly  in  the  same  manner  as  timber  quarter- iuo-.  No  better  example  of  this  can  be  found  than the  tower  of  the  church  of  Earls  Barton,  m Northamptonshire  ;  but  it  is  difficult  to  find  any safe  o-i-ound  for  assigning  a  date  to  this  buikhng, as  it'' is  certain  that  the  style  was  continued into  the  11th  century.  Another  peculiarity  !s the  use  of  the  baluster  as  a  shaft,  and  it  has been  supposed  that  this  was  copied  from  some Roman  example ;  but  the  focts  that  these  balu- sters were  turned  in  a  lathe,  that  they  were  in use  at  a  very  early  date,  and  in  every  part  ot England,  all  seem  to  point  to  their  having  ori- ginated in  an  indigenous  style  of  wooden  archi- tecture. .    ,        , Many  churches  were  constructed  entirely  ot wood.  Bede  {Hist.  Eccl  iii.  25)  tells  us  that Fiuian,  who  came  from  lona,  built  at  Lindisfarne a  church  "episcopal!  sede  congruam,  quam tamen  more  Scottorum  non  de  lapide  sed  de robore  secto  totam  composuit  atque  harundine texit;  "  and  according  to  an  Irish  writer  of  the 11th  century,  Conchubean  (TiY.  S.  Moducnnae, A  A.  SS.  Boll.  6,  Jul.  11),  the  Scoti  were  accus- ■  tomed  to  build  with  boards  "  tabulis  dedolatis," or,  as  we  may  perhaps  understand  the  passage, with  timbers  not  left  in  the  round,  but  smoothed with  the  adze.  In  this  way,  though  no  doubt  at  a much  later  date,  the  church  at  Greenstead,  in Essex,  was  constructed,  the  slabs  of  oak  left after  a  plank  had  been  sawn  out  of  the  middle having  been  smoothed  on  the  inside  with  the adze,  and  placed  upright  with  the  curved  portion outwards,  side  by  side,  so  as  to  form  a  wall. Very,  many  sucifi  structures,  no  doubt,  were erected  in  districts  where  wood  was  plentiful  and stone  scarce.  [A.  N.] CHUECH-BOOKS  (Libri  Ecclesiastici).  Un- der this  name  the  following  classes  of  books  are understood  to  be  included:  — 1.  Such  works  as  were  necessary  for  the  per- formance of  the  sacred  offices,  whether  of  the altar,  the  baptistery,  or  the  choii' [Liturgical Books]. 2.  Certain  pastoral  letters  of  venerable  bishops, canons  of  councils,  and  acts  of  martyrs,  which were  occasionally  read  in  public.  For  instance, we  have  the  testimony  of  Dionysius  of  Corinth in  Eusebius  {H.  E.  iv.  23,  §  11)  that  the  epistle of  Clement  to  the  Cm'inthians  was  preserved  and publicly  read  in  the  Corinthian  Church  [Ca- nonical Books].  The  so-called  Canons  and  Con- stitutions of  the  Apostles  were  probably  regarded as  lihri  ecclesiastici  in  many  churches.  On  the use  of  acts  of  martyrs,  see  Ruinart,  Acta  Sincera, pref.  §  5. 3.  Not  nnfrequently  in  ancient  times  the  term church-books  included  all  books  contained  in  the library  of  a  church  [Library]. CHUECH 4.  In  some  cases  the  church-registers,  whether of  the  baptized  or  of  the  dead  [Diptychs],  seem  to be  included  under  the  term  libri  ecclesiastici.  [C] CHUECHES,  MAINTENANCE  OF  (Fa- hrica  Ecclesiae).  The  funds  for  the  mainte- nance of  the  fabric  of  a  church  are,  and  have been  from  ancient  times,  derived  from  two sources,  —  estates  appropriated  to  that  purpose and  voluntary  offerings.  As  early  as  the  5th century  we  find  ordinances,  that  a  definite  pro- portion of  the  general  income  of  a  church  should be  set  apart  for  the  maintenance  and  repair  of the  fabric.  According  to  decrees  of  Pope  Sim- plicius,  A.D.  475  {Ep.  iii.  in  Binius,  Concilia, iii.  582),  and  Pope  Gelasius,  A.D.  494  {Ep.  ix. Binius,  iii.  636),  this  proportion  was  to  be  a fourth  part ;  while  in  Spain  a  third  part  was  to be  appropriated  to  this  purpose.  See  the  Council of  Tarragona  (A.D.  516),  c.  8;  the  second  of Braga  (A.D.  572),  c.  2  ;  of  Merida  (A.D.  666), cc.  14, 16  ;  the  sixteenth  of  Toledo  (A.D.  693),  c.  5. In  the  Frankish  kingdom  the  repair  of  the  fobric was  provided  for  by  setting  aside  for  that  pur- pose a  certain  part  of  the  endowment  of  the church  ;  a  provision  the  more  necessary,  as  the voluntary  contributions  diminished  in  proportion as  the  endowments  increased.  And  as  estates  of the  church  often  fell  into  the  hands  of  laics, a  Diet  of  the  Empire  held  at  Frankfort  in  794 laid  down  the  principle,  that  the  maintenance  of the  fabric  of  the  church  was  a  charge  upon church-lands,  in  whatever  hands  they  were (Pertz,  Monumenta  Germ.  iii.  74).  A  similar provision  was  made  by  some  of  the  ecclesiastical councils  held  in  the  year  813  by  command  of Charlemagne  ;  as  in  that  of  Mentz  (c.  42),  the fourth  of  Aries  (c.  25),  and  the  third  of  Tours (c.  46).  At  a  somewhat  later  date,  the  obliga- tion of  forced  labour  for  the  benefit  of  the  fabric was  kid  upon  the  tenants  of  the  church. (Herzog,  Real-Encycl.  i.  737).  There  are  special treatises  on  this  subject  by  Helfert  (^Von  der Erbauung,  ErJialtung  und  Herstellung  der  kirch- lichen  Gebiiude,  2nd  ed.  1834),  by  Von  Reinhardt (Ueber  kirchliche  Baulast,  Stuttgart,  1836),  and by  Permaneder  (die  kirchliche  Baulast,  Miinchen, 1838).  [C-] CHUECH  SCHOOLS.  [Schools.] CHUECH  (Symbols  of).  Early  representa- tions of  the  Church  of  Christ  are  very  numerous, and  may  be  divided  into  (A)  personifications  and (B)  symbolisms ;  both  of  the  highest  antiquity. Those  derived  from  Holy  Scripture  may  be  taken first. (A)  1.  The  Lord's  comparison  of  Himself  to  the Good  Shepherd,  constantly  represented  in  the Catacombs,  and  supposed  to  be  the  most  ancient of  purely  Christian  emblems  in  painting  or  sculp- ture, has  frequently  united  with  it  pictures  of two  or  more  sheep  at  His  feet,  besides  the  one carried  on  His  shoulders.  The  word  "  fold  "  repre- sents the  Church,  exactly  as  the  word  "  church  " the  congregation  of  Christ's  people.  [Lamb, Good  Shepherd,  &c.]  The  fresco  in  the  Cal- lixtine  catacomb  (Bottari,  tav.  Ixxviii.,  and Aringhi,  vol.  i.  lib.  iii.  ch.  xxii.  p.  327,  ed.  Par. 1657),  of  the  Shepherd  sitting  under  trees,  and surrounded  by  sheep,  or  sheep  and  goats,  as  here, may  be  taken  as  one  example  out  of  many  See also  that  at  tav.  xxvi.     In  another  (Bott.  voi.  ii. CHURCH tav.  cxviii.)  the  sheep  are  issuing  from  a  small building,  seeming  to  stand  for  a  town,  at  whose gate  the  Shepherd  stands,  or  leans  on  His  staff'. The  sheep  of  the  Gentile  and  of  the  Jewish Churches  are  distinguished  in  the  painting  in Ciampini  (  Vet.  Mon.),  where  two  flocks  ai-e  issu- ing from  separate  towns  or  folds,  Hierusalem and  Bethleem,  and  moving  towards  our  Lord. [See  Bethlehem.]  In  a  woodcut  given  by Jlartiguy,  He  stands  on  a  small  rock,  which, hv  the  winding  lines  at  its  base,  and  the  word lORDANES  above,  would  seem  to  refer  to  His baptism,  and  our  baptism  into  His  death,  by which  the  sheep  reach  Him.  (See  Martigny, .Diet.  s.  V.  "  Eghse.")  » In  a  mosaic  mentioned  by  Martigny  at  Sta. Sabina's,  Rome,  the  two  churches  are  represented by  two  female  figures,  standing  each  with  an open  book  in  hand.  (See  also  Aringhi.  lib.  iii. c.  \xii.  p.  327.)  Over  pne  is  inscribed  ECCLESIA EX  CIHOUMCISIONE,  and  St.  Peter  stands  above her;  the  other  is  named  ECCLESIA  EX  GEN- TIBUS,  and  above  her  is  placed  St.  Paul. (See  Gal.  ii.  7.)  The  same  subject  occurs  in  a compartment  of  the  ancient  gates  of  the  cathedral of  Verona,  treated  with  somewhat  of  the  quaint- ness  of  Lombard  fancy,  but  quite  intelligible  as to  meaning.  The  twofold  church  is  represented by  two  women,  shaded  by  trees  ;  one  suckling two  children,  the  other  two  fishes.  [Fish.] jVIartigny  gives  a  woodcut  of  an  interesting  plate in  P.  Garrucci,  Hagioglypt.  p.  222.  It  represents two  lambs  looking  towards  a  pillar,  which  sym- bolizes the  Church,  and  is  surmounted  by  the Lamb  bearing  on  his  back  the  decussated  mono- gram of  Christ.  From  it  s])ring  (apparently) palm-branches;  and  two  birds,  just  above  the Jambs,  may  be  taken  for  doves.  The  figures  of St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  with  their  division  of  the Church  into  Jewish  and  Gentile,  seem  to  be represented  in  the  fresco  given  by  De  Rossi (vol.  ii.  Tav.  d'Aggiunto  A.);  but  are  almost destroyed  by  the  opening  of  a  tomb,  which  has been  broken  into  through  the  fresco,  as  so  fre- quently happens.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that the  Orantes,  or  praying  female  figures  in  the Catacombs,  are  for  the  most  part  personifications of  the  Church.  (See  Bottari,  tav.  xxxviii., Orante  with  doves  placed  next  to  Good  Shepherd.) In  the  corners  of  the  square  ceiling  of  the  well- known  crypt  of  Lucina,  in  the  Callixtine  cata- comb (De  Rossi,  R.  S.  tav.  x.),  the  Orante alternates  with  the  Good  Shepherd.  In  a  re- cently discovered  painting  in  St.  Callixtus  (De Rossi!;  IX0TC,  tav.  i.  n.  2),  the  Orante  is  offer- mg  the  eucharistic  sacrifice  by  the  hands  of  a consecrating  priest. 2.  A  few  representations  exist  within  our range,  of  Susanna  and  the  elders,  as  typical  of the  Church  and  its  persecutors,  Jewish  and Pagan.  Martigny  names  three  sarcophagi  as  the only  certain  examples  of  this  subject  in  old Italian  art.  For  one  he  refers  to  Buonarotti, Vctri,  p.  1.  Of  the  two  others  one  is  from  the Vatican,  the  other  from  St.  Callixtus.  They  are found  in  Bottari,  taw.  xxxi.,  and  Ixxxv.,  sarcoph. from  St.  Callixtus.  In  Southei-n  Gaul  they  are more  numerous  (Miilin,  3Iidi  de  la  F.  pi.  Ixv.  5 ; ixvi.    8 ;  Ixviii.  4).      All   these    are    bas-reliefs. CHUECH 389 =  These  subjects  are  repeated  very  frequently  in  the ancient  mosaics  of  l^ome  and  Ravenna.  See  Mr.  J.  H. Parker's  Photographs. containing  the  elders  as  well  as  Susanna ;  and the  third  i-epresents  them  as  eagerly  watching her  from  behind  trees.  An  allegory  is  given below  in  woodcut,  drawn  from  vol.  i.  pi.  Ixxviii. of  M.  Ferret's  work,  of  a  sheep  between  two  wild beasts:  SUSANNA  and  SINIORIS  are  written above. 3.  The  Woman  with  the  Issue  of  Blood  has been  considered  as  a  type  of  the  Gentile  Church, which  would  account  for  the  frequent  repre- sentations of  that  miracle  to  be  found  on  ancient sarcophagi.  (See  Bottari,  taw.  .xix.  xxi.  xxxiv. xxxix.  xli.  Ixxxiv.  Ixx.xv.  Ixxxix.  cxxxv.)  So  St. Ambrose  (lib.  ii.  in  Luc.  c.  viii.). (B)  Symbolisms  of  the  Church  (it  is  not  generally observed  how  important  the  distinction  between symbolism  and  personification  is)  begin  with  the ark  of  Noah  ;  passing  by  easy  transition  to  the ship  of  souls  and  the  ship  of  Jonah  in  the  storm. It  is  singular  that  our  Lord's  similitude  of  the net  is  very  rarely  found  illustrated  by  the graphic  art  of  early  Christendom.  The  idea  of the  Lord's  drawing  forth  the  sinner  from  the waters,  as  with  a  hook  and  line  (see  Baptism, p.  168),  seems  to  have  prevailed  over  that  of the  sweeping  net.  The  net  is  perhaps  assigned to  St.  Peter  in  the  Vatican  sarcophagus  there represented  (Bottari,  tar.  xlii.).  A  small  net is  used  on  one  side  of  the  bas-relief.  [Fish, Ship.] The  ark  is  very  frequently  used  as  a  type  of the  Church  militant.  On  tomhs  it  is  held  to imply  that  the  dead  expired  in  full  communion with  the  Church.  In  Bottari,  tav.  xlii.,  an olive-tree  stands  in  the  ark,  in  the  place  of  Noah. It  is  of  a  square  form,  a  chest  in  fact  (Bottari, taw.  xl.  cxx.  clxxii.  &c.);  and  in  tav.  cxviii. it  is  placed  in  a  boat  or  ship.  The  dove  appears with  the  olive-branch  in  almost  all  these,  or  is represented  by  itself :  in  Bottari,  tav.  cxxxi.,  it  is placed  on  the  poop  of  the  ship  of  Jonah.  In  tav. xxxvii.  and  passim,  Noah  stands  in  a  square  chest on  the  shore,  receiving  the  dove  in  his  hands ; Jonah  is  being  thrown  from  a  boat  into  the  sea next  him.  This  ship  represents  the  Church  mili- tant, and  is  one  of  the  most  frequent  of  all  sym- bolic works  in  the  Catacombs,  no  doubt  on  account of  the  Lord's  own  comparison  of  Himself  to  the prophet.  For  representations  in  the  catacomb  of Callixtus  and  elsewhere  see  De  Rossi  and  Bottari. The  ship  " covered  with  the  waves"  is  represented' in  Martigny,  from  a  fresco  lately  discovered  in St.  Callixtus.  A  man  stands  in  the  waist  or near  the  stern  of  a  sharp-prowed  vessel  with  a square  sail,  such  as  are  used  in  the  Mediten-anean to  this  day.  The  waters  are  dashing  over  her close  to  him,  and  he  is  in  an  attitude  of  prayer : far  off"  is  a  drowning  man  who  has  made  ship- wreck of  the  faith.  The  vessel  in  full  sail (Boldetti,  pp.  360,  362,  373)  is  also  common  as the  emblem  of  safe-conduct  through  the  waves of  this  troublesome  world ;  that  with  sails furled,  as  quietly  in  port  resting  after  her voyage   (as    in    Boldetti,  pp.  363,  366),  is  the 3110        CHURCHING  OF  WOMEN svinbol  of  the  repose  of  individual  Christians  in death. An  even  more  interesting  symbolism  is  where not  only  the  ship  is  painted  as  analogous  to  the Church,  but  the  actual  fabric  of  a  church  is  made likc!  a  ship.  This  was  the  case  with  many  of  the earlv  Komauesque  churches,  where  the  apse which  completed  the  basilica  had  the  bishop's throne  placed  in  the  centre,  as  the  steersman's place,  with  semicircular  benches  below  for  the CHURCHING  OF  WOMEN clergy ;  so  that  a  real  and  touching  resemblance followed.  See  the  memorable  passage  in  Ruskiu's Stones  of  Venice,  vol.  ii.,  on  the  ancient  churches of  Torcello,  the  mother  city  of  Venice,  and  an extract  in  Martigny  (s.  v.  Navis)  of  a  long  pas- sage in  the  Ajwstolical  Constitutions  (ii.  57)  to the  same  effect, — the  bishop  being  likened  to  the steersman,  the  deacons  to  seamen,  the  faithful  to passengers,  and  the  deaconesses,  strangely,  to  the collector  of  fares. The  ship  placed  on  the  back  of  a  fish  is  found in  a  signet  illustrated  by  Ale'andre  {Nav.  Eccles. referent.  Symb.  Romae,  1626  ;  see  also  s.  v.  Fish). Another  such  gem  is  in  Ficoroni's  collection (6(er»J. Ant.  Litt.  tab.  xi.  8,  p.  105).  A  jasper  given by  Cardinal  Borgia  (Z>e  Cruce  Velitern.  p.  213  and frontispiece)  places  the  Lord  in  a  galley  of  six oars  on  a  side,  holding  the  large  steering  oar. This  rudder-oar — or  rather  two  of  them — are  in- serted in  the  rudest  ship-carvings,  where  other oars  are  omitted. The  column  surmounted  by  a  dove  is  mentioned by  M.  Leblant  in  his  Inscriptions  Chretiennes  de  la Gaule,  vol.  i.  p.  167,  as  existing  on  a  lamp  said  to have  been  found  at  St.  Just.  Another  had  on  it the  monogram  of  Christ  on  a  column.  Reference is  made  to  Bosio,  p.  167,  for  a  column  between two  doves  turning  to  look  at  it ;  but  is  inclined, see  p.  167,  to  regard  it  as  a  symbol  of  Christ Himself  rather  than  of  the  Church.   [R.  St.  J.  T.] CHURCHING  OF  WOMEN  ;  or,  Thanks- giving OF  Women  after  Childbirth.  (Muli- erun,i  post  Partum  Purificatio ;  sometimes  called Lithronisatio  post  partum :  see  Herzog's  Eeal- Encycl.  xix.  671.) The  Mosaic  law  lays  down  (Lev.  xii.)  precepts for  the  offerings  and  purification  of  women  after childbirth;  and  these  legal  precepts  were  ob- served by  the  Mother  of  the  Lord  herself.  Pos- sibly in  Jewish-Christian  communities  this observance  passed  over,  like  some  other  cere- monies, with  little  change  into  the  Christian congregation ;  but  of  this  nothing  certain  is known.  There  is  no  mention  of  any  purificatory ceremony  after  childbirth  in  the  works  of Clement  of  Alexandria,  in  the  Apostolical  Con- stitutions, or  in  the  works  of  the  Pseudo-Diony- sius  the  Areopagite.  The  notion,  however,  that childbirth  occasioned  some  kind  of  defilement continued  to  prevail  among  the  Christians  of the  East,  hence  the  rituals  of  the  Oriental Churches  in  relation  to  this  matter  refer  more to  purification  from  defilement  than  to  thanks- giving for  safety.  Dionysius  of  Alexandria (canon  2 ;  in  Beveridge's  Pandectae,  ii.  4)  lays it  down  as  a  matter  admitting  of  no  question, that  a  woman  ought  not  to  be  present  in  church, nor  to  receive  the  Holy  Communion,  within  forty days  after  having  given  birth  to  a  child.     To  the same  effect,  the  ninth  of  the  Arabic  canons  of Nicaea  enjoins  :  "  Women  ought  to  abstain  from entering  the  church  and  from  partaking  of  Holy Communion  for  forty  days  after  a  birth ;  after which,  let  the  woman  carefully  wash  her  gar- ments and  bathe  her  person  and  the  child ;  then let  her,  together  with  her  husband,  present  him in  the  church  at  the  steps  of  the  altar;  whom, with  their  accompanying  friends,  let  the  priest receive,  and  say  for  her  the  prayer  of  purification and  bless  the  child  according  to  the  prescribed ceremonies  of  the  Church."  The  forty  days' period,  then,  was  clearly  regarded  as  the  neces- sary extent  of  the  woman's  purification.  Mean- time, however,  she  was  not  wholly  neglected  by the  Church.  Immediately  after  the  birth,  a prayer  was  said  over  mother  and  child,  and  the child  signed  with  the  cross.  This  rite  is  thought to  be  alluded  to  by  Chrysostom  (on  1  Cor., Horn.  12,  p.  108,  ed.  Montfaucon).  The  ofl^ice which  aecompauies  it  is  believed  by  Goar  to  be of  modern  origin.  On  the  eighth  day  the  mid- wife, or  some  other  matron,  brings  the  child  to the  church.  Before  the  door  the  priest  again signs  it  with  the  cross,  and  carries  it  into  the church,  when  the  name  is  given  which  it  is  to bear  after  baiitism.  Such  a  ceremony  took  place, though  not  in  a  church,  at  the  birth  of  the emperor  Theodosius  II.  (a.d.  401),  related  in  the following  manner  in  the  life  of  Porphyrius  of Gaza,  a  contemporary  witness :  "  When  seven days  were  accomplished  from  the  birth  of  the child,  the  empress  Eudoxia  approached  and  met us  at  the  door  of  the  chamber,  bearing  the  infant wrapped  in  purple.  She  bowed  her  head,  and said,  '  Bless  me,  0  fathers,  and  the  child  which the  Lord  hath-  granted  me  through  your  holy prayers;'  and  gave  the  infant  into  their  arms, that  they  might  sign  it  with  the  cross.  Then the  holy  bishops  signed  both  her  and  the  infant, and  after  praying  sat  down."  (Acta  Sanctorum, Feb.  iii.  653).  If  the  child  was  in  danger of  death  before  the  stated  period  for  baptism,  it was  at  once  baptized,  but  the  unclean  mother was  no  longer  allowed  to  suckle  it,  or  even  to enter  the  room  where  it  was  (Mansi,  Supplement. Cone.  i.  815).  If  the  mother  died  within  the period  of  uucleanness,  her  body  was  taken  into the  church,  and  the  prayers  of  purification  said over  it  ;  after  which  it   was  regarded  as   clean CHUKGHING  OF  WOMEN" (Canon.  Nicaeno-Arah.  c.  10 ;  in  Hardouin's Co7icilia,  i.  512). On  the  fortieth  day  after  the  birth,  the  mother and  the  child,  accompanied  by  the  godfather, went  solemnly  to  the  church.  Before  the church-door  the  pi-iest  received  them,  signed the  mother  with  the  cross,  and  said  over  her several  prayers.  He  then  took  the  child,  made the  sign  of  the  cross  with  it,  and  carried  it  up  to the  altar ;  the  godfother  then  received  it  from the  priest  and  left  the  church.  In  the  Ethi- opic  Church,  mother  and  child  are  anointed on  the  brow  with  holy  oil,  and  receive  the Eucharist. In  the  Latin  Church,  also,  we  find  traces  of the  same  feeling  that  exist  in  the  East  with regard  to  the  purification  after  childbirth. Even  St.  Augustine  lays  down  that  the  Levitical law  of  the  forty  days  was  still  binding  under  the new  dispensation  (Quaest.  in  Lent.  lib.  iii. quaest.  64).  That  Theodore  of  Canterbury  held the  same  opinion  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  as  he brought  Oriental  opinions  from  his  early  home in  Tarsus.  He  {Penitential,  I.  xiv.  18,  in  Had- dan  and  Stubb's  Documents,  iii.  189)  prescribes penance  for  a  woman  entering  a  church  within forty  days  after  childbirth.  Augustine  of Canterbury,  however,  had  previously  appealed to  Pope  Gregory  I.  for  his  opinion  on  this  point, who  answered,  with  characteristic  largeness of  mind,  that  the  Mosaic  law  was  not  binding on  Christians,  and  that  if  a  woman  went  to church  to  give  thanks  to  God  on  the  very  day on  which  she  had  given  birth  to  a  child,  she sinned  not,  although  the  old  custom  of  keeping at  home  for  forty  days  was  not  to  be  blamed, when  it  was  observed  in  a  right  spirit  (Gregorii ^jij.  xi.  64;  p.  1158).  Gregory's  decision  influ- enced subsequent  capitularies  of  the  Franks  and canons  of  councils  in  the  West.  Even  a  council of  the  Maronites  (Mansi,  Supplement.  Gone.  vi. r217)  rejected  the  "  simplicity  or  superstition  " of  repelling  women  from  church  for  the  space  of forty  days  after  the  birth  of  a  child. 2.  It  will  readily  be  supposed  that  no  thanks- giving followed  the  birth  of  a  child  which  was the  truit  of  adultery  or  fornication.  As  women who  sinned  in  such  sort  were  excluded  from  the congregation  until  due  penance  had  been  done, they  were  of  course  excluded  from  a  service which  included  thanksgiving  for  the  fruit  of the  womb.  Herard  of  Tours  (t871),  enjoin- ing women  to  return  thanks  in  church  as soon  as  may  be  after  a  birth,  expressly  makes the  exception,  "nisi  forte  sit  adultera"  (canon 60,  quoted  by  Binterim,  Denkwilrd.  vi.  2,  196). To  the  same  effect  are  some  decrees  of  later councils. 3.  The  service  to  be  used  in  the  churching  of women  was  probably  in  ancient  times  left  to the  discretion  of  the  priest,  for  no  formularies  for this  purpose  are  found  in  the  ancient  sacramen- taries.  Martene  {De  Ritibus  Eccl.  ii.  136,  137) gives  only  two  forms,  from  Gallican  codices  of probably  the  14th  century.  If  a  larger  number of  ancient  benedictionals  had  descended  to  our times,  we  might  possibly  have  found  forms  for tlie  benediction  of  women  after  childbirth  ;  but these  are  rare.  Binterim  {Deiibiiird.  vi.  2, 199  ff.)  gives  a  churching-service  of  the  Ethiopic Church,  that  contained  in  the  Greek  Euctiologion, and  a  Latin  formula.     The  latter  is  from  a  MS. CHUECHYARD 391 of  the   14th  century,  and  none  probably  are,  in their  present  form,  very  ancient.  [C] CHURCHWARDENS.    These  officers  would     ' seem  to  be  the  representatives  in  the  later  Church of  the  seniores  eccksiastici,  of  whom    frequent       ; mention  is  made  by  St.  Augustine  and  Optatus.       i We  gather  from  these  writers  that  the  seniores ecclesiae  were  a  sort  of  elders  who  were  not  of the  clergy,  but  yet  had  some  concern  in  the  care of  the  Church.     Thus,  St.  Augustine  inscribes one  of  his  epistles  to  his  own  church  of  Hippo, "  Clero,  senioribus  et  universae  plebi."     Some  of      ■ these  seniores  were  the  chief  men  or  magistrates of  the  place,  such  as  we  still  call  aldermen  ;  who      " also  formed  a  sort  of  lay  council  of  the  bishops, giving  advice  and  assistance  in  many  weighty       j matters  of  the  Church.     But  there  were  otiiers known  more  properly  as  seniores  eccledastici,  who       | were  entrusted  with  the  utensils,  treasure,  and       ! outward  affairs  of  the  Church,  but  had  no  con- cern in  its  government  or  discipline ;  and  these may  be    regarded    as    the    predecessors    of  our churchwardens.     The    lay    elders,   so    called,  of       • modern  times  are  ranked  above  the  deacons  in their    own    communities,    and   cannot    therefore be    identified    with    the    seniores   ecclesiastici  of      1 the  ancient  Church,  who,  not  being  reckoned  of      ' the  clergy,  were  ecclesiastically  inferior  to  the       | order  of  deacons  (Bingham,  ii.  18).  [D.  B.] CHURCHYARD.     The  subject  of  places  set       ; apart  for  Christian  burial  has  already  been  con-       j sidered  under  Area,  Catacomb,  and  Cemetery.       | The  present  article  relates  simply  to  burial  in the  precincts  of  churches.  i The  laws  of  the  -empire  against  burying  in      | cities  of  course  prevented  the  use  of  churchyards       ; within  the  walls  for  the  purpose  of  interment  so       I long  as  those  laws  continued  in  force.     The  first       ' attempts  to  bury  in  or   near  churches  seem  to       I have  occurred  in  the  case  of  those  churches  or  me- morial cells  which  were  built  over  the  remains of  apostles    or    martyrs ;    for    both  Theodosius       | (Codex,  lib.  ix.  tit.  17 ;  De  Sepulc.  Viol.  leg.  6)       j and  iusiiman  (Codex,  lib.  i.  tit.  2  ;  De  Eccl.  leg.  2) expressly  provide  against  such   churches  being made  exceptions  to  the  general  law.     When  the       | church  had  kings  for   nursing-fathers,  the  pri- vilege of  being  buried  within  the  precincts  was       . sometimes  extended  to  Christian  emperors.    Thus Constantine  desired  (Euseb.  Vita  Const,  iv.  71)  to       j be  buried  near  the  apostles  whom  he   had  en-       \ shrined,  and  his  son  Constantius  carried  out  his wish  by  causing  him  to  be  buried  in  the  Atrium of  the  church  ;  a  fact  to  which  Chrysostom  more than  once  alludes  (On  2  Cor.,  Horn.  26,  p.  929,        j ed.  Paris,  1616;   Qtiod  Christus  sit  Dens,  c.  8,  p.        | 839).     Theodosius  the  elder,  Arcadius,  and  Theo- dosius the  younger,  are  said  by  a  late  historian (Nicephorus,  //.  E.  xiv.  58)  to  have  been  simi- larly buried.     The  council  of  Braga  of  the  year 563  (can.  18)  allows  corpses  to  be  buried,  if  need be,    around    the    church    (deforis    circa   murum basilicae),  but  utterly  forbids   any  to  be  buried within,  alleging  the  respect  due  to  the  relics  of saints. Archbishop  Theodore  of  Canterbury  laid  down (Penitential,  Ii.  i.  5  and  6,  in  Haddan  and  Stubbs'  i Councils,  iii.  190)  the  following  rule  :  In  a  church  ,' in  which  bodies  of  unbelievers  are  buried  it  is  I not  lawful  to  consecrate  an  altar ;  but  if  the  j church  itself  is  of  good  material,  let  it  be  pulled 392 CHURCHYARD dowu  and  rebuilt  after  the  logs  of  which  it  is composed  have  been  planed  or  washed.  If  the altar  has  been  previously  consecr-ited,  mass  may be  said  upon  it  if  '  religious '  persons  are  buried there  ;  but  if  a  pagan  be  buried  there,  it  is  better that  the  altra-  should  be  purified  and  taken  out of  the  building.  It  is  clear  from  this  passage that  burials  frequently  took  place  in  the  rude wooden  churches  of  the  7  th  century  in  England, and  that  only  the  bodies  of  pagans  were  held absolutely  to  desecrate  the  place,  though  the j'ractice  of  burying  in  churches  does  not  seem  to be  looked  upon  with  favour.  The  council  of Nantes,  held  probably  towards  the  end  of  the  7th century,  in  the  6th  canon,  permits  burials  in  the atrium"  or  fore-court,  in  the  cloister,  and  in  the outbuildings  (exedrae)  of  a  church,  but  utterly  for- bids them  in  the  church  itself  and  near  the  altar, where  the  Body  and  Blood  of  the  Lord  are.  The same  precept  is  repeated  in  the  canons  of  later councils,  as  in  the  52nd  of  that  at  Mentz  in  813, which  however  expressly  excepts  bishops,  abbots, worthy  presbyters,  and  faithful  laymen.  Similar to  this  is  the  injunction  of  Theodulf  of  Orleans {Capitul.  ad  Preshyt.  ix.).  The  council  of  Tribur (a.d.  895),  repeating  the  prohibition  with  regard to  laymen  (can.  17),  implies  that  the  prohibited burials  had  already  taken  place,  by  the  provision that  bodies  buried  in  churches  in  times  past  were not  to  be  exhumed ;  but  in  case  the  multitude  of tombs  was  such  that  the  ground  could  not  con- veniently be  levelled,  it  provides,  in  almost  the same  terms  as  Theodulf,  that  the  altar  should  be removed,  and  the  church  made  a  mere  cemetery- chapel  or  catacomb. In  the  East,  the  Emperor  Leo  VI.,  about  the ytar  OvOO,  abrogated  (Novell.  53)  all  the  old  laws against  burying  in  cities,  and  left  men  at  liberty to  bury  either  within  or  without  the  walls ;  a permission  which  no  doubt  gave  occasion  to burving  in  the  precincts  of  city  churches. We  conclude,  then,  that  burying  in  the  pre- cincts of  churches  was  practised,  in  the  case  of very  distinguished  persons,  from  the  4th  cen- tury ;  more  generally,  from  the  7th  century ; but  that  the  increasing  practice  of  burying  in churches  was  constantly  resisted  by  ecclesiastical authorities  during  the  whole  period  with  which we  are  concerned,  and  was  held  to  be  almost  a desecration. Monastic  bodies  had  from  very  ancient  times burying-grounds  of  their  own,  that  they  who had  consorted  together  in  their  lives  might  rest together  in  death  (Isidore  of  Seville,  Begula, c.  23);  these  were  however  originally  outside the  precincts  of  the  monastery,  as  we  see  from the  instances  of  Pachomius,  Benedict,  and  many others.  Bede,  in  the  Life  of  St.  Cuthbert, speaks  of  a  dead  monk  being  carried  to  his burial  in  a  cart,  which  would  not  have  been necessary  if  the  interment  had  taken  place  within the  monastery.  It  appears  that  in  many  places a  chapel  or  oratory  was  built  on  the  spot  chosen for  the  interment  of  the  brethren.  For  instance, Abbot  Bertinus  (a.d.  660)  enclosed  a  graveyard for  his  monastery  on  a  neighbouring  hill,  and built  in  the  midst  of  it  a  church  dedicated  to St_.  Mary  (Adu  SS.  Bencd.  saoc.  iii.  pt.  1,  p.  110). Afterwards,  graveyards  were  formed  within  the convent  walls,  but  not  within  the  cloister,  and were  provided  with  a  separate  church.  Of  this Icmd  IS  believed  to  have  been  the  cemetery  formed CINGULLM by  Eigil  at  Fulda,  the  church  of  whicli  was  dedi- cated in  the  year  822  (Life  of  Eigil  by  Candidus, c.  20,  in  Acta  SS.  Bened.  saec.  iv.  pt.  1,  p.  238). Benedict  of  Aniane  also  caused  an  oratory  to  be constructed  in  the  cemetery  of  his  monastery (Tjife,  c.  39,  in  Acta  SS.  Ben.  saec.  iv.  pt.  1). The  ancient  plan  of  St.  Gall  shows  only  a  cross in  the  midst  of  the  graveyard  within  the  convent walls.  And  in  process  of  time  burials  took  place in  the  cloister  itself.  Abbot  Walfrid,  when  dying (a.d.  765),  desired  to  be  buried  in  ^he  midst  of the  cloister  (Life,  c.  8,  Acta  SS.  Ben.  saec.  iii. pt.  2) ;  and  it  appears  that  other  monks  of  that rule  were  bui'ied  in  the  cloister  (u.  s.  c.  14). Later  instances  are  frequent.  Monks  of  dis- tinguished sanctity  were  occasionally  buried  in the  church  itself,  as  St.  Vouel  of  Soissons  in  the 8th  century  (Acta  SS.  Ben.  iv.  2,  p.  550).  Ex- cept in  the  case  of  very  saintly  persons,  burial was  not  permitted  witjfiin  the  first  eight  cen- turies in  monastic  more  than  in  secular  churches. (Bingham's  Antiquities,  bk.  xxiii.  c.  1 ;  Martene, Be  Bitibus  Eccl.  Ant.  lib.  iii.  c.  7,  §§  10-14; De  Bit.  Monach.  lib.  v.  c.  10,  §§  100-104;  Bin- terim,  BcnkwUrdigkeiten,  vi.  3,  443  ff.)  [C] CIBOEIUM.  [Altar  :  Dove,  Eucharistic] CILICIA  (Council  of),  a.d.  423,  at  which Theodorus  of  Mopsuestia,  a  town  in  this  province, who  was  still  alive,  was  condemned  for  his  errors (Mansi,  iv.  473-4).  [E.  S.  F.] CINC4ULUM.  (Zaivf,,  Zona,  Balteus,  Funis.) The  girdle,  in  ancient  times,  was  generally  as- sociated with  the  idea  of  active  exertion,  inas- much as  it  served  to  confine  and  to  gird  up  the long  flowing  garments  which,  when  unconfined, interfered  with  all  activity.  But  as  a  richly- oi-namented  girdle  commonly  formed  a  part  of the  robes  of  state  worn  by  Eastern  monarchs,  we find  the  girdle  occasionally  alluded  to  as  a  sym- bol of  royal  dignity.  So  Patriarch  Germanus  of Constantinople,  c.  715  a.d.,  Myst.  T/ieor.  p.  206, speaks  of  the  girdle,  then  worn  as  part  of a  priest's  dress,  as  signifying  the  beauty  where- with Christ  entering  upon  His  kingdom  did  gird Himself  withal,  even  the  beauteous  majesty  of Godhead.  See  Vestiarium  Christianum,  pp.  84,  85. Lastly,  through  yet  other  associations,  which will  be  obvious  to  all  students  of  antiquity,  the girdle  connected  itself  with  the  idea  of  chastity  ; and  it  is  in  this  connexion  that  it  is  commonly referred  to  by  the  later  ecclesiastical  writers. See,  for  example,  St.  Jerome  on  Ezek.  xliv. ; Celestine,  bishop  of  Rome,  t432,  apud  Labbe', Concilia,  ii.  1618  ("  in  lumborum  praecinctione castitas  .  .  .  indicatur");  Rabanus  Maurus,  de Instit.  Cleric.  lib.  i.  c.  17 ;  Pseudo-Alcuinus, de  Div.  Off.  (Vest.  Christ,  p.  Ill);  Ivo  Carno- tensis  (ih.  p.  121).  Both  in  East  and  West  it formed  part  of  the  monastic  dress  from  the earliest  times.  Among  Western  writers  see  the Life  of  Fulgentius,  bishop  of  Ruspa,  by  Ferrandus Diacouus  ("  pelliceo  cingulo  tanquam  monachus utebatur ") ;  Salvianus,  ad  Eccl.  Cathol.  lib. iv.  (addressing  a  monk  of  unworthy  character — "  Licet  religionem  vestibus  simules,  licet  fidem cingulo  aff'eras,  licet  sanctitatem  pallio  menti- aris,"  &c.) ;  Joannis  Cassiani,  de  Coenob.  Instit. lib.  i.  c.  11,  apud  Migne,  Patrol,  xlix.  60;  the Berjula  of  St.  Benedict,  Migne,  Ixvi.  490  ("  vestiti dormiant,    et    cincti    cingulis    aut    fuuibus "). CIRBA,  COUNCILS  OF Hildemar,  in  the  9tli  century  (apud  Migne,  torn, c),  explains  the  distinction  between  '  cingulum  ' and  'funis.'  "Funis  est  qui  de  cannaba  fit  vel lino  in  rotundum ;  cingulus  (sio)  autem  cor- /igia  est  de  lana  vel  lino,  sed  non  in  rotundum sicut  funis,  sed  in  latum  sicut  tricia."  For Eastern  usage,  see  St.  Jei'ome,  Praefat.  in Ilciliilam  S.  Fachoinii,  opp.  ii.  49;  Palladius. L'/H.-iiii-a,  cap.-  38  (Migne,  Ixxiii.  1157)  and St.  (iermauus  of  Constantinople,  in  a  passage above  referred  to.  He  there  says  of  the  monastic habit  that  it  was  like  that  of  John  the  Baptist, whose  raiment  was  of  camel's  hair,  and  who wore  a  leathern  girdle  about  his  loins.  Celestine, bishop  of .  Rome,  in  his  letter  to  the  bishops of  Vienna  and  Narbonne,  already  referred  to, dating  about  430  A.D.,  marks  the  time  when  the wearing  of  a  girdle  as  part  of  the  episcopal  dress (probably  in  imitation  of  the  monastic  habit) was  first  introduced  into  Gaul.  He  reproves those  to  whom  he  writes  for  dressing  in  a  pal- lium and  wearing  a  girdle  about  the  loins,  and so  seeking  to  observe  the  truth  of  Scripture  not m  the  spirit  but  in  the  letter.  "  Amicti  pallio, et  lumbos  praecincti,  credunt  se  Scripturae  fidem non  per  spiritum  sed  per  literam  completuros." See  Labbe,  Concilia,  ii.  1618 ;  Ved.  Christ,  p. 45.  [W.  B.  M.] CIRBA,  COUNCILS  OF.  [African  Coun- cils.] CIRCUMCELLIONES.  (1)  A  name  given to  the  Douatist  fanatics  in  Africa  during  the 4th  century,  from  their  habit  of  roving  from house  to  house,  plundering  (Aug.  c.  Gaudent.  i. 32).  They  went  about  in  predatory  gangs,  con- sisting chiefly  of  rustics,  on  the  borders  of  the Gaetulian  desert,  ravaging  Numidia  and  Mauri- tania, provinces  at  that  time  neither  thoroughly Christianised  nor  thoroughly  subjected  to  Roman law.  According  to  Augustine  they  were  noto- rious for  their  lawless  violence  against  the Catholics  (Aug.  c.  Gaudent.  i.  28,  32  ;  Haer.  69  ; c.  Parmen.  i.  11;  c.  Crescon.  iii.  42,  46,  47; Upp.  88,  105,  185),  as  well  as  against  property (Aug.  Ej<p.  15,  85,  185).  To  restrain  their  tur- bulence their  own  bishops  were  constrained  to invoke  the  aid  of  the  Roman  counts.  Augustine defends  Macarius  and  Taurinus  from  the  charge of  having  been  unduly  severe  against  them,  and reproves  the  exultation  of  these  fanatics  over the  death  of  Ursacius  (Aug.  c.  Lift.  Petilian.  cc. 22,  25).  At  the  Conference  of  Carthage  in  411 A.D.  the  imperial  commissioner  decreed  a  fine  on those  districts  wherein  the  "  circumcelliones " were  not  kept  in  order  (Coleti  Cone.  t.  iii.). At  Bagai  they  fought,  but  unsuccessfully,  against Roman  cavalry.  The  war-shout  of  these "  avengers "  or  "  champions  of  God,"  as  they styled  themselves  {aytaviaTLKoi,  Optat.  Milevit. Be  Schism.  JJonat.  iii.  4),  "Deo  Laudes,"  in opposition  to  the  "  Deo  Gratias "  of  the  other party,  was  terrible  to  all  peaceful  people  as  the roar  of  a  lion  (Aug.  in  Ps.  cxxxii.  v.  6).  Instead of  swords,  which  for  some  time  they  felt  a  reli- gious scruple  against  using  (cf.  St.  Matt,  x.xvi. 52),  they  brandished  clubs  at  first,  which  they called  "Israels"  (Aug.  in  Ps.  .v.  v.  5).  Like the  Syrian  "assassins,"  the  followers  of  the "  Old  Man  of  the  Mountain  "  in  the  time  of  the Crusades,  the  "Circumcelliones"  courted  death, wantonly  insulting  tlie  Pagans  at  their  festivals CIRCUMCISION,  FESTIVAL  OF     393 (Aug.  c.  Gaudent.  i.  32,  49;  Epp.  12,  16,  185); and,  in  their  frantic  eagerness  for  martyrdom, challenging  all  whom  they  met  on  their  way  to kill  them  (Aug.  c.  Crescon.  iii.  46,  49 ;  c.  Lift. Petil.  ii.  114;  De  Unit.  Eccl.  50;  Theodoret. Haer.  iv.  6).  Among  the  titles  which  they  as- sumed was  that  of  "  Agnostici,"  to  indicate  their contempt  for  learning  (Aug.  in  Ps.  cxxxii.  v.  6). Though  pledged  by  profession  to  celibacy,  they were  guilty  of  frequent  outrages  on  women,  if their  opponents  may  be  believed  (Aug.  c.  Litt. Petil.  i.  16,  ii.  195 ;  De  Unit.  Eccl.  50).  For these  and  similar  offences,  as  well  as  on  the charge  of  aiding  the  Vandals,  they  were  ordered by  Honorius,  412  A.D.,  to  be  fined  (Hefele  in Kirchenlex..,  iii.  261).  Gibbon  compares  these "circumcelliones"  to  the  "  camisards  "  of  Lan- guedoc  in  the  commencement  of  the  18th  century {Decline  and  Fall,  ii.  445,  Bohn,  1855). Circumcelliones  (2)  were  vagabond  monks, censured  by  Cassian,  under  the  name  of  Sara- baitae,  for  roving  from  place  to  place  (^Coll. xviii.  7).  Probably  the  name  was  transferred  to them  from  the  Donatist  fanatics.  St.  Augustine rebuts  this  comparison  as  unmerited,  at  least within  his  experience  (m  Ps.  cxxxii.  v.  6).  But elsewhere  {Dc  Oper.  Monach.  28)  he  inveighs with  characteristic  warmth  against  the  idle, vagrant  monks,  "  nusquam  missos,  nusquam  fixos, uusquam  stantes,  nusquam  sedentes,"  &c.,  who scoured  the  country  for  alms,  vending  fictitious relics.  Benedictus  Anianensis  quotes  Isidorus  de Offic. Eccl. (ii.  15)  against  these  "circumcelliones" or  "circillioues "  as  spurious  Anchorites  (Con- cord. Pegg.  c.  3,  cf.  Menard,  ad  loc).  These vagabond  monks  were  condemned  as  unstable and  scandalous  (Cone.  Tolet.  vii.  c.  5);  and as  mock-hermits  (KuKXdpioL  ^pevSeprifurai)  in the  Synodica  Epistol.  Orieutalis  addressed  to  the Emp.  Theophilus  (Suicer.  Thesaur.  sub  voce). They  are  denounced  also  by  Kilus  (Epp.  iii.  19) ; and  are  probably  the  "  gyrovagi "  censured  in the  Begula  St.  Benedicti  (c.  1).  The  name occurs  so  late  as  in  Monachus  Sangallensis,  who relates  how  a  monk,  one  of  the  "  circumcelliones," "  ignarus  disciplinae  imperatoris,"  intruded  into the  choir  in  the  presence  of  Carl  (De  Gest.  Carol. M.  i.  8,  V.  Canisii  Antiqu.  Lectiones).    [I.  G.  S.] CIRCUMCISION.  As  a  Jewish  rite,  or  as connected  with  the  controversies  of  the  Apostolic age,  this  ordinance  does  not  come  within  the limits  of  this  work.  It  claims  a  place,  how- ever, even  in  a  Dictionary  of  Christian  Anti- quities, as  having  been  adopted  fi-om  a  remote period  in  the  Church  of  Abyssinia,  and  as  still  in use  there.  In  this,  as  in  many  other  practices, the  influence  of  a  large  Jewish  population  has made  that  community  the  representative  of  a type  of  Judaeo-Christianity  which  must  have been  common  in  the  first  two  centuries,  but which  has  since  been  lost.  It  has  to  be  noted that  cii'cumcision  is  practised  there  (and  the present  "usage  rests  upon  an  immemorial  tra- dition) before  baptism,  between  the  third  antl the  eighth  day  after  birth,  and  that  an  ana- logous operation  is  applied  to  female  children. Stanley,  Eastern  Church,  p.  12.       [E.  H.  P.] CIRCUMCISION,  FESTIVAL  OF. I.  Origin  of  Festival. — From  the  necessary connection  of  the  event  commemorated  on  this day  with  the  Nativity,  we  must  obviously  not 394    CIRCUMCISION,  FESTIVAL  OF look  for  notices  of  its  celebration  at  a  date earlier  than  tliat  at  which  we  first  meet  with those  of  the  Nativity  itself. It  will  follow  from  the  prescribed  interval between  the  birth  of  a  child  and  its  circum- cision that  the  festival  of  the  Circumcision  will fall  on  the  octave  of  the  Nativity  ;  and  con- sequently we  continually  find  January  1  thus marked,  even  where  the  service  contains  re- ferences to  the  day  as  the  anniversary  of  the Circumcision.  It  is  not  until  later  that  we  find the  day  to  have  acquired  sufficient  independent rank  to  bear  the  title  of  the  Circumcision  rathe]- than  of  the  octave  as  its  special  distinguishing mark. It  is  hard  to  say  when  the  earliest  traces  of an  observance  of  the  day  under  either  designa- tion are  to  be  found.  There  is  extant  a  long homily  by  Zeno,  bishop  of  Verona  in  the  4th centur}',  which  would  appear  to  have  been meant  for  delivery  on  this  day;  but,  on  the other  hand,  it  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Kalenda- riuin  Carthaginense,  or  in  that  of  Bucherius, both  probably  documents  of  the  4th  century. Now  it  has  been  shown  elsewhere  [Christmas] that  the  first  certain  allusions  to  an  observance of  Christmas  as  a  distinct  and  independent  fes- tival occur  towards  the  end  of  the  4th  century, and  that  this  observance  of  it  was  later  in  the East  than  in  the  West.  This  agrees  with  what is  said  above,  and  with  the  instances  we  shall further  quote,  which  tend  to  disprove  the  exist- ence of  any  save  perhaps  a  more  or  less  local recognition  of  the  festival  before  the  end  of  the 4th  century.  Here,  as  in  the  case  of  the  parent festival  of  the  Nativity,  our  earliest  illustrations come  from  the  West. Thus  we  find  the  day  noticed  in  the  Gelasian Sacramentary,  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  and Autiphonary,  the  Galilean  Sacramentary  and Lectionary,  in  the  Calendar  of  Fronto,  the  Mo- zarabic  Liturgy  and  Breviary,  and  the  Martyro- logium  Hieroiiymi. Passing  on  to  the  Eastern  Church,  we  find that  in  the  calendar  of  the  Coptic  Church  given by  Selden  {de  Synedriis  Ebraeorum,  lib.  iii.  c. 15),  the  Circumcision  is  reckoned  among  the minor  festivals,  and  that  the  Apostolic  Constitu- tions, a  work  doubtless  of  Oriental  origin,  ignores it  altogether. In  process  of  time  the  day  became  more  and more  recognized,  and  at  last  the  observance became  universal. A  reason  for  the  Church's  apparent  slowness  in recognizing  and  commemorating  so  important  an incident  in  our  Lord's  earthly  life,  at  which  He received  the  name  Jesus — an  event,  one  would sui)pose,  itself  of  more  than  ordinary  interest is  doubtless  to  be  found  in  the  fiict  that  on  the Kalends  of  January  was  held  a  great  heathen festival,  characterized  by  an  excessive  amount  of riot  and  licentiousness.  The  Christians,  anxious to  avoid  an  apparent  toleration  of  these  abomi- nations by  holding  a  festival  of  their  own,  ever though  of  a  totally  different  character,  on  the same  daj-,  enjoined  a  solemn  fast,  as  a  whole- some protest  and  as  a  means  of  guarding  the unwary  from  being  led  astray.  See  Augustine, Sermon.  197,  198  {Patrol,  xxxviii.  1024  sqq.). There  is  also  an  allusion  to  this  in  a  canon  of the  2ud  Council  of  Tours,  a.d.  5fi7  {Cow.  Ttiro- nense  U.  can.   17  ;  Labbe,  v.  857).     Further  we CIRCUMCISION,  FESTIVAL  OF find  in  the  Martyrologium  Romanum  (Janu- y  1),  that  a  certain  Almachius  suffered  martyr- dom for  saying,  "  Hodie  octavae  Dominici  diei sunt,  cessate  a  superstitionibus  idolorum  et  a sacrificiis  poUutis."  If,  as  is  asserted,  this Almachius  be  the  same  with  the  Telemachus mentioned  by  Theodoret  {Hist.  Eccl.  v.  26), this  event  must  be  referred  to  the  time  of Honorius,  and  will  point  to  a  certain  recognition of  the  day  by  the  Roman  Church  at  the  end  of the  4th  century.  To  the  subject  of  this  fast  we shall  briefly  refer  again. We  shall  now  proceed  to  discuss  the  observance of  the  day  more  in  detail. II.  Liturgical  Notices.  —  It  is  impossible  to determine  the  character  of  the  evidence  borne  as to  this  day  by  the  Leonine  Sacramentary,  for  it is  mutilated  at  the  beginning,  and  commences with  the  month  of  April.  The  last  section  in  it, however,  is  "In  jejunio  mensis  decimi,"  for which  five  Masses  are  given,,  thus  furnishing evidence  for  the  observance  of  the  time,  though none  for  the  name  by  which  the  day  was  known (ii.  156,  ed.  Ballerini).  It  may  be  added,  how- ever, that  with  this  exception  there  is  no  allusion to  the  day  in  the  writings  of  Leo  I.,  although  he has  many  sermons  on  the  Nativity  itself.  The Gelasian  Sacramentary  gives  a  Mass  for  the  day, Tn  Octahas  Domini,  and  there  follows  one  Froki- hendnm  ah  idolis,  pointing  to  what  we  have  al- ready .said  as  to  the  heathen  festival  on  this  day {Patrol.  Ixxiv.  1061).  In  the  former  Mass,  the main  idea  is  evidently  of  the  octave  of  the  Na- tivity, and  not  of  any  special  commemoration  of the  day  itself,  there  being  merely  a  passing allusion  to  our  Lord's  Circumcision,  as  contrasted with  such  expressions  as  "  Cujus  hodie  octavas nati  celebrantes  ..."  and  the  like. In  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  the  Mass  for the  day  is  headed  In  Octavis  Domini  (Greg. Sacr.  col.  13,  ed.  Menard),  but  the  Gospel  treats of  the  Circumcision,  Luke  ii.  21-32.  Of  two collects  given,  one  has  special  reference  to  the Virgin,  the  other  to  the  octave,  and  in  Pame- lius'  edition  of  the  Sacramentary,  and  in  the Cd.  Reg.  Suec.  is  read  Ad  S.  Mariam  adMartyres ; in  the  Kalendarium  Romanum  is  Natale  S.  Mariae, and  thus  in  the  Gregorian  Antiphonary  {op.  ait. 660)  we  have  De  Sancta  Maria  in  Octava  Do- mini. All  this  points  to  a  twofold  commemoration  of the  day,  the  one  having  regard  to  the  octave  of the  Nativity  or  the  Circumcision,  the  other  to  the Virgin,  and  hence  the  special  prominence  given to  the  mention  of  her  in  the  Mass  for  the  day  in the  modern  Romish  Missal.  The  Preface  and the  Benediction  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary do  indeed  refer  to  the  Circumcision  —  "  Cujus hodie  Circumcisionis  diem  et  Nativitatis  octavum celebrantes — " ;  but  there  is  a  certain  amount of  evidence  against  their  authenticity,  they  are omitted  by  Pamelius  and  are  wanting  in  the Cd.  Reg.  Suec.  Possibly,  therefore,  they  are  a later  addition. We  may  next  briefly  notice  the  ancient  litur- gical documents  of  the  Galilean  Church.  The ancient  Lectionary  ptiblished  by  Mabillon  {de Liturgia  Gallicana,  p.  112),  gives  lections  Tn Circumcisione  Domini  for  matins  and  for  the Mass;  for  the  former,  Isaiah  xliv.  24 — xlv.  7, and  for  the  latter,  Isaiah  i.  10-20;  with  1  Cor. X.    14-31    and  "Luke   ii.  21-40  for    the    l^pistle CIRCUMCISION,  FESTIVAL  OF rind  Gospel,  the  Gospel  beiug  the  same  as  in  the Gregorian  and  Mozarabic  liturgy ;  the  pro- phetical lection  and  Epistle  in  this  last  being Isaiah  xlviii.  12-20  and  Philippians  iii.  1-8. It  will  be  observed  that  the  Epistle  in  the  Galli- can  liturgy  has  reference  to  the  idol  practices which  characterized  the-  day.  T)ie  Gotho-Gallic Missal  (('6.  200)  gives  an  Ordo  Missae  in  Cir- cumcisione  Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi,  and  the Mozarabic  Breviary  and  Missal  style  the  day Circumcisio  Domini. It  is  thus  probable  that  we  must  look  to  Gaul and  Spain  for  early  examples  of  this  title  of  the day.  The  first  definite  instance  that  we  have observed  is  to  be  found  in  the  canon  of  the  2nd Council  of  Tours  (567  A.D.)  already  referred  to, which,  after  remarking  that  every  day  was  a  fes- tival from  Christmas  to  Epiphany,  adds,  "  ex- cipitur  triduum  illud,  quo  ad  calcandam  Gen- tilium  consuetudinem  patres  nostri  statuerunt privatas  in  Kalendis  Januarii  fieri  litanias,  et  in ecclesiis  psallatur,  et  hora  octava  in  ipsis  Ka- lendis Circumcisionis  Missa  Deo  propitio  cele- bretur"  (Labbe,  ^.  c).  There  is  also  some  evi- dence for  supposing  that  the  title  of  the  Circum- cision was  applied  to  the  day  in  Spain  before the  death  of  Isidore  (636  a.d.),  for  we  read  in one  place,  "placuit  etiam  patribus  a  die  Natalis Domini  usque  ad  diem  Circumcisionis  solemne tempus  efficere  "  (Eejula  Monachomm  12 ;  Patrol. Ixxiii.  880).  Arevalus  does  indeed  suggest  (nof.  in loc.'),  from  the  belief  that  the  title  Circumcision is  probably  of  later  date,  that  the  original  words of  Isidore  here  may  have  been  Kalendas  Janu- arias ;  but  when  the  passage  is  taken  in  con- junction with  the  above  quoted  canon,  there  seems the  less  reason  for  having  recourse  to  this  hypo- thesis. Further,  remarks  in  the  laws  of  the  Visi- goths shew  that  by  the  middle  or  latter  part  of the  7th  century  the  day  ranked  in  Spain  of  so  high importance  that  on  it  the  law  courts  were  closed, and  that  it  then  bore  the  name  of  the  Circum- cision (^Godex  Leg.  Wisigoth.  lib.  ii.  tit.  1,  lex  11 ; lib.  xii.  t.  3,  1.  6 ;  in  Hispania  Illustrata,  iii. 863,  1004,  Frankfort  1606).  Still,  the  old name  survived,  for  we  find  it  at  the  end  of  the 8th  century  in  the  Regula  of  Bishop  Chrodegang" {Patrol.  Ixxxix.  1090),  and  in  the  proceedings  of the  Council  of  Mainz,  813  A.D.  {Cone.  Mogun- tinnm,  can.  36  ;  Labbe',  vii.  1250). Briefly  then  to  sum  up  the  results  so  far obtained  :  we  have  seen  that  the  a  priori  ex- pectation, which  would  assign  the  end  of  the 4th  century  as  the  earliest  possible  date  of the  recognition  of  the  day  under  either  title,  is borne  out  by  the  fact  of  the  absence  of  allusions to  it  before  that  date ;  and  further  that,  until at  the  earliest  the  -middle  o.f  the  6th  century, it  was  solely  as  the  octave  of  the  Nativity,  and not  as  the  Circumcision  that  the  day  was  known. It  may  be  remarked  here  that  the  whole  of Christendom  agrees  in  celebrating  the  Circum- cision on  January  1  except  the  Ai-menian  Church, which  still  adheres  to  the  old  Eastern  practice of  commemorating  the  Nativity  and  Epiphany together  on  .January  6,  and  necessarily  therefore celebi-ates  the  Circumcision  on  January  13. The  primary  idea  of  the  day  as  a  fast  and  not a  festival  has  already  been  referred  to.  The canon  of  the  2nd  Council  of  Tours  which  we have  cited  shows  the  state  of  the  case  in  France ; that  the  same  custom  prevailed  in  Spain  is  shown CLAUDIUS 39^ by  an  allusion  in  a  canon  of  the  4th  Council  of Toledo,  A.D.  633  {Co?ic.  Tol.  iv.  can.  11  ;  Labbe, V.  1709) ;  cf.  Isidore,  de  Ecd.  Off.  lib.  i.  c.  46  ; although  it  must  be  added  that  a  heading  in  the Mozarabic  Breviary  points  to  the  three  days before  the  Epiphany  as  the  period  of  the  fast : "  Officium  jejuniorum  in  Kal.  Jan.  observatur tribus  diebus  ante  festum  Epiphaniae."  Lastly, we  may  refer  to  the  Ordo  Pomanus,  which,  after speaking  of  the  heathen  abominations  which  de- filed the  day,  adds,  "  Statuit  universalis  Eccksia jejunium  publicum  in  isto  die  fieri "  (p.  20,  ed. Hittorp."). It  will,  of  course,  be  inferred  from  what  has been  already  remarked  that  there  is  an  absence of  homilies  or  sermons  for  the  day  in  the  woi-ks of  early  patristic  writers.  We  may  here  again, however,  refer  to  the  discourse  of  Zeno  of  Verona, de  Circumcisione  (lib.  i.  tractat.  13,  p.  99,  ed. Ballerini,  where  see  note  1).  In  an  ancient  MS. of  this  of  the  9th  century  (the  Cd.  Remensis)  is added  a  note  in  the  margin  of  this  discourse. In  Octaba  Domini  pontificis  nona  lectio.  The Ballerini  consider  these  notes  to  have  been  written at  the  time  when  Archbishop  Hincmar  (ob.  882 A.D.)  gave  the  MS.  to  the  abbey  of  St.  Remigius  at Rheims,  and  while  the  MS.  belonged  to  the Church  of  Verona  {Praef.  §  5),  and  that  this discourse  was  there  spoken  on  the  octave  of  the Nativity.  They  infer  from  the  marginal  note the  relative  importance  of  the  day,  considering that  such  a  remark  about  the  ninth  lection  would be  made  only  in  the  case  of  the  more  important festivals.  Bede  has  written  a  homily  for  the  day on  Luke  ii.  21  {Horn.  x.  ;  Patrol,  xciv.  53). When  the  fast  became  a  festival  it  is  impos- sible definitely  to  say.  Protably  the  process was  a  gradual  one,  and  the  period  varied  in different  countries.  The  statutes  of  St.  Boniface (ob.  755  A.D.)  include  it  among  the  special festivals  on  which  no  work  was  to  be  done (D'Achery,  Spicilegium  ix.  66).  Still,  at  a period  subsequent  to  this,  traces  of  the  old  state of  things  survived,  the  latest  we  have  observed being  in  the  Capitula  of  Atto,  bishop  of  Vercelli in  the  10th  century,  who  dwells  on  the  ex- pediency of  maintaining  the  ancient  protest {Patrol,  cxxxiv.  43).  [R.  S.] CIRCUS.    [Charioteer.] CIRINUS.    [Cyrinus.] CITHINUS,  one  of  the  "  martyres  Scillitani " at  Carthage,  July  17  {Cal.  Carthag.,  Bedae,  Pom. Vet.,  Usuardi).  [C] CLARUS,  presbyter,  and  martyr  "  in  ]>ago Vilcasino,"  Nov.  4  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [C] CLAUDIANUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Egypt  under Numerian,  Feb.  25  {Mart.  Pom.  Vet.,  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  at  Nicoinedia,  Slarch  6  {Mart. Usuardi).  [C] CLAUDIUS.  (1)  JTartvr  at  Ostia  under Diocletian,  Feb.  18  {Mart.  Pom.  Vet.,  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  at  Rome,  with  Pope  Marcellinus, April  26,  A.D.  304  {Mart.  Usuardi). «  The  alleged  .^tatuta  Ecclesiae  R}iemensis  (Labb(?,  v. 1694),  attributed  to  Bishop  Sonnatius,  in  which  (c.  20) reference  is  made  to  the  Circumcision  as  one  of  the  days "alisriue  op  re  forensl  excoleiida,'  aic  probably  fabrica- tions of  a  later  date. 396 CLAVUS (3)  Martyi-  at  Rome,  with  Nicostratus  and others,  July  7  (M:(rt.  Rom.   Vet.,  Usuardi). (4)  ]\Iartyr  iu  Aegea,  Aug.  23  {Mart.  Hierou., Usuardi). (5)  Martyr  at  Rome,  with  Nicostratus  and others,  Nov.  8  {Hart.  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Rom.  Vet., Usuardi).     Compare  (3). (6)  The  tribune,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Nu- mei-ian,  Dec.  3  {Mart.  "Rum.  Vet.,  Usuardi) ; Aug.  12  {Mart.  Hieron.).  [C] CLAVUS.  We  continually  find  in  ancient Christian  frescoes  and  mosaics  garments  deco- rated with  long  stripes  of  purple,  sometimes  en- riched with  embroidery  or  an  inwoven  pattern, called  clavi.  These  generally  run  from  the  top to  the  bottom  of  the  garment,  and  are  broader  or narrower  according  to  the  dignity  of  the  wearer. Thus,  the  Lord  is  often  distinguished  by  a  broader clavus  than  those  of  the  apostles,  as  in  a  fine fresco  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Agnes  (Perret, Catacombs,  ii.  pi.  xxiv.).  Undistinguished  per- sons also  wore  clavi,  but  very  narrow.  In  nearly all  cases  these  clavi  are  two  in  number,  and  run from  each  shoulder  to  the  lower  border  of  the dress.  This  arrangement  of  the  clavi  is  alluded to  in  the  Acts  of  Perpetua  and  Felicitas,  where the  Good  Shepherd  is  said  to  have  appeared  to the  former  "  distinctam  habens  tunicam  inter duos  clavos  per  medium  pectus"  (Ruinart,  Acta Sincera,  p.  32,  ed.  Verona).  Tertullian  {De  Pallia, c.  4)  speaks  of  the  care  which  was  taken  in  the selection  of  shades  of  colour. There  are  a  few  examples  of  the  single  clavus, running  down  the  centre  of  the  breast,  which Rubenius  believes  to  have  been  the  ancient  fashion of  wearing  it.  These  occur  only  in  repre- sentations of  the  Three  Children  in  the  fiery furnace  (Bottari,  Sciilture  e  Pitture,  tav.  cxlix. clxxxi.).  Clavi  are  common  to  both  sexes ; women  may  be  seen  represented  with  that  orna- ment, for  instance,  in  pictures  of  the  Wise  and Foolish  Virgins  (Bottari,  tav.  clviii.)  ;  and  female figures  are  sometimes  found  adorned  with  two clavi  on  each  side.  Jerome  {Epist.  22,  ad  Eu- stochium)  alludes  to  the  use  of  the  clavus  by women,  single  as  well  as  married.  It  is  also common  in  early  art  to  personages  of  the  Old Testament  and  the  New ;  it  is  given  to  Moses, for  instance,  in  a  painting  engraved  by  Perret (i.  pi.  xxiv.),  and  to  the  apostles  in  nearly  all representations  of  them,  whether  in  fresco,  in mosaic,  or  in  glass.  Angels  also  wear  the  clavus in  early  mosaics,  as  may  be  seen  in  examples given  by  Ciampini  {Vet.  Mon.  i.  tab.  xlvi. ;  ii. tab.  XV.),  in  the  Menologium  of  Basil  (see  parti- cularly Dec.  16  and  Dec.  29),  and  in  several ancient  miniatures. These  purple  stripes  were  worn  on  the  penula as  well  as  the  tunic :  a  fresco  from  an  arcosolium in  the  cemetery  of  Priscilla  (Bottari,  tav.  clxii.) furnishes  three  examples.  They  are  found  also in  the  pallium  :  a  mosaic  of  St.  Agatha  Major  at Ravenna  represents  our  Lord  with  clavi  of  gold on  such  a  garment.  The  dalmatic  and  colobium were  similarly  decorated :  the  latter  seems  to have  had  only  one  broad  band  of  purple  (latus clavus)  descending  from  the  upper  part  of  the ohest  to  the  teet.  See  the  Christian  sarcophagi engraved  by  Bottari  (tav.  xvii.  cxxxvii.  and others). Priests,  after   the   cxaniplo  of  the   senators  of CLEEUS  j old  Rome,  are  said  to  have  worn  the  broad  clavus,  i while    deacons    contented    themselves    with    the  I narrow  one  on  their  tunics  or  dalmatics.     The  j clavus   is   sometimes   represented  as  descending  '• only  to  the  middle  of  the  chest :  it  is  in  these  ] cases  decorated  with  small  discs  or  spangles,  and  ; terminates  in  small  globes  or  bullae.    This  is  said  ' to  be  the  kind  of  decoration  which  is  sometimes  '  , called  j3ara(/(H«/iS.    (Ruhenms,  De  Re  Vestiaria  et  '. praecipue  de  Lato  Clavo,  Antwerp,  1665  ;  Mar-  ■, tigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  chre't.  s.  v.  Clavus.)     [C]  j CLEMENT.      (1)  Of  Ancyra,   martyr,  a.d. 296  ;  is  commemorated  Jan.  23  {Cal.  Byzant.'). (2)  Pope,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Trajan,  Nor.  j 23  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Em)i.  Vet.,  Usuardi) ; Nov.  24  {Cal.  Byzant.).  \ (3)  Of  Alexandria  ;    is  commemorated  Dec.  4  ) {Mart.  Usuardi).                                                 [C]  j CLEMENTINE  LITUEGY.    [Liturgy.]  i CLEMENTINUS,  martyr  at  Heraclea,  Nov.  ! 14  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi).                           [C]  ; CLEONICUS,  martyr,  A.D.  296  ;  is  comme-  , morated  March  3  {Cal.  Byzant.).                    [C] CLEOPHAS,  martyr,  at  Emmaus,  Sept.  25 {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Usuardi).                           [C]  , CLEEESTOEY,      or      Clearstory.      An  i upper    story  or   row  of  windows  in   a  church,  I rising   clear   above    the   adjoining  parts  of  the  ' building.     As  the  clerestory  was  a  common  fea-  j ture   in  the  old  civil  basilica,  it  was  probably  \ soon  adopted  in  buildings  of  the  same  type  used  i for  ecclesiastical  purposes.     See  for  instance,  the ancient    basilica  of  St.  Peter   at  Rome,   under  ^ Church,  p.  370  ;  also  p.  381,                       [C] CLEEGY.  [Clerus;  Immunitiesof  Clergy.] CLERMONT,     COUNCILS    OF.       [Ar- VERNENSE.]  | CLEEUS,  deacon,  martvr  at  Antioch,  Jan.  7  1 {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Usuardi).                           [C]  ' CLEEUS  (and  Clericus  =  one  of  the  Clerus),  : at    first    equivalent  to  the    whole    body  of  the faithful,  as  being  the  lot   or  inheritance  of  the Lord  (1  Pet.  v.  3  =  KA-qpovoixia,  v.  Theodoret,  ad  \ loc,  and  so  still  used  by  e.  g.  Theophanes,  Horn. xii.    70,    quoted   by  Suicer) ;    but    appropriated almost  immediately  to  all,  "qui  in  ecclesiastici  i ministerii  gradibus  ordinati  sunt  "  (Isid.  Hispal. De  Eccl.  Offic.  ii.  1)  ;    the  distinction  of  clergy  j and  laity  being  found  in  1  Cor.  xiv.  16,  and  in  * St.  Clement  of  Rome,  and  the  term  being  applied to  the  former  exclusively,    "  vel  quia  de   sorte  ! sunt  Domini,  vel  quia  Ipse  Dominus  sors,  id  est,  j pars  clericorum  est "  (St.  Jerome,  Ad  Nepotian.,  ' followed  by  Isidore,  as  above,  and  by  Rab.  Maur. De  Iiistit.   Cleric,  i.  2).     The  more  modern  de- rivation, from  the  lots  cast  at  the  appointment of  St.  Matthias  (so  e.  g.  Suicer),  seems  set  aside  j by  the  fact,  that  clergy  were  not  chosen  by  lot.  j The  word  clericus  was  further  subdivided  when the  minor  orders  came  into  existence  ;  all  being  j called  clerici  {iravras  KXyiptKoiis  KaXovfj-fv,  Justin.  I Novell,  cxxiii.  19),  but  the  name  being  also  some-  • times  given  in  particular  to  the  lectores,  psalm- istae,  ostiarii,  &c.  who  "  clericorum  nomen  reti- nent"  {Cone.  Carthag.  iii.  A.D.  397,  c.  21);  and who  in  later  centuries  are  often  so  called  exclu-»  | CLETUS sively,  while  the  three  proper  orders  became  dis- tinguished as  "  primi  clerici  "  (C'oc/.  Theodos.  lib. siii.  De  Judaeis  et  CoelicoL'),  and  the  lower  orders as  "  inferioris  loci "  {ib.  leg.  41).  See  also  the  Can. Apost.  17,  al.  18,  24,  al.  25,  30,  al.  31,  84 ;  and Cone.  Laodiccn.  cc.  24,  27,  30,  the  latter  distin- guishing the  lepaTiKoi  from  the  KK-qpiKoi,  i.e. bishops,  priests,  and  deacons,  from  subdeacons, readers,  &c.  The  terms  majorcs  and  minores ordines  are  of  much  later  date.  In  Cone. Chalced.  A.D.  451,  can.  2,  /cATjpiKbs  appears  to  be used  as  coextensive  with  those  in  the  Kavwv  nr roll,  and  to  include  expressly  even  the  oecono- mus  and  the  defensor,  &c.  In  c.  3  of  the  same council  it  is  opposed  to  bishop  on  the  one  hand, and  to  layman  and  monk  on  the  other.  On  the other  hand,  the  term  is  sometimes  found  actually used  of  monks,  even  as  early  as  by  Sozomen  (viii. 18);  and,  again,  by  St.  Germanus  of  Paris,  by Gregory  of  Tours  (De  Glor.  Mart.  ii.  21,  and  fre- quently), and  by  many  later  writers  quoted  in Du  Cange.  The  use  of  the  term  as  meaning  a scholar  {ypafj.fj.d.TCiiv  i-Kicr-riifiovis  only  ought  to  be made  clerici,  according  to  Justinian,  Novell,  vi.  4, cxxiii.  12)  dates  from  the  11th  century.  The introduction  of  monks  made  yet  a  third  class, besides  clergy  and  laity.  And  the  term  '  regu- laris '  coming  into  use  when  Eegulae  began  to multiply,  and  when  monachism  was  becoming regarded  as  'religion,'  i.e.  about  the  8th  cen- tury, the  term  '  saecularis  '  also  lost  gradually its  general  sense  of  '  worldly,'  and  became simply  the  antithesis  of  a  'regular'  or  monk; the  latter  term,  however,  including  canons  also at  their  first  institution  ("Canonici,  id  est,  Regu- lares  Clerici,"  in  the  so-called  Egbert's  Excerpts, in  Pref.,  and  so  also  Cone.  Aquisgran.  A.D.  789, c.  73).  Clericus  regularis  would  thenceforth mean  a  clergyman  who  was  also  a  monk  ;  and Clericus  saecularis,a.  parish  clergyman,  or  one  who kept  a  school,  or  lived  in  any  way  not  under  a rule  ;  the  class  being  called  '  clerici '  simply  in Capit.  i.  c.  23  of  a.d.  802  =  "  parochitani  pres- byteri,"  in  Cone.  Emcrit.  a.d.  666,  c.  18.  Canons, however,  were  soon  classed  as  distinct  from ]?egulars;  as  e.g.  in  the  laws  of  Charles  the Great  (in  Murator.  torn.  I.  P.  ii.  p.  100.  6,  quoted by  Du  Cange), — "  Vigilanter  curent  [Episcopi],  ut Canonici  secundum  canones  et  Regulares  secun- dum regulam  vivant."  In  Cone.  Vernens.  a.d. 755,  c.  3,  the  clerus  are  distinguished  from  the regulares  (Labbe,  vi.  1665),  which  seems  the earliest  instance  of  the  use  of  the  latter  term. The  further  distinction  of  Canonici  themselves into  Regulars  and  Seculars  (canons  who  had,  and canons  who  had  not,  a  canon  or  rule)  dates  from A.D.  1059,  when  Pope  Nicolas  II.  substituted  a new  rule  for  the  original  rule  for  Canons  enacted at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  followed  by  a  yet  stricter  rule enjoined  by  Ivo,  bishop  of  Chartres;  those  who adopted  the  rule  of  Nicolas  being  styled  Saccular, while  those  who  preferred  Ivo's  were  called Regular  or  Augustiniau  Canons.      [A.  W.  H.] CLETUS,  or  ANACLETUS,  pope,  martyr at  Home  under  Domitian,  April  26  (Mart.  Rom. Vet.,  Usuardi).  [C] CLICHY,  COUNCILS  OF  [Clippiacense], near  Paris  ;  provincial : — (1)  A.D.  628,  summoned by  Lothaire,  but  nothing  more  known  of  it  (Labb. Cone.  V.  1854,  from  Aimain).  (2)  A.D.  633,  in the  presence  of  Dagobert,  respecting  the  sanctuary CLOVESHO,  COUNCILS  OF    397 of  St.  Denis  (Labb.  (7^.).  (3)  A.D.  659,  in  which Clovis  II.  confirmed  certain  privileges  to  St.  Denis (j6.  vi.  489,  sq.).  [A.  W.  H.] CLIMACUS,  JOHN,  Holy  Father,  6  ffvy- ypa(p€vs  TTJs  K\lfiaKos,  A.D.  570 ;  is  comme- morated March  30  (Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] CLINIC  BAPTISM.  [Sick,  Visitation  of.] CLIPPIACENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Clichy.] CLOISTER  (Claustrum,  Claustra,  fem.). The  word  claustrum  applies  strictly  to  the  wall or  enclosure  of  a  monastery  ;  as  in  the  phrase "  claustra  monasteriorura,"  in  the  22ud  and  29th canons  of  the  third  council  of  Tours.  Thence  it became  a  name  for  a  monastery.  According  to the  definition  of  the  Breviloquium,  "  claustrum dicitur  inhabitatio  religiosorum,  vel  domus  in- cludens  monachos  et  moniales  sub  certa  regula viventes."  In  this  sense  it  is  frequently  used in  the  Capitularies  of  Charlemagne,  where  we read  of  "  claustra-  monachorum,  canonicorum, clericorum."  Compare  French  cloitre,  German Kloster.  A  Roman  synod  of  the  year  826  (c.  7) enjoins  that  a  cloister  should  be  formed  near  each church,  for  the  better  discipline  and  instruction of  the  clerks. But  claustrum  (like  our  word  cloister')  is  ap- plied in  a  special  sense  to  the  quadrangle  of  a monastery,  or  college  of  canons,  one  side  of  which is  generallj'  formed  by  the  church,  and  the others  by  the  conventual  buildings,  and  which frequently  has  an  arcade  or  colonnade  running round  the  sides,  to  sei've  as  an  ambulatory.  This was  assigned  in  some  ancient  statutes  as  the place  for  the  reading  of  the  monks  in  suitable weather.  The  ancient  Ordo  Conversat.  Monast. c.  9,  desires  that  the  monks  of  a  convent  should assemble  in  one  place  for  their  reading,  or  sit  in the  cloister.  Similarly  Hildemar  (MS.  Comment. on  Benedict's  Rule,  c.  48,  quoted  by  Martene) and  Dunstan  (^Concordia,  c.  5)  desire  the  monks, after  terce  and  mass ,  to  sit  in  the  cloister  to read. The  monks  of  St.  Gall  in  the  9th  century  ex- eluded  from  their  cloister  all  secular  persons whatever,  unless  under  the  guidance  of  a  brother and  wearing  a  monk's  hood.  (Uucange's  Glos- sarg,  s.  v.  Claustrum ;  JIartene,  Be  Ritibus Monachorum,  lib.  i.  c.  vii.  §  4 ;  lib.  ii.  c.  iii. §  19.)  [C] CLOISTER  SCHOOLS.     [Schools.] CLOVESHO,  COUNCILS  OF,  provincial ; locality  unknown,  except  that  it  was  in  the kingdom  of  Mercia,  and  probably  near  London (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Counc.  iii.  122).  It  was selected  by  the  Council  of  Hertford,  A.D.  673,  as the  place  for  the  yearly  synod  of  the  English Church  (ib.  120),  yet  (singular  to  say)  the  first recorded   Council    of  Clovesho    was    not    until (1)  A.D.  716,  when  the  privilege  of  Wihtred  of Kent  to  the  churches  of  Kent  was  confirmed  by a  general  synod  of  the  English  bishops,  under Ethelbald,  king  of  Mercia  (Haddan  and  Stubbs, Counc.   iii.    300-302).      This   was   followed    by (2)  A.D.  742,  a  council,  also  under  Ethelbald, for  the  same  purpose  (ib.  340-342) ;  and  (3)  A.D. 747,  September,  the  Great  Council  under  Cuth- bert  for  reformation  of  abuses,  communicated  to, but  apparently  not  suggested  by,  St.  Boniface  of Mentz  (see  the  acts  and  letters,  &c.  ib.  360-385); 398 COADJUTOR  BISHOP which  appointed  also  a  festival  day  for  both  St. Gret^oiy  the  Great  and  St.  Augustine  of  Canter- bury. (4)  A.D.  794,  called  "  Synodale  Conci- lium'" and  "  Sanctum  Concilium  "  :  two  grants are  extant  made  there  (Kemble's  Codex  Diplo- matictt-',  164-167  ;  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils, 483-485).  (5)  A.d.  798,  referred  wrongly  by Spelman  to  A.D.  800 :  some  charters  were  passed there  (Kemble's  Codex  Diplomat icus,  175,  186, 1019;  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  512-518). There'  are  intimations  also  of  the  annual  synod havino'  been  held,  but  without  mention  of  the place  "(e.  </.  a.d.  704,  and  736  or  737,  both Mercian  councils,  and  again,  A.D.  755,  Haddan and  Stubbs,  *.  267,  337,  390),  which  may easily  therefore  have  been  Clovesho,  and  pro- bably was  so.  [A.  W.  H.] COADJUTOR  BISHOP,  with  a  right  of succession,  was  distinctly  against  canon ;  on  the principle  that  such  an  appointment  interfered with  the  right  of  election  in  clergy  and  people, &c.  [Bishop.]  The  institution  of  chorepiscopi appears  to  have  been  among  the  earliest  plans for  meeting  the  case  of  overgrown  dioceses.  But instances  must  have  occurred  at  all  times  of bishops  incapacitated  by  siclcness  either  of  body or  mind,  or  by  old  age.  And  under  such  circum- stances resignations  were,  although  grudgingly, permitted.  [Bishop.]  Nevertheless,  coadjutors also, — meaning  by  the  term  full  bishops,  but acting  simply  in  place  of  the  proper  occupant  of the  see  (still  remaining  so),  and  with  no  right of  succession, — occur,  although  at  first  rarely; almost  every  early  case  being  mixed  up  with  the succession-question.  St.  Ambrose  certainly  speaks of  a  coadjutor  in  this  special  sense  being  given  to Bishop Bassus,  "in  consortium  regendaeecclesiae" (Epist.  79).  And  the  5th  Council  of  Paris  (a.d. 577),  considerably  later,  contemplates  the  case as  an  exceptionally  legitimate  one.  "  Nullus episcoporum  se  vivente  alium  in  loco  suo  eligat, .  .  .  nisi  certae  conditiones  extiterint  ut  ecclesiam suam  et  clerum  regere  non  posset"  (can.  2). And  in  course  of  time  such  coadjutors  became  at length  common,  and  were  provided  for  by,  e.g. Boniface  VIII.  (in  Sexto  c.  Pastoralis).  St.  Gre- gory the  Great  meets  the  case  of  temporary sickness  by  the  temporary  help  of  a  neighbour- ing bishop ;  but  in  more  permanent  cases  he distinctly  recommends  a  coadjutor,  but  without right  of  succession,  as,  e.g.  in  the  case  of  John of  Justiniana  Prima  (>^.  Gregory  M.  Epist. IX.  41).  [A.  W.  H.] COARB  (Cowarb,  Comharba,  Latinized  into Corba,  =  Conterraneus^  or  ejusdem  terrae,  or  dis- trictus — so  Colgan),  the  title  in  the  Celtic-Irish and  Scottish  churches,  of  the  abbatial  successor of  the  original  founder  of  a  monastery.  So  an abbat  of  Hy  would  be  called  the  Coarb  of Columba ;  of  Armagh,  the  Coa'rb  of  Patrick ;  of Piaphoe,  the  Coarb  of  Adamnan,  &c.,  &c.  The word  occurs  much  earlier  in  the  Annalists  ;  but its  common  use  dates  from  late  in  the  8th  century, when  such  abbacies  had  become  hereditary  in many  cases,  and  not  only  so,  but  had  passed  into tlie  hands,  in  some  instances,  of  laymen,  while  a prior  discharged  the  spiritual  office.  The  trans- formation in  lapse  of  time  of  the  Herenach  or Airehinneach,  who  was  originally  the  represen- tative of  the  lay  Adcocatus  of  the  monastery, but  gradually  usurped  the  position  of  hereditary COCK lay  possessor  of  his  original  third  of  the  produce of  monastic  lands,  brought  him  also  by  a  dillerent line  to  a  condition  closely  resembling  what  the lay  coai-bs  became  (as  e.  g.  at  Dunkeld) ;  so  that the  coarb  became  to  a  monastery  what  the herenach  was  to  any  church,  monastic  or  not. A  female  coarb  occurs  once  or  twice  (Reeves,  ad Adamn.  V.  S.  Columbae,  Add.  Notes,  p.  404). Coarbs  that  were  still  clergy,  became  styled in  Ireland  in  later  times  Plebani  =  rural  deans, or  archpresbyters,  or  chorepiscopi  (in  the  later sense  of  the  word),  i.  e.  the  head  of  a  "  plebs ecclesiastica,"  viz.  of  clergy  who  served  chapels under  him  as  rector.  [Reeves,  Cotton's  Visi- tation, pp.  4  note,  145,  209 ;  Spelman,  Gloss, in  V.  Corba;  E.  W.  Robertson,  Early  Scotl.  i. 330.]  [A.  W.  H.] COAT,  THE  HOLY.     Its  miracles  are  com- memorated on  Oct.  1  in  the  Georgian  Calendar. COCHLEAR.     [Spoon.]  [C. COCK.  Representations  of  this  bird  occur frequently  on  tombs  from  the  earliest  period. When  not  associated  with  the  figure  of  St.  Peter, as  Bottari,  tav.  Ixxxiv.,  or  placed  on  a  pillar,  as Boldetti,  p.  360 ;  Bottari,  taw.  xxxiv.  xxiii.,  &c., it  appears  to  be  a  symbol  of  the  Resurrection,  our Lord  being  supposed  by  the  early  Church  to  have broken  from  the  grave  at  the  early  cock-crowing. A  peculiar  awe  seems  always  to  have  attached  to that  hour,  at  which  all  wandering  spirits  have through  the  Middle  Ages  been  supposed  to  vanish from  the  earth.  Hamlet  and  the  ancient  ballad called  The  Wife  of  Usher's  Well  occur  to  us  as salient  examples  of  an  universal  superstition. Prudentius'  hymn  Ad  Galli  Cantum  {Cathem.  i. 16)  adopts  the  idea  of  the  cock-crowing  as  a  call to  the  general  judgment  ("  Nostri  figura  est judicis  ") ;  and  further  on  (45  seqq.)  he  says  : '  Hoc  esse  signum  praescii Noverunt  promissae  spei, Qua  nos  sopore  liberi Speramus  adventum  Dei." 65 And  aga sqq.  : '  Itide  est,  quod  omnes  credimus, Illo  quietis  tempore, Quo  gallus  exultans  caiiit, Cbristum  redisse  ex  inferis." See  Aringhi,  vol.  ii.  pp.  328-9  (in  a  complete  list of  animal  symbols).  Fighting-cocks  (see  the  pas- sage last  quoted)  seem  to  symbolize  the  combat % "A if CODEX  CANONUM with  secular  or  sensual  temptations.  The  prac- tice of  training  them  for  combat  has  probably always  existed  in  the  East,  and  certainly  was  in fovour  at  Athens  (cf.  Aristoph.  Av.,  aXpe  ir\r}/c- rpov,  et  yuaxfi,  &c.).  For  a  symbol  drawn  from such  a  pastime,  compare  St.  Paul's  use  of  the word  vTronrid^w  (1  Cor.  ix.  27).  See  Bottari,  vol. iii.  t.  137. Two  cocks  accompany  the  Good  Shepherd  in Bottari,  tav.  clxxii.  (from  the  tympanum  of  an arch  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Agnes).    [R.  St.  J.  T.] CODEX  CANONUM  ECCLESIAE GRAECAE. „    EOMANAE. „  „  „    UNIVEESAE. To  treat  of  them  in  their  chronological  order, we  must  reverse  their  alphabetical,  and  proceed from  the  last  to  the  first.  Dionysius  Esiguus, iu  dedicating  his  own  collection  (Migne's  Patrol. Ixvii.  139)  to  Stephen,  bishop  of  Salona,  speaks of  two  collections  anterior  to  it ;  one  in  Greek  of 165  canons,  according  to  him,  terminating  with the  Council  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  381 ;  and another  in  Latin,  long  ago  translated  from  the Greek,  which  he  had  in  fact  been  asked  to  im- prove upon.  The  Greek  collection  was  composed of  20  canons  passed  at  Nicaea  ;  25  at  Ancyra (which  he  reckons  as  24)  ;  14  at  Neocaesarea  ; 20  at  Gangra ;  25  at  Antioch ;  59  at  Laodicea  ; and  6  at  Constantinople  (which  he  gives  as  3). All  had  been  framed  in  the  4th  century;  and  as they  begin  with  the  first  General  Council  and  end with  the  second,  the  probability  is  that  they  were put  together  so  as  to  form  a  collection  before the  date  of  the  4th  Council,  by  the  1st  canon  of which  they  were  confirmed,  and  in  the  acts of  which  they  are  more  than  once  cited  as  still numbered  in  this  collection.  [CoxciL.  Chalced.] To  it  we  may  suppose  to  have  been  appended meanwhile — Justellus  (Patrol,  ih.  p.  29)  thinks by  Stephen,  bishop  of  Ephesus,  who  attended  the 4th  Council,  as  there  •teems  to  be  a  collection  of his  still  extant  containing  them — the  8  canons of  Ephesus  :  and  it  was  further  enlarged  by  the canons  of  Chalcedon  on  being  confirmed  there. In  this  shape  it  was  ordered  to  have  the  force  of law  by  the  Emperor  Justinian  in  his  131st  Novel. Whether  it  included  more  than  27  canons  of Chalcedon  is,  however,  open  to  question ;  as Dionysius,  who  must  have  translated  it  rather before  then,  ends  with  the  27th,  telling  Stephen expressly,  "  iu  his  Graecorum  canonum  finem  esse declaramus."  And  so  far  is  he  from  standing alone  in  this,  that  even  John  Scholasticus,  a presbyter  of  Antioch,  who  became  patriarch  of Constantinople  in  the  last  year  of  Justinian, attributes  no  more  than  27  canons  to  the  Council of  Chalcedon  in  his  collection,  by  which  he  means of  course  the  first  27.  With  these,  therefore, this  code  terminated.  The  Ephesine  canons  in- deed are  not  translated  by  Dionysius,  nor  in  the old  Latin  version  of  which  he  speaks ;  but  they are  particularly  named  by  Justinian  :  and  John Scholasticus,  though  he  reckons  them  at  seven, has  quoted  the  8th,  passing  over  the  7th  in  all probability  for  no  other  reason  than  its  irrele- vancy to  the  subject-matter  of  his  collection. Still  this  code,  though  it  was  probably  con- firmed at  Chalcedon,  and  became  law  for  the empire  under  Justinian  in  this  shape,  seems never  to  have  been  received  in  this  shape  pre- CODEX  CANONUM 399 cisely  by  the  Roman  or  the  Gi'eek  Church. John  Scholasticus,  whose  description  of  it, checked  by  the  number  of  canons  assigned  to  it by  Dionysius,  has  been  here  followed  in  pre- ference to  the  Greek  version  edited  by  Justellus, which  is  of  later  date  (v.  append,  ad  op.  S.  L?on. ap.  Migne,  Patrol.  Ivi.  p.  18),  prefaces  it  by  85 canons  of  the  Apostles,  as  he  calls  them ;  inter- polates it  with  21  canons  of  Sardica ;  and  tacks to  it  68  of  St.  Basil.  Similarly,  Dionysius  Exigu\is, prefacing  it  with  50  canons  of  the  Apostles,  omits the  Ephesine,  but  appends,  over  and  above  the  21 Sardican,  no  less  than  138  African  canons :  in other  words,  the  entire  code  of  the  Ai'rican Church  elsewhere  described.  Out  of  these  two collections  were  formed  separately,  (1)  the  code of  the  Roman,  and  (2)  the  code  of  the  Greek Church. 1.  Dionysius,  as  we  have  seen,  speaks  of  an old  Latin  version  anterior  to  his  own ;  and  all  he remarks  on  it  is  its  "  confusion."  It  was  first published  by  Voellus  and  Henry,  son  of  Chris- topher, Justellus,  A.D.  1661,  vol'  i.  pp.  276-304 of  their  Bibliotheca  Juris  Canonici  Veteris  ;  and afterwards  in  a  more  perfect  form  by  the  Bal- lerini,  in  their  learned  disquisitions  "  De  anti- quis  coUectionibus  et  collectoribus  canonum," appended  to  their  edition  of  the  works  of  St.  Leo (Migne's  Patrol.  Ivi.  747-816).  It  exhibits  24 Ancyran  canons,  14  Neocaesarean,  21  Niceue (besides  the  creed),  21  Sardican,  20  Gangran,  25 Antiochian,  27  Chalcedonian,  4  Constantinopo- litan;  and  then  unnumbered,  but  as  though belonging  to  the  last,  the  28th  canon  of  Chalce- don, "De  primatuecclesiaeConstantinopolitauae." This  doubtless  was  its  "  confusion "  in  the  eyes of  Dionj'sius  ;  and  of  course  the  canons  of  Con- stantinople should  have  preceded  those  of  Chal- cedon. But  further,  at  the  head  of  the  bishops subsci-ibing  to  the  28th  canon  of  Chalcedon, immediately  before  the  Roman  legates,  is  Nec- tarius,  who  had  been  previously  and  rightly mentioned  among  the  framers  of  the  Constanti- nopolitan  canons.  Dionysius  corrected  this  inac- curacy by  omitting  the  28th  canon  of  Chalcedon altogether.  The  fact  of  its  existence  there  proves, however,  that  this  old  version  could  not  have been  very  much  earlier  than  that  of  Dionysius himself,  and  also  that  it  could  never  have  been of  any  authority  in  the  Roman  Church. That  there  was  any  regularly  authorised  col- lection in  the  Roman  Church,  in  short,  before Dionysius  brought  out  his,  seems  improbable  for tha  very  reasons  which  the  Ballerini  bring  for- ward in  proof  of  one  ;  namely,  that  till  then  the Sardican  and  Nicene  canons,  undistinguished  from each  other,  and  cited  under  the  latter  name, formed  its  exclusive  code  :  for  this  rather  shews — conformably  with  what  passed  between  Pope Zosimus  and  the  Afi-ican  church — that  up  to that  time  Rome  was  not  conscious  of  having accepted  any  but  the  Nicene  canons.  At  all events,  no  earlier  collection  of  a  public  cha- racter including  more  than  these,  and  used  there, has  been  brought  to  light  on  their  own  shewing {lb.  p.  63-88),  as  with  the  collections  obtaining in  Africa,  Spain,  Britain,  and  France  we  are  not concerned.  That  the  want  of  a  similar  collection at  Rome  had  been  felt,  we  may  infer  from  the immediate  welcome  given  there  to  that  of  Dio- nysius. Cassiodorus,  his  contemporary,  and  a Roman  by  birth,  says  in  his  praise  that  "  he  com- 400 CODEX  CAXONUM piled  lucidly,  and  with  great  flow  of  t'loquence, from  Greek  sources,  those  canons  which  the Roman  church  was  then  embracing,  and  using so  largely  "  (Divin.  Zed.  c.  23)  :  and  Dionysius made  them  doubly  acceptable  there  by  supple- metitiug  them  with  a  collection  of  the  decrees  of the  Roman  pontift's  from  Siricius  to  Anastasius  II., or  from  A.D.  385  to  498  ;  which,  in  his  dedicatory preface  to  Julian,  "  presbyter  of  the  title  of  St. Anastasia,"  he  says  he  had  arranged  on  the  same plan  as  his  translation  of  the  canons — a  work that  he  understood  had  given  his  friend  so  much pleasure.  Whether  Dionysius  omitted  the  canons of  Ephesus,  as  not  being  canons  in  the  ordinary sense  of  the  word — which  they  are  not  [Concil. Eph.] — or  because  they  were  not  in  the  old Latin  version,  as  observed  before,  or  because they  were  not  in  the  particular  Greek  version used  by  liim,  is  not,  and  probably  will  never  be made  clear.  Again,  why  he  added  the  Sardican canons,  carefully  distinguished  from  the  Nicene, is  another  question  of  some  interest.  What  he says  is  that  he  gave  them  as  he  found  them published,  in  Latin.  Had  they  not,  then,  been published  in  Greek  likewise  ?  Certainly,  whether jjublished  in  Greek  as  well  as  in  Latin  originally, or  translated  into  Greek  since,  we  know  from what  John  Scholasticus  says — of  which  presently — that  there  must  have  been  at  least  one  Greek collection  of  canons  extant,  at  once  containing and  citing  them  as  the  canons  of  Sardica — not  of Nicaea — when  he  published  his,  so  that  it  would have  been  useless  for  any  Latin  to  have  tried keeping  up  the  delusion  of  their  being  Nicene canons  any  longer.  But  then  supposing  him  to have  been  willing  to  do  so,  had  it  been  possible, his  own  spontaneous  adoption  of  the  African canons  would  have  been  a  still  greater  puzzle. For  if  the  canons  of  Sardica  distinctly  coun- tenance, by  making  provision  for,  appeals  to Rome,  the  African  canons  contain  the  most  po- sitive declaration  against  them  to  be  found  in history.  [African  Councils.]  By  his  adoption of  the  African  canons,  therefore,  which  he  says existed  in  Latin,  and,  as  there  seems  every  reason to  think,  in  Latin  only  then,  from  their  not  being included  by  John  Scholasticus,  he  placed  his  own candour  beyond  dispute  ;  thus  enhancing  the  in- trinsic merits  of  his  collection.  How  he  came by  his  materials  for  the  second  part,  or  appendix to  it,  consisting  of  the  decrees  of  the  Roman pontiffs  from  the  end  of  the  4th  to  the  end  of  the 5th  century,  he  omits  to  explain.  He  merely says  that  he  had  inserted  all  he  could  find ; which  is  as  much  as  to  say,  surely,  that  there was  no  collection  of  them  extant  to  his  know- ledge before  his  own.  That  there  was  one  some- where, notwithstanding,  the  Ballerini  think  highly probable  (ib.  p.  200-6).  However,  they  readily grant  that  in  each  case  the  excellence  of  his  col- lections was  so  generally  recognized  as  to  make them  adopted  everywhere.  One  speedily  became styled  "  Codex  Canonum ;"  the  other,  "  Liber  De- cretorum :"  and  both  were  presented,  with  some later  .additions  to  each,  as  some  think  of  his  own insertion  or  adoption,  by  Pope  Adrian  I.  to  Charle- magne, A.D.  787,  with  a  dedication  in  verse  at  all events  as  from  himself,  ending  in  these  words  : "  A  lege  nunquam  discede,  haec  observans  statuta." It  was  printed  at  Mayence  A.D.  1525,  and  after- wards at  Paris,  as  "  Codex  vetus  ecclesiae  Eo- manae"  {Patrol.  Ixvii.  135-8,  and  Ivi.  206-11)- CODEX  CANONUM a  title  which  belonged  to  it  long  before  then,  as, together  with  all  other  authentic  collections  in the  West,  it  had  been  supplanted  gradually  bv the  fraudulent  collection  known  as  that  of  Isidore Mercator,  or  Peccator,  and  first  published  in  the latter  half  of  the  9th  century. 2.  We  may  now  turn  to  the  code  of  the  Greek church,  founded,  as  has  been  said,  on  the  col- lection of  John  Scholasticus  ostensibly,  though his  was  not  the  earliest  work  of  the  kind  when it  came  out.  Like  Dionysius,  he  speaks  of  another, or  rather  of  others,  who  had  anticipated  him, even  in  his  plan  of  arranging  the  canons,  not  in their  chronological  order,  but  according  to  their subject-matter ;  the  only  difference  between  him and  them  being  that  they  had  made  their  col- lection consist  of  sixty  titles ;  he  of  fifty ;  they had  omitted  the  canons  of  St.  Basil ;  he  had  su])- plied  them.  In  other  respects  his  collection  in- cluded no  more  than  theirs,  nor  theirs  than  his  : though  he  considered  his  own  arrangement  more intelligible,  and  the  more  so  as  he  had  given  a list  at  starting  of  the  councils  from  which  he had  drawn,  and  of  the  number  of  canons  passed by  each.  In  his  own  language,  for  instance, the  Apostles  had  published  85  canons  through St.  Clement ;  and  there  had  been  ten  synods since  their  time,  JS'icaea,  Ancyra,  Neocaesarea, Sardica,  Gangra,  Autioch,  Laodicea,  Constan- tinople, Ephesus,  and  Chalcedon,  whose  canons together  amounted  to  224  (their  respective  num- bers have  been  anticipated)  :  to  which  he  had ventured  to  append  68  of  St.  Basil.  His  posi- tion as  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  doubtless, stamped  his  collection  with  authority  from  the first.  But,  like  Dionysius,  he  rendered  it  still more  acceptable  for  another  reason,  namely,  that he  supplemented  it  by  a  second  work  called  his Nomocanon,  from  containing  in  addition  the laws  of  the  emperors.  Thus  the  imperial  decrees became  mixed  up  with  the  code  of  the  East,  just as  the  papal  decrees  with  that  of  the  West. The  earlier  of  his  collections  received  autho- ritative confirmation,  as  well  as  enlargement,  in the  7th  century,  by  the  second  of  the  TruUan canons,  given  in  a  former  article.  [CoNCiL. Constant.]  And  this  code  was  further  aug- mented by  the  102  canons  then  passed,  authori- tatively received  in  the  1st  canon  of  the  2nd Nicene,  or  7th  Council.  This  Council  added  22 canons  of  its  own ;  and  the  two  Councils  of Constantinople,  called  the  1st  and  2nd  under Photius,  17  and  3  more  respectively:  all  which were  incorporated  by  Photius  into  two  works  of his  own,  corresponding  to  those  of  his  predecessor John,  already  described  ;  one  called  his  Si/ntagma Canonum,  and  the  other  his  Nomocanon  (Migne's Patrol.  Gr.  civ.  441-1218).  But  there  is  also a  third  work,  distinct  from  both,  attributed  to him  by  Cardinal  Mai,  being  the  identical  text  of the  canons  of  each  of  the  councils  previously mentioned,  in  their  chronological  order  (exhi- bited by  Beveridge,  Synod,  vol.  i.) ;  followed  by the  canons  of  the  different  fathers,  enumerated  in the  2ud  Trullan  canon  {Synod,  vol.  ii.),  and  by the  letter  of  St.  Tarasius  to  Pope  Adrian  I.  against simoniacal  ordinations ;  on  which  Balsamon,  Zo- naras,  and  Aristenus  afterwards  commented,  and called  his  Synagoge  Canonum  {Patrol,  ib.  p.  431). Such  accordingly  was,  and,  so  far  as  it  goes,  is still  the  code  of  the  Greek  Church  :  the  differences between  it  and  that  of  the  Roman  Church  may  be CODEX appreciated  by  comparing  their  respective  com- ponents. [E.  S.  F.] CODEX.    [Liturgical  Books.] COENAE.    [Agapae.] COEXA  DOMIXI.    [Maundy  Thursday.] COEXA  PURA.    [Good  Friday.] COENOBIUM  (KOLvSHiou).  The  word  "  coe- nobium  "  is  equivalent  to  "  monasterium  "  in the  later  sense  of  that  word.  Cassian  dis- tinguishes the  word  thus.  "  Monasterium,"  he says,  may  be  the  dwelling  of  a  single  monk, "  coenobium  "  must  be  of  several ;  the  former word,  he  adds,  expresses  only  the  place,  the latter  the  manner  of  living  (Coll.  xviii.  10).  The neglect  of  this  distinction  has  led  to  much  in- accuracy in  attempting  to  fix  the  date  of  the fii'st  "  coenobia  "  or  communities  of  monks  under one  roof  and  under  one  government.  Thus  Helyot {ffist.  des  Ordr.  Mon.  Diss.  Prelim.  §  5)  ascribes their  origin  to  Antony,  the  famous  anchorite  of the  Thebaid  in  the  3rd  century.  But  the  counter- opinion,  which  ascribes  it  to  Pachomius  of  Tabenna a  century  later  is  more  probable  (cf.  Tillem. H.  E.  vii.  167,  176,  676);  for  it  seems  to  have been  the  want  of  some  fixed  rule  to  control  the irregularities  arising  from  the  vast  number  of eremitae,  with  their  cells  either  entirely  isolated from  one  another  or  merely  grouped  together casually,  which  gave  the  first  occasion  to  "  coe- nobia." Martene  indeed  makes  the  community monastic  prior  in  time  to  the  solitary  life  {Comra. in  Beg.  S.  B.  c.  1) ;  but  in  this  he  appears  to be  misled  by  the  common  error  of  attaching  to "monasterium"  (fiovacTTripiov)  in  the  oldest writers  the  meaning,  which  it  assumed  only  in course  of  time  (cf.  Tillem.  If.  E.  vii.  102).  Cassian himself  in  the  very  passage  cited  by  Martene  in support  of  this  theory,  distinctly  traces  back  the word  to  the  solitaries  (ol  fiova^ovTes),  the  earliest of  monks  {Coll.  xviii.  5).  In  allowing  that  the earliest  mention  of  Lauras  occurs  a  little  before the  middle  of  the  4th  century,  Helyot  supplies a  strong  argument  against  himself  (Diss.  Prel. §  5).  For  the  Lauras  wei'e  an  attempt  at  com- bining the  detached  hermitages  into  a  sort  of community,  though  without  the  order  and  regu- larity which  constituted  a  "coenobium;"  and thus  appear  to  have  been  a  stepping-stone  to- wards the  "  coenobium  "  of  Pachomius.  In  view of  other  considerations  to  the  contrary,  much importance  cannot  be  attached  to  the  passage which  Helyot  cites  from  the  Vita  Antonii,  called by  St.  Athanasius,  as  it  may  probably  be  one  of the  many  interpolations  there ;  nor  to  the  pass- age from  Ruffinus(i?e  Verb.  Sen.  31)  which  speak of  Pior  being  dismissed  at  the  early  age  of  25 by  Antony,  as  already  fit  to  live  alone,  for  there is  nothing  here  about  a  community,  only  about Pior  being  himself  trained  by  the  great  eremite (cf.  Tillem.  H.  E.  vii.  109).  In  fact,  the  growth of  coenobitism  seems  to  have  been  very  gradual. Large  numbers  of  ascetics  were  collected  near the  Mons  Nitrius  (Ruff.  Hist.  Mon.  30  [v.  Cel- LITAe]),  and  doubtless  elsewhere  also,  even  before Pachomius  had  founded  his  coenobium.  But  the interval  is  considerable  between  this  very  im- perfect organisation  of  monks  thus  herding  law- lessly together  (Pallad.  Bist.  Laus.  c.  7),  and the  symmetrical  arrangement  of  the  Benedictine system.      Tabenna   forms   the   connecting    link. CHRIST.  ANT. COENOBIUM 401 Very  probably  the  earliest  coenobia  were  of women ;  foi-,  though  the  word  irapdevdiv,  in  the account  of  Antony  having  his  sister  in  the charge  of  devout  women  (Ath.  Vita  Ant.)  is  by no  means  conclusive  (but  cf.  Tillem.  H.  E.  vii. 107),  the  female  eremites  would  naturally  be the  first  to  feel  the  need  of  combination  for mutual  help  and  security. The  origin  of  the  cocaobitic  life  is  traced  back to  the  time  before  the  Christian  era.  Something similar  is  seen  in  the  pages  of  Plato  {Legg. 780,  1),  and  the  Pythagoreans  are  described  by Aulus  Gellius,  as  living  together  and  having  a community  of  goods  (  Noctes  Atticae,  i.  9). Opinions  have  been  divided  among  the  admirers of  asceticism  as  to  the  comparative  merits  of  the solitary  life  and  the  coenobitic.  Cassian  looks up  to  the  life  of  perfect  solitude  as  the  pinnacle of  holiness,  for  which  the  coenobitic  life  is  only a  preparatory  discipline  (e.  gi  Coll.  xix.  3).  Theo- phylact  interprets  "  those  who  bear  fruit  an hundredfold "  in  the  parable  as  virgins  and eremites  (5'.  Marc.  iv.  20).  Basil,  on  the contrary,  and  the  sagacious  Benedict,  prefer  the life  of  the  coenobite  as  safer,  more  edifying,  less alloyed  by  the  taint  of  selfishness.  (Bas.  Beg. c.  7,  Bened.  Beg.  c.  1.)  So,  too,  Isidorus  His- palensis,  one  of  the  founders  of  monasticism  in Spain  (De  Off.  Ecc,  ii.  15,  ap.  Cone.  Beg.  iii.), and  Cuthbert  of  Lindisfarne  (Mab.  Ann.  xvi. 72).  Even  Jerome,  his  monastic  fervour  notwith- standing, prefers  life  in  the  community  to  life in  utter  solitude ;  though  at  first  he  seems  to have  been  a  zealous  upholder  of  the  contrary opinion  (Hier.  Epp.  ad  Bustic.  125 ;  cf.  ad  Be- liod.  14).  Doubtless  experience  had  impressed on  him  the  perils  of  solitude.  Legislators  found it  expedient  to  curb  the  rage  for  eremitism. Justinian  ordered  monks  to  stay  within  the "  coenobia  "  (Novell,  v.  ap.  Suic.  Thes.  s.  v.  cf. Cone.  Garth,  c.  47;  cf.  Cone.  Agath.  c.  38). Similarly  the  great  Karl  discouraged  hermits, while  protecting  coenobitic  monks  (e.  g.  Cone. Francof.  794  A.D.  c.  12),  and  the  7th  Coun- cil of  Toledo  censured  roving  and  solitary monks  {Cone.  Tolet.  vii.  c.  5).  Even  in  the East  the  same  distrust  prevailed  of  persons undertaking  more  than  they  could  bear.  Thus the  Council  in  Trullo  enjoined  a  sojourn  of some  time  in  a  coenobium  as  the  preliminary to  life  in  the  desert  {Cone.  Tr-ull.  692  a.d.  c. 41).  Benedict  aptly  illustrates  the  difference from  his  point  of  view  between  these  two  forms of  asceticism.  The  solitary,  he  says,  leaves  the line  of  battle  to  fight  in  a  single  combat  {Beg. c.   1,   cf.    Cone.   Begg.  iii.    cf.   Sulp.   Sev.  Dial. "  Coenobium  "  is  used  sometimes  in  mediaeval writers  for  the  "basilica"  or  church  of  the monastery  (Mab.  Ann.  Q.  S.  B.  iv.  4).  A  Greek equivalent  for  "  coenobitae "  is  ffvyoS^Tai,  de- rived from  ffvvoSos  (Bingh.  Orig.  Eecl.  vii.  ii. 3,  Suicer.  Thes.  s.  v.).  Gennadius  mentions a  treatise  by  Evagrius  Monachus, '  "  De  coeno- bitis  et  synoditis"  {Do  Scr.  Ecc.  ap.  Fabric. Bibl.  Ecc).  Jerome  gives  "  Sauches,"  or "  Sausses,"  as  the  Egyptian  equivalent  {Kp. 22,  ad  Eustoch.).  In  mediaeval  Latin  "  coeno- bita"  is  sometimes  ccenobitalis,  -ialis,  -iota,  or -ius.  (Du  Cange,  Gloss,  s.  v.) ;  "  claustruni  " (cloister)  "conventus"  are  frequently  used  for "coenobium." 2  D 402 COINTA Besides  the  authorities  cited,  see  Hospiniani (De  Origine  et  Frogressu  Monachatus,  Lib.  iii. Tio-uri  1588).  See  also  Asceticism,  Benedic- tine Rule,  and  Monastery.  [I.  G^  S.] COINTA,  martyr,  Feb.  8.     [Quinta.]    [C] COFFIN.     [BuKiAL.] COLIDEI,=  CeK-D^=Servi  Dei  (explained also  by  such  authorities  as  O'Reilly  and  Curry, as  equivalent  to  Sponsi  Dei,  but,  according  to O'Donovan  and  Reeves,  with  less  probability) :  in Scotch  records,  generally,  Keledei,  which  seems the  more  accurate  spelling  :  in  Jocelyn  ( V.  S. Kenteg.),  Calledei ;  in  Girald.  Camb.  and  in  the Armagh  Registei's,  Colidci,  as  if  Deicolae  or  Dei Cuttores,  or  (so  Girald.  Camb.)  Caelicolae  ;  and  in Hector  Boece,  and  from  him  in  Buchanan,  and thence  in  modern  writers,  corrupted  into  C'uldei or  Culdees  '  -  at  first,  simply  an  Irish  rendering of  what  was  an  ordinary  Latin  name  for  monks, and  so  used  apparently  in  older  Irish  documents  : but  appropriated  in  Ireland  about  the  latter  part of  (at' least)  the  8th  century  to  a  specially  ascetic order  of  monks,  established  by  Maelruain  (ob. A.D.  792)  at  Tamhlacht,  now  Tallaght,  near Dublin,  whose  Rule  still  exists  (R]454ll  T)4 Cele'O-n'DC);  ^^^  of  whom  it  is  also  possible that  some  of  their  peculiar  characteristics  were borrowed  from  those  of  the  canons  established by  Chrodegang  of  Metz  about  a  quarter  of  a  cen- tury earlier,  inasmuch  as  the  later  Keledei  of both  Ireland  and  Scotland  did  in  many  points resemble  secular  canons.  The  name  reappears in  Ireland  (elsewhere  than  at  Tallaght)  in  the 10th  and  11th  centuries.  But  by  this  time,  in some  instances,  as  at  Clonmacnois,  the  head  of the  Celi-De'  was  married,  and  his  office  heredi- tary ;  although  there  were  still  instances  to  the contrary,  as  in  the  island  in  Loch  Monaincha (co.  Tipperary),  the  "  Colidei  "  of  which  are  dis- tinctly called  "  coelibes  "  by  the  contemporary Giraldus  Cambr.  at  the  end  of  the  12th  century. At  Armagh,  also,  and  at  Devenish  in  Loch  Erne, the  original  "Colidei"  are  found,  after  Northmen ravages  and  at  later  periods,  displaced  by,  but coexisting  with,  a  regular  cathedral  chapter  and a,  priory  of  regular  canons  respectively ;  while, ill  other  places,  they  were  merged  altogether  into the  chapter.  At  Armagh,  indeed,  the  Culdee body  lasted  until  the  Reformation,  and  the  name until  at  .east  a.d.  1628.  In  Scotland,  the  name had  a  jj«-allel  but  a  more  notable  history. The  order  seems  to  have  been  introduced  into that  country  shortly  after  A.D.  800.  "Cal- ledei," living  a  specially  ascetic  life,  but  as "  singulares  clerici,"  and  "  in  singulis  casulis," were  traditionally  the  clergy  of  St.  Kentegern's cathedral  of  Glasgow  (Jocel."  in  V.  S.  Kenteg.)  ; and  a  di-f.nct  connection  is  traceable  between St.  Kentogern  and  the  Irish  Church.  But  the name  Keledei  occurs  historically,  as  a  name  ff)r a  Clerical  body  of  monks,  used  in  Scotland  by writers,  contemporary  (or  nearly  so),  and  in charters,  from  the  9th  century;  and  it  becomes thenceforward  the  name  simply  of  a  particular but  numerous  class  of  the  older  monastic  bodies of  the  Irish  type,  all  however  north  of  the torth,  as  distinguished  1,  from  Columbite  Mo- nasteries, and  2,  from  the  special  Augustinian, Benedictine,  and  other  orders  introduced  from  the COLIDEI end  of  the  11th  century.  And  inasmuch  as  most of  those  older  foundations  had  become  lax  indis- cipline, and  often  consisted  of  married  men  who handed  on  their  Culdeeships  to  their  children, — yet at  the  same  time  still  commonly  clerical,  although in  some  cases  (like  many  Scotch  monasteries  of that  date)  held  and  transmitted  by  lay  abbats, — the  name  came  to  signify,  not  (as  at  first)  special asceticism,  but  precisely  the  reverse.  Accord- iucly,  A.D.  1124-1153,  King  David  commenced the  great  change,  which  finally  either  superseded the  Keledei  by  superadding  to  them  a  superior bod}''  of  regular  canons,  as  at  St.  Andrews  and Dunkeld,  or  merged  the  Keledei  themselves  into the  chapter,  as  at  Brechin,  Ross,  Dunblane, Dornoch,  Lismore  (Argyll),  and  the  Isles,  or into  a  body  of  regular  canons  in  no  connection with  a  bishop's  see,  as  at  Abernethy,  &c.  The middle  or  end  of  the  13th  century  appears  to have  completed  in  Scotland  the  suppression  of both  name  and  class.  The  name  Colidei  occurs also  in  England  at  York  as  early  as  A.D.  936,  as applied  to  the  then  officiating  clergy  of  the Minster,  who  were  displaced  apparently  (like their  Scotch  brethren)  by  the  arrival  of  Norman archbishops,  but  continued  under  another  name (viz.  as  the  hospital  of  St.  Leonard's)  until  the dissolution  under  Henry  VIII. ;  the  name  Colidei being  still  employed  in  their  chartulary,  which was  engrossed  in  the  reign  of  Henry  V.  (Dugd. Man.  VI.  ii.  607).  Lastly,  the  same  name  is applied  by  Giraldus  Cambr.  to  certain  ascetics in  the  Isle  of  Bardsey  in  Wales  in  the  year  1188. Neither  in  Ireland  nor  in  Scotland  is  there the  slightest  trace  of  foundation,  in  any  really authoritative  document,  for  any  supposed  pecu- liarities of  doctrine  or  of  church  government, derived  by  Culdees  from  some  Eastern  or  other source,  and  handed  down  by  them  ;  nor  for  any other  connection  between  them  and  the  Colum- bite monasteries  than  that  both  were  of  Irish type.  The  abbey  of  Hy  itself  was  distinctly not  Keledean,  although  at  a  very  late  period (A.D.  1164)  a  subordinate  body  of  Keledei are  found  in  the  island.  The  details  however of  the  great  revolution  in  the  organization  of the  Scotch  Church,  which  involved  as  part  of itself  the  transformation  of  the  older  monastic arrangements  into  the  new,  and  (more  noticeable still)  the  transfer  of  jurisdiction  from  presbyter abbats  to  diocesan  bishops, — both  processes  im- plying in  the  majority  of  cases  the  suppression of  Keledean  foundations, — belong  to  a  period some  centuries  later  than  that  to  which  this article  refers.  As  does  also,  much  more,  the history  of  the  strange  perversions  of  the  facts of  the  case  by  combined  ignorance  and  partisan- ship, which  are  hardly,  it  seems,  all  exploded eveiywhere  even  now. [This  account  is  abridged  from  Dr.  Reeves's carefully  exact  monograph  On  the  Culdees, Dublin,  1864 ;  to  which  is  subjoined  an  Appendix of  Evidences,  conclusively  establishing  the  writer's main  positions.  There  is  a  candid  account  of  the subject  also  in  Grub's  Hist,  of  the  Ch.  of  Scot- land, vol.  i.,  written  however  before  the  pub- lication of  Dr.  Reeves's  exhaustive  essay  ;  and  a brief,  and  on  the  whole  competent,  summary  of the  case  in  ch.  x.  of  E.  W.  Robertson's  Early Scotland,  written  also  under  the  like  disad- vantage. Earlier  writers,  as  a  rule,  are  not worth  mentioning.]  [A.  W.  H.] COLLATION COLLATION  {Collatio).  The  reading  from the  lives  or  Collationes  of  the  Fathers,  which  St. Benedict  {Eegula,  c.  42)  instituted  in  his  monas- teries before  compline.  Such  compilations  as,  for instance,  the  Collationes  of  John  Cassian  were read,  and  hence  probably  the  name.  Compare Isidore,  Scgula,  c.  8.  Ardo  Smaragdus,  however (on  the  Jiule,  c.  42),  says  that  this  service  was called  collatio  "quasi  collocutio  vel  confabu- latlo,"  because  the  monks  questioned  each  other on  the  portions  read.  To  the  same  effect  Hono- rius  of  Autun,  Gemma  Aniinae,  ii.  63.  Fructu- osus  (^Be/ula,  c.  .3)  desires  the  abbot  or  provost to  expound  the  book  read  to  the  more  simple brothers. The  Benedictine  practice  is  to  hold  this  service in  the  church,  and  this  is  probably  in  accordance with  the  founder's  intention ;  for  he  evidently contemplated  the  collation  being  held  in  the same  place  as  compline.  (Martene,  De  Ant. Monach.  Bit.  lib.  i.  c.  11,  p.  35;  Ducauge,  s.  v. Collatio.)  [C] COLLECT  (CoUccta,  Collecta  oratio,  oratio, missa,  see  below).  The  Collects  of  the  Western Church,  for  they  differ  in  some  important  respects from  the  pi-ayer-forms  of  the  Eastern  (Freeman's Principles,  &c.,  i.  372)  have  certain  well-marked characteristics  which  are  common  to  them  all. But  the  question  what  is  the  differentia  of  a collect,  what  it  is  that  makes  a  prayer  receive this  name,  must  probably  be  determined  by  the etymology  or  the  history  of  the  word. The  sti-ucture  of  collects  consists  of  (1)  an invocation  of  God  the  Father  with  some  attri- bute, and  the  ascription  in  the  relative  form  of some  property  or  action ;  (2)  next  follows  the object  desired  by  the  prayer,  often  with  the addition  of  ulterior  results  derived  from  it, (3)  either  an  ascription  of  glory  or  a  plead- ing of  the  merits  of  Christ.  Their  general character  is  to  "  combine  strength  with  sweet- ness,"* says  Canon  Bright,  "to  say  much  in saying  little,  to  address  the  Most  High  in  adoring awe,  to  utter  man's  needs  with  profound  pathos and  with  calm  intensity,  to  insist  on  the  absolute necessity  of  grace,  the  Fatherly  tenderness  of God,  the  might  of  the  all-prevailing  name :" they  "  are  never  weak,  never  diluted,  never drawling,  never  ill-an-anged,  never  a  provocation to  listlessness ;  they  exhibit  an  exquisite  skill  of antithesis  and  a  rhythmical  harmony  which  the ear  is  loth  to  lose."  Many  of  the  collects  now  in use  are  undoubtedly  of  very  great  antiquity,  and are  founded  on  prayer-forms,  such  as  versicles or  responses,  still  older ;  and  this  distinction between  merely  short  petitions  and  what  is  in- cluded in  the  idea  of  collect  is  made  by  Bona  in determining  the  date  of  the  introduction  of  the collects  "  now  in  use"  into  the  Western  Church.'' Of  these  he  says  Leo  the  Great  (pope  from 440  to  461)  and  Gelasius  (pope  from  492  to 496)  were  the  fii-st  composers,  in  the  form  that is  in  which  we  have  them  in  the  Western  Church. From  the  Saceamentaries  attributed  to  Leo, Gelasius,  and  Gi'egory,  are  derived  many  of  the collects  of  the  English  Prayer-Book.  And  the remote  source  of  these  collects  is  more  ancient still. "=     "The  idea  of  the  Western  collect,  is  in »  Aiicient  Colkcts,  pp.  198-200. •>  Bona,  De  Beb.  Lit.  ii.  5.  4.  quoted  by  Freeman,  i.  144. •=  P.  D.  A  i.  144-5. COLLECT 403 all  respects  derived  from  the  consideration  of  the Eastern  system.  We  seem  to  see  compressed into  the  terse  collects  of  Leo,  Gelasius,  or  Gre- gory, the  more  diffuse  spirit  of  the  Eastern hymns,  and  thus  they  would  be,  so  to  speak,  the very  quintessence  of  the  gospels  on  which  the latter  were  founded."  "  The  only  innovation made  by  the  Western  composers,  and  that  a  very natural  one,  was  to  incorporate  the  collect,  not with  the  ordinary  service  only  but  with  the communion  office  itself."  Indeed,  in  the  ritual of  the  West  '^  the  chief  "  means  by  which  the ordinary  office  is  continually  linked  on  to  the eucharistic  is  the  weekly  collect.  In  the  East the  vespers  and  lauds  preceding  a  festival  are largely  coloured  by  a  variety  of  hymns,  many  of them  resembling  prayers,  and  all  referring  to  the gospel  of  the  coming  day.  In  the  West,  though originally  there  were  several,  we  have  now mostly  only  a  single  prayer,  composed  generally out  of  epistle  and  gospel  taken  together,  or  with some  reference  to  both.  And  this,  though  used at  the  vespers  of  the  eve,  and  characteristic  of that  office,  is  also  continued  throughout  the week."  Our  "  first  collect,  then,  is  not  merely a  link  between  our  common  and  our  eucharistic offices,  but  reflecting  as  it  does  the  spirit  of  the epistle  and  gospel  it  presents  to  us  the  appointed variation  of  the'  eucharistic  office  for  the  current week." It  remains  now  to  speak  of  the  etymology of  the  word,  and  it  is  a  question  mbre  easy  to state  than  to  settle.  The  word  may  be  derived  ^ either  (1)  from  the  circumstances  of  those  who use  the  prayer,  or  (2)  from  something  in  the character  of  the  prayer  itself  (I.)  In  the  former case  the  name  is  taken  from  the  "Collecta,"  or people  assembled  for  worship ;  and  this  origin  of the  word  has  the  support  of  Krazer,''  who  says that  in  "early  times  the  only  prayer  called collect  was  that  which  was  wont  to  be  said  for the  people  v/hen  assembled  (coUectus)  in  one church  with  the  whole  body  of  the  clergy  for the  purpose  of  proceeding  to  another."  The sacramentary  of  Gregory  makes  this  quite cleai-,  in  which  on  the  feast  of  the  Purification two  prayers  are  provided,  one  entitled  "Ad Collectam  ad  S.  Adrianum,"  where  clergy  and people  were  assembled  to  go  from  thence  to  S. Maria  Maggiore  ;  the  other.  "  oratio  ad  missam  ' ' (as  if  the  first  were  not  an  eucharistic  prayer), "  but  as  time  went  on,"  he  says,  "  all  prayers said  'ad  Missam'  were  called  collects,  because the  priest  repeated  them  'super  populum  collec- tum  sive  congregatum.'  "  This  theory  is  perhaps not  so  attractive  as  the  two  others  which  remain to  be  mentioned,  but  it  has  probability  on  its side,  as  "collecta"  for  "oratio  ad  collectam"  is just  such  an  abbreviation  as  usage  would  produce, while  the  more  recent  eucharistic  association  of the  word  would  account  for  prayers  alike  in other  respects  being  called,  some  of  them  prayers and  others  collects.  Those  who  reject  this origin  must  explain  the  phrase  "oratio  ad collectam  "  followed  immediately  by  "  oratio  ad missam  "  on  another  hypothesis. (II.)  If  the  prayer  derives  its  name  '  collect ' from  its  own  character,  it  may  be  so  called  either because  (1)  it  is    a  condensation  of  Scripture- d  Freeman,  Principles  of  Divine  Service,  i.  p.  367. '  Bright,  A.  C.  202,  sq.  '  De  Liturg.  $  225. 2  D  2 404 COLLECT teaching,  and  more  especially  in  the  case  of  the collects^'for  Sundays  and  holydays,s  because  it  is, as  has  been  said,  in  many  cases  the  quintessence of  the  epistle  and  gospel  for  the  day.  Wheatly adojjts  this  view  (ch.  iii.  sect,  xix.)  with  regard to  the  communion  collect,  and  Archdeacon  Free- man'' seems  decidedly  to  incline  to  it,  citing  Bona (R.  L.  II.  V.  §  3)  in  its  support,  and  saying  that at  all  events  it  renders  very  accurately  one  great characteristic  of  the  collect;  or  because'  (2) "  culligit  orationes "  it  sums  up  the  prayers  of the  assembly  ;  but  "  the  communion  collect  does not  sum  up  any  previous  petitions,"  though  it might  be  said  to  gather  and  offer  up  in  one comprehensive  prayer  all  the  devotional  aspira- tions of  the  people.  And  if  this  be  the  true  idea of  the  prayer,  it  must  have  got  the  name  not from  summing  up  all  that  had  been  said  in prayer  before,  for  these  collectae  were  sometimes said  before  the  concluding  part  of  the  service,'' but  for  the  reason  jast  given,  that  it  collects  and presents  to  God  in  a  compendious  form  all  the spoken  and  unspoken  petitions  of  the  congrega- tion to  Him.  It  is  a  recommendation  of  this derivation  that  it  applies  equally  to  all  prayers of  the  collect-form,  and  does  not  apply  only to  the  communion-collects  and  leave  the  etymo- logy of  the  others  undecided,  au  objection  which may  be  urged  against  a  former  derivation (II.  1). It  may  be  said  that  both  these  latter  deriva- tions have  an  ex  post  facto  air,  that  they  are wanting  in  historical  basis,  and  are  just  such  as would  occur  to  persons  who  finding  the  word set  themselves  to  discover  the  origin  of  its  use from  its  form ;  while  the  first  rests  on  the fact  that  in  the  Vulgate,  1  and  by  the  ancient fathers,"'  the  word  collect  is  used  to  denote  the gathering  together  of  the  people  into  religious assemblies,  and  that  in  the  sacramentary of  Gregory  a  collect  is  provided  to  be  said "  ad  collectam  ad  S.  Adrianum."  ■"  Archdeacon Freeman"  infers  from  this  that  in  Gregory's time  the  ordinary  office  as  distinguished  from the  communion  was  called  "  collecta,"  and  goes on  to  say,  "  it  is  very  conceivable  that  a prayer  which,  though  also  said  at  commu- nion has  this  as  its  characteristic  that  it  was designed  to  impart  to  the  ordinary  service  the spirit  of  the  eucharistic  gospel,  would  on  that account  be  called  collecta,"  which  seems  to  be rather  going  out  of  the  way  to  account  for  a prayer  being  called  '  collecta  oratio '  which  was said  at  a  service  confessedly  called  '  collecta.' [Cor.LECTA.] Whatever  may  have  been  the  derivation  of  the word  Collecta,  it  is  applied  in  rituals  especially to  the  following. 1.  The  prayers  which  immediately  precede the  Epistle  and  Gospel  in  the  Mass.  What  was the  number  of  these  in  ancient  times  is  not absolutely  certain.  In  the  Sacramentaries  of Gregory  and  Gelasius  one  is  given  in  each  mass; but  St.  Columbanus  was  blamed  in  a  Council  of Macon    for   having   introduced   the   custom   of it  Bright.  A.  C.  203.  h  /..  o.  S.  146-7. •  Freeman.  ,".  o.  S.  M5.  k  Bright,  A.  C.  p.  205. '  Lev.  xxiii.  36.    Heb.  x.  25. ■"  "A  populi  co'.lectione  collectae  appellari  coeperunt." Alcum,  quoted  by  AVbeatly,  ch.  iii.  sect.  xix.  $  2,  n. -  Kraztr,  ,';e  Litwrg.  sect.  w.  ait.  i.  cap.  ill. •>  1\  D.  6-.  I.  ue. COLLECT using  several  collects,  contrary  to  the  general practice  of  the  church,  and  was  defended  by Eustasius,  his  successor  in  the  abbey  of  Luxeuil (Acta  SS.  Boned,  sec.  ii.  p.  120).  John,  abbat of  St.  Alban's,  is  said  to  have  limited  the  num- ber to  seven  (Matthew  Paris  in  his  Life) ;  and the  same  rule  is  laid  down  by  the  anonymous author  of  the  Speculum.  Ecclesiae,  by  Beleth  (c. 37),  and  by  Durandus  (^Rationale,  iv.  14).  The. Micrologus  (c.  4)  lays  down  that,  for  mystical reasons,  the  number  of  collects  should  be  either one,  three,  five,  or  seven.  (Martene,  De  Antiq. Eccl.  Bit.  i.  133.) 2.  In  the  Hour-offices.  Only  one  collect  seems anciently  to  have  been  used  in  each  office ;  for Walafrid  Strabo  {De  Reh.  Eccl.  c.  22)  says  that  it was  usual,  not  only  at  Mass  but  at  other  assem- blies, for  the  highest  in  rank  of  the  clergy  present to  conclude  the  office  with  a  short  prayer,  an  ex- pression which  seems  to  exclude  the  supposition that  more  than  one  of  this  kind  was  used.  The assigning  the  collect  to  the  person  of  highest rank  accords  with  the  injunction  of  the  fifth canon  of  the  first  Council  of  Barcelona  (a.d. 540),  according  to  one  reading,  "  episcopo  prae- sonte  orationes  presbyteri  non  [cd.  in  ordine] coUigant."  But  the  monks  of  the  Thebaid  seem to  have  subjoined  a  collect  to  each  psalm,  or  in the  longer  psalms  to  have  inserted  two  or  three collects  at  intervals  (Cassian,  De  Nocturn.  Orat. ii.  cc.  8  and  9).  Fructuosus  of  Braga  (Reijula, c.  3)  also  testifies  to  the  same  practice  in  Spain. Caesarius  of  Aries  (Ad  Monachos,  c.  20)  enjoined collects  to  be  intermingled  with  the  lections. The  Rule  of  St.  Benedict  enjoins  only  that  each office  be  concluded  with  the  Lord's  Prayer  and mlssae,  meaning  no  doubt  what  are  elsewhere called  orationes ;  but  the  practice  mentioned  by St.  Isidore  (Reijula,  c.  7)  of  mingling  collects with  the  recitation  of  the  psalms,  and  also  con- cluding the  office  with  them,  was  very  probably in  fact  the  custom  of  the  Benedictine  .  order, though  it  does  not  appear  distinctly  in  the  Rule  ; for  St.  Benedict  would  scarcely  have  dej)arted from  so  general  a  practice  as  that  of  inter- mingling collects  with  the  psalms,  especially  as he  was  much  influenced  by  Egyptian  precedent : and  this  supposition  accounts  for  the  fact  that in  many  ancient  MS.  Benedictine  psalters  a  col- lect follows  each  psalm. It  appears  from  Cassian's  testimony  (Z'e  Noct. Orat.  ii.  9)  that  in  the  fifth  century  there  was  a difference  of  practice  with  regard  to  the  manner of  saying  collects ;  for  some  monks  threw  them- selves on  their  knees  to  pray  immediately  after the  ending  of  each  psalm;  others  said  a  short prayer  before  kneeling,  and  knelt  for  a  short time  afterwards  in  silent  adoration.  During prayer  they  stood  upright,  with  expanded  hands. Similarly  Fructuosus  of  Braga  (Regula,  c.  3). The  Benedictine  practice  is,  that  all  kneel  from the  time  that  the  priest  says  the  Kyrie  Eleison to  the  end  of  the  last  collect.  The  collects  were said,  in  accordance  with  the  principle  mentioned above,  by  the  abbat,  or  the  brother  who  presided in  his  place  (Martene  De  Antiq.  Eccl.  Ritibus, iii.  15;  iv.  12,  ed.  Venet.  1773).        [E.  C.  H.] COLLECTA.  (1)  The  collecting  of  alms  or contributions  of  the  faithful.  From  St.  Leo  the Great  (^Ilom.  de  CoUectis)  -we  learn  that  such  a collection   was   sometimes   made   on  a  Sunday, COLLECTIO sometimes  on  Monday  or  Tuesday  (feria  secunda, tertia),  for  the  benefit  and  sustenance  of  the  poor. These  collections  seem  to  have  been  distinct  from Oblations. (2)  The  gathering  together  of  the  people  for divine  service,  whether  of  mass  or  hours.  Je- rome {Epist.  27  [al.  108],  §  19,  p.  712)  states  that the  sound  of  Alleluia  called  monks  to  say  their offices  (ad  coUectam).  Pachomius  {Requla,  c.  17) speaks  of  the  collecta  in  which  oblation  was made,  that  is,  the  mass  ;  he  also  distinguishes (cc.  181,  18G)  between  the  "  collecta  domus,"  the service  held  in  the  several  houses  of  a  monastery, and  the  "  collecta  major,"  at  which  the  whole body  of  monks  was  brought  together  to  say  their offices.  In  this  rule,  as  in  those  of  Isidore  and Fructuosus,  collecta  has  very  probably  the  same sense  as  COLLATIO. (3)  A  society  or  brotherhood.  The  15th  canon of  the  first  council  of  Nantes  is  "  De  collectis vel  confratriis  quos  consortia  vocant."  See  also Hiucmar,  Capitula  ad  Presbyt.  c.  14.  (Ducange's Glossary,  s.  v.)  [C] COLLECTIO.  In  the  Gallican  missals  cer- tain forms  of  prayer  and  praise  are  called  Collec- tiones.  The  principal  of  these  are  the  Collectio post  Nomina,  which  follows  the  recitation  of  the names  on  the  diptychs ;  the  Collectio  ad  Pacem, which  accompanies  the  giving  of  the  Kiss  of Peace  ;  the  Collectio  post  Sanctus,  which  imme- diately follows  the  "  Holy,  Holy,  Holy,"  and  the Collectio  post  Eucharist iam,  after  communion. (Martene,  Be  Ritibus  Eccl.  Antiq.  i.  c.  iv.  art. 13.)  [C] COLLECTION.    [Alms:  Collecta.] COLLEGIUM.  Corporations  or  gilds,  called collegia,  of  persons  united  in  pursuit  of  a  com- mon object,  were  numerous  in  the  empire  in  the early  days  of  the  Christian  church.  The  im- perial government  of  course  took  cognizance  of them,  and  did  not  permit  such  combinations  for every  purpose.  Associations  for  the  purpose  of maintaining  religious  rites  were  however  for  the most  part  not  interfered  with;  but  when  the presence  of  Christianity  in  all  parts  of  the  empire attracted  attention,  its  collegia,  as  the  several churches  seemed  to  be  from  the  jurist's  point  of view,  were  declared  illicit,  and  to  belong  to  them a  misdemeanour.  (Gieseler,  Eccl.  Hist.  i.  pp. 20,  114;  Cunningham's  Trans.,  Philadelphia, 1836.)  [Compare  Brotherhood  ;  Canonici  ; Chapter.]  [C] COLOBIUM  (ko\6Plov).  A  tunic  with very  short  sleeves  only,  and  fitted  closely  about the  arm.  A  few  words  of  the  Pseudo-Alcuin ((fe  Biv.  Off.}  both  describe  the  dress  and  re- produce, with  a  chai-acteristic  modifici.tion,  an old  Roman  tradition  concerning  it.  "  Pro  tunica hyacinthina  {i.e.  the  tunic  of  blue  worn  by  the Jewish  high-priest)  nostri  pontifices  primo  colo- biis  utebantur.  Est  autem  colobiuni  vestis  sine manicis."  The  older  tradition  was  that  Sylvester, bishop  of  Rome,  ordered  that  deacons  should wear  dalmatics  in  offices  of  holy  ministiy,  in place  of  the  colobia,  which  had  previously  been in  use.  From  this  circumstance  of  the  colobiuni being  regarded  as  the  special  vestment  of  a deacon  it  is  sometimes  called  lebitou  {i.e.  leviton) or  lebitonarium,  a  word  which  reappears  in  ec- clesiastical Greek  of  the  5th  and  later  centuries. COLOUR 405 It  is  so  used  by  Palladius  of  Hellenopolis,  in  the Historia  Lausiaca  so-called,  cap.  38,  describing the  dress  worn  by  the  monks  under  Pachomius at  Tabennesis  in  the  Thebaid  (Migne,  Patrol. Ixx.xiii.  1157),  a  dress  prescribed,  according  to the  author,  by  an  angel  in  vision : — "  Noctu gestent  lebitones  lineos,  succinct i."  And  again, cap.  47  :  rh  Se  euSvfxa  ^j/  avT(f  o  \e0iTcl)i.;  ovinp Tives  KoKi^iov  TTpocrayopivovai.  The  monastic colobiuni  in  Palestine,  if  not  elsewhere,  had  upon it  a  purple  "  sign,"  probably  a  cross.  So  St. Dorotheus,  archimandrite  (Migne,  Patrol.  Scries Graeca,  Ixxxviii.  1631),  describing  the  monastic dress  of  his  day  in  Palestine,  late  in  the  6th century,  says : — t^  ffXVfJ-O-  o  <(>opovij.ev  KaKo^MV eart,  fi^j  exov  Xf'P'5'"i  w^o'  C'^*'')  S^pfiarivn,  /col avd\a0os,  Ka\  kovkovKwv  .  .  .  'Ex^'  5*  '''^ koK6^iov  <Tr)fj.iLov  ri  Tropcpvpovv  (as  a  mark  of service,  he  explains,  under  Christ  our  King). Examples  of  the  Greek  colobium  ma}"^  be  seen  in the  ancient  mosaics,  reputed  to  be  of  the  4th century,  in  the  church  of  St.  George  at  Thes- salonica.  See  Texier  and  Pullan,  Byzantine Architecture,  111.  xxx.-xxxiii.  ;  Marriott,  Vest. Christ.  111.  xviii.-xx.  [W.  B.  M.] COLOGNE,  COUNCIL  OF  (Agrippinense, or  Coloniense  Concilium).  (1)  Said  to  have  been held  A.D.  346,  to  condemn  Euphratas,  Bishop  of Cologne  (for  denying  our  Lord's  divinity)  ;  who was  however  at  Sardica  as  an  orthodox  bishop the  year  after  {Pagi  ad  an.  346,  n.  6  ;  Mansi, ii.  1371-1378).  Baronius  and  Cave  think  the council  spurious.  Sirmond  supposes  Euphratas to  have  recanted  ;  others  that  he  was  acquitted ; others  that  there  were  two  successive  bishops  of Cologne  so  named. (2)  Another  council  is'  reported  to  have  been held  A.D.  782,  under  Charlemagne ;  but  this was  apparently  a  political  council  :  nothing  is known  of  it  ecclesiasticallv  (Labbe  and  Cossart, Concilia,  vi.  1827,  from  Eginhard).     [A.  W.  H.] COLOUR.  The  assigning  of  special  colours in  the  vestments  of  ministers,  &c.  to  certain seasons  does  not  belong  to  the  first  eight centuries  of  Christianity  (Hefele,  Beitrcige  zur Archdologie  etc.  ii.  158),  and  is  probably  first found  in  the  work  of  Innocent  III.  (fl216), Be  Sacro  Altaris  Mysterio,  lib.  i.  c.  65.  There are,  however,  certain  peculiarities  in  the  use  of colour  in  ancient  art  which  may  be  mentioned here. (1)  White  was  held  to  symbolize  the  pure  bright light  of  truth  (Clemens  Alex.  Paedagog.  ii.  10, p.  235).  Hence  the  Lord  is  represented  with  a white  robe  as  "  the  Truth,"  whether  sitting  in the  midst  of  the  Doctors,  or  teaching  His  dis- ciples. See  for  instance  the  ancient  mosaics  of the  church  of  SS.  Cosmas  and  Damian  (Cianipini, Vet.  Mon.  ii.  tab.  xvi.),  and  of  S.  Agatha  alia  Sub- urra  at  Rome  (ib.  i.  tab.  Ixxvii.).  It  is  because  of its  whiteness  that  Origen  {In  Exodum,  Horn,  vii.) finds  the  manna  to  represent  the  word  of  truth. Angels  are  generally  represented  on  ancient  mo- numents in  white  robes,  which  typify,  says  Dio- nysius  the  Areopagite  (Be  Hierarch.  Coelest.  c. 15),  their  resemblance  to  God.  Saints  too  are clothed  in  white  ;  foi  instance,  on  the  triumphal arch  of  the  basilica  of  S.  Paolo  f.  1.  m.  are  repre- sented saints  clothed  in  white  robes  laying  their crowns  at  the  foot  of  the  Divine  Throne  (Ciaui- 406  COLUM pini    Vet.  Mon.  i.  231).     The  same  circumstance maybe  noted  in  the  mosaics  ofthe  church  of St.  Vitalis  at  Ravenna,  and  elsewhere. White,  sometimes  striped  with  purple  [Cla- vusl  was  the  almost  invariable  colour  of  minis- terial vestments  for  all  ranks  of  the  ministry  in the  early  ages  of  Christianity  (Marriott,  Vesti- arium  Christ,  p.  xxii.),  as  it  is  still  for  the  alb, the  amice,  and  the  surplice. White,  the  symbol  of  purity,  was  worn  by  the newly  baptized  during  the  eight  days  which  fol- lowed their  baptism.  ^  ,,     ^  ,.» It  appears  also  from  the  evidence  both  ot  lite- rature and  art  that  the  dead  were  shrouded  in white  linen.  In  a  fragment  of  ancient  glass figured  by  Buouarotti  {Vetri,  tav.  vii.  fig.  1) the  grave-clothes  of  Lazarus  are  of  silver,  while the  rest  of  the  figures  are  in  gold  ;  and  in  the Menologium  of  Basil  the  bodies  of  Adauctus (Oct.  4)' and  Philaret  (Dec.  2)  are  represented  as wrapped  in  white.  Prudentius  {Cathemerinon, X.  57)  and  Sulpicius  Severus  ( Vita  S.  Martini, c.  12)  also  allude  to  the  white  colour  of  grave- clothes. (2)  Hed  is  the  colour  of  ardent  love.  Hence the  Lord  in  performing  works  of  mercy  is  some- times represented  clad  in  a  red  tunic  or  pallium, and  also  in  "  sending  fire  upon  earth  "  by  the mission  of  the  apostles  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  i. tabb.  Ixviii.  Ixxxvi.  Ixxvii.).  Arculf  (in  Bede, Hist.Angl.  v.  16)  describes  the  "  monument  and sepulchre  "  of  the  Lord  at  Jerusalem  as  being white  and  reddish  (rubicundo). Ano-els  are  sometimes  found  on  ancient  monu- ments' represented  with  red  wings,  whether  as the  symbol  of  love  or  of  flame,  according  to  one of  the  derivations  of  the  word  serajili.  Tliis  is the  case  for  instance  in  the  vaults  of  St.  Vitalis at  Ravenna  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  ii.  65). (3)  Green,  the  colour  of  living  vegetation,  seems to  have  been  adopted  as  a  symbol  of  life,  and hence  is  employed  to  denote  the  full  abound- ing life  of  the  angels.  See  Dionysius  the  Areo- pagite,  De  Hierarch.  Coolest,  xv.  §  7.  Hence, angels  and  saints  are  not  unfrequently  clothed in  green,  especially  St.  John  the  Evangelist.  The Virgin  lyiary  is  also  sometimes  clothed  in  this colour.  And  the  Lord  Himself  is  occasionally represented  in  a  green  robe  as  symbolizing  the life  which  is  in  Him. (4)  Violet,  the  mixture  of  red  and  black,has  been thought  to  symbolize  the  union  of  love  and  pain in  repentance.  It  symbolizes,  at  all  events,  some- thing of  sorrow  ;  hence  some  monuments,  as  the mosaic  of  St.  Michael  at  Ravenna  (Ciampini,  Vet. Mon.  ii.  p.  63,  tav.  xvii.)  and  that  of  St.  Am- brose at  Milan  (Ferrari,  S.  Ainhrogio,  p.  156)  re- present the  Man  of  Sorrows  in  a  violet  robe.  The sorrowing  mother  of  the  Lord  is  also  sometimes represented  in  violet,  and  St.  John  Baptist  the preacher  of  repentance.  Angels  also  wear  violet when  they  call  men  to  repentance,  or  share  in the  sorrows  of  the  Lord. Abbots  of  the  order  of  St.  Benedict  wore  violet up  to  modern  times,  when  they  adopted  black. In  ancient  times  virgins  of  recluse  life  wore violet  veils  (Jerome,  Ej^ist.  22,  ad  Eustochiuni). Literature. — Portal,  I)es  Couleurs  symholiques dans  V Antiquite',  Paris,  1837  ;  Martigny,.  Diet, des  Antiq.  chre't.  s.  v.  Couleurs.  [C] COLUM.     [Strainer.] COMMEMORATION COLUMBA.  (1)  Presbyter  and  confessor, abbat  of  lona  (t  598);  is  commemorated  June  9 {Mart.  Usuardi). (2)  Virgin,  martyr  under  Aurelian,  Dec.  31 {Mart.  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Rom.  Vet.,  Usuardi).  [C] COLUMBANUS,  abbat,  founder  of  many monasteries,  deposition  at  Bobbio,  Nov.  2  {Mart. Adonis,  Usuardi).  [C] COLUMBAEIUM.  This  word  can  only  find its  place  in  a  Dictionary  of  Christian  Antiquities, in  order  that  opportunity  may  be  given  to  pro- nounce a  decided  opinion  on  the  tintenableness of  the  view  propounded  by  Keyssler,  and  since revived  by  Mr.  J.  H.  Parker  and  others,  that this  distinctively  pagan  arrangement,  essentially belonging  to  the  practice  of  burning  the  dead, which  was  held  by  the  Christians  in  such  abhor- rence ("  execrantur  rogos  et  damnant  ignium  se- pulturas,"  Minuc.  Fel.),  is  ever  found  within  the limits  of,  or  in  close  connection  with  a  Christian catacomb.  The  misconception  has  arisen  from the  fact  that  the  Christian  excavators  in  carry- iuo-  forward  their  subterranean  galleries  not  un- frequently came  into  contact  with  the  walls  of a  heathen  columbarium.  As  soon  as  this  unin- tentional interference  with  the  sanctity  of  the tomb  was  discovered,  the  fossores  proceeded  to repair  their  error.  The  gallery  was  abruptly closed,  and  a  wall  was  built  at  its  end  to  shut it  ott'  from  the  columbarium.  Padre  Marchi  de- scribes his  discovery  of  a  gallery  in  the  cemetery of  St.  Agnese  closed  in  this  way  with  a  ruined wall,  on  the  other  side  of  which  was  a  plundered columbarium  {Monum.  Primit.  p.  61).  This  is probably  the  true  explanation  of  the  fact  that a  passage  has  been  found  connecting  a  large heathen  tomb  full  of  columbaria  on  the  Via Api)ia,  near  the  Porta  San  Sebastiano,  with  a catacomb.  (Marchi,  J(/onM?>i.  Prim,  pp.61  sq.; Roestell,  Beschreib.  der  Stadt  Rom,  pp.  389- 390 ;  Raoul-Eochette,  Tableau  des  Catacombes, p.  283). COLYMBION  (KoXi^i/Sior). for  containing  HOLY Water  at  the  entrance of  a  church.  A  re- presentation of  such  a vessel  is  found  in  one of  the  mosaics  of  the church  of  S.  Vitale  at Ravenna,  and  is  here engraved.  It  is  note- woi-thy,  that  the  asper- GILLUM  which  hangs from  the  arch  above  the basin  is  in  shape  not  un- like those  of  modern times.  (Neale's  Eastern Ch.  introd.  p.  215.)  [C] COMES.     [Lectiox- ARY.] COMMEMOEA- TION  {Commemoratio). The  word  commemora- tion in  its  liturgical  use designates — (1)  The  recitation  of  the  names  of  those  for whom  intercession  is  made  in  the  mass    [DiP- TYCils"]. COMMENDATIO (2)  The  iutroduction  of  the  names  of  certain saints  or  events  in  the  Divine  Oitice,  called  also meinoria  sanctorum  or  suffragia  sanctorum.  Such commemorations  are  generally  of  the  Cross,  of the  Virgin  Mary,  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  I'aul,  and for  Peace  (Maori  Hierolexicon). (3)  According  to  the  rubrics  of  the  Roman Breviary  {Riihricae  Generates.,  ix.),  when  a  greatei festival  falls  on  the  day  of  a  '  simple  '  festival,  tin latter  is  'commemorated'  by  the  introduction  ot certain  portions  of  its  proper  service  into  that  ol the  greater  festival  {R.  G.  ix.  §§  8-11).       [C] COMMENDA.  [Diocese:  Monastert.] COMMENDATIO  {-Kapieecris).  1.  In  the third  Council  of  Carthage  (c.  29)  it  is  pro- vided, that  if  a  coinmcndatio  of  the  dead  takes place  in  the  afternoon,  it  must  consist  of  prayers only,  without  the  celebration  of  mass.  Jn  the Codex  Cunonum  EccL  Afric.  (c.  103)  the  set forms  to  be  ordinarily  used  in  churches  seem  to be  summed  up  under  the  heads,  preces,  prae- ftitiones,  commendationes,  manus  impositiones. Similai'ly  the  second  Council  of  Milevis  (c.  12), and  the  fourth  of  Toledo  (c.  13).  In  the  Greek version  of  the  41st  canon  of  the  Codex  EccL  Afric, which  is  identical  with  the  29th  of  the  third Council  of  Carthage,  quoted  above,  the  word  wapd- 6s(rLS  is  used  as  equivalent  to  "commendatio  ;" which  in  this  case  is  no  doubt  to  be  interpreted "  of  the  commendation  of  the  dead  to  the  mercy  of God."  See  Zonaras  on  this  canon  (p.  429),  and Balsamon  (p.  655). 2.  But  the  word  TrapdOfffis  is  also  used  to designate  the  prayers  made  in  the  congregation on  behalf  of  the  catechumens.  Alexius  Aristenus (quoted  by  Suicer,  s.  v.)  explains  the  word  rrapd- deais,  designating  a  part  of  divine  service,  as "  the  prayers  over  the  catechumens,  whereby  we commend  them  {jrapaTiQiixitia)  to  the  Lord." (Ducange's  Glossary,  s.  v.  '  Commendationes ;' Suicer's  Thesaurus,  s.  v.  -napaQiais.)  [C] COMMENDATORY  LETTERS.  The  ear- liest trace  of  the  practice  connected  with  these words  is  to  be  found  in  2  Cor.  iii.  1.  St.  Paul, it  would  seem,  had  been  taunted  by  rivals  who came  with  letters  of  commendation  (^i-mffroXal (TvarariKaX)  from  the  Church  of  Jerusalem,  with the  absence  of  such  credentials  in  his  own  case, with  his  attempts  to  make  up  for  the  omission by  reiterated  self-commendation.  The  passage shows  that  the  practice  was  already  common. It  was,  indeed,  the  natural  protection  of  a  society yet  in  its  infancy  against  the  dangers  to  which it  was  exposed,  against  the  tricks  of  impostors, the  false  teaching  of  heretics,  the  vices  of  evil- doers. It  is  probable  enough  that  letters  of this  kind  had  been  in  previous  use  among  the Jews,  and  that  they  thus  maintained  their  unity as  a  people  through  all  the  lands  of  the  dis- persion. Other  instances  of  it  in  the  Apostolic ages  are  to  be  found  in  the  letter  given  to Apollos  by  the  disciples  at  Ephesus  (Acts  xviii. 27),  in  the  mention  of  Zenas  and  Apollos  in  the Epistle  to  Titus  (iii.  13).  The  letter  to  Phi- lemon, though  more  distinctly  personal,  has somewhat  of  the  same  character.  The  practice was  in  itself  so  wise  and  salutary  that  it  be- came universal,  and  was  applied  under  many names,  and  for  many  ditferent  purposes.  As  a whole,  it  may  be  said,  without  exaggeration, that  no  single  practice  of  the  early  Christian COMMENDATORY  LETTERS      407 Church  tended  so  much  as  this  to  impress  on  it the  stamp  of  unity  and  organization. The  bishop  of  any  congregation,  in  any  part of  the  empire,  might  commend  a  traveller,  lay- man or  cleric,  to  the  good  offices  of  any  other. The  precautions  against  imposture  might  some- times, as  in  the  well-known  instance  of  Pere- grinus  (Lucian,  dii  Morte  Peregrin.),  perhaps also  in  that  of  the  irapfiaaKTOi  \f/cvSd5e\(poi  of Gal.  ii.  4,  be  insufficient,  but  as  a  rule  it  did its  work,  and  served  as  a  bond  of  union  between all  Christian  Churches.  Wherever  the  Christian traveller  went,  if  he  were  provided  with  these letters,  he  found  the  "  communicatio  pacis," the  "  contesseratio  hospitalitatis "  (Tertull.  de Fraescript.  Haeretic.  c.  20).  Those  outside the  Church's  pale,  however  arrogant  might be  their  claims,  could  boast  of  no  such  proof of  their  oneness.  They  were  cut  off  from  what was  in  the  most  literal  sense  of  the  term  the "communion  of  saints"  (^fbid.  c.  32).  It  was the  crowning  argument  of  Augustine  {hpist. xliv.  3)  and  Optatus  {De  Schism.  Lonat.  ii.  3) against  the  Donatists  that  their  letters  would not  be  received  in  any  churches  but  their  own  ; that  they  were  therefore  a  sect  with  no  claim  to catholicity,  no  element  of  permanence.  It  was, in  like  manner,  but  a  necessary  sequel  to  the deposition  of  Paul  of  Samosata  by  the  so-called Second  Council  of  Antioch,  when  the  bishops who  passed  sentence  on  him  wrote  to  Dionysius of  Rome  and  Maximus  of  Alexandria  (Euseb. //.  E.  vii.  30),  requesting  them  not  to  address  their letters  to  him,  but  to  Domnus,  whom  they  had appointed  in  his  place.  The  letters  of  Cyprian on  the  election  of  Cornelius  (Epist.  xlv.)  and  to Stephen  (Epist.  Ixvii.)  are  examples  of  the  same kind.  The  most  remarkable  testimony,  how- ever, to  the  extent  and  the  usefulness  of  the practice  is  found  in  the  wish  of  Julian  to  re- organise heathen  society  on  the  same  plan,  and to  provide,  in  this  way,  shelter  and  food  for  any non-Christian  traveller  who  might  be  journeying to  a  strange  city  (Sozomen.  If.  E.  v.  16). It  was  natural,  as  the  Church  became  wealthier and  more  worldly,  that  the  restrictive  side  of the  pi-actice  should  become  the  more  promi- nent ;  that  it  should  be,  what  the  passport system  has  been  in  the  intercourse  of  modern Europe,  a  check  on  the  free  movement  of  clergy, or  monks,  or  laymen.  Thus  it  was  made  penal (and  the  penalty  was  excommunication)  for  any one  to  receive  either  cleric  or  layman  who  came to  a  city  not  his  own  without  these  letters  (Can. Apost.  c.  12).  Those  who  brought  them  were even  then  subject  to  a  scrutiny,  with  the  alter- native of  being  received  into  full  fellowship  if  it were  satisfictory,  or,  if  it  were  otherwise,  of having  to  be  content  with  some  immediate rn\M\n,id.  c.  33)."  So  the  Council  of  Elvira (c.  25)  seeks  to  maintain  the  episcopal  prero- gative in  this  matter,  and  will  not  allow  littcrae confessorine  (letters  certifying  that  the  bearer was  one  who  had  suftered  in  persecution'')  to »  The  canon  ends  with  a  warning,  significant  enough of  the  nature  or  frequency  of  the  abuses  to  which  the practice  had  given  rise.  (Ei?  Koiviaviav  ouToir?  ^i)  Trpos- 6e'f7)(T8f,  TToAAa  ■yap  Kara,  (rvvapnayrjv  yiverai.) b  A  more  received  rendering  of  the  word  Is  that  the letters  were  given  as  a  "  llbellum  pads  "  to  the  "  lapsi "  or others,  by  a  "confessor."  who  thus  usurped  the  piero- gative  of  the  bishop. 408     COMMENDATORY  LETTERS take  the  place  of  the  regular  litterae  communi- catoriae.  It  would  appear,  from  one  clause  in the  canon,  that  the  abuse  had  spread  so  tar  that the  "  confessor's  "  passport  was  handed  from  one to  another  without  even  the  insertion  of  the name,  as  a  cheque  payable  to  bearer.  The  same practice  is  condemned  by  the  first  Council  of Aries  (c.  9).  That  of  Elvira  denounces  also  the writing  of  such  letters  (the  "  pacificae  ")  by  the wives  of  presbyters  or  bishops.  The  prevalence of  this  abuse  may  perhaps  explain  the  zeal  of that  synod  against  the  marriage  of  the  clergy. The  Council  of  Chalcedon  (c.  13)  renewed  the prohibition  of  the  Apostolic  canon  against  allow- ing any  strange  cleric,  even  as  reader,  to  officiate in^another  city  without  the  <rv<nariKa.  ypdfi- liara  from  his  own  bishop.  That  of  Antioch (A.D.  341)  forbids  any  strangers  to  be  received without  in.  elpvviKoi,  forbids  presbyters  to  give the  eV.  KuvoviKol,  does  not  allow  even  Chorepi- scopi  to  give  more  than  the  fipriviKal.  That  of Aries  (c.  7)  places  those  who  have  received  the litterae  commimicatoriae  under  the  surveillance of  the  bishop  of  the  city  to  which  they  go,  with the  provision  that  they  are  to  be  excommuni- cated if  they  begin  "  agere  contra  disciplinam," and  adds,  extending  the  precaution  to  political offences,  or  to  the  introduction  of  a  democratic element  into  the  government  of  the  Church, "  similiter  de  his  qui  remjiublicam  agere  volunt." The  system  spread  its  ramifications  over  all provinces  (1  C.  Garth,  c.  7;  C.  Agatli.  c.  52). It  was  impossible  for  the  presbyter  who  had incurred  the  displeasure  of  his  bishop  to  find employment  in  any  other  diocese.  Without  any formal  denunciation  the  absence  of  the  commen- datory letter  made  him  a  marked  man.  The unity"  of  the  Church  became  a  terrible  reality  to him. It  will  have  been  noticed  that  other  terms besides  the  original  (Tva-raTiKaX  (commendatitiae, or  commendatoriae)  appear  as  applied  to  these letters,  and  it  may  be  well  to  register  the  use and  significance  of  each. 1.  The  old  term  was  still  retained,  as  in  the C.  of  Chalcedon,  where  the  prominent  purpose was  to  commend  the  bearer  of  the  letter,  whe- ther cleric  or  layman,  to  the  favour  and  good offices  of  another  bishop. 2.  The  same  letters  were  also  known  as  Kavo- viKal,  "  in  accordance  with  the  rule  of  the Church."  This  is  the  word  used  in  the  letter from  the  Synod  of  Antioch,  already  quoted,  by the  Councils  of  Antioch  (c.  8)  and  Laodicea (c.  41).  The  Latin  equivalent  seems  to  have been  the  litcrae  formatac,"  i.e.  drawn  up  after  a known  and  prescribed  form,  so  as  to  be  a  safe- guard against  imposture.  It  was  stated  at  the Council  of  Chalcedon  by  Atticus,  Bishop  of  Con- stantinople, that  it  was  agreed  by  the  bishops  at the  Councils  of  Nicaea  that  every  such  letter should  be  marked  with  the  letters  n.  T.  A.  n., in  honour  of  the  three  Pei-sons  of  the  Trinity.'' In  the  West  the  signature  or  seal  (tiWos)  of  the bishop  was  probably  the  guarantee  of  genuine- e  The  word  "  formata"  occurs  in  the  Acts  of  tbe  Synod of  Milevis  (c.  20). ■»  The  statement  rests  on  the  somewhat  questionable authority  of  the  Pseudo-Isidore;  but  the  form  is  found  in German  documents  of  the  9th  century.  (Herzog,  s.  v. LiUraeformatae.) COMMERCE ness.  The  first  mention  of  the  use  of  a  seal- ring  occurs,  it  is  believed,  in  Augustine  {Ejmt. 59]  al.  217  «). 3.  From  the  use  of  the  letters  as  admitting clergy  or  laymen  to  communion  they  were  known as  KoivaiviKol,  and  are  so  described  by  Cyril  of Alexandria  (Act.  Ephes.  p.  282).  The  corre- sponding Latin,  communicator iae,  appears  in  the Council  of  Elvira  (c.  25),  Augustine  (Ejnst.  43  ; al.  162). 4.  The  iinffToKal  elpriviKal  appear  to  be  dis- tinguished from  the  ffv^raTLKoi  as  commending the  bearer  for  eleemosynary  aid.  They  are  to  be given  to  the  poor  and  those  who  need  help, clerics  or  laymen  (C.  Chalced.  c.  11),  especially, according  to  the  Greek  canonists  (Zonaras  ad Can.  ii.  C.  Chalced.'),  to  those  who  had  suiTered oppression  at  the  hands  of  civil  magistrates. The  word  is  used  also  by  the  Council  qf  Antioch (c.  7,  8),  already  quoted  as  applied  to  letters which  might  be  given  by  presbyters  as  well  as bishops. 5.  There  were  the  eiriffr.  airoKvTiKoi,  the "letters  dimissory "  of  modern  times.  The word  is  of  later  use  than  the  others,  and  occurs first  in  the  Council  in  Trullo  (c.  17),  in  a  con- text which  justifies  the  distinction  drawn  by Suicer  (s.  v.  airoAvTiKr]),  that  it  was  used  in reference  to  a  permanent  settlement  of  the bearer,  the  ffvffrariK^,  when  the  sojourn  in another  diocese  was  only  temporary.  [E.  H.  P.] COMMERCE.  It  wouH  be  difficult  to  find  in either  the  Old  or  the  New  Testament  any  passage in  disparagement  of  trade,  whether  combined  or not  with  a  handicraft.  In  the  Old  Testament,  if the  calling  of  Bezaleel  and  Aholiab  puts  the  highest honour  on  the  skill  of  the  artisan,  the  ordinary  pro- cesses of  trade  are  no  less  sanctified  by  connecting them  with  God  Himself  and  His  law  in  such  pas- sages as  those  of  Lev.  xix.  35-6;  Deut.  xxv.  13-15; Prov.  xL  1,  xvi.  10,  23,  xxxi.  24;  Micah  vi.  11. Nor  is  it  amiss  to  observe  that  the  Jewish  cus- tom which  prevails  to  this  day,  of  bringing  up every  boy  without  exception  to  a  business,  trade or  handicraft,  appeai-s  to  be  an  immemorial  one, and  may  serve  to  explain  both  the  calling  by our  Lord  of  fishermen-apostles.  His  own  training as  a  handicraftsman  (Mark  vi.  3),  and  the  tent- making  of  Paul,  Aquila,  and  Priscilla  (Acts  xviii. 3).  No  incompatibility,  therefore,  between  the exercise  of  a  trade  and  the  Christian  calling, whether  as  a  layman  or  as  a  member  of  the clergy,  can  be  coeval  with  the  Church,  and all  legislation  to  this  effect  must  belong  to what  may  be  termed  the  secondary,  not  the primary,  era  of  its  development.  It  must,  more- over, be  observed  that  the  places  in  which  the Gospel  seems  to  have  preferably  taken  root  wei-e busy  commercial  cities,  such  as  Antioch,  Corinth, Ephesus ;  and  it  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  the age  in  which  Christianity  first  forced  itself  on the  notice  of  the  Pagan  world,  and  was  honoured with  imperial  persecution,  the  time  of  Nero,  was also  one  of  great  commercial  activity,  as  may  be seen  from  the  account,  chiefly  derived  from  Pliny, of  the  new  trades  and  inventions  introduced  under Nero,  contained  in  the  "Anecdota  de  Nerona " annexed  to  Naudet's  Tacitus,  vol.  v.  p.  181  and foil.  (Paris,  1820). e  See  the  different  meanings  in  Ducange,  s.  v.  Fcrr- matae. COIMTMERCE That  trade  uuder  the  later  emperors  was  looked upon  as  an  occupation  of  inferior  dignity  is  visible from  the  fact  that  a  constitution  of  Theodosius and  Valentinian  (a.D.  436)  required  all  bankers, jewellers,  dealers  in  silver  or  clothing,  apothe- caries, and  other  traffickers  to  be  removed  from provincial  offices,  "  in  order  that  every  place  of honour  and  official  service  (militia)  should  be cleared  of  the  like  contagion"  (a  contagione hujusmodi  segregetur;  Code,  bk.  xii.  t.  Iviii. 1.  12).  Traders  generally  (except  the  metro- politan bankers)  were  again  excluded  from  the inilitia  by  a  constitution  of  Justin  {Code,  bk.  xii. t.  XXXV.).  This  word  indeed  must  no  longer,  as under  the  Republic,  be  deemed  to  imply  neces- sarily military  service,  since  the  constitution  last referred  to  expressly  distinguishes  the  armed militia  (armata  militia'),  admission  to  which  is forbidden  to  all  traders  alike,  whilst  the  metro- politan bankers  (argenti  distradores)  are  by  pri- vilege permitted  to  enter  any  other.  Soldiers conversely  were  by  a  constitution  of  Leo  (a.d. 458)  forbidden  to  trade  (bk.  xii.  t.  xxxvi.  1.  15); and  a  constitution  of  Honorius  and  Theodosius forbad  men  of  noble  birth,  conspicuous  dignity, or  hereditary  wealth,  to  exercise  a  trade  "  per- nicious to  towns,  in  order  to  facilitate  mercantile transactions  in  the  way  of  buying  and  selling, between  plebeians  and  tradesmen"  (bk.  iv.  t. Ixiii.  1.  3). As  respects  the  smaller  trades  and  handi- crafts (it  is  always  difficult  to  distinguish  the two  in  the  lower  social  strata)  the  exercise  of them  differed  often  little  from  slavery.  A  con- stitution of  the  Emperor  Constantine  (bk.  vi.  t.  i. 1.  5 ;  A.D.  329)  speaks  of  freedmen-artificers belonging  to  the  state,  and  desires  them  to  be brought  back,  if  enticed  out  of  the  city  where they  reside.  Artificers  were  exempted  from  all official  functions,  which,  considering  the  miser- able condition  of  the  curialcs,  must  rather have  been  a  boon  to  them  (bk.  x.  t.  Ixiv.  and passim).  They  formed  collejia  (see  Collegia), from  which  they  could  not  withdraw  without presenting  fit  substitutes  ready  to  accept  all their  obligations  (1.  15).  The  bakers — if  indeed the  constitution  of  Leo  which  refers  to  them has  not  been  stretched  by  its  present  title beyond  its  original  intent — seem  to  have  been in  an  almost  lower  condition  still,  since  their status  is  expressly  treated  as  servile.  Curiously enough,  the  swineherds  of  the  capitals,  as  carry- ing on  a  restless  labour  for  the  benefit  of  the Roman  people,  were  specially  exempted  from  all sordid  offices  (t.  xvi.  1.  1).  A  special  title  (ix.)  is devoted  to  iron-workers  {fabricenses),  who  were to  be  marked  in  the  arm,  and  who  formed  also an  hereditary  caste,  mutually  responsible  for  the offences  of  every  member  (1.  5),  and  forbidden  to engage  in  agriculture  or  any  other  occupation (1.  7).  Yet  being  exempted  from  all  civil  and  curial obligations  (1.  6),  and  from  giving  quarters  to troops  (bk.  xii.  t.  Ixi.  1.  4),  their  condition  (which is  termed  a  militia)  seems  to  have  been  a  coveted one,  since  the  admission  to  it  is  regulated  with especial  care  (bk.  xi.  t.  ix.  1.  4).  It  was  to  be by  deed,  before  the  moderator  of  the  province  or other  high  officer.  The  candidate  had  to  show that  he  was  neither  the  son  nor  grandson  of a  curial,  that  he  owed  no  dues  to  the  city, and  had  no  obligations  towards  a  citizen.  The manufacture  of  arms  was  also  by  the  85th  novel COMMERCE 409 limited  to  the  official  "  armifactores,"  or  "  to those  who  are  called  fabricicnsii  "  (quaere,  fahri- censes). Whole  branches  of  trade,  as  we  now  under- stand the  term,  did  not  exist.  Instead  of  a  trade in  corn,  the  transport  of  corn  to  the  capitals was  a  service  attached  to  land  (mwius  rei  navi- \  culariae).  Thus  when  Augustine  was  offered  the estate  of  one  Bonifacius,  he  declined  it,  because he  would  not  have  the  Church  of  Christ  a  "  na- vicularia,"  and  so  incur  the  risk,  in  the  event  of a  ship  being  lost,  of  having  to  consent  to  the torture  of  the  men  on  board,  as  part  of  the  in- vestigation (Aug.  Serm.  355). In  the  interior  of  the  empire,  trade  was  not only  restricted  by  monopolies  which  under  Jus- tinian were  carried  to  a  cruel  height  (see  Gibbon, c.  xl.),  and  of  which  Dean  Milman  observes  that the  state  monopoly  "even  of  corn,  wine,  and oil  was  in  force  at  the  time  of  the  first  cru- sade," but  by  the  reservation  of  various  articles for  imperial  use.  Thus  the  wearing  of  gold  and silver  tissue  or  embroidery  was  forbidden  to  pri- vate persons,  nor  could  such  tissue  or  embroidery be  woven  or  worked  except  in  the  imperial gynecaea  (bk.  xl.  t.  viii.  11.  1,  2,  4).  The  use  of the  dye  of  the  "holy  murex,"  or  any  imitation of  its  purple,  was  equally  forbidden  {lb.  11.  3,  4, 5).  The  employment  of  gems  (among  which pearls,  emeralds,  and  jacinths  were  forbidden  to be  used  in  horse-trappings)  was  also  regulated, as  savouring  of  the  imperial  dignity  (76.  t.  xi.). The  85th  novel  forbad  even  all  sale  of  arms  to private  persons. Buying  and  selling  seems  to  have  been  in  great measure  carried  on  at  fairs  and  in  markets",  the holding  of  which  was  by  impei'ial  grant  forfeit- able by  ten  years'  non-user  {Dig.  bk.  1.  t.  xi.  De Nundinis,  1.  1),  and  the  dealing  at  which  was invested  with  certain  privileges  {Code,  bk.  iv. t.  Ix.).  Fairs,  it  may  be  observed,  were  often held  on  saints'  days,  though  St.  Basil  in  his Liber  Regularum  condemns  the  practice;  thus there  was  a  fair  in  Lucania  on  the  birth-day  of St.  Cyprian,  a  30-days'  fair  free  of  toll  in  Edessa at  the  feast  of  St.  Thomas  the  Apostle,  &c.  (Mu- ratori,  Antiquitates  lledii  Aevi,  vol.  ii.  Diss.  30). Notwithstanding  the  low  estimation  in  which trade  was  held,  it  seems  clear  that  until  Justi- nian's time  at  least  it  was  not  held  civilly  in- compatible with  the  clerical  office.  The  I'hilo- sopkumena  of  Hippolytus  (beginning  of  the  3rd century)  show  us  the  future  pope  Callistus  set up  by  Carpophorus  as  a  banker,  holding  his  bank in  the  "  Piscina  Publica,"  and  receiving  deposits from  widows  and  brethren  (ix.  12).  A  law  of Constantine  and  Julian  indeed,  a.d.  357  {Code, bk.  i.  t.  ii.  1.  2,  which  exempted  the  clergy  fi-om "  prestations  "  levied  from  merchants),  sought  to compel  trader-clerics  (amongst  others)  to  devote their  gains  to  charitable  uses :  "  If  by  saving,  or forethought,  or  honourable  trading  they  have got  money  together,  it  should  be  ministered  for the  use  of  the  poor  and  needy."  The  next  pas- sage indicates  a  custom  still  more  strange  to  us — that  of  workshops  and  even  taverns  being  kept for  the  benefit  of  the  Church  :  "  Or  that  which may  have  been  acquired  and  collected  from  their workshops  or  taverns,  let  them  deem  it  Avhen collected  the  gain  of  religion  :"  and  the  privileges of  the  clergy  are  mostly  extended  to  their  men who  are  occupied  in  trade  (/6.)     Another  law  of 410 COMMERCE the  same  emperor,  a.d.  361,  which  however  does not  seem  to  have  been  retained  in  his  Code  by Justinian  {Cod.  Theod.  bk.  xvi.  t.  ii.  1.  15),  ex- empted clerics  from  "  sordid  offices  "  as  well  as from  the  imposition  of  the  coUatio,  "  if  by  very small  trade  they  acquire  to  themselves  poor  food and  clothing ;"  but  others,  whose  names  are  on the  register  of  merchants,  at  the  time  when the  collatio  takes  place,  "  must  acknowledge  the duties  and  payments  of  merchants."  We  see thus  that  trader-clerics  were  of  all  degrees,  from the  humblest  traffickers  to  considerable  mer- chants. The  43rd  Novel  "  De  officinis  sive  tabernis Constantinopolitanae  urbis,"  &c.,  and  the  59th, "  De  debita  impensa  in  exequiis  defunctorum,"  in- dicate to  us  the  extent  of  the  trade  which  was carried  on  in  the  Eastern  capital  on  behalf  of  the Church,  and  the  singular  character  of  a  portion of  it.  In  consideration  of  the  cathedral  church undertaking  what  in  modern  French  parlance would  be  termed  the  "  Pompes  Funebres  "  of  the city,  Constantine  granted  to  it  980  ei-gasteria  or workshops,  of  the  various  trades  ("ex  diversis corporibus")  of  the  city,  to  be  held  free  of  all  tax  ; Anastasius  added  150  more  (Preface  to  Nov.  59). The  total  number  of  these  cathedral  ergasteria  or officinae,  as  the  43M  novel  terms  them,  seems from  the  preface  to  the  latter  to  have  practically sunk  to  1100  (perhaps  by  failure  of  trade,  see nov.  59,  c.  ii.,  which  says  that  even  of  the reduced  number  "  plurima  ceciderunt"),  at  which figure  it  is  fixed  by  both  novels,  the  earlier  one being  grounded  on  the  complamts  of  the  colle- giati — say  the  guilds  of  the  city — that  the  number of  tax-free  establishments  was  ruining  them.  But all  other  officinae  of  the  14  wards  ("  regiones  ") of  the  city,  whether  belonging  to  any  church, hospital,  monastery,  orphan-home,  poor-house,  or to  any  other  person,  were  required  to  bear  all public  impositions.  And  in  speaking  of  these officinae  the  word  tavern  occurs,  not  only  as above-shown  in  the  title,  but  in  the  body  of the  law  (c.  i.  §  3).  Strange  therefore  as  may seem  to  us  the  idea  of  a  church  or  cathedral bakery  or  pothouse,  it  is  clear  that  in  the  6th century  a  very  considerable  amount  of  trade, including  the  liquor-traffic,  was  carried  on  on behalf  of  the  Church  and  its  charitable  establish- ments in  the  capital  of  the  Eastern  empire. If  we  turn  from  the  Roman  to  the  barbarian world,  the  barbarian  codes  till  the  time  of Charlemagne  scarcely  contain  an  allusion  to trade,  except,  perhaps,  in  reference  to  loans, pledges,  or  debts — see  for  instance  the  Wisi- gothic  laws,  bk.  v.  tt.  6,  6.  Under  the  rule  of  the Ostrogoths  in  Italy,  the  Formulary  of  Cassio- dorus  indicates  that  the  armourers  were  still considered  as  a  7nilitia  ("militibus  te  et  fabris armorum  ....  praefecimus,"  pt.  ii.  c.  18,  "de armorum  factoribus  ").  Under  the  Lombards, a  law  of  Notharis  (A.D.  638  or  643)  refers  to  the building  trade  in  dealing  with  accidents  among masons,  and  uses  a  term  (migistri  Comacini) which  shows  that  this  class  of  workmen  were then  drawn  mainly  from  the  same  locality  (the neighbourhood  of  Como).  which  mainly  furnishes them  still  to  Northern  Italy  (c.  144,  and  foil. ;  and see  c.  152,  as  to  accidents  among  other  workmen). Somewhat  later  again,  the  gro\vth  of  trade  and industry  under  the  Lombards  is  indicated  by  a singular  law  of  Luitprand  (bk.  iii.  c.  4,  A.D.  717), COMMERCE enacting  that  if  any  man  leave  his  wife  for trade  or  for  the  exercise  of  an  art,  and  do  not return  after  three  years,  his  wife  may  apply  to the  king  for  leave  to  re-marry.  Foreign  trade  is referred  to  by  the  Wisigothic  code  (bk.  xi.  t.  3) in  a  law  "  on  traders  from  beyond  the  sea," which  enacts  that  if  such  traders  have  a  matter between  themselves,  none  of  the  king's  household shall  presume  to  hear  them,  but  let  them  be heard  according  to  their  own  laws  only  by  their toll-takers  ("  apud  telonarios  suos  "). The  legislation  of  the  Church  bears  much  more on  commercial  matters  than  that  of  the  bar- barian kingdoms,  and  we  have  now  to  consider its  history. One  form  of  trade,  it  may  be  observed,  was always  forbidden  by  the  church,  that  of  earning a  livelihood  by  usury.  [See  Usury.]  In  other respects  it  was  long  before  trade  was  deemed  by the  Church  itself  incompatible  with  clerical functions ;  though  the  fathers  might  inveigh against  it  as  a  form  of  worldliness;  as  when Cyprian  in  his  work  Dc  Lapsis,  written  about A.D.  251,  speaks  of  those  who  "  watch  like  fowlers for  gainful  markets."  (Comp.  Ep.  15.)  The growth  of  some  general  feeling  on  the  subject is,  however,  to  be  traced  in  the  18th  canon  of the  Council  of  Eliberis,  a.d.  305,  by  which bishops,  priests,  and  deacons  are  forbidden  to depart  from  their  places  for  the  sake  of  trade,  or to  go  round  the  provinces  seeking  lucrative markets.  To  obtain  their  livelihood  they  may indeed  send  a  son,  a  freedman,  an  agent  (me.  ««- rarium),  a  friend,  or  anyone  else  ;  and  if  they wish  to  trade,  let  them  trade  within  the  pro- vince— the  main  object  of  the  canon  being  clearly to  preserve  to  their  flocks  the  benefits  of  their ministrations,  not  to  put  dishonour  on  trading itself. A  collection  of  decrees  of  very  doubtful  au- thority, attributed  to  the  Nicene  Council,  which will  be  found  in  Labbe  and  Mansi's  Councils,  vol. ii.  p.  1029,  and  foil,  under  the  title  :  "  Sauctiones et  decreta  alia  ex  quatuor  regularum  ad  Con- stantinum  libris  decerpta,"  contains  amongst its  "statutes  for  priests"  (c.  14)  a  provision that  the  priest  shall  not  be  a  barber,  a  surgeon, or  a  worker  in  iron  (ferramentarius),  the  two former  prohibitions  turning  probably  on  blood- letting in  its  most  literal  form,  the  latter  on  the providing  instruments  for  bloodshed.  The  4th Council  of  Carthage,  397,  forbids  clerics  to  go  to markets,  except  to  buy,  under  pain  of  degra- dation (c.  48),  but  at  the  same  time  enacts  that "  a  cleric,  however  learned  in  the  word  of  God, shall  seek  his  livelihood  by  means  of  a  handi- craft, artificio"  (c.  51),  that  "a  cleric  shall provide  for  himself  food  and  clothing  by  a handicraft  or  by  agriculture,  without  detri- ment to  his  office  "  (c.  52),  and  that  "  all  clerics wlio  have  strength  to  work  should  learn  both handicrafts  (ariificiola)  and  letters "  (c.  53)  ; provisions  all  nearly  equivalent  and  which  con- firm the  opinion  that  the  canons  of  this  and other  Carthaginian  Councils  represent  rather the  whole  collection  of  rules  by  which  the African  church  was  governed  at  their  respective dates  than  specific  enactments  of  those  dates. They  appear,  indeed,  to  indicate  that,  at  all I  events  in  this  quarter  of  the  church,  a  distinc- I  tion  was  being  taken  between  Irade  and  handi- 1  crafts,  and  that  the  exercise  of  the  former  by COMMERCE clerics  was  restrained,  whilst  the  latter  was eujoined. By  the  time  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  (a.d. 451)  the  line  between  "secular"  and  "reli- gious "  employments  appears  to  have  become much  more  sharply  marked.  The  3rd  canon speaks  of  clerics  who  for  filthy  lucre  carry  on secular  business,  and  forbids  them  to  do  so, — a prohibition  which  would  seem  to  include  every shape  of  trade,  but  which  cannot  have  been  so considered,  since  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  is expressly  named  as  one  of  the  four  to  whose canons  force  of  law  is  given  by  Justinian's  Code, A.D.  533  (bk.  i.  1.  i.  c.  7,  §'  4),  which  yet,  as has  been  seen  above,  expressly  recognises  both clerical  trading  and  trading  on  behalf  of  the church. In  the  west,  however,  it  seems  clear  that  the feeling  against  clerical  trading  became  always stronger ;  a  letter  (ix.)  of  Pope  Gelasius  I.  (a.d. 492-6)  to  the  bishops  of  Lucania  speaks  (c.  15) of  his  having  heard  from  Picenum  that  very many  clerics  there  are  occupied  with  dishonour- able business  and  filthy  lucre,  and  enjoins  them to  abstain  from  unworthy  gain,  and  from  every device  or  desire  of  business  of  any  kind,  or  else from  the  fulfilment  of  clerical  functions — expres- sions which,  in  the  light  of  altered  feeling  on the  subject,  we  may  also  take  to  apply  to  trade generally.  The  Council  of  Tarragona  (a.d.  516) enacts  that  "  whosoever  will  be  in  the  clergy,  let him  not  be  careful  to  buy  too  cheap  or  sell  too dear,or  let  him  be  removed  from  the  clergy"  (c.  2). If  a  cleric  lends  a  solidus  in  time  of  need,  in  order to  receive  it  back  in  wine  or  wheat  which  it  is intended  to  sell  at  a  fixed  time  for  the  sake  of traffic,  if  the  actual  thing  be  not  needed  by  him, let  him  receive  what  he  gave  without  any  in- crease (c.  3) — a  prohibition  both  of  trade  and of  usury.  The  3rd  Council  of  Orleans,  a.d.  538, in  like  manner,  forbids  clerics  from  the  rank  of deacons  upwards  to  carry  on  business  like  public traders,  or  to  carry  on  a  forbidden  business  under another's  name  (c.  27).  In  spite  of  these  enact- ments, we  find  in  the  letters  of  Gregory  the Great  (a.d.  590-603)  mention  made  of  a  ship- building bishop  in  Campania  (see  Labbe  and Mansi's  Cutmci/s,  vol.  x.  p.  559). That  the  enactments  of  the  African  Councils  no longer  satisfied  the  temper  even  of  the  English church  may  be  judged  from  the  Excerpta  of Ecgbert,  archbishop  of  York  (latter  half  of  8th century),  the  3rd  book  of  which  (2nd  series) contains  a  prohibition  to  priests  and  deacons  to be  occupied  "  in  any  worldly  affairs,"  except those  for  which  they  are  assigned  (intitulati,  c.  8). A  canon  of  the  Council  of  Calchyth  (that  is,  Chel- sea), A.D.  787,  in  favour  of  honesty  in  weights and  measures,  may  also  be  quoted  (c.  17). The  capitularies  of  Charlemagne  (mostly,  if not  always,  invested  with  the  sanction  of  the church),  deal  repeatedly  with  the  subject  of trade.  The  ecclesiastical  capitulary  of  789 enacts  that  measures  and  weights  be  equal  and just,  "whether  in  cities  or  whether  in  monas- teries, whether  for  giving  or  whether  for  re- ceiving "  (c.  73.  and  see  the  "  Capitula  minora  " added  to  the  Salic  law,  A.D.  803,  c.  viii.  ;  Canon 15  of  the  6th  Council  of  Aries;  and  c.  45  of  the 3rd  Council  of  Tours,  same  year).  The  Frankfort Capitulary  of  794  is  one  of  several  which  attempt to  fix  the  prices  of  victuals  (c.  4 ;  Capitulary  of COMMERCE 411 Noyon,  a.d.  808,  c.  5).  The  pitch  of  actual  cruelty is  reached  in  the  "  Capitula  de  Judaeis,"  where every  Jew  is  forbidden  to  have  money  in  his house,  to  sell  wine,  victuals,  or  any  other  thing, under  pain  of  confiscation  of  all  his  goods  and imprisonment  till  he  come  into  the  imperial presence  (c.  3).  The  utter  absence  of  all  notion of  a  possible  right  to  freedom  in  trading  is  well expressed  in  one  of  the  Capitula  published  by the  imperial  missi,  a.d.  803 :  "  That  no  man presume  to  sell  or  buy  or  measure  otherwise than  as  the  lord  emperor  has  commanded  "  (c. 10). Markets  are  not  to  be  held  on  the  Lord's  Day (Excerpts  from  the  Canons,  added  to  the  Ca- pitulary of  Aix-la-Chapelle  of  A.D.  813,  c.  15; and  see  General  Collection,  bk.  i.  c.  139 ;  Gth Council  of  Aries,  A.D.  813,  c.  16;  3rd  Council  of Tours,  A.D.  813,  c.  40),  except  where  they  have been  held  of  old  and  lawfully  (Capitulary  of Aix-la-Chapelle  of  809,  c.  9) ;  a  Lombard  Capi- tulary of  779  seems  however  to  enact  generally that  "  markets  are  nowhere  to  be  held  except where  they  have  been  held  of  old  lawfully " (c.  52,  taking  no  notice  of  the  Sunday).  Fore- stalling for  covetousness'  sake  is  forbidden (Capitulary  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  of  809,  c.  12). The  Council  of  Friuli,  a.d.  791,  even  forbad genei-ally  the  carrying  on  of  secular  business  to an  immoderate  extent. Presbyters  were  by  one  capitulary  forbidden to  trade,  or  gather  riches  in  anywise  by  filthy lucre  (Capitula  presbyterorum,  A.D.  806).  On the  other  hand  the  Council  of  Mayence,  a.d.  813, more  guardedly  forbids  clerics  and  monks  to  have unjust  weights  or  measures,  or  to  carry  on  an unjust  trade  ;  "  nevertheless  a  just  trade  is  not to  be  forbidden,  on  account  of  divers  necessities ; for  we  read  that  the  holy  apostles  traded  "  (ne- gotiates esse), —  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict  being referred  to  as  a  further  authority  (c.  14,  see  Ad- ditio  4ta,  c.  46).  Trade  was,  however,  forbidden to  penitents,  "because  it  is  difficult  that  between the  dealing  of  seller  and  buyer  sin  should  not intervene "  (General  Collection,  bk.  vii.  c.  62 ; perhaps  of  later  date). The  exact  meaning  of  some  of  the  later  texts above  referred  to  is  rendered  somewhat  doubtful through  the  gradual  narrowing  of  the  term negotium  and  its  derivatives,  from  the  sense  of business  in  its  widest  meaning  to  the  specific  one of  trade,  as  in  its  modern  French  offspring  le  ne'joce, negociant.  They  sufficiently  show,  however,  that whilst  the  avocations  of  the  early  apostles  were still  remembered,  and  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict had  raised  the  dignity  of  labour  itself,  the growing  Judaistic  distinction  between  "  secular  " and  "  religious  "  acts  and  matters,  so  foreign  to the  spirit  of  a  faith  which  is  founded  on  the abrogation  of  all  distinctions  except  those between  good  and  evil,  light  and  darkness,  life and  death,  in  which  the  recognition  that  in meats  "  there  is  nothing  unclean  of  itself,''  but "  all  things  indeed  are  pure  "  (Rom.  xiv.  14,  20), that  "  every  creature  of  God  is  good,  and  nothing to  be  refused,  if  it  be  received  with  thanks- giving "  (1  Tim.  iv.  4),  was  only  the  type  of  the bi-eaking  down  of  "  the  middle  wall  of  partition  " between  Jews  and  Gentiles  (Eph.  ii.  14 ;  Acts  x. 10-15,  28),  had  by  the  9th  century  begun  to render  the  very  idea  of  ti'ade  incompatible  with the   clerical  calling,  not  so   much  as  in  early 412 COMMINATION times,  by  reason  of  its  distracting  the  minister from  his  sacred  functions,  as  on  account  of  a supposed  inherent  dishonour  attached  to  it. That  the  distinction  is  in  itself  a  result  of  the secularizing  of  the  church  may  be  inferred  from a  comparison  with  civil  legislation.  The  ultra- refined  officialism  of  the  later  Roman  empire, which  made  the  sovereign  the  only  source  of honour,  and  excluded  the  independent  trader  (one specially  rich  class  excepted),  even  from  the merely  civil  militia,  let  alone  the  military service  itself,  on  the  one  hand — the  rude  savagery of  the  barbarian  on  the  other,  which  looked  upon war  and  warlike  sports  as  the  only  employments worthy  of  a  man,  and  almost  utterly  ignored  in legislation  the  very  existence  of  the  trader — must  both,  whatever  phenomena  to  the  con- trary may  present  themselves  in  Justinian's Code,  have  reacted  profoundly  upon  the  spirit of  the  church.  The  service  of  God,  which  soon claimed  the  title  of  a  militia,  must  have  the exclusiveness  of  one,  whether  the  term  were used  in  the  Roman  official  sense  or  in  the warlike  barbarian  one ;  whatever  was  incom- j)atible  with  the  dignity  of  the  functionary  of an  earthly  sovereign,  of  the  soldier  of  an  earthly chief,  must  be  incompatible  also  with  that  of  a minister  of  God,  a  soldier  in  His  host.  At  the same  time,  the  influence  of  this  distinction  had not  gone  so  far  as  to  exclude  the  whole  realm of  trade  from  church  solicitude,  and  it  is  remark- able to  observe  in  the  canons  of  French  Councils of  the  beginning  of  the  9th  century  similar enactments  against  dishonesty  in  trade  to  those of  the  Pentateuch.  [See  Debtor,  Covetous- NESS,  Usury.]  [J.  M.  L.] COMMINATION.  The  "  denunciation  of God's  anger  and  judgments  against  sinners" used  in  the  Anglican  church  on  Ash-Wednesday. The  ejection  of  penitents  from  the  chvirch  on the  first  day  of  Lent,  with  prayer  that  they  may bring  forth  fruits  meet  for  repentance,  seems  to be  a  practice  of  considerable  antiquity  (Martene, De  Hit.  Eccl.  Ant.  lib.  iv.  c.  17),  although  the canon  of  the  Council  of  Agde  which  is  sometimes cited  in  pi-oof  of  it  rests  on  no  earlier  authority than  that  of  Gratian  (Bingham,  Antiq.  bk.  xviii. c.  2,  §  2).  But  the  particular  practice  of  the English  church,  of  reciting  "  God's  cursing against  impenitent  sinners "  on  Ash-Wednesday seems  to  be  a  continuation  of  the  use  of  the "  articles  of  the  sentence  of  cursing "  which were  read  in  parish  churches  three  or  four  times a  year  in  the  Middle  Ages.  (Wheatley,  On  the Common  Prayer,  p.  605,  ed.  Corrie.)  [See  Peni- tence.] [C] COMMUNICALES.  A  term  used  to  desig- nate the  vessels  used  in  Holy  Communion,  which on  certain  days  were  carried  in  procession  at Rome.  The  Liler  Pontificalis  (p.  122,  ed.  Mura- tori)  tells  us  that  Leo  III.  (t816)  made  commu- nion-vessels (communicales)  in  the  several  regions of  Rome,  which  were  to  be  carried  in  procession by  acolytes  on  stationary  days;  these  were twenty-four  in  number.  [C] COMMUNICATIVE   LIFE. CISM.] [MONASTI- COMMUNIO.     (1)  An  anthem  in  the  Roman and  cognate  missals,  said  by  the  celebrant  after COMMUNION,  HOLY he  has  taken  the  ablutions.  It  is  so  called,  be- cause it  was  originally  appointed  to  be  sung during  the  communion  of  the  people,  and  was sung  antiphonally  after  each  verse  of  a  psalm, wliich  was  continued  till  the  priest  gave  the signal  for  the  Glor-ia,  when  the  communion  of the  people  was  ended  (Ordo  Rom.  iii.  18).  "  De- bent  omnes  communicare  interim  cum  Antiphona cantatur,  quae  de  Communiono  nomen  mutuavit, cui  et  Psalmus  subjungendus  est  cum  Gloria Patri,  si  necesse  fuerit  "  (IJicrol.  de  Feci.  Observ. cap.  18).  Afterwards  the  Communio  was  looked U])on  more  as  an  act  of  thanksgiving,  to  be  said after  the  communion.  It  varies  with  the  day. That  for  the  Missa  in  nocte  Nat.  Dom.  is:  "in splendoribus  sanctorum  ex  utero  ante  luciferum genui  te." (2)  An  anthem  in  the  Mozarabic  missal  sung by  the  choir  after  the  communion  has  taken place.  There  are  only  two  forms :  one  used  in Lent,  the  other  during  the  rest  of  the  year. Tills  latter  is :  "  Refecti  corpore  et  sanguine  te Laudamus  Domine.  All :  All :  All : "     [H.  J.  H.] COMMUNION,  HOLY.  The  present  article does  not  treat  of  the  whole  of  what  in  England is  generally  called  the  Communion  Office  or  Ser- vice [see  Liturgy],  but  of  that  portion  of  it which  immediately  relates  to  the  distribution and  reception  of  the  consecrated  elements  iu  the Eucharist. Names. — Koivuvia,  tS>v  fivffrripiaiv  Koivaivia (Chrysostom)  ;  fivaTijptov  crvva^ews  or  Kotvco- yias,  BeapxiKT]  Koivaivia  (Dionysius  Areop.) ; IXiT6.K7]y\iis  aytafffiaTuiv,  evxoLp''0"r'i.as,  /xvffTrj- picov;  ayia  or  ixvottlkt]  fxerdKri^LS.  The  verb Koivwvelv  is  used  absolutely  to  describe  partici- pation of  the  Eucharist  (Basil,  Chrysostom), and  also  with  a  substantive  descriptive  of the  sacred  feast,  as  /xvcTTiKrjs  Koivwvitv  Svalas (Philostorgius).  So  yueTe'xf"'  euxapiffTias  (Cone. Nic.  I.  c.  13);  and  ixfTaKafx^dviiv,  absolutely (Theophylact),  or  with  a  substantive,  as  axpdv- rov  0vfxaTOS  /ueToAa/Seij/  (Philostorg.),  rov  Aeir- TTortKov  (Tiifiaros  Kal  aifiaros  fieraXaf^pdvuv (Theodoret). Communio,  communicatio ;  they  who  partake of  the  consecrated  elements  are  said  communi- care,  absolutely  {e.g.  IV.  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  18). The  leading  notion  implied  in  the  use  of  these words  is  expressed  by  Isidore  of  Pelusium  {Ep. 228)  thus :  "  quia  nobis  conjunctionem  cum  Deo conciliat,  nosque  regni  ipsius  consortes  ac  parti- cipes  reddit ; "  by  Papias  (in  Ducange,  s.  v Communio),  thus  :  "  Communio  dicitur  spiritualis esca,  quia  in  commune  ad  vivificandas  animas  a cunctis  percipitur  dignis."  Other  terms  are perceptio  Corporis  et  Sanguinis,  participotio. The  word  accipere  is  used  to  designate  the  act of  taking  the  bread  or  the  chalice  into  the hands  ;  sumere  or  consumere,  the  act  of  eating  or drinking  the  particle  or  the  wine. The  word  communicare  is  also  used  actively,  to denote  the  act  cf  presenting  the  consecrated Bread  ;  the  deacons  following  with  the  cup  are said  confirmare  Sanguine  Domiidco,  or  confrmare simply  :  "  Episcopi  communicant  populum  ;  post eos  diaconi  coufirmant ;  "  "  subdiaconus  regio- narius  ...  confirmat  populum  "  ( Ordo  Pom.  I. c.  20).  The  word  is  used  no  doubt  to  signify the  completing  or  perfecting  of  the  act  of  com- munion {Micrologus,  c.  19). COMMUNION,  HOLY General  Account  op  Holy  Communion. The  earliest  extant  description  of  Holy  Com- munion is  the  well-known  passage  of  Justin Martyr  (ApoL  I.  c.  65),  already  quoted  under Canon  (p.  267).  No  .description  is  here  given  of posture  or  gesture,  whether  of  ministrants  or recipients,  or  of  any  words  accompanying  admi- nistration;  Justin  tells  us  only  that  after  the elxa-piffTia.  "  those  whom  we  call  deacons  give to  each  of  those  present  to  pai'take  of  the  bread and  of  the  wine  and  water  over  which  thanks have  been  given''  (jov  €vxapi<TT-ndevTos  &pTOv Kal  oivuv  Kal  liSaroi),  and  carry  away  to  those who  are  not  present."  He  repeats  substan- tially the  same  account  in  c.  67,  using  the  words SidSoiTLs  and  ;U€TaA7jv//is  for  distribution  and reception. From  Tertullian  we  learn  that  in  the  African Church  of  the  2nd  century  the  Eucharist  was administered  to  all  who  were  present ;  for  he recommends  (I)e  Oratione,  c.  14)  those  who hesitated  to  be  present  at  the  celebration  on stationary  days  [Statio]  for  fear  of  breaking their  fast,  to  be  present  indeed,  but  to  reserve the  portion  which  they  received.  This  applies to  the  Bread  only ;  it  was  consecrated  bread, which  some  were  in  the  habit  of  putting  to their  lips  before  an  ordinary  meal  {Ad  Uxorem, ii.  b).  The  Eucharist  was  received,  not  at  the usual  meal-time,  as  the  Lord's  command  seemed to  require  (et  in  tempore  victus  et  omnibus maudatum  a  Domino),  but  in  assemblies  before dawn  and  from  no  other  hands  than  those  of  the presidents  (pi-aesidentium) ;  it  was  given  into the  hands;  for  Tertullian  laments  the  impiety of  those  idol-makers  who — whether  as  clerics  or laics— touched  the  Lord's  Body  with  hands  so contaminated  (X'e  Idul  c.  7) ;  and  Christians felt  an  anxious  dread  lest  any  portion  of  the bread  or  the  win«  should  fall  to  the  ground (Z>e  Corona,  c.  3),  for  the  Holy  Communion was  administered,  ordinarily  at  least,  under both  kinds.  Tertullian  has  also  a  probable allusion  to  the  Amen  of  the  recipient  in  response to  the  words  of  administration  (De  Spectac. c.  25). From  Cyprian  we  learn  (besides  much  as  to the  worthiness  of  communicants)  that  the  deacon presented  the  cup  after  consecration  to  those  who were  present,  probably  in  a  certain  order  (De Lapsis,  c.  25) ;  the  bread  was  received  into  the right  hand  (Ep.  58,  c.  9,  Hartel),  and  was  not unfrequently  carried  home  in  a  casket  (Z>e  Lapsis, c.  26).     Compare  Arca. Clement  of  Alexandria  {Strom,  i.  c.  1,  p.  318 Potter),  speaking  of  the  necessity  of  men  trying and  examining  themselves,  illustrates  his  posi- tion by  a  reference  to  the  Eucharist,  "  in  distri- buting which  according  to  custom  some  permit each  several  person  in  the  congi-egation  to  take his  portion."  There  is  no  reason  for  supposing (Probst,-  Lit.  der  Drei  Ersten  Jahrhdte.)  that these  Tives  were  schismatics  ;  and  the  passage seems  to  imply  that  there  were  churches  where the  ministers,  in  distributing  the  elements,  per- mitted all  who  were  present  to  partake  if  they a  This  is  the  translation  usually  given  of  cux^P'-'^tt)- ee'i/Tos  (see  Alzog's  Patrologie,  p.  711;  but  it  may  per- haps be  interpreted  "  the  bread  presented  as  a  thank- offering."    (See  EtTCHARisT.) COMMUNION,  HOLY        413 Avould ;  and  other  churches  wliere  they  judged who  among  the  congregation  v.ere  or  were  nut worthy. The  directions  of  the  second  book  of  the  Apo- stolical Constitutirms  are  as  follows  (c.  57,  §  1-4-): "  After  the  sacrifice  has  been  made,  let  eacii rank  (ra^fs)  severally  partake  of  the  Lord's Body  and  of  the  precious  Blood,  approaching  in rank  with  reverence  and  godly  fear  as  to  the body  of  a  king  ;  and  let  the  women  draw  near with  veiled  heads,  as  befits  the  rank  of  women. And  let  the  doors  be  watched,  lest  any  unbe- lieving or  uninitiated  person  enter."  By "  ranks "  we  are  no  doubt  to  understand  the_ several  orders  of  the  clergy  and  ascetics,  ac- cording to  dignity,  then  laymen,  then  women. The  testimony  of  Origen  (in  Exodum,  Horn.  xi. c.  7,  p.  172  ;  xiii.  3,  176)  shews  that,  after  the sermon  the  people  drew  nigh  to  the  marriage- supper  of  the  Lamb  ;  that  not  the  priest  alone, but  the  fixithful  also  who  were  present,  re- ceived the  Sacrament ;  and  that  they  were  care- ful that  no  particle  of  the  consecrated  elements should  fall  to  the  ground,  receiving  the  Bread no  doubt  into  their  hands.  His  comment  on Psalm  xxxiii.  [xxxiv.]  9,  perhaps  alludes  to  the use  of  reiKTaffde  Kol  XSere  as  an  antiphon  during communion. Dionysius,  bishop  of  Alexandria  from  248- 266  (in  Euseb.  //.  E.  vii.  9),  mentions  the  prin- cipal ceremonies  of  communion,  when  he  speaks of  one  who  had  long  attended  the  Eucharistic Service,  joined  in  responding  Amen,  stood  by  the Table,  stretched  forth  his  hand  to  receive  the Holy  Food  and  received  it,  had  partaken  of the  Body  and  Blood  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ. Cyril  of  Jerusalem  describes  the  manner  of receiving  in  his  time  (c.  a.d.  350)  and  country, thus  (Cuiec/i.  3fijstag.  v.  20-22) : After  the  Sancta  Sanctis,  "ye  hear  the voice  of  the  chanter  (toi)  \pa\Aovros)  with  divine melody  inviting  you  to  partake  of  the  holy mysteries,  and  saying,  '  0  taste  and  see  how gracious  the  Lord  is.'  Permit  not  the  bodily palate  -  no,  but  faith  unfeigned,  to  judge  of these  things ;  for  they  who  taste  are  bidden  to taste  not  of  bread  and  wine,  but  of  the  copy {auTiTvirov)  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ. When  you  approach,  then,  draw  near  not  with the  wrists  straight  out  nor  with  the  fingers spread,  but  making  the  left  hand  a  throne  for the  right,  as  for  that  which  is  to  receive  a  king ; and  hollowing  the  palm,  receive  the  Body  of Christ,  saying  after  reception  the  Amen.  Then after  carefully  hallowing  thine  eyes  by  the touch  of  the  Holy  Body,  partake  of  it  (;U6toA.o^- ^Saj/e),  giving  heed  lest  any  portion  of  it  fall aside  and  be  lost ;  for  whatsoever  thou  hast  lost, by  so  much  hast  thou  suffered  damage  of  thine own  members  .  .  .  Then,  after  communicating (Koivaifrjffai)  of  the  Body,  draw  near  also  to  the Cup  (iTOTriplu))  of  the  Blood ;  not  stretching forth  thy  hands,  but  bending,  and  with  an  air of  adoration  and  reverence,  saying  the  Amen, sanctify  thyself  partaking  also  of  the  Blood  of Christ.  Further,  touching  with  thy  hands  the moisture  remaining  on  thy  lips,  sanctify  both thine  eyes  and  thy  forehead  and  the  other organs  of  the  senses  (aJff^TjT^pia).  Then,  while awaiting    the    prayer,    give    thanks    unto    God, ho    hath    thought mysteries." thee fthy    of great 414 COMMUNION,  HOLY In  the  later  Apost.  Constitutions  (viii.  14,  §  3)^ after  the  Sancta  Sanctis,  the  directions  proceed  : "  Aud  after  this  let  the  bishop  partake,  then  the presbyters  and  the  deacons,  and  subdeacons,  and che  readers,  and  the  chanters,  and  the  ascetics ; and  of  the  women's  side,  the  deaconesses  and  the virgins  aud  the  widows;  then  the  children,  then all  the  peoi^le,  with  reverence  and  godly  fear, without  disturbance.  And  let  the  bishop  minis- ter the  oblation  (TTpo(T<popa.v,  i.e.  the  Bread) saying,  'The  Body  of  Christ,'  and  let  him  that receiveth  say  Amen  ;  and  let  the  deacon  hold  the cup,  and  say  as  he  administers,  '  The  Blood  of Christ,  the  Cup  of  Life,'  and  let  him  that drinketh  say  Amen.  And  let  the  33rd  Psalm [3ith  E.V.]  be  said  while  the  rest  are  partaking (eV  T(S- /j.iTaXafj.^dveii');  and  when  all  the  men and  women  have  partaken,  let  the  deacons  take what  remains  over  and  bear  it  into  the  sacristy (ra  iraa-TOfpSpia)."  Then  followed  thanksgiving, prayer,  benediction,  and  dismissal. In  the  Liturgy  of  St.  James,  the  Sancta  Sanctis is  followed  by  Fraction  aud  Commixtion  ;  then  the priest,  after  saying  the  prayer  before  reception, administers  to  the  clergy ;  the  antiphon  "  0 taste  aud  see  "  is  sung ;  when  the  deacons  take up  the  patens  and  the  cups  to  administer  to  the people,  the  priest  utters  an  ascription  of  glory to  God  :  special  forms  of  "  Gloria  "  are  also  given to  accompany  the  placing  of  the  sacred  vessels on  the  side-table  or  credence  (TrapaTpdiri(ov), for  taking  them  up  again,  and  for  placing  them on  the  Holy  Table  ;  but  no  formula  of  adminis- tration is  given  either  in  the  Greek  or  Syriac form  of  the  liturgy. In  the  Liturgy  of  St.  Mark,  after  the  Sancta Sanctis  and  Fraction,  the  priest  communicates, saying  the  prayer  "  According  to  Thy  mercy," or  "Like  as  the  hart  desireth  the  water-brooks." And  when  he  administei-s  the  Bread  to  the clergy,  he  says,  "  The  Holy  Body  ;  "  on  adminis- tering the  cup,  "  The  precious  Blood  of  our  Lord and  God  and  Saviour."  Then  follow  thanks- giving, pi-ayer,  and  dismissal.  The  form  for  the communion  of  the  people  was  in  all  probability the  same  as  that  for  the  clergy. In  that  of  St.  Basil,  after  the  Sancta  Sanctis stands  the  rubric,  "  Then  the  communion  (iJi.eTa- Aj)ij/6ais)  being  completed,  and  the  Holy  Mys- teries lifted  from  the  Holy  Table,  the  priest l)rays ;  "  then  follow  thanksgiving,  prayer,  and dismissal. In  the  much  more  fully  developed  Byzantine Liturgy  (St.  Chrysostom's),  the  priest  elevating the  Bread  says  the  Sancta  Sanctis,  to  which  the usual  response  is  given,  and  the  choir  chants the  communion-antiphon  of  the  day  or  the  saint. Then  follow  Fraction  and  Commixtion,  and  the peculiar  rite  of  pouring  a  few  drops  of  boiling water  into  the  chalice ;  then  "  the  Priest,  taking the  Holy  Bread,  gives  it  to  the  deacon  ;  and  the deacon,  saluting  the  hand  that  imparts  it  to him,  takes  the  Holy  Bread,  saying,  '  Impart (fxirdZos)  to  me,  sir,  the  precious  and  holy Body  of  our  Lord  and  God  and  Saviour  Jesus Christ.'  ^  And  the  Priest  says,  'To  N.,  sacred deacon  (lepoSioKtJi^o)),  is  imparted  the  precious and  holy  and  undefiled  Body  of  our  Lord  and God  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  for  forgiveness  of sins  and  life  eternal.'  And  he  passes  behind I  he  Holy  Table,  bowing  his  head,  and  prays  as the  priest   does.      In   like   manner  the    priest, COMMUNION,  HOLY taking  one  particle  of  the  Holy  Bread,  says, '  The  precious  and  all-holy  Body  of  our  Lord and  God  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ  is  imparted  to me,  N.,  priest,  for  forgiveness  of  sins  and  life eternal.'  Then,  bowing  his  head  lov/,  he  prays." Then  follow  directions  for-  replacing  the  vessels on  the  Holy  Table.  Then  the  door  of  the  sanc- tuary (;3f);ua),  within  which  the  actions  pre- viously described  have  taken  place,  is  opened, and  the  deacon  standing  in  the  doorway  elevates the  cup.  This  rubric  follows  :  "  Be  it  known that  if  there  are  any  who  desire  to  partake,  the priest  takes  the  Holy  Cup''  from  the  hands  of the  deacon  and  imparts  to  them,  saying :  '  The servant  of  God  N.  partakes  of  the  precious  and holy  Body  and  Blood  of  our  Lord  and  Saviour Jesus  Christ  for  forgiveness  of  his  sins  and  life eternal.'  "  Then,  after  a  blessing,  the  priest  and deacon  return  to  the  Holy  Table,  and  rubrics follow  prescribing  the  various  observances  with which  the  sacred  vessels  are  carried  to  the sacristy. Of  the  Western  rites,  we  will  speak  first  of the  Roman. After  the  Libera  nos  of  the  Canon  follow  the Kiss  of  Peace  and  the  breaking  or  Fractiok of  the  Host,  during  which  the  Agnus  Dei  was said. Then,  in  the  ancient  form  of  Papal  Mass,  a deacon  (or,  according  to  the  Ordines  V.  and  VL, an  acolyth)  bore  the  paten  to  the  Pope's  seat, west  of  the  altar ;  the  Pontiff  awaited  his coming,  standing  up  with  folded  hands  ;  he  bit a  portion  from  the  oblate  on  the  paten,  and placed  the  oblate  in  the  chalice  held  by  the archdeacon ;  from  this  chalice  he  partook  of the  Wine  by  means  of  a  gold  or  silver  pipe [Fistula]. When  the  Pontiff  has  communicated,  the  arch- deacon draws  near  the  horn  of  the  altar  (Ordo Eoni.  I.  c.  20 ;  II.  c.  14),  and  pours  a  little  of the  wine  from  the  chalice  which  had  been  used in  consecration  into  the  cup  (scyphum)  held  by an  acolyth  ;  then  the  bishops  approach  to  re- ceive the  communion  from  the  hands  of  the Pontiff;  then  the  presbyters  in  like  manner ((?.  R.  I.  u.  s.);  according  to  the  Urdo  B.  II. the  presbyters  drew  near  not  to  the  Papal  seat but  to  the  altar  to  communicate.  The  Ordo  V. describes  the  manner  of  communicating  with more  detail :  "  let  the  presbyters  also  drawing near  communicate,  to  whom  the  bishop  gives  the Holy  Body  into  their  hands,  and  let  them  go  to the  left-hand  horn  •=  of  the  altar  and  kiss  it,  and communicate.  In  like  manner  after  them  let the  deacons  communicate."  The  Ordo  VI. makes  the  distinction  that  subdeacons  are  to receive  the  Body  into  their  mouths,  while  the higher  orders  receive  it  into  their  hands. After  the  Pontiff  had  ministered  the  Bread, the  archdeacon  ministered  the  Wine  to  the clergy  ;  after  which  he  poured  the  remainder  of i*  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  cup  contains  a portion  of  the  consecrated  bread  as  well  as  the  wine ;  and that  in  nearly  all  the  Eastern  churches  the  sacred  elements have  from  ancient  times  been  administered  to  the  laity with  a  spoon  (A.a/3t;). 0  i.e.  the  north  side.  "  Eight"  and  "  left"  in  liturgical language  at  present  refer  to  the  right  and  left  hand  Of  the crucifix  over  the  altar :  but  anciently  they  referred  to  the right  and  left  of  a  person  standing  with  his  face  towards the  altar.    [Horn.] COMMUNION,  HOLY tliR  wine  from  the  chalice  into  the  cup  (scy phum),  from  which  the  laity  were  to  commu- nicate by  means  of  a  tube,  or  pugillaris  [Fistula]. 'J"he  wine  in  this  cup  was  regarded  as  completely consecrated  by  the  infusion  of  the  consecrated Wine  ft-oni  the  chalice  (see  Mabillon,  Comm. Praevius  in  Ordines  BE.  p.  xciii.).  The  Pope delivered  the  bread  to  the  principal  persons  pre- sent, the  archdeacon  following  with  the  cup; meantime  the  choir  sang  the  antiphon  Ad  Com- munionem.  When  the  principal  persons  in  the Si:XATOKiUM  had  communicated,  the  bishops ministered  the  bread  to  the  rest  of  the  laity,  and tlie  deacons  the  cup;  or  sometimes,  at  the  bid- ding of  the  Pontiff,  presbyters  administered  both the  bread  and  the  cup  {Ordo  R.  L  c.  20,  and  //. c.  14).  As  to  the  form  of  words  accompanying administration;  Gregory  the  Great  used  the following :  "  Corpus  Dom.  N.  J.  Christi  con- servet  auimam  tuam  "  (Joann.  Diac.  Vita  Greg. ii.  41).  The  Missa  Il/t/rici  (in  Bona,  Ue  Reb. Lit.  p.  .554,  ed.  1672)  gives  the  following.  For the  priest  himself  when  he  receives :  "  Corpus Domini  Nostri  Jesu  Christi  sit  mihi  remedium sempiternum  in  vitam  aeternam,"  and  "  Sanguis D.  N.  J.  Christi  custodiat  me  in  vitam  aeter- nam." On  delivering  the  Body  into  the  hands of  priest  or  deacons,  the  form  is  "  Pa.\  tecum. R.  Et  cum  spiritu  tuo;"'^  or  "Verbum  caro factus  est,  et  habitavit  in  nobis :  "  on  delivering the  cup,  in  which  a  portion  of  the  consecrated bread  is  immersed  [Commixtion],  "  Haec  sacro- saneta  commixtio  corporis  et  sanguinis  D.  N. J.  C.  prosit  tibi  ad  vitam  aeternam."  For  the subdeacons  and  inferior  orders  the  form  is : "Perceptio  Corporis  et  Sanguinis  D.  N.  J.  C. sanctificet  corpus  et  animam  tuam  in  vitam aeternam.  Amen."  For  the  laity  :  "  Corpus  et sanguis  D.  N.  J.  C.  prosit  tibi  in  remissionem omnium  peccatorum  et  ad  vitam  aeternam." About  the  time  of  Charles  the  Great,  the  follow- ing was  a  common  formula :  "  Corpus  D.  N.  J.  C. custodiat  te  in  vitam  aeternam"  (Krazer,  de Liturgiis,  p.  561).^ In  the  Galilean  Church,  after  the  benediction and  the  communion  of  the  priest,  the  ftiithful, men  and  women  alike,  drew  near  the  altar  and received  the  Eucharist  into  their  hands. During  the  time  of  communicating,  a  psalm or  canticle  was  chanted.  On  this  point  Aurelian, bishop  of  Orleans,  gives  the  simple  rule,  "Psal- lendo  oranes  communicant  "  {Reguld).  Germanus of  Paris,  his  contemporary,  calls  the  canticle  or antiphon  which  was  sung  during  communion Treccmum,  and  says  that  it  signified  faith  in  the Holy  Trinity  ;  it  was  probably  either  the  Gloria Fatri,  or  something  equivalent  to  the  Unus Rater,  Unus  Filius,  Unus  Spiritus  Sanctus,  of the  Eastern  Church  [Sancta  Sanctis].  In  the Mozarabic  liturgy,  after  the  priestly  benediction and  salutation,  the  choir  chants  the  antiphon  Ad Accedentes,  during  which  the  people  were  to draw  near.  After  the  antiphon,  the  priest  takes from  the  paten  the  particle  Gloria  [see  Fkac- tion],  saying  inaudibly  "  Panem  coelastem  de d  These  words  were  no  doubt  used  as  appropriate  to the  Kiss  of  Peace  given  by  the  ministrant  to  the  recipient, as  was  occasionally  done  even  as  late  as  the  12th  century. (Innocent  JII,  De  Myst.  Missae,  vi.  9.) '  A  good  collection  of  such  formulae  may  be  found in  the  work  of  Dominic  Georgi,  de  Liturgia  Ram. I'ontif. COMMUNION,  HOLY        415 mensa  Domini  accipiam  et  nomen  Domini  invo- cabo,"f  and,  holding  it  over  the  chalice,  says prayers  for  worthy  reception ;  then  consumes the  particle  which  he  holds  in  his  hand,  and then  the  remaining  particles  on  the  paten.  Im- mediately after  he  communicates  the  people. He  then  uncovers  the  chalice  and,  after  the prayer  "Ave  in  aevum  coelestis  potus,"  and "  Corpus  et  Sanguis  D.  N.  J.  Christi  custodiat corpus  et  animam  meam  in  vitam  aeternam, Amen,"  drinks  thereof,  and  says  prayer  for  bene- fit from  reception.  The  choir  chants  the  CoM- MUNIO,  or  antiphon  for  communicating.  No direction  is  given  for  the  communion  of  the people  further  than  that  contained  in  the  words "  et  statim  populo  communionem  impertit." After  the  ablution  of  the  chalice.  Alleluia  is chanted,  post -communion  follows,  salutation  and dismissal. In  the  Ambrosian  rite,  after  the  Fraction  and the  Kiss  of  Peace,  the  pi-iest  thrice  strikes  his breast,  saying,  Domine  non  sum  digniis ;  on taking  the  bread  into  his  hand,  he  says.  Quid retribuam  Domino  ?  and  immediately  before  com- municating, "  Corpus  D.  N.  J.  C.  custodiat  ani- mam meam  in  vitam  aeternam.  Amen."  On taking  the  cup  into  his  hand,  he  agaia  says  the Quid  retribuam,  and  before  communicating, "  Praesta,  quaesumus,  Domine,  ut  perceptio  Cor- poris et  Sanguinis  D.  N.  J.  C.  ad  vitam  nos  per- ducat  aeternam  ;"  then  if  any  ai'e  to  commu- nicate he  administers  to  them  before  Purifica- tion. The  ancient  form  of  administration  we learn  from  the  Pseudo-Ambrosius  de  Sacramentis (iv.  5) ;  "  dicit  tibi  sacerdos,  Corpus  Christi,  et tu  dicis.  Amen,  id  est,  verum,"  which  is  identical with  the  aSifxa  Xpicrrov  of  Eastern  ritual.  The form  for  the  cup  was  probably  similar. The  prayers  which  accompany  communion vary  much  in  different  copies  of  the  Ambrosian missal,  and  are  probably  all  of  comparatively modern  date. All  who  were  present  communicated. — This  is contemplated  in  all  the  early  accounts  of  Holy Communion ;  hence  the  care  taken  to  exclude from  the  mysteries  all  who  were  not  fit  to  par- ticipate. The  second  canon  of  the  Council  of Antioch  (a.d.  ,344;  compare  Canon.  Apost.  c.  9 [10])  orders  that  those  who  came  into  the  church and  heard  the  service,  so  far  as  the  lections  of Scripture,  but  declined  to  partake  in  the  prayers of  the  people  or  to  communicate,  should  be  cast out  of  the  church  until  they  should  have  con- fessed and  repented  of  their  fault.  This  would seem  to  imply  that  the  practice  of  some  of  the worshippers  leaving  the  church  before  the  more solemn  part  of  the  liturgy  (ewx'/)  ^^^  com- menced, was  already  known  (though  censured) in  the  4th  century  ;  for  if  they  had  remained in  the  church,  they  could  hardly  have  been  de- scribed as  |x^^  Koivwvovvras  fvxv^  "M"  ^y  Xaw. Martin  of  Braga  (a.d.  560)  inserted  this  in  his CoHectio  Canonum  (c.  83)  for  the  use  of  the Spanish  Church.  Gratian  {De  Consecrat.  Dist. ii.  c.  10)  quotes  a  decree  of  Pope  Anacletus,  which f  In  the  printed  missals,  which  are  much  interpolated, the  direction  follows  in  the  rubric,  "  et  dicat  sacerdos memento  pro  mortuis ;"  as  to  which  Krazer  (de  Lit.  p. 621)  notes,  "qui  ritus,  ut  jam  in.-inuavimus,  Gotho-His- panus  non  est ;  bine  et  nulla  in  missali  illius  occurrit formula." 416 COMMUNION,  HOLY distinctly  orders  all  to  communicate  when  con- secration was  completed,  if  they  would  not  be cast  out  of  the  church.  The  decree  is  of  course spurious  ;  but  it  is  interesting  as  indicating  what was  the  law  of  the  Roman  Church  at  the  time of  the  Isidoriau  forgeries  (about  830),  and  also probably  that  the  practice  of  non-communicating attendance  had  then  begun  ;  for  the  decree  would not  have  been  put  forth  without  a  purpose. One  class  of  persons  only  seems  to  have  been permitted  in  ancient  times  to  be  present  at  Holy Communion  without  communicating — the  con- sistentes  {crvvlcrrafiivoC)  or  fourth  class  of  peni- tents, who  were  permitted  to  be  present  at  the whole  service,  but  not  to  make  oblation  or  to communicate.  See  Cone.  Nicae.  c.  11 ;  Ancyra, c.  8 ;  Basil,  Ep.  Canon,  c.  56. On  the  question  of  private  and  solitary  masses, see  Mass. Communion  under  both  kinds. — That  in  the solemn  public  administration  cf  the  Lord's Supper  the  laity  received  under  both  kinds  from the  foundation  of  the  Church  of  Christ  to  the l'2th  century  is  admitted  on  all  hands.  (See  Ma- billon,  Acta  SS.  Bencd.  Saec.  III.  praef.  c.  75.) The  danger  of  spilling  the  consecrated  wine  led to  the  adoption  of  a  tube,  or  Fistula,  through which  it  might  be  drawn. When  this  practice  too  was  found  to  have  its peculiar  disadvantages,  the  custom  sprang  up  in some  churches,  and  continues  in  the  East  to  this day,  of  administering  to  the  people  the  Eucha- ristic  Bread  dipped  in  the  consecrated  wine,  in which  case  the  particle  was  administered  by means  of  a  spoon,  made  for  that  purpose.  This practice  seems  to  be  alluded  to  in  the  first  canon of  the  3rd  Council  of  Braga  (a.d.  675),  which condemns  those  who  were  accustomed  ''intinc- tam  eucharistiam  populis  pro  complemento  com- munionis  porrigere."  In  this  case,  we  are  not to  understand  that  the  administration  of  the immersed  particle  was  over  and  above  com- munion proper,  for  the  later  portion  of  the canon  distinctly  implies  that  this  "  intincta eucharistia  "  was  substituted  for  the  evangelical practice  of  administering  separately  the  bread and  the  cup.  How  this  practice,  which  was condemned  in  the  West  as  schismatical  and against  apostolic  tradition,  came  to  be  so  widely spread  in  the  East  is  difficult  to  say.  That  in the  time  of  Chrysostom  the  deacon  still  minis- tered the  cup  to  the  people  may  be  shown  by various  passages  in  his  works,  which  proves  that the  administration  of  •'  eucharistia  intincta " had  not  then  begun  in  the  Byzantine  Church. Nor  is  it  easy  to  say  when  it  was  introduced. This  manner  of  communicating  was  widely  pre- valent in  ancient  times  in  the  case  of  sick  per- sons [SicK,  Communion  of]. Posture  of  Reception. — All  the  testimonies  of ancient  writers  adduced  in  this  article,  so  far  as they  determine  anything  on  the  point,  describe the  communicants  as  receiving  standing.  As this  was  the  usual  posture  of  prayer  and  praise on  every  Lord's  Day  and  during  the  Easter  solem- nities, the  faithful  would  naturally  communicate standing  on  such  days.  Nor  are  testimonies wanting  that  the  same  was  true  of  other  days also,  though  these  concern  rather  the  Eastern than  the  Western  Church  (Bona,  De  Reb.  Lit. ii.  c.  17,  §  8;  Valesius  on  Euseb.  //.  E.  vii.  9). In  a  Pontifical  Mass  at  Rome,  the  deacon  still COMMUNION,  HOLY communicates  standing,  a  relic  no  doubt  of  the ancient  practice.  On  other  occasions,  the  cele- brant alone  communicates  standing,  the  rest, whether  clergy  or  laity,  kneeling.  Dr.  Neale (E((stern  Ch.  introd.  p.  524)  mentions  a  cajjital at  Rheims,  probably  of  the  12th  century,  which represents  a  standing  communion. Delivery  of  the  Bread  into  the  Hand. — There is  abundant  proof,  besides  that  already  adduced, that  the  Eucharistic  bread  was  in  ancient  times delivered  into  the  hands  of  communicants.  Thus, Ambrose  (in  Theodoret,  Hid.  Eccl.  v.  17)  asks Theodosius,  after  the  massacre  of  Thessalonica, how  he  could  venture  to  receive  the  Lord's Body  with  hands  still  dripping  from  the  slaughter of  the  innocent ;  and  Augustine  (e.  Litt.  Petiliani, ii.  23)  speaks  of  a  bishop  in  whose  hands  his correspondent  used  to  place  the  Eucharist,  and receive  it  into  his  own  hands  from  him  in  turn  ; and  Basil  {Ep.  289)  says  that  in  the  church the  priest  delivers  a  portion  of  the  Eucharist into  the  hand,  and  the  communicant  carries  it to  his  mouth  with  his  own  hand.  Chrysostom (Horn.  20,  ad  Pop.  Antioch.  c.  7)  speaks  of  the need  of  havmg  clean  hands,  considering  what  they may  bear.  The  narrative  in  Sozomen  (//.  E. viii.  5)  of  a  transaction  of  Chrysostom's  describes a  woman  after  receiving  the  bread  into  her hand  bowing  her  head  as  if  to  pray  (ws  ev- lo^aeVij  a.Tr€Kv\pe),  and  passing  on  the  jiarticle she  had  received  to  her  maid-servant. The  101st  canon  of  the  TruUan  Council  (an. 692)  reprehends  a  practice  which  had  sprung  up of  providing  receptacles  of  gold  or  other  precious material  for  the  reception  of  the  Eucharist. After  insisting  on  the  truth,  that  man  is  more precious  than  fine  gold,  the  canon  proceeds  :  "  if any  man  desires  to  partake  of  the  immaculate Body  ...  let  him  draw  near,  disposing  his hands  in  the  form  of  a  cross,  and  so  receive  the communion  of  the  divine  grace;"  and  priests who  gave  the  Eucharist  into  such  receptacles (Soxf 'ct)  were  to  be  excommunicated.  John  of Damascus  also  (de  Fid.  Orthod.  iv.  14)  desires Christians  to  dispose  their  hands  in  the  form 'of a  cross  to  receive  the  body  of  the  Crucified.  His contemporary  Bede  {Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  24)  describes Caedmon  on  his  deathbed  (about  680)  as  re- ceiving the  Eucharist  into  his  hand.  As  he mentions  this  without  comment,  it  was  no  doubt the  practice  oF  his  own  time  also. Before  the  end  of  the  6th  century  women were  forbidden  to  receive  the  Eucharist  on  the naked  hand,  and  were  compelled  to  receive  it  on a  napkin  called  DOMINICALE.  See  Cone.  Antis- siod.  [Auxerre],  canons  36  and  42.  Caesarius of  Aries,  in  a  sermon  printed  as  St.  Augus- tine's {Serm.  252,  de  Tempore),  e.xhorts  the women  to  have  their  hearts  as  clean  as  the napkin  which  they  brought  to  receive  the  Body of  Christ.  The  Greek  Fathers  however  say  no- thing of  any  such  practice,  and  the  censure  of the  Trullau  Council  would  evidently  apply  as well  to  linen  as  to  other  materials. How  long  the  custom  of  giving  the  Eucharist into  the  hands  of  lay  persons  continued  in  the Roman  Church  cannot  be  precisely  determined. Gregory  the  Great  {Dialogus,  iii.  c.  3)  asserts indeed  that  Pope  Agapetus  (535-536)  placed  the Eucharist  in  the  mouth  of  a  certain  dumb  and lame  person  ;  but  from  a  case  so  peculiar  nothing can  be  concluded,  except  that  the  express  men- COMMUNION,  HOLY tion  of  the  sacramout  being  placed  in  the  mouth of  this  person  probably  indicates  that  the  general practice  was  otherwise.  At  the  time  when  the Or-do  R.  VI.  was  drawn  up  (9th  century  ?), the  ancient  custom  had  ceased  at  Rome,  for the  form  of  reception  which  was  not  per- mitted to  subdeacous  was  certainly  not  permitted to  the  laity.  A  council  held  at  Rouen  (probably in  tlie  year  880)  strictly  prohibited  presbyters from  placing  the  Eucharist  in  the  hand  of  any lay  person,  male  or  female,  commanding  them to  place  it  in  their  moutlis.  This  practice,  which probably  originated  in  a  desire  to  protect  that which  is  holy  from  profane  or  superstitious  uses, gradually  became  the  almost  universal  rule  of the  Church.  So  in  1549,  because  the  people "  diversely  abused  "  the  Sacrament  "  to  super- stition and  wickedness,"  it  was  thought  con- venient that  the  people  commonly  receive  the sacrament  of  Christ's  Body  in  their  mouths at  the  priest's  hand.  (See  the  first  Prayei'- Book  of  Edward  VI.  in  Keeling's  Litt.  Britt. p.  235.) Responding  Amen  on  Reception. — Besides  the instances  already  given  of  this  practice,  the following  may  be  cited :  Jerome  {Ep.  62,  ad Theoph.  Alex.)  wonders  how  one  could  come  to the  Eucharist,  and  answer  Amen,  when  he doubted  of  the  charity  of  the  ministrant.  Au- gustine (c.  Faustum  Manich.  xii.  10)  speaks  of the  responding  Amen  on  reception  of  the  Blood of  Christ  as  a  universal  custom. Place  of  Communicating. — The  second  synod  of Tours  (a.d.  567),  in  the  fourth  canon  (Bruns's Canones,  ii.  226),  prohibited  lay  persons  from standing  in  the  space  within  the  rails  (cancelli) reserved  for  the  choir  during  the  celebration  of the  mysteries;  but  expressly  allowed  lay  men and  women  to  enter  the  sanctuary  (sancta sanctorum)  for  the  purpose  of  praying  and  com- municating, as  had  been  the  custom  in  times past.  The  existence  of  this  custom  is  further proved  by  the  story  told  by  Gregory  of  Tours {de  Mirac.  S.  Martini,  ii.  c.  14)  of  the  paralytic girl,  who,  being  miraculously  healed,  approached the  altar  to  communicate  without  help. Yet  at  nearly  the  same  time  the  1st  Council of  Braga  (A.D.  563)  in  Spain,  in  the  canon  (13) headed  "  Ubi  omnes  communicant,"  ordered  that no  lay  pei-son  should  approach  within  the  sanc- tuary of  the  altar  to  communicate,  but  only clerics,  as  is  provided  in  the  ancient  canons. We  have  already  seen,  that  in  the  liturgy of  St.  Chrysostom  the  priests  and  deacons  com- municated within  the  sanctuary,  the  lay  people outside ;  and  some  distinction  of  this  kind  pro- bably became  general  from  about  the  6th  century. The  distinction  between  the  communion  of  the clergy  and  that  of  the  laity  always  tended  in fact  to  become  broader,  and  as  differences  in- creased not  only  in  respect  of  precedence,  but  in respect  of  the  manner  and  place  of  communi- cating, the  degradation  of  a  clerk  to  lay  com- munion became  a  more  marked  punishment [Degradation]. Conditions  of  Admission  to  Holy coiimunion. 1.  Communicants  must  be  baptized  persons,  not under  censure. — None  could  be  admitted  to  Holy Communion  but  baptized  persons  (ouSeh  o/SoTr- TtcTToy  nfTa\aij.^dvfi,  Theophylact  on  Matt.  14), CHRIST.  ANT. COMMUNION,  HOLY 41? lying  under  no  censure  [Excommunication]. 'ihe  competency  of  ordinary  members  of  any church  would  be  known  as  a  matter  of  course  to the  clergy  administering  the  sacrament.  Persons from  a  distance  were  required  to  produce  cer- tificates from  their  own  bishops  {ypd/j-fxaTa KoivaiviKa,  literae  communicatoriae,  formatae ; see  Commendatory  Letters)  that  they  were iu  the  peace  of  the  Church,  before  they  could be  admitted  to  Holy  Communion  (Cone.  Car- thag.  i.  c.  5 ;  Eliberit.  cc.  25,  58 ;  Arks,  i.  c. 9 ;  Agde,  c.  52).  Some  have  thought  that  the expression  commimio  peregrina  designates  the state  of  those  strangers  who,  being  unprovided with  such  letters,  were  admitted  to  be  present at  divine  service,  but  not  to  communicate  (see Bona,  De  Reb.  Lit.  ii.  c.  19,  §§  5,  6  ;  Bingham, Antiq.  XVII.  iii.  7). 2.  It  seems  also  that,  in  some  cases  at  least, within  the  first  eight  centuries,  Private  Con- fession was  enjoined  before  communicating.  In the  Penitential  of  Archbishop  Theodore  (about A.D.  700)  in  the  chapter  Be  Communione  Eucha- ristiae  (I.  xii.  7)  is  the  provision,  "Confessio autem  Deo  soli  agatur  licebit,  si  necesse  est;" to  which  is  added  in  some  MSS.  the  note  of  a transcriber  of  perhaps  a  century  later,  "  et  hoc necessarium."  The  same  provision  is  repeated  in the  Penitential  of  Cumineus,  the  work  almost certainly  of  the  later  Cumineus,  an  Irish  monk who  lived  and  wrote  near  Bobbio,  in  the  early part  of  the  8th  century.  The  purport  of  the rule  seems  to  be,  that  confession  to  a  priest  was the  ordinary  practice,  but  that  it  might  be  dis- pensed with  in  case  of  necessity. That  confession  to  a  priest  was  a  usual,  though not  a  necessary,  preliminary  to  Holy  Commu- nion is  perhaps  implied  in  the  narrative  of Adamnan  {Vita  S.  Columbae,  i.  17,  20,  30,  41, 50)  and  of  Bede  {Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  25,  27).  The whole  subject  is  discussed  in  Ussher's  Religion of  the  Ancient  Irish,  c.  5 ;  and  in  Lanigan's History  of  the  Irish  Church,  iv.  67.  Compare Penitence. In  the  case  of  reconciliation  of  penitents  after excommunication  and  penance,  the  intervention  of the  bishop — or  of  a  priest  in  his  absence — was  of course  necessary  (Theodore's  Penit.  I.  xiii.  2,  3) ; and  clergy  ordained  by  Scotch  or  British  bishops were  not  admitted  to  communion  in  the  Anglican church  until  they  had  "  confessed  "  their  desire to  be  restored  to  unity  {lb.  I.  ix.  3). On  the  Communion  of  Children  see  Infant Communion. 3.  Fasting  Reception  of  Holy  Communion. — So long  as  Holy  Communion  accompanied  or  followed an  Agape,  or  common  meal,  it  is  evident  that it  was  not  received  fasting.  But  as,  in  course  of time,  the  tone  of  thought  in  the  Church  was altered,  and  the  rite  itself  received  a  different colouring  and  ditierent  accessories,  it  came  to  be regarded  as  essential  that  both  the  celebrant  and the  recipients  should  be  fasting  at  the  time  of communion.  Something  of  this  feeling  probably underlies  Tertullian's  words,  when  he  contrasts the  Lord's  own  practice  with  that  of  his  own time  in  the  passage  {De  Corona,  c.  3)  quoted above,  and  on  stationary  days  {De  Orat.  c.  14), he  clearly  contemplates  the  fast  being  continued until  reception.  Cyprian  too  {Ep.  63,  cc.  15 and  16,  quoted  above)  insists  on  the  greater worthiness  of  the  morning  compared  with  the 2  E 418        COMMUNION,  HOLY evenino-  commuuiou.  But  the  necessity  of  com- muuicating  fasting  does  not  appear  to  be  dis- tinctly recognised  before  the  4th  century.  Then we  find  Basil  {Horn.  ii.  De  Jejunio,  p.  13)  laying it  down  that  no  one  would  venture  to  celebrate the  mysteries  otherwise  than  fiisting;  and Chrysostom  (in  1  Cor.  Horn.  27,  p.  231)  insisting on  festing  as  a  necessary  preliminary  to  worthy communion ;  and  again  (Ad  pop.  Antioch.  Serm. 9,  p.  103)  exhorting  even  those  who  were  not fasting  to  come  to  church,  not  indeed  to  commu- nicate but  to  hear  the  serm.on  ;  and  again  (£p. 125,  p.  683)  complaining  that  his  calumniators accused  him  of  having  admitted  to  communion persons  who  were  not  fasting,  a  charge  which  he denies  with  the  strongest  asseverations.  We have  already  seen  that  Ambrose  recommended the  faithful  to  fast  even  until  evening,  when  the communion  was  late.  A  remarkable  passage  of Augustine  (JiJp.  118,  c.  6 ;  p.  191,  ed.  Cologne, 1G16)  is  conclusive  as  to  the  practice  of  his  own time.  "  It  is  beyond  dispute,"  he  says,  "  that when  the  disciples  first  received  the  Body  and Blood  of  the  Lord,  they  did  not  receive  fasting. Are  we  therefore  to  blame  the  whole  Church because  every  one  does  receive  fasting  ?  No  ; for  it  pleased  the  Holy  Spirit  that,  in  honour  of so  mighty  a  sacrament,  the  Body  of  the  Lord should  pass  the  Christian's  lips  before  other food ;  for  it  is  on  that  account  that  that  custom is  observed  throughout  the  w'hole  world  .  .  . The  Lord  did  not  prescribe  in  what  order  it should  be  received,  that  He  might  reserve  this privilege  for  the  Apostles,  through  whom  He was  to  regulate  the  churches;  for  if  He  had recommended  that  it  should  always  be  received after  other  food,  I  suppose  that  no  one  would have  deviated  from  that  practice."  VV^ith  re- spect to  his  correspondent's  question,  as  to  the custom  to  be  followed  on  the  Thursday  in  Holy Week  with  regard  to  morning  or  evening  com- munion, or  both,  he  admits  that  the  practice  of the  Church  did  not  condemn  communion  on  that day  after  the  evening  meal. This  rule,  however,  was  not  quite  invariable. In  Augustine's  lifetime— as  appears  from  the epistle  just  quoted — the  custom  prevailed  that on  the  Thursday  in  Holy  Week,  the  anniversary of  the  institution,  the  faithful  received  Holy Communion  in  the  evening  and  after  eating.  So the  Codex  Canonum  Eccl.  Afric.  (canon  41  ;  = HI.  Cone.  Carth.c.  29)  provides,  "  ut  sacramenta altaris  nonnisi  a  jejunis  hominibus  celebrentur, excepto  uno  die  anniversario  quo  Coena  Domini celebretur."  A  canon  of  Laodicea  (c.  50)  which is  sometimes  quoted  as  directed  against  this custom,  simply  refers  to  the  habit  into  which some  had  fallen  of  breakmg  their  Lent-fast  on the  Thursday  in  the  last  week,  not  specially  to non-fasting  communion ;  but  the  Council  in Tridlo  (can.  29),  in  the  year  680,  did  expressly fVnbiil  the  celebration  of  the  mysteries  even  on this  Thursday  by  any  but  fasting  men. Socrates  {Hist.  Eccl.  v.  22,  p.  295)  expressly states  that  the  inhabitants  of  that  part  of  Egypt which  borders  on  Alexandria  and  of  the  Thebaid had  a  celebration  of  the  Eucharist  on  Saturday, as  others  had ;  but  that,  contrary  to  the  general custom,  they  communicated  after  taking  their evening  meal  without  stint. Regulations  intended  to  check  the  practice  of Eon-fastiug  communion  were  made  in  Gaul  in  the COMMUNION,  HOLY 6th  century.  The  council  of  Auxerre  (can.  19  ; Bruns's  Can.  ii.  239)  enjoined  that  no  presbytei', deacon,  or  subdeacon  should  venture  to  take part  in  the  office  of  the  mass,  or  to  stand  in  the church  while  mass  was  said,  after  taking  food  or wine.  The  reason  for  the  latter  clause  was  no doubt  that  clerics  who  were  present  at  mass  always in  those  days  communicated.  The  2nd  Council of  Macon  in  the  year  585  {Cone.  Matisconcnse  ii. can.  9 ;  in  Bruns's  Canones,  ii.  251)  expressly forbade  any  presbyter  full  of  food  or  under  the influence  of  wine  (crapulatus  vino)  to  handle  the sacrifice  or  celebrate  mass ;  referring  to  the African  canon  already  quoted.  In  Spain  decrees on  this  subject  were  made  by  the  1st  Council of  Braga  (can.  16),  and  the  second  (can.  10)  in the  years  563  and  572  respectively  (Bruns,  ii. 32  and  42).  The  first  of  these  anathematizes those  who,  instead  of  celebrating  mass  festing  in the  church  at  three  in  the  afternoon  of  Maundy Thursday,  celebrated  on  that  day  masses  for  the dead  at  nine  in  the  morning  without  fasting, after  the  Priscillianist  fashion.  The  second,  by occasion  of  those  who  consecrated  masses  for  the dead  after  having  taken  wine,  condemns  those who  ventured  to  consecrate  after  having  taken any  food  whatever.  Walafrid  Strabo  {de  Off. Divinis,  c.  19),  referring  to  the  first  of  these, rightly  infers  that  if  non-fasting  communion  was not  permitted  on  a  day  when  the  practice  of  the law  and  a  certain  degree  of  precedent  might  be pleaded,  it  was  not  permitted  on  other  days. The  abuse  censured  by  the  second  council  pro- bably arose  from  the  late  hour  at  which  masses for  the  dead  were  held  and  the  presence  of  the priest  at  the  funeral-feast.  The  Codejr  Eccl. Afric.  (can.  41  =  ///;  Garth,  c.  29)  had  already provided  that  services  for  the  dead  held  in  the afternoon  should  consist  of  prayers  only,  without sacrifice,  if  the  clerics  who  performed  the  service were  found  to  have  taken  food.  Gratian  (under Freshjjter,  dist.  91,  quoted  by  Bona,  R.  L.  i.  c. 21,  §  2)  refers  to  a  council  of  Nantes  or  Agde, which  enjoined  priests  to  remain  fasting  until the  hour  fixed,  in  order  that  they  might  be  able to  take  part  in  the  funeral-mass. In  two  cases  only  non-fasting  communion  is expressly  permitted.  The  first  is,  when  the  neces- sity suddenly  ai-ises  of  administering  the  Viati- cum to  one  in  the  article  of  death ;  in  which case  it  is  sanctioned,  says  Cardinal  Bona  {R.  L.  i. 21,  2),  by  the  practice  of  the  whole  Church.  The second  is,  when  the  celebrating  priest,  from sudden  sickness,  is  unable  to  finish  the  office ;  in which  case,  if  the  elements  have  been  consecrated, another  priest,  even  though  he  be  not  fasting, may  complete  it.  See  the  second  canon  of  the 7th  Council  of  Toledo  (Bruns's  Can.  i.  262) of  the  year  646,  which  at  the  same  time  enjoins most  earnestly  that  neither  shall  a  priest  resign the  unfinished  service  nor  a  non-fasting  priest take  it  up  without  the  most  absolute  necessity. And  to  prevent  such  cases,  the  11th  Council of  Toledo  (A.D.  675)  ordered  (can.  2,  p.  315) that  wherever  it  was  possible  the  priest  saying mass  should  be  attended  by  another,  fasting,  who might  take  up  the  service  in  case  of  need. Time  of  Communion. 1.  Days. — The  well-known  passage  in  the  Acts of  the    Apostles    (ii.  46)   is   commonly  held    to prove   that  the   "  breaking  of  bread "  for  Holy COMMUNION,  HOLY Communion  took  place  daily  in  the  primitive Cliiirch.  In  the  only  case  in  which  a  particular day  is  mentioned  in  the  Acts  on  which  bread  was broken  solemnly  (xx.  7),  the  day  is  the  Lord's Day,  the  first  day  of  the  week  ;  and  it  seems probable  that  St.  Paul,  when  he  prescribed  the laymg  by  for  the  poor  on  the  first  day  of  the  week, designed  to  associate  almsgiving  with  the  Eucha- rist. The  Bithynian  Christians  (Pliny,  Ep.  x. 97)  met  on  a  fixed  day  for  worship  and  com- munion ;  the  expression  "  stato  die,"  which  de- termines nothing  as  to  the  particular  day  of  the week,  shows  plainly  that  communion  was  not daily  (see  Mosheim,  Institutiones  Majores,  p. 378  f.).  Justin  Martyr  (^Apol  I.  c.  67)  dis- tinctly mentions  Sunday  (j)  \eyofi€vn  rjXiov Tj/xipa)  as  the  day  of  Christian  Communion ;  the day  on  which  God  made  the  light  and  on  which Christ  rose  from  the  dead.  There  is,  in  fact,  no reason  to  doubt  that  from  the  first  "Lord's  Day" to  the  present  time  Christians  have  met  on  the first  day- of  the  week  to  "break  bread"  as  the Lord  commanded. The  days  which  next  appear  as  dedicated  to Holy  Communion  are  the  fourth  and  sixth  days of  the  week,  the  Dies  Stationum  [Statio].  These days  appear  as  days  of  special  observance  and administration  of  Holy  Communion  in  the  time of  Tertullian  (^De  Oratione,  c.  14).  Basil  {Ep. 289)  adds  to  these  days  the  Sabbath,  or  seventh day  of  the  week,  which  has  always  been  a  day  of special  observance  in  the  Eastern  Church.  "  We communicate,"  he  saj^s,  "  four  times  in  the  week, on  the  Lord's  Day,  the  fourth  day,  the  Prepara- tion Day  [i.e.  Friday],  and  the  Sabbath."  But this  was  not  a  universal  custom ;  for  Epiphanius {Expositio  Fidei,  c.  22,  p.  1104)  speaks  as  if  the celebrations  (^avvd^eis)  of  the  Wednesday,  Friday, and  Sunday  were  alone  usual  in  his  time  and within  his  knowledge,  which  included  a  large part  of  the  East  during  the  latter  portion  of  the 4th  century.  The  S3mod  of  Laodicea,  about A.D.  320  [al.  372],  enjoins  that  bread  should  not be  offered  in  Lent,  except  on  the  Sabbath  and  on the  Lord's  Day ;  the  Sabbath  being  in  the  East  a festival  approaching  in  joyfuluess  to  the  Lord's Day.  In  the  West,  where  the  Sabbath  was generally  a  day  of  humiliation,  there  is  no  trace of  its  being  preferred  for  the  celebration  of  Holy Communion. When  Christianity  became  the  recognised  reli- gion of  the  empire,  daily  celebration  of  the Eucharist  soon  became  usual.  For  the  Church of  Constantinople  this  is  proved  by  the  testimony of  Chrysostom,  who  (««  Ephes.  Hom.  iii.  p.  23) complains  of  the  rarity  of  communicants  at  the daily  offei'ing.  St.  Augustine  testifies  {Ep. ',18,  c.  9)  that  in  Africa,  in  his  time,  Christ  was sacrificed  (immolari)  every  day  for  the  people; yet  he  also  proves  (Ep.  118  ad  Januarium) that  this  was  by  no  means  a  universal  custom, saying,  "in  some  places  no  day  passes  without an  offering ;  in  others  offering  is  made  on  the Sabbath  only  and  the  Lord's  Day ;  in  others  on the  Lord's  Day  only."  That  the  daily  sacrifice was  observed  in  the  Spanish  Church  at  the  end ' >'\'  the  4th  century  we  have  the  testimony  of  the Ist  Council  of  Toledo  (circ.  398),  which  enjoins (canon  5)  all  clerics  to  be  present  in  church  at the  time  of  the  daily  sacrifice.  With  regard  to the  Roman  Church,  Jerome,  writing  to  Lucinius (Ep.  71)  refers  to  a  question  which  his  correspon- COMM  UNION,  HOLY 419 dent  had  asked,  whether  the  Eucharist  were  to be  received  daily,  "  according  to  the  custom which  the  Churches  of  Rome  and  Spain  are  said to  observe."  Although  the  expression  used is  not  absolutely  decisive,  Jerome  seems  to write  as  if  the  custom  of  Rome  was  in  fact the  same  as  that  of  Spain,  where,  as  we  have seen,  the  daily  sacrifice  was  customary  at  the time  when  he  wrote.  Yet  Socrates  {Hist.  Eccl. V.  22,  p.  295)  assures  us  that,  at  Alexandria  and Rome,  ancient  tradition  still  forbade  to  celebrate the  joyful  feast  of  the  Eucharist  on  the  Sabbath, as  was  the  universal  custom  elsewhere.  Atha- nasius,  it  is  true,  if  the  treatise  in  question be  his  (On  the  Parable  of  the  Sower,  0pp.  iv. 45),  says  that  Christians  met  together  on  the Sabbath  to  adore  Jesus,  the  Lord  of  the  Sabbath; but  this  proves  nothing  as  to  the  celebration  of the  Eucharist,  and  consequently  does  not  invali- date Socrates'  testimony.  Socrates  also  {I.  c.) mentions  as  a  peculiar  custom,  that  at  Alex- andria, on  Wednesday  and  Friday,  the  Scriptures are  read  and  the  teachei-s  interpret  them,  and all  is  done  that  pertains  to  a  meeting  of  the congregation,  short  of  the  celebration  of  the  mys- teries (Trdvra  to.  crvud^f cos  yiyveTai  Si'xa  ttjs  rwy /xva-T-npicov  TeAfiTTjy).  The  words  of  Innocent  I. (ad  Decentium,  c.  4),  that  on  the  Friday  and  the Sabbath  in  the  Holy  Week  no  sacraments  were to  be  celebrated,  because  those  two  days  of  the first  Holy  Week  were  spent  by  the  Apostles  in grief  and  terror,  probably  imply  that  in  ordinary weeks  the  sacraments  were  celebrated  on  the Sabbath  as  on  other  days ;  and  in  the  so-called Comes  Hieronipni  Epistles  and  Gospels  are  given for  Sabbaths  as  well  as  other  days  (see  Quesnel, Be  Jejunio  Sahhathi  Eomae  celcbrato).  On  the want  of  proper  offices  in  the  ancient  Sacramen- taries  for  the  Sundays  following  the  Ember-days, for  the  Thursdays  in  Lent,  and  for  the  Saturday before  Palm  Sunday,  see  Krazer,  de  Liturgiis, pp.  646  ft".     Cf.  Statio. 2.  Hours. — There  can  be  little  doubt  that  in  the apostolic  age  Holy  Communion  was  at  the  time  of the  evening  meal  (^itwvov,  coena),  as  even  Baronius admits  (ad  ann..  34,  c.  61).  Indeed,  it  is  almost certain  from  the  nature  of  the  case  that  in  days when  Christianity  was  an  illicit  religion,  the peculiar  rite  of  Christian  communion  must  have been  celebrated  in  such  a  way  as  to  attract  the least  possible  attention.  St.  Paul's  "  breaking  of bread "  in  the  Troad  (Acts  xx.  7,  8)  was  after nightfall,  and  the  service  was  not  over  at  mid- night. Pliny  (Ep.  x.  97)  says  that  the  Chris- tians were  accustomed  to  meet  before  dawn. The  heathen  calumnies  mentioned  by  Justin Martyr  (Dial.  c.  Tnjphone,  c.  10)  show  "that  the meeting  of  Christians  took  place  after  nightfall ; and  the  same  custom  earned  them  the  epithets of  "latebrosa  et  lucifuga  natio,"  which  Minu- cius  Felix  (O^tmius,  c.  8)  tells  us  were  bestowed upon  them.  Origen  too  (c.  Celsum,  i  .  3,  p.  5, Spencer)  tells  his  opponent  that  it  was  to  avoid the  death  with  which  they  were  threatened  that Christians  commonly  held  their  meetings  in secrecy  and  darkness.  And  still  in  the  3rd century  we  find  Tertullian,  Cyprian,  and  others speaking  of  "  coetus  antelucani,"  "  convocationes nocturnae,"  of  "  sacrificium  matutinum  et  ves- pertinum."  See,  for  instance,  Tertullian  ad  Uxo- rem,  ii.  4 ;  de  Corona  Mil.  c.  3,  in  the  latter  of which  passages  it  seems  to  be  implied,  that  Chris- 2  E  2 420 COMMUNION,  HOLY tians  communicated  at  the  evening  meal,  as  well as  in  assemblies  before  dawn.  Cyprian  (ad  Gwci- lium,  Ep.  63,  cc.  15,  16)  refers  to  some  who in  the  morning  sacrifice  used  water  only  in  the chalice,  lest  the  odour  of  wine  should  betray them  to  their  heathen  neighbours  ;  and  warns such  not  to  salve  their  conscience  with  the  reflec- tion that  they  complied  with  Christ's  command in  offering  the  mixed  chalice  when  they  came together  for  the  evening  meal  (ad  coenandum) at  which  the  rite  had  been  originally  instituted. This  no  doubt  implies  some  kind  of  communion both  morning  and  evening  ;  but  that  in  the  even- ing seems  to  have  been  rather  a^  domestic  than  a public  rite  ;  for  Cyprian  expressly  says  that  at this  the  whole  congregation  (plebs)  could  not  be called  together,  so  as  to  make  the  rite — what  it ought  to  be — a  visible  token  to  all  of  their brotherhood  in  Christ.  And  he  goes  on  to  say, that  though  it  was  no  doubt  fitting  that  Christ should  offer  at  eventide,  as  foreshadowing  the evening  of  the  woi-ld  and  being  the  antitype  of the  evening  passover-sacrifice  (Exod.  xii.  6) ;  yet that  Christians  celebrated  in  the  nwrning  the resurrection  of  the  Lord.  In  short,  he  clearly regai-ds  the  morning  as  the  proper  time  for public  and  solemn  communion. When  the  Church  received  its  freedom,  set hours  began  to  be  appointed  for  Holy  Communion. The  third  hour  of  the  day  (about  nine  o'clock), the  hour  when  the  Holy  Spirit  descended  on  the apostles,  was  fixed  at  au  early  date  as  the  hour of  morning  sacrifice  on  Sundays  and  festivals. The  Liber  Fontificalis  attributes  to  Pope  Teles- phorus  (127-138)  the  decree,  "  ut  nullus  ante horam  tertiam  sacrificium  ofterre  praesumeret ;  " and  this  statement  is  repeated  by  Amalarius  (de Eccl.  Off.  iii.  42)  and  others.  It  is  almost  need- less to  say  the  decree  is  one  of  the  well-known forgeries.  The  same  regulation  is  attributed  by the  spurious  Gesta  Damasi  (see  Bona,  de  Reb.  Lit. i.  21,  §5)  to  Pope  Damasus  (366-384);  but  here too  no  weight  can  be  attached  to  the  authority. More  satisfactory  testimonies  are  the  following. Sidouius  ApoUinaris,  who  died  A.D.  489,  says (Ep.  V.  17)  that  priests  held  divine  service  at the  third  hour  ;  and  Gregory  of  Tours  in  the 6th  century  speaks  ( Vita  Nicetii)  of  the  third as  the  hour  when  the  people  came  together  to mass ;  Gregory  the  Great  (m  Evang.  Hum.  37) speaks  of  one  who  came  to  offer  the  sacrifice  at the  third  hour  ;  and  Theodulph  of  Orleans  (ob. 821)  orders  (Capitnlare,  c.  45)  that  private  masses should  not  be  said  on  the  Lord's  Day  with  so much  publicity  as  to  attract  the  people  from  the high  or  public  mass,  which  was  canonically  cele- brated at  the  third  hour.  That  on  ordinary  or ferial  days  mass  was  said  at  the  sixth  hour (twelve  o'clock)  as  late  as  the  12th  century we  have  the  testimony  of  Honorius  of  Autun (Gemma  Animae,  i.  c.  113);  but  this  practice seems  to  have  been  matter  of  custom  rather  than of  canonical  prescription.  On  fast-days  the liturgical  hour  was  the  ninth,  probably  because the  ancient  Church  was  unwilling  to  introduce the  joyful  eucharistic  feast  into  the  early  hours of  a  fast-day,  and  because  on  such  a  day  it  was not  thought  too  onerous  to  continue  fasting  until three  o  clock  in  the  afternoon  (Martene,  de  Bit. Anti'l.  1.  p.  108).  Epiphanius  (Expositio  Fidei,  c. 22)  testifies  to  the  fact  that  throughout  the year  on  Wednesday  and  Friday  the  liturgy  was COMMUNION,  HOLY said  at  the  ninth  hour;  excepting  in  the  fifty days  between  Enster  and  Pentecost,  and  on  the Epiphany  when  it  fell  on  Wednesday  or  Friday  ; on  these  days,  as  on  the  Lord's  Day,  there  was no  ftisting,  and  the  liturgy  was  said  at  an  early hour  in  the  morning  (a.(p'  eaieev). The  Council  of  Mentz,  quoted  by  Ivo  of  Chartres (pt.  4,  c.  35),  desires  all  men  on  the  Ember-days to  come  to  church  at  the  ninth  hour  to  mass. The  same  reasons  which  caused  the  mass  to  be deferred  at  other  fasting-seasons  applied  also  to Lent;  hence  Ambrose,  preaching  in  Lent,  begs the  faithful  to  defer  eating  until  after  the  time of  the  heavenly  banquet;  if  they  had  to  wait until  evening,  the  time  was  not  so  very  long  ; on  most  days  the  oblation  was  at  noon  (on  Psalm 118  [119],  Serm.  8,  0pp.  iv.  656,  ed.  Basle,  1567) ; and  Theodulph  ((7a/?«^Mfa?'e,c.  39)  says  that  those broke  the  Lenten  fast  who  ventured  to  eat  as soon  as  they  heard  the  bell  at  the  ninth  hour, an  hour  at  which  he  seems  to  imply  that  the "  missarum  solemnia,"  as  well  as  "  vespertina officia,"  were  celebrated. These  prescriptions  as  to  the  hours  of  mass,  as well  as  of  the  ordinary  offices,  have  long  ceased to  be  obser%^ed :  in  the  Roman  Church  at  least mass  may  be  said  at  any  hour  from  dawn (aurora)  to  noon.  But  a  trace  of  the  ancient practice  is  found  in  the  following  rubric  (xv.  §  2) of  the  Roman  missal : — "  Missa  autem  Conven- tualis  et  Solemnis  sequent  ordine  dici  debet. In  Festis  duplicibus  et  semiduplicibus,  in  Domi- nicis,  et  infra  Oct.,  dicta  in  Choro  hora  tertia. In  Festis  simplicibus  et  in  Feriis  per  annum dicta  sexta.  In  Adventu,  Quadragesima,  Quatuor Teraporibus,  etiani  infra  Octavam  Peutecostes, et  Vigiliis  quae  jejunantur,  quamvis  sint  dies solemnes,  Missa  de  Tempore  debet  cautari  post nonam." The  celebration  of  Holy  Communion  in  the night-time,  once — as  we  have  seen — common  in the  Church,  ceased  at  an  early  date,  except  on certain  days  of  special  observance.  Of  these  the principal  is  that  on  the  night  of  the  Lord's Nativity.  A  Coptic  tradition  (mentioned  by Bona,  B.L.  i.  21,  4)  ascribes  the  institution  of  a nocturnal  communion  at  Christmas  and  Epiphany to  the  Nicene  Council ;  the  fact  may  perhaps have  been,  that  when  the  celebration  of  the Lord's  Nativity  was  transferred  from  the  sixth  of .January  to  the  twenty  -  fifth  of  December [Christmas],  the  nightly  communion  was  con- tinued on  both  days.  In  the  Gregorian  Sacra- mentary  (p.  5)  besides  the  mass  for  the  Vigil  of the  Nativity,  said  at  the  ninth  hour,  is  one  In Vigilia  Domini  in  node,  that  is,  to  be  said  in  the night  between  Christmas  Eve  and  Christmas Day. A  nightly  communion  was  usual  in  ancient times  on  the  night  of  the  "  Sabbatum  Sanctum  " or  Easter  Eve.  It  is  probably  to  this  custom that  Tertullian  alludes  when  (ad  Uxorem,  ii.  4) he  says  that  a  heathen  husband  would  not  per- mit a  Christian  wife  to  pass  the  night  from  home on  the  Paschal  solemnities ;  Jerome  (on  St. Matt.  XXV.)  mentions  that  it  was  an  apostolic tradition  on  Easter  Eve  not  to  dismiss  the  con- gregation before  midnight ;  and  Theodore  Bal- samon  (on  the  Council  in  Trullo,  can.  90)  writes that  persons  of  especial  piety  were  accustomed to  remain  in  the  churches  the  whole  of  that Saturday,  to  communicate  at  midnight,  and  at COMMUNION,  HOLY one  o'clock  in  the  morning  to  begin  Waiins. The  Ordo  Romanus  Vulgatus  also  orders  that  the people  should  not  be  dismissed  befoi'e  midnight, and  that  at  dawn  of  day  they  should  return  to the  churches  ;  in  monasteries  it  enjoins  the  bells to  be  rung  as  soon  as  a  star  was  seen  in  the  sky, a  litany  to  be  chanted,  and  then  the  mass  to follow.  The  same  custom  is  mentioned  by  Ama- larius  (tfe  Divin.  Off.  iv.  c.  20 ;  cf.  c.  40),  who says  that  all  continue  fasting  until  night,  when the  mass  of  the  Lord's  Resurrection  is  celebrated. Durandus  (Rationale,  vi.  c.  76)  says  that  the ancient  rite  was  observed  in  some  churches  at the  time  when  he  wrote,  in  the  latter  part  of  the loth  century.  In  modern  times  the  mass  of Easter  Eve  is  said  at  midday,  but  the  unchanged collects  still  testify  to  the  fact  that  it  was  for- merly said  at  night. A  nocturnal  celebration  anciently  took  place also  in  the  night  between  the  Vigil  and  the  day of  Pentecost ;  hence  in  the  prayer  Communi- cantcs  on  that  day  we  have  the  words,  "diem sacratissimam  Pentecostes  praevenientes "  (Gre- gorii  Sacram.  p.  97 ;  see  Menard,  note  393). The  Ordo  Eonmnus  provides  that  at  the  eighth hour  of  the  eve  the  vigil  service  or  mass  should begin,  and  should  be  finished  before  the  end  of the  ninth  hour. Four  times  in  the  year,  on  the  Saturdays  of the  Ember  weeks,  was  a  nightly  mass,  or  rather one  on  the  morning  of  the  succeeding  day,  which was  reckoned  to  belong  to  the  Saturday ;  hence, as  the  Micrologus  (c.  29)  observes,  the  Sundays which  follow  the  Ember-days  have  no  proper otKces  in  the  ancient  sacramentaries,  but  are called  Dominicae  vacantes ;  for  the  mass  which was  celebrated  late  on  the  Saturday  served  for the  Sunday  also.  So  the  Council  of  Clermont (A.D.  1095)  ordered  (can.  24-)  that  the  fast,  if possible,  should  be  -prolonged  through  the  Satur- day night,  that  the  mass  might  be  brought  as near  as  possible  to  the  Sunday  morning. In  some  cases,  when  we  read  of  missae  vesper- tinae  (e.  g.  Cone.  Agath.  c.  30 ;  ///.  Aurel.  c.  29), we  must  bear  in  mind  that  the  word  missa  does not  in  all  cases  imply  the  celebration  of  the mysteries  of  the  altai-,  but  was  applied  also  to the  hour-offices.  Cf.  Mass:  Maundy  Thurs- day :  and  p.  416. Frequency  of  Communiox. An  ancient  rule  of  the  Church  is  expressed  in the  21st  canon  of  the  Council  of  Eliberis  (about A.D.  305),  that  if  any  one  dwelling  in  a  town should  absent  himself  on  thi-ee  Sundays  from church,  he  should  be  for  a  time  suspended  from communion.  As  at  that  time  in  a  city  having a  bishop  Holy  Communion  was  administered  at least  every  Sunday,  and  non-communicating  at- tendance was  unknown,  we  infer  that  weekly communion  was  the  rule  of  the  Church,  to  fail in  which  was  to  be  unworthy  of  its  privileges. Theodore  of  Tarsus,  archbishop  of  Canterbury, testifies  (about  A.D.  688)  that  in  his  time  this was  still  the  rule  of  the  East.  In  the  West, signs  of  a  relaxation  of  this  rule  appear  at  a comparatively  early  period.  Thus  the  Council of  Agde  [Agathense]  in  the  year  506  laid  down the  rule  (can.  18)  that  if  a  layman  did  not  com- municate at  least  at  Christmas,  Easter,  and  Whit- suntide, he  should  no  longer  be  reputed  a  Catho- lic.    To  the  same  eft'ect  are  the  14th  canon  of COMPENDIENSE  CONCILILTM      421 the  Council  of  Autun  (A.D.  670),  and  the  38th of  the  Excerpta  attributed  to  Egbert  of  ifork (A.D.  740).  Bede  {Ep.  ad  Egbert,  p.  311,  ed.  1722) desires  his  correspondent  to  insist  strongly  on  the wholesome  pi'actice  of  daily  communion,  accord- ing to  the  custom  of  the  churches  of  Italy,  Gaul, Africa,  Greece,  and  the  whole  East.  But  this,  he says,  in  consequence  of  defective  teaching,  is  so far  from  being  the  custom  of  English  laymen, that  even  the  more  religious  among  them  do  not presume  to  communicate  except  at  Christmas, Epiphany,  and  Easter  ;  though  countless  innocent boys  and  girls,  young  men  and  maidens,  old  men and  old  women,  do  not  scruple  to  communicate every  Lord's  Day,  and  perhaps  on  the  days  of Apostles  and  Martyi-s  besides,  as  Egbei't  himself had  witnessed,  in  the  Roman  and  Apostolic Church. The  3rd  Council  of  Tours,  in  the  year  813,  laid down  (can.  50)  a  rule  nearly  identical  with  that of  Agde ;  that  all  laymen,  not  disqualified  by heinous  sin,  should  communicate  at  least  three times  in  the  year.  The  Council  of  Aix-la-Cha- pelle  had  previously  (a.d.  788)  re-enacted  (_c.  70) the  decree  of  the  Council  of  Antioch  (c.  2)  which ordered  all  who  came  to  church  at  the  time  of service  but  declined  reception  to  be  suspended from  communion  until  they  should  amend  ;  and it  was  probably  the  failure  of  this  attempt  to revive  the  primitive  practice  which  led  to  the much  looser  rule  of  Aix-la-Chapelle. If  the  Pseudo-Ambrosius  {de  Sacram.  v.  25) is  to  be  trusted,  some  Christians  at  least  of  the East  in  the  4th  century  communicated  only  once a  year,  and  he  complains  that  this  practice  had extended  to  his  own  community,  recommending himself  the  practice  of  daily  communion.      [C] COMMUNION  BOOKS.  [Liturgical Books.] COMMUNION  OF  CHILDREN.  [Infant Communion.] COMMUNION  OF  THE  SICK  [Sick, Visitation  of.] COMMUNITY  OF  GOODS.  [Monasti- cism.] COMMISTIO   or   COMMIX TIO.     In   the Roman  missal,  after  the  breaking  of  the  Host [Fraction],  the  priest  places  a  particle  in  the chalice,  saying  secreto  :  "  Haet  commistio  et  con- secratio  corporis  et  sanguinis  D.  N.  J.  C.  fiat accipientibus  nobis  in  vitam  aeternam."  And this  practice  of  placing  a  particle  of  the  Host  in the  cup  appears  to  be  an  ancient  one,  and  to  be considered  as  a  kind  of  consecration  [Consecra- tion]. It  is  found  in  the  liturgy  of  St.  James (Neale's  2'etralogia,  p.  177),  where  the  priest, after  breaking  the  bread,  places  the  portion which  he  holds  in  his  right  hand  in  the  chalice, saying,  "  The  union  (ivuxris)  of  the  all-holy Bod}'  and  precious  Blood  of  our  Lord  and  God and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ." The  4th  Council  of  Toledo  (A.D.  G33), canon  18,  oi-ders  the  commixtion  (conjunctionem panis  et  calicis)  to  take  place  between  the  Lord's Prayer  and  the  Benediction.  [C] COMPATEES      AND      COMMATIIES. [Sponsors.] •  COMPENDIENSE  CONCILIUSI.     [Com- I'IEGNE.] 422 COMPETENTES .    COMPETENTES.    [Catechumens.] COMPIEGNE,  COUNCILS  OF.  [Com- PENDiENSE.]  (1)  A.D.  756,  held  in  Pipin's  palace, passed  canons  respecting  marriage,  degrees  of consanguinity,  &c.  (Labb.  Cone.  vi.  1694).  (2) A.D.  757  (Eginhard),  or  758  (Ado),  an  assembly or  "  placitum "  in  the  same  place,  but  rather civil  than  ecclesiastical,  its  purpose  being  to  re- ceive the  homage  of  Tassilo,  duke  of  the  Ba- varians, and  of  his  subjects  (ih.  1884).   [A.  W.  H.] OOMPLETOEIUM.  (1)  The  last  of  the Canonical  hours  of  prayer  [HOURS  OF  Prayer]. (2)  An  anthem  in  the  Ambrosian  rite,  said at  Laud  and  Vespers.  Sundays  have  two  at Lauds,  and  four  at  Vespers  ;  and  week  days  one, varying  with  the  day,  at  Lauds,  and  one,  \m- changing,  at  Vespers.  The  first  at  Lauds  on Sunday  is  "  Dominus  in  caelo,  paravit  sedem suam :  et  regnura  ejus  omnium  dominabitur. Kyr.  Kyr.  Kyr."  They  are  all  of  the  same type.  On  Festivals  the  number  varies  with  the office.  [H.  J.  H.] COMPLINE.    [Hours  of  Prayer.] COMPUTUS.     [Calendar.] CONCOEDIA,  mirse  of  St.  Hipijolytus, martyr  at  Rome,  Aug.  13  {Mart.  Bedae,  Usu- ardi):  [C] CONCOEDIUS,  presbyter,  martyr  at  Spo- leto  under  Antoninus,  Jan.  1  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet., Usuardi).  [C] CONCUBINAGE.— The  relation  between the  sexes  which  was  denoted  by  this  word  had, under  the  legal  system  with  which  the  early Church  was  brought  into  contact,  a  twofold  cha- racter. There  was  (1)  the  connexion,  temporary, depending  on  caprice  only,  involving  no  obliga- tions, concubinage  in  the  modern  sense,  not  dis- tinguishable ethically  ft-om  fornication.  But there  was  also  (2)  a  concubinatus  recognised  by Roman  law,  as  in  the  Lex  Julia  et  Papia  Pop- paea,  which  had  a  very  different  character. Here  the  cohabitation  was  permanent,  and  in- volved therefore  reciprocal  obligations,  and, although  it  did  not  stand  on  the  same  level  as a  connubiuin,  and  did  not'  entitle  the  issue  of  the union  to  inherit  as  legitimate,  it  was  yet  re- garded, somewhat  as  a  morganatic  marriage  is in  Germany,  as  involving  no  moral  degrada- tion. In  dealing  with  this  last  form,  Christian feeling  was  divided  between  the  fear  of  recog- nising what  might  seem  a  half-marriage  only on  the  one  hand,  and  the  desire  to  sanction  any union  which  fulfilled  the  primary  condition  of marriage  on  the  other.  The  question  was  com- plicated by  the  fact  that,  for  the  most  part, these  unions  were  contracted  with  women  who were  slaves  or  foreigners,  and  therefore  not mgenuae,  and  that  consequently  to  have  placed them  on  a  level  with  cotmubia,  would  have  been to  introduce  a  mesalliance  into  the  succession  of respectable  or  noble  families.  Cases  where  the man  who  kept  the  concubina  had  a  wife  living, though  sanctioned  by  the  lax  morality  of  Roman society,  admitted,  of  course,  of  no  question,  and were  denounced  as  adultery  (August.  Serm.  224). Where  the  man  was  unmarried  the  case  was  dif- ferent. The  Apostolical  Constitutions,  on  the  one hand  (viii.  ;i2),  authorised  the  admission  to  bap- CONEESSIO tism  of  such  a  slave-concubine  belonging  to  an unbeliever,  if  she  were  faithful  to  the  one  man with  whom  she  lived.  If  Marcia,  the  concubine, first  of  Quadratus,  and  afterwards  of  Commodus, who  is  known  to  have  favoured  the  Christians, had  ever  been  one  of  them,  it  must  have  been  by virtue  of  some  such  rule.  The  case  of  a  Chris- tian who  had  a  concubine  was  somewhat  more difficult,  and  the  equity  of  the  Church's  judg- ment was  disturbed  by  considerations  of  social expediency.  If  she  was  a  slave  he  was  to  get rid  of  her,  apparently  without  being  bound  to majve  any  provision  for  her  maintenance.  If  she were  a  free  woman,  he  was  either  to  marry  or dismiss  her  (Apost.  Constt.  viii.  32).  So,  too,  at a  later  date,  we  find  Leo  the  Great  treating  this dismissal  of  a  mistress  followed  by  a  legal  mar- riage, not  as  a  "  duplicatio  conjugii,"  but  a  "  pro- fectus  honestatis  "  {Epist.  92  ;  ad  Rustic,  c.  S).** In  other  instances,  however,  we  trace  the  influence of  the  wish  to  look  upon  every  permanent  union of  man  or  woman  as  possessing  the  character  or a  marriage  in  the  eyes  of  God,  and  therefore  in the  judgment  of  the  Church.  Thus  Augustine, speaking  of  a  concubine  who  promises  a  life-long fidelity,  even  ghould  he  cast  her  off',  to  the  man with  whom  she  lived,  says  that  "  merito  dubitatur utrum  ad  percipiendum  baptismum  non  debeut admitti"  {De  Fide  et  Oper.  c.  19).>»  The  first Council  of  Toledo  went  even  farther,  and  while it  excluded  fi-om  communion  a  married  man  who kept  a  concubine,  admitted  one  who,  being  un- married, continued  faithful  to  the  one  woman with  whom  he  thus  lived  (1  C.  Tolet.  c.  17). The  special  law  forbidding  a  Jew  to  have  a Christian  wife  or  concubine  (3  C.  Tolet.  c.  14), implying,  as  it  does,  the  legitimacy  of  the  latter relation,  where  both  parties  were  Christians, shows,  in  like  manner,  that  it  was  thought  of  as ethically,  though  not  legally,  on  the  same  level as  a  conmibium. The  use  of  the  word  concubina  as  a  term  ot reproach  for  the  wives  of  the  clergy  who  were married,  was,  of  course,  a  logical  deduction  from the  laws  which  forbade  that  marriage,  but  the unsparing  use  made  of  it,  as  by  Peter  Damiani  and Hildebrand,  belongs  to  a  somewhat  later  date than  that  which  comes  within  the  limits  of  this book.  [E.  H.  r.] CONFESSIO.  Originally  the  place  where  a saint  or  martyr  who  had  "  witnessed  a  good  con- fession" for  Christ  was  buried,  and  thence  the altar  raised  over  his  grave,  and  subsequently the  chapel  or  basilica  erected  on  the  hallowed spot.  From  its  subterranean  position  such  an altar  was  known  as  Kard^aais  (Theophan.  p. 362)  or  descensus.  Of  these  subterranean  con- fessiones  we  have  examples  in  Rome  in  the churches  of  St.  Prisca,  St.  Martino  ai  Monti,  St. ^  It  may  be  questioned,  however,  which  class  of  concu- bines, the  illicit  or  the  legalised,  are  here  contemplated. b  It  Is  interesting  to  note,  in  this  lenity  of  judgment, the  influence  of  a  tender  recollection  of  one  with  whom Augustine,  before  his  conversion,  had  lived  in  this  rela- tion, and  who  on  parting  from  him  made  a  declaration that  she  would  live  with  no  one  else.  (Coiiff.  vi.  15.) ■She  was  apparently  a  Christian  ("  vovens  tibi,"  so.  Deo) and  Monica,  though  she  wished  her  son  to  marry  and  settle respectably,  does  not  seem  to  have  condemned  the  union as  sinful,  and  adopted  Adeodatus,  the  issue  of  the  con- ne.\ion,  into  her  warmest  affections. CONFESSIO Lorenzo  fuori  le  Mura,  &c.,  and  above  all  in liie  basilica  of  St.  Peter's.  Not  unfrequently they  were  merely  imitative,  and  not  confessiones in  the  original  sense,  as  at  St.  Maria  Maggiore, and  in  the  crypts  of  our  early  churches  in England.  Confessio  was  also  used  for  the  altar in  the  upper  church,  placed  immediately  above that  built  over  the  martyr's  grave,  sometimes covered  with  silver  plates  (Anastas.  §§  65-69, 79,  80,  198),  and  its  ciboriuni,  or  canopy  («6, §65). Other  synonymous  terms  were  concilia  mar- tijrum,  memoriae  viarti/rum,  and  martyria. Concilia  martiirum  is  applied  to  the  burial l)laces  of  the  martyrs  in  the  catacombs,  e.g., "  Hie  (Damasus)  martyrum  .  .  .  concilia  ver- sibus  ornavit"  (Anast.  §  54;  cf.  Baron,  ad  ann. 259,  no.  24).  Jerome  speaks  of  the  graves  the young  Nepotian  had  been  in  the  habit  of  de- corating with  flowers  as  martyrum  conciliabula (Ep.  ad  Belvet.  iii. ;  cf.  Aug.  de  Civ.  Dei,  22,  8). The  analogous  Greek  term  was  orvvd^ets  Tciy fj-apTvpQiv  (Concil.  Gangr.  Can.  20). Memoriae  'martyrum  is  a  term  of  constant occurrence  in  early  Christian  writings  for  the memorial  chapel  of  a  saint  or  martyr,  also  called cella  (August,  de  Cio.  Lei,  xxii.  7,  10;  cont. Faustin.  xx.  c.  21 ;  Serm.  de  Birersis,  101 ;  Op- tatus  co)it.  Farmen.  ii.  32).  The  correspond- ing Greek  term  was  martyrium,  fxaprvpiov (Euseb.  de  Vit.  Const,  iii.  48;  Soc.  iv.  18  [the martyrium  of  St.  Thomas  at  Edessa] ;  ib.  23 [the  martyria  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  at Kome]).  The  church  of  St.  Euphemia,  where she  lay  buried,  in  which  the  Council  of  Chal- cedon  was  held,  is  styled  in  the  acts  of  that council  ixapjvpiov  'Ev(b7]fxlas  (cf.  Soc.  vi.  6);  and that  erected  by  Coustautine  over  our  Lord's sepulcJire  on  Calvary,  fxaprvpiov  ^oorripos,  tiva- araffews,  &c.  (Euseb.  iv.  de  Vit.  Const.  40-49, i<:c.  Cf.  Concil.  Laod.  canon  8.)  The  woi-d tropaca,  to.  rpSiraia  raiu  a.Tro(rT6Kwv,  is  used  by Caius,  apud  Euseb.  II.  E.  ii.  25,  for  the  tombs of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul  in  the  Roman  cemeteries. [Cella  Memoriae.] The  Cod.  Theod.  (De  Sepulchro  violato,  lex  vii) contains  an  express  sanction  for  the  erection of  a  "martyrium"  in  memory  of  a  saint,  and the  addition  of  such  buildings  as  might  be desired.  [E.  V.] CONFESSION,  LITURGICAL  {Confessio, Apologia,  ofjioXoyia). The  acknowledgment  of  sin  made  publicly  in certain  services  of  the  Church. L  The  Confession  preceding  the  celebration  of the  Eucharist. — It  is  so  natural  to  confess  sin and  unworthiness  before  engaging  in  so  solemn an  act  as  the  consecration  of  the  Eucharist,  that we  scarcely  need  to  search  for  precedent ;  yet  it has  been  supposed  by  some  that  the  Christian presbyters  borrowed  the  custom  of  confessing  sin before  the  Ilucharistic  celebration  from  the Jewish  priests,  who  before  sacrificing  confessed their  sin  in  such  terms  as  these :  "  Verily,  O Lord,  I  have  sinned,  I  have  done  amiss  and  dealt wickedly;  I  repent  and  am  ashamed  of  my doings,  nor  will  I  ever  return  unto  them."  See Morinus  de  Foenitent.  lib.  ix.  ii.  c.  21,  §  4;  Bux- torf  de  Synag.  Judaica,  c.  20. Whether  the  precedent  of  the  Jewish  sacri- ficing  priest   were  foUoyved    or   not,    no   doubt CONFESSION,  LITUEGIC;al     423 the  same  feeling  which  prompted  the  use  of the  Psalm  Judica  [26th]  in  the  early  part  of  the liturgy  caused  also  the  use  of  a  public  general confession  by  the  priest  and  ministers  before  the altar. In  many  Greek  liturgies  some  acknowledg- ment of  sin  and  unworthiness  forms  part  of  the office  of  the  prothesis,  said  in  the  sacristy  before entering  the  sanctuary  :  in  the  liturgy  of  St. James,  for  instance,  the  priest>  adopts  the  words of  the  publican,  "  God  be  merciful  to  me  a  sin- ner," and  of  the  prodigal,  "  I  have  sinned  against Heaven  and  in  Thy  sight."  The  words  of  the prodigal  are  also  adopted  at  greater  length  in the  opening  of  the  Mozarabic  liturgy. For  the  West,  many  forms  of  the  liturgical confession,  or  npjologia,  of  the  priest  about  to celebrate  are  given  by  Menard  (on  the  Gregorian Sacramentary,  p.  242);  and  by  Bona  (de  Feb. Fit.  ii.  c.  1,  §  1),  Menard  states  that  these  were formerly  used  before  the  offertory,  with  which the  Missa  Fidelium  began ;  but  in  the  Missa Illyrici  and  some  others,  these  apologiae  ai-e directed  to  be  said  immediately  before  the  Introit, while  the  Gloria  in  Excdsis  and  the  Gradual are  chanted  by  the  choir.  But  the  ancient  for- mularies of  the  Roman  Church  contain  no  trace of  a  confession  in  a  set  form  to  be  made  publicly at  the  beginning  of  mass.  'J'he  ancient  Ordines Fomani  only  testify  that  the  celebrant  after  pay- ing his  devotions  before  the  altar  in  a  low  voice, with  bowed  head  besought  God's  pardon  for  his own  sins.  It  is  an  error,  therefore,  to  attribute the  introduction  of  this  rite  to  Pope  Pontianus  or Pope  Damasus.  The  very  diversity  of  the  form and  manner  in  saying  the  confession  in  difierent churches  shows  that  no  form  was  prescribed  by any  central  authority,  but  that  the  severa'l churches  followed  independent  usages. The  usual  place  for  the  liturgical  confession before  mass  is  the  lowest  step  of  the  altar  ;  but there  was  anciently  considerable  diversity  of practice  ;  for  the  confession  was  sometimes  made (as  in  the  East)  in  the  sacristy,  sometimes  by the  side  of  the  altar,  sometimes  in  the  middle  of the  presbytery.  A  peculiar  custom,  probably derived  from  ancient  times,  was  long  maintained in  the  church  of  St.  Martin  at  Tours,  that  the celebrant  should  make  his  confession  at  the tomb  of  St.  Martin  (Martene  de  Fitibus  Eccl. lib.  i.  c.  4,  art.  2). II.  Fn  the  Matin  office. — Something  of  the nature  of  confession  of  sin  appears  to  have  formed part  of  the  matin  office  from  very  early  times. This  custom  is  thought  by  some  to  have  been inherited  from  the  synagogue,  which  has,  in  the ancient  "  Eighteen  Prayers,"  the  form,  "  Have mercy  upon  us,  0  our  Father,  for  we  have  trans- gressed ;  pardon  us,  for  we  have  sinned.  Look, we  beseech  Thee,  on  our  afflictions ;  heal,  O Lord,  our  infirmities."  Very  similarly,  the Greek  matin  office  has,  "  0  most  Holy  Trinity, have  mercy  on  us;  purify  us  from  our  ini- quities,, and  pardon  our  sins.  Look  down  a])on us,  0  Holy  One ;  heal  our  infirmities."  (Free- man, Frincij)les  of  Divine  Service,  i.  64  ff.). It  is  at  least  certain  that  in  the  4th  century the  early  matin  office  of  many  Eastern  churches began  with  a  confession ;  for  St.  Basil  {Ep.  63, p.  843,  ed.  Paris  1618)  describes  the  early matins  of  the  church  of  Neo-Caesarea  in  the  fol- lowing manner.     The   people,  he  says,  at  early 424 CONFESSOR dawn  seek  the  house  of  prayer,  and,  after  con- fession made  with  sighing  and  tears  to  God, rising  at  length  from  their  prayer  pass  to the  chanting  of  the  Psalms.  It  appears  then that  a  public  liturgical  confession  commenced the  matin  office  in  the  days  of  St.  Basil,  and  he expressly  states  that  this  practice  was  consonant with  that  of  other  churches  known  to  him. in  the  Western  matin  office  the  confession  is made  in  the  form  called  Coxfiteor  (q.  v.)  from its  first  word. III.  Confession  of  past  sins  formed  also  one  of the  preliminaries  of  baptism,  as  we  learn  from TertuUian,  de  Baptismo,  c.  20.     See  Baptism. IV.  An  instance  of  a  profession  of  faith,  com- monly called  a  confession,  is  the  following  :— In  all  liturgies  of  the  Alexandrine  family,  and in  many  other  Oriental  liturgies  there  is  found. Immediately  before  communion,  a  confession,  or declaration  of  fiiith  by  the  recipient,  that  the bread  and  wine  are  now  really  and  truly  the Body  and  Blood  of  Christ.  For  instance,  in the  Coptic  St.  Basil  (Renaudot,  Litt.  Orient,  i. 2o),  the  priest,  holding  the  elements,  says,  "  The Holy  Body  and  precious,  pure,  true  Blood  of Jesus  Christ  the  Son  of  our  God.  Ame7i.  This IS  in  very  truth  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Emmanuel our  God.  Amen."  Compare  the  Coptic  St. Gregory  (Ren.  i.  36)  ;  the  Greek  St.  Basil  (i.  83)  ; St.  Gregory  (i.  122),  and  other  passages.      [C] CONFESSOR.    [Penitexce.] CONFESSOR.    ('O/ioAoyr/T^s.) 1.  One  who  has  confessed  Christ  by  suffering death  for  Him.  [Martye.]  Thus,  St.  Ambrose {ad  Gratianum,  ii.  p.  63,  ed.  Basil,  1567)  speaks of  the  deaths  of  confessors. 2.  One  who  has  borne  for  Christ  suffering short  of  death.  Pseudo-Cyprian  {de  Duplici  Mar- tyrio,  c.  31)  says  that  the  Church  "  martyres appellat  eos  qui  violenta  morte  decesserunt,  con- fessores  qui  constanter  in  cruciatibus  ac  minis mortis  professi  sunt  nomen  Domini  Jesu."  In this  sense  Celerinus  (Cypriani  Epist.  21,  c.  4,  ed. Hartel)  speaks  of  Sevei'ianus  and  all  the  confessors who  had  passed  from  Carthage  to  Rome ;  and Sozomen  {H.  E.  i.  10)  speaks  of  the  number  of confessors  {b^oKoyy^Tiiv')  who,  after  the  cessation of  persecution,  adorned  the  churches,  as  Hosius of  Cordova  and  Paphnutius  of  Egypt. 3.  The  word  confessor  is  used  in  a  more  general sense  for  one  who  shews  the  spirit  of  Christ  in his  ordinary  life,  "  qui  pacifica  et  bona  et  justa secundum  praeceptum  Christi  loquitur,  Christum eottidie  confitetur"  (Cyprian,  Epist.  13,  c.  5). So  Theodore  Balsamon  (on  dm.  Apostol.  62,  p. 265)  says  that  the  Church  desires  all  its  ortho- dox members  to  be  confessors  {oiioKoynrds)  of the  faith.  Hence,  in  later  times  it  came  to  desig- nate persons  of  distinguished  holiness,  who  had jiassed  to  their  rest  without  violence  or  torture. Pseudo-Egbert  (  Excerptiones,  c.  28  ;  a  work  not earlier  than  the  9th  century)  speaks  of  "  sancti Patres,  quos  Confessores  nuncupavimus,  id  est, episcopi,  presbyteri  qui  in  castitate  servierunt l)eo"  (Ducange  s.  v.  Confessor;  Suicer  s.  v. o/Ji-jAoyrjTris). 4.  In  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  Feria  iv. post  Palmas  (p.  63,  ed.  Menard),  we  have  the toUowing:  "Oremus  et  pro  omnibus  episcopis, presbyteris,  diaconibus,  subdiaconibus,  acolythis, exorcistis,  lectoribus,  ostiariis,  confessoribus,  vir- CONFIRMATION ginibus,  viduis,  et  pro  omni  populo  sancto  Dei." The  order  of  words  shews  that  the  confessors here  are  persons  of  inferior  dignity,  and  Menard (ad  locum)  supposes  chanters  to  be  intended  who confess  God  by  singing  His  praise.  See  the  first council  of  Toledo,  cc.  6  and  9,  where  the  word 'confessor'  seems  to  be  used  in  a  similar  sense, the  latter  canon  forbidding  a  professed  religious woman  to  sing  antiphons  in  her  house  with  a confessor  or  servant  in  the  absence  of  bishop  or presbyter.  (Menard  u.  s.)  [C] CONFIRMATION.  The  rite  now  known by  this  name  presents  a  singular  instance  of  the continued  use  of  a  symbolic  act  in  the  midst  of almost  every  possible  diversity  of  practice,  be- lief, and  even  terminology.  The  one  common element  throughout  has  been  the  imposition  of hands,  as  the  sign  of  the  bestowal  of  some  spiri- tual gift.  In  all  other  respects  it  will  be  seen there  have  been  indefinite  variations. The  history  of  the  Apostolic  Church  brings before  us  two  special  instances  of  the  4-KiQfais Toiv  x^tp'^"  (Acts  viii.  12-17,  xix.  5,  6).  In both  it  follows  upon  baptism,  is  administered  by apostles,  as  distinguished  from  presbyters  or deacons,  and  is  followed  by  special  supernatural manifestations  of  spiritual  gifts,  perhaps  by  their permanent  possession.  It  was  not  directly  con- nected with  any  appointment  to  any  office  in  the Church,  though  office  might  follow  upon  the exercise  of  the  gift  bestowed.  It  was  therefore distinct  from  the  laying  on  of  hands  by  which such  offices  were  conveyed  (Acts  vi.  6,  xiii.  3), as  it  was  from  that  which  was  the  medium  of  a miraculous  healing  power  applied  to  the  diseases of  the  body  (Mark  xvi.  18,  Acts  ix.  12,  17). The  act  referred  to  in  1  Tim.  iv.  14,  and  2  Tim. i.  6,  seems  to  hover  between  the  bestowal  of  a charisma  and  the  appointment  to  an  office.  The position  in  which  the  "  laying  on  of  hands"  meets us  in  Heb.  vi.  2,  leaves  it  open  to  take  it  in  its most  generic,  or  in  either  of  its  specific  senses, with,  perhaps,  a  slight  balance  in  favour  of  con- necting it  with  the  act  which  always,  or  in  some cases,  supervened  on  baptism.  Ihe  absence  of any  mention  of  it  in  the  baptisms  recorded  iu Acts  ii.  41,  xvi.  15,  33,  and  elsewhere  receives  a natural  explanation  in  the  fact  that  there  the baptizer  was  an  apostle,  and  that  it  was  accord- ingly taken  for  granted. Beyond  this  the  N.  T.  gives  us  no  information. The  "  unction "  {xpcff/xa)  of  1  John  ii.  27,  the "anointing"  of  2  Cor.  i.  21,  the  "sealing"  of  2 Cor.  i.  22,  Eph.  i.  13,  iv.  30,  can  hardly  be  thought of  as  referring  to  a  ritual  act,  though  such  an act  may  at  a  very  early  period  have  been  bi-ought into  use  as  a  symbol  of  the  thought  which  the words  themselves  expressed.  Even  then  it  re- mains doubtful  whether  the  "  seal  "  means  bap- tism itself  or  some  rite  that  followed  it.  A  like uncertainty  hangs  over  the  use  of  the  word "seal"  in  the  story  quoted  by  Eusebius  (//.  E. iii.  23),  from  Clement  of  Alexandria,  and  in  the Apostolical  Constitutions  (ii.  c.  14). When  we  pass  to  the  age  of  Tertullian  the  case is  diil'erent.  A  distinct  mention  is  made  (1)  of anointing,  (2)  of  the  laying  on  of  hands,  as  fol- lowing so  close  upon  baptism  as  to  seem  almost part  of  the  same  rite  rather  than  a  distinct  one, the  latter  act  being  accompanied  by  a  special prayer  for  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit  (Tertull. CONPIRMATION do  Bapt.  c.  7  ;  de  Resurr.  Cam.  c.  8).  Cyprian, 111  like  manner,  recognises  the  practice,  contend- ing that  it  follows  rightly  upon  a  valid  baptism, but  is  not  enough,  in  the  case  of  heretical, and  therefore  invalid,  baptism,  to  admit  those who  received  it  to  full  communion  with  the church.  He  applies  to  it,  as  to  baptism,  the  word "sacramentum,"  but  obviously  not  in  the  tech- nical sense  of  a  later  theology  {Epist.  72,  ad Stephan.).  In  these  passages,  it  will  be  observed, no  distinction  is  drawn  between  the  baptizer  and the  layer-ou  of  hands.  Both  acts  are  spoken  of as  if  they  were  performed  at  the  same  time  and by  the  same  person.  lu  practice,  of  course,  the usage  of  the  3rd,  possibly  of  the  2nd,  century, which  fixed  on  Easter  as  the  great  baptismal season,  allowing  it  at  other  times  only  in  cases of  urgent  nued,  would  make  this  combination ordinarily  a  very  practicable  one.  It  was  neces- sary, however,  to  provide  for  the  exceptions,  and this  was  done  accordingly  by  the  Council  of  Elvira (c.  77),  which  ordered  that,  in  the  case  of  those who  had  been  baptized  by  a  deacon,  "  sine  epi- scopo  vel  presbytero,"  the  bishop  "  per  beuedic- tionem  perficere  debet."  «  Jerome,  in  like  man- ner, but  with  a  more  rigid  limitation  of  the  act of  imposition  to  the  higher  order,  recognised  it as  a  long-standing  usage  of  the  church.  Bishops used  to  travel  round  their  dioceses  in  order  to  lay their  hands,  "  ad  invocationem  Sancti  Spiritus," on  those  who  had  been  baptized  only  by  a  pres- byter or  deacon  (c.  Lucifer,  c.  4).  One  or  two facts  may  be  noted  at  this  stage  of  expansion, (1)  that  immediate  supernatural  results  are  no longer  looked  upon  as  the  ordinary  sequel  to  the act  of  imposition,  but  that  it  is  still  connected, as  in  the  apostolic  age,  with  the  thought  of  spi- ritual gifts  of  some  kind ;  (2)  that  while  it  is still  in  theory  a  rite  which  may  be  administered immediately  after  even  infant  baptism,  its  limi- tation to  the  episcopal  order  tended  to  interpose an  interval  of  uncertain  length  between  the  two. A  Spanish  council  in  a.d.  569(C.  Lucens.)  recog- nises the  fact  that  there  were  some  churches which  the  bishop  could  not  possibly  visit  every year.  Gradually,  especially  in  Western  Europe, the  negligence  or  the  secular  engagements  of  the bishop  prolonged  this  interval.  The  East,  how- ever, with  its  characteristic  reverence  for  anti- quity, refused  to  separate  what  the  primitive Church  had  joined,  and  infant  baptism,  infant confirmation,  infant  communion,  follow,  in  its practice,  in  immediate  sequence.  Even  in  the Roman  Church  the  sacrameataries  of  Gelasius and  Gregory  unite  the  first  two  ordinances.  It was  not,  even  in  the  judgment  of  eminent  ritual- ists of  that  Church,  till  the  13th  century,  that the  two  ordinances  were  permanently  separated, and  a  period  of  from  seven  to  twelve  years  al- lowed to  intervene.  Of  what  may  be  called  the modern,  Protestant  idea  of  confirmation,  as  the ratification  by  the  baptized  child,  when  he  has attained  an  age  capable  of  deliberate  choice,  of the  promises  made  for  him  by  his  sponsors,  there is  not  the  slightest  trace  in  Christian  antiquity.*" CONFIRMATION 425 »  It  is  singular  that  the  canon,  btrictly  inteipreted, seems  to  sanction  the  performance  of  the  act  inipliej  in the  "perficere"  by  a  presbyter  as  well  as  by  a  bishop. But  the  decrees  of  councils  will  seldom  bear  interpretation with  the  minuteness  of  a  special  pleader. b  The  Apostolic  Constitutions,  it  is  true,  speak  of  the Hucred  chrism  as  ^t^ai'wcris  t^s  6/LioA.oyio;  (iii.  17)  ;  hut  it A  special  aspect  of  confirmation  presents  itself in  connection  with  the  reception  into  the  Church of  those  who  had  been  baptized  by  heretics. With  the  exception,  and  that  only  for  a  time,  of the  African,  that  baptism,  if  formally  complete, was  recognised  as  valid.  But  the  case  was  other- wise with  the  laying  on  of  hands.  Only  in  the Catholic  Church  could  the  gifts  of  the  Spirit  be thus  imparted  (August,  de  Bapt.  c.  Donat.  ii. 16),  and  so,  even  if  the  heretical  sect  had  its bishops,  and  they  administered  the  rite,  it  was treated  as  null  and  void.  When  those  who  had been  meuiliers  of  such  a  community  returned  to their  allegiance  to  the  Church,  confirmation, including  the  anointing  as  well  as  the  laying  on of  hands,  was  at  once  theoretically  indispensable, in  its  sacramental  aspect,  and  became  practically conspicuous  as  the  formal  act  of  admission (2  C.  Constant,  c.  7 ;  1  C.  Araus.  c.  8 ;  Siricius, Epist.  i.  1  ;  Leo,  Kpist.  37,  c.  2).  It  follows, from  all  that  has  been  said,  that,  according  to the  general  practice,  and  yet  more,  the  ideal,  of the  Church  of  the  first  six  centuries,  the  ofiice of  confirming  was  pre-eminently  an  episcopal one.  But  it  deserves  to  be  noticed  that  it  was  not so  exclusively.  It  did  not  depend  for  its  validity upon  episcopal  administration.  As  baptism  was valid,  though  administered  by  a  layman,  so  the laying  on  of  hands,  in  case  of  urgency,  was valid,  though  administered  by  a  priest.  In  the Apostolic  Constitutions  (vii.  22),  at  least  one  part of  the  rite,  the  anointing,  is  assigned  to  either priest  or  bishop,  and  the  practice  was  retained by  the  whole  Eastern  Church.  In  the  West,  the exception  was  recognised  as  legitimate  in  cases  of necessity,  as  e.  g.  in  that  of  a  possessed  or  dying person  (1  C.  Araus.  c.  2 ;  Innocent,  Epist.  1  ad Decent. ;  C.  Epaon.  c.  86).  In  these  instances, however,  for  the  most  part,  a  special  delegation of  authority  was  either  required  or  implied. The  letters  of  Leo  {Ep.  88  ad  Gall.)  and  Gelasius {Epist.  9  ad  Episc.  Lucan.),  forbidding  the  prac- tice, "per  impositiones  manuum  fidelibus  bap- tizandis,  vel  conversis  ex  haeresi  Paracletum Sanctum  Spiritum  tradere  "  (Leo  I.  c.)  may  be received  as  evidence  that  the  practice  was  be- coming more  or  less  common,  even  without  that authority,  and  that  it  was  necessary,  in  the  inte- rest of  the  episcopal  order,  to  restrain  it. Lastly,  it  may  be  noticed,  that  a  trace  of  the old  combination  at  one  time  and  place  of  the  two ceremonies,  baptism  and  the  imposition  of  hands, which  were  afterwards  separated,  may  be  found in  the  fact  that  the  anointing,  which  was  origi- nally the  connecting  link  between  the  two,  was, at  a  later  period,  attached  to  each.  Innocent, in  the  letter  already  quoted  {ad  Decent,  c.  3), marks  out  the  limits  within  which  the  priest might  act.  In  the  absence,  or  even  in  the  presence of  the  bishop,  he  might  anoint  the  baptized  child with  the  holy  chrism,  provided  always  that  the chrism  itself  had  been  consecrated  by  a  bishop, but  he  was  not  to  sign  him  on  the  forehead. That  was  reserved  for  the  bishops,  when,  by  im- j)osition  of  hands,  they  bestowed  the  gift  of  the Spirit.  [E.  H.  P.] is  questionable  whether  this  means,  as  Bingham  asserts (xii.  3),  a  contii-mation  on  man's  part  of  the  compacts  made Willi  Gild  in  baptism.  The  analogous  use  of  the  word tr(f)payi?  {Cimstt.  Apost.  vii.  22)  would  seem  to  imply  that it  was  the  seal,  the  confirmation  of  God's  promises 426 CONFITEOR CONFITEOR.  The  form  of  general  con- fession of  sins  made  in  the  offices  of  the  Church, so  called  from  its  first  word.    This  is  prescribed : (1)  At  the  beginning  of  the  mass  when  the priest  says  it  standing  at  the  steps  of  the  altar, "  profunde  incliuatus." (2)  At  the  administration  of  the  Holy  Com- munion at  other  times. (3)  At  the  administration  of  Extreme  Unction. (4)  Previous  to  the  absolution  "in  articulo mortis." (5)  In  the  daily  office  at  Compline  ;  and  at Prime  when  the  office  is  not  double. Sacramental  confession  is  also  directed  to  begin with  the  opening  words  of  the  "  Confiteor." It  is  prefaced  by  the  versicle  "  Deus  in  adju- torium,"  &c.,  and  is  said  alternately  by  the  priest and  congregation,  who  each  respond  with  a prayer  for  the  forgiveness  of  the  other,  called "  Misereatur,"  from  its  first  word  ;  in  addition to  which  the  priest  pronounces  a  short  formula of  absolution,  similarly  called  "  Indulgentiam," over  the  people.  This  act  is  sometimes  called  in rubrics  "  giving  the  absolution." Clear  traces  of  it  appear  in  the  Penitential  of Egbert  of  York,  a.d.  730,  who  prescribes  a  form of  words  closely  resembling  the  "Confiteor," as  introductory  to  sacramental  confession  ;  and the  "  Benedictio  super  poenitentem  "  is  only  a slightly  different  version  of  the  "  Misereatur." A  similar  form  is  given  by  Chrodegang,  bishop of  Metz  A.D.  742,  who  describes  the  order  in which  Prime  was  to  be  said,  to  the  following effect.  When  the  clerks  come  together  to  sing Prime  in  the  church,  the  office  itself  being  com- pleted, let  them  give  their  confessions  before  the 60th  [51st]  Psalm,  saying  in  turn,  "  Confiteor Domino  et  tibi,  frater,  quod  peccavi  in  cogita- tione  et  in  locutione  et  in  opere  :  propterea  precor te,  ora  pro  me."  To  which  the  response  is  given, "Misereatur  tibi  omnipotens  Deus,  indulgeat tibi  peccata  tua,  liberet  te  ab  omni  malo,  con- servet  te  in  omni  bono,  et  perducat  te  ad  vitam aeternam ; "  to  which  the  other  answers,  Amen. In  Micrologus  de  Eccl.  Observ.  [probably  about 1080]  a  form  still  more  closely  resembling  the present  is  given,  and  the  3rd  Council  of  Ravenna, A.D.  1314,  orders  that  throughout  the  province of  Ravenna  the  "  Confiteor  "  shall  be  said  in  the form  used  at  the  present  time.  Since  the  pub- lication of  the  missal  of  Pius  V.  there  has  been complete  xmiformity  in  this  respect  throughout the  Roman  obedience.  For  examples  of  early forms  of  confession  see  Bona,  de  Beb.  Lit. ;  Mar- tene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Hit.  lib.  i.  &c.  Compare Confession.  [H.  J.  H.] CONFRACTORIUM.  An  anthem  in  the Ambrosian  missal  at  the  breaking  of  the  Host. It  usuallv  has  some  reference  to  the  Gospel  of tlie  day.  [H.  J.  H.] CONON,  martyr  at  Iconium  under  Aure- liau,  May  29  {Mart.  Usuardi) ;  March  5  (Cal. liyzant.).  [C.] CONSECRATION  OF  CHUECHES  {Con- sccratio,  Dedicatio ;  Gr.  atpi^pwais,  Euseb.  Vit. Const,  iv.  60  ;  ey/caiVia,  ib.  iv.  43  ;  cf.  weenKey, Procop.  de  Aedif.  Justiniani,  i.  3). The  essential  idea  of  consecration  is  expressed in  the  following  paragraphs  :  —  "  Consecratio hcclesiae  est  dedicatio  ejusdem  ad  cultum  divi- iium  special!  ritu  facta  a  legitimo  ministro,  ad CONSECRATION  OF  CHURCHES hoc  ut  populus  fidelis  opera  religionis  in  ea  rite exercere  possit  "  (Ferraris'  Promta  Bibliotheca, iii.  157).  "  When  we  sanctify  or  hallow churches,  that  which  we  do  is  to  testify  that  we make  them  places  of  public  resort,  that  we invest  God  Himself  with  them,  that  we  sever them  from  common  uses "  (Hooker,  Ecc.  F. v.  16).  "By  the  consecration  of  a  church,  the ancients  always  mean  the  devoting  or  setting it  apart  for  Divine  service"  (Bingham,  Antiq. viii.  9).     Compare  Benediction. It  seems  almost  a  necessity  to  men  to  have their  places  of  common  worship  recognized  and accustomed.  That  those  places  should  not  only acquire  sacredness  of  association  by  use,  but should  previously  have  imparted  to  them  in some  sort  a  sacredness  of  object,  seems  also consonant  with  natural  religion.  The  former more  clearly,  and  yet  the  latter  also,  implicitly, is  found  in  all  ages,  a  feature  of  all  religions, rude  and  civilized,  the  same  with  all  classes,  of diverse  nations,  however  widely  separated ;  as exemplified  in  groves,  sacred  stones,  pillars, altars,  temples,  pagodas.  It  seems  the  dictate of  natural  piety  that  we  should  express  thanks to  God  on  the  first  use  of  anything.  Greeks, Romans,  Jews,  had  their  consecrations  of  houses, cities,  and  walls,  not  by  words  only,  but  with symbolical  actions  and  sacred  rites.  (See  Deut. sx.  5 ;  Psalm  xxx.  Title,  A  Psalm  and  Song at  the  Dedication  of  the  House  of  David;  Neh. xii.  27 ;  Du  Cange,  Constantinopolis  Christiana, i.  3,  "  IJrbis  Encaenia  ;"  Lewis,  Historical  Essay upon  t/ie  Consecration  of  Churches,  London  1719, c.  iii.) From  the  expressions  "  before  the  Lord,"  "  the presence  of  the  Lord  "  (Gen.  iv.),  it  has  been reasonably  inferred  that  "the  patriarchs  had places  set  apart  for  the  worship  of  God,  con- secrated, as  it  were,  to  His  service."  (Blunt's ScrijJt.  Coinc.  p.  8.)  Something  like  a  form of  consecration  is  indicated  in  Gen.  xxi.  33, xxviii.  16,  17,  18,  where  the  Vulgate  i-endering "  titulum "  has  given  rise  to  the  use  of  the term,  as  equivalent  to  '  church,'  common  in  early Christian  writers.  The  consecration  of  the tabernacle  is  narrated,  Exod.  xL,  and  given  with further  details  in  Josephus  iii.  9.  The  dedica- tion of  the  Temple  of  Solomon  is  contained  in 1  Kings  viii. ;  which  furnishes  Hooker  (^Eccl. Pol.  V.  12-16)  with  several  of  his  arguments  for the  consecration  of  Christian  churches.  The dedication  of  the  second  temple  by  Zerubbabel  is told  in  Ezra  vi.  16;  the  purification  and  re- dedication  of  the  same  by  Judas  Maccabaeus,  in 1  Mace.  iv.  41-44,  54,  56,  57,  59.  The  dedica- tion of  Herod's  beautiful  temple  is  narrated  by Josephus  XV.  14.  Less  magnificent  than  these, but  still  recognized  and  allowed  to  possess  a sacred  character,  were  certain  "  high  places  "  in the  ante-Babylonish  history  of  the  Jews,  known in  later  times  as  -irpoffevxa'h  and  the  numerous synagogues  in  Palestine  and  elsewhere. Christianity  rose  out  of  Judaism,  supplanting only  what  was  peculiar  to  that  system,  and inheriting  all  that  was  of  natural  piety.  The Divine  Founder  of  Christianity  set  the  example to  all  His  followers  in  His  constant  attendance at  the  acknowledged  places  of  worship,  and  es- pecially in  His  going  up  to  Jerusalem  at  the feast  of  the  Dedication.  The  apostles  used  the consecrated  temple  as  long  as  it  was  permitted CONSECRATION  OF  CHURCHES them  to  Jo  so,  and  everywhere  else  they  found the  synagogues  or  churches  made  ready  to  their hands,  needing  no  new  consecration.  Traces  in the  N.  T.  of  a  fixed  place  of  worship  as  a  feature of  an  organized  church  are  presented  by  Prof. Blunt  {Parish  Priest,  sect.,  ix.  p.  281),  who quotes  Acts  i.  13;  St.  Luke  xxii.  12;  St.  John XX.  19,  26  ;  Acts  ii.  2 ;  Rom.  xvi.  3 ;  1  Cor.  xi. 22,  xvi.  19. That  the  pi-imitive  Christians,  i.e.  before  the time  of  Constantine,  not  only  had  churches  to worship  in,  but  regarded  them  as  distinct  in character  from  other  buildings,  has  indeed  been doubted  or  denied,  but  is  allowed  by  even  Hos- pinian  {de  Origine  et  Progressu  Consecrationum et  Dedicationum  Templorum,  Tiguri,  1603,  fol.) and  Augusti  (Denkuurdigkeiten  aits  der  Christ- lichen  Archdologie,  xi.  317,  &c.),  and  has  been sufficiently  settled  in  the  affirmative  by  Petrus Cluuiacensis,  A.D.  1147  (quoted  in  Hooker,  E.  P. v.  12,  5),  Bona,  Tillemont,  Mede,  Lewis,  Chan- cellor Harington  {The  Ohject,  Importance,  and Antiquity  of  the  Bite  of  Consecration  of  Churches, Rivingtons,  1847),  and  Professor  Blunt.  We dismiss  spurious  testimonies  and  dubious  allega- tions ;  e.g.  the  affirmation  of  Radulphus  adduced by  Gavanti  (  Thesaur.  tom.  i.  p.  iv.  tit.  xvi.),  that "  dedication  is  of  apostolic  authority  ;"  the  Cle- mentines {Ep.  ad  Jacohum)  "  Build  churches in  suitable  places,  which  you  ought  to  consecrate by  divine  prayers ;"  the  Decretals,  quoted  from Linus,  Cletus,  Evaristus,  Hyginus,  &c.  by  Gratian and  Gear  (Euchol.  p.  807);  the  assumption  in Duranti  and  Cardinal  Bona,  as  quoted  in  Bingham {Antiq.  viii.  9,  2) ;  and  others  given  by  Martene {Bit.  Eccl.  Ant.  ii.  13).  Yet  we  may  collect from  the  very  earliest  times  a  succession  of allusions  and  statements  which  warrant  us  in the  conclusion  that  places  and  buildings,  of whatever  humble  sort  they  might  be,  were always  recognized  and  set  apart  for  common worship,  the  fact  of  their  consecration  appearing first,  and  then  the  accompaniments  and  rites of  it. The  very  titles  by  which  these  buildings  were known  indicated  this;  e.g.  KvpiaK-q,  i.e.  oiKta, Dominica,  &c.,  discussed  in  Augusti  {Denkw.  xi. 320,  &c.).  St.  Ambrose,  in  his  letter  to  his sister  Marcellina  {Ep.  22),  calls  the  rite  of dedication  of  churches  a  most  ancient  and  uni- versal custom.  St.  Gregory  Nazianzen  in  an oration  (43)  on  the  consecration  of  a  new  church, says,  "  that  it  was  an  old  law,  and  very  excel- lently constituted,  to  do  honour  to  churches  by the  feasts  of  their  dedication."  And  Daniel {Cod.  Liturg.  i.  355)  confirms  the  conclusion  of Binterim  {Denkwiird.  iv.  i.  27)  that  this  cere- mony is  deeply  rooted  in  the  earliest  age  of  the Church.  Mede,  and  others  after  him,  argue this  existence  of  churches  from  passages  in Clemens  Romnnus  {ad  Cor.  i.  41  ;  see  Blunt's Parish  Priest,  lect.  ix.) ;  Ignatius  {Ep.  ad Magnes.  7) ;  Justin  Martyr  {Apol.  i.  67) ;  Ter- tullian  {De  Idolol.  7) ;  Cyprian  {de  Op.  et  Elecm. 12);  Lucian(PAi7o/9.  p.  1126);  and  many  others. The  Coenaculum  at  Jerusalem,  to  which,  as  to  a knowu  place,  the  disciples,  after  the  ascension  of the  Lord,  returned  for  common  prayer,  is  said  to have  been  adapted  and  dedicated  to  Christian service  long  before  the  time  of  Constantine. "  The  upper  room,"  says  Bede  (tom.  ix.  dc Locis  Sanctis'),  "was  enclosed  afterwards  with  a CONSECRATION  OF  CHURCHES  427 beautiful  church,  founded  by  the  holy  apostles, because  in  that  place  they  had  received  the Holy  Ghost."  To  this,  as  being  already  an acknowledged  use,  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  refers {Cat.  lect.  xvi.  4)  :  "  Here,  in  Jerusalem,  in  the upper  church  of  the  apostles  .  .  .  the  Holy Ghost  came  down  from  heaven.  And,  in  truth, it  is  most  fitting  that  ...  we  should  speak concerning  the  Holy  Ghost  in  the  upper  church  " (cf  Niceph.  ii.  3). "  There  exist,"  says  Eusebius  {Hist.  Eccl: viii.  1),  "  the  imperial  edicts  by  which  the churches  were  to  be  pulled  down  to  the  ground." These  must  have  been  actual  edifices.  [Church.] Then  came  the  persecution  of  Diocletian,  when "  the  houses  of  prayer  were  pulled  down  from the  top  to  the  bottom,  and  their  foundations overturned"  (j6.  viii.  2).  "After  these  things a  spectacle  eai-nestly  prayed  for  and  much  de- sired by  us  all  appeared,  viz.  the  solemnization of  the  festival  of  the  dedication  of  churches throughout  every  city,  and  the  consecration  of the  newly-built  oratories.  .  .  .  Indeed,  the  cere- monies of  the  bishops  were  most  entire,  the presbyters'  performance  of  service  most  exact, the  rites  of  the  Church  decent  and  majestic. On  the  one  hand  was  a  place  for  the  singers  of psalms,  and  for  the  rest  of  the  auditors  of  the expressions  sent  from  God  ;  on  the  other  was  a place  for  those  who  performed  the  divine  and mystical  services.  There  were  also  delivered the  mystical  symbols  of  our  Saviour's  passion. And  now  people  of  all  ages  and  sexes,  men  and women,  with  the  utmost  vigour  of  their  minds, with  joyful  hearts  and  souls,  by  prayer  and thanksgiving,  worshipped  God,  the  Author  of all  good.  All  the  prelates  then  present  made public  orations,  every  one  as  well  as  he  was  able, endeavouring  to  set  forward  the  praises  of  those assembled "  {ib.  x.  3).  In  x.  5  Eusebius  gives the  decrees  of  Licinius  and  Constantius  for  re- storing the  churches  to  the  Christians,  as  build- ings not  private,  to  which  there  had  been  an established  title.  Even  the  Magdeburg  Cen- turiators,  who  are  wont  to  disparage  the  im- portance of  the  ceremony  of  consecration,  writing on  the  4th  century,  admit  that  it  had  been  in existence  earlier  :  "  LTsitatae  omnino  magis  quam superioribus  saeculis  templorum  fueruiit  dedica- tiones,  seu  consecrationes,  et  quidem  festivae." The  church  of  Tyre  was  one  of  those  destroj-ed in  the  persecution  of  Diocletian,  and  rebuilt  at the  revival  described  above.  From  the  pane- gyric spoken  by  Eusebius  on  the  occasion  to Paulinus,  bishop  of  Tyre,  we  gather  that  the earlier  church,  a  very  noble  one,  had  been  con- secrated before  at  its  first  erection,  and  that churches  built  on  old  foundations  were  conse- crated again. We  owe  to  the  courtly  pages  of  Eusebius  full accounts  of  the  consecration  of  the  churches built  by  Constantine  at  Jerusalem,  Constantinople, and  Antioch.  He  undertook  to  build  a  church over  the  Holy  Sepulchre  at  Jerusalem  {Vit. Const,  iii.  25),  called  the  "  Martyrium,"  of which  the  beauty  and  several  parts  are  de- scribed (i6.  iii.  29).  When  all  was  ready,  A.D.  335, he  wrote  a  letter  of  invitation  to  the  numerous bishops  then  assembled  in  council  at  Tyre,  urging them  that  they  should  first  compose  their  in- ternal differences,  because  concord  of  priests befitted  such  a  ceremony  ( Vit.  Const,   iv.    43  ; 428  CONSECRATION  OF  CHURCHES    CONSECRATION  OF  CHURCHES Sozom.  Ecd.  Hist.  i.  26).  From  all  parts  of  the East  accordiugly,  eminent  bishops  assembled, followed  by  an  innumerable  company  of  people out  of  all  the  provinces.  "  But  the  ministers  of God,"  proceeds  Eusebius,  "  adorned  the  festival jiart'ly  with  their  prayers,  and  partly  with  their discourses.  For  some  of  them  with  praises celebrated  the  benignity  of  the  religious  em- peror towards  the  universal  Saviour,  and  in their  orations  set  forth  the  magnificence  of  the Wartyrium;  others  entertained  their  hearers with  theological  discourses  upon  the  divine  dog- mata, fitted  to  the  present  solemnity ;  others interpreted  the  lessons  of  the  divine  volumes, and  disclosed  the  mystic  meanings.  But  such as  were  unable  to  arrive  at  these  things  ap- peased the  Deity  with  unbloody  sacrifices  and mystic  immolations,  humbly  offering  up  their prayers  to  God.  ...  At  which  place  we  our- selves also  honoured  the  solemnity  with  various discourses  uttered  in  public ;  sometimes  making descriptions  in  writing  of  the  stateliness  and magnificence  of  the  royal  fabric;  at  others, explaining  the  meaning  of  the  prophetic  visions in  a  manner  befitting  the  present  symbols and  figures.  There  was  the  feast  of  dedication celebrated  with  the  greatest  joy  imaginable." One  discourse  by  Eusebius  (de  Laudibus  Con- stantini)  is  giveii  in  full  (iv.  45),  where  it  is observed  that  Constantine's  churches  were  much larger  and  handsomer  than  those  before.  The consecration  took  place  on  Sept.  13th,  a  Satur- day. Theodoret  (Eccl.  Hist.  i.  31)  says  that  many churches  of  Constantine  were  dedicated  by  the assembled  bishops  at  the  same  time. To  the  dedication  of  the  magnificent  basilica at  Antioch,  called  Dominicum  Aureum,  A.D.  341, begun  by  Constantine  and  finished  by  his  son Constantius,  there  came  ninet3'--seven  bishops, on  the  invitation  of  Eusebius  of  Nicomedia,  who had  usurped  the  see  of  Constantino|)le  (Socr.  ii. 8  ;  Sozom.  iii.  5). A  s3^nod  of  bishops  (Socr.  ii.  39)  assembled  at the  dedication  of  St.  Sophia  in  Constantinople, A.D.  360,  thirty-four  years  after  the  foundation of  the  church  by  Constantine.  Eudoxius  had lately  been  inaugurated  as  archbishop.  He '•  made  sacred  prayers  "  (Du  Cange,  Constanti- nop.  Christ,  iii.  2).  "It  was  consecrated  with prayers  and  votive  offerings"  (Niceph.  viii. '26).  Ciampini  (de  Acdif.  Constantini,  pp.  165 sqq.)  gives  a  summary  of  the  dedication  of this  celebrated  church  from  the  Alexandrian Chronicle.  It  is  also  referred  to  by  the  author  of the  Life  of  St.  Athanasius  in  Photius  (Du  Cange, U.S.).  As  Constantine's  church  had  been  de- stroyed by  earthquake,  so  was  this  of  his  son's burnt  with  fire,  A.D.  404,  and  wholly  destroyed in  the  sedition  of  A.D.  532. Further  light  is  thrown  on  the  rite  of  con- secration by  a  story  of  Athanasius.  In  his Apologij  to  the  emperor  Constantine,  A.D.  335, he  defends  himself  from  the  serious  charge  of using  an  undedicated  church.  He  allows  the truth  of  the  fact.  He  said  they  had  certainly kept  no  day  of  dedication,  which  would  have been  unlawful  to  keep  without  orders  from  the emperor.  The  building  was  not  yet  complete. He  grounds  his  apology  on  the  great  concourse of  i)eople  in  Lent,  the  grievous  want  of  church room   elsewhere,   the   pressure    of  all    to   hear Athanasius,  the  Increased  mass  of  the  crowd  ou Easter  Day  (when  the  undedicated  church  was used),  the  precedents  of  the  Jews  after  the captivity,  and  of  buildings  so  used  in  Alexandria, Treves,  Aquileia,  the  reasonableness  of  worship- ping in  a  building  already  called  "  the  Lord's house  "  fi-om  the  very  time  of  laying  the  founda- tions (Apol.  ad  Const.  17-21).  "  There  was no  dedication,  but  only  an  assembly  for  the  sake of  prayei-.  You,  at  least,  I  am  sure,  as  a  lover of  God,  will  approve  of  the  people's  zeal,  and will  pardon  me  for  being  unwilling  to  hinder the  prayers  of  so  great  a  multitude."  "  May you,"  he  adds,  "most  religious  Augustus,  live through  the  course  of  many  years  to  come,  and celebrate  the  dedication  of  the  church.  The place  is  ready,  having  been  already  sanctified  by the  prayers  which  have  been  offered  in  it,  and requires  only  the  presence  of  your  piety."  (/6. 24,  25.) The  first  dedication  of  a  new  church  by  Jus- tinian is  briefly  described  by  Du  Cange  {Con- stant. Chr.  iii.  5),  who  says,  "The  procession started  from  St.  Anastasia,  the  patriarch  Mennas sitting  in  the  chariot  of  the  emperor,  and  the emperor  himself  going  among  the  common people."  The  "  dedicationis  apparatus  et  cele- britas "  is  given  in  Codinus  {Grig.  Constant.'), who  says  that  Justinian  went  in  solemn  pro- cession from  the  palace  to  the  Augustaeum  (a sort  of  large  forum,  or  -npoavKiov,  before  the church  of  St.  Sophia),  together  with  the  patri- arch, to  the  church  built  by  himself,  and  broke out  into  these  words :  "  Glory  to  God,  who  has counted  me  woi'thy  to  fulfil  so  great  a  work. I  have  surpassed  thee,  0  Solomon."  A  series  of earthquakes  destroyed  the  dome,  altar,  ambo, &c.,  and  the  same  emperor,  whose  passion  for building  was  the  ruling  feature  of  his  life,  cele- brated the  second  consecration  twenty-four years  later,  of  which  an  account  is  given  by  Du Cange  (ib.  iii.  6)  after  Theophanes.  "Nightly vigils  preceded  in  the  church  of  St.  Plato; thence  the  procession  advanced  with  prayers,  the emperor  himself  being  present;  the  patriarch Eutychius,  borne  in  a  chariot,  and  dressed  in apostolical  habit,  holding  the  holy  gospels  in  his hands;  all,  the  people  chanting  '  Lift  up  your heads,' "  &c.  Then  came  the  Bvpavoi^ia  and  the ct>ct>To5p6iJ.os,  i.e.  that  part  of  the  ceremony  of the  Encaenia,  where  in  the  circuit  of  the  build- ing the  lights  are  lighted  on  the  walls,  and twelve  crosses  are  anointed  with  chrism  by  the bishop.  Paul  the  Silentiary,  in  his  poem  on  the occasion,  adds,  "  After  thou  hadst  celebrated the  festival,  as  was  proper,  forthwith  the  whole people,  the  senate,  and  the  middle  and  better classes,  demanded  an  extension  of  the  days  of celebration.  Thou  grantedst  it :  they  flocked in  :  again  they  demanded  :  again  thou  grantedst it,  which  things  being  often  repeated,  thou celebratedst  the  festivity  magnificently."  Pro- bably for  seven  days. Of  other  churches  in  Constantinople,  Du Cange  (i'6.  iv.  5)  relates  the  dedication  of  the Church  of  the  Apostles.  This  church,  after  its demolition,  was  rebuilt  by  Justinian.  The  dedi- cation is  described  as  celebrated  by  the  deposi- tion in  it  of  the  relics  of  Andrew,  Luke,  and Timothy,  which  had  been  in  the  earlier  church. Theophanes  says,  that  the  bishop  Mennas,  with  the holy  relics,  sitting  in  the  royal  chariot,  gilt  and CONSECRATION  OP  CHURCHES    CONSECRATION  OF  CHURCHES  429 studded  with  gems,  carrying  upon  his  kuees  the three  shrines  of  the  holy  apostles,  in  such  wise celebrated  the  dedication.  Procopius  speaks  of the  same  particulars. The  last-named  writer  (da  Aedif.  Justin,  i.  v.) mentions  the  sacred  buildings  at  Ephesus,  Con- stantinople, Jerusalem,  which  Justinian  dedi- cated (ave9r]Ki). We  gather  from  Bade  (Eccl.  Hisfi.  6)  that while  Diocletian  was  pei'secuting  in  the  East, Maxiraian  was  doing  the  same  in  the  West, for  ten  years,  by  burning  the  churches,  &c., and  that  after  the  cessation  of  the  persecution the  Britons  renewed  the  churches  which  had been  razed  to  the  ground,  and  founded  and finished  basilicas  to  the  holy  martyrs  (tb.  i.  8). Later  on,  we  read  that  Gregory  instructed Augustine  and  his  companions  not  to  destroy the  idol  temples,  but  to  destroy  the  idols  in them,  and  then  to  prepare  holy  water,  and sprinkle  it,  to  build  altars  and  deposit  relics,  and to  make  suitable  provision  for  rendering  the  day of  dedication  attractive  (ib.  i.  30)  ;  that  Augus- tine "  consecrated  a  church  in  the  name  of  the Saviour,  our  God  and  Lord  Jesus  Christ ;"  and Laurentius  "consecrated  the  church  of  the blessed  apostles  Peter  and  Paul  "  (ib.  i.  33)  ;  that the  body  of  Augustine  (after  a  very  early  cus- tom) was  laid  near  this  church,  as  it  was  not yet  dedicated,  but  as  soon  as  it  was  dedicated  it was  brought  in  and  laid  in  the  north  porch  (ib. ii.  3) ;  that,  on  Chad's  visit  to  Northumbria, after  being  in  East  Anglia,  the  son  of  the  king gave  him  land  to  build  a  monastery  or  church ; to  purify  the  spot  he  craved  leave  to  spend  the forty  days  of  Lent  (except  the  Lord's  day)  in prayer  and  fasting,  as  he  said  it  was  always the  custom  he  had  learned,  first  to  consecuate the  locality  by  prayer  and  fasting  to  the  Lord. Then  he  built  a  monastery,  and  set  it  on  foot according  to  the  rites  of  the  Lindisfarnians, with  whom  he  was  educated  (ib.  iii.  23) ;  that the  Abbot  Ceolfrid  sent  to  the  king  of  the  Picts, A.D.  710,  ai-chitects  to  build  for  him  a  stone church,  after  the  manner  of  the  Romans,  he having  promised  to  dedicate  it  in  honour  of  the blessed  chief  of  the  apostles  (ib.  v.  21).  Bede tells  a  story  of  Bishop  John  of  Beverley,  how, after  having  dedicated  a  chui-ch  for  the  Earl Puch,  he  sent  to  his  countess,  who  was  bed- ridden, some  of  the  holy  water  which  he  had consecrated  for  the  dedication  of  the  church  by one  of  the  brethren,  charging  him  to  give  her some  to  taste,  and  that  he  should  wash  her  with the  same  water  wherever  he  learnt  her  pain was  the  greatest.  The  woman  recovered  (ib.  v. 4).  A  detailed  account  is  given  of  the  consecra- tion of  the  church  of  Ripon  by  St.  Wilfred (A.D.  665)  in  his  life.  The  47th  chapter  of the  Penitential  of  Archbishop  Theodore,  speaking of  a  building  in  which  heathens  had  been  buried, but  now  proposed  for  a  church,  adds  :  "  If  it seems  fit  for  consecration,  let  the  bodies  be removed,  and  it  shall  be  sanctified,  if  not  con- secrated before."  In  the  same  chapter  mention is  made  of  that  part  of  the  office  of  consecra- tion in  which  it  is  said,  "  Locus  a  Deo  iste factus  est." 2.  Canons  and  decrees  irkich  relate  to  the  con- secration of  churches. — The  4th  canon  of"  the General  Council  of  Chalcedon,  A.D.  451  (Bruns's Canones,  i.  26),  provides  that  "  no  one  shall  any- where build  or  establish  a  monastery,  or  house  of prayer,  without  the  consent  of  the  local  bishop."' The  canons  of  Felix  IV.  and  Gregory  I.  (de  Consecr. distinct,  i.  c.  17)  are  referred  to  by  Gavanti (Thesaurus  Sao:  Bit.  torn.  i.  p.  iv.  tit.  xvi.  p. 529).  The  23rd  canon  of  an  Irish  Council  under Patrick,  A.D.  450  (Bruns's  Can.  ii.  303),  directs "that  a  presbyter,  though  he  build  a  church, shall  not  oiler  the  oblation  in  it  before  he  brings his  bishop  to  consecrate  it,  because  this  was regular  and  decent."  Of  Columbauus,  however, though  not  a  bishop,  Walafrid  Strabo  writes (Mart.  ii.  13,  6),  "He  ordered  water  to  be brought,  blessed  it,  sprinkled  the  temple  with  it, and  while  they  went  round  singing,  dedicated the  church.  Then  he  called  on  the  Name  of  the Lord,  anointed  the  altar,  placed  ia  it  the  relics of  St.  Aurelia,  vested  it,  and  said  mass."  The 1st  Council  of  Orange,  A.D.  441,  can.  10  (Bruns's Canones,  ii.  123),  forbids  a  bishop  to  consecrate  a church  out  of  his  own  diocese,  even  if  it  has  been built  by  himself.  So  the  2nd  Council  of  Aries (about  451),  can.  37.  The  3rd  Council  of  Or- leans, A.D.  538,  can.  15  (Bruns's  Can.  ii.  196), makes  the  same  provision  about  altars.  The 3rd  canon  of  the  2nd  Council  of  Saragossa.  a.d. 592  (Bruns's  Can.  ii.  65),  enacts  that  "  if  Arian bishoj)s,  who  are  converted,  shall  consecrate churches  before  they  have  received  the  bene- diction, such  shall  be  consecrated  anew  by  a Catholic  bishop."  The  Thcodosian  Code  pre- scribes how  existing  buildings  should  be  claimed and  dedicated  for  the  service  of  the  Christian religion:  "  conlocatione  venerandi  religionis christianae  signi  expiari  praecipimus "  (lib.  xvi. tit.  10).  The  same  rite  was  prescribed  by  Justi- nian at  the  beginning  of  any  erection  of  a  church (Novell,  cxxxi.,  quoted  by  Bingham,  Antiq.  viii. 9,  5).  See  more  instances  in  Augusti  (Denkw. xi.  355).  Avitus,  bishop  of  Vienne  in  the  6th century,  promises  his  brother  Apolliuaris  to  be present  at  the  consecration  of  a  church,  and commands  the  gifts  that  were  designed  for  the poor  at  the  dedication  feast.  The  2nd  Council of  Nice,  A.D.  787,  can.  7,  orders  that  no  bishop should  consecrate  any  church  or  altar,  on  pain of  deposition,  unless  relics  were  placed  under  it, "  ut  qui  ecclesiasticas  traditiones  transgressus est."  The  famous  Council  of  Cealchythe  (i.  e. Chelsea),  presided  over  by  Archbishop  Wil- fred, A.D.  816,  can.  2,  decrees,  "when  a  church is  built,  let  it  be  consecrated  by  a  bishop  of  its own  diocese :  let  the  water  be  blessed,  and sprinkled  by  himself,  and  all  things  fulfilled in  order,  according  to  the  service  book.  Then  let the  Eucharist,  which  is  consecrated  by  the  bishop after  the  same  form,  be  deposited  with  the  other relics  in  a  chest,  and  kept  in  the  same  church. And  if  he  cannot  bring  other  relics,  at  least  he can  do  this  chief  thing,  because  it  is  the  Bodv and  Blood  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  And  we charge  every  bishop  that  he  have  it  painted  on the  wall  of  the  oratory,  or  on  a  table,  as  also' on  the  altars,  to  what  saints  both  of  them  are dedicated."  The  141st  of  the  Excerpts  of  Arch- bishop Egbert,  circ.  A.D.  750,  provides  when  a church  will  need  reconsecration.  The  Council  of Worms,  A.D.  868,  forbids  bishops  to  exact  any  fee or  present  for  the  consecration  of  a  church,  and also  forbids  them  to  consecrate  any  church except  there  be  a  writing  under  the  hand  of  the founder  confirming  the  foundation,  and  signifying 430  CONSECRATION  OF  CHURCHES    CONSECRATION  OF  CHURCHES what  endowment  he  has  given  for  the  ministers and  for  the  lights. A  decree  is  quoted  from  Gelasius,  A.D.  492  (cf. Socr.  Eccl.  Hist.  ii.  8),  to  the  effect  that  no bishop  consecrate  a  church  without  the  leave  of the  Apostolical  see.  Gregory  the  Great  wrote official  letters,  whence  we  may  gather  the  form in  which,  as  bishop  of  Rome,  he  was  accustomed to  issue  his  license  to  his  suffragans  for  dedication of  a  church  or  chai)el,  e.g.,  that  "  they  take  good heed  that  no  dead  body  were  buried  in  the  place  " (^Epist.  i.  52;  v.  22;"xii.  10);  "if  a  bishop  con- secrated an  oratory  in  another  diocese,  what  he had  done  was  null  and  void  "  (Epist.  xi.  2).  He would  not  have  a  new  church  consecrated  unless it  were  endowed  with  sufficient  revenue  for  main- taining divine  service  and  the  clergy  (see  Corp. Jur.  Can.  i.  457-461).  Martene  allows  that Gelasius  and  Gregory  were  both  intending  to prescribe  for  Italy  alone. 3.  Jiitual  of  Consecration. — It  was  customary, as  we  have  seen,  to  deliver  sermons  at  the  time of  consecration.  There  is  one  extant  by  St. Ambrose,  ])reached  at  the  dedication  of  a  church built  by  Vitalianus  and  Majanus,  A.D.  380;  the sermon  is  entitled  "  De  Dedicatione  Basilicae," from  the  text  in  St.  Luke,  "He  loveth  our nation,  and  he  hath  built  us  a  synagogue." Gaudentius.  bishop  of  Bresse  in  Italy,  early  in the  5th  century,  has  left  sermons  "  Die  dedica- tiouis  basilicae  sanctorum  quadraginta  marty- runi"  {Max.  Bihl.  Fatriun,  torn,  v.;  Migne's Patrol.  XX.).  St.  Augustine's  works  (torn,  v.) contain  sermons  of  the  same  class,  Senn.  256, de  tempore,  al.  336-338,  and  in  App.  Serm.  229- 231,  considered  to  be  those  of  Caesarius. Of  other  rites  and  ceremonies  we  find  occasional notices.  Thus  of  the  vigil  kept  the  night  pre- ceding the  dedication,  St.  Ambrose  writes  {Ep. 22)  to  his  sister  Marcellina  and  Gregoi-y  of Tours,  de  Gloria  Confessorum ;  of  the  translation and  deposition  of  relics,  we  read  in  the  same epistle  of  St.  Ambrose,  "When  I  wished  to dedicate  the  basilica,  they  began  to  interrupt  me as  it  were  with  one  mouth,  saying,  You  should dedicate  the  basilica,  as  in  the  case  of  a  Roman one.     I  answered,  I  will  do  so,  if  I  find  relics  of martyrs."  The  same  custom  is  mentioned  by St.  Basil,  Epist.  49  (iii.  142),  by  St.  Paulinus, Epist.  adSeverum  {Max,  Bibl.  Pair.  tom.  vi.  193, &c.),  by  St.  Greg.  M.  lib.  i.  c.  10.  See  in Jlartene.  The  relics  were  often  not  the  bodies tliemselves,  but  what  had  been  simply  in  contact with  them  [Brandeum].  The  custom  was  at first  peculiar  to  Rome,  and  was  then  extended and  made,  obligatory  by  the  2nd  Nicene  Council. Ancient  forms,  given  by  Martene,  prescribe  that "  the  Body  of  the  Lord  be  deposited."  On dedication,  Hooker  {E.  P.  v.  13)  and  Bingham (Antiq.  viii.  9,  8)  both  (juote  St.  Augustine  (de C  vit.  Dei,  viii.  27 ;  xxii.  10 ;  contra  Faust,  sx. 2 1 ;  contra  Maxim,  i. ;  de  Vera  Relig.  c.  55)  as showing  how,  and  with  what  interest  and  limi- tation, the  original  custom  of  dedicating  churches to  the  Lord  only  was  afterwards  extended  to their  dedication  under  the  name,  or  as  me- morials of  saints  and  mart)'rs,  or  by  the  title  of virtues,  especially  of  v.isdom,  as  was  the  case  in the  chief  cities  "of  the  empire.  Augustine  in writing  against  Maximinus  grounds  an  argument for  the  deitv  of  the  Holy  Ghost  upon  this  dis- tinction :     "that     He     must    be     God,     because temples  were  built  and  dedicated  to  Him,  which it  would  be  sacrilege  to  do  to  any  other  creature." The  custom  of  lighting  twelve  candles  is  alluded to  in  the  Pseudo-Augustine,  Serm,  338  (al.  3), in  Dedic.  Ecclesiae.  "  This  lesson  occurs  suitably, when  the  candelabra  are  blessed,  that  he  who works  is  as  a  light  placed  on  a  candlestick."  The very  ancient  rite  of  inscribing  either  the  whole alphabets  both  Greek  and  Latin,  or  some  letters of  them,  or  one  alphabet,  is  spoken  of  by  Gregory in  his  Liber  Sacramentorum :  "Then  let  the bishop  begin  from  the  left-hand  corner  at  the east,  writing  on  the  pavement  with  his  pastoral staff  A.  B.  C,  to  the  right  corner  of  the  west; again  beginning  from  the  corner  at  the  east  he writes  A.  B.  C.  and  so  on  to  the  left  corner  of  the church."  Gregory  says  that  some  bishops  added the  Hebrew  alphabet.  The  inscription  was called  the  A.  B.  C.  darinm.  See  more  on  the custom  in  Martene  (ii.  13,  who  gives  A.D.  980  as the  inferior  date  for  it),  and  in  Maskell,  Monum, Pit.  i.  173  n. It  is  difficult,'  however,  from  the  few  and scattered  notices  in  primitive  writers,  to  con- struct the  probable  course  of  the  ritual  of  conse- cration in  early  times.  We  may  say  with Bingham,  "  that  the  manner  and  ceremony  of doing  this  was  not  always  exactly  one  and  the same,  therefore  we  are  chiefly  to  regard  the substance  of  the  thing,  which  was  the  separation of  any  building  from  common  use  to  a  religious service.  Whatever  ceremony  this  was  performed with,  the  first  act  of  initiating  and  appropriating it  to  a  divine  use  was  its  consecration ;  and therefore,  in  allusion  to  this,  the  first  beginning of  anything  is  many  times  called  its  dedication. Whether  churches  had  any  other  cei-emony besides  this  in  their  dedication  for  the  first  three ages  is  not  certain,  though  it  is  highly  probable they  might  have  a  solemn  thanksgiving  and prayer  I'or  a  sanctified  use  of  them  also,  over  and besides  the  usual  liturgy  of  the  Church,  because this  was  in  use  among  the  Jews  "  {Antiq.  viii. 9,  1).  So  also  Lewis  {Historical  Essiij)  remarks upon  the  difficulty  of  discovering  the  use  of  this rite  in  its  particular  parts,  because  the  custom of  those  early  times  was  obscure,  yet  "  he  hopes to  shew  some  remains  of  the  footsteps  of  this ceremony"  (p.  29),  and  gathers  them  together (p.  105),  as  traced  in  the  several  instances  above given. Of  the  various  forms  printed  from  MSS.,  the Ordo  Romanus  for  the  building  and  consecration of  a  church,  &c.,  said  to  be  of  the  8th  century,  is given  in  the  Max.  Bi'>l.  Pair.  (tom.  xiii.  p.  715, &c.).  Goar  {Euch.  Oraecorum)  gives  the  custo- mary order  in  laying  the  foundation  of  a  churcli, and  the  prayer  to  be  said  on  the  occasir)u,  which some  call  the  cross-fixing ;  and  the  order  for fixing  the  cross  after  the  church  is  finished,  by the  patriarch,  under  which  head  there  are  certain prayers  attributed  to  Callixtus  on  the  dedication of  a  temple,  and  a  very  prolix  Ta|(s  koI  uko- XovBia  iir'i  KaOieptio-ei  vaov  (p.  606,  &c.,  and  p. 846).  SLartene  {Eccl.  Rd.  ii.  13,  p.  244  &c.)  has printed  eleven  forms,  of  which  the  oldest  are  (1) from  the  Book  of  Gellone  in  Italy  about  A.D.  800, (2)  from  the  pontifical  of  Egbert,  archbishop  of York,  A.D.  750,  (3)  from  the  Anglican  pontifical in  the  monastery  of  Jumieges,  A.D.  800,  (4)  from the  pontifical  of"  St.  Dunstan  of  Canterbury,  (5) from  a  codex  of  St.  Mary's,  Rheims,  A.D.  'J(H),  (d) CONSECRATION  OF  CHURCHES from  a  pontifical  of  the  Church  of  Noyon,  A.D.- 900.  Maskell  prints  from  the  Sarwn  Pontifical the  Ordo  "  De  Ecciesiae  dedicatione,  seu  conse- cratione "  (Monumen.  Bit.  i.  162-203),  and has  some  remarks  on  the  subject  in  his  pre- liminary dissertation,  pp.  cclxv.-cclxxv.  Daniel (Cod.  Liturg.  i.  355-384,)  prints  the  rite  "Ex Poutificali  Romano,"  with  notes  of  collation from  other  rituals.  He  holds  that  in  the  most ancient  times  it  was  not  the  mass  only  that  was sutiicieut  at  the  consecration  of  new  churches (which  Binterirn  had  argued),  but  that  it  was  the mass  proper  for  dedication,  together  with  addi- tions of  certain  forms  of  benediction.  Both these  writers  allow  that  the  ritual  of  present  use scarcely  reaches  the  8th  century. 4.  Anniversaries  of  consecrations  of  churches have  their  natural  origin  in  the  feast  of  dedica- tion of  the  temple,  attended  by  our  Lord  (St. John  X.  22,  23)  in  conformity  with  1  Mace.  iv. 5G-59  ;  St.  Gregory  Nazian.  {Orat.  43,  els  rrju KvpiaK^v  init.)  speaks  of  it  as  an  ancient  custom •'  to  honour  churches  by  the  feasts  of  their dedication ;  and  that  not  for  once  only,  but  upon the  annual  return  of  the  day  of  their  consecra- tions, that  good  things  become  not  forgotten through  lapse  of  time."  It  is  doubtful  who initiated  the  custom.  Some  make  it  date  from the  consecration  of  the  church  of  the  Holy Sepulchre  at  Jevusalem,  on  Sept.  13  [Ana- stasis].  (See  Sozom.  E.  E.  i.  2(3 ;  Niceph.  viii. 50.)  Felix  IV.,  A.D.  526,  put  out  a  decree  "  that the  solemnities  of  the  dedications  of  churches  are to  be  celebrated  every  year."  Gregory  the Great  confirmed  the  practice,  and  it  was  adopted by  Augustine  in  Britain,  together  with  the custom  of  building  booths  round  the  church,  and holding  common  festivities  (Bede,  Erd.  Hist.  i. 30).  The  memory  of  the  dedication  of  St. Sophia  at  Constantinople  was  kept  up  every Dec.  22  (Du  Gauge,  Const.  Chr.  iii.  6).  Gavanti (ii.  250,  &c.),  de  Commnni  Dedicationis  Ec- ciesiae, has  rules  and  remarks  on  this  class  of festival  and  its  concurrence  with  others. The  Si/mbolism  of  the  rite  of  consecration  may be  said  to  appear  in  the  earliest  titles  given  to churches  (see  above),  and  in  the  essential  idea  of consecration  as  expressed  by  Hookei",  E.  P.  v.  12, 13  ;  Bingham,  Antiq.  viii.  9,  8  ;  Lewis,  p.  98. Alcuin,  de  Coena  Domini,  says,.  "  Churches  are consecrated  that  the  coming  of  angels  into  them may  be  invited,  and  that  men  entering  into  them may  be  restrained  from  mean  thoughts."  St. Thomas  Aquin.  (^Stomiu!,  part  iii.  Quaest.  85, art.  3)  says,  "A  church  is  consecrated  because the  Church  is  the  spouse  of  Christ ;  and  when  the octave  is  celebrated  for  denoting  the  glorious resurrection  of  the  Church  which  is  to  come." Remigius  of  Auxerre,  in  the  10th  century,  has  a Treatise  on  the  mystical  signification  of  the  whole rite.  Cf  the  reference  to  this  and  other  writers in  Maskell  (Monuni.  Bit.  i.  162,  3).  The  same subject  is  elaborately  drawn  out  by  Durandus, Bationale  Div.  Off.;  St.  Bruno  Astensis,  Episc. Signiensium  (Mux.  Dihl.  Pair.  xx.  1725),  of  the 12th  century,  &c. .  5.  Consecration  of  Altars.  —  Bingham  (Ant. viii.  9.  10)  says  that  the  consecration  of  altars seems  to  have  begun  first  of  all  in  the  6th century  ;  he  quotes  the  Council  of  Agde,  A.D. 506,  can.  14  (Bruns's  Can.  ii.  145),  as  enacting that  "  altars  are  to  be  consecrateil  not  only  by CONSECRATION  OF  CHURCHES  431 the  chrism,  but  with  the  sacerdotal  benediction," and  the  Council  of  Epone,  A.D.  517,  can.  26  (ib. ii.  170),  that  "none  but  stone  altars  are  to  be consecrated  with  the  unction  of  the  chrism." Gregory  of  Tours,  in  the  6th  century,  in  his De  Gloria  Confessormn,  c.  xx.  (Migue,  Pa^ro/.  71, p.  842),  describes  the  dedication  of  an  oratory  at Tours,  a  very  beautiful  cell,  heretofore  used  as  a salt  cellar :  "  The  altar  was  placed  in  its  future position;  the  night  was  spent  in  vigil  at  the basilica  ;  in  the  morning  they  went  to  the  cell and  consecrated  the  altar,  then  returned  to  the basilica,  and  thence  took  the  relics.  There  were present  a  very  large  choir  of  ]iriests  and  deacons, and  a  distinguished  body  of  honourable  citizens, with  a  large  assembly  of  people.  On  arrival  at the  door  a  miracle  of  splendour  took  place," which  Gregory  describes. LiTER-^TURL. — Besides  the  several  works  and special  treatises  mentioned  in  the  course  of  this article,  reference  may  be  made  to  Cardinal  Bona, de  Beh.  Liturg.  i.  19,  20  (Antwerp  1677,  4to); Fabricius  (John),  de  Templis  Christianoruni (Helmstadii  1704,  fol.);  Augusti's  List  of  the Literature  of  Holy  Places  (xi.  317),  Schmid, Liturgik,  Knltus  der  Clirist-Katholische  Kirche (vol.  iii.).  LAher  diurnus  Pontif.  Bom.  (Migne's Patrol,  vol.  105),  cap.  v.  p.  89,  &c.,  "Index Generalis  Materiarum"  in  Mat.  Bihl.  Patrum (tom.  i.)  under  the  head  "  Ecclesia,  16,  De Materiali  Ecclesia,  seu  Templo,  ejusque  dedi- catione," where  some  dedication  sermons  and mystical  expositions  and  vindications  of  .the  rite of  consecration  may  be  found  of  the  12th  and 13th  centuries.  [H.  B y.] 6.  Summary. — It  will  be  seen  in  the  instances given  above  that  there  are  two  distinct periods  in  the  history  of  the  consecration  of churches.  In  the  early  ages,  certainly  as  late  as the  time  of  Constantine,  a  church  was  inaugu- rated by  solemn  ceremonial,  and  dedicated  to  the service  of  God  with  prayer.  Then,  as  churches built  over  the  tombs  of  martyrs  came  to  be regarded  as  endowed  with  peculiar  sanctity,  the possession  of  the  relics  of  some  saint  came  to  be looked  upon  as  absolutely  essential  to  the  sacred- ness  of  the-  building,  and  the  deposition  of  such relics  in  or  below  the  altar  henceforward  formed the  central  portion  of  the  consecration-rite.  All the  essentials  of  such  a  rite  are  found  in  the description  of  the  consecration  of  an  oratory, •quoted  above  from  Gregory  of  Tours.  [Compare Altar.] To  the  second  phase  belong  all  the  ancient rituals  of  consecration  now  extant,  whether  in East  or  West.  We  may  take,  as  a  summary  of the  rites  above  referred  to,  the  service  for  the consecration  of  churches  given  in  Egbert's Pontifical  (pp.  26-58,  ed.  Surtees  Soc),  which differs  in  no  essential  point  from  that  of  the Gregorian  sacramentary. The  relics  were  to  be  watched  the  night  before in  some  church  already  consecrated.  In  the morning  the  bishop  and  clergy  came  in  procession to  the  church  to  be  consecrated;  candles  are lighted,  the  clerks  in  procession  pass  round  the church  outside.  The  door  of  the  church  is opened  with  appropriate  chants  and  ceremony. Prayer  is  said  in  the  midst  of  the  church,  and the  procession,  with  litany,  solemnly  apjiroaches the  altar  with  ]irostration.  Then' follows  the A.   B.  C.   dariuni   (sec  above).       Holy    water  is 432     CONSECRATION  OF  CHURCHES blessed  and  sprinkled  about  the  church  and  the altar;  the  altar  is  censed  and  anointed  with  oil and  chrism  ;  the  slab  is  to  be  laid  on  the  altar, the  linen  coverings,  the  fittings  (ornamenta)  of the  church,  and  the  vessels  to  be  used  in  divine service  are  blessed.  Then  the  relics  are  brought in  solemn  procession  from  the  place  where  they had  been  deposited.  When  they  come  before  the .altar  a  curtain  is  drawn  between  the  clerks  and the  people ;  the  bishop  makes  the  sign  of  the cross  with  chrism  inside  the  CONFESSIO  or  cavity where  the  relics  .ire  to  be  placed,  and  at  the  four corners  of  the  altar.  After  the  relics  have  been placed  in  the  confessio,  the  slab  is  laid  on  the top  and  fixed  with  mortar.  The  bishop  says  a prayer.  The  altar  is  then  covered  and  decked, and  the  paten  and  chalice  are  blessed. The  clerks  then  enter  the  vestry  and  put  on other  vestments.  Meantime  the  church  is  made ready,  and  the  bishop  and  clergy  on  their  return say  the  mass  In  Dedicatione  Ecclesiae, Forms  are  also  given  in  the  Pontifical  (p.  57) for  the  "  Reconciliation  "  of  an  altar  or  holy place  where  blood  has  been  shed  or  homicide perpetrated. For  other  ceremonies  of  dedication  see  Font, Cemetery. 7.  rnscriptions. — Bianchini  on  the  Liber  Pontif. (s.  35,  i.  p.  74,  ed.  Migne)  quotes  the  following inscription  as  proving  the  consecration  of  a church  at  Rome  in  the  4th  century  by  Damasus or  Oamasius  :— T  .  I  .  X  .  N  .  EGO  DAMASI VS  VRB  ROME  EPS  AN C  DOMY  COSECRAVI .  .  .  N  .  R  .  Q  .  S .  M .  S  .  S .  PA  .  S .  PE . i.e.  I'ifuhts  in  Christi  nomine.  Ego  Damasius urhis  Eoinae  Ejiscopus  hano  domum  consecravi. The  interpretation  of  the  remaining  portion  of the  inscription  is  doubtful,  but  S  .  PA  .  S  .  PE  . seem  to  designate  Sanctus  Paulus,  Sanctis I'otrus.     On  the  re^-erse  of  the  stone  is  engraved, \_Hic  reJQVIESCIT  CAPVT SCI  CRESCENTINI  M. ET  RELIQIE  S.SVPANT. The  Abbe  Martigny  (Dictionnaire,  p.  227)  has acutely  remarked,  that  the  epithet  sanctus  is not  known  to  be  used  in  this  way  so  early  as the  4th  century,  and  that  the  inscription  is probably  of  a  later  date  than  the  time  of  Pope Damasus.  There  is,  in  fact,  probably  no  inscrip- tion testifying  to  the  consecration  of  a  church of  so  early  a  date  as  the  time  of  St.  Ambrose, when  we  know  that  a  dedication-rite  similar in  essentials  to  that  of  later  times  was  coming into  uic.  [C] ^  8.  Effect  of  Consecration. — Churches  and  their sites,  once  consecrated,  were  to  ba  reserved exclusively  for  the  offices  of  religion.  Eating ■Mvl  drinking  in  them  was  forbidden  after  the love-feasts  had  been  abolished:  and  wearing arms  in  them  was  never  allowed.  In  virtue of  the  2Qd  of  these  rules  they  speedily  became asylums  or.  places  of  refuge  for  all  threatened with  violence  :  still  they  could  only  be  used  as such  for  a  limited  duration  in  virtue  of  the  first. tateant  summi  Dei  templa  timentibus,"  said one  law  m  the  Theodosian  code,  cot  merely  con- CONSECRATION  OF  CHURCHES  | .firming  this  privilege,  but  extending   it   to   the various  surroundings  of  a  cliurch  where  meals  j might    be    taken   and    sleejiing    quarters    esta-  i blished  for  iny  length  of  time  ;  by  another  law,  ] however,   it  was   modified,  by  excluding  public  ' debtors,  slaves,  and  Jews,  from  benefiting  by  it  ! in  future  (lib.  ix.  tit.  49);  and  Justinian  after-  ! wards  excluded  malefactors  (Novel.  17).      Some  i interesting  remarks  on  these  constitutions  may  ■ be    read  in   a    letter   of  Alcuin   (Ep.  clvii.   ed.  ' Migne)  to  his  two  disciples,  Candidus  and  ^fa-  i thanael  :  modified  indeed  by  the  important  let-  i ter  of  Charlemagne   which   follows   it;    and   in accordance  with  which  the  rights  of  sanctuary  | are  upheld  in  the  Frank  capitularies  of  the  8th  i century.  i Property  given  to  the  Church  might  never  be         j alienated  from  it,  except  under  special  circum- stances defined  by  the  canons  :  much  more  there-  ' fore  buildings    that    had    been    solemnly  conse-          '■ crated.      The    canons  forbidding    alienation   are numerous    from    the    15th   Ancyran,    A.D.    315 downwards;  and  the  31st  and  three  following, with  the  65th  Apostolical,  may  be  still  earlier. Justinian  has  numei-ous  regulations  to  the  same eifect  in  his  Code  (lib.  ii.  tit.  2)  and  7th  Novel. In  all  these  church  property  seems  to  be  consi-  ! dered  inalienable,  rather  as  being  in   trust  for           i others  than  upon  higher  grounds  :  at  all  events,  . none  of  them  actually  discuss  consecrated  sites  ■ and  buildings  as  such.     Charlemagne  was  more           \ explicit  in  one  of  his  capitularies  (a.d.  802,  c.  34,  ! ed.  Migne)  :  "  Ut  loca  quae  semel  Deo  dedicata sunt  ut  monasteria  sint,  maneant  perpetuo  mo-  I nasteria,  nee  possint  ultra  fieri  saecularia  habl-           i taenia."    This  was  generalized  subsequently,  till          > it  appeared  as  a  maxim  in  the  "  Regulae  Juris,"           i appended  to  the  6th  book  of  the  Decretals,  in           \ these  words  :  "  Semel  Deo  dicatum  non  est  ad           i usus  humanos  ulterius  transferendum  "  (Xo.  51).           | Even  the  wood  and   stones  used   in  building   a church  were  considered  to  have  shared  its  con- secration, and  could  not  afterwards  be  removed           ■ to    subserve    structures  purely  secular,  though           i they  might  be  burnt.      Events  in  this  respect          ' have  long  since  proved  stronger  than  the  De-           ' cretals  :  and  there  are  some  remarkable  words  on record  of  Jehovah  Himself  in  taking  possession of  the  first  building  ever  dedicated  to  His  service, shewing  that   His  acceptance   of  it   was  condi- tional, and  might  not,  under  circumstances  which  ' actually  took  place,  be  permanent :  "  Now  have           ■ I  chosen  and  sanctified  this  house,  that  my  name           j may  be  there  for  ever.  .  .  .  But  if  ye  turn  away and  forsake  my  statutes  and  my  commandments which  I  have  set  before  you  ,  .  .  this  house  which           i I  have  sanctified  for  my  name  will  I  cast  out  of          j my  sight,  and  will  make  it  to  be  a  proverb  and           •! a  by-word  among  all  nations"  (2  Chron.  vii.  19, 20).     Canonists  have  forgotten  these  words  alto- gether in  estimating  the  "  effects  of  consecration."           '. Comp.  particularly  Lequeux's  Manual,  Tract,  de           ] Rebus  Sacris,  1.  xci.  and  cxxvi.-xxxix.     A  larger work  is  Gibert's  Corp.  Jur.  Canon,  vol.  ii.  Tract, de  Eccl.  tit.  xv.                                      [E.  S.  Ff  ] CONSECRATION  (Eucharistic).    (Conse- cratio,  Sanctificatio,  a(pitpaicns,  aytaafios.')      Foi*  i the  distinction  between  consecration  and  bene-  j diction,   see    Benediction.      The   general    con-  i sideration  of  the  docti-ine  of  Eucharistic  consecra- tion belongs  to   theology,  and  the   question   is  : CONSECRATION con.si<lereil    here    only    in    its    relation    to    the liturgy. 1.  The  principal  formulae  of  consecration  are given  under  Canon  of  the  Liturgy.  It  will be  seen  in  that  article  that  the  most  noteworthy diiference  between  the  forms  of  consecration  used in  the  Eastern  and  the  Western  churches  respec- tively consists  in  this,  that  in  the  Eastern  Chuixh the  Holy  Spirit  is  invoked,  after  the  recitation of  the  words  of  institution,  to  descend  upon  the elements,  and  make  them  the  Body  and  Blood of  Christ  [Epiclesis]  ;  and  this  invocation  is commonly  thought  to  imply,  that  consecration would  be  imperfect  without  it.  This  seems  also to  be  distinctly  implied  in  the  well-known  pass- age of  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  {Catech.  Mi/stag.  v. c.  7),  which  speaks  of  the  hallowing  and  changing influence  of  the  Holy  Spirit  [Canon  of  the Liturgy,  p.  269].  On  the  other  hand,  in  the Western  churches,  the  invocation  of  the  Holy Spirit  at  this  part  of  the  liturgy  is  generally wanting,  and  the  whole  consecrating  virtue  is attributed  by  Western  ritualists  to  the  recitation of  the  words  of  institution,  accompanied  by  the fitting  gestures.  In  the  Mozarabic  liturgy,  how- ever, the  variable  prayer  which  follows  the Sea-eta  frequently  contains  an  invocation  of  the Holy  Spirit  upon  the  elements;  and  such  an invocation  is  almost  certainly  an  ancient  rite which  the  Latin  Church  has  lost,  not  an  innova- tion of  the  Orientals.  Ample  information  on  the points  of  diflerence  in  this  respect  between  East and  West  may  be  found  in  Bona  (de  Reh.  Lit. ii.  c.  13,  §§  4,  .5),  Renaudot  {Lit.  Orient,  i.  196), Toutte'e  (note  on  Cyril,  Cat.  Mi/st.  v.  7),  Le Brun  (Ce'rem.  de  la  Messe,  torn,  iii.),  and  Neale {Eastern  Ch.  Introd.  pp.  492  ff.). 2.  In  the  Ordo  Eonvmus  III.  c.  16,  the  fol- lowing rubrical  directions  are  given.  "After the  Pope  has  communicated  of  the  cup,  which is  held  by  the  archdeacon,  the  latter  pours  a portion  of  the  remaining  wine  into  the  larger chalice  from  which  the  people  is  to  communicate  ; for  wine  not  consecrated  but  mingled  with  the Lord's  Blood  is  completely  sanctified  (sancti- ficatur  per  omnem  modum)."  The  reason  of this  custom  probably  was  that  in  a  very  large congregation  it  was  difficult  to  consecrate  exactly the  quantity  of  wine  required.  A  small  quantity was  therefore  consecrated  in  the  first  instance, and  amplified  according  to  the  number  of  com- municants by  pouring  in  fresh  wine.  The  whole of  the  wine  in  the  cup  was  held  to  be  completely consecrated  by  mingling  with  that  which  had been  originally  consecrated.  The  same  practice is  enjoined  in  the  C&remoniale  of  St.  Benignus at  Dijon,  in  the  Cistercian  Statutes,  in  the Statutes  of  the  Abbey  of  St.  Victor  at  Paris, and  in  Lyndwood's  Constitut.  Provinc.  See  Ma- billon  (Comm.  Fraevius  in  Ord.  Rom.  pp.  Ixii. -xcii.). 3.  The  placing  a  particle  of  the  consecrated bread  in  the  chalice  is  sometimes  called  "con- secration." In  the  Missa  lUyrici  (Bona,  de  Reh. lAt.  p.  553)  the  petition  occurs,  "  Fiat  commistio et  consecratio  corporis  et  sanguinis  D.  N.  I.  C. omnibus  accipientibus  nobis  in  vitam  aeternam  ;  " and  the  17th  canon  of  the  1st  Council  of  Orange directs,  "  Cum  capsa  et  calix  offerendus  est,  et admixtione  eucharistiae  consecrandus."  Com- pare COJIJIISTIO. 4.  On  certain  days  it  is  an  ancient  custom  not CHRIST.    ANT. CONSENT  TO  MARKIAGE        433 to  consecrate  the  sacred  elements.     See  Prae- SANCTIFIED,  LiTURGY    OF.  [C] CONSECRATION  OF  BISHOPS  [Bishop  : Ordination.] CONSENT  TO  MARRIAGE.  The  mar- riage-law of  all  countries  turns  upon  one  or other  of  two  principles.  Either  marriage  is viewed  as  a  union  between  persons,  or  as  the disposal  of  a  property.  In  the  former  case, the  consent  of  the  parties  themselves  is  the  main element  in  it ;  in  the  latter,  that  of  some  other person  or  persons.  Still,  in  legislations  founded upon  the  former  pi-inciple,  the  element  of  consent by  others  comes  in  as  a  salutary  check  upon  rash self-disposal  by  the  young ;  in  those  founded upon  the  latter,  the  recognition  of  a  right  of self-sale  in  the  adult  may  equally  check  the  too authoritative  interference  of  others. The  Jewish  law  is  in  its  inception  essentially personal.  Christ  needed  but  to  refer  to  the  first chapter  of  the  Jewish  Scriptures  in  order  to bring  out  the  full  spirituality  of  the  marriage relation  (Matt.  xix.  4 ;  Mark  x.  6).  In  Genesis, the  woman  is  at  once  brought  before  us  as  the one  "  helpmeet  "  for  the  man.  At  the  outset  of the  Adamic  history,  there  is  no  question  of selling  or  buying,  no  exercise  of  any  third  will between  the  two.  God  simply  brings  the  woman to  the  man,  who  at  once  recognises  her  as  bone of  his  bones,  and  flesh  of  his  flesh  (c.  ii.  vv.  20, 22,  23).  As  the  history  proceeds,  however, other  elements  develope  themselves.  Slavery makes  its  appearance,  and  the  slave-owner  is exhibited  as  giving  the  slave  in  marriage  (Gen. xvi.  3  ;  XXX.  4). Throughout  the  patriarchal  history  (Gen.  xxiv., xxix.,  xxxiv. ;  Ex.  ii.  21),  under  the  Law  (Ex. xxi.  4,  7,  8 ;  xxii.  17  ;  Deut.  xxii.  16),  iu  the time  of  the  Judges  (Josh.  xv.  16,  17;  Judg.  i. 12  ;  XV.  1,  2 ;  xxi.  1,  7,  8  ;  Ruth  iv.  10),  under the  Monarchy  (1  Sam.  xvii.  25  ;  xviii.  19,  21,  27  ; 2  Sam.  xiii.  13 ;  1  Kings  ii.  17),  after  the  Cap- tivity (Nehem.  xiii.  25),  in  our  Lord's  time  (Matt, xxiv.  38  ;  Luke  xvii.  27),  in  the  Apostolic  Church (1  Cor.  vii.  38),  the  right  of  the  father  to  give his  daughter  in  marriage,  of  the  king  to  give  one who  was  under  his  control,  is  either  assumed  or asserted. It  is  nevertheless  certain,  as  may  be  seen  in Selden's  treatise  de  Vxore  Ebraicd,  and  as  has been  stated  above  under  the  head  Betrothal, that  among  the  Jews  the  power  of  self-disposal in  marriage  was  singularly  wide  for  either  sex, the  man  being  held  of  full  age,  and  capable  of marrying  at  his  will  in  the  last  day  of  his  15th year,  the  woman  in  the  second  half  of  her  12th, whilst  if  betrothed  under  that  age  by  their fathers,  girls  could  i-epudiate  the  engagement at  ten.  Yet,  strange  to  say,  the  forms  used  in Jewish  practice  belong  to  the  material,  and  not to  the  spiritual  view  of  marriage.  The  pro- minence given  to  the  Arrha  or  earnest  [see Arrha],  and  the  necessity  for  its  being  given  to the  woman  herself  either  in  money  or  money's worth,  shew  clearly  that  the  grand  spirituality of  marriage,  as  exhibited  in  the  second  chapter  of Genesis,  had  been  lost  sight  of,  that  it  had  come to  be  viewed  essentially  as  an  act  of  wife-buying ; and  yet  the  fact  that  the  woman,  from  earliest puberty,  was  reckoned  as  having  the  sole  right of  self-sale,  preserved  an  amount  of  freedom  in 2  F ■    I 434        CONSENT  TO  MAREIAGE the  contract  which  would  otherwise  seem  to belong  only  to  that  view  of  it  which  the  prac- tice contradicts. The  Roman  law  exhibits  to  us  a  precisely opposite  development ;  it  starts  from  the  ma- terial view  to  grow  more  and  more  into  the spiritual  one.  Originally  the  father's  potcstas, scarcely  to  be  distinguished  from  absolute  owner- ship, overshadows  all  the  domestic  relations, extending  equally  to  the  wife  and  to  the  children of  both  sexes.  Eventually,  so  far  as  marriage  is concerned,  the  potcstas  resolves  itself  sim])ly into  a  right  of  consent.  And  consent  is  made the  very  essence  of  marriage.  "  Nuptias  non concubitus,  sed  consensus  fecit,"  are  the  words of  Ulpian  {Dig.  bk.  1.  t.  xvii.  1.  30).  The  vali- dity of  marriages  contracted  by  mere  consent was  admitted  in  a  constitution  of  Theodosius and  Valentinian,  A.D.  449,  {Code,  bk.  v.  t.  xvii. 1.8). This  consent,  moreover,  must  be  at  once  that of  the  parties  themselves,  and  of  those  in  whose potestas  they  are  (Paulus,  Dig.  bk.  xxiii.  t.  ii. I.  2).  As  to  slaves,  indeed,  unlike  the  Jewish law,  the  Roman  law  never  recognised  such a  thing  as  their  marriage,  and  the  unions  be- tween men  and  women  slaves,  which  might  be permitted  and  even  respected  by  their  masters, wei-e  of  no  more  legal  value  than  the  coupling of  domestic  animals,  although,  as  may  be  seen hereafter,  they  might  be  recognised  by  the  supe- rior morality  of  the  church.  Where,  indeed,  a master  gave  away,  or  allowed  another  to  give away,  his  slave  girl  in  marriage  to  a  freeman, or  constituted  a  dos  upon  her,  Justinian  ruled (as  will  be  further  shewn  hereafter  under  the head  Contract)  that  this  should  amount  to an  enfranchisement  {Code,  bk.  vii.  t.  vi.  1.  9 ; 22nd  Nov.  c.  11).  But  this  of  itself  shows that  marriage  and  slavery  were  held  to  be incompatible. The  principle  of  the  freedom  of  marriage,  and of  its  resting  mainly  on  the  consent  of  the parties,  stands  generally  recognised  in  Justi- nian's Code,  and  is  indeed  further  carried  out in  it.  "  None,"  says  a  constitution  of  Diocle- tian and  Maximin,  "  can  be  compelled  either  to marry,  or  to  be  reconciled  after  divorce  "  {Code, bk.  V.  t.  iv.  1.  14;  and  see  1.  12,  as  to  the  filius familias). On  the  other  hand,  several  enactments  of Justinian's  Code  shew  that  the  law  looked  rather upon  marriage,  from  the  woman's  point  of  view, as  the  choice  of  a  husband  for  her,  and  there- fore held  that  in  the  determination  of  that choice,  the  counsel  or  even  the  judgment  of third  persons  might  be  called  in  {Code,  bk.  v. t.  iv.  1.  1,  20). The  influx  of  the  barbarian  nations  into  the empire  may  be  said  to  have  in  great  measure restored,  under  other  names,  those  stricter  views of  paternal  authority  which  had  belonged  to Rome's  earlier  ages,  at  least  as  respects  women, k  ^^u  '^'^''^*  °^  Theodoric  we  find  a  provision that  "a  father  shall  not  be  compelled  against his  will  to  give  his  fomily  in  marriage  to  any  " ?f  ^"  ,  ^^  *^<^  Lombard  laws  the  inundium recalls  the  Roman  potestas,  but  under  a  purely pecuniary  form,  and  instead  of  being  confined to  the  ascending  line,  seems  to  have  belonged  to the  nearest  male  relation.  Thus  by  a  law  of Bothans  (638  or  643),  if  after  two  years'  be- CONSENT  TO  MAREIAGE trothal  the  man  does  not  claim  his  bride,  "  the  ; fiither  or  brother  or  he  who  has  her  mundiuin  "  , may  prosecute  the  surety  till  he  pays  her  meta or  jointure,  after  which  "  they  may  give  her  to another    husband,    being   a   freeman"  (c.   178),  ' A  widow  indeed  has  power,  if  she  choose,  to  go  ; to  another  husband,  being  a  freeman  (c.  182).  '■ And    the    woman's    consent,    whether    girl    or widow,  has  always  great  weight  in  the  eyes  of the  law.     Thus  it  takes  account  of  the  cases  of  a man    marrying   a   girl    or  widow   betrothed   to  ' another,  ")'et  with  her  consent"  (c.  190),  and in  like  manner  of  his  ravishing  either  with  her consent — the    term    apparently   meaning    here,  | carrying     away    without     marriage     (c.     191).  ' Where    indeed   a   slave   married    a    freewoman with  her  consent,  her  parents  might  kill   her,  ' or  sell  her  out  of  the  province  (c.  222).     The laws    of  Luitprand,    A.D.    717,    enact    penalties against   those    who   betroth    to   themselves,    or  i marry,    girls    under    twelve,    but    a    father   or  ^ brother  may   give  or  betroth  his  daughter  or  ' sister  at  any  age   (bk.  ii.   c.  6).     And  it  seems  ' to  be  admitted  that  a  girl  of  twelve  may  "go  | to  a  husband  "  without  the  will  of  her  parents (bk.  vi.  0.  61,  and  see  c.  66;  A.D.  724).     The mundium,  it  may  be  obsei-ved,  appears  also  in the   law  of  the   Allamans,  latter  half  of  8th  j century.  i Under   the   law  of  the  Saxons,   a   man  who  ] wished  to  marry  had  to  give  300  solidi  to  the  I girl's  parents  (t.  iv.  1),  but  if  he  did  so  against  | the   parent's    will,    she    consenting,    twice    that  j amount  (1.  2).     If  he  wished  to  marry  a  widow,  I he  must  offer  the  price  of  her  purchase  to  her  ' guardian  (apparently  a  Latinized  expression  for  j the  mundoald,  or  mundwald,  holder  of  the  mim-  \ diuin),  her  relatives  consenting    thereto  (t.  vii. 1.  3).      If  her  guardian   refused  the  money,  he must   turn   to  her    next    of  kin,  and    by  their consent  he  might  have  her,  but  he  must  have  . 300  solidi  ready  to  give  to  the  guardian  (1.  4).  i Here    a    power    of '  consent    in     the     kinsmen  j generally,  over  and  above  the  specific  powers  of  ; the  holder  of  the  mundium,  is  clearly  admitted.  j The  Burgundian  law  (originally  of  the  begin-  j ning  of  the   6th  century)  recognizes  also  some  ! freedom  of  choice  in  the  woman,  especially  if  a  | widow.      Whei-e   a  girl  of  her  own  accord  has  ' sought  a  man,  he  has  to  pay  only  thi-ee  times the    "  price    of   marriage "    (nuptiale    pretium)  ; instead  of  six  times,  which   he  would  have  to  I pay  if  he  had   carried  her  off  against  her  will  I (t.  xii.   cc.   1,   3 ;    see  also  t.   cxc).     A  widow  j wishing   to   remarry   within    the    year   of   her  j husband's  death,  is  said  to  have  "  free  power  "  | to  do  so  (t.  slii.  c.  2  ;  law  of  A.D.  517).     But  in  i a  later  law,  a  power  of  consent  in  parents  seems to  be  indicated  (t.  lii.). The  Visigothic  law,  which  has    always  been  < held  to  bear  peculiar  marks  of  clerical  inspiration,  j is  especially  restrictive  of  the  woman's  self  dis- posal.     A  law  of  Receswind,   allowing  for   the  | first    time    intermarriage    between    Goths    and Rornans,  enacts   that   a  freeman   may  marry  a  ' freewoman    with    the    solemn    consent    of   the  j ascendants  ("  prosapiae  "),  and  the  permission  of  i the    court  (bk.  iii.  t.  i.  c.  1).      If  a   man  has betrothed   to  himself  a  girl  "  with  the  will  of  : her  father  or  the  other  near  relatives  to  whom by  law  this  power  is  given,"  the  girl  may  not marry   another    against    the   will    of  her  rela-  _' CONSENT  TO  MARRIAGE fives,  but  both  she  and  her  husband  shall  be handed  over  to  the  power  of  the  man  who  had betrothed  her  •'  with  the  will  of  her  relatives." The  same  course  is  to  be  followed  if  the  father has  settled  for  the  marriage  of  his  daughter,  and agreed  upon  the  price ;  and  if  the  father  dies before  the  marriage,  the  girl  is  to  be  given  to him  to  whom  she  has  been  promised  by  her father  "or  her  mother"  (t.  2),  the  last  words imph'ing  seemingly  a  power  of  consent  through- out in  the  mother. The  consent  of  the  parties  is  not,  however, altogether  overlooked,  especially  after  betrothal, when  neither  can  change  his  or  her  will  if  the other  will  not  consent  (c.  3 ;  law  of  Chindas- winth).  Where  girls  of  full  age  are  betrothed to  male  infants,  if  either  party  appears  to  object, the  betrothal  cannot  stand  good.  Two  years  (as in  the  Roman  law)  is  the  period  beyond  which the  fulfilment  of  the  betrothal  contract  cannot be  enforced,  unless  by  the  honest  and  proper consent  of  parents  or  relatives,  or  of  the  be- trothed if  of  full  age  (c.  4).  And  a  girl's actual  marriage  without  her  parents'  consent holds  good,  though  she  forfeits  her  share  in  their succession  (t.  ii.  c.  8  ;  and  see  also  t.  iv.  c.  7). And  the  law  admits  that  a  woman  may  be  in  a position  to  dispose  of  herself — in  suo  arhitrio (t.  iv.  c.  2). The  Salic  law  hardly  shows  with  sufficient clearness  the  early  Prankish  view  as  to  consent to  marriage.  Towards  the  latter  half  of  the Cth  century,  however,  a  general  constitution  of King  Clothar,  recorded  by  Labbe  and  Mansi, apparently  as  possessing  ecclesiastical  authority {Councils,  vol.  ix.  p.  761)  enacts  that  "none  by our  authority  shall  presume  to  seek  in  marriage a  widow  or  a  girl  without  their  own  will." Two  centuries  later  the  Capitulary  of  Compiegne (a.d.  757)  enacts  in  a  particular  case  that  "  if  any man  have  given  his  step-daughter,  being  a  Frank, against  her  will  and  that  of  her  mother  and relatives  to  a  freeman,  slave,  or  cleric,  and  she will  not  have  him  and  leaves  him,  her  relatives have  power  to  give  her  another  husband  "  (c.  4). The  implication  contained  in  the  above  text,  that marriage  of  a  freewoman  with  a  slave  might  by the  woman's  own  consent  hold  good,  will  be remarked. Substantially,  with  an  exception  to  be  pre- sently noticed,  the  Church  did  little  else  than follow  the  municipal  law  on  the  subject  of  con- sent, eventually  adopting  the  Roman  civil  law  as the  basis  of  her  own.  If  we  except  a  canon  of doubtful  authority,  to  be  found  in  Gratian  (I2th century),  attributed  either  to  the  4th  or  5th Council  of  Aries  (A.D.  524  or  554),  and  enacting that  widows,  before  professing  continence,  may marry  whom  they  will, — that  virgins  may  do  the same, — and  that  none  should  be  forced  to  accept a  husband  without  the  will  of  their  parents, — the  earliest  Church  enactments  seem  to  belong to  our  own  British  Isles.  An  Irish  synod  of  un- certain date,  presided  oVer  by  St.  Patrick,  speaks thus  :  "  What  the  father  wills,  that  let  the  girl do,  for  the  head  of  the  woman  is  the  man.  But the  will  of  the  girl  is  to  be  inquired  of  the father  "  (c.  27).  In  the  so-called  Excerpta  of Egbert,  archbishop  of  York,  in  the  8th  century, it  is  written  :  "  Parents  ought  to  give  women  to be  united  to  men  in  marriage,  unless  the  woman absolutely  refuse,  in  which  case  she  may  enter  a CONSENT  TO  MARRIAGE        435 convent "  (bk.  ii.  c.  20) ;  not  a  very  wide  stretch of  female  freedom.  Further  on,  a  singular  provi- sion allows  the  husband  whose  wife  has  deserted him,  and  refused  for  five  years  to  make  peace with  him,  to  marry  another  woman,  "  with  the bishop's  consent "  (c.  26). The  Council  of  Friuli  (a.d.  791)  forbad  the marriage  of  infant^,  requiring  jjarity  of  age  and mutual  consent.  The  Carloviugian  capitularies, which  have  a  sort  of  mixed  clerical  and  civil authority,  enact  amongst  other  things  that  none shall  marry  a  widow  "  without  the  consent  of her  priest "  (bk.  vi.  1.  408) ;  a  provision  which recalls  one  already  noticed  from  the  Visigothic law,  that  marriage  shall  not  be  lawful  unless the  wife  be  sought  for  at  the  hands  of  those  who appear  to  have  power  over  the  woman,  and  under whose  protection  she  is  (bk,  vii.  1.  463) ;  an  enact- ment which  is  either  the  original  or  a  slightly varied  replica  of  a  supposed  letter  by  Pope  Eva- ristus  (a.d.  112-21),  the  spuriousness  of  which has  been  shown  under  the  head  Benediction. It  is  however  also  enacted  that  women  are  not to  be  compelled  to  marry,  under  penalty  of  treble ban,  and  public  penance  ;  or,  in  default  of  means, of  prison  or  banishment  (1.  470).  Lastly,  it  may be  mentioned  that  the  edict  of  Charlemagne  in 814  required  inquiry  to  be  made,  amongst  other things,  as  to  men  who  had  wives  "  against  the will  of  their  parents." On  one  point,  indeed,  we  may  trace  from  an early  period  a  marked  divergence  between  the practice  of  the  Church  and  the  Roman  law.  On the  subject  of  slave-marriages,  the  Apostolical Constitutions  breathe  the  spirit  of  the  Jewish law,  not  of  the  Roman.  Not  only  are  slave- marriages  recognized,  but  it  is  treated  as  an offence  in  a  Christian  master  if  he  does  not "  give  "  a  wife  to  his  man-slave  (bk.  viii.  c.  32  ; compare  Exod.  xxi.  4).  Again,  in  a  work  which perhaps  does  not  greatly  differ  in  date  from  the later  portions  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions, St.  Basil's  first  Canonical  Epistle,  addressed  to Amphilochius,  bishop  of  Iconium,  the  writer, treating  evidently  of  slave-marriages,  says  :  "  A woman  who  has  given  herself  to  a  man  against her  master's  will  has  committed  adultery"  (c.  40). And  again  more  generally :  "  Marriages  without the  will  of  those  who  have  authority  (&viv  rwv KpaTovvToiv)  are  adulteries  ;  and  therefore  during the  life  of  the  father  or  master  (SetrTroTou)  they cannot  be  free  from  impeachment  until  the  assent of  such "  [termed  here  Kvpiot,  lords]  "  be  ob- tained ;  for  then  does  the  marriage  acquire  firm- ness "  (c.  42).  Harsh  as  is  the  tone  of  these passages  towards  the  victims  of  slavery,  it  is clear  that  for  Basil  the  relation  of  the  slave  to the  master  is  not  the  heathen  one  of  the  thing to  its  owner,  but  one  exactly  analogous  to  that of  the  child  to  its  father.  Father  and  master have  indeed  alike  the  quasi-sovereign  power  of  a Kvpios ;  the  marriage  of  those  under  their authority  is  void  without  their  assent,  but  it  is firm  (;8e/3oios)  with  it. Somewhat"  less  than  two  centuries  later  (a.d. 541),  the  24th  canon  of  the  Council  of  Orleiius I'equires  slaves  who  flee  for  sanctuary  to  churches in  order  to  marry  to  be  returned  to  their  masters and  sej)arated,  unless  their  parents  and  masters will  let  them  marry.  This  is  again  a  harsh- toned  enactment,  but  one  which  really  indicates a  rise  in  the  slave's  condition.  Ilithertd  tlie 2  F  2 436 CONSIGNATOEIUM master's  consent  has  been  the  sole  condition  of validity  for  the  slave's  marriage  ;  Basil  himself assimilated  his  authority  over  the  slave  to  that of  a  father.  Now  the  existence  of  a  parental authority  is  recognized  in  the  slave  himself  to- wards his  own  oflspring,  and  the  slave-parent's consent  is  placed  on  a  level  with  that  of  the master. Towards  the  end  of  the  6th  century,  again (a.d.  581),  a  canon  (10)  of  the  1st  Council  of Macon  expressly  enacts  that  if  two  slaves  inter- marry with  their  master's  consent,  after  the enfranchisement  of  either  the  marriage  is  not dissolved,  though  the  other  be  not  redeemable  ; a  step  in  advance  of  anything  to  be  found  in  the records  of  American  slavery  in  modern  times. And  in  the  Carlovingiau  era,  the  marriage  of slaves  with  the  master's  consent  obtains  civil as  well  as  ecclesiastical  validity.  A  capitulary annexed  to  the  Lombard  laws  enacts  "  That  the marriages  of  slaves  be  not  dissolved,  if  they  have had  different  masters,  ....  but  so  nevertheless that  the  marriage  itself  be  legal,  and  by  the  will of  their  masters "(c.  129).  The  30th  canon  of the  2nd  Council  of  Chilons,  A.D.  813,  is  pre- cisely to  the  same  effect. On  the  whole  it  may  be  said  that,  except  so far  as  relates  to  the  marriage  of  slaves,  the  rule of  the  Church  in  respect  of  the  consents  necessary to  the  validity  of  marriage  became  hardly  settled during  the  period  which  occupies  us.  The necessity  for  the  free  consent  of  the  parties themselves  was  never  entirely  lost  sight  of;  but in  outlying  regions,  and  under  the  pressure  of barbarian  feelings  in  certain  races,  the  authority of  the  father  over  a  daughter  was  almost  acknow- ledged as  absolute ;  whilst  elsewhere  a  claim  of the  family  at  large  to  interfere  was  at  least tacitly  admitted.  Towards  the  end  of  the period,  indeed,  in  two  instances  the  priest  or bishop  himself  was  made  a  consenting  party.  In no  instance  however  is  marriage  when  actually contracted  (except  as  between  slaves)  treated as  void  or  voidable  for  want  of  the  consent  of a  third  person.  As  to  consents  to  Betrothal, see  that  word.  See  also  generally  Contract  of Marriage.  [j.  M.  L.] CONSIGNATOEIUM.  To  bless  by  the  use of  the  sign  of  the  cross,  as  in  confirmation,  is termed  consignare ;  hence  the  .word  consigna- torium  is  occasionally  used  to  designate  the  place set  apart  for  that  rite.  John  the  Deacon  of  Naples (^Chronkon  Episc.  Neap.)  saj's  that  Bishop  John (about  616)  erected  a  beautiful  building,  called consignatorium  ablutoi-uin,  so  arranged  that  the newly  baptized  should  pass  in  on  one  side,  be presented  to  the  bishop  who  sat  in  the  mid?t, and  then  pass  out  by  the  other  side.  This arrangement  was  probably  somewhat  peculiar ;  ^ the  Pseudo-Alcuin  at  least  (De  Div.  Off.  c.  19), describing  the  ceremonies  of  Easter-Eve,  says that  the  newly  baptized  were  confirmed  in  the sacrarium.  .(i^ucange's  Glossary,  s.  v.  '  Consio-- natorium.')  '  tq  -i  "^ CONSISTENTES.    [Penitence.] CONSTANTIA,  martyr  at  Nuceria  under Nero,  Sept.  19  (Alart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi).       [C] CONSTANTINE,  bishop,  deposition  at  Gap  in trance,  April  12  (Marl.  Hieron.,  Usuardi).  [C  ] CONSTANTINE  THE  GREAT,  Emperor. CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF Constantine  and  his  mother  Helena,  i(raTr6aTo- A.oi,  are  commemorated  May  21  (Cal.  Byzant.); June  18  (Cal.  Armen.);  Magabit  28  =  March 24  (Cal.  Ethiop.').  Constantine  is  separately commemorated  on  Nov.  16  in  the  Georgian Calendar.  [C.] CONSTANTINOPLE,    COUNCILS    OF. (1)  A.D.  336  (Mansi,  ii.  1167-70)  held  by  the Eusebians  under  Eusebius  of  Nicomedia,  at  which St.  Athanasius  was  exiled  to  Treves,  Marcellus of  Ancyra,  with  several  other  bishops  deposed, and  Arius  ordered  to  be  received  into  communion by  the  Alexandrine  Church.  According  to  Ruf- finus  (Hist.  i.  12),  it  was  convened  by  order  of the  emperor,  viz.,  Constantine  the  Great,  and according  to  Eusebius  the  historian  (com<.  Marcel. i.  4),  it  was  exclusively  gathered  together  from the  upper  provinces  of  Asia  Minor,  from  Thrace, and  the  parts  beyond  it;  in  other  words,  the neighbourhood  of  the  capital.  It  seems  to  have met  in  February,  and  not  separated  till  the  end of  July,  so  that  its  proceedings  spread  over  nearly six  months.  I (2)  A.D.  339,  or  according  to  Pagi,  340,   by      ! order   of  the    Emperor   Constantius,    to    depose Paul,    the   newly   elected   bishop   there,    whose orthodoxy  displeased  him,  and  translate  Eusebius, his  favourite,  from  Nicomedia  to  the   imperial       : see  (Mansi,  ii.  1275).  i (3)  A.D.  360  (Mansi,  iii.  325-36),  composed  of deputies  from  the  council  of  Seleucia,  just  over,       ; with  some  bishops  summoned  from  Bithynia,  to       j meet  them,  about  fifty  in  all  (Soc.  ii.  41  and  seq.).      ' Most  of  the  former  were  partisans  of  the  metro-       ' politan  of  Caesarea,  whose   name  was  Acacius,       j and    Semi-Arians.      A  creed    was   published    by       j them,    being    the  9th,  says  Socrates,    that    had come  out  since  that  of  Nicaea.     It  was,  in  fact,       \ what  had  been  rehearsed  at  Rimini,  with    the fui-ther  declaration  that  neither  substance  nor      ' hypostasis  were  permissible  terms  in  speaking  of      j God.      The  Son  was  pronounced  to  be  like  the       ' Father  according  to  the  Scriptures,  and  Aetius, who  maintained  the  contrary  opinion,  was  con- demned.    A  synodical  epistle  to  George,  bishop of  Alexandria,  whose  presbyter  he  was,  conveyed the  sentence  passed  upon  him  and  his  followers. Several  bishops  were  deposed  at  the  same  time ; among  whom  wei-e  Macedonius,  bishop  of  Constan-       , tinople,  Eleusius  of  Cyzicum,  Basilius  of  Ancyra,       \ and  last,  but  not  least,  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem —       j all  for  various  causes.     Ten  bishops,  who  declined       j subscribing  to  these  depositions,  were  to  consider themselves  deposed  till  they  subscribed.    Ulphilas,       ] bishop  of  the  Goths,  who  had  hitherto  professed the  Nicene  faith,  was  one  of  those  present,  and joined  in  their  creed.     Eudoxius  managed  to  slip from  Antioch  into   the  vacancy  created   by  the deposition  of  Macedonius.      On  the  other  hand,       j Eustathius  of  Sebaste   was  not  allowed  even  a       j hearing,  as  having  been   previously  deposed   at the  synod  of  Caesarea,  in  Asia  Minor,  under  his       j own  father,  Eulalius.  : (4)  The  2nd  general,  met  in  May,  a.d.  381,  \ to  re-assemble  the  following  year,  for  reasons  ' explained  by  the  bishops  in  their  synodical  letter  j of  that  date  (Mansi,  iii.  583,  note).  Owing  to this  circumstance,  and  to  the  fact  that  its  acts  | have  been  lost,  its  proceedings  are  not  easy  to  j unravel.  Socrates  begins  his  account  of  it  by saying  that  the  Emperor  Theodosius  convened  a      j CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF       CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF  437 council  of  bishops  of  the  same  faith  as  himself, in  order  that  the  faith  settled  at  Nicaea  might prevail,  and  a  bishop  be  appointed  to  the  see  of Constantinople  (v.  8).  That  the  bishops  met  at his  bidding  is  testified  by  themselves  in  their short  address  to  him  subsequently,  to  confirm what  they  had  decreed  (Mansi,  ih.  557),  to  say nothing  of  other  proofs,  for  which  see  Beveridge {St/nod.  ii.  89).  Whether  they  re-assembled  at his  bidding  we  are  not  told.  Of  their  number there  has  never  been  any  dispute,  this  council having  in  fact  gone  by  the  name  of  that  of  "  the 150  (f*!/)  fathers"  ever  since.  There  were  36 bishops  of  the  Macedonian  party  likewise  invited, but  they  quitted  Constantinople  in  a  body  when they  found  that  it  was  the  foith  of  the  Nicene fathers  to  which  they  would  be  called  upon  to subscribe.  Of  those  present,  Timothy,  bishop  of Alexandria,  St.  Meletius  of  Antioch,  who  presided at  first,  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  Ascholius,  bishop of  Thessalonica,  St.  Amphilochius  of  Iconium, with  the  two  Gregories  of  Nazianzum  and  Nyssa, were  the  most  considerable,  Nectarius  and  Fla- vian being  added  to  their  number  before  they separated.  Dionysius  Exiguus  (Mansi,  iii.  568- 72)  has  preserved  the  names  of  all  who  sub- scribed. Seven  canons  and  a  creed  would  appear at  first  sight  to  have  been  submitted  to  the  em- peror by  the  assembled  fathers  for  confirmation at  the  close  of  their  labours.  John  Scholasticus, however,  the  Greek  collector  of  canons  in  the 6th  century,  contemporary  with  Dionysius  Exi- guus, reckons  only  six  (ap.  Justell.  Bihl.  Jur. Cojion.  ii.  502).  Dionysius  himself  only  three ; but  then  he  has  appended  the  4th  to  the  2nd. The  creed  follows  in  his  version  as  in  the  Greek. Isidore  Mercator  makes  six  canons  out  of  his three,  and  n-umbers  the  creed  as  a  7th. Another  Latin  version  given  in  Mansi  makes  five canons  out  of  his  three,  and  omits  the  creed. The  Arabic  paraphrase  (»6.)  makes  four  in  all, without  the  creed ;  but,  in  addition  to  his  three, setting  down  as  a  fourth  canon  6  of  the  Greek version.  Whether  any  canons  have  been  lost seems  to  admit  of  some  doubt.  Socrates,  as  is well  known,  speaks  of  the  establishment  of patriarchs  as  one  of  the  things  done  by  this council :  and  the  Arabic  paraphrase,  under  a .'separate  heading,  "  concerning  the  order  of  the jii-elates,  and  their  rank  and  place,"  explains  this as  follows :  "  Honour  besides,  and  the  primacy, was  granted  in  this  council  to  the  bishop  of  Rome, and  he  was  made  first,  the  bishop  of  Constanti- nople second,  the  bishop  of  Alexandria  third,  the bishop  of  Antioch  fourth,  and  the  bishop  of Jerusalem  fifth" — which  is  the  more  remarkable as  neither  it  nor  Socrates  omit  the  canon  ordain- ing special  prerogatives  for  new  Rome.  As Beveridge  well  remarks,  it  is  one  difficulty  con- nected with  these  canons  {Synod,  ii.  98),  that  in all  probability  they  were  not  all  passed  at  the same  council.  This,  and  a  good  deal  more  bear- ing upon  the  history  of  the  council,  will  come out  as  we  examine  them.  Canon  1  confirms  the doctrine  of  the  318  Nicene  Fathers,  condemning in  particular  the  errors  of  the  Eunomians  or Anomaeans — in  other  words,  the  extreme  Arians — the  Eudoxians  or  Arians  pure,  and  the  Semi- Arians  or  Pneumatomachi — fighters  against  the Holy  Spirit — with  the  followers  of  Sabellius, Marcellus,  Photinus,  and  Apollinaris.  Of  these the    Semi-Arians    engaged    most    attention    by far  here,  from  the  further  error  mto  which  they had  fallen  of  late  respecting  the  Divinity  of  the Holy  Ghost.  All,  In  short,  that  was  ruled  by this  council  on  doctrine  was  directed  against them  exclusively.  But,  as  such,  they  were  more properly  termed  Macedonians  than  Semi-Arians, from  Macedonius,  bishop  of  Constantinople,  de- posed at  the  synod  held  there  A.D.  360,  for various  crimes,  and  afterwards  founder  of  the sect  called  "Pneumatomachi."  For  obvious reasons  they  are  not  designated  here  from  the name  of  their  founder.  What  their  errors  were  we shall  see  presently.  Canon  2  confines  each  bishop to  his  own  diocese,  in  particular  the  bishop  of Alexandria  is  restricted  to  Egypt,  the  bishops  of the  East  to  the  East  alone,  the  privileges  of  the Church  of  Antioch,  in  conformity  with  the Nicene  canons,  being  maintained :  the  bishops  of Asia,  that  is,  Asia  Minor,  to  the  South-West, Pontus  and  Thrace,  similarly  to  their  respective limits.  By  the  word  "  diocese "  is  meant,  as Beveridge  shows  (p.  93),  a  tract  embracing  seve- ral provinces.  The  events  which  had  led  to  this enactment  require  some  notice.  Immediately  on the  death  of  Valens  (Clinton's  Fasti  R.  A.D.  379, col.  4),  St.  Gregory  Nazianzen  appeared  at  Con- stantinople, whither  he  was  invited  by  the  ortho- dox party  refusing  obedience  to  Demophilus,  the Arian  bishop  in  possession.  He  was  consecrated by  St.  Meletius  of  Antioch,  who  thus  went  out of  his  diocese  to  ordain  him.  Peter,  bishop  of Alexandria — then  reckoned  the  second  see  in  the world  after  Rome — not  to  be  outdone,  nominated Maximus  the  cynic,  as  he  was  called  from  his philosophical  antecedents,  to  the  post,  and  de- puted three  bishops  from  Egypt  to  carry  out  his consecration  on  the  spot.  Maximus  had  pre- viously seemed  to  take  part  with  Gregory,  and Theodosius  rejected  him,  when  he  appeared  as his  rival  (Clinton,  ib.  and  Vales,  ad  Soz.  vii.  9). This  conflict  of  the  two  sees,  however,  terminated in  the  resignation  of  Gregory,  soon  after  the meeting  of  the  council,  though  he  was  declared bishop  there,  and  all  that  related  to  Maximus annulled  in  a  special  canon — the  4th. Most  probably,  the  3rd  canon,  ordaining  that in  future  the  see  of  Constantinople  should  take honorary  precedence  (ja  Tpecr^ela  rrjs  rifiris') next  after  Rome,  was  intended  to  prevent  the bishops  of  Antioch  and  Alexandria  from  ever attempting  to  take  such  liberties  with  it  again. Another  event  had  occurred  meanwhile  (Clin- ton, ih.  col.  4),  which  may  be  supposed  to  ac- count for  the  salvo  to  the  privileges  of  the Church  of  Antioch,  expressed  in  the  2nd  canon. St.  Meletius  of  Antioch  had  died  "during  the session  between  May  and  July."  The  funeral oration  pronounced  over  him  by  St.  Gregory  ot Nyssa  is  still  extant,  but  it  contains  no  historical allusions.  There  had  been  a  compact  entered into  between  his  party  and  that  of  St.  Paulinus at  Antioch  two  years  before — where  they  were rival  bishops — that  both  parties,  whenever  either of  the  bishops  died,  should  unite  under  the  sur- vivor of  them.  In  spite  of  this  understanding, Flavian,  who  had  been  one  of  the  chief  promoters of  it  among  the  supporters  of  St.  Meletius,  was unanimousl}''  appointed  bishop  in  his  stead  by the  council  (Cave,  Hist.  Lit.  i.  277  and  364). This  act  not  merely  re-opened  the  schism  at Antioch,  but  produced  heart-burnings  elsewhere, the  Western  and  Egyptian  bishops  pronouncing 438  CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF       CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF more  strongly  than  ever  in  favour  of  St.Paulinus, and  the  disapprobation  shown  for  Flavian  by  St. Gregory,  tending  to  alienate  numbers  of  his  own friends  from  him  amongst  the  Easterns.  It  was, in  fact,  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  his  retire- ment. The  appointment  of  his  successoi-,  Nec- tarius,  at  the  instance  of  the  emperor,  was  pro- bably the  last  act  of  the  council  of  this  year — and  a  strong  act  it  was,  as  Nectarius  had  to  be baptised  before  he  could  be  consecrated  (Soz.  vii. 8).  Dionysius  Exiguus,  as  has  been  said,  ends his  canons  of  this  council  with  the  4th.  As Beveridge,  too,  remarlvs  {ib.  p.  98),  traces  of  a new  series  commence  with  the  5th.  It  runs  as follows : — "  Concerning  the  tome  of  the  Westerns, we,  too,  have  received  those  who  jjrofessed their  belief,  at  Antioch,  in  one  Godhead  of  the Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost."  What  was  this tome  of  the  Westerns  ?  Beveridge  considers  it to  have  been  the  synodical  epistle  received  from Pope  Damasus  by  the  Easterns  at  their  second meeting,  A.D.  382,  to  which  they  wrote  their own  in  reply.  De  Marca,  Cave,  and  others  pre- fer to  consider  it  a  synodical  letter  of  Pope  Da- masus, addressed  to  the  synod  of  Antioch  A.©. H78  or  9.  Baronius,  another  of  his  to  St.  Pauli- uus  of  Antioch  some  years  before.  May  it  not be  that  the  first  tome  of  the  kind  was  the letter  sent  by  St.  Athanasius  in  the  name  of  his synod  at  Alexandria,  A.D.  362,  to  the  Church  of Antioch,  which  he  calls  "a  tome"  himself,  to which  St.  Paulinus  is  expressly  said  to  have  sub- scribed, and  in  which  the  indivisibility  of  the Holy  Ghost  from  the  substance  both  of  the Father  and  the  Son  is  as  distinctly  set  forth  as it  ever  was  afterwards  (Mansi,  iii.  353-4). Through  Eusebius  of  Vercelli,  to  whom  it  was addressed,  and  by  whom  it  was  in  due  time  sub- scribed, it  would  find  its  way  into  the  West  and to  Rome,  as  tlie  rallying  point  of  the  orthodox,  and a  bond  of  union,  under  existing  circumstances, between  the  sees  of  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and Rome,  whose  acceptance  of  its  doctrine  can  scarce have  become  known  to  each  other  before  Mace- donius,  the  ex-patriarch  of  Constantinople,  com- menced assailing  the  Divinity  of  the  third  person in  the  Godhead.  On  this,  it  would  immediately give  rise  to,  and  be  the  foundation  of,  a  series  of ''  tomes "  or  epistles  of  the  same  kind  between them,  in  which  Constantinople,  being  in  Arian hands,  would  take  no  part,  nor  Alexandria  much, owing  to  the  banishment  of  its  orthodox  prelate, Peter,  from  A.D.  373  to  378,  under  Valeus.  St. Meletius  had  also  been  driven  from  Antioch  a year  earlier ;  but  then  we  are  told  expressly  by Sozomen  (vi.  7),  his  orthodox  rival,  St.  Paulinus was  allowed  to  remain ;  and  this  would  account fiu-  the  correspondence  that  v/ent  on  between him  and  Pope  Damasus  uninterruptedly  while St.  Meletius  was  away,  and  of  which  the  promi- nent topic  was  the  Divinity  of  the  Holy  Ghost. No\^,  as  Mansi  points  out  (iii.  463-8),  the  synods of  Antioch  and  Rome  are  confusedly  given  about this  time.  There  are  traces  of  a  synod  of  An- tioch, as  well  as  of  another  at  Rome,  A.D.  372 ; but  the  acts  of  both  have  not  hitherto  been  dis- tinguished fi-om  those  of  two  later  synods  at Rome,  A.D.  377,  and  at  Antioch,  the  year  or  two years  loilowing,  under  St.  Meletius,  on  the  re- turn ot  the  exiles.  And  one  thing  mav  well  be thouglit  to  have  been  agreed  upon  at  the  first  of these  synods  of  Antioch,  and  possibly  Rome  too, which  was  afterwai-ds  confirmed  in  the  2nd,  and is  evidently  referred  to  by  the  Constantinopolitan fathers  in  their  synodical  letter,  namely,  the creed  in  its  enlarged  form.  And  for  this  reason — St.  Epiphanius,  bishop  of  Salamis  in  Cyprus, was  another  of  the  orthodox  bishops  who  was not  disturbed  in  his  see;  and  his  see,  whether subject  to  Antioch  or  not,  then,  must  have brought  him  into  frequent  communication  with it,  even  if  he  had  not  been  a  personal  friend  of St.  Paulinus,  or  was  not  present  at  the  synod held  there  A.D.  372.  Now,  in  c.  119  of  his  work called  Ancorat%is,  of  which  he  fixes  the  date  him- self in  the  next  c,  viz.,  a.d.  373,  what  was rehearsed  afterwards  at  the  council  of  Chalcedon as  the  creed  of  the  150  ftithers,  that  is,  of  this council  of  Constantinople,  is  set  down  word  for word,  so  far  as  its  new  clauses  are  concerned,  and called  that  of  Nicaea  by  him.  Admit  this  form to  have  been  agreed  upon  at  the  synod  of  Antioch, in  conjunction,  or  not,  with  that  of  Rome,  A.D. 372,  and  his  own  use  of  it  the  year  following,  as the  authorised  creed  of  the  Church,  is  explained at  onoe,  nor  is  there  any  reason  why  St.  Gregory Nyssen,  if  he  composed  it  at  all — as  stated  by Xicephorus  alone  (xii.  13) — should  not  have composed  it  there.  But  Valens  coming  to Antioch  in  April  (Clinton,  A.D.  372,  col.  2),  to persecute  the  orthodox,  the  probability  would be  that  this  synod  was  hastily  broken  up,  and remained  in  abeyance  till  A.D.  378  or  9,  when its  proceedings  were  resumed  under  St.  Meletius, and  confirmed  by  163  bishops,  and  with  its  pro- ceedings this  creed.  All  at  the  same  time  then and  there  subscribed  to  the  Western  tome  or letter  of  Poj)e  Damasus.  Hence,  both  the  lan- guage of  the  5th  Constantinopolitan  canon  above mentioned,  and  of  the  fathers  who  framed  it,  in their  synodical  letter,  where  they  say  that "  this,  their  faith,  which  they  had  professed there  summarily,  might  be  learnt  more  fully by  their  Western  brethren,  on  their  being  so good  as  to  refer  to  'the  tome'  that  emanated from  the  synod  of  Antioch,  and  that  set  forth  by the  oecumenical  council  of  Constantinople  the year  before,  in  which  documents  they  had  pro- fessed their  faith  at  greater  length."  Now, what  they  had  set  forth  themselves  was  their adherence  to  the  Nicene  faith  and  reprobation of  the  heresies  enumerated  in  their  first  canon ; what  they  had  received  from  Antioch  and  ac-  i cepted  must  have  been  the  creed  which  has  since gone  by  their  name,  but  was  certainly  not  their  ] composition  ;  and  whatever  else  was  confirmed there,  A.D.  378,  inchuling  the  Western  tome.  i Which  of  the  letters  of  Pope  Damasus  is  here  ' specified  comes  out  as  plainly.  His  letter  to  St. Paulinus  was  written  A.D.  372,  v/hen  there  was  ' nobody  left  at  Antioch  but  St.  Paulinus  to  write to.  The  letter  addressed  in  his  own  name  and that  of  the  93  bishops  with  him,  "to  the  j Catholic  bishops  of  the  East,"  was  "  the  tome  " received  by  the  synod  at  Antioch  A.D.  378-9 (Mansi,  ib,  p.  459-62);  to  which  they  replied  ' the  same  year  (j6.  p.  511-15).  Both  letters being  on  the  same  subject — as  were  the  synods  ] of  372  and  378-9 — it  was  easy  to  confuse  them. Amphilochius,  bishop  of  Iconium,  held  a  synod  j and  wrote  on  the  same  subject  about  the  same  ] time  {ib.  p.  503-8).  \ We  are  now  in  a  position   to  deal  with  the synodical    letter    of     the    reassembled    council        ! CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF       CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF  439 of  Constantinople  A.D.  382,  and  their  pro- ceedings generally.  Finding  there  were  still ecclesiastical  matters  of  urgent  importance  to  be settled,  most  of  the  bishops  who  had  met  at Constantinople  A.D.  381,  returned  thither,  as Theodoret  relates,  the  following  summer  (Mansl ad  Baron.  A.D.  382,  n.  3).  One  of  their  number, indeed,  Ascholius,  bishop  of  Thessalonica,  and SS.  Epiphanius  and  Jerome  with  him,  had  gone meanwhile  to  Eome.  Being  at  Constantinople, they  received  a  synodical  letter  from  the  West, inviting  them  to  Rome,  where  a  large  gathering was  in  contemplation.  This  letter  having  been lost,  we  can  only  guess  at  its  contents  from  what they  say  in  reply  to  it,  coupled  with  their  5th canon,  which  was  evidently  framed  in  conse- quence. The  attairs  of  the  East  being  in  immi- nent peril  and  confusion,  they  beg  to  be  excused going  away  so  far  from  their  sees.  They  had come  to  Constantinople  on  account  of  what  had been  written  by  the  West  after  the  synod  of Aquileia  the  year  before  to  the  Emperor  Theo- dosius — evidently  the  letter  in  which  the  conse- crations of  Flavian  and  Nectarius  are  mentioned disapprovingly  (Mansi,  ib.  p.  631-2) — but  had made  no  preparations  for  going  further  from home.  The  most  they  could  do  would  be  to  send deputies  into  the  VVest.  Cyriacus,  Eusebius, and  Priscian  are  named,  to  explain  their  pro- ceedings, which  they  then  epitomise,  commencing with  what  has  been  anticipated  above  about  their faith,  and  ending  with  the  statement  that  Nec- tarius  and  Flavian  had  been  appointed  canonically to  their  respective  sees,  while  St.  Cyril  was recognised  by  them  as  bishop  of  Jerusalem  for the  same  reason.  Thus  this  letter  explains  the framing  of  tlieir  5th  canon,  and  attests  its  date. The  same  date  is  assigned  by  Beveridge  to canon  6,  restricting  tho  manner  of  instituting proceedings  against  bishops,  and  reprobating appeals  to  the  secular  power.  But  canon  7, prescribing  the  distinctions  to  be  observed  in admitting  heretics  into  communion,  is  shown  by him  not  to  belong  to  this  council  at  all.  It  is almost  identical  with  the  95th  Trullan  canon (I5ev.  ad  1.).  Of  the  creed,  little  more  need  be added  to  what  has  been  said.  It  was  in  existence A.D.  373,  having  been  probably  framed  at Antioch,  in  conformity  with  the  synodical  letter of  St.  Athanasius,  A.D.  372,  where  it  was  doubt- less confirmed  A.D.  378-9,  and  received  more probably  by  the  5th  canon  of  this  council  A.D. 382,  than  promulgated  separately  by  the  council of  the  year  preceding.  Possibly  this  may  have been  the  creed  called  by  Cassian  {Dc  Tncarn.  vi. 3  and  6)  as  late  as  A.D.  430,  "  peculiarly  the creed  of  the  city  and  Church  of  Antioch."  From the  portion  of  it  given  by  him  it  is  as  likely  to  have been  this,  as  that  of  A.D.  363  (for  which  see Soc.  iii.  25),  or  any  other  between  them.  That there  is  a  family  likeness  between  it  and  the creed  of  the  Church  of  Jerusalem  commented  on by  St.  Cyril  will  be  seen  on  comparing  them (Heurtley's  De  Fide  et  8.  p.  9-13).  On  this hypothesis  alone  we  can  understand  why  no notice  should  have  been  taken  of  it  at  the council  of  Ephesus,  a.D.  431,  and  in  tho  African code,  namely,  because  it  had  originated  with  a provincial,  and  only  been  as  yet  received  by  a general  council.  It  was  promulgated  as  identical with  that  of  Nicaea'  for  the  first  time  by  the fathers  of  the  4th  council. No  more  remains  but  to  observe  that  the  dog- matic professions  of  the  council  of  381  were  con- firmed by  Theodosius  in  a  constitution  dated July  30  of  the  same  yea)-,  and  addressed  to Antonius,  proconsul  of  Asia,  by  which  the churches  are  ordered  to  be  handed  over  to  the bishops  in  communion  with  Nectarius  and  others who  composed  it,  the  Eunomians,  Arians,  and Antians  having  been  deprived  of  their  churches by  a  constitution  issued  ten  days  earlier  {Cod. Theod.  xvi.  tit.  1,  1.  3,  and  tit.  5,  1.  8).  And  it was  received  by  Pope  Damasus,  and  has  been regarded  in  the  West  ever  since,  so  fai-,  as  oecu- menical. Its  first  four  canons,  in  the  same  way, have  been  always  admitted  into  Western  collec- tions. But  what  passed  at  the  supplemental council  of  382  never  seems  to  have  been  con- firmed or  received  equally.  It  was  in  declining to  come  to  this  last  council  that  St.  Gregory Nazianzen  said,  in  his  epistle  to  Pi-ocopius  (cxxx. ed.  Migne),  "  that  he  had  come  to  the  resolution of  avoiding  every  meeting  of  bishops,  for  that  he had  never  seen  any  synod  end  well,  or  assuage rather  than  aggravate  disorders."  His  cefe- brated  oi-ation(i6.  xlii.),  known  as  his  "farewell" to  the  council  of  381,  is  inspired  by  a  very different  spirit. Lastly,  there  was  a  thii-d  meeting  of  bishops held  at  Constantinople,  by  command  of  Theo- dosius, A.D.  383,  under  Nectarius,  to  devise remedies  for  the  confusion  created  by  so  many sees  passing  out  of  the  hands  of  the  heterodox into  those  of  the  orthodox  party  (Soc.  v.  10). The  Arian,  Eunomian,  and  Macedonian  bishops were  required  to  attend  there  with  confessions of  their  faith,  which  the  emperor,  after  examin- ing carefully,  rejected  in  favour  of  Nicaea.  The Novatians  alone,  receiving  this,  were  placed  by him  upon  equal  terms  with  the  orthodox.  Of the  heterodox  professions,  that  of  Eunomius  is extant,  and  not  without  interest.  It  may  be seen  in  Cave  {Hist.  Lit.  i.  210).  It  is  said  to have  been  on  this  occasion  that  Amphilochius, bishop  of  Iconium,  on  entering  the  palace,  made the  usual  obeisance  to  Theodosius,  but  took  no notice  of  Arcadius,  his  son,  standing  at  his  side. When  the  emperor  reproved  him  for  this,  "  You see,  sire,"  said  the  bishop,  "  how  impatient  you are  that  your  own  son  should  be  slighted ;  much more  will  God  punish  those  who  refuse  due honour  to  his  only  begotten  Son"  (Theod.  v.  16). (6)  A.D.  394 — reckoning  that  of  383  as  the 5th.  Among  those  present  were  Nectarius  of Constantinople,  Theophilus  of  Alexandria,  Flavian of  Antioch,  &c.  What  called  them  together,  in all  probability,  was  the  dedication  of  a  new church  in  honour  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul :  which done,  they  sat  in  judgment  on  a  controversy between  two  rival  bishops  of  Bostra,  Bagadius, and  Agapius;  against  the  former  of  whom  it was  pleaded  that  he  had  been  deposed  by  two bishops,  since  dead.  The  council  decreed  that, in  future,  not  even  three,  much  less  two,  bishops should  have  the  power  of  deposing  another,  but that,  in  conformity  with  the  apostolic  canons (and  this  express  reference  to  them  in  such  an assemblage  is  most  noteworthy),  it  should  be held  to  belong  to  a  larger  synod,  and  the  bishops of  the  province  (Mansi,  iii.  851-4). (7)  A.D,  399,  of  22  bishops  under  St.  Chry- sostom,  to  enquire  into  seven  capital  charges brought  against  Antoninus,  bishop  of  Ephesus. 440  CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF       CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF As  he  died  before  the  witnesses  could  be  exa- mined, St.  Chrysostom,  at  the  request  of  the Ephesiuo  clergy,  went  over  thither,  and,  at  the head  of  70  bishops,  appointed  Heraclides  a  deacon in  his  place,  and  deposed  6  bishops  that  had  been simoniacally  ordained  by  him.  Their  proceedings are  of  some  interest,  and  contain  a  reference  to the  canons  of  the  African  Church  (Mansi,  iii. 991-6).  Strictly  speaking,  this  last  was  a  synod of  Ephesus. (8)  A.D.  404,  to  sit  in  judgment  on  St.  Chry- sostom, who  had  been  recalled  from  exile  by  the emperor  and  retaken  possession  of  his  see,  from which  he  had  been  deposed  by  "the  Sj^nod  of  the Oak."  Theophilus  of  Alexandria  was  not  present on  this  occasion,  having  had  to  fly  Constan- tinople on  the  return  of  his  rival.  Still  he  was not  unrepresented ;  and  St.  Chrysostom  had  by this  time  provoked  another  enemy  (Clinton,  A.D. 404,  col.  4)  in  the  Empress  Eudoxia,  whose  statue he  had  denounced  from  the  games  and  revels jtermitted  to  be  held  round  it  in  offensive  prox- imity to  his  church.  At  this  synod  he  seems  to have  given  attendance  (vi.  18)  when  the  question of  his  former  deposition  was  argued.  Thirty-six bishops  had  condemned  him  :  but  sixty-five bishops,  he  rejoined,  had,  by  communicating with  him,  voted  in  his  favour  (Vales,  ad  1.).  It is  not  implied  in  these  words,  as  some  seem  to have  supposed,  that  a  synod  was  actually  sitting in  his  favour  now,  any  more  than  during  the Synod  of  the  Oak,  the  deputies  from  which found  him  surrounded,  but  not  synodically,  by forty  bishops,  in  his  own  palace.  The  4th  or r2th  canon  of  the  Council  of  Antioch  was alleged  by  his  opponents  :  his  defence  was  that it  was  framed  by  the  Arians  (Reading,  «6.). As  quoted  by  his  opponents,  indeed,  it  was ditlerently  worded  from  what  either  the  4th or  12th  are  now  ;  so  that  possibly  there  may have  been  an  Arian  version  of  these  canons, against  which  his  objection  held  good.  The synod,  however,  decided  against  him,  and  his banishment  to  Comana,  on  the  Black  Sea,  says Socrates — to  Cucusus,  in  Armenia,  say  others — followed,  where  he  died. (9)  A.D.  426,  on  the  last  day  of  February, when  Sisinnius  was  consecrated  bishop  there,  in the  room  of  Atticus.  Afterwards,  the  errors  of the  Blassalians,  or  Euchites,  were  condemned,  at the  instance  of  the  Bishops  of  Iconium  and  Sida, as  we  learn  from  the  7th  action  of  the  Council of  Ephesus.  A  severe  sentence  was  passed  on any  charged  with  holding  them  after  this  denun- ciation (Mansi,  iv.  541-2). (10)  A.D.  428,  on  the  death  of  Sisinnius,  when the  well-known  Nestorius  was  consecrated (Mansi,  iv.  543-4). (11)  A.D.  431,  October  25,  four  months  after Nestorius  had  been  deposed,  to  consecrate  Max- imian  in  his  place  (Mansi,  v.  1045).  This  done, Maximian  presided,  and  joined  in  a  synodical letter,  enclosing  that  of  the  Council  of  Ephesus, with  its  first  six  canons,  as  they  are  called,  to the  bishops  of  ancient  Epirus,  whom  attempts had  been  made  to  detach  from  orthodoxy  {ib. 257).  Letters  were  written  likewise  by  him and  by  the  emperor  to  Pope  Celestine,  St.  Cyril, and  other  bishops,  to  acquaint  them  with  his elevation,  at  which  all  expressed  themselves  well pleased  {ib.  257-92).  Another  synod  appears  to Jiave  been  held   by  him  the  year  following,  for restoring  peace  between  his  own  Church  and  that of  Antioch  {ib.  1049-50). (12)  A.D.  443,  probably  (Mansi,  vi.  463-6, comp.  Cave,  i.  479)  to  consider  the  case  of Athanasius,  bishop  of  Perrhe,  on  the  Euphrates, afterwards  deposed  at  Antioch  under  Domnus. Here  he  seems  to  have  got  letters  iu  his  favour from  Proclus  (comp.  Cone.  Hicrap.  A.D.  445). (13)  A.D.  448,  November  8,  under  Flavian,  to enquire  into  a  dispute  between  Florentius, metropolitan  of  Sardis,  and  two  of  his  suffragans: but  while  sitting,  it  was  called  upon  by  Eusebius, bishop  of  Dorylaeum,  one  of  its  members,  and who  had,  as  a  layman,  denounced  Nestorius,  to summon  Eutyches,  archimandrite  of  a  convent of  three  hundred  monks,  and  as  resolute  an  op- ponent of  Nestorius  as  himself,  on  a  charge  that he  felt  obliged  to  press  against  him.  The  charge was  that  he  recognised  but  one  nature  in  Christ. Messengers  wei-e  despatched  to  invite  Eutyches to  peruse  what  Eusebius  had  alleged  against  him. Meanwhile,  two  letters  of  St.  Cyril — his  second to  Nestorius,  recited  and  approved  at  the  Council of  Ephesus,  and  his  letter  to  John  of  Antioch, on  their  reconciliation — were  read  out,  and  pro- nounced orthodox  by  all.  A  reply  was  brought subsequently  from  Eutyches,  that  he  refused  to quit  his  monastery.  A  2nd  and  3rd  citation followed  in  succession.  Then  he  promised  at- tendance within  a  week.  While  waiting  for him,  the  council  listened  to  some  minutes  of  a conversation  between  him  and  the  two  presbyters charged  with  his  2nd  citation,  when  they  said he  expressly  denied  two  natures  in  Christ.  At last  he  appeared,  made  profession  of  his  fliith, and  was  condemned  —  thirty-two  bishops  and twenty-three  archimandrites  subscribing  to  his deposition  from  the  priesthood  and  monastic dignity.  Proceedings  occupied  altogether  seven sessions — the  last  of  which  was  held  November  22. Its  acts  were  recited  in  a  subsequent  council  of the  year  following  at  Constantinople ;  at  Ephesus, also,  the  year  following,  under  Dioscorus ;  and again,  in  the  1st  session  of  the  Council  of  Chal- cedon,  where  they  may  be  read  still  (Mansi,  vi. 495-6,  and  then  649-754). (14)  A.D.  449,  April  8,  of  thirty  bishops  under Thalassius,  archbishop  of  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia, held  by  order  of  the  emperor,  to  re-consider  the sentence  passed  on  Eutyches  by  the  council  under Flavian,  on  a  representation  from  the  former that  its  acts  had  been  falsified.  This,  however, was  proved  imtrue.  Another  session  was  held April  27,  on  a  second  petition  from  Eutyches,  to have  the  statement  of  Magnus — the  official  or silentiary,  who  had  accompanied  him  to  the council  under  Flavian — taken  down,  which  was done.  This  officer  declared  to  having  seen  the instrument  containing  his  deposition,  before  the session  was  held  at  which  it  was  resolved  on. The  acts  of  this  council  are  likewise  preserved  in the  first  session  of  that  of  Chalcedon  (Mansi,  vl. 503-4,  and  then  753-828). (15)  A.D.  450,  at  which  Anatolius  was  ordained bishop  ;  and  then,  some  months  afterwards,  at the  head  of  his  suffragans  and  clergy,  made  pro- fession of  his  faith  and  subscribed  to  the  cele- brated letter  of  St.  Leo  to  his  predecessor Flavian,  in  the  presence  of  four  legates  from Rome,  charged  to  obtain  proofs  of  his  orthodoxy (Mansi,  vi.  509-14,  with  ep.  Ixix.  of  St.  Leo, ib.  83-5). CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF   CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF  441 (16)  A.D.  457,  under  Anatolius  by  order  of the  Emperor  Leo,  whom  he  had  just  crowned,  to take  cognisance  of  the  petitions  that  had  arrived from  Alexandria  for  and  against  Timothy  Aelurus, who,  on  the  murder  of  St.  Proterius,  had  been  in- stalled bishop  there  by  the  opponents  of  the  Coun- cil of  Chalcedon,  and  to  consider  what  could  be done  to  i-estore  peace.  The  council  anathema- tised Aelurus  and  his  party  (Mansi,  vii,  521-2 &  869-70). (17)  A.D.  459,  under  Gennadius.  Eighty-one bishops  subscribed  to  its  synodical  letter  still extant,  in  which  the  2nd  canon  of  the  Council of  Chalcedon  is  cited  with  approval  against  some simoniacal  ordinations  recently  brought  to  light in  Galatia  (Mansi,  vii.  911-20). (18)  A.D.  478,  under  Acacius,  in  which  Peter, Bishop  of  Antioch,  surnamed  the  Fuller,  Paul  of Ephesus,  and  John  of  Apamea,  were  condemned  : and  a  letter  addressed  to  Simplicius,  bishop  of Rome,  to  acquaint  him  with,  and  request  him  to concur  in,  their  condemnation  (Mansi,  vii.  1017- 22,  comp.  Vales.  Observ.  in  Evag.  i.  2).  A  letter was  addressed  at  the  same  time  by  Acacius  to Peter  the  Fuller  himself,  rebuking  him  for  having introduced  the  clause  "  Who  was  crucified  for us  "  into  the  Trisagion  or  hymn  to  the  Trinity. Hitherto  this  letter  has  been  printed  as  if  it  had issued  from  a  synod  five  years  later,  when  in fact  there  was  no  such  synod  (Mansi,  ih.  1119- 24). (19)  A.D.  492,  under  Euphemius  :  in  favour  of the  Council  of  Chalcedon ;  but  as  he  declined removing  the  name  of  his  predecessor  Acacius from  the  sacred  diptychs,  he  was  not  recognised as  bishop  by  popes  Felix  and  Gelasius,  to  whom he  transmitted  its  acts,  though  his  orthodoxy was  allowed  (Mansi,  vii.  1175-80). (20)  A.D.  496,  by  order  of  the  Emperor  Ana- stasius  I.,  in  which  the  Henoticon  of  Zeno  was confirmed,  Euphemius,  bishop  of  Constantinople deposed  ;  and  Macedouius,  the  second  of  that  name who  had  presided  there,  substituted  for  him (Mansi,  viii.  186-7). (21)  A.D.  498,  by  order  of  the  emperor  Ana- stasius  I.,  in  which  Flavian,  the  second  bishop  of Antioch  of  that  name,  and  Philoxenus  of  Hiera- polis,  took  the  lead  :  condemning  the  Council  of Chalcedon  and  all  who  opposed  the  Monophysite doctrine,  or  would  not  accept  the  interpolated clause  "  Who  was  crucified  for  us  "  in  the  Tris- agion. But  it  seems  probable  that  this  council took  place  a  year  later;  and  that  another  had met  a  year  earlier,  under  Macedonius,  less  hostile to  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  than  this,  and  of which  this  was  the  reaction  (Mansi,  viii.  197- ^00). (22)  A.D.  518,  July  20,  by  order  of  the  em- peror Justin,  at  which  the  names  of  the  Councils of  Nicaea,  Constantinople,  Ephesus,  and  Chalce- don :  of  St.  Leo  of  Rome,  with  Euphemius  and Macedonius  of  Constantinople,  were  restored  in the  sacred  diptychs :  and  Severus  and  all  other opponents  of  the  4th  council  anathematised. Its  synodical  letter  signed  by  forty  bishops  and addressed  to  the  Constaatinopolitan  bishop,  John II.,  praying  his  assent  to  its  acts,  is  preserved  in the  5th  action  of  the  council  under  Mennas,  A.D. 536,  as  are  his  lettei-s  informing  the  Eastern bishops  of  what  had  been  done  there.  Count Gratus  was  despatched  to  Rome  by  the  emperor with  letters  from  himself  and  the  patriarch  to  pope Hormisdas,  hoping  that  peace  might  under  these circumstances  be  restored  between  them.  The answers  of  Hormisdas,  his  instructions  to  the legates  despatched  by  him  to  Constantinople, their  accounts  of  their  reception  there,  the  pro- fession signed  by  the  patriarch,  and  subsequent correspondence  between  him  and  the  pope,  may all  be  read  amongst  the  epistles  of  the  latter (Mansi,  viii.  435-65).  The  Easterns  had  to  ana- thematise Acacius  of  Constantinople  by  name, and  to  erase  his,  and  the  names  of  all  others, Euphemius  and  Macedonius  included,  who  had not  erased  his  previously,  from  the  sacred diptychs,  before  the  pope  would  readmit  them  to his  communion  (76.  673-8). (23)  A.D.  531,  under  Epiphanius,  who  was then  patriarch,  to  enquire  into  the  consecration of  Stephen,  Metropolitan  of  Larissa,  within  the diocese  of  Thrace,  which,  contrary  to  the  28th canon  of  Chalcedon,  had  been  made  without consulting  him.  Stephen,  having  been  deposed by  him  on  these  grounds,  appealed  to  Rome  ;  but the  acts  of  the  synod  held  there  to  consider  his appeal  are  defective,  so  that  it  is  not  known  with what  success  (Mansi,  viii.  739-40).  j (24)  A.D.  536.  According  to  some,  three synods  were  held  there  this  year  :  1.  in  which pope  Agapetus  presided  and  deposed  Anthimus, patriarch  of  Constantinople :  but  this,  as  Mansi shews  (viii.  871-2),  the  emperor  Justinian  had already  done,  besides  confirming  the  election  of Mennas  in  his  stead,  at  the  instance  of  the  clergy and  people  of  the  city.  Agapetus,  who  had come  thither  on  a  mission  from  Theodatus,  king of    the    Goths,    having    previously    refused    his       i communion,    had    unquestionably   procured    his        } ejection :  and  he  afterwards  consecrated  Mennas,        ] as  Theophilus  of  Alexandria  had  St.  John  Chry- sostom,  at  the    request  of  the  emperor.     2.  in which  a  number  of  Eastern  bishops  met  to  draw up  a  petition  to  the  pope  requesting  him  to  call upon  Anthimus,  subsequently  to  his  deposition but  previously  to  his  going  back  to  Trebizond from  which  he  had  been  translated,  for  a  retrac- tation of  his  denial  of  two    natures   in  Christ : but  this  can  hardly  be  called  a  council ;  and  the death  of  the  pope  stopped  any  definitive  action on    his  part  (/6.).  3.  under  Mennas,  after  the death  of  the  pope,  consisting  of  five  actions,  the first  of  which  took  place,  May  2,  in  a   church dedicated   to   St.  Mary   near  the  great  church, Mennas    presiding,    and    having    on    his    right, among  others,  five  Italian  bishops,  who  had  come to   Constantinojjle  from   the  late  pope,   and  re- mained   there   with   him  on    his   arrival.      The first  thing  brought  before    the    council    was    a        | petition    from  various  monastic  bodies  in  Con-        [ stantinople,    Antioch,    Jerusalem,    and    Mount Sinai  to  the  emperor,  begging  that  the  sentence, stayed  only  by  the  death  of  the  pope,  against  An-        I thimus,  might  be  carried  out ;  a  general  account of  what  had  passed  between  them  and  the  pope followed,  their  petition  to  him  was  produced  by        j the  Italian  bishops  present  and  recited  ;  after  it another    petition    to    him    from    some    Eastern        .: bishops  on  the  same  subject ;  and  his  own  letter        ! to  Peter,  bishop  of  Jerusalem  in  reply.    Desirous        I of  following  out  his  decision,  the  council  sent  de-        \ puties  to  acquaint  Anthimus  with  its  proceedings,        j and    bid  him    appear  there  within    three  days. The  second  and  third   actions  passed  in  sending him  similar  summonses,  but  all  his  hiding-places 442  CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF       CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF having  been  searched  repeatedly  without  finding him,  "his  condemnation  and  deposition  was  at length  decreed  in  the  fourth  action  by  the  coun- cil and  its  president,  and  signed  by  seventy-two bishops  or  their  representatives,  and  two  deacons of  the  Eoman  Church.  At  the  fifth  and  last action  a  number  of  documents  were  recited.  1. A  petition  of  the  bishop  of  Apamea  and  other Syrian  bishops  to  the  emperor  against  Anthimus, Severus,  and  othei-s  of  the  Monophysite  party. 2.  Another  petition  to  him  from  some  monks  of Palestine  and  Syria  to  the  same  eti'ect.  3.  A similar  petition  from  the  same  monks  to  this council.'  4.  Two  letters  of  pope  Hormisdas, one  dated  A.D.  518,  and  relating  to  the  Constan- tinopolitan  synod  of  that  year;  the  other  ad- dressed to  Epiphanius,  patriarch  of  Constanti- nople three  years  later,  requesting  him  to  act, and  directing  him  how  to  act,  in  his  stead  in  re- ceiving converts  from  the  Monophysites.  5. A  petition  from  the  clergy  and  monks  of  Antioch to  the  patriarch  John  and  synod  of  Constantino- ple, A.D.  518,  against  Severus.  6.  An  address  of the  same  synod  to  the  patriarch  John.  7.  A petition  of  the  monastic  bodies  in  Constantinople to  the  same  synod,  with  a  narrative  of  the acclamations  amidst  which  its  decisions  had  been carried  out  by  John.  8.  His  letters  to  the patriarch  of  Jerusalem  and  bishop  of  Tyre thereon,  and  their  replies  to  him,  with  another narrative  showing  how  rapturously  the  church of  Tyre  had  received  them.  9.  A  similar  letter from  the  bishops  of  Syria  secunda  to  the  same patriarch  of  Constantinople,  with  a  narrative  of proceedings  against  Peter,  bishop  of  Apamea,  for his  Monophysite  sayings  :  and  a  petition  presented to  them  by  the  monks  of  his  diocese  against  him and  Severus.  All  which  having  been  read,  an anathema  was  passed  upon  him,  Severus  and Zoaras,  one  of  their  followers,  by  the  council now  sitting — this  is  inexcusably  left  by  Mansi (viii.  1137-8)  with  its  corrupt  heading  uncor- rected, ascribing  it  to  a  former  synod — and  then by  Mennas,  its  president ;  according  to  the  order observed  in  the  4th  action  in  passing  sentence upon  Anthimus.  Eighty-eight  bishops  or  their representatives,  and  two  deacons  of  the  Roman church  as  before,  subscribed  on  this  occasion. A  constitution  of  the  emperor  addressed  to Mennas  confirmed  their  sentence  (Mansi,  viii. 869-1162). (25)  A.D.  538,  says  Valesius,  541  Cave,  543 Mansi,  under  Mennas  by  order  of  the  emperor Justinian,  in  support  of  his  edict  against  the errors  of  Origen,  denounced  to  him  in  a  petition from  four  monks  of  Jerusalem,  placed  in  his hands,  says  Liberatus  (Brev.  23)  by  Pelagius,  a Roman  envoy,  whom  he  had  sent  thither  on  a different  errand,  with  the  express  object  of injuring  Theodore,  bishop  of  Caesarea,  in  Cappa- docia,  surnamed  Ascidas,  who  defended  Origen. His  edict,  which  is  in  the  form  of  a  book  against Origen  ami  addressed  to  Mennas,  is  given  at length  by  Mansi  (ix.  487-588).  It  was  commu- nicated to  the  other  patriarchs  and  to  pope  Vigi- lius.  The  council  backed  it  by  15  anathemas against  Origen  and  his  errors,  usually  placed  at the  end  of  the  acts  of  the  5th  general  council (Mansi,  *.  395-400)  with  which  this  council came  to  be  subsequently  confused,  in  consequence, says  Cave,  of  their  respective  acts  having  formed one  volume  (Mansi,  ib.  121-4;  and  also  703-8). (26)  A.D.  546,  according  to  Garnier  (Diss,  ad Liherat.  c.  iv.)  under  Mennas  to  assent  to  the 1st  edict,  now  lost,  of  the  emperor  Justinian against  the  three  chapters  the  year  before.  Both Cave  and  Mansi  pass  over  this  council,  and  sub- stitute for  it  another,  supposed  to  have  been held  by  pope  Vigilius  the  year  following,  after his  arrival  in  February  (Clinton,  A.D.  547,  col. 4),  at  which  it  was  decided  to  refer  passing  sen- tence upon  the  three  chapters  to  the  meeting  of the  general  council  about  to  take  place  (Mansi, ix.  125-8). (27)  A.D.  553,  the  5th  general,  held  by  order of  the  Emperor  Justinian,  and  composed  of  165 bishops,  with  Eutychius,  patriarch  of  Constanti- nople, for  their  president :  Pope  Vigilius  being on  the  spot  all  the  time,  but  declining  to  attend  ; indeed,  be  was  not  even  represented  there.  As far  back  as  his  election,  A.D.  537,  according  to Victor  of  Tunis,  he  had  been  secretly  pledged to  the  Empress  Theodora,  who  favoured  the Monophysite  party,  to  assent  to  the  condemna- tion of  the  three  chapters  (Garn.  ad  Lib.  Breviar. c.  22);  and  this  step,  according  to  Liberatus  {ih. c.  24),  had  been  pressed  upon  the  emperor  all  the more  warmly  since  then,  in  consequence  of  the condemnation  of  the  Origenists  in  a  council  under Mennas  the  year  following.  Theodore,  bishop  of Caesarea,  a  devoted  Origenist  and  friend  of  the empress,  pointed  it  out  in  fact  as  a  means  of  bring- ing back  a  large  section  of  the  Monophysites to  the  church.  Their  opposition  to  the  4th  gene- ral council,  he  averred,  lay  in  the  countenance supposed  to  be  given  by  it  to  these  writings — 1. The  works  of  Theodore,  bishop  of  Mopsuestia ; 2.  The  letter  of  Ibas,  bishop  of  Edessa,  to  Maris  ; and  3,  what  Theodoret,  bishop  of  Cyrus,  had published  against  St.  Cyril :  the  third,  howevei-, he  forbore  to  name  ;  all  held  to  be  tainted  with Kestorianisra.  By  condemning  them,  he  seems to  have  calculated  the  authority  of  the  council that  had  treated  their  authors  at  least  so  f;ivour- ably,  would  be  undermined.  Justinian,  acting on  his  advice,  had  already  condemned  them  twice, A.D.  545  and  551  (Gieseler,  i.  325  ;  Cunningham's Tr.,  no  date  is  assigned  to  the  two  pieces  given in  Mansi,  ix.  537-82,  and  589-646);  and  the first  time  had  been  followed  by  Vigilius,  whose "  Judicatum,"  published  at  Constantinople,  A.D. 548,  is  quoted  in  part  by  the  emperor  in  his address  to  this  council  (Mansi,  ix.  178-86,  and again,  582-8)  on  its  assembling.  But  Vigilius had,  A.D.  547,  declared  against  coming  to  any decision  on  the  subject  till  it  had  been  discussed in  a  general  council ;  and  to  this  he  went  back on  ascertaining  what  indignation  his  "Judi- catum "  had  caused  in  Africa  and  in  the  West, and  excommunicated  Mennas  and  Theodore  for having  gone  further  (Mansi,  ib.  58-61).  Accord- ingly, the  emperor  decided  on  summoning  this council  to  examine  and  pronounce  upon  them ; and  Eutychius,  the  Constantinopolitan  patriarch, addressed  a  letter  to  Vigilius,  which  was  read out  at  its  first  session.  May  5,  requesting  him to  come  and  preside  over  its  deliberations.  Vigi- lius assented  to  thier  joint  examination  by  him- self aud  the  council,  but  was  silent  about  his attendance.  Three  patriarchs  and  a  number  of bishops  accosted  him  personally  with  no  better success.  At  the  2nd  session,  or  collatiim,  a  second interview  with  him  was  reported,  in  which  he definitively  declined  attending;  aud  even  on  a CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF        CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF  443 message  from  the  emperor  he  would  not  under- take to  do  more  than  examine  the  chapters by  himself,  and  transmit  his  opinion  on  them, not  to  the  council,  but  to  him.  This  pro- bably was  contained  in  his  Constitutum  (Mansi, ib.  p.  61  and  seq.);  the  date  assigned  to  which indicates  that  it  came  out  between  the  5th and  6th  collations.  Some  bishops  of  Africa and  Illyria  excused  themselves  equally  to  the deputation  sent  to  invite  their  attendance.  At the  3rd  collation  the  lathers  commenced  the real  business  for  which  they  had  been  convened with  a  preface  well  worth  remembering  for  its soundness  and  moderation.  They  pledged  them- selves to  the  exact  doctrine  and  discipline  laid down  in  the  four  general  councils,  each  and  all, preceding  their  own ;  one  and  the  same  confes- sion of  faith  had  sufficed  for  them  in  spite  of  all the  heresies  they  had  met  to  condemn,  and  should suffice  now.  AH  things  in  harmony  with  it should  be  received  ;  and  all  things  at  variance with  it  rejected.  Having  thus  pledged  them- selves to  the  4th  council  among  the  rest,  the fathers  proceeded  to  the  examination  of  the  three chapters  in  their  4th  collation.  This  was  on May  12  :  extracts  having  accordingly  been  read out  from  various  works  of  Theodore,  both  he and  they  were  judged  worthy  of  condemnation. The  next  day,  or  the  5th  collation,  passages  for or  against  Theodore,  for  St.  Cyril  and  others, were  produced  and  weighed ;  and  authorities, particularly  St.  Augustine,  cited  in  favour  of condemning  heretics  although  dead.  Enquiry having  been  made  when  the  name  of  Theodore ceased  to  be  commemorated  in  the  sacred  dip- tychs  of  his  church,  it  was  discovered  that  the name  of  St.  Cyril  had  long  been  substituted there  for  his.  At  the  close  of  the  sitting, extracts  from  the  writings  of  Theodoret  against St.  Cyril  were  recited  ;  on  which  the  fathers remarked  that  the  4th  council  had  acted  wisely in  not  receiving  him  till  he  had  anathematised Nestoj-ius.  Six  days  intervened  before  the  6th collation  took  place.  May  19.  During  this  in- terval Vigilius  issued  his  "  Constitutum,"  dated May  14,  in  the  form  of  asynodical  letter  addressed to  the  emperor  (Mansi,  ix.  61-106),  answering and  condemning  a  number  of  the  positions  of Theodore,  but  pleading  for  Theodoret  and  Ibas, as  having  beeu  acquitted  by  the  4th  council. However,  the  council  at  its  6th  collation  found the  letter  of  Ibas  in  question  contrary  to  the Chalcedonian  definition,  and  anathematised  it accordingly,  the  principal  speaker  against  it  being Theodore,  bishop  of  Cappadocia  ;  but  its  author escaped.  At  the  7th  collation.  May  26  or  30, for  the  reading  is  doubtful,  a  communication was  read  from  the  empei'or  in  deprecation  of the  "  Constitutum "  addressed  to  him  by  the Pope,  May  14,  and  on  which  there  had  been  a good  many  messages  between  them  in  vain  since. First,  no  less  than  six  documents  were  recited proving  Vigilius  to  have  expressly  condemned the  three  chaptei-s  as  many  times:  1,  a  letter from  him  to  the  emperor ;  2,  to  the  empress,  in both  which  the  words  "  unam  operationem " were  declared  at  the  6th  council  by  the  legates of  Agatho  to  have  been  a  later  insertion  of  the Monothelite  party  (Baluz.  ap.  Mansi,  ix.  163-72); 3,  to  his  deacons,  Rusticus  and  Sebastian,  con- demning them  for  the  false  stories  they  had spread  about  lam ;  4,  to  the  bishop  of  Kiew,  in Russia ;  5,  to  the  bishop  of  Aries ;  and  6,  a deposition  signed  by  Theodore,  bishop  of  Caesarea, and  a  lay  dignitary,  to  the  etfect  that  Vigilius had  sworn  to  the  emperor  in  their  presence  to do  all  he  could  for  the  condemnation  of  the  three chapters,  and  never  say  a  word  in  their  favour. Next,  an  enquiry,  by  order  of  the  emperor,  re- specting a  picture  or  statue  of  Theodoret  said  to have  been  carried  about  at  Cyrus  in  procession, was  reported.  And,  lastly,  the  imperial  man- date, which  ordained  that  the  name  of  Vigilius should  be  removed  from  the  sacred  diptychs  for  his tergivei-sations  on  the  subject  of  the  three  chap- ters, "  Non  enim  patiebamur,  nee  ab  eo,  nee  ab alio  quocunque,"  says  the  emperor,  "  inviolatam communionem  suscipere,  qui  non  istam  impie- tatem  condemnat  .  .  .  .  ne  eo  modo  inveniamur Nestorii  et  Theodori  impietati  communicantes  " (Mansi,  ib'.  366-7).  Unity  with  the  apostolic see  would  not,  he  adds,  be  thereby  dissolved, inasmuch  as  neither  Vigilius  nor  any  other  indi- vidual could,  by  his  own  change  for  the  worse, mar  the  peace  of  the  Church.  To  all  which  the council  agreed.  Finally,  reviewing  at  its  8th collation,  June  2,  in  a  singularly  well-written compendium  all  that  it  had  done  previously, and  vindicating  the  course  about  to  be  pursued, it  formally  condemned  the  three  chapters,  and with  them  the  author  of  the  first  of  them — Theodore — promulgating  its  definitive  sentence in  14  anathemas,  almost  identical  with  those of  the  emperor  (Mansi,  ib.  557-64),  and  in which  the  heresies  and  heresiarchs  thus  con- demned are  specified  :  Origen  among  the  number in  the  eleventh,  though  not  in  the  corresponding one  of  the  emperor.  He  had  been  previously condemned  in  the  council  under  Mennas,  a.d. 538,  as  we  have  seen.  Of  these  anathemas  the Greek  version  is  still  extant :  of  almost  every other  recoi'd  of  its  proceedings  the  Latin  version alone  remains.  Vigilius,  after  taking  some  time to  consider,  announced  his  assent  to  them  in  two formal  documents  :  the  first  a  decretal  epistle, dated  Dec.  8  of  the  same  year,  and  addressed  to the  Constantinopolitan  patriarch  (Mansi,  ib.  413- 32,  with  the  notes  of  De  Marca),  in  which,  as he  says,  after  the  manner  of  St.  Augustine,  he retracts  all  that  he  had  ever  written  differently  ; and  the  second,  another  Constitutum  of  great length,  dated  Feb.  23  of  the  year  following (Clinton,  a.d.  554,  c.  4),  but  without  any  head- ing or  subscription  in  its  present  form  (Mansi, ib.  457-88).  He  died  on  his  way  home,  and Pelagius,  the  Roman  envoy  who  had  been  instru- mental in  condemning  Origen,  had  thus,  on  be- coming pope,  to  vindicate  the  condemnation  of the  three  chapters  by  this  council  in  the  West, where  they  had  been  defended  all  but  unani- mously, and  were  upheld  obstinately  by  more than  three  parts  of  Italy  still.  The  2nd  Pela- gius, twenty-five  years  later,  in  his  third  letter to  the  bishops  of  Istria,  said  to  have  been  written by  St.  Gregory  the  Great,  then  his  deacon (Mansi,  ib.  433-54,  and  see  Migne's  ed.),  apolo- gised as  follows  for  the  conduct  of  his  prede- cessors and  his  own  therein.  Referring  to  the occasion  on  which  St.  Peter  was  reproved  by St.  Paul  (Gal.  ii.  11),  ho  asks,  "  Nunquid  Petro apostolorum  principi  sibi  dissimilia  docenti,  de- buit  ad  haec  verba  responderi  ?  "  "  Haec  quae dicis,  audire  non  possumus,  quia  aliud  ante praedicasti  ?     Si    igitur    in    trium    eapitulorum 444  CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF       CONSTANTINOPLE,  COLNCILS  OF negotio,  aliud  cum  Veritas  quaereretur,  aliuJ autem  inventa  veritate,  dictum  est  :  cur  mutatio sententiae  huic  sedi  iu  crimine  objicitur,  quae a  cuncta  ecclesi^  humiliter  iu  ejus  auctore  vene- ratur  ?  Non  euim  mutatio  seuteutiae,  sed  incon- stantia  sensiis  in  culpa  est."  St.  Gregory,  when pope,  settled  the  matter  by  affirming  that  he venerated  the  5th  council  equally  with  the  four preceding  (Mansi,  ib.  454).  No  canons  seem  to have  been  passed  in  it ;  but  though  two  elabo- rate dissertations  have  been  written  on  it  (Garn. ad  Liherat.  and  H.  de  Noris,  Op.  P.  ii.),  many points  connected  with  it  are  still  doubtful ;  and the  documents  published  by  Mansi  (ix.  151-651) as  l)elonging  to  it,  greatly  need  re-arranging. (28)  A.D.  565,  at  which  the  emperor  Justinian endeavoured  to  get  the  errors  of  Julian  of  Hali- carnassus,  a  well-known  Monophysite,  who  main- tained the  incorruptibility  of  the  Body  of  Christ antecedently  to  his  resurrection,  api^roved,  by banishing  those  who  opposed  them  (Mansi,  ix. 765-8). (29)  A.D.  587,  at  which  a  foul  charge  brought against  Gregory,  patriarch  of  Autioch,by  a  banker of  his  diocese,  was  examined.  He  was  honourably acquitted  and  his  accuser  punished  (Evag.  vi.  7). Mansi  thinks  this  must  have  been  the  synod summoned  as  a  general  one  by  the  Constantino- politan  patriarch  John,  iu  virtue  of  his  assumed title  of  oecumenical  patriarch,  and  for  which  he was  so  severely  taken  to  task  by  pope  Pelagius  II. — but  for  this  no  direct  proof  is  adduced  either by  him  or  Pagi  (ix.  971-4).  It  is  supplied, however,  in  a  letter  of  St.  Gregory  the  Great  to that  patriarch  {ib.  1217-18),  and  a  further letter  of  his  some  time  later,  when  Cyriacus was  i)atriarch,  whose  plan  of  holding  another synod  for  the  same  purpose  he  would  seem  to have  anticipated  {ib.  x.  159).  Mansi  {ib.  p. 481-2)  conceives  this  synod  to  have  been  held A.D.  598. (30)  A.D.  626,  under  Sergius,  to  consider  the question  raised  by  Paul,  a  Blonophysite  of  Phasis, iu  Lazica,  and  Cyrus,  its  metropolitan — after- wards translated  to  Alexandria — before  the  em- l)eror  Heraclius,  whether  one  or  two  wills  and operations  wei'e  to  be  ascribed  to  Christ.  Ser- gius, on  the  authority  of  a  discourse  ascribed  by him  to  his  well-known  predecessor  Mennas,  and other  testimonies  which  he  abstains  from  naming, pronounced  in  favour  of  one  operation  and  one will ;  thereby  founding  the  heresy  called  Mono- thelism  (Mansi,  x.  585-8).  Clinton  (ii.  171) doubts  whether  the  question  did  not  originate with  Athanasius,  patriarch  of  the  Jacobites  in Syria,  on  his  promotion  to  the  see  of  Antioch  by Heraclius  four  years  later.  The  discourse  which Sergius  ascribed  to  Mennas  was  proved  a  forgery to  the  6th  council  at  its  third  session. (31)  A.D.  639,  under  Sergius,  and  continued — unless  there  were  two  distinct  councils  this  year — under  Pyrrhus,  his  successor,  at  which  the "  Ecthesis "  or  exposition  of  faith  by  the  em- peror Heraclius,  favourable  to  Monothelism,  was confirmed  (Mansi,  x.  673-4).  Parts  of  its  acts, with  the  ecthesis  in  lull,  were  recited  in  the third  sitting  of  the  Lateran  under  Martin  I. A.D.  649  {ib.  991-1004). (32)  A.D.  665,  by  order  of  the  emperor  Cou- stans  II.,  at  which  St.  Maximus,  the  great  oppo- nent ot  the  Monothelites,  was  condemned  (Mansi, xi.  73-4). (33)  A.D.  666,  under  Peter,  patriarch  of Constantinople,  and  attended  by  Macedonius  of Antioch  and  the  vicar  of  the  patriarch  of  Alex- andria, at  which  St.  Maximus  was  condemned a  second  time  with  his  disciples  (Mansi,  xi. 73-6). (34)  The  6th  general,  held  in  the  banqueting hall  of  the  palace,  called  Trullus  from  its  domed roof  (Du  Fresne,  Constant.  Christ,  ii.  4,  §  19-20), and  lasting  from  November  7,  A.D.  680,  to  Sep- tember 16  of  the  ensuing  year. It  was  convened  by  the  emperor  Constantine Pogonatus,  as  stated  in  his  epistle  to  Pope  Donus, in  consequence  of  a  request  made  to  him  by  the patriarchs  of  Constantinople  to  permit  their removing  from  the  sacred  diptychs  the  name  of Pope  Vitalian,  lately  deceased,  while  they  were  for retaining  that  of  Honorius  (Mansi,  xi.  199-200). In  short,  they  wished  to  commemorate  none  of the  popes  after  Honorius  till  some  disputes  that had  arisen  between  their  own  sees  and  his  had been  settled,  and  some  newly-coined  woi'ds  ex- plained. The  allusion  is  probably  to  the  ^  fxia deavSpiKi]  ivepyeid.'  attributed  to  Christ  by  the Monothelite  patriarch  and  synod  of  Alexandria, A.D.  633  {ib.  565),  when  Honorius  was  pope. Donus  dying  before  this  letter  could  reach  Eome, it  was  complied  with  at  once  by  his  successor Agatho,  who  sent  three  bishops,  on  behalf  of  his synod,  and  two  presbyters,  and  one  deacon  named John — who  subsequently  became  pope  as  John  V., in  his  own  name — to  Constantinople,  "  to  bring about  the  union  of  the  holy  Churches  of  God," as  it  is  said  in  his  life  {ib.  165).  On  hearing from  the  "oecumenical  pope,"  as  he  styles  him,  to that  efiect,  the  Emperor  issued  his  summons  to George,  patriarch  of  Constantinople — whom  he styles  oecumenical  patriarch — and  through  him to  the  patriarch  of  Antioch,  to  get  ready  to  come to  the  council  with  their  respective  bishops  and metropolitans  {ib.  201).  Mansuetus,  metro- politan of  Milan,  who  had  formed  part  of  the Roman  synod  under  Agatho,  sent  a  synodical letter  and  profession  of  fiiith  on  behalf  of  his own  synod  {ib.  203-8),  and  Theodore,  bishop  or archbishop  of  Ravenna,  who  had  formed  part  of the  same  synod,  a  presbyter,  to  represent  him personally.  The  number  of  bishops  actually present,  according  to  Cave,  was  289,  though  the extant  subscriptions  are  under  180.  Thirteen officers  of  the  court  were  there  likewise  by  com- mand of  the  emperor,  who  attended  in  person, and  were  ranged  round  him — on  his  left  were the  representatives  of  the  pope  and  his  synod,  of the  archbishop  of  Ravenna,  and  of  the  patriarch of  Jerusalem,  then  Basil,  tiishop  of  Gortyna,  in Crete,  and  the  remaining  bishops  "subject  to Eome  " — his  right  being  occupied  by  the  patri- archs 1)1' Cnnstautinople  ;ind  Antioch,  a  presbyter represent iii'j,-  the  patriarch  of  Alexandria,  the bishop  of  Kiihesus.  and  "the  remaining  bishops subject  to  Constantinople."  The  business  of  the council  was  concluded  in  18  actions  or  sessions, as  follows : — 1.  The  legates  of  Agatho  having  complained of  the  novel  teaching  of  four  patriarchs  of  Con- stantinople— Sergius,  Paul,  Pyrrhus,  and  Peter — of  Cyrus,  of  Alexandria,  and  Theodore,  bishop of  Pharan,  that  had  for  46  years  or  more troubled  the  whole  Church,  in  attributing  one will  and  operation  to  the  Incarnate  Word. Macarius,  patriarch  of  Antioch,  and  two  suffragans CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF  CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF  445 of  the  see  of  Constantinople  favourable  to  this dogma,  briefly  replied  that  they  had  put  out  no new  terms  but  only  believed  and  taught  what they  had  received  from  general  councils  and  from the  holy  fathers  on  the  point  in  question,  par- ticularly the  patriarchs  of  Constantinople  and Alexandria,  named  by  their  opponents,  and Honorius,  formerly  pope  of  elder  Rome.  Where- uj)on  the  chartophylax,  or  keeper  of  the  archives of  the  great  Church,  was  ordered  by  the  emperor to  fetch  the  books  of  the  oecumenical  councils from  the  library  of  the  patriarch.  As  nothing was  said  of  the  acts  of  the  1st  and  2nd  councils on  this  occasion,  we  must  infer  they  had  been lost  previously.  The  chartophylax  was  told to  produce  what  he  had  got ;  and  immediately two  volumes  of  the  acts  of  the  3rd  council  were recited  by  Stephen,  a  presbyter  of  Antioch  in waiting  on  Macarius,  who  forthwith  contended that  some  of  St.  Cyril's  expressions  made  for him. 2.  Two  volumes  of  the  acts  of  the  4th  council were  read,  when  the  legates  of  Agatho  pointed out  that  two  operations  were  attributed  to Christ  by  St.  Leo. 3.  Two  volumes  of  the  acts  of  the  5th  council were  read,  when  the  legates  protested  that  two letters  of  Pope  Vigiiius,  contained  in  the  second volume,  had  been  interpolated,  and  that  a  dis- course attributed  in  the  first  to  Mennas,  patri- arch of  Constantinople,  was  spurious.  This  last having  been  proved  on  the  spot  from  internal evidence,  its  recital  was  stopped,  the  emperor directing  further  enquiry  to  be  made  respecting the  letters  of  the  pope. 4.  Two  letters  from  Agatho  were  recited — one  to  the  emperor,  in  his  own  name,  the  other to  the  council,  in  his  own  name  and  that  of  a synod  of  125  bishops,  with  Wilfrid,  bishop  of York,  among  them,  for  Britain,  assembled  under him  at  Rome,  previously  to  the  departure  of  his legates.  The  burden  of  both  is  the  same,  namely, that  what  had  been  defined  as  of  faith  by  the five  general  councils  preceding,  it  was  the  sum- mit of  his  ambition  to  keep  inviolate— without change,  diminution,  or  addition,  either  in  word or  thought  (Mansi,  ib.  235).  Mr.  Renouf, indeed,  in  his  second  pamphlet  on  "  Pope Honorius"  (p.  46-7),  has  pointed  out  several passages  in  the  Latin  version  of  these  letters on  the  prerogatives  of  the  Church  of  Rome, which  are  not  found  in  the  Greek.  Either, therefore,  they  have  been  intei'polated  in  the one,  or  suppressed  in  the  other.  The  decree  of the  Council  of  Florence  supplies  a  parallel  of  the same  kind.  But  that  Agatho  wrote  these  letters in  Greek,  and  that  the  Latin  version  of  the entire  acts  of  this  council  that  we  have  cannot possibly  be  the  one  made  by  order  of  the  next pope,  soon  after  the  council  dispersed,  are  two points  which  Mr.  R.  seems  to  have  assumed without  proving. 5.  Two  papers  were  exhibited  by  Macarius, and  recited :  of  which  the  first  was  headed  "  Tes- timonies from  the  holy  Fathers  confirmatory  of there  being  one  will  in  Christ,  which  is  also  that of  the  Father  and  the  Holy  Ghost." 6.  A  third  paper  from  Macarius,  to  the  same effect  as  the  other  two,  having  been  read,  the sealing  of  all  three  was  commanded  by  the  em- peror, and  entrusted  to  his  own  officials  and those  belonging  to  the  sees  of  Rome  and  Con- stantinople. On  the  legates  affirming  that  the quotations  contained  in  them  had  not  been  fairly made,  authentic  copies  of  the  works  cited  were oi-dered  to  be  brought  from  the  patriarchal library  to  compare  with  them. 7.  A  paper  headed  "Testimonies  from  the holy  Fathers  demonstrating  two  wills  and  opera- tions in  Christ,"  was  produced  by  the  legates, and  read.  Appended  to  it  were  passages  from the  writings  of  heretics,  in  which  but  one  will and  operation  was  taught.  This  paper  was ordered  to  be  sealed,  like  those  of  Macarius,  by the  emperor. 8.  The  passages  adduced  by  Agatho  from  the Fathers,  and  by  his  synod,  in  favour  of  two  wills and  operations,  having  been  examined  and  con- firmed, were  pronounced  conclusive  by  all present  except  Macarius ;  and  the  petition  to have  the  name  of  Vitalian  erased  from  the  dip- tychs  was  withdrawn  by  George,  the  existing jjatriarch  of  Constantinople,  amid  great  applause. Macarius  being  then  called  upon '  to  make  his profession,  proved  himself  a  Monothelite ;  and was  convicted  of  having  quoted  unfairly  from the  Fathers  in  his  papers  to  support  his  views. 9.  Examination  of  the  papers  of  Macarius having  been  completed,  he  and  his  presbyter Stephen  were  formally  deposed  as  heretics  by the  council. 10.  The  paper  exhibited  by  the  legates  was taken  in  hand :  and  after  a  most  interesting comparison,  passage  by  passage,  between  it  and the  authentic  works  in  the  patriarchal  library, was  declared  thoroughly  correct  in  its  citations : a  profession  of  faith  was  received  from  the  bishop of  Nicomedia  and  some  others,  in  which  Mono- thelism  was  abjured. 11.  A  long  and  remarkable  profession  of  faitli, contained  in  a  synodical  letter  of  Sophronius, late  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  first  to oppose  Monothelism,  was  recited  :  and  after  it, at  the  request  of  the  legates,  some  more  writings of  Macarius,  since  come  to  hand,  that  proved  full of  heresy. 12.  Several  more  documents  belongmg  to Macarius  having  been  received  from  the  emperor through  one  of  his  officers,  which  he  professed not  to  have  read  himself,  some  were  looked through  and  pronounced  irrelevant,  but  three letters  were  recited  at  length :  one  from  Sergius patriarch  of  Constantinople  to  Cyrus,  then  bishop of  Phasis  ;  another  from  him  to  Pope  Honorius  ; the  third  being  the  answer  of  Honorius  to  him. Again  the  patriarchal  archives  were  searched, and  the  two  first  of  these  letters  compared  witn the  authentic  copies  of  them  foimd  there  ;  while the  original  letter  of  Honorius  in  Latin  having been  brought  from  thence  was  compared  by  John bishop  of  Porto,  the  only  delegate  from  the Roman  synod  then  present,  with  the  copy  just read,  and  the  genuineness  of  all  three  placed beyond  doubt.  A  suggestion  brought  from  the emperor  that  Macarius  should  be  restored  in  the event  of  his  recanting,  was  peremptoi-ily  declined by  the  council. 13.  Both  the  letters  of  Sergius  before  men- tioned and  that  of  Honorius  to  him  were  de- clared heterodox ;  and  he  and  his  successors, Pyrrhus,  Petei-,  and  Paul,  Cyrus  of  Alexandria, and  Theodore,  bishop  of  Pharan — on  all  of  whom Agatho  had  passed  sentence  previously — with Honorius,  whom  Agatho  had  passed  over,  were 446  CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF      CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF definitively  cast  out  of  the  Church — the  only sentence  of  the  kind  ever  decreed  against  any pope.  The  letter  of  Sophrouius,  on  the  other hand,  was  pronounced  orthodox.  Finally,  search having  been  made  for  all  other  works  of  the same  kind  in  the  archives,  all  that  could  be found  were  brought  out  and  recited.  The  list included  two  letters  from  Cyrus  to  Sergius,  the latest  of  them  having  been  written  from  Alex- andria, with  a  copy  of  the  terms  of  agreement come  to  between  him  and  the  Theodosians,  a Monophysite  sect,  enclosed  in  it;  works  by Theodore,  bishop  of  Pharan,  Pyrrhus,  Paul,  and Peter,  patriarchs  of  Constantinople ;  a  second letter  of  Honorius  to  Sergius  ;  and  a  dogmatic letter  of  Pyrrhus  to  Pope  John  IV.,  discovered in  a  volume  of  dogmatic  letters  by  the  Charto- phylax,  George.  All  these  were  pronounced heretical,  and  burnt  as  such.  Letters  of  Thomas, John,  and  Coustantine,  patriarchs  of  Constan- tinople, were  read  likewise,  but  their  orthodoxy was  allowed. 14.  Keturning  to  the  letters  of  Pope  Vigilius that  had  been  called  in  question,  it  was  ascer- tained by  curious  enquiry  that  each  of  the volumes  of  the  5th  council  had  been  tampered with  :  in  one  case  by  inserting  the  paper  attri- buted to  Mennas,  in  the  other  by  interpolating the  letters  of  Vigilius,  in  support  of  heresy. The  council  ordered  both  felsifications  to  be  can- celled, besides  anathematising  them  and  their authors.  A  sermon  of  St.  Athanasius  was  pro- duced by  the  bishops  of  Cyprus,  in  which  the doctrine  of  two  wills  in  Christ  was  clearly  laid down.  At  this  sitting  Theoplianes,  the  new patriarch  of  Autioch,  is  first  named  among  those present. 15.  Polychronius,  a  presbyter,  undertaking  to raise  a  dead  man  to  life  in  support  of  his  here- tical views,  and  failing,  was  condemned  as  an impostor,  and  deposed. 16.  Constantme,  another  presbyter,  affecting to  have  devised  some  formula  calculated  to reconcile  Mouothelism  with  orthodoxy,  was proved  in  agreement  with  Macarius,  and  simi- larly condemned.  In  conclusion,  all  who  had been  condemned  were  anathematised,  one  after the  other  by  name,  amidst  cheei-s  for  the orthodox. 17.  The  previous  acts  of  the  council  were  read over;  and  its  definition  of  faith  published  for the  first  time. 18.  The  definition  having  been  once  more  pub- lished, was  signed  by  all  present ;  and  received the  assent  of  the  emperor  on  the  spot  amid  the usual  acclamations  and  reprobations.  It  con- sisted of  three  parts  : — I.  An  introduction  pro- claiming entire  agreement  on  the  part  of  the council  with  the  five  previous  councils,  and acceptance  of  the  two  creeds  promulgated  by them  as  one.  II.  Recital  of  the  two  creeds  of Nicaea  and  Constantinople  in  their  pristine  foi-ms. III.  Its  own  definition,  enumerating  all  pre- viously condemned  for  Monothelism  once  more by  name ;  and  mentioning  with  approbation  the declaration  of  pope  Agatho  and  his  synod  against tnem,  and  in  favour  of  the  true  doctrine,  which it  proceeded  to  unfold  in  course  :  then  reiterating tiie  decree  passed  by  previous  councils  against the  iVamers  and  uphohiors  of  a  faith  or  creed otlier  than  the  two  forms  already  specified  ;  and including  finally  in  the  same  condemnation  the inventors  and  disseminators  of  any  novel  terms subversive  of  its  own  rulings. Proceedings  terminated  in  a  remarkable  ad- dress to  the  emperor  on  behalf  of  all  present, which  was  read  out,  showing  that  the  doctrine of  the  Trinity  had  been  defined  by  the  two  first councils  ;  and  that  of  the  Incarnation  in  the  four next,  of  which  this  was  the  last :  and  a  still more  remarkable  request  was  appended  to  it, — that  he  would  forward  the  definition  signed by  himself  to  the  five  patriarchal  sees  of  Rome, Constantinople,  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and  Jeru- salem ;  which  we  are  told  expressly  was  done (Mausi,  lb.  681-4).  In  conclusion,  a  letter  was despatched  to  the  pope  in  the  name  of  the  coun- cil, informing  him  that  he  would  receive  a  copy of  its  acts  through  his  legates,  and  begging  that he  would  confirm  them  in  his  reply.  The  em- peror on  his  part  exhorted  all  to  receive  them  in a  special  edict;  and  as  he  had  promised,  ad- dressed a  letter  in  his  own  name  to  the  Roman synod,  dated  Dec.  23,  A.D.  681 — Agatho  dying, according  to  Cave,  Dec.  1 — and  another  to Leo  II.,  soon  after  his  accession,  the  year  follow- ing, bespeaking  their  acceptance.  This  the  new pope  granted  without  hesitation  in  the  fullest manner,  even  to  the  condemnation  of  Honorius as  having  betrayed  the  faith ;  all  which  he repeated  to  the  bishops  of  Spain  in  sending  them a  Latin  translation  of  the  acts  of  this  council (Mansi,  ib.  1049-53).  Solely  from  hence  the genuineness  of  both  epistles  has  been  denied (comp.  Mr.  Renouf 's  Fope  Honorius  ;  Professor Botalla's  reply  to  it ;  and  Mr.  R.'s  rejoinder), and  even  the  integrity  of  the  acts  of  the  council themselves  in  their  present  state  was  once questioned  (Pagi  ad  Baron.,  A.D.  681,  n.  9-12). Two  versions  of  them  are  given  by  Mansi  (xi. 189-922)  ;  in  both  the  arrangement  of  the  con- cluding documents  is  chronologically  defective. It  is  admitted  on  all  hands  that  no  canons  were pas.ed.  Several  anecdotes  of  this  council  found their  way  into  the  West.  Bede  tells  us,  for instance  {De  Temp.  Rat.  A.D.  688),  that  such was  the  honour  accorded  there  to  the  legates  of Agatho  that  one  of  them,  the  bishop  of  Porto, celebrated  the  Eucharist  in  Latin  on  Low-Sunday, in  the  church  of  St.  Sophia,  before  the  emperor and  patriarch.  Cardinal  Humbert  asserts  it  was then  explained  to  the  emperor  that  unleavened bread  was  enjoined  by  the  Latin  rite  (ap.  Canis. Thes.  p.  318).  But  the  two  striking  incidents of  this  council  were  :  1.  The  arrangement  of  the "  bishops  subject  to  Rome,"  and  those  "  subject to  Constantinople  "  on  opposite  sides ;  and,  2 The  anathemas  passed  on  pope  and  patriarch alike.  Coming  events  are  said  to  cast  then shadows  before  them. (35)  A.D.  691,  as  Pagi  shows  (ad  Baron,  a.d 692  n.  3-7)  from  the  emended  reading  of  tht date  given  in  its  3rd  canon  and  rightly  inter- preted, in  or  not  earlier  than  September.  The fathers  composing  it,  in  their  address  to  the  em- peror Justinian  II.  or  Rhinotmetus,  as  he  was afterwards  surnamed  from  what  befel  him,  say that  they  had  met  at  his  bidding  to  pass  some canons  that  had  long  been  needed,  owing  to  the omission  of  the  5th  and  6th  councils,  contrary to  the  prscedent  of  the  four  first  to  pass  any, whence  this  council  has  been  commonly  styled the  quini-sext,  or  a  supplement  to  both.  It  is indeed  best  known  as  the  Trullan,  from  the  hall CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF      CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF  447 of  the  palace  in  which  it  was  held,  although  the 6th  council  had  met  there  no  less.  The  number of  bishops  subscribing  to  its  canons  was  213,  of whom  43  had  been  present  at  the  6th  council (Mansi  xi.  927)  ;  and  at  their  head,  instead  of after  them  as  at  the  6th  council,  the  emperor, wlio  signs  however  diflerently  from  the  rest,  as accepting  and  assenting  to  merely  what  had  been defined  by  them.  A  blank  is  left  immediately after  his  name  for  that  of  the  pope,  showing clearly  that  the  pope  was  not  represented  there  ; and  blanks  are  subsequently  left  for  the  bishops of  Thessalonica,  Heraclea,  Sardinia,  Ravenna, and  Corinth,  who  might,  had  they  been  present, have  been  supposed  acting  for  him  :  Basil,  indeed, bishop  of  Gortyna  in  Crete,  is  set  down  as  sub- scribing on  behalf  of  the  whole  synod  of  the Roman  church  ;  but  then  he  is  similarly  set  down among  the  subscriptions  to  the  6th  council,  not having  been  one  of  the  three  deputies  sent thither  from  Rome  {ib.  pp.  642  and  70),  and afterwards  in  the  letter  addressed  to  Agatho  by the  council,  only  signing  for  himself  and  his  own synod  (ib.  p.  690).  Hence  there  seems  little ground  for  supposing  him  to  have  represented Rome  there  in  any  sense,  though  Pagi  and  others are  willing  to  believe  he  may  have  been  acting as  apocrisarius  at  the  time  of  the  council  (ad Baron,  ib.  n.  9-13).  Certainly,  Anastasius,  in his  life  of  Sergius  I.,  who  was  then  Pope,  says that  the  legates  of  the  apostolic  see  were  present, and  deluded  into  subscribing  ;  but  there  is  no- thing else  in  the  subscriptions  to  confirm  this  ; and  of  the  acts  nothing  further  has  been  pre- served. Great  controversy  prevails  as  to  the extent  to  which  this  council  has  been  received in  the  West:  Oecumenical  it  has  never  been accounted  there,  in  spite  of  its  own  claim  to  be so  ;  and  when  its  102  canons  were  sent  in  sis tomes  to  Sergius,  himself  a  native  of  Antioch, for  subscription,  he  said  he  would  die  sooner than  assent  to  the  erroneous  innovations  which they  contained.  John  VII.,  the  next  pope  but one,  was  requested  by  the  emperor  to  confirm  all that  he  could,  and  reject  the  rest ;  but  he  sent back  the  tomes  untouched— Lupus  (^Diss.  de  Sijn. Trull.,  op.  Tom.  iii.  168-73),  whom  Pagi  (a.d. 710,  n.  2)  follows  is  of  opinion  that  Constantine was  the  first  pope  to  confirm  any  of  them  :  but this  is  inferred  solely  from  the  honourable  re- ception given  to  him  at  Constantinople  by  Justi- nian, which  may  have  been  dictated  by  other motives.  What  Adrian  I.  says  in  his  epistle  to St.  Tarasius,  read  out  at  the  7th  council,  is  ex- plicit enough  :  "  I  too  receive  the  same  six  holy councils  with  all  the  rules  constitutionally  and I  divinely  promulgated  by  them  ;  among  which  is „  contained  "  what   turns  out   to  be  the  82nd  of these  canons,  for  he  quotes  it  at  full  length. And  the  first  canon  of  the  7th  council  confirmed by  him  is  substantially  to  the  same  eftect. i"  But  the  exact  truth  is  probably  told  by  Ana- stasius, the  librarian,  in  the  preface  to  his  transla- tion of  the  acts  of  the  7th  council  dedicc%ted  to John  VIII.,  whom  he  credits  with  having  ac- cepted all  the  apostolical  canons  under  the  same reserve.  "  At  the  7th  council,"  he  says,  "  the principal  see  so  far  admits  the  rules  said  by  the Greeks  to  have  been  framed  at  the  6th  council, as  to  reject  in  the  same  breath  whichever  of them  should  prove  to  be  opposed  to  former canons,  or  the  decrees  of  its  own  holy  pontiffs, or  to  good  manners."  All  of  them,  indeed,  he contends  had  been  unknown  to  the  Latins  entirely till  then,  never  having  been  translated :  neither were  they  to  be  found  even  in  the  archives  of  the other  patriarchal  sees,  where  Greek  was  spoken, none  of  whose  occupants  had  been  present  to concur  or  assist  in  their  promulgation,  although the  Greeks  attributed  their  promulgation  to those  fathers  who  formed  the  6th  council,  a statement  for  which  he  avers  they  were  unable to  bring  any  decisive  proof.  This  shows  how little  he  liked  these  canons  himself:  nor  can  it be  denied  that  some  of  them  were  dictated  by  a spirit  hostile  to  the  West.  The  3rd  and  13th, for  instance,  deliberately  propose  to  alter  what had  been  the  law  and  practice  of  the  Roman church  for  upwards  of  300  years  respecting  those who  became  presbyters,  deacons,  or  sub-deacons, as  married  men  :  and  make  the  rule  substituted for  it  in  each  case  binding  upon  all.  The  55th on  the  authority  of  one  of  the  apostolical  canons not  received  by  Rome,  interdicts  the  custom  of flisting  on  Saturdays  which  had  prevailed  in  the Roman  church  from  time  immemorial.  And  the 56th  lays  down  a  rule  to  be  kept  by  all  churches in  observing  the  Lenten  fast.  Canons  32,  33, and  99  are  specially  levelled  against  the  Arme- nians. Of  the  rest,  canon  1  confirms  the  doc- trine of  the  6th  general  coun^l  preceding,  and insists  in  the  strongest  terms  upon  its  unalter- ableness.  Canon  2  renews  all  the  canons  con- firmed by  them,  with  the  Sardican  and  African in  addition,  besides  the  canons  of  SS.  Dionysius and  Peter  of  Alexandria  ;  of  St.  Gregory  Thauma- turgus,  St.  Athanasius,  St.  Basil,  and  St.  Gregory Nyssen  ;  the  canonical  answers  of  Timothy  with the  canons  of  Theophilus,  bishop  of  Alexandria and  two  canonical  letters  of  St.  Cyril  :  the canon  of  Scripture  by  St.  Gregory  Nazianzen,  and another  by  St.  Amphilochius,  bishop  '•i'  Iconium in  Lycaonia,  with  a  circular  of  Gennadius,  pa- triarch of  Constantinople,  against  simoniacal ordinations.  In  conclusion,  it  receives  all  the apostolical  canons,  eighty-five  in  number,  though at  that  time  but  fifty  were  received  in  the  Roman church,  as  we  learn  from  Anastasius,  but  rejects the  apostolical  constitutions  as  having  been  in- terpolated, and  containing  many  spurious  things. By  this  canon  accordingly  the  code  of  the Eastern  church  was  authoratively  settled,  apart of  course  from  the  102  canons  now  added  to  it, which  were  formally  received  themselves,  as  we have  seen,  by  the  2nd  Council  of  Nicaea,  and reckoned  ever  afterwards  as  the  canons  of  the 6th  council.  As  such  they  are  quoted  by  Pho- tius  in  his  Si/ntagma  canonum,  and  his  Nomo- canon  (Migne's  Pat.  Gr.  civ.  431-1218),  and continue  to  be  quoted  still  {Orthodix  ami  Non- Jurors,  by  Rev.  G.  Williams,  p.  74).  Their general  character  is  thoroughly  Oriental,  but without  disparagement  to  their  practical  value (Mansi,  xi.  921-1024,  and  sii.  47-56 ;  Bever.  II. 126-64). (36)  A.D.  712,  in  the  short-lived  reign  of Philippicus  or  Bardanes,  and  under  the  Mono- thelite  patriarch  of  his  appointment,  John  VI.  ; at  which  the  6th  council  was  repudiated  and condemned.  The  cojjy  of  its  acts  belonging  to the  palace  was  likewise  burnt  by  his  order,  as we  learn  from  the  deacon  who  transcribed  them ; and  the  picture  of  it  that  hung  there,  removed. On  the  death  of  the  tyrant  indeed  John  addressed 448  CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF a  letter  to  Pope  Constantine  to  apologise  for what  had  been  done  ;  but  its  tone  is  not  assuring. He  testifies,  however,  to  the  authentic  tomes  of the  6th  council  being  safe  still  in  his  archives (Mansi.  sii.  187-208);  and  Pagi  can  see  some excuse  for  his  conduct  (ad  Baron.  A.D.  712, n.  2-6). (37)  A.D.  715,  Aug.  11,  at  which  the  transla- tion of  St.  Germanus  from  the  see  of  Cyricus  to that  of  Constantinople  was  authorised.  He  had been  a  party  to  the  Monothelite  synod  under John  three  years  before  ;  but  immediately  after his  translation  he  held  a  synod — most  probably this  one  continued — in  which  he  condemned Monothelism  (Mansi,  xii.  255-8). (38)  A.D.  730,  or  rather  a  meeting  in  the imperial  palace,  at  which  the  Emperor  Leo  HI., better  known  as  the  Isaurian,  called  upon  St. Germanus  the  aged  patriarch  to  declare  for  the demolition  of  images,  which  he  had  just  ordered himself  in  a  second  edict  against  them.  The patriarch  replied  by  resigning  his  pall  (Mansi, xii.  269-70,  and  Pagi,  ad  Baron.,  a.d.  730,  n. 1-4). (39)  A.D.  754,  from  Feb.  10  to  Aug.  8,  held by  order  of  the  Emperor  Constantine  Coprony- mus,  and  styling  itself  Oecumenical,  or  the  7th council,  though  "its  claim  to  both  titles  has  since been  set  aside  in  favour  of  the  second  council  of Nieaea,  in  which  its  decrees  were  reversed. Unfortunately,  there  is  no  record  of  its  acts extant,  but  what  is  to  be  found  in  the  6th session  of  that  council,  where  they  were  cited only  to  be  condemned.  As  many  as  338  bishops attended  it,  but  the  chief  see  represented  there was  that  of  Ephesus.  Their  proceedings  are given  in  six  tomes,  .as  follows  :  1.  They  deduce the  origin  of  all  creature-worship  from  the  devil, to  abolish  which  God  sent  His  Son  in  the  flesh  ; 2.  Christianity  being  established,  the  devil,  they say,  was  undone  to  bring  about  a  combination between  it  and  idolatry ;  but  the  emperors  had o|)posed  themselves  to  his  designs.  Already  six councils  had  met,  and  the  present  one  following in  their  steps  declared  all  pictorial  representa- tions unlawful  and  subversive  of  the  faith  which they  professed  ;  3.  Two  natures  being  united  in Christ,  no  one  picture  or  statue  could  represent Christ  as  He  is,  besides  His  only  proper  repre- sentation is  in  the  Eucharistic  sacrifice  of  His  own institution  ;  4.  There  was  no  prayer  in  use  for consecrating  images,  nor  were  representations  of the  saints  to  be  tolerated  any  more  than  of Christ,  for  Holy  Scripture  was  distinctly  against both ;  5.  The  fathers,  beginning  with  St.  Epi- phanius,  having  been  cited  at  some  length  to  the same  purpose,  the  council  decreed  unanimously that  all  likenesses  of  whatsoever  colour  and material  were  to  be  taken  away,  and  utterly  dis- used in  Christian  churches  ;  6.  AH  clergy  setting up  or  exhibiting  reverence  to  images  in  church or  at  home  were  to  be  deposed ;  monks  and  lay- men anathematised.  Vessels  and  vestments  be- longing to  the  sanctuary  were  never  to  be  turned to  any  purpose  in  connexion  with  them.  A  series of  anathemas  was  directed  against  all  who  upheld them  in  any  sense,  or  contravened  the  decrees  of this  council.  St.  Germanus,  the  late  patriarch of  Constantinople,  George  of  Cyprus,  and  St. .lohn  of  Damascus,  or  Mansur,  as  he  was  called by  the  Saracens,  were  specially  denounced  as image-worshippers.     The  usual  acclamations  to CONTRACT  OF  MARRIAGE the  emperor  followed.  Befoi-e  the  council  sepa- rated, Constantine  the  new  patriarch  was  pre- sented to  it  and  approved.  It  was  then  sitting in  the  church  of  St.  Mary,  ad  Blachernas,  within the  city ;  its  earlier  sittings  had  been  held  in  a palace  of  the  emperor,  called  Hieraeon,  on  the opposite  shore  (Mansi,  xii.  575-8,  and  xiii.  203- 356  ;  Cave,  i.  646-7).  [E.  S.  F.] CONSTANTINOPLE.  (1)  The  birth  (76- V€6\ia)  of  Constantinople  is  placed  by  the  Cal. Byzant.  on  May  11.  The  dedication  (iyKaivio) is  said  to  have  been  performed  by  the  Holy  Fathers of  the  1st  Council  of  Nieaea  in  the  year  325. (2)  The  Council  of  Constantinople  is  commemo- rated in  the  Armenian  Calendar  on  Feb.  16.  fC] CONTAKION  (Koj/ra/cioj/).  A  short  ode or  hymn  which  occurs  in  the  Greek  offices.  The name  has  been  variously  derived.  The  expla- nation most  generally  received  is  that  it  signifies a  short  hymn,  from  the  word  Kovrhs,  little ; because  it  contains  in  a  short  space  the  praises of  some  saint  or  festival  (Goar,  not.  31  in  off. Laud.).  It  has  also  been  derived  from  Kovrhs. a  dart  or  javelin  ;  so  that  Contakion  would  mean an  ejaculatory  prayei-,  or  a  short  pointed  hymn after  the  model  of  an  antiphon.  Some,  again, have  considered  the  word  to  be  a  corrujjtion  of Canticum.  Romaninus,  a  deacon  of  Emesa,  who flourished  about  500  A.D.,  is  said  to  be  the author  of  Contakia.  They  frequently  occur  in the  canons  and  other  parts  of  the  office,  and vary  with  the  day.  [Canon  of  Odes.]  In  the list  of  the  officials  of  the  church  of  Constanti- nople we  have  6  &px'^''  ''''^^  KovraKloiv,  named among  the  offices  appropriate  to  priests  (to; 0(p<piKLa  TO??  Upivffi  TrpoariKOVTa). The  word  "Contakion"  is  also  used  of  the volume  containing  the  liturgies  of  St.  Basil,  St. Chrysostom,  and  of  the  praesanctified  alone,  in distinction  to  the  complete  missal.  In  this  sense the  word  is  usually  derived  from  Kovrhs,  a  dart, i.e.  the  wooden  roll  round  which  the  MS.  was rolled,  "  KovTo.^  est  parvus  contus  ....  Inde  et KOVTCLKiov,  Scapus  chartarum,  vel  volumcn  ad instar  baculi"  (Salmas.  Exerc.  FUn.).  Goar,  how- ever, prefers  the  derivation  from  koS'ikiov, "quasi  brevis  codex."  In  the  ordination  of  a priest,  after  the  ceremonies  of  ordination  are completed,  the  newly-ordained  priest  is  directed to  take  his  place  among  the  other  priests,  ai'a- yiyvciffKojv  rh  KovraKiov  (*'.  e.  his  book  of  the liturgy).  [H.  J.  H.] CONTRA  VOTIBI.  A  formula  frequent  in epitaphs,  expressing  the  regret  of  survivors  at  a loss  suffered  against  their  wishes  and  prayers. It  is  of  pagan  origin,  and  does  not  appenr  to have  been  adopted  by  Christians  before  the  5th centurv.  The  earliest  example  of  the  formula given  "by  De  Rossi  is  of  the  commencement  of that  century,  and  runs  as  follows  :  "  Parentis POSVERUNT    TETVLVM    CONTRA    VOTVM    ET    DOLO SVO."  It  is  not  confined,  as  has  sometimes  been supposed,  to  epitaphs  placed  by  parents  for  their children ;  husbands  use  it  of  wives  and  wives  of husbands,  brothers  and  sisters  of  each  other; and  in  fact  it  is  very  generally  used  to  express the  longing  felt  by  the  survivor  for  the  departed. It  is  most  common  in  Northern  Italy.  (Martiguy, Diet,  clcs  Antiq.  Ckre't.  175.)  [C] CONTRACT  OF  MARRIAGE.     This  ex- CONTRACT  OF  MARRIAGE pression  may  be  considered  in  two  different senses,  according  as  it  refers  to  the  agreement  for marriage  in  the  abstract,  or,  according  to  later continental  usage,  to  its  written  evidence  answer- ing to  our  marriage  settlement.  We  shall  consider it  separately  under  these  two  heads. I.  The  law  of  the  church  on  the  subject  of the  contract  of  marriage  is,  as  on  many  other points,  compounded  of  the  Jewish  and  Roman laws,  under  the  influence  of  New  Testament teaching.  It  is  derived  mainly,  in  its  general features,  from  the  latter  system  of  legislation, especially  in  regard  to  the  marriage  of  the  laity  ; from  the  former  mainly  in  regard  to  that  of the  clergy. The  validity  of  the  marriage  contract  generally depends,  it  may  be  said,  on  two  points,  (1)  the inherent  capacity  of  the  parties  to  enter  into  the contract  ;  (2)  the  limitations  which  may  be placed  upon  the  exercise  of  that  capacity. 1.  Strictly  speaking,  the  inherent  capacity  of the  parties  for  marriage  turns  only  upon  tliree points,  (a)  sufficient  age ;  (6)  sufficient  reason  ; (c)  sufficient  freedom  of  will.  On  the  first  point, it  may  be  observed  that  the  old  Roman,  like  the old  Jewish  law,  attached  the  capacity  for  mar- riage by  age  to  the  physical  fact  of  puberty {f/ist.  bk.  i.  t.  X.  §  1);  and  the  same  principle  is practically  followed  in  all  systems  of  legislation which  take  notice  of  age  at  all  in  this  matter, although  it  is  generally  found  convenient  in  the long  run  to  fix  an  age  of  legal  puberty,  without reference  to  the  specific  fact.  Thus  already  in the  Digest  it  is  provided  that  the  marriage  con- tract is  only  valid  on  the  part  of  the  wife  when she  has  completed  her  12th  year,  even  though  she be  already  married  and  living  with  her  husband (bk.  xxiii.  t.  ii.  I.  4).  And  Justinian  himself  in his  Institutes  professes  to  have  fixed,  on  grounds of  decency,  the  age  of  puberty  for  the  male  at  1 4 (bk.  i.  t.  xxii.) ;  both  which  periods  have  very generally  been  adopted  in  modern  legislation. Strange  as  it  may  seem,  the  earlier  Roman legislation  seems  to  have  even  fixed  an  age  be- yond which  a  woman  could  not  marry,  since  we find  Justinian  in  the  Code  abolishing  all  pro- hibitions of  the  Lex  Julia  vel  Papia  against marriages  between  men  and  women  above  or  below 60  and'" 50  {Code,  bk.  v.  t.  iv.  1.  27 ;  and  see  bk. vi.  t.  Iviii.  1.  12).  Nothing  of  this  kind  is  to  be found  in  later  systems  of  legislation,  although disparity  of  age  in  marriage,  as  we  shall  pre- sently see,  has  sometimes  been  sought  to  be  sup- pressed. it  may  here  be  observed  that  physical  in- capacity in  persons  of  full  age  has  never  been held  to  produce  actual  inability  to  enter  into  the marriage  contract,  but  simply  to  render  the marriage  voidable  when  the  fact  is  ascertained (see  Code,  bk.  v.  t.  xvii.  1.  10 ;  Nov.  22,  c.  6 ; Nov.  117,  c.  12).  Nor  is  the  fact  one  of  im- portance in  reference  to  the  marriage  relation, except  where  divorce  is  put  under  restrictions (see  Dig.  bk.  xxir.  t.  i.  11.  60,  61,  62). (b.)  As  respects  the  second  point :  Defect  of reason,  it  may  be  said,  in  refei-ence  to  the  mar- riage contract,  acts  inversely  to  defect  of  age. Thus,  under  the  Roman  law,  followed  generally by  modern  legislation,  madness  was  fatal  to  the validity  of  the  contract,  but  did  not  dissolve  it when  afterwards  supervening  (/>iV/.  bk.  xxxii.  t.  ii. 1.  16,  §  2;    and  see  Jul.  Raul,  liecept.  Sent.  bk. CIUIIST.  ANT. CONTRACT  OF  MARRIAGE       449 ii,  t.  xix.  §  4).  (c.)  The  freedom  of  will  of  the parties,  on  the  other  hand,  can  only  be  testified by  their  consent  to  the  marriage  [as  to  which see  Consent];  but  it  may  also  be  indirectlv secm-ed  by  limitations  of  a  protective  character placed  on  the  exercise  of  the  capacity  to  contract marriage,  which  will  be  considered  presently. It  may  be  sufficient  here  to  observe  that  accord- ing to  the  jurists  of  the  Digest  a  man  might marry  a  woman  by  letters  or  by  proxy  if  she were  brought  to  his  house,  but  this  privilege  did not  belong  to  the  woman  (bk.  xxiii.  t.  ii.  1.  5  ; and  see  j\il.  Paul.  liecept.  Sent.  bk.  ii.  t.  xix. §5)- There  was,  moreover,  one  large  class  of  persons in  whom  there  was  held  to  be  no  freedom  of  will, and,  consequently,  no  capacity  to  contract  mar- riage. It  is  important  to  insist  on  this  point, since  Gibbon  in  the  second  chapter  of  his  great work  speaks  of  the  Romans  as  having  "in  their numerous  families,  and  particularly  in  their country  estates  .  .  .  encouraged  the  marriage  of their  slaves."  A  falser  statement  was  probably never  put  forth  by  a  historian,  unless  for  mar- riage we  read,  in  plain  English,  breeding.  Mar- riage is  simply  impossible  where  the  persons  o-f slaves  of  both  sexes  are  subject,  absolutely  with- out limit,  to  the  lusts,  natural  or  unnatural,  of  a master  (see,  for  instance,  Horace,  Sat.  i.  2,  116). The  slave,  his  master's  thing,  can  have  no  will but  his  master's ;  in  respect  of  the  civil  law  pro- perly so-called,  i.  e,  the  law  made  for  citizens, he  does  not  exist;  (Ulpian,  Dig.  bk.  1.  t.  xvii. 1.  32),  or  as  the  same  jurist  in  his  grand  lan- guage elsewhere  expresses  it,  his  condition  is almost  equivalent  to  death  itself  (ibid.  1.  209). Thus,  according  to  the  logic  of  the  Roman  law, connections  between  slaves  obtain  not  so  much as  a  mention  by  either  the  jurists  of  the  Digest, or  the  Empei-ors  in  the  constitutions  of  the  Code. Connections  between  slaves  and  serfs,  i.  e.  the so-called  adscriptitii  glebae,  are  indeed  mentioned {Code,  bk.  xi.  t.  xlvii.  c.  21),  but  without  the name  of  marriage,  and  only  to  determine  the  con- dition of  the  oftspring,  which  is  fixed  by  that  of the  mother.  liustici,  a  class  of  peasants  who seem  to  have  been  of  higher  status  than  the adscriptitii,  could  contract  marriage  inter  se,  and the  157th  Novel  is  directed  against  the  land- owners of  Mesopotamia  and  Osrhoene,  who  sought to  forbid  their  peasants  to  marry  out  of  their  own estates,  and  if  they  did  so,  were  in  the  habit  of breaking  up  their  marriages  and  flimilies. Wherever,  therefore,  we  find  slaves'  marriages mentioned,  we  must  seek  another  origin  for  the recognition  of  them  than  in  the  Roman  law. That  origin  seems  unquestionably  to  be  in  the Jewish  law.  Although  only  "  Hebrew  "  servants are  mentioned  in  the  passage  of  Exodus  on  this subject  (c.  xxi.  vv.  3,  4,  5,  6),  it  is  clear  that the  Pentateuch  recognized  the  marriage  of  per- sons in  a  servile  condition.  And  with  the sweeping  away  by  the  Christian  dispensation  of all  distinction  between  Jew  and  Gentile  it  is but  natural  to  suppose  that  the  right  of  marriage would  be  extended  from  the  Hebrew  slave  to the  whole  slave  class.  Such  right,  indeed,  was not  absolute,  as  will  have  been  observeii,  but flowed  from  the  master's  will,  and  was  subject  to his  rights.  The  master  gave  a  wife  to  his  slave  ; the  wife  aii<l  her  children  remained  his,  even when  the  slave  himself  obtained  his  freedom. 2  G 450       CONTRACT  OF  MAERIAGE The  Barbarian  Codes  do  not  materiallr  vary from  the  Roman  as  respects  the  marriage  con- tract, so  far  as  respects  the  conditions  of  age and  reason.  It  is  clear,  however,  that,  in  Italy, especially  under  the  Lombards,  and  under  the Visigoths  of  Spain,  habits  of  early  marriage prevailed  which  had  to  be  checked  by  law.  A law  of  King  Luitprand,  A.D.  724,  enacts  that girls  shall  only  be  marriageable  at  the  expiration of  their  12th''year  (bk.  vi.  c.  59).  An  earlier law  of  the  same  king,  A.D.  717,  has  been  already- referred  to  under  the  head  Betrothal  (bk.  ii. c.  6).  Although  18  was  fixed  as  the  age  of  ma- jority for  male  infants,  yet  they  mi^ht  before this  age  contract  either  betrothal  or  marriage, and  had  full  power  of  settling  property  (bk.  vi. c.  64 ;  A.D.  724).  A  Lombard  capitulary  of  Charle- magne's (A.D.  779)  prohibits  generally  the  marry- ing of  a  boy  or  girl  under  the  age  of  puberty, where  there  is  disparity  of  age,  but  allows  them  to marry  when  of  eq.  al  age  and  consenting  (c.  145). ,  The  same  prohibition  is  contained  in  the  Capi- tulary of  Tessino  (Pertz),  A.D.  801,  also  added to  the  Lombard  law. The  Visigothic  law  seems  less  equal  towards the  sexes.  A  law  of  King  Chiudaswinth  (bk.  iii. t.  4)  forbids  on  the  one  hand  women  of  full  age from  marrying  males  under  age,  but  on  the  other enacts  that  girls  under  age  are  only  to  marry husbands  of  full  age.  It  is  not  however  clear whether  the  age  referred  to  is  that  of  puberty  or general  majority. As  respects  the  marriage  of  slaves,  we  find  a formula  on  the  subject  among  those  collected  by Mabillon  (No.  44).  They  appear  clearly  to  have been  recognized  both  by  the  state  and  the church  in  the  reign  of  Charlemagne,  as  will  be presently  shewn. 2.  If  we  turn  now  to  what  we  may  term  the extrinsic  conditions  of  the  capacity  for  marriage, in  other  words  to  the  limitations  placed  upon  the exercise  of  that  capacity,  we  find  the.se  to  have been  very  various.  Some  are  purely  or  mainly moral  ones ;  the  leading  one  of  this  class,  that  of the  amount  of  consanguinity  which  the  law  of diilerent  nations  has  held  to  be  a  bar  to  the validity  of  the  nuptial  contract,  will  be  found treated  of  under  the  heads  of  Cousins-German, Marriage.  Another — singular,  because  exactly opposite  feelings  on  the  subject  have  prevailed in  different  countries — is  to  be  found  in  the  pro- hibition by  the  later  Roman  law  of  marriages between  ravishers  and  their  victims,  under  severe penalties,  both  for  the  parties  themselves,  and the  parents  who  consented  to  it  (Justinian,  Cod. b.  ix.  t.  xiii.  §  1,  Nov.  143,  150). A  directly  contrary  rule  prevailed  under  Theo- doric  in  the  Ostrogothic  kingdom.  The  59th  chap- ter of  his  Edict  compels  the  ravisher  of  a  free- born  woman,  if  of  suitable  fortune  and  noble birth,  as  well  as  single,  to  marry  her,  and  to endow  her  with  l-5th  of  his  property.  The Lombard  law  does  not  seem  to  provide  expressly for  the  case ;  but  the  "  Lex  Romana "  of  the Roman  population  in  Italy  must  have  followed It  in  its  departure  from  the  legislation  of  the emperors,  where,  after  enacting  death  as  the penalty  of  rape,  it  provides  that  if  no  accusation be  brought  for  five  j^ears,  "  the  marriage  will afterwards  be  valid  and  its  issue  legitimate" (bk.  ix.  t.  xviii.).  Death  was  also  the  punish- ment of  rape  among  the  Franks ;  but  Marculf 's CONTRACT  OF  MARRIAGE formulae  show  that  marriages  between  ravisher and  ravished  were  allowed  (bk.  ii.  f.  16).  A Lombard  capitulary  of  Charlemagne's,  however, A.D.  779,  forbids  a  ravished  bride  to  marry  her ravisher,  even  if  her  betrothed  refuses  to  take her  back  (c.  124).  The  law  of  the  Alamans  (t.  Hi.) is  to  the  same  effect.  The  Saxon  law  on  the  con- traiy  (t.  x.)  requires  the  ravisher  to  "  buy  "  the woman  for  300  solidi. It  seems  doubtful  whether  a  canon  of  the Council  of  Iliberis  in  305,  bearing  that  "  virgins who  have  not  kept  their  virginity,  if  they  have married  and  kept  as  husbands  their  violators,"  are to  be  admitted  to  communion  after  a  year  without penance,  applies  really  to  what  we  should  term violation,  or  to  seduction  only.  But  at  any  rate the  Visigothic  law  is  severest  of  all  the  barbaric codes  against  marriages  between  ravishers  and ravished.  Whilst  enacting  that  the  ravisher  with all  his  pi-operty  is  to  be  handed  over  as  a  slave  to the  woman  to  whom  he  has  done  violence,  and  to receive  200  lashes  publicly,  it  imposes  the  pe- nalty of  death  on  both  if  they  intermarry,  unless they  should  flee  to  the  altar,  when  they  are  to be  separated  and  given  to  the  parents  of  the woman  (bk.  iii.  t.  iii.  11.  1,  2).  Closely  allied  to these  enactments  is  one  of  the  Burgundian  law, forbidding  marriages  between  widows  and  their paramours  (t.  xliv.).  It  may  perhajis  be  inferred from  the  above  that  the  tendency  of  the  bar- barian races  had  originally  been  to  favour  such marriages,  but  that  the  influence  of  the  opposite Roman  feeling,  kept  up  no  doubt  traditionally  by the  clergy,  generally  prevailed  in  the  long  run  in the  barbarian  codes. There  were  indeed  certain  moi'al  enormities which  in  some  legislations  were  made  a  bar  to all  subsequent  marriage.  By  the  Visigothic  law, a  freeman  guilty  of  rape  on  a  married  woman, after  receiving  a  hundred  lashes,  was  to  become slave  to  his  victim,  and  never  to  marry  again (bk.  ii.  t.  iv.  1.  14).  But  it  is  the  Carlovingian capitularies  which  apply  most  largely  this  kind of  prohibition.  By  a  capitulary  of  King  Pepin  at Vermerie,  A.D.  753,  if  a  man  committed  adultery with  his  step-daughter,  with  his  step-mother,  or with  his  wife's  sister  or  cousin,  neither  could  ever marry  again  (cc.  2,  10,  11,  12);  nor  a  wife  who had  been  dismissed  by  her  husband  for  conspiring against  his  life  (c.  5).  The  Capitulary  of  Com- piegne,  A.D.  757,  extends  the  prohibition  to  a brother  committing  adultery  with  his  sister-in- law,  a  father  seducing  his  son's  betrothed,  and to  their  respective  paramours  (cc.  11,  13);  to  a man  living  in  adultery  with  a  mother  and daughter,  or  with  two  sisters,  but  to  the  women, in  such  case,  only  if  they  were  aware  of  the  in- cestuous connexion  (cc.  17,  18).  A  capitulary of  the  7th  book  of  the  general  collection  forbids also  a  woman  who  has  had  connexion  with  two brothers  ever  to  marry  again  (c.  381 ;  and  see bk.  V.  c.  168). Another  limitation  on  the  marriage  contract, which  must  be  considered  rather  of  a  political nature,  and  which  prevails  more  or  less  still  in the  military  code  of  almost  every  modern  nation, was  that  on  the  marriage  of  soldiers.  Under  the early  Roman  polity,  marriage  was  absolutely  for- bidden to  soldiers  ;  but  the  Emperor  Claudius allowed  them  the  jms  connuhii,  and  it  seems  cer- tain that  there  were  married  soldiers  under  Galba and  Domitian  (Mur.  Thes.  Inscr,  i.  p.  306 ;  Gori, CONTRACT  OF  MARRIAGE Inscr.  Antiq.  iii.  p.  144).  Severus  seems  how- ever to  have  been  the  first  to  allow  soldiers  to live  with  their  wives  (Herod,  iii.  229).  The Philips,  on  the  other  hand,  seem  to  have  re- stricted the  jus  connuhii  for  soldiers  to  a  first marriage  (Mur.  Thes.  Inscr.  i.  362).  Under  Jus- tinian's Code,  the  marriage  of  soldiers  and  other persons  in  the  militia,  from  the  caligatus  miles  to the  }:)rotector,  was  made  free  without  solemnities of  any  sort,  so  long  as  the  wife  was  free-born {Constitution  of  Theodosius  and  Valentinian,  Code, bk.  V.  t.  iv.  1.  21).  There  having  been  no  re- gular armies  among  the  barbarian  races,  nothing answering  to  the  prohibition  is  to  be  found  in tlieir  codes. We  pass  now  to  those  restrictions  on  marriage which  must  be  considered  to  be  mainly  of  a  pro- tective character,  and  intended  to  secure  the  real freedom,  as  well  as  the  wisdom  of  choice.  To these,  in  the  highest  view  of  the  subject,  belong those  which  turn  upon  the  consent  of  parents [see  Consent]  ;  although  indeed  this  restriction seems  generally  to  have  had  its  historic  origin  in a  much  lower  sphere  of  feeling, —  that  of  the social  dependence  and  slavery  or  quasi-slaverv of  children  to  their  parents.  Next  come  the interdictions  placed  by  the  Roman  law  on  the marriage  of  guardians  or  curators,  or  their  issue, with  their  female  wards.  This  occupies  a  large space  in  the  Corpus  Juris ;  see  Dig.  bk.  xxiii. t.  ii.  11.  59,  60,  62,  64,  66,  67 ;  Code,  bk.  v.  t.  vi. Lastly  come  the  interdictions  on  the  marriage of  officials  withm  their  jurisdictions,  which,  as Fapinian  remarks,  are  analogous  in  principle  to those  on  the  marriage  of  guardians  with  their wards  {Dig.  bk.  xxiii.  t.  ii.  1.  63).  No  official could  marry  (though  he  might  betroth  to  him- self) a  wife  born  or  domiciled  within  the  province in  which  he  held  office,  unless  he  had  been  be- trothed to  her  before  ;  and  if  he  betrothed  a woman,  she  could,  after  his  giving  up  office,  ter- minate the  engagement,  on  returning  the  earnest- money  ;  but  he  could  give  his  daughters  in  mar- riage within  the  province  (1.  38).  The  marriage of  an  official  contracted  against  this  interdiction seems  to  have  been  considered  by  Papinian  abso- lutely void  (1.  63). Under  the  Code,  a  well-known  constitution  of Gratian,  Valentinian,  and  Theodosius,  A.D.  380, known  by  its  title  as  "  Si  rector  Provinciae " (referred  to  supra  under  Arrhae),  whilst  de- priving of  all  binding  force  betrothals  between ])ersons  holding  authority  in  any  province,  their kinsmen  and  dependents,  and  women  of  the  pro- vince, allows  the  marriage  nevertheless  to  be afterwards  carried  out  with  the  consent  of  the betrothed  women  (bk.  v.  t.  ii.).  And  a  previous constitution  of  Gordian  had  provided  that  if  the marriage  were  contracted  against  the  law  with the  woman's  consent,  and  after  her  husband  laid down  his  office  she  remained  of  the  same  mind, the  marriage  became  legal,  and  the  issue  legi- timate (t.  iv.  1.  6).  By  another  constitution, known  as  "  Si  quacumque  praeditus  potestate," a  tine  of  10  lbs.  of  gold  was  enacted  against  offi- cials who  should  seek  to  coerce  women  into marriages,  even  though  these  should  not  be carried  out  (law  of  Gratian,  Valentinian,  and Theodosius,  a.d.  380 ;  ih.  t.  vii.). We  do  not  find  anything  answering  to  these provisions  in  the  Barbarian  Codes,  but  only  in the  work  called  the  Lex  Romana    supposed   to CONTRACT  OF  MARRIAGE      451 I  have  represented  the  personal  law  of  the  Romans I  under  the  Lombard  kings.  Here,  in  barbarous Latin,  some  of  the  provisions  of  the  Code  are reproduced,  whilst  others  are  widely  departed j  from.  For  instance,  in  place  of  the  protective provisions  against  the  marriage  of  guardians  with I  their  wards,  we  have  coarser  ones  providing I  against  the  seduction  of  wards  by  their  guai-- dians,  under  penalty  of  exile  and  confiscation (bk.  ix.  t.  v.). Another  class  of  restrictions  on  marriage  may be  termed  social  ones,  as  depending  chiefly  on disparity  of  social  condition.  The  most  promi- nent disparity  of  condition  in  the  whole  ancient world,  as  it  remains  still  in  much  of  the  modern world,  was  that  between  freeman  and  slave. According  to  the  Roman  law,  there  could  be  abso- lutely no  marriage  between  the  two,  but  only  what was  termed  a  contuhernium  (Jul.  Paul.  Recept. Sent.  bk.  ii.  t.  19,  §  3).  Yet  the  sense  of  human equality  was  so  strong,  thaV^-j'senatus-consultum had  to  be  issued  under  the  Emperor  Claudius against  the  marriage  of  freewomen  with  slaves ; reducing  the  former  to  slavery  itself,  if  the  act were  done  without  the  knowledge  of  the  master, — to  the  condition  of  freedwomen  if  with  his  con- sent (Tacitus,  Ann.  bk.  xii.  c.  53;  a.d.  53). Although  this  law  does  not  appear  in  the  Corpus Juris — perhaps  because  it  might  seem  indirectly to  recognize  slaves'  marriages — it  is  clear  that neither  under  the  Digest  nor  under  the  Code  could there  be  any  marriage  between  free  and  slave. "  With  slave-girls  there  can  be  no  connuhium," says  a  constitution  of  Constantine  (bk.  v.  t.  v. 1.  3)  ;  "/or  from  this  contuhernium  slaves  are born."  It  affords  indeed  a  strange  picture  of  the more  than  servile  condition  of  the  Roman  muni- cipal functionaries,  even  at  this  period  of  the Empire,  that  the  avowed  object  of  the  constitu- tion which  opens  with  this  enunciation  of  a principle,  is  to  prevent  decurions,  through  the passions  of  slave  girls,  finding  a  refuge  in  the bosom  of  the  most  powerful  families.  The  secret marriage  of  a  decurion  with  a  slave  was  to  be punished  by  sending  the  woman  to  the  mines, the  decurion  himself  to  exile  on  some  island, whilst  his  property  passed,  as  if  he  were  dead, to  his  family,  or  in  default  of  such  to  the  city  of which  he  was  a  curial  ;  local  officials  who  were privy  to  the  offence,  or  left  it  unpunished,  were in  like  manner  to  be  sent  to  the  mines.  If  it took  place  in  the  country,  by  permission  of  the girl's  master,  the  estate  where  it  occurred,  with all  slaves' and  live  and  dead  stock,  was  to  be  con- fiscated ;  if  in  a  city  the  master  forfeited  the half  of  all  his  goods.  That  decurions,  however, were  not  the  only  persons  likely  to  marry  slaves is  evident  from  a  constitution  of  Valentinian  and Marcian,  A.D.  428  (j6.  1.  7),  which  enumerates "  the  slave-girl,  the  daughter  of  a  slave-girl," first  amongst  those  persons  whom  senators  may not  marry. If  any  man  married  a  slave,  believing  her  to be  free,  the  marriage  was  void  ah  initio  (22nd Nov.  c.  10).  But  if  a  master  married  his  slave- girl  to  a  freeman,  or  constituted  a  dos  upon  her, which  was  considered  to  be  the  privilege  of  the free,  a  constitution  of  Justinian's  enacted  that this  should  not  only  enfranchise  her,  but  confer on  her  the  rights  of  Roman  citizenship  {Code, bk.  vii.  t.  vi.  f.  9).  In  the  22nd  Novel  (c.  11) the  same  emperor  went  further  still  and  enacted, 2  G  2 452      CONTRACT  OF  MARRIAGE that  when  a  master  either  himself  gave  away  his slave-o'irl  in  marriage,  whetlier  with  or  without dotal  fustruments,  or  knowingly  allowed  another to  give  her  away,  as  a  freewoman,  to  a  man  ignor- ant of  her  condition,  this  should  amount  to  a tacit  enfranchisement,  and  the  marriage  shoiild be  valid;  and  again  (c.  12),  a  fortiot-i,  that  if  a master  had  long  deserted  either  a  male  or  female slave  in  a  state  of  bodily  weakness  (languentes), or  shown  no  care  to  preserve  his  rights  over them,  they,  as  derelicts,  resuming  possession  of themselves,  were  no  longer  to  be  troubled  by  him, so  that  the  marriages  of  such  as  free  men  or women  would  be  lawful.  Finally,  the  78th  Novel provided  that  where  a  man  had  had  children  by his  slave-girl,  and  constituted  a  dos  upon  her (which  had  the  eftect  of  marriage),  this  of  itself had  the  effect  of  manumitting  the  issue  born  in slavery,  and  rendering  them  liberi,  and  no  longer merely  filii,  to  the  father  (c.  4). Closely  analogous  to  the  condition  of  the  slave was  that  of  the  adscriptitius  glebae.  The  mar- riage of  a  freeman  with  an  adscriptitia  does  not however  seem  to  have  been  void,  but  the  children retained  their  mother's  condition.  On  the  other hand,  the  marriage  of  a  freewoman  with  an adscriptitius  was  declared  to  be  absolutely  void  ; they  were  to  be  separated,  and  the  man  punished (Code,  bk.  xi.  t.  xlvii.  1.  24;  22nd  Nov.  c.  17; but  see  54th  Nov.  preface).  Nor  do  we  find  the same  mitigations  of  the  law  in  favour  of  an  ad- scriptitia as  of  a  slave  (supra).  As  respects  the next  higher  class,  that  of  the  riistici,  we  find  that whilst  marriages  between  them  and  free  persons seem  to  have  been  recognized,  the  issue  of  such marriages  was  divided  in  point  of  condition,  the first,  third,  fifth  child,  &c.,  following  that  of  the mother  ("  quod  impar  est,  habebit  venter," 156th  Novel). The  Barbarian  Codes  deal  more  frequently  with the  subject  of  these  marriages,  and  in  some  of them  we  trace  distinctly  the  threefold  condition of  freeman,  serf  or  villain,  and  slave,  the  second becoming  more  and  moi-e  superior  to  the  third. The  intermarriage  of  man  or  woman  belonging to  either  of  the  first  two  classes  involves,  under the  Lombard  laws  (a.d.  638)  of  Rotharis  (c.  218), and  Luitprand  (A.D.  721)  (bk.  iv.  c.  6),  penalties of  greater  or  less  severity.  In  the  Lex  Romana, supposed  to  represent  the  personal  law  of  the Koman  population  in  Italy  in  Lombard  times,  we find  a  provision,  that  if  a  freewoman  marries  her own  slave,  she  shall  be  put  to  death  and  the  slave burnt  alive  (bk.  ix.  t.  vi.). Similar  provisions  are  found  in  the  Alamannic law  (circ.  A.D.  750)  (c.  2,  and  foil.),  in  the  Bava- rian (Append,  de  popul.  leg.  c.  9)  and  the  Frisian (t.  xviii.),  while  the  Visigothic  is  yet  more  cruelly severe,  condemning  all  such  unions,  according  to their  varying  circumstances,  to  the  penalties  of loss  of  freedom,  scourging,  death  by  burning (bk.  iii.  t.  ii.  c.  2). Finally,  a  law  of  King  Gaba  is  addressed  to what  seems  to  have  been  a  peculiar  form  of  semi- slavery  in  the  service  of  the  Church.  Its  title  is, "That  those  who  are  enfranchised,  retaining  ser- vice to  the  Church,  should  not  dare  approach  the marriage  of  free  persons."  It  enacts  that  a  church- slave  absolutely  freed  may  marry  a  freewoman  ; but  if  still  bound  to  the  ohsequium,  he  is  to  re- ceive three  stripes  and  be  separated  from  his wife;  otlierwise  both  are  to  be  in  slavery  with CONTRACT  OF  MARRIAGE their  issue,  the  property  of  the  freewoman  going to  her  heire.  And  the  same  rule  is  enacted  as  to such  women  marrying  freemen  (bk.  iv.  c.  7). Notwithstanding  the  harshness  of  many  of  the above  enactments,  it  must  be  inferred  from  them that  marriages  between  free  and  slaves  were  in- creasing in  frequency.  Indirectly,  moreover, those  which  provide  that  a  freewoman  choosing to  remain  with  her  slave-husband  becomes  a  slave herself,  seem  to  imply,  like  the  senatus-consult under  Claudius  before  quoted,  which  was  not admitted  into  the  Code,  a  recognition  of  marriages between  slaves,  since  the  mere  living  with  a  slave would  not  (except  under  the  Visigothic  law) aftect  the  condition  of  the  freewoman.  There  is moreover  evidence  that,  even  in  the  latter  class of  cases,  custom  was  often  milder  than  the  law. Marculf's  Formularies,  which  are  considered  to have  been  put  together  about  A.D.  660,  contain  a "  charta  de  agnatione,  si  servus  ingenuam  trahit," by  which  a  mistress  grants  the  freedom  of  a  free- woman's  children  by  her  slave  (f  29 ;  and  see Appendix,  f.  18).  The  ultimate  relaxations  of  the law  itself  under  the  Carlovingians  will  be  best treated  of  in  connexion  with  the  ecclesiastical history  of  the  subject. Vast  as  was  the  gap  between  free  and  slave  ill the  ancient  world,  that  between  the  free-born and  the  freed  was  still  considerable, — especially as  between  male  slaves  enfranchised  and  their former  mistresses,  or  the  female  relatives  of  a former  master.  According  to  the  jurist  Paul, a  freedman  aspiring  to  marriage  with  his  pair ona^ or  the  wife  or  daughter  of  his  patronus,  was, according  to  the  dignity  of  the  person,  to  be punished  either  by  being  sent  to  the  mines,  or put  upon  public  works  (Jul.  Paul.  Recept.  Sentcnt. bk.  ii.  t.  xix.  §  6);  unless  indeed  the  condition of  the  patrona  was  so  low  as  to  make  such  a marriage  suitable  for  her  (Dig.  bk.  xxiii.  t.  ii. 1.  13).  On  the  other  hand,  the  Lex  Papia allowed  all  freeborn  males,  except  senators  and their  children  (in  which  case  the  marriage  was void),  to  marry  freedwomen  (ib.  1.  23),  from which  class  seem  however  to  have  been  excepted those  of  brothel-keepers,  probably  as  presumably being  prostitutes  themselves  (Ulpian's  Fragments, t.  xiii.  §  27).  The  marriage  of  a  master  with his  freedwoman  was  by  no  means  looked  upon  in the  same  light  as  that  of  a  mistress  with  her freedman  ;  and  the  patronus  was  restrained  from marrying  his  freedwoman  without  her  will (ib.  1.  28). The  social  restrictions  on  marriage  were,  in this  as  in  other  respects,  relaxed  by  the  later emperors.  The  marriage  to  a  freedwoman  of  a man  who  afterwards  became  a  senator  was  de- clared by  Justinian  to  remain  valid,  as  well  as that  of  a  private  person*s  daughter  to  a  freed- man, when  her  father  was  raised  to  the  senate (Code,  bk.  v.  t.  iv.  1.  28).  He  removed  the  dis- ability to  marriage  which  seems  to  have  beeu considered  to  exist  between  a  man  and  a  girl whom  he  had  brought  up  (alumna)  and  en- franchised (1.  26).  And  by  the  78th  Novel  he allowed  persons  "of  whatever  dignity"  to  marry freedwomen,  provided  "nuptial documents"  were drawn  up  (c.  3). There  were  moreover  certain  conditions  of  life which  were  assimilated  by  their  ignominy  to  the servile  one.  A  free-born  man  could  not  marry  a procuress,  a  woman  ta^en  in  adultery,  one  con- CONTRACT  OF  MARRIAGE denined  by  public  judgment,  or  a  stage-player ; nor,  according  to  Mauricianus,  one  condemned by  the  senate  (Ulpian's  Fragments,  t.  xiii.).  A senator  was  subject  to  the  same  restrictions {Duj.  bk.  xxiii.  t.  ii.  1.  44,  §  8 ;  and  see  1.  43, §§  10,  12);  the  Lex  Julia  et  Papia  imposing, moreover,  a  special  prohibition  on  the  marriage of  either  senators  or  their  issue  with  stage-players or  the  children  of  such  (1.  44),  Under  Valenti- nian  and  Marcian,  A.D.  454,  the  "  low  and  abject" women  who  were  forbidden  to  marry  senators were  declared  to  be  slaves  and  their  daughters, freedwomen  and  their  daughters,  players  and their  daughters,  tavern-keepers  and  their  daugh- ters, the  daughters  of  lenones  and  gladiators,  and women  who  had  publicly  kept  shops  {Code,  bk.  v. t.  V.  1.  7).  If  indeed  a  senator's  daughter  should prostitute  herself,  go  on  the  stage,  or  be  con- demned by  public  judgment,  her  dignity  being lost,  she  might  marry  a  freedman  with  impunity (Diq.  bk.  xxiii.  t.  ii.  1.  47). Thanks,  no  doubt,  to  Theodora's  influence, much  gi-eater  indulgence  was  shewn  under  Jus- tinian to  actresses.  Such  women,  if  they  had left  their  calling  and  led  a  respectable  life,  were enabled  to  intermarry  with  persons  of  any  rank, and  their  children  were  relieved  from  disabi- lities (bk.  V.  t.  iv.  1.  27,  §  1).  By  another constitution  (1.  29),  women  who  had  been  forced to  mount  the  stage,  or  who  wished  to  abandon it,  were  rendered  capable  of  marrying  persons of  the  highest  rank,  without  the  imperial  per- mission. The  jurists  of  the  Digest  had  however  gone beyond  all  specific  restrictions  on  marriage. Modestinus  had  laid  down  that  "in  marriages one  should  not  only  consider  what  is  lawful,  but what  is  honourable."  And  generally  there  seems to  have  grown  up  a  feeling  against  unequal  mar- riages, such  as  is  indicated  in  a  before-quoted constitution  of  Valentinian  and  Marcian  {Code, bk.  V.  t.  v.  1.  7 ;  A.D.  454),  which  provides  that '•a  woman  is  not  to  be  deemed  vile  or  abject who,  although  poor,  is  of  free  descent ;"  and declnres  lawful  the  marriage  of. such  persons, however  poor,  with  senators  or  persons  of  the highest  rank.  And  as  it  seemed  to  have  been inferred,  from  a  constitution  of  Theodosius  and Valentinian,  A.D.  418,  which  abolished  the  neces- sity for  all  formalities  between  persons  of  equal condition  {Code,  bk.  v.  t.  iv.  1.  22),  that  without dotal  instruments  such  marriages  between  pei-- sons  of  unequal  condition  were  not  valid,  Jus- tinian abolished  all  restrictions  on  unequal  mai-- riages,  provided  the  wife  were  free  and  of  free descent,  and  there  was  no  suspicion  of  incest  or auuht  nefarious  (1.  23,  §  7). We  do  not  find  much  in  the  barbarian  codes on  this  branch  of  the  subject.  The  Roman  law against  the  intermarriage  of  freedmen  or  their issue  with  the  posterity  of  their  patrons  re- appears in  the  Wisigothic  code  (bk.  v.  t.  vii.  c.  17), the  penalty  being  reinslavement.  Among  the Wisigoths  there  seems  to  have  been  an  old law  forbidding  the  intermarriage  of  Goths  and Romans,  which  was  repealed  by  Rueswinth {Lex  Wisig.  bk.  iii.  t.  i.),  who  allowed  any  free- man to  marry  any  freewoman,"  with  the  solemn consent  of  her  family,  and  the  permission  of  the court."  The  same  law  must  have  prevailed  in Italy  under  the  Lombards,  though  we  miss  it from  the  Lombard  code,  since  the  Lex  Romana CONTRACT  OF  MARRIAGE      453 forbids  intermarriage  between  Romans  and  Bai-- barians  under  pain  of  death  (bk.  iii.  t.  xiv.). This  restriction  is  however  one  rather  of  a  poli- tical nature. Lastly,  certain  restrictions  on  the  marriage contract  are  of  a  religious  character,  and  will  be best  referred  to  when  we  consider  the  rules  of the  Church  itself  upon  the  subject,  which  we shall  now  proceed  to  do. That  marriage  generally  was  a  civil  contract, subject  to  the  laws  of  the  state,  seems  to  have been  the  received  doctrine  of  the  early  Church ; whilst  at  the  same  time  it  claimed  also  power to  regulate  it  in  the  spirit  of  the  Gospel,  as  is shewn,  for  instance,  in  the  strictness  of  our  Lord and  His  apostles  against  divorce,  although  freely allowed  both  by  the  Jewish  and  the  Roman  law. Hence  Pagan  betrothals  and  marriages  were,  as Selden  observes,  held  valid  by  the  Christians ( Uxor  Ehraica,  bk.  ii.  c.  24).  The  validity  of non-Christian  marriages  seems  to  be  implied  in such  passages  as  1  Cor.  vii.  12-16,  referring  to the  cases  of  a  convert  husband  and  an  uncon- verted wife,  a  convert  wife  and  an  unconverted husband ;  in  the  latter  of  which  cases  at  least the  form  of  marriage  must  be  supposed  to  have been  one  unsanctified  by  the  Church  ;  whilst  both would  seem  to  include  the  hypothesis  of  a  con- version of  either  party  after  such  a  marriage. It  must  moreover  be  observed  that,  with  one exception,  the  forms  of  marriage  in  use  in  the Roman  world  were  purely  civil  ones.  The  only religious  marriage  was  that  by  confarreatio, which  remarkably  enough  was  indissoluble, except  perhaps  by  disfarreatio,  a  practice  of which  the  reality  is  doubted.  But  it  is  clear from  Tacitus  {Ann.  bk.  iv.  c.  16)  that  by  the time  of  Tiberius,  i.  e.  the  beginning  of  the  Chris- tian era,  the  use  of  the  ceremony  had  become very  rare.  When  therefore  the  author  of  the Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  wrote  that  "  marriage  is honourable  in  all  "  (c.  xiii.  4),  and  his  Epistle  was admitted  as  authoritative  in  the  Gentile  as  well as  the  Jewish  churches,  the  inference  is  that the  honour  he  speaks  of  was  felt  to  rest  as well  on  the  ordinary  civil  contract  of  the  Gentile as  on  any  form  in  use  among  the  Jews.  Again, the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (with  an  exception as  to  the  clergy  to  be  hereafter  noticed)  speak simply  of  "  lawful  "  and  "  unlawful"  marriage. Thus,  in  a  sort  of  summary  of  the  faith  con- tained in  the  6th  book  (c.  11),  it  is  said  : "  Every  union  which  is  against  the  law  we  abhor as  iniquitous  and  unholy."  Again:  "Marriage should  be  lawful ;  for  such  a  marriage  is  blame- less "  .{ib.  c.  14)  ;  the  expression  "  lawful  con- nexion "  {v6/j.ifjLos  /xl^is)  occurring  repeatedly  in later  constitutions  (bk.  vi.  cc.  27,  29).  The only  consideration  which  may  east  a  doubt upon  the  application  of  the  idea  of  "  law "  in such  passages  as  the  above,  as  referring  to  the municipal  law,  arises  from  the  circumstance, to  be  presently  adverted  to,  that  the  same expressions  are  used  in  reference  to  unions which  were  not  recognized  by  the  Roman  law. But  the  most  valuable  testimony  to  the  feeling of  the  early  Church  on  this  subject  as  late as  the  2nd  and  ;!rd  centuries,  is  supplied  by Tertulliau  (A.D.  150-226),  a  writer  whose  Chris- tian zeal  ran  always  in  the  direction  of  ultra- strictness.  In  his  treatise  on  Idolatry,  distin- guishing   between    those    solemnities    which    a 454:      CONTRACT  OF  MARRIAGE Christian  man  may  lawfully  attend  and  those Avhich  he  may  not,  he  enumerates  marriage among  such  as  are  free  from  "  any  breath  of idolatry,"  "  pure  by  themselves."  "  The  con- jugal union,"  he  says,  does  not  flow  "  from  the worship  of  any  idol."  "  God  no  more  forbids the  solemnizing  of  marriages  than  the  giving  of a  name  "  (c.  16). As  a  rule,  then,  the  Church  has  followed  the municipal  law  in  reference  to  the  validity  of  the contract  of  marriage,  and  has  thus  not  had  occa- sion to  dwell  much  in  its  legislation  on  the  legal incidents  of  the  contract.  The  validity  of  heathen marriage  is  implied  in  the  judgments  and  deci- sions of  various  popes  and  councils  (some  perhaps antedated)  as  to  pre-baptismal  marriages,  which, in  spite  of  one  or  two  weighty  authorities  to  the contrary,  were  held  binding,  and  on  the  express ground  that  the  issue  of  such  marriages  were lawful  {liberi).  See  the  2nd  letter  of  Pope  In- nocent I.,  A.D.  402-17,  to  Victricius,  c.  6  ;  his 22nd  letter,  to  the  Macedonian  bishops,  c.  2  ;  the 3rd  Council  of  Rome,  A.D.  531  ;  and  the  letters of  Leo  to  Anastasius  and  to  the  bishops  of  Illy- ricum.  The  alleged  decree  of  Pope  Fabian,  a.d. 238-52,  in  Gratian,  embodying  the  Roman  law on  the  effect  of  madness  on  marriage,  is  a  purely superfluous  forgery.  Ecgbert,  archbishop  of York,  indeed,  in  the  Excerptions  attributed  to him,  seems  to  place  the  age  of  puberty  some- what later  than  the  Roman  law,  since  he  says that  a  girl  of  14  has  power  over  her  own  body, a  boy  of  15  over  his  (bk.  ii.  c.  27).  A  canon of  the  Council  of  Friuli,  A.D.  791  (c.  9),  con- tains the  like  prohibition  as  a  previous  capitu- lary before  referred  to  against  marriages  with children. It  has  already  been  observed,  under  the  head *'  Consent,"  that  on  one  point  indeed  a  marked divergence  is  to  be  traced  between  the  practice of  the  Church  and  the  Roman  law.  Slave-mar- riages are  recognized,  at  least  in  the  later  por- tions of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions.  And masters  who  refused  to  sanction  them  were  to be  excommunicated  (viii.  23).  A  free  man,  on the  other  hand,  is  to  dismiss,  not  to  marry,  a slave-concubine  with  whom  he  may  have  lived. (/6;ci) Consistent  with  the  Apostolical  Constitutions, the  first  canonical  epistle  of  St.  Basil  (A.D.  326- 379),  to  Amphiloehius,  bishop  of  Iconium,  treats slave-marriages  as  adulterous  when  contracted without  the  master's  will,  but  as  "  firm  "  when contracted  with  his  consent ;  assimilating  them to  the  marriages  of  minors,  and  using  the  same word  (/fuptoi)  to  express  the  authority  both  of the  father  and  of  the  master.  A  work  of  doubt- ful character,  which  claims  authorship  from  the Nicene  fathers,  the  Sandiones  et  decrcta  alia, which  in  the  collection  of  councils  by  Labbe'  and Mansi  will  be  found  appended  to  the  canons  of the  Council  of  Nicaea  (vol.  ii.  p.  1029,  and  foil.), but  which  are  evidently  of  much  later  date, declares  that  "marriage  with  slaves,  male  or female,  is  not  allowed  to  Christians,  unless  after emancipation  ;  which  being  done,  let  them  con- tract by  the  law  of  marriage  and  freely,  a  dos being  assigned,  according  to  the  constitution  of the  country  which  they  inhabit "  (bk.  i.  c.  4). One  of  the  alleged  canons  of  the  Nicene  council from  the  Arabic,  on  the  other  hand,  implies  the practice    of    intermarriage    with     slaves    even CONTRACT  OF  MARRIAGE amongst  the  clergy,  in  condemning  as  bigamous those  priests  or  deacons  who  having  dismissed their  wives,  or  even  without  dismissing  them, marry  others,  whether  free  or  slave  (can.  66,  or 71  of  the  Eulullensian  version).  But  these canons  are  also  evidently  of  much  later  date than  that  ascribed  to  them,  though  very  likely repi-esenting  the  practice  of  the  Arabian  church. If  we  mention  here  two  alleged  decrees  of  Pope Julius  I.  A.D.  336-52,  the  one  against  separating slaves  once  married,  the  other  allowing  a  master to  marry  his  enfranchised  slave-girl  (Gratian, cc.  4,  10),  it  is  onlv  on  account  of  their  professed date. There  ra-e  indeed  not  wanting  indications  of  a narrower  spirit  among  the  leaders  of  the  Church. A  letter  of  Pope  Leo  the  Great  (167),  a.d.  458 or  9,  addressed  to  Rusticus,  bishop  of  Narbonne, seems  to  imply  the  nullity  of  slaves'  marriages, and  reproduces,  on  Old-Testament  gi'ounds,  the strictest  views  of  the  Roman  law  against  unequal marriage.  "  Every  woman  united  to  a  man  is not  a  wife,  since  neither  is  every  son  his  father's heir.  The  bonds  of  marriage  are  lawful  between the  free  and  between  equals ;  the  Lord  establish- ing this  long  before  the  commencement  of  the Roman  law  existed.  Therefore  a  wife  is  one thing,  a  concubine  another  ;  as  also  a  bondmaid is  one  thing,  a  freewoman  another"  (quoting Gen.  xxi.  10).  [Concubines.]  Suspicion  is indeed  cast  upon  this  text  by  its  use  of  the word  ingenuus,  free-born,  as  simply  synon}'- mous  with  liber,  free,  a  mistake  which  never occurs  in  the  Code  or  Novels,  though  nearly  a century  later  in  date,  and  (though  it  may  be  said that  a  pope  was  not  bound  to  be  strictly  accurate in  his  law-language)  it  is  not  impossible  that  it may  be  a  forgery  of  the  Carlovingian  era,  in- vented to  support  a  capitulary  to  the  same eft'ect,  to  be  presently  noticed. The  24th  canon  of  the  4th  Council  of  Orleans, A.D.  541,  enacts  that  slaves  fleeing  to  the  pre- cincts ("  septa  ")  of  churches  in  order  to  marry are  not  to  be  allowed,  nor  are  clerics  to  defend such  unions,  but  they  are  to  be  returned  to  their masters  and  separated,  unless  their  parents  and masters  will  let  them  marry ; — a  remarkable enactment,  as  shewing  a  recognition  of  parental authority  in  a  slave. Another  canon  of  the  same  Council,  forbidding marriages  between  Jews  and  Christian  slave-girls, seems  to  imply  the  intrinsic  validity  of  marriages between  free  and  slave  (c.  31).  Another  is  re- markable as  repeating,  with  the  severer  penalty of  excommunication,  the  enactments  of  the  Roman law  against  the  marriage  of  officials  within  their provinces  (c.  22). A  case  in  which  a  slave-marriage  is  recognised occurs  in  a  letter  of  Pope  Pelagius  (a.d.  555-66) to  the  sub-deacon  Melleus.  (Labbe'  and  Mansi's Councils,  vol,  ix.  p.  737.) On  the  other  hand,  Gregory  the  Great  implies the  invalidity  of  a  marriage  between  slave  and free  in  a  letter  to  Fortunatus,  bishop  of  Naples (bk.  vi.  ep.  1),  in  favour  of  a  woman  whom  her husband  had  dismissed  as  being  of  servile  condi- tion ;  but  who,  being  now  proved  free,  was without  delay  to  be  received  back  by  him.  The same  pope  however  in  another  letter — to  Mon- tana and  Thomas,  slaves  whom  he  enfranchised with  the  privileges  of  Roman  citizenshij) — imi)lies the  practice  of  slave-marriages,  since  he  speaks CONTRACT  OF  MAEEIAGE of  the  ''betrothal  gifts "  (sponsalia)  which  the priest  GauJiosus  had  given  in  writing  (con- scripserat)  to  '•  thy  mother"  (bk.  v.  ep.  12). The  1st  Council  of  Macon,  A.D.  581,  declares indissoluble  the  intermarriage  of  two  slaves  with their  master's  consent,  ai'ter  the  enfranchisement of  either  (c.  10).  The  30th  canon  of  the  English council  held  under  Archbishop  Theodore  of  Can- terbury, towards  the  end  of  the  7th  century, bears  that  "  the  free  (or  free-born)  must  marry with  the  free."  Pope  Stephen  (a.d.  754)  in  his replies  to  various  consultations  at  Bienz,  follows Leo  as  to  the  dismissal  of  the  ancillas  and  marry- ing a  free  woman.  It  seems  difficult  to  ascribe  a specific  origin  to  a  prescription  found  among some  "  excei'pta  de  libris  Romanorum  et  Fran- corum,"  appended  to  a  collection  of  fresh  canons, probably  of  the  beginning  of  the  8th  century, which  bears  that  "  if  any  one  chooses  to  have his  slave-girl  in  marriage,  and  has  power  over his  property,  if  afterwards  he  would  sell  her,  he cannot  do  so  ;  he  is  himself  to  be  condemned,  and tlie  woman  handed  over  to  the  priest "  (c.  60). Perhaps  however  we  have  only  here  a  fi\r-oft'  echo of  Exod.  xxi.  8,  or  Deut.  xxi.  14. The  subject  indeed  both  of  slave-marriages and  of  intermarriage  between  slave  and  free seems  to  have  been  greatly  considered  under  the Carlovingiaus :  and  both  the  civil  and  ecclesias- tical law  (which  indeed  at  this  period  blend almost  undistinguishably  together)  settle  down into  the  recognition  of  such  marriages  and  inter- marriages as  binding  under  certain  conditions. As  respects  the  former.  King  Pepin's  capitulary of  Vermerie,  A.D.  753,  enacts  that  if  a  slave  hus- band and  wife  have  been  separated  by  sale,  "  they are  to  be  exhorted  so  to  remain,  if  we  cannot reunite  them  "  (c.  19);  a  text  at  least  strongly tending  to  the  indissolubility  of  such  unions. A  more  singular  one  provides  that  if  a  slave  have his  slave-girl  for  concubine,  he  may  dismiss  her and  accept  "  his  compeer,  his  master's  slave-girl (comparem  suam  anciilara  domini  sui  accipere) ; but  it  is  better  that  he  keep  his  own  slave-girl " (c.  7).  In  both  texts  we  see  already  visibly  the  hand of  the  Church  endeavouring  to  restrain  the  abuses of  slavery.  It  is  moreover  enacted  that  if  a  car- tcllarius — apparently  a  slave  freed  by  charter — on receiving  his  freedom  dismisses  his  slave  partner to  take  another  woman,  he  must  leave  the  latter (c.  20).  Fifty  yeai's  later,  the  validity  of  slave marriages  is  again  implied  in  some  "  Capitula misso  cuidam  data "  of  the  year  803,  published by  Pertz,  and  to  be  presently  referred  to.  And ten  years  later  still,  a  capitulary  added  in  some Codices  to  the  Lombard  law  (c.  5),  as  well  as  the 30th  canon  of  the  2nd  Council  of  Chilons  (both of  A.D.  813),  enact  the  indissolubleness  of  slaves' marriages,  even  when  belonging  to  difterent masters,  provided  their  marriage  be  legal,  and by  the  will  of  their  masters.  Lastly,  to  the Carlovingian  period  should  also  perhaps  be  re- ferred the  two  alleged  decrees  in  Gratian  of Pope  Julius  I.  (supra).  It  is  almost  needless  to dwell  on  the  momentous  influence  of  the  change of  view  indicated  by  the  above  enactments  on the  condition  of  the  slave.  Evidently,  from  the moment  a  slave  could  lawfully  marry,  he  was no  longer  a  thing,  but  a  person.  It  might  almost be  said  that  fr9m  this  period  slavery  properly  so called  exists  no  longer  within  the  Carlovingian world  •   serfdom,   or  a  condition  of  dependence, CONTRACT  OF  MARRIAGE      455 it  might  be  absolute,  of  one  man  on  another, has  replaced  it. As  respects  inter-marriages  between  slave  and free.  King  Pepin's  capitulary  of  Verme»ie,  of  A.D. 753,  enacts  that  where  a  free-man  knowingly marries  a  slave-girl,  he  shall  always  after  live with  her  (c.  13).  The  king  does  not  even  treat such  marriages  as  absolutely  void,  when  con- tracted in  ignorance,  allowing  the  free  person  to leave  his  or  her  slave-partner  and  marry  another only  if  such  slave  cannot  be  redeemed  (c.  6).  The contemporary  Council  of  Vermerie  recognized  the validity  of  marriage  between  a  freewoman  and  a slave,  when  contracted  knowingly  on  her  part,  on the  ground  that  there  should  be  one  law  to  the man  and  to  the  woman,  and  that  "  we  have  all one  Father  in  the  heavens."  The  capitulary  of Compiegne,  757,  enacts  that  if  a  freewoman marries  a  slave,  knowing  him  to  be  such,  he shall  have  her  whilst  he  lives  (c.  8).  On  the other  hand,  "  if  a  Prankish  man  has  taken  a woman  and  hopes  that  she  is  free,"  and  after- wards finds  that  she  is  not,  he  may  dismiss  her and  take  another ;  and  so  of  a  woman  (c.  5, otherwise  7), The  validity  of  such  unions  is  also  implied in  an  enactment,  placing  marriage  with  a  free- man, a  slave,  or  a  cleric,  on  exactly  the  same footing  (c.  4).  Similarly,  a  Bavarian  council  at Dilgelfind,  772,  enacted  that  where  a  slave  mar- ried a  woman  of  noble  birth  who  was  ignorant of  his  condition,  she  should  leave  him  and  be free  (c.  10).  The  same  rule  was  enacted  in  the case  of  a  ft-eeborn  Bavarian  woman  marrying  a serf  of  the  Church  ("  de  popularibus  legibus," c.  9). Among  the  specially  religious  restrictions which  were  sought  to  be  placed  on  the  marriage contract  in  the  early  ages  of  the  Church,  the  one which  would  first  claim  our  attention  is  that  on the  marriage  of  Christians  with  Gentiles,  or  even- tually also  with  Jews  and  heretics.  This  how- ever will  not  be  specially  treated  of  here.  The next  is  that  connected  with  the  monkish  profes- sion, which  must  be  distinguished  from  the  early vow  of  virginity  in  the  female  sex,  and  from  the institution  of  the  Church-virgins.  The  vow  of virginity,  which  for  many  centuries  now  has  been considered  an  essential  prerequisite  of  the  mo- nastic profession,  was  not  so  by  any  means  in  the early  hei'oic  days'  of  monachism.  St.  Basil  in the  4th  century,  after  .dwelling  upon  the  pro- fession of  virginity  by  women,  says  expressly  : "  As  to  professions  of  men,  we  know  nothing  of them,  except  that  if  any  have  joined  themselves to  the  monastic  order,  they  appear,  without word  spoken,  to  have  thereby  adopted  celibacy  " (2nd  Can.  Ep.  c.  19).  In  the  5th  century however,  Pope  Leo  the  Great  treats  the  marriage of  monks  as  a  punishable  offence,  but  not  appa- rently as  void  in  itself.  Writing  to  Rusticus, bishop  of  Narbonne,  about  a.d.  458  or  459,  he places  on  the  same  footing  the  entering  by  monks into  the  militia  (a  term  probably  equivalent  at this  time  to  the  service  of  the  state,  whether military  or  civil)  and  their  marriage.  Those who,  leaving  the  monastic  profession,  turn  to  the militia  or  to  marriage,  are  to  purge  themselves by  the  satisfoction  of  public  penance  ;  for  al- though the  militia  may  be  innocent  and  marriage honourable,  to  have  abandoned  the  better  choice is  a  transgression  (Ej).  167,  c.  14).      The  con- 456      CONTEACT  OF  MARRIAGE temporary  Council  of  Chalcedon,  a.d.  451,  in  like manner  excommunicated  alike  the  monk  and  the virgin  devoted  to  God  who  enter  into  marriage, but  allows  the  local  bishop  to  shew  indulgence (c.  1(5).  And  the  ecclesiastical  validity  of  a monk's  marriage  at  the  beginning  of  the  6th century  is  implied  in  the  21st  canon  of  the 2nd  Council  of  Orleans,  a.d.  511,  which  enacts that  a  monk  who  marries  shall  be  incapable  of holding  any  ecclesiastical  office.  Later  still  in the  East  (A.D.  535),  the  6th  Novel  only  forbids marriage  to  monks  who  hare  received  the  cle- rical ordination,  reducing  them  to  the  rank  of private  persons  (c.  8).  In  the  West,  however, the  2nd  Council  of  Tours,  A.D.  567,  not  only  dis- tinctly prohibited  the  marriage  of  monks  under penalty  of  excommunication,  but  invoked  the  aid of  "  the  judge "  to  separate  them  from  their wives,  under  penalty  of  excommunication  for himself  if  he  refused  it  (c.  15);  an  evident attempt  to  enforce  by  spiritual  terrors  what  the state  still  refused  to  erect  into  law. This  is  indeed  the  period  when  monks,  at  first mere  laymen,  were  beginning  to  be  viewed,  in the  West  at  least,  as  partaking  of  the  clerical character.  The  Council  of  Aries  in  554  had  de- creed that  monasteries  both  of  men  and  women should  be  subjected  to  episcopal  jurisdiction.  So far  as  this  view  prevailed  (for  w&  must  not  forget that  the  monks  themselves  long  struggled  against it),  the  prohibition  of  the  mai-riage  of  monks  will have  been  considered  as  implied  in  that  of  the marriage  of  clerics  generally,  though  such  mar- riages are  sometimes  specifically  referred  to. Towards  the  end  of  the  century,  the  6th  General Council,  the  3rd  of  Constantinople,  in  Trullo, A.D.  692,  enacted  that  a  monk  who  should  marry was  to  be  punished  as  a  fornicator  (c.  44).  In the  West,  in  the  first  part  of  the  8th  century, Gregory  the  2nd,  A.D.  714—750,  in  his  letter  to Bishop  Boniface,  going  further  than  any  of  his predecessors,  would  not  allow  those  who  as  chil- dren have  been  shut  up  by  their  parents  in monasteries  after  puberty  to  leave  such  monas- teries and  marry  (Ep.  13,  c.  7).  The  marriage of  monks  was  again  condemned  by  Pope  Zacharias, A.D.  741-51,  in  his  7th  letter,  addressed  to  Pepin as  mayor  of  the  palace  (c.  26).  About  the  same period  the  canons  "  de  remediis  peccatorum  "  of Egbert,  archbishop  of  York,  place  the  monk  on the  same  footing  as  to  marriage  with  the  priest or  deacon  ;  requiring  one  of  such  who  takes  a wife  to  be  '' deposed "  in  conscientid populi"  i.  e. apparently,  with  the  full  knowledge  of  the  people (c.  7).  It  may  be  added  that  the  Council  of  Con- stantinople in  814  in  like  manner  excommuni- cated a  monk  who  should  marry,  and  required him  against  his  will  to  be  clothed  in  the  monastic robe  and  shut  up  in  the  monastery  (c.  35).  All such  prohibitions  indeed  bear  witness  to  the existence  of  the  practices  which  they  denounce ; and  indeed  a  letter  of  Pope  Hadrian  II.  (a.d. 772-95)  to  Charlemagne  contains  a  complaint against  the  marriage  of  monks — apparently  in Lombardy — and  asks  the  emperor  to  punish them. It  is  somewhat  difficult  for  a  long  time  to distinguish  in  reference  to  this  subject,  so  fer  as women  are  concerned,  the  woman  under  vow  of virginity  or  celibacy  (as  to  whom  see  Devota), and  the  nun  (see  heading  Nun).  In  France,  a general  constitution  of  KingClothar  I.   a.d.  560, CONTRACT  OF  MARRIAGE forbids  (c.  8)  all  persons  to  marry  "  sanctimo- niales."  Another  of  King  Clothar  il.,  a.d.  614, forbids  any  even  "  by  our  precept "  to  marry religious  girls  and  widows,  or  nuns  who  have vowed  themselves  to  God,  as  well  those  who dwell  in  their  own  houses  as  those  who  are placed  in  monasteries.  That  such  marriages however  occurred  in  Italy  still,  is  apparent from  a  letter  of  Pope  Gregory  I.  the  Great (a.d.  590-603)  to  Bishop  Januarius  (bk.  iii.  ep. 24).  Distinguishing  between  "  veiled  virgins  " and  nuns,  he  says  that  as  respects  women  who have  gone  from  monasteries  to  lay  life  and  mar- ried, '"  Those  who  have  exceeded  against  such women "  (i.  e.  their  husbands),  "  and  are  now suspended  from  communion,  if  penitent,  may  be readmitted."  It  is  difficult  in  many  instances  to define  how  far  the  meaning  of  the  terms  "  sacrae  " or  "  sacratae  virgines "  is  to  be  extended  or restricted.  By  the  8th  century,  indeed,  the church-virgin  and  the  private  devota  seem  for  . all  practical  purposes  to  have  merged  in  the  nun. Indeed  the  Uxcerpta  of  Egbert,  archbishop  of York,  treat  a  private  vow  of  celibacy  by  man  or woman  as  "  foolish  and  impossible,"  and  its  breach by  marriage  as  only  to  be  punished  by  three winters'  fasting  (bk.  ii.  c.  19).  The  1st  Council of  Rome  in  721,  "  against  illicit  marriages," expressly  anathematizes  one  who  marries  '•  mo- nacham  quam  Dei  ancillam  appellamus"  (c.  3). The  before-quoted  Excerpta  of  Egbert  con- tain the  like  anathema,  using  the  expression "  monialem,  quae  Dei  sponsa  vocatur "  (bk.  ii. c.  18) ;  the  parties  are  to  be  separated,  and condemned  to  perpetual  penance.  Among  the "  answers  "  of  Pope  Stephen  II.  from  Bierzy  to "  various  consultations  "  (a.d.  754)  is  one,  that it  is  "  net  lawful  for  a  virgin  who  has  conse- crated herself  to  God,  likewise  for  a  monk,  to marry  :  "  either  is  to  be  excommunicated  ;  but  the bishop  "  may  shew  humanity  and  mercy  "  (c.  7). The  Synod  of  Metz,  in  753,  includes  marriages with  a  woman  consecrated  to  God  among  incests (c.  1);  as  does  also  the  Council  of  Calchuyth (i.e.  Chelsea),  A.D.  787,  using  the  term  "sancti- monialis"  (c.  15).  See  also  similar  prohibitions against  the  marriage  of  nuns  by  the  Bavarian Council  of  Dingelfiud,  A.D.  772  (c.  4);  and  by the  Council  of  Friuli,  A.D.  791  (c.  11),  which requires  girls  and  widows  who  have  vowed  vir- ginity or  continence,  and  have  been  "  emanci- pated to  God,"  if  afterwards  they  marry,  to  be subjected  "  by  secular  judgment  to  fit  bodily chastisement  "  before  undergoing  their  spiritual punishment. The  prohibition  against  the  marriage  of  monks and  religious  women  by  degrees  found  its  way into  the  civil  law  of  several  of  the  barbarian kingdoms  besides  France.  Among  the  laws  of King  Luitprand  of  Lombardy,  A.D.  721,  or  later, we  find  one  of  this  kind  as  to  women,  in  which their  position  when  they  have  assumed  the  reli- gious habit  is  assimilated  to  that  of  girls  be- trothed under  the  civil  law,  whose  marriage entails  a  penalty  of  500  solidi  (bk.  v.  c.  1).  In the  Wisigothic  code,  a  law  of  Recarede  inflicts "  on  incestuous  marriages  and  adulteiMes,  or  on sacred  virgins  and  widows  and  penitents,  defiled^ with  lay  vesture  or  marriage  "  the  penalties  of exile,  separation,  and  forfeiture  of  property  (bk. iii.  t.  V.  c.  2). By  the  time  of  the  Carlovingians,  the  civil  and CONTRACT  OF  MARRIAGE ecclesiastical  law  almost  wholly  coalesce.  King Pepin's  capitulary  ot'Soissons  in  744  forbids  mar-  i riage  with  holy  women  together  with  incestuous  j marriages  and  bigamy  (c.  9).  In  the  6th  book of  the  Capitularies  we  find  one  (c.  411)  almost  in the  same  terms  with  the  law  of  Recarede  above quoted,  declaring  that  marriage  with  a  virgin  de- voted to  God,  a  person  under  the  religious  habit, or  professing  the  continence  of  widowhood,  is  not a  true  marriage,  and  requiring  the  parties  to be  separated  by  either  the  piiest  or  the  judge, without  even  any  accusation  being  lodged  with him,  the  penalty  being  still  perpetual  exile. (Comp.  also  Capit.  414,  424,  bk.  vii.  c.  338.) In  the  East,  on  the  contrary,  about  the  end  of the  8th  century,  it  is  noted  as  one  of  the  features of  Constantine  Copronymus'  tyi-anny,  that  he compelled  monks  to  marry. We  shall  now  deal,  though  we  do  not  propose to  do  so  at  full  length  in  this  place,  with  the contract  of  man-iage  as  respects  the  clergy  pro- perly so  called.  It  need  hardly  be  observed  that, so  far  as  such  contract  might  be  recognized  as valid,  all  the  restraints  upon  it  in  the  case  of laymen  would  apply  also  to  clerics.  Sometimes indeed  these  had  to  be  specifically  enacted.  Thus the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  A.D.  451,  provided  that no  cleric  should  take  a  heretic,  Jew,  or  pagan,  to wife,  unless  he  should  promise  to  convert  her, under  pain  of  canonical  punishment  (c.  14).  But the  Church  had  also  restraints  of  its  own  in  the latter  instance.  We  have  said  that,  as  respects the  clergy,  the  practice  of  the  Church  in  respect to  marriage  was  mainly  founded  on  the  Jewish law.  The  marriage  of  priests  was  by  the  Penta- teuch surrounded  with  peculiar  restrictions.  The priest  was  not  to  marry  a  harlot  or  "  profane  " woman,  or  one  divorced,  or  a  widow,  but  a  virgin only  (Lev.  xxi.  7, 13, 14).  [According  to  Selden, indeed,  the  prohibition  to  take  a  widow  or  person who  had  lost  her  virginity  only  applied  to  the high-priest ;  but  he  was  also  held  debarred  from marriage  with  proselytes  or  freedwomen  ;  Uxor Hebraica,  bk.  i.  c.  7.]  The  Pastoral  Epistles,  in requiring  bishops  or  deacons  to  be  "  husbands  of one  wife  "  (1  Tim.  iii.  2,  12  ;  Tit.  i.  6),  instead of  being  considered  as  substituting  a  new  rule for  existing  Jewish  prescriptions,  seem  only  to have  been  viewed  as  adding  to  these  a  further one  against  Digamy.  What  will  have  to  be  said on  this  latter  head  need  not  here  be  anticipated. As  a  rule,  however,  we*  may  say  that  wherever  it is  laid  down  that  the  bishop  or  deacon  shall  be the  husband  of  one  wife,  it  is  also  provided  that such  wife  shall  answer  to  the  Levitical  prescrip- tions. JS.  g.  The  Apostolical  Constitutions,  bk.  ii. c.  2,  require  the  bishop  not  only  to  be  the  hus- band of  one  woman  once  married,  but  to  have, or  to  have  had,  a  "  respectable  {a-e/xv^v)  and faithful  wife;"  in  the  6th  bk.  c.  17  (a  later constitution),  both  requires  all  the  clergy  to  be monogamists,  and  forbids  them  all  to  marry either  a  harlot  (the  term  seems  rather  too  strong as  a  translation  of  the  Greek  traipa,  albeit  ren- dered meretrix  in  the  Latin  versions),  a  slave,  a widow,  or  a  divorced  woman,  "  as  the  law  also saith ;"  although  the  Pentateuch  does  not  forbid the  priest's  marriage  with  a  slave,  and  the  re- striction is  one  evidently  borrowed  from  the Roman  law.  Lastly,  the  Apostolical  Canons  ex- clude from  admission  to  the  clergy  those  who have  married  "  a  widow,  or  divorced  person,  or CONTRACT  OF  MARRIAGE       457 harlot,  or  slave,  or  one  of  those  on  the  stage  " (c.  14,  otherwise  reckoned  17  or  18);  this  last restriction  being  also  adopted  from  the  Roman law,  as  has  been  shewn  already. In  respect  of  the  marriage  of  the  clergy  indeed, the  restraint  which  occupies  most  space  in  the church  legislation  of  the  period  which  occupies us  is  that  on  digamous  or  quasi-digamous  mar- riages, which  will  be  considered  under  the  head  of Digamy.  Meanwhile  however  there  was  grow- ing up  a  feeling  against  all  marriage  of  the  clergy whilst  in  orders,  tending  to  their  absolute  ceti- bacy,  the  history  of  which  has  been  treated  of under  that  head.  [See  Celibacy.]  The  notices which  occur  of  other  restraints  upon  clerical  mar- riages are  comparatively  few  and  unimportant. The  "  Sanctions  and  Decrees "  attributed  to the  Nicene  fathers — which,  though  extant  in Latin,  seem  evidently  to  embody  Greek  practice, though  no' doubt  of  a  much  later  date  than  the one  ascribed  to  them — require,  with  something of  a  plethora  of  words,  the  priest  not  to  be one  who  has  married  a  slave-girl,  an  adulteress or  immodest  woman  (c.  14).  The  Council  of Tarragona,  A.D.  516,  requires  readers  and  ostiarii who  wish  to  marry  or  live  with  adulterous  women either  to  withdraw  or  to  be  held  excluded  from the  clergy  (c.  9).  A  letter  of  Gregory  the  Great (A.D.  590-603)  to  John,  bishop  of  Palermo,  implies the  invalidity  of  a  deacon's  marriage  with  a  woman who  did  not  come  to  him  a  virgin  (bk.  xi.  ep.  62). An  alleged  canon  of  the  same  Pope  forbids  the  or- dination, amongst  others,  of  one  who  had  married a  harlot  (c.  4).  Yet  the  4th  Council  of  Toledo, A.D.  633,  seems  to  imply  that  such  marriages might  be  legalized  by  episcopal  permission,  since it  excommunicates  those  clerks  who,  "  without consulting  their  bishop,  have  married  a  widow, a  divorced  woman,  or  a  harlot "  (c.  44).  And an  "  allocution  of  the  priests  to  the  people  on unlawful  marriages,"  appended  to  the  records  of the  Council  of  Leptines  in  743,  provides  that  a future  priest  is  not  to  marry  a  divorced  woman, harlot,  or  widow. To  pass  now  from  the  ecclesiastical  to  the civil  law,  it  must  be  observed  that  by  the  time of  Justinian  the  Roman  law  professes  only  to follow  the  "  sacred  canons  "  as  respects  the  mar- riage of  the  clergy,  and  gives  force  of  law  to  the prohibitions  contained  in  them.  The  children  of clerics  by  women  "  to  whom  they  cannot  be united  according  to  sacerdotal  censures  "  ai-e  de- clared incapable  of  inheriting  or  receiving  dona- tions from  their  fathers  {Code,  bk.  i.  7,  iii.  1.  45 ; A.D.  530).  The  6th  novel  requires  the  bishop  to be  either  a  chaste  unmarried  man,  or  the  hus- band of  a  woman  who  came  to  him  a  virgin, "  not  a  widow,  nor  divorced,  nor  a  concubine  " (the  last  term  apparently  corresponding  to  the kraipa  of  the  Apost.  Constitutions,  and  indi- cating a  milder  interpretation  than  that  of  the Latin  translators)  ;  but  requires  the  bishop  not  to live  with  his  wife,  and  without  inquiring  into  the position  of  those  who  have  been  already  long married,  forbids  in  future  the  episcopal  ordi- nation of  married  men.  Taken  in  conjunction with  this  enactment,  the  123rd  novel  may  be considered  as  finally  establishing  as  a.  rule  of civil  law  that  principle  of  episcopsiJ  celibacy, which  still  obtains  in  the  Greek  church.  The same  rules  are  substantially  ap]ilied  to  the  rest of  the  clergy  (c  v.).     The"l23rd  Novel  forbids 458      CONTRACT  OF  MARRIAGE the  ordaining  of  a  bishop  who  either  does  not live  chastely,  or  has  not  had  a  "wife,  his  only and  first,  neither  a  widow,  nor  divorced  from  her husband'  nor  otherwise  forbidden  by  the  laws  or the  sacred  canons  "  (c.  i.).  Other  clerics  may  be ordained  having  a  legitimate  wife  of  the  same description  (c.  xiii.).  And  the  reader  contracting a  second  marriage,  or  marrying  any  other  than such  a  wife  as  above  described,  was  not  to  rise  to any  higher  office  (c.  xiv.).  It  hardly  appears, however,  that  up  to  this  period  the  contract  of marriage itself  was   made  void  if  entered  into against  the  prohibitions  of  the  law  ;  unless  the declaring  their  children  bastards  (spurii)  may  be taken  to  imply  this  {Code,  bk.  i.  7 ;  iii.  1.  45). Among  the  barbarian  codes,  the  only  one  which appears  to  prohibit  clerical  marriage  is  that  of the  Wisigoths,  drawn  up  under  clerical  influence, A  law  of  Eecarede  forbids  the  marriage  or  adul- terv  of  a  priest,  deacon,  or  sub-deacon,  with  a "  widow  vowed  to  God,  a  penitent,  or  any  secular virgin  or  woman,"  under  pain  of  separation  and punishment  according  to  the  canon,  the  woman to  receive  100  lashes  (bk.  ii.  7 ;  iv.  c.  18).  Nor is  it  amiss  to  remark  that  in  spite  of  various attempts  by  councils  to  enforce  the  absolute celibacy  of  the  clergy,  the  validity  of  clerical marriage  is  recognized  by  the  civil  law  under Charlemagne  himself.  In  a  capitulary,  "  De regulis  clericorum"  (bk.  vii.  c.  652),  it  is enacted  that  clerics  "  should  also  endeavour  to preserve  perpetually  the  chastity  of  an  unpolluted body,  or  certainly  to  be  united  in  the  bond  of  a single  marriage." 11.  We  have  now  to  say  a  few  words  on  the subject  of  the  contract  of  marriage  in  the  sense in  which  the  expression  is  still  used  in  France ("  contrat  de  mariage  "  :=  marriage  settlement), of  the  written  evidence  of  the  contract  itself  as between  the  parties. The  marriage  contract  among  the  Romans  was habitually  certified  in  writing  on  waxen  tablets, termed  nuptiales  tabulae,  which,  however,  might also  be  used  after  marriage  ;  e.  g.,  on  the  birth of  a  child.  The  tabulae  wei-e  signed  both  by  the parties  and  by  witnesses  (Tac.  Ann.  bk.  xi.  c.  27  ; Juv.  Sat.  ii.  V.  119;  ix.  vv.  75,  76),  and  the breaking  of  them  was  held  to  be  at  least  a symbol  of  the  dissolution  of  marriage,  if  it  had uot  the  actual  eftect  of  dissolving  it ;  see  Tacitus as  to  the  bigamous  marriage  between  Messalina and  Silius  (Ann.  bk.  xi.  c.  30 ;  and  Juv.  u.  s.). Under  the  Code  however,  by  a  constitution  of the  Emperor  Probus,  the  drawing  up  of  such tabulae  was  enacted  not  to  be  necessary  to  estab- lish the  validity  of  the  marriage,  or  the  father's potestas  over  his  offspring  (bk.  v.  t.  iv.  1.  9). They  were  perhaps  not  necessarily,  though usually,  identical  with  the  "  dotal  tablets " (tabulae  dotales),  "  dotal  instruments  "  {instru- mcnta  dotalid),  or  "dotal  documents"  {docu- menta  dotalia),  specifically  so-called  (the  expres- sions nuptialia  instrumenta,  dotalia  instrumenta, seem  to  be  used  quite  synonymously  in  the  70th Novel),  but  must  have  been  comprised  with  them at  least  under  the  general  terms  insU-umenta  or documcnta;  as  to  which  it  is  provided,  by  a constitution  of  Diocletian  and  Maximin  {Code, bk.  V.  7  ;  iv.  7,  iv.  1.  13),  that  where  there  is  no marriage,  "instruments"  made  to  prove  mar- riage are  invalid,  but  that  where  there  are  none, a  marriage  lawfully  contracted  is  not  void ;  nor COPE could  the  want  of  signature  to  such  by  the father  invalidate  his  consent  {ib.  1.  2 ;  law  of Severus  and  Antonine).  Nuptial  instruments were  by  Justinian  made  necessary  in  the  case  of the  marriage  of  scenicae  or  stage-players  (1.  29). Under  the  74th  novel,  indeed,  all  persons  exer- cising honourable  offices,  businesses  and  pro- fessions, short  of  the  highest  functions  in  the state,  were  required,  if  they  wished  to  marry without  nuptial  instruments,  to  appear  in  some "  house  of  prayer  and  declare  their  intentions before  the  defensor  Ecclesiae,"  who  in  the  pre- sence of  three  or  four  of  the  clerks  of  the  church was  to  draw  up  an  attestation  of  the  marriage, with  names  and  dates,  and  this  was  then  to  be subscribed  by  the  parties,  the  defensor  Ecclesiae and  the  three  others,  or  as  many  more  as  the parties  wished,  and  if  not  required  by  them,  to be  laid  up,  so  signed,  by  the  defensor  in  the archives  of  the  church,  i.  e.  where  the  holy vases  were  kept;  and  without  this  the  parties were  not  held  to  have  come  together  nuptiali affectu.  But  this  was  only  necessary  where there  was  no  document  fixing  a  dos  or  ante- nuptial donation  ;  nor  was  it  required  as  to  agri- culturists, persons  of  mean  condition,  or  common soldiers.  It  will  be  obvious  that  we  have  in  the above  the  original  of  our  marriage  certificates. (See  further  Dowry,  Markiagk.)       [J.  M.  L.] CONVERSI.  One  of  the  many  designations of  monks.  Just  as,  through  a  popular  feeling  of reverence  for  asceticism,  the  word  "  religio " came  in  the  3rd  and  4th  centuries  to  mean  not Christianity  but  the  life  monastic,  so  "  conversi,' though  applied  also  to  those  who  embraced Christianity,  or  who  took  upon  themselves  any especial  obligations,  as  of  celibacy  or  of  ordination (Du  Cange,  s.  v.),  was  ordinarily  restricted  to monks  (Bened.  Reg.  c.  1 ;  Fructuosi  Reg.  c.  13 , Greg.  M.  Dial.  ii.  18 ;  Salv.  Eccl.  Cathol.  iv. ; Isidore  De  Conversis.  cf.  Bened.  Anian.  Cone.  Reg. iii.).  But  the  "  conversi "  were  properly  those who  became  monks  as  adults,  not  those  who  were trained  in  a  monastery  from  their  tender  years {Cone.  Aurel.  i.  c.  2).  About  the  11th  century, according  to  Mabillon,  "  conversi "  came  to  mean the  lay  brothers,  the  "  oblati  "  or  "  donati,"  the "  freres  convers,"  who  from  piety  or  for  gain, or,  probably,  most  often  from  mixed  motives, attached  themselves  to  monasteries,  as  "  associ- ates" (to  use  a  modern  phrase)  and  attended  to the  business  of  the  monastery  outside  its  wail. (Mab.  A}i7i.  iii.  8 ;  Martene  ad  S.  Bened.  Reg.  c. 3 ;  Mab.  Act.  SS.  0.  S.  B.  Saec.  111.  i.  21).  The "Conversi  Barbati"  are  classed  with  monks rathev  than  with  the  laity  (Petr.  Ven.  Statut. 24).  [I.  G.  S.] COPE.  {Cappa  or  Capa  ;  Yv.  Chape.)  From being  used  as  an  out-door  dress  for  defence against  rain,  the  cope  was  also  called  Pluviale, whence  It.  Piviale ;  and  from  the  cowl  or  hood with  which  it  was  furnished  it  was  known  as Cuculla.  Such,  probably,  was  the  "  cuculla  vil- losa "  spoken  of  by  St.  Benedict  in  his  Regula (Migne,  Patrol.  Ixvi.  777).  "  Vestimenta  fratri- bus  secundum  locorum  qualitatem  .  .  .  dentur. Mediocribus  locis  sufficere  credimus  monachis per  singulos  cucullam  et  tunicam;  cucuUam  in hieme  villosam,  in  aestate  puram  aut  vetustam, et  scapulare  propter  opera  .  .  .  Sufficit  monacho duas   tunic;\s   et  duas   cucullas   habere,  propter COPIATAE noctes  et  propter  lavare  ipsas  res."  So  Smaragdus (t820)  says  expressly  iu  his  Commentary  oa  the jRegula  of  St.  Benedict,  apud  Migne,  Patrol. cii.  "Cucullam  dicit  ille  quod  nos  modo  di- cimus  cappam."  And  to  the  same  effect  Theo- demarus,  writing  from  Italy  to  Charlemagne, and  speaking  of  the  dress  worn  by  the  monks  of Monte  Cassino  (Ducange,  in  voc.  Capa) :  "  lllud indumentum,  quod  a  Gallis  monachis  cuculla dicitur,  nos  capam  vocamus."  Like  other  gar- ments originally  designed  for  practical  use  rather than  for  ornament,  the  copes  worn  on  occasions of  state  or  by  the  higher  clergy  received  greater enrichments  from  time  to  time,  whether  in  re- gard of  the  materials  or  of  accessory  ornaments, particularly  the  "  morse,"  or  clasp  by  which  they were  fastened  iu  front.  From  what  we  know  to have  been  the  shape  of  the  cope  in  all  later  times we  may  infer  that  in  the  earlier  period,  up  to 800  A.D.,  with  which  we  are  here  primarily concerned,  the  cappa  was  shaped  like  a  modern cloak,  open  in  front,  and  attached  only  at  the neck.  For  full  details  concerning  the  later  copes of  ecclesiastical  use,  see  Bock,  Lit.  Gew.  ii.  287  ; Rock,  Church  of  our  Fathers,  ii.  23;  Marriott, Vestiarium  Christianum,  p.  224 ;  Pugin,  Glossary, in  voc.  [W.  B.  M.] COPIATAE.  The  name  given  by  Constantine in  the  Theodosian  Code,  to  certain  Church  officers whose  business  it  was  to  take  care  of  funerals and  provide  for  the  decent  interment  of  the dead. ,  The  etymology  of  the  name  is  doubtful — Gothofred  derives  it  from  Kond^^eiv  to  rest — others  from  KOTrerhs,  mourning :  more  gene- rally, it  is  referred  to  kSttos,  labour  :  whence they  have  sometimes  been  called  lahorantes. Another  name  for  them  is  fossarii,  or  grave- diggers —  and  in  Justinian's  novels,  they  are mentioned  as  lecticarii — as  carrying  the  corpse or  bier  at  funerals.  They  are  reckoned  in  the Theodosian  Code  among  the  inferior  clerical orders,  e.g.  lib.  13.  tit.  1.  de  Lustrali  Collat. Leg.  1,  "  Clericos  excipi  tantum,  qui  Copiatae appellantur,"  &c. The  foundation  of  this  Order  is  attributed  to Constantine,  before  whose  time  the  care  of  in- terring the  dead  was  only  a  charitable  office,  for which  every  Christian  made  himself  responsible as  occasion  required.  The  order  of  Copiatae,  as first  constituted  by  the  emperor  for  this  service in  the  city  of  Constantinople  amounted  to  1100 men.  and  from  this  example  they  probably  took their  rise  in  other  populous  cities.  In  Constan- tinople, however,  they  formed  a  collegium,  with certain  privileges  and  exemptions,  which  may not  have  been  extended  to  the  order  in  the  less imi)ortant  Churches. The  office  of  the  Copiatae  was  to  take  the whole  care  of  funerals  upon  themselves,  and  to see  that  all  persons  had  a  decent  and  honourable interment.  Especially  they  were  obliged  to  per- form this  last  office  to  the  poorer  sort,  without charge  to  their  relations.  At  Constantinople certain  lands  were  set  apart  for  their  mainte- nance ;  but  in  other  Churches  it  is  more  probable that  they  were  supported  partly  out  of  the  com- mon funds  of  the  Church,  and  partly  by  their own  labour  and  traffic,  which  for  their  encou- ragement were  generally  exempted  from  paying custom  or  tribute  (Bingham,  B.  iii.  c.  8  ;  Riddle  ; Martigny).  [I>.  B.] CORONA 459 COQUUS,    in    the   monastery.      [Hkbdojia- DARIUS.] CORBONA  ECCLESIAE.    [Alms.] CORDOVA,  COUNCIL  OF,  a.d.  348,  under Hosius,  to  accept  the  determinations  of  the  Coun- cil of  Sardica  (Labb.  Cone.  ii.  98).       [A.  W.  H.]      1 CORN,  ALLOWANCE  OF.     This  particu-    | lar  provision  for  the  maintenance  of  the  clergy deserves    a   special   notice,  from    its    connection with  the  early  stages  of  the  recognition  of  Chris- tianity by  the  empire.     Constantine,  in  his  zeal for  his  new  creed,  ordered  the  magistrates  of  each province  to  supply  an  annual  allowance  of  corn    ' (€TT)(na  ffirripeffia.'),  not  only  to  the  clergy,  but    , to  the  widows  and  virgins  of  the  Church  (Theo-    j doret,  i.  11).     When  Julian  succeeded,  he  trans-    j ferred  the  grant  to  the  ministers  of  the  heathen    1 cultus  which  he  revived  (Sozom.  v.  5  ;  Philostorg. vii.  4).     Jovian  restored   it,  but   on   the  lower    j scale  of  one-third  of  the    amount   fixed  under    j Constantine.     The  payment   continued,  and  was    ] declared  permanent  by  Justinian  (Cod  i.  tit.  ii.    i de  SS.  Eccles.).  [E.  H.  P.]      | CORN,  EARS  OF.      Corn    is  not   so  often    1 used    in    early  Christian  art  as  might   be  sup- posed.    [Loaves.]     The  thoughts  of  early  ico- nogi-aphers    seem    to  have  gone  always    to   the Bread    of  Life    with    sacramental    allusion,    as Bottari,  tav.  clxiii.  vol.  iii.  et  alibi.     In  Bottari,     j vol.  i.  tav.  xlviii.,  the  corn  and  reaper  are  re-    ! presented  in  a  compartment  of  a  vault  in  the cemetery  of  Pontianus.   Again,  in  vol.  ii.  tav.  Iv., the    harvest    corn    is   opposed    to  the   vine   and cornucopia  of  fruit  (Callixtine  catacomb).  i The  more  evidently  religious  use  of  the  ears of  corn  is  in  various  I'epresentations  of  the  Fall of  Man.  On  the  sarcophagus  of  Junius  Bassus (supp.  A.D.  358),  Bottari,  vol.  i.  tav.  xv.  9,  Adam and  Eve  are  carved ;  the  former  bearing  the corn,  in  token  of  his  labour  on  the  earth,  and  the latter  a  lamb,  indicating  woman's  work,  spinning. The  connection  of  this  with  Jack  Cade's  jjroverbial line,  "  When  Adam  delved  and  Eve  span,"  seems probable.  See  again  vol.  ii.  tav.  Ixxxix.  Mar- tigny gives  a  copy  (s.  v.  '"  Dieu,")  of  a  bas-relief in  Bottari,  vol.  iii.  tav.  xxxvii.,  from  the  cemetery of  St.  Agnes,  where  two  human  forms,  apparently both  male,  are  standing  before  a  sitting  figure, whom  Martigny  supposes  to  represent  the  First Person  of  the  Trinity.  It  may  represent  the ofl'ering  of  Cain  and  Abel ;  at  all  events  the corn-ears  and  lamb  are  either  being  received  or presented  by  the  standing  figures.  See  also Bottari,  taw.  Ixxxiv.  Ixxxvii.  Ixxxix.  As  these figures  are  of  no  more  than  mature  (sometimes of  youthful)  appearance,  the  Second  Person  may  ' be  supposed  to  be  intended  by  them.  ; [R.  St.  J.  T.]       1 CORNELIUS.  (1)  The  centurion,  bishop  of  i Caesarea,  is  commemorated  Feb.  2  {Mart.  Eom.  • Vet.,  Usuardi) ;  Dec.  10  (Cal.  Armen.).  \ (2)  Pope,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Decius,  Sept.  ,1 14  (Mart.  Bedae,  Rom.  Vet.,  Usuardi).  [C]       j CORNU.    [Altar.]  I CORONA,   martyr   in  Syria,   with  Victor,     ' under  Antoninus,  Jlay  14  (Mart.  Hierou.,  Bedae, lioin.  Vet.,  Usuardi).  [C] CORONA.    [Tonsure.] 460 CORONA  LUCIS CORONA  LUCIS.  A  lamp  or  chandelier. In  the  early  ages  of  Christianity  it  was  by  no means  unusual   for  sovereigns  and  other  royal personages, foil owms  an instinct  of  natural  piety of  which  we  have  examples  in  prae-Christian times  (of.  Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  xvi.  c.  4)  to  dedicate their  crowns  to  the  use  of  the  Church.  The gifts  thus  devoted  were  known  as  Donaria,  and were  suspended  by  chains  attached  to  their upper  rim,  above  an  altar  or  shrine,  or  in  some conspicuous  part  of  the  church.  Other  chains were  attached  to  the  lower  rim,  supporting  a lamp,  from  which  usually  depended  a  jewelled cross.  The  crowned  cross  thus  suspended  above the  altar  was  felt  to  be  an  appropriate  symbol  of the  triumphs  of  Christianity,  and  its  use  became almost  universal.  We  have  several  allusions  to it  in  the  writings  of  St.  Paulinus  of  Nola  in  the fifth  century,  e.g. "  Crucem  corona  lucido  cingit  globo." Ep.  32  ad  Severum. "  Parv;i  corona  subest  variis  circumdata  gemmis, Haec  quoque  crux  Domini  tanquam  diademate  ciucta Emicat."  i^'at.  xi.  v.  6T9  sq. •'  In  cruce  consartam  socia  compage  coronam." lb.  V.  692. Beda  (de  Locis  Sanctis,  cap.  2)  in  his  description  of Calvary,  specifies  a  large  silver  cross  hanging above  the  Holy  Grave,  with  a  brass  circlet  and lamps  "  aenea  rota  cum  lampadibus"  attached  to it.  In  this  manner  the  crowns  of  Theodelinda, queen  of  the  Lombards,  and  of  her  second  hus- band Agilulf,  at  the  beginning  of  the  7th century,  were  dedicated  to  St.  John  the  Baptist in  the  cathedral  of  Monza,  as  stated  in  the  in- scription borne  by  the  latter  before  its  destruc- tion, and  there  is  little  reasonable  doubt  that  the celebrated  iron  crown  of  Lombardy,  preserved  in the  same  cathedral,  was  at  one  time  employed for  the  same  purpose  (Frisi,  Memor.  della  Chiesa Monzese,  Dissert,  ii.  p.  67  ;  Pacciaudi,  de  Cult. Joann.  Bapt.  Dissert,  vi.  cap.  10,  p.  266).  At  a much  earlier  period,  according  to  Constantine Porphyrogenitus  and  Kicetas,  Constantine  the Great  had  dedicated  his  crown  to  the  service  oi the  Church.  In  the  time  of  these  writers,  a crown  of  remarkable  beauty  "  prae  caeteris  et operis  elogantia,  et  lapillorum  pretio  conspicua  " (Ducange,  Coiistantinop.  Christ,  iii.  §  43),  hang- mg  with  others  above  the  Holy  Table,  was  pointed out  as  having  been  offered  to  God  by  the  first Christian  emperor.'  With  one  of  these  votive crowns,  the  lamp  and  chains  being  removed,  in the  time  of  Const.  Porphyr.,  the  new  emperor  of the  East  received  his  inauguration  (Ducange, Constant.  Christ,  u.  s.).  According  to  the  not very  trustworthy  catalogue  preserved  in  Anasta- sius  (.S'.  Silvest.  xxxiv.  §  36)  the  Lateran  basilica and  that  of  St.  Peter's  were  also  enriched  by Constantine  with  large  chandeliers  of  pure  gold. Clovis  also,  at  the  suggestion  of  St.  Eemigius early  in  the  6th  century,  sent  to  St.  Peter's "  coronam  auream  cum  gemmis,  quae  Kegnum appellari  solet "  (Hincmar,  Vit.  S.  Beinig.; Anastas.  8.  Hormisd.  liv.  §  85).  The  very  re- markable series  of  crowns  discovered  near  Toledo (see  below.  Crowns)  were,  as  the  inscriptions borne  by  some  of  them  testify,  a  solemn  offering CORONA  LUCIS to  some  Spanish  church,  at  the  hands  of  the  king and  queen  and  royal  family.  No  lamps  were attached  to  them  when  they  were  discovered, but  these  appendages,  as  encumbrances  of  small value,  may  have  been  removed  when  the  regalia were  buried  to  conceal  them  from  the  Saracen spoiler. This  custom  for  sovereigns  to  dedicate  their actual  crowns  to  the  Church's  use  led  to  the  con- struction of  imitative crowns,  formed  for  vo- tive purposes  alone.  Of this  usage  we  find  re- peated notices  in  the Liber  Pontificalis,  which bears  the  name  of  Ana- stasius  Bibliothecarius ; as  well  as  in  ancient chronicles  and  docu- ments. They  are  usually described  as  having  been suspended  over  the  altar,  < and  very  frequently mention  is  made  of jewelled  crosses  append- ed to  them.  Small  votive crowns  of  this  nature  are  seen  suspended  over the  altar  in  several  ancient  representations. One  compartment  of  the  celebrated  palliotto  of the  church  of  Sant'  Ambrogio  of  Milan,  which depicts  the  trance  of  St.  Ambrose  in  which  he celebrated  mass  at  Tours,  represents  one  such jewelled  crown  hanging  over  the  altar  at  which »  Tradition  ventured  to  assert  that  he  had  received  it by  the  hands  of  an  angel  as  a  present  from  Heaven. "^- ''\>^-x".:5$<>^<H^.^ PensUe  Cro^v-ns  from  Bas-reUef.  Cathedral  of  Monza. the  saint  is  officiating  (Ferrario,  Memorie  di Sant'  Amhrofi.').  A  bas-relief,  now  in  the  S.  tran- sept of  Monza  cathedral,  representing  a  corona- tion, exhibits  several  crowns  suspended  over  the altar.  Another  bas-relief  in  the  tympanum  of the  west  portal  of  the  same  cathedral,  on  which CORONA  LUCIS are  carved  the  various  gifts  of  Theodelinda  to the  church,  shews  us  four  crowns,  three  sus- pended, and  the  fourth  being  the  celebrated  iron crown.  Macer  in  his  Hierolexicon  refers  to  a similar  representation  in  the  church  of  San  Cle- mente  at  Rome,  to  the  left  of  the  entrance. Among  the  mosaic  decorations  of  Saut'  Apolli- nare  Nuovo  at  Ravenna,  we  find  above  the upper  tier  of  windows  a  succession  of  pictures of  the  conchs  of  apses,  in  each  of  which  a  crown appears  hanging  by  chains  over  the  altar.  These suspended  crowns  are  exactly  similar  to  those held  by  the  female  saints  as  votive  offerings  in the  mosaic  frieze  below. CORONATI  QUATUOR 461 Mosaic,  St.  Alxillin The  convenience  of  the  form  of  these  donative crowns  for  the  suspension  of  lamps  doubtless  gave rise  to  the  custom  of  constructing  large  chande- liers after  the  same  model.  In  these  pensile luminaries  the  shape  and  character  of  the  royal circle  was  preserved,  but  frequently  in  much larger  proportions.  Notices  of  the  presentation of  light-bearing  circles  of  this  nature  occur  re- peatedly in  Anastasius  and  other  ancient  autho- rities. Besides  the  more  ordinary  name  of corona,  the  primary  royal  origin  of  these  lumi- naries was  indicated  by  the  designation  regnum, which  is  of  constant  occurrence  (cf.  Anastas. Leo  IIT.  xcviii.  §  393,  "  fecit  regnum  aureum  cum gemmis  pretiosissimis;  "  Leo  IV.  cv.  §  540,  "  fecit .  .  .  regnum  ex  auro  purissimo  unum  pendens super  altare  majus,  cum  catenulis  similiter aui-eis,  sculptilem  habens  in  medio  crucem  au- ream  habentem  gemmas  quatuordecim,  ex  quibus quinque  in  eadem  cruce  fixos,  et  alias  qua  ibidem pendent  novem  "). Many  of  these  coronae  mentioned  by  Anastasius are  described  as  having  been  adorned  with dolphins  (Anastas.  S.  Silvester  xxxiv.-  §  36,  "  co- ronas quatuor  cum  delphinis ;  "  ib.  §  38,  "  co- ronam  auream  cum  delphinis  quinquaginta,"  § 43;  St.  Zachar.  xciii.  §219;  St.  Adrian,  xcvii. §  348 ;  St.  Leo,  iv.  cv.  §  531).  Others  were decorated  with  diminutive  towers,  and  (as  we see  in  the  relief  in  the  transept  of  Monza)  with fleurs-de-lis  (Greg.  M.  Ep.  lib.  i.  ep.  66,  "  Co- ronas cum  delphinis  duo,  et  de  aliis  coronis lilios  ;  "  Anastas.  St.  Hilar,  xlviii.  §  70,  "  tur- i-em  argenteam  cum  delphinis.")  Leo,  cardinal of  Ostia,  in  his  Chronicon  Cassinense  thus  describes a  corona  executed  for  that  lover  of  art  the  abbot Desiderius :  "  He  had  a  pharus  made,  that  is  a silver  crown  weighing  100  lbs.  and  20  spans  in circumference.  On  it  were  12  towers,  and  36 lamps  hung  from  it."  Bells  were  also  sometimes suspended  from  the  lower  rim. Other  names  by  which  these  chandeliers  were known  in  early  writers  are  Pharus,  Pharocantha- rus,   Spanoclystum  =  (TTavoiK\fi<Tr6v,    Gahhatha, and  Rota. The  name  Pharus,  though  sometimes,  as  we have  seen,  used  for  a  corona,  was  more  properly a  standing  candelabrum  supporting  lamps  or candles,  which  from  their  number  of  spreading branches  were,  according  to  Ducange,  sometimes called  arhores,  trees.  Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  lib.  xxxiv. c.  3,  speaks  of  "  lychnuchi — arborum  modo  mala fereutium  lucentes,"  and  Paulus  Silentiarius (^Descript.  S.  Soph,  part  2)  thus  describes  can- delabra in  that  basilica — Keiva  yap  ij  KiavoZariv  opirpEifiiecrcTLV  ofioia SevSpea  T15  KaKeiTdev. The  most  magnificent  example  of  an  ancient corona,  though  long  after  our  date,  is  that  still to  be  seen  suspended  in  the  cathedral  at  Aix-la- Chapelle,  over  the  crypt  in  which  the  body  of Charlemagne  was  deposited.  This  co7-ona  was the  offering  of  the  emperor  Frederick  Barbarossa, by  whom  the  tomb  was  opened  in  1165.  A  very valuable  treatise  on  this  corona,  embracing  full details  of  the  form,  arrangements,  and  history  of coronae  generally,  has  been  published  by  Dr.  Fr. Bock  (Z)cr  Kronleuchter  Kaisers  Fried.  Barbarossa zu  Aachen,  Leipzig,  Weigel,  1864).  The  Melanges d'Arche'ologie  of  Cahier  and  Martin,  Par.  1853, vol.  iii.  may  be  referred  to,  article  Couronne  de lumiere,  for  representations  of  suspensory  crowns from  MSS.  and  painted  glass.  See  also  Ciampini, vol.  ii.  c.  xii.  p.  89  sq.  Migne,  Encyclupedie  Theol. Dictiommire d' Orfe'vrerie,x.  Couronnes.  Justi  Fon- tanini  Dissertatio  de  Corona  Ferrea  (Rom.  1719, pp.  91-97).     Macer,  Hierolexicon. COEONATI  DIES.     [Festival.] CORONATI  QUATUOR  (Legend  AND Festival  of).  The  above  title  is  given  to  four martyrs,  Severus,  Severianus,  Carpophorus,  and Victorinus,  who  suffered  martyrdom  at  Rome  iu the  reign  of  Diocletian.  The  tradition  respecting them  is  to  the  effect  that  they  refused  to  sacrifice to  idols,  and  were  then  at  the  command  of  the emperor  beaten  to  death  before  the  statue  of Aesculapius  with  scourges  loaded  with  lead (ictibus  plumbatarum).  The  bodies  having  lain where  they  died  for  five  days,  were  then  depo- sited by  pious  Christians  in  a  sandpit  on  the Via  Lavicana,  three  miles  from  the  city,  near the  bodies  of  five  who  had  suffered  martyrdom on  the  same  day  two  years  before,  Claudius, Nicosti-atus,  Symphonianus,*  Castorius,  and  Sim- plicius.  See,  e.g.  the  Martyrology  of  Ado,  No- vember 8  (^Patrol,  cxxiii.  392),  who  gives  the legend  more  fully  than  others. It  is  stated  by  Anastasius  Bibliothecarius (  Vitae  Pontificum,  Honorius :  Patrol,  cxxviii.  699) that  Pope  Honorius  1.^  (ob.  638  A.D.)  built  a church  iu  Rome  in  their  honour  ("  eodem  tem- »  In  the  case  of  this  name  considerable  diversity  of  spell- ing exists:— Symphonianus,  Greg.  Sacr.;  Simplironianus. Cd.Rhem.s  Siniphorianus,  Cdd.  Matuldi  and  Rodradi ; Sympronius,  Mart.  Hieron.;  Sympronianus,  Usuardus ; and  Sympbronianus,  Ado. b  Before  this  time,  however,  the  Coronati  Quatuor  had given  their  name  to  one  of  the  tiluU  of  the  city  of  Rome ; for  in  the  subscriptions  to  sundry  decrees  of  Gregory  the Great  the  last  signature  is  "  Fortunatus  [presbyter  tituli] SS.  iv.  Cor."  (Gregorii  Decrda:  Patrol.  Ixxvii.  1339  ^ formerly  tJpp.  lib.  Iv.,  Indict.  13,  c.  44.)  See  also  Diuaitse, Glossarium,  s.  v.  titulus. 462 CORONATI QFATUOR pore  fecit  ecclosiam  beatorum  martyrum  iv.  Coi quam  et  dedicavit  et  douum  obtulit  ").  To  this church  the  remains  of  the  martyrs  were  subse- quently transferred  by  Pope  Leo  IV.  (ob.  855 A.D.),  who  had  been  its  officiating  priest  (op.  cit. Leo  IV.,  ih.  1305),  and  who,  finding  it  in  a  very ruinous  condition  on  his  accession  to  the  ponti- ficate, restored  it  with  much  splendour,  and bestowed  upon  it  many  gifts  (ib.  1315).  This church  was  situated  ou  the  ridge  of  the  Coelian hill,  between  the  Coliseum  and  the  Lateran  ;  and on  its  site  the  present  church  of  the  Santi  Quattro Incoronati  was  built  by  Pope  Paschal  II. As  to  the  appointment  of  the  festival  of  these martyrs  on  November  8,  which  is  said  to  be  due to  Pope  Melchiades  (ob.  314  A.D.),  a  curious  dif- ficulty has  arisen.  Thus  in  the  notice  of  the festival  in  the  editions  of  the  Gregorian  Sacra- mentary  (for  the  words  would  appear  to  be wanting  in  MS.  authority),  the  remark  is  made that  it  being  found  impossible  to  ascertain  the natal  day  of  the  four  martyrs  (''  quorum  dies natalis  per  incuriam  neglectus  mlnime  reperiri poterat "),  it  was  appointed  that  in  their  church the  natal  day  of  the  five  other  saints,  near  to whose  bodies  theirs  had  been  buried,  should  be celebrated,  that  both  might  have  their  memory recorded  together  (Patrol.  Ixxviii.  147). Others,  however,  make  this  forgetfulness  to be  of  the  names  of  the  martyrs.  Thus  the  Mar- tyrologiuiH  Homanmn,  after  speaking  of  Claudius, &c.,  proceeds :  "  Et  ipso  die  iv.  Coronatorum Severi,  Severiani,  Carpophori,  Victorini,  quorum festivitatem  statuit  Melchiades  papa  sub  nomi- nibus  quinque  martyrum  celebrari,  quia  nomina eorum  non  reperiebantur,  sed  intercurrentibus annis  cuidamsancto  viro  revelata  sunt"  (Patrol. cxxiii.  173).  See  also  the  Martyrology  of Usuardus  (ib.  cxxiv.  669). If  however  the  institution  of  the  festival  be rightly  assigned  to  Melchiades,  who  was  pontiff during  the  reign  of  Diocletian,  it  is  strange  how this  ignorance  could  have  existed,  seeing  that many  Christians  must  have  been  living  who  had known  them  personally.  In  Alcuin  (Be  Div.  Off. 31 ;  Patrol,  ci.  2230)  this  strange  idea  assumes still  another  form,  in  that  the  forgetfulness  now includes  both  the  day  and  the  names :  ("  quorum nomina  et  dies  natalis  per  incuriam  neglectus." The  look  of  the  Latin  however  points  strongly to  the  conclusion  that  the  words  nomina  et  are a  later  addition). No  trace  however  of  this  forgetfulness  is  to be  found  in  the  Marty rologium  Hieronymi,  where the  notice  is  merely  "  vi.  Id.  Nov.  Romae  natalis Sanctorum  Simplicii  .  .  .  et  Sanctorum  Quatuor Coronatorum  Severi  .  .  .  .  "  (Patrol,  xxx.  481). A  difficulty  of  another  sort  is  that  Anastasius Bibliothecarius  (I.  c.)  seems  to  distinguish  the Coronati  Quatuor  from  Severus,  &c. ;  for  after describing  how  Leo  IV.  restored  their  church  at Rome,  he  adds  "  et  ad  laudem  Dei  eorum  sacra- tissima  corpora  cum  Claudio  .  .  .  .  ,  necnon  Severo ....  quatuor  fratribus  coUocavit."  Doubtless however  the  last  words  are  spurious.  It  will be  observed  also  that  Anastasius  speaks  of  the Coronati  as  brothers,  the  only  ancient  authority, so  far  as  we  have  observed,  who  does  so. Another  curious  point  is  that,  in  the  Martyr- ology of  Notker  for  July  7,  the  five  saints,  whom we  have  seen  associated  with  the  Coronati Quatuor,  seem  to  be  commemorated  on  that  day  : CORONATI  QUATUOR I  "  Romae,  passio  beatorum  martyrum  Nicostrati primiscrinii,  Claudii  commeutariensis,  Castorii sive  Castuli,  Victorini,  Symphpriani  vel  siout  in libro  Sacramentorum  continetur  Semproniani ; quorum  natalem  sexta  die  Iduum  Novembris eatenus  nos  celebrari  credidimus,  donee  venera- bilis  pater  Ado  alios  et  alios  pro  eis  nobis honorandos  insinuaret :  de  quibus  in  suo  loco vita  comite  commodius  disseretur "  (Patrol. cxxxi.  1115).  We  cannot  tell  however  how  this last  promise  was  redeemed,  for  the  Martyrology of  Notker  is  wanting  after  Oct.  26.  The  Mar- tyrology of  Usuardus  also  connects  with  July  7 the  names  of  the  five  above-mentioned  saints (Patrol,  cxxiv.  233,  where  see  the  note). In  the  Martyrology  of  Rabanus  Maurus  all notice  for  Nov.  7  and'  8  is  wanting.  In  that  of Wandelbert  (Patrol,  cxxi.  617),  Nov.  8  is  tlius marked  : — "  Senas  ornantes  idus  merito  atque  cruore, Claudi  Castori  Simplici  Sympboriane,  • Et  Nicostrate  pari  fulgetis  luce  coronac;" (al.  Semproniane),  where  it  will  be  seen  that there  is  no  allusion  to  the  Coronati  themselves, unless  indeed  there  be  an  implied  reference  in the  last  word  of  the  third  line. In  the  Martyrology  of  Bede  the  Coronati  are mentioned,  but  under  the  names  of  the  five  saints  ; thus,  "  vi.  Id.  Nov.  natale  iv.  Coronatorum,  CL,  N., Symphoriani,  Castoris,  Simplicii"  (Patrol,  xciv. 1097). We  find  the  festival  marked  in  the  Leonine Calendar,  "  v.  (vel  vi.)  Id.  Nov.  natale  SS.  iv.  Co- ronatorum "  (ib.  Ixxiv.  880) ;  and  the  former  day (Nov.  7)  in  the  calendar  of  Bucherius  (ib.  879) as  "  Clementis,  Semproniani,  Claudii,  Nicostrati, in  comitatum."  We  find  the  names  again  varied in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary  (ib.  1179),  which cites  four  of  the  names  of  the  five  saints :  "  In natal.  SS.  iv.  Coronatorum,  Costiani,  Claudii, Castori,  Semproniani." We  have  already  referred  to  the  presence  of this  festival  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary ; see  also  the  Antiphonary  (Patrol.  Ixxviii.  707). The  collect  in  the  Sacramentary  runs  thus : "  Praesta  quaesumus  omnipotens  Deus  ut  qui gloriosos  martyres  Claudium,  Nicostratum  .  .  .  , fortes  in  sua  confessione  cognovimus,  pios  ajjud te  in  nostra  intercessione  sentiamus ;"  where  it will  be  noticed  that  only  the  names  of  the  five saints,  and  not  of  the  Coronati,  are  given. The  Mozarabic  Missal  mentions  the  festival (Patrol.  Ixxxv.  898) ;  but  has  no  special  office for  it,  employing  for  this  day  as  well  as  for  others a  7nissa  jjlurimorum  maHynim.  This  would appear  to  point  to  the  fact  of  the  festival  being  a late  addition  to  the  Missal. It  may  be  added  that  several  ancient  calendars mark  Nov.  8  as  the  festival  of  the  four  Coronati  ; but  except  the  first,  which  is  English,  they  are all  Italian  (Patrol.  Ixxii.  624,  Ixxx.  420,  ci.  826, cxxxviii.  1188,  1192,  1202,  1208,  &c.).  Doubt- less therefore  the  festival  is  to  be  viewed  as essentially  one  of  the  Italian  church,  and  as  one which  never  gained  any  special  notoi'iety  beyond the  bounds  of  that  church.  There  are  Acta  of  the Coronati  Quatuor,  not  apparently  of  any  special value,  which  were  published  in  Mombritius' Sanctuarium,  vol.  i.  ff.  162,  sqq. In  addition  to  authorities  cited  in  this article,   special    reference    should    be   made   to CORONATION CORONATION 463 Me'nai-d's  uotes  to  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary (m  foe).  [R-  S.] CORONATION.  The  Coronation  of  kings and  emperors,  the  most  an  gust  ceremony  of Christian  national  life,  aftbrds  a  striking  example of  the  manner  in  which  Christianity  breathed  a new  spirit  into  already  existing  ceremonies,  and elevated  them  to  a  higher  and  purer  atmosphere. Under  her  inspiration  a  new  life  animated  the old  form  :  heathen  accessories  gradually  dropt off;  fresh  and  appropriate  observances  were  de- veloped ;  and  the  whole  ceremonial  assumed  a character  in  harmony  with  the  changed  faith  of those  who  were  its  subjects. It  has  been  remarked  by  Dean  Stanley  (Me- rnorials  of  West.  Abbey,  p.  42)  that  the  rite  of coronation,  as  it  appears  in  the  later  part  of the  period  to  which  our  investigation  is  limited, represents  two  opposite  aspects  of  European monarchy.  It  was  (I)  a  symbol  of  the  ancient usage  of  the  choice  of  the  leaders  by  popular election,  and  of  the  emperor  by  the  Imperial Guard,  derived  from  the  practice  of  the  Gaulish and  Teutonic  nations,  and  (2)  a  solemn  consecra- tion of  the  new  sovereign  to  his  office  by  unction with  holy  oil,  and  the  placing  of  a  crown  or diadem  on  his  head  by  one  of  the  chief  ministers of  religion,  after  the  example  of  the  ancient Jewish  Church. These  two  parts  of  the  ceremonial,  though united  in  the  same  ritual,  have  a  different  origin, and  it  will  be  convenient  to  treat  them  sepa- rately. (1)  Among  the  Teutonic  and  Gothic  tribes  the custom  prevailed  of  elevating  the  chief  or  king on  whom  the  popular  election  had  fallen  on    a large   shield  or    buckler,    borne  by  the  leading men  of  the  tribe.     Standing  on  this  he  was  ex- posed   to  the   view  of  the    soldiers  and  people, who  by  their  acclamations  testified  their  joy  at his  accession,   and  accepted  him    as  their  sove- reign and  head.     The  "  chairing,"  or   carrying round  through  the  assembled  crowd,  "  gyratio," usually  three  times  repeated,  followed.     Tacitus describes  this  ceremonial  in  the  case  of  Brinno, chief    of    the    Batavian    tribe    of   Canninefates "  impositus  scuto,  more  gentis,  et   sustinentium humeris  vibratus,  dux  deligitur  "  (Hist.  iv.  15). The  German  soldiers  of  the  Imperial  Guard  intro- duced this  custom  to   the  Romans,  and  we  find the  later  emperors  inaugurated  in  this  manner. Thus  Gordian  the  younger  A..D.  238  was  "  lifted up "    as    emperor   by   the    Praetorian    Guards : "  retractans,  elevatus  est  et  imperatorem  se  ap- pellari  permisit  "  (Capitolinus  in  Gordian;  Hero- dian,  lib.  viii.   c.  21).     Julian,    when  before  the death  ofConstantius  the  enthusiasm  of  his  troops forced  him  at   Paris  unwillingly  to  assume  the imperial  dignity  (April  A.D.  360),  submitted  to the  same  ceremonial,   "  impositus   scuto  pedestri et    sublatius    eminens    Augustus    renuntiatur " (Amm.  Marcell.  lib.  xx.  c.  4)  ;  ini  twos  affiriSos fifTewpov  6.pavT€s  avTi7ir6u  re  'S.e^acrrhv  Auto- KpaTopa  (Zosimus,    lib.  iii.   9.   4).     Valeutiaian was  desired  to  name  a  colleague  A.D.  364,   kot' outV  tV  avay6p€vaiu  eVt  ttis   affiriSos  (Philo- storg.  viii.  8),  to  which  Nicephorus  significantly adds"^  iis  (Bos.     The  poet  Claudian,  writing  of  the inauguration  of  the  young  Honorius  as  Augustus A.D.  393,  refers  to  the  same  custom — "  Sed  mox  cum  solita  miles  te  voce  levassef." So  completely  was  this  custom  identified  with the  inauguration  of  a  sovereign  that  the  verb inaipeiu  came  into  use  as  the  regular  term  for the  recognition  of  a  new  emperor.  Thus  we  find Euseb.  Epitome  temp,  of  Marcian  A.D.  450,  avrol^ Tip  erei  iirr^pdr}  MapKtavhs  AijyovffTOS,  and  ot Maximus  A.D.  455  (cf  Suidas  sub  voce  inaipeiv). Zonaras,  writing  of  Hypatius  set  up  by  a  sedition as  a  rival  to  Justinian,  says  eirl  affTiSos  /xfrdp- ffiov  &paures  avayopivoufft  ^affiAea  (Zonar.  xiv.^ 6).  It  took  its  place  as  a  recognised  portion  of the  ritual  of  a  coronation  in  the  Eastei-n  Empire; e.g.  the  coronation  of  Justin  the  younger  in  St. Sophia's  as  described  by  Corippus,  de  Laudibus Justini  Augiisti  Minoris  (lib.  ii.  137-178).  A shield  was  held  up  by  four  young  men.  On  this the  emperor  stood  erect,  like  the  letter  I,  with which  his  name  and  that  of  his  two  immediate predecessors  commenced. "  Quatuor  ingentem  clypel  sublimius  orbem AltoUunt  lecti  juvenes,  manibusque  levatus, Ipse  minlstroram  supra  stetit,  ut  sua  rectus Littera,  quae  siguo  stabili  non  flectitur  unquam Nominibus  sacrata  tribus." We   also   find  it  in  the  elaborate  rituals  drawn up  by  Joannes  Cantacuzenus  (c.  1330;   Hist.    i. c.  41,  printed  by  Martene  ii.  204  ;  and  Habertus Pontific.  Graec.  p.  604  sq.)  and  Georgius  Codinus, Curopaletes    (d.  1460;    de   Officio   et  Officiatibus Aulae  Constant,  c.  17).     The  only  change  is  that the  emperor  no  longer  stands   on  the   slippery surface    of  the    buckler,    but   adopts    the    much securer  position  of  sitting,  "  sessitans."    The  risk of  a  dangerous  and  indecorous   fall  during  the ceremony  of  "  gyratio,"  is  proved  by  the  example of  Gunbald,  king  of  Burgundy  (A.D.  500),  who on  his  third  circuit  "  cum  tertio  gyrarent  "  fell, and  was  with   difficulty  held  up  by  the  people (Grego.  Turonens.  Hist.  "lib.  vii.  c.  10).     Accord- ing to  George  Codinus,  who  may  be  taken  as  a probable  evidence  of  the  ritual  prevailing  several centuries  before  his  time  in  the  unchanging  East, this   "  levatio "    took  place    outside  the  Church of  St.  Sophia,  into  which  the  new  emperor  was borne  to  receive  the  sacred  rites  of  unction  and crowning  at  the  hands  of  the  patriarch.     It  was the  rule  that  the  shield  should  be  supported  in front    by  the    emperor  (when  the    choice    of  a successor  was  made  in  his  lifetime),  the  father  of the  newly  created    monarch    if  alive,    and    the patriarch,  the  other   highest  dignitaries   of  the State  supporting  it  behind. The  origin  of  this  custom  being  Teutonic,  it was  naturally  continued  by  the  sovereigns  of  the Prankish  race.  The  long-haired  Pharamond  was thus  inaugurated  A.D.  420  :  "  levaverunt  super egem  crinitum "  (Gesta  Begum  Francorum apud  Dom.  Bouquet,  ii.  543).  Clovis  received  his recognition  as  king  by  the  same  token,  "  clipeo impositum  super  se  Regem  constituunt"  A.D. 509  (Gregor.  Turon.  lib.  ii.  c.  40).  Sigebert,  son cf  Clotaire  I.  A.D.  575,  when  "more  gentis,  im- positus clipeo  rex  constitutus"  (Adonis  Chro- nicon  ;  Gregor.  Tur.  Hist.  Fran.  iv.  c.  52),  was stabbed  bythe  assassins  of  Queen  Fredegonde. A  century  later,  A.D.  744,  we  read  of  Hildc- brand,  grandson  of  Luitprand  king  of  the  Lom- bards, "  in  regem  levaverunt  "  (Paulus  Diaconus, vi.  55),  of  Pippin  (a.d.  751  "rex  elevatus  est" Annul.  Guelferb.).  And  to  cloce  the  series,  Otho "  sublimatus  est  "  at  Milan  A.D,  961.  [Cf.  Grimm, Rechtsalterthiimcr,  p.  234.] 464  CORONATION The  ceremonial  is  depicted  in  an  illumination of  the  10th  century  engraved  by  Monttaucon (Monumens,  torn.  i.  p.  xvi.)'  representing  the  pro- clamation of  David  as  king.  He  stands  on  a round  shield,  borne  aloft  by  four  young  men. From  a  passage  in  Constant.  Porphyr.  {(le  Ail- mmist.  linper.  c.  38)  this  custom  appe^^rs  to have  prevailed  among  the  Turks.  It  is  not  found in  the  earlv  Spanish  annals,  but  it  was  certamly in  use  in  'the  kingdom  of  Arragon  at  a  later period  (Ambros.  Morales,  lib.  xiii.  c.  11),  and traces  of  it  are  found  in  that  of  Castile,  ^n  Legi- bus  Partitarum,  leg.  iii.  tit.  xxii.  part.  in.  There is  no  evidence  of  its  ever  havJng  been  adopted  in England.  ^       ,      , Imoncr  the  Frankish  and  Lombard  nations  an additional  ceremony  was  the  delivery  of  a  spear to  the  newly-made  monarch.  We  find  this  in the  case  of  Hildebrand  A.D.  744  (Paul.  Diac.  vi. .55)  •  Childeric  A.D.  456  (Chifletius  in  Anastas. cvii.'p.  96) ;  Childebert  II.  A.D.  585  (Greg.Turon. vii.  33 ;  Aimionus,  ii.  69).  Martene  (de  Bit.  ii. 212)  writes  of  the  Frankish  kings  "tradita  in manum  hasta  pro  sceptro,  excelso  in  solio  hono- rifice  imponunt." (2)  The  second  aspect  in  which  a  corona- tion was  viewed  was  the  religious  one.  As soon  as  the  Bible  became  known,  the  practice of  the  Jewish  nation  to  consecrate  their  kings to  their  high  office  by  the  hands  of  the  chief minister  of  religion  became  an  authority  from which  there  was  no  appeal.  Of  the  two  cere- monies specially  characterizing  the  Jewish  rite, unction  and  the  imposition  of  a  crown,  the former  alone  was  strange  to  the  Western  nations. From  a  very  early  period,  as  we  shall  see,  the croirn  or  dijcLcm  was  known  as  the  symbol  of royalty.  The  only  change  was  that  of  the  person by  whose  hands  it  was  placed  on  the  monarch's head.  Uw^tion  appears  to  have  been  entirely unknown  as  a  part  of  the  ritual,  and  to  have come  into  use  with  the  conversion  of  the  em- perors to  the  Christian  faith. (-()  To   speak   first  of  the    imposition  of  the COKOXATION trated  from  some  historical  facts.  Thus  Alex- ander took  oft'  his  diadem  to  bind  up  the  wound of  Lysimachus  (Justin,  lib.  xv.  c.  3).  Pompey's enemies  made  it  a  charge  against  him  that  he had  bound  up  an  ulcer  on  his  leg  with  a  white cloth  like  a  diadem,  it  mattering  not  on  what part  of  the   body  the  royal  insignia  was  placed from  Cirtirpini. crown  or  diadem.  For  the  sake  of  clearness,  while referring  to  dictionaries  of  classical  antiquities for  fuller  details,  it  may  be  desirable  to  remind our  readers  that  the  croirn,  corona,  <TT4<pavos, was  a  head  circlet,  wreath,  or  garland  of  leaves, flowers,  twigs,  grass,  &c.,  and,  as  luxury  increased, of  the  precious  metals,  chiefly  gold ;  while  the  dia- dem, SidSrifxa,  "taenia"  or  "  fascia"  (Q.  Curtius, iii.  3),  as  its  name  implies,  was  originally  nothing more  than  a  linen  band  or  silken  ribbon,  tied round  the  temples,  with  the  loose  ends  hanging down  behind.  This  ribbon  Eastern  magnificence afterwards  adorned  with  pearls  and  precious stones.     The  nature  of  the  diadem  may  be  illus- (Amm.  Marcell.  xvii.).  Monima,  the  wife  of  Mi- thridates,  attempted  to  hang  herself  with  her diadem  (Plutarch,  Liicullus.  c.  18). Though  the  words  corona  and  diadema  have  not unfrequently  been  used  interchangeably,  the  dis- tinction between  them  is  very  precise.  "     "How- ever" (writes  Selden,  Titles  of  Honour,  c.  8,  §2), "  these  names  have  been  from  antient  times  con- founded, yet  the  diadem  strictly  was  a  very  diffe- rent thing  from  what  a  crown  now  is  or  was ;  and it  was  no  other  then  than  only  a  fillet  of  silk,  linen, or  some  such'  thing.     Nor  appears  it  that  any other  kind  of  crown  was  used  for  a  royal  ensign, except  only  in  some  kingdoms  of  Asia,  but  this kind  of  fillet,  until  the  beginning  of  Christianity in  the  Roman  empire."    The  "  diadema,"  not  the "corona"  was  the  emblem  and  sign  of  royalty. It  is  styled  by  Lucian  jSoo-iXeios  yvdpia/xa  ( Pise. 35;  cf.  Xenoph.  Cyojo.  viii.  3.  13);  and  irepin- eivai  Si<i5r,fxa  is  of  frequent  use  to  indicate  tne assumption  of  royal  dignity  (Polyb.  v.  57.  4;  Jo- sephus,  A7it.  xii.  10.  1);  as  in  Latin  "  diadema  ^^ is  identified  bv  Tacitus  with  the  "insigne  reguim (Annal.  xv.    29).     The   diadem  was    of  Eastern origin,  and  ^\'as  introduced  to  the  Romans  through their  Oriental   campaigns  and  intercourse  with Asiatic    nations.     When    first   seen    at   Rome   it caused  great  offence.     Though  they  submitted  to the  reality  of  sovereign  power,  their  susceptible minds  could  not  endure  its  outward  symbols.    The golden  "  corona  "  had  raised  no  alarm.     Caligula and  Domitian  wore  it  at  the  public  games  without objection,    and  it    appears   on  their  coins.     Au- gustus,   Claudius,  Trajan,  and    many  others  are represented  with    rayed    or  "stellate"   crowns, imitating  the  majesty  of  the  sun.    Julius  Caesar, rio-htly  interpreting  public  opinion,  refused  the tempting  ofter  of  a   diadem  at  Antony's  hands, though  half-veiled  in  a  laurel  wreath  (SiaSrj^a o-TeAoj/o)   Sd(t>vvs  TT^pnveTAeyfj.^vov)  and    had   it laid  up'  in  the  Capitol  (Plutarch,  /.   Caes.  61  ; Sueton.  i.  §  79).     Caligula  when  about  to  assume the  diadem  was  warned  by  friendly  counsellors of  the  dano-er  of  thus  exceeding  "  principum  et regum  fastfgium  "  (Sueton.  iv.  c.  22).    Titus  pro- voked suspicion  of  affecting   the  throne  of  the East  by  wearing  the  diadem,  though  according to  the  established  ritual,  when  consecrating  the Apis  ox  at  Memphis  (Sueton.  xL  c.  5).     The  effe- I'inaugur.ition  dcs  pro- b  "Almd  est  corona,  aliud  diadema.  Corona  simplex  est circulus  aureus  quo  utuntur  reges  iu  minoribus  solcmni- tatibus.  Diadema  est  quasi  duplex  corona  quum  ipsi coronae  quasi  alius  circulus  gemmis  superposuus  supi-r- additur  "—Peter  of  Blois,  Sermo.  yix.  vol.  iii.  p.  H. CORONATION minate  Elagab.ilus  advanced  a  step  further  and wore  it  in  private,  "  diademate  gemniato  usus est  domi "  (Lampridius) ;  and  Aurelian,  who had  been  familiar  with  its  use  in  his  Eastern campaign,  and  the  attire  of  his  captive  Zenobia  j (Trebell.  Poll.  c.  xxix.),  first  ventured  to  present himself  to  the  public  gaze  with  his  temples adorned  with  this  badge  of  sovereignty,  and  his person  glittering  with  magnificent  attire  A.D. 270:  "Iste  primus  apud  Romanos  diaderaa  capiti innexuit,  gemmisque  et  aurata  omni  veste,  quod adhuc  fere  incognitum  Eomanis  moribus  vise- batui-,  usus  est  "  (Aurel.  Vict.  Epitom.  c.  xxxv.). The  diadem  once  introduced  was  never  dropped, and  became  a  recognized  mark  of  imperial  dig- nity ;  but  it  seems  to  have  been  chiefly  worn  on state  occasions.  Constantine  was  the  first  to  adopt It  as  a  portion  of  his  ordinary  attire — "  caput  ex- ornans  perpetuo  diademate  '  (Aurel.  Vict.  Epit. cxli.),  and  his  successors  continued  the  usage. As  soon  as  the  emperors  had  become  Christian, it  naturally  followed  that  their  inauguration  to sovereignty  should  be  accompanied  by  sacred  rites, and  receive  the  blessing  of  the  chief  minister  of religion,  who  speedily  became  also  the  recognized agent  in  setting  apart  the  sovereign  to  his  regal office  by  the  ceremonies  of  the  imposition  of  the crown,  and  at  a  later  period,  of  unction,  borrowed from  the  rites  of  the  Jewish  Church.  Originally the  crown  was  put  on  by  those  who  had  the power  of  giving  it.  The  Imperial  Guard  who chose  the  emperor  crowned  him.  When  Julian had  been  suddenly  chosen  by  his  troops  as  their emperor  at  Paris  (April  A.D.  3G0),  and  had  been raised  on  the  shield  by  the  soldiers,  it  was  they who  forcibly  put  the  token  of  power  on  his  un- willing head  :  iireOeffav  crvv  $ia  rh  StdSriiiia  rrj KicbaAfi  (Zosim.  Hist.  iii.  9.  4).  The  circum- stances of  this  coronation  deserve  mention  from their  picturesqueness.  There  being  no  real  dia- dem at  hand,  the  troops  demanded  that  he  should use  his  wife's  head-ribbon.  Julian  refused,  deem- ing a  woman's  ornament  unworthy  of  the  imperial dignity.  Still  more  peremptorily  did  he  reject the  horse's  headband  they  then  proposed.  At last  one  of  his  standard-bearers  took  off  the gold  torque  from  his  neck,  and  with  that  Julian was  crowned  (Amm.  Marcell.  xx.  4).  This  mean crown  "  vilis  corona  "  was  laid  aside  at  Vienne  for a  more  ambitious  diadem,  glittering  with  jewels — '•  ambitioso  diademate  utebatur  lapidum  fulgore distincto  "  (Amm.  Marcell.  xxi.  1 ;  Zonaras,  xiii. 10).  His  successor  Jovian  was  also  proclaimed king,  crowned  and  vested  in  the  royal  robe  by the  army  who  chose  him  A.D.  363,  rrtv  aAovp- yiSa  ii/Svs  Ka\  rh  SiaSTj^ua  Trepidefiei/os  (Zosim. iii.  30;  Theodoret,  iv.  1;  Theophan.  p.  36);  and Valeutinian  A.D.  364,  "  principali  habitu  cir- cumdatus  et  corona,  Augustusque  nuncupatus  " (Amm.  Marc.  xxvi.  2).  When  Valentinian  as- sociated his  son  Gratian  with  him  in  the  em- pire, he  invested  him  with  the  purple  and  crown (Amm.  Marcell.  xxvii.  7).  In  none  of  these  cases is  there  any  reference  to  a  bishop  or  minister  of religion  as  performing  the  ceremony  of  corona- tion ;  nor  can  we  say  with  any  certainty  when this  custom  arose.  The  first  hint  at  such  a  cus- tom that  we  meet  with  is  in  the  dream  of  Theo- dosius  before  his  admission  to  a  share  of  the imperial  dignity,  c.  379  (?),  in  which  he  saw Meletius,  bishop  of  Antioch,  putting  on  him  a crown  and  the  royal  robe  (Theodoret,  //.  E.  v.  6). CIIRTST.    ANT. CORONATION 4G5 It  has  been  erroneously  asserted  by  Martene  (dt; Eitibus,  ii.  201-237,  ed.  Bassano  1788)  and  Me- nard (Notes  to  the  Sacrarnentary  of  St.  Gregory, p.  397  sq.),  and  repeated  by  Catalan!  and  many subsequent  writers,  including  Maskell,  thatTheo- dosius  II.  (A.D.  439)  is  the  first  whom  we  know  to have  been  crowned  b)'  a  bishop.  Theophanes  (p. 59)  informs  us  that  Theodosius  the  younger  sent crowns,  (TTe(pdvovs  ^acriAtKovs,  to  Valentinian  II. at  Rome,  c.  383,  but  nothing  is  anywhere  said of  his  own  coronation.  The  passage  quoted  by Martene  from  Theodorus  Lector,  (lib.  ii.  c.  65,) speaks  of  the  coronation,  not  of  Theodosius  II. but  of  Leo  L,  A.d.  457,  by  Anatolius  the  patri- arch :  ffTe(pdels  virh  too  uvtou  Trajpidpxov.  In this  case  the  new  emperor,  a  rude  Thracian  sol- dier, had  been  a  military  tribune  and  chief steward  of  the  household  of  Aspar,  the  Arian patrician,  by  whose  influence  he  was  raised  to the  throne.  It  is  not  improbable  that  episcopal benediction  might  be  regarded  as  a  valuable support  to  a  feeble  title,  and  that  Leo  felt  a special  satisfaction  in  having  the  imperial  crown imposed  on  his  brows  by  the  head  of  the  Byzan- tine hiej-archy.  But  previous  allusions  to  coro- nation at  the  hands  of  a  bishop  would  lead  us to  question  the  accuracy  of  Gibbon's  assertion (chap,  xxxvi.)  that  "  this  appears  to  be  the  first origin  of  a  ceremony  which  all  the  Christian princes  of  the  world  have  since  adopted,"  and  it would  certainly  be  very  unsafe  to  assert  that  it was  the  first  time  that  this  ceremony  was  per- formed by  episcopal  hands.  The  next  recorded instance  of  episcopal  coronation  is  that  of  Jus- tin I.  This  emperor  was  crowned  twice  :  first by  John  II.,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  518 (theophan.  Chronograph,  p.  162  ;  cf.  the  patri- arch's letter  to  Pope  Hormisdas,  apud  Baronii Annul,  anno  519,  no.  Ix. :  "  Ideo  coronam  (aliter cornu)  gratiae  super  eum  coelitus  declinavit,  ut aftluenter  in  sacrum  ejus  caput  misericordia funderetur :  omnique  annuntiationis  ejus  tem- pore cum  magna  voce  Deum  omnium  principem glorificaverunt  quoniam  talem  verticem  meis manibus  tali  corona  decoravit ")  ;  and  secondly, "pietatis  ergo,"  by  Pope  John  II.  on  his  visit  to- Constantinople,  A.D.  525  (Anastas.  Bibliothec.  p. 95,  ed.  Blanchini,  Rom.  1718;  Airaionus,  lib.  ii. c.  1).  His  successor  Justinian  received  the  dia- dem primarily  from  his  uncle's  hands  (Zonaras  lib. xiv.  c.  5),  in  compliance  with  a  practice  subse- quently prevailing  in  the  Eastern  empire,  by  whicli the  symbol  of  royalty  was  originally  bestowed  by the  emperor  himself  on  those  whom  he  wished  to succeed  him  ;  the  ceremony  being  probably  re- peated by  the  bishop  or  patriarch.  Thus  Verina crowned  her  brother  Basiliscus,  A.D.  474.  Tibe- rius II.  his  wife  Anastasia,  A.D.  578  (Theophanes, Chion.).  But  the  sanction  of  religion  had  be- come essential  to  the  recognition  of  a  new  sove- reign by  his  subjects,  and  Justinian  was  inaugu- rated by  the  imposition  of  the  hands  of  the patriarch  Epiphanius  (Cyril.  Scythopol.  Vita  S. Sabae  Archimandritae).  From  this  time  corona- tion at  the  hands  of  the  patriarch  was  an  esta- blished rule.  Justin  II.,  A.D.  565,  was  crowned by  John  Scholasticus ;  Tiberius  II.  by  Eutychius, Sept.  26,  578,  ten  days  before  Justin's  death  and by  his  order.  His  successor  Maurice  and  his wife  were  crowned  by  John  the  Faster,  A.D.  582. on  the  day  of  their  marriage  (Theophyl.  Simo- catla,  lil).  i.  c.  H>\  ;ind  their  son  Theodosius, 2  H 466 CORONATION" when  four  years  old  (Theophan.  p.  179).  He- raclius,  with  his  wife  Eudocia,  was  crowned  by Sergius,  Oct.  7,  610,  and  in  the  third  year  of his  reign  his  son  Heraclius  and  his  daughter  Epi- phania^vere  also  crowned.  It  is  unnecessary  to give  later  examples.  In  the  time  of  Justinian's successor  Justin  II.  the  ceremonial  of  coronation seems  to  have  received  the  form  and  religious sanction  it  maintained,  on  the  whole,  till  the  fall of  the  empire.  The  ritual  is  elaborately  de- scribed by  Corippus.  The  ceremony  took  place at  break  of  day.  After  his  elevation  on  the shield  (see  above),  the  emperor  was  carried  into St.  Sophia's,  where  he  received  the  patriarch's benediction,  and  the  imperial  diadem  was  imposed by  his  hands.  He  was  then  recognized  as  emperor bv  acclamation  first  of  the  "  patres  "  and  then of  the  "  clientes."  Wearing  his  diadem  he  took his  seat  on  the  throne,  and  after  making  the sign  of  the  cross  he  made  an  harangue  to  his assembled  subjects : — "  Postquam  cuncta  videt  ritu  perfecta  priorum, Pontificum  summus  plenaque  aetata  venustus, Adstantotn  benedLxit  eum,  caelique  potentem Exorans  Dominum  sacro  diademate  jussit Augustum  sancire  caput,  summoque  coronam Imponens  apici '  Feliciter  accipe '  dixit." Corippus  de  Laud.  Justin,  ii.  9,  v.  179  sq. With  the  addition  of  the  important  ceremony of  unction,  and  a  considerable  elaboration  of ritual,  the  coronation  office,  as  given  by  Joannes Cantacuzenus,  afterwards  emperor  (c.  1330),  and a  century  later,  by  Georgius  Codinus  (d.  1453), corresponds  with  that  described  by  Corippus  in all  essential  particulars. Of  the  Occidental  use  we  know  little  or nothing.  We  may  reasonably  suppose  that  there was  no  essential  difference  beween  it  and  the Eastern  ritual.  But  the  Western  empire  had ceased  before  the  earliest  record  of  any  religious ceremony  accompanying  the  rite  in  the  East, and  when  it  revivecl  in  the  person  of  the  em- peror Charles  the  Great,  coronation  at  the  hands of  a  bishop  had  long  been  a  recognized  custom ainong  the  Prankish  nations.  Martene  (ii.  212) acknowledges  that  the  coronation  of  Pippin,  the father  of  Charles,  is  the  earliest  example  he  can discover.  Pippin  was  crowned  twice — first  by St.  Bonifoce,  archbishop  of  Mentz,  papal  legate, at  Soissons,  a.d.  752  ;  secondly,  together  with his  sons  Charles  and  Carlomann  and  his  wife Bertha,  by  Pope  Stephen  at  St.  Denis,  Sunday, July  28,  754  (Pagius,  Brev.  Gesta  Rom.  Pont.). Charles  the  Great  was  also  crowned  episcopally more  than  once.  In  addition  to  his  boyish  coro- nation he  was  solemnly  crowned  in  St.  Peter's  at Rome  by  Pope  Leo.  This  coronation  took  place on  Christmas  Day,  A.D.  800.  It  forms  one  of  the great  epochs  in  history,  as  by  this  the  Prankish king  was  recognized  by  the  Vicar  of  Christ  as the  representative  of  the  emperors  of  Rome  and inheritor  of  their  rights  and  privileges. The  ceremony  is  thus  described  by  Const.  Ma- nasses  in  Chron.  Synops. : — fVT^vBiv  afieij36(xe>/os  KdpovWov  6  Ae'wi' avavopeiJei  Kparopa  t^?  waKaiorepas  'Pii^r); Kai  <rTi!<(,os  TrepiTc^Tjerii/  ws  ol  'Pw/iaiwi/  vofiot. It  has  been  repeatedly  asserted  that,  previous to  his  coronation  at  Rome,  Charles  had  been crowned  with  the  so-called  iron  crown  at  Monza  : but  the  fact  is  not  recorded  in  any  early  autho- rities, and  it  IS  probably  a  story  of  later  growth. CORONATION His  infant  son  Pippin  was  crowned  king  of  Italy by  Adrian  I.  on  Easter  Day,  801,  the  day  after his  birth. "^ One  of  the  very  earliest  instances  on  record  of a  royal  coronation  by  an  ecclesiastic  in  Western Europe  is  that  of  Aidan,  king  of  Scotland,  by St.  Columba  in  lona,  a.d.  574.''  It  may  pei'haps be  reasonably  questioned  whether  this  picturesque narrative  is  to  be  received  as  historical.  But  it is  accepted  by  some  of  the  latest  and  best  au- thorities (e.g.  Montalembert  and  Burton);  and the  kernel  of  the  story  is  probably  authentic. According  to  the  tale,  an  angel  was  sent  to command  Columba  to  consecrate  Aidan.  He reminded  the  saint  that  "  he  had  in  his  hands the  crystal-covered  book  of  the  Ordination  of Kings  ;"  which,  be  it  remarked,  presupposes  the existence  of  such  a  ceremony.  St.  Columba  hesi- tated, preferring  for  sovereign  Aidan's  brother logen.  The  angelic  messenger  appeared  again and  again,  becoming  more  and  more  peremp- tory, until  on  the  third  visit  he  struck  the  re- fractory saint  with  a  scourge,  leaving  a  weai which  remained  on  his  side  all  the  rest  of  his life.  On  this  Columba  consented,  and  Aidan was  made  king  by  him  on  the  celebrated  Stone of  Destiny,  taken  afterwards  from  lona  to  Dun- staffnage,  and  thence  to  Scone,  whence  it  was transferred  by  Edward  I.,  as  a  symbol  of  con- quest, to  Westminster.  The  words  of  Adamnan are  simply,  "  in  regem  ordinavit  impouensque manum  super  caput  ejus  ordinans  benedixit." No  mention  is  made  either  of  the  crown  or unction  (Adamnanus,  de  S.  Columh.  Scoto  Confes- sore,  t.  iii.  c.  5  ;  Montalembert,  ITonks  of  the West;  T.  Hill  Burton,  Hist,  of  Scotland,  i.  319). Almost  contemporaneous  with  this  are  the  records of  the  same  rite  in  Spain.  Leovigild,  king  of the  Visigoths,  A.D.  572,  according  to  Isidore, Hist.  Goihorum,  vii.  124,  was  the  first  of  those sovereigns  to  assume  the  crown,  sceptre,  and roval  robe :  "  Nam  ante  eum  et  habitus  et  con- sessus  communis  ut  genti  ita  et  regibus  erat." Of  Recared  also,  Leovigild's  successor,  A.D.  586, we  read,  "  regno  est  coronatus  "  (26.). (6)  Another  essential  portion  of  the  coronation  of a  Christian  monarch  was  unction  at  the  hands  of  a bishop  or  other  chief  minister.  This  rite  clothed the  person  of  the  king  with  inviolable  sanctity. It  was  considered  to  partake  of  the  nature  of  a sacrament  (August,  adv.  Petilium,  lib.  ii.  c.  112), and  to  be  indefible ;  to  convey  spiritual  jurisdic- tion, as  the  delivery  of  the  crown  conferred  tem- poral power ;  and  it  gave  the  chief  significance  to the  formula  "  Rex  Dei  gratis,"  which  according to  Selden  (Titles  of  Honour,  p.  92)  could  not  from c  The  notion,  once  so  widely  received,  that  the  Western emperors  were  crowned  in  three  different  places,  with crowns  of  three  different  materials — gold  at  Rome  denoting excellence,  silver  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  denoting  purity,  and iron  at  Monza  or  Milan  denoting  strength— is  a  mere  myth of  an  editor  of  the  Pontificale  Romanum.  deservedly  ridi- culed by  Aeneas  Sylvius  (Pope  Julius  II.),  Hist.  Aust. lib.  iv.,  and  refuted  by  Muratori,  cte  Cor.  Ferr.  p.  9. d  It  is  stated  in  the  Introduction  to  the  Roxburgh  Club edition  of  the  "Liber  Regalis,"  1871,  that  "the  earliest coronation  of  a  Christian  prince  within  the  limits  of Great  Britain  and  Ireland  is  generally  supposed  to  be  that of  Dermot  or  Diarmid,  supreme  monarch  of  Ireland,  by his  relative,  Columba,"  circa  560:  but  this  is  merely  an inference  from  the  close  relation  between  the  two  parties, not  an  ascertained  historical  fact. COEONATION its  sacred  character,  be  applied  to  any  other  lav person.  Thus  Gregory  the  Great  writes,  "quia ipsa  unctio  sacramentum  est,  is  qui  promovetur foris  ungitur  si  intus  virtute  sacramenti  robo- retur  "  {Expos,  lib.  i.  L'eyum,  c.  x.).  "  Rex  unctus non  mera  persona  laica  sed  mixta"  (Lyndwood,  lib. iii.  tit.  2).  Anointing,  it  is  well  known,  was  the chief  and  divinely  appointed  ceremony  lay  which the  kings  among  the  chosen  people  of  God  were inaugurated  to  their  office.  As  early  as  the  time of  the  Judges  the  idea  \vas  familiar;  for  in .Jotham's  parable  the  trees  propose  to  anoint  a king  over  them.  This  shews  that  it  must  have been  in  use  among  other  nations  with  whom the  Jewish  people  had  intercourse,  and  that St.  Augustine  goes  too  far  in  asserting  that  it was  a  rite  peculiar  to  the  people  of  God,  and  was never  adopted  by  heathen  nations.  "  Nee  in  aliquo alibi  ungebantur  reges  et  sacerdotes  nisi  in  illo regno  ubi  Christus  prophetabatur  et  ungebatur et  unde  venturus  erat  Christ!  nomen.  Nusquam alibi  omnino  in  nulla  gente,  in  nullo  regno" (Enarrat.  in  Ps.  xliv.  §  10). The  earliest  authentic  instances  of  the  cere- mony of  unction  forming  an  essential  element in  Christian  coronations  appear  in  the  annals of  the  Spanish  kingdoms.  The  rite  is  mentioned in  the  Acts  of  the  6th  Council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  636. Wamba  on  his  coronation  (A.D.  673)  was  anointed by  Quirigo,  archbishop  of  Toledo  :  "  Deinde  cur- vatis  genibus  oleum  henedictionis  per  sacri  Qui- rici  pontificis  manus  vertici  ejus  infunditur" (Julius  Toletanus,  §  4;  of.  Rodericus  Santius, quoted  by  Selden,  Titles  of  Honour,  p.  155). But  the  rite  was  evidently  anterior  to  this.  The language  used  evidences  that  the  unction  was  an established  custom,  and  that  it  took  place  at Toledo.  Wamba's  is  simply  the  first  unction  on record.  This  is  confirmed  by  the  Acts  of  the 12th  Council  of  Toledo,  which  state  ofHervigius, Wamba's  successor,  A.D.  680,  that  he  "  regnandi per  sacrosanctam  unctiouem  succeperit  potesta- tem  "  (Labbe',  Cone.  vi.  1225,  canon  i.). Passing  by  the  language  of  Gildas  (de  Excid. Brit.  §  21),  "  ungebantur  reges  et  non  per  Deum, &c.,"  as  more  oratorical  than  historical,  and  the uncertain  reference  to  unction  in  Ina's  designation of  himself,  "  by  God's  grace,  king  of  the  West Saxons,"  in  the  opening  sentence  of  his  laws A.D.  .690,  we  come  down  to  the  form  of  coro- nation contained  in  the  Pontificale  of  Egbert, archbishop  of  York  A.D.  732-767,  of  which  Mr. ]\Iaskell  says,  "  it  is  probably  not  only  the  most ancient  English  use,  but  the  most  ancient  extant m  the  world"  (Ifonum.  Bit.  iii.  74-81).  The ritual,  together  with  other  ceremonies,  expressly includes  the  anointing  of  the  king's  head  with oil.  "  Benedictio  super  regem  noviter  electum. Hie  verget  oleum  cum  cornu  super  caput  ipsius cum  antiphone  '  unxerunt  Salomonem  '  et  Psalmo '  Domine  in  nrtute  tua.'  Unus  ex  pontificibus dicat  orationem  et  alii  uuguant." The  12th  canon  of  the  Council  of  Cealcyth \.V>.  787,  "  de  ordinatione  et  houore  regum," /ontains  a  valuable  incidental  mention  of  unction as  an  essential  element  of  the  kingly  office,  in the  words,  "Nee  Christus  Domini  esse  valet  nee rex  totius  regni  qui  ex  legitime  non  fuerit  con- uubio  generatus."  Of  Egferth,  son  of  Offa,  who was  crowned  at  this  council  as  his  father's  col- league, the  language  of  the  Anglo-SaxonChronicle, in  which    this    is  the   earliest    coronation    mon- COROXATION 407 tioned,  "h.a'Uowed  to  king"  (to  cijuingc  gchalgod) can  only  be  interpreted  of  unction,  and  so  Wil- liam of  Malmesbury  has  understood  it,  "  in regem  iiluactum."  Eardwulf,  king  of  North- umberland, is  recorded  to  have  been  consecrated (gebletsod)  and  elevated  to  his  throne  (to  his  cinc- stole  ahofen)  by  Archbishop  Eanbald  and  three bishops  (Anglo-Sax.  Chron.  A.D.  795).  And  finally of  Alfred,  the  same  chronicle  says,  a.d.  854,  that when  Pope  Leo  IV.  heard  of  the  death  of  Ethel- wulf  he  consecrated  him  king  (bletsode  Alurcci to  cin/e).  The  rhyming  Chronicle  of  Robei-t  o( Gloucester,  quoted  by  Selden  {Titles  of  Honour, p.  150),  in  describing  this  coronation  uses  the remarkable  phrase  "  he  oiled  (elede')  him  to  be king : " — "  Erst  he  adde  at  Rome  ybe,  and  vor  is  gret  wisdome The  pope  Leon  him  blessede,  tho  he  Hinder  come, And  ihe  king  is  croune  of  this  lend,  yt  in  this  lond yat  is: And  slede  him  to  be  king,  ere  he  were  king  ywis. And  he  was  king  of  Engelond,  of  all  that  there  come That  verst  thus  yeled  was  of  the  Pope  of  Rome. And  sutthe  other  after  him  of  tho  erchebissop  echon, So  that  biuore  him  thur  king  was  ther  non." From  England  the  custom  of  unction  seems  to have  passed  into  France,  where  Pippin's  anoint- ing^ hj  Boniface,  archbishop  of  Mentz,  at  Soissons A.D.  752,  is  acknowledged   by  Martene  {de  Bit. Eccl.  ii.  212;    cf   Selden,  u.s.   p.  113)  to  have been  the    first  regal   unction  the  testimony  for which  is  worthy  of  credit. «     According  to  Chif- letius,  p.  30  (apud   Maskell  u.  s.),   the   rite  was more    than    once    repeated :    "  Pipinus    omnium Franciae    regum    primus,    imitatus    Judaeorum reges,  ut  se  sacra  unctione   venerabiiiorem   au- gustioremque   faceret,  semel  atque  iterum  ungi voluit."     This   second  unction  is  probably  that mentioned  by  Baronius,  July  28,  A.D.  754,"  when Pippin  received  anointing  from  Stephen  II.  to- gether with  his  sons  Charles  and  Carlomann. The  custom  of  unction  was  firmly  established in  the  West  by  the  close  of  the  8th  century. When  Charles  the  Great  was  crowned  in  Ronie by  Leo  I.  he  was  anointed  with  oil  from  head to  foot : — KaX  ixrfv  ak\a  xp'io-a.uej/os  Kol  voixoi^  'lovSaiuiV, c/c  Kecf}a\ris  M^XP'  toSwv  eAai'w  tovtov  xpi'ei. Const.  Manass.  in  Ckrun.  Synops. I  The  East  followed  the  West  in  the  adoption  of I  unction.  It  has  been  carried  back  to  the  time I  of  Justin  and  Justinian,  i.  e.  to  the  middle  of the  6th  century  (Onuphrius,  de  Comit.  Tmferator. !  c.  2)  ;  but  Goar  {Eucholog.  p.  928)  affirms  that "the  emperors  of  the  East  were. not  anointed before  that  Charles  the  Great  was  crowned  in the  West "  (cf.  Selden,  v.  s.  p.  146). In  the  earliest  ritual  anointing  on  the  head alone  sufficed.  Tliat  of  the  whole  person,  adopted in  the  case  of  Charles  the  Great,  was  quite  ex- ceptional. The  unction  is  thus  limited  in  the Pontificale  of  Egbert.  In  the  Greek  ritual,  given by  Codinus,  tlie  head  was  anointed  in  the  shape  of the  cross  (o-raupoetScur).  The  mediaeval  English rite  is  peculi.ar  in  anointing  the  head,  breast,  and «  The  ridiculous  fable  of  the  savcta  ampulla,  conveyed from  heaven  by  an  angel  with  oil  fur  the  coronation  ritos of  Clovis,  A.D.  4«1,  was  not  hoard  of  till  four  himdred  years alter  the  date  of  the  supposed  event,  and  then  in  connexion with  his  baptism  and  confirnialiun.  (tlincrnar,  VitaS.  Rem. ap  Suiium,  .Jan.  13.) 2   H   \>, i68 COKONATION arms,  clenotins;  glory,  sanctity,  and  strength. The  kings  of  France  were  anointed  in  nine  places tlie  head,  breast,   between  the   shoulders,  the shoulders  themselves,  the  arms,  and  the  hands. But  this  was  a  later  development  of  the  rite. The  head  alone  was  anqinted  in  three  places,  the right  ear,  the  forehead  round  to  the  left  ear, and  the  crown  of  the  head,  when  Chaides  the Bald  was  crowned  by  Hincmar,  A.D.  809  (Hinc- mar.  Opera,  i.  745). (c)  The  delivery  of  the  sceptre  and  staff,  which appears  in  the  English  ritual  of  the  Fontificale of  Egbert,  is  evidently  derived  from  the  custom prevailing  among  the  Lombards,  Franks,  and other  early  nations,  to  which  we  have  already referred,  of  delivering  a  spear  to  the  newly elected  sovereign. (il)  The  profession  of  faith,  which  in  later  times formed  part  of  the  ritual  of  an  imperial  coro- nation, preceding  the  episcopal  benediction,  is not  mentioned  in  the  more  ancient  authorities. The  instances  given  by  Martene  (de  Bitibus)  in proof  of  its  early  date  are  quite  inconclusive. Jovian's  declaration  of  Christian  faith  on  his election  as  emperor  by  the  soldiers  of  his  army, was  evidently  entirely  voluntary  (Theodoret, H.  E.  iv.  1).  The  demand  made  of  Anastasius (A.D.  491)  by  the  patriarch  of  Constantinople, Euphemius,  that  as  the  price  of  the  episcopal sanction  to  his  election  to  the  imperial  dignity, he  would  sign  a  document  declaring  his  adhesion to  the  orthodox  faith,  was  quite  e.xceptional (Evagr.  H.  E.  iii.  32  ;  Theod.  Loot,  iii.),  while the  profession  of  orthodoxy  required  by  Cyriac of  Phocas  A.D.  602,  and  unhesitatingly  given  by that  base  and  sanguinary  usurper  to  purchase the  patriarch's  recognition,  can  scarcely  be pressed  into  a  precedent.  In  the  Gothic  king- dom of  Spain  an  oath  that  he  would  defend the  Catholic  faith,  and  preserve  the  realm  from the  contamination  of  Jewish  unbelievers,  was  very early  exacted  of  the  sovereign.  Such  a  pledge is  declared  essential  in  the  Acts  of  the  6th Council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  636  (act  iii.  Labbe, Coiicil.  V.  p.  1743),  and  in  the  later  councils  held at  the  same  place.  It  is  expressly  declared  of Wamba  A.D.  673  that  before  the'  ceremony  of unction  and  after  the  assumption  of  the  royal attire,  "  regio  jam  cultu  conspicuus  ante  altare divinum  consistens  ex  more  fidem  populis  red- didit"  (Jul.  Tolet.  §  4).  The  oath  of  King Egi^a  is  given  in  the  Acts  of  the  15th  Council of  Toledo  A.D.  688.  Xo  such  oath  or  profession of  faith  appears  in  the  form  of  coronation  in the  Fontificale  of  Egbert.  We  are  unable  to state  when  it  was  introduced  into  the  ritual  of the  Eastern  empire.  But  according  to  Georgius Codinus  (cap.  xvii.  §§  1-7),  the  newly  recognized emperor  had  to  give  a  written  profession  of faith  before  his  coronation,  to  be  publicly  read in  St.  Sophia's. {e)  Leontius  {Vita  Sancti  Joan.  Alex.  Episc.  c. 1 7)  mentions  a  remarkable  custom  prevailing  in  the coronations  of  the  Eastern  empire  in  the  6th  cen- tury as  an  admonition  of  the  transitoriness  of  all earthlj'  greatness.  After  his  coronation  the  archi- tects of  the  imperial  monuments  approached  the emperor  and  presented  specimens  of  four  or  five marbles  of  diHerent  colours,  with  the  inquirv which  he  would  choose  for  the  construction  of his  own  monument.  The  analogous  ceremonv  de- scribed   by    Peter    Damianus    (Zt«.   lib.   i.'l7). CORONATION though  belonging  to  a  later  period,  may  be  men- tioned here.  The  emperor  having  taken  his  seat on  his  throne,  with  his  diadem  on  his  head  and his  sceptre  in  his  hand,  and  his  nobles  standing around,  was  approached  by  a  man  carrying a  box  full  of  dead  men's  bones  and  dust  in  one hand,  and  in  the  other  a  wisp  of  flax  which — as in  the  papal  enthronization — was  lighted  and burnt  before  his  eyes. (/)  This  article  may  be  fittingly  closed  by  an epitome  of  the  ritual  prescribed  in  the  Fontificale of  Egbert,  A.D.  732-767,  already  repeatedly referred  to  as  the  earliest  extant  form  of  corona- tion. The  title  of  this  coronation  service  is  "  Missa pi'o  regibus  in  die  Benedlctionis  ejus."  It  com- mences with  the  Antiphon  "Justus  es  Domine, &c."  (Ps.  cxix.  137),  and  the  Psalm  "  Beati  im- maculati  (Ps.  cxix.  1).  Then  succeeds  a  Lesson from  Leviticus,  "  Haec  dicit  Dominus "  (Lev. xxvi.  6-9) ;  the  gradual,  "  Salvum  f;ic,  &c.,"  and the  verse,  "Auribus  percipe"  and  "Alleluia," the  Psalm  "Magnus  Dominus"  (Ps.  xlviii.),  or "  Domine  in  virtute  "  (Ps.  xxi.),  and  a  sequence from  St.  Matthew,  "In  illo  tempore"  (Matt.  xxii. 15).  Then  follows  the  "  Benedi.  io  super  regem noviter  electum,"  and  three  collects,  "Te  iuvo- camus  Dornine  sancte,"  "  Deus  qui  populis  tuis" (both  of  which  are  found  in  the  Liber  Regalis), and  "  In  diebus  ejus  oriatur  omnibus  aequitas." The  unction  follows,  according  to  the  form  al- ready given.  After  the  collect,  "  Deus  electorum fortitudo,"  succeeds  the  delivery  of  the  sceptre. The  rubric  is,  "  Hie  omnes  pontifices  cum  princi- pibus  dant  ei  sceptrum  in  manu."  Fifteen  Frcces follow.  After  this  there  is  the  delivery  of  the  staff ("Hie  datur  ei  baculum  in  manu  sua"),  with  the prayer,  "Omnipotens  det  tibi  Deus  de  rore  coeli," &c.,  and  imposition  of  the  crown  (the  rubric  is, "  Hie  omnes  pontifices  sumant  galerum  et  ponant super  caput  ipsius  "),  with  the  prayer,  "  Benedic Domine  fortitudinem  regis  principis,  &c."  This is  succeeded  by  the  recognition  of  the  people, and  the  kiss.  The  rubric  runs,  "  Et  dioat  omnis populus  tribus  vicibus  cum  episcopis  et  presby- teris  Vivat  rex  N.  in  sempiternmn.  Tunc  con- firmabitur  cum  benedictione  omnis  populus  "  (Leo- fric  Missal,  "  omni  populo  in  solio  regni ")  "  et osculandum  principem  in  sempiternum  dicit. ArrKH,  Amen,  Amen."  The  seventh  "  oratio  "  is said  over  the  king,  and  the  mass  follows,  with appropriate  Ofi^ertory,  Frcface,  &c.  The  whole terminates  with  the  three  royal  precepts,  to preserve  the  peace  of  the  Church,  to  restrain all  rapacity  and  injustice,  and  to  maintain  justice and  mercy  in  all  judicial  proceedings. Authorities.  —  Maskell,  Monumenta  Fitualia Ecclesiae  Anglicanae,  iii.  1-142.  Martene,  J?e Antiquis  Ecclesiae  Bitibus,  ii.  201-237.  Selden, Titles  of  Honour,  part  i.  ch.  vii.  Habertus, Pontific.  Graec.  pp.  627  sq.  Catalani,  Comment, in  Fontific.  Soman,  i.  369-418.  Menin,  Traite' du  Sacre  et  Couronnement  des  Bois  et  Beines  de France.  Goar,  Euchologium,  pp.  924-930.  Me nard.  Notes  to  Sacramentary  of  Gregory,  p.  397. Arthur  Taylor,  Glory  of  Begality.  Montf;iucon, Monumens  de  I'Histoire  de  France,  tom.  i.  p.  xvi.  sq. Discours  preliminaire  de  I'tnaiujuration  des  pre- miers Bois  de  France.  Codinus  Curopalata,  Be Officiis  et  Officialibus  Curiae  et  Ecclesiae  Constanti- nopolitanae,  c.  xvii.  Grimm,  Bechtsalterthiitner, p.  234  sq. CORPOEAL CORPORAL  (Corporale,  Palla  Corporalis, Palla  DominiCiC).  The  cloth  on  which  the  ele- ments are  consecrated  in  the  Eucharist. It  is  probable  from  the  nature  of  the  case  that from  the  most  ancient  times  the  table  on  which the  Lord's  Supper  was  celebrated  was  covered with  a  cloth.  [See  Altar-CLOTiis.]  In  process of  time,  the  cloth  which  ordinarily  covered  the table  was  itself  covered,  when  the  sacred  ele- ments were  to  be  consecrated,  by  another  cloth called  a  Corporal.  The  Liher  Pontificalis  (p. 105,  ed.  Muratori)  asserts  that  Pope  Sylvester (t  o35)  decreed  that  the  sacrifice  of  the  altar should  be  consecrated  not  on  silk  or  on  any  kind of  dyed  cloth,  but  only  on  pure  white  linen,  as the  Lord's  Body  was  buried  in  linen.  The  de- crees of  popes  of  that  age  lie,  as  is  well  known, under  a  good  deal  of  suspicion ;  but  at  a  some- what later  date  Isidore  of  Pelusium  (Epist.  i. 123)  lays  down  precisely  the  same  rule  as  that attributed  to  Sylvester.  Germanus  of  Paris (Expositio  Brevis,  p.  93,  Migne)  also  lays  down that  the  corporal  must  be  of  linen,  for  the  same reason  as  that  alleged  by  the  preceding  authori- ties, and  adds  that  it  should  be  woven  through- out, like  the  seamless  coat  of  the  Lord.  Regino (De  Discip.  Eccl.  c.  118)  quotes  a  council  of Rheims  to  the  following  effect.  The  corporal  on which  the  immolation  is  made  must  be  of  the finest  and  purest  linen,  without  admixture  of any  other  material  whatever.  It  must  not  re- main on  the  altar  except  in  time  of  mass,  but must  either  be  placed  in  the  sacramentary  or shut  up  with  the  chalice  and  paten  in  a  place kept  delicately  clean.  When  it  is  washed,  it must  first  be  rinsed  in  the  church  itself,  and  in a  vessel  kept  for  the  purpose  by  a  priest,  deacon, or  subdeacon. The  corporal  appears  anciently  to  have  co- vered the  whole  surface  of  the  altar.  Hence, according  to  the  Ordo  Romanus  II.  c.  9,  it  re- quired the  services  of  two  deacons  to  spread  and refold  it.  So,  the  Ordo  Rom.  /.  c.  11.  It  was necessary,  in  fact,  that  it  should  be  sufficiently large  to  admit  of  the  bread  for  a  great  number of  communicants  being  placed  upon  it,  and  to allow  a  portion  to  be  turned  up  so  as  to  cover the  elements.  But  when,  about  the  11th  century, it  ceased  to  be  usual  for  the  people  to  communi- cate, and  the  bread  came  to  be  made  in  the  wafer form,  the  corporal  was  made  smaller,  and  a separate  cloth  or  covering  was  placed  over  the chalice  (Innocent  III.  De  Myst.  Missae,  ii.  56). This  was  often  stiffened  with  rich  material. Many  churches,  however,  especially  those  of  the Carthusians,  retained  the  more  ancient  use  of the  corporal  even  in  modern  times,  as  we  are informed  by  De  Mauleon  in  his  Her  Liturg.  pp. 57,  60,  200,  268.  (Krazer,  De  Liiurgiis,  pp. 175  ff.) For  the  corporals  of  the  Eastern  Church,  see Antimensium.  [C] CORPORAL  PUNISHMENT.  Corporal punishment  in  almost  every  form  was  evidently allowed  by  the  lex  talionis  of  the  Pentateuch  : "  Eye  for  eye,  tooth  for  tooth,  hand  for  hand, foot  for  foot,  burning  for  burning,  wound  for wound,  stripe  for  stripe  "  (Exod.  xxi.  24,  25).  It was  also  allowed  to  be  used  by  the  master  upon his  slave  to  an  almost  unlimited  extent ;  if  in- deed he  smote  his  servant  or  his  maid  with  a CORPORAL  PUNISHMENT      469 rod,  and  they  died  under  his  hand,  he  was  to  be punished,  but  not  if  they  "  continued  a  day  or two"  (*,  20,  21);  the  slave,  however,  obtaining his  freedom  if  his  master  blinded  hinj  of  an  eye, or  knocked  a  tooth  out  (vv.  26,  27).  The  judicial bastinado  (i.  e.  for  a  freeman)  was  not  to  exceed 40  stripes,  lest  "  thy  brother  should  seem  vile unto  thee  "  (Deut.  xxv.  3).  That  the  use  of  per- sonal chastisement  remained  prevalent,  is  evident from  the  whole  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  es])e- cially  from  the  Book  of  Proverbs;  though  it  is somewhat  difficult  to  see  by  whose  hand  the "  rod  "  or  "  stripes  "  which  Solomon  so  zealously eulogises  as  the  due  reward  of  fools  could  well be  applied.  Not  less  zealously,  it  is  well  known, does  he  inculcate  the  use  of  them  for  the  instruc- tion of  children. It  seems  hardly  necessaiy  to  point  out  how much  milder  is  the  tone  of  the  New  Testament in  these  respects.  Fathers  were  not  to  "  provoke their  children  to  wrath  "  (Eph.  vi.  4,  and  see  Col. iii.  21);  masters  were  to  "forbear  threatening" with  their  slaves  (Eph.  vi.  9).  At  the  same  time the  judicial  use  of  corporal  punishment  is  fre- quently mentioned,  and  only  indirectly  censured when  in  violation  of  an  established  privilege. By  the  old  Roman  law  indeed  a  citizen  could only  be  beaten  with  a  vine-branch,  not  with  rods (fustes)  or  with  the  scourge  (Jlagellum),  which privilege  was  extended  by  Caius  Gracchus  to  the Latins ;  hence  St.  Paul's  twice-recoi-ded  protest (Acts  xvi.  37  ;  xxii.  25)  against  being  "  beaten  " or  "  scourged,"  being  "  a  Roman."  It  is  certain however  that  in  the  Roman  army  a  terrible  pu- nishment existed,  called  fustuarium,  beginning with  a  stroke  of  the  centurion's  vine-branch  (the symbol  of  his  authority),  and  seldom  ending  but with  death.  And  as  the  status  of  the  freeman became  gradually  lowered,  it  is  clear  that  the use  of  the  rod  became  more  prevalent,  till  we find  the  jurists  of  the  period  extending  fi-om  Se- verus  to  the  Gordians,  such  as  Callistratus  and Macer  (end  of  the  2ud  to  nearly  middle  of  the  3rd century),  speaking  of  the  fustes  as  the  punish- ment of  the  free,  in  cases  where  the  slave  would be  flogged  with  the  flagellum,  or  terming  the application  of  the  former  a  mere  "  admonition," but  that  of  the  latter  a  castigation  {Dig.  bk.  xlviii. t.  xix.  11.  10,  7). A  constitution  of  Severus  and  Antonine  forbade the  chastising  with  the  fustes  either  decemvirs or  their  sons  {Code,  bk.  ii.  tit.  xii.  1.  5.  a,d.  199) ; The  ignominy,  however,  arose  from  the  sentence, if  for  an  offence  deserving  by  law  such  punish- ment, not  from  the  mere  act;  e.g.  if  inflicted by  way  of  torture,  before  sentence,  it  did  not dishonour  (Dig.  bk.  iii.  t.  ii.  1.  22;  Code,  bk. ii.  t.  xii.  1.  14;  law  of  Gordian,  a.d.  239); though  the  torturing  of  decemvirs  under  any circumstances  was  eventually  forbidden  (bk.  x. t.  xxxi.  1.  33  ;  Const,  of  Gratiau,  Valentinian, and  Theodosius,  A.D.  381).  But  a  man  was  in- famous after  being  whipped  and  told  by  the praeco,  "Thou  hast  calumniated"  (bk.  ii.  1.  16, AD.  241).  An  extract  from  the  jurist  Callis- tratus in  the  Digest  (bk.  1.  t.  ii.  1.  12)  brings  out in  a  striking  way  the  conflict  between  the  old civic  pride  of  Rome  and  the  debasement  of  muni- cipal government  during  her  decay.  Traders,  he says,  though  liable  to  be  flogged  by  the  aediles, are  not  to  be  set  aside  as  vile.  They  are  not forbidden    to    solicit    the    decurionate    or   other 470      CORPORAL  PUNISHMENT honours  iu  the  city  of  their  birtbiilace.  But  it does  not  seem  to  him  honourable  to  admit  to  the decurion  order  persons  who  have  been  subject to  such  chastisement,  especially  in  those  cities which  have  an  abundance  of  honourable  men, for  it  is  the  paucity  of  those  who  should  fulfil municipal  offices  which  necessarily  invites  such persons,  if  wealthy,  to  municipal  honours.  And the  45th  Novel,  whilst  subjecting  Jews,  Sama- ritans, and  heretics,  to  all  the  charges  of  the decurionate,  deprived  them  of  its  privileges,  "  as that  of  not  being  scourged." It  will  thus  be  seen  that  during  the  five  cen- turies which  separate  Justinian  trom  St.  Paul, the  idea  of  corporal  punishment  under  its  most usual  forms  as  a  social  degradation  subsisted, yet  the  liability  to  it  had  been  greatly  extended. The  equality  befoi'e  the  law  which  might  have been  reached  through  the  extension  of  Roman citizenship  itself  had  been  by  no  means  attained, but  the  character  of  that  citizenship  itself  had  be- come debased,  and  the  exemption  from  corporal punishment  which  still  fluttered,  like  a  last  rag of  the  toga,  on  the  sho'.lders  of  the  civic  officers, had  been  already  blown  ofi'  for  some.  There  were decurions  who  had  been  flogged,  and  decui'ious who  could  be  flogged.  Such  exemption  was indeed  growing  to  be  a  privilege  attached  to  the mere  possession  of  wealth.  Thus  delation  if proved  false,  or  where  the  delator  did  not  perse- vere, should  he  be  of  mean  fortune,  which  he  did not  care  to  lose,  was  to  be  punished  with  the sharpest  flogging  (gravissimis  verberibus.  Code, bk.  X.  t.  xi.  1.  7 ;  law  of  Gratian,  Valentinian and  Theodosius,  end  of  4th  century). Among  the  offences  which  entailed  corporal [lunishment,  besides  the  one  last  mentioned,  may be  named  false  witness  (Code,  bk.  iv.  t.  xx.  1.  13, constitution  of  Zeno,  end  of  5th  century).  The use  of  it  multiplied  indeed  as  the  character  of the  people  became  lowered,  and  the  Novels are  comparatively  full  of  it.  The  8th  enacts flogging  and  torture  against  the  taking  of money  by  judges  (c.  8);  the  123rd  punishes with  "  bodily  torments"  those  persons,  especially stage-players  and  harlots,  who  should  assume the  monastic  dress,  or  imitate  or  make  a  mock of  Church  usages  (c.  44);  the  134th  enacts  cor- poral punishment  against  those  who  detained debtors'  children  as  responsible  for  their  ftither's debt  (c.  7),  or  who  abetted  illegal  divorces  (c.  11), and  requirfs  the  adulterous  wife  to  be  scourged to  tlii>  ((uiik — so  we  must  probably  understand the  w(irds  "  eonqietentibus  vulneribus  subactam" (c.  10 ;  and  see  c.  ll!).  On  the  other  hand,  a husband  chastising  his  wife  with  either  the fustes  or  flagellum,  otherwise  than  for  conduct for  which  he  might  lawfully  divorce  her,  was  by the  117th  Novel  made  liable  to  pay  to  her,  during coverture,  the  amount  of  l-3rd  of  the  ante-nup'^ tial  gift  (c.  14).  The  last  chapter  of  the  134th Novel  indeed  {De  poenarum  omnium  moderatione, c.  13)  professes  to  inculcate  moderation  in  pu- nishment, and  enacts  that  from  henceforth  there shall  be  no  other  penal  mutilation  than  the  cut- ting off  of  one  hand,  and  that  thieves  shall  only be  fioggp.l.  Ah-padv  under  Constantine  it  had been  en;,,  trd  (r,„/,,  bk.  ix.  t.  xlvii.  1.  17,  A.D. 315)  that  hr;n„lin.^  .ho„l:l  not   1„.  in  the  foce,  as hiiuri euiy  beauty, aw  in  which the  influence  of  Christian  feeling  upon  the  lirst Christian  emperor  is  strikingly  displayed. CORPORAL  PUNISHMENT I  Passing  from  the  legislation  of  the  East  to  that of  the  West,  we  find  on  the  whole  a  very  similar j  course  of  things.  Among  the  ancient  Germans, I  according  to  the  account  of  Tacitus,  corporal j  punishment  was  rare.  He  notes  as  a  singularity j  that  in  war  none  but  the  priest  was  allowed  to I  punish,  bind,  or  oven  strike  (ne  verberai-e  quidera) I  a  soldier  {De  Mor.  Germ.  c.  vii.).  A  husband I  might  indeed  flog  his  adulterous  wife  naked I  through  the  streets  (c.  xix.);  but  otherwise  even slaves  were  rarely  beaten  (o.  xxv.). In  the  barbaric  codes,  corporal  punishment  is in  like  manner  primarily  a  social  degradation. We  find  it  inflicted  on  a  slave,  as  an  alternative for  compensation.  Under  the  Salic  law,  a  slave stealing  to  the  value  of  2  denarii  was  to  receive 120  blows  (ictus)  or  to  pay  thi-ee  solidi  (Pactus tulgod.  antiq.  t.  xiii.),  the  solidus  being  equiva- lent to  40  denarii.  The  same  punishment  was mflicted  on  a  slave  committing  adultery  with  a slave-girl  (rape  indeed  seems  meant)  where  she did  not  die  of  it  (t.  xxix.).  Where  a  slave  was accused  of  theft,  corporal  punishment  was  applied by  way  of  torture.  Stretched  on  a  bench  (super scamnum  tensus)  as  the  really  older  but  so- called  recentior  text  has  it,  he  received  120 blows  (ictus,  or  as  the  other  text  has  it,  121  co- laplios).  If  he  confessed  under  torture,  as  already mentioned  under  the  head  "Mutilation  of  the Body,"  the  penalty  was  castration  if  a  male, but  for  a  woman  240  strokes  with  a  scourge,  or 6  solidi.  A  Constitution  of  King  Childebert (middle  of  6th  century),  contained  in  Labbe and  Mansi's  Councils,  enacts  in  certain  cases  of  . sacrilege  that  a  "  servile  person "  shall  receive 100  lashes.  Under  the  Burgundian  law  (in  force from  the  beginning  of  the  6th  until  at  least  813, when  it  was  still  recognised)  bodily  punishment without  the  option  of  composition  was  enacted for  the  slave,  where  the  freeman  might  com- pound. Thus  for  the  theft  of  a  hog,  sheep,  goat, or  of  bees,  the  slave  received  300  strokes  with the  rod,  and  fustigation  is  in  the  like  manner enacted  for  other  offences  by  slaves  (t.  v.  &c.). A  Lombard  law  of  A.D.  724  (bk.  vi.  c.  88)  has  a singular  enactment,  punishing  with  shaving  and whipping  those  women  whom  their  husbands send  out  upon  men  of  small  courage  (super  ho- mines qui  minorem  habebant  virtutem),  a  text which  gives  a  high  idea  of  the  vigour  of  Lombard women. The  Wisigothic  laws  exhibit  to  us  before  any others  the  breaking  down  of  the  previous  free- man's privilege  (analogous  to  that  of  the  Roman citizen)  of  exemption  from  corporal  punishment. The  corrupt  or  unjust  judge,  if  unable  to  make due  restitution  and  amends  was  to  receive  50 strokes  with  the  scourge  publicly  (publico  ex- tensus,  Bk.  ii.  c.  20).  The  use  (or  abuse)  of  cor- poi-al  punishment  is  indeed  most  conspicuous  in this  code.  If  a  free  woman  married  or  com- mitted adultery  with  her  own  slave  or  freedman, the  punishment  was  death,  after  the  public  flagel- lation of  both  (bk.  iii.  t.  ii.  1.  2).  If  she  com- mitted adultery  with  another's  slave,  each  was to  receive  100  lashes  (1.  3).  A  ravisher  being  a freeman,  besides  being  handed  over  as  a  slave  to the  ravished,  was  to  receive  200  lashes  in  the sight  of  all  (bk.  iii.  t.  iii.  1.  1).  The  brother who  forced  a  sister  to  marry  against  her  will was  to  receive  50  lashes  (ibid.  1.  4).  The  slave ravishing    a    freewoman    received    300    lashes, COEPORAL  PUNISHMENT with  decalvation,  i.  e.  according  to  the  meaning of  the  word  at  this  period,  scalping ;  200  and decalvation  for  ravishing  a  slave-woman.  Acces- saries to  rape,  if  free,  50  lashes,  if  slaves,  100 (11.  8-12).  So  again  for  the  various  grades  of adultery.  A  freeman  committing  adultery  with a  goodly  (idonea)  slave-girl  iu  her  master's  house was  to  receive  100  strokes  without  infamy  (ap- parently intlicted  iu  private,  and  with  a  stick only), — if  with  an  inferior  one,  50  only  ;  a  slave receiving  for  the  like  offence  150  lashes,  and  tlie punishment  increasing  if  violence  were  used  (t. iv.  11.  14-16).  By  a  law  of  Recared  {ih.  17), public  flogging  was  also  made  the  punishment for  prostitution,  with  some  remarkable  provi- sions ;  thus  when  practised  by  a  freewoman  with the  knowledge  or  for  the  benefit  of  her  parents, each  was  to  receive  100  lashes ;  and  when  by  a slave  for  her  master's  benefit,  he  was  to  receive the  same  number  of  lashes  as  were  to  be  given to  her,  and  50  in  any  case  where  after  being flogged  and  "  decalvated "  she  returned  to  the streets.  And  100  lashes  awaited  the  woman, religious  or  secular,  who  either  married  or  com- mitted adultery  with  a  priest  (1.  18,  also  of Recared).  By  a  law  of  Chindasuiuth  (t.  vi.  1.  2) a  husband  remarrying  after  divorce  was  to  receive 200  lashes  publicly,  with  decalvation.  Another law  of  the  same  king  (bk.  iv.  t.  v.)  enacted  50 lashes  against  a  child  striking  a  parent  or  in  va- rious other  ways  misbehaving  against  him.  Flog- ging, with  or  without  decalvation  is  again  the punishment  for  consulting  a  soothsayer  on  the health  of  a  man  (bk.  vi.  t.  ii.  1.  1), — that  of  sor- cerers, storm-raisers,  iuvokers  of  and  sacrificers to  demons  and  those  who  consult  them  (1.  3) ; of  judges  or  others  who  consult  diviners  or  apply themselves  to  auguries  (1,  5) ;  of  slave-women and  slaves  causing  abortion  (t.  iii.  11.  1,  5,  6)  ; generally  for  wounds  and  personal  injuries  by slaves,  and  to  some  extent  by  freemen  (t.  iv.) ; for  thefts,  either  of  goods  or  slaves  (bk.  vii.  t.  ii. t.  iii.),  with  again  the  remarkable  provisions  that if  a  master  stole  with  his  slave,  or  the  slave  by his  master's  order,  the  master  was  to  receive 100  lashes  (besides  compounding),  the  slave  to be  exempt  from  punishment  (t.  ii.  1.  5,  t.  iii.  1. 5)  ;  for  certain  forgeries  (t.  v.  1.  2)  ;  for  gathering a  c)-owd  to  commit  murder  (bk.  viii.  t.  i.  1.  3) ; for  violently  shutting  up  a  person  within  his  house (1.  4)  ;  for  soliciting  others  to  rob  or  robbing  on the  line  of  march,  the  oflence  iu  the  two  latter cases  being  however  for  freemen  alternative  with composition  (11.  6,  9,  10,  11);  for  setting  fire  to woods  (t.  ii.  1.  2) ;  in  the  case  of  persons  of  infe- rior condition,  for  destroying  crops  (t.  iii.  1.  6), sending  animals  into  crops  or  vines  (1.  10) ;  also for  breaking  mills  or  dams  and  leaving  them unrepaii-ed  for  30  days  (1.  30),  &c.  &c.  Kowhere however  is  the  abuse  of  corporal  punishment more  terrible  than  in  the  case  of  offences  against religion.  Blasphemers  of  the  Trinitj',  Jews  with- drawing themselves,  their  children  or  servants from  baptism,  celebrating  the  Passover,  observ- ing the  Sabbath  or  other  festivals  of  their  creed, working  on  the  Lord's  day  and  on  Christian feast  days,  making  distinctions  of  meats,  marry- ing within  the  6th  degree,  reading  Jewish  books against  the  faith,  &c.,  were  to  receive  100  lashes with  decalvation,  and  with  or  without  exile  and slavery  (bk.  xii.  t.  iii.  11.  2,  8,  11).  For  marry- ing without  priestly  benediction,  or  in  anywise CORPORAL  PUNISHMENT      471 exceeding  the  law  as  to  dov/ry,  the  Jewish  hus- band, his  wife  and  her  parents,  were  to  receive 100  lashes,  or  compound  with  100  solidi.  A  law of  Recared  confirming  the  Council  of  Toledo punished  with  50  blows  (without  infamy)  any person  who  disobeyed  the  enactments  of  the Council  and  had  no  money  to  lose  (t.  i.  I.  3). In  the  ferocity  of  punishment  under  this  Code, we  must  not  however  lose  siglit  of  the  fact already  pointed  out  elsewhere  in  these  pages [Body,  Mutilation  of  tjie],  that  the  enactment of  any  fixed  punishment  constitutes  an  enoimous step  in  advance  on  the  mere  composition  of  the earlier  barbaric  Codes,  whilst  in  various  of  the enactments,  such  as  those  exempting  slaves  from punishment  where  they  only  act  as  the  tools  of their  masters,  we  find  a  striving  towards  a  higher and  more  discriminating  standard  of  justice  than that  which  measures  other  contemporary  legis- lation, which  equally  bears  testimony  to  the influence  of  the  clergy  on  Wisigothic  legislation — an  influence,  indeed,  of  which  we  see  the  darker side  in  the  atrocioijs  laws  against  the  Jews. Amongst  our  Anglo-Saxon  forefathers,  corporal punishment  seems  in  general  to  have  been  con- fined to  slaves,  as  an  alternative  for  compensation, wherewith  the  slave  "  redeemed  "  or  "  paid  the price  of  his  skin,"  as  it  is  expressed ;  e.g.  for sacrificing  to  devils  (laws  of  Wihtrad,  Kent,  a.d. 691-725),  for  working  on  Sundays  (laws  of  Ina, A.D.  688-728,  iii.).  In  certain  cases  of  theft  the accuser  himself  was  allowed  to  flog  the  culprit (xxviii.).  A  foreigner  or  stranger  wandering  out of  the  way  through  the  woods,  who  neither shouted  nor  blew  the  horn,  was  to  be  deemed a  thief,  and  to  be  flogged  or  redeem  himself (xviii.). Capital  punishment  is  again  prominent  iu  the Capitularies.  The  first  Capitulary  of  Carloman, A.D.  742  (c.  6),  imposes  two  years'  imprisonment on  a  fornicating  priest,  after  he  has  been  scourged to  the  quick  (flagellatus  eL  scorticatus).  The  Capi- tulary of  Metz,  755,  following  a  synod  held  at  the same  place,  enacts  that  for  incest  a  slave  or  freed- man  shall  be  beaten  with  many  stripes,  as  also  any "  minor  "  cleric  guilty  of  the  like  offence.  The same  enactment,  confined  to  the  case  of  marrying a  cousin,  and  in  slightly  different  language,  occurs elsewhere  in  the  general  collection.  A  savage  one on  conspiracies  (A.D.  805,  c.  10)  is  added  to  the Salic  law,  enacting  that  where  conspiracies  have been  made  with  an  oath — the  principals  suffering death — the  accessaries  are  to  flog  each  other  and cut  each  other's  noses  off";  even  if  no  mischief shall  have  been  done,  to  shave  and  flog  each other.  For  conspiracies,  without  an  oath,  the slave  only  was  to  be  flogged,  the  freeman  clearing himself  by  oath  or  compounding.  The  same  law occurs  in  the  General  Capitularies  (bk.  iii.  9). Another  law  of  the  7th  book  (c.  123)  enacts public  flagellation  and  decalvation  for  the  slave marrying  within  the  7th  degree  of  consanguinity, and  the  4th  Addition  embodies  much  of  the rigorous  Wisigothic  Code  as  towards  the  Jews, who  are  to  be  decalvated  and  receive  100  lashes publicly  if  they  marry  within  the  prohibited degrees  (c.  2).  And  the  Wisigothic  provision against  marrying  without  priestly  benedictions, or  exceeding  iu  anywise  the  laws  as  to  dowry,  is by  this  extended  to  Jews  as  well  as  Christians. There  remains  only  to  shew  corporal  punish- ment as  either  the  subject  or  as  forming  part  of 472       CORPORAL  PUNISHMENT the  discipline  of  the  church  itself.  Here,  indeed, we  find  at  first  a  much  higher  standard  than  that of  the  civil  law.  Among  the  persons  whose  ofter- ings  the  Apostolic  Constitutions  require  to  be  re- jected are  such  as  "  use  their  slaves  wickedly,  with stripes,  or  hunger,  or  hard  service  "  (bk.  iv.  c.  6). Soon  however  a  harsher  law  must  have  prevailed. The  Council  of  Eliberis,  A.D.  305,  enacted  (c.  5) that  if  a  mistress,  inflamed  by  jealousy,  should so  flog  her  handmaid  that  she  should  die  within three  days,  she  is  only  to  be  admitted  to  com- munion after  seven  years'  penance  (unless  in  case of  dangerous  illness)  if  the  act  were  done  wilfully, or  after  fine  if  death  were  not  intended — a  pro- vision which  speaks  volumes  indeed  of  the  bitter- ness of  Spanish  slavery  at  this  period,  but  which nevertheless  shews  the  church- taking  cognizance of  the  slave-owner's  excesses,  and  endeavouring to  moderate  them  by  its  discipline,  at  least  in  the case  of  women.  On  the  other  hand,  the  right  of personal  chastisement  was  often  arrogated  by  the clergy  themselves,  since  the  Apostolic  Canons enact  that  a  bishop,  priest,  pr  deacon,  striking the  faithful  who  have  sinned,  or  the  unfaithful who  have  done  wrong,  seeking  thereby  to  make himself  feared,  is  to  be  deposed  (c.  19,  otherwise 26  or  28),  and  Augustine  clearly  testifies  to  the fact  of  corporal  punishment  being  judicially inflicted  by  bishops,  in  that  painful  letter  of  his to  the  Prefect  Marcellus,  in  which,  whilst  ex- horting him  not  to  be  too  severe  in  punishing the  Donatists,  he  praises  him  at  the  same  time for  having  drawn  out  the  confession  of  crimes  so great  by  whipping  with  rods  (virgarum  verberi- bus),  inasmuch  as  this  "  mode  of  coercion  is  wont to  be  applied  by  the  masters  of  liberal  ai'ts,  by ))arents  themselves,  and  often  even  by  bishops  in their  judgments"  (Ap.  133,  otherwise  159). Corporal  punishment  seems  moreover  to  have formed  from  an  early  period,  if  not  from  the first,  a  part  of  the  monastic  disci]iline.  The  rule of  St.  Pachomius,  translated  into  Latin  by  Je- rome (art.  87),  imposes  the  penalty  of  thirty-nine lashes,  to  be  inflicted  before  the  gates  of  the monastery  (besides  fasting),  after  three  warnings, on  a  monk  who  persists  in  the  "  most  evil  custom" of  talking,  as  well  as  for  theft  (art.  121).  The same  punishment  may  also  be  implied  in  the term  "  corripere  "  used  in  other  articles,  as  "  cor- ripientur  juxta  ordinem,"  "  corripietur  ordine munasterii,"  &c.  But  the  word  might  also  apply to  mere  verbal  correction,  since  by  art.  97  chil- dren who  could  not  be  brought  to  think  of  God's judgment  "  et  correpti  verbo  non  emendaverint," are  to  be  flogged  till  they  receive  instruction  and fear.  In  the  4th  book  of  Cassian's  work,  '  De coenobiorum  institutis'  (end  of  4th  or  begin- ning of  5th  ceatury),  flogging  is  placed  on  the same  line  with  expulsion  as  a  punishment  for  the graver  ott'ences  against  monastic  discipline  (some of  which  indeed  may  appear  to  us  very  slight), as  ''  open  reproaches,  manifest  acts  of  contempt, swelling  words  of  contradiction,  a  free  and  un- restrained gait,  familiarity  with  women,  anger, fightings,  rivalries,  quarrels,  the  presumption  to do  some  special  work,  the  contagion  of  money loving,  the  affecting  and  possessing  of  thinos superfluous,  which  other  brethren  have  no't, extraordinary  and  furtive  refections,  and  the like  (c.  IG).  In  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict  (A.D. •j28)  corporal  punishment  seems  implied  in  the "  major  emendatio."     And  "  if  a  brother  for  any CORPORAL   PUNISHMENT the  slightest  cause  is  corrected  (corripitur)  in any  way  by  the  abbot  or  any  prior,  or  if  he lightly  feel  that  the  mind  of  any  prior  is  wroth or  moved  against  him,  however  moderately,  with- out delay  let  him  lie  prostrate  on  the  earth  at his  feet,  doing  satisfaction  until  that  emotion  be healed.  But  if  any  scorn  to  do  this,  let  him  be either  subjected  to  corporal  punishment,  or  if contumacious,  expelled  from  the  monastery" (c.  71).  Here,  it  will  be  seen,  corporal  punish- ment is  viewed  as  a  lighter  penalty  than  ex- pulsion. We  need  not  dwell  on  a  supposed  Canon  of  the above-referred  to  Council  of  Eliberis,  to  be  found in  Gratian  and  others  (ex  cap.  ix.),  allowing bishops  and  their  ministers  to  scourge  coloni with  rods  for  their  crimes.  But  in  the  letters  ot Gregory  I.  the  Great,  590-603,  the  right  of inflicting,  or  at  least  ordering  personal  chastise- ment is  evidently  assumed  to  belong  to  the clergy.  In  a  letter  to  Pantaleo  the  Notary  (bk. ii.  Pt.  li.  Ep.  40),  on  the  subject  of  a  deacon's daughter  who  had  been  seduced  by  a  bishop's nephew,  he  required  either  that  the  ofliender should  marry  her,  executing  the  due  nuptial instruments,  or  be  "  corporally  chastised "  and put  to  penance  in  a  monastery,  and  the  Pope renews  this  injunction  in  a  letter  (42)  to  the uncle.  Bishop  Felix,  himself.  Bishop  Andreas  of Tarentum,  who  had  had  a  woman  on  the  roll of  the  church  (de  matriculis)  cruelly  whipped with  rods,  against  the  order  of  the  priesthood, so  that  she  died  after  eight  months,  was  never- theless only  punished  by  this  really  great  Pope with  two  months'  suspension  from  saying  mass {epp.  44,  45).  Sometimes,  indeed,  corporal  punish- ment was  inflicted  actually  in  the  church,  as  we see  in  another  letter  of  the  same  Pope  to  the Bishop  of  Constantinople,  complaining  that  an Isaurian  monk  and  priest  had  been  thus  beaten with  rods,  "  a  new  and  unheard  of  mode  of l)reaching "  {ep.  52).  But  the  same  Gregory deemed  it  fitting  that  slaves,  guilty  of  idolatry or  following  sorcerers,  should  be  chastised  with stripes  and  tortures  for  their  amendment  (bk.  vii. pt.  ii.  ep.  67,  to  Januarius,  Bishop  of  Calaris). Elsewhere  the  flogging  of  penitent  thieves  seems to  be  implied  (bk.  xii.  ep.  31,  c.  iv.). Towards  the  end  of  the  same  century,  the 16th  Council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  693,  enacted  that 100  lashes  and  shameful  decalvatio  should  be  the punishment  of  unnatural  oflences.  With  this and  a  few  other  exceptions,  however,  the  enact- ments of  the  church  as  to  corporal  punishment chiefly  refer  to  clerics  or  monks.  The  Council  of Vannes  in  465  had  indeed  already  enacted  that a  cleric  proved  to  have  been  drunk  should either  be  kept  thirty  da3's  out  of  communion, or  subjected  to  corporal  punishment  (c.  13). The  1st  Council  of  Orleans  in  511  had  enacted that  if  the  relict  of  a  priest  or  deacon  were  to marry  again,  she  and  her  husband  were  after "  castigation "  to  be  separated,  or  excommu- nicated if  they  persisted  in  living  together  (c.  3). Towards  the  end  of  the  7th  century,  the  Council of  Autun  (about  670),  enacted  that  any  monk  who went  against  its  decrees  should  either  be  beaten with  rods,  or  suspended  for  three  years  from  com- munion (c.  15).  In  the  next  century,  Gregory  III. (731-41),  in  his  Excerpt  from  the  Fathers  and the  Canons,  assigns  stripes  as  the  punishment  for thefts  of  hoVy  things,  and  inserts  the  Canon  of CORSICUS the  Council  of  Eliberis  as  to  the  penance  of  a mistress  flogging  her  slave  girl  to  death  (cc.  2, 3).  The  Synod  of  Metz,  753,  in  a  canon  already quoted  in  part  above  as  a  capitulary,  enacted that  a  slave  or  freedman  without  money,  com- mitting incest  with  a  consecrated  woman,  a gossip,  a  cousin,  was  to  be  beaten  with  many stripes,  and  that  clerics  committing  the  like offence,  if  minor  ones,  were  to  be  beaten  or  im- j)risoned  (c.  i.).  We  might,  indeed,  refer  the reader  under  this  head  to  all  that  is  said  above as  to  the  Capitularies,  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical legislation  of  this  period  being  almost  absolutely undistinguishable. The  practice  of  the  church  on  this  subject  was therefore  in  the  main  accordant  with  civil  legis- lation, which  it  seems  nevertheless  to  have humanised  to  some  degree  in  ftiyour  of  the  slave. On  the  other  hand,  the  mischiefs  of  clerical  influ- ence show  fearfully  in  the  enactments  of  the Wisigothic  law  against  the  Jews  and  others,  and in  the  Carlovingian  legislation  on  the  subject  of marriage  within  the  prohibited  degrees. [N.B. — Bingham's  references  on  this  head  are more  than  once  misleading.]  [J.  M.  L.] CORSICUS,  presbyter,  martyr  in  Africa, June  30  {3Iart.  Usuardi).  [C] COSMAS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Aegea,  with  Da- JIIAN,  under  Diocletian,  Sept.  27  (^Mart.  Hieron., Bedae,  Bom.  Vet..  Usuardi) ;  as  "  wonder-workers and  unmercenary,"  Nov.  1  (^Cal.  Byzant.). (2)  ayionoAirrjs  Kal  7rot7]rr]s,  Oct.  14  {Cal. Byzant.).  [C] COTTIDUS,  or  QUOTTTDIUS,  deacon, martyr  in  Cappadocia,  Sept.  6  {Mart.  Hieron., Usuardi).  [C] COUNCIL  \Concilium,  as  early  as  Tertull. De  Jejun.  xiii.,  De  Pudic.  x.,  and  'S.ivoZos  (  = "  assembly,"  in  LXX.,  and  in  the  translation  of Symmachus),  in  Apost.  Canons,  xxxvi.  al.  xxxvii. (and  again  in  Euseb.  H.  E.  v.  23,  &c.),  but  the latter  term  still  used  also  at  the  same  period  for any  Christian  assembly,  e.  g.  Apost.  Constit.  v.  20  : in  late  medieval  times,  Lyndwood  (ProvinG.  II. tit.  vii.  p.  115)  appropriates  "council"  to  pro- vincial, and  "synod"  to  diocnsan  assemblies — "  episcopi  in  suis  dioecesibus  faciunt  synodos, metropolitani  vero  concilia:" — Conciliabulum  ap- propriated to  the  "  conventicula  haereticorum," as  early  as  Cone.  Carth.  IV.  c.  70,  A.D.  398,  and so  also  "feuSo-o'uj'oSos,  and  'Vev'So-avXKoyos,  in the  Theodos.  Code  :]  =  an  assembly  of  either  a part  or  (as  far  as  possible)  the  whole  of  the Christian  Church,  for  either  elective,  judicial,  or legislative  purposes,  or  else  to  elicit  the  testimony of  the  collective  Church  upon  emergent  doctrinal questions, —  suggested  by  Apostolic  precedent, .ind  by  olmous  reason,  and  grounding  itself  also (as  time  went  on)  upon  the  promise  of  our  Lord to  be  present  where  any  are  gathered  together  in His  name  (e.  g.  Cone.  Chalced.,  Epist.  ad  Leon., A.D.  451 ;  Cone.  Constantin.  Act.  xvii.  A.D.  681 ; Cone.  Tolet.  III.  A.D.  527  ;  Facund.  Herm.,  Def. Trium  Capitul.  c.  vii. ;  &c.),  and  upon  His  in- junction to  "  tell  the  Church." Such  councils  are  usually  classified  somewhat as  follows — in  an  order  which  also  tallies  with the  chronological  order  in  which  each  class  came to  exist  : — 1.  A  council  of  a  single  "  parochia,"  or  (in  the COUNCIL 473 modern  sense)  diocese,  consisting  of  the  bishop and  presbyters,  but  with  the  deacons  and  people assisting;  which  will  be  here  called  Diogksan (called  also  Episcopal,  and  in  later  [Frank]  times. Civile  =  of  one  city  or  see).  Of  such  synods  there is  no  distinct  mention  until  the  3rd  century, but  it  is  obvious  that,  either  in  a  formal  or  an unformal  way,  they  must  have  been  part  of  the ordinary  organization  of  the  Church,  at  a  time when  each  diocese  consisted  of  the  Christians  of a  single  city  in  which  bishop  and  clergy  dwelt, with  a  few  country  congi-egations  only,  gradually growing  up, — i.  e.  from  the  very  beginning  ;  and that  they  would  be  recognized  in  canons,  only when  the  extent  of  dioceses,  and  other  like  causes, rendered  canons  on  the  subject  necessary. 2.  A  council  of  the  bishops  of  several  dioceses, /.  e.  a  Provincial  Council,  held  (when  metro- politan organization  came  to  exist)  under  the metropolitan  of  the  province,  viz.  from  about the  latter  half  of  the  2nd  century,  and  from  that time  considered  a  "  perfect "  (TeAfia)  synod  of the  kind,  only  if  the  metropolitan  were  present {fj  (TvixirdpfCTTt  Kal  b  ttjs  fj,7]Tpoir6Aeui,  Cone. Antioch.  a.d.  341,  can.  16,  and,  much  later. Cone.  Bracar.  II.  a.d.  572,  can.  9).  And  such councils  were  (with  the  diocesan  synods)  the essential  framework,  as  it  were,  and  bond  of  union and  of  good  government  in  the  Church ;  and  be- came part  of  its  ordinary  machinery  early  in  the 2nd  century,  and  probably  from  the  very  begin- ning, but  are  first  mentioned,  of  the  East,  by Firmilianus  of  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia  {Epist.  75 ad  Cyprian,  earlier  half  of  3rd  century),  when they  regularly  and  of  necessity  ("  neoessario  ") recurred  in  Asia  once  a  year,  for  purposes  of  dis- cipline, and  of  the  West,  by  St.  Cyprian,  at  the same  period.  The  "  Councils  of  the  Churches," however,  are  mentioned  by  Tertullian  {De  Pudic. x.)  as  if  in  his  time  an  ordinary  church  tribunal, which  determined  among  other  things  against  the canonicity  of  the  Shepherd  of  Hermas. 3.  A  council  of  the  bishops  of  a  patriarchate, or  primacy,  or  exarchate,  i.  e.  of  a  diocese  in  the ancient  sense  of  the  term ;  as,  e.  g.  a  council  rrjs 'AvaroXiKris  5iotKT](rea)s  ordained  Flavian  of  An- tioch, Co7iG.  Constant.,  ap.  Theodor.  H.  E.  v.  9 ; called  (as  by  St.  Augustin,  Be  Bapt.  c.  Doimt. i.  7,  ii.  3)  "  Regionis,"  or  national,  or  again Plenarium,  and  Universale  (e.g.  Cone. Tolet.  Ill  A.D.  527,  c.  18),  and  in  Africa in  the  4th  century  Universale  Anniver- SARiUM  (e.  g.  in  Cone.  CaHh.  III.  c.  7) ;  and by  Pope  Symmachus,  speaking  of  a  Koman Council  of  the  kind,  Generale.  And  under this  head  may  be  reckoned  also ;  —  i.  The early  councils,  assembled  incidentally  and  upon emergencies,  and  consisting  of  as  many  bishops of  neighbouring  provinces  gathered  together as  circumstances  allowed,  such  as  those  which Tertullian  mentions  :  "  Aguntur  praecepta  per Graecias  illas  certis  in  locis  concilia  ex  universis ecclesiis,"  &c.,  De  Jejun.  xiii.  (implying  that hitherto  there  had  been  no  councils  of  the  kind in  the  West)  ;  or  again,  the  councils  in  Asia  Minor and  at  Anchialus,  against  the  Montanists,  in  the middle  of  the  2nd  century  (Hefele),  mentioned by  Eusebius,  //.  E.  v.  16  ;  or  the  various  coun- cils respecting  Easter  in  both  East  and  West  in the  latter  part  of  the  same  century  (Euseb. H.  E.  V.  24);  which  are  the  earliest  councils upon   record.       ii.  The  councils  of  the  Eastern 474 COUNCIL Church  by  itself,  or  of  the  Western  Church  by itself,  as  "in  the  4th  century.  And  both  these classes  were  extraordinary,  and  for  particular emergencies,  iii.  The  regular  annual  primatial councils  (see  Cone.  Constantin.  A.D.  381,  can.  o), as,  e.  g.  of  Antioch,  or  more  remarkably,  of Africa :  the  latter  of  which,  ace.  to  Cone. Carthag.  ITT.  A.D.  398,  cans.  2,  7,  41,  43,  was to  consist  of  three  bishops  as  legates  from  each African  province,  except  that  of  Tripoli,  which was  to  send  only  one,  as  having  few  bishops, thus  admitting  the  principle  of  representation under  pressure  of  circumstances  ;  while  subse- quent councils  permitted  a  "  vicar "  instead  of the  bishop  in  person  in  case  of  absolute  necessity (Cojic.  Carthag.  IV.  can.  21),  and  eiiacted  a  divi- sion of  the  bishops  into  "  duo  vel  tres  turmae," eacli  "turma"  to  attend  in  turn  (^Conc.  Carthag.  V. can.  10) ;  and,  lastly,  altered  the  "  yearly " meeting  into  one  only  "  quoties  exegerit  causa communis"  (^Conc.  Milevit.  II.  A.D.  416,  can.  9, Cod.  Can.  Afric.  xcv.).  Like  councils  were  (less regularly)  held  at  Rome  in  the  5th  century,  as e.g.  when  three  delegates  from  the  Sicilian  bishops were  directed  by  Pope  Leo  the  Great  (Epist.  iv. c.  71)  to  attend  the  autumnal  synod  of  the  two to  be  annually  held  at  Rome.  And  occasionally elsewhere  also,  as  in  Spain  and  in  Gaul.  National councils,  in  later  times  (6th  century  onwards), e.g.  in  France,  in  Saxon  England,  and  above  all in  Spain,  belong,  where  they  were  purely  eccle- siastical, to  the  same  class. 4.  A  council  of  (as  far  as  possible)  the  bishops of  the  whole  Church,  Oecumenical  (first  so called  in  Euseb.  V.  Constant,  iii.  6,  and  again  in Cone.  Constantin.  A.D.  381),  not  intentionally limited  to  specially  the  Roman  world,  but  in- cluding all  Christians  everywhere,  although  at that  period  the  Christian  Church  was  nearly  in- cluded in  the  narrower  meaning ; — "  totius  orbis  " (St.  Aug.  De  Bapt.  c.  Donctt.  i.  7),  "  ex  toto  orhe  " (Sulp.  Sev.  ii.),  '^plenarium  universae  eeclesiae" (St.  Aug.  Epist.  162),  "plenarium  ex  universo  orbe Christiana,"  as  distinguished  from  (not  only "  provinciarum,"  but)  "  regionum  concilia  "  (Id. De  Bapt.  c.  Botiat.  ii.  3).  So  TertuUian  (as  above cited)  speaks  of  "  representatio  totius  Christiani nomiuis."  And  Augustin  (^De  Bapt.  c.  Lonat. vii.  53)  distinguishes  "  regionale "  from  "  ple- narium  concilium,"  and  rests  the  certainty  of  the latter  on  tlie  "  universalis  eeclesiae  consensio." And  this  was  regarded  as  an  extraordinary  re- medy for  an  extraordinary  emergency,  to  be resorted  to  as  seldom  as  possible ;  and  even  when necessary,  yet  an  evil  for  the  time,  as  throwing everything  into  disturbance, — as  bad  as  a  tempest ("  procella,"  St.  Hilar.  De  Synodis).  And  as  it was  first  possible,  so  does  it  appear  to  have  been first  thought  of,  in  the  time  of  Constantine  the Great. To  these  must  be  added,  as  matter  of  history, although  all  more  or  less  abnormal  : — 5.  The  SuvoSoi 'EvSryjuoDrrai,  at  Constantmople, from  the  4th  contur)-,  and  again  at  the  various cities  where  the  Roman  emperors  dwelt,  as  at Rome,  and  in  one  case  (under  Maximus)  at  Treves, and  again  the  Concilia  Falatina  under  the  Carlo- vingian  emperors,  held  "  in  regum  palatiis  ;" consisting  in  each  case  of  the  bishops  who  hap- pened to  be  at  court. 6.  The  mixed  national  councils  of  the  Euro- pean   kingdoms,    after    the    conversion    of    the COUNCIL Franks,  Saxons,  Spaniards,  &c. ;  Placita,  Witena- gemots,  &c. The  so-called  Council  of  the  Apostles  (in  Acts XV.)  is  a  distinct  precedent,  in  principle,  for Cluirch  councils; -as  sanctioning  the  decision  of emergent  controversies  and  matters  of  discipline by  common  consultation  of  the  whole  Church under  the  guidance  and  leadership  of  the "apostles  and  elders,"  =  the  bishops  and  pres- byters. It  is  "  the  apostles  and  eiders "  who come  together  to  consider  the  matter(Acts  xv.  6). Yet  irav  TO  irXriBos  are  present  ((6.  12),  but  as listening.  It  is  "the  apostles  and  elders,  with the  whole  Church,"  who  make  the  decree  (ib.  22). And  the  best  MSS.  make  that  decree  run  in  the name  of  "  the  apostles  and  elders"  only,  although the  reading  is  no  doubt  uncertain  (ib.  23,  read- ing 01  aiToffToXoi  Ka\  oi  irpea^vrepoi  aSiXcpoi). The  formal  deliberation  and  the  decree,  then, emanate  from  the  apostles  and  the  elders,  but  the whole  Church,  i.e.  the  laity  also,  are  consulted. In  the  same  way,  in  other  cases,  we  find,  e.g. the  "  prophets  and  teachers  "  at  Antioch  sending St.  Paul  and  Barnabas  on  their  mission  ;  yet  St. Paul  and  Barnabas  report  {av7)yyfiXai'}  to  an "assembly  of  the  Church"  of  Antioch  what "  God  had  done  with  them  "  (Acts  xiii.  1,  xiv.  27)  ; St.  Paul  however  at  a  later  time  reporting  pri- vately, for  obvious  reasons,  to  James  and  the elders  {ib.  xxi.  18).  And  the  same  two  were formally  sent  to  the  council  at  Jerusalem  by the  Church  of  Antioch  QirpoTretKpQevres  inrh  rrjs iKKKTjaias),  which  plainly  had  also  appointed them  (era^av,  Acts  xv.  2,  3).  In  1  Cor.  v.  4, the  Church  of  Corinth  is  represented  as  "  gathered together  "  to  exercise  discipline.  That  St.  James presided  at  Jerusalem  naturally  followed  from  his office  of  Bishop  of  Jerusalem.  Strictly  speaking, the  assembly  over  which  he  presided  was  an assembly  of  the  Church  of  Jerusalem  only,  to receive  a  deputation  from  the  Church  of  Antioch. And  it  differed  from  the  Church  councils  also  in the  actual  presence  in  it  of  apostles.  But  this difference  only  strengthens  the  case  as  a  pre- cedent for  mutual  deliberation  on  the  part  of  the Church  collectively  :  e5o|ei'  rifuv  yevofj-evuti 6fModvfj.aS6v  (Acts  XV.  25).  Other  assemblies  in apostolical  times,  mentioned  in  the  Acts — viz. Acts  i.  15,  to  appoint  an  apostle  in  the  place  of Judas ;  vi.  2,  to  establish  the  diaconate ;  ix.  27, to  receive  St.  Paul — have  been  miscalled  Apo- stolic Councils,  by  an  obvious  straining  of  the term. It  will  be  convenient  to  speak,  successivelv, of— A.  The  ORDER  of  holding  Ecclesiastical  Coun- cils; B.  The  CONSTITUENT  MEMBERS  of  Ecclesias- tical Councils ; C.  The  AUTHORITY  assigned  to  such  Councils. And,  lastl}',  to  add  a  few  words  respecting D.  Irregular  and  abnormal  assemblies  akin to  Councils. A.  Under  the  head  of  the  ORDER  of  holding a  council,  we  have  to  consider , — I.  By  whom  councils  were  summoned. Diocesan  and  Provincial  Councils  were  sum- moned respectively  by  the  bishojj  of  the  diocese and  by  the  metropolitan  of  the  province  (see authorities  in  Bingham),  and  this  after  the  time of  Constantine,  as  well  as  befoi-e  it.  A  council of  two  or  more  proviuces  together  would  natu- COUNCIL rally  be  summoned  by  the  senior  metropolitan ; the  earlier  councils  of  neighbouring  bishops, prior  to  the  organization  of  the  metropolitan system,  by  the  leading  bishops  of  the  locality,  as, e.<].  that  at  Antioeh,  which  condemned  Paul  of Samosata ;  those  of  a  patriarchate  or  primacy, as  e.g.  of  Africa,  by  the  patriarch  or  primate. The  crvvoZoi  ivSTi/xovcrai  of  Constantinople  were summoned  by  the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople ; the  Concilia  Palatina  by  the  Frank  kings  and emperors;  the  national  councils  of  the  European kingdoms,  which  were  as  much  civil  as  ecclesi- astical, by  the  respective  kings.  And  in  these last-named  cases  the  royal  permission  or  com- mand to  hold  them  is  frequently  mentioned. Oecumenical  Councils,  consisting  in  the  first  in- stance almost  wholly  of  bishops  of  the  Roman empire,  were  summoned  by  the  Roman  emperors until  the  9th  century  (see  Socrates,  lib.  v. /^Vooem.), although,  naturally,  upon  consultation  with  the chief  bishops  of  the  Church  herself.  After  that period,  those  that  have  been  so  called  have  been summoned  by  the  popes  in  the  Western  Church. The  great  Council  of  Nice  was  summoned  by Constantine  (by  Ti^TjriKa  ypafinara  [Euseb.,  V. Constant,  iii.  6,  and  cf.  Socrat.  i.  9,  Theodoret,  i. 9],  which  purport  to  be  given  in  a  Syriac  version in  B.  H.  Cowper's  Analecta  Nicaena,  pp.  21—29), but  "  ex  sententia  sacerdotum  "  (Rutin,  H.  E.  i. 1);  and  chiefly,  as  is  plain,  by  the  accounts  of Eusebius,  Socrates,  and  Sozomen,  upon  the  advice of  Hosius,  bishop  of  Cordova.  Later  documents, of  no  value  in  such  a  point,  viz.  the  Liber  Da- masi  and  the  Cone.  Constantin.  a.d.  680,  put forward  Pope  Sylvester  as  the  adviser.  The Council  of  Constantinople,  a.d.  381,  was  sum- moned by  the  Emperor  Theodosius  (Labb.  iv. 1123,  1124);  that  of  Ephesus,  A.D.  431,  Kara TO  ypdixfia,  or  €«:  OeairiafiaTos,  of  Theodosius  II. and  Valentinian  III.  {Act.  in  Mansi,  iv.  1111); Pope  Damasus  concurring  in  the  former,  but Eastern  patriarchs  (Meletius  of  Antioeh,  Gregory, and  his  successor  Nectarius,  of  Constantinople) really  "assembling"  it  (even  according  to  the  Cone. Constant,  of  a.d.  680,  and  see  Vales,  ad  Theodoret. if.  B.  v.  9) ;  while  Pope  Celestine  similarly  con- curred in  the  latter,  but  (as  is  evident  by  his own  letters)  did  not  summon  it  (Acts  of  the Council  and  Letters  in  Mansi,  iv.  1226,  1283, 1291).  The  case  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon, a.d.  451,  so  far  differs  from  its  predecessors,  that the  pope,  Leo  the  Great,  suggested  and  requested it  (desiring,  however,  to  have  it  in  Italy),  yet subsequently,  and  when  too  late,  desired  its postponement  (Leo  M.  Epist.  44,  54-58,  69,  73, 76,  89-95).  The  application  was  originally made  to  Theodosius  II.  and  Valentinian  III.,  but the  council  was  actually  summoned  by  Marcian, "  ex  decreto  piissimorum  Imperatorum  Valen- tiniani  et  Marciani,"  in  the  words  of  the  council itself  (Labb.  iv.  77),  or  in  those  of  Leo,  "  ex praecepto  Christianorum  principum  et  consensu Apostolicae  Sedis"  (Leon.  M.  Epist.  114),  and again,  in  Marciau's  words  to  Leo  (inter  Leon. Epist.  73),  "te  auctore."  The  2nd  Council  of Constantinople,  A.D.  553,  was  convoked  by Justinian  (Labb.  v.  4)  after  consultation  with Pope  Vigilius  and  with  Mennas  patriarch  of Constantinople.  But  Vigilius  after  a  time  put himself  in  direct  antagonism  with  the  council, .nud  upon  May  26,  553  was  actually  struck  out of  the  diptychs   by  it  ;  although,  after  its  termi- COUXCIL 47i nation,  he  retracted,  and  in  the  end  of  A.D.  553, and  by  a  Constituium  of  February  23,  A.D.  554, accepted  its  decrees.  The  3rd  Council  of  Con- stantinople, A.D.  680,  was  convoked  by  tlie "piissima  jussio"  of  the  Emperor  Constantine Pogonatus  (Labb.  vi.  608,  631),  Pope  Agatho  only sending  legates  when  requested,  and  with  them  his own  exposition  of  the  faith,  and  a  profession  of his  readiness  to  pay  "  promptam  obedientiam  "  to the  emperor.  The  5th  of  Constantinople,  A.D. 754  (in  Cave's  reckoning,  the  8th  oecumenical), which  condemned  images,  was  summoned  by Constantine  Copronymus  and  Leo  (Labb.  vii. 397).  The  2nd  of  Nice,  a.d.  787,  was  convoked by  the  Empress  Irene  and  her  son  Constantine  . (Labb.  vii.  661),  at  the  request  of  Tarasius, patriarch  of  Constantinople,  with  the  acquiescence of  Pope  Adrian  I. ;  the  latter,  however,  speaking afterwards  of  the  council  (in  his  letter  to  Charle- magne) as  summoned  "  secundum  nostram  ordi- nationem."  And,  lastly,  the  Emperor  Basil,  the Macedonian,  called  together  the  4th  of  Constan- tinople, A.D.  869  (not  acknowledged,  however, by  the  Eastern  Church,  which  puts  in  its  place that  of  A.D.  879),  after  an  embassy,  sent  to  Pope Nicholas  I.,  but  received  and  answered  by  his successor  Adrian  II.  (Labb.  viii.  1313).  The Council  of  Sardica,  intended  to  be  oecumenical, was  summoned  by  the  Emperors  Constantius  and Constans  (Socr.  ii.  20;  Sozom.  iii.  2;  St.Athanas. Eist.  Arian.  §  36).  And  the  numberless  smaller councils  about  Arianism  were  likewise  sum- moned by  the  emperors.  See  the  summary  of the  whole  case  in  Audrewes  (Bight  and  Power of  calling  Assemblies,  Sermons,  v.  160-165,  and Tortura  Torti,  pp.  193,  422,  sq.).  The  case  of the  1st  Council  of  Ai-les,  a.d.  314,  is  a  pecu- liar one.  It  was  not  a  regular  council  of  any portion  of  the  Church,  but  rather  a  selected ecclesiastical  tribunal,  of  which  the  members were  specially  chosen  and  summoned  by  the Emperor  Constantine,  and  mainly  from  Gaul (Euseb.  //.  E.x.b;  Optat.  Hist.  Eonat.  p.  181, Dupin),  intended  to  be  oecumenical  (the  Emperor "  assembling  there  a  large  number  of  bishops  from difl'erent  and  almost  innumerable  parts  of  the empire,"  Euseb.  ib.),  and  actually  called "  plenarium,"  and  "  universae  ecclesiae,"  by St.  Augustine,  but  not  so  really,  as  neither including  all  bishops  nor  any  Eastern  bishops. And  its  object  was  to  revise  the  decision  of  a tribunal  of  fewer  bishops  held  at  Rome  under the  Pope  Melchiades  in  the  previous  year, with  which  the  Donatists  were  not  content. It  was  simply  an  instance,  therefore,  of  that which  afterwards  became  a  rule,  viz.  of  the Emperor's  assigning  episcopal  judges  to  decide an  ecclesiastical  case.  Much  like  it  is  the summoning  of  the  Roman  councils  about  Pope Symmachus,  two  centuries  later,  by  King  Theo- doric. The  regular  title  for  the  bishop's  or  metro- politan's letters  of  summons  was  Sipiodicae  or Tractoriae  (St.  Aug.  Ejiist.  217  ad  Victorin.)  ; for  the  Emperor's  like  letters,  Sacrae. From  the  summons,  we  go  on  to — II.  The  time  when,  and  the  occasions  upon which,  councils  were  summoned.  Speaking  first of  those  councils  which  recurred,  or  were  meant to  recur,  regularly,  we  find  the  chief  stress  of the  canons  to  be  directed  to  provincial  councils, as  being  no  doubt  more  dilHcult  to  enforce,  ami 476 COUNCIL iJso  in  tli3  interest  of  justico,  such  councils  being the  court  of  appeal  from  the  decisions  of  indi- vidual bishops.  In  the  time  of  Firmiliaii  and  of Cyprian,  as  said  above,  these  were  habitually held  once  a  year;  Firniiliau's  words  being  appa- rently determined  to  mean  provincial,  not  dio- cesan, councils,  by  the  mention  of  "seniores  et praepositi,"  "jiresbyters  and  bishops"  (in  tho plural).  The  great  Council  of  Nice  (can.  5) increased  them  to  twice  in  the  year,  once  before Lent,  once  in  autumn.  And  so  also  the  Apostolic Canon  37,  specifying,  however,  the  4th  week after  Easter  and  the  12th  of  "TwepBepeTaios,  i.e. October.  And  twice  a  year,  accordingly,  became thenceforward  the  rule  of  what  ought  to  be, although  in  actual  fact,  and  by  repeated  con- cessions of  councils,  finally  relaxed  into  once. So  Cone.  Antloch,  A.D.  341,  can.  20  (slightly varying  the  days).  Cone.  Chalced.  A.D.  451,  can. 19;  and  for  Africa,  Cone.  Carthag.  ///.A.D.  397, can.  2,  and  V,  can.  7  (fixing  October  21),  and  Cod. Can.  Afric.  c.  18  ;  for  Spain,  Cone.  Tolet.  III.  A.D. 589,  can.  18,  IV.  A.D.  633,  can.  3  (fixing  May  20), XI.  A.D.  675,  can.  15,  XVII.  A.D.  742,  can.  1 ; Emerit.  A.D.  666,  can.  7 ;  for  France,  Cone. Regiens.  A.D.  439,  can.  8  (twice  a  year),  Arausie.  I. A.D.  441,  can.  89,  Aurel.  II.  A.D.  533,  can.  2, Altissiod.  A.D.  578,  can.  7 ;  and  for  England, Cone.  Cdchyth.  A.D.  787,  can.  3  (the  title  of which,  however,  seems  to  refer  it  to  diocesan councils),  and  before  it.  Cone.  Herutf.  a.d.  673, can.  7,  ordering  a  synod  twice  in  the  year,  but in  the  next  sentence  limiting  the  number  to  once, viz.  upon  August  1,  at  Clovesho,  on  the  ground of  unavoidable  hindrances.  Once  a  year  became, indeed,  the  recognized  practice  (but  as  an  un- canonical  concession  to  necessity),  and  is  admitted by  Gratian  {Dist.  xviii.  c.  16,  189,  2  c),  and  in England  by  Lyndwood  {Provinc.  lib.  i.  tit.  14); as  it  had  been  allowed  much  earlier  by  the council  in  Tndlo,  can.  8,  and  by  Cone.  Nicaen.  II. can.  6.  And  similarly,  Gregory  the  Great, enjoining  once  a  year  in  Sicily  (Epist.  i.  1),  and in  Gaul  {ib.  ix.  106),  adds  in  the  latter  case  that it  ought  to  be  twice ;  and  enjoins  twice  in  Sar- dinia (('6.  iv.  9),  possibly  as  being  an  island  of  no great  extent;  while  in  yet  another  case  (ib.  v. 54)  he  orders  such  synods  whenever  needed. Leo  the  Great,  likewise,  A.D.  446,  commands synods  twice  a  year  at  Thessalonica  (Epiat.  xiv.), but  A.D.  447,  only  once  a  year  at  Rome,  yet  with the  addition  that  it  ought  to  be  twice  (ib.  xvi.). See  also  Avitus  Vienn.  (Epist.  80 — "  It  ought  to be  twice  in  a  year,  would  that  it  were  once  in  two years !  ")  and  Pope  Hormisdas  (Epist.  25 — "  If  not two,  at  least  one  ").  Finally,  Pipin,  A.D.  755  (in Cone.  Vern.  pref.  cans.  2,  4),  renewed  tlie  in- junction of  two  a  year,  naming  for  them  March  1 and  October  1,  but  the  second  of  them  to  be attended  only  by  the  metropolitans  and  certain selected  clergy.  Yet,  a  century  after,  the  Cone, 'lull.  A.D.  859,  can.  7,  is  again  compelled  to  sup- plicate that  they  might  be  held  once  in  the  year. Diocesan  synods  are  assumed,  in  the  11th century  (Modus  tenendi  Synodos,  in  Wilk.  Cone. r.  784),  to  be  also  held  twice  a  yeai'.  And of  Tours  (Capit.  c.  91)  similarly  com. He manils  tliom  to  be  held  twice,  and  each  time  not to  last  more  than  15  days.  But  here,  also, eailicr  ruK's  speak  of  once.  Cone.  Lip-tin.  A.D.  743, c.  1  (atti  ilmtod  also  to  Cone.  Told.  XVII.  can.  1), ::>iU'ssion.  A.u.  744,  c.  2,  St.  Boniface  (7y;/si.  105), COUNCIL Capit.  Car.  M.  VII.  108 ;  of  which  authorities, however,  the  last  is  busied  not  so  much  with  a synod  as  with  ordering  the  clergy  to  give  account of  their  acts  and  receive  instructious,  and  bids them  go  "  per  turmas  et  per  hebdomadas "  to the  bishop  (ib.  vi.  163).  It  was  the  office  of  such synods,  among  other  things,  to  promulgate  to  the diocese  the  decrees  of  the  provincial  synods;  and accordingly  we  find  a  provision,  in  Cone.  Tolet. XVI.  A.D.  693,  can.  7  (and  cf.  also  Cvune.  of  Clove- sho, A.D.  747  can.  25,  and  the  nearly  contemporary German  Council  under  St.  Boniface,  can.  6,  in  Had- danand  Stubbs,  iii.  371,377),  that  a  diocesan  synod should  be  held  within  six  months  after  the  j)ro- vincial  one.  We  find  also  abbats  and  presbytei's summoned  to  an  annual  synod,  sometimes  to- gether, sometimes  separately  (Cone.  Oscens.  a.d. 598,  c.  1,  for  Spain ;  Altissiod.  a.d.  578,  can.  7,  for Gaul).  Diocesan  synods  were  at  that  time commonly  summoned  about  Lent.  In  ear- lier times  still,  e,g.  that  of  St.  Cyprian,  such councils  would  seem  to  have  been  held  whenever needed. The  primatial  or  patriarchal  synods  were  in- tended to  be  annual,  and  that  of  Africa  was  com- monly called  Universale  Anniversarium.  But the  usual  difficulty  of  procuring  attendance  was at  once  testified,  and  in  attempt  remedied,  by the  provisions  for  representation  mentioned already.  Pope  Hilary  (Epist.  3)  also  orders such  synods  once  a  year  in  Gaul.  And  Leo  the Great  summons  the  Sicilian  bishops  to  attend  by representation  at  one  of  two  such  synods  annually in  Rome  (Epist.  iv.).  But  circumstances  must have  speedily  rendered  such  regular  synods  im- possible. The  Council  of  Agde,  a.d.  506,  can.  71, seems  to  renew  the  annual  rule.  But  the  2n(i of  Macon,  A.d.  585,  can.  20,  made  it  triennial ("  post  trietericum  tempus  omnes  conveniant  ") for  Gaul.  And  this  is  the  Tridentiue  rule  in later  times.  The  Concilia  Palatina  were  at  first occasional,  as  the  kings  or  emperors  summoned them.  Pipin,  as  above  said,  A.D.  755,  called some  council  of  the  kind  twice  in  the  year ;  but the  actual  practice  remained  irregular.  And Cone.  Tull,  A.D.  859,  can.  7,  asking  for  a  pro- vincial council  once  a  year,  asked  also  for  a  pala- tine council  once  in  every  two  years.  Hincmar, however,  speaks  of  twice  a  year  as  customary ("consuetudo  tunc  temporis  erat,"  speaking  of "Placita,"  0pp.  IL  211,  sq.). All  these  kinds  of  councils  were  parts  of  the ordinary  constitution  of  the  Church,  even  the Palatine  councils  being  mixed  up  with  ecclesias- tical matters.  And  those  of  them  that  were proper  Church  councils  were  needed  at  regular times  ;  as  required  (according  to  Cone.  Carth.  III. can.  2),  "  propter  causas  ecolesiasticas,  quae  ad perniciem  plebium  saepe  veterascunt,"  although their  functions  were  not  restricted  to  cases  of discipline  only.  Other  kinds  of  councils  were only  occasional  remedies  for  special  emergencies, I  and  were  hold  therefore  when  needed.  Of  the I  six  grounds  usually  enumerated  (e.g.  by  Hefele) for  holding  oecumenical  councils,  setting  aside all  those  that  belong  to  medieval  time.;,  as,  e.g. the  deciding  between  rival  popes,  &c.,  there  re- mains, for  earlier  times,  only  one,  which  is  both historically  the  ground  upon  whicii  the  great oecumenical  councils  were  actually  summoned, and  that  assigned  by  the  Apostolical  canon  (37) for   councils   at  all — 'AvaKOiueTOiicray   oAAtjAou COUNCIL [oi  firlcTKOirot]  rh  SSyfiara  rrjs  evcrePelas,  Kol ras  ^fiTVLTTTovaas  eKKATjaiaaTiKas  ai'TtXoyias SiaAveTwrrav. III.  The  place  in  which  councils  were  held, wlicii  piirely  church  councils,  was  commonly  the church  or  some  building  attached  to  the  church  ; c.  g.  the  Secretarium  or  AiaKoviKhv  attached  often to  large  churches  (Liberat.  Breviar.  xiii.),  in which  kind  of  building  the  3rd  to  the  6th  Coun- cils of  Carthage  were  held,  and  others  also  (Du Cange  in  v.  Secretarium) ;  or  the  baptistery  or ^ooTLCTT^ptov,  wherein  the  Council  of  Chalcedon, for  instance,  a.d.  451,  met  (Lalsb.  Cone.  iv.  235, and  see  Suicer  in  v.  ^coTiffrriptov);  or  the  church itself,  as  in  the  Council  of  Toledo  IV.  A.D.  633  ; or  again  in  much  later  times  (as  A.D.  879  and 11G5,  at  Constantinople),  the  galleries  or  Karr;- Xovfiiva  of  the  church  (Bingh.  VIII.  v.  7).  The great  Council  of  Nice  met,  according  to  Euse- bius(T\  Constant,  iii.  7)  in  an  oIkoj  evKT-fipios, Oj  as  he  words  it  elsewhere  (ib.  10),  ev  rep  /j-effai- rdrct)  otKcii  rwv  'fiaaiXfiaii'.  Theodoret  (i.  7)  and Sozomeu  (i.  19)  determine  this  to  mean  a  royal ])alace.  Valesius,  on  the  contrary  (adloc.  Euseh.), argues  that  it  must  mean  a  church.  The  words of  e.g.  Sozomen  appear  really  to  show,  that  the bishops  met  during  their  first  sessions  in  a church,  but  that  when  the  day  of  decision  arrived, and  Constantine  in  person  intended  to  be  present, then  they  removed  to  his  palace  ;  which  was oTkos  fifyicrros,  and  where  the  bishops  sat  on seats  along  the  wall,  and  the  emperor  on  a throne  in  the  middle.  The  next  four  Oecume- uical  Councils  were  certainly  held  in  a  church  or in  a  building  attached  to  a  church,  respectively at  Constantinople,  Ephesus,  Chalcedon,  and again  Constantinople  (Jo.  Damasc.  Be  Sac.  Irruig. tract,  iii.,  St.  Cyril.  Alex,  ad  Theodos.  in  Acit. Cone.  Ephes.,  Evagr.  H.  E.  ii.  3,  &c.).  The Council  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  680,  and  the supplemental  Trullau  Council  of  A.D.  692,  were held  in  the  secretarium  of  the  Imperial  palace, called  TruUus.  The  Council  of  Constantinople against  images,  A.D.  754,  was  held,  first  in  the imperial  palace  of  Hiera  on  the  shore  opposite Byzantium,  and  then  in  a  church  in  Constanti- nople itself  Palatine  councils  and  mixed  national councils  were  commonly  and  natui-ally  held  in royal  palaces.  In  Ciampini  (yet.  Mon.  I.  tab. xxxvii.)  is  figured  a  mosaic  of  the  5th  centurv, indicating  a  council,  and  with  a  suggestus  and the  open  Gospels  thereon  in  the  middle,  from  the Baptistery  at  Ravenna. Diocesan  and  provincial  councils  were  held naturally  and  ordinarily  in  the  cathedral  and metropolitan  cities  respectively.  Why  Clovesho was  selected  for  the  provincial  councils  of  Saxon England,  it  is  impossible  to  say,  in  the  absence  of any  certainty  as  to  where  Clovesho  was.  Pos- sibly it  was  a  central  spot,  which  Canterbury was  not.  The  outgoing  council  sometimes  named the  place  for  that  which  was  to  come  next ;  as e.g.  Cone.  Tolet.  IV.  a.d.  633,  can.  4,  enacts  that it  shall  do.  So  also  the  place  for  the  first  of Pipin's  two  annual  councils  was  fixed  by  him- self, but  that  first  council  determined  the  loca- lity of  the  second.  Cone.  Arausie.  I.  a.d.  441, can.  29,  forbids  any  council  to  be  dissolved  "  sine alterius  conventus  denuntiatione."  Cone.  Emerit. A.D.  666,  c.  7,  and  Coi^c.  Tolet.  iv.  a.d.  633, can.  3,  leave  it  to  the  metropolitan  to  deter- mine the  place,  which  was  the  usual  rule.     The COUNCIL  477 palace  where  king  or  emperor  happened  to  be, commonly  decided  the  locality  of  the  Concilia I'alatina,  as  e.g.  Clichy,  Braine,  Aix-la-Chapelle, &c.  The  localities  of  the  Oecumenical  Councils were  determined  by  the  circumstances  of  the case,  and  the  convenience  of  the  emperors. Nicaea,  e.g.  was  close  to  the  emperor's  palace  at Nicomedia.  Ephesus  was  a  convenient  seaport, with  great  facilities  of  access  on  account  of  its trading  importance,  and  accessible  by  land through  the  great  road  by  Iconium  to  the  Eu- phrates (see  Howson  and  Conybeare's  St.  Paul, vol.  ii.,  pp.  80,  sq.  8vo.  edit.).  Chalcedon  was close  to  Constantinople,  yet  apart  from  it.  And Sardica  again  was  chosen,  in  A.D.  347,  as  a  place most  convenient  for  East  and  West  to  meet  in. IV.  Provision  at  the  public  expense,  was  also made,  both  for  the  conveyance  of  the  bishops  to the  place  of  meeting,  and  for  their  entertainment during  the  sessions,  at  any  rate  during  the  period of  the  councils  against  the  Arians.  The  former was  ordered  by  Constantine  in  the  cases  of  the Councils  of  Aries  I.  and  Nice  (Euseb.  H.  E.  x. 5,  and  V.  Constant,  iv.  6-9,  &c.) ;  and  is  bitterly complained  of,  somewhat  later,  by  Ammianu's Marcellinus  (Hist.  xxi.  fin.),  as  interfering  with the  public  system  of  conveyance  to  the  detriment of  public  business  and  convenience ;  while  pope Liberius  endeavoured  to  obtain  a  council  from  the emperor  by  (among  other  motives)  offering  that the  bishops  would  waive  the  privilege  and  travel at  their  own  expense  (Sozom.  iv.  11).  Of  the  latter we  read  at  the  Council  of  Ariminum,  a.d.  359, where  only  three  of  the  British  bishops  accepted it,  the  others,  with  the  bishops  of  Gaul  and Aquitaine,  declining  it  as  interlering  with  their independence  (Sulp.  Sev.  ii.  55). V.  The  ceremonial  of  a  council  is  described  in respect  to  a  provincial  council,  by  an  order  of Cone.  To'et.  IV.  A.D.  633,  can.  4,  quoted  and abridged,  but  not  quite  accurately,  by  Hefele  (I. 65,  Engl.  Tr.),  thus :—"  Before  sunset  on  the day  appointed,  all  those  who  are  in  the  church must  come  out ;  and  all  the  doors  must  be  shut, except  the  one  by  which  the  bishops  enter;  and at  this  door  all  the  ostiarii  will  station  them- selves. The  bishops  will  then  come,  and  take their  places  according  to  the  times  of  their  oi-di- nation.  When  they  have  taTcen  their  places,  the elected  priests,  and  after  them  the  deacons, ['  probabiles,  quos  ordo  poposcerit  interesse,'] will  come  in  their  turn  to  take  their  places.  The priests  sit  behind  the  bishops,  the  deacons  [stand] in  front,  and  all  are  arranged  in  the  form  of  a circle.  Last  of  all,  those  laity  are  introduced, whom  the  Council  by  their  election  have  judged worthy  of  the  favour.  The  notaries,  who  are necessary,  are  also  introduced.  [And  the  doors are  barred.]  All  keep  silence.  When  the  arch- deacon says.  Orate,  all  prostrate  themselves  upon the  ground.  After  several  moments,  one  of  the oldest  bishops  rises  and  recites  a  prayer  in  a  loud voice,  during  which  all  the  rest  remain  upon their  knees.  The  prayer  having  been  recited, all  answer,  Amen  ;  and  they  rise  when  the  arch- deacon says,  Erigite  vos.  While  all  keep  silent, a  deacon,  clad  in  a  white  alb,  brings  into  the midst  the  book  of  the  canons,  and  reads  the  rules for  the  holding  of  councils.  When  this  is  ended, the  metropolitan  gives  an  address,  and  calls  on those  present  to  bring  forward  their  complaints. If  a  priest,  a  deacon,  or  a  layman,  has  any  com- 478 COUNCIL plaint  to  make,  he  makes  it  known  to  the  arch-' deacon  of  the  metropolitan  church ;  and  the latter,  in  his  turn,  will  bring  it  to  the  knowledge of  the  council.  No  bishop  is  to  withdraw  with- out the  rest ;  and  no  one  is  to  pronounce  the council  dissolved,  before  all  the  business  is  ended." Tiie  synod  concluded  Avith  a  ceremony  similar  to that  of  the  opening ;  the  meti-opolitan  then  pro- claimed the  time  of  celebrating  Easter  {ih.  can. 5),  and  that  of  the  meeting  of  the  next  synod, such  synods  being  annual  by  can.  3. Probably  councils  elsewhere  followed  a  like practice  to  those  of  Spain.  The  deacons,  how- ever, at  all  times,  did  not  sit  but  stood  {Cone. Illiberit.  in  prooem.,  Cone.  Tolet.  I.,  Bracar.  II., several  early  Roman  Councils  in  Bingh.  ii.  xix. 12,  and  St.  Cyprian's  African  Councils),  unless they  a]jpeared  as  representing  their  i-espective bishops. A  ^^ Modus  tcnendi  Synodos  in  Anglia"  (11th cent.  Cott.  MSS.  Cleop.Q.  viii.  fol.  35,  printed  in Wilkins'  Concilia  iv.  784^786),  supplies  a  like although  later  account  of  a  diocesan  synod. After  commanding  such  synods  twice  annually, and  suspending  contumacious  absentees  for  a year,  it  proceeds  to  order  the  church  to  be  cleared of  all  people,  and  the  doors  closed,  except  one  at which  the  ostiarii  are  to  be  stationed.  Then,  at an  hour  to  be  fixed  by  the  bishop  or  his  vicai-, and  in  solemn  procession  with  crosses  and  litany, a  seat  having  been  placed  in  the  middle  of  the church  with  relics  lying  upon  it,  and  a  "plena- rium,"  i.e.  either  a  complete  missal  or  a  com- plete copy  of  the  gospels,  and  a  stole,  being likewise  placed  thereon,  the  presbyters  are  to take  their  seats  according  to  the  times  of  their ordination  :  then  the  deacons  are  to  be  admitted, but  only  those  who  are  "  probabiles,"  or  "  quos orilo  poposcerit  interesse  ;  "  then  chosen  laity  ; lastly  the  bishop,  or  at  least  his  vicar.  Forms of  prayer  are  then  given,  with  benedictions  and lessons,  for  three  days,  which  is  assumed  to  be the  right  limit  of  the  duration  of  the  synod. From  at  least  the  Council  of  Ephesus,  A.D. 431  (St.  Cyril  Alex,  ad  Theodos.  in  Actt.  Cone. EpJws.),  an  open  copy  of  the  Gospels  was  cus- tomarily placed  in  the  midst  on  a  throne  covered with  rich  stuffs ;  a  precedent  followed  by  other Councils,  eg.  by  tnat  of  Hatfield  under  Abp. Theodore,  A.D.  680  ("  prepositis  sacrosanctis evangeliis  "),  down  even  to  that  of  Basle  (see  also the  mosaic  in  Ciampini  already  referred  to, and  Suicer  in  v.  EvayyeMov).  St.  Cyprian describes  a  council  as  "  considentibus  Dei  sa- cerdotibus  et  altari  posito"  {Epist.  xlv.).  In the  8th  century,  an  image  of  Our  Lord  is  men- tioned as  placed  in  the  midst,  by  Theodorus Studita;  and  about  the  same  time  images  of saints  likewise,  by  Gregory  II.  (a.d.  715-731, Epist.  II.  ad  Icon.  Isaur.).  And  in  similar times,  or  later,  we  find  also  relics  so  placed, as  iu  the  2fodus  Unendi  Sfaodos,  above  quoted. Compare  also  the  language  of  Gregory  the  Great (0pp.  II  1288)  in  the  6th  century,  speak- ing of  a  Roman  provincial  synod  as  assembled "  coram  sauctissimo  beati  Petri  corpore,"  Cone. Tolet.^  xi.  A.D.  675,  can.  1,  prohibited  talking  or laughing  or  disorder  of  any  kind  in  a  council. The  order  of  the  Palatine  Councils  is  ^iven  by Adelhard,  the  Abbat  of  Corbey,  and  wiU  be  re- ferred to  below  (under  D). VI.   The  President  of  an  ecclesiastical  council COUNCIL was  of  course,  in  provincial  councils,  the  metro- politan (such  a  council,  as  we  have  seen,  was  not "  perfect  "  without  him,  and  his  presence  became ordinarily  necessary  to  the  due  consecration  of  a bishop  [Bishop]);  in  diocesan  councils,  the bishop  or  (in  later  times)  at  least  his  vicar ;  in primatial  or  patriarchal,  the  primate  or  patri- arch ;  the  chief  bishop  present,  at  those  councils which  were  made  up  from  neighbouring  pro- vinces {e.g.  Vitalis  of  Antioch,  at  Ancyra)  ;  the patriarch  of  Constantinople,  in  his  (tvvoSol iv5rifxov(rat ;  kings  or  emperors  in  the  mixed national  synods  of  later  date.  At  Aries,  in A.D.  314,  Marinus  Bishop  of  Aries  signs  the synodical  letter  first,  and  therefore  probably presided  in  the  synod  itself;  and  this  probably by  appointment  of  the  emperor,  just  as  Mel- chiades  had  presided  in  the  previous  year  over the  abortive  tribunal  assembled  at  Rome.  In the  Oecumenical  synods,  down  to  A.D.  869,  the emperor,  either  in  person  or  by  a  representative, exercised  a  kind  of  external  presidency — irphs evKoffiLLiav  is  all  that  Leo  the  Great  allows,  in his  synodical  letter  to  the  Council  of  Chalcedon, A.D.  451 — in  occupying  the  seat  of  honour  when present,  and  in  regulating  and  enforcing  external order  and  the  like.  But  the  presidents  or irpSeSpoi,  who  are  distinguished  from  the  emperor and  from  his  representative,  and  who  conducted the  real  ecclesiastical  business  of  the  council, were  either  the  principal  bishops  or  patriarchs, or  the  legates  of  the  patriarchs.  At  Nice,  after opening  the  proceedings  in  person,  seated  iu  the place  of  honour,  Constantine,  who  expressly  dis- claimed for  himself  the  interfering  with  doctrine, and  called  himself  bishop  only  Tccf  sKrhs  rrjs eKKArjcrios,  but  the  bishops  themselves,  ra'j'  fiffca, TrapfSiSov  rhv  Xoyov  toIs  t7]S  'S.vvSSov  irpoe- SpoLs  (Phiseb.  V.  Constant,  v.  13).  And  these irpfJeSpoi,  although  not  expressly  named,  may  be gathered  from  the  list  of  chief  members  of  the council  (Euseb.  V.  Constant,  iii.  7,  Socr.  i.  13, Sozom.  i.  17,  Theodoret,  H.  E.  ii.  15),  to  have been,  first  and  above  all,  Hosius  of  Corduba, — (employed  by  the  emperor  to  manage  the  pre- vious abortive  council  at  Alexandria  [Sozom.  i. 16],  present  also  at  Elvira  previously,  and  sub- sequently president  at  Sardica ;  see  St.  Athanas. Apol.  de  Fuga ;  and  that  Hosius  gave  advice to  the  emperor  in  the  Donatist  question  also, c.  A.  D.  316,  St.  Aug.  c.  Parmenion.  i.  8,  ix. 43),  Alexander  of  Alexandria  (styled  Kvptos  in the  council,  by  the  Cone.  Kicaen.  itself),  Eusta- thius  of  Antioch  (alleged  by  Theodoret  to  have addressed  the  opening  speech  to  the  emperor, which  however  Sozomen,  and  the  title  of  c.  11 of  Euseb.  V.  Const  mt.  iii.,  attribute  to  Eusebius himself,  and  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  to  Alex- ander), Macarius  of  Jerusalem,  and  Vitus  and Vincentius  the  presbyter-legates  of  the  absent Bishop  of  Rome.  Such  authorities  also  as  John of  Antioch  and  Nicephorus  (v.  Tillemont,  3Ihn. Eedes.vi.  272),  speak  of  Eustathius  as  presiding. That  Hosius  presided  as  legate  of  the  pope  (so Gelas.  Cyzic,  ab.  A.D.  476,  is  commonly  said  to affirm,  but  he  really  says  that  Hosius  "  occupied  the place  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome  at  the  council,  with Vitus  and  Vincentius"  [eVe'xa"'  tov  tottov  rov rrjs  ixiyiffTns  'Pwfxrjs  'ETrtfTKOTrou  SiA/SecrTpou  avv ■Kpea^vripois  'Paj/xr;s  Bi'tcovi  koI  BiKevriu  (Labb. ii.  156)],  which  is  not  quite  the  same  thing),  is  dis- tinctly contradicted  by  the  langu.age  of  Eusebius, COUNCIL Socrates,  and  Sozomen.  At  Constantinople,  a.d. 381,  the  successive  presidents  were  Meletius  of Antioch  (no  higher  patriarch  being  at  first  pre- sent), and  on  his  death,  Gregory  of  Nazianzum until  his  resignation,  and  then  Nectarius,  patri- archs of  Constantinople.  At  Ephesus,  A.D.  431, Candidianus,  "  comes  sacrorum  domesticoruni," was  the  commissioner  of  the  Emperor  Theodosius  ; but  every  one,  "unless  he  was  a  bishop,"  was strictly  forbidden  by  the  emperor  to  intermeddle To7s  fKK\r](riaa-TiKois  (TKinfiaaiv :  and  Cyril  of Alexandria,  at  first  alone,  afterwards  with  the Pope's  legates,  presided  ecclesiastically,  Candidian indeed  favouring  the  Nestorians.  In  A.D.  451, at  Chalcedon,  the  limits  of  imperatorial  inter- ference were  less  exactly  kept.  Paschasinus, bishop  of  Libybaeum,  the  pope's  legate,  is  re- peatedly said  to  have  presided,  and  signs  first, and  as  "synodo  praesidens."  But  Marcian,  in person,  presided  over  the  sixth  session,  proposed the  questions,  and  conducted  the  business.  And his  commissioners,  generally,  "  had  the  place  of honour  in  the  midst  before  the  altar-rails,  are first  named  in  the  minutes,  took  the  votes, arranged  the  order  of  the  business,  and  closed the  sessions  "  (Hefele,  from  the  Acts).  At  Con- stantinople, A.D.  553,  neither  Justinian  nor  Pope Vigilius  took  a  personal  part,  the  latter  expressly refusing  to  join  in  it ;  and  the  actual  president was  Eutychius  of  Constantinople.  In  A.D.  680, Constantine  Pogonatus  interfered  even  more  than Marcian  in  451;  and  he  is  moreover  expressly called  the  president.  But  the  papal  legates  sign first,  and  Constantine  only  at  the  end  of  the episcopal  signatures,  and  with  the  phrase,  "  Le- gimus  et  consentimus."  At  Nice,  in  A.D.  787, Tarasius  of  Constantinople  really  conducted  the business  of  the  council,  but  the  papal  legates sign  before  him ;  and  the  Empress  Irene  and  her son  were  present  as  honorary  presidents  in  the eighth  and  last  session,  but  signed  finally  after the  signatures  of  the  bishops.  Lastly,  in  A.D. 869,  the  papal  legates  with  the  Patriarch  of Constantinople  and  the  representatives  of  the other  patriarchs,  were  practically  the  presidents, but  the  legates  alone  are  expressly  so  called  ; while  in  the  sixth  and  following  sessions  the Emperor  Basil  and  his  two  sons  acted  as  presi- dents and  are  so  called,  although  refusing  to sign  except  after  the  legates  and  patriarchs above  mentioned.  Of  other  synods,  Hosius  pre- sided at  Sardica,  A.D.  347  (St.  Athanas.  Hist. Avian.,  Sozom.,  ii.  12,  Theodoret,  H.  E.  ii.  15, and  the  Acts  themselves),  the  two  presbyter- legates  of  Pope  Julius  signing  after  him,  and then  the  Bishop  of  Sardica  itself.  At  the Latrocinium  of  Ephesus,  A.D.  449,  the  Emperor Theodosius  gave  the  presidency  to  Dioscorus  of Alexandria,  after  refusing  it  to  the  papal  legates. It  should  be  added,  that  objection  was  taken  to the  emperor's  even  sending  a  commissioner  to  the Council  of  Tyre,  a.d.  335  (St.  Athanas.  Apolog. c.  Arian.  n.  viii.)  ;  and  that  the  Council  of  Con- stantinople, A.D.  869,  ruled  that  the  emperor not  only  need  not  but  ought  not  to  intervene  in provincial  synods,  &c.,  but  only  in  such  as  wei-e oecumenical.  But  kings  were  present  continu- ally even  in  provincial  synods  in  the  West ;  as e.  g.  at  Toledo  IV.  and  V.,  a.d.  633  and  636,  at the  legatine  councils  in  England,  A.D.  787,  in Gaul  continually,  and  at  Frankfort  A.D.  794. And  the  king's  commissaries  weje  at  the  councils COUNCIL 479 of  Toledo  VIIF.  and  i.\..  A.D.  653,  655.  The remonstrance  of  Pope  .li.liiis  to  the  Eastern bishops  respecting  the  Council  of  Antioch,  A.D. 341  —  that  yUTy  Set  Ttapa  yvtiifj.-r]v  rod  'Etti- ffKOTTov  'Pti^Tjs  Kavovl^iiv  Tas  iKK\i](Tlas  (Soci-. ii.  13,  Sozom.  iii.  9)  —  might  obviously  have been  made  by  any  of  the  patriarchs,  the church  not  being  truly  represented  if  any  chief bishop  were  passed  over  ;  and  reads  rather  like a  claim,  which  its  maker  felt  it  necessary  to press,  there  being  no  doubt  about  the  like  right of  the  older  and  Eastern  patriarchs.  The  second Council  of  Nice,  A.D.  787,  requires  all  the  patri- archs (or  their  legates)  for  a  really  oecumenical council  (Labb.  vii.  396). VII.  The  order  of  Precedence,  and  of  Signa- tures, in  a  council,  which  commonly  went  to- gether, followed  ordinarily,  in  respect  to  Bishops, the  rule  of  priority  of  consecration  (as  e.g.  in Africa,  Cod.  Can.  Afric.  86,  Cone.  Milev.  cans. 13,  14;  in  Italy  and  Gaul,  Greg.  M.  Epist. vii.  112  [to  Syagrius,  Bishop  of  Autun],  and  so also  in  Spain,  Co7iC.  Bracar.  I.  A.D.  563,  can.  6, and  Cone.  Tolet.  IV.  a.d.  633,  c.  4,  and  [as may  be  seen  in  the  signatures  to  charters] in  England — see  Counc.  of  Hertford,  A.D.  673, can.  8  ;  and  Cone.  Londin.  a.d.  1075,  in  Wilk. i.  363).  Here  and  there,  however,  custom gave  precedence  to  a  particulaV  see,  as  in  England latterly  to  London,  Durham,  Winchester.  And in  an  oecumenical  council,  or  indeed  wherever present,  the  bishops  of  the  chief  sees,  who  in due  time  became  patriarchs,  took  precedence  of all  others ;  the  order  oeing  fixed  by  the  council in  Trullo,  A.D.  692,  as  1.  Rome,  2.  Constanti- nople, 3.  Alexandria,  4.  Antioch,  5.  Jerusalem  ; the  preceding  general  councils  of  Constantinople (can.  3)  and  Chalcedon  (can.  28),  having  raised Constantinople  from  a  subordinate  place  to  have "  equal  honours  "  with  Rome,  but  to  count  as second  (so  also  Justinian,  Novel,  cxxxi.  c.  2). Ephesus  and  Caesarea,  as  patriarchates  in  a secondary  sense,  followed  the  chief  patriarchs; as  e.  g.  in  the  4th  and  6th  oecumenical  councils. Chorepiscopi,  so  long  as  that  office  existed  as  an episcopal  office,  either  in  east  or  west — and  again the  titular  and  monastic  bishops  of  the  6th  and following  centuries  (mainly  in  north-western Europe) — counted  in  a  council  as  bishops.  If priests  or  deacons  were  present  as  vicars  or legates  of  their  respective  bishops,  they  signed, in  the  East,  in  the  order  in  which  their  own bishop  would  have  signed,  had  he  been  present ; in  the  West,  usually  after  all  the  bishops  pre- sent. In  the  1st  council  of  Aries,  however,  the priests  and  deacons,  whom  each  bishop  had  been desired  to  bring  with  him,  signed  immediately after  their  own  bishop  ;  and  the  Pope's  legates signed  after  several  of  the  bishops.  In  France and  England,  and  in  the  case  of  the  archimand- rites in  Eastern  councils,  the  abbats,  althougli  lay- men, signed  between  the  bishops  and  priests  (if any  signatures  occur  of  tlie  last  named).  In  Spain, as  laymen,  they  signed  at  first  after  the  priests,  but afterwards  (becoming  probably  in  many  instances priests  themselves)  they  signed,  as  elsewhere, after  the  bishops  and  before  the  priests.  Of  lay signatures,  the  emperor  in  the  great  oecumenical councils  signed  after  all  the  bishops,  except  in A.D.  869,  when  the  emperor  and  his  sons  signed after  the  great  patriarchs  but  before  all  the other  bishops,     (mperial  commissioners  also  took 480 COUNCIL precedence,  in  the  council  itself,  immetliately after  the  patriarchs  or  their  representatives,  but did  not  sign  the  acts  at  all.  In  the  mixed European  synods,  lay  signatures  also  occur. In  Euijland  we  have  in  order — king,  archbishop, bishops,  dukes,  abbats,  nobles,  presbyters,  minis- tri ;  sometimes  abbesses  also  ;  but,  of  course,  in mixed  synods  or  rather  witenagemots  only ;  and all  this,  not  in  the  same  order  always,  for  some- times not  only  presbyters  but  deacons  sign  before the  nobles,  and  abbats  follow  the  presbyters.  At Clovesho,  A.D.  803,  the  bishop,  abbats,  and  pres- byters of  each  diocese,  sign  together,  and  in  one case  (that  of  Canterbury)  an  archdeacon  also. The  list  of  those  present  at  the  IstCouncil  of  Aries, A.D.  314,  as  has  been  said,  follows  a  like  order. At  Nice  the  signatures,  so  far  as  they  are  pre- served, are  of  name  and  see  simply.  At  the Council  of  Ephesus,  a.d.  431,  and  thenceforward, the  custom  began  of  adding  "gratia  Christi,"  or ''  Dei  miseratidne,"  or  "in  Christi  nomine,"  and also  of  adding  to  the  name  such  epithets  as minimus,  peccator,  indkjnus,  humilis,  &c.  The sees  are  omitted  commonly,  but  not  always,  in Anglo-Saxon,  in  Frank,  and  in  Spanish  coun- cils. The  chief  exceptions  in  England  are the  Councils  of  Calchyth,  A.D.  787,  and  Clo- vesho, A.D.  803,  where  the  sees  are  certainly given.  They  occur,  however,  more  often  in France.  But  as  the  lists  are  commonly  copies, the  scribes  are  as  likely  as  not  to  have  added the  sees  in  some  instances,  although  this  is clearly  not  the  case  in  many.  The  addition of  "definiens  (Spiiras)  subscripsi,"  belonged  to bishops  as  such,  and  very  often  occurs,  as  e.g. Cone.  Ch'dced.  A.D. 451,  from  the  5th  century ; "  consentiens  subscripsi,"  or  "  consensi  et  sub- scripsi," or  "  subscripsi "  simply,  being  the  form for  others  as  well  as  bishops.  The  Saxon  "  pom- positas "  varied  the  form  in  endless  ways,  as may  be  seen  in  Kemble's  Cudex  Diplomaticus. "  Pronuntiaus  cum  sancta  synodo,"  also  occurs in  the  Council  of  Ephesus,  A.D.  431. VIII.  The  votes  were  taken  no  doubt  by  heads, from  the  beginning.  The  plan  of  voting  by  nations, the  vote  of  each  nation  being  determined  by  the majority  of  individual  votes  within  the  nation itself,  was  a  device  as  late  as  the  Council  of  Con- stance, intended  to  prevent  the  swamping  of  the council  by  Italian  bishops,  and  was  abandoned again  after  the  Council  of  Basle.  The  distinction between  vota  decisiva  and  vota  consultativa,  the former  alone  counting  in  the  formal  dScisions  of the  council,  is  of  modera  date  also,  so  far  as the  terms  are  concerned ;  but  the  presence  at councils  of  individuals,  and  of  classes  of  persons, for  consultation  but  without  a  vote,  is  of  very earlv  origin  (see  below  under  B),  and  indeed may  be  most  probably  said  to  date  from  Apo- stolic times. IX.  Lastly,  councils  were  confirmed,  in  the  case of  the  Oecumenical  Councils,  and  so  as  to  give their  decrees  the  force  of  law,  by  the  emperors  ; although,  ill  foro  conscientiae,  St.  Athanasius's dictum  holds  good, — irdTe  yap  eK  rov  aloivos ilKovaOri  Toiavra;  Tr($T6  Kpiats  iiCKA-naias  trapa ^acriXews  i(Tx^  rh  Kupos ;  (Hist.  Arian.  ad Monach.  §  52,  0pp.  i.  376).  The  decrees  of  the Nicene  Council  were  enforced  as  laws  of  the  em- pire by  Constantino  (Euseb.  V.  Constant,  iii. 17-19:  Socr.  i.  9;  Cxelas.  Cyzic.  ii.  36,  in JMansi,  ii.  919).     Subscription  to  its   creed  was COUNCIL enforced  on  pain  of  exile  (Socr.  i.  9;  Rufin,  //.  K. i.  5).  That  of  Constantinople,  in  A.D.  381,  re- quested and  obtained  the  legal  confirmation  of Theodosius  the  Great  (July  30,  A.D.  381,  Cod. Theod.  xvi.  1.  3).  Theodosius  II.,  after  much hesitation,  confirmed  the  principal  decision  of the  Council  of  Ephesus.  A.D.  431  (Hefele),  by exiling  Nestorius  and  ordering  Nestorian  writings to  be^  burnt  (Mansi,  v.  255,  413,  920).  Mar- cian's  edicts  are  extant  of  February  7,  March  13, July  6  and  28,  A.D.  452,  which  confirm  the decrees  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  of  A.D.  451. The  next  four  councils  (in  the  Latin  reckoning) of  A.D.  553,  680,  787,  869,  were  either  signed,  or (as  in  the  6th  and  8th)  also  enforced  by  an  edict, by  the  emperors  who  respectively  summoned them.  Councils  also  were  commonly  held  in the  various  provinces  to  accept  the  decrees  of  a General  Council.  And  in  this  way  the  sanction of  the  bishops  of  Rome  was  given  after  some delay  to  the  second  council  of  Constantinople,  a.d. 381.  Nothing  is  said  of  the  pope  in  relation  to  the great  Council  of  Nice,  except  by  documents  of  a date  and  nature  such  as  to  make  them  worthless (Hefele  makes  the  best  of  them,  but  his  own statements  are  the  best  refutation  of  his  conclu- sion). Leo  the  Great  refused  to  assent  to  the decree  of  Chalcedon  respecting  the  patriarch  of Constantinople,  while  accepting  the  rest.  And both  that  council  (ap.  Leon.  M.  Epist.  Ixxxix.) and  Marcian  {ih.  Epist.  ex.)  recognize  in  terms the  necessity  of  obtaining  the  pope's  confirma- tion ;  although  with  special  reference  to  the canon  affecting  the  dignity  of  the  see  of  Rome. Yet,  in  a.d.  .553,  Justinian  compelled  the  sub- mission of  pope  Vigilius  to  the  Council  of  Con- stantinople. And  the  canons  of  the  Trullnn Council,  in  A.D.  692,  were  in  like  manner  forced by  the  emperor  upon  pope  Sergius.  The  General Councils,  so  called,  of  A.D.  680,  787,  and  869, sought  and  received  the  papal  confirmation. For  the  legal  authority  attached  at  various periods  to  the  canons  of  either  oecumenical  or provincial  councils,  see  Caxox  Law.  The "  Canones  Patrum,"  i.e.,  probably  the  collection of  Dionysius  Exiguus,  were  brought  forward  by Theodore,  and  certain  canons  selected  from  them accepted  as  specially  needed  for  the  English Church,  at  the  Council  of  Hertford,  A.D.'  673 (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  119).  Charlemagne, in  his  Capitularies,  dealt  with  ecclesiastical laws  as  well  as  civil,  but  consulted  pope  .Adrian, and  obtained  a  sort  of  enlarged  Codex  Ginonum from  him,  A.D.  774  ;  as  Pipin  had  done  before him,  A.D.  747,  with  pope  Zacharias.  But  the royal  authority  gave  legal  force  to  these  laws — "a  vestra  auctoritate  firmentur"  (Cone.  Mo- gunt.  A.D.  813,  in  Praef.;  and  so  repeatedly); as  indeed  had  been  the  case  with  Frank  and Burgundian  kings,  &c.,  before  Pipin  also. The  Council  of  Calchyth,  a.d.  816,  can.  9, enacts  that  a  copy  of  decrees  of  councils  sliould be  taken  by  each  bishop,  with  date  and  names  of archbishop  and  bishops  present ;  and  that another  copy  should  be  given  to  any  one  affected by  the  decree. B.  Such  being  (so  to  say)  the  externals  of  a council,  the  next  question  relates  to  its  Consti- tuent Members. I.  To  speak  first  of  provincial  councils,  there can  be  no  question  that  bishops  were  essentially their  members.     The  Apostolic  Canon  (37)  speaks COUNCIL of  avi'oSoi  Twv  ^EiriffKSTraiv',  the  5th  cannn  of  . Nicf,  of  irdvrav  Toiv  'Y.-iziaKSizixiv  ttjs  iwapxi-a^, &c.  ;  and  similarly  Cone.  Antioch.  a.d.  341, can.  20,  and  the  29th  canou  of  Chalcedon,  which describes  also  such  crvvoSoi  rwv  ^EiriaK6Trwu  as KiKavoi>i<rjxevai ;  and  the  earliest  known  synods of  the  kind  (the  earliest  indeed  of  any  kind), those  of  Hierapolis  and  Anchialfis  against  Monta- nism,  and  those  held  by  Polycrates  about  Easter, respectively  in  the  middle  and  towards  the  end of  the  2nd  century,  consisted  of  bishops,  without mentioning  (yet  certainly  without  in  terms  ex- cluding) any  one  else  (^LiheUus  Synodicus,  and Euseb.  V.  16,  24).  See  also  St.  Cyprian  (Epist. 7o),  St.  Hilary  {De  Syn.  Prooem.),  St.  Ambrose {Epist.  32,  "  audiant  [presbyteri]  cum  populo"), St.  Jerome  {Apol.  c.  Ruffin.  lib.  II.),  &c.  &c. Moreover,  from  early  times  bishops  but  no others  were  compelled  to  attend  such  synods, under  penalties  (suspension  for  a  year)  for abseiice,  or  even  for  coming  late ;  and  the  being present  in  them  was  a  recognized  and  allowed cause  of  non-residence  in  their  dioceses :  e.  g. Cone.  Laodic.  c.  a.d.  36.5,  can.  40 ;  Chalced.  A.b. 451,  can.  19;  Agath.  a.d.  506,  can.  35;  Vascns-, ii.  A.D.  529,  Pref. ;  Tarracon.  A.D.  516,  can.  6 ; Aurel.  ii.  A.d.  533,  can.  1  ;  Arvern.  i.  A.D. 535,  can.  1 ;  Turon.  ii.  A.D.  567,  can.  1  ;  Eme- rit.  A.D.  QQio,  can.  7 ;  Tolet.  xi.  a.d.  675,  can. 15:  see  also  Leo  M.  Epist.  vi.  a.d.  444;  and Greg.  M.  Epist.  V.  54  (allowing  presbyters  or deacons  as  representatives,  if  unavoidable).  In the  3rd  century,  however,  as  in  Apostolic  times (Acts  XV.),  it  becomes  evident  that  presbyters also  took  part  in  sUch  councils  ("seniores  et praepositi,"  Firmilian,  as  before  quoted,  speaking for  Asia;  St.  Cyprian  repeatedly  for  Africa; Euseb.  H.E.  vii.  28,  of  the  Council  of  Antioch that  condemned  Paul  of  Samosata  in  A.D.  264  or 265,  for  Syria  ;  and  the  case  of  Origen,  again,  at the  Arabian  synods  respecting  Beryllus  ;  &c.). In  the  Council  of  Elvira  (a.d.  305,  Hefele) twenty-six  or  twenty-four  presbyters  "  sat  with" the  bishops.  In  that  of  Aries  I.,  A.D.  314,  each bishop  was  directed  to  bring  two  presbyters  with him,  and  some  brought  deacons  also.  A  series of  Roman  councils  (a.d.  461,  487,  499,  502,  715, 721)  contained  also  presbyters,  "  sitting  with  " the  bishops,  and  in  two  cases  "  subscribing  "  with them  (Bingh.  ii.  xix.  12);  and  others  might  be added,  as  e.  g.  under  Gregory  the  Great  {0pp.  II. 1288).  "Gregorius  Papa  coram  sanctissimo  teati Petri  corpore,  cum  episcopis  omnibus  ac  Romanae Ecelesiae  presbyteris  residens,  adstantibus  dia- conis  et  cuncto  clei-o."  So  again  at  Carthage, a.d.  387,  389,  401 ;  at  Toledo,  a.d.  400 ;  at  Con- stantinople, A.D.  443  ;  at  Braga,  II.  A.D.  572  ;  and the  order  of  holding  a  council  given  above  from Cone.  Tolet.  iv.  a.d.  633,  as  well  as  the  later English  "  ordo,"  also  above  mentioned,  expressly provide  for  the  presence  of  presbyters.  They are  present  also  at  Calchyth,  A.D.  787,  and Clovesho,  A.D.  803.  And  later  still,  presbyters subscribe  at  Lyons,  a.d.  830»  At  the  oecume- nical councils  of  Ephesus  and  Chalcedon  they were  present,  but  did  not  subscribe.  Three, however,  subscribe  in  their  own  names  at  Con- stantinople, A.D.  381  (Labb.  ii.  957).  But  then it  must  be  added,  1.  That  individual  presbyters (and  deacons)  were  sometimes  specially  invited to  speak  at  such  councils  on  account  of  their personal  eminence  and  talents  :  as,  e.  g.  Malchion, CHRIST    ANT. COUNCIL 481 the  priest  of  Antioch,  in  the  council  that*  con- demned Paul  of  Samosata  (Euseb.  //.  E.  vii.  29) ; and  Origen  at  the  Arabian  synods  that  con- demned Beryllus ;  and  Barsumas  the  Archiman- drite at  the  Latrocinium  of  Ephesus,  invited  by the  emperor  Theodosius  II.  ;  and  St.  Athanasius the  deacon  at  Nice  ;  and  Wilfrid,  still  a  ])resbytcr, at  Whitby.  2.  That  priests  as  well  as  deacons, KoX  -navras  rovs  iiSiKriffOai  vofj.l^ovras,  i.e.,  lay- men also,  are  bid  to  be  present  at  such  synods in  order  to  bring  forward  complaints  and  obtain justice  (Cone.  Antioch.  a.d.  341,  can.  20,  and  so also  in  the  "ordo"  above  quoted  from  Cone. Tolet.  of  A.D.  633).  3.  That  St.  Cyprian,  for instance,  speaks  of  bishops  only  as  the  members of  the  synod,  and  this  where  presbyters  had been  present  (Hefele),  and  of  presbyters  as "  compresbyteri  qui  nobis  assideljant ;  "  while bishops  only  voted  in  the  African  council  of A.D.  256.  4.  That  in  Cone.  Constantin.,  A.D. 448,  while  the  bishops  signed  with  the  formula opiaas  inreypa^pa,  the  archimandrites  omit  the bpicras  in  their  signatures.  5.  That,  having regard  to  the  judicial  functions  of  such  councils, it  seems  impossible  to  suppose  that  any  beside bishops  could  have  been  appointed  judges  of bishops.  On  the  whole,  then — setting  aside  the well  known  practice  whereby  priests  (or  deacons) signed  and  voted  with  the  bishops  as  representa- tives or  vicars  of  their  own  (absent)  bishops,  and reserving  also  the  case  of  abbats — it  would seem  that  bishops  were  the  proper,  ordinary,  and essential  members  of  a  pi'ovincial  council ;  but that  the  presbyters  as  a  body  were  consulted,  as of  right,  down  to  certainly  the  3rd  century,  and not  only  continued  to  be  present,  but  were  ad- mitted to  subscribe  in  several  instances  in  later centuries ;  but  that  it  must  remain  doubtful whether  they  ever  actually  voted  in  a  division, and  that  the  apparent  inference  from  the  evi- dence is  rather  against  than  for  their  having  done so.  The  presence  of  the  metropolitan  in  a  pro- vincial lynod,  as  above  said,  was  necessary  to render  it  a  "  perfect "  synod.  On  the  other  hand, the  metropolitan  could  not  act,  except  of  course in  the  exercise  of  his  ordinary  functions,  apart from  his  provincial  synod.  Chorepiscopi,  during the  4th  century  in  the  east,  and  during  the  9th in  the  west,  in  France,  and  the  monastic  and titular  bishops  of  north-western  Europe  from  the 6th  century  onwards,  were  treated  as  bishops. But  besides  presbyters,  deacons  and  lajimen  like- wise took  part  in  such  synods.  The  usual phrase,  both  in  St.  Cyprian  and  in  the  Roman councils  under  Symmachus  &c.  just  mentioned, is,  "  adstantibus  diaconis,  cum  stautium  plebe  " (  =  with  the  laity  who  had  not  lapsed,  but  were in  full  communion)  ;  and  in  those  Roman  coun- cils deacons  subscribe,  and  in  the  same  foi'm  with the  bishops  and  presbyters ;  and  St.  Cyprian repeatedly  states  that  he  did  nothing  as  bishop without  consulting  all  his  clergy  and  laity  too  ; and  the  order  of  a  Council,  drawn  up  at  Toledo, A.D.  633,  specifying  "  invited  deacons "  and ^'■chosen  laymen,"  shows  that  these  wore  not supposed  to  come  merely  to  bring  forward  com- plaints, but  to  join  in  consultation.  "  Consi- dentibus  presbyteris,  adstantibus  diaconis  cum universo  clero,"  is  the  common  phrase  re- specting councils  of  5th  century  onwards,  but without  mention  of  laity  as  a  rule.  There  were lavmen,  however,  at  Toledo,  A.D.  653,  as  thei-rf 2  I 482 COUNCIL had  been  at  Tarragona,  A.D.  51G,  and  at  the  2nd council  of  Orange,  A.D.  529  ;  and  at  this  hist named  council  the  lay  members  also  signed,  al- though using  the  vaguer  form,  which,  however, the  bisliops  also  used  at  the  same  council,  of "consentiens  subscripsi."  And  lay  signatures occur  in  other  instances  Jilso,  as  at  the  council of  Calchyth,  A.D.  787.  The  "  seniores  plebis  " also,  who  occur  in  Africa  in  the  time  of  e.g. Optatus  (see  Bingh.  II.  xix.  19),  may  be  men- tioned in  the  same  connection.  On  the  other hand,  the  archbishop  of  Lyons  (Cow.  Epaon.  A.D. 817),  "  permits  "  the  presence  of  laity,  but  it  is, "  ut  quae  a  solis  pontificibus  ordinanda  sunt,  et populus  possit  agnoscere."  At  Lyons  itself, however,  A.D.  830,  we  find  not  only  presbyters, but  deacons,  laymen,  and  a  chorepiscopus.  The signatures  of  emperors  indeed,  or  of  their  com- missioners, to  oecumenical  synods  ;  the  presence of  notaries  at  synods,  who  however  had  doubtless no  votes ;  the  part  taken  by  kings  in  mixed national  synods;  the  attendance  of  invited  ex- perts (so  to  say)  as  assessors,  but  without  votes, as  of  doctors  of  theology  and  of  canon  law  in later  times,  or  of  such  individuals  as  Origen  and the  others  above  mentioned,  or,  again,  of  the "  magistri  ecclesiae,  qui  canonica  pat  rum  sta- tuta  et  diligerent  et  nossent,"  at  the  council  of Hertford,  aTd.  670  (Baed.  H.  E.  iv.  5,  and  cf.  also Cone.  Tan-aeon.  A.D.  516,  c.  13,  &c.), — are  ob- viously exceptional  cases,  which  need  no  explana- tion. But  the  language  in  which  the  subject  in general  is  mentioned,  coupled  with  Apostolic  pre- cedent, establishes  two  things, — one,  that  deacons and  laity  had  a  right  from  the  beginning  to  a certain  stahis  in  councils ;  the  other,  that  they occupied  a  distinctly  lower  status  there  than  the bishops  and  presbyters  did  ; — and  that  while  there is  distinct  proof  of  both  classes  having  been  con- sulted and  their  opinions  taken  (so  to  say)  en iwisse,  no  proof  at  all  exists  that  the  laity,  and no  sufficient  proof  that  the  deacons,  ever  voted individually  in  actual  divisions.  The  f^r  infer- ence from  the  evidence,  as  regards  the  general question,  seems  to  be,  that,  as  in  the  election  of bishops,  and  in  synods  held  for  that  purpose,  so in  provincial  synods  likewise,  the  consent  of  all orders  in  the  Church — bishops,  priests,  deacons, and  laity — was  at  the  first  held  needful,  although the  bishops  alone  as  a  rule  discussed  and  voted ; tliat,  as  the  Church  increased  in  numbers,  the presence  of  all,  or  nearly  all,  became  impossible as  well  as  mischievous  ;  while  no  scheme  of  repre- sentation was  devised  to  meet  the  difficulty,  except partially  in  Africa  (as  already  mentioned)  in  the case  of  bishops  ;  and  that,  consequently,  the  pre- sence of  classes  of  members  who  did  not  take  an active  part  in  the  actual  council  naturally  and gradually  ceased,  and  the  bishops  (or  their  vicars) came  to  constitute  provincial  councils  alone,  even presbyters  no  longer  appearing  there.  It  is  to be  added,  that  bishops  were  then  in  some  fairly real  sense  the  representatives  of  the  diocese, which  had  indeed  elected  them  bishops  ;  and  that (again  in  accordance  with  Apostolic  precedent) tliey  are  found  sometimes  giving  account  to  their dioceses  of  what  they  had  done  in  councils,  as, e.g.,  Eusebius  after  the  council  of  Nice  at Caesarea  (cf.  Schaff's  Hist,  of  Christ.  Ch.  i.  339). Late  medieval  English  provincial  councils,  i.  c., convocations,  which,  it  need  hardly  be  said,  in- clude presbyters,  are  the  result  of  an  abortive .      COUNCIL political  scheme,  dating  from  Edward  I.,  for  tax- ing the  clergy ;  the  proper  episcopal  synod gradually  merging  into  the  convention  of  clergy then  devised  (see  a  good  account  of  this  in Bluut's  TIteol.  Dictionari/,  art.  Convocations). But  in  Anglo-Saxon  England,  as  in  France  and Spain,  the  purely  episcopal  synod  was  (at  any rate  at  first)  kept  distinct  from  the  Witenage- mot  or  the  Placitum,  even  when  held  at  the  same place  and  time  (see  Thomassin,  ii.  iii.  c.  47,  §  1  ; and  below,  under  D).  The  councils  of  Hertford and  of  Hiitfield  under  Theodore  were  of  bishops only,  as  actual  members  with  votes.  It  is  not until  A.D.  787,  that  we  find  laity  also  in  purely ecclesiastical  councils  in  England. The  case  of  abbats  still  remains.  And  here  we find,  in  the  East,  archimandrites,  being  pres- byters, present  and  signing  at  the  council  of Constantinople,  A.D.  448.  In  the  West,  it  is mentioned  as  a  singular  honour,  that  St.  Benedict, being  a  layman,  was  invited  by  St.  Gregory  the Great  to  a  seat  in  a  Roman  council.  But  from the  6th  century  onwards  in  Spain,  and  a  little later  in  France,  abbats  formed  a  regular  portion of  the  councils,  signing  in  the  former  country  at first  after,  and  at  a  later  time  before,  the  priests. They  sign,  also,  in  France.  In  England  they occur  repeatedly,  and  sometimes  abbesses  also (although  Hilda  at  Whitby  is  a  merely  excep- tional case,  proving  nothing),  but  it  is  either  in diocesan  or  in  mixed  synods  [Abbat,  Abbess], until  A.D.  787,  at  the  legatine  councils  of  Cal- chyth and  in  Northumbria,  which  are  signed  by abbats  and  lay  nobles  as  well  as  bishops.  So also  at  Clovesho  A.D.  803,  bisliops,  abbats,  pres- byters, deacons,  sign  in  that  order,  but  by  dio- ceses (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  546,  547).  A.D. 1075,  Lanfranc  (called  by  a  blunder  Dunstan  in Hefele,  i.  23,  Eng.  tr.)  puts  them  on  an  equality with  bishops  in  the  privilege  of  addressing  synods ; as  was  done  also  at  the  same  time  and  place  with the  archdeacons.  In  later  times  they  sat  and voted,  just  as  the  bishops  did,  and  are  ruled  to have  this  right  by  e.  g.  the  councils  of  Basle  and Trent. II.  The  constituent  members  of  a  diocesan council,  were  the  Bishop  and  Presbijters,  the latter  being  bound  by  canon  to  attend  such councils,  just  as  the  bishops  were  bound  to attend  the  Provincial  Synod ;  but  deacons  and laity  originally  had  the  right  to  be  present  and to  be  consulted,  although  their  actual  right  to  a formal  and  individual  vote  is  questionable  at  all times,  and,  if  it  ever  existed,  was  certainly  lost very  early.  In  later  centuries,  iu  Europe, abbats  also  were  summoned  with  the  presbyters. The  assembly  »f  the  presbyters  was  indeed the  bishop's  standing  council  [Bishop,  Priest] from  the  beginning:  see  e.g.  Pius  I.  Epist.  11.; Constit.  Apostol.  II.  28 ;  S.  Ignatius  passim ;  S. Cyprian  repeatedly  ("  Placuit  contrahi  presby- terium,  ut  .  .  .  consensu  omnium  statueretur," Epist.  46  al.  49  :  "  Cum  statuerem  .  .  nihil sine  consilio  vestro  [viz.  of  the  clergy],  et  sine consensu  plebis,  mea  privata  sententia  gerere," Epist.  6,  al.  14,  &c.,  &c.) ;  and  so  at  Ephesus,  at Alexandria  in  the  condemnation  of  Origen  and  of Arius,  at  Rome  in  that  of  Novatian  (Bingh.  II. xix.  8) ;  and  Pope  Siricius  in  condemning  Jovinian (Id.  ib.  11):  and  for  later  times.  Cone.  Oscens. A.D.  598,  can.  1 ;  Liptin.  a.d.  743  (Labb.  vi. 1544),  Suess.  a.d.  744,  can.  4 ;   Vern.  a.d.  755, COUNCIL can.  8\  Ai-clat.  vi.  a.d.  813,  can.  4;  Capit. Tlteodulph.  c.  4  ;  Laws  of  Northumhnan  Priests, 44;  Eadijar's  Canons,  3-6.  Ahhats  were  also summoned,  and  a  journey  to  the  synod  was  an allowable  canon  of  absence  from  their  monas- teries [Abbat].  Theodore  enacts  that  no bishop  shall  compel  them  to  come  (^Penitent.  II. ii.  3).  In  the  Llandaft' synods  {Lib.  Landav.,  and extracts  in  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  vol.  i.),  the bishop,  the  three  great  abbats  of  the  diocese,  and the  presbyters  (in  one  case,  "electi "),  the  deacons, and  all  the  clerici,  form  the  synod.  But  Spanish and  Frank  councils,  above  quoted,  require  the  at- tendance of  abbats.  Laity  and  deacons  were  ob- viously present  and  were  consulted  as  a  body  both in  St.  Cyprian's  time  and  later.  Bishop  Sage,  who argues  most  strongly  for  the  negative,  is  plainly arguing  against  facts.  But  there  is  always  a distinction  drawn,  even  by  St.  Cyprian,  between the  consilium  of  the  clergy  and  the  consensus  of the  plebs  (see  Moberly's  Pampton  Lectures,  pp. 119,  305).  The  gradual  changes,  no  doubt, which  are  found  in  respect  to  the  people's interest  in  the  election  of  Bishops  [Bishops], affected  also  their  position  in  councils  called for  other  than  elective  purposes. III.  Of  Oecumenical  Councils,  as  of  provincial ones,  bishops  were  clearly  the  proper  and  essen- tial members ;  yet  here  too  presbyters  and  even deacons  were  sometimes  present.  At  Nice,  in A.D.  325,  presbyters  and  deacons  were  present, and  in  great  numbers ;  and  one  deacon  cer- tainly, St.  Athanasius,  spoke  :  but  there  is  no trace  or  probability  of  their  having  voted.  At Constantinople,  A.D.  381,  three  presbyters  occur among  the  signatures,  signing  to  all  appearance in  their  own  names,  and  intermixed  with  the bishops  of  the  province  from  which  they  came. But  there  are  many  other  signatures  in  the  list of  presbyters  signing  as  representatives  of  bi- shops. And  since  the  list  as  it  stands  is  the  work of  a  copyist,  it  is  quite  as  likely  as  not  that  these three  also  represented  bishops,  but  that  the  few words  at  the  end  of  each  name  indicating  the fact  have  been  accidentally  omitted.  At  Con- stantinople, in  A.D.  448,  presbyter-archimandrites sign  exactly  as  if  they  had  also  voted ;  and  this council,  although  itself  not  oecumenical,  is embodied  in  that  of  Chalcedon,  A.D.  451.  At Chalcedon  itself  one  presbyter  is  noted  to  have spoken;  and  at  the  2nd  of  Nice,  a.d.  787,  one presbyter  signs,  apparently  in  his  own  name (Bingh.  II.  xix.  13,  from  Habert).  But  ex- ceptions of  this  kind  seem  rather  to  prove  the rule,  viz.  that  bishops,  and  bishops  only,  each as  representing  his  own  church,  were  the  mem- bers of  Oecimienical  Councils. C.  The  AUTHORITY  assigned  to  Oecumenical Councils  was  hardly  made  the  subject  of  formal and  systematic  treatment,  until  the  end  of  the great  period  of  councils,  viz.  of  the  4th  century. It  was  then  limited  in  three  ways.  i.  Their  de- crees were  not  unalterable,  in  matters  of  discipline, by  a  further  council ;  and  required  external  obe- dience but  nothing  more,  as  being  those  of  the highest  church  tribunal,  ii.  Their  office,  doctri- nally,  was  not  to  enlarge  the  faith,  but  simply to  testify  in  express  and  distinct  tei-ms  to  that which  had  been  held  implicitly  before.  "  Quid unquam  aliud  conciliorum  decretis  enisa  est [Ecclesia],  nisi  ut  quod  antea  simplicitcr  crede- batur,  hoc  idem  postea  diligentius  crederetur ;  " COUNCIL 483 and  again,  "  nisi  ut  quod  prius  a  majoribus  sola traditione  susceperat,  hoc  deinde  posteris  etiam per  scriptui-ae  chirographum  consignaret  .... non  novum  fidei  sensum  novae  appellationis  pro- prietate  signando  "  (Vincent.  Lirin.  Commonit.  c. xxiii.) ;  and  this,  so  as  to  be  a  "  sedula  et  cauta depositorum  apud  se  dogmatum  custos,"  without any  the  least  change  in  them,  of  any  kind  what- soever, whether  of  diminution  or  addition  (Id. il>.).  iii.  They  were  not  held  to  be  formally  in- fallible, but  to  possess  an  authority  proportioned to  their  universality,  to  be  capable  of  being amended  by  subsequent  councils  upon  better  in- formation, and  to  be  subordinate  to  Scripture. Of  that  which  is  certainly  written  in  the  Bible, says  St.  Augustin,  speaking  of  a  doctrinal  ques- tion, "  omnino  dubitari  et  disceptari  non  possit utrum  verum  vel  utrum  rectum  sit,"  but  coun- cils may  set  aside  Episcopal  dicta  [St.  Cyprian  is the  bishop  specially  intended],  and  national  or provincial  councils  must  "  plenariorum  concilio- rum auctoritati,  quae  fiunt  ex  universo  orbe Christiano,  sine  uUis  ambagibus  cedere  :  ipsaque plenaria  saepe  priora  posterioribus  emendari, cum  aliquo  experimento  rerum  aperitur  quod clausum  erat,  et  cognoscitur  quod  latebat " (St.  Aug.  Be  Papt.  c.  Donat.  II.  3,  §  4).  And again,  in  Epist.  54,  the  same  St.  Augustin,  set- ting canonical  Scripture  first,  places  next  in order  universal  customs,  "  non  scripta  sed  tra- dita,"  which  must  be  assumed  to  have  been enacted  "  vel  ab  ipsis  Apostolis,  vel  plenariis  con- ciliis,  quorum  est  in  Ecclesia  saluberrima  aucto- ritas,"  instancing  the  observance  of  Good  Friday, Easter  Day,  Ascension  Day,  Pentecost ;  and  then, below  these,  mere  national  and  local  customs. Again,  in  arguing  against  Maximin  the  Arian, St.  Augustin  confines  the  decision  to  Scripture testimonies,  bidding  his  opponent  waive  the Council  of  Ariminum,  as  he  himself  waives  the "  pi'ejudication  "  of  that  of  Nice.  So  again,  St. Gregory  the  Great,  saying  repeatedly  that  he "quatuor  Concilia  suscipere  et  venerari  sicut sancti  Evangelii  quatuor  libros,"  and  that "  quintum  quoque  Concilium  "  (the  last  held  up to  his  time)  "  pariter  veneror "  {Epist.  i.  25  ; and  see  also,  iii.  10,  iv.  38,  v.  51,  54),  proceeds to  allege  as  his  gi'ound  for  doing  so,  that  they were  "  universal!  constituta  consensu."  St. Augustin  indeed  seems  to  consider  the  decision  of a  "  plenary  council "  to  be  final,  in  a  matter  of discipline,  because  it  is  the  highest  attainable — "  ultimum  judicium  Ecclesiae  "  (Epist.  43,  Ad Glor.  et  Eleus.)  ;  and  refers  the  Donatists  to  such a  council,  as  the  remedy  which  "  adhuc  resta- bat,"  to  revise,  and  if  needful  reverse,  the  sen- tence already  delivered  by  the  bishops  at  Rome under  the  pope.  The  well-known  passage  in St.  Greg.  Naz.  (Epist.  ad  Procop.  Iv.),  denouncing synods  of  bishops  as  doing  more  harm  than  good, through  ambition  and  lust  of  contention,  is simply  an  argument  from  the  abuse  of  a  thing against  its  use ;  yet  proves  certainly,  that  a  council per  se  and  a  priori  was  not  held  to  be  infallible. On  the  other  hand,  besides  the  general  phrase commonly  prefixed  to  councils,  "  Sancto  Spiritu suggerente,"  and  the  like,  we  find  Socrates  (i.  9) declaring  that  the  Nicene  fathers  ou5a^t<?s  octo- X^ffai  rfjs  aArjOfi'as  ihvvavro,  because  thoy  were enlightened  virh  tov  0eoD  koI  rfjs  x°-P^'''os  toiJ 'AyCov  nvivixaros  ;  and  St.  Cyril  (Dc  Trin.  /.) calling  their  decrees  a  Divine  oracle  (and  so 2  I  2 484 COUNCIL others,  as  e.g.  Isid.  Pelus.  iT.  99,  BeSOev  ifxirvev- ffOeTaa);  and  St.  Ambrose,  declaring  that  "  neither death  nor  the  sword  could  sepai-ate  him  from the  Nicene  Council  "  {Episf.  xxi.)  ;  and  Leo  the Great  declaring  repeatedly,  that  the  faith  of Nice  and  Chalcedon  is  a  first  principle,  from which  neither  himself  nor  any  one  else  may swerve  {Hpist.  cv.  cxiv.  &c.  A.n.  452,  453). While  .Justinian,  who  ordered  all  bishops  to subscribe  to  the  faith  of  the  first  four  councils, lays  down  in  his  Novels  (cxxsi.),  that  rwv Ttpoiip-qiiivuiv  cyiwv  avvSSuv  (viz.  the  four)  to doyixara  Kaddwep  ras  ©ei'as  Tpacpa.^  Sexf^Mf^") Kal  TOiis  Kavdvas  iis  vSfiovs  (pvX6.rT0fj.fv.  The Council  of  Chalcedon  again  speaks  of  the  Nicene decrees  as  unalterable.  And  Leo  the  Great speaks  of  the  faith  of  Chalcedon  itself  as  an "  irretractabilis  consensus."  And  St.  Ambrose, of  the  decrees  of  general  councils  as  "  hereditary seals  which  no    rashness  may   break  "  (^De  Fide III.  15).  In  short,  while  no  one  asserts  that such  councils  W'ere  formally  incapable  of  erring, the  entire  current  of  church  teaching  assumed that  they  had  not  erred  ;  and  that  it  would  be  the height  of  presumption  and  of  folly  in  any  part of  the  church  or  any  individual  Christian  to contravene  them ;  while  both  Vincent  of  Lerins, and  possibly  Augustin,  would  allow  to  a  succeed- ing council  power  only  to  build  doctrinally  upon the  foundation  already  laid  by  its  accepted  pre- decessors. The  Provincial  Councils  "  began,"  by ventilating  the  question;  the  General  Council "  terminated  "  the  discussion,  by  sealing  as  it  were and  formally  expressing  the  decision  which  had ripened  to  its  proper  and  natural  close ;  and  this, on  the  assumjition  that  such  decision  was  ac- cepted "  universali  Ecclesiae  consensione  "  ("  In Catholico  regionali  concilio  coepta,  plenario  ter- minata,"  and  so  "  universali  Ecclesiae  consen- sione roborata,"  St.  Aug.  De  Bapt.  c.  Donat.  vii. 53).  And  St.  Vincent  of  Lerins,  in  requiring  to anything  "  vere  proprieque  Catholicum,"  that "ubique,  semper,  ab  omnibus,  creditum  est" (^Cormnonit.  c.  2),  obviously  rests  the  certainty  of conciliar  decisions  upon  the  acceptance,  implicitly or  explicitly,  of  the  whole  church  of  all  times (see  Hammond  on  Meres'],  sect.  vi.  §  9,  sq.) ;  but refuses  to  allow  that  any  question  so  decided can  be  re-opened. The  relative  authority  of  the  pope  and  of  a general  council,  did  not  emerge  into  a  formal question  until  long  after  our  period ;  although St.  Angustin's  language  about  Pope  Melchiades, and  about  the  dicta  of  St.  Cyprian,  sufficiently shows  what  at  any  rate  his  decision  would  have been,  had  it  been  possible  that  the  question  could have  been  raised  at  that  time. Whether  Provincial  Councils  could  entertain questions  of  doctrine,  is  also  a  question  not  for- mally put  until  very  late  times  indeed.  That  theV did  so  in  point  of  fact  in  earlier  times,  may  be  seen in  a  list  of  instances  in  Palmer,  On  the  Ghui-ch, IV.  xiii.  1  §  2.  And  upon  St.  Angustin's  view above  quoted,  it  was  their  proper  otiice  to  venti- late such  questions,  and  as  it  were  ripen  them for  the  final  determination  of  the  Oecumenical Council.  Their  authority,  of  course,  like  that of  diocesan  synods,  was  "in  proportion  to  their numbers  and  character,  and  to  their  subsequent acceptance  by  the  Church  at  large. The  Church,  speaking  generally,  has  accepted absolutely  the  first  six  Oecumenical  Councils,— of COUNCIL Nice,  A.D.  321 ;  Constantinople,  A.D.  381 ;  Ephesus, A.D.  431  ;  Chalcedon,  A.D.  451 ;  Constantinople, A.D.  553  ;  Constantinople  again,  A.D.  680.  Where the  first  four  are  spoken  of  especially,  it  is,  com- monly, either  in  order  to  parallel  them  with  the four  Gospels  (as  e.g.  St.  Gregory  the  Great,  who adds  that  he  equally  venerates  the  5th,  the  last then  held),  or  because  the  Fathers  or  others  who speak  of  them  lived  before  the  5th  was  held (e.g.  Theodosius  Coenobiarcha,  in  Baron,  in  an. 511,  no.  33,  from  St.  Cyril  and  Suidas, — "Si quis  quatuor  sanctas  synodos  non  tanti  esse  exis- timat  quanti  quatuor  evangelia,  sit  anathema  "), or,  lastly,  because  the  5th  and  Gth  are  taken  to  be as  it  were  supplementary  to  the  3rd  and  4th. So  Cone.  Lateran.  a.d.  649,  cans.  18,  19,  accepts the  five  councils  already  then  held,  as  being  all there  were.  The  Greek  and  Roman  Churches accept  a  7th,  viz.  the  Council  of  Nice  in  favour of  images,  A.D.  787  (rejected  by  the  Western Council  at  Frankfort,  A.D.  794,  and  by  the English  Church  of  the  same  date ; — see  Haddan and  Stubbs,  IIL  468,  481) ;  the  Greek  Church, however,  fluctuating  considerably  in  the  point, accepting  it  a.d.  842,  when  the  KvpiaKT) rris  'OpdoSo^ias  was  appointed  to  celebrate the  seven  Oecumenical  Councils,  yet  still  hesi- tating in  A.D.  863,  but  finally  recognizing  it  in A.D.  879  (see  Palmer,  On  the  Church,  P.  IV.  c. X.  §  4).  Pope  Adrian  accepted  it.  The  previous Iconoclast  Council  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  754, is  called  the  8th  Oecumenical  by  Cave,  who counts  the  Trullan  or  Quinisext  Council  of  a.d. 692  as  the  7th.  An  8th  Oecumenical,  viz.  of A.D.  869,  at  Constantinople,  which  deposed  Pho- tius,  is  accepted  as  the  next  by  Roman  Theolo- gians. That  of  A.D.  879,  which  restored  him, is  called  the  8th  by  most  of  those  of  the  East (Cave).  The  subsequent  Western  (so  called) Oecumenical  Councils  do  not  fall  within  the- scope  of  the  present  work.  It  is  to  be  observed, however,  that  even  in  the  9th  century,  popes still  spoke  of  the  six  General  Councils,  as  e.g. Nicholas  L,  a.d.  859,  and  a.d.  863  or  866 ; Adrian  I.,  A.D.  871  (see  Palmer  as  above).  The English  Church  accepted  the  first  five,  and  also  the canons  of  the  Lateran  Council  of  a.d.  649,  re- specting the  Monothelites,  which  likewise  accepted the  five ;  and  declared  her  own  orthodoxy  about Monothelitism  with  a  view  to  the  6th  General Council  of  a.d.  680,  then  impending,  at  the  Coun- cil of  Hatfield,  A.D.  680  (Haddan  and  Stubbs  III. 141,  sq.).  And  Wilfrid  had  similarly  professed orthodoxy  in  reference  to  Monothelite  views  at Rome  itself  in  the  same  year,  on  behalf  of  Eng- lish, Scots,  and  Picts  (i6.  140).  The  legatine Councils  of  Calchyth  and  in  Northumbria,  A.D. 787,  accepted  the  six  General  Councils  (can.  i. ib.  448).  The  canons  of  Aelfric,  A.D.  957,  ac- cept the  first  four,  as  "  the  four  books  of  Christ," and  as  having  extinguished  heresy,  but  add  that "manv  synods  had  been  held  since,  but  these were  the' chief"  (can.  33,  Wilk.  L  254).  The seventh  General  Council  so  called,  of  A.D.  787, was,  as  above  said,  not  accef)ted  by  the  English Church. As  a  judicial  body,  the  Provincial  Council  was at  first  the  ultimate  tribunal.  An  appeal  from it  to  a  larger  council  gradually  became  recog- nized ;  as  at  Cone.  Antioch.  A.D.  341.  The  appeal to  the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  or  to  the Patriarch    of    Rome,    \\  as    of    later   date    still COUNCIL [Appeal].  Cone.  Arvern.  I.  a.d.  535,  can.  1, enacts,  that  in  such  councils  no  bishop  shall  pre- sume to  introduce  any  business,  until  all  causes are  determined  which  pertain  "  ad  emendationem vitae,  ad  severitatem  regulae,  ad  animae  remedia." For  the  office  of  diocesan  and  provincial  synods in  the  election  of  bishops,  see  Bishops. 1).  Of  iKREGULAR  councils,  a  hvr  words  must be  said.     And  first  of — I.  The  avfoSoi  ivSriixovcrai,  as  e.g.  that  of Constantinople  A.D.  536  under  Mennas,  which  is expressly  so  called,  and  at  which  also  a  letter  was read  from  a  similar  meeting — irapa  rwv  evS-rj- jxovvrwv  ''E.-kl(tk6tto>v — sc.  from  the  bisliops  of the  Patriarchates  of  Antioch  and  Jerusalem,  who happened  at  the  time  to  be  at  Constantinople. Justinian,  although  passing  a  law  against bishops  coming  to  Constantinople  without  the emperor's  command  or  leave  (Z^e  Episc.  el  Cleric, lib.  i.  leg.  42),  yet  frequently  consulted  and  em- ployed such  synods.  Bishops  only,  however, constituted  them,  and  the  Constantinopolitan patriarchs  summoned  them.  11.  The  Frank Concilia  Palatina,  on  the  contrary,  consisted  of both  bishops  and  nobles,  under  the  presidency of  king  or  emperor ;  as  did  also  the  Witenage- mots  on  the  English  side  of  the  channel.  Yet the  "  synod  "  of  bishops  is  distinguished,  as  a  se- parate assembly  for  purely  ecclesiastical  matters, from  the  "  placitum "  or  "  conventus,"  as  e.g. at  Cone.  Liptin.  a.d.  743,  the  latter  of  the  two consisting  of  bishops,  nobles,  presbyters,  and  ab- bats.  So  also  in  Spain  :  where  e.g.  Cone.  Tolet.  iv. A.D.  633  can.  75,  which  was  a  national  Spanish Council,  especially  characterizes  its  decree,  even about  the  succession  to  the  throne,  as  "  ponti- ficale  decretum."  In  England,  while  bishops and  nobles  constituted  the  Witenagemot,  Pro- vincial Councils,  as  at  Hertford  and  Hatfield, consisted  of  the  clergy  only.  The  king  came  in time  to  be  usually  present ;  and  larger  excep- tions occur  in  later  times,  as  e.g.  at  the  Council of  Calchyth,  A.D.  787,  at  which  lay  nobles  were present  as  well  as  the  king.  In  Carlovingian France,  the  rule  is  laid  down  in  terms  in  Abbot Adelhard's  Ordo  Palatii  (ap.  Hincmar.  0pp.  ii. 214)  : — "  Utraque  autem  seniorum  susceptacula [reception  rooms  for  the  various  divisions  of  the Palatine  Councils]  sic  in  duobus  divisa  erant,  ut primo  omnes  Episcopi,  Abbates,  vel  hujusmodi honorificentiores  clerici,  absque  ulla  laicorum commixtione  congregarentur  :  similiter  comites vel  hujusmodi  principes  sibimet  honorificabiliter  a cetera  multitudine  primo  mane  segregareutur, quousque  tempus  sive  praesente  sive  absente Eege  occurrej-nnt :  et  tunc  praedicti  seniores more  solito,  Clerici  ad  suam,  Laici  vero  ad  suam constitutam  curiam,  subselliis  similiter  honorifi- cabiliter praeparatis,  convocarentur :  qui  cum separati  a  ceteris  essent,  in  eorum  manebat  potes- tate,  quando  siniul  vel  quando  separati  residereut, prout  eos  tractandae  causae  qualitas  docebat, sive  de  spiritalibus  sive  de  saecularibus  seu etiam  commixtis :  similiter  si  propter  quamlibet vescendi  vel  investigandi  causam  quemcuuque convocare  voluissent,  et  re  comperta  discederet, in  eorum  voluntate  manebat.  Haec*  interim  de his  que  eis  a  Eege  ad  tractaudum  proponebantur." III.  There  occur,  besides  these,  a  few  exceptional cases,  as  e.g.  the  Conference  at  Whitby,  A.D.  664, which  can  hardly  be  called  a  council  in  the  proper sense.     But  thes'e  need  not  be  here  dwelt  upon. COUSINS-GEKMAN 485 [Thomassin ;  Van  Espen ;  Richerius,  Hist. Gone.  General. ;  the  older  collections,  as  Crabbe's  ; Labbe'  and  Cossart,  Harduin,  Mansi ;  and  in each  country,  special  writers  upon  their  ov/n  na- tional councils,  as  for  England,  Spelman,  Wilkins, Landon,  Haddan  and  Stubbs ;  for  Spain,  Loaisa, Catalani ;  for  France,  Sirmond ;  for  Germany, Harzheim;  Salmon,  £tudes  sur  les  Coneiles ; Hefele,  Concilien-Geschichte ;  Pusey,  On  the Councils ;  Cave,  llist.  Litt. ;  Bingham ;  Mar- tigny.]  A.  W,  H. COURIER.    [Cursor.] COUSINS,  MARRIAGE  OF.  [Cousins- German  :  Marriage.] COUSINS-GERMAN.  No  prohibition against  the  intermarriage  of  cousins-german  is contained  or  implied  in  Leviticus  xviii.  or  Deu- teronomy xxvii.,  nor  can  any  such  be  inferred from  any  other  passage  of  the  Old  Testament ;  a direct  sanction  is,  on  the  contrary,  given  to  the practice  in  the  instance  of  the  five  daughters  of Zelophehad,  who  "  were  married  to  their  father's brother's  sons  "  (Numb,  xxxvi.  11).  Nor  does any  such  prohibition  occur  in  the  monuments  of early  Christianity.  If  we  take  the  so-called Apostolical  canons  to  represent  the  customs  of the  Church  prior  to  the  Nicene  Council,  325, neither  in  the  text,  nor  in  the  ancient  version  of Dionysius  Exiguus,  as  given  in  Cotelerius' "  Patres  Apostolici,"  is  such  a  connection  men- tioned in  the  canon  (c.  15,  otherwise  10),  which forbids  clerical  orders  to  one  who  has  married two  sisters,  or  a  niece  (a5eA<|)iS7;i',  rendered  in the  Latin  filimn  fratris).  But  it  must  be  ob- served that  in  the  version  by  Haloander,  which is  usually  included  in  the  Corpus  Juris,  the  same canon  (numbered  18)  contains  instead  the  larger term  eonsobrinam,  usually  rendered  "  cousin  " — a palpable  tampering  with  the  text  to  meet  later ecclesiastical  usage.  At  any  rate  Martene {De  ant.  Eecles.  Rit.  bk.  i.  c.  ix.)  admits  that, till  the  end  of  the  4th  century,  marriages  be- tween cousins-german  were  allowed  by  the Church.  It  is  therefore  to  be  inferred  that  the disfavour  with  which  the  Church,  especially  the Western  one,  came  to  look  upon  cousins'  marri- ages was  rather  borrowed  from  Roman  feeling than  from  Jewish.  It  is  certain  that  marriage between  cousins-german  was  not  practised  in eai'ly  times  by  the  Romans,  although,  indeed,  it had  become  prevalent  in  the  1st  century  of  the empire,  since  we  find  Vitellius  adducing  the fact  of  the  change  in  public  opinion  in  this respect  in  order  to  justify  the  proposed  mar- riage between  the  emperor  Claudius  and  his niece,  the  younger  Agrippina  (Tac.  Ann.  bk.  sii. c.  6).  The  juri.ts  of  the  Di<jest  do  not,  however, look  upon  first  cousins'  marriages  with  disfiivour, as  appears  by  Paulus  quoting,  with  approval,  an opinion  of  Pomponius,  that  if  a  man  have  a grandson  by  one  son  and  .1  granddaughter  by another,  they  may  intermarry  by  his  sole  autho- rity {Dig.  xxiii.  §  ii.  1.  3).  In  the  latter  part  of the  4th  century,  indeed,  Theodosiiis,  by  a  law  of which  the  text  is  lost,  forbad  these  unions,  except under  special  permission;  and  a  letter  of  Am- brose (who  indeed  is  suspected  to  have  advised the  prohibition)  to  Patornus,  refers  both  to  the law  and  to  its  relaxations  in  special  cases  {Ep.  66). Augustine  also,  in  his  Citij  of  God  (bk.  15,  c.  16), 486 COUSINS-GERMAN says  that  such  marriages,  though  not  prohibited by  the  Divine  law,  were  rare  by  custom,  eveu when  not  yet  prohibited  by  the  human  law; "  but  who  can  doubt  that  in  our  time  the  mar- riages even  of  cousins  were  more  fitly  (honestius) prohibited?"  And  the  law  is  likewise  alluded to  by  Libanius,  in  his  oration  on  Purveyances (irepl  Twu  ayyapfLwv).  A  constitution  of  Arca- dius  and  Houorius,  A.D.  396  (Cod.  T/ieod.  bk.  iii. t.  xii.  1.  3),  confirms  the  law,  assimilating  the marriage  with  a  cousin  to  that  with  a  niece,  and declaring  that,  though  the  man  may  retain  his fortune  during  his  life,  he  is  not  to  be  considered to  have  either  wife  or  children,  and  can  neither give  nor  leave  anything  to  them  even  through  a third  person.  If  there  be  a  dos,  it  must  go  to the  imperial  exchequer ;  it  cannot  be  bequeathed to  strangers,  but  must  go  to  the  next  of  kin, except  such  as  may  have  taken  part  in  or advised  the  marriage.  Another  law,  of  the  same emperor,  indeed  {iO.  t.  x.),  maintains  the  right of  praying  for  a  dispensation  (this  is  a  text Bingham  has  strangely  misunderstood),  and  a third  one  (a.d.  405),  which  took  its  place  per- manently in  Justinian's  Code,  swept  the  prohi- bition away.  Professing  to  "  revoke  the  autho- rity of  the  old  law,"  it  declares  the  marriage  of cousins-german,  whether  born  of  two  brothers or  two  sisters,  or  of  a  brother  and  sister,  to  be lawful,  and  their  issue  to  be  capable  of  inherit- ing {Code,  bk.  V.  t.  iv.  1.  19). Narrower  views,  however,  prevailed  in  the West,  and  in  Italy  particularly,  to  that  extent that  we  might  almost  suppose  the  Theodosian legislation  to  have  remained  unrevoked.  In  the Formularium  of  Cassiodore,  under  the  Ostro- gothic  King  Theodoric  (end  of  5th  century),  we find  a  text  implying  its  subsistence,  since  it  is that  of  a  state  privilege  legalizing  such  unions — the  46th  Formula  of  the  2nd  part  being  one  "  by which  a  cousin  may  become  a  lawful  wife."  And the  "Lex  Romana,"  supposed  to  represent  the laws  of  the  Roman  population  under  the  Lom- bard rule,  expressly  reckons  marriage  with  a cousin  as  incestuous  (bk.  iii.  t.  12).  Finally,  a capitulary  of  Arubis,  Prince  of  Benevento,  who usurped  the  fief  after  the  death  of  Desiderius,  the last  Lombard  king  (a.d.  374))  seems  to  prohibit — as  in  the  earliest  constitution  of  Arcadius  and Honorius  on  the  subject — all  donations  by  a father  to  his  children  by  such  a  marriage  (c.  8). On  the  other  hand,  the  Lombard  laws  themselves exhibit  no  restraint  on  cousins'  marriages ;  and it  appears  clear  that,  whether  the  Theodosian legislation  in  the  matter  were  inspired  or  not  by the  clergy,  it  was  by  the  clergy  that  its  spirit was  preserved. We  need  not  indeed  rely  as  an  authority  on  an alleged  decree  on  consanguinity  by  Pope  Fabian (238-52),  to  be  found  in  Gratian,  allowing  mar- riages within  the  5th  degree,  and  leaving  those in  the  4th  undisturbed ;  nor  on  one  of  Pope Julius  I.  (a.d.  336-52),  in  the  same  collection, forbidding  marriages  within  the  7th  degree  of consanguinity ;  nor  on  an  alleged  canon  to  the same  effect  of  the  1st  Council  of  Lyons,  A.D.  517, to  be  found  in  Bouchard  (c.  10).  But  the  Coun- cil of  Agde,  in  506,  declared  incestuous  the  mar- riage with  an  uncle's  daughter  or  any  other kinswoman,  the  parties  to  remain  among  the catechumens  till  they  had  made  amends,  al- though existing  marriages  wen;  nut  to  be  dis- OOUSINS-GERMAN solved  (c.  61) ;  an  injunction  repeated  by  the Council  of  Epaone,  517  (c.  30),  and  substantially by  the  3rd  Council  of  Orleans,  §  38,  and  by  the Council  of  Auxerre,  578,  which  forbad  even  the marriage  of  second  cousins  (c.  31);  see  also  the 3rd  Council  of  Paris,  about  557,  c.  4,  and  the 2nd  Council  of  Tours,  567,  e.  51.  We  need, again,  lay  no  stress  on  an  alleged  canon  without a  distinctive  number,  quoted  by  Ivo  as  from  the canons  of  the  Council  of  Orleans,  511,  imposing for  penance,  in  respect  of  such  marriages,  a twelvemonth's  exclusion  from  church  (during which  the  parties  are  to  feed  only  on  bread, water,  and  salt,  except  on  Sundays  and  holidays), abstinence  during  life,  and  a  prohibition  to  marry — a  regulation  savouring  altogether  of  the  later Carlovingian  period. Pope  Gregory  the  Great  (590-603),  whilst recognizing  that  the  law  of  the  Church  was upon  this  point  in  opposition  with  the  civil  law, sought  to  base  the  prohibition,  in  part  at  least, on  a  physiological  reason.  In  an  "  exposition  of diverse  things,"  in  answer  to  Augustine  of  Can- terbury, which  forms  the  31st  in  the  12th  book of  his  collected  letters — a  most  valuable  repertory of  facts  as  well  for  the  social  as  for  the  Church history  of  the  period — he  says  (c.  5)  that  "  some earthly  law  in  the  Roman  empire "  (he  is  evi- dently alluding  to  the  Constitution  of  Arcadius and  Honorius,  before  I'eferred  to)  allows  marriage between  the  son  and  daughter  of  a  brother  and sister  or  of  two  sisters  [or  brothers] ;  but  "  we have  learnt  by  experience  that  from  such  a marriage  no  issue  can  proceed ; "  besides  that, the  "  holy  law "  forbids  the  uncovering  of  a kinswoman's  nakedness.  (See  also  Bede,  Hist. Eccles.  i.  27.)  A  wide  experience  shows  how  rash is  the  former  assertion ;  whilst  it  is  clear  that  so far  from  the  "  holy  law  "  of  the  Old  Testament forbidding  generally  intermarriage  amongst  kins- men, the  whole  ftibric  of  Jewish  society,  in  its separation  from  the  heathen,  in  its  distinction between  the  tribes  themselves,  is  based  upon  it. Cousins'  marriages  were,  however,  forbidden  some years  after  Gregory's  death,  by  the  5th  Council of  Paris',  A.D.  615  (c.  14). In  the  latter  half  of  the  7th  century  we  find marriage  with  an  uncle's  daughter  condemned by  the  Eastern  Church  itself  at  the  Council  of Constantinople  in  Trullo,  691,  and  separation of  the  parties  ordered  (c.  54).  It  is  remarkable, however,  that  in  the  canons  of  a  council  held  in Britain  under  Theodore,  Archbishop  of  Canter- bury (end  of  7th  century),  it  is  stated  that, "  according  to  the  Greeks,  it  is  lawful  to  marry in  the  3rd  degree,  as  it  is  written  in  the  law — in  the  5th,  according  to  the  Romans — yet  they do  not  dissolve  the  marriage  when  it  has  taken place"  (c.  24,  and  see  also  139),  and  the  Roman rule  is  enacted  in  a  later  canon  (108),  which would  seem  to  cast  a  doubt  on  the  genuineness of  the  Trullan  canon,  about  the  middle  of  the 8th  century.  The  Excerpta,  attributed  to  Egbert of  York,  make  it  the  rule  that  marriages  are permitted  in  the  5th  degree,  the  parties  not  to be  separated  in  the  4th,  but  to  be  separated in  the  3rd  XW.  ii.  c.  28).  Substantially,  first cousins'  marriages  seem  for  some  considerable time,  when  once  solemnized,  to  have  been tolerated.  Thus  Gregory  II.  (714-30),  in  a  long letter  {Ep.  13)  to  Boniface,  replying  to  various questions,  whilst  stating  that  he  allows  marriages COUSINS-GERMAN after  the  4th  degree  (c.  i.),  does  not  expressly condemn  those  in  the  4th.  This,  however,  is now  repeatedly  done  by  councils  and  by  popes ; in  the  1st  Council  of  Rome  against  unlawful marriages,  721  (c.  4)  ;  by  Gregory  III.  731-41, iu'his  excerpts  from  the  fathers  and  the  canons (c.  11);  in  the  Synod  of  Metz,  753  (c.  1),  which, for  the  first  time  enacts  corporal  punishment — the  guilty  party,  if  without  money,  being  a slave  or  freedman,  to  be  well  beaten,  and  if  an ecclesiastical  person  of  mean  condition,  to  be beaten  or  sent  to  jail :  in  the  6th  Council  of Aries,  813  (c.  11);  and  that  of  Mayence  in  the same  year  (c.  54). We  have  now  to  see  the  influence  of  the  cleri- cal view  on  civil  legislation  in  respect  of  first cousins'  marriages  after  the  barbaric,  invasions. With  the  exception  of  Italy,  the  peculiarities  of whose  legislation  on  this  head  have  been  pre- viously noticed,  the  only  barbaric  code  in  which we  find  a  prohibition  before  the  Carlovingian  era is  the  Wisigothic  one,  strongly  clerical  in  spirit, as  must  always  be  recollected.  Here  a  law  of Recarede  forbids  generally  all  marriages  with  the kindred  of  a  father  or  mother,  grandfather  or gi-andmother,  to  the  sixth  generation,  unless  con- tracted by  permission  of  the  prince  before  the passing  of  the  law,  the  parties  to  be  separated and  sent  to  monasteries  (bk.  iii.  t.  v.  c.  1).  In the  case  of  Jews  indeed  there  was  superadded  to separation  the  treble  punishment  of  decalvation (scalping),  100  lashes,  and  banishment  (bk.  xii. 7,  iii.  c.  8).  With  these  exceptions,  all  other enactments  adverse  to  such  marriages  belong  to the  Carlovingian  rule  or  period.  A  capitulary  of king  Pepin  at  Vermerie,  A.D.  753,  only  absolutely requires  the  dissolution  of  marriage  in  the  3rd  de- gree, allowing  those  in  the  4th,  once  contracted, to  stand  good  under  penance,  but  forbidding  them for  the  future  (c.  1).  The  capitulary  of  Com- ])iegne  A.D.  757  (see  Pertz's  text)  is  to  the  same elfect  (cc.  1,  2).  On  the  other  hand,  the  law  of the  Allamans  (t.  39)  renewed  under  Duke  Laut- frid,  supposed  the  2nd  (died  751),  and  the  some- what later  law  of  the  Bavarians  (t.  6) — both indeed  thought  to  have  been  touched  up  under Charlemagne — reckon  all  marriages  between  the sons  of  brothers  and  sisters  unlawful,  and  re- quire them  to  be  dissolved ;  all  property  of  the guilty  parties  to  go  to  the  public  treasury,  and if  they  be  "  mean  persons  "  (minores  personae) themselves  to  become  slaves  to  it.  The  Carlo- vingian capitularies  proper,  almost  all  of  them confirmed  by  Church  synods,  are  scarcely  to  be distinguished  from  ecclesiastical  enactments.  The text  of  some  of  the  earlier  ones  must  have  been tampered  with,  since  even  King  Pepin's  Compi- egne  capitulary  above  referred  to  is  brought  into accordance  with  the  far  stricter  rules  of  the Synod  of  Metz.  As  the  law  stands  in  the  general collection  of  the  capitularies,  if  a  man  marries his  cousin,  he  is  not  only  to  lose  all  settled moneys,  but  if  he  will  not  amend  his  ways  none is  to  receive  him  or  give  him  food ;  he  is  to compound  in  60  solidi,  or  be  sent  to  gaol  till  he pays.  If  he  be  slave  or  freedman,  he  is  to  be well  beaten,  and  his  master  to  compound  in  60 snlidi.  If  he  be  an  ecclesiastical  person,  he  is  to lose  any  dignity  he  has,  or  if  not  honourable, to  be  beaten  or  sent  to  gaol  (a.d.  756-7,  bk.  vii. cc.  9,  10).  A  capitulary  of  the  6th  book  (130) forbids  marriage  to  the  7  th  degree.    So  does  one COVETOUSNESS 487 of  the  Additio  tertia,  c.  123,  under  pain  of  the ban  (at  60  solidi)  and  penance  for  a  freeman  ;  but for  a  slave,  of  public  flagellation  and  decalvation, and  penance.  If  the  offenders  be  disobedient, they  are  to  be  kept  in  jail  "  in  much  wretched- ness "  (sub  magna  aerumna),  nor  touch  any  of their  fortune  till  they  do  penance ;  and  whilst living  in  crime  (c.  124)  are  to  be  treated  as  gen- tiles, catechumens  or  energumens.  Jews  mar- rying within  the  prohibited  degrees  are  to  re- ceive 100  lashes  after  having  been  publicly  de- calvated,  to  be  exiled  and  do  penance,  with  for- feiture of  their  property  either  to  their  children by  any  former  marriage,  not  being  Jews,  or  in default  of  such  to  the  prince  (^Additio  qttarta, c.  2),  a  provision  borrowed  mainly  from  one  ot the  Wisigothic  codes  above  referred  to.  See  also cc.  74,  75  of  the  Fourth  Addition,  anathematizing the  man  who  marries  a  cousin,  and  repeating  the prohibition  against  marriages  within  the  7th generation.  The  various  enactments  requiring inquiry  to  be  made  as  to  consanguinity  before  mar- riage, bear  also  on  this  subject ;  as  for  instance the  Council  of  Frejus  in  791,  c.  6  ;  Charlemagne's first  capitulary  of  802,  c.  35 ;  an  inquiry  which by  his  Edict  of  814  is  even  required  to  be  made after  marriage,  the  4th  degree  being  expressly specified  as  one  of  prohibited  consanguinity. On  the  whole,  the  course  of  Church  practice on  the  subject  appears  to  have  been  this :  the traditional  Roman  prejudice  against  cousins'  mar- riages, although  quite  uncountenanced  by  the Jewish  law  or  practice,  commended  itself  in- stinctively to  the  ascetic  tendencies  of  the  West- ern fathers,  and  through  them  took  root  among the  Western  clergy  generally,  embodying  itself indeed  temporarily,  towards  the  end  of  the  4th century,  in  a  general  civil  law  for  the  Roman empire.  But  whilst  this  law  was  abrogated  in the  beginning  of  the  oth  century,  and  in  the East  such  unions  remained  perfectly  lawful  both in  the  Church  and  in  the  State  throughout nearly  the  whole  of  the  period  which  occupies us,  never  being  condemned  by  any  Oecumenic Council  till  that  of  Constantinople  towards  the end  of  the  7th  century,  in  the  West  the  clergy  ad- hered to  the  harsher  view  ;  Popes  and  local  synods sought  to  enforce  it ;  wherever  clerical  influence could  be  brought  to  bear  on  the  barbaric  legis- lators it  became  apparent ;  till  at  last  under  the Carlovingian  princes  it  established  itself  as  a law  alike  of  the  State  and  of  the  Church.  But the  history  of  this  restraint  upon  marriage  is that  of  all  others  not  derived  from  Scripture itself.  Originating  probably  all  of  them  in  a sincere  though  mistaken  asceticism,  they  were soon  discovered  to  supply  an  almost  inexhaustible mine  for  the  supply  of  the  Church's  coffers, through  the  grant  of  dispensations,  prosecutions in  the  Church  Courts,  compromises.  The  baleful alliance  between  Carlovingian  usurpation  and Romish  priestcraft,  in  exchange  for  the  subser- viency of  the  clergy  to  the  ambition  and  the vices  of  the  earlier  despots,  delivered  over  the social  morality  of  the  people  to  them,  it  may  be said,  as  a  prey,  and  the  savageness  of  Carlo- vingian civil  legislation  was  placed  at  the  service of  the  new-fangled  Church  discipline  of  tlie West.  [J.  M.  L.] COVETOITSNESS.  The  works  of  the earliest  Christian  authorities  are  full  of  warnings 488 COVETOUSNESS against  the  different  forms  of  covetousness,  e.g. Clem,  ad  Corinth,  bk.  ii.  fie.  5,  6 ;  Hennas,  bk.  i. vis.  1,  and  bk.  ii.  mand.  12  ;  Const.  Apost.,  bk.  i. c.  1 ;  ii.  c.  46 ;  iv.  c.  4 ;  vii.  cc.  3,  4.  The Apostolical  Constitutions  follow  St.  Paul  in  treat- ing covetousness  as  a  disqualification  for  a  bishop  ; bk.  ii.  c.  6  ;  and  in  a  later  constitution  also  for  a priest  or  deacon  ;  bk.  vii.  c.  31.  The  covetous- ness of  some  of  the  Church-widows  is  especially denounced  ;  "  who  deem  gain  their  only  work, and  by  asking  without  shame  and  taking  without stint  have  already  rendered  most  persons  more remiss  in  giving,"  —  who  "running  about  to knock  at  the  doors  of  their  neighbours,  heap  up to  themselves  an  abundance  of  goods,  and  lend  at bitter  usury,  and  have  mammon  for  their  sole care ;  whose  God  is  their  purse,"  &c.  (bk.  iii. c.  7).  The  oblations  of  the  covetous  were  not  to be  received  (bk.  iv.  c.  6).  With  this  may  be connected  the  canonical  epistle  of  Gregory Thaumaturgus,  archbishop  of  Neocaesarea  (about A.D.  262)  which  declares  that  it  is  impossible  to set  forth  in  a  single  letter  all  the  sacred  writings which  proclaim  not  robbery  alone  to  be  a  fearful crime,  but  all  covetousness,  all  grasping  at  others' goods  for  filthy  lucre  ;  the  particular  object  of his  denunciation  being  apparently  those  persons who  had  thought  a  late  bai'baric  invasion  to  be their  opportunity  for  gain  (can.  7  and  foil.). Others  of  the  Fathers  in  like  manner  vigorously denounced  the  e.xistence  of  the  vice  among  the clergy.  The  covetousness  of  Pope  Zephyrinus (beginning  of  3rd  century)  is  denounced  by Hippolytus  in  his  Philosophumena  (bk.  ix.  c.  7, §.  11).  About  the  middle  of  the  century, Cyprian,  in  his  book  De  lapgis,  speaks  of  those Christians  who  "  with  an  insatiable  ardour •jf  covetousness  pursued  the  increase  of  their .wealth."  Ambrose,  in  his  7th  sermon,  describes a  cleric  who,  "  not  satisfied  with  the  maintenance he  derives,  by  the  Lord's  command,  from  the  altar, .  .  .  sells  his  intercessions,  grasps  willingly  the gifts  of  widows,"  and  yet  flatters  himself  by  say- ing, '  no  one  charges  me  with  robbery,  no  one accuses  me  of  violence' — as  if  sometimes  flattery did  not  draw  a  larger  booty  from  widows  than torture."  Jerome  with  bitter  sarcasm  speaks of  some,  "  who  are  richer  as  monks  than  they were  as  seculavs,"  and  of  "  clerics  who  possess wealth  under  Christ  the  poor,  which  they  had not  under  the  devil,  rich  and  deceitful,  so  that the  Church  sighs  over  those  as  wealthy,  whom the  world  before  held  fov  beggars."  And  he beseeches  his  correspondent  to  flee  from  the  cleric who  from  poor  has  become  rich  as  from  some pestilence  (Ep.  2,  ad  Nepotianum  ;  and  see  also  Ep. 3,  ad  Heliodorum).  In  his  long  letter  or  treatise addressed  to  Eustochius  again  (^|;.  22),  he  draws a  sharply  satiric  picture  of  an  old  cleric  who wants  to  force  his  way  almost  into  the  very  bed- chamber of  a  sletpri',  aii.l  [.rais..  some  piece  of furniture  or  otiier  ai-tick-  till  lie  at  last  rather extorted  than  obtained  it ;  contrasting  with  the l)revalent  covetousness  of  Roman  society  the story  of  the  monk  at  Nitria,  who  at  his  death was  found  to  have  saved  100  solkU  which  he  had earned  by  weaving  linen.  The  monks  consulted what  to  do ;  some  were  for  giving  it  to  the  poor, some  to  the  Church,  some  for  handing  it  over  to tiic  family  of  the  deceased  ;  but  Macarius,  Pambo, Lidorc  and  the  other  fiithers  of  the  community decided  that  it  should  be  buried  with  him. COVETOUSNESS Gregory  of  Nyssa,;  indeed,  in  his  letter  to Letorius,  observes  that  the  fathers  have  affixed no  punishment  to  this  sin,  which  he  assimilates to  adultery ;  though  it  be  very  common  in  the Church,  none  inquires  of  those  who  are  brought to  be  ordained  if  they  be  polluted  with  it.  Theft, violation  of  graves,  and  sacrilege  are,  he  says,  the only  vices  taken  account  of,  although  usury  be also  prohibited  by  divine  scripture,  and  the  ac- quiring by  force  the  goods  of  others,  even  under colour  of  business.  Against  this  statement  should indeed  be  set  if  not  a  decree  (1)  from  Gi-atian ascribed  to  Pope  Julius  I.  A.D.  336-52,  which denounces  as  filthy  lucre  the  buying  in  time  of harvest  or  of  vintage,  not  of  necessity  but  of greed,  victuals  or  wine,  in  order  by  buying  to sell  at  a  higher  price,  at  least  the  17th  canon  of the  Council  of  Nicaea  (A.D.  325),  directed  against the  love  of  filthy  lucre  and  vsury,  and  enacting deposition  as  the  punishment  for  the  cleric.  But here,  as  in  a  parallel  canon  (6)  of  the  Synod  of Seleucia,  A.D.  410,  it  is  perhaps  to  be  inferred that  the  vice  was  chiefly  if  not  solely  aimed  at under  the  concrete  form  of  usury  (as  to  which see  Usury)  ;  as  also  when  St.  Basil,  in  his  ca- noitical  ei)istle  to  Bishop  Amphilochius  of  Iconium, writes  that  the  usurer  who  spends  his  unjust gains  on  the  poor  and  frees  himself  from  avarice may  be  admitted  to  orders  (c.  14).  That  covet- ousness. was  as  rife  in  the  monastery  as  in  the world  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that Cassian's  work,  De  Coenohiorum  institutis  (end of  4th  or  beginning  of  5th  century)  contains a  whole  book  (the  7th)  De  Spiritu  phikirgyriae. The  very  doubtful  "  Sanctions  and  Decrees  of the  Nicene  fathers,"  of  Greek  origin  apparently (2nd  volume  of  Labbe'  and  Mansi's  Councils,  pp. 1029  and  foil.),  require  priests  not  to  be  given to  heaping  up  riches,  lest  they  should  prefer  them to  the  ministry,  and  if  they  do  accumulate wealth  to  do  so  modei-ately  (c.  14).  The  3rd Council  of  Orleans,  A.D.  538,  forbids  clerics,  from the  diaconate  upwards,  to  carry  on  business  as public  traders  for  the  greed  of  filthy  lucre,  or  to do  so  in  another's  name.  As  the  times  wear  on indeed,  covetousness  seems  often  to  be  confounded with  avarice,  jnd  to  be  legislated  against  under that  name.  The  Code  of  Canons  of  the  African Church,  ending  with  the  Council  of  Carthage  of A.D.  419,  has  thus  a  canon  "on  avarice,"  which it  says  is  to  be  reprehended  in  a  layman,  but  much more  ii\  a  priest  (c.  5).  So  with  the  Carlovingian Councils  and  Capitularies.  That  of  Aix-la- Chapelle  in  789  forbids  avaritia ;  no  one  is  to encroach  on  the  boundaries  of  others  nor  pass  his father's  landmark  (c.  32,  and  see  also  c.  64, "de  avaritia  vel  concupiscentia").  The  Council of  Frankfort,  A.D.  794,  has  a  canon  (34),  and  the contemporary  capitulary  of  Frankfort  a  section (32  or  34),  "de  avaritia  et  cupiditate."  The capitulary  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  of  801,  according  to one  codex,  enjoins  priests  to  abstain  from  filthy lucre  and  usury,  and  so  to  teach  the  people (c.  25,  and  see  also  the  Admonitio  generalis" of  the  same  year,  in  Pertz).  The  first  capitulary of  802  requires  monks  and  nuns  not  to  be  given to  covetousness  (cc.  17,  18),  nor  canons  to  filthy lucre  (c.  11).  Some  Additions  to  a  Nimeguen Capitulary  in  806  (Pertz)  treat  at  some  length  of "  cupiditas  " — which  is  said  to  be  taken  either  in good  or  bad  part,  "  in  bad  part  of  him  who  beyond measure  will  desire  any  kind  of  thing,"  (c.  3} — COWL of  "  avaritia,"  which  is  "  to  desire  the  things  of others,  and  having  acquired  them  to  impart  them to  none "  (c.  4),  and  of  "  filthy  lucre  "  (c.  5),  of which  an  instance  is  given  in  the  buying  at harvest  or  vintage  time,  not  of  necessity,  but  for covetousness,  in  order  to  sell  at  a  higher  price; "  but  if  a  man  buy  for  necessity,  that  he  may have  for  himself  and  distribute  to  others,  we  call it  trade"  (c.  7).  The  Ecclesiastical  Capitulary of  Ais-la-Chapelle  in  809  again  enjoins  priests  to avoid  all  avarice  and  covetousness  (c.  2).  The second  Council  of  Rheims,  813,  also  enacted  that none  (apparently  of  the  clergy)  were  to  follow the  evil  of  covetousness  and  avarice  (c.  28).  The second  Council  of  Chalons,  in  the  same  year,  that if  clerics  gather  together  the  fruits  of  the  earth or  certain  revenues  of  the  soil,  they  should  not do  so  to  sell  the  dearer  and  gather  treasures together,  but  for  the  sake  of  the  poor  (c.  8). One  form  of  covetousness — the  rapacity  of judges  and  other  functionaries  in  exacting  fees, — would  seem  to  fall  better  under  the  head  of Sportulae,  by  which  name  such  fees  were  known in  the  Eoman  world,  and  are  designated  in  the legislation  of  Justinian  (Code,  bk.  iii.  T.  ii.  Novs. 17,  82,  123).  We  may  however  quote  a  chapter of  the  Wisigothic  law  (bk.  ii.  c.  25,  amended  by Chindasuinth),  which  says  :  "  We  have  known many  judges  who  by  occasion  of  covetousness overpassing  the  order  of  law,  presume  to  take to  themselves  one-thii-d  of  the  causes"  {i.e. amounts  in  dispute)  ;  and  which'limits  the  judge's fee  to  5  per  cent.,  requiring  him  to  restore  any surplus  beyond  this  proportion  which  he  may have  takeUj  with  an  equal  amount  besides. rSee  also  Bribery,  Commerce,  Usury.] [J.  M.  L.] COWL.      [CUCULLA.] CRATON,  martyr  at  Rome,  Feb.  15  (^Mart. Horn.  Vet.,  Usuardi).  [C] CREDENCE  (Lat.  credentia,  Ital.  credenza, Gr.  irapaTpdire^ou).  The  table  or  slab  on  which the  vessels  and  elements  for  the  Eucharist  are jilaced  before  consecration.  "  Credentiam  appel- lant mensam  ....  supra  quam  ad  sacrificandum necessaria  continentur  "  {Ceremoniale  Somanum, i.  3,  quoted  by  Ducange,  s.  v.).  It  is  doubtful whether  such  a  table  or  slab  existed  in  the  sanc- tuarv  within  our  period,  as  it  rather  seems  pro- bable that  the  elements  were  brought  from  the sacristy  and  placed  at  once  on  the  altar,  when they  ceased  to  be  taken  from  the  offerings  of  the faithful.     See  Prqthesis.  [C] CREED,  from  the  Latin  a-edo.  Hence  the title  should  be  confined  to  such  confessions  of our  Christian  Faith  as  commence  with  the  words I  believe,  or  We  believe,  or,  again,  to  any interrogatories  as  may  be  addressed  at  baptism or  other  occasions,  Dosr  thou  believe  ?  but,  in practice,  it  has  been  used  in  a  more  general sense,  and  any  document  which  has  contained  a summary  of  the  chief  tenets  of  the  Christian Faith  as  held  by  any  local  or  national  Church, has  been  called  the  Crekd  of  that  Church. Thus  the  Bules  of  Faith,  of  which  we  find  traces in  the  earliest  Christian  writers,  and  which v/ere  intended  to  guide  teachers  in  the  instruc- tion which  they  conveyed,  have  been  called Creeds.  So,  also,  have  been  designated  tlie  in- structions which  were  prepared  for  candidates for  baptism. CEEED 489 Names. — (2.)  For  "  Creeds,"  ia  this  wider sense,  we  find  the  following  words  used  by  early Greek  writers:  o  iriaTews  apxaias  KavSiv,  b  Kavuiv TTJs  aAT)0eias,  rh  Kripvy/jLa  rh  a-KoaroKiKdv,  ij fvayyeKiKri  Koi  airocnoKiKT)  irapdSoais.  So  Ter- tullian  very  frequently  ajipeals  to  the  regula  fidei. The  creed  of  the  Church,  properly  so  called,  was designated  first  as  t)  iricnis  or  t]  TrapaSodeTaa illMV  ayla  Kal  airoaroXtKr]  iriffTis  among  the Greeks,  and  as  fides,  fides  apostolica  among  the Latins.  We  find  the  word  si/mbolum  for  the  first time  in  Cyprian,  and  after  the  title  became  pre- valent among  Latin  writers  it  found  its  way among  the  Greek  authors.  But  even  in  the fifth  century  the  Nicene  Creed  was  commonly known  as  ri  iriffTis.  The  words  rh  av^^oXov  tov aTTOKfKapdai,  found  in  Origen,  denote,  not  the Creed,  but  Baptism  itself,  or  (possibly)  "the outward  and  visible  sign  in  Baptism."  And, similarly,  we  must  interpret  a  passage  in  Ter- tullian  :  "  Testatio  fidei  et  signaculum  symboli." In  a  canon  of  the  Laodicene  council,  however, the  word  occurs  once.  In  later  years  the  words ffiififfoAov,  and  syinbolnm  or  symbolus,  became  the favorite  designation  of  the  baptismal  Creed.  Its meaning  will  be  discussed  elsewhere. 3.  The  words  of  our  Lord  in  the  institution of  Baptism  undoubtedly  gave  the  first  foi-m  to the  Baptismal  Creeds  which  we  find  pi'e vailing in  the  3rd  century.  His  injunction  that  His apostles  should  "  make  disciples  of  all  nations, baptizing  them  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  and of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,"  seemed almost  of  necessity  to  call  forth  on  the  part  of the  recipient  of  Baptism  some  avowal  of  belief in  God  as  thus  revealed.  The  words  which  we read  in  our  English  version  of  Acts  viii.  37,  con- taining the  appeal  of  Philip  to  the  Eunuch  and  the reply  of  the  Eunuch,  are  not  found  in  the  best extant  MSS.  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles ;  but the  incident  thus  recorded  may  be  regarded  as not  improbable  ;  ai^d  we  find  indications  in  the pages  of  Irenaeus  that  it  was  believed  by  him  to have  occurred.  St.  Paul  reminds  Timothy  of the  good  confession  which  he  had  made  "  before many  witnesses."  This  is  generally  believed  to have  taken  place  at  his  baptism.  Passing  by for  the  present,  as  scarcely  applicable  to  our immediate  purpose,  the  passage  of  Justin  Martyr where  he  relates  how  "  they  who  are  persuaded and  believe  that  the  things  are  true  which  are taught  by  us,  are  taken  to  some  place  where there  is  water,  and  are  there  baptized,"  and  the expression  of  Irenaeus  regarding  "  the  canon  of the  truth  which  every  one  received  at  his  bap- tism," we  come  to  words  of  Tertullian,  in  which he  speaks  of  the  Holy  Spirit  "  sanctifying  the faith  of  those  who  believe  in  the  Father  and  the Son  and  the  Holy  Ghost."     [Baptism,  p.  160.] 4.  Thus  are  we  led  to  infer  that  the  primary baptismal  confession  corresponded  to  the  bap- tismal foi-mula ;  that  as  the  convert  was "  baptized  into  the  name  of  the  Father  and  the Son  and  the  Holy  Spirit,"  so  was  he  called  upon to  state  that  "  he  believed  in  the  Father  and  in the  Son  and  in  the.  Holy  Spirit."  And  that  our inference  is  correct  seems  clear  from  fragments of  liturgies  which  have  come  down  to  us  from various  ages  and  different  Churches.  The Aethiopic  manuscript  of  the  Apostolic  Consti- tutions describes  the  catechumen  as  declaring  at the  time  of  his  baptism  :  "  I  believe  in  the  only 490 CREED true  God,  the  Father,  the  Almighty,  and  in  His only-begotteu  Son  Jesus  Christ,  our  Lord  and Saviour,  aud  in  the  Holy  Spirit,  the  Life-giver." Other  words  follow.  So  the  pseudo-Ambrose, in  his  treatise  on  the  Sacraments  (book  ii.  c.  7  ; Migne,  xvi.  4-29),  "  Thou  wast  asked,  '  Dost  thou believe  in  God  the  Father  Almighty?'  Thou saidst,  'I  believe,'  and  thou  wast  immersed. Again  thou  wast  asked,  'Dost  thou  believe  also in  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  and  in  His  cross  ? ' Thou  saidst  again,  '  I  believe,'  and  wast  immersed. For  a  third  time  thou  wast  asked,  '  And  dost thou  believe  in  the  Holy  Spirit  ? '  Thou  didst reply,  '  I  believe,'  and  for  a  third  time  thou  wast immersed."  So,  again,  in  the  formula  for  bap- tism found  in  an  old  Galilean  missal  and  printed by  Martene  (i.  p.  51);  in  the  old  Roman  Ritual as  given  by  Daniel  (i.  p.  173);  aud  in  the  for- mula adopted  by  Boniface,  for  use  among  his German  converts  (Migne,  vol.  Ixxxix.  p.  810). 5.  But  although  this  Baptismal  Formula furnished  the  type  of  the  Baptismal  Confession, we  find  that,  even  in  Tertullian's  time,  the  Con- fession embraced  something  not  mentioned  in  the words  of  Institution.  "  The  Catechumen,"  says the  great  African  writer  (de  Corona  militis,  §  ;5), "was  thrice  immersed,  answering  something more  than  the  Lord  commanded  in  His  Gospel." From  his  treatise  {de  Baptismo,  §  11)  we  may infer  what  that  "something"  was.  "Some (TertuUiau  writes)  would  depreciate  baptism, because  our  Lord  did  not  Himself  baptize.     But His  disciples  baptized  at  His  command And  whereunto  should  He  baptize  ?  To  repent- ance ? — wherefore,  then,  His  forerunner  ?  To 7-emission.  of  sins  i — which  He  gave  by  a  word  ! Into  Himself'' — whom  in  His  humility  He was  concealing !  Into  the  Holy  Spirit  i — who had  not  as  yet  descended  from  the  Father ! Into  the  Church  ? — which  was  not  yet  founded." From  this  passage  Bishop  Bull  {Judicium  Eccl. Catholicae,  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  139)  infers  (and,  we think,  is  entitled  to  do  so)  that  in  Tertullian's neighbourhood  and  epoch,  at  the  time  of  baptism, express  mention  was  made,  not  only  of  the Father  and  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  of  the  Son  of God,  but  also  of  repentance,  of  remission  of  sins, and  of  the  Church.  Thus  we  are  induced  to  say that  at  least  these  two  articles  may  have  been mentioned  in  Tertullian's  Creed,  viz.  "  Repent- ance unto  the  remission  of  sins "  and  "  the Church."  But  in  regard  to  "  the  Church  "  all doubt  is  removed  by  referring  to  a  later  section (§  6)  of  the  same  treatise,  where  our  author explains  the  origin  of  its  introduction  thus : "  Where  the  Three  are,  there  is  the  Church,  the Body  of  the  Three  :  there  the  testatio  fclei ; " this  on  the  part  of  the  baptized  :  "  there  the spoiisio  salutis  ;  "  this  on  the  part  of  God. 6.  We  purposely  abstain  from  adducing  pas- sages bearing  on  the  Rule  of  Faith  to  which TertuUian  continually  appeals,  because  in  our judgment  such  Rule  of  Faith  was  so  called  as being  the  guide  of  the  believer  and  of  the  teacher, and  was  of  wider  extent  than  the  Baptismal Creed.  So  we  will  proceed  to  ask  what  light  do the  works  of  Cyprian  which  have  come  down to  us  throw  on  the  baptismal  customs  of  his  day  ? He  followed  TertuUian  by  a  generation,  being bishop  of  Carthage  from  248  to  258,  and  his correspondence  is  in  our  present  investigation very  important,  as    it    contains  several  letters CREED on  the  subject  of  re-baptizing  those  who  had been  baptized  by  heretical  teachers  ;  and  these letters  of  course  contain  allusions  (though  they may  be  little  more  than  allusions)  to  the  cere- mony of  Baptism. 7.  We  will  translate  the  most  interesting : "  If  any  object  that  Novatianus  holds  the  same law  of  faith  which  the  Catholic  Church  holds, that  he  baptizes  with  the  same  symbol "  (the first  time  the  name  occurs  in  Latin),  "  knows the  same  God  the  Father,  the  same  Son  Christ, and  may  therefore  avail  himself  of  the  power  to baptize,  because  in  the  baptismal  interrogations he  seems  not  to  differ  from  us :  let  such  men know  that  we  and  the  schismatics  have  not  the same  law  of  symbol,  nor  the  same  interrogations; for  when  they  say,  '  Dost  thou  believe  remission of  sins  and  eternal  life  through  the  Church  ?  ' in  the  question  itself  they  speak  falsely,  because they  have  not  the  Church."  This  is  found  in his  letter  to  Magnus  (Up.  69,  §  vii.).  A  passage somewhat  similar  is  found  in  another  letter  (70, §  ii.),  and  in  his  epistle  to  Firmilianus  (75,  §  x.), he  speaks  of  the  "  usitata  et  legitima  verba  in- terrogationis "  at  baptism.  From  all  this  we may  safely  conclude  that  this  "  fixed  and  legal- ised form  of  interrogation  "  did  not  then  contain any  reference  to  those  points  of  doctrine  on which  Novatian  went  wrong  :  probably  it  called forth  little  more  than  the  expression  of  belief in  the  Father,  the  Son,  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  in remission  of  sins  and  eternal  life,  of  which  the assurance  was  conveyed  when  one  was  rightly admitted  into  the  Church  at  Baptism. 8.  We  must  pass  now  to  consider  the  usage  in regard  to  Creeds  in  the  Churches  of  the  East. From  the  earliest  years  of  the  Christian  era, the  Oriental  Churches  were  more  harassed  by strange  teachings  than  were  those  of  the  Latin race.  It  was  the  boast  of  Ruffinus  that  no heresy  took  its  rise  within  the  Church  of  Rome ; and  of  Ambrose  that  the  Church  of  Rome  had preserved  undefiled  the  symbol  of  the  Apostles. Thus  the  difference  between  the  Eastern  and Western  symbols  may  be  learnt  from  the  opening clauses  of  their  respective  Creeds.  In  the  former (and  among  these  we  of  course  include  the "  canon  "  of  the  Gi-eek-speaking  community  of Lyons)  men  professed  their  belief  in  one  God ; in  the  latter,  their  belief  in  God.  The  growth  of the  latter  creeds  we  will  consider  hereafter ; for  the  present  we  confine  ourselves  to  the former. 9.  The  seventh  book  of  the  Apostolic  Con- stitutions is  regarded  by  most  critics  as  older than  the  Nicene  Council,  and  by  many  as  repre- senting the  customs  of  Antioch,  about  the  end  of the  third  century.  Dr.  Caspar!  assigns  it  to  the same  period,  though  he  considers  it  to  have belonged  to  the  Syrian  Churches.  Herein  we have  a  full  account  of  the  ceremonies  which  were performed  at  baptism,  and  of  the  confession which  the  catechumen  made.  He  said  :  "  I  re- nounce Satan  and  his  works,"  .  .  .  "and  after his  renunciation  (proceeds  the  text)  let  him  say, '  I  enrol  myself  under  Christ,  and  I  believe  and am  baptized  into  one,  unbegotten,  only,  true God,  Almighty,  the  Father  of  Christ,  the  Creator and  Maker  of  all  things,  of  whom  are  all  things ; and  in  the  Lord  Jesus  the  Christ,  His  only- begotten  Son,  begotten  before  all  creation,  who by  the   pleasure  of  the  Father  was  before  all CREED worlds ;  begotten,  uot  made ;  through  whom all  things  were  made  which  are  in  heaven  and on  earth,  both  visible  and  invisible ;  who  in  the last  days  came  down  from  heaven  and  assumed tlesh,  of  the  Holy  Virgin  Mary  being  born,  and lived  holily  after  the  laws  of  His  God  and  Father, and  was  crucified  under  Pontius  Pilate,  and  died for  us,  and  rose  again  from  the  dead,  after  his sutfering,  on  the  third  day,  and  ascended  into the  heavens  and  sat  down  on  the  right  hand  of the  Father,  and  is  coming  again  at  the  end  of the  world  with  glory  to  judge  quick  and  dead, of  whose  kingdom  there  shall  be  no  end.  I  am baptized,  too,  into  the  Holy  Spirit ;  that  is,  the Paraclete,  which  wrought  in  all  the  saints  since the  beginning  of  the  world,  and  was  afterwards sent  from  the  Father,  according  to  the  promise of  our  Saviour  and  Lord  Jesus  Christ ;  and,  after the  Apostles,  to  all  who  believe  in  (eV)  the  holy Catholic  and  Apostolic  Church,  in  (ejy)  the  resur- rection of  the  flesh,  and  the  remission  of  sins, and  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  and  the  life  of  the world  to  come.' "  Such  is  the  Creed  which  con- nects the  rule  of  faith  which  may  be  found  in Irenaeus  with  the  Creed  which  has  received  the name  of  the  Nicene. 10.  It  is  beyond  the  scope  of  the  present article  to  examine  and  enumerate  the  errors  and the  heresies  to  which  reference  is  made  in  this long  baptismal  confession  (^ofjLoAoyia  /BaTrriir- /xaTos).  The  Confession  of  belief  issued  by  the Synod  of  Antioch  against  Paul  of  Samosata,  and those  of  Gregory  of  Neo-Caesarea  and  Lucian the  Martyr,  and  others,  were  not  used  in  any office  of  the  Church;  and  they  thus  have  the character  of  an  exposition  of  the  Faith,  rather than  that  of  a  Creed  proper.  Only,  we  must note  in  passing,  that  in  the  letter  of  Alexander of  Alexandria  to  his  namesake  at  Constantinople, we  meet  with  the  phrase,  ev  irvev/xa  aytof 6fio\oyovfj.ev, — we  confess  one  Holy  Spirit,  and doubtless  the  conception  of  confession  we  must extend  to  other  points  named  in  the  letter  ;  and thus  we  have  further  intimation  that  a  custom o{  confessing  God  prevailed,  not  only  at  baptism, with  the  competentes,  but  amongst  matured members  of  the  Churches.  This  doubtless  was made  during  some  part  of  their  common  wor- ship;  and  in  the  same  sense  we  may  perhaps understand  his  words,  roSra  SiBdaicofiev,  ravra KripvTTOfxev  (Migne,  xviii.  p.  549). 11.  Still  the  passages  in  which  the  Creed  is referred  to  speak  almost  exclusively  of  its  use  at baptism.  When  Eusebius  wrote  to  his  flock  his interesting  account  of  what  had  passed  at  the Council  of  Nicaea,  and  transcribed  for  it  the Creed  which  he  had  recited  as  that  used  "'  when he  had  been  a  catechumen,  and  again  when  he  was baptized,"  he  makes  no  mention  of  its  use  at  the Eucharist.  "  During  his  whole  ministerial  life, both  when  he  was  a  presbyter,  and  since  he became  a  bishop,  he  had  believed  it  and  had taught  it."  So,  again,  when  the  Nicene  Creed proper  was  referred  to  in  the  famous  decree  of the  Council  of  Ephesus,  the  great  danger  against which  the  fathers  were  anxious  to  provide  was this :  "  that  no  one  should  offer  or  exhibit  any but  the  accepted  f;iith  to  such  as  were  willing  to turn  to  the  knowledge  of  the  truth  from  Hel- lenism or  Judaism."  No  mention  is  made  of  the introduction  of  the  Creed  into  the  other  offices of  the  Church.      Eutyches    recited   the   Nicene CREED 491 symbol  at  the  Robber  Synod  of  Ephesus,  and stated  that  "  in  this  faith  he  had  been  baptized and  sealed,  and  in  it  he  had  lived,  and  in  it  he hoped  to  be  perfected ; "  but  no  reference  is made  to  any  other  public  use  :  and  once  more, when  at  the  second  session  of  the  Council  of Chalcedon,  the  deacon  Aetius  read  out  the  Creed of  the  holy  Synod  of  Nicaea  and  the  holy  faith which  the  150  holy  fathers  put  out  at  Constan- tinople agreeing  with  it,  whilst  both  creeds met  with  the  cry,  "This  is  the  faith  of  the  Catho- lics :  this  is  the  faith  of  all.  We  all  believe like  this  :"  in  regard  to  the  Nicene  symbol  alone they  added,  "  In  this  we  have  been  baptized  : in  this  we  baptize ; "  but  not  a  word  was  said  as to  the  recitation  of  either  at  any  other  service (Mansi,  vi.  957).  Only  the  same  limited  use is  mentioned  by  Epiphanius  in  the  latter  pages of  his  Ancoratus ;  and  in  the  Catechetical  Lectures of  Cyril  of  Jerusalem. 12.  We  must  not,  however,  omit  to  mention that  it  was  the  custom  for  the  bishops  present to  subscribe  to  the  Creed  before  they  broke  up from  the  great  councils :  thus,  at  the  conclusion of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  "  all  the  most  reli- gious bishops  cried  out,  '  This  is  our  faith,  let our  Metropolitans  subscribe ;  let  them  subscribe at  once  in  the  presence  of  the  magistrates : things  well  defined  admit  of  no  delay  :  this  is  the faith  of  the  Apostles :  by  this  we  all  walk  :  we all  thus  think.'" 13.  Let  us  now  briefly  trace  the  subsequent history  of  the  use  of  the  symbols.  Timotheus, bishop  of  Constantinople  A.D.  511,  is  stated  by Theodorus  Lector  (Hist.  Eccl.  p.  563)  to  have ordered  "  that  the  creed  should  be  recited  KaS" eKauTriv  ffwa^iv,  at  every  congregation  ;  whereas previously  it  had  been  used  only  on  the  Thurs- day before  Easter,  when  the  bishops  catechized the  candidates  for  baptism."  As  the  avowed object  of  Timotheus  was  to  express  the  continued abhorrence  which  the  Church  felt  for  the  teach- ing of  Macedonius,  it  is  clear  that  the  exposition of  Constantinople  was  intended  in  the  order, even  though  it  speaks  of  "  the  Creed  of  the  31 8."  » A  similar  direction  had  been  given  by  Peter the  Fuller,  Patriarch  of  Antioch  (450  to  488). Then  it  seems  to  have  spread  through  the  East, and  thus  the  Creeds  seem  to  have  found  their way  into  the  liturgies  which  bear  the  names  of Chrysostom,  Basil,  and  others.  From  the  East the  custom  came  into  the  West.  The  3rd  Council of  Toledo,  c.  ii.  (A.D.  589)  directed  that  "  before the  Lord's  Prayer  in  the  liturgy,  the  creed  of  the 150  should  be  recited  by  the  people  through  all the  churches  of  Spain  and  Gallicia,  according  to the  form  of  the  Oriental  Churches." 14.  The  words  of  Eeccared's  confirming  order are  so  interesting,  that  we  may  be  pardoned  if we  recite  them  at  length  :  "  Ut  propter  robor- andam    gentis   nostrae    novellam    conversionem, a  By  the  Creed  of  the  318  is  meant  the  Nicene  Creed. By  the  creed  of  the  1 50  the  document  as  it  is  alleged  to have  been  expanded  in  the  Council  of  Constantinople, and  as  It  was  recited  at  the  Council  of  Chalcedon.  The chief  difference  between  them  is  that  the  former  after the  woids  "and  in  the  Holy  Ghost,"  proceeded  to  declare the  condemnation  by  the  Church  of  all  who  maintained Arian  views  of  the  Saviour :  in  the  latter  the  subsequent clauses  were  added  as  we  new  read  them,  save  that  the words  were,  "who  proceedeth  from  the  Father,  who will,"  &c. 492 CREED omnes  Hispaniarum  et  Galliae  (Galliciae)  eccle- «;iae  hauc  regulam  servent,  ut,  omni  sacrificii tempoi-e,  ante  communicationem  corporis  Christi Tel  (or  et)  sanguinis,  juxta  orientalium  patrum niorem,  unanimiter  clara  voce  sanctissimum  fidei receuseant  symholum,  ut  primum  populi  quam credulitatern  teneant  fateantur,  et  sic  corda  fide purificata  ad  Christi  corpus  et  sanguinem  capien- dum  exhibeant "  (Mansi,  ix.  983).  The  priest recited  the  creed  whilst  he  held  the  consecrated host  in  his  hand  (Mabillon,  Liiurg.  Gall.  1685, pp.  2,  12,  450).  [We  should  note  that  the  po- sition of  the  Creed  in  the  Mozarabic  Liturgy answers  to  the  directions  of  Reccared.] 15.  But  the  disputes  regarding  the  interpolated Filioque  afford  us  additional  evidence  of  the  use of  the  Creed  at  Mass.  Some  monks  of  a  Frank convent  on  Mount  Olivet  complained  to  Leo  IIL (about  A.D.  806)  that  they  had  been  "  accused of  heresy,  and  pai'tially  excluded  from  the Chui-ch  of  the  Nativity  on  Christmas  Day,  be- cause they  held  that  the  Holy  Spirit  proceedeth from  the  Father  and  the  Son.  Yea,  they  were charged  with  reciting  more  than  was  held  in  the Roman  Church.  Yet  one  of  their  number  had heard  it  so  sung  in  the  West,  in  the  chapel  of the  Emperor.  What  were  they  to  do  ?  "  Other complications  followed  :  Charlemagne  was anxious  to  retain  the,  clause  ;  Leo  to  continue  to exclude  it.  An  account  of  the  interview  between the  Pope  and  the  emissaries  of  the  Emperor  may be  seen  in  Dr.  Neale's  Histoni  of  the  Hobj Eastern  Church  (pp.  1164-116'6).  The  Pope recommended  that  the  "  clause  should  be omitted  :  if  difficulty  arose,  let  them  give  up the  custom  of  singing  the  creed  in  the  palace  of the  Emperor :  it  was  not  sung  in  the  Holy  Church in  Home :  thus  the  cause  of  contention  would  be removed,  and  peace  would  be  restored."  (The express  mention  of  the  singing  indicates  that  the laity  would  miss  the  words  if  they  were omitted.)  And  he  begged  again  that  the Churches  of  Germany  "  would  say  the  symbolum in  the  mysteries  in  accordance  with  the  Roman Ritual "  (see  Martene,  De  Eitihus,  p.  138  ;  Bin- terim,  Denkwiird.  p.  357).  Charlemagne  refused to  give  way. 16.  Thus  it  appears  that  in  the  time  of  Leo  IIL some  symbolum  was  said  at  Rome  at  the  time  of the  Sacrifice ;  whether  the  Roman  Creed,  as appears  from  the  Sacramentary  of  Gelasius,  or the  original  Kicene  formula,  or  the  uninter- polated  faith  of  the  150,  is  uncertain.  But  a  few years  later,  i.e.  between  847  and  85g,  as  we learn  from  Photius  (de  Spiritus  Mystagogia, Ivligne,  vol.  cii.  p.  395),  Leo  IV.  and  his  successor Benedict  III.  directed  that  the  Creed  should  be recited  in  Greek,  'iva  /xt]  rb  crTevoy  Tr)s  SiaXeKrov B\a.a(prjixias  irapacrxij  irp6(paffLy.  The  words are  ambiguous,  but  they  seem  to  mean  : — "  lest the  narrow  character  of  the  Latin  language should  afford  any  pretext  for  evil  speaking^" on  the  •  part  of  the  Greek  Church.  But  the Churches  of  the  West  continued  to  assert their  independence  of  Rome.  Aeneas,  bishop of  Paris,  informs  us  (about  868)  that  "the whole  Galilean  Church  chanted  the  Creed  at the  Mass  every  Sunday "  (apud  Dacher.  Sjnci- legium,  torn.  i.  p.  113,  cxciii.):  Walafrid  Strabo (Migne,  cxiv.  p.  947)  notes  that  after  the  depo- sition of  the  heretic  Felix,  tlie  Creed  (as  inter- polated) began  to  be  more  frequently  used  in  the  j CEEED office  of  tlie  Mass,  in  the  churches  of  Germany: and  Waltei-,  bishop  of  Orleans,  about  the  middle of  the  9th  century,  found  it  necessary  to  enact that  in  his  diocese  the  "  Gloria  Patri  et  Filio  et Spiritui  Sancto"  and  the  symbol  '•  Credo  in  unum Deum  "  should  be  sung  by  all  at  the  same  service (Martene,  lib.  i.  c.  iv.  art.  vi.  §§  x.  and  xi. ; Migne,  cxix.  p.  727).  At  length  the  popes  gave way,  and  under  the  pressure  of  the  Emperor Henry  (a.d.  1014)  Benedict  VIII.  consented  to sing  the  Creed  and  after  the  form  which  was now  universally  received  amongst  the  other Churches  of  the  West. 17.  One  point  connected  with  the  Creed  of Constantinople  remains  to  be  noticed — its  use in  the  baptismal  service  of  the  so-called  Gelasian Sacramentary.  Dr.  Caspari  (  Ungedriichte  Qudlen, part  i.  p.  236)  considers  that  in  the  Church  of Rome  and  some  Churches  of  Gaul  and  Germany this  Creed  appeared  first  in  the  baptismal  rite. The  original  Sacramentary  is  dated  about  494, but  we  conceive  that  the  rite  which  we  are  now about  to  describe  cannot  be  regarded  as  older  than the  times  of  Leo  IV.  and  Benedict  IIL,  the  Popes  of Rome  who  directed  that  the  Creed  should  be  recited in  Greek,  or  as  7nore  modern  than  1014,  the  date of  the  Emperor  Henry's  triumph  over  Benedict VIII.  The  Sacramentary  directs  that  at  the  time of  a  baptism  the  priest  shall  address  the  elect  on the  importance  of  the  f;iith,  and  bid  them  to receive  the  "  sacramentum  of  the  evangelical symbol  inspired  by  the  apostles,  whose  words indeed  are  few,  but  whose  mysteries  are  great." The  acolyth  takes  one  of  the  children,  a  boy.  and holding  his  left  arm  places  his  own  right  hand on  the  child's  head,  and  the  presbyter  enquires, "  In  w^hat  tongue  do  they  confess  our  Lord  Jesus Christ  ? "  The  acolyth  answers,  "  In  Greek." The  presbyter  says,  "  State  the  faith  as  they  be- lieve it,"  and  the  acolyth  chants  the  Creed  of Constantinople  in  Greek :  but,  according  to  the MSS.  of  the  Saci-amentary,  without  the  clause "  God  of  God  "  and  without  the  words  "  and  the Son"  (Assemanni  without  any  MS.  authority printed  the  words  koI  tov  vlov  in  his  Codex Liturg.  tom.  i.  p.  12 ;  see  Dr.  Heurtley,  Harm. Symbol,  p.  158).  The  acolyth  then  takes  a  girl, and  the  question  being  repeated  as  to  the  lan- guage of  the  response,  he  answers  "  in  Latin." In  the  first  instance  the  Creed  is  written  in Greek  and  Latin  interlinearly,  the  Greek  in  Latin characters,  thus — Credo  in  unum  Deum  Patrem  omnipotertera. Pisteuo  is  hena  theon  pathera  pantocratorein  ; in  the  latter  in  Latin  only.  Possibly  it  is  to  this curious  custom,  possibly  to  a  direct  following  out of  the  rule  of  Benedict  IIL,  that  we  owe  three interesting  relics  of  the  10th  or  11th  centuries,  of which  Dr.  Caspari  has  given  descriptions.  The  one is  a  MS.  in  the  library  of  St.  Gall  which  contains the  interpolated  Greek  Creed  in  Latin  letters, but  with  musical  notes  :  the  other  two  are  MSS. in  the  library  at  DUsseldorf  and  Vienna  respec- tively, which  contain  the  uninterpolated  Greek Creed,  written  in  similar  Latin  characters.  The earlier  named  MS.  doubtless  represents  the  Creed as  it  was  chanted  at  great  festivals  ;  for  Binterini (JDenkuurd.  p.  363)  assures  us  that  in  the  9tn century  the  Germans  sang  the  Creed  both  in Greek  and  Latin. 18.  Turniuii    now    to    the    svmbul    whiLli   for CREED many  years  has  been  called  in  the  Western Cliurcbes  the  Apostles'  Creed,  our  first  remark piust  ha  that  the  Eastern  Churches  denied  all kuowledge  of  it  at  the  Council  of  Florence. Kphesius,  one  of  the  legates  of  the  Oriental Churches,  is  said  to  have  there  stated,  yj/xe'is  ovts exo/^ej/  ovre  eiSajxev  rb  avfj.0o\ov  twu  airorrTS- Xwv  (Waterland,  iii.  p.  196,  note  r  ;  Kicolas,  Ls Symbole  des  Apotres,  p.  270).  Thus  we  must look  to  the  Western  Churches  alone  for  evidence of  the  growth  and  usage  of  this  Creed. 19.  In  his  interesting  volume  on  the  Apostles' Creed,  Dr.  Heurtley  traces  its  growth  through Irenaeus  and  Tertullian  and  Cyprian :  then  we must  take  a  leap  from  Novatian,  A.D.  260,  to Kuffinus,  bishop  of  Aquileia,  A.D.  390,  the  inter- mediate space  of  130  years  affording  only  one stepping-stone,  furnished  by  the  notes  of  the Belief  of  Marcellus  of  Ancyra,  which  he  left  be- hind him  on  his  departure  from  Rome  :  he  says "  1  learnt  it  and  was  taught  it  out  of  the  holy Scriptures."  This  Belief  resembles  in  great  mea- sure the  Creed  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  as  we learn  that  Creed  from  the  pages  of  Ruffinus  ;  but Marcellus  does  not  speak  of  its  being  used  in any  liturgic  office,  except  so  far  as  his  words above  quoted  may  show  that  he  had  received  it before  he  was  baptized. 20.  This  surmise  is  upheld  by  the  account  of Ruffinus.  He  describes  the  Creed  of  the  Church of  Aquileia  as  resembling  very  nearly  that  of Rome  :  he  says  that  at  neither  Church  had  it ever  been  put  into  writing  in  a  continuous  form, but  adds  that  he  regards  the  type  as  preserved in  the  Church  of  Rome  as  probably  of  the purest  character,  because  there  the  ancient  prac- tice was  preserved  of  the  catechumen  reciting  the Creed  in  the  hearing  of  the  faithful.  He  speaks  of this  as  an  ancient  custom.  At  Aquileia  it  would appear  that  the  baptism  was  a  private  service. About  the  same  time  we  find  Ambrose  describ- ing to  Marcellina  (Migne,  xvi.  995)  the  riot  at Jlilan  :  from  his  account  it  would  seem  that  at that  time  the  custom  was  to  deliver  the  Creed to  the  competentes  on  any  Lord's  Day  after  the lessons  and  the  sermon  and  the  dismissal  of  the catechumens :  his  words  are,  "  Sequente  die, erat  autem  Dominica,  post  lectiones  atque  trac- tatum  demissisCatechumenis,symbolum  aliquibus competentibus  in  baptisteriis  tradebam  basilicae," when  he  was  called  out  to  rescue  an  Arian. .21.  The  custom  of  preserving  this  symbolum imwritten  is  referred  to  again  and  again  by  .le- rorae  and  Augustine.  '  It  will  be  remembered that  the  Faith  of  the  Churches  of  the  East  was treated  with  less  reserve,  although  St.  Cyril  of Jerusalem  desired  that  his  lectures  should  be regarded  as  confidential  documents.  We  are  in- clined to  believe  that  the  Creed  must  have  been committed  to  writing  when  it  became  customar}' to  recite  it  at  the  Mass.  The  Gelasian  Sacra- mentary  (vfhich,  even  if  interpolated,  must  de- scribe the  ritual  of  the  Roman  Church  at  some epoch  or  other)  contains  it.  Since  the  time  of Benedict  VIII.  as  we  have  seen,  the  Nicene  Creed so  called,  i.e.  the  interpolated  faith  of  the  150, has  been  used  at  Rome  in  the  Eucharistic  service. 22.  We  have  referred  from  time  to  time  to the  custom  of  repeating  the  creeds  of  the  earlier councils  at  an  early  session  of  each  succeeding assembly  of  a  similar  character.  We  have  one .nteresting  proof  that    the  Apostles'  Creed  was CRESCENS 493 deemed  of  sufficient  importance  to  be  so  used in  a  council  of  the  West.  Etherius,  bishop  of Osma,  and  Beatus,  presbyter  of  Astorga,  recited it  in  785  as  against  the  errors  of  Elipandus, archbishop  of  Toledo.  The  account  is  note- worthy :  "  Surgamus  igitur,"  they  cried,  "  cum ipsis  apostolis  et  fidei  nostrae  symbolum,  queni (sic)  tradiderunt  nobis  brevi  compendio,  recite- mus,  qiiicunque  unum  Dominnm,  unam  fidem, unum  baptisma  habemus;  et  fidem  in  qua  bap- tizati  sumus  •>  in  hac  perversitate  et  duplicitate haereticorum  non  negemus  :  sed  sicut  corde  cre- demus  ore  proprio  proferamus  publice  et  dicamus Credo  in  Deum,  &c."  The  Creed  recited,  Ethe- rius added,  "  Ecce  fidem  apostolicam  in  qua baptizati  sumus,  quam  credemus  et  tenemus." It  will  be  noticed  that  the  Creed  was  here  put forth  publiclij. 23.  Nor  should  the  feet  that  there  were  creeds thrown  into  an  interrogatory  form  be  entirely passed  over.  Of  these  some  were  used  from an  early  period  at  baptism  ;  and  others  in  later years  at  the  visitation  of  the  sick.  Dr.  Heurtley has  collected  several  instances  of  the  former series ;  and  the  pages  of  Martene  contain  many extracts  from  old  MSS.  giving  the  order  for  the latter.  The  earliest  instance  of  such  a  use  at confession  that  we  have  found  is  in  the  rule  of Chrodegang  (a.d.  750).     [Migne,  89,  p.  1070.] 24.  The  (so  called)  Athanasiaa  Creed  appears to  have  been  originally  composed  as  an  exposition of  the  faith  for  the  instruction  of  believers [Cressy,  Council  of],  and  then  it  came  to  be sung  at  the  Church  service  as  a  Canticle. Gieseler  and  others  consider  that  it  was  this Creed  that  was  ordered  to  be  learnt  by  heart by  the  Council  of  Frankfort,  794,  when  it decreed,  "  Ut  fides  catholica  sanctae  Trinitatis et  oratio  Dominica  atque  Symbolum  Fidei  omni- bus praedicatur  et  tradatur  ;"  but  it  is  more  pro- bable that  the  term  fdes  catholica  here  is  generic : at  all  events  we  would  refer  to  the  creed  con- tained in  Charlemagne's  letter  to  Elipandus [Migne,  xcviii.  899],  which  is  assigned  to  the same  date  (794)  as  being  more  probably  the  fides catholica  .of  the  Canon.  It  seems  to  have  been recited  at  Prime  on  the  Lord's  Day  at  Basle  in the  9th  century :  we  hear  that  in  997  it  was sung  in  alternate  choirs  in  France  and  in  the Church  of  England:  in  1133  it  was  used  daily at  Prime  in  the  Church,  of  Autun ;  from  1200  it assumed  the  titles  "  Symbolum  S.  Athanasii  " and  "  Psalmus  Quicunque  tult"  which  mark  the character  it  occupies  in  our  services.  It  was daily  used  at  Prime  in  those  English  churches which  adopted  the  use  of  Sarum,  but  was  always followed  by  the  recitation  of  the  Apostles'  Creed  : as  if  the  declaration  of  the  Faith  of  the  wor- shipper always  followed  on  the  instruction  of  the Church  as  to  what  it  was  necessary  to  believe. (Books.  —  Great  use  has  been  made  of  Dr. August  Hahn's  Collection  of  Formulae  :  and  Dr. Caspari's  Programme.  Dr.  Hourtley's  Harmonia Symholica  has  of  course  furnished  important assistance.  To  other  works  reference  has  been made  as  required.)  C.  A.  S. CRESCENS.  (1)  Disciple  of  St.  Paul,  bishop in  Galatia,  is  commemorated  June  27  (Mart.  Bom. Vet.,  Usuardi);  April  15  (^Cal.  Byzant.). •>  Thus  the  Apostks'  Creed  was  the  bapllBinal  creed  of Spain. 494 CRESCENTIA (2)  One  of  the  seven  sons  of  St.  Symphorosa, martyr  at  Tivoli  under  Hadrian,  July  21  {Mart. Bedae) ;  June  27  (^Mart.  Usuardi). (3)  Or  Crescentics,  martyr  at  Tomi,  Oct.  1 (Alart.  Hieron.,  Rom.  Vet.,  Usuardi).  [C] CRESCENTIA,  martyr  in  Sicily  under  Dio- cletian, June  15  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Rom.  Vet., Usuardi).  [C] CRESCENTIANUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Sar- dinia, May  31  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  in  Africa,  June  13  {Mart.  Bedae). (3)  Martyr  in  Campania,  July  2  {Mart. Usuardi). (4)  Martyr  at  Augustana,  Aug.  12  {Mart. Usuardi). (5)  Martyr  at  Rome  under  Maximian,  Nov.  24 {Mart.  Bedae,  Usuardi) ;  March  16  {Mart.  Bom. Vet.-).  [C] CRESCENTIO,  or  CEESCENTIUS,  mar- tyr at  Rome,  Sept.  17  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Usuardi). [C] CRESSY,  COUNCIL  OF.  [Christiacum.] In  Ponthieu,  A.D.  676;  but  according  to  Labb. (vi.  535),  at  Autun,  a.d.  670,  the  canons  being headed  with  the  name  of  Leodegarius,  bishop  of Autun  :  passed  several  canons,  but  among  others, one  exacting,  on  pain  of  episcopal  condemnation, from  every  priest,  deacon,  subdeacon,  or  "  cle- ricus,"  assent  to  the  "Fides  Sancti  Athanasii praesulis."  [A.  W.  H.] CRISPIN  A,  martyr  in  Africa  under  Diocle- tian, Dec.  5  {Cal.  Carthag.,  Rom.  Vet.,  Usuardi); Dec.  3  {3Iari.  Hieron.,  in  some  MSS.).  [C] CRISPINUS.  (1)  Martyr  with  Crispinianus at  Soissons  under  Diocletian,  Oct.  25  {Mart. Hieron.,  Bedae,  Usuardi,  Cal.  Anglican.). (2)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Astyagis,  Nov.  19 {Mart.  Usuardi).  [C] CRISPOLUS,  or  CRISPULUS,  martyr  in Sardinia,  May  30  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Rom.  Vet., Usuardi).  [C] CEISPUS.  (1)  Presbyter,  martyr  at  Rome under  Diocletian,  Aug.  18  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet., Usuardi). (2)  The  "  chief  ruler  of  the  synagogue," martyr  at  Corinth,  Oct.  4  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet., Usuardi).  [C] CRISTETA,  martyr  in  Spain,  Oct.  27  {3fart. Rom.  Vet.,  Usuardi).  [C] CROSIER.    [Pastoral  Staff.] CROSS.  The  official  or  public  use  of  the cross  as  a  symbol  of  our  redemption  begins  with Constantine,  though  it  had  doubtless  been  em- ployed in  private  by  all  Christians  at  a  much earlier  date.  (See  Guericke's  Antiquities  of  the Christian  Church,  Morison's  tr.,  1857,  and  Bln- terim's  Denkwiirdigkeiten,  &c.,  with  Molanus, quoted  below.)  In  the  Catacombs,  and  all  the eai'liest  records,  it  is  constantly  used  in  con- nexion with  the  monogram  of  Christ ;  and  this may  point  to  the  probable  fact  of  a  double  mean- ing in  the  use  of  the  symbol  from  the  earliest times.  As  derived  from,  or  joined  with,  the monogram,  especially  with  the  mono- gram iu  its  earliest  or  decussated  form, the  cross  is  a  general  or  short-hand symbol  for  the  name  and  person  of t!hrist.      As  used  with   the  somewhat   later * tself,   it  -p sacrifice  | it  were  I inner  of '  CROSS transverse  monogram,  or  when  separated  from the  monogram  and  used  by  itself,  it directs  special  attention  to  the  sacri and  death  of  the  Lord,  and  as avows  and  glories  in  the  manner His  death.  "  Le  triomphe  de  la  Christianisme s'affichait  bien  plus  ouvertement  sur  cet  in- signe  [the  Labarum]  au  moyen  du  monogramme, comme  exprimant  le  nom  du  Christ,  que  par I'ide'e  de  la  croix."  Its  use  as  a  symbol  of His  person  is  of  high  antiquity ;  see  Ciampini, Vet.  Mon.  t.  ii.  pp.  81  and  82,  tav.  xxiv.,  and c.  viii.  tav.  xvii.  D ;  although  some  discredit  may have  fallen  on  it  from  the  actual  personification of  the  symbol  in  later  days,  after  the  publication of  the  Legend  of  the  Cross,  when  churches  were dedicated  to  it,  as  St.  Cross,  or  Holy  Rood, and  it  became  an  object  of  prayer.*  [Sign  of THE  Cross.]  For  the  purely  symbolic  use  of the  great  Christian  and  in  part  human  emblem, Ciampini's  plate,  a  copy  of  the  great  "  Trans- figuration "  in  mosaic  in  St.  Apollinaris  at  Ra- venna, A.D.  545,  may  be  here  described  as  a typical  example.  It  covers  the  vault  of  an arch.  The  presence  of  the  Father  is  represented by  the  ancient  symbol  of  a  Hand  [see  s.  v.] issuing  from  a  cloud  above  all.  Below  it  is  a cross  of  the  Western  form,  slightly  widened  at the  extremities,  or  tending  to  the  Maltese,  in- scribed in  a  double  circle  or  nimbus.  At  the intersection  is  the  Face  of  our  Lord,  scarcely  dis- tinguishable in  Ciampini's  small  engraving,  but visible  in  the  now  accessible  photograph  ;   and a  Didron,  Iconographie  C,  vol.  i.  p.  367  ;  Buhn : "  Christ  is  embodied  in  the  Cross,  as  He  is  in  the  Lamb, or  as  the  Holy  Spirit  in  the  Dove.  ...  In  Christian  Icono- graphy, Christ  Is  actually  present  under  the  form  and souiblance  of  the  Cross.  The  Cross  is  our  <:rucified  Lord in  person,"  &c.  In  the  9th  century  the  praises  of  the Cross  were  sung,  as  men  sing  those  of  a  god  or  a  hero. Rliaban  Maur,  who  was  Archbishop  of  Mayence  in  847, wrote  a  poem  in  honour  of  the  Cross,  De  Laudibiis Sanctae  Crucis.  See  his  complete  works,  fol.,  Coloniae Agripplnae,  1626,  vol.  i.  pp.  273-337.  He  further  quotes St.  Jerome's  comparisons  of  "  species  crucis  forma  qua- drata  mundi ;"  "  aves  quando  volant,  ad  aethera  forniam crucis  assumant . . .  homo  natans,  vel  orans  . .  .  na\is  per maria  antenna  crucis  similata.  Tau  littera  signum  salutia et  crucis  describitur." — Comment,  in  Marcum. The  Pontifical,  or  bishop's  office-book,  of  Ecbert  or Egbert,  brother  of  Eadbert,  king  of  Northumhria,  and consecrated  archbishop  of  York  in  732,  contains  an  office for  the  dedication  of  a  cross,  which  certainly  makes  no mention  of  any  human  form  thereon  (v.  Surtees  Society, 1853,  pp.  111-113).    ".  .  .  .  Quaesumus  ut  consecres  Tibi hoc  signum  cru ^ cis,  quod  tota  mentis  devotione famuli  tut  religiosa  fides  construxit  trophaeum  scilicet victorias  tuae  et  redemptionis  nostrae.  .  .  .  Kadiet  hie Unigeniti  Filii  tui  splendor  divinitatis  in  auro,  emicet gloria  passionis  in  ligno,  in  cruore  rutilet  nostrae  mortis redemptio,  in  splendore  cristalli  nostrae  mortis  redemptio : sit  suorum  protectio,  spei  certa  fiducia,  eos  simul  cum gente  et  plebe  fide  confirinet,  spe  solidet,  pace  consociet : augeat  triumphis,  ampliflcet  secundis,  proficiat  eis  ad  per- petuitatem  temporis,  et  ad  vitam  aeternitatis,"  &c.  &c. A  curiously  mingled  state  of  thought  or  feeling  is  indi- cated by  this  passage :  the  cross  is  a  sjTubol  of  Christ and  a  token  of  His  victory ;  it  is  of  material  wood,  gold, jewels,  &c. ;  but  a  sacramental  power  seems  to  be  consi- dered as  adherent  in  the  symbol ;  its  consecration  gives  it personality ;  and  it  is  to  be  addressed  in  prayer  as  if possessed  of  actual  powers. CROSS verified  ou  the  spot,  as  we  understand,  by  M. Grimoald  de  St.  Laurent.  (Didron's  Annales Archeologiques,  vol.  xxvi.  p.  5.)  This  Face  of  the Lord  seems  in  a  work  of  the  5th  century  to  im- l)ort  no  more  than  the  name  or  monogram  :  but it  is  found  again  on  the  oil-vessels  of  Monza. (.See  Martigny,  s.  v..  Crucifix,  and  Didron,  Annales Arch.  vol.  xxvi.)  The  A  and  w  are  at  its  right and  left,  and  the  ground  of  the  inner  circle  is  sown with  stars;  that  of  the  outer  with  small  oblong spots  in  pairs,  which  probably  indicate  only  va- riations of  colour  in  the  mosaic.  Further  to right  and  left  are  Moses  and  Elias  adoring  the cross,  with  St.  Apollinaris  below.  The  ascent  of the  mountain  is  indicated  by  trees  and  birds, among  which  are  the  universally  present  sheep. The  Holy  Dove  is  not  represented,  the  mosaic having  reference  to  the  Transfiguration  only. Above  the  cross  are  the  letters  IMDVC,  which Ciampini  interprets  as  "  Immolatio  Domini  Jesus Christi :"  below  it  the  words  "  Salus  Mundi." Didron,  however  {Christian  Iconography,  p.  396, vol.  i.),  asserts  on  the  authority  of  M.  Lacrois, who  has  given  particular  attention  to  the  church of  S.  Apollinare  in  Classe,  that  these  letters  are really  IX0TC.  The  accession  of  Constantine seems  to  have  been  an  occasion  of  publicly avowing  to  the  Pagans,  and  therefore  of  more vigorously  enforcing  on  the  Christian  mind,  the sacrificial  death  of  the  Loi-d  for  man.  The  office of  Christ  was  distinguished  from  the  person  of Christ :  the  cross  was,  so  to  speak,  extricated from  the  monogram;  and  its  full  import,  long understood  and  felt  hy  all  Christians,  was  now made  explicit.  However  long  the  change  from the  symbolic  cross  to  the  realist  or  portrait crucifix  may  have  taken — with  whatever  long- enduring  awe  and  careful  reverence  the  corporeal suffering  of  the  Lord  may  have  been  veiled  in symbol — the  progress  of  a  large  part  of  the Church  to  actual  representation  of  the  Lord  in the  act  of  death  seems  to  have  been  logically certain  from  the  time  when  His  death  as  a  male- factor for  all  men  was  avowed  and  proclaimed  to the  heathen.  The  gradual  progress  or  transi- tion from  the  symbol  to  the  representation  is jiartly  traced  out  s.  v.  Crucifix  ;  and  as  the  words "  cross "  and  "  crucifix  "  are  to  a  great  extent confounded  in  their  popular  use  in  most  European languages,  particularly  in  Roman  Catholic  coun- tries, the  following  tentative  distinction  may perhaps  hold  good, — that  a  cross  with  any  symbol or  other  representation  of  a  victim  attached  to  it, or  anyhow  placed  on  it,  passes  into  the  cruci- ricial  category. The  usual  threefold  division  of  the  form  of  the cross  into  the  Crux  Decussata  or  St.  Andrew's cross;  the  Crux  Commissa,  Tau,  or  Egyptian; and  the  Immissa  or  upright  four-armed  cross, seems  most  convenient.  It  would  appear  from Ciampini's  plate  above  quoted,  and  is  historically probable,  that  the  distinction  between  the  Greek and  Latin  crosses,  by  reason  of  the  equal  or unequal  length  of  the  arms,  is  scarcely  within our  province.  Its  earliest  origin  dates  perhaps from  the  time  succeeding  the  Iconoclastic  con- troversy (see  Crucifix),  when  the  Latin  mind continued  to  insist  specially  on  the  cross  as  the instrument  of  the  Lord's  death,  and  carefully selected  the  most  probable  shape  of  the  cross  on which  He  suffered.  The  symbol  of  the  int(M-- sectiug  bars  was  enough   for  the  Greek.     As  a CROSS 495 Christian  emblem,  the  decussated  cross  may  be considered  the  most  ancient :  but  all  are  of  the earliest  age  of  Christian  work  ;  as  are  many curious  varieties  of  the  cruciform  figure.  The forms  in  the  woodcuts  are  Christian  adoptions  of pre-Christian  crosses.  They  are  supposed  by Martigny  and  others  to  be  what  he  calls  formes dissirmilc'es ;  or  ancient  symbols  adopted  by Christians  as  sufficiently  like  the  cross  or  tree of  punishment  to  convey  to  their  minds  the associations  of  the  Lord's  suffering,  without  pro- claiming it  in  a  manner  which  would  shock heathen  prejudice  unnecessarily.  Constantine appears  to  have  felt  that  a  time  was  come  when his  authority  could  enforce  a  different  feeling with  regard  to  the  death  of  the  Lord  for  men. He  used  the  cross  or  monogram  privately  and" publicly  ;  impressed  it  on  the  arms  of  his  soldiers ; and  erected  large  crosses  on  the  Hippodrome  and elsewhere  in  Constantinople.  His  use  of  it  on his  standards  is  well  known.  (Cf.  Labaeum, Dracoxarius.)  Euseb.,  Vit.  Const,  iii.  3,  refers to  the  Triumphal  Cross  made  and  set  above  the Dragon  by  Constantine.  For  his  vision  and  the making  of  the  Labarum,  see  ibid.  pp.  28-39  ; Bingham,  Antiq.  s.  v.  Crucif,x.  Of  its  use  on coins,  which  appears  to  begin  with  Valentinian  I., A.D.    364-375,    see   coin    of  Valens   in   Angelo Rocca,  infra.  It  geems  as  if  Constantine  really hoped  to  use  the  Christian  symbol  as  a  token of  union  for  iiis  vast  empire,  with  that  mix- ture of  sincere  faith,  superstition,  and  ability which  characterized  most  of  his  actions.  The frequent  recurrence  of  the  rovToi  viKct  on ancient  crosses  shows  the  importance  which he  and  others  attached  to  his  vision.  Ter- tullian's  words  may  suffice  to  express  the general  use  of  the  cross  in  private  in  his  time {De  Cor.  Mil.  c.  iii.) :  "  Ad  omnem  progressum atque  promotum ;  ad  omnem  <iditum  atque exitum :  ad  calceatum,  ad  lavacra,  ad  mensas, ad  lumina,  ad  cubilia,  ad  sedilia  : — quaecunque nos  conversatio  exercet,  frontem  crucis  signaculo terimus."  This  is  paralleled  by  St.  Chryso- stom's  iravraxov  ivpiffKtffdai  (t.  (TTauphv) — Tropo &pXovat,  irapa  apxa/J-euois,  irapa  yvfai^l,  irapa livSpacri,  .  .  .  .  eV  '6w\ois  k.  iv  iracrrdcnv,  ep aiceveenv  apyvpols,  iu  toi'xwj'  ypa^ai^.  Julian had  <lerided  the  Christians  as  ilK6vas  trravpov (TKtaypacpovvres  iv  rip  fierdiraj,  &c.  They  were accused  of  worshipping  it  as  a  divinity  or  fetiche. See  the  words  of  the  pagan  Caccilius,  iu  Miuucius Felix  Octav.  cc.  ix.  and  xxix. :  "  Et  qui  hominein 496 CEOSS summo  supplit^ic  pro  facinore  punitum,  ot  crucis liffna  feralia  eorum  caeremoniis  fabulantur,  cori- gruentia  perditis  sceleratisque,  .  .  .  .  ut  id  colaut quod  merentur."  Ke  is  answered  simply,  "  Cruces nee  colimus  nee  optamus."  Tiiis  is  also  referred to  by  Molanus,  Dc  Ficiuris,  c.  v.,  with  many other  passages.    [See  Sign  OP  THE  Cross.] The  cross  of  course  conveyed  to  earlier  Chris- tians, as  to  ourselves,  the  lesson  of  our  own  per- sonal sacrifice  or  dedication  to  Christ,  and  the thought  of  His  command  to  take  up  the  cross. Hence  doubtless  its  constant  use  in  times  of actual  01-  remembered  persecution.  But  this  use of  it  would  necessarily  lead  on  from  the  thought of  His  person  to  that  of  His  sacrifice.  See  the inscription  by  Paulinus  of  Nola,  who  made  such ample  use  of  pictorial  and  other  decorations, placed  under  a  cross  at  the  entrance  of  his church  :^ "  Come  coronatam  Domini  super  atria  Christi Stare  crucem,  duro  spondentem  celsa  labore Praemia.    ToUe  ciucem,  qui  vis  auferre  cnronani." (See  Binteiim,  vol.  iv.  part  i.,  and  Molanus, De  Iinaginibus,  c.  v.  De  Ficturis.)  >> The  private  use  of  crosses,  or  representations of  the  cross,  is  highly  uncertain  before  Constan- tiae,  though  Martigny  refers  to  Ferret  (Cata- comhes  de  Home,  iv.  pi.  xvi.  74)  for  certain  stones, apparently  belonging  to  rings,  on  which  the  cross is  engraved,  and  which  appear  to  be  of  date  prior to  Constant  ine.  It  seems  probable  that  the  use of  the  monogram  prevailed  before  and  during  his ^p»         time,  with  sacrificial  meaning  attach- ^J^       ing  more  and  more  to  the  cruciform ^j^       in  the  Christian  mind.    (See  Binterim, '  vol.  iv.  part  ii.) The  most  interesting  cross  in  existence  of  this kind  seems  to  be  the  pectoral  cross  or  iyKSXiriov in  gold  and  niello,  described  last  by  M.  St.  Laurent in  Didron's  Annales  Arche'ologiques.  It  is  said  to contain  a  fragment  of  the  wood  of  the  cross,  and bears  on  its  front  EMANOVHA  NOBISCVM DEVS  ;  on  the  back,  "  Crux  est  vita  mihi ;  mors, inimice,  tibi,"  in  same  characters.  It  must  date from  near  the  time  of  the  Empress  Helena,  when many  like  crosses  began  to  be  worn.  Compare drawing  of  serpent  below  the  monogram. One  example  is  given  by  Boldetti  of  a  tau- cross,  dating  a.d.  370  according  t»  the  consuls  : neither  the  Crux  Immissa  nor  the  Greek  cross appear  by  actual  examples  till  the  5th  century. This  question  of  date  can  hardly  be  decided  in the  Catacombs,  from  the  number  of  crosses  in- scribed there  by  pilgrims  of  all  periods. There  is  a  passage  from  Severus  Sanctus Endelechius  or  Entelechius,  a  Christian  poet,  pro- bably of  Aquitaiue,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  4th century,  where  a  Christian  shepherd  has  secured his  flock  fi'om  disease  by  planting  or  marking between  their  horns  ("signum  mediis  frontibus additum  ")  the  cross  of  "  the  God  men  worship  in great  cities" : — "  Signum,  quod  perhibent  esse  crucis  Dei Magnis  qui  colitur  solus  in  urbibus, Chriotus,  perpetui  gloria  numinis,"  &c. De  Rossi's  work,   De  Titulis  Christianis  Cartha- giniensibus,  speaks  of  4th  century  marbles  beaj-- CROSS ing  the  cross;  ana  it  is  possible  that  in  distant provinces  the  associations  of  shameful  death  may not  have  clung  to  it  so  closely.  M.  Laurent makes  the  obvious  remark  that  the  use  of  the cross  spread  with  a  rapidity  proportioned  to  the advance  of  Christianity,  and  speaks  of  its  earlier and  freer  use  in  Africa,  quoting  De  Rossi,  D.  T.  C. For  Constantine's  golden  cross  on  the  tomb  of St.  Peter,  see  Anastasius,  Lib.  Poutif.,  In  Syl- vestro,  p.  8,  Scr.  Byz.  (Fabroti) ;  also  Eusebius, Const.  Vit.  iii.  49.  Two  crosses  from  the  Cata- comb of  St.  Pontianus  given  by  Bottari,  tav.  xliv.- xlvi.,  richly  adorned  with  jewels  and  metal-work, one  of  which  has  the  A  to  attached  to  it  by chains,  may  also  date  from  the  years  imme- diately preceding  Constantine,  if  not  works  of his  time.  The  great  Cross  of  the  Lateran,  so called,  is  referred  to  his  time,  and  apparently accepted  as  of  that  date  by  Binterim,  vol.  iv. part  i.  frontispiece.  It  is  in  mosaic,  and  though restored  by  Nicolas  IV.,  can  hardly  have  been altered.  It  is  a  plain  cross,  having  a  medallion of  the  Lord's  baptism  at  its  intersection.  The Holy  Spirit,  in  form  of  a  dove,  with  nimbus, hovers  above;  and  from  Him  seems  to  proceed the  baptismal  fountain,  which  at  the  cross-foot becomes  the  source  of  the  four  rivers,  Gihon, Pison,  Tigris,  Euphrates.     Between  the  rivei's  is h  For  examplos  and  discussion   of   this  subject, Binterim,  vol.  iv.  part  t Lateran  Cross.    (Binterim,  vol.  iv.  p.  1.) the  Holy  City  of  God,  guarded  by  the  archangel Michael,  behind  whom  springs  up  a  palm-ti-ee, on  which  sits  the  Phoenix  as  a  symbol  of  Christ. [PHffiNix.]  Two  stags  below  near  the  waters represent  the  heathen,  seeking  baptism ;  and three  sheep  on  each  side  stand,  as  usual,  for  the Hebrew  and  Gentile  Churches.  This  relic  should be  compared  with  a  similar  one  given  by  De  Rossi {De  Titulis  Carthaginiensibus),  where  the  cross stands  on  a  hill,  and  the  four  rivers  spring  from its  foot,  with  stags,  &c.,  as  both  have  decided reference  to  baptism,  and  illustrate  the  earliest representative  use  of  the  cross  as  a  symbol  of Christ,  with  special  reference  not  to  His  death but  His  baptism.  Others  even  in  later  times were  made  with  this  view,  and  indeed  with ornaments  representing  Old  Testament  types  of the  Redeemer.  (See  Crucifix,  account  of  the station-cross  of  Mainz.) The  use  of  the  Tau,  patibulary,  or  Egypt);in CROSS Cross,'    is   general    from    perliaps    the    earliest T  period.  Somt  special  difficulties  appear to  be  connected  with  it,  as  it  is  be- yond doubt  a  pre-Christian  emblem, and  as  such  connected  in  the  minds of  those  who  used  it  with  special,  at  least pre-Christian,  meanings.  These  meanings  will of  course  be  of  two  classes  :  —  Istly,  the interpretations  of  speculative  minds  in  all  ages which  connect  the  tau-cross  with  Egyptian nature-vvorsliip  through  the  Crux  Ansata,  and which  include  all  the  Ophite  and  Gnostic uses  of  the  symbol,  and  its  connexion  with the  serpent,  as  a  sign  of  strength,  wisdom, &c. ;  2ndly,  those  of  Hebrew  origin,  connected as  types  with  the  Old  Testament,  and  through that  with  the  Christian  faith, — the  wood  borne  by Isaac,  and  the  tau  or  cross  on  which  the  brazen serpent  was  supported.  Didron's  remark  seems appropriate  here,  that  the  tau  is  the  anticipatory cross  of  the  Old  Testament.  We  are  not  con- cerned with  it  as  such,  and  may  refer  for  much interesting  and  erudite  speculation  on  the  pre- Christian  cross,  or  decussated  figure,  to  the  text and  references  of  an  article  in  the  Edinburgh Review  of  April,  1870. The  tau  appears  in  the  Callixtine  Catacomb,  in a  sepulchral  inscription,  referred  to  the  3rd  cen- CROSS 497 tury,  thus:    IRE NE.     This  frequently occurs  elsewhere  (De  Rossi,  Bullet.  1863,  p.  35); and  some  of  the  crucifixes  on  the  vessels  of  the treasnry  of  Monza  are  of  the  same  shape.  (See Didron's  Annates  Archeologiques,  vv.  xxvi.-vii.) Still  in  some  of  the  earliest  examples  it  may possibly  have  been  used,  even  by  Christians,  in the  pre-Christian  sense,  as  a  type  of  life  in  the world  to  come. In  Boldetti,  lib.  ii.  c.  iii.  p.  353,  an  Egyptian cross  of  black  marble  mosaic  is  given,  which  may probably  be  of  later  date  than  the  catacomb  in which  it  was  found ;  but  the  next  page  contains an  early  inscrijition  of  the  tau  between  A  and  oi, thus:    A T He  quotes  the  following passage  from  TertuUian  on  this  form  of  the  cross, who  refers  to  Ezekiel  thus :  "  Pertransi  medio portae  in  mediam  Jerusalem  et  da  signum  Tau in  frontibus  virorum.  Ipsa  enim  litera  Grae- corum  Tau,  nostra  autem  T,  species  crucis." — Adv.  Marcian.  lib.  iii.  22.  This  form  of  cross  is specially  appropriated  to  the  thieves  rather  than the  Redeemer,  in  some  crucifixions  of  early  medi- aeval type.     [Crucifix.] o «  In  Lipsius,   De  Cruce,  i.   7,  it   is   shown  to  be  of liocnician  origin. CHRIST.  ANT. Both  Greek  and  Roman  crosses,  and  in  parti- cular cruciform  churches,''  sometimes  possess  one or  even  two  additional  cross  limbs,  shorter  than the  main  or  central  one.     Tlie  ujiper  additional bar * is  supposed  by  Didron  to  stand  for the  title  over  the  head  of  the  Crucified  One.  If this  be  so,  the  lower  may  be  taken  to  represent the  suppedaneum,  a  support  for  His  feet.  In  cases where  both  the  shorter  limbs  are  placed  above the  main  cross-bar,  as  in  the  cross  represented  in Boldetti,  lib.  i.  c.  ii.  p.  271,  they  certainly  re- present the  crosses  of  the  malefactors.  [Cru- cifix.] See  two  coins  of  Valensand  Anthemius, Angelo  Rocca,  Bihl.  Vaticana,  vol.  ii.  p.  253. one,  a  nummus  aereus,  has  the  three  crosses,  the other  with  two  smaller  cioss-beams  under  the large  one. The  term  "  station-cross  "  is  derived  from  the CO.  A. T^ Cscc) p= U     P r ' — 1 =^ _A^ Roman  military  term  statio,  and  applied  to  a large  cross  on  the  chief  altar,  or  in  some  prin- cipal place  of  a  church,  but  occasionally  removed or  carried  in  procession  to  another  place,  and then  constituting  a  special  place  of  prayer.  (Spc Bottari,  tav.  xlv.,  and  illustration  of  Lateran Cross.)  Processional  crosses  may  be  traced  to  the use  of  the  Labarum  in  Constantine's  army,  and also  of  his  substitution  of  the  Cross  for  ti:e Dragon,  or  placing  it  above  the  Dragon  "n standards  of  cohorts,  &c.  (See  the  Church  use of  the  word  Draconarius,  standard-bearer.') The  distinction  between  the  Cross  of  the  Re- surrection, or  Triumphal  Cross,  and  the  Cross of  the  Passion,  is  traceable  to  early  times.  In Ciampini,  V.  M.  tav.  xvii.  D  (ch.  viii.),  our  Lord in  glory  stands  by  and  supports  a  large  cross, having  the  angels  Michael  and  Gabriel  on  either hand.  The  Lamb  is  also  frequently  represented as  bearing  the  lighter  and  longer  triur^iphal  cross. (See  Crucifix,  and  references  to  the  Vatican  Cross, &c.)  It  is  also  borne  by  our  Lord  in  representa- tions of  the  Descent  into  Hades.     It  is  symbolic 'I  Constantine's  ancient  churcli  of  St.  I^:ter  S.  Paolo fuori  delle  Mura,  and  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore  were  all  ouill ill  the  form  of  a  crosB.    That  of  S.  Paolo with  projecting  ajwe. 2  K 498 CROSS of  tlie  victory  gained  by  the  sufferings  to  which the  Passion-cross  calls  our  special  attention. The  drawino;  of  the  engraved  stone  or  signet- cross  at  p.  495,  with  the  motto  "  Salus,"  repre- sents a  device  with  the  triumphal  cross.  The monogram  of  the  Lord  is  placed  over  the  ser pent, ''which  vainly  tempts  the  doves, to  the  symbol  of  their  Lord, Serpent." The  statement  of  Bede  (Binterim,  vol.  iv.  i.  p. 501)  relating  to  the  four  kinds  of  wood  of  which  the cross  was  made— the  upright  of  cypress,  the  cross- I'ho  look But  see  s.  v. In  C«motery  of  Domitia. (Boldetti,  lib.  ii.  o  UL  p.  353.) piece  of  cedar,  the  head-piece  of  fir,  and  the  suppe- daneum  of  box — departs  from  the  Eastern  tradi- tion, which  substitutes  olive  and  paJm  for  the  two latter  varieties  of  wood.  This  forms  part  of  the legendary  history  of  the  cross,  with  which  we  are not  concerned.  The  only  remarks  to  be  made  by way  of  conclusion  or  summary  appear  to  be  these  • that  a  double,  and  indeed  manifold,  meaning attached  to  the  cross  from  the  earliest  ages. Derived  as  a  Christian  sign  from  the  monogram, and  connected  with  traditions  of  ancient  learning by  its  Egyptian  form,  it  may  be  said  to  have stood  for  all  things  to  all  men.     To  the  earliest CROSS,  ADORATION  OF members  of  the  Church  it  represented  their Jlaster,  who  was  all  in  all  to  them  ;  and  thus  in their  view,  a  somewhat  wider  and  happier  one than  in  later  days,  it  represented  all  the  foith — the  person  of  Christ,  His  death  for  man,  and  tlie life  and  death  of  man  in  Christ.  The  Lateran and  other  crosses  point  to  baptism  and  all  its train  of  Christian  thought,  without  immediate reference  to  the  Lord's  sacrifice.  [Lamb.]  Con- stantine  indeed  (see  Anastat.  Vit.  Font  if.  in Sykestro)  seems  to  have  attached  the  symbolic Lamb  to  the  Baptist  and  the  sacrament  he  ad- ministered, as  well  as  to  the  Lord's  Supper  and the  showing  forth  of  His  death.  The  tendency of  Christian  feeling  towards  special  or  exclusive contemplation  of  the  Lord's  sufferings  and  death is  matter  of  ecclesiastical  history ;  and  its  effect on  Christian  emotion,  and  therefore  on  Christian art,  is  the  transition  from  the  cross  into  the crucifix.     (See  s.  v.) An  evidence  of  the  feelings  of  subdued  triumph with  which  the  cross  was  regarded  in  the  earliest times,  as  a  symbol  first  of  the  Lord's  life  and death,  then  of  the  life  and  death  of  man,  is that  it  is  so  frequently  wreathed,  embossed,  or otherwise  ornamented  with  flowers.  Even  as  late as  the  Monza  vessels,  it  is  represented  as  a  living and  budding  stem  ;  but  the  cross  from  St.  Ponti- anus,  giveu  by  Bottari,  xliv.  is  made  to  put  forth golden  or  silver  flowers  half-way  up  its  stem. Count  Melchior  de  Vogue'  {Revue  ArcMologique, vol.  vii.  p.  201)  gives  a  highly  interesting  ac- count of  the  ruins,  or  rather  the  scarcely-injured remains,  of  four  ancient  Christian  towns,  on  the left  bank  of  the  Orontes,  between  Antioch  and Aleppo.  They  contain  many  ancient  crosses-,  and were  probably  deserted  at  the  same  time,  on  the first  Mussulman  invasion.  "On  est  transporte," he  says,  "  au  milieu  de  la  socie'te'  chre'tienne  .  .  . non  plus  la  vie  cache'e  des  catacombes,  ni  I'ex- istence  humilieo,  timide,  souffrante,  mais  une  vie large,  opulente,  artistique Des   croix,  des monogrammes  du  Christ  sont  sculpte's  en  relief sur  la  plupart  des  portes :  le  ton  de  ces  inscrip- tions indique  une  e'poque  voisine  du  triomphe  de I'Eglise.  .  .  .  Le  graffito  d'un  peintre  obscur,  qui, de'corant  un  tombeau,  a,  pour  essayer  son  pinceau, trace'  sur  le  parol  du  rocher  des  monogrammes du  Christ,  et  dans  son  enthousiasme  de  Chretien e'mancipe'  ecrit,  en  paraphrasant  le  labarum,  ToCto viKa,  Ceci  triomphe."  [R-  St.  J.  T.] CROSS,  Adoration  of.  {Adoratio  Crucis, ri  TTputTKvvricris  tov  (rruvpov.) 1.  Adoration  of  the  Cross  from  the  heathen point  of  view. — Christianity  being  a  "  religion  of the  cross,"  the  cross  being  in  every  Christian teacher's  mouth  as  the  watchword  of  the  new faith,  the  action  of  signing  with  the  cross  [Sign OF  THE  Cross]  being  believed  in  by  the  Chris- tians as  a  preservative  against  all  dangers  bodily and  spiritual,  what  wonder  is  it  that  the  heathen should  have  seen  in  early  Christianity  but  a aTavpoXarpeia,  and  in  the  cross  but  a  Christian idol  not  less  material  than  their  own  ? Thus  we  find  Tertullian  feeling  it  necessary carefully  to  combat  this  among  divers  false views  of  Christian  worship  prevalent  among  the heathen.  His  words,  with  the  logic  of  which we  have  nothing  to  do,  are  "  Sed  et  qui  Crucis nos  religiosos  putat,  consecraneus  erit  noster  :" — Even  if  we  did  worship  the  cross,  we  should  be no  worse  than  you,  for  the  cross  enters  directly CROSS,  ADORATION  OF or  indirectly  into  your  own  objects  of  worship  ; for  example,  as  being  the  structure  around which  the  makers  of  images  of  the  gods  would first  erect  the  clay  model,  or  as  being  the  frame- woj-k  of  trophies  reared  in  honour  of  victory whom  you  adore  as  a  deity  {Apol.  c.  16  ;  and  in similar  strain,  Ad  Nationes  i.  c.  12). We  find  references  to  the  same  heathen  taunt ill  t\\^'Octavius  of  Minucius  Felix,  as  e.g.  in  c.  9, where  the  heathen  objector  winds  up  his  re- marks "  ut  .  id  colant  quod  merentur ;"  and again  (c.  12),  "  et  jam  non  adorandae,  sed  sub- eundae  Cruces."  The  writer  in  meeting  this attack  speaks  as  Tertullian  had  done  of  the  way in  which  the  cross  entered  into  heathenism,  and adds  (c.  29),  "  Cruces  etiam  nee  colimus,  nee optamus,"  by  which  he  seems  to  mean,  We Christians  do  not  worship  the  cross  so  as  to  give such  adoration  and  honour  to  it  as  you  heathen to  your  idols.  That  this  misconception  on  the part  of  the  heathen  was  not  speedily  overcome may  be  seen  from  the  case  of  so  intelligent  a man  as  the  Emperor  Julian,  who,  a  century after  Minucius  had  written,  taunts  the  Chris- tians, as  the  Caecilius  of  that  writer  had  done, with  inconsistency,  in  that  while  they  refused  to reverence  (Trpocrnwiiv)  the  sacred  Aucile  which fell  down  from  Jupiter  and  was  preserved  among them  as  a  pledge  of  the  protection  ever  to  be shown  to  the  city,  they  still  reverenced  the wood  of  the  cross,  continually  made  the  sign  of it  on  their  foreheads,  and  engraved  it  before their  houses  (Cyril  Alex.  Contra  Juliantim,  lib. vi.  Patrol.  Gr.  Ixxvi.  795).  The  gist  of  Cyril's answer  is  worthy  of  notice  : — Since  Christ  the Lord  and  Saviour  of  all  divested  Himself  of  His Divine  Majesty,  and  leaving  His  Father's  Throne was  willing  to  take  upon  Him  the  form  of  a servant,  and  to  be  made  in  the  likeness  of  man, and  to  die  the  cruel  and  ignominious  death  of the  cross,  therefore  we  being  reminded  of  these things  by  the  sight  of  the  cross,  and  taught  that One  died  thereon  that  we  all  might  have  life, value  the  symbol  as  productive  of  thankful remembrance  of  Him. II.  Point  of  viev}  of  early  Christian  writers. — Having  thus  alluded  to  the  adoration  of  the cross  as  seen  from  the  heathen  point  of  view,  we shall  next  endeavour  to  trace  the  existence  of the  idea  among  Christians  of  a  modified  form of  reverence  to  be  paid  to  the  cross.  That  idea may  be  expressed  roughly  thus  :  No  reverence is  paid  to  the  material  cross  as  such  ;  it  is  the idea  of  the  cross  for  which  reverence  is  felt ;  but it  is  the  reverence  or  worship  due  to  a  most holy  or  cherished  thing,  not  that  which  is  due to  God,  trpocncvvriais,  not  Karpeia.  Certain  it  is that  in  this  modified  sense  of  worship  the  early Christians  maintained  the  duty  of  reverence  to the  sacred  symbol  of  redemption  (see  especially Le  Nourry's  Dissertatio  in  Minuc.  Fel.  c.  xii. Art.  4  in  Patrol,  iii.  531).  Thus  Eusebius  says of  Constautine,  rhu  viKoiroihu  irifxa  (TTavp6v {Vita  Const,  i.  31  ;  cf.  *.  ii.  16;  iv.  21;  and Oratio  de  laudihus  Const,  c.  9 ;  also  Sozomen i.  4,  a.i\  rov  /SacriAecos  7)yiiffQai.  fcai  irporTKVff]- (reojs  vevS/xifTTO  Trapa  rSiv  CTpaTiooTuiv).  Cyril of  Jerusalem  (Ep.  ad  Const,  p.  247)  speaks of  rb  craiTriptov  rov  (rravpov  ^v\ov.  The above-mentioned  instances  taken  by  themselves might  be  viewed  as  due  to  a  somewhat  rhe- torical way  of  speaking,  but  the  real  nature  of CROSS,  ADORATION  OF 499 the  feeling  is  shown  by  the  following  more definite  instances. Ambrose  (In  oh.  TAeodosii,  §  46)  tells  of  the Empress  Helena's  adoration  of  the  cross  after  her discovery  of  Pilate's  superscription,  and  adds  : "i?e(7(?TO  adoravit,  non  lignum  utique,  quia  hie Gentilis  est  error  et  vanitas  mipioruni  ;  sed adoravit  ilium  qui  pependit  in  ligno,  scriptus in  Cruce."  Shortly  afterwai'ds  he  describes  how the  cross  was  placed  upon  kings  by  Helena,  "  ut in  regibus  adoretur." Jerome,  again,  in  the  Epitaphium  Paulae Matris  (Ep.  108  ad  Eustochium,  §  9,  Patrol. xxii.  883),  says  that  "Paula  prostrata  ante Crucem  quasi  pendentem  Dominum  cerneret, adorabat." In  the  above  instances  Ambrose  and  Jerome are  referring  to  the  cross  said  to  be  found  by Helena,  but  in  the  case  of  Minucius  and  others anterior  to  the  time  of  Constantino  the  allusion is  necessarily  to  crosses,  viewed  as  signs  and images  of  the  true  cross;  and  the  view  which is  controverted  is  the  belief  of  the  heathen world  in  the  veneration  paid  by  Christians  to the  cross  absolutely  (see  further,  Origen,  in Celsuni  ii.  47).  Cf.  further  the  distinction  as drawn  by  Augustine  (Tract,  i.  in  Johannem. §  16):  "  Dicimus  quidem  lignum  vitam,  sed secundum  intellectum  lignum  Crucis  unde  acce- pimus  vitam."  The  same  line  is  taken  in  the Quaestiones  ad  Antiochum  ducem  (xxxix. :  Patrol. Gr.  xxviii.  622),  falsely  atti-ibuted  to  Athanasius, in  answer  to  the  question,  Why,  when  God  has forbidden  through  His  prophets  the  worship  of created  things,  do  we  offer  adoration  to  images and  the  cross  ?  Rusticus  Diaconus,  a  writer  of the  time  of  Pope  Vigilius,  carefully  defines  the matter  in  the  same  way,  for  after  maintaining the  adoration  of  the  cross  as  leading  on  to  that of  the  Crucified,  he  adds,  "  non  tamen  Crucem coadorare  dicimur  Christo  "  (Contra  Acephalos  : Patrol.  Ixvii.  1218). John  Damascenus  (ob.  circa  756  a.d.)  is  careful exactly  to  define,  as  the  above-mentioned  writers have  done,  the  nature  of  the  reverence  paiii  by Christians  to  the  cross.  He  says  (de  fide  ortho- doxa  iv.  11):  irpocrKwovfifv  Sh  Kal  rhv  rvirov ToO  Tifxiov  Kal  (woTToiov  ffravpov  .  .  .  .  ov  rvr vKr)v  Ti/xiaVTes  (/j.^  yivoiTo),  aWa  rhv  rvirov d>y  XpicToD  av/x^oXov.  And  hereon,  he  adds, may  our  adoration  of  the  cross  rest,  evda  yao hv  fi  Th  ffr)fie1ov,  inel  Kal  aiirhi  iffrai. Further  illustrations  of  the  wide  spread  of  the feeling  are  to  be  found  in  numerous  narratives  of the  Fathers,  of  a  more  or  less  legendary  cha- racter, referring  to  the  miraculous  power  in- herent in  the  sacred  symbol.  Thus  Sozomen (Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  3)  gives  us  an  account  of  a  certain physician  named  Probianus  who  had  been  con- verted to  Christianity,  but  who  would  not  ac- cord honour  to  the  cross  as  the  sign  of  salva- tion, until  when  suffering  from  a  painful  disease of  the  feet  he  was  taught  by  a  vision  [cf.  Altar, p.  66]  to  find  in  reverence  of  the  cross  a  means of  relief,  and  thus  was  cured.  [We  again  rind this  story,  cited  from  Sozomen,  in  the  Historia Tripartita  (ii.  19),  compiled  by  Cassiodorus.] A  parallel  incident  is  that  related  by  Evagrius (Eccl.  Hist.  iv.  26),  to  the  effect  that  on  the burning  of  Antioch  by  Chosroes,  the  bishop  of Apamea  consented  to  display  the  wood  of  the cross  to  the  adoration  of  the  people,  that  their 2  K  2 500         CROSS,  ADORATION  OF last  kiss  of  the  sacred  relic  might  be  as  it  were their  viaticum  to  the  other  woi-ld.  The  his- torian mentions  that  he  was  present  with  his parents,  and  describes  the  scene  at  some  length, and  tells  how,  while  the  bishop  made  the  ciixuit of  the  church  carrying  the  cross  ticrirep  iv  rats Kvpiais  rS}V  irpotTKVvriiTecov  riixipais  iWicrro,  he was  followed  by  a  large  mass  of  flame,  blazing but  not  consuming  :  a  token  of  the  safety  vouch- safed to  the  city. Again,  Bede  (Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  2)  tells  us  of Oswald,  a  Saxon  king  (635  A.D.),  who,  being  in imminent  danger  in  war,  erected  and  offered adoration  to  a  cross,  by  which  victory  was secured. One  more  illustration  may  suffice.  In  the Trullan  Synod  held  at  Constantinople  in  691  a.d., it  was  ordained  that  since  the  cross  shows  to  us the  way  of  salvation,  and  therefore  we  offer  to it  in  words  and  in  thought  our  adoration,  it should  be  distinctly  prohibited  to  engrave  crosses on  the  pavement,  where  they  would  be  trodden under  foot,  and  that  where  these  already  existed they  should  be  erased  (can.  73;  Labbe,  Con- cilia, vi.  1175). The  above  examples  clearly  prove  the  ex- istence amongst  the  early  Christians  of  a  venera- tion for  the  cross,  combined  with  the  feeling of  the  necessity  of  excluding  from  this  the  idea of  absolute  worship.  The  constant  use  of  the sign  of  the  cross  [Sign  of  the  Cross]  is  a further  exemplification  of  this. The  special  character  of  hymns  is  obviously such  as  to  admit  of  a  less  exact  style  of  lan- guage, but  the  tone  of  the  early  Christian  poets shows  clearly  the  nature  of  their  views,  as  to  the veneration  of  the  cross.  In  a  poem  (Z>e  Passione Domini)  attributed  by  some  to  Lactantius,  it  is saidi,(vv.  50  sqq.)  : — "  Flecte  genu  lignumque  Crucis  venerabile  adora Flebilis,  innocuo  terramque  cruore  madentem Ore  petens  humili."  » Much  again  can  be  gathered  from  Prudentius (405  A.D.)  on  this  point.  Thus  we  find  (A2J0- theosis  446) — "  Jam  purpura  supples Sternitur  Aeneadae  rectoris  ad  atria  Christi, VexlUumque  Crucis  smnmus  dominator  adorat." Again  in  the  description  of  Constantine's  victory over  Maxentius  (Contra  Symmachum  i.  494),  he says — "  Tunc  iUe  senatus Militiae  ultricis  titalum,  Christique  verendum Nomen  adoravit  quod  collucebat  in  armls." The  allusion  here  is  to  the  cross  and  the  mono- gram on  the  labarum  (cf  also  Cath.  vi.  129,  and Paulinus  Nol.  Poem.  xxx.  97  sqq.). Finally,  we  may  cite  the  words  of  Sedulius (Carmen  Paschale,  lib,  v.  188 :  Patrol,  xix. 724)— "  Neve  quis  ignoret  speciem  Crucis  esse  coleudam." »  In  the  prolegomena  to  the  Roman  edition  of  Pru- dentius (Patrol,  lix.  669),  the  accusation  is  brought against  George  Fabricius  of  tampering  with  the  abovefby omitting,  through  doctrinal  proclivities,  the  words  "  lig- numque  flebilis ;"   a  proceeding  justly  reprehended by  John  Albert  Fabricius :    "  Sane  praestitisset  G.  Fa- bricinm passim,  turn  hie  turn  alibi,  non  ita  fuisse  in alienis  operibus  quae  edebat  ingeniosum  "  {BiU.  Yet.  Lai. D.  709,  ed.  1712). CROSS,  ADORATION  OF III.  Adoratiiin  of  the  Cross  in  ancient  Litur- gies. — In  the  Western  Church  such  a  rite  has long  been  observed  on  Good  Friday.  The  custom is  probably  very  ancient,  and  has  possibly  flowed hither  from  the  East,  for  the  words  of  Paulinus (Ep.  31,  Patrol.  Ixi.  329)  with  reference  to  the observance  of  the  like  practice  at  Jerusalem, will  carry  back  the  date  to  the  4th  century  " :  — "  Quam  episcopus  urbis  ejus  quotanuis,  cum Pascha  Domini  agitur,  adorandam  populo  prin- ceps  ipse  veuerantium  promit."  According  to the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  (Patrol.  Ixxviii.  86), at  Vespers  on  Good  Friday  a  cross  is  set  up in  front  of  the  altar ;  then — "  Venit  Pontifex, adoratam  deoscuiatur  Crucem.  Deinde  episcopi, presbyteri,  diaconi  et  caeteri  per  ordinem,  delude populus:  Pontifex  vero  redit  in  sedem  usque dum  cranes  salutent."  Whenever  a  salutation is  made  (salutante  pontifice  vel  populo)  the Antiphon  PJcce  lignum  Crucis  is  sung  ;  and  then when  all  have  saluted,  the  pope  descends  to  the front  of  the  altar  and  the  service  proceeds. Sundry  differences,  but  of  no  great  momeut, occur  in  the  form  given  in  the  Gelasian  Sacra- mentary (Patrol.  Ixxiv.  1103).  A  more  elabo- rate ritual,  however,  is  to  be  found  in  the ]\Iozarabic  \At\wgj  (Patrol.  Ixxxv.  430;  Ixxxvi. 609),  in  which  before  Nones  on  Good  Friday, after  the  Lord's  Prayer,  came  the  hymn  Ad Salutationen  Ligni  Domini, "  Pange  lingua  gloriosi Proelium  certaminis,"  &c. This  was  followed  by  the  prayer,  "  0  sancta  Crux, in  qua  salus  nostra  pependit,  per  te  introeamus ad  Patrem,  per  te  veniam  mereamur,  per  te apud  Christum  habeamus  indulgentiam  et veniam ;"  and  this  again  by  three  antiphons  de ligno  Domini.  Nothing  further  is  added  here  iu the  Breviary  as  to  the  adoration  of  the  cross,  pos- sibly because  the  rest  is  to  be  found  in  the  Missal. From  this  we  learn  the  nature  of  the  cere- mony of  adoration  as  performed  at  the  Nones, and  this,  as  in  the  preceding  instance,  we  shall briefly  describe. Two  priests  hold  before  the  altar  a  cross draped  in  black,  standing  first  at  the  left,  then at  the  right,  and  lastly  at  the  middle  of  the  altar. As  each  position  is  occupied,  the  antiphons  are respectively  chanted — Popule  mens  quid  feci  tihi ....  Quia  eduxi  te  .  .  .  .  Quid  ultra  dchui .  .  .  ., with  its  own  response  after  each.  At  the  end of  the  third  station  the  officiating  priest  receives the  cross  from  the  hands  of  the  two  who  are holding  it,  and  standing  successively  at  the right  end,  the  left  end,  and  the  middle  of  the altar,  he  uncovers  at  each  station  respectively the  right  arm,  the  left  arm,  and  the  whole  ot the  cross,  saying  on  each  occasion,  with  voice growing  louder  each  time,  the  antiphon  Ecce lignum  Crucis,  to  which  is  responded.  In  qua salus  nostra  pependit,  it  being  ordered  that  as each  limb  of  the  cross  is  unveiled,  the  people should  bend  the  knee.  The  priest  having  revoi rently  placed  the  cross  in  front  of  the  altar "  statim  presbyteri  cum  suis  ministris  adorent Crucem    flectendo    genua   ter,    cum    summa  re- fa  Paulinus,  it  will  be  observed,  speaks  of  this  rite  as tiiking  place  on  the  "  Pascha ;"  but  there  seems  fair ground  from  the  context  for  explaining  this,  with  Menard, of  the  anniversary  of  our  Lord's  crucifixion.  ,(Notes  to Greg.  Sacr.  in  Fatrol.  Ixxviii.  332.) CEOSS,  ADORATION  OF verentia  et  humilitate  osculando  terram,  et offerant  oblationem  Cruci,  ut  aliis  praebeant exemplum;"  the  rite  is  then  concluded  by  an oratio  ad  Cnicem,  in  which,  however,  our  Lord is  addressed  distinctly,  and  by  the  aatiphon Crucem  tuam  adoranvs  Domine. Alexander  Leslie,  the  Jesuit  editor,  argues  in his  note  on  the  above  passage  for  the  identity of  the  terms  adoratio  and  salutatio  as  applied to  the  cross,  the  former  word  being  that  em- ployed in  the  Gelasian  and  Gregorian  Sacramen- taries  and  the  Mozarabic  Missal,  the  latter  in the  Mozarabic  Breviary ;  and  Amalarius  {De Eccl.  Off.  i.  14)  cites  the  Ordines  Ronumi,  "  Prae- paratur  crux  ante  altare,  quam  salutant  et  oscu- lantur  omnes." As  illustrating  our  present  subject,  we  may quote  from  the  collect  for  the  Festival  of  the Exaltation  of  the  Cross  in  the  Gregorian  Sacra- meutary  :  "  Concede  propitius  ut  qui  ad  adoran- dam  vivificam  ejus  Crucem  adveniuut  .  .  .  ." At  the  end  of  Mass  on  that  day  a  cross  was  held up  by  the  pontiff  for  the  adoration  of  the  people (cf.  Alcuin,  Adv.  Elipantum,  lib.  ii.  9,  who  fur- nishes us  with  a  collect.  Ad  Elevationem  Sanctae Crucis) ;  and  a  parallel  instance  is  to  be  derived from  the  Greek  Menology  for  September  13, Xaipois,  6  (oi7i(p6pos  T7)s  evcrelifias,  rh  6.i]TrriTov rpSiraiov,  r)  0vpa  rrjs  irapaSeicrov,  6  tSiv  iriCTiev ffTi]piyfi6s  .  .  .  [See  also  Exaltation  and Finding  of  the  Cross.] The  season  which  in  the  Eastern  Church  has been  specially  associated  with  the  adoration  of the  cross  is  the  third  Sunday  in  Lent,  with  the ensuing  week.  Numerous  sermons  are  extant  in the  writings  of  the  Greek  Fathers  having  re- ference to  this.  Thus  in  one  wrongly  assigned to  Chrysostom,  but  apparently  not  long  subse- quent to  his  time,  ets  rrji/  irpoaKvi'T]aiv  rov TifJLiov  Kot  ^aioiroiov  (TTavpov  rfj  fJ-iaij  sl3S6/j.aSi rSiv  vqcTTiioiv,  the  writer  speaks  of  the  day  as yearly  appointed  for  adoration,  and  as  though  he would  imply  the  custom  to  be  a  well  established one  : — 'S,7]jxepov  Toiyapovf  irpoaKwrtaiixos  rjjx^pa rod  TiiJ.iov  (TTavpov  KaQi(Tri)Ke.  Again,  in  the works  of  Sophronius,  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  is  a sermon  with  the  same  title  and  occasion  {Oratio  v. Patrol.  Gr.  Ixxxvii.  3309).  Again  {Oratio  iv.  in Exaltationem  S.  Crucis),  in  describing  the  change of  the  season  of  the  Exaltation  to  a  time  subse- quent to  our  Lord's  resurrection,  he  speaks  of (TTavpov  ^ahovxos  irpoaKvvyjffts.  Sermons  of  the same  character  are  also  extant  by  Theodorus Studita  (Patrol.  Gr.  xcix.  691),  and  by  Theo- phylact  ((6.  cxxxi.  113).  For  rubrical  directions concerning  this  fast,  see  Constantine  Porphyro- genitus,  De  Caerimoniis  Aulae  Byzantinae,  1.  5, 2-I-;  and  especially  ii.  11  {op.  cit.  cxii.  137, 19t>,  1017);  and  cf  also  Suicer's  Thesaurus,  and Ducange's  Glossary,  s.  v.  (TTavpoTrpocTKvvrjcrts,  by which  name  and  by  KvpiaK^  rfjs  TrpoaKwriaeciis the  Greek  Church  knows  the  day.  The  Epistle  and Gospel  for  this  day  in  that  Church  are  Heb.  iv. 14_v.  6,  and  Mark  viii.  34— ix.  1.  There  is also  in  the  Greek  Church  a  bringing  about  of the  cross  for  adoration  on  August  1  and  there- abouts, for  which  see  Const.  Porph.  ii.  9  {Patrol. Gr.  cxii.  1009).  This  latter  day  is  marked  in the  Menology  thus  :  e(S  ti^v  ■KpwT-qv  tj  irpdoSos TWV  Tlixiwv  ^vXaiV  TOV   Tl/XiOV  fcooTToioC  (TTavpov  ; and  its  importance  is  testitled  to  by  the  fact of  its  having  its  irpoeSpTia  or  vigil. CROSS,  ADORATION  OF oGI IV.  Disputes  amonij  Christians  as  to  the  Adora- lion  of  the  Cross. — At  the  Second  Nicene  General Council  (787  a.d.),  in  their  fourth  actio,  among tlie  various  testimonies  read  from  the  fathers  in support  of  the  use  of  images  in  worship,  was  a long  extract  from  the  fifth  of  the  x6yoi  inrlp  ttjj XpicTTiavcoy  airoXoylas  KaTO,  'lovSaiwu  Ka\  irepl eMvuiv  TWV  ayiwi/  of  Leontius,  bishop  of  Neapolis in  Cyprus  (ob.  620  or  630,  a.d.).  The  general tenour  of  his  remarks  (lor  which  see  Labbe',  vii. 236)  is  as  follows  : — Christians  are  justified  in offering  adoration  to  the  cross,  by  way  of  remem- brance of  Him  who  died  thereon,  not  with  any feeling  of  reverence  for  the  mere  material.  Thus, a  decree  sanctioned  by  the  seal  of  the  emperor is  reverentially  treated,  not  on  account  of  the decree  or  the  lead  of  the  seal,  but  of  him  whom the  seal  indicates ;  and  so  we  Christians,  in  our adoration  of  the  cross,  honour  not  its  material, but  see  in  it  a  seal  and  signet  of  Christ  Who  wa.« crucified  thereon,  and  Whom  we  salute  and  adore. The  further  illustration  may  be  taken  of  children who  cherish  some  memento  of  an  absent  father, even  as  all  things  associated  with  our  Lord  are for  His  sake  to  be  loved  and  reverenced,  otuu ovv,  he  concludes,  I'Srjs  XpicTTiavovs  irpo<TKvvovvTas Thv  aravphv,  yvuQi  on  tw  cTTavpwBivri  XpiffTcS TTf]v  ■KpoaKvvy]cnv  ■Kpoo'ayovffL  kuI  ov  T<f  ^vKw. A  counterblast  to  the  views  of  the  Nicene Council  is  to  be  found  in  a  capitulary  of  Charle- magne, Ee  Imaginibus  (i.  13,  Patrol,  xcviii. 1034),  where  we  find  an  attack  on  the  argument brought  forward  by  the  other  party  based  on  the expression,  "  Jacob  .  .  .  adoravit  fastigium  virgae ejus"  (Heb.  xi.  21).  The  writer  there  insists  on the  "  differentia  crucis  Christi  et  imaginum  pic- torum  arte  pictarum,"  and  promises  to  enter upon  the  subject  "  quanto  mysterio  Crux  ima- ginibus  emineat,  sive  quomodo  humanum  genus non  per  imagines,  sed  per  Crucem  Christi  re- demptum  sit,  quae  duo  illi  vel  paria  vel  aequalia putant."  This  promise  is  fulfilled  subsequently (ii.  28 ;  op.  cit.  1096),  where  the  language, though  probably  referring  to  adoration  of  the cross,  is  to  a  certain  extent  vague :  "  Non  sunt imagines  Cruci  aequiparandae,  non  adorandae, non  colendae,  .  .  .  et  Tu  solus  adorandus,  Tu  solus sequendus,  Tu  solus  colendus  es." The  cause  of  the  adoration  of  the  cross  and of  images  found  a  zealous  champion  in  Theo- dorus Studita,  who  expounds  his  views  in  his Antirrhetici  iii.  ad  Iconomachos,  in  the  form  of a  dialogue  (see  esp.  Antirrh.  i.  15  ;  iii.  3 ;  Patrol. Gr.  xcix.  345,  419).  After  an  elaborate  dis- cussion, and  after  dwelling  on  the  distinction between  dnaiv  and  elStoXov,  in  which  he  care- fully repudiates  any  association  of  the  adoration of  the  cross  or  image  with  the  latter  term, he  sums  up  in  a  number  of  theses  which  main- tain the  importance  of  the  adoration,  but again  insists  on  the  distinction  referred  to above.  Thus  {ih.  349):  "If  any  one  boldly calls  the  relative  {crx^TiKijif)  worship  of  Christ in  the  image,  worship  of  the  image  and  not of  Christ  Himself  ....  he  is  a  heretic."  For further  illustrations  of  the  subject  from  the writings  of  Theodorus,  see  op.  cit.  691,  1757  ;  cf. also  Nicephorus  (Patriarch  of  Constantinople), Antirrhet.  iii.  7.  Later  notices  of  the  subject may  be  found  in  Photius,  Ejnst.  i.  I,  Ad  Nico- laiiin  Papain;  i.  8,  20,  Ad  Michael.  Bnlgar. Principcin. 502 CROSS,  ADOEATION  OF A  brief  reference  may  here  be  made  in  passing to  the  views  on  this  subject  of  the  Paulician heretics,  who  first  appeared  towards  the  end of  the  7th  century.  They,  generally  speaking, were  strongly  opposed  to  any  adoration  of  the cross  or  images.  In  regard  to  the  cross,  they maintained  that  the  real  cross  was  Christ  Him- self, not  the  wood  on  which  He  hung: — XiyovTiS,  on  ffravphs  6  XpiarSs  i(TTtv,  ou  xph 5e  irpocrKweladai  rh  ^v\ov  ws  KeKaTrtpa/xei/op opyavov  (Georgius  Hamartolus,  Clironicon  iv. 238,  in  Patrol.  Gr.  ex.  889).  In  accordance with  this  is  what  we  are  told  by  Petrus  Siculus (Hist.  Manichaeorum  29;  ib.  civ.  1284;  and  cf. Photius,  Contra  Manich.  i.  7 ;  ih.  cii.  25),  to  the effect  that  a  certain  Timotheus  of  this  sect  was sent  by  the  Emperor  Leo  the  Isauriau  to  the Patriarch  of  Constantinople  to  be  reasoned  with  ; and  on  being  asked,  "  Why  dost  thou  not  believe and  worship  the  honoui'ed  cross?"  answered, '•  Anathema  to  him  who  does  not  do  so."  But by  the  cross  he  understood  rhv  XpicTThv  rrj (KTaaei  t£v  x^'^P'^"  (navphv  airoTeXovvTa.  The above  quoted  Georgius  Hamartolus  tells  us (Patrol.  Gr.  ex.  892),  with  what  truth  is  per- haps doubtful,  that  in  cases  of  sickness  they  laid a  cross  on  the  patient,  which  cross  on  his recovery  they  dared  even  to  break  or  burn  (see also  Euthym ius,  PanopA'a  Dogmat.  Tit.  24;  op. cit.  cxxx.  il96  ;  and  cf.  Photius,  Uibliotheaa  279  ; ih.  ciii.  524). Much  about  this  time  there  arose  a  contention of  like  character  in  the  West.  The  actual  lite- rary warfare  iu  this  case  belongs  to  the  early part  of  the  9th  century,  but  from  its  connection with  the  earlier  struggle  in  the  Eastern  Church, and  as  throwing  light  on  the  tone  of  thought  on this  subject  in  the  Western  Church  during  the preceding  period,  it  is  of  too  much  importance to  be  passed  over  here. The  immediate  cause  of  the  outbreak  was  the publication  by  Claudius,  bishop  of  Turin  (820 A.D.),  of  a  fierce  attack  on  the  doctrine  of  the adoration  of  the  cross  and  of  images.  Further he  ordered  the  removal  of  crosses  from  all  the churches  of  his  diocese.  When  urged  by  a  letter from  a  certain  Abbot  Theodemir  to  reconsider his  views,  he  retorted,  in  a  long  treatise,  that the  Gauls  and  Germans  were  held  in  the  nets of  superstition.  This  work  Jonas,  bishop  of Orleans,  answers  in  detail  in  his  treatise  De Gultu  Tmagiii'im  {Patrol,  cvi.  305),  in  which  he appeals  largely  to  the  writings  of  the  Fathers of  the  earlier  centuries,  and  discusses  the  ob- jections of  Claudius  seriatim.  See  especially op.  cit.  331,  where  he  meets  Claudius's  remarks as  to  the  superstition  of  the  votaries  of  the cross:  "Nos  ob  recordationem  Salvatoris  nostri crucem   pictam veneramur   atque adoramus." Other  writers  of  the  time  joined  in  the  fray, as  Theodemir  above  mentioned ;  Eginhard,  the biographer  of  Charlemagne,  in  a  work  De  Ado- randa  Cmcc  not  now  extant ;  Wistremir,  arch- bishop of  Toledo  (cf  Pseudo-Liutprand,  Clironi- con; Patrol,  cxxxvi.  1103);  and  a  priest n:imed  Dungalus,  who  (about  the  year  828  a.d.) wrote  a  treatise  dedicated  to  Louis  the  Pious  and his  son  Lothaire :  "  Pro  cultu  sacrarum  imagi- num  adversus  nv.anas  blasphemasque  naenias Chiudii  Taurinensis  Episcopi "  (Patrol,  cv.  457 s^iq-)-  [R.  S.] CKOSS,  EXALTATION  OF CROSS,  Exaltation  of  (ExaWdio  Crucls, 7)  Sxf/cocns  Tov  cTTavoov).  This  festival,  held  on September  14,  most  probably  celebrates  jjrimarily the  conseci-ation  of  the  church  of  the  Holy  Se- pulchre at  Jerusalem  by  Bishop  Macarius  at  the command  of  Constantine  (335  A.D.),  although some  would  see  in  it  a  commemoration  of  the Vision  of  the  Cross  seen  by  the  Emperor. It  is,  however,  to  the  victory  of  Heraclius over  the  Persians  and  his  subsequent  restoration of  the  Cross  to  its  shrine  at  Jerusalem  that  the renown  of  the  festival  is  mainly  due. Still  there  are  not  wanting  indications  of  its observance  before  that  event,  in  both  the  Eastern and  Western  Churches.  Thus  in  the  ^c<a  of  the Egyptian  penitent  Mary,  whose  death  is  referred to  421  A.D.,  it  is  apparently  recognized  as  a thoroughly  established    festival    at    Jerusalem  : thus,  e.g ttJs  v\pciae(os  evfKsv  tov  tijjlIov ffravpov,T/iTis  yuer'  6\lyas  rjfifpas  e'icoOe  yiveaOai (Acta  S.  Mariae  Aegi/pt.  c.  19,  in  Acta  Sanctorum for  April  2;  also  ia'Patrol.  Gr.  Ixxxvii.  3711). In  the  life(c.  70)  of  the  Patriarch  Eutychius (ob.  582  A.D.)  by  his  chaplain  Eustathius,  this festival  is  spoken  of  as  celebrated  in  Constanti- nople on  September  14  (Acta  Sanctorum  for  April 6):  and  in  the  7th  century  the  Patriarch  So- phronius  of  Jerusalem  refers  to  it  as  a  feast  then widely  known.  He  adds  that  the  Festival  of  the Exaltation  had  formerly  (iraKai)  preceded  that of  the  avdaTaa-is  (that  is,  the  annual  comme- moration on  September  13  of  the  dedication  of the  church  at  Jerusalem),  but  now  the  order had  been  reversed  (Oratio  in  Exaltationein S.  Criicis  in  Gretser,  De  Cruce,  vol.  ii.  p.  90, ed.  1608). Again,  an  observance  of  the  festival  in  the Western  Church  prior  to  Heraclius's  victory  may be  inferred  from  our  finding  it  in  the  Gelasian and  Gregorian  Sacramentaries,  and  from  its  de- signation simply  as  Exaltatio  S.  Grucis,  without any  allusion  to  Heraclius,  in  the  earlier  Latin Martyrologies,  as  in  that  attributed  to  Jerome (P«</'o/.  XXX.  475):  it  may  be  added  that  this is  also  the  case  with  those  of  Bede  and  Rabanus Maurus  (ib.  xciv.  1044,  ex.  1168). The  circumstances  attending  the  victory  of Heraclius  are  briefly  these.  In  the  year  614 Jerusalem  was  taken  by  the  Persian  king  Chos- roes  II.,  and  after  the  slaughter  of  many  thou- sands of  Christians,  and  the  destruction,  partially at  any  rate,  of  the  church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre by  fire,  a  long  train  of  captives  was  led  away, among  whom  was  the  Patriai'ch  Zacharias,"  and with  him  the  cross  said  to  have  been  discovered by  Helena  [Cross,  fiNdog  of],  which  was sealed  up  in  a  case  by  the  patriarch  himself. After  some  years  of  uninterrupted  success  on the  part  of  the  Persian  king,  during  which  the empire  was  reduced  to  the  very  verge  of  disso- lution, Heraclius  at  last  declared  war  (622  A.D.), and  after  three  expeditions  the  boldness  of  which was  justified  by  their  success,  the  tide  was turned  and  the   Persian  king  worsted,   until  at »  Nicephorus(ri(i«  infra)  styles  the  patriarch  Modestus, though  the  oth;r  historians  unite  in  calling  him  Zachari.is. The  error,  for  such  it  probably  is,  has  been  explained  by supposing  Modestus  to  have  acted  as  dep'ity  for  Zacbarias during  his  captivity  (see  Clinton,  Fasti  Romani,  vol.  11. p.  170);  or  that  the  latter  died  shortly  after  his  return  to Jerusalem,  and  was  succeeded  by  the  former  (Petavlus in  loc.). CROSS,  EXALTATION  OF last   he  was   deposed  and  murdered   by  his  son Siroes  (628  A.D.). The  new  sovereign  speedily  concluded  a  peace with  the  empei-or,  one  of  the  conditions  specially insisted  on  by  the  latter  being  the  restoration of  the  cross,  with  which  borne  before  him,  as  he rnde  in  a  chariot  drawn  by  four  elephants,  He- raclias  entered  Constantinople.  In  the  following spring  he  made  a  pilgrimage  with  the  recovered cross  to  Jerusalem,  where  the  patriarch  recog- nized his  own  unbroken  seals  on  the  case  con- taining the  precious  relic  (ret  Ti/xta  Kal  ^woiroia |uA.a,  as  Theophanes  [vide  infra]  constantly  styles it),  thus  preserved  it  is  said  by  Sira  the  wife  of Chosroes.  Heraclius  wished  himself  to  carry  the cross  to  its  shrine,  but  before  treading  on  the sacred  ground  he  was  bidden  to  divest  himself  of his  splendid  array,  that  so  barefoot  and  clad  in a  common  cloak  he  might  more  resemble  the humble  guise  of  the  Saviour.  Some  of  the  Mar- tyrologies  referred  to  below  remark  that  the emperor  was  held  by  some  invisible  power  from entering  upon  the  sacred  precincts  till  he  had so  divested  himself"  (cf.  Theophanes,  Chrono- graphia,  vol.  i.  pp.  503,  504,  ed.  Classen  ;  Nice- phorus,  Breviariuiii.  pp.  11  A,  15  A ;  Chronicon Paschale,  vol.  i.  p.  704,  ed.  Dindorf ;  and  more generally  for  the  history  of  the  period,  Cedrenus, vol.  i.  pp.  717  sqq.  ed.  Bekker ;  also  Gibbon,  De- dine  and  Fall,  ch.  46). Thus  was  the  cross  once  more  "  exalted"  into its  resting-place,  and  the  festival  of  the  ''  Ex- altation of  the  Cross "  obtained  fresh  renown. Before  long,  possibly  under  Pope  Honorius  I. (ob.  638  A.D.),  September  14  came  to  be  observed as  a  festival  with  special  memory  of  the  restora- tion of  the  ci-oss  by  Heraclius :  the  Eastern Church,  which  has  not  strictly  speaking  a  sepa- rate festival  of  the  Finding  of  the  Cross,  com- memorates also  on  that  day  the  original  discovery by  the  Empress  Helena. This-  festival  is  referred  to  more  or  less  fully by  all  Martyrologies  under  September  14.  Of those  ofJerome,  Bede,  and  Rabanus  Maurus  we nave  already  spoken.  We  may  further  specify that  of  Wandelbert  [deacon  of  monastery  at Trfeves  in  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Lothaire] where  we  find  (Fatrol.  cxxi.  611) "  Exaltata  Ciucis  fulgent  vexilla  relatae, Perside  ab  indigna  victor  quam  vexit  Heraclius." In  the  Martyrologies  of  Ado  and  of  Usuardus we  find  a  further  addition :  "  Sed  et  procurrenti- bus  annis,  papa  Sergius  mirae  magnitudinis  por- tionem  ejusdem  ligni  in  sacrario  Beati  Petri Domino  revelante  repperit,  quae  annis  omnibus ["in  Basilica  Salvatoris  quae  appellatur  Con- stantiuiana."  Ado]  ipso  die  Exaltationis  ejus  ab onini  osculatur  et  adoi'atur  populo "  (^Patrol. cxxiii.  170,  356  ;  cxxiv.  467).  See  also  the  Mar- tyrology  of  Notker  (Jb.  cxxi.  1151),  and  for various  forms  of  ancient  Western  Calendars  con- taining a  mention  of  this  festival,  see  Patrol. cxxxviii.  1188,  1191,  &c.  Besides  this,  we  may again  refer  to  the  presence  of  this  festival  in the  Gelasian  and  Gregorian  Sacramentaries.    The CROSS,  FINDING  OF 503 i>  It  may  be  remarked  that  the  historians  of  the  reign of  Heraclius  vary  somewhat  in  tlie  dates  they  assign  to llie  above  events.  We  have  followed  those  given  by Clinton,  Fasti  Fomani,  vol.  ii.  pp.  IC3,  170.  The  talking of  JiTusalem  is  referred  to  a  later  campaign  by  Theo- phanes (I.  c). i-iijlect  tor  the  day  in  the  latter  of  these  has been  cited  in  the  article  on  the  Adoration  of  the Cross,  that  in  the  former  runs  as  follows  : — "  Deus  qui  nos  hodierna  die  Exaltatione  Sanctae Crucis  annua  solemnitate  laetificas,  praesta  ut cujus  mysterium  in  terra  cognovimus,  ejus  re- demptionis  praemia  consequamur." The  Eastern  Church,  as  we  have  already  said, includes  in  the  festival  of  September  14  the  two festivals  of  the  Finding  and  of  the  Exaltation  of the  Cross.  As  in  the  Calendars  of  the  Western Church,  so  also  in  those  of  the  Eastern  Church is  it  invariably  found.  Thus  in  the  Greek  me- trical calendar  given  by  Papebroch  in  tlie  Acta Sanctorum  (vol.  i.  of  May),  we  find  under  Sep- tember 13,  fJ-viifXTi  ruiv  iyKaivicDV  rijs  ayiai  tov Xpiarov  Kal  Qeov  riixoou  avaardaiois  Koi  -rrfiosSpTLa rrjs  vipaxTfoos  tov  ti/j-'iov  koI  ^woiroiov  (Travpov  • that  is,  as  has  been  already  explained,  they  cele- brated the  dedication  of  the  Church  built  by  the Emperor  Constantine  to  commemorate  our  Lord's resurrection.  We  further  gather  that  the  fes- tival of  the  Exaltation  had  its  npoeSpria  or  vigil. The  notice  for  September  14  is  vipci>drt  SeKarri aravpov  i,vKov  r(5e  TSTaprr)  ;  and  the  fact  is  also recognized  in  the  pictorial  Moscow  Calendar  ac- companying the  preceding.  The  Octave  also  of the  festival  (September  21)  is  given  in  the  Meno- logy  under  that  day,  iv  ravrr)  rfi  Tififpa  airo5i- SoTai  7]  eopTT]  Tou  Ttfiiov  (TTavpov.  See  also  the Calendar  of  the  Arabian  Church  given  by  Selden (^De  Syneclriis  Ebracorum,  iii.  376,  ed.  1655), where  September  14  is  marked  "  Festum  Crucis gloriosae  ;"  as  also  in  those  of  the  Ethiopia  or Abyssinian  and  of  the  Coptic  Church  given  by Ludolf  (p.  3).  We  also  learn  from  him  that  in the  case  of  the  latter  of  these  churches,  the festival  extends  over  three  days,  September 13-15,  marked  respectively  "Festum  C.  gl. (primum,  &x.)." Further,  the  Ethiopic  Church,  as  well  as  seve- ral other  branches  of  the  Eastern  Church,  re- cognizes in  addition  a  festival  of  the  Cross  in May,  possibly  having  more  or  less  reference  to the  "  Inventio  Crucis  "  of  the  Latin  Church  (op. cit.  p.  17  ;  Gretser,  vol.  i.  232  ;  see  also  several Eastern  Calendars  in  Neale,  Hohi  Eastern  Church, Introd.  pp.775,  799,  813).  The  proper  lessons  for this  festival  in  the  Syrian  Church,  as  marked  in the  Peshito,  are,  for  Vespers,  Matt.  xxiv. (possibly  on  account  of  verse  30);  for  Liturgy, Luke  xxi.  5  sqq.;  and  for  Matins,  Mark  xii. 41  sqq.  (Gretser,  I.  c). In  addition  to  the  works  named  in  this  article, reference  should  be  made  to  Binterim,  Denk- uiirdigheiten  der  Christ-Kathol.  Kirche,  vol.  v. part  i,  pp.  455  sqq.     See  also  Ducange's  Glossary, s.  V.  1'V|/W0'IS.  [K.  S.] CROSS,  Finding  of.  (Inventio  Crucis.) I.  Introduction. — By  this  name  is  to  be  un- derstood the  discovery  which  tradition  asserts that  the  Empress  Helena,  the  mother  of  Con- stantine, made  of  the  cross  on  which  our  Lord suffered.  The  earliest  account  we  have  of  the exploration  for  the  Holy  Sepulchre  is  that  given by  Eu.sebius  (  Vita  Const,  iii.  26  sqq.),  who  relates Constantino's  determination  to  remove  the  abomi- nations that  defiled  the  holy  place  and  build there  a  Christian  shrine,  as  detailed  in  the  em- peror's letter  to  Macarius,  bishop  of  .Tentsaleni (op.  cit.  30 ;  Socrates,  Hist.  Kcd.  1.  17 ;  Thoo- 504 CROSS,  FINDING  OP doreL  i.  18),  but  no  allusion  whatever  is  made to  a  discovery  of  the  cross.  Some  have  indeed argued  that  an  expression  in  Coustantine's  letter to  Macarius  is  better  suited  to  the  discovery  of  the cross  than  of  the  grave — rh  yap  yydptfffj.a  rou ayioirarov  iKeivov  irdOovs  virb  ttj  77)  TraAai  Kpv- inSuevov  . . .  ;  but  a  comparison  witii  c.  26  would sufliciently  account  for  the  above  quoted  lan- guage, and  it  is  hard  to  understand  that  Eusebius should  have  lost  so  good  an  opportunity  of  glori- fying Constantine,  had  a  real  or  supposed  dis- covery of  our  Lord's  cross  taken  place  under  his auspices."  The  date  of  Helena's  visit  to  Palestine, and  consequently  that  of  the  alleged  discovery, IS  326  A.D. ;  yet  in  the  Itinerarium  Burdegalense, the  record  of  a  journey  to  Jerusalem  in  333  a.d., only  seven  years  after  this  date,  there  is  no  re- ference to  the  finding  of  the  cross,  even  in  a context  where  we  might  certainly  have  looked for  it :  "  Crypta  ubi  corpus  ejus  positum  fuit et  tertia  die  resuri'exit ;  ibidem  modo  jussu  Con- stantini  Imperatoris  basilica  facta  est "  (^Patrol. viii.  791). The  earliest  mention  we  have  of  the  Finding of  the  Cross  is  in  the  Catecheses  of  Cyril  of Jerusalem,  delivered  rather  more  than  twenty years  after  Helena's  alleged  discovery ;  in  which, though  he  does  not  allude  to  the  narrative in  the  form  given  by  subsequent  writers,  he vet  says  that  fragments  cut  oft"  from  the  cross v/ere  spread  over  the  whole  world  (^Catech.  iv.  10  ; X.  19 ;  xiii.  4  ;  Fatrol.  Gr.  xxxiii.  468,  685, 776),  and  he  also  alludes  to  the  Finding  of  the Cross  in  a  letter  written  some  years  later  to ^"onstantius,  the  son  of  Constantine,  on  the  occa- sion of  a  luminous  cross  appearing  in  the  sky over  Jerusalem  (^Ep.  ad  Const,  c.  3,  op.  cit. 1168).  From  the  beginning  of  the  5th  century onwards  all  ecclesiastical  writers  take  the  truth of  the  narrative  in  its  main  form  for  granted, though  sundry  variations  of  detail  occur. II.  Legend.  —  The  general  tenour  of  the  tra- dition is  that  an  attempt  had  been  made  (by Hadrian,  or  at  any  rate,  in  his  time,  according to  Jerome,  Epist.  58,  Patrol,  xx.  321)  to  destroy every  trace  of  the  site  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre, that  the  ground  had  there  been  raised  to  a considerable  height,  and  temples  and  statues tf/  Jupiter  and  Venus  erected  thereon.  On  the death  of  Licinius,  whom  Constantine  charges with  the  continuance  of  the  evil,  it  was  deter- mined to  purify  the  sacred  places,  and  this  reso- lution of  the  Emperor  was  carried  out  by  his mother  Helena,  who  went  in  person  to  Jerusalem, and  by  the  Bishop  Macarius.  By  the  Divine guidance  (and  by  the  aid  of  a  Jew,  one  Judas, afterwards  baptized  as  Quiriacus,  according  to Gregory  of  Tours  and  others,  infra)  the  spot  was discovered,  and  the  superimposed  earth  having been  removed,  the  sepulchre  was  seen  with  three crosses  lying  near,  and  separate  from  these  the superscription  which  Pilate  had  attached  to  that a  Montfaucon  (Colleciio  Nova  I'atrum,  vol.  i.  p.  viii. I'd.  1706)  does  indeed  cite  a  passage  of  Eusebius  as  cer- t.ijily  referring  to  the  cross:  el  Se  tis  vovv  eirto-rrjcreie rot?  nafl'  lifia!  (i^<|)l  to  fivrnJia  Koi  to  fiapTvpiov  toO 2a)T^p05  r]p.Mv  ciriTeXeo-eeio-i  OavixacTLOi^,  a.\ri9uji  elcreTai, oTTu;  7re;rA7)pa)Tai  Ipyoi?  to.  Teeeo-TrttTjaeVa.  (Cmnm.  in P.ml.  IxxxviiL  n).  When,  however,  we  find  Eusebius silent,  where,  if  anywhere,  he  might  be  expected  to  speak, wo  cannot  attach  much  weight  to  a  passage  of,  at  best, most  doubtful  reference. CROSS,  FINDING  OF of  our  Lord.  Not  knowing  which  of  the  three crosses  was  the  one  they  sought,  Macarius  caused them  to  be  successively  presented  to  the  touch of  a  noble  lady  of  Jerusalem  then  lying  at  the point  of  death.  The  first  two  crosses  produced no  eU'ect,  but  at  the  touch  of  the  third  the  sick woman  rose  up  before  them  perfectly  healed, thus  showing  that  it  was  upon  this  that  the Saviour  had  suffered.  One  part  of  the  cross  set in  silver  was  entrusted  to  Macarius  to  be  care- fully guarded  in  Jerusalem,  and  the  remainder, together  with  the  nails  was  forwarded  to  Con- stantine. One  of  the  nails  was  attached  to  his helmet,  and  another  to  the  bridle  of  his  horse,  in fulfilment,  according  to  sundry  fathers,  of  the  pro- phecy of  Zechariah  xiv.  20  ^ For  the  above  tradition,  see  Socrates  (/.  c), Theodoret  (/.  c),  Sozomen  (ii.  1),  Ambrose (de  obitu  Theodosii,  c.  46  ;  Patrol,  xvi.  1399), Sulpicius  Severus  {Hist.  Sacra,  ii.  34;  Patrol. XX.  148),  Paifinus  [Hist.  i.  7,  8;  Patrol,  xxi, 1475),  Paulinus  of  Nola  {Ep.  ad  Sevcrum  31 ; Patrol.  Ixi.  325),  Gregory  of  Tours  {Liber Miraculorum,  i.  5  sqq. ;  Patrol.  Ixxi.  709).  Cyril of  Alexandria  also  {Comin.  in  Zech.  in  loc. ; Patrol.  Gr.  Ixxii.  271)  refers  to  it  as  the current  history  in  his  day.  Chrysostom  evi- dently believed  in  the  discovery  of  the  cross, and  speaks  of  the  practice  of  conveying  small portions  of  it  about  as  amulets  {Quod  Christus sit  Dcus,  c.  10 ;  Patrol.  Gr.  xlviii.  826). One  or  two  further  details  may  be  added. Socrates  states  that  the  portion  of  the  cross  sent to  Constantine  was  by  him  inclosed  in  his  own statue,  which  was  placed  on  a  column  of  por- phyry in  the  so-called  forum  of  Constantine  in Constantinople,  that  thus  the  city  might  bo rendered  impregnable  by  the  possession  of  so glorious  a  relic.  According  to  Sozomen,  besides the  miracle  wrought  on  the  sick  lady,  a  dead man  was  instantly  restored  to  life  by  the  touch of  the  cross  ;  but  Paulinus,  while  mentioning this  says  nothing  of  the  other  miracle.  In  Am- brose, spite  of  a  protest  to  the  contrary,  we  see traces  of  the  feeling  in  which  respect  for  the cross,  as  a  token  of  Him  who  hung  thereon, drifted  into  an  adoration  of  the  cross  itself. Thus  Helena  is  represented  as  saying,  "  Ecce locus  j)Ugnae,  ubi  est  victoria  ?  .  .  .  .  quomodo me  redemptam  arbitror,  si  redemptio  ipsa  nou cernitur  ?  "  It  may  be  added  that  according  to Ambrose's  version  of  the  history,  the  inscription is  found  adhering  to  the  cross  it  originally  be- longed to.  The  occasion  of  the  notice  in  Pau- linus is  the  sending  of  a  piece  of  the  cross  to Severus  for  a  church  about  to  be  consecrated, which  affords  him  a  natural  opportunity  for relating  the  story:  he  adds,  that  however  much might  thus  be  cut  away  from  the  cross,  the bulk  of  the  wood  miraculously  remained  undi- minished, III.  Fedival. — With  the  belief  in  the  discovery of  the  cross  thus  widely  spread  and  thus  che- rished, it  is  only  natural  to  expect  that  an annual  festival  to  commemorate  it  would  soon be  established  ;  though  it  is  impossible  from  the want  of  satisfactory  evidence  to  speak  with  any certainty  as  to  the  actual  origin  of  such  festival. I'  Jerome,  however  (Comm.  in  Zech.  in  loc),  gpealis  of it  as  one  might  have  expected,  "nam  sensu  quidem  pio dictara  sed  ridiculam." CROSS,  FINDING  OF An  attempt  has  been  made  to  assign  its  first appointment  to  Pope  Eusebius  (ob.  310  A.D.),  who, in  a  letter  "  Episcopis  Tusciae  et  Campaniae,"  is made  to  say  "Crucis  ergo  Domini  nostri  Jesu Christi,  quae  nupev  nobis  gubernacula  Sanctae Romanae  Ecclesiae  tenentibus  quinto  Nonas  Maii inventa  est,  in  praedicta  Kalendarum  die  Inven- tionis  festum  vobis  solemniter  celebrare  man- damus" {I'atrol.  vii.  1114). Of  course  the  utter  spuriousness  of  this  letter is  shown,  if  by  nothing  else,  by  the  fact  that  Pope Eusebius  died  before  Coustantine  had  embraced Christianity,  and  many  years  before  the  work  of restoration  began  it  Jerusalem  at  his  command. Nicephorus  (Hist.  Eccles.  viii.  29)  asserts  that a  festival  to  commemorate  the  Finding  of  the Cross  was  held  at  Jerusalem  in  Constantiue's time,  but  appeals  to  no  earlier  authority  in  sup- port of  his  statement  :<=  and  in  the  Chronicon  of Klavius  Lucius  Dexter,  if  the  passage  be  genuine, Pope  Silvester  I.  (ob.  335  A.d.)  is  claimed  as  the originator  of  the  festival :  "  Festum  luventionis S.  Crucis  a  Silvestro  institutum  celebre  multis est "  {Patrol,  xxsi.  563).  It  is  not  impossible that  there  may  have  been  a  festival  peculiar  to the  Roman  Church,  before  its  observance  had become  general. Most  Western  Martyrologies  and  Calendars mark  May  3  as  "  Inventio  S.  Crucis,"  including the  ancient  Martyrologium  Hieronymi  {Patrol. XXX.  435)  ;  but  there  are  grounds  for  doubting the  genuineness  of  the  words  here,  more  espe- cially from  the  fact  that  they  are  absent  from the  very  ancient  Cod.  Epternaceusis,  as  is  pointed out  by  Papebroch  {Acta  Sanctorum  ;  May, -vol.  i. p.  369).  It  is  found  in  the  Martyrologium  Bi- suntinum  {Patrol.  Ixxx.  415),  the  Mart.  Romanum Vetus  {ib.  cxxiii.  158),  and  those  of  Rabanus,  Ado, Usuardus,  and  Notker  (i6.  ex.  1142  ;  cxxiii.  256; cxxiv.  15 ;  cxxxi.  1075) ;  also  in  a  Gallican  and an  English  Martyrology  {ib.  Ixxii.  614,  620),  the Mozarabic  and  the  Gothic  Calendar  {ih.  Ixxxv. 98,  Ixxxvi.  39),  the  Cal.  Mutinense  {ih.  cvi.  821), Floriacense  {ih.  cxxxviii.  1187). There  is  a  special  office  for  this  day  in  the Gothogallic  Missal  {ib.  Ixxii.  285),  in  the  Moza- rabic Breviary  and  Missal  {ib.  Ixxxv.  739,  Ixxxvi. 1119),  in  the  Gelasian  Saeramentary  {ib.  Ixxiv. 1162),  in  the  Gregorian  Saeramentary  and  Anti- phonary  {ih.  Ixxviii.  101,  687).  To  this  last  we shall  again  refer. Some,  however,  omit  the  festival  altogether, and  some  give  it  a  secondary  place  after  the names  of  the  Martyrs  who  are  commemorated  on this  day.  Thus  there  is  no  mention  of  it  in  the Calendar  of  Leo  (('6.  Ixxiv.  878),  in  the  metrical Martyrology  of  BeJe  {ih.  xciv.  604),  in  the  Sacra- mentarium  Suaviciense  {ih.  cli.  823),  and  some others  (see  in  Leslie's  note  to  the  Mozarabic Missal  in  foe).  Again  in  the  Martyrology  of Bede  given  in  the  Acta  Sanctorum  (March,  vol. ii.  p.  sviii.).  a  long  narrative  of  the  Martyrs commemorated  on  this  day  is  followed  by  "  Ipso die  Inventio  Sanctae  Crucis."  So  too  runs  the metrical  Martyrology  of  Waudelbert  {Patrol. cxxi.  598)  :— "  Praesul  Alexander  quinns  et  Eveiitius  orr  ant, 'I'heodolusque  Dei  pariter  pro  nomine  cacsi, His  quoque  celsa  crucis  radiant  vexilla  rcpertae." CROSS,  FINDING  OF 505 =  lliis,  however,  is  doubtless  to  be  coiiiicctrd  witli  tbe fesUval  of  the  Exaltation  of  the  Cross  (iii/(w<ns). The  same  is  the  case  with  an  old  English  Calen- dar, which  reads  "  Natale  SS.  Alexandri,  Eventi et  Theodoli  presbyteri,  Inventio  Crucis "  {ib. xciv.  1151).  See  also  the  CaL  Stabulense  and the  Cal.  Brixianum  {ih.  cxsx-^iii.  1196,6270). In  the  Gregorian  Saeramentary  also  the  men- tion of  the  Inventio  Crucis  follows  that  of  the Saints  commemorated  on  this  day  (as  also  the Antiphonary  in  the  MSS.),  and  Menard  (note  in loc.)  states  that  in  the  most  ancient  MSS.  this festival  is  altogether  wanting. In  the  list  of  feasts  to  be  observed  given  in  the Capitulare  of  Ahyto  or  Hatto  (appointed  Bishop of  Basle  in  806  a.d.)  there  is  no  mention  of  the Inventio  Crucis  {Patrol,  cxv.  12),  and  in  the  Ca- piiula  of  Walter,  bishop  of  Orleans  (857  A.D.), the  festivals  of  the  Inventio  Crucis  and  Exaltatio Crucis  are  appended  to  the  end  of  cap.  xviii. "De  Sanctorum  festivitatibus  indicendis  et  ob- servaudis  "  {ih.  cxix.  742),  as  though  they  had been  introduced  at  a  later  date  than  the  others mentioned. All  this  evidence  seems,  as  far  as  it  goes,  to point  either  to  the  fact  that  the  festival  was established  at  a  comparatively  late  date,  or  that it  was  for  some  time  of  local  rather  than  general observance.  Papebroch  {Acta  Sanctorum  in  loc. c.  iii.)  suggests  720  A.D.  as  approximately  the date  of  the  general  recognition  of  the  festival, but  the  reference  above  to  its  absence  in  docu- ments of  even  later  date  will  incline  us  to  look upon  the  end  of  the  8th  century  or  the  beginning of  the  9th  as  the  earliest  period  we  can  safely fix  on. Attention  may  be  called  here  to  the  fact  that several  of  the  above  mentioned  authorities  make an  error  of  at  least  half  a  century  in  the  date  of Helena's  alleged  discovery.  Thus  the  Martyro- logium Hieronymi  speaks  of  it  as  "  post  Passio- nera  Domini  anno  ducentesimo  trigesimo  tertio," in  which  it  is  followed  by  Floras  in  the  additions to  Bede's  JIartyrology,  by  Rabanus  and  others."* The  Greek  Church  has  not,  properly  speaking, a  separate  festival  for  the  Finding  of  the  Cross, but  celebrates  this  event  on  the  day  of  the Exaltation  of  the  Cross,  September  14.  Some branches,  however,  of  the  Eastern  Church  do observe  a  festival  of  the  Finding  of  the  Cross also.  Thus  in  the  Calendars  of  the  Ethiopic and  Coptic  Churches  given  by  Ludolf  {Fasti Sacri  Ecclesiae  Alexcmdrinae),  March  6  is  marked "  Inventio  S.  Crucis "  (p.  22),  and,  in  the  case of  the  former  Church,  May  4,  "  Helena  reperit Crucem  "  (p.  27). Mention  may  be  made  here  of  writings  on  the subject  of  the  Finding  of  the  Cross  referred  to in  the  decrees  of  a  council  held  at  Rome  under the  presidency  of  Gelasius :  while  allowed  to  be read,  their  statements  are  to  be  received  with caution.  "  Item  [recipienda]  scripta  de  Inven- tione  Crucis  Dominicae,  ....  uovellae  quaedam relationes  sunt,  et  nonnulli  eas  Catholici  legunt. Sed  cum  haec  ad  Catholicorum  manus  pervenerint, beati  Pauli  Apostoli  praecedat  sententia,  omnia probate,  qxiod  honum  est  tenete  "  {Patrol,  lix.  161). Further,  in  the  Acta  Sanctorum  (May,  vol.  i. p.  362),  Papebroch  adduces  grounds  for  believing the  unhistorical  character  of  much  of  this  writ- ing,— among  other  things,  the  same  error  in  the d  Thcophanes  (Chronographia)  makes  a  similar  mis- take, and  icfere  the  discovery  to  the  year  317  a.u. noe   CROSS,  appakition  of  the date  of  the  Findiug,  amounting  to  more  than  half a  century,  into  whicli  we  have  already  mentioned that  several  of  the  late  martyrologies  have  fallen. These  writings  seem  to  have  found  their  way  to the  East  and  to  have  been  translated  into  Syriac (see  Assemani,  Bibliotheca  Orkntalis,  vol.  i.  p. 497). In  addition  to  the  books  already  cited  in  this article,  reference  may  be  made  to  Binterim, Benkuui-digkeiten,  vol.  v.  part  1,  pp.  368  sqq.,  to Newman's  Essay  on  Miracles  recorded  in  Ecclesi- astical History,  pp.  cxliii.  sqq.,  where  the  truth of  the  legend  is  strongly  argued  for,  as  also  in Gretser,  De  Cruce  Christi,  vol.  i.  lib.  1,  cc.  62-64. [R.  S.] CROSS,  THE  AppAPaxiON  of  the,  at  Jeru- salem, about  the  third  hour  of  the  day,  in  the time  of  Constantius,  in  the  year  346,  is  comme- morated May  7  in  the  Byzantine  and  Ethiopic Calendars.  [C] CROSS,  SIGN  OF.    [Sigx  of  the  Cross.] CROWN.  Referring  to  the  article  CoROXA- TIO.'^  for  the  distinction  between  the  cro'cn  or garland,  "corona,"  <ne<pavos,  and  the  dicidem  or fillet,  "  taenia,"  "  fascia,"  SidSruxa,  and  for  fuller details  on  both  to  the  Dictionary  of  Classical Antiquities,  it  is  proposed  in  this  article  to  fur- nish some  description  of  imperial  and  regal crowns  belonging  to  our  period,  the  form  and ornamentation  of  which  are  known  to  us  either from  contemporaheous  representations  or  from the  crowns  themselves  having  come  down  to  our own  time. From  the  portraits  on  their  coins  it  appears that  the  early  emperors  adopted  the  diadem, worn    either    simply   or    encircling   tlie    helmet (galea  diademata),  cidaris  or  tiai-a,  with  which their  head  was  covered.  The  coins  of  Constan- tine  the  Great  depict  him  wearing  diadems  or fillets  of  various  kinds ;  some  ornamented  with gems;  some  enriched  with  a  double  row  of pearls,  with  the  loose  ends  of  the  fillet  hanging down  over  his  shoulders.  Sometimes  he  wears a  helmet  surrounded  by  a  diadem,  with  a  cross in  front  (Ferrario,  Costumi,  Europa,  vol.  I.  part 2  —  Appoidice  sulla  Curona  di  Ferro).  This combination  is  also  seen  on  the  coins  of  Gratian, Valentinian  II.,  Theodosius,  Leo  the  Great,  and Basil.  In  a  drawing  given  by  Ferrario  (?<.  s. No.  3),  Heraclius,  a.d.  610-641,  wears  a  helmet encircled  by  a  gemmed  diadem  with  pendent ends,  and  a  cross  above  the  forehead.  The  com- bmation  of  the  diadem  with  the  cidaris  or  tiara was  borrowed  from  the  Orientals,  among  whom It  had  been  in  use  from  ancient  times  (Xenoph. Cyrop.xni.  3-13  :  Kvpos  opd^v  ix^"  "^V  ridpav Kat  SiaS-niJ-a  irepl  rfj  ridpa ;  Anab.  ii.  5 ;  Herod. vii.  61 ;  Aesch.  Fers.  p.  668).     It  was  worn  by CROWN Zeuobia  (Trebell.  Poll.  xxix. :  "  ad  condones  gale- ata  processit  cum  limbo  purpureo  gemmis  depen- dentibus  per  ultimam  fimbnam"),  and  was adopted  by  her  conqueror,  Aurelian.  It  is  seen in  medals  under  the  form  of  a  peaked  cap  orna- mented with  gems,  rising  from  a  jewelled  diadem or  fillet,  tied  behind.  The  cap  in  later  times assumed  the  popular  pame  of  tuphan,  rovcpa, the  Origin  of  the  modern  turban.      Zonaras  de- Tuphan,  from  Ferrario. scribes  the  Emperor  Basilius,  in  the  9th  century, as  rtdpa  raiuiaidels  opOia  ^v  Tovipav  Ka\u  6 Srifj.d)Sris  Kal  iroXvs  &i'6pojTTos.  Its  origin,  and the  history  of  its  adoption,  is  thus  given  by Tzetzes,  Chiliades,  viii.  184: — Ttapa  aKeTTTj  Ke<^aA*)5  vTTrjpxe  rrapa  Tlep(Tat<;, vcT^pov  er  Tat?  fiKat^  Sk  r)p.lv  ot  <n€<^y)^6poi (r0at9  Ke<^aAat?  Itt^Q^vto  Ttapa?  rJTOt  TU(/)a?, otai'  e0t7rjros  </>opet  6  di'Spt'a?  €(ceti/os 6  'loutTTti'tai'etos  Tou  Kt'ofo?  inavui. Another  form  of  the  imperial  headgear  was  a  low- crowned  cap,  apparently  destitute  of  diadem  or  any special  distinction  of  royalty.  This  was  known  as Camelaucium  (which  see).  Constantiue  appears in  this  garb  on  his  triumphal  arch  in  Rome  (Fer- rario, u.  s.  pi.  30,  No.  2),  and  in  an  illumination from  a  MS.  of  the  9th  century,  representing the  Council  of  Nicaea,  given  by  Agincourt  (Pein- iures,  pi.  32).  Justinian,  m  the  mosaics  of  the sanctuary  of  San  Vitale  at  Ravenna,  has  his  head covered  with  a  jewelled  cap,  while  the  Empress Theodora  wears  a  tiara  surrounded  with  three circlets  of  gems.  Strings  of  pearls  and  other gems  hang  down  from  each.  These  jewelled tassels  were  known  as  Karaaeta-rd.  (Const. Porphyr.  Be  Caereinon.  i.  582 ;  ii.  688.) Jiistiiiiau  and  Theodora,  from  mosaics  at  St.  Vitalis.  Eavenna. The  diadem  in  its  original  form  of  a  linen  or silken  riband  or  fillet  gradually  went  out  of  use from  Justinian's  time  (La  Barte,  Arts  indust. du  MoyenAge,  ii.  39),  and  was  replaced  by  a  flex- ible band  of  gold,  (rrifxixa,  ffTe<pavos,  sometimes adorned  with  a  band  of  pearls  and  precious stones,  representing  the  old  SidSr]/j.a.  The  name crrecfiai'os  was  in  use  for  the  imperial  symbol  as early  as  the  time  of  Constantine.  Cyril,  Ep. ad   Const.  II. i  ereooi  .   .  .  a(b'   wv  exovc:  tV CROWN Tifji'iav  aov  TToAXaKis  (TT€(pavov(n  KScbaXr}"-!  XP"- (roKo\Kr\rovs  ffTi(pavovs  \idois  SiavyfCTTdrois wewotKiXfj-^vovs  irpocTKOixi^ovTis.  This  circlet was  closed  by  a  cap  of  rich  stuff'  decorated  with gems.  From  being  shut  in  at  the  top  it  took  the name  of  eiravajKAeiaTos,  which  appears  in  Ana- stasius  Bibl.  and  other  authors  in  the  perplexing CROWN 507 Diadem,  from  Ferrario. form  of  spanoclista  (Anast.  Bibl.  Paschalis,  434, &c.).  Examples  of  this  form  of  crown  are  given in  the  annexed  woodcuts  of  the  Emperor  Phocas, A.D.  602-610,  and  the  Empress  Irene,  wife  of  Leo IV.,  A.D.  797-802.  In  the  time  of  Const.  Porphyr. the  royal  treasury  contained  circlets  or  stemmata of  various  colours,  white,  green,  aud  blue,  accord- ing to  the  enamel  with  which  they  were  coated. These  circlets  decorated  with  gems  are  mentioned by  Claudian  in  connection  with  the  two  sons  of Theodosius,  Arcadius,  and  Honorius,  towards  the end  of  the  4th  century.  "  Et  vario  lapidum  dis- tinctos  igne  coronas  "  {Inpr.  Cons.  Stilich.  ii.  92.) The  most  ancient  examples  of  crowns  are  those long  preserved  in  the  treasury  of  the  cathedral of  Monza,  in  Lombardy,  belonging  to  the  early part  of  the  7th  century.  These  crowns  were three  in  number  :  (1)  the  so-called  Iron  Crown, "Corona  Ferrea;"  (2)  the  crown  of  Agilulf,  and (3)  that  of  Theodelinda.  Agilulf's  crown  was taken  to  Paris  as  a  prize  of  war  by  Napoleon  I., in  1804,  by  mistake  for  the  Iron  (^rown,  and was  stolen  from  the  "  Cabinet  des  Medailles,"  in which  it  was  deposited,  and  melted  down.  The most  celebrated  of  these  crowns  is — (1)  The  Iron  Croun  of  Lombardi/,  the  reputed gift  of  Queen  Theodelinda,  who  died  A.D.  628. This  crown  is  formed  of  six  plates  of  gold,  each double,  united  by  as  many  hinges  of  the  same metal.  The  face  of  each  plate  exhibits  two panels,  divided  by  spiral  threads ;  one  long,  and squarish,  the  other  tall  and  narrow.  The  pla- fond is  covered  with  emerald-green  semitrans- pai-ent  enamel.  The  long  panels  contain  a  large gem  in  the  centre,  surrounded  by  four  gold  roses, or  floral  knobs,  from  which  ramify  small  stalks and  flowers,  in  red,  blue,  and  opaque-white  ena- mels. The  tall  narrow  plaques  contain  three gems  set  vertically.  One  plaque  has  only  one gem,  and  two  roses.  The  two  centre  plafonds meet  without  an  intervening  plaque.    The  number of  gems  is  22;  of  gold  roses,  26;  and  of  enamels, 24.  Within  the  golden  circlet  thus  formed  is the  iron  ring,  from  which  is  derived  the  desig- nation of  the  "Iron  Crown'  (which,  however, Ferrario  asserts,  is  comparatively  modern,  never being  found  in  the  rituals  of  the  churches  of Milan  and  Monza  before  the  time  of  Otho  lY., A.D.  1175.  Before  this  epoch  even  its  advocate Bellani  allows  it  appears  in  the  inventories  as Coi-ona  Axired).  This  is  a  narrow  ii'on  band •04  inch  thick  and  '4  inch  broad,  united  at the  extremities  by  a  small  nail,  and  connected with  the  articulated  plates  of  the  crown  by  little pins.  Bellani  asserts  that  it  was  hammered  into shape,  and  bears  no  marks  of  the  file.  Burges, a  more  trustworthy  authority,  states  that  the marks  of  the  file  are  clearly  visible.  (^Arch. Journal,  vol.  xiv.  p.  14.)  This  iron-  ring,  as is  well-krown,  is  i-egarded  as  a  relic  of  the greatest  snnctity,  being  reputed  to  have  been feshioned  oat  of  one  of  the  nails  of  the  true  cross. This  belief  cannot  be  traced  further  back  than the  latter  part  of  the  16th  century.  The  exist- ence of  the  band  of  iron  is  mentioned  by  Aeneas Sylvius  (Pope  Julius  II.  d.  1464)  in  his  ■Hist. Aust.  lib.  iv.,  but  simply  as  lamina  quaedam, without  a  hint  at  its  supposed  sanctity,  and  with an  expression  of  contempt  for  the  allegorical meaning  assigned  to  its  employment  in  the  coro- nation of  the  emperors,  as  denoting  strength — "stultae  interpretation!  efficit  locum."  Accord- ing to  Mui-atori  (Be  Coron.  Ferr.  Comment.  A.D. 1698),  Bugatus  is  the  first  author  who  mentions Tlie  IroD  Cro«Ti  of  Lombardy,  at  Monza  Cathedral. it  (Addit.  ad  Hist.  Units.  1587).  He  was  followed by  Zucchius  (Hist.  Cor.  Ferr.  1613),  whose  vio- lations of  truth  Muratori  holds  it  charitable  to attribute  to  gross  carelessness.  Two  years before  the  publication  of  Bugatus'  book,  A.D. 1585,  a  letter,  sent  from  the  archpriest  of  Monza to  Pope  Sixtus  v.,  quoted  by  Muratori,  speaks of  the  Iron  Crown  as  a  most  precious  possession of  his  church,  as  having  been  used  from  early times  for  the  coronation  of  the  Roman  emperors (even  this  fact  is  doubtful),  but  distinguishes  it from  the  relics  properly  so  called,  and  makes  no allusion  to  its  having  been  wrought  out  of  a  nail of  the  crucifixion.  From  the  16th  century  on- wards the  belief  gained  strength,  but  having  been discredited  by  the  searching  histoi'ical  investi-- gations  of  Muratori  in  the  treatise  referred  to above,  the  worship  of  the  crown  as  a  sacred  relic was  alternately  suspended  and  re-enforced  by decrees  and  counter-decrees  of  the  ecclesiastical authorities,  until  in  1688  the  matter  was  laid before  the  Congregation  of  Relics  at  Rome.  A process  was  instituted,  which  lingered  on  till 1717,  when  a  diplomatic  sentence  was  pronounced, leaving  the  chief  point/ — the  identity  of  the  iron ring  with  the  nail — undecided,  but  sanctioning  its 608 CROWN being  exposed  to  the  adoration  of  the  ftiithful,  and carried  in  pi-ocessious. The  chain  of  evidence  connecting  the  Iron Crown  with  the  crucifixion  nail  is  very  pre- carious, and  shows  some  alarming  gaps.  Ac- cording to  the  statement  of  Justus  Fontaninus (Archbishop  of  Ancyra,  De  Coron.  Ferr.  1719), who  wrote  in  defence  of  its  genuineness,  the inner  ring  was  believed  to  have  been  formed  out of  one  of  the  two  nails  given  by  the  Empress Helena,  after  her  discovery  of  the  true  cross  on Calvary,  to  her  son  Constantine.  One  of  these was  made  into  a  bit  for  the  emperor's  bridle  (in allusion  to  Zech.  xiv.  20);  the  other  was  used in  a  head-covering — a  diadem,  according  to  some authorities  (Ambros.  De  Ohitu  Theod.  Magn.)  ;  a helmet,  according  to  others,  and  those  the  most credible.  Constantine's  idea  seems  indeed  to  have been  that  so  sacred  an  amulet  affixed  to  his  helmet would  be  a  protection  to  him  in  battle,  "  galea belli  usibus  aptum  "  (Rufinus,  Hist.  Eccl,  x.  8 ; Socr.  i.  17 ;  Soz.  ii.  1 ;  Theod.  i.  18 ;  Cassiod.  i. 18).  The  orthodox  theory  identifies  the  Monza crown  with  the  diadem  supposed  to  have  been  pre- sented by  Helena  to  Constantine,  which  passed, no  one  knows  when  or  how  (it  is  needless  to enumerate  the  more  or  less  probable  hypotheses), from  Constantinople  to  Rome,  and  is  affirmed — a  fact  of  which  there  is  absolutely  no  evidence — to  have  been  sent  as  a  present  by  Gregory  the Great  to  Queen  Theodelinda  ;  although  it  is  in  tlie highest  degree  improbable  that  Gregory,  who  is known  to  have  been  "  tenax  reliquiarum,"  should nave  parted  with  a  relic  of  such  supreme  sanctity, while,  if  such  a  precious  gift  had  been  made,  it could  not  fail  to  have  been  mentioned  by  Gregory when  describing  his  donations  (Greg.  Mag.  Ep. xii.  [vii.]  lib.  xiv.  [xii.]).  The  view  of  Bellani (canon  of  Monza,  who  wrote  an  elaborate  treatise (Milano,  1819)  in  answer  to  Ferrario's  Appcndice sulla  Corona  di  Ferro,  Costumi,  Furopa,  vol.  iii.) is  that  the  iron  ring  and  the  gold  circlet  were originally  distinct ;  that  the  former  is  the  sacred relic  affixed  to  the  helmet  of  Constantine,  while the  latter  was  primarily  a  diadem,  open  behind, and  fastened  to  the  head  by  clasps,  the  extremi- ties of  w^hich  were  united  in  the  present  shape when  it  was  adapted  to  the  iron  ring.  The  view of  Muratori,  which  appears  the  most  probable, dissipates  all  notion  of  sacred  interest  attach- ing to  the  iron  ring,  which  he  considers  to  have been  inserted  within  the  gold  circle,  as  in  the crown  of  Charlemagne  (see  post),  simply  for  the purpose  of  giving  firmness  to  the  articulated plates. However  it  may  have  reached  Italy,  the  cha- racter of  the  workmanship  of  the  Iron  Crown proves  its  Byzantine  origin.  La  Barte,  who holds  this  as  an  incontrovertible  fact,  remarks that  the  art  of  working  in  enamel  had  not  pene- trated into  Italy  in  the  time  of  Theodelinda  (Zes Arts  industriels  da  Moijen  Age,  ii.  56  sq.). The  small  size  of  the  crown,  barely  large enough  for  the  head  of  a  child  of  two  years  old, the  internal  diameter  being  6  inches  (its  height is  2-4  inches),  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was never  intended  for  ordinary  wearing,  but  was  a suspensory  or  votive  crown,  with  a  cross  and lamp  usually  depending  from  it,  hung  over  the altar,  and  employed  temporarily,  on  the  occasion of  coronations,  for  placing  on  the  sovereign's liead  as  a  symbol  of  royalty,  and  then  returned CROWN again  to  its  place.  Such  crowns  are  seen  hang- ing over  the  altar  in  a  bas-relief  of  a  coronation, now  in  the  S.  transept  of  Monza  cathedi-al  (see the  woodcut  p.  460),  exactly  resembling  that which  is  being  placed  on  the  sovereign's  head. In  the  church  of  St.  Sophia,  at  Constantino])le, also,  according  to  Codinus,  the  royal  cTtjUjUaTa were  suspended  over  the  holy  table,  and  were only  worn  on  high  festivals.  Ducange  {Constant. Christiana)  also  informs  us  that  the  Greek  empe- rors were  inaugurated  with  one  of  the  lamp- bearing  crowns  ordinarily  hanging  over  the  altar [Corona  Ldcis]. (For  the  history  of  the  Iron  Crown,  see Muratori,  De  Coron,  Ferr,  Comment,  Mediolan.  et Lips.  1719;  also  Anecdot.  Latin,  ii.  267  sq. ; Fontanini  De  Corona  Ferrea,  1617 ;  Frisi,  Me- morie  Storicha  di  Monza,  ii.  ;  Zucchius,  ffist, Coron,  Ferr.  1617;  De  Murr,  Dissert,  de  Coron. Reg.  Ital.  vulgo  Ferrea  dicta,  1810  ;  Bellani, La  Corona  Ferrea  del  Regno  d'  Italia,  1819 ; Ferrario,  Costumi,  Europa,  iii.  Appendice  sulla Corona  di  Ferro  ;  La  Barte,  Les  Arts  industriels du  Moyen  Age,  ii.  56  sq.). (•2)  ^The  Crown  of  A, /ilulf.— This  hopelessly lost  treasure  takes  its  name  iVum  Theodeliuda's Crown  of  AgilnU. second  husband,  chosen  by  her  A.D.  591,  on  the death  of  Authar.  From  its  small  size,  even  less than  the  Iron  Crown,  it  is  evident  that  it  was not  intended  for  ordinary  wear,  but  was  a  votive, suspensory  crown.  This  is  also  proved  by  the inscription  it  bore :  "  t  Agilulf.  Grat.  D'i.  vir. glor.  rex,  totius,  Ital,  offeret.  s'co  Johanni.  Baptist, in.  Eccl.  Modicia."  A  gold  cross  depended  from  it, with  a  large  amethyst  in  the  middle,  two  gems in  each  arm  and  four  large  pearls.  Seven  little chains  with  pendent  acorns  hung  from  the  cross. The  crown  itself  was  a  circle  of  gold,  decorated with  15  arched  niches  of  laurel  boughs  contain- ing figures  of  our  Lord  seated  between  two angels,  and  the  Twelve  apostles  standing.  It  bore a  circle  of  emeralds,  carbuncles,  and  pearls  above. CROWN The  inscription  was  in  enamel.  The  clumsiness of  execution  leads  La  Barte  u.  s.  to  the  conclusion that  this  and  the  following  crown  were  of  Lom- bard, not.  Byzantine  workmanship. (3)  The  Crown  of  Tlieodelinda. — This  is  a  plain circlet,  enriched  with  a  vast  quantity  of  gems  of more  or  less  value,  chiefly  emeralds  and  pearls, and  a  great  many  pieces  of  mother-of-pearl. From  it  depends  a  cross,  also  set  with  emeralds and  pearls.  (For  these  crowns  consult  Muratori, Ant.  It.   i.    460 ;    Ferrario,  ?«.  s.    iii.  70  ;    Frisi, CROWN 500 and  eight  large  pearls,  with  jewelled  pendants attached  to  its  foot  and  limbs.  To  the  upper margins  are  attached  four  golden  chains  of beautiful  design,  by  which  it  might  be  suspended, uniting  in  a  foliated  ornament,  and  surmounted by  a  knop  of  rock  crystal,  with  sapphires  hang- ing round. A  second  crown  discovered  in  the  same  place has  been  assigned  with  much  probability  to  the queen  of  Reccesvinthus.  In  form  aiid  arrange- ment it  corresponds  to  that  of  the  king,  but  the enrichments  are  less  gorgeous.  Like  that,  it  is f  im(  1  in  two  pieces  witli  a  hinge,  to  adapt  it to  the  head  of  the  we  ii  ei.  The  hoop  is  set  with •toui    gems,  lubiLs,  sipphucb,  emei  il  lb,  in  I Cromi  of  TheodcUnda. Memorie  di  Monza,  i.  pi.  vi.  p.  42 ;  vol.  ii.  76  ; Agincourt,  Sculpture,  pi.  26 ;  La  Barte,  ii.  56, Burges  Arch.  Journ.  vol.  xiv.) (4)  Crowns  of  Reccesvinthus,  King  of  the Spanish  Visigoths,  and  his  Queen  and  Family. — These  eight  gold  crowns  belonging  to  the  7th century,  now  in  the  museum  of  the  Hotel  de Cluny,  were  discovered  buried  in  the  earth  at Fueute  de  Guarrazar  in  1858,  having  probably been  interred  early  in  the  8th  century  on  the invasion  of  the  Saracens.  The  whole  of  the  crowns found  were  evidently,  from  their  form  and  dimen- sions, votive  crowns,  probably  dedicated  by  the king  and  queen  and  chief  officers  of  the  court. The  crown  of  Reccesvinthus,  who  reigned  A.D. 653-675,  is  one  of  the  most  gorgeous  and  remark- able relics  of  its  age,  composed  of  a  fillet  jointed and  formed  of  a  double  plate  of  purest  gold.  It measures  about  9  inches  in  diameter,  or  27  inches in  circumference.  The  hoop  is  about  4  inches broad,  and  more  than  half  an  inch  in  thickness. The  rims  of  the  hoop  are  formed  of  bands  of  inter- secting circles  in  cloisonne  work  in  red  and  green, with  incrustations  of  cornelian.  It  is  enriched with  thirt}'  uncut  sapphires  of  large  size,  alter- nating with  as  many  very  large  Oriental  pearls, forming  three  rows.  The  intervening  spaces are  pierced  with  open  work,  and  engraved  so  as  to represent  foliage  and  flowers.  To  the  lower edge  of  this  hoop  is  suspended  by  small  chains  a very  remarkable  fringe  of  gold  letters  about 2  inches  long,  incrusted  with  gems,  with  a  pen- dant pearl  and  sapphire  attached  to  each,  forming the  inscription — t  RECCESVINTHVS  REX  OFFERET. A  little  below  the  fringe  of  letters  hangs  a  mas- Bive  Latin  cross  mounted  with  six  fine  sapphires Crown  of  Iteccesvinthufl, opals.  From  the  lower  rim  hang  eight  sapphires. There  is  no  inscription.  The  pendant  cross  is covered  with  jewels,  but  less  costly  than  those on  the  former  one. The  six  smaller  crowns  are  reasonably  sup- posed to  have  belonged  to  the  younger  members of  this  royal  family.  Three  of  these  are  gold hoops  without  pendant  crosses,  jewelled,  enriched with  repousse  work  and  mother-of-pearl.  One is  decorated  with  an  arcade  of  little  round-headed arches,  and  has  a  fringe  of  rock  crystal.  The otliin-  three  are  of  a  very  singular  construction. They  consist  of  a  kind  of  open  framework  or baslietwork  of  gold,  formed  of  tliree  horizontal 510 CROWN circlets,  connected  by  numerous  uprights,  gems being  set  at  the  points  of  intersection.  Each crown  is  rudely  decorated  with-  as  many  as  fifty- four  precious  stones  and  pearls,  and  is  terminated with  the  fringe  of  sapphires  and  the  pendant cross.  One  of  the  crosses  presents  the  dedicatory inscription — t  IN  DEI  NOJIINE  OFFERET  SONNICA SANCTE  MARIE  IN  SORBACES. '•  Few  relics  of  the  period,"  writes  Mr.  Albert Way,  Archacol.  Journal,  .\vi.  258, "  deserve  com- Crcwn  of  Svintila. P^irison  with  this  precious  regalia,  both  in  bar- baric magnihcence  of  enrichment,  and  in  the .mpressive  effect  of  so  sumptuous  a  display  of natural  gems  remarkable  fur    their  dimensions CEOWT^ and  lustrous  brilliancy."  (Lastayrie,  Description du  Tresor  da  Guan-azar,  Paris,  1860.  La  Barte, Arts  indust.,  i.  499  sq.) (5)  The  Crown  of  Srintila.—  Svintila'  was  king of  the  Visigoths,  a.d.  621-6o1.  His  crown,  pre- served in  the  royal  Armoury  at  Madrid,  is  of massive  gold  enriched  with  sapphires  and  pearls set  rose  fashion  between  two  borders  set  with  deli- cate stones.  From  the  lower  rim  hangs  a  fringe  of open  letters  of  gold,  set  with  red  glass,  sus- pended by  chains  of  double  links,  with  pendant jiear-shaped  sapphires.  The  letters  form  the inscription, SVINTILANVS  REX  OFFERT. {Proceedings  of  the  Soc.  of  Antiq.  ii.  11.  Jos6 Amador  de  los  Rios,  El  Arte  Latino-hizantino, Madrid,  1861.) These  Spanish  crowns  are  considered  by La  Barte  to  be  of  Spanish  workmanship.  Las- teyrie,  on  the  other  hand,  assigns  to  them  a Gotliic  origin,  and,  wilh  less  probability,  thinks that  they  were  brought  into  Spain  by  North- German  barbarians. The  suspensory  form  of  these  crowns  and  the inscriptions  some  of  them  present  prove  that they  were  of  a  votive  character,  and  were  dedi- cated to  God  by  the  king  and  his  family  on some  memorable  occasion,  to  be  hung  up  over the  altar.  But  this  does  not  preclude  their previous  use  as  crowns  for  wearing.  That  such was  their  primary  destination  is  rendered  almost certain  by  the  variation  in  diameter  of  the  dif- ferent circlets,  and  by  the  hinges  and  fastenings which  facilitated  their  being  fitted  to  the  wearer's head.  The  queen's  crown  also  has  little  loops, above  and  below,  fur  attaching  a  lining  or  cap within  the  gold  circlet,  to  prevent  it  from galling  the  wearer's  brows. (6)  The  Crown  of  Charlemagne.— This  crown, preserved  in  the  treasury  at  Vienna,  is  evidently made  up  of  portions  belonging  to  different  epochs. It  is  composed  ot  eight  round-headed  plaques  of gold ;  four  larger,  enriched  with  emeralds  and sapphires  en  cabochon,  and  four  smaller,  pre- senting enamelled  figures  of  David,  Solomon, Hezekiah,  and  Christ.  Strength  and  unity  are imparted  to  the  whole  by  the  insertion  of  two little  circlets  of  iron.  A  jewelled  cross  rises from  the  apex  of  the  front  plaque,  from  which an  enamelled  arch  stretches  over  the  head  to the  back,  bearing  the  name  of  the  Emperor Conrad,  a.d.  1138.  The  costumes  of  the  figures in  the  enamels  are  Byzantine.  ( Hangard- Mange',  Les  Arts  somptuaires,  Paris,  1858,  pi.  31, vol.  ii.  p.  31.) Authorities. — In  addition  to  the  treatises  of Muratori,  Fontaninus,  and  Bellani,  named  above, we  may  refer  the  student  to  the  following: — Bayer,  De  duob.  Diadem,  in  Mus.  Imp.  Comment. Acad.  Scient.  Imp.  Petropol.  viii.  1736.  Agincourt, Seroux  d',  Art  par  les  Monuments,  Sculpture,  Pein- ture.  W.  Burges,  "  On  the  Treasures  at  Monza," Archaeol.  Journ.  xiv.  Ciampini,  Vet.  Monim. cxiv.  i.  p.  107.  Guenebault,  Diction,  iconogr. des  Monuments,  Paris,  1843,  and  Glossaire  litur- gique  in  Annates  de  Philosophie  chretienne,  xi. Ferrario,  Costume  antico  e  moderno  d'Europa,  vol. i.  pt.  1,  v^^l.  iii.  pt.  1,  Appendice  sulk  Corona Ferrea.  vol.  i.  pt.  2,  Hangard-Mange',  Les  Ar's somptuaires,  Paris,  1858.  La  Barte,  Les  Arts industriels.     Migne,  Encycl.   Theol.   xxvii.    Die- CROWNS  FOR  BRIDES CRUCIFIX 511 ttonmiirc  d'Orfevrene,  4-c.    Mouttaucon,  Memoires  \  Musee  de   Cluny,    Pnris,    18G1.      Way,  '•  On  the de  la  Monarchie  franqaise,i.    Pat^chalis,  De  Coro-     Crowns  of  Guarrazar,"  Arch.  Journal,  xvi. nis,  Paris,  1610.     Sommerard,  du,   ditaloque  du  \  [K.  V.] Charlemagne. CROWNS  FOR  BRIDES,  vrhese  two  hsps CROWNS  FOR  BURIALS./  of  crowns  or wreaths,  as  connected  \rith  Christian  social  life, seem  to  call  for  a  separate  notice.  In  each  case there  was  a  custom  belonging  to  a  non-Christian period.  The  bridal  crown,  of  Greek  origin,  had been  adopted  by  the  Romans,  and  was  in  uni- versal use,  sometimes  worn  by  the  bride  alone, sometimes  by  the  bridegroom  also.  The  rigorous- ness  of  early  Christian  feeling  rejected  the  use  of coronae  generally,  as  connected  either  with  the excesses  of  heathen  feasts,  or  the  idolatry  of heathen  woi-ship.  Christians  wei-e  to  avoid  mar- riages with  heathen  women  lest  they  should  be tempted  to  put  the  evil  thing  upon  their  brows (Tertull.  de  Corona,  c.  13).  Flowers  might  be worn  as  a  bouquet,  or  held  in  the  hand,  but  not upon  the  head.  It  was  not  long,  however,  before the  natural  beauty  of  the  practice  freed  itself from  the  old  associations  and  reasserted  its  claim. It  is  probable  that  the  objections  to  it  were  never very  widely  entertained.  In  the  time  of  Chry- sostom  it  was  again  a  common  usage.  Bridegroom and  bride  were  crowned  as  victors,  assuming  their purity,  over  the  temptations  of  the  flesh.  It was  a  shock  to  Christian  feeling  when  the  wreaths were  worn  by  the  impure  (Horn.  ix.  in  1  Tim.). The  bridegi-oom's  wreath  was  for  the  most  part of  myrtle  (Sidon.  Apollin.  Carm.  //.  ad  Anthem.), the  bride's  of  verbena.  The  prominence  of  the rite  ni  the  Eastern  church  has  led  the  whole marriage  service  to  be  descril)e(l  in  the  Greek  i Evxo\6yiov    as    the   'A/coAou0ia   tov    (rrecpavu-  \ I  /xaTos ;  and  the  ceremony  itself,  as  probably handed  down  from  an  early  period,  deserves mention  here.  First,  the  bridegroom  solemnly crowns  the  bride  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  the Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost.  Then  the  bride  in  like manner  crowns  the  bridegroom.  Lastly,  the priest  blesses  them  with  the  thrice-repeated words,  "  0  Lord  our  God,  crown  them  with glory  and  honour." The  use  of  wreaths  for  burials,  common among  both  Greeks  and  Romans,  on  the  head  of the  corpse,  on  the  bier,  on  the  tomb,  was  for like  reasons  rejected  by  the  more  rigorous teachers.  The  disciples  of  Christ  were  to  seek an  incorruptible  crown,  the  amaranth  which grows  on  no  earthly  soil  (Clem.  Alex.  Faedac/. ii.  8).  To  those  who  had  been  accustomed  to shew  their  honour  to  the  dead  by  this  outward sign,  this  refusal  seemed  cruel  and  unfeeling  ; and  Christians  had  to  defend  themselves  against the  charge,  "  Coronas  etiam  sepulcris  denegatis  " (Minuc.  Fel.  c.  12),  with  the  answer,  "Nee  ad- nectimus  arescentem  coronam,  sed  a  Deo  aeternis floribus  viridem  sustinemus  "  (^ibid.  c.  37).  Here also,  after  a  time,  though  less  formally  in  the case  of  the  nuptial  crown,  the  old  practice  was revived  with  a  higher  significance.  The  crown appears  on  tombs  and  paintings  as  the  symbol of  martyrdom ;  and  modern  Christendom  repro- duces, without  misgiving,  the  practice  which the  ancient  Church  rejected.  [E.  H.  P.] CRUCIFIX    and    REPRESENTATIONS OF  THE  CRUCIFIXION.    It s  necessary 612 CRUCIFIX distinguish  between  the  use  of  the  crucifix  as  an object  or  instrument  of  devotion,  and  that  of pictorial  or  other  representations  of  the  Cruci- fixion as  a  scene.  Every  variety  and  combina- tion of  the  arts  of  sculpture,  mosaic,  painting, and  engraving  has  been  applied  to  this  great subject  from  early  times,  and  to  all  parts  of it ;  and  this  distinction  is  one  of  principle  as well  as  convenience.  The  modern  crucifix  and its  use  of  course  form  no  part  of  the  subject. Within  the  limits  of  our  period,  all  representa- tions of  the  crucified  Form  of  our  Lord  alone,  as well  as  pictures,  reliefs,  and  mosaics,  in  which that  Form  is  the  central  object  of  a  scene,  may be  considered  alike  symbolical,  without  historical realism  or  artistic  appeal  to  emotion.  There  is doubtless  a  divergence  in  the  direction  of  realism, and  appeal  to  feeling  by  actual  representation  is begun,  whenever  the  human  figure  is  added  to the  symbolic  cross."  The  use  of  the  sculptured, moulded,  or  enamelled  crucifix  or  crucifixion  in early  times,  is  a  development  of  that  of  the  cross, and  the  transition  between  them  may  have  been a  certainty  from  the  first ;  but  the  rude  efforts of  earlier  days,  with  which  alone  we  have  to  do, can  neither  call  on  the  imagination  by  vivid  pre- sentation of  the  actual  event,  nor  awal^en  feeling by  appeal  to  the  sense  of  beauty,  nor  distress  by painful  details  of  bodily  suffering.  While  thr primitive  rules  of  representation  were  adheied to,  as  they  are  to  this  day  in  the  Greeli  Cliuich, the  picture  or  icon  dwells  on  the  meaning  of  thi event  rather  than  its  resemblance,  and  shadow  ■- forth,  rather  than  represents,  the  God-Mui  in the  act  of  death  for  man.  These  rules  weie  hist infringed  by,  or  naturally  collapsed  in  the  ])ie- sonce  of,  increased  artistic  power.  The  ])iiutings of  Cimabue  and  Giotto,  and  the  reliefs  of  iN  Pi-  luo, brought  the  personality  of  the  artist  intoe\oi\ .work,  and  introduced  human  motive  and  tieit- nient,  in  the  artistic  sense  of  the  woid-5  To tliose  whose  minds  are  drawn  to  ascetic  thought and  practice,  it  has  always  been  natuial  to meditate,  and  to  communicate  their  thoughts upon,  the  bodily  sufferings  of  the  Savioui  of  m  in- kind.  This  was  done  by  Angelico  and  otheis naturally  and  freel}'  before  the  Reformation ; since  that  period  a  somewhat  polemical  and  arti- ficial use  has  been  made  of  this  line  of  thought ; and  painting  and  sculpture  have  been  applied  to embody  it  accordingly  in  the  Roman  Catholic Church.  It  may  be  remarked,  before  retiring within  our  proper  limits  of  time,  that  the  use of  blood,  by  Giotto  and  his  followers  down  to Angelico,  has  doctrinal  reference  to  the  Holy Communion,  and  to  Scriptural  promises  of  cleans- ing by  the  blood  of  Christ.**     Giotto  is  less  in- "  De  Rossi  (vol.  ii.  tav.  v.  p.  355)  gives  a  cross,  with two  lambs  apparently  contemplating  it,  below  one  of  the usual  pictures  of  the  Good  Shepherd.  Aringhi,  Rem.  Subt. ii.  478 :  "  Crux,  cum  Christo  illi  fixo,  neutiquam  effigi.iri olim  soleljat."    The  Crucifixion  he  calls  "  mysticis  res  co- lorilius  adumbrata emblematicis  figuratisque  modis; sub  innocui  videlicet  agni  Juxta  crucis  lignum  placide consislcntis  typo."  See  Bottavi,  taw.  xxi.  xxii.  See,  how- ever (ib.,  tav.  cxcii.),  the  crucifix  found  in  the  tomb  of St.  Julius  and  St.  Valentine  in  the  Catacombs ;  which  so much  resembles  the  mosaic  crucifix  of  John  VII.  that  it :jin  hardly  be  of  very  early  date.  It  is  generally  assigned vo  Pope  Adrian,  about  880. ^  As  in  the  Crucifixion  over  the  door  of  the  Convent  of St   Mark's,  Florence,  where  the  blood  issues  from  the CRUCIFIX  1 clinod   to   dwell  for  terror's  sake  on  the  bodily sufferings  of  the  Passion,  than  to  dwell  with  awe  J on  its  mystery  as  a  sacrifice  for  mau.     But  the rise  of  mediaeval  asceticism,  and  its  attribution of    sacramental    efficacy    to    bodily    pain,    bore  ' painters  with  it  as  well  as  othei;  men.     And  in  i later  times,  when  Christian  feeling  on  the  subject  ' was  lost,  many  men  seem  to  have  considered  the  j final  scene  of  the  Redemption  of  Man  chiefly  as  a  '\ good  opportunity  of  displaying    newly-acquired powers  of   facial  expression    and    knowledge    of  | anatomy.  t If  Hallam's  division  of  periods  be  accepted, which  makes  the  end  of  the  5th  century  the beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages,  the  public  repre- sentation of  the  Crucifixion  may  be  sai<l  to  be  a mediaeval    usage    in    point    of  time.      Furtlier,  ; Martigny  (Did.  des  Antiq.  Chre'tiennes,  p.  190,  ' s.   V.)  claims  for  France  the  honour  of  having  ' possessed  the  first  public  crucifix-painting  which  j ever  existed ;  for  which  he  refers  to  Gregory  of  I Tours  {Be  Glor.  Martyr,  i.  23),  and  which  he  says  ■' must  have  been  at  least  as  old  as  the  middle  of  '\ the  6th  century.     But  he  says  above,  probably  : with  great  correctness,  that  all  the  most  eminent  i Crucifixions   known  were   objects  of  private  de-  ! votion,   instancing   the  pectoral   ci'oss  of  Queen  I Theodoliada  and  the  Syriac  MS.  of  the  Medicean  j Tbeodoliiida'b Library  at  Florence,  both  hereafter  to  be  de- scribed. The  official  or  public  use  of  the  cross as  a  symbol  of  Redemption  begins  with  Constan- tine,  though  of  course  it  had  been  variously employed  by  all  Christians  at  an  earlier  date. [Cross.] Crucifixes,  according  to  Guericke,  did  not appear  in  churches  till  after  the  7th  century. Such  images,  probably,  in  the  early  days  of  the Church,  would  produce  too  crude  and  painful  an effect  in  the  Christian  imagination,  and  to  that of  the  more  hopeful  Pagan  they  would  be  in- tolerable ;  not  only  because  his  feelings  would recoil  from  the  thought  of  the  punishment  of the  cross,  but  from  superstitious  terror  of  con- feet,  in  a  conventional  form,  as  a  crimson  cord,  which is  twined  strangely  beneath  about  a  skull.  (Ruskin,  Mod. P.  vol.  u.  p.  125.) CRUCIFIX nccting  the  Infelix  Arbor  with  a  Divine  Being. The  Graffito  Blasf'emo  of  the  Palatine  illustrates this  (see  woodcut) :  but  Christian  teachers  may- have  refrained  from  any  addition  to  the  cross, as  a  symbol  of  divine  humiliation  and  suffer- ing, from  purely  charitable  motives.  The  cross itself  may  have  been  felt  to  be  temporarily unwelcome  to  persons  in  certain  stages  of  con- version . If  we  set  aside  the  yai-ious  monograms  of  His name,  and  the  emblematic  fish,  which  is  an  ana- gram of  it,  there  are  but  two  classes  of  repre- sentations of  our  Lord, — those  which  point  to  His divinity  and  lordship  over  all  men,  and  those which  commemorate  His  humanity  and  suffer- ings for  all  men.  The  earliest  of  the  former class  is  the  Good  Shepherd  ;  the  earliest  of  the latter  the  Lamb :  and  both  are  combined  in  the painting  given  by  De  Kossi,  vol.  ii.  tav.  v.  The symbolic  Lamb,  as  will  be  seen  (Gen.  iv.  4, xxii.  8  ;  Exod.  sii.  3,  xxix.  38  ;  Is.  xvi.  1 ;  1  Pet. i.  18 ;  Rev.  xiii.  8),  connects  the  Old  Testament with  the  New,  and  unites  in  itself  all  types  and shadowings  of  Christ's  sacrifice,  from  the  death of  Abel  to  St.  John's  vision  of  the  slain  victim. It  is  well  said  by  Martigny  to  be  the  crucifix  of the  early  times  of  persecution  ;  and  its  emble- matic use  grows  more  significant  as  time  ad- vances. The  cross  is  first  borne  by  the  Lamb  on its  head,  in  the  monogrammatic  form  (Bottari, Sculture  e  Pitture  sagre  estratte  dai  Cimiteri  di Eoma,  &c.,  Rom.  3  fol.  1737-54,  tav.  xxi.  v.  1), about  the  latter  half  of  the  4tli  century.  The simple  cross  occurs  thus  in  the  5th  century  (Bot- tari, tav.  xxii.).  In  the  6th  century  the  Lamb bears  the  cross  (Aringhi,  ii.  lib.  iv.  p.  559, Roma  Sxihterraned),  and  rests  sometimes  on  a booir,  sometimes  at  the  foot  of  an  altar  (Ciam- pini,  Vetera  Ilonumenta,  vol.  i.  tab.  xv.  p.  26 ; vol.  ii.  tab.  xv.  p.  58),  above  which  is  the  cross ; and  then  it  is  represented  "  as  it  were  slain," with  evident  reference  to  the  Paschal  feast (Ciampini,  V.  M.  t.  ii.  tabb.  xv.  xlvi.).  Towards the  end  of  the  6th  century  the  Wounds  of  the Cross  are  represented  on  the  sides  and  feet  of  the Lamb.  In  Ciampini  {De  Sacris  Aedificiis,  tab. xiii.)  the  Lamb  is  raised  on  a  throne  at  the  foot of  an  ornamented  cross,  the  throne  itself  bearing resemblance  to  an  altar-table. The  famous  Vatican  Cross  (for  which,  and  for the  Cross  of  Velletri,"  see  Cardinal  Borgia's monographs,  Rome,  4to.  1779  and  1780)  is  the 6th  century  type  of  symbolic  representation.  A medallion  of  the  Lamb  bearing  the  cross,  and with  a  nimbus,  is  placed  at  its  central  point  of intersection,  and  it  is  accompanied  by  two  half- length  figures  of  our  Lord,  with  the  cruciform nimbus  at  the  top  and  foot  of  the  vertical  limb. Two  others  at  the  horizontal  ends  are  supposed to  represent  Justin  II.  and  his  Empress  Sophia. The  upper  half-length  of  the  Lord  holds  a  book in  the  left  hand,  and  blesses  with  the  right ;  the lower  one  holds  a  roll  and  a  small  cross.  The embossed   lily-ornaments   are   of  great   beauty. CRUCIFIX 513 <;  The  Cross  of  Velletri,  which  Borgia  attributes  to  the 8th  or  10th  century,  contains  the  symbols  of  the  four Evangelists.  The  Vatican  Cross  is  photographed  in  M. St.  Ijaurent's  paper  in  Didron's  Bevue  Archeologique  (see infra).  The  result  reflects  great  credit  on  the  accuracy of  Borgia's  illustration ;  and  M.  St.  Laurent  speaks  highly of  Ciampini  and  others. CHRIST.   ANT. and  there  is  an  inscription  on  the  back,  which Borgia  reads  thus  : — "  Ligno  quo  Christus  humanum  suMidit  hostem \)3.t  Romae  Justinus  opem  " As  it  is  impossible  to  determine  which  is  the earliest  representation  of  the  Crucifixion  or crucifix  now  in  existence  or  on  trustworthy record,  a  few  of  the  oldest  known  may  be  briefly Perpendicular  of  V described  here.  They  will  be  found  in  woodcut in  Angelo  Rocca,  Thesaurus  Pontificiarum  Rerum, vol.  i.  p.  153,  though  the  copies  have  been  made by  a  draughtsman  skilled  in  anatomy,  who  has quite  deprived  them  of  the  stamp  of  antiquity, which  their  originals  undoubtedly  possessed.  The first  and  second  are  said  by  Rocca  to  be  the workmanship  of  Nicodemus  and  St.  Luke.  The 2  L 514 CKUCIFIX first  is  evidently  of  the  time  of  Charlemagne. The  Crucified  is  clothed  in  a  long  tunic,  and  bears a  crown  of  radiatory  bars,  closed  at  top,  rising from  the  circlet.  A  chalice  is  at  its  feet,  and A  ft)  on  the  title  overhead. The  head  of  the  second,  attributed  to  St.  Luke, is  crowned,  and  surrounded  by  a  nimbus.  It  is almost  entirely  naked, — the  waistcloth,  at  least, seems  to  have  been  purposely  contracted  :  this  of itself  would  place  it  at  a  late  date. The  third  example  is  historical.  It  is  called the  Crucifix  of  John  VII.,  and  represents  a  mosaic in  the  old  Basilica  of  St.  Peter's.  Rocca  dates  it 706.  It  bears  the  cruciform  nimbus  with  the title  INRI.  It  is  clothed  in  a  long  tunic,  the form  and  folds  of  which  are  most  graceful, and  bear  a  great  resemblance  to  the  painted crucifix  found  in  the  Catacombs,  assigned  to Pope  Adrian  III.  884. The  fourth  is  the  celebrated  Crucifix  of  Charle- magne, given  to  Leo  III.  and  the  Basilica  of  St. Peter's,  and  dated  815.  It  is  clothed  in  an  fumple waistcloth,  the  wound  in  the  side  is  represented, and  the  head  surrounded  by  a  cruciform  nimbus. Four  nails  are  used  in  all  these  crucifixes. A  crucifix  is  described  by  the  Rev.  F.  H. Tozer,  which,  as  he  considers,  has  a  decided claim  to  be  considered  the  most  ancient  in  exist- ence, and  which  he  saw  in  the  monastery  of Xeropotama  at  Mount  Athos.  It  is  a  reputed gift  of  the  Empress  Pulcheria  (414-453),  and has  been  spared  no  doubt  for  that  reason.  It  is a  supposed  fragment  of  the  true  cross,  and  con- sists of  one  long  piece  of  dark  wood  and  two cross-pieces,  one  above  the  other,  the  smaller intended  for  the  supei'scription.  The  small figure  of  our  Lord  is  of  ivory  or  bone.  Near tiie  foot  is  a  representation  of  the  Church  of  the Holy  Sepulchre  in  gold  plate,  and  set  with  dia- monds and  sapphires  of  extraordinary  size  and beauty.  Below  that,  the  inscription  Kuvarav- Tivov  'Ev<ppoavvrii  Kat  rwv  reKvcov.  Another exists  at  Ochrida  in  Western  Macedonia,  dis- used, and  of  unknown  history.  Mr.  Tozer  con- siders that  it  belonged  to  a  disciple  of  Cyril  and Methodius,  and  may  probably  be  connected  with the  latter.  He  mentions  a  third,  also  probably connected  with  the  Apostle  of  Bohemia,  in  the Museum  at  Prague  (see  Murray's  Handbook  of Soutk  Germany),  and  another  as  existing  in Crete  (see  Pashley's  Travels).  These  are  the only  crucifixes  he  knows  of  as  existing  in  the Greek  Church.  The  Iconoclastic  controversy, he  observes,  took  the  same  course  with  the  cru- cifix as  with  other  representations,  painted  or carved :  and  when  it  died  away  into  compro- mise on  the  distinction  between  icons  and images,  the  crucifix  was  ti-eated  as  an  image. This  does  not  necessarily  apply  to  pictures  in MSS. ;  but  the  carved  form  may  have  been  the more  easily  dislodged  in  the  Iconoclastic  contro- versy of  720,  because  it  had  not  been  long introduced,  since  it  did  not  exist  till  the  7th century.  "  To  the  keener  perception  of  the Greeks "  (says  Milman,  Latin  Christianity,  vi. 413)  "  there  may  have  arisen  a  feeling,  that in  its  more  rigid  and  solid  form  the  Image  was nearer  to  the  Idol.  There  was  a  tacit  compro- mise" (after  the  period  of  Iconoclasm);  "nothing appeared  but  painting,  mosaics,  engravings  on cup  and  chalice "  (this  of  course  accounts  for works  like  the  Cross  of  Velletri,  the  Diptych  of CRUCIFIX Eambona,  and  others),  "  and  embroidery  on  vest- ments. The  renunciation  of  sculpture  grew  to a  rigid  passionate  aversion  ....  as  of  a  Jew  or Mohammedan."  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the first  step  in  a  progress  which  has  frequently  ended in  idolatry  was  made  in  the  Quinisext  Council, or  that  in  Trullo,  at  Constantinople  in  691.  It is  the  challenge  to  Iconoclasm.  It  decrees  (can. 82)  that,  as  the  antitype  is  better  than  type  or symbol  in  all  representation,  the  literal  repre- sentation of  the  Lord  shall  take  the  place  of  the symbolic  Lamb  on  all  emblems  of  His  sacrifice, and  ordains  thus  :  Thv  tov  atpitvTos  r^v  a/j.ap- rlav  K6fffjL0v  'A/xvov  Xpiarov  rov  Qfov  TjfjLcov, Kara  tov  avdpunrivov  x''-P°'i^'^^po-  «■''■'■  ^^  ''""'^^ elK6(nv  aith  toO  vvv  oi/tI  tov  ■KO.Kawv  a/xvov o.va(TTi\Kov(T6ai  dpl^ofiev.^  [Compare  AGNUS Dei.] A  very  early  crucifix  of  the  6th  century  seems to  be  mentioned  in  the  following  passage,  which is  produced  by  Binterim  {Denkviirdiqk.  iv.  part  i. 48)  without  reference,  but  which  he  may  have seen  in  some  unpublished  record.  He  is  speak- ing of  the  church  of  Hoye  in  the  bishopric  of Liege,  destroyed  by  the  Huns  in  the  4th  century, and  restored  A.D.  512,  at  the  time  of  the  first synod  of  Orleans.  This  church  "  a  suis  civibus reedificatur,  et  in  longum  versus  Orientem  ex- tenditur  usque  ad  gradus  Chori  sub  crucifxo, altari  tamen  antiquo  semper  remanente,"  &c. Further,  he  quotes  Aegidius  as  stating  that Robert,  Provost  of  Liege,  "  sub  crucifixo  sepul- turam  accepit."  This  only  proves  the  existence of  crucifixes  at  the  time  of  the  writers,  espe- cially as  the  original  altar  is  spoken  of  as  re- maining, without  mention  of  cross  or  crucifix, at  the  end  of  the  choir  which  contained  it.  Had the  name  or  date  of  the  author  of  the  passage quoted  been  known,  it  would  have  been  of  great importance  ;  but  it  may  be,  and  its  Latin  might indicate  that  it  is,  from  some  late  chronicler, familiar  with  the  appearance  of  the  church,  and using  the  words  as  meaning  no  more  than  "  under the  present  crucifix,  or  rood  above  the  altar- screen."  Dr.  Binterim  founds  no  argument  on  it as  to  the  date  of  the  German  change  from  cross to  crucifix,  and  the  passage  may  be  let  pass. The  "Santo  Volto,"  "  Vultus  de  Luca,"  or Crucifix  of  Lucca  (corrupted  by  William  Rufus, for  imprecatory  purposes,  into  the  "  Face  of  St. Luke  " ),  is  carved  in  cedar-wood,  and  is  attri- buted to  Nicodemus,  and  supposed  to  have  been conveyed  miraculously  to  Lucca  in  782.  It  is said  to  be  of  the  6th  century,  and  is  certainly one  of  the  earliest  crucifixes  in  existence.  It bears  the  Lord  crowned  as  king,  and  vested  in  a long  pontifical  robe  as  priest,  and  thus  combines symbolic  treatment  with  realism,  perhaps  in  the way  afterwards  intended  by  the  Council  in Trullo.  The  idea  is  that  of  the  Crucified  King of  Men,  and  the  work  is  an  assertion  of  the  com- bined deity  and  humanit)-,  and  of  the  submis- sion to  death  of  the  Lord  of  humanity.  A  cru- cifix greatly  resembling  this  was  found  during some  operations  at  Christchurch,  Oxford,  and  is now  preserved  in  the  Bodleian  :  it  was  probably an  outer  ornament  of  some  Evangeliarium.  We understand    M.    St.    Laurent   to    consider   these d  The  author  of  this  paper  can  remember  no  repre- sentation of  the  Ci-uciexion  as  existing  either  at  the  Con- vent of  Mount  Sinai  or  that  of  Mar  Saba. CRUCIFIX examples  to  date  from  tho  12th  century  (fmio- graphie  de  la  Croix  et  du  Crucifix ;  Didron's Annates  Archeohgiques,  t.  xxii.  pp.  5,  137,  213, 357,  and  t.  xxiii.  pp.  5,  174,  a  most  valuable and  exhaustive  summaiy  of  our  whole  subject, admirably  illustrated). The  steps  of  the  progress  from  symbolic  to literal  I'epresentation  will  b§  noticed  imme- diately ;  but  two  more  Crucifixions  of  great  and undoubted  antiquity  (the  first  having  a  claim  to be  considered  the  most  ancient  in  existence)  re- main to  be  briefly  noticed.  Both  confirm  to  a certain  extent  the  remark  insisted  on  or  sug- gested by  many  Roman  Catholic  writers,  that  the private  use  of  the  crucifix  in  devotion  dates from  very  early  times.  The  first  is  the  famous Syriac  Evangeliarium  in  the  Medicean  Library  at Florence,  widely  known  for  the  probably  unique detail  of  the  soldiers,  not  casting  dice,  but  play- ing at  the  world-old  game  of  "Mora"  on  then fingers,  for  the  garment  without  seam.  It  i-> represented  in  Assemanni's  Catalogus  Bibl.  Medi( Florence,  1742,  tav.  xxiii.  The  whole  Mb  i-- one  of  the  most  interesting  documents  m  the world;  with  many  illuminations,  performed  with that  indescribable  grimness  of  earnestness  which was  the  root  of  Eastern  asceticism,  and  which  still lingers  in  the  handywork  of  the  stern  Arcagnuoli, CRUCIFIX 515 Upper  half  uf  Crucilixiou  MS.  of  Kabula. or  the  brothers  Orgagna.  Assemauni  calls  it "  vetustissimus  codex  qui  in  eadem  bibliotheca extat,"  and  it  is  described  by  Prof.  Westwood  in his  Palaeographia  Sacra,  and  dated  580  by  its writer,  the  monk  Rabula.  It  is  composed  with instinctive  skill  in  two  groups,  upper  and  lower. At  the  top  are  the  sun  and  moon ;  one  a  face,  the other  a  crescent.  The  upper  group,  which  is  semi- circular or  rather  cycloidal  in  its  shape,  consists of  the  three  crosses,  supported  on  their  right  by the  Virgin  Mother  and  another  female  figure,  on the  left  by  three  more  women.  The  soldiers with  the  spear  and  the  sponge  stand  on  each  side next  to  the  central  and  largest  cross.  Over  the licad  of  the  former  is  the  name  AOriNOC.  The Lord  wears  the  long  robe,  the  thieves  have  waist- cloths,  and  large  drops  of  blood,  in  conventional form,  are  falling  from  their  hands.  Four  nails are  used  in  each.  At  the  foot  of  the  cross  the upper  and  lower  group  are  joined  by  the  soldiers playing  for  the  coat.  In  the  centre,  below  the cross,  is  a  Holy  Sepulchre  (represented  in  all early  Byzantine  and  Italo-  or  Gothic-Byzantine work  as  an  upright  structure  of  much  the  same shape  as  a  sentiy's  box).  It  is  su])])orted  on  the left  by  a  woman,  the  Blessed  Virgin,  and angel ;  on  the  other  by  St.  .John,  another  apos- tolic figure  in  the  act   of  blessing,   and   other adoring  women.  The  hase  of  the  composition,  a.s it  were,  is  formed  by  a  group  of  soldiers,  over- thrown by  the  stroke  of  visible  substantial  rays from  the  sepulchre ;  the  stone  also  lies  on  the left.  The  designer  seems  to  have  thought  much of  the  fact  of  its  being  rolled  away,  and  he  has accordingly  drawn  it  as  a  disk  like  a  grindstone. Grotesque  and  archaic  as  it  is,  this  work  is  com- posed exactly  like  Orgagna's  or  Michael  Angelo's "  Last  Judgment,'"  Titian's  "  Assumption,"  or Raffaelle's  "Transfiguration" — i.e.,  of  two  great upper  and  lower  groups,  tied  together  and  sup- ported on  both  sides  ;  nor  could  any  work  better illustrate  the  lingering  of  Byzantine  tradition  in sacred  subjects.  A  full  description  is  given  by Professor  Westwood  in  his  Palaeographia  Saa  a, also  by  Dom  Gue'ranger,  Inst.  Liturgiques,  vol. iii.  app. Of  the  four  Crucifixions  given  by  Gori  m  vol. iii.  of  his  TJiesaurus  Diptgchorum  (pj).  11<1,  128, 203,  216),  that  at  p.  203,  called  the  "  Di])t ych  ot Rambona  in  Picenum,"  is  the  most  ancient  and extraordinary.  It  contains  a  medallion  of  the First  Pei-son  of  the  Trinity  above,  with  the  sun and  moon  below  on  the  right  and  left  of  the  cross, l)ersonified  as  figures  bearing  torches.  There  are two  titles,  EGO  SUM  IHS  NAZARENUS  in  rude Roman  letters,  with  a  smaller  label,  REX  JU- 2  L  2 516 CRUCIFIX DEORUM,  over  the  cross.  The  uinibus  is  cruci- form, the  waistcloth  reaches  almost  to  the  knees, the  navel  is  strangely  formed  into  an  eye.  The "Virgin  and  St.  John  stand  under  the  arms  of the  cross.  But  the  distinguishing  detail  is  the addition  of  the  Roman  wolf  and  twins  below  the cross,  with  the  words  ROMVLVS  ET  REMVLVS A  LVPA  NUTRITI.  This  wonderful  ivory  is  now in  the  Vatican  Museum  (see  Murray's  Handhook), and  is  in  the  most  ancient  style  of  what  may  be called  dark-age  Byzantine  art,  when  all  instruc- tion and  sense  of  beauty  are  departed,  but  so vigorous  a  sense  of  the  reality  of  the  fact  re- mains, as  to  render  the  work  highly  impressive — as  also  in  the  Medici  MS. Professor  Westwood  (^Fal.  Sac.  pi.  18)  enables us  to  refer  to  a  Crucifixion  found  in  an  Irish  MS. written  about  800.  It  is  in  the  Library  of  St. John's  College,  Cambridge,  and  is  partly  copied from  the  Falaeogmphia  by  Mr.  Ruskin  (in  The Tivo  Paths,  p.  27),  who  selects  one  of  the  angels above  the  cross  as  a  specimen  of  absolutely  dead and  degraded  art.  This  is  perfectly  correct,  and the  work  is  a  painful  object  of  contemplation,  as it  displays  the  idiocy  of  a  contemptible  person instructed  in  a  decaying  style,  rather  than  the roughness  of  a  barbai'ian  workman  like  the  carver of  the  diptych.  The  absurd  interlacings  and  use of  dots,  the  sharpening  of  fingers  into  points,  and the  treatment  of  the  subject  entirely  as  a  matter of  penmanship,  without  either  devotional  sense  of its  importance  or  artistic  eflortto  realize  it,  make the  MS.  most  disagreeably  interesting  as  far  as this  miniature  is  concerned. The  plea  or  hypothesis  of  Roman  Catholic writers,  that  actual  images  of  the  crucified  body 1      r.'l^ior of  the  Lord  may  have  been  used  in  the  very earliest  times  for  pi-ivate  devotion,  is  open  to  the obvious  remark  that  none  of  them  can  be  pro- duced, whereas  symbolical  memorials  of  the Crucifixion  are  found  in  regular  successii)n,  both mural  and  in  portable  forms.  Father  Martigny argues  that  the  notorious  Graflito  of  the  Palace of  the  Caesars  may  be  a  caricatured  copy  of  some vmdiscovered  crucifix  used  for  Christian  worship. Fatlier  Garrucci's  description  of  it,  "  II  Crocifisso Oraffito  in  casa  dei  Cesari,"  is  given  by  Canon Liddon  in  his  7th  Bampton  Lecture  (p.  397)  ;  and tlie  remarks  which  accompany  it  are  most  im- portant, as  they  show  "  the  more  intelligent  and CRUCIFIX bittei'  hostility  of  Paganism  to  the  Church  since the  apostolic  martyrdoms  a  century  and  a  half before,  when  converts  had  also  been  made  in Caesar's  household."  He  shows  also,  incidentally, that  it  can  hardly  have  been  derived  from  any Christian  emblem,  as  the  ass's  head  connects  it evidently  with  the  Gnostic  invective,  which  at- tributed to  the  Jews  the  worship  of  an  ass.  This Tacitus  mentions  {Hid.  v.  c.  4) ;  and  TertuUian (Apolog.  16)  notices  Tacitus'  confusion  between Jews  and  Christians,  and  appeals  to  his  own  ac- count of  the  examination  of  the  Jewish  temple by  Pompey,  who  found  "no  image"  in  the  temple. For  proof  of  the  confusion  of  the  early  Christians with  the  Jews  by  the  pagan  world,  Dr.  Liddon refers  to  Dr.  Pusey's  note  on  the  above  passage in  TertuUian,  in  the  Oxford  Library  of  the Fathers. The  relics  of  the  treasury  of  the  Cathedral  of Monza,  closely  described  and  partly  represented in  woodcut  by  M.  Martigny,  are  valuable  exam- ples of  the  transition  between  symbolic  and  actual representation  of  the  Crucifixion.,  One  of  the ampullae  for  sacred  oil  is  said  to  have  been  pre- sented by  Gi-egory  the  Great  to  Theodelinda,  wife of  Antharis  king  of  Lombardy,  probably  some time  soon  after  590,  about  a  hundred  years  be- fore the  Council  in  Trullo.  It  is  circular,  and the  head  of  the  Lord,  with  a  cruciform  nimbus, is  placed  at  the  top.  Below,  to  right  and  left, are  the  two  thieves,  with  extended  arms,  but without  crosses ;  and  below  them  two  figures  are kneeling  by  a  cross  which  seems  to  be  budding into  leaves.  Two  saints  or  angels  are  on  the extreme  right  and  left,  and  the  usual  Holy  Se- pulchre below,  with  an  angel  watching  it  on  the right  in  the  act  of  benediction,  while  St.  John  and St.  Mary  Magdalene  are  (apparently)  approach- ing it  on  the  other  side.  Another  vessel  bears  a figure  of  the  Lord,  clothed  with  a  long  robe,  with the  nimbus  and  extended  arms,  but  without  the cross.  Finally,  the  reliquary  of  Theodelinda,  so called,  has  the  crucified  Form,  with  the  nimbus and  inscription  IC  XC,  clothed  in  the  long  tunic, with  the  soldiers,  two  figures  apparently  mock- ing Him,  and  the  Virgin  and  St.  John  on  the  right and-left.  The  clothed  figure  indicates  symbolical treatment,  since  it  must  have  been  well  known that  the  Roman  custom  was  to  crucify  naked  ; and  Martigny  argues  that  the  Graffito,  which  is clothed,  must  therefore  have  been  copied  from some  Christian  picture.  But  from  this  time,  or from  that  of  the  Council  of  691,  the  artistic  or ornamental  treatment  begins.  The  earliest  Cruci- fixions are  narrative,  not  dramatic  ;  the  Resur- rection being  so  frequently  introduced  into  the same  composition,  as  if  without  it  the  subject would  be  altogether  too  painful  for  Christian eyes.  And,  indeed,  till  the  first  efforts  of  Pisan sculpture  and  Florentine  painting,  the  import- ance of  the  event  represented  withdrew  all  atten- tion to  the  personality  of  the  artist.  In  works of  after  days  the  painter's  power  is  all.  Their range  of  excellence  is  as  wide  as  the  difference between  the  tender  asceticism  of  Fi'a  Angelico, and  the  mighty  sorrow  of  Michael  Angelo,  and the  intense  power,  knowledge,  and  passion  of  the great  canvass  of  Tintoret  in  the  Scuola  di  San Kocco  at  Venice.  The  treatment  of  this  picture resembles  that  of  the  most  ancient  works.  All its  consummate  science  is  directed  to  bringing every  detail  of  the  scene  into  a  gre.at  unity,  while CRUCIFIX attention  is  expressly  withdrawn  from  the  face of  the  Lord,  which  is  cast  into  deej)  shadow. (See  Ruskin,  Modern  Painters,  vol.  ii.)  In all  ancient  work  the  Lord's  face  is  abstracted and  expressionless :  any  attempt  to  represent bodily  pain  belongs  to  modern  work  of  the baser  sort,  which  forms  no  part  of  our  present subject. For  the  details  and  accessories  of  the  Cruci- fixion, whether  things  or  persons,  they  have  been for  the  most  part  enumerated  and  described.  The nails  are  always  four  in  number  in  ancient  works, two  for  the  feet  and  two  for  the  hands.  The crossed  legs  and  single  large  nail  or  spike  belong to  the  artistic  period.  Martigny  refers  to  St. Cyprian  (De  Passion.  Dni.  inter  Opusc.  p.  83, ed.  Oxon.)  as  speaking  of  the  nails  which  pierced our  Lord's  feet  in  the  plural  number.  St.  Cyprian, he  says,  had  seen  the  punishment  of  the  cross. The  sujjpedancum  or  rest  for  the  feet  occurs  in the  crosses  of  Leo  III.  and  of  Velletri,  not  in  the Diptych  of  Eambona.  The  Graffito  indicates  its presence.  It  seems  to  have  been  occasionally left  out,  in  deference  to  those  passages  in  Holy  j Scripture  which  allude  to  the  disgrace  or  curse attaching  to  one  "  hanging  "  on  the  tree.  The title  of  the  cross,  which  is  given  with  slight  dif- ferences in  St.  Matt,  xxvii.  37,  Mark  xv.  26,  Luke xxiii.  38,  John  xix.  9,  varies  greatly  in  difterent representations.  It  is  omitted  in  the  crosses  of Lucca  and  Velletri.  Early  Greek^  painters  re- duce it  to  the  name  of  Christ,  IC  XC,  or  substitute the  A  and  oi.  The  sign  *C  {<f>t2s)  occurs,  as  well as  LVX  MVJS'DI,  frequently  accompanied  by  the symbols  of  the  sun  and  the  moon,  as  a  red  star or  face  and  crescent,  or  in  the  Rambona  ivory [see  page  515]  as  mourning  figures  bearing torches.  They  are  introduced  as  emblematic  of the  homage  of  all  nature,.or  in  remembrance  of the  eclipse  of  the  Crucifixion. The  Blessed  Virgin  and  St.  John  appear  in  the Medicean  MS.,  and  very  frequently  in  ancient works;  the  soldiers  rather  less  so,  though  they occur  in  the  above  MS.  and  the  reliquary  of Monza.  The  typical  figure  of  the  first  Adam rising  from  the  earth  as  a  symbol  of  the  resur- rection of  the  body,  with  the  Hand  of  Blessing above  indicating  the  presence  of  God,  is  given  in Ciampiui  {De  Sacr.  Aedif.  tab.  xxiii.  p.  75). The  skull,  whether  human  or  that  of  a  lamb, placed  at  the  foot  of  the  cross,  either  as  an emblem  of  sacrifice  or  in  reference  to  the  place Golgotha,  is  of  late  use,  and  is  almost  the  only late  addition  of  symbolic  detail.  j The  rare  addition  of  the  soldiers  casting  lots  is said  to  be  found  in  an  ivory  of  the  8th  century  i (Mozzoni,  Tavole  crono-  \ CRUCIFIX 517 rom  Cividule  in  Fi logiche  della  Chiesa  universale,  Venezia,  1856- 63).  The  only  other  representation  of  it  is  in the  Medici  MS.  The  wolf  and  twins  are  in  the Rambona  diptych  alone.  The  types  of  the  four Evangelists  are  on  the  back  of  the  Cross  of  Vel- letri, in  the  Gospel  of  Egbert,  of  Trier,  infra, and  on  numerous  crosses  of  later  date.  Some additional  inscriptions  have  been  mentioned,  as well  as  the  addition  (in  the  Vatican  Cross)  of medallion  portraits.  Considerable  liberty  in  this matter  seems  to  have  been  allowed  in  the  earliest times,  as  is  indicated  by  Constantine's  introduc- tion of  the  words  of  his  Vision ;  and  still  more strongly  in  an  instance  referred  to  by  Borgia,  in Anastasius  (tom.  i.  u.  2,  ed.  Vignolii),  of  a  cross given  by  Belisarius  to  St.  Peter — "  per  manus Vigilii  Papas" — of  gold  and  jewels,  weighing 100  lbs.,  "  in  qua  scripsit  victorias  suas." But  even  the  Vatican  Cross  yields  in  interest to  two  German  relics  of  the  same  character, lately  described  and  well  illustrated  in  No.  45  of the  Jdhrbucher  des  Vereins  von  Alterthums- freunden  im  Rheinlande,  p.  195,  Bonn,  1868.  The first  of  these  is  the  Station-Cross  of  Mainz.  It is  of  gilded  bronze,  of  the  Western  form  (Com- missa),  and  rather  more  than  one  foot  in  height. Herr  Heinrich  Otte  refers  it  to  the  end  of  the  12th century,  a  date  far  beyond  our  period.  But  its interest  is  paramount,  more  particularly  from the  evident  intention  of  the  designer  to  make  it embody  a  whole  system  of  typical  instruction, and  to  leave  it  behind  him  as  a  kind  of  sculp- tured document,  or  commentary,  connecting  the Old  and  New  Testaments.  Thus,  at  the  middle or  intersection  of  the  arms  of  the  cross,  the Lamb  is  represented  in  a  medallion,  his  head surrounded  with  a  plain  nimbus.  On  the  back of  the  cross  in  the  same  place  there  is  a  square plate,  with  an  engraved  representation  of  Abra- ham offering  up  Isaac,  the  angel,  and  the  ram. Round  the  latter  is  the  beginning  of  a  hexameter line— fCui  patriarcha  suum — which  is  com- pleted round  the  medallion  of  the  Lamb  in  front, thus  :  t  Pater  ofi'ert  in  cruce  natum.  In  like manner,  four  engravings  on  each  side  at  the extremities  of  the  cross  refer  to  each  other, and  are  described  by  corresponding  halves  of hexameters.  The  New  Testament  subjects  are all  in  front,  with  the  Lamb  in  the  centre,  as antitypes :  the  014  Testament  or  typical  events or  persons  are  at  the  back.  Thus  on  the  spec- tator's left  at  the  back  of  the  cross  is  an  engrav- ing of  Moses  receiving  the  Tables  of  the  Law  on Mount  Sinai,  with  the  words  Qui  Moijsi  legem. Corresponding  to  it  on  the  right  front  is  the Descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  with  dat  aluinnis Pneumatis  ignem.     The  remainder  as  under — Head. Back Elijah  carried  \ip  to  heaven. Front 'I'he  Ascension. Back  (right  hand  of  spectator)  .     Samson  and  gates  of  Gaza. Front  (left  ditto) 'I'he  descent  into  Hades.    , Foot. Back Jonali  and  the  whale. Front Resurrection. Motto. t  Qui  levat  Eliam f  propriani  siiblimat  usiain  (pvnCav). f  Que  portas  fiaze t  vis  aufert  claustra  Jeheiiiie. t  Qua  redit  absumptus ■j-  surgit  vlrtute  sepultus. The  decorative  scrollwork  is  rather  sparingly disposed  with  great  judgment,  and  on  the  spike, ferule,  or  metal  strap  probably  intended  for fixing  the  cross  on  a  staff  for  processional  or other  purposes  [see  Cross,  Draconarius]  is  an engraving  of  the  probable  designer  and  donor. THEODEPJC  ABBAS.  The  graphic  power  and exceeding  quaintness  of  the  Scriptural  engra- vings is  that  of  the  finest  miniatures  of  the  12th or  13th  century. The  second  of  these  most  interesting  works, inferior  as  a  work  of  art  from  its  barbaric  wild- 518 CRUCIFIX ness   anil    the   preference  for  ugliness  so  often observed    in   Northern-Gothic    grotesque,    is    of even   greater   interest   as   a    transitional    cross, especially  when  viewed  in  relation  to  the  changes enforced  by  the  decree  of  the  Council  in  TruUo, A.D.  691.     This  is  the  Station-Cross  of  Planig, near  Kreuznach ;    of  the   same    size    and  form as  that  of  Mainz,  but  referred  by  Otte  to  the 10th  century.     The  ancient  symbol  of  the  Lamb is  preserved  on  the  back  of  this  crucifix,  which (lis]ilays  the  human  form  in  front,  as  in  many other    Komanesque    crosses    of  bronzed    copper. On   this   combination  —  perhaps    a   compromise between  the  feeling  of  the  older  times  and  the more  modern  spirit  of  the  Quinisextine  Council — Otte  quotes  Durandus,  Rationale,  lib.  i.  c.  3, n.  6  :    "  Non   enim   agnus   Dei   in   cruce   prin- cipaliter  depingi  debet ;  sed  homine  depicto,  non obest   agnum   in   parte   inferiori   vel    posteriori depiugere."     He  also  gives  the  express  words  of Adrian  I.,  in  his  letter  to  Tarasius,  Patriarch  of Constantinople,  in  785 :  "  Verum  igitur  agnum Dominum   nostrum   J,  C.    secundum   imagine'm humanam    a    modo    etiam    in   imaginibus   pro veteri    agno   depingi  jubemus."      {De  Consecr. Dlst.  iii.  c.  29;    see  Labbe,  vi.  1177.)     He  refers also  to   the  splendid  work   on  Rhenish  antiqui- ties called  Kunstdenkmaler  des  ch-istUchen  Mittel- alters,  by  Ernst  aus'm  Werth,  Leipzig  (Weigel), 1857,   taf.  xxiv.-vi.,    for    the    Essen    ana    other roods,  which  much  resemble  those  of  Kreuznach and  Mainz,  combining  the  Lamb  with  the  human form,  and  adding  personifications  of  the  sun  and moon  which  remind  us  of  the  Diptych  of  Ram- bona,  and  the  symbols  of  the  four  Evangelists,  as in  the  Crucifix  "of  Velletri.     Space  forbids  us  to give  accounts  of  these  most  interesting  relics, but    the    subject    appears    to    be    treated    with exhaustive  fulness  and  illustrated  to  perfection in  the  two   German    works   referred    to.      The Planig-ou-Nahe  rood,  however,  is  entitled  to  a briefly-detailed    description.      In    front    is    the crucified  form,  severely   archaic  in  treatment ; the    long   hair   is   carefully  parted  and  carried back ;    the    head   is  without    nimbus ;    and    the limbs  are  long,  stiff,  and  wasted,  the  ribs  being displayed,  as  is  so  commonly  done  in  mediaeval crucifixes,  to  complete    the   illustration  of  the text,  "  They  pierced   my  hands   and   my  feet : I  may  tell  all  my  bones."     A  triple  serpentine stream  of  blood  runs  from  each  hand,  and  also from    the  feet,    being   there  received  in   a  cup or   chalice,  the    foot   of   which   is   a   grotesque lion's  head.     The  back  of  the  cross  bears  on  its centre  the  Lamb  with  cruciform  nimbus ;  below it  a  medallion  of  the  donor,  "  Ruthardus  Gus- tos;" and  four  other  bas-reliefs,  now  wanting, occupied  the  four  extremities  of  the  arms,  and almost  certainly  represented   the   four  Evange- lists.    As  in  the  Diptych  of  Rambona,  the  navel resembles  an  eye.     Scarcely  inferior  to  these  is the  10th  century  miniature  of  a  single  crucifix with     the     title     IHS     NAZAREN    REX    lU- DEORUM,   and    the    sun    and    moon    above   the cross-beam,  within  circles,  and  represented  with expressions   of  hoi-ror, — seated  in  chariots,  one drawn  by  horses,  the  other  by  oxen.     And  it  is impossible  to  omit  the  Crucifixion  picture  from the  Gospel  of  Bishop  Egbert  of  Trier,  975-993 (in  Mooyer's  Onoinasticon  Chronographlcon,  Hie- rarchia  Genmmica,  8vo.  Minden,  54),  now  in  the Stadtbibliothek  there.     Here  the  Lord  is  clad  in CRYPT A a  long  robe  to  the  ankles;  the  robbers  are  also clad  in  tunics  so  close  to  the  form  as  to  give  the appearance  of  shirts  and  trowsers.  Above  are the  sun  and  moon,  hiding  their  faces.  The cross  has  a  second  cross-piece  at  top,  forming  a tau  above  the  Western  cross.  The  robbers  are on  tau-crosses;  suspended,  but  with  unpierced hands ;  the  passage  in  the  22ud  Psalm  being referred  to  the  Redeemer  alone.  Their  names, Desmas  the  penitent,  and  Cesmas  the  obdurate, are  above  their  heads.  The  Virgin-Mother  and another  woman  stand  on  the  right  of  the  cross, St.  John  on  the  left.  The  soldier  "Stephaton" is  presenting  the  sponge  of  vinegar  :*  two  others are  casting  lots  below.  This  detail  reminds  us of  the  great  Florentine  miniature  of  the  monl: Rabula,  excepting  that  the  game  of  Mora  is there  substituted  for  dice. These  works  are  somewhat  beyond  our  period  ; yet  as  a  paper  on  Crucifixes  must  contain  some account  of  the  things  whose  name  it  bears,  and the  first  eight  centuries  supply  us  with  so  few- examples  of  what  are  popularly  called  cruci- fixes, a  short  inroad  into  early  mediaevalism may  be  allowed.  The  Iconodulist  transition formally  made  at  the  Council  in  Trullo  was  well suited  to  the  Northern  mind,  and  to  the  sacra- mental theory  of  pain ;  but  it  fell  in  also  with that  tendency  to  personification  advancing  on symbolism,  which  the  Western  races  inherit, perhaps,  from  ancient  Greece,  and  which  Mr. Ruskin,  in  his  late  Oxford  Lectures,  points  out as  the  idolatrous  tendency  of  Greek  art.  With Cimabue  and  Giotto,  and  from  their  days,  artis- tic skill  and  power  over  beauty  ai'e  bro'Ught  to bear  on  the  crucifix,  as  on  other  Christian  re- presentations, for  good  and  for  evil.  Of  the cautious  and  gradual  compromise  of  the  Greek Church  we  have  already  spoken.     [R.  St.  J.  T.] CRUET.    [Ama:  Ampulla.] CRYPTA.  In  the  well-known  passage  of St.  Jerome  in  which  he  describes  the  Sunday visits  he  and  his  schoolfellows  at  Rome  paid  to the  graves  of  the  apostles  and  martyrs,  he  uses the  term  cryptae  to  designate  what  we  now  call the  cataconihs.  "  Dum  essem  Romae  puer  .  .  . solebam  ....  diebus  Dominicis  sepulchra  apo- stolorum  et  martyrum  circumire,  crebroque cryptas  ingredi  quae  in  terra  profunda  defossae ex  utraque  parte  ingredientium  per  parietes habent  corpora  sepultorum."  Hieron.  in  JEzcch. c.  xl.  We  find  the  word  again  used  meta- phorically in  Jerome's  preface  to  Daniel,  "  Cum et  quasi  per  cryptam  ambulans  rarum  desuper lumen  aspicerem."  The  word  is  employed  in the  same  specific  sense  by  Prudentius,  Feristeph. Hymn.  ii. : — "  Haud  procul  extremo  culta  ad  pomeria  valla Mersa  latebrosis  crypta  latet  foveis. Hiijus  in  occultum  gradibus  via  prona  reflexis Ire  per  anfractus  Ince  latente  docet." The  classical  use  of  crypta  for  an  underground passage  or  chamber,  whether  the  drain  of  a  cloaca, or  a  subterranean  arcade,  or  a  storehouse  for  fruit or  corn,  or  a  tunnel,  such  as  that  of  Pausilipo at  Naples,  shews  the  appropriateness  of  the  term. (See  for  examples  Facciohiti,  Lexicon.)     Crypta e  •'  T.onginus"  is  always  the  lance-bearer.    See  iledicl (Laurentiaii)  Crucifix,  supra. CTESIPHON  ON  THE  TIGKIS seems  to  have  been  sometimes  used  in  Christian times  as  synonymous  with  coemeterium.  Thus we  have  in  the  church  of  St.  Prassede  an  in- scription commemorating  the  translation  thither from  the  catacombs  of  the  relics  of  more  than two  thousand  saints,  in  which  occur  the  words "  iu  coemeteriis  seu  cryptis."  We  may,  how- ever, mark  this  distinction  between  the  two words  that  coemeterium  is  a  word  of  wider  signi- fication, including  open-air  burial-grounds,  while crr/jAa  is  strictly  limited  to  those  excavated  be- neath the  surface  of  the  ground.  Padre  Marchi, after  an  elaborate  investigation  of  the  inscrip- tions in  which  the  word  crypta  occurs,  endea- vours to  demonstrate  that  it  was  employed  to indicate  a  limited  portion  of  a  subterranean cemetery,  including  several  burial  chapels  or cubicula,  so  that  the  relation  of  the  cubiculum  to the  crypta,  and  again  of  the  crypta  to  the  coeme- terium, was  that  of  a  part  to  the  whole.  {Monu- menli  primitiv.  pp.  156  sq.,  168  sq.)  His  chief authority  for  this  conclusion  is  a  passage  of Anastasius,  Vita  S,  IlarccUini,  §  30,  which appears  to  draw  this  distinction  between  the cubiculum  in  which  the  body  of  Pope  Marcellinus was  buried,  and  the  crypta  of  which  it  formed part.  There  are  also  inscriptions  which  support Marchi's  view  that  a  crypta  was  a  smaller  divi- sion of  a  coemeterium.  One  from  that  of  Pris- cilla  records  that  Gregory  lies  "  in  the  eleventh crypt,"  "  iu  undecima  crypta  Gregorius."  Others speak  of  "  new  crypts  "  constructed  in  a  ceme- tery; e.g.  an  inscription  now  in  the  Vatican "in  cimiterium  Balbinae  in  cripta  noba ;"  one from  St.  Cyriaca  given  by  Boldetti,  "  in  crypta noba  retro  sanctus."  But  Mich.  Stef.  de  Rossi has  shown  satisfactorily.  Bom.  Sott.  i.  23  sq. that  Marchi  presses  the  supposed  distinction  too far,  and  that  it  is  very  far  from  holding  good generally.  The  truth  is  that  crypta  was  a word  of  general  meaning,  and  embraced  every kind  of  subterranean  excavation,  whether  smaller or  more  extensive. We  sometimes  meet  with  the  expressions cryptae  arenarim,  or  cryptae  arenariae,  in  con- nection with  the  interment  of  Christian  martyrs. Bosio,  Rom.  Sott.  pp.  192,  186,  481,  300,  &c. These  would  seem  to  indicate  the  galleries  of  a deserted  pozzolana  pit,  as  places  of  sepult  ure.  But it  has  been  shewn  in  the  article  Catacombs  that, though  the  subterranean  cemeteries  very  fre- quently had  a  close  connection  with  these  quar- ries, and  were  approached  through  their  adits, tlie  sand-pits  themselves  were  seldom  or  never used  for  interment,  for  which  indeed  they  were unfit  without  very  extensive  alteration  and  adap- tation. The  passages  referred  to,  which  are chiefly  found  iu  the  not  very  trustworthy  "  Acts of  the  Martyrs,"  have  probably  originated  in  a confusion  between  the  catacombs  themselves  and the  quarries  with  which  they  were  often  so closely  connected.  [E.  V.] CTESIPHON  ON  THE  TIGRIS  (Council of),  A.D.  420,  under  Taballaha,  abp.  of  Seleucia, on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river,  where  the Nicene  faith  was  received,  and  with  it  the  canons to  which  the  consent  of  the  rest  of  the  church westwards  had  been  given  (Mansi  iv.  441-2). [E.  S.  F.] CUBICULUM.  In  addition  to  the  use  of  this word  to  designate  the  family  grave  chambers  in CUBICULUM 519 the  subterranean  cemeteries  at  Rome  (for  which see  Catacombs,  p.  310),  we  find  it  employed  to denote  what  we  should  now  call  the  side  chapels of  the  nave  of  a  church.  The  first  instance  of  its use  in  this  sense  is  in  the  writings  of  Paulinus ofNola.  Writing  to  his  friend  Severus,  ^^.  xxxii. §  12,  he  describes  the  church  recently  erected  at Nola,  and  particularizes  these  side  chapels,  which were  evidently  novel  features  in  church  arrange- ment. There  were  four  on  each  side  of  the  nave, beyond  the  side  aisles  (porticus),  with  two  verses inscribed  over  the  entrance.  Their  object  was  to furnish  places  of  retirement  for  those  who  desired to  pray  or  meditate  on  the  word  of  God,  and  for the  sepulchral  memorials  of  the  departed.  The passage  is  :  "  Cubicula  intra  porticus  quatcrna longis  basilicae  lateribus  inserta,  secretis  oran- tium,  vel  in  lege  Domini  meditantium,  praeterea memoriis  religiosorum  ac  familiarium  accommo- dates ad  pacis  aeternae  requiem  locos  praebent, omne  cubiculum  binis  per  liminum  frontes  ver- sibus  praenotatui'."  They  differed  from  the  side chapels  of  later  ages  in  containing  no  altars,  as originally  there  was  but  one  altar  in  a  church. (Remondini,  tom.  i.  p.  412.)  Pauhnus  also  speaks of  these  chapels  under  the  name  of  cellae  or cellulae,  e.g.  when  speaking  of  a  thief  who  had concealed  himself  in  one  of  them  all  night, he  says  : "  Cellula  de  multis,  quae  per  latera  undique  magnis, Appositae  tectis  praebent  secura  sepulchris Hospitia."— i'oema,  xix.  v.  478  sq. Cubicula  is  also  of  frequent  occurrence  in  the Liber  Pontificalis  of  Anastasius  Bibliothecarius, as  synonymous  with  oratoria.  In  the  description of  various  oratoria  erected  by  Symmachus  a.d. 498-514,  we  find,  §  79,  "  quae  cubicula  omnia  a fundamento  perfecta  construxit."  Of  Sergius, A.D.  687-701,  we  read,  §  163,  that  he  repaired the  decayed  chapels  around  St.  Peter's.  "  Hie tectum  et  cubicula  quae  circumquaque  ejusdem basilicae  quae  per  longa  temporum  stillicidiis  et ruderibus  fuerant  disrupta  studiosius  innovavit et  reparavit."  And  it  is  recorded  of  Leo  III. A.D.  795,  that  he  also  rebuilt  the  ruinous  cubi- cula attached  to  the  same  basilica  (§  412). Perhaps  the  earliest  existing  example  in  Rome of  such  a  chapel  attached  to  the  body  of  a  church is  that  of  St.  Zeno  in  the  church  of  St.  Prassede, built  by  Pope  Paschal  I.  about  A.D.  817.  In  an early  description  of  the  basilica  of  San  Lorenzo fuori  le  Mura,  given  by  De  Rossi,  Bullett.  di  Arch. Crist.  Giugno,  1864,  p.  42,  from  a  MS.  in  the Vienna  Library,  we  find  the  word  used  in  a similar  sense :  "  Est  parvum  cubiculum  in  por- ticu  ad  occidentem  ubi  pausat  Herennius  martyr." Paulinus  also  describes  cubicula  or  cellae  of  this nature  in  the  porticos  of  the  atrium  of  the church  of  St.  Felix.  They  were  intended  for private  prayer.  The  altar  of  the  basilica  could be  seen  from  them  by  means  of  windows.  They were  ornamented  with  scrijjtural  paintings  : "  Metanda  bonis  habitacula  digne Quos  hue  ad  sancti  justUTn  Kelicis  honorem, I  luxorat  orandi  studium  non  cura  bibendi." Poem.  xxvi.  v.  395  sq. The  last  words  quoted  have  reference  to  the custom,  the  abuse  of  which,  degenerating  into gross  license,  is  severely  inveighed  against  by Paulinus,  of  holding  feasts  in  the  cubicula.  Cf, Paulin,  Poema  xxvi.  De  FeKcis  Natal,  ix.  v.  541, 520 CUCUFAS The  word  oIkCctkos  was  used  in  Greek  in  the same  sense.  We  hare  an  example  in  a  letter  of Nilus  to  Olympiodorus  the  prefect,  relating  to the  church  he  had  built,  iv  Se  rtf  koip^  oiKw ■KoWoiS  KoX  5La<p6pois  olKiffKois  SifiAXiJ^eVcf) apxe'io-dcti,  iKaarov  ireireyfiivtf)  Tifiiw  (rravpq>. From  the  use  of  cuhiculutn  as  a  chapel,  cubi- cuhirii  came  to  be  employed  in  the  sense  of chaplains.  "  Hie  [Leo  I.]  constituit  et  addidit supra  sepulchra  apostolorum  ex  clero  Romano custodes  qui  dicuntur  cubicularii  quos  modo dicimus  capellanos.  Cubiculum  enim  idem  erat apud  antiques  quod  hodie  apud  nos  capella." Ciacconius,  Vit.  et  Gest.  Font.  Roman,  i.  p.  307. [E.  v.] CUCUFAS,  martyr  at  Barcelona,  July  25 {Mart.  Usuardi).  [C] CUCULLA,  cucuHus,  cucullio,  is  one  of  the few  articles  of  the  monastic  dress  specified  by the  founder  of  the  Benedictines  {Reg.  c.  55); and  has  commonly  been  considered  the  badge  of monks,  e.g.  in  the  old  proverb,  "  cuculla  non  tacit monachum."  Benedict  ordered  the  "cuculla," or  hood,  to  be  shaggy  for  winter,  and  for  summer of  lighter  texture  (cf.  Cone.  Reg.  c.  62) ;  and  a "  scapulare  "  to  be  worn  instead  out  of  doors,  as more  suitable  for  field-work,  being  open  at  the sides.  The  "cuculla"  protected  the  head  and shoulders,  and,  as  being  worn  by  infants  and peasants,  was  said  to  symbolise  humility;^  or, by  another  account,  it  was  to  keep  the  eyes  from glancing  right  or  left  (Cass.  Inst.  i.  5 ;  Sozom. Hist.  Ecc.  iii.  13,  14).  It  was  part  of  the  dress of  nuns,  as  well  as  of  monks  (Pallad.  Hist.  Laus. 41),  and  was  worn  by  the  monks  of  Tabenna  at the'  mass  (Pall.  H. ' L.  38).  If,  as  the  words seem  to  say,  it  was  their  only  clothing  on  that occasion,  it  must  of  course  have  been  longer  than a  hood  or  cape.  Indeed,  "cuculla"  is  often taken  as  equivalent  to  "  casula  "  (from  "  casa  "), a  covering  of  the  whole  person ;  in  later  writers it  means,  not  the  hood  only  ("  cucullus  "),  but the  monastic  robe,  hood  and  all  ("  vestis  cucul- lata,"  Reg.  Comm.  S.  Bened.  c.  55,  cf.  Mab.  Ann. V.  17).  These  same  monks  of  Tabenna  or  Pacho- miani,  like  the  Carthusians,  drew  their  hoods forwards  at  meal  times,  so  as  to  hide  their  faces from  one  another  (Pall.  48 ;  Ruff.  Vit.  Man.  3). The  "  cappa  "  (probably  akin  to  our  "  cape  "),  in Italy  seems  to  correspond  with  the  Gallic "  cuculla,"  and  both  were  nearly  identical,  it  is thouffht,  with  the  "melotes"  or  sheepskin  of the  earliest  ascetics  (Cass.  Instit.  i.  8;  Pall. Hist.  Laus.  28);  and  so  with  the  "pera"  (or "  penula,"  according  to  Al.  Gazaeus,  ad  loc. citat.),  the  "  pellis  caprina  dependens  ab  humeris ad  lumbos  "  (Isidor.  Orig.  xix.  21,  ap.  Reg.  Comm. S.  Bened.).  Of  course  it  is  difficult  to  identify precisely  the  technical  names  for  dress  in  various countries,  and  in  a  remote  period.  [I.  G.  S.] CUCUMELLUM.  A  vessel  mentioned  among those  which  Paul,  bishop  of  Cirta,  delivered  up to  Felix  (Baronius,  Annales,  an.  303,  c.  12). This  cucumellum  was  of  silver,  and  was  probably a  cruet  or  flagon  for  use  on  the  altar.  Compare Ama.     (Ducange's  Glossary,  s.  v.)  [C] CULDEES.    [CoLiDEi.] CUNIBERT,  bishop,  deposition   at  Cologne (about  A.D.  663),  Nov.  12  {Mart.  Usuardi). [C] CUESUALES  EQUI CUP.        [Chalice  :    Communion  :    Glass,    . Christian.] CUPELLA,  a  small  loculus  or  sepulchral recess.  At  present  we  have  only  one  instance  of its  use  to  adduce,  which  is  given  by  Marchi {Monumenti  Frimit.  p.  114).  The  inscription  in which  it  is  found  records  the  burial  of  her  two children,  Secundina  and  Laurentius,  by  their mother  Secunda.  The  solecisms  in  grammar and  orthography  with  which  it  is  full  show  that Secunda  was  a  person  of  humble  rank.  The stone  is  preserved  in  the  Museum  Kircherianum. The  inscription  is  as  follows  : — "  Ego  Secunda feci  cupella  bone  |  mimorie  filiem  meem  Secun  | dinem  que  recessit  in  fidem  |  cum  fratrem  suum Lauren  |  tium  in  pace  recesserund."  Cupella  is evidently  the  diminutive  of  cupa,  explained  by Du  Cange  to  mean  urna,  area  sepulchralis.  This sense  is  a  derivative  one  from  its  classical  mean- ino-  of  a  large  cask,  butt,  or  vat  (Caes.  Bell.  Civ. c.ll;  Lucan.  lib.  iv.  v.  420;  Varro  apud  Non. c.  ii.  No.  113).  It  appears  in  pagan  inscriptions but  rarely  :  e.g.,  "  D.  Apuleius  lonicus  fecit  Eu- tychiae  sorori  suae  et  Eutycheti  filio  ejus.  In hac  cupa  mater  et  filius  positi  sunt  "  (Grilter, Inscr.  p.  845,  No.  Id);  "  D.  M.  Olus  Publicius Polvtihuus  Tutor  Titi  Flavi  Algathangeli pupilli  sui  Matri  ]  Sexctae  Fortunatae  defu] nctae  locum  emit,  massam  ]  calcavit  cupam  aedi- ficavit  de  bon|is  ejus  omnibus  consumat."  (Doni class.  11,  No.  6).  The  use  of  the  word  survived till  later  times,  and  Du  Cange  quotes  from  a monkish  writer  "  in  alia  cuba  juxta  orientem sepulchrum  SS.  Victoris,  &c."  The  idea  has been  propounded  by  the  Rev.  J.  W.  Burgon {Letters  from  Rome,  p.  206),  that  we  may  find in  cupella,  as  a  place  of  Christian  burial,  the etymology  of  the  word  capella,  chapel,  which  has so  long  perplexed  philologists,  and  of  which  no satisfactory  derivation  has  ever  yet  been  dis- covered. The  architectural  term  cupola  is  another form  of  the  same  root.  [E.  V.] CUECODEMUS,  deacon,  martyr  at  Auxerre, May  4  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [C] CURIA  KOMANA.  [Appeal  :  Council.] CURSE.  [Anathema:  Excommunication.] CUESUALES  EQUI,  post-horses,  i.e.  horses belonging  to  the  cursus  publicus,  called  also  for shortness  cursus,  Gr.  ^piixos.  The  Roman  posting or  postal  system — the  distinction  between  the two  belongs' to  a  late  stage  of  civilization — was established  by  Augustus.  According  to  the "  Secret  History "  of  Procopius  (c.  30),  the day's  journey  consisted  of  eight  posts,  some- times fewer,  but  never  less  than  five.  Each stable  had  40  horses,  and  as  many  stablemen  or stabularii  (who  seem  elsewhere  to  be  called  hip- pocomi.  Code,  bk.  xii.  T.  li.  1.  13).  Bingham gives  a  quite  incorrect  idea  of  the  system  in describing  the  cursuales  equi  as  being  simply  im- pressed for  the  army  and  exchequer.  A  constitu- tion of  the  Emperor  Constantine,  A.D.  320,  ex- pressly enacts  that  no  one  but  the  Prefect  has the  right  to  go  by  any  other  road  than  that which  "has  a  "cursus,"  shewing  that  no  mere occasional  impressment  is  meant  (sed  nee  per aliam  viam  eundi  quisquam  habeat  facultatem, nisi  per  quam  cursus  publicus  stare  dignoscitur ; Code.  bk.  xii.  T.  li.  1.  2).  But  Bingham,  with his  almost  habitual  inaccuracy,  seems  to  have  con- CURSUALES  EQUI founded  the  cursus  publicus  with  the  evectio  or right  of  gratuitously  using  it,  which  was  confined to  officials,  to  envoys,  and  under  certain  circum- stances to  senators  (Code,  u.s.,  1.  6,  and  see  also 11.  11,  16),  and  which  did  in  such  case  resemble a  right  of  impressment,  though  the  true  equiva- lent for  impressment  seems  to  be  found  in  the angariae  or  pamngariae.  The  cost  of  providing both  the  horses  and  fodder  for  them  was  supplied by  the  State,  i.e.  as  it  appears,  by  the  provinces (the  duty  being  deemed  one  which  belonged  to the  land  and  not  to  the  person.  Code,  bk.  x.  1.  4, law  of  Valerian  and  Gallienus),  but  it  would seem  that  they  were  not  bound  to  maintain  post- carriages  (paravereda)  or  horses  for  them,  since  a law  of  Arcadius  and  Honorius,  a.d.  403,  enjoins the  rectors  of  the  provinces  to  see  that  the  curials or  provincials  were  not  compelled  to  provide animals  which  they  did  not  owe  to  the  post (*.  1.  19).  Through  the  roguery  of  the  officers employed  the  cost  of  fodder  was,  it  seems,  often exaggerated,  whilst  the  animals  were  starved. (Code,  U.S.  1. 18  ;  constitution  of  Arcadius  and  Ho- norius, A.D.  400,  and  see  also  11.  2,  7, 19.)  By  way of  compensation,  the  stable  manure  was  left  to  the provinces  (1.  7,  of  Valentinian,  Valens,  and  Gra- tian).  The  sale  of  the  public  horses  was  forbidden (1.10);  those  who  used  more  horses  than  they  were entitled  to  had  to  pay,  according  to  circumstances, four  times  the  price  of  the  horses,  or  a  pound  of gold  for  each  (11. 15,  20).  A  curious  constitution of  the  Emperor  Constantine,  A.D.  316,  which  is  to be  found  at  length  in  the  Theodosian  Code,  bk. viii.  T.  V.  1.  66,  but  of  which  only'a  brief  extract remains  in  that  of  Justinian  (bk.  xii.  T.  li.  1.  1) — anticipating  the  labours  of  "  the  Society  for  the Prevention  of  Cruelty  towards  Animals  " — enacts that  "Forasmuch  as  many  with  knotted  and very  thick  sticks  (nodosis  et  validissimis  fustibus) at  the  very  outset  of  a  stage  compel  the  public animals  to  exhaust  whatever  strength  they  have, placet  that  none  in  driving  should  use  a  stick  but either  a  rod  or  a  whip,  with  a  short  goad  (aculeus) infixed  to  the  point,  which  may  admonish  their idle  limbs  with  a  harmless  tickle  (innocuo titillo),  without  exacting  what  their  strength cannot  compass  " — the  punishment  varying  from loss  of  rank  to  exile  according  to  the  original Constitution ;  but  the  extract  in  Justinian's  Code simply  threatens  punishment  generally  (poena non  defutura). It  seems  to  be  considered  that  the  clergy  were exempt  from  the  obligation  to  pay  tax  for  the horses  of  the  cursus,  under  their  general  exemp- tion from  sordida  munem,  extraordinary  charges, the  "  parangarian  prestation,"  or  the  translatio, or  obligation  to  carry  goods  (see  Code,  bk.  iv. T.  iii.  1.  2,  of  Constantine,  A.D.  357  ;  T.  ii.  1.  5,  of Gratian,  Valentinian,  and  Theodosius,  A. p.  412 ; Nov.  131,  c.  5).  It  seems,  however,  difficult  to identify  the  ordinary  contribution  for  the  cursus pu'ilicus  with  one  of  these.  The  opinion  has  pro- bably arisen  from  confounding  it  with  the  lia- bility to  the  "  parangaria  praestatio,"  which,  as above  intimated,  seems  rather  to  relate  to  oc- casional impi-essment.  Certain  it  is  that  as  one of  the  duties  belonging  to  the  land,  which  were to  be  borne  by  all  (muuera,  quae  patrimoniis publicae  utilitatis  gratia  indicuntur,  ab  omnibus subeunda  sunt.  Code,  bk.  x.  t.  xli.  1.  1,  of  Anto- nine)  it  does  not  seem  by  its  nature  to  have  been one  from  which  the  clergy  would  be  exempt,  and CURTAIN wc  have  proof  from  the  story  of  St.  Augustine having  declined  to  accept  for  the  Church  an estate  charged  with  the  patrimonial  munus  termed the  "  navicularian,"  i.e.  that  relating  to  the  trans- port of  corn  from  Africa,  lest  the  Church  should have  to  undertake  such  a  duty,  that  no  ecclesias- tical immunity  obtained  in  a  precisely  similar case  (the  Digest  classes  together  as  patrimonial munera  those  "  rei  vehicularis,  item  navicularis ;" bk.  1.  T.  iv.  1.  1).  [J.  M.  L.] CURSOR.  (1)  In  the  days  when  it  was dangerous  for  Christians  to  make  known  publicly the  times  and  places  of  their  assemblies,  the faithful  wei-e  frequently  summoned  by  a  mes- senger going  from  house  to  house,  who  was called  cursor  ovpracco.  To  this  custom  Tertullian seems  to  allude  when  (De  Fuga  in  Persecutione, c.  14)  he  says,  speaking  of  the  difficulty  of  holding assemblies,  "  Non  potes  discurrere  per  singulos  ?" An  epitaph  published  by  Brower,  Ursacius  Cur- sor DOMINICUS  {Arvial.  Trevirens.  i.  53),  is  gener- ally referred  to  an  official  of  this  kind  ;  but  this Ursacius  may  have  been  an  ordinary  letter-carrier of  the  church.  (See  Ducange,  s.  v.  Cursor.')  As- semblies seem  to  have  been,  at  least  in  some  in- stances, announced  in  this  way  in  the  4th  century  ; for  Jerome,  writing  to  Eustochium  {Epist.  22), speaks  of  a  praeco  giving  notice  of  the  Agape ; and  Eusebius  of  Alexandria  (quoted  by  Binterim, Dcnkiciird.  iv.  1,  281)  speaks  of  the  unreadiness of  many  to  go  to  church  when  the  herald  called. (2)  An  official  to  whom  was  specially  com- mitted the  task  of  circulating  letters  of  popes or  other  bishops ;  see  Baronius,  Annales,  an. 58,  §  102.  "  Romae  adhuc  durant  Papae  cur- sores,  qui  deferunt  ejus  ordines  ac  pontificias bullas  publicant."  (Macri  Hierolexicon,  s.  v. Cursor.)  [C] CURSUS.  The  divine  office,  or  series  of prayers,  psalms,  hymns,  and  versicles  said  daily by  the  clergy  in  churches.  For  instance,  the seventh  canon  of  the  council  of  Chelsea  [Calchut.] is,  "  Ut  omnes  ecclesiae  publice  canonicis  horis cursum  suum  cum  reverentia  habeant  "  (Haddan and  Stubbs,  Councils,  iii.  451).  See  Hours  ^  OF Prayer  ;  Office,  the  Divine.  [C] CURTAIN  (cortina,  avlaeum,  velum,  0rj\ov, TvapaireTaffixa,  KaTatriraaixa,  afj.(pi6vpov).  Cur- tains were  used  in  ancient  churches  for  the  fol- lowing iDurposes.  1.  To  hang  over  the  outer doorway  of  the  church.  2.  To  close  the  doorway between  the  nave  of  the  church  and  the  sanc- tuary, or  perhaps  rather  to  fill  the  open  panels or  Cancelli  of  the  door,  during  the  time  of  the consecration  of  the  Eucharist.  3.  To  fill  the space  between  the  pillars  of  the  ciborium,  or canopy  of  the  altar.  4.  Curtains  were  also  used in  baptisteries. 1.  The  Paschal  Chronicle  (p.  294)  mentions curtains  embroidered  with  gold,  for  the  doors, in  enumerating  the  gifts  of  Constantine  to  the church  at  Constantinople.  St.  Jerome  (Epitaph. Nepot.  Epist.  ad  Ileliod.)  praises  the  priest  Ne- potianus  for  the  care  with  which  he  provided curtains  for  the  doors  of  his  church  :  "  Erat  sol- licitus  ....  si  vela  semper  in  ostiis."  We  find again  indications  of  this  custom  in  Epiphanius ; and  Paulinus  of  Nola  tells  us  (Poem,  xviii.  30) that  those  surpassed  him  in  magnificence  who ottered  rich  curtains  (vela  foribus)  for  the  doors, brilliant   in   tlie  purity  of  linen,  or  ornamented 522 GUKTAIN with  coloured  patterns  woven  into  their  sixb- ftauce.  He  is  yet  more  precise  in  speaking  of his  own  church  of  St.  P'elix  at  Nola  (Poem.  xiv. 98),  where  he  says,  "  the  golden  doorways  are ornamented  with  curtains  white  as  snow." Such  curtains  were  suspended  by  iron  or  bronze rings,  the  remains  of  which  are  still  to  be  dis- covered in  some  ancient  Roman  basilicas,  for example  in  those  of  St.  Clement,  St.  Mary  in Cosmediu,  St.  Laurence,  St.  George  in  Velabro, &c.  The  office  of  raising  these  curtains  before the  priests  and  other  dignified  persons  was  as- siii'ued  to  the  inferior  clerks  (Concil.  Narhon. can.  xiii.  A.D.  589);  the  subdeacon  as  well  as the  ostiarius  is  to  raise  the  door-curtains  (vela ad  ostia)  before  the  elders  (senioribus).  They were  sometimes  adorned  with  figures  of  saints  or with  crosses,  or  flowers,  arranged  in  patterns,  and with  various  purple  ornaments. '_'.  It  is  probable  that  from  the  time  of  Con- stantine  curtains  were  used  to  enclose  the  sanc- tuary, or  to  fill  the  apertures  in  the  rails  or grating  [Cascelli]  which  surrounded  it.  Atha- nasius  (Epist.  ad  Solit.,  opp.  i.  847,  ed.  Paris, 1G27),  speaking  of  an  outrage  committed  by  the Arians,  says  that  they  carried  out  and  burned the  benches,  the  throne,  the  table,  and  the  cur- tains (ra  ^r\\a)  of  the  church,  where  the  context certainly  suggests  that  these  were  the  curtains of  the  sanctuary.  Theodoret  {Hist.  Eccl.)  tells us  that  St.  Basil  invited  the  Emperor  Valens  to enter  into  the  enclosure  of  the  sacred  curtains where  he  was  himself  seated ;  that  is,  into  the sanctuary  of  his  church,  which  was  enclosed  by these  curtains.  And  St.  Chrysostom,  in  a  pas- sage containing  much  information  as  to  the manner  of  celebrating  the  eucharist  in  his  time, says,  "  when  the  sacrifice  is  borne  forth  .  .  . when  thou  seest  the  curtains  (ra  a.fjL(pi9vpa) drawn  back,  then  think  that  the  sky  above  us opens,  and  angels  descend"  (/»  Ephes.  Horn.  3,  §  5, p.  23).  Here  the  curtains  are  clearly  those which  closed  the  doorway  of  the  sanctuary,  which were  drawn  back  after  consecration,  when  the people  communicated.  Evagrius  (Hist.  Eccl.  vi. 21)  says  that  Chosroes,  after  his  victory  over Bahram  (a.d.  590)  sent  to  Gregory  bishop  of Autioch,  among  other  presents,  '^  afj.(pldvpov  ovv- viKov  KeKocrfirifiii/ov  xpi'C'V  •  "  i^'^t  is,  according to  the  most  probable  interpretation,  a  curtain of  rich  Hunnish  work  for  the  door  of  the  sanc- tuary. See  Ducange  (s.  v.  Hunniscu^'),  who  cites the  word  Hunniscus  from  a  letter  of  Charles  the Great  to  Offa  king  of  Mercia  (Haddan  and  Stubbs, iii.  498),  and  believes  it  to  be  equivalent  to  the "Sarmaticum"  of  Gregory  of  Tours  (De  Vit. J'atr.  c.  8).  Cyril  of  Alexandria  (Catena  in Joann.  on  c.  ii.  v.  24)  bids  the  guai'dians  of  the divine  mysteries  not  to  admit  the  uninitiated within  the  sacred  curtains  (rcou  Up5>v  Karairf- TaafxaTcov),  nor  to  permit  neophytes  to  draw near  the  Holy  Table.  In  this  case  the  curtain or  "  veil "  of  the  sanctuary  is  clearly  intended  ; the  term  itself  is  adopted  from  the  Jewish Temple.  Germanus  of  Constantinople  (Hist. i:>:cl.  p.  153,  ed.  Paris,  1560)  says  that  the  cur- tain symbolized  the  stone  which  was  rolled  to the  door  of  the  sepulchre. 3.  Curtains  were  also  fixed  to  the  ciborlum  in such  a  manner  as  to  surround  the  Altar  [Altar, p.  05]  upon  certain  occasions.  The  tetravela,  or .sets  of  four  curtains,  which  are  frequently  mon- CYPEIANUS tioned  in  the  Liber  Pontificalis  among  the  gifts of  the  popes  to  cei'taiu  Koman  churches  were  no doubt  intended  for  this  use.  See,  for  instance, the  life  of  Sergius  I.  (p.  150  B,  ed.  Muratori),  who is  said  to  have  given  to  surround  the  altar  of a  church  eight  tetravela,  four  white,  four  scarlet. Similar  presents  are  attributed  by  the  same  au- thority to  Leo  HI.  Some  have  thought  that  the Rugae  presented  by  various  popes  to  Roman churches  were  curtains,  but  this  does  not  seem probable. 4.  They  were  also  used  in  baptisteries,  as  may be  seen  in  a  very  ancient  mosaic  at  Ravenna (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  IL  plate  xxiii.) ;  and  see Baptism,  p.  161. (Ducange's  Glossaries  and  Descriptio  S.  So- phiae ;  Suicer's  Thesaurus  ;  Martigny's  Diet,  dcs Antiq.  Chre't.)  [C] CUSTODES  ECCLESIAE.  Either  door- keepers, otherwise  called  Ostiarii,  one  of  the  in- ferior orders  in  the  ancient  Church,  or,  more probably  perhaps,  the  same  officers  who  are sometimes  distinguished  as  Seniores  Ecclesiae, and  whose  duties  corresponded  in  certain  points with  those  of  the  modern  churchwarden.  [See Churchwarden.]  Bingham,  iii.  13,  2.     [D.  B.] CUSTODES  LOCORUM  SAXCTOKUM. The  keepers  of  the  holy  places  of  Palestine,  so called  because  of  their  relation  to  our  Lord's earthly  history:  e.g.  Bethlehem,  Mount  Gol- gotha, the  Holy  Sepulchre,  Mount  Olivet.  Such an  office  was  probably  occasioned  by  the  custom which  arose  among  Christians  in  early  times  of visiting  these  places  for  purposes  of  piety  and devotion;  and  that  the  function  of  these  cwstotfes was  accounted  a  religious  service  appears  from their  having  been  exempted,  by  a  statute  of Theodosius,  in  the  same  manner  as  ecclesiastics generally,  from  personal  tribute,  in  regard  to this  their  special  employment  (Bingham,  iii. 13,  2).  [D.  B.] GUSTOS  ARCAE.  A  name  given  to  the archdeacon,  as  having  charge  of  the  treasury  of the  Cliurch,  and  the  care  of  dispensing  the  obla- tions of  the  people.  In  this  capacity  Caeciliau was  accused  by  the  Donatists  of  having  prohi- bited the  deacons  from  carrying  any  provision to  the  martyrs  in  prison.  And  the  4th  Council of  Carthage  (c.  17)  directs  the  bishop  not  to  con- cern himself  personally  in  the  care  and  govern- ment of  widows,  orphans,  and  strangers,  but  to commit  the  duty  to  his  archpresbyter  or  arch- deacon (Bingham,  ii.  c.  21).  [D.  B.] CUTHBEET,  presbyter,  abbat  of  Lindis- farne,  March  20  (Mart.  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi)  ; translation  to  Durham,  Sept.  4  (some  MSS.  of Mart.  Usuardi).  [C] CYCLUS  ANNI.  [Calendar.] CYCLUS  PASCHALIS.  [Easter.] CYMBAL.  The  word  cymhalum  seems  occa- sionally to  be  used  for  a  bell,  or  some  sonorous instrument  used  instead  of  a  bell.  Thus  Gregory the  Great  (Dialojus  i.  9)  speaks  of  a  cymhalum being  struck  by  way  of  passing-bell ;  and  Duran- dus  (Eittionale,  i.  4,  §  2)  of  monks  being  called to  the  refectory  by  the  sound  of  a  cymhalum which  hung  in  the  cloister.  [C] CYPRIANUS.  (1)  The  famous  bishop  of Carthage,    martyr    under   Valerian,    a.d.    258 CYPKUS Sept.  14  {Cal.  Carth.,  Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron., Bedae,  Usuardi);  Oct.  2  {Cal.  Byzant.). (2)  Bishop,  martyr  with  Ju'stina,  Sept.  26 {Mart.  Bom.  Yet.,  Bedae,  Usuardi). (3)  Martyr  in  Africa  under  Hunneric,  Oct.  12 (^Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Usuardi). (4)  Abbat  of  Perigord,  commemorated  Dec.  9 {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [C] CYPRUS  (Council  of),  a.d.  401,  as  Pagi shews  (ad  Baron,  ib.  n.  20)  under  St.  Epipha- uius,  at  the  instigation  of  Theophilus  of  Alex- andria, prohibiting  the  reading  of  the  works  of Origen.  [E.  S.  F.] CYRIACA,  martyr,  a.d.  282,  is  comme- morated July  7  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] CYEIACUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Achaia,  Jan.  12 {Mart.  Bedae). (2)  Deacon,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Maximin, March  16  {Mart.  Born.  Vet,  Bedae,  Usuardi); again  on  Aug.  8  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae, Usuardi),  supposed  by  some  to  be  the  day  of  his translation  by  Pope  Marcellus  (see  Sollier's  note on  Usuard,  Aug.  8);  July  15  {Cal.  Byzant.). Sometimes  written  Cyricus  or  Cert/cus. (3)  Martyr  at  Tomi,  June  20  {Mart.  Hieron., Bedae). (4)  The  Anchoret  (a.d.  448-557),  Sept.  29 {Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] CYEICUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  the  Plellespont, Jan.  3  {Ma>-t.  Hieron.,  Usuardi). (2)  Martvr  at  Antioch,  June  16  {Mart.  Hieron., Bom.  Vet.  Usuardi).  [C] Cl'^RIL.  (1)  Bishop  of  Alexandria,  is  com- memorated Jan.  28  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi) ; June  9  {Cal.  Byzant.);  with  Athanasius,  Jan.  18 {Cal.  Byzant.). (2)  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  March  18  {Cal.  By- zant., Ethiop.). (3)  Martyr  in  Syria,  March  20  {Mart.  Usuardi). (4)  Bishop  and  martyr  in  Egypt  (?),  July  9 {Mart.  Hieron.,  Rom.  Vet.,  Usuardi). (5)  Martvr  at  Philadelphia,  Aug.  1  {Mart. Rom.  Vet.,  Usuardi).  [C] CYRILLA,  daughter  of  Decius,  martyr  under Claudius,  Oct.  28  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae, Usuardi).  [C] OYRINUS,  or  QUIRINUS.  (1)  Martyr  at Rome  under  Claudius,  is  commemorated  March  25 {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae,  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  at  Rome  under  Diocletian,  April  26 {-Mart.  Usuardi). (3)  Martyr  at  Milan  under  Nero,  June  12 {Mart.  Bedae,  Usuardi).  [C] CYRIISTJS.    [Cyricus.] CYRION,  presbyter,  martyr,  Feb.  14  {jMart. Hieron.,  Usuardi).  [C] CYRUS,  martyr,  a.d.  292,  wonder-\yorker and  unmercenary,  is  commemorated  Jan.  31 {Cal.  Byzant.) ;  translation,  .June  28  {ib.).    [C] CYZICUS  (Council  of),  a.d.  376,  according to  Mansi  (iii.  469),  being  the  meeting  of  semi- Arians  mentioned  by  St.  Basil  in  his  letter  to Patrophilus,  and  spoken  of  as  a  recent  occurrence {Ep.  ccxciv.  al.  Ixxxi.).  "What  else  they  did there,  I  know  not,"  says  he  ;  "but  thus  much I  hear,  that  having  been  reticent  of  the  term Jlomoousion,  they  now  give  utterance  to  the  term DALIMATIC 523 Homoiousion,  and  join  Eunomius  in  publishing blasphemies  against  the  Holy  Ghost."    [E.  S.  F.] CYZICUS,  THE  Martyrs  of,  are  commemo- rated April  29  [al.  28]  {Cal.  Byzant).         [C] DADAS,  martyr  with  Maximus  and  Quiutili- anus  ;  commemorated  April  28  {Cal.  Bi/zant.). [W.  F.  G.] DAEMON.     [Demon.] DAFROSA,  wife  of  Fabian  the  martyr, martyr  at  Rome  under  Julian ;  commemorated, Jan.  4  {Mart.  Bom.  ]'et.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.] DALMATIC.  {AaXfj-aTiKii  [Ae\.];  Dalma- tica,  sc.  tunica  or  testis ;  the  substantive,  as  in the  similar  case  of  alba,  is  seldom  expressed.) The  dalmatic,  which  derived  its  name  from  the province  where  it  was  first  manufactured,  was  a species  of  long-sleeved  white  tunic,  with  a  longi- tudinal stripe  {clavus)  from  either  side  of  the neck  downwards.  ("Dalmatica  vestis  primum in  Dalmatia  provincia  Graeciae  texta  est,  tunica sacerdotalis  Candida  cum  clavis  ex  purpura." Isidore,  Etymol.  xix.  22.) There  are  fair  grounds,  however,  for  believing that  in  its  original  form  the  dalmatic,  as  worn by  men,  was  a  short-sleeved  or  sleeveless  tunic, equivalent  to  the  colobion  (xtrc!;^  dxeipj5a.'Tds, Sozomen,  iii.  14).*  This  is  shown  by  the  way  in which  the  two  words  are  used  synonymously,  as in  Epiphanius  {Huer.  xv.  vol.  i.  p.  32,  ed.  Petavius), AaAfiaTiKas,  ilrovv  KoKo^iwvas,  iK  TrAaTva-fi/xoiv Sta  TTopcpvpas  a\ovpyoii(pe7s  KaT€(TKevaafj.eyas.  (So too  Joannes  Damascenus,  in  Cotelier,  EccL  Graec. Mon.  Iiied.  i.  284.)  Again,  in  a  most  important early  document,  to  which  we  shall  subsequently refer,  the  edict  of  Diocletian  fixing  the  maximum price  of  articles  throughout  the  Roman  empire, the  two  words  are  used  as  equivalents  (Wad- dington,  L'e'dit  de  Diodeticn,  p.  38).  Nor  need any  difficulty  be  felt  from  the  occiirrence  of passages  which  sjjeak  of  the  substitution  of  the dalmatic  for  the  colobion.  If  the  above  theory be  correct,  such  passages  will  merely  refer  to the  adding  of  long  sleeves  to  the  previously sleeveless  tunic;  and  the  change  having  beeu once  made,  it  would  be  natural  to  employ  the word  colobion  to  denote  that  form  of  the  gar- ment implied  by  the  name,  and  to  retain  the neutral  word  dalmatic  to  indicate  the  modified form ;  and  indeed  a  passage  from  the  Life  of Silvester  I.  to  which  it  will  be  necessary  to allude  subsequently,  seems  to  siipport  the  above view,  ....  oAA'  ineiZ^  rb  rwv  ^paxtwaiv  yvp.- vhv  i^iytro,  AaKfiariKO.  fxaviKX^ia  fxaWov avvi^t)  ofOfiaffdrii/ai  ftirep  (leg.  ^Trep)  KoAd^ia {  Vit.  Silvestri,  p.  266,  ed.  Combefis).  It  is  of  course also  just  possible  that  this  term  may  have  been susceptible  of  slightly  different  meanings  in  dif- ferent countries. We  first  meet  with  the  dalmatic  as  a  secular dress,  of  a  stately  or  luxurious  character,  worn »  Such  was  also  the  I.evito  [al.  Lehiton']  or  Jem'lu- narium  (words  having  no  connection  with  Levite)  ol  the Kgyptiun  monks.    (Sue  Uinterim,  iv.  1.  214.) 524 DALMATIC by  persons  in  high  position.  Thus  there  would necessarily  be  something  exceptional  in  the  use of  it,  and  then  like  other  articles  of  Roman secular  dress  it  became  adopted  by  the  Church as  a  dress  for  ecclesiastics.  We  shall  cite  first sundry  allusions  to  the  dalmatic  in  the  Historiae Augustae  Scriptores.  Lampridius  charges  Com- niodus  [ob.  192  A.D.]  with  unseemly  behaviour '' in  that  he  appeared  in  the  streets  in  a  dalmatic ( Vita  Comm.  c.  8 ;  see  also  Capitolinus,  Vita Fertin.  c.  8).  Heliogabalus  [ob.  222  A.D.]  also was  foud  of  appearing  abroad  thus  clad  (Lam- ])ridius,  \'ita  Heliogah.  c.  26).  See  also  Trebellius Follio,  Vita  Clmidii,  c.  17. The  edict  of  Diocletian  already  cited  fufnishes us  with  much  interesting  information  as  to  the different  varieties  of  this  garment  in  use  in  the Koman  empire  at  the  end  of  the  3rd  century  A.D. It  was  made  of  various  materials,  wool,  silk, linen  (Aaffios,  d\oar\pi.K6s,  bSSvri)'^  sometimes the  ornamental  davus  was  present  (A.  exovcra iropcpvpas),  sometimes  absent  (^o-jjyuos).  Dalma- tics both  for  men's  and  women's  use  are  men- tioned ;  those  for  the  former,  as  we  have  already stated,  bearing  the  title  AaXixariKuw  avSp^iwv i]Toi  KoAoPicov.  Three  different  qualities  are  given for  each  sex,  the  price  varying  both  according  to the  quality  and  the  place  of  manufacture,  of which  Scythopolis,  Tarsus,  Byblos,  Laodicea,  &c. are  mentioned. It  may  be  not  uninteresting  to  add  that  the price  of  these  various  sorts  varied  from  10,000 to  1500  denarii ;  the  denarius,  it  should  be  re- membered, being  of  the  debased  currency  of  the earlier  part  of  Diocletian's  reign,  and  in  value about  Ud.  {op.  cit.  pp.  30,  37,  &c.). Three  centuries  later  we  find  the  dalmatic worn  as  part  of  a  senator's  dress  in  the  case  of Gordianus  the  father  of  Gregory  the  Great,  who was  of  that  order  (Joannis  Diaconi  Vita  S.  Gre- qorii,  iv.  83)  ;  and  the  father  and  the  son  are both  spoken  of  as  wearing  the  planeta  and  dal- matic (cf.  c.  8-1,  Patrol.  Ixxv.  229). In  later  times  the  dalmatic  has  been  a  dress worn  by  sovereigns  at  their  coronation  and  on other  great  occasions.   [See  CoROXAXiON.] The  ideas,  then,  of  dignity  and  stateliness  were associated  with  the  dalmatic  as  a  secular  dress. The  earliest  notice  of  its  ecclesiastical  use  is,  if the  document  be  genuine,  in  the  ArAa  Martyrii of  St.  Cyprian,  of  whom  it  is  said  (c.  5)  that when  led  out  to  martyrdom  "  se  lacerna  byrro expoliavit .  .  .  .,  et  cum  se  dalmatica  exspoliasset et  diaconibus  tradidisset  in  linea  stetit."  Here then,  where  the  dress  is  evidently  that  ordinarily used  by  the  bishop  (if  indeed  a  distinction  be- tween the  everyday  dress  of  the  Christian  minis- try and  that  used  by  them  in  divine  service  had yet  arisen),  we  find  first  the  under  linen  garment {linea),  over  this  the  dalmatic,  and  finally  the BiRRus  or  cloak. b  It  is  not  quite  clear  iu  what  the  impropriety  coii- Pisted.  If  we  are  right  in  supposing  that  the  dalmatic  of this  time  had  short  sleeves,  there  would  be  an  obvious unseemliness  in  a  person  of  rank  being  seen  abroad  with- out an  upper  garment.  Others  who  hold  that  even  then the  dalmatic  was  a  long-sleeved  dress,  refer  the  cause  of •  lie  censure  to  the  implied  effeminacy  of  the  wearer  (cf. Aulus  Gellius,  vii.  12    •' unicis  uti  virum  prolixis  ultra brachia,  et  usque  in  primores  manus,  ac  prope  in  digitos Romae  utque  omni  in  Latio  indecorum  fuit ") ;  and  others to  the  foreign  nature  of  the  garb. DALMATIC About  fifty  years  later  we  come  to  something more  definite  in  the  already  cited  order  of  Pope Silvester   I.  [ob.  335  A.D.]  that  deacons  should for  the  future  wear  dalmatics  instead  of  colobia. It  is  a  matter  of  small   moment  whether  this means    the    substitution    of    one   vestment    for another,   or,  as  we  have  tried  to  show,  a  modi- fication in  the   shape  of  the   existing  vestment : in  either  case  the  result  is  the  same,  the  intro- duction of  a  long-sleeved  in  place   of  a  short-  1 sleeved  tunic.'-'     Walafrid  Strabo  [ob.  849  A.D.]  ' tells  us  that  "  Silvester  appointed  that  deacons  ' should  use  dalmatics    iu  the  church,    and  that their  left  hand  should  be  covered  with  a  cloth  of linen  warp  {pallium  linostimum').     Now  at  first,          ' priests  {saccrdotes,  that  is    doubtlessly  bishops          \ and  pi-iests  both)  wore  dalmatics  before  chasubles          ' were  introduced,  but  afterwards  when  they  began  ] to   use  chasubles,  they    permitted    dalmatics  to  I deacons.     That   even    pontiffs,    however,    ought to  use   them  is  obvious  from  the  fact  that  Gre- gory or  other  heads  of  the  Roman  see  allowed the  use  of  them  to  some  bishops  and  forbad  it  to others.     Hence   it  follows  that  at  that  time  the  i permission  was  not  given  to  all  to  do  what  now           ' almost  all  bishops  and  some  priests   think  they           i may  do;    namely,   wear  a   dalmatic   under   the chasuble."  {De  liehus  Ecclesiasticis,  c.  24  ;  cf.  Ra- banus  Maurus,  De  Clericorum  Institutione,  i.  7, 20;   Amalarius,  Be   Eccl.  Off.   ii.    21;  Pseudo-          | Alcuin,  De  Die.  Off.  c.  39  ;  Anastasius,  Vitae  Pon-          j tificum,  Silvester  I.  p.  35.)                                               | It  will  be  seen  here  that  the  ordinance  has  I special  reference  to  deacons,  whether  from  the higher  orders  of  the  ministry  already  wearing the  long-sleeved  tunic,  or,  as  Marriott  ( Vesti- arium  Christ ianum,  p.  Iviii.)  suggests,  with  the view  of  compensating  for  the  absence  of  a  super- vestment  among  deacons.  j Noticeable  in  the   next  place  is  the  reference to  permission  granted  or  withheld  by  the  bishop      - of  Rome  as  to  the  wearing  of  the  dalmatic  by  ' other  bishops,  so  that  as  late  as  the  middle  of  i the  9th  century  this  dress  was  in  some  special way  associated  with  the  local  Roman  Church, and  considered  the  peculiar  privilege  of  ecclesi- astics of  that  Church,  others  being  only  allowed to  use  it  by  special  permission.     Of  this  state  of  , things,  doubtless  originally  due  to  the  use  of  the  i vestment  at  Rome  by  persons  of  high  secular  po- sition, numerous  illustrations  can  be  given.  Thus in  the  life  of  Caesarius,  bishop  of  Aries  [ob.  542  ! A.D.],  it  is  mentioned  that  on  his  visit  to  Rome,  the then  Pope  Symmachus  granted  him  as  a  special distinction  the  privilege  of  wearing  the  pallium [Pallium],  and  to  his  deacons  that  of  dalmatics after  the  Roman  fashion  ( Vit.  Caes.  Arel.  c.  4, Patrol.  Ixvii.  1016). Another  instance  occurs  in  a  letter  of  Gregory the  Great  to  Aregius,  bishop  of  Vapincum  (the modern  Gap),  in  which  he  accords  to  him  and his  archdeacon  the  sought-for  privilege  of  wear- ing dalmatics  {Epist.  ix.  107).  An  allusion  to the  same  thing  occurs  in  a  letter  of  Pope  Zacha-  ; rias  [ob.  752  A.D.]  to  Austrobert,  archbishop  of Vienne  {Patrol.  Ixxxix.  956).  The  genuineness, however,  of  this  letter  is  doubtful.     One  or  two '^  Reference  may  perhaps  be  made  to  Ammianus  Mar- cellinus  (xiv.  9),  who,  writing  in  the  latter  part  of  the 4th  century,  still  speaks  of  the  short-sleeved  tuuic  in  con-  i nection  with  deacons,  showing  that  as  yet  the  change  had  i not  become  wide-spread.  i DALMATIC instances  more,  in  which  the  dalmatic  is  associ- ated with  the  Roman  Church,  may  sufSce.  Eu- tychianus,  bishop  of  Rome  [ob.  283  A.D.],  ordered its  use  when  a  martyr  was  buried  (Anastasius, Vitae  Pontificum,  Eutychianus,  p.  28).  In  the  Gre- goi-ian  Sacramentary  (p.  65),  in  the  rubric  for Maundy  Thursday,  we  find  "  ingressi  sacrarium induunt  dalmaticas,  tam  pontifex  quam  omnes diaconi,"  where  pontifex  is  doubtless  the  pope. Gregory  also  refers  in  his  dialogues  to  the  dal- matic of  Paschasius,  a  deacon  of  Rome,  as  laid on  his  bier  (^Dial.  iv.  40),  and  from  a  deci-ee  of the  same  pontiff,  said  to  have  been  given  at  a synod  of  Rome  in  595  A.D.,  we  find  the  same custom  prevailed  in  the  case  of  popes,  which custom  is  here  forbidden  {Opp.  p.  1336  Jligne). Indirect  evidence  pointing  to  the  same  result may  be  gathered  from  the  fact  of  the  absence  of any  mention  of  the  dalmatic  in  the  Acts  of  the Fourth  Council  of  Toledo  [633  A.D.]  among  the regulations  as  to  the  dress  of  the  Christian ministry  {Concil.  Tol.  iv.  can.  28,  40,  41 ;  Labbe, V.  1714,  1716),  showing  that  this  vestment  was not  one  then  in  use  in  Spain,  as  indeed  might  be further  inferred  from  the  style  of  the  one  solitary mention  of  it  in  the  writings  of  Isidore,  under whose  presidency  the  council  was  held. It  does  not  fall  within  the  province  of  the present  article  to  discuss  at  length  the  regu- lations of  a  later  date  as  to  the  use  of  the  dal- matic by  bishops  and  deacons,  for  the  latter  of whom  it  was  the  distinctive  vestment  at  the Holy  Communion  (see  e.  g.  the  pontifical  of  Eg- bert, archbishop  of  York  [ob.  766  A.D.],  where  we find  "  diaconi  dalmaticis  vestiti "  in  the  form  for the  celebration  of  a  mass  on  Maundy  Thursday  ; p.  120,  ed.  Surtees  Society).  It  still  continued, however,  to  be  used  by  them  on  other  occasions. Thus  Amalarius  (De  EccL  Off.  ii.  26)  speaks  of the  "dalmatica  diaconi  et  sui  ministri  [i.e.  the sub-deacon]  quae  est  itineri  hahiUs"  as  emblem- atic of  the  activity  to  be  shown  by  them  in  good deeds  to  others. The  dalmatic  thus  being  a  vestment  which even  in  the  West  had  primarily  only  a  local acceptance,  we  are  prepared  to  find  that  in  the East  there  is  nothing  which  strictly  speaking answers  to  it.  The  arixa-pi-ov  or  o-Toixap""')  how- ever, is  the  representative  of  the  general  type of  white  tunic,  which  under  whatever  name  we know  it,  alb,  dalmatic,  or  tunicle,  is  essentially the  same  dress  (Goar,  Euahologion,  p.  111). DANCING 525 One  or  two  further  remarks  may  be  made  in conclusion  as  to  the  ornamental  stripes  or  clavi [Clavds]  of  the  dalmatic.  As  to  the  colour  of these  it  is  stated  by  Marriott  that  he  had  met with  exclusively  black  clavi  in  all  ancient  pic- tures of  ecclesiastical  dalmatics  prior  to  the year  600,  as  in  the  well-known  Ravenna  mosaic (see  woodcut),  the  earliest  exception  being  a mosaic  of  the  date  640  (a  coloured  drawing  of which  is  in  the  Windsor  collection)  in  which the  Apostles  have  red  ciavi  on  their  tunics  (ih. p.  lix.  n.).  The  red  or  purple  clavi  afterwards became  common  (see  the  passage  already  cited from  Isidore,  if  indeed  the  reference  there  be  to ecclesiastical  dalmatics ;  also  Rabanus  Maurus I.  c,  Amalarius  I.  c,  etc.),  and  the  later  writers we  have  referred  to  (e.g.  Rabanus  Maurus, Amalarius,  etc.)  speak  of  these  as  worn  back and  front,  "  ante  et  retro  descendentes,"  but whether  this  was  the  case  with  the  original  type of  the  dress  may  perhaps  be  doubted.  Further, these  ornamental  stripes  are  found  on  the  borders of  the  sleeves ;  and  on  the  left  side  iif  later days  was  a  border  of  fringe,  for  which  various writers  have  found  appropriate  symbolical  reasons, into  which  however  there  is  no  need  to  enter here."! For  the  matter  of  the  foregoing  article  I  am mainly  indebted  to  Marriott's  Vestiarium  Christi- anum,  to  Hefele's  valuable  essay.  Die  Liturgi- schen  Gewdnder  in  his  Beitrdge  zur  Kirchenge- schichte,  Archdologie  und  Liturgik,  ii.  203  sqq., to  the  articles  Dalmatica  and  Colobium  in  Du- cange's  Glossary.  The  following  books  have  also been  consulted  with  advantage :  Ferrarius  De  Be vestiaria,  Padua,  1642 ;  Binterim,  Denkwiirdig- keiten  der  Christ-Katholisclien  Kirche,  vol.  iv. pt.  i.  pp.  213  sqq.  [R.  S.] DALMATIUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Italy  under Maximian  ;  commemorated  Dec.  5  {Mart.  Rom. Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  Holy  Father,  a.d.  368 :  commemorated Aug.  3  {Cat.  Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] DAMASUS,  the  pope ;  martyr  at  Rome under  Maximinus  :  Natale,  Dec.  11  {Mart.  Rom. Vet.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi);  deposition,  Dec. 10  {Mart.  Hieron.).  [W.  F.  G.] DAMIANUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Aegea  with Cosmas  under  Diocletian,  A.D.  284:  commemo- rated Sept.  27  {Mart.  Ifieron.,  Bedae);  with Cosmas,  Anthimus,  Leontius,  and  Euprepius, Sept.  27  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi); with  Cosmas,  ^^  dav/jLarovpyol  Kal  avapyvpoi," July  1  {Cal.  Byzaiit.);  with  Cosmas,  and  Theo- dote  their  mother,  Nov.  1.  {Cal.  Byzant.). (2)  In  Africa,  "Fassio  sancti  Damiani  militis" {Mart.  Adonis).  [W.  F.  G.] DANCING.  Many  passages  in  the  flithers and  many  decrees  of  councils  censure  and  pro- hibit promiscuous  and  lascivious  dancing.  St. Ambrose  thus  describes  the  dancing  of  drunken women  in  his  time  (Zte  Elia  et  Jcjiiniis,  c.  18), "  They  lead  up  dances  in  the  streets  unbecoming men,  in  the  sight  of  intemperate  youths,  tossing their  hair,  dragging  their  unfastened  garments, with  their  arms  uncovered,  clapping  their  hands, the  Cliurcli  uf  M.   Viliilti,  at  ' •1  The  remark  often  made  of  the  dalmatic  as  being "  in  modum  crucis  facta"  (see  e.g.  Rabanus  Maurus,  I.  c.) refers  of  course  to  the  appearance  presented  by  it  when tbe  sleeves  are  stretched  out. 526 DANIFX dancing  with  their  feet,  loud  and  clamouring  in their  voices,  imitating  and  provoking  youthful lusts  by  their  theatrical  motions,  their  wanton eyes  and  unseemly  antics."  And  again,  com- menting on  the  words,  "  We  have  piped  unto you  and  ye  have  not  danced"  (Matt.  xi.  17),  he cautions  his  readers  that  they  must  not  suppose that  the  "  dance "  of  Christians  implies  any immodest  movement  of  the  body  ;  i-ather,  it  is like  the  solemn  movement  of  David  before  the ark  {De  Foenit.  ii.  6). St.  Augustine  declares  (contra  Parmenianum, iii.  c.  ult.)  that  frivolous  and  lascivious  dancing was  put  down  by  the  bishops  of  the  church ;  and the  author  of  Scrmo  215  Dc  Tempore  (in  Augus- tine's Works)  speaks  sorrowfully  of  the  revels (balatioiies)  and  dances  before  the  very  doors  of the  churches,  which  were  relics  of  paganism.  To the  same  practice  the  60th  canon  of  the  Cdex EccL  Afric.  refers,  which  prohibits  the  lascivious dances  which  took  place  in  the  streets  on  fes- tival days,  to  the  great  scandal  of  religion,  and annoyance  of  those  who  wished  to  worship. St.  Chrysostom  also  repeatedly  and  vehemently protests  against  it.  He  declares  it  to  be  one  of the  pomps  of  Satan  renounced  in  baptism  ;  he says,  "  the  devil  is  present  at  dances,  being  called thither  by  the  songs  of  harlots,  and  obscene  words and  diabolical  pomps  used  on  such  occasions." And  in  another  passage,  speaking  of  the  dancing of  Herodias'  daughter,  he  says,  "  Christians  do  not now  deliver  up  half  a  kingdom  nor  another  man's head  but  their  own  souls  to  inevitable  destruc- tion" (Hom.  47  in  Julian.  Mart.  p.  613,  Hom. 23  de  Xovilun.  p.  264,  ed.  Paris,  1616). Tlie  council  of  Laodicea,  a.d.  366,  forbids wanton  dancing  (iSuAAifsic  tj  opxi^trdaO  ^^  mar- riage feasts  (can.  53). The  third  council  of  Toledo  (a.d.  589)  pro- hibits dances  with  lascivious  songs  on  solemn festivals,  the  use  of  which  they  complain  of  as an  irreligious  custom  prevailing  in  Spain  among the  common  people,  and  order  to  be  corrected both  by  the  ecclesiastical  and  secular  judges (can.  23).  The  Decree  of  Reccared  (Bruns's Cinones,  i.  394)  confirming  these  canons,  speaks of  these  same  dances  as  "  ballematiae  "  or  "  bal- lemachiae  "  '  ;  words  which  recal  the  " /3a\Ai- Cfiv"  of  the  Laodicean  canon,  and  the  "bala- tiones  "  of  the  Pseudo-Augustine,  and  arc  per- haps akin  to  the  modern  Ball  and  Ballet. The  council  of  Agde  (a.d.  506)  forbids  the clergy  to  be  present  at  marriages  where  obscene love  songs  wei'e  sung,  and  obscene  motions  of the  body  used  in  dancing  (Cone.  Agathen.  can. 39).  ■  [C] DANIEL.  (1)  The  prophet ;  commemorated Magabit  23  =  March  19  (Cal.  Ethiop.):  July  21, jWdale,  (Mart.  Bedae)  :  with  Ananias,  Azarias, and  Misael,  Dec.  17  (Cal.  Bijzant.). (2)  Stvlites,  Holy  Father,  a.d.  467  ;  comme- morated Dec.  11  (Cal.  Bijzant.).        [W.  F.  G.] DARIA,  virgin,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Nu- merian ;  commemorated  with  Chrysantus  and "qui  cum  eis  passi  sunt,"  Aug.  12  (Mart. Ilieron.);  with  Chrysantus  and  others,  Nov.  29 (Mirt.  Hieron.)-  with  Chrysantus,  Dec.  1  (Mart. Adonis,  Usuardi)  ;  with  Clirysantus,  Marinianus. "cum  infinita  multitudine  martyrum,"  Dec.  1 (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.).  '     [W.  F.  G.] »  There  are  several  various  readings. DEACON DARIUS,  martyr  at  Nicaea ;  commemorated Dec.  19  (Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] DASIUS,  martyr  at  Nicomedia,  with  Zoticu^ Gains,  and  12  soldiers;  commemorated  Oct.  21 (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.] DATIVA,  confessor  in  Africa ;  commemo- rated Dec.  6,  with  seven  others  (Mart.  Rom. Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] DATIVUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Africa,  with Saturninus,  Felix,  Apelius,  and  his  companions ; commemorated  Feb.  12  (Mart.  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  under  Decius  and  Valerian  with five  others  ;  commemorated  Sept.  10  (Mart.  Rom- Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] DAVID,  (1)  "et  tres  pueri;"  commemorated June  25  (Gd.  Armen.). (2)  of  Thessalonica ;  commemorated  June  26 (Cal.    Byzant.). (3)  King  of  Ethiopia  ;  commemorated  Mas- karram  10  =  Sept.  7  (Cat.  Elhlop.). (4)  King  of  the  Jews ;  commemorated  Sept.  30 (Cal.  Armen.) ;  Taksas  23  =  Dec.  19  (Cal.  Elhiop.) ; Dec.  29  (Mart.  Rom.  Fe^.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (5)  and  Constantine ;  commemorated  Oct.  2 (Cal.  Georgiae). (6)  commemorated  Dec.  23  (Cal.  Armen.). [W.  F.  G.] DAVID.  Among  the  Egyptians,  an  archi- mandrite, or  any  head  of  a  monastery  of  what- ever rank,  was  called  David ;  so  that  when  a monastic  head  gave  letters  of  commendation  to any  one,  he  subscribed  himself  as  "■David  illius loci  "  (Gratian  De  Formatis,  quoted  by  Ducange, s.v.)  [a] DAYS,  NAMES  OF.    [Week.] DEACON.  AiaKoi"js,  diaconus ;  SiaKctiv  (Du- cange.  Glossy,  quoting  Malaxus,  Hist.  Patriarch.)  ; diacones  (Cyprian,  Ep.  ad  Sucressum.,  and  repeat- edly in  the  decrees  of  councils,  e.  g.  Cone.  Elib. c.  18  and  76,    /  Arelat.  c.  15,  /  Tolet.  1). I.  Names. — The  first  idea  contained  in  the word  appears  to  be  that  of  service  rendered  in an  inferior  capacity.  It  seems  too  as  if  some- thing of  a  sacred  character  attached  to  the  word even  before  its  use  in  the  Scriptures.  Tlius  we find  ^laKOvelv  ydfiov,  "  metaphora  sumpta  ab iis  qui  pocula  aut  victum  ministrant  egentibus ot  petentibus  "  (Steph.  T/tes.  in  verb.  Siaicovew  ; comp.  Buttmann's  Lexilogus,  and  Stanley,  Apjo- stolic  Age,  p.  69). In  the  New  Testament  SiaKovos  is  used  :  1.  In the  general  sense  of  an  agent  or  instrument. Thus  the  sovereign  power  is  called  0eoD  SiUKo- vos  (Rom.  xiii.  4),  and  Timothy  Siclkouos  'iT/troP XpiffTov  (1  Tim.  iv.  5).  Sometimes  "  bishops  and deacons"  express  all  the  offices  of  the  Christian ministry  ((Tuf  iiria-KSirots  Kot  SiukSvois,  Phil, i.  1).  2.  But  the  word  appears  to  have  assumed its  distinctii-^  ecclesiastical  meaning  at  the  aii- pointment  of  the  Seven  to  superintend  the  distri- bution of  the  alms  to  the  Hellenist  widows,  iv  rp SiaKOvla.  TTJ  Kadrifiepivfi  (Acts  vi.  1-6),  when  the SiaKOPia  Twu  rpaiTf^wv  became  distinct  from  the SiaKovia  rov  \6yov.  These  seven  are  never  called deacons  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  In  the  only passage  in  which  mention  is  made  of  them  as  a body,  Philip  is  described  as  one  of  "  the  Seven  " (Acts  xxi.  8).  It  has  therefore  been  contended that  the   institution  of  the    diaconate  was  not DEACON really  connected  with  the  appointment  of  the Seven.  One  theory  would  identity  the  deacons with  the  ved>rfpoi  or  veavlffKoi  elsewhere  men- tioned in  the  New  Testament  (Acts  v.  6  and  10) as  performing  certain  subordinate  offices  in  tlie church.  But  this  theory  appears  to  be  at  vari- ance with  the  account  given  in  the  Acts,  where it  is  distinctly  said  that,  at  the  time  of  the  ap- pointment of  the  Seven,  the  distribution  of  the alms,  7)  SiaKovia.  t]  Kadrjufpivr),  was  performed  by the  apostles  themselves. .  A  theory  something  like  this  has  been  adopted by  later  writers.  In  this  case  it  is  alleged  that the  appointment  of  the  Seven  was  merely  to meet  a  particular  emergency,  and  "  had  probably no  connection  with  the  deacons  in  the  later period  of  the  apostolic  age,"  though  it  is  admitted "  that  they  may  possibly  have  borne  the  name," and  that  "  there  was  in  some  respects  a  lilieness between  their  respective  duties  "  (Stanley,  £ssa'/S on  Apostolic  Age,  p.  62  ;  comp.  Vitringa,  iii.  2,  5  ; Lightfoot,  Ess'ty  on  Christian  Ministry,  in  Comm. on  Pliilippians,  p.  186,  note).  A  passage  from St.  Chrysostom  is  brought  forward  in  support  of this  theory,  in  which  he  distinctly  asserts  that the  ordination  (xiiporovicC)  of  the  Seven  was neither  that  of  deacons,  nor  that  of  presbyters, nor  that  of  bishops  (Hmn.  on  Acts  vi.).  This ]>assage  is  incov|inrati"l  into  a  decree  of  the Council  in  Ti'ullo  (r.  ir,)  \\lii(;h,  referring  to  the institution  of  the  Sevi'ii  '•  ih.aeons  "  (t/  twv  itrpd- ^60)1'  0i^\os  eirra  SlukSvovs  iiwh  riiv  airoaroKajv \a.TaaT7)vai  trapaSidaxrii'),  expressly  distinguishes these  ministers  from  the  deacons  proper  who  took l>art  in  the  sacred  ministry  of  the  altar  (6  Ao'yos avToTs  ov  Trepi  Ta>v  to7s  iJ.vaTr}piois  Si.aKovovfj.evwv ■^f  a^'5p^^,  ctAAa  irepl  ttjs  iv  Ta7s  XP*'''"^  "'''<''' rpatre(<av  virovpylas).  Compare  Thomassin,  Vet. ef  Xuv.  Eccles.  Disciplina,  Part  I.  L.  1,  c.  51, §11,12. On  the  other  haod  there  is  abundant  testi- mony that  the  early  church  in  general  consi- dered the  order  of  deacons  to  have  originated  in the  institution  of  the  Seven.  Irouaeus  speaks  of "  Nicolaum  uuum  ex  septcm  qui  primi  ad  diaco- nium  ab  apostolis  ordinati  sunt "  {Ilacrcs.  i.  27). Sozomen  asserts  that  the  church  of  Rome  retained the  custom  of  only  having  seven  deacons,  in  ac- cordance with  the  number  of  those  ordained  by the  apostles,  of  whom  Stephen  was  first  {H.  E. vii.  19),  so  Constant.  Apost.  viii.  46  ;  Hilary, Comm.  in  1  Tim.  iii.  11,  apud  Ambrosii  Opera; Cyprian,  Ep.  65,  ad  Rogatian. ;  Id.  Ep.  68,  ad Pleb.  Leg. ;  Cone.  Neocaes.  c.  15 ;  Epiphan. Haeres.  I.  De  Tncnrn.  4). The  name  of  deacon  {i.  e.  servant  or  subordi- nate) was  given  to  the  third  order  of  tlie  ministry on  account  of  the  duties  wliich  they  had  to ]>erform,  i^vTrr]piTua9ai  tQ  iniaKOTro)  Kal  rols ■trpecr^vTepots,  TovricTTi  SiaKoveTf  (Constitut. Apnst.  iii.  20) ;  roxj  i-maKcTTOv  vTrriperai  ei(TL {Cone.  Nic.  c.  18).  "  Diaconus  ita  se  presbyteri et  episcopi  ministrum  noverit "  (iv.  Cone.  Curth. c.  37  ;  comp.  I.  Cone.  Turon.  c.  1  ;  Cone.  Elib.  title of  c.  18,  and  c.  33).  In  the  last  named  canon, however,  the  heading  "  De  Episcopis  et  Ministris" includes  the  presbyters  and  all  other  orders  of the  clergy. They  are  also  continually  called  Levites,  from the  analogy  of  the  Mosaic  Dispensation  ;  oi A€i/?Tai  vixuv  ol  vvv  SiaKuvoi  (Constitut.  A/ost. li.  25) ;  Aevlrais  iSi'oj  SiaKovlai  iiriKuvrai  (Clem. DEACON >27 ad  Cor.  i.  40).  Jerome  (Epist.  ad  Evangelum) compares  the  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons  with Aaron,  his  sons,  and  the  Levites  respectively. (Comp.  I.  Cone,  luron.  c.  1,  2.  Salvian,  ad Eccles.  Cathol.  ii.  394.) II.  Position  of  Deacons.  —  They  are  always spoken  of  in  conjunction  with  the  bishops  and priests  in  the  service  of  the  church.  The canons  of  the  councils  are  almost  invariably addressed  to  the  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons  as to  the  three  orders  of  whom  the  clergy  was composed,  and  the  same  rule  is  observed  in  the writings  of  the  apostolic  fixthers  (See  Ign.  Trail. c.  3,  Philadelph.  c.  7  ;  Polycarp.  Philipp.  5 ;  Mar- tyr. Ignatii,  3).  In  the  Constitut iones  Aposto- licae  (viii.  46)  they  are  said  to  be  ordained  iu the  same  manner  as  the  priests  and  bishops ; and  in  another  place  (ii.  26,  28)  a  type  of  the threefold  oi)erations  of  the  Holy  Trinity  is  found in  the  distinctive  offices  of  bishops,  deacons, and  deaconesses.  In  many  respects,  indeed, their  position  was  put  on  a  level  with  that  of the  priests.  The  same  rules  apply  to  the  mar- ried deacons  as  to  the  married  priests  (i.  Cone. Tolet.  1,  I.  Cone.  Turon.  2).  In  later  days  the oath  of  purgation  to  be  taken  by  a  deacon  was the  same  as  that  of  a  priest,  and  difiered  fi'om that  of  the  inferior  orders  of  clergy  {Cone.  Ber- gh'cm.  c.  18,  19).  Their  share  of  the  first-fruits (oTrapxai)  offered  at  the  agape  was  the  same  as that  of  the  presbyters,  and  was  double  that allotted  to  the  irpecr/SvTiSes  (Constitut.  Apost. ii.  28).  Of  the  Eulogiae  which  remained  after the  administration  of  the  Eucharist,  the  bishop was  to  receive  four  portions,  the  presbyter  three, and  the  deacon  two  (find.  viii.  30,  31).  In  some churches  it  would  seem  as  if  the  emoluments  of the  deacons  were  even  greater  than  those  of  the priests,  since  Jerome  warns  them  against  esti- mating the  dignity  of  their  ecclesiastical  positioii by  its  pecuniary  results  :  "  Presbyter  noverit  .so lucris  minorem,  sacerdotio  esse  majorem " (Hieronym.  E,i.  85,  ad  Evang.  comp.-  Comm.  in Ezeh.  c.  xlviii.). There  are  places  also  in  which  their  office  is spoken  of  as  sacerdotal  in  the  general  sense. Thus  Optatus  speaks  of  it  as  the  third  grade : "Quid  commemorem  diaconos  in  tertio?  quid presbyteros  in  secundo  sacerdotio  institutos  ?" (c.  Donatist.  lib.  i.  35).  Jerome  speaks  of  their ordination  to  a  priesthood  (sacerdotium)  in  com- mon with  the  bishops  and  priests  (Hieron.  Apolog. Jomni),  and  St.  Augustine  (Ep.  16)  addresses one  Praesiduus  as  a  fellow  priest  (consacerdos),  of whom  Jerome,  in  the  epistle  that  follows,  speaks as  a  deacon. But  notwithstanding  such  expressions  as  these their  right  to  be  considered  as  in  any  way  par- takers in  the  office  of  the  presbyter,  or  priest  in the  narrower  sense,  is  in  many  places  emphatic- ally denied.  In  the  Quaestiones  it  is  held  impos- sible that  a  deacon  can  in  any  case  discharge  the duties  of  a  priest  (sacerdotis),  since  he  is  in  no degree  a  partaker  of  the  priestly  office  (Qtiaet-t. Vet.  et  Nov.  Test,  inter  Augustini  Opera,  X.  T., 46) ;  deacons  are  inferior  to  priests  (irpeaPv- repot,  i.  Cone.  i\ic.  c.  18) ;  a  deacon  might  be ordained  by  one  bishop  only,  because  the  ordina- tion was  only  to  a  ministerial,  not  a  priestly office  (non  ad  sacerdotium  .sed  ad  ministerium consecratur,  iv.  Cone.  Carth.  4) ;  and  deacons distributed  the    consecrated    elements,    not    as 528 DEACON priests,  but  as  the  attendants  upou  priests (Upevirt,  Constitut.  Apost.  viii.  28) ;  so  Ambrosi- aster,  "  quamvis  non  sunt  sacerdotes "  {Comm. Ep.  Ephcs.  iv.  11). And  this  inferiority  of  office  was  marked  by the  position  given  them  in  the  discharge  of  the duties.  While  the  bishops  and  the  presbyters were  seated  on  their  thrones  in  the  church,  the deacons  were  to  stand  near  \X\e.vc\.  {Constitut.  Apost. ii.  57).  The  first  council  of  Nice  (c.  18)  strictly forbade  a  deacon  to  sit  among  the  priests  as  con- trary to  all  rule  and  order.  So  it  was  ordered that  a  deacon  might  only  be  seated  by  express permission  in  presence  of  a  priest  (Trpecr/SvTepos, Co)ic.  Laod.  c.  20 ;  comp.  Coac.  Agath.  c.  65,  iv. Gone.  Carth.  c.  39) ;  but  the  same  respect  was  to be  paid  to  the  deacons  by  the  subdeacons  and  in- ferior clergy  {Ibid.').  So  it  is  said  that  even  the deacons  of  the  churches  at  Rome,  though  in- clined to  presume  on  their  position,  did  not venture  to  seat  themselves  during  the  services (Quaestiones,  Q.  i.  10);  and  the  testimony  of  Je- i-ome  confirms  this  :  "  In  ecclesia  Romae  presby- teri  sedent,  et  stant  diaconi "  {Epis.  85,  ad  Evang.). So  I.  Cone.  Barcinon.  c.  4.  In  councils  their proper  position  was  standing,  as  is  apparent  in several  records  of  their  proceedings  ;  e.  g.  "  con- sidentibus  presbyteris,  adstantibus  diaconis " (i.  Cone.  Tolet.  Prooem.);  "adstantibus  ministris vel  universo  clero  "  (l.  Cone.  Braear.  Prooem.)  ; and  this  was  strictly  enforced  by  canons ;  the priests  should  sit  at  the  back  of  the  bishops, and  the  deacons  stand  in  front  (iv.  Cone.  Tolet.  4). Deacons,  however,  who  held  ecclesiastical  oHices (h(p<piKia  iKK\7]ffiaffTtKa)  were  allowed  to  be seated,  but  on  no  account  before  any  presbyter, unless  they  represented  their  own  patriarch  or metropolitan  in  another  city,  in  which  case  they were  to  take  the  place  allotted  to  the  person whom  they  represented  {Cone.  Quinisext.  c.  7). Another  canon  provides  that  they  should  not speak  at  councils  unless  especially  bidden  (iv. Cone.  Carth.  c.  40).    [Councils,  p.  481.] Thus  in  every  way  their  position  appears  to have  been  associated  with  the  discharge  of  duties which  were  recognised  as  honourable  in  them- selves, and  conferring  honour  on  those  to  whom they  were  entrusted,  yet  distinctly  marked  out as  ministerial  rather  than  sacerdotal,  and  care- fully kept  apart  from  those  which  specially  be- longed to  the  priests. III.  Duties. — These  were  of  a  varied  nature, but  appear  to  have  been  in  every  case  suggested by  those  which  were  originally  allotted  to  them, and  to  be  comprehended  in  SidKoi/ia  rSiv  rpa- ire^civ,  as  distinguished  from  the  SiaKovia  rod \6yov. 1.  They  were  stewards  of  the  property  of  the church  and  of  the  funds  belonging  to  the  widows and  orphans.  Thus  Cyprian  speaks  of  Nicostra- tus  as  having  not  only  robbed  the  church  but defrauded  the  widows  and  wards  (Cyp.  Ep.  49 [a/.  52],  ad  Comelium).  So  Jerome  calls  the deacon  "  mensarum  et  viduarura  minister  " (Hieron.  Ep.  85,  ad  Evang.).  They  were  also to  distribute  the  oblations  (611X0710^)  which  re- mained after  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist among  the  different  orders  of  the  clergy,  in the  regular  proportions  {Constitut.  Apost.  viii. 2.  They  were  almoners  of  the  charities  dis- pensed by  the  church.    It  was  part  of  their  duty DEACON to  seek  out  and  visit  the  sick  .lud  afflicted,  and report  to  the  bishop  i-especting  such  as  were  m afiiiction  {Constitut.  Apost.  iii.  19).  But  all alms  were  to  be  distributed  strictly  under  the direction  of  the  bishop  {Ihid.  ii.  cc.  31,  32,  34). They  were  also  to  select  the  aged  women  (Trpeer- ^vTfpas)  invited  on  the  ground  of  poverty  to more  frequent  participation  in  the  aydirai  {Ibid. ii.  28). 3.  The  discipline  of  the  church  was  in  a  great measure  intrusted  to  their  hands  as  the  imme- diate ministers  of  the  bishop.  In  times  of  per- secution it  was  their  duty  to  minister  to  the confessors  in  their  prisons,  and  to  bury  the bodies  of  the  martyrs  (Euseb.  //.  E.  vii.  11). They  were  also  to  strengthen  the  fainthearted and  exhort  the  waverers.  Thus  it  was  one  of the  complaints  against  Novatian  that  he  per- sisted in  remaining  in  his  hiding-place  when exhorted  by  the  deacons  to  come  forth  (Euseb. //.  E.  vi.  43).  If  any  for  misconduct  were  cast out  from  the  congregation,  the  deacons  were  to intercede  for  the  offender,  since,  it  is  added,  Christ intercedes  for  sinners  with  the  Father  {Constitut. Apost.  ii.  c.  16).  They  were  also  associated  with the  bishop  in  the  work  of  seeking  out  and  re- proving offenders  {Ibid.  ii.  c.  17).  As  deputies of  the  bishop  they  were  to  relieve  him  of  the lighter  cases  brought  for  adjudication,  leaving the  weightier  for  his  own  decision  {Ibid.  ii.  44), and  might  even,  in  his  absence,  take  charge  of the  diocese  (Bede,  H.  E.  ii.  20).  They  also  appear to  have  been  entrusted,  in  the  absence  of  a  pres- byter, with  some  jurisdiction  over  the  inferior clergy  {Constitut.  Apost.  viii.  28).  When  any  of the  faithful  brought  letters  commendatory  from another  diocese,  they  were  to  examine  into  the circumstances  of  the  case  {Ibid.  ii.  58).  They were  also  frequently  sent  on  embassies  from one  church  to  another  (Ignat.  Philadelph.  c.  10). They  also  sometimes  represented  their  bishops in  councils  {Cone.  Quiniscx.  a.d.  691,  c.  7), though  this  was  forbidden  in  the  West,  on  the ground  that  a  deacon  being  inferior  to  the priests  (presbyteris  junior),  could  not  be  allowed to  sit  with  bishops  in  the  council  {Cone.  Emerit. A.D.  666,  c.  5).  Thomassin  however  asserts  that this  provincial  decree  was  never  acted  upon {Nova  et  Vet.  Eecl.  Discip.  i.  2,  c.  23,  §  19).  At all  councils  a  deacon  was  to  read  the  decrees by  which  the  proceedings  were  regulated  (capitula de  conciliis  agendis)  before  the  business  com- menced (iv.  Cone.  Tolet.  4).  It  appears  also  to have  been  the  duty  of  the  deacons  on  these  occa- sions to  ^keep  the  doors,  and  call  for  those  whose presence  was  required  before  the  council  {Codex Eecl.  Afrieanae,  c.  100). 4.  In  other  respects  they  were  to  be  channels  of comrriunication  between  the  bishop  and  the  laity {Constitut.  Apost.  ii.  28).  All  the  offerings  of the  people  (tos  dvaias  ijroi  trpocnpSpas,  tos diropx^s  Koi  Tas  Se/caras  Koi  to  kKovcria),  when not  made  directly  to  the  bishop,  were  to  be  pre- sented to  him  through  their  hands  {Ibid.  ii.  27). So  various  were  their  duties  in  relation  to  the bishop  that  they  are  called  in  one  place  his  cars and  eyes  and  mouth  and  heart  {Ihid.  ii.  44) ;  in another  his  soul  and  perception  {^vxh  fai  ol^f- eriffis,  Ibid.  iii.  19). 5.  These  duties  were  connected  with  the  5ia- Kovia  raiv  rpaire^Siv,  as  relating  to  the  mate- rial needs  of  the  community.     Another  class  of DEACON duties  arose  from  the  "  ministry  of  the  Table," considered  in  relation  to  the  celebration  of  the Eucharist.  Thomassin  says  that,  although  the occasion  for  instituting  the  order  of  deacons  arose from  the  necessities  of  the  common  table,  yet that  it  also  had  reference  to  the  celebration  of the  Eucharist,  "  ad  sacram  mensam,  quae  tunc  a civili  non  divellebant "  ( Vet.  et  Nova  Discip. Eccl.  i.  1,  c.  51,  §4;  comp.  Wordsworth,  Comm. in  Acts  vi.  2.  and,  there  quoted,  Bishop  Peai-son, "In  communi  victu  sacramentum  Eucharistiae celebrabant  "). a.  They  were  to  provide  for  the  maintenance of  order  in  the  congregations  during  the  per- formance of  the  various  services.  They  were  to see  that  all  the  congregation  took  the  places allotted  to  them,  that  no  one  lingered  in  the  en- trance, or  whispered,  or  slept,  or  in  any  way misbehaved  during  the  service  (JJonstitut.  Apost. ii.  57,  viii.  11).  So  Chrysostom  says,  "if  any misbehave,  call  the  deacon  "  {Horn.  24  in  Acta)  ; and  they  were  to  be  particularly  careful  in  as- signing honourable  places  and  giving  a  cordial welcome  to  the  poor  and  aged  and  to  strangers {Const itut.  Ap:ji,t.  ii.  58).  they  were  to  stand at  the  men's  gate  lest  any  should  go  in  or  out during  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist  {Ibid. viii.  11).  They  also  discharged  the  lesser  offices belonging  to  the  Lord's  Table ;  they  arranged the  altar,  placed  on  it  the  sacred  vessels,  and brought  water  for  the  hands  of  the  officiating priest.  Their  duty  was  to  minister  both  to  bishops and  priests  in  things  pertaining  to  their  several offices,  that  all  things  relating  to  the  worship  of God  might  be  rightly  celebrated  {Ibid.  viii.  46). These  duties,  however,  in  large  churches  where there  were  many  clergy,  devolved  on  those  be- longing to  the  inferior  orders :  "  ut  autem  non omnia  obsequiorum  perordinem  agant  multitude facit  clericorum.  Nam  utique  et  altare  porta- rent,  et  vasa  ejus  et  aquam  in  manus  funderent sacerdotis,  sicut  videmus  per  omnes  ecclesias" {Quaestiunes,  Q.  101)  ;  and  in  another  place  it  is ordered  that  the  subdeacon  should  pour  the water  on  the  hands  of  the  officiating  priest,  airA- VLipLf  x^'F^''  """"'^  Upivcri  {Constitut.  Apost. viii.  11).  But  there  are  decrees  of  councils strictly  forbidding  the  inferior  orders  of  clergy {vTTTjperas)  to  enter  the  Diaconicum  or  touch the  sacred  vessels  {Cone.  Laodic.  c.  21,  Agath. c.  66).  In  the  decree  of  the  latter  council vTvripeTas  is  rendered  "insacratos  ministros." The  second  canon  of  the  first  council  of  Toledo orders  that  a  deacon  who  had  been  subjected  to public  penance  should  only  be  received  among the  subdeacons,  so  that  he  might  not  handle  the sacred  vessels  ;  and  it  was  expressly  ordered  that the  deacons  should  take  the  remains  of  the  con- secrated elements  into  the  Pastophoria  or  Sacristy {Constant.  Apost.  viii.  13). It  was  their  duty  also  to  present  the  offerings of  the  people  at  the  altar,  proclaiming  at  the same  time  the  names  of  those  who  had  made them  ;  oi  SioLKOvot  Trpoa-ayeToiaav  to.  S&pa  r^ iTncrKS-rrcfj  irphs  to  6v<naffri]piov  {Con-ititiit.  Apost. viii.  12).  "Public^  diaconus  in  ecclesia  recitet oft'erontium  nomina,  tantum  ofTert  ille,  tantum ille  pollicitus  est"  (Hieron.  Comm.  in  Ezekkl. iviii.).     [DiPTYCHS.] They  had  also  an  important  part  to  fill  in  the service  itself.  At  the  commencement  of  the Communion  Office    the    deacon   who   ministered CHRIST,  ANT. DEACON 529 was  to  stand  near  the  bishop  and  proclaim  with a  loud  voice  :  ^tjtis  /cora  rivhs,  yUTjTij  4v  viro- Kpiffei,  "  let  none  come  who  has  ought  against any  one,  none  in  hypocrisy  "  {Constitut.  Apost. ii.  54,  57,  §  12).  The  reading  of  the  Gospel  was allotted  either  to  a  deacon  or  to  a  presbyter {loid.  ii.  57,  §  5) ;  though  in  some  churches  it appears  to  have  been  the  special  office  of  the deacon,  "  Evangelium  Christi  quasi  diaconus lectitabas  "  (Hieron.  Epist.  ad  Sabin.).  Sozomen says  of  the  church  at  Alexandria,  that  the archdeacon  only  read  the  Gospel,  but  in  other churches  the  duty  was  discharged  by  the  dea- cons, and  in  many  only  by  the  priests  (Soz.  II. E.  vii.  19).  The  second  council  of  Vaison  ad- mitted that  a  deacon,  in  the  absence  of  a  priest, might  be  permitted  to  read  a  homily  of  the Fathers  in  the  church,  on  the  ground  that  they who  were  worthy  to  read  the  Gospel  of  Christ were  not  unworthy  to  recite  expositions  of  the Fathers  (ii.  Cone.  Vasense^  c.  2),  and  for  this reason  it  was  forbidden  that  a  deacon  should  be appointed  who  could  not  read  {Cone.  Narhon. c.  11 ;  comp.  Cyprian,  Ep.  34,  al.  39).  It  was perhaps  in  allusion  to  this  part  of  their  office that  the  duty  was  assigned  to  them  of  holding the  Gospels  over  the  head  of  a  bishop  at  the time  of  his  ordination  {Constitut.  Apost.  viii.  4). The  deacon  appointed  for  the  purpose  was  also to  give  the  signal  for  the  departure  of  the  unbe- lievers {Ibid.  cc.  5,  12),  to  recite  the  appointed prayers  for  the  catechumens,  the  energumens, those  preparing  for  baptism,  and  the  penitents, and  to  dismiss  each  class  in  its  proper  order {Ibid.  viii.  cc.  6,  7,  8).  He  was  to  make  the proclamation  which  was  the  signal  for  the  kiss of  peace  {fbid.  ii.  c.  57),  and  to  recite  the  prayer for  the  universal  church  {Ibid.  ii.  57,  viii.  9,  10, 11,  13,  35).  Thus  Chrysostom  {Horn.  14  in Rom.)  speaks  of  the  deacon  ofi'ering  the  prayers on  behalf  of  the  people  {rov  Srifiov).  In  the Liturgy  given  in  the  Constitntiones  under  the name  of  St.  James,  it  is  ordered  that  two  deacons should  stand  by  the  altar  bearing  fans  [Fla- BELLUJi]  made  of  fine  membrane,  or  peacock's feathers,  or  linen,  to  drive  away  flies  or  insects from  the  sacred  elements  {Constitut.  Apost.  viii. c.  12). At  the  administration  of  the  Holy  Communion it  was  the  duty  of  the  deacons  to  receive  the consecrated  elements  from  the  officiating  minister in  order  to  distribute  them  among  those  who were  present,  and  to  convey  them  to  the  absent (Justin  Martyr,  Apolog.  viii.  c.  2);  "  Diaconi ordo  est  accipere  a  sacerdote  et  sic  dare  plebi  " {Quaestiones,  101).  But  their  peculiar  office  was the  administration  of  the  cup ;  o  SiaKovos  Kan- X6TC0  Th  TTOT7}piov  {Coustitut.  Apost.  viii.  c.  13); "  solennibus  adimpletis  diaconus  ofl'erre  prae- sentibus  coepit "  (Cyprian,  Do  Lapsis,  c.  25). They  were  strictly  forbidden  to  distribute  the bread  if  a  priest  was  present  (ii.  Cone.  Arelat. c.  15),  unless  some  necessity  arose  for  doing  so, and  they  were  bidden  to  do  so  by  the  priest (iv.  Cone.  Carth.  c.  38).  But  it  was  carefully noted  that  the  deacon  only  acted  as  the  subordi- nate of  the  priest  {Constitut.  Apost.  viii.  28), and  had  no  right  whatever  to  offer  the  sacrifice {Ibid.  viii.  46).  Priests  under  censure  are  de- prived of  the  privilege  of  conseci-ating,  deacons of  ministering  {Cone.  Agath.  c.  1);  and  it  was forbidden  that  thev  should  give  the  consecrated 2  M 530 DEACON bread  to  the  priests,  on  the  ground  that  it  was unseemly  that  those  who  had  no  power  to  conse- crate should  administer  to  those  who  had  (i.  Cone. Nic.  c.  18).  So  Jerome  says  of  Hilarius,  the deacon,  that  he  had  no  power  without  priests  or bishops  to  celebrate  the  Eucharist,  "  Eucharistiam couficere  "  (Hieron.  contra  Lucifer.').  And  though the  right  of  consecration  appears  to  have  been assumed  in  some  places,  it  was  strictly  forbidden (i.  Cone.  Arclat.  c.  15). There  are,  however,  two  passages  which  may seem  to  favour  the  idea  that  deacons  had  some- times power  to  consecrate.  One  of  these  is  the decree  of  the  council  of  Ancyra,  which  forbids deacons  who  have  offered  sacrifice  to  idols  to offer  either  the  bread  or  the  wine,  &pTov  ^ ■noT7]piov  avd(pepfiv  {Cone.  Ancyr.  c.  2).  But this  undoubtedly  refers  either  to  the  offering  the oblations  which  preceded  the  prayer  of  consecra- tion (Thomass.  Vet.  et  Nod.  Ecel.  Discip.  i.  2, c.  29,  §  14),  or  to  the  distribution  of  the  ele- ments after  consecration  (Bingham,  Antiquities, ii.  0.  20,  §  7 ;  comp.  Suicer,  Thesaurus,  t.  1, p.  871).  The  other  is  the  speech  put  by St.  Ambrose  into  the  mouth  of  Laurentius,  the deacon,  when  meeting  his  bishop,  Sixtus,  on the  way  to  his  martyrdom:  "  Cui  commisisti Dominici  sanguinis  consecrationem,  cui  con- summandorum  consortium  sacramentorum  " (Ambros.  Be  Offie.  i.  41).  But  this  doubtful expression  seems  interpreted  by  the  words  im- mediately preceding,  "  nunquam  sacrificium sine  ministro  oflerre  consueveras,"  the  "  offerre consueveras "  clearly  referring  to  Sixtus  him- self The  "  sanguinis  consecrationem"  probably merely  means  "sanguinem  consecratum,"  and the  duty  attributed  to  the  deacons  was  the  ser- vice they  always  performed  after  consecration — virripeTOVjj.evoi  T<fi  Tov  Kvplov  crciyuaTi  fj.€Ta (p6^ov  {Constitut.  Apost.  ii.  57;  see  Bingham, Antiquities,  ii.  26,  §8). After  the  administration  the  deacons  were  to take  away  what  remained  of  the  sacred  elements into  the  sacristy,  to  recite  {K-qpvmLv)  the  Post- Communion  Prayer,  and  dismiss  the  people  {Con- stitut.  Apost.  viii.  cc.  13,  .35,  40).  Thus  it  is  said that  Athanasius  commanded  his  deacon  Krjpv^ai ivxh"  (Soc.  H.  E.  ii.  11),  and  KTipurreiv  is mentioned  among  the  sacred  offices  from  the performance  of  which  the  deacons  who  had  wor- shipped idols  were  to  be  suspended  (Cone.  Ancyr. c.  2).  It  was  ordered  by  the  fourth  council  of Toledo  (c.40),  that  the  deacon  (Levita)  should wear  a  stole  over  the  left  shoulder,  "  propter quod  orat,  id  est,  praedicat."  Chrysostom  too calls  the  deacons  KripvKes  (Horn.  17  m  Beb.  ix.). Thomassin  says  that  the  word  KtipvTTnv,  used by  the  council  of  Ancyra,  expressed  the  recital  of the  prayers  and  exhortations  and  the  reading  of the  Gospels,  which  were  done  with  raised  voice (Thomassin,  Vet.  et  Nov.  Ecel.  Discip.  i.  2,  c.  29, §  14 ;  comp.  Suicer,  Thes.  in  voc.  rt)pvtt(iv). ;8.  It  appears  that  the  daily  services  in  district churches  were  sometimes  entrusted  to  the  dea- cons and  priests  in  alternate  weeks.  In  this  case both  presbyters  and  deacons  were  to  assemble  on the  Saturday  evening,  that  the  Sunday  services might  be  celebrated  with  due  honour  (^Conc. Tarraeon.  c.  7).  The  council  of  Eliberis  (c.  77) also  speaks  of  a  deacon  in  charge  of  a  parish, without  either  priest  or  bishop,  "  regens  plebem sine  episcopo  vel  presbytero." DEACON •y.  It  does  not  appear  that  preaching  was  among the  duties  which  were  usually  entrusted  to  dea- cons, though  Philip  and  Stephen  undoubtedly  did preach.  Hilary,  the  commentator,  holds  that  in the  earliest  days  of  the  church,  all  the  faithful both  preached  and  baptized,  but  that  afterwards  a different  course  was  adopted,  and  separate  offices assigned  to  different  members,  so  that  in  his days  the  deacons  did  not  preach,  though  he  says that  at  first  all  deacons  were  evangelists,  and had  commission  given  them  to  preach,  though without  any  settled  charge  (sine  cathedra) (^Comm,  in  Ephes.  iv.  11,  in  Ambrose's  Works). Yet  that  some  faculty  of  preaching  was  inherent in  the  office,  at  least  at  the  command  of  the bishop,  appears  from  the  language  of  Philostor- gius  (/T.  E.  iii.  17),  where  he  says  that  Leontius ordained  Aetius  as  a  deacon,  in  order  that  he might  teach  in  the  church,  but  that  he  declined to  undertake  the  other  duties  of  a  deacon,  only accepting  that  of  preaching  (SiSac/ceiy  aveSe- ^oTo)  ;  and  though  Leontius  was  a  heretic,  the words  seem  to  indicate  that  this  was  reckoned among  the  ordinary  functions  of  a  deacon.  On the  other  hand,  the  duty  of  preaching  could  not have  belonged  to  them  in  the  Western  church in  ordinary  cases,  since  Caesarius,  bishop  of  Aries, in  giving  permission  to  the  priests  and  deacons in  his  diocese  to  read  certain  homilies  to  the people,  when  he  himself  could  no  longer  preach to  them  through  the  infirmities  of  age,  gives  as the  ground  of  his  permission  that,  since  they were  allowed  to  read  the  Holy  Scriptures  in  the church,  it  could  not  be  wrong  for  them  to  read homilies  composed  by  himself  or  by  other  fathers of  the  church  (Thomass.  Vet.et  Nov.  Ecel.  Discip. ii.  1,  c.  89,  §8,  9),  words  adopted  by  the  second council  of  Vaison,  already  quoted.  And  so  Vigi- lius  in  his  letter  to  two  deacons,  Rusticus  and Sebastian,  speaks  of  their  execrable  pride  in venturing  to  preach  without  permission  of  the bishop,  as  contrary  to  all  precedent  and  canon  law, "  contra  omnem  consuetudinem  vel  canones " (Labbe,  Co7ic.  v.  p.  554). 5.  They  had  also  certain  duties  to  perform  at  the administration  of  baptism.  It  was  to  be  admi- nistered by  bishops  and  priests  only,  with  the assistance  of  the  deacons  (^i^vnr\peTovfi.ivuv  avTols riov  ^laKouav  {Constitut.  Apost.  iii.  c.  11).  They had  to  undertake  the  preliminary  enquiries  into the  circumstances  of  the  candidates  {Ibid.  viii. c.  32).  They  were  to  apply  the  unction  which preceded  the  administration  of  the  sacrament  to the  foreheads  of  the  women  {Ibid.  iii.  c.  15),  and to  undertake  all  the  necessary  arrangements  for the  male  candidates  {Ibid.  iii.  16).  [Baptism.] It  was  theii  duty,  or  that  of  the  subdeacons, to  fetch  the  Chrism  from  the  bishop  before Easter  (ii.  Cone.  Brae.  c.  51,  i.  Tolet.  20). But  they  were  strictly  forbidden  to  assume that  the  administration  of  baptism  was  one  of the  functions  of  their  office.  In  the  Apostolic Canons  and  Constitutions,  the  decrees  concerning baptism  are  directed  only  to  bishops  and  priests, though  the  other  general  canons  are  addressed to  all  three  orders  of  the  ministry  {Canones, c.  39,  41,  42  ;  Constitut.  viii.  c.  22).  The  Consti- tutions, too,  distinctly  assert  that  it  is  not  lawful for  a  deacon  to  baptize  (viii.  c.  28,  iii.  c.  11, vii.  c.  46).  In  the  latter  passage  it  is  added, that  if  any  argument  is  drawn  from  the  fact of  baptism   being   administei-ed   by  Philip  and DEACON Ananias,  it  is  for  want  of  perceiving  that  these men  were  specially  appointed  for  these  duties  by the  Lord,  the  High-Priest.  Epiphanius  asserts that  no  deacon  was  ever  entrusted  with  the administration  of  a  sacrament  (^/xvcrrripiov  iiri- ■^e\ui';  Haercs.  79,  cap.  4).  So  Hilary,  while asserting  that  all  the  faithful  were  once  ac- customed to  baptize,  adds,  *'  nunc  neque  clerici vel  laici  baptizant "  (Coni.  in  Eph.  iv.  11,  in Ambrose's  Works). Yet  it  appears  that  they  were  permitted  to baptize  by  command  of  a  bishop,  or  when  in charge  of  a  parish  without  a  presbyter.  The right  of  baptizing  resides  generally  in  the  bishop [Baptism,  p.  166],  but  from  him  may  be  com- municated both  to  priests  and  deacons  (Tertul- lian,  De  Baptismo,  c.  17).  So  a  decree  of  the 5th  century,  speaking  of  the  necessity  of  a  holy life  even  for  the  laity,  adds,  how  much  more  is this  necessary  for  priests  and  deacons,  since they  may  be  called  at  any  moment  to  ofier the  sacrifice  or  baptize?  (i.  Cone.  Turon.  1).  In another  decree  it  is  ordered  that  if  a  deacon having  charge  of  a  parish  (regens  plebem)  with- out a  bishop  or  presbyter  should  have  baptized any,  the  bishop  should  confirm  it  by  his  blessing, "  per  benedictionem  perficere  debebit  "  {Cone. Elib.  77) ;  and  again,  in  another,  it  is  provided that  while  priests,  in  cases  of  urgent  sickness, may  baptize  at  any  season  of  the  year,  deacons may  only  do  so  at  Easter  (Synod.  Horn.  a.d. 384?  c.  7,  in  Bruns's  Canones,  ii.  278);  and Jerome,  speaking  of  those  who  in  remote  places were  baptized  by  priests  and  deacons,  places  the right  of  both  to  baptize  on  exactly  the  same footing,  as  derived  from  the  license  of  the  bishop and  the  possession  of  the  chrism,  "  sine  chrismate et  episcopi  jussione  neque  presbyteri  neque diaconi  jus  habeant  baptizandi  "  (Dial,  contra Luciferum,  c.  4).  It  seems  then  that,  at  least  in the  Western  Church,  the  deacons  were  permitted to  baptize  when  the  bishop  gave  them  authority and  sent  them  the  chrism.  Thomassin  however (i.  2,  c.  29,  §  14),  thinks  they  had  less  liberty in  this  i-espect  in  the  Eastern  Church. 6.  The  power  of  receiving  penitents  appears generally  to  have  been  confined  to  bishops  and presbyters ;  yet  this  rule  was  not  invariable. Thus  Cyprian  allows  deacons  to  receive  confession (exomologesin)  and  bestow  the  parting  blessing in  the  case  of  those  penitents  who  had  obtained "  libelli "  and  were  prevented  by  the  near  ap- proach of  death  from  receiving  absolution  at  the hands  of  a  priest  {Ep.  13,  al.  18,  ad  Cler.).  A decree  of  the  first  council  of  Toledo  (c.  2)  pro- vides that  those  deacons  who  had  performed public  penance  should  be  reduced  to  the  order  of subdeacons  lest  they  should  lay  hands  on  any. But  it  is  probable  that  this  was  not  the  act which  conferred  absolution,  but  only  a  ceremony which  went  before  the  reception  of  the  Eucharist and  prepared  the  penitent  for  its  administration (Thomass.  Vet.  et  Bov.  Eccl.  Disc.  i.  2,  c.  29,  §  8). A  decree  of  the  council  of  Eliberis  (c.  32)  pro- vides that  in  certain  cases  of  urgent  necessity, and  at  the  command  of  a  bishop,  the  deacon  may receive  a  penitent  to  communion.  But  this  pro- bably only  meant  that  the  deacons  might  convey the  consecrated  elements,  which,  as  in  the  case of  Serapion  recorded  by  Eusebius  (if.  E.  vi.  44), might  be  seat  even  by  a  child  (Thomassin,  i.  2. c.  29  §  9). DEACON 531 In  these  cases  their  duties  were  evidently  only ministerial  and  strictly  limited  to  the  subor- dinate functions  belonging  to  their  office.  Their right  to  bestow  any  blessing  on  their  own authority  is  plainly  denied  (Conditut.  Apost.  viii. 28,  46).    [Benediction  ;  IJominus  Vobiscum.] f.  From  their  bearing  the  chairs  of  priests and  bishops  (iv.  Cone.  Brag.  Proem,  c.  5),  it would  appear  that  in  some  churches  they  were expected  to  perform  duties  scarcely  consistent with  the  dignity  of  their  ofiice.  But  their general  tendency  appears  to  have  been  either to  claim  functions  which  did  not  belong  to them  (i.  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  1.5;  Cone.  Quinisext.  c. 16),  or  to  assume  a  precedence  which  may  in- dicate that  they  were  in  some  cases  superior  to the  priests  in  wealth  or  social  position.  Thus they  are  rebuked  for  administering  in  some churches  the  Eucharist  to  priests  and  partaking of  it  even  before  bishops  and  presuming  to  sit among  the  priests  (i.  Cone.  Mc.  c.  18) ;  for  their pride  in  sitting  in  the  first  choir  and  compelling priests  to  take  their  places  in  the  second  (iv.  Cone. Tolet.  c.  39) ;  for  claiming  ])recedence  at  coun- cils of  presbyters  when  they  held  any  ecclesiasti- cal office  (Cone.  Quinisext.  c.  7);  for  exciting seditions  against  the  bishop  (Cunstitut.  Apost. ii.  32)  ;  for  bestowing  the  benediction  at  private banquets  in  presence  of  priests  (Hieron.  Ep.  85 ad  Evang.)  ;  and  for  esteeming  themselves,  on account  of  their  superior  wealth,  as  of  higher dignity  than  the  priests  {Idem  Comm.  in  Ezek. xlviii.). 77.  Deacons  were  strictly  limited  in  the  dis- charge of  their  office  to  the  parishes  for  which  they were  appointed,  and  there  are  many  decrees  of councils  forbidding  them  to  wander  elsewhere without  the  consent  of  the  bishop  (Canones Apost.  c.  12;  i.  Cmc.  Nic.  c.  15;  Cone.  Quini- sedt.  c.  17;  i.  Arelat.  c,  21;  ii.  Bracar.  c.  34; Agath.  c.  52). IV.  Promotion  to  a  higher  order.  —  It  has been  doubted  whether  in  the  earliest  ages  ad- mission to  the  diaconate  implied,  or  was  a necessary  preliminary  to,  advancement  to  the priesthood.  That  this  was  the  case  has  been  in- ferred from  the  words  of  St.  Paul  to  Timothy — ol  Ka\(2s  StaKovriffavTes  I3a6fxhi'  kavTols  KaXhu TreptTToiowTai  (1  Tim.  iii.  13).  See  Dictionary OF  THE  Bible,  i.  417.  It  is  undoubtedly  true  : — 1.  That  in  later  times  fiad/xhs  was  used  as  a  tech- nical term  denoting  degrees  of  ecclesiastical  office. So  it  was  said  of  Athanasius,  iratTav  rrjy  twp ^aSfj-utv  o.KoKov6iav  SL€^e\6cov  (Greg.  Naz.  Orat. 21),  and  in  that  sense  it  repeatedly  occurs  in the  decrees  of  councils  (Cone.  Eph.  c.  6 ; Chalcedon.  c.  29 ;  Quinisext.  c.  13).  2.  That  the elevation  of  deacons  to  the  priesthood  was  part  of the  system  of  the  church  in  after  years.  Thus  it was  ordered  that  deacons  who  maintained  com- munication with  their  wives  should  not  be  ele- vated to  the  priesthood  (i.  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  1), "ad  ulteriorem  gradum  non  ascendat ''  (i.  Cone. Turon.  2).  So,  in  the  Quaestiones,  the  priest  is spoken  of  as  being  ordained  from  among  the  dea- cons, "ex  diaconis  presbyterus  ordinatur"(Q?«afsf. Q.  101).  And  so  Jerome  argues  the  higher office  of  the  priesthood  from  the  fact  that the  diaconate  was  a  step  to  the  priesthood,  "  ex diacono  ordinatur  presbyter"  (Hieron.  Epist. ad  Evang.).  But  many  deacons  appear  to  have grown  old  and  died  without  promotion  to  the 2  M  2 532 DEACON priesthood  (Thomassin,  Vet.  et  Nov.  Eccl.  Disctp. i.  2,  c.  33,  §  9). V.  Vestments.  —  Concerning  the  dress  of  a deacon,  it  was  ordained  that  when  engaged  in the  services  of  the  altar  their  apparel  should not  be  too  flowing,  with  a  view  to  the  ready- performance  of  their  duties,  for  they  are  like sailors  and  boatswains  (roixapXO'O  '"^  ^  ^^ip {Cunstitut.  Apost.  ii.  57).  They  were  to  wear a  plain  stole,  "  orarium,"  unadorned  with  gold or  colours,  on  the  left  shoulder,  the  right  being left  free,  to  typify  the  expedition  with  which they  were  to  discharge  their  sacred  functions  (iv. Cone.  Tolet.  c.  40).  The  manner  of  wearing  the stole  distinguished  them  from  the  priests;  the stole  itself  was  the  mark  of  their  office,  since  the inferior  clergy  were  expressly  forbidden  to  wear it  {Cone.  Laod.  c.  22,  23).  Due  care  was  to be  taken  that  this  distinctive  portion  of  the dress  was  clearly  seen,  "  non  licet  diacono  velo vel  palld  scapulas  suas  involvi  "  {Cone.  Autiss. c.  13).  In  another  decree  notice  is  taken  of  cer- tain deacons  who  were  accustomed  to  wear  their stoles  hidden  beneath  their  albs,  so  as  to  re- semble a  subdeacon's,  and  they  are  ordered  to display  it  openly  for  the  future  on  the  shoulder (i.  Cone.  Brae.  c.  9).  Those  who  had  been  tem- porarily deposed  for  any  offence  were  presented on  their  reconciliation  with  an  alb  and  a  stole,  as symbols  of  their  restoration  to  their  office (iv.  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  28).  It  was  to  the  stole  that St.  Chrysostom  alluded  when  he  saw  a  vision  of the  wings  of  ministering  angels  in  the  fine  linen that  floated  over  the  left  shoulders  of  those  en- gaged in  the  service  of  the  altar  (reus  M-Krais hd6vais  Tats  iirl  rSiv  apiffTipSiv  &fj.uiv  Ket/j.evais  ; Chrysost.  ffom.  in  Fil.  Prodiij.).  [Stole.]  The alb  was  to  be  worn  only  at  the  time  of  ministering at  the  altar,  or  reading  the  Gospels — "  Diaconus tempore  oblationis  tantum  vel  lectionis  albd utatur  "  (iv.  Cone.  Carthag.  41 ;  Cone.  Narbon. c.  12),  or  when  performing  the  duty  of  th»  dea- con at  the  opening  of  councils  (iv.  Cone.  Tolet. c.  4).  And  this  renders  more  emphatic  a  rebuke administered  to  certain  priests  and  bishops  who were  accustomed  on  great  festivals  to  be  borne on  chairs  or  litters  by  deacons  in  albs — "  albatis diaconibus "  (iv.  Cone.  Brae.  Proem.  &c.  c.  5). They  also  wore  a  Dalmatic  (which  see). VI.  Number  of  Deacons.  —  The  number  of deacons  allotted  to  each  church  appears  to  have varied.  The  council  of  Neocaesarea  (c.  15)  or- dained that  there  should  be  seven  deacons  and no  more  in  every  city,  however  large,  since  that number  liad  been  ordained  by  the  apostles  (comp. Cone.  Q'linisext.  c.  16),  and  this  appears  to  have been  the  normal  number  in  many  churches (Constitut.  Apost.  viii.  cc.  4,  46;  Euseb.  If.  E. vi.  43;  Hilary,  Comm.in  1  Tim.  iii.  8).  But the  later  practice  appears  to  have  been  as  stated by  Sozomen,  that  the  church  of  Rome  retained the  number  of  seven  deacons,  as  instituted  by the  apostles,  but  that  other  churches  acted according  to  their  own  convenience  (Soz.  H.  E. vii.  19).  The  number  of  deacons  seems,  how- ever, to  have  been  generally  small;  for  St. Jerome  states  that  deacons  derived  a  dignity  not belonging  to  their  office  from  their  paucity  in number — "  Diaconos  paucitas  honorabiles,  pres- byteros  turba  facit  contemtibiles "  {Epist.  ad Eoang.). VII.  Age. — The  age  at   which  deacons  were DEACON allowed  to  be  ordained  was  universally  fixed  at twenty-five  (iii.  Cone.  Carth.  c.  4  ;  Cone.  Agath. c.  16;  Cone.  Quinisext.  c.  14 ;  iv.  Cone.  Tolet. c.  20 ;  iii.  Cone,  Aurcl.  c.  6) ;  but  Thomassin relates  that  Caesarius,  bishop  of  Aries,  would not  permit  any  deacon  to  be  ordained  in  his diocese  who  was  under  the  age  of  thirty,  and who  had  not  read  four  times  all  the  books  of the  Old  and  New  Testament  (  Vet.  et  Nov.  Eccl. Discip.  ii.  1,  c.  89,  §  8). VIII.  Jurisdietion  over. — A  deacon  could  only be  judged  by  three  bishops  (i.  Cone.  Carth.  c.  11  ; ii.  Cone.  Carth.  c.  10,  but  Bruns  gives  a  different reading  of  this  canon)  of  whom  one  was  to  be his  own  diocesan  (iii.  Cone.  Carth.  c.  8).  See Degradation,  p.  542. IX.  Diaeonus  in  Monasteries.  In  monasteries the  name  of  deacon  was  sometimes  given  to  those who  discharged  the  office  of  steward  and  almoner — "  oeconomi  et  dispensatoris  "  [Oeconomos] (Thomass.  Vet.  et  Nov.  Eccl.  Discip.  iii.  2,  c.  3, §4;3,  0.29,  §23.)  [P.O.] X.  Cardinal  Deacon. — A  cardinal  deacon  (dia- conus cardinalis)  was  in  ancient  times  a  deacon who  was  permanently  attached  (incardinatur) to  a  particular  church  (Gregory  the  Great,  Epist. V.  2  ;  see  Cahdinal,  p.  289). The  name  cardinal  seems  also  to  have  been given  to  the  deacon  to  whom  seniority  or  pre- eminence among  his  fellows  had  been  assigned  by competent  authority.  So  Gregory  the  Great, writing  to  Liberatus,  a  deacon  at  Cagliari  {Papist. i.  81),  warns  him  not  to  set  himself  above  the other  deacons,  unless  he  had  been  made  cardinal by  the  bishop.  Under  Charlemagne  a  cardinal deacon  of  the  city  of  Rome  (diaconus  in  cardine constitutus  in  urbe  Roma)  is  mentioned  with special  distinction  (Capitula,  anni  806,  c.  23, p.  458*,  Baluze;  and  Capitularium,  i.  c.  133, p.  728). XI.  A  deacon  was  assigned  to  each  of  the  seven Regions  into  which  the  city  of  Rome  was  eccle- siastically divided ;  these  were  called  Begionary Deacons  (diaconi  regionarii).  The  acolytes  of  each region  were  under  the  authority  of  the  regionary deacon  (Mabillon,  Com.  Praev.  in  Ord.  Rom.  p. xix.). XII.  Stationary  Deacons  were  those  who  mini- stered to  the  pope  on  his  going  to  any  Station where  an  office  was  to  be  said. XIII.  Diaconi  Testimoniales  were  those  deacons who  always  lived  with  and  accompanied  a  bishop, for  the  avoiding  of  scandal  (ii.  Cone.  Turon. c.  12).     See  Svncellus.  [C] DEACONESS  (^  ^l6.kovos,  SiaKSviacra,  Dia- eonis^a,  Diacona.)  I.  An  order  of  women  in  the Primitive  Church  who  appear  to  have  undertaken duties  in  reference  to  their  own  sex  analogous  to those  performed  by  the  deacons  among  men.  Their office  was  probably  rendei-ed  more  necessary  by the  strict  seclusion  which  was  observed  by  the female  sex  in  Greece,  and  in  many  Oriental countries.  The  word  itself  is  only  once  used  in the  New  Testament,  in  the  place  in  which  St. Paul  speaks  of  Phoebe  as  Siclkovos  rrjs  e/c/cA.7j- aias  (Rom.  xvi.  1) ;  but  it  was  usually  supposed by  ancient  commentators  that  the  "  women " mentioned  by  St.  Paul  in  the  passage  in  which he  enumerates  the  qualifications  of  a  deacon (1  Tim.  iii.  11)  were  really  deaconesses,  whether, as  the  A.V.  assumes,  wives  of  deacons  (Chrysost., DEACONESS Theoplivhct,  Theodoret,  Oecumen.,  quoted  by Wordsworth,  Cumin,  ia  loco),  or  women-deacons (Lightfoot,  Essay  on  Christian  Ministry  in  Comm. oiiFhilippians,  p.  189). II.  Qualifications  for  the  Diaconate. —  It  has been  thought  that  these  deaconesses  were  widows in  the  earlier  days  of  the  Church,  on  the  ground of  the  injunction  of  St.  Paul  that  no  widow should  be  taken  into  the  number  under  sixty years  of  age  (1  Tim.  v.  9,  of.  Thomass.  Vet.  et ^ov.  Ecd.  Discip.  i.  1.  3,  c.  50,  n.  10 ;  Hooker, Eccl.  Pol.  V.  c.  78,  §  11).  But  it  does  not  appear certain  that  St.  Paul  is  in  this  place  speaking  of deaconesses  (cf.  Wordsworth,  Comm.  in  loco). And  it  appears  certain  that  virgins  were  admitted to  the  office.  Thus  Pliny  speaks,  in  his  epistle to  Trajan,  of  two  handmaidens  (ancillae)  whom the  Christians  called  "  ministrae."  The  Apostolic Constitutions  (vi.  17)  say  that  the  deaconess  should be  a  chaste  virgin  (irapdei/os  ayvr])  or  else  a widow  (cf.  Just.  Novell,  vi.  6).  The  4th  council of  Carthage  (c.  12)  speaks  of  widows  and  conse- crated virgins  (sanctimoniales)  who  are  selected to  discharge  the  duties  of  deaconesses.  Epipha- nius  gives  three  classes  from  whom  they  are  to be  chosen,  the  virgins,  the  widows  of  one  husband, and  those  who  lived  in  continence  with  one  hus- band (Expositio  Fidei,  n.  21).  The  council  in Trullo  also  provides  that  the  wife  of  a  bishop who  has  retired  into  a  convent  on  the  consecra- tion of  her  husband  may,  if  found  fit  for  the office,  be  admitted  to  the  diaconate  {Cone.  Quini- sext.  0.  48).  Gregory  Nyssen  ( Vita  Macrinae') speaks  of  his  sister  Macrina,  and  of  one  Lampadia, as  being  virgins  and  deaconesses.  Sozomen  (i/.  E. viii.  23)  speaks  of  a  noble  virgin  named  Nicarete whom  Chrysostom  urged  without  effect  to  become a  deaconess  ;  and  of  one  Olympias,  a  young  widow, who  was  ordained  to  the  same  office  {Id.  viii.  9). Thus  it  seems  evident  that  the  deaconesses cannot  be  absolutely  identified  either  with  the widows  or  the  virgins  of  the  early  church,  but were  probably  chosen  from  these  orders  as  occasion served.  It  would  even  appear  that,  under  some circumstances,  married  women  were  admitted. The  age  at  which  they  were  to  be  admitted  to their  office  was  strictly  defined.  TertuUian  {De Vel.  Virg.  c.  9)  lays  it  down  that  they  should be  60  years  of  age,  widows  of  one  husband,  and mothers,  that  their  own  experience  may  enable them  to  give  sympathetic  help  to  others  (com- pare Basil,  Epist.  Canon,  c.  24  and  Jerome,  Ep. ad  Salvian.).  The  council  of  Chalcedon  (c.  15) fixes  it  at  40,  and  says  they  are  to  be  chosen after  strict  enquiry,  giving  as  a  reason  the  dis- honour done  to  the  grace  of  God,  if  any,  after having  undertaken  this  service,  should  marry. The  council  in  Trullo  (cc.  14,  40)  also  assigned the  age  of  40  for  the  admission  of  a  deaconess, and  60  for  that  of  a  widow,  grounding  the  latter rule  on  the  words  of  St.  Paul  (1  Tim.  v.  9),  thus proving  conclusively  that,  in  their  opinion,  he was  not  speaking  in  this  place  of  deaconesses. Theodosius  issued  a  decree  that  no  woman  should be  admitted  to  the  diaconate  till  she  had  attained the  age  of  60,  and  borne  children  (Soz.  H.  E.  vii. 16).  Justinian's  legislation  fixed  the  age  of admission  at  40  (Novell.  123  c.  13)  or  50  {Id.  vi. 6).  Thomassin  thinks  that  only  the  canons which  relate  to  women  of  60  years  of  age  refer to  deaconesses,  and  the  others  apply  to  widows who  have  merely  taken  the  vow  of  continence. DEACONESS 533 But  he  is  obliged  to  own  that  he  Is  maintaining this  opinion  iu  the  face  of  the  decree  of  the council  of  Chalcedon  ( Thomass.  Vet.  et  Nov, Eccl.  Discip.  i.  1.  3,  c.  52,  §  3,  4).  Yet  much appears  to  have  been  left  to  the  bishops.  Olym- pias is  described  as  a  young  widow,  and  Tertul- lian  {Do  Vel.  Virg.  c.  9)  expresses  great  indigna- tion at  a  case,  with  which  he  says  he  was  him- self acquainted,  in  which  a  virgin  under  20  was admitted  to  the  order  of  widows  "  in  viduatu," under  which  term  the  context  proves  that  he  is speaking  of  the  diaconate. From  the  jiassages  already  quoted  it  will  be seen  that  it  was  always  required  that,  if  widows, deaconesses  should  only  have  been  once  married. This  was  probably  in  obedience  to  the  injunction of  St.  Paul,  "  the  wife  of  one  man  "  (1  Tim.  v. 9).  Other  names  of  female  servants  of  the Church  are,  Trperr/SuTiSes,  women-elders,  and  irpe- irPvTepat,  aged  women.  In  the  N.  T.  the  words appear  identical  in  meaning  (cf.  1  Tim.  v.  2,  and Titus  ii.  3).  But  in  the  Apostolic  Constitutions (ii.  28),  the  irpea^vTepai,  the  poorer  of  whom were  to  be  invited  more  frequently  to  the  Agapae, are  clearly  different  from  the  irpsa^vriSes  who, as  ministers  of  the  church,  are  allotted  a  definite share  of  the  first-fruits  then  offered,  while  the same  proportion  of  the  "  eulogiae "  is  allotted in  another  place  to  those  who  are  there  called deaconesses  {SiaKovifftrais,  Ibid.  viii.  c.  31).  Epi- phanius  appears  to  make  a  distinction  between the  two,  when  he  says  that  the  deaconesses  were called  widows  {xvpas),  but  the  elder  of  them (tos  ert  ypaoTepas)  were  called  Trpea^vriSas, and  notes  carefully  that  the  word  is  quite  different from  that  which  designates  women  -  presbyters {■n-pea^vTeplSas)  (Epiph.  Haer.  79,  cap.  4,  cf. Cone.  Laod.  c.  11). Probably  from  the  difficulty  of  finding  virgins qualified  for  the  office,  it  would  appear  that  the deaconesses  were  in  a  great  measure  chosen from  among  the  widows.  And  thus  they  were often  called  x'''P"'j  although  distinct  from  the general  body  of  widows  belonging  to  the  Church. Thus  Epij'hanius,  in  the  passage  already  quoted, speaks  of  the  order  of  deaconesses  {hiaKovLaaiiiv rdyfj-a)  who  are  called  widows.  So  there  is  a canon  speaking  of  the  ordination  of  widows whom  they  call  deaconesses,  "Viduarum  conse- cratio  quas  diaeonas  vocitant "  {Cone.  Epaon.  c. 21)  ;  and  Basil  speaks  of  a  widow  who  has  been taken  into  the  number  of  widows,  that  is,  re- ceived by  the  Church  into  the  diaconate  (Basil, Ep.  Can.  c.  3).  Under  this  term  were  included all  deaconesses,  whether  they  were  widows  or not.  So  Ignatius  speaks  of  the  virgins  who were  called  widows,  ras  -Kapdivovs  tos  Keyofxevas XVpas  {Ad  Smyrn.  c.  13).  So  that  it  is  probable that  the  word  may  have  meant  those  living  with- out a  husband,  whether  in  widowhood,  or  under a  vow  of  continence  (see  Jacobson  in  loco). III.  Duties  of  Deaconesses. — The  duties  of  the deaconesses  were  various.  The  most  impoitant related  to  the  administration  of  baptism  to women  [Baptism,  p.  160].  Thus  the  4th  coun- cil of  Carthage  (c.  12)  speaks  of  them  as  widows or  virgins  selected  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  in the  baptism  of  women,  and  who  therefore  must be  qualified  to  assist  the  unlearned  candidates how  to  answer  the  interrogatories  in  the  baptis- mal office,  and  how  to  live  after  baptism.  Epi- phanius  says  that  the  order  was  instituted  to 534 DEACONESS assist  at  the  baptism  of  women,  that  all  thino;s might  be  done  with  proper  decency  {Haer.  79, cap.  3).  In  the  Apostolic  Coyv-titutions  (iii. 15,  16)  it  is  said  that  the  deaconess  (t^j/  5ia- Kovov)  was  to  be  chosen  for  ministering  to women,  because  it  was  impossible  to  send  a deacon  into  many  houses  on  account  of  the  un- believers. At  the  baptism  of  women  the  dea- conesses were  to  administer  the  chrism  before baptism,  and  to  undertake  all  the  necessary arrangements  for  the  women,  as  the  deacon  did for  the  men.  No  woman  was  to  have  any  inter- course with  the  bishop  or  deacon  except  through the  deaconess  {Und.  ii.  c.  26).  They  were  also to  receive  women  who  were  strangers,  and  allot them  their  places  in  the  church  {Ibid.  ii.  c.  58), and  to  stand  at  the  door  of  that  part  of  the church  which  was  allotted  to  women  {Ihid.  ii. c.  57).  Thus  the  Pseudo-Ignatius  {Ad  Antioch. 0.  12)  speaks  of  the  deaconesses  who  kept  the doors  of  the  church.  They  were  to  attend  to the  women  who  were  sick  or  in  affliction  as  the deacon  did  to  the  men  {Constitut.  Apost.  iii.  19), and  in  time  of  persecution  to  minister  to  the confessors  in  prison  (Cotel.  Annot.  in  Constit. Apost.  iii.  15,  quoting  from  Lucian  and  Libanius). They  were  to  exercise  some  supervision  over the  general  body  of  widows,  who  were  to  be obedient  to  the  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons,  and further  to  the  deaconesses  {Constitut.  Apost.  iii. c.  7).  They  also  probably  had  authority  over the  virgins.  Thus  Gregory  Nyssen,  in  the  life of  Macrina,  says  that  Lampadia  was  set  over  the body  of  virgins  in  the  diaconate.  But  the  latter office  appears  to  have  been  separable  from  the diaconate.  Sozomen  says  that  Nicarete  refused either  to  become  a  deaconess,  or  to  preside  over the  virgins  of  the  Church,  as  if  she  might  have accepted  the  one  position  without  the  other (Soz.  ff.  E.  viii.  c.  23). IV.  Rank  and  Privileges. — There  can  be  no doubt  that  deaconesses  were  considered  to  be  an order  in  the  Church.  Nectarius  is  said  to  have ordained  Olympias  to  the  diaconate,  ZiaKovov iXftporSwa-e  (Soz.  H.  E.  viii.  9),  and  the  same word  is  used  in  the  decrees  of  the  councils  in Trullo  (cc.  14,  40),  and  Chalcedon  (c.  15).  Epi- phanius  speaks  of  them  as  an  order,  rdyna,  in the  Church  {Ifaer.  79,  cap.  3);  and  they were  to  receive  the  consecrated  elements  imme- diately after  the  male  clergy,  takmg  precedence of  the  widows  and  virgins,  and  the  lay  people {Constitut.  Apost.  viii.  c.  13).  Their  ministry  is said  to  be  dependent  upon  that  of  the  deacons {I hid.  ii.  0.  26).  A  form  of  ordination  by  the bishop  is  also  given  in  which  the  words  iwiBriaeis Tas  xeipos,  which  express  the  act  of  ordination, are  the  same  as  those  employed  in  the  office  for the  ordination  of  deacons,  which  the  whole  form greatly  resembles  {Ibid.  viii.  19,  20). Thomassin  understands  deaconesses  to  be  meant in  a  decree  of  the  2nd  council  of  Carthage  (c. 3),  which  forbids  a  virgin  to  be  consecrated  by a  presbyter,  "  puellarum  consecratio  a  presbytero non  fiat"  (ii.  Cone.  Carth.  c.  3),  or,  as  modified by  the  3rd  council  (c.  36),  without  the  consent of  the  bishop  ( Vet.  et  Nov.  Eccl.  Biscip.  i.  1.  3, c.  50,  §  11,  12). There  is  however  a  somewhat  remarkable  pas- sage in  a  decree  of  the  council  of  Nice,  which, after  speaking  of  the  Paulianist  clergy  who were  to  be  reordained  on  their  admission  to  the DEACONESS Catholic  Church,  goes  on  to  say  that  the  dea- conesses who  Rad  assumed  that  office,  or  habit, since  they  had  no  imposition  of  hands,  could  only be  reckoned  among  the  laity  (1  Cone.  Nic.  c. 19).  But  this  appears  simply  to  refer  to  cer- tain women  among  the  Paulianists  who  had assumed  the  habit  or  office  of  deaconess  without imposition  of  hands,  and  who  therefore  could not  be  reordained  but  simply  reckoned  among the  laity  (cf.  Thomassin  Vet.  et  Nov.  Eccl.  Discip. i.  1.  3,  c.  50,  §  12).  Indeed  the  same  canon speaks  of  deaconesses  as  among  the  clergy  (eV Tw  Kav6vi)  and  to  be  received  in  the  same  man- ner. Thus  clearly  making  a  distinction  between those  among  the  Paulianists  who  had  been  regu- larly ordained,  aud  those  who  had  assumed  the office  without  ordination.  But  the  reading  is doubtful  (see  Bruns,  Canones,  i.  19),  though Thomassin,  in  the  place  above  quoted,  accepts  it without  question  as  authentic. The  ordination,  however,  was  expressly  under- stood to  confer  no  sacerdotal  functions  of  any kind.  The  4th  council  of  Carthage  (c.  100) expressly  orders  that  no  woman  should  venture to  baptize.  It  appears  that  certain  sects  of  the Montanists  ordained  women  as  priests  and  even as  bishops.  In  opposition  to  these  Epiphanius, while  speaking  of  them  as  an  order  in  the  Church, a.sserts  that  they  were  women-elders,  but  not priestesses  in  any  sense  (TrperrjSuTepi'Sas  ■^  Upiaaas'), and  that  their  mission  was  not  to  interfere  in any  way  with  the  functions  allotted  to  the  priests {ieparfveii'),  but  simply  to  perform  certain  offices in  the  care  of  women  (Epiph.  Haer.  79,  cap. 3).  Tertullian  also  says  that  it  is  not  permitted to  a  woman  to  speak  in  the  church,  nor  to  baptize, nor  to  make  the  oblation  (oft'erre),  nor  discharge any  of  the  offices  allotted  to  men  (virile  munus) (Tert.  dc  Vel.  Virg.  c.  9),  and  is  indignant  at the  forwardness  of  women  who  take  upon  them- selves to  teach  and  to  baptize  contrary  to  the express  command  of  the  Apostle  (Id.  De  Baptis. c.  17).  The  Constitutions  (iii.  9)  emphatically deny  the  right  of  women  to  baptize,  asserting that  priestesses  are  ordained  for  female  deities, and  are  a  heathen,  not  a  Christian  institution ; and  that  if  Our  Lord  had  wished  them  to  baptize, he  would  himself  have  been  baptized  by  his  own mother  rather  than  by  John  the  Baptist.  The latter  argument  is  also  used  by  Epiphanius,  who says  that  if  Our  Lord  had  ordered  women  to exercise  any  priestly  or  ecclesiastical  ministry, he  would  first  have  given  that  office  to  the Virgin  Mary  {Haer.  79,  cap.  3). V.  Celibacy. — It  is  evident  that  the  ordination of  deaconesses  included  a  vow  of  celibacy.  The council  of  Chalcedon  (c.  15)  pronounces  an anathema  against  those  who  should  marry  after having  been  ordained  to  the  diaconate.  And  Jus- tinian's legislation  ordered  that  those  who  married should  be  sentenced  to  forfeiture  of  property  and capital  punishment  {Novell,  vi.  6). VL  Discontinuance. — It  is  probable  that  this occasioned  the  discontinuance  of  the  order.  Cer- tainly it  did  not  last  long.  The  council  of  Laodicea, A.D.  320,  forbade  the  appointment  of  any  of those  who  wei-e  called  Trpea^vnSes  {Cone.  Lavd. c.  11).  The  1st  council  of  Orange  (c.  26),  A.D. 441,  simply  forbids  the  ordination  of  any  dea- coness whatever ;  and  again,  "  Viduarum  conse- crationem  qnas  diaconas  vocitant  ab  omni  regione nostra  penitus  abrogamus"  {Cone.  Epaon.  c.  21). DEAD The  2uil  council  of  Orleans  (cc.  17,  18)  decrees that  deaconesses  who  had  married  were  to  be excommunicated  unless  they  renounced  their "^usbands,  but  none  in  future  were  to  be  ordained on  tccount  of  the  weakness  of  the  sex.  It  would appear  that,  in  the  time  of  the  writer  of  certain commentaries  which  appear  under  the  name  of  Je- rome, the  order  was  quite  extinct  in  the  Western Church,  and  only  known  by  report  as  existing  in the  East.  Thus  he  speaks  of  "those  whom  in the  East  they  call  deaconesses  "  (Hieron.  Comrn. in  1  Tim.  iii.  11),  and  "In  the  East  women deaconesses  ( diaconissae  mulieres )  appear  to minister  to  their  own  sex  in  baptism  and  the ministry  of  the  word  "  (Id.  Coinm.  Rom.  xvi.  1). Thomassin  thinks  that  the  order  was  extinct  in the  Western  Church  in  the  10th  or  12th  century (  Vet.  et  Nuv.  Ecd.  Discip.  i.  1.  3,  c.  49,  §  8),  but that  it  lingered  on  a  little  longer  in  the  Church of  Constantinople,  though  only  in  convents  (/(/. i.  1.  3,  c.  47,  §  10). The  title  of  deaconesses  was  also  given  some- times to  the  wives  of  deacons  (ii.  Cone.  Turon.  c. 19),  and  to  abbesses  of  convents  (Thomass.  Vet. et  Nov.  Ecd.  Discip.  i.  1.  3,  c.  47,  §  10).    [P.  0.] DEAD,  Baptism  of  and  for  the. DEAD,  Communion  of  the. The  three  practices  thus  grouped  together  had a  common  origin  in  the  feeling  that  baptism  was an  indispensable  condition  of  salvation  ;  that  for those  who  had  been  baptized  the  other  great sacrament  of  the  Church  was  almost  as  essential ; that  it,  at  least,  brought  with  it  priceless  advan- tages to  the  receiver  when  he  entered  on  the unseen  world ;  that  it  was  the  viaticum  for  that last  journey.  The  earliest  trace  of  the  feeling and  its  results  is  seen  in  the  strange,  passing allusion  by  St.  Paul  in  1  Cor.  xv.  29,  to  the ^aiTTi^SixevoL  uTTtp  veKpuv.  It  is  not  within  the scope  of  the  present  paper  to  enter  fully  into the  exegesis  of  that  perplexing  passage.  The strange  contrast  which  its  apparent  meaning presented  to  the  received  doctrine  and  practice of  the  Church  made  the  interpreters  of  a  later period  anxious  to  find  a  way  of  escape,  and  from Chrysostom  and  Theophylact  downward  there have  been  those  who  have  seen  in  it  a  reference to  the  profession  of  faith  in  the  resurrection  of the  body  made  at  baptism.  It  is  believed,  how- ever, that  this  is  simply  a  non-natural  and  unte- nable interpretation.  It  is  better  to  take  the words  in  their  obvious  sense,  and  to  remember that  St.  Paul  simply  draws  from  the  practice  of which  they  speak  an  arguinentum  ad  homincm, and  does  not,  in  the  slightest  degree,  sanction  the practice  itself.  However  startling  it  may  seem that  a  feeling  so  gross  in  its  superstition  should spring  up  so  soon,  we  have  to  remember  that  it was  more  or  less  analogous  to  the  "  sorrow  with- out hope  "  of  which  St.  Paul  speaks  in  writing to  the  Thessalonians  (1  Thess.  iv.  13),  and  which sprang  out  of  the  belief  that  those  who  died before  the  coming  of  the  Lord  were  shut  out from  all  participation  in  the  glory  of  the  king- dom. So  it  was  at  Corinth  and,  it  may  be,  else- where. Men  were  told  that  by  baptism  they  were admitted  to  the  kingdom  of  God;  that  it  was  the pledge  not  only  of  immortality  for  the  soul,  but of  resurrection  for  the  body.  But  what  would become  of  those  who,  though  they  had  believed, were  cut  off  by  death  beforii  receiving  baptism  ? DEAD 535 His  answer  led  to  the  expedient  of  a  "  vicarium baptisma  "  (TertuU.  De  Resurr.  Cam.  c.  48,  Adv. Marcion.\.  10),  to  which  the  usages  of  later Judaism  offered,  at  least,  some  remote  analogies (Lightfoot,  Hor.  Hehr.  in  1  Cor.  xv.).  The practice  assumed  among  the  Ebionites  (Epiphan. Haeres.  30)  and  the  Marcionites  (Chrysost, Horn.  40  in  1  Cor.)  a  somewhat  dramatic  form. The  corpse  was  laid  upon  the  bed,  and  beneath there  was  concealed  a  living  man.  The  question "Wilt  thou  be  baptised?"  was  formally  put and  answered,  and  then  the  rite  was  performed on  the  living  as  the  proxy  for  the  dead.  There is  no  reason  for  thinking  that  the  practice  ever became  common  in  the  Church.  Its  adoption by  heretical  sects  probably  secured  its  con- demnation. But  the  feeling  had  showed  itself in  another  form  more  widely.  The  stronger the  feeling  that  baptism  conferred  what  could be  conferred  in  no  other  way,  the  more  men lamented  over  the  non-fulfilment  of  the  con- dition by  those  they  loved.  The  Church  allowed baptism  in  articulo  mortis,  it  is  true,  even  where the  ordinary  conditions  were  not  fulfilled.  It might,  in  case  of  necessity,  be  administered  by  a layman  or  even  by  a  woman.  But  still  death might  come  beforehand.  What  was  to  be  done then  ?  What  was  to  be  done  in  the  parallel  case of  the  baptized  man  dying  without  communion  ? In  all  parts  of  the  Church,  and  for  some  centuries, we  find  traces  of  the  prevalence  of  the  practice of  administering  baptism  to  the  corpse.  It  is  for- bidden, it  is  true,  by  Councils,  but  the  locality and  date  of  the  Synods  that  prohibit  it,  are  sig- nificant as  showing  how  widely  spread  it  was. We  have  canons  against  it  and  against  the  ana- logous practice  of  placing  the  Eucharist  within the  lips  of  the  dead,  in  the  third  Council  of  Car- thage (a.D.  397  c.  6)  ;  in  the  Council  in  Trullo at  Constantinople  (A.D.  692,  c.  83)  ;  in  that  of Auxerre  (A.D.  578,  c.  12)  ;  in  the  Canons  of  Boni- face, Bishop  of  Maintz  (Can.  20).  Gregory  of Nazianzum  {Orat.  40)  utters  a  serious  warning against  it.  Even  when  the  better  sense  of  the Church  rejected  the  more  revolting  usage,  there was,  as  has  been  said  under  Burial,  both  in  the East  and  West,  the  corresponding  usage,  hardly less  superstitious,  of  placing  a  portion  of  the  con- secrated bread  upon  the  breast  of  the  corpse  to be  interred  with  him,  as  a  charm  against  the attacks  of  malignant  spirits.  The  practice  of the  baptism  of  the  dead  prevailed  most,  according to  one  writer,  among  the  Phrygian  followers  of Montanus  (Philastr.  De  Haeres.  c.  2).    [E.  H.  P.] DEAD,  FESTIVAL  OF  THE.  [All Souls  Day.] DEAD,  PRAYEE  FOE  THE.  [Canon of  the  Liturgy  :  Mass.] DEAD,  TEEATMENT  OF,  [Burial  of THE  Dead.] DEAMBULATOEIA,  DEAMBULACEA, covered  porticos  for  walking  in,  more  particu- larly those  surrounding  the  body  of  a  church, dcambulatoria  ecclesiarnm.  These  were  some- times of  two  stories.  This  was  the  case  in  the church  built  by  Constautine  over  the  Holy  Sejjul- chi-e,  which  is  described  by  Eusebius  (  Vit.  C  nst. lib.  iii.  c.  37)  as  having  two  porticos,  SittkI  aToai, on  each  side  of  the  church,  corresponding  to  the length  of  the  building,  with  upper  and  lower ranges  of  pillars.    Gregory  Nazianzen  also  (_Orat. 536 DEAN 19)  describes  the  church  erected  by  his  father  as having  ctooJ  Si6po(poi.  The  church  of  St.  Sophia was  similarly  surrounded  with  porticos,  except towards  the  east,  on  which  side  they  were  usually wanting  (Procop.  de  Aedif.  lib.  i.  c.  8,  lib.  v.  c.  6), and  which  were  of  two  stories  towards  the  west (Ducange,  Constantinopolis  Christiana,  lib.  iii.  cc. 16,  17).  The  "  deambulatoria  "  sometimes  con- tained altars  (Ducange  sub  roc).  The  term  is also  used  for  the  walks  of  a  cloister,  "  deambu- latoria claustrorum."     [CLOISTER.]         [E.  V.] DEAN.    [Decanus.] DEATH,  KEPRESENTATIONS  OF.— Though  symbolic  images  involving  the  thought  of death  are  by  no  means  rare  in  early  Christian  art, they  have  reference  almost  entirely  to  the  state of  death,  rather  than  the  process,  so  to  speak. They  point  to  the  condition  of  the  restored  soul, rather  than  to  the  painful  sejjaration  of  body and  soul.  Thus  the  thought  and  representa- tions of  death  are  generally  without  terror. The  Raising  of  Lazarus  [Lazarus]  is  repeated (Bottari,  passim)  as  an  earnest  of  the  Lord's power  :  the  Resurrection  accompanies  the  Cru- cifixion in  early  art,  as  in  the  Laurentine  MS. Flowers  are  freely  used  to  decorate  tombs,  with little  change  from  their  Pagan  employment; and  the  bird  set  at  liberty,  the  palm-branch,  the car  or  chariot  at  rest,  and  the  ship  at  anchor (see  s.  vv.),  occur  the  two  first  passim,  the others  occasionally.  Herzog  (^Beal-Enciic,  s.  v. "  Sinnbilder  ")  states  that  the  skeleton  figure  of death,  in  its  retrospective  view,  pointing  to  the change  from  the  life  and  pleasui'e  of  this  world is  traceable  to  remains  of  Gnostic  symbols.  The writer  of  this  article  can  remember  no  earlier instance  of  it,  than  Giotto's  crowned  skeleton  at Assisi.  (See  Crowe  and  Cavaloaselle's  Italian Painters,  life  of  Giotto.)  Orgagna  and,  lastly, Holbein  bring  down  this  Gothic  grotesque  sym- bol of  the  visible  change,  and  outer  side  of  the subject,  to  modern  days. For  the  apparently  Pagan  Chariot  of  Death  in the  Catacomb  of  St.  Praetextatus  see  Perret,  Cata- combes,  &c.,  vol.  i.  pi.  72 ;  also  Bottari,  vol.  iii. 219.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] DEBTORS.  The  Jewish  law  in  reference  to debts  and  debtors,  and  to  the  redemption  of pledges,  is  very  peculiar.  That  of  the  Christian Church  has  been  mainly  founded  on  the  Roman, which,  oi'iginally  very  harsh  towards  debtors (see  Gibbon,  c.  xliv.,  &c.),  under  the  empire was  greatly  mitigated  in  their  favour.  Thus by  a  constitution  of  Diocletian  and  Maximin (A.D.  294),  it  was  expressly  enacted  that  the laws  do  not  sufj'er  freemen  to  be  compelled  to become  slaves  to  their  creditors  by  reason  of their  debts  (Coc/c,  bk.  iv.  Tit.  is.  1.  12).  Under the  older  law  there  had  already  been  introduced in  favour  of  the  debtor  the  expedient  of  the bonorum  cessio,  something  between  our  bank- rui)tcy,  and  what  a  few  years  back  was  distin- guished from  it  as  insolvency  (see  Dig.  bk.  xlii. Tit.  iii.).  It  was  a  question  among  the  jurists whether,  if  a  man  had  once  given  up  all  his goods  to  his  ci-editors,  any  after  acquired  pro- perty of  his  was  subject  to  their  claims.  Sabinus and  Cassius  would  have  him  free  {/bid.  1.  4), thus  assimilating  him  to  the  bankrupt.  Ulpian took  a  middle,  and  it  must  be  said,  ;in  unwise course,  holding  that   the    liability   depended   on DEBTORS the  quantum  of  the  subsequent  earnings,  and that  he  was  not  to  be  disturbed  in  the  possession of  anything  left  or  given  to  him  by  way  of charity  for  his  maintenance  (Ibid.  1.  C).  Modes- tinus  also  held  the  liability  to  attach,  if  the  pro- perty were  sufficient  to  justify  the  action  of  the praetor  (Ibid.  1.  7).  Under  the  Code,  by  a  con- stitution of  Alexander  Severus  (a.D.  224),  the debtor  was  not  held  free  from  his  debt  till  the creditor  was  paid  in  full,  but  the  cessio  bonoi-um exempted  him  from  imprisonment  and  from  tor- ture (bk.  vii.  tit.  Ixxi.  11.  1,  8).  It  was  in  the option  of  the  creditors  to  allow  the  debtors  five years'  delay  instead  of  accepting  the  cessio,  such option  to  be  exercised,  in  case  of  difference  of opinion,  according  to  the  figure  of  the  debt,  so that  a  single  creditor  whose  claim  should  amount to  more  than  the  sum  total  of  all  the  others  had the  fate  of  the  debtor  in  his  hands  (1.  8 ;  Const, of  Justinian).  An  attempt  having  moreover been  made  to  make  the  cessio  compulsory  on  the debtor,  the  lo5th  Novel  foi-bade  this. Debtors  were  under  the  Christian  emperors admitted  to  the  right  of  sanctuary  in  churches and  their  precincts,  Jews  only  excepted,  who  pre- tended a  wish  to  become  converted  in  order  to frustrate  their  creditors,  and  who  were  not  to be  admitted  until  they  had  paid  all  their  debts (^Code,  bk.  i.  t.  xii.  1.  1  ff.),  although  the  public imposts  might  be  levied  within  the  churches themselves,  and  if  the  collectors  were  subjected to  violence  or  seditious  opposition,  the  defensores and  oecoiiomi  of  the  Church  were  made  respon- sible for  the  fiscal  dues  not  collected  (Novel  17, c.  7) ;  but  otherwise  it  was  expressly  enacted  by a  constitution  of  the  Emperor  Leo,  A.D.  466  (bk. i.  t.  xii.  1.  6),  that  the  bishops  and  oeconomi were  not  to  be  held  responsible  for  the  debts  of persons  claiming  sanctuary. We  may  moreover  observe  in  the  60th  Novel  a law  forbidding  creditors  to  torment  their  dying debtors  or  their  families,  place  their  seals  upon the  property,  or  interfere  with  the  funeral,  under severe  penalties  (c.  i.) ;  and  in  the  115th  another which  forbade  the  pressing  by  creditors  of  the heirs,  parents,  children,  wives,  husbands,  agnates, cognates,  connexions  or  sureties  of  a  deceased debtor  within  nine  days  of  his  death,  the  delay not  to  be  reckoned  as  time  running  for  prescrip- tion nor  otherwise  to  prejudice  the  creditor (c.  v.).  The  134th  Nocel  forbids  a  custom  which it  s])eaks  of  as  prevalent  in  various  places,  that of  detaining  a  debtor's  children  as  pledges,  or  as slaves  or  servants  for  hire,  under  penalty  of  for- feiture of  the  debt,  damages  to  an  equal  amount, and  corporal  punishment  (c.  vii.).  As  to  debts due  to  bankers,  see  the  136th  Novel,  and  7th Fdict  of  Justinian. Under  the  Ostrogothic  rule  in  Italy,  tlie Edict  of  Theodoric  required  debtors  condemned by  judicial  sentence  to  pay  within  two  months, under  pain  of  the  sale  of  their  pledges  (c.  124). Where,  however,  a  creditor  seized  the  goods  of one  who  was  not  under  obligation  to  him,  he  was to  pay  fourfold  the  value,  if  sued  within  the year,  otherwise  simply  to  restore  the  amount seized;  and  so  of  the  fruits  of  land  (c.  131). Under  the  Lombard  law,  on  the  contrary,  by practice  of  seizing  the  person  of  the  debtor  tlie way  of  pledge  seems  to  reappear,  although  the liability  is  confined  to  himself  and  his  gapjhans, or  nearest  future  heir  (Laws  of  Rotharis,  c.  149  ; DECALVATIO A.D.  638  01-  643).  Little,  however,  is  foimd generally  in  the  barbaric  Codes  on  the  subject. It  is  not  surprising  to'find  the  Church  occasion- ally interfering  either  by  spiritual  penalties,  or conversely  by  kindly  assistance  to  the  unfor- tunate, where  the  municipal  law  failed  to  take ertect  for  their  relief.  A  signal  instance  of  ec- clesiastical assistance  to  a  debtor  is  that  which forms  the  subject  of  Augustine's  215th  or  268th letter,  addressed  to  his  congregation,  to  which  he appealed  to  repay  Macedonius,  who  had  suffered by  his  kindness  to  one  Fascius,  a  debtor  who  had taken  sanctuary. An  Irish  Synod  of  the  middle  of  the  5th  cen- tury (450  or  456)  enacted  the  excommunication of  fraudulent  debtors,  as  if  they  were  heathens, till  they  paid  their  debts  (c.  20).  In  the  collec- tion of  Irish  canons,  supposed  to  belong  to  the end  of  the  7th  century,  there  is  a  whole  book (xxxii.)  "  of  debts  and  pledges,  and  usury,"  and another  (xxxiii.)  "  of  sureties  and  rates."  There is  however  no  reason  for  supposing  that  enact- ments like  this  ever  took  eiiect  beyond  the  limits of  Ireland. From  the  letters  of  Gregory  the  Great,  (a.d. 590-603)  we  obtain  some  glimpses  of  the  con- dition of  debtors  at  the  heart  of  Christendom, towards  the  end  of  the  6th  and  beginning  of  the 7th  century,  and  of  the  behaviour  of  the  Church towards  them.  Two  of  his  letters  {Epistt.  ii.  56 and  iii.  43)  are  occupied  with  the  case  of  a  Syrian named  Cosmas,  a  poor  debtor,  whose  sons,  accord- ing to  his  account,  were  detained  by  his  creditors as  pledges  for  his  debts,  and  whom  he  was  anx- ious to  benefit. Several  other  instances  to  the  same  effect  occur in  the  same  collection.  A  letter  (^Epist.  v.  35) to  Secundinus,  bishop  of  Taormina,  is  written  in favour  of  one  Sincerus,  whose  wife  was  pressed to  pay  the  debts  of  her  late  father.  See  also Kpist.  vii.  pt.  2,  37  and  60.  Compare  Sanc- tuary ;  Usury.  [J.  M.  L.] DECALVATIO.  [Corporal  Punishments, p.  472.] DECANATUS  =  1.  the  office  of  dean  ;  2.  the district  of  a  rural  dean  ;  3.  sometimes  a  farm  or monastic  grange,  in  late  charters.    [A.  W.  H.] DECANIA,  the  district  under  a  Decanus [p.  539],  temp.  Car.  Calvi.  The  word  was  used in  later  times  also  for  a  monastic  farm  or  grange (Du  Gauge).  [A.  W.  H.] DECANICIUM  iA^KavlKiov).  The  Pas- toral Staff  borne  before  the  Patriarch  of  Con- stantinople on  solemn  occasions :  delivered  to him  in  the  first  instance  by  the  emperor  (Suicer's Thesaurus,  s.-v.).  Pancirolus  however  (T/iescmrMS i.  85)  states  that  the  decanicium  (or  dicanitium) was  a  silver  mace.  [C] DECANICUM,  Decania,  or  Decanica  (Ae- KaviKov),  an  ecclesiastical  prison,  career  canoni- cnlis  or  demeritO'-uin  donius,  a  place  of  confine- ment in  which  criminous  clerks  were  incarcerated by  their  bishops  and  other  ecclesiastical  supe- riors. The  word  is  derived  from  the  decani,  the subordinate  officials — the  pa^Sovxoi  or  lictors of  the  church — who  were  the  jailers.  By  a false  etymology  it  is  sometimes  written  SiKaviKov. Another  form,  SiaKouiKdv,  also  found,  may  be justified  by  the  fact  that  the  sacristy  and  other annexed  ecclesiastical  buildings  sometimes  served DECANUS 537 the  purpose  of  a  prison.  Cf.  the  letter  of  Pope Gregory  II.,  a.d.  731-741,  to  the  Emperor  Leo Isaurus,  in  which,  comparing  the  mercy  of  the ecclesiastical  with  the  severity  of  temporal rulers,  he  says  that  when  one  of  the  clergy  was proved  to  be  worthy  of  punishment,  instead  of hanging  or  beheading  him,  the  bishop  hung round  his  neck  the  gospels  and  the  cross,  and imprisoned  him  in  one  of  the  treasuries  or  dia- conica,  or  catechumena  of  the  church  (Labbe, Concil.  viii.  p.  25).  The  word  decanicum  is  not unfrequently  met  with  in  early  times:  e.g.  in the  petition  of  Basil  the  deacon  to  the  Emperor Theodosius,  complaining  of  the  cruel  indignities he  and  his  friends  had  been  subjected  to  at  the hands  of  Nestorius  (Acta  Concil.  Ephes.  pars  i. c.  30,  §  3  et  passim  ;  Labbe,  Coticil.  iii.  425-431). "  They  had  been  stripped  and  beaten,  and  led off  half-naked  to  the  decanicum,  where  they  were detained  without  food,  and  again  beaten  by  the decmii." The  Decanica  are  named  among  the  buildings of  which  heretics  were  to  be  deprived,  in  a decree  of  Arcadius  and  Honorius  {Justin.  Cod. lib.  i.  tit.  V.  c.  3) ;  and  in  the  A'ovells  of  Justi- nian (Ixxix.  c.  3,  p.  211)  we  find  a  decree  ad- dressed to  Mennas,  Archbishop  of  Constantinople, ordering  that  officers  venturing  to  execute  a sentence  of  secular  courts  on  clerics  should  be imprisoned  in  the  so-called  decanica  (KaOeipye- adoKTCLV  iv  Tois  KaKovixivois  SeKav'tKOts).  [E.  V.] DECANUS  (in  an  ecclesiastical  sense)  = I.  A  member  of  a  guild,  whose  occupation  was that  of  interring  the  dead  [Copiatae]  :  reckoned among  clericihj  St.  Jerome,  Epiphanius,  the  Cod. Theodos.,  &c. ;  called  also  KOTriarris  (Epiphanius), fossarius  (Pseudo-Jerom.,  De  VII.  Ord.  EccL), lecticarius  (Justinian,  Novel,  xliii.  Praef.),  col- legiattis  (in  the  laws  of  Honorius,  &c.,  Justinian, Theodosius  the  Great),  decanus  (same  laws  ;  and Collect.  Constit.  Eccl.  in  Biblioth.  Jur.  Canon. p.  1243).  The  office  was  apparently  instituted by  Constantine  at  Constantinople,  where  it  num- bered in  his  time  1100  members,  but  was afterwards  reduced  to  950 ;  but  then  again increased  by  the  Emperor  Anastasius,  who  also endowed  it  (Justinian,  Nocel.  xliii.  lix. ;  Cod.  lib. iv.  De  Sacrosanct.  Eccl.).  From  thence  it  spread to  "  other  populous  churches."  The  poor  were  to be  buried  by  its  members  gratuitously,  at  least where  it  was  endowed  (id.  Novel,  lix.).  The ^sKavol  mentioned  by  St.  Chrysostom  (Horn. xiii.)  were  a  different,  and  a  civil,  body  of officials,  attached  to  the  emperor's  palace. (Bingham,  Du  Cange,  Meursius,  Suicer.) II.  A  presbyter  appointed  to  preside  as  the bishop's  deputy  over  a  division  of  his  diocese  : called  at  first  archipresbyter  (Thomassin,  I.  iii.  66, §  14 ;  Dansey,  p.  i.  §  2),  with  the  epithet  of  vica- nus  (Cone.  Turon.  II.  c.  19,  a.d.  567  ;  Bruns's Canones,  ii.  229),  to  distinguish  him  from  the urban  archipresbyter  or  protopope,  and  succeed- ing under  that  name  to  some  of  the  functions  of the  older  chorepiscopus  :  originally  in  the  Church of  France  : — first  called  Decanus,  and  his  district Decania, — (setting  aside  a  canon,  wrongly  at- tributed to  the  Council  of  Agde,  a.d.  506,  but really  of  the  date  of  Charles  the  Great,  ace.  to Dansey,  and  two  questionable  canons  respectively of  Cone.  Tolct.  V.  a.d.  636,  and  VII.  a.d.  646)— later  than  about  the  time  of  Charles  the  Great 538 DECANUS (see  Cnpit.  Car.  Calvi,  tit.  v.  §  3 ;  Cone.  Tolos. A.D.  843,  c.  3  ;  Hincmar,  0pp.  i.  738,  c.  A.D.  878) ; called  also  decanus  ruralis  {e.g.  in  Cone.  Trever. A.D.  948,  c.  3),  magister  (by  Hincmar,  v.  Cone. Gallic.  III.  623),  decanus  episcopi  (when  intro- duced into  England,  a  step  perhaps  facilitated  by the  existence  of  the  civil  division  into  tithings, about  A.D.  10.52,  in  Legg.  Edw.  Confess,  xxxi., and  see  Du  Cange,  and  Carpentier's  Supplem.  to Du  Cange),  decanus  Christianorum  (in  a  charter of  A.D.  1092,  ap.  Du  Cange),  and  commonly  after- wards decanus  Christianitatis,  probably  as  having to  do  with  courts  Christian,  i.  e.  with  the  bishop's courts.  The  developed  functions  of  the  office belong  to  a  period  later  than  that  to  which  the present  work  relates.  In  Ireland,  the  peculiar institution  of  the  court  became  mixed  up  with that  of  plebanus,  or  rural  dean.  Beyond  the British  isles  and  France,  the  office  does  not  seem  to have  existed.  (Dansey,  Horae  Decanicae  Rurales, 2nd  edit.  1844;  Du  Cange;  Spelman.) III.  The  chief  officer  of  a  cathedral,  c?ecawMseccfe- siae  cathedralis,  as  distinguished  from  the  decanus urhanus  and  ruralis,  or  city  and  country  archpres- byters,  after  the  chapter  of  the  cathedral  had  be- come a  separate  and  corporate  body  [Canonici]. The  office  so  entitled  dates  in  its  full  development only  from  the  10th  or  11th  centuries,  Normandy and  Norman  England  being  the  countries  where it  first  occurs,  Rouen  having  a  dean  in  the  10th century,  and  the  Dean  of  St.  Paul's,  A.D.  1086, being  the  first  English  dean.  But  as  a  cathedral officer,  the  decanus  dates  from  the  8th  century, when  he  is  found,  after  the  monastic  pattern, as  subordinate  to  the  praepositus  or  provost,  who was  the  bishop's  vicegerent  as  head  of  the  chapter. The  arrangement  still  survives,  after  a  fashion, in  the  relative  positions  of  the  provost  or  head, and  of  the  dean,  in  Oxford  and  Cambridge  colleges. The  Council  of  Mayence,  A.D.  813,  substituted deans  for  provosts.  And  that  of  Aix  laChapelle, A.D.  817,  subordinated  the  provost  to  the  dean. A  series  of  provosts,  afterwards  mostly  con- verted into  deans — at  Canterbury  until  the  time of  Lanfranc,  at  Worcester  A.D.  872-972,  at  Ely A.D.  878,  at  Lichfield  a.d.  818-822,  at  Wells before  a.d.  1088,  at  Beverley  A.D.  1070,  at  se- veral foreign  cathedrals,  and  in  some  English  col- legiate churches — is  given  by  Walcot  {Cathedralia, p.  38).  The  change  probably  arose  from  the abandonment  on  the  part  of  the  provosts  of  the spiritual  and  internal  direction  of  the  chapter, through  their  attention  to  its  temporal  and  ex- ternal concerns.  The  functions  of  the  dean  are laid  down,  for  the  diocese  of  Lincoln,  a.d.  1212, as  sanctioned  by  Pope  Alexander  III.  (Wilk. Cone.  I.  535,  536),  and  for  that  of  Lichfield a.d.  1194,  by  Bishop  Nonant  (*.  497),  and  for that  of  Sarum,  as  adopted  by  Glasgow  (ib.  741). But  the  office,  in  this  full  sense  of  the  title, belongs  to  a  period  long  subsequent  to  the  date of  Charles  the  Great. IV.  Deans  of  Peculiars,  and  other  special  appli- cations of  the  title  of  dean,  belong  also  to  a  like later  period.  As  does  likewise  the  deanery  of  the province  of  Canterbury,  attached  to  the  bishopric of  London.  (Thomassin  ;  Du  Cange  ;  Walcot's Archaeology  and  Cathedralia.)  [A.  W.  H.] V.  Decanus  Monasticus.- — Among  monks  the office  seems  to  have  existed  in  Asia  and  Egypt, at  least  in  a  rudimentary  form,  from  almost the    very    commencement    of    eoenobitism  ;    in DECANUS subordination  to  the  '  pater,'  '  abbas,'  '  hegu- menos'  or  '  archimandrita '  (Bingh.  (6.).  The 'decanus'  was  deputed  by  him  to  superintend the  younger  brethren,  drilling  them  in  self- denial  and  encouraging  them  to  confess  to  him even  their  secret  thoughts  (Cassian,  Instit.  v. 8,  9).  Especially  he  was  to  watch  over  the novices  just  emerging,  their  first  year  of  pro- bation being  jiast,  from  the  '  xenodochium '  or strangers'  room  (ih.  7),  setting  them  an  example of  obedience  by  himself  obeying  the  'praepositus' even  in  things  impossible  {ib.  10).  Augustine speaks  of  the  '  decanus '  as  having  charge  over ten  monks  (Z>e  Mor.  Ecel.  31);  Jerome,  over nine  ;  {Ep.  22  ad  Eustoeh.).  The  '  decanus  '  was to  provide  for  the  temporal  necessities  of  his monks,  for  instance,  by  sending  out  to  them  the linen  under-garments  ;  (cf.  Ca.ss.  Instit.  iv.  10)  to watch  by  night  over  their  cells  ;  to  lead  them to  and  from  refection ;  to  assign  to  each  the allotted  task  ;  and,  at  the  close  of  the  day,  to hand  over  the  work  done  to  the  'oeconomus  '  or steward,  who  was  to  make  a  monthly  report  of it  to  the  abbat  (Jerome,  ib.  cf.  Bingh.  M.S.). The  great  monastic  legislator  of  M.  Casino adopted  cordially  this  important  feature  in  eoe- nobitism, prescribing  more  precisely  the  duties of  the  '  decanus,'  and  placing  him  next  in  rank to  the  'prior'  or  'praepositus.'  Indeed,  Benedict preferred  deans  to  priors  as  less  likely  to  collide with  the  supreme  authority  of  the  abbat  (Beg. c.  65  ;  cf.  Cone.  Mogunt.  I.  816, 11).  All  monas- teries, except  the  very  smallest,  for  the  words '  major  congregatio '  are  taken  to  mean  any  number over  twenty  (Mart,  in  Reg.  S.  Bened.  17),  were to  have  deans,  one  for  ten  brethren.  He  was  to have  charge  of  his  '  decania  '  in  all  things,  with this  proviso,  "  according  to  the  precepts  of  the abbat"  (Reg.  21).  He  was  to  be.  appointed  not by  seniority,  '  per  ordinem,'  but  by  merit,  at  the choice  of  the  abbat,  or,  according  to  some  com- mentators, of  the  abbat  and  seniors  (ib.).  He was  to  hold  office  for  an  undefined  period,  one year  or  more  (Mart,  in  Reg.  31-2),  in  fact, "  quamdiu  se  bene  gesserit,"  but  after  three  ad- monitions was  to  be  deprived  (Reg.  21).  He  was to  guard  the  morals  and  conduct  of  the  monks under  his  care,  especially  the  dormitory  (^Reg.  22  ; ci  Reg.  Magist.  11);  and  to  hear  their  confessions (Reg.  46). In  subsequent  adaptations  of  the  Benedictine Rule  the  office  of  Dean  is  defined  still  more  pre- cisely. By  the  rule  entitled  '  Magistri,'  his badge  of  office  was  to  be  a  wand  '  virga,'  or rather  a  crook,  symbolic  of  pastoral  duties  (^Req. Mag.  11,  cf.  Menard,  in  Cone.  Reg.  28,  2).  The same  rule  orders  two  deans  for  each  decade  of monks,  to  relieve  one  another,  so  that  one  or  the other  may  be  always  with  them  (ib.).  They  were to  preside  at  table  in  the  refectory  (86.).  By the  rule  of  Fructuosus,  the  dean  is  to  keep  watch over  the  younger  monks,  even  in  minute  points  of deportment,  to  receive  their  most  secret  confes- sions, and  to  delate  impenitent  offenders  to  the abbat  or  prior  (R-g.  Fi-uet.  12).  By  the  council of  Aachen,  in  817,  the  eldest  in  rank  of  the deans  is  to  superintend  the  other  deans  (Cone. Aquisgr.  55). According  to  Menard  (in  Reg.  S.  Bened.  21), the  practice  of  the  Reformed  Benedictines  as  to the  office  of  dean  has  varied  considerably.  With the  Cistercians  it  has  been  unknown  (ib.).     With DECIMAE the  monks  of  Clugni,  the  deans  administered  the tempoi'alities  of  the  monastery,  being  the  '  vil- larum  provisores '  or  '  suflraganei  Prioris '  {ib. cf  Du  Cange,  Glossar.  s.v.).  With  the  monks of  M.  Casino,  the  dean  at  one  time  ranked  next to  the  abbat  (cf.  Alteser.  Ascetic,  ii.  9)  ;  but  after- wards, the  original  institution  of  deans  was revived  (Menard.  «'/).).  In  some  monasteries, according  to  Du  Cange  (Glossar.  s.v.),  there  was a  '  foris  decanus '  to  look  after  the  interests  of the  monaster}',  outside  its  walls;  in  some  a  'de- canus operis '  or  '  operariorum '  over  the  work- people ;  in  some,  the  tenants  under  the  monastery, '  villici '  or  '  coloni '  were  called  '  decani.'  Hence the  '  decania '  or  '  decanatus  '  came  to  mean sometimes  a  grange  belonging  to  a  monastery («V».).  In  nunneries  there  were  officials,  '  decanae,' corresponding  to  the  '  decani '  in  the  older  sense of  the  word,  to  maintain  order  and  discipline 0-6.). See,  also,  Haefteni  Disquisitiones  Monasticae III.  tract  vi.  disquis.  4,  Antverpiae,  1644.  Dic- tionnaire  du  Droit  Canonique,  par  Durand  de Maillane,  Lyon,  1776,  1786. For  the  growth  and  development  of  the  office of  '  decanus  '  in  cathedral-monasteries  see  under Canonici.  [I.  G.  S.] DECIMAE.    [Tithes.] DECREE.    [Decretum.] DECRETAL.  As  has  been  observed  in  a previous  article  [Canon  Law],  a  decretal  in  its strict  canonical  sense  is  an  authoritative  rescript of  a  pope,  in  reply  to  some  question  pi-opounded to  him,  just  as  a  decree  is  an  ordinance  enacted by  him,  with  the  advice  of  his  cardinals,  but  not drawn  from  him  by  previous  inquiry.*  The very  word  therefore  implies  power  and  jurisdic- tion. Hence,  though  from  the  4th  century downwards  epistles  of  the  Bishops  of  Rome  are extant,**  the  earlier  specimens  do  not  come  up  to the  full  canonical  idea  of  decretals,  inasmuch  as they  possessed,  when  issued,  a  moral  weight rather  than  a  legislative  force.  They  ai-e  thus spoken  of  by  Gieseler  : — "  Another  source  of  in- fluence to  the  Roman  bishops  was  the  custom  of referring  to  them  particularly,  as  the  head  of  the only  apostolic  Church  of  the  West,  all  questions concerning  the  apostolic  customs  and  doctrines, which  in  the  East  were  addressed  indiscrimi- nately to  the  bishops  of  any  church  founded  by an  apostle.  This  gave  them  occasion  to  issue  a vast  number  of  didactic  letters  (epistolae  decre- tales),  which  soon  assumed  a  tone  of  apostolic authority,  and  were  held  in  high  estimation  in the  West,  as  flowing  from  apostolic  tradition." (Gieseler,  Ch.  Hist..,  Second  Period,  chap,  iii.) As  the  papal  power  became  firmly  established, such  epistles  acquired  more  and  more  force,  until at  length  they  occupied  the  position  tersely  ex- pressed   by    the    canonist   Lancellottus  in   later »  Decietalis  epistola  est,  quando  Papa  ad  consulla- tionem  alicujus  respondel:  sive  solus,  sive  de  consilio fratrum. .  .  .  Decretum  est,  quod  Papa  de  consilio  fratrum, nulla  consnltatione  facta,  super  aliqua  re  statuit,  et  in  re- scriptis  redcgit . . .  Coiistitutio  est  quod  Papa  propi  io  motu btatuil,  et  in  reccriptis  redegit,  sine  consilio  fratrum  et nulla  consnltatione  facta. — Hostiensis,  Aurea  summa, Prooem.  14. •>  As  regards  the  3rd  century,  see  Phillips,  p.  6,  and Bickell,  i.  35,  note.  Cornelius  is  the  only  Pope  of  whom any  letters  of  that  date  remain. DECRETAL 539 days—"  Decreta  Pontificum  Romanorum  canoni- bus  conciliorum  pari  potestate  exaequantur " (lib.  i.  tit.  3).  Conversely,  also,  the  papal  power itself  was  mainly  indebted  for  its  development to  the  canonical  doctrine  of  decretals.  P'or  it was  the  collection  of  forged  decretals  put  forth by  the  Pseudo-Isidore  which  chiefly  persuaded the  world  that  the  popes  had  from  the  most primitive  times  been  in  the  habit  of  issuing authoritative  rescripts  ;  and  this  being  once  ad- mitted, it  followed  that  they  must  still  have power  to  act  in  a  like  manner.^  Moreover,  the pretended  decretals  were  so  full  of  assertions  of the  papal  prerogatives,  that  when  they  were once  accepted  as  genuine  and  valid,  they  were  a sufficient  justification  for  the  issue  of  any  sub- sequent document  of  the  same  sort,  however  ex- travagant. As  the  collection  of  the  Pseudo- Isidore  did  not  appear  until  the  middle  of  the 9th  century,  it  lies  beyond  the  period  to  which the  present  work  is  confined.  But  some  notice of  it  is  required  on  many  grounds.  It  contains numerous  alleged  decretals  of  very  early  popes, the  spuriousness  of  which  must  be  pointed  out. It  gave  the  chief  support  to  the  canonical  idea of  a  "Decretal,"  and  therefore  enables  us  to show  that  that  idea  in  its  full  development  is probably  later  than  800  a.d.  It  contains  several decretals  taken  from  the  older  collections  of  Dio- nysius  and  of  the  Spanish  Church,  and  therefore gives  us  occasion  to  notice  that  the  idea  in question,  though  not  fully  matured,  was  not  un- known at  an  earlier  period.  It  may  be  con- venient therefore  briefly  to  indicate  the  character and  contents  of  the  work. It  commences  with  nearly  sixty  letters  of various  Bishops  of  Rome,  from  Clement  to  Mel- chiades.  These  are  all  fictitious,  and  are  all (according  to  Heinschius,  cxxxi.),  with  the  ex- ception of  two  letters  of  Clement  (which  are  in whole  or  in  part  more  ancient  forgeries),  the work  of  the  Pseudo-Isidore. Then  follow  various  conciliar  decrees,  with which  we  are  not  here  concerned,  but  many  of which  are  unauthentic.  In  a  third  part  we  have again  decretals  of  popes  down  to  Gregory  II.  In this  series  the  first  that  is  genuine  is  that  of Siricius  to  Himerius  or  Eumerius,  Bishop  of  Tar- ragona.'^ Among  those  that  follow,  some  are  to a  certain  extent  genuine,  or,  at  all  events,  have been  taken,  with  more  or  less  exactness,  from existing  records.  Others,  on  the  contrary,  are either  the  invention  of  the  compiler,  or  have been  compounded  by  him  out  of  some  existing materials,  or,  lastly,  were  forgeries  found  ready to  his  hand.«  Everywhere,  however,  unwar- ranted altei-ations  and  additions  are  to  be  found, c  The  work  is  considered  by  Heinschius  to  h.ive  appeared between  847  and  853,  a.u.  It  has  been  usual  to  trace  its origin  to  the  province  of  Maycnce,  but  Heinschius  attri- butes it  to  that  of  Eheims.  The  author  is  not  certainly known  (see  Heinschius.  ccvlii.  and  ecxxix.  et  seq.).  Hy some  he  has  been  identified  with  Beuedictus  Ijcvita;  but, according  to  llemschius,  he  only  availed  himself  of  mate- rials found  in  the  collection  of  Beuedictus.   (Heins.  cxiiii.) d  AVith  this  the  original  a)llection  of  Hionysius  began. e  Milman  makes  39,  Phillips  35,  false  decrees  in  this part  of  the  work.  It  is  hard  to  say  with  precision  how many  of  the  forgeries  were  previously  in  existence.  On this  point  the  aireful  analysis  in  the  preface  of  Heinschius should  be  <onsuUed.  See  also  Phillips,  p.  63,  Bickell,  L 35,  note.    It  is  impossible  to  condense  the  results. 540 DECRETAL wholly  spurious  letters  being  apparently  mixed with  those  that  have  some  title  to  be  deemed authentic.f  It  thus  appears  that  the  work  is  not a  pure,  unmixed  forgery.  It  rests  in  part  on older  collections.  These  are  the  Hispana  col- tectio,  the  so-called  Hadriano-Dionysian  collection (or  Codex  Hadrianus),  and  some  other  works  of less  importance.  Of  these  some  account  has  been already  given  under  a  previous  head  [Canon Law],  and  it  is  therefore  unnecessary  to  repeat it  here.  As  there  mentioned,  the  work  of  Dio- iiysius  (subsequently  sanctioned  by  Pope  Hadrian) was  the  first  which  placed  the  papal  epistles  side by  side  with  the  decrees  of  Councils.  This  seems to  have  been  the  important  step.  From  this  time an  opening  was  given  to  contend  that  they  were on  a  par,  and  the  wide  circulation  which  the  work obtained  very  materially  assisted  the  pretensions founded  on  it.  Then  came  the  Spanish  collec- tion, which  yet  further  contributed  to  invest  the papal  epistles  with  a  legislative,  as  distinguished from  a  moral,  authority  in  the  Church.  It  car- ried on  the  series  further  than  Dionysius  had done;S  and  at  length,  in  the  9th  century,  the appearance  of  the  work  of  the  Pseudo-Isidore  (so called  to  distinguish  him  from  the  Isidore  to whom  the  Spanish  collection  is  attributed),  with its  crowd  of  fictitious  epistles  which  an  uncritical age  received  in  implicit  foith,  put  into  the  hands of  the  popes  the  greatest  weapon  which  they have  ever  wielded.  The  result  therefore  is  that previously  to  the  year  800  A.D.  the  foundations were  really  laid  for  the  superstructure  after- wards raised  ;  but  it  was  chiefly  due  to  the  sub- sequent work  that  that  superstructure  attained its  vast  proportions  and  peculiar  character.  For the  forgeries  invented  by,  or  enshrined  in,  that work,  not  only  vastly  increased  the  number  of papal  epistles,  and  carried  them  back  to  pri- mitive times,  but  were  directly  framed  with  a view  of  supporting  the  highest  claims  of  the Roman  see.  There  is  little  or  nothing  in  the genuine  epistles  which  could  be  made  the  foun- dation of  many  of  the  later  papal  claims,  whereas the  fictitious  decretals  furnish  a  basis  for  the largest  pretension's.     It  was  for  this  reason  that f  As  an  Indication  that  the  learned  of  all  comnumions are  substantially  agreed  at  the  present  day  as  to  the  cha- racter of  the  work  as  a  whole,  it  may  not  be  uninteresting to  cite  the  following  summary  of  the  work  from  the  Bene- dictine notes  to  the  Ribliotheca  Canonica  of  Ferraris,  edit. 1845:  (stated  to  be  published  "Superlorum  permissu  et privilegio.")  Under  the  title  "  Canones "  the  collection of  Pseudo-Isidore  is  thus  spoken  of :— "Continet  collectio praeter  quinquaginta  Canones  Apostolorum  ex  Hadriana coUectione,  epistolas  Romanorum  Pontificum  a  Ulemente usque  ad  Sllvestrum,  quarum  omnium  ipse  Isidorus  auctor fuit,  exceptis  duabus  Clementis  ad  Jacobum  Uteris;  turn canones  pUirium  coiiciliorum,  in  quibus  falsa  habetur  Con- Btitutio  Cunstantinl  ad  Silvestrum;  postremo  Pontificum literas  ab  ipso  Silvestro  ad  Gregormm  M.  aliis  cum  epi- stolis  ac  monumentis,  quorum  pars  ex  aliis  coUectionibus sumpia  vera  est  atque  germana,  praeter  epistolas  omnes Pontificum  Siricio  antiquiorum  ab  Isidore  confictas,  ex- ceptis S.  Damasi  ad  PauUnum  Uteris,  pars  altera  cum actis  concilii  Eomaui  sub  Julio  et  Concilii  I.  V.  et  VI.  sub Symmacbo,  excogitata  et  inventa  est."  See  another  ac- count, also  from  a  Roman  Catholic  point  of  view,  in Phillips'  Du  Droit  Ecdesiastique,  chap.  i.  }  8. 8  Phillips  (p.  29)  seems  to  think  that  gome  decretals purporting  to  proceed  from  the  earliest  popes  had  been added  to  the  collection  of  Dionysius  at  the  end  of  the  7  th century,  thus  carrying  the  series  backward  also,  and paving  the  way  for  Pseudo-Isidore. DECRETUM they  were  brought  at  once  into  prominence,  and that  from  the  time  of  their  appearance  decretals, as  distinguished  from  other  sources  of  ecclesi- astical law,  play  so  large  a  part  in  the  works  of the  canonists. "The  false  decretals,"  says  Milman  {Lnt. Christ,  book  v.  chap.  4),  do  not  merely  assert the  supremacy  of  the  popes — the  dignity  and  pri- vileges of  the  Bishop  of  Rome — they  comprehend the  whole  dogmatic  system  and  discipline  of  the Church,  the  whole  hierarchy  from  the  highest  to the  lowest  degree,  their  sanctity  and  immunities, their  persecutions,  their  disputes,  their  right  of appeal  to  Rome.*"  They  are  full  and  minute  on church  property ;  on  its  usurpation  and  spolia- tion ;  on  ordinations  ;  on  the  sacraments,  on  bap- tism, confirmation,  marriage,  the  Eucharist ;  on fasts  and  festivals ;  the  discovery  of  the  cross, the  discovery  of  the  reliques  of  the  apostles  ;  on the  chrism,  holy  water,  consecration  of  churches, blessing  of  the  fruits  of  the  field  ;  on  the  sacred vessels  and  habiliments.  Personal  incidents  are not  wanting  to  give  life  and  reality  to  the  fic- tion. The  whole  is  composed  with  an  air  of piety  and  reverence :  a  specious  purity,  and  oc- casionally beauty,  in  the  moral  and  religious tone.  There  are  many  axioms  of  seemingly  sin- cere and  vital  religion.  But  for  the  too  manifold design,  the  aggrandisement  of  the  see  of  Rome and  the  aggrandisement  of  the  whole  clergy  in subordination  to  the  see  of  Rome  ;  but  for  the monstrous  ignorance  of  history,  which  betrays itself  in  glaring  anachronisms,  and  in  the  utter confusion  of  the  order  of  events  and  in  the  lives of  distinguished  men  —  the  former  awakening keen  and  jealous  suspicion,  the  latter  making the  detection  of  the  spuriousness  of  the  whole easy,  clear,  irrefragable  —  the  False  Decretals might  still  have  maintained  their  place  in  eccle- siastical history.' Authorities.— GigsqI&t,  Text  Book  of  Eccles. History ;  Heinschius,  Decretales  Pseudo-Isido- rianae  et  Capitula  Angilrami,  Lipsiae,  1863, which  is  now  probably  the  standard  work  on  the subject;  Bickell,  Geschiciite  des  Kirchenrechts, Giessen,  1843  ;  Milman,  Latin  Christianity  ; Phillips,  Du  Droit  ecdesiastique  dans  ses  Soui-ces ; Walther,  Kirchenrecht.  [B.  S.] DECRETUM,  DECRETALE.  The  letter of  the  clergy  and  people  of  a  city,  sent  to  the metropolitan  and  the  comprovincial  bishops, signifying  the  election  of  a  bishop  of  their  city [Bishop,  p.  220],  whom  they  require  to  be  con- secrated ;  equivalent  to  rrjs  x*'/'"''''""'"*  """^ ^■h<pL(Tp.a  (Palladius,  Vita  Chrysos.  p.  39).  Gre- gory of  Tours  {Vita  Maurit.  c.  13,  in  Du- cange)  says  that  in  the  choice  of  Mauritius  the electors  could  not  "  in  unum  venire  decreium." A  form  for  such  a  letter  is  given  in  the  Ordo Eomanus  Vulg.,  under  the  title,  "Decretum  quod clerus  et  populus  firmare  debet  de  electo  epi- scopo."  The  proper  form  of  one  addressed  to  the pope  himself  is  given  in  the  Liber  Diurnus  Fon- h  It  has  been  thought  by  Gfriirer  that  one  motive  of  the fraud  was  to  beat  down  the  power  of  the  metropolitans over  the  bishops,  by  making  that  of  the  pope  greater  and more  immediate  in  its  n.ature  over  all  the  clergy.  See Milman's  note,  ibidem. i  It  should  perhaps  be  added  that  in  this  article  the strict  canonical  sense  of  "  Decretal "  has  been  taken.  The word,  like  other  ecclesiastical  terms,  is  sometimes  used  in a  looser  and  more  general  sense. DEDICATION tiff.  Romm.  c.  3,  p.  54.  In  the  same  place  thei-e follows  (p.  56)  a  "Decretale,  quod  legit  diaconus designato  episcopo."  The  difference  between  this and  the  foregoing  Decret'im  appears  to  be,  that the  one  was  sent  by  the  hands- of  some  official  of the  vacant  see  immediately  on  the  election  of  the bishop;  if  thereupon  the  pope  gave  his  assent, the  bishop  became  technically  designate,  and  a deacon  of  his  church  read  the  Decretale  or  peti- tion for  consecration  (Gamier,  in  loco).  Several forms  of  Decreta  on  the  election  of  bishops  may be  found  in  Sirmond's  Goncil.  Gall.  ii.  647  ff. and  in  Ussher's  Vet.  Epist.  Hihern.,  Epp.  25,  33, 40.  [C] DEDICATION.       [Consecration    of Churches:  Patron  Saint.] DEDICATION,  FESTIVAL  OF  Q^yKal- via).  The  observance  of  the  anniversary  of dedication  arose  contemporaneously  with  the custom  of  the  solemn  dedication  of  churches. It  was  natural  that  an  epoch  so  intimately  con- nected with  the  religious  life  of  the  congrega- tion should  not  be  allowed  to  drop  into  oblivion. By  a  very  intelligible  metaphor  the  day  of  con- secration was  considered  the  birthday  of  the church,  or  congregation  meeting  for  worship within  its  walls.  St.  Leo  (Sermo  Ixxxii.  in Natal.  Machah.)  calls  it  the  "  dies  natalis  "  of  the church.  By  another  metaphor  it  was  regarded as  the  day  of  the  church's  espousals  to  her heavenly  Bridegroom.  Most  naturally  therefore these  anniversaries  were  celebrated  with  the same  joyous  feelings  and  outward  festivities  as birthdays  and  wedding-days.  These  celebrations having  their  first  origin  in  the  time  when  the Christians  were  a  poor  and  barely  tolerated  sect, exposed  continually  to  persecution,  and  when any  outward  pomp  attracting  the  notice  of  the heathen  population  around  would  be  fraught with  peril,  assumed  a  character  of  magnificence in  their  period  of  security  and  opulence.  The earliest  instance  on  record  of  the  observance  of such  anniversaries  is  in  the  case  of  the  church  of "  the  Great  Martyry  "  erected  by  Constantine  on Calvary,  and  consecrated  A.D.  335.  In  memory of  this  solemn  dedication,  the  most  magnificent the  Christian  world  had  yet  witnessed,  a  yearly festival  was  held  for  eight  days  at  Jerusalem, attended  by  immense  crowds  not  of  the  citizens only  but  of  strangers  from  all  parts  (Soz.  H.  E. lib.  ii.  c.  26).  But  the  custom  was  certainly anterior  to  this,  for  not  many  years  later,  to- wards the  middle  of  the  4th  century,  the  obser- vance of  these  anniversaries  is  spoken  of  by Gregory  Nazianzen  as  "  an  ancient  usage,"  iyKal- VM  Tifxarrdai  TraAaihs  v6p.os  Ka\  KaAiis  ex'^"'  1^°'^ TOVTO  ovx  ttTTuI  aWa  Ka\  TroAAa/cij,  l/caiTTTjs  rod iviavTov  irepirpoirris  rriv  aviijv  r]fj.4pav  iiray- ov(T7]s  (Greg.  Naz.  In  Novum  Dondnicam.  Orat. xliii.).  Two  centuries  later  it  was  laid  down  by P'elix  IV.  c.  A.D.  530,  as  a  law  of  the  Church  that such  anniversaries  should  be  solemnly  kept  for eight  days,  "solemnitates  vero  dedicationum ecclesiarum  per  singulos  annos  sunt  celebrandae  " {Epistoln  ad  Episcopos,  Labbe,  Concil.  iv.  1655). The  example  of  Christ  attending  the  Feast  of Dedication  (.Tohn  x.  22),  and  of  Solomon  feasting the  people  for  eight  days  at  the  Dedication  of the  Temple,  1  Kin.  viii.  65,  66,  were  adduced  as authorities  for  this  observance.  At  the  com- mencement of  the  next  centui-y  we  find  the  first DEDICATION,  FESTIVAL  OF     541 indication  of  the  revelry  with  which  these  festi- vals were  subsequently  disgraced,  and  which made  them  a  by-word  for  scandalous  licence. Gregory  the  Great  writing  to  Mellitus  when  pro- ceeding to  join  Augustine  in  England,  A.D.  601, after  retracting  the  advice  previously  given  that the  heathen  temples  should  be  destroyed,  and  re- commending their  purification  and  conversion into  Christian  Churches,  proceeds  in  a  similar spirit  to  advise  that  the  popular  festivals  foi-- merly  held  on  these  consecrated  sites  should  not be  wholly  discontinued,  but  that  "as  some  so- lemnity must  he  conceded  as  a  compensation," they  should  be  transferred  to  the  anniversaries of  the  day  of  dedication,  or  the  nativities  of  the martyrs  by  whose  relics  the  churches  were hallowed.  On  these  days  he  recommends  that huts  or  arbours  should  be  erected,  about  the transformed  temples,  in  which  after  "  killing cattle  to  the  praise  of  God  in  their  eating,  they should  celebi-ate  the  solemnity  with  religious feasting  "  (Greg.  Mag.  Epist.  ad  Mellitum,  Had- dan  and  Stubbs,  vol.  iii.  p.  37  ;  Bede,  lib.  i.  c. 30),  In  other  places  Gregory  alludes  to  the eagerness  with  which  the  country  folk  flocked together  to  these  festive  celebrations,  and  the mixed  crowds  that  wei'e  attracted  by  the  good cheer  (Greg.  Mag.  Humil.  in  Evang.  xiv. ;  Epist. lib.  i.  52,  54;  Vita,  c.  37.  See  also  Sidouius Apollinaris,  Epist.  lib.  iv.  ep.  15).  Such  gather- ings of  half-leavened  pagans  inevitably  assumed a  character  of  gross  license  entirely  at  variance with  their  sacred  intention.  Dramatic  repre- sentations were  performed,  drinking  was  pro- longed to  intoxication,  and  singing  and  dancing were  continued  far  into  the  night.  In  f;\ct  they were  characterized  by  all  the  revelry  and  licen- tiousness of  a  village  fair,  which  in  so  many cases  is  the  lineal  successor  of  the  dedication festival,  changed  only  in  its  externals.  These gross  scandals  \feie  not  allowed  to  pass  un- reproved.  The  serious  attention  of  bishops  and councils  was  directed  to  them,  and  earnest attempts  were  made  for  their  suppression.  The 19th  canon  of  the  council  of  Chalons,  A.D.  650, is  directed  against  the  custom  (the  prohibition indicates  the  practice)  of  bands  of  women  sing- ing foul  and  obscene  songs,  "turpia  et  obscoena cantilena,"  at  the  porches  or  churchyard  walls on  the  dedication  festivals  (Labbe,  Concil.  vi. 391  [compare  Dancing]).  But  so  thoroughly had  these  licentious  festivals  established  them- selves, that  their  authoritative  condemnation proved  idle,  and  they  lived  on  in  defiance  of  pre- lates and  councils. Gavanti  lays  down  (T/ies.  Sacr.  Hit.  §  8,  c.  5) that  the  Feast  of  Dedication  is  a  festival  of  the first-class,  of  greater  dignity  than  that  of  the Patron  Saint  or  the  Titulary  of  the  Church. The  reason  for  this  superiority  is  assigned  by  St, Thomas  Aquinas  {led.  5  m  Joann.  c,  x.)  because the  dedication  festival  is  a  commemoration  of  the benefits  conferred  on  the  whole  church,  which exceed  those  given  to  any  individual  saint.  The Feast  of  Dedication  is  a  "  duplex  majus "  and has  an  octave.  If  it  happens  to  coincide  with any  greater  festival  the  consecrator,  or  after- wards the  bishop  of  the  diocese,  may  transfer the  anniversary  to  some  Sunday,  or  any  other day  convenient  for  the  large  attendance  of  the country  people  (Gavanti  u.  s. ;  Bellarmin.  de  cnltu sanctorum,  lib.  iii.  c.  5,  de  dalicatioiie  et  comecra- 542 DEDUCTORIUM tione  ecclesiarum ;  Ducange  sub  voc. ;  Bingham, Orig.  bk.  viii.  c.  ix.  §  14 ;  Isid.  Hispal.  Be  Eccl. Off.  lib.  i.  c.  36  ;  Gratian  Decret.  Be  Consecr. Dist.  i.  c.  17  ;  Ivo  Carnot.  Becret.  pars  iii.  c.  24). After  the  establishment  of  Christianity  newly founded  cities  were  solemnly  dedicated  to  Christ and  the  Saints,  and  the  anniversary  of  the  dedi- cation was  celebrated.  This  was  notably  the case  with  Constantinople,  the  anniversary  called yevidXios  T^s  irdAeojs  TjfjLfpa  [p.  448]  being  kept on  the  11th  of  May  (Ducange,  Constantinop. Christiana,  lib.  i.  c.  3).  [E.  V.] DEDUCTORIUM.  A  name  sometimes  given to  the  pipe  or  channel  by  which  the  baptismal water  escaped  from  the  font  (Paschasius,  Epist. ad  Leonem  Fapam).     [FONT.]  [C] DEER.     [Stag.] DEFENSOR  ECCLESIAE.  [See  Advo- CATUS  EcCLiiSiAE.]  The  Division  into  Befensores Ecclesiae,  Paiqm-um,  3Iatrimonii,  &c.,  is  one  of duties,  not  of  persons.  In  addition  to  their  proper work,  already  described  under  Advocatus,  a  law of  Justinian  (A^'oDe^^.lxxiv.  4)  imposed  upon  them also  in  certain  cases  the  incidental  duty  of  wit- nessing and  registering  espousals.  Setting  aside on  the  one  hand  the  case  of  senators  and  persons of  the  highest  rank,  who  were  bound  to  have  a regular  settlement  of  dowry  and  antenuptial gift,  &c.,  &c.,  and  on  the  other  that  of  persons of  the  lowest  rank,  who  needed  no  written  docu- ment at  all,  Justinian  ordained  that  officers, merchants,  professional  men,  and  the  like,  if they  desired  their  marriage  to  be  lawful,  must present  themselves  in  church  in  the  presence  of the  Be  feasor  Ecclesiae  [Coxtract  of  Mar- riage, p.  488] ;  and  that  officer,  with  three  or four  of  the  supei-ior  clergy  of  the  church,  is  to draw  up  and  sign,  with  at  least  three  of  the  said clergy,  a  dated  and  formal  attestation  of  the marriage  contract,  one  copy  to  be  deposited  in the  archives  of  the  church,  others  to  be  given  if required  to  the  parties  themselves  (^Bingh.  XXII. iii.  10).  [A.  W.  H.] DEGRADATION,  DEPOSITION,  DE- ORDINATION,  DEPRIVATION,  were  terms at  rirst  used  indiscriminately  to  signify  the  total and  absolute  withdrawal  from  a  clergyman,  by ecclesiastical  sentence,  of  his  clerical  office,  and the  reducing  of  him  to  simple  lay  communion  : degradare,  ah  officio  removere,  deordinare,  ab  or- diiie  cleri  amoveri,  KaOaipetcrQaL,  air'  o'lKeiov  ^ad- uov  aTToiritrTfiv,  ■ntTravcrBai  tov  KAripov,  being all  used  of  the  same  thing  ;  which  is  also  ex- pressed by  "  deponi  ab  officio  communione  con- cessa."  As  a  "punishment  of  clergymen,  it  stood midway  between  a  temporary  withdrawal  of  the clerical  office,  viz.  suspension,  and  an  exclusion from  the  Church  altogether  by  excommunication. There  were  also  various  degrees  of  degradation itself:  as  e.g.  the  degradation  simply  from  a higher  order  to  a  lower ;  or  again,  degradation from  the  office,  but  with  permission  to  retain  its title  and  dignity  :  for  which,  and  for  some  minor variations,  see  Bingham,  XVII.  iv. 1.  The  proper  JwA/e  to  inflict  such  a  sentence, in  the  case  of  an  inferior  clerk,  was  the  Bishop [p.  228],  acting  with  his  presbyters  and  with  his church  in  the  earliest  times,  but  from  the  4th century  the  bishop  practically  was  the  judge.  An appeal,  however,  was  allowed  from  the  beginning to  the  provincial  synod ;  see  e.  g.,  Cone.  ISicaen. DEGRADATION and  Cone.  Sardic,  and  also  under  Appeal.  And the  provincial  Council  of  Seville  (JSispal.  II.  a.d. (519,  c.  6)  endeavoured  to  restore  the  older  prac- tice also,  and  insist  on  the  bishop  acting  ab  initio with  his  council — "  Solus  honorem  dare  potest, auferre  solus  non  potest."  The  rule  however gradually  came  to  be,  that  three  bishops  were required  to  degrade  or  try  a  deacon,  six  in  the case  of  a  priest,  and  twelve  in  that  of  a  bishop. [See  Appeal.]  The  synod  of  the  province  indeed was  alone  the  tribunal  which  could- depose  a bishop,  and  subsequently  a  priest  also. 2.  As  to  the  crimes  for  which  clergy  were  to be  degraded,  it  may  be  taken  for  granted  that they  were  liable  to  the  penalty  for  all  such  im- moral acts  as  would  involve  excommunication  in the  case  of  a  layman.  But  in  addition  to  these, there  are  special  oflences  against  clerical  disci- pline to  which  various  canons  attached  the  like penalty,  such  as  digamy,  usury,  having  recourse to  a  secular  tribunal,  keeping  hawks  or  hounds, meddling  with  secular  business,  frequenting  ta- verns needlessly ;  besides  such  matters  as  more immediately  related  to  their  duties,  as,  e.  g.  alter- ing the  form  of  baptism,  despising  fasts  and  festi- vals, not  rightly  keeping  Easter,  &e.  The  58th Apostolic  Canon  (a/.  57)  deposes  for  negligence in  pastoral  care,  paOvfiia.  See  Bishop,  Priest, Deacon. 3.  There  must  always  have  been  some  cere- monial in  the  infliction  of  such  a  sentence, although  the  elaborate  details  of  later  customs are  not  traceable  in  early  times,  and  date  in their  formal  fulness  from  the  Roman  Pontifical and  from  a  Bull  of  Boniface  VIII.  Martene (Be  Hit.  Ant.  Eccl.  lib.  iii.  c.  2)  has  collected what  can  be  gathered  of  earlier  practice.  Libe- ratus'  Breviarium  supplies  his  earliest  instance. The  principle  on  which  the  later  practice  was formed  was  so  natural  in  itself,  that  something of  the  kind  no  doubt  was  the  rule  from  the  first. Since  the  clerical  office  was  conferred  with  the accompaniment  of  delivering  to  each  order  cer- tain appropriate  instruments,  and  with  the adoption  also  of  certain  vestments,  there  could be  no  more  effectual  or  natural  symbol  of  the taking  away  of  its  office  than  the  taking  away of  these  appropriate  instruments  and  vestments. In  the  case  mentioned  by  Liberatus,  accordingly, an  archbishop  is  deprived  by  taking  away  his  pall. The  more  elaborate  and  later  ceremonial  in  the Pontifical  and  in  Boniface's  bull  gives  each separate'  article  and  then  solemnly  takes  it  away, with  a  form  of  words  for  each,  and  this  either privately,  "  before  the  secular  judge,"  or  on  some public  and  elevated  stage  ;  ending  by  scraping  the thumb  and  hand  of  the  degraded  clerk,  to  signify the  removal  from  him  of  unction  and  blessing. The  Donatists  it  appears  proceeded  to  shave  his head  bald  also.  That  some  words  as  well  as  acts were  used  from  the  beginning  may  likewise  be taken  for  granted  (see  e.g.  Socrates,  H.  E.  i.  24, speaking  of  the  deposition  of  Eustathius).  Eegular and  minute  ritual  forms  are  of  a  late  date.  They may  be  found  in  Martene  aLd  in  Bohmer,  as quoted  below. 4.  After  degradation,  there  still  followed  in stricter  times,  and  for  bad  cases,  confinement  to a  monastery  and  penance,  as  may  be  seen  in  e.  g. Gregory  the  Great's  letters;  the  clerk  being  still quasi  subject  to  ecclesiastical  law,  although  now a  layman  only. DEICOLAE (Bingham,  xvii. ;  Martene,  De.  Ant.  Bit.  Eccl. lib.  iii.  c.  2 ;  Bohmer,  Jus  Eccles.  Protest,  lib.  v. tit.  xx.Kvii.  §  974,  torn.  v.  pp.  715-766.) ^  [A.W.  H.] DEICOLAE   (compare  Colidei).      A  name sometimes  applied  to  monks,  as   in  the  Epistle of  Martin  of  Braga  to  King  Miro,  in  D'Achery's Spicilegium,  lii.  312  (Ducange,  s.  v.).  [C] DEI  GEATIA.  The  bishops  of  the  Church, regarding  themselves  as  called  to  their  office  by the  will  of  God,  have  from  ancient  times  been in  the  habit  of  using  formulae  implying  a  divine call.  Thus  Pope  Felix  II.  (a.D.  356)  calls  him- self "per  gratiam  Dei  episcopus "  (Hardouin, Cunrilia,  i.  757).  Aurelius  says  that  he  holds his  office  "dignatione  Dei"  (C.  Carth.  iii.  c.  45; A.D.  397).  Other  bishops  used  equivalent  ex- pressions, as  "Dei"  or  "  Christi  nomine,  mise- ratione,  misericordia."  The  German  bishops have  used,  from  the  7th  century  onward,  the form  "  Dei  gratia,"  to  which  in  later  times  some su<;h  phrase  as  "  apostolicae  sedis  gratia "  or "  providentia  "  was  added.  Zallwein  {Principia Juris  Eccl.  iv.  278)  believes  this  addition  not to  be  earlier  than  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth century,  and  Thomassin  {Vetus  et  Nova  Eccl. Discip.  pt.  i.  bk.  i.  c.  60,  §  10),  will  not  allow that  it  was  used  in  Germany  before  the  be- ginning of  the  fifteenth  ;  but  the  germ  of  it  is certainly  found  in  the  writings  of  Boniface, the  apostle  of  Germany,  who  styled  himself "  servus  apostolicae  sedis  "  (Hartzheim,  Concilia Germaniae,  i.  43). A  similar  style  was  adopted  by  secular  per- sons of  exalted  rank  ;  thus  Agilulf  on  his  crown [Crown,  p.  508]  is  described  as  "  Gratia  Domini .  .  .  Rex  totius  Italiae"  (A.D.  591);  and  Rothar (A.D.  643),  in  his  Edict  for  the  Lombards  (Walter, Corpus  Juris  Germmici,  i.  683),  speaks  of  him- self as  "in  Dei  nomine  rex,  anno,  Deo  propi- tiante,  regni  mei  octavo."  In  England,  Ethelbert of  Kent,  in  a  charter  of  the  year  605,  styles himself,  "Aethilbertus  Dei  gratia  Rex  Anglorum" (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  55),  Ethelbald  (A.D.  716) styles  himself  "  divina  dispensatione  rex  Merci- orum  "  {Codex  Dipl.).  From  the  days  of  Pepin the  form  "  Dei  gratia  "  seems  commonly  to  have been  adopted  by  the  Frankish  kings.  Charles the  Great  (A.D.  769)  adopted  the  following  style and  title :  "  Carolus  gratia  Dei  rex  regnique Francorum  rector  et  devotus  sanctae  ecclesiae defensor  atque  adjutor  in  omnibus  apostolicae sedis  "  (Pertz,  Monum.  Germaniae,  iii.  33).  Sel- den,  Titles  of  Honour,  in  Works,  iii.  214;  Allen, Eojal  Prerogative,  p.  22,  ed.  1849;  Herzog, Peal-EncyclopdJie,  iii.  312.  [C.] DEITIES,  PAGAN.    [Paganism  in  Art.] DELATORES.     [Informers.] DELEGATED  JURISDICTION.    [Juris- diction.] DELEGATUS.    [Legate.] DELPHINL    [Corona  Lucis,  p.  461.] DEMERITORUM  DOMUS.    [Decania.] DEMETRIA,  daughter  of  Faustus,  martyr at  Rome  under  Julian;  commemorated  June  21 {Mart.  Pom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  UsuardL).     [W.  F.  G.] DEMETRIUS.     (1)  Martyr  at  Thessalonica, A.D.   296  ;  commemorated   Oct.   8  (Mart.  Pom. Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi) ;  Oct.  26  {Cal.  Bijzant.). DEMONIACS 543 (2)  Bishop  and  martyr  at  Antioch  with  Ani- anus,  Eustosius,  and  twenty  others ;  commemo- rated Nov.  10  (Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi). (3)  Saint ;  commemorated  Dec.  22,  with  Ho- noratus  and  Florus  (Mart.  Usuardi,  Adonis  in Appendice^. (4)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  A.D.  231 ;  com- memorated Magabit  12  =  March  8  and  Tekemt 12=  Oct.  9  (Cal.  Ethiop.-). (6)  "  Demetrius  et  Basilius,"  commemorated Nov.  12  (Cal.  Armen.).  [W.  F.  G.] DEMOCRITUS,  Saint,  at  Sinnada  in  Africa  ; commemoi-ated    July    31,    with   Secundus    an,d Dionisius  (Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi).     [W.  F.  G.] DEMON  (IN  Art).  The  evil  spirit  is  al- ways represented  in  early  Christian  art  as  the enemy  and  tempter  of  mankind  under  the form  of  the  serpent,  excepting  in  the  Laurentian MS.  [Demoniac]  and  in  the  singular  diptych (in  Gori,  Thesaurus,  t.  iii.  tab.  viii.)  which  re- presents the  cure  of  a  demoniac.  As  Martigny observes,  these  cases  are  in  all  respects  excep- tional ;  but  they  are  probably  the  earliest works  of  art  in  which  the  devil  or  any  inferior evil  spirit  is  represented  in  the  human  form. [But  see  Devil.]  It  might  be  expected  that as  the  form  of  Job  occurs  frequently  in  early carvings  and  paintings  (Bottari,  taw.  xv.  cv. ; Perret,  i.  xxv.  &c.)  some  representation  of  the  evil one  as  an  agent  of  torment  might  be  found  with him  ;  but  this  seems  not  to  be  the  case.  The  figure of  the  Serpent  (see  s.  v.)  accompanies  most  re- presentations of  Adam  and  Eve  in  Bottari  and elsewhere  :  his  head  is  generally  turned  towards Eve.  The  first  known  instance  of  the  human- headed  serpent  as  tempter  is  found  in  the Catacomb  of  St.  Agnes  (Perret,  ii.  pi.  xli.),  if  the painting  be  of  the  same  date  as  the  catacomb. This  point  involves  great  difficulties,  which  time and  inquiry  seem  rather  likely  to  aggravate  than to  diminish.  For  the  Serpent  threatening  the Doves  see  Dragon  ;  and  Gori,  Thesaurus  Diptych. iii.  p.  160.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] DEMONIACS.  The  Church  inherited  from both  Jews  and  heathens  the  belief  that  demons, i.  e.  "  unclean "  or  "  evil  "  spirits,  could  take possession  of  the  bodies  and  the  souls  of  men, women,  children,  and  subject  them  to  a  cruel bondage.  The  history  of  our  Lord's  miracles naturally  tended  to  confirm  and  deepen  the  be- lief. Abnormal  physical  oi  mental  states,  which CDuld  not  be  otherwise  explained,  were  referred to  demoniacal  possession  as  a  sufficient  cause. Fi'om  one  point  of  view,  indeed,  it  was  held  as  a dogma  that  every  child  born  into  the  world  was thus  under  the  power  of  an  evil  spirit,  of  the chief  of  evil  spirits,  and  from  an  early  period  a formula  of  exorcism  was  employed  as  a  preli- minary rite  to  baptism,  and  the  work  of  cate- chist  and  exorcist  was  thus  brought  into  close connection  [Baptism;  Exorcism].  In  the  pre- sent article,  however,  it  is  proposed  to  deal  only with  those  in  whom  the  condition  was  more  or less  chronic,  and  who  were  bi-ought  therefore under  a  continuous  course  of  treatment. It  is  clear  from  the  narratives  of  the  New Testament,  and  from  the  records  of  the  Church, that  the  class  consisted  chiefly  though  not  ex- clusively of  those  who  in  our  own  time  would  be classified  as  insane.  They  were  known  as  the 5aijU0ftfd/iej'0(,  the  N.  T.  name   more  frequently 544 DEMONIACS as  the  ivepyoi/xevoi  {energumeni),  men  operated on,  exercised  by,  unclean  spirits,  less  frequently as  ;)(;6i^af(5;U€i'Oi  (Jiyemantcs)^  or  KKv'Sciivi^Ajxivoi, those  who  are  tossed  to  and  fro  by  the  storms and  billows  of  uncontrollable  impulse.  The boundary-line  between  mental  and  moral  dis- order is  at  all  times  difficult  to  trace,  and  the name  is  at  times  extended,  as  by  the  Pseudo-Dio- nysius  {de  Eccles.  Hierarch.  iv.  3),  to  those  who were  the  slaves  of  lust  or  other  master-passions, probably  to  those  in  whom  the  moral  evil  as- sumed the  character  of  a  possession,  overpower- inc;  the  ordinary  restraints  of  prudence  and  self- control.  For  the  most  part,  however,  the  ener- gumeni, as  demoniacs,  may  be  identified  with those  who  suffered  from  some  form  of  insanity. The  symptoms  described  by  Cyprian,  sleepless nights,  panic  fears,  restless  agitation  (de  Idol. Vanit.  p.  239) ;  the  outward  appearance  of  the demoniacs  as  pourti-ayed  by  Chrysostom  {Horn. IV.  De  incomprehens.  Nat.  Dei),  squalid,  foul, with  hair  dishevelled,  and  in  rags,  all  point  to the  same  conclusion.  It  is  not  within  the  scope  of this  article  to  discuss  the  theory  which  referred all  these  phenomena  to  an  actual  possession of  the  human  nature  by  a  malignant  spiritual power.  It  is  enough  to  say  that  it  was  postu- lated in  the  whole  treatment  of  such  cases  by the  Church.  The  suggestion  of  a  more  scientific view  that  the  symptoms  originated  in  excess  of bile,  or  the  inflammation  of  a  tissue,  or  other physical  cause,  was  rejected  as  the  whisper  of unbelief,  itself  the  suggestion  of  the  demons, who  wished  thus  to  deprive  men  of  the  prayers and  incantations  which  were  the  only  effectual weapons  against  them  (Horn.  Clem.  ix.  12).  Men dwelt  with  exultation  on  the  power  which  their prayers,  and  the  utterance  of  the  Divine  Name, and  the  laying  on  of  hands,  had  to  drive  the demon  howling  and  blaspheming  from  his  usurped abode  (Cyprian,  de  Idol.  Vanit.  1.  c. ;  ad  Demetr. c.  15).  It  might  have  seemed,  looking  at  the matter  from  the  modern,  scientific  stand-point, as  if  the  Christian  Church  had  itself  got  into a  hopelessly  wrong  groove,  from  which  no  good results  were  to  be  expected,  which  tended  to stereotype  the  delusions  that  fed  the  madness, and  were  utterly  at  variance  with  any  rational treatment.  It  will  be  found,  however,  it  is believed,  that  partly  in  spite  of  the  theory,  partly in  consequence  of  it,  the  treatment  of  the  insane in  the  early  ages  of  the  Church  assumed  before long  a  true  therapeutic  character,  and  brought them  under  influences  which  tended,  in  the natural  course  of  things,  to  bring  them  to  a sound  mind.  Cases  of  instantaneous  expulsion of  the  demon,  like  those  described  by  Cyprian, became  less  frequent ;  and,  where  the  mastery of  a  strong  will  had  for  a  time  calmed  a  paroxysm of  frenzy,  were  followed  by  a  relapse.  Putting aside  the  case  of  the  symbolic  or  hypothetical exorcism  which  preceded  baptism,  we  have  to think  of  the  energumeni  as  brought,  by  virtue of  the  theory,  within  the  range  of  sj^mpathy  and care.  Instead  of  being  left,  as  in  most  eastern countries,  to    go   wild,   like    the   Gadarene   and "  Tlie  word  ;)^€i|ULa^d/a.eroi  and  its  Latin  equivalent  are S(.nietimes  explained  us  pointing  to  the  position  whicii  the demoniacs  occupied  in  the  outer  porch  of  the  church, exposed  to  the  inclemency  of  cold  or  rain.  The  mranmg given  in  the  text  rests,  however,  on  better  authority. C'omp.  Suicer,  s.  v.  xeinafofiecoc. DEMONIAC,  HEALING  OF other  demoniacs  of  the  N.  T.,  when  the  insanity was  not  dangerous,  or  to  be  brutally  chained  and fettered  if  it  was,  they  were  marked  out  as  ob- jects of  pity  and  of  special  prayer  (Constt. Apost.  viii.  7).  They  occupied  a  fixed  place  in the  porch  of  the  church,  and  so  were  brought within  the  soothing  influence  of  psalms  and hymns  and  words  of  comfort  (Dionys.  de  Eccles. Hierarch.  iv.  3).  With  them,  as  fellow-sufferers, might  sometimes  be  found  the  lepers  of  the neighbourhood ;  sometimes  also  those  whose  loath- some depravity  had  made  them  defiled  like  the leper,  and  incapable  of  human  society  like  the demoniacs  (C  Ancijr.  c.  17).  When  the  prayer was  over  they  were  brought  to  receive  the  bene- diction of  the  bishop  (Constt.  Apost.  viii.  7). The  church  itself  became  a  kind  of  home  for those  who  otherwise  would  have  been  homeless. There  the  exorcists  paid  them  a  daily  visit,  and gave  them  food,  and  laid  their  hands  upon  them (4  C.  Carth.  c.  90,  92).  There,  if  the  nature of  the  case  required  it,  they  were  brought  under a  discipline  of  abstinence  that  might  subdue  the impulses  of  passion  (Horn.  Clement,  ix.  10).  There they  were  employed  in  industrial  tasks  that  were suited  to  their  condition,  such  as  sweeping  the pavement  of  the  church  (-i  C.  Carth.  c.  91)  or lighting  its  lamps  (C.  Elib.  c.  37).''  If  they were  in  the  status  of  catechumens  they  might be  admitted  to  baptism  at  the  hour  of  death, even  though  there  had  been  no  complete  cure (Constt.  Apost.  viii.  32;  Cyprian,  Epist.  76;  1 G.  Aruusic.  c.  15  ;  C.  Elib.  c.  37).  If  they  were already  among  the  faithful  they  might  even,  if the  insanity  did  not  take  a  violent  form,  be  ad- mitted to  communion  (Cassian,  Collatt.  vii.  30  ; Timoth.  Alex.  Bespons.  c.  3),  and  that  daily.  It is  almost  needless  to  say  that  they  were  excluded, even  after  recovery,  from  ordination.  The  ex- orcists were  instructed  to  repeat  their  prayers and  other  forms  of  adjuration  memoriter  (Isidor. Hispal.  Epist.  ad  Landefred.).  They  were  often identical  with  the  catechists,  and  were  therefore more  or  less  experienced  in  the  work  of  teaching (Balsamon  on  C.  Laod.  c.  26).  The  influences thus  brought  to  bear  upon  the  real  or  supposed demoniacs  were,  it  is  submitted,  calculated  to soothe  and  encourage,  to  bring  them  under  the influence  of  sympathy.  Even  the  ceremonial imposition  of  hands,  over  and  above  the  sacra- mental associations  connected  with  it,  and  their power  to  soothe  the  paroxysms  of  suicidal  re- morse, may  have  had  what  we  have  learnt  to  call a  mesmeric  efl'ect,  calming  the  over-excited  brain, through  the  tones  of  pity,  into  something  like tranquillity.  It  is  not  too  much  to  claim  for the  Christian  Church,  whatever  may  be  thought of  its  theory  of  madness,  the  credit  of  having taken  some  practical  steps,  and  those  steps  the first,  towards  a  rational  treatment  of  the  in- sane. Here,  also,  as  in  the  institution  of  hos- pitals, love  and  pity  were  not  without  other fruits  than  those  they  sought  for,  and  minis- tered to  the  attainment  of  a  truth  at  which  they did  not  aim.  [E.  H.  P.] DEMONIAC,  HRALING  OF  (in  Art). One  instance  only  is  known  to  Father  Martigny b  The  canons  of  the  Council  of  p:ivira  cited  in  the  text forbid  the  practice,  probably  on  account  of  some  incon- venient results;  but  the  prohibition  shows  that  it  was common. DENIS,  COUNCIL  OF  ST. of  a  representation  of  this  miracle ;  it  is  one  of the  instances  of  single  sufferers,  perhaps  that  of the  youth  after  the  Transfiguration.  The  evil spirit  issues  in  human  form  from  the  head  of the  possessed  (Gori,  Thes.  Diptych,  t.  iii.  tab.  viii.). DEPUTATUS 545 Our  Lord  holds  a  cross  on  His  shoulders  and His  hand  is  extended  using  the  Greek  benedic- tion. Another  example  is  in  the  Laurentian MS.  ;  see  woodcut.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] DENIS,  COUNCIL  OF  ST,  {ad  S.  Diony- sium,  near  Paris),  A.D.  768,  was  rather  a  national council  of  bishops  and  nobles,  at  which  Pipin shortly  before  his  death  divided  his  kingdom between  his  sons  Carl  and  Carloman  (Labb.  vi. 1720,  1721.)  [A.  W.  H.] DENARIUS.    [Peter's  Pence.] DENUNTIATIO  MATRIMONII.    [Mar- RIAGE.] DEO  DICATUS.  One  of  the  terms  by wliich  persons  who  devoted  themselves  to  religion were  designated.  Thus  Hatto  or  Ahito,  bishop of  Basle  {Capitulare,  c,  16)  forbade  even  Deo dicatae  to  meddle  with  the  service  of  the  altar [compare  Devota  Femina]  ;  and  Lucifer  of Cagliari,  describing  the  conduct  of  his  enemies, says  (in  the  tract  Moriendum  esse,  etc.)  that  they tortured  and  slew  even  dedicated  persons  (Deo dicatos).  [C] DEO  GRATIAS.  T^  &e^  x^P^h  "Thanks be  to  God ! "  A  response  of  the  people,  fre- quently occurring  in  divine  service  from  very ancient  times,  derived  no  doubt  from  the  apos- tolic use  of  the  phi-ase  (1  Cor.  xv.  57 ;  2  Cor.  ii. 14).  The  best-known  instance  of  its  use  is  pro- bably that  in  which  it  forms  the  response  of  the people  to  the  Ite,  missa  est  of  the  priest  at  the end  of  the  liturgy. According  to  the  Mozarabic  rite  the  people said  Deo  gratias,  "  Thanks  be  to  God,"  at  the naming  of  the  passage  to  be  read  as  the  "  Pro- phecy "  in  the  Liturgy.  Bona  mentions  this phrase  as  being  also  occasionally  used  instead ijf  Allien,  or  Laus  tibi  Christe  when  the  Gospel CHRIST,  ANT. was  ended  {De  Heb.  Litwg.  ii.  vii.  4).  St.  Au- gustine notices  it  as  a  common  mode  of  greeting among  the  monks  in  his  time,  for  which  they were  ridiculed  and  insulted  by  the  Agonistici, as  they  called  themselves,  among  the  l36natists (Aug.  in  Psalm,  cxxxii.  p.  630).  The  expres- sion appears  to  have  been  frequently  used  on other  occasions  by  way  of  acclamation.  When Evodius  was  nominated  as  Augustine's  successor the  people  called  out  for  a  long  time — "Deo gratias,  Christo  laudes  "  (Aug.  Ep.  110,  de  Actis Ecodit).  [C] DEPORTATIO.  One  of  the  usages  of  the Galilean  Church  was  that  a  bishop  on  his  way to  be  enthroned  was  borne  in  a  chair  by  the hands  of  his  fellow-bishops.  Thus  Wilfrid  of York,  who  was  consecrated  in  Gaul,  is  said  {Life by  Eddius,  c.  12)  to  have  been  borne  to  his  throne by  the  hands  of  the  bishops  who  were  present, "more  eorum,"  i.e.  after  the  Gallican  custom [Bishop,  p,  225].  Gregory  of  Tours  perhaps alludes  to  this  custom  when  he  says  {Hist.  Franc. lii.  2)  that  the  assembled  bishops  and  people placed  (locaverunt)  Quintianus  in  the  episcopal throne  of  Clermont.  A  "  chairing  "of  the  bishop on  the  shoulders  of  certain  persons  of  rank,  the first  time  he  entered  his  cathedral,  was  customary in  several  of  the  French  churches  in  the  middle ages  (Martene,  De  Ant.  Eccl.  Ritibus,  I.  viii.  10, §  19).  [C] DEPOSITION.    [Degradation.] DEPOSITION,  IN  Hagiology  {Depositio). The  word  depositio  is  explained  in  the  sermon of  Maximus,  De  Depositione  S.  Eusehii  (in  the Works  of  Ambrose,  ii,  pt.  2,  p.  469)  to  mean, not  the  day  of  burial,  but  that  on  which  the soul  lay^  down  the  burden  of  the  flesh  ;  and  it is  probably  with  this  idea  that  it  is  used  in calendars  and  martyrologies.  For  instance,  in the  Mart.  Hieron.  we  have  on  March  21  "  De- jjositio  Benedicti  Abbatis ; "  in  the  Mart.  Bedae on  the  same  day,  "  Natale  Benedicti  Abbatis," as  if  Depositio  were  exactly  synonymous  with Natale,  which  confessedly  means  the  death-day of  a  saint. Yet  on  July  11,  the  day  on  which  the  Trans- lation of  St.  Benedict  is  placed  by  Bede  and  Ado, the  Mart.  Hieron.  has  again  Depositio.  We  may infer  that  the  word  was  at  least  occasionall}' used  to  designate  the  day  on  which  the  relics were  entombed. Papebroch,  in  his  Conatus  Chronologico-Histor. ad  Catal,  Pontiff.  Roman.  {Acta  Sanctoruin,  May, vol.  iv.),  contends  strongly  that  Depositio  is  used for  the  day  of  death ;  Elevatio,  Cultus,  or  Trans- latio  for  that  of  burial. In  early  calendars  the  word  Depositio  is  said to  be  confined  to  bishops  [CALENDAR,  p.  258]. (Binterim's  Denkwiirdigkeiten,  vi,  pt.  3,  p. 370  ft'.).  [C] DEPRECATORIAE.  In  an  ancient  codex quoted  by  Ducange  (s.  v.),  literae  deprecatoriae are  explained  to  be  simple  "  letters  of  request  " given  by  presbyters,  who  were  unable  to  grant the  formal    "  dimissory    letters "  (formatae)   of bishops.     [COMMENDATORV  LETTERS  :  DllIISSORY Letters.]  [C] DEPRIVATION.    [Degradation.] DEPUTATUS     (AsTTOuTOTOj).      The  Greek Church  distinguishes  between  persons  properly 2  N 546 DESCENSUS m  orders,  set  apart  for  a  certain  work  by  the imposition  of  the  bishop's  hands,  and  those merely  nominated  to  certain  offices  without  im- position of  hands.  Deacons,  subdeacons,  and readers  belong  to  the  former  class ;  to  the  latter, those  who  discharge  purely  subordinate  offices under  the  direction  of  the  clergy;  as  the  Theoi'i, who  have  the  charge  of  the  sacred  vessels  and vestments  ;  the  Camisati  [Camisia],  who  attend to  the  thuribles  and  water-vessels  in  the  service of  the  altar ;  and  the  Deputati.  The  office  of  the latter  is,  in  processions  to  precede  the  deacon who  bears  the  Book  of  the  Gospels,  or  the  obla- tions, carrying  lighted  tapers  and,  also,  if  neces- sary, to  clear  the  way  for  the  bishop  through  the crowded  church.  (Permaneder  in  Wetzer  and Welte's  Kirchenlexicon,  iii.  107,  who  quotes Morinus,  De  S.  Eccl.  Ordinationibus,  pt.  ii.  p. 66,  ed.  Antwerp,  1695). These  Deputati  thus  corresponded  with  the Ceroferarii  or  Cereostatarii  of  the  Latin  Church  ; and  in  the  form  of  their  appointment  (Goar's Kuchologion,  p.  237)  their  office  is  said  to  be  that of  bearing  the  lights  in  the  holy  mysteries.  See Acolyte.  [C] DESCENSUS.  A  word  sometimes  used  to signify  the  vault  [Confessio]  beneath  the  altar containing  relics  of  saints.  Anastasius,  for  in- stance {Hist.  Eccl.,  an.  5  Leonis  Isaur.),  uses  it as  equivalent  to  the  Kara^aais  of  Theophanes, from  whom  he  is  compiling.  [C] DESECRATION  of  Churches  and  Altars {Exsecratio).  So  indelible  a  character  of  holi- ness was  thought  to  be  stamped  upon  a  church or  an  altar  by  the  act  of  consecration,  that nothing  short  of  destruction,  or  such  dilapida- tion as  to  render  them  unfit  to  serve  their proper  ends,  could  nullify  it  (Barbosa,  De  Off. ct  Potest.  Episcop.  pt.  ii.).  A  church  might, however,  be  so  polluted  as  to  need  Recon- ciliation ('/.r.)  by  the  perpetration  in  it  of homicide  or  other  revolting  crime  ;  and  if  the relics  which  had  been  deposited  at  consecration were  removed,  the  church  and  altar  lost  this sacred  character  until  these  were  restored ;  with the  relics  and  the  renewal  of  masses,  the  whole effect  of  consecration  returned  (Vigilius,  Pope 538-555,  Ad  Eutherivm,  Epist.  ii.  c.  4).  Gre- gory of  Tours  (Hist.  Franc,  ix.  6)  mentions  an instance  in  which  a  church,  in  consequence  of  a homicide  having  been  peri>etrrtted  in  it,  lost  the privilege  of  Divine  Service  (officium  perdidit). Compare  Churchyard,  Sacrilege.  (Martene, De  Hit.  Ant.  ii.  28-t;  Thomassin,  Vet.  et  Nov. Eccl.  Discip.  i.  458).  [C] DESERTION  OF  THE  CLERICAL LIFE.  Several  centuries  elapse  before  we  find desertion  of  the  clerical  life  recognized  as  an oftence.  The  Council  of  Chalcedon  in  451,  enacts (c.  7)  that  those  who  have  once  been  received into  the  dents  are  not  to  desert  it  for  any military  service  or  worldly  dignity.  The  Council of  Angers  in  453  declared  (c.  7)  that  clerics  who leaving  their  order  have  turned  away  to  secular warfare  and  to  a  lay  life  are  not  unjustly  removed from  the  church  which  they  have  left.  The  1st Council  of  Tours,  a.d.  461,  has  an  equivalent provision  expressed  in  somewhat  clearer  lan- guage (c.  5),  specifically  enacting  excommunica- DESERTION tion  for  the  offence.  We  have  an  instance  (if  the jiractice  by  a  Breton  Council  of  uncertain  date (supposed  about  555),  recorded  by  Gregory  of Tours  (Hist.  Franc,  ix.  15),  in  which  a  bishop, who  let  his  hair  grow  and  took  back  his  wife, was  excommunicated.  Under  Justinian's  Code, by  a  constitution  of  that  Emperor  himself,  a.d. 532,  renewing  and  extending  a  previous  one  of Arcadius  and  Honorius,  if  a  person  deserted  the clerical  or  monastic  life  for  a  military  one  (the term  militia  with  its  congeners,  did  not  at  this period  imply  necessarily  the  use  of  arms)  he  was punished  by  being  made  a  curialis  of  the  city of  his  birth,  i.e.  charged  with  all  the  burthens of  the  state.  If  there  were  already  very  many curiales  in  the  city  he  was  to  be  placed  in  any neighbouring  or  remote  one,  or  even  in  any  one of  a  difi'erent  province  which  should  happen  to be  in  special  want  of  these  political  beasts  of burthen.  If  he  hid  himself,  the  curiales  could at  once  enter  upon  his  property  and  detam  it  to answer  legal  demands  (bk.  i.  tit.  iii.  1.  53  §  1). If,  on  the  other  hand,  a  clerk  or  monk  embraced an  ordinary  secular  life,  all  his  property  passed to  the  church  or  monastery  which  he  had  de- serted (Ibid.  1.  56,  §  2) — a  provision  confirmed as  to  monks  by  the  5th  JS'ovel,  c.  4.  The  6th Novel,  which  extends  the  prohibition  to  sub- deacons  and  readers,  transfers  the  benefit  of  the forfeiture,  as  respects  clerics,— if  indeed  there  be anything  to  forfeit, — to  the  curia,  providing moreover  that  if  the  clerk  in  question  be  poor, he  shall  be  reduced  to  an  official  condition,  i.e. probably  to  that  of  a  mere  servant  to  the  public offices  (c.  7) ;  and  this  forfeiture  to  the  curia  is confirmed  by  the  123rd  Novel,  c.  15.  But  as respects  monks,  the  same  Novel  (c.  42)  requires a  monk  who  betakes  himself  to  a  secular  life — ■ being  first  deprived  of  any  office  or  dignity  he may  acquire — to  be  sent  to  a  monastery,  to which  moreover  it  assigns  all  property  acquired by  him  after  his  leaving  his  former  one.  If  he absconds  from  this,  the  judge  of  the  province  is to  hold  and  admonish  him. In  a  letter  of  Pope  Zacharias  (A.D.  741-51)  to king  Pepin,  the  Pope  decrees  that  those  who  have once  been  admitted  into  the  clergy,  or  have  de- sired monastic  life,  are  not  to  betake  themselves to  military  service,  or  to  any  worldly  dignity (Ep.  7,  c.  9),  under  pain  of  anathema  if  they  do not  repent  and  return  to  their  former  life — a provision  substantially  identical  with  that  of  the Councils  of  Angers  and  Tours.  In  Charlemagne's Capitularies  also  is  a  provision  "  that  a  priest ought  to  continue  in  the  religious  habit "  (Ad- ditio  Tertia,  c.  110).  See  also  the  31st  canon of  the  Council  of  Frankfort  in  794,  "  that  clerics and  monks  should  continue  stedfast  in  their  de- termination." Desertion  of  the  clerical  life  must  of  course be  distinguished  from  desertion  of  the  clerical functions  in  a  particular  diocese  or  jiarish.  See, amongst  other  authorities,  as  to  bishops  leaving their  districts  (-wapoiKias),  the  so-called  Aposto- liecd  Canons,  c.  11  (otherwise  13  or  14),  and  the 123rd  Novel;  and  as  to  presbyters,  deacons,  and other  clerics  so  acting,  Apost.  Cm.  c.  12  (other- wise 14  or  15);  also  the  16th  Canon  of  the Council  of  Nicaea.  One  of  the  temptations  to the  breach  of  discipline  in  question  appears  to I  have  been  the  serving  in  private  oratories,  as '  to  whudi  see  Novels  57,  58,  and  131.    [J.  M.  L.] DESIDEEATA DESIDERATA.  A  name  sometimes  used for  the  sacraments,  as  being  desired  of  all  Chris- tians. Zeno  of  Verona  (Invit.  8  ad  Fontein, quoted  by  Ducange)  asks  why  his  hearers  delay "  ad  desiderata  festiuare."  [C.] DESIDERIUS.  (1)  Bishop  of  Vienne,  mar- tyr at  Lyons;  Natale,  Feb.  11  {Mart.  Bedae, Adonis  in  Appendice,  Usuardi).  According  to  Ado he  suffered  martyrdom  on  May  23,  and  was translated  Feb.  11. (2)  Bishop  of  Ferrara ;  "  Passio "  May  23 (Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). (3)  The  reader,  martyr  at  Naples  under Diocletian,  with  Januarius  the  bishop  and  others  ; commemorated  Sept.  19  (Mart.  Horn.  Vet.,  Bedae, Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] DESPONSATIO.  [Arrhae:  Betrothal: Marriage.] DESPOTICAE  (AerTTTOTi/cai  ^oprai).  The greater  festivals  of  the  Church  are  so  called  by the  Greeks ;  they  are  generally  reckoned  to amount  to  twelve,  but  authorities  varv  on  this point.  [Festivals.]  (Daniel's  Codex  Liturgicus, iv.  235.)  [C] DETRACTION  is  defined  to  be  the  concealed and  unjust  attack  in  words  upon  the  reputation  of another  person.  It  differs  from  Calumnia  in  that the  latter  is  a  false  accusation  made  in  the  course of  legal  proceedings,  and  from  Contumelia  in  its being  concealed  from  the  person  aftfected. This  sin  has  been  condemned  both  by  fathers, as  by  St.  Augustine  (in  hom.  41  De  Sanctis),  St. Jerome  (£/».  2,  al.  52,  ad  Nepotian.  c.  14),  and St.  Chrysostom  (De  Sacerd.  5,  G),  and  by  various canons  of  councils  (e.g.  Cone.  Cnrth.  iv.  cc.  55-60) under  wider  words  which  include  other  offences against  the  9th  commandment  (Bingham,  Chr. Aid.  6,  2,  10,  and  16,  13,  3  ;  Ferraris  sub  voc. ; Thom.  Aq.  Summa,  2.  2.  quaest.  73  ;  Soto  De Just,  et  Jure,  5,  10).  [I.  B.] DEUS  IN  ADJUTORIUM.  The  canonical Hours,  according  to  Western  usage,  generally  be- gin with  the  words  of  the  70th  [69th  Vulg.]  Psalm. V.  Deus  in  adjutorium  meum  intende. R.  Domine  ad  adjuvandum  me  festina. Cassian  (Collatio,  x.  c.  10)  tells  us  that  this verse  was  frequently  used  by  monks  in  their  de- votions before  his  time,  but  it  does  not  appear that  it  was  definitively  prefi.xed  to  each  Hour before  the  time  of  St.  Benedict,  who  prescribed that  use  in  his  Rule  (c.  9). The  Roman  use  at  Matins  prefixes  the  verse and  response, V.  Domine,  labia  moa  aperies. R.  Et  OS  meum  annuntiabit  laudem  tuam, from    the    51st    [50th    Vulg.]    Psalm  ;    in    the monastic    breviaries,    on    the    other    hand,    the Domine,  labia  follows  the  Deus  in  adjutorium. In  Compline,  Deus  in  adjutorium  is  preceded  by V.  Converte  nos,  Deus  salutaris  noster. R.  Et  averte  iram  tuam  a  nobis, from  the  85th  [84th  Vulg.]  Psalm. The  verse,  "  0  Lord,  open  thou  our  lijis,"  &c., also  occurs  in  the  early  part  of  the  Greek  morn- ing otiice. (Bona,  De  Divina  Psalmodia,  ch.  xvi.  4 ; Martene,  De  Ant.  Monach.  Bit.  pp.  5,  23  ;  Wetzer and  Welte,  fvirchenlexicon,  iii.  122.)  [C] DEVOTA  FEMINA 547 DEVIL  (IN  Art).  The  Early  Church  seems to  have  contemplated  the  spiritual  enemy  of  God and  man  principally  as  to  his  functions  of  tempt- ation and  ])ossession  in  this world.  Representations  of him  as  the  final  accuser and  claimant  of  the  souls of  the  lost,  or  as  their  tor- mentor in  the  place  of  his own  condemnation,  belong to  mediaeval  rather  than to  primitive  art.  The  pre- sent writer  is  not  aware  of the  existence  of  any  hell earlier  than  the  mosaics  of Torcello,  as  that  painted by  Methodius,  even  if  its story  be  true,  has  alto- gether vanished.  On  the sarcophagi,  and  later  in Anglo-Saxon  and  Irish MSS.  more  particularly, the  tempter  is  symbolized, •  as  so  often  in  Holy  Scrip- ture, under  the  form  of the  Serpent  (see  s.  v.). One  instance  there  is,  how- ever, given  by  Didron  in the  Iconographie  du  Ser- pent (Ann.  Arche'ologiques, V.  2)  of  a  Gnostic  combi- nation of  human  and  serpentine  form,  with  leo- nine head  and  face  (see  woodcut).  It  is  taken from  a  bronze  in  the  Vatican  collection,  and  is derived,  he  says  with  certainty,  from  the  ancient Egyptian  symbol  of  a  lion-headed  serpent.  But the  human  form  and  expression  are  so  predomi- nant as  to  make  it  appear  to  be  an  anticipation of'  the  personified  serpent  of  the  Middle  Ages,  ■ represented  in  the  Book  of  Kells  and  other northern  MSS.  The  Gothic  or  mediaeval  re- presentations seem  to  begin  in  Italy  with  the fiend  in  the  Chase  of  Theodoric,  'which,  till lately  destroyed  by  gradual  and  wanton  mis- chief, adorned  the  front  of  St.  Zenone  in  Verona. In  the  Laurentian  MS.  of  Rabula  (a.d.  587) there  is  an  extraordinary  representation  of  the demoniacs  of  Gadara,  jusl  delivered  from  their tormenting  spirits,  who  are  fluttering  away  in the  form  of  little  black  humanities  of  mis- chievous expression.     [See  Demoniacs.] [R.  St.  J.  T.] DEVOTA  FEMINA,  or  simply  DEVOTA. It  need  hardly  be  said  that  the  practice  of  vows made  to  God  is  recognized  in  the  Pentateuch, and  throughout  the  Old  Testament  (Levit.  vii. 16,  xxvii.  1  and  foil..  Numb.  vi.  2  and  foil.,  xv. 3,  8,  XXX.  2  and  foil.  &c.).  Such  vows  might  be of  persons  as  well  as  things,  as  in  the  instance of  the  "singular  vow  "  mentioned  in  Lev.  xxvii., and  of  the  Nazarites  mentioned  in  Numb.  vi.  : with  which  compare  the  applications  in  the  case of  Jephthah,  (Judg.  xl.  30)  Samson  (Judg.  xiii.  5) and  Samuel  (1  Sam.  i.  11).  Certain  checks  are at  the  same  time  imposed  on  the  vows  of  women, which  are  required  to  have  at  least  the  tacit  assent of  a  father,  if  the  woman  be  "  in  her  father's  house in  her  youth  "  (Numb.  xxx.  3-5),  or  of  a  husband, if  she  "  had  at  all  a  husband  "  (ib.  6-8,  10-15); "  but  every  vow  of  a  widow,  and  of  her  that  is divorced,  wherewith  they  have  bound  their  souls, shall  stand  against  her  "  ''v.  9). 2  N  2 548 DEVOTA  FEMINA The  examples  of  St.  Paul  (Acts  xviii.  23,  24), anil  the  four  disciples  at  Jerusalem  (Acts  xxi. 2:3)  show  that  like  practices  were  adopted  by the  Apostolic  Church.  But  over  and  above these  temporary  vows,  it  is  clear  that  the class  of  church-widows  were  considered  as  per- sonally devoted  to  God.  Moreover,  in  his mode  of  speaking  of  virgins,  St.  Paul  clearly shews  that  he  considers  those  who  have  autho- rity over  them  to  have  power  to  "  keep  "  them for  the  Lord  (see  1  Cor.  vii.  34,  37,  38).  The Apostolical  Constitutions,  besides  their  abundant notices  of  the  church-widows,  shew  us  also the  rise  of  a  distinct  class  of  church-virgins devoted  to  God  in  like  manner.  The  term  devota, however,  as  applied  both  to  widows  and  virgins, survived  both  organizations  and  spread  beyond them,  and  seems  to  serve  as  a  transition  link  be- tween them  and  female  monachism.  From  the 4th  century  downwards  there  are  many  texts which  can  hardly  be  applied,  at  all  events  ex- clusively, to  either  institute  as  such,  and  antici- pate any  organized  female  monachism,  but  which clearly  imply  a  practice  of  self-consecration  to God  on  the  part  both  of  widows  aud  unmarried women,  and  which  serve  as  the  foundation  of  the practice  of  the  Church  in  later  times  in  respect to  nuns. Thus  the  first  Council  of  Valence,  a.d.  374, treating  "of  girls  who  have  devoted  themselves to  God,"  exacts  that  if  they  voluntarily  contract "  earthly  "  marriage,  they  shall  not  even  be  al- lowed immediate  penance,  aud  shall  not  be  admit- ted to  communion  till  they  have  given  full satisfaction.  Now  it  was  only  in  the  5th  century that  monachism,  under  the  Basiliau  rule,  penetra- ted into  Southern  Gaul,  so  that  the  puellae  in question  cannot  have  been  niins  properly  so  called. The  same  applies  to  the  canons  of  the  1st  Council of  Toledo,  A.D.  400,  which  enact  that  a  "  devota  " who  takes  a  husband  is  not  to  be  admitted  to penance  during  his  life,  unless  she  preserves  con- tinence (c.  16),  or,  with  still  greater  severity, that  if  a  bishop's,  or  priest's,  or  deacon's  daughter, having  been  devoted  to  God,  sins  and  marries, should  her  father  or  mother  restore  their  affec- tion to  her,  they  are  to  be  excluded  from  com- munion. The  father  may  indeed  shew  cause  in council  against  the  sentence,  but  the  woman  her- self is  only  to  receive  the  communion  after  her husband's  death  and  penance,  unless  at  her  last hour  (c.  19) — a  text  which  indeed  admits  the validity  of  the  marriage. The  stamp  was  set  on  the  woman's  devotio by  her  taking,  or  rather  receiving  from  the priest's  hands,  the  veil,  symbol  of  her  being espoused  to  Christ.  Hence  the  distinction which  we  find  made  between  the  gravity  of  mar- riage in  the  case  of  the  veiled  and  unveiled ;  as to  which  see  Pope  Innocent  I.'s  2nd  letters,  to Victricius  Archbishop  of  Rouen,  cc.  12,  13,  and certain  canons  of  doubtful  authority,  supposed to  be  contemporaneous  "  of  the  Roman  to  the Gaulish  bishops,"  cc.  1,  2.  The  devotional  or  vir- ginal habit  might  indeed  be  assumed,  at  all  events in  the  5th  century,  without  actual  consecration; see  Leo  the  Great's  lG7th  letter,  A.D.  458  or 459,  to  Rusticus  Bishop  of  Narbonne,  c.  15. The  "  virgin  devoted  to  God "  is  assimilated to  the  monk  in  a  canon  of  the  Council  of  Chal- cedon,  A.D.  451,  forbidding  both  to  marry  under pain  of  excommunication,  but  subject  to  the  in- DEVOTA  FEMINA I dulgence  of  the  local  bishop  (c.  15),     The  2nd       I Council  of  Ai-les.  A.D.  452,  seems  to  confine  ex-       { communication  in  such  cases  to  marriage  after       j 25,   and   provides  that  a  penance   is  not   to  be       I refused  if  asked  for,  but  communion  only  to  be       | granted  after  long  delay  (c.  52).     An  exagge- rated strictness  on  the  other  hand   pervades  a       i letter  of  Pope  Symmachus  (a.d.   498-513)   to       ! Bishop  Caesarius,   of  Aries.     Not  only  does  he       i require  the  excommunication  of  those  who  have sought   to    marry  virgins    consecrated    to    God,       ! whether  with  their  own  will  or  against  it,  and declare   that    "  we    do    not    suifer "   widows    to       ! marry  who  have  long  persevered  in  the  I'eligious       ' pui-pose  ;  but  he  forbids  those  virgins  to  marry       j "  to  whom  it  may  have  happened  to  pass  their       j age  during    many   years    in   monasteries" — en-       ! forcing,  in  short,  virginity  without  even  a  pro- fession. The  practice  of  the  religious  profession,  both       \ in  convents  and  outside  of  them,  is  shewn  in  the       i Canons  of  the  5th  Council  of  Orleans,  A.D  529,       ■ which  excommunicates  alike,  together  with  their      ] husbands,  both  girls  who  in  convents  have  put      j on  the  religious  garment,  and  those  who,  whether      1 girls  or  widows,  have  assumed  the  habit  in  their      ' houses  (c.   19).     On   the   other   hand,   the    1st Council  of  Macon  in  581  pronounced  excommuni- cation for  life    against  both  parties,  in  case  of such  marriages. Towards  the  end  of  the  6th  or  beginning  of      ; the  7th  century,  in  the  lettei's  of  Pope  Gregory       i the  Great  (a.d.  590-603),  we  seem  to  perceive      j a  distinction  between  the  "  religious  "  and  "  mo- nastic "   habit,  which  may  have   indicated  that between  the  simple  devota  and  the  nun.    Writing      j to  the  Roman  exarch  (bk.  iv.  ep.  18),  he  speaks      ] of  women   till  now  "  in   the  religious   and  mo- nastic habit  "  who  have  thrown  oft'the  sacred  gar- ment and  veil,  and  married,  and  who  are  said  to       1 be  under  the  exarch's  patronage,  and  warns  him       ' against  the  iniquity  of  such  protection.     It  will not  have  escaped  attention  that  the  "veil  "in       ' this  passage  seems  to  correspond,  as  in  later  and present  Romish  practice,  with  the  specially  mo-      i nastic  profession.     On  the  other  hand,  an  earlier      1 letter  of  the  same  pope  (bk.  iii.  ep.  24,  ad  Cuu-      ] nariuni),  distinguishes  between  veiled  virgins  aud       i women  in   convents.      The    incompatibility    be-      j tween    marriage    and    the  religious  "  habit "  is       ' indicated  in  another  letter  of  the  same  pope  to       , bishops  Virgilius  and  Syagrius,  (bk.  vii.  pt.  ii.  c.       j 119). That  in  spite  of  all  prohibitions,  marriages with  "  religious  "  women  continued  to  take  place,       i and  to  be  celebrated  even  in  church,  is  evident from  an  edict  of  King  Clothair  II.,  issued  at  the       j 5th  Council  of  Paris,  A.D.  614  or  615.     No  one was  to  carry  off  religious  girls  or  widows,  who have  devoted  themselves  to  God,  as  well  those who  reside  in  thei)-  own  houses  as  those  who  are       | placed  in  monasteries  (thus  clearly  distinguishing between  the  two  classes) ;  and  if  any,  either  by       i violence    or   by    any   kind  of  authority  should       ! presume  to  unite   such  to  himself  in   marriage, he  was  subject  to  capital  punishment,  or,  under special  circumstances  to  exile,  and  forfeiture  of      | goods. The  7th  letter  of  Pope  Zacharias  (a.d.  741- 51),  addressed  to  Pepin  as  mayor  of  the  palace,      t and   to   the  bishops,   abbots,  and  nobles  of  the       I Franks,  refers  to  Pope  Innocent's  letter  before      i DEXAMENE luentioued,  as  to  the  distinction  between  tlie marriage  of  veiled  and  unveiled  virgins,  the former  of  whom  are  to  be  separated,  the  latter only  to  do  "  some  "  penance  (cc.  20,  21).  On the  other  hand,  a  capitulary  of  the  6th  book (c.  411)  treats  as  absolutely  null  a  marriage with  "a  virgin  devoted  to  God,  a  woman  under the  religious  habit  or  professing  the  continuance of  widowhood,"  re-enacting  the  punishment  of separation  and  exile  for  the  offenders.  One  of the  7th  book  (c.  o38)  is  addressed  to  the  case  of those  widows  and  girls  who  have  put  on  the religious  habit  in  their  own  houses,  either  re- ceiving it  from  their  parents  or  of  themselves, but  afterwai-ds  marry  ;  they  are  to  be  excom- municated till  they  separate  from  their  husbands. and  if  they  will  not,  to  be  kept  perpetually  ex- cluded from  communion.  A  Lombard  capitulary of  783,  contains  a  like  enactment  (Fertz,  Leq. t.  1).  [J.  M.  L.] DEXAMENE,  Ae^a^eVTj,  a  cistern  or  tank for  the  water  needed  for  the  replenishing  of  the font  and  the  various  ecclesiastical  offices  (Procop. Ilistor.Arcan.  c.  iii.).  Erroneously  interpreted  by Suidas,  sub  roc.  of  the  altar ;  and  by  Bingham, Orig.  bk.  viii.  c.  vii.  §  4,  of  the  font.        [E.  V.] DIACONIA.  (1).  The  name  given  to  the localities  in  which  food  and  alms  were  distributed to  the  poor  by  the  deacons  of  the  Church  of  Rome. Each  was  under  the  administration  of  one  of  the seven  deacons,  one  for  each  region,  the  whole being  under  the  superintendence  of  an  archdeibon. Each  diaconia  had  a  hall  for  the  distribution  of charity,  and  an  oratory  or  chapel  annexed.  These last  remained  when  the  original  purpose  of  the  <lia- coiiM  had  passed  away,  and  have  risen  to  the  dig- nity of  churches,  of  which  there  are  now  fourteen, each  assigned  to  one  of  the  cardinal  deacons. The  original  purpose  of  the  diaconia  is  illus- trated by  the  following  passages  from  Anasta- sius  : — Siephan.  II.  §  229  :  "  foris  muros  .  .  .  duo fecit  Xenodochia  . . .  quae  et  sociavit  venerabili- bus  Diaconis  illic  foris  existentibus  ....  id  est Diaconiae  S.  Dei  genetricis,  et  B.  Silvestri  duae." Hadrian.  I.  §  357  :  "  coustituit  Diaconias  tres foris  portam  B.  Apost.  Principis  .  . .  et  ibidem dispensatione  per  ordinem  pauperibus  cousolari, atque  eleemosynam  fieri  [constituit]."  Infra, §  345 :  "  idem  egregius  Praesul  Diaconia  con- stituit .  .  .  concedens  eis  agros  vineas  etc.  ut  de eorum  reditu  . . .  Diaconiae  proficientes  pauperes Christi  reficerentur." (2).  The  word  diaconia  was  also  used  for  that part  of  the  deacon's  office  which  consisted  in  dis- jiensing  food  and  money  to  the  poor.  It  is  thus employed  by  Gregory  the  Great  in  a  letter  to John,  in  which  he  says,  "  te  mensis  pauperum et  exhibendae  diaconiae  eligimus  praeponendum ;" and  goes  on  to  speak  of  the  money  received  "  dia- coniae exhibitione  erogandum "  (Greg.  Magn. /i/j.  ad  Joann.  24).  See  Suicer,  Ducange,  Hos- pinian.  de  Templis,  p.  18.  [E.  V.] (3).  In  the  earlier  days  of  monachism  this  term was  used  for  monastic  alms-giving  (Cass.  Collat. xviii.  7  ;  Gregor.  M.  Ep.  22).  The  oldest  monk was  entrusted  with  it  in  Egypt  (Cass.  Collat.  xxi. 1 ) ;  in  the  East  the  "  oeconomus "  or  bursar (Martene  in  Cass.  ib.  xxi.  8,  9).  [I.  G.  S.] DIACONICA  (AioKoi/iKa).  Certain  short inayers  or  "  sull'rages  "  in  the  Liturgy  are  called Viaconica,   as   being   recited    by   the   attendant DIADEMA 549 deacon.  They  are  also  called  ElpriviKa,  as  being mainly  prayers  for  peace.  In  the  consecration of  a  bishop  the  Diaconica  are  said  by  bisho])s. (Menard  on  the  Gregorian  Sacramcntarij,  p.  523  ; Neale's  Tctralogia  Liturgica,  p.  217.)  [C;] DIACONICUM.  (1)  The  vestry  or  sacristy of  a  church,  so  called  from  being  the  place  where the  deacons  performed  their  duties  in  getting ready  the  vestments  and  holy  vessels,  heating the  water,  preparing  and  lighting  the  incense, and  other  essentials  for  the  celebration  of  the Eucharist,  and  other  divine  offices.  No  minister of  a  lower  grade  was  permitted  to  enter  the Diacouicum  {Concil.  Laod.  can.  21  ;  Cuncil.  Aga- thens.  can.  66).  The  diaconicuni  was,  as  a  rule, placed  on  the  right  or  south  side  of  the  bcnia  or sanctuary,  answering  to  the  prothcsis  on  the north,  and  communicating  witli  the  bona  by  a door  in  the  parabeina  or  side-wall.  It  also  usu- ally had  an  independent  entrance  through  an external  door.  The  diaconicum  generally  ter- minated apsidally,  and  was  always  ]>rovided  witii an  altar  (Qv(na(TTT]pwv,  Apophthegmata  Patrum apud  Gelas.  No.  3 ;  kyia  rpairi^a,  Ettclmlig. Goar,  p.  245),  on  which  the  bread  and  wine were  placed  prior  to  their  removal  to  the  pro- thesis.  Its  wall  was  often  adorned  with  ])ic- tures  of  saintly  deacons,  Stephen,  Benjamin,  &c. Within  it  was  the  treasury,  K€i/xrjAtapx*'0'') or  (TKevo<pxiK6.Kwv,  where  the  sacred  A-essels and  other  treasures  of  the  church  were  kept (Cyril  Scyth.  in  Vita  S.  Sab.  apud  Ducange).  Jt was  also  used  by  the  priests  as  a  vestry,  in which  they  changed  their  vestments  and  put  on their  eucharistic  dress  (^€lae\06i'Tes  aWacrcrovai rT}v  UpariK^v  utoKtjv  eV  tw  Siukovikw,  Typicu/a Sabae,  cap.  ii.  ap.  Suicer).  Relics  were  preserved  in it  (^Catalog.  Patriarch.  Constantinopol.  ap.  Suicer). Worshippers  who  for  disciplinary  reasons  were excluded  from  the  actual  church  were  permitted to  offer  their  devotions  here,  e.g.  the  Emperor  Leo VI.  when  excommunicated  for  his  fourth  marriage (Cedrenus,  Compend.  Hist.).  The  diaconicum was  sometimes  a  spacious  chamber  annexed  to the  church  {diaconicum  majus),  large  enough  for the  reception  of  a  provincial  or  general  synod [Council,  p.  477].  In  the  diaconicum  of  the church  atPaneas,  the  statue,  supposed  to  be  that of  the  woman  with  the  issue  of  blood,  removed for  safety  from  the  market-place,  was  erected (Philostorg.  lib.  vii.  c.  3). Other  names  by  which  the  diaconicum  was known  were,  aairaffriKSv  (as  being  the  hall  of reception),  <rKevo<pvKa.Kiov,  /jLeTarcvpioi'  or  pira- Twpiov  (a  word  of  various  orthography  and  very uncertain  etymology,  perhaps  representing  "  mu- tatorium,"  as  the  place  where  the  clergy  changed their  vestments),  vacno^Spiov,  secretarium,  on which  see  Bingham,  Orig.  Eccl.  bk.  viii.  c.  vii. §  7  ;  Leo  Allal.  De  Tempi.  Grace.  Bee,  ep.  i. §  13-15 ;  Suicer,  suh  toe. ;  Ducange,  Glossar.  Id, Dcseript.  S.  Sophiae,  ad  Paul.  Silentiar. ;  Neale, Hist.  East.  Ch.,  General  Introd.  p,  191,  §9, (2)  Diaconicum  also  signifies  the  volume  con- taining the  directions  for  the  due  performance  of the  deacon's  office,  ^i^Xiov  t^s  AiaKovias.  Cf. Leo  Allatius,  Dissert,  i.  de  Libr.  Eccl.  Graecor. (3)  The  word  is  also  used  for  certain  prayers said  at  intervals  in  the  service  by  the  deacon : evxat  StaKdvov,  known  also  as  uptjviKd.  [DlA- CONICA.]  [E.  v.] DIADEMA.    [CiW)\vN :  Coronation.] 550 DIAPASON DIAPASON,  DIAPENTE,  DIATESSA- RON.  These  are  the  three  intervals  of  the octave,  the  perfect  fifth,  and  the  perfect  fourth  : the  ratios  which  determine  them  are  i,  g,  and  |. They  were  the  only  intervals  that  were  consi- dered consonances,  and  were  always  of  the  same magnitude  in  every  scale  whether  diatonic,  chro- matic, or  enharmonic,  while  the  others  were variable  (see  Canon  in  Music,  p.  274).  Although the  system  of  reckoning  by  tetrachords  continued till  tiie  time  of  Guido  Aretinus,  yet  the  name Diapason  shows  that  the  ancients  attributed  to the  octave  a  greater  degree  of  perfection  in respect  of  consonance,  which  is  also  shown  by the  notation  preserved  by  Alypius,  where  in  the modes  above  the  Dorian  in  pitch,  for  most  of  the higher  notes  (which  would  be  the  latest  exten- sion of  the  respective  scales)  the  symbols  repre- senting the  notes  an  octave  below  were  adopted with  the  addition  of  a  acute  accent.  It  is  strange that  this  plan  was  not  extended  over  the  whole "diagram"  of  the  modes,  which  would  have been  a  very  material  simplification,  and  is  indeed a  considerable  approximation  to  our  present system  of  calling  all  notes  diftering  by  an  octave by  the  same  name.  This  however  appears  to  have escaped  the  notice  of  the  early  Latin  authors, although  they  did  make  great  simplifications. St.  Gregory  completed  the  recognition  of  the octave  by  reducing  the  names  of  notes  to  7, which  have  remained  to  this  day. The  fifth  and  fourth  together  make  an  octave QXj  =  ^),  and  according  as  the  former  or  the latter  was  the  lower  in  pitch,  the  octave  was  said to  be  harmonically  or  arithmetically  divided ; these  divisions  were  also  called  authentic  and plagal  (q.  v.),  thus  : ^ ^ '-^-—r       Here   the value   of  G (§)     is    the Harmonic id  A). -— -P       Here  the zft  value    of   F —    (f)    is    the Arithmetic Authentic :     SS     ^    ~  — C        G       c mean  between  those  of  C  and  c  (1 Plagal : C        F mean  between  those  of  C  and  c  (1  and  2). But  it  is  worth  noticing  that  if  two  harmonic means  be  inserted  between  C  and  c,  F  is  one  of them,  which  would  point  to  the  conclusion  that the  ancients  were  wrong  in  taking  an  arithme- tical division  at  all,  though  it  is  most  natural that  that  error  should  have  been  made  by  them. This  division  can  be  made  in  any  octave,  ex- cepting that  that  from  F  to  f  can  only  be  divided authentically  at  c,  and  that  from  B  to  b  can only  be  divided  plagally  at  E.  [J.  R.  L.] DIAPENTE.     [Diapason.] DIAPSALMA.  This  is  the  word  used  in the  Septuagint  and  recognized  by  other  writers as  the  equivalent  to  "  Selah,"  which  occurs  in the  Psalms  and  in  the  Canticle  of  Habakkuk. See  Smith's  Bid.  of  the  Bible,  sub  voc.  Selah, where  the  obscurity  of  the  subject  is  fully stated.  As  the  early  Christians  used  the  psalms in  public  worship  so  it  is  natural  they  would copy  the  Hebrew  method  of  singing  the  psalms. The  Liturgy  of  St.  James  prescribes  Pss.  23,  34, 145,  117  at  the  Fraction,  and  in  Ps.  34  Sid\pa\- na  occurs  in  tlie  LXX.  where  Selah  is  not  foun  I DICE St.  Jerome  enters  into  the  question  at  some length  in  his  letter  to  Marcella,  but  leaves  the matter  in  doubt;  he  mentions  it  also  in  his  com- mentary on  Ps.  4  and  Habak.  3.  j It  appears  to  the  writer  that  an  interpretation suggested  by  the  primary  meaning  of  \pd\Xfiy will  nearly,  if  not  quite,  reconcile  the  conflicting opinions  and  perhaps  account  for  them  ;  viz., that  it  was  a  direction  for  the  instruments  to play,  while  the  chorus  was  silent  or  perhaps producing  a  series  of  notes  without  words,  i.  e., a  "  division," "  or  "  Pneuma."  It  has  been said  that  the  Jews  used  Pneumata ;  if  so,  the adoption  of  them  by  Christians  is  obvious ;  but in  any  case  it  would  seem  that  they  were  com-  1 moply  in  use  at  an  early  period.  In  consequence  ] of  the  common  use  of  various  musical  instru-  | ments  at  feasts  and  entertainments  at  which Christian  morality  was  likely  to  be  outraged  in the  period  of  the  empire,  the  Christians  were chary  of  their  use  in  religious  services,  fear- ful doubtless  of  the  association  of  ideas.  Sir John  Hawkins  (^Hist.  of  Music,  p.  xxvii.)  gives a  list  of  fathers  who  have  denounced  musical instruments,  but  he  gives  no  references ;  and the  writer  has  succeeded  in  verifying  Epiphanius only,  who  speaks  of  the  flute  as  a  diabolical instrument.  In  the  Eastern  Church  to  this day  instrumental  music  is,  we  believe,  unknown.  j Thus  the  Pneuma  may  have  been  invented  by  1 the  early  Christians  as  the  nearest  approxima- tion to  the  Diapsalma.  [J.  K.  L.]  j DIARETOR.     The  Codex  Eccl.  Afric.  (c.  78)        i runs  thus  (Bruns's    Canones,  i.  175) :  "  Kursus placuit,   ut    quouiam  Hippouensium    diaretorum,         ; ecclesiae    destitutio    non   est   diutius   negligenda .  .  .  eis  episcopus  ordinetur."     The  equivalent in    the    Greek    version    is    "  ^povTitnou  Trjs  ew- KAriaias,"  "  caretakers   of  the   church  "  [Inter-         ' VENTOr],    as    if  during   a   vacancy  of  the    see,         ! which  is  implied  in  the  concluding  words  of  the         j canon.       Ducange    (s.   v.)    conjectures    "  direc-         I torum,"  Hardouin  "diarrhytorum."     The  word does  not  seem  to  occur  elsewhere.  [C] DIASTYLA,  Atda-TvXa,  the  Cancelli  by  i which  the  bejua  was  separated  from  the  naos  ] (Sym.  Thessalon.  apud  Ducange  ;  Sta  roiv  kijkAl-  | Soic  ijTOL  T(2v  SioeTTwAcoi').  Goai''s  Euchol.  p.  , 708.  [E.  v.]  : DIATESSARON.     [Diapason.]  I DICE  (^Alea,  kv^oi  ;  Low-Latin,  Becius ;  whence         j Fr.  Be').    The  playing  at  dice,  or  games  of  chance generally,   never    looked    upon    favourably   by         | moralists  or  laws  (see  Bict.  of  Greek  and  Rom.         ! Antiq.,  s.  V.  Alea),  early  attracted  the    notice of  the  censors  of  Christian  manners.    The  Paeda-         ' gogue  of  Clement  (iii.  11,  p.  497)  forbids  dice- playing,  whether  with  cubes  or  with  the  four- faced  dies  called  acnpayaAoi  (see  Rost  u.  Palm,         j s.  v.),   out    of  desire    for    gain.     ApoUonius    (in Euseb.  H.  E.  v.   18,  11),  denouncing  the  Mon- tanists,    asks   whether  prophets   play  at    tables  I (rd^Aats)  and  dice.     And  gaming  is  one  of  the  , forms  of  vice  which  we  find  denounced  b}'  the Church  in  the  earliest  canons  which  remain  to  us. The  Apostolical  Canons  (cc.  41,  42  [al.  42,  43])         \ forbade  either  clergy  or  laity  to  play  with  dice '  The  lark  makes  sweet  division." — Eomeo  and  Juliet DICERIUM on  pain  of  degradation  or  excommunication.  The Council  of  Eliberis  (a.d.  305)  also  denounced  the penalty  of  excommunication  against  any  of  the faithful  who  played  at  dice,  "  that  is,  tables,"  for money  (can.  79).  And  at  the  end  of  the  7th century  the  Trullan  Council  (can.  50)  repeated the  same  penalties  of  degradation  and  excom- munication. Nor  was  the  civil  power  indifferent. Justinian  {Code,  lib.  i.,  De  Episc.  et  Cler.  1.  17 ; Nov.  123,  c.  10)  forbade  the  clergy  of  every  rank from  playing  at  games  of  chance  (ad  tabulas hidere),  or  even  being  present  at  them,  on  pain of  suspension  with  seclusion  in  a  monastery  for three  years.  Another  enactment  {Code,  lib.  i., Be  Episc.  Audien.  1.  25)  commits  the  investiga- tion of  such  offences  to  the  bishops,  and  em- powers them  to  call  in  the  secular  arm,  if  neces- sary, for  the  reformation  of  scandalous  offenders  ; and  yet  another  {lb.  1.  35),  complaining  bitterly that  even  bishops  did  not  abstain  from  these stolen  pleasures,  denounces  such  laxity  in  the severest  terms.  These  imperial  laws  are  all  in- serted in  the  yomocanon  of  Photius  and  John  of Antioch. The  laws  themselves  indicate  that  Christians and  even  clergy  were  by  no  means  exempt  from the  almost  universal  passion  for  games  of  chance. One  or  two  instances  may  serve  to  confirm  this. Jerome  relates  {De  Script.  Eccl.  in  Apol.  Ep. 105)  that  Synesius  alleged  his  own  irresistible propensity  for  gambling  as  a  reason  why  he should  not  be  made  a  bishop.  Gregory  of  Tours {Hist.  Franc,  x.  16)  tells  us  that  certain  nuns of  the  convent  of  St.  Radegund  at  Poictiers accused  their  abbess,  among  other  matters,  of dicing;  whereupon  the  abbess  declared  that  she had  done  the  same  thing  in  the  lifetime  of  St. Radegund  (f  587)  herself,  and  that  it  was  not forbidden  either  by  the  common  law  of  canonical life  or  by  their  own  Rule ;  nevertheless,  she would  submit  to  the  judgment  of  the  bishops. (Thomassinus,  Noca  et  Vet.  Eccl.  Discip.  pt.  iii. lib.  iii.  c.  43.)  [C] DICERIUM.  AiKr]pLov,  cercus  bisulciis,  a two-forlied  wax  taper  used  by  bishops  of  the Greek  Church  in  the  Benediction  of  the  people. It  was  also  employed  in  the  benediction  of  the Book  of  the  Gospels  lying  on  the  Holy  Table. The  bishoj)  was  said  SiKTiplqi  (r<ppayiCf'y.  The double  taper  was  considered  to  symbolize  the two  natures  of  Christ. Triceriiim,  TpiK-npwv,  cereus  trisulcus,  was  simi- larly used,  and  held  to  symbolize  the  Trinity. Symeon  Thessalon,  Be  Templo,  p.  222,  aprid  Du- cange  s.  v.  Kriphs.    Gear's  Eiicholog.  p.  125.    [E.  V.] DICTERIUM.    [Pulpit.] DIDYMUS,  martyr  at  Alexandria ;  comme- morated April  28  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis, LTsuardi).  (W.  F.  G.) DIES.  The  word  dies  is  used,  like  the  Eng- lish "day,"  to  designate  a  festival:  as  {e.g.)  the Annales  Franc.  A.D.  802,  "Ipse  rex  celebravit diem  S.  Joannis  Baptistae."  The  principal  special uses  of  the  word  are  the  following  : — 1.  Dies  adoratm.  GooD  Friday. 2.  Bies  Aegi/ptiaci.  Certain  "  unlucky  days  " once  marked  in  calendars  (see  the  ancient  cal- endars published  by  Bucher),  supposed  to  have been  discovered  by  the  ancient  Egyptians  from astrological    calculations.     Decrees    were    made DIGAMY 551 against  the  superstitious  observance  of  these days  {Decret.  pt.  2,  caus.  26,  qu.  7,  c.  16),  and  an- cient Penitentials  (see  Ducange,  s.  v.)  forbid  men to  avoid  these  days  especially  for  blood-letting or  commencing  a  work  ;  indeed  the  superstitious preference  for,  or  avoidance  of,  a  day  {Becret.  u.  s. c.  17)  was  forbidden  generally.  A  memorial  verse for  showing  when  the  Egyptian  days  fall  is  given by  Durandus  {Rationale,  viii.  4,  §  20). 3.  Bies  boni,  "  les  bons  jours,"  used  for  fes- tivals (Sidonius,  Epist.  v.  17). 4.  Bies  Cinerum,  the  first  day  of  Lent,  or Ash-Wednesday. 5.  Dies  Coenae  Bomini.  Maundy  Thursday. 6.  Bies  Consecrati.  The  Capitularium  Car.  M., (ii.  c.  35),  enjoins  that  four  days  at  Christmas should  be  observed  as  festivals ;  these  days  are referred  to  in  the  council  of  Soissons,  A.D.  853, c.  7,  and  in  the  Capit.  Car.  Calvi  at  Compifegne, A.D.  868,  c.  8,  as  dies  consecrati,  on  which  no courts  were  to  be  held. 7.  Bies  Bominica.     [Easter  ;  Lord's  Day.] 8.  Bies  Magnus,  Felicissimus,  Easter-Day {Capitularium  Car.  M.  v.  c.  136);  "dies  mag- nus  Coenae,"  Maundy  Thursday  {Capit.  Herardi, c.  14).  So  r]  fj.eyd\r]  rj/jLipa  {Cone.  Ancyr.  c.  6) is  used  for  Easter-Day.  "  Dies  magnus  "  is  also used  for  the  Last  Day  {Capit.  Car.  M.  vi.  c.  378). 9.  Dies  Natalis.     [Natalis.] 10.  Bies  Neophytorum,  the  eight  days,  from Easter-Day  to  its  octave,  during  which  the newly  baptised  wore  their  white  garments. Augustine  {Epist.  119,  c.  17)  speaks  of  the "  octo  dies  neophytorum "  as  days  of  special observance. 11.  Bies  Palmarum,  or  in  Ramis  Pabnarum, Palm-Sunday. 12.  Bies  Sancti,  the  forty  days  of  Lent. See  the  Theodosian  Code,  lib.  ii.  Be  Fcriis,  and Barouius,  ad  an.  519,  §  42. 13.  Bies  Scrutinii,  the  days  on  which  can- didates for  baptism  were  examined,  especially Wednesday  in  the  fourth  week  of  Lent. 14.  Bies  Solis,  Bies  Lunae,  and  the  other  days of  the  week ;  see  Week. 15.  Bies  tinearum  or  murium ;  certain  days on  which  ceiemonies  were  performed  to  avert the  ravages  of  moths  or  mice  (Audoenus,  Vita Eligii,  ii.  15).  See  Delrio,  Bisquis.  Magic,  lib. iii.  pt.  2,  qu.  4,  §  6. 16.  Bies  Viridium,  in  some  ancient  German calendars,  Thursday  in  Holy  Week,  "  Grundon- nerstag."     [Maundy  Thursday.] 17.  Bies  votorum,  a  wedding-day  ;  Leges Longobard.  lib.  ii.  tit.  4,  §  3.  [C] DIETA.  The  ecclesiastical  CuRSUS  or  daily office.  Victor  of  Paris  (MS.  Liber  Ordinis,  c.  27, quoted  by  Ducange)  orders  his  book  to  be  carried round  whenever  office  is  said  (quando  dieta  can- tatur).  See  Beleth,  Be  Biv.  Off.  c.  21 ;  Dur- andus, Rationale,  v.  3,  29.  [C] DIGAMY.  -  It  has  been  stated  under  the  head Bigamy  that  we  propose  to  consider  under  the present  head  whatever  concerns  the  entering  into marriage  relations  with  two  persons  successively. The  subject  is  one  in  respect  to  which  a  different morality  has  been  applied  to  the  clergy  and  laity. As  respects  each  class  moreover,  it  divides  itself under  two  branches  —  which,  however,  it  will not  always  be  necessary  to  consider  separately —  that  of  successive  marriages  after  divorce  or 552 DIGAMY sep<aration,  and  after  the  death  of  a  husband  or wife. I.  In  respect  of  the  clergy,  it  has  been  already observed  under  the  head  Bigamy  that  the  pre- scriptions as  to  bishops  and  deacons  in  1  Tim.  iii. 2, 12,  and  Tit.  i.  6,  requiring  them  to  be  husbands "  of  one  wife,"  apply  more  probably  to  successive than  to  simultaneous  marriages.  The  explana- tion of  them  seems  to  lie  in  those  enactments of  the  Pentateuch  (Levit.  xxi.  7,  13,  14),  which forbid  the  priest  to  marry  a  widow  or  divorced woman.  The  oldest  authorities  support  this  view. The  Apostolical  Constitutions  (ii.  2)  require  the bishop-  to  be  the  husband  of  a  single  woman  once married;  a  prescription  extended  by  a  constitu- tion, evidently  indeed  of  later  date  (vi.  17)  to presbyters,  deacons,  and  even  singers,  readers, and  porters  ;  the  deaconesses  also  were  to  be  pure virgins,  or  at  least  widows  of  one  husband  (as  to whom,  see  also  viii.  25,  no  doubt  later  still). The  so-called  Apostolical  Canons  in  like  manner provide  that  if  any  one  after  baptism  shall  twice enter  into  marriage,  or  marry  a  widow  or  divorced woman,  he  cannot  be  a  bishop,  priest,  or  deacon, or  in  anywise  on  the  list  of  the  sacred  ministry (cc.  13,  U,  otherwise  16,  17,  or  17,  18).  It  is clear  from  the  Philosophumena  of  Hippolytus (ix.  12)  that  by  the  beginning  of  the  3rd  century the  rule  of  monogamy  for  the  clergy  was  well established,  since  he  complains  that  in  the  days of  Callistus  "digamist  and  trigamist  bishops,  and priests,  and  deacons,  began  to  be  admitted  into the  clergy."  Tertullian  recognizes  the  rule  as to  the  clergy.  Thus  in  his  De  Exhortatione  Casti- tatis  (c.  7),  he  asks  scornfully :  "  Being  a  diga- mist, dost  thou  baptize  ?  being  a  digamist,  dost thou  make  the  offering?"  And  he  points  (76. c.  13)  to  certain  honours  paid  among  the  heathens themselves  to  monogamy. The  rule  of  the  Church,  it  will  be  observed, forbade  alike  to  the  clergy  both  personal  digamy, and  marriage  with  a  digamous  woman.  St.  Am- brose, in  the  first  book  of  his  Offices  (c.  50),  further considers  the  case  of  prebaptismal  marriage, — many  persons,  it  seems,  being  surprised  that digamy  before  marriage  should  be  an  impediment to  orders. We  pass  from  the  testimony  of  the  fathers  to that  of  councils  and  popes.  The  so-called  canons of  the  Nicene  Council  from  the  Arabic — which probably  indeed  only  represent  the  state  of  the Church  of  Arabia  at  a  much  later  period — enact the  penalty  of  deposition  against  a  priest  or deacon  dismissing  his  wife  in  order  to  change  her for  another  fairer  or  better  or  richer,  or  "  on account  of  his  concupiscence"  (c.  66,  or  71  of the  Ecchellensian  version).  The  still  moi'e  pro- blematical '  Sanctions  and  Decrees  '  attributed  to the  Nicene  fathers  require,  in  accordance  with the  previously  existing  laws  of  the  Church,  the priest  to  be  "  the  husband  of  one  wife,  not  a bigamist  or  trigamist,"  and  forbid  him  to  marry a  widow  or  dismissed  woman,  &c.  (c.  14). The  first  Council  of  Valence  (a.d.  374)  enacts that  "  none  after  this  synod  ....  be  ordained  to the  clergy  from  among  digamists,  or  the  hus- bands of  previously  married  women  (internup- tarum),"  but  decrees  that  nothing  should  be  in- quired into  as  to  the  status  of  those  who  are already  ordained  (c.  1).  Compare  the  4th  Coun- cil of  Carthage  (a.d.  397),  c.  69,  and  the  1st Council  of  Toledo  (a.d.  400),  cc.  3  and  4. .    DIGAMY The  letters  of  pope  Inaocent  I.  (A.D.  402-17) deal  frequently  with  the  subject,  and  more  than once  on  tlie  point  already  treated  by  St.  Ambrose of  the  effect  of  prebaptismal  marriage.  In  his 2nd  to  Victricius  bishop  of  Rouen,  besides  laying it  down  that  clerics  should  only  marry  virgins (c.  4),  he  dwells  on  the  absurdity  of  not  reckon- ing a  wife  married  before  baptism  (c.  6).  The 23rd  letter  of  the  same  pope,  addressed  to  the Synod  of  Toledo,  reverts  a  third  time  to  the  error of  not  reckoning  in  cases  of  digamy  a  prebaptismal marriage. The  letters  of  Leo  the  Great  (a.d.  440-61)  re- peatedly recur  to  the  subject.  See  the  4th,  5th, and  6th. Second  marriages  were,  however,  still  allowed to  the  inferior  clergy.  Thus  the  25th  canon  of the  1st  Council  of  Orange,  A.D.  441,  ordained respecting  "  those  fit  and  approved  persons  whom the  grace  itself  of  their  life  counsels  to  be  joined to  the  clergy,  if  by  chance  they  have  fallen  into second  marriage,  that  they  should  not  receive ecclesiastical  dignities  beyond  the  subdiaconate." The  same  enactment  is  repeated  almost  in  the same  words  in  the  45th  canon  of  the  2nd  Council of  Aries,  A.D.  452.  In  some  dioceses,  however, the  rule  was  still  stricter,  if  full  faith  is  to  be given  to  a  letter  of  bishops  Loup  of  Troyes  and Euphronius  of  Autun  to  bishop  Talasius  of  Angers (a.d.  453),  which  lays  it  down  that  the  Church allows  digamy  as  ftir  as  the  rank  of  porters,  but excludes  altogether  exorcists  and  subdeacons  from second  marriage,  whilst  in  the  diocese  of  Autun the  porter  himself,  the  lowest  of  the  inferior clergy,  if  he  took  a  second  wife  lost  his  office, and,  as  well  as  a  subdeacon  or  exorcist  falling into  the  same  "  madness,"  was  excluded  from communion  (see  Labbe'  and  Mansi's  Councils,  vol. vii.  p.  942).  As  respects  marriages  to  widows, we  must  not  overlook  a  Council  of  uncertain place,  of  the  year  442—4,  by  which  a  bishop named  Chelidonius  was  deposed,  amongst  other reasons,  for  having  contracted  such  a  marriage  ; though  he  was  afterwards  absolved  by  Pope  Leo. See  further,  against  the  2nd  marriages  of  the clergy  or  other  marriages  to  widows  or  divorced women,  the  4th  canon  of  the  Council  of  Angers, a.d.  453 ;  the  4th  canon  of  the  1st  Council  of Tours,  A.D.  461 ;  the  2nd  canon  of  the  Council of  Rome,  A.D.  465  ;  letter  9  of  pope  Gelasius  I. (A.D.  492-6)  to  the  bishops  of  Lucania,  cc.  3,  22  ; and  two  fragments  of  letters  by  him  to  the clergy  and  people  of  Brindisi. Aruong  the  Nestorians  of  the  East  indeed, towards  the  end  of  the  5th  century,  the  re- marriage of  the  clergy  was  held  valid.  One  of their  synods  held  in  Persia,  under  Barsumas archbishop  of  Nisibis  [Bigamy],  expressly  lays it  down  that  a  priest  whose  wife  is  dead  is  not to  be  forbidden  by  his  bishop  to  marry  again, whether  before  or  after  his  orders."  And  even  in the  West  it  is  evident  that  instances  of  digamy  or quasi-digamy  must  at  the  beginning  of  the  6th century  have  been  so  frequent  in  France  at  least as  to   require  toleration.     Thus  the  Council  of "  A  somewhat  later  Nestorian  synod  under  the  pa- triarch Babaeus,  however,  seems  to  allow  but  one  wife  to the  "  Oathollciis,"  all  inrerior  priests,  and  monks.  It  is difficult,  however,  to  collect  the  exact  purport  of  the enactment  from  the  short  notice  in  Labbe  and  Manei's Councils,  vol.  8,  p.  '2'J9. DIGAMY Agde,  A.D.  506,  after  the  canons  and  statutes  of the  fathers  had  been  read,  determined,  "  as touching  digamists  or  husbands  of  women  before man-ied  (intevnuptarum) — although  the  statutes of  the  fiithers  had  otherwise  decreed — that  those who  till  now  have  been  ordained,  compassion being  had,  do  retain  the  name  only  of  the  priest- hood or  diaconate,  but  that  such  persons  do  not presume,  the  priests  to  consecrate,  the  deacons  to minister  "  (c.  1).  So  the  Council  of  Epaone,  A.D. 517,  c.  2;  the  4th  [3rd]  Council  of  Aries,  A.D. 524,  c.  3 ;  and  the  4th  Council  of  Orleans, A.D.  541,  c.  10.  It  seems  superfluous  to  multiply authorities  as  respects  the  Western  Church,  ex- cept to  notice  the  introduction  of  the  same  legis- lation among  new  communities.  Thus  for  Eng- land, a  Council  held  under  archbishop  Theodore  of Canterbury,  towards  the  end  of  the  7th  century, forbids  the  priesthood  (c.  116)  to  the  husband  of a  widow,  whether  married  to  her  before  or  after baptism.  The  Collection  of  Irish  Canons,  sup- posed to  be  of  about  the  same  date,  in  its  first book  '  On  the  Bishop,'  requires  him  to  be  a  man "  who  having  taken  only  one  wife,  a  virgin,  is content  "  (c.  9).  And  pope  Gregory  II.  (714-30) in  a  capitulary  to  his  ablegates  in  Bavaria,  forbids a  digamist,  or  one  who  has  not  received  his  wife a  virgin  to  be  ordained  (c.  5).  On  the  other hand,  a  Spanish  canon  seems  to  imply  that  quasi- digamous  marriages  might  in  that  province  be contracted  with  the  advice  of  the  bishop,  since the  4th  Council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  633,  enacted (c.  44)  that  clerics  who  without  such  advice (sine  consultu  episcopi  sui)  had  married  widows, divorced  women,  or  prostitutes,  were  to  be  ex- cluded from  communion. The  last  authority  we  shall  quote,  as  embracing the  East  as  well  as  the  West,  is  that  of  the  [5th] 6  th  General  Council,  that  of  Constantinople  in TruUo,  A.D.  691,  which  treats  of  the  subject  iu  a manner  proving  that  the  canonical  injunctions against  digamous  or  quasi-digamous  marriages among  the  clergy  were  yet  in  many  instances transgressed.  Those  who  had  become  involved in  second  marriages,  and  down  to  a  given  past date  had  "  served  sin,"  were  to  be  deposed, but  those  who,  having  become  involved  in  the disgrace  of  such  digamy  before  the  decree, had  forsaken  their  evil  ways,  or  those  whose second  wives  were  dead  already,  whether  priests or  deacons,  were  ordered  for  a  definite  time  to cease  from  all  priestly  ministrations,  but  to  re- tain the  honour  of  their  seat  and  rank,  whilst praying  the  Lord  with  tears  to  forgive  them  the sin  of  their  ignorance.  On  the  other  hand  those who  had  married  widows,  whether  priests,  deacons, or  subdeacons,  after  a  short  period  of  suspension from  ministerial  functions,  were  to  be  restored to  their  rank,  but  without  power  of  further jiromotion.  For  all  those  committing  the  like offence  after  the  date  assigned,  the  canon  was renewed  "which  says  that  he  who  shall  have become  involved  in  two  marriages  after  baptism, or  shall  have  had  a  concubine,  cannot  be  bishop, or  priest,  or  deacon,  or  in  anywise  a  member  of the  sacerdotal  order ;  and  so  with  him  who  has taken  to  wife  a  widow  or  divorced  woman, or  a  harlot,  or  a  slave,  or  a  stage-player  "  (c.  3). It  would  probably  be  diflTicult  to  assign  the original  canon  thus  referred  to.  The  text  is moi'eover  remarkable  as  confining  the  disability iif  second  marriage  to  post-baptismal  unions— in DIGAMY 553 direct  opposition  to  the  authority  of  St.  Aml'rose and  others  before  referred  to. It  is  sufficient  to  state  here  that  so  long  as  we retain  the  female  diaconate  in  sight,  the  same obligation  of  monogamy  attaches  to  the  deacon- esses as  to  the  male  clergy  ;  e.'f.,  not  to  speak of  Epiphanius  for  the  East,  when  the  female diaconate  reappears  in  Gaul  during  the  6th  cen- tury, we  find  the  2nd  Council  of  Orleans,  A.D. 533,  enacting  that  "women  who  have  hitherto received  against  canonical  prohibition  the  diaconal benediction,  if  they  can  be  proved  to  have  again lapsed  into  marriage,  are  to  be  expelled  from communion  ;"  but  if  they  give  up  their  hus})ands, they  may  be  readmitted  after  penance  (c.  17). It  must  not  be  overlooked  that  the  civil  law of  the  Roman  empire  since  the  days  of  Justinian followed  the  canon  law  on  the  subject  of  clerical marriages.  This  is  perhaps  only  implied  in  the Code  (see  bk.  i.  t.  iii.  1.  42,  §  1,  and  1.  48),  but distinctly  enacted  in  the  Nocels.  Under  one  or other  of  these,  bishops,  priests,  deacons,  and  sub- deacons  were  alike  forbidden  to  receive  ordination if  they  had  been  twice  married,  or  had  married widows  or  divorced  women  (6th  Nov.  cc.  i.  v. ; 22nd  Mo.  c.  xlii. ;  123rd  Nov.  cc.  i.  xii. ;  137th Nov.  c.  ii.).  Readers  who  remarried  or  con- tracted the  like  marriages,  could  rise  to  no  higher clerical  rank  (an  indulgence  which  did  not,  how- ever, extend  to  a  third  marriage),  or  if  they  ob- tained such  irregularly,  forfeited  altogether  their clerical  position  (6th  Nov.  c.  v,  :  22nd  Nov.  c. xlii.;  123rd  iVou.  c.  xi v.).  Deaconesses  must  in like  mannei-,  if  not  virgins,  have  been  only  once married  (6th  Nov.  c.  vi.).'' II.  As  respects  the  laity,  the  distinction  be- tween second  marriages  after  divorce  or  separa- tion, and  after  death,  which  is  unimportant  as respects  the  clergy,  becomes  an  essential  one.  In both  respects  the  practice  of  the  Church,  instead of  being  founded,  as  it  was  with  reference  to  the clergy,  on  the  prescriptions  of  the  Old  Testament, depends  upon  a  more  or  less  narrow  interpreta- tion of  the  New,  or  on  more  or  less  bold  deductions from  its  teachings,  combined  with  the  surround- ing influences  of  civil  society.  In  conformity  with St.  Paul's  views  as  to  remarriage  after  death,  we I"  A  curious  offshoot  from  the  subject  of  the  prohibition of  clerical  bigamy  is  the  extension  of  that  prohibition  to the  widows  of  clerics.  Thus,  the  first  Council  of  ToU  do, A.D.  400,  enacted  that  if  the  widow  oTa  bishop,  priest,  or deacon  took  a  husband,  no  cleric  or  religious  woman ought  so  much  jis  to  eat  with  her,  nor  should  she  be admitted  to  communion  except  t'n  articulo  mortis  (c.  18). The  4th  Council  of  Orleans,  a.d.  511,  required  the  widow of  a  priest  or  deacon  married  again  to  be  separated  from her  husband,  or  if  she  remained  with  him,  both  to  Ije excluded  from  communion  (c.  13).  The  Council  of  EjiHOne (a.d.  517),  somewhat  more  sharply  decreed  immediate exclusion  of  both,  till  they  should  separate  (c.  .'!2).  The Council  of  Lerida  (a.d.  524)  according  to  Surius,  forbade the  communion  to  the  remarried  widow  of  a  bishop,  priest, or  deacon,  even  in  articulo  mortis.  The  Council  of Auxerre  (a.d.  578),again  forbade  such  marriages  as  respects tbe  widows  of  the  superior  clergy;  the  Council  of  Miicon, A.D.  585,  extended  the  prohibition  to  those  of  subde.'icons, exorcists,  and  acolytes,  under  pain  of  confinement  for  life in  a  convent  of  women  (c.  16).  Yet  Pope  Gregory  the Gr  'at  (a.d.  599-60;i)  did  not  go  so  far,  for  we  find  him  in a  letter  to  Leo,  bishop  of  Catania,  (bk.  ii.  letter  34)  order- ing a  certain  Hoiiorata,  widow  of  a  subdeacon,  who  on hir  marrying  again  had  been  shut  \\\^  in  a  monastery, to  be  restored  to  her  husband. 554 DIGAMY find  Hei-mas  writing  that  "  whoso  marries  " — i.e.  as  shown  in  the  context,  after  the  death  of either  wife  or  husband — "  does  not  sin,  but  if  he dwells  by  himself,  he  acquires  great  honour  to himself  "with  the  Lord  "  (bk.  ii.  M.  iv.  §  4) ;  but adopting  the  stricter  view  as  to  remarriage  after divorce,  declaring  it  to  be  adultery  in  the  man even  when  he  has  put  away  his  wife  for  that offence  itself,  and  the  same  to  be  the  case  with the  wife  (ibid.  §  1).  Negatively,  on  the  other hand,  it  may  be  observed  that  the  epistle  of Barnabas,  in  enumerating  the  works  of  the  "  way of  light,"  does  not  specify  monogamy  (see  c.  19). The  Apostolical  Conditutions  (iii.  1)  speak  of the  marriage  of  a  church-widow  as  bringing  dis- grace to  the  class,  "  not  because  she  contracted a  second  marriage,  but  because  she  did  not  keep her  promise  {iTrayy(\ia.v)  "—a  passage  clearly implying  even  in  this  case  the  full  lawfulness  of second  marriage.  See  also  cc.  2  and  3,  and Apost.  Can.  40,  al.  47  or  48. Although  amongst  the  earlier  Romans  there was  one  form  of  marriage  which  was  indisso- luble, viz.,  that  by  confarreatio,  still  generally a  second  marriage  either  after  death  or  divorce, was  by  no  means  viewed  with  disfavour.  There are,  however,  certain  clear  indications  that already  in  the  first  century  of  our  era  con- stancy to  a  single  partner  was  in  the  Roman world  beginning  to  be  looked  upon  with  favour. Thus  Tacitus  speaks  of  Germauicus's  being  a  man "  of  one  marriage  "  as  one  of  the  causes  of  his influence  (Ann.  ii.  73),  and  mentions  a  little further  on  (c.  76)  that  the  daiighter  of  Pollio was  chosen  to  be  chief  vestal  "  for  no  other reason  than  that  her  mother  remained  mar- ried to  the  same  man."  The  same  Tacitus  ob- serves of  the  Germans  that  the  best  of  their communities  (uivitates)  were  those  where  the women  only  married  as  virgins,  so  that  they never  had  but  one  husband  (Z>e  Mor.  Germ.  c. -xix.).  And  it  is  perhaps  worthy  of  notice  that the  jus  connubii,  when  given  to  soldiers,  was restricted  under  Philip  (247-9)  to  the  case  of  a first  marriage,  though  this  was  probably  not attributable  to  any  moral  considerations  (see Muratori,  Thes.  Inscr.  i.  362). Meanwhile  an  intensifying  spirit  of  asceticism was  leading  many  in  the  church  to  a  condemna- tion of  second  marriage  in  all  cases,  Minucius Felix  (fictavius,  c.  31,  §  5)  only  professes  on behalf  of  the  Christians  a  preference  for  mono- gamy. Clement  of  Alexandria  (A.D.  150-220) seems  to  confine  the  term  marriage  to  the  first lawful  union  (Stroinata,  bk.  ii. — quoted,  as  well as  several  of  the  following  references,  in  Co- telerius,  Patres  Apostol.  vol.  i.  p.  90,  n.  16). Athenagoras  terms  second  marriage  "  fair  seem- ing adultery."  Tertullian  (A.D.  150-226)  in- veighs against  it  with  unwearied  urgency,  in his  two  books  Ad  Uxorem,  in  his  De  Exhortatione Castitatis,  in  his  De  Monogamia,  and  in  his  Be Pudicitid— the  last  but  one,  however,  written when  he  was  altogether  a  Montanist.  In  the first  of  them,  indeed,  he  admits  that  his  wife will  not  actually  sin  if  she  marry  after  his  death (i.  7),  but  argues  from  clerical  to  lay  mono- gamy. In  the  Exhortation  to  Chastity  (which is  addressed  to  a  man)  he  uses  the  same  argument, but  goes  so  far  as  to  say  that  second  marriage  is a  form  of  adultery  (c.  9).  Origen  (184-253)  so far  as  the    Latin    text   of   his    17th    homilv   on DIGAMY Luke  can  be  trusted,  is  not  much  less  severe. Recommending  perseverance  in  widowhood,  he says  :  "  But  now  both  second  and  third  and  fourth marriages,  not  to  speak  of  more,  are  to  be  found, and  we  are  not  ignorant  that  such  a  marriage shall  cast  us  out  from  the  kingdom  of  God." It  would  seem,  however,  that  when  these views  were  carried  to  the  extent  of  absolute prohibition  of  second  marriages  generally  by several  heretical  sects,  the  Montanists  (see  Au- gustin,  de  Haeresihus,  c.  26),  the  Cathari  (26. c.  38),  and  a  portion  at  least  of  the  Novatianists (see  Cotel.  Patr.  Ap.  vol.  i.  p.  91,  n.  16),  the Church  saw  the  necessity  of  not  fixing  such  a yoke  on  the  necks  of  the  laity.  The  forbiddance of  second  marriage,  or  its  assimilation  to  forni- cation, was  treated  as  one  of  the  marks  of  heresy (Augustin,  u.  s. ;  and  see  also  his  De  bono  vidui- tatis,  c.  6).  The  sentiment  of  Augustin  (in  the last  referred  to  passage)  may  be  taken  to  express the  Church  judgment  at  the  close  of  the  4th century  :  "  Second  marriages  are  not  to  be  con- demned, but  had  in  less  honour ;  "  and  see  also Epiphanius,  in  his  Exposition  of  the  Catholic  Faith, c.  21. What  the  "  less  honour "  consisted  in  may partly  be  inferred  as  respects  the  Greek  Church, from  the  '  Sanctions  and  Decrees '  attributed  to the  Isicene  Fathers  (Labbe  and  Mansi,  Councils, vol.  ii.  p.  1029  and  foil.),  which  distinctly  au- thorize widowers'  and  widows'  marriages  (i.  7). Yet  the  blessing  of  the  crowns  is  not  to  be  imparted to  them,  for  this  is  only  once  given,  on  first  mar- riages, and  not  to  be  repeated.  .  .  But  if  one of  them  be  not  a  widower  or  widow,  let  such  one alone  receive  the  benediction  with  the  para- nymphs,  those  whom  he  will. The  7th  Canon  of  the  Council  of  Neocaesarea, in  A.D.  314  or  315,  bears  that  the  presbyter ought  not  to  be  present  at  the  marriage  fes- tivities of  digamists,  as  the  act  would  be  incom- patible with  his  assigning  a  penance  to  such  per- sons. The  canon  implies,  it  will  be  seen,  that the  act  of  second  marriage  entailed  the  infliction of  a  penance.  This  appears  more  clearly  from the  1st  Canon  of  the  Council  of  Laodicea,  (be- tween A.D.  357  and  367),  which  rules,  as  re- spects those  who  have  "  freely  and  lawfully " contracted  a  second  marriage,  without  an^ secresy,  that  after  a  short  time,  and  some  chastise- ment in  prayers  and  fastings,  they  should  be  ad- mitted to  Communion.  And  Basil  (a.d.  326- 379)  in  his  Canonical  epistle  to  bishop  Amphi- lochius  of  Iconium  fixes  one  year  as  the  period of  the  suspension  of  digamists  from  communion. We  must  thus  consider  that  two  views  on  the subject  of  simple  remarriage  after  the  death  of husband  or  wife  were  abroad  in  the  Church  ;  one which,  with  Augustin,  looked  upon  it  as  merely less  honourable  than  monogamy,  and  deemed  its actual  condemnation  a  mark  of  heresy ;  the other,  which  looked  upon  it  as  in  itself  an  oflence deserving  penance,  however  slight  this  might  be. The  latter  view  found  most  colour  as  respects second  marriages  after  what  was  deemed  a  re- ligious profession,  as  that  of  the  penitent,  and  of the  widow.  See  /F.  Cone.  Garth,  c.  104 ; /"/.  Arks,  c.  21  ;  Pope  Symmachus,  Epist.  5, §  5  ;   V.  Paris,  c.  13,  and  many  others. A  more  extraoi'dinary  instance  of  the  enforce- ment of  monogamy  on  a  particular  class  of women  is  confined  to  Spain.     The  loth  Council DIGAMY of  Toledo,  in  683,  declared  it  to  be  "  an  execrable crime,  and  a  work  of  most  inveterate  iniquity, after  the  death  of  kings,  to  aifect  the  royal  couch of  their  surviving  consorts "  (c.  5).  This  was confirmed  some  years  later  by  the  3rd  Council of  Saragossa,  a.d.  691,  which  required  the widows  of  the  kings  to  enter  a  convent  for  the remainder  of  their  lives  (c.  5). The  penance  for  ordinary  digamy  recurs  in  our own  country,  in  the  canons  of  a  Council  held under  Archbishop  Theodore,  of  Canterbury,  which fixes  it  at  two  days  festing  from  ^\me  and  flesh- meat  every  week  during  the  first  year,  and  fasting for  three  consecutive  Lents,  "  but  without  dis- missing the  wife  "  (c.  26).  But  subject  how- ever to  some  such  qualifications,  second  mar- riage after  the  death  of  husband  or  wife  remained fully  recognised  as  the  right  of  the  laity.  In later  times,  indeed,  so  slight  a  feeling  subsisted in  the  Romish  Church  against  re-marriage  among the  laity  after  the  death  of  a  husband  or  wife, that  Muratori  (Antiquitates  Medii  Aeci,  ii. Diss.  20),  says  that  the  Latin  Church  never forbade  second,  third,  or  even  more  marriages after  the  death  of  one  of  the  parties,  although the  ancient  church,  especially  during  the  3i-d  and 4th  centuries,  bore  such  unions  impatiently,  and subjected  them  to  penance. It  must  now  be  observed  that  the  feeling against  second  mai-riage  traceable  in  early  times in  the  records  of  the  Church  gradually  extended to  the  Civil  Law,  especially  as  regai'ds  widows. The  earliest  laws  which  indicate  this  feeling appear  to  belong  to  the  time  of  Theodosius  the Great  (a.d.  380-2),  and  are  to  be  found  in  Justi- nian's Code,  bk.  v.  tit.  ix.,  De  secundis  nuptiis, and  bk.  vi.  tit.  Ivi. Substantially  the  Roman  civil  law,  like  that of  the  Church,  fully  recognised  the  right  of second  marriage  of  a  surviving  husband  or  wife, latterly  confining  itself  to  securing  with  especial care  the  rights  of  the  issue  of  the  first  marriage. The  barbaric  codes  do  not  vary  materially  from this  point  of  view.  See  the  Edict  of  Theodoric, c.  37  ;  the  Laws  of  Xotharis  (a.d.  638  or  643), cc.  182,  183  ;  Laws  of  Liutprand  (a.d.  724), vi.  c.  74.  The  laws  of  the  Wisigoths  recognised fully  the  right  of  remarriage  after  the  death  of a  partner  among  the  laity.  See  the  Laws  of Cliindaswinth,  bk.  iii.  tit.  1,  1.  4. Among  the  Carlovingian  Capilularics  is  one forbidding  marriage  with  widows  without  their priests'  (suorum  sacerdotum)  consent  and  the knowledge  of  the  people  (bk.  v.  c.  40).  Mar- riages with  professed  widows  were  declared  to be  no  true  marriages,  and  the  parties  were  to  be separated,  without  any  accusation  being  brought against  them,  by  the  priest  or  the  judge,  and were  to  be  sent  into  perpetual  exile  (ib.  c.  411)  ; though  another  enactment  (bk.  vii.  c.  338)  seems to  limit  the  penalty  to  suspension  from  commun- ion till  amendment  of  life,  or  in  default  of  such amendment,  to  perpetual  exclusion.  If,  indeed, a  widow  who  was  also  a  penitent  remarried,  she and  her  husband  wei'e  not  to  be  suffered  to  enter the  church  ((/).  317,  and  see  also  Add.  Qnarta  c.  88). A  woman  who  had  connexion  with  two  brothers was  never  to  marry  again  {ib.  381).  A  limit was  even  sought  to  be  imposed  on  the  number of  marriages  which  might  be  contracted  :  "  Let none  take  more  than  two  wives,  since  the  tliinl is  already  superfluous"  (l)k.  vii.  c.  406). DIGAMY 555 III.  We  come  now  to  a  brauch  of  the  subject  on which  the  law  of  fhe  Church  has  seldom  run precisely  in  the  same  groove  as  that  of  the  state, viz.,  remarriage  not  after  death  of  one  of  the parties,  but  after  divorce  or  separation.  Several classes  of  cases  have  here  to  be  distinguished. The  first  is  that  in  which  physical  separation involves  the  presumption  or  at  least  the  possi- bility of  death.  The  22nd  Novel  fixed  a  period  of five  years,  after  which  the  wife  of  a  captive husband,  who  could  hear  no  tidings  of  him, might  lawfully  marry  again  (c.  7).  The  Wisi- gothic  Code  was  less  indulgent.  One  of  its  older laws  enacted  that  no  woman  might  marry  in her  husband's  absence,  till  he  was  known  to  be dead ;  otherwise,  on  his  return,  both  she  and  her second  husband  were  to  be  given  over  to  him, so  that  he  might  do  with  them  what  he  chose, whether  by  selling  them  or  in  any  other  way (bk.  ii.  t.  ii.  1.  6).  As  respects  the  church,  "a letter  of  Pope  Innocent  I.  (402-17)  to  Probus simply  lays  down  that  where  a  wife  had  been carried  into  captivity  and  her  husband  married again  in  her  absence,  on  the  return  of  the  for- mer the  first  marriage  alone  held  good  {F.p.  9). Leo  the  Great  ruled  to  the  same  effect  in  his letter  (a.d.  458)  to  Nicetas,  Bishop  of  Aquileia. Wives  whose  husbands  had  been  taken  in  war were  bound  to  return  to  their  former  husbands under  pain  of  excommunication  ;  but  the  second husbands  were  not  to  be  held  guilty  for  the  act of  marrying  {Ep.  159).  The  Council  in  Trullo (a.d.  692),  more  severe,  decreed  that  the  wife  of an  absent  husband  marrying  before  she  was certain  of  his  death  was  guilty  of  adultery (c.  93). The  next  group  of  cases  are  those  of  simple prolonged  physical  separation.  The  Roman  law took  especial  account  of  the  case  of  soldiers. The  22nd  Novel  allowed  the  wife  of  a  soldier after  ten  years'  absence,  during  which  she  must have  repeatedly  pressed  her  husband  by  letters or  messages,  whilst  he  either  repelled  her  im- portunities, or  wholly  neglected  them,  to  marry again,  altering  in  this  respect  a  constitution  of Constantine's  {Code,  bk.  v.  t.  xvii.  1.  7),  which seemed  to  fix  four  years  as  a  sufficient  pei'iod  of separation.  But  the  wife  was  required  to  pre- sent a  protest,  apparently  a  written  one,  to  the soldier's  superior  officers  (c.  14);  and  the  117th Noiel  surrounded  this  proceeding  with  cerfniu formalities,  requiring  moreover  the  wife  to  wait a  year  further  after  taking  the  step  in  question before  she  could  lawfully  marry  again  (1.  11). St.  Basil  on  the  other  hand  notices  the  case  in his  first  canonical  epistle  to  Amphilochius,  and decrees  that  where  the  soldier's  wife  remarries, the  circumstances  should  be  examined  into,  and some  indulgence  shewn  (c.  36).  The  Council in  Trullo  adopted  this  view,  and  authorized  a soldier,  who  might  return  after  a  long  absence and  find  his  wife  married  to  another,  to  take  her back,  indulgence  being  shewn  both  to  the  woman and  to  her  second  husband  (c.  93). Physical  separation  through  captivity  con- stitutes the  next  group.  A  council  held  under Theodore,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  towards the  end  of  the  7th  century,  allows  a  layman,  if his  wife  were  by  force  carried  away  into  capti- vity, and  he  could  not  recover  her,  to  take  an- other, as  being  better  than  to  commit  fornication (c.  31).     After   such   a  second  marriage  (whidi 556 DIGAMY could  be  contracted  after  a  twelvemonth,  c.  140), he  was  not  at  liberty  to  take  back  his  former wife  if  married  to  another,  but  she  might  her- self also  marry  another  husband  (c.  31).  One of  the  later  Lombard  laws  (a.d.  721)  enacts  that if  any  one  go  away  for  a  matter  of  business  or of  trade,  whether  within  a  province  or  out  of  it, and  do  not  return  within  three  years,  his  wife may  apply  to  the  king,  who  may  allow  her  to marry  again  (Law  of  Liutprand,  bk.  iii.  c.  4). If  we  now  consider  the  case  of  voluntary  de- sertion or  divorce,  we  shall  find  considerable fluctuation  in  the  rules  and  practice  of  the Church  as  to  a  second  marriage  following  there- on. St.  Paul  had,  indeed,  admitted  that  desertion for  the  faith's  sake  dissolved  the  social  obliga- tions of  marriage  :  "  If  the  unbelieving  depart, let  him  depart ;  a  brother  or  a  sister  is  not under  bondage  in  such  cases"  (1  Cor.  vii.  15). Did  the  not  being  "  under  bondage  "  imply  free- dom to  marry  again  ?  An  alleged  canon  of Gregory  the  Great  is  reported  to  have  ruled  that it  was  no  sin  to  do  so  (c.  17).  The  same  conclu- sion may,  perhaps,  be  drawn,  as  respects  heresy at  least,  from  a  canon  (72)  of  the  Council  in Trullo,  which  not  only  forbids  marriage  between an  orthodox  person  and  a  heretic,  but  declares it  void  and  dissolved ;  and  seems  only  by  way of  permission  to  allow  that  where  two  infidels have  married,  and  one  comes  to  the  light  of  the truth,  he  or  she  may  remain  in  union  with  the other.  And  under  the  canons  of  the  English Council  under  Theodore,  the  case  would  be  in- cluded in  that  of  desertion  generally,  m  which it  was  laid  down  that  a  layman  deserted  by  his wife  might  after  two  years  take  another  with the  bishop's  consent  (c.  140).  Indeed  St,  Basil in  the  4th  century  had  ruled  in  his  first  canon- ical epistle  to  Amphilochius  that  a  woman  who married  a  man  deserted  by  his  wife,  if  dismissed on  the  latter's  return,  had  only  fornicated  in ignorance,  and  was  not  forbidden  to  marry  again  ; though  he  thought  it  better  that  she  should remain  single  (c.  46).  The  93rd  canon  of  the Council  in  Trullo  confirmed  this  view, There  was  indeed  one  case  of  separation,  the very  converse  of  that  of  a  Christian  husband  or wife  deserted  by  an  infidel  partner,  which  Jus- tinian's code  specially  dealt  with,  that  of  the husband  or  wife  embracing  the  monastic  pro- fession. This  was  held  to  give  freedom  to  the other  party  to  marry  again,  although  as  respects a  woman,  by  analogy  with  the  law  in  case  of remarriage  after  death,  only  after  the  expiration of  a  twelvemonth.  She  was,  however,  at  once to  send  a  divorce  bond  gratia,  to  her  husband (Code,  bk.  i.  t.  iii.  1.  53,  §  3  ;  and  see  1.  56 ; 5th  Nov.  0.  5 ;  22nd  Nov.  c.  5).  The  avoidance of  marriage  by  the  religious  profession  was  how- ever maintained,  after  the  divorce  bond  gratia had  been  forbidden;  see  the  117th  Nov.  cc.  10, 12,  and  the  123rd,  c.  40. The  great  struggle  was,  however,  on  the  sub- ject of  marriage  after  divorce.  Our  Lord's  teach- ing on  the  subject,  it  will  be  remembered,  was not  only  in  professed  opposition  to  the  Jewish law,  but  in  no  less  signal  opposition  to  the Roman,  in  which  the  facilities  for  divorce  were simply  scandalous.  The  right  of  divorce  in  spe- cified cases,  and  of  subsequent  remarriage  for the  innocent  party,  was  maintained  by  the  state for  a   long  time  under  the   emperors  (see   Code, DIGAMY bk.  V.  t.  xvii.).  No  limitation  of  time  for  re- marriage was  fixed  for  the  man  (lib.  1.  8,  §  5, Constitution  of  Theodosius  and  Valentinian,  A.D. 449) ;  but  by  analogy  with  the  case  of  re- marriage after  death,  the  woman's  right  tff remarry  after  divorce  for  her  husband's  wrong, or  after  a  divorce  by  mutual  consent,  wns limited  to  ai'ise  after  the  expiration  of  a  twelve- month (§  4  and  1.  9,  Constitution  of  Anastasius, A.D.  497).  But  if  she  divorced  herself  from  her husband  otherwise  than  in  the  cases  specified, she  could  not  remarry  within  five  years,  and if  she  did,  became  infamous,  and  the  marriage void  (1.  8,  §  4).  The  right  of  remarriage  by  a wife  after  the  year  was  by  the  22nd  Novel extended  to  all  cases  of  "  reasonable "  divorce obtained  by  her ;  the  husband  in  the  like  case being  always  free  to  remarry  at  once  (cc.  16,  18). The  divorce  by  mutual  consent,  except  for  the sake  of  observing  chastity,  was  however  for- bidden by  the  117th  Novel,  c.  10. In  Italy  the  right  of  divorce  and  remarriage was  maintained  by  the  edict  of  Theodoric  accord- ing to  the  old  constitutions  (c.  54),  and  though it  cannot  be  traced  through  the  Lombard  laws, probably  subsisted  till  the  Carlovingian  conquest, when  by  a  capitulary  of  the  year  789,  enacted for  Lombardy,  marriage  after  divorce  was  for- bidden (bk.  i.  c.  42). The  Wisigothic  law  seems  first  to  have  ad- mitted divorce,  then  sought  to  forbid  it  alto- gether. An  "  ancient  "  law  prohibited  a  divorced woman  from  remarrying,  and  if  she  did,  ordered both  her  and  her  second  husband  to  be  given over  to  the  former  one  (bk.  iii.  t.  ii.  1.  1). If  we  turn  now  to  the  law  of  the  Church,  we find  the  Council  of  Eliberis  in  305  forbidding communion  even  in  extremis  to  women  leaving their  husbands  without  cause  and  marrying another  (c.  8).     See  also  c.  9  and  c.  10. Basil  in  his  canonical  epistle  to  Amphilochius dwells  at  length  on  the  subject  of  divorces  (c.  9). He  doubts,  indeed,  whether  a  woman  living  with a  divorced  man  is  to  be  treated  as  an  adulteress ; but  she  is  one  certainly  who  leaves  her  husband and  marries  again.  But  the  deserted  husband  may receive  absolution  {ffvyyvcoffT6s  ia-ri),  and  the woman  who  lives  with  him  is  not  condemned ; though  it  is  otherwise  if  the  man  himself  leaves his  wife  (j6.).  Such  a  man  marrying  again  is an  adulterer,  and  only  in  the  7th  year  is  to  be readmitted  among  the  faithful  (c.  77).  To  Basil's mind,  a  dismissed  wife  should  remain  unmarried (c.  48). The  African  Council  of  Milevis,  A.D.  416,  the 17th  canon  of  which  forbids  generally  dismissed women  to  marry  other  husbands,  hardly  agrees with  an  Irish  Council  of  uncertain  date  held  uuder St.  Patrick,  which  lays  it  down  that  first  mar- riages are  not  made  void  by  second  ones,  "  unless they  have  been  polluted  by  adultery"  (c.  28); nor  with  the  Council  of  Vannes  (  Veneticuni)  in 465,  which  enacts  excommunication  against  those who  having  wives,  except  by  reason  of  fornication, without  proof  of  adultery  marry  other  women (c.  2).  The  Council  of  Hertford  in  673  seems to  revert  to  the  stricter  view,  enacting  that  a man  is  not  to  leave  his  wife  except  for  fornica- tion, nor,  if  dismissing  her,  to  marry  another (c.  10).  The  Council  in  Trullo  declares  that both  the  woman  leaving  her  husband  and  mar- rying auotlicr,  and  the  man  leaving  his  wife  and DIGAMY marrying  another,  commit  adultery,  and  enacts a  cjraduated  scale  of  penance  for  seven  years (c.^88).  On  the  other  hand,  the  English  Council under  Theodore  enacts  that  where  a  wife  is  un- faithful a  man  might  dismiss  her  and  marry another,  the  woman  however  not  to  be  allowed to  marry  her  lover  (c.  143).  And  yet  by  a  seem- ingly strange  contradiction  it  is  enacted  that  a harlot's  husband  may  not  marry  any  other  woman during  her  lifetime  (c.  166),  the  case  aimed  at being  probably  that  of  a  marriage  with  a  full knowledge  that  the  woman  did  not  mean  to leave  her  course  of  life.  Among  the  Excerpts from  the  chapters,  "  de  remediis  peccatorum,"  by the  same  archbishop,  published  in  the  Anecdota of  Martene,  we  find  that  the  penance  assigned to  a  man  dismissing  his  wife  and  marrying another  is  seven  years  "  with  tribulation,"  be- sides five  years  of  lighter  penance.  If  the  wife departed,  and  the  husband  married  agam,  his penance  was  for  one  year  only. A  letter  (7)  of  Pope  Zacharias  (a.D.  741-51)  to Pepin  as  mayor  of  the  palace,  enjoins  again  the excommunication  of  laymen  dismissing  their wives  and  taking  others  in  their  place  (c.  7), and  reiterates  the  prohibition  against  marriage after  divorce  (c.  12),  which  we  find  also  repeated in  the  replies  made  by  Pope  Stephen  II.  in  754 to  certain  queries  put  to  him  when  he  was  at Quierry  in  France  (c.  5). Under  Charlemagne  a  different  spirit  be- comes obvious.  The  law  is  made  stricter,  but the  rulers  are  above  it.  All  injunctions  to morality  on  the  part  of  the  popes  were  power- less against  the  passions  of  their  Carlovingian patrons.  See  the  curious  letter  addressed  by Stephen  III.  (a.d.  768-70)  to  Charlemagne  and Carloman  his  son,  then  associated  with  him  on the  throne. The  Council  of  Aix  in  789  (c.  42)  and  the Council  of  Friuli  in  791  (c.  10),  endorsing  the stricter  construction  of  our  Lord's  words  as  to divorce,  enacted  that  after  a  divorce  for  adultery neither  party  should  marry  again.  The  latter, liowever,  "  by  indulgence,"  allowed  those  who were  separated  for  consanguinity's  sake  on discovery  to  marry  again,  if  they  could  not  re- main unmarried,  wliicli  it  recommended  them  to do;  but  if  they  wilfully  contracted  such  a  mar- riage they  were  after  separation  to  do  penance all  their  lives  and  never  marry  again,  nor  could their  children  inherit  from  them  (c.  8).  The prohibitions  against  a  second  marriage  after divorce  are  repeated  in  the  Capitularies,  bk. vii.  cc.  73,  382  (the  latter  expressly  includ- ing the  case  of  adultery);  bk.  v.  c.  300,  Add. quarta  cc.  118-161, — the  prohibition  being  here extended  to  marrying  again  after  "  killing  a  wife without  cause."  And  the  edict  of  Charlemagne (a.D.  814)  directs  inquiry  whether  all  men  noble or  ignoble,  have  lawful  wives,  "  not  the  dis- missed wives  of  others." Strange  to  say,  the  Eastern  empire  presented at  this  same  period  a  simiL.r  scandal  to  that  of the  imperial  court  of  the  west.  The  Emperor Constantine  had  sent  his  wife  to  a  convent  and married  another,  the  Archbishop  Joseph  per- forming the  ceremony.  For  so  doing  he  was ejected  by  the  patriarch  Tarasius,  but  received  to communion  by  a  Constantinopolitan  synod  in  806 in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  Theodoras  Studita  and of   the   monks,  and   another   assembly  in    809, DIGNITAS 557 declared  the  emperor's  marriage  to  be  lawful,  on the  shameful  ground  that  "  the  divine  laws  can do  nothing  against  kings." — It  is  somewhat  curi- ous to  add  that  a  Nestorian  synod  held  in  Persia in  804,  following  the  stricter  view,  had  laid  it down  that  after  a  divorce  for  foi'nication  neither husband  nor  wife  could  marry  again. To  sum  up  the  conclusions  of  this  inquiry,  we find — 1st,  that  as  respects  the  clergy,  a  rule borrowed  from  Leviticus  or  derived  from  its  pre- scriptions was  held  by  the  church  to  forbid  to  the clergy  all  marriages  which  should  on  either  side be  of  a  digamous  character  ;  and  that  although this  rule  was  evidently  constantly  infringed  in practice,  and  its  infringements  oftentimes  con- doned in  the  past,  it  was  nevertheless  steadily upheld  as  binding  throughout  the  whole  period to  which  this  work  refers,  and  latterly  extended or  sought  to  be  extended  to  the  inferior  clergy ; the  one  open  protest  against  its  application  being that  of  a  Nestorian  synod  in  Persia,  towards  the end  of  the  5th  century.  2nd,  that  as  respects the  laity,  notwithstanding  the  stricter  views taken  by  several  writers  of  the  earlier  church, the  right  of  remarriage  after  the  death  of  a husband  or  wife  became  firmly  established, though  in  the  Eastern  church  such  marriages were  subjected  to  some  ceremonial  disparage- ment, and  were  generally  sought  to  be  dis- couraged by  penances  more  or  less  severe.  3rd, that  considerable  fluctuation  in  the  views  and practice  of  the  Church  seems  to  have  prevailed on  the  subject  of  remarriage  after  separation  or divorce,  and  that  whilst  second  marriages  in  such cases  were  generally  condemned  by  the  letter  of the  canon  law  towards  the  end  of  the  8th  and beginning  of  the  9th  centuries,-  the  sovereigns both  of  the  East  and  West  set  such  prohibitions at  nought  for  themselves,  and  parted  with  their wives  to  marry  others  almost  at  their  will. (See  also  Bigamy).  [J.  M.  L.] DIGNITAS.  A  well-known  classical  word  = id,  quo  quis  re  aliqu^  dignus  est,  as  Facciolati defines  it.  By  degrees  it  was  used  as  a  generic term  for  ranks  or  offices,  "  Dignitas  equestris,, scnatoria,  considaris,"  and  so  forth.  From  Pliny downwards,  by  "dignitates"  were  frequently meant  "magistracies."  The  well-known  notltin, or  "  Table  of  dignities  of  the  Pioman  Empire  in the  east  and  west,"  which  Paucirolus  thinks may  have  been  published  about  the  end  of  the reign  of  Theodosius  the  younger  in  its  present sliape,  was  probably  commenced  under  Augustus (Bocking's  Notit.  p.  liii.-v.).  They  form  the subject  of  the  6th  book  in  the  Theodosian  Code, and  of  the  1st  and  last  books  in  that  of  Justinian (Gothofred  Op.  Jurid.  Min.  pp.  1263,  1374,  and 1415-18).  All,  of  course,  were  purely  secular ; but,  in  process  of  time,  when  ecclesiastics  were promoted  to  secular  offices,  and  ecclesiastical offices  themselves  began  to  confer  as  much  social distinction  as  secular,  people  talked  of  "  digni- ties "  in  the  Church  as  freely  as  in  the  State. Hence,  retrospectively,  this  term  might  be  ex- tended to  the  offices  of  bishop,  metropolitan, archbishop,  patriarch,  pope,  cardinal,  bishop- suffragan,  archpriest,  archdeacon,  chancellor,  &c., though,  as  matter  of  fact,  it  was  never  applied to  them  till  it  had  been  used  to  denote  later  and more  subordinate  posts  first.  In  ecclesiastical parlance,  says  Ducange,  '•  when  a  benefice  in- cluded the  administration  of  ecclesiastical  affairs 558 DIMISSORY  LETTERS th  jurisdiction,  it  was  called  a  dignity. And riiomassin,  to  the  same  purpose,  speaks  of  "  pro- vosts, deans,  stewards,  chamberlains,  treasurers, cellarers,  and  sacristans,  as  among  the  '  diarnities  ' inseparable  from  cathedrals  and  abbeys  "  {De  Ben. i  ii.  70).  True,  we  meet  with  none  of  these words  in  their  received  ecclesiastical  meaning before  the  9th  century;  nor  was  it  till  then, probably,  that  ecclesiastical  offices  of  any  kind began  to  be  styled  "dignities:"  still,  practically, they  had  been  this  long  before.  [E.  S.  Ff.] DIMISSORY  LETTERS.  {Llterae  climis- oriae,fonnatae ;  ewiinoKai  b.iroKvTi.Kai.)  Letters ^iven  by  a  bishop  to  one  of  his  clerks  removing into  another  diocese  ;  or  to  a  layman  of  his  dio- cese desiring  to  be  ordained  elsewhere.  [See Bishop,  p.  232  :  Commendatory  Letters.] 1.  In  ancient  times  a  bishop  was  forbidden  to receive  a  clerk  from  another  diocese,  or  to  ad- mit to  higher  orders  a  clerk  already  ordained  to some  inferior  rank,  or  to  ordain  a  layman  domi- ciled in  another  diocese  (alterius  plebis  hominem), without  the  express  and  formal  consent  of  the bishop  of  that  diocese  (Cone.  Nicaen.  i.  c.  16; C.  Sardiu.  cc.  16,  19,  a.d.  347  ;  C.  Carthag.  i. c.  5,  A.D.  348 ;  C.  Taurin.  c.  7  ;  C.  Arausic.  i. c.  8,  9  ;  C.  in  Trullo,  c.  17 ;  Ordo  Rom.  YIIL p.  87).  Readers,  psalmists,  and  doorkeepers, were  included  under  the  designation  of  clerks (C  Carth.  iii.  c.  21 ;  compare  Augustine,  JEpistt. 235,  240,  242).  A  bishop  was  not  to  hinder a  presbyter  of  his  diocese  from  being  ordained bishop  of  a  church  to  which  he  was  elected, nor  was  one  who  had  a  superfluity  of  clerks to  refuse  them  to  a  diocese  where  there  were too  few  (C.  Cafth.  iii.  c.  45).  The  decision  in cases  of  this  kind  seems  to  have  rested  with  the metropolitan.  In  a  case  in  which  a  bishop,  Ju- lianus,  wished  to  reclaim  a  lector  who  belonged to  his  diocese  by  birth,  though  he  belonged  by baptism,  to  the  bishop  who  had  ordained  him, Epigonius,  it  was  ruled  that  the  lector  belonged to  the  diocese  of  his  baptism,  to  which  he  had come  as  a  catechumen  with  commendatory  let- •ters  (C.  Carth.  iii.  c.  44). The  rules,  however,  with  regard  to  the  ordi- nation of  extraneous  laymen  were  probably  never enforced  with  the  same  strictness  as  those  which related  to  clerics.  Origen,  an  Alexandrian,  was ordained  presbyter  by  the  bishops  of  Caesarea and  Jerusalem,  much  to  the  indignation  of  his own  bishop,  Demetrius  ;  there  was,  however,  in Origen's  case  a  special  reason — his  mutilation — • why  he  should  not  be  ordained  (Euseb.  H.  E. vi.  8,  26,  27).  Jerome  was  ordained  priest  at Antioch,  neither  the  church  of  his  birth  nor  of his  baptism.  And  there  are  other  instances  of the  like  kind. The  theory  on  which  all  this  rests  is  that  a bishop  by  the  act  of  ordination  acquired  a  per- petual right  to  the  services  of  the  clerks  whom he  ordained  ("Quisquis  semel  in  hac  ecclesia  ordi- nem  sacrum  acceperit,  egrediendi  ex  ea  ulterius licentiam  non  habet."  Greg.  Magn.  Epist.  v.  38), and  even — in  a  less  degree — to  the  services  of those  whom  he  baptised.  Hence  letters  dimissory were  not  merely  letters  testimonial  or  commen- datory, but  properly  diroA.VTiK:ai ;  instruments, that  is,  setting  the  clerk  free  from  his  allegiance to  his  first  bishop,  and  transferring  the  same powers  over  him  to  the  bishop  of  his  adopted DIOCESE diocese  (Thomassin,  Nova  ct  Ycius  Ecclcsiae  Dis- ciplina,  ii,  i.  1  ff.). 2.  It  was  probably  from  the  same  notion,  of the  clerks  being  bound  by  a  peculiar  allegiance to  their  bishop,  that  the  practice  arose  of  re- quiring the  clergy,  and  "  religious "  persons generally,  to  have  the  sanction  of  the  bishop before  they  approached  their  king  or  lord  (dom- num)  for  the  purpose  of  asking  benefices  {Cone. Aurelian.  i.  c.  7,  a.d.  511.  This  canon  is,  how- ever, wanting  in  several  MSS.).  [C] DINGOLVINGA,  COUNCIL  OF  {Dingol- vingense),  at  Dingolfing,  on  the  river  Isar,  in Bavaria,  A.D.  772,  under  Tassilo,  Duke  of  Bavaria, passed  13  canons  upon  discipline  and  reformation of  manners.  Labb.  Cone.  vi.  1794,  1795 ;  Le Cointe,  Annal.  v.  in  an.  770  ;  Harzheim,  Cont: German,  i.  130.  [A.  W.  H.] DIOCESE.  The  word  SioiKriais.  signifying in  its  general  sense  any  kind  of  administration, came  to  be  specifically  applied  by  the  Romans  to a  rroi:incia,  but  to  one  of  the  lesser  sort,  for Cicero  speaks  of  his  Provincia  Ciliciensis  "  cui scis  tres  SiOiK-fjaeis  Asiaticas  attributas  fuisse  " (^Epist.  ad  Earn.  lib.  xiii.  ep.  67). At  a  later  period,  however,  when  Constantino remodelled  the  civil  divisions  of  the  empire,  a diocesis,  instead  of  being  a  minor  province,  con- tained within  it  several  provinces.  Thus,  for  in- stance, there  were  fen  provinces  in  the  P^gyptian diocese.  About  the  same  time  the  word  passed from  the  terminology  of  the  civil  government into  that  of  the  church.  It  was  employed  in  a sense  analogous  to  its  secular  application,  and signified  an  aggregate  not  merely  of  several  dis- tricts governed  each  by  its  own  bishop,  but  of several  provinces  (eVapX'"0  each  presided  over by  a  metropolitan.  The  diocese  itself  was  under  an Exarch  or  Patriarch  [Exarch].  It  is  in  this  sense that  the  Council  of  Constantinople  (can.  2)  speaks of  the  Asian  and  Pontic  dioceses,  and  the  Council of  Ephesus  of  the  Egyptian  diocese.  AioiKTjtri's iffTiy  7)  TToAAas  i-napxi^as  exovcra  iv  eavrfj,  says Balsamon,  ad  Can.  IX.  Concil.  C/udced.  That  canon gives  an  appeal  from  the  head  of  the  province, the  metropolitan,  to  the  head  of  the  StoiKricns  in these  words  :  ei  Se  irphs  rhp  t7is  avTrjs  eTrapx'"^ MiTpowoXiTTjv  iTTiffKOTTos  ^  KAr)pi«6s  aiJk<piffPv- Toirj,  KaTaKa/x^aveToj  ^  rhv  e^apxov  Trjs  Sioiktj- 0-60)5  f)  rhv  TTJs  ^aa-iXevova-ns  Kov(navTivovK6- \fws  Qp6vov,  KoX  eTr'  ahrcf  StKaC^adai.  About  the same  period  the  word  diocese  began  also  to  as- sume the  sense  which  has  finally  prevailed  to the  exclusion  of  that  just  mentioned,  and  to  be used  to  signify  the  district  governed  by  a  single bishop.  For  the  three  first  centuries  this  was commonly  denoted  by  irapoLKia,  but  it  now  began also  to  be  called  dioecesis,  as  in  the  Council  of Carthage  (see  Bing.  Antiq.  bk.  ix.  ii.  §  2)  we have  "Placuit  ut  nemini  sit  facultas,  relicta principali  cathedra,  ad  aliquam  ecclesiam  in  dioe- eesi  constitutam  se  conferre."  In  point  of  fact, however,  the  word,  which  perhaps  retained  to  a certain  degree  its  general  rather  than  its  tech- nical sense,  is  found  applied  in  turn  to  every kind  of  ecclesiastical  territorial  division.  For, while  Hincmar  {Epist.  ad  Nicolaum)  uses  it  of the  province  of  a  metropolitan  ("  non  solum  dioe- cesis, verum  etiam  parochia  mea  inter  duo regna  sub  duobus  regibus  habetur  divisa "), Sulcer  alleges  other  authorities  to  show  that  the DIOCESE word  is  sometimes  employed  ia  a  sense  closely resembling  our  word  parish,  viz.  the  district  of n,  single  church  in  a  diocese.  It  has  been  ob- served that  this  was  a  Latin,  and  especially  an African  use  of  the  term  (Thomass.  I.  I.  c.  3). Considered  in  the  acceptation  of  the  word, which  has  prevailed  in  later  times  to  the  exclu- sion of  the  others,  a  bishop's  diocese  and  his power  over  it  are  thus  spoken  of  in  the  4th century — "^KaffTov  iwiffKOirov  i^ovfflau  ^X^^"  ''V^  Ioutou TvapOLKias,  SiwKeTu  t€  koto  tV  ^Kaarai  e'Trj/3aA- Xovffav  ivKa^iiav,  Kai  TrpovoMv  TTOulffdai  TracTTjs TTJy  xa'pas  rr]s  virh  rrjv  eaurov  iroMv  uis  icai X^i-poroviiv  npeff^vTepovs  Hal  SiaK^j/ovs,  Kal fxeTO,  Kpiff^ais  eKaffTa  StaXaix^dfeiv.  ■nipaiTfpw  Se ari^iv  ■Kpa.TTtiv  inix^ipelv  Slxa-  rod  ttjs  fj.r)Tpo- ir6\ecos  iiriffKOTTov,  ^TjSe  avrhv  duev  ttjs  ruy AoiTTcZv  yvoiiJL-r\s.     (Co)icil.  Antioch.  can.  9.) It  has  been  thought  that,  from  every  bishop having  a  right  to  erect  new  churches  in  his  own diocese,  and  to  set  up  a  cross  on  the  spot  where they  were  to  be  placed,  his  diocese  has  sometimes been  called  ffTavpoirriyiov  (Bing.  viii.  9,  5). The  canonical  rule  was  not  only  that  a  diocese should  have  but  one  bishop,  but  that  a  bishop should  have  but  one  diocese.  In  subsequent  times, however,  the  latter  part  of  this  rule  was  much broken  down  by  the  practice  of  "  commenda." This  practice  came  into  use  on  various  grounds. One  of  these  is  thus  indicated  by  Thomassin : — "  Incursationes  barbarorum  juges  et  cruentis- simae  Fundana  civitate  episcopum  plebemque propemodum  omnem  effugaraut.  Cum  viduata tunc  pastore  suo  fuisset  Terracina,  Fundanum sibi  postulavit  episcopum.  Confirniata  est  a Gregorio  Magno  ea  electio,  a  quo  jussus  est  Ag- nellus  titulum  et  admiuistrationem  gerere  eccle- siae  Terracinen.sis,  et  nihil  secius  veluti  com- mendatam  sibi  curare  ecclesiam  Fundanam.  '  Sic te  Terracinensis  ecclesiae  cardinalem  constitui- mus  esse  sacerdotem.  ut  et  Fundensis  ecclesiae pontifex  esse  nou  desinas ' "  (Thomassin,  pt.  ii. lib.  3,  cap.  10). In  other  cases  a  vacant  diocese  was  simply committed  to  the  care  of  a  neighbouring  bishop till  a  successor  could  be  appointed.  This  was  in the  earlier  times  the  most  common  species  of commenda,  and  was  of  course  temporary  only. Sometimes  there  was  a  kind  of  double  com- menda, the  pope  commending  to  the  care  of  a neighbouring  bishop  a  diocese  whose  own  dio- cesan was  occupied  in  administering  the  affairs of  another  church  previously  commended  to  him. In  other  instances,  again,  where  a  bishop  was under  sentence  of  penance,  the  affairs  of  his church  were  entrusted  to  another,  or  to  the metropolitan,  until  he  was  restored.  "Emeri- tense  Concilium  Metropolitano  commendavit ecclesias  eorum  episcoporum,  qui  ad  poenitentiam secedere  jussi  fuerant,  quod  aConcilio  Provincial! abfuissent"  (Thomassin,  pt.  ii.  lib.  3,  c.  11). In  one  instance  Childeric  appears  to  have  com- mended a  diocese  to  the  care  of  an  abbot  (ibid.). At  first  the  bishop  to  whom  a  diocese  was commended  appears  only  to  have  received  his actual  expenses.  Gregory  the  Great,  however, wlien  Paulus  had  charge  of  Naples  during  a  va- cancy, directed  as  follows  : — "  Praedicto  Paulo centum  solidos  et  unum  puerulum  orphanum quem  ipse  elegerit  pro  labore  suo  de  estdem  ec- clesia  facias  dari "  (ibid.  c.  10). DIOCESE J59 By  degrees  large  profits  were  derived  from  :i commenda,  and  it  thus  became  an  object  of  am- bition, and  was  bestowed  by  popes  and  sovereigns without  reason  and  to  the  prejudice  of  the Church.  In  later  times  it  became  a  flagrant abuse,  but  its  worst  forms  belong  perhaps  mainly to  a  period  beyond  our  present  limits.  It  came to  be  held  in  perpetuity,  instead  of  for  a  limited period,  and  the  revenues  of  two  or  more  sees were  accumulated  upon  one  person  as  a  provi- sion for  life. One  peculiar  kind  of  commenda  must  not  be omitted,  viz.  where  a  part  of  the  revenues  of  a church  was  assigned  to  a  great  lay  noble,  in return  for  his  taking  on  himself  'its  defence against  its  heathen  or  other  enemies.  Such  pro- tectorates were  common  in  the  more  disturbed periods.  They  are  styled  '  commendae  militares.' In  the  same  manner  and  on  like  grounds  the sovereigns  retained  to  themselves  portions  of church  property.  But  the  subject  o{  Commendae is  too  large  to  be  discussed  at  length  here.  The learning  of  the  whole  subject  will  be  found  in Thomassin. The  limits  of  dioceses  were  probably  fixed  in the  first  instance  by  local  or  accidental  circum- stances. »  They  differed  widely  in  size  and  popu- lation. Details  on  these  points  will  be  found under  Notitia.  It  is  more  important  to  ob- serve that  whon  too  large  they  were,  not  un- frequoiitly,  ilivideJ,  as  in  the  following  instance: — '"In  the  Council  of  Lucus  Augusti,  or  Lugo, under  King  Theodemir,  anno  569,  a  complaint was  made  that  the  dioceses  in  Gallaecia  [in Spain]  were  so  large  that  the  bishops  could scarce  visit  them  in  a  year:  upon  v/hich  an order  was  made,  that  several  new  bishoprics  and one  new  metropolis  should  be  erected,  which  was accordingly  done  by  the  bishops  then  in  council, who  made  Lugo  to  be  the  uew  metropolis,  and raised  several  other  episcopal  sees  out  of  the  old ones,  as  declared  in  the  acts  of  that  council  " (Bing.  ix.  vi.  §  16). As  his  own  diocese  was  the  proper  sphere  of the  action  of  a  bishop,  in  acting  in  the  diocese  of another  he  was  under  certain  restrictions.  These prevailed  at  all  times  to  a  greater  or  less  degree, but  seem,  eventually  to  have  been  laid  down  in "  "  The  Diocese,"  says  Milman,  "  grew  up  in  two  ways — 1.  In  the  larger  cities  the  rapid  increase  of  the  Christians led  necessarily  to  the  formation  of  separate  congregations, which  to  a  certain  extent,  required  each  Its  proper  orga- nization, yet  invariably  remained  subordinate  to  the single  bishop.  In  Rome,  towards  the  beginning  of  the 4th  century,  there  were  above  forty  chnrches,  rendering allegiance  to  the  prelate  of  the  metropolis.  2.  Chris- tianity was  first  established  in  the  towns  and  cities,  and from  each  centre  diffused  itself  with  more  or  less  success into  the  adjacent  country.  In  some  of  these  country congregations,  bishops  appear  to  have  been  established, yet  their  chorepiscopi,  or  rural  bishops,  maintained  some subordination  to  the  head  of  the  Mother  Church ;  or where  the  converts  were  fewer,  the  rural  Christians  re- mained members  of  the  Mother  Church  in  the  City.  In Africa,  from  the  immense  number  of  bishops,  each  com- munity seems  to  have  had  its  own  superior;  but  this was  peculiar  to  this  province.  In  general,  the  churches adjacent  to  the  towns  or  cities  either  originally  were,  or became,  lii.'  diiHcse  of  the  City  Bishop:  for  as  soon  as Cliristianity  lin  aiiir  the  religion  of  the  State,  the  powers of  tin-  lural  l'i>liiips  were  restricted,  and  the  ofRce  at length  was  cither  aliolished,  or  fell  into  diBUse."— History of  Christianity,  Book  iv.  ch.  i. 500 DIOCLES the  later  canon  law  as  follows,  viz.  that  a  bishop may  perform  divine  offices  and  use  his  episcopal habit  in  the  diocese  of  another,  without  leave, ))ut  not  perform  any  act  of  jurisdiction;  and  it has  even  been  said,  that  jurisdiction  cannot  be exercised  by  a  bishop  of  another  place,  though with  the  consent  of  the  diocesan,  except  over such  as  willingly  submit  themselves  to  his authority.  And  where  the  holder  of  a  benefice in  one  diocese  resides  in  another,  the  bishop  in whose  diocese  he  resides  may  proceed  against him  for  an  offence,  but  the  punishment,  so  far  as it  affects  his  benefice,  is  to  be  carried  out  by  the bishop  where  the  benefice  is  (Gibson's  Cbdcx, pp.  133,  134). See  also  BisHOP :  Exarch  :  Parish. Authorities :  Thomassinus,  Vetus  et  Nova Fjxhsi'ie  discipUna.  Bingham.  Aylifle,  Parergon Juris  CMOnici.  Suicer's  Thesaurus,  s.  v.  Aioi- K-qais  and  (rravporrriyiov.  [Jo.  S.] DIOCLES,  martyr  at  Histrias  (?  Istria), commemorated  May  24  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis ; Usuardi).  [W.F.G.] DIODORUS.  (1)  Presbyter,  martyr  at  Rome with  Marianus  the  deacou  and  many  others; commemorated  Dec.  1  {Mart.  Usuardi). (2)  of  Perga,  Upofiaprvs ;  commemorated April  21  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] DIODOTUS,  Saint,  of  Africa;  commemo- rated, with  Anesius,  March  31  (ifari.  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.] DIOGENES,  Saint,  in  Macedonia;  comme- morated April  6  {3Iart.  Usuardi).        [W.  F.  G.] DIOMEDES,  martyr  at  Nicaea,  a.d.  288; commemorated  June  9  {Mart.  Usuardi)  ;  Aug. U  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] DIONYSIA.  (1)  Martyr  at  Lamosacum  with Peter,  Andrew,  and  Paul ;  commemorated  May 15  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  in  Africa  with  seven  others ;  com- memorated Dec.  6  {Mart.  Horn.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] DIONYSIUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Lower  Armenia with  Emilianus  and  Sebastian;  commemorated Feb.  8  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis, Usuardi). (2)  Martyr ;  commemorated  with  Ammonius, Feb.  14  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). (3)  Martyr  at  Aquileia  with  Hilarius  the bishop,  Tatian  the  deacon,  Felix  and  Largus ; commemorated  March  16  {Mart.  Usuardi). (4)  Bishop  of  Corinth  ;  commemorated  April  8 {Mart.  Usuardi). (5)  Saint,  uncle  of  Pancratius ;  commemorated May  12  {Mart.  Horn.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (6)  Bishop  and  confessor  under  Constantius ; deposition  at  Milan,  May  25  {Mart.  Hieron., Adonis,  Usuardi). (7)  Martyr  at  Sinnada  with  Democritus  and Secundus ;  commemorated  July  31  {Mart.  Usu- ardi). (8)  Saint,  of  Phrygia;  commemorated  Sept- 20  {lb.). (9)  The  Areopagite,  bishop  of  Athens  and martyr  under  Adrian;  commemorated  Oct.  3 {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  Cal.  By- zant.); Oct.  n  {Cal.  Armen.). (10)  Bishop  of  Paris,  and  martyr  with  Rus- ticiis  the  presbyter  and  Eleutherius  the  deacon  : DIPTYCHS commemorated  Oct.  9  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron., Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (11)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  and  martyr under  Valerian  and  Gallienus,  A.D.  265 ;  com- memorated Nov.  17  {Mlart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi)-  Maskarram  17  =  Sept.  14  {Cal. Ethiop.). (12)  The  Pope,  under  Claudius  II.;  deposition at  Rome  Dec.  26  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi) ;  Dec. 27  {Cal.  Bucher.). (13)  Martyr  with  Petrus  Lampsacenus  and his  companions;  commemorated  May  18  {Cal. Byzant.). (14)  One  of  the  Seven  Sleepers  of  Ephesus; commemorated  Oct.  22  {Cal.  Byzant.).   [W.  F.  G.] DIGS,  Asceta,  Holy  Father,  under  Theodo- sius  the  Great;  commemorated  July  19  {Cal. Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] DIOSCORUS.  (1)  Martyr  under  Numerian  ; commemorated  Feb.  25  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron., Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  The  reader,  martyr  m  Egypt;  comme- morated May  18  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi). (3)  Martyr  at  Alexandria,  with  Heron,  Arse- nius,  and  Isidorus,  under  Decius ;  commemorated Dec.  14  (/6.).  [W.  F.  G.] DIOSCURUS,  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  a.d. 454  :  commemorated  Maskarram  7  =Sept.  4,  and Tekemt  17  =  Oct.  14  {Cal.  Ethiop.).    [W.  F.  G.] DIOSPOLIS,  or  Lydda,  probably  Ramah (Council  of),  a.d.  415,  of  14  bishops  under their  metropolitan,  Eu logins  of  Caesarea  ;  where Pelagius,  having  been  examined,  by  anathema- tising 12  propositions  that  had  been  imputed  to him,  and  making  profession  of  12  orthodox  pro- positions in  their  stead,  was  acquitted,  and  de- clared to  be  in  the  communion  of  the  Catholic Church  (Mansi,  iv.  311-20).  [E.  S.  Ff  ] DIPPING.    [Baptism.] DIPTYCHS.  (AiirTux«.  '«pai  SeXroj,  Kara- \oyos ;  diptycha,  matriculae,  nomina,  tabulae.) 1.  The  name  of  diptych  is  given  to  a  tablet,  pri- marily two-leaved,  as  the  word  implies,  in  which were  contained  the  names  of  Christians,  living and  dead,  to  be  recited  during  the  celebration  of the  Eucharist.  It  would  seem  that  the  origin  of the  custom  is  to  be  referred  to  the  primitive practice  by  which  the  members  of  a  church brought  ofterings  of  bread  and  wine  from  which were  taken  the  sacred  elements.  Then,  before the  consecration,  the  names  of  those  who  had so  contributed  were  read  aloud,  as  well  as  those of  deceased  members  of  the  church  whom  it  was wished  specially  to  commemorate. This  primary  use  was  subsequently  extended so  as  to  include  the  names,  on  the  one  hand,  of sovereigns,  patriarchs,  bishops,  and  the  like,  as well  as  of  those  who  had  deserved  well  in  any wav  of  the  church  ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  in conjunction  with  departed  saints  and  confessors, a  special  mention  was  thought  desirable  in  each church  of  those  who  had  previously  been  its bishops.  The  g]-eat  length  to  which  these  lists necessarily  gi-ew  caused  the  habit  of  reciting them  fully  to  be  subsequently  abandoned,  but  in some  form  or  other  the  practice  has  been  retained in  both  the  Eastern  and  the  Roman  Church. This  custom  was  doubtless  primarily  suggested as  to  its  form   by  the  practice  which  prevailed DIPTYCHS under  the  Roman  Empire,  by  which  consuls, praetors,  aediles,  and  other  magistrates  were wont  to  distribute  to  their  friends  and  the people,  ou  the  day  on  which  they  entered  office, tablets  inscribed  with  their  names,  and  con- taining their  portraits,  in  token  of  the  commence- ment of  their  magistracy.  (See  e.  g.  Cod.  Theodos. de  expends  ludorum,  15,  tit.  9,  §  1 ;  Symmachus, £Jpist.  ii.  81,  V.  56,  x.  119 ;  Claudianus,  De  Sec. CoHsulatu  Stilichonis,  347.)  For  another  pos- sible, but  certainly  not  probable,  connection  of the  use  of  Christian  diptychs  with  an  earlier heathen  custom,  see  Casaubon's  Animad.  in Athenaeum,  vi.  14. 2.  Diptycha  episcoporum  (KaraKoyos  raiv  iiri- a-Kdirwv;  comp.  Catalogus  HiERATicus,  p.  317). We  shall  now,  however,  confine  ourselves  to  the subject  of  diptychs  as  used  in  the  Christian Church,  and  shall  refer  first  to  that  class  of  them m  which  were  inscribed  the  names  of  deceased prelates.  Each  church  would  of  course  specially commemorate  its  own  past  bishops,  or  at  any rate  the  more  renowned  among  them,  and  thus in  these  local  fastiwe  may  see  the  germs  of  later calendars  and  martyrologies.  An  interesting illustration  of  the  employment  of  these  tahellae episcopates  is  furnished  by  the  well  known  case of  St.  Chrysostom,  whom  the  persecution  of  his inveterate  foes  drove  into  exile  [Chalcedon, p.  333] ;  and  even  after  his  death  would  have refused  his  name  a  place  on  the  diptychs  as  a denial  of  his  orthodoxy  :  the  insertion  of  his  name in  the  pi-ayers  of  the  church,  when  his  friends were  strong  enough  to  obtain  it,  is  spoken  of  as the  usual  privilege  of  departed  bishops  (Socrates, Hist.  Eccl.  vii.  25 ;  comp.  Theodoret,  Hist.  Eccl. V.  35). Another  illustration  may  be  taken  from  Venan- tius  Fortunatus  {Poem.  vii.  35,  de  S.  Martina ; Patrol.  Ixxxviii.  332). "  Nomina  vestra  legat  patrlarohis  atque  prophetis Cui  hodie  in  templo  Diptychus  edit  ebur." The  names  thus  engraved  on  the  tablets  were recited,  as  has  been  said,  during  the  celebration of  the  Eucharist.  See,  for  example,  the  pro- ceedings of  the  conference  at  Carthage  between the  Catholics  and  Donatists  (411  A.D.),  where  we find  the  remark :  "  In  ecclesid  sumus,  in  quS Caecilianus  episcopatum  gessit  et  diem  obiit. Ejus  uomen  ad  altare  recitamus,  ejus  memoriae communicamus,  tanquam  memoriae  fratris " {Coll.  in.  c.  230 ;  Labbe,  ii.  1490).  See  also Concil.  Constant,  ii.  Coll.  v. ;  Labbe,  v.  478,  495. It  w'ill  be  understood  that  such  a  mention  has no  connection  with  the  practice  of  prayers  for the  dead,  for  the  names  thus  enrolled  were  held to  be  of  those  included  among  the  blest,  and  in fact  the  word  '  canonization '  primarily  meant a  mention  of  this  kind  in  the  Canon  of  the Mass  (see  p.  267).  Conversely,  a  place  would  be denied  in  the  diptychs  to  those  who  were  sus- pected, rightly  or  wrongly,  of  heretical  or  he- terodox views ;  and  further,  names  wrongly  in- serted, whether  inadvertently  or  through  set  evil design,  might  be  subsequently  removed.  Thus  we find  Anastasius  chronicling,  "  deinde  abstulerunt de  diptychis  ecclesiarum  nomina  Patriarcharum ....  Cyri,  Sergii,  Pauli,  Pyrrhi,  Petri  per  quos error  orthodosae  fidei  pullulavit"  {Vitae  Ponti- ficum,  '  Agatho,'  p.  145). This  power  of  refusing  to  a   name  a   place  in CHRIST.  ANT. DIPTYCHS 561 the  diptychs,  or  of  removing  a  name  once  en- tered, would  doubtless  degenerate  at  times  into the  venting  of  personal  spite,  as  we  have  seen  in the  case  of  the  disgraceful  attempt  to  rob  Chry- sostom of  his  well  deserved  honour.  For  a  still stronger  case  Peter  the  Fuller  is  responsible,  in that,  on  his  usurpation  of  the  see  of  Antioch,  he removed  from  the  diptychs  the  names  of  Pro- terius  and  Timotheus  Salafatiarius,  and  put  in their  stead  those  of  Dioscurus  and  Heliums  who had  murdered  the  former  (Victor  Tunnunensis, Chronicon,  480  A.D.  in  Gallandi  Bibl.  Vet.  Pair. xii.  225). 3.  Diptijcha  vivorum. — We  shall  briefly  con- sider, in  the  next  place,  the  case  of  the  mention of  living  persons,  the  origin  of  which,  as  has been  already  said,  would  appear  to  be  found  in the  recital  of  the  names  of  those  members  of  a church  who  had  furnished  the  elements  for  the holy  communion.  As  time  went  on,  it  would  be natural  to  add  the  names  of  those  who  held  civil and  spiritual  authority,  of  special  benefactors  to a  church,  and  generally  to  embrace  all  fiiithful believers ;  the  presence  of  a  name  on  the  list  be- ing viewed  as  a  recognition  of  Christian  brother- hood, and  thus,  by  implication,  of  the  full  church membership  and  orthodoxy  of  the  person  named  ; while,  conversely,  its  absence  implied  heresy  in belief  or  laxity  in  life  or  discipline  (see  Cyprian, Epist.  1,  §  2). This  original  association  of  the  practice  with the  names  ot  the  offerers  was  maintained  in  later times.  Thus  we  find  Innocent  I.  (ob.  417  A.D.) ordering  that  the  names  of  those  who  offered should  not  be  recited  before  the  oblations  were made  (Epist.  25,  ad  Decentium,  c.  5) ;  Jerome also  {Comm.  in  Ezech.  xviii.  vol.  v.  209)  refers to  it,  "  Publiceque  diaconus  in  ecclesiis  recitet offerentium  nomina."  For  further  injunctions to  the  same  effect,  see  Capit.  Aquisgranense,  53 [789  A.D.],  Capit.  Francoford.  49  [794  a.d.], in  Baluze's  Capitularia  Regum  Francoritm,  i. 231,  270.  In  this  way  too  it  is  most  natural  to understand  the  original  reference  of  the  words in  the  corresponding  place  of  the  Roman  canon, "  qui  tibi  offerunt  hoc  sacrificium  laudis  et  gra- tiarum  actionis." The  commemoration  of  the  faithful  living, other  than  the  offerers,  includes  names  of  holders, first  of  ecclesiastical  and  then  of  civil  office,  in due  order.  We  may  refer,  for  example,  to  Maxi- mus  Confessor,  who  remarks  (Collatio  cum  Prin- cipibus  in  Secretario,  c.  5,  vol.  i.  p.  xxxiv.  ed. C^ombefis),  "at  the  holy  oblation  on  the  holy table,  after  prelates,  priests,  and  deacons,  and all  priestly  ranks  (UpariKhv  Tayixa),  when  the deacon  says,  '  And  those  laics  who  have  died in  faith,  Constantino,  Constans,  and  the  rest,'" and  then  pi'oceeds,  ourai  54  Koi  tS>v  ^divrccv fxv7)iJ.oveveL  ^aaiXeuv  juera  rovs  Upoifxivovs  ttolv- ras."  We  find  a  similar  regulation  in  the  Arabic canons  of  the  Nicene  Council,  to  the  effect  that, "  on  the  Sabbath  and  festivals,  when  the  holy elements  are  placed  upon  the  altar,  the  deacon shall  make  mention,  first,  of  the  jiatriarch  by name,  then  of  the  chief  bishop,  the  suffragan bishop,  the  arch-presbyter,  the  archdeacon,  be- cause these  are  the  rulers  of  the  chuixh"  (can. 64;  Labbe,  ii.  312). In  documents  of  the  Western  Church,  we  meet with  injunctions  to  insert  on  all  such  occasions the  name  of  the  pope.     See,  e.  g.,  the  order  of 2  0 562 DIPTYCHS the  Second  Council  of  Vasio  (529  a.d.),  "  ut noraen  Domini  Papae,  quicumque  sedi  apostolicae praefuerit,  in  nostris  ecclesiis  recitetur."  (can.  4, Labbe',  iv.  1680 :  cf.  Sugg.  ii.  Germani  et  alio- rum  post  Epist.  40  Hormisdae  Papae,  ibid.  1484  ; where  allusion  is  made  to  the  omission  of  all names,  save  of  the  pope  only,  in  the  celebration of  the  Mass  at  Scampae,  a  usage  of  which  Mar- tene,  p.  145  B,  gives  some  later  examples.) After  the  mention  of  the  names  of  ecclesiastics of  various  grades  came  that  of  the  sovereign,  as mentioned  in  the  above  quoted  passage  of  Maxi- mus;  and  among  those  who  had  deserved  well of  the  church  in  various  ways  we  find  special mention  enjoined  by  the  Council  of  Merida (6G6  A.D.)  of  the  names  of  those  who  had  re- built a  church  (jConcil.  Emeritense,  c.  19  ;  Labbe', vi.  507). From  these  diptycha  vivorum  also,  as  we  have seen  in  the  previous  case  of  the  tahellae  episco- pates, a  name  might  be  i-emoved,  justly  or  un- justly, as,  e.g.,  in  the  case  of  Vigilius  (Baluzius, Collectio  Nova  ConcUiorum,  1542).  Thus  too  we  find Augustine  threatening,  in  case  of  certain  conduct unbecoming  to  the  clerical  office,  "  delebo  eum de  tabula,  clericorum  "  (Serm.  356,  vol.  v.  2059, ed.  Gaume)  ;  and  in  another  passage  of  the  same father,  we  find  him  protesting  against  an  unjust exercise  of  this  punishment  (Epid.  78,  vol.  ii. 276).  Again,  we  find  the  name  of  Pope  Felix  III. erased  from  the  diptychs  by  Acacius,  and  after his  death  restored  by  Euthymius,  who  erased  at the  same  time  that  of  Peter  Mongus  (Theophanes, 480-81  A.D.  pp.  205,  206,  ed.  Classen).  Felix, however,  ungraciously  returned  this  by  refusing to  recognise  Euthymius,  from  his  havmg  retained the  names  of  Acacius  and  Phravites  (op.  cit. 483  A.D.  p.  209). 4.  Diptycha  mortnorum. — We  shall  now  refer briefly  to  the  diptychs  containing  the  names  of the  faithful  dead.  And  here  it  will  be  obviously seen  that  the  essence  of  the  practice  of  a  recital of  names  at  all  was  the  wish  to  maintain  and keep  alive  the  spirit  of  Christian  brotherhood  ; and  when  Christianity  had  taught  men  that, whether  living  or  dead  in  the  flesh,  all  faithful wei-e  alike  living  members  of  Christ's  Church,  it would  be  natural  to  add  the  names  of  those  who had  gone  before  in  .the  faith  and  fear  of  God. How  soon  this  became  complicated  with  the idea  of  prayers  for  the  dead  this  is  not  the  place to  discuss. As  to  the  manner  in  which  the  diptychs  of the  dead  are  introduced  in  Greek  liturgies,  we find  in  that  of  St.  Mark,  6  Siokovos  to.  Siirrvxa rav  KeKotfirifievaiv  (i.  e.  reads),  and,  similarly,  in that  of  St.  Chrysostom,  o  SiaKouos  rSiv  t€  k^koi- ^irifxevoov  koL  C^vtcui/,  ws  ^ouXerai,  fj.urifj.ouevet. The  prayer  of  the  priest,  which  follows,  runs  in the  former  case  thus,  Kal  tovtwv  irdur'jiv  ras if'uX"^  avdnavcTov,  SecnroTa  Kypie  6  Qehs  riiJ.oov,  eV TOLS  Twv  ayicov  ffov  (TKrjvals  ....  This  might  be illustrated  by  the  passage  of  Cyprian  already  re- ferred to  {Epist.  i.  2)  :  "  Non  est  quod  pro  dor- mitione  ejus  apud  vos  fiat  oblatio,  aut  deprecatio aliqua  nomine  ejus  in  ecclesia  frequentetur." This  commemoration  of  and  prayer  for  the faithful  dead  is  found  in  the  Gregorian  Sacra- mentary  after  the  consecration,  and  thereupon follows  a  prayer,  entitled  in  the  Sacramentary Super  Diptycha  (tlie  Collectio  post  Nomina  of  the Mozarabic  Missal),   which   we  cite  :  '•  Memento DIPTYCHS etiam,Domine,  famulorum  famularumque  tuorum ///.,  qui  nos  praecesserunt  cum  signo  fidei  et  dor- miunt  in  somno  pacis.  Ipsis,  Domine,  et  omni- bus in  Christo  quiescentibus,  locum  refi'igerii  et lucis  et  pacis  ut  indulgeas  deprecamur." Among  others,  the  names  of  deceased  emperors of  undoubted  orthodoxy  were  mentioned.  Thus Pope  Nicholas  I.  (ob.  867  A.D.),  in  a  letter  to  the Emperor  Michael  III.,  refers  to  the  mention  of the  names  of  Constantine,  Constans,  Theodosius the  Great,  Valentinian,  and  other  emperors, "  inter  sacra  mysteria  "  {Epist.  86,  Patrol,  cxix. 959). The  regulation  of  the  Council  of  Merida,  al- ready referred  to,  ordains  the  mention  of  the names  of  special  benefactors,  after  they  have departed  this  life. Thus  flir  we  have  spoken  merely  of  names  of  in- dividuals inserted  in  the  diptychs,  but,  besides these,  a  commemoration  was  made  of  the  Four Oecumenical  Councils,  to  which  practice  numerous references  are  made  in  the  proceedings  of  the Council  held  at  Constantinople  in  536  A.D.  under Mennas  (See,  e.  g.,  Labbe,  v.  85,  165,  185 ;  the last  of  which  passages  furnishes  us  with  a  very interesting  illustration  of  the  practice,  describing how,  at  the  reading  of  the  diptychs,  the  whole multitude  flocked  round  the  sanctuary  to  listen ; and  when  only  the  titles  of  the  Four  Holy  Synods were  recited  by  the  deacon,  and  the  names  of the  archbishops  Euphemius  and  Macedonius  and Leo,  of  blessed  memory,  all  cried  v^ith  a  loud voice,  "  Glory  be  to  Thee,  0  Lord) ;"  and  in  those of  the  second  Oecumenical  Council  of  Constanti- nople (e.  g.  CoUatio  2,  Labbe,  v.  432).  There  is also  a  reference  to  this  in  the  Code  of  Justinian, in  a  letter  of  the  emperor  to  Epiphanius,  patri- arch of  Constantinople,  in  which  he  expresses his  intention  of  resisting  any  attempts  to  abolish this  practice  (lib.  i.  tit.  1,  §  7 ;  torn.  ii.  pt.  1,  p. 16,  ed.  Beck.).  Theophanes  records  an  instance of  a  daring  attempt  to  break  through  this  cus- tom, when  Euphrasius,  patriarch  of  Antioch, omitted  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  from  his  dip- tychs, and  also  the  name  of  Pope  Hormisdas (Theophanes,  A.D.  513,  p.  258). 5.  A  brief  remark  may  be  made  here  as  to sundry  variations  in  the  time  when  the  diptychs were  recited  according  to  various  uses.  The primary  custom  would  seem  to  be,  that  they were  read  after  the  oblation  of  the  bread  and wine,  and  before  the  consecration.  This  may  be seen,  for  example,  from  numerous  references  in the  acts  of  the  council  under  Mennas,  spoken  of above,  which  prove  this  to  have  been  the  custom of  the  Church  of  Constantinople  (see  esp.  Labb^ v.  185,  already  quoted).  It  would  appear  also that  in  the  Mozarabic  Missal  and  in  the  ancient Gallican  form,  the  diptychs  originally  held  this place.  The  same  also  holds  true  for  the  repre- sentative of  the  diptychs  in  our  own  Liturgy,  the prayer  for  the  Church  Militant.  In  the  Liturgy of  Chrysostom,  however,  the  Mozarabic  Missal, and  not  a  few  others,  as  we  now  have  them,  the diptychs  follow  consecration. In  the  various  forms  of  the  Roman  Liturgy, and  in  the  Ambrosian,  the  commemoration  of the  living  and  dead  enters  into  the  canon  of  the Mass,  that  of  the  living  before,  and  that  of  the dead  after,  consecration.  It  has  been  suggested, however,  that  this  too  is  a  modification  of  an earlier  state  of  thmgs,  from  a  consideration  of  the DIPTYCHS wording  in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary.  [Canon OF  THE  Liturgy,  p.  271.] Sundry  ditl'ereuces  also  exist  as  to  the  manner of  reciting  the  names  on  the  diptychs.  (1)  Some- times they  were  read  by  the  deacon,  as  is  exem- plified by  the  citations  we  have  already  given from  the  liturgies  of  St.  Mark  and  St.  Chryso- stom,  to  which  others  might  have  been  added. See  also  Jerome  (m  Ezech.  I.  c.)  and  Maximus (/.  0.).  (2)  In  some  churches  it  would  appear that  the  subdeacon  recited  the  names  on  the  dip- tychs behind  the  altar.  Thus,  in  an  ancient Mass  {Codex  Ratoldi)  published  by  Menard  iu  his edition  of  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  we  find (p.  246),  "  Subdiaconi  a  retro  altari,  ubi  memo- riam  vel  uomina  vivorum  et  mortuorum  nomi- naverunt  .  .  .  ."  (3)  Frequently  the  priest  himself repeated  the  names.  (4)  A  curious  plan  is  that mentioned  by  Fulcuin  (De  Gcstis  Abbatum  Lobien- siuiii,  c,  vii.  in  L)'Achery's  Spicilegium,  vi.  551), where  the  subdeacon  whispered  the  names  to  the priest.  (5)  We  find  even  that  in  some  cases  the tablets  were  merely  laid  upon  the  altar,  with the  names  of  the  offerers  and  benefactors,  of whom  the  priest  made  general  mention.  Thus we  find  a  form  cited  by  Pamelius  {Liturgg.  Latt. ii.  180),  "]\Iemento  ....  quorum  nomina  ad  me- morandum conscripsimus,  ac  super  sanctum  altare tuu/n  conscripta  adesse  videntur."  The  two  last views,  at  any  rate,  however,  are  clearly  quite  late. For  some  remarks  on  a  plan  whereby,  in  the church  of  Piavenna,  a  chasuble  was  made  to  serve the  purpose  of  diptychs,  see  Ducange  (s.  v.). The  name  of  diptych  was  also  given  to  regis- ters in  which  were  entered,  as  occasion  required, the  names  of  newly  baptized  persons,  as  then first  becoming  members  of  the  Christian  family (Dion.  Areop.  Hier.  Ecvl.  c.  11).     [Register.] 6.  Literature. — For  the  matter  of  the  fore- gomg  article  we  are  mainly  indebted  to  Martene, De  Antiquis  Ecclesiae  Mitibus,  i.  145,  sjq.  ed.  Ve- nice, 1783 ;  Ducange's  Glossaria,  s.  vv.  Diptycha, AiTTTux")  Bingham's  Antiquities,  xv.  3;  and  the Onomasticon  (s.  v.)  appended  to  Rosweyd's  Vitae Patrum.  Reference  may  also  be  made  to  Salig, De  Diptychis  Veterum,  tarn  profanis,  quim  sacris. Halae  Magd.  1731  ;  Donati,  Dei  dittici  degli  an- tichi  profani  e  sacri,  Lucca,  1753 ;  Gibbiugs, Prelection  on  the  DipAychs,  Dublin,  1864.  [R.  S.] DIPTYCHS,  EXTEEIOE  OENAMEN- TATION  OF.— As  the  most  ancient  consular diptych  now  known  is  referred  to  Stilicho  in  405 (see  infra,  and  Gori,  vol.  i.  p.  128,  ed.  fol.  Flor. 1779),  and  only  one  purely  ecclesiastical  one  is mentioned  even  as  conjecturally  earlier  than  the 5th  centurj',  it  will  be  inferred  that  the  interest of  these  relics  is  historical  rather  than  artistic. JIartigny  gives  a  highly  reduced  copy  of  one from  Donati's  Dittica  degli  Antic,  p.  149,  attri- buted to  a  certain  Areobindus  the  Younger, consul,  A.D.  506,  in  the  eastern  parts  of  the empire,  16th  year  of  Anastasius  (Baronius,  ad An.  508).  It  is  beautifully  engraved  in  folio size  in  Gori,  v.  i.  Its  ornaments  consist  of  two cornucopias,  with  the  titles  of  the  consul  above them  and  baskets  of  fruit  and  flowers  below  ; they  are  carved  with  leaves  and  connected  by wreathed  foliage  in  which  the  stiff'  conventional symmetry  of  Roman-Byzantine  art  begins  to show  itself.  Gori  calls  k  the  Diptych  of  Lucca. The  use  of  folding  tablets  in  the  services  of  the DIPTYCHS 563 church  seems  to  have  been  a  matter  of  common convenience,  like  their  use  anywhere  else.  But many  of  these  carvings  remain,  which  have  evi- dently been  altered  from  profane  uses  to  eccle- siastical, and  still  retain  the  original  bas-reliefs with  changes  and  adaptations.  Others,  again, like  that  of  Rambona,  are  entirely  Christian  in their  origin.  The  most  ancient  of  the  latter class  is  considered  by  Martiguy  to  be  the  pro- perty of  the  Cathedral  of  Milan  (Bugati,  il/e- morie  di  S.  C'/lso  in  Jin.),  and  is  referred  to  the 4th  century  from  the  character  of  its  sculptures. He  cites  others,  whose  coverings  are  lost  or separated  from  them,  whether  they  were  of wood,  ivoiy,  or  metal.  That  of  Areobindus  bears the  cross,  as  also  the  Greek  diptych  of  Flavins Taurus  Clementinus(Gori,  tab.  ix.  and  x.,  p.  260, vol.  i.).  The  Rambona  ivory,  though  only  of  the 9th  century,  is  far  the  most  interesting  in  exis- tence. (See  art.  Crucifix  for  a  full  description and  woodcut ;  and  Gori,  Tkes.  Vet.  Diptychorum, vol.  iii.)  It  is  stated  by  MS.  Laurent,  /ooho- graphie  de  la  Croix  et  du  Crucifix,  in  Didron's Annates  Arche'ologiques,  vv.  xxvi.-vii.,  to  have been .  presented  to  the  monastery  of  Rambona (March  of  Ancona)  by  Agiltrude,  wife  of  Guy, d.  of  Spoleto ;  and  is  of  type  more  barbaric  than the  Lombard  work  of  Verona,  bearing  great  re- semblance, in  the  large  unmeaning  faces  and  eyes of  its  figures,  to  many  Irish  and  Saxon  MSS. Many  ancient  diptychs  have  been  used  for  bind- ings "of  more  recent  service-books;  as  a  tablet which  now  covers  a  copy  of  the  Gospels  of  St. Luke  and  St.  John  in  the  Vatican.  Our  Lord between  two  angels  and  the  Magi  before  Herod can  be  traced  in  it.  At  the  Cathedral  of  Vercelli. at  St.  Maximus  in  Treves,  and  at  Besan<,'on,  there are  relics  of  this  kind.  Gori's  Thesaui-us,  aud Paciaudi's  De  Cuitu  S.  Joannis  Baptistae,  contain 2  0  2 564: DIEECTANEUS many  and  most  interesting  records  and  illustra- tions, chiefly  of  Middle-Age  works. The  Kambona  ivory,  with  two  others  of  greater antiquity,  are  described  and  represented  in  Buo- narotti's  Vetri,  p.  231.  One  of  them  is  that  of the  Consul  Basilius,  in  541  ;  the  other,  which Buonarotti  supposes  to  be  more  ancient,  is called  the  Diptych  of  Romulus,  and  represents his  apotheosis. The  Florentine  edition  of  Gori's  Thesaurus  ^^e- teruin  Dipti/chorum,  1755,  contains  a  fine  en- graving of  the  half  of  the  Diptych  of  Stilicho which  remains  in  existence  (see  woodcut.)  The consul  is  seated  at  the  top,  with  the  usual  bar- baric stolidity  of  expression,  in  toga  picta,  and curule  chair :  the  amphitheatre  and  combats  of wild  beasts  are  represented  below.  That  of Boethius,  which  succeeds,  has  standing  figures of  the  consul,  with  a  head  of  disproportioned size,  but  a  countenance  evidently  studied  with great  care  :  he  bears  a  sceptre,  surmounted  by an  eagle,  drawn  with  much  spirit.  Stilicho  to all  appearance,  and  Boethius  undoubtedly,  hold the  mappa,  the  signal  of  beginning  the  games,  in the  right  hand,  as  also  the  elder  or  prior  Areo- bindus.  Gori,  i.  tab.  vii.,  where  the  bestiarii and  their  opponents  are  of  considerable  merit. The  curule  chairs  are  evidently  the  originals  of those  represented  in  Saxon  and  early  Norman MSS. The  Christian  Diptychs  of  Milan,  in  use  in  the 12th  century,  and  conjectured  to  belong  to  the 7th  or  8th,  are  represented  in  Gori,  vol.  iii,  p. 264-,  sqq.  They  represent  the  history  of  the New  Testament ;  and  in  particular,  the  Nativity, the  Transfiguration,  and  the  Passion  of  our  Lord. They  must  certainly  be  well  within  our  allotted period  of  the  first  eight  centuries.  Those  of Monza  (Murray,  Handbook  iV.  Italy,  p.  164)  are referred  to  either  Claudian,  Ausonius,  or  Boethius. -\nother,  bearing  two  consuls,  surnamed  David and  Pope  Gregory  by  later  possessors  of  the diptych,  is  highly  interesting.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] DIREOTANEUS.  Any  psalm,  hymn,  or canticle,  said  in  the  service  of  the  Church  in monotone,  without  inflection,  was  called  direc- taneus.  It  is  probably  to  this  monotone  that Isidore  refers  when  he  says  (Z>e  EccL  Off.  v.  5) that  the  primitive  Church  used  a  very  simple kind  of  chant,  more  like  mere  recitation  than singing.  Aurelian  (^Regula,  ad  Virgines,  c.  40) gives  the  following  direction  :  "Ad  Lucernarium, Directaneus  parvulus,  id  est,  '  Regina  tei'rae,' 'Cantate  Deo,'  &c. ;"  and  he  further  directs that  at  Nocturns  the  directaneus  "  Misei-ere  mei Deus"  should  be  said.  Compare  the  Rule  of Benedict,  c.  17  ;  and  that  of  Caesarius  of  Aries, c.  31.  [C] DIS  MANIBUS.    Lt^ATACOMDS,  p.  308.] DISCIPLINA  ARCANI,  a  term  of  post- Reformation  controversy  (it  is  used  by  Tentzel and  Schelstrate  in  special  dissertations  A.n. 1683-5),  is  applied  to  designate  a  number  of modes  of  procedure  in  teaching  the  Christian faith,  akin  to  one  another  in  kind,  although differing  considerably  in  character;  which  pre- vailed from  about  the  middle  of  the  2nd  century until  the  natural  course  of  circumstances  ren- dered any  system  which  involved  secrecy  or reserve  impossible.      So  far   as    these  were  de- DISCIILINA  AECANI fensible,  they  arose  out  of  the  principles,  1.  of imparting  knowledge  of  the  truth  by  degrees, and  in  methods  adapted  to  the  capacity  of  the recipients,  and  2.  of  cutting  off  occasion  of  pro- faneness  or  of  more  hardened  unbelief  by  not proclaiming  the  truths  and  mysteries  of  the faith  indiscriminately,  or  in  plain  words,  or  at once,  to  unbelievers.  And  these  principles  find  ■ their  origin,  and  their  defence,  respectively  in  the apostle's  distinction  between  "  milk  for  babes  " and  "  strong  meat "  for  those  "  of  full  age " (Heb.  V.  12-14),  and  again,  between  speaking  to "  carnal  "  and  to  "  spiritual  "  hearers  (1  Cor. iii.  1) ;  and  in  our  Lord's  prohibition  against "  casting  that  which  is  holy  to  dogs,"  or "  throwing  pearls  before  swine,"  together  with the  habitual  tone  of  His  teaching,  and  in  parti- cular its  parabolic  character.  Persecution  also at  first  compelled  to  secrecy.  Upon  such  grounds there  arose,  as  the  Church  became  systematized and  settled,  first,  a  distinction  between  catechu- mens and  fideles,  and  between  different  classes  of catechumens,  with  respect  to  the  kinds  and amounts  of  knowledge  to  be  imparted  to  each successively ;  and,  secondly,  a  spirit,  rather  than a  formal  system,  of  habitual  reticence  upon  the higher  and  more  mysterious  doctrines  of  the faith,  in  Christian  writings  or  sermons  likely  to be  read  or  heard  by  the  heathen.  But  beyond these  natural  and  reverent  practices,  the  desire to  meet  the  ancient  philosophers  on  their  own ground,  and  on  the  one  hand  to  rationalize Christian  doctrines,  on  the  other  to  transcenden- talize  the  theories  of  reason  into  anticipations and  foreshadowings  of  the  mysteries  of  the  faith, assisted  by  the  excess  of  the  allegorizing  prin- ciple of  interpretation  current  in  the  Alexandrian Church,  produced  a  special  disciplina  arcani, almost  wholly  at  Alexandria,  yet  prevailing  in a  less  degree  elsewhere  also,  from  the  time  of Clement  of  Alexandria  and  Origen  ;  in  which  the doctrines  and  fiicts  of  Scripture  were  expounded esoterically  to  the  initiated,  who  had  the  key  to them  in  the  true  yvuKTis,  while  their  real  and deeper  meaning  was  disguised  and  withheld  by an  "  oeconomy,"  or  "  accommodation,"  from others. I.  First,  as  regards  catechumens,  the  earliest intimation  of  any  system  of  secrecy  is  in  Ter- tuUian  :  "  Omnibus  mysteriis  silentii  fides  ad- hibetur"  (Apol.  vii.);  and  again,  speaking  of heretics,  "  Quis  catechumenus,  quis  fidelis,  in- certum  est ;  pariter  audiunt,  pariter  orant : etiam  ethnici  si  supervenerint,  sanctum  canibus et  porcis  margaritas,  licet  non  veras,  jactabunt " {Praescr.  adv.  Haeret.  xli.).  And  the  latter  com- plaint, respecting  catechumens,  is  repeated  two centuries  afterwards  by  Epiphanius  {Haer.  xlii. n.  3),  and  by  St.  Jerome  (^Comment,  in  Galat.  vi.), with  reference  to  the  Mareionites.  Later  writers than  TertuUian  specify  particulars,  e.g.  baptism, the  eucharist,  and  the  oil  of  chrism,  &  oiiSe iTTOTTTfveiv  clecTTi  TO??  afj.vr\TOLS  (St.  Basil.  M., DeSpir.  S.  xxvii.);  and  St.  Greg.  ^az.(Orat.  xl. De  Bupt.),  "Exe's  toC  /j.v(TTripiov  to.  %K<popa  koI rals  tCiv  ttoWwu  a.Koa'is  oiiK  airoppriTa,  to.  5e aWa  daco  fj-aevo-r]  ■  "n"-'  ^^-  ^Y^'^^  ^'^  Jerusalem (^Catech.  vi.  c.  30),  OuSe  tUv  ixvarripiwu  iirl KaT7}xovfJ.ivo3V  MvkSis  XaXovjXfv,  aKKa  iroWa iroWaKis  XeyofifU  iTnKiKaXvixfxivws,  'iva  oi  el^6res TTiaTol  i/oriffoxri,  Kcd  ol  fir)  €i5ores  /jlt]  /3Aoj8a)(n. I  And  the  Apost.  Canons  (Ixxxv.)  speak  of  ai  Sio- DISCIPLINA  AKCANI Tayal  .  .  .  hs  ov  XPV  S-nixoatevfiv  iw]  iravToiv  5ia TO.  iv  avTois  fivcTTLKo..  Similarly  the  proclama- tion in  the  Apost.  Constit.  (viii.  12)  and  in  the Liturgies,  Mr)  rts  KarrixovfJ-^i'ajv,  fJt-V  tis  aKpou- ixivwv,  jurj  Tis  rcov  tmicntav.  And  the  phrase, "  missa  catechumenorum,"  used  in  St.  Aug. Scrm.  slix.  A.D.  396,  Cone.  Carthag.  IV.  c.  84, A.D.  398,  and  Cone.  Herd.  A.D.  523,  c.  4,  and  Jo. Cassian,  Cocnob.  Institut.  xi.  15,  and  Cone.  Valent. A.D.  524,  c.  1.  So  Com.  Arausic.  I.  A.D.  441, c.  19,  "Ad  baptisterium  catechumeni  numquam admittendi."  And  while  Cone.  Laodk.  A.D.  365, c.  5,  ixr]  hitv  TOts  xetpoTOv'tas  iirl  irapovaia cLKpoufiivoov  yeyeadat  may  possibly  refer  to  the consecration,  as  probably  as  to  the  election,  of  a bishop  :  St.  Chrysostom  certainly  speaks  of  ordi- nation {Horn,  xviii.  in  2  Cor.),  when  he  refrains from  detailing  what  takes  place  at  a  x^^porovia, "  which  the  initiated  know ;  for  all  may  not  be revealed  to  the  uninitiated."  The  eucharist  again was  celebrated  with  closed  doors  (St.  Chrys. Horn,  in  Matt,  xxiii.),  not  to  be  opened  to  any- body, even  one  of  the  fiiithful,  at  the  time  of the  Anaphora  (J.;j()si.  Constit.  viii.  11),  and  to  be guarded  by  the  deacons,  lest  any  unbeliever  or uninitiated  person  enter  {ib.  ii.  57).  So  again Pseudo-Augustin  (Scnn.  ad  Neophyt.  i.),  "  Di- missis  jam  catechumenis,  .  .  .  quia  specialiter  de coelestibus  mysteriis  loquuturi  sumus."  And  to the  same  eflect,  St.  Ambrose  (J»e  His  Qui  mysteriis Initiantur,  c.  1),  Theodoret  {Quaest.  xv.  in  JS^um.), Gaudentius  {Serm.  II.  ad  Neophyt.),  and  above all  the  catechetical  lectures  of  St.  Cyril  of Jerusalem,  which  are  framed  expressly  upon this  principle,  and  the  preface  to  which  forbids the  communication  of  their  more  advanced  con- tents to  those  who  are  without,  if  any  such should  ask  what  St.  Cyril  had  said.  See  also  the directions  to  widows  in  ^^osi.Consiii.  iii.  5.  Lastly, and  further  still,  besides  this  general  and  perpe- tually recurring  distinction  between  initiated {lxiij.vqtJ.fvoi)  and  uninitiated  (d/xijijTOi),  distinc- tions were  made  between  the  more  and  the less  advanced  of  the  latter  themselves :  the Lord's  Prayer ;  Constit.  Apostol.  vii.  44 ;  St. Aug.  Enehirid.  c.  7 1 ;  Theodoret,  Haeret.  Fab. V.  28,  and  Epit.  Div.  Dccret.  c.  xviii. ;  St. Chrys.  Horn.  xx.  al.  xix.  in  Matt.  ;  the  Creed ; St.  Ambrose,  Ad  Ilareell.  Epist.  33  (20  ed. Bened.) ;  St.  Jerome,  Epist.  xxxviii.  Ad  Pam- maeh.  (ed.  Ben.) ;  and  the  doctrine  of  the  Holy Trinity  (St.  Cyril  Hieros.  Catech.  vi.  30), being  taught  only  to  the  competentes,  the  first, in  St.  Augustine's  time,  only  eight  days  before baptism  (St.  Aug.  Horn,  xlii.,  Cone.  Agath.  c.  13), the  second  at  some  like  period,  and  the  last  men- tioned during  the  last  forty  days.  Catechumens also  were  allowed  to  hear  the  sermon,  but  no further,  in  the  African  Church  {Cone.  Carthag. as  above),  in  that  of  Gaul  (from  Cone.  Arausic.  1. A.D.  441,  c.  18),and  in  that  of  Spain  (from  Cone. Valentin.  A.D.  524,  c.  1). II.  Apart  from  the  special  discipline  of  cate- chumens, the  Christian  fathers,  from  the  2nd  to at  least  the  5th  century,  habitually  refrain  from speaking  plainly  of  the  deeper  mysteries  of  the faith,  in  writings  or  sermons  accessible  to  the heathen.  Origen,  e.g.  {Cent.  Cels.  i.  7,  0pp.  i. 325),  enumerating  the  doctrines  that  were  not hidden,  mentions  the  birth,  crucifixion,  and  re- surrection of  our  Lord,  the  resurrection  of  the dead,  and  the  last  judgment,  but  omits  the  doc- DISCIPLINA  ARCANI 565 trines  of  the  Holy  Trinity  and  of  the  Atonement (compare  St.  Paul's  account  of  the  elements  of the  faith  in  Heb.  vi.).  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem {Lect.  Catech.  vi.  30;  Op.  i.  106,  ed.  1720)  tells us,  that  it  is  not  permitted  to  speak  to  a  heathen of  the  mystery  of  the  Holy  Trinity.  Sozomen omits  the  Nicene  creed  from  his  history  (i.  20), expressly  because  that  work  would  probably  be read  by  heathen  readers.  St.  Chrysostom  will not  speak  fully  of  baptism  in  a  homily,  because of  the  "  uninitiated  "  among  his  hearers  {Horn. xl.  in  1  Cor.).  St.  Augustine  reckons  both  sacra- ments among  the  "  occulta "  {in  Is.  ciii. ;  see also  Horn.  xcvi.  in  Joann.,  and  in  Is.  cix.). Pope  Innocent  I.  {Ad  Hecentium,  c.  3)  will  not recite  the  words  even  of  Confirmation,  "  ne magis  prodere  videar,  quam  ad  consultationem respondere."  The  last  words  of  the  Apostolic Constitutions  forbid  the  making  these  books public  (bk.  viii.  in  fin.) :  "  preach  of  the  mys- teries contained  in  them."  So  St.  Cyril  of Alexandria  {Cont.  Julian,  vii.),  and  many  others  ; while  the  words  of  Theodoret  {Quaest.  xv.  in Nui7i.)  may  be  taken  as  a  summary  :  "  We  speak obscurely  of  the  Divine  mysteries  on  account  of the  uninitiated ;  but  when  these  have  with- drawn, we  teach  the  initiated  plainly."  Such topics  are  to  be  mentioned  to  persons  in  general "  in  enigmas  and  shadows,  mystically,  not clearly."  And  any  statement  about  them  is repeatedly  broken  off  with  "  the  faithful,"  or "  the  initiated,  know."  Compare  also  the  dis- tinction drawn  by  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  between 7r€pj7jxe7(r0at  and  ei'TJxe'c^ai.  The  reasons  as- signed for  the  practice  are  : — 1.  To  avoid  ol!'ence to  the  weak  or  to  the  heathen,  ovk  iirfi.r] aaQheiav  KaTiyvoijXiv  r&.f  reAovfievaiv,  dAA' eireiSr]  areXidTepov  ol  iroWol  irphs  avra  e/c- SiaKiTfTai  (St.  Chrys.  Horn,  in  Matt,  xxiii. al.  xxiv.),  or  again,  more  forcibly,  ou  xPV rd  ixv<TT)]pia  afju-qrois  TpaycfSe7v,  'iua  fjT}  "EA- \-t)ViS  /xiv  ayvoovvres  ytAoixTi,  Karrixov/J-evoi Se  ■Kep'iipyoi  yev6fj.(vot  cTKavSaAl^aivTai  {Gone. Alexandr.  ap.  St.  Athan.  Apol.  ii.).  To  which may  be  added  the  still  more  forcible  words  of St.  Clem.  Alex.  {Strom,  i.  pp.  323,  324),  who says  that  he  suppressed  some  portions  of  the truth,  not  as  grudging  it,  but  fearing  lest  he should  put  a  sword  into  the  hand  of  a  child. 2.  Out  of  reverence :  "Adhibuimus  tarn  Sanctis rebus  atque  Divinis  honorem  silentii"  (St.  Aug. Serm.  i.  inter,  xl.).  To  which,  3.  St.  Augustine adds  another  of  a  more  superficial  kind,  viz.  the excitement  of  curiosity  ;  saying  to  catechumens, "  Si  non  excitat  te  festivitas  (Paschae),  ducat  ipsa curiositas,"  and  therefore,  "  da  nomen  ad  baptis- mum"  {Ve  Verb.  Dam.  Horn.  xlvi.). It  must  be  added,  in  order  to  complete  the case,  first,  that  such  a  principle  of  reticence  is not  to  be  looked  foi",  for  obvious  reasons,  in  the earlier  Apologists  in  persecuting  times  ;  e.g.  there is  no  trace  of  it  in  Justin  Martyr,  Tatian,  Athena- goras,  Theophilus  (Bingh.  X.  v.  2).  In  such  cases, the  desire  to  avoid  scandal  to  the  weak,  and  the feeling  of  reverence  ibr  the  truth  itself,  must needs,  and  rightly,  give  way  to  the  clear  necessity of  a  plain  statement  of  the  whole  truth.  Next, that  the  reserve  in  question  was  simply  (so  to say)  a  temporary  educational  expedient ;  and  was never  practised  towards  the  "faithliil"  them- selves, to  whom  the  whole  truth  was  declared in  plain  words;  and  that  there  are  no  grounds 566 DISCIPLINA  ARCANI whatever  for  supposing  the  existence  of  an  eso- teric system  of  doctrine,  not  appearing  at  all  in any  of  the  writings  or  documents  of  the  earlier church,  but  brought  to  light  in  subsequent  cen- turies, although  secretly  held  all  along. III.  So  far,  there  can  be  no  question  made  of the  defensibleness  of  the  principle  of  reserve, thus  applied ;  however  plain  it  may  be,  that  it must  speedily  have  become  impossible  to  main- tain the  practice.  It  is  obviously  a  perfectly  fair proceeding,  to  withhold  truths  avowedly  from those  to  whom  it  will  do  harm  to  declare  them. The  Alexandrian  schools,  however,  seem  to  have stretched  the  casuistry  of  truthfulness  to  a  point beyond  this.  Controversially,  it  is  no  doubt  both allowable,  and  wise,  to  state  the  truth  in  terms as  acceptable  to  the  views  and  prejudices  of  an opponent  as  sincerity  will  permit,  but  certainly no  further.  To  help  a  Platonist,  e.  g.  to  believe in  the  doctrine  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  by  pointing out  how  far  Platonism  itself  advances  towards such  a  doctrine,  is  plainly  as  consistent  with honesty  as  it  is  with  good  sense ;  but  so  to  speak as  to  imply  the  identity  of  the  two  doctrines  has both  actually  proved  to  be  a  fruitful  parent  of heresy,  and  is  distinctly  not  honest.  So  again it  is  obviously  fair  to  neutralize  an  opponent's objection  by  pointing  out  that  it  includes  in  its range  that  opponent's  own .  erroneous  or  incom- plete view  as  well  as  the  orthodox  faith  ;  but only  if  the  latter  is  not  confounded  with  the former  as  though  it  were  the  same  thing.  An argumentum  ad  hominem,  used  as  such  avowedly, is  of  course  justifiable,  so  that  it  be  not  put  for- ward as  the  arguer's  own  bond  fide  belief.  The Alexandrian  school,  however,  seem  to  have "  oeconomized,"  in  managing  controversies,  both in  fact  and  avowedly,  in  the  extremer  sense  of the  lines  of  argument  thus  suggested.  St,  Cle- ment of  Alexandria,  for  instance,  lays  down  as  a principle  {Strom,  vii.  9),  that  the  true  Gnostic, indeed,  "  bears  on  his  tongue  whatever  he  has  in his  mind,"  but  it  is  "  to  those  who  are  worthy  to hear  :"  adding,  that  "  he  both  thinks  and  speaks the  truth,  unless  at  any  time,  medicinally,  as a  physician  for  the  safety  of  the  sick,  he  may lie  or  tell  an  untruth,  as  the  Sophists  say." (OvTTOTf  xf/evS^Tat,  k^lu  fpevSos  \4yri,  is  the  Pla- tonic way  of  putting  it.)  So  also  {Strcnn.  vi.  15), 'Veixrrai  rcji  ovn  ovx  oi  (Tv/xrrepi<pep6/ji€vot  Si' oiKovofxiav  (ToiTTjpias,  aW'  oi  els  to,  Kvpiwrara ■jrapaTTiifToi'Tes,  Kal  aOeTovvres  jxfv  Thv  Kvpiov TO  'offov  e'lr'  aurols,  aTroffrepodures  8e  rov  Kvpiov t))v  a.\7]drj  SiSaffKaXiav.  And  Origen,  as  quoted by  St.  Jerome  {Adv.  Eufin.  Apol.  i.  c.  18),  in  like manner  lays  down  a  caution,  implying  a like  principle,  that  "  homo  cui  incumbit  neces- sitas  mentiendi,  diligenter  attendat,  ut  sic  utatur iaterdum  mendacio,  quomodo  condimento  atque medicamine,  ut  servet  mensuram  ejus  :  ex  quo," he  adds,  "  perspicuum  est,  quod  nisi  ita  mentiti fuerimus,  ut  magnum  nobis  ex  hoc  aliquod  quae- ratur  bonum,  judicandi  simus  quasi  inimici  Ejus Qui  ait.  Ego  sum  Veritas."  Further,  St.  Clement also  appears  to  hold  an  esoteric  traditional  teach- ing to  have  been  delivered  to  St.  Peter,  St.  James, St.  John,  and  St.  Paul  {Strom,  i.  1,  vi.  7  ;  and  v. Euseb.  //.  E.  ii.  1)  ;  and  Origen  likewise  {Cont. Cels.  i.  7)  speaks  of  an  esoteric  Christian  teach- ing, but  obviously  means  no  more  by  the  terms, at  least  in  this  passage,  than  to  affirm  the  dis- tinction  between   elementary   teaching  and   the DISCIPLINE deeper  doctrines  of  the  faith  as  taught  succes sively  to  catechumens.  On  the  other  hand  {Cont. Cels.  vi.)  he  speaks  of  an  oral  traditional  know- ledge, ov  ypaiTTia  Trphs  tovs  iroAXovs,  ovSt  prjTa. But  St.  Clement's  yvciats  was  not  a  distinct  inner system  of  doctrine  differing  from  that  which  was to  be  taught  to  the  noWol,  but  rather  a  different mode  of  apprehending  the  same  truths,  viz.  from a  more  intellectual  and  spiritual  stand-point. In  actual  fact,  we  find,  by  way  of  instance, St.  Gregory  of  Neo-Caesarea,  Origen's  pupil, using  language  respecting  the  Holy  Trinity  that is  confessedly  erroneous,  and  defended  by  St.  Basil {Epist.  ccx.  §  5)  on  the  ground  that  he  was "  not  teaching  doctrine  but  arguing  with  an unbeliever,"  and  that  in  such  a  case  "  he  would rightly  in  some  things  concede  to  the  feelings of  the  unbeliever,  in  order  to  gain  him  over  to the  cardinal  points."  The  whole  subject  will  be found  ably  and  profoundly  discussed  in  Newman's Arians,  c.  i.  §  iii.  pp.  40-102  (3rd  edition).  How far  the  practice  was  borrowed  from,  or  uncon- sciously furthered  by,  the  undisguised  principles and  practice  of  Philo-Judaeus  on  the  subject, may  be  doubted.  That  writer  certainly,  both  in actual  exposition  of  Scripture  and  in  avowed principle,  assumes  that  duller  souls  must  be taught  "  fiilsehoods  by  which  they  may  be  bene- fited, if  they  cannot  be  brought  to  a  sound  mind through  the  truth  "  {Quid  Deus  sit  Immutabilis, 0pp.  i.  282,  ed.  Mangey).  But  there  is  no  need for  looking  beyond  Scripture  itself  for  the  germ and  principle  of  a  true  and  legitimate  "  oecono- my."  The  Alexandrian  divines  themselves  are only  responsible  for  pushing  that  principle  to  a degree  which  made  it  at  least  extremely  danger- ous, and  sometimes  barely  honest.  The  applica- tion of  esoteric  meanings  to  Scripture  facts  by the  same  school  is  a  parallel  case  of  exagger- ating a  principle  of  the  analogous  sort,  posses- sing a  foundation  of  truth,  into  extremes  that are  utterly  unjustifiable, [Newman,  Arians  (as  above  quoted) ;  Martigny ; Bingham;  Schelstrate,  Be  Discipl.  Arcani ;  Mo- sheim,  De  Reb.  Christ,  ante  Gonstantin.  §  xxxiv. pp.  302-310 ;  and  a  special  dissertation,  De Accommodatione  Christo  imprimis  et  Apostolis tributa,  by  F.  A.  Carus  (Lips.  1793,  4),  is  refer- red to.]  [A.  W.  H.] DISCIPLINE.  (1.)  From  the  earliest  time the  Church  has  endeavoured,  in  accordance  with the  Lord's  commands,  to  maintain  its  own  purity both  in  life  and  doctrine.  In  the  earliest  ages, the  penalties  for  transgressing  the  laws  of  the Churcli,  in  whatever  respect,  were  of  course  of a  purely  spiritual  nature,  and  enforced  by  the authority  of  the  Church  itself,  which  had  no jurisdiction  m  invites.  The  means  which  the Church  employed  for  the  correction  of  ofl'enders within  her  pale  were  admonition,  withdrawal  of privileges,  the  enjoining  of  acts  of  mortification, and,  in  the  last  resort,  exclusion  from  the  Church altogether  [  Excojimunication  ].  From  this constant  eftort  of  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  to correct  offences,  and  to  purify  the  Church  from scandals  by  its  own  power  arose  the  system  of Penitential  Discipline  [Penitence],  which  is common  to  all  members  of  the  Church,  lay  and clerical,  secular  and  regular. But  besides  the  general  duty  of  maintaining holy  life  and  true  doctrine,  which  is  iucumbent DISCIPLINE on  all  Christians,  the  clergy  and  the  members  of monastic  orders  voluntarily  take  upon  them- selves peculiar  obligations,  and  the  eufbrcing  of these  by  the  proper  authorities  constitutes  a special  subdivision  of  discipline.  On  the  subject of  Monastic  and  Canonical  Discipline,  see  below. What  has  been  said  applies  to  the  Church  in all  ages,  whether  before  or  after  its  connection with  the  State.  But  from  the  time  of  Constan- tine,  when  the  existence  of  Christianity  in  the empire  was  formally  recognised,  and  the  Church adopted  as  an  institution  guarded  and  respected by  the  State,  we  no  longer  find  its  disciplinary laws  solely  in  its  own  canons  and  decrees,  nor its  punishments  solely  spiritual  and  over  persons who  give  a  voluntary  submission.  The  several codes  of  the  empire  not  only  recognise  gene- rally the  fact  that  its  subjects  are  Christian,  but frequently  adopt  and  sanction  laws  enacted  ori- ginally by  purely  ecclesiastical  authority  ;  and this  in  two  ways.  In  some  cases  ecclesiastical laws  and  principles  are  simply  adopted  into  the civil  code,  and  enforced  by  civil  tribunals  and  civil sanctions  :  in  others  the  ecclesiastical  authority [see  Appeal]— generally  the  Bishop  (p.  231) — is empowered  to  call  in  the  secular  arm  to  enforce  its decisions;  see,  for  instance,  Justinian's  Code,  lib.  1, 1.  25.,  De  Episc.  Audien.  It  is  evident  that  this change  in  the  relations  of  Church  and  State  con- verted many  acts,  which  had  previously  been  dis- regarded by  the  civil  power,  into  crimes,  or  offences against  the  sovereign  authority,  and  gave  a  dif- ferent aspect  to  many  delicts  which  still  remained in  the  cognizance  of  the  Church.  Discipline  was henceforward  enforced  partly  by  the  spiritual, partly  by  the  secular  arm ;  the  State  reinforced the  Church  with  more  or  less  vigour  according to  the  disposition  of  the  rulers  for  the  time being ;  and  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  made constant  efforts  to  withdraw  the  clergy  from  the jurisdiction  of  the  civil  courts  altogether  [Immu- nities OF  THE  Clergy;  Jurisdiction;  and the  articles  on  the  several  offences  which  have been  subject  to  censure  or  punishment  in  the Church],  [C] (2.)  Monastic  Discipline.  —  Monastic  punish- ments were  of  two  kinds,  corporal  and  spiritual, and,  in  each  kind,  more  or  less  severe,  according to  the  nature  of  the  offence  or  the  founder's ideas  of  discipline.  Instances  of  both  kinds occur  very  early  in  the  history  of  monasticism. Thus  Basil  of  Caesarea  speaks  of  various  de- grees of  excommunication  —  from  joining  in the  chanting,  from  choir,  and  from  meals (.Senw.  de  Mon.  Instit.),  while  about  the  same date  Jerome  and  KuffSnus  make  mention  of fastings  as  a  punishment  (Hieron.  E/j.  ad  Nepo- tian.;  Ruffin.  De  Verb.  Sen.  29).  Augustine speaks  of  offending  monks  (fratres)  being  anathe- matised, if  incorrigible  after  reproof's,  and  of their  excommunication  by  their  superiors  (prae- positi)  of  higher  or  lower  rank,  the  excommuni- cation by  the  bishop  being  the  severest  punish- ment of  all  (^De  Corrupt,  et  Grat.  ad  Valent. c.  15).  A  passage  in  one  of  his  letters  implies his  approval  of  flogging  as  a  chastisement  {Ep. ad  MarceUin.,  159).  In  the  writings  of  Cassian, early  in  the  5th  century,  monastic  discipline becomes  more  closely  defined.  For  slighter off'ences,  such  as  coming  late  to  prayers  or  work, making  a  mistake  in  chanting,  breaking  any- thing, or  speaking  to  any  other  monk  than  the DISCIPLINE 567 one  who  shares  the  cell,  the  offender  is  to  pros- trate himself  in  the  chapel  during  divine  service or  to  make  genuflexions  till  allowed  by  the abbot  to  cease  (Cassian,  Inst.  iv.  c.  16).  Cassian tells  a  story  of  an  Egyptian  monk  doing  public penance  for  having  dropped  three  peas,  while acting  as  cook  for  the  week  {Inst.  iv.  20).  For graver  offences,  as  bad  language  or  greediness, the  punishment  is  flogging  or  expulsion  (/«s<.  iv. c.  16).  For  lingering  after  nocturns  instead  of going  at  once  to  the  cell,  a  monk  is  to  be  ex- communicated (ii.  15)  ;  no  one  being  allowed  to pray  with  him  till  he  has  been  publicly  absolved (ii.  16).  Cassian  speaks  of  a  slap  or  buffet, "  alapa,"  as  a  punishment  among  monks  {Coll. xix.  1.  of.  Greg.  M.  Dialoij.  i.  2,  ii.  4).  Palladius, about  the  same  date,  in  describing  the  monks  of Nitria,  relates  that  th]-ee  whips  or  scourges hung  from  a  pillar  in  a  part  of  the  church apparently  corresponding  to  a  chapter-house, one  for  the  correction  of  robbers,  one  for  un- ruly guests,  one  for  the  monks  {Hist.  Laus.  2). He  speaks  also  of  confinement  in  a  cell  {ih. cc.  32,  33).  About  half  a  century  later  the Council  of  Chalcedon  pronounces  anathema  on a  monk  returning  to  the  secular  life  {Cone. Chalccd.,  c.  7).  Being,  as  a  rule,  at  that  date still  laics,  monks  thus  offending  were  anathema- tised, not  degraded.  .  Dorotheus,  an  Archiman- drite in  Palestine,  very  early  in  the  7th  century, speaks  of  fasting  as  a  punishment  for  monks {Doctrina,  c.  14,  ap.  Ducean.  Aitciuar.  i.  743). One  of  the  strongest  instances  of  monastic severity  in  the  East  is  in  the  Scala  of  Joannes Climacus,  sometimes  called  Scholasticus,"  of Mount  Sinai,  in  the  preceding  century,  who speaks  of  oflTenders  being  dragged  by  a  rope through  ashes,  their  hands  bound  behind  their backs,  and  flogged  till  those  who  witnessed  the punishment  "  howled ;"  afterwards  they  were to  lie  prostrate  at  the  church-door  till  absolved after  public  confession  {Scala,  c.  4). In  the  West,  too,  prior  to  the  Benedictine  rule, monastic  discipline  was  very  rigorous.  Each monastery  had  its  own  code  ;  but,  probably,  in Southern  Europe  Cassian's  influence  was  felt largely.  In  the  Regula  Tarnatensis,  the  rule  (c. 550  A.D.)  of  a  monastery  in  south-eastern  France, which  Mabillon  identifies  with  that  of  Tarnay, near  Vienne  {Annul.,  torn.  i.  App.  ii.  Disquis.  5), a  monk  who  jests  is  to  be  chidden  (c.  13  ;  cf.  Bas. Constit.  Monast.  c.  13,  on  scurrility).  In  the rule  of  Ferreolus,  bishop  of  Uzes,  in  Languedoc, about  the  same  date,  a  fast  of  three  days  is imposed  for  jesting  during  lections  (c.  24),  and thirty  days'  silence  for  railing  (c.  22).  But  the Rerjula  C'ujusdam  Patris,  supposed  by  Menard  to be  the  rule  of  Columba  (c.  561  A.D.),  is  stricter still,  especially  against  the  murmuring  or  re- fractory :  even  a  thouglitless  word  is  visited with  imprisonment  (c.  8).  Columbanus,  of Luxeuil  and  Bobbio  (c.  590  A.D.),  trod  in  the steps  of  his  ascetic  predecessor.  Six  blows  were to  be  the  penalty  for  such  offences  as  speaking at  refection,  not  responding  to  the  grace,  not being  careful  to  avoid  coughing  in  chanting,  &c. For  other  similar  transgressions  the  punishment was  the  "  impositio  "  of  Psalms  to  be  learned  by heart,  or  the  "  superpositio,"  complete  silence  for "  Not  Joannes  Scholasticus,  of  the  same  date,  of  Aiitiocb and  Constantinople  (Cave,  Hist.  Lilt.  s.  v.). o68  DISCOFEEAE a  time  {Re(j.  Colmnhan.  c.  10).  Darker  offences »yei'e  visited  with  proportionate  severity.  Thus, for  a  perjury  the  penalty  was  solitary  confine- ment on  bread  and  water  for  three  years  (Colum- ban.  De  Penitent.  Mensur.  c.  32 ;  cf.  pass.). The  milder  discipline  of  Benedict  gradually extended  itself,  in  the  6th  and  7th  centuries, from  Italy  even  into  parts  of  Europe  already occupied  by  other  rules,  as  was  France  by  that of  Columbanus.  He  prescribed  two  reproofs  in private,  followed  by  one  in  public,  before  pro- ceeding to  severer  remedies.  If  these  were  in- effectual, then  ensued  excommunication,  or  for those  too  young  or  otherwise  disqualified  for spiritual  censures,  corporal  punishment  (^Reg. Ben.  c.  23).  The  incorrigible  were  to  be  flogged and  prayed  for  ;  and,  as  a  last  resource,  expelled (c,  28)  :  if  re-admitted,  they  were  to  be  placed in  the  lowest  grade  (c.  29)  ;  cf.  Greg.  M.  Lib.  x. Ind.  iv.  Ep.  39;  Lib.  I.  Ind.  is.  Ep.  19.  A breakage  or  waste  was  lightly  regarded,  unless unconfessed  (c.  46)  ;  and  the  confession  of  secret faults  was  to  be  made,  not  in  public,  but  to the  dean  [Decanus,  §  v.]  (seniori  suo,  c.  46). Only  the  contumacious,  after  four  admonitions, were  to  be  subject  to  the  "  disciplina  regularis," flogging,  with,  probably,  solitary  confinement  on bread  and  water  (cc.  3,  65). Where  not  adopted  as  a  whole,  the  Benedictine rule  was  frequently  incorporated  with  other rules.  Thus  the  rule  of  Isidore  of  Seville,  in the  first  part  of  the  7th  century,  though  more minute  in  its  distinctions,  resembles  the  Bene- dictine code  of  punishments  (Isid.  Reg.  c.  17  ;  cf. Mab.  Ann.  iii.  37,  xii.  42).  Donatus  of  Besan- 9on,  about  the  middle  of  this  century,  himself a  pupil  of  Columbanus,  blended  the  two  rules  in one  :  "  disciplina "  with  him  seems  to  mean flogging  or  solitary  confinement  (Don.  Reg.  ad yirg.  c.  2);  silence  or  fifty  stripes  is  the  penalty for  idle  words  (c.  28).  Later  in  the  century, Fructuosus  of  Braga  in  Portugal,  founder  of  the great  monastery  of  Alcala  (Complutum)  near Madrid,  borrowed  largely  from  Benedict  (Fruct. Reg.  c.  17 ;  cf.  Mab.  Ann.  iii.  37).  The  Council at  Vers,  near  Paris,  755  A.D.,  speaks  of  a  prison- cell  or  flogging-room  —  "locus  custodiae"  or "  pulsatorium  "  (Cone.  Vern.  c.  6).  The  Har- mony of  Monastic  Rules,  compiled  in  the  9th century  by  the  namesak«  of  the  founder  of  the Benedictines,  contains  a  gradation  of  punish- ments, which  is  on  the  whole  equitable,  but  too minute  (Bened.  Anian.  Concord.  Regul.)  In  the 12th  century  the  influence  of  Petrus  Damiani introduced  a  rigour  hitherto  unknown  within the  walls  of  Monte  Casino  :  each  monk,  after  his confession  every  Friday,  was  to  be  whipped,  by hmiself  or  by  others,  in  cell,  chapter,  or  oratory (Altes.  Ascet.  vi.  4).  In  the  famous  monastery of  St.  Gall,  in  Switzerland,  the  whip  for  similar purposes  was  suspended  from  a  pillar  in  the chapter-house  (i6.). Voluntary  flagellations,  or  self-scourgings,  as a  recognised  part  of  monastic  discipline,  began about  the  middle  of  the  11th  century,  at  the suggestion  of  Petrus  Damiani  (Richard  et  Giraud, Biblioth.  Sacr,  s.  v.),  or  according  to  Mahillon (Acta  SS.  Ben.  Praef,  Saec.  vi.,  i.  s.  6),  rather earlier  (cf.  Boileau,  I'abbe,  Hist.  FlagelL,  1700 A.D.).  [1.  G.  S.] (3.)  Canonical  Discipline. — Though  the  rule  of the  Canonici  was  easier  than  that  of  the  Monachi, DISCOMMUNICANTES their  code  of  punishments  was  severe.  By Chrodegang's  rule,  any  canon  failing  to  make a  full  confession  at  stated  times  twice  a  year, was  to  be  flogged  or  incarcerated  (CArow.  Reg. c.  14).  Any  canon  guilty  of  theft,  murder,  or any  grave  offence  was  liable  to  both  these  penal- ties ;  he  was,  besides,  to  do  public  penance  by standing  outside  the  chapel  during  the  "  hours," and  by  lying  prostrate  at  the  door  as  the  others were  going  in  and  out,  and  to  practise  extra- ordinary abstinence,  until  absolved  by  the bishop  (c.  15).  Any  canon  speaking  to  one  ex- communicated incurred  excommunication  him- self (c.  16).  The  refractory  or  contumacious were,  after  two  reproofs,  to  do' open  penance  by standing  beside  the  cross  ;  they  were  to  be  pub- licly excommunicated,  or,  if  insensible  to  such  a punishment,  flogged  (c.  17).  Lesser  offences,  if confessed,  were  to  be  treated  lightly ;  if  de- tected, severely  (c.  18).  The  measurement  and apportionment  of  penalties  was  in  the  hands  of the  bishop  (c.  19).  But  certain  rules  to  guide the  bishop's  subordinates,  "  praelati  inferiores  " (perhaps  =  deans),  in  the  exercise  of  this  dis- cretionary power  were  laid  down  by  the  Council at  Aachen,  816  A.D.  Boys  were  to  be  beaten. Older  members  of  the  community  were,  for  more venial  faults,  as  neglecting  the  "  hours,"  being careless  at  work  or  in  chapel,  late  at  meals,  out without  leave  or  beyond  the  proper  time,  after three  private  admonitions,  to  be  admonished publicly,  to  stand  apart  in  the  choir,  and  to  be kept  on  bread  and  water.  For  a  graver  fault, "  culpa  criminalis,"  unless  atoned  for  by  spon- taneous penance,  they  were  to  be  publicly  ex- communicated, "damnentur,"  by  the  bishop, and  to  be  imprisoned,  lest  they  should  "  taint the  rest  of  the  flock  "  (Cone.  Aquisgr.  c.  134). It  is  to  be  noted  that  it  seems  customary  then to  have  a  prison  within  the  precincts  of  the monastery  or  canonry  ("  ut  fit  multis  in  monas- teriis "),  and  that  disobedience,  rudeness,  or quarrelling  are  not,  as  with  monks,  classed among  things  of  a  darker  die  (ib.)  The  same council,  in  a  subsequent  session,  enacted  a  similar scale  of  punishment  for  nuns,  "  sanctimoniales," with  the  same  climax  of  solitary  confinement for  the  incorrigible  (Cone.  Aquisgr.  lib.  ii.  c.  8). The  rule  was  to  be  recited  in  chapter  very  fre- quently (cc.  69,  70). For  monastic  and  canonical  discipline  gener- ally, see  Benedictine  Rule,  Canonici,  Mon- ACHISM.  [I.  G.  S.] (4).  From  the  constant  use  of  the  rod  or scourge  in  monastic  discipline  (see  above,  §  2) the  word  disciplina  came  itself  to  mean  flogging. In  the  Liber  Ordinis  S.  Victoris  Paris..,  c.  33 (quoted  by  Ducange)  is  a  full  description  of  the manner  in  which  a  monk  ought  to  take  punish- ment (disciplinam  accipere).  Sometimes  disci- plina is  used  with  a  qualifying  word,  as  "  discip. flagelli"  (Reg.  S.  Aurel.  c.  41);  "discip.  corpo- ralis  "  (Reg.  Chrodegang.  cc.  3,  4,  14 ;  Capitul. A.D.  803,  V.  1).  [Corporal  Punishment.]  [C] DISCOFERAE.  In  convents  of  nuns  the sisters  who  bring  the  dishes  to  table  are  some- times called  discoferae.  Caesarius  of  Aries  (Ad Oratoriam  Abhatissam)  gives  the  direction,  "  ae- qualia  cibaria  potionesque  communes  exhibeant discoferae  vel  pincernae  "  (Ducange,  s.  v.).    [C] DISCOMMUNICANTES.    The  second DISCUS • council  of  Aries  (c.  10),  referring  to  the  eleventh canon  of  the  first  council  of  Nicaea,  condemns those  who  have  fallen  away  under  persecution  to five  years  among  the  catechumens,  and  two  "  in- ter discommunicantes,  ita  ut  conimuniouem  inter poenitentes  non  praesumant."  The  canon  of Nicaea  referred  to  has  "  Siio  It?)  X'^fi^^  -rrpoa- <popas  KOivoivi)aov(Ti  rep  \a^  tuiv  irpotreuxajj'." When  all  who  ofl'ered  communicated,  this  was equivalent  to  a  sentence  of  exclusion  for  two  years from  the  mysteries,  though  not  from  the  prelimi- nary prayers.    [See  Communion,  p.  415.]     [C] DISCUS.     [Paten.] DISPENSATION.    [Indulgence.] DISPUTATIO.  In  some  monastic  Rules  a discussion  on  Scripture,  called  Bisputatio,  is  one of  the  exercises  prescribed  to  the  monks.  For instance  the  Bule  of  Pachomius  (c.  21)  directs: "  Disputatio  autem  Praepositis  domorum  tertio fiet."     [Compare  Collation.]  [C] DISTRIBUTION  OP  THE  ELEMENTS. [Communion,  Holy.] DISTRIBUTION  OF  CHURCH  PRO- PERTY. [Alms;  Churches,  Maintenance of;  Corn,  Allowance  of ;  DivisioMensurna; Property  of  the  Church.] DIUS.  (1)  Saint,  in  Caesarea ;  commemo- rated July  12  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  at  Alexandria,  with  Peter,  bishop of  Alexandria,  Faustus  the  presbyter,  and  Am- monius,  under  Maximinus ;  commemorated  Nov. 26  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] DIVINATION.  It  was  all  but  inevitable in  the  nature  of  things  that  the  ineradicable desire  to  penetrate  the  secrets  of  the  future should  show  itself  sooner  or  later  in  some  form of  superstition  within  the  Christian  Church. Jews  and  heathens  had  alike  been  accustomed to  practices  of  which  that  desire  had  been  the origin.  The  decay  and  disrepute  of  the  older oracles,  of  which  the  legend  that  they  ceased  at the  time  of  the  Nativity  of  Christ  was  the  re- presentation, forced  men  back  upon  the  more mysterious  and  recondite  arts  by  which  the secrets  of  the  future  were  to  be  unveiled.  The mind  of  the  Church  was,  of  course,  from  the first  opposed  to  such  attempts,  and  taught  men to  leave  the  future  in  the  hands  of  God.  But  the laws  and  canons  which  meet  us  alike  in  East  and West  testify  to  the  strength  of  the  superstition against  which  the  warfare  was  thus  waged.  It can  hardly  be  said,  looking  at  Christendom  as  a whole,  to  have  succeeded  in  repressing  it. The  revival  within  the  Church  of  the  arts  of the  old  Chaldaean  soothsayers  has  been  noticed under  Astrologers  and  Calculatores.  But the  elaborate  system  of  divination  which  was officially  recognised  in  the  auguries  of  the  Roman republic  and  empire,  and  which  had  a  thousand ramifications  in  private  and  local  superstitions, was  even  more  difficult  to  cope  with.  As  early as  the  Council  of  Elvira  (c.  62)  we  find  the  augur named  among  those  who  were  not  to  be  admitted to  Christian  communion  unless  they  renounced their  calling."  The  Fourth  Council  of  Carthage (c.  59)  excommunicated  any  who  addicted  them- selves   to    practices    that    were    so    essentially a  There  is,  however,  the  various  reading  of  "  auriga." DIVINATION 569 heathen.  That  of  Ancyra  (c.  24)  condemned the  Karau.avTev6iJ.ivoi  to  five  years'  penance. See  also  the  'Penitential'  printed  in  Menard's Sacram.  Greg.  p.  467.  The  legislation  of  the emperors  was  even  more  stern  in  its  severity  ; but  the  sharpness  of  the  law  was  in  this  case due,  like  the  old  edicts  of  banishment  against the  Chaldaei  under  Tiberius,  to  the  influence  of suspicious  fear.  Diviners,  who  were  consulted  as to  the  length  of  the  emperor's  life  might  help to  work  out  the  fulfilment  of  their  own  predic- tions. So  we  find  Constantius  inflicting  the penalty  of  death  on  all  who  were  known  to  con- sult soothsayers  or  observe  omens.  Even  the credulous  peasants,  to  whom  the  cry  of  a  weasel or  a  rat  was  a  presage  of  evil,  were  hunted  down and  condemned  {Cod.  Theod.  ix.  tit.  16,  leg.  4; Ammian.  Marcell.  xvi.  p.  72).  Valens,  in  like manner,  half  believing  in  what  he  sought  to  re- press, having  heard  that  it  had  been  declared  as the  result  of  such  divining  arts  (in  this  case veKvo/xavTeia  is  named),  that  the  name  of  his successor  should  begin  with  0  E  O  A,  not  only enforced  the  law  in  its  fullest  severity  against the  diviner,  but  sought  out  and  put  to  death  all whom  he  could  find  whose  names  brought  them within  the  range  of  his  suspicion  (Socrates,  H.  E. iv.  19).  It  is  jjrobable  enough  that  the  wide- spread belief  thus  engendered  really  helped  to prepare  the  way  for  Theodosius. It  was  comparatively  easy  to  condemn  arts- that  were  manifestly  heathen  in  their  nature. It  was  more  difficult  when  the  practice  came with  Christian  associations  and  appealed  to  men's reverence  for  the  Sacred  Books.  The  principle of  casting  lots  was  recognised  in  Scripture  as  an appeal  from  the  ignorance  of  man  to  the  Provi- dence of  God  (Acts  i.  26  ;  Prov.  xvi.  33  ;  xviii. 18  ei  al.).  What  form  of  sortes  could  be  more certain  to  direct  men  in  the  right  path  than  an appeal  to  the  Written  Word  ?  Here,  too,  both Jewish  and  heathen  influences  may  have  helped to  foster  the  new  form  of  superstition.  .  The  Jew had  been  in  the  habit  of  so  dealing  with  the  Law, opening  it  at  random,  taking  the  verse  on  which he  lighted  as  an  oracle  from  God.  It  was  his substitute  for  the  Urim  and  Thummim,  and the  utterance  of  a  prophet's  voice  {Oemar. Hieros.  Schabb.  f.  8).  The  Roman,  anticipating the  mediaeval  belief  as  to  the  poet's  character, had  looked  to  the  Aeneid  of  Virgil  as  filling  up the  gap  left  by  the  dumbness  of  the  oracles.  The sortes  Virgilianae  were  in  repute  as  having  pre- dicted the  power  and  character  of  Hadrian  (Spar- tian.  Vit.  Had.  p.  5),  and  Alexander  Severus (Lamprid.  Vit.  Alex.  p.  341).  So  in  like  man- ner the  Bible,  as  a  whole,  or  certain  portions of  it,  came  to  be  treated  in  the  4th  century, if  not  earlier.  It  appears  to  have  prevailed in  the  West  rather  than  the  East,  but  was never  during  the  period  with  which  we  are  cou- cei'ued  in  any  degree  sanctioned  by  the  Church or  its  leaders.  Augustine,  who  had  been  con- sulted by  Januarius  as  to  its  legitimacy,  thought it  a  less  evil  than  seeking  knowledge  from  de- mons, but  condemned  it,  as  bringing  down  the Divine  Word  to  base  and  trivial  uses  {h'pist.  ad Januariuiii,  cxix.  {aliter  Iv.)  c.  37).  The  pro- vincial Councils  of  Gaul  in  the  5th  century  con- demned the  "  sortes  divinationis,"  "sorfes  sanc- torum," and  threatened  clergy  or  monks  who practised  them  with  severe  penalties  (f.  Venetic. 670 DIVINE  SERVICE c.  16 ;  Agathens.  42 ;  Aurel.  I.  c.  30).  The jiractice  gfew,  however,  in  spite  of  the  prohi- bition, with  the  increasing  power  of  the  Franks, and  Gregory  of  Tours  (^Hist.  iv.  16)  describes  a scene  in  which,  with  great  solemnity,  in  the presence  of  bishops  and  priests  in  the  celebration of  Mass  at  Dijon,  the  volumes  of  the  Epistles  and Gospels  were  thus  opened  in  order  to  ascertain the  fortunes  of  the  son  of  Clothaire.    [E.  H.  P.] DIVINE  SERVICE.  [Communion,  Holy: Mass:  Hours  of  Prayer:  Office,  the  Di- vine.] DIVISIO  APOSTOLORUM.  [Apostles' Festivals,  p.  87.] DIVISIO  MENSURNA.  The  division  of the  revenues  of  a  church  among  the  clergy  seems commonly  to  have  been  monthly  ;  this  monthly payment  is  called  by  Cyprian  "divisio  mensurna," and  a  suspension  from  this  was  equivalent  to what  in  later  times  was  called  suspension  "a beneficio,"  which  did  not  necessarily  imply  sus- pension from  ministerial  functions  (Cyprian, £pist.  34,  c.  3).  [Oblations  ;  Property  of THE  Church.]  [C] DOCTOR.  Besides  the  general  sense  of "  teacher,"  this  word  early  acquired  certain special  significations  : — 1.  Doctor  Audientium,  the  officer  of  the  church to  whom  was  committed  the  instruction  of  Cate- chumens (p.  319).  When  we  read  in  the  Passio SS.  Ferpetuae  et  Felic.  (c.  13  ;  Euinart,  p.  99) that  Aspasius,  "  presbyter  doctor,"  stood  before the  door,  we  ought  probably  to  understand  that he  was  a  presbyter  who  bore  the  office  of  Doctor audientium.  Cyprian,  too,  speaks  {Epist.  29)  of "  presbyteri  doctores,"  as  well  as  of  a  reader who  held  the  office  of  teacher  of  the  catechu- mens. 2.  Persons  whose  teaching  was  of  special weight  in  the  church  were  called  Doctores.  The Dccreta  (c.  1)  of  Celestinus  (A.D.  422-432)  con- demn those  who  set  themselves  up  against  the Doctors,  meaning  apparently  in  this  case  more particularly  St.  Augustine  (c.  2)  and  the  bishops of  Rome  (c.  3).  The  same  prohibition  is  repeated in  the  Capitnlarinm  Gar.  M.  vii.  c.  44. 3.  The  term  legis  doctor  seems  to  have  ac- quired a  technical  force  at  a  comparatively  early date.  Adrevaldus  {De  Mirac.  S.  Bened.  i.  25) speaks  of  a  certain  "legis  doctor" — clearly  a judge — who  deferred  judgment  in  consequence of  having  received  a  bribe ;  and  a  charter  of Pipin,  mayor  of  the  palace  (quoted  by  Ducange, s.  V.  Doctor  Legis),  speaks  of  things  decided  by "  proceres  nostri,  seu  Comites  palatii  nostri  vel reliqui  legis  doctores,"  where  the  doctors  are clearly  persons  who  have  an  official  right  to expound  the  law.  [C] DOCTORS,  CHRIST  IN  CONFERENCE WITH.  This  subject  is  represented  in  a  fresco of  the  first  cubiculum  of  the  Callixtine  Cata- comb. See  in  Bottari,  taw.  xv.  and  liv.,  also  tav. Ixxiv.  Both  are  conventionally  arranged,  our  Lord being  on  a  lofty  seat  in  the  midst,  with  hand upraised  in  the  act  of  speaking ;  the  doctors  on His  right  and  left,  with  some  expression  of wonder  on  their  countenances.  The  only  sarco- phagus besides  that  of  Junius  Bassus  (Bottari, XV.),  which  indis,  iitabhj  contains  this  subject, is  stated  by  Martigny  to  be  that  in  S.  Ambrogio DOLIUM ♦  j at  Milan.      (AUegranza,  Sacra   Momm.  Aid.  (\e Milano,  tav.  iv.)     See,  however,  Bottari,  vol.  i.  i tav.  33.     All  the  surrounding  figures  are  seated  ! in  this  example,    but  our  Lord  is  placed  above  i them   in  a  kind  of  stall    or   e'dicule,    with   two  j palm-trees  at  its  sides.     He  holds  a  book  or  roll in   His   hand,   which   is   partly  unrolled,    while  ; the  doctors  have  closed  theirs.     So  also  in  AUe-  , granza,   tav.  i.,  a  mosaic  from  St.  Aquilinus  of  ] Milan.     The  Lord's  elevated  seat  is  placed  on  a rock,  with  the  Divine  Lamb  below,  probably  in  j reference  to  Rev.  v.  as  "  able  to  ojien  the  Book."  ! On  the  right  and  left,  at  His  feet,   are  Josej)h  I and  Mary  in  the  attitude  of  adoration. Perret  (i.  pi.  1.)  gives  a  copy  of  a  very  skilful  i painting  from  the  catacombs,  which  places  two  j doctors  on  the  Lord's  right  hand,  who  are  ex-  , pressing  attention  and  wonder,  and  Joseph  and  \ Mary  on  the  other,  with  looks  of  patient  waiting  ,! on  Him.     The  figure  on  the  left  is  so  evidently  • feminine,  as   to    repel    the    idea    that   the   four evangelists  are  intended.  j The  fine  di])tych   of  the   5th  century  at  ths  j Cathedral  of  Milan  and  that  of  Murano  (Bugati,  ; 3Iem.  di  S.  Cclso  and  Gori,  Thes.  Dipt.  viii.  tab.  [ 8,  see  woodcut)  also  represent  our  Lord  sitting,  ■! with  the  doctors  standing  before  Him.  These  re- present Him  of  more  mature  appearance  and stature  than  the  account  in  the  Gospels  quite warrants.  The  figure  below  our  Lord's  feet  is supposed  to  represent  Uranus  or  the  Firmament of  Heaven  (Ps.  xviii.  9).  [R.  St.  J.  T.] DOLIUM.  This  seems  to  be  the  most  con- venient generic  term  for  the  various  representa- tions of  casks  and  large  vessels  which  occur  fre- quently in  early  Christian  art,  and  have  sym- bolic meaning  very  generally  attributed  to  them. (Boldetti,  pp.  164-368  ;  Perret,  iii.  3  ;  Bottari, tav.  155.)  As  they  are  generally  found  on  tombs they  are  taken  as  empty,  representing  the  body when  the  soul  has  fled  from  it.  If  the  marriage of  Cana  [see  s.  v.  Cana]  can  be  supposed  to  be  so frequently  used  on  sarcophagi  as  a  symbol  of  the Resurrection,  the  cask  may  be  supposed  to  repre- sent a  water-vessel,  and  be  a  short-hand  symbol of  the  Miracle.  This  seems  altogether  unlikely, and,  moreover,  in  almost  all  cases  the  vessels  re- presented are  strictly  "  waterpots  of  stone  "  or hydriae.  The  close  juncture  of  the  staves  of  a cask  has  been  taken  to  indicate  Christian  unity. DOLPHIN Martigny  conjectures  (quoting  St.  Cyprian,  Ep. xvi.  Ad  Confess.  Rom.      "  Vini  vice' sanguinem funditis  ")  that  the  foi-m  of  a  cask  has  been  given to  certain  small  vessels  for  preserving  the  blood of  martyrs  {e.g.  Boldetti,  pp.  163-4),  with  allu- sion to  tne  power  of  their  self-sacrifice  in  hold- ing  the  Church  together.     He  concludes,  how- ever,  on    the    whole,    that    the    picture    of  the  ' Dolium  was  very  possibly  only  a  play  on  words, from  its  resemblance  in  sound  to  doleo,  and  its  1 inflections.     This  seems  to  be  proved   by  his  ex- ample from  Mamachi  (see  woodcut) — two  dolia,  ' with    the    inscription    IVLIO     FILIO    PATER DOLIENS.  [R.  St.  J.  T.]    i DOMESTICUS 571 DOLPHIN  [see  s.  v.  Fisii].     As  m  tne  case  I of  other  Christian   symbols,  the  dolpnin  is  used  i from  a  very  early  date  in  two  or  more  senses, representing  either  the  Lord  Himself,  the  indi- vidual Christian,  or  abstract  qualities  such  as those  of  swiftness,  brilliancy,  conjugal  affection, &c.  In  a  painting  given  by  De  Rossi  (vol.  i.  tav. viii.),  two  dolphins  bear  (apparently)  vessels  with the  Sacramental  loaves.  It  has  been  suggested, and  is  not  improbable,  that  the  Dolphin  embra- cing the  Anchor,  so  often  found  on  gems,  rings,  &c. (Mamachi,  Antiq.  Christ,  iii.  23  ;  Lupi,  Epitapli. Sever.  M.  64,  note  1),  is  an  emblem  of  the  Cruci- fied Saviour,  or,  indeed,  of  the  faithful  follower. For  its  use  as  an  emblem  of  swiftness,  see  Bol- detti, p.  332,  where  is  figured  the  handle  of  a  pen found  in  a  Christian  sepulchre,  fashioned  into  the dolphin-shape,  which  may  indicate,  as  Martigny supposes,  that  the  occupant  was  in  life  a  scribe or  short-hand  writer.— Ps.  xlv.  2.  The  fish  with extended  fins,  or  back  bent,  as  if  in  the  act  of plunging  forward,  seems  to  be  used  to  express speed  in  pressing  forward  for  the  prize  of  the Christian  race.  See  Lupi,  Epitaph.  Sev.  pp.  53 and  185.  In  the  latter  he  is  accompanied  by  a dove,  and  both  are  approaching  a  vase,  which  may signify  the  Living  Waters  of  Baptism  or  of  Truth. See  Martigny,  s.  v.  Dauphin.  The  dolphins  (see woodcut),  placed  two  close  together  on  each  side of  the  inscription  over  Baleria  or  Valeria  La- tobia,  are  thought  to  symbolize  conjugal  affec- tion. [R.  St.  J.  T.] DOLUS  MALUS.    [Forgery.] DOME.  (Commonly  derived  from  DoMUS Dei,  domes  being  at  one  time  so  invariable  a part  of  churches  as  to  usurp  their  name.  Per- haps from  S'oaa.)  A  concava  ceiling  or  cupola, either  hemispherical  or  of  any  other  curve, covering  a  circular  or  polygonal  area ;  also  a roof  the  exterior  of  which  is  of  either  of  these forms  (Parker's  Gloss,  s.  v.  Cupola). The  dome  is  not  usual  in  churches  of  the basilica  type,  though  it  is  sometimes  found ;  in the  church  of  Sta.  Croce  in  Gerusalemme  (for instance),  we  find  a  dome  covering  one  of  the chapels  (the  south-eastern)  by  which  the  apse  is enclosed.     [CnuRCH,  p.  370.] In  sepulchral  or  memorial  churches,  usually circular,  sometimes  polygonal  in  form,  the  dome, as  might  be  expected,  is  of  frequent  occurrence. The  church  of  Sta.  Costanza  is  of  this  class,  and there  we  find  the  dome  supported  on  an  interior jieristyle.  [Church,  p.  371.]  The  "Dome  of the  Rock  "  at  Jerusalem,  classed  by  some  autho- rities among  memorial  churches,  has  a  dome  sup- ported by  four  great  piers.  Other  examples  may be  found  in  the  church  of  St.  George  in  Thes- snlonica,  5th  cent.,  and  the  cathedral  at  Bosrah in  the  Hauran,  of  the  date  a.d.  512.  [Church, p.  372.] The    sepulchral  chapel  built  by  the  empress  [ Galla  Placidia  at  Ravenna  has  a  tower  enclosing a  small  dome.     [Church,  p.  372.]     One  of  the most  remarkable  domes  in  the  world  is  that  of  j St.  Sophia,  both  from  its  size  and  from  the  pecu- liar manner   in   which   it  is  supported,  not   by  I piers  or  arches  on  every  side  but  upon  two  semi-  j domes,  east  and  west,  by  which  means  a  vast  unen- cumbered space — 200  ft.  by  iOO  ft. — is  obtained. [Church,  p.  373.]  After  'the  time  of  Justinian churches  in  the  East  were  almost  exclusively built  after  some  modification  of  the  plan  of  St. Sophia,  in  which  the  dome  forms  so  important a  feature.  The  germ  of  the  nearly  square  ground- plan,  with  a  dome  covering  the  centre,  is  perhaps to  be  found  in  domed  oratories  or  Kalvbes  of Syria.  See  woodcut,  p.  347. In  the  church  of  St.  Vitalis  at  Ravenna,  built between  A.D.  526  and  547,  there  is  a  sort  of clerestory,  20  ft.  high,  below  the  dome.  And after  the  death  of  Justinian  we  find  this  con- struction, in  which  the  dome  itself  is  placed  on a  drum  pierced  with  windows,  frequent  in  the empire.  The  church  of  St.  Clement,  for  in- stance, at  Ancyra,  belonging  probably  to  the latter  part  of  the  6th  and  beginning  of  the  7th century,  had  such  a  dome  placed  on  a  low  drum. The  church  of  St.  Irene,"  at  Constantinople  (earlier part  of  the  8th  century),  has  the  dome  on  a  drum of  great  height ;  and  a  similar  dome  is  found  in the  church  of  St.  Nicholas  of  Myra,  which  is perhaps  of  more  modern  date.  [Church,  p.  378.] The  Duomo  Vecchio  at  Florence,  by  some  assigned to  the  7th  century,  by  others  to  a.d.  774,  is covered  by  a  dome  65  ft.  in  internal  diameter. [Church,  p.  380.]  [C] DOMESTICUS,  "  belonging  to  the  house  or household,"  has  several  ecclesiastical  senses : — 1 .  Domestici  are.  all  who  belong  to  the  "  house- hold of  faith  ;"  "omnibus  congruus  honor  exhi- beatur,  maxime  tamen  domesticis  fidei "  (h'egula St.  Bened.  c.  53). 2.  In  the  East,  the  principal  dignitary  in  a church  choir  after  the  Protopsaltes.     There  was 572  DOMINICA one  on  each  side  ot  the  choir,  to  lead  the  singers  in antiphonal  chanting  (Codinus,  De  Offic.  c.  vi.  §  3  ; Goar's  Eucholog.  pp.  272,  278 ;  Ducange,  s.  v.). 3.  Domesticus  Ostiorum,  b  AofietrriKos  ro'V eupwv,  the  chief  door-keeper  at  Constantinople (Codinus,  Dc  Off.  c.  i.  §  43).  [C] DOMINICA.    [Lord's  Day.] DOMINICA,  6<naiJ.-fiT7ip,  commemorated  Jan. 8  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] DOMINE  LABIA.  [Dkus  in  adjutorium.] DOMINICALIS  or  -LE.  A  fair  linen  cloth used  by  females  at  the  time  of  the  reception  of the  Eucharist.  So  for  all  authorities  are  agreed, but  it  is  a  controverted  point  whether  it  was  a white  veil  worn  over  the  head,  or  a  napkin  in which  females  received  the  Eucharist,  whi-ch they  were  forbidden  to  touch  with  the  naked hand.     [Communion,  Holy,  p.  416.] The  latter  view  is  that  which  has  the  greatest currency,  and  can  reckon  among  its  supporters such  weighty  litui'gical  authorities  as  Cardinal Bona  (i?er.  Liturg.  lib.  ii.  c.  17);  Habert  (^Archie- rat.,  part.  X.  obs.  viii.)  ;  Mabillon  {de  Liturg.  Gall. lib.  i.  c.  V.  r.  xxv.)  ;  Macer  {Hierolex.,  sub  voc); Voss.  {Thes.  Iheol.  de  Si/mbol.  Coen.  Bom.),  and others.  It  is  chiefly  based  on  two  canons  of the  Council  of  Auxeri-e,  A.D.  578,  one  (can.  36) forbidding  women  to  receive  the  Eucharist with  the  bare  hand  ;  the  other  (can.- 42)  enact- ing that  every  woman  when  she  communicates should  have  her  dominicalis  or  else  postjjone her  communion.  These  two  canons  are  inter- preted to  refer  to  the  same  subject,  and  the dominicalis  has  been  thus  identified  with  the fair  linen  cloth  with  which  the- hand  was  to  be covered  at  the  time  of  communion.  This  custom is  expressly  mentioned  in  a  sermon  printed among  Augustine's,  but  erroneously  ascribed  to him,  in  which  we  read,  "  omnes  quaudo  com- municare  desiderant  lavent  manus,  et  omnes mulieres  nitida  exhibeant  linteameuta  nt  Corpus Christi  accipiant."  It  will  be  observed  that nowhere  is  this  napkin  expressly  called  dominicale. The  other  view — that  the  dominicale  was  a head-covering,  a  veil  (cf.  1  Cor.  xi.  13)  is  strongly supported  by  Ducange  {sub  voce)  ;  Labbe  (ad  Con- di. Autissiod.);  and  Baluzius  (Not.  in  Gratiun. cans,  xxxiii.  quaest.  iii.  c.  19),  and  is  accepted  by our  own  Bingham  (bk.  xv.  ch.  v.  §  7).  The  pas- sage from  an  ancient  MS.  Penitential  given  by Ducange,  forbidding  a  woman  to  communicate if  she  has  not  her  "  dominicale "  on  her  head, "si  mulier  communicans  dominicale  suum  super caput  suum  non  habuerit,  &c.,"  is  express  for this  view  if  it  be  correctly  quoted.  The  canons cited  by  Baluzius  (apud  Bingham,  l.  c.)  from  the Council  of  Macon,  "  in  which  the  dominicale  is expressly  styled  the  veil  which  the  women  wore upon  their  heads  at  the  communion,"  do  not appear  in  the  acts  of  either  the  first  or  second Council  of  that  name.  This,  however  appears the  more  probable  view.  [E.  V.] DOMINICUM.  1.  One  of  the  names  of  a Church  (q.  v.),  Greek  KvpiaK6v. 2.  Equivalent  to  KvptaKhv  SeiTrvov.  Cyprian, EjMst.  63 ;  "  Numquid  ergo  Dominicmn  post coenam  celebrare  debemus  ?  "  And  the  martyrs in  Africa,  somewhat  later,  were  accused  of  cele- brating "  coUectam  et  Dominicum,"  the  ordinary DOMIO assembly  and  the  Lord's  Supper  (Acta  Procons. Saturnini,  etc.,  c.  5  ;  compare  cc.  7  and  8).    [C] DOMINUS  or  DOMNUS.  1.  Equivalent  to "  Saint  "  as  a  title  ;  as  "  Dominus  Joannes  "  for St.  John,  in  Cyprian's  ii'fe  of  Caesarius  of  Aries. Sometimes  in  the  form  Domnus  ;  St.  Martin,  for instance,  is  called  "  Domnus  Martinus  "  in  the preface  and  in  can.  13  of  the  first  council  oi Tours.  St.  Peter  is  called  "  Domnus  Petrus Apostolus "  (Cone.  Turon.  IT.  c.  23) ;  St.  Paul, "  Domnus  Paulus  Apostolus  "  (Gregory  of  Tours, Hist.  Franc,  ix.  41).  The  Mar  of  the  Chaldaean Christians  (as  in  "  Mar  Markos  ")  is  equivalent to  Dominus. 2.  Bishops  are  called  Domini,  without  any further  designation  of  their  episcopal  dignity. Ftir  instance,  a  bishop  is  described  by  Gregory the  Great  (Epist.  iv.  27)  as  "  Dominus  Mizenatis ecclesiae."  Dominus  in  this  usage  also  is  fre- quently shortened  into  Domnus,  as,  for  instance, by  Gregory  of  Tours  and  Gregory  the  Great (Ducange,  s.  v.).  [C.J 3.  Domnus  was  at  first  a  title  of  the  abbat (Reg.  Benedict.  63),  afterwards  of  his  sub-officials, and,  in  the  middle  ages,  of  monks  generally  (Mar- tene  ad  loc.  citat.).  The  word  was  applied  to  saints (Sulpic.  Sever.,  Epp.  2,  3  ;  Mabill.  Ann.  0.  S.  B. xviii.  9),  to  bishops  (Cone.  Aurcl.  iii.  Subscr.), and  to  the  pope  (Ducange,  Glossar.  Lat.  s.  v.). Hence  the  titles,  "  Dan,"  "  Don,"  "  Donna,"  &c. in  the  Romance,  and,  in  modern  French,  "Doni," for  monks  (Ducange,  Gloss.  Lat.  u.  s.  Alard.  Gaz. I'raef.  Cassiani  <'pp.). "  Domna  "  was  used  similarly  of  nuns. [1.  G.  S.] DOMINUS  VOBISCUM.  1.  The  versicle Dominus  Vobiscum,  with  the  response,  et  cum spiritu  tuo,  is  found  in  the  Gregorian  Sacra- mentarg  immediately  before  the  Sursum  Corda, which  introduces  the  Canon. In  the  third  of  the  ancient  canons  read  and approved  at  the  First  Council  of  Braga,  A.D.  563, (Bruns's  Canones,  ii.  35),  it  is  provided  that bishops  and  priests  should  not  greet  the  people in  different  ways,  but  that  both  should  use  the form  Dominus  sit  vobiscum  (Ruth  ii.  4),  and the  people  respond  Et  cum  spii'itu  tuo,  the  form handed  down  from  the  very  Apostles,  and  re- tained by  the  whole  Eastern  Church.  The  latter assertion  does  not  apjjcar  to  be  founded  on  fact, for  the  Eastern  Church  has  constantly  used  the form  '■^  Peace  be  with  you  all."  [Pax  Vobis- cum.] The  distinction  which  the  canon  notes and  forbids  betweeu  the  priest's  salutation  and the  bishop's,  was  probably  that  the  former  used the  form  Domnus  vobiscum,  the  latter,  as  re- presenting more  completely  the  Lord  Himself, the  form  Pax  vobiscum.  But  see  Krazer,  De Liturgiis,  p.  399  f. 2.  At  Prime,  in  the  Daily  Office,  Dominus vobiscum,  with  the  usual  response,  is  said  before the  Collect. 3.  When  the  Breviarium  Hipponense  (can.  1, al.  6)  orders  "  ut  lectores  populum  non  salutent," the  meaning  probably  is,  that  they  were  not permitted  to  use  the  form  commonly  appro- priated to  the  higher  orders,  whether  Dominus or  Pax  vobiscum.  fX^.] DOMIO,  bishop  of  Salona  in  Dalniatia,  mar- tyr, with  eight  soldiei's  ;  commemorated  April 11  (Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  'J.] DOMITIANUS DOMITIANUS.  (1)  Abbot  of  Lyons;  de- position July  1  (^Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  at  Philadelphia  in  Arabia,  with five  others ;  commemorated  Aug.  1  (^Mart.  Rom. Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (3)  Deacon,  and  martyr  at  Ancyra  in  Galatia, with  Eutvcus  the  presbyter ;  commemorated Dee.  28  {Mart.  HIeron.,  Usuardi). (4)  Bishop  ot'Melitene,  circa  A.D.  570;  com- memorated Jan.  10  {Cut.  Dyzant.).      [W.  F.  G.] DOMITILLA,  virgin,  martyr  at  Terracina in  Campania,  under  Domitian  and  Trajan;  com- memorated May  7  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi)  ;  May  12  {Mart.  Ilieron.).    [W.  F.  G.] DOMITIUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Syria  ;  comme- morated July  5  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi). (2)  In  Phrygia,  offwuaprvs,  under  Julian;  com- memorated Aug.  7  {Cal.  Bijzant.)        [W.  F.  G.] DOMNINA  or  DOMNA,  virgin,  martyr witli  her  virgin  companions  ;  commemorated Api-il  14  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi).       [VV.  F.  G.] DOJININUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Thessalonica with  Victor ;  commemorated  March  30  {Mart. Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  at  Julia,  under  Maximian ;  com- memorated Oct.  9  {lb.)  [W.  F.  G.] DOMUS  DEI.  (1)  Literally,  the  church as  a  material  building  (Optatus,  c.  Donat.  iii.  17). Hence  Ital.  Duomo,  and  Germ.  Dom.. (2)  The  Church,  as  the  whole  body  of  Chris- tian people  (Lucifer  of  Cagliari,  Pro  Athanasio, i.  22  ;  Ducange,  s.  v.)  [C] DONA,  DONARIA.  These  words  are  not unfrequently  used  by  Christian  writers  in  the special  sense  of  offerings  placed  in  churches,  parti- cularly costly  presents  given  as  memorials  of some  great  mercy  received  by  the  offerers  (Jerome, Epist.  27,  ad  Eustoch. ;  Epist.  13,  ad  PauUn. ; Sidouius  Apoll.  lib.  iv.  Ep.  18  ;  Paulinus  of  Nola, Natal.  S.  Feltcis,  6).  The  corresponding  Greek word  is  a.vd6nij.a  (Luke  .xxi.  5  ;  2  Maccab.  ix.  16), which  Suidas  defines  as  irav  rh  atpiepcDfj-evov 0665.  See,  for  instance,  the  account  of  the  offer- ings of  Constantine  to  the  Anastasis  at  Jerusa- lem (Euseb.  Vita  Constant,  iii.  25).  [Corona Lucis;  Votive  Offerings.]  [C] DONATA,  of  SciUita,  martyr  at  Carthage with  eleven  others;  commemorated  July  17  (iffwi. Rom.   Vet.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi)     [W.  F.  G.] DONATI.    [Oblati.] DONATIANUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Nantes with  Piogatianus,  his  brother ;  commemorated May  2-t  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  Bishop  and  confessor  in  Africa,  with  Pre- sidius,  Mansuetus,  Germanus,  and  Fuscolus, under  Hunnericus;  commemorated  Sept.  6  {Mart. Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] DONATILLA,  virgin,  martyr  in  Africa, with  ]\Iaxima  and  Secunda,  under  Gallienus ; commemorated  July  30  {iVart.  Hieron.,  Rom. Vet.,  Usuardi,  Cal.  Garth.).  [W.  F.  G.] DONATUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome  with Aquilinus  and  three  others  ;  commemorated Feb.  4  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  at  Concordia  with  Secundianus, Romulus,  and  eighty-six  others  ;  commemorated Feb.  17  (/6.)  ; DOORS  OF  CHURCHES 573 (3)  Martyr  at  Carthage;   commemorated  JLir. !(//'.);      • (4)  Martyr  in  Africa,  with  Epiphanius  the bishop,  and  others  ;  commemorated  April  7 {Mart.  Usuardi),  April  6  {Mart.  Hieron.). (5)  Martyr  at  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia,  with Polyeuctus  and  Victorius;  commemorated  May 21  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). (6)  Bishop  and  martyr  at  Arctium  in  Tuscany under  Julian ;  commemorated  Aug.  7  {Mart. Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (7)  The  presbyter  and  anchorite  in  a  district on  Mount  Jura,  in  Belgic  Gaul ;  commemorated Aug.  19  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). (8)  Martyr  at  Antioch,  with  Restitutus,  Vale- rianus,  Fructuosa,  and  twelve  others ;  comme- morated Aug.  23  {lb.). (9)  Martyr  at  Capua,  with  Quintus  and  Arcon- tius ;  commemorated  Sept.  5  {Mart.  Hieron., Adonis,  Usuardi). (10)  Martyr  with  Hermogenes  and  twenty- two  others  ;  commemorated  Dec.  12  {Mart. Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] DOOR  (AS  Symbol).  See  St.  John  x.  9.  It seems  most  probable  that  in  the  various  repre- sentations of  sheep  leaving  or  entering  their  fold or  house,  and  so  representing  the  Jewish  or  Gen- tile Church  [Bethlehem  ;  Church],  the  door may  be  intended  to  recall  the  words  "  I  am  the door,"  to  the  spectator's  mind.  In  Allegranza, Mon.  di  Milano,  i^c.,  tav.  ii.,  the  door  is  seen five  times  repeated,  evidently  with  this  sym- bolic reference,  and  on  the  porch  or  tympanum of  the  old  basilica  of  St.  Aquilinus  in  the  same city  the  following  verses  occur : — "  Janua  sum  vitae;  precor  omncs  intro  veiiite; Per  me  transibunt  qui  coeli  gaudia  quaerunt : Virgine  qui  natus,  nuUo  de  patre  creatus, Intrantes  salvet,  redeuntes  ipse  gubernet." Lupi,  Diss,  e  Lett.  i.  p.  262  gives  a  bas-relief in  gilded  bronze,  which  contains  a  gate  or  door, with  the  Lamb  under  it  bearing  the  Cross,  and the  words  "  Ego  sum  ostium,  et  ovile  ovi- um."  [R.  St.  J.  T.] DOORS  OF  CHURCHES.  {Januae, poi'tae,  valvae  ;  Ovpal,  irvXai.) 1.  The  principal  outer  doors  of  a  church  seem to  have  been  in  ancient  times  at  the  west,  if  the church  was  so  built  that  the  altar  was  at  the east  end,  or  at  any  rate  in  the  end  facing  the altar.  In  a  basilican  church  of  three  aisles  there were  for  the  most  part  three  western  doors  : "  Alma  domus  triplici  patet  insrodientibus  arcu." I'aulinus  of  Nula,  J-.p.  32,  ad  b'ev. In  Constantine's  great  "Church  of  the  Sa- viour "  at  Jerusalem,  the  three  doors  faced  the east  [Church,  p.  369].  At  these  doors  stood during  service  the  "weepers"  {irpoaKAaiovrfs). If  there  was  a  Narthex,  the  western  doors gave  entrance  into  this,  and  other  doors  again from  the  narthex  into  the  nave.  The  nave  was sometimes  again  itself  divided  into  chorus  and tr.tpeza — the  portions  for  the  clerics  and  the people  respectively — by  a  screen  or  partition having  doors ;  but  more  frequently  those  wlio entered  by  the  western  doors  saw  before  them  at once  the  Iconostasis,  or  screen  enclosing  the sanctuary,  with  its  three  doors. 2.  Tiie  doors  iu  the  Iconostasis  were  known generally  as  KayKfWodvpiSes,   irSpTai  toD  wyiou 574 DOORKEEPERS firilxaTos ;  the  side  doors  distinctively  as  -irXdyiai or  TrapaTr6pria.  The  central  doors  were  called  the "  Hoi)'  Doors  "  {ayiai.  dvpai)  and  sometimes  the "  Royal  Doors  "  (/3a(riAi/cai  dvpal). o.The  great  western  doors  of  the  nave  were called  the  "  Royal  Gates "  (/3otriAi/cai  TruAai) ; and  this  term  was  also  adopted  by  Latin  writers, so  that  "  regiae  "  came  to  be  used  substantively for  these  doors.  Auastasius,  for  instance,  says (Vltae  Pontiff,  c.  119)  that  pope  Honorius  (a.d. (3'26-638)  covered  with  silver  plates  the  great i-oyal — the  so-called  "  Median  " — doors  at  the entrance  of  a  church  (regias  in  ingressu  ecclesiae majores,  quae  appellantur  medianae).  When  the church  had  a  narthex,  the  western  doors  of  this were  also  sometimes  called  the  "  royal "  gates. 4.  The  great  church  of  St.  Sophia  at  Constan- tinople had  nine  doors  between  the  narthex  and the  nave.  As  these  were  covered  with  silver, not  only  were  they  called  the  "  Silver  Doors," but  the  same  term  came  to  designate  the  doors of  other  churches  which  occupied  the  same position. ."i.  Another  term,  the  application  of  which cannot  be  absolutely  determined,  is  the  "  Beauti- ful Gates"  {wpa7ai  irv\ai).  These  have  been supposed  to  be  the  gates  which  separate  chorus and  trapeza  (Goar);  those  which  separate  nave from  narthex  (Ducange)  ;  or  the  outer  gate  of the  narthex  (Neale).  The  latter  application  is supported  by  the  fact  that  the  term  is  taken from  the  "  Beautiful  pate  "  of  the  temple,  un- doubtedly an  outer  gate. 6.  The  "  Angelic  Gate  "  {ayyeKiKij  irvKri)  was one  which  allowed  a  person  to  enter  the  trapeza, so  as  to  draw  near  the  choir.  Nothing  farther is  known  of  it.  It  is  not  improbable  that  it  was a  local  term. 7.  The  word  dvpa  is  consistently  used  to  de- siouate  a  door  within  the  building,  and  the  word irv\7]  to  designate  the  much  larger  "gates" which  admitted  the  mass  of  the  congregation from  without  into  the  narthex  or  the  nave. Epithets  like  "  royal  "  "  and  beautiful  "  are  per- haps not  used  invariably  with  a  special  meaning, but  the  "  Holy  Doors "  are  always  the  central doors  of  the  Bema,  and  no  other. 8.  The  Holy  Doors  were  opened  at  the  com- meacemeDt  of  the  Great  Vespers,  at  all  '"en- trances," whether  at  Vespers  or  in  the  Liturgy  ; and  at  the  end  of  the  Liturgy,  when  the  people are  invited  to  approach  for  the  purpose  of  com- municating (Neale,  Eastern  Church,  Introd.  pp. 194-200). 9.  The  doors  of  churches  were  frequently  of rich  material  and  workmanship.  The  outer doors  of  St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople  were  of bronze,  with  ornaments  in  relief  [Church,  p. 374];  and  those  of  the  Iconostasis,  as  well  as those  between  the  narthex  and  the  nave,  of silver.  And  elsewhere,  as  not  unfrequently  in the  Liber  Pontificalis,  we  read  of  doors  of  metal gilt,  or  of  wood  richly  inlaid  or  carved.         [C] DOORKEEPERS  {iTvXwpoi,  dvpwpol,  Ostiarii), an  inferior  order  of  clergy  mentioned  by  the Pseudo-Ignatius  {Ejrist.  AntiocL),  by  Eusebius (B.  E.  vi.  43),  and  by  Justinian  (Novell,  iii.  1). There  is  no  mention  of  them  in  Tertullian  or Cyprian,  from  which  Thomassin  (Vet.  et  Nov. Eccl.  IHscip.  i.  1.  2,  c.  30,  §  8)  infers  that  in the    earlv    African     church     their    duties    were DORMITORY discharged  by  the  laity.  The  council  of  Lao- dicoa  (c.  24),  speaks  of  them  among  the  inferior orders  of  clergy.  At  the  ordination  cf  a  door- keeper, after  previous  instruction  by  the  arch- deacon he  was  presented  to  the  bishop  who  de- livered to  him  the  keys  of  the  church,  with  the injunction  to  act  as  one  who  must  render  to God  an  account  of  the  things  which  are  opened by  those  keys  (iv.  Cone.  Garth,  c.  9).  The  4th council  of  Toledo  (c.  4)  provides  that  a  door- keeper should  keep  the  door  of  the  church  at the  opening  of  councils.  In  the  2nd  canon  of another  council  of  Toledo,  held  A.D.  597,  it  is ordered  that  a  doorkeeper  should  be  appointed by  the  priest  to  provide  for  the  cleansing  and lighting  of  the  church  and  sanctuary  (Bi-uns's Canones,  i.  220).  In  the  Apostolic  Constitutions (ii.  25)  they  are  spoken  of  as  belonging  to  that portion  of  the  clergy  which  represents  the  Le- vites,  but  in  the  lowest  grade.  Their  share  of the  Agapae  was  the  same  as  that  of  a  Lector  or Cantor  (Ibid.  ii.  28)  ;  there  is  no  mention  of their  ordination,  and  they  are  named  among  the clergy  who  were  not  permitted  to  baptize  (/Wc?. iii.  11).  They  were  to  stand  during  the  time  of service  at  the  door  of  the  part  of  the  church allotted  to  the  men  {Ibid.  ii.  57).  They  were allowed  to  marry  {Ibid.  vi.  17).  [P.  0.] DORIA,  martyr  with  Chrysanthus,  under Numerian  ;  commemorated  March  19  {Cal.  Bjj- zant.).  [W.  F.  G.] DORMITIO  (Kolfx-ncns),  the  "falling  asleep," used  to  describe  the  state  of  those  who  "  depart hence  in  the  Lord"  (Cyprian,  Epist.  i.  c.  2). More  especially  it  is  used  to  designate  the  day of  the  departure  or  "  Assumption  "  of  the  Virgin Mary  [Mary,  Festivals  of]  ;  Xanthopulus,  for instance  (quoted  by  Ducange,  s.  v.  Dormitio), uses  the  expression,  Koifj.T]atv  ayvris,  rrjr  fierd- cnaffLv  Kiy(t>.  See  Daniel's  Cudex  Liturg.,  iv.  239  ; and  Menard's  Sacrcun.  Greg.,  pp.  411,  707.    [C] DORMITORIUM.  A  garment  for  sleeping in;  the  "  lebiton  linens"  of  Pachomius  {Vita, c.  22).  The  gloss  on  the  Bide  of  St.  Benedict explains  Dormitoria  by  the  Greek  word  iyKol- fiTidpa  (Ducange,  s.v.).  [C] DORMITORY  {Donnitorium).  It  was  the primitive  custom  for  monks  to  sleep  all  together in  one  large  dormitory  (Alteser.  Asceticon,  is.  8). Not  till  the  14th  century  (Ducange,  Glossar.  Lat. s.  V.)  was  the  custom  introduced  of  using  separate sleeping  cells.  By  the  rule  of  Benedict  all  were to  sleep  in  one  room,  if  possible  (Bened.  Reg.  c. 22)  with  the  abbat  in  their  midst  (cf.  Magistr. Beg.  c.  29  ;  Bened.  Beg.  c.  22)  or  in  larger  mo- nasteries ten  or  twenty  together  with  a  dean (Bened.  Beg.  ib. ;  cf.  Caesar.  Arelat.  Beg.  ad  Mo- nnch.  c.  3 ;  Reg.  ad  Virg.  c.  7  ;  Aureol.  Beg.  c.  6  ; Ferreol.  Beg.  cc.  16,  33).  Only  the  aged,  the  in- firm, the  excommunicated  were  excepted  from this  arrangement  (Cujusd.  Beg.  c.  13).  Each  monk was  to  have  a  separate  bed  (Bened.  Beg.  v.  s. ; Caesar.  Arelat.  Beq.  v.  s. :  Fructuos.  Beg.  c.  17). They  were  to  sleep  clothed  and  girded  (Bened. Reg.  V.  s. ;  Mag.  Reg.  c.  11 ;  Cujusd.  Reg.  v.  s.), the  founder  probably  intending  that  the  monk should  sleep  in  one  of  the  two  suits  ordered  by his  rule  (Bened.  Reg.  c.  55);  hut  in  course  of time  the  words  were  loosely  interpreted  as meaning  only  the  woollen  tunic  (Marten,  ad  loc. DOEONA citdt.^  It  was  particvilarly  enjoined,  puerile  as the  caution  sounds,  by  Benedict  and  others,  that the  monks  were  not  to  wear  their  knives  in  bed (Bened.  Beg.  c.  22  :  Magist.  Beg.  c.  11).  A  light was  to  be  kept  burning  in  the  dormitory  all night  (Bened.  Beg.  'v.  s. ;  Mag.  Beg.  c.  29  ; Cujusd.  Beg.  v.  s.).  All  the  monks  were  to  rise at  a  given  signal  (Bcgg.  Monast.  passim).  The dormitory  was  to  be  ke]>t  under  lock  and  key till  morning  (Mart,  ad  Bened.  Beg.  c.  48).  The sleeping-room  for  stranger  monks  was  usually close  to  the  great  dormitory,  and  not  far  from  the chapel  (Mart,  ad  Bened.  Beg.  c.  53 :  of.  Capitut. Aquisgr.  68). In  the  first  fervor  of  monastic  zea_l^  it  was  a common  practice  to  sleep  on  the  bare  ground (xo!.p-^vvla. ;  cf.  Altes.  Aacet.  is.  8  ;  Vit.  St.  Anton. c.  6 ;  Theodoret,  Bhilotk.  1,  &c.).  Others  slept on  mats  (if/iaflia,  mattae,  stramenta ;  Cassian. Gollat.l  23;  xviii.  11;  Ruffin.  Verb.  Senior,  ii. 29,  125);  frequently  these  were  made  by  them- selves {Vit.  Bachom.  43),  and  Augustine  speaks of  some  strict  Manicheans  as  '"mattarii"  (Cont. Faustin.  v.  5).  The  rule  of  Benedict  allows mattress  (sagum),  coverlet  {laena  or  Una),  and pillow  (capitale,  v.  s.);  but  in  Egypt  the  mat- tress was  considered  a  luxury  in  the  4th  century, not  permissible  -except  for  guests  (Cass.  Coll. xix.  6).  Some  of  the  monks  of  Tabenna  slept HI  their  tunics,  half  sitting,  half  lying  (^Vita Bachomii,  c.  14,  in  Rosweyd's  Vit.  Fair.). The  time  allowed  for  sleep  was  for  Egyptian monk?  in  the  commencement  of  monachism  very short  indeed  (Cass.  Tnstit.  v.  20;  Coll.  xii.  15, xiii.  6).  Arsenius  is  said  to  have  contented  him- self with  one  hour  only.  Ruffinus  speaks  of others  who  allowed  themselves  four  hours  in  the night  for  sleep,  assigning  four  for  prayer,  four for  work  {Verb.  Sen.  c.  199).  Even  Benedict, though  far  more  tolerant,  forbad  his  disciples  to retire  to  rest  again  after  nocturns  (Beg.  c.  8  ;  cf. Cass.  Instit.  ii.  12).  But  the  rule  was  not  adhered to  strictly  (Marten,  ad  Bened.  Bei.  1.  c). The  rules  of  the  canonici  in  the  8th  and  9th century  were  very  similar  to  those  of  the  monks. Chrodegang  ordered  all  to  sleep  in  one  chamber, unless  with  the  bishop's  licence  (Beg.  c.  3). This  was  enforced  on  the  canonici  in  their monasteries  and  on  those  dwelling  under  the bishop's  roof,  by  the  council  of  Tours,  813  a.d. {Cone.  Turon.  iii.  cc.  23,  24).  The  council  at Aachen,  three  years  later,  ordered  bishops  to  see that  the  canonici  slept  in  one  dormitory  {Cone. Aquisjr.  cc.  11,  123);  and  in  its  second  session repeated  the  decree  of  the  council  at  Chalons 813  A.  D.,  that  all  nuns,  except  the  sick  and  in- firm, should  sleep  in  one  dormitory  on  separate beds  {Cone.  Cahill.  c.  59,  cf.  Cone.  Mogunt.  813 A.D.,  c.  9,  cf.  Com.  Turon.  ii.  567  a.d.,  c.  14). Grimlaic,  in  his  rule  for  solitaries,  orders  that no  fancy  work  is  to  be  allowed  on  the  coverlets. [I.  G.  S.] DOEONA,  "  Indus  et  Dorona,"  commemo- rated Dec.  19  {Cal.  Armen.)  [W.  F.  G.] DOEOTHEA,  virgin,  martyr  with  Theophi- lus  at  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia;  commemorated Feb.  6  nLirt.  Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.] DOEOTHEUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Tarsus  in Cilicia,  with  Castor;  commemorated  Mar.  28 {Mart.  Usuardi). DOVE 575 (2)  Bishop  of  Tyre,  martyr  under  Julian commemorated  June  5  {Cal.  Bgzant.). (3)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia,  with  Gorgonius, under  Diocletian  ;  commemorated  Sept.  9  {J/art. Bum.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] DOEYMEDON,  martyr  with  Trophimus and  Sabbatius,  A.D.  278  ;  commemorated  Sept.  19 {Cal.  Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] DOSSAL  {Dorsale,  dorsile  pallium).  A  cur- tain hung  on  the  walls  of  the  choir  of  a  church, or  other  place  of  dignity,  behind  the  stalls  of  the clerks,  "  a  dorso  clericorum "  (Durandus,  Ba- tionale,  I.  iii.  23).  "Cortina  quae  pendet  ad dorsum  "  (The  Monk  of  St.  Gall,  Vita  Car.  Mag. i.  4).  Ekkehard  the  younger  {De  Casibus  S.  Gal'li, c.  1),  speaks  of  a  place  decked  "  tapeto  et  dor- sili  "  (Ducange,  s.  v.).  [C.] DOTALIA  INSTEUMENTA.  [Contract OF  Makriage,  p.  458.] DOVE  (AS  Symbol).  Like  the  mystic  fish and  lamb,  the  dove  has  more  than  one  meaning 01-  train  of  meaning  :  it  is  used  symbolically  for the  Divine  Being  and  for  the  Christian  wor- shipper; and  is  also  represented  simply  in  its own  form  on  graves  and  the  walls  of  cata- combs. It  is  used  very  frequently  (see  wood- cut) with  Noah  in  the  ark,  in  the'literal  sense; and  in  all  representations  of  the  Lord's  baptism Fresco  in  Uie  Catacomb  of  DomiUUrt,  iirotftbly  seconil  century. and  elsewhere,  the  dove  indicates  the  presence of  the  Holy  Spirit.  In  one  instance,  an  Orante surrounded  by  several  doves  is  opposed  on  one medallion  of  the  fi-ont  of  a  sarcophagus  to  tlie Good    Shepherd    with    His     sheep    on     auotlicr. 576 DOVE This  use  of  the  dove  is  very  frequent  in  the monuments  of  Southern  Gaul;  where,  as  in the  catacombs,  the  birds  which  stand  on  each side  of  the  monograms  or  crosses  are  often  clearly mtended  for  doves.  See  Leblant,  Inscr.  Chre'tienncs de  la  Gaule  anterieures  au  huitieme  sieole,  Paris, 1856.  ^    , As  an  emblem  of  the  Third  Person  of  the Trinity,  the  carved  or  painted  figure  of  the  dove appeared  from  a  very  early  period  in  all  bap- tisteries (see  Luke  iii.  24).  One  of  the  earliest examples  of  this  is  the  baptistery  in  the  ceme- tery of  St.  Pontianus  (Aringhi,  ii.  275).  The painting,  though  considered  by  Martigny  as  of later  date  than  the  building,  is  referred  by  him to  the  6th  century,  and  represents  the  Lord's f-^ ^^~^- Baptismal  Dove.  Catacomb  of  Pontianna  ;  seventh  centnry. baptism  in  Jordan.  The  rude  and  grim  figures in  this  painting  remind  us  of  those  of  the  Lau- rentine  and  other  very  early  MSS.  The  sym- metrical arrangement  is  also  like  early  Byzantine work,  so  called  ;  and  the  river  is  a  winding  trench, with  a  curious  typical  resemblance  to  the  actual course  of  Jordan,  which  induces  us  to  think  the painter  had  visited  it.  So  also  in  both  bap- tisteries at  Ravenna.  The  mosaic  of  St.  Mark's preserves  this  likeness,  with  the  addition  of  three adoring  angels,  a  star  above  the  dove,  fish  in  the river,  and  the  double  axe  laid  to  the  root  of  a tree.  This  imagery  is  strictly  followed  in  the wild  and  powerful  painting  of  Tintoret,  in  the Scuola  di  S.  Rocco,  now  scai'cely  intelligible (Ruskin,  Modern  Painters,  vol.  ii.).  The  Turin miniature  is  remarkable  for  its  topographical accui-acy  as  to  two  of  the   sources  of  Jordan, labelled    respectively     C  0  Y)  $    ^  0  R     and "f^O  Tl  S    D  y^  0  .      Martigny  also   mentions figures  of  doves  on  a  font  or  laver  of  very  early date  belonging  to  the  church  of  Gondrecourt (^Rcvue  Arche'ologiqtie,  v.  i.  p.  129),  where  how- ever only  birds  are  said  to  be  drinking  from vases,  and  pecking  at  grapes.  See  also  Pa- ciaudi,  De  Cultu  S.  Joannis  Baptistae,  pp.  58, 69,  where  copies  of  a  miniature  from  a  MS.  in the  Royal  Library  at  Turin,  and  of  a  mosaic  in St.  Mark's  in  Venice,  are  given,  both  containing the  dove.  A  golden  or  silver  dove  was  often suspended  above  the  font  in  early  times.  [Dove, THE  EUCHARISTIC]  These  sometimes  con- tained the  anointing  oil  used  in  baptism  and extreme  unction  (Martigny,  s.  v. ;  and  Aringhi, vol.  ii.  p.  326,  c.  5).  On  lamps  in  form  of  doves, see  Aringhi,  ii.  325,  1. As  a  symbol  of  the  believer,  the  dove  of course  has  chief  reference  to  two  texts  of  H.  S., belonging  to  different  yet  harmonious  trains  of DOVE thought.  One  is  Matt.  x.  16,  "  Be  ye  wise  as serpents  and  harmless  as  doves ;"  the  other, Ps.  Iv.  6,  "  0  that  I  had  wings  like  a  dove,  then would  I  flee  away  and  be  at  rest."  The  passages in  Cant.  i.  15,  ii.  14,  v.  2,  vi.  9,  refer  to  the Church,  and  therefore  may  be  taken  as  referring simply  to  all  faithful  souls.  Martigny  giver  a drawing  of  a  seal  with  a  dove  m  the  centre, surrounded  by  the  woi'ds  "  Veni  si  amas,"  la obvious  reference  to  Cant.  ii.  10.  The  dove with  the  olive  or  palm-branch,  which  so often  accompanies  it,  is  held  equivalent  to the  form  "In  Pace."  As  with  other  birds,  the flying  or  caged  dove  has  reference  to  the  de- liverance of  the  soul  from  the  flesh  in  death, or  to  its  imprisoned  state  in  life.  [See  Bird.] Aringhi  quotes  St.  Ambrose's  sermon  on  St.  Euse- bius,  "  Altiora  facilius  penetrantur  simplicitate mentis,  quam  levitate  pennarum ;"  and  St.  Au- gustine on  St.  Matt.  x.  to  the  same  purpose. In  Aringhi,  ii.  p.  145,  the  dove  is  associated  with the  peacock ;  also,  p.  139,  in  a  vault  of  the Catacomb  of  St.  Priscilla.  In  Bottari,  tav.  181, it  hovers  with  the  olive-branch  above  the  three holy  children  in  the  flames. Twelve  doves,  representing  the  Twelve  Apostles, occur  in  Bottari,  i.  p.  118,  on  a  mosaic  crucifix. See  also  Paulinus  of  Nola  {Ep.  ad  Severum,  xxxii. c.  10).  He  thus  describes  a  mosaic  (musivum opus)  in  his  church.     [Cross.] "  Pleno  coruscat  Trinitas  mysterio : Stat  Christus  agno :  vox  Patris  coelo  tonat : Et  per  columbam  Spiiitus  Sanctus  fluit. Crucera  corona  lucido  cingit  globo  : Cui  coronae  sunt  corona  apostoli, Quorum  figura  est  in  coliimbarum  chore. I'ia  Trinitatis  unitas  Christo  colt, Habente  et  ipsa.Trinitate  insignia ; Dum  revelat  vox  paterna,  et  Spiritus : Sanctam  fatentur  crux  et  agnus  victimam. Regnum  et  triumphum  purpura  et  paliiia  indicant Petram  superstat  ipsa  petra  ecclesiae, De  qua  sonori  quatuor  fontes  meant, Evangelistae,  viva  Cbristi  flumina.'     [R.  St.  J.  T.] DOVE,  THE  EucHARiSTic.  Pyxes  or  recep- tacles for  the  reserved  host  were  not  unfre- quently  made  of  gold  or  silver  in  the  shape  of  a dove,  and  suspended  over  the  altar.  Doves  of the  precious  metals,  emblematic  of  the  Holy Spirit,  were  also  suspended  above  the  font  in early  churches.  In  the  life  of  St.  Basil  by  the Pseudo-Amphilochius,  it  is  narrated  that  that father,  after  a  vision  that  appeared  to  him  while celebrating  the  Eucharist,  divided  the  wafer  into three  parts,  one  of  which  he  partook  of  with  great awe,  the  second  he  preserved  to  be  buried  with him,  and  placed  the  third  in  a  golden  dove  hang- ing over  the  altar.  He  afterwards  sent  for  a goldsmith,  and  had  a  new  golden  dove  made  to contain  the  sacred  morsel  (Amphiloch.  Vit.  Basil., c.  6). One  of  the  charges  brought  against  the  Ace- phalian  heretic  Severus  by  the  clergy  of  Antioch at  the  Council  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  536,  was that  he  removed  and  appropriated  to  his  own use  the  gold  and  silver  doves  hanging  over  tlie sacred  fonts  and  altars,  XP""""^  ""'  o-pyvpas irepirrepas  Kpe/j-a/xevas  virtpavu)  Tccv  deiwv  Ko- Kvfx.^ir]dpSiv  Kai  QvcriaffTTipitiiv  ....  icrcperfpiaaTO (Labbe,   Concil.  v.  159). Such  doves  are  mentioned  by  Anastasius  in  the Liber  Fontifcalis,  e.  g.,  St.  Hilar.  70,  "  columbam DOWRY auream  pensan.  libras  21 ;"  Cf.  Ducange,  sub  voc. ; Durantus,  Be  Bitibiis,  lib.  i.  c.  xvi.  §  5 ;  Paulin. Kolan.  £]}.  xxxii.  Not.  154,  p.  910.  [E.  V.] DOWRY.     [Arrhae:  Marriage.] DOXOLOGY  (Ao^oXoy'ta).  The  term  doxo- logy  is  usually  confined  (1)  to  the  '•Gloria  in Excelsis,"  which  is  called  the  greater  doxologv, and  also  the  Angelical  Hymn,  from  its  opening clause  recorded  by  St.  Luke  as  having  been  sung by  the  angels  who  announced  the  birth  of  Christ to  the  shepherds  ;  and  (2)  to  the  "  Gloria  Patri," which  is  called  the  lesser  doxology.  The  term is,  however,  sometimes  given  to  the  "  Trisagion  " (Holy,  holy,  holy,  Lord  God  of  Hosts,  heaven and  earth  are  full  of  Thy  glory),  called  also the  Seraphic  hymn,  in  reference  to  the  vision  of the  Seraphim  described  by  Isaiah  (c.  vi.) ;  and also  to  the  word  Alleluia  (q.  v.),  when  repeated again  and  again  as  a  hymn  of  praise. The  exact  periods  of  the  origin  of  these  dox- ologies  are  unknown,  owing  to  the  extreme "scantiness  of  early  Christian  literature.  But  it may  be  safely  conjectured  that,  in  their  earliest forms,  they  came  into  use  soon  after  that  circu- lation of  the  Gospel  narratives  which  must  have quickly  become  general  among  Christians  in  pro- portion to  the  cultivation  of  each  local  church, and  its  means  for  communicating  with  the  gene- ral body  of  believers.  The  extent  and  rapidity of  this  circulation  being  involved  in  extreme obscurity,  so  far  as  contemporary  history  informs us,  the  positiveness  with  which  later  writers have  spoken  of  the  almost  Apostolic  origin  ot these  hymns  must  be  set  down  amongst  those numerous  assumptions  which  have  clouded  our real  knowledge  of  primitive  Christian  life  and devotions.  The  "  Trisagion  "  in  all  probability is  the  most  ancient  of  all,  as  it  would  be  the natural  expression  of  the  adoration  of  the  Jewish Christians,  who  were  already  in  possession  of the  Old  Testament,  and  who  would  have  been familiar  with  the  book  of  Isaiah  before  their conversion  to  Christianity.  The  use  of  the '•  Gloria  in  Excelsis,"  which  originally  consisted only  of  its  opening  sentence,  would  be  equally natural,  wherever  the  narrative  of  St.  Luke  was known  ;  and  the  "  Gloria  Patri,"  which  origi- nally consisted  only  of  its  first  clause,  would  be the  result  of  a  fixmiliarity  with  the  last  verses of  St.  Matthew's  Gospel. The  "  Gloria  in  Excelsis "  is  unquestionably of  Eastern  origin.  Liturgical  speculators,  in- deed, have  inseaiously  discovered  a  reference  to its  existence  in  very  early  writers.  It  has  been frequently  assumed  that  it  was  in  fact  '•  the hymn,"  which  Christians  sang  on  all  solemn occasions,  including  such  as  are  referred  to  in Acts  xvi.  25;  1  Cor.  xiv.  26;  and  Col.  iii.  19. When  the  author  of  the  dialogue  attributed  to Lucian  speaks  of  the  Christians  as  watching all  night  for  the  purpose  of  singing  hymns, it  is  supposed  that  their  chief  song  was  the "Gloria  in  Excelsis."  It  is  also  held  to  have been  specially  referred  to  in  the  famous  passage in  Pliny's  letter  to  Trajan :  "  Affirmabant  banc fuisse  summam  vel  culpae  suae,  vel  erroris,  quod essent  soliti  stato  die  ante  lucem  convenire,  car- menque  Christo  quasi  Deo  dicere  secum  invicem." In  reality,  however,  we  first  meet  with  this doxology,  and  in  something  very  like  its  final form,    in  the    book    known    as    The    Apostolical CIJBIST.  ANT. DOXOLOGY 577 Constitutions  (vii.  47).  It  is  there  described  as the  "morning  prayer,"  and  stands  as  follows: "  Glory  be  to  God  on  high,  and  on  earth  ])eace, good  will  towards  men  (er  avSpwirois  fvSoKia). We  praise  Thee,  we  sing  to  Thee  {ufj.vod/u.ii'  (rt), we  bless  Thee,  we  glorify  Thee,  we  worship  Thee, through  the  great  High  Priest ;  Thee  the  true God,  the  only  unbegotten,  whom  no  one  can approach  for  the  great  glory.  0  Lord,  heavenly king,  God  the  Father  Almighty,  Lord  God,  the Father  of  Christ,  the  Lamb  without  spot,  who taketh  away  the  sin  of  the  world,  receive  our prayer,  thou  that  sittest  upon  the  Cherubim! For  thou  only  art  holy,  thou  only.  Lord  Jesus, the  Christ  of  God,  the  God  of  every  created being,  and  our  king;  by  whom  unto  Thee  be glory,  honour,  and  adoration."  Unfortunately, the  writer  of  the  Constitutions  was  not  exempt from  the  spirit  of  falsification,  which  was  by  no means  rare  among  early  religious  writers.  As it  is  impossible  to  believe  him  when  he  attributes a  liturgy  of  palpably  Oriental  character  to  St. Clement,  we  cannot  be  sure  that  in  this  record of  the  great  doxology  he  has  not  made  alterations or  interpolations  of  his  own.  In  the  mention  of the  doxology  in  the  treatise  De  Virginitate  (in Athanasius's  Works')  only  the  beginning  is  quoted,  ' and  even  here  it  is  not  identical  with  that  given by  the  author  of  the  Constitutions.  Giving  direc- tions to  the  virgins  for  their  morning  devotions, Athanasius  says,  "  Early  in  the  morning  say  this Psalm,  '  0  God,  my  God,  early  will  I  wake  to Thee.'  When  it  is  light,  say,  '  Bless  ye  the Lord,  all  ye  works  of  the  Lord,'  and  '  Glory  to God  in  the  highest,  and  peace  on  earth,  goodwill towards  men.  We  sing  to  Thee,  we  bless  Thee, we  worship  Thee,'  and  the  rest  (of  the  hymn)  " (c.  20 ;  torn.  2,  p.  120,  ed.  Benedict.). St.  Chrysostom,  on  the  other  hand,  in  de- scribing the  morning  devotions  of  those  who  led an  austere  life,  says  that  they  sang,  as  the  angels did  "Glory  to  God  in  the  highest,  and  on  earth peace,  goodwill  towards  men  "  ;  making  no  men- tion of  the  subsequent  additions  {Horn.  69  in Mattli.').  How  soon  the  use  of  the  complete  hymn became  general  in  the  Western  Church  it  is  im- possible to  say.  The  4th  council  of  Toledo,  A.D. 633,  treats  of  it  in  its  completeness,  defends  it,  as such,  against  certain  rigorists  who  objected  to its  repetition  on  the  ground  that  only  its  first sentence  was  of  divine  origin.  "  For  the  same reason,"  said  the  fathe;-s  of  the  council  (can.  13), "  they  might  have  rejected  the  le.sser  doxology, '  Glory  and  honour  be  to  the  Father,  and  to  the Son,  and  to  the  Holy  Ghost,'  which  was  com- posed by  men ;  and  also  this  greater  doxology, part  of  which  was  sung  by  the  angels  at  our Saviour's  birth  ;  '  Gloj-y  be  to  God  on  high,  and on  earth  peace  to  men  of  goodwill ;'  but  the rest  that  follows  was  composed  and  added  to  it by  the  doctors  of  the  Church." The  period  at  which  this  doxology  was  gene- rally introduced  into  the  eucharistic  office  in  the West  is  entirely  a  matter  of  conjecture.  There is  no  foundation  for  the  common  idea  that  it formed  a  portion  of  the  early  liturgies.  Justin Martyr  {Apol.  i.  c.  65)  in  describing  the  eucha- ristic worship  of  his  contemporaries,  makes  no mention  of  this  hymn.  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem, in  his  5th  catechesis  on  St.  Peter's  1st  E{)istle, while  fixing  certain  details  in  the  eucharistic service,  such  as  the  "  Sursum  corda,"  &c.,  gives 2  P 578 DOXOLOGY no  hint  of  its  use.  Nor  is  it  found  in  any  ot tlie  earliest  liturgies,  whether  Western  or Eastern,  which  are  in  existence.  In  the  East,  it is  still  used  in  the  non-eucharistic  morning  ser- vices of  the  Church,  being  sung  on  Sundays  and the  greater  festivals,  and  recited  on  ordinary  days. It  was  first  appointed  (according  to  the  Liber Pontif.)  to  he  said  ip  the  Roman  Liturgy  by  Pope Symmachus,  who  was  raised  to  the  Pontificate  in 498,  but  only  on  Sundays  and  the  festivals  of martyrs,  and  apparently  its  recital  was  held  to be  a  special  privilege;  for  the  Gregorian  Sacra- mentary  (p.  1)  gives  the  following  directions  con- cerning it :  "  Item  dicitur  Gloria  in  Excelsis  Deo, si  episcopus  fuerit,  tantummodo  die  Dominico, sive  diebus  testis.  A  presbyteris  autem  miuime dicitur,  nisi  in  solo  pascha.  Quando  vero  letania agitur,  neque  Gloria  in  Excelsis  Deo,  neque  Alle- luia canitur."  Pope  Stephen  the  3rd  directed that  on  the  highest  festivals  it  should  be  sung only  by  bishops,  at  least  in  the  Laterau  Church. Pope  Calixtus  2nd  granted,  as  a  privilege  to  the monks  of  Tournus  *  that  they  should  use  it  on the  Feast  of  the  Annunciation  ;  "pro  reverentia B.  Mariae  semper  Virginis,  cujus  nomine  locus vester  insignis  est,  in  Annunciatione  Domini  Sal- vatoris  nostri  hymnum  Angelicum  inter  missa- rum  solemnia  abbati  et  fratribus  pronunciare concedimus"  (Calixti  epist.  ad  Franconem  Abha- tcin  monasterii  Trenorchiensis).  From  the  JIo- zarabic  ritual  it  seems  to  have  been  about  this time  recited  in  Spain  on  Sundays  and  certain festivals,  in  the  eucharistic  office ;  but  in  the Galilean  Church  it  appears  even  when  introduced to  have  been  tor  a  long  time  only  sung  on  public days  of  thanksgiving.  Its  ultimate  gradual adoption  throughout  the  Western  Church  was no  doubt  due  to  the  increasing  influence  of  the example  of  Rome.  At  the  same  time  our  modern desire  for  uniformity  in  religious  worship  was unknown  in  the  early  ages  of  Christianity,  not merely  because  our  ideas  on  disciplinary  organi- zation were  as  yet  undeveloped,  but  because  the facilities  for  communication,  both  personally  and by  letter,  were  comparatively  slight,  and  local customs  were  preserved,  as  almost  sacred  in  the eyes  of  those  who  had  received  them  from  their fathers.     [Gloria  in  Excelsis.] 2.  The  origin  and  history  of  the  "Gloria  Patri," or  lesser  doxology,  is  even  more  obscure  than that  of  the  "  Gloria  in  Excelsis,"  and  in  its present  shape  it  is  the  result  of  the  Arian controversies  concerning  the  nature  of  Christ. It  is  quite  impossible  to  trace  its  use  to  the three  first  centuries  ;  if  it  was  really  known to  the  primitive  Christians,  it  probably  arose, as  has  been  already  suggested,  from  the  juxta- position of  the  three  persons  of  the  Trinity, in  the  command  given  by  the  Lord  to  his Apostles  to  teach  and  baptize  all  nations.  For several  centuries,  the  clause  "As  it  was  in  the beginning,  &c.,"  was  certainly  unknown  in many  parts  of  Christendom.  The  4th  council of  Toledo,  A.D.  633,  makes  no  mention  of  this clause,  and  at  the  same  time  gives  a  version of  the    first     portion    which    is    not    identical »  Tournus  was  an  abbey  in  Burgundy,  on  the  Saone, between  Macon  and  Cbalons ;  and  the  privilege  granted by  Stephen  is  remarkable  as  one  of  the  earliest  instances In  which  the  bishop  of  Rome  claimed  a  right  over  the public  foi-ms  of  prayer  in  local  churches. DOXOLOGY with  that  which  subsequently  became  universal, reading  it  thus :  "  Glory  and  honour  be  to  the Father,  and  to  the  Son,  and  to  the  Holy  Ghost, world  without  end.  Amen."  In  the  old  Spanish liturgy,  known  as  the  Mozarabic,  supposed  to  be of  a  little  later  date,  it  occurs  in  the  same  form as  in  the  decree  of  Toledo.  In  the  treatise  of Walafridus  Strabo  De  rebus  ecdesiasticis  (c.  25), the  different  usages  of  different  countries  are particularly  specitied.  "  Diceudum,"  he  says, "  de  hymno,  qui  ob  honorem  sanctae  et  unicae Trinitatis  otficiis  omnibus  iuterseritur,  eum  a Sanctis  patribus  aliter  atque  aliter  ordinatum. Nam  Hispani  sicut  superius  commemoravimus, ita  eum  dici  omnimodis  voluerunt.  Graeci autem,  '  Gloria  Patri,  et  Filio,  et  Spiritui  Sancto, et  nunc,  et  semper,  et  in  saecula  saeculorum. Amen.'  Latini  vero  eodem  ordine  et  eisdem verbis  hunc  hymnum  decantant,  addentes  tantum in  medio,  '  Sicut  erat  in  principio.' "  The  writer of  the  treatise  De  Vinjinitate  which  is  often placed  among  the  works  of  Athanasius,  gives the  "Gloria  Patri,"  as  "Glory  be  to  the  Father, and  to  the  Son,  and  to  the  Holy  Ghost,  world without  end.  Amen." The  addition  of  the  second  clause  is  enjoined in  the  year  529,  by  the  2nd  council  of  Vaison, which  at  the  same  time  asserts  that  it  was already  universal  among  the  Greeks.  "  Quia non  solum,"  says  the  council,  "  in  Sede  Aposto- lica,  sed  etiam  per  totum  Orientem  et  totam Africam  vel  Italiam,  propter  haereticorum  astu- tiam,  qua  Dei  Filium  non  semper  cum  Patre fuisse,  sed  a  tempore  f'uisse  blasphemant,  in  omni- bus clausulis  post  Gloria,  sicut  erat  in  principio dicitur,  etiam  et  nos  in  universis  ecclesiis  nostris hoc  ita  esse  dicendum  decrevimus."  From  which decree  it  appears  certain  that  the  use  of  the additional  clause  was  at  the  least  not  general  in Gaul  at  that  time,  though  it  is  likely  that  it had  gradually  been  introduced  from  Italy.  It  is remarkable,  indeed,  as  the  new  addition  was adopted  with  the  direct  object  of  repudiating the  Arian  doctrine,  that  it  should  not  have spread  more  rapidly  eastward,  after  the  decisive action  of  the  council  of  Nice  in  asserting  the orthodox  faith. From  the  writers  of  the  Arian  period,  again, it  would  seem  that  there  were  important  varia- tions in  the  traditional  forms  of  the  first  clause, to  which  great  significance  was  attached  by  the adherents  of  the  opposing  doctrines.  One  of  these forms  stood  thus:  "Glory  be  to  the  Father,  and to  the  Son,  with  the  Holy  Ghost ;  "  and  another, "  Glory  be  to  the  Father,  in  or  by  the  Son,  and by  the  Holy  Ghost."  Sozomen  asserts  (H.  E. iii.  20)  that  the  form  "  Glory  be  to  the  Father through  the  Son  "  was  adopted  by  the  Arians  as distinctly  implying  the  subordination  of  the  Son to  the  Father;  and  Valesius  believes  that  the arepoT6\euTia  which  the  Arians  used  in  their chanting  (76.  viii.  8),  composed  to  support  their own  views  (jrphs  tt)v  avTwv  SS^av),  were  doxo- logies.  On  the  other  hand,  Philostorgius,  him- self an  Arian,  alleges  that  the*  ancient  form  was really  that  which  the  Arians  preferred,  and  that Flavian  of  Antioch  was  the  first  person  who introduced  the  form  now  used,  every  one  before him  having  said  either  "Glory  be  to  the  Father by  the  Son,"  or  "  Glory  be  to  the  Father  in  the Son."  It  is  to  be  noted,  also,  that  St.  Basil was    accused    of  having   introduced    a    novelty, DRACONAEIUS when  he  said,  "  Gloi-)'  be  to  the  Father,  and  to the  Son ; "  and  that  in  his  vindication  ot  himself {De  Spirltu  Sancto,  c.  29  [al.  70  tt".])  he  declares that  all  the  three  forms  were  ancient  and  to  be used  in  the  Nicene  sense.  He  says,  too,  that  his  own practice  was  that  of  Irenaeus,  Clement  of  Rome, Dionysius  of  Rome,  Eusebius  of  Caesarea,  Diony- sius  of  Alexandria,  Origen,  Athenogenes,  Gregory Thaumaturgus,  Firmilian,  and  Meletius.  Each form  indeed,  was  probably  used  indiflerently, during  the  long  period  when  the  taith  of  the Church  was  left  undefined,  that  is,  until  the council  of  Nice  in  the  early  part  of  the  4th  cen- tury. How  soon,  in  its  present  complete  form,  it was  generally  used  in  connection  with  the  recita- tion of  the  Psalms,  it  is  impossible  to  say.  It  is directed  to  be  thus  recited  by  St.  Benedict  (^Reijula, c.  18)  where  he  writes,  "In  primis  dicantur  versus; '  Deus  in  adjutorium,'  &c.,  '  Domine  ad  adjuvan- dum,'  &c.,  et  'Gloria.'"  But  whether  he  was introducing  a  novelty,  or  merely  sanctioning  a practice  already  introduced,  is  a  matter  of  mere conjecture.    [See  Psalmody.]  [J.  M.  C] DEACONARIUS.  Strictly  speaking  this word  denotes  the  bearer  of  the  military  standard, on  which  a  dragon  was  represented,  "  vexillifer, qui  fert  vexillum  ubi  est  draco  depictus  "  (Du- cange,  s.  v.). When  Constantine  after  his  conversion  placed the  Christian  symbol  on  the  military  ensigns instead  of  the  dragon,  the  name  outlived  the change,  and  the  standard-bearer  was  still  called draconarius.  Sometimes  we  find  the  ancient symbol  joined  to  the  new,  the  dragon  being placed  beneath  the  cross. In  the  Christianized  empire  this  name  came to  signify  the  official  who  carried  a  standard  or banner  in  ecclesiastical  processions  ;  a  transfi-r- ence  which  was  facilitated  by  the  fact  that  the official  in  question  often  carried,  as  the  soliliers also  did,  the  labarum  with  the  cross,  Coustau- tine's  chosen  symbol. Pellicia  states  {Politia,  ii.  113,  ed.  1780)  that in  his  time  an  object  resembling  almost  exactly the  ancient  labarum,  as  depicted  on  coins,  was still  carried  in  supplications,  and  called  "  gon- falon "  by  the  Italians. The  name  Draconarius  seems  also  to  have  been sometimes  given  to  the  cross-bearer.  [C] DRAGON  (AS  Symbol).  [See  Serpent.] Though  the  serpent  from  the  earliest  ages  has been  a  symbol  of  both  good  and  evil,  the  dragon, wherever  he  occurs  in  early  Christian  art,  seems to  represent  the  enemy  of  mankind,  all  his  temp- tations, and  the  evil  desires  of  mankind  which combine  with  them.  The  images  of  the  Apo- calypse have  much  to  do  with  this,  of  course, and  the  dragon  appears  in  MSS.  of  that  book,  as in  a  Saxon  one  now  in  the  Bodleian  Library. The  dragon-standards  of  cohorts,  on  the  con- version of  Constantine,  had  the  Cross  or  mono- gram of  Christ  placed  above  the  serpentine image ;  the  name  of  the  standard-bearer  [Dra- conarius] being  applied  in  after  times  to  bearers of  banners  in  Church  processions.  The  labarum is  represented  as  planted  on  the  body  of  a  ser- pent, in  a  medal  given  by  Aringhi  after  Baro- nius  (vol.  ii.  p.  705). The  fish  or  whale  of  Jonah  is  often  roi)rR- sented  in  the  catacombs  as  a  sort  of  draconic nondescript  (see    Bottari   Ivi.   and  passim,   De DRAGON 579 Rossi,  Sec),  perhaps  with  an  idea  of  carrying out  the  symbolism  of  our  Lord's  passing  under and  out  of  the  power  of  hell  and  of  death.  But the  idea  of  a  sea-monster  seems  always  intended to  be  conveyed.  The  idea  of  the  dragon  as  a winged  crocodile  or  lizard  may  have  been  derived from  remains  of  the' Sauri :  a  skeleton  of  some animal  of  that  family  is  mentioned  by  Mrs. Jameson  as  having  been  exhibited  at  Aix  in  a fossil  state,  as  the  frame  of  a  dragon  which  had long  devastated  the  neighbourhood.  Prof.  Kings- ley  calls  atteution  to  the  fact  that  the  pterodac- tyles  of  the  lias  were  literally  flying  dragons  to all  intents  and  purposes.  The  Grikfin,  as  a  mi- nister of  God's  service,  is  quite  distinct  from  the dragon  (see  s.  v.)  "  For  Daniel  and  the  Apocry- phal Dragon  or  Serpent  see  Bottari,  v.  1,  tav. xix.  and  woodcut. The  Gothic  imagination,  in  later  days,  revelled in  dragons ;  the  seven-headed  beast,  with  crowns and  nimbuses  on  all  his  heads  except  that "  wounded  to  death "  (Rev.  xii.),  is  a  type  of such  art ;  see  Didron's  Outline,  &c.,  vol.  i.  p.  162, "from  a  12th  century  Psalterium  cum  figuris," in  the  Bihliothique  Eoyale.  In  Constantine's Mosaic,  (Euseb.  de  Vita  Const,  lit.  iii.  c.  3 ;  .see also  Didron,  Iconogr.  Chre'tienne,  vol.  i.,  art. Croix),  the  serpent  or  dragon  is  associated with  the  Cross  as  the  conquered  enemy  of  man- kind. The  serpent  is  placed  at  the  foot  of  the Cross  of  Lothaire,  and  in  the  missal  of  Charles the  Bald  (Essay  by  Mons.  G.  St.  Laurent,  in Didron's  Annales  Archeologiques,  vol.  xxv.  See Serpent.)  dragons  are  mentioned  as  occupying alternate  panels  of  bas-relief  with  doves,  drinking or  pecking  at  grapes,  on  a  font  from  the  ancient church  oi'  Godrecourt,  Jievue  Arche'ologique,  vol. i.  p.  129. Gori's  representation  (Thesaurus  Diptychorum V.  ii.)  of  the  ivory  binding  of  the  Codex  Laures- tanus  consists  in  part  of  our  Lord  trampling  on »  Bottnii  refers  to  Bosio,  (U  Crtice,  vi.  c.  xi. ;  Ciampini, Vet.  Mov.  t.  i.  c.  x.\i.  p.  191 ;  Uictzer,  di:  Cruce,  t.  iii. lib.  1.  c.  33. 2  P  2 f.80 DRAMAS the  lion  and  dragon,  wliile  the  serpent  is  carved also  near  Him.  [See  Serpent.]  For  the  doves and  tempting  serpent  on  the  Barberiui  gem  see same  article,  and  Gori,  Th.  Diptych,  vol.  iii. p.  160.  [R.  St.J.  T.] DEAMAS,  Christian.  As  works  of  lite- rature, dramas  such  as  the  'X.puTThs  iracrx'^v ascribed  to  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  do  not  come within  the  scope  of  this  Dictionary.  Nor  have  we any  sufficient  evidence  that  sacred  dramas  were ever  acted  till  after  the  time  of  Charlemagne, which  forms  the  chronological  limit  of  its  archae- ology. All  that  can  be  said,  therefore,  is  to note  the  fact  that  there  is  no  proof  of  the  prac- tice of  dramatic  representations  of  sacred  history prior  to  that  period,  but  that  probably  those which  soon  afterwards  became  very  popular were  not  entirely  novelties,  and,  as  the  present writer  has  noticed  elsewhere  {Diet,  of  the  Bible, s.  v.  Magi),  that  names  and  descriptions  like those  which  Bede  gives  of  Gaspar,  Melchior,  and Belthasar  {de  Col.ectan.'),  appear  to  imply  a  dra- matic as  well  as  pictorial  representation  of  the facts  of  the  Nativity.  [E.  H.  P.] DREAMS.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  at- tempt to  foretel  tlie  future  by  the  interpretation of  ordinary  dreams  was  condemned  by  the  early Church  ;  rather  it  was  acknowledged  that  dreams might  be  made  the  vehicle  of  divine  revelation. But  some  of  the  old  heathen  practices  by  which men  sought  to  acquire  supernatural  knowledge in  dreams,  such  as  sleeping  in  an  idol's  temple wrapped  in  the  skin  of  a  sacrifice  (Virgil,  Aeneid vii.  88),  or  under  the  boughs  of  a  sacred  tree, were  distinctly  condemned.  Jerome  (m  loco) takes  Isaiah  Ixv.  4  to  refer  to  such  practices. There  was  no  impiety  (he  says)  which  Israel  in those  days  did  not  perpetrate,  "  sitting  or  dwell- ing in  sepulchres,  and  sleeping  in  the  shrines  of idols;  where  they  used  to  pass  the  night  (incu- bare)  on  skins  of  victims  laid  on  the  ground  that they  might  learn  the  future  by  dreams,  as  the heathen  do  in  certain  temples  even  unto  this  day  " (Wetzer  and  Welte,  Kirchenlex.  xi.  172).      [C] DRESS.  This  article  relates  to  the  ordinary dress  of  Christians,  and  the  dress  of  the  clergy in  civil  life.  For  the  ministerial  dress,  see  Vest- ments. 1.  Dress  of  Christians  generalli/. — In  the  ear- liest davs  of  the  Church  Christians  probably  took little  thought  for  raiment ;  yet  even  in  the  first century  "  gay  clothing  "  was  found  in  Christian assemblies  (St.  James  ii.  2)  as  well  as  in  kings' palaces.  For  Christians  wore  the  ordinary  dress of  their  station  and  country  ;  neither  in  speech nor  in  manners  did  they  differ  from  other  men ; whether  in  cities  of  the  Greeks  or  cities  of  the barbarians  they  followed  the  customs  of  the  place in  dress  and  manner  of  life  (Epist.  ad  Diognetum, c.  5  ;  Tertullian,  Apologet.  c.  42).  Here  and  there a  convert  adopted  or  retained — as  Justin  did — the napless  cloak  (rpipaiv)  which  was  characteristic of  the  philosopher,  and  especially  of  the  Cynic ; but  this  did  not  distinguish  him  from  the  hea- then, but  from  those  who  made  no  profession  of philosophy  or  asceticism.  There  is  no  reason  to doubt  that  those  converts  who  had  a  professional dress — as  civil  and  military  officials — continued to  wear  it  whenever  duty  required. But   if  the  Christian  was  not  in  early  times DRESS distinguished  from  the  heathen  by  his  garb, there  was  always  in  the  Church — as  there  could not  fail  to  be — a  strong  feeling  against  luxury, display,  and  immodesty  in  apparel.  Clem«it  of Alexandria,  who  represents  a  somewhat  ascetic tendency,  condenms  {Stromata,  ii.  10,  p.  232  ff.) all  kinds  of  dye  for  that  which  is  but  the  cover- ing of  man's  shame,  all  gold  and  jewelry,  all over-nice  plaiting  of  the  hair  or  decoration  of the  face  ;  he  seems  even  to  imply  that  there  is no  reason  why  men's  dress  should  differ  from that  of  women,  as  in  both  cases  it  serves  but  the same  purpose  of  covering  and  protecting  from the  cold.  He  will  none  of  cloth  of  gold  or  Indian silk,  the  product  of  a  poor  worm  turned  to  pur- poses of  pride  ;  still  less  of  those  fine  materials which  display  what  they  seem  to  cover.  Let the  stuffs  which  Christians  wear  be  of  their natural  colour,  not  dyed  with  hues  fit  only  for  a Bacchic  procession.  It  is  permissible  to  weave stuff's  soft  and  pleasant  to  wear,  not  gaudy  so  as to  attract  the  gaze.  The  long  train  which sweeps  the  ground  and  impedes  the  step  is  an abomination  to  him,  as  also  the  short  immodest tunic  of  the  Laconian  damsel.  In  a  word,  he urges  simplicity  and  modesty  in  all  points. Clement's  invective  probably  implies  that luxury  in  dress  was  not  unknown  among  the faithful  in  his  time ;  this  is  certainly  the  case with  that  of  Tertullian,  whose  denunciations  are expressly  addressed  to  Christians.  In  his  treatise on  women's  dress,  he  charges  on  the  "  sons  of God,"  who  lusted  after  the  daughters  of  men, the  invention  of  the  adventitious  aids  of  femi- nine beauty — the  gold  and  jewels,  the  brilliant dyes,  the  black  powder  with  which  the  eyelids were  tinged,  the  unguent  which  gave  colour  to the  cheek,  the  wash  which  changed  the  hair  to the  fashionable  yellow,  the  towers  of  false  tresses piled  upon  the  head  and  neck  {De  Ctiltii  Femin- aruin,  i.  2,  6,  8 ;  ii.  5,  6,  7).  Why,  he  asks, should  Christian  women  clothe  themselves  in gold  and  jewels  and  gorgeous  dyes,  when  they never  displayed  their  charms  in  processions,  as the  heathen  did,  and  needed  not  to  pass  through the  streets  except  when  they  went  to  church or  to  visit  a  sick  brother — not  occasions  for gorgeous  apparel  (ib.  ii.  11)?  Why  should they  imitate  the  Apocalyptic  woman  that was  "  arrayed  in  purple  and  scarlet  colour, and  decked  with  gold  and  precious  stones  and pearls?"  (ib.  ii.  12).  He  does  not  object  to seemly  and  becoming  dress  (cultus),  and  approves attention  to  the  hair  and  skin,  but  he  invt'ighs against  such  decoration  (ornatus)  as  seems  in- tended to  attract  notice  (46.  i.  4 ;  ii.  2).  The wrist  accustomed  to  a  bracelet  would  hardly bear  a  chain,  the  leg  adorned  with  an  anklet would  scarcely  bear  the  fetter ;  some  necks  were so  loaded  with  pearls  and  emeralds  as  hardly  to afford  room  for  the  headsman's  sword  {i'>.  ii.  13). Virgins  ought  always  to  cover  their  faces  when they  had  occasion  to  go  abroad  {De  Virgin. Veland.  passim). Nor  does  the  vehement  African  spare  the  men  ; he  speaks  with  contempt  of  their  foolish  etibrts to  please  the  other  sex  by  artistic  clipping  of the  beard,  by  dressing  the  hair,  by  dyeing  white locks,  by  singeing  the  down  from  the  skin,  even by  using  the  feminine  aids  of  paint  and  powder oil  the  face  {De  Cultu  Fern.  ii.  8).  To  the  same etl'ect  Cypriau   speaks   {De  Habitu  Virginum,   c. DRESS 12  ff.),  and  so  sjieaks  the  treatise  De  Bono  Pudi- citiae  (c.    12)  attributed  to  him. From  such  passages  it  is  evident  that  Chris- tians in  the  latter  part  of  the  second  and  the beginning  of  the  third  century,  both  men  and women,  followed  the  fashion  of  the  world,  though not  without  strong  remonstrance  from  those  wlio took  a  more  serious  view  of  their  Christian  call- ing. The  only  exception  probably  was  in  the case  of  some  decoration  which  implied,  or  was thought  to  imply,  participation  in  idolatry  (Ter- tullian,  De  Idololatrid,  c.  18).  It  was  indeed  a jiart  of  the  torture  applied  to  Christians  to  com- pel them  to  put  on  garments  distinctly  indica- tive of  such  participation  {Acts  of  Ferpeiua  and Fclicitas,  c.  18,  in  Kuinart,  p.  100,  ed.  2).  A .series  of  passages  in  denunciation  of  luxury  in dress  might  be  produced  from  the  early  fathers  ; ';ee,  for  instance,  Cyril  of  .Jerusalem,  Catech.  IV. p.  94,  ed.  1641 ;  Basil,  lieg.fiisius  Tract.  Interrog. 22  ;  ii.  366,  ed.  Bened. Some  canonical  decrees  on  the  subject  relate to  the  assumption  by  one  sex  of  the  dress  of  the other;  since  for  women  to  wear  the  dress  ot men  was  sometimes  represented  as  meritorious asceticism.  Eustathius,  for  instance  (quoted  by Bingham,  xvi.  xi.  16)  taught  his  female  disciples to  cut  off  their  hair  and  to  assume  the  habit  of men.  But  the  council  of  Gangra  (a.d.  370),  in canons  13  and  17,  condemns  both  these  practices in  the  following  terms  : — "  If  any  woman,  under pretence  of  leading  an  ascetic  life,  change  her aj)parel,  and  instead  of  the  accustomed  habit  of women  take  that  of  men,  let  her  be  anathema." And,  "  If  any  woman,  on  account  of  an  ascetic life,  cut  off  her  hair,  which  God  has  given  her  as a  memorial  of  subjection,  let  her  be  anathema, as  one  that  annuls  the  decree  of  subjection." These  decrees  are  manifestly  founded  upon  Deut. xxii.  5  and  1  Cor.  xi.  6  respectively.  Cyprian {Ep.  2,  c.  1,  ad  Eucratiuni)  and  Tertullian  (de Spectac.  c.  23),  with  other  writers  (see  Prynne's Hidriomistix),  apply  the  Mosaic  prohibition  to the  mterchange  of  clothing  by  men  and  women in  stage  plays,  which  they  condemn  for  this  rea- son among  many  others. Under  the  Prankish  emperors  the  Mosaic  pro- hibition (Deut.  xxii.  11)  of  wearing  a  garment  of woollen  and  linen  was  re-enacted  {Capitularium, vi.  c.  46). The  civil  code  under  the  empire  attempted  to repress  luxury  by  specific  enactments  {Codex .lustiniani,  lib.  xi.  tit.  8),  which  seem  however to  contemplate,  at  least  in  part,  the  preservation of  an  imperial  monopoly  and  of  the  sanctity  of  the imperial  insignia.  [Commerce,  p.  409.]  It  was utterly  forbidden  to  manufacture  cloth  of  gold or  edgings  (paragaudas)  of  silk  and  gold  thread for  male  attire,  except  in  the  imperial  factories (gynaeciariis) ;  nor  was  any  male  to  wear  such decorations,  except  imperial  officials.  No  woollen garments  were  to  be  dyed  so  as  to  imitate  the imperial  purple,  the  blood  of  the  sacred  murex. No  one  was  to  wear  imperial  insignia,  nor  to manufacture  privately  any  silk  tunics  or  pallia. There  was  probably  a  demand  for  silk  and  cloth of  gold  for  male  attire,  when  so  strict  laws  were made  against  their  use. 2.  Civil  Dress  of  the  Clergij. — It  is  cei-tain  that during  the  first  five  Christian  centuries  the clergy  in  general  were  distinguished  from  the laity,  in  ordinary  life,  neither  by  the  fo)in   nor DRESS 581 the  colour  of  their  garments,  but  only  by  their sober  and  unobtrusive  style  (Thomassin,  I.  ii.  43). The  lacerna,  byrrus,  and  dalmatic  which  Cyprian took  off  before  his  martyrdom  {Acta  Froons. c.  5)  seem  to  be  the  ordinary  dress  of  a  citizen of  that  period.  So  far  were  the  clergy  commonly from  adopting  a  peculiar  dress  that  pope  Celes- tinus  (a.d.  428)  sharply  blamed  certain  Galilean bishops  who  had  chosen  to  make  themselves  con- spicuous by  a  dress  different  from  that  of  the laity  about  them  {Epist.  2,  in  Binius'  Concilia, i.  901).  These  bishops,  it  appears,  had  been monks  before  they  were  promoted  to  the  epi- scopate, and  retained  as  bishops  the  pallium  and girdle  of  the  monk,  instead  of  taking  the  tunic and  toga  of  the  superior  layman.  Yet  Con- stantinus  {Vita  Germani,  in  Surius,  iv.  360)  says that  bishop  Amator,  when  he  ordained  Germanus (1448),  afterwards  bishop  of  Auxerre,  put  upon him  "  habitum  religionis,"  an  expression  which in  all  probability  designates  the  monastic  dress ; and  other  ecclesiastics  of  special  austerity  no doubt  wore  the  rough  dress  of  the  monk,  as  St. Martin  did  (Sulpicius  Severus,  Vita  B.  Martini, c.  10;  Dialogus  II.  c.  1),  but  the  very  fact  that this  costume  was  specially  noticed  shows  that  it was  not  the  common  attire  of  the  clergy. Nor  do  the  clergy  of  the  East,  more  than  those of  the  West,  seem  to  have  adopted  a  distinctive dress  in  early  times,  unless  they  were  members of  monastic  bodies,  or  remarkably  austere  in  life. If  Heraclas  (Euseb.  H.  E.  vi.  19)  wore  the  gown of  the  philosopher,  this  distinguished  him  not from  the  laity  but  from  the  unphilosophical, whether  lay  or  clerical.  The  dress  of  the  bishops whom  Constantine  assembled  round  his  table (Euseb.  Vita  Constant,  i.  42)  seems  to  have  had no  distinctive  character  except  simplicity.  Sis- innius,  a  Novatian  bishop  (Socrates,  H.  E.  vi.  22), incurred  the  reproach  of  ostentation  by  wearing a  white  robe,  which  contrasted  with  the  more usual  sober  colour  of  episcopal  garments.  But there  are  indications  at  a  later  date  among  the orthodox,  that  a  somewhat  splendid  vesture  was thought  to  become  high  station  in  the  hierarch)'. John  Chrysostom,  for  instance,  a  short  time  before his  death,  adopted  the  more  splendid  attire  suited to  his  position ;  and  Gregory  Nazianzen  declares that  his  own  simple  life  and  mean  dress  was  one of  the  reasons  for  his  expulsion  from  Constan- tinople— implying  that  something  more  distin- guished was  looked  for. St.  Augustine  too  {Senno  50,  De  Diversis), apparently  still  a  priest,  says  that  a  valuable byrrus  might  befit  a  bishop,  which  would  by  no means  suit  a  poor  man  like  Augustine.  That the  byrrus  was  the  common,  as  opposed  to  the ascetic,  dress  of  Christians,  is  shown  by  "the  12th canon  of  the  council  of  Gangra  (A.D.  358),  in which  those  who  wore  the  ascetic  gown  {irtpi- /SoAoioj')  are  warned  not  to  deSfiise  the  wearers of  the  byrrus.  Augustine  objects  only  to  wear- ing one  more  valuable  than  bi.'came  his  station. The  account  also  of  Euthyniius  {Life,  by  Cyril, in  Surius,  Jan.  20)  saluting  Anastasius  as  Patri- arch, shows  that  a  dignitary  of  that  emiueuc; was  generally  distinguished  by  the  splendour  of his  attire. We  conclude  then  generally  that  no  especial style  of  dress  was  {)rescribed  for  the  clergy withiu  the  first  five  ceufuries,  but  fhat  .liiiiug the   latter  part   of  that  period   it  was  usual  for 582 DRESS monks  who  became  bishops  to  retain  their  mon- astic garb,  and  for  the  higher  ilignitaries — especi- ally the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  connected as  he  was  with  a  splendid  court — to  wear  such garments  as  befitted  a  person  of  rank. The  same  inference  may  be  drawn  from  the fact  that  the  Pseudo-Dionysius  {Hierarch.  Eccl. c.  5),  in  describing  the  ordination  of  bishops, priests,  and  deacons,  probably  in  the  5th  century, says  not  a  word  of  any  change  of  dress,  though he  is  careful  to  mention  it  in  the  case  of  monks. In  the  6th  century  the  civil  dress  of  the  clergy came  to  differ  from  that  of  the  laity,  mainly  be- cause the  latter  departed  from  the  ancient  type to  which  the  former  adhered  ;  for  the  clergy,  in the  empire  of  the  West,  retained  the  long  tunic and  toga  (or  pallium)  of  the  Romans,  while  the laity  adopted  for  the  most  pai-t  the  short  tunic, trowsers,  and  cloak  of  the  "  gens  bracata,"  the Teutonic  invaders.  It  was  probably  in  conse- quence of  this  change  of  dress  that  the  compila- tion of  canons  sanctioned  by  the  second  council of  Braga,  a.d.  572  (c.  66;  Bruns's  Canones,  ii.  56), especially  desired  the  clergy  to  wear  the  long dignified  tunic  (talarem  vestem).  Gregory  the Great  constantly  assumes  the  existence  of  a  dis- tinctive clerical  habit.  He  speaks,  for  instance (^Epist.  IX.  22),  of  men  assuming  the  ecclesiastical habit  and  living  a  worldly  life.  And  John  the Deacon  ( Vita  Gregorii,  ii.  13)  directs  especial attention  to  the  fact,  that  the  great  Pontiff' him- self tolerated  no  one  about  him  who  wore  the barbarian  dress  ;  every  one  in  his  household  wore the  garb  of  old  Rome  (trabeata  Latiuitas),  then almost  synonymous  with  the  clerical  habit. And  from  the  beginning  of  the  6th  century we  find  canons  forbidding  clerics  to  wear  the secular  dress.  They  are  not  to  wear  long  hair, nor  clothes  other  than  such  as  befit  "religion  " {Cone.  Agathen.  c.  20) ;  nor  a  military  cloak,  nor arms  (C  Matiscon.  c.  5) ;  nor  purple,  which rather  befits  the  great  ones  of  the  world  (C  Kar- hon.  c.  1).  And  again,  in  the  8th  ceutury,  priests and  deacons  are  desired  not  to  wear  the  laic sagum,  or  short  cloak,  but  the  Casula,  as  be- comes servants  of  God  [C.  German,  i.  A.D.  742, c.  7), —  where  the  expression  "ritu  servorum Dei "  probably  does  not  mean  "  like  monks " (Marriott,  Vest.  Christ.  201,  n.  416) — and  gener- ally not  to  wear  ostentatious  clothes  (pompatico habitu)  or  arms  (Boniface,  Epist.  105).  Yet about  the  same  time  pope  Zachary,  writing  to I'ipin,  mayor  of  the  palace  {Cone.  Galliue,\.  563), desires  bishops  to  dress  according  to  their  dignity, and  parish  priests  (presbyteri  cardinales)  to  wear in  preaching  a  better  style  of  dress  than  that  of the  people  committed  to  them;  warning  them at  the  same  time  that  not  the  dress  of  the  body but  the  state  of  the  soul  is  the  important  thing. Yet  even  in  the  latter  part  of  the  7th  century Bede  tells  us.  {Vita  Ciidberti,  c.  16) that  St.  Cuth- bert  wore  ordinary  clothes  (vestimentis  com- munibus),"  neither  splendid  nor  dirty,  and  that after  his  example  the  monks  of  his  monastery continued  to  wear  garments  of  undyed  wool. The  course  of  events  in  the  East,  in  respect  of clerical  dress,  was  not  very  different  from  that in  the  West,  except  that  as  the  settlements  of the  barbarians  were  less  numerous,  the  distinc- »  This  may  mean,  however,  that  Cuthbert  as  abbot  did not  assume  a  dress  ditfeient  from  that  of  his  monks. DRESS tion  between  layman  and  cleric  was  loss  obvious, both  wearing  the  long  tunic.  A  law  of  .Jus- tinian {Nov.  123,  c.  44)  protected  monastic  dress from  profane  uses,  but  says  nothing  of  any  other dress  peculiar  to  clerics.  The  council  in  Trullo, however,  A.D.  691,  expressly  enacted  (c.  27)  that no  one  on  the  roll  of  the  clergy  should  wear  an unprofessional  {avo'iKeiov)  dress,  whether  in  the city  or  on  a  journey,  but  should  use  the  robes (o-ToAoTs)  prescribed  for  those  who  were  enrolled among  the  clergy,  under  pain  of  excommuni- cation for  a  week.  From  this  point  the  differ- ence between  clerical  and  lay  dress  may  be  con- sidered established,  though  a  series  of  enactments throughout  the  middle  ages  shows  that  the clergy  were  constantly  in  the  habit  of  assimilat- ing their  dress  to  that  of  the  laity. Pope  Zacharias  decruod  (a.d.  743)  that  bishops, priests,  and  deacons  should  not  use  secular  dress, but  only  the  sacerdotal  tunic ;  and  that  when they  walked  out,  whether  in  city  or  country — unless  on  a  long  journey — they  should  wear some  kind  of  upper  garment  or  wrapper  (operi- mentum).'' The  second  council  of  Nice,  in  the  year  787, condemns  (c.  15)  bishops  and  clerics  who  distin- guish themselves  by  the  richness  and  brilliant colours  of  their  dress.  So  Tarasius,  patriarch of  Constantinople  (f806),  bade  his  clergy  ab- stain from  golden  girdles,  and  from  garment.^ bright  with  silk  and  purple,  prescribing  girdles of  goats'  hair,  and  tunics  decent  but  not  gor- geous {Life,  c.  14,  in  Surius,  Feb.  25). The  council  of  Aix,  in  the  year  816  (c.  124), inveighs  against  personal  ornament  and  splendour of  dress  in  the  clergy,  and  exhorts  them  to  be neither  splendid  nor  slovenly.  It  seems  to  be presumed  that  the  proper /o/-m  of  the  clerical dress  was  w-ell  known,  for  nothing  is  said  on  this point.  It  further  (c.  25)  forbids  secular  or canonical  clerks  to  wear  hoods  [Cucui.la],  the peculiar  distinction  of  monks.  A  somewhat later  council  (C.  Mctcns.  A.D.  888,  c.  6)  forbids the  clergy  to  wear  the  short  coats  (cottos)  and mantles  (mantellos)  of  the  laity,  and  the  laity  to wear  the  copes  (cappas)  of  the  clergy.  Early  in the  9th  century  also,  presbyters  were  enjoined to  wear  their  stoles  always,  as  an  indication  of their  priesthood  {Cone.  Alogunt.  A.D.  813,  c.  28  ; Capitularium,  lib.  v.  c.  146). We  may  conclude  then,  generally,  that  the clergy  wore  in  civil  life,  during  the  first  eight centuries  of  the  church,  the  long  tunic  which was  the  dress  of  decent  citizens  at  the  time  of the  first  preaching  of  Christianity.  This  was  at first  generally  white  [Alb],  afterwards  of  sober colours,  though  not  seldom — in  spite  of  canons — of  more  brilliant  hue.  To  this  was  added  in early  times  the  dignified  toga ;  afterwards  the cappa  [Cope  ;  Casula,  p.  294],  or  pluviale,  not then  appropriated  as  a  vesture  of  ministration only.  The  long  tunic,  under  whatever  name,  has continued  to  be  the  ordinary  dress  of  the  clergy to  this  day,  wherever  they  have  worn  a  peculiar dress. Literature.  —  Bingham's   Antiquities,   Vi.    iv. ••  The  word  rather  suggests  a  covering  for  the  head ; but  it  is  difficult  to  understand  why  a  man  tilling  a  long journey  should  be  excused  from  wearing  a  liead-covering, while  it  is  easy  to  imagine  tliat  he  might  not  wish  to wear  a  cumbrous  cap^a  or  casula  in  the  climate  of  Italy. DROCTOVEUS 15  ff. ;  Mamachi,  Costurrd  dci  Primitive  Cristiani (Rome,  1753,  54),  and  Origines,  lib.  iii.  c.  7 ; Thomassin,  Vet.  et  Nova  Eccl.  Discip.  I.  ii.  43  ff. ; J.  Boileau,  Disquis.  Ilominis  Sacri  vitam  commu- neiii  more  civili  tradacentis  ;  Heineccius,  De  Ha- bitu  Sacerdot.  [C] DROCTOVEUS,  abbot,  disciple  of  Gerraanus the  bishop;  deposition  at  Paris,  March  10  (Mart. Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] DROMIC.  In  the  Oriental  Church  churches of  the  basilicau  form,  i.  e.  i);irallelograms,  with the  length  considerably  exceeding  the  breadth, and  terminating  in  a  semicircular  apse,  were called  "dromic  "  (Spo/ai/cai),  from  the  similarity  of their  plan  to  that  of  a  SpS/xos  or  "  stadium."  The notion  of  Leo  Allatius  {de  Templis  Grace.  Mecent. Ep.  ii.  §  3),  and  Suicer  {sub  voc.  va6s,  adopted by  Bingham ;  Origines,  bk.  viii.  ch.  iii.  §  1)  that they  were  so  styled  from  having  "void  spaces for  deambulatoria"  within  their  roofs  on  the upper  side  of  the  flat  ceilings,  is  quite  unfounded. Theod.  Zygomalas  apud  Suicer  correctly  derives the  name  "  dromic "  from  the  form,  the  length much  greater  than  the  breadth,  like  a  "  narthex  " or  wand  :  SpoixiKbi/  StKrjv  vdf)dr]Kos-  irav  Spofj.iKhv vdpOrj^  AfyfTai.  Of  this  plan  was  the  original church  of  St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople:  eV  t^ /xeyaKy  eKKXriffia  t^s  ayias  ^o<pias  Spo/MiKJ]  rh irpoTepov  ovari  (Codin.  Orig.  Constantinopol.  72), and  that  of  St.  Anastasia  in  the  same  city :  o  Se vahs  rris  ayias  ' Avacrraffias  eVri  Spo/miKds  (Con- stant, de  Admin.  Imp,  29).  Existing  examples  of dromic  churches  in  the  East  are  those  of  St.  De- metrius at  Thessalonica  (Texier,  Archit.  Bi/zant. 137),  St.  Philip,  and  the  Virgin  of  the  Grand Monastery  at  Athens  (Couchaud,  pi.  2,  4),  and St.  Catherine  on  Mount  Sinai,  built  by  Justi- nian. [E.  v.] DRUNKENNESS.  Of  the  prevalence  of this  vice  in  the  Roman  world  in  the  early  ages of  Christianity  it  would  be  needless  to  speak. That  it  became  peculiarly  shameless  about  the very  opening  of  the  Christian  era,  we  infer  from Pliny's  observation  that  under  Tiberius  men  first began  to  drink  fasting,  jejuni  (bk.  xiv.  c.  xxviii.). The  neighbouring  races  to  the  Roman  empire were  not  more  temperate  than  the  Romans  them- selves. To  the  east,  the  same  Pliny  records  that the  Parthians  wei-e  great  drunkards.  Of  the Germans,  Tacitus  says  that  to  drink  through  a whole  day  and  night  was  considered  no  disgrace {De  Mor.  Germ.  c.  xxii.). It  is  not  necessary  to  go  here  into  the  denun- ciations of  drunkenness  contained  both  in  the Old  and  New  Testament.  It  will  be  enough  to say  that  St.  Paul  expressly  includes  "  drunk- ards "  among  those  who  shall  not  "  inherit  the kingdom  of  God  "  (1  Cor.  \i.  10).  Early  Church writers  follow  the  same  line,  see  Clement  ad  Cor. Ep.  i.  c.  30;  Apost.  Const,  ii.  c.  25;  v.  c.  10; vii.  c.  6  ;  and  particularly  viii.  c.  44.  The  Apo- stolical Constitutions  there  warn  against  giving relief  to  gluttons,  drunkards,  or  idlers,  as  not being  fit  for  the  Church  (bk.  ii.  c.  4).  Drunken habits  were  to  afford  a  presumption  against  a person  accused  before  the  Church  Courts  (ib. c.  49).  The  oblations  of  drunkards  were  not  to be  received  (bk.  iv.  c.  6).  The  true  rule  of  Chris- tian temperance  is  given  in  one  of  the  later constitutions  (bk.  viii.  c.  44)  :  "  Not  that  they should  not  drink,  for  this  is  to  condemn  that DRUNKENNESS 583 which  Is  made  of  God  for  cheerfulness,  but  that they  should  not  drink  to  excess."  The  Aposto- lical Canons  in  like  manner  make  drunkenness  a ground  of  exclusion  from  communion  for  bishops, priests,  deacons,  subdeacons,  readers  or  singers, and  also  for  laymen  (c.  35,  otherwise  numbered 41,  42,  or  42,  43). Still  the  vice  flourished,  as  may  be  seen  for instance  from  the  injunctions  of  Jerome  to  Ne\m- tianus  "never  to  smell  of  wine,"  since  "wine- bibbing  priests  are  both  condemned  by  the apostle  and  forbidden  by  the  old  law  "  (E]).  2)  ; or  to  Eustochium,  that  "  the  spouse  of  Christ should  flee  wine  as  poison."  In  some  countries drunkenness  was  even  made  an  accompaniment of  the  most  solemn  services  of  the  Church. Augustine  complains  (ad  Aur.  Ep.  22,  otherwise 64)  that  in  Africa  "  revellings  and  drunkenness are  deemed  so  allowable  and  lawful  that  they take  place  even  in  honour  of  the  most  blessed martyrs,"  even  in  the  cemeteries  [Cella  me- moriae], as  appears  from  the  sequel  to  the  pas- sage. And  so  rooted  does  he  consider  drunken habits  to  be  in  his  flock  that  he  advises  them to  be  dealt  with  gently,  rather  by  teaching than  by  command,  rather  by  warning  than  by menace. For  a  long  time,  however,  clerical  discipline m  respect  of  this  vice  seems  rather  to  have  been enforced,  or  attempted  to  be  enforced,  through the  well-known  prohibition  to  clerics  to  enter taverns.  [Caupona.]  Except  in  the  Aposto- lical Canons,  the  first  distinct  Church  enact- ment against  drunkenness  appears  to  be  that of  the  1st  Council  of  Tours,  461.  "If  any  one serving  God  in  whatever  clerical  office  shall not  abstain  from  drunkenness  according  to  the order  of  his  estate,  let  a  fitting  punishment  be awarded  to  him  "  (c.  2).  In  Ivo  the  same  canon appears  in  an  altered  form  as  directed  especially against  clerical  tavern-keepers,  who  sold  wine  in their  churches,  so  that  where  nought  should  be heard  but  orisons  and  the  word  of  God  and  his praise,  there  revellings  and  drunkenness  are found.  Such  excesses  are  forbidden,  and  the offending  presbyter  is  ordered  to  be  deposed, offending  laymen  to  be  excommunicated  and expelled  (see  also  c.  3,  of  same).  No  doubt the  vice  was  highly  prevalent  in  France,  for a  fcvr  years  later  we  find  the  Council  of Vannes  also  enacting  that  "above  all  things should  drunkenness  be  avoided  by  clerics  .... therefore  we  decree  that  he  who  shall  be  ascer- tained to  have  been  drunk,  as  the  order  suffers, shall  be  either  excluded  for  thirty  days  from communion  or  given  over  to  corporal  punishment" (c.  13).  The  same  canon  was  re-enacted  by  the Council  of  Agde  in  506  (c.  41).  Somewhat  later  in the  century,  the  Constitutions  of  king  Childebert, after  ordering  the  abolishing  of  certain  remains of  idolatry,  lament  the  sacrileges  committed, when  for  instance  all  night  long  men  spend  the time  in  drunkenness,  scurrility,  and  singing, even  in  the  sacred  days  of  Easter,  Christmas,  and the  other  feasts;  and  enacts  for  penalty  100 lashes  for  a  servile  person,  but  for  a  freeborn one  strict  imprisonment  (districta  inclusio)  and penance,  that  at  least  by  bodily  torments  they may  be  reduced  to  sanity  of  mind.  In  the  East even,  at  the  Council  of  Constantinople  in  536, we  find  mention  of  a  letter  of  the  clergy  ot Apamea  against  one  bishop   Peter  (deposed  for 584 DRUNKENNESS heresy)  who  used  to  make  drunk  persons  coming to  baptism  (see  Labbe'  and  Mansi's  Councils,  vol. vii.  p.  1104). The  West,  however,  seems  to  have  been  the chief  home  of  gluttony  and  drunkenness.  A canon  of  the  Council  of  Autun  (a.d.  670  or  there- abouts) enacted  that  no  priest  stuffed  with  food or  crapulous  with  wine  should  touch  the  sacrifice, or  presume  to  say  mass,  under  pain  of  losing  his dignity.  In  a  work  of  Theodore,  archbishop  of Canterbur}'',  De  Remediis  Peccatonim  (end  of  7th century),  it  is  laid  down  that  a  bishop  or  other ordained  person  who  has  the  vice  of  habitual drunkenness  must  either  amend  himself  or  be deposed.  The  Council  of  Berkhampstead,  in  the 5th  year  of  Withraed  king  of  Kent  (a.d.  697), enacts  that  if  a  priest  be  so  drunk  that  he cannot  fulfil  his  office,  his  ministry  shall  cease at  the  will  of  the  bishop  (c.  7).  Gildas  {De Foenitentia,  c.  7),  lays  down  that  if  any  one through  drunkenness  cannot  sing  the  psalms,  he is  to  be  excluded  from  communion.  Some  ex- tracts from  a  certain  "  Book  of  David,"  supposed, like  that  of  Gildas,  to  have  been  received  by  the Irish  Church,  make  some  curious  distinctions.  A priest  drunk  through  ignorance  is  to  be  subject  to 13  days'  penance;  if  through  negligence,  to  40 days ;  if  through  contempt  [of  discipline  ?],  to thrice  forty.  He  who  for  civility's  sake  (humani- tatis  causa)  compels  another  to  get  drunk  is  to do  penance  as  for  drunkenness.  But  he  who through  the  effect  of  hatred  or  luxuriousness,  that he  may  shamefully  confound  or  mock  others,  com- pels them  to  get  drunk,  if  he  has  not  sufficiently j'epented,  is  to  do  penance  as  a  killer  of  souls (c.  1). Gregory  III.  (731-41)  in  his  Excerpts  from the  Fathers  and  the  Canons,  mentions  the  habi- tual drunkenness  of  a  bishop,  priest,  or  deacon as  being  a  ground  of  deposition,  if  he  do  not amend  himself  (c.  8).  An  epistle  of  Boniface  him- self to  Cuthbert,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  read at  the  Council  of  Cloveshoe,  A.D.  747,  bears  fur- ther testimony  to  the  prevalence  of  drunkenness in  Britain  :  "  It  is  said  also  that  in  your  parishes drunkenness  is  a  too  common  evil,  so  that  not only  do  the  bishops  not  forbid  it,  but  themselves, drinking  too  much,  become  intoxicated,  and  com- pel others  to  become  so,  offering  them  larger beakers."  And  the  Canons  of  the  Council  bear "  that  monks  and  clerics  should  not  follow  or desire  the  evil  of  drunkenness,"  but  should  avoid it ;  "  nor  should  they  compel  others  to  drink immoderately."  If  they  have  no  infirmity,  they should  not  before  the  third  hour  of  the  day  in- dulge in  potations  after  the  manner  of  drunkards (c.  21).  So  again  the  Penitential  of  archhi&hop Egbert  repeats,  with  slight  variation  of  lan- guage, the  canon  of  the  Council  of  Vannes  as  to the  inflicting  of  30  days'  excommunication  or corporal  punishment  on  the  cleric  proved  to have  been  drunk  (bk.  ii.  c.  9) ;  increasing  the punishment  to  three  months  on  bread  and  water to  the  cleric  or  monk  who  is  given  to  drunken- ness (c.  10).  And  the  canons  of  the  same on  "  the  remedies  for  sin,"  reckon  among capital  crimes  habitual  drunkenness  (c.  5),  and impose  three  years'  penance  for  it  (c.  7), — such penance  being  apparently  in  addition  to  the  three months'  bread  and  water  above  referred  to.  A "  faithful  "  layman  making  another  drunk  must do  forty  days'  penance  (c.  11).     A  definition  is DRUNKENNESS given  of  drunkenness,  which  is  also  found  else- where :  "  when  the  state  of  the  mind  is  changed, and  the  tongue  falters,  and  the  eyes  are  troubled, and  there  is  dizzinesss  and  distension  of  the  belly followed  by  pains."  Clerics  guilty  of  such  ex- cess must  do  40  days'  penance  ;  a  rule  followed unintelligibly  by  the  enjoining  for  the  same offence  of  4  weeks'  penance  for  a  deacon  or  priest, 5  for  a  bishop,  3  for  a  "  prelate  ;"  the  penance to  be  without  wine  or  flesh-meat  (c.  12). Drunkenness  must  have  been  widely  spread  over the  Continent  also  in  the  8th  and  9th  centuries. The  same  Boniface  in  a  letter  to  Pope  Zacharias (a.d.  741-51),  complains,  among  other  scandals of  the  contemporary  Romish  Church,  of  its drunkard  deacons  ;  and  the  pope  in  reply  only  says that  he  does  not  allow  such  deacons  to  fulfil  sacred offices  or  touch  the  sacred  mysteries.  The  3rd canon  of  the  Council  of  Friuli  (a.d.  791)  is  severe against  drunkenness,  i-eferring  to  the  passages  on the  subject  in  Titus  i.,  Rom.  xiii.,  Eph.  v.,  Luke  xxi. The  Capitulnries  of  Theodulf,  archbishop  of  Or- leans, to  his  clergy  (797)  enjoin  on  these  both to  abstain  themselves  from  drunkenness  and  to preach  to  their  flocks  that  they  should  likewise abstain  (i.  c.  13) ;  but  reckons  among  minor sins  the  intoxicating  others  for  the  sake  of mirth  (ii.).  The  26th  of  Charlemagne's  Church Capitularies  (810)  directs  in  like  manner  the elder  clergy  to  forbear  the  vice  themselves  and offer  to  the  younger  an  example  of  good  sobriety  ; the  first  capitulary  of  802  contains  repeated injunctions  against  drunkenness  among  monks (c.  17),  nuns  (c.  18),  and  canons  (c.  22) ;  the Council  of  Mayence  (812),  speaking  of  drunken- ness as  "  a  great  evil,  whence  all  vices  are  bred," directs  all  to  be  excommunicated  who  do  not avoid  it,  until  they  amend  their  ways  (c.  46); the  2nd  Council  of  Rheims  (same  year)  declares that  the  bishops  and  ministers  of  God  should  not be  too  much  given  to  feastings  (vinolentiis;  c.  18)  ; the  Edict  of  Charlemagne  in  814  forbids  clerics "  nourishing  "  drunkenness  and  ordering  others to  become  intoxicated  (c.  14).  See  also  the  first capitulary  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  of  802,  c.  35  ;  a capitulary  of  803  (bk.  vii.  c.  218,  and  again  at greater  length,  c.  270)  repeating  at  the  close  the 15th  canon  of  the  Council  of  Vannes,  but  extend- ing the  period  of  suspension  from  communion  to 40  days  ;  the  Additio  Quarta  to  the  capitularies, c.  46;  the  3rd  Council  of  Tours,  a.d.  813, c.  48  ;  and  the  2nd  Council  of  Chartres  (same year),  c.  10. The  above  canons  and  rules  relate  chiefly, though  not  exclusively,  to  the  clergy,  or  if  to the  faithful  generally,  only  in  respect  to  Church discipline.  In  the  Carlovingian  era,  however, civil  penalties  or  disabilities  began  to  be  inflicted for  drunkenness.  In  a  capitulary  of  803,  added to  the  Salic  law,  it  is  enacted  that  no  one  while drunk  may  obtain  his  suit  in  the  mall  nor  give witness ;  nor  shall  the  count  hold  a  plea  unless before  breaking  his  fast;  nor  may  any  one  com- pel another  to  drink  (cc.  15,  16 ;  and  see  also General  Collection,  bk.  iii.  c.  38,  and  bk.  vi. 232-3).  The  latter  injunction  is  thus  developed in  a  capitulary  of 813:  "That  in  the  host  none do  pray  his  peer  or  any  other  man  to  drink.  And whoever  in  the  army  shall  have  been  found drunk,  shall  be  so  excommunicated  that  in  drink- ing he  use  only  water  till  he  know  himself  to have    acted    evilly "   (bk.   iii.   c.   72).     Another DRUSUS capitulary,  relating  however  to  the  clergy,  enacts that  priests  who  against  the  canons  enter  taverns and  are  not  ashamed  to  minister  to  feastings  and drunkenness,  are  to  be  severely  coerced  (bk.  v. c.  325  ;  see  also  c.  162,  which  however  only  pro- nounces excommunication). The  data  for  the  above  statements  are  taken, except  in  the  first  few  centuries,  exclusively  from the  legal  records  of  the  Church,  or  those  of  a period  when  it  was  almost  identified  with  the state.  They  might  be  abundantly  illustrated from  contemporary  writers,  century  by  century. But  they  suffice  to  shew  that  the  vice  in  ques- tion was  never  absent  from  the  Church  nor  from its  clergy,  and  that  it  attained  enormous  pro- portions among  the  latter  in  our  own  islands, and  in  the  8th  and  9th  centuries  on  the  Con- tinent also.     (See  also  Cacpo.)  [J.  M.  L.] DEUSUS,  martyr  at  Antioch,  with  Zosimus and  Theodorus ;  commemorated  Dec.  14  (^Mart. Eom.  Vet.,  Hioron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] DUCKS.  It  is  quite  uncei-tain  why  this  bird is  represented  in  early  art,  but  it  occurs  repeat- edly in  the  bas-reliefs  of  the  Duomo  at  Ravenna, on  the  great  piers  at  the  east  end,  and  in  the church  of  St.  Giovanni  Evangelista  in  the  same place.  It  is  also  drawn  with  great  spirit  and evident  enjoyment  by  the  monk  Rabula,  who twice  indulges  in  an  archivolt  pattern  of  ducks and  eggs  (Assemani,  Catalog.  Bihl.  Med.  Taw. xviii.,  xix.) ;  besides  single  representations  of various  species.  The  bird  may  have  been  do- mesticated in  monasteries,  &c.,  and  have  been  a favourite  subject  of  illumination  from  its  pretty colours.  It  occurs  in  the  Lombard  bas-reliefs at  Verona.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] DUEL  (Vuellum).  The  notion  of  deciding  a matter  in  dispute,  after  ordinary  means  had failed,  by  a  single  combat  between  the  parties  or their  champions,  came  into  the  empire  with  the Teutonic  tribes,  who  were  accustomed  to  settle by  arms  their  private  as  well  as  public  disputes. "  The  earliest  formal  recognition  of  the  judicial combat  as  an  institution  seems  to  be  in  the  laws  of the  Burgundians  (Canciani,  Leg.  Barhar.  iv.  25 ; A.D.  502),  which  provide  (tit.  45)  that  a  man who  declines  to  clear  himself  by  oath  is  not  to  be denied  his  right  of  challenge  to  combat.  After- wards the  duel  is  referred  to  in  many  barbarian codes,  as  Leges  Alemann.  tit.  44,  §1;  Baiuar. tit.  2,  c.  2 ;  Longobard.  lib.  i.  tit.  9,  §  39,  &c. It  was  only  under  the  formal  sanction  of  a court,  and  as  a  kind  of  appeal  to  a  higher  tri- bunal, that  such  combats  were  held  to  be  legal. The  further  development  of  the  system,  and the  canonical  prescripts  relating  to  it,  belong  to the  Middle  Ages  (Selden,  7'/-e  Duello  or  Single Combat,  in  Works,  vol.  3 ;  Ducange,  s.  v.  Luel- lum).  [C] DULA,  martyr  at  Nicomedia  ;  commemo- rated March  25  (Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Bedae, Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] DUMB.  The  49th  (otherwise  56th)  of  tlie Apodolical  Canons  enacts  excommunication against  any  cleric  who  should  make  a  mock of  the  deaf,  dumb,  or  blind.  By  the  69th  (other- wise 77th),  the  deaf,  the  dumb,  and  the  blind were  excluded  from  the  episcopate,  not  as  defiled, but  that  the  proceedings  of  the  Church  should not  be  hindered. EAGLE £85 The  capacity  of  the  dumb  to  receive  the  sacra- ments or  accept  a  penance  was  the  subject  of some  controversy.  A  whole  work  of  Fulgentius {De  Baptismo  Aethiopis)  is  devoted  to  the  ques- tion of  the  validity  of  the  baptism  of  an  Ethiop catechumen  after  the  loss  of  his  voice,  and  he concluded  that  it  was  entitled  to  the  same  va- lidity as  that  of  an  infant.  This  view  jirevailed in  the  Church.  Amongst  other  canonical  autho- rities, the  1st  Council  of  Orange,  A.D.  441,  en- acted that  a  jierson  suddenly  losing  his  voice might  be  baptized  or  accept  a  penance,  if  his previous  wnll  thereto  could  be  proved  by  the witness  of  others,  or  his  actual  will  bv  his  nod (c.  12).  The  38th  canon  of  the  2nd  Council  of Aries  (452)  is  to  the  same  effect  as  regards baptism. According  to  one  of  Ulpian's  Fragments  (t.  xx.) Ihe  dumb  could  not  be  a  witness,  nor  make  a testament,  the  reason  assigned  in  the  latter  case being  that  he  could  not  pronounce  the  "  words  of nuncupation  "  technically  required  for  the  pur- pose. And  by  a  constitution  of  .lustinian,  AD. 531  {Code,  bk.  vi.  tit.  xxii.  1.  10)  deaf-mutes  were declared  incapable  of  making  a  will  or  codicil, constituting  a  donation  moriis  causa,  or  confer- ring a  freedom,  unless  the  infirmity  should  not  be congenital,  and  they  should  have  learned  to  write before  it  occurred,  in  which  case  they  could  exer- cise all  these  rights  by  writing  under  their  own hand.  The  dumb  were  in  all  cases  allowed  to  do so  by  such  writing.  It  was,  however,  held  by  the old  law  that  the  dumb,  as  well  as  the  deaf  and blind,  could  lawfully  contract  marriage,  and  be- come subject  to  dotal  obligations  (L)ig.  bk.  xxiii. tit.  iii.  1.  73).  Deaf-mutes  were  held  excused from  civil  honours,  but  not  from  civic  charges (ibid.  bk.  1.  tit.  ii.  1.  7).  But  the  dumb  might lawfully  decline  a  guardian-  or  curatorship (Code,,  bk.  v.  t.  Ixvii. ;  Co7ist.  of  Philip,  A.D. 247).  [J.  M.  L.] DUODECIMA,  the  twelfth  hour,  or  ves- pers [Hours  of  Prayer].  "Duodecima,  quae dicitur  Vespera  "  (Regida  S.  Bencd.  c.  34 :  Mar- tene,  De  Bit.  Monach.  I.  x.  6).  '  [C] DUEEN,  COUNCILS  OF  (Duriense),  at Duren,  near  Aix-la-Chapelle  ;  (i.)  A.D.  748,  under Pipin,  a  "  placitum,"  which  commanded  a  synod to  be  held,  for  restoration  of  churches,  and  for the  causes  of  the  poor,  the  widow,  and  the orphan  (Labb.  vi.  1880);  (ii.)  A.D.  761,  a national  council  under  Pipin,  in  the  tenth  year of  his  reign,  called  by  Regino  a  "  synod "  (ft. 1700);  (iii.)  A.D.  77.5,  under  Charlemagne  (*. 1821);  nothing  more  is  known  of  these  two assemblies  :  (iv.)  A.D.  779,  under  Charlemagne, of  bishops,  nobles,  and  abbats,  passed  24  Capitdn upon  discipline,  one  of  which  enforces  jiayment of  tithes  (ib.  1824-1826).  [A.  W.  H.] DUEIENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Duren, Councils  of.] E EAGLE.  It  is  probably  an  instance  of  care- ful exclusion  of  all  Pag;in  emblems  or  forms ichich  had  been  actual  objects  of  idolatrous  norship. while  merely  Gentile  or  human  tokens  and mvths  were  freely  admiftod,  that  the  form  vt' the    c.iglc   :ippL'ai-s   m.   y.wcly  in   Christian   orna- 586 EBRULFUS mentation,  at  least  before  the  time  of  its  adop- tion as  the  symbol  of  an  evangelist.  [Evan- gelists.] Ai-inghi  (vol.  ii.  p.  228,  c.  2)  speaks of  the  eagle  as  representing  the  Lord  Himself; and  this  is  paralleled  by  a  quotation  of  Mar- ti gny's  from  a  sermon  of  St.  Ambrose,  where  he refers  to  Ps.  ciii.  ("  Thy  youth  is  renewed  like the  eagle's  ")  as  foreshadowing  the  resurrection. Lehlant  (Inscr.  Chre'tiennes  de  (a  Gaiile,  i.  147,  45), in  illustration  gives  a  palm  between  two  eagles, and  Bottari  a  plate  of  a  domed  ceiling  in  the sepulchre  of  St.  Priscilla,  where  two  eagles standing  on  globes  form  part  of  the  ornamenta- tion, it  refers  evidently  to  some  buried  general or  legionary  officer  (vol.  iii.  tav.  160).  Tri- umphal chariots  fill  two  of  the  side  spaces,  but they  and  the  eagles  can  hardly  be  considered Christian  emblems,  though  used  bv  Christians. [R.  St.  J.  T.] EBRULFUS,  abbot  and  confessor;  comme- morated Dec.  29  (^Mart.  Usuardi).       [W.  F.  G.] EAES,  TOUCHINa  OF.  1.  Tn  BapHsm. As  by  the  influence  of  the  Holy  Spirit  men's hearts  are  opened  to  receive  the  wondrous  things of  God's  law,  so  there  was  a  symbolic  opening  of the  ears  in  the  baptismal  ceremony  (Ambrose, De  Bh/steriis,  c.  1 ;  Pseudo-Ambrosius,  De  Sacra- mentis,  i.  1 ;  Petrus  Chrysnlogus,  Sermo  .52 ;  see also  the  ancient  Expositio  Evangeliorum  in aurium  apertione  in  Martene,  De  Bit.  Ant., I.  i.  12).  Thus  in  Magnus's  directions  for  the jireliminaries  of  baptism  (Martene,  u.s.  art.  17), drawn  up  by  command  of  Charles  the  Great,  we read,  after  the  instruction  in  the  Creed :  "  tan- guntur  aures  et  nares  de  sputo,  et  dicitur Effata  [Ephphatha],  id  est,  aperire,"  in  order that  the  ears  may  listen  to  the  wholesome  teach- ing of  the  Christian  faith  and  reject  the  sophistic pleadings  of  the  devil.  Similarly  in  the  ancient baptismal  Ordines  of  Gemblours  and  of  Kheims (t6.  art.  18). 2.  In  Holy  Communion,  it  seems  to  have  been the  custom  to  touch  the  organs  of  sense  (ju(t6i}- T-fjpia)  with  the  moisture  left  on  the  lips  after receiving  the  cup  (Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  Catech. Must.  V.  22 ;  see  Communion,  Holy,  p.  413). [C] EARTHQUAKE.  The  great  earthquake which  befel  Constantinople  in  the  year  758  is commemorated' Oct.  26  {Cal.  Byzant.)  [C] EAST,  Praykr  Towards.  Praying  towards the  East,  as  the  quarter  of  the  rising  sun,  the source  of  light,  a  natural  symbolism  common  to nearly  all  religions,  was  adopted  by  the  Christian church  from  its  commencement,  in  accordance with  the  very  wise  rule  which  accepted  all  that was  good  and  pure  in  the  religious  systems  it camo  to  supplant,  breathing  into  the  old  cere- monies a  new  and  higher  life.  One  of  the  ear- liest testimonies  to  the  prevalence  of  this  custom among  Christians  is  that  of  Tertullian,  c.  205 {Apoloj.  c.  xvi. ;  cont.  Valentin,  c.  iii.),  who  refers to  the  suspicious  entertained  by  the  heathen  that Christians  were  sun  worshippers  "because  they were  well  known  to  turn  to  the  East  in  prayer," being  "lovers  of  the  radiant  East,  that  figure of  Christ."  The  Apostolical  Constiiutions  also direct  that  the  whole  congregation  "  rise  up  with one  consent,  and  looking  to  the  east,  pray  to  God EASTER eastward  "  (lib.  ii.  §  vii.  c.  57).  The  same  rule is  mentioned  by  Clemens  Ale.f  andi'inus  {Stromata, vii.  7),  who  says  that  "prayers  are  made  looking towards  the  sunrise  in  the  east."  Basil,  c.  374, testifies  to  the  universality  of  the  custom (Z)e.  Sp.  Sand.  c.  27),  and  Augustine  speaks of  it  as  a  general  usage  (^De  Serm.  in  Monte,  lib. ii.  0.  5).  To  take  one  later  instance  out  of many,  Joannes  Moschus,  c.  600,  records  an  anec- dote of  a  certain  abbot  Zacchaeus  of  Jerusalem, who,  when  praying,  "turned  to  the  east  and remained  about  two  hours,  without  speaking, his  arms  stretched  out  to  heaven  "  (^Prat.  Spirit. §  102).  The  chapter  of  Joannes  Damascenus  (De Orthodox.  Fid.  iv.  13)  "  concerning  worshipping to  the  east,"  proves  the  prevalence  of  the custom. The  true  reason  for  this  custom  is  doubtless that  already  alluded  to,  that,  to  adopt  the  lan- guage of  Clemens  Alex.,  "  the  east  is  the  image of  the  day  of  birth.  For  as  the  light  which there  first  shone  out  of  darkness  waxes  brighter, so,  like  the  sun,  the  day  of  the  knowledge  of truth  has  dawned  on  those  immersed  in  dark- ness "  (Clem.  Alex,  m.s.)  In  close  connection with  this  is  the  reference  to  Christ  as  the  "  Day- spring  from  on  high,"  the  oLvaroXy],  the  "  Light  of the  World,"  which  the  early  writers  delight  to recognise  (Clirys.  Homil.  in  Zach.  vi.  12).  Other reasons  for,  or  more  properly  speaking,  deduc- tions from  the  practice,  are  given  by  other writers,  one  of  the  most  frequent  and  beautiful of  which  is  that  in  praying  to  the  east  the  soul is  seeking  and  sighing  for  its  old  home  in Paradise,  to  which  it  hopes  to  be  restored  in Christ,  the  second  Adam  (Basil  De  Sp.  Sanct.  u.s., Const.  Apost.,  U.S. ;  Greg.  Nyss.  Homil.  V.  de Orat.Donun.;  Chvjs,.  ad  Daniel.  y'i.IQ;  Gregen- tius  Disputat.  cum  Herb.  Jud.  p.  217).  Another cause  assigned  is  that  Christ  when  on  the  cross looked  towards  the  west,  so  that  in  praying  to the  east  we  are  looking  towards  Him  (Joan. Damasc.  u.  s.,  Cassiod.  ad  Fs.  Ixvii.),  and  that  as He  appeared  in  the  east,  and  thence  ascended into  heaven,  so  He  will  there  appear  again  at  the last  day,  the  coming  of  the  Son  of  Man  being like  "  the  lightning  that  cometh  out  of  the  east and  shineth  even  unto  the  west  "  (Matt.  xxiv.  27), so  that  in  prayer  Christians  are  looking  for  their Lord's  return  (Hilar,  in  Fs.  Ixvii.).  We  learn from  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  and  others  that  the Catechumen  at  Baptism  turned  from  the  west, the  place  of  darkness,  to  the  east,  the  home of  light,  and  to  the  site  of  Paradise  which  by  that sacrament  was  reopened  to  him  (Cyril  Catech. xix.  9 ;  Hieron.  in  Amos.  vi.  14 ;  Ambros.  De Initiat.  c.  2;  Lactant.  lib.  ii.  c.  10;  Pseudo Justin.  Quest,  ad  Orthodox.  118).  (Bona  De  Divin. Psalmod.  c.  vi.  §  2 ;  Bingham  Orig.  xi.  7.  4 ; xiii.  8.  15.)  [E.  v.] EASTER-EVE.    [Easter,  Ceremonies  of.] EASTER.  The  Teutonic  name  of  the  church feast  of  our  Lord's  resurrection  (A.-S.  eastre, Germ,  ostern).  Bede  (De  Temp.  Bat.  c.  xv.  De mensibus  Anglorum),  gives  as  the  name  of  the fourth  month,  answering  nearly  to  April,  Eostur- monath,  and  adds :  "  Eostur-monath,  qui  nunc Paschalis  mensis  interpretatur,  quondam  a  Dea illorum  quae  Eostre  vocabatur,  et  cui  in  illo festa  celebrabant,  nomen  habuit :  a  cujus  nomine nunc    Paschale    tempus    cognominant,   consueto EABTER antiquae    observationis    vocabulo    gaudia    uovae solennitatis  vocantes." The  name  of  the  festival  in  the  Romance  lan- guages (Ital.  Fasqua,  Fr.  Pdques),  like  the  Latin J'asc/ia,  takes  us  back  at  once  to  the  historic origin  of  the  festival  in  the  passover.  In  N.  T. T^  TcdcTxa,  though  in  A.  V.  once  (Acts  xii.  4) translated  "Easter,"  refers  either  to  the  Jews' passover,  or  (1  Cor.  v.  7)  to  our  Lord  as  its  anti- type. The  word  Trocrxct  represents  the  Hebrew npS.  See  Ex.  xii.  Thus  the  history  of  Easter of  necessity  starts  from  the  passover. The  passover  was  kept  on  the  14th  day  of  the month  originally  called  Abib  (Ex.  xiii.  4),  after- wards Kisan  (Neh.  ii.  1  ;  Esth.  iii.  7),  which month  was  to  be  the  first  month  of  the  year. On  the  16th  Nisan,  a  sheaf  (or  rather  handful) of  the  new  barley  was  presented  before  the  Lord, as  the  firstfruits  of  the  harvest  (Lev.  xxiii.  10 ; Joseph.  A7it.  iii.  x.  v.). The  above  observance  led,  as  a  most  important consequence,  to  the  fixity  of  the  seasons  (con- sidered in  the  average)  in  the  Jewish  year.  It may  be  taken  as  established  that  the  Jewish year  was  luni-solar,  of  twelve  lunar  months, which  we  may  say,  in  general  terms,  consisted by  turns  of  twenty-nine  days  and  of  thirty,  with an  occasional  13th  intercalary  month,  by  which a  correspondence  was  kept  up  with  the  length  of the  solar  year:  and  for  the  proper  time  of  inter- calating this  month,  it  was  only  necessary  to consider,  at  the  time  of  the  commencement  of the  month  Nisan,  whether  the  barley  would  be sufficiently  ripe  in  sixteen  days  for  the  observance of  the  rite  of  the  firstfruits,  and  if  not,  to  inter- calate a  month,  and  thus  postpone  the  ceremony. In  this  way,  the  seasons  would  continually  be brought  back  to  the  same  point. Having  regard  to  the  astronomical  element  in later  controversies,  we  now  oiler  some  further account  of  the  astronomical  data  aflecting  the passover. 1.  The  relation  of  the  passover  to  the  moon. The  night  following  the  14th  Nisan  was  no doubt  intended  to  be  and  usually  was  that  of the  full  moon.  We  hear  indeed  in  the  institu- tion of  the  passover,  not  of  the  full  moon,  but of  the  14th  day  of  the  moon,  and  in  the  early church  controversies  as  well  as  in  the  modern rule  settled  by  Clavius,  everything  still  depends technically  upon  the  "  14th  day  of  the  moon." But  Philo  tells  us  (  Vit.  Mosis,  iii.  686)  that  the passover  is  celebrated,  fxiWovTos  tov  <T^\riviaKov kukAov  yivea^ai  irXrifricpaovs,  and  again  (de  Scjjt. et  Fest.  1191),  that  it  was  so  fixed  that  there might  be  no  darkness  on  that  day ;  and  again, "  That  not  only  by  day  but  also  by  night,  the world  may  be  full  of  all-beauteous  light,  inas- much as  sun  and  moon  on  that  day  succeed  each other  with  no  interval  of  darkness  between." This  last  statement  is  extremely  significant,  and together  with  the  lunar  date,  the  14th,  very clearly  marks  the  point  of  time.  The  first  day of  the  moon  means,  in  pre-astronomical  times, not  the  day  of  the  conjunction  of  the  sun  and moon,  but  the  day  on  the  evening  of  which  the new  moon  first  becomes  visible  as  a  thin  streak of  light  to  the  left  of  the  sun,  just  after  .sunset. This  is  possible  in  a  fine  climate,  some  eighteen hours  after  conjunction:  if  less  time  had  elapsed, the  first  visible  phase  would  be  on  the  next  day. Now  an  average  synodic  period  of  the  moon,  or EASTER 587 lunation,  is  29  d.  12  h.  44  m.,  and  therefore  the average  interval  between  conjunction  and  full moon  is  14  d.  18  h.  22  m.  Taking  the  average length  of  phase  and  of  interval,  we  should  be brought  for  full  moon  to  sunrise  on  the  15th day  of  the  moon  (inclusive),  which  would  make the  night  succeeding  the  14th  day  (inclusive) the  night  of  full  moon.  Since  the  half-lunation may  be  prolonged  or  shortened  in  rare  cases about  twenty  hours,  and  the  length  of  phase  is also  variable,  some  exceptions  must  be  allowed fo]-,  but  the  general  correctness  of  the  rule  is ajijiarent,  and  also  that  the  night  of  the  14th will  more  frequently  precede  the  full  moon  than follow  it;  in  other  words,  the  moon  would  rise a  little  before  sunset,  instead  of  rising,  as  it might  do  in  the  contrary  case  (a  day  later),  nearly an  hour  after  sunset.  Thus  Philo's  statement that  there  was  no  interval  of  darkness,  a  fact  of a  nature  to  catch  the  attention,  and  about  which there  could  be  no  mistake,  leads  us  to  believe that  by  calculating  the  time  of  full  moon  from the  astronomical  tables,  we  may  assign  the  15th Nisan  with  certainty  in  many  cases,  and  with  a high  degree  of  probability  in  others.  In  some cases  where  it  appears  difficult  to  decide  between two  successive  days,  an  examination  of  the  time of  the  preceding  new  moon  will  help,  though  it will  not  always  suffice,  to  remove  the  doubt. 2.  We  have  next  to  notice  the  relation  of  the passover  to  the  sun.  This  relation  is  apparent from  the  regulations  as  to  the  firstfruits  on 16th  Nisan.  The  season  of  the  year  depends  on the  equinox,  and  the  general  statement  is  that barley  ears  can  be  procured  in  a  fitting  state  at or  soon  after  the  vernal  equinox.  But  this relation  is  not  a  mere  matter  of  inference.  Jose- phus  writes  {Ant.  iii.  x.  5) :  "  In  the  month  of Xanthicus,  which  is  by  us  called  Nisan,  and  is the  beginning  of  our  year,  on  the  14th  day  of the  lunar  month,  when  the  sun  is  in  Aries  .... the  law  ordained  that  we  should  in  every  year slay  that  sacrifice  ....  called  the  passovei-." And  Philo  ( Vita  Mos.  iii.)  :  "  Tt}v  apxh"  "^VS iapivTJs  lariij.epias  irp&rov  ai'a.ypdcpfi  jxriva Moivffrjs  iv  Tois  tSsv  eyiavToiu  irepioSoLS." The  first  month  of  the  Jewish  year  was  then (as  the  best  authorities  hold),  that  month  which contained  the  vernal  equinox,  although  the beginning  of  the  month  might  precede  it.  The Jews  apparently  had  no  rule  about  not  keeping the  passover  before  the  equinox  ;  at  least  if  we may  believe  Epiphanius  {Haeres.  Ixx.  11),  and  a definite  instance  given  by  St.  Ambrose,  A.D.  387, of  the  Jewish  passover  on  Mar.  20  {Ad  Acmil. Episc.  83).  Moreover  it  is  stated  that  the  ante- rior limit  of  the  Latins  for  the  14th  of  the  moon, viz.  Mar.  18,  was  derived  from  thtf  Jews. In  after  times,  probably  from  the  time  of Dionysius,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  247-264,  it  be- came one  of  the  sharpest  points  of  controversy : on  fXT]  &\\oTe  t)  ixfra  tt]P  fapipijv  laTifnepiav irpoarjKei  Ildax"-  ^opTTjv  intTf\uv  (Eus.  //.  U. vii.  15). Although,  however,  the  time  of  the  equinox became  a  point  of  critical  discussion  in  after times,  there  was  so  little  general  knowledge  of its  true  position,  that  very  strange  mistakes were  made  respecting  it.  The  correct  knowledge of  the  equinox  was  in  fact  nearly  confined  to  the Alexandrian  astronomers,  and  there  are  several misapprehensions    wliicii    still   prevail,   as,    for 588  EASTER instance,  that  it  was  originally  on  the  2r)th lilarch  which  was  true  indeed  of  the  mean vernal  equinox,  but  never  of  the  true  vernal equinox.  This  misconception  is  probably  due  to the  fact  that  the  25th  of  March  was  marked  as the  vernal  equinox  in  the  calendar  of  Julius Caesar  according  to  the  testimony  of  Varro, VUny,  and  Columella.  We  have  thought  it worth  while  to  calculate,  for  the  purpose  of  this article,  and  now  to  state,  the  principal  posi- tions of  the  vernal  equinox  (true)  since  the Julian  era. Dates  of  {true)  Venial  Equinox  for  the  Meridian of  Alexandria. B.C.  45.     Mar.  23  ("civil)  4*'  34™  A.M. Ranpte  from  Leap-yoar  to  lyeap-year. Karlie)-  Limit.  B.C.  45.  Mar.  23  (civil)  4h  34m  a.m. Later  Limit.      B.C.  42.  Alar.  23,  lut  I""  p.m. A.D.  29.     Mar.  22.  9i>  1S°>  P.M. Range  from  Leap-year  to  Leap-year. Earlier  Limit.  A.D.  28.  Miir.  22.  S*-  29°"  p.»r. Later  Limit.      A.D.  31.  Mar.  23  (.civil)  ah  SS"  a.m. A.D.  325.  Mar.  20.  2i>  IT""  P.M. Range  from  Leap-year  to  Leap-year. Earlier  Limit.  A.D.  324.  Mar.  20  (civil)  8i>  2Sm  a.m. Later  Limit.     A.D.  327.  Mar.  21  (civil)  1>>  54°>  a.m. Clavius,  misled  by  the  tables  which  he  used ( Tabulae  Mcolai  Copernici,  sue  Prutenicae')  placed the  Vernal  Equinox  at  the  Nicene  Council,  A.D. 325,  or  March  21st,  6''  P.M.  nearly  28  hours too  late  {Op.  tom.  v.  p.  72).  The  20th  and  21st are  the  very  days  to  which  the  equinox  was brought  back  at  the  Gi-egorian  correction  of  1582, when  it  stood  at  Mar.  11th  (civil)  2''  lO"  A.M., the  earlier  limit  being  Mar.  10th,  21'  32'"  p.m., and  the  later  ISIar.  11th  (civil)  8''  A.M. The  connection  of  the  passover  with  Easter  is through  that  particular  passover  at  which  our Lord  suffered,  but  so  few  are  the  chronological details  in  the  gospels,  that  it  is  impossible  to  fix with  absolute  certainty  either  the  year  or  the day  of  the  year,  or  perhaps  even  of  the  month on  which  our  Lord  suffered.  The  full  investiga- tion of  the  subject  would  be  beyond  the  scope  of this  article. The  points  which  are  beyond  doubt  are  these  : I.  Our  Lord's  death  took  place  under  the  pro- curatorship  of  Pontius  Pilate  :  that  is  to  say, between  the  limits  A.D.  28  and  A.D.  33  inclusive. IL  It  took  place  at  the  passover. IIL  All  the  gospels  agree  that  it  took  place on  the  -KapaiTKiv)),  that  is,  on  a  Friday.  In  St. John  (xix.  14-),  the  ■jrapa.aKfvr]  rov  tracrx^  pi'o- bably  means  (like  irpo^Toifiarria  in  the  Chronicon Pasclmle  i.  15)  the  day  before  the  15th  Nisan, which  was  in  a  double  sense  that  year  a  Sabbath (.lohn  xix.  31),  but  the  word  was  in  common  use to  designate  the  eve  before  the  Sabbath,  and came  afterwards  to  mean  simply  "  Friday." Astronomy,  while  furnishing  valuable  sugges- tions on  this  important  subject,  is  not  competent to  decide  absolutel)-,  either  for  the  particular year,  or  between  the  advocates  of  the  14th  and of  the  15th  Nisan. The  history  of  the  paschal  observance  in  the a])ostolic  and  early  post-apostolic  times  is  ex- tremely obscure,  and  has  been  very  variously represented.  There  is  no  evidence  in  the  New Testament  that  it  existed  at  first  as  an  institu- tion.    The  ecclesiastical  historian  .Socrates  is  no EASTER doubt  right  when  he  says  (v,  22):  "The  Saviour and  His  apostles  have  enjoined  us  by  no  law  to keep  this  feast  ....  The  apostles  had  no  thought of  appointing  festival  days,  but  of  promoting  a life  of  blamelessness  and  piety.  And  it  seems  to me  that  the  feast  of  Easter  has  been  introduced into  the  Church  from  some  old  usage,  just  as many  other  customs  have  been  established."  It appears  (from  Acts  xviii.  21 ;  xx.  6,  16)  that  the Jewish  Christians  and  even  St.  Paul  still  ob- served the  Jewish  feasts,  and  there  can  bo  no doubt  that  the  memory  of  the  Lord's  death would  be  with  them  the  main  thought  of  the passover-night,  and  would  gradually  supersede for  them  all  other  associations.  On  the  other hand,  the  passover  meal  had  no  place  amongst  the habits  of  the  Christians  of  Gentile  descent,  and their  anniversary  naturally  attached  itself  to the  first  day  of  the  week,  which  was  observed both  by  Jewish  and  Gentile  Christians  as  the weekly  festival  of  the  Lord's  resurrection.  When the  time  of  the  passover  came  rovmd,  the  first day  of  the  week  seemed  to  be  the  actual  day  of the  resurrection,  and  this  day,  taken  together with  the  preceding  Friday,  as  the  day  of  the crucifixion,  seemed  the  proper  representations  of the  great  act  of  our  redemption.  Amongst  the Gentile  Christians  these  institutions,  with  their accompanying  rules  of  fasting,  &c.,  were  appa- rently very  gradually  developed,  and  the  conflict between  the  two  usages  was  slow  in  coming. When  it  came,  we  find  the  cardinal  point  to  be the  TH)pt7v  (with  the  Asiatic  Christians),  or  the yur;  TTiptlv  (with  the  Westerns),  the  14th  of the  moon  (Nisan),  and  afterwards  along  with this,  and  connected  with  it,  the  correct  deter- mination of  the  14th  of  the  moon.  The  point insisted  on  most  emphatically  by  the  Alexan- drians (whom  the  Westerns  followed),  was,  that it  must  not  precede  the  equinox. W^hen  the  Western  view  ultimately  prevailed in  the  church,  those  who  obstinately  ])ersevered in  the  Asiatic  custom,  and  were  condemned  as heretics,  were  called  Quartodecimans,  and  it  is usual  and  convenient  to  give  the  same  name  by anticipation  to  those  who  observed  the  14th  day of  the  moon  in  the  earlier  controversy. The  chief  information  we  have  is  derived  from Eusebius,  from  several  passages  of  Epiphanius, treating  in  his  work  on  all  heresies  of  certain Quartodeciman  sects,  and  from  several  fragments preserved  in  the  Chronicon  Paschale,  a  work  of about  630  A.D. The  following  conclusions  of  Bucherius  from passage  in  Epiphanius  {Haer.  Ixx.),  will  express the  probable  course  of  events.  "  From  this  I gather  three  things :  First,  that  so  long  at  least as  the  first  fifteen  bishops  of  Jerusalem  (those  of Jewish  descent)  continued,  the  pascha  was  cele- brated everywhere  by  all  Christians,  or  by  a great  majority  of  them,  according  to  the  lunar computation  and  method  of  the  Jews.  But  they continued  until  the  year  136  A.D.,  or  to  the  end of  the  reign  of  the  emperor  Hadrian,  when  Mark was  first  taken  from  the  Gentiles  to  be  bishop. (Euseb.  v.  xii.)  Secondly,  that  then  began  a time  of  dissension,  as  Epiphanius  a  little  before more  plainly  testifies  (see  below).  Thirdly,  that a  more  general  method  then  came  in,  whether the  eighty-four  years  cycle,  or  the  octaeteris (amended),  otherwise  that  reproach  was  un- meaning which  the  Audiaui  launched  against  the :  I EASTER orthodox  —  that  they  had  departed  from  the ancient  custom,"  &c.  We  subjoin  the  earlier  part of  the  chapter  which  is  here  alluded  to. "  For  even  from  the  earliest  times  various controversies  and  dissensions  were  in  the  church concerning  this  solemnity,  which  used  yearly  to bring  laughter  and  mockery.  For  some,  in  a certain  ardour  of  contention,  began  it  before  the week,  some  after  the  week,  some  at  the  begin- ning, some  in  the  middle,  some  at  the  end.  To say  in  a  word,  there  was  a  wonderful  and  la- borious confusion.  Nor  is  it  unknown  to learned  men,  how  often,  at  the  various  times of  this  feast,  there  have  arisen  from  the  ob- servance of  a  ditlerent  ecclesiastical  discipline, tumults  and  contentions,  especially  in  the  time of  Polycarp  and  Victor,  when  the  Easterns  and Westerns  would  receive  no  mutual  letters  of peace.  Which  also  happened  in  other  times,  as in  that  of  Alexander,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  and Crescentius,  how  they  wrote  against  each  other and  bitterly  fought.  Which  disputes  began  to be  agitated  from  the  very  times  of  the  bishops  who had  been  converted  to  Christ  from  the  circumci- sion and  from  the  sect  of  the  Jews,  even  to  our  own times,  on  which  account  those  who  had  gathered from  all  sides  to  the  Nicene  council,  the  matter having  been  accurately  known,  with  common agreement  from  all,  and  with  fitting  computation and  calculation  of  times,  order  it  to  be  kept." Eusebius  {H.  E.  v.  2-i)  gives  in  a  letter  of Ireuaeus  the  following  account,  relating  to  the events  about  a.d.  160  : "  When  the  blessed  Polycarp  was  at  Rome  in the  time  of  Anicetus,  and  they  had  also  some little  difference  of  opinion  with  regard  to  other points,  they  immediately  came  to  a  peaceable understanding  respecting  this  one,  for  they  had no  love  for  mutual  disputes.  For  neither  could Anicetus  persuade  Polycarp  not  to  observe  (/xr; r-npelu,  i.e.  the  14th  Nisan)  inasmuch  as  he  had always  observed  it  with  John  the  disciple  of  our Lord,  and  the  other  apostles  with  whom  he  had associated  ;  nor  could  Polycarp  persuade  Anicetus to  observe  (Trjpeii/)  for  he  said  that  he  ought  to follow  the  custom  of  the  presbyters  before  him." Polycarp  was  bishop  of  Smyrna  in  Asia  Minor, and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  expressed  in these  words  the  custom  of  the  Asiatic  churches, which  was  rripelv,  whilst  that  of  the  Western was  /XT]  rripelv.  That  we  ought  to  supply  after TTjpeli',  the  14th  Nisan,  we  learn  from  c.  23 (referring  to  about  a.d.  190). "There  was  a  considerable  discussion  raised about  this  time,  in  consequence  of  a  difference  of opinion  respecting  the  observance  of  the  paschal season.  The  churches  of  all  Asia,  guided  by ancient  tradition,  thought  that  they  were  bound to  keep  the  14th  day  of  the  moon,  on  the  oc- casion of  the  feast  of  the  Saviour's  passover, that  day  on  which  the  Jews  had  been  commanded to  kill  the  paschal  lamb,  it  being  necessary  fur them  by  all  means  to  regulate  the  close  of  the fast  by  that  day,  on  whatever  day  of  the  week it  might  happen  to  fall ;  while  it  was  the  custom of  all  the  churches  of  all  the  rest  of  the  world, which  observed  in  this  respect  an  apostolic  tra- dition that  has  prevailed  down  to  our  own  time, not  to  celebrate  it  in  this  manner,  it  being proper  to  close  the  fiist  on  no  other  day  than that  of  the  resurrection  of  our  Lord." "  The  bishops,  however,  of  Asia  "  (he  continues EASTER 589 in  the  24tli  chap.)  "  persevering  in  observing  the custom  handed  down  to  them  from  their  fathers, were  headed  by  Polycrates.  He,  indeed,  had also  set  forth  the  tradition  handed  down  to them,  in  a  letter  which  he  addressed  to  Victor and  the  church  of  Rome.  '  We,'  said  he,  '  there- fore observe  the  genuine  day :  neither  adding thereto,  nor  taking  therefrom.  For  in  Asia great  lights  have  fallen  asleep,  which  shall  rise again  in  the  day  of  the  Lord's  appearing  .... All  these  observed  the  14th  day  of  the  passover according  to  the  gospel,  deviating  in  no  respect, but  following  the  rule  of  faith  ;  so  also  do  I, Polycrates,  who  am  the  least  of  all  of  you,  ac- cording to  the  tradition  of  my  relatives,  some  of whom  I  have  followed.  For  there  were  seven  of my  relatives  bishops,  and  I  am  the  eighth ;  and my  relatives  always  observed  the  day  when  the people  (i.e.  the  Jews)  threw  away  the  leaven.'" "  Upon  this,  Victor,  the  bishop  of  the  chui-<;h of  Rome,  forthwith  endeavoured  to  cut  off'  the churches  of  all  Asia,  together  with  the  neigh- bouring churches,  as  heterodox,  from  the  com- mon unity.  And  he  publishes  abroad  by  letters, and  proclaims  that  all  the  brethren  there  are wholly  excommunicated." Many  bishops,  however,  remonstrated,  amongst others  Irenaeus,  who  wrote  an  epistle,  in  which he  maintains  the  duty  of  celebrating  the  mys- tery of  the  resurrection  of  our  Lord,  only  on  the day  of  the  Lord  ;  but  admonishes  Victor  not  to cut  off  whole  churches  of  God,  who  observed  the tradition  of  an  ancient  custom. In  chap.  XXV.  Eusebius  explains  that  the  bishops of  Palestine  agreed  with  the  decree,  and  stated that  they  observed  the  same  day  with  the  church of  Alexandria,  an  important  point,  for  Alexandria is  to  be  looked  on,  along  with  the  churches  of Rome  and  Asia  Minor,  as  the  third,  and  ulti- mately the  most  important,  influence  in  regu- lating Easter. Considering  how  much  has  been  written  re- specting the  Asia  Minor  controversies  in  modern times,  it  is  material  to  observe  that  the  state- ments of  Eusebius  and  the  whole  course  of  the controversy,  leave  no  doubt  of  the  observance  of the  14th  day  of  the  moon.  No  other  day  comes into  consideration.  Thus  the  facts  are  settled  ; to  judge  of  the  motives  from  which  the  day was  kept  is,  howevei-,  more  difficult.  Various reasons  might  easily  be  alleged  for  the  observ- ance of  this  day:  those  who  thought  that  our Lord  died  on  the  14th  Nisan,  might  keep  it  (as we  believe)  as  the  anniversary  of  our  Lord's death,  or  even  if  they  desired  to  keep  the  anni- versary of  the  last  supper,  knowing  that  that su])per,  which  was  by  intention  a  passover,  was only  anticipated  in  point  of  time  by  necessity, might  revert  to  its  legal  time  of  celebration, whilst  those  who  thought  that  our  Lord  died  on the  15th  Nisan,  might  yet  kee])  the  14th  (as  Baur and  Hilgenfeld  allege)  in  memory  of  the  supper. That  St.  John  found  at  E])hesus  a  festival  on the  14th  and  joined  in  it,  and  gave  it  the  weight of  his  authority,  in  no  way  militates,  then, against  his  authorship  of  the  gospel,  that  fixes the  14th  Nisan  for  the  crucifixion,  even  though it  were  true  that  the  other  chronology  had originally  prevailed  there. The  argument  of  Baur,  and  all  the  members of  the  Tubingen  school,  is  as  follows: — 'I'lie Asiatics   celebrated   the    14th    Nisan   bv  an   ad- 590 EASTER ministration  of  the  Lord's  supper,  in  comme- moration of  the  passover  which  Jesus  liail  on that  same  day,  immediately  before  his  deatli, eaten  with  his  disciples.  The  Asiatic  church, therefore,  believed  that  Jesus  ate  on  the  evening of  the  14th,  and  that  he  died  on  the  15th,  and it  believed  this,  according  to  unimpeachable testimony,  on  the  authority  of  the  apostle  John. But  now,  what  says  the  4th  gospel  ?  According to  it,  the  celebration  of  the  last  supper  by  our Lord  took  place,  not  upon  the  14th  Nisan,  but upon  the  evening  of  the  day  previous,  the  loth, while  Jesus  dies  upon  the  cross  upon  the  14th, and  therefore  before  the  passover  of  the  law could  have  been  partaken  of.  The  conclusion is  obvious.  The  apostle  who  is  the  great  au- thority for  the  Asiatic,  cannot  possibly  be  the author  of  the  gospel,  which  speaks  unmistakeably for  the  western  practice. There  is  a  simplicity  and  coherence  in  the Tubingen  theory,  as  expanded  at  length  in  Hil- genfeld's  Faschastreit  der  alien  Kirclie,  which gives  it  a  very  strong  hold  upon  the  mind.  But it  rests  upon  more  than  one  untenable  assump- tion. Thus  it  assumes  that  the  Asiatic  Christians kept  the  14th  evening  as  the  anniversary  of  the last  supper.  There  is  not,  however,  any  hint  of this  in  the  most  important  narratives  of  the controversy,  and  the  plain  natural  view  is  that the  14th  Nisan  was  observed  in  Asia  by  fasting in  memory  of  the  death  of  Jesus ;  while  a  com- munion feast  in  the  evening  commemorated  a completed  redemption.  The  fact  of  the  fasting, to  which  both  Irenaeus  and  Eusebius  bear  wit- ness, is  of  itself  a  testimony  that  it  was  the solemn  memory  of  the  death  of  our  Lord  that was  observed.  Fasting  in  anticipation  of  the eucharist,  belongs  altogether  to  a  later  period, as  is  truly  observed  in  Steitz's  article  inHerzog's Beal-Enoyclopadie.   [Communion,  Holy,  p.  417.] Between  these  controversies,  that  of  Auicetus and  Polycarp  (about  160  A.D.),  and  that  of Victor  and  Polycrates  (190  A.D.),  there  occurred another  in  Laodicea  (between  170  A.D.  and  177 A.D.),  which  has  become  of  late  the  very  turning- point  of  the  whole  discussion,  but  about  which Eusebius  affords  us  no  further  infoi-mation  than what  follows  {H.  E.  iv.  26).  "  Of  Melito,  there are  the  two  works  on  the  passover  ....  In  the works  on  the  passover  he  shews  the  time  in which  he  wrote  it,  beginning  with  these  woi-ds : — '  When  Servilius  Paulus  was  proconsul  of Asia,  at  which  time  Sagaris  suffered  martyr- dom, there  was  much  discussion  in  Laodicea respecting  the  passover,  which  occurred  at  that time  in  its  proper  season,  and  in  which  also these  works  were  written.'  This  work  is  also mentioned  by  Clement  of  Alexandria,  in  his  own work  on  the  passover,  which,  he  saj-s,  he  wrote on  occasion  of  Melito's  work  (e|  aiVias  t^s  rov MfKiTwvos  ypacpr^s)." But  with  this  dispute  are  connected,  probably rightly,  the  two  following  fragments  of  Apol- linaris,  bishop  of  Hierapolis,  given  in  the  C/uv- nicon  Paschcde: 1.  "  There  are  some  who  now,  through  igno- rance, love  to  raise  controversy  about  these things,  being  guilty  in  this  of  a  pardonable offence,  for  ignorance  does  not  so  much  deserve blame  as  need  instruction.  And  they  say  that on  the  14th  the  Lord  ate  the  lamb  with  his disciples,  but  that   He   himself  suffered   on  the EASTER great  day  of  unleavened  bread ;  and  they  in- terpret Matthew  as  favouring  their  view,  from which  it  appears  that  their  sentiments  are  not in  harmony  with  the  law,  and  that  the  gospels seem,  according  to  them,  to  be  at  v.ariance." Again,  "  The  14th  is  the  true  passover  of  the Lord,  the  great  sacrifice,  instead  of  the  lamb  the Son  of  God,  ....  who  was  lifted  up  iipou  the horns  of  the  unicorn,  and  was  pierced  in  his  sacred side,  who  shed  out  of  his  side  the  two  cleansing elements,  water  and  blood,  word  and  spirit,  and who  was  buried  on  the  day  of  the  passover,  the stone  having  been  placed  upon  his  tomb." We  know  very  little  of  ApoUinaris.  Eusebius tells  us  that  he  was  the  author  of  an  Apology  for the  Christians,  addressed  to  the  emperor,  and that  he  was  an  eloquent  writer  against  the Phrygian,  Cataphrygian,  and  other  Montanists, and  wrote  two  works  against  the  Jews :  but  we are  left  to  conjecture  who  those  opponents  were against  whom  he  was  arguing  in  the  work  from which  these  fragments  are  taken. With  these  fragments  are  associated  quotations from  Hippolytus  and  Clement  of  Alexandria  : — "Hippolytus,  the  witness  of  religion,  who  was bishop  of  the  so-called  Portus,  near  Rome,  has written  literally  thus  in  his  Treatise  against all  the  Heresies :  '  I  therefore  see  that  there  is a  contentiousness  in  this  affair.  For  he  {i.e. the  adversary,  the  Quarto-deciman)  says  thus: Christ  celebrated  the  passover  on  that  very  day, and  suffered :  I  therefore  must  also  do  as  the Lord  did.'  But  he  is  wrong  from  not  knowing that,  when  Christ  sufl["ered,  he  did  not  eat  the passover  according  to  the  law.  For  He  was  the passover  that  had  been  foretold,  and  which  was accomplished  on  the  day  appointed." And  again  the  same  (Hippolytus)  saj's  in  the Treatise  on  the  Passover :  '■  He  did  not  eat  the passover,  but  he  suff'cred  {i.e.  as  the  passover) oiiK  e<pay€v,  aW'  eiraOev." Another  passage  from  Clement  of  Alexandria, in  his  work  concerning  the  passover  :  "  In  the  pre- ceding years  then  the  Lord  keeping  the  passover ate  that  which  was  slain  by  the  Jews:  but when  he  pi-oclaimed  himself  to  be  the  passover, the  Lamb  of  God,  led  as  a  sheep  to  the  slaughter, immediately  he  taught  his  disciples  the  mystery of  the  type  on  the  13th,  on  which  also  they  ask  of him.  Where  wilt  thou  that  we  make  ready  to eat  the  passover,  ....  but  the  Saviour  suf- fered on  the  next  day,  being  himself  the  passover .  .  .  ."     See  also  Fhilosophumena,  274-5. These  fragments  are  given  because  they  ofl^er almost  the  entire  evidence  on  which  we  have  to fix  the  place  of  the  Laodicean  interlude.  Hilgen- feld  views  ApoUinaris  as  a  representative  of  the West,  through  whom  Western  influence  has gained  a  footing  in  the  heart  of  Asia.  His  oppo- nent is  directly  Melito,  but  Melito  as  the  repre- sentative of  the  whole  body  of  Asiatic  Christians. Now  that  ApoUinaris  is  in  the  greatest  har- mony with  the  Roman  and  Alexandrian  writers whose  fragments  are  associated  with  him  in  the Chr<micon  Fascfwle,  is  manifest :  there  is  great probability  also  in  the  conjecture  that  he,  like Clement,  wrote  on  the  occasion  of  Melito's  work, and  the  absence  of  his  name  from  the  list  of Polycrates  suggests  some  discordance  between his  views  and  those  of  Polycrates.  But  he writes  against  certain  persons  who  are  creating a  disturbance,  not   against  the  quietly   existing EASTER ancient  ciistom,  nearly  universal  around  him  : he  seems  to  obsei-ve  the  14th  himself,  and  when we  notice  the  characteristics  of  his  writings  as directed  against  the  Phrygians,  Cataphrygians, and  other  Montanists,  and  against  the  Jews (Euseb.  //.  E.  iv.  27),  we  may  see  ground  for suspecting  that  his  real  antagonist  was  such  a man  as  Blastus  (perhaps  the  very  man)  who, about  180,  carried  Montanism  from  Asia  Minor to  Fiome  and  there  provoked  the  opposition  of the  church,  which  is  extremely  likely  to  have stirred  up  Victor's  crusade  against  the  customs of  Asia  Minor.  We  know  that  Hippolytus,  as well  as  Irenaeus,  wrote  against  Blastus,  and although  Melito's  work  may  have  occasioned that  of  Apollinaris,  Eusebius  would  hardly  have noticed  them  together,  as  he  does,  as  fellow- helpers  in  the  church,  if  they  occupied  so  marked au  antagonistic  position  as  has  been  supposed. We  have  already  seen  from  Epiphanius  that  a diversity  of  usages  continued  to  prevail  until the  Nicene  council.  At  that  council  the  Western usage  may  be  said  to  have  established  its  victory, and  those  who  still  persisted  in  the  Asiatic practice  fell  into  the  position  of  heretics.  We find  in  the  letter  of  the  emperor  Constantine to  the  churches  after  that  council  (Socr.  H.  E. i.  9)  :  "  There  also  the  question  having  been  con- sidered relative  to  the  most  holy  day  of  Easter, it  was  determined  by  common  consent  that  it would  be  proper  that  all  should  celebrate  it  on one  and  the  same  day  everywhere."  Also  that "  it  seemed  very  unsuitable  in  the  celebration  of this  sacred  feast,  that  we  should  follow  the custom  of  the  Jews,"  ....  who,  labouring  under a  judicial  blindness,  "even  in  this  particular do  not  perceive  the  truth,  so  that  they,  con- stantly erring  in  the  utmost  degree,  celebrate the  feast  of  passover  a  second  time  in  the  same year."  This  of  course  refers  to  the  error  of celebrating  before  the  equinox.  "  Consider  how grievous  and  indecorous  it  is,  that  on  the  same days  some  should  be  observant  of  fasts,  while others  are  celebrating  feasts  ;  and  especially  that this  should  be  the  case  oa  the  days  immediately after  Easter.  On  this  account,  therefore,  Divine Providence  directed  that  an  appropriate  cor- rection should  be  effected,  and  uniformity  of practice  established,  as  I  suppose  you  are  all aware."  (This  refers  to  the  determination  of the  equinox,  which  was  settled  to  be  on  the  21st March,  although,  as  we  have  shown  above,  the 20th  was  the  proper  day,  as  it  only  happened  once in  four  years  on  the  21st,  and  then  at  2  a.m.) "  And  since  the  order  is  a  becoming  one,  which is  observed  by  all  the  churches  of  the  western, southern,  and  northern  parts,  and  by  some  also in  the  eastern  :  from  these  considerations  all  have on  the  present  occasion  thought  it  to  be  expe- dient, and  1  pledged  myself  that  it  would  be satisfactory  to  your  prudent  penetration,  that what  is  observed  with  such  general  unanimity of  sentiment  in  the  city  of  Rome,  throughout Italy,  Africa,  all  Egypt,  Spain,  France,  Britain, Libya,  the  whole  of  Greece,  and  the  dioceses  of Asia,  Pontus  and  Cilicia,  your  intelligence  would also  concur  in."  The  epistle  of  the  synod  to the  church  of  Alexandria  speaks  in  the  like terms  (see  Socr.  i.  9):  "  We  have  also  gi-atifying intelligence  to  communicate  to  you  relative  to nnitv  of  judgment  on  the  subject  of  the  most holy"  feast  of  Easter:  for  this  point  also  has  been EASTER 591 hap]>ily  settled  through  vour  jiravers  ;  so  that all  the  brethren  in  the  Eait  who  have  heretofore ke])t  this  festival  when  the  Jews  did,  will  hence- forth conform  to  the  Romans  and  to  us,  and  to all  who  from  the  earliest  time  have  observed  our period  of  celebrating  Easter."  (See  also  Euseb. Life  of  Constantine.) It  is  to  be  noted  that  no  rule  is  here  given for  determining  Easter;  the  churches  are  re- ferred to  the  ancient  rule  of  the  West. It  has  been  often  stated  that  the  council  esta- blished a  particular  cycle,  that  of  nineteen  years, but  this  is  a  mistake. Epiphanius  mentions  three  different  sets  of so-called  heretics,  who  persisted  in  the  Quarto- decinian  usage,  viz.  the  Audiani  {Haerea.  Ixx.), the  Alogi  (li.),  and  the  Quarto-decimans  (1.),  the last  being  orthodox  in  all  respects  except  this.    • It  is  unnecessary  to  follow  out  further  the history  of  the  decline  of  the  Quarto-decimans. We  must  now  give  some  brief  account  of  what is  known  respecting  the  various  astronomical cycles  employed  for  the  determination  of  Easter. The  use  of  cycles  was  very  familiar  to  the  an- cient astronomers.  It  arose  out  of  the  neces- sity, when  lunar  months  were  in  use  (as  at Athens)  of  linking  together  in  some  manner  the changes  of  the  moon  and  the  sun.  They  all rested  upon  the  mean  motions  of  the  moon, which  was  not  only  all  that  could  be  exactly calculated  in  the  state  of  their  astronomical knowledge,  but  which  is  in  fact  all  that  can  bo used  with  advantage  for  the  arrangement  of ceremonies  and  festival-days.  The  object  was to  find  a  period  which  should  contain  an  exact number  of  lunations  and  also  of  tropical  years — the  former  consisting  of  29  d.  -5305887  or  29  d. 12  h.  44  m.  2s.  -865. 1.  The  most  ancient  cycle  was  the  Octaeteris, or  cycle  of  8  years.  It  depends  on  the  fact,  that 8  tropical  years  are  nearly  equal  to  99  lunations. The  99  months  contained  2922  days,  three  of  the 8  years  having  embolisms  or  intercalary  months, as  follows.  The  first  year  of  the  period  seems to  have  been  variously  taken :  I.  being  the  ar- rangement given  by  Geminus  ;  II.  by  Epiphanius ; whilst  III.  is  that  adopted  in  Scaliger's  account of  this  cycle,  the  letter  E  denoting  the  embo- lism. I.  II. 12  3  4  5  6  7  8 E         E              E 12  3  4  5  6  7  8 E              E         E in. 12  3  4  5  6  7  8 E         E               E The  months  were  full  (30  days)  and  hollow  (29) by  turns,  except  the  intercalary,  wliich  were always  full.  This  is  exactly  8  years  of  365 J days.  But  neither  the  lunation  nor  the  year  is here  taken  at  its  true  value,  and  the  8  years really  fall  short  of  99  lunations  by  1  d.  14  h. 10  m. — an  error  which  would  soon  accumulate and  make  the  cycle  useless, Cleostratus,  Eratosthenes,  and  others  made various  changes  for  the  correction  of  this  cycle, which  still  however  remained  imperfect. 2.  A   great  improvement  upon  this  was  the 592  EASTER cycle  of  19  years  ascribed  by  Geminus  to  Eucte- mon,  but  generally  to  Meton,  about  432  B.c This  rests  on  the  extremely  close  relation  be- tween the  length  of  19  years  and  235  lunations. 19  years    =  6939-60256  days, 235  lunat.  =  6939-688348  days, a  difference  of  about  2  h.  3  m.  The  actual  ar rangenient  was  that  out  of  235  months  110  were hollow,  making  6940  days,  being  m  excess  of  235 lunations  by  H  hours.  In  the  course  of  4  Me- tonic  periods  the  accumulation  of  errors  would be  30  hours,  and  accordingly  Calippus  proposed then  to  leave  out  1  more  day.  There  was  then an  excess  of  6  h.  only  in  76  years  or  of  1  day  in 310  years.  This  period  of  76  years  is  called  the Calippic  period. The  first  Paschal  cycle  in  use  seems  to  have been  the  Octaeteris.  Epiphanius  refers  to  it  (Ilaer. Ixv.),  and  appeals  to  it  in  his  argument  with the  Audiani  in  such  a  manner  as  to  imply  tliat they  were  right  in  holding  this  to  be  the  ancient church  cycle  :  on  which  account  he  would  rather rest  his  argument  upon  it  than  upon  the  superior cycle  of  19  years,  which  must  have  been  familiar to  him.  Eusebius  also  mentions  (vii.  20)  that Dionysius,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  in  one  of  his Paschal  letters  gives  a  canon  for  8  years,  seem- ing to  imply  the  use  of  the  Octaeteris  (about 250  A.D.). The  Paschal  cycle  of  112  years  of  St.  Hip- polytus  attained  some  celebrity  and  was  inscribed on  the  chair  of  his  statue,  discovered  at  Rome  in 1551,  and  now  in  the  Vatican.  It  was  based  on  a double  Octaeteris  of  16  years,  repeated  7  times: St.  Hippolytus  having  observed  that  by  using  16 years,  instead  of  8,  the  week-days  recurred  in succession,  though  in  their  natural  order  re- versed. It  extends  from  a.d.  222  to  a.d.  333, and  was  evidently  constructed  about  222  A.D. and  was  based  upon  the  period  of  years  215  to 222  A.D.  for  which  period  it  is  correct.  Beyond this  its  defective  nature  soon  appears,  and  after another  period  it  would  be  found  to  be  worthless. It  may  be  seen  in  Fabricius's  Jlippoli/tus.  See also  Ideler,  ii.  222,  and  Ordo  Saeclorum,  p.  477. The  Paschal  canon  of  St.  Cyprian,  called  the Computus  Paschalis,  which  is  extant,  but  without the  table,  was  a  repeat  of  St.  Hippolytus,  with  a new  start  from  A.D.  242,  based  on  the  16  vears from  228  to  243. 3.  When  the  Western  church  discovered  the defective  nature  of  the  Octaeteris,  they  took  up or  perhaps  returned  to  a  cycle  of  84  years, which  was  employed  by,  according  to  Epiphanius and  Cyril's  Prologue  in  Bucherius,  the  Jews  (per- haps after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem),  then  probablyby some  Quarto-decimans,  and  also  by  some  Latins, for  Cyril  in  his  Prologue  implies  that  the  84 years  cycle  was  forsaken  for  that  of  Hippolytus, saying,  "  pejus  aliquid  addiderunt." The  84  years  cycle  may  be  regarded  as  con- sisting of  a  Calippic  period  of  76  years  (with  the correction  of  1  day)  and  a  single  Octaeteris :  and as  their  errors  are  in  opposite  directions,  it  has  a less  error  in  84  years  than  the  Octaeteris  had  in 8.  Both  Epiphanius  and  Cyril  ascribe  it  to  the Jews,  and  the  fact  that,  84  being  a  multiple of  7,  the  Calendar  moons  would  recur  on  the same  days  of  the  week  in  each  period,  would doubtless  give  it  a  value  in  their  eyes.     However EASTER this  may  be,  it  became  undoubtedly  the  gi-eat cycle  of  the  Latin  church,  for  more  than  two centuries,  till  it  was  superseded  by  the  cycle  of Victorius  of  532  years,  published  in  the  year 457.  An  84-year  Easter-table  of  the  Latin church  may  be  seen  in  Ideler,  ii.  249,  con- structed from  a  "  Fasti  Consulares,"  discovered by  Cardinal  Noris,  and  beginning  with  the  year 298.  Wuratori  published  another  in  his  Anec- data  ex  Ambrosi  mae  Bibllothecae  Codicibus.  In both  these  it  appears  that  the  Epacts  and  week- days of  the  1st  January  were  employed  for  the determination  of  Easter.  Bucherius  also  gives '  The  Latin  or  Prosper's  cycle  of  84  Years,'  be- ginning at  382.  Since  84  Julian  years  contain 30681  days,  and  1039  lunations  30682  d.  6  h. 48  m.,  the  84-year  cycle  gives  at  its  conclusion the  new  moon  30  hours  too  earl5\ It  may  be  right  here  to  mention  the  fact  that Epiphanius,  believing  that  the  Jews  had  this 84  years  cycle  at  the  time  of  our  Saviour's  cruci- fixion (for  which  there  is  no  evidence  in  Jewish writers),  argues  at  length  {Haer.  Ii.)  that,  this cycle  being  shorter  than  the  moon's  true  cycle (he  means  probably  the  Alexandrian)  the  Jews anticipated  the  proper  time  of  the  passover  by two  days  in  the  year  of  the  Passion,  and  Bu- cherius believes  that  he  is  in  the  main  right, and  reasons  quite  correctly  from  his  premisses that,  if  the  Alexandrian  cycle  and  84-year  cycle started  together  B.C.  161,  the  latter  was  3  days in  advance  of  the  moon  and  the  former  1  day. And  Bucherius  holds,  in  agreement  with  Peta- vius,  that  there  was  a  division  amongst  the  Jews as  to  these  two  calculations,  the  Pharisees  and priests  keeping  the  passover  one  day  later  than our  Lord  and  his  disciples. and  a  great  part  of the  nation. There  is,  however,  a  great  fallacy  in  these calculations.  The  cycles  give,  of  necessity,  not the  true  moon  of  the  heavens,  but  the  mean  moon, and  it  does  not  at  all  follow  that,  because  on  the whole  they  give  a  good  representation  of  the  mean moon,  that  therefore  they  give  the  true  mean moon  in  any  particular  year.  On  the  contj-ary, they  all  go  by  fits  and  starts,  according  as  the  em- bolism has  just  taken  place  or  not ;  and  it  requii-es not  a  general  calculation,  but  an  exact  knowledge of  the  state  of  the  cycle,  starting  from  some  ab- solutely certain  date,  before  we  can  argue  with any  certainty  from  such  cycles.  We  have  above expressed  the  belief  that  the  Jews,  having  been for  many  centuries  accustomed  to  the  feasts  of the  New  Moon,  did  not  allow  any  cycle  to  carry them  away  from  a  close  adherence  to  the  actual phase  of  the  moon.  And  we  may  add  that  having examined  the  three  best  attested  dates — that  of the  taking  of  Jerusalem  by  Pompey,  B.C.  64,  on  the day  of  the  Fast  (10  Tisri)  according  to  Josephus, and  according  to  Dion  Cassius,  on  a  Sabbath ; the  setting  of  the  Temple  on  fire,  the  9th  Ab  or Lous  A.D.  70,  a  Sabbath  ;  and  the  taking  of  Jeru- salem by  Titus  on  the  8th  Gorpiaeus,  or  Elul, according  to  Josephus — again  a  Sabbath,  accord- ing to  Dion  Cassius,  we  find  that  the  phase  ot the  moon  gives  in  each  case,  without  any  ambi- guity and  without  any  doubt,  these  very  days, viz.  B.C.  64,  Oct.  4,  Saturday ;  Aug.  4,  A.D.  70, Saturday,  and  September  1,  a.d.  70,  Saturday. The  investigation  of  a  few  such  cases  creates a  vivid  impression  that  wt  are  on  firm  ground. A  number  of  other  cases,  of  a  more  conjectural EASTER character,  may  be  seeu  in  Browne's  Ordo  Saeclo- rum,  p.  538. The  following  results  fire  taken  fi-om  the  84- year  cycle  in  Ideler,  ti.  249,  already  referred  to. EASTER 503 I 2 3 4 5 Tabular Real  Age  of  Moon Day. Age  of  Moon. (by  Phase) on  Friday. 448 4  Apr. XVI 28 XIX 449 27  Mar. XIX 29 XXI 450 16  Apr. XX 30 XXII 451 1  Apr. XVI 31 XVIII 452 23  Mar. XVill 32 XX 453 12  Apr. XIX 3? XXII Thus  whilst  the  3rd  column  is  correct  for  the years  A.D.  448-453,  it  is  erroneous  by  4  or  5 days  for  A.D.  28-33.  It  is  remarkable  that  it gives  Mar.  25  for  Good  Friday  A.D.  29,  like Hippolytus's  cycle. We  have  now  to  trace  the  history  of  the  19- years  or  Metonic  cycle  in  the  church,  and  its final  triumph. The  Metonic  cycle  and  the  Calippic  period  had long  been  known  to  the  Alexandrians,  and  had been  in  use  in  Syria  and  adjacent  countries,  so that  it  is  remarkable  that  we  hear  of  the  Octa- eteris  rather  than  this  cycle  as  having  been  first in  use,  even  at  Alexandria. Anatolius,  bishop  of  Laodicea  about  284,  by birth  an  Alexandrian,  enjoys  the  credit,  on  the authority  of  Eusebius  (vii.  32)  of  having  been  the first  to  arrange  the  19-years  cycle  for  ecclesi- astical purposes.  But  the  passage  has  greatly perplexed  the  commentators,  and  has  called  forth elaborate  attempts  at  explanation  or  eniendation from  Petavius  and  others.  For  Anatolius  declares tfiat  the  sun  "is  not  entering  the  first  segment (of  the  zodiac)  on  the  22nd  March,  where  he places  the  New  Moon  of  the  1st  year  of  the cycle,  but  is  already  on  the  fourth  day  passing through  it.  But  this  segment  they  generally  call the  first  dodecatemorium,  and  the  equinox,  and the  beginning  of  the  months,  &c.''  Unless  we are  to  reject  all  that  is  said  about  Anatolius's knowledge  and  ability,  we  must  take  him  to mean  that  the  equinox  fell  on  the  22nd,  but  that the  sun  was  not  then  at  the  beginning  of  the zodiacal  sign,  but  four  days  advanced  in  it.  This is  quite  in  consonance  with  the  statements  of Pliny  (xviii.  c.  25)  and  Columella  (ix.  13),  who after  Eudoxus  place  the  equinoxes  and  solstices at  the  8th  part  of  the  signs.  But  the  account respecting  Anatolius  is  further  complicated  by the  existence  of  a  Canon  Paschalis  attributed to  him,  which  exercised  great  influence  in  the British  church,  but  which,  if  it  is  identical  with that  given  in  Bucherius,  was  certainly  forged.  It is  strange,  too,  that  so  little  is  heard  of  the  cycle for  some  time  afterwards.  But  the  19-year  cycle probably  gradually  made  its  way  at  Alexandria, only  it  was  found  that  something  more  than  a cycle  was  wanted  to  insure  uniformity.  An  actual catalogue  of  results  was  necessary.  So  Theo- philus,  bishop  of  Alexandria  (385-412)  framed at  the  command  of  Theodosius  a  cycle  (or  actual calendar)  of  418  years  (19  X  22),  which  St.  Cyril, who  succeeded  him  in  that  see  in  412,  shortened into  a  cycle  of  95  years  (19  X  5)  for  convenience' sake.  Part  only  of  St.  Cyril's  Cmnputus  Paschalis remains,  but  his  Prolnipie  survives  in  a  Latin translation  (in  Bucherius).     Tiieopliilus  had  laid CHRIST.  ANT. down  distinctly  the  rule  that  when  the  xiv  oi the  'noon  falls  on  Sunday,  Easter-day  is  the  Sun- day after ;  and  Cyril  states  distinctly  that  Easter may  fall  on  any  of  the  35  days  from  March  22  to April  25,  our  modern  mode.  In  fact,  the  two chief  sources  of  discrepancy  after  the  Nicene council  were  these :  the  Latins  often  celebrated on  the  Sunday  on  which  the  xiv  fell,  while  the Alexandrians  waited  a  week ;  and  the  Latins made  the  18th  March  the  first  day  on  which  the xiv  could  fiill,  whilst  the  Alexandrians  made their  limit  the  21st  March.  They  both  agreed that  as  the  passover  was  to  be  kept  in  the  first month,  faster  was  to  follow  the  same  rule  ;  but the  Latins  made  (as  Bucherius,  &c.  think  the Jews  did)  the  5th  March  the  earliest  possible day  of  the  1st  month,  whilst  the  Alexandrians, holding  firmly  the  doctrine  that  the  xiv  must  not fall  before  the  equinox,  that  is,  according  to  their rules,  the  21st  March,  made  the  8th  March  the 1st  possible  day  of  the  month.  The  Alexandrian rules,  as  we  shall  see,  ultimately  prevailed. It  seems  to  be  now  the  time  to  explain  the actual  method  employed  by  the  Alexandrians. The  years  of  the  cycle  of  19  years  being  num- bered iu  order,  the  number  of  any  given  year was  called  the  Golden  Number.  So  also  the letters  A  B  C  D  E  F  G  being  written  against  all the  days  of  the  year  in  succession,  the  letter  A being  placed  against  the  first  of  January,  the same  letter  will  stand  against  any  given  week- day throughout  the  year,  except  in  Leap-year, when  a  change  will  take  place  after  the  inter- calary day.  The  letter  which  stands  against  all the  Sundays  is  called  the  Sunday  Letter. Again,  the  day  on  which  the  14th  of  the  equi- nox moon  falls  is  called  the  Easter  Term.  As  the Easter  Terms  recur  every  19  years,  the  knowledge of  the  Golden  Number  gives  the  Easter  Term, and  if  we  know  the  Sunday  Letter  we  can  pass on  from  the  Easter  Term,  it's  letter  being  known, to  the  next  Sunday,  which  will  be  Easter  Day. Rule  1.  To  find  the  Golden  Number.  Add  1 to  the  numeral  of  the  year,  and  divide  by  19. The  remainder  is  the  Golden  Number  ;  when  there is  no  remainder,  19  is  the  Golden  Number. Rule  2.  To  find  the  Sunday  Letter.  To  the numeral  of  the  year,  add  its  quotient  on  dividing by  4,  and  also  the  number  4 ;  divide  the  sum  by 7,  and  subtract  the  remainder  from  7.  This  will designate  the  place  of  the  Sunday  Letter  in  the alphabet.  Ex. :  325  -f  81  +  4  =  410  ;  410  -^  7 leaves  remainder  4 ;  the  3rd  letter  C  is  the  Sun- day Letter.  In  Leap-year  the  earlier  two  months of  the  year  have  the  letter  next  succeeding. The  following  Table  will  now  suffice  to  find the  Alexandrian  Easter  (old  style). Golden Nos. Easter  Terms. Golden Nos. Easter  Terms. 5  Apr.     D 11 15  Apr.    G 25  Mar.     G 12 4  Apr.     C 13  Apr.      K 13 24  T\Iar.     F 2  Apr.     A 14 12  Apr.      D 22  Mar.     ]) 15 1  Apr.     G 10  Apr.      B Ifi 21  Mar.     C 30  Mar.     E 17 9  Apr.     A 18  Apr.     C 18 29  Jlar.      I» 7  Apr.      F 19 17  Apr.      B lu 27  Mar.     15 ■     20 :,   Apr.     n ^•a;.— A.D.  29.    Golden  number=:ll.    Snnday  Letter  B. Easter  Term,  15th  April.     Kaster  Day=l7th  April. 2  g 594 EASTER It  must  not  be  supposed,  however,  that  the subject  was  always  regarded  from  this  simple point  of  view.  It  was  approached  with  old  tra- ditionary notions,  so  that  the  19  years  was  spoken of  as  made  up  of  8  and  11— and  the  years  were thought  of  as  lunar  years  with  embolisms — and as  it  happened  that  the  Latins  began  their  cycles 3  years  later  than  the  Alexandrians,  and  so  in- serted embolisms  in  diflerent  years,  this  again was  a  cause  of  discrepancy. Alexandrian  cycle  : 10  11   13  13  14  15  16  17  18  19 2  3  4  5  6  7 Western  cycle : 17  18  19  1  2  3  4  5  6  7 11   12   13  14   15   16 We  give  at  the  same  time  the  order  of  the cycle  of  Victorius : 11  12  13  14  15  16  17   18  19  1  2  3  4  5  6  7  8  9  10 E  E  B  E  E  K        E During  the  popedom  of  Leo  the  Great  doubts occurred,  in  the  year  444  A.D.,  and  455  a.d.,  as to  the  proper  day  of  celebrating  Easter.  Leo  wrote to  St.  Cyril  to  enquire  respecting  444,  who answered  that  the  day  was  April  23,  propter rationera  embolismi  anni  (not  26  March,  as  the Latins  made  it).  It  was  8  of  the  lunar  cycle  of the  Alexandrians,  18  of  Victorius'  cycle.  Leo acquiesced. In  455  the  contention  was  greater.  Here  it was  not  a  question  of  a  montli,  but  of  a  week. The  Latins  by  the  84-year  cycle  made  it  April 17  ;  the  Alexandrians  April  24. Leo  then  wrote  to  Martian,  emperor  of  the East,  and  to  Eudocia  Augusta,  in  which  he  asks them  to  interfere  that  the  Alexandrians  may  not name  April  24,  alleging  that  the  viii.  kal.  Maii is  beyond  the  ancient  limits.  The  emperor  made enquiry  of  certain  eastern  bishops  and  of  the Alexandrians,  and  Leo  finally  yielded  for  the  sake of  peace.  In  the  matter  of  these  limits  the  Alex- andrians were  always  firm,  allowing  the  14th  of the  moon  to  range  from  March  21  to  April  18, Easter-day  from  March  22  to  April  25 ;  while the  Westerns  had  shown  much  vacillation.  Their old  14th  day  limits  were  March  18  and  April  21, then  the  council  of  Caesarea  (A.D.  195)  laid  down as  the  limits  of  Easter-day  March  22  and  April 21,  alleging  that  the  crucifixion  was  on  March  22. This  authority,  together  with  that  of  the  Nicene council.  orde}ing  that  Easter  should  not  be  kept before  the  equinox,  led  the  Latins  to  yield  the first  limit ;  then  Leo  extended  the  2nd  limit  two davs,  by  understanding  April  21  of  the  cruci- fixion, thus  getting  March  22  to  April  23,  33 days.  Finally  the  Latins  had  to  yield  2  days more.  But  the  Latins  would  only  keep  Easter from  the  16th  to  the  22nd  of  the  moon,  so  that tlie  passion  might  be  on  the  14th,  whereas  the Alexandrians  often  kept  Easter  on  the  15th.  In the  year  463  Victorius  (or  Victorinus)  of  Aqui- taiue,  an  abbot  at  Rome,  was  employed  by  pope Hilary  to  correct  the  calendar,  and  he  was  the  real author  of  the  cycle  of  532  years,  found  by  mul- tiplying together  19,  the  cycle  of  the  moon,  and 28,  the  cycle  of  the  sun.  Thus,  on  the  suppo- sition of  the  perfect  accuracy  of  the  19-years cycle,  all  full  moons,  days  of  the  week,  &c., would  recur  in  the  same  order  from  cycle  to cycle,  for  ever.  The  cycle  is  given  in  Bucherius : It  begins  at  a.d.  239  and  ends  770.     Some  days EASTER are  marked,  as  differently  taken  by  the  Alex andrians  and  Latins,  for  Victorius  commenced the  cycle  at  the  11th  year  of  the  Alexandrian cycle,  and  also  still  adhered  to  the  above-men- tioned Latin  rules. There  were  many  errors  in  his  tables,  and  the revision  of  it  by  Dionysius  Exiguus  obtained  for it  the  name  of  the  Dionysian  cycle,  transferring to  Dionysius  most  of  the  merit  which  belonged to  Victorius. But  what  Dionysius  really  did  was  to  continue the  95-year  cycle  of  St.  Cyril,  and  he  also  induced the  Italians  to  accept  fully  the  Alexandrian  rules. He  also  abandoned  the  era  of  Diocletian,  and  waa the  first  to  introduce  the  modern  Christian  ei-a, reckoning  from  the  supposed  date  of  the  birth of  Christ.  Victorius  had  made  his  cycle  begin from  the  baptism,  a.d.  28. But  the  Easter  table  of  Victorius  long  held  its ground  in  Gaul.  In  the  council  of  Orleans  (541) it  was  ordered  that  all  should  observe  Easter according  to  the  laterculus  Victorii,  and  Gregory of  Tours  says  of  A.D.  577  :  "  In  that  year  there was  a  doubt  about  Easter.  In  Gaul  we,  with many  other  cities,  celebrated  Easter  on  the  14th Calends  of  May:  others  with  the  Spaniards  on the  r2th  Calends  of  April.  The  former  was  Vic- torius's  date:  the  Alexandrians  kept  Easter  a week  later,  the  Spaniards  four  weeks  earlier." It  is  only  at  the  end  of  the  8th  century  that traces  of  such  differences  disappear  in  Gaul. (Ideler,  iii.  294.) The  84-yeai-s  cycle  lasted  longer  in  Britain than  elsewhere :  and  the  bitter  controversies which  were  carried  on  for  a  long  time  between the  new  English  church,  founded  by  the  mission of  Augustine,  and  the  ancient  British  church were  entirely  due  to  the  persistence  of  the  Britis^l clergy  in  clinging  to  the  old  cycle  of  84  yeai's (see  the  letter  of  Althelmus  Anglus  Episcopus, about  700  A.D.  in  Bucherius)  and  old  tradition- ary maxims  respecting  the  paschal  limits. They  kept  the  festival  from  the  14th  of  the moon  to  the  20th  :  they  placed  the  equinox  on the  25th  March,  and  would  keep  no  festival before  it,  and  they  used  as  the  later  limit  of the  festival  the  old  limit  of  the  Latins,  the  21st April. For  these  rules  they  appealed  to  tradition  and the  example  of  St.  John,  and  also  repeatedly  to the  authority  of  Anatolius.  The  discussion  almost always  turns  in  Bede's  narrative,  and  in  the  letters preserved,  on  this  point : — Is  the  festival  to  ))e kept  from  the  14th  to  the  20th  of  the  moon  (with the  British  church),  or  from  the  15th  to  the  21st (with  the  Roman)  ?  And  as  the  battle  turned so  largely  on  the  14th  of  the  moon,  the  partisans of  the  Roman  use  tried  to  fix  on  the  British clergy  the  name  of  Quartodecimans,  and  so  the stigma  of  heresy.  But  they  were  in  no  real sense  Quartodecimans.  They  observed  the  Easter festival  on  a  Sunday  and  kept  the  Friday  before it,  not  keeping,  as  did  the  Christians  of  Asia  Minor, the  14th  of  the  moon,  fall  when  it  might  : nor  is  there  any  ground  for  connecting  them,  on the  supposition  of  their  being  Quartodecimans, with  Asia  Minor.  As  we  have  mentioned  before, the  spurious  canon  of  Anatolius,  given  in  Bu- cherius;, was  perhaps  designed  to  support  the cause  of  the  British  Christians.  And  there  is srround  for  supposing  that  the  laterculus of  100  years. kicherius,  may  have  be- EASTER,  CEREMONIES  OF longed  to  the  British  church,  as  it   t;ills  in  witli their  principles. Frequently  as  the  differences  respecting  Easter are  mentioned  in  Bede  {Eccl.  Hist.),  there  are unfortunately  no  dates  given  which  can  throw further  light  on  these  discrepancies ;  but  the statement  respecting  Queen  Eanfleda  and  her  fol- lowers as  still  fasting  and  keeping  Palm  Sunday, when  King  Oswy  had  done  fasting  and  was  keeping his  Easter,  must  refer  to  some  year  not  ftir  from 651 ;  and  the  xiv  of  the  moon  fell  on  Sunday  in 645,  647,  648,  and  651. The  Roman  use  finally  prevailed  in  England. Archbishop  Theodore,  a.d.  669,  is  believed  to have  arranged  everything  according  to  Roman customs,  and  from  that  time  general  uniformity existed.  Nothing  further  of  importance  occurred respecting  Easter  until  the  Gregorian  reformation of  the  calendar,  by  which  time  the  accumulated errors  arising  from  the  Ij  hrs.  excess  of  the 19-years  cycle  made  the  calendar  moon  about four  days  later  than  the  real  moon.  [L.  H.] EASTER,  Ceremonies  of.  The  season  of Easter,  as  the  epoch  of  the  great  redemptive  acts by  which  the  salvation  of  mankind  was  consum- mated, was  from  a  very  early  period  observed with  special  solemnity  by  the  Christian  church. The  Paschal  season  originally  extended  over  fif- teen days,  of  which  Easter  Day  was  the  central point,  commencing  with  Palm  Sunday  and  ter- minating with  Low  Sunday.  The  "first  week was  known  as  traax"-  (Travpaiffifiov,  the  second week  as  irdaxa  avaaTdai/xov  (Suicer,  sub  roc). Leaving  to  other  articles  the  solemnities  of  the former" period  [Palm  Sunday:  Good  Friday] we  propose  to  speak  of  those  of  the  period  of Easter,  properly  so  called. Easter  Eve. — This  day  was  known  by  a  variety of  titles  in  the  early  church — rh  jxiya  ffd^^arov, tI  ayiov  (TOL^^aTov,  vvl  ayyeAiKr]  (Pallad.),  Sabba- tum  Magnum,''  Dies  yiijiliarum  Easchae.  (Hieron.), rifj.fpa  T7)s  v(TTdT7isT0inrd(rx°-  ■irai'>'i'X'5os(Euseb. vi.  34).  It  had  a  double  character,  penitential and  jubilant ;  as  the  conclusion  of  the  great Lenten  Fast,  and  as  the  prelude  of  the  Festival of  the  Resyrrection.  This  was  the  only  Sab- bath in  the 'whole  year  on  which  f;isting  was permitted  {Afostol.  Ccmstit.  vii.  23).  The  fast  of Easter  Eve  was  of  the  strictest  character,  and was  prolonged  at  least  till  midnight.  Good  Friday and  Easter  Eve  being  a  continuous  fast,  in  sup- posed obedience  to  our  Lord's  words  (Matt.  ix.  15). The  Apostolical  Constitutions  enjoin  fasting  till cockcrow  {Ap.  Const,  v.  18).  The  synod  of Auxerre,A.D.  578  {Can.  xi.)  forbids  the  breaking of  the  fost  till  the  second  hour  of  the  night. The  89th  Trullan  canon  {Concil.  Quinisext.  Labbe, vi.  1180)  limits  the  fasting  at  midnight.  Jerome assigns  as  a  reason  for  the  congregation  not  being dismissed  on  Easter  Eve  till  after  midnight,  that even  as  the  Paschal  deliverance  of  Israel  took place  at  midnight  (Exod.  xii.  29)  it  was  the expectation  of  the  church,  according  to  apo- stolical tradition,  that  Christ  would  return  to »  The  earliest  instance  of  the  use  of  this  designation  for Easter  Eve  is  in  the  letter  of  the  church  of  Smyrna  de- tailing the  martyrdom  of  Polycarp  (Euseb.  iv.  15.  12). The  day  on  which  Polycarp  was  apprehended  is  described as  "  the  Great  Sabbath  "—ovtos  aa^Parov  fxeydkov^  The term  is  evidently  borrowed  from  John  xix.  31.  171'  yap li.eya.\r)  r)  rjfiepa  eKCUi}  Tov  aafiPajov. EASTER,  CEREMONIES  OF      595 accomplish  the  redemption  of  His   church   and triumph  over  her  enemies   at    the  same    hour. That  hour  being  passed,  the  awe  with  which  the Lord's  coming  was  anticipated  being  relieved,  the Easter  Feast  was  celebrated  with  universal  joy (Hieron.  In  Matt.  xxv.  G).     The  same  belief  is mentioned  by  Lactantius(M't).  Inst.  vii.  19),  when he  speaks  of  the  night  being  passed  in  watchful- ness on  account  of  the  coming  of  our  King  and God.    We  have  evidence  that  in  Tertullian's  time it  was  spent  in  public  worship,  when  he  speaks of  the  dilKculty  which  would  be  caused  by  the absence  of  a  Christian  wife  from  her  heathen husband  during  the  whole  night  at  the  time  of the  paschal  solemnities  (Tert.  ad  Uxor.  ii.  4).    As the  night  advanced  and  Easter  drew  nearer  all sign  of  mourning  was  laid  aside  for  the  highest festal  jubilee.     One  special  solemnity  indicating the  festival  character  of  this  night  was  the  light- ing of  lamps  and  candles,  a    custom    which  is repeatedly  referred  to  by  writers   from  the  4th century  downwards.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  in  his  in- troductory Catechetical  lecture  (§  15),  speaks  of "  that  night,  that  darkness  that  shows  like  day," and  Eusebius  records  {De  Vit.  Const,  iv.  22)  that Constantine  observed  Easter  Eve  with  such  pomp that  "  he  turned  the  saci'ed  or  mystical  vigil  into the  light  of  day  "  by  means  of  lamps  suspended in  every  part,  and  setting  up  huge  waxen  tapers as  big  as  columns  (ktjpoO  KLOvas  v\^7j)^ or drovs), through  the  whole  city.     We  find  a  reference  to the   same  custom   in  Gregory  Nazianzen  {Oral. xlii.  Ee  Easch.},   who   speaks  of  persons  of  all ranks,  even  magistrates  and  men  and   ladies   of rank,    carrying    lamps,  and    setting    up   tapers, both  at  home  and  in  the  churches,  thus  turning night  into  day  ;  and  again  {Orat.  xliii.)  describes this  Upa  yv^,  as  a  "  torch-bearing  "  (SaSovxia), being  as  it  were  a  irpoSpofj-os  or  forerunner  of the  rising  of  the  great  light,  Christ.     Gregory Nyssen  also  describes  the  brilliancy  of  the  illu- mination as  a  cloud  of  fire  mingling  with  the dawning  rays  of  the  sun,  and  making  the  eve  and the  festival  one  continuous  day  without  any  inter- val of  darkness  (/«  Christ.  Eesurr.  Orat.  v.)    From the  poem  of  Prudentius  {Hymn.  v.  ad  Incensum cerei  Easchalis,  141-148)  we  learn  that  the  church was  illuminated  with  lamps  depending  from  the roof,  reminding  the  spectator  of  the  starry  firma- irient.     In  later  times  one  special  wax  taper  of large    size  was  solemnly  blessed,  as  a  type    of Christ's  rising  from  the  dead  to  give  light  to  the world.     The  institution  of  this  custom  was  attri- buted to  pope  Zosimus  A.D. 417  [Paschal  Taper]. The  latter  hours  of  the  evening  and  the  night were  spent   by  the   assembled  congregations  in united  prayer  and  supplication,  the  singing  of psalms  and  hymns,  reading  the  Scriptures,  and in  hearkening  to  the  exhortations  of  the  bishop and  presbyters  (Apost.  Constit.  v.  19;  Greg.  Nyss. Orat.  iv.  in  Christ.  Resurrect.). Easter  Eve  was  the  chief  time  for  the  baptism  of catechumens.  The  first  seventeen  catechetical  lec- tures of  St.  Cyril  wore  delivered  during  the  weeks before  Easter  to  those  who  were  preparing  for baptism  at  the  ensuing  Easter  Eve,  on  which  day the  eighteenth  was  pronounced  {Catech.  xvii.  20, xviii.  32,  33).  The  nineteenth,  on  Easter  Monday, explains  "  the  deep  meaning  of  what  was  done on  the  evening  of  their  baptism  "(xix.  1).  On  the Easter  Eve  which  succeeded  Chrysostom's  deposi- tion, no  fewer  than  "three  thousand  catechumens 2  Q  2 696      EASTER,  CEREMONIES  OF awaited  baptism  at  Constantinople,  who  were dispersed  by  a  body  of  soldiers  bursting  into  the baptistery,  many  of  the  female  catechumens  being driven  out  only  half  dressed,  having  laid  aside their  outer  garments  in  preparation  for  the  sacred rite.  The  sacrament,  thus  brutally  interrupted, was  resumed  in  the  Baths  of  Constantine,  where the  scattered  congregation  reassembled  (Chrysost. Ep.  ad  Innoc.  i. ;  Pallad.  Vit.  Chrys.  c.  9).  The rite  of  baptism  was  preceded  by  the  solemn  bene- diction of  the  water  (Apost.  Constit.  vii.  43  ; Tertull.  De  Bapt.c.4;  Cyprian,  £>)S<.  70  (69)). [Baptism.] We  find  in  Rabanus  Maurus,  c.  847  (De Ck'i-icor.  Instit.  ii.  28)  a  detailed  account  of  the mode  of  observing  Easter  Eve  which  would  not dilfer  much  from  that  of  the  preceding  centuries. All  the  congregation  remained  in  perfect  silence and  tranquillity  awaiting  the  hour  of  the  Resur- rection, uniting  from  time  to  time  in  prayer  and psalmody.  Towards  nightfall  the  ceremonies  of the  Nox  Dominica  began  with  the  benediction  by the  archdeacon  of  the  paschal  taper.  This  cere- mony was  followed  by  lections  from  the  Old Testament  and  pi-ayers,  succeeded  by  the  litanies of  the  saints.  Then  followed  the  administration of  baptism.  The  white-robed  neophytes  ascended from  the  font — "ascendit  grex  dealbatorum  de lavacro  " — and  the  celebration  of  the  eucharist commenced,  of  which  all  were  bound  to  partake but  the  excommunicate. Complaints  of  disorders  consequent  on  these nocturnal  assemblies  are  found  as  early  as  the  6th century.  These  scandals  led  first  to  the  limitation of  the  hours  of  the  vigil,  and  ultimately  to  the transference  of  the  observance  to  the  daytime. Easter-Day. — Although  nothing  could  exceed the  honour  paid  to  the  Feast  of  the  Resurrec- tion by  the  early  church,  by  which  it  was justly  regarded  as  the  chief  festival  of  the whole  year,  there  is  very  little  to  say  respect- ing the  mode  in  which  was  observed.  The high-sounding  titles  with  which  the  early fathers  delighted  to  decorate  it — "  the  queen  of days,"  "  the  feast  of  feasts,  and  assembly  of assemblies"  (Greg.  Nyss.  Orat.  xix.  ;  Ibid,  xliii.), "  the  desirable  festival  of  our  salvation  " (Chrysost.  Homil.  Ixxxv.  de  Pasch.),  "  the  crown and  head  of  all  festivals,"  and  the  like — are  mere rhetorical  flourishes  which  never  obtained  general currency,  and  need  not  therefore  be  further dwelt  upon.  It  was  commonly  known  as  t) jneyaAri  KvpiaK^.  "  Dominica  gaudii  "  seems  also to  have  been  a  familiar  appellation  (Bingham, Orig.  XX.  5.  5).  As  a  religious  observance  Easter Day  was  not  distinguished  from  other  Sundays except  by  the  vastness  of  its  congregations, and  the  general  splendour  and  dignity  of  its services.  Indeed  it  was  ordained  by  pope  Vigi- lius  in  the  6th  century  (537-555)  that  the  mass on  Easter  Day  should  be  the  same  as  that  on other  days,  "  ordine  consueto,"  with  the  excep- tion of  the  addition  of  ■'  singula  capitula  diebus apta "  (Epist.  ad  Euthcr.  §  5  ;  Labbe,  v.  313). By  one  of  the  so-called  Trullan  canons,  A.D.  692 {Can.  90;  Labbe,  vi.  1180)  it  was  forbidden  to kneel  in  prayer  from  the  entrance  of  the  priests to  the  altar  on  the  evening  of  Easter  Eve  till  the evening  of  Easter  Day,  the  two  days  being  com- bined in  one  continuous  celebration  of  the Resurrection,  aisiv  6\oK\7ipM  iuTev9sv  pyxdri/J-epov iravrjyvpi^fLv  rj/xas  ttiv  avacnafftv.  Gregory  Nyssen EASTER,  CEREMONIES  OF draws  a  vivid  picture  of  the  joyous  crowds  who,  by their  dress  and  their  devout  attendance  at  church, sought  to  do  honour  to  the  festival.  All  labour ceased,  all  trades  were  suspended,  the  husband- man threw  down  his  spade  and  plough  and  put on  his  holiday  attire,  the  very  tavern-keepers left  their  gains.  The  roads  were  empty  of travellers,  the  sea  of  sailors.  The  mother  came to  church  with  the  whole  band  of  her  children and  domestics,  her  husband  and  the  whole  family rejoicing  with  her.  All  Christians  assembled everywhere  as  members  of  one  family.  The poor  man  dressed  like  the  rich,  and  the  rich  wore his  gayest  attire ;  those  who  had  none  of  their own  borrowed  of  their  neighbours ;  the  very children  were  made  to  share  in  the  joy  of  the feast  by  putting  on  new  clothes  (Greg.  Nyssen, Orat.  iii.  in  Christ.  Eemrrect.).  Evangelical lections  were  read  to  the  assembled  congrega- tions, so  arranged  that  the  whole  history  of  the Resurrection  was  gone  through  on  successive days  (Aug.  Serm.  de  Temp.  137,  140),  and  ser- I  mons  preached  instructing  the  people  how  to I  keep  the  feast  duly,  SeJj/T&jj  kopra^eiv  (Athanas. Epist.  ad  Dracont.  ad  fin.).  When  the  empire I  became  Christian,  the  emperors,  beginning  with Valentinian,  A.D.  367,  testified  to  the  universal joy  by  throwing  open  the  prisons,  and  granting  a general  pardon  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  ix.  tit.  38,  leg.  3, I  6,  7,  8 ;  Cud.  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  4,  leg.  3  ;  Cassiod. xi.  Epist.  ult. ;  Ambrose  Ep.  33  (14)  ),  debtors were  forgiven,  slaves  manumitted,  all  actions  at law  were  suspended  except  in  some  special  cases {Cod.  Justin,  lib.  iii.  tit.  12,  leg.  8;  Cod.  Theud. lib.  ii.  tit.  8,  leg.  2  ;  lib.  ix.  tit.  35,  leg.  7),  and liberal  alms  given  to  the  poor.  In  the  words of  Gregory  Nyssen  (m.s.)  "  every  kind  of sorrow  is  put  to  rest  to-day,  nor  is  there  any  one so  overwhelmed  with  grief  as  not  to  find  relief from  the  magnificence  of  this  feast.  Now  the prisoner  is  loosed,  the  debtor  is  forgiven,  the slave  is  set  free,  and  he  who  continues  a  slave derives  benefit."  All  games  or  public  spectacles were  prohibited  as  being  inconsistent  with  the sanctity  of  the  season  (Ca?i.  Trull.  86;  Labbe, vi.  1171  ;  Cod.  Theod.  lib.  xv.  tit.  5,  leg.  5). What  has  been  said  of  Easter  Day  may  be extended  to  the  week  following,  which,  together with  that  which  went  before,  was  considered  to partake  in  the  sacredness  of  the  festival.  The Apostolical  Constitutions  ordain  that  slaves should  be  allowed  to  rest  from  their  work  "  all the  great  week  "  (Holy  Week),  "  and  that  which follows  it  "  (Ap.  Const,  viii.  33).  The  purpose of  this  rest  was  religious  edification.  St. Chrysostom  states  {ffomil.  34  De  Resurrect. Chrid.)  that  for  seven  days  sacred  assemblies were  held  and  sermons  preached.  The  council  of Macon  A.d.  585  {Can.  ii. ;  Labbe,  v.  981)  also forbids  all  servile  work  for  six  days,  during  which all  are  to  assemble  three  times  a  day  for  worship, singing  paschal  hymns,  and  offering  their  daily sacrifices.  The  Trullan  canons  {Can.  86;  Labbe, vi.  1171)  also  lay  down  that  the  faithful  ought to  spend  their  time  through  the  whole  week  in church,  devoting  themselves  to  psalmody,  read- ing the  Scriptures,  and  the  celebration  of  the holy  mysteries. Tlie  Easter  season — Octo  dies  neophyfonim (August.  Epist.  xix.  ad  Januar.  c.  17) — closed with  the  following  Sunday  {Low  Sunday  with us),  known  by  the  titles  of  avrnvaaxa,  V  Kaivi] ECDICI KvptaK^,  avaKaivfiffif^LOS,  Dominica  in  Octavis Paschae,  Pascha  Clausum ;  also  with  reference  to the  white  dresses  of  the  newly  baptised,  7)  KvpiaKT) 4u  \evKo7s,  Dies  Neophytorum,  Dominica  in  Albis. The  appellation  Quasi  modo  geniti,  derived  from the  introit  (1  Pet.  ii.  2),  is  of  later  origin.  In  the Greek  church  it  has  been  known  as  the  /cupm/c?) @ccfia,  and  rj/jiipa  a.TT0(rr6\(»v,  with  reference  to the  gospel  for  the  day  (John  xx.  19-23),  and  the appearance  of  Christ  to  Thomas  on  this  day (i'j.  26-29).  The  special  solemnity  of  this  Sunday was  the  laying  aside  by  the  newly  baptised  of their  white  baptismal  robes,  to  be  deposited  in the  sacristy  of  the  church.  St.  Augustine  refers to  the  appearance  of  the  neophytes  in  church  in their  white  robes  {Serm.  de  Temp.  162  ;  Dominic, in  Octav,  Paschae) :  "  Hodie  vitali  lavacro  resur- gens  Dei  populus  ad  instar  Resurrectionis  eccle- siam  nostram  splendore  nivei  candoi-is  illuminat." The  white  bands  that  were  wrapped  round  the heads  of  the  newly  baptised  infants  were  also removed  on  this  day,  which  from  this  custom sometimes  bore  the  name  of  octavae  infaniium : "  infantes   vocantur    et    habent    octavas    hodie recludenda    enim    sunt  capita   eorum " (Aug.  Serm.  de  Temp.  160).  We  learn  from Rabanus  Maurus  (Z'e  Cleric.  Inst.  ii.  38)  that in  his  time  the  seven  days  after  Easter  Day  were known  as  Dies  Alhae,  because  those  who  had  been baptised  on  the  holy  night  wore  their  albs  and assisted  at  the  holy  mysteries  in  that  dress, till  the  following  Sunday,  when  the  bishop's hand  was  laid  upon  them  in  confirmation. Gregory  of  Tours  mentions  processions — rof/a- tioncs — being  made  every  year  at  Easter  tide (Greg.  Turou.  Vit.  Patr.  c.  vi.  p.  1175).  [E.  V.] ECDICI  ("EkSikoj  or  e/creXT/o-te'/cSiKoi),  certain officers  appointed,  in  consequence  of  the  legal disabilities  of  clergy  and  monks,  to  represent  the church  in  civil  affairs;  see  Advocate  of  the Church,  Defensor.  The  place  where  they  met officially  was  called  eKSiKuov.  [C] ECONOMUS.    [Oecoxomus.] ECPHONESIS  ('EKc^cirijo-is)  denotes  that portion  of  an  office  which  is  said  audibly,  in  con- trast with  that  said  secrete  (/jlvo-tikcSs)  ;  especi- ally the  doxology,  with  which  the  secret  prayers generally  conclude.  [C] ECTENE  or  ECTENIA  ('Ektcv^s  or  e'k- revia).  Omitting  from  consideration  certain preparatory  prayers,  the  liturgies  of  St.  Basil and  St.  Chrysostom  begin  with  a  litany,  known as  Ectene,  Synapte,  Diaconicae,  or  Eirenicae.  The name  Ectene  may  refer  to  the  length  or  (more probably)  to  the  earnestness  of  the  supplication. Litanies  of  a  similar  form  are  also  found  in  the Hour-offices.     See  further  under  Litany.    [C] ECTHESIS  ("EKeeo-js),  a  doctrinal  formula, or  "  setting  forth  "  of  a  Creed.  Thus  Theodoret {Hist.  Ecci.  ii.  17)  speaks  of  the  statement  of doctrine  put  forth  by  the  "  conciliabulum "  of Rimini  as  an  eK0€(ns.  The  same  word  is  again used  by  the  same  historian  m  speaking  of  the creed  of  Euuomius  (//.  E.  ii.  23).  [C.J ECTYPOMATA.  [Dona  :  Votive  Offer- ings.] ECUMENICAL  COUNCILS.    [Councils.] ECCLESIA  ('E/c/cA7)(ri'a).  The  principal senses  of  the  word  Ecclesia  with  which  we  are concerned  are  the  following : — ECCLESIASTICAE  EE8 597 I.  The  congregation  or  gathering  together  of the  faithful.  "  Ecclesia  est  convocatus  populus per  ministros  ecclesiae  ab  eo  qui  facit  unanimes habitare  in  domo.  Ipsa  domus  vocatur  Ecclesia, quia  Ecclesiam  continet"  (Amalarius,  De  Eccl. Off.  iii.  2). IL  As  indicated  in  the  extract  above  from  Ama- larius, the  word  came  to  designate  the  build- ing used  for  the  Christian  assembly  [Church]; as  in  1  Cor.  xi.  18:  "Appellamus  Ecclesiam basilicam  qui  continetur  populus"  (Augustine, Epist.  157).  The  principal  designations  of churches  of  different  kinds  are  the  following: — 1.  'H  iKKK-qaia  is  used  absolutely  to  desig- nate the  principal  church  or  "  cathedral "  of a  city ;  as  by  Procopius  {De  Bello  Persico,  i^.  9), to  designate  the  cathedral  of  Antioch. 2.  Ecclesia  Baptismalis,  a  parish  church — to use  the  modern  term — in  which  baptisms  are celebrated.  Walafrid  Strabo  {De  Beb.  Eccl.  c. 30)  speaks  of  "  presbyteri  plebium  qui  baptis- males  ecclesias  tenent  et  minoribus  presbyteris praesunt."     [Compare  Parish.] 3.  Ecclesia  Cardinalis.  This  was  also  a  de- signation of  parish  churches.     [Cardinal.] 4.  Ecclesia  Cathedralis,  a  church  in  which  a bishop  set  up  his  throne.  [Cathedra  :  Cathe- dral.] 5.  Ecclesia  Catholica.    [Catholic] 6.  E.  Diocesana  {Leges  Wisigoth.,  lib.  iv.,  tit. 5,  c.  6)  is  equivalent  to  parocldalis.  [DiOCESE : Parish.] 7.  E.  Mater,  Matricialis,  Matrix,  Matricula, may  designate  either  a  cathedral,  as  distinguished from  its  subordinate  churches ;  or  a  parish church,  as  distinguished  from  mere  oratories. 8.  Ecclesia  Plebalis  or  Plebeiana,  the  church of  a  Plebs,  or  community ;  that  is,  a  parish church.  See  the  quotation  above  (II.  2),  and Ducange's  Glossary,  s.  v.  Plebs. 9.  Ecclesia  Principalis,  a  cathedral  {Leg.  Wisi- goth. iv.  5,  c.  6). 10.  Ecclesiae  Patriarchales,  in  the  Roman church,  are  those  subject  to  the  immediate authority  of  the  pope. 11.  Ecclesia  per  se,  a  church  having  its  own priest,  and  not  dependent  (as  an  oratory  would have  been)  upon  another  church  (Hincmar, Epist.  ed.  Labbe,  quoted  by  Ducange).  [C] ECCLESIAE  MATEICULA.  [Matricula.] ECCLESIARCH  CEKK\v<r^dpxvs),  in  the Eastern  church,  was  the  sacrist,  who  had  general charge  of  the  church  and  its  contents,  and  sum- moned the  people  to  service  by  the  bells  or  other means  of  giving  notice.  The  minor  officials  of the  church  were  under  his  authority.  The Typicum  of  Sabas  (c.  1)  represents  the  Ecclesi- arch  as  giving  a  rubrical  direction  in  the  same way  that  the  deacon  commonly  does :  eZro  &p- Xerai  d  eK/cA7)<ndpx'?Sj  AeCre,  irpoaKwi^atn- fj.ev  (Suicer's  Thesaurus,  s.  v.  ;  Daniel's  Codex Lit.  iv.  700).  [C] ECCLESIASTICAE  LITEEAE.  [Com- mendatory Letters:  Dimissory  Letters.] ECCLESIASTICAE  EES.  1.  The  term res  ecclesiasticae  is  used,  in  a  wide  sense,  to  de- note all  matters  belonging  to  the  church,  as opposed  to  res  seculares,  terrciuie,  matters  be- longing to  the  world.  Things  ecclesiastical are  again  divided  into  res  spirituales,  func- tions   or    objects    which     belong    solely    to    the 598      ECCLESIASTICAL  COURTS priesthood,  as  the  sncranients  and  the  altars; and  res  teinporales,  which  contribute  to  the  wel- fare rather  of  the  body  than  the  soul  (Ambrose, Ejnst.  33,  ad  Marcel linum). Again,  of  res  spiritnales  some  are  immaterial (incorporales),  some  material  (corporales).  To the  former  belong  the  invisible  gifts  and  graces bestowed  on  the  soul  by  God ;  to  the  latter,  the outward  acts  or  objects  connected  with  such gifts  or  graces,  that  is,  the  sacraments ;  certain "  res  sanctae,  sacrae,  sacrosanctae,"  as  churches, the  vessels  used  in  the  eucharistic  or  other  rites of  the  church,  and  the  vestments  of  its  ministers  ; and  certain  "  res  religiosae,"  such  as  foundations or  institutions  for  purposes  of  jjiety  and  benefi- cence over  which  the  church  claims  jurisdiction. The  molestation  or  injury  of  ecclesiastical  things is  Sacrilege. 2.  In  a  narrower  sense,  the  term  res  eccle- siasticae  designates  the  Property  of  the Church.  (Lancelotti  Instit.  Juris  Canon,  ii.  1 ; Jacobson  in  Herzog's  Beal-Encyclop.  s.  v.  Kir- chensacheii).  [C] ECCLESIASTICAL  COURTS.  [Bishop: Discipline  :  Jurisdiction.] ECCLESIASTICAL  LANGUAGE.  [Li- turgical Language.] ECCLESIASTICAL  LAW.  [Canon  Law.] ECCLESIASTICUS.  1.  A  member  of  the Catholic  church,  as  opposed  to  a  heretic  or  schis- matic (Jerome,  Epist.  62,  c.  1 ;  in  Ruffinum,  ii.  4). 2.  Any  person  in  orders,  whether  major  or minor.  Thus  the  first  council  of  Vasa  (c.  3) desires  presbyters  not  to  send  for  the  chrism  by the  hands  of  any  servant  of  the  church  (per quemcunque  ecclesiasticura),  but  by  the  hands  of a  subdeacon  at  least.  The  word  is  similarly  used in  the  Theodosian  code. 3.  Isidore  of  Seville  {De  Eccl.  Off.  ii.  3)  speaks of  a  clerk  occupying  his  due  position  in  the  hier- archy as  "  clericus  ecclesiasticus,"  in  contradis- tinction from  acephali,  or  irregular  clerks. 4.  Those  who  were  in  any  way  the  "  men  "  of ,  a  church,  so  as  to  be  unable  to  leave  its  terri- tories or  its  service,  were  called  in  a  special sense  "  homines  "  or  "  viri  ecclesiastici  "  (Car. Magai  Gxpitul.  iv.  3).  "Homines  ecclesiastici seu  fiscalini  "  are  mentioned,  and  their  duties  to their  lord  prescribed,  in  Car.  Mag.  Capital,  v. 303.  They  are  distinguished  from  servi  {Cone. Sue$sio7i.  ii.  c.  12).  [C.] EDESSA.  The  translation  of  the  Holy  Icon (or  picture)  of  Christ  from  Edessa  is  comme- morated Aug.  16  {Cal.  Byzant.).  A  great  festi- val (Daniel's  Codex,  iv.  244).  [C] EDILTRUDIS.    [Etiieldreda.] EDUCATION.    [Schools.] EGARA,  COUNCIL  OF  {Egarense  con- cilium'), held  A.D.  615  at  Egara,  now  Terassa,  in Catalonia :  to  confirm  what  had  been  enacted  at Osca  or  Huesca  seventeen  years  before.  Twelve bishops,  whose  sees  are  not  given,  and  a  presbyter and  deacon  representing  two  more,  subscribed  to it  (Mansi,  x.  531).     ■  [E.  S.  Ff.] EGDUNUS,  presbyter,  martyr  at  Nicomedia with  seven  others;  commemorated  March  12 (^Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EGESIPPUS.    [Hegesippus.] ELDERS EGYPT.  The  entrance  of  Christ  into  Egypt is  commemorated  Ginbot  24  =  May  19  (Gal. Ethiop.);  the  flight  of  Christ  from  Melisa  to Roskuama  in  Egvpt,  Hedar  6  -  Nov.  2  (Cal. Ethiop.).  '  [C] EGYPT,  FLIGHT  INTO.  It  is  difBcult, if  not  impossible,  to  name  any  earlier  repre- sentation of  this  event  than  the  bronze  casting on  the  doors  of  St.  Zenone  at  Verona,  which  is at  all  events  one  of  the  earliest  known  of  Chris- tian works  in  metal,  and  may  date  from  the original  fivbric  of  the  9th  century.     [R.  St.  J.  T.] EGG.  There  seems  some  diversity  of  opinion as  to  the  use  of  the  egg  as  a  Christian  symbol. Boldetti  (p.  519)  speaks  of  marble  eggs  found  in the  tombs  of  St,  Theodora,  St.  Balbina,  and others ;  these  were  of  the  size  of  hen's  eggs.  Egg- shells are  occasionally  found  in  the  loculi  of martyrs,  and  Raoul  Rochette  refers  them  to  the agapae  so  frecjuently  celebrated  there.  [See Eucharist.]  But  Martigny,  with  the  Abbe Cavedori  (Rafiguaglio  crit.  dei  Monnm.  delle Arti  Ci-ist.)  is  inclined  to  think  that  the  egg signified  the  immature  hope  of  the  resurrection. "  Restat  spes,  quae  quantum  mihi  videtur,  ovo comparatur ;  spes  enim  noudum  pervenit  ad rem  "  (Augustine,  Serin,  cv.  8,  0pp.  t.  v.  379). The  Tise  of  eggs  at  Easter  has  no  doubt  reference to  this  idea;  but  whether  the  idea  was  really attached  to  the  object  or  not,  in  a  generally s3-mbolic  sense,  seems  still  a  dubious  matter.  For Eggs  and  Ducks  see  the  Medici  MSS.  in  Asse- mann.  Catalog.  Bibl.  Med.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] EILETON  (^lKr\r6v).  After  the  ecphonesis of  the  prayer  of  the  catechumens,  and  imme- diately before  the  deacon  warns  the  catechumens to  depart  (Lit.  Chrysos.,  Daniel  iv.  349)  the priest  unfolds  the  eileton,  or  Corporal,  on  which the  chalice  and  paten  are  afterwards  placed. What  this  signifies  is  explained  by  Germanus of  Constantinople  (Theoria  Myst.  p.  153,  ed. Paris,  1560)  thus:  "The  eileton  represents  the linen  cloth  in  which  the  body  of  Christ  was wrapped  when  it  was  taken  down  from  the cross  and  laid  in  the  tomb  "  (Suicer's  T/icsanrus, S.V.).  [C] EIRENICA  (Elp-nvtKd).  (1)  The  earlier clauses  of  the  great  litany  in  the  Greek  liturgies are  frequently  called  f  ipTjrtKo,  as  being  for  the most  part  prayers  for  peace.  Thus  the  great litany  in  the  liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom  (c.  14, p.  340,  Daniel)  begins  with  "  Let  us  beseech  the Lord  in  peace ;  for  the  peace  which  is  from above  ; .  . . .  for  the  peace  of  the  whole  world ..." (2)  See  Pacificae.  [C] EISODOS.    [Entrance.] ELASIPPUS,  martyr  at  Ferrara,  with Speusippus  and  Melasippus,  under  Aurelian; commemorated  Jan.  17  (Jilart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.] ELDERS  (Seniorcs).  There  are  some  traces of  elders  recognised  in  the  church,  yet  distinct from  the  clergy.  Augustine  addresses  his  epistle to  the  church  at  Hippo  (Epist.  137)  to  the clergy,  the  elders,  (senioribus),  and  all  the people.  In  another  place  (Contra  Crescon.  iii. c.  29),  he  mentions  bishops,  presbyters,  deacons, and  elders,  (seniores).  Optatus  (i.  c.  41)  says, that  when  lilensurius,  bishop  of  Carthage,   was ELEAZAR forced  to  leave  his  diocese  iu  the  persecution under  Diocletian,  he  committed  the  ornaments ?.nd  utensils  belonging  to  the  church  to  the faithful  elders  (tidelibus  senioribus).  These appear  in  some  cases  to  have  been  merely  the leading  men  of  the  congregation.  Thus  the council  of  Carthage,  A.D.  419,  committed  the office  of  meeting  the  leaders  of  the  Donatists  to the  magistrates  and  elders  of  the  several  dis- tricts {Cod.  Eccl.  Afric.  c.  91).  But  there  also appear  to  have  been  others  who  had  a  special position,  and  probably  special  duties,  in  the church.  Thus,  in  the  Gesta  Purgat.  Caecil.  et Felic.  (p.  263,  in  Optatus,  ed.  Paris,  167H)  it  is said,  that  in  the  business  of  enquiring  into  cer- tain disputes  there  were  associated  with  the bishop  and  clergy  certain  elders  of  the  people, who  w-ere  also  officers  of  the  church  (seniores jilebis,  ecclesiasticos  viros).  Compare  Eccle- siASTicus.  In  the  same  tract  mention  is  made iu  one  -  place  of  the  clergy  and  elders,  and  in another  of  bishops,  priests,  deacons,  and  elders. In  tlie  decrees  of  the  coiincil  of  Carthage,  A.D. 419,  mention  is  made  of  certain  elders,  who appear  to  have  been  sent  as  delegates  to  the council  {Cod.  Eccl.  Afric.  cc.  85,  100).  Compare Ch  urchwardens  :  Electoral  Colleges. [P.O.] ELEAZAR,  teacher  of  the  Maccabees,  com- memorated Aug.  1  {Cal.  Byzant.);  July  29  (Cal. Armen.).  [W.  F.  G.] ELEAZARIUS,  martyr  at  Lyons,  with  his eight  children  and  Minervius ;  commemorated Aug.  23  (Afart  Adonis,  Usuardi).       [W.  F.  G.] ELEEMOSYNARIUS.  1.  See  Alms,  p.  52. 2.  The  word  is  occa.sioually  used  to  designate the  distributor  for  pious  uses  of  the  effects  of  a person  deceased,  i.e.  the  "executor"  of  his  will. Thus  Gregory  of  Tours  (De  Vitis  Fatrum,  c.  8) speaks  of  one  from  whose  executors  (eleemosy- nariis)  no  small  sums  were  received  in  honour  of a  saint  (Ducange,  s.r.).  [C] ELECTI.  Some  writers  (as  Bona,  Be  Feb. Lit.  I.  svi.  4)  consider  the  Catechumens  [p.  317] to  be  divided  into  the  four  classes  of  Audieutes, Substrati  or  Geuuflecteutes,  Competentes,  and Electi  ;  the  latter  being  those  whose  names  were actually  inscribed  in  the  church-list  with  a  view to  baptism.  Bingham  (Antiq.  X.  ii.  1)  considers the  Electi  to  be  identical  with  the  Competentes, though  he  also  makes  four  classes  by  adding  one of  i^wdoiifxevoi.  But  both  these  classifications are  of  doubtful  authority.  (See  Martene,  De  Fit. Ant.  I.  i.  6.)  [C] ELECTION  OF  CLERGY.  The  first  re- corded election  of  clergy  is  in  the  Acts  of  the Apostles,  where  Matthias  was  chosen  by  casting lots.  But  this  example  does  not  ajipear  to  have been  followed. Clemens  Eomanus  (Epist.  Cor.  i.  c.  42)  says that  in  the  early  days  of  the  church  the  apostles appointed  their  first-fruits,  proving  them  by  the Spirit,  bishops  and  deacons  of  those  who  should join  the  faith;  and  that  afterwards  the  ministers were  appointed  by  other  men  of  consideration (avSpaiv  iWoyifjLwv)  with  the  consent  of  the whole  church  (c.  44).  Compare  Pseudo-Clemens (Epist.  ad  Jacob,  i.  c.  3).  Clemens  Alexandriuus (Euseb.  H.  E.  iii.  c.  23,  §  6)  says  that  St.  John ELECTION  OF  CLERGY 599 ordained  such  cle]-gy  as  were  pointed  out  by  the Spirit. It  appears  to  have  been  sometimes  held  that the  bishop  had  the  right  of  selecting  the  inferior clergy.  Cyprian  (^Ep.  29,  ed.  Hartel)  says  that he  had  appointed  Saturus  as  a  lector  and Optatus  as  a  subdeacon,  insisting  that  he  has  not acted  arbitrarily,  but  carried  out  the  wishes  of the  church  in  general.  Ambrose  (Epist.  82  ad Vercell.)  speaks  of  bishops  as  admitting  other clergy  to  orders  and  benefices,  and  (Ojfic.  i. c.  18)  of  a  certain  person  who  was  refused  ad- mission into  the  clerical  order  (iu  clerum),  bv himself.  Jerome  {Connn.  in  Tit.  i.  5)  speaks  of bishops  as  having  power  to  appoint  (constitu- endi)  priests  in  every  city,  and  again  {Epist.  ad Nepot.)  of  their  selecting  (eligendi)  priests, and  (ibid.)  of  their  being  entrusted  with  the power  of  placing  in  office  whom  they  would. Philostorgius  (//.  E.  iii.  17)  speaks  of  Leontius bishop  of  Alexandria  appointing  Aetius  as  a deacon.  In  the  Life  of  John  Damascene,  it  is said  that  the  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  acting  by divine  inspii-ation,  sent  for  him  and  ordained him  to  the  priesthood  (Vita  Joann.  Damascen. per  loann.  Episcop.  Hierosolym.  inter  opp.  Joan. Damas.).  Gregory  the  Gi-eat,  while  strenuously asserting  the  right  of  the  clergy  and  people  to the  free  election  of  bishops,  was  equally  firm  in reserving  to  the  bishops  the  power  of  selecting parish  priests  and  deacons,  on  the  ground  that in  choosing  a  bishop,  the  clergy  and  people transferred  to  him  all  rights  of  election  to  the inferior  offices  (Thomassin,  Vet.  et  Nov.  Eccl. Discip.  ii.  7,  c.  34,  §  10).  The  council  of  Lao- dicea  (c.  13)  forbids  the  election  to  the  priest- hood (ets  UpaTetov)  to  be  entrusted  to  the multitude  (ro7s  ox^ois).  But  this  is  some- times referred  to  the  election  of  bishops.  The 4th  council  of  Carthage  (c.  22)  provides  that  a bishop  shall  not  ordain  any  without  the  advice of  his  clergy,  and  shall  also  seek  not  only  the testimony,  but  the  assent  ( conniventiam),  of the  people.  A  decree  of  the  council  of  Merida (Cone.  Emerit.  c.  19)  speaks  of  a  parish  priest  as having  been  put  in  charge  of  his  church,  by  the appointment  (per  ordinationem)  of  his  bishop. Another  decree  of  the  same  council  (c.  18) ordains  that  all  parish  priests  shall  provide  a supply  of  inferior  clergy  from  the  household (familia)  of  the  church.  The  6th  canon  of  Theo- j)hilus  of  Alexandria  associates  the  clergy  with the  bishop,  providing  that  at  every  ordination  all the  clergy  shall  exercise  the  power  not  only  of assent,  but  of  choice  (consentiat  et  eligat),  and that  the  candidate  selected  by  the  clergy  shall be  ordained  in  presence  of  the  people,  and  that the  bishop  shall  enquire  of  them  whether  they also  can  bear  testimony  to  his  fitness. In  these  instances  it  appears  that  the  right  of election  rested  with  the  bishop,  or  with  the bishop  and  clergy,  and  that  the  people  only consented.  There  is  evidence,  however,  that  iu many  cases  the  people  not  only  bore  witness  to the  fitness  of  the  candidates,  but  had  themselves a  share  in  the  election.  Cyprian  (^Ep.  67,  cc.  3 and  4)  speaks  of  the  people  as  having  the greatest  power  of  choosing  worthy  bishops,  since by  their  presence  the  merits  of  the  candidates will  be  known,  and  the  election  be  just  and legitimate  as  confirmed  by  the  general  suffrage and   assent.     He   adds   that   this    was  the  apo- 600 ELECTORAL  COLLEGES stolic  rule  not  only  m  the  election  of  bishops and  priests,  but  also  in  that  of  deacons.  Je- rome {Epist.  ad  Rusticum)  appears  to  assert that  either  the  bishop  or  the  people  had power  to  elect  the  candidates  for  ordination, "  vel  populus  vel  pontifex  elegerit."  And,  in another  place  (JJomm.  in  Ezek.  c.  33,  v.  6)  speaks of  either  a  bishop  or  a  priest  being  a  watchman, "speculator,"  of  the  church,  because  of  his election  by  the  people,  "quia  a  populo  electus est."  Siricius  {Epist.  i.  ad  Himerum  Taracon. c.  10)  speaks  of  elevation  to  the  office  of  priest or  bishop  as  depending  on  the  choice  (electio) of  the  clergy  and  people.  Chrvsostom  (n-epl 'leptos.  iy.  c.  2,  §376,  379)  speaks  of  the  electors to  the  office  of  the  priesthood  (tous  eAo^ueVous) as  quite  distinct  from  the  bishop  who  or- dains. Of  these  electors  he  speaks  as  being  the elders  {tUv  irar^pciiv,  ibid.  i.  c.  3  §  29)  or the  leading  (/xeyaKovs)  members  of  the  con- gregation (ibid.  i.  c.  14  §  39).  He  also  speaks of  the  election  as  being  decided  by  a  ma- jority of  votes  (ibid.  iii.  c.  4  §  171).  Some- times indeed  the  people  appear  to  have  brought a  candidate  to  the  bishop  and  insisted  on  his immediate  ordination,  as  is  said  to  have  been the  case  with  St.  Augustine  (Possid.  Vita Augustini,  c.  4). The  1st  council  of  Orange  (c.  10),  provides that  when  a  bishop  is  the  founder  of  a  church in  another  diocese,  he  may  select  the  clergy  to officiate  in  it.  Justinian  (Novell.  123  c.  18) allows  the  founders  of  private  oratories  to  select their  clergy,  but  if  any  unworthy  were  chosen, the  bishop  was  to  have  the  power  of  selecting those  whom  he  thought  fit.  [P.  0.] ELECTORAL  COLLEGES.  The  evils  of a  popular  election  of  bishops  and  other  clergy  in a  great  city,  such  as  Constantinople,  were  so manifest  (Chrysostom  de  Sucerdotio,  iii.  15),  that attempts  were  sometimes  made  to  commit  the choice  of  ministers  to  a  select  body  or  committee. We  find  perhaps  a  trace  of  this  in  the  earliest times,  when  Clement  of  Rome  (ad  Cor.i.  44) speaks  of  the  successors  of  the  apostles  being chosen  by  men  of  consideration  (vir  iWoyi^ciiv avSpwv)  with  the  assent  of  the  church.  The council  of  Laodicea  (c.  13)  clearly  desires  that the  clergy  should  be  chosen  by  some  definitely organized  body,  and  not  by  a  mere  mass-meeting (toIs  oxA-ois)  [Election  of  Cleegy].  In spite  of  this  ordinance,  however,  there  are  only too  many  instances  in  later  times  of  the  choice  of clergy  by  meetings  which  can  only  be  called mobs.  (See  Augustine,  Epist.  155 ;  Synesius, Epist.  67  ;  Baronius,  an.  303,  §  22  ff. ;  Baluze, Miscell.  ii.  102. if.)  Yet,  generally,  the  influence of  the  principal  men  in  a  city  could  not  be ignored,  and  when  Justinian  (Novel,  cxxiii.  c.  1 ; see  Bishop,  p.  216)  definitely  enjoined  that  the clergy  and  chief  men  of  a  city  (TrpctTOi  ttjs TToAetox)  should  nominate  three  for  a  vacant see,  he  probably  did  but  confirm  an  existing practice.  From  the  three  thus  nominated,  one was  to  be  chosen  by  the  consecrator  (tov  x«'po- Tovoxivros),  generally  the  metropolitan. If  the  "  chief  men "  had  been  defined,  we should  have  had  here  an  "  Electoral  College  "  of clergy  and  notables;  as  they  were  not,  this system  generally  led  to  a  struggle  between  the clergy  and  the  civil  government.  [C] ELEMENTS ELEMENTS.  The  two  parts  of  the  outward and  visible  sign  in  the  Sacrament  of  the  Lord's Supper. I.  Names. — The  Latin  word  elementa  does  not appear  to  have  been  used  in  this  technical  sense in  the  early  ages  of  the  church,  though  it  is a  very  natural  word  to  express  the  component parts  of  any  thing.  Possibly  the  use  arose  from the  analogy  of  baptism,  where  the  outward  sign would  naturally  be  spoken  of  as  the  '■  element  " of  water,  as,  for  instance,  in  the  following  pas- sage from  St.  Augustin,  where,  in  speaking  of baptism,  he  says,  "Take  away  the  word,  and what  is  the  water  but  water  ?  The  word  is added  to  the  element,  and  it  becomes  a  sacrament, itself  as  it  were  a  visible  word  "  (accedit  verbum ad  elementum  et  fit  sacramentum.  Augustin  in Joan.  XV.  1-3,  Tract.  Ixxx.  3).  Gregory  of Tours  (De  Vitis  Patrum,  c.  15)  uses  the  word  of both  bread  and  water,  "Nam  esus  illi  panis tantum  hordeaceus  erat  et  aqua,  de  utrisque  ele- mentis  iibras  siugulas  per  dies  singulos  sumens." Words  denoting  sacrifice  or  offering  were  con- stantly used  of  the  Elements  ;  ret  iiyia  ScZpa,  as in  the  Liturgy  of  St.  James,  6  Upevs  fladywv  to. ayta  Soipa ;  or  simply  to  0710,  as  in  the  Liturgy of  St.  Chrysostom  and  elsewhere ;  so  the  Latin Sancta,''  as  in  Ordo  Rom.  II.  c.  8  (see  Mabillon, Comment.  Praev.  p.  xxxvi.) ;  or  again,  simply  ra ASipa.  Ylpoff^opa,  was  also  generally  used  for the  Elements  placed  on  the  altar.  So  the Latin  ablatio  and  ohlata  as  in  the  Ordo  Eo- manus  If.  (c.  9),  "  Archidiaconus  suscipit oblatas  duas  de  oblationario  . .  .  et  ponit  [cali- cem]  super  altare  juxta  oblationes  pontificis." The  word  Hostia,  "  the  Victim,"  expresses  a somewhat  different  aspect  of  the  sacrificial  con- ception.'' The  unconsecrated  Elements  on  the  altar  are called  in  Eastern  liturgies  "the  Mysteries;"  the bread  alone  the  "  Seal  "  (crppayis),  from  its  being divided  by  lines  in  the  form  of  a  cross  (see  below). In  certain  Arabic  rubrics  (Renaudot,  Litt. Orientt.  ii.  62)  the  Elements  are  called  Barschin, a  corruption  of  the  Greek  airapxw. In  Syriac  they  bear  the  name  of  Kourbono,  cor- responding nearly  to  the  Greek  Saipov  and  irpoa- ((>opa,  and  the  Latin  oblata  ;  the  bread  is  simply "  Bread  of  the  Sacraments,"  or  "  of  the  Mys- teries." When  the  Elements  have  been  placed  on  the altar,  they  acquire  other  names  having  more distinct  reference  to  sacrifice,  as  "  the  Lamb,"  or "  the  First-born."  The  Syrians  too  call  the  por- tion impressed  with  a  cross  "  the  Seal."  Other names  are  given  to  the  various  particles  after division  (Ren.  u.  s.  i.  189  ;  ii.  62)  [Fraction.] Again,  the  Elements  were  called  avfx^oKa, TviroL,  formae  aspectabiles,  as  outward  repre- sentations of  inward  and  spiritual  grace.  The word  species,  often  supposed  to  have  the  same force,  probably  in  its  origin  meant  no  more  than "  fruits  of  the  earth  " — a  sense  which  it  is  well known  to  bear  in  later  latinity,  especially  with the  jurists  (Ducange,  s.  v.'). •  By  the  Sancta,  however,  we  ought  probably  here  to understand  the  consecrated  Host  reserved  from  a  pie- vious  celebration. i'  See  on  these  names  the  essay  on  sacrificial  terms  in Memorials  of  the  Rev.  Wharton  B.  Marriott  (London, 1873). ELEMENTS ELEMENTS 601 i.  IG).  And  when  such  a  separation  was  made between  the  oHerings  for  the  ministers  and  the offerings  for  the  altar,  the  latter  were  probably specially  pre]jared,  whether  leavened  or  not. The  woman  who  smiled  when  Gregory  the  Great (Joannes  Diac.  Vita  Greg.  ii.  41)  offered  her  in the  eucharist  that  which  she  had  herself  pre- who  added  cheese  to  the    bread.     St.  Augustin    pared,   need  not  be  supposed  of  course  to  have II.  What  were  (he  Elements  1 Throughout  the  universal  church  bread  and wine  have  always  been  the  recognised  elements in  the  eucharist,  with  but  few  and  slight  excep- tions which  may  be  described  iu  a  few  words. There  was  an  obscure  sect  called  the  Artotvritae {dc  Haeres.  c.  xlviii.)  says  "  the  Artotyrites  are so  called  from  their  oblation,  for  they  offer  bread and  cheese,  saying  that  the  first  oblations  which were  offered  by  men,  in  the  infancy  of  the  world, were  of  the  fruits  of  the  earth  and  of  sheep." There  were  also  sects  which  used  no  wine  but water  alone,  and  some  who  did  not  use  wine  in their  morning  services,  though  they  did  in  the evening  (see  below,  §  VI.) III.  Composition  of  the  Bread. With  regard  to  the  element  of  bi'ead,  whatever may  have  been  the  practice  of  certain  sects, there  is  entire  agreement  in  the  church  that  it should  be  made  of  wheat-flour.  The  mystical allusions  to  the  superiority  of  wheat  in  Clement of  Alexandria  {Strom,  vi.  11,  p.  787)  and  Origen {Horn,  in  Gen.  xii.  c.  5,  p.  247,  Wirceburg,  1780) strongly  indicate,  what  indeed  there  is  no  reason to  doubt,  that  wheateu  bread  and  (ordinarily)  no other,  was  used  in  the,  mysteries.  Alcuin  (Ejnst. 90)  speaks  specially  of  the  "  grana  tritici,"  from the  flour  of  which  the  bread  is  to  be  made.  The great  controversy  in  the  matter  has  been  :  Should the  bread  be  leavened  or  unleavened  ? A.  The  principal  evidences  bearing  on  this question  are  the  following  : 1.  It  has  generally  been  assumed  in  the  West thift  the  Last  Supper  was  eaten  at  the  feast  of  the Passover,  and  that  therefore  the  bread  used  was taken  the  oblation  from  her  household  loaf. 3.  Epiphanius  (Haeres.  30,  c.  16)  says  that the  Ebionites,  in  imitation  of  the  saints  in  the church,  celebrate  mysteries  yearly  in  the  church with  unleavened  cakes  (Si'  dfu^oii/),  using  water for  the  other  element  in  the  sacrament.  Here the  azymes  seem  to  be  mentioned,  like  the  water, as  a  departure  from  Catholic  practice  ;  but  Epi- phanius does  not  in  terms  reckon  the  use  ot azymes  among  the  heretical  practices  of  the Ebionites,  so  that  it  is  possible  that  their  depar- ture from  orthodoxy  may  have  consisted  in  their annual,  instead  of  more  frequent,  celebration, and  in  their  use  of  water  for  wine. 4.  The  words  of  the  Pseudo-Ambrosius  (Da Sacram.  iv.  4),  "  tu  forte  dicis,  meus  panis  est usitatus;  sed  panis  iste  panis  est  ante  verba sacramentorum ;  ubi  accesserit  consecratio,  de pane  fit  caro  Christi,"  are  generally  thought  to imply  that  the  bread  used  for  consecration  was leavened.  But  the  opposition  in  the  writer's mind  is  between  "  common  bread "  and  "  the Body  of  Christ,"  not  between  "common"  and "  leavened  "  bread,  nor  is  such  an  expression  as "  panis  usitatus"  absolutely  conclusive,  though it  is  in  the  highest  degree  probable  that  it  desig- nates leavened  bread,  such  as  was  everywhere most  commonly  used. 5.  A  custom  of  the  Roman  church,  mentioned by  the  Liber  Pontificalis  (cc.  33,  55)  in  the  lives the  unleavened  bread  which  the  Jews  were  alone    of  Melchiades  and  Siricius, thu jferred   to allowed  to  eat  at  that  time.  But  it  is  contended by  some  writers  of  the  Greek  church  that  the Last  Supper  was  held  on  the  13th  Kisan,  when leavened  bread  was  still  used ;  and  there  is  no direct  statement  either  in  the  New  Testament  or in   the  writings  of  the  Early  Fathers  to  indicate by  Innocent  I.  (Epist,  ad  Decentium,  c.  5). Writing  to  the  bishop  of  Gubbio,  he  says  that  his correspondent  had  no  need  to  consult  him  about the  "fermentum"  which  on  Sundays  he  (Inno- cent) sent  to  the  parish  churches  (titulos), because  that  was  a  custom  confined  to  the  city that  azyme,  or  unleavened  bread,  was  used  ;  on  1  of  Rome,  intended  to  prevent  the  parish  priests thecontrary,  the  fact  that  only  "bread"  was  men- j  [see  Cardinal],  who  were  detained  in  their tioned  would  lead  to  the  inference  that  only  com- I  own  churches  by  their  proper  duties,  from mon  bread  was  meant.     The  Acts  of  the  Apostles    feeling  themselves  cut  off'  from  communion  with simply  speaks  of  "  breaking  bread  "  as  a  solemn rite,  or  meeting  together  to  "  bi-eak  bread." Justin  Martyr  simply  speaks  of  bread,  and  as he  is  giving  a  particular  description  of  the Christian  rites,  it  seems  most  probable  that  he would  have  mentioned  the  fact  had  any  parti- cular kind  of  bread  been  used. 2.  It  is  said  that  as  the  element  of  bread  was taken  in  the  early  ages  from  the  ofi'erings  of  the people  [Oblation],  which  served  also  for  the support  of  the  ministers  and  dependents  of  the church,  it  must  have  been  ordinary,  that  is, leavened  bread.  But  this  argument  is  by  no means  so  conclusive  as  at  first  sight  it  appears  ; it  is  good  for  the  age  of  Justin  Martyr  ;  but  in later  times  there  are  evident  traces  of  a  double offering;  one  of  ordinary  food,  for  the  use  of  the dependents  of  the  church,  and  one  of  bread  and wine  for  the  altar.  The  council  of  Nantes  (c.  9, quoted  by  Martene)  clearly  distinguished  between the  ohlationes  which  were  intended  for  consecra- tion, and  the  panes,  or  loaves,  offered  for  the  use of  the  church  [Eulogiae].  So  Hincmar  (Capitul. the  mother  church  [Eulogiae].  Even  in  Rome it  was  only  sent  to  the  "  tituli "  proper,  not to  the  presbyters  of  other  churches.  It  has been  supposed  (<?.  g.  by  Bona)  that  the  euchar- istic  bread  which  was  sent  by  the  pope  was called  "  fermentum  "  as  being  made  of  leavened bread ;  but,  unless  the  bread  commonly  con- secrated in  the  churches  was  wwleaveued,  this supposition  does  not  furnish  a  reason  why  these particular  oblates  should  be  called  "  fermentum  " by  way  of  distinction,  as  they  certainly  ap- pear to  be  ;  and  the  conjecture  of  Sirmoud (adopted  by  Mabillon)  seems  by  no  means  im- probable, tiiat  this  "  fermentum  "  was  so  called as  being  intended  to  leaven  the  whole  mass  of  the Rornan  church.  Certainly  the  expressions  used in  the  Lives  of  Melchiades  and  Siricius,  "quod declaratur,  quod  riominatur,  fermentum,"  seem to  imply  that  the  term  is  used  in  an  impropei', not  a  strict,  sense. 6.  The  sixth  canon  of  the  16th  council  of Toledo  (A.D.  693)  is  to  this  effect.  It  having been  brought  to  the  notice  of  the  council  that  iu 602 ELEMENTS ELEMEN'JS some  parts  of  S|);iin  priests  do  not  offer  on  the Table  of  the  Lord  clean  loaves,  specially  prepared (panes  miuidos  et  studio  praeparatos),  but  take oil'  a  piece  to  form  a  round  disc  (crustulam  in rotunditatem)  from  loaves  prepared  for  their own  use,  and  offer  it  upon  the  altar  with  the wine  and  water;  a  thing  contrary  to  all  prece- dent ;  .  .  .  .  the  council  decides  unanimously,  that no  other  kind  of  bread  be  placed  on  the  altar  of the  Lord,  to  be  hallowed  by  priestly  benediction, but  such  as  is  whole  and  clean  and  specially  pre- pared (panis  integer  et  nitidus  qui  ex  studio fuerit  praeparatus) ;  nor  is  anything  of  large size  to  be  offered,  but  only  cakes  of  moderate size,  according  to  ecclesiastical  custom  (neque grande  aliquid,  sed  modica  tantum  oblata,  secun- dum quod  ecclesiastica  consuetudo  reteutat). ,  This  canon  has  been  claimed  by  the  advocates both  of  the  leaven  and  of  the  azymes  ;  but  in fact  it  is  not  conclusive  for  either.  It  is  decisive as  to  the  fact  that  in  the  Western  church  in  the 7th  century  oblates  were  specially  prepared,  and were  not  portions  of  a  loaf,  but  "  Integra  ;"  but  it is  not  proved  that  the  words  "nitidus"  and ''  mundus "  necessarily  imply  the  absence  of leaven. 7.  The  tenth  canon  of  the  council  of  Chelsea (Co)ic.  Calchut.  A.D.  787 ;  Haddan  and  Stubbs, iii.  452)  enjoins  that  the  oblations  be  cakes  or loaves,  not  pieces  of  bread  (panis,  non  crusta). Probably  the  same  distinction  is  intended  as  that laid  down  by  the  16th  council  of  Toledo,  between a  whole  cake  prepared  for  the  purpose,  and  a piece  taken  from  a  loaf.  The  passage  determines nothing  as  to  the  use  of  leaven,  for  "  panis"  may be  used  either  of  leavened  or  unleavened  bread, as  in  "  panes  azymi  et  crustula  absque  ferniento  " (Exod.  xxix.  2). 8.  Another  point  of  which  much  has  been made  in  the  discussion  is  this :  that  Photius  of Constantinople  (a.d.  867)  never  mentioned  the use  of  unleavened  bread  in  the  eucharist  as  one of  the  Latin  errors,  while  Michael  Caerularius, also  patriarch  of  Constantinople  (a.d.  1054), gave  it  a  prominent  place  ;  it  has  thence  been inferred  that  the  use  of  unleavened  eucharistic bread  was  introduced  between  the  years  867  and 1054.  This  is  however  by  no  means  a  certain inference  ;  Photius  may  have  omitted  to  mention azymes  among  the  points  of  difference  between the  Greek  and  the  Latin  churches,  because  he  was content  to  leave  the  question  of  leaven  or  no leaven  undetermined,  like  the  Greeks  of  a  later age  at  the  council  of  Florence.  All  that  can  be certainly  inferred  from  the  silence  of  Photius  is, that  either  the  use  of  unleavened  bread  was  un- known to  him,  or  he  regarded  it  as  a  thing  in- different. It  is  extremely  difficult  to  suppose that  Leo  IX.  would  have  written  so  strongly  as he  did  to  Michael  Caerularius  (Upist.  ii.  24  ;  vi.) as  to  the  immemorial  use  of  azymes  among  the Latins,  if  that  use  had  arisen  since  the  time  of Photius  ;  i.  e.  not  more  than  a  century  before  his own  birth. There  is  in  iact  positive  evidence — if  the  docu- ments be  genuine — as  to  the  use  of  unleavened bread  in  the  eucharist  in  the  Western  church before  that  date. 9.  Cyprian  {Epist.  63,  c.  13)  says,  that,  as  the chalice  is  composed,  not  of  wine  alone,  nor  of water  alone,  but  of  the  union  of  the  two:  so  the Body  cannot  be  meal  alone,  nor  water  alone,  but the  union  of  the  two  into  one  loaf.  This  is  rc- jieated  in  almost  the  same  words  by  Isidore  of Seville  {De  Div.  Ojf.<=  i.  18).  It  is  difficult  to imagine  that  Cyprian,  and  Isidore  after  him, omitted  all  mention  of  so  significant  an  ingre- dient as  leaven,  if  it  was  used  in  the  eucharistic loaf.  Moreover,  Alcuin  (Epist.  90  [al.  69]  ad Fratres  Zugdunetises,  p.  107)  writing  about  a.d. 790,  uses  the  very  same  expression  as  to  the composition  of  the  bread,  "  ex  aqua  et  farina panis  fit  qui  consecratur  in  corpus  Christi,"  and adds,  that  it  should  be  perfectly  pure  from leaven  or  "  ferment "  of  whatever  kind  (absque fermento  ullius  alterius  infectionis  debet  esse mundissimum).  Somewhat  later,  a.d.  819,  Ra- banus  Maurus  (De  Cleric.  Instit.  i.  SI,"*  p.  319, Migne)  lays  it  down  that  the  eucharistic  bread should  be  unleavened,  after  the  manner  of  the Hebrew  offerings  (Lev.  viii.  2),  and  holds  that the  bread  which  the  Lord  blessed  in  the  Last Supper  was  undoubtedly  unleavened. 10.  John  Maro  (quoted  by  Martene),  writing at  any  rate  before  the  Trullan  council,  says  that those  who  made  the  eucharistic  offering  in  lea- vened bread  reproached  the  Western  churches, the  Armenians,  and  the  Maronites,  with  off^'ering' azymes,  which  were  not  bread  at  all  ;  a  clear proof  that  the  Western  churches  generally,  in the  7th  century,  were  thought  to  agree  with  the Maronites  and  the  Armenians  in  this  respect. 11.  Again,  allusions  to  "common"  or  "lea- vened "  bread  would  scarcely  have  been  intro- duced into  the  Canon  of  the  Liturgy  [p.  272], as  is  done,  for  instance,  in  the  liturgies  of  James Baradai  and  Mathew  the  Pastor,  if  the  compilers had  not  known  of  some  who  used  wjileavened bread.  ' 12.  On  the  whole,  then,  there  is  distinct  evi- dence that  unleavened  bread  was  used  in  the eucharist  by  the  Latins,  and  by  some  Eastern sects,  in  the  7th  and  8th  centuries ;  and  there  is probable  evidence  that  it  was  used  in  the  3rd. In  the  orthodox  Eastern  church,  there  can  be  no doubt  that  leavened  bread  has  been  used  from  a very  early  period  indeed ;  if  not  from  the  very first,  at  any  rate  from  the  time  when  Judaizing sects  insisted  on  using  unleavened  cakes,  like those  of  the  Passover,  in  the  Lord's  Supper. B.  Mixture  of  Oil  and  Salt. — The  Syrian Christians,  besides  the  leaven  which  is  common to  almost  all  oriental  communions,  mix  with  the bread  a  little  oil  and  salt — a  practice  which  they defend  by  many  mystical  reasons  (Renaudot,  Litt. Orient,  i.  191).  The  mixture  of  oil — perhaps taken  from  Lev.  ii.  4,  etc.  ;  compare  Justin Martyr,  Dial.  v.  Trypho,  c.  41 — was  probably always  a  singularity  of  a  small  sect ;  that  of salt  was  more  general  and  more  hotly  defended. Thus  Alcuin  (Epist.  90  [al.  69]  ad  Fratres  Lug- dunenscs)  reprehends  certain  persons  in  Spain for  insisting,  against  the  custom  of  Rome  and  the church  in  general,  that  salt  should  be  put  into the  eucharistic  bread  ;  and  adds  mystical  reasons why  three  things  only,  flour,  water,  and  wine should  be  offered  in  the  Mass.  The  modern Greeks  eagerly  defend  the  mixture  of  salt,  which (they  say)  represents  the  life,  so  that  a  sacrifice "  The  genuineness  of  this  treatise  is  cIouiHed  by  Bare nius.    See  Cave.  Hist.  Lit.  s.  v.  Isidore. <•  There  seems  no  reason  to  doubt  (with  Bona,  De  Reb. Lit.  I.  xxiii.  7)  the  genuineness  of  this  passage. ELEMENTS without  salt  is  but  a  dead  sacrifice  ;  and  one  of the  reproaclies  commonly  directed  against  the Armenians  was,  that  they  used  oblates  containing neither  salt  nor   leaven  (Martene,  A.  R.  I.  iii.  7, IV.  Preparation  of  the  Bread. The  r.iore  minute  directions  for  the  preparation of  the  eucharistic  bread  belong  to  a  later  age than  that  with  which  we  are  concerned.  Those which  fall  within  our  period  are  principally these. The  canon  already  quoted  of  the  16th  council of  Toledo  makes  it  certain  that  special  prepara- tion of  the  eucharistic  bread  was  enjoined  in  the 7th  century.  So  long  as  people  actually  oflered, they  probably  themselves  prepared  the  oblates for  the  altar.  Thus  the  emperor  Valens  is  said to  have  prepared  with  his  own  hands  the  gifts'^ which  he  oBered  for  the  altar  (Gregory  Nazianz. Funeral  Oration  on  St.  Basil,  c.  52,  p.  809)  ;  and the  Roman  matron  mentioned  by  Joannes  Dia- conus  (u.  s.) — probably  a  person  of  rank,  or  she would  not  have  received  the  bread  from  the pope— had  herself  prepared  that  which  she  re- ceived. And  it  seems  that  not  unfrequently noble  ladies  undertook  the  preparation  of  the oblates  as  a  meritorious  work  ;  Candida,  wife  of Trajan,  a  prefect,  prepared  bread  for  oblation from  flour  which  she  had  ground  with  her  own hands  (Martene,  A.  R.  I.  iii.  vii.  24) ;  so  did  St. Radegund  (t587),  distributing  the  oblates  to different  churches  {Life  by  Fortunatus,  in Acta  SS.  Bened.  i.  320).  And  this  task  was  not unfrequently  undertaken  by  nuns.  Theodulph of  Orleans,  however  (c.  A.D.  797),  desired  that duty  to  be  discharged  by  the  presbyters  them- selves or  their  "boys"f  in  their  presence, in  the  following  terms:  "panes  quos  Deo  in sacrificio  otfertis  aut  vobis  ipsis  aut  a  vestris pueris  coram  vobis  nitide  et  studiose  fiant" {Gapitul.^).  And  since  that  time  the  _  oblates have  generally  been  prepared  by  priests  or "religious"  persons.  See  Bethlehem.  For further  particulars  of  the  preparation  of  the sacramental  bread  in  various  places,  see  Martene, A.E.I,  iii.  7,  §§  23-25  ;  Renaudot,  Litt.  Orientt. 1.  189;  ii.  63ff.  ed.  1716. V.  Form  of  the  Bread. The  loaf  used  by  the  Jews  of  Palestine  seems commonly  to  have  been  round,  somewhat  less than  an  inch  thick,  and  six  or  eight  inches  in diameter.  In  order  that  it  might  be  more  readily broken,  it  was  scored  with  lines,  frequently  two Hues  at  right  angles  to  each  other,  so  as  to  form across,  dividing  the  loaf  into  four  portions (Aringhi,  Roma  Subterr.  II.  v.  9,  p.  278,  quoted by  Probst,  Sakramente,  p.  201).  And  such  was probably  the  form  of  the  eucharistic  loaf  in  the early  Christian  church  (see  woodcut).  The  Liber Pontifcalis  (p.  98a,  ed.  Muratori)  attributes  to Zephyrinus  (pope  197-217)  the  order,  that  pres- byters should  distribute  round  cakes  (coronas) blessed  by  the  bishop— a  statement  probably  of no  great  authority.     In  the  4th  century  Epipha- =  The  word  Sipa  commonly  refers  to  the  Elements ;  in this  place,  however,  Nlcetas  takes  the  "gifts"  for  golden vessels  which  Valens  had  made  (!>v  aiTowpybs  V)- f  Meaning,  probably,  those  devoted  to  the  service  of  the church—"  oblati." ELEMENTS 603 nius  (Ancoratus,  c.  57)  and  Caesarius,  brother  of Gregory  Nazianzen  (Dial.  iii.  quaest.  169),  speak of  the  bread  as  round.  Gregory  the  Great  {Dia- logus,    iv.  55)    speaks    of   a    certain    presbyter On  an  ancient  tomb.    (From  Martigny.) bringing  "  duas  oblationum  coronas,''  then  the usual  form  of  oblation.  These  are  explained  by Joannes  Diaconus  (in  Martene,  A.  R.  I.  iii.  vii.  26) to  be  cakes  made  of  a  handful  of  fine  flour,  and in  form  like  a  crown  (ex  pugillo  similae  et  ad speciem  coronae) ;  that  is,  round,  whatever  else may  be  intended  by  the  comparison.  And  the evidence  of  pictorial  representations  agrees  with this  so  far  as  it  goes.  Whenever  in  ancient  re- presentations the  form  of  the  bread  is  distin- guishable, it  is  round.  See  Canister,  p.  264 ; Eucharist,  p.  627. A  passage  quoted  by  Martene  (t«.  s.)  from  a treatise  of  lldephonso,  a  Spanish  bishop,  describes the  form  and  composition  of  the  eucharistic  bread in  the  beginning  of  the  9th  century  thus  :  "  men- sura  trlum  digitorum  anguli  in  rotundum  panis azymi  sic  composita  est ;"  i.  e.  the  azymes  for the  eucharist  were  made  in  the  form  of  a  circle of  three  "  fingers  "  radius.s  The  same  authority mentions  that  the  oblate  from  which  the  priest was  to  communicate  was  larger  than  those  in- tended for  the  people. That  it  is  an  ancient  custom  to  impress  the oblates  with  a  cross  is  probable  from  the  words of  Chrysostom  {Q^iod  Christus  sit  Deus,  571  A,  ed. Ben.),  where  he  says,  "  on  the  Table  is  the  Cross .  .  .  .  m  the  mystic  Supper  the  Cross  of  Christ shines  forth  with  the  Body  of  Christ."  The woodcuts  represent  the  forms  of  the  Greek  and Coptic  oblates,  which  may  probably  be  of  consi- derable antiquity.  The  former  bears  the  m- scription  "  IC  XC  ['Irjo-ovs  Xpiarls]  viKa;"^  the latter,  "  0710s,  0710$,  a-yios,  Kup'os  Sa^otifl." It  is  evident  from  what  has  been  said  above, that   from  a  comparatively  early  age  a  strong g  Somewhat  lcs8  than  three  inches. 60  i ELEMENTS objection  was  felt  to  the  practice  of  consecrating a  portion  of  a  loaf  in  the  eucharist ;  a  whole  loaf or  cake  was  always  to  be  employed. VI.  Compositionofthe  Cup. With  regard  to  the  element  of  Wine  there  has been  less  controversy,  though  it  is  an  interesting and  unsettled  question  whether  the  cup  was  mixed at  the  institution  of  the  sacrament  by  our  Blessed Lord  himself.  Pfaff  (after  R.  Ob.  de  Bartenora and  Maimonides,  in  Mishnam  de  Benedict,  c.  7, §  5)  asserts  that  the  Jews  as  a  rule  mixed  water with  the  wine  in  their  Cup  of  Blessing.  Light- foot  ( I emple  Service,  i.  691)  says  that  he  that drank  ])ure  wine  performed  his  duty ;  so  that, although  it  seems  probable  that  our  Lord  used the  mixed  cup,  yet  it  is  not  certain  that  he  did so.  Buxtorf  (De  primae  Coenae  JRitibus  et  Forma, §20)  says  that  it  was  indifferent  whether  the cup  was  mixed  or  not ;  and  in  his  Sijnagoga Judaica,  where  he  gives  full  details  of  the  Pass- over, does  not  mention  a  cup  of  wine  diluted with  water.  Again,  the  Babylonish  Talmud  calls water  mixed  with  wine  "  the  fruit  of  the  vine  ;" but  it  would  appear  that  the  same  term  is  used for  pure  wine  in  Isa.  xxxii.  12;  Hab.  iii.  17; so  that  nothing  positive  can  be  ascertained  from the  use  of  that  term.  On  the  whole  it  seems probable  that  our  Lord  used  a  mixed  cup^  but tliere  is  no  conclusive  evidence  on  the  point. It  is  acknowledged  on  all  hands  that,  with  the exception  of  a  few  heretics,  the  church  used  for many  centuries  wine  mixed  with  water.  Justin Martyr,  the  first  after  the  apostles  who  gives  any account  of  the  celebration  of  the  eucharist,  says, "  There  is  then  brought  to  the  brother  who  pre- sides a  cup  of  water  and  mixed  wine"  (Kpa-ixaros). And  afterwards  he  tells  us  that  "the  deacons distribute  to  each  one  present  that  he  may  par- take of  that  bread  and  wine  and  water  which  has been  blessed  by  thanksgiving ;"  and  this  food,  he says,  is  called  Eucharistia  {Apol.  i.  ch.  65). Irenaeus  also  {adv.  Haer.  lib.  v.  c.  2,  p.  294) speaks  of  the  mixed  cup  (KeKpa/ufvov  i70T}\piov). And  again  (lib.  v.  c.  36)  of  the  Lord's  promise  to his  disciples,  "  that  he  would  drink  the  mixture of  the  cup  (mistionem  calicis)  new  with  them  in the  kingdom,"  which  shows  that  he  thought  the fruit  of  the  vine  and  the  mixed  cup  the  same  thing. Cyprian  {Epist.  63,  ad  Caeciliiim)  has  several passages  bearing  on  this  question.  He  says : (c.  2)  that  to  mix  wine  with  water  is  to  follow the  Lord's  example;  and  again  (c.  13):  "Thus in  sanctifying  the  cup  of  the  Lord,  water  cannot be  offered  alone,  as  neither  can  wine  be  offered alone;  for  if  the  wine  be  offered  by  itself  the blood    of  Christ   begins  to  be  without    us,  and ELEMENTS if  the  water  be   alone   the  people  begins  to  be without  Christ." The  third  council  of  Carthage  (c.  24)  orders, "  that  in  the  sacrament  of  the  body  and  blood of  the  Lord,  nothing  else  be  offered  but  what  the Lord  himself  commanded,  that  is  bread,  and  wine mixed  with  water."  The  African  code,  both Greek  and  Latin,  has  this  same  canon,  with further  directions  added  (Cod.  Can.  African. c.  37).  All  the  ancient  litvirgies  either  contain a  direction  for  mixing  water  with  the  wine,  or else  in  the  canon  the  mixing  is  alluded  to.  Thus in  the  Clementine  Liturgy  {Constt.  Apost.  viii. 12,  §  16),  in  reciting  the  words  of  Institution the  priest  says :  "  Likewise  also  mixing  the cup  of  wine  and  water  (e'l  olvov  koX  (iSoros) and  blessing  it.  He  gave  it  to  them."  The Liturgies  of  St.  James  and  St.  Mark  contain like  words,  while  the  Liturgies  of  St.  Basil  and St.  Chrysostom  order  the  deacon  to  put  wine and  water  into  the  cup  before  the  priest  places it  on  the  altar.  In  like  manner,  in  some  form  or another,  the  m.ixing  is  mentioned  in  th,e  Liturgies of  Ethiopia,  Nestorius,  Severus,  of  the  Roman and  the  Galilean  churches.  In  most  liturgies, when  the  water  is  mixed  with  the  wine,  some reference  is  made  to  the  blood  and  water  which flowed  from  the  Lord's  side  ;  as  (e.  g.)  in  the  Am- brosian  rite  :  "  De  latere  Christi  exivit  sanguis et  aqua  pariter."  Similarly  the  Mozarabic  and the  Roman. A  peculiar  rite  of  the  Byzantine  church  is  the mingling  of  hot  water  with  the  wine.     In  the Liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom  (c.  34),  after  the  frac- tion of  the  oblate,  the  deacon,    taking  up    the vessel  of  boiling  water    (rb   Ceov),   says   to  the priest :  "  Sir,  bless  the  boiling  water  ;"  the  priest then  says  :  "  Blessed  be  the  fervency  (ff  o-is)''  of thy  saints  for  ever,  now  and  always,  and  for  ages of  ages;"  then  the  deacon  pours  a  small  quantity of  the  boiling  water  into  the  chalice,  saying,  "  The fervency  of  faith,  full  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  Amen." Various  mystical  reasons  have  been  given  for the  mixture  of  water  with  the  wine.     That  of Cyprian   has   been  already  quoted.      Gennadius {be  Eccl.  Dogmat.  c.  75),  besides  the   fact  that our  Lord  used  the  mixed  cup  at  the  first  institu- tion, alleges  as  a  further  reason  that  blood  and water  flowed  from  His   pierced  side.     The  same I  reason  is   given   by  the  Pseudo-Ambrosius    (I)e j  Sacram.  v.  1),  and   generally  by  the  liturgies. !  In  the  comment  on  St.  Mark,  ascribed  to  Jerome, '  another    is    given ;  that    by  one    we    might    bo i  purged  from   sin,  by  the    other  redeemed  from punishment  (On  Mark  XIV.).     Alcuin    (Epist. 90)  finds  in  the  three  things,  water,  flour,  and '  wine,  which  may  be  placed  on  the  altar,  a  mys- tical resemblance  to  the  Three  Heavenly  Wit- nesses. I      The  principal    deviations    from   the    received practice  of  the  church  in  this  matter  have  been the  opposite  usages  of  the  Aquarians,  who  used no  wine  at  all  in  the  eucharist,  and  of  the  Arme- nians,   who    mixed    no  water   with    the    wine, claiming    the    authority    of  John    Chrysostom. '  Both  these  are  censured  by  the  council  in  Trullo (c.    32).     These  Aquarians    or    Hydroporastatae probably  abstained  from  wine  as  a  bad  thing  in itself,   like  the   Ebionites  and  the  Tatianists  or Encratites  described  by  Epiphanius  (Haeres.  30, See  Acts  xviii.  25;  Rom.  xii.  11 ELESBAAN 16;  46,  2;  47,  1);  but  others  in  early  times, though  they  partook  of  the  mixed  cup  in  tlie evening,  used  water  only  in  the  morning,  lest  the smell  of  wine  should  bring  scandal  upon  them, and  betray  their  celebration  of  the  mysteries  to heathen  persecutors.  This  practice  "is  noticed and  reprehended  by  Cyprian  (Epist.  63.  c.  16). Some  in  the  7th  century  oiJered  milk  for  wine in  the  eucharist ;  others  communicated  the people  not  with  wine  pressed  from  grapes,  but with  the  grapes  themselves  (oblatis  uvis)  {Cone. Bracar.  iii.  c.  1) ;  errors  severely  censured  by the  ecclesiastical  authorities,  who  constantly insisted  on  the  offering  of  wine,  water,  and  bread only. A  peculiar  instance  of  an  addition  to  the  cup is  the  dropping  of  milk  and  honey  into  it,  ac- cording to  the  Roman  rite,  ou  Easter-Eve  (Mar- tene,  A.  R.  IV.  xxiv.  32),  the  great  day  of  bap- tism.    [Baptism,  p.  164.] TJie  Colour  of  the  Wine. The  wine  in  use  in  the  church  has  in  general been  red,  apparently  from  a  desire  to  symbolise as  much  as  possible  the  blood  of  our  Lord.  Ac- cording to  the  Talmud  red  wine  was  offered  at the  Passover.  Irenaeus  indeed  {Haercs.  bk.  i. c.  13,  §  2)  says  that  Marcus  (a  heretic)  claimed to  perform  the  eucharistic  ceremony  over  cei'tain mixed  chalices,  and  to  make  them  appear  red and  purple,  which  would  lead  to  the  supposition that  the  wine  had  been  originally  white.  But Cyprian  (^Ep.  63,  c.  7)  speaks  as  if  the  Eucha- ristic wine  was  blood-red  ;  and  Chrysostom (Horn.  82  in  Matt.  xxvi.  34,  35)  speaks  of  the tongue  being  empurpled  with  the  blood  of  Christ in  the  eucharist.  Later  in  the  history  of  the church  many  of  the  synods  have  ordered  red wine  to  be  used ;  and  although  there  is  no necessity  in  the  matter,  it  certainly  seems  the most  ajjpropriate. Literature. — Bona,  Rerum  Liturgicarum  Libri li.  ;  Martene,  De  Antiquis  Ecdesiae  Ritibus ; Krazer,  De  Antiquis  Ecdesiae  Ocoidentalis  Li- turgiis  ;  Bingham's  Antiquities  ;  Vossius,  Theses Theol. ;  Brett  on  the  Liturgies ;  Neale's  Eastern Clmrch  ;  Vogan's  True  Loctrine  of  the  Eucharist. On  the  special  question  of  Azymes,  see,  against the  antiquity  of  unleavened  cakes  in  the  eucharist, Sirmond's  treatise  De  Azijmo  (1651) ;  on  the other  side,  Mabillon,  in  the  preface  to  Saec.  iii. of  the  Acta  SS.  Bened.,  and  in  a  special  treatise Be  Azyino  et  Fermentaio.  [G.W.P.  and  C] ELESBAAN,  king,  monk  in  the  time  of  the emperor  Justin ;  commemorated  Ginbot  20  = May  15  {Cal.  Ethiop.).  [W.  F.  G.] ELEUTHEEIUS.  (1)  Bishop,  and  martyr at  Messina,  with  his  mother  Anthia  or  Evanthia; commemorated  April  18  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Rom. Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  Bishop,  at  Autesiodorum(Auxerre);  com- memorated Aug.  26  {Mart.  Usuardi). (3)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia  under  Diocletian, "  cum  aliis  innumeris ;"  commemorated  Oct.  2 (Jifart.  Hieron.,  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (4)  Deacon,  martyr  at  Paris,  with  Dionysius the  bishop  and  Rusticus  the  presbyter ;  comme- morated Oct.  9  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Rom.  Vet., Adonis,  Usuardi). (5)  Bishop  of  Illyncum,  martyr  AD.  290; commemorated  Dec.  15  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [W.F.G.] ELEVATIO 605 ELEVATIO  (in  a  Liturgical  sense). (1).  Eastern  Church. — In  all  early  Oriental liturgies  an  elevation  of  the  bread  by  the  cele- brating priest  is  prescribed  contem])oraneously with  the  proclamation  ayia  ayiois,  and  before the  Fraction.  Thus,  in  the  liturgy  of  St.  Chryso- stom "the  priest,  elevating  the  holy  bread, exclaims  '  Holy  things  for  holy  persons ;'  "  of  St. James  :  "  then  he  elevates  the  gifts,  and  saith '  Holy  things,'  &c. ;"  of  St.  Basil,  "  the  priest, elevating  the  holy  bread,  exclaims  'Holy  things,' &c." ;  the  Armenian,  "  the  priest  lifts  uj)  the sacrifice  before  his  eyes,  and  saith  '  the  Holy  of holies.'  "  The  original  intention  of  this  rite  was !  clearly  not  that  the  host  might  be  adored  by  the people,  for  it  took  place  within  the  Bema',  the doors  of  which  being  closed  and  the  curtains I  drawn,  it  could  be  only  seen  by  the  attendant ministers.  This  is  acknowledged  by  Goar ;  "  Nou ita  tamen  ut  a  populo  conspiciatur  Dominicum corpus  elevat  Graecus  sacerdos  "  {Eucholoj.  p.  145, note  158,  cf  pp.  84,  151)  ;  he  adds  that  there  is no  allusion  to  eucharistic  adoration  in  the earlier  ritualists  :  "  De  majoris  hostiae,  a  populo, I  completa  consecratione,  per  elevationem  conspi- ciendae,  nihil  apud  antiques  rituum  expositores." The  authority  of  St.  Basil,  to  tt)?  eiriKK-nffecos prtixaTa  eir\  t^s  a  vaS  ei^e  oo  s  rod  &pTov  ttjs evxapiffTLas  tis  tcoj'  ayiwv  iyypdcpois  rji/iv  /cara- \4\onriv  ;  {Be  Sp.  Sanct.  c.  27),  is  erroneously urged  by  Bellarmin  {Be  Eucharist,  ii.  15),  Schel- strate  {Be  Concil.  Antioch.  p.  219),  and  Bona {Eer.  Liturg.  lib.  ii.  c.  13,  §  2),  in  support  of  the later  practice  of  elevating  the  eucharist  to  show it  to  the  people.  For  the  word  avaSei^ts  has been  abundantly  proved  by  Albertinus,  quoted by  Bingham  {Orig.  Eccl.  lib.  xv.  c.  5,  §4), and  is  acknowledged  by  Renaudot  (i.  270),  to be  used  here  in  its  classical  sense  of  "  dedication," "  conseci-ation,"  not  that  of  "displaying."  The authorities  alleged  in  support  of  the  earlv  intro- duction of  the  practice  of  displaying  the  eucharist to  the  people  prove  very  weak  on  examination. The  Pseudo-Dionysius,  whose  writings  cannot  be placed  earlier  than  the  5th  or  6th  century, when  speaking  of  the  priest  "  showing  the  gifts," {tus  Scope'as  r&v  BeovpytHu  inroSei^as),  before proceeding  to  communion  {Be  Eccl.  Hierarch. c.  iii.  §  11)  does  not  in  any  way  assert  that  it was  to  the  people  that  he  showed  them.  The example  of  St.  Euthymius,  adduced  by  Martene (p.  423),  is  little  more  to  the  point.  All  that is  said  is,  that  after  the  anaphora,  "  stretching forth  his  hands  to  heaven,  and  as  it  were displaying  to  them  the  mystery  administered for  the  sake  of  our  salvation,"  (/cal  wavfp aiiTols  vTToSeiKuvs  rh  olKovofj.y]6iv  ttjj  acvTriptas Xo-p'"  T^s  ■^juerepas  fivarriptov),  "  he  cried with  a  loud  voice,  to.  ayia  rois  a-yiois" (Cyril  Scythopol.  Vita  S.  Euthym.  apud  Coteler. Eccl.  Graec.  Monum.  vol.  ii.  p.  268,  §81).  The passage  quoted  from  Germanus,  and  accepted  by Bingham  as  coming  from  the  patriarch  of  Constan- tinople of  that  name,  A.D.  715,  is  from  a  work, Theoria  Rerum  Didnarum,  correctly  assigned by  Cave  to  his  namesake  and  successor  five  cen- turies later,  A.D.  1222.  The  most  apposite passage  is  that  given  by  Renaudot  (i.  267)  from Jfames  bishop  of  Edessa,  c.  651,  which,  if  cor- rectly quoted,  prescribes  that  the  priest,  after uttering  the  071a  017101?,  "shall  lift  the  sacra- ments and  show  them  to  the  whole  people  as  for 606    ELIBEEITANUM  CONCILIUM a  witness,"   "turn  elevat  et  ostendit  saoramenta universo  populo  tanquam  in  testimonium." (2)  Western  Clvirch. — Obscure  and  vague  as  is the  date  of  the  introduction  of  the  elevation  of the  eucharist  in  the  Oriental  church,  there  is still  greater  uncertainty  when  it  became  the practice  of  the  West.  Goar  humbly  confesses his  ignorance  (Euchotog.  p.  146,  §  158),  and  Bona acknowledges  the  same  (He?:  Liiurg.  lib.  ii.  c.  13, §  2),  and  professes  his  inability  to  discover  any trace  of  the  practice  in  the  ancient  sacramen- taries  or  the  codices  of  the  Ordo  Eomnnus,  or  in any  of  the  ancient  ritual  writers,  Alcuin,  Ama- larius,  Walafrid,  &c.  Indeed  there  is  little  doubt, as  is  acknowledged  by  all  learned  and  candid Romanists,  that  the  elevation  owes  its  introduc- tion to  the  spread  of  the  tenets  of  Berengarius, c.  1050,  against  which  it  was  regarded  as  a  public protest  (Muratori,  Liturg.  Eomnn.  Vetus,  i.  227). This  practice  was  the  natural  consequence  of  the mediaeval  doctrine  of  Transubstantiation,  though it  had  little  or  no  authoritative  sanction  before the  13th  century.  Although  from  its  late  date the  Latin  practice  does  not  belong  to  the  period embraced  in  this  Dictionary,  we  may  mention that  the  position  of  the  elevation  in  the  Roman canon  differs  essentially  from  that  of  the  Greek church,  not  taking  place  until  aftei-  the  fraction and  consecration  instead  of  before  it. (Binterim,  Denkwurdvj.  vol.  iv.  p.  3 ;  pp.  432, sq. ;  Bingham,  Orig.  Eccl.  bk.  xv.  c.  5,  §  4  ;  Neale, Eastern  Ch.  vol.  i.  p.  1,  p.  516  ;  Bona,  Her.  Liturg. lib.  ii.  c.  13,  §  2;  Goar,  Eu:holog.  p.  145  sq.; Martene,  De  Keel.  Bit.  vol.  i.  p.  423 ;  Renaudot, JMurg.  Oriental.  Collect,  i.  265-271,  ii.  82,  572, 608;  Scudamore,  Notitia  Enchariit.  ch.  vi.  §  10, p.  546  sq. ;  ch.  viii.  §  7,  p.  594  sq.)  [E.  V.] ELIBERITANUM  CONCILIUM.  [El- vira, Council  of.] ELIGIUS,  bishop  and  confessor,  "gloriosus in  miraculis,"  at  Noyon ;  commemorated  Dec.  1 (^Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] ELIJAH,  the  prophet ;  commemorated  July 4  (Ca/.  Armen.),  July  20  {Cal.  Byzant.).  Taksas  1 =  Nov.  27  {Gal.  Ethiop.).  [W.  F.  G.] ELISHA,  the  prophet ;  commemorated  Senne 20  =  June  14  (Cal.  Ethiop.,  Cal.  Byzan^t.),  Oct.  12 (Cal.  Armen.);  also  Tekemt  19=  Oct.  16  {Cal. Ethiop.).  [W.  F.  G.] ELIZABETH.  (1)  Mother  of  John  the Baptist;  commemorated  Jakatit  16  =  Feb.  10 {Cal.  Ethiop.). (2)  OavuaTOvpyos,  commemorated  April  24 {Cal  Byza„t.).  [W.  F.  G.] ELODIA,  virgin,  and  martyr  with  Nunilo  at Osca;  commemorated  Oct.  22  {Mart.  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] ELPIDIPHORUS,  and  companions,  martyrs in  Persia,  a.d.  320;  commemorated  Nov.  2  {Cal. Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] ELPIS  (Hope),  daughter  of  Sophia  (Wis- dom), is  commemorated  with  her  sisters.  Faith and  Love,  Sept.  17  {Cal.  Byzant.)  [C] ELVIRA,  COUNCIL  OF  {Eliberitanum  or IlUhcritanum  concilium),  held  at  Elvira  in  Gra- nada. There  was  another  Elvira  in  Catalonia. The  date  assigned  to  it  in  its  own  acts  is  Era CCCLXii  =  A.D.  324.  But  it  has  been  referred  to A.D.  305,  313,  and  even  335   by   moderns.     As EMBALMING Hosius  of  Corduba  is  placed  second  of  the  nine- teen bishops  attending  it,  its  date  cannot  well have  been  earlier  than  313,  nor  later  than  324. And,  in  either  case,  its  canons  about  the  lapsed would  find  their  counterpart  in  those  of  Ancyra or  Nicaea.  Perhaps  the  later  date,  besides  being that  of  its  own  acts,  would  accord  best  with  the eference  to  it  by  Hosius  himself  in  the  11th Sardican  canon,  which  Baluze  points  out.  Its own  canons,  all  on  discipline,  seem  to  have amounted  to  fourscore  and  one;  but  Gratian and  others  cite  several  more  not  now  found  in its  acts.  Among  the  former,  absence  from church  for  three  consecutive  Sundays  is  pun- ished by  the  21st.  Superpository  fasts— on  which see  Bingham  xxi.  i.  25 — to  be  observed  in  all other  months,  are  relaxed  in  July  and  August by  the  23rd.  Bishops,  priests,  and  deacons  co- habiting with  their  wives  are  threatened  with deprivation  in  the  33rd,  lights  in  cemeteries  are forbidden  during  the  day  by  the  34th,  and pictures  in  churclies  by  the  36th.  A  huge dissertation  on  this  council,  in  three  books,  ad- dressed to  Clement  VIII.  by  Mendoza,  may  be read  in  Mansi,  ii.  58  and  seq.  [E.  S.  Ff.] EMANCIPATIO,  in  a  special  sense,  is  the setting  free  of  a  monk,  chosen  to  an  ecclesiastical dignity,  from  the  obedience  which  he  owes  to  his superior.  This  was  done  by  letters  under  the hand  of  the  abbat,  called  ernxmcipatoriae  literae. A  form  of  such  letters  is  given  by  Petit  in  his edition  of  Theodore's  Penitential,  p.  143.  (Du- cange,  s.  v.).  [^"O EMBALMING.  There  are  many  testimonies to  the  observance  of  this  custom  among  the Christians  of  the  early  centuries.  That  it  was practised  in  the  case  of  martyrs  appears  from the  instance  of  Tharacus  {Ada  Tliaraci,  ap. Baron,  an.  290,  n.  21),  to  whom  it  was  denied by  his  persecutor  Maximus,  and  his  body  sen- tenced to  burning,  in  contempt  of  the  doctrine of  the  resurrection.  But  embalming  was  not confined  to  martyrs ;  it  was  a  reproach  cast upon  Christians  generally  by  the  heathen  inter- locutor in  Miuucfus  Felix  {Octav.  c.  12,  §  6),  that "using  no  perfumes  for  their  bodies  in  life,  they required  all  costly  ointments  for  their  funerals." Tertullian  also  {Apol.  c.  42)  is  a  witness  to  the general  observance  of  the  custom :  "  Let  the Sabaeans  know  that  more  of  their  costly  wares  is spent  in  the  burial  of  Christians  than  in  offering incense  (fumigandis)  to  their  gods." The  practice  was  doubtless  derived  from  the Jews.  In  the  Old  Testament  the  only  recorded examples  are  those  of  Jacob  and  Joseph  (Gen.  1. 2,  26)  in  conformity  with  Egyptian  usage ;  but  it would  seem  to  have  been  observed  more  or  less generally  during  their  later  history ;  and  in  St. John's  description  of  our  Lord's  burial,  we  read that  Joseph  of  Arimathaea  and  Nicodemus  "  took the  body  of  Jesus  and  wound  it  in  linen  clothes with  the  spices,  as  the  manner  of  the  Jens  is  to bury."  Our  Lord's  interpretation  of  the  pious offering  of  Mary  to  His  person  (Mark  xiv.  8), "  She  hath  anointed  my  body  to  the  burial  " {iVTa<pia(rix6v)  implies  the  use  of  unction  as  .a recognized  practice.  Various  spices  were  em- ployed for  the  embalming,  especially  myrrh ;  so Prudentius  {Cathemerin.  hym.  4) — •'  Aspersaque  myrrha  Sabaeo Corpus  medicamine  si-rvat." EMBER  DAYS Although  the  custom  of  embalming  was  com niou  to  Christians  and  heathens,  there  was  an essential  difterence  in  the  purpose  for  which  it was  practised.  As  a  pagan  ceremony  it  wa: intended  to  facilitate  cremation;  with  the  Chris- tians, on  the  contrary,  to  whom  "the  old  irre- verence of  burning  "  was  always  abhorrent,  its object  was  to  preserve  the  body  from  corruption It  was  doubtless  the  expression  of  that  reverential feeling  for  the  body,  as  having  been  the  temple of  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  as  destined  for  restora- tion to  an  imperishable  existence,  by  which  the Christian  faith  was  exclusively  characterised among  all  the  religions  of  the  world.        [D.  B.] EMBER  DAYS  (jejicnia  quatuor  temporum). From  the  Latin  title  has  been  derived  the  name of  these  seasons  in  most  European  languages, whether  by  translation  [e.  g.  the  French  les Quritre- Temps,  or  the  Swedish  de  fyra  faste- tide?-'],  or  by  a  corruption  of  the  original  [e.  g. the  German  Qxiatcmber,  Dutch  Quatertemper,  or Danish  Kvatember'].  Hence  too,  if  we  consider the  wide-spread  use  of  the  expression  is  a probable  derivation  of  the  English  Ember ; though  two  others  have  been  proposed,  one connecting  it  with  embers  in  the  sense  of  ashes, for  which  little  can  be  said,  and  the  other identifying  it  with  the  Anglo-Saxon  Ymbren,  a revolution  or  circuit,  to  which  it  has  been objected  that  all  church  seasons  are  necessarily recurrent.  [In  favour  of  this  last  view,  how.- ever,  may  be  cited  the  phrases  ymbren  dagns,  etc., and  such  notices  as  the  canon  of  the  English council  of  Aenham,  given  below.]  On  the  sup- position that  the  derivation  from  the  Latin  is the  true  one,  it  is  interesting  to  note  the  Danish form  Tainperdag,  as  marking  an  intermediate stage  between  that  of  the  German  and  of  the English.  An  exception  to  the  above  rule  is  the Welsh  name,  Wythnos  y  Cydgoriau,  week  of  the united  choirs  or  processions. Whatever  may  have  been  the  origin  of  the solemnity  of  the  Ember  Fasts,  we  find  them  at an  early  period  associated  with  the  invoking  of God's  blessing  on  each  of  the  four  seasons  as it  came  round  in  its  turn,  and  the  special striving  by  prayers  and  fasting  to  merit  such blessings.  Still,  on  the  earliest  occasion  on which  we  meet  with  a  mention  of  these  fasts, this  idea  does  not  seem  to  have  been  present  to the  mind  of  the  writer.  The  passage  in  question occurs  in  the  treatise  de  Haeresibus  of  Philas- trius,  bishop  of  Brixia,  in  the  middle  of  the  4th century.  As  the  passage  is  of  some  importance, we  think  it  well  to  quote  it  at  length.  After citing  Zech.  viii.  19,  as  referring  to  the subject,  he  proceeds  " .  .  .  .  ut  mysteria  Chris- tianitatis  ipsis  quatuor  jejuniis  nuntiata  cognos- ceremus.  Nam  per  annum  quatuor  jejunia  in ecclesia  celebrantur;  in  Natali  primum,  deinde in  Pascha,  tertium  in  Epiphania,  quartum  in Pentecoste.  Nam  in  Natali  Salvatoris  Domini jejunandum  est,  deinde  in  Paschae  Quadragesima, atque  in  Ascensione  itidem  in  caelum  post Pascha  die  quadragesimo,  inde  usque  ad  Pente- costen  diebus  decem  :  id  quod  postea  fecerunt beati  Apostoli  post  Ascensionem  jejuniis  et orationibnsinsistentes."  {Ilaeres.  119.  in  Patrol. xii.  128G.)  It  seems  certain  here,  whatever  the ex])lanation  may  be,  whether  of  a  false  reading in   the    text,  or  of  an   unusual   meaning  of  the EMBER  DAYS 607 word,  that,  as  Fabricius  {not.  in  loc.)  suggests, the  fast  in  Kjiiphunit  refers  to  the  seasoa  of  the Ascension,  both  from  the  position  assigned  to  it between  Easter  and  Pentecost,  and  Vrom  the subsequent  reference  to  the  Ascension. We  now  pass  on  to  the  first  definite  mention  of these  fasts  as  associated  with  the  beginnings  of the  four  seasons.  Among  the  works  of  Leo  I., are  found  numerous  sermons  for  each  of  the fasts,  which  are  spoken  of  as  the  fast  decimi memis  {Scrm.  12-20),  the  fast  in  Quadragesima (Serm.  39-50),  the  fast  in  Pentecoste  (Serm. 78-80),  and  the  fast  se/timi  mensis  (Serm. 86-94)  respectivelv :  and  in  one  passage  {Serm. 19,  c.  2;  vol.  i.  p.  59,  ed.  Ballerini),  he  thus associates  the  fasts  with  the  seasons  they introduce,  "jejunium  vernum  in  Quadragesima, aestivum  in  Pentecoste,  autumnale  in  meuse septimo,  hiemale  autem  in  hoc  qui  est  decimus celebramus."  Further,  he  appears  to  speak  of this  practice  as  resting  on  apostolical  authority {Serm.  80,  c.  1 ;  p.  .316),  meaning,  probably,  that resting  on  the  authority  of  his  church,  they claimed  the  respect  due  to  a])ostolic  ordinances. The  autumnal  fast  does  not  seem  to  be  mentioned before  the  time  of  Leo  L,  for  it  will  have  been observed  that  the  arrangement  in  Philastrius is  different.  Perhaps,  however,  Leo  or  some  of his  predecessors  may  have  added  to  three  existing ancient  fasts  this  fourth  one,  and  then  associated the  four  seasons  of  the  year  with  these  four  re- gularly recurring  fasts. The  particular  days  on  which  it  was  incumbent to  ftist  at  the  Ember  seasons  according  to  the Roman  rule  were  Wednesday,  Friday,  and Saturday ;  thus  Leo  {Serm.  80,  c.  4,  p.  320) enjoins  "Quarta  et  sexta  feria  jejunemus, Sabbato  autem  ajmd  beatissimum  Petrum  Apo- stolum  vigilias  celebremus."  Augustine  {Epist. 36,  ad  Casulaniim,  c.  8  ;  vol.  ii.  105,  ed.  Gaume) seems  to  speak  simply  of  the  particular  days  of the  week  on  which  the  local  Roman  church  fasted in  its  ordinary  practice. It  has  been  said  that  Leo  {Serm.  1.8,  c.  2 ;  p.  57), asserts  that  the  fasts  of  the  four  seasons  were celebrated  "  in  universa  ecclesia ;"  but  an examination  of  the  passage  will  show  that  he  is referring  to  the  institution  of  fasts  generally. Indeed,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  fasts  of the  four  seasons  were  at  first  only  observed  in that  part  of  the  church  in  immediate  dependence on  Rome.  The  language  of  Augustine  will  not allow  us  to  suppose  that  the  same  state  of things  prevailed  in  Africa  ;  the  church  in  north Italy  diftered,  at  any  rate  in  not  making  Satur- day a  fast.  (Ambrose  apud  August.,  Epist.  86  ad Casulanum  c.  32  ;  ed.  cit.  120).» In  the  eastern  church  there  is  no  trace  what- ever of  an  observance  of  the  Ember  seasons.  The passage  of  Athanasius,  which  some  have  quoted in  support  of  a  different  conclusion  {Apol.  de  fuga, c.  6;  vol.  i.  p.  323,  ed.  Bened.),  merely  proves the  existence  of  a  fast  at  Pentecost.  With  this may  be  compared  an  allusion  in  the  Apostolic Constitutions  (lib-  v.  c.  20). Not  onlv  is  there  thus  a  lack  of  evidence to  establish  the  existence  of  tlio  usage  in  early times  as  aught  but  a  local  Roman  custom,  but we  find  Jerome  protesting  against  the  multiply- See  on   this  point  QuesnoU's  sixth   DiN'^rrtation  ap ponded  to  his  edition  of  Leo  J. 608  EMBER  DAYS ing  of  obligatory  fasts,  and  clearly  recognizing no  fast  but  Lent  as  of  universal  obligation  (Epist. 41  ad  Marcellam  c.  2 ;  vol.  i.  189,  ed.  Vallarsi ; of.  vi.  750). Nor  if  we  take  illustrations  from  a  somewhat later  period  shall  we  find  the  practice  uniformly established.  Thus  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict  (ob. circa  542  A.D.),  carefully  specifies  the  fasts  which the  order  was  to  observe,  but  ignores  the  Ember seasons  altogether,  and  indeed,  his  rule  is hardly  compatible  with  the  existence  of  the latter  (^Regula  S.  Bened.  c.  41 ;  p.  88,  ed.  Venice, 1723). Later  still  Isidore  of  Seville  (ob.  636,  A.D.), speaks  of  the  four  fasts  which  are  to  be  observed in  the  church,  "  secundum  Scripturas  sacras," mentioning  those  in  Lent,  Pentecost,  the  seventh month,  and  [on  the  authority  of  Jeremiah xxxvi.  9],  the  Calends  of  November  (de  off.  Eccl. i.  cc.  36  sqq.).  He  afterwards  mentions  in addition  to  these  four,  that  on  the  Calends  of January  and  others. As  regards  the  Galilean  church,  the  Ember seasons  do  not  seem  to  have  been  established much  before  the  time  of  Charlemagne.  The second  council  of  Tours  (567  A.D.)  in  prescribing the  fasts  to  be  observed  by  monks,  makes  no mention  whatever  of  the  fasts  of  the  four seasons — the  various  Galilean  Liturgies  published by  Mabillou  equally  ignore  them ;  and  the language  of  the  council  of  Maintz  [813  A.D.],  in ordering  their  observance,  seems  to  imply  a recently  established  institution,  "  Constituimus  ut quatuor  tempora  anni  ab  omnibus  cum  jejunio observentur,  hoc  est  in  mense  Martio  hebdomada prima,  et  feria  quarta,  et  sexta,  et  Sabbato.  .  .  . similiter  in  mouse  Juuio  hebdomada  secunda,  in mense  Septembris  hebdomada  tertia,  in  mense Decembris  hebdomada  prima,  quae  fuerit  plena ante  vigiliam  Nativitatis  Domini  sicut  est  in Romana  Ecclesia  traditum."  {Concil.  MocjUnt. can.  34;  Labbe  vii.  1249).  We  also  "meet with  capitularies  of  the  Carlovingian  kings to  the  same  eflect  (see  e.  g.  lib.  v.  151 ;  vol.  i.  p. 854,  ed.  Baluzius.  See  also  one  of  769  A.D., ih.  p.  192). To  return  now  to  the  Roman  church  properly so  called,  it  will  be  seen  that  tliere  is  reason  to doubt  whether  even  there  the  spring  fast  was not  at  first  really  Lent  itself,  and  not  the  three special  days.  It  is  pointed  out  by  Muratori  (see below)  c.  3,  that  while  Leo  in  his  sermons  on the  summer,  autumn,  and  winter  fasts,  alludes  to the  three  days  Wednesday,  Friday,  and  Saturday  ; he  yet  in  his  sermons  on  the  spring  fast  in  no way  refers  to  them,  and  indeed  it  is  difficult  in any  case  to  see  the  meaning  of  a  fast  within  the limits  of  another  fast,  except  it  were  meant  to  be of  a  more  rigorous  kind,  of  which  in  the  present case  we  have  no  evidence. Some  would  attempt  to  solve  this  difficulty  by supposing  that  the  Ember  seasons  were  originally instituted  as  times  for  ordination,  but  it  certainly appears  that  this  theory  cannot  be  borne  out  by facts  (see  e.  g.  Amalarius  Fortunatus,  de  Eccl. Off.  ii.  2,  and  cf.  Muratori  c.  3).  Everything points  to  the  conclusion  that  the  solemnity attaching  to  the  seasons  led  to  their  being chosen  as  fitting  times  for  the  rite.  The  theory of  Muratori  seems  very  probable,  that  the  spring fast  is  really  Lent  itself,  and  that  the  fixing  of the  three  days  is  due  to  a  later  development. EMBER  DAYS Among  other  evidence  referred  to  by  him  is  the fact  that  in  some  ancient  Roman  sacramentaries, when  notice  is  appointed  to  be  given  of  the  fasts of  the  fourth,  seventh,  and  tenth  months,  no mention  is  made  of  the  spring  fast.  Lent  being assumed  to  be  known  from  other  sources.  (For instances  of  this  see  Cardinal  Bona,  lierum Liturgg.,  lib.  ii.  c.  16;  vol.  ii.  p.  343,  ed.  Aug. Taur.  1753;  and  Thomasius,  Codices  Sacramen- tormn,  lib.  i.  c.  82  ;  p.  113.)  We  may  further refer  to  the  rule  of  the  English  council  of Cloveshoe  (747  A.D.),  which  orders  that  no  one should  neglect  "jejuniorum  tempora,  id  est, quarti,  septimi  et  decimi  mensis,"  and  that  due notice  should  always  be  given  of  each  (Concil. Cloves,  can.  18  ;  Labbe  vi.  1578).  It  is  inter- esting to  add  here  that  the  introduction  of  the fasts  of  the  four  seasons  is  referred  by  a  later English  council  (that  of  Aenham  [1009  A.D.],  the locality  of  which  appears  to  be  unknown,)  to Gregory  the  Great,  "  et  jejuuia  quatuor  tein- porum,  quae  Iinhren  vocant  et  caetera  omnia prout  sanctusGregorius  imposuit  genti  Anglorum, conservantor  "  (jConcil.  Aenham.  can.  16  ;  Labbe ix.  792). Among  other  evidence  in  favour  of  this  theory may  be  mentioned  an  epistle  in  the  False  Decre- tals bearing  the  name  of  pope  Callistus  (ob. 223  A.D.),  which  orders  that  to  the  three  already existing  fasts,  a  fourth  should  be  added.  Now it  may  be  reasonably  argued  that  tlie  author, Isidore,  put  the  matter  in  accordance  with  what he  himself  believed  to  be  the  state  of  the  case, and  that  thus  we  obtain  an  insight  into  the tradition  existing  in  his  time  (circa  800  A.D.). A  similar  remark  as  to  Callistus,  occurs  in  a MS.  of  Anastasius  Bibliotliecarius,  in  the  Am- brosian  library.  Although  the  statement  is  of course  false,  still  the  origin  of  the  forgery  may have  been  that  the  writer  wished  to  embody what  he  himself  believed  to  be  the  fact,  namely, that  the  fourth  (spring)  fast  was  added  on  later A  capitulary  also  of  Ahyto  or  Atto,  bishop  of Vercellae  about  945  A.D.,  mentions  the  three fasts  in  a  similar  way  {Patrol,  cxxxiv.  43). Not  only  does  this  doubt  exist  as  to  the  origin of  the  spring  f)ist,  but  there  seems  much  reason for  supposing  that  at  one  time  it  did  not  neces- sarily fall  in  Lent  at  all,  but  was  fixed  in  the first  week  in  March,  though  afterwards  as  a matter  of  convenience  it  was  fixed  within  Lent always  ;  also  the  summer  fast  was  at  one  time placed  in  the  second  week  of  June,  and  there- fore did  not  necessarily  fall  at  Pentecost.  The council  of  Maintz,  it  will  have  been  observed, speaks  of  the  fast  as  occurring  in  the  first  week  of March,  Lent  not  being  mentioned  at  all ;  simi- larly also  for  the  summer  fast.  So  too  the  Ordo Boinanns,  "in  primo  mense  {i.e.  March)  quarta et  sexta  feria  et  Sabbato  in  prima  hebdomada ipsius  mensis  primum  jejunium  celebratur. Secundum  in  quarto  mense  {i.e.  June)  in  secunda \  hebdomada  ipsius  mensis.  Tertium  jejunium I  septimi  mensis,  id  est  Septembris,  tertia  hebdo- i  mada  ipsius  mensis.  Quartum  decimi  mensis, id  est  Decembris,  quarta  hebdomada  ante  Natalem I  Domini  "  (i.  33,  ed.  Hittorp ;  cf.  also  Rabanus Maurus  de  Inst  Cler.  ii.  24 ;  and  Amalarius de  Eccl.  off.  ii.  1).  Again  in  many  ancient sacramentaries  we  have  many  things  pointing  to the  same  result;  e.g.  in  the  Gelasian  Sucra- \  mentary,  we  find  a  notice  "  Istae  orationes  ouae EMBER  DAYS sequuntur  prima  Sahhato  in  mense  prima  sunt diueuJae "  (^Patrol.  Ixxiv.  1069,  and  cf.  others cited  by  Muratori,  p.  261).  One  more  example may  suffice :  the  council  of  Aix  la  Chapelle (817  A.D.),  orders  that  no  fast  should  be  in  the week  of  Pentecost,  "nisi  statuti  fuerint  dies jejunii "  {Gone.  Aquisgran.  can.  51 ;  Labbe  vii. loll).  Consequently,  while  the  summer  fast might  fall  in  the  week  of  Pentecost,  it  did  not necessarily  do  so.  It  seems  therefore  not  un- reasonable to  infer  that  at  one  time  the  church celebrated  the  fasts  of  the  four  seasons  according to  this  rule,  a  change  being  subsequently  made to  the  present  plan. We  must  now  refer  to  the  Ember  seasons  as times  specially  fixed  for  the  ordinations  of  the clergy.  We  have  before  said  that  they  were  in all  probability  fixed  at  these  times  from  the solemnity  attaching  to  them,  and  it  is  noticeable that  we  find  no  trace  of  such  a  connexion  earlier than  the  time  of  Gelasius,  who  enjoins  "  ordi- nationes  etiam  presbyterorum  et  diaconorum  nisi certis  temporibus  et  diebus  exercere  non  debent, id  est  quarti.  mensis  jejunio,  septimi  et  decimi, sed  et  etiam  Quadragesimalis  initii  ac  medifina Quadragesimae  die  sabbati  jejunio  circa  vesperam uovcrint  celebrandas "  {Epist.  9  ad  Episcopos Lucaniae  et  Bruttiorum,  c.  11;  Patrol,  lix.  52). It  will  be  observed  that  two  periods  in  Lent  are specified  here,  a  piece  of  evidence  in  favour  of Muratori's  view  that  the  spring  fast  is  Lent  itself. The  Gelasian  Sacramentary  also  furnishes  a form  for  this  ordinance,  which  is  headed,  ''  Ordo qualiter  in  Romana  sedis  apostolicae  ecclesia presbyteri,  diaconi  vel  subdiaconi  eligendi  sint, mensis  i.  iv.  vii.  et  x.  Sabbatorum  die  in  xii. lectionibus  .  .  .  ,"  {Patrol.  Ixxiv.  1069).  Again, the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  enjoins  that  the greater  orders  are  to  be  conferred  only  "in Sabbatis  duodecim  lectionum  per  quatuor  tem- pora"  {Greg.  Sac.  219,  and  cf.  Menard's  note). The  same  order  is  laid  down  in  the  Pontifical  ot Egbert,  archbishop  of  York  from  732-766  A.D. (p.  8,  ed.  Surtees  Society). The  irregularity  as  to  the  time  of  the  Ember seasons  evidently  continued  down  to  a  late  period. Thus  the  plan  laid  down  by  the  council  of  Maintz is  repeated  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  after (1072  A.D.),  by  a  council  of  Rouen  {Concil.  Ro- thom.  can.  9  ;  Labbe  ix.  1227) ;  and  the  fre- quency with  which  conciliar  i-ules  occur  on  the subject  prove  how  unsettled  the  matter  was. (See  e.g.  the  regulations  of  the  council  of  Seli- genstadt  [1022  A.D.,  can.  2  ;  Labbe  ix.  845],  of those  of  Placentia  [1095  A.D.,  can.  14  ;  ib.  x.  504], and  Clermont  [can.  27;  ih.  508],  and  even  of Oxford  [1222  A.D.,  can.  8 ;  *.  xi.  274],  in  the very  last  of  which  we  still  meet  with  the mention  of  Martii  prima  hchdomada.')  The system  followed  in  later  centuries  is  ordinarily referred  to  the  rule  as  laid  down  in  the  councils of  Placentia  and  Clermont. It  may  be  well  very  briefly  to  sum  up  our results.  The  observance  of  the  Ember  seasons is  purely  a  western  institution,  there  being no  certain  trace  of  it  whatever  in  the  eastern church.  It  was  doubtless  at  first  a  rite  merely of  the  local  Roman  church,  whence  it  gradually spread  throughout  the  west,  and  established itself  in  Gaul  and  Spain  by  the  eighth  century, and  in  England  possibly  earlier,  through  its .special  connection  with  Gregory. CHRIST.  ANT, EMBOLISMUS 609 It  IS  perhaps  not  impossible  that  the  dcvelo])- nient  of  the  practice  in  the  Roman  church  mav have  been  something  to  this  ellect.  Fasts  at  the times  of  Lent,  Pentecost,  and  the  Nativity,  are certainly  very  ancient;  the  periods  of  these would  roughly  correspond  with  three  of  the four  seasons,  and  thus  some  bishop  of  Rome,  Leo or  one  of  his  predecessors,  may  have  conceived the  idea  of  making  them  symbolize  the  return  of the  seasons,  and  so  added  the  one  necessary  to complete  the  four.  It  would  soon  come  to  pass then  that  they  would  be  spoken  of  as  originally ordained  with  tHat  view.  The  length  of  each ftist  having  been  more  or  less  settled,  and  the  fasts being  now  moi-e  specially  associated  with  the seasons,  the  spring  and  summer  fasts  would come  more  and  more  to  be  viewed  independently of  Lent  and  Pentecost,  and  hence  they  would  fall occasionally  outside  these  seasons.  Finally,  the inconveniences  arising  from  such  irregularities may  have  caused  the  ultimate  settlement  of  the matter  in  its  present  form. For  the  matter  of  the  foregoing  article,  I  am especially  indebted  to  Muratori's  Dc  iv.  Temparnm jejuniis  disquisitia  (in  his  Anecdota,  vol.  i.  246-266  ; Mediolani  1697);  also  to  Bingham's  Antiquities of  the  Church,  book  xxi.  eh.  2,  and  Binterim's JDenkwiirdigkeiten  der  Christ- Katholischen  Kirche, vol.  V.  part  2,  133  sqq.  Reference  may  also  be made  to  Valfredus,  De  usu  et  insiitutione  jejunii quatuor  temporum,  Bononiae,  1771.  [R.  S.] EMBLEM.    [Symbol.] EMBOLISMUS,  also  EMBOLIS,  EMBO- LUM,  (1)  an  inserted  or  intercalated  prayer ; the  name  given  to  the  prayer  which  in  almost all  ancient  liturgies  follows  the  Lord's  Prayer, founded  on  one  or  both  of  the  two  last  petitions. It  is  so  called  because  it  is  interposed  here,  and I  what  had  been  already  asked  in  the  Lord's Prayer  is  expanded,  and  it  is  more  clearly  ex- pressed what  evils  we  seek  to  be  delivered  from, viz.  past,  present,  and  future,  together  with  the saints  by  whose  intercession  we  strengthen  our prayer,  viz.  the  B.  V.  Mary,  St.  Peter,  St.  Paul, and  St.  Andrew  (Bona,  Picr.  Liturg.  ii.  c.  15  §  2). Amalarius  (A.D.  810)  says  of  it,  "in  consumma- tione  orationis  venit  clausula  universas  petitiones et  preces  nostras  collecta  brevitate  concludens  " (Amalar.  De  Eccl.  Offic.  iii.  29).  The  Km'iolis- mus  was  usually  repeated  by  the  priest  in  a  low voice,  symbolizing  the  silence  during  the  period that  our  Lord  lay  in  the  grave ;  but  in  the  Am- brosian  rite  it  was  always  pronounced  aloud (Maori,  Hierolex.  s.  v.).  This  practice,  which has  left  very  faint  traces  in  the  Western  church, being  reduced  in  the  Roman  and  Ambrosian rites  to  "Libera  nos  quacsumus  Domine  ab omni  malo,"  holds  a  more  important  place  in Oriental  litui-gies.  The  Emb  dismns  is  not,  how- ever, found  in  the  liturgies  of  St.  Chrysostom and  St.  Basil,  but  appears  iu  those  of  St.  James, St.  Mark,  and  Theodore  the  Interpreter,  as  well as  in  the  Armenian,  Mozarabic,  and  Cojitic  St. Basil.  As  examples  of  the  shorter  Emljolismus we  give  that  of  the  church  of  Jerusalem,  "  And Icaii  us  not  into  temptation,  0  Lord,  the  Lord  of Hosts,  who  knowest  our  infirmity  ;  but  deliver us  from  the  Evil  One,  and  his  works,  and  every assault  and  will  of  his,  for  the  sake  of  Thy  Holy name  which  is  called  upon  our  lowliness  "  (As- seniau.  vol.  v.  p.  51),  and  tlie  Svriao  St.  James, 2  R 610 EMBOI.OS "  0  Lord  our  God,  lead  us  not  into  temptation which  we  devoid  of  strength  are  not  able  to bear,  but  also  with  the  temptation  make  a  way of  escape,  that  we  may  be  able  to  bear  it,  and deliver  us  from  evil  through  Jesus  Christ,"  &c. (Kenaud.  vol.  ii.  p.  40). (Neale,  Eastern  Ch'irch,  part  i.  1,  p.  513 ; 2,  pp.  627-B29;  Scudamore,  Notit.  Euchar. p.  572  ;  Binterim,  Denkwiird.  iv.  3,  p.  465 ; Maori,  Hiarolex.  ;  Ducange,  Glossar.  s.  v.)  [E.V.] (2)  Emholisinus  also  designates  the  excess  of the  solar  year  over  twelve  lunar  months,  com- monly called  the  Epact.  See  Durandus,  Ba- tionale,  viii.  10.     (Ducange,  s.  v.).  [C] EMBOLOS.  A  covered  portico  or  cloister ; in  ecclesiastical  language  a  cloister  surrounding the  external  walls  of  a  church,  serving  as  an ambulatory  in  hot,  rainy,  and  dirty  weather,  and also  atfording  a  convenient  passage  for  the  priests and  ministei-s  of  the  church  from  the  bema  and diaconicum  to  the  narthex,  used  at  Constantinople by  the  patriarch  when  he  proceeded  to  wash  feet in  the  narthex.  Codinus  speaks  of  these  cloisters being  vaulted,  and  Goar  of  their  walls  being  orna- mented with  mosaic  pictures.  Such  porticos  ran along  the  N.  and  S.  sides  of  the  church  of  St.  Sophia at  Constantinople  (Ducange,  Constan.  Christian. lib.  iii.  0.  16),  and  surrounded  the  churches  of  St. Michael  at  Anaplus,  and  the  Deipara  at  Jerusalem, on  all  sides  but  the  east  (Procop.  de  Aedific.  lib.  i. c.  8,  lib.  V.  c.  6).  It  was  in  "the  right  emholos" of  St.  Sophia — that  the  summary  of  the  proceed- ings of  the  so-called  eighth  general  council,  that of  Constantinople  in  870,  were  drawn  up  (Labbe, Concil.  viii.  1421).  In  Moschus  (Prat.  Spiritual. §  66  apud  Coteler.  Eccl.  Graec.  Monum.  ii.  390) we  read  of  an  archimandrite  named  Geoi'ge,  who buried  in  "  the  right  emholos"  of  a  church  ho was  erecting,  the  body  of  an  ascetic  who  had appeared  to  him  in  a  dream  and  warned  him where  he  would  find  his  corpse. (Goar,  Eucholog.  p.  627 ;  Allatius,  de  Templis, Epist.  ii.  §  4 ;  Ducange,  Gloss.  Graec).    [E.  V.] EMERENTIANA,  virgin,  martyr  at  Rome  ; commemorated  Jan.  23  (Mart.  Horn.  Vet.,  Bedae, Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EMEEITENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Merida, Council  of.] EMILIANUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Lower  Ar- menia with  Dionysius  and  Sebastian  ;  commemo- rated Feb.  8  (Mart.  Rcnn.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis, Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  in  Numidia,  with  Agapius  and Secundinus,  bishops ;  commemorated  April  29 (Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). (3)  Martyr  at  Dorostorum ;  commemorated July  18  (Aiart.  Usuardi). (4)  Deacon,  martyr  at  Cordova  with  Hiere- niias ;  commemorated  Sept.  17  (Mart.  Usuardi). (5)  Presbyter  and  confessor  in  Tarragona ; commemorated  Nov.  12  (Th.) (6)  Confessor  in  Africa ;  commemorated  Dec. 6  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EMILIUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Africa,  with Castus ;  commemorated  May  22  (Mart.  Rom. Vet.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  Cal.  Garth.). (2)  Martyr  in  Sardinia ;  commemorated  May 28  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). ENCHEIPJON (3)  Martvr  at  Capua ;  commemorated  Oct.  6 (Mart.  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).       [W.  F.  G.] EMITHEEIUS,  martyr  with  Celedonius  at Calagurris  ;  commemorated  March  3  (Mart.  Rom. Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EMPHOTION  ('-Efxtpdriov)  is  one  of  the names  for  the  white  robe  (ava^oKiov)  with  which persons  were  invested  at  baptism.  The  name  is no  doubt  derived  from  the  '"enlightening"  attri- buted to  the  baptismal  ceremony.  See  Baptism, pp.  156,  163.  [C] EMPHYTEUSIS  (^'EpLcpirtvai^),  a  manner of  letting  real  property,  at  first  confined  to  waste lands  requiring  much  outlay  to  bring  them  under cultivation,  but  afterwards  applied  to  any  real property. Emphyteusis  is  a  contract  by  which  the  bene- ficial ownership  of  real  property  (res  immobilis) is  transferred  by  the  proprietor  to  another, either  for  a  term  of  not  less  than  ten  years,  or for  a  life  or  lives,  or  in  perpetuity,  in  considera- tion of  an  annual  payment.  It  differs  from  mere letting  (locatio),  in  that  by  emphyteusis  bene- ficial ownership  is  transferred  for  the  term, while  by  letting  only  the  use  and  enjoyment  of produce  is  transferred;  in  that  its  use  is  confined to  real  property ;  and  in  that  it  cannot  be  for  a less  term  than  "ten  years.  It  diflers  from  feudal tenure  (feodum),  in  that  it  requires  periodical payments,  not  personal  service,  to  be  given  to the  lord  or  proprietor. Emphyteusis  is  either  ecclesiastical  or  lay. Ecclesiastical  emphyteusis  is  a  contract  by  which property  belonging  to  a  church,  monastery,  oi other  religious  foundation,  is  granted.  This differs  from  lay  emphyteusis  [See  Smith's  Dict. OF  Greek  and  Roman  Antiq.  s.  «.]  principally in  that  it  requires  the  assent  of  the  bishop,  and must  clearly  be  for  the  benefit  of  the  church  or foundation  which  grants  it ;  a  provision  no  doubt intended  to  check  the  alienation  of  church  pro- perty by  ecclesiastical  persons.  [Alienation of  Church  Property:  Property  of  the Church.] (Ferraris,  Prompta  BMlotheca,  s.  v.  "  Emphy- teusis.") [C] EMPRESMUS  ('E^7rp7;o-^($j),  the  great  con- flagration ;  commemorated  Sept.  1  (Cal. P-yzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] EMUNITAS.    [Immunities.] ENAFOTA,  ENAFODIA  C  Euv.dcpmrcC). In  the  Liber  Pontijicalis,  we  read  that  pope Paschal  gave  to  a  church  "canistra  enafota  ex argento  duo,  pens.  lib.  x."  two  coronae  of  nine lights,  weighing  ten  pounds.  And  Valentine  II. gave  "canistra  ennafodia  duo  pens.  lib.  xv." Compare  Canister,  Corona,  Exafota.  (Du- cange, s.  V.)  [C] ENCAENIA.    [Dedication-Festival.] ENCHANTMENT.    [Magic] ENCHEIRION  ('Eyxe'V'""),  the  napkin with  which  the  priest  wipes  his  hands,  worn  at the  girdle.  Towards  the  end  of  the  letter  of Nicephorus  of  Constantinople  to  pope  Leo  (in  the Acta  Cone.  Ephes.  p.  313,  ed.  Commelin,  1591), we  read  of  a  stole  and  an  encheirion  em- broidered with  gold.  It  is  described  by  Ger- manus  of  Constantinople  (Tlworiu  Mt/st.  p.  150, ENCOLPION fd.  Pans,  1560)  thus:  "The  encheirion,  which haugs  to  the  girdle,  is  the  napliin  which  wipes his  hauds ;  and  to  have  a  napkin  at  the  girdle  is typical  of  him  who  washed  his  hands  and  said, '  I  am  innocent '  (Matt,  xxvii.  2-):)."  (Suicer's Thesaurus,  s.  v.)  [C] ENCOLPION  ('E7Ko'\7r/oi/,  that  which  is worn  on  the  breast),  the  name  anciently  given to  small  caskets  worn  round  the  necks  of  the faithful,  containing  usually  either  relics  or  a copy  of  the  Gospel^. The  use  of  these  portable  reliquaries  is  of the  highest  antiquity ;  Chrysostom  (  Quod  Chrislus sit  Deus,  p.  571  E,  ed.  Ben.)  speaks  of  particles of  the  true  Cross  being  suspended  from  the necks  both  of  men  and  women,  enclosed  in  gold. In  1571  t\v(i  such  reli'iuarn's,  maae  of  gold, were  found  in  tombs  belonging  to  the  ancient cemetery  of  the  Vatican ;  they  are  square  in form,  and  are  furnished  with  rings  which  indi- cate their  use ;  on  one  side  they  bear  the  mono- gram of  Christ,  between  the  A  and  O.  (see woodcut).  These  probably  date  from  the  4th century. The  pectoral  cross  worn  by  bishops  was  also called    encolpion.      The    oldest    specimen    now existmg  IS  one  which  was  found  not  long  smce upon  the  breast  of  a  corpse  in  the  basilica  of  St. Laurence,  outside  the  walls.  It  came  to  light  in clearing  ths  interior  of  that  church,  and  we  are indebted  to  De  Rossi  for  a  careful  drawing  of  it (Bullet ino,  Apr.  1863).  On  one  side  it  bears  | the  inscription,  Emmanoviia  [Emmanuel]  No- Biscvii    DEVS;    on    the    other,    the    following; ENCYCLICAL  LETTERS        611 words,    addressed    apparently   to    Satan :    Crvx EST    VITA    MlHI    ||   MORS    INIMICE  TIM;    a   cavity closed  by  a  screw  appears  to  bare  been  intended for  relics.  Reliquaries  in  the  form  of  a  cross are  first  mentioned  by  Gregory  the  Great.  He sent  one  of  them  to  queen  Theodelinda  with  a fragment  of  the  true  cross  ;  this  still  exists  at Monza,  and  is  used  by  the  provost  of  the ancient  church  in  that  city  when  he  officiates pontifically.  An  engraving  of  it  may  be  found in  Frisi's  Memorie  della  Chiese  Monzese  (p.  52). Two  amulets  given  to  this  princess  by  the same  pontiff"  for  the  use  of  her  children  are  still preserved  among  the  celebrated  treasures  of Monza,  one  of  which  contains  a  piece  of  the  true cross,  the  other  a  fragment  of  the  Gospels  (Greg. Magn.  Epist.  xiv.  12).  Engravings  of  these  ob- jects are  given  by  Mozzoni  {7'avole  cron.  della stor.  eccl.  vol.  vii.  p.  79).  The  same  volume  of the  same  work  also  contains  (pp.  77  and  84) drawings  of  other  reliquaries  of  the  highest interest — namely,  some  of  the  vases  in  which oil  from  the  sacred  lamps  of  the  tombs  of  the martyrs  had  been  sent  by  Gregory  to  Theodelinda. [Ampulla.] From  the  same  pope  we  also  learn  (Epist.  i. 36  ;  vii.  26)  that  filings  from  St.  Peter's  chains were  sometimes  enclosed  in  small  golden  keys. He  himself  had  sent  one  of  these  consecrated keys  to  Childebert,  king  of  the  Franks,  to wear  hung  from  his  neck  "as  a  protection from  all  evils "  —  "  Claves  sancti  Petri,  in quibus  de  vinculis  catenarum  ejus  inclusum est,  excellentiae  vestrae-  direximus  quae  collo vestro  suspensae  a  malis  vos  omnibus  tueantur  " (Epist.  vi.  6).  An  illustrious  Gaul  named  Dina- mius  also  received,  from  the  same  pontiff,  a small  cross  of  gold,  containing  a  similar  relic (E^nst.  iii.  33) — "  Transmisimus  autem  B.  Petri apostoli  benedictionem  crucem  parvulam,  cui  de catenis  ejus  beneficia  sunt  iuserta."  [EuLOGiAE.] Nicephorus,  patriarch  of  Constantinople  (t  828), speaks  of  an  encolpion  set  in  gold,  one  side  of which  was  formed  of  crystal,  the  other of  enamel  (e/'/corfffjueVrj  5i'  iyKavcredis):, containing  another  encolpion,  in  which fragments  of  the  true  cross  were  ar- ranged in  a  pattern  (ivTervTroofxevai') (Acta  Cone.  Ephes.,  pp.  312,  313,  ed. Commelin,  1591). The  whole  subject  of  these  reliquaries might  receive  abundant  illustration om  the  records  and  the  remains  of mediaeval  antiquity,  were  that  period within  the  scope  of  the  present  work. [See  Amulet.] (Meursius's  Glossarium  and  Suicer's Thesaurus,  s.  v.  iyKoKtrtov  ;  De  la Cerda,  Adversaria  Sacra,  c.  36  §  7 ; Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chr^t.)  [C] ENCYCLICAL  LETTERS ('Ettio-toAoI  eyKvKXioi,  ypafi/xaTa iyKvKKia).  Letters  of  a  circular  na- ture, not  addressed  to  a  particular person  or  community ;  as,  the  Catholic  Epistles (Oecumcnius  on  St.  James  i.).  The  letters  in which  the  members  of  a  council  signified  their conclusions  to  all  the  churches  were  called  en- cyclical ;  and  Nicephorus  Callisti  (Hist.  xvi.  3) speaks  of  the  encyclical  letters  (iyKVK\ia ypdjxixaTo)  which  the  emperor  Basiliscus  wrote against  the  fourth  council  (Chalcedon,  a.d. 2  R  2 612 ENDOWMENT 451),  addressed  to  all  the  bishops  of  the  chui-ch. The  same  writer  (c.  4)  speaks  of  divine  and apostolic  encyclics  {ijKuKXia).  The  circulars  of Basiliscus  just  referred  to  are  styled  by  Evagrius (^ff.E.  iii.  4)  iyKVKXioi  crvWa^ai;  an  encyclical letter  of  Photius  is  mentioned  {ib.  v.  2). It  is  to  be  observed,  that  the  phrase  iyKVKXta ypdij-fiaTa  sometimes  (as  Euseb.  H.E.  vi.  18)  de- notes those  subjects  which  the  Greeks  included in  the  "  circle  of  the  sciences,"  or  cyclopaedia. (Suicer's  Thesaurus,  s.  v.  'EykukAios.)  [C] ENDOWMENT.  The  property  given  by  the foiuider  of  a  church  for  the  maintenance  of  the edifice  and  of  the  clerks  who  served  it  was called  dos  ecclesiae  or  endowment.  Justinian (Xovel  67),  compelled  those  who  built  churches also  to  endow  them  ;  and  without  a  competent provision  for  their  maintenance,  no  clerks  were to  be  ordained  to  any  church  {Cone.  Epaon.,  A.D. 617,  c.  25)  ;  whoever  desired  to  have  a  parish church  (dioecesim)  on  his  estate  was  to  set  apart a  sufficient  landed  endowment  for  its  clerks {Cone.  Aurel.  iv.,  A.D.  541,  c.  33);  a  bishop  was not  to  consecrate  a  church  until  the  endowment of  it  had  been  regularly  secured  by  a  deed  or charter  (Cone.  Bragar.  ii.  [iii.],  A.D.  572,  c.  5) ; founders  of  churches  were  to  understand,  that they  had  no  further  authority  over  property which  they  had  given  to  the  church,  but  that  both the  church  and  its  endowment  were  at  the  dis- position of  the  bishop,  to  be  employed  according to  the  canons  {Cone.  Tolet.  iv.,  a.d.  633,  c.  33).~ In  the  ninth  council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  655,  a special  provision  was  made  (c.  5),  that  a  bishop was  not  to  confer  on  any  monastic  church  which he  might  found  within  his  diocese  more  than  a fiftieth  part  of  the  funds  at  his  disposal ;  nor  on any  non-monastic  church,  or  church  destined  for his  own  burial-place,  more  than  one  hundredth part  of  the  revenues  of  the  diocese. If  one  who  held  a  "  fiscus,"  or  fief,  from  the king,  built  and  endowed  churches,  the  bishop was  desired  to  procure  the  royal  confirmation  of the  gift  {Cone.  Tolet.  iii.,  a.d.  589,  c.  15). See  Alms  ;  Benefice  ;  Churches,  Mainten- ance OF,  p.  388 ;  Property  of  the  Church. During  the  period  with  which  we  are  con- cerned, the  Bishop  [p.  233],  with  the  advice and  assistance  of  his  presbytery,  took  charge  of church  endowments. (Wetzer  and  Welte's  Kirchen  -  lexicon,  s.  v. Dotalgut ;  Ducange,  s.  v.  Dos  Ecclesiae.)      [C] ENERGUMENI.    [Demoniacs.] ENOCH,  the  patriarch,  translation  of;  com- memorated   Ter    27  =  Jan.    22    {Cal.    Ethiop.) ; =  July  19  {Cal  Copt.).  [W.  F.  G.] ENTALMA    ("EvraA^a,    ivraXr-lipia    ypdfj.- IxaTo),  the  document  by  which  a  bishop  confers on  a  monk  the   privilege  of  hearing  confessions '  (Daniel,  Codex,  iv.  588).     The  form  of  such  a letter  is  given  by  Goar,  Eucholog.  p.  300.      [C] ENTHRONIZATION.  1.  The  solemn placing  of  a  bishop  on  his  throne.  See  Bishop, p.  224. 2.  The  word  ivBpovid^eiv  is  also  used  to  desig- nate the  placing  or  "  enthroning  "  of  relics  of  the saints  in  the  altar  of  a  church  on  consecration [Conskckation  of  Churches].  Hence  vahs  eV- 6povta<Tfxevos  designates  a  regularly  consecrated clmrch  and  not  a  mere  oratory.     Thus  Germa- ENTEANCE nus  (in  Daniel's  Codex,  iv.  701)  speaks  of  a church  as  dedicated  in  the  name  of  martyrs  and consecrated  over  (or  by  virtue  of)  their  holy relics  (eV  to7s  ayiois  avrwi/  AeLi^dvois  ivdpovi- affdeTffa). 3.  The  word  iv6povi(riu6s  is  perhaps  sometimes used  to  designate  the  installation  of  a  presbyter in  his  church  (Reiske  on  Constant.  Porphyrog. Be  Caerin.  617).  [C] ENTHUSI ASTAE  .  {ivOovcnaffraX).  Those who  pretended  to  prophesy  by  the  motion  of  an indwelling  daemon  which  they  thought  to  be the  Holy  Spirit  (see  Theodoret,  Hist.  Eccl.  iv. 11;  Suidas,  sub  voce  evdovs;  Bingham,  Aiif.  16, 5,  4). In  A.D.  428  Theodosius  and  Valentinian  or- dained that  these  heretics  (with  many  others) "nusquam  in  Romano  solo  conveniendi  oran- dique  habeant  facultatem."  This  constitution was  inserted  in  the  Theodosian  Code  (16,  5,  25), and  in  that  of  Justinian  (1,  5,  5),  but  with  the reading  (if  it  be  the  correct  one)  "  nusquam in  Romanum  locum  conveniendi  morandique habeant  facultatem."  The  same  exclusion  is decreed  in  general  terms  hj  Justinian  in  his 37th  Novell,  "  nulla  omnino  haeresis  domum  aut locum  orationis  habeto."  [I.  B.] ENTEANCE  (E^o-oSos).  Two  of  the  most remarkable  ceremonies  of  Eastern  liturgies  arc the  Lesser  and  the  Greater  Entrance — that  of the  Word  and  that  of  the  Sacrament. 1.  Tlie  Lesser  Entrance  is  the  bearing  in  of the  book  of  the  gospels  in  solemn  procession. In  the  Liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom  (c.  17,  p.  343, Daniel)  after  the  prayer  of  the  third  antiphon (our  '  Prayer  of  St.  Chrysostom ')  the  rubric runs  :  "  Then  the  priest  and  the  deacon,  standing before  the  Holy  Table,  make  three  genuflections {TTpoffKvu7]ixara):  Then  the  priest,  taking  the Holy  Book  of  the  Gospels  gives  it  to  the  deacon ; and  so,  going  out  by  the  north  side,  with  lights going  before  them,  they  make  the  Lesser  En- trance." That  is,  the  deacon  and  priest  pass from  the  sanctuai-y  into  the  chapel  of  the  pro- thesis,  which  is  to  the  north  of  it,  and  so  out into  the  body  of  the  church,  where,  by  a  devious path,  they  return  to  the  Holy  Doors,  which  are open;  the  volume,  often  decorated  v\ith  great magnificence,  is  laid  on  the  Holy  Table,  whence it  is  again  taken  to  the  ambo  when  the  gospel  is to  be  read. The  rubric  in  St.  Mark's  liturgy  (Dan.  iv.  142) is  simply,  "  Koi  ylyverai  7)  iXao^os  rov  eiiay- yeXlov." This  "  Entrance  "  corresponds  to  the  carrying of  the  gospel  by  the  deacon  to  the  ambo  or  rood- loft  in  the  Western  church,  once  a  rite  of  great importance ;  for  the  book  was  preceded  not  only by  tapers  but  by  a  crucifix  (Durandus,  Ration  de, iv.  24.  16).     Compare  Alleluia,  Gradual. Ill  the  Coptic  St.  Basil,  the  Greater  Entrance precedes  the  Lesser.     See  below. 2.  2he  Greater  Entrance. — This  ceremony  has probably,  like  others,  been  developed  from  simple beginnings  into  very  great  prominence  and  mag- nificence. The  liturgy  of  St.  James  (c.  17,  Daniel  iv.  98) simply  alludes  in  passing  to  the  bringing  in  of •  the  elements  :  "  the  priest  bringing  in  the  Holy Gifts  says  the  following  prayer."  St.  Mark (c.  10,  Dan.  iv.  148)  is  even  more  vague :    "  the ENTRY  INTO  JERUSALEM Holy  Things  (ret  ayta)  are  brought  into  the sanctuary,  and  the  priest  prays  as  follows." Similarly  the  Mozarabic  (Dan.  "i.  67),  "  while the  choir  chunts  Alleluia,  the  priest  offers  p.  e. places  on  the  altar]  the  Host  and  Chalice,  with the  prayers  following."  In  the  Armenian  rite (Dan.  iv.  460)  the  celebrant  lies  prostrate  before the  altar  while  the  Great  Entrance  is  made ;  in this  rite  (anomalously)  the  elements  are  spoken of  as  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  before  conse- cration (Neale,  Last.  C/i.  Int.  428). In  the  much  more  developed  rite  of  Constan- tinople (Lit.  Chnjsost.  Neale,  u.s.  373),  after  the chanting  of  the  Cherubic  Hymn,  the  ceremony proceeds  as  follows.  During  the  previous  part of  the  eucharistic  office,  the  elements  have  re- mained on  the  table  in  the  chapel  of  the  prothesis. At  the  proper  point,  the  deacon  censes  the  altar and  the  sanctuary,  and  then  goes  before  tlie priest  into  the  prothesis.  The  priest  then  lifts the  "aer,"  or  covering,  from  the  chalice  and paten,  and  lays  it  on  the  deacon's  shoulder,  and then  places  upon  it  the  paten,  covered  witii  the Asterisk  and  veil.  The  deacon  takes  hold  of these  with  his  left  hand,  bearing  the  censer  in his  right ;  the  priest  takes  the  chalice  and  fol- lows the  deacon,  and  so,  preceded  by  tapers,  they move  round  to  the  Holy  Doors,  as  in  the  Lesser Entrance.  In  great  churches,  where  there  are dignified  clergy  and  many  attendants,  this  pro- cession is  one  of  great  magnificence.  Where there  is  but  a  single  priest  and  no  deacon,  he bears  the  paten  on  his  shoulder,  supporting  it  by his  left  hand,  and  the  chalice  in  his  right  hand before  his  breast. In  the  Coptic  St.  Basil,  the  Great  Eni>rance  is made  at  the  very  beginning  of  the  liturgy  ;  the directions  for  it  are  very  curious  and  minute. "  The  priest  goes  to  the  Takaddemet  [Prothesis] from  w-hich  he  shall  take  the  lamb  [Elements, p.  600],  looking  attentively  that  there  be  no  flaw- in  it.  ...When  he  hath  all  that  he  needs,  the lamb,  the  wine,  and  the  incense,  ...he  takes the  lamb  in  his  hand  and  wipes  it  lightly,  as Christ  the  Lord  'was  first  washed  with  water before  He  was  presented  to  Simeon*  the  priest ; then  he  shall  bear  it  round  to  the  altar  in  his hands,  as  Simeon  bare  Him  round  the  Temple. At  last  the  priest  shall  lay  it  down  on  the  altar and  shall  place  it  on  the  paten,  which  signifies the  cradle ;  and  shall  cover  it  with  a  linen  cloth, as  the  Virgin  did  at  His  Nativity  "  (Renaudot, L.itt.  Orientt.  i.  186).  A  deacon  seems  to  have borne  the  cruet. Compare  Introit.  [C] ENTRY  INTO  JERUSALEM.  This  event in  our  Lord's  life  is  very  frequently  represented in  the  earlier  art  of  the  Christian  Church,  occur- ring on  some  of  the  first  sarcophagi,  though  not, as  tar  as  the  present  writer  knows,  in  fresco  or mosaic  in  the  catacombs  or  elsewhere,  excepting in  an  ancient  mosaic  of  the  Vatican  (Bianchini Demonstr.  Inst.  Sac.  Saec.  i.  tav.  2,  No.  17),  and one  from  the  basilica  at  Bethlehem,  i-eproduced by  Martiguy  (p.  331)  from  Count  de  Vogue' (Les  Eglises  de  la  Ter're  Ste.  pi.  v.).  The  earliest MS.  representation  of  it  is  probably  that  in  the Rabula  or  Laurentian  Evangeliary.  The  treat- ment is  almost  always  the  same;  the   Lord  is »  There  is  an  evident  confusion  liero  bLtwieii  Simeon and  tlie  high-priest. EPACT 013 mounted  on  the  ass,  sometimes  accompanied  bv her  foal,  and  the  multitude  with  their  palm"- branches  follow,  or  lay  their  garments  before Him  (Aringhi  t.  i.  pp.  277-329;  ii.  p.  159  and passim;  Bottari,  tav.  xxi.).  His  right  hand  is generally  raised   in   the   act   of  blessing.     The From  the  Sarcophagtis  of  Junius  Basstts. multitude  frequently  raise  their  hands  in  thanks- giving. In  one  of  the  oldest  MSS.  of  the  New Testament  in  existence,  the  Gregorian  Evangeliary of  St.  Cuthbert  {Pahieographia  Sacra)  the  Lord  is represented  mounted  on  an  ass,  and  bearing  a large  whip — evidently  with  reference  to  the scourge  of  small  cords  used  in  the  expulsion  of buyers  and  sellers  from  the  temple.  There  is  a certain  variety  in  the  examples  taken  from  dif- ferent carvings.  In  Bottari  (i.  taw.  xvi.  xsii. xxxix.)  Zaccheusis  represented  in  the  "fig  or sycomore  tree "  behind  the  Lord,  as  if  to  call attention  to  the  beginning  of  His  last  journey  at Jericho.  In  the  last  example  the  sycomore  and palm  branches  are  carefully  and  well  cut.  In  i. tav.  40,  garments  are  being  strewn  before  the Lord  (as  in  the  others).  See  also  vol.  ii.  taw.  88, 89 ;  iii.  tav.  133.  In  one  instance,  without Zaccheus,  the  colt  accompanies  the  ass  (iii.  134). The  small  stature  of  Zaccheus  is  often  dwelt  on. Or  the  figure  may  represent  a  person  in  the  act of  cutting  down  branches.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] ENVY— HOW  CENSURED.  Envy  was always  reckoned  a  diabolical  sin,  and  one  of  the first  magnitude  (Chrys.  Horn.  41  in  Matth.; Cyprian,  De  Zelo  et  Livore,  p.  223);  but  there are  no  distinctive  penalties  attached  to  it, inasmuch  as  before  it  could  bring  a  man under  public  discipline,  it  required  to  be  dis- played in  some  outward  and  vicious  action,  which received  its  appropriate  punishment  (Bingham, Ant.  16,  14,  1 ;  Thom.  Aq.  Summa  2,  2,  qn.  36). [I.  B.] EPACT,  eiraKTal,  sc.  rj/ncpai;  Lat.  epactac ; in  Mediaeval  writers,  adjcctiones  Lwiae ;  the number  of  days  required  to  make  up  the  lunar year  to  the  solar: — and  so  the  numeral  of  the moon's  age  on  the  1st  January.  Or  we  may say,  with  Scaliger,  on    the    1st    March,    wiiicii (314 EPAGATUS comes  to  the  same  thing,  and  has  the  advantage of  escaping  the  ambiguity  of  Leap  year.  In  the Easter  canon  of  Dionysius  Exiguus,  the  epact meant  the  numeral  of  the  moon's  age  on  the 22nd  March. The  old  Latin  cycles  of  84  years,  of  which we  have  an  example  in  Ideler,  ii.  249,  indicated Easter  by  means  of  the  epacts  of  the  1st  January, and  the  day  of  the  week  on  which  the  1st January  fell. The  method  of  determining  the  months  (lunar), was  as  follows.  For  tlie  first  month  of  the  year tliat  month  was  taken,  whose  age  was  expressed by  tlie  epact.  The  day  of  December  on  which  it couimenced  is  found  by  subtracting  the  epact (when  more  than  one)  from  thirty-three.  The first  month  was  always  counted  full,  then  hollow and  full  succeeded  by  turns,  so  that  the  last month  in  the  year  in  a  common  lunar  year  was hollow,  in  an  intercalary  year  full.  From  the last  begins  the  new  moon  of  the  following  year. The  Easter  new  moon  being  found,  Easter-day was,  according  to  the  Latin  rules,  that  Sunday which  fell  on  or  next  after  the  16th  of  the moon,  not  therefore  later  than  the  22nd  of  the moon.  The  choice  of  the  ijionth  was  determined thus.  New  moon  must  not  be  earlier  than  the 5th  March,  and  full  moon  not  later  than  the 21st ;  the  first  of  these  rules  sometimes  having to  give  way,  to  save  the  violation  of  the  latter. The  following  rule  is  given  for  the  1st January  epact,  viz.,  multiply  the  Golden  Num- ber by  eleven,  and  divide  the  product  by  thirty, the  remainder  is  the  epact.  But  this  rule  will not  give  the  epacts  mentioned  above,  which were  constructed  as  we  have  just  described — with  a  saltus  lunae,  or  addition  of  twelve  after the  19th  year  of  the  cycle,  &c. For  the  determination  of  Easter  according  to the  Alexandrian  rules,  with  which  the  later Koman  rules  agreed,  see  under  Easter. The  elaboi'ate  system  of  epacts  afterwards devised  by  Lilius,  "and  Clavius,  belongs  to  the system  of  the  Gregorian  calendar.  [L.  H.] EPAGATUS,  martyr  at  Lyons,  under  Marcus Aurelius,  with  Photinus  bishop,  Zacharias  pres- byter, and  others  ;  commemorated  June  2  (Mart. Mieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EPAPHRAS,  bishop  of  Colossae,  and  mar- tyr; commemorated  July  19  {Mart.  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EPAON,  COUNCIL  OF  (Epaonense  con- cilinm),  held  A.D.  517  at  a  town  in  Burgundy, whose  name  is  thought  to  have  been  preserved in  the  modern  village  of  lene  on  the  Rhone.  It was  attended  by  twenty-five  bishops  at  the  joint summons  of  Avitus,  bishop  of  Vienne,  and  Viven- tiolus,  bishop  of  Lyons,  who  presided.  Forty canons  on  discipline  are  given  to  it  in  its  acts ; but  two  more,  called  canons  of  Epaon  by Egbert  of  York,  and  by  Gratian,  are  not  among these.  By  the  4th  of  them,  bishops  priests and  deacons  are  forbidden  to  keep  hawks  or dogs  for  hunting.  By  the  9th,  no  abbot  may preside  over  two  monasteries.  By  the  26th  no altar,  not  of  stone,  may  be  consecrated  with chrism.  By  the  39th  slaves,  taking  sanctuary, that  have  committed  heinous  crimes,  are  only  to be  let  oft'  corporal  punishment.  Most  of  these regulations  had  previously  become  law  else- where (Mansi,  viii.  555  and  seq.).        [E.  S.  Ff.] EPHESUS  (COUNCILS  OF)  i EPARCHIA.    [Province.]  j EPARCHUS,  monk,  confessor  at  Angouleme ;  \ commemorated  July  1  (Mart.  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.] EPARECHIUS,  commemorated  with  Seve- rianus  Oct.  29  {Cal.  Armen.).  [W.  F.  G.] EPENDYTES  (eVerSurris).     The  ependytes,  ; the   "fisher's  coat"  of  St.  Peter  (John  xxi".  7),  ' was  a  kind  of  cloak  used  especially  by  monks, and,  as  the  etymology  would  seem  to  indicate, worn  over  another  garment.  Thus  e.g.  in  the Graeco-Latin  Glossary  cited  by  Ducange  (s.  v. epidecen),  the  Greek  word   is  rendered  Instata  \ (leg.  Instrata  or  Instita)  haec  superarki.  Also Augustine  naturally  enough  speaks  of  eTreVSu/xa as  equivalent  to    superinditmentum    {Qunest.    in  , Jud.  41 ;  iii.  938,  ed.  Gaume).     Suidas  also   ob-  \ serves   this  distinction   (^uTro5vrr)v   -rh    iffooTepoy  i Ifidriou,    eTTevSinriv    Si   Th    iirdvui).     It   is   thus  ' surprising  that  some  should  have    taken   it  to  , mean  an  under-garment,  as  e.  g.  the  Lexicon  of  i Zonaras  (col.  788,  ed.  Tittmanu),  which  defines it  as  rb   iacimpov    ifxaTiov,   hs  koX    viroKaixicfov  \ \fy€Tai.     Athanasius    mentions    this    dress    as  ] worn  by  St.  Antony  (  Vita  S.  Anton.,  c.  46 ;   i.  j 831,  ed.  Bened.),  and  Jerome  refers  to  it  in  the case  of  Hilarion  {Vita  S.  Hilar,  c.  4;  ii.  15,  ed.  I Vallarsi).     It  appears,  at  any  rate  in  the  east,  to  ' have  been  made  of  skins ;  thus  the  fxr]\ci>r-qs  of  ] St.  Antony  is  frequently  mentioned,  and  Jerome  j describes  that  of  Hilarion  as  pelliceus.     For  other  j references  to  the  dress,  see  Pseudo-Athanas.  de Virginitate,  c.  11  (ii.  116),  and  Basil  of  Seleucia, Be' vita  S.  Theclae,  i.  62  (Patrol.  Gr.  Ixxxv. 516).      •  j The  ependytes  would  appear  to  be  the  dress  j worn  by  the  two  figures  (Abdon  and  Sennen,  ; victims  of  the  Decian  persecution)  who  are  being crowned    by  the    Saviour    in    a    fresco    in    the  { cemetery  of  Pontianus,  on  the  Via  Fortuensi.s, near  Rome.     [See  p.  8.]  [R.  S.]  • EPHEMERIS!    [Calendar,  p.  258.]  \ EPHESUS   (Councils  of).— (1)   a.d.   197,  j under  Polycrates  its  bishop,  on  the  Easter  ques-  1 tion.  His  letter  to  Victor  and  the  Roman church  is  in  part  preserved  by  Eusebius  (v.  24),  , shewing  that  it  had  been  customary  there,  down from  the  days  of  St.  John  the  Apostle,  to  keep  \ Easter  day  on  the  14th  of  the  moon  (Mansi,  i.  : 719-24).      The    interest   of    this    fragment   is  j enhanced   from   its    having   been    translated  by  -j Rufinus  and  St.  Jerome.  > (2)  A.D.  245,  otherwise -called  Asiatic,  against  | the  errors  of  Noetus  (Mansi,  i.  789-90).  | (3)  A.D.  431,  the  third  general,  held  in  the  'I church  there  dedicated  to  St.  Mary,  soon  after  \ the  feast  of  Pentecost  in  the  month  of  June,  to sit  in  judgment  on  Nestorius  patriarch  of  Con- stantinople, who  contended  that  while  the  blessed Virgin  might  with  propriety  be  styled  the mother  of  Christ,  she  could  not  and  ought  not  to be  styled  the  mother  of  God  (Theotocus).  In other  words  he  looked  upon  Christ  as  a  com- pound of  two  persons,  as  well  as  two  natures, instead  of  two  natures,  the  Divine  and  Human, hypostatically  joined  together  in  the  single  Per- son of  the  Son  of  God.  The  controversy  on  this point  culminated  in  the  celebrated  lettef  ad- dressed by  St.  Cyril  in  synod  to  Nestorius,  ending with  twelve    anathemas,  to  which  he  is   called EPHESUS  (COUNCILS  OF) upon  to  subscribe  (Mansi,  iv.  1067-84),  and  the twelve  counter  anathemas  which  formed  his  only reply  to  it  {ib.  p.  1099). To  end  the  dispute,  the  emperors  Theodosius the  Youucrer  and  Valentinian  issued  oi'ders  for the  meeting  of  a  general  council,  to  which  the letter  summoning  St.  Cyril  himself  is  still  ex- taut.  It  is  dated  Nov.  19,  A.D.  430,  and  directs him  to  repair  to  Ephesus  by  the  Feast  of  Pente- cost ensuing.  It  forbids  the  introduction  of  any innovation  privately  till  then,  and  directs  that all  the  disputes  that  have  produced  so  much strife  shall  be  there  settled  canouically.  Copies of  this  letter  had  been  sent  to  all  metropolitans. The  council  met  accordmgly  for  its  first  session June  22,  as  is  stated  in  its  sentence  deposing Nestorius  (comp.  Bev.  ii.  103)  which  was  the first  thing  done:  St.  Cyril  heading  the  list  of the  bishops  present,  as  bishop  of  Alexandria  first, and  then  as  vice-gerent  of  the  archbishop  of Rome,  Celestine  :  Juvenal  bishop  of  Jerusalem came  next :  Memnon  of  Ephesus  followed.  About 160  were  there  when  they  commenced :  198  sub- scribed. It  met  for  its  sixth  session,  July  22,  to  publish what  it  had  defined  on  doctrine.  First  it  recited the  Niceue  Creed ;  secondly,  those  passages  from the  fathers  which  had  been  quoted  in  its  first session ;  and  lastly,  its  own  definitive  sentence, that  no  other  profession  of  faith  but  that  of Nicaea  should  be  framed  or  propounded  to  any desirous  of  coming  over  to  the  communion  of the  church  from  Paganism,  Judaism,  or  any heresy  whatsoever.  Bishops  and  clergy  framing or  propounding  any  other  were  deposed,  and  lay- men anathematised.  What  induced  the  council "to  define"  this,  was  a  case  just  then  brought under  its  consideration  by  Charisius,  steward and  priest  of  the  church  of  Philadelphia,  shewing that  two  priests  who  had  come  thither  from Constantinople  had  been  procuring  subscriptions to  a  formula  purporting  to  be  the  doctrine  of the  church,  but  in  many  respects  heterodox. The  council  condemned  all  who  approved  of  it. At  the  seventh  and  last  session,  held  August 31st,  on  the  petition  of  Rheginus,  bishop  of Constantia  in  Cyprus,  and  two  of  his  suffragans, complaining  of  attempts  made  by  the  bishop  of Antioch  to  ordain  in  their  island,  contraiy  to  the •canons  and  established  custom,  a  no  less  stringent rule  was  laid  down  on  discipline ;  "  that  no bishop  may  act  in  any  province  which  has  not always  been  subject  to  him.  .  ."  [Bishop, p.  234:  Diocese.]  In  most  of  the  Greek  col- lections eight  canons  are  attributed  to  this council ;  but  only  seven  by  Photius  and  John Scholasticus,  and  none  at  all  in  the  Latin  col- lections. Beveridge  shews  conclusively  (ii.  104) that  they  were  not  in  fact  published  as  separate canons.  The  first  six,  as  he  points  out,  form part  of  a  synodical  letter  addressed  by  the  council to  all  bishops,  presbyters,  deacons,  and  laymen, on  the  defection  of  John  of  Antioch,  and  were caused  by  it ;  being  directed  against  all  deserters or  despisers  of  the  council,  whether  favourers  of Nestorius,  or  Celestius  the  Pelagian,  and  uphold- ing all  who  had  been  deposed  by  them.  Where this  letter  should  come  in  the  acts  he  omits  to explain.  It  is  placed  by  Mansi  without  com- ment at  the  end  of  them  (iv.  1469-74).  Its proper  place  doubtless  is  at  the  end  of  the  fifth session,  to  the    final    proceedings  of  which  (J,h. EPHESUS  (COUNCILS  OF)      615 1323)  it  is  in  effect  a  corollary.  Then  the business  of  the  sixth  session  led  to  the  "defini- tion," since  termed  improperly  the  seventh canon ;  and  that  of  the  seventh  session  to  the' decree  since  termed  with  less  impropriety  the eighth  canon.  Most  of  the  principal  documents relating  to  this  council  are  to  be  found  in  Mansi, iv.  577  to  the  end,  and  v.  to  p.  1046,  too  nu- merous to  be  specified.  Some  few  more  are supplied  by  Marius  Mercator  Opj).  P.  ii.  (Patrol, xlviii.  p.  699  and  seq.  ed.  Migne)  Cassian  de Incnrn.  {ib.  1.  p.  10  and  seq.)  Soc.  vii.  29-34. Evag.  i.  2-7,  with  Garnier's  five  Diss,  on  Theo- doret  (Patrol.  Ixxxiv.  89-864). (4)  A.D.  440,  under  Basil :  reversing  the appointment  of  Bassianus  to  a  distant  see  by Memnon  his  own  predecessor,  and  giving  him episcopal  honour  and  rank  at  home  (Mansi,  v. 1199-1204). (5)  A.D.  447  under  Dioscorus  of  Alexandria, when  Bassianus  its  bishop  was  deposed  and Stephen  appointed  in  his  room.  The  council  of Chalcedon,  however,  on  considering  their  case, decided  that  neither  had  been  canonically  con- secrated, Oct.  30,  A.D.  451  (Mansi,  vi.  493-4, and  then  vii.  271-94). (6)  A.D.  449,  Aug.  10,  under  Dioscorus  bishop of  Alexandria,  convened  by  the  Emperor  Theo- dosius like  the  last  general  council,  and  held  in the  same  church  of  St.  Mary  where  the  last  had been ;  but  its  acts  having  been  reversed  in  the first  session  of  the  council  of  Chalcedon,  where they  are  recited  at  length,  it  was  designated  the "robbers'  meeting"  {Latrocinalis,  see  the  title to  c.  9,  B.  i.  of  Evagrius)  and  abandoned.  It was  inspired  throughout  by  the  eunuch  Chry- saphius,  who  patronised  Eutyches  and  was  hostile to  Flavian.  There  are  three  letters  from  the emperor  to  Dioscorus  in  reference  to  its  com- position. First  he  was  to  bring  with  him  ten of  his  own  metropolitans,  and  ten  other  bishops distinguished  for  their  learning  and  orthodoxy, but  not  more ;  other's  having  received  their summons  from  the  emperor  himself  similarly. Next  he  was  told  that  Theodoret  had  received orders  not  to  appear  there,  unless  invited  unan- imously by  the  council  when  assembled.  An- other letter  bade  him  admit  the  archimandrite Barsumas  to  sit  in  it  as  representing  all  the eastern  archimandrites.  A  third  letter  assigned him  the  first  place  in  it,  with  the  archbishops of  Jerusalem  and  Caesarea  to  support  him.  St. Leo  was  likewise  summoned  from  Rome,  and  sent three  representatives,  one  of  whom  Julius,  bishop of  Puteoli,  seems  to  have  sat  next  after  Dioscorus. Altogether  128  bishops  were  present,  but  several confessed  to  subscribing  through  others  as  being unable  to  write.  Eutyches  having  been  intro- duced, made  profession  of  his  faith,  and  com- plained of  the  treatment  he  had  received  from Flavian  in  the  council  of  Constantinople  con- demning him.  The  acts  of  this  council,  as  well as  of  the  council  held  five  months  afterwards  to reconsider  its  sentence,  were  read  out  next ;  his acquittal  and  restoration  followed.  Afterwards a  petition  was  received  from  some  monks  of  hif begging  that  his  deposer  might  be  deposed.  On this  the  acts  of  the  sixth  session  of  the  third general  council  were  recited,  and  both  Eusebius of  Dorylaeum  and  Flavian  of  Constantinople deposed,  as  having  contravene<l  tlie  definition respecting  the  creed  that  was  laid  down  there. 616  EPHESUS,  HOLY  GHILDEEN  OF Flavian  who  was  present  said  at  once  that  he appealed  from  their  sentence.  Hihvry,  the deacon  from  Rome,  "contradicted"  it;  others accepted  it  only  through  misapprehension,  as they  affirmed  at  Chalcedon  on  recanting.  Ibas  of Edessa,  Theodoret  of  Cyrus,  Domnus  of  Antioch, and  several  more,  were  similarly  deprived  of their  sees,  as  we  learn  from  Evagrius.  Liberatus adds  (Brev.  12)  that  great  intimidation  was practised  by  the  soldiers  and  monks  present, that  Eusebius  and  Flavian  were  both  given  into custody,  and  that  the  latter  died  of  the  injuries which  he  there  received  (Mansi,  vi.  503-8,  and then  587-936).  [E.  S.  Ff.] EPHESUS,  the  Seven  Holy  Children  of,  or Seven  Sleepers,  are  commemorated  Aug.  4 {Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] EPHORI.    [Bishop,  p.  210.] EPHPHATHA.    [Ears,  Opening  of.] EPHRAEM.    EPHRAIM,   or  EPHREM. (1)  Syrus,  deacon  of  Edessa,  Holy  Father ; commemorated  Ter  7  =  Jan.  2  {Cal.  Ethiop.),  Jan. 28  {Gal.  Bijzant.),  Hamle  15  =  July  9  {Cal. Ethiop.),  Feb.  1  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi)  ;  depo- sition, July  9  {Mart.  Bedae). (2)  Bishop  and  martyr,  a.d.  296 ;  commemo- rated March  7  {Cal.  Byzant.)  ;  one  of  the  martyrs of  the  Chersonesus.  [W.  F.  G.] EPICLESIS  (  'Eiri/cA-rjo-is  )  =  "  invocation," generally  ;  but  specially  the  invocation  of  the Holy  Spirit  to  sanctify  the  elements  displayed on  the  Holy  Table,  occurring  in  Eastern  litur- gies after  the  recitation  of  the  Words  of  Insti- tution, The  evidence  of  Irenaeus  in  the  second,  Fir- milian  in  the  third,  and  of  Cyril  of  Jerusalem and  Basil  in  the  fourth  century,  as  to  the  prac- tice of  the  church  with  regard  to  the  Epiclesis, has  been  already  quoted  [Canon  op  the  Liturgy, p.  269].  To  this  may  be  added  Chrysostom, Horn.  In  Coeincterio  {0pp.  ii.  401,  ed.  Ben.), where  is  described  the  priest  standing  before  the table,  invoking  {KaXuv)  tlie  Holy  Spirit  to  de- scend and  touch  the  elements. Of  the  liturgical  forms,  we  may  take  the  Cle- mentine {Constt.  Apostt.  viii.  12,  §  17)  as  an early  example.  The  priest  beseeches  God  to  send down  His  Holy  Spirit  upon  the  sacrifice,  "  that He  may  declare  [or  make]  *  {airo(privri)  this  bread the  Body  of  Thy  Christ,  and  this  cup  the  Blood of  Thy  Christ,  in  order  that  they  who  partake  of it  may  be  confirmed  in  piety,  obtain  remission  of their  sins,  be  delivered  from  the  devil  and  his deceits,  be  filled  with  the  Holy  Spirit,  be  made worthy  of  Thy  Christ,  obtain  eternal  life,  Thou being  reconciled  unto  them,  0  Lord  Almighty." Compare  the  liturgy  of  St.  James,  c.  32. The  Epiclesis  in  the  Byzantine  liturgy  (Chrys. c.  30;  Daniel,  Codex  Lit.  iv.  359,  360),  after praying  God  to  send  down  the  Holy  Spirit  on  the gifts  and  the  worshippers,  proceeds,  "and  make {iroi-naov)  this  Bread  the  precious  Body  of  Thy Christ,  and  that  which  is  in  this  cup  the  precious Blood  of  Thy  Christ,  changing  them  (uerajSaAcij/) by  Thy  Holy  Spirit." »  Neale  {Telralogia,  p.  xv.)  compares,  for  this  sense  of the  word,  Plato's  Protag.  349  A.  See  also  von  Drey, Ueberdie  Comtit.  Apostol.  p.  110;  and  Hefele,  Beitrage zur  Archdol.  il.  56. EPIGONATION St.  Mark  (c.  17  ;  Dan.  iv.  162)  has  :  "  Scud forth  ....  Thy  Holy  Spirit  upon  us,  and  upon these  loaves,  and  upon  these  cups,  that  He  may sanctify  and  consecrate  (TeAeicoo-??)  them,  as  God Almighty ;  and  may  make  (ttoi^o-t?)  the  bread the  Body  and  the  cup  the  Blood'  of  the  New Covenant,  of  the  very  Lord  and  God  and  Saviour, our  Almighty  King,  Jesus  Christ." Several  of  the  Mozarabic  Post  Secreta  contain similar  invocations  of  the  Holy  Spirit ;  for  in- stance, that  for  the  second  Sunday  after  Epiphany (Neale,  Eastern  Ch.,  Introd.  499)  has  the  follow- ing :  "  We  thy  servants  beseech  Thee,  that  thou wouldest  sanctify  this  oblation  by  the  permixture of  Thy  Holy  Spirit,  and  wouldest  conform  it, with  full  transformation,  to  the  Body  and  Blood of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  that  we  may  merit  to be  cleansed  from  the  pollution  of  our  sins  by this  sacrifice,  whereby  we  know  that  we  were redeemed." "  The  Syrian  churches  postponed  the  oblation until  after  the  Invocation  of  the  Holy  Spirit ; while  in  the  Jerusalem,  Alexandrian,  and  Con- stantinopolitan  offices  it  precedes  that  prayer." (Neale,  v.s.  500.) The  question,  whether  the  consecration  is complete  without  the  Epiclesis,  has  been  much debated  in  modern  times;  but  for  our  purpose  it is  sufficient  to  observe  that  an  Epiclesis  is  uni- versal in  Oriental  liturgies,  and  common  in  litur- gies influenced  by  the  East,  as  the  Mozarabic; while  in  liturgies  of  the  Roman  type  it  is  alto- gether wanting.  [C] EPICTETUS,  and  companions,  martyrs  at Rome,  A.D.  296-;  commemorated  Aug.  22  {Mart. Horn.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EPIGONATION  {iiri-yov6.Twv\  also  -yovi- TLov,  viruyovcLTLov).  This  ornamenc,  peculiar  to the  Eastern  church,  consists  of  a  lozenge-shaped piece  of  some  stiff  material,  hanging  from  the girdle  on  the  right  side  as  low  as  the  knee, whence  its  name.  It  seems  to  have  been  at  first, like  the  maniple  in  the  West,  merely  a  handker- chief, and  it  apparently  continued  in  this  form in  the  patriarchate  of  Antioch,  as  late  as  the 11th  century  (Ducange,  Glossarium,  s.  v.  viroyo- vdriov),  and  in  the  Armenian  church  it  has remained  thus  to  the  present  day  (Neale,  Eastern Church,  Inti-od.  p.  311).  Writers  who  delight in  finding  symbolical  reasons  for  the  use  of vestments,  have  connected  it  either  with  the towel  with  which  our  Lord  girded  Himself,  or more  generally  with  the  sword  and  Christ's victory  over  death ;  in  connection  with  which latter  idea.  Psalm  xlv.  3,  4,  is  repeated  on assuming  this  ornament  {Liturgia  S.  C/iryso- stomi;  Goar,  Euchologion,  pp.  59,  60).  The epigonation  is  properly  part  of  the  episcopal dress,  but  is  allowed  by  the  rubric  in  this  place to  be  worn  by  other  ecclesiastics  of  a  certain rank  .  .  .  .  ei  effTi  TrpwToarvyKeWos  rris  /neydXTjs eKKXriffias  ^  ixXXos  tis  exo^v  a^iSTrjTd  Tiva (Goar,  I.  c,  and  see  his  note,  p.  112;  of.  also  the rule  as  laid  down  at  a  much  later  period  by Symeon  Thessalonicensis  in  the  15th  century, where  the  wearing  of  the  epigonation  by  priests is  spoken  of  as  granted  koto  Stopeav  apxi-^pa.- TiK7]v;  Marriott,  Vesfw/'WOT  Christianum,  p.  171). In  one  form  given  by  Goar  of  the  consecration of  a  bishop  in  the  Greek  church,  we  find  a mention  of  this  ornament  as  given  to  him  imme- EPILEPTICS diately  al'ter  a  deolai-ation  of  his  faith  and  the subsequent  benediction  by  the  presiding  bishop (Gear,  p.  310).  [R.  S.] EPILEPTICS.  The  11th  council  of  Toledo (a.d.  675),  after  mentioning  the  case  of  those possessed  with  demons  [Demoniacs],  who  are excluded  altogether  from  the  service  of  the  altar, speaks  separately  (c.  13)  of  the  case  of  those  who sometimes  fall  to  the  earth  from  bodily  disease, who  are  excluded  from  ministering  until  they  can show  that  they  have  passed  a  whole  year  with- out such  attacks  ;  and  desii-es  (c.  14)  that  per- sons liable  to  such  attacks  should  (if  possible) not  be  left  alone  in  the  performance  of  divine offices.  These  provisions  clearly  refer  to  the case  of  those  who  are  afflicted  with  epilepsy  or (to  use  the  old  English  name)  "  falling  sick- ness." [C] EPIMACHIUS,  martyr  at  Alexandria,  with Alexander  ;  commemorated  Dec.  12  {Mart.  Rom. Vet,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EPIMACHUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome,  with Gordianus,  under  Julian  ;  commemorated  May  10 {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Hleron.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usu- ardi). (2)  Martvr  a.d.  255;  commemorated  Oct.  31 {Cal.  Byzaiit.).  [W.  F.  G.] EPIMANIKION.     [Maniple.] EPIXIKION.    [Sanctcs.] EPIPHANIUS.  (1)  Bishop,  and  martyr  in Africa,  with  Dnnatus  and  thirteen  others;  com- memorated April  6  [Mart.  Hleron.),  April  7 {2Iart.  Usuard'i). (2)  Bishop  of  Salamis  in  Cyprus,  A.D.  402  ; commemorated  May    12   {Mart.   Bedae,   Adonis, Usuardi,  Cat.  Byzant.),  June  17  {Cal.  Armen.). [W.  F.  G.] EPIPHANY,    FESTIVAL    OF    (^    im- <pdi/€ia,  TO  iiri(pdvia,  7]  6eo(pdveLa,  toj  d^ocpdvia; TO.  (paiTa,  T]ixepa  Tci^  (pdiToiv,  to.  ayia.  (paiTa  tSiv iTTiCpaviaiv  ;  ra  (payKpdvia. : — Epiphania,  Theo- phania,  Appurttio,  Manifestaiw,  Acceptio,  festum trium  regum  [magorum,  sapicntuni\,  festum  itel- lae  ;  dies  Inminum  ;  festtim  lavacri  ;  Bethphania, dies  ntitalis  rirtutum  Domini.  The  names  of  this festival  in  European  languages  are  mainly  either (1)  as  in  the  case  of  those  of  Latin  derivation and  others,  mere  reproductions  of  the  Latin name  or  renderings  of  it ;  or  (2)  refer  to  the manifestation  to  the  Magi  as  the  three  kings,  as the  Dutch  Drie-koningen-d'ig,  the  Danish  Hellig- tre-kongersdag,  and  an  equivalent  form  in  Bre- ton ;  also  the  Welsh  Ystu:yll,  if,  as  is  not  impro- bable, it  is  a  corruption  of  the  Latin  stella  ;  or (3)  indicate  it  as  the  final  day  of  the  Christmas festivity,  as  in  the  familiar  English  Twelfth-day, the  old'  German  der  Zxelfte,  Dreizehnde,  or  the Swedish  Trettonde-dagen). 1.  History  of  Festival. — It  has  already  been shown  in  a  previous  article  [Christmas]  that the  festival  of  the  Epiphany  was  originally viewed  in  the  Eastern  church  as  a  commemora- tion of  our  Saviour's  manifestation  to  the  world in  a  wide  sense ;  including,  that  is,  His  Nativity, or  His  manifestation  in  the  flesh,  together  with the  manifestation  of  the  Trinity  at  His  baptism. In  the  Western  church,  on  the  other  hand,  so far  as  the  matter  can  be  traced  back,  the  Nati- vity appears  to  have  been  always  celebrated  as EPIPHANY,  FESTIVAL  OF        017 a  separate  festival,  and  in  their  commemoration of  the  Epiphany  it  is  the  manifestation  to  the Magi  that  is  mostly  dwelt  on :  and  further, Christ's  manifestation  in  yet  another  sense  is associated  with  these.  His  Divine  power  and j  goodness,  as  shown  in  His  miracles ;  primarily I  the  turning  of  water  into  wine  at  Cana  of j  Galilee,  and  sometimes  the  feeding  of  the  five I  thousand.  Thus  there  are,  besides  the  Nativity itself,  three  manifestations  commemorated,  vari- ously dwelt  on  and  variously  combined  in  ditfer- ent  branches  of  the  church. In  the  Eastern  church  till  nearly  the  end  of the  4th  century,  we  find,  as  has  been  said,  a combined  celebration  of  Christ's  Nativity  and Baptism  on  January  6."*  The  date  of  the  sever- ance of  the  two  can  be  approximately  fixed,  for Chrysostom  refers  to  it  as  a  matter  of  merely  a few  years'  standing,  in  a  sermon  probably  de- livered on  the  Christmas  day  of  386  A.D.  How- far  back  we  are  to  refer  the  origin  of  this  two- fold festival  it  is  not  easy  to  determine,  the earliest  mention  of  any  kind  being  the  allusion by  Clement  of  Alexandria  to  the  annual  com- memoration of  Christ's  baptism  by  the  Basili- dians  {Stromdta,  lib.  i.  c.  21).''  At  any  rate  by the  latter  part  of  the  4th  century  the  Epiphany had  become  one  of  the  most  important  and  ven- erable festivals  in  the  Eastern  church. It  may  not  unreasonably  be  assumed  that  the festival  of  the  Epiphany  first  took  its  rise  in  the east  and  then  passed  into  the  west.  This  may be  argued  (1)  from  the  comparatively  very  early date  at  which  we  find  a  trace  of  it  in  the  east ; (2)  from  the  Greek  name  by  which  the  Western church  as  well  as  the  Eastern  knows  it,  while Christmas  is  designated  there  by  a  Latin  name  ; (3)  from  the  nature  of  the  earliest  allusions  to the  existence  of  a  festival  of  the  Epiphany  in  the west.  These  it  mav  be  well  to  state  somewhat fully.<= The  earliest  instance  of  all  is  the  reference  by Ammianus  Marcellinns  to  the  emperor  Julian's visit  when  at  Vienne  in  Gaul  to  a  church,  "  feri- arum  die  quern  celebrantes  mense  Januario Christiani  Epiphania  dictitant "  (lib.  xxi.  c.  2)  ; and  we  find  Zonaras,  apparently  alluding  to  the same  event,  speak  of  it  as  happening  ttjs-  yeve- 6\iov  ScoT^pos  Tifxifjas  e(picr'rr}Kvias  {Amvd.  xiii. 11).  Now  if  it  is  remembered  that  this  took place  in  Gaul,  where  the  church  had  close  affinities with  the  east,  we  are  perhaps  not  claiming  too much  in  assuming  that  the  Galilean  cliurch  at this  time  celebrated  Epiphany  and  Nativity  to- gether on  January  6  ;  and  we  shall  subsequently find  a  confirmation  of  this   view   from   an  ex- "  In  a  passage  in  one  of  the  spurious  sormons  once wrongly  ascribed  to  Chrysostom  is  a  mention  of  ihe  Epi- phany as  celebrated  on  the  13th  dayoftheJth  month, Kara  'K<Tiavo\i<;  ('^pp.  vol.  vii.  App.  p.  275).  it  is  not stated  who  these  Asiatics  were,  but  the  explanation  of the  reckoning  may  probably  be  found  in  a  comparison with  that  given  by  Epipliaiiius  {Ilaer.  11.  24). b  Neander  (Ckurch  History,  \.  3iS,  trans.  Rose)  con- siders it  probable  that  this  Gnostic  sect  derived  tlie  prac- tice from  the  Judaco-Christiaii  churches  in  Palestine. =  Besides  the  instances  given  above,  an  early  allusion  to the  Epiphany  is  found  in  the  Acta  of  Philip,  bishop  of Ileraclea  (in  Kuinarl's  Acta  I'rimnrum  Martyncm),  who suffered  early  in  the  4th  century.  It  would  be  unsafe, however,  to  argue  from  a  passage  in  a  document  itself  of doubtful  date. 618       EPIPHANY,  FESTIVAL  OF amination  of  the  Gallican  liturgy,  where  it  is rather  the  manifestation  at  the  Baptism  than that  to  the  Magi  tliat  is  dwelt  on.  Again  we find  a  mention  of  the  emperor  Valens,  in  the course  of  his  futile  attempt  to  overawe  Basil  of Caesarea,  entering  the  church  in  that  place  with a  great  train  on  the  festival  of  the  Epiphany (Greg.  Naz.  Orat.  xliii.  52).  Another  early allusion  may  be  mentioned  :  Augustine  (Serm.  ccii. §  2 ;  vol.  V.  1328,  ed.  Gaume)  speaks  of  the Donatists  as  refusing  to  join  in  the  celebration of  tha  Epiphany,  "  quia  nee  unitatem  amant, nee  orientali  ecclosiae  .  .  communicant,"  obviously jiointing  to  an  eastern  origin  of  the  festival. We  may  take  this  opportunity  of  remarking  that there  is  no  mention  of  the  i;pi])hany  in  the Calendar  of  Bucherius,  but  in  the  Cal.  Cartha- ginense  we  find  viii.  Id.  Jan.  Sanctum  Epiphania {Patrol,  xiii.  1227). On  these  grounds  we  think  it  probable  that while  on  the  one  hand  the  Eastern  church,  at first  commemorating  Nativity  and  Epiphany  as one  festival,  afterwards  in  compliance  with western,  or  perhaps,  more  strictly  speaking, Roman,  usage,  fixed  the  former  on  a  separate day  ;  so  too,  the  Western  church,  at  first  cele- brating the  Nativity  alone,  afterwards  brought in  from  the  east  the  further  commemoration  of the  Epiphany,  but  with  the  special  reference somewhat  altered.  For  the  early  history  of  the Epiphany  in  the  Eastern  church,  and  the  gradual severance  from  it  of  the  Nativity,  we  must  again refer  to  the  discussion  already  given  [Christ- mas], and  it  may  now  be  desirable  briefly  to review  further  historical  notices,  arranging  them according  to  the  special  manifestation  of  Christ to  which  they  mainly  refer. a.  Manifestation  at  the  Baptism. — This  mani- festation of  our  Saviour  as  Messiah  and  as  God  is the  prevailing  idea  dwelt  upon  throughout  the Eastern  church,  though  in  the  Western  church as  a  rule  this  commemoration  has  been  quite secondary  to  the  manifestation  to  the  Magi. References  are  continually  met  with  in  the  writ- ings of  Chrysostom  and  others  of  and  after  his time  to  this  idea  of  the  festival.  Thus  Chry- sostom, in  a  homily  apparently  delivered  on December  20,  386  A.D.,  and  therefore  after  the western  plan  of  celebrating  Christmas  separately had  been  introduced,  speaks  of  the  Nativity  as in  a  certain  sense  the  parent  of  all  the  other great  festivals,  for,  to  take  the  case  of  the  Epi- phany, had  He  not  been  born — ovk  Uv  ifiaiTriadT], '6'Kep  icrrl  TO.  6eo<pdi'ta  (Hoia.  G  iii  B.  Pliilo- gonium,  c.  3 ;  i.  497,  ed.  Montfliucon).  So  also in  a  homily  probably  delivered  on  the  following Epiphany,  387  A.D.  {Horn,  de  Baptismo  Christi, c.  2  ;  ii.  369).  In  another  place  {Horn,  de  Sancta Bcntecoste.,  c.  1 ;  ii.  458)  he  says,  rolvvv  Trap' ■fjuTi/  ioprr]  TTpwrt)  {i.e.  in  the  order  of  the  year) ra  'T^wKpavia,  where  Montfaucon  {Monitum  in Horn.)  gives  the  probable  explanation  that  Chry- sostom is  speaking  according  to  the  old  fashioned way.  Reference  may  also  be  made  to  an  oration of  Gregory  of  Nazianzum,  spoken  apparently  on the  Epiphany  of  381  A.D.  {Oratio  39  in  Sancta Lumiiia,  c.  1 ;  i.  677,  ed.  Bened.),  and  to  one  of Gregory  of  Nyssa  {Orat.  in  Bapt.  Christi,  iii.  577  ; ed.  Migne). From  this  view  of  the  Epiphany  it  naturally became  one  of  the  three  great  seasons  for  bap- tism, and  on  this  day  was  the  solemn  consecra- EPIPHANY,  FESTIVAL  OF tion  of  water  for  the  rite  {infra).  Hence  the origin  of  the  names  for  the  day,  to,  (piiira,  7jfj.f pa tSov  (pwToov,  referring  to  the  spiritual  illumina- tion of  baptism.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  to explain  the  name  by  a  reference  to  the  free  em- ployment of  lighted  candles  in  the  solemnities  of the  day  in  the  Greek  church,  is  a  simple  inver- sion of  cause  and  effect.  For  the  strange  mis- take of  some  writers  who  have  supposed  that "the  day  of  lights"  is  to  be  interpreted  of Candlemas  day,  see  Suicer's  Thesaurus  (s.  v. (pais,  §  12)  and  Bingham's  Antiquities  (xx.  4,  7). In  the  west  also,  this  manifestation  of  Christ, though  not  the  one  most  dwelt  on,  is  still  oc- casionally referred  to,  as  by  Maximus  Taurinensis {ffom.  22,  23,  29,  32,  33,  &c.,  where  see  the  pre- fatory remarks  in  the  Roman  edition),  and  Jerome, "quintam  autem  diem  mensis  adjungit,  ut  sig- nificet  baptisma,  in  quo  aperti  sunt  Christo  caeli, et  Epiphaniorum  dies  hucusque  venerabilis  est, non  ut  quidam  putant,  Natalis  in  carne,  tunc enim  absconditus  est  et  non  apparuit"  {Horn, ill  Ezech.,  lib.  i.  c.  1,  v.  3 ;  v.  6,  ed.  Vallarsi). To  the  allusions  in  the  Gallican  liturgy  already mentioned  we  shall  again  refer,  and  it  will  be remembered  that  our  own  church  makes  the Baptism  of  our  Lord  the  subject  for  the  second lesson  on  the  evening  of  the  Epiphany. Further,  the  association  of  this  day  with  the administration  of  baptism  occurred  also  in  the west,  for  we  find  Himerius,  a  bishop  of  Tarraco, in  Spain,  complaining  to  pope  Damasus  (ob.  384 A.D.)  of  the  practice  of  baptizing  on  the  Epi- phany ;  and  the  latter  having  died,  his  successor, Siricius  (ob.  389  A.D.),  enters  his  prohibition against  it  and  restricts  baptism  as  a  rule  to Easter  and  Pentecost  {Epist.  i.  ad  Himerium Tarraconensem  Episcopnm,  c.  2 ;  Patrol,  xiii. 1134);  and  somewhat  later,  Leo  I.  speaks  of  it as  "  irraiionabilis  novitas  "  {Epist.  16,  ad  Siciliae episcopos,  c.  1 ;  i.  715,  ed.  Ballerini).  The  same prohibition  was  laid  down  at  a  still  later  period (517  A.D.)  by  the  Spanish  council  of  Gerunda (can.  4 ;  Labbe  iv.  1568).  See  also  Codex vetcrum  can.  Eccl.  Hispanae,  lib.  iv.,  tit.  26  in Cajetan  Cenni's  De  antiqua  Eccl.  IJisp.  i.,  xcviii., where  reference  is  made  to  Leo's  injunctions. Further,  Victor  Vitensis  alludes  to  this  as  the practice  in  the  African  church  {de  persecutime Vandalica,  lib.  ii.  c.  17  ;  Patrol.  Iviii.  216).  See also  Pamelius's  note  to  Tertullian  de  Baptismo, c.  19. /8.  Manifestation  to  the  Magi. — It  has  been  on this  idea  that  the  Western  church  has  specially dwelt,  with  the  exceptions  mentioned  above  ;  but even  in  these,  save  perhaps  in  the  Gallican liturgy,  the  manifestations  at  the  Baptism  and at  Cana  of  Galilee  are  brought  in  as  subsidiary to  the  main  topic.  Hence  has  arisen  one  com- mon western  name  for  the  day,  festum  trium reguin,  in  accordance  with  the  legend  by  which the  wise  Magi  of  the  east  became  exalted  into kings  and  their  number  restricted  to  three.  We shall  speak  briefly  hereafter  of  the  origin  and growth  of  this  wide-spread  legend  (below,  §  3). We  have  numerous  homilies  of  the  Latin  fathers, dwelling  mainly,  or  exclusively  (as  e.  g.  eight  by Leo  I.),  on  this  aspect  of  the  day. y.  Manifestation  at  the  Marriage  in  Cana  of Galilee. — The  manifestation  of  Christ's  Divine power  by  His  first  miracle  of  turning  the  water into  wine  is  not  uufrequently  dwelt  on  in  docu- EPIPHANY,  FESTIVAL  OF nionts  of  thi.-  Western  church.  Thus  Maximus Taurinensis,  to  whom  we  have  already  referred, associates  this  with  the  two  previous  manifesta- tious.  See  e.  g.  Horn.  29,  "  ferunt  enim  hodie Christum  Domiuum  nostrum  vel  stella  duce  a geutibus  adoratuni,  vel  invitatum  ad  nuptias aquas  in  vino  vertisse,  vel  suscepto  a  Joanne baptismate  consecrasse  fluenta  Jordanis."  Hence he  speaks  of  the  day  as  virtulum  {Domini)  natatis. From  this  cause  comes  the  later  name  Bethphania (see  Ducange,  s.  v.).  Cf.  also  Gregory  of  Tours {je  iniracidis  3.  Martini,  ii.  '2'3). We  find  in  the  Eastern  church  too  traces  of an  association  of  the  miracle  at  Cana  with  this ■  season,  for  Epiphanius  (Haeresis  li.  c.  30;  i. 451,  ed.  Petavius)  speaks  of  it  as  happening about  Tybi  11  (=  Jan.  6),  and  adds,  doubtlessly in  perfect  good  faith,  that  sundry  fountains  and rivers  {e.g.  the  Nile)  were  changed  into  wine  on the  anniversary  of  the  miracle. S.  Manifestation  at  the  Feeding  of  the  Five Thousand. — Less  frequently  met  with  than  any  of the  preceding  is  the  commemoration  of  the  above act  of  miraculous  feeding,  which  may  be  speci- ally associated  with  the  one  prec^eding.  Under this  point  of  view  the  day  was  known  as  (payi- (pdvia.  We  have  mentioned  below  a  reference to  this  in  the  Galilean  use. The  first  three  of  these  manifestations  are  all referred  to  by  Isidore  of  Seville  (de  off.  eccl.  ii. 26),  and  the  Ord'j  Rotnanus  also  adds  the  fourth. We  may  also  mention  here  a  passage  in  a  sermon once  attributed  to  Augustine,  but  palpably  not his,  in.  which  all  the  four  manifestations  are alluded  to  (Serm.  136  in  Append. ;  v.  2702,  ed. Gaume). For  the  special  association  of  the  festival  of the  Innocents  with  that  of  the  Epiphany  refer- ence may  be  made  to  the  article  on  the  former. Before  we  proceed  to  speak  briefly  of  the various  liturgical  forms  for  this  day,  we  may  re- mark that  it  was  usual  to  give  notice  on  the Epiphany  of  the  day  on  which  the  Easter  of  the ensuing  year  would  fall.  Letters  were  sent  about this  time  by  metropolitans  to  their  provincial bishops  (epistolae  Faschales,  heortasticae),  in which  at  the  end  of  a  discourse  of  a  more  general kind  was  given  the  requisite  information.  An allusion  to  the  existence  of  this  practice  in  Egypt is  found  in  Cassian,  "Intra  Aegypti  regionem mos  iste  antiqua  traditione  servatur,  ut  peracto Epiphaniorum  die  .  .  .  epistolae  pontificis  Alex- andrini  per  universas  dirigantur  ecclesias,  qui- bus  initium  Quadragesimae  et  dies  Paschae  .  .  . significentur "  {Coll.  x.  2  ;  Patrol,  xlix.  820). Instances  of  such  letters  are  those  by  Dionysius of  Alexandria  (referred  to  by  Eusebius,  Hist. Eccles.  vii.  20),  Athanasius  (fragments  of  whose once  numerous  series  were  first  brought  to  light in  a  Syriac  version  by  Mai,  Nova  Bibliotheca Fatrum,  vi.  1-168),  Theophilus  of  Alexandria (three  of  which  were  translated  into  Latin  by Jerome,  and  are  included  among  his  works,  Epp. 96,  98,  100,  ed.  Migne),  and  Cyril,  no  less  than thirty  of  whose  are  still  extant  (vol.  v.  part  2, ed.  Aubert) ;  and  besides  these  purely  Egyptian examples  may  be  further  cited  those  of  Innocent  I. (Ajo.  14  de  ratione  Faschali ;  Patrol,  xx.  517), and  Leo  I.  {Ep.  138  ad  epi^copos  Gall,  et  Hispan. \.  1283,  ed.  Ballerini).  We  find  traces  of  the custom  as  existing  in  Spain,  but  there  the  notice was  to  be  given  on  Christmas  day,  according  to EPIPHANY,  FESTIVAL  OF      619 the  thinl  council  of  Braga,  578  A.D.  (Conc.Bracar. iii.  can.  9  ;  Labbe  v.  898). This  duty  is  insisted  on  by  several  early  coun- cils (e.  g.  Cone.  Arelat.  i.  can.  1  ;  Cone.  Carth. iii.  cann.  1,  41 ;  Cone.  Carth.  v.  can.  7  ;  Labbe, i.  1427  ;  ii.  1167,  1173,  1216),  and  we  cite  espe- cially the  fourth  council  of  Orleans  (541  A.D.), which  after  enjoining  that  Easter  is  to  be  kept uniformly  according  to  the  Paschal  table  of  Vic- torius,  adds  "  quae  festivitas  annis  singulis  ab episcopo  Epiphaniorum  die  in  ecclesia  populis deuuntietur "  {Cone.  Aarel.  iv.  can.  1 ;  Labbe, V.  381.  See  also  Cone.  Aniissiod.  [578  a.d.], can.  2,  op.  cit.  957).  The  form  of  the  announce- ment as  given  in  the  Ambrosiau  liturgy,  under the  Epiphany,  runs  thus :  "  Noverit  charitas vestra,  Iratres  charissimi,  quod  annuente  Dei  et Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi  misericordia,  die  tali mensis  talis  Pascha  Domini  celebrabimus  "  (Pam- elius,  Litnrgg.  Latt.  ii.  314). 2.  Liturgical  Notices. — It  need  hardly  be  said that  the  festival  of  the  Epiphany  is  recognised  in some  form  or  other  in  all  liturgies  both  of  the west  and  the  east.  The  earliest  form  of  the Roman  liturgy,  the  Leonine,  is  defective  for  this part  of  the  yeai-,  but  it  cannot  be  doubted  that a  service  for  the  Epiphany  entered  into  it ;  the more  so  that  no  less  than  eight  homilies  for  this festival  are  found  in  the  works  of  Leo.  In  the next  form,  the  Gelasian,  we  find  a  mass  both  for the  festival  of  the  Epiphany  'itself,  and  for  the vigil.  Throughout  the  service  for  both  days the  only  Manifestation  of  our  Lord  referred  to  is that  to  the  Magi  {Patrol.  Ixxiv.  1062). In  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  we  find  the further  addition  of  a  form  for  the  Octave,  though it  should  be  added  that  both  this  and  that  for the  vigil  are  wanting  in  some  MSS.,  as  the  Codex Rodradi  (Greg.  Sac.  15),  and  the  same  remark is  true  for  the  Liber  Antiphonarius  {ib.  660). In  this  last-named  book  the  seventy-second  psalm is  largely  used,  and  very  probably  the  poetic imagery  of  this  psalm  suggested  the  special  form of  the  legend  of  the  feduin  trium  regum  (Ps. Ixxii.  10).  In  this  Sacramentary  also,  from which,  it  may  be  remarked,  the  collect  for  the day  in  our  own  prayer-book  is  derived,  the  re- ference is  solely  to  the  manifestation  to  the  Magi ; except  in  the  solemn  eucharistic  benediction, where  a  mention  of  the  manifestation  both  at the  baptism  and  at  the  marriage  in  Cana  of Galilee  is  added,  "  .  .  .  .  qui  super  Unigenitum suum  Spiritum  Sanctum  demonstrare  voluit  per columbam,  eaque  virtute  mentes  vestrae  exer- ceantur  ad  intelligenda  divinae  Legis  arcana, qua  in  Cana  Galilaeae  lympha  est  in  vinum  con- versa  "  {ih.  16),  and  see  also  the  Liber  Respon- s  ill's  {ib.  751).  The  Ordo  Romanus  prescribes three  lections  for  the  vigil  from  the  prophet Isaiah  (Iv.,  Ix.,  Ixi.  10-lxiv.  4),  as  well  as  some homilies.     ^ The  Ambrosian  liturgy  contains  forms  for  the vigil  and  the  festival;  the  manifestation  to  the Magi  is  the  only  one  dwelt  on,  except  in  the prefaces  for  the  two  days,  in  the  former  of  which the  three  manifestations  are  alluded  to,  and  the latter  of  which  refers  solely  to  the  baptism, mentioning  also  the  solemn  consecration  of  the water  ;  "  susceperunt  hodie  fontes  benedictionem tuam  et  abstulerunt  maJedictiouem  nostrum" {Missa  Ainbros.  in  Pamelius'  LiLurgg.  Lait.  i. 315). f520      EPIPHANY,  FESTIVAL  OF We  may  refer  next  to  the  liturgies  of  the  old Galilean  church,  and  here  as  before  we  find  a recognition  of  the  festival  and  its  vigil.  In  the ancient  lectionary  published  by  Mabillon  {dc Lihirgia  Gallicana,  lib.  ii.  pp.  116,  117),  the lection  for  the  vigil  introduces  the  reference  to the  Magi,  while  on  the  day  itself  the  prophetical lection,  the  epistle,  and  the  gospel,  are  respec- tively Isaiah  Is.  1-16;  Titus  i.  11-ii.  7;  Matt, iii.  13-17  ;  Luke  iii.  23;  John  ii.  1-11,  where  it will  be  seen  that  the  gospel  is  compounded  of passages  from  three  of  the  evangelists  (as  on Good  Friday  it  is  compounded  of  all  the  four), dwelling  on  the  baptism  and  the  miracle  at Cana  of  Galilee.  In  the  so-called  Gothico-Gallic Jlissal,  we  first  meet  with  a  number  of  different prefiices  and  collects  for  the  vigil  in  which  all the  three  manifestations  are  referi'ed  to,  but  that to  the  Magi  most  frequently,  and  also  the  mani- festation of  the  Divine  power  in  the  miraculous feeding  of  the  five  thousand  (lib.  iii.  pp.  207  sqq.). In  the  actual  masses  given  for  the  vigil  and  the festival,  we  find  that  in  the  case  of  the  former the  baptism  is  referred  to  in  the  preface  and  the EPIPHANY,  FESTIVAL  OF acceptio,  an  obvious  reference  to  Christ's  accept- ance of  the  first  fruits  of  the  Gentiles.  We  may take  this  opportunity  of  remarking  that  in  Spain the  Visigoth  law  enjoined  a  total  cessation  of legal  business  on  this  festival  {Codex  leg.  Wisi- goth.  lib.  ii.  tit.  1,  lex  11  ;  lib.  xii.  tit.  3,  lex  6  : in  Hisparda  Ulustrata,  iii.  863,  1004;  ed.  Frank- fort, 1606.  See  also  Cod.  Justin,  lib.  iii.  tit.  12, lex  7),  and  the  Code  of  Theodosius  forbade  the public  games  on  this  day  (^Cod.  Theodos.  lib.  xv. tit.  5,  lex  5  [where  there  is  an  allusion  to  Christ's .baptism],  v.  353,  ed.  Gothofredus,  whose  note  see in  foe).  It  may  be  added  that  the  Apostolic Constitutions  (viii.  33)  enjoins  upon  masters  the duty  of  giving  their  servants  rest  on  the  Epi- phany, in  memory  of  the  great  events  comme- morated. For  additional  remarks  as  to  the  vigil of  the  Epiphany,  reference  may  be  made  to  those on  the  vigil  of  the  Nativity.     [Christmas.] The  practice  of  the  Greek  church  of  making the  Epiphany  one  of  the  solemn  seasons  for  bap- tism and  of  the  holding  a  special  consecration  of the  water  has  been  already  referred  to.  The prophetical   lection,  epistle,  and  gospel  for  this collect,  the  miracle  of  Cana  in  the  preface,  and  I  latter  rite  are  respectively  Isaiah  xxxv.,  Iv., the  manifestation  to  the  Magi  in  the  colkctio  ad  3-6  ;  1  Cor.  x.  1-4,  Mark  i.  9-11  (Goar,  Eucho- pacem,  while  the  benediction,  as  in  the  Gi'egorian  logion,  pp.  453  sqq.,  and  see  his  remarks,  p.  467)  ; Sacramentary,  embraces  all  three.  In  the  latter,  the- epistle  and  gospel  at  the  liturgy  are  respec- the  baptism   forms  the    special    subject  of  the    tively  Titus    ii.   11-14,   iii.   4—7,  and  Matt.  iii. coUectio  ad  pacem  and  the  contestation  the  miracle of  Cana  that  of  the  colledio  post  nomina,  and  the manifestation  to  the  Magi  that  of  two  other prayers;  while  in  the  benediction,  besides  the manifestation  at  the  baptism  and  at  Cana,  that at  the  feeding  of  the  five  thousand  is  also  re- ferred to.  The  same  blending  of  refei-ences characterizes  also  the  Galilean  Sacramentary edited  by  Muratori  {Patrol.  Ixxii.  471). We  pass  on  next  to  the  Mozarabic  or  Spanish Missal.  Here,  as  well  as  in  the  Breviary,  we rtnd  a  mention  fii-st  of  a  Sunday  before  Epiphany, and  next  comes  a  mass  "in  jejunio  Epiphaniae," that  is  a  fast  for  January  3-5,  a  relic  doubtless of  the  earlier  state  of  things  when  the  subse- quent festival  of  the  Circumcision  was  observed as  a  fast.d    [Circumcision.] 13-17. We  find  this  practice  of  consecrating  the  water, which  was  done  at  night,  alluded  to  by  Chry- sostom  (supra,  ii.  369),  who  speaks  of  people taking  home  with  them  some  of  the  consecrated water,  and  of  their  finding  it  to  keep  good  for  a year,  or  even  three  years.  This  nocturnai  cere- mony of  consecrating  the  water  is  referred  by Theodorus  Lector  to  Peter  Gnapheus,  who  ap- pointed rrjv  inl  raiv  vSaToiy  iv  -rots  OiocpavioLS iv  rfi  eairipa,  yiveaOai  (lib.  ii.  p.  566  ;  ed.  Va- lesius ;  and  see  also  Cedrenus,  Hist.  Coinp.  i.  530, ed.  Bekker  ;  and  Nicephorus  Callist.,  Hist.  Eccles. XV.  28 ;  ii.  634,  ed.  Ducaeus).  It  is  however justly  remarked  by  Valesius  {not.  in  Ivc.  p.  169) and  Goar  {Euchotogion,  p.  467),  that  since  we find  Chrysostom  at  an  earlier  period  alludins;  to For  the  Sunday  referred  to,  the  prophetical  •  this  practice  as  a  familiar  one,  all  that  Peter lection,  epistle,  and  gospel  are  respectively  Isaiah  i  Gnapheus  can  haA'e  done  must  have  been  to xlix.  1-7,  Heb.  vi.  13-vii.  3,  John  i.  1-18;  and  '  transfer  the  consecration  from  midnight  to  even- for  the  following  fast  are  Ecclesiasticus  iv.  23-34,  i  ing.  (For  remarks  on  the  ceremony  at  a  later Numbers  xxiv.-xxvi.  with  omissions,  1  Cor.  xv.  |  period,  see  Georgius  Codinus,  de  off.  c.  viii.  [cf. 33-50,  John  i.  18-34  (p.  58,  ed.  Leslie).  c.  vi.],  and  refer  to  Gretser's  and  Goar's  observil- The  mass  for  the  festival  itself  is  headed  In  I  tions,  pp.  303  sqq.  ed.  Bekker.  See  also  Neale, Apparitione  seu  Ejnphania  Domini  nostri  Jesu  j  Eastern  Church,  Introd.  p.  754,  for  remarks  as  to Christi,  the  title  in  the  Breviary  being  Tn  fesio    the  superstitious  ideas  connected  with  this  water Apparitionis  Domini.  The  prophetical  lection, epistle,  and  gospel  are  Isaiah  Ix.  1-20  (with omissions),  Galatians  iii.  27-iv.  7,  Matt.  ii.  In the  prayers,  &c.,  there  are  passing  allusions  to the  baptism  (as  in  the  Officium,  Rom.  vi.  3)  and the  miracle  in  Cana  of  Galilee,  buf^  as  in  the various  Roman  liturgies,  it  is  the  manifestation to  the  Magi  that  is  mainly  referred  to.  In  one passage  of  the  mass  (p.  63),  as  well  as  in  the Breviary,  is  an  allusion  to  a  name  of  the  festival evidently  in  use  among  the  Visigoths  in  Spain, d  For  an  earlier  allusion  to  the  festival  of  Epiphany  in the  Spanish  church  reference  may  be  made  to  a  canon  of a  council  of  Saragossa  (381  a.d.)  evidently  aimed  at  the Priscillianist  practice  of  fasting  at  the  Lord's  Nativity ^Concil.  Cms.  Aug.  can.  4,  Labbe  ii.  1010). Russia  at  the  present  day.) Gregory  of  Tours  mentions  that  on  this  day those  who  lived  near  the  Jordan  bathed  in  the river  in  memory  of  Christ's  baptism  and  of  their cleansing  through  him  {De  gloria  martyrum,  i. 88). Two  miscellaneous  notices  may  be  added  here as  illustrative  of  the  ideas  with  which  the  fes- tival was  viewed.  Chrysostom  censures  those who  communicating  on  the  Epiphany  did  so  be- cause it  was  the  custom  rather  than  after  due reflection  {Horn.  iii.  in  Eph.  ;  xi.  25,  ed.  Gaume); and  we  learn  from  a  decree  of  Gelasius  that  the dedication  of  virgins  took  place  especially  on  this day  {Epist.  9  ad  episc.  Zucaniae,  c.  12;  Patrol. lix.  52). I      3.  Legend  of  the   Three  Kings. — We   have  al- EPIPHANY,  FESTIVAL  OF ready  alluded  in  passing  to  the  title  otfestum  tri- um  reguin  given  in  the  Western  church  to  the  fes- tival of  the  Epiphany,  viewed  as  a  commemora- tion of  the  visit  of  the  three  Magi  to  the  infant Saviour.  Whence  then  has  tradition  invested them  with  royalty,  and  why  has  their  number been  fixed  as  three?  The  idea  that  the  Magi Avere  kings,  probably  first  suggested  by  an  arbi- trary interpretation  of  Psalm  Ixxii.  10  and  simi- lar passages,  v/as  early  believed  in.  Thus  Ter- tullian,  after  alluding  to  the  above-mentioned psalm,  adds :  "  Nam  et  Magos  reges  fere  habuit Oriens  "  (arfu.  Judaeos,  c.  9),  though  curiously enough  the  apocryphal  Gospel  of  the  Infancy, which  gives  a  somewhat  lengthy  account  of the  visit  of  the  Magi,  is  silent  as  to  this  point. The  number  three  is  not  improbably  due  to  the number  of  the  recorded  gifts,  though  early  pa- tristic writers  have  thought  it  to  symbolise other  special  reasons.  Thus  some  believed  that under  this  number  was  implied  the  doctrine  of the  Trinity,  and  others  saw  in  it  an  allusion  to the  threefold  division  of  the  human  race,  an  idea which  is  also  referred  to  in  sundry  e.arly  repre- sentations of  the  Magi.  See  e.g.  Bede's  Collec- tanea, if  indeed  the  work  is  really  his,  where this  point  seems  referred  to  {Patrol,  xciv.  541). Not  only  did  early  tradition  fix  the  number  of the  Magi,  but  it  also  assigned  them  names. These  are  variously  given,  but  the  generally  re- ceived forms  are  Caspar,  Melchior,  Baltazar, which  are  apparently  first  met  with  in  the  pas- sage of  Bede  referred  to  above.  These  names point,  Mr.  King  thinks,  to  a  Mithraic  origin,  from the  apparent  reference  in  their  etymology  to  the sun  {Gnostics  and  their  Remaim,  pp.  50,  133). Merely  to  fix  the  names,  however,  was  not sufficient,  and  accordingly  we  find  that  bodies, firmly  believed  at  the  time  to  be  those  of  the Magi,  were  brought  by  the  empress  Helena  to Constantinople,  where  the}^  were  received  with great  honours.  These  remains  were  subsequently transferred  to  Milan  through  the  influence  of Eustorgius,  bishop  of  that  see;  and  in  1162  A.D. they  were  again  removed  by  the  emperor  Fre- derick Barbarossa  to  Cologne,  where  they  still remain,  and  hence  has  arisen  the  appellation  by which  they  are  so  commonly  known,  the  Three Kings  of  Cologne.  A  further  discussion  of  this legend  is  beyond  our  present  scope,  and  reference may  be  made  to  the  'Bible  Dictionary,'  s.v. JIagi,  and  besides  the  authorities  there  men- tioned, a  vast  mass  of  information  on  the  whole subject  may  be  found  in  Crombach's  Priniitiae Gentium  seu  Historia  SS.  triuin  regum  magorum. Colon.  Agr.  1654. 4.  Literature. — Reference  has  been  made  to Martene,  de  Antiquis  Ecclesiae  Ritibus,  iii.  42  sqq., ed.  Venice,  1783 ;  Bingham's  Antiquities  of  the Christian  Church,  bk.  xx.  ch.  4  ;  Binterim,  JDenk- v:iirdigkciten  der  Christ- Katholischen  Kirche,  v. pt.  1,  pp.  310  sqq. ;  Guericke's  Antiquities  of the  Church,  pp.  163  sqq.  (Eng.  Trans.);  Suicer's Thesaurus,  s.  v.  'EirKpaveia,  &c.  ;  Ducange's  Glos- saria ;  besides  other  authorities  cited  in  the article.  The  followmg  may  also  be  consulted  : Kindler,  De  Epiph  iniis,  Vitebergao,  1684; Hebenstreit,  De  Epipkania  et  Epiphaniis  apud Gentiles  et  Christianas,  Jenae,  1693;  Blumen- bach,  Antiquitates  Epiphaniorum,  Lipsiae,  1737 (also  in  Volbeding,  Thesaurus,  i.  1,  Lipsiao, 1846,  unm.    10);  Wernsdorf, '  To  ' ETrKpavia  Vc- EPISTLE fi21 I  terum,  ad  illmtrandum  Ifijmnnm :  Was  filrchst du  Feind  Hoiodes  sehr.     Vitebergae,  1759. [K.  S.] EPIPODIUS,  martyr  at  Lyons  under  Anto- ninus   and    Verus;    commemorated    April    22 {Mart,  fficron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).       [W.  F.  G.] EPISCOPA,  the  wife  of  a  bishop.  The second  council  of  Tours  (c.  13)  expressly  forbids a  bishop  who  has  no  wife  (episcopam)  to  sur- round himself  with  a  set  of  women.  [C] !  EPISCOPALIA,  the  ring  and  pastoral  staff, the  distinctive  marks  of  the  authority  of  a bishop.  Thus  Gei-bod  is  said  {Capitul.  Franco- furt.  A.D.  794,  c.  8)  to  have  received  his  Episco- P-tlia  from  Magnard  his  metropolitan  (Ducano-e, s-  v.).  [cT] EPISCOPATE.     [Bishop.] EPISCOPI  CAEDINALES.    [Cardinal.] EPISCOPI  SUFFEAGANEI,  VACAN- TES.     [Bishop,  p.  240.] EPISCOPUS  EPISCOPOEUM.  [Bishop, p.  210.] EPISTEME,  martyr,  with  Galaction,  a.d. 285;  commemorated  Nov.  5  {Cat.  Bi/zant.). ■[W.  F.  G.] EPISTLE.     Lections    from    Holy  Scripture form  part  of  every  known  liturgy.     These   lec- j  tions,  as  we  learn  from  Justin  Martyr,  were originally  taken  from  the  Old  as  well  as  from '  the  New  Testament.  The  Apostolical  Constitu- tions speak  of  "  the  reading  of  the  Law  and  the Prophets,  and  of  the  Epistles,  and  Acts  and Gospels  "  {Ap.  Const,  viii.  5  ;  ii.  57).  Tertiillian mentions  that  the  African  church  imited  the reading  of  the  Law  and  the  Prophets  with  that of  the  writings  of  the  evangelists  and  apostles {De  Praescript.  36).     St.  Augustine  repeatedly j  refers  to  the   first  of  the  lections  being  taken \  from  the  Prophets :  "  primam  lectionem  Isaiae prophetae  "  {Serm.  45,  ed.  Bened.  vol.  v.  p.  218), "  lectio  prima  prophetica  "  {Serm.  47,  v.  268), though,  as  we  shall  see,  this  was  not  universally the  case.  In  comparatively  early  times  the  Old Testament  lection  in  many  places  dropt  out  of use  on  ordinary  occasions,  anc^the  first  Scripture lection  in  the  liturgy  was  that  generally  known as  the  Epistle.  The  most  ancient  designation was  the  Apostle,  the  lections  being  almost  uni- versally taken  from  the  writings  of  St.  Paul. Thus  we  find,  '■' Apostolum  audivimus,  Psalmum audivimus,  Evangelium  audivimus  "  (Aug.  Serm. de  Verb.  Apost.  176,  vol.  v.  p.  796),  "sequitur apostolus "  {Sacrum.  Gregor.  Menard,  p.  2) ; avayti/dxTKeTat  clitocttoKos  {Liturg.  Chrys.}  ;  "  in quibusdam  Hispaniarum  ecclesiis  laudes  post apostolum  decantantur "  (ConoY.  Tolet.  iv.,  a.d. 633,  can.  xii.;  Labbe  v.  1700);  "Statim  post Apostolum  id  est  post  Epistolam "  (Hiucmar, OpHsc.  vii.  vol.  ii.  p.  149);  Kar 4 Treiytv  .... ipaKT'fiptoP  SiSd^ai  fxe  Kal  rhv  a-ir6(TToKov (Cyrill.  Scythop.  Vit.  S.  Sabae). In  all  ancient  Sacramentaries  of  the  Western church  the  Epistle  succeeds  the  COLLECT.     This is  not  the  case  in  the  Eastern  liturgies.  In  tlie liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom  we  find  a  PuOKiMi:- NOX  {irpoKei/xevoi'/  or  short  anthem  preceding  the Epistle  as  its  epitome,  consisting  of  a  verse  and response,  generally,  but  not  always,  taken  from G22 EPISTLE the  Psalms.  Before  the  epistle  the  deacon  im- posed silence  (Trp6(TX'^l^^''t  attendanms),  "  not," observes  St.  Chrysostom,  "as  doing  honour  to the  reader  but  to  Him  who  speaks  to  all  through Ilim,"  Homil.  III.,  i.  2  Thess.  After  the  Epistle  is read,  the  priest  says,  "  Peace  be  to  thee,"  which  is technically  called  eiprivfveiy  tV  eiriaTo\-{]v.  In- stead of  this  "Thanks  be  to  God"  follows  in the  Mozarabic  liturgy.  In  the  Western  church the  anthem  epitomizing  the  Epistle,  taken from  the  Psalms,  followed  instead  of  preceding it.  From  being  sung  on  the  steps  of  the ambo,  it  was  called  the  Gradual  [Alleluia  : Gradual].  St.  Augustine  frequently  alludes to  its  position  between  the  Epistle  and  Gospel, e.g.  "  Primam  lectionem  audivimus  apostoli. . .  . deinde  cantavimus  psalmum  ....  posthaec  evan- gelica  lectio"  (Aug.  Serin,  de  Verb.  Apost.  176; Serin.  45,  ib.  49,  U.S.).  Neither  in  the  Eastern nor  the  Western  church  was  the  Epistle  always selected  from  the  writings  of  the  apostles.  We find  it  sometimes  taken  from  the  Acts  and  the Revelation,  and  in  the  Western,  but  never  in  the Eastern  church,  even  from  the  Old  Testament. Several  of  the  Oriental  liturgies  present  more than  one  lection  in  the  place  of  the  Epistle.  In the  Coptic  liturgy  of  St.  Basil  there  is  first  a lection  from  an  epistle  of  St.  Paul,  then  the Catholkon,^  i.  e.  a  lection  from  one  of  the  Catholic epistles,  then  a  lection  from  the  Acts,  each  fol- lowed by  an  appropriate  i)rayer ;  a  psalm  is then  sung,  and  the  Gospel  is  read  (Renaudot, 1.  pp.  5-8).  The  Liturgia  Communis  Aethiopum gives  the  same  five  lections  in  the  same  order (/6.  pp.  507-510),  in  which  they  also  stand in  the  Syriac  liturgies  (Ih.  ii.  p.  68).  Canons of  the  Coptic  church  ordaining  these  five  lections — the  psalm  being  counted  as  one — are  given  by Renaudot  (/6.  i.  p.  203).  The  last  lection  is always  the  Gospel. The  origin  and  date  of  the  arrangement  of these  Scripture  lections  will  be  more  properly discussed  when  the  early  lectionaries  are  treated of  [Lectioxary].  Binterim  carries  them  back as  early  as  the  3rd  century  {Denkwiirdigkeit. iv.  1.228-230;  2.323).  If  the  ancient  Lec- tionariiim  of  the  Roman  church,  known  by  the title  of  Comes  [Comes],  in  which  we  find  the epistles  and  gospels  very  much  as  they  stand  in the  English  liturgy  at  the  present  day,  were really  drawn  up,  as  is  asserted,  by  Jerome,  we should  have  certain  evidence  of  their  arrange- ment at  least  as  early  as  the  5th  century. But  the  authorship  of  the  Comes  rests  only on  the  authority  of  writers  of  the  11th  and  12th centuries,  and  though  accepted  by  Bona  {lier. Liturg.  lib.  iii.  c.  6,  p.  624)  and  Binterim  (u.  s.), must  be  regarded  as  exceedingly  questionable. The  fact,  however,  that  the  same  lections  were employed  by  the  fathers  of  the  4th  and  5th centuries  as  the  subjects  of  their  homilies  proves the  very  early  date  of  their  assignment  to  par- ticular days  (cf.  the  examples  given  by  Augusti, Hand'juch  d.  Christ.  Arch.  bk.  vi.  c.  8,  vol.  ii.  p. a  "Catholicon.  Ita  vocantur  apud  orientales  Epistolae Jacobi,  Petri,  Joannis  et  Judae,  quae  Catholicae  appil- lantur,  quia  ad  omues  scriptae  sunt,  ex  quibus  unum volumen  conficitur  quod  Catholicon  dicitur.  Itaque cum  Theologi  laudaiit  siliqiiam  ex  istis  Epistolis  senten- tiam  dicunt  Jacnhns  in  Catholico,  Petrus,  &c."  Renau- dot, 1. 210.    [Catholic] ERA According  to  the  Eastern  ritual  the  Epistle was  read  by  the  Reader,  standing  at  the  Royal Doors.  In  the  Western  church  it  was  read  in the  8th  century  from  the  ambo  by  the  subdeacon standing  on  the  second  step,  the  Gospel  being subsequently  read  by  the  deacon  from  the  third step.  Amalarius  (De  Offic.  Eccl.  lib.  ii.  c.  11) expresses  his  surprise  that  this  oflSce  is  assigned to  the  subdeacon,  since  it  is  not  mentioned  in the  commission  at  his  ordination ;  but  the  4th canon  of  the  council  of  Rheims,  A.D.  813,  after directing  that  "the  Apostle"  should  be  read  by the  subdeacon,  all  sitting,  adds  "qualiter  sub- diaconi  ministerium  est  apostolum  legere " (Augusti,  Hdbch. ;  Bmteiim,  Benkuilrdigk. ;  Bing- ham, Oriq. ;  Bona,  Rer.  Liturg. ;  Martene,  de Eccl.  Bit).  [E.  v.] EPISTOLAE  CANONICAE.  COMMEN- DATOEIAE,  COiAIMUNICATOEIAE,  EC- CLESIASTIC AE,  FORMAT  AE,  PACI- PICAE,  SYSTATICAE.  [Commendatory Letters:  Forma.] EPISTOLAE  DIMISSORIAE.  [Dimis- SORY  Letters.] EPISTOLAE  ENTHRONISTICAE.  [Bi- shop, p.  224.] EPISTOLAE  SYNODICAE.  [Synodical Letters.] EPISTOLAE  TEACTORIAE.  [Trac- toria.] EPISTOLIUM.  A  term  used  (//".  Cone. Turon.  c.  6)  for  the  literae  formatae  the  granting of  which  is  expressly  limited  to  bishops.  See Commendatory  Letters  :  Dimissory  Let- ters. [C] EPITAPH.  [Catacombs,  p.  308  :  Inscrip- tions.] EPITRACHELION.    [Stole.] EPOCH.    [Era.] EPOLONIUS,  martyr  at  Antioch,  with Babylas  the  bishop,  under  Decius ;  commemo- rated Jan.  24  {MaH.  Bedae,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EPOMADION  ('ETTOJAiaSioj'),  the  cord  or ribbon  by  which  a  pectoral  cross  or  Encolpion is  suspended  from  the  neck.  (Suidas;  Daniel's Codex,  iv.  702.)  [C] EQUI  CURSUALES.     [Cursuales  Equi.] ERA.  A  succession  of  years,  reckoned  on some  common  principle  from  a  specified  event,  or date,  called  its  epoch.  The  terms  era  and  epoch are  frequently  used  as  synonymous. The  Julian  Period. — 1.  To  compare  dates belonging  to  different  eras,  there  is  no  method more  useful  than  to  refer  them  all  to  the  Julian period,  a  period  introduced  or  revived  by Scaliger.  Jt  consists  of  7980  years,  that number  being  formed  by  multiplying  together 28  X  19  X  15,  the  respective  periods  of  the cycle  of  the  sun,  of  the  cycle  of  the  moon,  and  of the  indictions,  the  last  being  a  period  used  in the  administration  of  the  Roman  empire.  It  is the  great  cycle  in  which  the  solar,  lunar,  and indictional  cycles  synchronize,  after  the  com- pletion of  285  cycles  of  the  sun,  420  of  the moon,  and  532  of  the  indictions.  The  great cycle  then  recurs  as  before.  No  two  years  in  the same  period  agree  in  all  the  three  numerals  of -ERA the  subordinate  cycles,  so  that  by  naming  tlieni all,  the  year  is  completely  designated. 2.  The  first  year  of  the  current  Julian  period, in  which  each  of  the  subordinate  cycles  had  the numeral  one,  was  the  year  4713  B.C.,  and  the noon  of  1st  January  of  that  year,  for  the meridian  of  Alexandria,  is  its  chronological ejioch. The  years  are  Julian  years,  i.e.,  of  365  days  in common  years,  366  in  leap  year,  which  is  every fourth  year,  that  year  in  fact  whose  date- numeral  being  divided  by  four,  leaves  the remainder  one. 3.  To  find  the  place  of  any  specified  year  of  the Julian  period. — Divide  its  numeral  by  the respective  divisors  28,  19,  15.  The  respective i-emainders  give  the  years  in  the  several  cycles. The  remainder  0  is  to  be  construed  28,  19,  15. 4.  To  determine  the  year  of  the  Julian  period from  the  numerals  of  the  three  cycles.—  Multiply the  numeral  of  the  solar  cycle  by  4845,  that  of the  lunar  by  4200,  and  that  of  the  indictions  by G916,  and  divide  the  sum  of  these  products by  7980.     The  remainder  is  the  year  sought. 5.  To  find  the  Jay  current  of  the  Julian  period of  any  date  in  the  Jidian  period. — Subtract  one from  the  numeral  of  the  year-day,  and  divide  the remainder  by  four-,  calling  Q  the  integer quotient,  R  the  remainder.  Then  will  Q  be  the number  of  entire  quadriennia  of  1461  days  each, and  R  the  residual  years,  the  first  of  which  is always  a  leap  year.  Convert  Q  into  days  by taking  the  right  multiple  of  1461,  and  R  by using  the  annexed  table  ;  then  add  the  days  for the  current  day  of  the  given  year,  remembering February  29th  in  leap  year. ERA 623 Residual  Year         0 1 2 3 I'ay     ...   1       0 366         731 1(I9(J 6.  To  convert  a  year  of  the  Jidian  period  into the  year  B.C.,  or  A.D. — If  the  numeral  be  less than  4714,  subtract  it  from  that  number,  the difference  will  be  the  year  B.C.  If  the  numeral be  greater  than  4713,  take  that  number  from the  numeral,  and  the  difference  will  be  the year  A.D. The  Olympiads. — 1.  The  era  used  in  Greece, instituted  in  776  B.C.  (3938  J.  P.)  consisting  of four  years.  July  1st  A.D.,  is  considered  to correspond  with  the  commencement  of  the  first year  of  the  195th  Olympiad. 2.  To  reduce  any  given  year  of  an  Olympiad to  the  Christian  era,  multiply  the  Olympiad immediately  preceding  the  one  in  question  by four,  and  add  to  the  product  the  number  of years  of  the  given  Olympiad.  If  before  Christ, subtract  the  amount  from  777  ;  if  after  Christ, subtract  776  from  the  amount,  and  the  re- mainder will  be  the  beginning  of  the  year required,  commencing  from  July. 3.  For  an  exact  calculation  of  days  tables  are required,  showing  the  order  of  the  months  in  the dit;erent  years  of  the  Metonic  cycle.  These  may be  found  'in  Ideler  i.  386. 4.  The  fathers  of  tlie  Greek  church  and  the ecclesiastical  historians,  as  Eusebius  and  Socrates, use  the  era  of  the  Olympiads  in  a  peculiar manner.  It  would  have  been  natural  to  begin them   with   the    commencement   of  their   civil year,  September  1st,  or  ten  months  too  early, but  they  really  commence  them  a  year  earlier still,  or  nearly  two  years  too  early.  The  same reckoning  is  used  in  the  Chronicon  Paschale.  It is  necessary  to  add  one  year  and  ten  months  to their  date  to  make  them  accord  with  the common  era  of  the  Olympiads. Ei-a  of  the  Buildimi  of  licrme. — Amongst  the variety  of  dates  assigned  to  this  event,  the Varronian  epoch  is  adopted,  being  April  22nd,  B.C. 753,  or  3961,  J.  P.  The  consular  year  began  on the  1st  January. To  reduce  the  year  of  Home,  to  the  year  before or  after  Christ. — If  the  year  of  Rome  be  less  than 754,  deduct  its  numeral  from  754 ;  the  difference is  the  year  before  Christ.  If  the  year  of  Rome be  not  less  than  754,  deduct  753  from  it,  and  the remainder  will  be  the  year  after  Christ. Era  of  the  Seleucidae. — The  era  of  the  Seleu- cidae,  also  called  the  era  of  the  Greeks,  was widely  used  in  S3'ria,  and  by  the  Jews  from  the time  of  the  Maccabees.  It  is  used  in  the book  of  the  Maccabees.  It  is  still  used  by the  Arabs.  Its  epoch  is  October  1st,  B.C.  312,  or 4402  J.  P. Julian  Reformation  of  the  Calendar. — This took  place  707  U.C,  or  January  1st  B.C.  45. 4669  J.  P. The  Christian  Era.  —  1\\&  Christian  era  was first  introduced  by  Dionysius  Exiguus,  a  Scythian abbot  in  Rome,  in  the  6th  century,  and  gradually superseded  the  era  of  Diocletian,  which  had  been used  till  then.  It  was  first  used  in  J'rance  in the  7th  century,  but  was  not  universally  es- tablished there  till  the  8th  century,  after  which time  it  became  general.  Great  diversity,  how- ever, long  subsisted  as  to  the  day  on  which  the year  should  be  considered  to  commence. It  commenced  on  the  1st  day  of  January,  in the  middle  of  the  4th  year  of  the  194th  Olym- piad, the  753rd  u.C,  and  the  4714th  of  the Julian  period.  It  is  now  generally  acknowledged not  to  be  the  true  year  of  the  Saviour's  birth, but  its  use  as  a  chronological  epoch  does  not allow  of  its  being  altered. The  era  of  Diocletian. — This  era  was  prevalent till  the  adoption  of  the  Christian  era ;  its  epoch was  29th  August,  A.d.  284.  It  was  introduced in  Egypt  by  Diocletian,  after  the  siege  of Alexandria,  and  gave  the  Egyptians,  for  the  first time,  the  advantage  of  a  fixed  year.  The  first Thoth,  the  beginning  of  the  Egyptian  year,  was August  31st,  and  it  is  supposed  that  a  change was  made  from  a  moveable  to  a  fixed  year,  after the  lapse  of  five  years.  This  era  is  still  used  by the  Copts.  To  reduce  this  era  to  the  Christian era  add  283  years  and  240  days,  and  as  the intercalation  was  made  at  the  end  of  the  year,  in the  Diocletian  year  next  after  leap  year,  add  one day,  from  the  29th  August  to  the  end  of  the ensuing  February. The  era  of  Constantinople. — The  era  of  Con- stantinople, or  the  Byzantine  era,  first  appears in  the  Chronicon  Paschale.  It  fixed  the  creation of  the  world  in  the  5508th  year  before  Christ,  so that  A.D.  1,  fell  in  the  5509th  year  of  this  era. The  Russians  followed  this  calculation  till  the time  of  Peter  the  Great,  having  received  it  from the  Greek  church,  by  whom  it  is  still  used. The  year  began  on  the  equinox,  March  21st. It  was  afterwards  made  to  begin,  for  civil purposes,  on  September  1st. 624 ERACLEAS The  Alexandrians  had  used  an  era  of  the creation,  fixed  at  5502  years  before  Christ ;  but in  A.D.  285,  they  reduced  the  date  by  ten  years. To  pass  from  the  year  of  our  Lord  to  the  era of  Constantinople,  or  conversely,  add  or  subtract 5508  from  January  to  August,  and  5509  for  the rest  of  the  year. Tlie  Jewish  era. — The  Jews  now  reckon  by  the year  of  the  world,  and  they  place  the  creation ;i761  B.C. EUCHAEIST By  adding  952  to  the  numeral  of  the  Jewish year  we  get  its  date  in  the  Julian  period ;  and by  subtracting  952  from  the  year  of  the  Julian period  we  get  the  Jewish  date. For  the  Christian  era  we  must  subtract  3761, and  add  the  same  for  the  converse  process.  The Jewish  year  begins  in  the  autumn. The  following  results  are  selected  from  a  Table in  Sir  J.  Herschel's  '  Outlines  of  Astronomv.' Intervals  in  I  (ays  between  the  Comnioncement  of  the  Julian  I'iceiod  and  that  of  some  principa Chronological  Eras. Names  by  which  the  Era  is  usually  cited. First  Day current of  the  Era. Chronolo- gical Designation of  the  Year. Current Year  of  the Julian Period. Interval Days. Julian  Period Olympiads  (mean  epochs  in  general  use) Huilding  of  Rome  (Varronian  epuch,  U.C.)  . Era  of  the  Seleucidae  (or  Era  of  the  Greeks) Julian  reformation  of  the  Calendar     .     .     . I  Spanish  Era ■  Actian  Era  in  Rome Actian  Era  of  Alexandria I  Dionvsian  or  Christian  Era,  "  of  our  Lord  "  . I  Eia  of  Diocletian Julian  Dates Jan.  1 July  1 Apr.  22 Oct.  1 Jan.  1 Jan.   1 Jan.  1 Aug.  29 Jan.   1 Aug.  29 776 753 312 4402 4669 4B7C 1,438,171 1,446,502 1,607,739 1,704,987 1,707,544 1,710,466 1,710,706 1,721,424 1,825,030 ERACLEAS.     [Heracleas.] ERACIJUS.    [Heraclius.] ERASMUS.  (1)  Bishop,  and  martyr  in Campania,  under  Diocletian  ;  commemorated June  3  {JIart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  at  Antioch ;  commemorated  Nov. 25  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] ERASTUS  and  Olympos  and  companions, "Apostle;"  commemorated  Nov.  10  {Cal.  By- zant.).  [W.  F.  G.] EREMITES.     [Hermits.] ERENAEUS.     [Irenaeus.] ERENACH,  or  HERENACH,  a  term  ap- plied to  a  class  of  officials  who  appear  promi- nently in  the  annals  of  the  Irish  church  prior  to its  reconstitution  in  the  12th  century,  after which  tiiue  the  word  was  used  to  denote  an ecclesiastic  having  a  position  akin  to  that  of archdeacon. In  its  earliest  use  the  Ereuach,  or  Airchinneach, appears  to  have  been  hereditary  steward  and tenant  of  the  lands  granted  by  temporal  chiefs to  the  church-founding  abbots  of  Ireland  ;  his duties  being  to  superintend  the  farmers  or tenants  of  the  church  or  monastery — according to  Colgan,  "  Omnium  colonorum  certi  districtus praepositus  seu  praefectus."  [J.  S — T.] ESICHIUS  or  ESICIUS.    [Hesychius.] ESPOUSALS.  [Arriiae  :  Benediction, Nuptial:  Betrothal:  Marriage.] ETHELDREDA  or  EDILTRUDIS,  virgin- queen,  martyr  in  Britain  ;  commemorated  June 23  (Mart.  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi).    [W.  F.  G.] ETHERIUS.  bishop ;  deposition  at  Auxerre July  27  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] ETHIOPIAN  MONKS.  Mona.sticism  spread rapidly  from  Egypt  into  Ethiopia,  and  gained  as strong  a  hold  there  as  in  Egypt  or  Syria,  if  not  a [L.H.] stronger.  Helyot  {Histoire  des  Ordres  Monas- tiqucs,  I.  xi.)  speaks  of  all  the  monasteries  in Ethiopia  as  professing  to  obey  the  so-called  "  Rule of  Antony,"  but  with  different  observances.  An attempt  at  reformation,  such  as  invariably  recurs in  the  life  of  a  monastic  oi-der,  was  made  in  the 7th  century ;  Tecla-Haimanot,  as  Helyot  writes it,  being  the  second  founder  or  Benedict  of Ethiopian  monasticism.  He  endeavoured  to  coa- solidate  the  system  under  a  Superior-General, second  in  ecclesiastical  rank  only  to  the  Patriarch of  Ethiopia,  who  was  to  visit  and  inspect  the monasteries  personally  or  by  jiroxy.  Several  of them,  however,  preferred  to  retain  their  inde- pendence, like  congregationalists.  Monks  swarmed in  Ethiopia,  according  to  Helyot,  long  after  the first  fervour  of  asceticism ;  and  the  constitution of  the  Ethiopian  church  was  monastic  (Robert- son, Church  Hist.  i.  300).  The  story  of  a  mili- tary order  of  monks,  like  the  knight-templars, originating  in  the  4th  century  is  purely  fabulous (Helyot,  u.  s.  i.  xiii.).  "[1.  G.  S.] EUCHARIST  (Evxapio-Tia).  This  article treats  of  the  use  of  the  word  Eucharistia.  For the  nature  of  the  offices  accompanying  the  sacra- ment, see  Liturgy,  and  the  several  articles  on its  compon(;nt  parts,  especially  Canon  of  the Liturgy  and  Communion,  Holy. I.  The  primary  meaning  of  the  word  eiixapt- (TTi'a  seems  to  be  a  feeling  of  thankfulness  or  ; gratitude  (2  Mace.  ii.  27;  Sirac.  xxxvii.  11; Acts  XXIV.  3). II.  The  expression  of  the  feeling  of  gratitude: 1.  In  words  =  thanksgiving  ;  2.  In  act  =  thank- offei-ing. 1.  'Evxap^yria,  in  the  sense  of  thanksgiving, occurs  frequently  in  the  New  Testament ;  it  is used  for  the  thanksgiving  in  public  worship (1  Cor.  xiv.  16 ;  2  Cor.  iv.  15,  etc.),  and  for  the expression  of  thankfulness  generally. 2.  Philo    u.ses    ivxapi<nia  in    a    wider    sense. EUCHARIST He  speaks,  for  instance  (Z)e  Victimis,  c.  9),  of fv^apicrria.  as  including  hj'mns,  prayers,  and sacririces ;  of  tos  5io  dvfftwv  evxapiarias  (^Ih. c.  4)  ;  and  of  giving  thanks  (or  thank-offering, tu;^ap«rT^(rai  Tr}v  ivxa-piffTiav}  to  God  for  the creation  of  the  world — a  phrase  noteworthy  as suggesting  one  of  the  aspects  of  the  Christian eucharist  (Irenaeus,  Haeres.  iv.  18,  4).  The word  does  not  occur  in  the  LXX.  though  it  is used  by  Aquila. III.  We  have  to  consider  the  application  of the  word  evxaptf^Tia  to  the  Supper  of  the  Lord, or  the  elements  used  in  it. 1.  The  verb  evxapiareTv,  like  the  correspond- ing substantive,  means  both  to  feel  thankfulness and  to  expi-ess  it.  The  use  of  the  word  evxa- ptcrTr}6fj,  in  2  Cor.  i.  11,  implies  further  that (vxapiffTilv  might  be  used  with  an  accusative  of the  object  for  which  thanks  are  given. The  Lord  in  the  Last  Supper  gave  thanks after  taking  the  Cup  (Se^ct/ier'oj  iTor4]pwv  ei/xa- piffTTifxas  elvev,  Luke  xxii.  17  ;  Xa^wv  Trorripiov Ka\  ehxo.pi(TTr](jas^  Matt.  sxvi.  27);  and  before breaking  the  Bread  {ivxapi-0"'^'ho°-^  eK\aff€v, 1  Cor.  xi.  24;  Luke  xxii.  19).  Compare  Matt. XV.  36;  Mark  viii.  6;  John  vL  11,  2o.  So  the disciples  of  the  2nd  century  gave  thanks  over the  Bread  and  the  Cup  in  the  Sacrament  of  the Lord's  Supper,  as  we  see  from  the  description  of it  in  Justin  Martyr. 2.  From  this  uttering  of  thanksgiving  over the  elements  of  Bread  and  Wine  in  the  Sacra- ment, the  word  evxc^p^ffretv  came  to  mean,  to bless,  hallow,  or  consecrate  by  the  utterance  of the  proper  form  of  thanksgiving  (Grimm,  Lexicon Novi  Test.  s.  v.).  Thus  Justin  Martyr  (Apol. i.  65)  speaks  of  the  Bread  and  Wine  and  Water which  had  been  made  eucharistic  (^fiixapia-rri- OivTos  dprov  Kol  oXvov  koX  i(5aTos),  immediately after  mentioning  the  thanksgiving  (eux^P"'"^''"') of  the  president  for  God's  mercy  in  granting  us the  blessings  of  creation  and  redemption.  Ana again  (c.  66),  he  speaks  of  rrfv  Si'  eux'is  Koyov Tov  Trap'  avTov  €i'xctpto'Tr)9er(ra»'  rpo(pr)P  [Caxon OF  THE  Liturgy,  p.  268].  Compare  "  panem  in quo  gratiae  actae  sint"  (Irenaeus,  Haeres.  iv. 18,  4). By  an  easy  transition  the  ehxa-picrr-qQiiffa rpopri  or  consecrated  elements  came  to  be  called simply  evxapiffria  (fb.  c.  66).  Similarly  in  the Ignatian  letter  ad  Smyrn.  7.  Irenaeus  (^Haeres. iv.  18,  5)  says  that  the  Bread  after  the  Epiclesis is  no  longer  common  bread,  but  eucharistia,  con- sisting of  two  parts,  an  earthly  and  a  heavenly. 3.  But  the  conception  of  thank-o/'ermg  is  also found  in  the  word  eucharistia  and  its  correspond- ing verb,  when  applied  to  the  Sacrament  of  the Body  and  Blood  of  Chi-ist.  Clement  of  Alex- andria (Strom,  iv.  §  132,  p.  623)  speaks  of  the martyr's  blood  poured  out  as  a  thank-offering (evxapKTTridevTOS  a'lixaTos  [Dindorf's  text :  vulg. ivxap^ffO^vro^'^ ;  and  we  might  interpret  Jus- tin's euxapKTTTjeerrra  Tpo(p7)  in  the  same  way were  it  not  for  its  close  connexion  with  eux"- pia-ria,  where  the  latter  evidently  means  thanks- giving. In  the  Dialogue  with  Tryphu  (c.  117), when  Justin  speaks  of  the  Christian  sacrifice which  takes  place  (he  says)  ivl  Trj  ivxapicTria TOV  apTov  Kal  rod  iroTTipiov,  it  is  evident  that  he regards  the  Bread  and  the  Cup  as  being  them- selves made  a  thank-offering  or  eucharistia.  And again,  when  (c.  41)  he  refers  to  the  leper's  offer- CUKIST.  ANT. EUCHARIST  (IN  CimisTiAN  Art)    625 ing  of  fine  flour  as  a  type  of  the  eucharistic bread  (toO  &pTov  ttjs  ivxapiffrias)  which  the Lord  commanded  us  to  otter  (jokIv)  in  thanks- giving (iVa  ivxa-pi(nwfiiv)  for  the  blessings  of creation  and  redemption,  he  regards  the  elements as  themselves  an  expression  of  thankfulness ; i.  e.  as  a  thank-ottering.  When  Celsus  objected to  the  Christians  that  they  were  ungrateful  in not  paying  due  thank-oflerings  (xapicr^pia)  to the  local  deities,  Origen  replied  (e.  Celsuin,  viii. 67;  pp.  415,  416,  Spencer)  that  the  bread  called eucharistia  (apros  evxapiO'Tta  KaAovfievos)  was t'he  symbol  or  outward  token  of  thankfulness towards  God  (rrjs  irphs  rhv  Qehv  evxaptffTias); tliat  is,  he  regards  the  bread  itself  as  of  the nature  of  a  thank-offering. 4.  Whether  the  original  meaning  was,  "  that over  which  thanks  have  been  given,"  or  "  that which  has  been  made  a  thank-ottering,"  the  word euchcmstia  came  to  be  simply  equivalent  to  "  the consecrated  elements  of  bread  and  wine,"  or sometimes  of  bread  alone.  Thus  Clement  of Alexandria  {Strcm.  i.  §5,  p.  318)  speaks  of  the ministers  distributing  the  eucharist  (jt]v  fvxa- piffriav  StaveifiavTes),  i.  e.  the  elements,  to  the communicants ;  and  the  epistle  to  Victor  (Euseb. H.  E.  V.  24,  §  15)  of  sending  the  eucharist  to neighbouring  churches.  [Compare  EuLOGiAE.l Cyprian  {Epist.  xv.  c.  1)  explains  eucharistia  by the  words,  "  id  est.  Sanctum  Domini  Corpus." 5.  The  eucharist  (i.  e.  the  consecrated  bread) was  employed  in  the  following  ways,  besides that  of  ordinary  administration.  It  was  taken home  and  preserved  in  a  casket  [Arca]  ;  it  was sent  by  bishops  to  other  churches  as  a  token  of Christian  brotherhood  [Eulogiae]  ;  it  was  borne before  the  pope  at  a  pontifical  mass  (Ordo  Rom. i.  c.  8 ;  see  Martene,  B.  A.  I.  iv.  2,  §  2)  ;  it  was reserved  in  churches  [DovE :  Reservation]; it  was  enclosed  in  altars  at  consecration  [Conse- cration OF  Churches];  it  was  carried  on  a journey  (Ambrose  DeObituSatyri,ni.  19);  Gregory the  Great  Be  Off.  iii.  36 ;  Dial.  c.  37);  it  was  some- times worn  suspended  from  the  neck  in  an  £n- COLPION  (Giraldus  Cambren.  Topograph.  IJibern. Dist.  ii.  c.  19)  ;  it  was  used  in  the  cure  of  dis- ease (Augustine,  c.  Julian,  iii.  162) ;  it  was placed  in  the  mouth  of  the  dead  [Burial  of  the Dead]  ;  and  the  administration  of  the  eucharist was  one  of  the  forms  of  ordeal  (Martene,  De  Hit. Antiq.  I.  V.  4). IV.  The  Greeks  interpret  the  evxapKrriai  of 1  Tim.  ii.  1  to  be  hymns  or  canticles  sung  to  the honour  and  glory  of  God  (Daniel,  Codejc  Liturg. iv.  406).  [C."] EUCHARIST  (IN  Christian  Art).  The earliest  eucharistic  representations,  as  may  be expected,  seem  to  refer  principally  to  the  agapae, or  suppers  which  preceded  the  actual  eucha- ristic breaking  of  the  bread  in  the  earliest  times (1  Cor.  xi.  20.)  It  is  to  be  presumed  at  least that  the  order  of  the  Lord's  Supper  itself  was followed,  and  that  the  celebration,  or  symbolic breaking  of  the  bread,  took  place  after,  or towards  the  end  of,  the  meal.  (St.  John  xiii. 2-4.)  In  the  earliest  days  of  persecution  they naturally  began  to  be  celebrated  in  the  catacombs »  The  writer  wislies  to  acknowledge  his  obligation  to the  Rev.  F.  J.  A.  Hort,  Fellow  of  Kmmanuel  OdIIpkc. Cambridge,  for  several  suggestions  on  the  matttr  treated in  this  article. 2  S 62G EUCHARIHT  (in  Christian  Art) or  near  the  tombs  of  martyi-s.  [Cella  Memo- riae.] It  is  not  the  business  of  the  present writer  to  enquire  into  the  connexion  of  the arrangements  for  public  celebration  of  the euuharist  and  Christian  rites  in  general  with the  ancient  usages  of  funeral  rites.  But  those usages  were  so  familiar  to  the  early  church,  that it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  the  agape  at least  is  so  frequently  represented  and  the  eucha- rist  so  distinctly  implied  in  the  various  catacomb paintings.  Dr.  Mommsen  (Contemp.  Beview, May  1871,  164-  and  171)  mentions  an  agape with  bread  and  fish  in  that  very  ancient  crypt of  Domitilla  on  the  Ardeatine  Way,  which  De Kossi  refers  to  Flavia  the  granddaughter  of ^'espasian.''  The  bread  and  fish  occur  again repeatedly  in  the  Callixtine  catacomb,  with  a man  in  the  act  of  blessing  the  bread ;  seven, eight,  or  more  baskets  of  bread  are  placed  near a  table  at  which  seven  persons  are  sitting.  The table  is  round,  and  fishes  are  also  placed  on  it. The  use  of  the  vine  is  frequent  in  the  oldest work,  as  in  the  Domitilla  vault,  where  boys  arc gathering  the  grapes,  and  the  art  is  quite  <jt' the  Augustan  age,  and  probably  executed  by Pagan  hands.  A  parallel  work  in  mosaic,  ofj later  though  still  very  early  date,  exists  in  the church  of  Sta.  Constantia  at  Rome  [Vine]. (Parker,  Ancient  Mosaics  at  Rome  and  Ravenna.) A  connexion  must  always  have  existed  in  the Christian  mind  between  the  last  supper  at  Jeru- salem, the  bread  and  wine,  and  the  last  repast of  the  Lord  with  His  disciples,  the  bread  and fish  by  the  sea  of  Galilee  (John  xxi.).  And  His words  on  the  former  occasion  cannot  have  been unconnected  with  this  discourse  of  Himself  the bread  of  life  in  St.  John  vi.  58  sqq.  But  the earlier  representations  of  a  memorial  banquet seem  to  point  rather  to  the  agape  or  com- memorative repast,  than  to  the  breaking  of  the bread  and  pouring  forth  of  the  wine  in  com- memorative sacrifice.     A  sense  of  mystery  and EUCHARIST  (IN  Christian  Art) treated  by  M.  Raoul  Rochette  (Ifem.  de  I'Institul. des  Inscr.  et  Belles  LetU-es,  t.  xiii.  77.5,  &c.).  They may,  he  thinks,  account  for  the  relics  of  cups and  platters,  knife-handles,  and  egg-shells  [see Egg]  found  in  the  Christian  sepulchres  (Boldetti, lib.  ii.  xiv.  tav.  5,  59  and  60,  and  passim),  though there  can  be  no  doubt,  as  he  implies,  that  old  Etrus- can (or  indeed  human)  custom  or  instinct,  made survivors  bury  many  objects  used  in  life  along with  their  dead. One  of  the  earliest  known  representations  of the  eucharistic  ofl'ering  is  that  of  the  mosaic  in St.  Vitale  at  Ravenna,  dating  from  the  6th  cen- tury.   (See  woodcut.)    On  one  side  Abel  is  repre- sented as  standing  with  hands  raised  in  prayer, clad  in  cloak  and  short  tunic,  and  just  issued from  a  house ;  it  is  possible  that  this,  with  the streaked  sky  of  the  mosaic,  .may  indicate  a morning  or  evening  sacrifice.  At  all  events  the presence  of  Abel  connects  the  other  figure  of  the priest  and  king  Melchisedech,  with  the  idea  of the  sacrifice  of  the  lamb,  and  therein  of  the  death of  the  Lord.  Melchisedech  is  standing  before  an oblong  altar-table,  on  which  is  a  chalice  and  two loaves  of  bread ;  his  hands  are  raised  in  prayer, not  in  the  act  of  blessing,  and  he  is  clad  in  the penula  or  cloak   over  a   long  tunic  and  girdle. OcS Afiire  from  an  ancient  scnliiture  in  the  clmrcli  of  St.  Ambrogio  at  Milsn. awe,  a  pious  reticence,  which  appears  for  the present  almost  erased  from  the  Christian  con- sciousness, seems  to  have  prevented  represen- tation of  the  Lord's  act  of  typical  sacrifice  of Himself;  as  representation  of  His  actual  death by  crucifixion  was  also  long  delayed.  [Crucifix.] The  subject  of  the  agapae,  and  the  disorders  to which  they  sometimes  gave  occasion,  is  admirably a  This  vault  is  mentioned  in  Boldetti  (p.  551)  ;  it  is called  the  Sepulchre  of  SS.  Achilles  and  Nereus,  the  relics of  those  niartyrs  having  been  conveyed  there.  Of  its  date he  says  only,  "  tempo  vicino  agli  Apostoli." This  mosaic  is  an  important  illusti-ation  of  the fundamental  principle  of  Christian  symbolic ornament,  which  appears  to  have  been  from the  earliest  times  devoted,  as  a  central  object, to  displaying  the  fulfilment  of  the  Old  Testa- ment by  the  New.  In  the  Laurentian  MS., A.D.  556,  our  Lord  is  represented  as  adminis- tering a  small  rounded  object,  evidently  bread, to  one  of  eleven  standing  figures.  (See  woodcut.) The  frequent  introduction  of  the  fish  in  the various  representations  of  eucharistic  repasts, which  are  found  particularly  in  the  Callixtine catacomb,     is    connected    of    course     with    the EUCHARIST  (in  Christian  Art) anagrammatic  meaning  of  the  word  lyOvs  as well  as  with  the  miracles  of  the  bread  and fish,  or  the  Lord's  words  in  John  vi.  The connexion  of  the  last  repast  by  the  sea  of Galilee  with  the  last  supper  is  expressed  in the  words  of  Bede,  In  Joann.  xxi.  "  Piscis  assus, EUCIIARLST  (in  Christian  Art)     027 greatest  antiquity  for  our  Lord,  and  that  it associates  itself  naturally  in  the  mind  with  the two  miracles,  the  repast  of  Tiberias,  &c.,  it should  not  be  forgotten  that  the  anagram  is  not  a scriptural  emblem.  Our  Lord  never  likened  Him- self to  fish  as  to  bread,  and  His  own  use  of  the fish  in  parable  makes  them  represent  mankind and  not  Himself.  Nevertheless,  His  act  of  bless- breaking  the  fish  on  three  distinct occasions  must  always  connect  them  in  our  minds with  the  euclnristic  banquet  ^     (See  woodcut  ) Christus  passus."  It  is  no  part  of,  our  duty  to pursue  it  here,  except  in  its  frequent  illustrations on  the  walls  of  St.  Callixtus.  These  will  be found  in  De  Rossi's  Hoina  Sotteranea,  and  the author  refers  them,  from  the  beauty  of  their execution,  to  an  early  period  of  the  3rd  century. It  cannot  be  denied,  however,  that  a  certain uncertainty  and  suspicion  of  repainting  attaches more  particularly  to  this  catacomb  in  the  minds of  many  antiquarians.  Nevertheless,  if,  as  Mr. Parker  thinks,  the  most  extensive  paintings  and repaintings  took  place  in  the  time  of  St. Paulinus  of  Nola,  a  highly  respectable  anti- quity ptill  belongs  to  these  subjects.  We  have given  a  woodcut  [Canister,  p.  264],  of  the most  important  of  these  paintings.  Its  subject is  the  mystic  fish  bearing  loaves  on  his  back  ; they  are  not  decussated  or  crossed,  as  is  most frequently  the  case  where  they  are  represented [Elements,  p.  603],  but  bear  a  central  mark, which,  as  Martigny  thinks,  connects  them  with Eastern  and  Jewish  offerings  of  cakes  made  from first-fruits  of  corn  (called  mamphula  or  Syrian bread).  The  fish  bears  them  in  a  basket,  which has  in  it  besides  another  object.  This  is  sup- posed to  represent  a  vessel  of  wine,  but,  as  he admits,  it  is  not  very  easy  to  decipher  in  the original,  and  the  lithograph  in  De  Rossi  is  some- what of  a  restoration.  What  it  is  like  in  the actual  fresco  must  be  very  difficult  to  deter- mine. But  his  reference  to  St.  Jerome  {Ep.  ad Rustic,  c.  XX.),  "  Nihil  illo  ditius  qui  corpus Domini  canistro  vimineo,  sanguinem  portat  in vitro,"  corresponds  with  great  exactness  and very  impressively  with  this  painting.  In  any case  there  can  be  no  doubt  whatever  that  it represents  the  Lord  offering  the  bread  of  life to  mankind.  These  paintings  are  in  the  crypt named  from  St.  Cornelia ;  another  represents seven  persons  at  a  table  with  bread  and  fish, with  seven  baskets  of  decussated  loaves  at hand,  referring,  of  course,  to  the  Lord's  mira- culous reproduction  of  them.  Without  disputing that  the  anagrammatic  fish  is  a  symbol  of  the Representations  of  other  events  or  objects symbolic  of  the  body  of  the  Lord,  or  anyhow  to be  connected  with  Him  as  the  bread  of  life,  have of  course  a  relation  to  the  eucharist.  The  decus- sated loaves  are  offered  to  Daniel  by  Habbacuc, on  a  sarcophagus  found  near  the  altar  of  St.  Paul without  the  walls  of  Rome  (Martign)',  Art.  Sar- cophages,  with  woodcut),  and  the  author  refers to  the  custom  of  sending  a  portion  of  the  eucha- rist round  to  imprisoned  confessors  iu  time  of persecution.  The  manna  and  the  rock  cloven for  the  life  of  the  people  are  naturally  connected with  John  vi.  59.  [RocK.]  The  latter  is frequently  in  bas-relief;  the  former  appears  to occur  only  in  one  unmistakable  example,  though those  in  Bottari,  tav.  164,  from  the  cemetery  of St.  Priscilla,  and  tav.  57  from  the  Callixtine,  are probably  connected  with  it. The  miracle  of  Cana  has  been  held  in  art  to possess  an  eucharistic  signification,  at  all  events since  Giotto's  fresco  in  the  Arena  chapel  at  Padua. Ruskin,  in  Arundel  Society's  account  of  that building.  But  in  the  earliest  examples,  very frequent  as  they  are  on  the  bas-reliefs,  the  Saviour does  not  raise  his  hand  in  the  act  of  blessing,  as the  artist  might  be  expected  to  represent  him, had  he  designed  to  connect  the  miracle  with  the last  supper.  Nor  is  He  so  depicted  on  the tablet  of  the  Duomo  at  Ravenna  (Bandini  fn  tab. ehurneam.  Florence,  1746),  nor  on  the  beautiful silver  urceolus  supposed  by  Blanchini  (Not.  in Anastas.  in  Vit.  St.  Urbani)  to  be  of  the  4th century.     [Cana,  Miracle  of.] In  treating  of  representations  of  the  eucharist in  Christian   art,    it  is    not   necessary    for   our •>  Martigny  gives  (s.  v.  '  Messe ')  a  woodcut  of  a  fresco from  the  Callixtine  catucomb,  where  the  bread  and  fish are  apparently  under  the  act  of  consecration  by  a  man  in a  pallium  which  leaves  his  right  arm  and  side  bare,  while a  woman  prays  witli  uplifted  hands.  She  may  be  the tenant  of  one  of  the  tombs  near  which  the  fresco  is  placed, or  may  represent  the  church.  The  date  of  this  work seems  exposed  to  that  uncertainty  which  hangs  over  so many  of  the  catacomb  paintings,  mere  particularly  those of  the  Callixtine  cemeteries. 2  S  2 628 EUCHAEISTIA purpose  to  consider  anything  beyond  their  ex- pressed meaning— that  is  to  say,  beyond  the meaning  which  the  artist  or  inspirer  of  the  woik distinctly  meant  to  convey.  The  further  ideas he  may  have  suggested  to  fervent  imaginations, or  to  minds  predetermined  to  read  meanings of  their  own  into  his  work,  are  not  his  or  our affair,  though  they  may  often  be  ingenious  and beautiful,  and  even  right  and  true  as  matter  of spiritual  thought.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] EUCHAEISTIA.    [Maundy  Thursday.] EUCHELAION  (Ei-xe'A-aioi/)  is  the  "  prayer- oil,"  blessed  by  seven  priests,  used  in  the  Greek church  for  the  unction  of  the  sick  ;  see  SiCK, Visitation  of  :  unction  (Suicer's  Thesaurus, s.v. ;  Daniel's  Codex  Liturg.,  iv.  503,  606).  [C] EUCHERIUS,  bishop  of  Lyons,  and  confes- sor :  commemorated  Nov.  16  {Mart.  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EUCHOLOGIOlSr.  The  most  comprehensive and  important  Service-Book  of  the  Eastern church  corresponding  to  the  Western  Sricrameii- tarius,  and  Liber  officioruin  of  the  Latins.  In its  simplest  state  the  Euchologion  includes  the liturgies  of  Chrysostom  and  Basil,  and  that  of the  Presanctified,  which  for  no  very  certain reason  bears  the  name  of  Gregory  the  Great. To  these  are  usually  added  the  offices  of  adminis- tration of  the  other  sacraments  and  other  forms of  prayer,  and  benedictions.  It  cannot  be  affirmed with  any  certainty  that  the  present  Euchologion existed  previous  to  A.D.  800,  though  the  Eastern church  cannot  fail  to  have  had  an  office  book,  or hooks  more  or  less  corresponding  to  it.  The ■edition  of  the  Euchologion  with  learned  notes  by James  Goar,  Paris,  1645,  frequently  reprinted, is  the  standard  authority  on  the  subject.  (Bin- terim,  Denkwurdig.  iv.  i,  274;  Neale,  Eastern Church,  i.  2,  828).  [E.  v.] EUDOCIA,  baiofiaprvs,  A.D.  160 ;  comme- morated March  1,  Aug.  4  (Jjal.  Byzant.). [W.  F.  G.] EUDOCIMUS,  Martyr  under  Theophilus the  Iconoclast;  commemorated  July  31  {Cal Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] EUGENDUS,  abbot  at  the  monastery  of  the Jurenses  in  Celtic  Gaul  ;  commemorated  Jan.  1 {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EUGENIA.  (1)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Eome under  Gallienus ;  commemorated  Dec.  25  {Mart. Fom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi) ; bcrioij.d,pTvs,  commemorated  Dec.  24  {Cal.  Bg- zant.). (2)  and  Bagan,  virgins;  commemorated  Jan. 22  {Cal.  Armcn.).  [W.  F.  G.] EUGENIANUS,  martyr ;  commemorated Jan.  8  {Mart.  Usuardi).     '  [W.  F.  G.] EUGENIUS.  (1)  martyr  with  six  others  in Africa ;  commemorated  Jan.  4  {Mart.  Adonis, Usuardi). 2)  Martyr  at  Neocaesarea  with  three  others ; commemorated  Jan.  24  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Adonis, Usuardi). (3)  Martyr  in  Syria,  with  Paulus,  Cyrillus, and  four  others ;  commemorated  March  20 {Mart.  Usuardi). (4)  Martyr  at  Tibur  in  Italy,  with  Sympho- EULOGIAE rosa,  his  mother,  and  her  six  other  children  ;  com- memorated June  27  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi);  July  21  {Mart.  Bedae). (5)  Bishop  of  Carthage,  and  martyr  with  his 500  companions,  or  more  ("  universi  cleri  eccle- siae  ejusdem");  commemorated  July  13  {lb.). (6)  Bishop  of  Toledo,  and  confessor;  comme- morated Nov.  13  {Mart.  Usuardi). (7)  Martyr  at  Paris;  commemorated  Nov.  15 (/6.). (8)  Martyr  with  Candidus,  Valerianus,  Acylas, A.D.  292;  commemorated  Jan.  21  {Cal.  Byzant.). (9)  Bishop,  and  martyr  A.D.  296  ;  commemo- rated March  7  {lb.). (10)  Martyr,  with  four  others,  A.D.  290  ;  com- memorated Dec.  13  {lb.). (11)  and  Macarius ;  commemorated  Aug.  5 {Cal.  Armen.).  [W.  F.  G.] (12)  Invention  of  the  relics  of  those  who  were martyred  with  Eugenius  {iv  toTs  Euyeviou); Feb.  22  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] EUGRAPHIUS  or  EUGRAPHUS,  martyr with  Mennas  (or  Slenas)  and  Hermogenes,  A.D. 304;  commemorated  Dec.  10  {Cal.  Byzant.)] Dec.  3  {Cal.  Armen.). EULALIA.  (1)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Barcelona in  Spain,  under  Diocletian;  commemorated  Feb. 12  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi);  Dec.  10 {Mart.  Bedae). (2)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Merida  in  Spain  ;  com- memorated Dec.  10  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi,  CaL.Carthag.).  [W.  F.  G.] EULAMPIA,  martyr  with  EULAMPIUS, her  brother,  A.d.  296;  commemorated  Oct.  10 {Cal.  Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] EULOGETAEIA  {EuAoyvrdpia)  are  cer- tain autiphons  occurring  in  the  Greek  Morning Office,  so  called  from  the  frequent  repetition  iu them  of  the  words  evXoyrjTos  el,  Kvpie.  (D'aniel, Codex  Lit.  304,  703;  Neale,  Eastern  Church, Introd.  919.)  [C] EULOGIAE  in  an  eucharistic  sense. (1)  Eulogia  was  used  down  to  the  middle  of the  5th  century  as  synonymous  with  evxapio-Tia for  the  sacranient  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  This signification  was  naturally  derived  from  St.  Paul's words,  rh  TOT-i)piov  ttis  evXoyias  &  €v\oyovfji.ev (1  Cor.  X.  16).  In  commenting  on  this  passage Chrysostom's  language  shows  that  the  word  was beo-inning  to  be  used  in  this  restricted  sense, evXoyiav  Stuv  tiTTCo  Trdvra  avanrvaffui  rhv T7)s  evepyffflai  tov  Qeov  d-qaauphv,  k.t.X.  (Chrys. Ilomil.  xxiv.  in  1  Cor.  x.  16),  in  which  it  is  of  con- stant occurrence  in  the  writings  of  Cyril  of  Alex- andria, sometimes  by  itself  {Lib.  iv.  c.  2  in  .Toann. vi.  p.  260 ;  ib.  364 ;  Catena  ad  Joann.  iii.  27, p.  343,  &c.) ;  sometimes  with  a  qualifying  epi- thet, jxvariKT)  evXoyia  {lib.  Glaphi/r.  in  Levit. pp.  351,  367  ;  in  Deut.  p.  414;  de  Adorat.Wh.  ii. p.  80) ;  €iiA.  ■Kvev/j.aTiKT}  (ib.  lib.  vi.  p.  177) ; 6u\.  (woiroihi  {ib.  lib.  vii.  p.  231).  To  this  we may  add  "  tunc  euhgia,  non  alogia  celebratur  " (Aug.  Ep.  86  Casul.  presb.). (2)  Eulogia  then  came  to  be  used  specifically for  that  portion  of  the  eucharist,  fi  evxapiade^a-a i  rpocpri  (Just.  Mart.  Apoloj.  §  67),  which  was conveyed  in  the   primitive  church  by  the  hands EULOGIAE of  the  deacons  to  those  who  were  absent  as well  as  for  that  sent  by  the  bishops,  notably those  of  Rome,  to.  their  daughter-  churches, and  to  foreign  bishops  and  churches,  as  a symbol  of  Christian  love  and  brotherhood.  Ire- naeus  is  the  earliest  authority  for  this  practice, which  he  speaks  of  as  long  established.  In  his letter  to  Victor  bishop  of  Rome,  at  the  end  of the  2nd  century,  in  which  he  entreats  him  not to  make  a  ditference  as  to  the  time  of  the  cele- bration of  Easter  a  ground  for  breach  of  com- munion, he  refers  to  the  example  of  his  pre- decessors, who,  notwithstanding  this  difference, were  in  the  habit  of  sending  the  eucharist  to  the presbyters  of  other  dioceses  who  observed  the  Ori- ental rule  (Iren.  apud  Euseb.  H.  E.  v.  24). With  the  increased  reverence  for  the  material eucharist  this  practice  dropt  into  disfavour,  and was  distinctly  forbidden  by  the  14th  canon  of the  council  of  Laodicaea,  a.d.  365.  This  canon prohibits  "  the  sending  of  the  holy  things  into other  dioceses,  at  the  feast  of  Easter,  by  way  of eulogiae  "  {els  \6yov  evKoy  iwv).  Easter  seems to  be  specially  mentioned  as  the  chief  period for  this  interchange  of  pledges  of  communion, the  prohibition  itself  being  general.  The  32nd canon  of  the  same  council,  which  forbids  the reception  of  the  eulogiae  of  heretics,  which  is also  prohibited  by  the  second  council  of  Braga, A.D.  572,  probably  refers  to  the  eulogiae  of  un- consecrated,  but  blessed  bread  (see  below). Forbidden  in  the  East,  the  practice  lingered considerably  longer  in  the  West.  Sirmond,  in- deed, the  learned  Jesuit,  affirms  that  the  custom of  sending  the  eucharist  round  to  other  churches and  congregations  arose  subsequently  to  the times  of  Cyprian  and  Tertullian,  since  in  their ■writings  there  is  no  allusion  to  it,  and  all Christians  who  were  present  at  divine  service had  the  opportunity  of  communicating,  and  were bound  to  avail  themselves  of  it,  and  that  the eulogiae  distributed  consisted  of  bread  blessed but  not  consecrated  (^de  Azymo,  iv.  527  sq.). Bnt  the  passages  adduced  cannot  be  satisfactorily interpreted  on  any  other  hypothesis.  Suicer  un- doubtedly states  the  case  correctly  when  he  says, "  ivK6yiai  istae  quae  mittebantur  per  paroecias ipsissimae  erant  Eucharistiae  sive  panis  fvxap^- ff6evTos,  ex  quo  communio  data  fuerat  praesenti- bus,  particulae,  quae  absentibus  Presbyteris  per paroecias  Dioecesis  mittebantur.  Sic  enim  per- fecta  ex  eodem  pane  sanctificato  communio  inter omnes  illas  paroecias  unius  dioecosis  institui  vide- batur"  {Thes.  sub  voc.  evAoyia).  After  the church  had  been  invaded  by  heresy,  the  eucha- rist was  distributed  to  the  orthodox  presbyters by  the  bishop  as  a  pledge  of  their  adhesion  to the  true  faith,  as  is  shewn  by  the  ordinances relating  to  the  fermentum  of  Melchiades,  a.d. 311,  and  Siricius,  a.d.  385.  The  letter  of  Inno- cent I.  to  Decentius,  c.  410,  informing  him  of the  custom  of  sending  the  "  fermentum  "  to  the presbyters  of  the  "  tituli,"  on  Sundays  as  a  token of  communion,  and  expressing  his  disapprobation of  carrying  the  leaven  through  a  whole  diocese, "  quia  nee  longe  portanda  sunt  sacramenta," illustrates  the  same  practice  [Fermentum].  A practice  very  nearly  allied  to  this  of  which  we  have been  speaking,  was  that  which  prevailed  among  the faithful  in  the  first  ages  of  the  church,  of  carry- ing home  themselves  and  transmitting  to  others a  portion   of  the  consecrated   bread  to  be  con- EULOGIAE 629 sumeil  hereafter.  Thus  Tertullian  speaks  of  Chris- tian women  being  accustomed  "  secretly  before all  other  food "  to  partake  of  the  eucharist (Tert.  ad  Uxor.  ii.  5),  and  answers  the  objection of  some  against  receiving  the  eucharist  on  a  day of  abstinence  lest  they  should  break  their  fast, by  the  suggestion  that  they  could  "  take  the  body of  the  Lord  and  reserve  it  till  the  fast  was  over  ' (id.  do  Orat.  19).  Cyprian  tells  of  a  woman who  had  lapsed  being  terrified  by  the  sudden outburst  of  flame  when  she  opened  her  chest [Arca]  in  which  "  the  holy  thing  of  the  Lord  " (Domini  sanctum)  was  kept  (Cypr.  de  Lapsis, p.  132).  Satyrus,  the  brother  of  Ambrose,  when fearing  to  be  lost  by  shipwreck  obtained  "  that divine  sacrament  of  the  faithful  "  from  some  of his  fellow-passengers  (Ambros.  de  Obit.  Fratris, iii.  19).  Gregory  Nazianzon  speaks  of  his  sister Gorgonia  "treasuring  up  with  her  hand  the antitypes  of  the  precious  Body  and  Blood  "  (Greg. Naz.  Orat.  si.  p.  187).  We  learn  from  Basil  that it  was  the  almost  universal  custom  at  Alex- andria and  in  Egypt  for  the  laity  to  have  "  the communion  "  in  their  houses  ;  that  solitaries  did the  same,  where  there  was  no  priest  near ;  and that  it  was  generally  customary  in  times  of  per- secution (Basil,  Epist.  93).  Jerome  speaks  of some  who  scrupled  to  receive  the  eucharist  at church,  but  were  not  afraid  to  take  it  at  home (Hieron.  Epist.  ad  Pammach.'),  and  of  those  who "  carried  the  Lord's  Body  in  a  wicker  basket  and His  Blood  in  a  glass  vessel "  (id.  Epist.  ad  lius- ticilm,  95).  But  universal  as  this  practice  seems to  have  been,  its  natural  tendency  to  degenerate into  irreverence  and  superstition  gave  rise  to evils  which  led  the  church  to  discountenance and  ultimately  to  suppress  it.  There  is  no  trace of  its  general  observance  after  the  4th  century (Scudamore,  Notitia  Eucharistica,  p.  793). (3)  With  the  cessation  of  the  practice  of sending  the  consecrated  eucharist  to  persons  who were  not  present  grew  up  as  a  substitute  that of  distributing  the  unconsecrated  remains  of  the oblations  among  those  who  had  not  received  under the  name  of  eulogia,  or  in  still  later  times  of antidoron  or  substitute  for  the  Z<£pov,  or  eucha- rist proper.  According  to  the  rule  laid  down in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (lib.  viii.  c.  31) these  remains  (jas  ireptcrcrevovaas  eV  to'is  ixvari- Kois  eiiAoyias),  were  distributed  by  the  deacons, at  the  pleasure  of  the  bishops  or  presbyters,  to the  clergy  in  proportion  to  their  rank.  The  rule prescribed  by  Theophilus  bishop  of  Alexandria, A.D.  385,  permits  "  the  fiiithful  brethren "  to share  them  with  the  clergy,  but  prohibits  a catechumen  to  partake  of  them.  That  the  cate- chumens, however,  in  the  time  of  Augustine  par- took of  some  kind  of  sacrament  is  plain  from  his words  (de  Peccator.  Meritis,  ii.  26),  "  quod  acce- perunt  (catechumeni)  quamvis  non  sit  corpus Christi,  sanctum  tamen  est  et  sanctius  quam  cibi quibus  alimur,  quoniam  sacramentum  est."  As the  first  love  of  the  church  grew  cold  and  non- communicating  attendance  became  common,  the unconsecrated  remains  began  to  be  regularly distributed  among  those  who  had  not  received, that  they  might  not  depart  without  a  semblance of  a  blessing.  The  Greek  names  for  this  prac- tice, euXoyia,  avTiSoipov,  sufficiently  indicate where  it  originated,  The  word  occurs  in  So- crates' account  of  Chrysanthus,  the  bishop  of the  Novatians  at  Constantinople  in  the  5th  cen- 630 EULOGIAE tuiy,  who  declined  to  receive  anything  from  his churches  but  "  two  loaves  of  the  eulogiae  every Lord's  Day,"  hvh  aprovs  ev\oyt(i>i'  (Socr.  JI.  E.  vii. 12).  In  the  liturgies  of  Chrysostom  and  Basil the  distribution  of  the  antidoron  by  the  priest is  prescribed — /uera  Tr)v  euxV  e^fpx^'''"'  o  Upevs Kal  trros  ev  Tip  avvrjdii  rSircp  Sldaiirt  rh  avTi- Supou  (Goar,  Eucholog.  85,  §  190).  But  this  is evidently  an  addition  of  late  though  uncertain date.  Balsamon  deduces  it  from  a  desire  to evade  the  force  of  the  threat  of  the  second  canon of  Antioch  against  non-communicating  attend- ance, so  that  even  those  who  were  not  able  to receive  the  undefiled  mysteries  might  take  the eulogia  of  the  hallowed  fragment  from  the  hand of  the  celebrant.  But  if  its  original  be  Greek, the  earliest  certain  notice  of  it  is  found  in  Latin writers,  and  not  earlier  than  the  9th  century. The  decree  of  Pius  I.  A.D.  156  (Labbe,  i.  578), which  prescribes  it,  is  an  undoubted  forgei-y,  as  is acknowledged  by  Card.  Bona  (^Eer.  Liturg.  lib.  i. cap.  23).  This  decree  appears  nearly  verbatim both  in  the  Capitula  of  Hiucmar,  A.D.  353,  c.  7 and  c.  1(3  (Labbe,  viii.  570),  and  in  the  canons  of Nantes,  c.  A.D.  896  (Labbe,  ix.  470,  canon  ix.). It  runs  :  "  ut  de  oblationibus  quae  offeruntur  a populo  et  consecrationi  superfluunt,  vel  de  pa- uibus  quos  deferunt  fideles  ad  Ecclesiam,  vel certe  de  suis.  Presbyter  convenientes  partes  in- cisas  habeat  in  vase  nitido  et  convenienti,  et  post missarum  solemnia  qui  communicare  non  fuerint parati  Eulogias  omni  die  Dominico,  et  in  omnibus festis  exinde  accipiant,  quae  cum  benedictione prius  faciat."  This  canon  prescribes  a  form  of prayer  to  be  used  in  the  benediction  (c.  7). Leo  IV.  (847-855)  also  commanded  that  "  the eulogiae  be  distributed  to  the  people  .after  the Masses  on  Feastdays  "  (Labbe,  viii. ,  37).  We should  be  transgressing  our  assigned  limits  still further  if  we  traced  the  custom  any  later." (4)  When  the  custom  of  sending  the  eucharist to  one  another  as  a  symbol  of  Christian  com- munion had  ceased  among  Christians,  the  prac- tice arose  of  distributing  cakes  of  bread,  which had  received  a  special  benediction,  as  a  token  of mutual  love.  We  have  a  refei'ence  to  this  prac- tice in  the  writings  of  St.  Gi-egory  Naziauzen {Orat.  six.  p.  306)  when  relating  a  dream  of  his sister  Gorgonia  when  sick.  "  She  thought  that I  .  .  .  .  suddenly  stood  by  her  in  the  night  with a  basket  and  loaves  of  the  purest  flour,  and having  prayed  over  them  and  signed  them  as our  wont  is,  fed  her."  During  the  disputes  which succeeded  the  council  of  Ephesus,  the  bishops  and l)resbyters  of  Cilicia  and  Isauria  sent  Eulogiae  to John  of  Antioch,  in  token  of  communion  (Baluz., Nov.  Coll.  Concil.  867).  The  writings  of  Pau- iinus,  bishop  of  Nola,  contain  many  notices  of  these eulogiae,  sometimes  under  the  name  of  henedic- tioiics,  which  were  interchanged  between  him  and Augustine  and  others.  The  latter  writes  to  Pau- linus,  "  the  bread  we  have  sent  will  become  a richer  blessing,  for  the  love  of  your  benignity  in accepting  it "  (Aug.  Epist.  xxxiv.).  The  compli- ment is  returned  by  Paulinus.  "The  single  loaf which  we  have  sent  to  your  charity,  as  a  token  of uuaninrity,  we  beg  that  you  will  bless  (i.e.  make a  true  eulogia)  by  accepting  it "  (Paulin,  Epist. »  Those  who  wish  to  follow  up  this  practice  to  more modern  times  will  find  the  materials  in  Scudamore's Notitia  Jiucluirittica,  ch.  xvi.  }  2,  pp.  774-780. EULOGIAE iv.  p.  16).  Paulinus  also  sends  a  trifid  loaf  to Alypius,  "  panem  unum  ....  in  quo  Trini- tatis  soliditas  continetur,"  which  he  will  turn into  a  eulogia  by  his  kindness  in  receiving  it, (i6.  iii.  p.  12).  He  sends  five  loaves  to  Roma- nianus  and  Licinius  {ib.  vii.  p.  27).  To  Severus he  sends  "a  Campanian  loaf  fi-om  his  cell,  as a  eulogia,"  together  with  a  boxwood  casket, and  begs  him,  as  before,  by  accepting  the  loaf  in the  name  of  the  Lord  to  convert  it  into  a  eulogia (ib.  V.  §  21,  p.  30).  The  large  number  of  stories in  Gregory  of  Tours  in  which  the  expressions eulogias  accipere,  dare,  flagitare,  ministrare,  pe- tere,  porrigere,  postulare,  &c.  occur,  prove  how common  the  practice  was  as  a  token  of  Christian communion  and  a  symbol  of  episcopal  benediction in  the  6th  century  (Greg.  Turon.  Hist.  iv.  16; V.  14,  20 ;  x.  16  ;  de  Glor.  Confess.  31).  From some  of  these  passages  we  leai-n  that  to  drink  a cup  of  wine,  and  to  partake  of  a  morsel  of  bread blessed  by  him  in  a  bishop's  house  was  considered equivalent  to  receiving  his  benediction,  (eulogia) (id.  Hist.  vi.  51 ;  viii.  2).  Ducange  (sub  voce) affords  a  very  large  number  of  later  references. Forms  of  literae  salutatoriae  to  accompany  eulo- giae sent  by  a  bishop  to  a  king  or  to  another bishop,  and  of  acknowledgment,  are  contained  in the  Exemplaria  of  Marculfus,  lib.  ii.  42,  44,  45, 46. (5)  This  was  not  the  only  form  which  eulogiae assumed.  We  have  seen  Paulinus  sending  a wooden  box  as  a  eulogia.  The  presents  sent by  Cyril  of  Alexandria  to  Pulcheria  and  the ladies  of  the  court  to  induce  them  to  forward his  interests  in  his  disputes  with  John  of  Antioch and  the  Oriental  bishops  were  delicately  de- scribed as  "  blessings,"  "eulogiae."  This  use  of the  word  is  borrowed  from  Holy  Sc]-ipture,  where a  gift  is  not  unfrequently  styled  a  blessing,  in the  LXX.  evAoyia;  see  Jud.  i.  15  ;  1  Sam.  xxv. 27 ;  XXX.  26 ;  2  Kin.  v.  15 ;  2  Cor.  ix.  5 ; Rom.  XV.  29.  We  find  Gregory  the  Great  using this  term  of  some  relics  of  saints  ("  eulogias S.  Marci ")  sent  him  by  Eulogius,  patriarch  of Alexandria ;  and  "  benedictio "  of  a  small  cross [Encolvion],  containing  some  filings  of  the apostles'  chains  (Greg.  Mag.  Epist.  lib.  xiii.  ep.  42). Some  of  Augustine's  opuscula  were  brought  to  the abbot  Valentinus  under  this  title  (August.  Ep. 256).  Even  sweetmeats,  nuts,  and  dry  figs  were included  under  this  title,  when  blessed  by  the sender.  Some  curious  stories  illustrative  of  this custom  are  recorded  in  the  Vitae  Patruin.  Thus some  bellaria  (sweetmeats)  brought  to  the  monas- tery where  Valens  was  a  monk  by  some  guests and  distributed  by  the  abbot  Macarius  to  each cell,  wei-e  indignantly  rejected  by  Valens,  who beat  the  bearer  and  sent  him  back  with  the message,  "Go  and  tell  Macarius  that  I  am  as good  as  he.  What  right  then  has  he  to  send  me a  benediction?"  (Pallad.  Hist.  Laus.  c.  31).  They were  withheld  from  those  who  were  under  ex- communication, and  excommunicated  bishops were  forbidden  to  send  them  to  others  (Greg. Turon.  Hist.  viii.  c.  20).  Thus  the  abbot  Arseuius took  umbrage  at  some  dry  figs  not  being  sent him,  and  regarding  himself  as  excommunicated refused  to  attend  divine  service  with  his  brethren until  the  ban  was  taken  off  (de  Vit.  Patr.  lib.  v. Migne,  Lxxiii.  p.  953).  The  eulogia  was  refused to  the  king  Merwig,  who  had  apostatized  (Greg. Tuion.  Hist.  v.  14).     (Bingham,  Oriij.  Eccl.  xv. EULOGIUS 4,  3,  and  8 ;  Bonn,  Berum  Liturg. ;  Ducange's Glossaries  ;  Suicer,  Thesaurus  ;  Binterini,  Denk- uurdiij. ;  Augusti,  Christ.  Arch.  ii.  533).  [E.  V.] (6)  Eulogiae  in  monasteries.  In  the  Bene- dictine rule  monks  care  forbidden  to  receive '•  litteras,  eulogias,  vel  quaelibet  munuscula" without  the  abbat's  leave  (^Reg.  Bened.  c.  54,  of. Reg.  Donat.  c.  53).  Here  probably  the  word  is used  in  its  widest  sense,  for  any  offering  or token  of  esteem  (Martene  ad  loc.  citing  Reg. Conwnent.),  or,  more  particularly,  for  bread  sent with  a  blessing.     See  (4)  and  (5)  above. In  some  monasteries,  e.  g.  that  of  Fulda (Mabill.  Ann.  O.S.B.  Praef.  Saec.  III.  vii.), eulogiae  were  distributed  daily  to  the  monks, who  had  not  already  received,  in  the  refectory before  their  meal ;  in  others  this  was  done  only on  Sundays  and  holy-days  (cf  Reg.  Bened.  Com- tnent.  c.  54).  In  the  life  of  Eligius,  in  the  7th centui-y,  it  is  related  that  he  used  to  beg  these "  eulogiae  "  or  pieces  of  blessed  bread  from  the monks  of  Solignac  (Mabill.  Ann.  O.S.B.  XII. xxii.).  When  the  abbess  who  succeeded  Rade- gunde  in  the  convent  of  Ste.  Croix  at  Poitiers was  accused  of  feasting  she  replied  that  the alleged  feasting  was  only  the  partaking  of  the "  eulogiae  "(/6.  VII.  liii.  589  A.D.).  "Eulogiae," in  this  sense,  were  sometimes  given  by  a  bishop to  an  excommunicated  person  in  token  of  recon- ciliation (76.  III.  1.)  The  other  spelling,  "eulo- gium,"  is  condemned  by  Menard  (_Conc.  Regul. Bened.  Anian.  c.  61).  [I.  G.  S.] EULOGIUS.  (1)  Deacon,  and  martyr  at Tarragona,  with  Fructuosus  the  bishop,  under Gallienus  ;  commemorated  Jan.  21  {Mart.  Hieron., Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  at  Constantinople  ;  commemorated July  3  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis, Usuardi). (3)  Presbyter,  and  martyr  at  Cordova  ;  com- memorated Sept.  20  (iWart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EUMENIA,  martyr  at  Augusta,  with  Hilaria and  others ;  commemorated  Aug.  12  {Mart. Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EUMENIUS.  (1)  Bishop  of  Gortyna,  Uios war^p  Kol  6avfxaTovpy6s  ;  commemorated  Sept. 18  (C'al.  Byzant.). (2)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  a.d.  143 ;  com- memorated Tekemt  10  ~  Oct.  7  {Cal.  Ethiop.). [W.  F.  G.] EUNUCHS,  not  to  be  ordained.  The  feeling that  one  devoted  to  the  sacred  ministry  should be  unmutilated  was  strong  in  the  ancient  church. Hence,  the  council  of  Nicaea  (c.  1)  enacted  that if  any  one,  being  in  health  {vyiaivaiv)  dismem- bered himself,  after  ordination,  he  should  be deposed  from  the  ministry,  or,  being  a  layman, he  should  not  be  admitted  to  Holy  Orders ; and  in  the  Apostolical  Canons  (c.  21)  the  reason fur  such  exclusion  is  added,  viz.,  that  the  offender is  a  self-mui'derer  {avTocpovevrT^s  iavrov)  and  an enemy  of  the  workmanship  of  God.  These canons,  and  a  later  one  in  the  2nd  council  of Aries  (c.  7),  were  aimed  against  that  perverted notion  of  piety,  originating  in  the  misinterpre- tation of  our  Lord's  saying  (Matt.  xix.  12),  by which  Origen,  among  others,  was  misled,  and their  observance  was  so  carefully  enforced  in later  times,  that  not  more  than  one  or  two instances  of. the   practice   which   they  condemn EUPPtOBUS 631 are  noticed  by  the  historian.  The  case  was dilferent  if  a  man  was  born  a  eunuch,  or  had sutl'ered  mutilation  at  the  hands  of  persecutors: an  instance  of  the  former,  Dorotheus,  pres- byter of  Antioch,  is  mentioned  by  Eusebius (II.  E.  vii.  c.  32);  of  the  latter,  Tigris,  pres- byter of  Constantinoi)le,  is  referred  to  both  ly Socrates  (//.  E.  vi.  15)  and  Sozomen  (//.  E.  vi. 24)  as  the  victim  of  a  barbarian  master  (Bing- ham, Antiq.  iv.  iii.  9).  [O.  B.] EUNUS,  martyr,  with  Julian,  at  Alexandria  ; commemorated  Feb.  27  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi).  [w.  F.  G.] EUODUS,  martyr  with  Calliste  and  Hermo- genes;  commemorated  Sept.  1  {Cal.  Byzant). [W.  F.  G.] EUOTUS,  martyr  at  Caesaraugusta  with seventeen  others  ;  commemorated  April  16 {Mart.  Usuardi).  rw_  y.  G.] EUPHEMIA.  (1)  Martyr  at  Chalcedon. under  Diocletian,  A.D.  288  ;  commemorated Sept.  16  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usu- ardi);  Se^i.lQ  {Cal.  Byzant.);  commemoration of  the  miracle  which  she  is  said  to  have  wrought in  the  church  of  Chalcedon,  July  11  (Cu/.^i/.^an';.). (2)  Martyr  at  Piome,  with  Lucia ;  commemo- rated Sept.  16  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Cal.  Allatii  et Frontonis).  [W.  F.  G.] EUPHRASIA  or  EUPRAXIA.  (1)  Virgin ; depo.sition  at  Alexandria,  Feb.  11  {Mart.  Rom. Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  Virgin ;  deposition  in  the  Thebais,  March 13  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F,  G.] .  EUPHRASIUS.  (1)  Bishop,  and  martyr; natale  Jan.  14  {Mari.  Usuardi);  deposition  Jan. 14  {Afart.  Hieron.). (2)  Confessor  at  Eliturgis  in  Spain;  comme- morated May  15  {Mart.  Rom.Vet.,  Usuardi). [VV.  F.  G.] EUPHEOSIUS,  martyr  in  Africa;  commemo- rated ]\Iarch  14  {3Iart.  Usuardi).        [W.  F.  G.] EUPHEOSYNE  or  EUFROSINA.  (1) Virgin,  of  Alexandria ;  commemorated  Jan.  1 {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  Virgin,  martyr,  with  Domitilla  and  Theo- dora, under  Trajan;  commemorated  May  7  {lb.) [W.  F.  G.] EUPHEOSYNE,  iaia  ixi)rf)p,  a.d.  410;  omu- memorated  Sept.  25  {Cal.  Byzant.).    [W.  F.  G.] EUPLUS,  deacon,  and  martyr  at  Catana  in Sicily,  under  Diocletian  and  Maximian,  a.d.  296  ; commemorated  Aug.  12  {Mart.  Rom.Vet.,  Bedae, Adonis,  Usuardi);  Aug.  11  {Cal.  Byzant.). [W.  F.  G.] EUPRAXIA,  and  Olympias ;  commemorated July  25  {Cal.  Byzant.).     See  Euphrasia. [W.  F.  G.] EUPREPIA,  martyr  at  Augusta,  \yith  Hila- ria and  others;  commemorated  Aug.  12  {Mart. Adonis,  Usuardi).  ""  [W.  F.  G.] EUPREPIUS,  one  of  the  three  brothers  of Cosmas  and  Damianus,  martyrs  under  Diocletian  ; commemorated  Sept.  27  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EUPROBUS,  bishop  and  martyr,  at  Saiutes in  Gaul ;  commemorated  April  30  {Mart.  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] C32 EUPSYCHIUS EUPSYCHIUS,  martyr  at  Caesarea,  under Julian;  commemorated  April  9  (Cal.  Bi/zant.). [W.  F.  G.] EUSEBIUS.  (1)  Palatinds,  martyr  with nine  {Bom.  Vet.  eight)  others  ;  commemorated March  5  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  with  Aphrodisius,  Carilippus,  and Agapius;  commemorated  April  28  {Mart.  Adorns, Usuardi). (3)  The  historian,  bishop,  and  confessor,  of Caesarea  in  Palestine ;  commemorated  June  21 {Mart.  Hieron.,  Flori,  Usuardi). (4)  Bishop  and  martyr  at  Vereelli  under  Con- stantius ;  commemorated  Aug.  1  {Mart.  Rom. Vet.,  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (5)  Presbyter,  and  confessor  at  Rome,  under Constantius  Augustus ;  commemorated  Aug.  14 {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  Cal. Frontonis). (6)  Martyr  at  Rome,  with  three  others,  under Coramodus  ;  commemorated  Aug.  25  {Mart.  Rom. Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (7)  Martyr  at  Adrianopolis  in  Thrace,  with Philip  the  bishop  and  Hermes  ;  commemorated Oct.  22  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (8)  Monk,  and  martyr  at  Tarracina_  in  Cam- pania, with  Felix  the  presbyter,  under  Claudius  ; lommemorated  Nov.  5  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae, Adonis,  Usuardi). (9)  Bishop  of  Samosata,  and  martyr  under Valens  ;  commemorated  June  22  {Cal.  Byzant.). [W.  F.  G.] EUSIGNIUS,  martyr  at  Antioch,  a.d.  361 ; commemorated  Aug.  5  {Cal.  Byzanl.).  [W^  F.  G.] EUSTACHIUS.  (1)  Bishop  and  confessor" at  Antioch  in  Syria,  under  Constantine  (Constan- tius, Ado)  ;  commemorated  July  16  {Mart.  Rom. Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  Presbyter  and  martyr  in  Syria;  comme- morated Oct'.  12  {Mart.  Usuardi). (3)  Placidus,  martyr  at  Rome,  with  his wife  and  two  children,  under  Adrian ;  comme- morated Nov.  2  {Mart.  Usxiardi).        [W.  F.  G.] EUSTATHIUS  or  EUSTASIUS.  (1)  With nis  companions,  fnyaXoixdpTv^,  A.D.  100 ;  com- memorated Sei)t.  20  {Cal.  Bi/zant.). (2)  ab  Msketha  or  Mzcheta ;  commemorated July  29  {Cal.  Georg.). (3)  and  Theodotus;  commemorated  Oct.  1 {Cal.  Armen.). (4)  Abbot  of  Luxeuil;  deposition  March  29 {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EUSTOEGIUS,  presbyter  and  martyr  at Nicomedia ;  commemorated  April  11  {Mart. Hieron.,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EUSTOSIUS,  martyr  at  Antioch  with  De- metrius the  bishop,  Anianus  the  deacon,  and twenty  others;  commemorated  Nov.  10  {lb.') [W.  F.  G.] EUSTRATIUS,  martyr  with  Eugenius  and three  others,  a.d.  290;  commemorated  Dec.  13 {Cal.  Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] EUTHYMIUS.  (1)  Magnus,  Uios  koI  06o. <l>6pos,  A.D.  465;  commemorated  Jan.  20  {Cal. Byzant.). (2)  Deacon  of  Alexandria;  commemorated  May 5  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). EVANGELIST (3)  of  Athos  ;  commemorated  Mav  13  {Cal Georg.). (4)  Bishop  of  Sardis,  and  martyr,  a.d.  820  : commemoi-ated  Dec.  26  {Cal.  Byzant.). [W.  F.  G.] EUTROPIA,  sister  of  Nicasius  the  bishop, martyr    with    him    at   Rheims ;    commemorated Dec.  14  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EUTROPIUS  (1)  and  companions,  martyr a.d.  296;  commemorated  March  3  {Cal.  By zant.). (2)  Bishop,  and  martyr  at  Arausio  in  Gaul ; commemorated  May  27  {.^art.  Adonis,  Usuardi) (3)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  sisters  Zosima  and Bonosa;  commemorated  July  15  {Mart.  Rom. Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EUTYCHIANUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Campania, with  Symphorosa  and  eight  others ;  commemo- rated July  2  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  in  Africa  with  Arcadius  and  two others;  commemorated  Nov.  13  {Mart.  Usuardi). (3)  Pojie,  and  martyr  under  Aurelian;  com- memorated Dec.  8  {Mari.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron., Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EUTYCHIUS  (1);  Deacon  and  martyr  in Mauretania  Caesariensis,  with  two  others ;  com- memorated May  21  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Adonis, Usuardi ). (2)  Martyr  in  Sicily  with  Placidus  and  thirty others;  commemorated  Oct.  5  {Mart.  Adonis, Usuardi). (3)  Martyr  in  Spain ;  commemorated  Dec.  11 {Mart.  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (4)  Presbyter,  and  martyr  at  Ancyra  in  Gala- tia  with  Domitianus  the  deacon ;  commemorated Dec.  28  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi). (5)  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  551-582  ; commemorated  April  6  {Cal.  Byzant.). [W.  F.  G.] EUTYCHUS  or  EUTYCHES.  (1)  Martyr in  Thrace  with  Plautus  and  Heracleas ;  comme- morated Sept.  29  {Mart.  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  at  Naples  with  Januarius,  bishop of  Beneventum,  and  others,  under  Diocletian ; commemorated  Sept.  19  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae, Adonis,  Usuardi). (3)  Martyr  in  Italy,  with  Maro  and  Victorinus, under  Nerva;  commemorated  April  15  {Mart. Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (4)  Disciple  of  St.  John,  and  martyr;  comme- morated Aug.  24  {Cal.  Byzant.).         [W.  F.  G.] EVAGRIUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Tomi  in Scythia,  with  Benignus ;  commemorated  April  3 {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  at  Tomi,  with  Priscus  and  Cre- scens ;  commemorated  Oct.  1  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet., Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EVANGELIARIUM,  EVANGELISTA- RIUM  {EvayyeAtar-npiov),  the  book  contain- ing the  passages  of  the  gospels  to  be  read  in  the liturgy.  [Gospel  :  Lectionary  :  Liturgical Books.]  [C] EVANGELIARY.    [Liturgical  Books.] EVANGELIST.  The  deacon  is  called  "Evan- gelist "  in  his  capacity  of  reader  of  the  gospel, in  the   liturgy   of  Chrysostom   (c.  19,   p.  347, EVANGELISTS Daniel)  the  deacon  prays  the  priest,  "  Bless,  sir, the  evangelist  (eiiayyeXiaTriv)  of  the  holy apostle  and  gospel."  [C.] EVANGELISTS.  The  Four  Evangelists  are commemorated  Oct.  19  (^Cal.  Armeti.).  [C] EVANGELISTS,  symbolic  representations of.  We  find  from  Aringhi  (ii.  285)  that  the four  symbolic  creatures  are  (as  might  be  ex- pected) not  the  original  emblems  of  the  four evangelists.  The  FOUR  rivers  of  paradise  are perhaps  intended  to  represent  the  gospel,  and the  distinct  channels  of  its  diflusion  through- out the  world  (Gen.  li.).  These  are  found"  in some  of  the  earliest  specimens  of  unquestionably authentic  Christian  dec6ration,  as  in  the  Lateran cross  [Cross,  p,  496],  where  the  lamb  and  stag are  introduced.  The  four  books  or  rolls  are also  found  in  early  worlc,  Ciampini  (V.  M.  i.  67 tab. ;  Buonarotti,  xiv.  2).  In  some  instances, as  in  the  baptism  of  our  Lord  in  the  cemetery of  St.  Pontianus  (Aringhi,  275,  2,  also  at  end of  Bottari),  the  animals  are  introduced  drink- ing in  the  Jordan.  In  this  case,  either  the mystic  river  is  identified  with  the  four  rivers  of paradise,  and  made  to  accompany  the  ornamented cross  below,  representing  the  gospel,  as  in  the Lateran  cross  (see  s.  v.),  or  the  cross  in  St.  Pon- tianus, below  the  baptism-picture,  represents  the Lord's  death  and  baptism  thereinto.  Mr.  Parker gives  an  admirably  clear  photograph  of  the  pre- sent condition  of  this  important  work,  which  he dates  from  a.d.  772.  The  Lateran  relic  is  sup- posed to  be  similar  to  the  crosses  of  the  time  of Oonstantine. The  adoption  of  the  four  creatures  of  the Apocalypse  (iv.  6)  as  images  of  the  evangelists, does  not  seem  to  have  taken  place  generally,  or is  not  recorded  on  Christian  monuments,  before EVANGELISTS 633 the  5th  century.  It  involves,  of  course,  a peculiarly  impressive  connexion  between  the beginning  of  the  visions  of  Ezekiel,  and  the unveiling  of  heaven  to  the  eyes  of  St.  John. This  is  unmistakable ;  although  in  the  pro- phet's vision  the  living  creatures  were  not only  four  in  number,  but  each  was  fourfold  in shape.  "They  four  had  the  face  of  a  man,  and the  face  of  a  lion,  on  the  right  side  ;  and  they four  had  the  face  of  an  ox  on  the  left  side ;  they four  also  had  the  face  of  an  eagle."  Wiiile  in the  Apocalypse,  "  The  first  beast  was  like  a  lion, the  second  like  a  calf,  the  third  had  the  face  of  a man,  and  the  fourth  beast  was  like  a  flying eagle."  This  connexion  is  said  by  Mrs.  Jameson, {Sacred  and  Legendary  Art,  79)  to  have  been noticed  as  early  as  the  2nd  century,  though  no representations  are  found  till  the  5th.  Nor  was it  till  long  after  the  four  creatures  had  bomi taken  as  prefiguring  the  four  evangelists,  that  a special  application  was  made  of  each  symbol  to eacli  writer.  This  may  be  referred  to  St.  Jerome on  Ezekiel  i.  St.  Matthew  has  the  man,  as beginning  his  gospel  with  the  Lord's  human genealogy  :  St.  Mark  the  lion,  as  testifying  the Lord's  royal  dignity,  or  as  containing  the"  ter- rible condemnation  of  unbelievers  at  the  end  of his  gospel :  St.  Luke  the  ox,  as  he  dwells  on the  priesthood  and  sacrifice  of  Christ :  St.  John the  eagle,  as  contemplating  the  Lord's  divine nature.  Ingenuity  and  devotion  have  done  their utmost  on  this  subject  for  centuries  with  little result.     An  ivory  diptych   of  the   5th   century, given  by  Bugati  {Memorie  di  S.  Celso  in  fin.)  is the  earliest  known  representation  of  this  emblem, which  does  not  occur  in  the  glass  devices  recorded by  Garrucci  or  Buonarotti.  The  well-known representation  of  the  four  creature-symbols  in the  great  mosaic  of  the  church  of  St.  Pudentiana at  Rome,  must  we  think  be  left  out  of  reckoning altogether  as  an  historic  document.  (See  Mr. J.  E.  Parker's  photographs,  and  the  articles thereon  in  his  Antiqxiities  of  Rome,  by  the  author of  the  present  paper ;  also  Messrs.  Crowe  and Cavalcaselle's  Early  Italian  Art,  vol.  i.  chap,  i.) The  symbols   are   placed   above  a  7th   century cross,  and  on  tlo^e  inspection  of  the  photograplis, appear  to  h.ive  been  lejMned  in  fresco,  or  by painting  of  some  kind.  The  appearance  of  the whole  mosaic  in  fact  is  that  of  a  quantity  of mafei-jal  of  diflerent  ages,  sonic  doubtless  vcrv aucicut  and  of  great  merit,  combined  as  a  whole (334 EVANGELISTS by  a  painter  and  mosaicist  of  the  greatest  skill and  power  in  the  16th  century.  However,  the use  of  the  quadruple  symbols  is  universal,  in east  and  west,  and  throughout  the  Christian world,  in  every  kind  of  situation,  and  by  use  of  all vehicles  and  methods.  They  are  very  frequently placed  on  crosses  of  the  7th  century,  about  the same  time  as  that  in  which  the  change  took  place from  the  lamb  at  the  intersection  of  the  limbs of  the  cross  to  the  human  form  crucified.  They occur  on  the  cross  of  Velitrae,  and  on  some  ancient German  crosses  mentioned  under  Crucifix,  as  the station  cross  of  Planig,  &c.  But  the  most  inter- esting 6th  century  representation  of  them  known to  us  is  the  quaintly  but  most  grandly-conceived tetramorph  of  the  Rabula  MS.,  which  represents the  Lord  at  the  ascension,  mounting  a  chariot  of many  ^ings  and  cherubic  form.  It  shows  that the  Syrian  miniaturist  had  a  most  vivid  ima- gination, and  the  highest  power  of.  realising  his conceptions,  as  appears  in  so  many  parts  of  that extraordinary  work.  The  wheels  of  the  chariot, as  well  as  the  cherubic  forms,  connect  the  vision of  Ezekiel  with  the  giiffins  of  Lombard  Church- art  as  at  Verona.  Mi's.  Jameson  gives  a  very interesting  tetramorph  or  cherubic  form  bearing the  evangelic  symbols,  from  a  Greek  mosaic. This  symbol  is  certainly  not  of  the  age  of  the earlier  catacomb  paintings,  and  occurs  first  with frequency  in  the  tessellated  apses  and  tribunes of  Byzantine  churches,  and  is  of  course  specially worthy  of  note  as  explaining  the  connexion  be- tween the  vision  of  Ezekiel  and  that  of  St.  John. The  four  animals  separately  represented  occur pfissiin,  both  in  Eastern  and  Western  Church- work.  (See  Ciampini,  Vet.  Hon.  i.  tab.  48.)  There are  grand  examples  in  the  spandrils  of  the  dome of  Galla  Placidia's  chapel  in  Ravenna,  as  in  St. Apollinaris  in  Classe,  and  particularly  in  the chapel  of  St.  Satyrus  at  Milan.  [For  a  singular specimen  of  Carlovingian  grotesques  of  them see  Miniature.]  (The  woodcuts,  p.  633,  are irora  the  latter.)  The  eagle  given  below  is taken  from  the  Evangeliary  of  Louis  le  De- honnaire  ;  but  the  Hours  of  that  emperor  and the  MS.  of  St.  Medard  of  Soissons,  also  contain whole  page  emblems  of  the  four  evangelists. In  St.  Vitale  at  Ravenna  the  symbols  of  the evangelists  accompany  their  sitting  figures.  St. ]\Iatthew  has  the  man,  St.  Mark  the  (wingless) lion  ;  the  calf,  also  wingless,  belongs  to  St.  Luke, and  the  eagle  to  St.  John.  The  nimbus  is  some- times added,  and  sometimes  the  creatures  bear the  rolls  or  books  of  the  gospel  (Ciampini,  V.  31. II.  XV.;  in  St.  Cosmas  and  Damian.  See  also  ibid. U.  xxiv.  for  St.  Apollinaris  in  Classe,  temp.  Felix IV.  about  530). There  is  a  very  strange  missal  painting  referred to  by  Martigny,  where  the  human  forms  of  the evangelists  in  apostolic  robes  are  surmounted  by the  heads  of  the  creatures.  This  occurs  also,  he says,  m  an  ancient  church  of  Aquileia  (Bartoli, Le  Anticldta  di  Aquileia,  404).  Two  examples are  given  in  woodcut  by  Mrs.  Jameson,  Sacred and  Legendary  Art,  83.  One  is  by  Fra  Ange- lico,  and  the  hands,  feet,  and  drapery  of  the  other, which  is  not  dated,  seem  too  skilfully  done  to  be of  early  date. But  the  four  creatures  occur  alike  in  bas-reliefs on  altars,  on  sacred  vessels  and  vestments,  and even  on  bronze  medals.  See  Paciaudi  de  Cultu S.  Joan.  Bapt.  p.  163,  for  a  bronze  coin  with  the EVENING  HYMN man  and  the  eagle  on  one  side,  the  lion  and  calf on  the  other,  lettered  respectively  NA0EOC {sic),  lOHANNrS,  NAPC,  LVCAS.  Nothing  is known  of  the  history  of  this  relic.  It  may  be supposed  that  where  the  Lord  is  surrounded  by saints  and  apostles  the  bearers  of  books  are intended  for  the  evangelists,  especially  if  they are  four  in  number,  though  on  the  sarcophagus in  Bottari  cxxxi.  t.  only  three  are  represented, probably  St.  Matthew  and  St.  John,  with  St. Mark  as  companion  and  interpreter  of  St.  Peter. Four  figures  in  the  baptistery  at  Ravenna  hold- ing books,  and  placed  in  niches  of  mosaic  ara- besques, are  considered  of  doubtful  meaning  by Ciampini  ( F.  M.  i.  tab.  72);  but  Martigny  is perfectly  satisfied  that  the  evangelists  are  in- tended by  them  (Martigny,  Dictionimire  s.  v. Evangelistes).  [R.  St.  J.  T.] EVE.    [Vigil.] EVENING  HYMN.  In  the  vespers  of  the Eastern  church,  after  certain  fixed  psalms,  con- cluding with  Ps.  cxxiii.,  expressive  of  intense expectation,  followed  by  the  "Entrance,"  so called,  of  the  Gospels  considered  as  enshrining Christ  Himself,  with  an  exhortation  to  the  ac- knowledgment and  hearing  of  Him  as  there present  ("  Wisdom,  stand  up ") — the  Evening Hf/mn  is  appropriately  sung;  the  triumphant "  Hymn  of  the  Evening  Light,"  at  once  giving thanks  for  the  gift  of  artificial  light,  and  praising the  true  "  Light  that  shiueth  in  darkness,  in Whom  is  Life,  and  the  Life  is  the  Light  of  men  " — hence  called  by  St.  Basil  iiriAvxi'ios  eux"/"" (TTia.  "Joyful  Light  of  the  holy  glory  of  the immortal  Father,  the  heavenly,  the  holy,  the blessed  Jesu  Christ,  we  having  come  to  the Setting  of  the  Sun  and  beholding  the  Evening light,  praise  God,  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost. It  is  meet  at  all  times  that  Thou  shouldst  be hymned  with  auspicious  voices.  Son  of  God, Giver  of  Life  :  wherefore  the  world  glorifietb thee." There  is  reference  to  the  "Evening  Psalm" EVENTIUS (rhv  iinXvxviov  ipa\fihv,  i.e.  I's.  cxli.)  in  the Apostolical  Constitutions,  which  may  be  consi- dered to  represent  the  Eastern  system  of  the  3rd or  4th  century  (lib.  viii.  c.  35). So  in  the  West,  Hihiry  (in  Ps.  Ixiv.)  writes — "  The  day  is  begun  with  prayers,  and  the  day  is closed  with  hymns  to  God." Bingham ;  Palmer,  Orig.  Lit. ;  Freeman,  Prin- ciples of  Divine  Sermce.  [D.  B.] EVENTIUS,  presbyter  and  martyr  at  Rome with  Alexander  the  pope  and  Theodulus  the presbyter,  under  Trajan ;  commemorated  May  3 (J/ari.  Bedae,  Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis, Usuardi,  Gal.  Frontonis).  [W.  F.  G.] EVIGILATOR  {' h^virviffr'^s),  an  officer  in Greek  monasteries  whose  duty  it  was  to  waken the  monks  for  nocturnal  and  matutinal  services. Another  officer  of  the  kind  was  the  "excitator," who  had  to  waken  a  monk  asleep  in  church  (Du- cange,  Gloss.  Lat.  et  Gr.  s.  vv.).  [I.  G.  S.] EVILASIUS,  martyr  at  Cyzicus  with  Fausta the    Virgin,    under    Maximian ;    commemorated Sept.  20  {Mart.  Rom.  Fe^.  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.] EVIL  SPIRITS.  [Demon:  Demoniacs: Exorcism.] EVODIUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Syracuse,  with Hermogenes;  commemoi-ated  April  25  {Mart. Usuardi). (2)  Bishop,  and  martyr  at  Antioch  ;  comme- morated May  6  {Mart,  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usu- ardi). (3)  Martyr  at  Nicaea,  with  Theodota  his  mo- ther and  her  two  other  children,  under  Diocle- tian ;  commemorated  Aug.  2  (/6.,  Mart.  Bedae). [W.  F.  G.] EVOVAE  is  an  artificial  word  made  out  of the  vowels  in  the  words  "seculorum  Amen," which  occur  at  the  end  of  the  Gloria  Patri.  Its object  was  to  serve  as  a  kind  of  memoria  tech- uica  to  enable  singers  to  render  the  several  Gre- gorian chants  properly ;  each  letter  in  Evovae standing  for  the  syllable  from  which  it  is  ex- tracted. It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  psalms, &c.,  were  sung  under  antiphons,  and  that  the music  of  the  antiphon,  being  constructed  in  a particular  '  mode '  or  '  scale,'  such  as  Dorian, Phrygian,  and  the  like,  the  chant  or  '  tone ' (i.  q.  '  tune ')  to  the  psalm,  being  not  intended to  represent  a  full  stop  or  close,  might  (and usually  did)  not  end  on  the  final  belonging  to the  mode,  leaving  that  for  the  concluding  anti- phon :  thus  difterent  forms  of  the  same  mode  or tone  would  arise,  and  these  were  called  Evovae and  sometimes  differentiae,  finitioncs,  conclusiones, and  species  seculorum.  This  only  applies  to  the latter  half  (cadence)  of  the  chant,  as  in  the  '  me- diation' (at  the  middle  of  the  verse  of  a  psalm) scarcely  any  variety  was  admitted,  except  such as  arose  from  local  use.  Thus  in  the  various works  on  the  subject,  and  in  service  books, varieties  of  endings  are  to  be  found  of  greater  or less  antiquity.  Gerbert  mentions  the  fact  that in  some  cases  the  peculiar  distinctive  marks  of the  tones  had  become  confused,  notably  in  the 1st  and  6th  ;  and  the  only  possible  distinction would  seem  to  be  in  the  assignment  of  ac- cents. It  does  not  appear  however  that  accent, iu  the  modern   musical  sense  of  the   word,   was EVOVAE 635 recognised  to  any  extent  liy  the  ancients,  Ac- CKNTUS  being  equivalent  to  what  we  should  now call  inflection.  [Accentus  Egci.esiasticus.]  For the  first  few  centuries  of  the  Christian  era rhythm  was  regulated  by  quantity,  which  gra- dually gave  place  to  accent ;  and  it  seems  to  the writer  that  musical  accentuation  remained  in  a very  uncertain  state  until  the  17th  century. Still  the  Evovae  must  be  regarded  as  containing the  germ  of  the  present  accepted  views  respecting accent,  as  may  be  seen  by  comparing  the  follow- ing forms. (1)  Full  form  of  the  1st  tone,  which  is  in  the Dorian  mode  ;  the  dominant  or  reciting  note  being a,  and  the  final  note  D. et  iu  secula  secu  -  lo  -  rum.    A     -    men. This  ending  would  be  written  thus : 11=== The  accents  are  supplied  by  the  writer.  Before the  invention  of  notes  the  same  would  be  ex- pressed thus : aaGFGaGFED E  V  o  V   A        E (2)  A  shortened  form  of  the  1st  tone,  whicn does  not  end  on  the  proper  final  D,  leaving  that correct  cadence  to  be  supplied  by  the  antiphon. ^ et  in  secula  secu  -  lo  -  rum,        A      -     men. The  accents  are  as  before,  and  the  Evovae  thus : ^g^ E  V  O  V  A  E. (3)  Sixth  tone,  in  the  Hypolydian  mode  ;  domi nant  a,  final  F, et  in  secula  secu   -   lo    -     rum.  A The  Evovae  would  be  expressed  thus  (accents being  supplied) : E  V  O 636 EVUETIUS Any  one  acquainted  with  music  can  see  how nearly  identical,  so  far  as  notes  are  concerned, these  two  last  forms  are,  and  that  the  only  differ- ence of  character  they  can  assume  is  by  reason of  different  accentuation. From  the  uncertainty  of  accent  already  men- tioned, it  will  easily  be  seen  that  in  different cases  the  same  tone,  and  the  same  ending  of  it, would  receive  different  accentuations  according to  the  feeling  of  the  compiler  of  the  Psalter  of the  church  in  question ;  and  this  gives  authority for  the  different  versions  that  will  be  found  in the  modern  books  of  Gregorian  tones  which  are very  accessible,  and  to  which  the  reader  is  re- ferred, as  for  example  the  followmg  ending  of the  sixth  tone  (the  one  most  commonly  heard) compared  with  the  one  given  above  : and  these,  which  are  both  alleged  to  be  the  cor- rect ending  of  the  second  tone  : It  is  almost  needless  to  say  that  modern  notation is  here  adopted  for  the  sake  of  greater  simplicity and  definiteness. The  chief  authority  made  use  of  here  is  the supplemental  essay  in  Dyce's  edition  of  the  Book of  Common  Prayer,  with  plain  tune  (now  rare) which  gives  ancient  authorities,  Elias  Salomouis, Adam  de  Fulda,  and  the  Tonale  of  St.  Bernard, all  referred  to  by  Gerbert.  Although  these  are of  later  date  than  the  8th  centurj',  the  number of  variations  which  they  recognise,  and  the  man- ner in  which  their  recognition  is  made,  seem  to make  it  tolerably  clear  that  these  differences  or Evovae  are  of  much  prior  date  to  them.  The view  here  taken  by  the  writer  receives  some confirmation  from  the  fact  that  a  modern  imita- tion of  the  word  Evovae  pi'oposed  by  Mr.  Dyce has  never  got  into  use,  and  is  a  mere  curiosity, inasmuch  as  our  means  of  expressing  accent  are more  obvious.  [J.  R.  L.] EVURTIUS,  or  EVORTIUS,  bishop  of  Or- leans, and  confessor;  deposition  at  Orleans,  Sept. 7  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EWALDUS,  or  EGU ALDUS,  name  of  two English  presbyters,  martyrs  among  the  ancient continental  Saxons  ;  commemorated  Oct.  3  {Mart. Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EXACTIONES  are  extraordinary  revenues, whether  drawn  from  a  new  form  of  impost (census  de  novo  impositus),  or  from  raising  the rate  of  an  old  source  of  revenue  (augmentatio census).  Such  exactions  were  in  early  times condemned  by  the  church  ;.  thus  the  33rd  canon of  the  third  council  of  Toledo  (a.d.  589)  and the  fifth  of  the  sixteenth  (a.d.  693)  forbade bishops   to  levy  exactions  upon  their   dioceses ; EXAMINATION  FOR  ORDERS pope  Leo  IV.  (a.d.  853)  also  stigmatized  as "  exactiones  illicitae  "  any  demands  for  supplies made  by  bishops  "ultra  statuta  patrum."  Simi- lar decrees  were  also  made  by  later  authorities. It  is  laid  down  by  canonists  that  an  "  exaction  " must  have  manifest  justification  (manifesta  et rationabilis  causa)  and  be  limited  to  the  sum absolutely  necessary  to  be  raised  (moderatum auxilium).  {Corpus  Juris  Canon.,  Dccret.  P.  ii. causa  X.  qu.  3,  c.  6 ;  and  Beer.  Greg.,  lib.  iii.  tit. 39  ;  Herzog,  Beal-Encycl.  iv.  280.)  [C] EXAFOTI.  The  LiJjer  Pontif.  tells  us  (p, 250,  D.  ed.  Muratori),  that  Benedict  III.  "obtulit canistra  exafoci  ex  argento  purissimo,"  where  the true  reading  no  doubt  is  exafota  {i.  e.  e^drpwTo) coronae  of  six  lights.  Compare  Ekafoti A.  The same  authority  speaks  of  a  corona  of  sixteen lights,  "  canistrum  excaedecafotii "  (e|/cai5tKa- fuTLov)  (Ducange,  s.  v.).  [G.] EXAPOSTEILARIA  ('E|a7ro(7Tei\apm)  are Tuoi'ARiA,  which  probably  received  their  name from  the  fact  that  the  word  i^aTrScTreiAov  fre- quently occurred  in  them,  as  they  were  mainly supplications  to  God  to  send  forth  His  Holy  Spirit upon  the  worshippers.  When  other  subjects were  introduced  into  them  another  etymology was  imagined,  that  the  word  "  exaposteilarion  " referred  to  the  "  sending  forth "  of  God's  ser- vants into  the  world  to  preach  the  gospel. (Neale's  Eastern  Church,  Introd.  845  ;  Daniel's Codex  Liturg.  iv.  701.)  [C] EXACUSTODIANUS  ('Ela/fovo-TccSm^bs), one  of  the  seven  sleepers  of  Ephesus,  A.D.  408  ; commemorated  Oct.  22  {Cal.  Byzant). [W.  F.  G.] EXALTATION  OP  THE  CROSS. [Cross,  Exaltation  of  the.] EXAMINATION  OP  COMMUNI- CANTS.   [Communion,  Holy,  p.  417.] EXAMINATION  POR  ORDERS.  It  ap- pears always  to  have  been  the  intention  of  the church  that  there  should  be  a  careful  examination into  the  fitness  of  candidates  for  orders.  As  re- garded their  moral  character,  this  was  in  some degree  provided  for  by  the  public  testimony  of the  people  at  the  time  of  ordination  [Election  OF Clergy].  So  it  is  said  that  when  Alexander  Seve- rus  was  about  to  appoint  any  governors  of  pro- vinces or  other  officials,  he  ordered  that  public enquiry  should  be  made  into  their  character,  add- ing that  this  was  the  custom  both  of  Jews  and Christians  in  the  selection  of  their  priests  (Ael. Lamprid.  Vita  Alex.  Sever,  c.  45).  In  some  cases, as  in  that  of  Augustine  (Possid.  Vita  August,  c.  4), it  appears  that  this  may  have  supplied  the  place of  any  further  examination.  The  third  council of  Carthage  (c.  22),  decreed  that  a  candidate for  ordination  must  be  approved  either  by  the testimony  of  the  people  or  the  examination  of the  bishop.  But  in  general  the  duty  of  exami- nation appears  to  have  rested  with  the  bishop. Chrysostom  (Trepi  lipw(r{jvr]s  iv.  2,  §  376),  speaks of  the  duty  of  the  ordaining  bishop  to  make diligent  enquiry  into  the  characters  of  those presented  to  him  by  the  electors.  The  oth canon  of  Theophilus,  archdeacon  of  Alexandria (Balsaraon,  ii.  170),  provides  that  when  the candidates  have  been  selected  by  the  clergy, the  bishop   shall    examine    them.      Basil    how- EXARCH ever  (^Ep.  181),  speaks  of  an  examination  con- ducted by  presbyters  and  deacons,  and  then referred  to  the  chorepiscopi.  The  canon  too  of Theophilus,  already  quoted,  mentions  the orthodox  clergy  of  the  district  as  having  the right  of  examination  in  certain  cases.  Thomas- sin  (  Yet.  et  Nov.  Eccl.  Discip.  ii.  1,  c.  32,  §  11-12), thinks  it  probable  that  the  task  of  examining candidates  was  delegated  in  the  first  place  to  the cathedral  clergy,  and  afterwards,  in  the  provinces, to  the  priests  and  deacons. The  examination  in  these  cases  appears  to  have been  chiefly  an  enquiry  into  the  moral  charac- ter and  general  fitness  of  the  candidates.  The fourth  council  of  Carthage  (c.  1),  directs  that every  bishop  should  be  examined  before  ordi- nation, as  to  his  personal  qualities,  such  as prudence,  morality,  and  learning,  both  profane and  sacred,  and  also  as  to  his  holding  the  right faith  as  contained  in  the  creeds.  It  is  not  said by  whom  the  examination  was  to  be  conducted. The  council  of  Narbonne  (c.  11),  forbids  any bishop  to  ordain  either  a  priest  or  deacon  who  is utterly  unlearned.  This  appears  to  imply  a previous  examination  into  literaiy  as  well  as moral  qualifications.  [P.  0.] EXAECH.  Geuerically  the  word  'Elctpxos is  applied  to  any  one  who  takes  the  lead.  Hence it  is  used  of  one  who  is  chief  in  any  department or  undertaking.  So  Plutarch  in  his  life  of  Numa has  ''E|apxos  rSiv  Upwp  in  the  sense  of  sacronim priiiceps,  or  summus  pontifex.'^  In  its  specific ecclesiastical  application  it  has  more  than  one sense. 1.  It  is  perhaps  most  commonly  and  most strictly  applied  to  the  great  prelates  who  pre- sided over  the  'dioceses'  (AioiK^treis,  see  Dio- cese), as  they  were  called,  which  were  formed in  imitation  of  the  civil  dioceses  of  Constantine. Each  of  these  'dioceses'  comprehended  several 'provinces'  (eVapx'a'X  ^^^  'lie  metropolitans  of these  latter  were  subordinated  to  the  exarchs  of the  former.  The  9th  and  17th  canons  of  the council  of  Chalcedon  recognise,  or  give,!-  a  right of  appeal  from  the  decision  of  the  metropolitan to  the  exarch.  The  word  therefore  became  nearly synonymous  with  patriarch.  Accordingly,  in the  Novels  of  Justinian,  when  imperial  sanction is  given  to  the  principle  expressed  in  the  canons of  Chalcedon,  the  word  exarch  is  turned  into patriarch."^  Yet  though  every  patriarch  had the  power  of  an  exarch,  every  exarch  was  not, properly  speaking,  a  patriarch,  the  latter  name being  given  only  to  the  heads  of  the  more  eminent dioceses.  Thus  in  the  '  Notitia '  given  in  Bing- ham, book  ix.  ch.  1,  §6,  which  seems  to  repre- sent the  state  of  things  at  the  end  of  the  4th century,  we  find  the  patriarchs  of  Antioch  and Alexandria,  but  the  exarchs  ■  of  Asia,  Pontus, Thrace,  Macedonia,  Dacia,  and  others.''  [NOTITIA.] »  A  well-known  application  of  the  term  in  secular government  is  the  title  of  the  exarch  of  Kavenna. b  "  Utrum  omnes  e-xarchi  hanc  potestatem  ante  hoc concilium  exercuerint  necne,  incertum  est:  Hoc  tamen certum,  earn  ab  hoc  concilio  illis  primb  confirmatam  esse." Bevcridge,  Fandect.  Annot.  in  Canon.  Condi.  Chafe. p  115. =  Si  vero  contra  metropolibim  tails  aditio  fiat  ab efiscopo,  aut  clero,  aut  alia  quai;umque  persona,  dio- cpseos  illius  beatissimus  patriarcha  simili  raodo  causum judicet." — Aovel  123,  C.  22. a  Beveridge  thinks  that  Balsamon  and  Morinus  are  in EXCLUSIVA 637 Subsequently  Constantinople  absorbed  Pontus, Asia,  and  Thrace,  becoming  a  patriarchate.  (See Neale,  J/vly  East.  Church,  General  Introduction.) 2.  The  word  is  also  sometimes  used  in  refer- ence to  metropolitans.  For  we  find  the  jihrase exarch  of  the  province  (e^apxos  t^s  iirapx^as) as  well  as  exarch  of  the  diocese  {it^apxos  ttjt  5ioi- Kr\cTiu)s).  It  is  used,  for  instance,  in  the  Gth canon  of  the  council  of  Sardica,  where  the  sense seems  beyond  doubt.'^  But  the  word  is  here probably  used  in  its  general  sense  of  chief,  rather than  in  any  technical  signification. 3.  In  later  times  the  name  exarch  was  also applied  to  certain  legates  of  the  patriarch  oi Constantinople,  who  appear  to  have  been  charged by  him  with  the  general  maintenance  of  his rights  and  authority,  and  also  entrusted  with the  visitation  of  monasteries  subject  to  him. The  name  is  also  given  to  ecclesiastics  deputed by  him  to  collect  the  tribute  payable  by  him  to the  Turkish  government.  These  legates  ap- pear to  have  had  large  powers,  and  might  even excommunicate,  depose,  or  absolve  in  the  name of  the  patriarch.  (See  Beveridge,  Pandcctae  Ca- nonwn,  Annotations  on  the  Canons  of  Chalcedon, pp.  120,  121.) Authorities. — Suicer,  Thesaurus,  s.v.^Elapxos  ; Beveridge,  Pandectae  Canonum,  Oxon.  lt)72; Bingham,  Antiquities,  bk.  ii.  ch.  17,  and  bk.  ix. ; Thomassinus,  Vetiis  et  Nova  Eccles.  Discip.  part  i. lib.  1,  cap.  17.  [B.  S.] EXCAECATIO.  To  deprive  of  sight  was not  a  mode  of  punishment  sanctioned  by  the Benedictine  rules.  But  in  the  8th  century  some abbats  had  recourse  to  this  barbarity  in  the  case of  contumacious  monks.  It  was  forbidden  by Charles  the  Great  (Capitul.  A.D.  789,  c.  16)  and by  the  council  of  Frankfort  (A.D.  794,  c.  18) ; and  abbats  were  strictly  ordered  to  confine  them- selves to  the  infliction  of  punishments  prescribed in  their  rule  (cf  Peg.  Bened.  Comment,  c.  25 ; Mabillon,  Ann.  Ord.  Bened.  Saec.  IV.  Praef.  i. 139).  [I.  G.  S.] EXCEPTOR.  (1)  The  word  excipere  was used  in  later  Latinity  to  express  the  "  faking- down"  of  a  person's  words.  Thus  Augustine {Epist.  110),  "a  notariis  ecclesiae  excipiuntur quae  dicimus."  Hence  a  reporter  of  judicial acts  and  sentences — as  in  the  case  of  Christian martyrs — was  called  exceptor.  A  gloss  on  Pru- dentius  {apud  Ducange)  speaks  of  "  exceptores  " who  took  down  the  dicta  of  the  judge  and  the answers  of  the  martyr.  Compare  Notarv. (Ducange's  Gloss,  s.  v. ;  Bingham's  Antiq.  III. xiii.  5). (2)  The  word  is  occasionally  used  as  equiva- lent to  avdSoxos  [Sponsor],  for  which  "  suscep- tor  "  is  more  commonly  employed.  [C] EXCLUSION  FROM  OOMIMUNION. [Communion,  Holy  :  Excommunication.] EXCLUSIVA  designates,  in  modern  times, the  right  claimed  by  certain    Roman    Catholic error  in  speaking  of  a  kind  of  metropolitans  set  over whole  dioceses,  and  yet  not  patriarchs.  May  lliey  not have  meant  such  as  the  exarchs  of  Asia  and  Pontus .'  (See Bev.  Pandect.  Can.  Annot.  in  Cone.  Clial.  p.  121.)  Valc- siuB  (_Obs.  m  Socrates'  Hist.  EccUs.  lib.  3,  cap.  9)  cidls these  exarchs  "  minorcs  patriarchas,"  and  says  "  Patri- archae  nomen  intordum  usurparunt." "   The  words  are  fiia  ypanfiaTwi'  tou  i^ap\ov  inap\ia^, Kiyui.Se  toO  eTrtcrKoirou  t^s  ja»)Tp07rd\«(os. G38 EXCOMMUNICATION powers  of  excludiug  a  particular  cardinal  from being  elected  pope. The  present  form  of  this  i-ight  is  of  course modern,  and  arises  from  the  political  circum- stances of  the  age  in  Europe ;  but  traces  of  the very  decided  influence  exerted  by  princes  in  re- straining the  liberty  of  papal  elections  are  found at  a  comparatively  early  date.  The  emperor Honorius,  for  instance,  in  the  case  of  the  double election  and  consecration  of  Eulalius  and  Boni- face, decided  (a.d.  418)  in  favour  of  Eulalius, afterwards  drove  him  from  the  city,  and  (A.D. 419)  ordered  the  installation  of  Boniface  (Auctu- arium  Symnuichianum,  Epistt.  19-31  ;  Baronius, an.  419,  §§  2  and  11,  etc.).  The  same  emperor, at  the  request  of  Bonif;ice,  made  an  ordinance that  for  the  future,  in  case  two  candidates  dis- ])uted  the  papal  chair,  neither  should  be  pope Init  a  fresh  election  should  be  held  (^Corpus  Juris Canon.  Dist.  xcvii.,  cc.  1  and  2  ;  Hardouin,  Concil. i.  1237).  Nor  was  the  influence  of  the  temporal power  diminished  when  Germans  ruled  in  Italy. Odoacer  (a.d.  483)  desired  that  no  papal  election should  take  place  without  his  concurrence  (sine nostra,  consultatione),  and  little  heed  was  paid by  subsequent  princes  to  the  canon  of  a  Roman synod  under  pope  Symmachus  (a.d.  502)  con- demning such  interference  of  the  secular  arm (Hardouin,  ii.  977  ;  C.  J.  C.  Dist.  xcvi.  c.  1,  §  7). Theodoric  repeated  the  enactment  of  Odoacer.  On the  reconquest  of  Italy  under  Justinian  the  con- firmation of  the  papal  election  fell  into  the  hands of  the  emperors,  who  exacted  considerable  sums in  consideration  of  it,  until  the  fee  was  given  up by  Constantine  Pogonatus  in  the  year  678  {Liber Font;/.,  in  Agatho;^  C.  J.  C.  Dist.  Ixiii.  c.  21). Somewhat  later,  in  the  case  of  Benedict  II. (a.d.  684)  the  claim  to  confirm  the  pope  was also  resigned  by  the  same  emperor.  This,  how- ever, led  to  so  much  disoi-der,  that  it  was  found necessary  again  to  invoke  the  co-operation  of  the civil  power  ;  and  the  fact  of  the  necessity  of  the emperor's  concurrence  is  recognised  in  the  Lihcr Diurnus  Pontiff.  Rom.  (c.  ii.  lib.  3;  see  also Garuier's  Dissertation  in  his  edition  of  the  Lib. Biurn.),  probably  of  the  end  of  the  seventh  or the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century.  The  neces- sity for  the  confirmation  of  the  emperor  con- tinued when  the  Frankish  chiefs  acquired  the imperial  dignity.  Compare  Pope.  (Jacobson  in Herzog's  Eeal-Enci/ctop.  iv.  280.)  [C] EXCOMMUNICATION  (Abstentio,  Anath- ema, Excoinmunicatio,  audde/xa,  a.<popiffti6s).  The partial  or  total,  temporary  or  perpetual,  exclu- sion of  a  member  from  the  privileges  of  the church. I.  Ordinary  Excommuxication. Excommunication  belongs  to  the  class  of corrective  or  medicinal  penalties  (poenae  medi- cinales  or  censurae),  not  to  the  vindictive (poenae  vindicativae).  Augustine  (Semi.  351, c.  12),  distinguishes  between  "  prohibitio  medi- cinalis,"  and  "prohibitio  mortalis,"  meaning (apparently)  by  the  one,  exclusion  from  the mysteries,  by  the  other,  exclusion  from  the church  and  Christian  fellowship  altogether. The  canon  law  {Corpus  J.,  c.  37,  can.  xxiv. qu.  iii.),  lays  down  generally  that  excommunica- tion is  "  disciplina,  non  eradicatio ;"  the  excom- municated person  is  capable  of  being  restored  to his  privileges,  upon  repentance  [Penitence]. EXCOMMUNICATION The  exclusion  of  peccant  members  from  social privileges  is  a  right  inherent  in  all  societies ;  it was  in  practice  among  the  Jews  at  the  Christian era,  and  was  incorporated  by  our  Lord  into  the constitution  of  His  church.  It  is  no  part  of  our purpose  to  discuss  the  theological  bearing  of  the language  in  which  our  Saviour  conveyed  this po\ver^(St.  Matt,  xviii.  15-18,  xvi.  19),  nor  to investigate  the  traces  which  the  New  Testament contains  of  the  use  to  which  the  apostles  put  it (Rom.  xvi.  17;  2  Cor.  vi.  14,  17;  Gal.  i.  8,  9 ; 2  Thess.  iii.  6,  14;  Tit.  iii.  10;  2  John  10,  11) (See  Art.  Excommunication  in  Diet,  of  the  Bible). It  is  sufficient  to  note  that  a  power  of  cutting off  offenders  was  conferred  on  the  apostles  as rulers  of  the  church,  and  was  by  them  made  a systematic  part  of  church  govei'nment.  There are  however  two  instances  of  direct  ex- communication by  St.  Paul,  which  must  be noticed  in  more  detail,  because  they  supplied  at once  the  language  and  the  model  after  which the  church  framed  in  subsequent  ages  her censures.  The  apostle  by  a  formal  judgment delivered  the  incestuous  Corinthian  "  to  Satan, for  the  destruction  of  the  flesh  "  (1  Cor.  v.  5)  ;  a sentence  which  cannot  signify  less  than  this — that  the  man  was  thrust  outside  the  Christian fold.  When  St.  Paul  wrote  his  second  epistle, some  six  or  nine  months  later,  the  man  on  his repentance  was  readmitted  into  the  church.  A similar  sentence,  but  producing  no  similar  peni- tence, was  delivered  against  Hymenaeus  and  Alex- ander (1  Tim.  i.  20).  Hymenaeus  is  mentioned  in 2  Tim.  ii.  17,  18,  as  a  teacher  of  heresy.  His case  therefore  formed  a  precedent  for  excom- munication for  heretical  opinion,  as  that  of  the Corinthian  for  immorality.  The  authority  for the  use  of  the  formula.  Anathema,  {avadeixa), so  common  afterwards  m  the  Penitential  Canons, is  to  be  found  in  1  Cor.  xvi.  22 ;  Gal.  i.  8,  9. The  proofs  that  the  church  has  always claimed  and  exercised  the  power  of  excommuni- cation, are  everywhere  patent.  Fathers  {e.g., Irenaeus,  Haeres.  iii.  3 ;  Cyprian,  De  Orat.  Bom. c.  18  ;  Ejyist.  41,  c.  2  ;  59  cc.  1,  9,  10,  11 ;  Basil, Epist.  61,  ad  Athanas. ;  Leo  the  Great,  Epist. 32,  ad  Faustum ;  Ambrose,  Epist.  40,  ad  Theodos.), and  councils  {e.g.,  Cann.  Apostt.  c.  8,  &c. ; iv.  Carth.  c.  73;  \\.  Aries,  c.  8;  Venet.  c.  3  ; Toledo,  cc.  15,  16,  18),  all  claim  the  power  or excommunication,  of  greater  oj-  less  severity  and duration,  in  the  case  of  offenders,  whether against  morality  or  against  orthodoxy.  The Penitential  Books  mention  numberless  cases in  which  excommunication  is  the  penalty.  See for  instance  the  Penitential  of  archbishop  Theo- dore (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils  and  Docu- ments, iii.  173). Persons  su^\ject  to  Excommunication. — The power  of  excommunicating  was  held  to  be  in some  measure  correlative  to  that  of  baptising ; those  who  could  admit  into  the  church  could  also exclude.  The  unbaptised  were  never  excommu- nicated, though  catechumens  might  be,  and  were, put  back  into  a  lower  grade,  and  their  baptism postponed.  Children  were  not  excommunicated, nor  (commonly)  reigning  princes  or  large  sec- tions of  the  church.  With  these  exceptions  all Chi-istian  people,  men  or  women,  might  be  cut off  from  communion  with  the  faithful.  But the  sentence  was  invariably  a  personal  one  for personal  offences ;  the  innocent  were  not  punished EXCOMMUNICATION with  the  guilty.  Such  a  process  as  laying  a whole  nation  under  an  interdict  for  some  sup- posed offence  of  the  people  or  their  rulers  was not  known  in  the  early  ages,  nor  before  the  12th century. According  to  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (ii. CO.  37,  38,  39)  the  course  of  discipline  was  that  if a,ny  otfender  did  not  voluntarily  come  forward  and acknowledge  his  guilt  he  was  to  be  summoned  by the  bishop,  first  in  privacy,  then  in  the  presence of  two  or  three  witnesses  ;  then  if  he  would  not yield,  the  case  was  to  be  told  to  the  church, and  if  he  was  still  obdurate,  sentence  would proceed  against  him.  No  one  was  to  be  excom- municated before  he  had  beeu  several  times admonished,  according  to  the  apostolic  injunc- tion, "  him  that  is  an  heretic,  after  the  first  or second  admonition,  reject."  Nor  could  any offender  be  excommunicated  in  his  absence,  nor without  legal  conviction  either  by  his  own admission  or  by  credible  witnesses.  On  this safeguard  against  abuse  of  power.  Van  Espen quotes  a  passage  from  St.  Augustine,  "  We  can- not reject  any  from  our  communion  unless  they have  either  voluntarily  confessed  or  been  charged and  convicted  before  some  secular  or  ecclesiastical tribunal  "  (St.  Aug.  Senn.  351  de  Poenitent.). One  witness  was  not  received  as  sufficient  evi- dence of  guilt,  even  though  the  one  was  a bishop.  No  one  could  incur  excommunication for  anything  temporal  ;  such  matters  were  left to  the  civil  courts,  and  excommunication  in  the early  ages  was  a  spiritual  weapon,  cutting  off from  spiritual  privileges.  Gregory  the  Great, writing  to  some  bishop  whose  name  has  been lost,  severely  rebukes  him  for  using  for  his  own private  ends,  power  conferred  upon  him  for  the good  of  the  souls  of  his  flock  (^Epist.  ii.  34).  It was  forbidden  also  to  excommunicate  for  sins  of infirmity  and  frailty.  "  There  are  some  sins," says  St.  Ambrose  (m  exhort,  ad  Poenit.),  "  which may  be  daily  pardoned  by  mere  supplication  to God,  in  that  petition  '  forgive  us  our  trespasses, as  we  forgive  them  that  trespass  against  us.' " And  it  was  necessary  that  the  offence  should  be public;  for  it  was  always  a  maxim  "  D§  occultis mm  judicat  Ecclesia."  So  St.  Cyprian,  "  We  s<i far  as  it  is  committed  to  us  to  see  and  judoe, look  only  at  the  face  (the  conduct)  of  each  one, his  heart  and  his  conscience  we  cannot  investi- gate (Cypr.  Epist.  56). It  would  be  impossible  within  reasonable  limits to  enumerate  the  graver  crimes  for  which  the church  cut  off  her  unworthy  members.  They  may in  general  be  reduced  under  one  of  the  three  heads of  uncleanness,  idolatry,  bloodshed.  Upon  the treatment  which  men  guilty  of  these  crimes should  receive,  many  of  the  early  controversies  on discipline  hinged.  There  were,  moreover,  many breaches  of  each  of  the  commandments  which  ren- dered the  offender  subject  to  the  highest  censure of  the  church,  which  cannot  be  brought  under  this classification.  Of  these  it  will  be  sufficient  to {loint  out  a  iew  which  were  peculiar  to  the times,  or  which  the  opinion  of  the  present  day would  deal  with  more  leniently.  The  principle underlying  the  whole  system  of  ecclesiastical censures,  was  the  preservation  of  sound  members of  the  Christian  body  from  the  evil  example  and contagion  of  the  unsound.  Hence,  heresy  was ever  reckoned  among  the  gravest  sins.  Hardly less  dangerous,  and  hardly  less  rigorously  puu- EXCOMMUNICATION r,30 ished  in  times  of  persecution,  or  during  th» barbarian  invasions,  was  apostasy  either  to heathenism  or  to  Judaism.  Any  tampering  with idolatry  was  rigidly  prohibited.  A  Christian was  forbidden  to  be  a  public  actoi',  or  to  be present  at  any  theatrical  representation,  which commonly  in  that  age  ministered  to  lasci- viousness ;  or  to  frequent  the  circus,  for  it was  regarded  as  an  appendage  of  false  worship, and  detrimental  to  the  majesty  of  God ;  or  to use  divination  or  astrology,  for  that  was  to  put destiny  in  the  place  of  divine  providence ;  or  to follow  any  trade,  such  for  example  as  the  train- ing of  gladiators,  which  in  its  natuM  was  scan- dalous ;  or  to  be  a  talebearer,  a  gambler,  or a  vagrant.  See  Gregory  Nyssen's  canonical  epistle to  Letoius  bishop  of  Melitina,  which  contains  an elaborate  classification  of  sins,  and  the  penalties to  be  allotted  to  them. Degrees  of  Excommunication. — Morinus  dis- tinguishes three  degrees  of  excommunication : 1st.  All  those  who  were  guilty  of  lighter  sins were  punished  by  exclusion  from  the  offering  of the  oblations  and  partaking  of  the  communion ; 2nd.  Those  who  sinned  more  grievously  were  not only  altogether  shut  out  from  partaking  of  the communion,  but  also  from  being  present  at  that service,  and  were  moreover  "  delivered  unto  Sa- tan," i.e.  to  certain  bodily  austerities  and  mortifi- cations ;  3rd.  Those  who  persisted  in  offending,  or fell  into  deadl}'  sin,  were  expelled  alike  from  all share  in  the  sacred  mysteries,  and  from  the  very building  of  the  church.  (Morin.  de  Poenitent.^ lib.  4,  c.  11.)  Van  Espen  considers  that  there were  two  degrees  only,  one  of  which  was  called "  medicinalis,"  the  other  "  mortalis,"  (Aug.  Horn. lib.  1.),  or  more  commonly,  "  Anathema "  (Van Espen  Jus  Eccl.  Pars  iii.  Tit.  xi.  c.  iv.) ;  Bing- ham also  discovers  two  degrees,  lesser  and greater  excommunication  (cKpopiff/jihs,  a.<popi(rfj.6s iravTfXris).  The  former,  which  corresponds  with the  first  two  classes  of  Morinus,  excluded  offen- ders from  the  eucharist,  and  the  prayers  of  the faithful,  but  did  not  exclude  them  from  the church,  for  still  they  might  stay  to  hear  psalms and  the  reading  of  the  scripture,  and  sermon  and prayer  of  catechumens  and  penitents,  and  depart when  the  service  of  catechumens  ended.  Greater excommunication  was  a  rejection  not  only  from the  eucharist  but  ft-om  any  presence  in  church whatevei',  and  any  association  with  Christian men  (Bingham,  Antiq.  lib.  xvi.  c.  11).  There remains  a  still  more  terrible  form  of  censui-e, which  undoubtedly  was  sometimes  imposed,  and which  was  an  absolute  and  final  excision  from the  church.  St.  Cyprian  {Epist.  55  ad  Anton.) speaks  of  some  of  his  predecessors  who  closed the  door  for  ever  against  adulterers,  but  adds, that  other  bishops  admitted  similar  offenders after  a  period  of  penitence  to  the  grace  of  the church.  There  are  vaj-ious  canons  in  the council  of  Elvira  (circa  305  A.D.),  which  utterly debar  offenders  from  communion  with  the  faith- ful for  the  remainder  of  their  lives,  "  nee  in  fine communionem  accijiere  "  {Con.  Eliber.  cc.  1,  12, 13,  71,  73).  Can.  46  declares  that  if  any  persist in  sin  after  having  beeu  already  punished,  he should  be  totally  cast  out,  "  peuitus  ab  ecclesiS  ab- jiciatur."  The  council  of  Ancyra  (cc.  9, 16  ;  circa 315  A.D.)  fixes  a  limit  to  the  i^enalty  attached  to those  very  crimes  for  which  that  at  Eliberis  had decreed  final  excision.     It  would  api^ar  there- 640 EXCOMMUNICATION fore  that  total  and  irremediable  exclusion  was  at ao  time  a  universal  practice,  but  nevertheless,  at certain  periods,  and  in  certain  localities,  where possibly  the  magnitude  of  otfences  required  to be  dealt  with  by  a  penalty  of  equal  magnitude,  it was  unhesitatingly  employed.  The  practice  of excommunicating  the  dead  had  no  existence  in the  early  centuries,  or  if  here  and  there  it  existed, was  supported  by  no  canonical  authority.  The second  council  of  Constantinople  (553  A.D.),  first introduced  it  into  the  Eastern  church,  and  about 100  years  later  it  crept  into  the  Western  (Morin. de  Poenitent.  lib.  x.  c.  9). Effect  of  Sentence. — The  punishment  inflicted by  a  sentence  of  excommunication  varied  not  only with  the  gravity  of  the  offence,  but  with  the  dis- cretion of  the  bishop,  the  customs  of  the  diocese or  province,  and  still  more  with  the  age  of  the church  in  which  the  offender  lived.  In  the  early centuries  the  church  was  ruled  with  a  gentler discipline  than  was  possible  when  her  ranks  were filled  up  prom,iscuously  from  the  multitude.  The incestuous  man,  whom  St.  Paul  expelled  from among  his  Corinthian  converts  with  such  solemn denunciation,  was  received  again  on  his  repen- tance, probably  within  a  few  months,  certainly v/ithin  the  year.  And  up  to  the  time  of  Mon- tanus,  punishments  even  for  grave  breaches  of the  law  of  the  gospel  were  equally  lenient. The  term  of  the  penalty  was  left  to  the  discre- tion of  the  bishop.  Through  the  whole  of Tertullian's  Treatise  de  Toenitentid,  and  in  the Apostolic  Canons,  with  one  exception,  there  is no  mention  of  any  time  for  the  duration  of  the censure.  And  even  in  the  increasing  severity which  prevailed  for  the  next  hundred  years, punishments  scarcely  ever  exceeded  one  or  two years  (Morin.  de  Poenitent.  lib.  iv.  c.  9). Thenceforward,  years  would  not  suffice  where weeks  or  months  had  been  deemed  sufficient before.  Ten,  fifteen,  twenty  years,  were  no uncommon  penalties.  St.  Basil  excludes  a murderer  from  the  church  for  twenty  years (can.  56).  The  council  of  Ancyra  decrees  that a  murderer  should  be  a  penitent  for  the  rest of  his  life,  and  be  received  back  into  com- munion only  at  the  hour  of  death  (can.  22). For  murder  combined  with  other  great  crimes the  council  of  Elvira  (can.  11),  forbids  com- munion even  in  death.  But  at  no  period  did any  hard  and  fast  law  prevail ;  if  an  offender voluntarily  confessed  his  guilt,  a  shorter  term  of exclusion  was  measured  out  to  him  ;  if  on  the other  hand,  a  man  who  had  before  caused scandal  was  further  rebellious  and  obdurate,  his sentence  was  doubly  severe.  The  lesser  excom- munication carried  with  it  only  an  exclusion from  communion,  and  from  the  inner  mysteries and  privileges  of  the  faith.  Three  weeks  of  this separation  was  the  punishment  assigned  by  the council  of  Elvira  to  those  who  wilfully  ab- sented themselves  from  church  for  three  succes- sive Sundays;  a  year  for  some  more  venial  forms of  nuchastity  ;  another  period  for  eating  food in  company  with  a  Jew  (Com.  Eliber.  cc.  21, 14,  50).  And  when  the  term  expired  they  were received  again  to  all  the  privileges  of  full  com- munion, without  being  called  upon  to  submit  to public  penance.  Very  different  from  this  was the  punishment  attending  the  greater  excom- munication, anathema.  For  the'first  300  years the  punishment  was  exclusively  spiritual,  laid EXCOMMUNICATION upon  the  souls,  not  the  bodies  of  men,  depriving  | them  of  spiritual  blessings,  and  in  no  way  inter- fering with  their  political  relations.    Heresiarchs  . however,  and  dangerous  heretical  teachers,  were at  all  periods  treated  with  exceptional  severity  ; the  church  was  forbidden  to  hold  any  intercourse  ' with  them,  to  receive  them  into  their  houses,  or to  bid  them  God  speed.     It  was  only  gradually,  , after    the    empire    became    Christian,   that    the weapons  of  the  church's  warfare    began  to   be moi'e  carnal,  and  the  secular  power  was  invoked to  uphold  the  ecclesiastical.     At  no  time  before  ; Theodosius,    who   declared   apostates    either   to  '. Judaism    or   heathenism    incapable    of    making  : wills  or  receiving  bequests,  and  whose  Codex  de  1 Haeretkis  attaches  other  pains  and  penalties  to  I heretics,    were    any    civil    disabilities    imposed  ] upon    those    whom    the   church    had    cast    off",  j Whatever  rights  a  man  had  from  the  laws  of  ' God  or  man,  as  father,  master,  magistrate,  these he   retained  after  the  door  of  the  church  was closed  against  him.     Yet  in  the  primitive  ages,  ! when  the  congregations  of  Christians  were  com- paratively small    and    the   members   known   to  •! each  other,  and  the  spiritual  censure  was  fol-  ! lowed  by  an  immediate  and  literal  banishment  \ from  all  sacred  offices,  from  the  society  of  their  ^ brethren  in  the  faith,  from  all  association  what-  : ever    with    holy    men    and    holy    things,    the   ' sentence  fell  with  overwhelming  severity.     All the    man   most    valued    was    taken    from    him.   i He  was  looked  upon  as  under  the  ban  of  God's   i wrath ;  he  was  cut  off'  from  the  kingdom  of  God  '\ on  earth  ;  like  the  leprous  man  among  the  Jews,   , he  had  the  visible  plague-spot  of  sin  upon  him  ;   | there  had  been  passed  upon  him  what  was  re- garded as  a  presage  of  the  future  judgment,  for   i what  God  had  by  his  ministers  bound  on  earth,   | he  would  certainly,  it   was  believed,  unless  the    I man  repented,  bind  in  heaven.     The  Apostolical' Canons  (c.  11)  forbad  any  one  even  to  pray  in  a house  with  a  man   under  anathema.     The  first council  of  Toledo   (400    A.D.),  ordered  (c.   15),    \ that  "If  any  layman  is  under  excommunication,    | let  no  clergyman  nor  religious  person  come  near him    nor   his   house.      Also   if  a    clergyman  is excommunicated,  let  him  be  avoided,  and  if  any is  found  to  converse  or  to  eat  with  him,  let  him also  be  excommunicated."     His  name  was  erased    ' from  the  Diptychs,  [p.  561] ;  and  there  are  in-    1 stances  of  the  erasure  having  been  made  after    | the  man  had  died,  and  his  sins  had  not  come  to    ! light   while   he  lived.     His  oblations    were  not received  at   the  altar,  and  even  gifts  which  he    j had  presented  to  the  church  were  rejected  with him.     His   books  might  not  De  read,  nor  might    I any  intermarry  with  him.     And  when  his  end    | came    he    was    refused  all  sacred  offices  on  his    j deathbed,  and  no  Christian   man  might  attend    \ his  funeral,  and  no  Christian  rite  be  performed    | at  it,  unless  he  had  given  proof  of  repentance    j and  passed  away  before  being  formally  absolved. Nor  could  any  one  hope  to  avoid  judgment  by  a voluntary    exile,  for    notice  was   sent  to  other congregations,  and  in  the  discipline  of  the  early church,  a  stranger  was  not  admitted  into  com-    | munion  unless  he   brought  with  him  Commen-    j DATORY  Letters  from  his  own  diocese.    A  man    j once    excommunicated   was  never   ordained,    or    i if  it  was  discovered  after  his  ordination,  that    ' he  had  been  previously  censured,  he  was  removed    ! from  the  ministry  {Cone.  Eliber.  can.  30 ;  Cono. EXCOMMUNICATION Nic.  10).  This  latter  strictness  was  not  invari- ably enforced,  but  the  axiom  "  Poenitentes ordinari  non  debent,"  became  universal  in  the Western  church,  although  not  always  in  practice in  the  Eastern. Excommunication  of  Clergy. — In  some  cases the  clergy,  for  offences  for  which  laymen  were excommunicated,  were  suspended  and  reduced  to lay  communion  [Degradation]  ;  but  they  might incur  both  degradation  and  excommunication. The  clergy  were  brought  to  trial  with  more  legal formalities  than  the  laity,  because  if  found  guilty they  were  deprived  not  only  of  spiritual  privi- leges but  of  office  and  emolument.  The  Apostolic Canons  (30)  decree  that  any  bishop,  priest,  or deacon  guilty  of  simony  shall  be  cut  off  from  all communion  whatever.  Mention  is  also  made  of reducing  clergy  to  "  peregrina  communio,"  com- munion of  strangers,  which  would  seem  to signify  that  they  were  to  be  treated  as  strangei-s who  came  without  commendatory  letters,  allowed a  mere  subsistence  from  the  offerings,  but  de- nied communion  [Communion,  Holy,  p.  417]. By  the  council  of  Chalcedon  (451  A.D.)  monks were  subject  to  the  same  discipline  as  laity. Form  or  Rite. — Judgment  was  delivered  in the  indicative  mood,  inasmuch  as  it  decreed  a punishment  then  and  there  inflicted.  It  was declared  after  the  reading  of  the  gospel,  the bishop  standing  on  the  ambo.  There  is  no  re- cord of  any  ceremony  attending  the  delivery  of the  sentence  in  the  early  ages ;  but  Martene publishes  a  MS.  of  about  the  year  1190  which prescribes  that  twelve  priests  ought  to  stand round  the  bishop  with  lamps  or  torches  in  their hands,  and  that  after  the  conclusion  of  the  sen- tence they  should  cast  them  on  the  ground  and stamp  out  the  light  beneath  their  feet,  and  that the  bishop  should  then  explain  to  the  people  the meaning  and  effect  of  the  ceremony  they  had witnessed.  No  recognised  rite  of  excommunica- tion was  in  general  use  before  the  9th  or  10th century.  The  formula  ordinarily  employed  was founded  on  our  Lord's  words,  "  Let  him  be  as  an heathen  man  and  a  publican."  The  council  of Ephesus  degraded  Nestorius  in  these  terms. "  Wherefore  our  Lord  Jesus  Chi-ist,  whose  ma- jesty he  by  his  blasphemous  words  has  assailed, pronounces  Nestorius,  through  this  sacred  synod, deprived  of  his  episcopal  rank  and  degraded  from the  fellowship  and  office  of  the  priesthood throughout  the  world."  The  sentence  of  excom- munication of  Andronicus,  governor  of  Ptolemais, by  his  bishop,  Synesius  (410  A.D.),  gives  a  more detailed  account  of  the  penalties  involved  in  the sentence.  "The  church  of  Ptolemais  makes  this injunction  to  all  her  sister  churches  throughout the  world.  Let  no  church  of  God  be  open  to  An- dronicus and  his  accomplices ;  but  let  every  sa- cred temple  and  sanctuary  be  shut  against  them. The  devil  has  no  part  in  paradise  ;  though  he  pri- vily creep  in  he  is  driven  out  again.  I  therefore  ad- monish both  private  men  and  magistrates  neither to  receive  them  under  their  roof  nor  to  their  table  : and  priests  more  especially,  that  they  neither converse  with  them  when  living  nor  attend  their funerals  when  dead.  And  if  any  one  despise  this church  as  being  only  a  small  city,  and  receive those  that  are  excommunicated  by  her,  let  them know  that  they  divide  the  church  by  schism. And  whosoever  does  so,  whether  levite,  presbyter, or  bishop,  shall  be  ranked  in  the  same  class  with CHRIST.  ANT. EXCOMMUNICATION G41 Andronicus.  We  will  neither  give  them  the right  hand  of  fellowship,  nor  eat  at  the  same table  with  them,  and  much  less  will  we  com- municate in  sacred  mysteries  with  those  who choose  to  take  part  with  Andronicus"  (Synes. Epist.  58).     [See  Penitence.] The  following,  from  an  Anglican  Pontifical preserved  at  Gemblours,  considered  -by  Martene {De  Bit.  Ant.  ii.  322 ;  ed.  Venet.  1783)  to  have been  written  in  the  8th  century,  may  serve as  a  specimen  of  the  later  forms.  The  bishop, denouncing  certain  persons  who,  not  having  the fear  of  God  before  their  eyes,  had  plundered  the property  of  the  church,  and  who,  after  being thrice  summoned,  contumaciously  refused  to appear,  proceeds  :  "  These  therefore  we,  by  the authority  conferred  upon  us  by  God  ....  and the  statutes  of  the  canons,  excommunicate  and cut  off  from  the  bounds  of  the  Holy  Church  of God,  and  expel  from  the  congi-egation  of  Chris- tian men  ;  and  unless  they  speedily  come  to  a better  mind  and  make  satisfaction  to  us,  we  con- found them  with  eternal  malediction  and  con- demn \\'\i\\  perpetual  anathema.  May  tkey  incur the  wrath  of  the  heavenly  judge ;  may  they  be deprived  of  the  inheritance  of  God  and  His  elect ; may  they  neither  in  this  present  life  have  com- munion with  Christians,  nor  in  the  life  to  come obtain  part  with  God  and  His  saints ;  but  may they  be  numbered  with  the  devil  and  his  ser- vants, and  receive  the  punishment*  of  avenging flame  with  everlasting  mourning.  In  heaven and  earth  may  they  be  abominable,  and  be  tor- tured for  ever  with  the  pains  of  hell.  Cursed  be they  in  the  house,  cursed  in  the  field ;  cursed be  their  food  and  their  fruit ;  cursed  be  all  that they  possess,  from  the  dog  that  barks  for  them to  the  cock  that  crows  for  them.  May  they have  their  portion  with  Dathan  and  Abiram, whom  hell  swallowed  up  quick,  and  with  An- anias and  Sapphira,  who  lied  unto  the  apostles  of the  Lord  and  fell  down  dead,  and  with  Pilate, and  Judas  who  betrayed  the  Lord  :  may  they  be buried  with  the  burial  of  an  ass,  and  so  may their  light  be  quenched  in  the  midst  of  darkness. Amen." Minister  of  Excommunication. — The  officer  en- trusted with  the  power  of  excommunication  was the  bishop  of  the  diocese  to  which  the  offender belonged.  [Bishop,  p.  231.]  The  administration of  discipline  was  originally  entirely  in  his  hands ; it  was  he  who  bound  and  he  who  loosed.  As  the church  increased,  the  infliction  of  other  forms  of penance  was  delegated  to  the  inferior  clergy,  but the  great  sentence  of  excommunication  was  a weapon  which  the  bishop  kept  exclusively  in  the power  of  his  own  order.  Within  his  diocese  his jurisdiction  was  supreme  ;  he  might  mitigate  or increase  censure  at  his  discretion.  In  the  exercise of  this  authority  he  was  independent  of  his  pres- bytery ;  he  sat  indeed  with  it  to  hear  confessions which  might  criminate  others,  or  to  receive  accu- sations against  the  brethren,  or  to  decide  rights and  causes  brought  before  him,  and  ofl'ences  might then  be  divulged  which  would  expose  the  offender to  excommunication,  but  when  once  guilt  was established,  either  by  confession,  or  conviction, or  notoriety,  the  bishop  alone  imposed  the  sen- tence. Instances  also  abound  of  bishops  consult- ing with  one  another  in  special  emergencies,  and deciding  amongst  themselves  the  period  of  peni- tence to  be  allotted  to  special  sins,  but  such 2  T 642 EXCOMMUNICATION advice  or  support  put  no  limitation  on  each bishop's  original  jurisdiction.  The  council  of  Nice (can.  5)  forbids  any  one  bishop  to  receive  delin- queiits  cut  off  by  another  bisliop,  which  clearly points  to  each  bishop  possessing  the  power  to  act alone.  The  end  of  the  same  canon  decrees  that a  synod  of  bishops  shnll  be  held  in  each  province twice  a  year,  before  Lent  and  in  the  autumn (compare  Apost.  Can.  38),  to  examine  into  the cases  of  excommunication  which  had  taken  place in  the  province.  There  was  thus  a  right  of appeal  against  the  sentence  of  an  individual bishop,  but  only  to  the  bishops  of  the  province. This  probably  explains  instances  of  synodical  ex- communication, which  do  not  imply  that  the bishop  had  not  an  independent  power  to  excom- municate, but  that  an  appeal  was  made  from  his judgntent  to  the  provincial  synod,  whose  sentence was  only  a  more  solemn  confirmation  of  the bishop's. The  Apostolical  Canons  (74)  decree  that,  if  a bishop  is  accused  he  is  to  be  summoned  by  the synod  of  bishops,  and  if  he  refuse  to  come  two bishops  are  to  go  for  him,  and  on  his  second  re- fusal, to  go  again,  and  if  he  is  still  contumacious, the  synod  may  proceed  against  him  in  his  ab- sence. Accordingly  the  episcopal  rank  of  Nes- torius  required  a  synodical  censure,  which  was pronounced  by  provincial  synods  under  Cyril  of Alexandria  and  Celestine  of  Rome,  and  confirmed 431  A.D.  by  the  council  of  Ephesus.  And  Euty- ches,  who  was  an  abbot  and  so  far  allowed  the privileges  of  a  bishop,  was  tried  at  the  provincial synod  of  Constantinople  under  Flavianus,  and  on an  appeal  to  a  general  council  was  again  con- demned and  excommunicated  at  Chalcedon,  to- gether with  Dioscorus  of  Alexandria. Literature. — Marshall's  Penitential  Discipline, Lond.  1714,  reprinted  in  '  Auglo-Cath.  Library,' Ox.  1844;  Bingham's  Antiquities,  bks.  xvi. and  xvii. ;  Morinus,  De  Discipiind  in,  Administr. Sacrament.  Poenitentiae,  Antv.  1682  ;  Van  Espen, Jus  Ecclesiasticum,  Ven.  1789,  vols.  4  and  9 ; Martene,  De  Ant.  Eccl.  ritibus;  Augusti,  Denk- wiirdiqkeiten  aus  der  christlichcn  Archdoloiie, Leip.  1817.  [(i.  M.] II.  MoNAsnc  Excommunication. By  the  Benedictine  rule  contumacious  monks mcurred  the  penalty  of  the  greater  or  the  lesser excommunication  according  to  the  gravity  of  the otFence,  but  not  till  admonition,  first  private  and then  public,  had  been  tried  on  them  in  vain,  nor in  cases  where,  owing  to  moral  stupidity,  flogging was  likely  to  be  more  efficacious  {Peg.  Bened. c.  23).  These  two  kinds  of  excommunication are  further  defined  as  excommunication  only from  the  common  meal  (a  mensa)  for  slighter faults,  and  excommunication  from  the  chapel also  (a  mensa  et  oratorio)  for  faults  less  venial. Thus  the  subdivision  of  monastic  excommunica- tion corresponds  in  its  main  features  with  the more  minute  subdivisions  of  ecclesiastical  disci- pline generally  (/6.  cc.  24,  25).  Even  under  the lighter  ban  the  offemier  was  forbidden  to  officiate in  the  choir  as  reader  or  "  cantor,"  and,  accord- ing to  some  commentators  on  the  rale,  he  was  to lie  prostrate  before  the  altar-steps  while  the other.s  were  kneeling.  In  the  refectory  he  was to  take  his  fov.d  alone  after  the  rest  had  finished (Martene,  Eeq.  Cumment.  cc.  25,  44). A   monk   under  the    graver  excommunication EXECUTORES was  debarred  not  only  from  the  common  board, but also  from  all  the  chapel  services  as  well  as  from the  benedictory  salutation,  and  indeed  from  all intercourse  whatever  with  his  brethren  (Peg. Bened.  c.  25).  He  was  to  lie  outstretched  at  the doors  of  the  chapel  till  re-admitted  by  the  abbat ; nor  even  then  might  he  take  any  public  part  in the  services  without  express  permission  (Martene, u.  s.  c.  44).  Any  monk  speaking  to  an  excom- municated brother  was  "  ipso  facto  "  excommu- nicated himself  {Reg.  Bened.  c.  26).  But  it  was kindly  ordered  by  Benedict,  that  the  abbat should  send  some  sympathising  brother  to  con- sole the  offender  in- his  loneliness  {lb.  c.  27; cf.  Reg.  Mag.  cc.  13,  14  ;  Reg.  Gaes.  Arelat.  c.  23  ; Id.  ad  Virg.  c.  10). The  duration  of  the  punishment  varied,  the intention  being  correctional  rather  than  merely penal.  By  the  rule  of  Fructuosus,  a  monk  for lying,  stealing,  striking,  false  swearing,  if  incor- rigible, was,  after  flogging,  to  be  excommuni- cated and  kept  on  bread  and  water  in  a  solitary cell  for  three  months  {Peg.  Fruct.  c.  17).  By the  rule  of  Ferreolus,  a  monk  for  bad  language was  forbidden  to  be  present  at  the  mass  or  to receive  the  kiss  of  peace  for  six  months  {Peg. Ferr.  c.  25).  By  the  rule  of  Chrodegan,^  a canonicus  was  excommunicated  for  what  seems so  slight  an  offence  as  sleeping  after  nocturns. It  was  for  the  abbat  to  fix  the  degree  of  excom- munication {Peg.  Bened.  c.  24).  Some  commenta- tors argue  therefore,  that  the  severest  form  of monastic  excommunication  cannot  be  tantamount to  the  severest  ecclesiastical  sentence  of  the  kind (Mart.  Peg.  Comm.  c.  25). Mabillon  cites  instances  {Annal.  x.  46)  of monks  (Columbanus  and  Theodorus  Studita) excommunicating  lay  people  not  belonging  to their  order.  He  relates  an  excommunication  of one  of  the  sisterhood  by  an  abbess  in  the  7th century  {Tb.  xii.  36).  Abbats  and  abbesses  were themselves  liable  to  this  penalty.  Gregory  the Great  reproves  a  bishop  for  harshness  in  excom- municating an  aged  abbat  of  good  repute.  The second  council  of  Tours  in  a.d.  567  decreed  sen- tence of  excommunication  against  any  abbat  or ])rior  allowing  a  woman  to  enter  the  monastery {Cone.  Turon.  c.  16).  See  further  Bened.  Anian. Concord.  Pequl.  cc.  30-34  with  Menard's  Commen- tary, and  Ducange,  Gloss.  Lat.  s.  v.       [1.  G.  S.] EXCUBIAE.    [Vigil.] EXCUSATI.  (1)  Slaves  who  had  fled  for refuge  to  a  church,  and  then — on  the  owners making  oath  u})on  the  gospels  that  they  would not  punish  them — been  restored  to  their  masters, were  called  excusati.  If  the  master  broke  his  oath he  was  punished  by  excommunication.  See  Cone. Aurel.  I.  cc.  1  and  3;  ///.  c.  13  ;  IV.  c.  24. (2)  Those  who  under  some  terror  or  oppression had  fled  to  a  church  or  monastery  and  reiuained there  were  also  called  excusdi  (Charter  of  Charles the  Great,  quoted  by  Ducange,  s.v.).  [C] EXECUTORES.  A  name  given  either  to the  Defensores  themselves  or  to  officers  who performed  analogous  functions.  In  one  of  the canons  of  a  council  held  at  Carthage,  a.d.  419 (6'o</.  Eccl.  Afric.  c.  96),  it  is  decreed  that  per- mission should  be  demanded  of  the  emperor  for the  appointment  of  five  "  executores,"  who should  reside  in  the  provinces,  and  be  employed on   all   occasions  of  necessity   on   behalf  of  the EXEDRA church,  "  in  onmibus  desideriis  quae  habet ecclesia."  These  are  evidently  distinct  from  the "  defensores  scholastici,"  mentioued  in  the  canon that  follows.  In  a  capitulary  of  Charles  the Great,  quoted  by  Thomassin  (  Vet.  et  Nov.  Eccl. Discip.  1.  2,  c.  99,  §  12),  executores  are  men- tioned in  connexion  with  advocates  and  defen- ders, ''  executores,  vel  advocati  seu  defensores." Thomasdn  {Ibid.  c.  98,  §  3)  speaks  of  the  title being  given  to  certain  officials  when  employed  in carrying  into  execution  the  will  of  the  bishop  of Rome,  who  is  himself -the  executor  and  protector of  the  canons.  [P.  0.] EXEDRA  is  explained  by  Ducange,  Binte- rim,  and  others  as  a  general  term  including  all buildings  annexed  to  a  church,  or  contained within  the  consecrated  area.  In  classical  usage an  exedra  was  a  semicircular  room,  or  large alcove  with  seats  against  the  wall  for  the  pur- poses of  conversation  (Cic.  de  Nut.  Deorum,  i.  6  ; (/-'  Orat.  iii.  5).  Exedrue  are  spoken  of  by  Vi- truvius  (vi.  5)  in  .  connection  with  oeci  {oIkoi)  as rooms  for  conversation  and  other  social  purposes. The  two  words  are  similarly  coupled  together by  Eusebius  {H.  E.  x.  4,  §  44)  when  describing the  church  of  Paulinus  at  Tyre.  Here  Eusebius writes  "he  provided  spacious  exedrae  and  oeci on  each  side  (e'le'Spas  Kal  oIkovs  tovs  trap'  iKa- Tepa  fieyiffTovs)  united  and  attached  to  the  royal fiibric  (/SacriXeiw)  and  communicating  with  the entrance  to  the  middle  of  the  temple."  The church  built  by  Constantine  at  Antioch  is  also described  as  "  being  surrounded  with  a  large number  of  oeci  and  exedrae  in  a  circle,"  o^kois T6  irK^ioaiv  t^e^pais  re  eV  kvkXoi  (Euseb.  de  Vit. Const,  lib.  iii.  c.  50).  Augustine  uses  the  word in  the  sense  of  a  large  room  or  hall  annexed  to the  great  church  at  Caesarea  {de  Gest.  cum Emeriti)).  The  sixth  canon  of  the  council of  Nantes  prohibits  interments  except  "  in  atrio aut  porticu,  aut  in  exedris  ecclesiae."  "  Bingham holds  that  baptisteries  were  included  under exedrae.  The  apse  of  a  basilica  was  also  some- times termed  exedra  from  its  similarity  in  shape to  those  of  the  baths. (Bingham,  Orig.  Eccl.  bk.  viii.  c.  7,  §  1 ;  Au- gusti  C'/triit.  Ai-chaeol.  i.  387  ;  Valesius  ad  Euseb. Vit.  Const,  lib.  iii.  c.  50.)  [E.  V.] EXEMPTION  OF  MONASTERIES.  In the  earlier  stage  of  their  existence,  monasteries generally  availed  themselves  gladly  of  the  patro- nage of  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  [Bishop,  p.  231], but  as  they  increased  in  wealth  and  power,  strug- gled to  emancipate  themselves  from  his  control. For  instance,  towards  the  close  of  the  6th  century the  abbess  of  Ste.  Croix  at  Poitiers,  after  the death  of  Radegunde  the  foundress,  who  had  be- come one  of  the  nuns,  requested  the  bishop  to take  the  convent  under  his  protection.  After some  hesitation,  on  account  of  the  royal  rank  of the  foundress,  or  because  she  had  placed  the  con- vent under  royal  jurisdiction,  he  consented  "  to govern  it  as  the  rest  of  his  parishes"  (Mabill. Ann.  0.  S.  B.  VII.  xxxix.  xl.  ;  Gregor.  Turon. Hist.  ix.  46).  On  the  other  hand,  in  the  middle of  the  7th  century,  or  later,  for  the  exact  date of  the  deed  is  uncertain,  a  monastery  at  Vienne, api)arently  of  monks  and  nuns  under  one  consti- tution,   obtained    absolute   exemption    from    the ihe  nadinc;  is  "extra  ec- EXILE G43 •  InLabbc  {Cmcil.  ix.  ■170) clesiam." bishop's  authority.  By  this  deed,  no  bishop  had any  claim  to  any  property  of  the  monastery ; no  bishop,  unless  by  invitation  of  the  abbot  or abbess,  could  consecrate  altars  or  admit  nuns, nor  was  any  fee  to  be  required  for  performing these  ceremonies;  and  the  diocesan  was  not  to hinder  any  appeal  of  the  monasterv  to  the  see of  Rome  (Mabill.  Ann.  0.  S.  B.  XIll.  ii.  cf.  App. tom.  1).  In  another  fragment  cited  by  Mabillon in  the  same  place  no  bishop  even  by  invitation was  allowed  to  enter  the  more  private  parts  of the  convent ;  nor  was  any  bishop  to  be  enter- tained in  the  convent,  lest  this  should  be  an expense  and  a  distraction  to  the  inmates,  nor  to interfere  with  the  abbess  in  the  correction  of  the nuns,  for  she  was  to  be  responsible  only  to  the apostolic  see.  Instances  might  easily  be  multi- plied of  the  almost  continual  collision  in  Western Christendom  between  the  bishops  and  the  monas- teries in  their  dioceses  ;  in  which  the  monasteries, almost  invariably,  had  the  support  of  the  pope, and,  frequently,  of  the  royal  authority  ( cf. Martene,  Itegul.  Comment.  Bened.  ap.  Migne, Patrol.  Lat.  'ixvi.  pp.  839,  840).  And  the  same struggle  was  going  on  at  the  same  time  in  the East..  Thus,  in  the  7th  century,  the  emperor Mauricius  granted  to  the  monasteries  of  Theo- dorus  Siceota  entire  exemption  from  all  epi- scopal authority,  except  that  of  Constantinople (Mabill.  Ann.  U.  S.  B.  xiv.  23).  Monasteries subject  only  to  emperor  or  king,  were  called "imperialia"  or  "regalia"  (Ducange,  Gloss. Lat.  s.  v.).  [For  exemption  of  monasteries  from taxes  see  Monastery.]  [I.  G.  S.] EXEMPTIONS.    [Immunities  of  Clergy.] EXEQUIES.      [Burial    of    the    Dead: Obsequies.] EXERCISES,  PENITENTIAL.  [Peni- tence.] EXHORTATION  (Exhortatio),  is  used  in  a special  sense  for  the  admonition  on  the  duties  of their  office  addressed  by  the  ordainer  to  a  person just  ordained.  See,  for  instance,  the  Coptic ritual  of  ordination,  in  Martene,  De  Bit.  Ant.  I., viii.  1 1,  Ordo  23.  [C] EXILE  (Exilinm,  Peregrinatio').  For  certain offences  a  penitent  was  ordered  to  leave  his country  and  pass  some  period  of  his  penitence  in distant  lands.  This  mode  of  penance  is  found among  the  canons  ascribed  to  some  of  the  British councils  of  the  6th  century  ;  but  there  are  strong grounds  for  believing  that  they  are  interpolations of  a  later  period,  and  that  the  penance  of  exile cannot  be  traced  to  any  earlier  source  than  the 7th  century.  The  Penitential  of  Theodore  (I.  ii. 16)  appoints  fifteen  years  of  penance  for  incest, of  which  seven  are  to  be  passed  in  a  foreign  land (perenni  peregrinatione).  The  Penitential  of Egbert  (iii.)  declares  seven  years  of  exile  to be  part  of  the  penance  due  to  parricide ;  and (v.  9)  orders  a  cleric  who  begets  an  illegitimate child  to  go  into  exile  for  either  four,  five,  or seven  years.  Morinus,  however,  considers  {de Poenit.  vii.  15)  that  these  wanderings  of  peni- tents soon  led  to  abuses,  and  were  checked  in  a capitulary  of  Charles  the  Great  (vi.  379). The    practice  thus  begun  in  submission  to  a judicial   penalty  was  continued  as  a  voluntary self-discipline,  and  in  the   10th  century  it  began to  be   considered  a   meritorious  action  to  leave 2  T  2 644 EXOCATACOELI home  and  country  and  make  a  pilgrimage  to  some spot  consecrated  by  association  with  some  holy man ;  the  earliest  of  which  places  were  Rome, Tours,  and  the  supposed  burial-place  of  St.  James at  Compostella.  This  tendency  received  a  great impulse  from  the  Crusades,  and  especially  from the  decree  of  the  council  of  Clermont  {C<jnc. Claroin.  c.  2),  which  allowed  a  pilgrimage  to  Jeru- salem to  expiate  all  penance  whatever.   [G.  M.] EXOCATACOELI.  Five  great  dignita- ries of  the  patriarchal  church  of  Constantinople, viz.  the  oeconomus  or  steward,  the  senior  and junior  keepA-  of  the  purse  (aaKiWdpLoi),  and  the senior  and  junior  chartophylax,  were  anciently called  i^wKaraKoiAoi.  To  these,  in  the  11th century,  the  defensor  of  the  church  was  added. The  etymology  of  the  word  is  uncertain.  That of  Ducange  (^Gloss.  Graec.)  that  they  received their  name  from  having  their  seats  of  dignity on  a  raised  platform,  not  in  the  lower  portion of  the  floor  (^KaraKoiKi)  where  less  distin- guished persons  sat,  is  perhaps  as  probable  as any.  (Thomassin,  Eccl.  Discip.  I.  ii.  99,  §  10  ; Daniel,  Codex  Litnrg.  iv.  702.)  [C] EXODIASTICON  ('E|o5ia(rTi/coV).  As  the departure  of  a  Christian  was  frequently  spoken of  as  e|o5os,  the  service  at  the  death-bed  is  called in  Greek  office-books  e|o5ia(rTiKoV  (Daniel,  Codex Lit.  iv.  608,  634).  [Burial  of  the  Dead  ; Sick,  Visitation  of.]  [C] EXOMOLOGESIS  (Exomologesis,  Confessio, i^oiJ.o\6yr](ns,  €^ay6pev(ns).  The  verb  in  St. Matt.  xi.  25  expresses  thanksgiving  and  praise, and  in  this  sense  was  used  by  many  Christian writers  (Suicer's  Thesaurus,  s.  v.  i^Ofj.o\.).  But more  generally  in  the  early  fathers  it  signifies the  whole  course  of  penitential  discipline,  the outward  act  and  performance  of  penance.  From this  it  came  to  mean  that  public  acknowledg- ment of  sin  which  formed  so  important  a  part of  penitence.  Irenaeus  (c.  Haeres.  i.  13,  §5) speaks  of  an  adulteress  who,  having  been  con- verted, passed  her  whole  life  in  a  state  of  peni- tence (^i^ofioAoyovjxevr],  in  exomologesi)  :  and  (ih. iii.  4)  of  Cerdon  often  coming  into  the  church and  confessing  his  errors  (^i^oixoXoyov/j.fvos). Tertullian  (de  Poenit.  c.  9)  considers  the  Greek word  i^o/xo\6y7}cns  more  suitable  than  the  Latin confessio ;  and  proceeds  to  define  the  term  as "the  discipline  of  humbling  and  prostrating  a man."  At  the  end  of  the  same  treatise  he  speaks of  the  king  of  Babylon's  humiliation  as  an  ex- omologesis,  and  of  the  king  of  Egypt's  neglect of  repentance  and  its  attendant  confession.  The term  occurs  twice  in  Cyprian  (&  Xa;?Sis,  cc.  11, 18),  and  six  times  in  his  Epistles  {Epistt.  4,  ad Pompon,  c.  3 ;  15,  ad  Martyr,  c.  1  ;  \Q,  ad  Cler. c.  2;  17,  ad  Laic;  55,  ad  Anton,  c.  24;  59,  ad Cornel,  c.  18,  Oxf.  ed.)  in  the  sense  of  the  course of  penitence  and  public  humiliation  ;  three  times (Epistt.  18,  ad  Cler. ;  19,  ad  Cler. ;  20,  ad  liom.- Cler.  c.  2)  referring  to  the  confession  of  dying penitents  :  and  once  (do  Lapsis,  c.  19)  as  applied to  Azariah  and  his  companions,  in  the  sense  of confession  of  the  lips  generally.  St.  Basil,  de- scribing the  morning  service  of  his  time  (Epist. 207,  ad  Cler.  Neocaesar.),  says  that  after  the  anti- phonal  chant,  at  daybreak  they  all  burst  forth into  the  psalm  of  confession  (rbj'  ttjs  e^ouo\o- yria-eojs  ^aX/xhy  tS  Kvplqi  auatpepovcri),  meaning no  doubt  that  which  is  emphatically  a  psalm   of EXOMOLOGESIS confession,  the  fifty-first.  This  psalm  is  also mentioned  by  Cassian  (De  Lnstit.  Coenoh.  iii.  6) as  occurring  at  the  close  of  matins.  Pacian  in  one place  (Paraen.  ad  Poenit.  p.  372,  Oxf.  ed.)  follow- ing Tertullian,  speaks  of  the  degradation  of  Nebu- chadnezzar as  exomologesis ;  in  another  {ibid. p.  373),  in  imitation  of  Cyprian,  applies  the term  to  the  song  of  the  "  three  children."  At the  council  of  Laodicea  (can.  2)  it  is  the whole  course  of  penitence  :  "  As  to  those  who sin  by  divers  offences  and  persevere  in  prayer of  confession  (e|oyUoA.)  and  repentance."  With Chrysostom  it  is  in  one  place  (Horn.  10  in  S.  Matt. c.  4)  the  course  of  penitence  ;  elsewhere  (llom.  5, de  incomp.  Dei  nat.  t.  i.  p.  490 :  Horn.  2,  ad ilium.  Catech.  t.  i.  p.  240,  Bened.  ed.)  it  is  confes- sion to  God  only.  Isidore  of  Seville  (Etymol.  vi. 19)  defines  exomologesis  to  be  that  by  which  we confess  our  sins  to  the  Lord.  But  at  the  end  of the  same  chapter  he  adduces  an  entirely  different meaning  of  the  word.  "  Between  litanies  and exomologeses  there  is  this  difference,  that  ex- omologesis stands  for  confession  of  sins  only, litany  for  prayer  to  God,  and  imploring  His pardon  ;  but  now  each  word  has  the  same  mean- ing, nor  is  there  any  difference  between  the  use of  litany  and  exomologesis."  The  17th  council  of Toledo,  A.D.  694  (c.  6),  orders  litanies  (exomolo- geses) to  be  said  for  a  whole  year  for  the  church, for  the  sovereign,  &c.  &c.  And  the  council  of Mayence,  A.D.  813  (Cone.  Mogunt.  c.  32)  quotes the  exact  words  of  Isidore  on  exomologesis  being equivalent  with  litany  (Comp.  Morin.  de  Poenit. ii.  2  ;  note  L.  on  TertuU.  de  Poenit.,  in  Oxford Liirarg  of  the  Fathers). Of  these  meanings  the  first  and  last  are  quite foreign  to  the  general  ecclesiastical  use  of  the word  and  need  not  be  pursued  any  fui-ther ;  that which  signifies  the  whole  course  of  penitential discipline  will  be  discussed  under  the  article Penitexce  :  this  article  will  relate  to  exomolo- gesis only  so  far  as  it  signifies  oral  confession. Public  Confession.  —  i.  Of  public  sins.  —  This was  the  first  stage  in  the  restoration  of  a  peni- tent. So  long  as  discipline  was  in  force,  any  one guilty  of  a  notorious  crime  which  had  subjected him  to  censure  [Excommunication]  was  re- quired to  make  an  open  acknowledgment  of  his crime  at  the  beginning  of  his  course  of  penitence. The  confession  took  place  after  the  Missa  Cate- chumenorum,  and  when  they  and  the  hearers  had been  warned  to  withdraw  from  the  church  by  the deacon.  Then  if  any  one  had  been  recently  con- victed of  any  open  sin,  he  confessed  and  bewailed it  before  the  church,  and  in  accordance  with  the gravity  of  his  offence,  his  penitential  station  was assigned  him  by  the  bishop ;  sometimes,  how- ever, the  bishop,  yielding  to  the  requests  of  the clergy  and  people  who  had  heard  the  confession, allotted  a  less  remote  station.  The  bishop  then addressed  the  congregation  on  the  nature  of  the offence,  and  they  offered  up  their  prayers  for  the offender's  repentance.  This  public  confession was  addressed  not  merely  to  the  bishop  or  the priest  in  the  presence  of  the  congregation,  but  in a  loud  voice  to  the  congregation  at  large.  It signified  that  as  the  church  had  been  scandalised by  an  open  sin  in  one  of  its  members,  reparatiou should  be  made  to  it  by  an  equally  open  admis- sion of  sin.  It  also  manifested  the  earnestness of  the  offender's  repentance  that  he  was  willing to   undergo    this    public   humiliation.     But   the EXOMOLOGESIS chief  object  was  that  the  oflenJer  might  seek the  pra3'ers  of  the  congregation  to  supjjovt  and stimulate  his  conversion.  If  any  one  who  was notoriously  guilty  failed  or  refused  to  confess,  no one  would  communicate  with  him,  in  accordance with  the  apostle's  precept  (1  Cor.  v.  11;  Ephes. V.  11).  Again,  if  ho  waited  to  be  convicted, liis  censure  was  heavier  than  if  he  had  made  a spontaneous  confession.  The  council  of  Elvira {Cone.  Elib.  c.  V6)  orders  that  if  a  deacon  before his  ordination  had  committed  a  mortal  sin,  and afterwards  confessed,  he  should  be  restored  after three  years'  penitence;  but  if  detected,  after  five 3^ears,  and  only  to  lay  communion.  Basil  {ad Amphiloc.  cc.  7,  61)  allows  alleviation  of  punish- ment on  three  grounds,  ignorance,  confession, and  lapse  of  time.  This  encouragement  to  confes- sion reappears  in  the  8th  century  in  the  Rule  of Chrodegand  of  Metz  (c.  18),  "  he  who  voluntarily confesses  his  lighter  sins  shall  be  visited  with lighter  censures."  And  not  only  was  an  ofi'euder urged  to  confess  for  his  own  sake,  but  any  who was  privy  to  his  crime  was  under  a  similar  obli- gation to  accuse  him,  for  if  he  failed  or  even delayed  to  do  so,  he  was  himself  exposed  to  cen- sure (Basil,  ad  Amphiloc.  c.  71). ii.  Of  secret  sins. — Such  confession  was  at  no time  obligatory.  Sometimes,  however,  under  the direction  of  a  priest  who  had  been  consulted,  or moved  by  a  sudden  contrition  and  remorse,  some would  charge  themselves  with  a  secret  sin  before the  congregation.  Thus  (Iren.  c.  Haeres.  i.  9)  the virgins  seduced  hy  the  heretic  Marcus,  and  the wife  of  the  deacon  Asianus  made  a  public  ac- knowledgment of  guilt  which  was  known  only to  themselves.  One  of  the  three  men  who  had calumniated  Narcissus  of  .Jerusalem  (Euseb.  //.  E. vi.  9)  publicly  acknowledged  years  afterwards, when  his  two  associates  had  died  from  some painful  disorder,  that  his  charge  against  the bishop  had  been  false.  Some  of  the  priests  who had  joined  Novatian  (ibid.  vi.  43)  spontaneously charged  themselves  before  the  church  with heresy  and  other  crimes  ;  one  of  the  bishops  who had  been  induced  to  consecrate  him  publicly  ac- knowledged his  error,  and  Cornelius,  in  deference to  the  intercession  of  the  people  who  witnessed the  confession,  admitted  him  to  lay  communion. But  public  confession  of  secret  sins  needed  at  a very  early  period  to  be  checked  and  regulated  ; and  the  people  were  admonished  to  consult  their priests  before  divulging  their  sins  to  the  church [PenitentiaHy].  Anything  which  would  create a  scandal  or  endanger  life  or  liberty  was  for- bidden to  be  revealed.  So  Basil  {ad  Amphiloc. c.  34)  would  not  permit  a  woman  who  had  pri- vately admitted  the  guilt  of  adultery  to  acknow- ledge it  in  the  church  or  even  to  perform  openly the  penance  generally  demanded  for  such  a  sin, lest  she  should  be  murdered  by  her  husband. Similar  precautions  are  laid  down  by  Origen, Augustine,  and  Caesarius  of  Aries  (Morin.  dc Poenit.  ii.  13).  In  the  6th  century  the  practice arose  of  making  confession  of  public  sins  to  the bishop,  of  private  to  the  priest. iii.  Before  the  bishop  and  his  presbj/ten/. — Ter- tullian  {de  Foeint.  c.  9)  says  it  is  part  of  exomo- logesis  for  the  penitent  "to  throw  himself  upon the  ground  before  the  presbytery,  and  to  fall  on his  knees  before  the  beloved  of  God."  Cyprian {de  Lapsis,c,  18)  praises  the  faith  of  those  who, iiaving  without  any  overt  act  meditated  idola- EXOMOLOGESIS 045 try,  made  a  confession  "  apud  sacerdotes  Dei." Gregory  Nyssen  {Ep.  ad  Lctoium,  in  Marshall p.  19.5)  speaks  of  a  certain  evil  which  had been  overlooked  by  the  ancient  fathers,  from whence  it  had  come  to  pass,  that  no  person  who was  brought  before  the  clergy  to  be  «xaniined  as to  his  life  and  conversation  was  at  all  examined upon  that  jwint.  Before  the  presbytery  con- fessions were  made  which  criminated  others;  and this  frequently  happened  ;  for  any  one  making  a public  confession  named  his  confederates,  unless by  so  doing  he  exposed  them  to  legal  penalties. No  ecclesiastical  censure,  however,  fell  on  any who  denied  a  crime  which  his  associate  had  ad- mitted :  on  the  principle  that  penitence  was  a privilege  not  a  punishment.  The  deacon  and virgin  whose  case  is  decided  by  St.  Cyprian  and his  presbytery  (J5/;w.  iv.  ad  foinpon.y must  have had  an  information  laid  against  them  by  some associate,  for  their  guilt  had  been  secret.  This mode  of  confession  was  affected  in  the  East  by the  appointment  of  the  Penitentiary;  but  in  the West  so  long  as  public  penitence  for  secret  faults prevailed,  so  long  did  public  confession  to  bishops and  their  assistant  priests.  Probably  this  was the  origin  of  the  custom  introduced  into  the Benedictine  Rule  of  confession  to  the  abbot  sur- rounded by  his  monks. Private  Confession. — i.  General  account. — The testimony  of  the  fathers  will  be  discussed  in detail  later;  here  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  the early  fathers  Jrenaeus,  Tertullian,  Cyprian,  hardly allude  to  private  confession  at  all ;  and  among  the writers  generally  of  the  first  500  years  those  who mention  it  do  so  with  some  reference  more  or less  direct  to  public  discipline.  But  it  is  certain that  public  penitence  was  not  assigned  to  all sins  which  were  secretly  confessed,  but  only  to such  as  in  the  discretion  of  the  priest  required it.  It  is  easy  to  understand  that  oflences  of  a trivial  nature  might  be  confided  to  a  priest,  or offences  of  such  a  character  as  would  scandalise the  church  were  they  openly  divulged ;  and until  this  spiritual  direction  had  been  given, the  offender  would  be  in  doubt  whether  or  not a  public  acknowledgment  would  be  expected  from him.  But  it  is  equally  clear  that  no  absolution was  given  after  direction  of  this  sort,  or  until penitence  had  been  performed.  Such  at  least for  many  centui-ies  was  the  }>ractice  in  the  Latin church  (see  Penitence,  under  which  the  ques- tion of  absolution  will  be  discussed):  in  the Eastern  church  a  practice  arose  of  pronouncing some  preliminary  absolution  immediately  after the  utterance  of  the  confession,  and  a  second absolution  when  the  penance  had  been  performed. The  evidence  of  this  practice  is  to  be  found  in the  early  Greek  Penitentials  at  the  end  of  the 6th  century;  but  Morinus  would  carry  back  its origin  to  the  time  of  the  abolition  of  the  office  of Penitentiary  at  the  end  of  the  4th.  To  resort to  a  spiritual  guide  for  comfort  and  counsel was  one  thing  ;  to  obtain  through  his  ministry by  confession  penance  and  absolution,  reconcilia- tion with  God  and  communion  with  the  faithful was.  another  :  and  there  is  no  proof  that  the  two were  combined,  and  that  private  sacramental confession  had  any  existence  in  the  first  500 years  of  the  Christian  church.  The  term  itself is  not  found  in  any  of  the  documents  of  the  first eight  centuries:  and  if  the  definition  of  Thomas Aquinas  {Summa,  pt.  iii.  qu.  84-90)   is   to   be 646 EXOMOLOGESIS accepted  as  a  theological  definition  of  the  term, its  growth  must  be  assigned  to  a  much  later period.  There  existed  undoubtedly  from  a  very early  period  private  confession  followed  by  no penitence,  but  also  by  no  absolution ;  there was  also  private  confession  followed  by  public penitence,  and  generally  by  subsequent  public confession,  to  which  the  private  was  a  prelimin- ary :  and  there  was  after  the  beginning  of  the 6t'h  century  private  confession  followed  by  pri- vate penitence,  but  the  penance  was  always  ex- acted, and  differed  only  from  public  penance  in solemnity;  there  is  nowhere  to  be  found  in  canons or  sacramentaries  or  penitentials  one  punishment for  private  penitence  and  another  for  public. The  sins  thus  privately  confessed  with  a  view  to penitence  were  those  only  of  a  grievous  character, sins  which  excluded  from  communion  or  public prayer,  or  even  from  the  church  itself,  which required  a  long  and  painful  course  of  penance before  they  were  blotted  out,  and  into  which  if the  sinner  relapsed,  there  was,  certainly  in  the rigour  of  the  primitive  ages,  no  second  door  of reconciliation  open  to  him.  Sozomen  indeed, writing  at  the  end  of  the  5th  century,  says  in reference  to  penitence  that  there  is  pardon  for these  who  sin  again  and  again,  but  this  is  not the  language  of  antiquity.  There  was  but  one admission  to  solemn  penance.  Moreover,  sins  for which  penance  was  to  be  performed  were  de- scribed by  canons  and  in  canonical  epistles,  and sins  which  did  not  fall  within  these  canons  were neither  confessed  nor  made  subject  to  penance. Sins  of  frailty  incidental  to  mankind  were  to  be healed  by  daily  prayer  and  confession  to  God only.  So,  among  numerous  authorities  that  peni- tence, and  confession  as  a  part  of  penitence,  was not  exacted  for  venial  sins,  Augustine  (cfe  Symb, ad  Catech.  t.  vi.  p.  555,  ed.  Antv.),  "  those  whom you  see  in  a  state  of  penitence  have  been  guilty  of adultery  or  some  other  enormity,  for  which  they are  put  under  it :  if  their  sin  had  been  venial, daily  prayer  would  have  been  sufficient  to  atone for  it."  The  Greek  Penitentials  of  the  end  of the  6th  century,  and  the  Latin  ones  of  a  cen- tury later,  give  no  hint  of  habitual  confession  of common  infirmities,  or  of  private  confession  being a  matter  of  indispensable  obligation,  still  less  of the  doctrine  that  one  may  daily  confess  and  be daily  and  plenarily  absolved. ii.  fii  the  Western  Church. — In  the  times  of  Ter- tuUian  and  Cyprian  public  discipline  was  in  full vigour,  and  as  part  of  it  a  public  acknowledg- ment of  sins  :  the  passages  which  have  already been  adduced  from  these  fathers  contain  nothing to  show  that  they  regarded  confession  in  any other  light  than  as  one  stage  of  the  act  of  peni- tence. Ambrose  {de  Poenit.  ii.  6)  speaks  of  confession, but  it  is  confession  to  God.  "If  thou  wilt  be justified  confess  thy  sins  ;  for  humble  confession looses  the  bonds  of  sin."  Another  passage, selected  by  Bellarmine  to  support  secret  confes- sion, relates  manifestly  to  the  course  of  disci- pline ;  for  having  at  the  end  of  the  previous section  said  that  "very  many,  out  of  fear  of future  punishment,  conscious  of  their  sins,  seek admission  to  penitence,  and  having  obtained  it are  drawn  back  by  the  shame  of  public  en- treaty," Ambrose  thus  proceeds  (i6.  c.  10), "  Will  any  one  endure  that  thou  shouldest  be ashamed  to  ask  of  God,  who  art  not  ashamed  to  ask EXOMOLOGESIS  .; men  ?  that  thou   be   ashamed  to  supplicate  Him  i from  whom  thou  art  not  hid,  when  thou  art  not  | ashamed  to  confess  thy  sins  to  man  from  v/hom  ■■. thou  art  hid  ?"     Another  passage  (in  Luc.  x.  22, p.   5,   1787)  commenting  on  St.  Peter's    denial of  Christ  and  subsequent  repentance,  is  incon-  ; sistent  with  the  existence  of  a  custom  of  pri- vate   confession    in  his  time.     "  Let  tears  wash away  the  guilt  which  one  is  ashamed  to  confess with  the  voice.     Tears  express  the  fault  without alarm  ;   tears  confess   the  sin  without   injuring bashfulness ;  tears  obtain   the   pardon   they  ask  ! not   for.     Peter  wept  most   bitterly,  that  with  \ tears  he  might  wash  out  his  oftence.     Do  thou  ' also,  if  thou  wouldest  obtain  pardon,  wash  out  thy fault  with  tears."  i Augustine's  own  confessions  contain  no  hint that  he  either  practised  or  inculcated  private  con- fession. "  What  have  I  to  do  with  men  that they  should  hear  my  confession,  as  if  they  could  ; heal  all  my  infirmities"  (x.  3).  Bellai'mine  quotes  i from  the  same  writer  (on  I's.  66,  c.  7) — "  Be  ! downcast  before  thou  hast  confessed ;  having  I confessed,  exult  ;  now  shalt  thou  be  healed,  i While  thou  confessedst  not,  thy  conscience  col-  J lected  foul  matter;  the  imposthume  swelled,! distressed  thee,  gave  thee  no  rest ;  the  physician  ! foments  it  with  words,  sometimes  cuts  it,  em-  i ploys  the  healing  knife,  rebuking  by  tribulation. Acknowledge  thou  the  hand  of  the  physician;  j confess  ;  let  all  the  foul  matter  go  forth  in  con- fession ;  now  exult,  now  rejoice,  what  remains will  readily  be  healed."  But  Augustine  is commenting  on  the  text,  "Sing  unto  the  Lord all  the  whole  earth;"  and  confession  can  be  con-  \ fession  to  God  only,  as  surely  the  physician  who heals  by  tribulation  can  be  none  other  than  God.  i In  Serm.  181  (fin.)  he  speaks  of  daily  prayer  as the  sponge  which  is  to  wipe  away  sins  of  infir- mity and  contrasts  them  with  death-bringing sins  for  which  alone  penitence  is  performed. Elsewhere  {de  Symh.  ad  Catech.  torn.  vi.  p.  555,  ed.  ' Antv.)  he  again  speaks  of  the  "  three  methods  of  i remitting  sins  in  the  church,  in  baptism,  in  the  | Lord's  Prayer,  in  the  humility  of  the  greater  i penitence,"  and  he  limits  penance  and  conse-  | quently  confession  to  sins  which  deserve  excom-  | munication.  And  in  many  similar  passages  he is  a  witness  that  up  to  his  time  no  confession  j was  required  of  any  sins  but  such  as  subjected  a  : man  to  penitential  discipline. Leo  in  his  Epistle  to  Theodoras  gives  plain  testi-  ■ mony  of  the  connection  of  confession  with  penance {Ep.  91,  c.  2).  But  in  a  letter  to  the  bishops  of Campania  he  gives  some  directions  which  mark  if they  do  not  make  an  era  in  confession  in  the  Latin church.  The  epistle  is  too  important  not  to  be  I quoted  at  length  (^Ep.  80,  ad  Episc.  Campan.),  ''. "That  presumption, contrary  to  the  apostolic  rule,  i which  I  have  lately  learned  to  be  practised  by tome,  taking  undul}'  upon  themselves,  I  direct  ! should  by  all  means  be  removed,  and  that  a  writ- ten statement  of  the  nature  of  the  crimes  of  each should  not  be  publicly  rehearsed,  since  it  suffices  ' that  the  guilt  of  the  conscience  be  laid  open  to  ; the  priests  alone  in  secret  confession.  For  al-  i though  that  fulness  of  faith,  which  out  of  the  j fear  of  God  fears  not  to  take  shame  before  men, seems  to  be  praiseworthy,  yet  bediiuse  the  sins of  all  are  not  of  such  sort,  that  they  who  ask  to  ; do  penitence  fear  not  their  being  published,  let so  una/'visable    a    custom    be    done    away,  lest  I EXOkoLOGESIS many  be  kept  from  the  remedies  of  jsenitence  ; either  being  ashamed,  or  fearing  that  actions  for which  they  may  be  punished  by  the  laws  should be  discovered  to  their  enemies.  For  that  con- fession suffices,  which  is  made  first  to  God,  then to  the  priest  also,  who  draweth  near  to  pray  for the  sins  of  the  penitents.  For  so  at  length  may more  be  stirred  up  to  penitence,  if  the  sins  con- fessed by  the  penitents  be  m-t  published  in  the ears  of  the  people."  In  the  early  ages  public confession  was  only  remitted  in  case  of  danger to  the  individual  or  scandal  to  the  church  :  by this  constitution  of  Leo  secret  confession  to  the priest  was  to  take  the  place  of  open  confession, and  the  priest's  intercession  of  the  intercession  of the  church.  The  door  thus  opened  for  escaping from  the  shame  of  public  confession  was  never afterwards  closed,  and  secret  confession  gradually became  the  rule  of  the  church. In  the  pontificate  of  Gregory  the  Great,  a century  and  a  half  later,  there  is  no  evidence  to be  found  of  the  existence  of  public  confession  : and  even  after  private  confession  it  was  difficult  to bring  men  to  submit  to  public  discipline  {h'xpos. in  1  Beg.  t.  iii.  15,  p.  3-1-2).  "The  sign  of  a  true confession  is  not  in  the  confession  of  the  lij>s,  bat in  the  humiliation  of  penitence.  ....  The  con- fession of  sin  is  required  in  order  that  the  fruits of  penitence  may  follow Saul,  who  con- fesses and  is  not  willing  to  humble  and  afflict himself,  is  a  type  of  those  who  make  a  sterile confession  and  bear  no  fruit  of  penance." lu  the  7th  century,  the  stern  rule  that  solemn confession  as  a  part  of  penitence  was  received only  once,  had  become  obsolete,  but  habitual  con- lesslon  had  not  yet  taken  its  place.  The  first council  of  Chalons,  a.d.  650  (1  Cabil.  c.  8),  de- clares that  all  agree  that  confession  to  the  priest is  a  proof  of  penitence.  The  Penitential  of  Theo- dore (I.  xii.  7)  gives  a  rule  which  shows  that auricular  confession  was  not  yet  obligatory. "  Confession  if  needful  may  be  made  to  God  only." [Communion,  Holy,  p.  417.]  Bede  (tom.  v.  Exp. in  S.  Jac.  v.)  reverting  to  the  old  practice  draws  a distinction  between  the  confession  of  frailties  and of  heinous  sins.  "  We  ought  to  use  this  discretion, our  daily  light  sins  confess  to  one  another,  and hope  that  by  our  prayers  they  may  be  healed  ; but  the  pollution  of  the  greater  leprosy  let  us according  to  the  law  open  to  the  priest,  and  in the  manner  and  the  time  which  he  dii'ects, purify  ourselves."  The  second  council  of  Cha- lons, A.D.  813  (2  Cone.  Cabil.  c.  32)  complains  that people  coming  to  confess  neglect  to  do  so  fully, and  orders  each  one  when  he  comes  to  examine himself  and  make  confession  of  the  eight  capital sins  which  prevail  in  the  world — -which  are  then enumerated— and  by  implication,  of  no  others. Theodulph's  Capitulary  (c.  3U)  draws  a  distinc- tion between  confession  made  to  a  priest  and  that to  God  only,  and  (c.  31)  mentions  the  same  eight principal  sins  as  the  council,  and  appoints  that everyone  learning  to  confess  should  be  examined on  what  occasions  and  in  what  manner  he  had been  guilty  of  any  of  them,  and  consequently  be subjected  to  no  further  examination.  Chrodegand (c.  .32)  orders  "  confession  to  be  made  at  each  of the  three  fasts  of  the  year,  '  et  qui  plus  focerit melius  facit;'  and  monks  to  confess  on  each  Sun- day to  their  bishop  or  prior."  But  there  is  no other  document  showing  that  confession  had yet  become  periodical.      That    secret  confession EXOMOLOGESIS (341 was  not  yet  a  matter  of  obligation  is  clear from  the  canon  of  the  council  of  Chalons (2  Cow.:  Cihil.  c.  33).  "  Some  say  they  ought to  confess  their  sins  to  God  only,  and  some think  they  are  to  be  confessed  unto  the  priests, both  of  which  not  without  great  fruit  are  prac- tised in  the  Holy  Church  ....  the  confession which  is  made  to  God  purgeth  sins,  that  made to  the  priests  teacheth  in  what  way  those  sins should  be  purged."  And  so  it  remained  an  open question  for  the  next  300  years,  for  Gratian {dc  Poenit.  Dist.  i.  89)  summing  up  the  opinions of  diflerent  doctors  on  necessity  of  confession leaves  it  still  undecided.  "  Upon  what  autho- rities or  upon  what  'strength  of  reasons  botli these  opinions  are  grounded,  I  have  briefly  de- clared ;  which  of  them  we  should  rather  cleave to  is  left  to  the  judgment  of  the  reader;  for  both have  for  their  favourers  wise  and  religious  men." And  it  was  not  determined  till  the  famous  de- cree oi  the  Lateran  council,  A.D.  1215  (4  Cone. Lateran.  c.  21)  ordering  all  of  each  sex  as  soon  as they  arrived  at  years  of  discretion  to  confess  at least  once  a  year  to  their  own  priest. iii.  In  ike  Eastern  Church.— The  duty  of  con- sulting a  priest  when  the  conscience  is  burdened is  urged  more  strongly  by  the  Greek  than  by  the Latin  fathers ;  there  are  consequently  more  dis- tinct traces  of  secret  confession  to  be  found  in the  Eastern  than  in  the  Western  church.  Grigen has  one  passage  speaking  directly  of  confession, not  to  God  only  but  to  the  ministers  of  the church  ;  the  purpose  of  the  confession  however is  not  to  obtain  absolution,  but  sj)iritual  guid- ance ;  after  having  spoken  of  evil  thoughts which  should  be  revealed  in  order  that  they might  be  destroyed  by  Him  who  died  for  us,  he continues  (//bw.  17  in  Luc.  fin.),  "  if  we  do  this aiul  confess  our  sins  not  only  to  God,  but  to  those also  who  can  heal  our  wounds  and  sins,  our  sins will  be  blotted  out  by  Him,"  &c.  In  another passage,  which  is  even  more  explicit,  he  speaks of  the  care  required  in  choosing  a  discreet  and learned  minister  to  whom  to  open  the  grief,  and the  skill  and  tenderness  required  in  him  to  whom it  is  confided  (Hum.  2  in  Fs.  37, 1. 11,  p.  (588,  ed. Bened.). Athanasius  (Vit.  Ant.  Erem.  p.  75,  ed.  Augs.) narrates  an  injunction  of  Anthony  to  his  fellow- recluses,  that  they  should  write  down  their thoughts  and  actions  and  exhibit  the  record to  one  another,  which  probably  was  the  be- ginning of  habitual  confession  among  monastic orders,  where  there  are  many  grounds  for  sup- posing it  prevailed  long  before  it  became  the custom  of  the  church.  Basil  lays  it  down  even more  definitely  than  Grigen,  that  in  cases  of  doubt and  difficulty  resort  should  be  had  to  a  priest; and  in  his  time  such  a  priest  was  specially appointed  in  each  diocese,  whose  office  it  was to  receive  such  jnnvate  confessions  and  decide whether  they  should  be  afterwards  ojienly acknowledged.  [Penitentiary.]  Thus  in  Basil, Beg.  hrev.  tract.  (Q.  229)  the  question  is  pro- posed, "Whether  forbidden  actions  ouglit  to be  laid  open  to  all,  or  to  whom,  and  of  what sort?"  And  the  answer  is,  that  as  with  bodily disease,  "  so  also  the  discovery  of  sins  ought to  be  made  to  those  able  to  cure  them."  Again (Q.  288)  Basil  asks,  "  he  who  wishes  to  con- fess his  sins  ought  he  to  confess  them  to  all, or  to  any  chance  person,  or  to  whom  ?"  and  re- 648 EXOMOLOGESIS plies,  "  it  is  necessary  to  confess  to  those  en- trusted with  the  oracles  of  God."  There  would have  been  no  necessity  for  regulations  like  these had  not  private  confession  been  in  frequent  prac- tice. In  Serm.  Ascct.  (t.  ii.  p.  323,  ed.  Bened.) monies  are  directed,  by  a  rule  similar  to  that of  Anthony,  to  tell  to  the  common  body  any •'  thought  of  things  forbidden,  or  unsuitable words,  or  remissness  in  prayer,  or  lukewarmness in  psalmody,  or  desire  after  ordinary  life,"  that through  the  common  prayers  the  evil  may  be cured.  Like  instructions  are  found  in  the  Be(]. fus.  tract.  (Q.  26)  "On  referring  everything, even  the  secrets  of  the  heart,  to  the  superior." Gregory  Nyssen  {Ep.*  ad  Letoium,  in  Mar- shall, p.  100)  in  one  place  speaks  of  secret confession  which  is  to  be  followed  by  penance  : "  he  who  of  his  own  accord  advances  to  the  dis- covery of  his  sins,  as  by  his  voluntary  accusation of  himself  he  gives  a  specimen  of  the  change  that is  in  his  mind  towards  that  which  is  good,  will deserve  lighter  correction,"  alluding  to  the  well- established  rule  that  voluntary  confession  was allowed  to  mitigate  the  subsequent  penance : in  another  place  he  writes  as  if  he  com- mended the  custom  of  confessing  all  transgres- sion of  positive  law  whether  it  involved  penance or  not,  "if  he  who  has  transferred  to  himself  the property  of  another  by  secret  theft  shall  unfold his  offence  to  the  priest  by  secret  confession,  it will  be  sufficient  to  cure  the  guilt  by  a  contrary disposition." The  abolition  of  the  office  of  the  Penitentiary made  undoubtedly  a  great  break  in  the  practice of  confession  in  the  Eastern  church.  The  ac- count is  given  in  Socrates  {H.  E.  v.  19)  and Sozomen  {H.  E.  vii.  16).  [Penitentiary.] It  is  difficult  to  believe  that  the  scandal  which had  arisen  in  connection  with  the  Peniten- tiary had  not  some  influence  on  the  teaching  of St.  Chrysostom,  who  immediately  afterwards  suc- ceeded to  the  see  of  Constantinople.  He  both recommended  and  enforced  penitence,  but  anj' confession  which  had  not  immediate  reference  to discipline,  he  taught  should  be  made  to  God alone.  None  of  the  fothers  bear  equally  strong testimony  against  auricular  confession  (Horn.  5 de  incomp.  Dei  nat.  p.  490).  "  I  do  not  bring .  you  upon  the  stage  before  your  fellow-servants, nor  do  I  compel  you  to  discover  your  sins  in  the presence  of  men,  but  to  unfold  your  conscience to  God,  to  show  Him  your  ail  and  malad}',  and seek  relief  from  Him."  So  {Horn.  20  in  Gen.  p. 175).  "  He  who  has  done  these  things  (grievous sins)  if  he  would  use  the  assistance  of  conscience for  his  need,  and  hasten  to  confess  his  sin,  and show  his  sore  to  the  physician  who  healeth  and reproacheth  not,  and  converse  with  Him  alone, none  knowing,  and  tell  all  exactly,  he  shall soon  amend  his  folly.  For  confession  of  sins  is the  effacing  of  oflTences."  For  numerous  other examples  compare  Daille  (iii.  14,  iv.  25),  Hooker (vi.  c.  iv.  16),  note  on  TertuU.  de  Poenit.  in  Ox- ford Library  of  the  Fatliers.,  p.  401. From  the  time  of  Chrysostom  to  the  time  of the  Greek  Penitentials  there  is  no  material evidence.  Joannes  Climacus  (cited  by  Daille') has  a  rule  which  points  to  the  existence  of  con- fession in  the  eastern  monasteries  of  the  6th  cen- tury :  a  similar  notice  from  Theodoras  Studites, in  his  life  of  Plato,  shows  that  the  practice  had a  greater  hold  on  the  monks  of  the  9th  centurv. EXOMOLOGESIS It  appears  from  the  Penitentials  that  some form  of  absolution  was  given  in  the  east  im- mediately after  confession,  a  practice  of  which there  is  no  trace  for  many  centui-ies  later  in  the Latin  church.  Joannes  Jejunator  orders  that immediately  after  the  confession  is  over  and  the priest  has  said  the  seven  prayers  of  absolution. i.  e.,  absolution  in  the  precatory  form,  he  is  to raise  the  penitent  from  the  ground  and  kiss  him, and  exhort  him  thus — "  behold  by  the  mercy  oi God  who  would  have  all  men  to  be  saved,  you have  fled  for  refuge  to  penitence,  and  made  a confession,  and  been  freed  from  all  your  former wicked  works,  do  not  therefore  corrupt  yourselt a  second  time,  &c.  &c.  ;"  after  this  the  penitence is  imposed.  In  the  contemporary  Penitential  ot Joannes  Monachus  the  form  of  absolution  directly after  confession  is  still  stronger.  "May  God who  for  our  sake  became  man,  and  bore  the  sins of  all  the  world,  turn  to  your  good  all  these things  which  you,  my  brother,  have  confessed  to me.  His  unworthy  minister,  and  free  you  from them  all  in  this  world,  and  receive  you  in  the world  to  come,  and  bring  all  to  be  saved, -who  is blessed  for  ever."  But  this  absolution  did  not entitle  the  penitent  to  Holy  Communion,  nor  do away  with  the  necessity  of  subsequent  penitence, which  often  continued  for  years  after  this,  and at  the  end  of  it  another  and  more  formal  and perfect  absolution  was  granted.  (Morin.  de Poenit.  vi.  25.)  On  the  practice  of  confession among  the  sects  which  broke  away  from  the Orthodox  church,  see  Daniel  (jCodex  Ziturgicus, iv.  p.  590). iv.  Confession  before  receiving  Holy  Communion may  have  been  an  occasional  practice,  but  the  pre- sumption is  very  strong  against  its  having  been a  general  one.  Socrates  {H.  E.  v.  19),  in  his account  of  the  abolition  of  the  office  of  the Penitentiary,  states  that  Nectarius  was  advised  to strike  his  name  from  the  roll  of  ecclesiastical officers,  and  allow  each  one  henceforward  to communicate  as  his  own  conscience  should  direct ; a  notice  which  seems  to  imply  that  in  the  time  of Nectarius,  who  was  Chrysostom's  predecessor  at Constantinople,  it  had  been  the  custom  for  the people  to  consult  with  the  Penitentiary  before presenting  themselves  to  receive  the  eucharist. But  the  passage  is  an  isolated  one  ;  it  is  supported  j by  no  other  authority  ;  and  whatever  value  it may  have,  it  is  a  two-edged  testimony,  for  if  it proves  that  the  custom  prevailed  at  that  time, it  also  proves  that  after  that  time  it  ceased. On  the  other  hand  there  is  this  class  of  indirect evidence,  that  no  such  preparation  was  generally enforced.  Eusebius  {H.  E.  vi.  43),  relates  that during  the  episcopate  of  Cornelius  at  Rome, 1050  widows  and  destitute  people  received  alms from  the  church ;  the  Roman  church  must therefore  at  that  time  have  consisted  of  many  ! thousands,  to  minister  to  whom  wer6  the  bishop himself  and  forty-six  presbyters  ;  and  when  the frequency  with  which  the  faithful  communicated even  at  the  latter  half  of  the  3rd  century,  is borne  in  mind,  it  would  seem  to  be  almost  ] physically  impossible  that  each  one  should  make  ' an  individual  confession  before  communicating. Similar  evidence  is  furnished  from  the  ancient liturgies,  in  which  special  directions  are  given to  the  deacon  to  warn  to  depart  from  the  church  \ the  catechumens,  penitents,  and  others  who  were not    allowed    to    communicate,    but    no    hint    is EXOMOLOGESIS given  that  those  who  had  failed  to  confess  were to  be  excluded.  Stronger  evidence  is  supplied  by the  absence  of  any  mention  of  confession  among the  preparations  required  for  a  worthy  reception of  the  sacrament.  Clement  of  Alexandria  {Strom. i.  1,  ]).  318,  Potter)  seems  to  imply  that  some ministers  judged  who  were  or  were  not  worthy [Communion,^  Holy,  p.  413],  though  he  himself thought  the  individual  conscience  the  best  guide. Chrysostom  (Horn.  27  in  Gen.  p.  268,  ed.  Bened.) similarly  leaves  each  one  to  judge  of  his  fitness, "  If  we  do  this  [reconcile  ours'elves  with  the  bre- thren], we  shall  be  able  with  a  pure  conscience to  approach  His  holy  and  awful  table,  and  to  utter boldly  those  words  joined  to  our  prayers — the initiated  know  what  I  mean  ;  wherefore  I  leave to  everyone's  conscience  how%  fulfilling  that  com- mand, we  may  at  that  fearful  moment  utter these  things  with  boldness."  Augustine  also tells  his  hearers  that  their  own  conscience,  and that  alone,  must  determine  their  fitness  {Serm. 46  de  Verb.  Dom.),  "  considering  your  several degrees,  and  adhering  to  what  you  have  professed, approach  ye  to  the  flesh  of  the  Lord,  approach ye  to  the  blood  of  the  Lord  ;  whoso  proveth  him- self not  to  be  such,  let  him  not  approach."  The second  council  of  Chalons  (2  Cone.  Cabil.  c.  46), gives  detailed  directions  on  the  manner  and  order of  receiving,  but  no  word  about  confession — an omission  which  bears  so  much  the  more  strongly upon  the  question,  because  private  confession liaj  undoubtedly  begun  to  take  the  place  of penitential  confession  in  the  9th  century. V.  At  the  hour  of  death. — The  evidence  on this  head,  still  more  than  ou  the  preceding,  is negative.  If  confession  immediately  before  death had  been  customary,  some  notice  of  it  would have  found  a  place  in  the  narratives  of  the  last hours  of  the  saints  and  fathers  of  the  early church.  But  no  such  records  appear.  Cyprian in  three  of  his  epistles  {Ep.  18-20,  Oxf.  ed.), allows  the  confession  of  the  lapsed  to  be  i-eceived on  their  deathbed  preparatory  to  imposition  of hands ;  but  this  was  only  to  meet  the  emei-gency of  sudden  illness  overtaking  penitents  ;  it  was no  part  of  a  systematic  practice.  Athanasius  in his  account  of  the  death  of  Anthony  (in.  Vit.  Ant. Eremit.  fin.),  has  no  allusion  to  a  previous  con- fession. Equally  silent  is  Gregory  Nazianzen (Orat.  21),  on  the  death  of  Athanasius;  and (Orat.  19),  on  the  death  of  his  own  father, Gregoj-y  bishop  of  Nazianzum ;  and  {Orat.  20), in  the  eulogy  which  he  delivered  at  the  tomb  of Basil.  Gregory  Nyssen  (de  Vit.  Greg.  Thaumat.) has  no  account  of  the  deathbed  confession  of Gregory  Thaumaturgus  :  nor  has  Ambrose  (de Obit.  Theod.)  of  that  of  Theodosius.  Augustine (Confess,  ix.  10,  11),  records  the  last  hours  of  his mother,  but  he  records  no  last  confession ;  his own  last  hours  which  Possidius  (de  Vit.  Aug. c.  31)  has  described,  were  spent  in  penitence, but  the  only  confession  made  was  to  God,  "  He  was wont  to  say  to  us  that  even  proved  Christians, whether  clergy  or  laity,  should  not  dej)art  from life  without  a  full  and  fitting  penitence,  and  this ho  carried  out  in  his  last  illness.  For  he  had  the penitential  psalms  copied  out  and  arranged  against the  wall  in  sets  of  four,  and  read  them  as  he  lay in  bed,  all  through  his  sickness,  and  freely  and bitterly  wept.  And  he  begged  that  he  might not  be  interrupted,  and  that  we  would  not  go  into his  room  except  when  his  physicians  came,  or  he EX0M0L0(4ESrS 619 needed  food.  And  all  that  time  we  neither  read nor  spoke  to  him."  Bede,  narrating  (Eccl.  His. iv.  3),  the  death  of  bishop  Ceadde,  and  (ib.  iv.  23), the  abbess  Hilda,  and  (Cuth.  Vit.  c.  39)  Cuthbert, states  that  each  received  the  Holy  Communion at  the  last,  but  not  that  it  was  preceded  by  con- fession. Similar  is  Eginhard's  account  (  Vit.  Car. Mag.),  of  the  death  of  Charles  the  Great  (see Daille  iv.  3,  where  the  evidence  is  drawn  out in  detail). vi.  I'ime  and  Manner. — The  time  of  public  con- fession was  originally  whenever  the  penitent  felt moved  to  acknowledge  his  sin  before  the  church  ; afterwards,  in  common  with  the  whole  course  of discipline,  the  time  was  restricted  to  certain seasons  [Penitence].  Private  confession  not being  part  of  the  recognized  order  of  the  church, had  necessarily  no  time  assigned  to  it.  The capitulary  of  Theodulph  (c.  36)  indeed  orders confessions  to  be  made  the  week  before  Lent, but  this  is  an  exceptional  instance.  There  is an  example  of  a  confession  made  in  writing  by Potamius,  archbishop  of  Braga  to  the  10th council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  656,  charging  himself with  misdemeanours.  The  confession  w'as  entirely spontaneous,  for  the  council  having  no  suspicion of  his  guilt  could  not  at  first  believe  him  ;  but  on his  reaffirming  the  fact,  he  was  deposed  and subjected  to  penitence  for  the  remainder  of  his life  ;  allowed,  however,  out  of  compassion  to  retain his  title,  his  successor  signing  himself  bishop  and metropolitan.  Robert,  bishop  of  the  Cenomani (Le  Mans),  also  made  a  written  confession,  but the  council  to  which  it  was  made  absolved  him (Morin.  de  Fuenit.  ii.  2  ;  v.  10). It  appears  from  the  Greek  Penitentials  that  con- fession was  made  sitting  ;  the  penitent  kneeling only  twice  while  making  his  confession,  at  the beginning,  when  the  priest  asked  the  Holy Spirit's  aid  to  move  the  man  to  disburden  his  soul completely,  and  at  the  end,  when  a  prayer  was offered  that  he  might  obtain  grace  to  perform  his sentence  conscientiously.  The  origin  of  this custom  was  the  great  length  to  which  the  form and  process  of  confessing  extended.  The  practice has  since  continued  in  the  Greek  church,  for  botl< priest  and  penitent  to  sit  (Marteue  de  Hit.  i.  3  ; Daniel  Codex  Liturg.  iv.  p.  588).  The  Penitential of  Joannes  Jejunator  gives  the  following  instruc- tions on  the  order  and  manner  of  confessing ; "he  who  comes  to  confess  ought  to  make  three inclinations  of  the  body  as  he  approaches  the sacred  altar,  and  say  three  times  '  I  confess  to thee  0  Father,  Lord  God  of  heaven  and  earth, whatever  is  in  the  secret  places  of  my  heart.' And  after  he  has  said  this  he  should  raise  himself and  stand  erect ;  and  he  who  receives  his  con- fession should  question  him  with  a  cheerful countenance,  which  he  who  confesses  should  also if  possible  present,  and  kiss  his  hand,  especially if  he  sees  the  penitent  to  be  depressed  by  the severity  of  his  sorrow  and  shame,  and  after  that he  should  say  to  him  in  a  cheerful  and  gentle voice  "  .  .  .  .  and  then  follow  95  questions,  and the  priest  orders  the  penitent,  if  not  a  woman,  to uncover  his  head  even  though  he  wear  a  crown  : he  then  prays  with  him  :  after  that  he  raises him  and  bids  him  recover  his  head,  and  sits  with him,  and  asks  him  what  penance  he  can  bear. The  Penitential  of  .Joannes  Monachus  directs that  the  priest  should  invite  the  penitent  into  a church  or  some  other  retired  spot,  with  a  cheer- 650 EXONARTHEX ful  countenance,  as  though  he  were  inviting  him to  some  magnificent  feast,  and  exhort  him  to make  a  confession  of  his  sins  to  him  :  the  priest should  then  recite  with  him  th^  69th  Psalm,  and the  Trisagion,  and  bid  him  uncover  his  head,  and neither  should  sit  down  before  the  priest  has minutely  investigated  all  that  is  in  his  heart. The  penitent  should  afterwards  prostrate  himself on  the  earth  and  lie  there,  while  the  priest  prays fur  him  :  the  priest  is  then  to  raise  him  and  Iciss him,  and  lay  his  hand  upon  his  neck  and  comfort him,  after  that  they  are  to  sit  together.  Alcuin, or  the  author  of  De  Divinis  officiis,  orders  the penitent  coming  to  confess  to  bow  humbly  to  the priest,  who  is  then  on  his  own  behalf  to  say *'  Lord  be  merciful  to  me  a  sinner,"  and  after- wards to  order  the  penitent  to  sit  opposite  to  him, and  speak  to  him  about  his  sins ;  the  penitent  is then  to  rehearse  the  articles  of  his  faith,  and afterwards  kneel  and  raise  his  hands,  and  implore the  priest  to  intercede  with  God  for  all  the  sins which  have  been  omitted  m  the  confession ;  he  is then  to  prostrate  himself  on  tlie  ground,  and  the priest  is  to  suffer  him  to  lie  there  awhile,  and afterwards  raise  him  and  impose  a  penance  upon him :  afterwards  the  penitent  is  again  to  pros- trate himself,  and  ask  the  priest  to  pray  that  he may  have  grace  given  him  to  persevere  in performing  his  penanoe  ;  the  priest  then  offers  a praver,  which  is  followed  by  six  others,  which are  found  in  all  the  Western  Penitentials  ;  the penitent  then  rises  from  the  ground  and  the priest  from  his  seat,  and  they  enter  the  church together,  and  there  conclude  the  penitential service.  Compare  Morinus  (de  Pocnit.  iv. 18-19). Literature. — Moriuus  {de  Poenit.  lib.  ii.  et passim)  who  is  however  hampered  by  the  Roman doctrine  of  obligatory  confession,  and  contains  far fewer  details  on  this  than  on  the  other  stages  of discipline.  What  is  to  be  said  on  the  distinctively Roman  side  of  the  controversy  will  be  found  in Bellarmine  (de  Poenit.  lib.  iii.) ;  and  on  the Protestant  side  in  Ussher  (Ayiswer  to  a  Challeiv/e, s.v.  Confession,  Lend.  1625).  The  subject  is more  thoroughly  treated  from  the  same  side  in Daille  (de  Auric.  Confess.  Genev.  1661),  a  very learned  controversial  work,  and  the  source  of most  of  the  subsequent  Protestant  writings, which  deal  with  confession.  Also  Bingham  (Antii. xviii.  o),  Marshall  (Penitential  Discipline),  and a  long  note  on  confession,  founded  on  Daille, appended  bv  the  editor  of  the  Oxf  Lib.  of  Fathers to  Tertulliau  (de  Poenit.).  [G.  JI.] EXONARTHEX  CE|corap07)O.  Monastic churches  sometimes  have  (besides  the  ordinary Narthex  at  the  west  end)  an  outer  narthex, where  the  monks  may  say  those  portions  of  their devotions  which  bear  the  character  of  penitence without  being  disturbed  by  the  influx  of  the general  congregation.  Gedrenus  says  that  the great  church  of  St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople  had four  nartheces,  but  other  authorities  attribute to  it  only  two  (Daniel,  Codex  Lit.  iv.  202).  [C] EXORCISM  (opK'joais,  e^opKtcr/xos,  iirop- Kia/xos,  a.(popKi(Tjj.os  adjuratio,  incocatio)  is  the employment  of  adjuration,  and  especially  the naming  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ,  with  a"  view to  expel  an  evil  spirit.  "Exorcismus  est  sermo increpationis  contra  immundum  spiritum  in  en- ergumenis  sive  catechumenis    factus,  per  quem EXORCISM nb  illis  diaboli  nequissima  virtus  et  inveterata malitia  vel  excursio  violenta  fugetur  "  (Isidore, l>e  Div.  Off.  ii.  20). 1.  To  the  early  Christians  the  heathen  world presented  itself  as  under  the  dominion  of  evil s])irits ;  everywhere  they  recognized  the  need  of driving  these  spirits  from  their  ancient  seats, whether  in  the  bodies  and  souls  of  men,  in  the brute  creation,  or  in  inanimate  objects.  They  saw themselves  suri'ounded  by  squadrons  and  gross bands  of  daeniouia,  supernatural  beings  who worked  for  evil  under  their  several  captains (Origen,  contra  Celsum,  bk.  vii.  p.  378,  Spencer ; viii.  p.  399) ;  daemonia  were  the  great  officers of  the  evil  world,  and  might  well  have  fasces and  toga  praetexta  (TertuUian,  De  Idolol.  18); the  gods  of  the  nations  were  daemonia  (ib.  20 ; Orig.  c.  Cels.  p.  378,  quoting  Ps.  xcvi.  5) ;  dae- monia were  by  some  devilish  magic  compelled  to inhabit  the  statues  in  an  idol's  temple  (Minucius Felix,  Oct.  c.  27;  Tert.  u.  s.  7  and  15;  Orig. c.  Gels.  vii.  p.  374);  the  theatre  was  the  very special  dominion  of  evil  spirits  (Tertul.  de Spectac.  26).  Demons  ruled  the  flight  of  birds, the  lots,  the  oracles;  they  troubled  men's  minds, disturbed  their  rest,  crept  with  their  subtle  in- fluence into  bodies  and  caused  disease,  distorted limbs;  they  compelled  men  to  worship  them,  iu order  that,  fed  with  the  savour  of  the  offerings, they  might  release  those  whom  they  had  bound (Minucius,  Oct.  c.  27).  And  the  members  of this  great  supernatural  army  were  driven from  their  seats  by  the  mere  word  of  a  simple Christian  naming  over  them  the  name  of  Christ (Acts  six.  13;  Justin  Martyr,  Apol.  ii.  c.  8; Dial,  u:  Trrjpho,  c.  85  ;  Tertul.  ad  Scupulam, cc.  2  and  4,  'Apol.  c.  23  ;  Orig.  c.  Cels.  iii.  p.  133) with  no  parade  of  incantations  or  magic  formulae, by  mere  prayers  aud  adjurations  (6pK(lj(Teai.v, Orig.  c.  Ceh.  vii.  p.  334),  or  by  sentences  of Scripture  (ib.  p.  376);  and  that  not.  only  from the  bodies  and  souls  of  men,  but  from  haunted places  and  from  the  lower  animals  ;  for  these  too fell  under  the  tyranny  of  demons  (I.  c).  Fmm such  expressions  as  these  it  is  evident  that exorcism  was  practised  from  a  very  early  period in  the  church. In  one  form,  indeed,  exorcism  was  practised by  the  Lord  Himself  and  His  disciples,  namely, in  the  casting  out  of  evil  spirits  from  those  who were  in  a  special  sense  "  possessed "  or  "  de- moniac ;"  and  such  exorcism  was  continued  for some  generations  in  the  church  [Di;mO-NIAC  : Exorcist].  But  we  are  at  present  concerned with  the  more  general  form  of  exorcism,  by which  the  inherent  evil  demon  was  to  be  ex- pelled from  some  creature  or  substance  not specially  "  possessed,"  but  belonging  to  the  "  evil world." 2.  It  is  not  wonderful  that  when  the  minds  of men  were  full  of  the  conception  of  an  all-per- vading army  of  evil  spirits  in  the  world  around them,  they  should  endeavour  to  free  from  this influence  those  whom  they  received  from  hea- thenism into  the  holy  ground  of  the  church. Hence,  at  a  comparatively  early  period,  we  find candidates  for  baptism  not  only  renouncing  for themselves  all  allegiance  to  Satan  and  his  powers, but  having  pronounced  over  them  a  formula  of exorcism. It  is  probable  that  in  the  first  instance  the  use of  exorcism   was  confined   to  the  case  of  those EXORCISM who  entereii  the  church  from  he;itheaism  ;  but in  the  4th  century,  if  not  earlier,  it  was  clearly applied  to  all,  for  it  is  constantly  appealed  to  as a  conclusive  proof  that  the  church  recognized the  presence  of  original  sin  even  in  infants. Thus  Optatus  (c;.  Donatist.  iv.  6,  p.  75)  insists  that no  one,  even  though  born  of  Christian  parents, can  be  destitute  of  a  foul  spirit,  which  must  be driven  out  of  the  man  before  he  comes  to  the font  of  salvation ;  this  is  the  work  of  exorcism, by  which  the  foul  spirit  is  driven  forth  into  the wilderness.  And  jjope  Celestinus  (^Ad  Episcop. Gall.  c.  12)  says  that  none  came  to  baptism, whether  infants  or  "juvenes,"  until  the  evil spirit  had  been  driven  out  of  them  by  the  ex- orcisms and  insufilations  of  the  clerics.  Compare Augustine,  Epist.  194,  ad  Sixtum,  §46  ;  De  Sifin- bolo  ad  Catechumenos,  i.  5  ;  Contra  Jvlianum,  i.  4. Cyril  of  Jerusalem  (^Procatec/iesis  c.  9,  p.  7  : Catech.  i.  c.  5,  p.  18)  begs  his  catechumens  to  be earnest  in  receiving  their  exorcisms  (iiropKiff- aoiis);  whether  the  ir  had  been  insufflated  or exorcised  (/cav  ef  d'orj^^y  Kav  kiropKtaOris},  he prays  that  they  may  be  blessed.  And  again (c.  lo)  he  says,  "  w  lo.n  ye  have  entered  before the  hour  of  the  exoi  isuis,  let  every  one  speak things  that  conduce  to  piety,"  as  if  the  exorcisms began  the  catechetic  office  on  each  occasion. These  instructions  are  evidently  for  all  the catechumens,  and  not  for  those  only  who  had come  over  from  heathenism.  And  Chrysostom (Catech.  I.  ad  Initian.  c.  2,  p.  227)  speaks  of the  catechumens,  after  instruction,  proceeding to  hear  the  words  of  those  who  exorcise  {twv e^opKi(6i'T(i}v):  to  this  exorcism  they  went  bare- footed and  stripped  of  their  upper  garments. There  can  of  course  be  no  doubt  that  the  great body  of  those  whom  Chrysostom  catechised  were born  of  Christian  families. '6.  Fwmiilae  of  Exorcism. — Celsus,  who  wrote against  the  Christians  probably  in  the  middle  of the  2nd  century,  says  that  he  had  seen  in  the possession  of  certain  presbyters  "barbaric  books containing  names  of  daemons  and  gibberish  (repa- Tei'as)"  (Orig.  c.  Cclsum,  vi.  p.  302);  and  again the  same  opponent  says  that,  "  to  name  the  de- mons in  the  barbarous  tongue  (^ap^dpwi)  is efficacious ;  to  name  them  in  Greek  or  Latin  is useless  "  {ib.  viii.  p.  402).  Origen,  in  answer  to this,  alleges  .that  Latin,  Greek,  or  other  Chris- tians in  their  prayers  use  the  name  of  God  in  the tongue  in  which  they  were  born ;  but  he  does not  deny  the  superior  efficacy  of  names  or  for- mulae in  one  language  over  those  in  anothei-. On  the  contrary,  he  admits  (ib.  i.  p.  19)  the mystic  power  of  Hebrew  names,  and  declares that  Egyptian,  Persian,  and  other  names  have  a peculiar  efficacy  over  certain  demons ;  and  else- where (/ft  jVait.  ser.  110,  p.  232,  ed.  Wirceb.) complains  that  those  who  practised  exorcisms (adjurationibus)  used  improper  books,  as,  for instance,  books  derived  from  Jewish  sources. From  all  this  it  seems  clear  that  formulae  of exorcism  which  to  a  Roman  seemed  "  barbaric  " were  in  use  in  the  2ud  century.  That  written forms  of  exorcism  were  used  in  the  4th  is  clear from  the  7th  of  the  Statula  Antiqua  [Cone. Garth.  IV.\  which  .orders  the  bishop  to  deliver to  an  Exorcist  on  ordination  a  book  containing such  forms. With  regard  to  the  form  of  exorcism,  we  find in  ancient  authorities  the  following  particulars. EXORCISM 651 We  have  already  seen  that  to  name  the  name of  Christ  was  regarded  as  being  of  the  utmost efficacy  for  the  exj)ulsion  of  evil  spirits.  The passage  of  Justin  Martyr  (Z'iVi/.  c.  85;  conijiare c.  30)  which  says  that  every  spirit  (^ain6viov) is  conquered  and  subjected  on  being  adjured  '"  by the  Name  of  the  Son  of  God  and  first-born  of every  creature,  Who  was  born  of  the  Virgin  and became  Man  capable  of  suffering  {vadtiTov),  was crucified  under  Pontius  Pilate  by  your  [the Jewish]  people,  and  died,  and  rose  again  from the  dead,  and  ascended  into  heaven,"  renders  it probable  that  a  recitation  of  the  redeeming  acts of  the  Lord  accompanied  the  naming  of  his  name. And  the  same  thing  seems  to  be  indicated  by  the words  of  Origen  (e.  Gel's,  i.  p.  7),  who  says  that demons  were  exjielled  by  the  name  of  Jesus, "together  with  the  recitation  of  the  acts  related of  Him  "  (fxera  t?)s  aTrayyeXias  toiv  nepl  aurbu laTopiwv).    See  Probst,  p.  49. The  words  of  Tertullian  again  (Apol.  23),  that the  power  of  Christians  over  evil  spirits  derives its  force  from  naming  Christ,  "  and  from  the making  mention  of  those  punishments  which await  them  from  God  through  Jesus  Christ  the judge,"  make  it  probable  that  the  awful  punish- ment which  was  to  overtake  the  evil  ones  was spoken  of  in  the  formula  of  exorcism.  So  Ter- tullian :  "representatione  ignis  illius"  {Apol.  23). And  if  in  another  passage — "  Satanas  .  .  .  quem nos  dicimus  malitiae  angelum  "...  (De  Testiin. Animae,  c.  3) — we  are  to  take  "  dicimus  "  in  a ritual  sense,  it  would  appear  that  the  exorcists of  TertuUian's  time  cursed  and  reviled  Satan. That  prayer  was  added  to  the  exorcism  proper we  know  from  the  testimony  of  Minucius  Felix (Octav.c.  27,^0). The  actions  which  formed  pai-t  of  the  rite  of exorcism  were  touching  and  breathing  on  the afflicted,  and  signing  them  with  the  cross. As  to  the  first,  Tertullian  tells  us  (Apol.  23), that  the  evil  spirits  depart  unwillingly  from  the bodies  of  men  at  the  touch  and  on-breathing  of Christians  (de  contactu  deque  afflatu  uostro). \'incentius  of  'J'hibari  (Suntentiae  h'piscoporum, No.  37,  in  Cyju-ian's  UorA-s),  contending  that heretics  require  baptism -at  least  as  much  as heathens,  distinctly  refers  to  the  imposition  of hands  in  exorcism,  quoting  (incorrectly)  Mark xvi.  17,  18.  So  Origen  (oji  Johua,  Horn.  24,  c.  1) speaks  of  the  imposition  of  the  hands  of  the  e.xor- cists  which  evil  spirits  could  not  resist.  Simi- larlv  the  Arabic  canons  of  Hippolytus  (Can.  19, §  6,"and  Can.  29,  quoted  by  Probst,  p.  50).  The same  canon  enjoins  the  exorcist,  after  the  adju- rations, to  "sign"  (no  doubt  with  the  cross)  the breast,  forehead,  ears,  and  mouth.  And  at  an even  earlier  date,  when  Justin  (Dial.  c.  131) speaks  of  the  outstretched  arms  of  Moses  as  a type  of  Christ,  and  then  immediately  after  of the  power  of  Christ  crucified  over  evil  spirits,  it is  not  improbable  that  he  alludes  to  the  use  of the  sign  of  the  cross.  So  when  we  read  (Origen on  Exodus,  Horn.  (5,  §8)  how  the  demons  tremble before  the  cross  which  they  see  on  Christians, we  may  well  believe  that  the  reference  is  to  the use  of  the  cross  in  exorcism.  Lactantius  (Div. Inst.  iv.  27)  distinctly  mentions  the  use  of  the sign  of  the  cross  (signum  passionis)  for  the expulsion  of  evil  spirits.  The  first  council  of Constantinople  (c.  7)  describes  the  course  of proceeding  with  those  heretics  who  were  to  be G52 EXORCISM received  as  non-Christiaus  (is  "EWTivas)  as follows:  "the  first  day  we  make  them  Christians ; the  second,  catechumens;  then  the  third  we exorcise  them,  after  breathing  thrice  upon  the face  and  cars,  and  so  we  catechise  them,  and cause  them  to  stay  in  the  church  and  hear  the Scriptures;  and  then  we  baptize  them." The  ceremony  took  place  in  the  church. "  Shameless  is  he,"  says  Pseudo-Cyprian  {De Spectac.  c.  4),  "who  exorcises  in  a  church  de- mons whose  delights  he  favours  in  a  theatre." During  the  exorcism  the  patient  lay  prostrate  on the  ground  (Origen  on  Matt.  Horn.  13,  §  7). Most  of  the  characteristics  of  the  form  of exoicism  which  we  have  traced  in  ancient  times are  found  in  existing  rituals.  For  instance,  in the  ancient  Roman  form  of  receiving  a  heathen as  a  catechumen  (Daniel,  Codex  Lit.  i.  171), after  the  admonition  to  renounce  the  devil  and believe  in  the  Holy  Trinity,  the  priest  "exsufflat ab  eo  saevam  maligni  spiritus  potestatem  dicens — '  Exi,  immunde  spiritus,  et  da  locum  Spiritui Sancto  Paraclito.'"  Then  he  signs  him  with the  cross  on  the  forehead  and  breast.  At  the seventh  scrutiny  [Scrutinium],  which  took place  on  Easter  Eve,  after  the  recitation  of  the Creed  by  the  candidates  for  baptism,  the  priest lays  his  hand  on  the  head  of  each  severally, saying — "  Nee  te  lateat,  Satanas,  imminere  tibi tormeuta,  imminere  tibi  diem  judicii,  diem  sup- EXORCTSM plicii,  diem  qui  venturus  est  velut  clibanus ardens,  in  quo  tibi  atque  universis  angelis  tuis aeternus  veniet  interitus.  Proinde,  damnate,  da honorem  Deo  vivo  et  vero:  da  honorem  Jesu Christo  filio  ejus  et  Spiritui  Sancto,  in  cujus  no- mine atque  virtute  praecipio  tibi  ut  exeas  et recedas  ab  hoc  famulo  Dei,  quem  hodie  Dominus Deus  noster  Jesus  Christus  ad  suam  sanctam gratiam  et  benedictionem  fontemque  baptismatis vocare  dignatus  est,  ut  fiat  ejus  templum  per aquam  regenerationis  in  remissioneni  omnium peccatorum :  in  nomine  Domini  nostri  Jesu Christi,  qui  venturus  est  judicare  vivos  et  mor- tuos  et  saeculum  per  ignem  "  (Daniel,  u.s.  177). Then  follows  the  epheta  [Ears,  todching  of], and  the  anointing  on  the  breast  and  between  the shoulders  with  holy  oil. In  the  Vetus  Mismle  Gallicanum,  published  by Thomasius  and  reprinted  by  Mabillon  {Lit.  Gail. bk.  iii.  p.  338)  the  essential  part  of  the  form  of exorcism  is  as  follows :  "  Aggredior  te,  immun- dissime    damnate    spiritus  .  .  .  Te,  invocato   Do- mini nostri  Jesn  Christi  nomine,  .  .  .  adjuramus per  ejusdem   majestatem  adque    virtutem,   pas- sionem  ac  resurrectionem,  adventum  adque  judi- '  cium ;    ut    in    quacumque    parte    membrorum ;  latitas  propria  te  confessione  manifestes,  exagi- j  tatusque     spii-italibus     flagris     invisibilibusque 1  tormentis    vas  quod   occupasse  aestimas    fugias expiatumque    post    habitatiouem  tuam   Domino derelinquas  .  .  .  Abscede,  abscede  quocunque  es, et  corpora  Deo  dicata  ne  repetas.  Interdicta  sint tibi  ista  in  perpetuo.  In  nomine  Patris  et  Filii et  Spiritus  Sancti,  et  in  gloria  dominicae  pas- sionis,  cujus  cruore  salvantur,  cujus  adventum expectant,  judicium  confitentur.    PerDominum." The  Geiasian  Sacmimntai-t/  (i.  33),  in  the Exorcismi  super  Electos,"  gives  the  following form.  The  acolytes,  laying  their  hands  on  the candidate,  after  praying  God  to  send  forth  His angel  to  keep  them,  proceeds  :  "  Ergo,  maledicte diabole,  recognosce  sententiam  tuam,  et  da honorem  Deo  vivo  et  vero,  et  .  .  .  Jesu  Christo Filio  ejus  et  Spiritui  Sancto ;  et  recede  ab  his famulis  Dei ;  quia  istos  sibi  Deus  .  .  .  vocare  dig- uatus  est :  per  hoc  signum  sanctae  crucis,  fron- tibus  eorum  quod  nos  dam  us,  tu,  maledicte diabole,  uunquam  audeas  violare.  .  .  .  Audi, maledicte  Satanas,  adjuratus  per  nomen  aeterni Dei  et  Salvatoris  nostri  Filii  Dei,  cum  tua  victus invidia,  tremens  gemensque  discede." And  again,  the  foul  spirit  is  adjured  to depart,  in  the  case  of  the  males,  in  the  name  of a  I.  e.  the  accepted  candidates  for  baptism. Him  who  walked  the  water  and  stretched  out  His right  hand  to  Peter ;  in  the  case  of  the  females, in  the  name  of  Him  who  gave  bight  to  him  that was  born  blind,  and  rai.sed  Lazarus  from  his  four days'  death. The  form  given  from  the  Roman  ritual  by Probst  (p.  53)  presents  a  remarkable  parallelism with  the  passage  of  Tertullian  {Apol.  c.  23)  be- fore referred  to. Greek  forms  similar  in  character  to  those given  above  may  be  seen  in  Daniel's  Codex Liturg.  iv.  493  f. 4.  liapresentation  of  Exorcism. — Paciaudi  (De Christianorum  Balncis,  pp.  136  ff.,  143  ff.)  describes an  urn  or  water-vessel  found  near  Pisaura,  which he  believes  to  be  not  of  later  date  than  the  7th century.  One  of  the  bas-reliefs  on  this  vessel (see  woodcut)  evidently  represents  an  exorcism. The  contortions  of  the  person  on  the  ground seem  to  show  that  it  was  an  exorcism  of  one possessed.  Now,  if  the  vessel  was  a  font  for holding  the  baptismal  water,  it  would  seem  more appropriate  to  represent  upon  it  the  ordinary pre-baptismal  exorcism.  It  seems  therefore more  probable    that    it    was    intended    for  the EXORCISTS ATPaUM  of  a  church,  where  it  might  be  used  to contaiu  Holy  Water. 5.  Besides  human  beings,  various  inanimate objects  were  exorcised.  Of  these  we  may  men- tion especially  water  [Baptism,  §§  30,  42  :  Font, Bknedictio:^  of  :  Holy  Water],  salt  i"or  use in  sacred  offices  [Salt,  Benediction  of],  and oil  for  various  uses  [Chrism  :  Oil,  Holy]. (Martene,  De  Ritibus  Anfiquis ;  Probst,  Sakra- mcnte  tind  Sakramentalien,  Tubingen,  1872  ; ¥.  C.  Baur,  Kirchengesckichte  der  Drei  ersten Jahrhundcrte,  c.  6.)  [C] EXORCISTS.  Exorcists  are  only  once  men- tioned in  the  New  Testament  (Acts  xix.  13),  and then  without  any  reference  to  the  power  given to  Christians  to  cast  out  devils.  [See  DiCT.  OF Bible.]  In  the  early  days  of  the  church,  it appears  to  have  been  considered  that  the  power of  exorcising  evil  spirits  was  a  special  gift  of God  to  cei'tain  persons,  who  are  therefore  called exoi-cists.  In  the  Apostolic  Constitutions (viii.  c.  26),  it  is  said  that  an  exorcist  is  not ordained,  because  the  power  of  exorcising  is  a free  gift  of  the  grace  of  God,  thi'ough  Christ, and  that  whoever  has  received  this  gift  will  be made  manifest  in  the  exercise  of  it.  It  is  added that  if  expedient  an  exorcist  may  be  ordained bishop,  priest,  or  deacon.  Exorcists  are  not named  among  those  who  received  ecclesiastical stipends,  nor  are  they  mentioned  in  the  Ajiostolic Canons,  though  probably  their  office  is  alluded  to in  the  direction  that  a  Gentile  convert  who  has an  evil  spirit  may  not  be  received  into  the church  till  he  has  been  purified  (KaOapKrOeh, Can.  70).  Thomassin  (  Vet.  et  A'ov.  Eccl.  Discip. i.  2,  c.  30,  §  1,  8),  thinks  that  exorcists  were either  priests  or  deacons.  So  Eusebius  makes mention  of  one  Romanus,  as  deacon  and  exorcist in  the  church  of  Caesarea  in  Palestine  (X'e Martyr.  Palest,  c.  2). Tertullian  speaks  as  if  all  Christians  were exorcists,  driving  away  evil  spirits  by  the exorcisms  of  their  prayers.  Thus  {De.  Idol.  c.  1 1), he  forbids  Christians  to  have  anything  to  do with  the  sale  of  things  used  for  the  purposes  of idolatry,  asking  with  what  consistency  they could  exorcise  their  own  inmates,  to  whom they  had  offered  their  houses  as  a  shrine (cellariam) ;  and  in  another  place  (De  Cor.  Mil. c.  11),  uses  as  an  argument  against  Christians entering  the  militai-y  sei-vice,  that  they  might  be called  upon  to  guard  the  heathen  temples,  so  as to  defend  those  by  night  whom  by  their  exor- cisms they  had  put  to  flight  during  the  day. But  it  is  evident  that  in  later  times  they  were reckoned  among  the  minor  orders  of  clergy. Cyprian  {Ep.  69,  Mag.  Fil.),  speaks  of  exorcists as  casting  out  devils  by  man's  word  and  God's power,  and  in  his  epistle  to  Firmilian  (^Ep.  75), says  that  one  of  the  exorcists,  inspired  by  the grace  of  God,  cast  out  a  certain  evil  spirit  who liad  made  pretensions  to  sanctity.  Cornelius  in iiis  epistle  (Euseb.  H.  E.  i.  c.  43)  names  forty- two  exorcists  among  the  clergy  of  the  church of  Rome.  Epiphanius  (Expos.  Fid.  c.  21),  men- tions them  among  the  clergy,  ranking  them with  the  hermeneutae,  inmiediately  after  the deaconesses.  Paulinus  of  Nola  (De  S.  Felic.  Natal. carm.  4),  speaks  of  St.  Felix  as  having  been promoted  from  the  order  of  lectors  to  the  oliicc of   exorcist.     The    council   (if   Laodicea  (c    '_'-4-), EXPOSING  OP  INFANTS 653 mentions  them  among  the  minor  clergy,  ])lacing them  between  the  singers  and  the  doorkeepers, and,  in  another  canon  (c.  26),  forbids  any  to exorcise  either  in  church  or  in  private  houses, who  had  not  been  appointed  to  the  office  by  tiie bishops.  The  council  of  Antioch  (c.  10),  places them  after  the  subdeacons,  among  the  clergy who  might  be  ai)pointed  by  the  chorepiscopi. The  4th  council  of  Carthage  (c.  7),  provides  an office  for  the  ordination  of  an  exorcist.  He  was to  receive  from  the.hands  of  the  bishop  a  book, in  which  were  written  forms  of  exorcism,  with the  bidding,  "  Take  and  commit  to  memory,  and receive  power  to  lay  hands  on  energumens whether  baptized  or  catechumens."  The  same council  also  provided  that  exorcists  might  lay hands  on  an  energumen  at  any  time  (c.  90),  and (c.  92)  gave  it  into  their  charge  to  provide  the energumens  with  their  daily  food  while  remaining in  the  church.     [Demoniacs.] The  names  of  four  exorcists,  designating  them- selves by  no  other  titles,  are  found  among  the signataries  of  the  first  council  of  Aries  (Routh's Relliq.  Sac.  iv.  p.  312). There  seems  little  reason  for  connecting  the exorcists  with  the  form  of  exorcism  that  was used  in  the  case  of  all  catechumens.  Their  work, as  expressly  allotted  to  them  by  the  4th  council of  Carthage  (c.  7),  lay  among  all  energumens, whether  baptized  or  not.  [P.  0.] EXPECTATION  WEEK  {Hehdomada  Ex- pectationis),  the  week  preceding  Whitsunday, because  in  that  week  the  apostles  waited  for  the Comforter  from  on  high,  which  the  Lord  had promised  at  His  Ascension.  (Ducange,  s.  v.  Hcb- domtda.)  [C] EXPEDITUS,  martyr  in  Armenia  with  five others;  commemorated  April  19  {Mart.  Rom. Vet,,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EXPOSING  OF  INFANTS  [compare Foundlings].  The  frequency  of  the  exposi- tion of  infants  among  the  ancient  heathens  is a  fact  to  which  both  the  mythology  and  the history  of  Greece  and  Rome  bear  frequent witness.  Among  the  early  Christian  writers we  find  exposition,  together  with  actual  in- fanticide, constantly  cast  in  the  teeth  of  their Pagan  opponents.  "I  see  you,"  writes  Minucius Felix,  "  now  casting  forth  the  sons  whom  yo have  begotten  to  the  wild  beasts  and  to  the fowls  of  the  air"  {Octavius,  c.  30,  §  2;  31, §  4).  Lactantius  (bk.  vi.  c.  20)  inveighs  against the  false  pity  of  those  who  expose  infants. Justin,  Tertullian,  Augustine  and  others  might be  quoted  to  much  the  same  efl'ect. A  law  of  Alexander  Severus,  which  has  been retained  in  Justinian's  Code  (bk.  viii.  t.  Hi.,  1.  i. ; A.D.  225),  allowed  the  recovering  of  an  infant exposed  against  the  will  or  without  the  know- ledge of  the  owner  or  person  entitled  to  the services  of  its  mother,  whether  slave  or  adscrij,- titi'i,  but  only  on  condition  of  repaying  the  fair cost  of  its  maintenance  and  training  to  a  trade, unless  theft  could  be  established — an  enactment obviously  framed  only  to  secure  the  rights  of slave-owners,  and  not  inspired  by  any  considera- tion of  humanity  for  the  infants  themselves. There  is  something  of  a  higher  spirit  in  a  law  of Diocletian  and  Maximin,  A.D.  295  (Code,  bk.  v., t.  iv.,  I.  It;),  en.-.ctiii'j-  tli:it  where  a  iV'Uuile  infant ha.l    b.vu  ca.st   forth   l.v   hrr   I'athcr  and   broUi,lit 654       EXPOSING  OF  INFANTS ijp  by  another  person,  who  sought  to  marry  her to  his  own  son,  the  father  was  bound  to  consent to  the  marriage,  or  in  case  of  refusal  (if  we  con- strue the  text  aright),  to  pay  for  his  daughter's maintenance.  Constantine  (a.d.  331),  by  a  law contained  in  the  Theodosian  Code  (bk.  v.,  t.  vii., 1.  1),  but  not  reproduced  by  Justinian,  enacted that  whoever  took  up  an  infant  cast  forth  from its  house  by  the  will  of  a  father  or  master,  and nourished  it  till  it  became  strong,  might  retain it  in  whatever  condition  he  pleased,  either  as  a child  or  as  a  slave,  without  any  fear  of  recovery by  those  who  have  voluntarily  oast  out  their new-born  slaves  or  children.  The  growth  of Christian  humanity  is  shown  in  a  constitution  of Valentinian,  Valeus  and  Gratian,  adopted  by Justinian  (Code,  bk.  viii.,  t.  Hi.,  1.  2 ;  a.d.  374), which  absolutely  forbade  masters  or  patrons  to recover  infants  exposed  by  themselves,  if  charit- ably saved  by  others,  and  laid  down  as  a  duty that  every  one  must  nourish  his  own  offspring. A  constitution  of  Honorius  and  Theodosius,  in the  Theodosian  Code  (a.d.  4J  2),  repeated  the prohibition,  observing  that  "  none  can  call  one his  own  whom  he  contemned  while  perishing," but  required  a  bishop's  signature  by  way  of attestation  of  the  facts  (bk.  v.,  t.  vii.,  1.  2). The  law  last  referred  to  may  seem  in  some degree  to  explain  a  canon  of  the  council  or  synod of  Vaison,  a.d.  442.  There  is  a  universal  com- plaint, it  says,  on  the  subject  of  the  exposition of  infivnts,  who  are  cast  forth  not  to  the  mercy of  others,  but  to  the  dogs,  whilst  the  fear  of lawsuits  deters  others  from  saving  them.  This therefore  is  to  be  observed,  that  according  to  the .statutes  of  the  princes  the  church  be  taken  to witness;  from  the  altar  on  the  Lord's  day  the minister  is  to  announce  that  the  church  knows an  exposed  infant  to  have  been  taken  up,  in order  that  within  ten  days  any  person  may acknowledge  and  receive  it  back ;  and  any  who after  the  ten  days  may  bring  any  claim  or  ac- cusation is  to  be  dealt  with  by  the  church  as  a manslayer  (cc.  9,  10).  A  canon  almost  to  the same  effect,  but  in  clearer  language,  was  enacted by  the  slightly  later  2nd  council  of  Aries,  a.d. 452,  indicating  that  which  serves  to  explain both  the  law  of  Honorius  and  the  two  canons just  referi'ed  to,  viz.,  that  it  was  the  practice  to expose  infants  "before  the  church"  (c.  51). The  council  of  Agde,  in  506,  simply  confirmed former  enactments. In  the  East,  the  full  claims  of  Christian humanity  were  at  last  admitted  by  Justinian, as  towards  foundhngs  themselves,  though  with- out sufficient  consideration  for  parental  duties. He  not  only  absolutely  forbade  the  re-vindica- tion of  exposed  infants  under  any  circumstances, but  also  the  treating  of  them,  by  those  who have  taken  charge  of  them,  either  as  slaves, freedmen,  coloni  or  aJscriptitii,  declaring  such children  to  be  absolutely  free  (Code,  bk.  viii., t.  Hi.,  1.  3  ;  A.D.  529 ;  see  also  bk.  i.,  t.  iv., 1.  24;  A.D.  530).  This  applied  to  infants  cast away  either  in  churches,  streets  or  any  other place,  even  though  a  plaintiff'  should  give  some evidence  of  a  right  of  ownership  over  them  (bk. viii.,  t.  lii.,  1.  4).  The  153rd  Novel,  however, shows  that  it  was  still  the  practice  in  certain districts  ( Thessalonica  is  specified  )  to  expose new-born  infants  in  the  churches,  and  after  they had  been  brought  up  to  reclaim  them  as  slaves; EXPULSION  FROM  A  BIONASTERY  j and  it  again  expressly  enacts  the  freedom  of exposed  infants. The  Wisigothic  law  contains  some  rather  re- markable   provisions    as    to    the    exposition    of infants  (bk.  iv.,  t.  iv.,  cc.  1.  2).     Where  a  person has   out  of  compassion  taken  up  a  foundling  of         i either    sex,    wherever    exposed,   and    when  it   is        .  i nourished   up  the  parents  acknowledge  it,  if  it         j be  the  child  of  a   h-nt   person,  let  them  either  i give  back  a  slave  in  its  place  or  pay  the  price  of one  ;   otherwise,   let   the  foundling  be  redeemed         ' by  the  judge  of  the  territory  from  the  owner-         | ship  of  the  parents,  and  let  these  be  subject  to         I perpetual  exile.     If  they  have  not  wherewithal to  pay,  let  him  serve  for  the  infant  who  cast  it  ' forth,    and    let    the    latter    remain   in  freedom,  i whom  the  pity  of  strangers  has  preserved.  If  j indeed  slaves  of  either  sex  have  cast  forth  an  ' infant  in  fraud  of  its  masters,  when  he  has  been  ' nourished  up,  let  the  nourisher  receive  one-third of  its  value,  the  master  swearing  to  or  pi'oving his  ignorance  of  the  exposing.  But  if  he  knew of  it,  let  the  foundling  remain  in  the  power  of him  who  nourished  it. In  a  collection  of  Irish  canons,  ascribed  to  the end  of  the  7th  century,  is  one  "on  infants  cast  ; forth  in  the  church,"  which  enacts,  in  very  i uncouth  and  obscure  Latin,  that  such  an  infant  j shall  be  a  slave  to  the  church  unless  sent  away ;  j and  that  seven  years'  penance  is  to  be  borne  by  | those  who  cast  infants  forth  (bk.  xli.,  c.  22).  j A    capitulary    of    uncertain    date    (supposed about  744)  enacts,  in  accordance  with  the  canon         j of  the  synod  of  Vaison  before  referred  to,  that  , if  an  infant  exposed  before  the  church  has  been taken  up  by  the  compassion  of  any  one,  such person  shall  affix — probably  on  the  church  door — a    letter    of    notice    (contestationis    ponat  .  .  \ epistolam).  If  the  infant  be  not  acknowledged within  ten  days,  let  the  person  who  has  taken  it  \ up  securely  retain  it  (c.  1).  * The  "  Lex  Romana,"  supposed  to  represent  the  j law  of  the  Roman  population  of  Italy  in  Lom-  | bard  times,  contains  a  less  liberal  provision  on  _  j this  subject,  founded  on  the  earlier  imperial law.  If  a  new-born  infant  has  been  cast  out  by its  parents  either  in  the  church  or  in  the  pre- cincts (platea),  and  any  one  with  the  knowledge of  the  father  or  mother  and  of  the  nwstor  has taken  it  up  and  nourished  it   by  his  labour,  it  i shall  remain  in  his  power  who  took  it  up.     And if  a  person   knew  not   its   father  or  mother  or         i master,  aiid  wished   nevertheless  to  take  it  up,         { let    him  present    the   infant    before   the    bishop  j (pontificem)  or  the  clerics  who  serve  that church,  and  receive  from  the  hand  of  that  , bishoj)  and  those  clerks  an  epistola  collectionis, and  theneefortli,  let  him  have  power  either  to give  such  infant  liberty,  or  to  retain  it  in  per- petual slavery  (bk.  v.,  t.  vii.).  [J.  M.   L.] EXPULSION  FROM  A  MONASTERY.    ' So  soon  as  there  began  to  be  any  sort  of  disci-  | pline  among  the  ascetics  who  dwelt  together  in  ] a  community,    expulsion    inevitably    became    a  \ necessary  part  of  it.  In  the  so-called  "Rule  of Pachomius,"  expulsion  (or  a  flogging)  was  the penalty  for  insubordination,  licentiousness,  (juar-  \ relling,  covetousness,  gluttony  (cf.  Cass.  Inst.  iv. 16).      Menard,    however,   thinks   that  this  was  , only  expulsion  for  a  stated  time  (Bened.  Anian. Concord.  Regg.  xxxi.  5).    By  the  Eegula  Orientalu EXSECRATIO (c.  35)  obstinate  oftendei-»  are  to  be  expelkvl. Benedict,  with  characteristic  prudence,  prescribed expulsion  for  contumacy  (^Keg.  c.  71),- on  the principle  that  the  gangrened  limb  must  be  lopped oft",  lest  the  rest  of"  the  body  should  be  infected with  the  poison  {ib.  c.  28),  while  with  charac- teristic gentleness  he  allowed  such  oftenders  to be  re-admitted,  if  penitent,  so  often  as  thi:ice,  on condition  of  their  taking  the  lowest  place  among the  brethren  {ib.  c.  29).  Some  commentators, however,  take  this  permission  as  not  extending to  the  case  of  a  monk  expelled  for  such  vices cis  could  hardly  fail  to  corrupt  the  community (Mart.  lieg.  Comm.  loc.  cit.).  The  Benedictine reformers  generally  made  expulsion  more  com- mon and  readmissiou  more  difficult.  Fructuosus orders  all  incorrigible  oftenders  to  be  expelled {Eecj.  cc.  8.  16);  and  the  Rejula  Cujusddin,  still more  severe,  enacts  expulsion  for  lying,  forni- cation, persistent  murmuring,  and  even  abusive language  (cc.  6,  8,  16,  18).  At  a  later  period, under  the  stern  discipline  of  Citeaux,  a  monk was  to  be  unfrocked  and  expelled,  even  for  theft above  a  certain  value  (Mart.  Reg.  Comm.  c.  33). Obviously  the  frequency  or  infrequency  of  such a  penalty  as  expulsion  depended  on  the  monas- tery being  regarded  rather  as  a  reformatory  or as  a  place  of  ideal  perfection.  [I.  G.  S.] EXSECRATIO.  [Anathema  :'  Desecra- riox.l EXSUPERAXTIUS,  deacon  and  martyr  at Spoletum,  with  Sabinus  the  bishop,  and  others, under  Maximian  ;  commemorated  Dec.  30  (Mart. Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EXSUPERIA,  martyr  at  Rome  with  Simpro- nius  and  others ;  commemorated  July  26  (Mart. Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EXSUPERIUS.  (1)  One  of  the  Theban  legion, martyr  at  Sedunum  in  Belgic  Gaul  (the  Valais), under  Maximian  ;  commemorated  Sept.  22  (Mart. Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  Bishop  and  confessor  at  Toulouse;  com- memorated Sejit.  28  (Mart.  Usuardi). (3)  Martyr  at  Vienna  with  Severus  and  Feli- cianus ;  commemorated  Nov.  19  (J/«r^.  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] EXT  EME  UNCTIOX.  [Sick,  Visita- tion OF  THE  :    UXCTIOX.] EX  VOTO.  [Votive  Offerings.] EYES,  TOUCHING  OF.  1.  The  first council  of  Constantinople  (A.D.  381)  laid  it  down (c.  7)  that  Arians  and  certain  other  heretics were  to  be  received  into  the  church,  without  re- baptism,  on  renouncing  their  heresy  and  being crossed  or  anointed  with  holy  unguent  (/J-vpw) on  the  forehead,  eyes,  &c.  So  in  the  form  of baptism  given  by  Daniel  (Codex  Lit.  iv.  507) from  the  Greek  Euchologion,  the  priest  after baptism  anoints  the  neophyte  with  holy  unguent, mak  g  the  sign  of  the  cross  on  forehead,  eyes, nostrils,  mouth,  ears,  breast,'  hands,  and  feet, saying,  "  the  seal  of  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit. Amen."  Compare  Martene,  DeRit.Ant.  I.  i.  17, Ord.  24,  25. 2.  In  extreme  unction,  the  eyes  are  anointed with  holy  oil.  Thus,  in  the  Katold  MS.  of  the Gregorian  Sacramentanj  (P-  549>  ed.  Menard),  the priest  is  directed  to  anoint  the  eyes,  with  the words:   "  Ungo  oculo-^    tuos  de  olco  sanctificato. FACITERGIUM 655 ut  (|uiiquid  illicito  visu  deliquisti  per  hujus  olei uuctiuuem  expietur." 3.  It  seems  to  have  been  the  custom  to  touch the  eyes,  as  well  as  the  other  organs  of  sense, with  the  moisture  remaining  on  the  lips  after  com- municating (Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  Catech.  Myst. I  V.  22 :  see  COMiiUNiON,  Holy,  p.  413 ;  Ears, touching  of).  m -| I  EZEKIEL,  the  prophet  ;  commemorated ,  April  10  (3Iart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usu- 1  ardi) ;  Miaziah  5  =  March  31,  and  Hamle  27  = July  21  (Cil.  Ethiop.);  Sept.  3  (Cd.  Annen.). [W.  F.  G.] I      EZRA,  the  prophet;  commemorated  Jakatit 10  =  Feb.    4,    and    Hamle    6  ^  June    30    (Cat. Ethiop.),  Juiv  13  (Mart.  Usuardi).     [W.  F.  G.l FABARIUS.  The  Cantores  anciently  fasted the  day  before  they  were  to  sing  divine'  offices, but  ate  beans,  as  being  supposed  to  benefit  the voice  (Pliny,  Nnt.  Hist.  xx.  6);  whence  thev were  called  by  the  heathen  Eabirii  (Isidore,  De Div.  Off.  ii.  12).  [C.] FABIAXUS,  the  pope,  martyr  at  Rome  in the  time  of  Decius;  commemorated  Jan.  20 (Mart.  Ro)n.  Vet.,  Bedae,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usu- ai"di).  [W.  F.  G.] FABIUS,  martyr  at  Caesarea ;  "Passio" July  31  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.l FABRICA  ECCLESIAE.  [Churches, Maintenance  of,  p.  388.] »    FACE,   BRANDING  IN   THE.     It   was enacted  under  Constantine  (Code,  lib.  ix.  tit.  47, 1.  17),  that  branding  should  not  be  in  the  face, I  as  disfiguring  the  heavenly  beauty  [Corporal j  Punishments,  p.  470].        '  [C] FACITERGIUM  (also  facietergium,  facis- tergium,  facitergula  ;  facialis,  faciale).  This,  as its  name  indicates,  is  a  handkerchief  for  wiping the  face  ("  facitergium  et  manitergium,  a  ter- gendo  faciem  vel  manus  vocatur."  Isidore,  Etijm. xix.  26).  Mention  of  this  is  occasionally  found in  various  monastic  rules.  It  is  appointed  as part  of  the  furniture  of  a  monk's  couch  in  the Rule  of  St.  Isidore  (c.  14;  p.  127,  part  2,  in Holstenius,  Codex  Regularum:  ed.  Paris,  1663). ;  See  also  Magistri  Regula,  cc.  17,  19,  81  (op.  cit. pp.  214,  216,  257).  The  last  passage  ordains I  that  there  shall  be  dealt  out  "  singula  facitergia !  per  decadam."  Gregory  of  Tours  ( Vitae  Ra- trum,  viii.  8;  p.  1191,  ed.  Ruinart)  speaks  of  the value  set  upon  the  "facitergium  dependentibus villis  intextum,  quod  Sanctus  [i.e.  Nicetius  Lug- dunensis]  super  caput  in  die  obitus  sui  habuit." The  facitergia  used  by  nuns  were  at  times  em- broidered (Caesarii  Regula  ad  Virgines,  c.  42; Holstenius,  part  3,  p.  22).  Again,  Venantius Fortunatus,  in  his  life  of  St.  Radegundis  of Fi-ance,  describes  her  on  one  occasion  as  "  circa altare  cum  facistergio  jacentem  pulverem  c.ol- ligens  '•  (c.  2 ;  Patrol.  Ixxii.  653).  One  more example  may  suffice,  where  the  word,  perhaps, a])pears  in  the  transitional  state  of  its  meaning: '•  donata    etiam    particula    sanoti    orarii,   id    est 656 FAITH facialis"  (Hypomnesticon  de  Anastasio  Apocri- siario,  etc.,  in  Anast.  Biblioth.  Collectanea:  Pa- trol, cxxix.  685).  For  further  examples,  see Ducange's  Glossarium,  s.  vv.  [R.  S.] FAITH.    [Sophia.] FAITHFUL.  The  present  article  is  in- tended to  give  an  account  of  the  principal  names applied  to  Christians  in  early  times,  whether  by themselves  or  by  others. The  names  most  common  among  Christians  in the  apostolic  and  sub-apostolic  ages  seem  to  have been  Saints  (ayiot),  Elect  (eK\eKToi),  Brethren {a.Se\(j)oi),  and  Faithful  (TtiaToi),  often  followed by  the  words,  iv  'Irja-ov  Xpicrr^. The  words  irLffThs  and  Fidelis  were  also  used in  a  special  sense  to  distinguish  the  baptized Christian  from  the  catechumen.  Thus  Augustine {Tract,  in  Joan.  44,  c.  9)  says  that  if  a  man  tells us  that  he  is  a  Christian,  we  have  to  ask  further, whether  he  is  catechumen  or  "  fidelis."  Hence such  an  inscription  as  Christiana  Fidelis  (Le Blant,  Inscrijd.  de  la  Gaule,  i.  373)  is  not  a  mere pleonasm.  _  So  the  council  of  Elvira  (C.  Elib. c.  67)  seems  to  distinguish  between  "fidelis" and  "  catechumena."  In  the  liturgies,  the  portion of  the  office  at  which  catechumens  were  not allowed  to  be  present  was  called  Missa  Fidelium, and  the  Lord's  Prayer  Fidelium  Oratio.  See Suicer's  Thesaurus,  s.v.  niffrds.  Eusebi>is(Praej9. Evamj.  i.  1)  repudiates  the  charge  that  Chris- tians were  called  ttkttoI  from  their  credulity. Fidelis  is  a  fi-equent  epithet  in  inscriptions, particularly  in  the  case  of  young  children,  who might  otherwise  be  supposed  to  have  died  un- baptized.  Thus  an  inscription  given  by  Maran- ■  goni  {Acta    S.  Victorini,   103)  runs    thus:    HIC REQVIESCIT   in    PACE    FILIPPUS  ||  INFAS   FIDELIS. Similar  inscriptions  are  given  in  the  case  of  a, child  who  died  at  the  age  of  a  year  and  nine months  {fh.  p.  109),  and  of  another  who  died  at the  age  of  five  years  and  five  months  (76.  p.  96). Another  may  be  seen  in  Cavedoni  {Ant.  Cimit.  di Chiusi,  p.  33).  On  a  marble  at  Florence  (Gori, Inscr.  Ant.  Ftrur.  iii.  314)  it  is  said  of  a  child  of three  years  and  three  months,  ITICTH  ETEAET- THCEN.  In  one  case  given  by  JMariui  {Frat. Arval.  p.  171),  the  inscription  describes  an ancestress  (major)  begging  baptism  for  a  child  at the  point  of  death:  petivit  ab  ecclesia  ut FIDELIS  DE  SECVLO  RECECissET  {i.  e.  recederet). In  another  case  (Oderico,  fnscr.  IVi.  p.  267),  one of  two  brothers,  who  died  at  eight  years  old, is  described  as  NEOFITVS,  while  the  brother,  who died  at  seven,  is  described  as  fidelis.  And again  a  guardian  described  as  fidelis,  erects  a monument  to  a  nursling  who  was  yet  among the  "  audientes "  or  catechumens :  alvmnae AVDiENTi  (Gori,  u.  s.  i.  228). Such  inscriptions  as  vixiT  in  pace  fidelis, or  REQVIESCIT  FIDELIS  IN  PACE,  are  too  common to  need  particularizing  (Martigny,  Diet,  des Ayitiq.  Chre't.  s.  v.  Fidelis). Other  names  given  to  Christians  were  perhaps either  (1)  Designations  of  some  peculiarity  of  their practice  or  profession,  rather  than  recognized titles;  more  epithets  than  names;  or  (2)  names given  them  by  the  outside  world,  either  in  deri- sion or  by  mistake. I.  Under  the  first  head  may  be  classed  (a)  'leo-- (Ttuoi,  Jessaeans,  a  name  which  Epiphanius  (^aer. 29,  n.  4)  says  may  be  derived  from  Jesus,  or  (as FAITHFUL seems  far-fetched  and  improbable)  from  Jesse, the  father  of  David.  Epiphanius  (m.  s.)  considers this  name  earlier  than  that  of  "Christian." Another  such  name  was  (6)  yvaiffriKoi,  applied to  Christians  by  Clement  of  Alexandria  {6troin. i.  p.  294 ;  ii.  p.  383 ;  vi.  p.  665  ;  vii.  p.  748)  as having  the  true  knowledge.  Later  we  find Athanasius  (ap.  Socrat.  Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  23)  using the  term  of  the  Ascetics  of  Egypt,  and  Socrates {ibid.)  tells  us  that  Evagrius  Ponticus  wrote  a book  for  the  use  of  these  Ascetics,  called  "The Gnostic,  or  Rules  for  the  Contemplative  Life." (c)  @eo<\>6poi,  a  name  claimed  by  Ignatius  in his  interview  with  Trajan  (j4cia/(/H;ri.  ap.  Grabe, Spicil.  t.  ii.  p.  10),  because  he  "  carried  Christ  in his  heart,"  and  seemingly  conceded  especially  to him,  was  commonly  used  of  all  Christians,  as Pearson  {Vind.  Ignat.  par.  ii.  c.  12,  p.  397) shows  by  quotations  from  many  writers  of  the 2nd  century. Clement  of  Alexandria,  agreeing  about  the meaning  of  the  name,  gives  the  varieties  of  it @€0(popii}v  and  ©eocpopoi/jxevus,  and  Eusebius  (viii. 10)  quotes  a  letter  of  Phileas,  bishop  of  Thmuis, to  his  flock,  in  which  he  calls  the  martyrs  Xpia- TOCpSpOt. {(l)  St.  Ambrose  {de  obit.  Valentin,  t.  iii.  p.  12) speaks  of  Christians  as  Christi,  i.e.  "  anointed," and  justifies  his  use  of  the  title  by  reference  to Ps.  cv.  15,  "nolite  tangere  Christos  meos,"  all Christians  receiving  the  unction  of  the  Holy Spirit,  and  Jerome  commenting  on  the  passage (Ps.  civ.  [cv.]),  justifies  it  by  the  same  refer- ence. (e)  The  name  Ecclesiastici  was  used  within the  Christian  body  (Bingham,  i.  1,  §8)  to  dis- tinguish the  clergy  from  the  laity,  and  with  a modification  of  this  meaning  of  the  word  Eusebius (iv.  7)  speaks  of  "  ecclesiastical  writers  ;  "  and  it was  also  used  of  Christians  generally  in  contrast to  those  who  did  not  belong  to  the  eKKKricria,  as Jews,  infidels,  and  heretics.  Bingham  quotes Eusebius  (iv.  7,  v.  27),  and  Cyril  of  Jerusalem {Catech.  15,  n.  4),  as  employing  the  word  in  this sense,  and  Valesius  (not.  in  Euseb.  1.  ii.  c.  25) finds  the  same  use  of  it  in  "  Origen,  Epiphanius, Jerome,  and  others  "  [EccLESiASTicus]. (/)  Bingham  asserts  that  Christians  were called  oi  rod  SSyfiaTos,  "They  of  the  Faith," giving  as  his  authority  for  this  statement  the rescript  of  Aurelian  against  Paul  of  Samosata, quoted  by  Eusebius  (vii.  30),  in  which  the bishops  of  Rome  and  of  Italy  are  called  eiri- (TKOTToi  rod  Soy/xaros. {g)  Christians  also  called  themselves  CATHOLIC [see  the  word]  ;  and  (Ji)  Pisciculi,  alluding  to  the mystic  Fish  [BAFriSM,  p.  171 ;  Fish]. It  is  to  be  observed,  says  Bingham  (i.  1,  §6) that  all  these  names  express  some  relation  to God  or  to  Christ,  and  that  none  of  them  were taken  from  the  names  of  men,  as  was  the  case with  the  heresies  and  sects.  He  quotes  Chry- sostom  {Horn.  33  in  Act.),  Epiphanius  {Haer.  42. Marciouit.,  also  Haer.  10.),  Gregory  Nazianzen {Oral.  31,  p.  506)  and  others  as  noticing  these opposite  tendencies.  The  name  of  Christian  was neglected  by  the  heretics  for  the  names  of  their leaders,  while  the  Christians  thought  it  enough without  any  other  title  derived  from  parents, country,  city,  quality,  or  occupation;  see  the case  of  the  deacon  Sanctus  martyred  in  the reign  of  Antoninus,  related  by  Eusebius  (v.  1). FAITHFUL II.  Among  tlie  names  given  to  Christians  from without  their  body  are  probably  to  be  reckoned (.1)  Xprjcrroi,  a  name  which  would  easily  arise from  a  misunderstanding  or  mispronunciation  of the  name  XpicrToi,  and  was  naturally  not  refused by  Christians  ;  referred  to  by  Justin  Martyr (^Apol.  i.  4),  Lactantius  {Inst.  iv.  7),  Tertullian {ApoL  c.  3),  and  others. (2)  It  was  quite  to  be  expected  that  tliey would  be  called  Jews  by  the  heathen  world,  and there  is  evidence  of  this.  Bingham  (i.  1,  §  10) refers  to  a  passage  in  Dio's  Life  of  Bomitian,  in which  he  speaks  of  the  Christian  martyr  Ocilius Glabrio  (Baronius,  an.  94,  §  1),  being  put  to  1 death  for  turning  to  the  Jews'  religion. Again,  Suetonius  says  (Claud,  c.  26)  that Claudius  "  expelled  the  Jews  from  Rome  because they  made  disturbances  at  the  instigation  of Chrestus;"  and  Spartianus  (in  Caracal,  c.  i.)  says that  Caracalla's  playfellow  was  a  Jew,  Caracalla, according  to  Tertullian  (ad  Scapul.  c.  4),  having been  "  lacte  Christiano  educatus." (3)  There  remains  to  be  considered  the  word Christian,  a  name  which  diflers  from  those already  spoken  of  in  being  traceable  to  a  par- ticular locality,  and  with  great  probability  to  a particular  j^ear.  The  reason  why  the  name  arose when  and  where  it  did,  is  probably  to  be  found in  the  long  stay — "  a  whole  year  " — (Acts  xi. 26)  made  in  Antioch  by  Paul  and  Barnabas  after their  return  from  Tarsus,  in  the  assembly  of  the church  there  for  the  same  time,  and  in  the  pub- licity given  to  the  teaching  of  Christ  by  frequent addresses  to  the  people. The  question  whether  the  Christians  assumed the  name  themselves  or  received  it  from  the Jews,  or  from  the  Gentiles,  can  only  be  deter- mined with  an  approach  to  certainty. (a)  The  only  reason  for  thinking  that  the Christians  assumed  this  name  is  the  language of  Acts  xi.  26,  xpr)iJiaT'i.(rai  re  TrpSnov  iu  'Avti- oxeia  Touf  /xadrfTas  XptffTiavovs,  because  XPV- piaTi^oi,  when  used  of  acquiring  a  name  gener- ally means  to  assume  one ;  but  on  the  other hand,  both  in  the  Acts  and  in  the  Epistles, Christians  speak  of  themselves  as  "  brethren," "  believers,"  "  disciples,"  "  saints,"  and  only  in three  places  in  the  N.T.  is  the  word  Christian used  (Acts  xi.  26,  xxvi.  28 ;  1  Peter  iv.  16),  in only  one  of  which,  and  there  doubtfully,  is  the word  used  by  Christians  of  themselves. (6)  Nor  is  it  likely  that  the  Jews  would  give them  a  name  which  would  virtually  concede  the claim  made  by  Christians,  and  so  strenuously denied  by  Jews.  For  "  Christ  "  being  the  Greek equivalent  of  "  Messiah,"  to  call  the  followers of  Christ  "  Christians  "  would  be  to  acknowledge Christ  as  the  Messiah ;  nor  would  they  have used  so  sacred  a  name  in  derision  even  for  the sake  of  insulting  a  despised  and  hated  sect. When  they  wanted  to  designate  them,  they  used a  name  derived  from  a  place  they  held  in  con- tempt (John  i.  46,  vii.  41 ;  Luke  xiii.  2),  and called  St.  Paul  "  a  ringleader  of  the  sect  of  the '  Nazarenes  ' "  (Acts  xxiv.  5). (c)  But  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  Gentiles, seeing  the  wide  aim  of  this  new  community,  its readiness  to  admit  all  sorts  of  people,  and  even to  dispense  with  the  rite  of  circumcision  in  its converts,  should  have  early  come  to  distinguish it  from  the  sects  of  the  Jews,  with  which  they very    naturally    at    first  confounded   it,   and   so CHRIST.  ANT. FAITHFUL 657 should  have  attached  to  it  a  now  name.  And this  probability  is  increased  when  we  remember that  "  Christ "  was  the  title  of  the  head  of  the new  sect,  represented  his  peculiar  office  to  them, and  was  the  name  by  which  he  was  generally known  in  their  letters  and  conversation.  It would  be  adopted,  of  course,  by  the  Gentiles from  them,  as  we  know  it  was  (Tacit.  Ann.  xv. 44),  and  in  a  city  like  Antioch.  "  notorious  for inventing  names  of  derision,  and  for  turning  its wit  into  channels  of  ridicule "  (cf.  Procopius, Bell.  Fers.  ii.  8,  quoted  by  Conybeare  and Howson,  vol.  i.  p.  130),  the  new  society  would soon  get  its  name.  The  form  of  the  word  indi- cates its  Roman  origin  (cf.  Sullani,  Pompeiani, and  later  Othoniani  and  Vitelliani),  and  that  it was  first  used  as  a  term  of  reproach  may  be gathered  from  the  use  made  of  it  by  Tacitus  in the  passage  referred  to  above,  "  quos  per  tlagitia invisos  vulgus  Christianos  appellabat."  The great  increase  in  the  number  of  Gentile  converts would  soon  turn  what  was  at  first  a  nickname into  a  title  of  honour,  and  the  predominance  of Rome  in  the  world  naturally  made  the  Roman name  what  it  has  become,  the  universal  one.  It is  interesting  to  contrast  with  "  Christian  "  the name  "  Jesuit,"  as  unlike  the  other  in  its  com- paratively modern  date  and  Greek  form  as  in  its history  and  significance. See  Conybeare  and  Howson  (vol.  i.  p.  129  ff.), from  whom  this  note  on  the  word  Christian  is derived.  [E.  C.  H.] III.  The  following  names  were  appellations  of scorn,  or  "nick-names,"  given  to  Christians  by their  enemies. 1.  That  they  should  be  called  Atheists  was inevitable  in  an  empire  in  which  the  vulgar  at least  knew  of  no  gods  that  could  not  be  repre- sented by  art  and  man's  device.  And  Atheism was  in  fact  a  common  charge  against  them.  See Athenagoras  (Leg.  pro  Christ,  c.  3)  and  Justin Martyr  (Apot.  I.  c.  6).  "  Down  with  the  Athe- ists "  (oTpe  Toits  aOeovs)  was  a  mob-cry  against the  Christians  (Euseb.  ff.  E.  iv.  15,  §  6). 2.  From  the  time  that  Christians  were  first recognised  as  a  sect,  they  were  contemptuously called  Nazarenes  (Acts  xxiv.  5 ;  Epiphanius, Haeres.  29,  c.  1 ;  Jerome  on  Isaiah  XLIX. ; Prudentius,  Peristeph.  ii.  25).  This  no  doubt  at first  designated  the  supposed  origin  of  the  Lord and  the  disciples  from  Nazareth;  but  the  variety of  ways  in  which  the  word  is  written  (NofapT7i'oi, HaQapaioi,  'Na^wpaiot,  NafTjparoi,  'Na(ipa7oi} seems  to  show  that  in  later  times  various  senses were  attached  to  it.  It  was  also,  perhaps,  some- times used  to  designate  a  sect  of  Judaizing Christians,  rather  than  the  whole  body  of  the church. 3.  The  name  Galilaei  was  one  which  the  phi- losophic emperor  Julian  (Epid.  7)  endeavoured to  fix  upon  the  Christians  (see  Gregory  Na- zianz.,  Orat.  iii.  p.  81  ;  Socrates,  II.  E,  iii. 12),  meaning,  no  doubt,  to  express  the  con- tempt of  a  cultivated  man  for  a  sect  which  arose in  a  despised  district  of  Palestine,  among  shep- herds and  fishermen.  His  last  words  were,  ac- cording to  Theodoret  (H.  E.  iii.  21),  vecfKijKos, Ta\t\a7e,  "  Thou  hast  conquered,  0  Galilaean  ! " Cyril  of  Alexandria  (c.  Julian,  iii.  p.  39)  sets himself  to  show  that  the  name  "  Galilaean,"  if it  implied  roughness  and  want  of  culture,  was no  more  ajiplicable  to  Christians  than  to  Julian 2   U 658 FALDESTOLIUM and  his  friends  (Gibbon's  Borne,  ch.  23;  iii.  1G2, cd.  Smith). 4.  Graecus,  Graeculus.  It  was  probably  with reference  to  the  falseness  and  want  of  principle attributed  to  the  Greeks,  in  the  days  of  the  em- ]'ire,  that  Christians  came  to  be  called  "  Greeks," that  is,  impostors.  The  Chi-istian  in  the  streets was  saluted  with  the  cry,  6  TpatKhs  eViOeTTjs (.lerome,  Epist.  10,  ad  Furan.).  If  his  tunic  was not  white,  he  was  "  impostor  et  Graecus  "  {Ih. Epist.  19,  ad  MarcelL).  The  recognising  a  Chris- tian by  the  want  of  the  "  tunica  alba,"  perhaps indicates  a  time  when  the  ALB  had  become  with them  almost  'wholly  a  ministerial  dress. 5.  Sybitlists  was  an  appellation  given  to  Chris- tians by  Celsus  (Origen  c.  Cels.  bk.  v.  p.  272, Spencer).  The  early  Christians  did  in  fact  pay great  respect  to  the  Sibylline  books  (TertuUian, ad  Nationes,  ii.  12),  and  discovered  in  them  clear prophecies  of  Christ.  Celsus  accused  them  of having  interpolated  these  books. 6.  From  peculiarities,  or  supposed  peculiai-i- ties,  of  their  woi-ship,  they  were  called  cross- worshippers,  (rravpSKarpai,  or  Crucicolae,  a  re- proach as  old  as  the  days  of  St.  Paul,  often repeated  (Tertul.  Apol.  16  and  Ad  Nat.  i.  7,  12% and  fi-om  which  they  were  not  slow  to  vindicate themselves  (Minucius  Fel.  Oct.  29).  Whether Christians  in  general,  or  a  sect  of  them,  were called  ovpavoKarpai,  Coelicolae,  sky-worship- pers, seems  somewhat  doubtful ;  and  the  same may  be  said  of  Hypsistarii.  That  they  were called  Sun-worshippers  and  Ass-vcorshippers  is certain.  [Asinarii  ;  Calumnies  against  Chris- tians.] 7.  The  miracles  of  the  early  church  procured Christians  the  reputation  of  being  Magicians. [Magic]  Hence  Suetonius  (^Nero,  c.  16)  calls Christians  "  gens  hominum  superstitionis  male- ficae,"  a  set  devoted  to  the  black  art.  The  stead- fast endurance  of  torture  was  often  thought  , the  effect  of  some  charm.  Asclepiades  (Pru-  ' dentius,  Peristeph.  xii.  868),  ascribed  to  magic the  endurance  of  Eomanus  the  martyr;  and St.  Ambrose  (Serm.  90,  in  Agnen)  mentions that  the  crowd  shrieked  against  her,  "Tolle ■magam  !  tolle  maleficam  !  " 8.  Several  nick-names  were  given  by  the  hea- then to  the  Christians  in  consequence  of  their inexplicable  endurance  of  martyrdom.  They were  fiioOdvaToi,  as  dying  violent  deaths,  often, as  it  seemed,  little  better  than  suicides.  They were  Paraholani  {irapa^oKauoi)  and  Dcsperati, as  freely  risking  their  lives.  They  were  Sar- mentitii,  from  the  faggots  (sarmenta)  which  con- sumed them  ;  and  Semiaxii,  from  the  stake (semiaxis)  to  which  they  were  bound.  (Tertull. Apol.  50).  They  were  Cinerarii,  from  the  re- spect which  they  paid  to  the  ashes  of  their martyrs. (Bingham's  Antiq.  i.  ii. ;  Augusti's  Handhuch der  Christl.  Archdol.  ii.  i.)  [C] FALDESTOLIUM,  or  FALDISTOEIUM. The  first  form  of  this  word  points  to  its  true etymology  and  signification.  It  is  connected with  the  German  falden,  "to  fold,"  and  stuhl, "a  chair,"  and  indicates  a  folding-chair,  'sella plicatilis,"  answering  to  our  modern  "  camp- stool"  (Muratori,  torn.  iii.  p.  646,  not.  18).  A false  etymology,  often  given,  "  fandistolium Quasi  fandi  locus "  is  at  variance  with   its  use. FAMILY and  would  better  apply  to  a  pulpit.  Faldistoriuw, originally  employed  for  any  portable  seat,  be came  limited  in  ecclesiastical  use  to  a  low  arai- less  folding-chair,  in  which  a  bishop  or  mitred abbot  sat  at  the  altar  after  his  enthronisation, or  on  other  solemn  occasions,  ofJered  himself  to the  gaze  of  the  people  in  his  full  official  attire. According  to  Maori  (s.  v.)  it  was  also  placed  at  the epistle  corner  of  the  altar  for  the  bishop,  when celebrating  in  a  church  in  which  he  had  no  juris- diction, or  if  a  superior  dignitary  was  present (Maori,  Hierulex.  s.  v. ;  Ducauge,  s.  v. ;  Augusti, Ildbch.  der  Christ.  Arch.  iii.  556).  [E.^  V.] FALSE  WITNESS.    [Perjury.] FAMILY.  The  influence  of  the  Christian religion  upon  the  customs  and  habits  of  family life  was  very  considerable,  even  from  the  first": although  it  did  not  aim  at  making  any  abrupt  or sudden  changes,  except  in  those  things  which were  necessarily  sinful. The  great  Christian  doctrines  which  so  power- fully afiect  the  feelings,  hopes,  and  whole  inner life  of  those  who  heartily  receive  them,  led  at once  to  the  renunciation  of  idolatry  in  all  its forms,  and  of  the  excesses  and  licentiousnesses then  so  common  and  so  little  thought  of;  and  in- culcated new  principles  of  thought  and  action, which  operated  more  or  less  powerfully  in  everv direction.  But  the  ordinary  usages  of  domestic life,  which  were  not  directly  connected  with the  religious  and  moral  obliquities  of  the  old polytheism,  were  apparently  left  untouched  bv any  positive  interference  or  command.  Chris- tiaility  proved  itself  the  salt  of  the  earth  bv gradually  interpenetrating  the  surrounding  mass of  pagan  civilisation,  and  not  by  shrinking  from all  contact  with  it. The  elevation  of  the  female  sex  was  one  of  the most  conspicuous  of  the  indirect  results  which rapidly  followed  the  reception  of  the  new  reli- gion. The  position  of  women  among  the  Jews, and  the  manner  in  which  Jesus  had  received  them as  his  disciples  and  friends,  must  have  taught  the apostles,  if  they  needed  any  such  teaching,  what place  women  were  entitled  to  hold  in  the  social economy  of  the  church.  And  accordingly, wherever  Christ  was  proclaimed,  women  were invited  and  welcomed  into  the  Christian  commu- nities, and  were  admitted  equally  with  men  to  all Christian  privileges.  Hence  in  a  Christian family  the  wife  and  mother  held  an  honourable place ;  and  the  conjugal  union,  the  source  of  all other  family  relationships,  being  thus  honoured, communicated  a  happy  influence  throughout  the household.  i Another  result,  only  less  important  than  the    i former,  was  the  amelioration,  and,  in  the  course     I of  time,    the    abolition    of    slavery.     Apostolic     I Christianity  did  not  endeavour  to  remove  this     ' nefarious  but   inveterate  evil  by  any   direct  or violent  denunciation,  which,  if  successful,  would    \i have   rudely  upset    the    existing    framework   of     ' society,  and  would  have  proved  as  ruinous  to  the slave,  as  it  would  have  seemed  to  be  unjust  to     ' the  master  ;  but  it  distinctly  taught  the  equality of  all  men  in  Christian  privilege   and  religious ])osition  ; — -it  taught  most  emphatically  the  duty     j of  caring  for  others  ; — it  taught  the  master  that he  had  a  Lord  over  him  who  was  no  respecter  of     i persons,  and    the    slave    that    he    was    Christ's freedman.     And    thus    slavery    in    ii    Christian FAMILY laniily  was  i-elievcd  from  some  of  its  most  gall-  ; iug  burdens.  This  happy  change,  however,  it must  be  remembered,  depended  entirely  upon  the personal  feeling  and  will' of  the  master;  for slavery  was  not  legally  and  publicly  alleviated to  any  great  extent,  until  the  time  of  Justinian, who  did  much  to  promote  its  extinction,  after which  it  was  gradually  discontinued  or  changed to  serfdom  (Milman,  Hist.  Christ,  iii.  343,  and Latin  Christ,  i.  391 ;  and  Slavery  in  this work).  In  the  mean  time  Christians  in  general did  not  think  it  wrong  to  have  bondmen  in  their service  (Clem.  Alex.  J-'aedag.  iii.  12). But  besides  particular  results  of  this  nature, Christianity  to  some  extent  changed  the  general habits  of  men,  and  tended  to  make  them  more domestic  and  less  public  in  their  feelings  and pursuits.  More  especially,  while  Christians  were small  communities  separate  and  distinct  from  the general  mass  of  the  population,  they  felt  it  neces- sary to  withdraw  themselves  in  some  degree from  public  affiiirs ;  they  were  less  frequent  in their  attendance  on  courts  of  law ;  they  could not,  without  scruples  and  repugnance,  be  present at  many  of  the  ordinary  amusements  and  popular festivities,  mixed  up  as  they  were  with  the idolatry  and  some  of  the  worst  moral  abomina- tions of  paganism.  Thus  they  were  thrown  back more  upon  the  society  of  each  other,  and  upon their  own  family  life.  And  although  afterwards, when  the  new  religion  became  dominant,  and was  at  length  the  religion  of  the  people,  the objections  to  public  life  greatly  disappeared,  the family  life  with  its  attractions  and  its  virtues continued  to  maintain  a  wholesome  influence, which  has  indeed'  never  since  been  lost,  (See Milman,  Hist.  Christ,  iii.  134.) But  to  look  more  closely  at  the  family  life  of Christianity,  it  must  be  observed  that  the  abne- gation of  idolatry  caused  a  displacement  of  the household  and  hearth  gods — the  Penates  and Lares  of  the  Romans, — together  with  all  family rites  which  savoured  of  idol  worship,  and  a  sub- stitution of  Christian  observances  in  their  stead. And  as  it  seems  to  have  been  the  custom  of  reli- gious Romans  to  offer  their  prayers  the  first thing  in  the  morning,  in  the  Lararium,  or  house- hold shrine  (Lampridius,  Alex.  Sever.  29.  31)  ; so  family  prayer,  in  which  the  different  members of  a  Christian  household  joined,  appears  to  have had  its  place  from  the  beginning  of  the  new religion.  Such  united  prayer  seems  to  be  alluded to  in  the  remark,  "  that  your  prayers  be  not hindered "  (1  Pet.  iii.  7).  And  Clement  of Alexandria,  at  the  end  of  the  second  century, testifies  to  the  same  thing  when,  commenting  on the  words,  "where  two  or  three  are  gathered together  in  my  name,"  he  says*  that  the  three mean  a  husband,  a  wife,  and  a  child  (^iivSpa,  Koi yuualKa,  kuI  riKvov  rovs  rpus  Ae'-yei,  Stromat. iii.  10).  And  the  same  author  speaks  expressly of  "  prayer  and  j-eading  of  the  Scriptures  (eux^ Ka\  avdyvcoffis)  in  Christian  families  QFaedag.  ii. 194). It  is  evident  from  the  words  of  Tertul'.ian  (ad Uxorem,  ii.  4)  and  subsequently  of  Cyprian  {De Lapsis,  c.  26)  that  Christians  were  in  the  habit of  taking  home  portions  of  the  eucharistic  bread, and  eating  a  small  piece  of  it  every  morning,  as an  act  of  devotion  [Eulogiae,  p.  629]. The  practice  also  of  making  the  sign  of  the cross    upon   the    forehead,    to    which  at  a  later FAMILY 659 pcrioil  so  much  efficacy  was  superstitiously ascribed,  had  become  before  the  beginning  of  the third  century  a  perpetually  repeated  ceremony in  Christian  families,  being  used  "  on  getting  up and  going  to  bed,  on  putting  on  their  clothes  or their  shoes,  on  walking  out  or  sitting  down,  at table  or  at  the  bath  ;"  in  short  in  every  act  or movement  of  the  day  (see  Tertullian  de  Cor.  Mil. §  3).  This  little  symbolical  action  may  in  the early  times  have  been  a  useful  memento  to Christians  in  the  midst  of  so  many  things  of  a contrary  tendency,  however  much,  like  some other  practices  once  innocent  and  salutary,  it was  subsequently  used  in  the  service  of  formalism and  error.  And  the  same  desire  of  being  con- stantly reminded  of  their  Christian  position  led them  to  adorn  their  goblets  with  the  figure  of  a shepherd  carrying  a  lamb,  and  their  seal-rings with  a  dove,  an  anchor,  and  other  similar devices.     (Neander,  Hist.  Christ,  p.  399.) Besides  these  there  were  other  domestic observances  which  from  time  to  time  interested the  piety  as  well  as  the  natural  affections  of Christian  households,  especially  those  which were  connected  with  the  ba])tism  of  children, marriages,  and  funerals,  more  particularly  noticed in  separate  articles  [Baptism,  Children,  Mar- riage, Burial].  Christians  cherished  the  me- mory of  departed  relatives  as  those  with  whom they  trusted  to  be  reunited  in  rest  and  glory, and  not  unfrequently  held  family  banquets  over their  remains  in  a  room  provided  for  that  pur- pose [Cella  Memoriae]. But  besides  those  festivals  which  were  exclu- sively Christian,  there  were  some  celebrations  of an  older  date,  in  which,  as  they  were  not  mixed up  with  any  idolatrous  rites.  Christian  families might  unite  with  their  pagan  neighbours,  and which  they  might  retain  for  their  own  use. Even  Tertullian,  who  was  so  strict  in  forbidding all  semblance  of  participation  in  idol  worship, saw  no  objection  to  Christians  joining  in  the domestic  ceremony  of  "  putting  on  the  toga virilis,"  which  corresponded  with  our  "  coming of  age,"  or  to  their  being  present  at  weddings,  oi the  "  naming  of  children  "  (Nominalia  or  Dies lustrici ;  Tertul.  de  Idolol.  16). As  the  facility  of  divorce  was  a  primary  prin- ciple of  corruption  in  Roman  social  and  family life  ;  so  Christianity,  having  invested  marriage with  a  religious  sanctity,  and  not  allowing divorcement  under  any  circumstances,  except those  mentioned  by  Christ  himself,  drew  more closely  together  not  only  the  husband  and  wife, but  all  other  members  of  the  family. The  relationship  between  parents  and  children was  greatly  influenced  for  good.  The  barbarous practice  of  infanticide,  which  prevailed  among the  Greeks  and  Romans,  was  immediately  dis- continued. Under  the  old  Roman  law  parents might  at  any  time  put  their  children  to  death, or  sell  them  as  slaves  ;  but  this  severity  was  at once  voluntarily  softened  in  Christian  families ; and  the  power  was  afterwards  taken  away  by Christian  emperors;  who  further  directed  that in  cases  of  great  poverty,  when  parents  might be  tempted  to  sell  their  children,  relief  might be  given  them  out  of  the  j)ublic  revenues,  thus affording  an  example  of  an  incipient  poor-law {Cod.  Theod.  vi.  27,  in  Bingham,  XVi.  ix.  1). Parental  authority,  however,  and  family  ties were   strongly    upheld.     Cliildren   were    not  al- 660 FAMILY lowed  to  mnrrv  without  the  consent  of  their parents  (Tertul.  (It/  Uxor.  ii.  9),  and,  under  the Christian  eiiiperors,  in  the  case  of  daughters  thus marrviug,  tlie  most  dreadful  punishments  were ordoreil  to  be  indicted  on  all  who  were  consenting jiarties  to  the  marriage  (Cod.  Theinl.  ix.  24). The  education  oftheir  children  assumed  a  new iiitt-rest  with  Christian  parents,  but  at  the  same time  caused  them  new  anxieties  and  cares;  since in  "I)ringing  them  up  in  the  nurture  and  ad- lUduition  of  the  Lonl,"  it  was  needful,  more especially  in  the  earlier  times,  to  guard  them from  the  evil  iullucnces  in  the  midst  of  which they  lived, — from  the  contact  of  idolatry  all around  them, — from  the  contagion  of  companions on  every  side.  Further  dirticulties  too  presented themselves  in  connection  with  the  future  occu- pation of  their  children,  inasmuch  as  many  em- ployments open  to  others  were  closed  against them.  For  a  Christian  hail  to  avoid  all  the numerous  trades  and  arts  which  were  connected with  idols  and  idol-woi-ship,  together  with  some olfices  of  civil  and  military  life. While  children  were  young  their  superin- tendance  and  education  engaged  especially  the mother's  care  and  vigilance ;  but  besides  this and  other  strictly  domestic  duties,  it  was  usual for  Christian  women  to  devote  a  j)ortion  oftheir time  to  doing  good  beyond  their  own  homes  ; and  Tertullian  shows  that  in  his  days  it  was  ex- pected, as  a  matter  of  course,  that  they  would attend  on  the  sick,  go  round  to  the  houses  of  the ]»)or,  relieve  the  neeily,  and  visit  imprisoned martyrs  (Tertul.  ad  Uxor.  ii.  4). One  source  of  uneasiness  was,  it  must  be  con- fessed, introduced  into  the  household  in  Christian times,  which  had  not  existed  previously.  After the  institution  of  monastic  onlers,  a  hiishnnJ,  .1 wife,  or  a  child  might  dcsue  to  adopt  the  "re- ligious" lite,  even  without  the  consent  of  those who  had  a  claim  upon  their  services  and  society. Where  the  persons  interested  consented,  as  in the  cases  of  Ammon  and  his  wife  (Socrates,  //.  E. iv.  23;  Palladius,  Hist.  Launac.  c.  8),  and  of Martianus  and  Maxima  (Victor  Uticensis  [or Vitensis],  De  I'crsec.  Vandal,  i.  5),  no  harm  was done;  but  in  ni.iny  csises  monastic  fanaticism  dis- turbed the  peace  of  households  and  sundered thoir  members.  It  is  evident  from  the  references to  the  matter  (for  instance)  by  Paulinas  {Epxst. 14,  (7(/  Celant.)  and  Augustine  {Epist.  45  [al. 127],  Armentario  et  Fauliwie;  Epist.  199  [al. 2G2],  ad  Ecdiciam),  that  in  the  4th  century  the question  of  the  relative  claims  of  domestic  duty and  ascetic  lite  was  felt  to  be  a  pressing  one. Basil  the  Great  in  the  Larger  Rule  (Qu.  12) directs  that  a  married  person  offering  to  enter  a monastery  should  be  questioned  as  to  the  con- sent of  the  other  party;  yet  he  thinks  that  the precept  about  hating  father,  mother,  wife,  or children  to  be  Christ's  disciple  (Luke  xiv.  2G) applies  to  this  case ;  and  in  another  place  (Epist. 4o,  ad  Moiuichwn  Lapsum)  he  certainly  mentions a  man's  declining  domestic  cares  and  the  society of  his  yoke-fellow,  for  an  ascetic  life,  without the  smallest  censure.  Jerome  (Epist.  14,  ad Heliod.)  expresses  similar  views.  The  feeling  of the  church  on  this  subject  was  distinctly  pro- nounced in  the  6th  century,  for  the  legislation of  Justinian  (Codex,  lib.  i.  tit.  3,  Be  Episc.  et Cler.  leg.  53)  allowed  married  persons  to  desert their  yoke-fellows  for  "  religion  "  with  impunity, FAMILY ami  to  reclaim  their  own  fortunes.  So  in  the case  of  children.  The  council  of  Gangra  in  the 4fh  century  (c.  !•>)  anafheinatized  children  - especially  children  of  Christians — who  should withdraw  from  their  jiarents  on  pretence  of  re- ligion (dfoatfiflas)  and  refuse  them  due  honour. So  liasil  (Re;].  Miij.  qu.  15)  enjoined  that  chil- dren should  not  be  received  into  monasteries  un- less offered  by  their  jmreuts,  if  the  parents  were alive.  But  here  again  the  legislation  of  Jusfini  ui (u.  s.  le^.  55)  betrays  the  presence  of  a  feeling that  "religion"  might  override  domestic  obliga- tions, in  that  it  forbids  parents  to  restrain  their children  from  l»ecoming  monks  or  clerics,  or  to disinherit  them  for  that  cause  alone.  And  this feeling,  in  spite  of  the  not  unfre(|uent  protests of  jurists,  was  very  prevalent  from  that  time onward.  t)n  the  other  hand,  the  power  of  parents to  devote  their  children  to  "religion"  became in  time  almost  absolute ;  they  who  had  been devoted  by  their  j)arents  were  as  much  bound  as those  who  had  entered  of  their  own  accord  in mature  age  (Cone.  Tulet.  IV.  c.  49,  a.D.  633; see  OiiLAii). In  our  view  of  the  family  life  of  Christians, their  use  of  music  and  singing  must  not  be  un- noticed. Among  the  Greeks  esjiccially,  and  to some  extent  among  the  Romans  also,  their  songs occupied  a  conspicuous  place  in  their  social  life. These,  however,  from  their  generally  expressing and  encouraging  some  of  the  worst  evils  of  the old  religions,  could  not  be  used  in  the  Christian family  circle.  But  the  want  was  rapidly  sup- jilied.  Christian  songs  and  hymns  were  soon comjiosed  and  extensively  niultij>lied ;  and  these became  an  abundant  source  of  recreation  to  all the  members  of  the  household,  while  at  meal times,  and  in  all  family  or  friendly  unions,  they thus  expressed  their  habitual  faith,  and  hope, and  joy. Before  Christianity  became  the  prevailing  and established  religion,  families  were  in  continual danger  of  being  molested  by  popular  violence, and  of  being  utterly  broken  up  in  times  of  legal- ised persecution.  But  besides  these  dangers  and troubles  there  were  sometimes  others  hardly less  painful  within  the  family  itself,  when  only a  part  of  the  household  had  become  Christians. The  antagonism  and  consequent  discomfort,  if not  positive  misery,  must  then  have  been  almost perpetual;  and  the  difficulty  of  maintaining  re- ligious faithfulness,  without  losing  family  affec- tion or  breaking  family  ties,  must  have  been very  great.  Jesus  himself  had  warned  his  dis- ciples beforehand  that  "  a  man's  foes  might  be those  of  his  own  household  ;"  and  that  his  re- ligion, in  such  cases,  might  bring  "not  peace  but a  sword."  St.  Paul,  while  desirous  that  this difference  of  religion  should  not  actually  separate a  husband  and  wife,  admitted  that  it  would  and must  sometimes  have  this  effect.  Tertullian  (ad Uxor.  ii.  4)  describes  in  detail  the  sort  of  hin- drances, opposition,  and  ridicule,  which  a  Chris- tian woman  must  expect  if  she  married  a  hus- band who  was  aa  unbeliever ;  and  how  impos- sible she  would  find  it  to  fulfil  in  peace,  if  she could  fulfil  at  all,  her  Christian  duties, — even  if nothing  worse  occurred.  But  in  times  of  perse- cution, or  of  any  strong  excitement  of  antichris- tian  feeling,  it  was  not  merely  difficulties  and discomforts  that  had  to  be  encountered.  The strongest  words  of  Christ  were  then  often  liter- FAMILY— THE  HOLY ally  realisal,  when  the  most  powerful  natural aftections  were  shattered,  and  Christians  were betrayed  and  denounced  by  their  nearest  rela- tives and  given  up  to  the  persecutor's  sword. See  an  early  instance  of  this  in  Justin  Martyr, Apol.  li.  2.  [G.  A.  J.] FAMILY— THE  HOLY.  The  subject  which bears  this  title  in  modern  art  is  generally  a group  consisting  of  the  Virgin  Mother  bearing the  Sacred  Infant,  of  St.  Joseph,  and  frequently of  the  younger  St.  John  Baptist,  and  occasionally of  St.  Elizabeth.  It  is  frequently  treated  in  an academic  or  purely  artistic  spirit,  and  chosen mainly  for  the  sake  of  opposing  the  age  of  St. Elizabeth  or  maturity  of  St.  Joseph,  to  the  high ideal  of  feminine,  infantine,  or  youthful  beauty in  the  Blessed  Virgin,  the  infant  or  St.  John. As  a  complete  and  isolated  group  of  this  kind the  subject  is  hardly  ever  treated  in  art  of  the earliest  Christian  age,  unless  the  three  Oranti FASTING 661 given  by  Martigny  (from  Bosio  Homa  Sott.  p. 279 ;  see  woodcut)  are  to  be  considered  as  re- presenting it.  He  is  inclined  to  think  so,  though Bosio,  Aringhi,  and  Bottari  consider  the  group as  an  ordinary  Christian  family  in  the  attitude of  prayer,  and  though  the  boy  is  more  decidedly in  that  attitude  than  either  the  father  or  the mother.  He  mentions  another  lately  discovered, but  also  somewhat  conjectural  monument,  in the  cemetery  of  St.  Priscilla,  and  says  that  the subject  occurs  on  sarcophagi  of  the  South  of France,  naming  one  in  the  museum  of  Aries, Mo.  26,  where  St.  Joseph  leads  the  Saviour  by the  hand  to  the  Virgin  Mother,  probably  repre- senting Luke  ii.  48,  "  Son,  why  hast  thou  thus dealt  with  us?"  [R.  St.  J.  T.] FAMILY  TOMBS.    [Catacombs,   p.  300  ; Cella  Memoriae;  Cemetery.] FAN.  [Flabellum.] •  FANATICI.  From  their  frequenting  Fana, shrines  of  heathen  deities,  all  heathen  were sometimes  called  "  f;inatici  " ;  thus  Clovis  be- fore his  conversion,  is  said  {Gesta  Beg.  Franc. c.  10),  to  have  been  "  fanaticus  et  paganus."  In a  special  sense,  priests  of  idol -temples  were "  fanatici  "  (Iso  Magister  on  Prudeutius,  quoted by  Ducange,  s.v.)  ;  and  those  who  professed  to prophesy  by  the  aid  of  the  demon  attached  to the  place  [Exorcism;  and  see  Jerome  on  Isaiah, e.  6,  and  Augustine  on  Psalm  40];  these  were condemned  with  others  who  practised  such  evil arts  (Code,  lib.  is.  tit.  16,  1.  4;  Macri,  Hierolex. s.  V. ;  Bingham's  Ant.  xvi.  v.  4).  [C] FANDILA,  presbyter,  martyr  at  Cordova; commemorated  June  13  (^Mart.  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.] FANON.  (1.)  A  head-dress  worn  by  the pope  when  he  celebrated  mass  pontifically.  It is  described  by  Giampini  (  Vet.  Mon.  i.  239)  and Macri  (^Hierolex.  s.  v.)  as  a  veil  variegated,  like the  Mosaic  ephod,  with  four  colours,  symbolising the  four  elements,  put  over  the  head  after  the pope  was  vested  with  the  alb,  and  tied  round  the neck,  forming  a  kind  of  hood,  the  tiara  or  other head-dress  being  put  on  above  it.  The  lower part  was  concealed  by  the  planeta  (Bona,  Eer. Liturg.  1.  24.  15).  Giampini  gives  the  annexed figure  from  a  small  brass  statue  on  the  doors  of the  oratory  of  St.  John  Baptist  at  the  Lateran. At  the  Pedilavium  the  "  Caerimoniale  Romanum  " directs  that  the  pope  should  wear  the  fanon alone  without  the  mitre. (2.)  The  napkin  or  handkerchief,  mappula, sudarium,  used  by  the  priest  during  the  celebra- tion of  the  mass  to  wipe  away  perspiration  ft-om the  face,  &c.  (Bona,  Jier.  Liturg.  i.  24.  5 ;  Rab. Maur.  de  Inst.  Cler.  i.  18 ;  August!,  Handbch. der  Christ.  Arch.  iii.  504).     [Facitergium.] (3.)  In  later  times  the  white  linen  cloth  in which  the  laity  made  their  oblations  at  the  altar. "  Popiilus  dat  oblationes  suas,  id  est  panem  et vinum,  et  oiFerunt  cum  fanonibus  candidis,"  Ordo liornanus  ;  "  cum  fanonibus  offerunt,"  Amalar. de  offic.  Miss.  ;  Martene,  de  Feci.  rit.  lib.  i.  c.  4, §  6  ;  Augusti,  u.  s.  ii.  649.  The  word  is  some- times erroneously  spelt  "  fanones." (4.)  A  still  later  use  of  the  word  is  for  the church  banners,"  vexilla  Ecclesiastica,"  employed in  processions.  This  is  perhaps  not  earlier  than the  French  and  German  writers  of  the  11th  cen- tury (Augusti,  M.  s.  iii.  348,  355). (5.)  The  strings  or  lappets  of  the  mitre  (Wil- lemin.  Monuments  ine'dits.  pis.  68,  76,  90)  [E.  V.] FAEA,  virgin,  of  Meaux ;  "  Natalis  "  Dec.  7 (^Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] FARO,  bishop,  and  confessor  at  Meaux  ;  com- memorated Oct.  28  {_Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] FAST  OF  CHEIST  IN  THE  DESERT, THE,  is  commemorated  in  the  Aethiopic  Calen- dar on  Feb.  4  (Daniel's  Codex,  iv.  252).        [C] FASTING  (vriffTela,  jejunium,  ahstinentid). Fasting  was  total  or  partial  abstinence  from  food for  a  certain  period ;  it  also  signified  abstinence from  pleasure,  or  from  the  celebration  of  birthdays or  marriages  or  church  festivals  ;  and  it  had  the further  spiritual  signification  of  abstinence  from 662 FASTING sin.  See  the  passages  collected  in  Gunning  (Zeni Fast,  pp.  130-150)  on  the  spiritual  meaning  of fasting. 1.  The  stated  fasts  of  the  Western  church were  these : (i.)  The  great  nnte-paschal  Fast  of  Lent (Quadra  icsiina). (ii.)  The  fasts  of  the  first,  fourth,  .seventh,  and tenth  months,  called  also  Ember  Fasts,  oj-  the fasts  of  the  four  seasons  {jejunia  quatuor  tcm- porum). (iii.)  The  weekly  fasts  of  the  Stations,  Wed- nesday and  Friday  (^feria  quarta  et  sexta,  stationes, semJjejunia,  rerpas  Koi  irapatr/ceuT)). (iv.)  The  Rogations  Q-ogationcs,  Utaniae). (v.)  The  Vigils  or  Eves  of  holy  days  (jpemoc- tationes,  pervigilia). 2.  The  Greek  church  kept  in  addition  to  Lent three  fasts  of  a  week  each :  1st  the  Fast  of the  Holy  Apostles,  immediately  after  Pentecost [Apostles'  Festivals  and  Fasts]  ;  2nd  the Fast  of  the  Holy  Mother  of  God  {Sanctue Leiparae)  in  August;  3rd  the  Fast  of  the Nativity  (Suicer  Thesaurus  s.  v.  vqaTi'ia ;  Neale Introduction  to  Eastern  Church,  p.  731).  Some have  supposed  (Morinus  de  Penit.,  Appendix, p.  124)  that  the  Fast  Sanctae  Deiparae  at  one ])eriod  lasted  forty  days,  and  began  oi'iginally  on 6th  of  July  and  afterwards  on  1st  of  August, and  that  the  Fast  of  the  Nativity  was  also  one of  forty  days,  and  began  on  15th  of  November. 3.  Other  fasts  had  only  a  local  or  partial observance.  The  council  of  Eliberis  (c.  23)  in- troduced into  Spain  fasts  of  superposition  (jeju- niorum  superpositiones)  for  every  month  in  the year  except  July  and  August.  It  does  not  appear on  what  days  of  the  month  they  were  kept,  but their  name  implies  that  they  were  something over  and  above  the  usual  fasting  days.  Bingham (^Antiq.  xxi.  11  §  5)  quotes  from  Philastrius  the mention  of  a  fast  of  three  days  before  Epiphany. In  the  Dialogue  of  Egbert  of  York  (Haddan  and Stubbs'  Councils  and  Eccl.  Documents,  vol.  iii. J).  413)  there  is  the  appointment,  in  addition  to the  Ember  fasts,  of  a  period  of  twelve  days  before the  Nativity  to  be  spent  in  fastings,  watchings, prayers,  and  alms;  on  which  twelve  days  not only  were  the  clergy  but  laity  also,  with  their wives  and  households,  exhorted  to  resort  to  their confessors.  The  seventeenth  council  of  Toledo A.D.  694  (c.  6)  orders  litany-fasts  (esomolo- geses)  to  be  kept  every  month  in  the  Spanish and  Gallic  churches  to  supplicate  "  for  the  safety of  the  sovereign,  for  the  preservation  of  the people,  and  the  pardon  of  their  sins,  and  the expulsion  of  the  devil  from  the  hearts  of  the i;iithful."  The  fasts  to  be  observed  throughout the  year  in  the  \vestern  monasteries  are  given  in detail  by  the  second  council  of  Tours  (A.D.  567, c.  17):  "  From  Easter  to  Pentecost  let  dinner  be served  to  the  brothers  every  day  except  on  Ro- gation-days;  after  Pentecost  let  them  fast  an entire  week ;  thence  till  the  1st  of  August  let all,  except  those  who  are  suffering  from  illness, fast  three  days  a  week,  second,  fourth,  and sixth  days.  In  August  because  the  Missa  Sanc- torum is  daily  celebrated,  let  them  eat  their dinner ;  through  the  whole  of  September,  Octo- ber, and  November,  fast  three  days  a  week,  and in  December  every  day  till  the  Nativity.  And because  between  the  Nativity  and  the  Epiphany all  days  are  festivals,  with  the  exception  of  the  | FASTING three  when  private  litanies  are  to  be  said,  they shall  eat  their  dinner ;  and  from  Epiphany  to Lent  {-Asi  three  days  a  week." 4.  Special  fasting  was  occasionally  ordered  or advised  in  a  diocese  by  the  bishop,  as  Tertullian (de  Jejun.  c.  13),  after  he  became  a  Montanist unwillingly  bears  witness.  It  was  also  one  of the  means  used  for  preparing  for  the  recejition of  a  sacred  ordinance.  Fasting  before  Holy  Com- munion, if  not  invariable,  had  become  a  common practice  in  the  4th  century  [Communion].  Fast- ing before  baptism  can  be  traced  to  a  much earlier  date.  Justin  Martyr  (Apolog.  i.  61) mentions  among  the  customs  of  the  Christian church  that  candidates  "are  taught  to  pray fasting,  we  fasting  and  praying  with  them."  Ter- tullian (de  Bapt.  c.  20)  exhorts  those  who  are about  to  receive  baptism  to  pray  with  frequent prayers  and  fastings.  And  the  fourth  council  of Carthage,  A.D.  398  (c.  85),  appoints  abstinence from  wine  and  meat  among  the  preparations  for baptism  (Apost.  Constt.  vii.  22).  The  only authority  which  Martene  (de  Bit.  viii.  4)  dis- covers for  the  practice  of  fasting  before  ordination is  from  Leo,  who  (-£■/>.  ad  Diosc.)  with  reference to  ordinations  taking  place  on  Sunday,  speaks  of the  Saturday's  fast  continuing  both  for  candidates and  bishop  till  the  ordination  was  over.  No notice  of  fasting  before  confirmation  is  to  be found  before  the  13th  century  (Martene  de  Fdt. iv.  1). 5.  Penitential  Fasting. — For  the  first  500 years  fasting  does  not  appear  to  have  been imposed  as  a  special  penance,  or  to  have  taken place  of  other  penitential  exercises;  but  in  all ages,  so  long  as  penitential  discipline  was  in force,  a  penitent  was  required  to  abstain  from delicacies  of  food  as  from  all  other  bodily  grati- fications during  his  period  of  punishment.  Ter- tullian (de  Penit.  c.  9)  defines  a  true  exomologesis to  consist,  among  other  duties,  in  "  the  use  of simple  things  for  meat  and  drink,  and  in  cherish- ing prayer  by  fasts."  Pacian  (Paraen.  ad  Penit. c.  19)  makes  his  penitent,  when  invited  to  a feast,  reply,  "  These  things  belong  to  the  happy, but  as  for  me  I  have  sinned  against  the  Lord." In  the  6th  century  fasting  began  to  be  inflicted as  a  special  and  separate  mode  of  penance.  One of  the  canons  of  the  council  of  Agde,  A.D.  506 (c.  60),  appoints  to  those  who  lapse  into  heresy, in  place  of  the  longer  term  of  penitence  allotted by  the  early  church,  a  fast  of  two  years,  to  be kept  on  the  third  day  of  the  week  without  any break  ;  if  at  least  that  is  the  meaning  of  the rather  obscure  language  of  the  canon  (ut  bienuio tertio  sine  relaxatione  jejunent).  The  penance of  fasting  is  found  in  the  early  British  penitential canons  attributed  to  Gildas ;  and  in  the  Peni- tential of  Theodore  sentences  of  a  fast  of  so  many days  or  weeks,  or  even  years,  are  verv  common (Penitential  I.  viii.  3,4,  8,  9;  xii.  8 ";  xiv.  9), and  no  less  so  in  the  Penitential  of  Bede  (iii.  5; vii.  11),  and  in  that  of  Egbert  (iv.  6  ;  v.  3 ;  xiii. 4).  The  crimes  for  which  these  sentences  were inflicted  in  these  early  English  penitential  books are  such  as  could  exist  only  among  a  people  just emerging  from  heathenism.  In  the  Penitential of  Theodore  (II.  xiv.  i.)  is  found  the  first  notice of  the  appointment  of  three  regular  fasts  of  forty days  in  the  year  (tria  legitima  quadragesima), forty  days  before  Easter,  forty  days  before  the Nativity,  and  forty  days  after  Pentecost.     The PASTING Rule  of  Chrodegang  (c.  32)  with  reference  to  the same  observance,  orders  confessions  to  be  made at  each  of  these  three  annual  quadragesimal  fasts. And  the  Capitularies  of  Charles  the  Great  (vi. 18-i)  repeat  in  identical  words  the  injunction  of Theodore  on  the  three  quadragesimal  fasts,  and add  that  "  although  some  of  them  lack  canonical authority,  yet  it  is  well  for  all  of  us  together  to observe  this  custom  in  accordance  with  the practice  of  the  people  and  of  our  forefathers." These  fasts  were  probably  first  appointed  as appropriate  penitential  seasons  fur  the  perform- ance of  long  periods  of  penance ;  afterwards,  as may  be  inferred  from  the  canon  in  the  Capitu- laries, they  came  into  partial  use  with  the  people at  large.  There  is  no  evidence  that  they  existed earlier  than  the  7th  century,  for  the  councils prior  to  Theodore  which  are  strict  in  ordering the  people  to  keep  Lent  (e.g.  Cone.  Agath.  c.  12 ; 4  Gone.  AurcUan.  c.  2),  contain  no  hint  of  there being  more  than  one  such  season  in  the  year  ; and  the  canon  of  the  second  council  of  Tours which  enumerates  the  fasts  of  the  monks,  and approaches  nearer  the  time  of  Theodore,  evidently recognises  no  Pentecostal  Quadragesima,  for  it orders  monks,  whose  self-denial  would  be  more severe  than  that  of  the  rest  of  the  church,  to  f;ist only  three  days  a  week  from  Pentecost  till August.  Hence  it  is  probable  that  Theodore introduced  these  as  penitential  tasts  into  the Western  church  from  the  East,  for  in  the  Greek Penitential  of  .Joannes  Jejunator  two  fasts  of forty  days  in  addition  to  Lent  are  imposed  upon penitents,  the  former  of  which  was  called  the Quadragesima  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  and  the latter  the  Quadragesima  of  St.  Philip.  One  of the  councils  of  the  Carlovingian  kings,  about A.D.  821  {Cone,  apud  villain  Theodonis  cc.  2-5) held  for  the  purpose  of  devising  means  for  the  pro- tection of  the  clergy,  inflicts  five  quadragesimal fasts  on  any  one  slandering  or  wounding  a  sub- deacon,  six  on  the  slanderer  of  a  deacon,  twelve of  a  priest,  and  a  lifelong  fiist  on  the  slanderer  of a  bishop.  Even  after  absolution,  a  penitent  was sometimes  ordered  to  fast  one  day  a  week  for  the remainder  of  his  life— a  sentence  opposed  to  the earlier  practice,  by  which  admission  to  commu- nion was  a  sign  of  the  forgiveness  of  all  past offences. The  penitential  fasts  were  observed  with various  degrees  of  severity.  In  the  East  the Penitential  of  Joannes  Jejunator  allows  penitents on  the  second,  fourth,  and  sixth  days  of  the  week to  eat  oil  and  beans  with  oil,  but  orders  them  to abstain  from  cheese,  eggs,  flesh,  and  fish  ;  on  the third  and  fifth  days  eat  everything  freely  except flesh;  and  on  the  first  and  seventh  days  use wine  and  flesh  as  if  under  no  punishment.  In the  Anglo-Saxon  church  Egbert  (^Penitential  iv. 1,5)  directs  penitents  to  fast  three  days  each week,  without  specifying  the  days,  from  wine, mead  (medo),  and  flesh,  till  the  evening,  and  eat only  dry  food  ;  and  also  keep  three  quadragesimal fasts  in  the  year  on  dry  food,  two  days  a  week till  the  evening,  and  three  days  till  three o'clock.  Burchard  {Deeret.  xix.  9,  10)  referring to  this  direction  from  the  Penitential,  states  the following  to  have  been  the  manner  in  which  a fast  of  two  years  on  bread  and  water  was  kept. "For  first  year  fast  three  days  in  each  week, second,  fourth,  and  sixth,  on  b .ead  and  water  ; and  three  days,  third,  fifth,  and  seventh,  abstain FASTING 063 from  wine,  mead  (medo),  beer  flavoured  with honey  (mellita  cervisia)  flesh  and  blood,  cheese, eggs,  and  rich  fish  of  various  sorts,  and  eat  only small  fish  if  they  are  to  be  got,  but  if  not,  fish of  one  kind  only,  and  beans,  and  herbs,  and apples,  and  drink  beer."  This  list  makes  no mention  of  Lent,  because  it  is  assumed  to  be spent  entirely  on  bread  and  water.  "  The  next year  the  penitent  should  fast  two  days,  second and  fourth,  till  the  evening,  and  then  refresh himself  with  dry  food,  i.e.  bread  and  dry  cooked beans,  or  apples,  or  raw  herbs;  let  him  select one  of  these  three,  and  drink  beer  sparingly  ;  on the  sixth  day  let  him  fast  on  bread  and  water." In  some  cases  no  additional  time  of  abstinence was  imposed,  but  only  a  greater  rigour  during the  ordinary  ecclesiastical  fasts.  A  very  old sacramentary,  assigned  by  Morinus  to  the  8th  cen- tury, directs  the  actual  incarceration  of  a  penitent through  Lent ;  "  Take  him  in  the  morning  of the  first  day  of  Lent  and  cover  him  with  ashes, and  pray  for  him,  and  shut  him  up  till  the Thursday  of  Holy  Week  (feria  quinta  in  coena. Domini),  and  on  the  Thursday  of  Holy  Week  he may  come  forth  from  the  place  in  which  he  has performed  his  penance."  A  Gothic  codex  from the  monastery  of  Remigius  of  Rheims,  dating probably  from  the  next  century,  also  orders imprisonment  through  Lent,  but  instead  of  the whole  body  of  the  penitent  being  covered  with ashes,  directs  that  a  few  should  be  sprinkled  on his  head,  and  that  they  should  be  blessed.  This severity  was  relaxed  before  the  lOth  century, and  penitents  were  assigned  a  parish  or  district  ■ in  which  to  confine  themselves  through  Lent. But  both  incarceration  and  confinement  within bounds  were  deviations  from  an  older  practice  of shutting  up  a  penitent  in  a  monastery  (1  Cone. Matiseon.  cc.  5,  8). 6.  Exemptions  from  Fasting. — A  superstitious abstinence  from  flesh  and  wine  on  pretence  of keeping  a  stricter  fast  was  forbidden.  The Apostolical  Cations  (cc.  52,  53)  direct  that  if  any of  the  clergy  abstain  from  marriage,  flesh,  or wine,  not  for  exercise,  but  abhorrence,  forgetting that  God  made  all  things  very  good,  they  shall be  deposed  (Cone.  Ancyr.  c.  14 ;  Cone.  Gangr.  c. 2).  The  first  council  of  Braga,  a.d.  563  (c.  14), orders,  under  pain  of  excommunication,  clergy who  have  been  in  the  habit  of  abstaining  from meat,  to  eat  vegetables  boiled  with  meat,  in order  to  avoid  the  suspicion  of  being  infected with  the  Priscillian  heresy. Fasting  was  strictly  forbidden  on  all  Sundays throughout  the  year  in  every  part  of  the  church. The  reason  of  this  prohibition  was  that  fasting was  held  inconsistent  with  the  observance  of  so high  a  festival.     [Lord's  Day.] The  observance  of  Saturday  was,  as  is  well known,  one  of  the  points  in  dispute  between the  Eastern  and  Western  churches.  In  the  East it  was  always  observed  as  a  festival,  with  the exception  of  the  Paschal  Vigil,  the  Great  Sabbath, in  which  Christ  lay  in  the  grave,  which  was kept  as  a  fast  both  in  East  and  West  (^Apost. Constt.  ii.  59  ;  v.  15,  20 ;  vii.  23  ;  viii.  33 ;  Cone. Laod.  cc.  49,  51 ;  Cone,  in  Trull,  c.  55).  [Sab- bath.] It  was  not  customary  to  fast  on  any  festivals, nor  consequently  to  hold  festivals  during  seasons of  fasting.  The  council  of  Laodicea,  a.d.  320 (c.    51),   forbids   the  celebration  of  festivals  of 664 FASTING martyrs  in  Lent,  but  orders  them  to  be  kept  on Saturdays  and  Sundays.  Another  canon  (c.  52) forbids  the  celebration  of  marriages  or  birthdays in  Lent.  The  Greek  church  held  no  festival through  Lent  except  the  Annunciation,  a  festival which  the  tenth  council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  656  (c.  1), oi'dered  to  be  held  eight  days  before  Christmas. [Mary  the  Virgin,  Festivals  of.]  The church  at  Milan  held  no  missa  sanctorum  what- ever throughout  Lent. The  non-observance  of  a  fast  was  permitted  in the  case  of  weakness  or  sickness  {Apost.  Can.  68, 2  Co7ic.  Turon.  c.  17).  To  these  grounds  of excuse  the  eighth  council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  653  (c.  9), adds  old  age  or  strong  necessity.  The  council  of Eliberis  (c.  23)  had  allowed  the  Spanish  churches to  omit  the  monthly  fasts  in  the  sultry  heat  of July  and  August. 7.  Planner  of  Fasting. — A  fast  day  in  the  early church  was  kept  by  a  literal  abstinence  from food  till  the  evening,  and  then  a  simple  meal  was eaten.  Ambrose  (do  Elia  et  Jejun.  c.  10)  speaks of  the  fast  during  Lent  continuing  through  the whole  day ;  and  Chrysostom  (^Hom.  6  in  Gen. p.  60;  Hum.  8  in  Gen.  p.  79)  rebukes  the  folly of  those  who  abstain  all  day  from  food  and  do  not abstain  from  sin.  There  was  no  restriction  upon the  kind  of  food  eaten  at  the  evening  meal, provided  only  it  was  partaken  of  sparingly. Many,  no  doubt,  refused  meat  or  wine  during the  greater  fasts',  and  contented  themselves  with bread  and  water,  Xerophagia  (Tertullian  de  Jejun. c.  11);  but  that  there  was  no  settled  rule,  and that  the  choice  of  diet  was  left  very  much  to individual  discretion  is  evident  from  the  account given  by  Socrates  (//.  E.  v.  22)  of  the  variety  of the  observances  of  the  Western  church  ;  "  some abstain  from  every  sort  of  creature  that  has  life  ; others  eat  fish  only  of  living  creatures;  others eat  birds  as  well  as  fish,  because,  according  to the  Mosaic  account  of  the  creation,  they  too sprung  from  the  water;  others  abstain  from fruit  covered  with  a  hard  shell,  and  from  eggs; some  eat  dry  bread  only,  others  not  even  that ; others  again  when  they  have  fasted  till  three o'clock  eat  varieties  of  food."  The  Greek church  kept  Lent  very  strictly,  eating  neither fish,  nor  eggs,  nor  milk,  nor  oil ;  but  on  the other  fasts,  except  on  the  fourth  and  sixth  days, these  were  allowed.  The  great  Sabbath  fast  of the  Paschal  Vigil  was  sustained  not  only  till  the evening,  but  till  cockcrowing  on  Easter  morning {Apost.  Const.  V.  18).  But  the  other  appointed seasons  were  kept  with  less  rigour  than  that  of Lent,  and  the  fiist,  instead  of  continuing  till  the evening  meal,  was  broken  at  the  ninth  hour (three  o'clock),  the  hour  on  which  our  Lord expired  on  the  cross.  This  was  the  hour  at which  the  fast  of  the  Stations  ceased  (Epiphanius Expos.  Fid.  c.  22).  And  the  English  council  of Clovesho,  A.D.  747  (c.  16),  orders  the  Rogations to  be  kept  till  three  o'clock.  The  food  which was  thus  saved  by  abridging  the  number  of meals  it  was  considered  a  pious  act  to  bestow upon  the  poor  (Origen,  Horn.  10.  in  Levit.  ;  Leo, Serm.  3  de  Jejun.  Pentecost. ;  Chrysol.  Serm. 8  de  Jejun.).  Another  practice  mentioned  by Tertullian  (de  Orat.  c.  18)  was  refraining  from the  kiss  of  peace  while  a  fast  lasted.  A  change of  dress  during  fasting  was  confined  chiefly  to penitents  [Penitence],  although  Tertullian {Apolog.   c.  40),  if  his   language    is  not  merely FASTING rhetorical,  speaks  of  pious  Christians  in  contrast with  heathen  self-indulgence,  "  being  dried  up with  fiisting  and  prostrating  themselves  in  sack- cloth and  ashes."  And  at  a  much  later  date  the council  of  Mayence,  A.D.  813  (c.  33),  orders  the greater  Litany  to  be  observed  for  three  days  by all  Christians,  "  not  riding  nor  clothed  in  rich garments,  but  barefoot  and  clothed  in  sackcloth and  ashes."  [G.  M.] 8.  Fast  after  Communion. — St.  Chrysostom, on  the  First  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  speaks as  follows :  "  Before  receiving  thou  fastest,  that thou  mayest  by  any  means  appear  worthy  oi the  communion.  But  when  thou  hast  received, it  being  thy  duty  to  persevere  in  self-control, thou  undoest  all.  Not  that  sobriety  before  this and  afterwards  are  of  equal  importance.  For  it is  our  duty,  indeed,  to  exercise  self-control  at both  times,  but  especially  after  receiving  the Bridegroom  ;  before  this  indeed  that  thou  mayest be  worthy  to  partake  ;  but  afterwards  that  thou mayest  not  be  found  unworthy  of  that  of  which thou  hast  partaken.  What !  Ought  we  to  fast after  partaking  ?  I  do  not  say  so,  nor  do  I  use constraint.  For  indeed  this  also  is  good,  but  I am  not  enforcing  it,  only  advising  you  not  to  be self-indulgent  to  excess"  {Horn,  xxvii.  ad  c.  xi. v.  27.)  We  should  infer  from  this  passage  that the  hearers  of  St.  Chrysostom  neither  had  them- selves, nor  knew  of,  any  custom  of  abstaining from  ordinary  food,  for  however  short  a  time, after  receiving  the  Holy  Communion.  Nor  have we  any  evidence  that  his  advice  led  to  the  for- mation of  such  a  habit  in  the  members  of  the Greek  or  Oriental  churches.  In  the  West,  on the  other  hand,  we  meet  with  occasional  notices of  the  practice  from  the  6th  century  downwards  ; and  it  is  probable  that  it  survived,  as  the  pious custom  of  a  few,  to  the  14th,  or  even  later.  A canon  of  the  council  of  Macon  held  in  585  con- tains the  earliest  reference,  if  the  writer  mistake not,  to  this  post-communion  fast.  We  give  the decree  in  full :  "  Whatever  relics  of  the  sacrifices shall  be  left  over  in  the  sacrarium  after  the mass  is  finished,  let  innocent  children  be  brought to  the  church  on  Wednesday  or  Friday  by  him whose  business  it  is,  and,  let  them,  being  enjoined a  fast,  receive  the  said  relics  sprinkled  with wine"  (Can.  6;  Labb.  Cone.  torn.  v.  coL  982). Among  the  Forged  Decretals  is  an  epistle  pur- porting to  be  written  by  Clement  of  Rome  to St.  James  the  Lord's  brother.  The  greater  part of  this  epistle  appears  to  have  been  composed  in the  8th  century,  and  in  that  earlier  portion  we find  a  direction  to  this  effect,  viz.  that  the  re- mainder of  the  consecrated  elements  "  is  not  to be  kept  till  the  morning,  but  is  by  the  care  of the  clerks  to  be  consumed  with  fear  and  trem- bling. But  they  who  consume  the  remainder  of the  Lord's  body,  which  has  been  left  in  the sacrarium,  are  not  to  assemble  forthwith  to partake  of  common  food,  nor  to  presume  to  mix food  with  the  holy  portion  ....  If  therefore the  Lord's  portion  be  given  to  them  at  an  early hour,  let  the  ministei-s  who  have  consumed  it  fast till  the  sixth ;  and  if  they  have  received  it  at the  third  or  the  fourth,  let  them  fast  till  even- ing "  {Praecepjta  S.  Petri,  inter  0pp.  S.  Leonis,  ed. Bailer,  tom.  iii.  p.  674).  There  is  a  law  of Charlemagne,  A.D.  809,  with  this  heading, "Touching  those  ,vho  have  communicated,  that they  wait  three  hours,  on  account  of  the  mixing FATHER of  the  food."  The  decree  itself  says  "two  or three  hours"  {Capitularia  Begum  Franconum, torn.  i.  col.  1213.  Similarly  col.  1224).  Regino {De  Eccl.  Discipl.  lib.  1.  c.  cxcv.)  at  the  begin- ning of  the  10th  century,  and  Gratian  {Deer.  P. iii.  Dist.  ii.  c.  xxiii.)  in  the  12th  give  the  passage from  pseudo-Clement  as  above  quoted.  It  was therefore  well  known  during  the  latter  part  of the  Mi<ldle  Ages.  In  the  loth  century  we  find it  cited  from  Gratian  Iby  Thomas  Aquinas,  who acivnowledges  the  principle,  while  he  declares  the rule  obsolete  {Summa  Tlieol.  P.  iii.  Qu.  Ixxx.  Art. viii.  ad  6w).  There  is,  however,  as  we  have  already intimated,  some  reason  to  think  that  the  practice which  Aquinas  evidently  considered  altogether gone  by  was  yet  observed  by  some  long  after  his time.  In  England  John  de  Burgo,  a.d.  1385, refers  to  our  subject  in  this  manner :  "  After taking  the  eucharist  it  is  meet  for  reverence thereof  to  abstain  for  some  time  from  food,  but not  very  long.  For  preparation  by  abstinence and  devotion  is  more  required  before  receiving the  eucharist  than  after.  For  the  sacrament  has its  effect  at  the  reception  itself,  and  therefore actual  devotion  is  required  then  ;  but  after  the reception  habitual  devotion  suffices "  (^Pupilla Oculi,  P.  iv.  c.  viii.  ad  lit.  H.).  It  is  also  thus mentioned  by  Duranti,  who  was  murdered  by the  partisans  of  the  League  in  1589,  "  Not  only ought  men  to  be  fasting  when  about  to  sacrifice and  communicate,  but  they  ought  also  in  honour of  the  sacrament  to  abstain  from  all  food  some time  after "  (De  Hit.  Eccl.  L.  ii.  e.  vii.  §  6.) [W.  E.  S.] FATHER  {Pater).  1.  A  name  rhetorically given  to  the  priests  of  any  religion  (Arnobius, Adv.  Gent.  lib.  4,  c.  19). 2.  Commonly  applied  to  Christian  bishops. Epiphanius  {Hacres.  Adv.  Aerian.  n.  4)  says  that the  reason  of  the  title  is  that  by  their  right  of ordaining  they  beget  fathers  to  the  church. Jerome  {Ep.  b2,  ad  Theoph.  ed.  Migue)  says  that bishops  are  content  with  their  own  honour,  for they  know  that  they  are  fathers  and  not  lords. Augustine  {Cumin,  in  Ps.  44)  says  that  the church  itself  calls  them  fathers.  Chrysostom {Horn.  3,  ad  Pop.  Antioch.')  speaks  of  looking  to the  bishop's  throne  and  not  seeing  the  father upon  it.  The  decrees  of  the  council  of  Nice  are usually  cited  as  those  of  the  318  fathers  (/.  Cone. Nic.  Proem. ;  I.  Cone.  Constantin.  c.  1). 3.  To  a  godfather.  In  the  life  of  Epiphanius it  is  said  that  one  Lucian  became  his  father  in holy  baptism  {Epiph.  Vita,  n.  8).  So  Ruffinus {in  Hieron.  Tnvect.  c.  1)  says  that  the  same person  was  his  instructor  in  the  creed  and  his father. 4.  It  is  said  that  Charles  Martel  sent  his  son Pepin  to  Luitprand,  king  of  the  Lombards,  who cut  his  hair  according  to  custom,  "  juxta  morem," and  thus  became  his  father,  "  ei  pater  effectus est "  (Paulus  Diaconus,  Hist.  Longobard.  vi.  53). 5.  To  the  priest  by  whom  baptism  was  ad- ministered. Avitus  of  Vienne  {Horn,  de  liogat.), says  that  Mamertus  was  both  his  predecessor and  his  spiritual  father  by  baptism,  "spiritalis a  baptismo  pater."  So  (Theodori  Cantuar.  J'oeni- tentiale,  II.  iv.  8)  it  is  stated  that  one  father  is sufficient  to  administer  ba])tism,  "  in  catechumeno et  confirmatione  et  baptismo  uuus  potest  esse pater." FEBRONIA 665 6.  To  a  confessor.  One  of  the  Benedictine rules  provided  that  no  monk  should  become  a spiritual  father  without  the  consent  of  the abbot  {Peg.  Tarnat.  a.d.  circa  570 ;  Aligue's I'atrol.  t.  06,  coll.  977). 7.  The  title  "father  of  fothers"  was  some- times assigned  to  eminent  bishops.  In  one  place it  is  given  to  the  apostle  Paul  {Qmest.  ad  Ortho- dox, c.  119,  apud  Justin  Mart.  0pp.).  Athana- sius  {ad  Solitar.  Vit.  Agent,  c.  1)  speaks  of Hosius  as  being  by  universal  consent  called  the father  of  bishops.  Gregory  Nazianzen  {Orat.  19  ; De  Funeb.  Patr.  §  44)  says  that  his  father  was called  the  father  of  all  the  bishops  {apxupias). Gregory  the  Great  {Epist.  vi.)  addresses  Lupus of  Troyes,  as  "  father  of  fathers,  bishop  of bishops."  In  a  letter  from  the  African  bishops which  was  read  at  the  1st  Lateran  council,  at the  close  of  the  epistle,  Theodore,  bishop  of  Rome, is  styled  "  father  of  fathers."  In  a  letter  read at  the  6th  council  of  Constantinople  (Act  13), Sergius  is  addressed  in  the  same  manner.  At  the 2nd  council  of  Nice,  A.D.  787  (Act  6),  Gregory Nyssen  is  said  to  have  been  called  "father  of fathers  "  by  universal  consent, 8.  The  head  of  a  monastery  was  naturally called  Pater  by  Latins,  as  Abbas  by  Orientals  ; thus  Augustine  {De  Mor.  Eccl.  Gath.  i.  31) speaks  of  the  respect  to  be  paid  by  the  Decani  to the  one  "  quern  Patrem  appellant ;"  and  Gregory the  Great  {Dial.  i.  1  ;  cf.  ii.  3  ;  iii.  23)  speaks of  one  who  was  "  Pater  "  in  a  monastery  over 200  monks.  [P.  0.] FAUSTA.    [EviLASius.] FAUSTINUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Brescia ;  com- memorated with  Jovita,  virgin,  Feb.  15  {Mart. Usuardi),  Feb,  16  {Mart.  Hieron.). (2)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  Simpliciiis,  his brother,  and  Beatrix,  his  sister,  in  the  time  of Diocletian  ;  commemorated  July  29  {Mart. Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  Cal. Allatii  et  Frontonis). (3)  Martyr  at  Milan  in  the  time  ofAurelius Commodus;  commemorated  Aug.  7  {Mart.  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] FAUSTUS.    (1)  [Felix  (5).] (2)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  Bonus  the  pres- byter, Maurus,  and  seven  others  ;  commemorated Aug.  1  {Mart.  Usuardi). (3)  Holy  Father,  a.d.  368  ;  commemorated Aug.  3  {Cal.  Byzant.). (4)  Martyr  at  Milan ;  commemorated  Aug.  7 {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.). (5)  Saint,  at  Antioch;  commemorated  with Timotheus,  Sept.  8  {Mart.  Usuardi,  Hieron.). (6)  Martyr  at  Cordova  with  Januarius  and Martialis  ;  commemorated  Sept.  28  {Mart.  Bom. Vet.,  Adonis)  ;  "Passio  "  Oct.  13  {Mart.  Usuardi). (7)  Deacon  and  martyr;  commemorated  Nov. 19  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi)  ;  with  Eusebius {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.). (8)  [Dius  (2).]  [W.  F.  G.] FEASTS  OF  CHARITY.    [Agapai;.] FEBRONIA.  (1)  With  Marina,  virgins;  com- memorated Sept.  24  {C(d.  Armen.). (2)  Martyr  at  Nisibis,  A.D.  286;  commcinorati-d June  25  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [\V.  F.  (?.] 666 FEET,  WASHING  OF FEET,  WASHING  OF.  [Baptism,  §§  34, 67 ;  Maundy  Thursday.] FEILIRE,  THE,  of  Aengus  the  Culdek. The  word  Feilire,  derived  from  "  feil  "  the  Irish equivalent  of  vigilia,  is  applied  to  the  metrical festology  composed  by  Aengus  the  Culdee  about the  year  780.  It  is  the  most  ancient  of  five martyrologies  belonging  to  Ireland.  The  others are  (1.)  The  martyrology  of  Tamhlacht,  which must  have  been  written  after  845.  (2.)  That  of Maelmuire  ua  Gorman,  dating  from  between 1156-1173.  (3.)  The  Saltair  na  Raun,  which, however,  contains  only  four  Gaelic  entries  ;  and (4.)  The  Kalendar  of  the  Drummond  Missal, published  in  Bishop  Forbes'  Kalendars  of  the Scottish  saints. Of  the  personal  history  of  Aengus  we  know that  he  was  educated  in  Cluain  Ednach  in Queen's  County,  and  travelling  into  Munster founded  Disert  Aengusa  in  co.  Limerick.  At  the time  of  the  expedition  of  king  Aedh  Oirdnidhe against  Leinster  in  799  he  was  residing  at  Dis- ert Bethec  near  Monasterevin.  Latterly  he  went to  abbot  Maelruain  at  Tamhlacht,  when  he  from humility  concealed  his  gifts,  and  passing  himself as  a  serving  man  was  entrusted  with  the  charge  of the  mill  and  kiln,  till  at  last  his  learning  was discovered  by  accident. The  Feilire  consists  of  three  parts.  1.  Five quatrains  invoking  a  blessing  on  the  poet  and his  work.  2.  A  preface  of  220  quatrains ;  and 3.  The  festology  itself  in  365  quatrains  for every  day  in  the  year  (O'Curi-y,  Earhi  Eccl. MSS.  of  Ireland,  pp.  359-371.  [A.  P.  F.] FELICIANUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome  with Fortunatus,  Firmus,  and  Candidus ;  commemor- ated Feb.  2  (^Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  Primus  under  Dio- cletian and  Maximian ;  commemorated  June  9 {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  Cat. Altatii  et  Frontonis,  Sacramentariuin  Gregorii). (3)  [Victor  (10).] (4)  Martyr  in  Lucania  with  Jacinctus,  Qui- ritus,  and  Lucius;  commemorated  Oct.  29  {Mart. Hieron.,  Usuardi). (5)  [ExsuPERius  (3).]  [W.  F.  G.] FELICISSIMA,    virgin,    martyr   at    Falari with    (iracilianus ;    "  Passio "    Aug.    12    {Mart. Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] FELICISSIMUS.     (1)  [Heraclius  (3).] (2)  [Felix  (14).] (3)  [SixTus  (2).] (4)  Martyr  in  Africa,  with  Rogatianus,  the presbyter,  under  Decius  and  Valerian ;  comme- morated Oct.  26  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usu- ardi). (5)  Saint,  of  Perugia  in  Tuscany  ;  "  Natalis  " Nov.  24  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi).      [W.  F.  G.] FELICITAS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Tuburbo  (at Carthage,  Bede)  with  Perpetua,  Revocatus,  Sa- turninus,  and  Secundolus,  under  Severus  ;  com- memorated March  7  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron., Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  Cal.  Bucher.'). (2)  Martyr  under  Antoninus ;  commemorated Nov.  23  {Mart.  Ro,n.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] FELICULA.      (1)    Martyr   at   Rome   with FELIX Vitalis  and  Zeno ;  commemorated  Feb.  14  {Mart. Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Rome ;  commemorated June  13  {Mart.  Bom.  V&t.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usu- ardi). [W.  F.  G.] FELIX.  (1)  Saint,  at  Heraclea  ;  comme- morated with  Januarius,  Jan.  7  {Mart.  Hieron., Usuardi). (2)  Presbyter,  confesso»  at  Nola  in  Campania  ; commemorated  Jan.  14  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Hieron., Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  Cal.  Carth.'). (3)  [Dativus  (1).] (4)  [Hilary  (2).] (5)  Martyr  at  Caesaraugusta  with  seventeen others:  Apodemus,  Cassianus,  Cecilianus,  Evotus, Faustus,  Fronto,  Januarius,  Julius,  Lupercus, Matutinus,  Martialis,  Optatus,  Primitivus,  Pub- lius,  Quintilianus,  Successus,  Urbanus  ;  comme- morated April  16  {Mart.  Usuardi),  Ajjril  15 {Mart.  Adonis). (6)  Saint,  of  Alexandria ;  commemorated  with Arator,  presbyter,  Fortunus,  Silvius,  and  Vita- lis, April  21  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (7)  Presbytei-,  martyr  at  Valence  in  France with  Fortunatus  and  Achilleus,  deacons;  com- memorated April  23  {Ib.^. (8)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Spoletum  under  Maxi- mian ;  commemorated  May  18  {Mart.  Usuardi). (9)  Martyr  in  Istria  with  Zoellius,  Servilius, Silvanus,  and  Diodes ;  commemorated  May  24 {lb.). (10)  Saint,  in  Sardinia ;  commemorated  with Aemilius,  Priamus,  Lucianus,  May  28  {Mart.  Rom. Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (11)  The  pope,  martyr  at  Rome  under  the emperor  Claudius;  commemorated  May  30  {Mart. Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (12)  Martyr  in  Aquileia  with  Fortunatus under  Diocletian  and  Maxmiian  ;  "  Passio  "  June 11  {lb.). (13)  Presbyter,  martyr  in  Tuscany;  comme- morated June  23  {Mart.  Usuardi). (14)  Martyr  in  Campania  with  Aristo,  Cre- scentianus,  Eutychianus,  Felicissimus,  Justus, Martia,  Symphorosa,  Urbanus,  and  Vitalis ;  com- memorated July  2  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). (15)  Son  of  Felicitas  (2),  martyr  in  the  time of  Antoninus ;  commemorated  with  his  six  bro- thers, Alexander,  Januarius,  Martialis,  Philip, Silvanus,  Vitalis,  July  10  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet., Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (16)  Martyr  in  Africa;  commemorated  with Januarius,  Marinus,  and  Nabor,  July  10  {Mart. Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (17)  [SCILLITA.] (18)  The  pope,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Con- stantius  Augustus;  commemorated  July  29 {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae,  Usuardi);  "Passio" Nov.  10 ;  deposition  Nov.  17  {Mart.  Adonis). (19)  Martyr  at  Gerona  in  Spain ;  commemo- rated Aug.  1  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (20)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  Aprilis,  Martialis, Saturninus,  and  their  companions;  commemo- rated Aug.  22  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis, Usuardi). (21)  [Georgius  (4).] FEMORALIA (22)  Presbyter,  martyr  :it  Rome  with  AJauctus under  Diocletian  and  Maximian  ;  commemorated Aug.  30  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usu- ardi,  Cal.  Allatii  et  Frontonis). (23)  Bishop  of  Tubzoca,  martyr  at  Veuusia  in Apulia  in  the  time  of  Diocletian,  with  Audactus and  Januarius,  presbyters,  Fortunatiauus  and Septiminus,  readers  ;  commemorated  Aug.  30 {MaH.  Bedae),  Oct.  24  (^Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi). (24)  Bishop,  martyr  in  Africa  with  Neme- sianus  and  Lucius,  bishops;  also  with  Dativus, Felix,  Jader,  Litteus,  Polianus,  and  Victor,  under Decius  and  Valerian;  commemorated  Sept.  10 {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (25)  [Felix  (24).] (26)  Martyr  at  Nuceria  with  Constantia,  under Nero ;  commemorated  Sept.  19  {Mart.  Adonis, Usuardi). (27)  Martyr  at  Autun,  with  Andochius,  pres- byter, and  Tyrsus,  deacon,  under  the  emperor Aurelian ;  commemorated  Sept.  24  {Mart.  Bedae, Adonis,  Usuardi). (28)  Bishop,  martyr  in  Africa  with  Cyprian and  497G  others,  under  Hunnericus ;  commemo- rated Oct.  12  {Mart.  Rom.  Vel.,  Adonis,  Usu- ardi). (29)  [EusEBius  (8).] (30)  Martyr  at  Toniza  in  Africa ;  commemo- rated Nov.  6  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis, Usuardi). (31)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Nola  in  Campania  with thirty  others;  commemorated  Nov.  15  {Mart. Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] FEMORALIA  or  FEMINALIA.  These are  drawers  or  breeches  covering  the  thighs  and loins,  as  the  derivation  implies.  (See  Isidore Hispal.  Etf/m.  xix.  22.)  They  were  an  essential part  of  the  dress  of  the  Levitical  priesthood (Ex.  xxviii.  42,  43),  and  as  such  are  often  re- ferred to  by  the  fathers  (see  e.  g.  Jerome,  Fpist. G4,  ad  Fahiolam ;  i.  360,  ed.  Vallarsi),  many  of whom  are  delighted  to  find  a  symbolical  meaning in  this  as  in  other  vestments. The  injunction  as  to  the  wearing  of  breeches during  divine  service  is  repeated  in  sundry monastic  rules.  Thus  the  Rule  of  Fructuosus, bishop  of  Bracara,  when  settling  the  dress  to be  worn  by  monks,  permits  the  use  of  femoralia to  all,  but  "  maxime  his  qui  ministerio  impli- cantur  altaris "  {Regula  S.  Fruduosi,  c.  45 :  in Holstenius,  Codex  Regularum,  part  2,  p.  139,  ed. Paris,  1G63;  cf.  Grimlaici  Solitariorum  Regula, c.  49 ;  op.  cit.  p.  341).  For  general  rules  as  to this  and  other  articles  of  monastic  dress  see Magistri  Regula,  c.  81  {o}}-  cit.  p.  257).  The Rule  of  St.  Benedict  enjoins  that  monks  who were  going  on  a  journey  should  borrow  femoralia from  the  Vestiai-ium,  and  on  their  return  should restore  them  thither  washed: — "femoralia,  ii (jui  diriguntur  in  via,  de  Vestiario  accipiant,  qui revertentes  lota  ibi  restituant "  (c.  55  ;  p.  117,  ed. Venice,  1723).  For  further  references,  see  Du- cange's  Glossariwn,  s.  vv.,  and  Menard's  note  to the  Ccmcordia  Reaularum  (Ratrol.  ciii.  1235). [K.  S.] FENCING-MASTEKS.  [(.iLAUiAXOiis ;  La- NlbTAE.] FEKIA Ob, FERETRUM,  a  bier  on  which  the  corpse, after  washing,  was  placed  and  carried  to  burial [Burial  of  the  Dead].  It  was  as  a  rule  made of  wood,  in  which  Ambrose  (m  Luc.  vii.  14)  sees a  mystical  allusion  to  the  resurrection,  drawn from  the  miracle  at  Nain  (Durant.  de  Ritih.  lib. i.  c.  23).  The /errfrwm  of  Constantine  the  Great appears  to  have  been  of  gold,  like  his  cotfin (Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  lib.  iv.  c.  66).  The  bier  was covered  with  a  pall,  more  or  less  costly,  accord- ing to  the  rank  of  the  deceased.  Tliat  of  Con- stantine Avas  of  purple  {aKovpyiKri  a\ovpyiSi). That  of  Blesilla,  the  daughter  of  Paula,  was  of cloth  of  gold,  against  which  Jerome  remonstrated vehemently  as  an  unchristian  extravagance (Hieron.  Fp.  25).  Coustantine's  bier  was  sur- rounded with  a  circle  of  lights  burning  in  golden candlesticks  (Euseb.  ii.  s.).     The  bier  was  carried  J to   the   grave  sometimes    by   relations   or    near  | friends,  sometimes  by  officials  designated  to  that duty  {Copiatae,  decani,  lecticarii),  and  in  the  case  ' of  persons  of  high  dignity  or  sanctity  by  bishops  ' and  nobles,  e.g.,  Basil  by  his  clergy  (Greg.  Mag. Oriit.  XX.),  his  sister  Macriua  by  Gregory  Nyssen, and  other  clergy  (Gi-eg.  Nys.  Vit.  Macr.  tom.  ii. p.  201) ;  Paula,    by    the    bishops    of    Palestine,  i "cervicem  feretro  subjicientibus "  (Hieron.  Ep. 27).  [E.  v.] FERIA.  The  proper  sense  of  this  word  is that   of  a  holyday,  of  a  festival   viewed   in   the  1 aspect  of  a  day  of  freedom  from  worldly  business.  1 It  is  in  this  meaning  that  we  find  the  word  in classical  Latin,  though  here  it  occurs  exclusivelv  ! in  the  plural.  Besides  this,  however,  the  word has  been  used  in  a  special  sense  in  the  Christian church  from  very  early  times  to  denote  the  days of  the  week,  feria  secunda,  tertia,  &c.,  for  Mon- day, Tuesday,  &c. The  origin  of  this  system  of  notation  cannot be  stated  with  absolute  certainty.  It  is  explained by  Ducange  {Glossarium,  s.  v.)  as  arising  from the  fact  that  the  week  following  Easter  Day  was appointed  by  the  emperor  Constantine  to  be  ob- served as  one  continuous  festival,  and  that  origi- nally the  year  began  with  Easter.  Hence  the Monday,  Tuesday,  &c.,  of  Easter  Week  would  be respectively  secunda  feria,  tertia  feria,  &c.,  and in  this  way,  following  the  example  of  the  first week  of  the  year,  the  names  passed  to  all  other Mondays,  kc,  of  the  year.  The  great  objection to  this  view,  which  seems  to  have  found  many supporters  (see  e.g.  Pelliccia,  De  Christ ianae  Fc-  i clesiae  politia,  i.   277,  ed.  Colon.   1829),  is  that  | long  before  the  time  of  Constantine  we  find  Ter-  j tullian  speaking  of  Wednesday  and  Friday  as qmirta  and  sexta  feria  {de  jejunio  adv.  Psychicos, 0.  2). It  seems  more  reasonable  to  explain  the  phrase as  being  akin  to  and  probaldy  derived  from  the Jewish  system  of  notation  under  which  such  an expression  as  e.g.  f)  /ui'o  tUv  ffafifiaToiv  (Mark xvi.  2 ;  Acts  xx.  7,  and  often  in  the  New  Testa- ment) means  the  "first  day  of  the  week."  Tiiis  i extension  of  the  word  Sabbath,  which,  besides  the instances  adducible  from  the  New  Testament, occurs  also  in  tlie  Targums  (see  e.  g.  Esther  ii.  9), is  merely  a  natural  transference  of  a  word  from its  primary  meaning  of  the  point  of  time,  as  it were,  to  express  the  periods  marked  out  by  such IKiiuts;  and  an  exact  [larallel  is  found  in  tlic Hebrew     ChH,    wiiicli     is     primarily    the     new 668 FERIALES moon,  and  hence  the  month,  or  period  between two  new  moons.  The  real  feria  then  being  Sun- day, the  other  days  of  the  week  are  reckoned  as in  the  above  instances  with  reference  to  this.  On this  view  see  Heinichen  on  Eusebius,  Hist.  Eccles. (vol.  iii.  p.  87).  The  explanation  given  by  Du- randus  (Jiationule  divAnoruin  officiorimi,\n.  1.  11) deserves  to  be  quoted,  though  of  course  not  ad- missible as  a  solution — "  vocantur  ergo  feriae  a ieriando,  quia  tuto  tempore  a  vitiis  feriari,  id  est vacare,  debemus,  non  quod  sit  a  necessariis  vitae operibus  feriandum." With  the  seventh  day  of  the  week  the  name Sahbatum  was  so  closely  associated  that  it  was nearly  always  used  instead  of  septima  feria, though  Ducange  (s.  u.)  gives  an  example  of  this last  phrase.  In  like  manner,  the  first  day  of  the week,  from  its  association  with  the  Resurrection, became  "  the  Lord's  Day  "  from  apostolic  times, and  thus  though  the  phrase  prima  feria  does  now and  then  occur  (see  e.  g.  in  one  of  the  spurious sermons  once  attributed  to  Augustine,  Patrol. xxxix.  2005),  Dominica  is  the  regular  word  for Sunday  in  ancient  liturgies.  The  days,  however, from  Monday  to  Friday  inclusive  are  habitually designated  as  secunda  ferii,  &c.,  of  which  pi-actice an  examination  of,  e.  g.,  the  Gregorian  Sacra- mentary  will  furnish  abundant  examples.  A good  illustration,  showing  how  completely  the word  feria  had  passed  into  this  new  sense,  is  fur- nished by  the  use  of  the  phrase  feriae  legitimae m  the  Libri  Poeniteiitiales  of  Theodore  of  Tarsus and  of  Bede,  as  when  for  some  offence  a  special fast  is  enjoined  "  praeter  legitimas  ferias  "  (see e.  g.  Patrol,  xcix.  968),  that  is,  in  addition  to those  days  of  the  week  which  were  fasts  under all  circumstances. For  furthei  remarks  on  this  subject  see  Du- cange's  Glossarium,  (s.  v.),  and  Augusti's  Hand- buck  der  christlichen  Archdologie,  i.  467  sqq. [R.  S.] FERIALES  (i.e.  Libri)  were  books  contain- ing a  record  of  the  festivals  of  the  martyrs. Thus  Chromatius  and  Heliodorus,  writing  to Jerome  (Hieron.  Epist.),  beg  him  to  search  for the  Feriales  from  the  archives  of  Eusebius  of Caesarea,  as  a  guide  to  the  feast-days  of  the martyrs  [Calendar:  Martyrologt]  (Ducange, s.  v.).  [C] FERMENTUM.  I.  The  earliest  Ordo  Ro- manus  extant,  which  is  supposed  to  represent the  ritual  of  Eome  in  the  age  of  Gregory  the Gi'eat,  a.d.  590,  orders  a  portion  of  reserved eucharist  (Sancta)  to  be  brought  into  the  church before  the  celebration  by  a  subdeacon,  to  be  de- livered by  him  to  the  archdeacon  after  the  canon, and  to  be  put  into  the  chalice  by  the  latter, saying,  "  The  Peace  of  the  Lord  be  with  you alway."  {Ord.  E.  I.  nn.  8,  17,  18,  in  Mus.  Ital. torn.  ii.  pp.  8,  12,  13).  The  bishop  of  Rome  is supposed  to  be  present,  and  to  celebrate.  •  The particle  thus  used  was  called  Ferinentum,  the leaven,  n.  22,  p.  16.  If  the  pope  was  not  pre- sent, "  a  particle  of  the  leaven,  which  had  been consecrated  by  the  apostolical,  was  brought  by the  oblationary  subdeacon,  and  given  to  the  arch- deacon ;  but  he  handed  it  to  the  bishop,  who, signing  it  thrice,  and  saying,  '  The  Peace,  &c.,' put  it  into  the  chalice."  The  reason  of  the name  Fermcntum  is  now  obvious.  Leaven  is dough   reserved  from   one   baking  to  be   mixed FERMENTUM with  that  prepared  for  another,  and  may  be said  to  make  the  bread  of  both  one.  The  eucha- ristic  leaven  connected  successive  celebrations with  each  other  in  the  same  mannei',  and  was at  the  same  time  a  token  of  union  between  con- gregations locally  separated  from  each  other. If  we  may  trust  to  the  Liber  Pontificalis,  the custom  of  sending  the  Fermentum  to  the  several churches  in  Rome  originated  with  Melchiades. A.D.  311.  The  same  authority  tells  us  that Siricius,  A.D.  385,  "  ordained  that  no  presbyter should  celebrate  masses  through  the  whole week  unless  he  received  a  certified  (declaratum), consecrated  (portion)  from  the  bishop  of  the place  appointed  (for  a  station),  which  is  called the  leaven"  (Anast.  Biblioth.  de  Vitis  Pont. Earn.  nn.  32,  39,  pp.  12,  22).  The  custom  is noticed  at  some  length  in  a  letter  ascribed  to Innocent  I.,  A.D.  402,  but  apparently  composed by  a  later  and  inferior  writer.  From  this  docu- ment we  learn  that  the  pope  "  sent  the  leaven per  titulos,"  i.e.  the  churches  within  the  city only  (those  without  being  in  the  suburbicarian dioceses),  and  that  it  was  done  on  Sundays, "  that  the  presbyters  who  on  that  day  could not  meet  him  (in  worship)  on  account  of  the people  committed  to  them,  might  not,  above  all on  that  day,  feel  themselves  cut  off  from  com- munion with  him "  (Innoc.  Ep.  ad  Decent,  in Cigheri,  V.  PP.  Theolog.  Univ.  torn.  iv.  p.  178). The  writer  had  been  asked  by  another  bishop, if  it  was  proper  to  send  the  Fermentum  about through  a  diocese  («'.  e.  beyond  the  walls  of  an episcopal  city).  The  question  shows  that  the practice  had  spread.  In  the  writings  of  Gregory of  Tours,  A.D.  573,  we  meet  with  a  story  which proves  incidentally  that  it  was  not  unknown  in France.  We  are  told  of  a  certain  deacon,  in  a town  in  Auvergne,  who,  "  when  the  time  to offer  the  sacrifice  was  come,  having  taken  the tower  in  which  was  kept  the  mystery  of  the Lord's  Body,  began  to  carry  it  to  the  door  (of the  church),  and  entered  the  temple  to  place  it on  the  altar,"  &c.  (Mirac.  L.  I.  cap.  86). Before  the  custom  became  obsolete,  its  observ- ance was,  it  appears,  reduced  by  authority  to  a few  days  in  the  year.  For  in  an  ancient  gloss on  the  letter  ascribed  to  Innocent,  found  by Mabillon  in  the  library  of  St.  Emmeran  at  Ratis- boh,  the  following  statement  occurs :  "  Touch- ing the  leaven,  which  he  mentions,  it  is  the custom  of  the  Romans  that  a  portion  be  re- served from  the  mass  which  is  sung  on  Maundy Thursday  and  the  Easter-Eve,  and  on  the  holy day  of  Easter,  and  at  Pentecost,  and  on  the holy  day  of  the  Lord's  Nativity,  throughout the  year  ;  and  that  of  the  said  mass  there  be put  into  the  chalice,  everywhere  at  the  stations, if  the  pope  himself  be  not  present,  when  he says.  The  Peace,  &c.  .  .  .  and  this  is  called  Fer- mentum. Nevertheless,  oh  Easter-Eve,  no  pres- byter in  the  baptismal  churches  communicates any  one  before  there  be  sent  to  him  of  that  very same  holy  thing  which  the  Lord  Pope  hath offered "  (Mabillon,  Itin.  German.  Descript.  p. 65;  Hamb.  1717).  The  rite  was  observed  at Rome  under  the  second  Ordo  Bomanus,  now  ex- tant (pp.  43,  9),  which  is  probably  at  least  a century  later  than  the  first.  Amalarius,  who wrote  about  the  year  827,  cites  some  words  that relate  to  it  from  Ordo  //.  §  12  (p.  49)  ;  but  there can  be  little  doubt  that  he  understood  them  of FERREOLUS the  "  commixture  "  of  a  particle  of  tlie  newly- consecrated  oblate  (De  Eccles.  Off.  lib.  iii.  c.  31). II.  There  was  another  use  of  the  reserved element,  somewhat  similar  to  the  above,  at  the ordination  of  bishops  and  priests.  The  earliest notice  occurs  in  a  very  ancient  Roman  directory, and  refers  (as  indeed  all  the  strictly  Roman documents  do;  to  bishops  only.  The  pope  at  the communion  which  followed  the  consecration, gave  a  whole  oblate' to  the  newly-made  bishop, of  which  he  took  a  part  at  the  time,  but  "  re- served the  rest  of  it  to  serve  for  communions  for forty. days"  (Orrfo  T'///.  p.  89).  The  practice may  have  spread  from  Rome,  but  it  was  at  one time  so  widely  observed  that  we  are  compelled to  assign  its  origin  to  a  very  early  though  not primitive  date.  In  the  opinion  of  Morinus  {Dc Sacr.  Ordin.  P.  III.  Exerc.  VIII.  c.  ii.  §  iv.),  it sprang  up  in  Italy  in  the  8th  century.  Fulbert, bishop  of  Chartres,  who  was  born  in  the  10th  cen- tury, asserts  that  it  was  observed  by  all  the  bishops of  his  province  at  the  ordination  of  presbyters, and  he  believed  it  to  be  universal  (^Ep.  IT.  ad Einard.  apud  Martene,  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Hit.  L.  I. c.  viii.  Art.  IX.  n.  xx.).  Rubrics  prescribing  it at  the  consecration  of  bishops  are  found  in  old pontificals  of  Concha,  in  Spain  (Martene,  u.  s. Art.  X.  n.  xxi.) ;  of  Saltzburg  {fbid.  Art.  XI. Ord.  VIII.) ;  of  Toulouse,  Rouen,  Rheims  (Mo- rinus, de  Sacr.  Ord.  P.  II.  p.  281  ;  and  F.  III.  p. 130),  and  the  Latin  church  of  Constantinople (Mart.  u.  s.  Ordo  XIV.  note  at  end),  where  the term  was  forty  days  ;  and  of  Mayence  (Morinus, P.  II.  p.  278),  where  it  was  thirty.  The  pon- tificals of  Compifegne  (Mart.  u.  s.  Ord,  VII.)  and of  Saltzburg  (Ibid.  Ord.  IX.)  testify  to  the  cus- tom at  the  ordination  of  priests,  the  former  fix- ing forty  days  for  them,  and  the  latter  only seven.  In  the  pontifical  of  the  Latin  church  of Apamea  in  Syria,  the  pope,  who  is  supposed  to consecrate,  is  directed  to  give  a  "  whole  Host " to  the  new  bishop,  but  its  use  is  not  mentioned. Afterwards,  however,  it  is  said  that  "  for  forty days  from  the  day  of  his  consecration  he  ought, if  possible,  to  sing  mass  daily  for  the  people  com- mitted to  him."  (Mart.  u.  s.  Ord.  XIV.).  This evidently  indicates  the  original  purpose,  and makes  it  highly  probable  that  wherever  in  the west  we  find  an  order  that  the  newly  ordained shall  celebrate  for  forty  days  (and  this  was  a common  rule :  see  Morinus,  P.  III.  Exerc.  VIII. c.  ii.  §  vii.  p.  132),  there  had  also  existed  in  con- nection with  it  the  custom  of  reserving  for  those celebrations  from  the  communion  at  the  ordina- tion. Mabillon  (Comm.  in  Ord.  Eom.-^.  xxxix.)  states expressly  that  the  particles  of  the  reserved  oblate were  put  day  by  day  into  the  chalice  by  the newly-made  bishop  or  priest,  as  in  the  rite  be- fore described.  This  is  more  than  probable ; but  it  is  right  to  mention  that  he  gives  no  refe- lence,  and  that  no  direct  evidence  of  the  fiict has  come  within  the  knowledge  of  the  present writer.  [W.  E.  S.] FERREOLUS.  (1)  Presbyter,  martyr  at Besan(;on  with  Ferrutio,  the  deacon  ;  comme- morated June  16  {Mart.  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  at  Vienna;  commemorated  Sept. 18  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] FERRUTIO.  [Ferrkolus.] FESTIVAL 669 FERTUM  is  "the  oblation  which  is  bronsht to  the  altar,  and  sacrificed  by  the  priest"  (Du- cange,  s.  v.  quoting  Isidore  and  Papias);  i.  e.  the element  of  bread  offered  on  the  altar  and  conse- crated. [-(j_-| FERULA.  [Xartiikx  ;  Pastoral  Staff.] FESTIVAL  (eoprVj,  fcstum,  dies  fest'ts).  The history  of  the  first  rise  of  festivals  in  the  Chris- tian church  is  a  subject  involved  in  much obscurity.  During  the  first  few  vears,  while the  essentially  Jewish  character  of  the  church continued,  the  Jewish  yearlv  festivals  were doubtlessly  observed,  especially  the  Passover  and Pentecost,  which  later  events  had  raised  to  a  far higher  pitch  of  dignity.  The  Sabbath  also  con- tinued to  be  observed,  and  with  it  the  first  day of  each  week  became  a  lesser  Easter  day. As  time  went  on,  the  Jewish  element  in  the church  became  proportionately  diminished,  with the  breach  between  it  and  the  Gentile  part  con- tinually widening.  Indeed  the  tone  of  the language  used  by  Christian  writers  in  the  2nd century,  with  reference  to  the  Jewish  nation,  is on  the  whole  one  of  undisguised  hostility.  It  is obvious  therefore  that  the  tendency  would  be from  the  nature  of  the  case  to  reject  such  Jewish festivals  as  had  not  in  some  sort  been  made Christian,  and  thus,  e.g.,  though  some  have  seen in  Christmas  a  higher  form  of  the  feast  of  the Dedication,  it  may  be  considered  that  the  inheri- tance of  the  younger  from  thq  older  church, so  for  as  festivals  are  concerned,  consists  of  the ennobled  Passover  and  Pentecost.  The  "first day  of  the  week  "  was  no  doubt  a  Christian festival  from  the  earliest  times.  Up  to  the  end of  the  2nd  century,  we  have  no  evidence  of the  existence  of  any  other  festival  than  these three.  Gradually,' however,  from  a  belief  in  the lessons  of  good  derivable  from  a  celebration  of great  events  in  the  history  of  our  faith,  and perhaps  too  from  the  analogy  of  the  numerous festivals  of  the  older  religions,  fresh  commemora- tions arose,  the  earliest  being  that  of  the  Epiphany, from  which  afterwards  arose  the  celebration of  Christmas  as  a  separate  festival.  The  exact time  of  the  first  rise  of  these,  and  of  the  connec- tion between  the  two,  is  uncertain ;  reference may  be  made  to  the  separate  articles.  [Christ- mas, Epiphany.]  The  time,  too,  from  Easter  to Pentecost  came  to  be  viewed  as  one  long  festal season,  and  in  this  period  a  special  distinction began  to  be  attached  to  Ascension-day,  in  the Si'd  or  more  probably  in  the  4th  century.  To- gether with  these  festivals  and  similar  ones which  were  gradually  added  {e.g.  those  of  the Presentation  and  Annunciation  in  the  6th century),  all  commemorative  of  the  great  events in  the  foundation  of  the  faith,  we  find  also festivals  of  another  kind,  the  celebration  of  the anniversary  of  a  martyr's  death,  viewed  as  his natal  day  into  the  better  life.  These  would  be at  first  confined  more  or  less  to  special  churches, but  would  subsequently  obtain  in  many  cases  a general  observance.  Thus  by  the  end  of  the 4th  century  we  find  a  wide-spread  observance  of festivals  of  e.g.,  St.  Stephen,  SS.  Peter  and  Paul, and  the  Maccabees.  The  festival  of  St.  John  the Baptist,  which  at  an  early  period  became  one  of great  importance  (see  e.g.  the  canon  of  the  council of  Agde,  cited  below),  is  not  however  of  the  above class,  being  a  commemoration  of  the  actual  birth- 670 FESTIVAL day,  as  one  intimately  associated  with  that  of  the Saviour  Himself. We  find,  however,  considerable  diversity  of feeling  in  the  primitive  church  on  the  subject  of festivals.  On  the  one  hand,  it  was  most  justly felt  that  a  festival,  as  being  a  cessation  from  the world's  everyday  cares  and  pleasures,  should claim  regard  as  a  special  means  of  help  for  the soul  in  its  heavenward  way  ;  on  the  other  hand, it  was  urged  with  equal  truth,  that  when  the shadows  of  Judaism  had.  become  the  realities of  Christianity,  to  lay  any  special  stress  on  the observance  of  times  and  seasons  was  at  any  rate to  incur  the  danger  of  losing  sight  of  the  reason why  festivals  were  established  at  all,  and  the rather  that  in  Christianity  every  day  was  in  a new  sense  consecrated  to  God.  It  was  the  dis- regard of  one  or  other  of  these  two  co-ordinate truths  to  which  must  be  attributed  much  of  the false  ideas  that  have  been  held  on  the  subject  of festivals.  Protests  on  the  second  point  were deemed  necessary  by  our  Lord  Himself  (Matt, xii.  8 ;  Mark  ii.  27),  and  by  St.  Paul  (Romans xiv.  5,6;  Gal.  iv.  9-11;  Col.  ii.  16).  In  like manner  too,  Origen  {contra  Celsum  viii.  22) urges  that  the  Christian  who  dwells  on  the thought  of  Christ  our  Passover,  and  of  the  gift of  the  Holy  Ghost,  is  every  day  keeping  an Easter  and  a  Pentecostal  feast.  Similar  remarks are  found  also  in  Chrysostom  {Horn.  i.  de  S. Fentecoste,  c.  i. ;  vol.  ii.  458,  ed.  Montfaucon : cf.  Horn.  XV.  in  1  Cor.  c.  3 ;  vol.  x.  128).  These passages,  however,  are  not  to  be  viewed  as  objec- tions brought  against  the  celebration  of  festivals, but  rather  as  answers  to  those  who  sawinthem  but a  relic  of  Judaism.  TertuUian,  in  very  sweep- ing language,  condemns  the  practice  of  holding festivals  altogether  on  this  ground, — "  Horum igitur  tempora  observantes  et  dies  et  menses et  annos,  galaticamur.  Plane,  si  judaicarum caerimouiaruin,  si  legalium  sollemnitatum  ob- servantes sumus.  .  .  ."  and  asks  why  in  the face  of  St.  Paul's  language  as  to  times  and seasons,  Easter  is  celebrated,  and  why  the  period from  thence  to  Whitsunday  is  spent  as  one  long season  of  rejoicing  (dejejunio  adv.  Fsychicos,  c.  14). Jerome,  on  the  other  hand,  while  endorsing  such views  as  those  which  we  have  referred  to  as held  by  Origen  and  Chrysostom,  proceeds  further to  maintain  the  definite  advantages  arising from  the  observance  of  festivals  {Comm.  in  Gal. iv.  10  ;  vol.  vii.  456,  ed.  Vallarsi :  cf.  Socrates, Jlist.  Eccles.  V.  22). We  shall  now  briefly  notice  the  chief  points  in which  a  festival  was  specially  distinguished  in Its  observance  from  ordinary  days.  (1)  The  essential idea  of  a  Christian  festival  was  obviously  such as  to  make  ordinary  festivities,  other  than  those of  a  religious  character,  unseemly  at  such  times  ; and  thus  numerous  imperial  edicts  were  promul- gated from  time  to  time,  prohibiting  public games,  etc.  on  Christian  holy  days  (Eusebius, Vita  Constant ini  iv.  18,  23 :  Sozomen,  Hist. Eccles.  i.  8 :  Cud.  Theodos.  lib.  xv.  tit.  5,  11.  2, o ;  vol.  iv.  pp.  350,  353,  ed.  Gothofredus :  Cod. Justin,  lib.  iii.  tit.  12,  1.  11  ;  p.  208,  ed.  Gotho- fredus). Of  the  two  references  to  the  Theodosian Code,  the  former  enjoins  that  "  Nullus  Solis  die populo  spectaculum  praebeat ;"  the  latter  specifies Sundays,  Christmas,  the  Epiphany,  Easter,  and the  anniversary  of  apostolic  martyrdoms  as  the days  to  which  the  prohibition  extended,  " .  .  .  . FESTIVAL omni  theatrorum  atque  Circensium  voluptate ]ier  universao  urbes  earundem  populis  denegata.'" (2)  In  like  manner  all  legal  business  had  to  be suspended.  {Cod.  Theodos'.  lib.  ii.  tit.  8,  11.  1,  2  ; vol.  i.  pp.  118,  121:  Cod.-Justin.  lib.  iii.  tit.  12, 11.  7,  11  ;  pp.  207,  208).  A  special  exemption was  allowed  in  the  case  of  emancipation  or  manu- mission {Cod.  Theodos.  lib.  ii.  tit.  8,  1.  1 ;  siijjra). (3)  The  celebi-ation  of  public  worship  was  of course  a  necessary  concomitant  of  a  festival. The  council  of  Eliberis  [305  A.D.]  condemns  the man  who  on  three  consecutive  Sundays  was absent  from  the  church  (can.  21  ;  Labbe  i.  973). The  council  of  Agde  (506  A.D.)  while  sanctioning generally  the  practice  of  communicating  in private  chapels,  forbids  it  elsewhere  than  in  the public  assembly  on  the  more  important  festivals. These  are  specified  in  another  canon  of  the  same council  as  Easter,  Christmas,  the  Epiphany, Ascension-day,  Pentecost,  the  Nativity  of  St. John  the  Baptist,  "  vel  si  qui  maxirai  dies  in festivitatibus  habentur."  (cann.  18,  21  ;  Labbe iv.  1386  :  cf.  Concil.  Aurel.  iv.  [541  A.D.]  can. 3;  Labbe  v.  382).  (4)  Fasting  was  a  thing utterly  foreign  to  the  idea  of  such  days ;  indeed it  was  a  distinguishing  mark  of  sundry  heretics to  turn  the  festivals  into  seasons  of  fasting.  The so  called  Apostolic  Canons  censure  those  who would  fast  on  the  Lord's  day  or  the  Sabbath {i.e.  Saturday,  which,  it  will  be  i-emembered,  was regarded  in  the  East  as  a  day  of  distinctly  festal character),  and  orders  that  any  of  the  clergy  who does  so  shall  be  deposed  {Ka6aipeio-6ic,  can.  65, al.  66,  Labbe  i.  40) ;  and  a  previous  canon (52  al.  51)  had  spoken  of  a  bishop,  priest  or deacon,  who  abstained  from  flesh  and  wine  on a  festival  as  "  a  cause  of  scandal  to  many."  (See also  TertuUian,  de  Corona  Militis  c.  3;  Cincil. Gangrense  [circa  324  A.D.]  can.  18;  Labbe  ii. 424  ;  Concil.  Carth-uj.  iv.  [398  A.D.]  can.  64 ; Labbe  ii.  12t)5).  On  these  days  in  earlier  times were  held  Agapae  [Agapae],  a  custom  which was  afterwards  changed  into  the  plan  of  the richer  members  of  a  Christian  community  feeding the  poorer  (cf.  e.g.,  TertuUian,  Apol.  c.  39).  (5) Among  minor  but  significant  ways  of  distinguish- ing a  festival  it  may  be  added  that  at  such  times it  was  usual  to  offer  prayer  standing,  not  kneel- ing ;  "  die  dominico  nefas  .  .  .  .  de  geniculis adorare.  Eadem  immunitate  a  die  Paschae  in Peutecosten  usque  gaudemus "  (TertuUian,  de Corona  Militis  c.  3).  Irenaeus,  in  referring  to the  same  practice,  speaks  of  this  absence  of  kneel- ing as  figurative  of  the  resurrection  {Frag. 7 ;  vol.  i.  p.  828,  ed-.  Stieren :  cf.  Justin  Martyr, Quaest.  et  Eesp.  ad  Orthodoxos  115:  Jerome Dialogus  contra  Luciferianos  c.  8;  vol.  ii.  180: Epiphanius  Expos.  Fidel  c.  22  ;  vol.  i.  1105,  ed. Petavius :  Isidore  de  Eccl.  Off.  i.  33  :  Eabanus Maurus  de  Inst.  Cler.  ii.  42.  See  also  Concil. Nicaenuni  i.  [325  A.D.]  can.  20 ;  Labbe  ii.  37  : also  Dr.  Pusey's  note  to  the  Oxford  translation of  Ephrem  Syrus,  pp.  417  sqq.). Festivals  may  be  divided  into  ordinary  and extraordinary  {feriae  statutae,  indictne),  accord- ing as  they  came  in  regular  course  in  the Christian  year,  or  were  specially  appointed  in consequence  of  some  particular  event.  Tlie former  may  again  be  divided  into  immoveable  and moveable  {feriae  immobilcs,  mobiles^,  according  as they  did  or  did  not  fall  on  the  same  day  in  every year  ;  those  in  the  latter  division  obviously  con- FESTOTI sisting  of  such  as  depended  on  Easter,  the  time  of which,  depending  on  the  Jewish  or  lunar  calendar, to  which  the  Paschal  festival  originally  belonged, varies  with  reference  to  its  place  in  the  Julian or  solar  year  [Eastkr].  It  follows  that  the  num- ber of  Sundays  between  Christmas  and  Easter, and  again  between  Easter  and  Christmas,  is  vari- able. Besides  the  obvious  divisions  of  feriae majores,  minores,  there  is  further  that  into feriae  integrae,  intercisae,  according  as  the  festival lasted  for  the  whole  or  part  of  a  day.  Such divisions  as  those  made  by  the  Roman  church of  festum  simplex,  duplex,  semiduplex,  to  say nothing  of  further  subdivisions  (principale  du- plex, majus  duplex,  etc.),  fall  quite  beyond  our period.  (For  information  concerning  them  see Ducange's  Glossarium,  s.  v.  Fedum).  On  the subject  of  the  repeated  commemorations  of  the more  important  festivals,  see  Octave,  and  for the  preliminary  preparation  for  festivals,  see Vigil. Among  the  literature  on  the  subject  of  Chris- tian festivals  may  be  mentioned  the  following  :— Hospinianus,  Festa  Christianorum ;  Tiguri, 1593.  Dresser,  de  festis  diebus  Christianornm, Judaeorum  et  Ethnicorum  liber,  qiw  origo,  causa ritus  et  usus  eorum  exponitur.  Lipsiae,  1594-. Gi-&t&QY,de  festis  Christianorum,  Ingolstadt,  1612. Gueti,  Heortologia.  Parisiis,  1657.  Larabertini, Commentavii  dm  de  Jesti  Christi  matrisque  ejus Festis  et  de  Missae  Sacrificio.  Patavii,  1752. Augusti,  die  Feste  der  alten  Christen.  Leipzig, 1817.  Ullmann,  Vergleiehende  Zusammsnstetlang des  Chribtlichen  Fedcyclus  mit  Vorchristlichen Festen,  als  Anhang  zu  Greuzcr's  Symbolik.  Leipzig, 1821.  Nickel,  Die  heiligen  Zeiten  und  Feste tiach  ihrer  Geschichte  und  Feier  in  der  Katholi- schen  Kirche.  Mainz,  1825-38.  P)interim, Denkwiirdigkeiten  der  Christ- Katholischen  Kirche (vol.  V.  part  1,  pp.  119  sqq.)  Mainz,  1825-38. Staudenmaier,  Der  Geist  des  Christenthums, dargestellt  in  den  heiligen  Zeiten,  heiligen  Hand- limqen  und  der  heiligen  Kunst.     Mainz,  1838. [R.  S.] FESTUM.    [Festival.] FESTUS.    (1)  [Januarius  (10).] (3)  Saint    in  Tuscany;    commemorated    with Joannes,  Dec nis,  Usuardi). (^3Iart.  Rum.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Ado- [W.  F.  G.] FIDEI  ADVOCATUS.  [Advocatus;  De- fensor.] FIDEJUSSOEES.    [Sponsor.] FIDELES.     [Faithful.] FIDELIUM  MISSA.    [Missa.] FIDELIUM  OEATIO.  [Lord's  Prayer.] FIDES.    (1)  [Sophia.] (2)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Agen ;  commemorated Oct.  6  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.] FILIOLA  (Spanish,  Hijuela),  a  name  giveu m  the  Mozarabic  liturgy  to  the  Veil  of  the chalice.  One  of  the  rubrics  relating  to  the oblation  of  the  elements  is  :  "  [The  Priest]  places the  chalice  on  the  altar,  and  takes  the  Filiola, and  without  blessing  it  puts  it  on  the  chalice." (Mabillon,  De  Litimj.  Gall.  p.  42  ;  Neale,  Eastern Church,  introd.  439).  [C] FIR-TEEE  (OR  PINE)  (>71 FILLET,  THE  BAPTISMAL.  [Baptism, p.  163;  Chrismal.] FINCHALE,  COUNCIL  OF  (Jimhallcnse Concilium),  held  a.d.  798  or  9,  at  Finchale,  near Durham,  and  presided  over  by  Eanbald,  arch- bishop of  York,  in  which,  after  the  faith  of  the first  five  general  councils  had  been  rehearsed from  a  book,  a  declaration  of  adhesion  to  them was  reiterated  in  the  words  of  archbishop  Theo- dore, and  the  council  of  Hatfield,  a.d.  680  (see  c. of  H.),  and  other  regulations  for  the  good  of  the church  in  Northumbria  and  elsewhere,  and  for the  keeping  of  Easter,  wei-e  passed  (Haddan  and Stubbs,  Councils  iii.  527).  [E.  S.  Ff.] FINES  (mulcta,  emenda,  iinTifiia).  Mulcta signified  a  fine  paid  by  way  of  penalty  to  the judge  :  emenda,  satisfaction  made  to  the  injured party.  On  the  variations  from  this  usage,  see Du  Cange,  s.  v.  Emenda.  Fines  are  found  in the  records  of  the  early  English  church  among the  penalties  inflicted  for  ecclesiastical  offences. The  laws  of  Ethelbert  of  Kent,  a.d.  597-604 (c.  i.)  require  the  following  compensation  to  be made  for  injuries  ;  "  to  the  property  of  God  and the  church  twelve  fold,  a  bishop's  property eleven  fold,  a  priest's  property  nine  fold,  a deacon's  six  fold,  a  clerk's  property  three  fold." The  laws  of  Ine,  king  of  Wessex,  a.d.  690  (c.  2), order  a  man  to  have  his  child  baptized  within thirty  days,  "if  it  be  not  so,  let  him  make 'bot'  with  thirty  shillings,  but  if  it  die  with- out baptism,  let  him  make  'bot' for  it  with  all that  he  has ;"  (c.  3)  a  lord  to  pay  thirty  shillings who  compels  his  '  theouman'  to  work  on  Sunday,  a freeman  working  without  his  lord's  command  to pay  sixty  shillings ;  and  (c.  13)  any  one  committing perjury  before  a  bishop  to  pay  one  hundred  and twenty  shillings.  In  the  laws  of  Wihtred  of Kent,  A.d.  696,  it  is  decreed  (c.  9)  that  if  an '  esne '  do  work  contrary  to  his  lord's  command from  sunset  on  Saturday  to  sunset  on  Sunday,  he must  make  a  '  bot '  of  eighty  shillings.  The Penitential  of  Egbert  (vii.  4)  directs  an  offender for  certain  crimes  either  to  do  penance  or  pay  a fine  to  the  church,  or  divide  money  among  the poor;  and  elsewhere  (xiii.  11)  allows  a  fine  to take  the  place  of  foisting ;  but  this  latter  instance is  rather  of  the  nature  of  a  Redemption  than  a direct  penance.  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils and  Feci.  Documents,  vol.  iii.  pp.  42,  214,  233.) [G.  M.] FINTANUS,  presbyter,  and  confessor  in  Ire- land ;  commemorated  Feb.  17  {Mart.  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.] FIR-TEEE  OR  PINE.  See  Aringhi,  vol. ii.  p.  632-3.  "  Praeter  cupressum,  et  pinns quoque  et  myrtus  pro  mortis  symbolo,  etc. Et  pinus  quidem,  quia  semel  excisa  nunquam reviviscit  et  repullulascit."  These  are  rather general  or  human  reasons  for  choice  of  the  pine as  an  emblem  of  death,  than  as  conveying  any specially  Christian  thought.  See  Herodotus  vi. 37,  on  the  threat  of  Croesus  to  the  people  of  Lamp- sacus.  But  the  fir,  or  some  tree  much  resembling it,  accompanies  the  figure  of  the  Good  Shepherd, Aringhi,  ii.  293,  from  the  cemetery  of  St.  Pris- cilla.  Also  at  pp.  75  and  25;  and  it  is  certainly intended  to  be  represented  among  the  trees which  surround  the  same  form  in  vol.  i.  577.  The latter    jiainting    is    from  the   Callixtine,   and    is 672 FIRE,  KINDLING  OF certainly  an  adaptation  from  the  common  fresco- subjects  of  Orpiieus.  The  shepherd  bears  the syrinx  or  reeds,  but  sits  in  a  half-reclining  posi- tion, as  Orpheus  with  the  lyre ;  and  various  trees are  surrounding  him.  This  association  of  the  fir or  pine  with  the  Good  Shepherd,  and  of  both with  Orpheus,  would  account  for  the  introduc- tion of  different  species  of  "  trees  of  the  wood," the  fir  being  also  characteristic  of  the  mountains or  wilderness  in  which  the  lost  sheep  is  found. Herzog  thinks  it  was  placed  on  Christian  graves (as  well  as  others),  as  an  evergreen  tree,  and therefore  a  symbol  of  immortality;  which  is  by no  means  unlikely.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] FIRE,  KINDLING  OF.  In  the  first  Ordo Roinanus  (c.  32,  p.  21 ;  cf  p.  31),  among  the ceremonies  of  Maundy  Thursday,  the  following 13  mentioned.  At  the  ninth  hour  fire  is  pro- duced by  a  flint  and  steel  sufficient  to  light  a candle,  which  ought  to  be  placed  on  a  reed ;  a lamp  lighted  from  this  is  kept  unextinguished in  the  church  until  Easter  eve,  to  light  the Paschal  taper,  which  is  to  be  blessed  on  that  day. The  directions  of  pope  Zacharias  (Epist.  12,  ad Bonif.)  are  different.  He  says,  that  the  tradi- tion of  the  Romish  church  was,  that  on  Maundy Thursday,  three  lamps  of  more  than  usual capacity  were  set  alight  in  some  hidden  spot  in the  church,  with  oil  sufficient  to  last  till  Easter eve,  and  that  from  these  on  the  latter  day  the Iiaptismal  tapers  were  to  be  lighted.  "  But,"  he continues,  "  as  to  the  crystals  which  you  mention we  have  no  tradition."  The  latter  words  seem to  prove  incontestably  that  the  custom  men- tioned in  the  Ordo  Rom.  I.,  of  striking  fire  from flint  or  "crystal,"  was  not  introduced  at  Rome in  the  time  of  Zacharias  (t752),  when  it  was already  practised  in  some  churches — probably  in Gaul  or  Germany — known  to  Bonitace.  Pope Leo  IV.,  however  (1855),  recognises  it  as  an established  custom  to  produce  fresh  fire  on  Easter eve,  saying  (ZTo/n.  l)e  Cura  Past.  c.  7),  "in sabbato  paschae  extincto  veteri  novus  ignis  bene- dicatur  et  per  populum  dividatur."  Amalarius {De  Ord.  Antiph.  c.  44)  says  that  he  learned from  Theodorus,  archdeacon  of  Rome,  that  no lamps  or  tapers  were  used  in  the  Roman  church on  Good  Friday,  but  that  on  that  day  new  fire  is kmdled,  the  flame  from  which  is  preserved  until the  nocturnal  office.  Compare  Martene,  Hit. Ant.  IV.  xxiii.  6. For  the  kindling  of  tapers  on  Candlemas  Day, see  Mary  the  Virgin,  Festivals  of.       [C] FIRE,  ORDEAL  OF.    [Ordeal.] FIRMAMENT.  The  male  figure  observed beneath  the  feet  of  our  Lord,  in  representations FIRST  FRUITS of  the  dispute  with  the  doctors  (see  Bottari, tav.  XV.,  Sarcophagus  of  Junius  Bassus,  and  wood- cut No.  1)  is  said  to  be  intended  for  Uranus,  or the  firmament  of  heaven.  It  is  always  holding  a veil  or  cloth  above  its  head,  which  appears  to symbolize  the  stretching  out  of  the  heavens  like  a curtain,  Ps.  civ.  2  ;  Is.  xl.  22 ;  and  more  parti- cularly Ps.  xviii.  9,  of  "the  darkness  under God's  feet." In  another  instance,  from  a  tomb  in  the  Vati- can  (Bottari,    tav.    xxxiii.,    woodcut    No.  2),    a feminine  bust  is  snown  holding  a  floating  drapery over  its  head,  which  seems  inflated  by  the  wind. The  figure  above  seems  to  walk  firmly  over  it. On  the  significance  of  this,  see  Buonarruoti, Vetri,  p.  7;  Bottari,  i.  p.  41  ;  Visconti,  M.F.C. torn.  iv.  pi.  418.  Garrucci  (Hagiogli/pta,  p.  92, note  1)  does  not  assent  to  the  common  belief  that this  represents  the  firmament.  (Martignv,  Diet, des  Antiq.  Cliret.,  s.  v.  Cicl).  [R.  St.  J.  T.] PIRMATUS,  deacon ;  deposition  at  Auxerre, Oct.  5  {Mart.  Hieron.,  LTsuardi).         [W.  F.  G.] FIRMINUS.  (1)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Amiens  ; commemorated  Sept.  25  {Mart.  Usuardi). (2)  Bishop,  confessor  at  Uzetia ;  commemo- rated Oct.  11  {ib.).  [W.  F.  G.] FIRMUS.  [Felicianus  (1).] FIRST  FRUITS  (Primitiae,  of  animals  or men,  irpwrSTOKa ;  of  raw  produce,  TrpwToyevv^- fiara ;  of  prepared  produce,  airapxcd.  Aug. Quaest.  in  Num.  xviii.).     Compare  Fruits,  Of- FERIXG  OF. Tlie  custom  of  dedicating  first  fruits  to  God obtained  early  in  the  church  (Orig.  c.  Ceh.  viii. 33,  34).  Irenaeus  thinks  that  Christ  enjoined them  when  he  took  bi-ead  and  wine  at  the  last supper  {Haer.  iv.  32),  and  that  they  ought  to be  paid  (Oportet,  ib.  34).  Origen  says  their  pay- ment is  becoming  and  expedient,  and  refusal  is unworthy  and  impious,  yet  he  distinctly  states that  the  Levitical  law  of  first  fruits  is  not  bind- ng  in  the  letter  upon  the  Christian  church. (Num.  xviii.     Horn.  xi.).     But  as  the  idea  grew hat  the  clergy  had  succeeded  to  the  position and  to  the  rights  of  the  Levites,  first  fruits  were considered  obligatory,  to  withhold  them  was  to defraud  God ;  they  are  more  incumbent  upon Christians  than  Jews,  for  Christ  bids  his  followers to   sell    all    they    have,  and    also  to  exceed  the FISH righteousness  of  the  Scribes  and  Pharisees ;  the priest  whom  they  support  will  bring  a  blessing on  the  house  by  his  prayers,  the  offerer  by  his spirit  of  thankfulness.  (Jerome  in  Ezek.  xliv.  ;  in Mai.  iii. ;  Greg.  Naz.  Epist.  80,  Orat.  15.  Apost. Const,  ii.  25.)  Yet,  though  the  payment  was  so vigoi'ously  pressed,  we  find  in  Cassiau  (CoUat. xxi.  1  seq.)  that  abbot  John  regards  first  fruits  as voluntary  gifts,  while  Theonas  says  he  has  not even  heard  the  reason  for  paying  them  before. The  council  of  Friuli  (A.D.  791,  can.  14),  quotes Malachi  iii.  as  conclusive  proof  of  the  obligation of  first  fruits. Most  stress  is  laid  upon  paying  first  fruits  of the  corn-floor  and  the  wine-press,  but  the  Aposto- lic Constitutions  mention  others  and  regulate their  distribution.  First  fruits  of  the  corn-floor and  wine-press,  of  sheep  and  oxen,  of  bread  and honey,  of  wine  in  cask,  are  to  be  paid  for  the support  of  the  priests,  but  of  clothing,  money, and  other  possessions  for  the  orphan  and  widow (^Const.  vii.  30).  The  bishop  alone  has  the  right to  receive  and  apportion  first  fruits  (ii.  25). At  first  they  were  broiTght  with  the  other oblations  at  the  celebration  of  the  eucharist. This  was  found  inconvenient,  and  it  was  ordered FISH 673 tural  or  anagrammatic  meaning  is  perhaps  the most  popular  at  the  present  day.  In  Matt.  xiii. 47-49  ;  Luke  v.  4-10  ;  it  is  used  in  the  parable of  the  net  for  the  members  of  the  church  ;  and our  Lord  there  assigns  it  its  significance ;  His parabolic  use  of  it  is  frequently  imitated  in  early Christian  art,  where  the  fishes  in  the  church's net,  or  caught  by  the  hook  of  the  fisher,  corres- pond exactly  to  the  lambs  of  the  fold,  or  to  the doves,  which  also  represent  the  foithful  on  many Christian  tombs  and  vaultings  (see  s.  vv.)  But the  anagrammatic  use  of  the  word  IX0TC  ap- pears to  have  been  very  early.  It  was  derived, as  all  know,  from  the  initials  of  the  word ; 'ItjctoSs  Xpicnhs  @iov  Xihs  'SiOT7)p.  This  appears to  be  in  the  mind  of  St.  Clement  of  Alexandria (Paedaij.  iii.  c.  11,  p.  106),  and  to  have  been  so well  understood  in  his  time  as  to  have  required  no explanation,  since  he  recommends  the  use  of  the symbol  on  seals  and  rings,  without  giving  an explanation  of  its  import.  The  other  devices  he commends  are  the  dove,  ship,  lyre,  and  anchor. At  so  early  a  period  as  the  middle  of  the  2nd !  century,  and  under  the  continual  dangers  of j  persecution,  the  use  of  such  a  symbol  ior  the 1  person  of  the   Lord    was  perfectiv  natural,  as  it (Canon.  Ap.  4)  that  they  should  not  be  brought to  the  altar,  but  to  the  bishop  and  presbyters, who  would  distribute  to  the  deacons  and  other clerics.  The  church  of  Africa  (Cod.  Can.  Afr. 37),  made  an  exception  in  favour  of  honey  and milk,  which  were  needed  as  accompaniments  of the  sacrament  of  baptism. The  payment  of  first  fruits  was  accompanied by  a  special  formula  (Jerome  on  Ezek.  xlv.) ; lo,  I  have  brought  to  thee  first  fruits  of  the  pro- duce of  the  earth,  which  thou  hast  given  me,  O Lord.  The  priest  replied  with  the  blessing written  in  Deut.  xxviii.  3.  A  special  form  of thanksgiving  is  found  in  Apost.  Const,  viii.  40. The  amount  of  first  fruits  was  not  fixed  by  the Levitical  law,  but  left  to  the  liberality  of  the worshipper.  Tradition  handed  down  one-sixtieth as  the  minimum,  those  who  were  more  religious gave  one-fortieth,  the  rest  something  between. (Jerome  on  Ezek.  xlv.;  Cassian  Coll.  xxi.  3).  [J.  S.] FISH.  [See  Eucharist  in  Christian  Art, p.  625.] The  Fish  is  a  symbol  of  almost  universal  occur- rence in  the  painting  and  sculpture  of  the  primi- tive church.  Like  the  Dove  or  the  Lamb  it  is used  in  more  than  one  sense;  and  its  non-scrip- CHRIST.    ANT. I  would  attract  no  notice  from  the  outer  world ; and  in  the  same  manner,  with  even  more  obvious reasons,  the  form   of  the   cross   was   frequently I  disguised  up  to  the  time  of  Constantine.  [See Cross.]  But  see  also  Tertullian  (De  Baptismo, c.  1)  "  Nos  pisciculi  secundum  Ix&vv  nostrum in  aqui  nascimur."  Also  Jerome  ad  Bonosum, Ep.  43,  "  B.  tanquam  IxBvos  filius  aquosa  petit." [Baptism,  p.  171.]  But  the  mystic  senses  as- signed to  the  emblem  by  various  fathers  often seem  to  the  modern  mind  somewhat  gratuitous and  ill-founded.  They  strain  their  imaginations, apparently,  to  find  reasons  in  the  nature  of  things for  a  devoutly  ingenious  arrangement  of  initial letters  ;  and  seem  to  assume  that  there  must  be real  analogy  between  the  Divine  Lord  and  the fish,  because  the  initials  of  the  name  and  titles  of the  one  made  the  Greek  name  of  the  other.  The pleasure  derived  from  the  anagram,  or  the  facility it  may  have  given  for  concealing  Christian doctrine  from  the  heathen,  seem  occasionally  to have  overcome  the  thought  that  the  Lord  Him- self used  the  fish  as  an  emblem  of  His  people only,  not  of  Himself — of  the  sheep,  not  the Shepherd.  Aringhi  dwells  more  naturally  on  the Scriptural  meaning,  and  the  various  examples he  gives  (vol.  ii.  p.  684;  ii.  p.  620;  also  that 2  X 674 FISH from  the  inscription  made  in  Stilicho's  consulship A.D.  400,  vol.  i.  p.  19)  all  speak  of.  the  fish  in the  Scriptural  sense  as  a  type  of  the  disciple. The  lamp  in  Aringhi  (ii.  620  ;  see  woodcut)  has  the monogram  ou  the  handle,  and  the  two  fishes  on the  central  part.  He  also  refers  to  the  dolphin as  king  of  fishes,  speaking  of  its  reported  love for  its  offspring ;  with  reference  to  the  tomb  of Baleria  or  Valeria  Latobia,  now  in  the  Vatican. Martigny  states  that  because  Christ  is  man,  He therefore  is  a  fish  of  His  own  net,  and  gives prophetic  significance,  following  Aringhi,  to  the story  of  Tobias  and  the  fish  which  delivered Sara  from  the  power  of  the  evil  spirit.  This he  literally  accepts,  and  follows  the  various attempted  connexions  of  the  anagram  with  the fish  of  the  last  repast  at  the  sea  of  Galilee  ;  and sees  in  them  the  sacramental  representatives  of the  body  of  our  Lord,  quoting  St.  Augustine, {Tract  cxxiii.  in  Joann.  xvi.)  and  Bede's  observa- tion on  the  same  passage,  Piscis  assus,  Christus est  passus.  These  analogies  are  difficult  to  follow, especially  when  we  consider  the  Scriptural  use of  the  emblem  from  the  Lord's  own  mouth. The  fish  as  the  believer,  (Ambrose,  iv.  in  Luc. V.  "  pisces  qui  hanc  euavigant  vitam  ")  is  more frequently  represented  on  the  hook  of  the  gospel fisherman,  than  in  the  net  of  the  church.  [See Fisherman.}  Bread  and  fish  are  the  universal viands  of  the  representations  of  earlier  Agapae, as  frequently  in  the  Callixtine  catacomb.  The genuineness  of  some  at  least  of  these  paintings  is generally  allowed,  and  Dr.  Theodore  Mommsen mentions  in  particular  an  Agape  with  bread  and fish,  in  the  vault  named  after  Domitilla,  the grand-daughter  of  Vespasian,  on  the  Ardeatine way  and  near  the  ancient  church  of  SS.  Nereus and  Achilles.  In  this  painting  so  impartial  and accurate  an  observer  has  full  confidence,  as  coeval with  the  vault ;  though  he  thinks  the  case  in- complete for  the  vault  itself  being  so  early  as 95  B.C. ;  and  observes  that  the  painting  of  this subject,  as  of  those  of  Daniel,  Noah,  and  the Good  Shepherd,  is  less  excellent  than  that  of  the vine  in  the  vaultings  of  the  original  chamber  of Domitilla  without  the  catacomb,  which  is  quite like  a  work  of  the  Augustan  age. The  use  of  this  emblem  is  connected  by Martigny  with  the  "  disciplina  arcani "  of  the early  church.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that reverent  mystery  was  observed  as  to  the  eu- charist,  and  that  in  ages  of  persecution,  till  Con- stantino's time,  no  public  use  of  the  cross  was made,  as  a  sign  of  the  person  of  the  Lord.  Till then,  the  fish-anagram  was  perhaps  in  special and  prevailing  use,  and  it  may  have  yielded  its place  from  that  time  to  the  cross,  the  sign  of full  confession  of  Jesus  Christ.  For  the  secret discipline  after  the  time  of  Constantino  seems  to have  consisted  mainly  in  the  gradual  nature  of the  instructions  given  to  catechumens,  and  the fact  that  for  a  time  the  chief  doctrines  of  the faith  were  not  brought  before  them. [R.  St.  J.  T.] The  tesserae  given  to  tlie  newly-baptized  were frequently  in  the  form  of  the  symbolical  fish,  as pledges  or  tokens  of  the  rights  conferred  in  bap- tisnr(Allegranza,  Opusc.  Enid.  p.  107).  Of  this kind  is  jirobably  the  bronze  fish  given  by  Cos- tadoni  {Del  Pesce,  iv.  22\  inscribed  with  the word  CojCAIC.     See  woodcut. FISHERMAN Boldetti  {Os^ervazioni,  p.  516)  discovered  m the  catacombs  three  glass'  fishes,  with  a  number inscribed  upon  each  ;  thus,  x.  xx.  xxv.  The  pui-- pose  of  the  numbers  is  altogether  uncertain. The  custom  of  decorating  baptisteries  with fish  has  a  similar  origin.  In  the  ruins  of  an ancient  baptistery  near  the  church  of  St.  Prisca at  Rome,  two  beautiful  mosaics  representing  fish were  discovered,  which  are  now  in  the  Kircher museum  (Luiji,  Dissert,  i.  83).  See  Baptism, p.  171.  [C] FISHERIMAN.  Our  Lord  or  His  disciples are  frequently  represented  as  the  fishers  of  men in  ancient  art,  St.  Clement  of  Alexandria  uses the    simile   for   both.     Hijmn  to  the  Saviour,  v. 24  sqq. ;  Paedagoj.  iii.  106.  See  also  Aringhi,  ii. 620.  Martigny  gives  an  example  (see  cut  No.  1.) from  an  article  by  Costadoui,  Delpesce  (vol.  41, p.  247,  in  the  collection  of  Calogera,  Venice, 1738-1787),  representing  a  man  clothed  in  the skin  of  a  fish,  bearing  a  sporta  or  basket,'  which may,  as  Polidori  supposes,  represent  the  divine or  apostolic  fisher,  or  the  fish  of  the  church's net.  The  net  is  more  rarely  represented  than the  hook   and   line,  but  St.  Peter  is  represented casting  the  net,  in  an  ancient  ivory  in  Mamachi {Costumi  i.  prefaz.  p.  1).  The  net  of  St.  Peter, with  the  Lord  fishing  with  the  line,  is  a  device of  the  papal  signets.  In  the  Callixtine  cata- comb (De  Rossi,  IX0TC  tab.  ii.  n.  4)  the  fisher- man is  drawing  forth  a  huge  fish  from  the waters  which  flow  from  the  rock  in  Horeb  (see cut  No.  2).  See  also  Bottari,  tav.  xlii.,  and  a  cor- nelian given  by  Costadoni,  Pesce  tav.  xxx.,  on  a small  glass  cup  given  by  Garrucci  {Vetri,  vi.  10), a  figure  in  tunic  and  pallium  (supposed  to  re- present the  Lord)  holds  in  his  hand  a  large  fish FISHERMAN'S  RING as  if  just  drawu  from  the  sea  (cut  No.  3).  At St.  Zenone  in  Verona,  the  patron  saint  is  thus represented,  and  this  sub- ject, with  those  of  Abra- ham's sacrifice,  Noah's  ark, and  others,  on  the  bronze doors  and  marble  front  of that  most  important  church, are  specially  valuable  as connecting  the  earlier  Lom- bard carvings  with  the  most ancient  and  scriptural  sub- jects of  primitive  church- work.  This  symbol,  like  the  Vine,  is  adopted from  Pagan  decoration,  which  of  course  proves its  antiquity.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] FISHERMAN'S  RING.    [Rixg.] FISTULA  (called  also  calamus,  canna,  can- nula, siphon,  aruiido,  pipa,  pugillaris).  A  tube, usually  of  gold  or  silvei-,  by  suction  through which  it  was  formerly  customary  to  receive  the wine  in  communicating.  The  ancient  Ordo  Ro- manus  thus  explains  its  use:  "  Diaconus  tenens calicem  et  fislulam  stet  ante  episcopum,  usque- dum  ex  sanguine  Christi  quantum  voluerit  su- mat ;  et  sic  calicem  et  fistulam  subdiacono  com- mendet."  Among  other  instances,  five  silver- gilt  fistulae  ad  communicandum  are  enumerated among  the  sacramental  vessels  of  the  church  of Mayence  ;  and  at  a  later  date,  pope  Victor  III. left  to  the  monastery  of  Monte  Casino,  "  fistulam auream  cum  angulo,  et  fistulas  argenteas  duas." Pope  Adrian  I.  is  said  by  Auastasius  to  have oft'ereil  "  calicem  majorem  fundatum  cum  siphone pensautem  libras  xxx."  ;  and  the  ancient  Carthu- sian statutes  recite  that  the  Order  has  no  oi-na- ments  of  gold  or  silver  in  its  churches,  "  praeter calicem,  et  calamum,  quo  Sanguis  Domini sumitur." The  adoption  of  the  fistula  doubtless  arose from  caution,  lest  any  drop  from  the  chalice should  be  spilt,  or  any  other  irreverence  occur in  communicating.  This  seems  intimated  by the  rule  of  the  Cistercian  Order  (Z«6.  Us.  Ord. Cist.  cap.  53),  which  says  that  the  fistula  is  not necessary  in  Missa  solennis,  when  the  ministers alone  communicate ;  but  that  when  more  com- municate it  should  be  used.  Gregory  of  Tours {Hist.  Franc,  iii.  31)  states  that  it  was  the  cus- tom of  the  Arians  to  communicate  by  drinking from  the  chalice,  as  if  the  use  of  the  fistula  was for  that  reason  preferred  by  the  orthodox. The  fistula  has  fallen  into  disuse  since  the practice  of  communicating  in  one  kind  has  pre- vailed. It  is,  however,  still  retained  in  solemn papal  celebrations  for  the  communion  of  the pope.  The  senior  cardinal  bishop  purifies  the tube  (calamum  aureum  Papae)  with  wine,  and, after  kissing  it,  places  it  in  the  chalice,  which he  delivers  into  the  right  hand  of  the  pope,  who communicates  by  suction.  Cardinal  Bona  states that  the  fistula  was  used  in  his  time  in  the  Bene- dictine monastery  of  the  congregation  of  St. Maur,  in  France,  where  also  the  assistants  com- municated in  both  kinds. The  fistula  does  not  appear  to  have  been adopted  in  the  Eastern  church,  which  made  use of  a  spoon  for  communicating.  [See  Voigt, Historia  fistulae  Eucharisticae  ;  Krazer,  Lit.  pp. 20.1-5 ;  Bona,  Rer.  Lit. ;  Martene,  De  ant.  rit. Lib.  iv. ;  Catalan!,  Caerem.  &c.]  [H.  J.  H.] FLABELLUM 675 FLABELLUM  (pnriStoi',  pnris).  Among the  evidences  of  the  Eastern  origin  of  the  Chris- tian religion  is  the  use  of  fans,  fiabella,  during the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist.  Having  its birthplace  and  earliest  home  in  a  climate  teem- ing with  insect  life,  where  food  exposed  uncovered is  instantly  blackened  and  polluted  by  swarms of  files,  it  was  natural  that  the  bread  and  wine of  its  sacramental  feast  should  be  guarded  fi-om defilement  by  the  customary  precautions.  The flabelluin,  or  muscariit,in,  having  been  once  intro- duced among  the  fui-niture  of  the  altar  for necessary  uses,  in  process  of  time  became  one of  its  regular  ornaments,  and  was  thus  trans- ferred to  the  more  temperate  climates  of  the West,  where  its  original  purpose  was  almost forgotten. The  earliest  notice  of  the  flabellurn  as  a  litur- gical ornament  is  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions (viii.  12),  which  direct  that  after  the  oblation, before  and  during  the  prayer  of  consecration, two  deacons  are  to  stand,  one  on  either  side  of the  altar,  holding  a  fan  made  of  thin  membrane (parchment),  or  of  peacock  feathers,  or  of  fine linen,  and  quietly  drive  away  the  flies  and toher  small  insects,  that  they  may  not  strike against  the  vessels.  In  the  liturgies  also  of  St. Chrysostom  and  St.  Basil,  the  deacons  are directed  to  tan  the  holy  oblations  during  the prayer  of  consecration.  This  fanning,  according to  Germanus  {Contemp.  rer.  Eccl.  p.  157),  who, though  a  late  authority  (a.D.  1222),  may  be taken  as  an  evidence  of  earlier  usage,  ceased with  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and  was  not  resumed. Early  writei's  furnish  many  notices  of  the  use  of the  flabellurn  as  an  essential  part  of  the  liturgical ceremonial.  Cyril  of  Scythopolis,  in  his  Life  of St.  Euthymius,  §  78  (c.  A.D.  550),  describes Domitian  standing  at  the  right  side  of  the  holy table,  while  St.  Euthymius  was  celebrating,  with the  mystical  fan  (ji^ra  ttjs  fxucrriKris  ^tTriSos) just  before  the  Trisagion.  Moschus  also  {Prat. Spirit.  §  196)  when  narrating  how  some  shepherd boys  near  Apamea  were  imitating  the  celebration of  the  Eucharist  in  childish  sport,"  is  careful  to mention  that  two  of  the  children  stood  on  either side  of  the  celebrant,  vibrating  their  handker- chiefs like  fans  (to7s  <paKwKiois  [fasciolis]  e'ppi- TTi^of).  The  life  of  Nicetas  (ap.  Surium,  April 3)  describes  St.  Athanasius  assisting  at  the divine  mysteries,  "  ministerii  flabellurn  tenens erat  enim  diaconus."  Among  the  ornaments  of the  church  of  Alexandria  specified  in  the  in- ventory given.  Chronic.  Alexand.  A.D.  624  (ap. Menard,  ad  Sacr.  Gregor.  p.  319)  are  rijjLia piiriSia. As  the  deacons  were  the  officers  appointed  to wave  the  fan  over  the  sacred  oblations,  the  de- livery of  the  flabellurn,  or  ^nriStov,  constitutes  a part  of  many  of  the  Oriental  forms  for  the  ordi- nation to  the  diaconate.  Thus  Eucholog.  p.  253, after  the  aipdpiov  or  stole  has  been  given  and  placed on  the  left  shoulder,  the  holy  fan  {aywv  piiri- Siov),  is  put  into  the  deacon's  hands,  and  he  is placed  "at  the  side  of  the  holy  table  to  fan;  " and  again,  p.  251,  the  deacon  is  directed  to  take the  (itiridiov,  and"  stand  at  the  right  side  of  the table,  and  wave  it  over  the  holy  things  {piiri^ei »  We  may  compare  with  this  the  well  known  story  of St.  Athanasius  acting  the  Ijoy -bishop  and  baptising  hie conipaniun'j  on  the  shore  at  Alexandria. (iTO FLABELLUM indvca  twv  ayloiv)  (cf.  Martene,  de  Ritih.  Eccl. ii.  525).  Martene  gives  similar  examples  from the  ordination  of  the  Maronite  deacons  (de  Bit. ii.  545),  chorepisoopi  ("  dia- coni  tenentes  flabella,"  ib. p.  554),  and  patriarchs (ih.  559) ;  as  well  as  of  the Jacobite  deacons  (ib.  579, 580).  Renaudot  (ii.  80) asserts  that  though  men- tioned in  the  ordination  ser- vices, the  ptTTiSiof  does  not appear  in  the  Syrian  litur- gies. A  flabellum,  formed of  a  silver  disk,  was  used in  the  Armenian  church,  as it  still  is.  Neale  (Eastern Ch.  p.  396)  remarks  that the  use  of  the  flabellum was  much  more  frequent among  the  Armenians  than in  the  Greek  church. The  flabellum  in  ordinary- use  in  the  Greek  church represented  a  cherub  or seraph,  with  six  wings,  in These  wings  were  by  pre- ference made  of  peacocks'  feathers,  originally on  account  of  their  beauty,  subsequently  with allusion  to  Is.  vi.  2. No.  2.    Armenian  Doaron,  with  Flabellum.    From  Martigny. mystical  reference  to  the  living  creatures  of the  Apocalypse  (Rev.  iv.  6,  8).  Goar  (Enchol. p.   137)  gives  the    annexed   .^gure    of    a  Greek FLABELLUM by  the  six  wings  surrounding  the  tace  (Bona, Rer.  Liturg.  lib.  i.  c.  25,  §  6).  The  fl,abella  of  the Armenians  and  Maronites  were  formed  of  discs of  silver  or  brass,  surrounded  with  little  bells. The  figure  (No.  2)  given  by  Martigny  from  Le Brun  (vol.  v.   p.    58)  represents  an    Armenian flabellum  (No.  1),  consisting  of  an  angelic  head affixed  to  the  end  of  a  handle,  the  fan  formed th  Flabellum.    From  BoldetU. deacon  with  his /afte/fem.  We  give  also  similar examples  from  the  Book  of  Kells  (No.  3)  and  the Gospels   of  Treves  (No.  4),  derived  from  West- No.  6.    Deacon  with  Flabellum.    From  MS. Barberini  Library. wood's  Anglo-Saxon  and  Irish  MSS.  pi.  53,  No.  7, and  pi.  20  (see  also  p.  153). FLABELLUM Although  there  is  no  mention  of  the  flahellum in  the  Ordo  Ronianus,  or  Latin  ritual  books, there  is  no  doubt  that  it  was  used  by  the  West- ern church  at  an  early  time.  This  is  evidenced by  a  story  given  by  Moschus  {^Prat.  Spiritual. §  150)  of  a  deacon  who  had  falsely  accused  his FLABELLUM G77 bishop,  being  removed  from  the  altar  when  he was  holding  the  fun  in  the  presence  of  pope Agapetus,  a.d.  535,  because  'he  hindered  the  de- scent of  the  Holy  Spirit  on  the  gifts.  An  earlier example  is  furnished  by  a  gilded  glass  found  in the  catacombs,  representing  a  deacon  fanning the  infant  Saviour,  seated  on  the  knees  of  His Virgin  Mother  (Boldetti,  Osservazioni,  p.  202), ment  attached  to  a  handle.  Bona,  u.  s.,  cites also  the  ancient  Cluniac  Consuetudinal,  and  that of  St.  Benignus  of  Dijon,  together  with  a  Ponti- hcal  Ceremonial  of  the  time  of  Nicholas  V.  c. 1447.  The  ilabellum  often  appears  in  inven- tories of  church  furniture.  In  that  taken  at St.  Riquier,  near  Abbeville,  in  831,  mention  is made  of  a  "flabeljum  argeuteum  ad  muscas  a sacnficiis  abigendas."  Other  later  exami>les, mcluding  some  from  our  own  country,  will  be found  in  Mr.  Albert  Way's  paper  on  the  Flabellum {Archaeol.  Joum.  v.  203),  sufficiently  establish- mg  Its  use  in  the  churches  of  the  West,  where it  could  be  scarcely  regarded  as  requisite  as  i-e- garded  its  original  intention.  We  may  cite  also a  letter  of  St.  Hildebert  of  Tours,  c.  1098  (Ejj. 2,  71),  accompanying  the  present  of  a  flabel- lum made  to  a  friend,  in  which  the  writer  ex- pounds its  mystical  signification  ;  the  flies  repre- senting the  temptations  of  the  devil  to  be  driven away  by  the  Catholic  faith. The  flabeUum  appears  to  have  gradually fallen  into  disuse  in  the  Western  church,  and to  have  almost  entirely  ceased  by  the  14th century.  At  the  present  day,  the  only  relic  of the  usage  is  in  the  magnificent  fans  of  peacocks' feathers,  carried  by  the  attendants  of  the  pope in  solemn  processions  on  certain  great  festivals. Though  the  original  intention  of  the  flabeUuin was  one  of  simple  utilit}-,  various  mystical  mean- ings collected  round  it.  Reference  has  been  already made  to  the  idea  that  these  feather  fans  typified the  cherubim  and  seraphim  surrounding  the heavenly  throne,  ai  ^iiriSes  els  rvnou  fieri  rwv Xfpov^ifj.  (German,  it.  s.  p.  1G3),  to.  ptiriSia  Kal oi  SiaKovot  ificpaivovai  to,  f^airrepvya  '2,fpa<p]fi Kai  tV  "ri!/  -rroKvojxf/iaricv  XtpovlBlp.  f/xcpepeiav (lb.  p.  169).  Germanus  also  holds,  according  to Neale  (Eastern  Ch.  p.  .396),  that  the  vibration 'f-<T?r^r7x Ko.  8.    The  Jlonza  Flalwllam.    From  '  Archaeological  Journal." of  which  we  give  a  woodcut  (No.  5).  The  an- nexed engraving  (No.  6),  showing  a  deacon  vi- brating his  fan  during  the  celebration  of  the eucharist,  is  from  a  miniature  in  the  Barberini Library  (Martigny,  de  V  usage  du  flabellum).  In the  next  illustration  (No.  7)  from  an  illumina- tion in  a  MS.  in  the  Public  Library  at  Rouen,  a bishop  is  seen  bowing  his  head  in  the  act  of  ele- vating the  wafer,  over  which  the  attendant  dea- con waves  a  flahellum,  apparently  made  of  parch- of  the  flabella  typifies  the  tremor  aud  astonish- ment of  the  angels  at  our  Lord's  Pa.ssion.  We find  the  same  iciea  in  a  passage  from  the  monk Job,  given  by  Photius  (cod.  ccxxii.  lib.  v.  c.  25), who  also  states  that  another  purpose  of  the  vi- bration of  the  flal)cUa  was  the  raising  of  the  mind from  the  material  elements  of  the  eucharist,  and fixing  them  on  the  spirituaf  realities. Two  flabella  are  still  preserved,  that  of  Thcn- delinda  of  the  latter  part  of  the  fifth  century,  in 678 FLABELLUM the  treasury  of  the  Cathedral  of  Monza,  and that  of  the  Abbey  of  Tournus,  now  in  tlie  Mu- seum of  the  Hotel  de  Cluny,  assigned  by  Du  Som- merard  to  the  ninth.  The  former  (No.  8)  is  con- structed like  a  modern  lady's  fan,  only  circular, formed  of  purple  vellum,  illuminated  with  gold and  silver,  with  an  inscription  round  the  upper edge  on  either  side,  describing  its  purpose, which  was  evidently  domestic  and  not  liturgical. The  fon  is  contained  in  a  wooden  case,  witli  silver ornaments,  probably  a  reconstruction  on  the  ori- ginal plan  (W.  Burges,  Archaeol.  Journ.  xiv.  pp. 17-19).    The  Tournus  fan  was  liturgical  (No.  9). It  is  described  by  Du  Sommerard,  Arts  du  Moyen Age  (ii.  195,  iii.  251,  v.  231),  and  figured  in  his Atlas  (ch.  xiv.  pi.  4),  and  Album  (ix.  se'rie,  p.  17). It  is  circular  when  fully  expanded,  and  is  orna- mented with  the  figures  of  fourteen  saints,  in  two concentric  zones  on  either  side.  On  one  side are  represented  four  female  saints,  the  Blessed Virgin  with  Our  Lord  in  her  arms,  St.  Lucy, St.  Agnes,  and  St.  Cecilia,  in  one  zone,  and  St. Peter,  St.  Paul,  and  St.  Andrew,  in  the  second  ; on  the  other  side,  the  two  zones  contain  male figures  alone,  St.  ILfurice,  St.  Denys,  St.  Phili- bert,  St  Hilary,  and  St.  Martin,  with  a  "  .Judex," and  a  "  Levita."     Latin  hexameters  and  penta- FLAGELLATION meters  are  inscribed  on  three  concentric  bands  on the  tan,  describing  its  use  and  us  oblation  in honour  of  God  and  St.  Philibert.  The  relics  of this  saint,  who  died  in  684,  were  translated  to the  Abbey  of  Tournus,  where  he  was  held  in especial  honour.  The  verses  are  very  curious. We  give  one  of  the  three  series.  It  will  be observed  that  some  words  have  been  misplaced by  the  painter  to  the  confusion  of  the  metre  : — "Sunt  duo  quae  modicum  confert  estate  flabellum Infestas  atigit  muscas  et  mitigat  estum, Et  sine  dat  tedio  gustare  manus  ciborum.  (sic) Propterea  calidum  qui  vult  transire  per  annum, Et  tutas  cupit  ab  atris  existere  muscis    (sic) Omni  se  studeat  estate  muniri  flabello    (sic) Hoc  quoque  flabellum  tranquillas  excitat  auras Estus  cum  favet  (fervet  >)  ventum  facit  atque  serenmri Fugat  et  obscenas  importtmasque  volucres." The  handle  is  of  ivory,  measuring  about  2  tee'- in  length ;  round  the  pommel  is  inscribed  the maker's  name,  "  -\-  Johel  me  scae  fecit  in  honore JIariae."  When  shut  up  it  goes  into  a  case  orna- mented with  ivories,  representing  subjects  from \'irgil's  Eclogues. The  making  of  fans  of  palm  leaves,  both  for ecclesiastical  and  domestic  purposes,  employed the  leisure  of  the  Syrian  solitaries.  St.  Ful- gentius,  bishop  of  Ruspiurn,  while  still  an  ancho- rite, is  recorded  to  have  made  fans  for  the  use of  the  altar  {ap.  Surium,  ad  Jan.  1).  The  fans sent  by  Marcella  to  the  Roman  ladies,  for  which she  is  thanked  by  St.  Jerome  (lib.  i.  Epist.  41), were  for  ordinary  not  religious  use. (Martigny,  de  I'usage  du  flabellum  ;  Bingham, viii.  6,  §  21,  XV.  3,  §  6 ;  Bona,  Ber.  Liturg.  i. 25,  §  6  ;  Martene,  II.  cc. ;  Augusti,  Christl.  Ar- chdol.  iii.  536  sq.  ;  Archaeol.  Journ.  v.  200,  xiv. 17.)  [E.  v.] FLAGELLATION  (Flagellatio).  Flogging was  a  punishment  inflicted  on  certain  orders  of the  clergy,  on  monks,  nuns,  serfs,  and  slaves ; but  all  orders  of  the  clergy  were  forbidden (Apost.  Can.  28)  themselves  to  strike  an  offender either  for  correction  or  in  self-defence.  Augustine is  a  witness  (^Ep.  159  ad  Marcell.)  that  this  mode of  discipline  was  employed  not  only  by  school- masters and  parents,  but  by  bishops  in  their courts.  In  the  church  of  Mount  Nitria(Palladius, Higt.  Lausiac.  c.  6,  quoted  by  Bingham)  three whips  were  kept  hanging  up ;  one  for  chastising offending  monks,  another  for  robbers,  and  the third  for  strangers  who  misconducted  themselves. The  council  of  Agde,  A.D.  506  (c.  38),  orders monks  who  will  not  listen  to  admonition  to  be corrected  with  stripes,  and  (c.  41)  the  secular clergy  who  are  guilty  of  drunkenness  to  be flogged.  The  1st  council  of  Macon  (c.  8)  sen- tences any  of  the  junior  clergy  who  summon an  ecclesiastic  before  a  lay  tribunal  to  receive "forty  stripes,  save  one"  {Cone.  Venet.  c.  6; Cone.  Epaonens.  c.  15).  The  rule  of  Isidore  of Seville  (c.  17)  directs  that  minors  snail  not be  excommunicated  but  be  beaten.  The  higher orders  of  the  clergy  are  exempted  from  the degradation  of  personal  chastisement  by  the  4th council  of  Braga,  A.D.  675  (c.  6).  The  laws  of Ine  king  of  Wessex,  A.  d.  690  (Haddan  and Stubbs,  Councils  and  Eccl.  Documents,  vol.  iii. p.  214)  grant  a  pardon  from  his  scourging  to  any one  who  takes  refuge  in  a  church.  [G.  M.] FLAMEN FLAMEN.  Bishops  are  supposed  by  Dii- cange  (s.  v.)  to  be  called  by  the  old  ethnic  title oi  flamen  in  the  second,  third,  and  fourth  canons of  the  council  of  Elvira.  But  the  "  flamines  " there  mentioned  are  almost  certainly  priests  of heathen  deities,  who  are  warned  against  relap- sing into  their  former  practices  after  conversion (Bingham,  Aniiq.  XVI.  iv.  8).  [C] FLAMINA.  A  name  occasionally  used  for the  banners  borne  in  a  procession.  Thus  Wolf- hard,  in  the  life  of  St.  Walpurgis  (iii.  11,  in  Acta SS.  Feb.  25)  speaks  of  crosses  and  "  signifera flamina,"  being  borne  in  a  procession  (Ducange, s.  v.).  [C] FLATTEKY.    [CArxATORES.] FLAVIANA,  virgin ;  deposition  at  Auxerre, Oct.  5  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi).   _      [W.  F.  G.] FLAVIANUS,  martyr;  "Passio"  Jan.  30 {Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] FLAVIUS,  martyr  at  Nicomedia  with  Augus- tus and  Augustinus  ;  "  Passio  "  May  7  {Mart. Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] FLENTES.     [Penitence.] FLORA,  with  Maria,  virgins ;  martyrs  at Cordova;  commemorated  Kov.  24  {Mart.  Usu- ardi). [W.  F.  G.] FLOEENTIA,    martyr  at    Agde   with  Mo- destus  and  Tiberius,  in  the  time  of  Diocletian ; commemorated  Nov.  10  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.] FLOKENTINUS.  [Hilary  (6).] FLORENTIUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Carthage witii  Catuliuus,  the  deacon,  Januarius,  Julia,  and Justa  ;  commemorated  July  15  {Mart.  Adonis, Usuardi). (2)  Presbyter,  confessor  in  Poitou  ;  comme- morated Sept.  22  {Mart.  Usuardi). (3)  Martyr  with  Cassius  and  many  others ; commemorated  Oct.  10  (j6.). (4)  Bishop  of  Orange ;  commemorated  Oct. 17  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). (5)  Jlartyr  at  Trichateau  in  France ;  comme- morated Oct.  27  (t/,.).  [W.  F.  G.] FLOEIANUS,  martyr  in  Austria;  comme- morated May  4  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.] FLOEUS.  (1)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  with Laurus,  Aug.  18  {Cal.  Byzant.). (2)  [Demetrius  (3).]  [W.  F.  G.] FLOWEES.  1.  Use  of  natural  flowers.— 'V\i& early  Christians  rejected  the  ancient  heathen custom  of  strewing  the  graves  of  the  dead  with flowers  and  wreaths.  This  is  clear  from  the  testi- mony of  Minucius  Felix,  V!'ho{Octav.  12,  §  6  ;  cf. 38,  §3),  makes  the  heathen  Caecilius  reproach  the Christians  with  refusing  wreaths  even  to  sepul- chres. But  they  had  adopted  the  practice  in  the 4th  century  ;  thus  St.  Ambrose  {De  ohitaValenti- niani,  c.  5H)  says,  as  of  a  lawful  custom,  "I  will not  sprinkle  his  tomb  with  flowers,  but  with  the sweet  scent  of  Christ's  Spirit ;  let  others  sprinkle basketfuls  of  lilies ;  our  lily  is  Christ ;"  and Jerome  {Epist.  20,  ad  I'ainmacluuni)  says,  "  other husbands  strew  over  the  tombs  of  their  wives violets,    roses,    lilies,    and    purple    flowers,    and FLOWEES 679 soothe  their  grief  of  heart  by  these  kind  offices." So  also  Prudentius  has  an  allusion  to  it  {Cathe- merin.  hymn  x.,  circa  cxequias  Defuiictorum, 177-8). "  Nos  tecta  fovebimus  ossa Violis  tt  fronde  frequenti." And  the  same  writer  again  (Peristeph.  ix. 201,  ft'.)  exhorts  the  votaries  of  St.  Eulalia  on  her festival  (Dec.  10),  to  pluck  such  flowers  as  the genial  winter  yielded  — the  violet  and  the  crocus — to  heap  their  baskets,  while  he  (the  poet) would  bring  his  garlands  of  verse,  woven  in dactylic  strain ;  "  thus  should  we  venerate  the relics,  and  the  altar  set  above  the  relics." In  course  of  time  the  churches,  many  of  which in  their  origin  were  but  memorials  or  vast sepulchres  of  martyrs,  came  to  be  adorned with  garlands  of  leaves  and  flowers.  The basilica  of  Paulinus  at  Nola,  for  instance,  appears to  have  been  ornamented  in  this  manner. Jerome  {Epist.  ad  Heliodoruiri)  notes  it  as  especi- ally praiseworthy  iu  Nepotianus,  that  he  had decorated  both  basilicas  and  memorial  churches of  martyrs  (basilicas  ecclesiae  et  rnartyrum  con- ciliabula),  with  various  flowers  and  foliage  and vine  -  leaves,  mentioning  distinctly  the  two classes  of  churches,  those  which  were  built  over the  remains  of  martyrs,  and  those  which  were  not. St.  Augustine  mentions  {De  Civ.  Dei,  xxii.  8)  a blind  woman  bringing  flowers  to  the  tomb  of St.  Stephen,  when  the  relics  were  translated. Venantius  Fortunatus,  in  a  poem  addressed  to St.  Rhadegund  {Cannina,  viii.  9),  gives  a  some- what more  detailed  description  of  the  floral decoration  of  a  church  for  Easter.  In  spring- time (he  says)  when  the  Lord  overcame  heU, vegetation  springs  more  freshly.  Then  do  men decorate  the  door-posts  and  desks  with  flowers ; women  fill  their  laps  with  roses,  these  too  for  the temples.  The  altars  are  covered  with  wreaths  ; the  gold  of  the  crocus  is  blended  with  the  purple of  the  violet ;  white  is  relieved  with  scarlet.  So rich  are  the  flowers  that  they  surpass  gems  in colour,  frankincense  in  odour.  Gregory  of Tours  {De  Glor.  Mart.  c.  50)  tells  us  that  the basilica  of  Severinus  was  decorated  with  lilies  ; and  further  {u.  s.  c.  91),  that  at  Menda,  in Sjjain,  three  trees  were  planted  befoi-e  the  altar of  St.  Eulalia,  the  flowe]-s  of  which,  being  carried to  the  sick,  had  often  wrought  miracles.  He also  informs  us  {De  Gloria  Confess.  31)  tliat  St. Severus  used  to  gather  lilies  and  other  flowers  to decorate  the  walls  of  his  church. At  Whitsuntide  a  profusion  of  flowers  was (in  some  places)  showered  down  from  some elevated  spot  to  the  floor  of  the  church,  to  sym- bolize the  outpouring  of  the  gifts  of  the  Spirit (Martene,  De  Hit.  Ant.  IV.  xxviii.  17). 2.  Sculptured  or  painted  flouers.—  'The  word "  pai-adise  "  (meaning  garden)  having  been  used in  the  church  from  an  early  period  to  designate the  future  abode  of  the  blessed,  the  custom would  easily  and  naturally  arise  of  ornamenting with  flowers,  the  cemeteries  and  crypts  contam- ing  the  venerated  remains  of  martyrs,  and  even the  humble  graves  of  the  faithful.  Here  accord- ingly we  find  flowers  lavished  in  every  direction, and  in  every  device,  in  wreaths,  in  bunches,  in crowns,  in  vases,  in  baskets.  In  the  cemetery of  St.  Agnes  we  trace  a  beautiful  idea  from  the antique  in  the  decoration  of  the  entrance  to  the 680 FOLIATI first  chamber — little  winged  genu  carrying  on their  shoulders  small  baskets  filled  with  flowers, to  be  strewed  on  the  graves  of  the  saints  who repose  within  (Bottari,  Scultnre  e  Pitture,  tav. cxxxix.).  In  the  churches  of  Rome  and  Ravenna the  mosaics  of  the  apse  usually  represent  the delights  of  paradise  ;  there  we  find  figures  of our  Lord  with  the  Virgin  and  other  saints  upon a  groundwork  of  grass  and  flowers  (Ciampini, Vet.  monim.  I.  tab.  xlvi.  et  passim).  The bottoms  of  ancient  glass  cups  have  been  found embellished  with  the  same  subjects  treated  in tlie  same  manner  [Glass,  Christian]. A  flower  rising  out  of  a  crown  placed  between St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  in  the  place  where  the monogram  generally  appears  has  been  thought to  be  a  symbol  of  the  Lord.  An  example  may be  seen  on  a  gilt  vase  (Buonarruoti.  Frammenti di  Yetro,  xvi.  1). (Jlartene,  De  ML  Ant.  lib.  iii.  c.  10,  §  13  ; Binterim's  Denkwiirdigkeiten,  iv.  1,  130 ;  Mar- tigny,  Dictionnaire,  s.  v.  Flcurs).  [C] FOLIATI.    [Shoe.] FONT,  BAPTISMAL.  In  the  article  Bap- tistery, full  particulars  have  been  given  of  the building  or  chamber  set  apart  for  the  admini- stration of  the  sacrament  of  baptism.  It  remains now  to  speak  of  the  cistern  or  vessel  for  contain- ing the  water.  This  was  known  under  different names  ;  the  general  Greek  appellation  being  koK- vfj-^itdpa,  the  Latin,  piscina.  Other  names  were K6yx'']-t  ii'n-ov6fios,  lavacnim,  natatorium  (Du- cange,  Constantinopol.  Christ,  lib,  iii.  e.  81,  p.  73). The  material  in  the  Western  church  was,  as a  rule,  stone  ;  frequently  porphyiy,  or  other rich  marbles.  It  was  permitted  by  the  council of  Lerida,  a.d.  524,  that  if  the  presbyter  could not  procure  a  stone  font,  he  might  provide liimself  with  a  "  vas  conveniens  ad  baptizandi otficium "  of  any  material  (Labbe,  Concil.  iv. 1615),  which  was  to  be  reserved  for  that  sacra- ment alone  (Leo.  IV.  de  Cum  Pastoral.;  Labbe, Concil.  viii.  37).  In  the  Eastei-n  church  the •  font  was  usually  of  metal  or  wood,  and  seldom or  never  possessed  any  beauty.  (Neale,  Eastern Church,  i.  214.) The  usual  form  of  the  font  was  octagonal, with  a  mystical  reference  to  the  eighth  day,  as the  day  of  our  Lord's  resurrection,  and  of  re- generation by  the  Spirit  (cf.  Ambros.  Epist.  20, 44).  This  explanation  of  the  octagonal  form  is given  in  the  following  lines  attributed  to  St. Ambrose,  first  published  by  Gruter,  Thes.  Inscr. p.  1160,  descriptive  of  the  baptistery  of  the church  of  St.  Thecla,  in  which  Alypius  and  his companions  were  baptized  by  him",  Easter,  a.d. 387. "Octachorum  sanctos  templum  consurgit  in  usus, Octagonus  Kons  est  munere  dignus  eo.  • Il(iC  numero  decuit  sacri  Baptismatis  aulam Surgere  qua  populis  vera  salus  rediit. Luce  resurgentis  C'hristi  qui  claustra  resolvit Mortis  et  a  tumulis  suscipit  exanimes, Confessosque  reos  maculoso  crimine  solvens Fontis  puriflui  diluit  irriguo." The  piscina  is  sometimes  found  of  a  circular form,  and  is  occasionally,  though  very  rarely  (as ^---''--'a)  hexagonal  (cf.  Baptistery,  wood- FOXT,  BENEDICTION  OF shape  of  a  cross  in  Spain.  The  form  of  a sepulchre  is  stated  to  have  been  sometimes adopted,  in  allusion  to  the  Christian's  burial  with Christ  in  baptism  (Rom.  iv.  4). The  piscina  usually  formed  a  basin  in  the centre  of  the  baptistery,  rather  beneath  the  level of  the  pavement,  surrounded  with  a  low  wall. It  was  entered  by  an  ascent  and  descent  of  steps. According  to  Isidore  Hispal.  (Orig.  xv.  4  ;  de  Div. Off.  ii.  24)  the  normal  number  was  seven  ;  three in  descent  to  symbolize  the  triple  renunciation  of the  world,  the  flesh,  and  the  devil  ;  three  in ascent  to  symbolize  the  confession  of  the  Trinity, and  a  seventh,  "  septimus  .  .  .  qui  et  quartus" at   the    summit  of   the  enclosins  wall,  for  the at  Aqui cut,    J).    175). Mart^jr.   lib.    i. Gregory    of    Tours    (cfe   Glor. c.   23),   speaks   of  a   font   in   the officiating  minister  to  stand  on.  But  the  rule concerning  the  number  was  not  invariable.  At Nocera,  the  number  of  steps  is  five,  two  in ascent,  and  three  in  descent.  The  descent  into the  piscina  of  St.  John  Lateran  is  by  four  steps. We  find  frequent  references  in  the  fathers  to the  catechumens  going  down  into  the  font  for immersion,  e.g.  Cyril,  Myst.  ii.  §  4;  "ye  were led  to  the  pool  of  Divine  baptism  ....  and descended  three  times  into  the  water,  and  as- cended again;"  Id.  Myst.  iii.  §  1.  "After  you had  come,  up  from  the  pool  of  the  sacred streams";  Ambrose,  de  Sacr.  lib.  i.  c.  2.  "Ve- nisti  ad  fontem,  ingressus  es."  The  most  detailed description  of  a  baptismal  font,  is  that  given  in the  life  of  St.  Sylvester,  in  the  Bibl.  Pap.  of  the so-called  Anastasius  (§  37).  This  font  is  said  to have  been  presented  by  Constantine  the  Great to  the  church  of  the  Lateran,  in  which  he  is falsely  recorded  to  have  been  baptized  himself. The  description  is  at  any  rate  of  value  as  indi- cating the  decoration  and  arrangements  of  an early  font.  The  cistern  is  stated  to  have  been  of porphyry,  overlaid  v.'ithin  and  without  with silver.  In  the  middle  of  the  font  were  two pillars  of  porphyry,  carrying  a  golden  dish,  in which  the  Paschal  lamp  burnt,  fed  with  balsam, and  with  an  asbestos  wick.  A  lamb  of  pure  gold on  the  brim  of  the  basin,  and  seven  silver  stags, in  allusion  to  Ps.  xlii.  1,  poured  out  water ;  on either  side  of  the  lamb  were  silver  statues  of Christ,  and  the  Baptist.  The  font  erected  by  St. Innocent  at  the  church  of  SS.  Gervasius  and Protasius,  c.  410,  was  also  ornamented  with  a silver  stag,  pouring  out  water  (Anastas,  §  57). Over  the  fonts,  doves  of  silver  or  gold  were sometimes  suspended,  in  allusion  to  the  circum- stances of  Christ's  baptism.  [E.  V.] PONT,  BENEDICTION  OF.     In  the  4th century,  the  ceremony  of  blessing  the  water  to be  used  in  baptism  was  already  regarded  as  of high  antiquity.  Basil  the  Great,  says  expressly {De  Spiritu  S.  c.  27),  that  the  benediction  of  the baptismal  water  was  one  of  the  rites  which  the church  had  received  from  ecclesiastical  tradition, not  directly  from  Scripture;  i.e.  it  was  then  of immemorial  usage.  The  principal  traces  of  it in  the  remains  of  early  literature  are  the  fol- lowing. ' The  passage  sometimes  cited  from  the  Ignatian letter  to  the  Ephesians  (c.  18),  that  Christ  was baptized  to  purify  the  water,  is  very  far  from proving  that  any  special  benediction  of  the  water took  place  at  the  time  of  baptism.  Nor  is  it  by any  means  certain  that  the  heretics  mentioned by  Irenaeu.s  (//neres.  i.  21,  §  4),  who   poured   oil FONT,  BENEDICTION  OF and  water  over  the  head  of  those  whom  they baptized,  did  so  as  imitating  the  consecration  of the  water  by  pouring  iu  chrism,  as  practised  by the  orthodox.  But  when  Tertullian  {de  Baptismo, c.  4),  after  speaking  of  the  aboriginal  consecra- tion of  the  element  of  water  at  creation  by  the Spirit  of  God,  goes  on  to  say,  "Therefore  all waters  acquire  the  blessing  of  consecration  (sacra- mentum  sanctiticationis)  from  their  primaeval jirerogative,  God  being  invoked  (invocato  Deo)," he  probably  alludes  to  a  special  invocation  of  the Holy  Spirit  upon  the  water  which  took  place before  baptism.  Some  years  later,  Cyprian  {Epist. 70,  c.  1)  says  that  the  water  for  baptism  should first  be  cleansed  and  sanctified  by  the  priest.  So bishop  Sedatus  of  Thuburbum  {Sententiae  Episc. n.  18,  in  Cyprian's  Worl's),  speaks  of  baptismal water  consecrated  by  the  prayer  of  the  priest (aqua  sacerdotis  prece  in  ecclesia  consecrata). The  Arabic  canons  of  Hippolytus  (can.  19,  p.  75,  j quoted  by  Probst,  p.  77),  direct  the  candidates for  baptism  to  stand  by  the  font  of  pure  water made  ready  by  benediction.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem {Gatech.  iii,  3)  saj-s  that  simple  water,  having uttered  over  it  the  invocation  of  Father,  Son, and  Holy  Spirit,  acquires  a  power  of  holiness (Jt,yL6T7)Tos).  Aji'ibrose  (X'e  Us  qui  initiantur,  c. 5)  mentions  exorcism,  benediction,  invocation  of the  Holy  Trinity,  and  prayers.  We  have  here, perhaps,  the  earliest  distinct  mention  of  the exorcism  of  the  baptismal  water.  An  example of  the  fomi  of  exorcism  may  be  seen  in  Baptism, §  30,  p.  158. With  regard  to  the  form  of  benediction,  we have  already  seen  that  Tertullian  speaks  of  an invocation  ov«r  the  water.  Probably  the  earliest form  extant,  which  cannot  be  assumed  with certainty  to  be  older  than  the  beginning  of  the 4th  century,  is  that  of  the  Apostolical  Constitu tions  (vii.  43),  in  which  the  priest,  after  a  recita- tion of  the  mercies  of  God  analogous  to  the Preface  of  the  eucharistic  office,  proceeds, "  Look  down  from  heaven,  and  sanctify  this water,  and  grant  grace  and  power  that  he  who is  baptized  according  to  the  command  of  Thy Christ,  may  with  Him  be  crucified  and  die  and be  buried  and  rise  again  to  the  adoption  which  is in  Him,  by  dying  unto  sin,  but  living  unto righteousness."  Compare  Dionysius  Areop.  Hier- urch.  Eccl.  c.  2. Another  ceremony,  the  pouring  in  of  chrism, generally  so  as  to  form  a  cross  on  the  surface  of the  water,  was  probably  of  later  introduction, though  it  is  found  at  least  as  early  as  the  6th century  [Baptism,  p.  159].  Gregory  of  Tours {De  Gloria  Mart.  i.  23)  after  a  curious  descrip- tion of  the  miraculous  filling  of  certain  fonts  in Spain,  proceeds  to  say  that  the  water  was  sancti- fied by  exorcism  and  sprinkled  over  with  chrism  ; a  passage  which  proves  that  in  the  time  of Gregory  (t594),  the  pouring  in  of  chrism  was regarded  as  a  matter  of  course.  And  it  may  be mentioned  in  illustration,  that  according  to  Flo- doard's  description  of  the  baptism  of  Clovis {Eist.  Ecmens.  Eccl.  i.l3),  it  was  after  the benediction  of  the  font  that  chrism  was  found wanting,  and  supplied  by  the  advent  of  the miraculous  Ampulla;  on  receiving  which,  St. Remi  sprinkled  the  font  with  chrism  (chris- mate  fontem  conspersit). In  Mabillon's  Vetus  Missale  GalUcamim  (c.  25, p.   362),   we  find  exhortation,  prayer,  exorcism FOOTPRINTS 681 of  the  water,  preface,  benediction  of  the  font, another  preface  (called  Contestatio  Fo)itis); then  the  rubric,  "Postea  facis  tres  cruces  de chrisma."  In  the  Galilean  Sacramcntary  printed by  Martene  (I.  i.  18,  ordo  3)  from  a  MS.  at Bobbio,  a  somewhat  more  explicit  description  is given  of  the  making  of  the  cross  on  the  water with  chrism,  "  Deinde  in  fonte  chrisma  decur- rente  signum  f  facis."  And  again  (Martene, u.  s.  ordo  10),  the  priest  "  accipieus  vas  anreum cum  chrismate  fundit  chrisma  in  fonte  in modum  crucis,  et  expandit  aquae  cum  manu sua."  It  may  be  observed  that  iu  the  Missale Aethiopicum  quoted  by  Biuterim  (I.  i.  86),  where the  threefold  infusion  of  oil  in  the  form  of  a cross  is  described,  it  is  expressly  stated  to  be unconsecrated  oil  (oleum  non  bene<iictum). The  description  in  Amalarius  {De  Eccl.  Off.  i. 25)  corresponds  generally  with  that  of  these sacranientaries.  Amalarius  expressly  mentions insufflation  as  one  of  the  rites  in  Exorcism  [see that  word].  After  the  expulsion  of  the  evil spirit  by  exorcism,  he  simply  says,  "  munitur aqua  crucis  siguaculo,"  not  distinctly  mentioning the  pouring  in  of  chrism  in  the  form  of  a  cross. In  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  (pp.  71-73)  is mentioned  another  rite,  that  of  plunging  tapers into  the  water  to  be  consecrated.  Two  lighted tapers  are  carried  before  the  bishop  to  the  font ; after  the  benediction,  tlie  aforesaid  two  tapers are  plunged  into  the  font,  and  the  bishop  "  in-  j sufflates  "  on  the  water  three  times.  After  this  \ the  chrism  is  poured  into  the  font,  and  the children  are  baptized.  This  dipping  of  the  taper into  the  font  is  represented  in  the  accompanying woodcut,  from  a  Pontifical  of  the  9th  century [compare  the  cut  on  p.  159],  where  however only  one  taper  is  given.  The  ceremony  mentioned by  Amalarius  {De  Eccl.  Off.  i.  25)  of  plunging the  tapers  of  the  neophytes  [Baptism,  p.  162, §  59)  into  the  font,  seems  to  be  distinct  from  this. (Martene.    De   Bit.   Ant. ;    Binterim's    Denk-        \ Kiirdigkeitcn ;  Probst,  Sakramentc   u.  Sakramcn- talien.)  [C] FOOTPRINTS  ON  sepulchral  slabs,  and seal  rings.  Sepulchral  slabs  have  been  found in  the  catacombs  and  elsewhere,  incised  with  foot- prints."    The  two  feet  as  a  rule  point  the  same         , »  The  white  marble  slab  preserved  in  the  church  of  St.         I Sebastian  outside  Rome,  said  to  have  been  bnjught  from the  chapel  of"  Domine  quo  vadis,"  bearing  the  prints  of two  feet,  piously  bolieved  to  be  those  of  our  Blessed  Lord, when  met  by  St.  Peter  coming  to  be  crucified  a  second         j time,  in  the  city  from  \\  hich  his  apostle  was  floeing,  is         j probably  nothing  more  than  a  sepuUhral  stone  of  ihc         | kind  described  above,  round  which  the  exquisitely  beau-         j tiful  legend,  found  first  in  Ambrose,  has  crystallized,     it G82 FOOTPKINTS way,  though  sometimes,  but  rarely,  they  are turned  iu  opposite  directions  (Fabretti,  Inscripf. Antiq.  p.  47'2).  A  slab  in  the  Kircherian  Museum, given  by  Lupi  {Epitaph.  Sever.  Martt/r.  p.  68), bears  two  pairs  of  footprints  pointed  contrary ways,  as  of  a  person  going  and  returning  (fig.  1). Some  of  these  slabs  are  certainly  Christian, though  the  fact  in  other  cases  is  uncertain.  A slab  given  by  Boldetti  (c.  vii.  p.  419),  inscribed with^IANOTPIA  EN  0  {Januaria  in  Deo)  at one  end,  bears  the  sole  of  a  foot,  with  IN  DEO incised  upon  it,  at  the  other.  Ferret  gives  a slab  erected  by  a  Christian  husband  to  his  wife, with  a  pair  of  footprints  incised  on  it,  not  bare, as  is  customary,  but  shod  in  shoes  or  sandals {Gatacomhes,  vol.  v.  pi.  26,  No.  53).  Sometimes but  more  rarely  we  find  a  single  foot  seen  in profile  (76.  pi.  52,  No.  37). The  signification  of  this  mark  is  much  con- troverted! Boldetti  (p.  507)  and  others  regard the  footprint  as  the  symbol  of  possession,  de- noting that  the  burial-place  had  been  purchased by  the  individual  as  his  own.  This  view  is based  on  the  false  etymology  of  "  possessio," quasi  '■^  pedis  positio,"  given  by  Paulus  {Dig.  41, tit.  2,  §  1),  and  probably  needs  no  refutation. The  idea  of  Pelliccia  (de  Christ.  Eccl.  Polit.  iii. 225)  and  Cavedoni  {Rajguagl.  di  monum.  dell'  Art. Crist,  p.  40)  that  a  sense  of  their  loss  and  a  deep regret  and  affection  for  the  departed  was  thus indicated,  is  a  mere  romantic  fancy.  More  may be  said  for  Lupi's  view  {u.  s.  p.  69),  that  as such  emblems  were  sometimes  dedicated  as  votive offerings  by  travellers  on  their  return  from  a journey,  they  were  intended  on  a  Christian  slab to  indicate  a  holy  tliankfulness  for  the  safe  com- pletion of  the  earthly  pilgrimage  of  the  departed. Another  more  prosaic,  but  by  no  means  improb- able, interpretation,  especially  ofa  single  foot,  is that  found  in  Thomassinus  (de  Donariis,  c.  7)  and Fabretti  (Inscript.  c.  vi.  p.  467),  quoted  by  Lupi (m.  s.),  that  it  was  a  thank-offering  for  recovery from  gout  or  other  disease  affecting  the  foot. should  be  remarked  that  the  basilica  of  St.  S;'bastian was  eected  over  one  of  the  chief  Christian  cemeteries, that  irom  which  the  name  cataconib  has  been  trans- ferred to  the  rest,  so  that  the  presence  of  such  a  memo- rial slab  is  easily  accounted  for.  In  the  church  of  St. Radegund  .at  Poitiers  a  weU  defined  footmark  in  the stone  supposed  to  indicate  the  spot  where  our  Saviour appeared  to  that  Siiint,  prubably  has  a  similar  origin. The  Roman  remains  at  Poitiers  are  numerous.  The footprints  shown  as  our  Lord's  in  the  cliurch  of  the Ascension  on  i he  Jlount  of  Olives  men tiuncd  by  Augus- tine (jn  Joann.  I/oin.  xlvii.  4;  Jerome  de  locis  Hebraic; Beda  de  nom.  Inc.  in  Act.  Apost.)  are  stated  by  Stanley {S.  &  p.  p.  452)  to  be  "nothing  but  a  simple  cavity  in the  rock  with  no  more  resemblance  to  a  human  foot  than to  anything  else." FORMA The  same  emblem  is  frequently  found  on  seal rings.  The  sole  of  the  foot  bears  sometimes  the name  of  the  owner,  e.g.,  fortvnivs  (Boldetti, p.  506 ;  Perret,  vol.  iv.  pi.  xi.  No.  4) ;  JVSTVS (Aringhi,  ii.  698  ;  Agincourt,  &M^^)i.  pi.  viii.  JCo. 23),  from  the  catacomb  of  St.  Agnes;  some- times a  Christian  motto  or  device,  e.  g.,  spks IN  DEO  (fig.  2)  (Perret,  M.  s..  No.  5),  and  the  mono- gram of  Christ  {lb.  No.  6).  In  an  example given  by  Perret  (vol.  iv.  p.  xxiii.  No.  21),  we see  the  stamp  of  such  a   seal   bearing  the  sole Fig.  2.    Seal-Riny  from  the  Kircherian  Museum.    From  Peiret. of  a  foot,  with  PAVLI  incised  on  it,  five  times repeated  on  the  mortar  in  which  a  gilt  glass had    been    embedded,    in    the    catacomb    of  St. sixtus.  [e;  v.] FORGERY  is  a  particular  case  of  the  offence called  Falsuin. Falsuin  is  any  perversion  or  corruption  of truth  done  with  malice  (dolo  malo)  to  the  pre- judice of  another.  It  may  be  committed  either by  word,  as  in  the  case  of  perjury  ;  by  act,  as  in the  case  of  coining  base  money ;  or  by  writing, as  in  the  case  of  forgery.  In  the  case  of  the latter,  the  crime  of  faleum  is  equally  committed whether  a  man  has  written  a  document  which  is not  what  it  professes  to  be,  or  forged  a  seal  or  a signature,  or  erased  or  destroyed  the  whole  or  a portion  of  a  document  maliciously  to  the  preju- dice of  another.  Fulsum  was  punished  under the  empire  by  deportation,  or  even  (in  extreme cases)  by  death  {Codex  Thcod.  lib.  ix.  tit.  19,  II. 1  et  2).  The  special  precautions  taken  by  the authorities  of  the  church  against  the  forgery  of ecclesiastical  documents  seem  to  belong  to  a  later period  than  that  with  which  we  are  concerned  ; but  no  doubt  the  fcdsarius,  like  other  offenders against  the  laws  of  truth  and  justice,  incurred ecclesiastical  censures.  (Ferraris,  Bibliotheca Prompta,  s.  v.  Falsum ;  Bingham's  Antiq.  XVi. xii.  14.)  [C] FORMA.  An  impression  or  representation, as  (for  instance)  the  stamp  on  coins,  whether effigy  or  mark. (1.)  It  is  used  for  the  impression  ofa  seal ;  and it  seems  highly  probable  that  literae  formatao [Commendatory  Letters,  Dimissory  Letters], derived  their  name  from  the  fact  that  seals  were appended  to  them.  Sirmond  quotes  a  Vatican  < gloss  which  interprets  the  term  "  formata  epi- stola  "  bv  "sigillata,"  and  the  Greek  interpreter of  the  23rd  canon  of  the  Codex  Eccl.  Afric.  [3 Carth.  c.  28],  renders  "  formatam  "  by  reTvirai- ixiv-qv,  clearly  in  the  sense  of  "  sealed."  The second  council  of  Chalons  (c.  41),  testifies  to  the FORMARIUS fiict  that  seals  were  appended  to  such  docu- ments. And  not  only  is  the  word  formata  used  abso- lutely for  a  sealed  official  document,  but  forma came  to  be  used  in  the  same  sense.  Thus  Capi- tolinus  describes  Antoninus  as  consulting  his friends  before  he  drew  up  authoritative  docu- ments (formas) ;  and  the  word  is  similarly  used by  Christian  writers  (Ducange,  s.  vv.  Forma, Formatae). (2.)  From  the  same  use  of  the  word  Forma for  an  effigy  or  stamp,  it  arises  that  the  word Formata  designates  the  formed  or  stamped  bread used  in  the  Holy  Eucharist.  The  Ordo  Iionuiuus in  the  rite  for  the  consecration  of  a  bishop  has the  following ;  '■  cum  autem  venerit  ad  com- municandum  Dominus  Pontifex  porrigit  ei  for- matam  atque  sacratam  oblationem  integram." Menard  takes  this  to  mean  an  "  epistola  for- mata;" but  it  seems  in  the  highest  degree improbable  that  the  consecrator  would  present an  official  document  to  the  newly- ordained bishop  at  the  moment  of  communicating,  and Ducange  (s.  v.  Formata)  has  shown  that  the word  is  elsewhere  used  "to  designate  the  eucha- ristic  bread. (3.)  The  word  Forma  is  also  used  to  designate the  seats  or  stalls  used  by  clerks  or  monks  when saying  their  offices  in  choir.  The  gloss  on  the rule  of  St.  Benedict'  (De  Sxipellect.)  explains Forma  as  "  sella  arcuata,  Qpdvos."  The  desk in  front  of  such  a  stall,  on  which  its  occupant might  lean,  seems  to  be  sometimes  called  for- mula (^Sitpplex  Lib.  Monach.  Fukl.  Car.  ilagno, c  5,  in  Migne's  Patrol,  cv.  p.  419 ;  compare Gregory  of  Tours,  Be  Glor.  Confess,  c.  92 ;  Hist. Franc,  viii.  31).  [C] FORMAEIUS,  the  person  in  a  monastery who  was  especially  appointed  to  promote  the spiritual  welfare  of  the  brethren,  and  to  be  a model  of  life  to  them,  "  qui  in  bonis  sit  forma  " {Begula  S.  Ferreoli,  c.  17);  an  elder  brother fitted  to  benefit  the  souls  of  the  monks,  who should  studiously  devote  himself  to  watching over  them  (^Fieg.  S.  Benedicti,  c.  58).  The  corre- sponding person  in  a  monastery  of  women  was called  Formaria  {Reg.  S.  Caesarii  ad  Virgines, c.  37  ;  Ducange,  s.  v.).  [C] FORMATA.    [Forma.] FORNICATION  {Fomicatio,  iropviia)  is  de- fined to  be  "  copula  carnalis  soluti  cum  soluta"; a  sin  committed  by  two  persons,  male  and  female, who  are  not  connected  by  blood  within  the  prohi- bited degrees  of  kindred,  and  are  neither  married nor  contracted.  This  is  in  substance,  Augustine's definition  {Quaest.  in  Deuteron.  n.  37).  The  older definitions  of  fornication  seem  to  refer  almost entirely  to  the  freedom  of  the  woman  from  the marriage  bond,  without  regard  to  the  condition of  the  man  [Adultery].  Thus  Basil  {ad  Amphi- loch.  c.  21)  regards  the  sin  of  a  married  man with  an  unmarried  woman  as  simple  -KOpveia,  not /ioix^'a;  and  Gregory  of  Nyssa  {Fpist.  Canonica) defines  fornication  to  be  a  gratification  of  lust which  takes  place  without  wronging  another  ; which  words  Balsamon  (in  loco)  explains  to  mean, intercourse  with  a  woman  who  is  not  married (riopj/eia  Aeyerai  v;  X'^P'^  aSiKi'a?  erepou  yx/|is, ijyovv  T)  Tvphs  iKivdepau  avSphi  yvvaiKo).  To  the same  effect  Theophylact  (on  St.  Matt.  v.  32)  says that  fornication  is  committed  with  a  woman  not FORTUNATUS 683 under  marriage  bond  (els  a.iro\t\vfjLeui]v).  Am- brose, however,  lays  down  the  wider  and  truer principle,  "nee  viro  licet  quod  mulieri  Don  licet; eadem  a  viro  quae  ab  uxore  debetur  castimonia  " {De  Patriarch,  i.  4).  Concubinage,  the  continued cohabitation  of  an  unmarried  man  with  an  un- married woman,  is  a  special  case  of  fornication. The  word  fomicatio  is  also  used  to  designate all  kinds  of  sexual  sin  and  unnatural  crime  ;  see, for  instance,  'i\\eoiov(i's,  Penitential,  I.  ii.  Foi'ni- cation  in  this  wider  sense  is  commonly  called luxury  by  later  canonists. It  was  one  of  the  first  cai'es  of  the  apostolic church  to  repress  this  evil  held  so  venial  among the  Gentiles  (Acts  xv.  20  ;  1  Cor.  vi.  18 ;  Eph. v.  3,  5)  ;  nor  were  the  rulers  of  the  church  in later  times  less  anxious  to  put  down  all  forms of  uncleanness.  Basil  {ad  Ampliil.  c.  22)  lays down  the  rule,  that  men  practising  concubinage after  seduction  should  be  excluded  from  com- munion for  four  years,  in  the  first  of  which they  are  to  be  excluded  from  the  prayers, and  weep  at  the  door  of  the  church  ;  in  the second  to  be  i-eceived  as  hearers ;  in  the  third  to penitence  {els  fi-eravoiav)  ;  in  the  fourth  to  attend divine  sei-vice  with  the  congregation,  abstaining from  the  offering;  and  then  to  be  admitted  to communion  of  the  good  {KOivoiviav  rod  ayaBov). In  the  case  of  concubinage,  the  great  bishop evidently  feels  that  the  times  will  not  bear  due severity.  He  holds  {ad  Amph.  c.  26)  that  it is  best  that  persons  living  together  in  fornica- tion should  be  separated  ;  but  if  they  persist  in living  together,  "  let  them  be  warned  of  the penalty  of  fornication ;  but  let  them  not  be meddled  with  {a.(biea6(jiaav'),  lest  a  worse  thing come  upon  them."  So  previously  (c.  21)  he acknowledges  the  difficulty  of  treating  certain cases,  and  confesses  that  custom  is  too  strong to  be  contended  against.  For  fornicators  in general  he  enjoins  (76.  c.  59)  seven  years' exclusion  from  the  sacraments  ;  two  among  the Flentes,  two  among  the  AuJicntes,  two  among the  Substrati,  and  one  among  the  Consistentes [Penitexce]. The  treatment  of  sins  of  uncleanness  occupies a  large,  perhaps  an  undue  space  in  later  Peniten- tials;  as  {e.g.)  in  those  of  Theodore  (I.  ii.),  Bede, (c.  3),  Egbert  (cc.  2  and  4),  Halitgar  (i.  10,  17), and  others. Periods  of  penance  are  prescribed,  varying according  to  the  condition  of  the  offender,  and the  nature  of  the  offence.  The  offence  of  a  cleric was  naturally  more  heinous  than  that  of  a  simple lay  person,  and  might  be  punished  by  degrada- tion, as  well  as  by  the  same  kind  of  penalties  as those  inflicted  on  the  laity.  And  it  is  evident from  the  repeated  denunciations  of  such  sins  by bishops  and  councils,  and  the  elaborate  provision made  to  separate  the  clergy  and  the  monks  from the  society  of  women,  that  the  celibate  clergy were  only  too  liable  to  fall  into  the  sin  of  iucon tinence  (Thomassin,  Vetus  et  Nova  Feci.  Biscip. I.  ii.  61,  §5  8-12).  [C.J FORTUNATIANUS.    [Fklix  (23).] FORTUNATUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Smyrna with  Revocatus  and  Vitaiis;  commemorated  Jan. 9  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi).. (2)  [Felicianus  (1).] (3)  [l-'ELix  (7).] 684 FORTUNUS (4)  [Felix  (12).] (5)  Martyr  in  Africa ;  commemorated  with Crescentianiis  and  Lucianus,  June  13  {Mart. Bedae). (6)  [Hermagoras.] (7)  Bishop  at  Todi ;  "  Natalis  "  Oct.  14  {Mart. Usuardi). (8)  Saint,  of  Rome  ;  commemorated  Oct.  15 (.7..).  [W.  F.  G.] FORTUNUS.  [Felix  (6).] FORUM.      [JORISDICTIOX.] FOSSARII  or  FOSSORES.  The  grave- diggers  or  sextons  of  early  Christian  antiquity were  known  by  these  designations.  [Copiatae  ; Decanus.] Padre  Marchi  has  drawn  a  very  definite  picture of  guilds  o{  fossores,  organized  under  special  re- gulations, attached  to  each  of  the  tituli  of  Rome, and  acting  under  the  directions  of  the  bishops and  presbyters.  (Ilonum.  Primit.  pp.  87-91.) But  the  evidence  he  adduces  is  of  the  slightest texture;  and  the  good  father  probably  did  not intend  his  description  to  be  regarded  as  more than  a  pleasing  hypothesis. The  term  fossor  is  of  frequent  occurrence  in the  inscriptions  of  the  catacombs.    Marchi,  p.  91, gives  several  epitaphs  o{  fossores.     Boldetti,  i.  1.5. gives  the  following  from  St.  Callistus  :  "  Sergius et  Junius  Fossores  ||  B.  N.  M.  in  pace  bisom." But  the  most  common  appearance  of  the  term is   in   the   later  epitaphs,  which   testify  to  the purcliase  of  graves  from  individuals  of  this  class. The  burial  of  the  departed  was  probably  at  first a  work  of  Christian  charity,  performed  without fee    or    rewai'd    by    their    surviving    brethren. Afterwards,  when  the  church  had  become  more uunierous,  it  was  carried  out  at  the  public  ex- pense under  the  special  care  of  the  presbyters  of the  tituii  of  Rome.      When  Christianity  became the   established   religion,   the  fossores  evidently established  a  kind  of  property  in  the  catacombs, which  authorized  them  to  sell  graves  either  to living  persons  for  their   own  burial,  or  to  the friends  of   the  deceased.      This  state  of  things seems  to  have  had  a  wide-spread  but  transient existence.    The  examples  are  almost  innumerable in  which  the  purchase  of  graves  of  the  fossores is  plainly  stated  in  the  epitaph.    No  trace  of  such bargains  appears  before  the  latter  years  of  the 4th  century,  nor  later  than  the  first  quarter  of the  5th  century.     According  to  De  Rossi  {E.  S. i.  p.  216),  the  last  known  mention  of  fossores  is a.d.  426.    As  examples  of  these  bargains,  belong- ing to  the  time  when  interment  had  become  the private  enterprise  of  the  fossores,  and  Christian burial  had  been  degraded  into  a  trade,  we  may refer    to    the    instances    already    given    under Catacombs.     The  eager  craving  after  sepulture in  the  proximity  of  the  holy  dead,  to  which  some of  these    epitaphs    bear  witness,  has   been   the cause  of  the    destruction  of  many  paintings  of high  interest.     The  fossores  could  not  afford  to have  a  taste  either  archaeological  or  artistic,  and pierced  the  painted  walls  to  make  new  highly- priced    loculi,    as    recklessly   as    the    exquisite carved  work  of  so  many  of  our  cathedrals  has been    cut    away   for '  the    erection    of    tasteless monuments. The  fossor  at  his  work  appears  frequently  in FOUNDLINGS the  frescoes  of  the  catacombs.  (Bosio,  pp.  305, 335,  339,  373  ;  Aringhi,  ii.  pp.  23,  63,  67,  101.) Bottari,  torn.  ii.  tav.  118,  gives  two  pictures from  the  catacomb  of  Marcellinus  and  Peter. One  represents  a  young  man,  his  beard  closely shaven,  in  a  short  tunic,  girt  round  his  waist, his  legs  and  feet  bare,  excavating  the  rock  with his  pick,  a  lamp  hanging  by  his  side.  The  other depicts  an  older  man  in  a  long  tunic,  not  at work,  holding  a  lamp  affixed  to  a  long  handle ending  in  a  sharp  point,  and  a  little  below  on  the shaft  a  hook  for  suspension. The  most  carious  and  interesting  of  these  re- presentations is  that  of  a  fossor  named  Diogenes, from  the   cemetery  of  Callistus  (see  woodcut). ^ He  wears  a  tunic  marked  with  gammadia  on  its hem,  carries  a  pick  over  his  right  shoulder,  and  a lamp  in  his  left  hand,  and  is  surrounded  by  a heap  of  levers,  picks,  and  other  tools  employed in  his  work.  Above  is  the  inscription  :  "  Dio- genes Fossor  in  pace  depositus  Octabu  Kalendas Octobris."  (Boldetti,  lib.  i.  cap.  15  ;  Bottari,  torn, ii.  p.  126,  tav.  99.)  A  fossor's  pick  has  been  dis- covered by  De  Rossi  in  the  cemetery  of  Callistus, much  oxidised,  but  still  recognizable.  (Mai'tigny, Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chret.  p.  281.)  [E.  V.] FOUNDATION.  [Exdowme:mt  ;  Property OF  THE  Church.] FOUNDER.   [Patron.] FOUNDLINGS  {Alumni).  Compare  Ex- posing OF  Infants. From  an  early  period  the  church  provided Orphanages  [see  the  word]  for  the  reception  of children  left  destitute  by  the  death  or  desertion of  their  parents.  But,  independently  of  such institutions,  it  also  maintained  a  large  number by  appeals  to  individual  charity,  and  exhorted the  faithful  to  feed  and  shelter  the  innocent creatures  in  their  own  houses.  The  number  of these  alumni.  "  nurslings,"  was  large  ;  the  rescue of  a  deserted  infant  being  considered  as  an  act specially  inspired  by  Christian  charity.  The word  alumnus  consequently  occurs  much  oftener in  Christian  than  in  pagan  inscriptions.  Some- times we  find  the  adopting  parents  raising  a tomb  to  their  alumnus  (Perret,  Catacombcs,  v. xlvi.  13).  In  the  cemetery  of  Pontianus  the name  of  a  young  person  departed  is  inscribed upon  a  circular  ivory  tablet  thus :  emerinvs  H viCTORiNAE    II    ALviiNAE    SVAE    (Fabretti,   fn- FOUNTAIN  OR  WELL script.  Antiq.  iii.  331).  In  other  instances  the titulus  is  a  token  of  the  child's  gratitude  to  his benefactors,  whom  he  calls  father  and  mother (Ferret,  xlii.  4).  Felicissimvs  Alvmnvs  in  the following  inscription  expresses  the  happiness  of the  adopted  son  under  the  care  of  his  tutelary parents. ANTONIVS    DISCOLIVS   FILIVS    ET   BIBIVS FELICISSIMVS   ALVMNVS   VALERIE   CRESTENI MATRI   BIDVE   ANNORVM   XIII.    IXTERIANTOS. De  Rossi  (Tnscript.  Christ,  i.  46)  gives  the epitaph  of  an  alumnus  of  the  date  A.D.  340. Le  Blaut  (Inscr.  Chrtft.  de  la  Gaule),  mentions  an inscription  at  Treves  to  the  memory  of  an alumna  who  survived  only  one  month  and  a  few days.  Infants  were  genei-ally  exposed  at  the doors  of  churches  (Cone.  Aries  II.  can.  51,  A.D. 451). A  person  wishing  to  adopt  an  exposed  child was  required  to  place  in  the  hands  of  the minister  of  the  church  near  which  it  was  found a  written  statement  giving  the  sex  of  the  child with  the  time  and  place  of  its  discovery,  in  order that  it  might  be  restored  to  its. parents  if  they wished  to  reclaim  it.  If  no  such  claim  were  put forward  within  ten  days  after  its  exposure,  the child  belonged  by  right  to  those  who  had  given it  shelter  (Mal-tigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chr^t.,  s.  v. Enfants  Trouve's).  [C] FOUNTAIN  OR  WELL.  [See  Rock,  and Evangelists,  Representations  of.]  Our  Lord IS  i-epresented  (in  Bottari,  tav.  xvi. ;  Buonarotti, Vctri,  tav.  vi.  et  passim)  as  the  Source  of  the Gospel  and  Fons  Pietatis,  from  under  whose  feet flow  the  four  Rivers  of  Paradise.  [See  Four Rivers.]  In  the  Lateran  [Cross,  p.  496]  and other  baptismal  crosses  the  Holy  Dove  is  the fount  or  source  from  which  the  sacred  rivers flow.  The  well  springing  in  the  wilderness  is rather  a  Hebrew,  Arab,  or  universally  Eastern image,  than  a  specially  Christian  one.  In  some early  baptisms  of  our  Lord,  as  that  in  the  ancient baptistery  of  Ravenna,  the  river-god  or  presiding deity  of  the  source  of  Jordan  is  introduced.  For the  fountain  or  stream  flowing  from  the  Rock  of Moses,  and  fishes  therein.  [See  Fisherman.] [R.  St.  J.  T.] FOUNTAINS  AT  THE  ENTRANCE  OF CHURCHES.  The  natural  symbolism  which required  external  purity  in  the  worshippers,  as an  index  of  the  cleanness  of  heart  necessary  for approaching  God  with  acceptance,  dictated  the erection  of  fountains  or  cisterns  of  water  in  the atria,  or  forecourts  of  the  primitive  churches,  for the  people  to  wash  their  hands,  feet,  and  faces, before  they  entered  the  sacred  building.  Such  a fountain  was  known  by  different  designations, Kp'i]vn  (Euseb.  H.E.  X.  4  ;  Chrys.  Ho,n.  57,  Ed. Savil.),  <ppiap  (Socr.  H.E.  ii.  38),  ipidXi)  (Paul. Silentiar.  ii.  vers.  177),  en^drris  (Theophants), Ko\vfi0e7ov  (Eucholog.),  Cantharus  (Paul.  Nolan. Ep.  xiii.  sxxii.),  Nymphaeum  (Anastas.  §  69). The  earliest  notice  we  have  of  this  arrangement is  in  Eusebius'  description  of  the  church  erected by  Paulintis  at  Tyre  (Euseb.  H.E.  x.  4).  He speaks  of  "  fountains  "  being  placed  as  "  syjnbols of  purification  "  in  the  centre  of  the  cloistered atrium,  affording  means  of  cleansing  to  those who  were  going  into  the  church.  A  similar basin  was   erected  by  Paulinus   of  Nola,  in   the FOUNTAINS  AT  CHURCHES   685 atrium  of  the  basilica  of  St.  Felix,  its  purpose bemg  expressed    by   the    following    verses   over one  of  the  arches  of  the  ojjposite  cloister— "  Sancta  nitons  famults  intc rlult  atria  lynipbis Cantharus,  Intrantumque  nianns  lavut  amne  mlnistro." Paul.  Nolan.  Ep.  32  ad  Sever This  "cantharus"  wa.s    protected    by  a  bra/en canopy,  or  turret  of  lattice  work  — "Quem  cancellato  t/?git  aerea  culnilne  turrls." Faulin.  Poem.  28  (iVat.  x.) Other  brazen  basins  supi)lied  from  the  same  source stood  in  different  parts  of  the  forecourt,  as  well as    a   row   of    marble    basins,   conchac,   at   the entrance  of  the  church  (ib.). Paulinus  also  describes  a  "  cantharus  "  in  the atrium  of  the  basilica  of  St.  Peter  at  Rome  (Ep. 13,  p.  73),  "  ministra  manibus  et  oris  nostris fluenta  ructantem."  This  was  covered  by  a dome  or  thohts,  of  brass,  supported  on  lour columns,  typifying  the  fountain  of  living  water flowing  from  the  four  gospels,  the  foundation  of the  evangelical  faith.  This  cantharus  and  its quadriportlcus  were  adorned  with  marbles  and mosaic  by  Symmachus,  c.  500,  who  also  erected another  external  fountain  below  the  steps  of  the atrium  for  the  convenience  of  the  people  throng- ing thither  "ad  usum  necessitatis  humauae " (Anastas.  de  Vit.  Pont.  §  79).  Another  was placed  by  Leo  III.  c.  800,  outside'the  silver  gates of  the  same  basilica  {ib.  §  360).  The  popes  vied with  one  another  in  the  magnificence  of  these fountains.  Leo  the  Great,  c.  450,  placed  a  very remarkable  one  in  the  atrium  of  the  basilica  of St.  Paul,  on  the  Ostian  way,  for  the  supply  of which  he  recovered  a  long-lost  spring,  as  re- corded in  the  verses  of  Ennodius. "  Perdiderat  laticum  longaeva  inciiria  cursus Quos  tibi  nunc  pleno  cantharus  ore  vomit. Provida  pastori.s  per  totum  cura  Leonis Haec  ovibus  Christi  larga  fluenta  dedit." Eiinod.  Cai-m.  149,  ed.  Sirmond. Anastasius  also  describes  a  "  nymphaeum " erected  by  Hilarus,  c.  465,  in  the  triporticus  of the  oratory  of  St  Cross,  adorned  with  columns  of vast  size,  and  pillars  of  porphyry  from  apertures in  which  the  water  flowed  into  a  porphyry  basin (Anastas.  u.  s.  §  69).  Ennodius  also  (ri.  s.)  speaks of  the  water  of  the  baptistery  of  St.  Stephen coming  through  the  columns,  "per  columnas." In  other  cases  the  water  issued  from  a  statue in  the  centre,  sometimes  of.  grotesque  form,  or from  lions'  mouths,  from  which  arrangement  the basin  erected  by  Justinian  in  front  of  St.  Sophia at  Constantinople  was  called  Xtovrdptov  (l>u- cange,  Constantinop.  Christ,  lib.  iii.  c.  22). This  fountain  was  made  of  jasper,  with  inciseil crosses.  There  were  other  smaller  basins  in  the cloisters  for  the  lustrations  of  the  people  (Du- cange,  m.  s.).  A  cantharus  discovered  at  Con- stantinople bore  the  palindrome  given  byGruter {[nsoript.  p.  1046). NI^ON  ANOMHMA   MH   MONAN   OYIN. These  fountains  were  usually  suiipiied  with water  from  running  springs,  as  that  at  St.  Paul's already  mentioned.  Where  springs  were  absent, the  supply  came  from  rain  water  tanks,  as  at the  basilica  of  St.  Felix  at  Nola  (Paul.  Nolan. I'oem.  27  {Nat.  ix.)  v.  463,  sq.). Such  fountains  were  solemnly  consecrated  and C86 FOUE  KIVERS,  THE blessed  on  the  annual  recurrence  of  the  vigil  of the  Epiphany  (identified  in  primitive  times  with the  day  of  our  Lord's  baptism, when  the  element  of  water was  hallowed,  Chrys.  Homil. in  Bapt.  Christ,  vol.  ii.  p.  369, Montf.),  or  of  the  festival itself  (Ducange,  u.  s.).  The office  is  given  in  the  Eucho- logiou. We  find  frequent  reference in  the  early  fathei-s  to  this custom  of  washing  the  hands and  face  before  entering  the church,  e.  g.  Teriull.  de  Orat. c.  11 ;  Chrysost.  Homil.  51, ia  Matt.  ;  in  Joann.  72  ; Homil.  3,  in  Ephes. ;  in  Psalm. 140,  ad  Pop.  Ant.  36,  &c.  Of. also  Baronius,  ad  ann.  57,  No. 106-110.    [Holy  Water.] The  accompanying  woodcut from    one  of  the  mosaics   of .Vitaie,  g^    Vitalis  at    Ravenna,    re- presenting  the  dedication  of that   church  b}^  Justinian  and   Theodora,   gives a   contemporary  picture   of  one  of  these   foun- tains. [E.  v.] FOUK  RIVERS,  THE.  In  ancient  art  our Loi-d  is  frequently  represented,  either  in  person or  under  the  figure  of  a  lamb,  standing  upon  a hillock  from  whence  issue  four  streams  of  water. (See  woodcut.)  These  are  supposed  by  many to  signify  the  four  rivers  of  Eden,  which  went forth  to  water  the  earth  (Gen.  ii.  10);  others (Cyprian,  Up.  73,  §  10,  ad  Juhaian. ;  Bede, Expos,  in  Gen.  II.  ;  Theodoret,  In  Psalm. XL  V. ;  Ambrose,  Be  Paradiso,  c.  3)  discern in  them  the  four  gospels,  flowing  from  the source  of  eternal  life  to  spread  throughout  the world    the    riches    and    the    life-giving    powers From  MartlgTiy. of  the  doctrine  of  Christ.  St.  Ambrose  again (k.  s.)  is  of  opinion  that  the  four  rivers  are emblems  of  the  four  cardinal  virtues.  The lour  first  oecumenical  councils,  so  often  by early  writers  placed  on  a  par  with  the  gos- pels themselves,  are,  sometimes  compared  to  the four  rivers  of  Paradise.  Jesse,  bishop  of  Amiens in  the  eighth  century,  in  writing  to  his  clergy, thus    illustrates    the    veneration    due    to    these »  This  fountain  is  incorrtctly  rspresented  at  p.  406. FRACTION august  assemblies  (Longueval,  Hist,  de  I'Egl. Gallicane,  tom.  v.  p.  144). In  several  sarcophagi  of  ancient  Gaul,  we  find two  stags  quenching  their  thirst  at  these  streams; these  are  supposed  to  represent  Christians  par- taking in  the  gospels  and  the  eucharist  of  the "  well  of  water  springing  up  into  everlasting life."  [Cross,  p.  496.]  The  two  stags  are  occa- sionally found  in  mosaics,  in  that  of  the  ancient Vatican  for  example  (Ciampini,  De  Sacr.  Aedif. tab.  xiii.). However  we  explain  it,  this  subject  was  ex- tremely popular  in  the  primitive  church  ;  we  find it  repeated  over  and  over  again  in  the  catacombs, either  in  frescoes  or  in  the  sculptured  ornaments of  sarcophagi,  and  sometimes  on  the  bottoms  of glass  cups,  which  have  been  discovered  therein.  It appears  also  in  the  mosaics  of  some  basilicas,  for instance,  in  that  which  is  described  by  Paulinas {Epist.  32,  ad  Sever.),  and  in  that  mentioned by  Florus,  deacon  of  Lyons  (Mabillon,  Analecta, p.  416,  ed.  Paris.  See  also  Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon. ii.  tab.  xxxvii.  xlvi.  xlix.  Hi.,  &c.).  To  illus- trate this  passage  of  Paulinus,  « "  Petram  superstat  ipse  Petra  Ecclesiae De  qua  sonori  quatuor  fontes  meant," Rosweid  refers  to  the  mosaic  of  St.  John  Lateran, and  the  sarcophagus  of  Probus  and  Proba,  as  re- presented by  Bosio.  We  are  informed  by  Spon {Eeclierches  curicuses,  p.  34)  that  the  four  rivers of  Paradise  in  human  form,  with  their  names  be- neath, are  represented  in  mosaic  on  the  pave- ment of  Rheims  Cathedral  (Martigny,  Diet,  des Antiq.  Chre't.).  [C] FRACTION.  The  rite  of  breaking  the  bread  in the  celebration  of  the  Holy  Eucharist  is  technically so  called.  There  are  three  kinds  of  fractions, which  are  in  use  at  the  present  time  ;  though but  one  of  them  is  essential  to  the  sacrament, and  can  bo  traced  with  certainty  to  the  infancy of  the  church.  The  three  are,  (1)  a  fraction illustrative  of  the  words  of  institution,  and therefore  a  direct  imitation  of  our  Lord's  action, (2)  purely  symbolical  fractions  after  the  conse- cration has  been  completed,  (3)  the  necessary fraction  for  the  distribution  of  the  bread  among the  communicants. (1)  The  first  of  these  has  a  place  in  the  English office,  the  celebrant  being  ordered  to  "  break  the bread "  while  he  utters  the  words,  "  He  brake it."  Nothing  could  be  more  natural  than  that in  reciting  the  words  of  institution,  the  priest should  "  suit  the  action  to  the  word,"  and  break the  bread  as  "  He  brake  it."  It  is  very  probable, therefore,  that  this  was  a  common,  if  not  the universal,  practice,  in  what  we  may  call  the  first ritual  period.  Traces  of  it  are  found  both  in  the East  and  West.  In  the  Coptic  liturgy  of  St. Basil,  the  celebrant  is  ordered  at  those  words to  "  break  the  oblation  into  three  parts  ;"  but  he is  at  once  to  reunite  them,  "so  that  they  be  in  a manner  as  not  divided."  (Renaudot,  Liturg. Orient,  i.  p.  15.)  They  are  put  together  again  with a  view  to  a  later  and  purely  symbolical  fraction. There  is  but  one  extant  Latin  missal,  which  is reported  to  contain  an  order  for  the  actual  fraction at  this  time,  viz.,  that  of  Rheims,  of  the  middle  of the  16th  century,  in  which  the  following  rubric occurs,  "  Dicens  /regit  frangit  modicum."  (De Vert,  Explication  des  Ceremonies  de  I'Eglise,  tom. i.  p.  262.)     In   our  own  country   the  missals  of FRACTION     . Siirum  and  York  to  the  last  ordered  the  celebrant to  "  touch  the  host,"  while  a  manuscript  Manual in  the  possession  of  the  Rev.  W.  J.  Blew  goes further,  and  prescribes  "the  sign  of  a  fraction." The  frequency  of  the  latter  custom  in  England may  be  liicewise  inferred  from  its  condemnation by  John  de  Bui-go,  a.d.  1385  (Pupil/a  Oculi, pars  iv.  cap.  x.),  and  its  prohibition  in  the JIanual  authorised  by  Cardinal  Pole  in  the  reign of  Mary.  The  foregoing  facts  are  mentioned because  they  appear  to  support  the  antecedent probability  that  the  fraction,  which  is  now peculiar  to  the  English  and  Coptic  liturgies,  was once  general.  The  reason  for  giving  it  up  need not  be  sought  for.  When  the  bread  was  once broken,  it  would  not  be  possible  for  the  priest  to perform  the  subsequent  symbolical  fraction, introduced  at  a  later  period,  with  the  same  con- venience and  effect. (2)  From  an  early  period  we  find  other  cere- monial fractions,  more  or  less  elaborate,  em- ployed, the  evident  intention  of  which  was  to develope  and  enforce  the  devotional  allusion  to our  Lord's  sutferings  on  the  cross.  No  frac- tion of  any  kind  is  mentioned  in  St.  Cyril's account  of  the  liturgy  of  Jerusalem  (Cate- chesis  Mystag.  v.  cc.  17,  18),  nor  in  the  Cle- mentine liturgy,  which  exhibits  the  ritual  and worship  of  the  3rd  or  -tth  centuiy.  [Aposto- lical Constitutions.]  In  that  of  St.  Mark, which  from  its  long  disuse  has  undergone  less change  than  any  other  which  was  ever  in  actual use,  the  fraction  for  distribution  is  alone  men- tioned (Renaudot,  torn.  i.  p.  1G2).  In  St. James,  which  is  still  used  at  stated  times,  and has  been  much  altered  in  the  course  of  ages,  the celebrant  "  breaks  the  bread,  and  holds  half  in his  right  hand,  half  in  his  left,  and  dips  that  in the  right  in  the  cup,  saying,  '  the  union  of  the all-holy  body  and  the  precious  blood  of  our  Lord and  God  and  Saviour  Jesus 'Christ.'  "  (Assemani, torn.  V.  p.  54-.)  In  the  Office  of  Prothesis  in  the common  Greek  liturgy,  there  is  a  preparation  of the  bread  by  the  aid  of  a  knife  (\6yxv),  accom panied  by  symbolical  allusions.  [Prothesis.] After  the  Sancta  Sanctis,  which  follows  close upon  the  Consecration,  "  The  priest  dividing  it ('the  holy  loaf)  into  four  parts  with  care  and reverence  says  '  The  Lamb  of  God,  the  Son  of  the Father,  is  dismembered  and  divided,  &c.'  Then he  takes  the  uppermost  part  of  the  holy  loaf (which  is  stamped  with  the  letters  ic,  for  'It;- rrovs),  and  holds  it  in  his  hand,  and  the  deacon pointing  with  his  orarion  to  the  holy  cup,  says, Fill,  Master,  the  holy  cup.  And  the  priest  says, The  fulness  of  faith  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  And  'he makes  the  sign  of  the  cross  and  casts  it  into  the holy  cup  "  {Euchologium,  Goar,  pp.  60,  81,  175). These  rites,  though  not  perhaps  in  their  present form  precisely,  must  have  been  in  use  before  the separation  of  the  Nestorians  and  Eutychians from  the  church  ;  but  whether  they  were  known to  St.  Basil  and  St.  Chrysostom,  the  alleged  re- modellers  of  the  Greek  liturgy,  it  is  impossible to  say.  On  the  first  part  of  the  foregoing ceremony,  Symeon  of  Thessalonica,  the  mys- tical expositor  of  that  rite,  observes,  "  He divides  the  bread  into  four  parts,  and  these  he arranges  in  the  form  of  a  cross,  and  in  this he  beiiolds  Jesus  crucified."  JJe  Templo  cfr. printed  in  Goar,  p.  228.  In  the  Coptic  liturgies the  rite  is  still  more  elaborate.     There  is  first  a FRACTION (187 special  prayer,  Prooemium  atite  fractionem,  prece- ding it ;  which  is  in  fact  an  act  of  thanksgiving, and  is  called  a  Benediction  in  the  office  itself. After  crossing  both  the  bread  and  the  cup  witli  a finger  dijjped  in  the  latter,  he  says  u  "  Prayer  of Fraction."  Later  on,  in  preparation  for  the  com- munion, "  he  divides  the  body  into  three  parts,  as ho  had  done  before  at  the  words  lie  brake  it ;" but  this  time  transversely  to  the  former  fractures. The  piece  from  the  middle  of  the  Corban  is  the largest,  and  from  this  he  takes  a  small  piece (Ts'jodicon,  or  in  the  Greek  Ale,\andriau  liturgies SirouSi/cdz/,  corruptions  of  AfairoriKSv,  the  Lord's body),  which  he  sets  aside.  The  larger  piece from  which  it  is  taken  is  put  in  the  middle  of the  paten,  and  the  other  eight  are  placed  about  it so  as  to  form  a  cross.  The  allusion  to  the Passion  is  thus  expressed  by  an  act  rather  than by  words.  The  priest  next  breaks  up,  in  pre- scribed order,  all  but  the  large  piece  in  the middle,  and  "  collects  about  that  the  holy  body which  he  has  broken."  The  Is'iodicon  is  put into  the  cup ;  a  rite  corresponding  to  the  Com- mixtio  of  the  West.  The  fraction  now  described, into  which  a  devout  priest  could  evidently  infuse great  solemnity  is  common  to  the  three  Coptic liturgies;  which  fact  implies  that  the  former fraction  at  the  words  Jle  brake  it  is  so  also  ; although  it  is  only  prescribed  in  that  of  St. Basil.  (See  Renaud.  tom.  i.  pp.  19-23;  and Gabriel's  Bitualii,  ibid.  p.  258.)  Whether  the same  ceremonies  were  observed  in  the  Greek liturgies  of  Egypt  cannot  be  decided,  owing  to the  brevity  of  the  rubrics  and  the  absence  of commentaries  ;  but  the  Coptic  of  St.  Basil  carrie.s us  up  to  a  period  earlier  than  the  conquest  of Amrou  in  the  7th  century.  The  i-ubrics  of  the Ethiopic  liturgy  do  not  prescribe  any  fraction, but  as  it  was  derived  from  the  Coptic,  and retains  the  Coptic  Oratio  Fractionis,  we  may infer  that  it  had  a  solemn  fraction  similar  to that  which  we  have  described. In  the  Syrian  rite  the  priest  (in  a  short  office of  Prothesis)  "divides  the  bread  into  as  many pieces  as  may  be  necessary,  censes  them,  and sets  them  on  the  altar,  saying.  He  was  led  like  a lamb  to  the  slaughter,  and  as  a  sheep,  etc." (Renaudot,  tom.  i.  p.  3.)  After  the  consecration he  breaks  a  small  piece  off  with  the  words, "Thou  art  Christ  our  God,  who  on  the  top  of Golgotha  in  Jerusalem  wast  pierced  in  Thy  side for  us,  etc.,"  or  something  conveying  the  same allusion,  (^fbid.  pp.  22,  40,  etc.)  Before  the  com- munion he  dips  this  particle  (pearl)  "into  the chalice  and  signs  the  rest  with  it  crosswise,  say- ing. The  Blood  of  the  Lord  is  sprinkled  on  His Body,  in  the  Name  of  the  Father,"  etc.  The pearl  thus  used  is  then  put  into  the  chalice  with a  prayer  alluding  to  the  union  of  the  Godhead and  Manhood  in  Christ  (Renaudot,  tom.  ii.  pp. 3,  41).  Another  symbolical  action,  viz.  that  of touching  the  body  in  the  paten  with  the moistened  pearl,  is  not  marked  in  the  rubrics. It  is  done  in  allusion  to  the  piercing  of  our Lord's  side  with  a  spear  (Barsalibi,  ibid.  p.  111). Among  the  Nestorians  the  consecrated  oblate  is broken  into  two  parts.  One  of  these  is  laid  on the  paten,  and  with  the  other  the  priest  crosses the  cup.  He  then  dips  the  latter  to  the  nii.ldle in  the  cup,  and  "signs  with  it  the  body  which  is in  the  paten."  Both  signs  are  made  with appropriate    words.      He    then    unites    the    two 688 FRACTION pieces  of  the  oblate ;  and  it  is  here  that  we  find the  passion  symbolized,  the  wounded  and  bleed- ing body  of  our  blessed  Lord  being  evidently represented  by  the  broken  and  wine-stained  bread. He  further  with  his  right  thumb  crosses  the oblate  "  so  as  to  make  a  slight  crack  in  it,  where It  has  been  dipped  in  the  blood,  and  puts  a  part of  it  into  the  chalice  in  the  form  of  a  cross." (Renaud.  torn.  ii.  p.  -594.)  The  Armenian  cele- brant breaks  the  oblate  into  two  parts  oyer  the chalice,  saying,  "  The  fulness  of  the  Holy  Ghost. Then  dividing  one  part  into  three  he  casts  them into  the  chalice  of  the  blood  in  the  form  of  a cross  "  (Le  Brun,  Explication  de  la  Messe,  Diss.  x. Art.  XX.). There  are  no  directions  for  any  fraction  in  the early  Roman  sacramentaries,  nor  for  the  com- mixture which  now  follows  the  symbolical fraction ;  but  in  the  first  Ordo  Bonumus,  a directory  of  worship  of  the  8th  century,  if  not earlier,  we  find  the  following  method  prescribed. The  bishop  (for  a  pontifical  celebration  is  de- scribed) "  breaks  an  oblate  on  the  right  side,  and leaves  on  the  altar  the  piece  (particulam)  which he  breaks  off."  It  is  explained  that  this  is  done "  in  order  that  the  altar  be  not  without  sacri- fice," while  the  mass  is  performed,  a  piece  (fer- mentum)  reserved  from  a  former  celebration, .nnd  placed  on  the  altar  before  the  service  began, having  just  before  been  put  into  the  chalice. This  is  the  only  fraction  before  that  for  dis- tribution, and  there  is  nothing  to  give  it  a symbolical  character  (Ordo  Rom.  i.  §  19,  p.  13). There  appears  to  have  been  no  symbolical  or merely  ritual  fraction  in  the  primitive  liturgy of  Milan,  although  for  "many  ages"  an  oblate has  been  broken  before  the  Lord's  Prayer,  with the  words,  "  Thy  Body  is  broken,  0  Christ,"  etc. (Muratori,  Litun/ia  Bom.  Vet.  Diss.  c.  x.  torn.  i. col.  134).  An  anthem,  called  Confractorium,  is sung  during  this  fraction,  but  with  no  special reference  to  the  Passion  (Pamelii  Liturgicon, tom.  i.  p.  304).  There  is  some  evidence  of  a symbolical  fraction  in  the  Galilean  church  before its  liturgy  was  tyrannically  suppressed  by Adrian  I.  and. Charlemagne.  In  an  exposition  of the  old  Galilean  liturgy  written  by  Germanus bishop  of  Paris,  A.D.  555,  or  one  of  his  disciples, we  read,  "  The  confraction  and  commixture  of the  body  of  the  Lord  was  set  forth  of  old  by  the holy  fathers "  (Mai'tene  de  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  i. c.  iv. ;  Art.  xii.  Ord.  i.).  The  sacramentaries  are without  rubrics ;  but  several  of  the  prayers, post  secreta,  which  were  said  immediately  after the  fraction,  refer  expressly  to  the  sufferings  of the  cross.  Thus,  for  example,  in  the  Missale Gothicum  in  the  Post  Secreta  for  Christmas : "  We  believe,  0  Lord,  Thy  Advent ;  we  com- memorate Thy  Passion.  For  Thy  Body  was broken  (confractum)  in  the  remission  of  our  sins  ; Thy  holy  Blood  was  shed  for  the  price  of  our redemption"  (Mabillon,  Liturgia  Gallicana, p.  192).  In  the  semi-Oriental  ritual  of  Gothic Spain  and  Gallia  Narbonensis,  the  priest  broke the  oblate  in  halves  and  divided  one-half  into five  parts,  the  other  into  four.  He  then  formed a  cross  with  seven  of  them,  putting  five  in  a  line to  make  the  stem,  and  one  on  each  side  of  the second  from  the  top  to  make  the  arms.  Each piece  had  a  name  given  it.  The  uppermost  in the  stem  was  called  Corporatio  (i.e.  Incarnation). Tlien   followed   in   order  Nativitas,    Circumcisio, -      FRACTION Apparitio  (Epiphany),  Passio.  The  piece  which formed  the  left  arm  of  the  cross  (taken  from  the spectator)  was  called  Mors;  that  on  the  right Besurrectio.  The  two  remaining  pieces  Gloria and  Regnum  were  placed  in  the  paten  below Besurrectio  in  a  line  with  it.  .See  the  illustra- tion below.  Thus  the  whole  course  of  our  Lord's being,  acting,  and  suffering  in  the  flesh,  with  the fruits  of  it,  was  in  a  manner  represented  {Mis- sttle  Mixtum  dictum  Mozarahes,  ed.  Leslie,  pp. 5,  6,  230-1). Circumcisio      I         (Jloria I ' i  j I        Apparitio  Regniira I In  some  of  the  ancient  liturgies  the  fraction now  described  took  place  before,  and  in  some, after  the  Lord's  Prayer  which  followed,  or  more properly  closed,  the  prayer  of  consecration.  In the  Greek,  Roman,  and  Egyptian  St.  Mark  it comes  after.  In  the  Galilean  {Litnrg.  Gall. p.  192),  the  Milanese,  Mozarabic,  Coptic,  and apparently  in  all  the  Syrian  liturgies  (Renaudot, tom.  ii.  pp.  22,  38,  131,  138,  etc.)  it  comes before.  To  these  we  may  add  the  Ethiopic,  but, in  that  liturgy,  as  in  our  own,  the  Lord's  Prayer is  said  after  the  communion  (Renaud.  tom.  i. p.  518). (3)  The  earliest  notices  of,  or  allusions  to,  a fraction  refer  only  to  the  necessary  division  of the  bread  for  distribution  among  the  commu- nicants. St.  Augustine  :  "  That  which  is  on  the Lord's  Table  ...  is  blessed  and  hallowed,  and broken  small  (comminuitur)  for  distribution " {Epist.  cxlix.  ad  Paidin.  §  16).  Clement  of Alexandria:  "Some  having  divided  the  eucharist according  to  custom,  permit  every  one  of  the people  to  take  his  own  share "  (Strom/ita,  L.  i. c.  i.  ■§  5).  Pseudo-  Dionysius  :  "  Having  exposed to  view  the  bread  that  was  covered  and  undivided, and  divided  it  into  many  parts,  and  having divided  the  oneness  of  the  cup  unto  all,  he  sym.bol- ically  multiplies  and  distributes  unity."  Again : "Bringing  into  sight  the  covered  gifts,  and dividing  their  oneness  into  many  parts  ...  he makes  those  who  partake  to  have  communion (with  each  other)  in  them"  (De  Eccles.  Hier- nrch.  c.  iii.  §  iii.  nn.  12,  1.3).  In  the  liturgy  of St.    Mark,    in    immediate    preparation    for    the FRACTION communion,  "  the  priest  breaks  the  bread,  and says,  Praise  ye  God  iu  [i.e.  Psalm  cl.  as  iu  the Septuagint].  The  priest  divides  the  bread,  say- ing to  tliose  present  [i.e.  to  the  deacons,  &c. who  assist].  The  Lord  shall  bless  and  minister with  you,"  &c.  Then,  after  a  few  versicles entirely  free  from  any  mystical  allusion,  he communicates.  In  St.  James  the  later  Greek rite  of  putting  the  bread  into  the  chalice  has been  adopted.  "  When  he  distributes  a  single portion  into  each  chalice,  he  says,  A  holy  por- tion of  Christ,  full  of  grace  and  truth,  of  the Father  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  to  whom  fee  glory, &c.  Then  he  begins  to  divide  [i.e.  the  bread in  the  chalices  with  a  spoon],  and  to  say,  The Lord  is  my  Shepherd,"  &c.  (Ps.  x.xiii.).  In  the common  Greek  rite,  a  second  part  of  the  pre- pared loaf  which  is  stamped  XC  (for  XpiffrSs)  is divided  for  the  communion  of  the  priest  and  his assistants,  who  receive  the  elements  separately. The  other  two  (marked  NI  and  KA ;  see  Elk- MENTS,  p.  603)  are  also  divided  according  to  the number  of  the  other  communicants,  and  put  into the  chalice.  As  intinction  began  to  appear  in Spain  in  the  7th  century  (see  Can.  ii.  Cone. Braccar.  Labb.  tom.  vi.  col.  563),  the  method  of fraction  now  described  as  attendant  on  it  was probabl)'  in  use  among  the  Greeks  so  early  as  the 6th.  In  the  4th  and  5th  we  find  Cyril  of  Jeru- salem, Basil,  Chrysostom,  and  Cyril  of  Alexan- dria, still  recognizing  the  practice  of  receiving in  the  hand  (see  Scudamore's  Notitia  Eucharis- tica,  p.  632,  and  Communion,  Holy,  p.  416), ■vrhich  is  incompatible  with  intinction.  We have  already  described  the  last  fraction  in  the Coptic  liturgy.  The  rubrics  do  not  specify  any further  preparation  for  the  communion.  Nor  are those  of  the  Ethiopic,  Armenian,  or  Syriac  more explicit.  The  last  named  liturgy,  however,  may receive  illustratiim  from  the  Nestorian,  in  which "  another  fraction  of  the  same  Host  into  lesser particles  fur  the  distribution  of  the  communion" is  expressly  ordered,  though  no  method  is  pre- scribed (Renaudot,  tom.  ii.  pp.  595,  611). In  the  West  the  Mozarabic  priest  preparing for  the  communion  put  the  "particle"  called Eegnum  into  the  chalice,  received  himself  that called  Gloria.,  and  if  any  others  received  must,  it is  presumed,  have  used  the  remainder  for  their communion,  breaking  them  up  as  the  number  of communicants  might  require.  We  saj  presumed, for  the  present  rubrics,  which  recognize  but  one Host,  divided  as  before  described,  direct  him afterwards  to  consume  all  the  particles  in  order. The  tract  of  Eldefousus,  printed  by  JMabillon  iu an  appendix  to  his  dissertation  JJe  Feme  Eucha- ristico  {Analecta  Vetera,  p.  549),  prescribes  the use  of  several  Hosts,  the  number  varying  with the  festival  or  season.  We  have  no  information respecting  the  early  practice  of  the  Galilean  and Italian  churches.  In  an  Ordo  Eommius  which probably  carries  us  up  to  the  7th  century,  and certainly  to  the  8th,  the  last  fraction  is  thus  de- scribed. The  bishop  of  Rome,  it  should  be  said, is  the  chief  officiant.  "Then  the  acolytes  go behind  the  bishops  about  the  altar ;  the  rest  go down  to  the  presbyters  ;  that  they  may  break the  Hosts  [which  were  then  small  loaves].  A paten  goes  before  near  the  throne,  two  regionary subdeacons  carrying  it  to  the  deacons,  that  they may  break.  But  they  look  on  the  face  of  the pontiff  that  he   may  give   the  signal  to  break. CHRIST.  ANT. FRANKFORT,  COUNCIL  OF      G89 And  when  he  has  given  it  by  a  motion  of  the head,  having  again  saluted  the  pontiff,  they break  them"  {Ordd.  L'oiii.  i.  ii.  iii.  pp.  14,  49, 59)-  [W.  E.  S.] FRANKFORT,    COUNCIL    OF  (Franco- fordiense  concilium),  held  at  Frankfort,  A.D.  794, "by  favour  of  God,  authority  of  the  pope,  and command  of  Charlemagne,  who  was  present  and attended  by  all   the  bishops  of  the  kingdom  of France  and  Italy,  with  the  province  of  Aquif aine  " (300  in  number,  according  to  later  writers),  as we    read    in    the    first   of    the    fifty-six    canons ascribed  to  it.     From  the  same  canon  we   learn that  the  first  thing  discussed  in  it  was  the  heresy of  the  Sj)ani.sh  prelates  Felix  and  Elipand,  since called  Adoptionism,  which  was  condemned  ;  and from  the  second  canon  that  a  decree  of  a  recent synod  of  the  Greeks,  visiting  all  with  anathema who    would  not  worship  and  serve  the    images of  the  saints   as  they   would   the   Trinity,   was repudiated  as  well  as  condemned.     This  is"  about all  we    know  of  what  passed  at  Frankfort ;  at any  rate   we   have  no  direct   authentic  record extant  of  its  proceedings  beyond  its  canons.    And of  these  the  second  has  been  made  a  subject  of hot   controversy   both   in   ancient    and   modern times.     Contemporaries  aver  that  bishops  Theo- phylact  and  Stephen  (without  naming  their  sees) represented  pope  Adrian  at  Frankfort,  and  that the   council  repudiated  there  was  that  "  falsely called  the  7th."     In  the  modern  heading  to  this council,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  asserted   that "  the  acts  of  the  2nd  Kicene  council  respecting images  were  confirmed  there."     There  are  four dogmatic   epistles  printed  in  the  collections  of councils   as    having   emanated    from    Franktbrt. (1)  A  letter  from  pope  Adrian  to  the  bishops  of Spain.     (2)  Another    from  the  bishops  of  Italy against  Elipand.     This  is  better  known  as  "  the sacrosyllabus  "  of  Pauliniis  of  Aquileia,  but  it  is said  to  have  been  published  at  Frankfort,  and sent  by  order  of  the  council  into  Spain.     (3)  A third  is  from  the  bishops  of  France  and  Germany to   the   bishops    of  Spain.     (4)  A   fourth    from Charlemagne    to    Elipand    and    the    rest  of  the Spanish  bishops.     In  this  the  three  preceding  are stated  to  have  been  sent  by  him  after  holding  a council,   and   conferring  with   the  pope  on   the subject  of  which   they  treat,  without  however naming   Frankfort.     Still,  after  reading  the  1st canon    of  Frankfort,   we   may  not   doul  t    their having  been  brought  out  there.   As  little  can  we doubt   another  work  having  been   brought  out there  also,  for  the  light  it  throws  upon  canon  2. The  title  given  originally  to  this  work  was  "the capitulary  respecting  images;"  but  it  is  in  four books,  now  known   as  the  "Caroline."     It  has been  ascribed  to  Alcuin,  Angilbert,  and  Augil- ramn  in    turn ;    it    is   ascribed    to  Alcuin    still {Bihl.  Bcr.  Germ.  tom.  vi.  220).     What  it  says of  itself  (7Vac/.)  is,  that  it  was  jointly  composed by  Charlemagne  and  his  prelates  in  refutation of  two  councils  "held  in  the  parts  of  Bithynia" (both  calling  themselves  the  screnth) ;  one  icono- clastic (that  of  Constantinople,   A.D.   754),  the other    in    favour   of    images    (the    2nd    Nicene, A.D.  787),  and  within  three  years  of  this  last  (or four   years  before    it  was    brought  out).     But, in  reality,   there   was  no  need    of  refuting  the first  of  ihem,  as  this  had  been   already  done  by the  last  (Art.  Gone.  Nic.  ii.).     The    last   aloncj 690 FRATEK,  FEATERNITAS therefore,  now  stood  for  refutation.  "  De  cujus destrudione,"  says  Hincmar  (m  causa  Ilinc.  L.  c. 20),  "non  modicum  volumen,  quod  in  palatio adolescentulus  legi,  ab  eodem  imperatore  Eomara est  per  quosdam  episcopos  missum  " — and  then follows  a  reference  to  c.  28  of  the  fourth  book, which  identifies  it  at  once.  Further,  not  only was  it  sent  to  Rome,  but  it  elicited  a  formal reply  from  the  pope,  as  pope,  vindicating  in  detail th.e  teaching  of  the  2nd  Nicene  council  which  he had  confirmed  himself  (Mansi  siii.  759  and  seq.). In  this  work  it  is  the  2nd  Nicene  council  accord- ingly which  is  attacked  all  through  :  the  creed  of Pelagius  the  heretic  (St.  Aug.  Op.  x.  App.  pt.  ii. Ed.  Bon.)  is  paraded  in  the  opening  c.  of  the  3rd book  as  St.  Jerome's,  and  called  "the  tradition of  the  Catholic  faith  In  its  integrity,"  in  oppo- sition to  that  of  the  2nd  Nicene  council,  which is  attacked  further  on  for  wanting  the  "  Filioque  " clause  (c.  8):  while  c.  17  of  the  same  book  un- ravels the  statement  of  canon  2  of  this  council, by  shewing  that  what  is  condemned  there  as having  been  decreed  by  the  2nd  Nicene  council under  anathema,  was  no  more  than  the  informal utterance  of  one  of  the  bishops  who  spoke  there, named  Constantinus.  If  the  pope  then  was really  represented  at  Frankfort  by  his  legates, they  must  have  left  after  the  condemnation  of Adoptionism,  or,  at  all  events,  before  this  canon was  framed.  Most  of  the  other  canons,  indeed, are  couched  in  a  style  of  their  own,  "  Statutum," or  "definitum  est  a  Domino  Rege,  et  a  sanctS synodo."  The  33rd  canon  runs  thus  :  "Ut  Catho- lica  fides  sanctae  Trinitatis,  et  oratio  Dominica, et  symbolum  fidei  omnibvis  praedicetur  et tradatur."  It  has  been  assumed  that  what  was meant  here  by  "Catholica  fides"  is  the  Atha- nasian  Creed.  But  it  would  seem,  rathei",  from the  two  verbs  which  follow,  that  as  by  the Lord's  Prayer  and  Creed  are  meant  what  had  to be  " dcUvered"  so  by  the  " Catholic  faith "  is meant  merely  what  had  to  be  ^^ preached." Besides,  this  phrase  was  applied  to  so  many things  then  (Ffoulkes'  Ath.  C.  Append,  p.  32  and seq.),  that  its  actual  meaning  cannot  be  assumed where  the  context  is  not  explicit.  The  55th  is remarkable  as  shewing  how  Angilramn  had  been employed.  "  Dixit  Dominus  rex  .  .  .  se  a  sede apostolici  .  .  .  licentiam  habuisse,  ut  Angilram- num  archiepiscopum  in  suo  palatio  assidue haberet,  propter  utilitates  ecclesiasticas."  Now the  only  work  extant  with  which  his  name  is associated,  is  a  collection  of  canons  said  to  have been  given  by  him  to  the  pope,  or  received  from the  pope  when  he  was  at  Rome,  containing  indis- putable germs  of  the  false  Decretals.  In  the next  canon  Alcuin  is  commended  to  the  fellow- ship and  prayers  of  the  council.  There  is  a strong  family  likeness,  in  conclusion,  between this  council  and  .that  of  Paris,  A.D.  825,  which should  not  be  overlooked  by  anybody  wishing  to form  a  just  notion  of  either  (Mansi  xiii.  859  and 863  and  seq.).  [E.  S.  Ff.] FRATER,  FRATERNITAS.  1.  The  name Frater  was  applied  among  themselves  to  all Christians  [Faithful].  tertuUian  {Apolog.  c. 39)  says  that  those  who  recognise  one  God  as their  tather,  and  have  drunk  of  one  Spirit,  are called  brethren.  Jerome  (De  Perpet.  Virg.  c. 15)  says  that  all  Christians  are  called  brothers. The    Pseudo  Clemcus  {Epnst.  ad  Jacob.  Proem.) FRESCO speaks  of  the  priests  and  deacons,  and  all  the other  brethren.  Hence  the  title  i^/'aie/')i/ias  was commonly  applied  to  all  the  members  of  the church,  or  of  a  pai'ticular  church,  regarded  col- lectively ;  as  by  TertuUian  (Apolog.  c.  39 ;  and perhaps  De  Virg.  Vel.  c.  14),  and  Cyprian  (Epist. 51,  c.  1)  where  "  fraternitas "  is  equivalent  to "  clerus  et  plebs." Frater  and  Fraternitas,  in  this  sense,  are  fre- quently found  in  inscriptions.  Thus,  in  an  Alge- rian inscription  (Reinier,  Ins.  de  I'Alge'rie,  No. 4025),  a  church  is  designated  ecclesia  fratrvm. In  a  Greek  epitaph  copied  by  Marini  {Arval. Prefaz.  p.  xx.),  from  the  Olivieri  collection  at Pesaro,  the  body  of  the  faithful  is  addressed  with the  salutation,  "peace  to  the  brethren,'' EIPHNHN EXETE  AAEA*OI.  Another  (Muratori,  Ihesaur. t.  iv.  p.  siDCCCXxiv.  9)  is  dedicated  by  "the brethren "  (fratres  reddiderunt)  to  Alexander, their  brother.  Another  (Brunati.  p.  108)  appeals to  the  "good  brothers"  (fratres  boni).  In another,  from  the  cemetery  of  Priscilla,  "the brethren  "  bid  farewell  to  Leontius. Some  proper  names  appear  to  have  arisen  from this  idea  of  brotherhood.  As  that  of  Adelphius, which  is  found  on  a  marble  in  the  museum  of Lyons  (Boissieu,  p.  597,  Ixi.).  (Martigny,  Diction- tudre  des  Antiq.  Chre't.  ;   Kvt.FraterniU). 2.  Persons  of  the  same  official  body  styled each  other  Fratres;  thus,  not  only  does  Cyprian speak  of  fellow-bishops  as  Fratres,  but  he  ad- dresses presbyters  and  deacons  by  the  same  title (e.g.  Epist.  16).  When  in  the  same  epistle  (c.  2), he  says,  that  "  fraternitas  nostra "  has  been deceived  by  certain  persons,  it  seems  doubtful whether  he  means  the  body  of  bishops,  or  the members  of  the  church  in  general.  Hosius  {Cone. Sardic.  c.  8)  speaks  of  a  fellow-bishop  as  "  frater et  coepiscopus."  From  this  official  use  of  the word  "  Frater,"  it  arose  that  the  membei's  of  a council  speak  of  themselves  as  "  concilium  frater- nitatis  "  (/.  Cone.  Lugd.  c.  6),  i.  e.  of  the  epis- copal brotherhood.  So  I.  Syn.  Bom.  c.  2 ;  IV. ini.'\  Syn.  Bom.  c.  1. 3.  A  monastic  order  is  emphatically  a  brother- hood (fraternitas),  and  its  members  Fratres,  or Fratres  Spirituales  (Fructuosi  Regula,  cc.  4  and 8).    See  Brotherhood,  Monastery.      [P.  0.] FRATERNUS,  bishop  and  confessor  at Auxerre  ;  commemorated  Sept.  29  {Mart.  Usu- ardi) ;  deposition  Sept.  29  (Mart.  Hieron.). [W.  F.  G.] FRESCO.  The  object  of  this  article  is  to furnish  a  brief  historical  sketch  of  the  rise  and progress  of  pictorial  decoration  in  the  religious buildings  of  the  early  Christians.  Embellishments in  mosaic  will  be  treated  of  in  a  separate  article, but  all  other  wall  decorations  will  be  included, not  those  only  strictly  comprehended  under  the title  fresco,''  i.  e.  when  the   colours  are   mixed a  The  word  fresco  is  by  a  popular  error  commonlj'  used for  all  kinds  of  wall-painting.  Accurately  speaking  it  Is restricted  to  that  which  the  word  indicates,  painting  on /res/(Ji/-?aid  plaster,  executed  while  the  wall  is  still  damp, in  water  colours  and  pigments  not  liable  to  be  injured  by the  lime.  Dry  fresco  is  painting  on  old  plaster  wetted afresh.  Distemper  (a  tempera')  is  on  a  dry  wail  with opaque  colours,  made  up  with  some  viscous  medium, size,  white  of  egg,  milk,  or  gum,  diluted  or  "  tempered  " with  water.  Encaustk painting  is  painting  with  wax  as a  vehicle,  the  coloursi  being  burnt  in  afterwards. FRESCO with  water  simply,  and  applied  to  fresh  plaster while  wet.  This  was  the  ordiuary  mode  of colouring  walls  among  the  wealthier  Romans; but  the  care  aiid  skill  it  required,  and  the  tedious processes  necessary  for  preparing  the  walls  for the  colours,  forbade  its  use  where  economy  was an  object.  In  the  better-class  houses  at  Pom- peii, Rome,  and  elsewhere,  the  wall-decorations are  executed  in  fresco ;  but  the  greater  part  of the  paintings  in  ordinary  dwellings  are  in  dis- temper of  various  degrees  of  excellence.  We are  at  present  deficient  in  accurate  information as  to  the  exact  process  employed  in  the  paintings of  the  catacombs ;  but  considering  the  general absence  of  wealth  among  the  primitive  Chris- tians, it  is  probable  that  the  less  expensive  me- thod would  be  adopted.  Whenever  paintings were  repainted  or  touched  up,  the  plaster  being dr}-,  the  distemper  process  must  have  been  ne- cessarily employed.  That  encaustic  painting  in wax  was  also  employed  in  early  religious  pic- tures is  certain  from  the  references  in  the  fathers to  that  process.  Chrysostom  and  Basil  {Contra Sahellian.  p.  805)  in  the  East,  and  Paulinas  in  the West,  may  be  cited.  The  latter  speaks  of  "  ima- gines ceris  liquentibus  pictas "  {Ep.  xxx.  §  6), while  Chrysostom  more  than  once  refers  to  K7)p6- X^'i'os  ypa(pri.  Hermogenes,  the  African  painter, is  reproached  by  the  vehement  Tertullian  as being  "bis  felsarius,  et  cauterio  et  stilo"  {Adc. Hermog.  c.  1).  The  fact  is  that  Christian  art followed  the  technical  rules  of  the  period,  and adopted  whatever  processes  were  in  use  among the  artists  of  the  day,  and  were  most  suited  to the  particular  work  in  hand,  whether  fresco, tempera,  or  encaustic. •  Nor  was  it  only  in  the  processes  adopted  but also  in  the  character  of  the  pictorial  decorations themselves  that  the  early  Christians  conformed to  the  practice  of  the  age  in  which  they  lived. Indeed,  it  could  not  be  otherwise.  As  has  been remarked  with  perfect  truth  by  Raoul  Rochette, '•  un  art  ne  s'improvise  pas."  A  school  of  paint- ing is  the  result  of  a  long  previous  train  of  edu- cation, and  cannot  spring  into  existence  in  a moment  "  fully  formed,  like  Minerva  from  the brain  of  Jupiter"  (Northcote,  Eom.  Sott.  p.  198). There  was  nothing  exceptional  about  Christian art.  It  was  no  more  than  the  continuation  of the  art  Christianity  found  already  existing  as the  exponent  of  the  ideas  of  the  age,  with  such modifications  as  its  purer  faith  and  higher  mo- rality rendered  necessary.  The  artists  employed were  not  necessarily  Christian  ;  indeed,  in  most cases,  especially  in  the  earliest  times,  they  would probably  be  pagans,  working  in  the  style  and depicting  the  subjects  to  which  they  were  ac- customed, only  restricted  by  the  watchful  care of  their  employers  that  no  devices  were  intro- duced which  could  offend  the  moral  tone  of Christians.  In  the  earliest  examples  there  is absolutely  nothing  distinctive  of  the  religion professed.  "  At  first,"  writes  Mr.  Burgon  {Let- ters from  Rome,  p.  250),  "  they  even  used  many of  the  same  devices  for  mural  decoration  as  the pagans  had  used,  always  excepting  anything  that was  immoral  or  idolatrous;  introducing,  how- ever, every  here  and  there,  as  the  ideas  occurred to  them,  something  more  significant  of  their  own creed,  until  by-aud-by  the  whole  was  exclu- sively Christian."  The  deep-rooted  aversion  of the  early  Christians  to  all  sculptured  or  pictorial FRESCO 691 representations,  natural  in  a  community  that  had sprung  from  the  bosom  of  the  Jewish  churcli, for  a  considerable  period  forbade  all  attempts  to depict  the  person  of  the  Saviour  or  the  events of  either  Testament,  and  limited  the  efTorts  of Christian  art  to  the  simple  naturalism  of  the decorations  already  common,  or  the  arabesques in  which  the  fancy  of  tlie  artists  loved  to  indulge. The  earliest  Christian  frescoes  with  which  we are  acquainted  present  the  same  subjects  from pastoral  life  and  the  vintage,  tlie  trellised  vines and  bunches  of  grapes,  the  bright-plumaged  birds and  ])ainted  butterflies,  the  winged  genii  and gracefully  draped  female  figures,  with  which  we are  familiar  in  the  wall-decoratious  of  the  Roman baths  and  the  houses  of  Pompeii.  By  degrees the  natural  instinct  for  the  beautiful  asserted itself,  and  the  desire  to  make  the  eye  a  channel for  the  reception  of  the  truths  of  revelation  led to  the  introduction  of  symbolic  representations, which,  without  attempting  directly  to  depict sacred  things,  conveyed  to  the  initiated  the  ex- pression of  the  truths  believed  by  them.  The actual  change  in  the  character  of  the  subjects represented  was  at  first  inconsiderable.  The vine  laden  with  clusters  became  a  recognised symbol  of  Christ  "  the  True  Vine  "  and  the  "  much- fruit,"  by  which  Christians,  as  "  branches," were  called  to  glorify  the  Father.  The  pastoral subjects,  especially  those  in  which  the  Shepherd was  the  principal  figure,  at  once  led  the  miud  of the  worshipper  to  the  contemplation  of  Christ the  "  Good  Shepherd."  To  the  devout  imagina- tion a  Fish  represented  at  once  the  Saviour  Him- self, the  anagrammatic  1X0T2,  and  the  human object  of  His  salvation,  the  Christian  deriving his  life  from  the  waters  of  baptism  (cf.  TertuU. de  Baptism,  c.  i.),  while  the  Fisherman  spoke  of Him  who  by  the  Gospel-hook  takes  men  for  life, not  for  death."  [Fisii ;  Fisherman.]  Not  only were  these  natural  emblems  made  to  breathe  a Christian  spirit  by  the  infusion  of  a  new  element of  life,  but  even  directly  mythological  personages were  pressed  into  the  service  of  the  church. Orpheus  captivating  the  wild  beasts  by  the  sound of  his  lyre  was  adopted  as  a  symbol  of  Christ subduing  the  savage  passions  of  men  by  the melody  of  the  gospel,  and  Ulysses  deaf  to  the alluring  voices  of  the  sirens  represented  the  be- liever triumphing  over  the  seductions  of  worldly and  sensual  pleasure  (Martigny,  Diet,  de.^  Ant. Chret.  pp.  447,  643;  De'  Rossi,  Bullet ino,  18t)3, p.  35).  The  hold  which  the  old  forms  still  niaiu- tained  long  after  the  ideas  of  which  they  were the  exponents  had  passed  away,  is  seen  in  the combination  with  Scriptural  scenes  of  those personifications  of  Nature  under  the  human  form so  frequent  in  pagan  times,  which  lasted  even down  to  a  late  date.  In  the  delineation  of  the ascension  of  Elijah,  one  of  the  most  frequently repeated  subjects  of  early  Christian  art,  the Jordan  is  represented  as  a  river  god,  with  his  urn. b  This  image  is  beautifully  developed  in  the  grand Orphic  hymn  attributid  to  Cl.'ment  of  Ale.Nuiidrla,  thus nobly  rendered  by  Dr.  W.  L.  Alexander  {Ante  Xiceiit Fathers,  vol.  i.  p.  344)  :— "  Fisher  of  men  whom  Thou  to  life  dost  bring; From  evil  sea  of  sin, And  from  the  billowy  sUifr, (iathoring  pure  fishes  In Caught  with  sweet  bail  nf  life." •2   Y  2 692 FRESCO Thus  also  "a  movintain  is  occasionally  repre sented  by  a  mountain  god,  a  city  by  a  goddes; with  a  mural  crown,  uight  by  a  female  figure with  a  tor.ch  and  star-bespangled  robe,  &c," (Kugler,  Handbook  of  Fainting,  part  i.  p.  9). So  slow  and  timid  was  the  commencement  of Christian  art.  The  profane  abuse  of  sculptui-e  and painting  which  had  associated  these  foi-ms  of  art with  idolatry  and  licentiousness  formed  an  almost insuperable  barrier  to  its  recognition  as  the  hand- maid of  religion.  The  earlier  fathers  viewed  all sculptural  or  pictorial  representations  with  sus- picion if  not  decided  disapprobation.  The  stern Tertullian,  transferring  the  prohibitions  of  the Old  Testament  to  the  New,  absolutely  condemned all  representations  of  religious  objects,  and  re- proached Hermogenes  as  vehemently  for  painting as  for  his  defence  of  second  marriages  :  "  pingit illicite,  nubit  assidue,  legem  Dei  in  libidinem defendit,  in  artem  contemnit"  (Tertull.  adv. Hermog.  c.  i. ;  De  Idulolatr.  c.  5 ;  cf.  Neander, Antignosticus,  Bohn's  tr.  pp.  225,  451).  We  find similar  but  milder  condemnations  of  the  pictorial art  in  Clement  Alex.  ( Protrept.  c.  4)  and  Origen {cont.  Cels.  lib.  iv.  c.  31).  Sacred  art  being  thus frowned  on  it  was  only  by  gradual  and  cautious steps  that  symbolism  gave  way  to  direct  historical representation,  the  events  selected  to  be  depicted being,  at  first,  themselves  symbolical  of  those great  gospel  facts  which  a  deep-seated  reverence as  yet  forbade  them  to  portray.  The  persons and  incidents  of  the  Old  Testament  included within  the  limited  cycle  in  which  Christian  art originally  moved  had  all  a  typical  or  allegorical reference  to  the  leading  doctrines  of  Christianity, and  reminded  the  devout  worshipper  of  the  Sa- crifice, Resurrection,  and  Redemption  of  Christ. This  will  be  apparent  from  the  cycles  of  0.  T. subjects  given  in  the  latter  part  of  this  article. It  was  something  that  in  spite  of  the  profane and  licentious  associations  of  pictorial  art,  and the  aversion  of  some  of  its  most  influential teachers,  painting  should  have  secured  admission thus  far  into  the  service  of  Christianity.  But  it was  still  halting  at  the  threshold,  and  timidly shrinking  from  the  province  of  its  greatest  tri- umphs, so  long  as  it  was  restricted  to  allegory. It  could  only  accomplish  its  object  in  elevating the  mind,  and  connecting  beautiful  and  ennobling ideas  with  the  external  facts  on  which  the  faith is  founded,  when  it  adequately  depicted  the  Person of  the  Saviour  and  chief  events  of  His  saving  life. Referring  to  the  article  Jesus  Christ  for  fuller details  of  the  pictorial  history  of  the  Redeemer, and  of  the  slow  degrees  with  which  the  pious horri;r  of  any  direct  delineation  of  His  outward form  was  broken  down  (of  the  persistence  of which  feeling  the  notorious  decree  of  the  council of  Elvira,^  a.d.  305,  forbidding,  the  depicting  of the  objects  of  worship  and  adoration  on  the walls  of  churches  is  a  remarkable  evidence),  it will  be  enough  here  to  say  that  portrait-like  re- presentations of  our  Blessed  Lord  are  found among  the  early  wall-paintings  in  the  Roman cataci.mibs,  and  that  a  limited  number  of  events from  His  life  on  earth,  belonging  to  a  strictly- defiutd  cycle,  are  of  constant  occurrence  in  the same    localities.       It   deserves   notice  that   this e  •'  Placuit  picturas  in  ecclesia  esse  non  debere,  ne  quod colltur  et  adoratur  inparietibus  depingatur  "  (Cone.  Illib. can,  30 ;  Labbe,  Cmcil.  vol.  i.  p.  974). FRESCO cycle  does  not  include  any  representations  of  the history  of  the  Passion  or  Crucifixion.  A  feeling of  awful  reverence  forbade  any  attempt  to  por- tray the  atoning  death  of  Christ  in  any  but  a symbolical  or  allegorical  form.  "The  catacombs of  Rome  .  .  .  offer  no  instance  of  a  crucifixion, nor  does  any  allusion  to  such  a  subject  of  art occur  in  any  early  writer  "  (Milman,  m.  s.  p.  398). The  most  ancient  instance  known  does  not  date earlier  than  the  8th  century  (Munter,  Sinnbilder, p.  77).  Beyond  the  domain  of  sacred  allegory and  Scriptural  painting.  Christian  art  busied itself  in  the  representation  of  saintly  personages and  of  the  martyrdoms,  the  memory  of  which was  still  so  vivid  in  the  church.  It  is  difficult to  point  to  indubitably  early  examples  of  the  first class,  and  all  traces  of  the  latter  class  have perished.  That  representations  of  holy  persons were  not  unfrequent  in  the  time  of  St.  Augustine is  certain  from  his  reference  to  wall-paintings  of St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  as  commonly  existing, "  pluribus  locis  .  .  .  pictos  "  {de  Gunsens.  Evang. i.  10).  But  the  paintings  of  St.  Cornelius  and  St. Cyprian,  in  the  crypt  of  Cornelius,  in  theCallistine catacomb,  are  in  the  style  of  the  8th  century,  while the  Orante  called  St.  Cecilia  by  De'  Rossi,  in  the crypt  bearing  her  name,  is  of  the  9th ;  and  the figure  of  St.  Urban,  in  the  same  crypt,  "can  hardly have  been  executed  before  the  10th  or  11th" (Northcote,  u.  s.  p.  159).  The  paintings  of  saints in  the  catacombs  of  Naples  may  be  assigned  to  an earlier  period  :  some  belonging  to  the  5th,  others to  the  8th  century.  Although  all  representa- tions of  martyrdoms  have  perished,  there  is  no doubt  that  such  existed.  Prudentius  (c.  405) speaks  of  a  picture  of  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Cas- sianus,  of  which  he  says  expressly,  "  Historiam pictura  refert  "  (Peristeph.  Hymn.  ix.  v.  5),  and he  elaborately  describes  the  paintings  of  the  mar- tyrdom of  St.  Hippolytus,  which  embellished  the walls  of  the  chapel  in  which  the  body  of  the saint  had  been  deposited  {Peristeph.  Hymn.  xi.  v. 141  sq.).  Paulinus  of  Nola  also  at  the  commence- ment of  the  5th  century,  decorated  a  chapel erected  by  him  with  martyrs  (Poem,  xxviii.  v. 20,  21).  At  a  still  earlier  period  we  have  the testimony  of  St.  Gregory  Nyssen  as  to  the  pre- valence of  this  practice  in  the  Eastern  church. He  describes  the  piartyrdom  of  St.  Theodore  as painted  on  the  walls  of  a  church  dedicated  to that  saint,  "  The  fiery  furnace,  the  death  of  the athlete  of  Christ  .  .  .  the  painter  had  expressed by  colours  as  in  a  book  .  .  .  The  dumb  walls speak  and  edify"  {Orat.  in  Theod.  torn.,  iii.  p. 579).d Early  Christian  paintings  may  be  conveniently treated  of  under  three  divisions,  Roman,  Byzan- tine, and  Lombardic. I.  Eoman. — All  the  earlier  Christian  buildings above  ground  having  yielded  to  time  and  human violence,  the  catacombs  are  the  only  source  of examples  of  primitive  Christian  art.  In  them, as  has  been  already  remarked,  the  earliest  ex- amples offer  nothing  exclusively  Christian,  and differ  hardly  at  all  from  the  contemporaneous pagan  decorations.  Agincourt  long  since  called attention  to  this  fact  in  his  great  work  {UHistoire de  I' Art  par  les  Monumens),  proving  by  compara- tive representations  in  successive  plates  {Peinture, d  See  Pusey,  Note  to  TerttiUian's  Apology,  Lib.  of  the Fathers,  vol.  x.  p.  100  sq. FRESCO pl.  V.  vi.),  that  the  first  Christian  sepulchral chambers  were  arranged  and  decorated  after heathen  models.  The  artists  probably  adhered to  the  old  faith ;  and  even  if  this  were  not  so, they  were  only  accustomed  to  work  in  one  style, and  could  not  extemporize  a  new  one.  In  some  of the  most  ancient  chapels  of  the  catacombs  it  has been  truly  said  that  "you  are  not  certain whether  you  are  looking  on  a  pagan  or  a  Chris- tian work.  There  is  the  same  geometrical  divi- sion of  the  roof,  the  same  general  arrangement of  the  subjects,  the  same  fabulous  animals,  the same  graceful  curves,  the  same  foliage,  fruit, flowers,  and  birds  in  both"  (Burgou,  Letters from  Home,  p.  250;  Northcote,  it.  s.  p.  190). Agincourt  could  discover  no  difference  in  style," except,  perhaps,  what  was  not  unnatural,  greater signs  of  hurry,  and  coarser  execution.  It  is  only the  occuri-ence  of  the  figure  of  the  Good Shepherd,  which  usually  occupies  the  central position,  or  some  Scriptural  subject,  such  as Jonah  or  Daniel,  or  some  Christian  symbol,  that clears  up  the  doubt  as  to  the  religion  of  the  art we    are   studying.       The  entire    absence    of  all FRESCO 693 No.  1.  Painting  on  Ceiling.    From  the  Cemetery  of  St.  Domitilla. gloomy  associations  in  connection  with  death deserves  remark.  The  cheerful  symbolical decorations  which  adorn  the  sepulchral  chambers — the  graceful  vine,  the  clustering  grapes,  the birds  and  bright  landscapes — bespeak  a  faith which  nerved  its  possessors  to  meet  the  most terrible  sufferings  with  calmness  and  even  with delight,  as  the  path  to  never-ending  joys,  and  to view  death  as  the  door  to  eternal  life,  the  true birthday  of  the  soul.  Every  thing  that  meets the  eye  excites  pleasurable  emotions,  and  indi- cates a  heart  full  of  peace  and  happiness. As  an  example  of  Christian  mural  decorations of  the  very  earliest  period  we  may  instance  the Cat(Xcomb  of  Domitilla  on  the  Appian  way  (see  p. 314).  This  catacomb  is  attributed  to  Flavia  Domi- tilla, a  near  relative  of  the  emperor  Domitian — perhaps  his  niece,  the  daughter  of  his  sister  who bore  the  same  name.  She  was  the  wife  of  Flavius Clemens,  the  cousin  of  Domitian,  and  his  colleague in  the  consulship  a.d.  95,  who  was  accused  of "atheism,"  by  which  we  are  almost  certainly  to understand  Christianity,  and  put  to  death  by the   emperor.     Domitilla  was    banished    on    the same  charge  to  the  island  of  I'ontia  {Divtionan, of  Uinstian  Biography,  Domitilla).  In  this bunal-place,  therefore,  we  have  work  of  the  end ot  the  1st  or  the  beginning  of  the  2nd  century. Ihe  frescoes  which  oinament  the  walls  and  ceil- ings of  the  sepulchral  chambers  and  their  rece.s.ses or  cubicula  are  clearly  contemporaneous  with the  origmal  building,  and  are,  especially  in  the No.  2.    Spring.     From  the  Cemetery  of  SS.  Nereoa  and  Achillir  m. subordinate  embellis'nments,  of  rare  beauty. There  is  a  vaulted  root;  over  which  a  vine trails  with  all  the  freedom  of  nature,  laden  with clusters,  at  which  birds  are  pecking,  while  winged boys  are  gathering  or  pressing  out  the  grapes, of  which  no  decorative  artist  of  the  Augus- tan age  need  be  ashamed  (Mommsen,  Contemn Eev.  May  1871,  p.  170).  The  annexed  wood- cut (No.  1)  gives  a  faint  idea  of  its  exquisite grace  and  beauty.  Traces  of  landscapes  also  still exist  here,  which  are  of  rare  occurrence  in  later Christian  burial  vaults.  In  the  portion  of  this catacomb  known  by  the  names  of  St.  Domitilla's chamberlains,  St.  Nereus  and  St.  Achilleus,  a painted  cubiculum  exhibits  representations  of  the four  seasons,  which  are  very  curious.  They  are represented  as  female  figures,  with  small  butter- fly wings  attached  to  their  .shoulders.  We  give woodcuts   of  Spring   and  Autumn  (Nos.  2," 3). No.  3.    Aulumn.     From  the  Omctery  of  SS.  Nercua  nnd  Aclillleiii The  latter  has  an  attendant  genius  emptying  out a  cornucopia  of  fruit.  There  is  an  entire  absence of  anything  distinctively  Christian  in  these  deco- rations, which  reproduce  the  wall-paintings  of the  best  period  of  Greco-Roman  art.  On  the walls,  however,  we  find  the  usual  allegorical  and Scriptural  subjects  —  the    Good    Shepherd,    the 694 FRESCO Fisherman,  an  Agape,  Daniel  iu  the  Lions'  Den, &C.'' Another  equally  beautiful  specimen  of  the vine  ornamentation  is  exhibited  on  the  vault  of a  square  chamber  of  the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus, otherwise  known  as  that  of  St.  Urban,  beneath the  church  of  the  same  name,  lying  to  the  east of  the  Via  Appia,  near  the  circus  of  Maxentius. This  burial-p'ace  belongs  to  the  earliest  period, and  the  character  of  the  decorations  corresponds with  heathen  art  of  the  2nd  century,  and  is  not at  all  inferior  to  the  best  works  of  the  age. The  accompanying  woodcut  (No.  4)  gives  an imperfect  notion  of  the  elaborate  beauty  of  the design.  The  vault  of  the  chamber  is  divided into  four  bands,  each  containing  a  continuous wreath  of  foliage  and  flowers,  among  which  are nests,  and  the  birds  visiting  their  young.  The highest  wreath  is  of  laurel  or  bay,  a  symbol  of victory,  indicative  of  the  Christian  triumph. Immediately  round  the  arch  of  the  arcosolium  is a  band  of  reapers  cutting  down  corn  and  binding up  the  sheaves.  The  plafond  of  the  recess  origi- nally bore  the  Good  Shepherd  with  a  sheep  upon his  shoulders ;    but  the  desijrn  has  been  almost r^^^^- X ^''>^    '^  . '"'-'i.-^^^^s^^  - destroyed  by  the  excavation  of  later  loculi.  The paintings  are  small  and  exquisitely  beautiful, even  in  their  present  state  of  decay.  The  family to  whom  this  burial-place  belonged  was  evidently one  of  considerable  wealth  and  dignity.  But  the specimens  already  adduced  seem  to  have  been surpassed  by  the  great  vine  of  the  Callistine catacomb  (Bottari,  vol.  ii.  tav.  15),  the  "antique style  of  beauty  "  of  which  is  noticed  by  Kilgler. A  stem  of  a  vine  encircles  each  side  of  the  arch of  an  arcosolium  with  its  graceful  spirals,  lovely little  naked  boys  standing  on  its  branches  and plucking  the  clusters.  The  soffit  of  the  arch  is similarly  decorated  with  vintage  scenes.  The wall  of  the  recess  presents  what  is  commonly, but  erroneously,  designated  the  Dispute  idth  the Doctors.  Christ,  represented  as  a  beardless young  man  seated  on  a  curule  chair,  holds  a scroll  in  his  left  hand  and  turns  towards  a number    of  hearers,    probably  intended    for  his "  The  vei-y  early  date  of  these  decorations  is  acknow- ledgcd  by  Le  Normant,  who  considers  some  of  the paintings  in  St.  Domitilla's  cemetery  to  be  -of  the  same style  as  those  in  the  well  known  pyrami'Jal  tomb  of  Caius Sextius,  B.C.  32. FRESCO apostles,  some  of  whom  are  seated  and  others standing  (woodcut  No.  5). The  general  arrangement  of  the  mural  deco- rations of  the  sepulchral  chambers  or  cubicula  of the  Roman  catacombs  is  remarkably  uniform.  The arch-headed  tomb  recesses  or  arcosolia,  which occupy  three  sides  of  the  square  chambers,  have the  back  wall,  the  soffits  of  the  arches,  and  the  wall above  them  painted,  in  the  earlier  examples  with mere  ornamental  arabesques,  in  the  later  with subjects  drawn  from  the  narrow  Scriptural  or symbolical  cycle  to  which  reference  has  already been  made.  The  ceilings  are  even  more  richly decorated,  the  subjects  being  usually  depicted  in panels  distributed  round  a  central  picture,  which most  commonly  exhibits  a  representation  of  the Saviour  under  a  typical  form.  The  general appearance  of  these  cubiciikr,  and  the  distribution of  the  paintings,  is  shown  in  the  accompanying illustration  from  the  cubiculum  of  the  Ocean  in the  catacomb  of  St.  Callistus  (No.  6).  The paintings  are  early — probably  of  the  3rd  century —  representing  trellis  work  overgrown  with flowers,  peacocks  and  other  birds,  and  winged genii.  In  the  centre  of  the  vault  is  the  head  of Ocean,  giving  its  name  to  the  chamber.  The ornamentation  of  an  early  ceiling  is  exhibited  in woodcut  No.  7,  representing  the  roof  of  the chapel  of  St.  Callistus.  The  central  panel  con- tains Christ  under  the  typical  form  of  Orpheus. Four  of  the  eight  circumscribing  panels  contain Biblical  subjects — (1)  Moses  smiting  the  Rock  ; (2)  Daniel  in  the  Lions'  Den ;  (3)  The  Raising of  Lazarus  ;  (4)  David  armed  with  his  Sling. The  intermediate  panels  represent  pastoral  sub- jects— two  of  sheep,  two  of  cattle.  Another- chamber,  depicted  by  De'  Rossi  (vol.  i.  pi.  10), called  that  of  Orpheus,  is  quite  Pompeian  in character.  The  ceiling  is  a  beautiful  Avork  of art.  Orpheus  is  seen  in  the  centre,  surrounded by  heads  of  genii  with  dishevelled  and  flowing hair,  and  supported  by  eight  oblong  panels,  two containing  the  Good  Shepherd,  two  female  orantes, and  the  remaining  four  winged  genii  bearing crooks,  floating  lightly  in  the  air.  The  panelled walls  are  embellished  with  a  rich  profusion  of arabesques,  combining  doves,  peacocks,  and  other birds,  dolphins,  and  sea  monsters,  the  only  un- mistakably Christian  emblem  being  the  lamb bearing  the  eucharistic  bread. The  style  of  these  earliest  efforts  of  Christian art  has  been  unduly  depreciated.  They  are  cha- racterized by  Lord  Lindsay  (^Hist.  of  Christ.  Art, vol.  i.  p.  39)  as  "poor  productions,"  where  "the meagreness  of  invention  is  only  equalled  by  the feebleness  of  execution,"  "  inferior,  generally speaking,  to  the  worst  specimens  of  contemporary heathen  art."  Such  a  verdict  evidences  but slender  acquaintance  with  the  paintings  which  are the  subjects  of  his  criticism.  The  earlier  Christian frescoes,  as  we  have  seen,  are  quite  on  a  level with  the  best  specimens  of  pagan  art  of  the  time, and  the  rapid  decadence  manifested  in  the  later examples  belongs  not  to  Christian  art  alone  but to  art  in  general.  The  judgment  of  Kugler  is far  more  favourable.  He  speaks  of  the  "grandeur of  arrangement "  exhibited  by  the  earliest  paint- ings, and  admires  the  "peculiar  solemnity  and dignity  of  style"  which  characterize  them, though  he  acknowledges  that  these  excellencies are  "accompanied  by  cei'tain  technical  defi- ciencies,"  chiefly  such  as   naturally  arose   from FRESCO FRESCO 605 S'H;=SsSi;SS?=S^^^ Painting,  vol.  i.  p.  o,  uotc).  The  arti.sts  bulilly  I  tcuie  was  tlii-own  over  the  (losh  portions  of  the stained  the  rough-coated  walls  with  light  water-  figure,  the  shadows  l)eiiig  worked  in  in  broad colours  of  a  lively  tint,  and  rapidly  defined  the  |  masses  with  a  deeper  tint  of  the  same  warm  line. 696  FRESCO The  details  were  almost  entirely  left  to  the  ima- gination of  the  beholder.  The  draperies  were coloured  in  the  primary  keys,  indicating  a  tole- lable  acquaintance  with  the  laws  of  hai'mony. The  general  effect  of  these  simple  processes  is pronounced  by  the  same  critics  to  be  good.  The •'attitudes  are  not  without  grandeur,  nor  the masses  of  light  and  shade  without  breadth,  nor the  drapery  without  simplicity."  The  artists were  evidently  capable  of  much  better  things. With  the  lapse  of  time  and  the  general  decay of  artistic  power  in  Rome,  corresponding  to  the universal  deterioration  of  taste  and  genius  which characterized  the  later  days  of  the  empire,  we notice  a  very  sensible  decline  in  the  decorations of  the  catacombs.     The  design  becomes  increas- FKESCO another  and  always  unlike  nature  "  (Northcote, u.  s.  p.  197).  In  foct,  as  Dean  Milman  has truly  remarked  (Lat.  Chi'ist.  vi.  605),  the characteristic  of  Chiistian  painting  was  not art  but  worship,  and  its  highest  aim  was  tc awaken  religious  emotion  and  suggest  religious thought.  Thus  imitation  took  the  place  of  in- vention, and  imagination  was  crushed  by  prece- dent. The  gradual  decadence  of  the  art  may  be clearly  traced  in  the  chronological  series  given in  Agincourt's  plates  {Feinture,  pi.  v.-xii.).  The excellence  of  design,  freedom  of  drawing,  and harmony  of  colouring  which  mark  the  earlier frescoes  gradually  disappear  as  we  advance.  We find  •proofs  of  declension  at  the  end  of  the  3rd century  (PI.  viii.).     The  drawing  is  not  bad,  but No.  7.    Ceiling  of  the  Cabiculu ingly  rude  and  clumsy,  and  the  execution  shows greater  carelessness  and  neglect  of  detail.  The figures  are  ill-proportioned  —  sometimes  square and  short,  at  others  inordinately  elongated.  The free  play  of  the  earlier  designs  is  succeeded  by  a lifeless  rigidity.  This  mechanical  stiffness  was fostered  by  the  narrowness  of  the  cycle  of  Scrip- tural subjects  represented,  and  the  unimaginative sameness  of  the  mode  of  representation.  Each subject  had  received  a  well-defined  traditional type,  consecrated  by  repetition,  from  which  it was  deemed  irreverence  to  deviate.  Thus  Chris- tian art  became  "almost  hieratic  in  its  character, as  in  ancient  Egypt  or  modern  Greece,  so  fixed and  immovable  were  its  types;  always  like  one there  is  no  movement  and  little  expression,  and the  treatment  is  monotonous.  In  the  two  succeed- ing centuries  the  deterioration  proceeds,  though tlie  decline  is  not  so  rapid  as  might  have  been anticipated.  Classic  forms  continued  till  the end  of  the  5th  and  first  half  of  the  6th  centuries. Cavalcaselle  instances  as  an  example  of  the  art of  this  period  a  chapel  in  the  catacomb  of  St. Peter  and  St.  Marcellinus  (otherwise  called  St. Helena).  The  vault  is  decorated  with  a  large figure  of  Christ  seated  in  a  curule  chair,  in  the act  of  benediction.  The  head  is  very  fine  and pure.  Below,  above  the  tomb,  are  figures  of  St. Peter  and  St.  Marcellinus  and  two  others  ranged on  either  side  of  the  Holy  Lamb  standing  on  a FRESCO rock,  whence  issue  the  four  rivers  of  Paradise. The  frames  are  long  and  attenuated,  the  heads small,  the  hands  and  feet  defective  in  drawing. Another  typical  example  is  the  colossal  head  of Christ  in  the  act  of  benediction,  from  the  ceme- tery of  St.  Pontianus.  For  the  first  time  the jewelled  nimbus  bears  the  Greek  cross.  The Saviour  is  of  imposing  aspect,  but  conventional. The  execution  is  hasty,  and  the  decline  marked. It  probably  belongs  to  the  7th  century,  but  is assigned  by  Mavtigny  to  Hadrian  1.  772-775. The  celebrated  paintings  which  decorate  the  well or  baptistery,  the  jewelled  cross,  and  the  Baptism of  Christ  are"  described  in  the  articles  Baptistery, p.  174;  and  Catacombs,  p.  313.  These  pic- tures, in  their  present  state,  are  probably  restora- tions of  the  originals,  coarsely  painted  over  an older  underlying  picture  at  the  time  of  the  repair of  the  catacomb  by  Hadrian  I.  (cf.  Tyrwhitt,  Art Teaching  of   Primitive  Church,  p.  173).     These FRESCO <!97 duces  the  original  painting,  and  that  any  argu- ments founded  upon  such  uncertain  data  must  be precarious.  The  words  of  Mr.  St.  John  Tyrwhitt, with  regard  to  a  particular  instance,  may  be applied  to  a  large  number  of  these  frescoes,  "  the workmanship  is  so  grossly  rude  and  careless, that  one  is  led  to  suspect  that  ancient  retouchings have  taken  place  at  some  time  in  the  bathos  of art;  and  the  addition  of  the  coarsest  outlines, both  on  the  lighted  and  shaded  side  of  the  objects, seems  to  show  that  the  origiual  painting  hud nearly  vanished  from  the  wall  when  some  well- meaning  and  totally-ignorant  restorer  made  an attempt  at  securing  its  meaning''  {Art  Teaching, &c..  p.  130).  The  fact  of  these  restorations  has been  lately  made  patent  to  those  who  have  no opportunity  cf  examining  the  originals  by  the invaluable  series  of  photographs  taken  in  the catacombs  by  the  magnesium  light,  which  we owe  to  the  unwearied  zeal  and  munificent  libe- PCT^n No.  S.    CeiUng  of  the  Vestibnle  of  the  Catacombs  of  Naples.    From  liull. restorations  may  be  taken  as  examples  of  the retouchings  and  repaintings  of  earlier  originals which  prevailed  so  extensively  when  the  cata- combs became  the  objects  of  religious  visits,  and which  render  it  so  difficult  accurately  to  de- termine the  date  of  any  particular  picture.  In the  catacombs  at  Naples  which  have  not  been so  much  cared  for,  and  are  less  tampered  with, by  modern  restorers,  the  wall-pictures  may  be seen  in  several  instances  peeling  off,  disclosing successive  strata  one  behind  another,  ^nei-e  is no  reason  to  question  the  good  faith  ot  the original  restorers,  who  probably  followed  the outlines  of  the  decaying  subjects  as  far  as  they could  make  them  out,  and  only  supplied  forms  and details  when  the  original  had  quite  disappeared. But  it  must  always  be  borne  in  mind,  in  examin- ing the  frescoes  of  the  catacombs,  that  we  are  in all  probability  looking  at  a  work  of  the  8th  or even  a  later  century,  which  only  partially  repro- rality   of  iMr.  J.  H.  Parker, touches  and  hard  outlines The    ruile    later loucires  aiiu   uuivi  *yuiii>»^ --  -^  maii> clearly  to  be  traced  over  the  original  painting. It  is  needless  to  pursue  the  melancholy  history of  the  decline  of  religious  art  any  further.  The power  of  drawing  grew  feebler  and  feebler,  all sense  of  beauty  of  form  perished,  proportion was  disregarded,  the  colouring  became  crude and  inharmonious,  until,  with  the  close  of  the 8th  century,  a  period  of  darkness  set  in,  when Christian  art  was  lost  in  the  Western  world and  oulv  dragged  on  an  unnatural  and  mechanical "existence  in  Vhe  traditional  Byzantine  art  of  the East.  . The  remarkable  series  of  frescoes  which  em- bellish the  catacombs  of  Naples  must  not  b.- passed  ovei;.  Thev  have,  however,  been  so  iully described  in  a  previous  article  CCataoomh-s p  316)  that  it  is  needless  to  enlarge  upon  them here      The  chief  authorities  for  these  paintings 698 FRESCO are  the  plates  of  Bellermann's  work  (Hambtirg, 1839).  The  greater  part  there  given  are  no longer  visible.  The  vault  of  the  vestibule  is painted  in  the  Pompeian  style,  and  probably  by pagan  artists,  some  of  the  subjects  being  dis- tinctly heathen.  It  belongs  to  the  first  half- century  of  the  Christian  era  (No.  8).  The  vault has  been  subsequently  plastered  over,  and  a second  set  of  subjects  of  the  8th  century  painted over  it.  But  the  new  coat  did  not  adhere  well, and  has  fallen  off  to  a  large  extent,  exhibiting the  first  painting  below  it.  There  is  also a  good  painting  of  a  peacock,  with  vases and  flowers,  belonging  to  the  first  period. Among  the  paintings  that  decorate  the  chapels we  may  call  attention  to  one  presenting  full- length  figures  of  St.  Paul  with  a  scroll,  and  St. Laurence  with  his  crown  of  martyrdom  in  his hand.  They  are  not  nimbed,  and  are  assigned by  Mr.  J.  H.  Parker  to  the  5th  century  (No.  9). Half-lengths  of  St.  Desiderius  and  St.  Agutius, in  another  recess,  deserve  notice  as  exemplifying the  bad  drawing  of  the  8th  century.  The  faces are  elongated,  the  sockets  of  the  eyes  exaggerated in  size,  the  hands  enormous  and  clumsy,  and  the whole  displays  a  barbaric  ignorance  of  form  and blindness  to  beauty. Naples, II.  Byzantine. — Up  to  the  commencement  of the  7th  century  there  was  no  decided  difference between  Eastern  and  Western  art.  Wherever Roman  civilization  extended  Christian  art  was essentially  the  same.  It  was  not  till  the  middle of  the  7th  century  that  the  distinction  between Roman  and  Byzantine  art  began  to  arise.  Tliat was  the  epoch  of  the  greatest  decadence  of  art  in the  West,  crushed  by  the  Lonlbard  invasion,  while in  the  East,  under  the  emperor  Justinian,  a  new and  vigorous  intellectual  life  was  rapidly  deve- loping itself  and  manifesting  its  energy,  as  else- where, in  the  domain  of  art.  This  new  influence rapidly  made  itself  felt  through  the  civilized world.  The  style  of  art  universally  prevailing in  the  latter  part  of  the  7th  and  the  8th  cen- turies and  onward  was  that  which,  as  dis- tinguished from  the  Roman  school,  is  known  by the  title  of  Byzantine  (Kugler,  Handbook  of Fainting,  i.  p.  47).  The  characteristic  mental differences  of  the  West  and  the  East  were reflected  in  their  artistic  works.  The  con- templative prevailed  in  the  productions  of  the Byzantine  art  schools,  as  the  practical  did  in those  of  Rome.  The  idea  of  dramatic  historical painting  was  alien  to  the  Byzantine  genius. Even  the  movements  of  life  were  distasteful. Calm,  motionless  figures  offered  themselves  to the    devotion    of  the    worshippers    in    dignified FRESCO  j rejiose.      Ease     stiffened    into  j'lgidity,  tradition usurped    the    place   of  invention,   the  study   of  ' nature  was  laid  aside,  and  the  artist  followed  a strictly  prescribed  type  which  allowed  no  scope for  the  play  of  the  imagination,  and  ended  in  a system  of  mere  mechanical  copying,  where,   in  i Kugler's  words  (u.  s.   p.  56),  "the  capacity  of  I the  artist  was  only  regulated  by  the  number  and quality  of  the  tracings  which  he  had  been  able to  procure  from  the  works  of  his  predecessors." A  fuller   discussion   of  Byzantine   art  and   the chief  examples  remaining,  must  be  reserved  for  : the    article     treating     on     mosaic    decorations (Mosaics).     Byzantine  frescoes  of  the  6th,  7th,  j and  8th  centuries,  it   is  believed  do  not  exist;  J though,  ft-om  the  permanence  of  the  traditional  ; type,  and   the  strict  adherence  to  artistic  rules, there  is  no  doubt  that  later  compositions  enable us  to  realise  their  character  with  great  accuracy.  ! We  have   no  account  of  catacomb  paintings  in the  East,  though  it  is  possible  that  such  are  only  i awaiting   more    thoi'ough    research.      One   such  ' was  not  long  since  discovered  at  Alexandria,  and  \ is   described   by  De'  Rossi  (Bitlletino,    Novemb.  - 1864;  Agost.  1865),  and  Northcote  (Ro7n.  Sott.  ] p.  221).     It  contains  a  liturgical  painting,  appa-  j rently    representing    the    participation    in    the  1 eucharist,   together  with   the  miracle   at    Cana  • and  the  multiplication  of  the  loaves  and  fishes,  ■ with  Greek  inscriptions  over.     But  it  belongs  to  ' a  period  antei-ior  to  the  development  of  Byzan-j  . tine  art,  and   differs  little,  if  at  all,  from  the   • paintings  of  the  Roman  catacombs. III.  Lomhardic. — The  relics  of  the  new  style  of art  consequent  on  the  Lombard  invasion  in  the 6th  and  7th  centui'ies  are  very  scanty,  and  quite insufficient  to  furnish  data  for  determining  its  i character  with  any  minuteness.     It  is  probable, however,  that  the  "  naturalism  and  insistence  on   i fact,  the  vigorous  imagination  of  truth  and  wild  i play  of  fancy  in  fiction,  the   delight  in  action, motion,  and  contest,  the  taste  for  hunting  and    , battle,    the  irresistible  or  unresisted   taste    for the   humorous  grotesque,"  described  so  vividly   ' by  Mr.  Ruskin(i7o?!eso/  Venice,  vol.  i.  append.  8), as  characterizing   their  more  lasting  works  in   i architecture   and    sculpture,  were    exhibited   in   i their  pictorial  efforts,  in  which,  with  all  their   ; ]-udeness  and  total  license  of  style,  there  lay,  as   ] Kugler  remarks  (p.  45),  "a  germ  of  freedom  from    : which,  later,  a  new  school  of  development  was  to    , spring."     The   historical   subjects  which   Queen    , Theodelinda  caused  to  be  painted  on  the  walls  of her  palace  at  Monza,  at  the  beginning  of  the  7th    i century,    have    unhappily    perished,    if,    indeed, they  were  frescoes  and  not  mosaics. Some  account  is   given  by  Von  Rumohr  {Ital. Forschung.  vol.    i.    p.  193,    Berl.   1827)  of  the examples  of  the  Lombardic  style  still  existing  in the  remains  of  the  frescoes  in  the  tribune  of  the    I subterranean  church  at  Assisi,  and  in  the  crypt   j of  SS.  Nazaro  e  Celso  at  Verona.     The   former   | are    placed    by  him    in   the   8th   century.     The. lights  are  laid  on  in  impasto,  an  art  subsequently-   | lost.     The  frescoes  at  Verona  are  very  similar  in. design  and  execution.    Several  Biblical  scenes  arei there  rudely  painted  on  a  coarse  white  ground. IV.  Cycles  of  Scriptural  Subjects. — Attention    , has  been  already  drawn  to  the  remarkable  fact that  out  of  the  almost  infinite   wealth   of  his- torical   subjects    in   the    Old    and    New    Testa-    i ments  suitable    for  pictorial  representation,  by     ' FRESCO which  important  doctrines  are  set  forth  or  ! holy  lessons  imparted,  a  comparatively  small  I number  were  selected,  and  that  the  limits  thus laid  down  were  scarcely  ever  transgressed  by the  artists.  Nor  were  these,  generally  speak- ing, precisely  the  subjects  that  we  should  have a  priori  expected  to  have  been  the  object  of  ex- clusive preference.  Many  of  the  most  striking events  of  the  0.  T.,  and  the  most  characteristic incidents  of  the  life  of  Christ  are  entirely  passed over,  while  some  which  appear  to  us  subordinate are  repeated  times  without  number.  The  ex- planation of  this  procedure  is  to  be  sought  in  the principle  of  tj'pical  parallelism  which  guided  the chui'ch  from  the  first  in  her  choice  of  subjects for  deliiieation.  Her  leading  idea  was  to  veil the  great  facts  of  Redemption  "  under  the  parallel and  typical  events  of  the  patriarchal  and  Jewish dispensation — admitting  no  direct  representations from  gospel  history  but  such  as  illustrated  the kingly  office  of  the  Saviour  and  the  miracles  by which  He  prefigured  the  illumination  of  the spirit  and  the  resurrection  of  the  body"  (Lord Liadsay,  Christian  Art,  vol.  i.  p.  48).  It  fol- lowed therefore  that  even  these  events  were  not treated  so  much  as  facts  of  history,  to  be  por- trayed with  any  idea  of  reproducing  the  incident as  it  may  be  conceived  to  have  occurred,  but  as types  in  which  the  spiritual  meaning  was  pre- dominant. Consequently,  not  the  choice  of  the subject  alone  but  the  mode  of  treating  it  was matter  to  be  regulated  by  authority.  Nothing bevond  the  minor  details  and  the  mode  of  exe- cution was  left  to  the  artist.  The  church  dic- tated what  should  be  painted  and  how.  "The symbolical  system  of  this  hieratic  cycle,"  says  De' Kossi,  "is  established  beyond  all  dispute,  not only  by  the  choice  and  arrangement  of  subjects, but  also  by  the  mode  of  representing  them." "  Christ's  resurrection,  with  that  of  the  church  in His  Person,  is  the  theme  on  which  in  their  pecu- liar language  the  artists  of  the  catacombs  seem never  weary  of  expatiating  "  (Lord  Lindsay,  n.  s. p.  .51),  and  representing  to  the  eyes  and  hearts of  the  beholders  under  every  varied  form  of symbol,  type,  and  allegory.    The  earliest  allusion  | FRESCO 699 every  sarcophagus  of  the  early  Christian  church. The  same  events,  with  the  others  belonging  to this  cycle,  are  continually  referred  to  in  the writings  of  the  early  fathers,  who  thus  evi- denced the  hold  they  had  taken  of  the  popular mind,  as  familar  illustrations  of  the  truths  of revelation. We  may  select  one  or  two  of  the  subjects  of most  frequent  recurrence  in  early  Christian  art to  illustrate  what  has  been  said  as  to  the  ad- herence to  a  traditional  type,  even  when  quite at  variance  with  all  historical  prohabilitv.  No subject  meets  us  more  constantly  than  Xoah  in No.  10.    Noah  in  the  Ark. the  ark  receiving  the  dove  with  the  olive-branch, in  evident  allusion  to  the  sacrament  of  baptism and  salvation  in  the  rhm<  li  (1  I'.t.  iii.  ;-.l).  But with  slight  modificatious  nt'  detail  the  type  never varies.  As  in  the  illustration  given  above  (No. 10),  the  ark  is  always  a  small  square  box  with an  open  lid,  out  of  which  a  man  many  sizes  too large  for  his  receptacle  appears,  and  welcomes back  the  dove.  Abraham's  sacrifice  of  Isaac  is of  perpetual  recurrence.*'  Both  are  usually  clad in  tunics.  In  an  example  from  the  cemetery  of Priscilla,    Abraham    wears    highpriesfly    robes. /r .^ T. SM-^-m^  _  I  b.  i-^J:_-®s to  a  cycle  of  this  kind,  not,  it  is  true,  containing any  reference  to  pictorial  representation,  occurs in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (lib.  v.  c.  7). Some  of  the  Scriptural  events  there  spoken  of  as types  or  pledges  of  the  resurrection  of  man,  viz. the  deliverance  of  Jonah  from  the  whale's  belly, the  preservation  of  the  three  children  in  the fiery  furnace,  and  of  Daniel  in  the  lions'  den, from  the  0.  T.,  and  the  cure  of  the  man  sick  of the  palsy,  and  of  the  blind  man  on  whose  eyes Christ  laid  clay,  the  feeding  of  the  five  thousand, •the  miracle  of  Cana,  and  the  raising  of  Lazarus, are  those  which  meet  us  perpetually  painted  in almost  every  cuhi  ulnm,  and   carved   on   almost The  ram  is  a  frequent  accessory.  The  his- tory of  Jonah,  the  type  of  His  work,  death, and  resurrection,  chosen  by  Christ  himself, in  its  three  scenes,  when  once  seen  will  be universally  recognised,  from  the  sameness  of the  form  of  the  sea-monster  and  the  details  of the  picture.  In  our  illustration  (No.  11)  all these  typical  events  are  combined  into  one picture.  Daniel  in  the  lions'  den,  infinitely  re- peated, adheres  on  the  whole  to  the  same  form and   arrangement.     One  given  by  Perret  repre- f  Angustino  speaks  of  the  sacrifice  of  Isaac,  "  tot  locia pictum"  {('mil.' h'liUft.  lib.  x.\ii. c.  72). rOO FRESCO sents  him  as  wearing  the  Phrygian  cap,  which  | also  usually  distinguishes  his  companions  the three  children  in  the  furnace,  another  of  the most  commonly  occurring  types  of  deliverance (No.  12).  The  permanence  of  one  type  sanctioned by  ecclesiastical  tradition  exhibited  in  these  and almost  every  other  Scriptural  represeatation  in these  early  paintings,  anticipates  the  authorita- tive statement  of  the  church  made  some  centuries later  in  the  iconoclastic  controversy,  "  Non  est imaginum  structura  picturarum  inventio,  sed ecclesiae  catholicae  probata  legislatio  et  traditio" (Cone.  Nic.  ii.  art.  vi.,  Labbe  Concil.  vol.  vii.  p. 831). The  same  restriction  to  one  cycle  and  adhe- rence to  one  authorised  pictorial  form  are  seen in  the  frescoes  from  the  N.  T.  (See  Jesus Christ.) The  following  may  be  accepted  as  a  tolerably complete  account  of  the  cycle  of  the  0.  T.  subjects found  in  the  catacombs.  We  have  only  included those  which  had  received  a  fixed  traditional form,  and  were  constantly  repeated,  excluding those  only  occurring  once  or  twice  : —  B I.  (1)  The  Fall,  with  Adam,  Eve,  the  tree,  and the  serpent.  (2)  The  Offering  of  Cain  and  Abel. (3)  Noah  receiving  the  Dove.  (4)  The  Sacrifice of  Isaac.  (5)  Moses  removing  his  Shoes.  (6) Moses  striking  the  Rock.  (7)  David  with  his Sling.  (8)  Elijah's  Translation.  (9)  The  Three Children  in  the  Fiery  Furnace.  (10)  Daniel  in the  Lions'  Den.  (11)  Jonah  (a)  Swallowed  by the  Whale  ;  (6)  Disgorged  ;  (c)  Reposing  under his  Booth.  (12)  Job  on  the  Dunghill ;  to  which may  be  added,  though  of  much  rarer  occurrence, (13)  Tobias  with  the  Fish,  and  (14)  Susanna  and the  Elders. The  New  Testament  cycle,  under  the  same restriction,  is  as  follows  : — II.  (1)  The  Adoration  of  the  Magi.  (2)  The Miracle  at  Cana.  (3)  Christ  and  the  Woman  of Samaria.  (4)  The  Healing  of  the  Paralytic,  the man  carrying  his  bed.  (5)  The  Healing  of  the Blind  Man.     (6)  The  Cure  of  the  Woman  with 8  The  most  detailed  description  of  Ihe  members  of  these Scriptural  cycles,  with  references  to  the  localities  In which  they  may  be  sought  for,  is  supplied  by  the  Danish bishop  Dr.  Fred.  Munter,  in  his  work  of  learned  research, Sinnbilder  und  Kanstcorstdlungen  der  alter  Chnsten, Altona,  1825. FRESCO the  Issue  of  Blood.  (7)  The  Multiplication  of the  Loaves  and  Fishes.  (8)  The  Raising  of  La-  \ zarus.  (9)  Zacchaeus.  (10)  The  Triumphal Entry  into  Jerusalem.  (11)  Christ  before) Pilate,  the  latter  washing  his  hands.  (12); Christ  and  the  Apostles  on  the  Shore  of  the' Sea  of  Galilee,  after  the  Resurrection,  with! bread  and  fish.  To  these  may  be  added,  though not  strictly  belonging  to  the  cycle,  (13)  the. Annunciation  (Bottari,  tav.  176),  (14)  Our  Lord's' Baptism,  in  the  catacomb  of  St.  Pontianus,  and  i (15)  the  Five  Wise  Virgins,  from  St,  Agnes; (Perret,  ii.  42). We  must  not  omit  to  mention  the  frescoes  j representing  the  Agape  whu:h  so  frequently  meet  j us.  In  many  of  these  there  is  nothing  dis- 1 tinctively  Christian,  and  Mr.  Tyrwhitt  remarks (in  the  close  resemblance  between  the  Agape  of' the  catacombs  of  St.  Domitilla,  and  St.  Callistus,  i and  the  confessedly  heathen  banquet  of  the  seven  . priests  in  the  Gnostic  catacomb.  That  of  which  j we  give  a  woodcut  (No.  13),  from  the  catacomb; of  SS.  Marcellinus  and  Peter,  already  described  j (p.  312),  presents  nothing  by  which  we  can  de- j termine  whether  the  feast  depicted  had  a  reli- ; gious  character  or  not.  In  others,  however,  the  i decussated  loaves,  the  bread  and  fish  in  seven ; baskets,  and  the  seven  persons,  in  evident  allu-: sion  to  the  interview  between  Christ  and  sev£n,, of  his  disciples  at  the  sea  of  Galilee,  evidence  the  i Christian  origin  and  purpose  of  the  painting.        ^ We  have  already  lamented  the  entire  absence, of  all  examples  of  religious  paintings  derived  i from  churches  or  basilicas,  owing  to  the  destruc- tion of  the  buildings  themselves,  or  of  the  decay.: or  removal  of  the  pictures.  This  want  however, is  in  some  degree  compensated  for  by  contem-i poraneous  lists  of  the  subjects  represented,  and to  some  extent  of  the  manner  in  which  they were  depicted,  for  which  we  are  indebted  to  St.j Ambrose  and  St.  Paulinus  of  Nola.  \ In  the  latter  half  of  the  4th  century  the  Ara- brosian  basilica  at  Milan  was  decorated  with  a cycle  of  21  Scriptural  paintings,  all  but  four of  which  represented  0.  T.  subjects.  They  are described  in  the  "  Disticha  ad  picturas  sacras  in\ Basilica  Ambrosiana,"  given  in  the  '^InniSinceridi'. Sanf  Amhrogio"  published  by  Biraghi  (Milano,! 1862).  The  subjects  are  (1)  Noah  and  the  Dove; (2)  Abraham  beholding  the  Stars.  (3)  Abra-ri ham  entertaining  the  Angels.  (4)  The  Sacrificej of  Isaac.  (5)  The  Meeting  of  Isaac  and  Rebeccajj (6)  Jacob  craftily  obtaining  the  Birthright.  (7)i Jacob  and  the  Speckled  and  Ring-straked  Flockfs. (8)  Joseph's  Coat  shown  to  Jacob   by  his  Sons,; FRESCO (9)  Joseph  sold  by  his  Brethren.  (10)  Joseph and  Potiphar's  Wife.  (11)  Joseph's  Dreams. (12)  Absalom  caught  by  his  Hair.  (13)  Jonah swallowed  by  the  Great  Fish.  (14)  The  Wolf lying  down  with  the  Kid.  (15)  Jeremiah's Prophetical  Commission.  (16)  The  Ascension of  Elijah.  (17)  Daniel  in  the  Lions'  Den.  (18) The  Annunciation.  (19)  Zacchaeus  in  the  Syca- more Tree.  (20)  The  Transfiguration.  (21) St.  John  reclining  on  Christ's  Breast.  This cyc-le  is  remarkable  as  including  several  subjects seldom  or  never  occurring  in  existing  remains. Subjects  (1),  (4),  (13),  (16),  and  (17)  are  among the  most  frequent,  but  all  the  rest  are  found most  rarely,  while  of  the  majority  it  would  be difficult  to  name  an  example. The  most  detailed  accounts  of  the  decoration of  a  church  with  Scriptural  paintings  are  those given  by  Paulinus  of  Nola  in  the  early  years  of the  5th  century,  when  describing  the  basilica erected  by  him  in  honour  of  St.  Felix  (^Poem. xxvii.).  We  here  find  the  first  direct  enunciation of  the  principle  set  forth  by  Joannes  Damascenus (^Orat.  I.  de  Irnagin.  vol.  i.  p.  314),  and  con- stantly repeated  since,  that  "pictures  are  the books  of  the  unlearned."  The  festival  of  St. Felix,  which  occurred  in  the  winter,  gathered together  an  immense  concourse  of  country  folk, who  thought  to  do  honour  to  the  tomb  of  the saint  by  passing  the  night  in  feasting,  too  usually resulting  in  a  gross  debauch : "  male  credula  sanctos Perfusis  halante  mero  gaudere  sepulchris." (76.  V.  565.) In  the  hope  of  beguiling  the  gross  minds  of these  illiterate  peasants  from  the  sensual  de- lights which  were  their  chief  attractions,  and awakening  purer  thoughts  and  holier  aspirations by  the  examples  of  the  holy  personages  there depicted,  and  at  the  same  time  with  the  view  of imparting  to  them  some  knowledge  of  the  chief facts  of  sacred  history,  and  at  any  rate  of  leaving them  less  leisure  for  their  coarser  pleasures, Paulinus  adopted  the  somewhat  unusual  expedient (raro  more)  of  embellishing  the  portico  of  the  new basilica  with  a  series  of  Scriptural  paintings.  They occupied  either  the  ceiling  or  the  upper  portion  of the  wall,  only  to  be  seen  with  up-turned  face and  head  thrown  back  {ib.  vv.  511-513),  The series  embraced  subjects  from  the  Pentateuch, Joshua,  and  Ruth.  Those  particularised  by  Pau- linus (i.6.  vv.  515-535,  607-635)  are  the  Creation of  Man,  Abraham's  Departure  from  Ur,  the Angels  received  by  Lot,  Lot's  Wife,  the  Sacrilice of  Isaac,  Isaac  opening  the  Wells,  Jacob's  Dream, Joseph  and  Potiphar's  Wife,  the  Crossing  of Jordan,  Naomi  and  her  Daughters-in-law,  and the  Passage  of  the  Red  Sea.  The  titles  of  the various  pictures  were  written  over  them  : "  ut  litera  monstret Quod  raanus  explicuit." — (Jb.  584) The  description  of  the  last  two  subjects  indicates, as  Dean  Milman  remarks  {Hist,  of  Christianity, vol.  iii.  p.  399  note),  if  it  was  drawn  from  the picture  itself,  considerable  talent  on  the  painter's part  for  composition  and  landscape  as  well  as  for the  drawing  of  figures.  Not  content  with  these pictorial  embellishments  of  his  new  basilica, Paulinus  decorated  the  old  basilica  of  St.  Felix in  a  similar  manner,  selecting  subjects  from  the FRIULI,  COUNCIL  OF 701 New  Testament,  that  thus  "that  which  was  new might  be  an  ornament  to  the  old,  and  the  old  to the  now."  These  occupied  a  lower  position,  and could  be  viewed  "  lumine  recto  ''  (^Poem.  xxviii. vv.  167-179).  Three  narrow  chapels  (celiac) opening  out  of  the  atrium,  exhibited  examples  of male  and  female  virtue.  One  was  painted  with the  history  of  Job  and  Tobit ;  another  with  those of  Esther  and  Judith.  That  in  the  centre  com- memorated martyrs  of  both  sexes  (ib.  vv,  15-27). The  paintings  in  the  apse  of  the  basilica  at  Fondi are  also  described  by  Paulinus  in  a  letter  to  his friend  Severus  (Ep.  xxxii.  17).  The  subjects were  of  the  same  nature  as  many  still  extant  in the  apses  of  basilicas ;  a  crowned  cross  standing in  the  flowery  meads  of  Paradise,  and  the  Holy Lamb  anointed  by  the  Dove  and  crowned  by  the Father,  with  the  sheep  and  goats  on  either  hand. These  may  have  been  worked  in  mosaic. There  is  abundant  evidence  that  the  walls  of civil  and  domestic  buildings  were  also  decorated with  paintings,  sometimes  secular,  sometimes  re- ligious. Those  of  the  palace  of  Queen  Theode- linda  at  Monza  have  been  already  referred  to. Sidonius  ApoUinaris  describes  the  villa  of  his friend  Pontius  Leontius  at  Bourg,  at  the  conflu- ence of  the  Dordogne  and  Gai-onne,  as  profusely ornamented  witli  wall-paintings,  one  series  repre- senting the  Mithridatic  campaign  of  Lucullus, another  the  early  history  of  the  Jewish  nation, "  recutitorum  primordia  Judaeorum."  Sidonius expresses  his  astonishment  at  the  lustre  and durability  of  the  colours  (Sid.  Apoll.  Carm.  xxii.). We  learn  from  Ernandus  Nigellus  (lib.  iv.)  that the  whole  Scripture  history  was  painted  on  the walls  of  Charlemagne's  palace  at  Ingelheim.  It is  needless  to  say  all  these  have  perished. Authorities. — Alt,  Heiligenbilder  ;  Bellermann, Katakomheii  zu  Neapel ;  Bingham,  Origines,  bk. viii.  c.  8  ;  Boldetti,  Osservazioni ;  Bosio,  Eoma Sotterranea ;  Bottari,  Sculture  e  pitture ;  Ciam- pini,  Vetera  Monwmenta;  Kugler,  Handbook  of Painting ;  Lindsay,  Lord,  Sketches  of  Christian Art ;  Munter,  Sinnbilder ;  Northcote  and  Brown- low,  Roma  Sotterranea ;  Parker,  J.  H.,  Photo-  ' graphs  ;  Perret,  Les  Gatacombes  de  Boine  ;  Piper, Mijthol.  u.  Sgmbol.  der  Christiich.  Kimst ;  Raoul Rochette,  Tableau  des  Gatacombes  ;  Discours;  Rio, Art  Chre'tienne ;  Rossi,  De',  Roma  Sotterranea; Seroux  d'Agincourt,  L'Histoire  de  I' Art  par  les monumens ;  Tyrwhitt,  Art  Teaching  of  the  Primi- tive Church.  [E.  v.] FRIDAY,  GOOD.    [Good  Friday.] FRIULI,  COUNCIL  OF  (Forojuliense  con- cilium), held  at  Friuli,  A.D.  796,  not  791,  as  Pagi shews  (Mansi  xiii.  854)  under  Paulinus,  patriarch of  Aquileia,  whose  letter  to  Charlemagne,  for- merly misconnected  with  the  synod  of  Altino, A.D.  802  (ibid.  p.  827),  assigns  three  causes  for its  meeting:  (1)  the  orthodox  faith;  (2)  eccle- siastical discipline,  and  (3)  recent  outrages,  pro- bably by  the  Huns.  The  first  of  these  is  explained in  his  speech,  which  is  an  elaborate  apology  for the  reception  into  the  Western  creed  of  the "Filioque,"  which  Charlemagne  had  attacked, and  the  pope  vindicated,  the  2nd  Nicene  council two  years  before  for  not  having  in  theirs  :  Pau- linus himself  endeavouring  to  prove  both  right The  i-esemblance  between  parts  of  this  speech and  the  Athanasian  creed  has  been  remarked and  is  very  close.     Besides  which  it  is  observable 702 FRUITS,  OFFERING  OF that  all  priests  are  required  to  commit  to  memory the  entire  exposition  of  "  the  Catholic  faith," with  which  he  concludes :  while,  for  everybody else,  the  learning  by  heart  of  the  Creed  and the  Lord's  Prayer  is  prescribed.  Of  the  canons, the  1st  threatens  simony;  the  2nd  drunken- ness ;  the  4th  and  oth  deprecate  secular  employ- ments and  amusements  for  the  clergy.  By the  10th  divorced  couples  are  forbidden  to remarry  till  one  of  the  two  dies  ;  and  by  the loth  all  are  inhibited  from  working  on  Sundays and  holidays  (Mansi  xiii.  830  and  Seq.). [E.  S.  Ff.] FRUITS,  OFFERING  AND  BENEDIC- TION OF.  I.  The  Eastern  Bite.— In  the  so- called  Apostolical  Constitutiims  (vii.  29)  the  duty is  inculcated  of  giving  to  the  priests  the  first- fruits  of  the  press  and  of  the  floor,  of  honey, grapes,  shell-fruits,  &c.,  and  the  firstlings  of  the flock  and  herd,  that  the  stores  of  the  giver  and the  produce  of  his  land  may  be  blessed  (euAo- y7)0cii<nv).  As  this  precept  or  exhortation  comes in  the  midst  of  others  relating  to  the  Holy  Com- munion, we  might,  perhaps,  infer  from  it  alone tliat  in  the  East  those  things  were  offered  and blessed  during  the  celebration  of  that  sacrament. They  were  at  least  brought  to  the  altar,  and  at that  time ;  for  the  third  (or,  as  in  some  editions, the  second)  apostolical  canon  forbids  anything but  ears  of  new  corn  and  grapes  in  their  seasons, oil  for  the  lamps,  and  frankincense,  to  be "  brought  to  the  altar  at  the  time  of  the  holy sacrifice."  At  a  later  period  they  certainly  were blessed  during  the  liturgy;  for  the  council  in Trullo  (a.D.  691)  found  that  in  some  churches the  grapes  brought  to  the  altar  were  "joined  to the  unbloody  sacrifice  of  the  oblation,  and  both distributed  together  to  the  people  ; "  whereupon it  decreed  that  "the  priests  should  bless  the grape  separately"  {Can.  xxviii.).  In  book  viii. c.  xl.  of  the  Constitutions  is  a  thanksgiving  for first-fruits  offered.  In  the  book  it  follows  the "  morning  laying  on  of  hands  ;  "  but  as  it  comes after  the  dismissal,  it  is  clearly  independent  of that.  It  might,  for  aught  that  appears,  be  used, when  occasion  required,  at  the  celebration  or  any other  service.  It  begins  thus,  "  We  give  Thee thanks,  0  Loi-d  Almighty,  Creator  and  Provider of  all  things,  through  Thine  only  begotten  Son Jesus  Christ  our  Lord,  not  as  we  ought,  but  as we  can,  for  the  first-fruits  offered  unto  Thee." The  whole  form,  which  is  rather  long,  is  a thanksgiving  in  this  strain.  Later  forms,  though apparently  of  very  great  antiquity,  are  conceived in  a  different  spirit,  and  appropriately  entitled, "  Prayers  on  behalf  of  those  who  offer  first- fruits  "  (^Euchologion,  pp.  655,  656,  ed.  Goar). They  are,  with  one  exception,  rather  petitions for  a  benefit,  than  ascriptions  of  praise.  They ai-e  used  at  the  benediction  of  "  grapes,  figs, pomegranates,  olives,  apples,  peaches,  plums." Grapes,  if  ripe,  were  blessed  in  the  Greek  church on  the  6th  of  August  {Euchologion,  p.  695). II.  The  Western  Eite. — One  proof  of  the  great antiquity  of  the  benediction  of  grapes  is  that  it took  place  in  the  West  (as  a  rule)  on  the  6th of  August,  as  well  as  among  the  Greeks  (Sacram. Gregor.  in  Lit.  Bom.  Vet.  ;  Muratori,  torn.  ii.  col. 109).  The  earliest  extant  forms  are  in  the  Ge- lasian  sacramentary.  the  substance  of  which  is at   least    as   old    as"  the    fifth   century.       There, FRUITS,  OFFERING  OF among  the  Orationes  et  Preoes  for  Ascension Day,  we  find  this  rubric  and  prayer :  "  Then  a  : little  before  the  end  of  the  canon  thou  shalfc bless  the  new  fruits  (fruges  novas).  The  Bene- diction follows :  Bless,  0  Lord,  these  new  fruits  ; of  the  bean,  which  Thou,  O  Lord,  hast  vouch-, safed  to  ripen,  &c.,  in  the  name  of  our  Lord  \ Jesus  Christ ;  by  whom  Thou,  0  Lord,  dost'  \ alway  create  all  these  good  things,  &c.  FinisU  \ the  Canon"  (Muratori,  tom.  i.  col.  588).  Else^  ! where,  in  the  same  sacramentary,  the  prayer  ' occurs  again  slightly  altered,  and  with  the  alter- natives, "grape  or  bean"  (^Ihid.  col.  746).  •  It  is' here  followed  by  another  benediction  of  first- fruits  of  any  kind  (primitias  creaturae  Tuae), .! and  by  a  "  Benediction  of  Apples."  From  some MSS.  of  the  later  Gregorian  sacramentary,  we learn  that  apples  were  blessed  on  the  viii."  KaU Aug.,  i.e.,  on  St.  James'  Day  (Martene,  De  Antiq,  , Eccl.  Bit.  L.  iv.  c.  xxxiii.  §  xi.).  The  prayer  from"' which  we  have  quoted  above  is  preserved  in  the last-named  sacramentary  as  a  Benedictio  Uvae (Muratori,  tom.  ii.  col.  109).  The  oldest  MS.  of the  Gelasian  does  not  reach  beyond  the  eighth' century,  nor  that  of  the  Gregorian  beyond  the ninth ;  but  we  have  proof  that  the  custom  was known  in  the  West  before  the  eighth  century,  ■ and  therefore  that  the  recognition  of  it  in  the  ' Roman  sacramentaries  was  not  an  interpolation  ,' of  that  period.  The  prayer  above  cited  from  the Gelasian  occurs  with  the  title,  Benedictio  omni (sic)  creaurae  (sic)  Fomorum,  in  the  manuscript Galilean  sacramentary,  written  in  the  seventh  i century,  if  not  earlier,  found  by  Mabillon  in  the  i monastery  at  Bobio,  in  Italy,  and  probably carried  thither  from  Luxeuil  by  its  founder,  St. Columbanus,  A.D.  613,  or  by  one  of  his  followers  | (see  the  Musaeum  Itulicmn,  tom.  i.  p.  390 ;  or  ' Muratori,  u.  s.  tom.  ii.  col.  959).  In  the  Lee-  I tionary  of  Luxeuil,  another  happy  discovery  of  j Mabillon,  we  find  the  Eucharistic  lessons  Ad  \ Missain  de  novos  Fructus  (sic).  The  prophecy  is taken  from  Joel  ii.  21—27 ;  the  epistle  from  ; 1  Cor.  ix.  7-15 ;  and  the  gospel  from  St.  John,  i vi.  49-52  (De  Liturgid  Gallicand,  p.  161).  From  I this  coming  after  the  Legenda  of  the  Passion  of  i St.  John  the  Baptist,  Sept.  24  (Liturg.  Gall,  j p.  458),  and  from  the  internal  evidence  of  the lessons,  we  infer  that  it  is  the  benediction  of  the  J new  corn  for  which  provision  is  here  made.  The  : rite  was  probably  carried  by  our  countryman  ' Boniface  (Winfred),  A.D.  723,  with  the  common Roman  offices,  to  his  converts  in  Germany  ;  for we  find  the  Gelasian  benedictions  of  fruit,  &c.,  • with  certain  others,  among  the  Monumenta Veteris  Liturgiae  Alemannicae,  published  by  Ger-i  • bert  (Part  I.  p.  307).  A  very  brief  example  ) peculiar  to  this  collection  may  be  given : — ;  .] "  Bless,  0  Lord,  this  fruit  of  new  trees,  that  j they  who  use  thereof  may  be  sanctified  ;  through,  . &c."  It  is  interesting  to  add  that  similar  bene-  i dictions  were  practised  ill  our  own  country.  In  -] the  pontifical  of  Egbert,  who  became  archbishop of  York  in  732,  are  the  six  following  formn-  ' laries: — (i.)  Benedictio  ad  omnia  quie  volueris ; (ii.)  Benedictio  ad  Fruges  novas  ;  (iii.)  Benedictio Pcmiorum;  (^y.)  Alia  ;  (v.)  Benedictio  Fanis  novi; (vi.)  Alia.  There  is,  of  course,  no  mention  of  , grapes,  nor  is  the  Gelasian  prayer  that  we  have  \ cited  given  with  any  other  application.  Of  the  i above,  ii.  and  v.  are  not  in  the  Roman  sacra-  j mentaries.    The  last  runs  thus:  "Bless,  0  Lord,  -] FRONTAL this  creature  of  bread,  as  Thou  didst  bless  the live  loaves  in  the  wilderness,  that  all  who  taste thereof  may  receive  health  both  of  body  and  of .soul ;  through,  &c."  (Pontificale  Ecgberhti,  p. 115;  ed.  Surtees  Society,  1854). It  will  be  perceived  that  in  the  West,  as  well as  East,  the  offering  of  first-fruits  as  a  token  of gratitude  to  the  Giver  of  All  soon  degenerated into  a  mode  of  asking  for  a  blessing  on  the  con- sumption of  His  gifts.  It  should  be  understood, also,  that  both  in  the  East  and  West  the  first- fruits  brought  to  be  blessed  were  left  for  the  use of  the  priests.  "  It  is  becoming  and  expedient," says  Origen,  a.d.  230,  "that  the  first-fruits  be offered  also  to  the  priests  of  the  Gospel."  "  For if  one  believed  that  the  fruits  of  the  earth  were given  to  him  by  God,  he  would  surely  know  how to  honour  God  from  His  gifts  and  benefits  by giving  thereof  to  the  priests  "  (Horn.  xi.  in  Num. §  2,  torn.  X.  pp.  105,  106 ;  ed.  Lommatzsch). Similarly  St.  Jerome,  commenting  on  Ezekiel xliv.  30 :  "  The  first-fruits  of  our  foods  are offered  to  the  priests  ;  that  we  may  taste  nothing of  the  new  fruits,  before  the  priest  has  tasted them.  For  we  do  this,  that  the  priest  may  lay up  a  blessing  and  our  offering  in  his  house  ;  or that  the  Lord  may  bless  our  houses  at  his prayer." We  have  already  quoted  a  rubric  from  the Gelasian  saci-amentary,  which  orders  that  the benediction  of  fruits  shall  take  place  "  a  little befoi-e  the  end  of  the  canon."  The  prayer  was  in- serted immediately  after  the  words,  "  not  weigh- ing our  merits,  but  pardoning  our  offences  "  (now in  our  first  Post-Communiou  Collect"),  and  im- mediately before  the  concluding  clause,  "  through Jesus  Christ  our  Lord."  This  clause  (altered  in this  manner,  "  in  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus Christ ")  was  thus  made  to  close  the  benediction. After  it  the  priest  added,  "  Per  quem  haec  omnia, Domine,  semper  bona  creas,  sanctificas,  vivificas, benedicis  et  praestas  nobis.  Per  ipsum,"  &c. These  words  are  now  a  permanent  part  of  the canon ;  but  they  do  not  seem  to  belong  to  it. The  words,  "  haec  omnia  "  cannot  with  any  pro- priety be  applied  to  the  eucharistic  elements alone.  Hence  some  ritualists,  as  e.  g.  Grancolas (^Aticiennes  Liturgies,  p.  657),  and  De  Vert  (ix- plic.  des  Ce'remon.  "torn.  iv.  Remarque  xxx.),  &c., suppose  that  this  doxology  was  at  first  only  used when  other  things  were  offered  to  be  blessed,  and formed  no  part  of  the  service  of  the  mass.  Le Brun  (Explication,  p.  iv.  art.  xvi.).  Bona  (i?er. Lit.  1.  2,  c.  xiv.  §  v.),  D'Achery  (Spicil.  torn.  iv. Praef.),  and  others,  maintain  that  it  was  a  con- stant part  of  the  liturgy,  but  that  when  there was  a  benediction  of  fruits,  it  applied  to  them ns  well  as  to  the  elements.  [W.  E.  S.] FRONTAL  {Frontalis  or  Frontak)  is  defined by  Lindwood  to  be  "  apparatus  pendens  in  fronte altaris,  qui  alias  dicitur  Pato."  [Altar-cloths; Antependium.]  The  word  is  not  uncommon  in ancient  documents.  Thus,  for  instance,  a  chai'ter of  Chindasuintha,  king  of  the  Goths,  of  the  year .645  A.D.  (quoted  by  Ducange,  s.  v.)  runs :  "  of- ferimus  .  .  .  vestimenta  altaris  omnia  ad  ple- num, sive  frontalia,  sive  principalia  .  .  ."  A later  charter,  quoted  by  the  same  authority, speaks  of  "  quatuor/z'oMte^c's  de  serico."        [C] -FRONTO.  (1)  Abbot,  martyr  at  Alexandria  : FUGITIVES 703 commemorated  April  14  {3Jart.  Hieron.,  Adonis, Usuardi). (2)  [Felix  (5).] (3)  Bishop  at  Petragoricas ;  commemorated Oct.  25  (^Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi).         [W.  F.  G.] FRUCTUOSA.  [DONATUS  (8).] FRUCTUOSUS,  bishop,  martyr  at  Tarra- gona with  Augurius  and  Eulogius,  deacons,  in the  time  of  Gallienus;  commemorated  Jan.  21 (3Iart.  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] FRUCTUS  MEDII  TEMPORIS.  [Va- cancy.] FRUMENTIUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Africa  with Victoriauus  and  another  Frumentius,  under  Hun- nericus  ;  commemorated  March  23  (Mart.  Horn. Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  or  Salama  ;  commemorated  Maskarram  23 =  Sept.  20  (^Cal.  Ethiop.)  [Salama].    [W.F.  G.] FUGITIVES  (from  a  monastery).  Monastic codes  shew  that  their  framers  had  to  guard  on the  one  hand  against  a  leniency  which  might encourage  desertion  on  the  part  of  monks  tired of  their  seclusion  and  eager  for  the  world,  and on  the  other  against  a  severity  which  might  close the  door  too  fast  against  deserters  wishing  to  be readmitted.  The  rule  of  Benedict,  as  always, is  very  lenient  on  this  point.  A  monk  who  escapes from  a  monastery,  like  one  who  is  expelled,  is to  be  received  again  if  he  vows  amendment,  even after  three  desertions  (^Reg.  Ben.  c.  29,  cf.  Eeg. Cuj.  ad  Virg.  c.  21),  but  only  into  the  lowest grade  (^Reg.  Ben.  ib.  cf.  Reg.  Fac/iom.  c.  79,  Reg. Fruct.  c.  20,  Reg.  Cuj.  ib.).  Some  commenta- to¥s,  indeed,  take  this  rule  as  implying,  that the  abbat  may  readmit  even  after  a  fourth  de- sertion, though  the  culprit  has  no  right  to require  it  (Martene,  Reg.  Comment,  in  loc).  But later  commentators  {e.g.  Menard,  Haeften)  in- terpret it  more  strictly  (Martene,  Reg.  Comm. ib.)  The  first  council  of  Orleans,  A.D.  511,  cen- sures abbats  lenient  to  fugitive  monks,  or  who receive  monks  from  other  monasteries  (Cone. Aurel.  i.  c.  19).  The  second  council  of  Tours, A.D.  567,  allows  fugitives  to  be  re-admitted  on doing  penance. In  the  same  spirit  of  wise  tolerance  Benedict is  silent  as  to  the  steps  to  be  taken  to  brine back  the  fugitive,  apparently  judging  it  best  to leave  him  alone,  if  without  any  desire  to  return (Mart.  Reg.  Comm.  ib.).  But  Ferreolus  pre- scribes that  the  fugitive  is  to  be  recalled  (Leg. Ferr.  c.  20),  and  Fructuosus  forbids  him  to  be admitted  into  another  monastery ;  and  orders him  to  be  brought  back,  by  force  if  necessary, as  a  criminal,  with  hands  tied  behind  his  back (Reg.  Fruct.  c.  20).  It  was  enacted  by  Justi- nian that  a  monk  returning  to  the  secular  life should  be  degraded  by  the  bishop  and  governor of  the  province  from  his  civil  position,  and  be sent  back  with  his  worldly  goods  to  his  monas- tery ;  if  he  deserted  again,  he  was  to  be drafted  into  the  army  (Novell.  123).  A  similar decree  was  passed  by  the  seventh  council  of Toledo,  A.D.  646  (Cone.  Tolet.  c.  5).  The  second council  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  553,  sentenced  an abbat  who  should  be  I'emiss  in  seeking  to  bring back  the  stray  sheep  into  the  monastic  fold  to .le|irivation. Lat. very  severe  against  fugi- 704 FULGENTIUS tives.  The  Cistercian  rule  forbids  tTie  reception even  into  the  lowest  rank  of  a  monk  who  has deserted  twice,  or  has  stayed  away  more  than eleven  days.  The  renegade  is  in  any  case  to wear  a  distinctive  dress,  as  badge  of  his  disgrace, and  to  be  excluded  from  the  choir  ;  the  abbat who  fails  to  enforce  this  rule  is  to  do  penance. The  original  statutes  of  the  Carthusians  unfrock the  renegade  ;  the  modern  compel  him  to  re- sume the  dress  of  his  order.  The  Augustinian rule  tempers  severity  with  mercy.  The  rene- gade is  to  live  outside  the  monastery  itself,  but under  the  care  of  the  bishop,  and  the  abbat  is to  shew  kindness  to  him,  if  penitent  (Mart.  Beg. Cmim.  in  loc.  cit.).  [1.  G.  S.] FULGENTIUS,  bishop  in  Africa  ;  comme- morated Jan.  1  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usu- ardi).  [W.  F.  G.] FUNEEAL.  [Burial  of  the  Dead  ;  Obse- quies.] FUNEEAL-FEAST.  [Catacombs,  p.  312; Cella  Memoriae.] FUNEEAL-SEEMOXS  (Epitaphia,  \6yoi iTriTa.(ptoi).  Christians  followed  the  old  custom of  many  of  the  heathen  nations,  of  holding  an oration  over  the  remains  of  famous  men  departed [Burial  of  the  Dead,  p.  253].  To  say  no- thing of  the  discourses — triumphal  rather  than sorrowing — delivered  overthe  remains  of  martyrs, Gregory  of  Nyssa  held  funeral  orations  on  the death  of  the  empresses  Pulcheria  and  Placilla,  and of  bishop  Meletius.  On  the  death  of  Constantine the  Great,  several  bishops  celebrated  his  praises, conspicuous  among  whom  was  Eusebius  of Caesarea.  Gregory  of  Nazianzus  exercised  his pathetic  eloquence  over  the  bier  of  his  brother Caesarius,  of  his  father  and  his  sister,  and  over that  of  Basil  the  Great ;  Ambi'ose  preached  on the  death  of  his  brother  Satyrus,  of  Valentinian, and  of  Theodosius."  The  tone  of  these  orations is,  for  the  most,  eulogistic  of  the  "  famous  men  " through  whom  "  the  Lord  hath  wrought  great glory  "  (Ecclus.  xliv.  1,  2). Jerome  {Epist.  ad  Heliod.  c.  1)  says  that  the old  custom  was  for  sons  to  .speak  the  funeral orations  over  parents.  He  alludes  here  probably to  a  pagan  custom,  of  which  there  are  many examples  (Kirchmann,  De  Fun.  Eom.  lib.  ii.  c. 18) ;  but  Christianity  also  (as  we  have  seen) furnishes  examples  of  a  similar  practice.  Nor wei-e  the  clergy  the  only  orators  in  such  cases  ; Constantine  himself  did  not  disdain  to  pronounce a  funeral  oration  on  one  of  his  court,  in  which, says  Eusebius  (  Vica  Const,  iv.  55)  he  spoke  of the  immortality  of  the  soul,  of  the  blessings  of the  righteous,  and  the  misery  of  the  wicked. Funeral  sermons  were  not  always  delivered  at the  time  of  the  burial,  though  some — as  several of  Gregory  Nazianzen's — contain  indications  that they  were  so  delivered.  Eusebius  ( Vita  Const. iv.  71)  gives  us  to  understand  that  the  funeral orations  over  Constantine  A-ere  delivered  while the  remains  of  the  departed  lay  in  state  on  a lofty  bier  [Feretrum].  Ambrose  evidently  de- livered his  sermon  over  Satyrus  (see  §  78)  while the  body  was  yet  waiting  "to  be  carried  to  the grave.     His  oration  on  Valentinian,  on  the  con- FUSCOLUS trary,  was  delivered  two  months  (see  Opera,  ii.  ' 1170,  ed.  Beued.),  that  on  Theodosius  forty  days, after  the  death  of   the  person    commemorated. The  death  of  bishop  Meletius  was  the  occasion  of  ; sermons    everywhere    (Theodoret,    H.E.    v.    8) ; that  of  Gregory  of  Nyssa  was  ]jrobably  delivered  , on  the  day  when  the  remains  of  Meletius,  brought  I from  Constantinople,  were  received  at  Autioch.  ■ That  of  Chrysostom  on  the  same  bishop,  was  de-  j livered    on   the    fifth  anniversary  of  his  death.  ; The  oration  of  Gregory  Nazianzen  on  Basil  was delivered  over  his  tomb  on  the  first  anniversary  . of  his  death,  in  the  presence  (it  is  said)  of  150  ' bishops.  ' When  the  sermon  took  place  at  the  time  of  a  ; commemorative  service  for  the  dead,  it  probably  ' took  place  at  the  point  in  the  liturgy  where  the sermon  was  ordinarily  introduced.     The  Pseudo- Dionysius  {Hierarch.  Eccl.   c.  7)  speaks  of  the  j funeral-sermon  being  delivered  after  the  catechu-  ■. mens    had    departed,    but    while     the    penitents  j remained.     The   eulogy  of  Hilary  of  Aries    on  i Honoratus   (quoted    by    Binterim,   Vi.  iii.  442),  : which  proves  incidentally  that  the  ccrpse  was  '. carried  uncovered,  and  that  the  people  pressed round    to    kiss    the    foce,    or    the    coifin    of  the  i illustrious  dead — was  probably  delivered  at  the  , end  of  some  office.  The  orations  over  the  remains  i of  Constantine  wei'e  clearly  delivered  after  the  ] funeral  service  (Euseb.   u.  s.  iv.  71 ;  Binterim's Denkwiirdigkeiten,  vi.  iii.  435,  ff.).                  [C] FUENACE.    InBottari(clxxxvi.  6)thethree  ' Hebrew   brethren   are    represented   standing   in  ; something  like   a  kiln  or  smelting  furnace  (see  ; woodcut) ;   also    cxcv.   and    perhaps   csliii.   Ixi. ;  • also  in  Parker's  photographs  from  the  catacomb  , of  St.  Marcellinus.     The  furnace  is  literally  in-  1 sisted  on,  in  a  way  which,  as  it  appears  to  the  ' »  AVfi  might  almost  include  in  funeral  orations  Jerome's r.pitaphium  Keiioliani,  though  it  is  in  form  a  letter  to Heliodorus. author,  may  possiljly  have  been  adopted  from  one  j of  the  ustrina  (or  ae)  used  for  cremation  in  Rome,  j One  of  these,  or  its  remains  or  traces,  the  author  ] believes  he  saw  in  Pompeii,  Christmas  1859.    See  "•■ Murray's  Handbook  for  South  Itah^,  p.  327. '[R-St.  J.  T.]  - FUESEAS,    bishop,    confessor   at    Peronne;  I commemorated  Jan.  16  (Mart.  LTsuardi).  j [W.  F.  G.]  * ■  FUSCIANUS,  martyr   at  Amiens ;  comme-  ! morated  Dec.  11  (Jfa/f.  Adonis,  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.]  , FUSCOLUS.  (1)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Orleans; commemorated  Feb.  2  {Mart.  Usuardi). (2)  [DONATIAKUS  (2).]  [W.  F.  G.] GABALUM GALLERIES ((16 G GABALUM,  COUNCIL  OF  (Gabilitanim concilium),  at  which  the  wife  of  the  count  of Auvergne  was  condemned  for  adultery,  says  Sir H.  Nicolas  (Chron.  p.  222),  a.d.  690.  Gabalum, where  it  was  held,  was  not  for  from  Mende,  on the  river  Lot  {Gall.  Christ,  i.  83).        [E.  S.  Ff.] GABATHA  or  GABATA.  A  name  of  pen- sile lamps  suspended  in  churches.  The  word  is  of uncertain  orthography  and  etymology.  We  find the  forms  Grabata,  Gavata,  and  Carata,  which  last points  to  the  derivation  given  by  Isidore  His- palensis  (Eti/mol.  lib.  xx.  c.  4)  from  cavus *'  hollow."  The  original  meaning  of  the  word  is "  a  dish  "  or  "  bowl ;  "  in  which  sense  it  is  used by  Maj-tial  {Epigr.  vii.  47  ;  xi.  32),  and  of  which the  Glossary  of  Ducange  furnishes  abundant  ex- amples. From  its  shape  it  came  to  be  employed for  a  lamp,  which  is  its  most  usual  ecclesiastical signification.      The  annexed  woodcut  from  Macri Gabbatba,  from  Macri. shows  one  of  two  bowl-shaped  gahnthac  preserved in  the  pontifical  chapel  of  the  Lateran,  in  which in  his  time  a  wax  light  was  always  burning before  the  sacrament.  Gabathne  frequently  occur in  the  catalogues  of  papal  gifts  to  the  churches of  Rome  contained  in  Anastasius.  Thus  Leo  III. (A.D.  795-816)  gave  to  the  basilica  of  St.  Peter's 15  gabathae  of  purest  gold  set  with  gems,  to hang  on  the  screen  {perguli)  before  the  altar (§  382),  and  6  of  silver  with  an  appended  cross to  hang  before  the  Arch  of  Triumph,  3  on  each side  (§  389).  These  gabathae  were  of  different metals,  gold,  silver,  brass,  and  electnim.  They were  frequently  embossed  {anaglypha  §  392, &c.),  or  decorated  in  bas-relief  (interrasiles),  and ornamented  with  lilies  {liliatae)  heads  of  gry- phons (§  366)  or  lions  (as  in  the  woodcut),  or even  fashioned  in  the  form  of  that  animal  "  in modum  leonis."  Like  the  coronae  used  for  light- ing, they  very  often  had  crosses  attached  to them  {signochristae,  §  418,  &c.).  The  epithet filoparcs  is  frequently  applied  to  gabathae  in Anastasius,  and  would  seem,  from  a  comparison with  the  expression  pari  filo  (Lucr.  ii.  341),  to signify  of  equal  size  or  thickness.  The  epithet saxicae  or  saxiscae  is  interpreted  by  Ducange  to mean  of  Saxon  workmanship;  but  this  interpre- tation is  precarious.  [E.  V.] GABINIUS.  (1)  Presbyter,  and  martyr  at Rome  in  the  time  of  Diocletian ;  commemorated Feb.  19  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet:.  Adonis,  Usnardi). (2)  Mai-tyr  in  Sardinia  with  Crispolus.  under Adrian;  commemorated  May 30 (/"6.).  [VV.  F.G.] CHRIST,  ANT. GABRA.  (1)  Mantis  Kodus  (i.e.  servant  of the  Holy  Spirit),  saint  of  Ethiopia;  commemo- rated Magabit  5  =  March  1  (Cal.  Etiiiop.). (2)  Maskal  (i.e.  servant  of  the  Cross),  king  of the  Ethiopians  ;  commemorated  Hedar30=Nov. 26  {Gal.hthiop.).  [W.  F.  G.] GABRIEL,  IN  ART.     [Anoels.] GABRIEL,  the  archangel  ;  commemorated March  26  and  July  13  (Cal.  Byznnt.) ;  Magabit 30  =  March  26,  Senne  13  =  June  7,  Taxas  19  = Dec.  15  {Cal.  Ethiop.);  also  with  John,  July  12 ((7a/.  Georg.),  and  with  Michael  and  All  Angels, Nov.  8  (Cal.  Armen.).  [W.  F.  G.] GAIANA,  and  companions,  virgin-martyrs ; commemorated  June  4  (Cal.  Armen.)  [W.  F.  G.] GAIUS,  saint  at  Bologna  ;  commemorated with  Aggeus  and  Hermes,  Jan.  4  (Mart.  Usu- ardi).    See  Caius.  [VV.  F.  G.] GALACTION.    [Epistejie.] GALATA,  martyr  at  Blilitana  in  Armenia, with  Aristonicus,  Caius,  Expeditus,  Hermogenes, Rufus ;  commemorated  April  19  (Mart.  Bom. Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] GALILAEI.     [Faithful.] GALILEE.    [Narthex.] GALNABIS  (also  Galnape,  Galnapes  [Isid. Hispal.  Etym.  xix.  25],  Gaunape').  This  is  a  kind of  rough  blanket  or  rug,  forming  part  of  the furniture  of  a  monk's  couch,  which  according  to the  Rule  of  St.  Isidore  is  to  include  "  storea  et stragulum,  pellesque  ianatae  duae,  galnabis quoque  et  facistergium,  geminusque  ad  caput pulvillus"  (Regula  S.  Isidori,  c.  14;  in  Hols- tenius.  Codex  Regularum,  part  2,  p.  127,  ed. Paris,  1663).  Similarly  the  Rule  of  Fructuosus, bishop  of  Bracara  in  Spain,  speaks  of  "  calnabes yillatus"  (c.  4;  op.  cit.  part  2,  p.  139).  The galnabis  was  apparently  used  sometimes  as  an article  of  personal  dress,  for  in  the  testament of  Caesarius,  bishop  of  Aries,  we  read  "  simul cum  casula  villosa  et  tunica  vel  galnape,  quod melius  dimisero  "  (Patrol.  Ixvii.  1140). The  etymology  of  the  word  is  doubtful  :  we may  perhaps  connect  it  with  the  word  gaun^cm, used  by  Varro,  and  possibly  also  with  the  Greek yawcLKris,  KavvdKrjs,  which  is  defined  by  Hesychius (under  the  latter  spelling)  ffrpwfxaTa,  4  fTrj- fi6Kaia  erfpo/naWrj.  Another  derivation  has been  suggested,  connecting  the  word  with  galba- num,  and  making  it  descriptive  of  the  colour, but  this  is  very  improbable.  For  further  refer- ences, see  Ducange's    Glossarium  s.  v.       [R.  S.] GALLERIES.  The  only  galleries  known  in early  ecclesiastical  architecture  were  construe-  ' tional  integral  parts  of  the  building,  not  additions to  it.  In  this  they  corresponded  to  the  triforia of  mediaeval  churches,  which  in  their  original idea  were  galleries  for  the  reception  of  worship- pers or  auditors,  for  which  purpose  they  are still  used  in  Germany,  and  where  they  exist  in Italy  (e.g.  St.  Ambrogio  at  Milan),  and  to  some extent  in  England.  The  first  Christian  churches in  the  West  were  either  basilicas,  or  buildings erected  on  the  basilican  plan,  and  they  naturally retained  the  upper  gallery,  running  entirely round  the  building  above  the  principal  cobmnade, 2   v. 706 fJALLERIES for  the  accommodation  of  spectators,  men  on  one side  and  women  on  the  other,  which  we  know to  have  formed  an  essential  portion  of  the  basi- lican  arrangement  (Vitruv.  v.   1).     Like  them the  church  galleries  were  reached  by  an  outside staircase,  and  were  protected  towards  the  nave by  a  low  wall  or  balustrade  (pluteiis).  The only  Roman  basilican  churches  that  exhibit  this arrangement    r.re    those    of   St.   Agnes  (tig.   1), GALLERIES Sophia,  (or  SS.  Sergius  and  Basilius,)  erected  by Justinian  (fig.  3),  also  exhibits  a  gallery  or  upper story  running  all  round  it.  In  the  churches,  in what  is  commonly  known  as  the  Byzantine  style, of  which  St.  Sophia  is  the  most  magnificent example,  the  side  gallery  played  a  very  impor- tant part.  There  is  a  good  example  in  the church  of  St.  Vitale,  at  Ravenna  (see  woodcut, p.  376). Its  usual  designation  was  gi/naeconitis,  from being  the  place  where  the  women  were  accom- modated. It  was  also  called  the  catechumcnium, because  the  women  assembled  there  to  listen  to instruction  (Leo.  Novell.  73,  apud  Ducange  Con- stantinopol.  Christ.),  or  simply  "  the  upper  cham- bers,"'uTrepiiJa  (Paul.  Silent,  i.  256).  These  gal- leries ran  along  the  side  of  the  trapeza  or  nave, sometimes  quite  up  to  the  sanctuary  or  bema.  The Pseudo-Amphilochius  records  that  St.  Basil, I  having  detected  a  woman  making  signs  to  the deacon  attending  upon  him  at  the  altar,  gave orders  that  curtains  should  be  hung  over  the gallery  to  prevent  such  indecorum. The  women's   galleries  at   St.  Sophia   are   of vast  size  (tig,  4),  ranged  to  the  north  an  1  south <*#" 4 -4J — -rL._L^L,    I Section  uf  St  MiuLele,  Pail St.  Laurence,  in  its  more  ancient  portion,  and the  church  of  the  Quattro  Santi  Coronati,  on  the Coelian.  A  similar  upper  gallery  occurs  also  in the  Laterau  baptistery  of  Constantine.  The passion  for  mosaic  pictures  of  sacred  subjects led  to  the  abolition  of  th's  gallery  in  the  basilican churches,  the  space  it  should  have  occupied  being devoted  to  pictorial  representations,  as  at  St Maria  Maggiore,  St.  Paul's,  and  the  old  St Peter's,  at  Rome  (see  illustrations  on  pages 370,  371),  and  S.  Apollinare  in  Classe,  and  St Apollinare  Nuovo,  at  Ravenna.  But  it  leap- peared  in  the  early  Lombard  churches,  as  at S.  Ambrogio  at  Milan,  and  S.  Michele  at  Pa\ia (fig.  2),  where  there  are  well  developed  trifciial galleries.  But  the  arrangement  never  took  loot in  Italy,  and  was  soon  lost. In  the  East,  when  the  "  dromic  "  or  basilican form  was  adopted,  it  carried  with  it  the  uppei gallery  above  the  side  aisles.  Of  this  we  have an  example  in  the  church  of  St.  John  at  Con- stantinople (A.D.  463),  illustrated  in  Salzenburg's *ork.     The  domical  church  of  the  lesser  Santa of  the  central  area,  occupying  the  upper  story  of  ] the  transeptal  space.     Each  gallery  is  supported  j by  four  monolithic  columns  of  Egyptian  granite,  i an  1  is  itbclf  t  iced  b}  in  arcide  of  six  smaller  \ pillars.  The  galleries  are  vaulted  and  paved with  marble,  and  protected  towards  the  church by  a  low  marble  wall,  four    feet    high,  shaped GALLERIES GALLEEIES r07 like   a  desk,   on  which,   according   to  Paul   the  i  of  the  cupola.    On  the  same  level  as  the  women's Sileutiaiy,  the  women  reposed  their  arms.  I  galleries,  further  east,  were  two  large  vaulted "Ei/fla  (cAieeio-ae.  apartments  to  the  right  and  left  of  the  hema,  in epyoTToious  ayxuifa:;  e7rj)pei<rai'To  yvvai.Ki';. — i.  263.    |  one  of  which  the  empress  had  her  position  with These  galleries  were  approached  by  external  I  her  ladies  at  the  time  of  divine  service.     In  the staircases  contained  in  the  immense  buttresses  |  Eastern  church  the  women's  gallery  by  degrees 2  Z  2 708        GALLICAN  COUNCILS became  disused,  the  narthex  serving  its  purpose. (Ducange,  Constant inopol.  Christ,  lib.  iii.  c.  38-40  ; Willis,  %-ch.  of  the  Middle  Ages,  p.  109,  sqq. ; Neale,  Eastern  Church,  art.  i. ;  Evag.  Hist.  Ecd. lib.  iv.  c.  31 ;  Paul.  Silentiar.  i.  256-263  ;  ii.  125.) [E.  v.] GALLICAN  COUNCILS;  councils  known to  have  been  celebrated  in  France,  but  at  some place  unknown. 1.  A.D.  355.  At  Poitiers  or  Toulouse  possi- bly: where  St.  Hilary,  writing  to  the  Easterns A.D.  360,  says  he  five  years  before  then  with the  bishops  of  France  withdrew  from  the communion  of  the  Arian  bishops  Ursacius  and Valens,  and  of  Saturninus  of  Aries,  who  had espoused  their  cause.  The  opening  chapters of  his  work  addressed  to  Constantius  are thought,  in  short,  to  have  emanated  from  this council  (Mansi,  iii.  251). 2.  A.D.  376.  At  least  there  seems  a  reference to  one  such  in  a  law  of  that  year,  dated  Treves, in  B.  xvi.  tit.  ii.  §  23,  of  the  Theodosian  code  ; but  it  is  not  known  where  or  for  what  object (Mansi,  iii.  499). 3.  A.D.  444,  in  which  Hilary  of  Aries  pre- sided, and  Chelidonius  of  Besangon,  where  this council  may  have  met  therefore,  was  accused  of being  husband  of  a  widow  and  deposed.  On appealing  however  to  St.  Leo  he  was  restored  ; as  having  been  condemned  on  a  false  charge. Both  their  letter  to  him  and  his  answer  are preserved  among  his  epistles  (£jp.  xcix.  and  cii.  ; comp.  Mansi,  vii.  873). 4.  A.D.  678,  at  some  place  unknown  :  when St.  Leodegar  or  Leger  bishop  of  Autun  was degraded  as  having  been  accessory  to  the  death of  king  Childeric  11.  five  years  before  (Sirmond, Cone.  Gall.  i.  510  ;  comp.  Mansi,  xi.  173  and 1095). 5.  A.D.  678  or  679,  against  the  Monothelites  : as  appears  from  the  reference  made  to  it  by  the Galilean  bishops  subscribing  to  the  Roman  synod under  pope  Agatho,  preserved  in  the  4th  act  of the  6th  council  (Mansi,  xi.  175  and  306),  but they  do  not  say  where. 6.  A.D.  796,  at  Toui-s  possibly,  where  Joseph, bishop  of  Mans  and  a  suffragan  of  Tours,  was deposed  for  cruelty  (Mansi,  xiii.  991). 7.  Three  more  councils  may  be  grouped  under this  head,  usually  called  councils  of  Auvergue, but  this  name  is  misleading,  as  it  means  the  town formerly  so  called,  not  the  province.  When, however,  the  town  changed  its  name  to  Clermont, councils  held  there  subsequently  were  styled  by its  new  name,  while  the  earlier  retained  its  old. We  may  save  confusion,  therefore,  by  classing them  under  Galilean.  Of  these  the  first  met  8th November,  A.D.  535,  in  the  second  year  of  king Theodebert,  and  passed  sixteen  canons,  to  which fifteen  bishops,  headed  by  Honoratus,  metropolitan of  Bourges,  subscribed :  his  suffragan  of  Auvergne subscribing  second.  Their  canons  deprecate  lay influences  in  the  appointment  of  bishops,  and lay  interference  between  bishops  and  clergy.  No furniture  belonging  to  the  church  may  be  used for  private  funerals  or  marriages.  The  appoint- ment of  Jews  as  judges,  and  marriages  between Jews  and  Christians  are  denounced.  Presbyters and  deacons  marrying  are  to  be  deposed.  In  a collective  note  to  king  Theodebert,  the  bishops entreat    that    neither    the    clergy,    nor    others. GAMING-TABLE  j living  in  his  dominions  may  be  robbed  of  their rightful  possessions,  and  in  their  fifth  canon  they         ; declare  all  spoliations  of  church  property  null and  void,  and  the  spoilers  excommunicate,  where- ever  it  occurs.     Several  other  canons  are  given         : to  this  council  by  Burchard  (Mansi,  viii.  859-         j 67). The  second,  A.D.  549,  was  attended  by  ten bishops,  but  only  to  receive  the  canons  passed at  the  5th  council  of  Orleans  (Mansi,  ix.  141-4).  \ The  third,  a.d.  588,  was  occupied  solely  \vith a   dispute    between   the   bishops    of  Rodes    and         \ Cahors  (Mansi,  ix.  973).  [E.  S.  Ff.] GALLICANUS,  martyr  at  Alexandria  iinder Julian :  commemorated  June  25  (^Mart.  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] GALLICIA  COUNCIL  OF,  held  a.d.  447 or  448,  in  the  province  of  that  name  in  Spain  on  | the  north-west  against  the  Priscillianists :  in consequence  perhaps  of  the  letter  of  St.  Leo  to Turribius,  bishop  of  Asturia,  who  had  appealed to  him  for  advice  {Ep.  xv.  ;  comp.  Mansi,  vi. 491)  ;  but  is  that  letter  genuine  ?       [E.  S.  Ff.] GALLUS,  presbyter  and  confessor  in  Ger- many: commemorated  Feb.  20  {Mart.  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.F.G.]  ; GAMALIEL,  invention  of  his  relics  at  Jeru- salem,  Aug.  3  (Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis,   Usu-        ' ardi).  [W.F.G.] GAMING.     [Dice.]  j GAMING-TABLE    {Tabula   lusoria,   nAiv-       \ eiof).     Besides  the  natural  feeling  which  led  the survivors  to  place  in  the  tombs  articles  dear  to        j the  deceased  in  his  lifetime,  the   comparison  of       ] the  life  of  man  to  a  game  of  chance  was  a  fami- liar thought  to  the  ancients.     We  may  trace  it through  all  their  literature,  whether  Greek  or        j Roman  (see  Raoul-Rochette,  Mem.  de  I'Acadifm.        | des  inscript.  tom.  xiii.  p.  634).     Hence  astragali and  dice  occur  more  frequently  in  the  Greek  and Roman  tombs  of  the  Campagna  than  playthings      i of  any    other    description,    though    the   amuse-       | ments    of    every  age    and    condition    are    there       | represented.    The  dice  (tali,  tesserae,)  are  usually made   of  ivory,  occasionally  of  bone;  the  dice- box   (fritillus,  turricula)  is  generally  of  ivory,        i and  the  gaming-table  marble.  \ Five  of  these  gaming-tables  have  come  down       j to  our  times  with  inscriptions  which   leave  no        i doubt  of  their  use.     It  is  a  curious  circumstance       i that  in   several  Christian    cemeteries   in    Rome sepulchral  niches  have   been   found  closed  witX        < ^VICTV^I <^  lvdere/ Olebate^ ORiLocvi5 these  marble  gaming-tables,  as  occasionally  with other  incised  marbles.  One  of  the  tables  taken from  the  cemetery  of  BasiUa  may  be  seen  m  the Kircher  museum,  and  was  first  described  by  Lupi {Dissert,  irunuper invent.  Severae  epitaph,  p.  57 tab.  ix.  n.  6).     An  engraving of  it  is  given  above. GAMMADIA The  inscription,  which  was  turned  inside  the tomb,  is  easily  read :  viCTVS  Lebate  |1  lvdere NESCIS  II  DA  LVSORI  LOCV  ||. Boldetti  (Osservazioni,  p.  449)  gives  ^  second from  the  cemetery  of  St. Agnes  bearing  the  following inscription :  domine  frater II  ILARIS      SEJIPER  ||  LVDERE TABVLA  II —  ;  also  a  dice-box found  elsewhere,  used  for  the same  game.  The  interior  of the  box  is  here  shewn,  di- vided into  three  sections  as a  security  against  fraud  in throwing  ;  two  dice  are  lying at  the  bottom. A  third  table  of  the  same kind  from  the  Capponi  museum  is  reproduced  in Muratori's  collection  (i.  DCLXI.  3),  and  bears an  inscription  almost  identical  with  the  fore- going :      SEMPER    IN    HANC  ||  TABVLA     HILARE  || LVDAMVS  AMici  || ,  The  fourth  table,  from  the cemetery  of  Calixtus,  is  given  by  Marangoni {Acta  S.  Vtctorini  in  append,  p.  140).  The words  of  the  inscription,  though  evidently  re- lating to  play,  are  difficult  of  interpretation. Of  the  remaining  table  the  place  of  discovery is  uncertain.  Cardinal  Passionei  {Inscr.  Ant. appendix,  p.  176)  transcribes  a  gaming-table inscription  which  Raoul-Rochette  quotes  as  an additional  example,  but  it  appears  more  likely to  be  that  of  the  Kircher  museum  incorrectly copied. These  having  all  been  discovered  in  Christian sepulchres,  it  seems  natural  to  suppose  that  they were  in  use  amongst  Christians.  Nothing  in the  gaming-tables  themselves,  nor  in  their  in- scriptions militates  against  such  a  supposition  ; and  in  fact  it  is  well  known  that  the  business  of making  dice,  and  articles  of  a  similar  nature, was  one  followed  by  Christians.  Boldetti,  for  in- stance, gives  (p.  416)  a  Christian  sepulchral  in- scription over  an  artifex  artis  tessalarie, who  is  generally  considered  to  have  been  a  maker of  dice.  (Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chret.,  s.  v. "  Jeu,  Tables  de.")     See  Dice.  [C] GAMMADIA  (yafi/xaSia,  or  yaufxaria).  A cruciform  ornament,  embroidered  on  the  borders or  woven  into  the  texture  of  ecclesiastical  vest- ments, both  in  the  West  and  East.  It  takes  its name  from  being  composed  of  four  capital  gammas (f")  placed  back  to  back,  thus  forming  a  voided I  |_  Greek  cross.  The  gammas  were  also  some- _  _  times  placed  face  to  face,  so  as  to  consti- '  '  tute  a  hollow  square,  in  the  centre  of which  a  cross  was  inscribed.  Vestments  so decorated  were  known  by  the  name  of  poly- p-  -^  stauria  {iroKvcnavpLa).  St.  Nicholas  and I '+  I  St.  Basil  are  depicted  in  robes  (thus  semee ^  of  crosses)  in  the  illustrations  to  Ducange {Gloss.  Graec.  fig.  vii.).  Balsamon  assigns,  among other  marks  of  the  patriarchal  dignity,  the "  robe  distinguished  by  gammas,"  5ia  yafifxaToiv (TTixapiov  {de  Patriarch,  p.  446).  These  crosses were  peculiar  to  the  white  eucharistic  vest- ments, those  of  a  purple  colour  being  destitute of  them  (Ducange,  s.  v.  iroKvffravpiov).  In  the Western  church  the  word  gammadia  is  of  fre- quent occurrence  in  the  later  papal  biographies in  Anastasius,  in  the  lists  of  ofteriugs  made  to the  basilicas  and  churches,  e.g.,  Leo  III.,  among GANGRA  (Council  of) 709 gifts  to  the  church  of  St.  Susanna,  gave  a  purple vestment,  "  habentem  in  medio  crucem  de  chry- soclavo  ,  ,  .  atque  gammadias  in  ipsa  veste chrysoclavas  quatuor  "  (§  366),  and  Leo  IV.  to the  church  of  St.  Mary  at  Anagni,  "  vestem  .  .  . cum  gammadiis  auro  textis "  (§  536).  These gammadia  were  of  gold,  others  were  of  silver (§  o97),  or  of  Tyrian  velvet  (§  462),  (cf.  Goar, Eucholog.  p.  315,  col.  2).  ISiot  gammas  alone but  other  letters  also  are  frequently  seen  em- broidered on  the  borders  of  the  robes  of  the sacred  personages  represented  in  early  Christian mosaics  and  frescoes,  especially  H.  I.  T.  X.  The precise  meaning  of  these  marks  has  not  been satisfactorily  determined  (cf.  Bosio.  Bom.  Sott. c.  xxxviii.  p.  638).  [Letters  on  Vestments.] [E.  v.] GANGRA  (Council  of),  for  which  widely dill'erent  dates  have  been  assigned;  some  placing it  before  that  of  Nicaea,  some  not  long  after ; others  indefinitely,  between  it  and  that  of Antioch,  a.d.  341  (see  the  notes  of  Valesius  and Reading  on  Soc.  ii.  43,  and  Mansi,  ii.  1095)  :  all which  discrepancies  may  be  traced  to  the  fact that  one  of  the  Latin  versions  of  the  synodical letter  addressed  by  the  assembled  bishops  to  their colleagues  in  Armenia  contains  the  name  of Hosius  of  Corduba  amongst  the  former.  But the  episcopate  of  Hosius,  as  Cave  shews  {Hist. Lit.  i.  v.),  extends  over  a  period  of  seventy  years, ending  with  a.d.  361 :  accordingly  Pagi  finds  it possible  to  place  this  council  as  late  as  A.D.  358 and  admit  Hosius  to  have  been  there,  on  his  way back  to  Spain.  And  this  was  unquestionably the  year  of  the  council,  as  we  shall  see  from other  considerations,  so  that  the  absence  of  his name  in  the  Greek  heading  of  the  letter  need not  be  pressed.  His  presence  was  always  coveted by  the  Easterns ;  but  as  his  name  occurs  among the  last  on  the  list,  we  may  assume  that  he attended  in  no  other  capacity  than  that  of  a simple  bishop.  The  object  of  holding  the  council is  stated  in  its  synodical  epistle  to  have  been  to condemn  the  errors  of  Eustathius — otherwise written  Eustasius  or  Eustachius — and  his  fol- lowers; and  him  Socrates  and  Sozomen  are doubtless  correct  in  making  identical  with Eustathius  bishop  of  Sebaste  in  Armenia  Minor — else  why  should  the  bishops  of  either  Armenia have  been  addressed  on  the  subject  ?  The  father of  bishop  Eustathius  was  Eulalius  bishop  of Caesarea,  or  rather  Neo-Caesarea,  in  Poutus,  and it  was  at  a  council  held  there  under  his  own father  this  same  year,  according  to  Pagi,  that  he was  first  deposed.  Sozomen  indeed  seems  to  say that  he  had  been  already  condemned  as  a  pres- byter by  his  father ;  if  so,  this  would  account for  the  severity  of  the  new  sentence  passed  upon him,  particularly  had  he  been  propagating  his errors  as  bishop  in  his  father's  see.  Then,  on his  resisting  this  sentence,  as  there  seems  fair reason  for  supposing  he  would,  his  father  would naturally  have  recourse  to  the  provincial  synod, which  we  may  assume  to  have  met  on  this occasion  at  Gangra,  as  the  first  bishop  on  the list  is  Eusebius,  clearly  the  metropolitan  of Caesarea  in  Cappadocia,  whom  St.  Basil  suc- ceeded, and  in  whose  jurisdiction  Gangra  lay, while  the  name  of  Eulalius  occurs  further  on. Dius  (probably  Dianius,  the  predecessor  of Eusebius,  is  intended)  whom  the  Libelhis  sijiwd- 710 GANGRA  (Council  of) icus  asserts  to  have  presided,  is  not  found  in either  version.  Gangra  therefore  was  held  to confirm  what  had  passed  at  Neo-Caesarea  respect- ing Eustathius.  The  similarity  of  names  seems to  have  led  Sozomen  to  assert  that  he  was  first deposed  b}'  Eiisebius  of  Constantinople,  who  died as  far  back  as  A.D.  342  :  and  Socrates,  who  says m  one  place  (ii.  43)  that  the  synod  of  Gangra was  subsequent  to  the  Constantinopolitan  synod of  A.D.  360,  contradicts  himself  in  the  very  next chapter  by  telling  us  that  Meletius  succeeded Eustathius  at  Sebaste,  and  then  either  as  bishop of  Sebaste  or  Beroea— it  does  not  much  matter which — attended  the  council  of  Seleucia,  which we  know  met  A.D.  359,  and  in  so  doing  fixes  the true  date  of  the  synod  of  Gangra,  namely,  mid- way between  it  and  that  of  Neo-Caesarea  the year  before.  These  places  were  not  remote from  each  other ;  and  it  would  appear  that there  had  been  synods  held  at  Antioch,  that,  for instance,  of  A.D.  358  under  Eudoxius,  and  at Melitine  in  Armenia,  unfavourable  to  Eustathius, whose  judgments  he  had  set  at  nought  equally with  that  of  Neo-Caesarea.  Hence  the  greater solemnity  with  which  that  of  Gangra  was  con- vened, far  enhanced  however  by  the  weight which  has  attached  to  it  ever  since  ;  Pope  Sym- machus  in  a  Roman  synod  A.D.  504  going  so  far as  to  say  that  its  canons  had  been  framed  by apostolic  authority,  meaning  that  of  his  see— in other  words,  that  his  predecessors  had  received and  approved  them  (Pagi  ad  Baron.  A.D.  319,  n. v.).  Of  these  there  are  twenty  in  number,  and almost  all  in  condemnation  of  the  errors  ascribed to  Eustathius  and  his  followers  in  the  synodical letter  before  mentioned,  "  forbidding  to  marry, commanding  to  abstain  from  meats,"  and  so forth.  Their  reception  by  Rome  lends  additional interest  to  canon  4,  which  says :  "  Should  any separate  himself  from  a  presbyter  that  has married— as  though  it  were  not  right  to  partake of  the  oblation  when  he  is  celebrant — let  him  be anathema."  And  the  epilogue,  reckoned  iu  some collections  as  a  21st  canon,  is  worth  tran- scribing, not  only  for  "the  admirable  temper and  good  sense"  which  distinguishes  it,  as  Mr. Johnson  remarks  {Vade  Mecum,  ii.  86),  but because  it  may  well  be  thought  to  account  for their  having  been  incorporated  into  the  code  of the  universal  church.  The  rulings  of  fifteen,  or, if  Hosius  was  there,  sixteen  bishops  only,  must have  owed  their  place  there  to  some  great  in- trinsic excellence.  "  We  commit  these  canons to  writing,"  so  they  terminate,  "  not  as  if  we would  Gilt  oft'  those  who  exercise  themselves  in works  ofSeverity  and  mortification  in  the  church of  God  according  to  the  Scriptures :  but  those, who  under  pretence  of  such  exercise,  do  insult those  who  live  in  a  more  plain  and  simple  man- ner, and  would  bring  iu  innovations  contrary  to the  Scriptures  and  the  canons  of  the  church. We  therefore  admire  virginity,  if  attended  with humility  and  a  regard  for  continence,  if  accom- ])anied  with  true  piety  and  gravity,  and  a  retreat from  worldly  business,  with  a  modest  humbK' temper.  But  at  the  sime  time  we  honour honest  marriage,  nor  do  we  despise  riches  when employed  in  good  works  and  in  doing  justice. We  commend  a  plain  and  coarse  habit,  without art  or  gaudiness,  and  have  an  aversion  to  all luxurious  ostentation  of  apparel.  We  honour the    houses   of  God,  and  aifectionatelv   embrace GATES  OF  CHURCHES the  assemblies  made  therein  as  Holy  and  bene- ficial ;  not  as  if  we  confined  religion  within  those houses,  but  as  having  a  respect  to  every  place that  is  built  to  the  name  of  the  Lord,  and approve  of  the  church  assemblies  as  being  ibr the  public  good  ;  and  pronounce  a  beatitude  upon signal  acts  of  charity  done  to  our  brethren,  as being  done  to  the  poor  of  the  church  according to  tradition ;  and  to  say  all  in  a  word,  we  can- not but  wish  that  all  things  may  be  done  in  the church  according  to  the  traditions  of  Holy Scripture  and  the  apostles."  [E.  S.  Ff  ] GARLANDS.  [Baptism,  p.  164;  Crown, p.  511;  Flowers.] GARDEN  OF  EDEN,  Represented  by trees  in  various  bas-reliefs  of  the  Fall  of  Man, as  on  the  tomb  of  Junius  Bassus  (Bottari, tav.  XV.  &c.  &c.).  A  most  ancient  MS.  picture of  the  Garden  of  Eden  occurs  in  the  Vienna  MS. of  the  Book  of  Genesis  which  is  given  by  D'Agin- court.  Professor  Westwood  has  shown  the  pre- sent writer  an  extraordinary  representation  of the  Fall  of  Man,  from  a  Greek  MS.  of  the  Old Testament  now  in  the  Vatican  of  the  7th  or  8th century,  where  the  garden  is  much  dwelt  on. There  is  a  quadruped  serpent  or  dragon  looking up  at  the  tree  of  knowledge.  These  pictures were  brought  to  this  country  in  facsimile  by bishop  Forbes.  [R.  St.  J.  T.j GARDEN  OF  GETHSEMANE.  During the  first  four  centuries  and  a  half  at  least  the subject  of  our  Lord's  passion  seems  to  have  been approached,  but  not  entered  upon — as  by  repre- sentations of  the  betrayal,  the  scene  before Pilate,  &c.  In  No.  90  of  Professor  Westwood's ivory  carvings,  he  is  brought  before  Pilate  and Herod  together,  or  perhaps  Annas  and  Caiaphas. This  is  a  part  of  the  great  casket  of  the  Biblio- teca  Quiriniana  at  Brescia,  and  is  referred  to  the 5th  or  6th  century,  to  the  period  immediately preceding  that  of  the  Rabula  MS.  when  the  cruci- fixion began  to  be  represented  (see  Crucifix). The  Garden  of  Gethsemane  is  one  of  the  earliest of  these  approaches  to  actual  delineation  of  our Lord's  sufferings.  The  MS.  Gospel  of  St.  Augus- tine, very  possibly  made  use  of  by  the  bishop himself,  contains  a  most  interesting  picture  of the  betrayal  in  the  garden,  which  is  represented not  only  by  trees,  but  by  a  curious  serpentine representation  of  the  brook  Kedron,  bursting  out of  a  rock  like  the  Barada  at  Ain  Flfi,  or  the Jordan  at  Tell-el-Khady.  This  subject  is  carved on  the  casket  of  the  Brescian  library  (Westwood, ivory  casts.  No.  90),  dating  from  the  oth  or  6th century. Indications  of  a  garden  occur  in  various  Greek representations  of  the  crucifixion  combined  with the  resurrection.  .See  crucifixion  in  the  Eahula MS.  in  Assemani,  Bibli,  Laurent.  Catalogus,  where olivertrees  are  certainly  intended. I#later  MSS.  it  occurs  in  the  Bible  of  Alcuin, and   in   a   MS.  given  by  count  Bastard,  which belonged  to  Drogon,  grandson  of  Charlemagne. [R.  St.  J.  T.] GATES  OF  CHURCHES.  Our  Lord's  de- signation of  Himself  as  "  the  Door "  of  His church  (John  x.  7,  9)  impressed  a  deep  religious signification  in  the  minds  of  the  early  Christians on  the  entrances  to  their  sacred  buildings,  which they  evidenced  by  the  care  displayed  in  their construction  and  the  richness  of  their  ornamenta- GATES  OF  CHURCHES tion.  As  a  rule  the  actual  gates  (valvae)  of churches  were  of  wood  of  the  most  excellent  and durable  kind.  The  doors  of  the  basilica  of  St. Paul  at  Konae  were,  until  its  destruction  by  fire in  1823,  of  wood,  roughly  chiselled,  and  were reported  to  have  been  brought  from  Constantin- ople. The  doors  of  the  church  of  St.  Sabina  on the  Aventine  are  of  cypress  wood,  carved  in  re- lief with  subjects  from  the  Old  and  New  Testa- ments. They  are  of  great  antiquity,  though J\lamachi,  the  annalist  of  the  Dominican  order, gives  them  too  early  a  date  in  placing  them before  the  7th  century.  The  church  of  the monastery  of  St.  Catherine  on  Mount  Sinai  re- tains the  ancient  richly-carved  doors  of  cypress wood  erected  by  the  emperor  Justinian,  stated by  Mr.  Curzon  to  be  as  perfect  as  when  first  set up  (Neale,  ILSt.  of  East.  Ch.  Introd.  p.  258). Doors  of  wood  were  very  commonly  overlaid with  plates  of  the  precious  metals  and  inlaid with  ivory  (Hieron.  Ep.  ad  Demetr.  viii.),  for the  purpose  of  decoration.  These  plates  were frequently  richly  sculptured  with  scriptural subjects  in  relief.  Thus  Paulinus  of  Nola  speaks of  "  aurea  limiua  "  {Poem.  xiv.  98),  and  com- mends the  piety  of  those  who  covered  the  doors of  the  church  of  St.  Felix  with  metal  plates— "  Saiictaque  praeQxis  obducant  limina  lamnis." iPoem.  xviii.  34). The  papal  memoirs  of  Anastasius  supply  re- peated references  to  this  mode  ef  ornamentation [Doors,  §  3,  p.  574.]  The  "  portae  argenteae  " of  St.  Peter's  are  often  mentioned.  These  were overlaid  by  pope  Hadrian  (a.d.  772-795)  with silver-gilt  plates  embossed  with  the  efiio-y  of  our Lord  and  others  (Anastas.  §  332).  Pope  Hilary (a.d.  461-467)  erected  silver  gates  at  the  Con- fcssio  of  the  basilica  of  Holy  Cross,  and  gates  of bronze  inlaid  with  silver  at  the  oratory  of  St. John  Lateran  (lb.  §69).  This  last  is  an  early example  of  those  doors  of  bronze  of  which  we have  in  later  times  so  many  magnificent  ex- amples, bearing  representations  of  Biblical  events in  high  relief,  which  reached  their  artistic  climax in  the  western  doors  of  the  cathedral  of  Pisa  and those  of  the  baptistery,  "le  porte  del  Paradise  " at  Florence.  We  hava  another  early  example  in the  gates  of  the  "  eso-narthex  "  of  St.  Sophia. These  are  of  bronze  exquisitely  embossed  with floriated  crosses  set  in  doorcases  of  marble.  The great  central  doorway  has  above  it  an  image  of Christ  in  the  act  of  giving  benediction  to  a kneeling  emperor  with  the  virgin  and  St.  John the  Baptist  on  either  hand.  The  chief  entrance of  the  cathedral  of  Novgorod  has  bronze  doors  of very  early  date.  They  are  described  by  Adelung {die  Aorsun'sdieii  Thiircn  zu  Kowgorod)  as  11  feet high  by  3  feet  bread,  divided  into  24'  compart- ments containing  scriptural  reliefs. Church  doors  were  often  furnished  with  in- scriptions either  upon  or  above  them.  These included  texts  of  Scripture,  doxologies,  prayers, pious  aphorisms,  &c.  Paulinus  of  Nola  {Ep. xxxii.  §  12)  gives  the  following  inscription  placed by  him  over  the  principal  entrance  of  the  basi- lica of  St.  Felix  :— GELASIUS 711 "  Cerne  coronatam  Domini  super  atria  Christi Stare  cruccni  dure  spoudentem  celsa  labori I'raemia.    Telle  crucem  qui  vis  auferre  coronam." The  door  of  the  outer  basilica,  which   was  en- tered through  a  garden  or  orchard,  he  also  tells us,  has  these  inscriptions  on  the  outer  face  : — "  Coelestes  intrate  vias  per  amoena  vireta Christicolae :  ei  laetis  decet  hue  ingreseus  ab  hortis Unde  sacrum  meritis  datur  exiius  iu  paradisum." And  this  on  the  inner  : — "  Quisquis  ab  aede  Dei  perfectis  ordine  votis Egrederis,  remea  corpore,  corde  mane." Church  doors  were  also  often  inscribed  with the  names  of  the  builders  and  the  date  of  the building.  j-E_  v.] GATIANUS,  bishop  and   confessor  in   Tou- commemorated    Dec.    18   {Mart   Adonis [W.  F.  G.]  ' GAUDENTIA,  virgin,  saint  at  Rome  ;  com- memorated Aug.  30  [Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi) [W.  F.  G.] GAUGERICUS,    bishop    and    confessor   at Cambray  (1619  a.d.);    commemorated  Aug.  11 {Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] GAZA  in  Palestine  (Council  of),  a.d.  541, to  which  Pelagius  the  first  pope  of  that  name, "a  deacon  and  envoy  from  Rome,  came  by rame  ; Usuardi). "  Pax  tibi  sit  quicumque  Dei  penetralia  airisti I'ectore  pacifieo  candidus  ingrederls." Above  the  entrance,  he  informs  us,  was  a  crov cross  with  these  lines  :  — then order  of  the  Emperor  Justinian,  with  letters ordering  the  deposition  of  Paul  bishop  of  Alex- andria, which  was  accordingly  carried  out (Mansi,  ix.  706).  [£.  g.  pf/i GAZOPHYLACIUM.       The    treasury    or storehouse  attached  to  a  church,  for  the  recep- tion of  the  offerings  of  the  fliithful,  made  either in  bread  and  wine,  or  in  money,  for  the  service of  the  altar,  the  sustentation  of  the  ministers, or  distribution  among  the  poor  (Possid.   Vit.  S. Augustin.   c.    24).     These  oblations   were  depo- sited in  the  gazophylacium   either  after  having been  offered  on  the  altar,  or  until  enquiry  had been  made  by  the  deacons  whether  the  offerers were  orthodox  and  persons  of  good  life,  that  the table  of  the  Lord  might  not  be  profaned  by  the gifts  of  the   unholy  (Binius  in   Can.  iv.  Aposf. Labbe  i.  53).     By  the  93rd  canon  of  the  fourth council    of  Carthage,    A.D.    399,    the    j-eception before  enquiry  even  into  "  the  gazophylacium  or sacrarium"  (the  modern  sacristy)  was  forbidden. Chrysostom  {Homil.  22   de   Eleemos.)  speaks   of treasuries  iu  the  churches,  to  yaCopvXaKia  to. ivravQa  Kft/neva ;  Augustine  appears  to  recognize their  existence  "  quid  est  gazophylacium  ?    Area Dei  ubi    colligebantur  ea  quae   ad   indigentiam servorum  Dei  mittebantur"  {Homil.  in  Ps.  63); and  Possidius  in  his  life   of  that  father  {u.  s.) records  his  having  warned  his  hearers,  as  Am- brose   had   also   done,    of    the    neglect    of    the "gazophylacium    and   secretarium,  from   which the  necessaries  for  the  altar  are  brought  into  the church."    Cyprian  refers  to  the  place  of  offer'ino- as  corbona  {de  Op.  et  Eleemos.  c.  5),  and  Paulinus of  Nola,  as  mcnsa,  which  he  complains  stood  too often  for  sight  rather  than  use,  "  visui  tantum non  Usui "  {Scrm.  de  Gazophijl.  Ep.  34).  [E.  V.] GELASIUS,  martyr  at  Rome  with  Aquili- nus,  Donatus,  Geminus,  Magnus;  commemorated Feb.  4  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi).         [W.  F.  G.] 712 GEMELLIONES GEMELLIONES.  Among  the  vessels  to be  borne  before  the  pope  in  the  great  Easter procession  are  mentioned  (Ordo  Rom.  I.  c.  3) "  gemelliones  argentei."  The  purpose  of  these is  uncertain,  but  it  seems  probable  that  (like  the "  urceola  argentea  "  mentioned  elsewhere)  they were  water-vessels  (Binterim's  Benkwurdijkeiteri, iv.  i.  184).  [C] GEMINIANUS,  martyr  at  Rome  with Lucia  under  Diocletian;  commemorated  Sept.  16 (Mart.  Eom.  Vet.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.] GEMINUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Africa  with A'luilinus,  Eugenius,  Martianus,  Quintus,  Theo- dotus,  Tripho ;  commemorated  Jan.  4  {Mart. Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  [Gelasius.]  [W.  F.  G.] GEMS  were  employed  in  very  early  times for  a  great  variety  of  ecclesiastical  purposes, some  articles  being  made  wholly  of  stones  more or  less  precious,  and  others  being  decorated therewith.  Thus  Chalici:s  and  other  sacred  ves- sels were  occasionally  made  of  precious  stones, but  more  frequently  ornamented  with  them;  and little  crystal  Fish,  probably  used  as  hospitable emblems,  have  been  found  in  the  catacombs  of Rome.  The  walls,  the  Altars,  the  Altar- cloths,  the  service-books  [Liturgical  Books], and  other  furniture  of  churches  were  from  the fourth  century  onward  often  ornamented  with gold,  silver,  and  precious  stones,  as  were  also Crosses  and  the  Crowns  and  diadems  of  Christian sovereigns.  In  the  following  article,  however, account  will  be  taken  of  such  gems  only  as  are engraved,  and  these  were  mostly  used  as  orna- mental or  signet  rings,  more  rarely  for  other purposes. The  following  passage  of  Clemens  Alexandrinus {Paedig.  iii.  11,  p.  246d)  is  the  locus  classicm relating  to  Christian  signet  gems : — "  A  man should  not  wear  the  ring  on  the  finger  joint,  for this  is  efleminate,  but  upon  the  little  finger,  as low  down  as  possible;  for  the  hand  will  thus  be most  free  for  action,  and  the  seal  least  likely  to slip  off,  as  being  guarded  by  the  larger  joint. But  let  our  signet  devices  be  a  dove  or  a  fish,  or a  ship  coursing  against  the  sky,  or  a  musical lyre,  which  Polycrates  employed,  or  a  ship's anchor,  which  was  the  seal  of  Seleucus,  or  if  it be  a  fisherman,  it  will  remind  us  of  an  apostle and  of  boys  saved  from  water."  Subjects  de- rived from  heathen  mythology  or  representa- tions of  weapons  and  drinking  vessels  he  con- demns as  unfit  for  Christians.  A  little  before  he allows  Christians  only  one  ring  as  a  signet, saying  that  all  other  rings  should  be  eschewed : a  wife  also  may  have  a  gold  signet  ring  for  the safe  keeping  of  her  husband's  goods. The  number  of  engi-aved  stones  which  can  be securely  referred  to  the  early  Christian  centu- ries is  not  very  considerable,  but  their  rarity  has perhaps  been  somewhat  exaggerated." "Intagli  representing  purely  Christian  subjects  are  of the  rarest occurrence,  that  is  i of  indu- bitable antiquity"  (King,  Antique  Gems,  p.  352,  London, 1860).  Some  that  have  been  published  are  now  known to  be  false  (Martigiiy,  Diet.  p.  39).  The  Chri.-tian  gems twilling  Greek  inscriptions  have  been  published  by Iviicboff  ill  BGckh's    Corp.   Inscr.  Grace,   n.  9077-9109. GEMS The  principal  subjects  of  extant  works  of  this kind,  including  all  those  mentioned  by  Clement, are  as  follows  ;  various  specimens  of  each  type are  described  at  length,  others  more  briefly. (i.)  Christ  as  the  Good  Shepherd. — This  type, though  not  mentioned  by  Clement,  deserves  to hold  the  first  place,  being  so  often  found  in  very early  Christian  works  of  art  of  different  kinds. Mr.  Fortnum,  who  observes  that  forgeries  of this  subject  are  frequent,  describes  and  figures a  red  jasper  in  his  own  possession  (purchased  at Rome)  in  its  original  octagonal  bronze  setting  : the  shepherd  is  standing  on  his  left  leg,  the right  leg  being  bent ;  he  supports  himself  by  a staff  in  his  hand,  and  holds  out  a  branch  (per- haps of  olive,  as  a  symbol  of  peace)  to  two  sheep at  his  feet.  Behind  him  is  an  olive  (?)  tree. Christian  work  of  the  third  or  fourth  century (Archaeological  Journal,  xxvi.  141  [1869] ;  xxviii. 27.5  [1871]).  The  British  Museum  has  seven intagli  in  which  the  Good  Shepherd  bears  a lamb  on  his  shoulders.  In  one  of  them  (a  tiny onyx)  he  stands  between  two  fish,  or  rather  per- haps between  a  fish  and  a  palm-l3ranch  ;  in  two others  (red  and  brown  jaspers)  he  holds  a  staff, having  a  dog  at  his  feet,  which  looks  up  at  him,  a tree  being  behind  ;  in  a  fourth  (cornelian)  are  two dogs  at  his  feet,  looking  up,  and  an  obscure  and barbarous  legend,  which  has  been  read  ESIVKEV (Hertz,  Cat.  n.  2344;  King,  Ancient  Gems,  p. 353),  "  in  which  the  name  of  Jesus  appears  to  be intended,  together  with  some  other  appellation or  title,"  perhaps  Lord(Kvpie)  Jesus  (King,  Gnos- tics, p.  142),  or  Jesu%  Son  of  God  (lESSV  VE TEV,  Greek  in  Latin  letters  and  barbarised) ;  an- other of  the  same  type  (niccolo)  has  no  legend  : the  sixth  has  only  the  shepherd  bearing  the lamb,  but  is  inscribed  IH.  XP.  (plasma);  in the  seventh  (red  jasper)  he  is  accompanied  bv sheep  and  a  dove  on  a  tree.  One  in  the  Bib- liothfeque    Impe'riale,  in  niccolo,  set  in  a  silver Among  them  are  several  which  may  be  referred  with little  or  no  doubt  to  a  period  later  than  that  with  whicli we  are  concerned ;  and  as  nothing  is  said  about  the  pro- bable antiquity  of  almost  all  of  ihem,  it  has  been  neces- sary to  employ  the  work  with  some  caution.  Possibly the  books  referred  to  under  ihe  particular  gems  may  give some  information  upon  this  point.  In  the  British  Mu- seum are  contained  upwards  of  twenty  early  Christian gems  seen  by  the  writer,  and  there  may  probably  at  this time  (1874)  be  more.  In  various  private  collections  in this  country  (as  of  Messrs.  Fortnum,  King,  and  Lewis) are  contained  a  fair  number  of  others.  The  Bibliotheque Imperiale  at  Paris  contained,  in  1858,  only  eight  purely Christian  engraved  stones,  excluding  Byzantine  camei (Chabouiller,  Catal.  pp.  191,  282,  who  says  ihat  Christian intagli  are  "  d'une  grande  rarete").  About  fifty  casts  of Christian  gems  have  been  received  from  Signor  Saulini, Via  Babiiino,  Rome,  some  of  which  are  in  the  Vatican, others  in  the  Museo  Vettori,  now  acquired  for  the  Vatican ; but  the  general  absence  of  indication  either  of  the  collection or  the  kind  of  stone  employed  greatly  detracts  from  their value:  fourteen  of  them  give  the  Good  Shepherd,  eight have  an  anchor  (with  or  without  accompaniments),  three have  a  boat  or  ship,  five  bear  a  dove,  others  have  fi^h (written  in  Greek,  or  depicted),  the  chrisma,  or  the  Cross- Others  which  are  of  large  size,  exhibiting  the  Cnicifi.xion, or  the  figure  of  Christ  or  the  Virgin,  are  probably  later than  800  A.D.  Among  some  casts  from  gems  in  Rome, received  from  Signor  Odelli  of  Rome,  are  a  lew  which are  evidently  Chr'stian,  the  mo-t  remarkable  being  an  in- taglio representing  the  raising  of  Lazarus  in  a  style  of art  like  that  which  we  have  in  the  catacumbs,  where  the same  subject  is  represented. The  Good  Shepherd  (King). GEMS ring,  has  the  Good  Shepherd  as  before  bearing a  sheep  on  his  shoulders,  with  two  other  sheep at  his  feet  (Chabouillet,  Cat.  p.  282,  n.  2166). Another  example,  in  red  jasper,  represents the  sk<ipherd  still  as  before,  having  two  dogs, or  rather  perhaps  having one  dog  and  one  sheep, at  his  feet  and  a  star and  crescent  in  the  field, with  retrograde  legend lAHN,  perhaps  for  Jah is  his  name.  This  fine gem  is  considered  by  Jlr. King,  who  possesses  it, to  be  a  work  of  about the  end  of  the  second century.  He  considers '■  the  Sun  and  Moon  con- joined "  as  "  emblems  of the  Divine  presence"  {Precious  Stones,  pp.  160, 431);  they  may,  however,  be  indications  of astral  genii,  and  if  so,  the  gem  may  be  the  work of  a  Christian  Gnostic.  "  The  most  interesting of  all  examples  of  this  type,"  however,  he  ob- serves {Ant.  Gems  and  Ri7igs,  vol.  ii.  p.  30, London,  1872),  "  occurs  on  a  large  cornelian brought  recently  from  the  North  of  India  (Col. Pearse),  on  which  the  Good  Shepherd  stands, bearing  his  lost  and  found  lamb  across  his shoulders,  surrounded  by  the  mystic  letters I.X.e.Y.C,  the  reverse  engraved  with  XPICTE CcoZE  KAPniANON  AEnOTE  (sic)  :  '  0  Christ, save  Carpianus  for  ever.'  This  is  cut  in  exactly the  same  coarse  lettering  and  similarly  arranged in  consecutive  lines  as  the  Gnostic  legends  of the  fourth  century."  Three  others  are  men- tioned in  Bockh's  Corp.  Inscr.  Graec.  One (n.  9084)  figured  by  Perret  {Catac.  de  Borne, iv.  t.  xvi.  n.  12),  whei-e  the  shepherd  bears  a lamb  accompanied  by  a  dove  and  branch,  and by  an  anchor  and  fishes,  with  legend  1X0TC;  an- other (n.  9098),  figured  by  Paciaudi  {De  Bain. Christ,  on  the  title-page)  in  a  square  hematite, having  on  one  side  the  Good  Shepherd  with two  crosses,  and  a  legend  on  the  other,  seemingly meant  for  'Kydduiva  /3ot)07j  ;  and  a  third  (n. 9107),  figured  by  Le  Blant  {Bull,  de  I'Athcn. Franc;.  Feb.  1856,  t.  1,  n.  10),  on  plasma,  where the  Good  Shepherd  is  accompanied  by  the  legend AOTKI[OT],  the  owner  of  the  gem.  There  are several  other  gems  on  which  this  subject  is  re- presented slightly  differing  from  the  preceding. (See  note  at  the  beginning.) (ii.)  The  following  five  types  are  mentioned  by Clement;  of  which  Christ as  the  J'isk  occurs  per- haps more  frequently than  any  other.  The examples  here  given  may suffice,  but  the  enumera- tion might  be  extended. One  on  some  burnt  stone, figured  by  Mr.  King,  is  of good  early  work,  repre- senting some  large-headed  fish,  and  reads  hou- strophedon  HA  EIC  |  SX  HI,  i.  e.  Jesus  Christ is  one  God  (El);  see  his  ingenious  remarks  in Ant.  Gems  and  Bings,  ii.  27.  A  similar  fish,  ac- companied by  a  crook  and  palm  branch  is  on  a  sard preserved  in  the  British  Mu.seum,  which  also  con- tains the  following  intagli :  A  fish  on  which  rests  a r-ross;  a  dove  on  cat'h  limb    IHCOTC  above  and GEMS 713 rUh.     (King.) btdow,  in  a  broken  cornelian  :  •>  a  fish  upon  which is  a  dove,  a  sprig  behind  her  ;  to  the  left  is  the chrisma  ( ^j  to  the  right  the  owner's  name, RVFI,  in  cornelian  :  also a  fish  well  engraved, in  an  emerald  set  in  a massive  gold  ring  of angular  form ;  on  the opposite  side,  a  dove seated  on  a  branch between  the  letters AE  I  Ml  I  LIA,  cut  on the  bezel  itself.  An intaglio,  the  stone  is not  particularised,  in theKircherian  Museum at  Rome  bears  the  en- graving IX0TC  MT "  ai'ound   an  anchor  in the  loop  between  its  lower  arms,  which  are recurved,  and  upon  the  stem  of  which  a  fish  is placed  "  {Archaeol.  Journ. xxviii.  288  [1871]).  A  sard published  by  Le  Blant  has a  representation  of  a  fish, with  IX0TC  (retrograde) below  it :  the  Copenhagen Museum  possesses  a  gem having  the  same  type  and legend,  but  written  in  the usual  way  :  and  the  legend only,  the  X  being  converted into  the  chrisma,  is  found  on  a  gem  in  the  Vati- can (Bockh,  nos.  9083,  9085,  9086).  The legend  IX0TC  inclosed  in  a  wreath  is  inscribed on  a  cornelian  in  the  British  Museum.  A  sard, figured  by  Ficoroni  {Gemm.  litt.  t.  xi.),  has IX0TC  only.  A  very  curious  ancient  gem, which  is  best  mentioned  in  this  place,  is  figured by  Martigny  {Diet.  p.  546).     It   represents   an Fish,  Dove,  and  Chrisma, inscribed  RVFI.  (Brit. Moaenm.) Episcopal  Chair.     (Martigny.) episcopal  chair  with  legend  IXT0  (for  IX0TC) inscribed  upon  it,  besides  a  monogram  on  either side,  as  being  the  chair  of  Christ,  in  which  the bishop  sits.  The  same  chalcedony  is  figured  by Passeri,  who  has  a  dissertation  upon  it  {Thes. Gemm.  Astrif.  iii.  221),  and  is  now,  having  under- gone various  fortunes,  in  the  Berlin  Museum (Bockh,  n.  9080). Other. gems  which  are  of  this  type,  but  with- out any  suggestive  adjuncts,  are  either  known or  suspected  to  be  Christian.  Mr.  King  {Gnostics, pi.  V.  n.  3)  figures  a  fish  neatly  engraved  on  a  nic- b  Badly  figured  liy  Perret,  u.  s.  n.  26,  and  misdescribed in  F5ui-kli,  C.  J.  G.  9089. 714 GEMS colo,  bearing  the  owner's  name,  T.  ACI.  AGLAVS, "whom  he  regards  as  a  Christian.  The  Czielli  Col- lection (Robinson's  Catal.  n.  293  [277]<=)  had  an intaglio  of  bloodstone  in  its  original  bronze setting,  bearing  a  dolphin,  which  is  considered to  be  "probably  early  Christian;"  and  Signor Castellani  possesses  a  fine  amethyst  cameo'' about  Ij  inch  by  %  presumed  to  be  Christian, from  one  side  of  which,  the  more  convex,  a  fish of  the  form  of  a  carp  projects  boldly,  the other  side  bearing  the  name  of  the  possessor, VALERIAS,  in  incised  letters.  But  the  most interesting  example  of  this  kind  is  the  epis- copal ring  of  Arnulphus,  consecrated  bishop of  Metz  in  A.D.  614,  now  preserved  in  the  cathe- dral treasury  ;  it  is  set  with  "  an  opaque  milk- white  cornelian,"  about  half  an  inch  in  diameter, representing  a  fish  whose  head  appears  above  the containing  basket,  on  either  side  of  whieh  is  a smaller  fish  :  the  work  is  presumed  to  be  earlier than  the  fourth  century.  This  is  regarded  by Cav.  de  Rossi  as  a  curious  illustration  of  a,  pas- sage in  Tertullian  {De  Bapt.  c.  1)  :  "  Kos  pisci- culi  secundum  Piscem  nostrum  in  aquis  nasci- mur,  nee  nisi  in  aquis  permanendo  salvi  sumus" (Pitra,  Spicil.  Solesm.  tom.  iii.  p.  578,  tab.  iii. n.  4.  Paris,  1855.  Waterton  in  Arch.  Journ.  xx. 237  [1863];  Fortnum,  iWc/.  xxviii.  274  [1871]; Harriott,  Test,  of  Catac.  p.  123  [with  a  figure], I.ond.  1870).  This  type  occurs  also  in  subordina- tion to  that  of  the  anchor,  about  to  be  mentioned. Besides  the  gems  of  the  fish  type  here  enume- rated, the  writer  is  acquainted  with  the  casts  of some  others,  and  would  also  direct  the  reader  to Didron,  C'irist.  Icon.  p.  345  (Millington's  transl. in  Bohn's  Scieiit.  Li'ir.)-,  Perret,  u.  s.  ;  Martigny, Diet.  s.  V.  '•  Poisson  ";  and  Fortnum,  Arch.  Joiirn. xxviii.  274,  for  further  information  and  refer- ences. "  De  Rossi  alone "  [in  his  De  Christ, moniim.  IX0TN  exhib.  in  Spicil.  Solesm.  iii.  555, 576,  577  ;  see  Pitra's  Auct.  578,  Paris,  1855], says  the  last-named  author,  "  describes  about thirty  genuine  gems OH  which  the  fish and  variations  of  the word  1X0T-2  occur. Some  others  have since  been  found.  . . . It  is  moreover,"  he tells  us,  "  more  fre- quently forged  than perhaps  any  other." A  remarkable  sard intaglio,  in  the  pos- session of  the  writer, may  be  mentioned  as a  kind  of  postscript. The  device  is  a  fan- tastic compound  animal,  a  gryllus  of  the  common type,  being  probably  Roman  work  of  the  second or  third  century.  Some  Christian  possessor  has written  the  word  IX0TC  about  it,  in  order,  it "=  The  number  in  the  brackets  is  that  of  the  sale  cata- loKiie  (compiled  from  Mr.  Robinson's  privately  printed catalogue),  London,  1861. d  A  drawing  has  been  sent  by  the  Rev.  C.  W.  .Jones. With  the  exception  of  late  Byzantine  woiks  Chrisiian i-aiuei  are  very  rare.  Signor  Saulini  sends  a  cast  of  a cam"0  (?)  gem,  stone  not  specified,  of  a  still  largjr  size, representing  two  similar  fishes,  looking  opposite  ways, the  lower  inverted  ;  it  is  also  figured  by  Perret,  u.  s. GE5IS would    seem,    to    christianize    such    a   heathen production.     See  IX0TC. (iii.)  Anchor. — The  anchor,  originally  as  Cle- ment observes,  the  signet  of  Seleucus  (see  Eckhel, Doct.  Num.  Vet.  iii.  212),  and  frequently  oc- curring on  the  coins  of  the  Seleucidae,  whence  it passed  over  to  the  Jewish  money,  was  frequently employed  as  a  gem  type  by  the  Christians,  and so  much  the  more  readily  from  its  resemblance to  the  cross ;  whence  the  motto.  Crux  mea  an- chora.  This  type  occurs  both  in  connection  with the  preceding  and  also  independently  of  it.  Of the  former  sort  the  British  Museum  coatains the  four  following  examples,  all  probably  of Christian  w'ork :  anchor between  two  fish,  around  it the  letters  APF,  in  black jasper;  another  with  dol- phin twisted  round  it,  like the  modern  Aldine  device, about  it  the  preceptive legend  EniTTXANOT (Lay  hold)  in  red  jasper  ; anchor  between  two  fishes, in  niccolo ;  another  be- tween two  branches  and two  fishes,  on  whose  arms two  doves  are  seated,  in chalcedony.  But  the  fol- lowing are  more  important  and  unquestionably Christian.  A  sai'J  figured  by  Miinter  {Antiq. Abhandl.  1816,  p.  57,  t.  i,  n.  3),  of  an  octa- gonal form,  gives  an  anchor  with  tw^o  fishes  and the  legend  IHCOT  (Bockh,  n.  9090).  The  Berlin Museum  has  recently  acquired  a  gem  bearing  an anchor  and  a  sheep  and  the  legend  IX0TC :  upon 1X0TC  and  Anchor.    (Martigny.) the  anchor  sits  a  dove  with  an  olive  branch  in its  mouth  (Bockh,  n.  9081).  Passeri  {Thes. Gemm.  Adrif.  iii.  278)  figures  a  ring  cameo  in the  Vettori  Museum,  inscribed  IHCOTC  above, XPEICTOS  below,  having  between  the  words  an anchor,  with  a  fish  hanging  from  each  end  of the  stock.  An  opal  in  the  same  museum,  figured by  Martigny  (Diet.  p.  545),  has  on  one  side  a  cru- ciform anchor,  on  the  other,  enclosed  in  an  orna- mented border,  the  legend  IX0TC  written  kiovti- Sov.  The  Berlin  Museum  has  a  red  jasper having  the  word  IX0rc  and  the  letters  MX, perhaps  the  owner's  initials,  disposed  around  an anchor  (Bockh,  n.  9079).  But  the  anchor  has also  other  accompanying  symbols.  Thus  an- other gem  in  the  same  museum  (Bockh,  n.  9082) has  around  the  figure  of  an  anchor  the  boustro- phedon  legend  IH  |  SX  (Jes'ds  Christ),  and  also the  accompanying  symbols  of  a  tree,  a  sheep, doves,  a  palm,  and  a  human  hand.  (For  others see  above  under  the  Good  Shepherd.)  There  are also  gems,  presumed  to  be  Christian,  of  which casts  have  been  received  from  Signor  Saulini,  in which  tlie  anchor  is  figured  by  itself  alone. GEMS (iv.)  Dove. — This  t3'pe,  usually  symbolical  of the  Holy  Spirit,  has  been  already  mentioned  as ,  occurring  on  gems  in  conjunction  with  other Christian  types.  Besides  these,  Passeri  (Thes. Gemm.  Astrif.  iii.  235)  describes  and  figures, after  Mamachi,  a  gem  in  which  occurs  the  dove on  a  palm  branch,  a  star  aboye,  and  the  chrisma (>p:)  on  the  left.  The  Bntish  Museum  has  a garnet  with  the  same  device,  but  no  chrisma; and  also  a  portion  of  a  cornelian  ring,  on  the  flat bezel  of  which  is  engraved  a  dove  holding  a branch,  considered  by  Mr.Fortnum  to  be  Christian work  of  the  second  or  third  century  {Arch.Journ. 1869,  p.  140).  A  sapphire  in  the  same  collection bears  the  same  device.  The  French  collection  con- tains a  cornelian,  the  work  of  which  appears  to  be of  the  sixth  century,  on  which  is  engraved  a  dove, a  palm,  and  a  crown,  with  a  monogram  of Veranus  (?),  in  style  resembling  those  of  the Ostrogothic  kings  of  Italy  (Chabouillet,  Catal. n.  2167).  The  dove  occurs  also  on  Christian gems  found  in  Rome  or  preserved  in  the  Roman collections,  in  most  cases  accompanied  by  the chrisma  (Saulini,  Ferret).  A  pale  sard  *  intaglio in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Ready  has  two  rudely- engraved  doves  with  a  cross  between  them. "  One  of  the  prettiest  devices  of  the  class that  has  come  to  my  knowledge,"  says  Mr.  King (^Ant.  Gems  and  Rings,  vol.  ii.  p.  26,  note), "  shews  the  dove  with  olive  twig  in  beak, perched  upon  a  wheat-sheaf,  apt  emblem  of  the GEMS •16 ;af.    (K:,rg.) Church,  having  for  supporters  a  lion  and  serpent. It  pictorially  embodies  the  precept  to  be  wise  as serpents  and  harmless  as  doves.  (In  possession of  F.  Taylor.)"  The  British  Museum,  in  tine,  has a  gem  of  large  size  and  late  work,  reading  in minuscule  letters  avaffTacri.  +  tov  dr]fiov ;  below the  legend  is  a  sheaf  of  corn,  and  two  doves with  olive  branches  below,  indicating  that  the  in- gathering of  the  harvest  of  souls  will  be  in  peace. Other  examples  are  named  by  Martigny,  m.  s. (v.)  Fisherman. — The  type  alludes  to  the Saviour  and  the  apostles  as  fishers  of  men.  It  is rarely  found  on  Christian  gems,  but  we  have  a few  examples.  M.  de  Belloc,  in  his  work  en- titled La  Vierge  au  Poisson  de  Raphael  (Lyon, 1833),  figures  an  engraved  cornelian,  which  he considers  to  be  Christian,  upon  which  is  a  fisher- man holding  a  basket  in  one  hand,  and  in  the other  a  line  from  which  a  fish  is  suspended ;  the word  IX0T2  is  written  near  the  fish  (Didron, Christian.  Iconogr.  pp.  345,  364  in  Bohn's  Illustr. Libr.).  This  would  seem  to  be  a  different  gem from  a  cornelian  mentioned  by  Vallarsi  in  his  notes on  St.  Jerome  (i.  18),  of  the  same  type  with  the same  inscription  (Didron,  u.  s.  p.  349);  Martigny speaks  of  it  as  excellent  in  workmanship  and probably  of  great  antiquity :  he  regards  the fisherman  as  the  Saviour  (Diet.  p.  518  ;  Garrucci, *  [This  proves  to  be  a  paste,  and  belongs  to  glass. Hagiogl.  p.  111).  A  sard  intaglio,  regarded  by Mr.  King  as  "  purely  Christian,"  in  his  own collection  is  figured  in  his  Gnostics,  pi.  x.  n.  7  ; it  gives  two  winged  figures,  probably  Cupids,  in  a boat,  one  fishing,  the  other  steering ;  "  the  mast witli  the  yard, -making  a  true  cross,  forms  a significant  and  conspicuous  feature  in  the  design  " (p.  224).  Its  Christianity,  however,  seems rather  questionable.^ (vi.)  JBoat  or  Ship. — These  occur  on  Christian gems,  as  being  typical  of  the  church,  and  then sometimes  resting  on  a  fish,  or  of  the  voyage of  the  soul  to  the  harbour  of  eternal  rest. Mr.  Fortnum  describes  and  figures  a  fragment of  a  ring  of  dark  green  jasper,  probably  of  the second  or  third  century,  purchased  in  Rome,  on the  bezel  of  which  is  engraved  a  boat  bearing  a bird  and  a  branch,  probably  a  cock  and  palm branch.  The  boat  is  supposed  to  be  the  church, and  the  victory  of  the  soul  over  the  world  to  be indicated  by  the  other  types^  (Arch.  Jour.  1869, p.  140).  Aleander  {Nav.  Ecdes.  Ref.  Symh.  p.  13, Rom.  1626)  figures  a  rfng-stone ;?  and  Ficoroni gives  another  {Gemme  Antiq.  p.  105,  t.  xi.  8),  on which  the  ship  seems  to  rest  on  a  fish.  A  ring figured  by  cardinal  Borgia (X)e  CruceVelit.  p.  213) is  set  with  an  antique  jasper  intaglio,  the  subject of  which  is  a  ship,  having  six  rowers  on  one  side, which,     supplying    the     corre-  _ spending  six  on  the  other,  would represent  the  twelve  apostles ; there  is  also  a  pilot,  or  helms- man, and  the  name  IHCOT  in- scribed on  the  reverse  (Fort- num in  Arch.  Journ.  1871,  pp. 274,  275;  Mart.  Diet.  p.  432). A  cornelian  in  the  British  Mu- ,.     ,       v    \  I-  I.-  -1         (lintisU  Museum.) seum  (mtaglio)  has  a  ship  with mast  and  yard-arm  in  the  form  of  a  cross,  bear- ing also  a  cross  at  the  prow.    A  fine  black  jasper intaglio,  in  the  possession  of  Rev.  S.  S.  Lewis, shows  a  boat  with  a Greek    cross    in   the centre.     A  cornelian, belonging    to    count Marcolini,  an  impres- sion of  which  is  pub- lished by  Lippert  (iii. 361),  bears  a  trireme with  the  labarum,  on which  is  the  chrisma and  two  palm  trees  ; the   prow  is   in    the form  of  a  bird's  head  ; the  vessel  enters  into ^•t,  and  the  sea  is  marked  by  a  fish :  in  the field  are  two  stars  and  the  unexplained  letters Eiv^f,  RA. ;  below,  VGBP.  (Raspe's  Cat.  of  Tassie's Engraved  Gems,  n.  2715).     Other  gems,  whose e  The  gem  reproduced  by  Martigny  (?t.  s.)  from  Costa- dimi,  showing  a  fish  in  human  form  holding  a  ba.-.ket, which  Polidori  interprets  to  ba  the  Saviour,  is  rather,  to judge  by  the  figure,  an  Assyrian  or  Ribylonian  gem,  re- presenting Dagon  (see  Smith's  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  i. p.  381). f  With  this  may  be  compared  an  antique  paste  in  the Hertz  Collection  (No.  2525),  having  a  ship  with  cock- shaped  prow,  rowed  by  four  benches  of  .sailors;  a  butter- fly above.  The  allusion  to  the  inmiortality  of  the  soul can  hardly  be  doubted,  but  the  emblem  is  pagan  rather tliim  Cluistian. 8  Tliis  gem  is  more  fully  described  below,  ij  xii. 716 GEMS impressions  have  been  sent  from  Rome,  bear  a boat  with  the  chrisma,  or  the  chrisma  accom- panied by  a  palm  above.  A  sard  (intaglio)  with the  same  type  is  set  in  a  ring  in  the  Naples Museum  (Arch.  Journ.  1871,  p.  280). It  will  now  be  seen  that  we  have  examples  of all  the  types  mentioned  by  Clemens  Alexandrinus, the  lyre'  only  excepted,  occurring  on  gems  which are  either  certainly  known  or  reasonably  pre- sumed to  be  Christian.  This  type  also  occurs, but  it  is  uncertain  whether  any  gem  on  which it  is  found  is  to  be  considered  of  Christian  work, (vii.)  Lyre. — Employed  probably  as  the  type of  harmony  and  concord.  The  only  example known  to  Martiguy  (Des  Anneaux  chez  les  pre- miers Chretiens,  Macon,  1858)  which  he  could regard  as  Christian  is  one  in  the  Royal  Library of  Turin,  of  very  indiBerent  work,  in  a  style  like many  Christian  gems,  figured  by  Perret,  Cata- cornbes  (vol.  iv.  pi.  xvi.  n.  60).  Nor  can  he  add another  in  his  Dictionary  of  Christian  Antiquities, written  seven  years  later  (p.  40).'' The  following  types  are  not  mentioned  by Clemens ;  the  first  three  of  them  have  been already  indicated  in  connection  with  those  gems which  have  been  described ;  but  they  occur  on other  gems  also. (viii.)  Falni. — ^This  symbol  of  victory,  among Pagans,  Jews,  and  Christians,  occurs  frequently on  engraved  stones  and  metal  rings,  and  it  is sometimes  difficult  to  decide  whether  a  given engraving  is  to  be  considered  Pagan  or  Christian (Arch.  Journ.  1871,  pp.  275,  276,  280,  282).  It has  already  been  noticed  that  the  palm  occurs as  an  accessory  type  on  some  of  the  Christian gems  above  described  ;  it  occurs  also  in  other combinations.  On  a  cornelian  in  the  British _  Museum  a  hand  holds  a  palm branch  erect,  the  chrisma  is above  and  MNHMONETE below.  In  the  same  museum is  a  cornelian,  presumably  of Christian  work,  on  which  is a  palm  branch  placed  verti- cally, inclosed  in  a  wreath  of laurel:  on  opposite  sides  of  the branch  are  the  proper  names ZcoTIKOC  and  TEPTVAAA, who  may  possibly  have  been martyrs.  A  sard  in  the  Rev.  C'  W.  King's collection  bears  a  palm  branch  placed  horizon- tally, and  below  it  the  acclamation  (probably Christian),  SVLE  VIVE  (letters  partly  in- verted). The  palm  branch  occurs  also  by itself  or  accompanied  by  inscriptions  on  various other  gems  and  rings,  which  are  reasonably supposed  or  suspected  to  be  of  Christian  work, which  is  distinguished,  in  Mr.  Waterton's opinion,  by  the  rude  manner  of  the  representa- tion, more    truly    figuring    the    natural    object ^  Among  those  bearing  this  type  described  by  Ra>pe (U.S.  Nos.  3032-3044),  or  contained  in  the  Hertz  Collec- tion (Nos.  1094-1097),  there  is  not  one  which  can  safely be  pronounced  to  be  Christian,  but  there  are  two  antique pastes  in  the  latter  (Nos.  1094,  1095)  in  which  the  sides  of the  lyre  are  formed  of  dolphins  or  fishes.  The  sounding- board  of  one  of  these  has  the  form  of  a  sleeping  animal. The  original,  as  it  would  seem,  of  this,  a  plasma  intaglio. Is  in  the  collection  of  the  Rev.  S.  S.  Lewis.  The  occur- rence of  fish  in  this  connection  suggests  that  the  gems may  be  Christian,  but  as  the  dolphin  is  connected  with Apollo  the  inference  is  hazardous. GEMS (Arch.  Journ.  1871,  p.  276).  For  some  of  these see  King's  Cat.  of  Leake's  Gems  in  Fitzwilliam Museum,  Cambridge,  p.  9.  Fortnum  in  Arch. Journ.  1869,  p.  142;  and  1871,  p.  276. (ix.)  Cross. — This  type,  in  connection  with the  dove,  or  in  a  disguised  form  as  yard  and mast,  has  been  more  than  once  described  above. But  it  occurs  on  other  gems  without  disguise.' A  Greek  cross  in  conjunction  with  a  lion,  sup- j)osed  to  allude  to  the  church  of  St.  Mark  at Alexandria,  occurs  on  an  onyx  intaglio  in  the possession  of  Mr.  Fortnum  (Arch.  Journ.  1869, p.  147).  An  iron  ring,  set  with  a  cornelian  in- taglio (burnt),  is  contained  in  the  British Museum  ;  the  device  is  a  cross,  accompanied  by some  animal  very  rudely  engraved  (Fortnum, Arch.  Journ.  1869,  p.  146).  Beger  (T/tes.  Palat.) figures  a  gem,  having  a  tall  Latin  cross,  from  the arms  of  which  hang  two  fishes.^  Garrucci  (Nu- mism.  Costantin.  p.  261,  (at  the  end  of  his  Vetri Ornati,  Rom.  1864)  mentions  other  gems  with  the cross  type,  three  of  which  are  in  the  possession  ot M.  Van  den  Berghe.  Mr.  Fortnum  describes  a massive  gold  ring  in  the  Castellani  collection, embossed  with  figures  of  doves  in  the  shoulders, which  is  set  with  a  garnet,  on  the  face  of  which is  engraved  a  draped  figure  seated  between  two Greek  crosses  potent  (Arch.  Journ.  1871,  p.  281). It  is  now  in  the  British  Museum,  and  seems  late work.  The  Museum  has  also  a  burnt  cornelian inscribed  TATPINOC,  where  a  female  holds  a cross.  A  gem  is  figured  by  Garrucci  (Hagio- fllijpta,  praef.  p.  v.),  where  a  Greek  cross  is  pre- fixed to  the  acclamation  Vivas  in  (Deo,  sc), Martigny,  in  fine,  observes  that  on  several  gems (one  is  figured  by  Perret,  vol.  iv.  pi.  xvi.  n.  74), some  of  which  appear  to  be  considerably  older than  Constantine,  we  have  engraved  representa- tions of  the  cross '  (Diet.  p.  185).    See  also  §  xvii. (x.)  Chrisma,  or  Monogram  of  Christ. — This emblem  (sB  \  which  is  thought  by  high  autho- rities to  be  earlier  than  Constantine  (Mart. iJict.  p.  416),  is  found  either  by  itself  or  in various  combinations  upon  a  considerable  number of  gems,  and  somewhat  varying  in  form.  A  fine spherical  sapphire,  "where  thepreciousness  of  the material  attests  the  rank,  perhaps  patriarchal,  of '  De  Corte  {Syntag.  de  Annulis,  p.  125,  Antv.  1706) thinks  that  Eusebius  (Demonstr.  Evangel,  vi.  25)  speaks of  an  universal  custom  of  Christians  wearing  the  life- giving  sign  (i.  e.  the  cross)  on  their  rings,  "  Salutari  signo pro  annuli  nota  utentes."  This  is  taken  from  the  Latin version  of  F.  Viger:  the  Greek,  however,  has  <T<f)paytSi Xpiofiei'ots  ;  and  the  allusion  seems  rather  to  belong  lo the  practice  of  signing  themselves  with  the  cross. k  Referred  to  by  King  (Gnostics,  p.  142). 1  It  may  perhaps  just  be  worth  mentioning  here  that certain  large  pieces  of  crystal  bearing  the  figure  of  the cross  may  be  as  early  as  the  period  embraced  in  the  pre- sent work.  Douglas  (Naen.  Brit.  t.  xx.  f.  11)  figures  a crystal  exhumed  in  1758  in  a  barrow  near  Lowestoft along  with  coins  of  Avitus  (a.d.  456)  and  other  money of  the  Ix)wer  Empire,  now  in  the  Ashmulean  Museum  at Oxford.  It  Is  a  boat-shaped  piece  (1 X  1^  in.),  on  which  is engraved  in  intaglio  a  Latin  cross  potent.  It  may  pro- bably be  of  the  Saxon  period,  and  it  looks  as  if  it  might once  have  been  inserted  in  a  liturgical  book  cover  or  ia the  lid  of  a  box.  But  it  is  not  easy  to  speak  of  the  dates of  these  crystals  and  other  stones,  some  of  which,  en- graved or  plain,  have  been  also  found  jn  Ireland  (Val- laucey.  Coll.  de  Beb.  Hibern.  vol.  iv.  pi  11.  n.  13;  Wilde, Cat.  of  Mus.  of  Ray.  Irish  Acad.  pp.  127,  128).  Most  of them  appear  to  have  been  amulets. GEMS the  possessor  "  (King,  Antique  Gems  and  Rings, ii.  28),  in  the  British  Museum  gives  the  mono- gram, having  a  straight  line  at  right  angles  to the  P  on  its  summit  ( 3^ ),  which  forms  a Tau,  allusive  to  the  cross.  This  is  also  the  case with  a  crystal  signet  ring,  "  anuulus  vetustis- simus,"  formerly  in  cardinal  Barberini's  museum (its  resting-place  being  now  unknown,  Fortnum, in  Arch.  Journ.  1871,  p.  272),  figured  by  De  Corte {Suntag.  de  Ann.  p.  120),  where  a  serpent,  pecked by  two  cocks,  entwines  itself  about  the  base  of the  Tau  :  on  either  side  of  the  upper  pai-t  are the  letters  A  and  co,  and  the  stone  is  also  in- scribed beneath  the  bezel  with  the  word  SALVS. Mr.  Fortnum  has  a  ring  of  excellent  workman- ship, purchased  at  Athens,  of  massive  gold,  set with  an  onyx  intaglio  bearing  the  chrisma,  "  the P  being  crossed  with  the  third  stroke  "  (^Arch. Joiirw.  1869,  p.  142).  Mr.  King  (Gnostics,  p.  142) mentions  a  ring  cut  out  of  crystal,  bearing  the chrisma  alone,  on  the  face  of  an  oblong  tablet, said  to  have  been  found  in  Provence.  The  same author  (L  c.  p.  141)  mentions  an  elegant  device given  in  Gorl.  Dactyl.  211,  where  the  sacred monogram,  cut  on  the  face  of  a  solid  crystal ring,  rests  upon  the  head  of  a  Cupid  (or  angel?) on  each  side  of  whom  stands  a  dove.  This  style he  considers  to  have  been  derived  ft-om  the Sassanian  stone  rings.  Passeri  (Thes.  Gemm. Astrif.  vol.  ii.  p.  220,  t.  cc.)  figures  a  gem  on which  the  chrisma  is  surmounted  by  a  star,  the X  being  formed  by  two  branches  of  palm.  This symbol  is  also  sometimes  accompanied  by  inscrip- tions both  Greek  and  Latin.  Martigny  {Diet. p.  418)  mentions  a  cornelian  given  by  Macarius (Hieroglypta,  p.  235,  ed.  Gar.),  inscribed  with  the word  IX0TC,  the  X  being  combined  with  a  P  to express  the  chrisma  ;  possibly  the  same  gem  as that  described  above  under  §  ii.  The  Berlin Museum  has  a  heliotrope  in  which  the  chrisma is  accompanied  by  a  fruit-bearing  tree  and  the following  inscription  :  iiriKaAov/xai  'iTjcrovf  Xpei- ffThu  NaCapv^"  Uarepa  .  .  .  (Bockh,  n.  9094  ; the  fragment  is  here  given  in  part  only  and  in minuscules).  The  Bri- tish Museum  contains  a cornelian  bearing  the acclamation,  Devsdedit VIVAS  IN  Df.o,  to  the right  of  which  is  the chrisma,  and  to  the  left a  small  wreath.  Mr. King  figures  a  gem  in the  Vernon  Collection (Antique  Gems  and  Rings, ii.  28,  37)  where  the chrisma  of  a  not  quite usual  form  appears  in the  middle  of  an  olive- garland,  with  the  name of  the  possessor,  *OIBEIcoN,  Phoebion  (like Hephasstion,  from  Hephaestus),  of  which  the work  is  unusually  fine.  The  sacred  monogram nnder  various  foi-ms  is  found,  as  Mr.  Fortnum observes  (Arch.  Journ.  1871,  p.  271),  "more  fre- quently than  any  other  on  Christian  rings.  .  .  . We  find  it  alone  and  accompanied  by  almost ail  the  other  emblems,  with  inscriptions  and monograms."  " GEMS 717 ■n  Various  Impressions  of  gems  bearing  the  chrisma, which  are  more  or  leas  similar  to  those  described  above. (xi.)  Animals. — It  has  been  already  noticed that  "  a  lion,"  which  Mr.  Fortnum  connects  with St.  Mark,  occurs  on  an  onyx  accompanied  by  a Greek  cross.  Ennodius,  bishop  of  Pavia  about 511,  has  an  epigram,  De  annulo  Firminae,  from which  we  learn  that  it  bore  a  lion  : "  Gestandiis  manibus  saevit  leo." Whether  the  lion  was  intended  to  have  any Christian  significance  is  uncertain.  The  phenix occurs  on  an  engraved  stone  in  conjunction  with the  palm,  a  combination  which  occurs  on  other monuments  which  are  indubitably  Christian, Perret  (vol.  iv.  pi.  xvi.  68;  Martigny,  Diet. p.  534).  In  the  British  Museum  are  more  than one  gem  bearing  sheep,  from  the  collection  ot the  abbe'  Hamilton,  of  Rome,  which  are  pre- sumed to  be  Christian.  On  one  are  two  sheep, on  each  side  a  dolphin ;  on  another  are  two sheep  and  palm  branches.  It  might  not  be difficult  to  increase  the  enumeration  of  these ambiguous  types  ;  but  they  are  scarcely  worthy of  a  more  extended  notice." Before  proceeding  further  we  may  observe  that the  British  Museum  contains  a  large  pale  sard in  which  the  pastor,  the  chrisma,  dove  and branch,  fish,  dolphin,  ship,  and  various  adjuncts are  combined ;  another,  of  smaller  size,  in  two compartments,  has  the  pastor,  dove,  anchor, fishes,  with  other  figures  and  animals  ;  they  were formerly  in  the  Hamilton  Collection,  and  are figured  (with  several  others  from  the  same  col- lection, which  is  now  in  the  British  Museum)  by rcrret  (iv.  pi.  xvi.  figs.  5,  8). The  following  subjects  appear  to  have  been introduced  upon  gems  at  a  later  period  than  the types  already  mentioned." have  been  sent  from  Rome  by  Signer  Saulini :  on  one  the X  is  formed  of  two  fishes,  one  holding  a  wreath  (crown  of tliorns  ?)  the  other  having  a  dove  on  its  tail ;  palm  on either  side  of  the  monogram. "  Mr.  King  (Antique  Oems  and  Rings,  ii.  p.  2S)  men- tions that  the  frog,  whose  body  pas-ses  through  so  many stages,  was  employed  for  a  Christian  signet  as  an  emblem of  the  Resurrection ;  he  does  not  however  refer  to  any authority  for  this.  In  Raspe's  Catalogue  of  Tassie's  '^'ems (No.  13,355)  is  a  gem  bearing  a  frog  -.vith  a  palm  and  a 83rpent;  these  adjuncts  rather  suggest  that  the  work may  be  Christian.   See  Glass. <•  The  first  place  would  be  due  to  representations  of God  the  Father,  if  such  really  existed  in  the  period  em- braced in  this  work,  abhorrent  as  such  images  may  appear to  many.  Mr.  King  (Antique  Gems  and  Kings,  ii.  32) mentions  "a  large  niccolo  in  an  antique  massy  gold  ring, engraved  with  the  Heavenly  Father  enthroned  amidst  the twelve  parriarchs,  the  work  carefully  finished  and  well drawn."  This  gem,  which  he  saw  in  the  possession  of the  late  Mr.  Forrest,  appeared  to  him  to  date  from  the times  of  the  Western  Empire.  But  there  seems  to  be some  error  here.  "  During  the  first  centuries  of  Christi- anity," says  Didron  (Christian  Jcor,ogr.  p.  201,  Engl. trans.),  "  even  as  late  as  the  I2th  century,  no  portraits  of God  the  Father  are  to  be  seen."  The  hand  seems  to  have been  the  only  permitted  symbol.  Either,  therefore,  the work  is  likely  to  be  later  than  the  12th  century,  or  (more probably)  the  interpretation  of  the  group  is  erroneous. One  might  snspect  the  Saviour  and  the  apostles  to  be inti»nded.  Upon  a  cornelian  formirly  in  the  possession of  Dr.  Nott,  the  Saviour  Is  represented  on  a  column,  with extended  arms,  having  six  figures  on  each  side,  in  the exergue  a  sheep :  in  the  field  and  exergue  EHCO  (sic,  for IHCOTC)  XPECTOC  It  is  obvious  that  these  are the  twelve  apostles,  hut  the  Jewish  and  Gentile  churches, as  symbolised  by  them,  are  most  probably  intended.  See }  xiii.  and  Glass.  (A  cast  sent  from  Rome  by  Signer Saulini.) 718 GEMS (xii.)  The  Saviour. — In  the  earlier  gems  the Saviour  appears  only  in  the  form  of  emblems, as  the  Good  Shepherd  and  the  Fish,  and  (more rarely)  as  the  Fisherman ;  but  from  about  the fourth  century  onwards  the  representations become  more  realistic.  Le  Blant  has  a  sardonyx, bearing  a  dead  Christ,  with  the  inscription, SALVS  RESTITVTA,  ascribed  to  the  fourth century  (Martigny,  Bes  anneaux  chez  les  prem. Chret.  p.  36).  An  ancient  onyx,  figured  by  Perret (iv.  pi.  xvi.  85),  exhibits  the  Saviour  reaching out  his  hand  to  St.  Peter  as  he  is  about  to  sink in  the  waves;  their  names  (in  an  abbreviated form)  are  written  near  them  in  Greek  charac- ters :  IHC.  riET. ;  the  boat  is  seen  tossed  by  a storm,  a  fish  just  below  (Mart.  Diet.  p.  539.  See also  Aleander,  u.  s. ;  Mamachi,  Orig.  et  Antiq. Christ,  t.  iv.  p.  260,  ed.  Matr.,  and  Garrucci  in Macarius,  Hagioghipta,  p.  237).  A  green  jasper intaglio  in  the  British  Museum,  considered  by Mr.  King  to  belong  most  probably  to  the  date  of the  Western  empire,  exhibits  Christ's  entry  into Jerusalem,  the  Saviour  being  accompanied  by three  figures,  one  bearing  a  palm  {Gnost.  p.  140). When  the  coffin  of  bishop  Agilbert,  of  Paris (seventh  century)  "was  opened,  De  Saussay,  who was  present,  saw  on  his  finger  a  gold  ring  with a  jewel,  on  which  was  a  likeness  of  our  Lord  and St.  Jerome  (Marriott,  Vestiar.  Christ,  p.  222, London,  1868).  A  cameo  in  agate,  probably early  mediaeval  Italian  work  of  uncertain  date, repi-esents  the  Saviour  teaching  the  three favoured  disciples,  one  by  his  side,  the  others fronting  him  ;  two  angels  behind  :  the  disciples are  bearded,  the  Saviour  beardless ;  in  the  Bibl. Imperiale  (Chabouillet,  n.  294;  King,  Antique Gems  and  Rings,  ii.  35,  36).  With  the  excep- tion of  Byzantine  cameos,  and  of  one  or  two  gems presumed  to  be  Gnostic,  "  no  ancient  portraits of  the  Saviour  exist  on  gems  "  (King's  Gnostics, p.  137).P  Among  the  earlier  Byzantine  camei is  to  be  mentioned  a  fine  oval  plaque  of  lapis- lazuli,  probably  the  gift  of  the  emperor  Hera- clius  to  king  Dagobert  (a.d.  628-638),  which remained  in  the  Treasury  of  St.  Denys  for  a thousand  years  :  on  one  side  was  the  bust  of  the Saviour,  on  the  other  that  of  his  mother  (King, Handbook,  p.  104;  id.  in  Arch.  Journ.  1870, p.  185). The  French  collection  contains  several  Byzan- tine camei  bearing  portraits  of  Christ.  Some of  these  on  amethyst  and  jasper,  with  legend, \C.  XC.  (i-e-  'Iv^ovs  XpiarSs),  represent  Him with  a  cruciform  nimbus,  in  a  long  robe,  holding the  gospels  in  the  left  hand,  and  giving  the benediction  with  the  right  (Chabouillet,  Cat. nos.  258-260).  These  remind  us  of  the  coins of  Justinian  II.  (a.d.  685-711),  and  may  perhaps V  For  the  Emerald  Yenncle  of  the  Vatican  (now  lost), said  to  preserve  a  true  likeness  of  the  Saviour,  executed by  command  of  Tiberius,  which  Bajazet  II.  gave  to  pope Innocent  VIII.  about,  a.d.  1 188,  see  C.  W.  King  in  Arch. Journ.  1870,  pp.  181-190,  and  A.  Way  in  Irch.  Journ. 18(2,  pp.  109-119.  The  gem  was  probably  a  plasma  of the  p»rly  Byzantine  school.  Paintings  copied  from  the Vernicle  in  the  16th  century  exist ;  and  also  engravings piofessedly  copies  of  the  same  gem.  from  which  photo- graphs have  been  made  which  are  now  everywhere  in circulation.  But  thti  engraving  is  in  fact  a  mere  repro- duction of  the  Saviour's  head  in  Raphael's  cartoon  of  tlie Miraculous  Draught  of  Fishes,  which,  however,  may  have been  influenced  by  these  paintings. GEMS be  earlier  than  a.d.  800.  So  much  can  hardly be  said  of  a  large  bloodstone  in  the  British Museum,  which  i-epresents  the  bust  of  the Saviour  in  high  relief;  the  style  rather  re- sembles that  of  the  age  of  John  Zimisces  (tenth century),  (King's  Gnostics,  p.  141).  A  chalcedony in  the  same  museum,  representing  the  Saviour, half-length,  holding  a  book,  and  in  the  act  of blessing  (IfgXg  inches)  appears  to  be  earlier. (xiii.)  Christ  as  the  Lamb  of  God. — Garrucci (in  Macar.  Hag.  pp.  222,  244 ;  Martigny,  Diet. p.  226,  with  figure)  has  published  an  annular engraved  stone,  representing  the  Lamb  of  God surrounded  by  a  nimbus  which  includes  the chrisma,  standing  on  a  column,  the  symbol  of The  Lamb  of  God.      Garrucci.) the  church ;  twelve  gems  (Rev.  xxi.)  on  it  repre sent  the  twelve  apostles ;  at  the  base  of  the column  on  either  side  are  two  lambs,  the  Jewish and  Gentile  believers,  looking  up  at  Him  :  around is  the  acclamation,  lANVARI  VIVAS.  For  the same  subject  see  Glass. (xiv.)  The  Annunciation  of  the  Blessed  Virgin. — The  British  Museum  has  a  small  sardonyx cameo  of  black  and  white  strata  (from  the  Hertz collection,  n.  1825),  of  very  neat  Byzantine  work, and  possibly  of  very  high  antiquity,'  represent- ing the  Annunciation.  The  Virgin  stands  in- clined towards  the  winij;ed  Cupid-like  angel: above  is  the  legend,  O  XAIPETICMOC,  and"  the names  of  the  figures,  TABPIHA  and  MP.  ©T. (/XTJTTjp  6eov,  i.e.  mother  of  God)  are  written  near them.  The  British  Museum,  the  Hertz  collec- tion (n.  1824),  and  the  Paris  collection  (Cha- bouillet, nos.  262,  263),  have  other  larger  camei on  sardonyx  (an  inch  or  more  wide),  representing the  same  subject,  bearing  the  barbarous  legend, XAIPE  (or  XEPE),  KEXAPITOMENH  (or  KAI- XAPITOMENH),  O  KC.  META  COT  (Luke  i.  28). The  second  of  these  is  referred  to  "  the  oldest Christian  period"'  (Hertz,   Catalogue,  p.   125); q  Mr.  King  (^Ant.  Gems  and  Rings,  il.  31)  thinks  that it  may  probably  date  as  far  back  as  Constantine's  reign. Put  it  may  be  doubted  whether  the  title,  /oitjtijp  Beov, goes  so  far  back.  See  Pearson,  On  the  Creed,  Art.  III. With  regard  to  the  style  of  the  gem  itself,  the  writer is  inchned  to  put  It  considerably  later  than  the  fourth century. r  This  gem  passed  into  the  Uzielli  Collection  (Robin- son's Cat.  No.  1119  [646,  a.]),  where  it  is  called  "  Byzan- tine Greek  work  of  uncertain  period." GEMS the  others  are  considered  by  Chabouillet  to  be of  the  fifth  century.  Perhaps  they  may  be rather  regarded  as  early  mediaeval  (see  King's Handbook,  p.  111). (xv.)  The  Virgin  and  Child. — An  intaglio  in  the British  Museum,  green  jaspei-,  of  veiy  rude  work- manship, "  executed  with  the  peculiar  technique of  Gnostic  work,"  and,  if  this  be  admitted,  ap- parently about  the  fourth  century^  (see  King, Antique  Gems  and  Rings,  ii.  31),  represents  the Virgin  and  Child  seated,  with  an  angel  on  each side,  two  others  hovering  overhead.  The  Ma- donna and  child  in  her  arms  (both  with  nimbus), accompanied  by  their  names,  |ci  xc.  and  Mp. ©T.,  is  represented  on  a  Byzantine  cameo  of  red jasper,  in  the  Paris  collection  (Chabouillet, n.  265).  A  similar  one  on  bloodstone  {X-f^  x  IjL inches)  is  in  the  British  Museum.  These  may perhaps  be  early  mediaeval. In  the  Uzielli  collection  (n.  284  [300])  was  an intaglio  on  cornelian  (§  by  I  of  an  inch),  with  the Virgin  and  Child,  with  XAIPE  and  MP.  0T., which  Mr.  J.  C.  Robinson  calls  "  Byzantine  or mediaeval  Greek  work  of  uncertain  date."  A gem,  published  by  Oderico,  gives  the  Virgin  and Child  with  legend,  MP.  0T.  H  nHPH,  i.e.  the image  of  the  Madonna  in  the  church  of  the  Foun- tain, erected  at  Constantinople  by  Justinian,  but <his  gem  may  be  of  much  later  date  (Bockh, C.  I.  G.  u.  9109).  It  is  probable  that  this general  type  would  be  engraved  on  Byzantine gems  during  a  great  part  of  the  middle  ages, from  the  sixth  or  seventh*  century  onwards. (xvi.)  Saints  or  persons  unknown. — Bosio  and Mamachi  (Bei  costuini  dei  primit.  Grid.  Prefaz.) figure     a     cornelian,      on which  are  engraved  the heads  of  St.  Peter  and  St. Paul  (Mart.  Diet.  pp.  40, 539).  A  red  jasper  inta- glio, a  graceful  new  year's gift,  exhibits  a  female saint,  perhaps  St.  Agnes, kneeling  before  an  execu- tionei-,  who  is  about  to cut  otF  her  head  with  a great  razorlike  sword  ;  be- fore her  a  dove  holds  a branch ;  above  is  the chrisma,  to  declare  the  presence  of  her  Redeemer in  the  hour  of  trial ;  in  the  field  are  the  letters AN  FT  (Annum  norum  felicem  tibi):  good  work, probably  about  the  age  of  Constantine '  (King, Am.  Gems,  pp.  352,  353,  figured). A  cameo  in  the  British  Museum,  cut  in  a beautiful  sardonyx,  possibly  as  early  as  the fourth  century,"  gives  a  full-length  figure  of St.  John  the  Baptist  with  his  name  (King, Antique  Gems  and  Rings,  ii.  31).  The  same saint  is  represented  on  a  cornelian,  published  by Vettori  (pars  ii.  c.  ix.).  The  Berlin  Museum  has a  black  jasper  intaglio,  reading  EIC  0EOC,  and having  rudely  engraved  upon  it  a  female  with »  In  this  case  also  it  seems  possible  that  the  date  may be  much  later. t  In  his  latest  worlt  {Antique  Gems  and  Fings,  ii.  33) Mr.  King  thinks  that  it  "  can  hardly  be  placed  lower  than the  age  of  Thoodosiiis,  whose  best  coins  it  certainly  re- sembles both  in  style  and  workmanship." »  It  seems,  however,  that  it  may,  with  at  least  equal probability,  be  assiKUcd  to  about  the  tenth  century. GEMS 19 hiinds  uplifted  in  prayer  (Bockh,  C.  I.  G.  n. 9103).  The  British  Museum  has  a  Virgin,  half- length,  with  circular  nimbus,  and  uplifted  hands, a  cameo  on  bloodstone,  with  the  legend  MP.  0T. ; which  may  perhaps  be  early  medieval.  Besides these  examples  still  existing,  we  have  the  fol- lowing literary  notices  of  rings  bearing  similar types  being  worn  by  bishops  and  others. St.  Chrysostom  tells  us  that  in  his  time  many Christians  of  Antioch  wore  in  their  rings  the likeness  of  St.  Meletius  (who  died  A.D.  381),  and impressed  it  on  fheir  seals  (//om.  de  S.  Melet. t.  ii.  p.  519,  ed.  Venet.  1734).  St.  Augustine, writing  to  bishop  Victorinus,  says  that  his epistle  is  sealed  "  annulo  qui  exprimit  faciem hominis  attendentis  in  latus  "  I  JEpist.  59  [217]). Ebregislaus,  bishop  of  Meaux  in  660,  wore  in  his ring  an  intaglio  representing  St.  Paul,  the  first hermit,  on  his  knees  before  a  crucifix,  and  above his  head  the  crow,  by  which  he  was  miraculously fed  (Annal.  S.  Benedict,  t.  i.  p.  456  ;  Waterton  in Arch.  Journ.  1863,  p.  225).^^ To  the  above  should  perhaps  be  added  a  By- zantine cameo,  nearly  two  inches  in  diameter, of  streaked  jasper,  representing  St.  John  the Evangelist,  with  the  nimbus,  seated,  and  holding the  gospel  in  his  hand.  In  the  field  O  A  (6 ayios)  U>  O  ©EOAOrOC  ;  in  the  Biblioth&que Imperiale  (Chabouillet,  Cat.  n.  266).  This  gem may  possibly  fall  within  our  period,  and  is classed  near  to  some  that  probably  do  so ;  but the  difficulty  of  fixing  the  particular  age  of medieval  Byzantine  camei  is  almost  insuperable. The  greater  part  of  them,  in  Mr.  King's  skilled judgment,  belong  to  the  age  of  the  Comneni {Ant.  Gems  and  Rings,  i.  307). (xvii.)  Imperial  or  Roijal  Personages  with Christian  Accessories.  —  The  art  of  cameo-en- graving, which  had  f;illen  into  complete  abey- ance from  the  time  of  Septimius  Severus,  who has  bequeathed  to  posterity  many  fine  camei- portraits  of  himself  and  his  f;imily,  sprang  into a  new  but  short  life  under  Constantine.  Camei portraits  of  himself  and  his  sons,  "admirable  for the  material,  and  by  no  means  despicable  for the  execution,"  are  found  in  various  private and  public  collections,  on  sardonyx  stones  of large,  sometimes  very  large,  dimensions  (King, Ant.  Gems  and  Rings,  i.  304).  One  fine  gem,  at least,  marks  the  change  of  the  imperial  religion  ; it  is  not  however  exactly  a  cameo,  but  a  solid »  A  sardonyx,  published  by  F.  Vettori,  has  on  the  ob- verse a  portrait  of  the  Virgin  with  the  usual  letters MP.  ©Y.,  and  on  the  reverse  a  cross  with  contracted legend  KEB.  (fur  KOpie  Po-qOei),  AEOTI  AECnOT., i.e.  0  Lord!  help  Lord  Leo!  Conjecturally  referred  to Leo  (the  Wise'!  a.b.  8f<6-911,  but  without  sufficient  rea- son; it  is  just  possible  that  the  gem  may  have  been  exe- cuted within  the  period  embraced  in  this  work.  See Bockh,  C.  /.  G.  n.  9100.  A  very  interesting  gem  is  in- serted in  a  silver  plate  (gilt)  of  the  age  of  Justinian:  tlie great  martyr  (/xeyoAo^iaprvs)  Demetrius  is  invoked  as  a mediator  with  God  (necriTeucrof  Trpbs  Bern)  to  aid  Justi- nian, •'  king  of  the  Romans  upon  earth,"  and  in  the  midst of  the  plate,  just  above  a  picture  of  St.  Demetrius,  "opere tesselato,"  is  "  amethystus  insculpta,  more  carneolae  facie imberbi."  This  may  probably  be  meant  for  Demetrius also,  but  as  Jc"  "xC  (.I<'sus  Christ)  NIKA  (riKa)  occurs higher  up,  it  is  not  very  clear  whether  it  may  not  be  a portrait  of  the  Saviour.  The  inscription  is  given  at  length in  Bilckh's  C.I.O.  n.  8012,  from  Marini's  paners,  pub- lish'd  by  Mai.     {Script.  Vet.  .Xov.  Coll.  v.  30,  no  figures.) -20 GEMS bust.  An  agate,  measuring  nearly  four  inches,  in the  Bibliotheque  Imperiale,  shows  his  bust  with the  paludamentum  and  cuirass,  on  the  hitter  is  a cross.  His  head  is  naked,  and  his  eyes  are  raised to  heaven,  as  on  some  of  his  coins.  Formerly the  ornament  of  the  extremity  of  the  choir-stafl' (15th-century  work)  in  La  Sainte-Chapelle. Chabouillet,  Cat.  n.  287,  who  refers  to  Morand's Hist,  de  la  Saiide  ChapeUe  du  Palais,  (p.  56)  for a  figure  of  the  gem  incorporated  with  the  baton.) Besides  this  noble  piece  we  have  several  others also,  but  of  inferior  execution. Passeri  describes  and  figures  a  gem,  preserved at  Venice,  representing  a  horseman  spearing  a dragon  with  a  long  lance  terminating  in  a  cross above  :  he  regards  it  as  a  representation  of  a Christian  emperor,  conquering  his  enemies  with the  cross ;  a  star,  an  emblem  of  Divine  provi- dence, in  his  judgment,  is  seen  above  (T/ies. Gemm.  Astrif.  t.  2,  pp.  289-297).  This  inter- pretation is  somewhat  confirmed  by  the  types of  certain  coins  of  the  fourth  century,  to  which age  this  coin  may  probably  be  assigned. The  Mertens-Schauffhaussen  collection  pos- sessed an  agate  intaglio,  which  passed  into  the Leturcq  cabinet,  exhibiting  a  full-faced  bust  of the  emperor  Mauritius,  wearing  the  imperial crown  of  the  lower  empire,  and  holding  a  globe, on  which  rests  a  Greek  cross  inscribed,  D.  N. MAVRITIVS  P.  P.  A.  Supposed  to  be  a  work of  the  sixth  century,  Leturcq,  Catal.  n.  210.>' The  Leturcq  collection  contained  also  a  green jasper  intaglio,  giving  full-faced  portraits  of  Con- stans  IL  (crowned)  and  of  his  son  Constantine  IV. (Pogonatus),  both  bearded,  with  a  Greek  cross between  their  busts,  having  a  scoi'pion  engraved on  the  back  in  the  rude  style  of  the  so-called Gnostic  gems  (n.  211).  The  same  collection  in fine  had  an  agate  intaglio  bearing  busts  of  Leo  IV, and  his  son  Constantine  VI.  (Flavins),  inscribed, p.  N.  LEO  ET  CONSTANTINVS  P.  P.  A.,  both full-faced  and  crowned,  and  holding  between them  a  double-handled  cross  (n.  212).  These rare  portraits  of  the  Byzantine  Caesars,  of  the sixth,  seventh,  and  eighth  centuries,  appear  to  be in  the  same  general  style  as  those  which  appear on  their  money  (see  Sabatier,  Monn.  Byz.  pi. xxiv.  xxxiv.  xli.). There  is  one  more  gem  of  this  class,  which falls  a  few  years  later  than  the  chronological limits  of  this  work,  but  which  ought  hardly  to be  passed  over  here  in  consequence  of  its  extreme interest  in  helping  to  fix  the  limits  of  gem- engraving  in  the  West  before  the  age  of  the Renaissance.  The  magnificent  gold  cross  of  king Lotharius,  said  to  be  of  about  the  date  823,  now preserved  in  the  treasury  of  the  cathedral  of  Aix- la-Chapelle,  is  remarkable  for  the  variety  of gems,  rubies,  sapphires,  amethysts,  and  emeralds with  which  its  surfoce  is  studded.  At  the  in- tersection of  the  arms  is  inserted  a  very  fine onyx  cameo  of  Augustus,  probably  a  contem- porary work,  and  just  below  this  an  oval  intaglio of  rock  crystal,  of  Prankish  work  and  of  very tolerable  execution,  two  inches  long  and  an  inch and  a  half  wide,  giving  the  bust  of  Lotharius, y  Mr.  King,  however,  has  some  doubt  about  its  genuine- ness {Antique  Gems,  pp.  163,  164).  The  Lelurcq  Cibinel was  sold  by  Messrs.  Sotheby,  Wilkinson,  and  Hodge,  in 1874,  the  accompanying  catalogue  by  the  owner  being in  French  and  English. GEMS "  his  head  covered  with  a  close-fitting  helmet, with  a  slightly-projecting  frontlet,  like  those  of the  latest  Roman  period ;  around  the  bnst  is  the legend,  in  well-formed  Roman  letters,  +  XPE ADIVVA  HLOTHARIVM  REG."  (figured  in Cahier  et  Martin,  Mel.  d'Arch.  vol.  i.  pi.  xxxi. ; King's  A7it.  Gems,  p.  305 ;  King's  Handbook  of Engraved  Gems,  p.  116). There  still  remain  to  be  considered  some  an- cient gems  bearing  manifest  traces  of  Christianity, which  may  be  separately  classed,  viz.,  the  Gnostic and  the  Sassan-ian. Gnostic  Gems. — A  Gnostic  origin  has  been hesitatingly  assigned  to  one  or  two  gems  already mentioned,  and  a  great  number  of  gems  called Gnostic  have  been  described  in  Chabouillet's Catalogue.  (See  also  Abrasax  in  the  Dic- tionary OF  Christian  Biographv.)  Of  these, a  considerable  number  bear  the  word  ABPA- CAE,  more  rarely  (in  the  Greek)  ABPAHAC,  (vari- ously written  in  Latin)  ;  and  this  in  itself,  in the  judgment  of  some,  proves  a  Gnostic  origin. Assuming  that  Basilides,  a  Christian  Gnostic  of the  second  century,  be  the  inventor  of  the  word,' as  St.  Jerome  evidently  thought  and  as  several other  Christian  writers  appear  to  intimate  (see the  authorities  collected  by  Jablonski,  Opusc. t.  iv.  pp.  82-86,  and  Bellermann,  Ueber  die Gemmen  der  Alten  mit  dem  Abraxas-Bildc,  Erst Stiick,  pp.  ]  0-28),  the  numerous  stones  on  which the  word  is  written  must  either  be  looked  on  as Gnostic  or  else  as  derived  through  Gnosticism  to other  forms  of  faith  or  superstition.  The  latter view  seems  on  the  whole  to  be  the  more  probable ; for  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  word,  as  trans- formed into  the  magical  Abracadabra,  passed over  to  the  pagans,  and  was  even  employed  in Christian  times  until  quite  lately  as  a  charm against  various  forms  of  disease  (Passeri,  De gemm.  Basilid.  in  'I'hes.  Gemm.  Astrif.  vol.  ii. p.  236,  sqq. ;  King  in  Arch.  Journ.  1869,  p.  33; Halliwell,  Diet,  of  Archaic  Words,  s.  v.  Abraca- dabra). We  have  Abraxas  occurring  in  connec- tion with  the  names,  lAfl  (Jehovah),  CABAo)©, AAcdNAI,  and  with  the  titles  or  i-epresentations of  Harpocrates,  Mithras,  Mercury,  &c.  (see  Pas- seri, H.  s.  &c.),  but  in  no  single  instance  known to  the  writer,  though  very  possibly  such  may exist,"  does  this  word  occur  on  any  engraved stone  in  any  connection  which  can  be  safely counted  upon  as  Christian.  These  stones  con- .sequently,  as  well  as  all  others  which  have  been called  Gnostic,  but  shew  no  manifest  sign  of Christianity  are  passed  over  in  this  article. Very  few  of  them,  if  any,  can  be  fixed  to  any particular  Gnostic  sect  or  to  Gnosticism  gene- ^  Some,  as  Mosheim  (De  Reb.  Christ,  ante  Constant. p.  350)  have  thought  that  the  word  is  probably  older  than Basilides:  on  what  grounds  we  know  not.  This  matter deserves  a  searching  examination. a  A  very  few  monuments,  which  must  needs  be Christian,  bear  the  word  ABPACAH.  A  large  ivory ring,  found  at  Aries,  bears  the  monogram  of  Christ  be- tween A  and  il  (as  it  appears  on  the  coins  of  ConstantiusII. &c.  of  the  fourth  century),  but  accompanied  by  the  title ABPACAH,  "a  sufficient  proof  of  the  identity  of  the  two personages  in  the  estimation  of  its  owner"  (King's  jln- liqiie  Gems,  p.  358).  A  copper  amulet  found  at  Keff (Sicca  Venerea),  which  Is  very  distinctly  Christian,  con- tains  the  same  word  apparently,  but  in  a  cui lujit  forii) (,PAXC.4.CA).    See  Inscriptions. GEMS rally;"  by  much  the  greater  part  appear  to have  been  charms.  The  following  very  scanty list,  however,  of  unmistakeably  Christian  gems may  be  with  some  reason  looked  on  as  Gnostic  : — (1.)  A   portrait  of  Christ,   beardless,   to    the  | right  ;     XPICTOT    above, a  fish  underneath.  Figured by  Raoul-Rochette  (Tableau des  Cataconthes  de  Borne, frontispiece,  Paris,  1853) who  regards  it  as  Gnostic (p.  265)  from  the  original in  the  possession  of  the marquis  de  Fortia  d'Urban, formerly  in  the  Lajard collection.  The  stone  is white  chalcedony,  the  form is  oval ;  ascribed  to  the  second  or  third  century (JIart.  Diet.  p.  40). (2.)  Another  portrait  with  the  same  types  and legend,  on  a  truncated  cone  of  white  chalcedony, in  the  Bibliotheque  Impe'riale  (Chabouillet,  n. 1334).  This  gem,  probably  of  Eastern  fabric, is  considered  to  be  not  later  than  the  middle  of the  fourth  century,  and  "presents  the  combina- tion of  the  ancient  Oriental  form  and  of  Greek decoration  in  the  same  monument"  (King, Gnostics,  p.  143).  Figured  by  Ferret,  u.  s.  n. 47 ;  very  similar  to  the  preceding. Epiphanius  makes  it  a  charge  against  the Carpocratians  that  they  kept  painted  portraits and  images  in  gold  and  silver,  and  other  mate- rials, which  they  pretended  to  be  portraits  of Jesus  {Ilaeres.  c.  27,  §  6).  These  gems,  therefore, may  probably  be  the  work  of  some  Gnostic  sect."^ GEMS 721 b  The  seven  vowels,  the  "  Music  of  the  Spheres  "  occur frequently  on  this  class  of  stones,  and  are  also  mentioned in  the  lately  discovered  Gnostic  work  entitled  Pistis, Sophia ;  but  their  veneration  or  magical  use  can  hardly be  regarded  as  exclusively  Marcosian  or  Gnostic  (see Walsh,  £ssay  on  Aiicient  Coins,  Medals,  and  Gems,  pp. 48-51;  King's  Gnostics,  p.  93;  King  in  Arch.  Journ. 186-*,  pp.  105-107).  From  the  names  of  the  angels  men- tioned Matter  {Hist.  Crit.  du  Gnost.  Pi.  p.  16,  t.  1.  E.  9) thinks  that  a  gem  which  he  figures  after  Chifflet  (fig.  24) may  belong  to  the  sect  of  the  Ophites.  One  of  the  very few  gems  which  really  appear  to  savour  of  the  Gnostic philosophy  is  a  sard,  of  which  an  impression  has  been sent  by  the  Rev.  W.  T.  T.  Drake ;  reading  o  Sia  iravTojv rou;.  ai9t)p,  Trvp,  wvevfj.a.  e\ioeiv,  eAtoeiv  ;  i.  e.  Elohini ; there  was  also  an  inscription  round  the  edge  which  has been  a  good  deal  broken  :  in  the  field  are  monograms  or mystic  characters.  The  letters  may  be  of  the  third  or fourth  century. If  indeed  we  could  with  Bellermann  (Gemmen  nit dem  Abraxas- Bilde,  iii.  pp.  11,  12)  interpret  the  letters CEMEC  EIAAM  (misread  by  him)  occurring  on  gems  with the  ABP.^CAH  legend  or  figure,  to  mean.  This  is  the  Mes- siah of  God,  n^  rfC^'O  nT>  t^^  number  of  Gnostic  gems might  be  increased  considerably ;  but  in  truth  the  words signify  in  Hebrew  Eternal  Sun  (Matter,  u.s,  pp.  17,29, t.  i.  F.  5  ;  King,  Gnostics,  p.  76). <:  The  numerous  portraits  of  the  Saviour  which  existed in  St.  Augustine's  time  differed  much  from  each  other : so  that  his  face  "  innumerabilinm  cogitationum  diversi- tate  variatur  et  fingitur,  quae  tamen  una  erat,  quaecum- que  erat "  (Aug.  De  Trinit.  viii.  4).  A  portrait  quite  dif- ferent from  the  above  is  rudely  engraved,  apparently  by a  much  later  hand,  on  the  back  of  a  tiny  ancient  cornelian in  the  possession  of  M.  Forget,  which  bears  on  the  other side  a  fif-h  only :  it  is  figured  by  Le  Blant,  Inscr.  Chrt. de  la  Gaule,  vol.  i.  p.  371.  The  realistic  representation  is here,  as  in  both  the  preceding  gems,  combined  with  the symbol. CHRIST.  ANT. (3.)  The  sun  between  two  stars,  EICVVC. XPECTV/.  rABPlE[A.]  ANANIA.  AME[N.]  in two  lines  (Passeri,  Thes.  Gemm.  Astrif.  ii.  p.  277, who  does  not  name  the  stone).  The  names  of angels,  as  planetary  or  astral  genii,  were  in- voked by  the  Ophites,  and  probably  by  other Gnostic  sects  ;  Gabriel  presided  over  the  serpent (King,  Gnostics,  p.  88).  This  gem  (n.  155  in the  Cappello  Museum),  which  is  doubtless magical,  may  well  have  been  produced  by  some Christian  Gnostic,  perhaps  of  the  fourth  century, when  similar  barbarous  orthography  occurs. (4.)  Four-winged  deity,  standing  on  a  circle formed  by  a  serpent,  holding  two  sceptres  ;  legend obliterated.  R  The  chrisma  in  the  midst  o» a  circle  formed  by  a  serpent  biting  its  tail. Hematite,  in  the  Biblioth&que  Impe'riale  (Cha- bouillet, u.  2178).  The  figui-e  is  a  good  deal similar  to  one  on  another  gem,  bearing  the  in- scription ABPAHAC  (Chabouillet,  n.  2176); the  reverse  shows  it  to  be  the  work  of  a  Chris- tian, perhaps  of  a  later  Basilidian. (5.)  lao  (Jehovah)  under  the  form  of  a  four- winged  mummy,  which  has  the  heads  of  a  jackal, a  vulture,  and  a  hawk ;  in  the  field  three  stars, legend  effaced ;  below  on  a  cartouche,  lAXi.  R. Trophy  between  a  monogram  made  up  of  I  and N  (possibly  for  Jesus  of  Nazareth)  and  the chrisma ;  at  the  base  of  the  trophy  is  another chrisma.  In  the  Bibliothfeque  Impe'riale ;  ser- pentine (Chabouillet,  n.  2220). Chabouillet  regards  the  trophy  as  a  figure  of the  cross  triumphant,  and  thinks  the  gem  belongs to  one  of  the  Gnostic  sects,  who  especially  re- vered the  Saviour. Later  Persian  and  Sassanian  Gems. — This  is  a class  of  engraved  stones, '  which  may  best  be treated  separately  as  being  of  a  different form,  conical  or  hemispherical,  to  those  already named ;  and  bearing  legends,  when  legends  are present,  in  the  Pehlevi  character.  The  following meagre  list  consists  wholly  of  intagli ;  those  in the  French  collection  are  thought  by  Chabouillet to  be  earlier  than  the  middle  of  the  fourth  cen- tury ;  but  some  appear  to  be  later. (1.)  2he  Sacrifice  of  Abraham. — The  patriarch holds  the  knife  to  slay  his  son  lying  on  an  altar (shaped  like  a  Persian  fire-altar);  he  turns  back, and  sees  the  angel  pointing  out  the  ram  ;  striped sardony.x.  Bibl.  Impe'riale  (Chabouillet,  n.  1330). Another  gem,  of  which  Mr.  King  sends  an  im- pression, represents  an  aged  Jew,  in  the  field a  child  :  whether  this  be  the  same  subject  or not,  is  uncertain. (2.)  The  Visitation  of  the  Ftr^w.— St.  Elizabeth 722  GEMS and  the  Virgin  standing,  joining  hands  ;  star and  crescent  (sun  and  moon)  between  them : Pehlevi  legend,  characters  connected  ;  cornelian  ; French  collection  (Chabouillet,  n.  1332).  Same subject  probably,  but  without  legend  ;  long  cross between  the  figures ;  sard  (King,  Antique  Gems and  Bings,  ii.  p.  45,  pi.  iv.  n.  13).  The  latter gem  is  supposed  by  Mr.  King,  its  owner,  to  be ''  the  signet  of  some  Nestorian  Christian." (3.)  The  Virgin  and  Child.— The  Virgin  Mary seated,  holding  the  infant  Saviour:  Pehlevi  le- gend ;  garnet ;  Bibliothfeque  Impe'riale  (Ohabou- filet,  n."l331).  The  cursive  form  of  the  Pehlevi character  indicates  a  late  age,  i.e.  that  it  is probably  of  Nestorian  -work  (King,  Handbook, p.  103). (4.)  The  Fish. — Fish  placed  in  the  middle  of the  Christian  monogram,  which  is  formed  of  the letters  IX  (Jesus  Christ).  Annular  seal ;  cor- nelian ;  same  collection  (Chabouillet,  n.  1333). (5.)  T/ie  Cross. — An  elegant  cross  patee,  en- graved on  a  seal,  accompanied  by  a  Pehlevi legend  in  the  latest  character  (E.  Thomas,  Notes on  Sassanian  mint-marks  and  Gems,  with  a  figure ; King,  Gnostics,  p.  144). Before  bringing  this  account  of  Christian  gems to  a  close,  it  remains  to  be  mentioned  that  some of  them  bear  inscriptions  only,  both  Greek  and Latin,  and  these  may  better  be  named  here  than under  the  article  Inscriptions. (1.)  Greek  Inscriptions. — A  red  jasper  in  the British  Museum,  in  an  antique  gold  setting  of corded  wire,  is  inscribed,  0EOC  ©EOT  TIOC THPEI,  i.e.  0  God,  Son  of  God,  guard  me !  A gem,  figured  by  Ficoroni,  has  XPICTOY,  sc. Sov\os  (Bockh,  C.  I.  G.  n.  9091).  On  a  sar- donvx,  published  by  Le  Blant,  we  read  — XPEICTOC  IHCOTC  MET  EMOT,  i.e.  Jesus Christ  be  with  me!  (Td.  n.  9096).  A  broken gem  in  the  Copenhagen  Museum,  reads  more at  length  to  the  same  effect  (Id.  9095).  An inscription  on  a  gem  published  by  Quaranta,  at Naples,  whose  date,  though  imcertain,  may  be  sus- pected to  be  late,  very  possibly  later  than  the period  embraced  by  this  work,  reads,  inCH* CTNnAPACTA0HTI  |  EMOI  KAI  TOIC  EP- rOIC  I  MOT  KAI  AOC  MOI  XAPIN,  i.e.  0 Joseph,  aid  me  and  my  works,  and  grant  me  grace! (rd.  9099).  A  few  other  unimportant  gems  bear inscriptions,  sometimes  in  raised  letters,  which may  probably  be  Christian,  such  as  MAPIA ZHCAIC  nOAAOIC  ETECIN,  and  the  like  (see Bockh,  nos.  9104-9106). (2.)  Latin  Inscriptions.  —  The  acclamation VIVAS  IN  DEO  occurs  (varied)  on  several engraved  stones,  figured  by  Ficoroni  (Gcmm. Ant.  Lit.  tabb.  vii.  xi. ;  Martigny,  Diet.  p.  8) ; we  have  also  MAXSENTI  VIVAS  TVIS  F. (for  cum  tuis  feliciter).  (Perret,  vol.  iv.  t.  xvi. n.  58  ;  Martigny,  u.  s.y  On  a  cameo  sard  found ui  a  Christian  grave  we  read  ROXANE  D (didcis),  B  (bene),  QVESQVAS  (quiescas),  (Buon- arotti,  Vetr.  Cimit.  p.  170,  t.  24).  Occasionally the  inscription  is  figured  in  metal  ro>md  the stone,  as  in  a  gold  ring  inscribed  VIVAS  IN  DEO ASBOLI,  found  in  the  Soane,  the  stone  »f  which is  lost ;   supposed  to  be  of  the  third  or  fourth ■'  This  gem  bears  three  heads,  doubtless  those  of Maxentius  and  his  family:  it  does  not  strictly  fall within  this  section,  but  is  placed  here  to  accompany  the •jtlier  similar  acclamations. GEMS century  (Le  Blant,  Inscr.  Chr^t.  de  la  Gaule. torn.  i.  p.  64,  pi.  n.  6).  It  was  not  uncommon from  the  sixth  century  onwards  for  signet  rings, both  in  stone  and  metal,  to  be  marked  with  the owner's  name  in  monogram.  Avitus,  bishop  of Vienne,  had  such  a  signet  in  iron  :  and  a  red jasper  of  the  Lower  empire,  in  the  Bosanquet collection,  reads,  ANTONINVS,  in  monogram, which  may  not  improbably  be  Christian  (King, Handbook,  p.  107).  One  of  the  earliest  episcopal gems  extant  is  probably  one  which  was  found  at Villaverde  in  Spain,  set  in  a  bronze  ring,  inscribed FEBRVARiVS  |  EPiSCOPVS  (the  stone  is  not specified);  it  may  in  all  likelihood  be  referred to  the  Visigothic  period  (Hiibner,  Inscr.  Hispan. Christ,  n.  205).  The  series  may  fitly  close  with a  red  cameo  gem,  preserved  in  the  public  library at  Madrid,  reading  in  three  lines,  the  text  of Joh.  xix.  36.  OS  NON  COMINVESIS  ES  (sic) EO.  (Hubner,  u.  s.  n.  208). The  preceding  enumeration,  though  profess- edly incomplete,  is  more  full,  it  is  believed, than  any  hitherto  published ;  the  great  rarity of  Christian  gems  renders  an  apology  for  a  de- tailed catalogue  unnecessary.  A  few  words  in conclusion  on  the  materials  and  the  style  of  art and  uses  of  these  gems.  The  most  usual  material is  the  sard,  of  which  the  cornelian  °  is  only  an inferior  form,  and  the  allied  stones,  the  onyx, sardonyx,  and  chalcedony  ;  next  to  these  in  point of  number  may  be  placed  other  kindred  stones, the  jaspers,  whether  red,  green,  or  black.  Some- times the  stone  is  heliotrope  (or  bloodstone), niccolo,  ci-ystal,  amethyst,  plasma,  emerald,  opal, lapis  lazuli,  serpentine,  and,  very  rarely,  sapphire. Garnet  is  occasionally  found,  a  stone  in  which the  Sassanian  gem-engravings  are  often  formed, and  among  these  we  have  a  Christian  example. The  hematite  is  especially  the  material  on  which the  syncretistic  designs,  commonly  called  Gnostic, are  engraved  ;  and  one  of  the  few  Christian  gems of  that  class  in  this  enumeration  is  of  that material. In  engravings  which  range  in  all  likelihood from  the  second  to  the  ninth  century ''  (and  some of  those  here  mentioned,  being  of  uncertain date,  may  be  later  even  than  that),  we  must expect  that  there  will  be  a  considerable  amount of  variation  in  the  style  and  excellence  of  the workmanship.  When  the  work  is  fine,  the  fact has  been  recorded,  if  known  to  the  writer.  Much more  commonly  the  work  is  mediocre.      "  The ^  These  are  not  well  distinguished  in  the  preceding enumeration ;  the  nomenclature  here  adopted  is  that  of the  author  who  names  the  gem  ;  and  this  remark  must  be extended  to  the  other  stones  mentioned.  For  much  in- formation in  a  small  space  on  the  materials  of  gems Prof.  Story  Maskelyne's  Introduction  to  the  Marlborough Gems  (pp.  xxvii.-xxxvi.  1870),  may  be  consulted  ;  as  well as  Mr.  King's  elaborate  work  on  Frecious  Stones  and Gems,  London,  1865. f  It  is  but  rarely  that  anything  save  the  work  of  the stone  itself  supplies  date  for  conjecturing  its  age.  How- ever the  fine  emerald  bearing  a  fish,  described  above, is  enclosed  in  an  hexagonal  gold  setting,  which  Mr.  King calls  "  a  pattern  announcing  for  date  the  early  years  of the  third  century"  {Antique  Gems  and  Rings,  ii.  29). De  Rossi  admits  the  great  difBiulty  of  fixing  the  age  of Christian  gems,  but  thinks  that  a  good  many  of  those which  bear  the  fish  (type  or  legend)  and  anchor  are  of the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries,  none  being  later  (in  Pitra's Spicil.  Solesm.  iii.  555,  556). GENERALIS art  exhibited  in  early  Christian  gems  is  almost invariably  of  a  low  order,"  observes  Mr.  Fort- num  ;  "  they  were  for  the  most  part  the  pro- duction of  a  period  of  decadence.  The  greater number  have  been  cut  by  means  of  the  wheel. Hence  arises  an  additional  difficulty  in  distin- guishing the  genuine  from  the  false.  Their rude  workmanship  is  easy  to  copy  with  the  same instrument  as  that  with  which  they  were  cut ; antique  stones  are  abundant  at  hand,  and  Roman artists  are  apt  and  facile  in  imitation "  (^Arch. Jouni.  1871,  p.  292). By  much  the  greater  part  of  the  gems  men- tioned were  used  for  finger-rings,  those  in  intaglio being  also  employed  as  seals.  Others,  however, especially  the  Gnostic,  were  amulets,  and  carried about  the  person,  suspended  or  otherwise,  as charms.  The  larger  camei,  of  the  Byzantine period,  appear  to  have  been  made  for  the  purpose of  decorating  church  plate  or  other  ecclesiastical objects.  (Martigny,  Des  anneaux  chez  les  pre- miers Chretiens  et  de  I'anneau  episcopal  en  par- ticulier,  Macon,  1858;  Fortnum  in  Arch.  Journ. 1869  and  1871  ;  Early  Christian  Finger-rings; and  King,  Antique  Gems  and  Eings,  vol.  ii.  pp. 24-37  {Early  Christian  Glyptic  Art),  Lond.  1872, as  well  as  his  earlier  books  referred  to  above. ^ Much  information  also  is  to  be  gleaned  from various  catalogues  of  gems  and  other  books, to  which  reference  is  made  in  the  above  works and  in  this  paper.)  [C.  B.] GENERALIS.     [Victor  (14).] GENEROSA.     [Scillita.] GENEROSUS.    [Scillita.] GENESIUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome  in  the time  of  Diocletian;  commemorated  Aug.  25 {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi) ;  Aug.  24 {Mart.  Hieron.,  Cal.  Allatii  et  Frontonis). (2)  Martyr,  of  Aries  (circa  a.d.  303) ;  comme- morated Aug.  25  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Bom.  Vet.,  Ado- nis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] GENETHLIA.     [Calendar;  Festival.] GENETHLIACI,  says  Augustine,  who  con- demns all  such  arts  {Dc  Doc.  Christ,  ii.  21), were  so  called  on  account  of  their  founding  their predictions  on  the  planets  which  ruled  a  man's birthday  {yev46\ta)  ;  a  more  common  name  was Mathematici  [Astrologers  ;  Divination].  He again  refers,. in  the  Confessions  (iv.  3;  vii.  6), to  the  folly  and  impiety  of  supposing  that  a man's  vices  were  attributable  to  the  fact  that the  planets  Venus,  Mars,  or  Saturn  presided  over his  birth.  The  passage  relating  to  this  matter given  in  the  Decree  of  Gratian  (causa  26,  qu. 4,  c.  1 )  as  from  Augustine,  is  in  fact  from Rabaiius  Maurus  I)e  Mag.  Praestig.,  and  was by  him  compiled  mainly  from  Augustine  and Isidore.  In  another  passage  of  Augustine {Conff.  iv.  3,  quoted  in  Decret.  can.  26.  qu.  2, c.  8)  Gratian  seems  to  have  read  "  planetarios  " for  the  "  pianos  "  of  recent  editions.  All  augurs, aruspices,  mathematici,  and  otlier  impostors  of that  kind    were    condemned   by  a  law  of  Con- B  To  the  last-named  author  the  writer  is  deeply  in- dobted  for  impressions  of  several  gems  and  for  tlie  loan  of his  b;'autiful  plates  for  the  present  article:  they  are drawn,  like  all  the  others  (when  not  copied  from  other books),  to  twice  the  diameter  of  the  originals. GENUFLEXION 723 stantius,  a.d.  357  {Code,  lib.  v. ;  De  Maleficis  et Mathematicis,  in  Van  Espen,  Jus  Ecclesiasticum, p.  iii.  tit.  iv.  cc.  12-14).  [C] GENIUS  OF  THE  EMPEROR.     In  the early  centuries  of  the  church,  one  of  the  tests by  which  Christians  were  detected  was,  to  re- quire them  to  make  oath  "  by  the  genius  or  the fortune  of  the  emperor ; "  an  oath  which  the Christians,  however  willing  to  pray  for  kings, constantly  refused  as  savouring  of  idolatry. Thus  Polycarp  (Euseb.  H.  E.  iv.  15,  §  18)  was required  to  swear  by  the  fortune  {tvxv)  of Caesar.  And  Saturninus  {Acta  Martt.  Scillit. c.  1,  in  Ruinart,  p.  86,  2nd  ed.)  adjui'ed  Speratus, one  of  the  martyrs  of  Scillita,  "  tantum  jura per  genium  regis  nostri ;  "  to  which  he  replied "  Ego  imperatoris  mundi  genium  nescio." Minucius  Felix  {Octavius,  c.  29)  reprobates the  deification  of  the  emperor,  and  the  heathen practice  of  swearing  by  his  "  genius  "  or  "  dae- mon ; "  and  Tertullian  {Apol.  c.  32)  says  that, although  Christians  did  not  swear  by  the  genius of  the  Caesars,  they  swore  by  a  more  august oath,  "  per  salutem  eorum."  We  do  not,  says Origen  (c.  Celsum,  bk.  8,  p.  421,  Spencer),  swear by  the  emperor's  fortune  {rvxnv  ^aaiXews),  any more  than  by  other  reputed  deities ;  for  (as some  at  least  think)  they  who  swear  by  his fortune  swear  by  his  daemon,  and  Christians would  die  rather  than  take  such  an  oath  (Bing- ham's Antiquities,  xvi.  vii.  7).  ,  [C] GENII.    [Fresco,  p.  693.] GENOFEVA  or  GENOVEFA,  virgin- saint,  of  Paris  (f  circa  514  A.D.);  commemorated Jan.  3  {Mart.  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi) ;  transla- tion Oct.  28  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] GENTILLY,  COUNCIL  OF  {Gentiliacense Concilium),  held  A.D.  767,  at  Gentilly,  near Paris,  but  authentic  records  of  its  proceedings are  wanting.  Annalists  of  the  next  age  say  that it  W3S  assembled  by  Pepin  to  consider  a  twofold question  that  had  arisen  between  the  Eastern and  Western  churches  respecting  the  Trinity  and the  images  of  the  saints  {Pertz,  i.  144).  Quite possibly  the  iconoclastic  council  of  Constanti- nople, A.D.  754,  may  have  been  discussed  there, but  there  is  no  proof  that  the  dispute  between the  two  churches  on  the  procession  of  the  Holy Ghost  had  commenced  as  yet.  The  letter  of pope  Paul  to  Pepin  (Mansi,  xii.  614)  is  much  too vague  to  be  relied  on,  and  what  embassies  are recorded  to  have  come  from  the  east  in  his  reign are  still  less  to  the  purpose  {Ibid.  p.  677  ;  comp. Pagi,  ad  Baron.  A.D.  766,  n.  3).  [E.  S.  Ff.] GENUFLECTENTES.    [Penitents.] GENUFLEXION,  PROSTRATION,  ETC. The  early  Christians  used  five  different  postures in  their  worship.  They  stood  upright,  or  with the  head  and  back  bent  forward,  they  knelt  on both  knees,  and  they  prostrated  themselves  at length  {prostrato  omni  corpore  in  terra  ;  said  of penitents  at  their  reconciliation.  Sacrum.  Gelas. lib.  i.  nn.  xvi.  xxxviii.  in  Ziturg.  Pom.  Vet.  Mu- rat.  tom.  i.  coll.  504,  550). Standing  had  been  the  more  common  posture in  prayer  among  the  Jews  (Neh.  ix.  2-4  ;  St. Matt.  vi.  5;  St.  Luke  xviii.  11,  13);  but  they knelt  (2  Chron.  vi.  13  ;  Dan.  vi.  10  ;  Ezra  ix.  5") and  prostrated  themselves  also  (Num.  xiv.  5; 3  A  2 '24 GENUFLEXION Josh.  V.  14;  1  Kings  xviii.  39,  &c.)  ;  and  the  first converts  to  the  gospel  imported  their  former customs  into  the  church.  Thus  Stephen  knelt in  his  last  prayer  (Acts  vii.  60)  ;  St.  Peter  knelt when  he  besought  God  for  the  life  of  Dorcas  (ix. 40) ;  St.  Paul,  when  at  Ephesus  he  prayed  for the  elders  (xx.  36);  the  brethren  at  Tyre  and their  wives  and  children  knelt  with  him  on the  shore,  when  he  left  them  to  go  to  Jerusalem (xxi.  5).  In  the  language  of  the  same  apostle, "  bowing  tlie  knee  "  to  God  is  synonymous  with "  praying  "  to  him  (Eph.  iii.  14).  The  Christian knelt  in  prayer  more  than  the  unconverted Jew  ;  and  this  was  natural,  for  the  gi-eater  know- ledge of  God  produced  a  stronger  sense  of  un- worthiness,  and  thus  led  to  more  marked  and frequent  expressions  of  humility  in  drawing  nigh to  him.  "The  bending  of  the  knees  is  as  a  token of  penitence  and  sorrow  "  (Cassian.  Coll.  xxi.  c. XX.  p.  795).  This  was  the  recognized  principle, and  it  ruled  the  occasions  on  which  the  posture was  employed.  "  The  knee,"  says  St.  Ambrose, "  is  made  flexible,  by  which,  beyond  other  mem- bers, the  otfence  of  the  Lord  is  mitigated,  wrath appeased,  grace  called  forth  "  {Hcxaeincron,  lib. vi.  c.  ix.  n.  74). Before  we  proceed  it  should  be  explained  that the  early  church  made  no  distinction  in  language between  ''  kneeling  "  and  "  prostration."  It  is evident  that  men  did  not  kneel  upright,  but threw  themselves  more  or  less  forward,  so  that the  posture  might  have  either  name.  Some- times indeed  they  so  supported  themselves  by putting  their  hands  or  arms  on  the  ground,  that "  kneeling"  was  a  position  of  rest  compared  with standing.  Thus  Cassian  complains  that  some western  monks,  when  prostrate  on  the  ground, "often  wished  that  same  bowing  of  the  limbs (which  he  expressly  calls  genu  flectere)  to  be prolonged,  not  so  much  for  the  sake  of  prayer as  of  refreshment"  {Instit.  lib.  ii.  c.  7).  The same  inference  may  be  drawn  from  the  fact  that the  third  class  of  public  penitents  were  indifl'e- rently  called  kneelers  or  prostrators,  were  said either  'y6vu  K\iveiv,  genu  flectere,  or  {nroTziTrTeiv,  se snbsternere.  Thus  in  a  canon  made  at  Neocaesarea in  Pontus  about  A.D.  314,  we  read,  can.  v.,  "  Let a  catechumen  ....  who  has  f;\llen  into  sin,  if  he be  a  kneeler  (^6^  K\ivoov),  become  a  hearer." Similarly  the  eighty-second  canon  of  the  so-called fourth  council  of  Carthage  held  in  398 :  "  Let penitents  (the  prostrators  were  especially  so called)  kneel  even  on  days  of  relaxation."  But the  same  class  were  far  more  frequently  described as  prostrators.  For  example,  in  the  eleventh canon  of  Nicaea,  A.D.  325,  it  is  decreed  that  cer- tain offenders  "shall  be  prostrators  (uTroTreffoCf- Toi)  for  seven  years."  (Compare  can.  xii. ;  Cone. Ancyr.  cann.  iv.  v.  &c. ;  Greg.  Thaum.  viii.  ix. ; Basil,  ad  Amphiloch.  Ivi.  Ivii.  &c. ;  and  many others.)  A  more  direct  piece  of  evidence  comes from  the  7th  century,  Pseudo-Dionysius  {De Ecvles.  Hiemrch.  c.  v.  "sed.  iii.  §  2,  torn.  i.  p.  364) says  that  "  the  approach  to  the  Divine  altar  and the  prostration  (of  candidates  for  holy  orders) intimates  to  all  who  are  admitted  to  priestly functions  that  they  must  entirely  submit  their personal  life  to  God,  from  whom  their  consecration comes,"  &c. ;  whereupon  his  scholiast  Maximus, A.D.  645,  explains  "prostration"  to  mean  "kneel- ing" (p.  375).  So  in  the  West,  as  late  as  the 9th  century,  in  the  same  canon,  "  fixis  in  terram GENUFLEXION genibus  "  and  "  humiliter  in  terram  prosterni  " {Cunc.  Turon.  A.D.  813,  can.  37)  are  employed to  describe  the  same  posture.  Other  indications of  similar  usage  will  be  observed  in  some  passages below. Kneeling  or  prostration  was  probably  the general  posture  of  the  early  Christians  in  prayer not  i-egulated  by  public  authority.  Thus  Cle- mens Romanus,  in  a  general  exhortation,  "Let us  fall  down  before  the  Lord,  and  beseech  Him with  tears,"  &c.  {Epist.  i.  nd  Cor.  c.  48).  When St.  Ignatius  prayed  for  the  churches  before  his martyrdom,  it  was  "  cum  genuflexione  omnium fratrum "  (Marti/riuin  S.  Ign.  c.  yi.).  Hermas represents  himself,  before  his  first  vision,  "  kneel- ing down  and  beginning  to  pray  to  God  and  con- fess his  sins"  (lib.  i.  vis.  i.  §  1).  Hegesippus, A.D.  170,  relates  that  St.  James  the  Just  "  useil to  enter  the  temple  alone,  and  to  be  found  lying on  his  knees  {Kiiutvos  iirl  toTs  y6va(TLy'  (Euseb. Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  11.  c.  xxiii.).  He  adds  that  his knees  from  continual  kneeling  became  callous like  those  of  a  camel.  When  Eusebius  relates the  story  of  the  Melitine  legion  in  the  Mar- comannic  war,  about  174,  he  says  of  the  Christian soldiers,  "They  put  their  knees  on  the  ground, as  our  custom  is  in  prayer"  {Ibid.  lib.  v.  c.  v.). Tertullian,  having  referred  to  the  same  event some  sixteen  years  after  its  occurrence,  asks, "  When  have  not  even  droughts  been  driven away  by  our  kneelings  and  fastings  ? "  (Ad Sca/mlain,  c.  iv.).  We  read  in  the  Life  of  St. Cyprian,  by  Pontius  his  deacon,  that  on  his  way to  death  he  "  knelt  on  the  earth,  and  prostrated himself  in  prayer  to  God"  (Vita  0pp.  praefixa). Eusebius  tells  us  that  Constantine  the  Great used  "  at  stated  times  every  day,  shutting  him- self up  in  secret  closets  of  his  palace,  there  to converse  alone  with  God,  and  falling  on  his  knees to  ask  importunately  for  the  things  whereof  he had  need  "  (  Vita  Constant,  lib.  iv.  c.  xxii.).  In liis  last  illness,  "  kneeling  on  the  ground,  he  was a  suppliant  to  God,"  &c.  (fbid.  c.  Ixi.).  Gregory Nazianzen,  speaking  of  his  sister's  habits  of  devo- tion, mentions  "  the  bowing  of  her  knees  become callous,  and  as  it  were  grown  to  the  ground" (Orat.  viii.  §  13.  Compare  St.  Jerome  in  Episf. ad  Marcellain  de  AscUd).  Augustine,  relating  a miraculous  answer  to  prayer  in  the  healing  of a  sick  person,  says,  "  While  we  were  fixing  our knees  and  laying  ourselves  on  the  ground  (terrae incumbentibus)  in  the  usual  manner,  he  flung himself  forward,  as  if  thrown  heavily  down  by some  one  pushing  him,  and  began  to  pray,"  &c. (De  Civ.  Dei,  lib.  xxii.  c.  viii.  §  2).  Elsewhere the  same  father,  speaking  of  private  prayer, says,  "  They  who  pray  do  with  the  members of  their  body  that  which  befits  suppliants,  when they  fix  their  knees,  stretch  forth  their  hands,  or even  pi-ostrate  themselves  on  the  ground"  (De Curd  pro  Mortuis,  c.  v.).  Only  in  this  last  passage, it  will  be  observed,  are  kneeling  and  prostration distinguished  from  each  other. But  the  early  Christians  knelt  or  prostrated themselves  as  each  chose,  in  the  stated  common worship  of  the  church  also.  Thus  Arnobius  :— "  To  Him  (i.  e.  Christ)  we  all  by  custom  prostrate ourselves  :  Him  with  united  (collatis)  prayers  we adore  "  (Adv.  Gent.  lib.  i.  c.  27).  Ejjiphanius : "  The  church  commands  us  to  send  up  prayers to  God  without  ceasing,  with  all  frequency,  and earnest  supplications,   and   kneeling   on  the  ap- GENUFLEXION pointed  days,  by  night  and  in  the  day,  and  in some  places  they  celebrate  synaxes  even  on  the sabbath,"  &c.  (De  Fide,  §  24).  St.  Jerome  says that  it  is  according  to  "  ecclesiastical  custom  to bend  the  knee  to  Christ"  (Conim.  in  Isai.  c.  xlv. V.  23).  St.  Chrysostom  {Horn,  xviii.  in  2  Cor. viii.  24),  of  the  celebration  of  the  Holy  Commu- nion : — "  Again,  after  we  have  shut  out  from  the sacred  precincts  those  who  cannot  partake  of  the Holy  Table,  there  must  be  another  kind  of  prayer, and  we  all  in  like  manner  lie  on  the  floor  {Sfioiccs iir'  fSdrpous  KeiiuLfda),  and  all  in  like  manner  rise up."  We  understand  this  better  on  a  reference to  the  liturgy  in  the  so-called  Apostolical  Con- stitutions. There  we  find  (lib.  viii.  c.  ix.  Coteler. tom.  i.  p.  396)  that  the  "  first  prayer  of  the faithful "  was  said  by  all  kneeling,  the  deacon <rying  out,  "  Let  us,  the  faithful,  all  kneel." During  the  rest  of  the  liturgy  all  stood. At  other  times  of  service  the  rule  was  for  all to  kneel  in  prayer,  except  on  Sundays  and  be- tween Easter  and  Whitsuntide.  Few  customs are  more  frequently  mentioned  by  early  writers, and  none  perhaps  more  frequently  said  to  be  de- rived from  the  age  of  the  apostles.  The  earliest witness  is  Ireuaeus,  in  a  fragment  of  his  work  on Easter  preserved  in  the  "  Questions  and  Answers to  the  Orthodox,"  Quaest.  115,  ascribed  to  Justin Martyr.  Irenaeus  traced  it  to  the  apostles.  In answer  to  a  question  respecting  the  reason  and origin  of  the  custom,  the  latter  writer  says, "  Since  it  behoved  us  always  to'  remember  both our  own  fall  into  sins  and  the  grace  of  our  Christ through  which  we  have  arisen  from  the  fall, therefore  our  kneeling  on  the  six  days  is  a  sign of  our  fall  into  sins,  but  our  not  kneeling  on  the Lord's  day  is  a  sign  of  the  rising  again,  through which,  by  the  grace  of  Christ,  we  have  been delivered  from  our  sins  and  from  death,  their due,  now  itself  put  to  death."  Jbid.  Other  wit- nesses are  Tertullian,  speaking  both  of  Sunday and  the  paschal  season  (^De  Cor.  Mil.  c.  iii. ; similarly,  Be  Drat.  c.  xxiii.) ;  Peter  of  Alex- andria, A.D.  301,  can.  xv.  of  Sunday  only.  The council  of  Nicaea,  325,  both  of  Sunday  and  the days  of  Pentecost,  can.  xx. ;  St.  Hilary,  also  of the  "  Week  of  Weeks  "  and  the  Lord's  day  both (Prolog,  in  Psalm.  §  12),  who  refers  it  to  the apostles.  His  expression  is,  "No  one  worships with  his  body  prostrated  on  the  ground."  Epi- phanius,  also  of  both  (De  Fide,  §  22).  St.  Basil, of  both,  as  an  apostolical  tradition  (De  Spiritu Sancto,  c.  Ixvi.,  al.  xxvii.).  St.  Jerome,  likewise of  both  (Dial,  contr.  Luciferianos,  c.  iv.) ;  and again,  of  the  fifty  days,  in  Prooem.  in  Ep.  ad Fph.,  "  We  neither  bend  the  knee  nor  bow  our- selves to  the  ground."  St.  Augustine,  after giving  the  Scriptural  reason,  says,  "  On  this account  both  are  fasts  relaxed  [during  the paschal  quinquagesima]  and  we  pray  standing, which  is  a  sign  of  the  resurrection,  whence  also the  same  is  observed  at  the  altar  on  all  Lord's days."  (^Ep.  Iv.  ad  Januar.  c.  xv.  n.  28.  Compare c.  XVII.  n.  32.)  From  St.  Maximus  of  Turin, A.D.  422,  we  learn  the  same  facts  and  the  reason (Horn.  iii.  De  Pentec).  Cassian,  A.D.  424,  men- tions the  restriction  on  kneeling  at  those  times (Instit.  lib.  ii.  c.  xviii.  ;  Cotlat.  xxi.  c.  xx.).  In the  collection  of  canons  put  forth  by  Martin,  a I'annonian  by  birth,  but  bishop  of  Bracara  in Spain,  A.D.  560,  the  saffie  prohibition  occurs, borrowed  from  a  Greek  or  oriental  source  (can. GENUFLEXION 725 Ivii.)  His  words  are,  "non  prostrati,  nee  humi- liati."  The  90th  canon  of  the  Trullan  council, held  at  Constantinople  in  691,  forbids  kneeling "  from  the  evening  entrance  of  the  priests  to  the altar  on  Saturday  until  the  next  evening  on  the Lord's  day."  The  council  does  not  mention  the longer  period,  and  its  object  seems  to  have  been merely  to  settle  the  hours  at  which  the  obser- vance should  begin  and  end. From  the  fact  that  the  20th  canon  of  Nicaea is  not  found  in  the  abridgement  of  canons  by Ruffinus  (Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  x.  c.  v.),  nor  in  an ancient  codex  supposed  to  be  the  authorised  col- lection of  the  church  of  Rome,  Quesnel  (Diss. xii.,  at  the  end  of  St.  Leo's  Wor/is,  c.  v.)  supposed that  the  custom  of  not  kneeling  on  Sunday,  &c. was  never  received  at  Rome.  See  Routh,  Opus- cula,  tom.  ii.  p.  444,  or  Eeliquiae  Sacrae,  tom.  iv. p.  75,  ed.  2.  We  find,  however,  that  the  prohi- bition was  enforced  in  the  dominions  of  the Prankish  princes  after  they  had  imposed  the Roman  office  on  their  subjects.  Those  times were  excepted  from  the  general  order  for  kneel- ing at  prayer  made  by  the  third  council  of  Tours, A.D.  813,  can.  37.  It  was  forbidden  by  a  capitu- lary of  Louis  the  Godly,  A.D.  817  (Capit.  Peg. Franc,  tom.  ii.  col.  586,  cap.  Ii.)  during  "the Pentecost  week."  Rabanus  Maurus,  also,  at Mentz,  A.D.  847,  says,  as  if  vouching  for  a  present fact,  "  On  those  days  the  knees  are  not  bent  in prayer."  "  On  the  Lord's  day  we  pray  standing  " (De  Instit.  Cler.  lib.  ii.  cc.  41-2).  It  is  very improbable,  therefore,  that  the  custom  was  not known  and  obsei-ved  at  Rome. In  all  the  ancient  liturgies  except  the  Roman, if,  indeed,  that  be  an  exception  (see  Scudamore's Notitia  Eucharistica,  p.  579),  the  bishop  gave  a blessing  before  the  communion.  In  all  but  the Clementine  this  was  preceded  by  a  monition  from the  deacon:  e.g.,  in  St.  James  and  St.  Basil, "  Let  us  bow  down  our  heads  unto  the  Lord  ;  " in  St.  Chrysostom,  "  Bow  down  your  heads  unto the  Lord"  (Liturg.  PP.,  pp.  32,  66,  102);  in St.  Mark,  "  Bow  your  heads  to  Jesus  Christ " (Renaud.  tom.  i.  p.  160);  in  the  Mozarabic, "  Humiliate  vos  benedictioni  "  (ilissale,  Leslie, pp.  6,  246);  in  a  Roman  Ordo,  early,  but  of  un- certain date,  "Humiliate  vos  ad  benedictionem  " (Ord.  vi.  §  11,  Mus.  Hal.  tom.  ii.  p.  75).  Several liturgies  had  a  benediction  after  the  communion also,  for  which  the  people  bowed  themselves. In  some,  indeed,  the  deacon  here  repeated  his direction.  See  St.  James  (Lit.  PP.  p.  39) ;  the Greek  Alexandrine  of  St.  Basil  and  of  St.  Cyril (Renaud.  tom.  i.  pp.  85,  125).  In  Egypt,  for  this reason,  benedictions  wei'e  usually  called  "  Prayers of  Inclination,"  or  "  Of  Bowing  the  Head  "  (Re- naud. u.  s.  pp.  35,  36,  50,  77,  &c.).  The  same gesture,  similarly  bidden  by  the  deacon,  was  em- ployed in  other  parts  of  the  service.  See  St. James,  u.  s.  p.  9,  and  Renaud.  u.  s.  pp.  77,  79, 105,  &c.  In  particular,  the  catechumens  bowed while  the  prayer  proper  to  them  was  said  before their  dismissal.  Thus  the  deacon,  in  St.  Basil and  in  St.  Chrysostom :  "  Ye  catechumens,  bow down  your  heads  unto  the  Lord  "  (Lit.  PP.,  pp. 48,  87).  The  Malabar  :  '  Incline  your  heads  for the  laying  on  of  hands,  and  receive  the  blessing  " (Hist.  Eccl.  Malah.  Raulin,  p.  304). Two  sermons  of  Caesarius,  bishop  of  Aries, A.D.  602,  illustrate  our  subject,  as  regards  the habits  of  the  people,  in  a  graphic  manner  : — "  I 726  GEOGRAPHY,  ECCLESIASTICAL intreat  and  admonish  you,  dearest  brethien,  that  ( as  often  as  prayer  is  said  by  the  clergy  at  the altai',  or  prayer  is  bidden  by  the  deacon,  ye  faith- fully bow,  not  your  hearts  only,  but  your  bodies also ;  for  when'l  often,  as  I  ought,  and  heedfully take  notice,  as  the  deacon  cries,  'Let  us  bend  our knees,'  I  see  the  greater  part  standing  like  up- right columns."  "  Let  it  not  be  grievous  to him,  who  from  some  weakness  cannot  bend  his knees,  either  to  bow  his  back  or  incline  his  head." Again:  "In  like  manner  I  admonish  you  of  this, dearest  brethren,  that  as  often  as  the  deacon shall  proclaim  that  ye  ought  to  bow  yourselves for  the  benediction,  ye  faithfully  incline  both bodies  and  heads ;  because  the  benediction, though  given  to  you  through  man,  is  yet  not given  from  man."  {Serm.  Caes.  Ixxxv.  §§  1,  5 ; Sim.  Ixxxiv.  §§  1,  2.) The  priest  himself  often  inclined  his  head during  the  prayers.  (See  St.  James,  t<.  s.  pp.  7, 13,  17,  &c.,  and  St.  Mark,  u.  s.  pp.  150,  153.) Many  observances  of  this  kind  are  lost  to  us from  the  want  of  rubrics  in  the  ancient  liturgies, or  from  their  incompleteness.  This  is  especially the  case  with  those  of  the  West ;  but  there  is  one Ordo  of  the  age  of  Charlemagne  in  which  the priest  is  directed  to  say  the  prayer  In  spiritu Immilitatis  "  bowed  before  the  altar."  (Martene, De  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  lib.  i.  c.  iv.  art.  xii.  ord.  v.). We  might  here  also  cite  the  Mozarabic  and Milanese  missals,  if  the  antiquity  of  their  rubrics were  not  generally  uncertain. From  pseudo-Dionysius  we  learn  that  while bishops  and  priests  at  their  ordination  knelt  on both  knees,  deacons  knelt  on  one  only  (De  Keel. Hier.  c.  V.  §  ii.  tom.  i.  p.  36-1).  [W.  E.  S.J GEOGRAPHY,  ECCLESIASTICAL.  [No- TITIA.] GEORGIUS.  (1)  Chozebita,  Holy  Father, A.D.  820  ;  commemorated  with  Aemilianus,  Jan. 8  {Cal.  Byzant.). (2)  Of  Malaeum,  Holy  Father,  (saec.  V.  vi.)  ; commemorated  April  4  (lb.). (3)  Bishop  of  Mitylene  (f  circa  816),  Holy  Fa- ther; commemorated  April  7  (/6-)- (4)  Deacon,  niartyr  at  Cordova  with  Aurelius, Felix,  Nathalia,  and  Liliosa,  A.D.  852  ;  commemo- rated Aug.  27  {Mart.  Usuardi). (5)  Miya\ofji.dprvp  Koi  rpoTraiocpSpos,  A.D. 296 ;  commemorated  April  23  (Ca/.  Byzant.) ; "  Xatale,"  April  23  (Mart.  Bedae) ;  the  dedica- tion (iyKaiuia)  of  his  church  in  Lydia  is  comme- morated on  Nov.  3  (Cal.  Byzant.).  » (6)  De  monte  Atho ;  commemorated  June  27 (Cal.  Gcorg.). (7)  Victoriosus  ;  commemorated  Sept.  28  (Cal. Armen.).  .  [W.  F.  G.] GERASIMUS,  Holy  Father,  6  iv  'lopUvij, in  the  time  of  Constantine  Pogonatus ;  comme- morated March  4  (Cal.  Byzant.).        [W.  F.  G.] GEREON,  martyr  with  318  others  at  Co- logne under  Maximian;  commemorated  Oct.  10 (Mart.  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] GERMANIOA  CONCILIA,  councils  cele- brated in  Germany,  but  at  places  unknown. 1.  A.D.  743,  probably,  being  the  first  of  five ^aid  to  have  met  under  St.  Boniface  by  his biographer,  but  great  obscurity  hangs  over  their date,    number,    and     canons,    to   say    the    least. GERONA,  COUNCIL  OF Mansi  really  settles  nothing  (xii.  355  and  seq.), and  the  Oxford  editors  of  Wilkins  still  less  (iii. 382,  note).  Again,  in  the  preface  to  this council  it  is  Carloman,  mayor  of  the  palace  who speaks,  and  its  seven  canons,  besides  running  in his  name  form  the  first  of  his  capitularies (Mansi,  ih.  366,  and  App.  104).  Certainly, the  first  of  them  constituting  Boniface  arch- bishop over  the  bishops  of  his  dominions  cannot have  been  deci-eed  but  by  him.  True,  there  is  a letter  from  Boniface  to  pope  Zachary  requesting leave  for  holding  a  synod  of  this  kind,  which was  at  once  given  (Mansi,  ib.  312-19),  and  in another,  purporting  to  be  from  Boniface  to  arch- bishop Cuthbert  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils, iii.  376),  three  sets  of  canons  are  quoted  as having  been  decreed  by  the  writer,  of  which these  form  the  second.  Still,  even  so,  when  and where  were  the  other  two  sets  passed  ?  What Mansi  prints  (xii.  383)  as  "  statutes  of  St.  Bom- face  "  in  one  place,  were  probably  the  work  of  a later  hand,  as  he  says  in  another  (ib.  362). 2.  A.D.  745,  at  Mayence  possibly,  where  Alde- bert  and  Clement  were  pronounced  heretics,  and Gervilion  of  Mayence  deposed  to  be  succeeded  by Boniface  (Mansi,  ib.  371). 3.  A.D.  747,  at  which  the  first  four  general councils  were  ordered  to  be  received.  Possibly the  tenth  of  the  letters  of  pope  Zachai-y  may relate  to  this  (Mansi,  ih.  409  and  342). 4.  A.D.  759,  at  which  Othmar,  abbot  of St.  Gall,  was  unjustly  condemned  (Mansi,  ib. 660).  [E.  S.  Ff.] GERMANICUS,  martyr  at  Smyrna  under Marcus  Antoninus  and  Lucius  Aurelius  ;  comme- morated Jan.  19  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usu- ardi). [W.  F.  G.] GERMANUS.  (l)  Bishop  of  Paris  and confessor  (t576  A.D.) ;  commemorated  May  28 (Mart.  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi)  ;  translation  (de- position, Ado)  July  25  (Mart.  Usuardi). (2)  Bishop  of  Auxerre  and  confessor;  "  tran- situs"  commemorated  July  31  [Mart.  Hieron., Adonis,  Usuardi) ;  Aug.  1  (Mart.  Bedae) ;  trans- lation (natalis,  Ado)  Oct.  1  (Mart.  Usuardi). (3)  [DONATIANTJS  (2).] (4)  Martyr  in  Spain  with  Servandus ;  com- memorated Oct.  23  (Mart.  Bam.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi). (5)  Martyr  at  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia,  with Caesarius,  Theophilus,  and  Vitalis,  under  Decius  : commemorated  Nov.  3  (  76.). (6)  Of  Constantinople,  a.d.  730 ;  commemo- rated May  12  (Cal.  Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] GERONA,  COUNCIL  OF  (Gerundense  con- cilium), held  A.D.  517,  at  Gerona  in  Catalonia, and  passed  ten  canons  on  discipline,  to  which seven  of  the  ten  bishops  present  at  the  synod  of Tarragona  the  year  before  subscribed.  By  the first  the  order  laid  down  for  celebrating  mass  and saying  the  psalter  and  ministering  in  general throughout  the  province  of  Tarragona  is  to  be that  of  the  metropolitan  church.  By  the  last the  Lord's  prayer  is  to  be  said  on  all  days  after matins  and  vespers  by  the  priest.  By  the second  and  third  rogation  days  are  to  be  kept with  abstinence  twice  a  year :  viz.,  the  three  last days  of  Whitsun  week,  and  the  first  three  days  in November  ;  or,  one  of  them  being  a  Sunday,  the GERONTIUS three  last  days  of  the  week  following  (Mansi viii.  547  and  seq.).  re_  g_  yf-i ' GERONTIUS,  bishop  ofSevilla  la  Vieja  in Spain  (saec.  I.) ;  commemorated  Aug.  25  (Mart Usuardi).  [-W_  p_  (j-j GEETRUDIS,  virgin,  martyr  in  Ireland; commemorated  March  17  (Mart.  Bedae,  Adonis, Usuardi).  [-W_  jr_  Q  j GERUNDENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Gekona, Council  of.] GERVASIUS,  martyr  at  Milan  with  Prota- sius.  Ills  brother,  under  Nero;  commemorated June  19  (Mart.  Bedae,  Hieron.,  Gal.  Carthag., CaL  et  Sacrament.  Frontonis,  Mart.  Adonis.  Usu- ardi);  also  with  Nazarius,  and  Celsus,  June  19 (Mart.  Horn.  Vet.),  and  Oct.  14  (Gal.  B,/zant.). [W.Y.  G.] GERVASIUS  AND  PROTASIUS,  SS., IN  Art.  The  basilica  of  St.  Ambrose  in  Milan was  dedicated  by  him,  June  19th  387,  to  these martyrs,  whose  bones  he  transferred  to  it.  The name  of  the  church  has,  however,  been  derived by  posterity  from  that  of  its  founder.  The author  may  refer  to  the  personal  testimony  of Father  Ambrose  St.  John  of  the  Oratory,  as  to a  late  discovery  of  bones  in  the  Basilica  of  St. Ambrose,  which  seems  strongly  to  confirm  the tradition  of  the  burial  of  actually  martyred persons  among  its  foundations.* St.  Gervasius  appears  repeatedly  in  the paintings  of  the  Ambrosian  basilica,  especially m  the  great  mosaic  of  the  apse  (Sommerard, Album  des  Arts,  pi.  xix.  9  serie).  St.  Protasius is  with  him,  as  in  other  parts  of  the  church. This  mosaic  cannot  be  later  than  the  9th  century, and  may  probably  be  of  the  same  date  as  that  in the  great  church  of  St.  Apollinaris  in  Classe  at Ravenna,  7th  century.  (See  Ciampini  Vet.Momi- meiita,  torn.  ii.  pi.  xxv.  No.  11,  and  p.  95  in  text.) Two  portrait  medallions  of  these  saints  are  to be  seen  in  the  church  of  St.  Vitale  in  the  same ■c'ty-  [R.  St.  J.  T.] GETULIUS,  martyr  at  Rome  with  Aman- tius,  Cerealis,  and  Primitivus,  in  the  time  of Adrian  (circa  124  a.d.)  ;  "  passio,"  June  10 (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] GIDEON  or  GEDEON,  the  prophet ;  com- memorated with  Joshua,  Sept.  1  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet., Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.T GIFTS.     [Arrhae  ;  Elements,  p.  600.] GILBERTUS,    "in    territorio    Parisiacensi, vico  Christoilo ;"  commemorated  with  A<Joadus, and  innumerable  others  of  both   sexes,  June  24 (Mart.  Usuardi).  ^^  ^_  q  i GILDARDUS,  bishop  of  Rouen  (fpost  508); "  natalis  "  June  8  (Mart.  Usuardi).     [W.  F.  G.] GILDING.  A  frequent  mode  of  decorating the  interiors  of  churches  was  by  gilding.  The earliest  reference  we  have  to  it  "is  in  the  letter of  the  emperor  Constantine  to  Macarius,  bishop of  Jerusalem,  relating  to  the  church  of  the  Holy Sepulchre,  which  he  was  about  to  have  built, consulting   him,  among  other  points,  as  to  the GIRDLE 727 «  bee  note,  p.  433,  J.  H.  Newman's  Historical  Sketches, Pickering.  1872.     A  letter  of  the  greatest  interest,  wliich seems  to  leave  little  room  for  doubt  as  to  the  authenticity vo  martyrs. of  the  bodies  of  St.  Amljiose  and  th( character  of  the  ceiling  he  wished  to  have  con- structed. The  emperor  evidently  inclined  to  a ceiling  divided  into  panels  (AaKwvapia,  laqwata), masmuch  as  it  could  be  decorated  with  o-old (Luseb.  Vit.  Gonst.  iii.  c.  32).  This  plan  was earned  out  on  the  most  magnificent  scale,  and, "  by  means  of  compartments,  stretched  its  vast expanse  over  the  whole  basilica,  covered  throuo-h- oitt  with  resplendent  gold,  so  as  to  make  the whole  temple  dazzling  as  with  a  blaze  of  light  " S,  •  *^-  ^^-  The  beams  of  the  roof  of  the  basilica ot  St.  Paul  at  Rome  were  originally,  a.d.  386 covered  with  gold-leaf.  ' "Bracteolas  irabibus  siiljlevit.  ut  omnis  aurulenta Lux  esset  intiis.  ceu  jubar  sub  ortu." (Petron.  Fassio  Beat.  Apost.) The  church  built  by  St.  Paulinus  at  Nola  had also  a  panelled  ceiling,  "alto  et  lacunato  cul- mine  (Paulin.  Epist.  xxxii.  12),  but  gildincr IS  not  expressly  mentioned.  References  to  thes? ceilings  of  gilded  panelling  are  frequent  in Jerome,  who  speaks  of  "  the  laquearla  and  roofs gleaming  with  gold,"  "the  gilded  ceilings,"  and the  like,  with  some  expression  of  regret  that  so much  that  might  have  been  devoted  to  Christ's poor  was  lavished  on  architectural  decoration (Hieron.  lib.  ii.  in  Zach.  viii. ;  Epist.  ii.  ad  Nepot.  ■ Epid.  viii.  ad  Dcmetriad.).  From  the  last-quoted passage  we  learn  that  the  capitals  of  the  pillars were  also  gilt,  and  that  the  altars  were  orna- mented with  gold  and  jewels.  In  the  more  mag- nificent churches  erected  in  Justinian's  reio-n, the  altars  were  often  of  silver  plated  with  gold! Ihe  altar  given  by  Pulcheria,  a.d.  414,  to  the church  at  Constantinople  was  elaboratelv  con-  ' structed  of  gold  and  precious  stones  (Boz'.  H.  E. ix.  1).  This  was  surpassed  by  the  altar  given by  Justinian  to  St.  Sophia,  which  was  all  of  gold resplendent  with  gems  (Ducange,  Gonstantinop. Christ,  lib.  iii.  p.  47).  The  altar  at  St.  Ambrogio, at  Milan,  made  a.d.  835,  is  covered  with  plates of  gold  and  silver,  with  subjects  in  high  relief [Altar,  p.  64].  The  domes  which  crowned  the early  churches  in  the  East  were  often  gilt  ex- ternally. (Bingham,  Orig.  Eccl.  Vlil.  viii.  5; Neale,  Eastern  Ghurch,  Introd.  p.  182.)    [E.  V.] GIRDLE  ((iiivr];  halteus,  cingulum,  zona). Among  nations  who  wore  long  flowing  robes,  it is  obvious  that  the  use  of  the  girdle  would  be necessary  for  convenience  in  walking,  or  in  active work.  This  very  way,  however,  of  using  the girdle  would  cause  it  to  be  more  or  less  hidden by  the  dress :  and  thus  we  are  a  priori  prepared for  the  fact  that,  while  in  the  early  Christian centuries  we  continually  meet  with  the  girdle used  as  a  matter  of  practical  convenience,  it is  not  till  the  eighth  century  that  we  find  it recognized  as  an  ecclesiastical  vestment  strictly so  called.  The  use  of  it  in  these  earlier  times seems  not  unfrequently  to  have  carried  with  it the  idea  of  an  imitation  of  the  ancient  Jewish prophets,  and  thus  to  have  been  worn  by  those who  followed  a  monastic  life,  and  those  who professed,  in  reality  or  in  seeming,  to  imitate their  austerities.  We  find,  for  example,  pope Celestinus  I.  (ob.  432  a.d.)  finding  fault  with those  who,  by  affecting  this  style  of  dress C'amicti  pallio  et  lumhos  praecincti "),  seemed to  claim  for  themselves  a  sanctity  of  life  not rightly  theirs  (Epid.  4  ad  Episr.  Viam  ,i Narb.    c.    2;   Patrol.    1.    -131).        Salviauus    (ol, 28 GIKDLE circa  495  A.D.)  refers  to  the  same  idea,  in  the words  addressed  to  an  unworthy  monk,  "licet fidem  cingulo  afferas "  {Adv.  avaritiam  iv.  5 ; Patrol,  liii.  232).  See  also  Basil  {Epist.  45  ad monachum  lapsmn ;  Patrol.  Gr.  xxxii.  366).  To take  an  instance  of  a  different  type,  Fulgentius (ob.  533  A.D.)  on  his  elevation  to  the  see  of Ruspe,  is  said  in  his  biography  (formerly  attri- buted to  Ferrandus  Diaconus)  to  have  retained the  girdle  with  the  rest  of  the  monastic  habit — "  pelliceo  cingulo  tanquam  monachus  utebatur  " (c.  37 ;  Patrol.  Ixv.  136).  The  Pule  of  St. Benedict  forbad  the  laying  aside  of  the  monastic girdle  even  at  night;  for  the  monks  were  to sleep  "  vestiti  .  .  .  et  cincti  cingulis  aut  funibus  " (Eegula  S.  Benedicti,  c.  22  :  see  also  Eegula  S. Donati,  c.  65). It  may  further  be  remarked  that  the  girdle was  commonly  worn  as  an  ornament  by  so- vereigns and  nobles.  Thus,  in  a  homily  once assigned  to  Chrysostom,  but  now  generally  be- lieved to  be  a  work  of  the  sixth  century,  the girdle  is  spoken  of  as  an  ordinary  ornament  of kings,  and  with  this  royal  use  of  it  is  compared  the girdle  of  our  Lord  {Horn,  de  Una  Legislatore,  c.  3  ; vol.  vi.  409,  ed.  Montfaucon).  It  will  readily be  seen  how  important  a  bearing  the  above  facts have  on  the  main  general  question,  to  which  we can  only  refer  thus  in  passing,  as  to  whether the  dress  of  the  early  Christian  ministry  was derived  from  that  of  the  Levitical  priesthood. In  this  last,  it  will  be  remembered,  the  girdle was  a  very  important  element. It  has  been  said  that  it  was  not  till  the  8th century  that  v/e  meet  with  the  girdle  as  an  eccle- siastical vestment  in  the  strict  sense  of  the word.  It  is  true  that  we  do  meet  with  references to  it  at  an  earlier  period,  as  to  that  worn  by Gregory  the  Great,  which  later  generations  are said  by  his  biographer  to  have  regarded  as  a precious  relic  ( Joannis  Diaconi  Vita  S.  Greg. Magni,  iv.  80  ;  Patrol.  Ixxv.  228).  Still,  it  must be  remembered,  the  use  of  an  article  of  dress  by ecclesiastics  is  a  totally  different  thing  from  their use  of  it  because  they  are  ecclesiastics  ;  and  for instances  of  this  latter  we  must  pass  on  to a  later  period. Perhaps  the  earliest  reference  of  this  kind  is one  by  Germanus,  patriarch  of  Constantinople (ob.  740  A.D.),  in  his  description  of  the  various priestly  vestments  (Jlistoria  Ecclesiastica  et Mystica  Conteinplatio ;  Patrol.  Gr.  xcviii.  394), in  which  he  also  alludes  to  the  napkin  attached to  the  girdle  worn  by  deacons  (jh  iyxeiptou  rb i-rvl  TTjs  ^liuri?).  Rabanus  Maurus,  in  his  trea- tise de  Institutione  Clericorum  (i.  17  ;  Patrol. cvii.  306),  a  work  probably  written  about  the year  819  A.D.,  refers  to  the  girdle  as  one  of  the regular  Christian  vestments,  and  dwells  on  the symbolism  of  it  at  some  length.  A  curious  in- junction, for  which  a  curious  reason  is  given,  as to  the  wearing  of  the  girdle,  is  found  in  one  of the  so-called  Arabic  canons  of  the  council  of Nicaea,  edited  by  Abraham  Ecchelensis  (can.  66  ; Labbe  ii.  335).  According  to  this,  the  clergy are  forbidden  to  wear  a  girdle  during  divine service. In  earlier  times  the  girdle  was  often  doubt- lessly richly  adorned:  the  reference  we  have already  given  to  its  regal  use  is  illustrative  of this,  and  we  may  further  cite  Chrysostom  (ffom. in  Fsal.   48  ;  vol.    v.    521),   where,    inveighing GLADIATORS against  various  articles  of  luxury  in  dress,  he speaks  of  golden  girdles.  Apparently,  too,  this state  of  things  prevailed  after  the  girdle  became a  recognized  ecclesiastical  vestment,  the  exces- sive ornamentation  being,  it  would  seem,  viewed as  a  secular  element  in  the  ecclesiastical  dress. Thus  we  find  Durandus  (ob.  1296  A.D.)  speaking of  the  clergy  in  the  time  of  the  emperor  Louis I.,  the  son  of  Charlemagne,  as  laying  aside "  Cingula  auro  texta,  exquisitas  vestes,  et  alia secularia  ornamenta  "  {^Rationale  Div.  Off.  iii.  1). A  further  illustration  of  this  is  furnished  by  the will  of  Riculfus,  bishop  of  Helena  (ob.  915  A.D.), in  which  he  bequeaths,  among  other  precious articles,  "  zonas  quinque,  una  cum  auro  et  gem- mis  pretiosis,  et  alias  quattuor  cum  auro  "  (^Patrol. cxxxii.  468). Later  liturgical  writers  [e.  g.  Honorius  Augus- todunensis  (^Geinma  Animae,  i.  206 ;  Patrol. clxxii.  606),  Innocent  iii.  (de  Sacro  Altaris  mys- terio,  i.  52  ;  Patrol,  ccxvii.  793),  and  Durandus (Eat.  Div.  Off.  iii.  4)]  speak  further  of  an  under girdle  ( subcingulum,  subcinctorium,  succincto- rium),  and  generally  as  a  vestment  peculiar  to bishops.  So  in  the  ancient  mass  given  by Menard  (Greg.  S-icr.  col.  249)  from  the  Cd. Eatoldi,  the  bishop  puts  on  both  a  cingulum  and a  balteus,  the  former  perhaps  the  unseen  and simple  primitive  girdle,  the  latter  the  elaborate ornament  of  later  times.  This  subject,  however, falls  beyond  our  limits ;  reference  may  be  made to  Bona  de  Eebus  Liturg.  i.  24.  15. A  brief  remark  may  be  made  in  passing  as  to the  special  significance  of  the  girdle  in  reference to  the  bestowal  or  deprivation  of  office.  Thus Gregory  the  Great  congratulates  a  friend  "  prae- fecturae  vos  suscepisse  cingula  "  (Epist.  x.  37  ; Patrol.  Ixxvii.  1094).  Atto,  bishop  of  Ver- cellae  (ob.  circa  960  A.D.),  writing  to  one  bishop Azo,  orders  that  a  man  who  should  contract  a marriage  within  the  prohibited  degrees  "  cinguli sui  patiatur  amissionem "  {Epist.  5 ;  Patrol. cxxxiv.  107).  Similar  i-eferences  are  often found  in  the  Theodosian  code,  and  elsewhere (see  e.g.  Cod.  Theodos.  lib.  viii.  tit.  i.  1.  11  ;  lib. X.  tit.  26,  1.  1),  in  a  way  that  often  suggests  the belt  of  knighthood  of  later  times. For  further  references  to  the  subject  of  the girdle  in  its  different  aspects,  see  Ducange's Glossarium  s.  vv. ;  Marriott's  Vestiarium  Chris- tianum,  p.  213,  etc. ;  Hefele,  Die  Uturgischen Gewdnder,  pp.  178  sqq. ;  Bock,  Geschichte  der Uturgischen  Gewdnder  des  Miiteldlters,  ii.  pp.  50 sqq.  [R.  S.] GLADIATOES.  A  passion  for  gladiatorial combats  had  a  strong  hold  upon  the  popular mind  of  pagan  Rome;  and  under  the  empire magnificent  amphitheatres  were  built  for  such exhibitions,  and  others  of  an  almost  equally barbarous  nature,  which  seem  to  have  presented a  peculiarly  fascinating  attraction  both  to  men and  women  in  those  times. Augustine  mentions  a  case  in  which  even  a Christian,  having  been  induced  to  be  present  at one  of  these  exhibitions,  and  having  kept  his  eyes closed  for  a  time — on  opening  them,  at  a  sudden outcry  which  he  heard,  instead  of  being  shocked or  disgusted  at  the  siglit,  was  hurried  along  with the  spirit  of  the  assembled  people — was  over- come with  a  wild  and  savage  delight  at  beholding the  scene  of  bloodshed  and   death,  and   carried GLADIATORS away   with    him    an    inextinguishable   desire  to  j witness    the    same    spectacles    again    (August. Conf.  vi.  8). Some  pagan  moralists  expressed  more  or  less strongly  their  disapprobation  of  the  gladiatorial shows,  as  being  inhuman  and  demoralizing (Seneca,  Ep.  vii.  and  Pliny,  Ep.  iv.  22);  but they  were  too  popular  to  be  checked  by  such remonstrances ;  and  nothing  efiectual  was  done to  stop  them  until  they  were  opposed  and  finally suppressed  by  the  intervention  of  Christian  prin- ciples and  Christian  heroism. The  church  expressed  its  abhorrence  of  these barbarous  games  as  soon  as  it  came  in  contact with  them,  not  only  by  discountenancing  attend- ance at  them,  but  by  refusing  to  admit  gladiators to  Christian  baptism  (see  Constit.  Apostol.  viii. 32).  In  this  canon,  charioteers,  racers,  and  many others,  are  included  in  the  same  condemnation ; probably  because  the  public  exhibitions  in  which they  took  a  part  were  more  or  less  connected with  idolatry.  And  for  the  same  reason  such persons,  if  they  had  already  been  received  into the  church,  were  to  be  punished  by  excommuni- cation (Concil.  Arelat.  i.  4). The  first  imperial  edict  prohibiting  the  exhi- bition of  gladiators  was  issued  by  Constantine  in A.D.  325,  just  after  the  council  of  Nice  had  been convened  {Cod.  Theod.  xv.  12,  1).  Forty  years later  Valentinian  forbade  that  any  Christian criminals  should  be  condemned  to  fight  as  gladi- ators ;  and  in  A.D.  367  he  included  in  a  similar exemption  those  who  had  been  in  the  imperial service  about  the  court  (Palatini)  {Cod.  Theod. ■ix.  40,  8  and  11). Honorius,  at  the  end  of  this  century,  ordered that  no  slave,  who  had  been  a  gladiator,  should I)e  taken  into  the  service  of  a  senator  (Cod.  Theod. XV.  12,  3). All  these  edicts  resulted  from  the  operation  of Christian  principles  and  feelings,  and  they  show the  rise  and  growth  of  a  more  civilized  opinion, which  these  imperial  utterances  also  helped  to promote ;  but  they  produced  little  or  no  direct effect  in  putting  a  stop  to  such  exhibitions. The  decree  of  Constantine  seems  to  have  ap- plied only  to  the  province  of  Phoenicia — to  the prefect  of  which  it  was  addressed ;  or,  at  any rate,  it  very  soon  became  a  dead  letter;  for  a few  years  later  Libanius  alludes  to  gladiatorial shows  as  still  regularly  exhibited  in  Syria (Libanius,  de  vita  sua,  3).  And  although  they were  never  seen  in  Constantinople  —  where  a passion  for  chariot  races  seems  to  have  supplied their  place  —  yet  at  Rome  and  in  the  Western empire  they  continued  unrestricted,  except  by some  trifling  regulations.  Even  Theodosius  the Great,  though  in  some  things  very  submissive  to church  authorities,  compelled  his  Sarmatian prisoners  to  fight  as  gladiators  ;  for  which  he was  applauded  by  Symmachus,  as  having  imi- tated approved  examples  of  older  times,  and having  made  those  minister  to  the  pleasure  of the  people,  who  had  previously  been  their  dread (Symmachus,  7i}j.  x.  61). Thus  these  sanguinary  games  held  their  place among  the  popular  amusements,  and  afforded their  savage  gratification  to  the  multitude  until their  suppression  was  at  last  effected  by  the courage  and  self-devotion  of  an  individual Christian. In  the  year  404,  while  a  show  of  gladiators GLASS 729 was  being  exhibited  at  Rome  in  honour  of  the victories  of  Stilicho,  an  Asiatic  monk  named Telemachus,  who  had  come  to  Rome  for  the purpose  of  endeavouring  to  stop  this  barbarous practice,  rushed  into  the  amphitheatre,  and strove  to  separate  the  combatants.  The  spec- tators— enraged  at  his  attempt  to  deprive  them of  their  favourite  amusement  —  stoned  him  to death.  But  a  deep  impression  was  produced. Telemachus  was  justly  honoured  as  a  martyr, and  the  emperor  Honorius — taking  advantage  of the  feeling  which  had  been  evoked — effectually put  a  stop  to  gladiatorial  combats,  which  were never  exhibited  again  (Theodoret,  ff.  E.  v.  26). [G.  A.  J.] GLASS,  (i.)  Window  glass. — The  use  of  glass in  windows  in  Roman  times  was  much  more common  than  was  formerly  supposed,  and  ex- amples of  such  glass  have  been  met  with  not only  in  Pompeii,  but  in  our  own  country  in various  places.  It  was  also  used  by  Christians in  early  times,  though  perhaps  not  very  com- monly, for  the  windows  of  their  churches,  and  then it  was  sometimes  coloured.  Thus  Prudentius, speaking  of  the  Basilica  of  St.  Paul,  built  by Constantine,  says  :  "In  the  arched  window  ran (panes  of)  wonderfully  variegated  glass  :  it  shone like  a  meadow  decked  with  spring  flowers."  " Glass,  probably  of  the  church  destroyed  A.D.  420, has  been  lately  found  at  Treves  (Archaeol.  xl.  194). Venantius  Fortunatus  {circa  560)  thus  speaks (lib.  ii.  poem.  11)  of  the  windows  of  the  church in  Paris : "  Prima  caplt  radios  vltreis  oculata  fenestris ; Artificisque  mauu  clausit  in  arce  diem." From  Gaul  artists  in  glass  were  first  introduced into  Britain  (a.d.  676)  by  Benedict  Biscop for  the  church  windows  at  Weremouth  in  Dur- ham, "  ad  cancellandas  ecclesiae  porticuumque  et coenaculorum  ejus  fenestras"  (Bed.  Vit.  S.  Bene- dict. §  5).  Other  early  examples  may  be  seen in  Ducange,  s.  v.  Vitreae,  and  Bentham's  Hist. and  Antiq.  of  Ely,  p.  21  (ed.  2).  Pope  Leo  III. {circa  795)  adorned  the  windows  of  the  apse  of the  basilica  of  the  Lateran  with  glass  of  several colours,  "  ex  vitro  diversis  coloribus  "  (Anastasius Vitae  Pontiff,  p.  208,  C.  ed.  Murat.) ;  and  this, as  some  think,  "  is  the  earliest  instance  of  the kind  that  can  be  cited  with  confidence"  (Winston, Anc.  Glass  Paint.,  p.-2  ;  Fleury,  H.  E.  xlvi.  20). Painted  glass  belongs  apparently  to  an  age a  little  later  than  the  present  work  embraces. "  It  is  a  fact,"  says  M.  Labarte,  "  acknowledged by  all  archaeologists,  that  we  do  not  now  know any  painted  glass  to  which  can  be  assigned  with certainty  an  earlier  date  than  that  of  the  11th century  "  ''  {Handbook,  p.  69).  The  invention itself,  however,  may  perhaps  have  been  somewhat earlier.* »    "  Turn  camnros  hyalo  Inslgni  varle  cucurrit  arcus. Sic  prata  vemis  floribus  renident." Peristeph.  xii.  53,  54. The  above  interpretation,  which  is  substantially  that  of Emeric  David  and  Labarte,  seems  much  preferable  to  that which  makes  hyalo  mean  mosaics  (Labarte,  Handbook  of Arts  of  Middle  Ages,  c.  il.  p.  66,  Engl,  trans.). b  Two  e.\amples  only,  belonging  to  this  centnry,  are figured  by  M.  Lasteyrie  in  his  great  work,  Histuire  de  la Feintmr  sur  Yerre. c  The  art  is  described  with  many  details  by  the  monk Theophilus,  whose  age  is  unfortunately  uncertain.  Les.-im; 730 GLASS (ii.)  Olass  «esse?s.— These  were  used  by  the  I Christians  as  well  as  by  the  heathen  for  inter- ment with  the  dead,  and  the  so-called  lacryma- tories  which  are  really  unguent  bottles,  have  been found'in  the  catacombs  of  Rome  (Serous  d'Agin- court,  Hist,  de  V Art  par  ses  Monum.  t.  viii.-f,  21, "Sculpture"),  and  elsewhere,  as  Todi,  Villeja, and  Sardinia  :  the  vessels  are  of  various  kinds, and  are  sometimes  ornamented  with  letters  and sometimes  with  palm-branches  (De  Rossi,  Bull. Arch.  Crist.  1864,  p.  89).  Perret  figures  a  long drinking-glass,  copied  here,  ornamented  with palms  (incised),  from  the  catacombs;  at  the bottom  is  some  red  substance :  see  below.  The Slade  Collection,  recently  acquired  by  the  British Museum,  contains  a  vessel  of  the  same  general form,  of  white  glass,  found  at  Cologne,  probably of  the  4th  or  5th  century,  with  incised  figures of  Adam  and  Eve,  and  of  Moses  striking  the  rock. Glass  incised  Cup.     (Ferret.) The  Sloane  Collection  in  the  same  museum  has a  plain  glass  beaker  from  the  catacombs  em- bedded in  the  original  plaster :  likewise  a  glass ampulla  marked  with  a  cross  and  on  each  side, also  from  the  catacombs.  At  the  bottom  of  some of  these  small  vessels  has  been  found  a  dark crust,  and  it  has  been  made  a  question  whether this  is  the  sediment  of  the  blood  of  the  martyr buried  there  or  of  some  other  substance.  There are  even  some  vessels  inscribed  SANGVIS,  or SANG,  or  SA  (Aringhi,  Roin.  Siiht.  t.  i.  p.  499) ; but  De  Rossi,  Garrucci,  and  Martigny  {Diet. p.  592  q.  r.)  are  agreed  that  they  are  forgeries. These,  however,  do  not  necessarily  prove  that the  substance  found  in  genuine  glass  vessels  is never  in  any  case  blood ;  and  according  to  Mar- tigny, the  chemical  researches  of  Broglia  in  1845, supposed  that  he  wrote  in  the  9th  century ;  if  this  were so,  the  invention  may  have  been  before  800 ;  but  It  is now  generally  admitted  that  his  age  must  be  later:  La- barte  thinks  that  he  probably  lived  in  the  12th  century. His  Diversarum  artium  Schedula  does  not  speak  of  the art  of  glass  as  being  a  new  invention.  See  Labarte  u.  s. pp.  48-51. GLASS and  others,  have  shewn  that  at  the  bottom  of glass  vessels  found  in  Christian  tombs  at  Milan blood  is  still  to  be  recognised.  Without  im- pugning the  honesty  or  the  correctness  of  these researches,  although  as  regards  the  latter  it would  be  satisfactory  if  some  confirmatory evidence  should  be  discovered,  it  is  allowable  to suppose  that  the  usual  unguents  (or  perhaps wine)  may  have  been  contained  in  other  of  these vessels.  The  early  Christians  also  employed glass  as  one  of  the  materials  for  chalices. "^  See Chalice.  Their  most  remarkable  glass  vessels, however,  are  those  which  have  figures  in  gold  leaf inside  their  flat  bases ;  and  these  have  hitherto been  found  almost  exclusively  in  the  Roman catacombs,  and  are  generally  considered  to  have been  made  in  Rome  alone.  Of  these  some  (about thirty)  are  in  the  British  Museum,  a  smaller number  in  Paris,  a  few  others  in  various  Italian museums  and  in  private  continental  and  English collections,  more  particularly  that  of  Mr.  Wil- shere ;  from  which  last  the  South  Kensington Loan  Court,  and  the  Leeds  Art  Exhibition  in 1868,  having  been  largely  enriched,  these  curious relics  have  become  tolerably  fomiliar  to  many  of our  countrymen.  It  is,  however,  in  the  Kirche- rian  Museum  and  in  that  of  the  Propaganda,  and above  all,  in  the  Vatican  at  Rome,  tliat  the greatest  number  are  preserved.  From  these various  sources,  and  from  the  works  of  Aringhi, Buonarotti,  Boldetti,  &c..  Padre  Garrucci  drew up  his  great  work  on  the  subject,  entitled  letri ornati  di  figure  in  oro,  fol.  with  42  plates,  com- prising figures  of  about  320  specimens,*  many, however,  being  quite  fragmentary  and  of  little value.  The  first  edition  appeared  in  Rome  in 1858,  the  second  (much  enlarged)  in  1864.  As nearly  all  that  is  known  of  them  is  contained  in this  one  work,  which  has  been  also  used  in  illus- tration of  various  articles  in  this  Dictionary, a  somewhat  slight  notice  may  suffice  for  this place.  The  greater  part  of  these  glasses  are manifestly  the  bottoms  of  drinking  cups  (the inscriptions  on  many  of  them  implying  as  much), some  iew  have  been  plates.  "  Their  peculiarity," say  Messrs.  Northcote  and  Brownlow,  "  consists in  a  design  having  been  executed  in  gold  leaf  on the  flat  bottom  of  the  cup,  in  such  a  manner  as that  the  figures  and  letters  should  be  seen  from the  inside.  .  .  .  The  gold  leaf  was  protected  by  a plate  of  glass  which  was  welded  by  fire,  so  as  to form  one  solid  mass  with  the  cup.  These  cups, like  the  other  articles  found  in  the  catacombs, were  stuck  into  the  still  soft  cement  of  the newly  closed  grave  ;  and  the  double  glass  bottom imbedded  in  the  plaster  has  resisted  the  action of  time,  while  the  thinner  portion  of  the  cup, exposed  to  accident  and  decay  by  standing  out from  the  plaster,  has  in  almo.st  every  instance perished.  Boldetti  informs  us  that  he  found  two or  three  cups  entire,  and  his  representation  of one  of  them  is  given  in  Padre  Garrucci's  work, t.  xxxix.   7%  T*" "  {Roma   Sottcrranea,    p.   276). d  The  far-famed  Sacro  Catino  of  Genoa,  taken  by  the Crusaders  atCaesarea  in  1101,  made  of  glass  (not,  as  for- merly supposed,  of  a  single  emerald)  has  been  fabled  to  be the  dish  used  at  the  Saviour's  Last  Supper;  but  although it  is  undoubtedly  very  ancient,  its  history  is  quite  un- known. Some  account  of  it  is  given  in  Murray's  Martd- book  of  Northern  Italy,  under  "  Genoa." e  About  twenty  others  are  described  only ;  the  genuine- ness of  some  of  tbem  is  suspected. GLASS The  cup,  whose  figure  is  referred  to,  is  a  species of  cylix.  with  two  small  handles  (their  bases  being recurved)  at  the  sides,  without  a  stem  :  upon  its flat  bottom  are  two  three-quarter-length  figures in  a  medallion,  inscribed  PETRVS,  PAVLVS, the  two  apostles  who,  above  all  persons,  are by  far  the  most  frequently  represented  in  the glass  of  the  catacombs.  Garrucci  figures  a  frag- ment of  another  vessel  with  channelled  ribs, whith  must  have  been  nearly  of  the  shape  of  our tumblers  (t.  xxxviii.  f.  9,  b).  He  thinks  that others  must  have  been  in  the  form  of  a  half-egg {Pref.  p.  vii.).  Many  of  the  medallions  found  in the  catacombs  are  of  very  small  size,  little  more than  an  inch  in  diameter ;  these  were  long  sup- posed to  be  centres  of  the  bottoms  of  small drinking-cups,  but  the  discovery  in  1864  and 1866  of  two  flat  gilded  glass  plates  at  Cologne (both  broken)  has  revealed  their  real  character. GLASS 731 On  one  of  these  plates,  found  near  the  church  of St.  Severinus,f  about  10  inches  in  diameter,  made of  clear  glass,  were  "inserted,  while  in  a  state of  fusion,  a  number  of  small  medallions  of  green glass  exactly  similar  to  those  found  in  Rome, and  which  together  form  a  series  of  scriptural subjects.?    These  medallions  being  of  double  glass f  "The  patyia  found  near  the  church  of  St.  Ursula differs  from  the  other  discovered  two  years  before,  in having  the  subjects  depicted  in  gold  and  colours  on  the surface  of  the  glass  instead  of  being  within  medallions  of double  glass.  The  drawing  is  also  of  a  better  style  of art.  It  is  now  in  the  Slade  Collection  "  (Brownlow  and Northcote,  U.S.  pp.  211, 294 ;  figured  in  Catalogue  of  Slade Collection,  p.  50).  The  subjects  represented  on  this  glass are  Moses  at  the  Red  Sea,  Jonah,  Daniel  in  the  lions'  den. the  three  children  in  the  fiery  furnace,  the  sacrifice  of Isaac,  the  Nativity,  and  the  healing  of  the  man  sick  of the  palsy. g  A  figure  of  the  two  fragments  of  this  plate  is  Riven hy  Messrs.  Brownlow  and  Nortlicote,  v.s.  p.  2H0.     They have  resisted  the  ravages  of  time  and  accidents, which  have  destroyed  the  more  thin  and  fragile glass  of  the  patena.  I)e  Rossi  has  seen  in  the plaster  of  loculi  in  the  catacombs  the  impression of  large  plates  of  this  description,  which  have probably  perished  in  the  attempt  to  detach  them from  the  cement"  (Brownlow  and  Northcote, u.  s.  p.  291). The  cups,  whose  bottoms  (or  parts  of  them) now  remain,  were  of  various  dimensions  ;  the largest  hitherto  found  have  medallions  of  about five  inches  in  diameter,  others  are  about  half that  size :  around  the  painted  part  there  was  a margin  of  plain  glass.  Sometimes,  but  very rarely  as  it  would  seem,  the  side  of  the  cup  as well  as  the  bottom  was  ornamented  with  figures in  gold  leaf.  Garrucci  figures  one  fragment  of such  a  side  which  is  preserved  in  the  Kircherian Museum  h  (t.  xxxix.  f.  9).  The  figures  on  the gold  leaf  were  rendered  more  distinct  by  edging the  outlines  and  other  parts  with  dark  lines; and  other  colours  as  green,  white,  and  red  of various  tints  were  sparingly  introduced  :  also on  the  outside  of  the  glass  bottoms  various colours  are  found,  especially  azure,  also  green, violet,  mdigo,  and  crimson  (Garrucci,  Fref. p.  ^  ii.).i The  subjects  represented  on  these  glasses  may now  be  considered.  A  few  of  them  are  taken fiom  the  classical  mythology  or  represent  secu- lai  subjects,  whether  games  or  trades,  and  these ma}  probably  not  have  been  the  works  of  Chris- tnn  artists  at  all.''     It  is  indeed  an  unexplained contam  twenty  medallions.  Eight  of  these  have  only a  star  in  the  centre.  Three  others  appear  to  have  the three  children  in  the  Babylonian  furnace,  one  figure  in e  ich  medallion.  Four  others  have  the  history  of  Jonah 111  as  many  parts; — in  the  ship;  under  the  gourd;  swal- lowed by  the  whale;  and  vomited  out  by  the  same. Another  gives  Adam  and  Eve,  the  serpent  round  the  tree being  between  them.  The  interpretation  of  the  others  is less  certain.  One  has  a  figure  holding  a  rod,  which  is supposed  to  be  the  Saviour;  probably  another  medallion contained  Lazarus.  It  is  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Pepys  of Cnlogne.  See  De  Rossi,  Bull.  Arch.  Crist.  1864,  pp.  89-91, and  a  beautiful  figure  in  gold  and  colour. h  He  observes  :  "  e  I'unico  esempio  di  figura  dipinta  in- torno  al  corpo  di  una  tazza  e  non  sul  fondo . . . .  Rappre- senta  poi  I'estremo  lembo  di  un  pallio  orlato  di  una striscia  di  porpora,  e  notato  ancora  del  segno  I  in  color  di porpora  "  p.  82. i  The  figures  in  Garrucci's  work  are  uncoloured,  at  least no  coloured  copy  has  been  seen  by  the  writer.  In  Messrs. Brownlow  and  Nortbcote's  work,  so  often  laid  under contribution,  are  two  beautiful  plates  (xvii.  and  xviii.) shewing  the  pale  bluish  culour  of  the  glass  and  the  pen- cilling of  the  gold  leaf  with  deep  green.  Martigny  gives examples  of  the  use  of  colour  in  the  following  specimens, figured  by  Perret,  vol.  iv.  Purple  in  bands  on  the  dra- pery (pi.  xxxiii.  114)  :  green  in  the  sea-waves  (xxix.  16): flesh-colour  in  the  face  of  the  Saviour  (xxxiii.  102). Silver  is  occasionally  used  for  white  garmeuis  and  the bandages  of  a  corpse  (Lazarus).  In  other  cases  we  have gold  or  silver  figures  on  an  azure  ground  (Diet.  p.  279). k  Garrucci  and  Wiseman  consider  this  art  to  have  been exercised  by  the  Christians  alone ;  but  this  is  both  prima facie  improbable  and  does  not  very  well  accord  with  the existence  of  pagan  types  on  some  specimens  "  such  as  no Christian  artist  of  the  early  ages  would  ever  have  thought of  depicting,"  being  wholly  incapable  of  any  Christian adaptation.  See  Brownlow  and  Northcote,  ti.  s.  p.  278. It  must  be  confessed,  however,  thatOarrucci  (pref.  p.  xiv.) is  able  to  refer  to  a  silver  casket  bearing  Christian  em- blems and  also  a  triton  and  a  nereid ;  as  well  as  to  Sidonius 732 GLASS difficulty  how  such  glasses  as  represent  Hercules, Minerva,  Serapis,  and  the  like  should  have  been found  in  Christian  catacombs  at  all ;  if  indeed  it be  certain  that  they  were  found  there.'  It  is beside  the  present  purpose  to  say  more  of  these." The  greater  part  of  the  designs,  however,  are connected  with  the  Jewish  or  Christian  religion  ; and,  as  has  been  already  seen  in  part,  subjects from  the  Old  and  New  Testaments  are  sometimes grouped  together  on  the  same  glass.  A  descrip- tion of  two  perfect  bottoms  of  cups,  forming  in each  case  a  circular  medallion,  will  show  the mode  of  treatment. (1)  A  bust  draped  in  the  centre,  enclosed  in  a circle  with  legend  ZESES  {Live!  i.e.  enjoy  life!). Around,  without  distinction  into  compartments, but  with  leaves  and  pellets  interspersed,  are : Jesus  turning  the  water  into  wine ;  Tobit  and the  fish  ;  Jesus  ordering  the  man  sick  of  the palsy  to  carry  his  bed ;  Jesus  present  with  the Three  Children  in  Nebuchadnezzar's  furnace (Garrucci,  t.  i.  f.  1). (2)  Two  busts  (a  man  and  his  wife  ?)  draped in  the  centre,  enclosed  in  a  circle  as  before,  with legend  PIE  ZESES  (Drink!  live!).     Around,  in the  same  style  as  before,  are  the  following  sub- ApoUinaris  and  Ennodius  for  e.\ample8  of  the  same  kind of  thing:  yet  wiihout  dwelling  on  the  fact  that  the  mo- nument no  less  than  the  authors  very  possilily  belongs  to a  period  when  paganism  had  no  longer  any  vigorous  life (Vlsconti,  Opere  Varie,  t.  1,  p.  212,  thiuks  it  is  of  the fourth  or  fifth  century,  the  latter,  to  judge  from  the monument  itself,  which  now  reposes  in  the  British iMus^euni,  seems  at  least  as  probable  as  the  former),  and might  therefore,  as  now,  afford  subjects  for  Christian artists,  yet  the  paganism  on  these  glasses  is  more  seriously pronounced :  e.fif.  t.  x.xxv.  1,  "  In  nomine  HerculisAcher- oniini  (wrongly  written  Acerontino)  .  ,  .  felices  bibatis." See  also  t.  xxxv.  8. 1  Messrs.  Brownlow  and  Northcote  observe  of  the Vatican  Collection  of  Christian  Antiquities,  that  but  very rarely  has  any  account  of  the  locality  iu  which  they  have been  discovered  been  preserved.  It  is  to  be  suspected that  some  glasses  with  pagan  subjects  are  from  unknown localities,  and  have  been  assumed  to  come  from  Christian catacombs  where  so  many  works  of  this  fabric  have  been discovered. "  They  are  figured  in  Garrucci,  t.  xxxiii.-xxxvi.,  and are  briefly  noticed  in  Brownlow  and  Northcote.  u.  s. p.  279. GLASS jects :  Christ  foretelling  redemption  to  Adam and  Eve  ;  the  sacrifice  of  Isaac  ;  Moses  striking the  rock  ;  Jesus  telling  the  sick  man  to  carry  his bed ;  Jesus  raising  Lazarus  (id.  t.  i.  f.  3). More  usually,  however,  a  single  subject  occu- pies the  bottom  of  the  glass.  Thus  we  have  on one  (t.  vi.  f.  1)  Christ  as  the  Good  Shepherd  bear- The  Good  Shepherd.    (Qamicci.) ing  a  lamb  on  his  shoulders,  with  a  sheep  and  tree on  each  side,  all  enclosed  in  a  circle  ;  and  the Greek  legend  enclosed  in  another  circle  outside, POT*E  niE  ZHCAIC  META  TcuN  CoiN nANTojN  BOIT  (for  BIOY  ?),  i.e.  Brink,  Bufus, may  you  enjoy  life  with  all  yours !  long  life  to you!  On  another  glass  (t.  vi.  f.  9)  occurs  the same  subject  treated  a  little  differently,  with the  nearly  equivalent  Latin    legend:  Digxitas AMICORVM  VIV'AS  CV3I  TVIS  FELICITER,  i.e.  Here's to  our  worthy  friends  !  may  you  live  happily  with all  yours  !  Dijnitas  amicorum,  a  frequently  re- curring acclamation  on  these  glasses,  is  thought to  be  equivalent   to   diijni  ainici,    the    form   in Christ  raming  Water  into  Wine.    (Garrucci.) which  a  Eoman  host  drank  his  friends'  health. On  another  (t.  vi.  f.  7),  "bearing  the  same  subject enclosed  in  a  square,  we  have  the  legend  :  Bibas (doubtless  for  vivas)  in  pace  Dei  concordi,  a double  border  of  dentels  being  enclosed  in  another outside  square.  On  another,  Christ  is  repre- sented at  full  length  in  the  midst  of  seven  water- GLASS pots  (for  the  six  of  the  Gospel  are  invariably changed  into  seven,  probably  from  a  symbolical feeling,  and  with  a.  secret  reference  to  the eucharist),  surrounded  by  the  legend   Digxitas AMICORUM    VIVAS    IM    (sic)     PACE    DeI    ZeSES  : where  vivas  may  either  be  taken  for  bibas,  or (which  seems  better)  zeses  may  fee  regarded  as a  superfluous  repetition  of  vivas  (t.  vii.  f.  2). It  will  now  probably  be  thought  suflicient  to indicate  briefly  the  subjects  from  the  Old  Testa- ment including  the  Apocrypha  and  from  the New,  whicli  can  be  recognised  with  certaintj-  or probability  upon  these  glasses,  excluding  those on  the  Cologne  fragments.  They  are  all  con- tained in  the  first  eight  plates  of  Garrucci's worli,  but  are  here  set  down  nearly  in  their Biblical  order.  Adam  and  Eve;  Noah  in  the Ark  ;  Sacrifice  of  Isaac ;  Joseph  in  the  pit  (?) ; Moses  striking  the  rock  ;  Moses  lifting  up  the brazen  serpent  (?) ;  the  candlestick  and  other instruments  of  Mosaic  worship  ;  the  Spies  bear- ing the  grapes  of  Canaan  ;  Joshua  commanding the  Sun  to  stand  still  (?) ;  Jonah's  history  (in several  parts) ;  the  Three  Children  in  Nebu- chadnezzar's furnace ;  Daniel  and  the  lions ; Daniel  desti'oying  the  Dragon ;  Susannah  and the  Elders  (?)  ;  Tobit  and  the  Fish. The  Wise  Men  offering  gifts  (?)  ;  Christ  turn- ing water  into  wine  ;  Christ  healing  the  sick  of the  palsy  ;  Christ  multiplying  the  seven  loaves ; Christ  raising  Lazarus ;  Christ  as  the  Good Shepherd. The  chrisma  or  monogram  of  Christ  is  also  of frequent  occurrence,  sometimes  in  connection with  Saints,  sometimes  interposed  between  a husband  and  wife,  sometimes  between  a  and  a> (taw.  i.  vii.  si.  xiv.  xvii.  xx.  xxv.  xxvi.  xxix. xxxix.). The  only  representation  of  the  Crucifixion (t.  xl.  1)  is  considered  to  be  false. "  The  Blessed  Virgin  is  represented  sometimes alone,  with  her  name  (MARIA)  over  her  head, praying  betv/een  two  olive-trees,  sometimes  with the  apostles  Peter  and  Paul  on  either  side  of  her ; sometimes  accompanied  by  the  virgin  martyr St.  Agnes "  (Brownlow  and  Northcote,  u.  s. p.  280).  The  apostles  most  frequently  repre- sented (on  more  than  seventy  glasses)  are  St. Peter  and  St.  Paul,  their  names  being  added ; sometimes  singly,  more  often  conjointly.  "  The two  apostles  are  represented  side  by  side,  some- times standing,  sometimes  seated.  In  some  in- stan<;es  Christ  is  represented  in  the  air  .... holding  over  the  head  of  each  a  crown  of  vic- tory ;  or  in  other  instances  a  single  crown  is suspended  between  the  two,  as  if  to  show  that in  their  death  they  were  not  divided.  This crown  becomes  sometimes  a  circle  surrounding the  labarum  or  chrisma,  which  is  often  sup- ported on  a  pillar,  thus  symbolising  'the  pillar and  ground  of  the  truth '  "  (Brownlow  and Northcote,  m.  s.  p.  285)."     We  have  also  single GLASS 733 "  These  learned  writers  try  to  persuade  themselves that  these  glasses  give  us  real  portraits  of  the  apostles, "excepting  a  few  which  are  of  veiy  inferior  execution." They  rely  principally  on  their  resemblance  to  a  bronze medal  said  to  have  been  found  in  the  cemetery  of  Domi- tilla,  now  in  the  Vatican,  of  which  they  give  a  beautiful figure  (pi.  xvll),  and  which  they  say  "  has  every  appear- ance of  having  been  executed  in  the  time  of  the  Flavian emperors,  when  Grecian  art  still  flourished  in  Rome." He  Rossi,  who  also  figures  this  medal  {Bull.  Arch.  Crist. examples  of  the  names  of  John,  Thomas,  Philip, and  Jude,  most  probably  the  apostles ;  and  two or  three  other  names  which  occur  in  the  New Testament,  are  also  found  :  Lucas,  Silvanus,  Timo- theus,  Stephen  (written  Istephanus) ;  these  are probably  the  same  persons  whose  names  are  men- tioned in  the  New  Testament.  (For  the  glasses on  which  these  names  occur,  see  Garrucci's  Index, p.  109.) There  are,  besides  the  persons  mentioned  in Scripture,  a  good  many  others  which  are  of  note in  ecclesiastical  history.  St.  Agnes  occurs  more than  a  dozen  times,  St.  Laurence  seven  times, and  St.  Hippolytus  four  times  ;  the  following among  others  occur  less  frequently,  St.  Cal- listus,  St.  Cyprian,  and  St.  Marcellinus,  the  last of  whom  was  martyred  under  Diocletian,  a.d.  304 (see  Garrucci's  Lulex,  as  above).  Besides  these, many  other  proper  names,  probably  of  the  pos- sessors, occur  either  along  with  their  miniatures or  without  them  (see  Garrucci's  Index,  as  before). There  is  nothing  which  deserves  to  be  called  a  real portrait  in  any  of  these  representations,  which are  mostly,  perhaps  all,  executed  in  the  debased style  of  the  4th  century  ;  and  as  the  saints  have no  emblems  attached  their  figures  have  biit  little interest.  We  have  also  on  these  glasses  scenes of  domestic  Christian  life — married  life,  and family  life.  The  occurrence  of  the  chrisma makes  their  Christian  character  certain :  where this  or  the  name  of  Christ  or  God  does  not  occur, it  is  rash  to  say  anything  definite  (Garrucci, taw.  xxvi. -xxxix.). A  few  more  words  may  suffice  for  the  inscrip- tions. The  acclamations,  of  which  several  speci- mens have  been  given,  are  mostly  of  a  convivial character,  and  either  in  Greek  (rarel}'),  or  in Latin  (most  usually),  or  in  a  mixture  of  the two  (not  unfrequently) :  "  none  of  them  at  all favour  the  supposition  that  they  were  used  as chalices.  Other  acclamations,  as  ViVATiS  in  Deo; and  Martvra  Epeciete  vivatis,  express  good wishes  to  the  married  couple  (id.  t.  xxvi.  11,  12^ On  a  very  few  of  the  glasses  we  have,  as  it  ap- pears, invocations  of  saints  or  legends  which acknowledge  their  patronage.  Thus  a  broken fragment  has  PETRVS  PROTEG. ;  whether  any letters  followed,  it  is  impossible  to  say :  the word  may  either  be  protegit  or  protegat  or  even protege  {id.  t.  x.  f.  1).  Another  fine  but  meagre fragment  exhibits  the  Saviour  (apparently)  with the  chrisma  and  the  a  and  a,  bearing  a  Latin cross  with  legend,  ..  ..\^¥.  {Salviane,  or  some other  proper  name)  vivas  in  Cr[isto  et]  Lav- RENTio  {id.  t.  XX.  f.  1).  Another  {n.  s.  f.  2),  which is  also  broken,  but  slightly,  has  ViTO  (or  perhaps Victor)  [viv]as  in  nomine  Lavreti  (for  Lau- renti).  The  inscription  PETRVS,  written  in  two instances  against  Moses  striking  the  rock  {id.  t.  x. Nov.  1864),  thinks  It  is  of  the  second  or  third  century. NotwiiJistanding  these  high  but  somewhat  discordant authorities,  the  wnter  ventures  to  express  his  own  strong suspicion  that  the  style  of  the  medal  bespeaks  the  age  of the  Renaissance ;  it  is  most  probably  of  the  15th  century or  thereabouts. »  We  give  here  two  or  three  of  this  mixed  character: CvM  Tvis  FELiciTF.K  ZESES  (Garr.  t.  xii.  1) ;    Dignitas AJlICOI£VM   riE    ZK8KS    CVM    TVIS  OMNIBVS    BIBK   ET  PRO- piNA  (t.  xii.  2).  (Both  the  above  glasses  have  figures  of Peter  and  Paul,  with  their  names  added.)  On  the  same plate  are  other  examples  of  bilingual  redundancy :  such as— Vivas  pib  zesks,  vivas  cvm  tvis  zfses. 734 GLASS f.  9;  Brownlow  and  Northcote,  n.  s.  pi.  xvii.  2, and  p.  287),  is  also  of  some  theological  import- ance as  indicating  that  Peter  was  then  looked upon  as  the  Moses  of  the  new  Israel  of  God,  as Prudentius  speaks.  The  honour,  however,  ap- pears to  be  divided  between  Peter  and  Paul  on another  glass,  unfortunately  mutilated.  Christ stands  on  a  hill  between  Peter  and  Paul.  Above is  the  common  legend  PIE  Z[ESES]  :  below  are the  words  lERVSALE  .  lORDANES  .  BECLE (for  Bethlehem,  C  =  ©  ?).  Peter  is  here  the  apostle of  the  Jews,  Paul  of  the  Gentiles,  who  first  wor- shipped the  Saviour  at  Bethlehem.  Below  are sheep  adoring  the  Lamb  on  a  hill  between  them, symbolising  both  churches  (Garrucci,  t.  x.  f.  8.) The  orthogi-aphy  of  the  legends  is  sometimes barbarous.P  Thus  Jesus  is  written  ZESVX (viii.  5);  Zesvs  (vii.  17),  &c.  Christvs  is spelt  Cristvs  (viii.  5,  xii.  1,  &c.) ;  Timothevs becomes  TniOTEVS  (xvii.  2) ;  Hippolytvs,  Epo- LiTVS  (xix.  7),  or  Ippoltvs  (sxv.  5) ;  Cyprianvs, Cripranvs  (xx.  6);  Svcixvs,  Tzvcinvs  (xxviii. 6);  Severe,  Sebere  (xxix.  5);  Philippvs, FiLPVS  (xxv.  6).  We  have  also  Bibas  for  Vivas (vi.  7);  ViBATis  for.ViVATis(xxix.  4);  Im  pace for    In    Pace    (vii.  2,  xv.  3);   PIE    for    niE The  Adoration  of  the  Fbv (i.  3,  &c.)  ;  PiEZ  for  Uiris  (xxvi.  10).  There  are a  few  other  instances  of  similar  orthogi'aphic changes,  to  say  nothing  of  such  blunders  as Digntias  for  DiGNiTAS,  and  Critsvs  for  Cristvs (Christus)  (Garr.  p.  53). The  dates  of  the:fe  works  are  defined  to  some  ex- tent by  their  subjects.  On  one  of  them  (xxxiii.  5) a  heap  of  money  is  depicted,  among  which  we  re- cognise the  coins  of  Caracalla  and  one  of  the  Faus- tinas. On  another,  as  has  been  said,  occurs  the name  of  Marcellinus,  probably  the  bishop  of Rome,  martyred  A.D.  30-t.i  The  martyrdom  of St.  Agnes,  who  is  so  often  represented,  probably took  place  about  the  same  time.  The  appear- ance of  the  dress,  arrangement  of  the  hair,  and of  the  general  art  and  orthography  induces  Gar- rucci {Pref.  p.  ix.)  to  consider  them  all  anterior to  Theodosius  (A.D.  380).     De  Rossi  attempts  a p  Garrucci  lays  stress  on  this  orthography  for  fixing the  date  :  "  questa  maniera  di  scrittura  cos'i  costante  rin- via  al  secolo  quarto"  (pref.  p.  ix.).  He  appears  to  con- sider that  these  glasses  all  belong  to  that  century. '1  'the  martyrdoms  of  Vincfiitius  and  of  Genesius, whose  names  similarly  occur,  also  to.k  dace  under  Dio- cletian (Garrucci,  pief.  pp.  viii.  ix.). GLASS more  precise  limitation,  and  thinks  that  they range  from  the  middle  of  the  3rd  to  the  be- ginning of  the  4th  century  (Brownlow  and Northcote,  u.  s.  p.  279).  We  shall  probably  be  not far  wrong  in  saying  that  few  or  none  of  them  are much  earlier  or  later  than  the  4th  century ."■  The art  of  the  coins  of  that  century,  as  well  as  of  the MS.  illuminations  which  are  assigned  to  about the  same  age,  strongly  remind  us  of  these  glasses, more  especially  of  those  on  which  the  chrisma is  depicted.*  The  execution  of  some  glasses  is indeed  better  than  that  of  others,  and  occasion- ally reaches  considerable  excellence  ;  but  to  speak generally,  they  belong  to  a  period  m  which  taste and  vigour  and  correctness  of  drawing  have  sen- sibly declined.  They  possess,  however,  apart  from their  main  subjects,  much  interest  as  showing  the styles  of  borders  and  other  ornamentations  then prevalent,  besides  giving  costume  and  a  variety of  domestic  objects.' With  regard  to  the  uses  of  these  glasses  a  con- sideration of  the  types,  coupled  with  the  inscrip- tions, will  lead  us  to  secure  conclusions.  Even if  it  were  well  established  "  that  in  Tertullian's "•  Mr.  Marriott  (^Testim.  of  the  Catacombs,  p.  16),  after observing  that  "  these  glasses,  with  few  exceptions,  belong to  a  period  of  veiy  degraded  art,'  considers  that  "  there are  very  strong  reasons  of  a  technical  Ijind,  in  reference  to the  use  of  the  nimbus,  for  assigning  many  of  them  to  the 5th,  if  not  to  the  6th  century."  But  if  these  glasses  were found  in  the  catacombs,  it  is  hardly  possible  to  place  any of  them  later  than  the  first  quarter  of  the  5th  century: after  the  year  410  no  inscriptions  occur  in  the  catacombs, and  they  have  become  rarer  and  rarer  from  the  beginning of  the  last  quarter  of  the  4th  century.  See  Insckiptions. It  Is  true  that  •'  Popes  Syinmachus  Vigilius  and  John  III. did  their  best  to  repair  the  damage  which  had  been  done in  the  catacombs  by  the  Lomliards  and  others"  in  re- storing the  inscriptions  of  Pope  Damasus,  but  they  would scarcely  have  replaced  the  glass  vessels  which  had  been stuck  into  the  cement  which  closed  the  graves.  See Brownlow  and  Northcote,  u.s.  p.  170. 8  The  chrisma  with  the  a  and  w  (xxxix.  1)  is  identical in  treatment  with  the  same  types  upon  tlie  coins  of  Con- stantius  II.,  Magnentius,  and  Decentius.  And  this  mono- gram, whenever  it  occurs,  with  scarcely  an  exception  (see, however,  xvii.  7,  where  the  general  style  and  art  differ also),  is  of  the  same  form  (J^)  that  is  usual  on  the  coins of  the  fourth  century:  another  form  fQ^  is  said  to occur  on  a  coin  of  Licinius  jun.  (Garrucci,  Numism.  Con- stanlin.  p.  102;  appendix  to  his  Vetri  Ornati)  . t  Martigny  observes  that  those  of  the  best  work  (in- stancing the  Good  Shepherd,  Garr.  vii.  1,  reproduced  here, which  is  perbapithe  best  executed  of  all  and  the  oldest) have  Greek  legends,  being  probably  the  work  of  Greek artists  (Diet.  p.  279). "  Is  it  altogether  certain  that  calices  are  chalices  for the  communion?  St.  Ambrose  speaks  of  those  "qui calices  ad  sepulcra  martyrum  deferunt  atque  ilUc  in vexperam  bibuvt "  (De  obtest,  et.  sacr.  potant.).  If  not,  it may  then  well  be  that  TertuUian  Is  alluding  to  some such  glasses  as  these :  but  scarcely  any  which  remain  to us  can  be  so  early  as  a.d.  200.  Chrysostom  (Homil.  in iS.  Melet.)  says  that  the  portrait  of  Meletius  was  de- picted Iv  cKirwaaa-i  koX  (j>i.a\ais ;  such  vessels  may  pos- sibly have  been  similar  to  those  of  which  we  have  speci- mens; if  so,  the  art  will  probably  be  Asiatic  as  well  as European.  We  have  indeed  a  bottom  of  a  small  glass vessel  which  simply  reads  Mf.liti  (for  Meleti  probably) DVLCis  AKI5IA  (.xxxviii.  4)  :  yet  this  can  hardly  be  the same  person ;  it  may  be  a  present  from  a  parent  to  a child,  or  the  like.  The  remark  of  Cardinal  Wiseman appears  to  be  well  founded,  that  "  not  a  single  author, certainly   not  a  single    profane   author,    mentions    the GLASS time  the  Good  Shepherd  was  depicted  on  chalices, possibly  glass  chalices  ("  procedant  ipsae  picturae calicum  vestrorum,  si  vel  in  illis  perlucebit  inter- pretatio,"  De  pudicit.  c.  7  ;  see  also  c.  10),  there is  certainly  nothing  in  these  glasses  bearing  that type  or  any  other  type,  which  would  bear  out the  conclusion  that  they  were  chalices  for  the communion."  They  were  at  once  sacred  and  con- vivial, and  must  therefore  have  been  used  in meetings  which  were  both  one  and  the  other. Such  wei'B  the  agapae,  such  were  the  commemo- rations of  martyrs,  such  were  Christian  mar- riages. On  all  such  occasions,  and  perhaps  others, these  glasses  were  used ;  more  especially,  it  may be,  in  the  commemorations  of  St.  Peter  and  St. Paul  (so  often  represented  thereon),  which  were "  observed  as  a  general  holiday  in  Rome  during the  fourth  century,  very  much  as  Christmas  now is  among  ourselves"  (Brownlow  and  Northcote, M.  s.  p.  283).  In  a  well-known  passage  of  St. Augustine  {Confess,  vi.  2),  he  mentions  that  his mother  Monica  never  took  more  than  one  cup (^pocillum)  to  the  commemoration  of  the  various martyrs — implying  that  some  took  more ;  pei-- haps  bearing  effigies  of  the  particular  martyrs  to be  commemorated. With  regard  to  the  plates,  large  fragments  of which  have  been  found  at  Cologne  and  smaller ones  at  Rome,  as  well  as  impressions  in  mortar of  entire  plates  at  the  latter  place,  the  most obvious  and  natural  interpretation  of  them  would be  that  they  were  made  use  of  in  the  same  fes- tivities as  those  in  which  the  glass  cups  were employed.  Monica,  at  Milan,  as  her  son  informs us,  "  brought  to  the  commemorations  of  the Saints,  as  was  the  custom  in  Africa,  pulse  and bread  and  wine  "  {Confess,  vi.  2).  We  may  then reasonably  suppose  that  these  plates  were  for  the purpose  of  holding  the  bread  or  other  solid  food used  in  the  same  commemorations  as  those  in which  wine  was  drunk.  A  different  view,  how- ever, as  was  perhaps  to  be  expected,  is  taken  of them  by  those  who  (like  Messrs.  Brownlow  and Northcote)  think  that  "  it  is  quite  possible  that some  of  our  glasses  may  be  fragments  of  chalices" (m.  s.  p.  293).  Anastasius  in  the  Vitae  Pontif. s.  V.  Zephyrinus,  says  "  that  he  made  it  a  consti- tution of  the  church,  that  ministers  should  carry glass  patens  (patenae  vitrea:')  into  the  church  in front  of  the  priests,  while  the  bishop  celebrated mass  with  the  priests  standing  before  him,  and that  in  this  manner  .  .  .  the  priest  should  re- ceive the  bread  to  administer  it  to  the  people." Messrs.  Brownlow  and  Northcote,  commenting  on this  passage,  say  (m.  s.  p.  29o)  :  "  The  fragments of  the  two  large  patenae  discovered  at  Cologne, correspond  exactly  to  the  kind  of  glass  here  men- tioned. The  scriptural  subjects  and  the  absence of  any  allusions  to  secular  feasting  "  there  are  no inscriptions  at  all  on  these  glasses  "  accord  well with  so  sacred  a  purpose,  and  we  may  therefore fairly  presume  that  those  other  smaller  glasses" found  in  Rome,  "of  which  we  have  also  spoken, may    also    be    remains    of  the   patenae   used  to GLASS 735 existence  of  this  art"  {Lecture,  p.  7).  The  most  that can  be  said  is  that  Te-tiiUian  and  Chrysostom  may  pos- sibly allude  to  it.  I'he  passage  quoted  by  Garrucci  from tlio  monk  Tlieophilus  {Din.  Art.  Sdied.  c.  13),  who  pro- bably lived  about  the  12ih  century,  refers  to  a  different mode  of  di'coration,  as  he  himself  observes  (prcf.  p.  vi.). •  AsBoldetti  and  varions  oihershave  thoiiglit.    Their arguments  are  discussed  by  Ciarrucci  (pref.  pp.  x.-.\iii  ) convey  the  Blessed  Sacrament  from  the  pope's altar  to  the  parish  churches  of  Rome.  Padre Garrucci  thinks  this  not  improbable,  although he  does  not  admit  that  any  of  our  catacomb glasses  ever  formed  portions  of  eucharistic  cha- lices." The  reader  must  be  left  to  form  his  own opinion,  but  the  subjects  on  the  patenae  being much  the  same  as  those  on  the  bottoms  of  the cups,  it  seems  to  be  by  far  the  most  probable supposition,  that  the  purpose  of  the  plates  and of  the  cups  was  one  and  the  same,  whatever  that purpose  was.  (Garrucci,  Vetri  ornati  di  figure  in oro,  Roma,  1858  and  1864  (ed.  2),  fol.  42  plates  : the  preface  contains  an  account  of  the  literature of  the  subject,  pp.  xvii.  xviii.  and  a  discussion of  the  date  and  use  of  these  vessels ;  De  Rossi, Bull.  Arch.  Crist,  for  1864  and  18G6;  Brownlow and  Northcote,  Jioma  Sotterranea,  c.  vii.  1869. Wiseman  (Card.),  Lecture  delivered  in  Dublin, 1858,  published  by  M.  Walsh,  Dublin,  1859  ;  cer- tainly not  revised  by  the  Cardinal  himself,  but giving  a  fair  view  of  the  subject  in  a  short space.) (iii.)  Glass  pastes. —  Another  use  of  glass among  Christian  as  well  as  other  artists  was  to make  imitations  or  copies  of  gems  therein.  A few  such  have  come  down  to  our  times.  A  paste in  imitation  of  red  jasper,  published  by  Le  Blant, which  exhibits  a  Pastor  Bonus  of  the  usual  tvpe, with  the  legend  AOTAOC  XPICTOT,  may  serve as  an  example  (Bockh,  C.  /.  G.  n.  9093).  Other gem  pastes  in  imitation  of  niccolo  and  garnet exhibit  varieties  of  the  chrisma  (British  Museum, Castellani  Collection).  Of  more  importance  are the  following.  A  Nativity,  in  green  glass,  pub- lished by  Venuti  (Acad,  di  Cortona,  t.  vii.  p.  45), and  described  and  figured  by  Martigny  (Diet.  p. 431),  which  is  ascribed  to  the  6th  century ;  it is  a  semicircular  plaque,  bearing  the  words  H TENNHCIC  above,  and  a  defaced  legend  below: the  Magi  adore  the  Saviour,  at  whom  an  ox  and an  ass  are  gazing:  Mary  is  lying  on  a  bed,  and Joseph  is  seated  in  meditation.  The  Vettori  Mu- seum, now  in  the  Vatican,  has  a  large  oval  plaque of  coloured  glass  (Vettori,  Num.  Aer.  expl.  p.  37  ; Martigny,  Diet.  p.  431,  with  a  figure),  which seems  to  be  early  medieval ;  it  is  also  a  Nativity : the  infant  Saviour  has  a  cruciform  nimbus  ;  two oxen  look  at  him  in  the  manger ;  Joseph  and Mary  are  seated  near  him ;  the  moon  and  the star  of  the  Magi  are  in  the  field.  (A  cast  sent from  Rome  ;  the  British  Museum  has  three  other examples  cast  from  the  same  mould ;  one  is  red, in  imitation  of  jasper ;  the  others  are  of  deep colour.)  See  Nativity.  A  large  glass  plaque of  the  same  general  form,  but  less  regular  (If by  2^  inches),  now,  it  is  believed,  in  the  Vatican, of  uncertain  date,  represents  a  dead  saint  pros- trate ;  in  the  centre  a  semiaureole  resting  upon her,  including  the  Virgin  with  cruciform  nimbus and  Child  without  any  nimbus,  a  glorified  head with  circular  nimbus  (Joseph  ?)  near  the  Virgin's knees,  lu  xc  in  field  :  outside  the  aureole  on both  sides  saints  and  angels  (both  with  circular nimbus)  in  the  act  of  adoration  :  perhaps  early medieval.  (A  cast  sent  from  Rome.)  We  have also  glass  pastes  nearly  an  inch  in  diameter which  are  supposed  to  have  been  pendants  for necklaces,  and  are  considered  to  go  back  to  the early  Christian  centuries :  one  in  green  glass shews  two  Israelites  contemplating  the  brasen serpent ;  another,  a  red   paste,  lias  tlie  Saviour 736 GLEBE 0  M  N 1  B  V  s blessing  the  twelve  apostles  ;  a  third,  probabl}' Christian,  has  a  frog,  which  was  sometimes  taken as  a  symbol  of  the  Resurrection,  being  found  on  a Christian  lamp,  accompanied  by  a  cross  and  the inscription,  EFto  EIMI  ANACTACIC  (Chabou- illet,  nos.  3474,  3475,  3453).  M.  Le  Blant  has a  small  oblong  glass  plaque,  which  he  acquired in  Rome,  which  was  once,  he  thinks,  part  of  an  an- cient Christian  necklace  ;  it  bears in  golden  characters  the  word in  two  lines,  enclosed  in  a  paral- lelogram and  a  crenulated  outer ^  margin.  He  regards  it  as  a '•  concise  expression  of  the  charity  which  should unite  all  men  "  (^Insc.  Chr^t.  de  la  Gaule,  vol.  i. p.  43,  with  a  figure).  The  British  Museum and  the  French  Collection  contain  various  other Christian  works  in  this  material,  some  of which  are  more  or  Jess  similar  to  those  which have  been  already  described,  or  to  the  Byzantine camei  named  under  Gems  ;  but  as  they  are  of uncertain  date  (perhaps  none  of  them  being earlier  than  the  9th  century^'  while  some  may probably  be  much  later)  they  need  hardly  be mentioned  here. (iv.)  Mosaics. — Glass,  in  fine,  was  employed from  very  early  times  in  the  construction  of mosaics.  The  cubes  were  sometimes  coloured ; sometimes,  in  the  ages  of  the  Lower  Empire, underlaid  with  a  ground  of  gold  or  silver  leaf, "  by  this  means  shedding  over  the  large  works  of the  artists  in  mosaic  a  splendour  before  un- known "  (Labarte,  u.  s.  p.  94).     See  Mosaics. [C.  B.] GLEBE.  The  word  Gleha  is  used  for  a  farm or  estate  in  the  Theodosian  Codex  (^Leg.  72;  De Decurion.') ;  but  the  technical  sense  in  which it  is  used  by  English  writers,  to  designate  certain lands  belonging  to  an  ecclesiastical  benefice,  is later  than  our  period.  See  Endowment,  Pro- perty OF  THE  Church.  [C] GLORIA.    [Nimbus.] GLORIA  IN  EXCELSIS.  There  is  con- siderable difficulty  in  tracing  out  the  history  of this  hymn,  because  at  one  period  both  it  and  the Sanctus  were  entitled  indiscriminately  Hymnus Angolicm.  In  later  years  the  latter  is  called Hymnus  Seraphicus ;  whilst  the  title  Hymnus Angclicus  or  Ht/mnus  Angelorum  is  confined  to the  former.  The  hymn  is  found  in  various forms. 1.  We  have  simply  the  words  of  St.  Luke,  ii. 14.  This  is  of  course  the  primitive  form,  every- thing that  has  been  added  to  it  having  been composed,— as  the  4th  council  of  Toledo  (a.d. 633,  Mansi,  x.  623)  reminds  us, — by  the ecclesiastical  doctors.  For  this  reason  the  coun- cil would  not  allow  any  expanded  form  to  be sung  in  the  churches.  In  this  short  form  the words  were  recited  by  the  priest,  according  to the  liturgy  of  St.  James,  when  the  priest "  sealed  "  the  gifts.  (Daniel,  Codex  Liturgicus, iv.  103.)  The  same  simple  form  may  be  seen elsewhere :  and  is  continued  to  this  day  in  the y  A  bust  of  the  Saviour  (to  be  compared  with  the earlier  Byzantine  coins)  on  a  circular  plaque  of  blue  glass (li  inch  in  diameter)  brought  from  Constantinople,  now in  the  Slade  Collection ;  aud  a  paste  polychrome  rosette, inscribed  BENEDICAT  NOS  IJ^  (ChabouiUet,  n.  3478) may  probably  not  be  later  than  that  century.  ! GLORIA  IN  EXCELSIS morning    service    of  the    Horology    (p.    35,    ed. Venice,  1870). 2.  The  seventh  book  of  the  Apostolic  Constitu- tions, c.  47,  contains  an  enlarged  form  of  the hymn, — without  any  introduction  in  the  oldest manuscript;  but  two,  of  the  14th  and  16th  cen- tury respectively,  entitle  the  chapter  "  Morning Prayer."  (Lagarde,  p.  229.)  .  This  version  has  u peculiar  reading:  "We  worship  Thee  through the  great  High  Priest,  Thee  who  art  one  God,  un- begotten,  alone,  inapproachable."  We  read  too "  0  Lord,  only  begotten  Son,  Jesus  Christ,  and Holy  Spirit."  The  hymn  ends  "  Thou  only  art ' holy.  Thou  only  art  Lord,  Jesus  Christ,  to  the glory  of  God  the  Father.     Amen." 3.  The  treatise  which  is  ascribed  to  Athana- sius  "  de  Virginitate  "  (Migne,  xxviii.  251)  is  un- doubtedly spurious,  but  it  gives  some  insight into  the  life  of  a  Greek  virgin,  within  our  chro- nological limits.  In  §  20  (Migne,  ut  sup.  275) we  read  "  In  the  morning,  say  the  Psalm  0  God, my  God,  early  will  I  seek  Thee  (Psalm  Ixii.). At  dawn,  the  'Benedicite'  and  Glory  to  God  ia the  Highest,  and  the  rest."  This  is  the  reading of  the  Basle  and  English  MSS.  But  others  pro- ceed with  the  first  three  clauses :  "  We  hymn Thee,  we  bless  Thee,  we  worship  Thee,  and  the rest."  As  this  difference  of  the  text  may  be  due to  a  late  interpolation,  we  are  left  in  uncertainty as  to  the  words  of  the  hymn  when  this  treatise was  composed.  (Mr.  Palmer,  Orig.  Liturg.  ii.  158 does  not  note  the  doubts  regarding  this  passage.) 4.  The  famous  Codex  Alexandrinus  in  the British  Museum,  of  the  close  of  the  5th  century, puts  some  of  our  doubts  at  rest.  This  manu- script, after  the  psalms,  contains  the  thirteen canticles  of  the  Greek  church  :  i.  the  song  of Moses  in  Exodus ;  ii.  ditto  in  Deuteronomy ;  iii. the  prayer  of  Hannah ;  iv.  prayer  of  Isaiah (xxvi.  9-20):  v.  prayer  of  Jonah;  vi.  of  Habak- kuk;  vii.  of  Hezekiah  (Isaiah,  xxxviii.);  viii.  of Manasseh  ;  ix.  prayer  of  the  three  children {^vK6yr]Tos,  Daniel  iii.  26)  :  x.  hymn  of  the  three children  (our  Benedicite)  entitled  "  Hymn  of  our fathers ;  "  xi.  prayer  of  Mary,  the  Mother  of God;  sii.  ofSymeon;  xiii.  ofZachariah  (compare Canticles).  These  conclude  with  the  Gloria  in Excelsis  in  Greek,  the  hymn  being  entitled vixvos  kw&ivSs.  This  version  has  been  often printed,  as  by  Usher,  in  his  tract  De  symbolo Romano :  Bunsen,  Analecta  ante-Nicaena,  iii.  86  ; Dr.  Campion,  Interleaved  Prayer  Book,  1873,  p. 321.  It  differs  slightly  from  the  version  of  the Apostolic  Constitutions,  and  proceeds  with  words which  distinctively  mark  it  as  a  morning  hymn, some  of  which  words  have  passed  into  our  Te Deum.  It  is  thus  found  in  the  beautiful  Zurich psalter  reprinted  by  Tischendorf  in  his  Monu- menta  Sacra,  and  in  other  great  psalters ;  and, in  a  form  very  nearly  resembling  this,  it  is  used in  the  Greek  communion  to  this  day  (Horology, lit  snp>.  pp.  69,  70). 5.  A  Latin  translation  of  this  Greek  version  of the  "  Gloria  in  Excelsis,"  adapted  for  evening prayer,  is  contained  in  the  book  of  hymns  of  the ancient  Irish  church,  which  once  belonged  to Archbishop  Usher,  and  which  has  been  edited  for the  Irish  Archaeological  and  Celtic  Society  by Dr.  Todd  (part  ii.  p.  179).  In  the  famous  Bangor antiphonary  discovered  at  Milan  by  Muratori, and  reprinted  imperfectly  by  him  in  his  Anecdotn torn.  iv.  pp.   121,  &c.  (see  Migne,  torn.  72)  we GLORIA  IN  EXCELSIS find  at  the  very  end  "  ad  vesperum  et  ad  matu-  I tinum  :  Gloria  in  Escelsis  Deo  et  in  terra  pax  &c." but  Muratori  unhappily  did  not  copy  it  out. Thus  we  are  ignorant  of  the  text.  However,  the hymn  given  by  Thomasius  (Psalterium  cum canticis,  Rom.  1697,  p.  760,  or  Oper.  torn.  iii.  p. 613)  as  the  Hymnus  Angelicus  of  the  Ambrosian breviary,  is  another  and  independent  translation of  the  Greek  form  of  the  hymn.  It  was  directed to  be  used  daily  at  matins. 6.  Thus  it  seems  clear  that  when  the  well known  Latin  form  of  the  hymn  was  inserted  in the  Latin  psjilters,  it  was  used  in  the  daily  or weekly  hour  services  of  the  clergy.  We  have additional  evidence  of  this  in  the  rule  of  Caesa- rius,  c.  xxi.  and  in  that  of  Aurelian.  It  is there  ordered  to  be  used  at  matins  on  Sundays. 7.  This  Latin  form  Bunsen  considered  to  have been  as  old  as  Hilary  of  Poictiers,  to  whom indeed  Alcuin  ascribed  the  additions  to  the  scrip- ture words.  The  Roman  Catholic  ritualists  are not  satisfied  with  the  testimony  of  Alcuin,  and seem  to  consider  that  the  hymn  in  the  modern Latin  form  is  of  more  recent  origin.  Yet  it  is found  in  this  form  in  a  very  interesting  manu- script in  the  British  Museum — Royal  2  A  xx. — which  is  of  the  eighth  century  :  in  the  famous Codex  Bohiensis,  from  which  Mabillon  extracted the  "  Sacramentarium  Gallicanum "  {Museum Italicum,  i.  273 ;  jMuratori,  Liturg.  Rom.  Vet.  ii. 776  ;  or  Migne,  72,  p.  455) :  m  the  so-called Mozarabic  liturgy  ascribed  to  St.  Isidore  (see Migne,  85,  p.  531)  and  in  a  form  very  slightly different  in  the  Gothic  breviary  (Migne,  86,  p. 886). 8.  The  first  introduction  of  the  "  Gloria  in Excelsis  "  into  the  Eucharistic  service  has  been ascribed  to  Telesphorus,  but  no  confidence  can  be placed  in  the  'tradition.  The  sacramentary  of Gregory  directed  that  a  bishop  might  use  the "  Gloria  in  Excelsis  "  on  all  Sundays  and  festi- vals :  a  presbyter  only  at  Easter.  This  rule continued  long  in  the  Roman  church,  and  con- stituted one  point  of  difl'erence  between  the Roman  and  Galilean  churches,  in  the  latter  of which  no  such  difl'erence  between  bishop  and presbyter  had  been  observed.  Etherius  and Beatus  shew  that  in  Spain  they  always  sang  it on  Sundays  and  festivals  ;  but  they  quote  only the  scriptural  words,  and  if  we  bear  in  mind  the decree  of  Toledo,  we  may  suppose  that  only these  words  were  used  (the  Mozarabic  liturgy shews  many  marks  of  interpolations).  In  the liturgies  the  hymn  was  generally  sung  at  the commencement  of  the  service :  but  Mr.  Palmer notes  that  in  the  Galilean  sacramentary  (see above)  it  was  used  amongst  the  thanksgivings after  communion. 9.  The  absence  of  the  hymn  from  St.  Ger- manus's  account  of  the  Galilean  liturgy  has  been noted.  He  says  that  the  words  at  the  end  of  the gospel,  "Glory  be  to  Thee  0  Lord,"  were  uttered in  imitation  (?)  of  the  angels'  words  "  Glory  to God  in  the  highest  "  (clamantibus  clericis  Gloria tibi  Domine  in  specie  angelorum  qui  nascente Domino  Gloria  in  excelsis  pastoribus  apparenti- bus  cecinerunt.  Migne,  72,  p.  91).  St.  Germa- nus  died  about  the  year  585  or  587.  This seems  to  give  a  superior  limit  to  its  introduction into  the  eucharistic  service. 10.  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  whilst  the Alexandrine  manuscript  has    in  the  text  of  St. CHRIST.  ANT. GOD  THE  FATHER 737 Luke  evSoKias  (the  reading  of  X*  B*  D)  yet  in the  morning  hymn  it  as  well  as  all  the  other copies  of  the  hymn  read  €u5o/cia.  [C.  A.  S.] GLORIA  PATRI.     [Doxology.] GLOVES.  (xfipoe^Tj:  Chirotheca,  Gantus, Gu-antus,  Vantits,  Wantus,  Wanto.)  It  would seem  that  gloves  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  word were  unknown  to  the  early  Greeks  and  Romans. (See  on  this  point  Casaubon's  Animadv.  in  Athe- naeum, xii.  2.)  That  they  were  in  use,  how- ever, among  the  ancient  Persians  appears  from Xenophon  {Cyropaedia,  viii.  8.  17).  The  Euro- pean custom  of  wearing  them  seems  to  have originated  with  the  German  nations,  as  the Teutonic  origin  of  the  common  Latin  word  for them  clearly  shews :  and  although,  as  an  eccle- siastical vestment,  properly  so  called,  gloves  do not  appear  till  the  12th  century  (the  first  extant mention  of  them  in  that  character  being  in Honorius  Augustodunensis,  ob.  circa  1152  A.D.), they  had  been  used  for  centuries  as  articles  of practical  convenience.  Thus  we  find  them  men- tioned in  the  life  of  St.  Columbanus,  by  Jonas Bobbiensis  (formerly  included  among  the  works of  Bede)  — "  teguraenta  manuum  quae  Galli wantos  vocant "  ( Vita  S.  Columhani,  c.  25  ; Patrol.  Ixxxvii.  1026).  In  the  above  instance, the  gloves  are  spoken  of  as  used  "  ad  operam laboris,"  but  sometimes  they  were  obviously  of a  costly  nature,  for  in  the  will  of  Riculfus, bishop  of  Helena  (ob.  915  a.d.),  in  a  long  list  of valuable  articles,  he  mentions  "annulum  aureum unum  cum  gemmis  pretiosis  et  vuantos  paria unum  "  {Patrol,  cxxxii.  468). The  employment  of  a  glove  in  connection  with the  granting  or  bequeathing  of  land,  is  a  custom which  hardly  falls  within  our  present  limits : an  example  may,  however,  be  given.  (See Notgeri  Leodiensis  [ob.  1008  A.D.]  Vita  S.  Hadi- lini,  c.  10;  Patrol,  cxxxix.  1146:  also  Martene, Anecd.  i.  57.)  For  further  early  references  to the  subject  of  gloves,  see  Ducange's  Glossarium. s.  vv.  [R-  S.] GLYCERIA,  martyr  A.v.  141 ;  commemo- rated May  13  {Cal.  Byzant.}.  [W.  F.  G.] GNOSTIC.    [Faithful.] GOAR,  presbyter  and  confessor  at  Treves (saec.  VI.)  ;  "  natalis  "  July  6  {Mart.  Pom.  Vet., Usuardi) ;  deposition  July  6  {Mart.  Adonis). [W.  F.G.] GOD  THE  J'ATHER,  Representations OF.*  For  the  first  four  centuries,  at  least,  no attempt  was  made  at  representing  the  actual Presence  of  the  First  Person  of  the  Trinity.  It was  indicated  invariably  by  the  symbolic  hand proceeding  from  a  cloud.  Martigny  quotes  the words  of  St.  Augustine  {Epiist.  cxlviii.  4),  "Quum audimus  manus,  operationem  intelligere  debe- mus,"  from  which  it  would  seem  that  the  great father  saw  a  tendency  to  anthropomorphic  mis- application of  the  words  hand  and  eye,  or  ear of  God,  as  they  are  frequently  used  in  the  Old Testament.  The  distinction  between  analogy and  similitude  has  been  so  often  neglected,  that bodily  parts  as  well  as  passions  (liiie  those  of auger,  repentance,  &c.)  are  often  attributed  to »  Most  representations  of  the   Divine  presence  have thoir  proper  place  under  the  word  Trinity. 3    B 738 GODFATHERS the  incorporeal  and  infinite  being.  This  has been  repeatedly  noticed,  as  (e.  g.)  by  Drs.  Whately and  Mansel.  St.  Augustine's  expressions  show that  he  was  thoroughly  awake  to  the  miscon- ception, and  consequent  irreverence,  involved  in the  forgetful  use  of  such  terms  as  the  Divine hand  or  eye  for  the  Divine  power  or  know- ledge. "  Quidquid,"  he  says,  "  dum  ista  cogitas, corporeae  similitudinis  occurrerit,  abige,  abnue, nega,  respue,  fuge." The  symbolic  hand  appears  in  Christian  repre- sentations of  several  subjects  from  the  Old  Testa- ment, principally  connected  with  events  in  the lives  of  Abraham  and  Moses.  The  two  are  found corresponding  to  each  other  in  Bottari  (Sculture  c Pitt,  sagre,  vol.  i.  tav.  27  ;  also  i.  tav.  89).  Moses is  receiving  the  book  of  the  law  in  ii.  tav.  128. Klsewhere  Abraham  is  alone  (vol.  ii.  tav.  59, and  i.  tav.  33,  from  the  Callixtine  catacomb). In  vol.  iii.  37  (from  cemetery  of  St.  Agnes),  the Deity  appears  to  be  represented  in  human  form, rie  is  delivering  to  Adam  and  Eve  respectively the  ears  of  corn  and  the  lamb,  as  tokens  of  the labours  of  their  fallen  state,  and  their  sentence to  "  delve  and  spin."  See  also  Buonaruotti,  p.  1. Cardinal  Bosio,  and  latterly  M.  Perret  (vol.  i.  .57 pi.),  give  a  copy  of  a  painting  of  Moses  striking the  rock,  and  also  in  the  act  of  loosening  the shoe  from  his  foot.  Ciampini's  plates  (  Fei.  Jfo?i. t.  ii.  pp.  81,  tav.  xxiv.  also  taw.  xvi.  and  xx. tav.  xvii.  D.)  are  important  illustrations  of  this symbol,  more  especially  those  of  the  mosaic  of the  Transfiguration  in  St.  ApoUinaris  in  Classe, and  of  the  Sacrifice  of  Isaac  in  St.  Vitale.  The author  does  not  find  the  hand  as  representing tlie  First  Person  of  the  Trinity  in  pictures  of  the baptism  of  our  Loi'd ;  but  it  probably  occurs  in tliat  connexion. The  hand  proceeding  ft-om  clouds  appears  in the  Sacramentary  written  for  Drogon  bishop  of Metz,  and  son  of  Charlemagne,  above  the  Canon of  the  Mass. The  Creator  is  represented  in  the  MS.  of  Al- cuin.     See  Westv/ood's  Palaeographia  Sacra. [R.  St.  J.  T.] GODFATHERS.    [Sponsors.] GOLDEN  NUMBER.     [Easter.] GOOD  FRIDAY.  The  anniversary  of Christ's  Passion  and  Death  was  from  very  early times  observed  with  great  solemnity  by  the church.  It  was  known  by  various  names,  ^/ie'po ToC  aravpov,  atarripia,  or  to  auTJipia  ;  Tratrxa (TTaupdcrtixov,  in  contrast  to  Tracrxa  avacrTacnixov, Easter  Day  ;  or,  adopting  the  Jewish  designation (Joh.  xix.  14,  31,  42),  irapaaKevri,  either  alone, or  with  the  adjectives  fxeydXy},  or  071a :  in  the Latin  church  Farasceue,  Feria  Sexta  in  Para- scene  {Antipkonar.  Gregor.),  Sexta  Feria  Major, in  Hierusalem  (^Sacramentar.  Gregor.').  The  day was  observed  as  a  strict  fast,  which  was  conti- nued by  those  who  could  endure  it  to  beyond midnight  on  the  following  day  (Apost.  Constit. V.  18).  The  fourth  council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  633, severely  condemned  those  who  ended  their  fast on  this  day  at  3  p.m.  and  then  indulged  in feasting,  and  ordered  that  all  save  the  very young  and  the  very  old  and  the  sick  should  ab- stain from  all  food  till  after  the  services  of  the day  were  concluded.  All  who  refused  obedience to  this  rule  were  denied  a  participation  in  the GOOD  FRIDAY Paschal  Eucharist  (can.  viii. ;  Labbc,  Cuncil.  v. 1707).  Not  food  alone,  but  the  use  of  oil  and the  bath  were  forbidden  by  a  canon  of  Gangra (Xomoca)wn,  can.  434,  apud  Coteler.  Feci. Graec.  Monum.  i.  138)  with  the  indignant  apo- strophe, 'O  XpKTTos  if  Tif  ffTavp^  Ka\  (TV  iv  r<p ^aAaveicp  ;  In  process  of  time  the  day  came  to be  distinguished  by  a  peculiar  ritual  and  cus- toms marking  the  solemn  character  of  the  day. The  bells  were  silent  from  the  midnight  of  Wed- nesday {Ordo  Roman,  apud  Muratori,  ii.  714). The  kiss  of  peace  was  prohibited  (Tert.  de  Orat. 18).  The  altar  was  stript  of  its  ornaments,  and even  of  its  covering.  The  processions  were  without chanting  {Sacram.  Gelas.  Muratori  i.  559).  The lamps  and  candles  were  gradually  extinguished during  matins  (Ordo  Roman.  M.S.).  A  long series  of  intercessory  collects  was  used.  A  cross was  erected  in  front  of  the  altar,  blessed,  and adored  (Sacram.  Gelas.  u.  s.).  There  was  no consecration  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  but  the  re- served eucharist  of  the  previous  day  was  par- taken of  by  the  faithful. This  communion  subsequently  received  the name  of  "  the  Mass  of  the  Presanctified,"  Missa Praesanctificatorum,  but  incorrectly,  the  term Missa  usually  implying  consecration.  Thus Amalarius  states  that  on  Good  Friday  "  the  mass is  not  celebrated "  (de  Feci.  Offic.  iv.  20 ;  Rab. Maur.  de  Tnstit.  Cler.  ii.  37 ;  pseudo-Alcuin, Hittorp  col.  251).  The  reason  of  this  prohibi- tion of  celebration  is  evident.  The  eucharist being  the  highest  Chi-istian  feast,  was  deemed out  of  harmony  with  the  penitential  character of  the  day,  for  "  how,"  says  Balsamon  (Bevereg. Pandect.  1.  219),  "can  one  mourn  and  rejoice  at the  same  time?"  As  early  as  the  council  of Laodicea,  c.  A.D.  365,  this  prohibition  was  ex- tended to  the  whole  of  Lent,  wifh  the  exception of  Saturdays  and  Sundays  (can.  49  ;  Labbe  Concil. i.  1506).  In  the  letter  to  Decentius  ascribed  to Innocent  I.  c.  A.D.  402,  btit  probably  not  to  be placed  so  early,  the  restriction  is  limited  to Good  Friday  and  Easter  Eve,  on  which  days  the tradition  of  the  church  was  that  the  sacraments were  not  to  be  celebrated  at  all;  "istobiduo sacramenta  penitus  non  celebrari  "  (Labbe  Concil. ii.  1246).  At  this  period  there  was  no  com- munion of  any  kind  on  Good  Friday.  How  early the  natural  desire  to  receive  the  sficrament  of the  Lord's  Body  and  Blood  on  the  day  when  it was  oftered  for  us  on  the  ci-oss,  led  to  the  reser- vation of  the  previously  consecrated  elements  for the  purpose  of  communion,  we  have  no  certain knowledge.  It  is  evident  from  a  decree  of  the  4th council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  633,  that  in  the  first  half  of the  seventh  century,  there  was  no  celebration  of the  Lord's  Supper  on  Good  Friday  in  Spain.  At that  time  it  was  a  wide-spread  custom,  which the  council  condemned,  to  keep  the  doors  of  the churches  closed  on  Good  Friday,  so  that  there was  no  divine  service,  nor  any  preaching  of  the Passion  to  the  people.  The  council  ordained  that the  Lord's  death  should  be  preached  on  that  day, and  that  the  people  should  pray  for  the  pardon of  their  sins,  that  so  they  might  be  better  fitted to  celebrate  the  resurrection  and  partake  of  the eucharist  at  Easter  (can.  viii.  Labbe  Concil.  v. 1707).  We  learn  also  from  the  acts  of  the 16th  council,  held  sixty  years  later,  A.D.  693, that  on  that  day  "  the  altars  were  stript  and no  one  was  permitted  to  celebrate  mass  "  (/?>.  vi. GOOD  FRIDAY 1355).  In  the  Gi-oek  church  the  custom  of communicating  in  the  previously  consecrated elements  was  established  before  the  middle  of the  seventh  century,  for  we  find  it  mentioned as  a  general  practice  during  the  whole  of  Lent, in  the  acts  of  the  Trullan  (or  Quinisext) council  A.D.  692  (can.  52,  Labbe  vi.  1165).  It first  appears  in  the  West  in  the  Begula  Magistri, a  monastic  rule  compiled  probably  in  the  seventh centur}^,  printed  by  Brockie  {Codex  Eegul.  I.  ii. p.  209).  It  was  established  in  Rome  before  the end  of  the  eighth  century,  when  the  i-itual  of Good  Friday  is  prescribed  in  the  Ordo  Romanus (Muratori  Liturg.  Rom.  Vet.  ii.  995).  The  observ- ance of  Good  Friday  commenced  at  midnight,  when all  rose  for  service.  Nine  Psalms  were  said  with their  responsions,  these  were  followed  by  three lections  from  the  Lamentations,  commencing Lam.  ii.  8,  "  Cogitavit  Dominus  dissipare  ;"  three from  the  Tractatus  of  St.  Augustine  on  Psalm 63,  and  three  from  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews, beginning  c.  iv.  11,  "Festinemus  ergo  &c." Mattins  then  followed,  during  which  the  lights in  the  church  were  gradually  extinguished, beginning  at  the  entrance,  until  by  the  end  of the  third  nocturn  only  the  seven  lamps  burning at  the  altar  were  left  alight.  These  were  also put  out,  one  by  one,  alternately  right  and  left  at the  commencement  of  each  Psalm,  the  middle lamp,  the  last  left  burning,  being  extinguished  at the  gospel.  At  the  third  hour  all  the  presbyters and  clergy  of  the  city  assembled  in  expectation of  the  pontiff.  On  his  arrival  the  subdeacon commenced  the  lection  from  Hosea  v.  15,  "  Haec Jicit  Dominus  Deus  ;  in  tribulatione  sua,  &c.," and  then  was  sung  as  an  antiphon  Hab.  iii.  1-3, "  Doniine  audivi,  &c."  After  some  prayers  said by  the  pontiff,  and  the  second  lection,  Exod.  xii.  1, "  In  diebus  illis  dixit  Dominus  ad  Moysen  et Aaron,  &c.,"  Ps.  xci.  or  cxl.  was  sung,  and  the Passion  according  to  St.  John  was  recited  by  the deacon.  This  over,  two  deacons  stript  the  altar of  the  white  linen  cloth,  previously  put  on "  sub  evangelio,"  in  a  stealthy  manner, "  in  modum  furantis."  The  pontiff  came before  the  altar  and  recited  a  series  of  eighteen prayers,  a  portion  of  which  form  the  basis  of  the Good  Friday  collects  of  the  church  of  England. The  first  and  last  collect  stand  alone.  The  other sixteen  are  in  pairs.  Before  each  pair  the  deacon warned  the  people  to  kneel  and  after  it  to  rise. "  Adnuntiat  diaconus  flectamus  genua ;  iterum dicit  levate."  These  collects  are — (1)  for  the peace  and  unity  of  the  church ;  (2)  for  perse- verance in  the  faith  ;  (3)  for  the  pope  and  chief bishop  (antistes) ;  (4)  for  the  bishops  of  their diocese  ;  (5)  for  all  bishops,  priests,  deacons,  sub- deacons,  &c.  ;  (6)  for  all  oi-ders  of  men  in  the holy  church  ;  (7)  for  the  emperor  ;  (8)  for  the Koman  empire  ;  (9)  (10)  for  catechumens;  (11) against  sickness,  famine,  pestilence,  and  other evils;  (12)  for  all  in  trouble;  (13)  (14)  for hnipfcs  and  schismatics;  (15)  (16)  for  Jews; (17)  (18)  for  pagans  and  idolaters.  A  direction is  given  that  the  prayers  for  the  Jews  are  not  to be  said  kneeling.  The  collects  are  given  in  the Sacramentary  of  Gregory,  as  printed  by  Pamelius, and  in  that  of  Gelasius,  as  well  as  in  the  old Galilean  missal.  This  last  contains  the  direction to  the  celebrant  "  eadem  die  non  salutat  («'.  e. does  not  say  pax  vobiscurn),  nee  psallet."  Those collects  finished,   all   were  to  leave  the  church GOODS,  COMMUNITY  OF        739  j in  silence :  the  presbyters  going  to  perform  the same  service  in  their  own  churches.  ! "  Adoration    of    the    cross    succeeds."      The  ' cross  is  placed  a  little  distance  in  front  of  the  I altar,  supported  on  either  side  by  acolytes.     A  I kneeling  stool  being  placed  in  front,  the  pontiff  ' kneels,  and  adores  and  kisses   the  cross,  followed  ! by  the  clergy  and  people  in  order.    The  Ambro-  j sian    missal    given    by    Pamelius  contains    four  \ prayers     for    the    ceremony  :      "  Oratio    super  ^ crucem;"    "  Benedictio    crucis ;"    "Oratio    ad  | crucem  adorandam ;"  "  Oratio  post  adoratam crucem."  In  the  Antiphonarium  of  Gregory  also given  by  Pamelius  we  have  an  "Antiphon  ad crucem  adorandam."  The  adoration  of  the  cross was   followed   by  the   communion   of  the  pre-  | sanctified.     "Two  presbyters  enter  the  sacristy  | or  other  place  in  which  the  Body  of  the  Lord which  remained  from  the  previous  day  was  placed,  j and  put  it  in  a  paten,  and  let  a  subdeacon  hold  j before  them  a  chalice  with  unconsecrated  wine,  1 and    another   the   paten  with  the  Body  of  the  i Lord.     One  presbyter  takes  the  jmten,  the  other  i the  chalice,  and  they  carry  and  set  them  on  the stript  altar"  (Ord.  Bom.   u.  s.).     The    cross   is  | meanwhile,   saluted    by    the    laity,    while    the  J hymn  Ucce  lignum  Cnicis  is  sung,  and  Ps.  cxix. recited.  The  salutation  of  the  cross  being  com- pleted, the  Lord's  Prayer  is  recited,  "  and  when they  have  said  Amen  the  pontiff  takes  of the  holy  thing,  and  puts  it  into  the  chalice saying  nothing  (nihil  dicens),  and  all  communi- cate cum  silentio."  The  rubrics  of  the  Gelasian Sacramentary  agree  in  the  main  with  the  Ordo, except  that  they  speak  of  the  reservation  of  the Blood  as  well  as  of  the  Body  of  the  Loi-d,  and direct  that  the  reserved  sacrament  be  brought out  of  the  sacristy  and  set  on  the  altar  by deacons  instead  of  presbyters.     The  adoration  of  , the  cross  by  the  clergy  succeeds  the  placing  of the  consecrated  elements  on  the  altar,  and  is followed  by  the  actual  communion  (Muratori  n.s. i.  559,  sq.)  It  merits  notice  that  all  early authorities  prescribe   a  general    communion   on  ,] Good  Friday,  "  all  communicate  silently."     This  I custom    had    entirely    ceased    in    Rome    at   the  j beginning  of  the  9th  century  (Amalar.  de  Eccl.  ' Off.  i.  15),  and  though  it  lingered  for  a  long  time in  some  parts,  it  gradually  died  out  in  the  West, and  at  the  present  day  in  the  Roman  church  no one  but  the  celebrant  communicates  on  Good Friday.    The  pontiff  pronounces  peace   to  them  | "  in  the  name  of  the   Father,  &c."     The  people  j answer,  "  and  with  thy  spirit."  "  After  a  little space  each  says  his  vespers  privately,  and  so  they go  to  table  "  (Muratori  ii.  995-996).        [E.  V.]  { GOODS,  COMMUNITY  OF.  The  idea that  all  pi'operty  should  belong  to  a  community and  not  to  individuals  may  be  traced  to  a  very high  antiquity.  The  Pythagorean  society  is commonly  supposed  to  have  been  constituted  on  \ the  basis  of  a  community  of  goods,  though  ])ro- bably  only  those  who  had  reached  the  highest grade  of  the  initiated  renounced  all  private possessions  (Ritter  and  Preller,  Hist.  Phil.,f.  58).  j Plato,  also,  in  his  imaginary  Republic,  condemns the    institution    of    private    property    in    the  ' strongest  manner,  as  the  source  of  all  greed  and meanness ;  he  therefore  allows  it  only  to  the third  and  lowest  class  of  his  citizens — those  who are   by    nature  qualified  to  seek   onlv   low  and 3  B  2  i 740        GOODS,  COMMUNITY  OF material  ends  in  life,  and  are  consequently- excluded  from  all  share  in  the  government  of the  state.  The  two  higher  classes  are  to  live wholly  for  the  state,  a  condition — the  philosopher holds  —  incompatible  with  the  possession  of private  property  (Politia,  iv.,  p.  421  C  if. ; Leges,  v.  p.  739  b.). To  turn  from  heathen  to  Jewish  social  insti- tutions, Josephus  tells  us  {Bellum  Jud.  ii.  8, §  3)  of  the  Essenes,  that  each  member  on entrance  threw  his  goods  into  the  common  stock, so  that  there  was  found  among  them  neither poverty  nor  riches.  In  like  manner  the  Thera- peutae  on  Lake  Moeris  had  all  things  in  common. It  was  while  the  Therapeutae  and  Essenes were  still  flourishing  communities  that  the gospel  of  Christ  was  first  proclaimed.  And  here, too,  we  read  of  the  earlier  church  of  Jerusalem, that  they  "had  all  things  common"  (Acts  ii. 44) — a  passage  which  has  often  served  fanatical sects  as  a  justification  of  their  communism.  And yet  it  is  clear  fi-om  the  book  of  the  Acts  itself that  property  made  over  to  the  community was  of  the  nature  of  a  voluntary  gift;  those who  entered  the  church  were  not  deprived  of the  right  to  possess  property  (Aets  v.  4) ; Ananias  was  not  punished  for  failing  to  con- tribute the  whole  of  his  property,  but  for  fraud and  lying  in  pretending  to  give  the  whole  while he  only  gave  part. In  the  apostolic  age  generally  it  is  past  all controversy  that  nothing  like  a  community  of goods  existed  in  the  church.  The  churches  are evidently  contemplated  as  containing  the  same variety  of  wealth  and  station  as  ordinary  society  ; contributions  are  made  of  freewill ;  the  rich  are charged  to  "  be  rich  in  good  works,  ready  to distribute,  willing  to  communicate;"  the  cheer- ful giver  is  commended  (2  Cor.  ix.  7  ;  1  Tim.  vi. 17,  18).  The  disturbed  state  of  the  Thessalonians, and  their  unwillingness  to  labour  while  they expected  the  immediate  advent  of  Christ,  had (so  far  as  appears)  no  connexion  with  any  com- munistic views.  Nor  does  the  testimony  of  the next  age  favour  the  idea  that  the  earliest Christian  society  was  communistic.  The  writer of  the  Epistle  to  Diognetus  (c.  5)  speaks  of  a "  common  table,"  and  no  more.  '  Tertullian,  in- deed (Apolog.  c.  39),  says,  in  so  many  words, that  Christians  had  all  things  in  common  except their  wives  (omnia  indiscreta  sunt  apud  nos praeter  uxores) ;  but  it  is  evident  that  this  is nothing  more  than  a  characteristically  violent expression  for  their  mutual  love  and  charity ; for  in  the  very  same  chapter  he  states  expressly, that  the  contributions  of  the  brethren  to  the common  fund  were  wholly  voluntary  (modicam unusquisque  stipem  menstrua  die,  vel  quum velit,  et  si  modo  velit,  et  si  modo  possit,  apponit). Lactantius  (Epit.  Div.  Institt.  c.  38)  especially condemns  communism  as  one  of  the  cardinal vices  of  Plato's  Republic,  which  he  would  hardly have  done  if  he  had  supposed  the  same  principle to  have  animated  the  first  society  of  believers. The  interpretation  of  Acts  ii.  44  as  relating  to an  absolute  community  of  goods  seems  in  fact  to have  taken  its  rise  from  Chrysostom  {Horn.  xi. m  Acta  App.^.  Some  writers  in  modern  times have  seen  in  this  supposed  communism  of  the early  Christians  at  Jerusalem  an  indication  of  an Kssene  iuriuence.  (See  against  this  view  Von Wegnern,  in  Illgen's  Ziitschrift  xi.  2.  p.  1  ff.). C40SPEL,  THE  LITURGICAL As,  however,  within  the  church  so  strong  an expression  was  given  to  the  duty  of  mutual  love and  succour,  and  of  the  brotherhood  of  man  in Christ,  it  could  scarcely  fail  but  that  here  and there  enthusiastic  sects  would  exaggerate  and develope  these  principles  into  absolute  renun- ciation of  property.  This  was  in  fact  the  ease. During  the  ecclesiastical  troubles  in  Africa  in the  4th  century,  the  Donatists  were  never  weary of  reproaching  their  orthodox  opponents  with the  wealth  and  power  which  they  derived  from their  connexion  with  the  state.  Some  of  their own  adherents,  in  consequence  of  these  denun- ciations, renounced  private  possessions  altogether ■ — -a  renunciation  which  led  to  vagabondage  and mendicancy  rather  than  to  holiness.  These CiRCUMCELLiONS — as  they  came  to  be  called — became  the  nucleus  of  a  band  of  discontented peasants  and  runaway  slaves,  whose  excesses  at last  required  the  forcible  interference  of  the government  to  put  them  down.  And  other  sects also  rejected  the  idea  of  property  ;  the  Apotactici or  Apostolici,  as  they  arrogantly  called  them- selves (says  St.  Augustine,  De  Haeres.  c.  40), admitted  none  into  their  community  who  lived with  wives  or  possessed  private  property  (res proprias  habentes)  ;  and,  a  common  characteristic of  heresy,  denied  salvation  to  all  outside  their own  sect.  The  Eustathians  also,  who  were  con- demned at  the  council  of  Gangra  about  the  year 370  {Cone.  Gangr.  Praef.)  held  that  those  who did  not  give  up  their  private  wealth  were  beyond all  hope  of  salvation.  The  laws  of  the  empire imposed  upon  Apotactici  the  same  penalties  that were  laid  upon  other  heretics,  except  the  con- fiscation of  goods  ;  they  could  not  be  deprived  of that  which  they  had  already  renounced  {Codex Theod.  lib.  xvi.  tit.  5,  de  Hneret.  11.  7  et  11). When  Pachomius  (f  348)  first  drew  together into  one  body  [Coexobium]  a  number  of  an- chorites and  wandering  mendicants  at  Tabeunae in  Upper  Egypt,  he  instituted  a  system  of organized  labour  and  common  participation  in the  fruits  of  labour.  Stewards  [Oeconomus] managed  the  property  of  the  society  for  the benefit  of  the  whole,  and  distributed  the  excess of  income  to  the  poor  and  needy  of  the  neigh- bourhood. St.  Basil,  St.  Benedict,  and  other founders  of  monastic  orders,  enjoined  the  same rflle  of  individual  poverty  on  the  members  of their  societies,  and  so  there  arose  throughout Christendom,  in  East  and  West,  religious  societies of  celibates  organized  on  communistic  principles [MoNASTiciSJi].  From  the  8th  century  onward the  secular  clergy  also,  who  lived  the  canonical life,  adopted,  to  some  extent,  the  principle  of community  of  goods  [Canonici].  [C] GORDIANUS.     (1)  [EpiMAcnus  (1).] (2)  Martyr  with  Macrinus  and  Valerianus  at Nyon;  commemorated  Sept.  17  {Mart.  Usuardi, Hieron.).  [W.  F.  G.] GORDIAS,  martyr,  circa  320  A.d.  ;  comme- morated Jan.  3  {Gal.thjzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] GORGONIUS.  [DoROTHEus  (3).] GOSPEL,  THE  LITURGICAL.  I.  In- troduction.— Among  the  Jews,  certainly  from  the time  of  the  Maccabees,  and  probably  before,  one lesson  from  the  Pentateuch  and  another  from  the "  Prophets  "  {i.  e.  from  some  of  the  later  histo- rical books,  and  from  those  more  properly  called GOSPEL,  THE  LITUEGICAL prophetical)  were  read  in  the  synagogues  every sabbath  day.  Fifty-four  portions  from  the  Pen- tateuch (called  Paraschioth),  and  as  many  from the  "Prophets"  (Haphtoroth),  were  appointed for  this  purpose.  As  the  Jews  intercalated  a mouth  every  second  or  third  year,  this  number was  required.  When  there  were  not  fifty-four sabbaths  in  a  year,  they  read  two  of  the  shorter lessons  together,  once  or  twice  in  the  year,  as might  be  necessary ;  so  that  the  whole  of  both selections  was  read  through  annually.  The Paraschioth  are  generally  very  long,  some  ex- tending over  four  or  five  chapters ;  but  the Haphtoroth  are  as  a  rule  short,  often  only  a part  of  one  chapter.  Tables  of  both  may  be seen  in  Home's  Introduction  to  the  Scriptures,  pt. iii.  ch.  i.  sect.  iv.  The  foregoing  facts  will  enable the  reader  to  judge  how  far  the  first  Christians were  indebted  to  the  traditions  of  the  synagogue for  the  practice  of  reading  Holy  Scripture  iu their  synaxis,  and  for  the  method  of  reading  it. At  all  events  we  may  be  certain  that  the  Old Testament,  so  long  the  only  known  repository  of the  "  oracles  of  God,"  and  still  acknowledged  to be  "  able  to  make  men  wise  unto  salvation through  faith  which  is  in  Christ  Jesus  "  (2  Tim. iii.  15),  would  be  no  more  neglected  in  their common  exercises  of  religion  than  it  was  in  their private  study.  At  the  same  time  it  was  in- evitable that,  when  the  New  Testament  came  to be  written,  lessons  from  that  should  be  read either  in  addition  to  or  instead  of  those  from  the Old.  There  was,  however,  a  short  period  during which  the  Old  Testament  only  would  be  read  in Christian  assemblies,  viz.  before  the  events  of the  Gospel  were  committed  to  writing ;  and there  is  in  the  most  ancient  liturgy,  that  of  St. James,  a  rubric,  evidently  genuine,  which  ap- pears to  have  been  framed  during  this  interval. "  Then  the  sacred  oracles  of  the  Old  Covenant and  of  the  Prophets  are  read  at  great  length  (5i- eJoSiKaJToTo,  some  understand  "  consecutively," but  the  Jewish  precedent  favours  the  former reading) ;  and  the  incarnation  of  the  Son  of  God, and  His  sufferings,  His  resurrection  from  the  dead, and  ascension  into  heaven,  and,  again,  His  second coming  with  glory,  are  set  forth."  As  Mr. Trolhjpe  points  out  ( The  Greek  Liturc/i/  of  St. James,  p.  42),  we  have  here  the  Old  Testament ■  read,  but  the  great  events  of  the  Gospel  related to  the  people  as  if  not  yet  in  writing. n.  Eridence  of  uie. — Justin  Martyr,  a.d.  140, describing  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist,  says, "  The  commentaries  of  the  apostles  and  the writings  of  the  prophets  are  read  as  time  per- mits "  (Apol.  i.  c.  67).  A  lesson  from  the  gospels was  without  doubt  included  under  the  former head.  St.  Cyprian,  A.D.  250,  speaks  of  a  con- fessor whom  he  had  ordained  lector,  as  "  reading the  p)-ecepts  and  the  gospel  of  the  Lord  "  from the  stand  (pulpitum)  (£/).  xxxix.).  Eusebius, A.D.  315,  says  that  St.  Peter  authorised  the  use of  the  gospel  of  St.  Mark  "in  the  churches." For  this  he  refei's  to  the  Hypotyposes  of  Clemens of  Alexandria  (not  of  Rome,  as  Bona  and  others) and  to  Papias ;  but  elsewhere  he  cites  both  pas- sages, and  neither  of  them  contains  the  words "  in  the  churches."  What  he  says,  therefore, does  not,  as  many  have  imagined,  prove  from Papias  the  custom  of  the  apostolic  church,  but is  only  a  proof  of  the  practice  of  his  own  age,  in tlie  light  of  which  he  read  those  earlier  writers GOSPEL,  THE  LITURGICAL     741 (see  Hist.  Ecd.  lib.  ii.  c.  xv.;  and  compare  lib.  vi. c.  xiv.,  lib.  iii.  c.  xxxix.).  Cyril  of  Jerusalem, A.D.  350,  speats  vaguely  of  the  "  reading  of Scripture"  (Pme/.  in  Catech.  §§  iii.  iv.) ;  nor are  any  of  his  catechetical  homilies  on  lessons from  the  gospel.  Optatus,  A.D.  368,  addressing the  Donatist  clergy,  says,  "  Ye  begin  with  the lessons  of  the  Lord,  and  ye  expand  your  ex- positions to  our  injury ;  ye  bring  forth  the gospel,  and  make  a  reproach  against  an  absent brother  "  (De  Schism.  Donat.  lib.  iv.  c.  v.).  The so-called  Constitutions  of  the  Apostles  put  an order  into  their  mouths,  which  begins  thus : "  After  the  reading  of  the  law  and  the  prophets and  our  epistles,  and  the  acts  and  the  gospels, let  "  &c.  (lib.  viii.  c.  v.  Cotel.  tom.  i.  p.  392). Pseudo-Dionysius  tells  us  that  in  the  liturgy, after  the  Psalms,  "follows  the  reading  of  the tablets  of  holy  writ  by  the  ministers "  {De Eccles.  Hierarch.  c.  iii. '  §  ii.  tom.  i.  p.  284). These  tablets  are  explained  by  Maximus  the scholiast  on  Dionysius,  A.D.  645,  to  be  the  Old and  New  Testament  {Ibid.  p.  305).  St.  Chry- sostom  frequently  gave  notice  of  the  text  on which  he  proposed  to  preach  some  days  before  ; but  in  one  homily  he  says,  "  On  one  day  of  the week,  or  on  the  sabbath  (Saturday),  at  least,  let each  take  in  his  hands,  and,  sitting  at  home,  read that  section  {irtpiKotrriv)  of  the  gospels  which  is going  to  be  read  among  you"  {Horn.  xi.  in  St.Joh. Ev.  §  1).  This  implies  that  they  knew  what  the lesson  from  the  gospels  would  be  ;  and  therefore that  a  table  of  such  lessons  was  drawn  up  and accessible  to  all.  St.  Augustine,  in  Africa,  often preached  on  the  gospel.  Thus  one  of  his  ser- mons begins,  "The  chapter  of  the  holy  gospel which  we  heard,  when  it  was  just  now  read," &c.  {Serin.  Iv.  §  1).  Another  :  "  We  heard,  when the  gospel  was  read,"  &c.  {Serm.  Ixii.  §  1).  The council  of  Laodicaea,  probably  about  365,  has  a canon  ordering  the  "  gospels  to  be  read  with other  scriptures  on  the  sabbath "  (Can.  xvi.). The  omission  of  the  gospel  on  Saturday  had without  doubt  been  merely  a  local  custom.  A council  of  Orange,  A.D.  441,  can.  xviii.,  ordered that  thenceforward  the  gospel  should  be  read  to the  catechumens,  as  well  as  the  faithful,  in  all the  churches  of  the  province.  That  of  Valen- cia, A.D.  524,  ordered  that  "  the  most  holy  gospels be  read  in  the  mass  of  the  catechumens  before the  illation  of  the  gifts,  in  the  order  of  lessons after  the  apostle,"  i.e.  the  epistle  (Can.  i.). In  France,  554,  a  constitution  of  Childebert mentions  the  gospels,  prophets,  and  apostle,  as read  from  the  altar  {Capit.  Reg.  Eranc.  ed. Baluz.  tom.  i.  col.  7).  Germanus  of  Paris, A.D.  555,  in  his  exposition  of  the  liturgy,  simi- larly recognises  the  prophecy,  apostle,  and  gospel (printed  by  Martene,  De  Ant.  Eccl.  Sit.  lib.  i.  c. iv.  art.  xii.).  Gregory  of  Tours,  A.D.  573,  tells  a story  of  certain  clerks  in  the  days  of  Childebert, who  "  having  laid  the  three  books,  j.  e.  of  the prophecy,  the  apostle,  and  the  gospels  on  the altar,"  prayed  for  an  augury  from  the  passages at  which  they  should  open,  each  "  having  made an  agreement  among  themselves  that  every  one should  read  at  mass  that  which  he  first  opened on  in  the  book "  {Hist.  Franc,  lib.  iv.  c.  xvi.). This  implies  that  in  Gaul  at  least  the  les- sons were  still  left  to  the  choice  of  those  who were  to  read  them.  In  the  next  century,  how- ever, the   Galilean  church   had    a   lectionary,  a 742    GOSPEL,  THE  LITURGICAL copy  of  which,  nearly  complete,  in  Merovingian characters,  was  found  by  Mabillon  in  the  monas- tery at  Luxeuil.  It  provides  a  gospel  for  every mass  (Liturg.  Oall.  lib.  ii.  pp.  97-173).  Luxeuil is  in  the  province  of  Besan^on ;  but  the  eucha- ristic  lessons  (of  which  the  gospel  is  always  one) in  the  Sacramentary  found  at  Bobio,  which'  is believed  to  be  of  the  use  of  that  province,  and  is certainly  of  about  the  same  age  as  the  lectionary, differ  nevertheless  from  those  in  that  book. From  this  we  may  perhaps  infer  that  although the  lessons  were  then  generally  fixed,  every bishop  was  at  liberty  to  make  his  own  selection. There  is  another  ancient  lectionary,  ascribed  to St.  Jerome,  and  known  as  the  Liber  Comitis,  or Comes  Hieronymi ;  but  from  internal  evidence shown  to  be  the  work  of  a  Galilean  compiler  in the  8th  century.  This  has  been  printed  from two  MSS.,  one  of  which  provides  three  lessons for  above  two  hundred  days  and  occasions  ;  the other  for  the  most  part  only  two  ;  but  the  gospel is  never  omitted  in  either.  The  shorter  recen- sion may  be  seen  in  the  Bitinlis  SS.  Patruin  of Pamelius,  tom.  ii.  pp.  1-6  L  The  longer  is printed  by  Baluze  in  the  Capitularia  Begum Francorum,  tom.  ii.  coll.  1309-13.51. III.  Provision  for  use. — In  the  West,  generally, a  gospel  has  been  always  provided  for  every Sunday  and  for  other  holy  days.  The  number of  gospels  (and  other  lessons)  in  the  Liber  Comitis already  mentioned  suggests  that  at  one  time there  was  a  partial  attempt  to  assign  proper lessons  to  every  day  in  the  yeai-.  However  this may  be,  the  Roman  use  retained  them  for  every day  in  Lent,  and  the  Mozarabic  for  every  Wed- nesday and  Friday  (except  the  first)  during  that season  (see  Missale  Mixtum,  Leslie,  pp.  89-154). There  was  no  such  provision  in  the  Galilean Sacramentary  found  at  Bobio  (see  Murat.  Liturg. Horn.  Vet.  tom.  ii.  coll.  815-835,  or  Mus.  Ital. tom.  i.  pp.  301-319),  nor,  so  far  as  we  can  judge in  the  Lectionary  of  Luxeuil  (Mabillon,  Liturg. Gall.  p.  124).  Eight  leaves  are  missing  in  this MS.  between  Ash  Wednesday  and  Palm  Sunday, but  they  could  hardly  have  contained  more  than the  Sunday  lessons.  The  ancient  Irish  Sacra- mentary, of  which  but  one  copy  exists  in  manu- script, probably  of  the  6th  century,  is  singular in  the  West  in  having  but  one  gospel  and  epistle for  the  whole  year,  the  former  being  the  sixth chapter  of  St.  John,  the  latter  the  eleventh chapter  of  St.  Paul's  first  Epistle  to  the Corinthians.  See  O'Connor's  Append,  to  vol.  i. of  the  Catal.  of  the  MSS.  at  Stowe,  p.  45.  The fact  is  also  attested  by  Dr.  Todd  (see  Pref.  to  the Liber.  Eccl.  do  B.  Terrenani  de  Arbuthnott, p.  xxiv.). In  the  West  the  gospels  appear  to  have  been chosen  without  any  reference  to  their  place  in the  books  of  the  New  Testament.  But,  in  the Greek  church,  those  four  books  have  been divided  into  lessons  {rfjLT)fxaTa,  ix4f>r},  nepiKonds, avayvcaffnara,  avaypcoaas);  so  that  they  may be  read  through  in  order,  only  interrupted  when a  festival  with  its  proper  lesson  intervenes  (Leo AUatius,  De  Libr.  Eccl.  Gr.  Diss.  i.  p.  35).  It is  probably  in  accordance  with  this  arrangement that  the  canon  of  Laodicaea,  already  cited,  does not  order  lessons  from  the  gospels,  or  sections, or  portions,  or  the  like,  to  be  read  on  Saturday with  other  scriptures,  but  i/ieg-osy^e^s  themselves, i.c.  the  four  books  so   called.     From  this  it  may GOSPEL,  THE  LITURGICAL be  inferred  that  the  Greek  method  was  the normal  practice  of  the  whole  Eastern  church before  the  separation  of  the  Nestorians  and Monophysites.  There  was  an  exception,  how- ever, at  one  period,  whether  beginning  before  or after  that  separation,  in  the  church  of  Malabar, the  ancient  liturgy  of  which  presents  but  one epistle  and  gospel  for  every  celebration — the former  composed  from  2  Cor.  v.  1-10,  and  Heb. iv.  12,  13;  the  latter  taken  from  St.  John  v. vv.  19-29.  As  neither  have  any  special  refe- rence to  the  Euchai'ist,  it  may  be  inferred  that the  peculiarity  was,  unlike  that  of  the  Irish missal,  unintentional,  and  resulting,  probably, from  the  destruction  of  sacred  books  in  a  season of  persecution,  and  from  the  ignorance  that followed  it. IV.  The  Book  of  the  Gospels. — The  book  which contained  the  four  gospels  as  divided  for  eucha- ristic  use  was  called  by  the  Greeks  EvayydKiov. The  oldest  writer  cited  as  using  the  word  in  this specific  sense  is  Palladius,  A.D.  400  :  "  He  brings the  '  gospel '  to  him  and  exacts  the  oath."  (^Hist. Lausiac.  c.  86.)  Another  proof  of  the  antiquity of  the  usage  is  the  fact  that  the  Nestoi-ians, who  were  cut  off  from  the  church  in  the  5th century,  retain  the  term  Euanghelion  in  this limited  sense  to  the  present  day  (Badger's  Nesto- rians, V.  ii.  p.  19).  The  book  is  similarly  called "  the  gospel"  in  the  liturgy  of  St.  Mark  (Renaud, tom.  i.  p.  136)  and  others. V.  By  whom  read. — In  Africa  the  eucharistic gospel  was  read  by  those  of  the  order  of  readers in  the  3rd  century  (see  Cypr.  Ep.  xxxix.  and  Ep. xxxviii.).  It  was  generally,  however,  assigned to  a  higher  order :  "  After  these  {i.  e.  the  other lessons),  let  a  deacon  or  presbyter  read  the  gos- pels "  (Comtit.  Apostol.  lib.  ii.  c.  Ivii.).  Sozomen, A.D.  440,  tells  us  that  among  the  Alexandrians the  "  archdeacon  alone  read  that  sacred  book  (of the  gospels)  ;  but  among  others  the  deacons,  and in  many  churches  the  priests  only"  {Hist.  Eccl. lib.  vii.  c.  xix.).  He  adds  that  "  on  high  days bishops  read  it,  as  at  Constantinople,  on  the  first day  of  the  paschal  feast."  The  liturgies  of  St. Mark  (Renaud.  tom.  i.  p.  138),  St.  Basil,  and  St. Chrysostom  (Goar,  pp.  161  and  69)  give  this office  to  the  deacon.  This  was  also  the  common p.ractice  in  the  West.  Thus  St.  Jerome  says  to Sabinian,  "  Thou  wast  wont  to  read  the  gospel as  a  deacon  "  (^Ep.  xciii.).  St.  Isidore  of  Seville, writing  about  the  year  610,  is  a  witness  to  the same  practice  (Z>e  Eccl.  Off.  lib.  ii.  c.  8).  We observe  it  also  in  the  most  ancient  "  Ordines Romani"  {Mus.  Ital.  tom.  ii.  pp.  10,  46);  and  it became  the  rule  throughout  Europe,  when  a deacon  was  present. VI.  Where  read.  —  The  gospel  was  perhaps generally  read  from  a  stand  called  Ambo  ("A/i- /Sftjt')  or  Pulpitum  even  in  the  earliest  ages.  It certainly  was  so  when  the  celebrant  himself  did not  read  it.  Thus  St.  Cyprian,  as  before  quoted, spealvs  of  Celerinus,  the  reader,  as  officiating "  on  a  pulpit,  i.  e.  on  the  tribunal  of  the  church," and  generally  of  confessors  raised  to  that  order as  "  coming  to  the  pulpit  after  the  stocks " {Epp.  xxxviii.,  xxxix.).  The  Ordo  Romanus  in use  in  the  8th  century  orders  the  gospel  to  be read  from  the  higher  step  of  the  ambo,  the  epistle having  been  read  from  a  lower  (fird.  ii.  nn.  7,  8). In  some  churches  there  was  a  separate  ambo  for the  gospel.     An  example  occurred  in  the  church GOSPEL,  THE  LITURGICAL of  St.  Clement  at  Roine,  where  also  the  gospel ambc  was  a  "  little  higher  and  more  ornate " (Martene,  De  Ant.  Eccl.  Bit.  lib.  i.  c.  iv.  art.  iv. n.  iii.).  This  became  to  some  extent  a  rule (Scudimore,  Kotitia  Eucharistica,  p.  222).  We hear  cf  the  ambo  in  the  East  also.  Thus  Sozo- men,  speaking  of  a  tomb  over  which  a  church had  been  built,  says  that  it  was  "near  the  ambo, that  is  to  say,  the  rostrum  {&rifia)  of  the  readers" {Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  ix.  c.  ii.).  The  same  historian  tells us  thit  St.  Chrysostom,  that  he  might  be  better heard,  used  to  preach  at  Constantinople  "  sitting on  the  rostrum  o{  the  readers  "  (lib.  v.  c.  v.),  and Socrates,  referring  to  a  particular  occasion, speaks  of  him  as  "  seated  on  the  ambo,  from which  he  was  wont  also  before  that  to  preach  in order  to  be  heard"  {Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  vi.  c.  v.). The  council  in  Trullo,  A.D.  691,  forbade  any  who had  not  received  the  proper  benediction  to "  proclaim  the  words  of  God  to  the  people  on the  cnnbo"  (can.  xxxiii.).  In  the  liturgy  of  St. Chrysostom,  the  deacon  who  reads  the  gospel "stands' elevated  on  the  ambo  or  in  the  appointed place  "  (Goar,  p.  69). VII.  Head  towai-ds  the  South.  —  It  was  an early,  but  we  think  not  primitive,  custom  in  the West  for  the  gospeller  to  "  stand  facing  the  south, where  the  men  were  wont  to  assemble"  {Ord. Horn.  ii.  c.  8).  Amalarius,  an  early  commentator on  the  Ordo  Romanus,  suggests  that  this  was because  the  men  were  supposed  to  receive  the gospel  first,  and  to  teach  it  to  their  wives  at  home (1  Cor.  xiv.  35).  See  his  Ecloga,  n.  xv.  ilus.  Ital. tom.  ii.  p.  553.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  a different  custom  prevailed  at  the  same  time  in France,  or  very  soon  after.  For  in  the  latter part  of  the  9th  century  Eemigius  of  Auxerre tells  us  that  "  the  Levite  (deacon),  when  about to  pronounce  the  words  of  the  gospel,  turns  his face  towards  the  north,"  as  defying  Satan,  who was  supposed  (from  Isai.  xiv.  13)  to  dwell  there {De  Celeb.  Missae,  ad.  calc.  Lihri  Pseudo-Alcuini, de  Div.  Off.  Hittorp,  col.  280). VIII.  Attendant  rites. — From  a  very  early period  the  reading  of  the  gospel  was  attended with  circumstances  of  solemnity.  In  the  Greek church  it  has  for  many  ages  been  brought  into the  church  out  of  the  chapel  of  Prothesis  in  a rite  known  as  the  Little  Entrance,  the  bringing in  of  the  gifts  being  the  Great  Entrance.  While the  choir  is  singing  the  Glory  at  the  end  of  the third  antiphon  the  priest  and  deacon,  after  bow- ing thrice  before  the  altar,  go  out  for  the  book of  the  gospels.  They  return  into  the  church, the  deacon  carrying  the  gospel,  preceded  by lights,  and  welomed  by  a  special  anthem.  After a  circuit  of  some  length  on  the  north  side  of  the church  they  stop  at  the  holy  doors,  where  the jiriest  says,  secretly,  the  "  Prayer  of  the  En- trance." The  deacon  then  asks  for,  and  the  priest gives,  a  "  blessing  on  the  Entrance,"  troparia being  sung  meanwhile.  When  they  are  ended, the  deacon  shows  the  gospel  to  the  people,  say- ing, "  Wisdom.  Stand  up."  They  then  enter the  bema,  and  the  book  is  laid  on  the  holy  table till  required  for  use  {Euchologiiun,  Goar,  pp.  67, 124,  160).  This  is  found  in  the  older  liturgy  of St.  Ba.sil,  as  well  as  that  of  St.  Chrysostom,  but it  is  impossible  to  say  how  much  of  it  was  prac- tised in  the  age  of  those  great  bishops.  There is  no  trace  of  th-?  Little  Entrance  in  the  liturgy of  Jerusalem,  from  which  that  of  Caesarea  (St. GOSPEL,  THE  LITURGICAL    743 Basil)  was  derived,  nor  in  the  Nestorian  litur- gies, which  came  from  an  independent  source before  the  5th  century.  On  the  other  hand, there  is  a  simpler  form  of  the  rite  in  the Armenian  liturgy,  which  was  borrowed  from Caesarea  in  the  time  of  St.  Basil,  and  influenced in  its  subsequent  growth  by  the  residence  of St.  Chrysostom  in  Armenia,  where  he  died (Le  Brun,  Diss,  sur  les  Liturgies,  x,  artt.  iv. xiii.).  We  observe,  also,  an  elaborate  render- ing of  the  same  rite  in  liturgies  that  can hardly  have  been  indebted  to  those  of  the  Greek church  after  the  6th  century  at  least.  "As  the book  of  the  gospels,"  remarks  Renaudot,  "  is carried  to  the  ambo  with  great  ceremony  among the  Copts,  so  it  is  certain  that  it  is  in  like  man- ner done  among  the  Syrians;  and  they  received it  from  the  Greeks "  (torn.  ii.  p.  69).  For  the Coptic  Entrance  see  tom.  i.  p.  210.  A  short rubric  in  the  liturgy  of  St.  Mark  tells  us  when the  Entrance  takes  place  ;  but  it  is  not  described (Renaud.  tom.  i.  p.  136). Another  proof  of  the  antiquity  of  the  Little Entrance  is  found  in  its  resemblance  to  a  cere- mony practised  at  Rome  in  certain  pontifical masses  of  the  7th  and  8th  centuries.  The  gospel was  brought  in  a  case  or  casket  from  the  basilica of  St.  John  Lateran  to  the  regionary  church  in which  the  celebration  took  place  by  an  acolyte in  attendance  on  the  bishop,  but  under  the  care of  the  archdeacon.  It  was  made  ready  by  the reader  at  the  door  of  the  Secretarium,  while  the bishop  was  within  preparing  for  the  service. The  acolyte  then  carried  it  "  into  the  presbytery to  before  the  altar,"  preceded  by  a  subdeacon, who  then  took  it  from  him,  and  "  with  his  own hands  placed  it  with  honour  upon  the  altar " {Ord.  Bom.  i.  §§  3,  4,  5 ;  ii.  2,  4,  5). As  an  example  of  the  ritual  when  the  gospel was  to  be  read,  we  may,  for  the  East,  cite  St. Mark :  "  The  deacon,  when  about  to  read  the gospel,  says,  '  Bless,  sir.'  The  priest,  'The  Lord bless  and  strengthen,  and  make  us  hearers  of  His holy  gospel,  who  is  God  blessed  now  and  ever, and  for  ever,  Amen.'  The  deacon,  '  Stand,  let us  hear  the  holy  gospel.'  The  priest,  '  Peace  be to  all.'  The  people, '■  AnA.  to  thy  spirit.'  Then the  deacon  reads  the  gospel" — (Renaud.  tom.  i. p.  138).  At  Rome,  in  the  pontifical  masses before  mentioned,  the  deacon  having  received  a blessing  from  the  bishop,  "The  Lord  be  in  thy heart  and  on  thy  lips,"  after  kissing  the  gospels, took  the  book  off  the  altar,  and  went  towards the  ambo,  preceded  by  two  subdeacons— one  with incense— and  followed  by  a  third.  There  tlie acolytes  made  a  passage  for  the  preceding  sub- deacons  and  the  deacon.  The  latter  then  rested his  book  on  the  left  arm  of  the  subdeacon  with- out a  censer,  who  opened  it  at  the  place  already marked.  The  deacon  then,  with  his  finger  in the  place,  went  up  to  that  stage  of  the  ambo from  which  he  was  to  read,  the  two  subdeacons going  to  stand  before  the  steps  by  which  he would  descend.  The  gospel  ended,  the  bishop savs,  "  Peace  be  to  thee,"  and  "  The  Lord  be with  you."  Resp.,  "  And  with  thy  spirit."  As the  deacon  came  down,  the  subdeacon  who  had opened  the  book  took  it  from  him,  and  handed  it to  the  third  subdeacon  who  had  followed.  He, holding  it  on  his  planeta,  before  his  breast,  offers it  to  be  kissed  by  all  engaged  in  the  rite,  and then    puts    it    into    the    case    or  casket    hefore 744    GOSPEL,  THE  LITURGICAL mentioned,  held  ready  by  the  acolyte  who  had brought  it  into  the  church  (^Ord.  Horn.  i.  §11). An  Ordo,  somewhat  later,  but  not  lower  than  the 8th  century,  tells  us  that  "the  candles  were  ex- tinguished in  their  place  after  the  gospel  was read"  {Ord.  ii.  §  9).  The  custom  of  lighting candles  at  the  reading  of  the  gospel  came  from the  East,  where  it  prevailed  in  the  4th  century. "  Through  all  the  churches  of  the  East,"  says St.  Jerome,  "  when  the  gospel  is  to  be  read,  lights are  burned,  though  the  sun  be  already  shining  " {Contra  Vigilant.  §7).  St.  Isidore  of  Seville,  in a  work  written  in  636,  says  that  "acolytes  in Greek  are  called  ceroferarii  in  Latin,  from  their bearing  wax  candles  when  the  gospel  is  to  be read,"  &c.  {Etyynol.  lib.  vii.  c.  xii.  §  29).  This is  probably  the  earliest  notice  in  the  West, though  the  first  Ordo  Romanus  belongs  almost certainly  to  the  same  century.  The  symbolism of  the  lights  needs  no  explanation  (see  St.  John i.  9  ;  viii.  12). IX.  Heard  standing. — It  was  probably  from the  very  first  the  custom  for  the  people  to  hear the  gospel  standing,  out  of  reverence.  Thus  the Apodolical  Constitutions,  lib.  ii.  c.  Ivii. :  "  When the  gospel  is  being  read,  let  all  the  presbyters and  the  deacons  and  all  the  people  stand  with great  quietness."  Philostorgius,  a.d.  425,  says that  Theophilus  the  Indian,  when  visiting  his native  country,  about  the  year  345,  found  that the  people  "  performed  the  hearing  of  the  gospel lessons  sitting,  and  had  some  other  practices which  the  Divine  law  did  not  sanction  "  {Hist. Eccl.  lib.  iii.  §  5).  His  language  shows  how  im- portant the  rite  was  considered.  Isidore  of  Pelu- sium,  412,  says,  in  the  same  spirit,  "When  the True  Shepherd  becomes  present  through  the opening  of  the  adorable  gospels,  the  bishop  both rises  and  lays  aside  the  habit  (the  wixo<p6piov) which  he  wears  symbolical  of  Him  "  {Ep.  cxxxvi. Hermino  Comiti).  In  accordance  with  this, Sozomen  {Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  vii.  c.  xix.)  tells  us  that there  was  "a  strange  custom  among  the  Alex- andrians, for,  when  the  gospels  were  read,  the bishop  did  not  stand  up,  which,"  he  adds,  "  I have  neither  known  nor  heard  of  among  others." The  same  rule  prevailed  in  the  West.  Ama- larius,  writing  about  827,  says:  "During  the celebration  of  these,  ».  e.  the  lesson  (epistle)  and the  prophecy,  we  are  wont  to  sit,  after  the  cus- tom of  the  ancients."  Then,  when  he  speaks  of the  gospel:  "Up  to  this  time  we  sit;  now  we must  rise  at  the  words  of  the  gospel "  {Be  Eccl. Off.  lib.  iii.  cc.  11,  18).  At  the  same  time  all turned  to  the  East,  and  laid  down  the  staff  on which,  at  that  period,  they  commonly  leaned, "  nor  was  there  crown  or  other  covering  on  their heads"  {Ord.  Bom.  ii.  §  8  ;  Amal.  u.s.  c.  18). X.  The  Doxologies. — The  doxology  now  com- mon after  the  announcement  of  the  gospel  is- mentioned  by  writers  within  our  period.  Thus Heterius  and  Beatus,  in  Spain,  A.D.  785 :  "  The deacon  commands  all  to  be  silent,  and  says,  '  The lesson  of  the  holy  gospel  according  to  Matthew.' All  the  people  answer, '  Glory  be  to  Thee,  0  Lord ' " {Ado.  Elipnnd.  lib.  i.  c.  Ixvi.).  Compare  the Mozarabic  Missal  (Leslie,  pp.  2,  45,  &c.).  Ama- larius  only  recommends  it.  After  advising  the people  to  pray  for  a  profitable  hearing,  he adds:  "Let  him  who  is  not  quick  to  take  in the  words  of  the  gospel,  at  least  say,  '  Glory,' " &c.    (lib.    iii.    c.  18).      The    practice    probably GOSPEL,  THE  LITUEGICAL came  through  Spain,  like  several  other  rites, from  the  East.  In  the  homily  De  Circa,  asa'ibed incorrectly  to  St.  Chrysostom,  we  read,  "  When the  deacon  is  about  to  open  the  gospel,  ve  all fix  our  eyes  on  him  and  keep  silence ;  but  when he  begins  the  course  of  reading,  we  forthwith stand  up,  and  respond,  'Glory  be  to  Thee,  O Lord'"  {0pp.  St.  Chrys.  tom.  viii.  p.  723,  ed. Gaume).  Compare  the  liturgies  of  St.  Basil  and St.  Chrysostom  (Goar,  pp.  161  and  69).  The  use of  this  form  was  probably  not  very  extensive before  the  6th  century,  or  we  should  have  found it  in  all  the  Nestorian  and  Eutychian  rites.  The liturgy  of  Malabar  (Nestorian),  however,  doe* give  "  Glory  to  Christ  the  Lord "  {Hist.  Eccl. Malah.  Raulin,  p.  306);  the  Ethiopic,  "Glory be  to  Thee  alvvay,  O  Christ,  our  Lord  and  God," &c.  (Kenaud.  tom.  i.  p.  510) ;  and  the  Armenian, "  Glory  be  to  Thee,  0  Lord,  our  God  "  (Neale's Eastern  Church,  Introd.  p.  414). There  is  no  very  eai'ly  evidence  of  a  doxology after  the  gospel.  The  liturgy  of  Malabar  repeats that  given  above.  The  Ethiopic  has,  "  The  che- rubim and  seraphim  send  glory  up  to  Thee." The  Armenian,  like  the  Malabar,  has  the  same after  as  before.  There  was  none  in  the  early Roman  liturgy,  and  Jmoi  seems  to  have  been  the common  response  in  the  middle  ages  {Notitia Eucharistica,  p.  228). XI.  In  what  language  read. — As  the  first  con- verts to  the  gospel  spoke  Greek,  all  the  liturgies were  originally  in  that  language.  It  is  not known  when  Latin  was  adopted  in  the  services at  Rome,  but  the  church  there  had  been  founded more  than  a  century  and  a  half  before  it  pro- duced a  single  Latin  writer.  It  was,  therefore, natural  that  Greek  should  be  occasionally  and partially  used  in  the  services  after  the  general use  of  Latin  had  begun.  In  particular  the eucharistic  lessons  were  on  certain  days  read  in both  languages.  The  chief  evidence  of  this  is the  tact  that  it  continued  as  a  traditionary  cus- tom throughout  the  middle  ages  (see  Notitia Euch.  p.  207)  ;  but  we  also  find  some  early  testi- mony to  the  usage.  Thus  Amalarius :  "  Six lessons  were  read  by  the  ancient  Romans  [on  the Saturdays  of  the  Ember  weeks]  in  Greek  and Latin  (which  custom  is  kept  up  at  Constan- tinople to  this  day),  for  two  reasons,  if  I  mistake not ;  the  one,  because  there  were  Greeks  present, to  whom  Latin  was  not  known  ;  the  other,  be- cause both  people  were  of  one  mind  "  {De  Eccl, Off.  lib.  ii.  c.  1).  This  statement  obtains  col- lateral support  from  the  earliest  Ordo  Romanus, in  which  the  four  lessons  used  at  the  general baptism  on  Easter  Eve  are  ordered  to  be  read  in Grenk  and  Latin  (§  40).  Nicholas  I.,  A.D.  858, writing  to  the  emperor  Michael,  confirms  the statement  of  Amalarius  as  to  the  practice  at Constantinople.  He  affirms  that  "  daily,  or  any how,  on  the  principal  feasts,"  the  church  there was'"  reported  to  recite  the  apostolic  and  evan- gelic lessons  in  that  language  (the  Latin)  first, and  afterwards  pronounce  the  very  same  lessons in  Greek,  for  the  sake  of  the  Greeks  "  {Ep.  viii., Labb.  Cone.  tom.  viii.  col.  298).  When  John  VIII., in  the  same  century,  gave  permission  for  the celebration  of  the  Holy  Communion  in  the Sclavonic  tongue,  he  made  this  proviso,  that, "  to  show  it  greater  honour,  the  gospel  should be  read  in  Latin,  and  afterwards  published  in Sclavonic  in  the  ears  of  the  people  who  did  not GOSPELLER understand  Latin ;  as  appears  to  be  done  in  some churches "  (^Ep.  ccxlvii. ;  Labb.  Cone.  torn.  ix. col.  177).  In  the  churches  of  Syria  the  gospel and  epistle  are  still  read  both  in  the  old  Syriac and  in  the  better  understood  Arabic  (Renaud. torn.  ii.  p.  69) ;  and  in  Egypt  in  both  Coptic  and Arabic  (Renaud.  torn.  i.  pp.  5-8).  When  they were  first  read  in  Ai-abic  we  do  not  know ;  but it  was  probably  before  the  9  th  century,  as  both countries  were  conquered  and  overrun  by  the Arabs  in  the  former  half  of  the  7th. XII.  From  the  6th  century  downward  we meet  with  repeated  instances  of  a  custom  of inclosing  the  gospels  in  cases,  covers,  or  caskets, adorned  with  gems  and  the  precious  metals. The  first  Ordo  Romanus,  in  giving  directions  for the  pontifical  mass,  to  which  we  have  referred above,  orders,  that  on  festivals  the  keeper  of  the vestry  at  St.  John's  Lateran  shall  give  out  "  a larger  chalice  and  paten,  and  larger  gospels under  his  seal,  noting  the  number  of  the  gems that  they  be  not  lost"  (§  3).  Childebert  I., A.D.  531,  is  said  by  Gregory  of  Tours  to  have returned  from  an  expedition  into  Spain,  bringing with  him,  among  other  spoils,  "sixty  chalices, fifteen  patens,  twenty  cases  for  the  gospels (evangeliorum  capsas),  all  adorned  with  pure gold  and  precious  gevas"  (^Hist.  Franc,  lib.  iii. c.  X.).  The  same  writer  tells  us  that  one  of  the emperors  of  Rome  caused  to  be  made  for  the church  at  Lyons  "  a  case  for  inclosing  the  holy gospels  and  a  paten  and  chalice  of  pure  gold and  precious  stones "  (De  Glor.  Confess,  cap. Ixiii.).  Gregory  the  Great  gave  to  the  king  of the  Lombards  "  a  lectionary  (lectionem)  of  the holy  gospel  inclosed  in  a  Persian  case  (theca)  " {Epp.  lib.  xii.  Ep.  vii.  ad  Theodel.)     [VV.  E.  S.] GOSPELLER.    [Gospel,  §  V.  p.  742.] GOSPELS,  BOOK  OF.  [Liturgical Books:  Gospel,  §  IV.  p.  742.] GOSPELS  IN  ART.  [See  Four  Rivers, Evangelists.]  The  sources  of  the  four  rivers, represented  continually  on  the  sarcophagi  (Bot- tari,  Smlture  e  Fitture,  tav.  xvi.  and  passim) have  doubtless  reference  to  the  four  gospels,  as well  as  to  the  streams  which  watered  the  garden of  Eden.  See  also  the  woodcut  of  the  Lateran Cross  s.  v.  Cross. Rolls  of  the  gospels,  or  other  sacred  books are  often  repi-esented  on  glasses  and  cups  (Buo- naruotti,  Vetri,  tav.  ii.  viii.  1,  xiv.  2).  A  case containing  the  gospels  is  represented  in  the chapel  of  Galla  Placidia  at  Ravenna  (see  Ciam- pini,  Vet.  Man.  I.  Ixvii.).  They  are  generally rolls,  sometimes  with  umbilici  and  capsae.  In Buonaruotti,  Frammenti  di  vast  antichi,  tav. viii.  1,  the  rolls  of  the  four  gospels  surround  a representation  of  the  miracle  of  the  seven  loaves, with  probable  reference  to  Matt.  iv.  4,  "  Man shall  not  live  by  bread  alone,  but  by  every  word that  proceedeth  out  of  the  mouth  of  God." The  portraits  or  symbolic  representations  of the  Evangelists  very  commonly  bear  the  gospels from  the  earliest  date  :  indeed  the  symbol  of  four scrolls  or  books,  placed  in  the  four  angles  of  a Greek  cross,  are  asserted  by  Mrs.  Jameson  to  be the  earliest  type  of  the  Four  Evangelists,  and must  certainly  be  among  the  earliest.  In  the baptistery  at  Ravenna  (Ciampini,  V.  M.  I.  p. 234),    there    is   a    mosaic    of   the    four    gosjiols GRACE  AT  MEALS 745 This resting  on  four  tables,  each  with  its  title, dates  from  A.D.  451. The  figures  of  apostles,  passim  in  ancient  me- diaeval and  modern  art,  bear  rolls  or  volumes  in their  hands ;  but  Martiguy  remarks  very  inge- niously and  thoughtfully,  that  in  the  earliest examples  of  apostles  the  volume  must  bo  con- t.idered  to  be  that  of  the  Law  and  the  Prophets, to  which  and  to  whom  they  referred  all  men  in their  preaching,  even  from  the  day  of  Pentecost. In  one  instance  a  picture  at  the  bottom  of  a  cup representing  an  adoration  of  the  Magi  (Buona- ruotti ix.  3)  the  book  of  the  gospels  is  placed  near one  of  the  three,  in  token  of  their  being  the  first, with  the  shepherds,  to  bear  the  good  tidings  of the  Saviour  of  Mankind. A  symbol  of  the  gospel,  and  of  the  evangelists, of  the  highest  antiquity  (indeed,  as  Mr.  Hemans thinks,  of  the  Constantinian  period)  is  the  paint- ing of  four  jewelled  books  at  the  juncture  of  the arms  of  a  large  cross,  also  jewelled,  on  the  vault of  a  hall  belonging  to  the  Thermae  of  Trajan ; consecrated  for  Christian  worship  by  pope Sylvester  in  the  time  of  Constantine,  and  still serving  as  a  crypt-chapel  below  the  church  of SS.  Martino  e  Silvestro  on  the  Esquiline  Hill. [R.  St.  J.  T.] GRACE  AT  MEALS.  The  Jews  were wont  to  give  thanks  at  table,  one  of  the  com- pany saying  the  prayer  "  in  the  plural  number, Let  us  bless,  &c.,"  and  the  rest  answering  Amea (Beracoth  cap.  vii. ;  Lightfoot  Home  Hehr.  in  St. Matt.  XV.  36).  When  our  Lord  was  about  to feed  the  multitudes  He  took  the  loaves  and  fishes, and  "blessed"  (St.  Matt.  xiv.  19;  St.  Mark  vi. 41;  St.  Luke  ix.  16)  or  "gave  thanks"  (St. Matt.  XV.  36  ;  St.  Mark  viii.  6  ;  St.  John  vi.  11) before  He  distributed  them.  This  was  in  accord- ance with  the  Jewish  custom,  which  thus,  with the  sanction  of  our  Lord's  example,  passed  into His  church.  St.  Chrysostom,  commenting  on Matt.  xiv.  19-21,  says  that  He  then  "taught  us that  we  should  not  touch  a  table  before  giving thanks  to  Him  who  provides  this  food "  (^Hom. xlix.).  In  commenting  on  the  account  of  the Last  Supper,  he  refers  to  the  "  Grace "  said after  meat  also  : — "  He  gave  thanks  before distributing  to  the  disciples,  that  we  may  give thanks  too.  He  gave  thanks  and  sang  hymns after  distributing,  that  'we  may  do  the  same thing  "  (//i  St.  Matt.  xxvi.  30  ;  Boryi.  Ixxxii.). That  this  was  the  general  practice  of  the  early Christians  is  pi'oved  by  many  testimonies.  St. Paul,  to  whatever  else  he  may  allude  beside, certainly  recognizes  it  in  1  Tim.  iv.  3-5.  Meats, he  there  teaches,  were  "  created  to  be  received with  thanksgiving  of  them  which  believe  and know  the  truth."  Clemens  of  Alexandria,  A.D. 192,  both  owns  the  principle,  and  vouches  for the  observance.  "  As  it  is  meet  that  before  tak- ing food  we  bless  the  Maker  of  all  these  things, so  also  does  it  become  us,  when  drinking,  to smg  psalms  unto  Him  ;  forasmuch  as  we  are partaking  of  His  creatures "  (Paedag.  lib.  ii. c.  iv.  §  44 ;  see  also  §  77).  Of  the  model  Chris- tian, he  says,  "  His  sacrifices  are  prayers  and praises,  and  the  reading  of  Scripture  before  the banqueting  ;  psalms  and  hymns  after  it "  (^Strom. lib.  vii.  c.  vii.  §  49).  Again  :  "  Referring  the reverent  enjoyment  of  all  things  to  God,  he  ever ofiers  to  the  giver  of  all  things  the  first-fruits of  meat   and  drink  and   anointing  oil.   vieldintr 746 GRACE  AT  MEALS thanks,"  &c.  {Tbid.  §  36).  Tertullian,  writing probably  in  202  :  "  We  do  not  recline  (at  an entertainment)  before  prayer  be  first  tasted .  .  .  After  water  for  the  hands  and  lights,  each, as  he  is  able,  is  called  out  to  sing  to  God  from the  Holy  Scriptures,  or  from  his  own  mind.  In like  manner  prayer  puts  an  end  to  the  feast" {Liber  AjmI.  adv.  Gcntes,  c.  xxxix.).  St.  Cyprian, writing  in  246  :  "  Nor  let  the  banqueting  hour be  void  of  heavenly  grace.  Let  the  temperate entertainment  resound  with  psalms,  and  do  ye each  undertake  this  wonted  duty  according  to  the strength  of  your  memory  or  excellence  of  voice  " (Ad  Donat.  sub  fin.).  St.  Basil,  A.D.  .370  :  "  Let pi-ayers  be  said  before  taking  food  in  meet  ac- knowledgment of  the  gifts  of  God,  both  of  those which  He  is  now  giving  and  of  those  which  He has  put  in  store  for  the  future.  Let  prayers  be said  after  food  containing  a  return  of  thanks  for the  things  given,  and  request  for  those  pro- mised "  (Fp.  ii.  ad  Greg.  Naz.  §  6).  Sozomen, A.D.  440,  says  of  the  younger  Theodosius,  that  he would  eat  nothing  "before  he  had  blessed  the Creator  of  all  things  "  {Hist.  Eccks.  Orat.  ad Imp.  libro  i.  praefixa). Examples  remain  of  the  early  Graces,  both  of the  East  and  West.  E.g.  the  Apostolical  Con- stitutions (lib.  vii.  c.  49)  furnish  the  following Eiixh  f  "■'  apicTTCfj,  Prayer  at  the  midday  meal  : "  Blessed  art  Thou,  0  Lord,  who  feedest  me  from my  youth  up,  who  givest  food  to  all  flesh.  Fill our  hearts  with  joy  and  gladness  ;  that  always having  a  sufficiency  we  may  abound  unto  every good  work,  in  Christ  Jesus  our  Lord,  through whom  be  glory  and  honour  and  power  unto  Thee, world  without  end.  Amen"  {Patres  Apostol.Cotel. torn.  i.  p.  385).  This  prayer  (slightly  varied)  is also  given  to  be  said  after  meals  in  the  treatise l>e  Virginitate  ascribed  (most  improbably)  to  St. Athanasius.  The  writer  first  gives  it  and  then proceeds  as  follows  :  "  And  when  thou  art  seated at  table  and  hast  begun  to  break  the  bread, having  thrice  sealed  it  with  the  sign  of  the cross,  thus  give  thanks,  '  Wo  give  thanks  unto Thee,  our  Father,  for  Thy  holy  resurrection  [i.  e. wrought  and  to  be  wrought  in  us,  if  the  reading be  correct];  for  through  Thy  Son  Jesus  Christ hast  Thou  made  it  known  unto  us  ;  and  as  this bread  upon  this  table  was  in  separate  grains,  and being  gathered  together  became  one  thing,  so let  Thy  church  be  gathered  together  from  the ends  of  the  earth  into  Thy  kingdom ;  for  Thine is  the  power  and  the  glory  for  ever  and  ever. Amen.'  And  this  prayer  thou  oughtest  to  say when  thou  breakest  bread  and  desirest  to  eat ; but  when  thou  dost  set  it  on  the  table  and  sittest down,  say  Our  Father  all  through.  But  the prayer  above  written  (Blessed  art  Thou,  0  God [Lord,  Const.  Apost,"]}  we  say  after  we  have  made our  meal  and  have  risen  from  table"  (§§  12,  13, inter  Athanas.  0pp.).  A  short  paraphrase,  as  it appears,  of  an  Eastern  Grace  at  meals  may  also be  seen  in  the  anonymous  commentary  (probably of  the  sixth  century)  on  the  Book  of  Job  printed with  the  works  of  Origen  (lib.  iii.). The  following  examples  fi-om  the  Gelasian Sacramentary  are  probably  the  most  ancient Graces  of  the  Latin  church  now  extant :  Prayers before  Ment.  (1)  "Refresh  us,  0  Lord,  with  Thy gift.s,  and  sustain  us  with  the  bounty  of  Thy riches ;  through  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord.  Amen." (2)  ','Let    us   be    refreshed,    0  Lord,  from  Thy GRADUAL grants  and  gifts,  and  satiated  with  Thy  blessing; through,  &c."  (3)  "  Protect  us,  0  Lord  our God,  and  afford  needful  sustenance  to  our  frailty  ; through,  &c."  (4)  "  Bless,  0  Lord,  Thy  gifts, which  of  Thy  bounty  we  are  about  to  take  ; through,  &c."  (5)  "  0  God,  who  dost  alway invite  us  to  spiritual  delights,  give  a  blessing  on Thy  gifts;  that  we  may  attain  to  a  sanctified reception  of  those  things  which  are  to  be  eaten in  Thy  name;  through,  &c."  (6)  "May  Thy gifts,  0  Lord,  refresh  us,  and  Thy  grace  console  us ; through,  &c."  Prayers  after  Meals. — (1)  "Satis- fied, 0  Lord,  with  the  gifts  of  Thy  riches,  we give  Thee  thanks  for  these  things  which  we receive  from  Thy  bounty,  beseeching  Thy  mercy that  that  which  was  needful  for  our  bodies  may not  be  burdensome  to  our  minds  ;  through,  &c." (2)  "  We  have  been  satisfied,  0  Lord,  with  Thy grants  and  gifts.  Replenish  us  with  Thy  mercy. Thou  who  art  blessed  ;  who  with  the  Father  and Holy  Ghost  livest  and  reiguest  Goa  for  ever  and ever.  Amen."  Muratori,  Liturgia  Rom.  Vetus, torn.  i.  col.  745.  Compare  the  Benedictio  ad Mensam,  and  Benedictio  post  Mensam  levatam  in the  Galilean  Sacramentary  of  the  7th  century found  at  Bobio  {Ibid.  tom.  ii.  col.  959). [W.  E.  S.] GRACILIANUS.  [Feltcissima.] GRADO,  COUNCIL  OF  {Gradense  con- cilium), held  A.D.  579  at  Grado  for  the  transfer thither  of  the  see  of  Aquileia,  supposing  its  acts genuine,  but  Istria  was  at  this  time  out  of  com- munion with  Rome  for  not  accepting  the  5th council,  and  the  part  assigned  to  Elias,  bishop  of Aquileia,  throughout  is  suspicious.  A  legate from  Rome  at  his  instance  exhibited  a  letter  as from  pope  Pelagius  II.  to  him  authorising  this change,  which  was  accordingly  confirmed.  Then he  requested  that  the  definition  of  the  4th council  might  be  recited,  which  was  also  done. In  the  subscriptions  which  follow  his  own  comes first,  after  him  that  of  the  legate,  nineteen bishops  or  their  representatives  follow,  and  last of  all  twelve  presbyters  in  their  own  names. Mansi  regards  it  as  a  forgery  (ix.  927). [E.  S.  Ff.] GRADUAL  {Besponsorium  Graduale  or  Gra- dale ;  or  simply  Besponsorium  or  Besponsum ; or  Graduale.  In  mediaeval  English  Grayl spelt  variously.) — I.  This  was  an  anthem  sung after  the  epistle  in  most  of  the  Latin  churches. Originally,  it  seems  that  a  whole  psalm  was sung,  at  least  in  Africa,  as  we  gather  from  seve- ral allusions  in  the  Sermons  of  St.  Augustine. Thus  in  one  he  says,  "  To  this  belongs  that  which the  apostolic  lesson  (Col.  iii.  9)  before  the  can- ticle of  the  psalm  presignified,  saying  '  Put  oft', &c.'  "  {Serm.  xxxii.  c.  iv.).  "  We  have  heard the  apostle,  we  have  heard  the  psalm,  we  have heard  the  gospel"  {Serm.  clxv.  c.  i.).  Again  : — "  We  have  heard  the  first  lesson  of  the  apostle, 'This  is  a  faithful  saying,  c&c'  (1  Tim.  i.  15) Then  we  sang  a  psalm,  mutually  ex- horting one  another,  saying  with  one  voice, one  heart,  '  0  come,  let  us  worship,'  &c. (Ps.  xcv.  6 ).  After  these  the  gospel  lesson showed  us  the  cleansing  of  the  ten  lepers " {Serm.  clxxvi.  c.  i.).  In  his  Betractations  (lib. ii.  c.  xi.)  St.  Augustine  speaks  of  a  custom  which began  at  Carthage  in  his  time  of  "saying  hymns at  the  altar   from   the    Book  of  Psalms,  either GEAUUAL before  the  oblation  or  when  that  which  had been  offered  was  being  distributed  to  the  people." The  hymn  before  the  oblation  has  been  under- stood by  some  to  be  the  psalm  before  the  gospel ; but  a  hymn  sung  before  the  catechumens  left would  hardly  have  been  called  by  so-  precise  a writer  as  Augustine  a  hymn  before  the  oblation. He  must  rather  have  meant  the  offertory  which immediately  preceded  the  offering  of  the  ele- ments. Nor  was  the  Gradual  sung  at  the  altar, but,  as  we  shall  see,  from  the  lector's  ambo.  We infer,  therefore,  that  the  psalm  after  the  epistle was  a  custom  of  the  chui'ch  before  the  age  of St.  Augustine.  Gennadius  of  Marseilles,  a.d. 495,  tells  us  thpt  Musaeus,  a  presbyter  of  that city,  A.D.  458,  at  the  request  of  his  bishop, selected  "  from  the  Holy  Scriptures  lessons  suit- able to  the  feast-days  of  the  whole  year,  and besides,  responsory  chapters  of  psalms  adapted to  the  seasons  and  lessons  "  (De  Viris  Illust.  c. l.xxix.).  Another  witness  is  Gregory  of  Tours, who  relates  that  on  a  certain  occasion  in  the year  585,  his  deacon  "who  had  said  the  re- sponsory at  the  masses  before  day  "  was  ordered by  king  Guntram  to  sing  before  him,  and  that afterwards  all  the  priests  present  sang  a  respon- sory psalm,  each  with  one  of  his  clerks  (^Hist. Franc.  L.  viii.  §  iii.).  The  Antiphonary  ascribed to  Gregory  I.  must  have  undergone  changes down  to  the  11th  or  12th  century,  if  it  was  not originally  compiled  then.  It  contains  Graduals (there  called  Respousories)  for  use  throughout the  year  ;  but  from  our  uncertainty  about  their age,  we  need  only  state  the  fact.  It  was  printed by  Pamelius  (Liturgicon,  torn.  ii.  p.  62),  and  by Thomasius  at  Rome  in  1683.  The  earliest  Ordo Romanus  extant,  which  describes  a  pontifical  mass of  the  7th  century,  fully  recognizes  the  use  of the  Gradual :  "  After  he  (the  subdeacon)  has  read (the  epistle)  the  cantor  ascends  [the  steps  of  the ambo  ]  with  the  cantatory,  and  says  the  Re- sponse "  (§  10 ;  Mus.  Hal.  torn.  ii.  p.  9).  Again  : "With  regard  to  the  Gradual  Responsory,  it  is [in  Lent]  sung  to  the  end  by  him  who  begins  it, and  the  verse  in  like  manner"  (§  26,  p.  18). Compare  Ordo  ii.  §  7.  Amalarius  (Prol.  in  Lib. de  Ord.  Antiph.  Hittorp.  col.  504)  explains  the term  'cantatory.'  "That  which  we  call  the Gradual  (^Gradale)  they  (the  Romans),  call  Canta- torium  ;  which  in  some  churches  among  them  is still,  according  to  the  old  custom,  comprised  in one  volume."  It  was,  in  fact,  a  book  containing all  the  Graduals  for  the  year. II.  Strictly  only  the  first  verse  of  the  anthem was  called  the  Gradual.  The  rest  was  technically called  the  "  verse."  The  mode  of  singing  it  was not  everywhere  the  same ;  but  Amalarius  de- scribes at  some  length  how  this  was  done  at Rome,  whence,  he  assui-es  us  (^De  Eccles.  Off. L.  iii.  c.  11  ;  De  Ord.  Ant.  U.S.),  the  Gradual  was derived  to  other  churches : — "  The  precentor  in the  first  row  sings  the  Responsory  to  the  end. The  succentors  respond  (i.e.  sing  the  Responsory) in  like  manner.  The  precentor  then  sings  the verse.  The  verse  being  ended,  the  succentors  a second  time  begin  the  Responsory  from  the  first word,  and  continue  it  to  the  end.  Then  the precentor  sings,  '  Glory  be  to  the  Father  and  to the  Son  and  to  the  Holy  Ghost.'  This  being ended,  the  succentors  take  up  the  Responsory about  the  middle,  and  continue  it  to  the  end. Lastly  the  precentor  begins  the  Responsory  from GRADUAL 747 the  first  word  and  continues  it  to  the  end. Which  being  over  the  succentors  for  the  third time  repeat  the  Responsory  from  the  beginning and  continue  it  to  the  end."  Amalarius  also tells  us  that  "  the  Gloria  was  not  sung  with Responsories  from  the  first"  {De  Ord.  Antiph. c.  18);  fi-om  which  we  infer  with  probability that  they  were  in  use  before  that  doxology  was composed. IH.  The  mode  of  singing  adopted  for  the  Gra- dual, in  which  one  sang  alone  for  a  while  and many  resjwnded  was  probably  in  use  from  the very  infancy  of  the  church.  In  the  Apostolical Constitutions  the  apostles  are  made  to  direct that  at  the  celebration  of  the  holy  eucharist one  of  the  deacons  shall  "  chant  the  hymns  of David,  and  the  people  subchant  the  ends  of  the verses"  (L.  ii.  c.  Ivii.).  When  St.  Athanasius (a.d.  356)  found  his  church  surrounded  by  more than  5000  soldiers,  and  a  violent  crowd  of  Ari- ans,  he  placed  himself  on  his  throne  and  "  di- rected the  deacon  to  read  a  psalm,  and  the people  to  respond,  '  For  His  mercy  endureth  for ever'"  {Apol.  de  Fugd  sua,  §  24).  Eusebius, too,  citing  Philo's  account  of  certain  "  Ascetae  " in  Egypt,  among  other  of  their  customs  which he  declares  to  belong  to  the  Christians,  mentions that  one  would  "  chant  a  psalm  in  measured strains,  the  rest  listening  in  silence,  but  singing the  last  parts  of  the  hymns  together  "'  (Euseb. Hist.  L.  II.  c.  xvii.).  Whether  those  ascetics were  Jews  or  Christians  the  narrative  of  Philo shows  that  the  practice  must  have  been  known to  the  Jewish  converts  of  the  1st  century,  and may  even  then  have  been  adopted  by  them. IV.  From  Easter  Eve  to  the  Saturday  in Whitsun  week  inclusively  the  Gradual  was  fol- lowed, and  at  last  supplanted  by  the  Alleluia. This  had  been  long  known  in  the  West  and  used, though  not  prescribed,  on  public  occasions  of religious  joy.  At  Rome  it  was  only  sung  on Easter  day,  as  Sozomen  informs  us  (^Hist.  Eccl. lib.  vii.  cap.  xix.),  and  his  statement  is  copied  by Cassiodorius  {Hist.  Eccl.  Tripart.  L.  xiii.  c.  xxxix.), who  lived  at  Rome,  A.D.  514.  Their  authority, however,  can  only  prove  the  tact  for  an  age before  their  own ;  for  Gregory  I.  affirms  that  it ' was  introduced  at  Rome  in  masses  by  St.  Jerome (who  had  learnt  it  at  Jerusalem)  in  the  time  of Damasus,  A.D.  384  {Epist.  lib.  vii.;  Ep.  Ixiv.). This,  of  course,  refers  to  its  use  between  Easter and  Pentecost ;  as  Gregory  himself  extended  it "  beyond  the  time  of  Pentecost  "  (JJnd.).  In the  Antiphonary  ascribed  to  him  it  is  only omitted  between  Septuagesima  Sunday  and Easter  (Pamel.  Liturg.  torn.  ii.  pp.  81-110). Amalarius  (u.s.  cap.  13)  speaks  of  it  as  "sung on  feast  days." V.  The  Tract  was  another  anthem  sometimes sung  after  the  epistle.  Originally  it  was  always from  the  Book  of  Psalms;  and  like  the  Gradual was  a  remnant  and  evidence  of  their  early  use in  celebrations  as  a  part  of  Holy  Scripture. The  Tract  and  Gradual  differed  at  first,  in  all probability,  only  in  being  sung  differently;  or in  other  words  the  Tract  was  nothing  more  than the  Gradual  as  it  was  chanted  in  seasons  of humiliation.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  wo  treat of  them  together.  Very  soon,  however,  a  Tract was  often  sung  after  the  Gradual;  or,  as  if would,  we  presume,  be  then  viewed,  a  third verse  was  added  to  tlie  anthem,  which  was  suuir 748 GKADUAL tractim;  i.e.  continuously  by  the  cantor  witliout any  assistance  from  the  choir.  Although  the language  is  obscure,  we  may  perhaps  infer  that they  were  sometimes  sung  together  under  the first  Ordo  Eomanus.  "  If  it  shall  be  the  time for  the  Alleluia  to  be  said,  well ;  but  if  for  the Tract,  well  again;  but  if  not  let  the  response (Gradual)  only  be  sung"  (§  10).  The  Tract  is never  used  without  a  responsory  in  the  so-called Gregorian  Antiphonary.  Though  properly penitential  (Amalarius  De  Eccl.  Off.  lib.  ii.  c.  3), the  Tract  was  not  always  of  a  mournful  cha- racter. "Sometimes,"  says  Amalarius,  "the Tract  expresses  tribulation,  sometimes  joy " {Ibid.  lib.  iii.  c.  13).  It  was  sung  from  the same  place  as  the  Gradual  (^Ord.  Eom.  /.  §  10; //.  §  7),  and  at  first  by  the  same  cantor  (JJrd.  I. §  7)  ;  but  later  on  by  another  (Orrf.  II F.  §  9).  The origin  of  the  name,  from  cantus  tractus,  a  sustained unbroken  chant,  appears  certain.  Honorius  of Autun,  A.D.  1130,  is  the  earliest  extant  authority for  it  {Gemma  Animae,  lib.  i.  c.  96)  ;  but  it  is approved  by  all  the  best  ritualists. The  mode  of  chanting  the  Tract  was  probably borrowed  from  the  early  monks,  who  sang  the psalms  by  turns,  one  at  a  time.  Thus  Cassian, A.D.  424,  "  One  rises  to  sing  psalms  unto  the Lord  before  the  company "  {Be  Coenob.  Instit. lib.  ii.  c.  v.).  "  They  divide  the  aforesaid  num- ber of  twelve  psalms  in  such  a  manner  that  if two  brethren  be  present,  they  sing  six  each  ;  if three,  four  ;  if  four,  three  "  {Ibid.  c.  xi. ;  see also  c.  xii.).  St.  Jerome  has  an  allusion  to  it when,  writing  to  a  monk  {Ep.  xiv.  ad  Rustic. Moil.),  he  reminds  him  of  the  obligation  to  rise before  sleep  would  naturally  leave  him  and "  say  a  psalm  in  his  turn." VI.  The  Gradual  and  Tract  were  sung  from the  same  step  of  the  ambo  from  which  the epistle  was  read.  According  to  the  second  Ordo Komanus  (§  7),  the  Epistoler  "  went  up  on  to the  ambo  to  read,  but  not  on  to  its  upper  step (or  stage,  gradual),  which  only  he  who  read  the gospel  was  wont  to  ascend.  After  he  had  read the  cantor  ascended  with  the  cantorium  (  =  can- tatorium)  ....  not  to  a  higher  place ;  but  he stood  in  the  same  place  as  the  reader."  It  was foj-  this  reason  that  the  anthem  was  called Gradual:  it  was  the  chant  from  the  step  of  the ambo.  This  explanation  of  the  term  is  given  by Rabanus  Maurus,  A.D.  847,  and  is  accepted  by Bona,  Le  Bruu,  Gerbert,  Martene,  and  perhaps all  the  great  writers  on  ritual. VII.  The  fact  that  the  Gradual  and  Tract  were both  sung  from  the  lesson  desk,  and  that  by  a single  cantor,  detached  thither,  like  the  readers, from  the  choir,  seems  to  indicate  their  common origin  in  that  extended  use  of  the  Book  of  Psalms with  the  rest  of  Holy  Scripture  which  we  know to  have  prevailed  during  the  first  ages.  Both arrangements  were  appropriate  and  natural  if the  psalms  were  said  in  some  sort  as  a  lesson  ;  but inappropriate  as  well  as  inconvenient  for  a  mere anthem.  The  sense  of  this  at  length  led  to  the Gradual  being  sung  by  the  cantor  in  his  usual place.  Amalarius,  indeed,  exhibits  the  cantor  as a  teacher  and  preacher  no  less  than  those  who read  the  other  Scriptures.  "  By  the  office  of  the cantor  we  may  understand  that  of  a  prophet ....  By  the  responsory  we  may  understand  the preaching  of  the  New  Testament  ....  The  cantor discharges  the  functions  of  a  faithful  preacher," GREETING-HOUSE &c.  {De  Eocl.  Off.  1.  iii.  cap.  11).  This  was,  we presume,  the  traditional  view.  It  is  suggested by  St.  Augustine'smanner  of  referring  (see  above) to  the  psalms  which  in  his  day  formed  part  of the  eucharistic  service  in  Roman  Africa,  as  well as  to  the  epistles  and  gospels.  The  same  thought underlies  the  mystical  comment  of  Pseudo-Dio- nysius.  The  psalms  sung,  according  to  him,  put the  soul  into  harmony  with  things  divine,  and then  those  things  which  have  been  mystically shadowed  forth  in  them  are  plainly  and  fully taught  in  the -lessons  from  the  other  parts  of Holy  writ  {De  Eccl.  Hier.  c.  iii.  n.  iii.  §  5). Psalms  are  to  this  day  sung  before  the  gospel  in the  Coptic  rite  (Kenaud.  tom.  i.  pp.  7,  210).  In the  Armenian  "  a  suitable  psalm  is  recited  "  im- mediately before  the  first  eucharistic  lesson (the  prophecy)  is  read  (Le  Brun,  Diss.  x.  art. xiv.).  In  the  Milanese  a  Psalmellus  (Pamelii Liturgicon,  tom.  i.  p.  295),  and  in  the  Mozarabic an  anthem  headed  Psallendo  (Leslie,  Miss.  Moz. pp.  1,  222),  in  Lent  a  Tractus  {ibid.  pp.  98,  101, &c.)  is  sung  between  the  prophecy  and  the epistle.  In  these  psalms  or  anthems  we  find the  evident  remains,  akin  to  the  Roman  Gradual and  Tract,  of  the  psalmody  which  accompanied the  reading  of  the  other  Scriptures  in  the  primi- tive church.  There  was  also,  we  may  mention in  conclusion,  a  substitute  for  it  left  in  the  Old Galilean  liturgy  in  the  Hymn  of  Zacharias, often  called  the  prophecy,  which  was  sung  be- fore the  Old  Testament  Lesson  ( S,  Germani Expos.  Breo.  in  Martene  De  Ant.  Eccl.  Hit.  1. i.  c.  iv.  art.  xii.  ord.  i. ;  Mabill.  Liturg.  Gall.  1. ii.  pp.  251,  322,  &c.),  and  in  the  Song  of  the Three  Children  (  Germanus,  m.  s.  ;  Mabill.  ibid. p.  107)  which  was  sung  between  the  epistle  and gospel.  [W.  E.  S.] GEANATAEIUS,  in  a  monastery,  one  of the  four  deputies  or  assistants  of  the  house- steward  ("  sufiTraganei  cellerario,"  quaintly  styled "■solatia  cellej'arii"  in  the  old  Benedictine  rule), the  receiver  of  the  yearly  corn-harvest  of  the monastery,  and  keeper  of  the  granary  (Mart. Beg.  Bened.  Conim.  c.  31)  and  of  the  farm  stock (Isidor.  Reg.  c.  19).  In  some  monasteries  his office  was  to  provide  all  household  necessaries (Ducange  Gloss,  j.at.  s.  v.).  The  word  is  also spelt  "  granarius  "  or  "  granetarius."   [I.  G.  S.] GRATA.  [Photinus.] GRATIAS  DEO.    [Deo  Gratias.] GRAVES.  [Arcosolium  :  Area  ;  Bisomus  ; Catacombs;  Cemetery;  Cella  Memoriae; Churchyard.] GREAT  WEEK.     [Holy  Week.] GREEK,  USED  IN  SERVICES.  [Creed, §  17  ;  Gospel,  §  XI.  p.  744.] (JREEN  THURSDAY.  [Maundy  Thurs- day.] GREETING.     [Salutation.] GREETING,  THE  ANGELICAL.  [Hail, Mary.] GREETING  -  HOUSE,  a  reception-room (ao-Trao-Ti'/cos  oIkos,  receptorium,  salutatorium, salle  d'entre'e,  parloir)  next  to  the  proaula  or proaulium  (Ducange  Gloss.  L'd.  s.  v.  saluta- torium). In  the  narrative  of  the  fiinious  inter- view   between    Ambro.se    and    Thcodosius,    the GREGORIAN  MUSIC bishop  is  described  as  sitting  in  his  reception- room  before  going  to  the  church  (Theodoret, Ecc.  Hist.  V.  18),  and  Gregory  the  Great  speaks of  a  bishop  as  proceeding  from  his  reception- room  to  church  (Greg.  M.  Ep.  iv.  54).  Bingham corrects  the  opinion  of  Scaliger  that  the  place spoken  of  by  Theodoret  was  a  part  of  the  bishop's palace  used  for  entertaining  strangers,  and  pro- nounces it  "  a  place  adjoining  the  church " ("  exedra  ecclesiae  adjuncta,"  Ducange,  v.  s.)  for the  bishop  "  to  receive  the  salutations  of  the people  "  coming  for  his  "  blessing,"  or  on  "  busi- ness "  (Bingh.  Orig.  Eccle's.  viii.  vii.  8 ;  cf. Vales.  Annotat.  in  Theodoret.  1.  c).  It  is  re- corded of  St.  Martin  of  Tours  that  he  sat  on  a three-legged  stool  in  a  room  of  this  kind,  in  pre- ference to  using  the  bishop's  throne  which  was there  (Sulp.  Sev.  Vit.  S.  Mart.);  and  that  on  his visitations  he  spent  night  and  day  in  this  room (Sulp.  Sev.  Ep.  1).  In  this  "salutatorium  "  the rule  of  the  convent  was  read  over  to  candidates for  admission  {Beg.  Aurel.  ad  Virgines,  c.  1).  The nuns,  and  even  the  abbess,  were  foi'bidden  to  see any  stranger  here  alone  {Eeg.  Donnt.  ad  Virg.  c.  57  ; Beg.  Caesarii  ad  Virg.  c.  35) ;  and  by  the  council of  Macon,  A.D.  581,  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons, as  well  as  laymen,  were  prohibited  from  entering the  reception-room  of  a  nunnery,  Jews  especially being  excluded  {Cojic.  Matiscon.  c.  2).a  On  the same  principle,  women,  even  nuns,  were  excluded from  the  bishop's  "salutatorium"(Ducange,  s.  v.}. In  a  Benedictine  monastery  this  chamber  was usually  on  the  east  side  of  the  quadrangle,  be- tween the  chapter-house  and  the  south  transept of  the  church  (Whitaker's  Hist,  of  Whdley, p.  124,  4th  ed.  1874). A  room  of  this  kind  was  used,  according  to Mabillon,  for  robing,  for  hearing  causes,  for synods,  for  keeping  relics  in,  and  sometimes  for temporary  residence  (Mabill.  Ann.  Bened.  Saec. iv.  i.  p.  370,  cited  by  Ducange  Gloss.  Eat.  v.  s. ; cf.  Sulp.  Sev.  Ep.  i.).  According  to  Menard, there  was  a  similar  room  for  the  use  of  the priests  (Bened.  Anian.  Concord.  Regul.  v.  25:  cf. Sulp.  Sev.  Dial.  II.  i.). This  receiving-room,  or  audience-chamber, seems  identical  with  the  "  sacrarium,"  or  vestry, where  the  vessels  for  use  in  church  were  kept (Ducange  Gloss.  Lat.  s.  v.)  See  Diaconicum, Gazophylacium.  [I.  G.  S.] GREGORIAN  MUSIC.  [Music] GREGORY.  (1)  Bishop  of  Nyssa  in  Cappa- docia(t  390  A.D.);  commemorated  March  9(J/a»-<. Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis)  ;  Jan.  10  {Cal.  Byzant.) ;  Hedar 2i)  =  Nov.  22  {Cal.  Ethiop.);  deposition  March  9 {Mart.  Usuardi). (2)  Magnus,  the  pope,  "apostolus  Anglorum" (t  604  A.D.);  commemorated  with  Innocent  I., March  12  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis, Usuardi)  ;  deposition  March  12  {Mart.  Bedae). (3)  Bishop  and  confessor  of  Eliberis  (Elvira) (saec.  IV.);  commemorated  April  24  {Mart. Usuardi). (4)  Theologus,  bishop  of  Nazianzus  and  of Constantinople  (f  389  a.d.);  commemorated  Jan. GRIFFIN ■49 »  The  reading  in  the  text,  "extra  salutatorium,"  ob- viously  wrong,  is  corrected  by  Labbe  in  the  margin  to "  infra."  The  "  oratorium  "  here  mentioned  and  in  the quoted  above  from  the  Rule  of  Donatus,  is another  place. 25    {Cal.  Byzant.,  Mart.  Bedae)  ;  May  9  {Mart. Bom.Vet.,Moms,  Usuardi);  X\i^.Z{Cdl.Armen.). (5)  Thaumaturgus,  bishop  of  Neo-Caesarea and  martyr  (j  circa  270  a.d.)  ;  commemorated July  3  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usu- ardi);  July  27  {Cal.  Armen.);  Nov.  17  {Mart. Bedae,  Cal.  Byzant.);  Hedar  21  =  Nov  17  (Cal Ethiop.). (6)  The  Illuminator,  bishop  and  patriarch  of Greater  Armenia  in  the  time  of  Diocletian (t  325-330  A.D.),  Uponaprvs;  commemorated ^Q'pt.ZO  {Cal.  Byzant.);  March  23  (Ca/.  Armen., Cal.  Georg.)  ;  Maskarram  19  =  Sept.  16  {Cal. Ethiop.);  invention  of  his  relics,  Oct.  lA  {Cal. Ai-men.). (7)  Bishop  of  Agrigentum  ;  commemorated Nov.  23  {Cal.  Byzant.). (8)  Bishop  of  Auxerre  ;  commemorated  Dec. 19  {Mart.  Usuardi). (9)  Presbyter  and  martyr  at  Spoletum  in Tuscany,  in  the  time  of  Diocletian  and  Maxi- mum; commemorated  Dec.  24  {Mart.  Born.  Vet., Adonis,  Usuardi). (10)  Ab  Shandzai ;  commemorated  Oct.  5 {Cal.  Georg.).  [VV.  F.  G.] GRIFFIN.  See  «  Cherub  "  in  Dictioxary OF  THE  Bible,  vol.  i.  pp.  300  sqq. ;  and  Buskin's Modern  Bainters,  vol.  iii.  p.  112. The  connexion  between  the  various  symbolisms of  Cherub  and  Griffin  in  Biblical  and  Northern tradition  is  strengthened  by  the  etvmological resemblance  of  the  words.  There  is  certainly  a great  likeness  between  the  names  ypiiir  (with  x afformative)  and  3-n3.  Both  are  titles  of  the most  ancient  existing  symbols  of  Divine  om- nipotence and  omniscience;  as  it  cannot  be doubted  that  the  sphinxes  of  Egypt  and  winged bulls  or  lions  of  Assyria  conveyed  kindred  ideas to  the  hieratic,  or  indeed  the  popular  mind.  It would  seem  that  all  the  chief  races  of  men  have been  taught  to  set  forth  such  mysterious  forms ; as  this  composite  idea  is  so  nearly  universal. Some  figure  of  this  kind  must  have  been  the popular  shape  of  the  cherub  or  gryps  known  to the  children  of  Israel  :  and  the  fact  that  it  was a  permitted  and  prescribed  image,  taken  toge- ther with  the  command  to  make  the  brazen serpent,  forms  a  very  large  portion  of  the  sub- structure of  iconodulist  arguments.  See  Johannes Damascenus  Be  Imaginib'is,  Orat.  ii.  Such  in- stances of  griffin  forms  as  appear  in  the  earliest Christian  decoration  seem  to  the  writer  to  be in  all  probability  merely  ornamental ;  as,  in fact,  unmeaning  adaptations  of  Gentile  patterns. See,  however,  Guenebault,  Dictionmiire  Icoho- graphique,  s.  v.  "  Griffon."  The  use  of  the  sym- bolic griffin  by  the  Lombard  race,  however, dates  from  well  within  our  period ;  though  the great  Veronese  works  so  frequently  mentioned by  Professor  Ruskin  are  probably  as  late  as  the nth  century.  Those  of  the  duomo  of  Verona and  the  church  of  San  Zenone  deserve  especial mention. That  the  griffin  is  the  Gothic-Christictn  repre- sentation of  the  cherub,  the  "  Mighty  one,"  or the  "Carved  Image"  of  Hebrew  sculpture, seems  highly  probable,  further,  from  the  follow- ing connexion  of  ideas  in  different  ages. The  glorified  forms  of  living  creatures  and  of 750 GROTESQUE wheels  in  the  great  opening  vision  of  Ezekiel  have necessarily  been  always  connected  with  those  of the  Zia,  the  Beasts  of  the  Apocalypse  [See  Evan- gelists, p.  633].  The  latter,  as  representing the  writers  of  the  four  gospels,  are  an  universal symbol  after  the  5th  century.  It  did  not  escape the  eye  of  Professor  Ruskin  that  the  marble wheel  by  the  side  of  his  Veronese  griffin  is  an indisputable  reference  on  the  part  of  the  un- known Lombard  artist  to  the  first  chapter  of Ezekiel  (Ezek.  1.  21):  "When  those  (Living Creatures)  went,  these  went :  and  when  those stood,  these  stood,  and  when  those  were  lifted up  from  the  earth,  the  wheels  were  lifted  up over  against  them :  for  the  spirit  of  the  Living Creatures  was  in  the  wheels."  And  this  is  fully confirmed  (w-ere  that  necessary)  by  Dr.  Hay- man's  researches  in  the  Dictionary  of  the Bible.  But  the  wheels  appear  in  a  more  an- cient work  by  a  great  and  mystical  genius whose  name  and  date  alone  remain  to  us,  the monk  Rabula,  scribe  and  illustrator  of  the great  Florentine  MS.,  A.D.  586  (See  Assemani's Catalogue  of  the  Laurentian  Lihrary).  A  wood- cut of  this  is  given  in  this  work,  p.  85.  It represents  the  Ascension ;  our  Lord  is  borne  up by  two  ministering  angels  on  a  chariot  of  cloud, under  which  appear  the  heads  of  the  Four  Crea- tures :  the  flaming  wheels  are  on  each  side,  with two  other  angels,  who  are  apparently  receiving His  garments,  the  vesture  of  His  flesh.  The sun  and  moon  are  in  the  upper  corners  of  the picture;  which  is  one  of  the  most  important works  in  Christian  art  as  a  specimen  of  imagin- ative symbolism  of  the  highest  character,  and also  as  a  gi'aphic  illustration  of  the  connexion between  Hebrew  and  Christian  vision,  or  Apoca- lypse of  the  Unseen.  And  to  this  the  Veronese griffin  and  its  wheel,  and  the  whole  Christian usage  of  that  composite  form  as  a  symbol,  really refers.  "  The  winged  shape  becomes  one  of  the acknowledged  symbols  of  Divine  power :  and  in its  unity  of  lion  and  eagle,  the  workman  of  the middle  ages  always  meant  to  set  forth  the  unity of  the  human  and  Divine  natures.  In  this  unity it  bears  up  the  pillars  of  the  church,  set  for  ever as  the  corner  stone." In  its  merely  ornamental  use  it  is  derived simply  from  Heathen  or  Gentile  art  and  litera- ture. [R.  St.  J.  T.] GROTESQUE.  We  have  the  authority  of Prof.  Mommsen  for  assigning  the  word  Kpvinco as  the  original  derivation  of  this  adjective,  formed, probably,  immediately  from  grot  or  grotto,  a cavern  or  subterranean  recess,  and  therefore connected  in  its  use,  as  a  word  of  Renais- sance origin,  with  ideas  of  Pan,  the  Satyrs,  and other  cavern-haunting  figures,  combining  noble with  ignoble  form.  The  very  numerous  and various  meanings  of  the  word  all  point  to  the idea  of  novel  contrast ;  either  between  the  noble and  ignoble,  or  less  noble,  or  of  the  beautiful  with the  less  beautiful.  In  Christian  art,  moreover, both  of  earlier  and  later  date,  a  large  number  of works  may  be  called  grotesque  in  the  general  or popular  sense  of  the  word,  because  they  are  very singular  in  their  appearance.  This  may  arise  in one  or  in  two  ways,  or  be  caused  by  one  or  both of  two  conditions:  either  by  the  difficulty  of the  subject,  or  the  archaic  style  of  the  workmen, or  by  a  mixture  of  originality  of  mind  and  im- GROTESQUE perfect  skill  in  craft.  Many  heathen  grotesques of  the  earlier  empire,  as  those  of  Pompeii,  the Baths  of  Hadrian,  and  the  newly-discovered frescoes  of  the  Doria  Pamphili  Villa  (see  Pai-ker, Antiquities  of  Borne,  and  appendix  by  the  present writer)  are  extremely  beautiful  and  perfect  in workmanship,  and  come  under  the  first  or  second classes  mentioned,  where  the  less  pleasing  form is  contrasted  with  the  more  beautiful ;  this  is the  principle  also  of  much  cinque-cento  gro- tesque. Early  Christian  work  of  this  kind  is not  unfrequent  in  the  catacombs,  as  in  the "  Seasons "  of  the  catacombs  of  SS.  Domitilla and  Nereus,  in  many  of  the  mosaic  orna- ments of  St.  Constantia  and  the  other  Graeco- Roman  churches.  The  employment  of  actual ugliness  for  surprise  or  contrast  seems  to  be  a characteristic  of  the  art  of  the  Northern  races, found  in  Italy  only  in  the  earlier  work  of  the Lombard  race,  and  then  always  distinguishable in  its  manner  from  that  of  the  French  or  Ger- mans. Excepting  the  carvings  of  St.  Ambrogio at  Milan,  and  the  churches  of  St.  Michele  at Pavia  and  Lucca,  this  species  of  grotesque  is  not part  of  our  period;  but  the  most  characteristic and  important  of  all  these  buildings,  St.  Zenone at  Verona,  cannot  be  altogether  omitted.  It seems  as  well  to  classify  the  various  meanings of  the  Grotesque  as  follows,  according  to  the examples  found  in  various  places  and  periods. 1.  Grotesque,  where  more  elaborate  or  serious representations  are  contrasted  with  easier  and  less important  work  by  the  same  hand,  as  in  orna- mental borders  round  pictures,  fillings-up  of vaultings  or  surfaces  round  figures,  &c.  This embraces  all  the  earlier  grotesque  of  ornament, as  in  the  frescoes  of  Hadrian's  villa,  or  the  Doria Pamphili  columbarium. 2.  Grotesque  where  the  importance  of  the subject,  and  the  workman's  real  interest  in  it, are  for  a  time  played  with ;  he  being  led  to  do so  by  the  natural  exuberance  of  his  fancy,  by temporary  fatigue  of  mind,  or  other  causes — this includes  the  Lombard  work. 3.  Grotesque  where  either  the  imperfection  of the  workman's  hand,  or  the  inexpressible  nature of  his  subject,  render  his  work  extraordinary  in appearance,  and  obviously  imperfect  and  unequal. This  applies  to  the  productions  of  all  times  and places  where  thoughtful  and  energetic  man  have laboured.  Among  its  greatest  and  most  cha- racteristic examples  are  the  Triumph  of  Deatli by  Orgagna  at  Pisa,  and  the  Last  Judgment  of Torcello  ;  its  most  quaint  and  absurd  appearance may  be  in  the  strange  Ostrogothic  mosaic  in  the sacristy  of  St.  Giovanni  Evangelista  at  Ravenna ; or  see  Count  Bastard's  Peintures  des  MSS.  passim ; but  this  description  of  grotesqueness  applies  to almost  all  the  Byzantine  apses  and  arches  of triumph  where  the  spiritual  world  is  depicted, and  indeed  to  all  Byzantine  work  in  as  far  as  it attempts  naturalist  representation,  unless  it  be in  the  single  pictures  of  birds,  found  in  MSS., and  occasionally  in  mosaic,  as  at  St.  Vitale  at Ravenna. Few  of  the  works  of  the  catacombs  have  any pretence  to  beauty.  The  birds  and  vine  orna- ment of  the  tomb  of  Domitilla  (perhaps  the earliest  Christian  sepulchre,  which  is  known  by dated  bricks  to  be  certainly  not  later  than  Ha- drian, and  is  very  probably  the  actual  grave  of a  granddaughter  of  Vespasian)  are  of  the  same GROTESQUE date  as  the  tomb,  which  is  anterior  to  the  cata- comb. These,  with  some  remains  of  the  paint- ings in  the  catacon-ib,  and  the  2nd  century  paint- ings of  the  catacomb  of  St.  Praetextatus,  are beautiful  examples  of  playful  naturalistic  orna- ment, probably  the  work  of  heathen  hands, under  Christian  direction,  and  taken  in  the Christian  sense.  They  are  mentioned  here, rather  as  parallel  works  to  the  beautiful  secular- Roman  grotesques,  than  as  true  grotesques themselves.  They  are  symbolic  in  the  strict sense  (see  J.  H.  Parker's  Photographs  and  Anti- quities of  Rome,  and  art.  '  Symbolism  '  in  this Dictionary). The  grotesqueness  of  the  early  mosaics  is  of the  same  nature  as  that  of  the  forms  and  figures in  the  best  glass-painting.  In  both,  the  advan- tages of  light  and  shade,  correct  drawing  and perspective,  are  sacrificed  entirely  to  colour  and graphic  force  of  impression.  To  express  the plainest  meaning  in  the  brightest  and  most  gem- like colour  is  the  whole  object  of  the  artist.  Of course  in  the  works  from  the  5th  to  the  8th century,  down  to  the  bathos  of  Graeco-Roman  art, the  rigid  strangeness  of  the  mosaics  may  have much  to  do  with  the  incapacity  of  the  work- men. Nevertheless  the  gift  of  colour  is  seldom wanting  ;  and  this,  together  with  the  painful asceticism  of  faces  and  forms  in  these  works, points  to  an  Eastern  element  in  the  minds  and education  of  these  artists.  The  great  Medici  MS. of  Rabula  is  perhaps  the  central  example  of  the genius  and  originality  of  design  and  graphic power,  possessed  by  some  of  the  unknown  ascetics of  Syria  and  the  East.  The  mosaic  of  the  Trans- figuration at  Mount  Sinai,  of  the  age  of  Justi- nian and  many  of  those  in  Rome,  as  the  apses  of SS.  Cosmas  and  Damianus,  of  St.  Venantius, and  above  all  St.  Prassede,  are  instances  giving evidence  of  necessarily  imperfect  treatment  of  a transcendent  subject.  Those  of  Ravenna  have been  already  mentioneil ;  but  their  workmanship greatly  excels  that  of  the  Roman  mosaics,  and their  quaintness  strikes  one  less  than  their beauty. The  Lombard  invasion  of  Italy  dates  568  A.D., and  it  is  in  the  earliest  work  of  this  extraor- dinary race  that  the  Christian  grotesque,  pro- perly speaking,  may  be  said  to  arise.  The  best account  of  some  of  its  examples,  in  Pavia,  Lucca and  Verona,  is  to  be  found  in  Appendix  8.  of Ruskin's  Stones  of  Venice,  vol.  i.  p.  360-65, accompanied  by  excellent  descriptive  plates,  and comparisons  between  the  Lombard  subjects  and workmanship  in  St.  Michele  and  St.  Zenone, and  the  Byzantine  masonry  and  carvings  of St.  Mark's  at  Venice.  Invention  and  restless energv  are  the  characteristics  of  the  new  and strong  barbarian  race ;  graceful  conventionalism and  exact  workmanship,  with  innate  but  some- what languid  sense  of  beauty,  belong  to  the Greek  workmen.  Neither  of  them  can  ever  be undervalued  by  any  one  who  is  interested  in  the bearings  of  art  on  history;  for  there  can  be  no doubt,  that  as  the  Lombard  churches  are  the fii-st  outbreak  of  the  inventive  and  graphic spirit  which  grew  into  the  great  Pisan  and  Flo- rentine schools  of  painting  and  sculpture,  so  the Romano-Greek  or  Eastern  influence,  generally called  Byzantine,  extended  over  all  the  Christian world  of  the  early  mediaeval  ages.  To  trace  the Christian    grotesque    northward    and    westward GROTESQUE 751 through  early  MSS.,  bas-reliefs,  and  church  deco- ration would  be  to  write  a  history  of  Christian art  in  the  dark  ages.  One  of  the  first  accom- plishments of  the  denizens  of  a  convent  would of  course  be  calligraphy,  and  to  multiply  Evan- geliaria  and  missals  was  a  part  even  of  the earliest  missionary  work. On  the  edge  of  every  wave of  progress  made  by  the Faith,  the  convents  arose first  of  all  things,  and  the monks  at  once  employed themselves  on  copies  of  tiie Holy  Scriptures.  Now  it cannot  be  doubted,  that  a Schola  Graeca,  a  regular set  of  artists  working  ac- cording to  Greek  traditions of  subject  and  treatment  in art,  existed  in  Rome  from the  6th  century,  if  not  be- fore, and  received  a  great accession  of  strength  in the  8th  during  the  Icono- clastic struggle  in  Constan- tinople, when  many  eccle- siastical artists  must  have withdrawn  thence  to  Rome. There  in  fact,  as  elsewhere, the    first    faint   revival    of Christian  art  took  place  entirely  in  churches and  convents,  and  under  what  are  called  By- zantine forms.  Whether  Byzantinism  be  con- sidered as  the  last  embers  of  Graeco-Roman art,  kept  alive  by  Christianity  for  the  Northern races,  or  as  the  first  sparks  of  a  new  ligh: feebly  struggling  for  existence  through  all  the centuries  from  the  6th  to  the  11th,  there  is  no doubt   that  the    characteristics   of  Bvzantinism No.  2.    Carlovinfn.in,  8th  ccntnry.    (Bastard — many  of  them  characteristics  of  weakness,  no doubt — prevailed  in  Christian  ornamental  work of  all  kinds,  and  were  grotesque  in  all  the  senses of  the  word.  The  beautifully  illustrated  works of  Prof.  Westwood  on  Saxon,  Irish  and  Northern MSS.  in  particular,  are  of  the  highest  value  in this  connection,  and  are  in  fact  almost  the  only works  generally  accessible  in  this  country,  which illustrate  the  connection  between  the  Eastern  an<l English  churches  through  the  Irish,  by  way  of lona  and  Lindisfarne  (see  Miniature). The  splendid  works  of  D'Agincourt  and  Count Bastard  are  the  best  authority  and  sources  of information  on  the  Soutlicrn  Grotesque  in  minia- 752 GUARDIANS ture  carving  withia  the  limits  of  our  period, and  the  art  of  photography  is  now  bringing  the remains  of  the  ancient  Lombard  chtirches  within reach  of  most  persons  interested  in  them.  De- scriptions fail  in  great  measure  without  illustra- tion, and  few  pictures  or  drawings  are  really trustworthy  for  details  of  ornamental  work  (see Stones  of  Venice,  App.  vol.  i.  ubi  sup.).  Mr. Ruskin  has  secured  many  valuable  records  by his  own  pencil  and  those  of  his  trusted  workmen. Didron's  Annales  Archeologiques  contain  much excellent  illustration ;  and  a  parallel  work  of equal  value  is  still,  we  believe,  carried  on  in Germanv.  called  the  Jahrhuch  des  Vereins  von Alterthums-freundeninRheinlande.  Mr.  Parker's photographs  and  Roman  Antiquities  above  men- Ni).  3.    Medicus  Sapiens.    (Bastard,  vol.  i.) tioned,  are  of  great  value  to  the  historical  student of  art  or  of  archaeology.  The  Northern  Teutonic grotesque  of  actual  sport  of  mind,  ultra-natu- ralism, and  caricature  extends  far  beyond  the limits  of  our  period.  But  the  term  grotesque is  generally  applied  to  so  many  things  within it,  that  some  early  specimens  of  Gothic  humour seem  necessary  for  the  purposes  bf  this  Dic- tionary ;  and  three  selections  from  Count  Bas- tard's work  are  accordingly  given.  No.  1  is  a Merovingian  initial  letter ;  No.  2  Carlovingian of  the  8th  century ;  and  No.  3  is  the  initial portrait  of  a  monk-physician  in  a  lettrcs-a-jour MS.  of  the  8th  century  of  the  medical  works  of Orbaces,  Alexander  of  fralles,and  Dioscorides.  All will  be  found  in  colour  in  Count  Bastard's  first volume,  with  innumerable  others.   [R.  St.  J.  T.] GUARDIANS.  The  duties  and  liabilities  of guardians  as  defined  by  the  old  Roman  laws, were  but  slightly  aft'ected  by  the  Christian religion  [See  DiCT.  OF  Greek  and  Rom.  Antiq. s.  V.  Tutor]. The  principal  church  regulation,  which  con- cerned them,  arose  from  the  generally  admitted maxim,  that  the  clergy  ought  not  to  be  entangled in  secular  affairs.  Hence  a  guardian  was  not allowed  to  be  ordained  to  any  ecclesiastical  func- tion, until  after  the  expiration  of  his  guardian- ship. i^Concil.  Carthag.  I.  c.  9,  A..D.  348.)  For  the same  reason  none  of  the  clergy  were  allowed  to be  appointed  guardians ;  and  those  who  nomi- nated any  of  them  to  such  an  office  were  liable  to church  censures.  Thus  Cyprian  mentions  the case  of  a  person  named  Geminius  Victor,  who having    by    his   will    appointed    a   presbyter   as GYROVAGl guardian  to  his  children,  had  his  name  struck out  of  the  DiPTYCHS,  so  tliat  no  prayer  or  obla- tion should  be  offered  for  him.  (Cyprian  Ep. 66,  ad  Clerum  Furnit.) Under  the  old  Roman  law  a  guardian  was forbidden  to  marry  his  ward,  or  to  give  her  in marriage  to  his  son,  except  by  special  license fj-om  the  emperor  (Cod.  Justin,  v.  6). But  Constantine  altered  this  restriction,  so  far as  to  allow  such  marriages,  provided  that  the ward  was  of  age,  and  that  her  guardian  had offered  her  no  injury  in  her  minority,  in  which case  he  was  to  be  banished  and  his  goods  confis- cated.    iCod.  Theod.  ix.  8.)  [G.  A.  J.] GUBA  on  the  Euphrates  (Council  of), A.D.  585,  a  meeting  of  the  Monophysites  of Antioch  under  their  patriarch  Peter  the  younger, to  enquire  into  the  opinions  of  an  archimandrite named  John,  and  Probus,  a  sophist,  his  friend, and-  ending  in  their  condemnation  (Mansi,  ix. 965-8).  [E.  S.  Ff.] GUDDENE,  martyr  at  Carthage,  a.d.  203 ; commemorated  July  18  (Mart,  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] GURIAS,  martyr  of  Edessa,  a.d.  288  ;  com- memorated with  Abibas  and  Samonas,  Nov.  15 (Cal.  Byzant.,  Cal.  Armen.).  [W.  F.  G.] GUTHBERTUS.  [Cuthbert.] GYNAECONITIS.  [Galleries.] GYROVAGl,  vagabond  monks,  reprobated by  monastic  writers.  Benedict,  in  the  very commencement  of  his  rule,  excludes  them  from consideration,  as  unworthy  of  the  name  of  monks (Bened.  Reg.  c.  1).  He  pronounces  them  worse even  than  the  "  sarabaitae,"  or  "  remoboth  " (Hieron.  Ep.  22  ad  Eustuch.  c.  34),  who,  though living  together  by  twos  and  threes,  without  rule  or discipline,  at  any  rate  were  stationary,  and  built themselves  cells  ;  whereas  the  "  gyrovagi "  were always  roving  from  one  monastery  to  another. After  staying  three  or  four  days  in  one  monas- tery, they  would  start  again  for  another  ;  for after  a  few  days'  rest  it  was  usual  for  strangers to  be  subjected  to  the  discipline  of  the  monas- tery, to  the  same  fare,  labour,  &c.,  as  the  in- mates (Martene  Reg.  Comm.  ad  loc.  cit.);  always endeavouring  to  ascertain  where  in  the  neigh- bourhood they  would  be  most  likely  to  find comfortable  quarters  (Reg.  Magist.  c.  2 ;  cf. Isidor.  Pelus.  I.  Ep.  41,  Joann.  Climac.  Seal.  Grad. 27).  Martene  (v.s.)  and  Menard  (Bened.  Anian. Concord.  Regul.  iii.  ii.)  identify  these  "gyrovagi'^ with  the  "  circumcelliones,"  or  "  circelliones." [v.  Circumcelliones.]  They  were  of  import- ance enough  to  be  condemned  in  one  of  the  canons of  the  Trullan  council,  A.D.  691,  and  are  there described  as  wandering  about  in  black  robes  and with  unshorn  hair  :  they  are  to  be  chased  away into  the  desert,  unless  they  will  consent  to  enter a  monastery,  to  have  their  hair  trimmed,  and  in other  ways  to  submit  to  discipline  (Cone.  Qui- nisextum  c.  42).  Bingham  (Origin.  Eccles.  vii. ii.  12)  and  Hospinian  (de  Orig.  Monach.  ii.  i.) merelv  repeat  what  is  contained  in  the  rule  of Benedict.  P-  f'-  S.] HABAKKUK H HABAKKUK,  the  prophet ;  commemorated Ginbot  24  =  May  19,  and  Hedar  3  =  0ct.  30  {Cal. Ethiop.);  also  Dec.  2  {Cal.  Byzanf).  See  also Abacuc.  [W.  F.  G.] HABIT,  THE  MONASTIC.  ^Habitus monasticus,  <rxvi^a  /xovaSiKhv  or  fxovax^KSv).  A distinctive  uniform  was  no  part  of  monachism originally.  Only  it  was  required  of  monks  that their  dress  and  general  appearance  should  indi- cate "gravity  and  a  contempt  of  the  world" (Bingh.  Orig.  Eccles.  vir.  iii.  6).  Hair  worn long  was  an  effeminacy  (August,  de  Op.  Mon.  c. 31.  Hieron.  Ep.  22,  ad  Eustoch.  c.  28,  cf. Epiphan.  adv.  Haeres.  Ixxx.  7),  the  head  shaven all  over  was  too  like  the  priests  of  Isis  (Hieron. Comm.  in  Ezek.  c.  44.  Ambros.  Ep.  58  ad  Sabhi.). In  popular  estimation  persons  abstaining  from the  use  of  silken  apparel  were  often  called monks  (Hieron.  Ep.  23  ad  IfarcelL).  The  same writer  defines  the  dress  of  a  monk  merelv  as "  cheap  and  shabby  "  {Ep.  4  ad  Bustic,  Ep.  13 ad  Paulin.).  And  the  dress  of  a  nun  as  "  sombre  " in  tint,  and  "coarse"  in  texture  {Ep.  23  ad MarcelL).  He  warns  the  enthusiasts  of  asceti- cism against  the  eccentricity  in  dress,  which  was sometimes  a  mere  pretence  of  austerity,  a  lono- untrimmed  beard,  bare  feet,  a  black  cloak"^ chains  on  the  wrists  (^^;.  22  ad  Eustoch.  c.  28, cf.  Pallad.  Hist.  Laus.  c.  52).  So  Cassian  pro- tests against  monks  wearing  wooden  crosses  on their  shoulders  (ColL  viii.  3).  Hair  closely  cut, and  the  cloak  (pallium),  usually  worn  by  Greek philosophers  and  lecturers,  were  at  first  badges of  a  monk  in  Western  Christendom  ;  but  even these  were  not  peculiar  *to  him.  The  cloak  was often  worn  by  other  Christians,  exposing  them to  the  vulgar  reproach  of  being  "  Greeks  "  and "  impostors "  (Bingh.  Oriq.  Eccles.  I.  ii.  4),  and any  one  appearing  in  public  with  pale  face,  short hair,  and  a  cloak,  was  liable  to  be  hooted  and jeered  at  by  the  unbelieving  populace  as  a  monk (Salv.  de  Gubemat.  viii.  4). Cassian  is  more  precise  on  a  monk's  costume, and  devotes  to  it  the  first  book  of  his  Institutes. But  he  allows  that  the  sort  of  dress  suitable  for a  monk  in  Egypt  or  Ethiopia  may  be  very unsuitable  elsewhere,  and  he  condemns  sack- cloth, or  rather,  a  stuff  made  of  goats'  hair  or camels'  hair  (cilicina  vestis)  worn  outside  as  too conspicuous.  He  speaks  in  detail  of  the  various parts  of  a  menk's  dress  ;  the  IIOOD  (cucullus), which  is  to  remind  the  monk  to  be  as  a  little child  in  simplicity;  the  sleeveless  tunic  (COLO- BIUM),  in  Egypt  made  of  linen,  which  reminds him  of  self-mortification  ;  the  girdle  or  waist- band (cingulum),  to  remind  him  to  have  his  "  loins girded  "  as  a  "  good  soldier  of  Christ ;"  the  cape over  the  shoulders  (mafors,  palliolum);  the sheepskin  or  goatskin  round  the  waist  and  thighs (melotes,  pera,  penula) ;  and  for  the  feet  the sandals  (caligae),  only  to  be  worn  as  an  oc- casional luxury,  never  during  the  divine  seiTice (Cassian  Instit.  i.  cc.  1-10  cf,  Kuffin.  Hist.  Mon. c.  3). Benedict  characteristically  passes  over  this item  in  the  monastic  discipline  very  quickly ; summing  up  his  directions  about  it  in  one  of  the last  chapters  of  his  rule  ;  and  discreetly  leaving CHRIST.    ANT. HAGGAI 753 questions  of  colour  and  material,  as  indifferent to  be  decided  by  climate  and  other  circumstances.' He  lays  down  the  general  principle,  that  there are  to  be  no  superfluities,  adding,  that  a  tunic and  nood,  or,  for  outdoor  work,  assort  of  cape  to protect  the  shoulders  (scapulare),  instead  of  the hood,  ought  to  suffice  generally  ;  two  suits  of each  being  allowed  for  each  monk,  and  some suits  of  rather  better  quality  being  kept  for monks  on  their  peregrinations.  The  worn  out articles  of  dress  are  to  be  restored  to  the  keeper ot  the  wardrobe,  for  the  poor.  Benedict,  how- ever, '  to  avoid  disputes  "  appends  a  short  list, corresponding  very  nearly  to  Cassian's,  of  thino-^ necessary  for  a  monk,  all  which  are  to  be supplied  to  the  brethren,  at  the  discretion  of  the abbat,  and  none  of  them  to  be  the  propertv  or peculiare  "  of  any  one.  The  only  addition  to the  Egyptian  costume  is  that  of  socks  (pedules) tor  the  winter;  the  Benedictine  "bracile" apparently  corresponding  with  "  cingulum,"  and the  "scapulare"  with  "palliolum."  Benedict allows  trowsers  [femoralia]  on  a  journey,  and on  some  other  occasions;  underclothing' he  is silent  about;  consequently  commentators  and the  usages  of  particular  monasteries  differ  on  this point.  To  the  list  of  clothing  Benedict  adds,  as part  of  a  monk's  equipment,  a  knife  (cultellus) a  pen  (graphium),  a  needle  (acus)  a  handkerchief or  handcloth  (mappula),  and  tablets  for  writing on  (tabulae).  He  specifies  also  as  necessaries for  the  night,  a  mattress  (matta),  a  coverlet (sagum),  a  blanket  (laena),  and  a  pillow  (c^^pi- tale)  (Bened.  Beg.  c.  55).  Martene  quotes Hildemarus  for  the  traditional  custom,  by  which each  monk  was  provided  with  a  small  jar  of soap  for  himself  and  of  grease  for  liis  shoes {Beq.  Bened.  Ccnnment.  ad  loc). Laxity  of  monastic  discipline  soon  began  to provoke  fresh  enactments  about  dress,  sometimes more  stringent  and  more  minute  than  at  first (e.g.  Beg.  Isidor.  c.  14,  Beg.  Mag.  c.  81).  Coun- cils re-enact,  and  reformers  protest.  The  council  of Agde,  A.D.  506,  and  the  4th  council  of  Toledo, A.D.  633,  repeat  the  canon  of  the  4th  council  of Carthage  A.D.  398,  "ne  clerici  comam  nutriaut " (Cone.  Agath.  c.  20 ;  Cone.  iv.  Toletan.  c.  40 ; Cone.  iv.  Carthag.  c.  44).  Ferreolus,  in  southern Gaul,  A.D.  558,  repeats  the  old  edict  against superfluities,  and  forbids  his  monks  to  use  per- fumes, or  wear  linen  next  the  skin  (Ferreol. Beg.  cc.  14,  31,  32).  In  Spain,  Fructuosus  of Braga,  A.D.  656,  insists  on  uniformity  of  apparel. Irregularity  about  dress  seems  with  monks,  as in  a  regiment,  to  have  been  an  accompaniment of  demoralisation.  (See,  further,  Menard  Cone. Begul.  Ixii. ;  Alteserr.  Asceticon.  v. ;  Middendorj). Origin.  Ascet.  Sylva.  xiii.) The  Greek  Euchologion  gives  an  office  for  the assumption  of  the  ordinary  habit  of  a  monk (aKoAovdta  tov  fiiKpov  cxvuarus),  and  another for  assuming  the  greater  or  "  angelic "  habit distinctive  of  those  ascetics  who  were  thought to  have  attained  the  perfection  of  monastic  fife (d/f.  TOV  /xfydXov  Kal  ayytKiKov  (Tx^/xotos).  See Daniel's  Codex  Lit.  iv,  659  ff.  [See  Novice.] [I.  G.  S.] HAEEEDIPETAE.    [Captatores.] HAGGAI,  the  prophet;  commemorated  Tak- sas  20  =  Dec.  16  (CaLEMcp.,  Cat.  By^ant.). ■[W.  F.  G.] 3  C 754 HAGIOSIDEEON HAGIOSIDERON.  One  of  the  substitutes for  BELLS  still  used  in  the  East  is  the  Hagiosi- deron  (rb  ffiSrtpovv,  Kpovfffjia)  [see  Semantron]. These  usually  consist  of  an  iron  plate,  curved like  the  tire  of  a  wheel,  which  is  struck  with  a hammer,  and  produces  a  sound  not  unlike  that of  a  gong.  They  are  occasionally  made  of  brass. The  illustration  is  taken  from  Dr.  Neale's  work (Neale's  Eastern  Church,  Int.  217,  225 ;  Daniel's Codex  Lit.  W.  199).  [C] HAIL  MARY  or  AVE  MAEIA.  An  ad- dress and  prayer  commonly  made  to  St.  Mary  the Virgin  in  the  unreformed  Western  churches. What  it  is,  and  icJien  used. — It  consists  of  two parts  :  1.  The  words  used  by  the  angel  Gabriel in  saluting  St.  Mary,  as  rendered  by  the  Vulgate, slightly  altered  by  the  addition  of  St.  Mary's name,  "  Hail  Mary,  full  of  grace  ;  the  Lord  is with  thee  ;"  followed  by  the  words  of  Eliza- beth, "  Blessed  art  thou  among  women,  and blessed  is  the  fruit  of  thy  womb."  2.  A  prayer, subsequently  added  to  the  salutation,  "  Holy Mary,  Mother  of  God,  pray  for  us  sinners  now, and  at  the  hour  of  our  death." This  formula  is  ordered  by  the  breviary  of pope  Pius  V.  to  be  used  daily,  after  the  recita- tion of  compline,  and  before  the  recitation  of each  of  the  other  canonical  hours,  i.e.,  matins, prime,  terce,  sext,  nones,  and  vespers.  It  is  also commanded,  on  the  same  authority,  to  be  used before  the  recitation  of  the  "  Office  of  the  Blessed Virgin,"  and  before  each  of  the  hours  in  the "  Little  Office."  It  is  also  used  nine  times  every day  in  what  is  called  the  "  Angelus."  It  is  also used  sixty-three  times  in  the  devotion  called  the "  Crown  of  the  Virgin,"  and  one  hundred  and fifty  times  in  the  "  Rosary  of  the  Virgin."  It also  occurs  in  many  of  the  public  offices,  and  is used  before  sermons,  and  it  most  commonly forms  a  part  of  the  special  devotions  appointed by  bishops  for  obtaining  indulgences. Its  date. — Cardinal  Baronius  and  Cardinal Bona  have  used  an  expression  which,  while  not committing  them  to  a  declaration  of  fact,  or  a statement  of  their  own  belief,  has  yet  led  sub- sequent writers  (see  Gaume,  loc.  inf.  cit.)  to  claim their  authority  for  the  assertion,  that  the  second, or  precatory,  part  of  the  Ave  Maria  was  adopted in,  or  immediately  after,  the  council  of  Ephesus, at  the  beginning  of  the  5th  century.  "At  that time,"  says  Baronius  (foe.  inf.  cit.),  "  the  an- gelical salutation  is  believed  to  have  received  that addition,  '  Holy  Mary,  Mother  of  God,  pray  for us,  &c.,'  which  came  to  be  constantly  repeated by  the  faithful."  "  The  angelical  salutation," says  Bona  (loc.  inf.  cit.),  "  is  believed  to  have  re- ceived this  addition  in  the  great  council  of  Ephe- sus." It  is  quite  certain  that  the  two  cardinals and  their  followers  have  ante-dated  this  part  of the  Ave  Maria  by  more  than  a  thousand  years. The  first,  or  Scriptural,  part,  consisting  of  the words  of  the  angel  and  of  Elizabeth,  is  older  by some  five  hundred  years  than  the  second,  or  pre- catory, part,  which  has  been  attached  to  it,  and the  first  part  did  not  become  used  as  a  formula HAIL  MARY until  the  end  of  the  11th  century.  The  earliest injunction  authorising  its  being  taught  together with  the  previously  existing  formulas  of  the  Creed and  the  Lord's  Prayer,  is  found  in  the  Constitutions of  Odo,  who  became  bishop  of  Paris  in  the  year 1196.  The  Benedictines  of  St.  Stephen  of  Caen, in  1706,  maintained  the  following  thesis:  "The angelical  salutation  began  to  be  in  use  in  the 12th  century,  but  these  words  'Holy  Mary, Mother  of  God,  pi-ay  for  us,  &c.,'  seem  to  have been  added  a  long  time  afterwards,  in  the  16th century : "  a  thesis  which  was  denounced  by  the then  bishop  of  Bayeux  as  scandalous,  but  was defended  and  maintained  against  him  by  Pere Massuet.  The  earliest  known  use  of  the  first,  or scriptural,  part,  is  in  the  Liber  Antiphonianus, attributed  by  John  the  Deacon  to  St.  Gregory the  Great,  and  generally  published  with  his works.  If  St.  Gregory  is  the  author  of  the Liber  Antijihonianns,  and  if  the  antiphon  in which  these  words  occur  (p.  657,  Ed.  inf.  cit.) is  not  a  later  insertion  (the  same  words  in  the previous  page  are  undoubtedly  a  modern  in- sertion), the  angelical  salutation,  as  found  in  the Bible,  was  used  as  early  as  the  beginning  of  the 7th  century;  not,  however,  as  a  formula  of devotion,  but  as  we  might  use  an  anthem  on  one day  of  the  year.  This  passage  from  St.  Gi-egory is  the  only  thing  which  brings  the  Ave  Maria within  the  chronological  limits  assigned  to  this Dictionary,  for  it  is  allowed  (see  Mabillon,  loc. inf.  cit.)  that  similar  words  in  the  so-called liturgy  of  St.  James  the  Less  are  of  late  intro- duction there. ~  The  addition  of  the  second,  or  precatory,  part of  the  Ave  Maria,  is  stated  by  Pelbertus  to  have been  made  in  consequence  of  a  direct  injunction of  St.  Mary,  who  appeared  to  a  pious  woman, and  gave  her  instructions  to  that  effect.  The use  of  it  sprang  up  in  the  loth  century,  and  is first  authorised  in  pope  Pius  Vth's  breviary,  in the  year  1568. The  "  Crown  of  the  Virgin  "  consists  of  sixty- three  recitations  of  the  Ave  Maria,  one  for  each year  that  St.  Mary  was  supposed  to  have  lived, with  the  recitation  of  the  Lord's  Prayer  after every  tenth  Ave  Maria.  Its  institution  is  attri- buted by  some  to  Peter  the  Hermit.  It  appears to  have  sprung  up  and  spread  in  the  12th  and 13th  centuries. The  "  Rosary,  or  Psalter  of  the  Blessed  Virgin" consists  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  Ave  Marias, after  the  number  of  the  Psalms  of  David,  to- gether with  fifteen  Pater  Nosters,  distributed  at equal  intervals  among  the  Ave  Marias.  Its  in- stitution is  attributed  by  some  to  St.  Dominic, and  to  the  year  1210. The  "  Angelus "  consists  of  three  recitations of  the  Ave  Maria  at  the  sound  of  the  Angelus bell  in  the  morning,  three  at  midday,  and  three at  night.  On  each  occasion  the  first  Ave  Maria is  to  be  preceded  by  the  sentence,  "  The  angel  of the  Lord  announced  to  Mary,  and  she  conceived  oi the  Holy  Ghost ;"  the  second,  by  "  Behold  the handmaid  of  the  Lord.  Be  it  unto  me  according unto  thy  word  ;  "  the  third,  by  "  The  Word  was made  flesh  and  dwelt  among  us."  The  Angelus appears  to  have  been  originated  in  the  year 1287,  by  Buonvicino  da  Riva,  of  Milan,  of  the order  of  the  Humiliati,  who  began  the  practice of  ringing  a  bell  at  the  recitation  of  the  Ave Maria.     In  1318  John  XXII.  gave  an  indulgence HAIR,  WEAEING  OF of  ten  days  for  saying  an  Ave  Maria  to  the  sound of  a  bell  rung  at  night.  In  1458,  Calixtus  III. gave  three  years  and  one  hundi'ed  and  twenty  days' indulgence  for  reciting  the  Ave  Maria  and  the Fater  Noster  three  times  a  day.  In  1518,  Leo X.  ordered  that  the  Angelas  bell  should  be  rung three  times  a  day,  and  he  gave  500  days'  in- dulgence for  saying  the  Angelus  morning,  mid- day, and  evening.  Finally,  Benedict  XIII.  and Benedict  XIV.  gave  a  plenary  indulgence,  to  be obtained  once  a  month,  to  all  who  recited  it three  times  daily. The  dates,  therefore,  are  as  follow  : — The  earliest  known  use  (in  the  form  of  an antiphon,  or  anthem)  of  the  Scriptural words,  afterwards  adopted  as  the  first  part of  the  Ave  Maria — the  7th  century. The  earliest  known  use  of  the  same  part  as  a formula — the  11th  century. The  earliest  authoritative  recommendation  of the  said  formula — the  12th  century. The  Crown  of  the  Virgin — the  12th  century. The  Rosary  or  Psalter  of  the  Virgin— the  13th century. The  Angelus — the  14th  century. The  earliest  known  use  of  the  prayer  which forms  the  second  part  of  the  Ave  Maria — the  15th  century. The  earliest  authoritative  recommendation and  injunction  of  the  same  —  the  16th century. Authorities  and  References. — Breviarium  Ro- manum  Pii  V.  Pont.  M.  jussu  editum  ;  Baro- nius,  Annal.  Eccles.  ad  ann.  431,  torn.  vii.  p.  404, num.  179,  Lucae,  1741  ;  Bona,  Divinae  Psal- modiae,  c.  16,  §  2,  p.  497,  Antverpiae,  1694; Gaume,  Catechismo  di  Perseveranza,  vol.  iii.  p. 506,  Milan,  1859;  Marchantius,  Hortus  Pas- torurn,  tract  iv.  Lugd.,  1672  ;  BoUandus,  Acta Sanctorum,  Mar.  25,  Aug.  4,  pp.  539,  422,  Ant- verpiae, 1668,  1733  ;  S.  Gregorii  Magni  Oijera, tom.  iii.  p.  657,  ed.  Ben.  Venet.  1744 ;  Hospi- nianus,  De  Festis,  p.  69,  Genevae,  1674;  Mabillon, Praefationes  in  Acta  Sanctorum  Ordinis  S.  Bene- dicti;  Praefatio  in  SaecL  v.  p.  439,  Venet.,  1740; Migne,  Summa  aurea  de  Laudibus  Virginis,  tom. iv.,  Liturgia  Mariana  :  Be  cultu  publico  ab  Ec- clesia  B.  Marine  exhi'nto :  Dissertationes  iv.  v.  vi. vii.  auctore  J.  C.  Trombelli,  p.  209,  Parisiis, 1862  ;  Zaccaria,  Bissertazioni  varie  Italiane,  Dis- sertazione  vi.  tom.  ii.  p.  242,  Romae,  1780 ; Enciclopedia  deW  Ecclesiastico,  s.  v.  "Ave  Maria," Napoli,  1843.  [F.  M.j HAIE,  WEARING  OF.  The  regulations of  the  ancient  church  on  this  subject  may  be divide  1  into  three  distinct  classes,  as  relating — i.  to  the  clergy;  ii.  to  penitents;  iii.  to  be- lievers in  general. 1.  The  hair  in  ancient  times  appears  to  have been  sometimes  worn  at  great  length.  Thus Eusebius  {H.  E.  ii.  23),  speaking  of  James  the Apostle,  notes  that  a  razor  never  came  upon his  head.  But  shortened  hair  appears  to have  been  considered  a  mark  of  distinction between  the  heathen  philosopher  and  the Christian  teacher.  Thus  Gregory  Nazianzen {Orat.  28)  says  of  Maximus,  that  he  brought  no qualification  to  the  pastoral  office  except  that  of shortening  his  hair,  which,  before  that  time,  he had  worn  disgracefully  long.  It  is  also  recorded of  one   Theotimus,   bishop  of  Scythia,   that    he HAIR,  WEARING  OF 755 still  retained  the  long  hair  which  he  had  worn when  a  student,  in  token  that,  in  becoming  a bishop,  he  had  not  abandoned  philosophy  (Soz. H.  E.  vii.  26).  But  this  liberty  was  restricted by  various  decrees  of  councils.  The  fourth council  of  Carthage,  A.D.  398  (c.  44),  provides that  the  clergy  shall  neither  permit  their  hair nor  beards  to  grow.  Another  reading  of  this decree  is,  that  they  were  neither  to  let  their  hair grow  nor  shave  their  beards.  The  first  synod  of St.  Patrick,  A.D.  456  (c.  6),  provides  that  the hair  of  the  clergy  should  be  shorn  according to  the  Roman  fashion,  and  (c.  10)  that  any who  allow  their  hair  to  grow,  should  be  ex- cluded from  the  church.  The  council  of  Agde, A.D.  506  (c.  20),  ordains  that  clergy  who  retain long  hair,  shall  have  it  shortened,  even  against their  will,  by  the  archdeacon.  The  first  council of  Barcelona,  A.D.  540  (c.  3),  provides  that  no clergyman  shall  let  his  hair  grow  nor  shave  his beard.  The  first  council  of  Braga,  A.D.  563  (c. 11),  provides  that  lectors  shall  not  have  love- locks (granos),  hanging  down,  after  the  heathen fashion.  The  second  council  of  Braga,  A.D.  572 (c.  66),  decrees  that  the  clergy  ought  not  to discharge  their  sacred  functions  with  long  hair, but  with  closely-cut  hair  and  open  ears.  The fourth  council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  633  (c.  41), denounces  certain  lectors  in  Gallieia,  who, while  retaining  a  small  tonsure,  allowed  the lower  portion  of  the  hair  to  grow.  The  council in  TruUo,  a.d.  692  {Cone.  Quinisex.  c.  21), ordains  that  clergy  who  have  been  deprived  of their  office,  should,  on  their  repentance,  be  shorn after  the  fashion  of  the  clergy ;  if  they  refused this,  their  hair  was  to  be  left  long,  in  token  of their  preference  of  a  worldly  life.  At  a  council held  at  Rome,  A.D.  721  (c.  17),  anathema  was pronounced  against  any  of  the  clergy  who  should allow  his  hair  to  grow.  The  same  was  repeated at  another  Roman  council,  held  A.D.  743  (c.  8). These  decrees,  however,  appear  to  have  been difficult  of  enforcement.  Heretical  sects  espe- cially appear  to  have  been  fond  of  adopting eccentric  fashions  of  wearing  the  hair  and  beard as  badges  and  tokens  of  their  opinions.  Epi- phanius  {Haeres.  in  Massil.  n.  6,  7)  denounces certain  heretical  monks,  dwelling  in  Mesopo- tamia, in  monasteries  which  he  calls  "  Mandras," who  were  in  the  habit  of  shaving  the  beard  and letting  the  hair  grow,  and  contends  that  such practices  are  contrary  to  the  apostolic  injunc- tions. Jerome  {Conan.  in  Ezek.  c,  44)  says  that the  clergy  should  neither  have  their  heads closely  shaven,  like  the  priests  of  Isis  and  Sera- pis,  nor  let  their  hair  grow  to  an  extravagant length,  like  barbarians  and  soldiers,  but  that ■the  hair  should  be  worn  just  so  long  as  to  cover the  head.  In  another  place  {Epist.  18,  al.  22, ad  Eustoch.),  he  denounces  cei'tain  monks  who indulged  in  beards  like  goats  and  ringlets  like women.  In  his  '  Life  of  Hilarion,'  he  commends the  saint  for  cutting  his  hair  once  a  year,  at Easter.  Augustine  {Be  Op.  Mon.  c.  31)  speaks of  certain  monks  who,  fearing  lest  they  might lose  reverence  by  their  shorn  heads,  ''  ne  vilior habeatur  tonsa  sanctitas,"  allowed  their  hair  to grow,  in  order  to  suggest  to  those  who  saw them  a  .resemblance  to  Samuel  and  the  elder prophets.  Against  these  he  quotes  the  saying  of the  apostle,  that  in  Christ  the  veil  shall  be taken  away  (2  Cor.  iii.  14).  Gregory  the  Great 3  C  2 "56 HAIR,  WEARING  OF {Pastoral,  p.  2,  c.  7)  says  that  priests  ai-e  rightly torbiJilen  either  to  shave  their  heads,  or  to  let their  hair  grow  long.  The  hair  on  the  head  of a  priest,  is  to  be  kejjt  so  long  that  it  may  cover the  skin,  and  cut  so  close  that  it  may  not  inter- fere with  the  eyes.  The  practice  seems  to  have been,  to  wear  the  hair  short  and  the  beard  long. Sidonius  Apollinaris  {Epist.  iv.  24)  speaks  of one  Maximus  Palatinus,  a  clergyman,  as  wearing liis  hair  short  and  his  beard  long.  Gregory  the Great  is  described  as  wearing  a  beai'd  of  the  old fashion  and  of  moderate  size,  a  large  round tonsure,  and  his  hair  neatly  curled,  "  intorto," and  hanging  to  the  middle  of  his  ears  (Joann. Diac.  Vita  Greg.  Max.  c.  4,  c.  83).  Bede  {Eccl. Hist.  1.  4,  c.  14),  describing  a  vision  of  SS.  Peter and  Paul,  says  that  the  one  was  shaven  (at- tonsus),  as  a  clergyman,  the  other  wore  his beard  long.  For  other  particulars  regarding  the hair  of  the  clergy,  see  Tonsure. ii.  Closely-cut  hair  was  always  enjoined  on penitents,  as  a  condition  of  their  reception  into the  church.  The  council  of  Agde  (c.  15)  pro- vides that  no  penitents  shall  be  received  unless they  have  parted  with  their  hair,  "  comas  depo- suerint."  The  first  council  of  Barcelona  (c.  6) speaks  of  the  shaven  heads  of  male  penitents. The  third  council  of  Toledo  (c.  12)  provides  that the  first  step  to  the  admission  of  a  male  penitent, shall  be  to  shave  his  head.  So  Optatus  {Contra Donatist.  1.  23)  finds  foult  with  the  Donatists for  having  shaven  the  heads  of  certain  priests whom  they  had  admitted  to  penance.  With regard  to  women,  Ambrose  {Ad  Virg.  Laps. c.  8)  speaks  of  cutting  off  the  hair,  which  by vain  glory  had  tempted  to  the  sin  of  luxury; but  Jerome,  in  describing  the  repentance  of Fabiola  {Ep.  30,  al.  84,  ad  Ocean.),  speaks  of  her dishevelled  hair.  But  before  their  restoration,  pe- nitents and  excommunicated  persons  were  obliged to  let  the  hair  and  beard  grow.  Thus  a  certain Ursicinus,  bishop  of  Cahors,  being  excommuni- cated, was  forbidden  to  cut  either  his  hair  or his  beard  (Greg.  Turon.  Hist.  Franc.  1.  8,  n.  20). In  general,  neglected  hair  appears  to  have  been a  sign  of  mourning.  Chrysostom  {Serm.  3,  on Job)  says  that  many  in  time  of  mourning  let the  hair  grow,  whereas  Job  shore  his.  The reason  being,  that  where  the  hair  is  honoured,  it is  a  sign  of  mourning  to  cut  it  short,  but  where it  is  worn  short,  it  is  a  sign  of  mourning  to  let it  grow.  Baronius  {Annales,  a.d.  631,  n.  4) speaks  of  a  certain  bishop,  named  Lupus,  exiled by  Clothaire,  who  came  mourning  to  the  king  with long  dishevelled  locks,  and  the  king,  in  token  of forgiveness,  commanded  his  hair  to  be  shorn. iii.  The  laity  were  sometimes  recognised  as usually  wearing  their  hair  long.  The  council  in Trullo  {Cone.  Quinisext.  c.  21)  ordains  that  de- linquent and  impenitent  clergy  should  wear  their hair  long,  as  the  laity.  Yet  immoderately lengthened  hair  appears  to  have  been  considered a  token  of  effeminacy  and  luxuriousness.  When the  emperor  Heraclius  succeeded  to  the  throne, his  hair  was  immediately  cut  short  (Baronius, Annul.  A.D.  GIG,  n.  5).  Many  attempts  were therefore  made  to  restrain  the  liberty  of  the laity,  in  this  respect,  within  due  bounds,  founded partly  on  a  sense  of  what  was  decent  and becoming,  partly  on  the  principle  that  it  is  not right  either  for  men  or  women  to  obliterate  the characteristics    of    their    sex.     The    council    in HAIR-CLOTH Trullo  (c.  96)  asserts  that  it  is  inconsistent  with the  baptismal  profession,  that  baptised  men should  wear  their  hair  in  cunningly  woven plaits  or  tresses,  and  orders  that  such  as  would not  obey  this  admonition,  should  be  excommuni- cated. The  council,  of  Gangra  (c.  17)  anatlie- matizes  any  women  who,  through  pretended asceticism,  should  cut  close  the  hair  which  was given  to  them  as  a  token  of  subjection.  The decree  was  confirmed  by  the  emperor  Theodosius, with  the  addition  that  any  bishop  who  should admit  such  women  into  the  church,  should  be deprived  of  his  office  (Soz.  H.  E.  vii.  26).  In the  Apostolic  Constitutions  (i.  3),  the  followers of  Christ  are  ordered  not  to  promote  the  growth of  their  hair,  but  rather  to  restrain  and  shorten it.  Men  are  forbidden  to  wear  ringlets,  or  to use  ointments,  or  in  any  way  to  imitate  the adornments  in  use  among  women.  They  are  also forbidden  to  collect  their  hair  into  a  knot  or crown,  Troiilv  e<s  Uv  '6  iffTi  aTraraXiov,  or  to indulge  in  tresses,  either  artfully  dishevelled  or carefully  arranged,  ^  airoxv/J-a  ^  ix€fj.fpi<Tix4vr\v, or  to  curl  and  crisp  it,  or  dye  it  yellow.  They are  also  forbidden  to  shave  the  beard,  as  if thereby  obliterating  the  peculiar  distinction,  rriv fxopip'nv,  of  manhood.  Clemens  Alexandrinus {Paedagog.  ii.  c.  8)  speaks  of  the  folly  committed by  aged  women  in  dyeing  their  hair  ;  and  {Tb. iii.  3)  reprehends  the  folly  of  which  some  men were  guilty,  in  eradicating  the  hair,  apparently not  only  from  their  beards,  but  from  all  pfirts  of their  bodies,  with  pitch  plaisters.  He  also  (/'». iii.  11)  gives  full  directions  for  the  arrangement of  the  hair.  The  hair  of  men  is  to  be  cut  close, unless  it  is  crisp  and  curly,  ovXas.  Long  curls and  love-locks  are  strictly  forbidden,  as  effemi- nate and  unseemly.  The  hair  is  not  to  be  al- lowed to  grow  over  the  eyes,  and  a  closely- cropped  head  is  alleged  not  only  to  be  becoming a  grave  man,  but  to  render  the  brain  less  liable to  injury,  by  accustoming  it  to  endure  heat  and cold.  The  beard  is  to  be  allowed  to  grow,  since an  ample  beard  becomes  the  male  sex  ;  if  cut  at all,  the  chin  must  not  be  left  quite  bare.  The moustache  may  be  clipped  with  scissors,  so  that it  may  not  be  dirtied  in  eating,  but  not  shorn with  a  razor.  Women  are  to  wear  the  hair modestly  arranged  upon  the  neck,  and  fastened with  a  hair  pin.  The  habit  of  wearing  false hair  is  strongly  denounced,  since,  it  is  said,  in such  cases,  when  the  priest,  in  bestowing  his benediction,  lays  his  hand  upon  the  head,  the blessing  does  not  reach  the  wearer  of  the  hair, but  rests  upon  the  person  to  whom  the  hair belongs.  ■  [P.  0.] HAIR-CLOTH  {Cilicium).  The  rough  hair- cloth for  which  Cilicia  was  anciently  famous was  used  in  several  ways,  both  as  an  actual instrument,  and  as  a  symbol,  of  mortification. 1.  The  hair-shirt  has  frequently  been  worn, as  is  well  known,  as  a  means  of  mortifying  the flesh  without  ostentation.  Thus  Jerome  {Epi- taph. Nepot.  c.  9)  says  that  some  other  may narrate  how  the  young  Nepotianus,  when  in  the imperial  service,  wore  hair-cloth  under  his chlamys  and  fine  linen.  And  Paulinus  Petricor- diensis  {Vita  S.Martini,  ii.  p.  1019  D,  Migne) says  of  the  monks  of  St.  Martin  : "  Multis  Testis  erat  setis  contexta  cameli." So  in  Hucbald-'s  Life  of  St.  Rictrudis,  who  died HALLELUJAH about  A.D.  G88  (c.  9,  in  Mabillon's  Acta  SS. Bened.  Saec.  ii.),  we  read  that  the  saint  wore  an inner  garment  of  hair-cloth  (esophorio  amioitur cilicino).  One  of  the  saints  who  bore  the  name of  Theodore  was  distinguished  as  rpix^vas  from his  constant  habit  of  wearing  a  hair-shirt  (Macri Ilierolex.  s.  y.  Trichinas). Monks  frequently  used  the  hair-shirt.  Cassian, however  {Listit,  i.  1)  does  not  consider  it  suit- able for  their  ordinary  garb,  both  as  savouring of  over-righteousness  and  as  hindering  labour [Habit,  the  Monastic].  In  his  time — Cassian died  about  A.D.  430 — few  monks  seem  to  have used  it ;  in  after  times  we  find  it  constantly used,  at  any  rate  by  those  who  claimed  superior sanctity.  On  the  whole  subject,  see  0.  Zockler, Krit.  Geschichte  der  Askesc,  p.  82  [Frankf.-a.- M.  1863]. 2.  Of  the  symbolic  uses  of  hair-cloth  the following  are  the  principal : — The  candidates  for baptism  anciently  came  to  the  preliminary  ex- amination [Scrutinium]  with  bare  feet,  and standing  on  hair-cloth  (Augustine,  De  Sijmb.  ad Catech.  ii.  1;  compare  iv.  1).  Penitents  in  the ceremonies  of  Ash  Wednesday  were  clothed  with a  hair-cloth,  as  well  as  sprinkled  with  ashes (Martene,  Hit.  Ant.  IV.  c.  xvii.;  Ordd.  7,  16, etc.).  The  altar  was  sometimes  covered  with hair-cloth  in  times  of  affliction  {lb.  III.  iii.  2). The  dying  were  covered  with  a  hair-cloth blessed  by  the  priest  (76.  I.  vii.  4,  Ordo  19). The  bodies  of  the  dead  were  sometimes  wrapped in  hair-cloth ;  as,  for  instance,  that  of  Bernard of  Hildesheim  {Life,  c.  43 ;  in  Surius,  Nov.  20). Charles  the  Great  was  buried  in  the  hair-shirt which  he  had  worn  in  life  {Life  by  the  monk  or Angouleme,  c.  24 ;  quoted  by  Martene,  III.  xii. 13).  In  an  ancient  form  for  the  reception  ot penitents  on  Maundy  Thursday,  given  by  Mar- tene (IV.  xxii.  §  ii.  Ordo  6)  from  a  Sarum  missal, a  banner  of  hair-cloth  (vexillum  cilicinum)  is directed  to  be  borne  in  the  procession  to  the church.  [C] HALLELUJAH.     [Alleluia.] HAND,  THE,  is  used  as  symbolic  of  the manifested  presence  of  the  First  Person  of  the Holy  Trinity,  GoD  the  Father. The  declining  skill  of  the  earliest  Christian woi-kmen,  and  their  utter  technical  incapacity after  the  time  of  Constautine,  appears  in  the strongest  light  in  their  attempts  to  delineate the  extremities  of  the  human  figure.  Mar- tiguv  remarks  that  the  hands  of  the  martyrs presenting  or  receiving  their  crowns  in  heaven, are  covered  or  concealed  in  token  of  adoration ; but  this  applies  only  to  the  left  hand.  The comparative  skill,  or  want  of  skill,  with  which these  parts  of  the  body  are  treated,  might possibly  be  a  test  of  ancient  work  in  the  cata- combs, could  paintings  be  discovered  of  very ancient  date,  and  thoroughly  ascertained  authen- ticity without  modern  retouch. The  hand  representing  God  occurs  in  the great  Transfiguration  of  St.  Apollinaris  in  Classe at  Rarenna  (Martigny,  p.  639,  s.  v.  Transfigu- ration). Also  in  a  carving  of  the  same  sub- ject on  the  Ivory  Casket  of  the  Library  at Brescia  (  Westwood,  Fictile  Ivory  Casts,  94,  p.  37, catalogue).  [Pv.  St.  .).  T.] HANDS,  IMPOSITION  OF.  [Imposition OF  Hands.] HANDS,  THE  LIFTING  OF      757 HANDS,  THE  LIFTING  OF  IN PRAYER.  I.  The  strict  oijservance  of  this  cus- tom, and  the  importance  attached  to  it  among the  early  Christians,  will  hardly  be  understood, unless  we  take  into  consideration  the  habits  and opinions  of  their  Jewish  and  heathen  forefathers. It  was  a  rite  that  had  descended  to  them  from both.  Among  the  children  of  Israel  it  accom- panied acts  of  praise  as  well  as  prayer.  Witness the  Book  of  Psalms  :— "  Thus  will  I  bless  Thee while  I  live :  I  will  lift  up  my  hands  in  Thy name "  (Ps.  Ixiii.  4) ;  "  Lift  up  your  hands  iij holiness,  and  bless  the  Lord "  (Ps.  cxxxiv.  2). Before  Ezra  read  the  law  to  the  people  after their  return  from  Babylon,  he  "  blessed  the Lord,  the  great  God,  and  all  the  people  answered Amen,  Amen,  with  lifting  up  of  their  hands" (Neh.  viii.  6 ;  compare  1  Hsdr.  ix.  47).  In  prayer the  gesture  was  so  universal  that  to  pray  and  to lift  up  the  hands  were  almost  convertible  terms. Thus  in  Lamentations,  "  Lift  up  thy  hands  to- wards Him  for  the  life  of  thy  young  children  " (Ch.  ii.  19).  Again  in  Psalm  xxviii.  2:  "Hear the  voice  of  my  supplications,  when  I  cry  unto Thee  ;  when  I  lift  up  my  hands  toward  Thy holy  oracle."  When  Heliodorus  came  to  take away  the  treasures  in  the  temple,  the  inhabi- tants of  Jerusalem  "  all  holding  their  hands  to- ward heaven,  made  supplication  "  (2  Mace.  iii. 20;  comp.  xiv.  34;  Ps.  cxli.  2;  Is.  i.  15;  1 Esdr.  viii.  73;  Ecclus.  Ii.  19).  This  gesture  in prayer  was  without  doubt  so  highly  valued among  the  Jews,  partly  in  consequence  of  the victory  obtained  over  the  Amalekites,  while  the hands  of  Moses  were  held  up  (Exod.  xTii.  11); but  it  was  nevertheless  "  not  of  Moses,  but  of the  fiithers."  We  might  infer  this  from  the mariner  in  which  the  story  is  related ;  but  more conclusively  from  the  fact  that  the  same  rite prevailed  among  the  Gentiles.  "  All  we  ot human  kind,"  says  Aristotle,  "  stretch  forth  our hands  to  heaven,  when  we  pray  "  {De  Mundo,  c. vi.  comp.  Hom.  //.  viii.  347  ;  Virg.  Aen.  iii.  176  ; X.  667).  Minutius  Felix  proves  that  it  was still  common  among  the  heathen  in  the  3rd century,  "  I  hear  the  common  people,  when  they stretch  their  hands  towards  heaven,  say  nothing but  God  "  ( Octavins,  c.  5). II.  A  practice  thus  universal  and  of  such  anti- quity, could  not  iiiil  to  have  a  place  in  the  re- ceived ritual  of  the  first  Christians.  It  is  more than  once  recognized  in  the  New  Testament itself;  as  when  St.  Paul  says,  "  1  will  therefore that  men  pray  everywhere  lifting  up  holy hands"  (1  Tim."ii.  8).  Clemens  of  Alexandria, A.D.  192,  is  an  early  witness  to  the  continued observance  of  the  rite.  After  defining  prayer to  be  "converse  with  God,"  he  proceeds  to say  that  therefore,  as  if  reaching  up  to  Him, we  "raise  the  head  and  lift  the  hands  to- wards heaven  "  {Strom,  vii.  c.  vii.  §  40).  Ter- tullian,  his  contemporary  : — "  Worshipping  with modesty  and  humility  we  the  more  commend our  prayers  to  God,  not  even  lifting  up  our hands  too  high,  but  with  self-restraint  and  be- comingly" (Be  Orat.  c.  xiii.).  Again:  "Wo Christians,  looking  upwards,  with  hands  out- spread, because  free  from  guilt ;  with  head  bare, because  we  are  not  ashamed ;  lastly,  without  a remembrancer  [of  the  names  of  the  gods],  be- cause wc  pray  from  the  heart "  {Apol.  c.  xxx.). Origen,  A.D.  230,  says  that    among    the    many 758       HANDS,  THE  LIFTING  OF gestures  of  the  body,  we  ought  without  doubt in  prayer  to  prefer  "  the  stretching  forth  of  the hands  and  the  lifting  up  of  the  eyes  "  {De  Orat. c.  31)  ;  and  that  when  the  devout  man  prays  he "  stretches  forth  his  soul  towards  God,  beyond his  hands,  as  it  were,  and  his  mind  further  than his  eyes"  (Ibid.).  According  to  Eusebius,  Con- stantine  had  himself  represented  on  coins  and  in pictures  "  looking  up  to  heaven,  and  stretching forth  his  hands  like  one  praying"  (Vita  Con- stant. 1.  iv.  c.  XV.).  See  the  epitaph  of  Petronia, under  TOMB. III.  The  hands  when  thus  lifted  up  were often,  and  perhaps  generally,  so  extended  on either  side  as  to  make  the  figure  of  a  cross  with the  body.  See  the  boy  in  the  group  on  p.  661. "  We  "  (Christians),  says  Tertnllian  (in  contrast with  the  Jews),  "  not  only  lift  up  our  hands,  but spread  them  out  too,  and  disposing  them  after the  mode  of  the  Lord's  Passion  and  praying,  (so) confess  Chi-ist  "  (Be  Orat.  c.  xi.).  In  allusion  to this  he  says  elsewhere,  "  The  very  attitude  of  a Christian  at  prayer  is  prepared  for  every  inflic- tion "  (Apol.  c.  XXX.).  Asterius  Amasenus,  A.  D. 401  :  "  The  erect  attitude  of  prayer,  in  which one  holds  the  hands  outstretched,  by  its  figure represents  the  passion  of  the  cross "  (Horn,  de Iharis.  et  Publ,  in  Photii  Biblioth.  cod.  271). St.  Maximus  of  Turin  :  "  We  are  taught  to  pi-ay with  uplifted  hands  that  by  the  very  gesture  of 3ur  members  we  may  confess  Christ  "  (De  Cruce  ; Horn,  de  Pass.  ii.).  St.  Ambrose,  when  dying, "prayed  with  hands  spread  in  the  form  of  a cross  "  (  Vita,  a  Paulino  consci-.  §  47).  Pruden- tius,  describing  the  death  by  fire  of  certain martyrs,  relates  that,  when  their  bonds  were burnt,  they  lifted  up  the  hands  thus  set  free "  to  the  Fathei-  in  the  form  of  a  cross "  (J)e Coron.  Hymn  vi.  1.  107).  Many  Christian writers  believed  that  this  was  the  manner  in which  the  hands  of  Moses  were  held  up  during the  battle  with  the  Amalekites,  and  that  the victory  was  thus  granted  to  the  cross.  See Ep.  Baivutb.  c.  xii.  ;  Justin  M.  Dialog,  cum  Tryph. cc.  91,  111  :  Tertull.  Adv.  Jud.  c.  x. ;  Cyprian Adv.  Jud.  ].  ii.  c.  xxi. ;  Maximus  Taur.  u.  s. Gregory  Nazianzen  : — "  They  held  up  the  hands of  Moses  that  Amalek  might  be  subdued  by  the cross  so  long  before  shadowed  forth  and  figured  " (Orat.  xii.  §  2  ;  Sim.  Carinina,  lib.  ii.  §  1,  c.  1). IV.  At  baptism  the  early  Christians  lifted  the hand  as  in  defiance  of  Satan.  Thus  Cyril  of Jerusalem,  addi-essing  the  newly-baptized  : "  Standing  with  your  face  to  the  West,  ye  heard yourselves  commanded  to  stretch  forth  the  hand and  renounce  Satan  as  present"  (Catech. Mysiag.  I.  c.  ii.).  Pseudo-Dionysius  describes the  same  thing ;  but  from  him  we  learn  further that  after  the  candidate  had  thrice  renounced Satan,  the  priest  "  turned  him  towards  the  East, and  commanded  him  to  look  up  to  heaven,  and lifting  up  (avaTeivavTo)  his  hand  to  enter  into compact  with  Christ "  (Eccl.  Hierarch.  cap.  ii. §  6  ;  comp.  c.  iii.  §  5).  St.  Basil,  when  exhorting catechumens  not  to  defer  their  baptism,  appears to  allude  to  this  second  lifting  of  the  hands: "Why  dost  thou  wait  until  baptism  becomes  the gift  of  a  fever  to  thee,  when  thou  wilt  not  be able  to  utter  the  salutary  words  .  .  .  nor  to  lift up  thy  hands  to  heaven,  nor  to  stand  up  on  thy feet?"  (Horn.  xiii.  Exhort,  ad  S.  Baptism.  §  3). The  office  of  the  modern  Greek  church  (Euchol. HANDS,  WASHING  OF Goar,  p.  338)  still  witnesses  to  the  lifting  up  of the  hands  at  the  renunciation  ;  but  they  are  now- held  down  when  the  desire  to  take  service  under Christ  is  professed.  The  reader  will  observe that  the. authorities  now  cited  all  belong  to  the East.  There  is  no  evidence,  so  far  as  the  present writer  knows,  to  show  that  the  custom  before  us prevailed  in  the  West  also.  [W.  E.  S.] HANDS,  WASHING  OF.     I.  In  the  law  ot Moses  (Exod.  xxx.  18-21)  it  was  ordained   that "  between  the  tabernacle  of  the  congregation  and the  altar  "  there  should  stand  a  brazen  laver  full of  water,  at  which  the  priests  were  to  "  wash their  hands  and  their  feet  "  before  they  entered. When   the  temple  was  built,  this  laver  was  re- placed  by  the  "  molten  sea,"  "  for  the  priests  to wash  in  "  (2  Chron.  iv.  2,  6).  Again,  when  murder had  been  committed  by  an  unknown  person,  the declaration  of  innocence  made  by  the   elders  of the  nearest  city  was  associated  with  a  ceremonial washing  of  the  hands  (Deut.  xxi.  6).     These  two provisions  of  the  law  would,  it  is  conceived,  be quite  sufficient  of  themselves  to  create  among those  subject  to  it  a  general  custom  of  washing the  hands  before  drawing  near  to   God  in   the more  solemn  acts  of  worship  and  religion.     That such  a  rite  prevailed  and  was  held   to  be  of  a highly  sacred  character  may  be   inferred  from more  than  one  allusion  in  the   Book  of  Psalms. "  I  will  wash  mine  hands  in  innocency  ;  so  will  I compass  Thine  altar  "  (Psalm  xxvi.  6)  ;  "■  Verily I  have  cleansed  my  heart  in  vain,  and  washed my    hands    in    innocency"    (Ixxiii.    13).      The metaphor  of  "  clean  hands  "  to  denote  righteous- ness could  not  have  come  into  such  frequent  use (Job  ix.  30  ;  xvii.  9  ;  xxxi.  7  ;  Ps.  xviii.  20,  24 ; xxiv.  4),  if  there  had  been   no   familiar  rite  of washing   the  hands  befw'e  entering    into  God's presence.     To  give  an  example   of  later  usage, Josephus  tells    us    that    the    seventy-two    who translated  the  Old  Testament  into  Greek  at  the instance  of  Ptolemy  were  wont  each  morning  to "  wash    their    hands     and     purify    themselves," before  they  entered  on  their  sacred  task  (Antiq. b.  xii.  ch.  ii.  §  13).     It   is  most  probable,  how- ever,   that    the    custom     before    us    was   much older  than  tlie  law  of  Moses,   for  it  appears  to have    been    general  among    the    heathen   at  an early    period.      Thus   Hesiod    gives   a    warning "  never  with  unwashed  hands   to   pour  out  the black  wine  at  morn   to  Zeus  or  the  other   im- mortals"   (Opera  et  Dies,  line   722).     He  also forbids  the  passage  of  a  stream  on  foot  before washing  the    hands   in    it  with   prayer  (ibid.  1. 735).     According    to    some    ancient   authorities temples  were   called  delubra  from  deluo,  because they  generally  had  fountains,  or  pools  so  called, attached    to    them    for    the    use    of   those    who entered   (Servius  ad  Virg.   Aen.  ii.   225).     Nor was  the  kindred  rite  before  mentioned  unknown to  the  heathen.     Pilate  "  took  water  and  washed his  hands  before  the  multitude,"  when  he  ])ro- tested    his  innocence    of  the     blood    of  Christ (St.  Matt,  xxvii.  24).  Compare  Virg.  Aen.  ii.  719. Generally,  indeed,    "  it  was  a  custom  with  the ancients,  after    the    killing    of  a  man  or  other slaughters,   to  wash    the    hands  with   water  to remove   the    pollution"    (Scholiast,    in  Sophocl. Ajac.  1.  664,  vol.  i.  p.  80 ;  Lond.  1758). II.  A  rite  thus  familiar  to  all  classes  of  the early  converts,   and   so    patient   of  a   Christian HANDS,  WASHING  OF adaptation,  was  certain  to  be  retained  in  some form  or  other.  To  facilitate  its  observance  there was  in  the  atrium  of  many  churches  a  foun- tain or  reservoir  of  water  resembling  those with  which  the  temples  had  been  furnished. Thus  Paulinus,  bishop  of  Tyre,  at  the  beginning  of the  4th  century,  in  an  open  space  before  a  church which  he  built  in  that  city,  caused  to  be  made "  fountains  opposite  the  temple,  which  by  their plentiful  flow  of  water  aftbrded  the  means  of cleansing  to  those  who  passed  out  of  the  sacred precincts  into  the  interior "  (Euseb.  Hist.  EccL 1.  X.  c.  4).  In  the  West,  Paulinus  of  Nola, A.D.  393,  gives  a  poetical  description  of  a  basin (cantharus)  in  the  court  of  a  church  built  by him.  "  With  its  ministering  stream,"  he  says, "  it  washes  the  hands  of  those  who  enter  "  (ad Sever.  Ep.  xxxii.  §  15).  From  the  same  writer we  learn  that  there  was  a  cantharus  in  the atrium  of  the  basilica  of  St.  Peter  at  Rome, which  "spouted  streams  that  ministered  to  the hands  and  faces  "  of  the  worshippers  {ad  Pam- mach.  Ep.  xiii.  §  13).  St.  Chrysostom  says,  "  It is  the  custom  for  fountains  to  be  placed  in  the courts  of  houses  of  prayer,  that  they  who  are going  to  pray  to  God  may  first  wash  their hands,  and  so  lift  them  up  in  prayer  "  {Horn,  de Div.  N.  T.  loc.  n.  xxv.  on  2  Cor.  iv.  13).  Socrates tells  us  that  in  a  riot  at  Constantinople  in  the reign  of  Constantius  "  the  court  of  the  church (of  Acacius  the  martyr)  was  filled  with  blood, and  the  well  therein  overflowed  with  blood " {Hist.  Ecd.  1.  ii.  c.  38). in.  Frequent  allusions  to  the  practice  for which  public  provision  was  thus  made  occur  in Christian  writers.  For  example,  Tertullian, A.D.  192  :  "  What  is  the  sense  of  entering  on prayer  with  the  hands,  indeed,  washed,  but  the spirit  unclean?"  {De  Orat.  c.  xi.).  This  is  said of  all  prayer,  private  as  well  as  public.  With regard  to  private  prayer  in  the  morning,  the Apostolical  Constitutions  give  the  following  direc- tion :  "  Let  every  one  of  the  faithful,  man  or woman,  when  they  rise  from  sleep  in  the  morn- ing, before  doing  work,  having  washed  [not bathed  the  whole  body,  but  vi\pa.fxevui,  having washed  parts  of  it,  especially  the  hands]  pray  " (lib.  viii.  c.  32).  St.  Chrysostom  in  the  follow- ing passage  is  speaking  of  public  worship  in general :  "  I  see  a  custom  of  this  sort  prevailing among  the  many,  viz.,  that  they  study  how  they may  come  (into  church)  with  clean  clothes,  and how  they  may  wash  their  hands,  but  consider not  how  they  may  present  a  clean  soul  to  God. And  I  do  not  say  this  to  prevent  your  washing hands  or  face,  but  because  I  wish  you  to  wash, as  is  befitting,  not  with  water  only,  but  with  the virtues  correlative  to  the  water"  {Horn.  li.  in St.  JIatth.  Ev.  c.  XV.  17-20). More  frequently  it  is  spoken  of  as  part  of  the preparation  for  Holy  Communion.  For  example, St.  Chrysostom  :  "  Tell  me,  wouldst  thou  choose to  draw  near  to  the  sacrifice  with  unwasheu hands  ?  I  think  not ;  but  thou  wouldst  rather not  draw  near  at  all  than  with  filthy  hands. Wouldst  thou,  then,  while  thus  careful  in  the little  matter,  draw  near  having  a  filthy  soul  ?" {Horn.  iii.  in  Ep.  ad  Eph.  c.  i.  20-23).  Similarly in  the  West,  Caesarius  of  Aries,  A.D.  502  :  "All the  men,  when  they  intend  to  approach  the altar,  wash  their  hands,  and  all  the  women  use fair  linen  cloths  on  which  to  receive  the  body  of HANGINGS 759 Christ  ...  As  the  men  wash  their  hands  with water,  so  let  them  wash  their  souls  witti  alms," &c.  (Serm,  ccxxix.  §  5  in  App.  iv.  ad  0pp. S.  August.).  Again:  "If  we  are  ashamed  and afraid  to  touch  the  eucharist  with  filthy  hands, much  more  ought  we  to  be  afraid  to  receive  the same  eucharist  in  a  polluted  soul  "  {Serm.  ccxcii. §  6  ;  ibid.). IV.  The  celebrant  and  his  assistants  washed their  hands  between  the  dismissal  of  the  cate- chumens and  the  offering  of  the  gifts.  Thus  in the  Apostolical  Constitutions  ;  "  Let  one  subdeacon give  water  to  the  priests  for  washing  their hands,  a  symbol  of  the  purity  of  souls  consecrated to  God  "  (lib.  viii.  c.  11).  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  : "  Ye  saw  the  deacon  who  gave  to  the  priest  and to  the  elders  surrounding  the  altar  of  God (water)  to  wash  (their  hands,  vl\]ia<TBai)  .  .  . The  washing  of  the  hands  is  a  symbol  of  guilt- lessness of  sins "  {Catech.  Mijstag.  v.  §  1). Pseudo-Dionysius  :  "  Standing  before  the  most holy  symbols  the  high  priest  {i.e.  the  bishop) washes  his  hands  with  the  venerable  order  of  the priests "  {De  Eccl.  Hierarch.  cap.  iii.  sect.  3, §  10  ;  sim.  sect.  ii.).  We  find  the  same  rite  in  the West.  Thus  in  one  of  the  Questions  out  of  the Old  and  New  Testaments,  probably  compiled  by Hilary  the  deacon,  A.D.  354,  it  is  implied  that at  Rome  the  deacons  did  not  "  pour  water  on  the priest's  hands,  as  "  (adds  the  writer)  "  we  see  in all  the  churches  "  (Qu.  ci.  On  the  Arrogance  of  the Eoman  Levites  in  App.  iii.  ad  Opp,  Aug.).  We may  remark,  in  passing,  that  the  Clementine liturgy,  as  above  quoted,  assigns  the  office  to  a subdeacon.  In  the  earliest  Ordo  Eomanus  ex- tant, probably  of  the  7th  century,  it  is  oi'dered that,  after  the  reception  of  the  gifts,  the  bishop "  return  to  his  seat  and  wash  his  hands,"  and that  "  the  archdeacon  standing  before  the  altar wash  his  hands,  when  the  receiving  (of  the  obla- tions) is  completed "  {Ord.  i.  §  14 ;  Mus.  Ital. tom.  ii.  p.  11 ;  compare  Ord.  ii.  §  9,  p.  47). Since  the  clergy,  as  well  as  the  people,  washed their  hands  before  they  entered  the  church,  it may  be  asked,  how  they  came  to  do  so  a  second time  ?  Ancient  writers  give  only  a  symbolical reason,  but  it  is  not  probable  that  the  custom originated  in  that.  The  words  of  the  Ordo Romanus  suggest  that  the  hands  might  be  soiled by  the  oblations,  which  at  that  time  were  large and  various  in  kind.  They  certainly  were washed  immediately  after  these  were  taken  from the  offerers,  and  before  the  celebrant  proceeded to  offer  the  elements  selected  out  of  them  for consecration.  Another  reason  which  might make  it  necessary  is  suggested  by  Sala  {Nota  (1) in  Bona,  Her.  Lit.  1.  ii.  c.  ix.  §  6),  viz.,  that  a little  time  before  the  bishop  and  priests  had laid  their  hands  on  the  heads  of  the  catechumens and  penitents.  The  washing  of  the  hands,  or rather  fingers,  by  the  celebrant  after  his  com- munion, now  ordered  in  the  church  of  Rome, was  not  practised  for  more  than  a  thousand years  after  Christ.  [W.  E.  S.] HANGINGS.  Some  few  notices  may  be added  to  those  already  given  under  curtains. The  curtains  which  closed  the  doors  of  the chancel  screen  in  later  times  often  bore  the pictorial  representation  of  .some  saint  or  angelic being.  At  the  present  day  St.  Michael  is  often represented  upon  them  as  prohibiting  all  access 760 HARE to  the  bema  (Neale,  Eastern  Ch.  1.195).  It was  ou  the  curtain  of  the  hema  of  the  church  at Anablatha  that  St.  Epiphanius  saw  the  painted figure  which  gave  him  so  much  offence,  and caused  him  to  tear  the  curtain,  and  desire  that  it should  be  replaced  by  one  of  a  single  colour (Epiphan.  Epist.  adJoann.  p.  319).  The  censure passed  by  Asterius  of  Amasia  on  the  excessive luxury  displayed  in  the  textile  fabrics  of  his  day proves  that  at  the  end  of  the  fourth  century  re- presentations of  sacred  facts  were  woven  in  the stuffs  in  ordinary  use  for  hangings,  and  even  for dresses.  The  same  author  also  describes  the painted  hangings  of  the  sepulchre  of  St.  Euphe- mia  at  Chalcedon  representing  the  martyrdom  of that  saint  (Aster.  Amas.  Homil.  de  Divit.  et Lazaro ;  Enarrat.  in  martyr.  Euphem.).  Paulinus of  Nola  is  another  authority  on  the  decoration of  these  vela  with  pictorial  designs  : — "Vela  coloratis  textum  fucata  flguris." A  velum  concealing  the  altar  from  the  gaze of  the  laity  is  mentioned  in  the  office  for  the dedication  of  a  church  in  the  Sacramentary  of Gregory.  When  the  bishop,  having  brought  the relics  which  were  to  be  deposited  within  it, had  arrived  at  the  altar,  he  was  to  be  concealed from  the  sight  of  the  people  by  a  veil,  before he  proceeded  to  anoint  the  four  corners  with the  chrism  (extenso  velo  inter  clerum  et  popu- lum,  Muratori,  ii.  -181).  An  offering  of  hangings vela  was  made  to  the  church  of  St.  Peter's  by  a lady  of  rank  named  Rusticiana,  which  were carried  to  their  destination  by  the  whole  body of  the  clergy  chanting  a  litany  (Greg.  Magn. Epist.  ix.  38).  The  supposititious  Second  Epistle of  Clement  to  James  the  Lord's  brother,  "de sacratis  vestibus  et  vasis,"  gives  minute  direc- tions for  the  washing  of  the  altar  cloths  and other  vestments  of  the  church  by  the  deacons and  other  ministers  of  the  church,  in  vessels specially  set  apart  for  the  purpose,  near  the sacristy.  The  door-keepers  are  also  enjoined  to take  care  that  no  one  thoughtlessly  wiped  his hands  ou  the  curtain  of  the  door,  and  to  remind those  who  were  guilty  of  such  irreverence  that "  the  veil  of  the  Lord's  Temple  is  holy  "  (Labbe, Concil.  i.  99).  Gregory  of  Tours  informs  us  that on  the  conversion  of  Clovis,  solemn  processions were  instituted  in  the  streets,  which  were shaded  with  painted  veils,  while  the  churches were  adorned  with  white  curtains  (Greg.  Turon. Hist.  Franc,  ii.  31).  According  to  Hefele  (Bei- trage  znr  Archdologie,  ii.  252),  tapestry  curtains were  employed  to  protect  the  apertures  of windows  in  churches  before  the  general  intro- duction of  glazing.  [E.  V.] HARE.  The  boy  who  represents  Spring among  the  Four  Seasons  fi-equently  carries  a hare  in  his  hand.  The  idea  of  speed  in  the Christian  course  was  associated  with  it.  It  is sometimes  connected  with  the  horse  (Ferret  v. Ivii.)  or  with  the  palm  (Boldetti,  506).  Its presence  in  Christian  decoration  seems  to  be  con- nected with  the  Roman  taste  for  ornamenting their  rooms  with  domestic,  agricultural,  or  hunt- ing subjects.  Many  places  of  assembly,  no  doubt, contained  pictures  by  Pagan  hands  in  the  earliest days ;  and  the  ingenuity  of  Christian  preachers would  in  all  probability  make  use  of  them  for type  and  metaphor ;  and  so  the  animal  or  other object  would  become  a  recognized  and  customary HATFIELD,  COUNCIL  OF subject  of  Christian  ornament,  acquiring  a  sym- bolical meaning.  In  such  examples  as  the  vine or  shepherd,  that  meaning  of  course  existed before;  and  the  distmction  between  scriptural and  all  other  symbols  is  on  the  whole  sufficiently well-marked  in  early  work.  [K.  St.  J.  T.] HARIOLL  [Astrology;  Divinatiox.] HARLOTS.  Compare  Fornication.  The maintaining  and  harbouring  of  harlots  was severely  punished  by  the  laws  of  the  empire ;  a man  who  permitted  his  house  to  become  a  place of  assignation  for  improper  purposes  was  punished as'an  adulterer  (Pandect,  lib.  xlviii.  tit.  5,  1.  8); if  a  man  discovered  his  wife  to  be  a  procuress,  it was  a  valid  ground  of  divorce  (Codex  Theod. lib.  iii.  tit.  16,  1. 1);  careful  provision  was  made against  fathers  or  masters  prostituting  their children  or  slaves  (Codex  Just.  lib.  xi.  tit.  40, 1.  6).  Socrates  (H.  E.  v.  18)  commends  Theo- dosius  the  Great  for  demolishing  the  houses  of ill  fame  in  Rome.  Theodosius  the  younger  per- formed the  same  service  for  Constantinople, enacting  that  keepers  of  infamous  houses  should be  publicly  whipped  and  expelled  the  city,  while their  slaves  were  set  at  liberty  (Theodos.  Novel. 18,  de  Lenonihxis).  All  these  laws  were  confirmed by.  Justinian  (Aore^.  14)  who  also  increased  the severity  of  the  punishments. The  church,  as  was  natural,  visited  prostitu- tion with  the  severest  censure.  Baptism  was denied  to  harlots  (irSpvas)  and  to  those  who -maintained  them  (iropvo^offKovs).  (Constt.  Apost. viii.  32).  The  council  of  Elvira,  A.D.  305,  ordains that  if  a  parent,  or  any  Christian  whatever, exercise  the  trade  of  a  procurer,  forasmuch  as they  set  to  sale  the  person  of  another,  or  rather their  own,  they  shall  not  be  admitted  to  com- munion, no,  not  at  their  last  hour ;  and  the  same penalty  is  denounced  (c.  70)  by  the  same  council against  a  wife  who  prostitutes  herself  with  her husband's  connivance.  [C] HATFIELD,  COUNCIL  OF  (Haethfel- thense,  or  Jledtfeldense,  Concilium),  17  Sept. A.D.  680,  at  Bishop's  Hatfield  in  Hertfordshire, attended  by  all  the  bishops  of  Britain,  Theo- dore, archbishop  of  Canterbury,  presiding,  held for  making  a  declaration  against  Eutychian- ism  and  Monothelism.  Pope  Agatho  wished that  Theodore  should  have  attended  his  council of  125  bishops  at  Rome,  March  27  of  the  same year,  preliminarily  to  the  6th  general  council,  and had  sent  John,  precentor  of  his  church  of  St. Peter,  with  the  acts  of  the  Lateran  council under  pope  Martin  I.,  A.D.  649,  against  Mono- thelism, to  invite  him  thither.  But  Theodore, being  either  unable  to  leave  for  other  reasons,  or unwilling  to  come  from  knowing  that  Wilfrid, bishop  of  York,  whose  case  had  caused  so  much strife,  was  already  there,  collected  this  council instead,  and  despatched  a  copy  of  its  synodical letter  to  Rome  by  John,  where  it  was  read  with great  satisfaction,  and  probably  before  the  6th council,  which  met  Nov.  7,  had  commenced. Bede.  who  was  about  eight  years  old  when  this synod  took  place,  gives  three  different  extracts from  its  letter,  in  substance  as  follows : — - 1.  The  bishops  declare  that  "  they  have  set forth  the  right  and  orthodox  faith,  as  delivered by  our  Lord  to  His  disciples,  and  handed  down in  the  symbol  of  the  holy  fathers,  and  by  all  the sacred  and  universal  synods,  and  by   the   whole HAWKING body  of  approved  doctors  of  the  Catholic  church. Following  whom,  they  also  confess  the  Father, Son,  and  Holy  Spirit,  the  Holy  Trinity  in  Unity, consubstantial,  and  the  Unity  in  Trinity,  one God  in  three  consubstantial  Persons  of  equal honour  and  glory." 2.  They  "  receive  the  five  general  councils," mentioning  each  by  name. 3.  "  Likewise  the  synod  of  Rome,  A.D.  649, under  Martin  I.,"  after  which  they  say :  "  We receive  and  glorify  our  Lord  Jesus,  as  they glorified  Him,  neither  adding  nor  subtracting anything.  We  anathematise  from  the  heart  all they  anathematised,  and  receive  all  they  re- ceived: glorifying  God  the  Father  without  be- ginning, and  His  only  begotten  Son,  born  of  the Father  before  all  worlds,  and  the  Holy  Spirit proceeding  ineffably  from  the  Father  and  the  Son, according  to  the  preaching  of  the  above-named holy  apostles  and  prophets  and  doctors,  to  all which  we  have  subscribed,  who  with  archbishop Theodore  have  expounded  the  Catholic  faith." This  assertion  of  procession  from  the  Son  as  well as  the  Father,  which  is  not  found  in  any  docu- ment received  by  the  6th  council,  may  seem  to indicate  that  the  interpolated  form  of  the  creed had  got  into  Britain  by  then ;  but  it  may  be explained  in  another  way.  We  are  told  in another  place  by  Bede,  that  when  Theodore  was consecrated  at  Rome  by  Vitalian,  it  was  ex- pressly stipulated  that  abbot  Adrian  should  ac- company him  into  England :  "  Et,  ut  ei  doctrinae cooperator  existens,  diligenter  attenderet,  nequid ille  contrariusii  veritati  fidei,  Graecorum  more,  in ccclesiam  cui  praesset,  introduceret  "  {E.  H.  iv. 1).  Adrian  remained  in  that  capacity  till  his death,  A.D.  710,  and  Theodore  commenced  work, "  per  omnia  comitante  et  coopcrante  Adriano " ((6.  c.  2).  Now  Adrian  was  a  foreigner,  as  well as  Theodore.  He  was  a  learned  African,  and Africa  was  the  country  that  boasted  of  the clearest  authorities  as  yet,  for  procession  from the  Son  as  well  as  the  Father,  in  SS.  Austin  and Fulgentius.  In  conclusion,  Bede  tells  us  that John  the  precentor  also  took  part  in  this  synod, and  was  flocked  to  by  the  whole  country  for instruction  in  the  Roman  chant  (Mansi,  xi.  175- 80 :  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  141-51). [E.  S.  Ff.] HAWKING.    [Hunting.] HEAD,  COVERING  OP  THE.  Christian men  in  ancient  days  prayed  with  uncovered head,  according  to  the  apostolic  injunction (1  Cor.  xi.  4,  5).  Chrysostom's  comment  on  the passage  shows  clearly  that  this  was  the  practice of  his  own  time,  as  well  as  of  the  apostolic  age. Tertullian  (.4710;.  c.  30)  says  that  Christian  men jirayed  with  bare  head,  as  having  no  need  to conceal  a  blush,  insinuating  that  the  heathen might  well  blush  for  some  of  the  prayers  which they  uttered ;  and  Cyprian  may  perhaps  be  al- luding to  the  same  custom,  when  he  says  (De Lapsis,  c.  2)  that  the  head  of  a  Christian  was uncontaminated  by  the  head-covering  of  the heathen  sacrificer.  On  the  other  hand,  as  both the  apostolic  precept  and  the  custom  of  the  East made  it  indecent  for  women  to  be  seen  with  un- covered head,  the  women  of  the  Oriental  and African  churches  covered  their  heads  not  only  in the  congregation,  but  generally  when  they  ap- peared in  public.     The   breaking  in  upon  this HEATHEN,  THE 761 custom  led  Tertullian  to  write  his  treatise  Be Virginibus  Velandis,  in  which  he  contends  that not  only  matrons,  but  maidens — who  had  been allowed  a  somewhat  greater  licence — should cover  their  heads  effectually.  He  is  especially severe  (c.  17)  on  those  who  wore  a  simple  band or  fillet,  which  did  not  cover  the  top  of  the head  ;  or  laid  a  mere  slip  of  linen  on  the  top  of the  head,  which  did  not  reach  even  to  the  ears ; he  insists  that  the  veil  or  head-covering  should at  any  rate  come  down  to  meet  the  top  of  the dress ;  the  whole  space  which  would  be  covered by  the  hair  if  it  were  let  down  should  be  covered by  the  veil ;  and  he  holds  up  for  admiration  and imitation  the  Arab  women,  who  so  covered  the head  and  face  as  to  leave  only  one  eye  visible. Contrary  to  Roman  practice,  they  preferred  to see  rather  than  to  be  seen.  But  most  of  all  does he  inveigh  against  those  women  who,  even  when psalms  are  said  and  the  name  of  God  named, continued  uncovered,  or  with  veils  thrown  back (retectae  perseverant) ;  who  even  in  prayer  fan- cied themselves  covered  with  a  strip  of  lace  or fringe  on  the  top  of  the  head.  But  Tertullian's rigorous  views  were  not  those  of  the  Church  at large ;  as  a  general  rule  Christian  women  have worn  the  head-dresses  of  their  country  and station,  and  have  covered  their  heads  in  the place  of  assembly.  Men,  to  speak  generally, have  alwa3's  prayed  with  uncovered  head.  Yet about  the  8th  century  the  Ordo  liomanus  II. (c.  8,  p.  46)  says  that  at  the  reading  of  the Gospel  neither  crown  nor  any  other  covering  is kept  on  the  head,  an  expression  which  seems  to imply  that  during  the  saying  of  some  portions of  the  office  crowns  or  other  coverings  were retained. 2.  With  regard  to  the  head-covering  of  clerics, the  Gregorian  Sacramentarg  (p.  38)  lays  down the  rule,  that  no  cleric  stands  in  the  church  at any  time  with  covered  head,  unless  he  have  an infirmity.  In  spite,  however,  of  the  generality of  the  expression  "  ullo  tempore,"  the  meaning  of the  sentence  is  probably  limited  by  the  words which  stand  at  the  head  of  the  rubric,  "  per totam  Quadragesimam."  That  some  kind  of ceremonial  head-dress  was  worn  by  bishops  and priests  from  the  4th  century  onward  seems certain.     See  Infula,  Mitre. 3.  For  the  head-covering  of  monks,  see  Cu- CULLA,  Hood.  [C] HEAD  OF  ALL  CHURCHES.  The empeior Justinian  in  a  rescript  {Codex,  lib.  1,  tit.  2, 1.  24) gives  to  the  patriarchal  church  of  Constantinople the  title  of  "  Head  of  all  the  Churches  " — "  Con- tantinopolitana  ecclesia  omnium  aliarum  est caput."     See  Patriarch  ;  Pope.  [C] HEARERS.  [AuDiENTEs;  Catechumens; Doctor.] HEATHEN,  THE,  in  relation  to  the  Church. 1.  The  duty  of  praying  for  the  heathen  was amply  recognized  by  the  early  Christians.  Thus in  the  Ignatian  letter  to  the  Ephesians  (c.  10) we  find  the  exhortation,  "pray  also  without ceasing  for  the  rest  of  mankind ;  for  there  is  in them  a  hope  of  repentance,  that  they  may  attain to  God."  St.  Augustine  {Epist.  211,  ad  Vita/em, c.  2)  declares  that  one,  who  did  not  believe  that the  seed  of  faith  was  sown  in  the  heart  by  God, must  needs  mock  at  the  woi'ds  of  the  priest  at the  altar  exhorting  the  people  to  pray  for  un- 762 HEATHEN,  THE believers,  that  God  may  turn  them  to  the  faith. And  agaia  (/>e  Dono  Persev.  c.  22,  §  63)  he  asks, "  When  was  not  prayer  made  in  the  Church  for unbelievers  and  for  its  enemies,  that  they  might believe?"  Prosper  {De  Vocat.  Gentium,  i.  12) tells  us  that  "  the  Church  prays  to  God  every- where, not  only  for  the  holy  and  those  already regenerate  in  Christ,  but  also  for  all  unbelievers and  enemies  of  the  cross  of  Christ,  for  all  wor- shippers of  idols.  .  .  .  And  what  does  she  ask for  them,  but  that  leaving  their  errors  they  may be  converted  to  God  ?"  Such  prayers  occur  in the  liturgies  ;  in  that  of  St.  Mark,  for  instance, we  have  (Renaudot,  Litt.  Orient,  i.  153),  "Turn back  those  who  have  gone  astray,  enlighten  those who  are  in  darkness."  So  the  Clementine (Constt.  Apost.  viii.  15):  "We  beseech  Thee  on behalf  of  those  who  hate  us  and  persecute  us  for Thy  Name's  sake,  for  those  outside  the  Church and  in  error,  that  Thou  mayest  turn  them  to good  and  soften  their  hearts."  In  the  West,  the conversion  of  the  heathen  was  an  especial  subject of  prayer — as  it  is  still  in  the  English  church — on  Good  Friday.  Thus,  in  the  Gelasian  Sacra- mentary  (i.  41;  Migne's  Patrol.  Ixxiv.  1105  B) the  deacon,  after  bidding  prayer  for  heretics, schismatics,  and  Jews,  proceeds,  "  Let  us  pray also  for  the  pagans,  that  Almighty  God  may  take away  the  wickedness  from  their  hearts,  and  that forsaking  their  idols  they  may  turn  to  the  true God  and  His  only  Son  Jesus  Christ."  So  in  the Gregorian  (p.  64),  the  prayers  to  be  used  on  the Wednesday  and  Friday  in  Holy  Week  include one  for  the  pagans.* 2.  While  it  is  clear  that  heathen  were  care- fully excluded  from  the  Christian  mysteries,  it  is equally  clear  that  from  the  earliest  times  they were  admitted  to  that  part  of  Christian  worship which  consisted  mainly  of  instruction.  St.  Paul (1  Cor.  xiv.  23)  evidently  contemplates  the  pos- sibility of  heathen  entering  the  place  where preaching  took  place,  whether  it  were  in  the shape  of  an  utterance  in  "  tongues,"  or  prophesy- ing. At  the  end  of  the  2nd  century,  all  portions of  divine  worship  were  not  open  to  all  alike  ; for  Tertullian  (De  Praescript.  c.  41)  reproaches certain  heretics  with  their  want  of  order  and discipline,  in  that  not  only  catechumens  were admitted  to  the  same  privileges  as  the  faithful, but  even  heathen,  if  they  chanced  to  enter  the place,  had  equal  access ;  so  did  the  heretics  cast their  mock-pearls  before  swine.  In  this  it  is implied  that  the  orthodox  were  more  careful  of their  treasure.  [Disciplixa  Arcani.]  The words  of  Origen  (c.  Celsum,  iii.  p.  142,  Spencer), where,  speaking  of  the  care  bestowed  upon  cate- chumens, he  says  that  Christians  had  in  view  to prevent  persons  of  evil  life  from  coming  to  their common  assembly  (eirl  rhv  Kotuhv  avrSiv  avkKo- yov),  seem  to  imply  that  some  kind  of  scrutiny took  place  before  men  were  admitted  to  any Christian  assembly  whatever ;  for  he  contrasts the  Cynic  practice  of  receiving  all  comers  to  their harangues  with  that  of  the  Christians,  and  the word  (TvWoyos  does  not  appear  to  be  taken  (like avva^is)  in  the  limited  sense  of  "  the  Eucharistic mystery."  However  this  may  be,  it  is  certain that  at  the  end  of  the  4th  century  the  African canons  (/F.  Cone.  Carth.  c.  84)  specially  provide »  For  the  substance  of  this  paragraph  the indebted  to  the  Kev.  W.  E.  Scudamore. HEATHEN,  THE that  the  bishop  is  not  to  hinder  any  one,  whether heathen,  heretic,  or  Jew,  from  entering  the church  and  hearing  the  word  of  God,  as  far  as the  dismissal  of  the  catechumens  (usque  ad missam  catech.) ;  and  a  later  Council  {Cone. Valletanum,  c.  1  ;  A.D.  524)  orders  the  Gospel  to be  read  after  the  Epistle,  before  the  bringing  in of  the  gifts  [Entrance,  §  2]  or  the  dismissal  of catechumens,''  in  order  that  not  ouly  catechu- mens and  penitents,  but  all  who  belong  to  the contrary  part  (e  diverso  sunt)  may  hear  the wholesome  precepts  of  the  Lord  Jesus  or  the sermon  of  the  bishop  (sacerdotis)  ;  for  many  had been  drawn  to  the  faith  by  the  preaching  of  the prelates  (pontificum).  The  liberty  which  was granted  to  heathen  does  not  seem  in  all  cases  to have  been  allowed  to  heretics  {Cone.  Lewd.  c.  6). The  liturgies  themselves  contain  evidence  that heathen  were  permitted  to  be  present  during  the introductory  portion  of  the  Eucharistic  office. In  the  Clementine,  for  instance  (Conslt.  Apostt. viii.  12),  the  deacon  proclaims  before  the  offer- tory, "  Let  no  one  of  the  catechumens,  no  one of  the  hearers,  no  one  of  the  unbelievers  (rcSr anrio-Tojc),  no  one  of  the  heterodox  [be  present]  ;" from  which  it  appears  that  heathens  had  not been  excluded  during  the  whole  of  the  pre- vious service. 3.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  infant  children of  heathen  parents,  remaining  in  the  heathen family,  were  in  ancient  times  ever  baptized.  It would  have  been  held  a  profanation  of  the  sacra- ment to  baptize  those  who  were  likely  to  be brought  up  as  pagans.  But  baptism  was  not refused  to  children  of  heathen  slaves  brought  to baptism  by  their  owners,  who  could  of  course ensure  them  Christian  nurture  ;  and  orphans  and foundlings — the  latter  at  any  rate  almost  always the  offspring  of  heathen — were  frequently  pre- sented for  baptism  by  the  virgins  or  others  who had  taken  charge  of  them  (Augustine,  Epist.  23, ad  Bonifac. ;  compare  Pseudo-Ambros.  de  Vocat. Gent.  ii.  18).  We  may  probably  discover  in  this presentation  of  infants  for  baptism  by  persons other  than  their  parents  the  origin  of  Sponsors. When  the  time  came  that  Paganism  was  pro- scribed and  Christianity  enjoined,  special  care was  taken  that  whole  families  should  be  brought within  the  pale  of  Christianity,  and  that  the head  of  a  household  should  not  undergo  baptism pro  forma,  while  the  household  remained  heathen. "  As  for  those  who  are  not  yet  baptized,"  says the  Code  of  Justinian  (lib.  i.  tit.  ii.  de  Paganis, 1.  10),  "let  them,  with  wives  and  children  and all  their  households,  betake  themselves  to  the holy  churches;  and  let  them  provide  that  their inf;ints  (parvuli)  be  baptized  without  delay  ;  but let  the  older  children  (majores)  before  baptism be  instructed  in  the  Scriptures  according  to  the canons.  But  if  any,  with  a  view  to  entering  the public  service,  or  to  acquiring  an  office  or  a  pro- perty, go  through  a  form  of  baptism  (fingant baptizari)  and  leave  in  their  error  their  children, wives,  and  others  who  belong  to  and  depend  upon them;  they  are  to  be  punished  by  confiscation  oi goods  and  other  penalties,  and  excluded  from  the public  service."  The  special  case  of  the  Samari- tans is  provided  for  by  another  law  {Novel.  144, c.  2) ;  adults  were  to  pass  through  two  years' b  This  is  given  from  the  text  of  Bruns  (Canones,  ii.  25) some  texts  have  "in  missa"  for  "vol  mi.-^sam." HEAVEN instruction  and  probation,  wliile  children  not capable  of  instruction  in  the  doctrines  of  the faith  were  to  be  admitted  to  baptism  at  once. Both  these  laws  were  included  by  Photius  in  his Nomocanon  (tit.  iv.  c.  4,  p.  907)  [CODEX Canonum,  p.  400]. 4.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  Church  in  the earliest  times  had  special  organizations  for  the conversion  of  the  heathen.  It  was  of  course  the duty  of  the  bishops  and  clergy  of  any  church  to endeavour  to  bring  over  to  the  faith  those  pagans who  dwelt  about  them,  and  men  were  raised  up from  time  to  time  who  went  forth  into  lands entirely  heathen.  The  monastic  orders,  in  par- ticular, especially  that  of  St.  Columba,  were constantly  active  in  propagating  the  faith  of Christ  [Monasticism].  The  lives  of  the  great missionaries  will  be  found  in  the  Dictionary  of Christian  Biography. It  is  worth  observing,  that  in  the  Coronation- oflice  given  by  Menard  with  the  Gregorian Sacramentary  {Ad  Eeginam  benedicendam,  pp. 263,  264)  the  conversion  of  heathen  nations  is regarded  as  especially  the  work  of  a  queen. After  putting  on  the  ring,  the  consecrating bishop  prays  that  the  queen  on  the  point  of being  crowned  "  may  be  enabled  to  call  barbarous nations  to  the  knowledge  of  the  truth." 5.  The  social  intercourse  of  heathen  and Christian,  while  paganism  was  still  a  flourishing system,  was  rendered  difficult  by  two  circum- stances ;  the  prevalence  of  more  or  less  idolatrous practices  in  the  flimily  life  of  heathens — liba- tions, feasts  on  sacrificial  meats,  songs  implying the  recognition  of  pagan  deities,  and  the  like ; and  afterwards  hj  the  horror  and  hati'ed  with which  the  heathen  came  to  regard  the  votaries  of what  they  thought  an  "  ill-omened  superstition," destructive  of  the  greatness  of  the  empire. [Family;  Idolatry.] Christians  who  feasted  with  the  heathen  in  a spot  appropriated  to  heathen  festivities,  even  if for  fear  of  defilement  they  took  with  them  their own  food  and  ate  no  other,  were  sentenced  to  a two-years'  penance  among  the  Substrati  [Peni- tence].    (Cone.  Ancijr.  c.  7 ;  a.d.  314.) 6.  Until  Christianity  had  developed  a  litera- ture of  its  own,  those  Christians  who  studied literature  at  all,  beyond  the  limits  of  Scripture, of  course  studied  pagan  literature ;  but  at  the end  of  the  4th  century  we  find  the  peremptory prohibition  {TV.  Cone.  Carth.  c.  16),  "that  the bishop  should  not  read  the  books  of  the  gentiles." It  is  not  to  be  supposed  however  that  this  precept was  literally  and  universally  observed  ;  the  vast pagan  learning  (for  instance)  of  Jerome  and Augustine  is  matter  of  notoriety,  and  it  is  not  to be  supposed  that  it  was  wholly  acquired  before they  entered  the  Christian  ministry.  Jerome, indeed  {Epist.  10  [al.  70]  ad  Magnum),  e.xpressly defends  Christian  writers  against  the  charge  that they  were  ignorant  of  pagan  writings,  and  points with  pride  to  the  long  series  of  writers  who  had defended  Christianity  with  weapons  drawn  from the  pagan  armoury.  See  further  under  Pro- hibited Books.  [C] HEAVEN.  [See  Firmament.]  The  veiled figure  on  the  sarcophagus  of  Junius  Bassus (Bottari,  tav.  xv.  and  elsewhere  a  female  head, id.  tav.  xxxiii.)  is  always  held  to  represent the  firmament  of  heaven.     Considering  the  word HEBDOMADARIUS 763 as  denoting  the  future  spiritual  state  of  happiness in  the  presence  of  God,  we  can  hardly  pass  over the  symbolic  representations  of  the  Lord  in glory  which  seem  from  the  6th  century  to  have been  the  accustomed  decorations  of  Byzantine churches.  The  choir  and  apse  of  a  church  from that  date  were  constantly  made  to  symbolize heaven  and  earth  :  the  churches  triumphant  and militant,  the  new  heaven  of  glory,  and  the  re- newed earth  of  the  soul  regenerated  in  baptism. The  churches  of  SS.  Cosmas  and  Damianus, St.  Venantius,  and  especially  of  St.  Prassede,  at Rome,  may  be  taken  as  types  of  the  Byzantine treatment  of  this  great  subject.  In  the  former Our  Lord  stands  on  the  firmament  of  clouds,  a figure  of  indescribable  grandeur.  He  is  not  only come  to  His  sanctuary,  and  present  with  a  con- gregation of  the  church,  but  he  is  also  and  at the  same  moment  in  heaven,  apart  from  time, with  the  church  triumphant.  Accordingly,  here, and  in  St.  Prassede,  the  apse,  and  the  upper  part of  the  arch  of  triumph  in  advance  of  it,  represent Him  in  glory  with  His  own ;  saints  and  martyrs, in  white  robes  on  gold  ground,  casting  their crowns  before  Him.  But  at  their  feet  flows  the mystic  Jordan,  the  river  of  baptism  into  His death,  and  also  the  river  of  death,  the  Lethe  of life  and  death.  It  separates  the  glorified  church in  heaven  from  the  sheep  of  the  fold  below,  who are  yet  militant  on  earth. Parallel  representations  of  the  adoration  of saints  and  martyrs  in  glory  are,  of  course,  uni- versal from  the  6th  century;  the  great  proces- sions at  St.  ApoUinare  Nuova,  in  Ravenna,  will  be remembered  as  belonging  to  the  time  of  Jus- tinian. The  Last  Judgment  of  Torcello  has  its side  of  accepted  souls  (see  s.  v.).      [R.  St.  J.  T.] HEBDOMADARIUS.  The  word  signifies  a weekly  officer,  and  was  applied  in  monasteries  to those  monks  who  served,  a  week  in  rotation,  the office  of  cook  or  reader  during  refection.  In Egypt  and  theThebaid  it  was  customary  in  the  5th century  for  all  the  monks  in  turn  to  act  as  cooks, and  Cassian  traces  the  custom  to  the  monasteries in  the  East  (Cass.  Instit.  iv.  19,  cf.  Hieron. Beg.  Pachom.  Prol.  Ep.  22  ad  Eustoch.  c.  35). But  see  Cass.  Instit.  iv.  22.  Similarly  Benedict ordered  that  none  should  be  excused  from  this duty  except  on  the  score  of  health  or  urgent occupations,  intending  thus  to  promote  a  fellow- ship of  brotherly  feeling;  but  with  his  usual consideration,  he  allowed  those  who  might  be unskilful  in  this  sort  of  work  to  have  assistants (Bened.  Reg.  c.  35). By  the  rule  called  of  Magister  each  "  decad  " or  "  decuria "  (ten  monks)  under  its  two  deans (praepositi),  was  to  hold  this  office  for  five weeks  together,  two  of  the  number  in  turn  with one  dean  being  told  off  each  week  for  the  kitchen, and  the  rest  under  the  other  dean  working  in the  field  {Reg.  Mag.  c.  17).  Even  abbats, though  not  unfrequently  of  illustrious  birth, were  not  always  exempt.  By  the  rule  of  Fer- reolus,  written  in  the  south  of  France  during the  6th  century,  the  abbat  was  to  be  cook  on three  great  festivals  in  the  year,  at  Christmas, at  .Pentecost,  and  on  the  Founder's  Day  {Reg. Ferreol.  c.  38).  It  is  recorded  of  Benediotus Aniansis  the  compiler  of  the  Concordia  Regu- laruin,  that  he  would  be  intent  on  literary  work while  at  work  in  the  kitchen  (  Vita  Belied.  Anian. 764 HEBDOMADARIUS c.  14).  By  the  rule  of  Caesarius,  bishop  of Aries  in  the  6th  century,  abbats  and  priors  were excused  altogether. In  some  monasteries  it  was  part  of  the  duty of  the  hebdomadarii  to  prepare  the  dinner-table, and  to  act  as  waiters.  Benedict  indeed,  dis- tinguishes the  "  Septimanarii  coquinae  "  from the  "  servitores  "  (Bened.  Beg.  cc.  35,  38) ;  but the  rule  of  Isidorus,  bishop  of  Seville,  in  the  7th century,  combines  the  offices  (Isid.  Reg.  c.  11); and  in  the  rule  of  "  Magister  "  the  cooks  or  their assistants  are  ordered  not  only  to  wait  at  table, but  to  carry  water,  chop  wood,  clean  shoes,  wash towels,  dust  the  mats  in  the  oratory,  and  per- form various  other  menial  tasks  (Av^.  Mag.  c. 19).  In  the  same  rule  it  is  provided,  that  if  the weekly  officers  are  negligent  in  having  the  table ready  for  the  refection,  the  abbat  himself  is  to put  them  to  the  blush  by  doing  it  himself publicly  {lb.  c.  23).  In  the  Cluniac  and  Cis- tercian monasteries  the  hebdomadarii  were waiters  as  well  as  cooks  (Marten.  Eeg.  Bened. Comm.  ad  loc.  cit.). The  week  of  the  hebdomadarii  commenced  on Sunday  by  a  solemn  form  of  admission  in  the oratory  after  "  matins  "  {Seg.  Bened.  c.  35),  or after  "prime"  {Beg.  Mag.  c.  19);  the  monks going  out  of  office,  as  well  as  those  just  coming in,  entreating  the  prayers  of  their  brethren,  and the  blessing  of  their  abbat.  On  the  Saturday those,  whose  term  of  office  was  over,  were  to deliver  up  to  the  "  cellarer  "  for  the  use  of  their successors  all  the  utensils  &c.  under  their  charge in  perfect  order  (Beg.  Bened.  v.  s.  Reg.  Mag.  v.  s.). It  was  an  old  custom,  symbolic  of  humility  and brotherly  love,  for  the  hebdomadarii,  closing and  commencing  their  week,  to  wash  the  feet  of their  brethren,  during  which  operation  silence was  to  be  kept,  or  psalms  chanted  (Cassian. Instit.  iv.  19.  Bened.  Reg.  v.  s.).  By  the  rule of  "  Magister,"  they  were  to  set  about  preparing the  refection  three  hours  before  the  hour  fixed for  it ;  immediately  after  "  nones "  if,  as  was usual,  the  dinner  was  at  midday,  immediately after  "  sext "  for  a  dinner  at  three  in  the  after- noon {Beg.  Mag.  v.  s.).  The  refection  was  to  be served  on  the  stroke  {Beg.  Bened.  v.  s.) ;  for  any inpunctuality  they  were  to  be  mulcted  of  the ration  of  bread  or  a  part  of  it  for  certain  days {[•eg.  Mag.  c.  19) ;  the  Concordia  Begulanira quotes  an  anonymous  rule  (not  the  "  Regula Cujusdam,"  usually  ascribed  to  Columbanus) sentencing  hebdomadarii  guilty  of  any  trivial irregularity  to  twenty-five  strokes  of  the  open hand  {Beg.  Cujusd.  c.  12),  just  as  Cassian cautions  them  against  losing  even  a  pea  (Cass. Instit.  iv.  20).  Benedict  wisely  arranged  that the  cooks  should  have  some  refreshment,  a  piece of  bread  and  a  small  cup  of  beer,  (panem  ac singulos  biberes)  an  hour  befoi'e  the  refection,  on ordinary  days  ;  on  festivals  they  were  to  wait till  after  the  midday  mass  (Bened.  Beg.  v.  s.). Various  reasons  are  supposed  by  commentators for  the  latter  part  of  this  injunction  (Martene Beij.  Comm.  ad  loc). The  "  lector  hebdomadarius  "  or  reader  aloud during  refection  held  office,  like  the  "  coqui," for  a  week ;  but  Benedict  ordered  that  only those  brethren  should  be  readers,  whose  reading was  likely  to  edify  (Bened.  Beg.  c.  38).  On  the Sunday  commencing  Ids  week  of  office  the reader  was  thrice  to  repeat  in  the  oratory  the HEGIRA "  Doniine,  aperi  os  meum,"  and  before  beginning to  I'ead  was  to  ask  the  prayers  of  his  hearers, lest  he  should  be  elated  with  pride  (/''.).  Not  a word  was  to  be  spoken  during  the  lection  even by  way  of  asking  a  question  on  what  was  being read;  unless  the  prior  (or  abbat),  should  think right  to  interpose  an  explanation  or  exhortation  ; the  monks  were  to  help  another  to  anything wanted  without  a  word  {lb.).  The  reader  was to  have  a  little  bread  and  wine  (for  so  "mix- turn  "  is  to  be  understood,  according  to  Martene, and  not  as  wine  and  water),  just  before  reading, for  fear  of  taintness  or  exhaustion;  he  was  to dine  with  the  other  hebdomadarii  after  the  public meal  {lb.).  The  passages  for  reading  were  chosen by  the  abbat  either  from  the  Holy  Scriptures  or from  lives  of  saints.  Cassian  derives  the  custom of  reading  aloud  at  refection  from  Cappadocia (Cass.  Instit.  iv.  19).  [See  also,  Alteser.  Asceticun ix.  10].  [I.  G.  8.] HECATONTAECHAE.  The  council  in TruUo  (c.  61)  condemns  to  six  years'  excom- munication those  who  resort  to  "  the  so  called hecatontarchae,  or  such-like  persons"  {rols Xeyo/xepois  iKoroi'TapX"'^  ^  ''""'''  toiovtois)  with the  view  of  learning  from  them  what  they  may choose  to  reveal.  The  title  of  "  hecatontarches," is  said  by  Balsamon  (quoted  by  Van  Espon,  iii. 415)  to  be  equivalent  to.  "  Primicerius ;"  and  to have  been  conferred  on  certain  old  men  who  gave themselves  out  to  be  possessed  of  supernatural knowledge  and  deceived  the  simple.  Gothofred (quoted  "by  Bingham,  Antiq.  XVI.  v.  6)  thinks that  these  hecatontarchae  are  to  be  identified with  the  "  centenarii  "  of  the  Theodosian  Code (iib.  xvi.  tit.  10,  1.  20),  who  were  officers  of certain  corporations  or  companies  for  managing idolatrous  pomps  and  ceremonies,  and  frequently claimed  the  power  of  divination.  [Divin'ATION  ; Soothsayers.]  [C] HEDFELDENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Hat- field, Council  of.] HEDISTIUS,  martyr  at  Ravenna  (saec.  iv.) ; commemorated  Oct.  12  {Mart.  Bom.  Fe^.,  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] HEGESIPPUS,  historian,  "  Vicinus  Aposto- licorum  temporum  "  (fcirca  180  A.D.)  ;  comme- morated April  7  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Bom.  Vet., Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] J,     c     C  ~3 HEGIRA  OR  HIJRAH  (s;.;^  \)-    The era  commonly  used  by  the  Mohammedan  his- torians is  that  of  the  Hijrah,  or  flight  of Mohammed  from  Mecca  to  Medina.  The  epoch is  the  first  day  of  the  first  month,  Moharrem,  of the  year  in  which  this  took  place  (not  the  day itself,  which  was  about  sixty-seven  days  later). The  epoch  fell,  according  to  the  best  Arabian authors  and  astronomers,  cited  in  Ideler  {Hand- buch,  ii.  483),  on  Thursday,  July  15,  A.D.  622  ;  but according  to  civil  usage  and  the  phase  of  tlie moon,  a  day  later.  This  discrepancy  has  to  be noted.  We  shall  take  as  the  epoch  July  16,  A.D. 622,  or  5335  Julian  Period,  with  interval  days from  Christian  era  [Era],  227,014. In  Mohammedan  authors  the  year  is  a  lunar year  of  30  and  29  days  alternately,  having  354 days.  In  intercalary  years,  of  which  there  are 11  in  every  30  years,   via.,  those  marked  *  in HEGUMENOS Table  I.,  the  last  mouth  has  one  more  day.  In .1  complete  C3'cle  of  30  years  there  ai'e  10,631 days. To  convert  a  Mohammedan  Date  into  Old Style. — Find  the  number  of  cycles  by  dividing the  Mohammedan  year-date  less  1  by.30.  Let  Q be  the  quotient,  K  the  remainder.  Multiply  Q by  10,631,  to  which  add  the  number  of  days corresponding  to  R  in  Table  I.  and  the  number of  days  corresponding  to  the  months  and  days  in Table  II.,  and  also  227,014,  the  interval  days  from the  Christian  era.  The  number  of  days  divided bv  1461  will  give  the  number  of  quadriennia A.D.,  and  table  in  Era  §  5,  p.  623,  widl  suffice  to find  the  residual  year  and  day  of  year. Add  1  for  the  current  year. To  convert  an  0.  S.  Date  into  Mohammedan. — Convert  into  days  from  Christian  era,  by  same rule  as  in  Era,  §  5.  Subtract  227,014;  divide remainder  by  10,631.  Let  quotient  be  Q  and remainder  R.  To  30  X  Q  add  the  number  of years  corresponding  to  the  number  of  days  in Table  I.  next  less  than  R,  and  with  those  over iiud  the  months  and  days  in  Table  11. Add  1  for  the  current  year. Table  I. HEMIPHORION r65 Years. Days. Years Days. Years Days. 1 354 11 3898 21* 7442 2* 709 12 4252 22 7796 3 1063 13* 4607 23 8150 4 1417 14 4961 24* 8505 5* 1772 15 5315 25 8859 6 2126 16* 5670 26* 9214 7* 2481 17 6024 27 9568 8 2835 18* 6379 28 9922 9 3189 19 6733 29* 10277 10* 3544 20 V0«7 30 10631 Table  II. Months.  Days. Months.    Days. 9         266 Observe  that  two  Mohammedan  years  may begin  in  the  same  Julian  year.  This  happens every  33  or  34  years. It  may  be  worth  noting  that  the  Persian  era of  Yezdegird  commenced  June  16,  632,  teu  vears later.  [L."H.] HEGUMENOS.  (^Hyovtievos)  The  Hegu- menos  of  a  monastery  in  the  Greek  church  cor- responds to  the  Latin  Abbat  (see  that  word). He  was  also  termed  archimandrite.  But,  ac- cording to  Helyot  {Hist,  des  Ordr.  Monast.  Diss. Prelim,  c.  11),  the  term  archimandrite  passed in  time  from  the  superior  of  a  monastery to  the  superior-general,  originally  called  the exarch,  whose  office  it  was  to  "visit"  all  the monasteries  in  a  province.  Any  monastery  so desirous  at  its  foundation  was  exempted  from the  bishop's  jurisdiction  and  jilaced  under  the sole  authority  of  the  patriarch ;  and  the  supe- rior general  of  these  monasteries  was  a  grand archimandrite  (cf.  Thomass.  Disc.  Eccles.  I.  iii. 23).  The  words  Hegumene  ('Hyou/ieVjj),  Hegu- meneion  {'■HyovfjL(Vilov'),  and  Hegumeneia  ('H-you- Heveia)  (all  from  the  classical  term  for  the  head- '  ship  of  a  confederacy)  signify  abbess,  monastery (or  abbafs  rooms),  and  office  of  abbat.  (Suic. Thes.  Eccles.  s.  v.)  [I.  G.  S.] HEILETON.     [KiLETON.] HELENA.  (1)  Mother  of  Constantine  the Great  (fcirca  328  a.d.)  ;  commemorated  Aug.  18 {Mart.  Usuardi);  Maskarram  18  =  Sept.  15  (^Cal. Zthiop.).    See  also  Constantine. (2)  Virgin-saint  of  Auxerre  :  "  Natalis  "  May 22  {3fa)-t.  Usuardi)  ;  translation  and  deposition May  22  (^Blart.  Adonis,  in  Appendice). [W.  F.  G.] HELIAS,  presbyter  and  martyr  at  Cordova with  Isidorus  and  Paulus,  monks  ;  commemorated April  17  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] HELIMENAS,  or  HELYMAS,  presbyter of  Babylonia,  and  martyr  at  Cordula,  under Decius,  with  Chrysotelus  and  Parmenius,  pres- byters, and  the  deacons  Lucas  and  Mucins  (or Lucius  and  Mucas);  commemorated  April  22 {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.] HELIODORUS,  martyr  in  Africa  with  Ve- nustus  and  seventy-five  others ;  commemorated May  6  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [\V.  F.  G.] HELIOLATRAE.    [Faithful.] HELISAEUS,  HELIZAEUS,  or  ELISHA, the  prophet;  commemorated  June  14  {Mart, h'om.  Vet.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  See  also Elisha.  [W.  F.  G.] HELL.  A  frequent  subject  of  mediaeval Christian  art  in  the  sense  of  the  appointed  place or  state  of  future  jiuuishmont ;  but  the  writer is  not  aware  of  any  such  representation  of  un- questionable date  and  authenticity  within  the first  eight  centuries,  unless  the  judgment- mosaic  of  Torcello  may  be  considered  an  ex- ception, which  is  very  doubtful.  See  Last Judgment.  The  Book  of  Kells,  and  Saxon  and Irish  MSS.  contain  numerous  dragons,  and  even grotesque  devils ;  but  they  certainly  seem  to have  more  to  do  with  the  prevailing  taste  for lacertine  or  serpentine  ornament,  and  general melancholy  or  ferocity  of  mind,  than  with  any doctrinal  idea  of  evil  spirits.  The  regular Inferno  begins  with  the  early  Florentine  revival, in  the  baptistery  of  St.  Giovanni.  [K.  St.  J.  T.] HELLADIUS,  lepofidprvs  ;  commemorated May  28  {Cal.Byzant.).  \\\.  F.  G.] HELPIDIUS,  bishop  and  confessor  at  Lyons  ; commemorated  Sept.  2  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.] HEMIPHOEION  {vixtcpSptov),  seemingly some  kind  of  upper  garment,  worn  by  men  and women.  Epiphanius  {Haeresis  €9,  §  3)  describes Arius  as  wearing  a  colobion  (see  the  word)  and a  hemiphorion;  the  latter  probably  over  the former,  which  was  a  close  tunic.  And  Palladius {Hist.  Lausiaca,  p.  148)  says  that  the  younger Melania  gave  her  silken  hemiphoria  to  make '^  Ka\v/j.iJ.aTaTo7s  Oi/triacrTTjpiofj,"  hangings  for  the sanctuary,  or  altar-cloths,  whichever  it  may  be. Hesychius  and  Suidas  write  the  word  r\jj.L(pdpLov, connecting  it  with  <\)a.pos  (a  shawl  or  wrapper), and  translating  it  "dimidium  vestis,"  "dimi- diata  vestis."  It  was  probably  therefore  one  oi the  many  forms  of  the  pallium,  smaller  than that  commonly  worn.  (Suicer's  Thesaurus,  s.  v.). [C] 766  IIEOTHINA HEOTHINA  (ra  icoeivu).  The  Heoihimn  is an  anthem  sung  in  the  Greek  office  of  lauds  (t^ opdpov),  and  occurs  after  the  alvoi:  (i.e.  on  ordi- nary days,  Pss.  cxlviii.,  cxlix.,  cl.,  on  Sundays and  important  festivals,  a  short  equivalent)  ;  and certain  versicles  called  Stidwi  and  short  anthems called  Stichera  which  follow  them,  and  is  placed between  the  clauses  of  the  doxology,  "glory, &c."  (5rf|a),  and  "  both  now,  «S:c. "  {koX  vvv).'' The  Heothinou  varies  with  the  musical  tone  of the  week  :  there  being  one  to  each  tone ;  and they  are  found  in  the  Paracletice,  or  book  con- taining the  various  antiphons  or  troparia, arranged  according  to  the  different  tones.  The form  of  the  Heothinon  is  that  of  any  other  Greek antiphon. (2.)  TO  kudivh.  (fvayy4\ia).  These  are  Gospels relating  to  the  Resurrection,  one  of  which  is read  on  Sundays  in  the  Greek  office  of  lauds. They  are  eleven  in  number.  [H.  J.  H.] HERACLEAS.  (1)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria, A.D.  246  ;  commemorated  July  14  (Mart.  Usu- ardi);  Taksas  8  =  Dec.  4  (Cal.  Ethiop.). (2)  Martyr  in  Thrace  with  Euticus  and Plautus;  commemorated  Sept.  29  {Mart.  Usu- ardi).  [W.  F.  G.] HERACLIDES,  martyr  at  Alexandria  with Heros,  Plutarehus,  Potamiena,  Serenus,  and three  others;  commemorated  June  28  {Mart. Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] HEEACLIUS.  (1)  Bishop  and  confessor  at Sens  (fcirca  522  A.D.) ;  commemorated  June  8 {Mart.  Usuardi). (2)  Saint,  of  Nyon ;  commemorated  with Paulus  Aquilinus,  and  two  others,  May  17  {Tb.) (3)  Martyr  at  Tuder  in  Tuscany,  with  Feli- cissimus  and  Paulinus ;  commemorated  May  26 {Mart.  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).       [W.  F.  G.] HERASTUS,  or  ERASTUS,  bishop  of  Phi- lippi,  and  martyr  ;  commemorated  July  26 {Mart.  Usuardi,  Ado  de  Festiv.  SS.  Apostolorum). [W.  F.  G.] HERCULANUS.  (1)  Saint,  of  Rome  :  "  Na- talis  "  Sept.  5  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis, Usuardi). (2)  Soldier,  saint  at  Lyons ;  commemorated Sept.  25  {Mart.  Usuardi). (3)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Perugia;  commemorated Nov.  7  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.] HERESY,  considered  as  a  delictum,  or  offence against  the  law  of  the  church. The  Greek  word  alpeais  imports  (1)  a  choosing (Lev.  xxii.  18,  LXX. ;  1  Maccab.  viii.  30) ;  (2)  that which  is  chosen,  especially  an  opinion  which  one chooses  to  hold,  as  ojpeVeis  diroAeias  (2  Pet.  ii. 1) ;  used  by  ecclesiastical  writers  for  opinions deviating  from  the  true  Christian  faith  ;  (3)  a body  of  men  holding  a  particular  opinion,  as (e.  g.)  those  holding  particular  opinions  in  phi- losophy (Diog.  Laert.  i.  13  etc.).  In  the  New Testament  it  is  used  of  the  Sadducees  (Acts  v. 17),  the  Pharisees  (76.  xv.  5,  and  perhaps  xxvi. 5),  of  the  Christian  community  {lb.  xxiv.  5,  14 ; »  The  Greek  form  of  doxology  after  the  Psalms  does,  not contain  the  clause  "Sicut  erat  in  prlncipio "  (CJoar Eiichol.  notae  in  I.aud.  Off.). HERESY xxviii.  22).  So  Constantine  (Euseb.  ff.  E.  x.  5, §§  21,  22)_  speaks  of  the  church  as  ^  a'lpecns  v /cafloAiK-J),  T]  aytccTaTT)  a'lpeais.  We  are  con- cerned with  the  term  mainly  in  the  second  ot these  significations. The  word  was  used  by  the  early  fathers  with a  good  deal  of  latitude  to  designate  systems which  adopted,  or  professed  to  adopt,  any Christian  element  whatever  (Burton,  Bampton Lect.  p.  12);  so  the  Trullan  council  (c.  95) applies  the  word  "  heretic  "  alike  to  those  who were,  and  to  those  who  were  not,  reckoned Christians  ;  but  it  is  generally  applied  to  those who,  holding  the  leading  truths  of  the  faith, deviate  in  some  point  or  points. To  define  heresy  is,  as  St.  Augustine  says  {De Haeret.  Praef),  "altogether  impossible,  or  at any  rate  most  difficult;"  and  when  first  asked to  write  a  book  on  heresy  himself,  he  illustrated the  diflSculty  by  pointing  out  {Ep.  222,  ad  Quod- vult.)  that  Philastrius  bishop  of  Brescia,  in  his book  of  heresies,  enumerated  28  which  had originated  among  the  Jews  before  Christ,  and 128  afterwards,  but  that  Epiphanius  of  Cyprus discovered  only  80  altogether.  But  he  is  careful to  note  {Epist.  43)  that,  whatever  be  the definition,  it  is  not  the  mere  falseness  of  an opinion,  but  the  spirit  in  which  it  is  held,  that constitutes  heresy ;  they  who  do  not  defend  a wrong  opinion  in  an  obstinate  temper  (pertinaci animositate),  especially  they  who  are  in  error mainly  by  the  accident  of  birth,  are  not  to  be reckoned  heretics.  With  which  accords  the common  definition,  that  heresy  is  "  pertinax defensio  dogmatis  ecclesiae  universalis  judicio condemnati."  See  Decretiun  Grat.  Cau.  xxiv. qu.  iii.  c.  29  ff".  The  law  of  the  emperor  Arcadius, dated  A.D.  395,  and  given  m  the  Codex  Theod. (XVI.  V.  28),  is  the  first  legislative  definition. "  Qui  vel  levi  argumento  a  judicio  catholicae religionis  et  ti-amite  detecti  fuerint  deviare," which  is  modified  by  another  expression  of  the same  Arcadius  {Code,  L.  13,  De  Paganis),  "qui a  Catholicae  Religionis  dogmate  deviare  con- tendunt,"  where  the  word  "  contendunt "  is  held to  refer  to  the  same  pertinacity  in  maintaining an  opinion  on  which  Augustine  dwells  (Van Espen,  pt.  iii.  tit.  iv.  c.  22  ff'.).  Van  Espen  con- siders this,  if  not  an  absolutely  accurate  descrip- tion, to  be  that  which  has  governed  the  sub- sequent practice  of  the  church.  He  maintains its  soundness  as  a  definition,  because  on  the  one hand  it  allows  ^o  deviation  whatever  from  the Catholic  creed,  and  on  the  other  tolerates  a reasonable  latitude  of  speculation  by  taking  no cognizance  of  constructive  heresy.  To  con- stitute the  canonical  offence  the  heresy  must consist — i.,  in  a  departure,  not  from  the  implied belief  of  Christianity,  but  from  that  which  the church  through  her  creeds  and  canons  has declared  to  be  a  matter  of  faith ;  ii.,  the  error must  be  persistent  and  wilful,  and,  as  Augustine points  out  {De  Civ.  Dei,  xviii.  51),  after  admo- nition;  iii.,  it  must  not  only  be  suspected  but detected  and  adjudicated  upon.  (Van  Espen, Jus  Ecd.  III.  iv.  2 ;  Field,  Of  t/w  Church,  iii. cc.  3,  4). 2.  i.  The  cognizance  of  heresy  was  vested  in the  bishops  separately,   as  well  as  collectively. It   belongs    exclusively   to   the    spiritual   office, says  Ambrose  {Ep.  21),  addressing  the  emperor^ Valentinian,   to  decide   on  matters  of  doctrine. HERESY The  episcopate  was  held  to  be  one,  where  the faith  was  concerned,  and  each  bishop  was  charged with  maintaining  it,  although  for  practical  con- venience his  government  extended  only  over  a single  diocese.  This  jurisdiction  granted  to  the bishop  in  matters  of  faith  appears  from  the power  possessed  by  him  in  the  ante-Nicene church  of  varying  the  expressions  of  the  creed ia  use  in  his  diocese,  in  order  to  meet  prevailing heresies ;  provided,  of  course,  that  the  fun- damental unity  of  the  faith  was  unimpaired  ; instances  of  such  variations  are  given  in  Bing- ham, Antiq.  II.  vi.  3.  The  reference  to  the belief  of  individual  bishops  as  a  standard  of doctrine  is  further  evidence  in  the  same  direction. Thus  Theodosius  in  a  rescript  quoted  in  Sozomen (^H.  E.  vii.  4)  exhorts  his  subjects  to  keep  the faith  delivered  by  St.  Peter,  and  by  Damasus  of Rome,  and  Peter  of  Alexandria.  Other  references of  the  kind  are  collected  in  Gothofred's  com- mentary on  Codex  Theod.  xvi.  1,  de  fide  Catholica. It  was  an  exercise  of  this  authority  by  Gelasius bishop  of  Rome,  A.D.  492-6,  condemning  in  a decretal  epistle  the  writings  of  Faustus  the Semi-pelagian  archbishop  of'Riez,  which  gave rise  to  the  first  Roman  catalogue  of  forbidden books.  After  the  empire  became  Christian, attempts  were  made  by  some  of  the  emperors  to arrogate  to  themselves  this  spiritual  jurisdiction of  the  bishops.  The  first  instance  of  the  kind, unless  the  laws  of  Theodosius  on  heretics  ai-e  to be  regarded  as  such,  is  that  of  the  usurper Basiliscus,  emperor  of  the  East,  475-7,  who issued  an  encyclic  letter  condemning  the  council of  Chalcedon,  and  laying  down  definitions  of faith.  An  example  followed  with  more  success by  Justinian,  whose  edicts  on  doctrine  as  well  as discipline  obtained  acceptance  by  being  pro- mulgated through  the  patriarchs,  metropolitans, and  bishops.  The  ecclesiastical  legislation  of Charlemagne  also  trenched  upon  the  same  pre- rogative ;  discussion  was  permitted  in  the  synods summoned  by  him,  but  the  emperor  reserved  the decision  to  himself,  and  issued  the  decrees  in  his own  name.  But  no  ecclesiastical  authority superseded  that  of  the  bishops  till  A.D.  1204, when  two  Cistercian  abbots  were  sent  by Innocent  III.  to  the  south  of  France  to  inves- tigate the  Albigensian  heresy;  and  in  1231 Gregory  IX.  Issued  a  commission  to  the  Domini- cans to  constitute  a  special  court  of  heresy ;  this was  the  beginning  of  the  Inquisition.  (V'an  Espen, Jus.  Eccl.  I.  xxii.  3.) ii.  The  general  power  of  each  bishop  to  defend the  faith  was  restricted,  in  dealing  with  an individual  heretic,  to  his  own  diocese.  If  the accused  was  one  of  the  clergy,  the  bishop  was required  in  the  African  church  to  take  neigh- bouring bishops  to  sit  with  him  (1  Cone.  Carthag. c.  ]  1 ;  2  Cone.  Carthag.  c.  10)  ;  but  this  rule was  not  confined  to  accusations  of  heresy.  With the  bishop  in  some  instances  sat  the  presbyters — • whether  or  not  this  privilege  was  universally conceded  to  them.  The  synod  of  Antioch,  A.D. 264,  which  condemned  Paul  of  Samosata,  con- tained presbyters  (Euseb.  H.  E.  vii.  28).  So  the first  condemnation  of  Arius  was  not  pronounced by  Alexander  bishop  of  Alexandria,  A.D.  319,  till he  had  summoned  the  presbytery  and  some  other bishops  to  hear  the  charge  (Epiphan.  Ilaet:  69,  c. 3).  And  the  accusation  against  Pelagius  was  first liearl   before   John,  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  and  a HERESY 767 synod  of  his  presbyters,  A.D.  415.  If  objection was  made  to  the  decision  of  the  bishop,  an  appeal lay  to  a  larger  council,  either  of  the  province,  or finally  of  the  whole  church ;  instances  of  which  are too  notorious  to  need  citing.  A  bishop  charged  with heresy  could  be  tried  only  by  a  synod  of  bishops. The  officer  charged  with  the  preliminary  inves- tigation is  designated  by  one  of  the  laws  of Justinian  {Novel.  137,  c.  5).  "  If  any  clergyman is  accused  in  point  of  faith,  if  he  is  a  bishop  he shall  be  examined  before  his  metropolitan,  but if  he  is  a  metropolitan  then  before  the  patriarch." 3.  The  penalties  attached  to  heresy  were  both ecclesiastical  and  civil. i.  By  ecclesiastical  law  an  obstinate  heretic was  excommunicated,  and  if  he  continued  con- tumacious, his  exclusion  from  church-member- ship was  made  more  rigorous.  The  6th  canon of  the  council  of  Laodicea  forbids  those  who continue  in  their  heresy  to  enter  the  house  of God.  But  this  exclusion  could  not  have  been universal,  for  the  4th  council  of  Carthage, A.D.  398  (c.  84)  distinctly  prohibits  the  bishop from  preventing  Gentiles,  Jews,  or  heretics  from being  present  in  church  during  the  Missa  Cate- chumenorum  ;  and  the  council  of  Valentia,  A.D. 524  (c.  i.)  orders  the  gospel  to  be  read  before the  oblations,  so  that  heretics,  among  others, may  have  an  opportunity  of  hearing  [cf. Heathen].  Another  stigma  affixed  to  heretics was  the  rejection  of  their  evidence  in  any ecclesiastical  court  against  a  Catholic.  The Apostolical  Canons  (c.  74)  say  expressly  that  the evidence  of  a  heretic  shall  not  be  received  against a  bishop.  The  129th  canon  of  the  African  code also  mentions  heretics  among  other  infamous persons  whose  testimony  was  inadmissible 1^4  Cone.  Carthag.  c.  96).  The  so-called  6th canon  of  the  council  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  381, guards  this  disability  from  abuse  by  confining it  exclusively  to  ecclesiastical  causes  ;  if  a  heretic had  a  civil  cause  of  complaint  against  a  bishop, the  council  allowed  him  his  remedy ;  but  the Justinian  code  deprived  him  even  of  this. Another  class  of  penal  enactments  was  directed to  the  protection  of  the  orthodox  from  the infection  of  heresy.  One  of  the  Apostolical Canons  (c.  45)  forbids,  under  pain  of  suspension, any  bishop,  presbyter,  or  deacon,  to  pray  with heretics,  or  permit  them  to  officiate ;  another (c.  63)  inhibits  either  clergy  or  laity  from  wor- shipping in  a  synagogue  of  heretics.  The  council of  Laodicea  (c.  9)  would  not  permit  Catholics to  frequent  the  cemeteries  or  celebrations  of so-called  martyrdoms  of  heretics,  nor  (c.  33) tolerate  any  devotions  with  them.  The  4th council  of  Carthage,  A.D.  398  (c.  71),  pronounces the  assemblies  of  heretics  to  be  not  churches  but conventicles;  and  (c.  72)  prohibits  both  praying and  singing  psalms  with  them.  The  Spanish council  of  Lerida,  A.D.  523  (c.  13),  rejects  the oblation  of  any  who  has  presented  his  children for  baptism  by  a  heretic  ;  this  must  mean,  not in  a  case  of  necessity,  where  it  would  be  admitted, but  deliberately.  (Bingham,  Antiq.  XVI.  i.  4). Social  intercourse  with  heretics  was  also  pro- hibited. "A  clergyman  must  avoid  both  the entertainments  and  the  society  of  heretics " (4  Cone.  Carthag.  c.  70 ;  1  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  15 ; 1  Cone.  Turon.c.  8;  Cone.  Venct.  c.  3).  Augustine relates  (Confess,  iii.  11)  that  while  he  was  n Mauichaean    his  mother   would   not    sit    at   (he 768 HERESY same  table  with  him.  The  council  of  Laodicea (c.  32)  forbids  Christians  to  receive  the  EulOGIAE of  heretics,  and  also  (cc.  10,  31)  to  intermarry with  them.  This  last  prohibition  appears  to have  been  universally  enforced  (Co)ic.  Eliber. c.  IG;  Cone,  in  Trull,  c.  72).  The  laws  of  the church  are  not  so  strict  as  the  civil  edicts  after- wards became  in  prohibiting  the  study  of  here- tical books  ;  there  is  one  canon  (4  Cone.  Carthag. c.  16)  which  forbids  a  bishop  to  read  heathen authors  under  any  circumstances,  and  heretical ones  unless  time  or  necessity  require. "li.  The  civil  proceedings  against  heretics  began with  some  edicts  of  Constantine  against  the Donatists,  A.D.  316  ;  but  a  much  more  extensive series  of  laws  was  enacted  by  Theodosius  the Great  with  a  view  to  put  an  end  to  the  divisions of  the  church  arising  from  the  controversies  of the  4th  century,  and  to  enforce  uniformity  of lielief  by  legal  penalties.  The  first  of  these  was passed  immediately  after  the  general  council  of Constantinople,  A.D.  381,  and  between '  that ]ieriod  and  A.D.  394,  fifteen  other  such  edicts were  published.  A  further  law  was  enacted  by Honorius,  A.D.  408,  and  others  in  the  East  by Arcadius  and  the  younger  Theodosius,  and  others again  by  Justinian,  A.D.  529.  The  laws  are chiefly  contained  in  book  xvi.  tit.  v.  de  Haereticis of  the  Theodosiau  Code,  although  a  few  are  to be  found  under  other  titles.  Here  it  will  be sufficient  to  give  a  bare  abstract  of  the  most severe  of  them.  Heretics  were  deprived  of  all offices  of  profit  or  dignity  in  the  state;  they could  neither  receive  nor  bequeath  property  ;  no civil  contract  with  them  was  binding  ;  they  were fined,  banished,  subjected  to  corporal  punishments, and  even  sentenced  to  death.  Other  laws  were designed  to  prevent  the  propagation  of  heresy. iN'o  heretical  assemblies  might  be  held,  nor  con- venticles built,  nor  clergy  ordained ;  their  books were  to  be  burnt  and  their  children  disinherited. These  edicts  were  not  directed  against  all  heretics indiscriminately,  but  against  various  sects  which were  held  to  be  most  dangerous  to  faith  or morals.  From  the  account  of  Sozomen  (//.  E, vii.  12),  they  were  intended  to  strike  terror rather  than  to  be  executed  ;  but  heretics  were always  exposed  to  them,  and,  in  one  conspicuous instance,  the  most  severe  penalty,  that  of  death, was  inflicted  on  Priscillian  and  some  of  his adherents ;  the  first  example  in  the  church  of any  one  being  put  to  death  for  his  opinions. 4.  i.  The  admission  of  heretics  to  the  church is  closely  involved  with  the  controversies  of  the 4th  century  on  the  validity  of  heretical  baptism [Baptism,  Iteration  of,  p.  172].  Their  bear- ing on  the  reconciliation  of  heretics,  and  the further  question  of  the  relation  in  which  the practice  of  anointing  converts  from  heresy stands  towards  the  rite  of  confirmation,  are discussed  in  Morinus  (de  Poenit.  ix.  7-11). This  article  is  concerned  only  with  any  rites  or terms  of  admission  which  indicate  the  course  of canonical  discipline.  The  council  of  Eliberis (c.  22)  appoints  ten  years'  penance  to  those  who had  deserted  the  faith  and  afterwards  returned, with  a  proviso  that  if  they  had  lapsed  in  infancy they  should  be  received  back  without  delay. Later  councils  {Cone.  Agath.  c.  60  ;  Cone.  Epaon. c.  29)  deprecating  this  severity,  reduce  the  term to  two  years,  on  condition  that  the  penitent fasts  three  days  a  week  and  comes  frequently  to HERESY church.  Longer  penalties  were  exacted  from those  who  had  submitted  to  re-baptism  among the  heretics,  the  earlier  practice  in  this  too  being more  severe  ;  the  1st  council  of  Valence,  A.D.  374 (c.  3),  denies  communion  to  them  till  the  hour of  death,  that  of  Lerida,  A.D.  523  (c.  9),  only  for nine  years.  In  this,  however,  as  in  other  points of  discipline,  much  was  left  to  the  discretion  of the  bishop  {Cone.  Agath.  c.  60;  4  Cone.  Aurel. c.  8).  In  general  the  practice  of  the  church, which  is  involved  in  some  obscurity,  appears  to have  been  to  admit  converts  without  any  actual penance,  submitting  them  however  to  some  out- ward form  or  ceremonial  of  penitence  {suh  imagine poenitentiae,  Innocent :  Ep.  18,  ad  Alexan.  c.  3). A  letter  of  Gregory  the  Great  {Epist.  ix.  61,  ad Quirin.)  directs  that  those  who  had  once  been baptized  in  the  name  of  the  Trinity  should be  received  by  imposition  of  hands,  which  was the  Western  use,  or  by  unction,  which  was  that of  the  East,  or  by  a  profession  of  faith. Of  these  forms  of  reconciliation  that  by  impo- sition of  hands  was  the  earliest.  It  is  spoken  of by  Eusebius  {H.  E.  vii.  2)  as  a  practice  wliich was  ancient  in  the  time  of  Stephen,  bishop  of Rome,  A.D.  253-7 ;  Cyprian  also  calls  it  tlie ancient  custom  in  his  time  (Ep.  71  ad  Quintum). It  was  prevailing  in  the  time  of  Innocent  (Epp. 2  ad  Metric,  c.  8,  22  ad  Epis.  Macedon.  cc.  4, 5) ;  it  was  known  to  Augustine  (de  Bapt.  c. Eonat.  iii.  11,  ibid.  vi.  15),  and  was  the  subject of  the  decrees  of  various  councils  (1  Cone.  Arclat. c.  8  ;  Cone.  Xicaen.  c.  8).  By  a  canonical  epistle of  Siricius,  bishop  of  Rome,  A.D.  384-98,  heretics were  to  be  admitted  by  imposition,  together  with invocation  of  the  Spirit.  But  the  statement  of Gregory  that  imposition  of  hands  was  the  Western custom,  and  unction  the  Eastern,  is  only  partially correct.  Unction  was  in  use  in  both  the  Spanish and  the  Gallic  churches  (1  Cone.  Arausic.  c.  1 ; Cone.  Epaon.  c.  16),  and  it  is  likely  that  when Gregory  wrote  he  was  referring  only  to  the principal  church  of  the  West,  that  of  Rome (Martene  dc  Eit.  iii.  6). ii.  In  the  4th  century,  converts  from  some heresies  were  received  into  the  church  by  unction, with  formal  renunciation  of  their  errors  (Cone. Laod.  c.  7  ;  1  Cone.  Constant,  c.  7).  The  Trullan council,  following  the  1st  of  Constantinople,  de- scribes the  manner  of  admission  ;  "  We  receive Arians,  Macedonians,  Novatians,  Quartodecimans, and  Apollinarians,  when  they  give  in  written forms  of  belief  (At^^XXovs  ;  for  instances  of  this practice  see  Soc.  i/.  E.  iv.  12,  Soz.  E.  E.  iii.  22), and  anathematize  every  heresy  not  according with  the  mind  of  the  holy  and  apostolic  church; sealing  (that  is,  anointing)  them  with  the  holy ointment  on  the  forehead,  and  eyes,  and  nostrils, and  mouth,  and  "ears ;  and  as  we  seal  them,  we say,  'The  seal  of  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost.'" The  Arabic  version  of  the  Nicene  canons  (c.  31, Hardouin,  vol.  i.  p.  468)  has  another  form  of admission.  ■ "  If  any  one  is  converted  to  the orthodox  faith  he  must  be  received  into  the church  by  the  hands  of  the  bishop  or  presbyter, who  ought  to  instruct  him  to  anathematize  all who  oppose  the  orthodox  faith  and  contradict the  apostolic  church.  He  ought  also  to  anathe- matize Arius  and  his  hei-esy,  and  openly  and sincerely  profess  the  faith.  Afterthis  the  bishop or  priest  whose  office  it  is,  shall  receive  him  and anoint  him  with  the  unction  of  Chrism,  and  sign HERESY him  three  times  while  anointing  him,  and  pray- ing over  him  in  the  prayer  of  Dionysius  the Areopagite,  and  prayer  shall  be  made  earnestly to  God  for  him,  and  then  he  may  be  received." With  regard  to  other  heresies,  the  canon  of  the Trullan  council  already  cited  proceeds  to  make the  following  provisions.  "About  the  Pauli- anists  the  Catholic  church  defines,  that  they  are to  be  baptized  anew  ;  but  as  to  the  Eunomians, who  baptize  with  one  immersion,  the  Montanists ....  and  the  Sabellians  ....  and  all  the other  heresies  .  .  .  . ;  all  who  will  come  over to  orthodoxy  from  these  we  receive  as  converts from  paganism  {ws"EWrivas);  and  the  first  day we  make  them  Christians,  the  second  catechu- mens, and  on  the  third  day  we  exorcise  them, after  breathing  thrice  on  the  forehead  and  ears [Exorcism]  ;  and  so  we  go  on  to  catechise  them, and  cause  them  to  tarry  in  the  church  and  listen to  the  Scriptures ;  and  then  we  baptize  them. And  the  Manichaeans,  and  the  Valentinians,  and the  Marciouites,  and  those  who  come  ft-om  such- like heresies  must  give  in  libelli,  and  anathema- tize their  own  heresy,  and  Nestorius  and  Euty- ches,  and  Dioscorus  and  Severus,  and  the  other ringleaders  of  such-like  heresies,  and  those  who hold  their  own  and  the  other  aforenamed  here- sies;  and  so  they  may  be  admitted  to  Holy Communion." iii.  In  the  case  of  those  who  came  into  the orthodox  faith  from  the  heresies  of  Nestorius  and Eutyches,  the  church  appears  to  have  been  satisfied with  a  solemn  profession  of  faith  by  the  convert. This  is  frequently  insisted  upon  by  Leo  {Epp.  i. 6 ;  vi.  2 ;  xiv.  xxvii.  4).  The  2nd  council  of Seville,  A.D.  618,  received  in  this  form  at  its twelfth  sitting  an  heretical  Syrian  bishop.  The bishop  made  a  solemn  statement  of  his  errors  and of  the  truth,  and  confirmed  it  with  an  oath.  In later  periods  an  oath  became  an  indispensable part  of  the  ceremonial.  A  Roman  synod  under Leo  III.,  A.D.  799,  required  a  certain  bishop Felix  not  only  to  abjure  his  heresy  and  write  out a  form  of  faith,  but  also  to  swear  over  the  holy mysteries  to  observe  his  orthodox  profession ;  he was  then  required  to  place  it  over  the  body  of St.  Peter,  and  swear  he  would  never  dare  repeat his  heretical  opinions.  Cotelerius  (Apost.  Const., V.  13,  note)  prints  part  of  an  ancient  Eastern ritual  containing  a  form  of  renunciation  of  the Armenian  heresy,  which  concludes  with  the  fol- lowing imprecation  :  "  If  I  make  this  profession with  hypocrisy,  or  return  to  my  heresy  openly or  secretly,  may  all  calamities  overtake  me,  the dread  of  Cain  and  the  leprosy  of  Gehazi,  and  in the  world  to  come  may  I  be  anathema  and  cata- thema,  and  may  my  soul  be  sent  to  Satan  and his  devils." iv.  The  form  of  admission  in  use  in  the  East  in the  8th  century  is  given  by  Morinus  (de  Poenit. ix.  9)  from  a  very  ancient  Greek  Euchologion. Those  to  be  received  must  fast  ten  or  fifteen days,  and  prostrate  themselves  in  prayer  morning and  evening  like  the  Catechumens  ;  they  may  then be  thought  worthy  of  the  orthodox  faith  and  be initiated.  The  priest  is  to  bring  each  into  the baptistery,  and  say  to  him,  "  Curse  N.  and  his doctrines,  and  those  who  agree  with  him,  for  I renounce  him  and  every  heretical  doctrine,  and  I believe  in  the  holy  and  consubstantial  Trinity." And  the  priest  shall  say  to  the  convert  three times,  "  Dost  thou  believe  in  the-  holy  and  con- CHRIST.  ANT. HERMES 709 substantial  Trinity  ?"  and  the  convert  shall  i-eply "I  do."  He  shall  then  kneel,  and  the  priest shall  lay  his  hand  upon  his  head  and  pray  as follows  ....  After  which  he  shall  anoint  him with  oil  with  the  same  form  as  if  he  were  a neophyte,  and  say  this  prayer  .  .  .  The  convert may  then  communicate,  and  he  must  be  instructed not  to  eat  flesh  seven  days,  nor  wash  his  face, but,  as  the  baptized  do,  persevere  for  seven  days, and  on  the  8th  day  wash  and  be  dismissed. The  following  example  of  a  prayer  used  for those  who  were  reconciled,  after  having  been rebaptized  by  heretics,  is  from  a  ritual  found  at Toulouse,  at  Rheims,  and  in  Sicily:  "God  who restorest  man,  made  after  thine  own  image,  to that  which  Thou  hast  created,  look  down  in mercy  ui)on  this  Thy  servant,  and  whatever ignorance  and  heretical  perverseness  has  ci'ept  into him,  do  Thou  in  Thy  pity  and  goodness  pardon, so  that  any  wickedness  which  he  has  committed through  the  fraud  of  the  devil  or  the- iniquity  of the  Arian  falsehood,  may  not  be  laid  to  his charge,  but  that  having  been  transformed  by Thy  mercy,  and  having  received  the  communion of  Thy  truth  at  the  sacred  altars,  he  may  be restored  a  member  of  the  catholic  church." Heresy  as  a  canonical  offence  is  dealt  with  by Van  Espen  {Jus  Ecd.  Pars  iii.  tit.  iv.  c.  2). The  admission  of  heretics  to  the  ch  urch  is  a  very complicated  subject,  owing  to  the  endless  varieties of  heretical  sects.  See  Martene  {de  Bit.  iii.  6), Morinus  {de  Poenit.  ix.  7-11),  Suicer  (s.  v.  alpe- TLKos),  and  Bingham  {Antiq.  XIX.  ii.).  A  list  of the  early  and  mediaeval  writers  on  heresy  is given  in  the  preface  to  Burton's  Bampton  lectures on  Heresies  of  the  Apostolic  Age.  [G.  M.] HERETICAL  BAPTISM.  [Baptism,  Iter- ation' OF,  p.  172.] HERMAGORAS,  bishop  and  martyr  under Nero  at  Aquileia,  with  Fortunatus  his  arch- deacon ;  commemorated  July  12  {Mart.  Bom. Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] HERMAS,  saint  (supposed  bishop  of  Phi- lippi);  commemorated  May  9  {Mart.  Usuardi, Ado  de  Festiv.  Apostolorum).  [W.  F.  G.] HERMEAS,  of  Comana,  iepofj.a.pTvs  under Antoninus ;  commemorated  May  31  {Cal.  Bij- zant.).  [W.F.G.] HERMELANDUS,  abbot  in  Antron,  an island  of  the  Loire  (fcirca  720  A.D.) ;  comme- morated March  25  {Mart.  Usuardi).   [\V.  F.  G.] HERMELLUS,  martyr  at  Constantinople; commemorated  Aug.  3  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] HERMENEGILDUS,    son    of  Leovigildus, king  of  the  Goths,  martyr  in  Spain  (1586  A.D.); commemorated  April  13  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.] HERMENEUTAE.    [Interpreter.] HERMES.    (1)  [Gaius.] (2)  Saint  at  Marseilles;  commemorated  with Adrianus,  March  1  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi). (3)  One  of  the  seventy ;  commemorated  with Agabus,  Asyncritus,  Herodion,  Phlegon,  Rufus, April  8  {Cal.  Bijzant.). (4)  Martyr  at  Rome  (A.D.  116);  commemorated Aug.  28  {Mart.  Bedae,  Usuardi). 3  D 770  HERMITS (5)  [EusEBius  (7).] (6)  Exorcista,  saint  of  Retiaria;  commemo- rated Dec.  31  (Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] HERMITS.  Some  mediaeval  writers  on monasticism  define  hermits  (eremitae)  as  soli- taries in  cells,  and  anchorites  (anachoretae)  as solitaries  without  any  fixed  dwelling  place ; more  correctly  anchorites  are  solitaries  who have  passed  a  time  of  probation  as  coenobites,  and hermits  those  who  enter  on  the  solitary  life without  this  preparation  (Martene,  Req.  Comm. Bened.  c.  1  ;  Isid.  De  Div.  Off.  ii.  15).  Generally the  word  "  eremite  "  includes  all  solitary  ascetics of  one  sort  or  another ;  other  designations  of them  in  early  ecclesiastical  writers  are  adKTjTai, acTKriTai,  jxavd^ovTis,  (pi\66eot,  (piAoaocpovpres, KaTfipy/xiuoi,  viri  Dei,  renunciantes,  contiuentes, cellulani,  iuclusi,  reclusi,  monachi,  &c. ;  and, later,  religiosi.  The  words  /xovaxhs  apd IxovoLffTTipiov  were  soon  transferred  from  the hermit  in  his  solitary  cell  to  the  coenobite  in  his community. The  asceticism  of  the  desert  was  among Christians  the  first  step  towards  the  asceticism of  the  cloister.  It  was  prompted  by  a  passionate longing  to  fly  from  the  world  to  escape  not merely  the  fury  of  the  Decian  or  Diocletian  per- secutions, but  the  contaminations  of  surrounding heathenism.  It  commended  itself  to  devout Christians  by  reasons,  which,  however  specious, really  contradict  and  cancel  each  other,  for  it seemed  at  once  a  refuge  from  spiritual  dangers, and  a  bolder  challenge  to  the  powers  of  darkness to  do  their  worst ;  at  once  a  safer,  quieter  life than  the  perilous  conflict  day  by  day  with  an evil  world,  and,  in  another  aspect,  a  life  of sterner  self-denial.  In  the  pages  of  its  pane- gyrists the  solitary  life  presents  itself  now  in one  and  now  in  the  other  of  these  irreconcileable phases,  according  to  the  mood  or  temperament  of the  writer.  It  may  be  replied,  that,  far  from being  either  more  heroic  or  more  free  from da-nger,  it  is  neither. Until  about  the  middle  of  the  3rd  century  the more  austere  Christians  were  only  distinguished by  such  epithets  as  oi  (nrovZaioi  or  oi iKXeKTSrepot,  without  withdrawing  from  the society  of  their  fellows  (c.  g.  Euseb.  H.  E.  vi.  11 ; Clem.  Alex.  Homil.  "  Quis  Dives  ? "  n.  36). About  that  time,  Antony  and  Ammon  in  Egypt, and  Paul  in  the  Thebaid  led  the  way  to  the desert ;  and  their  example  soon  found  a  crowd  of imitators  (Socr.  //.  E.  iv.  23  ;  Soz.  E.  E.  i.  13, 14;  Hier.  Ep.  22,  ad  Eustoch.).  In  Syria Hilarion,  in  Armenia  Eustathius,  bishop  of Sebaste,  in  Cappadocia  Basil  urged  on  the  move- ment. It  spread  quickly  through  Pontus,  Illyri- cum,  and  Thrace  westwards  ;  and  the  personal prestige  of  Athanasius,  an  exile  from  his  see, helped  to  make  it  popular  in  Italy  at  Rome (Niceph.  H.  E.  ix.  16;  Aug.  dc  Op.  Mon.  c.  23  ; Hier.  Ep.  16  ;  Epitaph.  Marcel.').  But  the  soli- tary life  never  found  so  many  votaries  in  Europe, as  in  Egypt  and  in  the  East ;  partly  because  of the  comparative  inclemency  of  the  climate,  and the  proportionate  need  of  more  appliances  to support  life,  partly  of  the  more  practical  cha- racter of  the  West. The  institution  of  Lauras  was  the  connecting link  between  the  hermitage  and  the  monastery in  the  later  and  more  ordinary  use  of  that  word HERMITS Pachomius  at  Tabenna  in  Upper  Egypt  had already  begun  to  organise  a  community  of  her- mits, by  arranging  that  three  should  occupy one  cell,  and  that  all  who  were  near  enough should  meet  together  for  the  dailv  meal  (Soz. //.  E.  iii.  14  ;  Pallad.  Hist.  Laus.). '  The  monks of  Mons  Nitrius,  too,  near  the  Lake  Mareotis, though  many  of  them  in  separate  cells  (oiK'^juara fxovax'ixa  (nropaSrtv,  ra  KeWla,  Soz.  //.  E.  vi.  31) had  refectories  for  common  use,  chapels  in  their midst  for  common  worship  on  Saturdays,  Sun- days and  holy  days,  certain  presbyters  appointed to  officiate  in  these,  and  certain  lay  officers, (oeconomi)  elected'  by  the  older  hermits  to  pro- vide for  their  temporal  wants,  such  as  they  were, and  to  transmit  their  scanty  alms  (diaconia) derived  chiefly  from  the  sale  of  the  rush  mats which  they  wove  (Cass.  Inst.  v.  26,  40;  Coll. iii.  1 ;  X.  2  ;  xviii.  5  ;  xxi.  9).  In  the  Thebaid  a hermit  named  Joannes  presided  over  a  large number  of  hermits  (Soz.  R.  E.  vi.  28,  29).  One of  the  first  "  Lauras,"  or  irregular  clusters  of hermits  dwelling  close  together,  was  at  Pharan near  the  Dead  Sea  in  the  4th  century;  another was  founded  near  Jerusalem  in  the  next  century by  Sabas  a  hermit  from  Cappadocia,  under  the patronage  of  Euthymius. The  early  ecclesiastical  histories  teem  with  the almost  suicidal  austerities  of  the  more  celebrated hermits.  Not  content  with  imposing  on  them- selves the  burden  hard  to  be  borne  of  a  lifelong loneliness — for  even  without  any  vow  of  con- tinuance it  was  very  rarely  that  a  hermit  re- turned to  the  companionship  of  his  fellows — and of  a  silence  not  to  be  broken  even  by  prayer, they  vied  with  one  another  in  devising  self- tortures;  wandering  about,  almost  naked,  like wild  beasts;  barely  supporting  life  by  a  little bread  and  water,  or  a  few  herbs ;  only  allowing their  macerated  frames  three  or  four  hours  sleep in  the  twenty-four,  and  those  on  the  bare  rock or  in  some  narrow  cell  where  it  was  impossible to  straighten  the  limbs  ;  counting  cleanliness  a luxury  and  a  sin ;  maiming  themselves,  some- times with  their  own  hands,  to  escape  being made  bishops  by  force  ;  and  shunning  a  moment's intercourse  even  with  those  naturally  dearest (Cass.  Inst.  v.  26,  40;  Coll.  ii.  6,  17;  Socr. II.  E.  iv.  23  ;  Soz.  II.  E.  vi.  29,  34 ;  cf  Rosweyd Vitae  Pair.  pass.).  It  was  only  in  the  decline  of this  enthusiasm  that  hermits  began  to  take  up their  abode  near  cities.  The  "  father  of  hermits  " used  to  compare  a  hermit  near  a  town  to  a  fish out  of  water  (Soz.  H.  E.  i.  13). Usually  the  hermit's  abode  was  in  a  cave,  or in  a  small  hut  which  his  own  hands  had  rudely put  together  (Evagr.  H.  E.  i.  21);  but  some, like  the  "  possessed  with  evil  spirits  "  in  Gadara mentioned  in  the  New  Testament,  had  their dwellings  in  tombs  (Theodoret.  Fhiloth.  c.  12); hence  they  were  called  fiffiopnai,  and  the  keeper or  superintendent  of  these  tombs  the  iJLe)xopo<\)vKal (Altes.  Ascetic,  i.  7).  Others  roved  about  inces- santly, to  avoid  the  visits  of  the  curious,  like  the "  gyrovagi  "  in  having  no  fixed  abode,  but  unlike them  in  keeping  always  alone  (Snip.  Sev.  Di(d. do  Mon.  i.  9),  and  in  feeding  only  on  the  wild herbs  which  they  gathered  [see  Bosci].  Others, the  "Stylitae,"  aspiring  to  yet  more  utter  isola- »  Hospinianus  wrongly  speaks  of  the  presbyten  as  thus elected  {De  Orig.  Monach.). HERMITS tiou,  phmteJ  themselves  on  the  summit  of  solitary columns.  Of  these  the  most  famous  were  the Simeon,  who  in  Syria  during  the  5th  century  is said  to  have  lived  ferty-oue  years  on  a  tall  pillar the  top  of  which  was  barely  three  feet  in diameter  (Evagr.  H.  E.  i.  13;  ii.  9  :  Theodoret, Philoth.  c.  26);  his  namesake  who  followed  his example  in  the  6th  century  (Evagr.  H.  E.  vi. 22)  ;  and  a  Daniel,  who  chose  for  the  scene  of  his austerities  a  less  dreary  neighbourhood,  a  suburb of  Constantinople  (Theodor.  Lect.  H.  E.  i.  32). Other  "stvlitae"  are  mentioned  by  Joannes Moschus  {Prat.  cc.  27,  28,  57,  129).  This  pecu- liar form  of  eremitism  was  very  unusual  in Europe.  A  monk  near  Treves  in  the  6th  century tried  the  experiment  on  the  top  of  a  column rising  from  the  summit  of  a  clift';  but  by  order of  the  bishop  soon  relinquished  the  attempt  on account  of  the  rigour  of  the  climate  (Greg.  Turon. Hist.  viii.  16). The  reverence  with  which  hermits  were popularly  regarded  led  to  their  aid  being  fre- quently invoked  when  controversies  were  raging. Thus  in  the  close  of  the  4th  century  Antony,  who IS  also  said  to  have  more  than  once  broken  the spell  of  his  seclusion  in  order  to  go  and  plead  the cause  of  some  poor  client  at  Alexandria  (Soz. H.  E.  i.  13),  being  appealed  to  in  the  Arian  con- flict not  only  addressed  a  letter  to  the  emperor, but  made  a  visit  in  person  to  Alexandria  on behalf  of  Athanasius  (Soz.  H.  E.  ii.  31  ;  Hieron. Ep.  33,  ad  Castruc).  The  hermit  Aphraates boldly  confronted  the  emperor  Valens,  as  did Daniel,  the  later  of  the  two  pillar-hermits  of that  name,  the  emperor  Basiliscus  (Theodoret, H.  E.  iv.  23  ;  Theod.  Lect.  Collectan.  i.  32,  33). The  great  Theodosius  consulted  the  hei-mit Joannes  (Soz.  H.E.  vii.  22).  The  hermits near  Antioch  interceded  with  good  effect  when the  magistrates  of  that  city  were  about  to execute  the  cruel  orders  of  the  exasperated emperor  (Chrys.  Homil.  ad  Ant.  xvii.).  But not  rarely  the  unreasoning  zeal  of  the  her- mits provoked  great  tumults  ;  and  sometimes  in a  misguided  impulse  of  indiscriminating  pity  they endeavoured  by  force  to  liberate  criminals  con- demned by  the  law.  Nor  were  their  sympathies always  on  the  side  of  the  orthodox.  When Theophilus  of  Alexandria  denounced  the  error  of the  Anthropomorphitae,  almost  all  the  Saitic monks  were  fiercely  incensed  against  him  as  an atheist  "  in  their  simplicity  "  as  Cassian  adds, (Cass.  Coll.  X.  2). On  the  comparative  excellency  of  the  eremitic or  of  the  coenobitic  life  there  has  been  much  dif- ference of  opinion  among  writers  who  extol asceticism  ;  the  same  writer  inclining  now  to  the solitary  life,  and  now  to  the  life  in  a  community, as  he  views  the  question  from  one  side  or another.  Sozomen  calls  the  eremitic  life  the "  peak  of  philosophy  "  (//.  E.  vi.  31).  Chrysostom and  Basil  speak  to  the  same  effect  (Chrys.  Ep.  1 ; Bas.  Ep.  ad  Chilon.).  But  Basil  in  the  rule  for •  monks  ascribed  to  him  commends  the  coenobitic life,  as  more  truly  unselfish,  more  rich  in  oppor- tunities both  for  helping  and  for  being  helped (Eeg.  c.  7)  ;  and  so  speaks  his  friend,  Gregory  of Nazianza  {Orat.  21).  Jerome,  with  al!  his  love of  austerity,  cautions  his  friend  and  pupil  against the  dangers  of  solitude  (Ep.  4,  ad  Rustic). Augustine  praises  hermits ;  and  yet  allows  that coenobites   have  a  more  unquestion.able  title  to HERMITS •71 veneration  (De  31or.  Eccl.  c.  31).  Cassian  often speaks  of  hermits  as  having  climbed  to  the  summit of  excellence  (e.g.  Inst.  v.  36  ;  Coll.  xviii.  4)  ; at  other  times  he  deprecates  the  solitary  life  as not  good  for  all,  and  as  beyond  the  reach  of many  ;  and  he  relates  how  a  devout  monk  gave up  the  attempt  in  despair,  and  returned  to  his brother  monks  {Coll.  xix.  2,  3;  xxiv.  8). It  was  from  the  first  very  earnestly  enjoined by  the  leaders  of  asceticism,  that  none  should venture  on  so  great  an  enterprise  as  the  solitary life,  without  undergoing  probation  as  a  coenobite (Hieron.  Ep.  4  ad  Must. ;  Cass.  Tnst.  v.  4.  36  ; Coll.  xviii.  4;  Joan.  Clim.  Scala,  iv.  27).  Bene- dict compares  the  hermit  to  a  champion  ad- vancing in  front  of  the  army  for  single  combat with  the  foe,  and  therefore  insists  on  his  proving himself  and  his  armour  beforehand  {Reg.  c.  1). Councils  repeatedly  enforce  this  probationary  dis- cipline {Cone.  Yenet.  A.D.  465,  c.  7  ;  Cone.  Tolet. iv.  A.D.  633,  c.  63;  vii.  a.d.  646,  c.  5;  Cone. Trull.  A.D.  692,  cc.  41,  42).  The  permission  of  the abbat  was  required  (Sulp.  Sev.  Dial.  i.  5),  some- times, also,  the  consent  of  the  brethren  (Martene, Comm.  in  Reg.  Ben.  c.  1)  and,  sometimes  of  the bishop  {Cone.  Franco/.  A.D.  794,  c.  12).  The length  of  this  period  of  probation  varied  (Mart.)-.s. cf.  Isi'd.  De  Div.  Off.  ii.  15).  Even  those  who most  admired  the  hermit-life  fenced  it  round with  prohibitions  as  a  risk  not  lightly  to  be encountered. The  civil  authorities  were  naturally  jealous  of this  subtraction  of  so  many  citizens  from  the duties  of  public  life.  Theodosius  ordered  all those  who  evaded  their  public  responsibilities  on pretence  of  asceticism  to  be  deprived  of  their civil  rights  unless  they  returned  to  claim  them {Cod.  Theodos.  xii. ;  Tit.  1 ;  Lex  63);  and  it was  forbidden  for  slaves  to  be  admitted  into  a monastery  without  their  masters'  leave  {Cone. Chale.  A.D.  451,  Act  xv.  c.  4).  In  Western Europe  Charles  the  Great  decreed  that  all  her- mits infesting  towns  and  cities  for  alms  should either  return  to  their  hermitages  or  be  shut  up  in monasteries.  By  the  law  of  the  Eastern  church a  bishop  who  became  a  hermit  was  ipso  facto deprived  of  his  office. It  was  not  unusual,  particularly  in  the monasteries  of  Provence  and  Languedoc,  for  one of  the  brethren  most  advanced  in  asceticism  to be  immured  in  a  separate  cell,  sometimes  under- ground, always  within  the  precincts,  as  an  inter- cessor for  the  monastery  (Menard,  Observ.  Crit. in  Bened.  Anian.  Cod.  Begul.  ii.).  After  a  solemn religious  ceremony  the  devotee,  thus  buried alive  by  his  own  consent,  was  left,  with  no  other apparel  than  what  he  was  wearing,  to  end  his days  alone.  The  doorway  was  walled  up,  or  the door  nailed  to  and  sealed  with  the  bishop's  ring, whose  consent,  as  well  as  that  of  the  abbat  and chapter,  was  requisite.  Only  a  little  aperture was  left,  not  such  as  to  allow  the  inmate  to  see or  be  seen,  for  letting  down  provisions  to  him (Menard,  %i.  s.).  These  "  inclusi  "  are  not  to  be confounded  with  the  aged  or  sickly  monks, allowed  separate  cells  because  of  their  infirmities (Cass.  Inst.  ii.  12;  Co7ic.  Agath.  c.  38).  [See Hesychastae.]  The  rule  "for  solitaries"  of Grimlaicus,  probably  a  monk  in  or  near  Metz about  the  end  of  the  9th  century,  seems  in- tended not  for  a  separate  order,  but  for  these "inclusi"  generally  (Bened.  Anian.  m.  s.).  It 3   D  2 772 KERMOGENES IS  a  characteristic-  difference  between  Asiatic and  European  asceticism,  that  the  eremites,  or desert  monks  of  the  east  find  their  western counterpart  in  solitaries  within  the  precincts  of the  community. As  mi^ht  be  expected  for  obvious  reasons  there have  been  few  female  hermits.  Gregory  of Tours,  mentions  a  nun  of  the  convent  of  Ste. Croix.  Poitiers,  who  retired  to  a  hermitage  by permission  of  the  abbess  Radeguuda  (Hist.  vi. 29).  Usually  these  female  solitaries  had  their cells  in  close"^ contiguity  to  the  wall  of  a  church or  of  a  monastery  (Martene,  v.  s.). [See  further  Rosweydii  Vitae  Patnim,  Ant- verpiae,  1628  ;  Hospinianus  De  Monachis,  Tigur. 1609 ;  Middendorpii  Orujinum  Anachoretarum Sylva,  Col.  Agripp.  1615  ;  Anton.  Dadin.  Alte- serrae  Asrcticon,  Par.  1674  ;  Bingham's  Origines Ecclesiasticae  (Bli:.  vii.)  Lond.  1840.  See  also Asceticism  in  this  Dictionary,  Antony  (St.)  &c. in  the  Dictionary  of'Christian  Biography.] [I-  G.  S.] HEEMOGENES.     (1)  [Peter  (6).] (2)  [CxALATA.] (3)  [EvoDius  (1).] (4)  [EvoDUS.] (5)  [EOGRAPIU'S.] (6)  [DoNATUS  (10).]  [W.  F.  G.] HERMOGEATES.     [Heemolaus.] HERMOLAUS,     presbyter    of    Nicomedia, UpoixdpTvs,  a.d.  304  ;  commemorated  with  the brothers  Hernempus  and  Hermogrates,  July  27 (3[art.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi);  and  July 23  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.I HERMYLUS,  martyr  with  Stratonicus ; (+315  a.d.)  commemorated  Jan.  13  (^Cal.  By- lant.).  [W.F.G.] HERNEMPUS.    [Hermolaus.] HERODION.     [Hermes  (3).] HERON,  or  HEROS.  (1)  Bishop  of  An- tioch,  successor  to  Ignatius  :  "  Natalis,"  Oct.  17 (Mart.  Adonis,  Usuai-di). (2)  [Dioscorus  (?.).] (3)  [Heraclides.] HERTFOED,  COUNCIL  OF  {Herutfordiae roncilium).  Held  at  Hertford  A.D.  673,  Sept.  24; all  the  bishops  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  church  then living,  except  Wini,  the  simoniacal  bishop  of London,  being  present  in  person  or  by  deputy (Haddan  and  Stubbs'  Councils  and  Documents,  iii. 121,  note).  Archbishop  Theodore,  who  had summoned  them,  recited  ten  canons  from  a  book, in  all  probability  the  collection  of  Dionysius Exiguus  from  their  being  all  found  there,  to which  all  subscribed  (76. ;  comp.  Mansi  xi.  127). [E.  S.  Ff.] HERUDFORDENSE  CONCILIUM. [Hertford,  Council  of.] HESYCHASTAE  CH(rvxaffTal).  Etymo- logically  a  term  equivalent  to  "  quietists."  It was  applied  to  those  members  of  a  monastery who  were  allowed  to  have  separate  cells  within the  precincts  that  their  meditations  might  be  un- interrupted. (Bing.  Or-ig.  Eccles.  VII.  ii.  14; Menard  on  Bened.  Anian.  Concord.  Regul.  c.  29 ; of.  Justinian  Novell.    5,    33.)     Riddle,  however. HIEMANTES (Chr.  Antiq.  VII.  vii.),  takes  it  as  a  designation  of monks  bound  to  silence ;  and  Suicer  (Thes. Eccles.}  as  meaning  anchorites,  although  the passage  which  he  quotes  from  Balsamon  (ad Cone.  A7c.  II.  A.D.  787)  distinguishes  Hesy- chasteria  from  "  monasteria "  and  the  cells  of "  anachoretae."  In  the  14th  century  it  was applied  to  the  mystics  of  Mount  Athos  (Herzog lieal-Encyklop.  s.  v.).  [I.  G.  S.] HESYCHIUS,    ESICHIUS   or  ESICIUS. (1)  Bishop  and  confessor  at  Circesium  (saec.  i.)  ; commemorated  with  Euphrasius,  Indalecius,  Se- cundus,  Tesiphon,  and  Torquatus,  May  15  {Mart. Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  at  Mesia  ;  commemorated  June  15 (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).   [W.  F.  G.] HETAEETAE  (kraiplaC)  were  originally political  clubs;  but  the  word  came  to  signify any  association  of  men  for  objects  not  recognized by  the  law.  Thus  Trajan  (Plinii  Epist.  x.  34 [al.  43])  was  unwilling  to  sanction  a  company (collegium)  of  firemen  at  Nicomedia.  because  he had  found  that  in  that  district  such  companies were  liable  to  degenerate  into  hetaeriae  ;  and  it was  as  hetaeriae  that  the  assemblies  of  the Christians  became  objects  of  suspicion  to  the state  (/&.  X.  96  [al.  97],  §  7),  and  so  persecuted (Augusti,  Handbuch,  i.  40).  [C] HETEEODOXY.    [Heresy.] HEXAPSALMUS  (kimaKixoi).  By  thii name  are  denoted  six  unvarying  Psalms,  which are  said  daily  in  the  Greek  office  of  lauds  (t^ opOpov).  They  are  Pss.  iii.,  xxxvii.  (xxxviii.), Ixii.  (Ixiii.),  Ixxxvii.  (Ixxxviii.),  cii.  (ciii.),  cxlii. (cxliii.)  They  occur  near  the  beginning  of  the office;  and  are  introduced  by  the  clause  "Glory to  God  in  the  Highest,  and  on  earth  peace, good  will  among  men,"  and  by  the  verse  "  Thou shalt  open  my  lips,  O  Lord,  and  my  mouth  shall show  thy  praise."  After  the  first  three  Psalms are  said  the  priest  comes  out  from  the  bema,  and while  the  last  three  are  being  said,  recites  the twelve  morning  jwayers  (ras  eooBtvas  evxdi) secretly  before  the  icon  of  our  Lord.  They  are concluded  with  three  Alleluias;  and  three Reverences.  [H.  J.  H.] HEZEKIAH,  the  king  of  Judah;  commemo- rated Nahasse  4=-- July  28  (^Cal.  Ethiop.). [W.  F.  G.] HIBERNICA  CONCILIA.  [Irelaxd, Councils  of.] HIEMANTES.  The  word  x^'MfCfo-^"' means  primarily  "  to  be  storm-tossed "  (Acts xxvii.  18).  Thence,  by  a  natural  metaphor,  it passed  on  to  the  tempest  of  the  soul.  Thus Chrysostom  (Horn.  liii.  in  Matt.)  says  that  the mind  of  a  man  who  has  many  artificial  wants  is storm-tossed  (x^iix-dQeadai).  Compare  James i.  6. The  seventeenth  canon  of  the  council  of  An- cyra  (a.d.  314)  orders  those  who  have  committed unnatural    crimes,    or    who    are    or    have    been lepers,  to  be  placed  at  public  prayer  ^among  the storm-tossed  or  storm-beaten  (ets  rohs  xciftaCo- ixivovs  evx^a-Oai).  This  is  rendered  in  the "  Versio  Prisca,"  "  cum  eis  qui  tempestatem patiuntur  orare  ;"  by  Dionysius  Exiguus,  "  inter eos  orare  qui   spiritu  periclitantur  immnndo; HIERAPOLIS,  COUNCILS  OF by  Isidorus  Mercator,  "qui  tempestate  jactantur, qui  a  nobis  energumeni  appellantur  [jd.  furiosi sive  energumeni  intelliguntur],"  To  the  same effect  Martin  of  Braga  (Collect.  Can.,  c.  81), "  inter  daemoniosos  orare."  Tlie  use  of  the  word in  the  Clementine  liturgy  (Constt.  Apost.  viii.  12, §  20) — irapaKaKov^iv  (re  uTrep  twv  x^'/UafojueVcDi' virh  Tov  aWoTpLov — makes  it  almost  certain  that the  xf 'M^CoV^^"'  or  Hiemantes  are  identical  with the  Energumeni  or  Demoniacs,  who  had  a  special place  assigned  them  outside  the  church  proper, whether  in  the  porch  or  in  the  open  air. (Suicer's  Thesaurus,  s.  v.  Xei/tofo^ai;  Van Jlspen,  Jus  Eccl  iii.  132  ;  ed.  Colon.  1777).  [C] HIERAPOLIS,  COUNCILS  OF.  (1)  a.d. 173,  of  twenty-six  bishops,  under  its  bishop,  Apol- linarius,  against  the  errors  of  Montanus,  which gave  rise  to  a  sect  called  from  the  province  in which  it  originated,  and  in  which  Hierapolis  was situated,  "Cataphryges"  (Mansi,  i.  691-4).  Euse- bius  has  preserved  extracts  from  a  work  written by  Apollinarius  himself  against  them  (v.  16). (2)  A.D.  44.3,  undri-  Stephen,  its  metropolitan, when  Sabinianus  was  ordained  Bishop  of  Perrhe instead  of  Athanasius,  deposed  at  Antioch  under Domnus  the  year  before.  Later,  Athanasius  was restored  by  Dioscorus  of  Alexandria.  But  the Council  of  Chalcedoa,  Oct.  31,  A.D.  451,  deciding for  the  moment  in  favour  of  Sabinianus,  referred the  final  adjudication  of  the  question  to  Maximus, bishop  of  Antioch,  and  a  synod  to  be  held  by  him within  eight  months  to  enquire  into  the  charges brought  against  Athanasius.  Should  they  not  have been  made  good  by  then,  he  was  to  regain  his  see, and  Sabinianus  to  be  allowed  a  pension.  (Mansi, vi.  465-6  ;  and  then  vii.  313-58.)      [E.  S.  Ff.] HIERARCHY.  1.  The  word  Up<i.pxr)s  de- notes properly  a  stewai-d  or  president  of  sacred rites  (Bockh,  Inscrip.  i.  749).  By  Christian writers  it  is  occasionally  used  to  designate  a BISHOP  (p.  210).  Thus  Maximus,  commenting on  the  Ecclesiastical  Hierarchy  of  the  Pseudo- Dionysius,  says,  "  KaAeTu  elwOiv  iepdpxas  tovs iiriaKOTTovs,"  he  commonly  calls  the  bishops hierarchs  (Suicer's  Thesaurus,  s.  v.).  Hence  the word  lepapxia  came  to  designate  the  order  of bishops.  Bingham,  however  (Ant.  III.  i.  6), considers  the  hierarchy  of  Pseudo-Dionysius  to include  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons,  quoting Hallier's  Defensio  Ilierarch.  Eccl.  (lib.  i.  c.  3 ; lib.  iii.  sec.  ii.  cc.  1  and  2). 2.  In  a  wider  sense,  the  word  Hierarchy  is taken  to  include  the  whole  series  of  the  orders of  ministry  in  the  Christian  church.  See Bishop,  Orders.  [C] HIERATEION.     [Bema.] HIEREMIAS.    (1)  [Jeremiah.] (2)  [Peter  (9).] (3)  [Emilianus  (4).] HIERIUS,  presbyter  at  Alexandria  in  the time  of  the  emperor  Philip  ;  conmiemorated  Nov. 4  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).    [W.  F.  G.] HIERON YMUS.  (1)  Presbyter  (t420  a.d.)  ; deposition  at  Betiilehem  Judah,  Sept.  30  {Mart. Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  With  Anthemius,  commemorated  Sept.  26 (Ca/.  Armen.-).  [W.  F.  G.] HIEROSOLYMITANA        CONCILIA. [Jerusalem,  Councils  of.] HIRMOS 773 HIEROTHEUS,  bishop  of  Athens ;  comme- morated Oct.  4  {Cat.  Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] HIERURGIA.    [Liturgy.] HILARIA.    (1)  [EuMEXiA.] (2)  Wife  of  Claudius,  the  tribune ;  martyr with  Claudius  and  their  two  sons,  Jason  and Maurus,  and  seventy  soldiers,  under  Numerian ; commemorated  Dec.  3  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] HILARINUS,  monk  at  Ostia,  martyr  under Julian:  " Passio,"  July  16  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet., Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] HILARION.    (1)  The  younger  (d  ptSs),  A.d. 845  ;  commemorated  March  28  and  June  6  (Cal. Byzant.). (2)  The  Great  (t  ixiyoLs),  Holy  Father,  a.d. 333  ;  commemorated  Oct.  21  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet., Hieron.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  Cal.  Byzant.). (3)  Commemorated  Nov.  19  (Cal.  Gcorg.'). [W.  F.  G.] HILARIUS,  or  HILARY.     (1)  Bishop  of Poitiers  and  confessor  (t369  A.D.);    commemo- rated Jan.  13  (Mart.  Rom.  T'e^,  Adonis,  Usuardi); deposition  Jan.  13  (Mart.  Bedae,  Hieron.). (2)  Bishop  of  Aquileia  (t285  A.D.);  martyr with  Tatian  the  deacon,  Felix,  Largus,  and  Diony- sius;  commemorated  March  16  (Mart.  Usuardi). (3)  Bishop  of  Aries  and  confessor  (1449  A.D.)  ; commemorated  May  5  (Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). (4)  Martyr  with  Proclus,  A.D.  106 ;  comme- morated July  12  (Cal.  Byzant.). (5)  The  pope  (t-^67  A.D.) ;  commemorated Sept.  10  (Mart.  Usuardi). (6)  Martyr  with  Florentinus  at  Semur ;  com- memorated Sept.  27  (Mart.  Usuardi). (7)  Bishop  and  confessor  in  Gavalis  [Gevaudan in  Languedoc] ;  commemorated  Oct.  25  (Mart. Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] HIPPO,  COUNCIL  OF.  [African Councils.] HIPPOLYTUS,  Piomanus,  martyr  at  An- tioch, Upofxaprvs,  A.D.  269 :  "  Passio,"  Jan.  30 (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  Cil.  By- zant.) ;  Revelatio  corporis,  Jakabit  6  =  Jan.  31 (Cal.  Ethiop.).  [W.  F.  G.] HIRELING.  The  flight  of  the  hireling  from the  wolf,  as  contrasted  with  the  form  of  our Lord  standing  in  the  door  of  the  sheepfold  pre- pared to  defend  His  flock,  is  beautifully  carved on  the  Brescian  casket,  5th  or  6th  century. (Westwood,  Fictile  Ivory  Casts,  p.  36,  no.  93. ) [K.  St.  J.  T.] HIRMOLOGION.  An  office  book  in  the Greek  church  consisting  mainly  of  a  collection  of the  Hirmoi ;  but  containing  also  a  few  other forms.  [H.  J.  H.] HIRjSIOS  (ilpix6s).  The  Canons,  which  form so  important  a  part  of  the  Greek  offices,  are divided  into  nine  odes,  or  practically  into  eight, as  the  second  is  always  omitted.  Eaclr  ode  con- sists of  a  varying  number  (three,  four  or  five  are the  numbers  most  frequently  found)  of  troparia, or  short  rhythmical  strophes,  each  formed  on  the model  of  one  which  precedes  the  ode  ;  and  which is  called  the  Jlirmos.  The  Hirmos  is  usually independent  of  the  ode,  though  containing  a  refer- 774        HISPALENSIA  CONCILIA ence  to  the  subject  matter  of  it ;  sometimes however  the  first  troparion  of  an  Ode  is  called  the Hirmos.  It  is  distinguished  by  inverted  commas ("  ")  in  the  office  books.  Sometimes  the  first words  alone  of  a  Hirmos  are  given,  and  it  is  not unfrequently  placed  at  the  end  of  the  ode  to which  it  belongs.  The  name  is  considered  to  be derived  from  the  Hirmos  drawing  the  Troparia after  its  model ;  i.e.  into  the  same  rhythmical arrangement.  [H.  J.  H.] HISPALENSIA  CONCILIA.  [Seville, Councils  of.] HISPANUM  CONCILIUM.  Held,  a.d. 793,  at  some  place  in  Spain,  under  Elipand,  arch- bishop of  Toledo ;  from  whom  the  document criticised  in  the  letters  despatched  to  Spain  from Frankfort  emanated  (Mansi,  xiii.  SST;  comp. 8G5  and  sqq.).  [E.  S.  Ff.] HOLIDAYS.     [Festivals.] HOLY!  HOLY!  HOLY!     [Sanctus.] HOLY  OF  HOLIES.  In  instituting  a ])arallel  between  the  arrangements  of  the  Jewish Temple  and  that  of  a  Christian  church,  the Bema  or  sanctuary  of  the  church,  containing the  altar,  was  naturally  held  to  correspond  with the  Holy  of  Holies  of  the  Temple  (jh  ayiov  tSiv ayiaiv),  and  was  frequently  called  by  that  name. But  with  the  Nestorians  the  "Holy  of  Holies" IS  not  the  sanctuary,  but  a  small  recess  at  the east  end,  into  which  not  even  the  priest  enters, containing  nothing  but  a  cross  (Neale,  Eastern C/iU)-ch,  pp.  177,  189,  quoting  Etherege,  Syrian ChurcJu'S,  p.  109).  [C] HOLY  BREAD,     [e^ulogiae.] HOLY  OIL.    [Oil,  Holy.] HOLY  PLACES.  I.  By  this  phrase  were understood,  in  the  first  three  or  four  centuries after  Christ,  chiefly,  if  not  exclusively,  the scenes  of  our  Lord's  nativity,  death,  resurrection, and  ascension.  Of  these,  therefore,  we  will speak  fii-st.  In  212,  Alexander,  the  friend  of Origen,  "  made  a  journey  to  Jerusalem,  for  the sake  of  prayer  and  investigation  of  the  places  " (t&jj/  TOTTtov  IffToplas,  Euseb.  Hist.  Eccles.  1.  vi. c.  11).  St.  Jerome  (Z)e  Vir.  Illustr.  cap.  Ixii.) says  that  he  was  drawn  thither  "  desiderio  sancto- rum locorum."  If  this  was  the  motive,  and  there is  no  good  reason  to  doubt  it,  Alexander  is  the first  on  record  whom  religious  feeling  drew  to those  hallowed  spots.  Origen  himself  seems  to have  carried  with  him  to  the  Holy  Land  more of  the  spirit  of  a  learned  and  devotxt  traveller  of our  own  day.  He  was  in  Palestine  in  216  on  a rather  short  visit.  In  231,  he  began  a  residence of  some  duration  at  Caesarea,  in  that  country, and,  after  an  absence  of  uncertain  length,  in  238 he  opened  a  catechetical  school  there.  He  must, therefore,  have  known  the  Holy  Land  well,  and his  writings  show  it ;  but  it  is  instructive  to observe  how  he  uses  his  knowledge.  In  one passage,  as  a  critic,  he  expresses  his  conviction that  "  Bethabara,"  not  "  Bethany,"  ought  to  be the  reading  in  St.  John  i.  28,  "  as  he  had  been in  the  places,  on  a  search  after  the  footsteps  of Jesus  and  his  di.sciples,  and  the  prophets  "  {Com- ment, in  Ev.  Joann.  torn.  vi.  §  24).  In  another work,  writing  against  an  unbeliever,  about  247, HOLY  PLACES he  alleges  the  cave  of  Bethlehem  as  a  piece  of evidence.  If  any  one  desire  further  proof  than Scripture  affords  of  our  Lord's  birth  in  that place,  "  the  cave  is  shown  where  He  was  born, and  the  manger  in  which  He  was  swaddled ;  and that  which  is  shown  is  widely  spoken  of  in  those places,  even  among  aliens  from  the  faith,  viz., that  Jesus,  who  is  worshipped  and  reverenced  by the  Christians,  was  born  in  that  cave  "(Cwiim Celsum,  1.  i.  §51).  From  the  writings  of  Origen, we  should  not  infer  that  either  he  himself  had visited,  or  that  it  was  the  custom  of  his  day  to visit,  the  holy  places  for  the  express  purpose  of stimulating  devotion,  or  under  the  notion  that prayer  in  them  was  more  acceptable  to  God than  when  made  elsewhere.  The  spirit  which animated  the  pilgrims  of  a  later  age,  had  not  yet been  awakened.  Its  awakening  was  probably much  delayed  by  the  attempts  of  the  heathen  to obscure  the  locality  of  events  sacred  to  the Christian.  Thus,  in  the  time  of  Hadrian,  a  vast mound  of  earth  was  raised  over  the  spot  where our  Lord  was  buried  and  rose  again,  and  a temple  dedicated  to  Venus  was  built  on  it (Euseb.  Vita  Constantini,  1.  iii.  c.  26 ;  Hieron. Ep.  xlix.  ad  Paidin.), The  first  great  impulse  given  to  the  veneration of  the  holy  places,  came  from  Helena,  the  mother of  Constantine,  who,  in  the  year  326,  when nearly  80  years  of  age,  travelled  to  Jerusalem, that  she  might  so  "  pay  the  debt  of  pious  feeling to  God  the  king  of  all,"  for  the  elevation  of  her son,  and  the  general  prosperity  of  her  family. After  due  reverence  done  to  the  footsteps  of  the Saviour,  she  "  left  a  fruit  of  her  piety  to  pos- terity "  in  two  churches  which  she  built,  "one at  the  cave  of  the  nativity,  the  other  on  the mount  of  the  ascension "  (Euseb.  u.  s.  cc.  42, 43).  On  the  site  of  the  burial,  Constantine, after  his  mother's  visit,  first  caused  an  oratory to  be  built,  and  later  sent  directions  to  Macarius, the  bishop,  for  the  erection  of  a  magnificent church  {Ibid.  cc.  25-40).  To  this  period,  and perhaps  to  Constantine  and  Helena,  we  may  pro- bably refer  two  "  very  small  oratories,"  one built  on  Mount  Calvary,  the  site  of  the  passion, the  other  on  the  spot  where  our  Lord's  body was  said  to  have  been  embalmed  and  the  cross found,  which  the  Latins,  when  they  took  Jeru- salem, inclosed  within  the  same  wall  with  the Holy  Sepulchre  (Gulielmi  Tyrii,  Hist.  Heruin Transmar.  lib.  viii.  c.  3).  They  were  only  a stone's  throw  from  each  other  (Tillemont,  note iv.  snr  Ste.  He'lene);  and  hence  the  church  of the  Resurrection,  or  Holy  Sepulchre,  was  often spoken  of  as  on  Golgotha  (Cyrill.  Hieros.  Cat.  i. §  1  ;  xiii.  §  12 ;  xvi.  §  2).  Very  soon  after  the recovery  of  these  important  sites  we  find  them noticed  in  the  Itinerarium  of  a  Christian  tra- veller from  Bordeaux,  who  visited  Jerusalem  in 333.  He  saw  the  "  crypt  where  His  body  was placed  and  rose  again  on  the  third  day "  ( Vet. Hum.  Itineraria,  p.  594,  Amstel.  1735),  and  "the little  hill  Golgotha  where  the  Lord  was  cruci- fied "  (p.  593).  He  also  went  to  "  Bethlehem, where  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  was  born.  There," he  adds,  "  a  basilica  was  built  by  the  command of  Constantine  "  (p.  598). II.  From  this  time,  the  holy  places  were visited  by  believers  of  every  rank  and  almost every  age.  Some  of  the  more  wealthy  settled at  Jerusalem,  and  by  their  alms   assisted,  and HOLY  PLACES pei-haps  attracted,  many  of  the  poorer.  The city  grew  rapidly  in  population  and  prosperity  ; and  soon,  as  an  almost  necessary  consequence, became  as  notorious  for  crime  and  profligacy, as  it  was  famous  for  its  religious  monuments. About  the  year  380,  Gregory  of  Nyssa  was  called thitlier  by  the  affairs  of  the  church,  and  received impressions  which  it  will  be  well  to  put  before the  reader  in  his  own  words.  In  an  epistle, written  not  long  after,  he  tells  his  friend  that he  learned  there  what  it  was  to  keep  holy  day to  God,  "  both  in  beholding  the  saving  symbols of  God  the  giver  of  our  life,  and  in  meeting  with souls  in  which  like  signs  of  the  grace  of  God  are spiritually  contemplated;  so  that  he  believes Bethlehem,  Golgotha,  the  Mount  of  Olives,  and the  Resurrection  to  be  verily  in  the  heart  of  him who  has  God"  {Ep.  ad  Eustathiam,  &c.,  p.  16, ed.  Casaub.).  The  latter  thought  in  this  sen- tence then  carries  him  away,  and  he  seems, probably  out  of  tenderness  to  the  devout  women to  whom  he  wrote,  to  avoid  further  reference  to the  holy  places.  Some  years  afterwards,  how- ever, he  wrote  a  tract,  in  the  form  of  a  letter  to some  unknown  friend,  in  which  he  earnestly  dis- suaded from  visiting  Jerusalem  on  religious grounds.  He  begins  by  denying  that  it  is  any part  of  a  Christian's  duty  "  to  visit  the  places  in Jerusalem  in  which  the  symbols  of  our  Lord's sojourn  in  the  flesh  are  to  be  seen,"  and  then proceeds  as  follows  :  "  Why,  then,  is  there  such zeal  about  that  which  neither  makes  a  man blessed,  nor  fit  for  the  kingdom  ?  Let  the  man of  sense  consider.  If  it  were  a  profitable  thing to  be  done,  not  even  so  would  it  be  a  thing good  to  be  zealously  affected  by  the  perfect. But  since,  when  the  thing  is  thoroughly  looked into,  it  is  found  even  to  inflict  injury  on  the souls  of  those  who  have  entered  on  a  strict course  of  life,  it  is  not  worthy  of  that  great  zeal, but  rather  to  be  greatly  shunned."  He  next enlarges  on  the  danger  to  the  morals  and  repu- tation of  all,  but  especially  women,  in  their travels  through  the  luxurious  and  profligate cities  of  the  East ;  and  then  proceeds  to  ask, "  What  will  one  gain  by  being  in  those  places  ? — As  if  the  Lord  were  still  in  bodily  presence  in them,  but  departed  from  us,  or  as  if  the  Holy Ghost  were  overflowing  abundantly  at  Jerusalem, but  were  unable  to  come  over  to  us."  So  far from  this  being  the  case,  he  declares  that  city  to be  in  the  lowest  stage  of  moral  degradation. "There  is  no  species  of  impurity  that  is  not dared  therein.  Flagitious  actions  and  adulteries and  thefts,  idolatries  and  witchcrafts,  and  envy- ings  and  murders;  and  this  last  evil,  above others,  is  common  in  that  place,  so  that  nowhere else  is  there  such  a  readiness  to  commit  murder as  in  those  places "  (De  Euntibus  Hierosolynw, pp.  6-13,  ed.  Petr.  Molinaei).  Speaking  for himself,  he  adds,  "  We  confessed  that  Christ  who appeared  (there)  is  true  God,  before  we  were  at the  place ;  nor  afterwards  was  our  faith  either lessened  or  increased.  And  we  knew  the  incarna- tion through  the  Virgin  before  we  wont  to  Beth- lehem, and  believed  the  resurrection  from  the dead  before  we  saw  the  monument  of  it,  and acknowledged  the  ascension  into  heaven  to  be true,  apart  from  our  seeing  the  mount  of  Olives. This  is  the  only  benefit  from  our  journey,  that we  know,  by  comparison,  our  own  parts  to  be much  more  holy  than    foreign.     Wherefore,  yo HOLY  PLACES 775 that  fear  the  Lord,  praise  Him  in  those  places  in which  ye  are  "  {Ibid.  p.  14).  St.  Jerome,  who lived  at  Bethlehem,  sometimes  speaks  very  much in  the  same  strain.  At  other  times  he  en- courages and  praises  those  who  visited  the  holy places,  especially  if  their  intention  was  to  dwell in  retirement  near  them.  This  is  easily  under- stood. The  multitude  would  be  injured  by  fami- liarity with  the  memorials  of  Christ's  life  on earth  ;  while  the  few  might  through  them  be brought  into  closer  spiritual  communion  with Him.  It  may  well  be  doubted,  too,  whether  he would  have  encouraged  any  one  to  stay  at  Jeru- salem, except  under  the  protection  of  the  mo- nastic life ;  and  even  that  he  was  far  from thinking  altogether  safe  in  such  a  city.  Writing, in  393  or  thereabouts,  to  Paulinus,  afterwards bishop  of  Nola,  St.  Jerome  says,  "  Not  the  having been  at  Jerusalem,  but  having  lived  well  there is  to  be  praised  ....  The  court  of  heaven  is equally  open  from  Jerusalem  and  Britain.  The kingdom  of  God  is  within  you.  Anthony,  and all  the  swarms  of  monks  of  Egypt  and  Mesopo- tamia, of  Pontus,  Cappadocia,  and  Armenia,  saw not  Jerusalem  ;  and  the  gate  of  Paradise  is  open to  them  without  (a  knowledge  of)  this  city. The  blessed  Hilarion,  though  he  was  a  native  of Palestine,  and  lived  in  Palestine,  only  saw  Jeru- salem on  a  single  day  ;  that  he  might  not  appera- to  despise  the  holy  places  on  account  of  their nearness,  nor,  on  the  other  hand,  to  confine  God to  place."  He  warns  Paulinus  not  to  "  think anything  wanting  to  his  faith,  because  he  had not  seen  Jerusalem  "...."  If  the  places  of  the cross  and  of  the  resurrection  were  not  in  a  city of  very  great  resort,  in  which  there  is  a  court,  a military  station,  in  which  there  are  harlots, players,  buffoons,  and  all  things  that  are  usual in  other  cities ;  or  if  it  were  frequented  by crowds  of  monks  alone,  an  abode  of  this  kind would  in  truth  be  one  that  should  be  sought  for by  all  monks  ;  but  as  things  are,  it  is  the  height of  folly  to  renounce  the  world,  to  give  up  one's country,  to  forsake  cities,  to  profess  oneself  a monk,  and  then  to  live  among  greater  crowds, with  greater  danger  than  you  would  in  your own  country "  {Epist.  xlix.).  Nevertheless, when  Desiderius.  and  his  sister  had  resolved  to visit  Jerusalem,  he  wrote  (about  396)  to  en- courage them,  begging  them  to  visit  him  and Paula  "  on  occasion  of  the  holy  places."  "  At least,"  he  adds,  "  if  our  society  shall  be  un- pleasing,  it  is  ah  act  of  faith  (or  perhaps,  "  a part  of  your  vow,"  pars  fidei  est)  to  have  wor- shipped where  the  feet  of  the  Lord  have  stood, and  to  have  seen,  as  it  were,  the  recent  traces  of His  nativity,  and  cross  and  passion "  {Epist. xlviii.).  In  the  same  spirit  he  invites  Marcella (about  389)  to  Bethlehem  {Epist.  xlv.) ;  and bids  Rusticus  (a.d.  408)  seek  peace  of  mind  at Jerusalem.  "  Thou  art  a  wanderer  in  thy  own country ; — or  rather  not  in  thy  country,  for thou  hast  lost  thy  country.  That  is  before  thee in  the  venerable  places  of  the  refjurrection,  the cross,  and  the  cradle  of  the  Lord  the  Saviour" (Epist.  xc).  In  the  famous  epistle  of  Paula and  Eustochium  (about  389)  to  Marcella,  every inducement  is  held  out  to  her  to  join  them  at Bethlehem  ;  the  number,  eminence,  and  holiness of  those  who  visited  the  holy  places  from  every part  of  the  world,  the  psalms  of  praise  in  every tongue   continually   ascending   from    thcni,   the 776 HOLY  PLACES high  religious  interest  of  the  places  themselves, and,  in  particular,  the  great  piety  of  the  inhabi- tants of  Bethleliem  and  its  neighbourhood;  but the  truth  is  not  lost  sight  of,  that  men  might  be as  holy  and  devout  elsewhere  :  '•  We  do  not  say this  to  deny  that  the  kingdom  of  God  is  within us,  and  that  there  are  holy  men  in  other  coun- tries,  too,"   &c.  {Inter  Epp.  Hieron.   ep.   xliv.). III.  Before  the  middle  of  this  century  (about 347),  it  was  reported  throughout  the  Christian world  (see  Cyrill.  Hier.  Catech.  iv.  §  7  ;  x.  §  9  ; xiii.  §  2)  that  the  very  cross  on  which  our Saviour  died  had  been  discovered,  and  was  ex- hibited at  Jerusalem.  According  to  Cyril,  who was  bishop  of  Jerusalem  from  350  to  386,  the discovery  took  jdace  in  the  time  of  Constantine (Epist.  ad  Constantium,  §  2).  As  he  died  in  337, and  not  a  word  is  said  of  the  cross  or  its  dis- covery by  the  traveller  from  Gaul,  already  cited, who  was  at  Jerusalem  in  333,  the  story  must have  arisen  and  the  exhibition  of  the  supposed relic  must  have  begun  some  time  between  those years.  Later  writers  (as  Ambrose,  de  Ohitu 'Theodosii,  §§  43-47  ;  Paulinus,  Ep.  xxxi.  §  5  ; Ruffinus,  Hist.  Eccl.  1.  i.  c.  7  ;  Sulpicius,  and later  on  Theodoret,  Socrates,  Sozomen,  &c.)  as- sert that  it  was  found  by  Helena,  the  mother  of Constantine ;  but  that  princess  died  five  years before  the  anonymous  Gaul  visited  Jerusalem  ; and  even  if  we  had  not  his  negative  testimony, the  silence  of  Cyril  with  regard  to  Helena,  and the  silence  on  the  whole  subject  of  Eusebius,  who, in  his  panegyric  on  Constantine,  written  in  337, has  zealously  heaped  together  whatever  could tend  to  his  honour,  or  his  mother's,  throw  just doubt  on  her  connection  with  the  discovery,  even if  that  be  true  [Cross,  Finding  of,  p.  593].  It is  painful  to  suspect  that  the  cross  exhibited  was not  authentic,  but  when  we  find  that  by  the middle  of  the  6th  century  (See  Greg.  Turon. Mirac.  1.  i.  c.  7),  if  not  long  before,  the  lance, reed,  sponge,  crown  of  thorns,  &c.,  used  at  the Passion  were  all  exhibited,  and  reverenced  with equal  confidence,  we  surely  have  (not  to  mention certain  difficulties  in  the  story  itself)  some excuse  for  hesitating  to  affirm  that  the  cross shown  at  Jerusalem  in  the  4th  century  and downw-ard,  was  that  upon  which  our  Saviour died.  It  was  believed,  however,  and  our  business is  chiefly  with  the  consequence  of  that  belief. "  Prostrate  before  the  cross,"  says  Jerome, speaking  of  Paula's  first  visit  to  Jerusalem, "  she  worshipped,  as  if  she  saw  the  Lord  hang- ing thereon  "  {Ep.  Ixxxvi.  ad  Eustoch.).  Paula herself  refers  to  it,  when  urging  Marcella  to join  her  in  Palestine  :  "  When  will  that  day  be on  which  it  will  be  permitted  us  to  enter  the cave  of  the  Saviour ;  to  weep  with  sister,  to weep  with  mother,  in  the  sepulchre  of  the  Lord  ; then  to  kiss  (lambere)  the  wood  of  the  cross; and  on  the  Mount  of  Olives  to  be  lifted  up  in desire  and  mind  with  the  ascending  Lord?" This  will,  perhaps,  sufficiently  illustrate  the importance  of  the  alleged  discovery,  as  a  means of  attracting  pilgrims  to  Jerusalem.  From Paulinus  we  learn  that  the  cross  was  only  exhi- bited "  to  be  adored  by  the  people  "  on  Good Friday ;  but  that  sometimes  it  was  shown  to '•  very  religious "  persons,  who  had  travelled thither  on  purpose  to  see  it  {Ep.  xxxii.  §6). IV.  From  one  cause  or  another,  then,  the resort  to  the  holy  places  in  Palestine  continued HOLY  PLACES and  increased.  E.g.  Cassian,  A.D.  424,  speaks incidentally  of  some  monks  who,  while  he  was at  Bethlehem,  had  "come  together  at  the  holy places  from  parts  of  Egypt  orationis  causa  "  {De Coenoh.  Tnstit.  1.  iv.  c.  31).  Eudocia,  the  wife  of Theodosius,  bound  herself  by  a  vow  to  visit  Jeru- salem, if  she  should  live  to  see  her  daughter married,  which,  with  the  consent  of  her  husband, she  fulfilled  in  the  year  438  (Socr.  Hist.  Eccl. 1.  vii.  c.  47).  Palladius,  a  Galatian  by  birth, who  had  spent  many  years  in  Palestine,  writing in  421,  tells  us  that  Melania  the  elder  showed hospitality  to  pious  persons  going  to  visit  the holy  places  from  Persia,  Britain,  and  almost every  part  of  the  world  {Hist.  Lausiaca,  c.  118). Gregory  of  Tours  mentions  a  Briton  who,  in  his time,  came  to  Tours  on  his  way  to  Jerusalem {Hist.  Franc.  1.  v.  c.  22).  Towards  the  end  of the  7th  century,  Arculfus,  a  bishop  of  Gaul, "  went  to  Jerusalem  for  the  sake  of  the  holy places,"  and  being  afterwards  a  guest  of  Adam- nan,  abbot  of  lona,  gave  him  an  account  of  them. The  latter  put  it  in  writing,  and  his  work  is still  extant  {Acta  Bened.  saec.  iii.  p.  ii.  See Bede,  Hist.  Eccl  Angl.  1.  v.  cc.  15-17). V.  From  the  middle  of  the  4th  century,  or thereabouts,  some  other  places  had  been  ac- quiring such  a  character  for  holiness,  as  the scene  of  a  martyr's  triumph  or  the  shrine  of  his relics,  that  they  were  visited  by  pilgrims  from  a distance,  and  even  received  the  conventional  title of  Loca  Sancta.  Thus  Rome  was  famous  for  the martyrdoms  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul.  St. Chrysostom,  alluding  to  the  chain  with  which St.  Paul  was  bound,  says,  "  I  would  be  in  those places,  for  the  bonds  are  said  to  be  there  still. .  .  .  .  I  would  see  those  bonds,  at  which  devils are  afraid  and  tremble,  but  which  angels  rever- ence "  {Horn.  viii.  in  Ep.  ad  hpli.  c.  iv.  1).  But with  him  such  a  pilgrimage  would  have  been only  yv/j.vaaia  wphs  diofff^naf ;  for  he  more than  once  tells  his  hearers  that  they  need  not cross  the  sea,  for  God  will  hear  them  equally where  they  are.  "  Let  us  each,  man  and  woman [remaining  here  at  Antioch],  both  when  gather- ing in  chui-ch  and  staying  in  our  houses,  call very  earnestly  on  God,  and  He  will  certainly answer  our  prayers"  {ffom.  de  Statuis,  iii.  §5; cf.  Horn.  i.  in  Ep.  ad  Fhilem.  c.  i.  1-3).  And  he claims  a  similar  sanctity  for  Antioch,  in  which city  he  then  lived,  a.d.  388,  as  having  been  the "  tabernacle  of  the  apostles,  the  dwelling-place of  the  righteous"  {Ihid.  §3).  St.  Augustine, A.D.  404,  sent  two  persons,  who  accused  each other  of  crime  to  a  "  holy  place,"  viz.  the  shrine of  St.  Felix,  at  Nola,  in  the  hope  that  "the more  terrible  workings  of  God  "  there  "  might drive  the  guilty  one  to  confession,  by  punish- ment (divinely  inflicted)  or  by  fear  "  {Ep.  Ixxviii. §  3).  He  asks,  "  Is  not  Africa  full  of  the  bodies of  holy  martyrs  ?  And  yet,"  he  adds,  "  we  do not  know  that  such  things  are  done  anywhere here  "  {Ibid.).  Nevertheless,  in  the  last  book  of the  Cify  of  God,  which  was  written  about  the beginning  of  the  year  427,  he  records  many wonders  as  wrought  in  Africa,  within  the  few years  previous,  at  the  Memoriae  of  St.  Stephen and  other  martyrs  {De  Civ.  Dei,  1.  xxii.  c.  8). Prudentius,  himself  a  native  of  Spain,  A.D.  405, celebrating  the  praise  of  two  martyrs,  who suffered  at  Calahorra  in  that  country,  says  that the  dwellers  in  that  city  "  frequented  the  sands HOLY  SPIRIT stained  with  their  sacred  blood,  beseeching  with voice,  vows,  gift ;  that  foreigners,  too,  and  the inhabitants  of  the  whole  earth  came  thither," and  that  "  no  one  there,  in  his  supplication, multiplied  pure  prayers  in  vain."  The  poet affirms  that  many  miracles  were  wrought  there by  the  power  of  the  martyrs,  and  that  Christ conferred  that  blessing  on  the  town,  when  He gave  their  bodies  to  its  keeping  {De  Coronis, Hymn  I.).  We  must  remember  that  the  writer is  a  poet,  but  hardly  more  could  have  been  said of  a  popular  shrine  in  the  9th  century. VI.  Probably  not  very  long  after  the  time  of these  writers,  a  custom  began  of  sending  peni- tents to  various  shrines  (ad  limina  sanctorum), partly  as  a  penance,  and  partly  that  they  might more  effectually  obtain  the  intercession  of  the martyr  of  the  place.  Most  writers,  following Morinus  (^De  Sacrain.  Poenit.  1.  vii.  c.  15),  have supposed  that  this  form  of  penance  was  not  in use  till  the  7th  century ;  but  a  passage  in  one  of the  Homilies  of  Caesarius  of  Aries  (a.d.  502;, first  printed  by  Baluzius  in  1669,  implies  that it  was  known  in  France,  at  least,  before  the  close of  the  5th  : — "  Frequenting  the  thresholds  of the  saints,  they  (penitents)  would  ask  for  aid against  their  own  sins,  and,  persevering  in  fast- ings and  prayers,  or  in  almsgiving,  would  strive rather  to  punish  than  to  nourish,  or  add  to, those  sins  "  {Horn.  iii.  p.  23).  The  great  evils  to which  this  practice  would  soon  lead  are  obvious, and  we  need  only,  in  conclusion,  cite  a  canon  of the  council  of  Chalons-sur-Saone,  A.D.  813,  by which  Charlemagne  and  his  advisers  sought  to restrain  them : — "  A  great  mistake  is  made  by some,  who  unadvisedly  travel  to  Rome  or  Tours (to  the  shrine  of  St.  Martin),  and  some  other places,  under  pretext  of  prayer.  There  are presbyters,  and  deacons,  and  others  of  the  clergy, who,  living  carelessly,  think  that  they  are  purged from  their  sins  and  entitled  to  discharge  their ministry,  if  they  reach  the  aforesaid  places. There  are  also  laymen  who  think  that  they  sin, or  have  sinned,  with  impunity,  because  they frequent  these  places  for  prayer."  Some  of  the powerful,  it  adds,  under  pretext  of  a  journey to  Rome  or  Tours  "  for  the  sake  of  prayer  or visiting  the  holy  places,"  oppressed  the  poor  by their  exactions,  while  many  of  the  poor  made such  pilgrimages  an  occasion  of  begging  with more  success :  some  falsely  pretending  to  be  on their  way  to  the  holy  places,  others  going  there in  the  belief  that  they  would  be  "  cleansed  from sins  by  the  mere  sight "  of  them  (can.  xlv.  Cone. Cabll.  II.).  [W.  E.  S.] HOLY  SPIRIT.  The  dove  is  the  invariable and  exclusive  symbol  which  expresses  special manifestation  of  the  presence  of  the  Third  Person of  the  Trinity,  and  the  article  under  that  word will  be  found  to  contain  some  information  as  to the  use  of  the  symbol  in  this  its  highest  sense. Luke  iii.  22,  Matt.  iii.  16,  Mark  i.  10.  The  bap- tistery of  St.  Pontianus,  in  the  catacomb  of  that name  (Aringhi  ii.  275),  contains  one  of  the earliest  of  these  paintings  of  the  Holy  Dove, referable  to  the  early  7th  century;  but  the Lateran  cross  is  reputed  to  be  of  the  period  im- mediately succeeding  Constautine,  and  is  a  yet more  striking  example.     [See  DovE,  p.  576.] [R.  St.  J.T.] pOLY  TABliE.     [Altar.] HOLY  WATER  777 HOLY  THINGS.    [Ecclesiasticae  Res.] HOLY  THURSDAY.    [Ascension  Day.] HOLY  WATER.  I.  The  use  of  lustra! water  in  the  Christian  church  appears  to  have had  a  manifold  origin. (1)  At  an  early  period  we  find  FOUNTAINS,  or basins,  supplied  with  fresh  water,  near  the  priji- cipal  doors  of  churches,  especially  in  the  East, that  they  who  entered  might  wash  their  hands at  least  [see  Hands,  washing  of],  before  they worshipped.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the ritual  use  of  water  under  the  name  of  holy water  (aqua  benedicta,  ayiatr^o's,  vhuTu  tv- \oylas,  &c.)  arose  in  a  great  measure  from  the undue  importance  which  naturally  attached itself  to  this  custom,  as  ignorance  and  supersti- tion began  to  prevail  amid  the  troubles  of  the Western  empire. (2)  Again,  under  the  Mosaic  law  a  person legally  unclean  was  not  restored  to  social  inter- course, and  to  communion  in  prayer  and  saci-ifice, until  he  had  been  sprinkled  with  the  water  of separation,  and  had  "  washed  his  clothes  and bathed  himself  in  water  "  (Numb.  xis. ;  compare Ezekiel  xxxvi.  25). (3)  The  courts  of  heathen  temples  were  com- monly provided  with  water  for  purification  ;  but it  is  probable  that  as  a  belief  in  the  gods  declined through  the  influence  of  Christianity,  many would  neglect  to  use  it  as  they  entered.  Hence, we  may  suppose,  the  custom  for  a  priest  to sprinkle  them  at  the  door,  lest  any  should present  themselves  unpurified.  An  instance  is mentioned  by  Sozomen.  When  Julian  was  about to  enter  a  temple  in  Gaul,  a  "  priest  holding green  boughs  wet  with  water  sprinkled  those who  went  in  after  the  Grecian  manner  "  (Hint. Eccl.  1.  vi.  c.  6).  This  bore  such  a  resemblance to  the  later  rite  of  Christians  as  to  mislead  one transcriber  of  the  work  of  Sozomen,  and  induce him  to  substitute  ''EKK\7}aia(TTiKS>,  Ecclesiastical, for  'EWrji/iKi^,  Grecian  (^Annot.  Vales,  in  loco, p.  109). (4)  We  may  add  that  the  notion  of  a  lustra- tion by  water  prevailed  also  among  the  earliest heretics.  Some  of  the  Gnostics  threw  oil  and water  on  the  head  of  the  dying  to  make  them invisible  to  the  powers  of  darkness  (Iren.  Haeres. 1.  i.  0.  2,  §  5).  The  Ebionites  immersed  them- selves in  water  daily  (Epiphan.  Haer.  xxx.  §  16). The  founder  of  the  sect  is  said  by  Epiphanius  to have  been  wont  to  plunge  into  the  nearest  water, salt  or  fresh,  if  by  chance  he  met  one  of  the other  sex  {ibid.  §  2). II.  Many  miracles  are  said  to  have  been wrought  by  means  of  water,  and  to  this  also  we attribute  a  certain  influence  in  giving  both authority  and  shape  to  the  superstitions  which arose  with  regard  to  holy  water.  Count  Joseph in  the  time  of  Constautine  the  Great,  sprinkled an  insane  person  with  water  over  which  he  had made  the  sign  of  the  cross,  and  his  reason  was restored  (Epiphan.  u.  s.  §  10).  We  are  told  that by  the  same  means  he  dispersed  the  enchant- ments by  which  the  Jews  sought  to  hinder  the erection  of  a  church  at  Tiberias  {ibid.  §  12).  An evil  spirit  who  hindered  the  destruction  of  the temple  of  Jupiter  at  Apamea,  A.D.  385,  was, according  to  Theodoret,  driven  away  by  the  use of  water  which  the  bishop  had  blessed  with  the sign  of  the  cross  {Hist.  E<-d.  1.  v.  c.  21 ;  Cassiod. 778 HOLY  WATER Hist.  Tripart.  1.  ix.  c.  34).  Gregory  of  Tours describes  a  certain  recluse  named  Eusitius  (a.D. 532),  in  the  diocese  of  Limoges,  as  so  gifted  with power  to  cure  those  afflicted  with  quartan  fever, that  by  "  giving  them  water  to  drink  merely blessed  (by  him),  he  restored  them  forthwith  to health  "  (Be  Glor.  Confess,  c.  82).  Water  from a  well  dug  by  St.  Martin  "  gave  health  to  many sick,"  and  in  particular  cured  a  brother  of St.  Yriez,  who  was  dying  of  fever  (Z)e  Mir. S.  Martini,  1.  ii.  c.  39)  ;  and  many  were  in  like manner  said  to  have  been  healed  by  the  waters  of a  spring  at  Brioude,  in  Auvergne,  in  which  the head  of  the  martyr  Julian  (A.D.  304)  had  been washed  (Mmc.  1.  ii.  c.  3 ;  see  also  cc.  25,  26, and  the  Liber  de  Passione  8.  Juliani).  The same  author  relates  how  a  certain  bishop  "  sent water  that  had  been  blessed  to  a  house  "  in  which many  had  died  of  fever,  and  how,  "  when  it  was sprinkled  on  the  walls,  all  sickness  was  forthwith driven  away  "  (  Vitae  Patrum,  c.  iv.  §  3). III.  The  tendency  to  ascribe  virtue  to  water blessed  by  the  priest,  was  without  doubt  greatly promoted  by  a  superstition  with  regard  to baptism,  and  by  the  use  sometimes  made  of  the water  employed  at  it.  St.  Augustine,  writing in  408,  says  that  some  persons  in  his  day  brought their  children  to  be  baptized  not  for  the  sake  of any  spiritual  benefit,  but  "  because  they  thought that  they  would  by  this  remedy  retain  or  recover their  bodily  health  "  (^Ep.  xcviii.  §  5,  ad  Bonif. Com.).  In  the  last  book  of  the  Citij  of  God, written  about  the  year  427,  the  same  father  tells us  of  two  persons  who  were  at  their  baptism suddenly  and  entirely  cured  of  very  serious maladies  of  long  continuance  (lib.  xxii.  c.  8, §§  4,  5).  It  was  but  a  shoi-t  step  from  belief  in such  miracles  to  suppose  that  the  water  used  at a  baptism  might  have  virtue  available  for  the benefit  of  others  than  those  who  were  baptized in  it.  It  would  be  often  tested,  and  several alleged  results  of  the  trial  are  on  record.  At Osset,  near  Seville,  was  a  font  in  the  form  of  a cross,  which,  according  to  Gregory  of  Tours,  was every  year  miraculously  filled  with  water  for  the Easter  baptisms.  From  this  font,  after  it  had been  duly  exorcised  and  sprinkled  with  chrism, every  one  "  carried  away  a  vessel  full  for  the safety  of  his  house,  and  with  a  view  to  protect his  fields  and  vineyards  by  that  most  wholesome aspersion "  (^Mirac.  1.  i.  c.  24  ;  see  also  Hist. Franc.  1.  vi.  c.  43).  A  mother  put  on  the  mouth of  her  daughter,  who  was  dumb  from  birth, •'  water  which  she  had  sometime  taken  from  the fonts  blessed  "  (by  St.  Martin),  and  she  became capable  of  speech  (De  Mirac.  S..Mart.  1.  ii,  c.  38). In  the  East,  even  in  the  time  of  St.  Chry- sostom,  the  water  fi'om  the  baptisms  at  the Epiphany  was  carefully  kept  throughout  the year,  and  believed  to  remain  without  putrefac- tion. "This  is  the  day  on  which  Christ  was baptized,  and  hallowed  the  element  of  water. Wherefore  at  midnight  on  this  feast,  all  draw  of the  waters  and  store  them  up  at  home,  because on  this  day  the  waters  were  consecrated.  And  a manifest  miracle  takes  place,  in  that  the  nature of  those  waters  is  not  corrupted  by  length  of time  "  (De  Bapt.  Christi,  §  2).  In  the  West  two centuries  or  so  later  we  find  a  similar  reservation, practised  at  Rome  at  least,  but,  as  might  be expected,  with  a  more  definite  purpose.  There, after  the  consecration  of  the   water   on   Easter HOLY  WATER eve,  "  The  whole  people,  whoever  wished,  took  a blessing  (henedictioneiyi ;  compare  the  use  of a.yia(Tix6s)  in  their  vessels  of  the  water  itself, before  the  children  were  baptized  in  it,  to sprinkle  about  their  houses,  and  vineyards,  and fields,  and  fruits  "  (^Ordo  Pom.  i.  §  42  ;  JIusae. Ital.  torn.  ii.  p.  26).  It  will  be  observed  that the  water  was  now  considered  holy  for  this purpose  after  being  blessed,  and  before  any  one had  been  baptized  in  that  font.  It  was  an  easy transition  from  this  stage  of  practice  and  belief to  the  benediction  of  water  without  any  reference to  baptism,  which  should  nevertheless  have  the same  power  of  protecting  and  benefitting  house, field,  and  person,  that  was  ascribed  to  water taken  from  the  baptismal  font. IV.  The  earliest  example  of  an  independent benediction  of  water  for  the  above-mentioned uses  occurs  in  the  so-called  Apostolical  Constitu- tions, but  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  its  being  one of  the  corrupt  additions  made  to  the  original  re- cension probably  in  the  5th  century.  "  Let  the bishop  bless  water  and  oil.  If  he  is  not  present let  the  presbyter  bless  it,  in  the  presence  of  the deacon.  But  if  the  bishop  be  there,  let  the presbyter  and  deacon  assist.  And  let  him  say thus  :  *  Lord  of  Sabaoth,  God  of  hosts,  creator  of the  waters  and  giver  of  the  oil  .  .  .  who  hast given  water  for  drink  and  cleansing,  and  oil  to cheer  the  face  .  .  .  Thyself  now  by  Christ sanctify  this  water  and  the  oil  .  .  .  and  give  it virtue  imparting  health,  expelling  diseases,  put- ting to  flight  devils,  scattering  every  evil  design, through  Christ,"  &c.  (lib.  viii.  c.  29).  From Balsamon  we  learn  that  holy  water  was  "  made  " in  the  Greek  church  at  the  beginning  of  every lunar  month.  The  observance  of  any  festival  at the  new  moon  was  forbidden  by  the  council  of Constantinople,  A.D.  691 ;  and  he  regarded  this rite  as  in  some  manner  a  substitute  for  that  relic of  heathenism.  "  Owing  to  this  decree  of  the canon,  the  feast  of  the  new  moon  has  ceased  from time  beyond  memory,  and  instead  of  it,  by  the grace  of  God,  propitiatory  prayers  to  God  and benedictions  (ayiaaixoi)  by  the  faithful  people have  place  at  the  beginning  of  every  month,  and we  are  anointed  with  the  waters  of  blessing,  not of  strife"  (Comm.  in  Can.  Ixv.). In  the  West  the  earliest  mention  of  holy water  not  blessed  for  baptism,  occurs  in  one  of the  Forged  Decretals,  asci-ibed  to  Alexander  I., A.D.  109,  but  composed  probably  about  830.  It is  certain,  however,  that  these  fictitious  orders, put  forth  in  the  names  of  early  bishops  of  Rome, did  not,  except  possibly  in  a  very  few  cases, create  the  practices  which  they  pretended  to regulate.  The  rite  existed  before,  at  least  in some  locality  familiar  to  the  author  of  the  fraud. The  following  decree,  therefore,  is  witness,  we may  assume,  to  a  custom  already  of  some  stand- ing. "  We  bless  water  sprinkled  with  salt,  that all  being  therewith  besprinkled  may  be  sanctified and  purified.  Which  also  we  command  to  be done  by  all  priests "  (Gratian,  p.  iii.  De  Cons. d.  iii.  c.  20).  In  the  same  century  Leo  IV., A.D.  847,  in  a  charge  to  his  clergy,  says,  "  Every Lord's  day  before  mass  bless  water  wherewith the  people  may  be  sprinkled,  and  for  this  have a  proper  vessel "  (^Conc.  Labb.  torn.  viii.  col.  37). The  same  order  occurs  in  three  similar  "  synodal charges  "  of  about  the  same  period,  which  have been  printed  by  Baluze  (App.  ad  lib.  Reginonis HOLY  WEEK de  Eccl.  Discipl.  pp.  503,  6,  9).  In  a  "  visitation article  "  of  the  9th  century,  it  is  asked  whether the  presbyter  blesses  water,  as  directed,  every Sunday  (/6;c?.  p.  10).  Hincmar  of  Rheims,  the contemporary  of  Leo,  after  directions  similar  to his,  adds  a  permission  that  all  who  wish  may carry  some  of  the  water  home  "  in  their  own clean  vessels,  and  sprinkle  it  over  their  dwellings, and  fields,  and  vineyards,  over  their  cattle  also, and  their  provender,  and  likewise  over  their  own meat  and  drink  "  (cap.  v.  Cone.  Labb.  torn.  viii. col.  570). We  have  argued  in  effect  that  the  prevalence of  a  custom  in  the  9th  century  implies  that  it was,  to  say  the  least,  not  unknown  in  the  8th. In  the  present  case  we  have  a  direct  proof  beside. In  the  Pontifical  of  Egbert  (p.  34 ;  Surtees Society,  1853),  who  was  archbishop  of  York  from 732  to  766,  are  forms  of  prayer  for  exorcising and  blessing  the  water  to  be  used  in  the  conse- cration of  a  church.  Referring  to  the  Gelasian Sacramentary  (Liturgia  Bom.  Vet.  Murat.  tom.  i. col.  738),  we  find  the  same  forms  to  be  used  over water  for  the  purification  of  any  house,  the exorcism  only  being  adapted  by  Egbert  to  the occasion.  The  same  benediction  occurs  in  the Gregorian  Sacramentary,  and  an  abbreviated form  of  the  same  previous  exorcism  (Jbid. tom.  ii.  col.  225).  As  it  is  almost  certain  that Egbert  borrowed  his  formulae  from  a  Roman source,  we  infer  that  the  office  for  making  holy water  was  in  the  Roman  Sacramentaries  a  century before  the  practice  was  enjoined,  as  we  have seen,  by  Leo  IV.  It  should  be  mentioned  that the  headings  of  these  prayers  speak  only  of  water "  to  be  sprinkled  in  a  house,"  and  they  were obviously  drawn  up  with  reference  to  that  only (Murat.  tom.  i.  col.  738) ;  but  as  they  are followed  closely  (as  in  the  modern  Rituale)  by benedictions  of  new  fruits,  &c.  {Ibid.  col.  742  ; tom.  ii.  col.  231),  and  no  other  express  benediction of  water  is  prescribed  (except  in  the  Gelasian,  for the  dispersion  of  thunder),  we  may  perhaps  infer that  water  once  blessed  for  one  purpose  was  con- sidered available  for  general  use.  In  all  the  offices to  which  reference  has  been  made,  the  salt  which is  to  be  mixed  with  the  water  is  itself  previously exorcised  and  blessed.  [W.  E.  S.] HOLY  WEEK  [Easter  Eve,  Maundy Thursday,  Good  Friday].  The  week  imme- diately preceding  the  great  festival  of  Easter, commencing  with  Palm  Sunday,  and  including the  anniversaries  of  the  institution  of  the  Lord's Supper,  the  Passion,  and  Resurrection  of  Christ  was observed  with  peculiar  solemnity  from  tjie  early ages  of  the  church  (Chrysost.  Horn.  xxx.  in  Genes. ; Horn,  in  Ps.  cxlv.).  It  was  designated  by  various names — ej35o^as  /xeyaXri,  ayia,  or  tcov  ayiaiv ; Hehdoimts  major,  sanita,  the  former  being  the earlier  title  in  the  Western  church  {^Jissal. Ainbros.  apud  Pamel.  p.  339)  authentica  (ibid.) ultima  (i.  e.  of  Lent)  (Ambros.  Epist.  33).  From the  restriction  as  to  food  then  enjoined  it  was called  1/35.  ^rjpocpayias  (Epijih.  Naer.  Ixx.  12) Hebdomas  Xcrophwjiae :  as  commemorating  our Lord's  sufferings,  e;35.  rOiv  ayioiv  TrdOaiu;  ri/xepai iradrjfj.a.Twv,  a-ravpuKTifjiai ;  Hebd.  poenosa,  luc- ticos'j,  nigra,  lamcntationum:  from  the  cessation  of business,  1/35.  &TrpaKTos,  Hcbd.  muta :  and  as ushering  in  the  Paschal  absolution,  ffebdoiu'is Indulgentiae. HOLY  WEEK 779 The  observance  of  Holy  Week  belongs  to  very early,  if  not  to  primitive,  antiquity.  As  the historian  Socrates  has  justly  remarked  (^H.  E. V.  22),  no  commemorative  seasons  were  appointed by  the  apostles,  or  found  any  place  in  the  ritual of  the  apostolic  church.  But  as  Easter  naturally succeeded  to  the  commemoration  of  the  de- liverance of  the  children  of  Israel  from  Egypt,  so the  anniversary  of  the  passion  took  the  place of  that  of  the  slaying  of  the  paschal  lamb,  while the  sanctity  of  these  holy  days  was  gradually extended  to  the  whole  week  preceding  Easter, which  therefore  assumed  a  special  character  in the  Christian  year.  The  observance  of  Holy Week  is  accordingly  closely  connected  with  that of  Easter,  and  is  probably  but  little  later  in  its origin.  The  earliest  notice  of  Holy  Week,  which speaks  of  it  as  universally  accepted,  is  in  the Apostolical  Constitutions,  which  represent  the Eastern  custom  towards  the  end  of  the  3rd century.  About  the  same  time,  c.  260,  Diony- sius  of  Alexandria  also  mentions  it  as  of  uni- versal observance.  If  we  may  accept  as  genuine the  ordinance  of  Constantine  the  Great  given by  Scaliger  (de  Emendat.  Temp.  p.  776)  and Beveridge  (Pandect,  ii.  163)  the  sanctity  of this  week  as  well  as  of  the  succeeding  one  was consulted  by  enforced  abstinence  from  public business  at  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century. The  whole  week  was,  as  far  as  possible,  kept as  a  strict  fast,  from  midnight  on  Palm  Sunday till  cockcrow  on  Easter  Day. By  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (v.  18,  19), abstinence  from  wine  and  flesh  was  commanded, and  the  diet  restricted  to  bread,  and  salt,  and vegetables,  with  water  as  a  beverage.  Total abstinence  was  enjoined  on  Friday  and  Saturday, or  at  least  on  Saturday  "  when  the  bridegroom shall  have  been  taken  from  them,"  while  on the  other  days  of  the  week  no  food  was  to  be eaten  till  3  p.m.  or  the  evening,  according  to ability.  The  fast  was  observed  in  this  manner  in the  time  of  Dionysius  of  Alexandria  (c.  A.D.  260), who  in  his  canonical  epistle  speaks  of  some  who fasted  through  the  whole  six  days  (fjjuepos  ira.(ras vtrtpTideaaiv  &airoi  SiaTeAovvTes},  others,  two, three,  or  four  days,  according  to  power  of physical  endurance  ;  while  some  kept  no  fast  at all,  and  others  faring  delicately  during  the  first four  days  sought  to  make  up  for  their  self-in- dulgence by  excessive  strictness  on  Friday  and Saturday  (Dionys.  Alex.  Ep.  Canon.,  Routh.  Peliq. Sacr.  iii.  229).  Epiphanius  describes  the  practice in  his  days  almost  in  the  same  words  (uTreprifle- fievoL  SieT(\ow} ;  some,  he  adds,  ate  every  two days,  others  every  evening  (Epiphan.  Haeres. xxix.  5;  Expos.  Fid.  22).  Tertullian  speaks  of the  continuous  fasts  of  this  week  in  the  phrases jejunia  conjungere,  Sabbatum  contimiare  jejuniis Parasceves.  (Tertull.  de  Patient.  13 ;  de  Jejun. 14.)  Epiphanius  in  another  place  describes  the bodily  mortifications  practised  this  week,  such  as sleeping  on  the  ground,  strict  continence,  watch- ings,  xerophagy,  &c ,  and  charges  the  Ariaus with  passing  the  time  in  jollity  and  merriment (Epiph.  Haeres.  Ixxv.  3).  Sozomen  {II.  E.  i.  11) relates  an  anecdote  of  Spyridon,  bishop  of  Trimy- thus  in  Cyprus,  illustrating  the  habit  of  con- tinuous fasting,  iirKniydirrfiv  tV  viiardav,  at this  season.  All  work  was  as  far  as  possible laid  aside,  and  business,  private  and  public, suspended  during  the  week.     From   the  time  of 780 HOLY  WEEK Theodosius  (a.d.  389)  actions  at  law  ceased,  aud the  doors  of  the  courts  were  closed  for  seven days  before  and  after  Easter  {Cud.  Tlieodos. lib.  ii.  tit.  viii. ;  De  Per.  leg.  ii.  [see  Gothofred's Commentary,  vol.  i.  p.  124] ;  Cod.  Justin,  lib.  iii. tit.  xii. ;  do  Per.  legg.  vii.  viii. ;  August.  Serm. xix. ;  Ed.  Bened.  vol.  i.  p.  741).  Those  in  prison for  debt  and  other  oftences,  with  the  exception of  those  guilty  of  more  heinous  crimes,  were ordered  to  be  released  by  a  law  of  Valentinian's, A.D.  367,  the  earliest  of  the  kind,  according  to Gothofred  Comment,  vol.  ii.  p.  273  {Cod.  Thcodos. lib.  ix.  tit.  xxxviii. ;  de  Indulg.  Crim.  legg.  iii,  iv. ; Ambros.  Epist.  33  ;  Chrysost,  u.  s.).  Slaves  were manumitted,  and  there  was  a  general  cessation from  labour  during  this  and  the  following  week, not  only  to  afford  the  servants  rest  but  also opportunity  of  instruction  in  the  elements  of the  faith  {Apost.  Constit.  viii.  33  ;  Greg.  Nyssen. Ilmn.  III.  de  llcmrr.  torn.  iii.  p.  420;  Cod. Justin,  lib.  iii.  tit.  xii. ;  de  Per.  leg.  viii.).  The week  was  also  distinguished  by  liberal  alms- giving (Chrysost.  u.  s.). The  observance  of  the  week  may  be  said  to nave  commenced  with  the  preceding  Saturday, when,  with  reference  to  John  xii.  1-9,  the  church commemorated  the  raising  of  Lazarus — an  event assigned  erroneously  by  Epiphanius  to  that  day (Epiphan.  Eomil.  eh  ra  jSai'o  torn.  ii.  pp.  152, 153 ;  Neale  Eastern  Ch.  ii.  747).  The  Galilean liturgies  commemorated  this  miracle  the  next day  (Palm  Sunday),  known  therefore  as  Dominica Lazari,  iis  appears  from  the  collects  of  the Miss'de  GaUicum  Veins,  and  the  Sacram.  Galli- cauum  (Muratori  ii.  718,  834).  On  the  Saturday the  pope  was  accustomed  to  give  special  alms at  St.  Peter's,  in  allusion  to  Christ's  words spoken  that  day  (Mar.  xiv.  7).  {Comes  Hieronymi apud  Pamel.  ii.  21 ;  Sacram.  Gregor.  ib.  244.) The  Sunday  next  before  Easter,  the  first  day of  Holy  Week,  was  distinguished  by  many  difler- ent  names.  The  earliest  and  most  constant, indicating  the  great  event  of  the  day,  being  Falm Sundaij  ;  /cupia/CTj,  eofir^  twv  ^aiiav  ;  t)  ^aio<p6pos eopTTj ;  Dominica  Pahnarum,  or  in  Palmis, Plorum,  or  Pamorum,  or  Osanna.  A  later appellation  derived  from  the  same  event  was Pascha  jlorum,  or  floridum.  From  the  Easter absolution  which  followed  it  was  known  as Dominica  indulgentiae  ;  and  with  reference  to  the great  Paschal  baptism,  Pascha  petitum,  or competentium  {Ordo  Eomanus),  while  the  mass was  styled  Missa  in  Symboli  traditions,  because on  this  day,  or  according  to  fhe  Ambrosian  rite the  day  before  {Miss.  Ambros.  apud  Pamel.  i. 336)  the  creed  was  recited  to  the  competentes, or  candidates  for  baptism,  to  be  learnt  by  Easter eve,  as  was  ordained  by  the  13th  canon  of  the council  of  Agde,  A.D.  506  (Labbe,  Concil.  iv. 1385;  cf.  Isid.  de  Eccl.  Off.  i.  27.  ii.  21).  The works  of  Augustine  aud  other  fathers  contain sermons  delivered  on  this  and  the  following  days to  the  competentes  in  exposition  of  the  creed (Aug.  Serm.  de  Temp.  113-135).  Palm  Sunday was  also  called  capitilavium  because  on  that  day the  heads  of  the  catechumens  were  washed  in preparation  for  baptism  and  confirmation  (Raban. De  Inst.  Clcr.  c.  35). The  ceremony  of  the  benediction  of  the  palm branches,  or  other  branches  that  were  substituted for  them,  especially  olive  boughs,  appears  in  the Sacramcntary  of  Gregory,  where  it  has  a  special HOMICIDE collect  (Pamel.  ii.  245).  The  jubilant  processions which  have  long  formed  so  characteristic  a  part of  the  ritual  of  Palm  Sunday  in  the  East  as  in the  West,  are  mentioned  by  Gregory  Nyssen  (I.  c.) and  were  introduced  almost  universally  by  the end  of  the  7th  century  (Augusti  Hdbch.  der  \ Christ.  Arch.  iii.  338).  ; Each  day  in  this  Holy  Week  was  one  of  special  i sanctity,    designated    ueydXi)   Sivrdpa,    ixeydXri TpiTT],     &c.    (Bevereg.     Pandect,    ii.    163),    the observances    gradually    rising    in    solemnity   to the  Thursday  in  Coend  Domini  [Maondy  Thurs- day], and  the  Friday,    Passio   J'omini    [Good  \ Friday].     The  history  of  our  Lord's  Passion  was  I recited  on  successive  days,  beginning  with  that           I by  St.   JIatthew  on  Palm  Sunday,  and   closing with  that  by  St.  John  on  Good  Friday.   [E.  V.] HOMICIDE  {Homicidium,  (p6vos).  Murder was  regarded  by  the  church  as  one  of  the  gravest crimes.  It  is  joined  by  Cyprian  {de  Pat.  c.  9) with  adultery  and  fraud,  by  Pacian  {Paraen.  ad  i Poenit.   c.  9)  vvith  fornication  and  idolatry,  by  ! Augustine  {de  Fid.  et  Op.  c.  19)  also  with  forni-  I cation  and  idolatry,  as  one  of  the  three  mortal sins    which    were    always   to    be   visited    with  i excommunication.  By  the  laws  of  the  Christian emperors  murderers  were  expressly  excepted from  the  general  pardons  granted  to  criminals  on occasions  of  great  festivals  {Cod.  Theod.  IX. xxxviii.  1,  3,  4,  6,  7,  8),  and  were  refused  the right   of  appeal  {ibid.   XI.   xxxvi.    1).     In  some  j dioceses  the  peace  of  the  church  was  denied  for ever  to  wilful  murderers  (Tert.  de  Pudicit.  c.  12, Gregor.  Thaumat.  Can.  Ep.  c.  7,  Comp.  Cyprian  , Ep.  65  ad  Anton,  on  the  practice  of  some  of  his  , predecessors  with  reference  to  the  other  great crime  of  adultery).     But  in  general  a  murderer  | was  re-admitted  to  the  church  after  a  long  term of  exclusion.     By   a   decree   of  the    council  of  ■ Ancyra  a.d.  314,  c.  22,  this  term  was  lifelong ;  j by    Gregory   of  Nyssa   {Ep.  ad  Letoi.)   it    was       •    i fixed    at    twenty-seven    years;     by    Basil    {ad Amphil.  c.  56)  at  twenty.     In  the  Penitential  cf  ; Theodore    (I.    iv.    1),  a   murder    committed    to  ^ revenge  a  relation,  was  punished  by  seven  or  ten  i years'  penance ;  but  if  restitution   was  made  to  j the  next  of  kin,  half  the  term  was  remitted.     If  , one  layman  slew  another  {ibid.  c.  4),  he  must either  relinquish  arms  or  do  penance  seven  years, three  of  them  without  wine  and  flesh  ;  but  {ibid.  , c.  5)  if  a  monk  or  one  of  the  inferior  clergy  was  ■ slain,  the  slayer  must  either  relinquish  arms  and serve  God  the  remainder  of  his  life,  or  do  penance  !. seven  years,  as    the   bishop  should  direct ;    if  a  j presbyter  or  bishop  was  the  victim,  the  matter  j was  to  be  brought  before  the  kiug  (Bed.  Poeni-  " tent.  iv.  1-8,  Egbert  Poenitent.  iv.  10,  11).  In the  Dialogue  of  Egbert  (Haddan  and  Stubbs Councils  and  Eccl.  Doc.  iii.  403),  there  is  some variety  in  the  penalty;  a  layman  who  slew  a  j bishop  was  to  pay  the  fine  and  submit  to  the term  of  penance  a  council  should  appoint,  if  he  j slew  a  priest  the  fine  was  to  be  eighty  shekels  ;  i if  a  deacon,  sixty  ;  if  a  monk,  forty.  The  eccle- siastical law  in  these  instances  being  in  accord-  j ance  with  the  well-known  system  of  early  j English  jurisprudence,  which  allowed  homicide  ! and  every  variety  of  personal  injury  to  be  j expiated  by  money  payments.  See  the  laws  oi  I Ethelbert,  between  A.D.  597,  and  604,  on  the  • payments  to  be  made  for  murders  (cc.  5-7,  13). HOMICIDE and  for  injuries  to  tlie  person  (cc.  33-72).  The laws  of  Ine  of  Wessex  A.D.  690  (c.  76),  contain the  provision  that  if  a  man  slew  another's  god- son or  godfather,  he  must  pay  ''  hot  "  (tine  to justice),  as  well  as  "  wer "  (recompence  to kindred) ;  and  that  if  the  slain  was  a  bishop's son  {i.e.  confirmation  son),  only  half  the  payment was  to  be  exacted.  For  a  full  account  of  the laws  on  injuries  to  the  person,  see  Turner Anglo-Saxons,  vol.  ii.  pp.  436-447,  ed.  1852. Murder  joined  with  other  great  crimes  was more  severely  punished.  One  who  used  magical arts  to  slay  another,  thereby  adding  idolatry  to murder,  was  deuied  communion  even  at  the  last (^Conc.  Eliher.  c.  6).  The  same  sentence  was decreed  against  a  woman  who  added  murder  to adultery  by  slaying  the  offspring  which  she  had conceived  in  the  absence  of  her  hiisband  (Jhid.  c. 63).  and  the  council  of  Lerida  A.D.  523,  more than  two  centuries  after  that  of  Eliberis,  when the  terms  of  penance  had  become  much  easier, assigned  (c.  2)  a  lifelong  exclusion  to  any  who used  sorcery  to  get  rid  of  the  offspring  of adultery.  In  an  English  Penitential  code (Theodor.  Poeaitent.  I.  vii.  1)  the  punishment  of homicide  combined  with  adultery,  was  seclusion in  a  monastery  for  life.  The  parricide  or  the slayer  of  any  near  blood  relation  was,  by  the civil  law  {Cod.  Tlieod.  IX.  xv.  1),  in  imitation  of the  old  Roman  custom,  to  be  sewn  in  a  sack with  serpents  and  thrown  into  the  water ;  and  if this  were  generally  executed  there  would  be no  opportunity  for  the  early  church  to  attach any  special  stigma  to  the  crime.  In  England  a woman  who  slew  her  son,  was  to  do  penance fifteen  years,  with  no  relaxation  except  on  the Lord's  day  (Theodor.  Poenitent.  I.  xiv.  25).  The parricide  or  fratricide  was  assigned  by  some seven  years,  by  others  fourteen,  of  which  half were  to  be  passed  in  exile  (Egbert  Poenitent. iv.  10). The  modern  distinction  between  murder  and manslaughter  was  not  invariably  observed.  In the  council  of  Ancyra  A.D.  314  (cc.  22-23) a  shorter  term  is  imposed  upon  involuntary  than upon  wilful  homicide.  But  in  the  canonical epistle  of  Gregory  of  Nyssa  involuntary  homicide is  explained  to  mean  that  which  occurs  through simple  accident;  but  homicide  which  is  the result  of  passion,  is  treated  as  if  it  were  wilful murder,  even  if  deliberation  and  intention,  which constitute  the  legal  crime  of  murder,  are  absent. The  distinction  however  appears  in  the  Peni- tential of  Theodore,  where  it  is  decreed  (I.  iv.  7) that  if  a  man  kills  another  by  accident,  he  shall do  penance  one  year ;  if  in  a  passion,  three years  ;  if  over  the  wine  cup,  four  years  ;  if  in strife,  ten.  Homicide  committed  at  the  com- mand of  a  master  or  in  war  was  to  be  subject {ibid.  I.  iv.  ■  6)  to  forty  days'  penance.  The chastisement  of  a  slave  with  such  severity  that he  died,  which  was  a  crime  on  the  borderland  of manslaughter  and  murder,  was  not  dealt  with  so severely  as  wilful  homicide  {Cone.  Eliber.  c.  5, Cone.  Epaon.  c.  34). Causing  abortion  in  any  stage  of  conception, or  taking  or  even  administering  drugs  for  that purpose,  was  treated  as  a  form  of  murder,  and  a long  period  of  penance  was  allotted  to  it  (Tert. Apolog.  c.  9  ;  Basil  ad  Amphiloc.  cc.  2,  8  ;  Cone. Ancyr.  c.  21 ;  Cone.  Herd.  c.  2 ;  Cone,  in  Trull. c.    91).     But    that    there     was    some    laxity   of HOMII.Y 781 opinion  on  the  crime,  appears  from  one  of  the English  Penitentials  (Bed.  Poenitent.  iv.  12), which  excludes  from  communion  for  a  longer term  a  woman  who  procured  abortion  in  order to  conceal  her  shame,  than  one  who  did  so because  she  was  too  poor  to  maintain  her  child. Closely  allied  to  this  crime  was  the  EXPOSING OF  INFANTS.     [See  that  head.] Anger  and  strife  as  tending  to  murder  (Matt. V.  22)  wei-e  brought  under  discipline.  In  the African  church  {Stat.  Eccl.  Anti}.  c.  93,  ed. Bruns)  the  oblations  of  those  who  were  at enmity  with  their  brethren  were  received  neither at  the  altar  nor  in  the  common  treasury,  and they  were  consequently  excluded  from  com- munion. A  similar  decree  pi'evailed  in  the Gallic  church  (2  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  50),  those  who broke  out  into  open  strife  were  to  be  removed from  all  church  assemblies  till  they  were  recon- ciled. The  discipline  of  the  English  church  was more  in  accordance  with  the  practice  of  the Anglo-Saxon  law.  He  who  wounded  another  in strife  was  to  pay  him  a  recompence,  and  hel)) to  support  him  till  he  had  recovered,  and  do half  a  year's  penance ;  if  he  was  unable  to  sup- port him,  the  penance  was  to  extend  to  a  whole year  (Bed.  Poenitent.  iv.  9).  [G.  JI.] HOMILY    AND    HOMILIAEIUM.      The word  ofiiAia  designates  generally  "  intercourse," implying  the  interchange  of  thought  and  feeling by  words.  In  a  special  sense,  it  is  used  for  the instruction  which  a  philosopher  gave  his  pupils in  familiar  conversation  (Xenophon,  Mem.  I.  ii. 6  and  15).  In  this  sense  of  "familiar  instruc- tion" it  passed  into  Christian  usage.  Thus St.  Luke  uses  the  word  o/xiAriaas  of  the  same address  which  he  had  previously  described  by the  word  SiaXeyofj.ei'os  (Acts  xk.  9,  11).  Com- pare Euseb.  ir.E.  vi.  19,  §  17.  Photius  {Bib- lioth.  no.  174,  4,  in  Suicer's  Thes.  s.  v.)  notices that  the  discourses  of  Chrysostom  were  properly called  bfiiXiat,  rather  than  \6yoi,  as  being simple,  inartificial,  popular  addresses,  in  a  style rather  conversational  than  formal,  while  a  \6yos was  constructed  according  to  the  rules  of  art, and  with  a  certain  dignity  and  elevation  or style.  Similarly  the  French  Confe'rence.  The council  of  Ancyra  (c.  1)  A.D.  314,  forbidding presbyters  who  have  sacrificed  to  idols  irpos<pipfiu f)  o/xiKelv  ^  o\oos  AeiT0vpye7v  seems  to  use  the word  o/iiAejc  as  the  common  technical  ex- pression for  the  address  of  the  presbyter  in  the liturgy. Probably  the  earliest  extant  addresses  com- monly called  Homilies  are  those  of  Origen,  who (if  he  himself  applied  the  term  to  his  discourses) no  doubt  took  it  from  the  schools  of  philosophy. The  word  seemingly  did  not  pass  into  common use  in  Latin  before  the  fifth  century;  for  Victor Vitensis  {Persec.  Vandal,  i.  3,  p.  10,  Ruinart), writing  towards  the  end  of  that  century,  speaks of  Augustine's  popular  addresses,  "quos  Gi-aeci hoinilias  vocant,"  as  if  "homilia"  were  still  to some  extent  strange  to  his  Latin  readers. Augustine  had  himself  made  a  similar  ex- planation of  the  word  {On  Ps.  118  [119],  Pref  ; Epist.  2,  ad  Quodvultdeurn).  And  he  also  sup- plies abundant  evidence  that  these  homilies  were intentionally  careless  and  colloquial  in  style.  So long  as  all  are  instructed  (he  says),  let  us  not fear   the  critics  {Serm.  37,  c.  10,  p,  187);    let 782 HOMILY not  word-catchers  ask  whether  it  is  Latin,  but Christians  whether  it  is  true  (Serm.  299,  p. 1213);  it  is  better  that  the  preacher  should  be barbarous,  and  his  hearers  understand,  than  the preacher  scholarly  and  the  people  lacking  (0??, Ps.  36.  Scrm.  3,  p.  285);  it  is  better  that critics  should  blame,  than  that  the  people  should miss  the  meaning  {On  Ps.  138,  p.  1545). See  further  on  preaching,  and  its  place  in  the liturgy,  under  Sermon. At  a  comparatively  early  period  we  find  that the  custom  arose  of  delivering  the  sermons  of others  in  churches  where  the  priest  was,  for some  reason,  unable  to  preach.  Mr.  Scudamore (p.  290)  gives  the  following  instances: — Augustine  {De  Doct.  Chr.  iv.  62)  thinks  it well  that  those  who  have  a  good  delivery,  but no  power  of  composition,  should  adopt  the sermons  of  others.  Isidore  of  Pelusium  (a.D. 412)  wrote  a  homily  to  be  delivered  by  his friend  Dorotheus,  which  was  declaimed  with much  applause  {Episi.  iii.  382).  Cyril  of  Alex- andria is  said  by  Geunadius  {De  Vir.  Illust.  c. 67  in  Fabricii  Biblwth.  Eccl.  p.  27)  to  have  com- posed many  homilies,  which  (he  adds)  are  com- mitted to  memory  by  the  Greek  bishops  for delivery.  The  same  author  relates  (m.  s.  c.  67, p.  31)  that  Salvian  of  Marseilles  made  many homilies  for  bishops.  Some  of  the  Dictlones Sacrae  of  Ennodius.  bishop  of  Ticino  (a.d.  511) are  manifestly  written  to  be  preached  by  some other  than  the  writer,  and  two  of  them  bear  the titles:  "Sent  to  Honoratus,  bishop  of  Novara, at  the  dedication  of  the  basilica  of  the  Apostles," and  "Given  to  Stephanus  .  .  to  be  pronounced by  Maxiraus  the  bishop."  The  second  council of  Vaison,  A.D.  529,  licenses  all  presbyters  to preach  in  their  districts,  and  provides  (c.  2) that,  in  case  the  presbyter,  from  sickness,  is unable  to  preach,  homilies  of  the  Holy  Fathers should  be  recited  by  the  deacons  [Deacon,  p. 529].  Caesarius  of  Aries  (t  542)  is  said  (Life by  Cyprian,  c.  31  ;  in  Acta  SS.  Ben.  i.  645)  to have  composed  homilies,  which  the  bishops  in the  Frank  territory,  the  Gauls,  Italy,  or  Spain, to  whom  he  sent  them,  might  cause  to  be preached  in  their  churches.  To  read  the sermons  of  others  seems  indeed  to  have  been  a recocrnised  practice  in  the  Gallican  church. Thus  Germauus  of  Paris  {Expositio  Brevis,  in Migne's  Patrol.  Ixxu.  91)  says,  that  the  homilies of  the  saints  which  are  read  after  the  Gospel,  are to  be  taken  merely  as  preaching,  that  the  pastor 01-  doctor  of  the  church  may  explain  in  popular language  to  the  people  what  has  been  delivered in  the  Prophecy,  Epistle,  or  Gospel. This  constant  habit  of  using  the  sermons  of others  led  in  process  of  time  to  the  formation  of collections  of  liomilies,  of  which  those  who  were unable  or  unwilling  to  compose  sermons  might avail  themselves.  Bede's  Homilme  de  Tempore are  said  to  have  been  much  used  in  this  way. This  collection  contains  33  homilies  for  the summer  half  of  the  year,  15  for  the  winter;  22 for  Lent ;  32  for  the  Saints'  Days  of  the  summer half,  16  for  those  of  the  winter  half;  and various  Sermones  ad  Populum.  Probably  several, other  collections  were  in  circulation  before  the end  of  the  eighth  century.  See  Mabillon,  Acta SS.  Bened.  iii.  pt.  1,  p.  556  flf.  But  in  the  time  of Charles  the  Great  all  the  homiliaries  in  common use    in    the   Fiankish    kingdom   were    found    to HOMILY labour  under  great  defects ;  the  homilies  which they  contained  were   in  many  cases  written  by  1 men  of  no  authority,  and  they  were  full  of errors    both    of    style   and   matter.     The    king,  ; therefore,    commissioned    Paul    Warnefrid,    the  j well-known  historian  of  the  Lombards,  to  draw  j up    a    collection   of  homilies  from    the  Fathers  i which    should  be  free  from  these  feults.     This  J task    he    accomplished    before    the    end    of  the  ' eighth  century,  probably  not  later  than  a.d. 780;  for  Charles,  in   the  recommendation   pre-  ; fixed  to  the  book,  does  not  style  himself  Im- perator.  In  this  preface  (Mabillon's  Analect. Vet.  p.  75,  ed.  1723)  the  king  states  that  in gratitude   to  God  for  the  protection  which  He  ; had  given  him  in  war  and  peace,  he  had  set himself  to  prom.ote   the  welfare  of  the  church  '• and  the  advancement  of  knowledge;  he  i-efers  to  | the  eftbrts  which  he  had  made  to  secui-e  a correct  text  of  the  Scriptures  [Canonical Books],  and  then  proceeds  to  recommend  the homiliarium  for  adoption  in  the  Gallican  churches, which  his  father  Pepin  had  already  furnished with  chants  after  the  Roman  model  (Romanae traditionis    cantibus).       In  this    collection"    the  j discourses  are  arranged  according  to  the  series  i of  Sundays    and    Festivals ;    that    form   of  the  i Vulgate  text  is  adopted  in  quotations  from Scripture  which   had  been  in  common  use  since  \ the  days  of  Gregory  the  Great.  ' In  the  year  813  the  council  of  Rheims  (c.  15)  i enjoined  the  bishops  to  preach  sermons  of  theHoly Fathers  in  the  dialect  of  their  several  dioceses, so  that  all  might  understand,  and  in  the  same year  the  third  council  of  Tours  (c.  17)  ordered that  every  bishop  should  have  homilies  prepared  | containing  needful  admonitions  for  the  use  of those    under    them,    and    that    each   should  en-  ' deavour  to  translate  the  said  homilies  cleai-ly into  the  rustic-Roman  or  the  Teutonic  tongue, so   that  all   might  more  easily  understand  the  J things  spoken.     To  the  same  effect  the  council  j of  Mayence  (c.  2),  in  the  year  847.  I The  collection  of  Aelfric  (generally  supposed  : to  be  the  archbishop  of  York,  1023-1051)  does  i not  fall  within  our  period  ;  but  it  was  probably  \ the    successor    of  various    other    collections    of  j English  homilies,  some  of  which  may  have existed  before  the  time  of  Charles. John    Beleth    (a.d.    1162)  calls   the   Book   of  i Homilies  (Div.    Off.  Expl.  c.  60)  the  Homelio-       .   | nariiis,  and    mentions    a   Sermologus    separately  J among  the  books  which  a  church  ought  to  have. »  It  was  commonly  attributed  in  the  Middle  Ages  to Alcuiii,  and  bears  in  the  Cologne  edition  of  153n  the  fol-  j lowing  title :  "  Homiliae  sen  mavis  sermones  sive  con-  ] clones  ad  populum  praestautissiniorum  ecclesiae  doctorum  ' Hieroiiymi  Augustini  Ambrosii  Gregorii  Origcnis  Chry-  ; sostomi  Bedae  etc.   in  huiic  ordinem  digestae   per  Al-  ' chuiiium  levitam  idqne  Injungente  ei  Carole  Mag.  Rom. Imp.  cui  a  secretis  fuiU"  Possibly  the  mistake  arose from  the  fact  that  Alcuin  revised  the  so-called  Comes Hieronymi  [I>f,ctionahv]  ;  or  he  may  have  revised  the work  of  Warnefrid.     See  on  this  point  MabiUon  {Ann.  : O.  S.  Ben.  ii.  328)  and  Rivet  (Hist.  Lit.  de  la  France. iv.  337).    The   Editio   Princeps   is  that  of  Speyer,  1482.  ! The   author  of   the  ancient   Life  of  Alcuin   (Mabillon,  ] Acta  SS.  Ben.  Saec.  iv.  pt.  i.  p.  158)  says  that  Alcuin  | collected  two  volumes  of  Homilies  from  the  works  of  the  ' Fathers.  If  be  did— which  is  scarcely  probable  when Warnefrid's  collection  had  just  been  authorised— the work  is  lost. HONEY  AM)  MILK Durandus  uses  {Ratimiale,  vi.  i.  §§  28,  32)  the form  Hmniliarius  [i.e.  Liber]  as  well  as  Hwnelio- narius. (Binterim's  Denkwurdigkeiten,  iv.  3.340  ff. ; Wetzer  and  Welte's  liirchenlexicon,  v.  307  ; Scudamore's  Ncititia  Euchm-istica,  290  AT. ;  Ranke iu  Studien  und  Kritikm,  1855,  ij.  p.  387  ff.)    [C] HONEY  AND  MILK.  L  The  giving  of honey  and  milk  to  a  person  newly  baptised,  as  a symbol  of  the  nourishment  of  the  renewed  soul, has  already  been  mentioned  rBAPTiSM,  S  66. p.  164].  ^      ' 2.  Among  the  thmgs  enumerated  by  the Apostolical  Canons  (c.  3),  which  the  bishop  is forbidden  to  bring  to  the  altar  [or  sanctuary], are  honey  and  milk.  The  24th  canon  of  the third  council  of  Carthage  also  excludes  honey and  milk  from  the  offerings  on  the  altar,  in  that It  forbids  anything  to  be  placed  upon  it  but bread  and  wine  mixed  with  water.  But  the 27th  of  the  African  canons,  repeating  this,  adds: "Primitiae  vero,  seu  mel  et  lac  quod  uno  die solemnissimo  in  infantum  mysterio  solet  offerri, quamvis  in  altari  offerantur,  suam  tamen  habeant propriam  benedictionem,  ut  a  sacramento  Po- minici  Corporis  et  sanguinis  distinguantur ;  nee amplius  in  primitiis  offeratur  quam  de  uvis  et frumentis."  It  is  evident  from  this,  that  at  the time  when  these  canons  wei'e  drawn  up,  the custom  had  arisen  of  placing  on  the  altar  the honey  and  milk  for  the  neophytes  at  Easter,  and (apparently)  of  consecrating  them  with  the bread  and  wine.  It  is  this  latter  practice  which is  here  forbidden ;  the  honey  and  milk  are  to have  a  benediction  of  their  own,  but  not  that given  to  the  eucharistic  elements.  At  the  end of  the  seventh  century  the  placing  of  honey  and milk  on  the  altar  was  wholly  forbidden  (Cone,  in Trullo,  c.  57  ;  cf.  c.  28). (Bingham,  Ant.  XV.  ii.  3 ;  Van  Espen,  Jus Eccl.  iii.  329,  414;  ed.  Colon.  1777.)  [C] HONOR.  1.  The  word  is  used  specially  of ecclesiastical  dignities  or  orders.  Thus  Optatus of  Milevis  (c.  Donat.  ii.  24)  says,  speaking  of  the attempts  of  the  Donatists  to  annul  the  orders  of Catholic  priests,  "quid  prodest  quod  vivi  sunt homines  et  occisi  sunt  honores  a  vobis?"*  So Augustine,  Adv.  Epist.  Farmen.  ii.  11;  and Cottc.  Arelat.  IV.  cc.  1  and  2.  In  Charles  the Great's  Capitularies  (v.  8),  "  honorabilis  persona  " is  used  apparently  to  distinguish  one  in  major orders  from  "  ecclesiastici  viri "  who  were  only in  minor  orders  (Ducange,  s.  v.). 2.  The  second  council  of  Braga,  A.D.  572,  lays down  (c.  2)  that  no  bishop  making  a  visitation of  his  diocese  should  take  anything  from  the churches  besides  the  customary  honorarium  to the  see  (praeter  honorem  cathedrae  suae)  of  two solidi.  We  may  perhaps  discern  here  the  germ of  the  later  use,  according  to  which  "honor" means  a  benefice.  [C.] HONOR ATUS.  (1)  Bishop  of  Aries  (t429 A.D.);  commemoi-ated  Jan.  16  (Mart.  Adonis, Usuardi). (2)  [Demetrius  (3).] HOOD 183 [W.  F.  G.] HOOD  (kOVKOvWiOV,    KOVKUvKlOV,   KOVKOVWa, KairovrQov,  &vai  KafxaKavxv  j  Cdpitium,  caputium, »  Dupin  reads,  "  quia  viviint  homines,  et  honore  a  vobis cccisi  sunt  ?" cucullus,  cuculla,   cucullio,   capa,   cappa).     Gar- ments   intended    for    outdoor   wear    were    very frequently  provided  with  a  hood  as  a  protection for  the  head  against  rain  or  cold,  which  might be  drawn  forward  when  need  required,  or  might be    allowed    to    fall    back   upon   the    shoulders. This    would    of  course    be    ordinarily,   but    not necessarily,  attached  to  the  dress.     The  lacenia, for    example,    was    generally   furnished    with   a hood  or  cowl  (see  e.g.  Martial  xiv.  132,  139  ;  and cf.  Juvenal  vi.  117,  330  ;  viii.  145)  ;  so  also  was the  caracalla,  which  was  introduced  into  Rome from  Gaul,  and  from  which  the  emperor  Aurelius Antoninus    derives   the    name    by  which    he    is ordinarily  known.     Jerome  refers  to  it  by  way of  illustration  in  his  description  of  the  ephod  of the    Jewish    high-priest,    "in    modum    caracal- larum,    sed     absque    cucullis"    {Epist.    64    ad Fabiolam,  §  15;  vol.  i.  364,  ed.  Vallarsi),  where the   last  words  imply  what   was    the    ordinary fashion  of  it.     A  hood  was  also  the  appendage  of the   cubula,  which  Isidore   {de    Origin,    six.  24) describes  as  vestis  cucultata  ;  of  the  colobion  (see e.g.  Honorius  Augustodunensis,  Gemma  Animae, i.   211;    Patrol,   clxxii.   607),  and    of   the    cope (see  e.g.  Durandus,  Bat.  Div.  Off.  iii.  1.  13,  who speaking  of  the   symbolism   associated  with  the pluviale,  or  cappa,  adds  "  habet   etiam  caputium, quod  est  supernum  gaudium  ").     As  regards  the last  of  these,  we  may  take  this   opportunity  of remarking  that  Isidore  (de  Origin,  xix.  31)  uses the  word  cappa  distinctly  in  the  sense  of  hood, "  cappa  .  .  .  quia  capitis  ornamentum  est."     As an  example  of  this  more  restricted  meaning  of the  word,  we  may  cite  a  remark  in  a  letter  of Paulus  Diaconus,   in   the  name  of  abbot  Theo- demar,  to  Charlemagne   as  to    the  dress   of  the monks  of  Monte  Cassino,  "  illud  autem  vestimen- tum,  quod  a  Gallicanis  monachis  cuculla  dicitur, et    nos    capam    vocamus   .    .    ."   (Pauli     Diac. Epist.  i.;  Fatrol.  xcv.  1587).     He  had  just  be- fore remarked  that  the  word  cuculla  with  them meant  the  same  dress  "  quam  alio  nomine  casu- 1am  vocamus."     A  latei   instance  is  found  in  the records  of  a  council  of  Metz  (a.D.  888),  which enjoins  the  use  of  the  capa  (in  the  sense  of  hood) to    monks   and    forbids    it    to    laymen   (can.    6, Labb.  ix.  414).     An  earlier  council,  that  of  Aix- la-Chapelle  (a.D.  816),  had  restricted  the  use  of the  cuculla  to  monks,  excluding  other  ecclesiastics (can.  125,  Labb.  viii.   1395).     It  may  be  added here  that   the  congi-ess  of  Galilean   abbots   and monks,  held  at  the  same  place  in  the  following year,  carefully  fixed  the  size  of  the  cowl,  "  men- sura  cucullae  duobus  consistat  cubitis  "  (cap.  21  ; op.  cit.  1508).     With  reference  to  the  foregoing prohibitions,    it    may    be    mentioned     that    the Theodosian    code    had    expressly    permitted    to slaves,  with  certain  exceptions,  the   use  of  the bi/rrus    and    cucullus    (Cod.    Theodos.    lib.    xiv. tit.  10,  1.  1). The  most  prominent  instance  of  the  use  of  the hood  is  to  be  found  in  that  of  the  monastic  cowl, which  is  frequently  referred  to  in  various  Rules, and  which  formed  a  special  part  of  the  monkish dress  at  least  as  early  as  the  time  of  Jerome. The  hermit  Hilarion  was,  according  to  this father,  buried  "  in  tunica  cilicind  et  cuculla  " (Vita  S.  Hilar,  cc.  44,  46;  vol.  ii.  39,  40,  ed. Vallarsi).  We  meet  with  several  allusions  '.o the  cuculla  in  Jerome's  translation  of  the  Rule  of I  the  Eoyptian  Pachomius  (see  e.g.  cc.  81,  01,  99; 784 HOPE op.  cit.  67,  sqq.).  Thus  the  monks  in  this system  were  to  have  two  cowls,  which  were  to bear  tokens  indicative  of  the  particular  monas- tery, and  without  his  cowl  and  "  pellicula "  no monk  was  to  appear  at  divine  service  or  at  meals. The  Rule  of  St.  Benedict  allowed  to  each  monk, in  the  case  of  dwellers  in  temperate  climates,  a frock  and  hood  {cuculla),  the  latter  to  be  "  in hyeme  villosa,  in  aestate  pura  aut  vetusta " (/,<?(/.  S.  Beneil.  c.  55  ;  in  Holstenius,  Codex  Regu- Inrum,  pt.  ii.  p.  32  ;  ed.  Paris,  1663).  The  same distinction  between  hoods  for  summer  and  winter wear  is  also  found  in  the  Rule  of  St.  Fructuosus (c.  4  ;  op.  cit.  p.  139),  which  allows  a  couple  to each  monk,  "  villata  et  simplex."  The  Eegula Magistri  lays  down  a  wholesome  provision  as  to the  hoods  and  frocks  of  the  monks  who  dis- charged the  weekly  office  of  cook  (c.  81  ;  op.  cit. p.  257).  The  word  cuculla  passed  from  Latin into  Greek,  where  it  appears  as  kovkovWiov,  etc. Thus,  for  example,  it  is  mentioned  in  connection with  the  monastic  dress  by  Sozomen  {Hist. Eccles.  iii.  14.  where  he  remarks  on  the  Egyptian monks),  Pseudo-Athanasius  (cle  Virginitatc,  c.  11  ; vol.  ii.  116,  ed.  Moutfaucon),  and  by  Germanus, patriarch  of  Constantinople  (ob.  740,  A.D.),  who also  appeal's  to  allude  to  the  cross  on  the  cowl, still  worn  by  bishops  and  aTavpu<popoL  in  the  Greek church  {Historia  Ecclesiastica  et  Mystica  Con teinplatio ;  Patrol.  Gr.  xcviii.  396).  The  name 6.101  Kan7]\avxi-ov  (variously  spelled)  is  given  to the  hood  which  covers  the  under  headdress  (Karai Kufiv^avxiov)  worn  by  a  Greek  patriarch  who has  been  a  member  of  a  monastic  order  (see Ducange's  Glossarium  Grace,  s.v.  Ka/xfAavKiov). An  illustration  of  this  may  be  seen  in  Gear's Euchologvm  (p.  156 ;  cf.  also  p.  518),  where  the patriarch  Bekkus  is  thus  figured.  This  name, however,  belongs  to  a  date  subsequent  to  our period. We  may  briefly  refer  in  passing  to  the  hood worn  after  baptism,  which  is  spoken  of  in  con- nection with  the  white  baptismal  robe,  but  as distinct  from  it  (see  e.g.  Theodulf,  bishop  of Orleans  [ob.  821  A.D.],  de  Ordine  Baptism!,  c.  16  ; Patrol,  cv.  234 :  Jesse  Ambianensis  [ob.  836 A.D.],  Epist.  de  Baptismo,  ib.  790 :  Rabanus JIaurus,  de  List.  Cler.  i.  29  ;  Patrol,  cvii.  313). We  may  perhaps  further  refer  to  an  epistle  of Gregory  the  Great,  who  blames  one  Peter,  a  Jew, for  having  on  the  day  after  his  baptism  entered a  synagogue  and  placed  there,  among  other things,  "  birrum  album,'quo  de  fonte  resurgens indutus  fuerat  "  {Epist.  lib.  ix.  ep.  6  ;  vol.  iii. 930,  ed.  Bened.).  For  further  remarks  on  this species  of  hood,  reference  may  be  made  to  Mar- tene,  de  Antiquis  Ecclesiae  Bitihus,  i.  54,  ed. Venice,  1783  ;  Ducange's  Glossarium  Graec.  s.v. KovKovAKa ;  Gear's  Euchologion,  p.  366.    [R.  S.] HOPE.  [Sophia.] HOEOLOGIUM  (wpo\6yiou).  An  office book  of  the  Greek  church,  containing  the  daily hours  of  prayer,  and  certain  other  forms,  and which  therefore  corresponds  in  a  general  manner, though  with  important  differences,  to  the  Latin breviary. The  contents  of  the  Great  Horologium (wpo\6yiou  rh  fxiya)  which  is  the  fullest  form, as  described  in  the  edition  published  at  Venice 1856,  and  approved  by  the  oecumenical  patriarch, HORTULANUS are  arranged  in  three  generic  parts  {rp'^a  jfuiKA fifpTj)  as  follows : 1.  The  office  for  the  day  and  night  hours  of the  church  from  matins  to  compline  (airb  rod jxeaovvKTiKov  tens  rov  a;ro5eiWou). This  part  therefore  corresponds  in  the  main  to the  "  Psalterium  cum  Ordinario  Officii  de  Tem- pore "  of  the  Latin  breviary. 2.  The  variable  antiphons  and  hymns,  by whatever  name  they  are  distinguished,  taken from  the  Menology  (which  answers  to  the  Roman Martyrology)  and  from  the  other  office  books which  contain  the  variable  portions  of  the  office  ; and  whatever  is  sung  in  it  on  Sundays,  festivals, and  ordinary  days. This  part  therefore  corresponds  in  some measure  to  the  "  Proprium  de  Tempore  "  of  the Latin  breviary. 3.  Various  short  offices  (anoXovdiai),  prayers, and  canons;  independent  of  the/iOM/-s;  and  for occasional  use.  Into  the  details  of  these  it  is unnecessary  to  enter ;  and  would  be  impossible without  considerable  explanation. This  part  therefore  may  be  compared  to  the collection  of  short  offices  and  forms  of  prayer which  are  found  at  the  end  of  the  Latin  bre- viary ;  though  the  offices  contained  in  it  are  for the  most  part  different  from  and  more  numerous than  those  in  the  breviary. The  Horohgion  is  often  prefaced  by  the calendar  of  the  Menology,  which  begins  with September  ;  sometimes  (as  in  a  copy  I  possess, printed  at  Venice  1523)  by  "the  gospel"  ac- cording to  St.  John:  i.e.  the  introduction,  and four  last  chapters  :  and  sometimes  (as  in  another copy  in  my  possession,  printed  at  Venice  1775 •'  con  Licenza  de'  Superiori  "),  by  the  Athauasian creed  in  Greek,  of  course  without  the  words which  imply  the  double  procession.      [H.  J.  H.] HORRES,  martyr  at  Nicaea  with  Arabia, Marcus,  Nimpodora,  Theodora,  Theusetas ;  com- memorated March  13  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] HORSE.  The  horse  is  represented  attending on  the  Orpheus  shepherd  [Fresco,  p.  696].  As a  servant  or  companion  of  mankind,  he  occurs frequently  in  representations  of  the  Magi(Bottari, tav.  cxxxiii.  &c.).  Two  horses  act  as  cros.s-bearers (tav.  iii.) ;  and  horses  of  course  occur  in  the numerous  representations  of  the  translation  of Elijah  which  are  found  on  sarcophagi  and  else- where. The  horses  of  Egypt  are  commemorated in  representations  of  Pharaoh  and  the  Red  Sea (Aringhi,  vol.  i.  p.  331),  where  a  mounted  horse- man accompanies  the  chariots.  In  Bottari  (tav. clx.)  there  are  two  quadrigae,  with  horses  deco- rated with  palm-branches  or  plumes.  Martigny states  in  this  connexion  that  the  horse  symbol has  been  very  frequently  found  in  the  graves of  martyrs,  quoting  the  titulus  of  the  youth Florens  (Lupi,  Dissert,  elett.  i.  p.  258),  and  the horses  loose  and  grazing  in  the  tribune  of  the cemetery  of  Basilla  (Bianchini  Not.  ad  Anast. Prolegomena,  t.  iii.).  [R.  St.  J.  T.] HORSE-RACING.  [Charioteers.] HORTULANUS,  the  gardener  of  the  monas- tery. The  rule  of  Benedict  provided  certain deputies  (solatia)  to  assist  the  cellarer  (celler- arius)  in  the  larger  monasteries.  These  were, usually,    a    farm  bailiff  (granatarius),  a  butler HOSANNA (custos  panis  et  vini),  and  a  gardener  (hortulanus) (Beg.  Boned,  c.  31  ;  cf.  Bened.  Anian.  Concord. ReguL  Ixxi.  17).  [I.  G.  S.] HOSANNA  (or  Osanna).  This  word,  adopted from  the  salutation  of  the  populace  at  Christ's entry  into  Jerusalem,  occurs  in  the  Mass  at  the end  of  the  Sanctus,  which  ends  thus  :  "  Hosauna in  excelsis.  Benedictus  qui  venit  in  nomine Domini.  Hosanna  in  excelsis."  The  same  words are  found  in  the  Greek  form  of  the  Sanctus, called  iiTiviKios  uixvos  ;  'as  given  in  the  liturgies of  SS.  Basil,  Chrysostom,  &c. The  word  also  frequently  occurs  in  the  anti- l)hons  and  other  parts  of  the  service  for  Palm Sunday  as  given  in  the  Latin  Processionals,  as for  instance  in  the  hymn  at  the  Procession : "  Israel  es  tu  Rex,  Davidis  et  inclyta  proles, Nomine  qui  in  Domini,  Rex  benedicte,  venis  : Gloria  laus  et  honor  tibi  sit,  Rex  Christe  Redemptor, Cut  puerile  decus  prompsit  Osanna  pium." [H.  J.  H.] HOSEA,  the  prophet ;  commemorated  Jaka- bit  27  =  Feb.  21  (Ca/.  Ethiop.).  [W.  F.  G.] HOSPITALARIUS.    [Hospitium.] HOSPITALITY.  Hospitality,  or  a  friendly reception  and  entertainment  of  strangers,  was  a Christian  virtue  strongly  inculcated  in  the  New Testament,  and  practised  most  liberally  by  the early  Christians,  until  long  after  the  apostolic times. The  feeling  of  Christian  union  and  sympathy was  so  strong,  that  every  Christian  was  ready  to receive  another  as  a  friend  and  brother,  although ]ireviously  unknown :  a  circumstance  which  ex- cited the  astonishment,  and  even  the  hatred  and misrepresentations  of  pagan  opponents  (Tertul. Apol.  39  ;  Lucian,  de  mort.  perig.  13).  And  one of  the  means  by  which  Julian  hoped  to  restore the  old  Roman  paganism  was  an  imitation  of  this Christian  liberality.  In  a  letter  of  his,  addressed to  Arsaces  a  chief  priest  of  Galatia,  the  emperor urges  him  to  take  great  care  of  strangers,  and  to establish  houses  for  their  reception  (levoSoxeta) [Hospitals]  in  every  city,  after  the  example  of the  Christians  (Sozomeu,  v.  16). All  Christian  families  in  the  earlier  times considered  it  their  duty  to  exercise  this  hospi- tality, and  Tertullian  mentions  it  as  one  great objection  to  a  Christian  woman  marrying  a pagan,  that  she  would  not  be  able  to  entertain any  Christian  strangers  in  her  house  (Tertul.  ad Ux.  ii.  4). But  presbyters,  and  afterwards  bishops,  were specially  expected  to  excel  in  this  virtue.  Thus Jerome  extols  the  liberal  hospitality  of  the  young presbyter  Nepotian  {Epit.  Nepotiani  c.  10).  And Chrysostom  mentions  it  as  a  high  praise  of Flavian,  bishop  of  Antioch,  that  his  house  was always  open  to  strangers  and  travellers,  where they  received  so  kind  and  generous  an  entertain- ment, that  it  might  be  doubted  whether  it  ought not  to  have  been  called  the  travellers'  home, instead  of  his  (Chrys.  m  Genes,  i.  4). Monasteries  also  were  distinguished  by  their ready  hospitality  to  Christians  coming  from  dis- tant parts  [HospitiumJ.  Palladius  (ffistoria  Lau- siaca,  c.  6)  describes  the  hospital  or  guest-house (levoSoxeioi/)  which  adjoined  the  church  of  the Nitrian  monks,  in  which  pilgrims  might  stay,  if they  chose,  two  or  three  years  ;  the  first  week  a CHRIST.  ANT. HOSPITALS 78^ guest  was  not  required  to  work ;  if  he  stayed longer,  he  must  work  in  the  garden,  the  bake- house, or  the  kitchen ;  or  if  he  was  a  person  of too  much  consideration  for  menial  labour,  the monks  would  give  him  a  book  to  read.  In  our monastery,  says  Jerome,  hospitality  is  our  delight. We  receive  with  a  joyful  welcome  all  who  come to  us,  with  the  exception  of  heretics  (Jer. adi\  Ruff.  iii.).  In  the  Rule  of  Benedict of  Aniane,  drawn  up  at  the  end  of  the  eighth century,  particular  directions  are  given  for the  reception  and  entertainment  of  the  poor and  of  strangers.  They  were  first  to  join  in prayer  with  the  monks  ;  they  then  received  the kiss  of  peace  ;  water  was  brought  for  their  hands and  feet ;  and  in  their  subsequent  entertainment the  strict  monastic  rules  of  fasting  were  to  be relaxed  in  honour  of  the  guests.  There  was  a distinct  kitchen  for  the  strangers'  use,  with officers  to  superintend  it,  so  that  the  regular order  of  the  monastery  might  not  be  disturbed {Comor.  Beg.  S.  Benedict.  §  60,  de  hospitibus suscipiendis).  This  relaxation  of  strict  ascetic^ rules  on  occasion  of  hospitality  to  strangers  is also  mentioned  with  approbation  by  Cassiau (Collat.  i.  26,  and  xxi.  14,  &c.).  The  council  of Aix  in  816  (ii.  c.  28),  desired  a  place  to  be  pre- pared at  the  gate  of  a  monastery  where  all comers  might  be  received. The  openhanded  hospitality  of  Christians  natu- rally led  sometimes  to  the  practice  of  deceit  and imposture  on  the  part  of  applicants;  and  to guard  against  the  admission  of  pretenders,  or otherwise  unworthy  and  dangerous  persons,  it became  customary  for  letters  of  recommendation [Commendatory  Letters]  to  be  required. Christians  going  into  a  foreign  country,  or  to any  place  where  they  were  not  known,  com- monly took  with  them  such  letters  from  their bishop,  or  some  other  well-known  Christian ; which  letters  were,  if  necessary,  to  be  ex- amined, on  their  presentation,  by  the  deacons  of the  place  (Constit.  Apostol.  ii.  58). In  the  earlier  times  Christians  received strangers  into  their  own  homes ;  but  at  a  later period,  when  such  hospitality  became  incon- venient, and  hardly  sufficient  for  what  was needed,  houses  were  specially  built  or  prepared for  the  reception  of  strangers  {^evooox^'ia)- These  were  established  in  places  where  travellers were  most  likely  to  resort,  or  where  Christian strangers  were  commonly  most  numerous,  such as  along  the  lines  of  travel  taken  by  pilgrim;., when  the  practice  of  making  pilgrimages  to  holy places  had  become  usual. At  these  houses  Christian  travellers  were entertained  according  to  their  need,  and  were sent  forward  on  their  way  in  peace. A  singular  remnant  of  this  ancient  hospitality still  remains  at  St.  Cross  near  Winchester,  where any  one  who  applies  at  the  porter's  lodge  re- ceives gratuitously  a  glass  of  beer  and  a  slice  of bread.  [G.  A.  J.] HOSPITALS.  1.  General  account  of  Hospi- tals.— The  remarkable  outflowing  of  benevolence and  sympathy  with  others,  which  marked  the very  commencement  of  Christianity,  led  imme- diately to  a  care  for  the  poor,  especially  in  times of  sickness  and  distress. From  the  earliest  times  the  funds  of  the  church were  ai)|ilied  to  tlip  uiaiiitenanco  of  widows 3   E 786 HOSPITALS and  orphans,  sick  and  poor,  prisoners  and  so- journers (Justin  Martyr,  Apol.  I.  c.  67).  It was  the  special  duty  of  the  deacons  and  dea- conesses to  attend  to  the  sick  at  their  own houses  {Constit.  Apost.  iii.  19,  and  Epiphan. Fidei  Expos.  21).  But  all  Christians,  particu- larly the  women  who  had  the  most  leisure  for this  purpose,  considered  it  incumbent  on  them to  visit  and  relieve  the  sick  poor  (^Epist.  ad Zen.  et  Seven,  c.  17,  in  Justin  Martyi-'s  Works, p.  416  ;  TertuU.  ad  Uxor.  ii.  4).  And  this  they did  without  being  deterred  by  any  fear  of  infec- tion in  the  case  of  plagues  or  other  contagious diseases;  of  which  a  notable  example,  among many  others,  was  seen  in  the  heroic  conduct of  the  Christians  at  Alexandria  during  the  great plague  there  in  the  time  of  the  emperor  Gal- iienus  (a.d.  260-268).  See  the  account  given  in Eusebius  (^Hist.  Eccles.  viii.  22). Public  hospitals  for  the  reception  of  the  sick, the  needy,  and  the  stranger,  began  to  be  erected as  soon  as  Christianity,  being  freed  from  per- secution, could  display  its  natural  tendencies without  danger  or  restriction.  Houses  were  set apart  for  the  reception  of  travellers  or  sojourners (ieroSoxei'a),  for.  the  poor  (TTTO>xoTpo<piiOL),  for orphans  {opcpavoTpoipfla),  for  foundlings  {^pecpo- Tpo(pi7a),  and  for  the  aged  {yepuuTOKOfj.f'ia),  as well  as  for  the  sick  {vo(roKo/j.e7a).  [Hospitality, Exposing  of  Children,  Foundlings.]  Several of  these  objects  were  often  combined  in  one  esta- blishment, so  that  it  is  most  convenient  to  treat of  them  under  one  head. Epiphanius  (ITaeres.  75,  c.  1)  mentions  that Aerius,  afterwards  known  as  a  heretic,  about the  middle  of  the  4th  century  was  made  by  the bishop  Eustathius  superintendent  of  the  hospital (lefoSoxei'oi',  says  Epiphanius,  called  in  Pontus irraixoTpopelov)  at  Sebaste  in  Pontus.  It  does not  appear  that  the  hospital  was  then  first  esta- blished, and  Epiphanius  mentions  it  as  a  common custom  for  bishops  of  the  church  to  provide  for the  maimed  and  infirm  by  setting  up  such  esta- blishments. The  most  complete  hospital  of  which  we  have any  account  in  antiquity  was  built  by  Basil  the Great,  soon  after  his  accession  to  the  see,  near Caesarea  in  Pontus.  St.  Basil,  defending  himself from  the  charge  of  seeking  to  gain  undue  in- fluence, which  had  been  brought  against  him before  the  j)refect  of  the  place,  says  (Epist.  94 [al.  o72]  ad  Helium),  "  Whom  do  we  injure,  in building  lodgings  (KaTaycoyta)  for  the  strangers who  stay  with  us  in  passing  through,  and  for those  who  need  attendance  (flepoTreias)  in  conse- quence of  infirmity  ?  What,  in  supplying  neces- sary comfort  fbr  these  persons,  nurses,  medical attendants,  means  of  conveying  them  (ra vuroct>6pa),^  and  persons  to  take  charge  of  them in  removal  (^rovs  irapavennovTas)?  And  these things  must  of  necessity  carry  with  them  handi- crafts, both  such  as  are  required  for  sustenance and  such  as  conduce  to  decorum,  and  these  again require  workshops."  He  also  {Epist.  142  [al.  374]) begs  an  official  of  the  empire  to  exempt  his  poor- house  from  state  taxation,  and  speaks  (Epist.  143 [al.  428])  of  its  being  managed  by  a  chorepiscopus. St.  Basil's  hospital  is  thus  spoken  of  by  Gregory  of Nazianzus  (who  had  himself  seen  it)  in  his  pane- gyric on  the  saint  {Orat.  20,  p.  359,  ed.  Colon. "  Compare  Xenoph.  Cyrnp.vi,  2,  34.- HOSPITALS 1690).  "  Go  forth  a  little  from  the  city,  and behold  the  new  city,  the  treasure-house  of  godli- ness ....  in  which  the  superfluities  of  wealth — nay,  even  things  not  superfluous — have  been laid  up  in  store  at  his  exhortation ;  ...  in which  disease  is  investigated  ((piXoaocpelTai)  and sympathy  proved  .  .  .  We  have  no  longer  to look  on  the  fearful  and  pitiable  sight  of  men  like corpses  before  death,  with  the  greater  part  of their  limbs  dead  [from  leprosy],  driven  from cities,  from  dwellings,  from  public  places,  from water-courses  .  .  .  Basil  it  was  more  than  any one  who  persuaded  those  who  are  men  not  to scorn  men,  nor  to  dishonour  Christ  the  head  of all  by  their  inhumanity  towards  human  beings." From  this  it  appears  that  at  least  a  portion  of St.  Basil's  hospital  was  for  lepers.  Sozomen, again  (ff.  E.  vi.  34)  speaks  of  Prapidius  having been  principal  of  this  "  Basiliad,  that  most famous  lodging  for  the  poor  founded  by  Basil, from  whom  it  received  the  appellation  which  it still  retains."  Of  St.  Chrysostom,  too,  Palladius (  Vita  Chrys.  p.  19,  ed.  Montfaucon)  relates  that he  diverted  the  superfluous  expenses  of  his  see  to the  maintenance  of  the  hospital  {voaoKOfj.€wv), and  that  as  the  need  increased  he  founded  several, over  which  he  set  two  presbyters  of  high  cha- racter ;  he  engaged  further  physicians  and  cooks, and  kind  unmarried  attendants  to  work  under them.  St.  Chrysostom  himself  (^ow.  66  [al.  67] in  Matt.)  pointing  triumphantly  to  the  large- handed  bounty  of  the  church,  says,  "  consider how  many  widows,  how  many  virgins,  the  church sustains  day  by  day  ;  the  number  on  the  roll  is not  less  than  three  thousand  [in  Constantinople]. And  she  provides  also  for  those  who  are  in  dis- tress in  the  guest-house ;  for  those  who  are maimed  in  body  ;  and  yet  her  substance  is  not diminished."  It  is  evident  that  a  regular  system of  providing  for  the  poor  in  connexion  with  the church  was  organised  in  the  middle  of  the  fifth century ;  for  the  council  of  Chalcedon  (c.  3) especially  recognises  the  care  of  widows  and orphans,  and  the  needy  generally  as  one  of  the justifications  for  a  cleric's  engaging  in  secular affairs  (koo-ixikoI  StotK^ffeis),  if  he  does  it  at  the command  of  his  bishop. The  emperor  Julian  recognised  the  importance of  institutions  such  as  those  of  St.  Basil ;  "  these impious  Galilaeans,"  says  he  (Fragment,  p.  305, quoted  by  Rheinwald)  "  give  themselves  to  this kind  of  humanity  ;  as  men  allure  children  with  a cake,  so  they,  starting  from  what  they  call  love and  entertaining  and  serving  of  tables,  bring  in converts  to  their  impiety  ; "  and  again  he  bids Arsacius  (Epist. 'id,  U.S.),  "  establish  abundance  of hospitals  in  every  city,  that  our  kindness  may  be enjoyed  by  strangers,  not  only  of  our  own  people, but  of  others  who  are  in  need." Placilla,  the  wife  of  Theodosius  the  Great, devoted  herself  much  to  the  care  of  the  sick. She  cared,  says  Theodoret  (Eist.  Eccl.  v.  19),  for !  those  who  were  maimed  and  injured,  not  devolv- ing the  charge  of  them  on  subordinates,  but attending  to  them  personally,  going  into  the places  where  they  were  received  (ras  rovrwv Karayaiy&s)  and  supplying  their  several  wants. So  also,  making  the  round  of  the  hospitals (leviivas)  of  the  churches,  she  attended  on  those who  were  confined  to  bed,  herself  handling  the pots  and  tasting  the  broth,  bringing  bowls, breaking  bread,  and  offering  mouthfi.Is,  washing HOSPITALS cups,  and  performing  other  services  which  are generally  done  by  domestics. Samson  of  Constantinople  received  the  name  of "  Xenodochus  "  from  his  devotion  to  the  care  of hospitals  and  asylums,  and  is  said  to  have  per- suaded the  emperor  Justinian  to  give  up  his  own palace  for  the  purposes  of  a  xenodochion  (see  the Byzantine  Menaea,  June  27).  Procopius  how- ever {Dc  Aedif.  Just.  i.  2)  gives  a  somewhat diflferent  account  of  the  matter.  There  was,  he says,  a  hospital  for  the  sick  and  infirm,  built  in former  years  by  the  pious  care  of  one  Samson,  of which  there  were  in  Justinian's  time  some  re- mains in  a  ruinous  condition.  This  the  emperor restored,  decorated,  and  amplified  in  the  most liberal  manner.  He  increased,  says  Procopius, both  the  number  of  wards  (oIklUoju,  domuncu- larum)  and  the  annual  revenue.  Whether  by  the expression  oiKiZiwv  we  are  to  understand  detached buildings,  or  rooms,  is  doubtful ;  if  the  former, Justinian's  hospital,  like  that  of  Basil  previously described,  would  resemble  a  little  town,  a  place of  many  buildings  within  a  wall.  Justiuian  fur- ther built,  in  concert  with  Theodora,  two  other hospitals  (J^evwvas).  Of  the  empress  Eudocia  it is  related  ( Vita  Euthymii,  c.  16,  in  Acta  SS. January,  vol.  ii.  p.  si?)  that  she  built  many churches,  gerontocomia,  ptochotrophia,  and  mon- asteries. She  is  said  also  to  have  prepared  food for  the  sick  with  her  own  hands. It  is  not  necessary  to  go  through  the  long  list of  pious  foundations  for  the  benefit  of  the  sick which  we  meet  with  in  the  history  of  the  church. But  it  may  be  mentioned  as  an  instance  of  the general  recognition  of  the  duty  of  pi'oviding  for sick  and  infirm  brethren,  that  by  the  so-called Arabic  canons  of  Nicaea  the  bishop  was  expressly bound,  in  virtue  of  his  oflSce,  to  institute  hos- pitals. Canon  70  (Hardouin,  Concilia,  i.  475) prescribes,  that  in  every  city  a  place  should  be set  apart  for  strangers,  sick,  and  poor,  which should  be  called  a  senodochium ;  and  that  the bishop  should  select  one  of  the  monks  of  the desert,  himself  a  foreigner,  far  from  home  and family,  and  a  man  of  integrity,  to  take  charge  of the  hospital,  to  procure  for  it  beds  and  whatever may  be  necessary  for  the  sick  and  poor  ;  and  that if  the  property  of  the  hospital  be  inadequate,  he should  make  a  collection  from  the  Christians, according  to  their  several  means,  and  with  this provision  sustain  the  brethren  who  are  strangers, poor,  or  sick,  as  each  may  have  need. Most  of  these  instances  belong  to  the  Eastern church  ;  but  the  Western  church  was  not  behind in  the  good  work.  Paulinus  of  Nola  has  left  us {Poem.  XX.  114)  a  brief  description  of  the  hospital which  he  himself  built,  which  appears  to  have been  rather  for  the  reception  of  the  poor  and  old than  of  the  sick,  as  such  : "  Dispositl  trino  per  longa  aedilia  Oietu Obstrepuere  sencs,  inopum  miserabile  vulgus, Et  socio  canae  residentes  agmine  matres." This  description  suggests  long  wards,  provided with  "  sedilia  " — perhaps  "  berths,"  or  divans running  along  the  wall — in  which  the  inmates were  separated  into  three  classes — poor,  old men,  and  old  women. Jerome,  in  a  letter  to  Pammachius  {Epist.  66 [al.  26],  c.  11,  written,  according  to  Vallarsi, A.D.  387)  speaks  of  a  xenodochium  which  the latter    had     built    in    the  Portus    I'lCimanus,    of HOSPITALS 787 which  he  (Jerome)  had  just  heard.  This  was probably  attended  to  by  Pammachius  himself and  the  monks  for  whom  he  had  provided  a  con- vent in  the  neighbourhood.  Jerome  himself founded  a  hospital  for  the  reception  of  the  sick and  the  stranger  in  Bethlehem  ;  finding  his means  insufficient  to  finish  it,  he  sent  his  brother Paulinianus  (m.  s.  c.  14)  to  sell  his  remaining  pro- perty in  his  native  country,  to  provide  money  for its  completion.  Fabiola,  the  friend  of  Jerome,  also founded  a  hospital  at  Kome.  Having  been obliged  to  obtain  a  divorce  from  her  first  husband on  account  of  his  intolerable  profligacy,  she married  another  before  his  death.  On  becoming a  widow  she  learned  that  according  to  church law,  of  which  she  had  been  previously  ignorant ("  nee  evangelii  vigorem  noverat,"  says  Jerome Ep.  77  [al.  30],  c.  3),  it  was  unlawful  for  her to  have  married  again  during  her  first  husband's life,  however  justly  she  had  separated  from  him. Upon  this  she  submitted  to  a  humiliating  pen- ance ;  and  afterwards  devoted  all  her  property to  charitable  purposes,  and  among  other  good works  built  a  hospital,  where  she  ministered  to the  sick  with  her  own  hands  {ib.  c.  6). Jerome  remarks  that  Fabiola  was  the  first person  who  founded  a  hospital  (prima  omnium voaoKOfxelov  instituit).  But  this  perhaps  only means  the  first  hospital  in  Rome  or  Italy.  And the  fact  that  Jerome  uses  the  Greek  word voaoKofjLelov,  and  not  the  Latin  valetudinarium, tends  to  confirm  the  account  which  points  to  the Eastern  church  as  the  first  to  exhibit  such  acts of  benevolence. Rome  itself  had  an  ancient  fame  for  its  care  of the  sick  and  poor  (Prudentius,  Peristeph.  ii. 140  fF.).  Its  hospitals  were  frequently  the  ob- jects of  the  munificence  of  the  popes.  Anastasius {Vitae  Pontt.  134  a,  ed.  Muratori)  tells  us  of Pelagius  II.  (578-590),  that  he  caused  his  own house  to  be  made  a  refuge  for  the  poor  and aged  (ptochium  pauperum  et  senum).  His  suc- cessor, Gregory  the  Great  {Dialogus,  iii.  35, p.  243)  seems  to  say  that  he  had  taken  Amantius from  his  own  dwelling  to  pass  some  days  in  the infirmary ;  and  John  the  Deacon  relates  of  him that  he  set  over  the  several  hospitals  careful  and conscientious  men,  who  had  to  submit  their accounts  to  himself,  that  the  beneficence  of  the people  towards  those  institutions  might  not  be checked  by  mismanagement  of  the  funds.  He also  provided  Probus  with  money  to  build  a xenodochium  on  a  large  scale  at  Jerusalem,  and supported  it  by  an  annual  subvention  ( Vita Greg.  ii.  7).  Other  hospitals  in  Rome  of  an early  date  are  known  to  us  at  least  by  name. Pope  Sj-mmachus  (498-514)  is  said  by  Ado (Ckronicon,  in  Migne's  Patrol,  cxxiii.  106  b)  to have  founded  or  restored  three  hospitals  (pau- peribus  habitacula)  known  by  the  names  of  St. Peter,  St.  Paul,  and  St.  Laurence  respectively. Stephen  HI.  (752-757)  is  said  by  Anastasius {Vitae  Pontiff,  p.  165,  C.  D.)  to  have  restored  four xeuodochia  and  founded  two  others,  which  were placed  in  the  charge  of  the  regionary  deacons  of St.'  Maria  and  St.  Silvester ;  and  Adrian  L (772-795,  ib.  p.  190,  D)  to  have  founded  three DiACONiAE  (see  the  word)  "  foris  portam  Beati Apostolorum  Principis." Nor  was  it  only  in  Home  that  such  institutions were  found.  In  Gaul  they  existed  at  any  rate before  the  deatli  of  St.  Reiiii  (t532),  if  we  mav 3  E  2 788 HOSPITALS true*  Flodoard.  The  saint  is  made  {Hist.  Bc- mens.  i.  18)  to  entreat  his  successors  to  preserve inviolate  his  statutes  for  the  management  of  his poor-houses  (ptochia),  coenobia,  martyria,  dia- coniae  and  xenodochia,  as  he  had  done  those  of  his predecessors — an  expression  which  implies  that some  at  least  of  these  foundations  existed  before St.  Remi  came  to  the  see  of  Reims  before  496. The  fifth  council  of  Orleans,  a.d.  549,  places  (c. 13)  the  property  of  xenodochia  on  the  same  foot- ing, with  regard  to  alienation,  as  that  of  churches and  monasteries ;  and  (c.  15)  makes  special  pro- vision for  the  magnificent  hospital  which,  under the  influence  of  its  bishop  Sacerdos,  Childebert with  his  queen  Ultragotha  had  founded  in  Lyons, forbidding  the  bishop  of  that  city  to  merge  any of  its  property  in  that  of  his  church,  or  to  dimi- nish its  privileges  in  any  way,  and  enjoining  him to  take  care  that  active  and  God-fearing  super- intendents (praepositi)  be  always  appointed,  and that  the  care  of  the  sick  and  the  entertainment of  strangers  be  always  maintained  according  to the  statutes. We  do  not  trace  the  existence  of  hospitals  in the  African  fathers  or  councils.  In  Victor's account  of  the  Vandal  persecution  (i.  8),  we  find that  Deogratias  bishop  of.  Carthage,  A.D.  455, turned  two  churches  into  hospitals  for  the  re- ception of  the  wretched  captives  who  were  poured on  the  African  shores  from  Italy ;  but  this  was a  temporary  expedient,  such  as  has  often  been adopted  in  times  of  calamity.  But  we  are  not to  suppose  that  the  sick  of  the  African  church were  ill-cared  for  ;  the  houses  of  the  bishops,  the clergy  and  the  monks  often  served  for  the  recep- tion of  the  sick.  Augustine  (Possidius,  Vita Aug.  cc.  22,  23)  exercised  constant  care  for  the sick  and  poor,  and  (^Regnla  ad  Servos  Dei,  c.  5) gives  directions  to  monks  as  to  their  reception and  treatment  of  the  sick  and  infirm  ;  directions in  which  he  seems  to  contemplate  the  case  not only  of  feeble  members  of  the  monastic  body,  but of  sick  persons  brought  in  from  without. In  the  Teutonic  countries,  we  have  of  course no  accounts  of  hospitals  of  so  early  a  date  as those  which  have  been  mentioned  in  Italy  and Gaul.  Chrodegang,  however  (^Heguki,  c.  45,  in Migue's  Patrol.  89,  1076),  recommends  that  a guest-room  (hospitale)  should  be  formed  in  a suitable  ])lace,  convenient  for  the  brothers  to visit ;  and  desires  the  brothers  of  his  Rule,  even if  they  cannot  maintain  a  hospital  at  other times,  at  least  in  Lent  to  wash  the  feet  of  the ])oor  in  a  hospital  or  guest-room.  The  famous Alcuin  at  a  somewhat  later  date  also  warned  the bishops  of  the  great  necessity  there  was  for  form- ing hospitals,  and  probably  also  directed  the  at- tention of  his  patron  Charles  the  Great  to  the same  subject.  To  Eanbald,  as  soon  as  he  entered on  his  see,  Alcuin  wrote  urging  him  to  establish "  xenodochia,  id  est,  hospitalia "  (^Epist.  56,  ad Eanb.,  Ale.  0pp.  i.  65)  in  which  the  poor  and  the strangers  might  be  received.  In  accordance  with the  Rule  of  Chrodegang  and  the  wish  of  Alcuin, the  synod  of  Aix,  in  the  year  816,  ordered  (c.  28) that  every  ecclesiastical  foundation,  whether  ca- nonical or  monastic,  should  provide  accommoda- tion for  the  poor,  the  sick,  the  widows,  and  the strangers.  The  poor-house  was  to  be  placed  near the  church,  and  a  priest  was  to  be  its  superin-; tendent ;  the  infirmary  was  to  be  within  the  con- vent, as  wore  also  the  wards  for  the  widows  and HOSPITALS !  poor  maidens,  though  probably  in  a  building  sepa- 1  rate  from  that  which  contained  the  cells  of  the canons    or   monks   (^Conc.   Germ.  i.  539).      The I  Frankish  Capitularies  also  take  order  for  the maintenance  of  the  poor  and  sick.  Thus  it  is ordered  (i.  c.  70,  a.d.  789)  that  "  hospites,  pere- I  grini  et  pauperes  "  have  the  due  entertainment in  various  places  to  which  they  are  entitled  by the  canons  ;  a  passage  in  which  "  peregrini  "  are probably  monks  from  other  houses,  "hospites"  are lay  guests.  And  again  (ii.  c.  29)  they  bring  xeno- dochia, ptochotrophia,  nosocomia,  orphanotro- phia,  gerontocomia,  and  brephotrophia  under  the same  law  as  churches  and  monasteries  with  re- gard to  the  non-alienation  of  their  pi-operty. The  establishment  of  many  of  the  hospitals which  existed  in  the  northei-n  countries  in  the 8th  and  9th  centuries  is  due  to  the  Irish  mis- sionaries, who  cared  for  the  bodies  as  well  as  the souls  of  the  people  among  whom  they  preached. Hence  they  received  the  name  of  "  Hospitalia Scotorum,"  ^  an  expression  found  both  in  the canons  of  Meaux  (C.  Meldense,  c.  40),  and  in  the petition  of  the  bishops  of  the  provinces  of  Reims, and  Rouen  to  Lewis  the  Pious  (c.  10,  Baluze,  Capit. Franc.u.  111).  These  hospitals  were  cbsely  con- nected with  the  monasteries  founded  by  the  same missionaries.  Gretser  {Ad  Vit.  S.  Willlhaldi, lib.  i.  observ.  19  ;  Grets.  Opera,  x.  778)  enume- rates some  of  the  hospitals  of  their  foundation. 2.  Administration  of  Hospitals. — In  the  first instance,  the  hospitals,  like  other  institutions  of the  chufch,  were  under  the  immediate  super- intendence of  the  bishops.  In  many  cases,  as  we have  seen,  they  were  founded  by  the  bishops themselves  from  the  funds  placed  at  tbeir  dis- posal by  the  church,  and  so  the  oversight  of them  naturally  fell  to  the  founder  and  his  suc- cessors. And  even  when  endowed  by  private persons,  such  foundation  was  regarded  as  of  the nature  of  alms,  and  so  given  into  the  hands  of those  who  were,  directly  or  indirectly,  the universal  almoners.  The  property  of  hospitals  was regarded  (as  has  been  shewn  above)  by  kings  and rulers  as  being  of  the  same  kind  as  the  property of  the  church.  And  the  attendants  on  the  sick were,  at  least  in  very  many  cases,  drawn  from the  neighbouring  monasteries  or  houses  of  canons. When  the  duty  was  laid  upon  bishops  of  pro- viding, so  far  as  in  them  lay,  food  and  clothing for  those  who  in  consequence  of  infirmity  were uuable  to  earn  their  own  living  {Cone.  Aurel.  I. c.  16),  it  naturally  followed  that  they  super- intended and  directed  the  establishments  for  at- taining this  end. It  must  however  have  been  from  the  first impossible  for  a  much-occupied  bishop  to  give personal  attention  to  all  the  details  of  a  large hospital,  and  therefore  other  clerics  were  em- ployed under  him  on  this  behalf.  We  have  seen already  that  Aerius  was  a  hospital-superintendent under  his  bishop  Eustathius ;  and  as  early  as the  council  of  Chalcedon,  a.d.  451,  we  find  the clerics  attached  to  the  poor-houses  {rSiv  Trraixe'- oir)  placed  on  the  same  footing  aS  those  of  the monasteries  and  martyr-churches,  and  admonished to  obey  their  bishops  according  to  the  tradition of  the  fathers  (c.  8),  a  passage  which  probably indicates  that  they  had  been  disposed  to  assert !>  It  mu>t  be  borne  in  mind  ttiat  by  "  Scoti  "  at  this period  we  are  to  uiulerstaiid  natives  of  Ireland. HOSPITALS too  great  independence.  The  legislation  of  Jus- tinian provided  carefully  for  the  due  administra- tion of  hospitals.  Thus  {Codex,  1.  42,  §  9,  De Episcopis  et  Clericis)  it  is  provided  that  prefects of  hospitals  (of  whatever  kind)  shall  be  appointed according  to  the  judgment  and  with  the  approval of  the  bishop  of  the  place  ;  and  again  {lb.  1.  46, §  3)  bishops  are  enjoined  not  to  administer  the hospitals  within  their  dioceses  personally,  but to  appoint  superintendents,  and  to  act  themselves as  visitors  and  auditors,  in  case  of  need  removing the  officials.  The  same  law  desires  that  men  be appointed  to  such  offices  who  have  before  their eyes  the  fear  of  God  and  of  the  dreadful  day  of judgment.  The  same  code  (1.  28)  makes  the bishop  of  the  diocese  the  executor  of  a  will containing  a  bequest  for  pious  uses,  where  no executor  has  been  named  in  the  will  itself;  and desires  him  (1.  49)  in  cases  where  the  testator has  not  designated  special  objects  of  his  bounty, to  apply  the  bequest  to  the  benefit  of  the  hospital of  the  city,  or  to  the  poorest  hospital,  where  there were  more  than  one.  In  deciding  the  question, which  is  poorest,  he  is  to  take  counsel  with  his clergy.  But  in  case  there  be  no  hospital  (xenon) iu  the  city,  then  the  oeconomus  or  the  bishop  is to  take  the  bequest,  and  apply  it  for  the  benefit of  the  poor.  In  case  the  bishop  is  negligent  in discharging  this  duty,  then  the  metropolitan  of the  province  or  the  archbishop  of  the  diocese [see  Diocese]  may  enquire  into  the  matter  and compel  the  bishop  to  act.  Or  (1.  46,  §  6)  any inhabitant  of  the  city  interested  in  the  matter may  compel  the  carrying  out  of  the  will. That  in  the  time  of  Gregory  the  Great  the xenodochia  were  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the bishop  is  clear  from  several  passages  in  his letters.  Thus  {Epist.  iv.  27)  he  desires  Janua- rius,  bishop  of  Cagliari,  to  take  care  that  the xenodochi  render  their  accounts  to  him  ;  and begs  him  not  to  let  the  hospitals  fall  to  decay by  his  neglect ;  and  he  desires  that  men  of  jiroved integrity  may  be  appointed  prefects  of  xenodo- chia, atid  these  only  ecclesiastics  (religiosi),  who cannot  be  harassed  by  lay  tribunals.  To  those whom  he  himself  had  appointed  prefects  of  dia- coniae  or  xenodochia  he  gave  full  power  over  the funds,  expressly  exempting  them  from  rendering an  account  to  any  one  (Joan.  Diaconus,  Vita  Greg. ii.  c.  51). The  bishops  of  the  provinces  of  Reims  and Kouen,  in  their  petition  to  Lewis  the  Piovis,  son of  Charles  the  Great,  beg  that  the  rectors  of monasteries  and  xenodochia  be  made  subject  to the  authority  of  their  bishops  (c.  10,  in  Baluze Capit.  Franc,  ii.  111). 3.  Dedication. — Martigny  (referring  to  Werns- dorf  De  Columbae  Simulacris)  says  that  hospitals were  in  ancient  times  commonly  dedicated  to  the Holy  Spirit,  which  was  represented  under  the form  of  a  dove,  either  on  the  fa9ade,  or  on  some other  conspicuous  part  of  the  building.  The principal  "hospital  in  Rome  bears  this  designation, and  has  borne  it  from  a  very  remote  period (Fantucci,  Tratt.  di  tutte  le  opere  pie  neW  alma citta  di  Boma,  c.  1,  quoted  by  Martigny). (Thomassin,  Vetus  et  Nova  Eccl.  Disciplina, P.  I.  lib.  ii.  c.  89  ;  Van  Espen,  Jus  Ecclesiasticum, P.  II.  sec.  iv.  tit.  6  ;  Binterim,  Denkwiirdigkeiten, Bd.  VI.  Th.  iii.  p.  32  fF. ;  Rheinwald,  Kirchliche Archdoloqie,  §  41,  p.  103  ff. ;  Martigny,  Diet,  des Antiq.  C'hre't.  s.  v.  Hopjltaux.)     [G.  A.  J.  and  C] HOSPITIUM  789 HOSPITIUM  (also  Hospitale).  One  of  the characteristics,  perhaps  the  most  commend- able, of  monasticism,  was  its  unvarying  hos- pitality to  all  comers.  None  were  to  be  re- fused admission ;  all  were  to  be  made  welcome (Bened.  Reg.  c.  53) ;  especially  monks,  clergy, poor,  and  foreigners  (Heg.  Fachom.  c.  51  ; Isidor.  Feg.  c.  23 ;  Mart,  ad  Bened.  £eg.  c.  53). No  questions  were  to  be  asked  {Feg.  Fair.  c.  4) unless  by  the  abbat's  order  {Feg.  Taniat.  c.  7.) Even  passing  wayfarers  were  to  be  pressed  to  eat before  going  on  ;  if  they  could  not  wait  for  the usual  hour,  the  dinner  was  to  be  served  three hours  sooner  than  usual ;  or,  if  they  could  not stay  even  so  long,  they  were  to  have  their  meal separately  {Feg.  Mag.  c.  72).     Everything  was 1  to  be  done  in  courtesy,  and  for  the  comfort  of the  guests.  The  prior  (or  some  others  of  the brethren),  was  to  meet  them,   and,  after  a  few I  words  of  prayer  by  way  of  salutation,  as  well  as  by way  of  precaution  against  any  Satanic  illusion, '  was  to  give  and  receive  the  kiss  of  peace  ;  on  then- arriving  and  departing  he  was  to  make  obeisance to  them,  as  recognising  in  them  a  visit  from  the Saviour  (Bened.  Feg.  c.  53).  He  was  to  lead them  straightway  on  arrival  to  the  oratory  or sacristy,  (usually  in  Benedictine  monasteries close  to  the  entrance-gate),  and  after  praying together  (cf.  Feg.  Paelwm.  c.  51)  awhile,  was  to sit  with  them,  reading  aloud,  first  some  holy book    (lex    divina),     the     Scriptures    especially j  (Mart.  loc.  cit.),  and  then,  these  primary  duties attended  to,  conversing  amicably  ("  Omnis humanitas  praebenda,"  Bened.  Feg.  v.  s.)  The abbat  himself  was  to  bring  water,  this  was  to  be done  at  bedtime,  and  the  footsore  were  to  be rubbed  with  oil,  according  to  the  rule  (c.  10)  of Fructuosus,  and  with  certain  brethren  in  rotar tion  (so  Martene  understands  "  omnis  congre- gatio  ")  was  to  wash  the  feet  of  all  without distinction,  repeating  a  verse  of  the  Psalms (Bened.  Reg.  v.  s.).  In  compliment  to  the guests,  the  prior,  though  not  the  other  monks, was  excused  from  observing  a  fast  day,  unless  one of  special  obligation  {ib.).  If  sick  or  delicate, some  dainties  ("  pulmentaria  ")  were  to  be  pro- vided for  them  (Fruct.  Feg.  c.  10).  Nor  were the  guests  to  leave  the  monastery  empty-handed ; for  the  journey,  the  best  that  the  monastery could  afford  was  to  be  supplied  as  a  parting  gift (viaticum). In  the  annals  of  the  monastery  of  Micy  (Mici- anum),  it  is  recorded  in  praise  of  an  abbat  in  the 6th  century,  that,  though  the  monastery  was  then very  poor,  its  guests  were  always  regaled  with wine,  without  being  allowed  to  see  that  the brethren  were  drinking  only  water  (Mab. A.  A.  0.  S.  B.  I.  ad  fin.).  Caesarius  of  Aries  is similarly  extolled  by  his  biographer  for  keeping open  house  as  abbat  (  Vit.  Qo.es.  Arelat.  i.  37,  ap. Mab.  ib.). Such  hospitality  was  sure  to  be  largely  used in  days  when  travelling  was  so  difficult  and  so dangerous.  Benedict  wisely  provides  for  a  con- stant influx  of  strangers  ("  nunquam  desunt monasterio,"  Feg.  c.  53).  Nowhere  indeed  in his  rule  is  its  tenderness  and  forethought  more remarkable  than  about  the  reception  of  guests. In  some  of  these  arrangements  he  had  been  anti- cipated. Cassian  speaks  of  one  of  the  older monks  being  stationed  by  the  abbat,  with  the advice  of  the  seniors,  near  the  entrance  of  tlie 790 HOSPITIUM monastery,  to  receive  strangers  as  they  arrived (Cass.  Instit.  iv.  7).  Benedict  placed  them under  the  general  supervision  of  the  cellarer,  or house-steward  {Beg.  c.  31),  and  his  deputies.  Sub- sequently, a  distinct  officer  was  created,  the "  hospitalarius,"  corresponding  to  the  eastern "  IfvoSdxos "  (Mart,  ad  loc.  cit.  Alteserr.  As- ceticon,  ix.  9 ;  Du  Cange,  s.  v  v.),  whose  duties, however,  did  not  extend  to  the  refectory.  One of  the  brethren,  selected  as  a  specially  God- fearing man  ("  Cujus  animam  timor  dei  habeat  ") was  appointed  by  Benedict  to  look  after  the guests'  dormitory  ("  cella  hospitum  ")  (Bened. Jieg.  c.  53)  (usually  on  the  east  side  of  the  Bene- dictine quadrangle,  over  the  "  hospitium  "  ")  ; and  two  others  were  told  off  annually  for  the guests'  kitchen,  which  adjoined  the  abbat's kitchen  (usually  on  the  south  side  of  the  quad- rangle "  with  a  window  between  (Mart.  ud.  loc.')  ; these  officials  were  to  have  extra  assistance,  as occasion  required  (26.).  Every  precaution  was taken,  lest  the  influx  of  strangers  should  either disturb  the  placidity  of  the  "  house  of  God  "  (Jb.), or  lead  to  the  propagation  of  silly  rumours  about it  {ib.).  Their  sitting-room,  dormitory,  and kitchen  were  all  to  be  separate  from  those  of  the monks  (ib.  of.  c.  56).  None  of  the  monks,  unless expressly  ordered,  might  exchange  even  in  passing a  word  with  a  guest,  except  to  ask  a  blessing (i6.  cf.  Reg.  Mac.  c.  8).  Nor  were  the  guests  to be  trusted  to  themselves  without  supervision. Care  was  to  be  taken  that  the  monks'  wallets were  not  left  about  in  the  guests'  dormitory  ;  and two  of  the  monks,  whose  turn  it  was  to  help  in the  kitchen  and  otherwise  for  the  week  ("  heb- domadarii  "),  were  to  keep  close  to  the  guests night  and  day  (Reg.  Mag.  c.  79).  It  is  not  clear whether  Benedict  intended  the  guests  to  be entertained  in  the  refectory  at  a  separate  table with  the  abbat,  or  with  him  in  a  separate  table (Bened.  Beg.  c.  56);  Martene  thinks  in  the  re- fectory (Beg.  Comment,  ad  loc.  cit. ;  cf.  Gone. Aquisgr.  c.  27).  The  abbat  on  these  occa- sions might  invite  a  few  of  the  brethren  to  his table,  leaving  the  charge  of  the  rest  to  the  prior, and  might  make  some  addition  to  the  ordinary fare  (Bened.  Reg.  c.  56  ;  Mart,  ad  I.e.  ;  Mab.  Ann. 0.  S.  B.  V.  xiii.).  It  was  strictly  forbidden  by the  council  of  Saragossa,  A.D.  691,  for  lay 'persons to  be  lodged  in  the  quadrangle  of  the  monastery ("  intra  claustra  "),  even  with  the  abbat's  special permission,  lest  contact  with  them  should demoralise  the  brethren  or  give  rise  to  scandals  ; they  were  to  be  lodged  in  a  separate  house within  the  precincts  (intra  septa)  (Cone.  Caesar- august.  A.D.  691 ;  cf.  Mab.  Ann.   0.  S.  B.  xviii. XV.) Benedict  orders,  that  monks  coming  from another  country  (peregrini)  may,  if  orderly,  pro- long their  stay  in  the  monastery  {Beg.  0.  61)  for one,  two,  or  even  three  years  (Mart.  Reg.  Com- ment. 1.  c.) ;  and  that  any  suggestions  which they  make  for  its  better  management  are  to  be welcomed  as  providential  (Bened.  Reg.  ib.).  They are  then  either  to  be  dismissed  kindly ("  honeste  ")  or  formally  admitted,  not,  however, unless^  they  bring  commendatory  letters  from their  former  abbat,  or  otherwise  give  proof  of  his consent.  Once  admitted,  they  may  be  promoted without  delay  at  the  abbat's  discretion,  to  places "  Whitaker'b  Uislory  of  Whalley,  4th  ed.  1874,  p.  121 HOST of  authority  ;  as  may  clergy  similarly  admitted {ib.).  Laymen,  willing  to  stay  on,  are  either  to take  the  vow,  or  to  make  themselves  useful  to  the monastery  in  some  sort  of  work  in  return  for board  and  lodging  (  Reg.  Mag.  c.  79). It  was  part  of  the  discipline  of  candidates  for the  novitiate  to  wait  on  the  guests  in  their  sit- ting-room ("  cella  hospitum,"  or  "  hospitium  "), according  to  the  rule  of  Benedict,  for  some  days {Reg.  c.  58),  or,  according  to  some  later  rules, for  three  months  (Isid.  Reg.  c.  5  ;  Fruct.  Reg.  c. 21 ;  Menard  ad  Bened.  Anian.  Concord.  Regul. Ixii.)  [see  Novice]. History  shows  how  the  simple  and  frugal  hos- pitality enjoined  by  Benedict  and  monastic  law- makers degenerated  in  time  into  luxury  and  dis- play, burdensome  to  the  revenues  of  the  monas- teries, demoralising  to  their  inmates,  and  one  of the  proximate  causes  of  their  fall,         [I.  G.  S.] HOST,  from  the  Latin  Hostia,  a  victim.  It was  applied  to  sacrifices,  or  offerings  of  various kinds  in  the  ecclesiastical  language  of  the  West. E.g.  in  the  Vulgate  version  of  Rom.  xii.  1,  we have  "  Ut  exhibeatis  corpora  vestra  hostiam " (E.  V.  sacrifice)  "  viventem,  sanctam,  Deo  placen- tem,  rationabile  obsequium  vestrum  : "  and similarly  in  the  Missale  Gothicum,  the  people  are bid  to  pray  that  God  "  may  cleanse  the  hearts  of all  the  offerers  unto  {i.e.  that  they  may  become) a  sacrifice  (hostiam)  of  sanctification,  reason- able and  well-pleasing  unto  Himself"  {Liturg. Gall,  ed  Mabill.  p.  237).  In  the  Vulgate  of Phil.  iv.  18,  it  is  used  of  almsgiving,  "Hostiam acceptam,  placentem  Deo."  Christ,  the  one  true victim,  is  called  hostia,  as  in  Eph.  v.  2,  "  Tra- didit  semetipsum  pro  nobis  oblationem  et  hos- tiam." Similarly  Heb.  x.  12  :  "  Unam  pro  nobis offerens  hostiam."  Compare  Heb.  ix.  26.  This is  frequent  in  the  old  Latin  liturgies.  Thus  in the  Gothic  Missal,  "  Suppliant  to  Thee  who  wast slain  a  victim  (hostia)  for  the  salvation  of  the world,  we  pray,  &c."  {Lit.  Gall.  p.  235) ;  and "Whom  Thou  didst  will  to  be  delivered  up  a sacrifice  (hostiam)  for  us  "  {ibid.  p.  257  ;  comp. p.  198).  In  the  following  example  the  church commemorates  and  pleads  that  sacrifice  :— "  We offer  unto  thee,  0  God,  an  immaculate  victim (hostiam),  whom  the  maternal  womb  brought forth  without  defilement  to  virginity  "  {Missale Mozar.  Leslie,  p.  39).  As  the  thank-offering (Eucharist)  of  the  Mosaic  law  had  been  called hostia  laudis  (Ps.  cxvi.  17),  or  hostia  gratiarum (Lev.  vi.  13),  so  was  the  Christian  thank-ofl'er- ing,  the  sacramental  commemoration  of  the  death of  Christ.  E.g.  "Receive  we  beseech  thee,  0 Lord,  the  sacrifice  (hostiam)  of  propitiation  and praise,  and  these  oblations  of  Thy  servants" {Miss.  Goth.  u.  s.  p.  253). As  the  word  properly  expresses  a  concrete notion,  it  would  readily  pass  from  the  last  mean- ing to  attach  itself  to  the  material  symbols offered  in  the  rite.  In  the  Missale  Gothicum,  in a  prayer  said  after  the  consecration,  we  read, "  We  offer  unto  thee,  0  Lord,  this  immaculate host,  reasonable  host,  unbloody  host,  this  holy bread  and  salutary  cup"  {u.  s.  p.  298).  The following  example  is  from  the  Mozarabic  Missal : — "This  host  of  bread  and  wine,  which  have been  placed  on  Thy  altar  by  me  unworthy" (Leslie,  p.  445).  It  will  be  observed  that  in these  extracts  the  bread  and  wine  (after  conse- HOST,  THE  ADORATION  OF ciation)  are  together  called  the  host.  Even  in the  11th  century  Anselm  affirmed  correctly, "  One  host  in  bread  and  wine.  .  .  .  They  call  both together  by  one  name,  oblation  or  host"  {Ad Walerannum,  c.  2).  Long  before  this,  however, it  was  sometimes  restrained  to  the  bread  alone, as  in  the  three  earliest  Ordines  Rotnani,  which range  from  the  7th  to  the  9th  century: — "The acolytes  (carrying  the  consecrated  bread)  go down  to  the  presbyters  that  they  may  break  the hosts  "  (Musaeum  Ital.  tom.  ii.  pp.  13,  49,  59). In  these  ancient  directories  the  unconsecrated loaves  are  always,  and  the  consecrated  more  fi'e- quently,  called  by  the  older  name  of  "  oblates." When  the  phrase  "  immaculate  host  "  was  in- troduced into  the  Roman  Missal  towards  the 11th  century  (Le  Brun,  Explic.  de  la  Messe, P.  iii.  art.  6)  from  that  of  Spain,  the  mistake was  made  of  applying  it  to  the  unconsecrated bread.  See  Scudamore's  Notitia  Eucharistica, p.  370.  [W.  E.  S.] HOST,  THE  ADORATION  OF.     In  the modern  church  of  Rome,  the  worship  of  latrii, i.e.  such  worship  as  is  due  to  God,  is  paid  to  the consecrated  symbol  of  our  Lord's  body  in  the eucharist,  under  sanction  of  the  dogma,  that the  bread  is,  in  all  but  appearance  and  other "  accidents,"  converted  into  that  body,  and  that His  human  soul  and  His  divinity,  being  united to  His  body,  are  therefore  in  that  which  has become  His  body  ;  so  that  whole  Christ,  God and  man,  is  in  it,  and  in  every  particle  of  it (Catech.  Trident,  p.  ii.  de  Euch.  cc.  33,  35).  Of such  adoration  of  the  host  the  church  knew nothing,  and  could  know  nothing,  before  the opinions  which  at  last  shaped  themselves  into that  dogma  had  taken  possession  of  the  minds  of men.  But  the  Latin  word  adoratio,  and  the Greek  irpoaKvvnffis,  like  the  old  English  worship, have  a  great  latitude  of  meaning,  and  are  ap- plied to  the  simplest  outward  tokens  of  respect, no  less  than  to  that  highest  homage  of  the  body, soul,  and  spirit,  which  is  due  to  God  alone.  For example,  in  Gen.  xxxvii.  7,  9,  where  the  English has  "did  obeisance,"  the  Septuagint  gives  vpocre- Kvvi](rav  and  TrpocreKvvovv ;  the  Latin  Vulgate, adorarc.  Exod.  xi.  8  :  Eng.  "  Thy  servants  .... shall  bow  down  to  me "  ;  Sept.  TrpoffKwriaovffi fif  ;  Vulg.  adorabunt  me.  See  Scudamore's Notitia  Eucharistica,  p.  844.  In  this  lower sense,  we  find  the  word  "  adoration,"  and  its equivalents,  employed  within  the  period  which it  is  our  part  to  illustrate,  to  denote  the  expres- sion of  reverence  to  the  bread  and  wine,  which are  the  sacramental  body  and  blood  of  Christ. With  this  previous  eiplanation,  we  give,  in  chro- nological order,  a  catena  of  passages,  which  will exhibit  sufficiently,  as  we  hope,  both  the  feelings of  reverence  which  the  early  Christians  had  for the  sacred  symbols,  and  the  manner  in  which they  expressed  it  by  words,  or  gesture,  or  care- ful handling,  and  the  like.  Among  these  are several  which  have  often  been  mistakenly  ad- duced as  affording  testimony  to  the  antiquity  of the  Roman  worship  of  the  host. Tertullian,  A.D.  192,  "  We  are  distressed,  if any  of  our  cup,  or  even' bread,  be  cast  on  the ground "  {De  Cor.  Mil.  c.  iii.).  The  context shows  that  the  allusion  is  to  a  religious  rite. Origen,  A.D.  230 :  "  Ye  who  are  wont  to  be present    at    the    Divine    Mysteries,    know    how. HOST,  THE  ADORATION  OF      791 when  ye  take  the  body  of  the  Lord,  ye  keep  it with  all  care  and  reverence,  lest  any  particle fall  therefrom,  lest  aught  of  the  consecrated gift  be  spilled.  For  ye  believe,  and  rightly believe,  yourselves  to  be  guilty,  if  aught  fall therefrom  through  negligence.  But  if  ye  use, and  justly  use,  so  great  care  about  the  keeping of  His  body,  how  do  ye  think  it  involves  less guilt  to  have  been  careless  about  the  word  of  God, than  to  have  been  careless  about  His  body  ?"{Nom. in  Exod.  xiii.  §  3).  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  A.D. 350 :  "  When  thou  drawest  near,  do  not  draw near  with  hands  expanded  or  fingers  wide  apart ; but  making  thy  left  hand  a  throne  for  thy  right, as  about  to  receive  a  king,  and  making  the  palm hollow,  receive  the  body  of  Christ,  answering Ame7i.  Partake,  therefore,  having  heedfully sanctified  thine  eyes  with  the  touch  of  the  holy body,  taking  care  that  thou  drop  nought  of  it. Then,  after  the  communion  of  the  body of  Christ,  approach  thou  also  to  the  cup  of  His blood,  not  stretching  forth  thy  hands ;  but  with head  bowed,  and  with  gesture  of  adoration  (irpoff- Kvf-fiaeeas)  and  reverence,  saying  Amen,  be  thou sanctified,  partaking  also  of  the  blood  of  Christ. And  while  the  moisture  is  still  on  thy  lips, touching  them  with  thy  hands,  sanctify  both  eyes and  forehead,  and  the  other  organs  of  sense  " {Catech.  Myst.  v.  §§  18,  19).  Pseudo-Dionysius, who  may  have  written  as  early  as  362,  in  a highly  i-hetorical  passage,  makes  the  following apostrophe  to  the  sacrament :  "  But,  0  most divine  and  sacred  celebration  (jeXirr) ;  in  the Latin  translation,  Sacramentum),  do  thou,  un- folding the  enigmatic  wrappings  that  with symbols  enshroud  thee,  manifest  thyself  to  us  in clear  light,  and  fill  our  mental  vision  with  the only  and  unshrouded  light "  {De  Eccl.  Hier. cap.  iii.  n.  iii.  §  2).  Owing  to  the  word  TeAenij (celebration  of  mysteries)  having  been  rendered  by Sacramentum,  this  passage  has  been  often  brought forward  as  an  address  to  "  the  Sacrament ;"  i.e. to  the  consecrated  host  (Bellarm.  Disput.  tom. iii.  1.  iv.  c.  29  compared  with  1.  ii.  c.  3).  Had the  word  been  capable  of  that  meaning,  it  would still  have  been  only  an  apostrophe,  not  an example  of  adoration  directed  to  the  sacred element.  Gorgonia,  the  sister  of  Gregory  Nazi- anzen,  A.D.  370,  is  said  by  him,  in  a  dangerous illness,  to  have  "prostrated  herself  before  the altar,  and  called  with  a  loud  voice  upon  Him who  is  honoured  thereon"  {Orat.  viii.  §  18). This  has  been  understood  ( Bellarm.  u.  s. ) to  mean  that  she  worshipped  the  host  on  the altar ;  which  for  several  centuries  after  that time  was  not  reserved  there.  St.  Gregory  him- self goes  on  to  tell  us  that  "  she  mingled  with her  tears  whatever  her  hand  had  treasured  of the  antitypes  of  the  precious  body  and  blood." St.  Ambrose,  A.D.  374,  commenting  on  the  words of  the  98th  Psalm,  adorate  scabellum  pedum  Ejus, considers  that  "  by  the  footstool  the  earth  is meant,  and  by  the  earth,  the  flesh  of  Christ, which  to  this  day  we  adore  in  the  mysteries,  and which  the  apostles  adored  in  the  Lord  Jesus" {De  Spir.  S.  lib.  iii.  c.  11,  n.  79).  Here  it  is implied  that  a  reverence  is  due  to  the  conse- crated earthly  elements,  not  equal  to  that  which is  due  to  Christ  Himself,  but  in  such  proportion to  it,  more  or  less,  as  our  loyal  resjiect  for  the insignia  of  royalty  has  to  that  which  we  enter- tain for  the    person   of  the   king  himself.     St. 792     HOST,  THE  ADORATION  OF Augustine,  a.d.  396,  explains  the  same  passage at  greater  length,  but  does  not  lead  us  to  a different  view  of  the  adoration  intended  :  "  He took  earth  of  the  earth;  for  flesh  is  of  the  earth, and  He  took  flesh  of  the  flesh  of  Mary.  And because  He  walked  here  in  the  flesh  itself,  and gave  His  flesh  itself  to  be  eaten  by  us  unto  sal- vation, but  no  one  eats  that  flesh  unless  he  has first  adored,  we  have  found  out  how  such  a  foot- stool of  God  may  be  adoi'ed,  and  how  we  not only  do  not  sin  by  adoring,  but  sin  by  not adoring "  (^Enarr.  in  Ps.  xcviii.  §  9).  Com- menting on  Ps.  xxi.  29  (Lat.  30),  the  same father  says :  the  rich  of  the  earth  "  have  them- selves been  brought  to  the  table  of  Christ,  and take  of  His  body  and  blood ;  but  they  only worship, — are  not  also  satisfied,  because  they  do not  imitate  "  {Ep.  cxl.  ad  Honoratum,  cxxvii. §  66  ;  Sim.  Enarr.  i.  in  Ps.  xxi.  v.  30).  Here, however,  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  writer  had at  all  in  view  the  reverence  paid  to  the  sacra- mental body.  He  rather,  perhaps,  is  thinking  of communion  as  accompanied  by  prayer,  and  as the  crowning  act  of  the  eucharist,  or  thanks- giving. The  following  words  of  St.  Chrysostom, A.D.  398,  have  been  supposed  (Bellarni.  u.  s.)  to refer  to  the  adoration  of  the  eucharist :  "  Are thy  garments  filthy,  and  it  concerns  thee  not  ? But  are  they  clean  ?  Then  recline  (^avdireffai, rendered  improperly  adorate)  and  partake " {Horn.  iii.  in  Ep.  ad  Eph.  c.  i.  vv.  20-23 ;  often quoted  from  the  cento  known  as  Horn.  Ixi.  ad Antioch.).  Again,  a  worship  of  the  elements has  been  inferred  (Bell.  u.  s.)  from  this  sentence: "This  table  is  in  the  place  of  the  manger,  and here  also  will  the  body  of  the  Lord  lie  ;  not, indeed,  as  then,  wrapped  in  swaddling-clothes, but  clothed  all  around  with  the  Holy  Ghost. The  initiated  understand.  And  the  Magi  then did  nothing  but  adore;  but  we  will  permit  thee botli  to  receive,  and  having  received  to  return hdinc,  IfthtKi  draw  near  with  a  clean  conscience  " {/>!'  /:<''[.  J'/iilogono,  §  3).  Other  passages,  to which  contruversialists  refer,  in  the  works  of  St. Chrysostom  (as  Horn.  Ixxxiii.  in  St.  Matt.  ;  xxiv. in  Ep.  i.  ad  Cur.  &c.),  only  exalt  the  sacrament, do  not  speak  of  any  adoration.  Theodoret,  A.D. 423 :  "  The  mystic  symbols  do  not,  after  the consecration,  pass  out  of  their  own  nature ;  for they  remain  in  their  former  substance,  and  form, and  appearance,  and  are  visible  and  palpable,  as they  were  before  ;  but  they  are  mentally  per- ceived as  what  they  have  become,  and  are believed  to  be,  and  are  adored  as  being  what they  are  believed  to  be  "  (JDialog.  ii.  torn.  iv. p.  85).  Here  tlic  worship  of  latria  cannot  pos- sibly be  intended,  because  the' author,  in  the same  sentence,  teaches  that  the  "creatures  ot' bread  and  wine  "  are,  after  consecration,  broad and  wine  still.  It  may  be  remarked  also,  that although  many,  or  perhaps  all,, of  the  foregoing extracts  may  be  seen  quoted  in  favour  of  the modern  cultus  of  the  host,  there  is  not  one  that is  really  to  the  purpose.  Nor  is  it  until  the  7th century,  an  age  in  which  the  outward  observ- ances of  religion  multiplied  rapidly,  that  we  find any  definite  gesture  of  respect  to  the  host  men- tioned. It  was  the  custom  at  Rome  then  to reserve  a  portion  of  the  eucharist  [see  Fkr- mentum],  to  be  put  into  the  chalice  at  the  next ce'icbi-ation.  The  earliest  Ordo  Romanus  (§  8. Muiac.  Itnl.  torn.  ii.  p.  S)  directs  that  when  this HOURS  OF  PRAYER is  brought  out  for  use,  "  the  bishop  or  deacon salute  the  holy  things  {sanctd)  with  an  inclina- tion of  the  head."  In  Ordo  II.,  which  is  a revision  of  the  first,  and  perhaps  a  century  later, the  bishop,  "his  head  bowed  toward  the  altar, first  adores  the  holy  things,"  &c.  (§  4,  p.  43). See  also  the  Ecloga  of  Amalarius,  who  comments on  this  Ordo  (§  6,  p.  550).  The  significance  of the  action,  may  be  estimated  by  the  similar respect  paid  in  some  churches  to  the  goffjjel,  e.g. "  The  priests  and  bishops  standing  by  uncover their  heads,  lay  down  their  sticks,  and  worship the  gospel  by  an  inclination  of  the  head  "  {Fitu- alis  Gabriel,  Renaud.  torn.  i.  p.  211).  The  last passage  to  which  we  shall  call  attention,  occurs in  the  Acts  of  the  council  of  Constantinople,  A.D. 754 :  "  As  that  which  He  took  of  us  is  only  the matter  of  human  substance,  perfect  in  all  things, without  expressing  the  proper  form  of  a  person, that  no  addition  of  person  may  take  place  m  the Godhead,  so  also  did  He  command  the  image, chosen  matter,  to  wit  the  substance  of  bread,  to be  offered,  not,  however,  fashioned  after  the  form of  man,  lest  idolatry  should  be  brought  in " (in  Act.  vi.  Cone.  Nic.  ii.  Labb.  tom.  vii.  col.  448). It  is  evident  that  the  adoration  of  the  host, in  its  modern  sense,  could  not  have  been  known when  this  was  written. As  elevation  is  often  supposed  to  imply  adora- tion, it  should  be  mentioned  that  there  was  no elevation  of  the  consecrated  elements  in  the  West before  the  twelfth  century ;  and  that  the  so- called  elevation  of  the  East  was  merely  a  "  show- ing of  the  gifts,"  designed  to  second  the  invitation to  communicate  conveyed  by  the  proclamation, "  Holy  things  for  the  holy  "  (see  Notitia  Eucha- rtstica,  pp.  546,  595).  [W.  E.  S.] HOURS  OF  PRAYER.  I.  This  phrase was  inlierited  from  the  elder  church.  "Peter and  John  went  up  together  into  the  temple  at the  Hour  of  Prayer,  being  the  ninth  hour " (Acts  iii.  1).  At  first  the  observance  of  the hours  was  of  devotion  only,  but  it  was  after- wards made  obligatory  by  canon  on  the  clergy and  monks,  and  they  began  to  be  called Canonical  Hours.  The  earliest  use  of  this  ex- pression is  found,  we  think,  in  the  rule  of  St. Benedict  (c.  67  ;  in  Holstenii  Codex  Regidaruin, P.  ii.) ;  but  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been  very common  within  the  period  of  which  we  treat. It  occurs  in  the  Reijida  of  St.  Isidore  of  Seville who  died  in  636  (cap.  7  ;  Hoist,  u .  s.).  St.  Eloy, A.D.  640,  employs  it :  "  To  whom  should  it  be said  that  '  men  ought  always  to  pray  and  not  to faint '  (St.  Luke  xviii.  1),  if  not  to  him  who  daily at  tl-  •  Canonical  Hours,  according  to  the  rite  of I'cch  i.istical  tradition,  praises  and  beseeches  the I.oi-d  without  ceasing  in  the  accustomed  psalmody and  prayers "  {Horn.  xi.  in  Biblloth.  PP.  tom. xii.).  Bede  in  our  own  country  (a.d.  701),  in  his commentary  on  those  words  of  St.  Luke,  copies this  sentence  from  St.  Eloy.  The  "Canonical Hours "  are  mentioned  in  the  excerptions  of Ecgbriht,  a.d.  740  (can.  28 ;  Johnson's  Engl. Canons),  and  in  the  canons  of  Cuthbert,  747  (c. 15  ;  ibid.). II.  What  is  meant  hy  an  Hour. — By  an  hour was  understood  a  twelfth  part  of  the  natural day,  reckoned  from  sunrise  to  sunset,  of  what- ever length  it  might  be.  Upon  the  use  of  this natural  measure  of  time  bv  the  Jews  is  founded HOUES  OF  PRAYER that  saying  of  our  Lord:  "Are  there  not  twelve hours  in  the  day?  If  a  man  walk  in  the  day,  he stumbleth  not ;  because  he  seeth  the  light  of this  world"  (St.  John  xi.  9).  The  Eomans  are said  to  have  adopted  this  division  of  the  day about  B.C.  291.  Martial  refers  to  it  as  in  use among  them,  when  he  tells  a  friend  that  he might  read  his  book  in  less  than  an  hour,  and that  not  one  of  summer's  length  {Epigr.  lib.  xii. n.  1,  ad  Priscum).  In  the  Fseudolus  of  Plautus an  "  hour  in  winter  "  is  said  to  be  "  shortest  " (Act  V.  sc.  2,  1.  11).  The  Greeks  had  learnt this  method  in  the  6th  century  before  Christ, when  the  sun-dial  became  known  to  them  pro- bably through  Anaximander  (see  Diogenes  Laert. lib.  1.  c.  7);  and  they  retained  it  during  their subjection  to  the  Roman  empire.  Thus  iu  the Sentences  ascribed  to  Secundus  of  Athens  in  the time  of  Hadrian,  a  day  is  defined  to  be  "the space  given  to  toil,  the  course  of  twelve  hours  " {^ent.  4).  As  the  time  of  labour  varied,  so must  the  hours  have  been  longer  or  shorter.  It IS  employed  beyond  our  period  by  Cassianus Bassus,  A.D.  940,  as  when  he  tells  the  tiller  of the  land  at  what  hour  the  moon  sets  and  rises on  each  day  of  the  month  {Geoponica  lib.  i.  c.  7). St.  Augustine  speaks  as  if  he  knew  of  no  other, "The  hour  in  winter,  compai-ed  with  the  hour in  summer,  is  the  shorter"  {De  Vera  Itelig.  c. .\liii.  §  80).  Hence  we  infer  that  the  natural day  and  hour  were  also  employed  by  the  church in  his  day.  Amalarius  at  the  close  of  our  period uses  the  same  division  of  time  with  express reference  to  the  Hours  of  Prayer ;  prefacing  his account  of  them  thus:  "The  people  properly call  the  presence  of  the  sun  above  the  earth  the complete  day.  From  this  definition  it  may  be understood  that  a  day  of  twelve  hours  ought  to begin  at  the  rising  and  end  at  the  setting  of  the sun  "  {De  Ordine  Antiphonarii,  c.  6 ;  see  also  cc. 16,  70).  By  the  first  hour,  then,  we  are  to understand  that  twelfth  part  of  the  natural  day which  began  at  sunrise ;  by  the  sixth  that  which ended  when  the  sun  crossed  the  meridian;  the twelfth  that  which  immediately  preceded  the sunset. The  day  and  the  night  were  further  divided into  four  equal  parts.  Each  quarter  of  the  day consisting  of  three  hours  was  named  after  the last  hour  in  it.  Thus  the  first  quarter,  con- taining the  first,  second,  and  third  hour,  was called  the  third  hour  (Tertia,  Terce),  that  is  to say,  by  the  "third  hour"  we  often  have  to understand  the  whole  interval  between  sunrise and  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  (smaller)  hour. Similarly  Sext  is  the  space  of  the  three  hours that  follow,  viz.  the  fourth,  the  fifth,  and  the sixth,  ending  at  noon,  or  twelve  o'clock.  None embraces  the  seventh,  eighth  and  ninth  hours  ; and  the  last,  called  Duodecima,  contains  the tenth,  eleventh,  and  twelfth,  ending  at  sunset. This  is  satisfactorily  shown  by  Fraucolinus  {De Temporihus  Horar.  Canon,  c.  xxi. ;  Romae,  1571). Hence  St.  Benedict  {Regula,  c.  48)  was  free  to direct  that  from  Easter  to  the  Kalends  of  October None  should  be  said  "  in  the  middle  of  the  eighth hour,"  and  that  from  the  latter  time  to  Ash- Wednesday  "  Terce  should  be  performed  at  the second  hour." III.  The  Prayers  called  Hours,  cfc— By  the Hours  of  Prayer  and  the  Canonical  Hours  wej'e iilso  understood  the  devotions  themselves,  con- HOURS  OF  PRAYER 7it3 sisting  for  the  most  part  of  psalms  and  prayers,        ' which  were  used  at  the  stated  times  more  pro-        j perly  so  called.     Equivalents  in  this  secondary sense    within    the    first    eight    centuries  were Ofticium  Divinum,   or  Otficia    Divina  (see    e.  g.         i Beued.  Regula,  cc.  8,  43;  Isidore  of  Seville,  i)e        .' Ecd.    Off.    lib.   i.  c.   19),  Cursus    {so.   Divinus) (Oreg.  Turon.  de  Gloria  Mart.  lib.  i.  c.  11  ;   Hist.        \ Franc.  1.  viii.  c.  15  ;  ix.  c.  6,  &c.) ;  Cursus  eccle-        ! siastici  (Greg.  Tur.  Hist.  Franc.  1.  x.  c.  31 ;  n.        \ 19);    Missa   {Cone.  Agath.  a.d.   506,  cap.   30;        ' Cassian.  De  Cuenob.   Instit.   L.  ii.  c.  7) ;  and  so Missa  nocturna  (Cass.  m.  s.  1.  ii.  c.  13),  Vigiliarum Missa   (ibid.    1.  iii.  c.   8),   &c. ;    Missa  Canonica {ibid.  0.  5)  (though   it  may  be  doubted  whether        1 in  Cassian's  time  the  thought  of  dismissal  was entirely    absent    when    that    word    was    used) ; Orationes  Canouicae  (ibid.  1.  ii.  c.  12).     We  find used  also  the  more  general  terms  Diurna  Cele- britas,  Solemnitas,  Agenda,  or,  from  the  staple of  the    devotions   used,    Psalmodia.     The    word        i synaxis  (assembling)  employed  by  the  Egyptian,        ' Syrian,    and    Grecian  monks,    conveyed    to   the        j mind  alike  the  notion  of  the  times  at  which  and        I of  the  purpose   for  which   they  assembled  (ibid. lib.  ii.   c.    10  ;   C'ollat.  viii.  c.  16,  &c.).     It   was often  thus  used  in  the  West,  but  at  first  needed explanation.     Hence  in  the  rule  of  St.  Columban, abbot  of  Luxeuil  in  Burgundy,  and  afterwards  of Bobio  in  Italy  from  589  to  615,  we  read,  "con-        j cerniug  the  synaxis,  that  is,  the  course  of  psalms        ] and  the  canonical  method  of  prayers "  (cap.  7, Hoist.  M.  s.  sim.  Regula  Donati,  c.  75,  Hoist.  P.        '' iii.).     In  England  the  following  example  occurs in  740,  "  These  seven  synaxes  we  ought  daily  to        ' offer  to  God  with    great    concern  for  ourselves and    for  all  Christian   people"  (Excerptions  of Ecgbriht,  c.  28).     It  was  Latinised  by  Collecta, as  in  the  version  of  the  rule  of  Pachomius  (ad  ' calc.  0pp.  Cassiani),  and  by  St.  Jerome,  who  says "Alleluia  was  sung,  by   which  sign  they  were called  to  collect  "  (Epitaph.  Paulae,  Ep.  Ixxxvi.). By  the  Greeks  the  daily  course  was  also  called the  canon,  because  it  was  the  prescribed  rule  or norm    of   prayer.      Thus   Antiochus,    A.D.    614, "  Our    canon    is    called  Psalmody "   (Horn.    CV. Auct.  Gr.  Lat.  Biblioth.  PP.  torn.  i.).     Compare      ^ John    Moschus,    A.D.    630,    Liinonarion,    c.    40. There  is  perhaps  a  much  earlier   instance  in  St. Basil,   A.D.   370,  "Every   one  keeps   his  proper       j canon  "  i.  e.  observes  the  prayers  assigned  to  him      J (Regulae    Breviores,    Resp.    ad    Qu.    147).      St. Benedict  gave  to  the  daily  offices  of  his  monks the  expressive  name  of  Opus  Dei,  God's  Work (Regula,  co.  43,  44,  «&c.),  a  title  soon  adopted  by others  (Caesarii  Regula  ad  Man.  c.  19,   Hoist. P.  ii. ;  Aureliani   Regula,   c.    29,  ibid.   &c.).     It was  used  conventionally  as  a  complete  equivalent       1 to  Officium  Divinum  ;  e.  g.  Opus  Dei,  celebratur,       j expletur    (Reg.    Bened.    cc.    44,    52) ;    dicitur, canitur  (Regula,  SS.  Pauli    et  Stephani,  cc.  8,      , 11,  Hoist.  P.  ii.).     Opus  Divinum  is  also  found      ■ as   in    Benedict   (Regula,   c.    19),    Cassiodorius, A.D.  562  (De  Instit.  Div.  Litt.  c.  30),  &c.     Obse- quium    Divinum   also   occurs  at   the  beginning of  the    9th    century  (Cone.  Aquisgr.,  a.d.  816,      I cap.  131).     This  use  of  obsequium,  service,  may be  traced  to  the  Vulgate.     See  St.  John  xvi.  2  ;      ' Rom.  ix.  4;  xii.  1  ;  xy.  31  ;  Phil.  ii.  17,  30. IV.  The  several  Hours  of  Prayer  and  their various  Names. — Three  hours  of  jirayer,  the third,  the  sixth,  and  the  ninth  wore  observed  liy 794 HOURS  OF  PRAYER the  Jews.  "  E%'ening  and  morning  and  at  noon will  I  pray,"  was  the  resolve  of  David  (Ps.  Iv. 17).  Daniel  "  kneeled  upon  his  knees  three times  a  day,  and  prayed  and  gave  thanks  before his  God"  (Dan.  vi.  10).  Two  of  these  hours were  determined  by  the  times  of  the  daily  sacri- fices (Joshua  ben  Levi  in  Lightfoot,  Hor.  Hehr. in  Act.  Apost.  iii.  1),  which  were  otFered  "  in the  morning  and  about  the  ninth  hour"  (Josephus, Antiq.  L.  xiv.  c.  4.  §  3).  The  force  of  St.  Peter's argument  in  Acts  ii.  15,  "These  are  not  drunken as  ye  suppose,  seeing  it  is  but  the  third  hour  of the  day,"  depends  on  the  fact  familiar  to  his hearers  that  the  Jews  generally  did  not  break their  fast  (See  Grotius  and  others  in  loc.)  before the  mo]-ning  sacrifice  and  prayer.  This  there- fore was  about  the  third  hour.  We  are  expressly told  that  "the  hour  of  prayer"  at  which  Peter and  John  went  up  to  the  temple  was  the  "  ninth hour"  (Acts  iii.  1).  At  the  ninth  hour  Cor- nelius, a  proselyte  of  the  gate,  "  prayed  in  his house  "  (Acts  x.  30).  St.  Peter  "  went  up  upon the  house-top  to  pray  about  the  sixth  hour" (^ihid.  V.  9).  "  We  read,"  says  Ardo  Smaragdus, and  he  may  speak  for  many,  "  that  the  third, sixth,  and  ninth  hours  were  observed  by  the ajjostles"  {Comm.  in  S.  Bened.  Hegulam,  c.  16). The  three  hours  of  the  apostolic  church  were transmitted  to  the  succeeding  ages.  Tertullian, A.D.  192,  speaks  of  "  those  common  hours  which mark  the  divisions  of  the  day,  the  third,  sixth, and  ninth,  whicli  we  may  observe  in  Scripture to  be  more  solemn  than  the  rest "  {De  Orat. c.  25.  See  De  Jejun.  adv.  Psychicos,  c.  10). Clemens  Alex.,  A.D.  192,  "If  some  assign  stated hours  to  prayer,  as  the  third,  sixth,  and  ninth, the  man  of  knowledge  prays  to  God  throughout his  whole  life "  (IStrom.  1.  vii.  c.  7,  §  40). "  There  are  three  times,"  observes  St.  Jerome, "  in  which  the  knees  are  to  be  bent  to  God. Ecclesiastical  tradition  understands  the  third, the  sixth,  and  the  ninth  hour"  ((7omm.  in  Dan, c.  vi.  V.  10). In  the  3rd  century,  however,  we  begin  to  hear of  five  stated  times  of  prayer.  St.  Cyprian, A.D.  252,  after  citing  the  Scriptui-al  examples given  above,  goes  on  to  say,  "  But  beside  the hours  observed  of  old,  both  the  durations  and sacraments  of  prayer  have  increased  for  us  now. For  we  ought  to  pray  in  the  morning Also  when  the  sun  withdraws  and  the  day  fails, we  must  by  a  necessary  obligation  pray  again  " {De  Orat.  Dom.  sub  fin.).  St.  Basil  in  Cappadocia speaks  of  these  hours  of  prayer  as  necessary  and suitable  for  monks;  the  morning,  the  third hour,  the  sixth,  the  ninth,  and  the  evening (Ecgulae  fusius  Tract.  Resp.  ad  Qu.  37,  §§  3-5). The  morning  office  now  introduced  is  called  by Cyprian  (u.  s .)  matutina  oratio;  matutinae oratioues  by  Aurelian  {Regula  c.  28) ;  by  Cassian matutina  solemnitas  {De  Coenob.  Inst.  lib.  iii. c.  3).  By  others  it  was  called  laudes  matutinae, from  the  use  in  it  of  the  three  last  psalms, which  were  called  emphatically  by  the  Latins "  laudes,"  and  by  the  Greeks  aivoi.  Hence  the later  common  appellation  of  lauds.  From  this the  office  also  took  the  name  of  matutinae  (Greg. Turon.  Hist.  Franc.  L.  ii.  c.  23  :  Vit.  Fair.  c.  4, &c. ;  Ferreoli  Betjula,  c.  13  in  Holsten.  P.  ii. ; Guidonis  Jicg.  c.  39  in  Hergot,  Vet.  Discipl.  Mon. Par.  1726).  It  was  also  called  matutinum sacrificium,  as  by  Fructuosus  {Reg.  c.  3  ;  Holsten. HOURS  OF  PRAYER M.  s.  and  matutinum  officium  ;  Isidor.  Reg.  c.  7  ; Cone.  Bracar.  a.d.  560,  can.  i.) ;  whence  also simply  matutinum  (Isid.  ibid.).  Matutinale  offi- cium is  also  found  (  Vita  S.  Joann.  Gorz.  in  Acta 38.  Ben.,  saec.  v.  p.  392)  and  matutinus  (sc.  cur- sus)  {Regula  Magistri,  c.  34,  Holsten.);  also  matu- tinarius  (Caesarii  Reg.  c.  21),  and  matutinarii canonici  (Aurel.  Ord.  post  Reg.).  But  the  most common  name  w.as  matutini,  from  the  psalmi, which  formed  the  chief  part  of  the  office.  This was  employed  by  Benedict  {Rcgula,  cc.  12,  13, &c.)  and  was  naturally  adopted  by  many  in  the same  age  (Pseud. -Aug.  Reg.  §  i ;  Caes.  Reg. c.  21 ;  Aurel.  Ord.  u.  s.  &c.). Among  the  Greeks  this  office  is  called  by  St. Basil  {Rcgulae  fus.  Tr.  u.  s.)  rh  opOpov,  the  office of  dawn,  a  name  which  it  retains  to  this  day ; by  St.  Epiphanius,  a.d.  368,  "  morning  {etcdivoi) hynms  and  morning  prayers  "  (De  Fide,  c.  23)  ; in  the  so-called  Apostolical  Constitutions  the "  prayers  of  dawn  "  (lib.  viii.  c.  34),  and  the "  thanksgiving  at  dawn  "  (c.  38). The  evening  office  was  generally  called  vespera in  the  West  (Bened.  Reg.  c.  41 ;  Isidor.  Hisp.  de JSccl.  Off.  lib.  i.  c.  20),  and  vespertinum  officium (Isid.  Reg.  c.  7).  St.  Ambrose  {De  Virginibus, lib.  iii.  c.  4,  §  18)  calls  it  the  "hour  of  incense" in  allusion  to  the  Jewish  rite  (Exod.  xxx.  8 ; Ps.  cxli.  2  ;  St.  Luke  i.  10).  It  was  sometimes called  lucernarium,  as  in  a  comment  on  the 119th  Psalm  ascribed  (incorrectly,  we  think)  to St.  Jerome.  "We  (monks)  pray  at  the  third hour.  We  pray  at  the  sixth  hour  ;  at  the  ninth. We  make  the  Lucernarium.  We  rise  in  the middle  of  the  night.  Finally  we  pray  at  cock- crow "  (ad  fin.  Breviar.  in  Psalm.  See  also Regul.  Tarnat.  c.  9,  in  Hoist.  P.  ii.).  Another form  was  Lucernarii,  as  in  Regula  Magistri, (c.  36,  Hoist.  M.  s.).  In  Spain,  as  we  shall  see, the  Lnceruarium  was  only  considered  the  first part  of  vespers.  Vespers  were  also  called  the twelfth  (hour),  as  in  the  Regula  Magistri  (c.  34). "  Prime  ought  to  be  said  in  the  same  manner  as Twelfth,  which  is  called  vespers."  The  2nd council  of  Tours,  A.D.  567,  says,  "  The  statutes of  the  fathers  have  prescrihied  that  .  .  .  twelve psalms  be  said  at  the  Twelfth  with  Alleluia, which  moreover  they  learnt  from  the  showing of  an  angel  "  (can.  18).  A  i-eference  to  Cassian {De  Coenob.  Inst.  L.  ii.  c.  5),  who  tells  the  story, proves  that  the  Twelfth  is  here  an  equivalent  to solemnitas  vespertina.  Compare  the  Ordincs  at the  end  of  the  Regulae  of  St.  Aurelian  in  Holsten. P.  ii.  pp.  110,  112;  P.  iii.  pp.  69,  72.  St. Columban  does  not  use  the  words  vespers  and completorium  in  his  rule,  but  (c.  7)  orders  a certain  service  to  be  said  "  ad  initium  noctis."  It appears  more  probable  that  this  refers  to  vespers, the  older  office  which  must  certainly  have  been said  in  his  monastery,  though  Menard  and  others think  that  compline  in  meant.  In  the  Greek church,  as  partially  in  the  Latin,  the  lighting of  the  lamps  gave  the  office  its  common  name  rb AuxvitSy,  though  it  is  also  called  more  properly rh  iffirepivov  (Goar  in  Euchologio,  p.  30).  In the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (lib.  viii.)  the  whole office  is  called  rh  eo-yrepivSv  (c.  35).  It  begins with  a  Psalm  (the  140th)  called  iirtXvxytos ; prayers  are  then  said  for  the  catechumens,  euer- gumens,  &c.  These  are  then  dismissed,  and  the faithful  say  a  prayer  and  thanksgiving  by  them- selves, both  of  which  are  qualified   by  the  title HOURS  OP  PRAYER (iriKvxvios  (cc.  36,  37).  At  the  council  of  Con- stantinople A.D.  536,  on  one  occasion  the  patriarch announced  rh  \vxvik6v  on  Saturday  evening  in the  oratory  of  St.  Mary  (Act  V.  Labb.  Cone.  torn. V.  col.  212).  The  council  held  there  in  691  (m Trullo)  ordered  that  there  should  be  no  kneeling from  Saturday  evening  until  Sunday  evening,  "on which  they  again  knelt  "  eV  toD  \vxviKcji  (can.  90). St.  Jerome  at  Bethlehem  mentions  at  least  six houi-s  as  kept  by  the  religious  women  whom  he advised :  "  There  is  no  one  who  knows  not  the third,  the  sixth,  the  ninth  hour,  the  dawn  also and  the  evening  ....  In  the  night  we  should rise  twice  or  thrice"  (Ad  Eustoch.  Ep.  .xviii.). To  Demetrias  he  says,  "  Beside  the  order  of  the Psalms  and  prayer,  which  thing  is  to  be  always practised  by  thee  at  the  third  hour,  the  sixth, the  ninth,  at  even,  midnight,  and  morning, settle  at  how  many  hours  thou  shouldst  learn  the Holy  Scripture,"  &c.  {Epist.  xcvii.).  Of  Paula and  her  community  he  says,  "  They  sang  the psalter  in  due  course  at  the  morning  hour,  at  the third,  the  sixth,  the  ninth,  at  even,  at  midnight" (Ad  Eustoch.  Epitaph.  Faulae,  Ep.  Ixxxvi.),  and he  advised  that  one  preparing  for  that  mode  of life  be  trained  "  to  rise  in  the  night  for  prayers and  psalms,  to  sing  hymns  in  the  morning,  to stand  in  the  field  like  a  good  soldier  of  Jesus Christ  at  the  third,  sixth,  and  ninth  hour  .  .  .  . and  to  render  the  evening  sacrifice  when  the lamp  is  lighted"  (Ad  Laetam,  Ep.  Ivii.).  The author  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  says, "  Make  prayers  at  sunrise,  at  the  third  hour,  the sixth,  the  ninth,  at  evening,  and  at  the  cock- crow "  (i.  e.  evidently  at  midnight)  (lib.  viii. c.  34). The  ordinary  night  office  of  the  monasteries  is called  by  Cassian  solemnitas  nocturna  (Instit. lib.  ii.  c.  4),  and  nocturni  psalmi  et  orationes (ibid.  c.  13);  by  Pseudo-Augustine  (Begula, App.  i.  ad  0pp.)  and  others  nocturnae  orationes ; whence  simply  nocturnae,  as  in  the  rule  of S.  Ferreol,  c.  13.  Nocturni  (sc.  psalmi  as  in Bened.  Begula,  c.  15;  Aurelian  Ordo  Eegulae affix. ;  Begula  Magistri,  c.  33  ;  &c.)  was  common. It  was  also  called  Nocturnum  Officium  (Beg. Mag.  u.  s.) ;  Officium  Vigiliae  (Isidori  Begula, c.  7);  and  apparently  the  word  vigiliae  itself conveyed  the  notion  of  the  service  used  in  the nightly  vigil  (Benedicti  Begula,  c.  9 ;  Isid.  Beg. c.  7  ;  &c.).  The  Greek  name  for  the  nocturna] office  is  ij.ea-ovvKTiK6v  (  Orc/o  Philothei  in  Euchol. Goar,  p.  7 ;  Typicon  Sabae.  c.  5 ;  see  Leo  Alla- tius.  Be  Lihr.  Eccl.  Grace.  Diss.  i.  p.  65). In  the  4th  century  there  appears  a  desire  to conform  the  rule  of  prayer  to  the  standard which  was  supposed  to  be  set  up  in  the  ll9th Psalm,  "  Seven  times  a  day  do  I  praise  thee  " (v.  164).  St.  Ambrose,  A.D.  374,  asks,  "If the  prophet  says.  Seven  times,  &c.,  who  was taken  up  with  the  affairs  of  a  kingdom,  what ought  we  to  do,  who  read,  Watch  and  pray,  that ye  enter  not  into  temptation  i  Certainly  solemn prayers  are  to  be  offered  with  giving  of  thanks when  we  rise  from  sleep,  when  we  go  forth, when  we  prepare  to  take  food,  when  we  have taken  it,  and  at  the  hour  of  incense  (St.  Luke, ii.  10),  lastly  when  we  go  to  bed"  (De  Virgi- nibus,  lib.  iii.  c.  4,  n.  18;  Comm.  in  Luc.  Ev. lib.  vii.  §  88).  If  such  were  to  be  the  practice in  private  life,  it  would  be  felt,  how  much  more signally   should    monks  observe    the    Psalmist's HOURS  OF  PRAYER 795 rule?  The  argument  had  weight  even  with those  who  understood,  as  St.  Augustine  (Serm. xxxi.  in  Ps.  cxviii.  §  4)  and  St.  Hilary  (Tract,  in Ps.  e%ind.  lib.  xxi.  §  4)  did,  the  Scriptural  use  of that  number.  Because  it  is  "  universitatis  indi- cium," therefore  (argues  the  former)  "  the church  with  reason  has  praised  God  for  His righteous  judgments  seven  times  a  day."  Cassian, A.D.  424,  claims  for  his  monastery,  the  founda- tion of  Paula  at  Bethlehem,  the  honour  of  having settled  the  rule.  This  was  by  the  addition  of  a matin  office,  afterwards  called  prime,  between the  matin  lauds  and  teres.  The  lauds  were "said  in  the  monasteries  after  a  short  interval  of time  when  the  nocturn  psalms  and  prayers  were over ;"  i.e.  shortly  before  sunrise,  while  the  new matin  office,  or  prime,  was  said  after  it.  We  are not  told  when  it  was  introduced,  but  in  Cassian's time,  though  of  Eastern  origin,  it  was  observed "  chiefly  in  the  regions  of  the  West "  (De  Coenob. Instit.  1.  iii.  c.  iv.).  Nevertheless  there  is  no mention  of  prime  in  the  rules  of  St.  Caesarius (bishop  of  Aries,  A.D.  506)  for  monks  and  nuns on  week  days,  and  only  in  one  MS.  of  the  latter is  it  prescribed  for  Sundays  (Martene,  De  Ant. Monach.  Bit.  1.  i.  c.  iv.  n.  2)  ;  nor  does  he  men- tion it  in  his  homilies,  though  he  entreats  the devout  to  rise  early  in  Lent  for  vigils,  and  before all  things  to  assemble  for  "  terce,  sext,  none  " (Horn.  cxi.  §  2,  in  App.  0pp.  Aug.).  He  assumes of  course  that  they  would  be  present  at  matins and  evensong  ;  and  in  the  duties  proper  to  litany days  we  find  him  including  attendance  at  church at  "the  six  hours"  (Horn,  clxxv.  §  3).  Some sixty  years  later  Cassiodorus  omits  prime  in  his enumeration  of  the  seven  hours  observed  by  the monks  (Expos,  in  Ps.  cxviii.  v.  164).  Nor  is  it recognised  by  St.  Isidore  of  Seville  a  century later  either  in  his  rule  (Holstenii  Codex  Begid. Monast.  p.  ii.),  or  in  his  work  De  Officiis.  In  the latter  (lib.  i.  c.  23)  he  even  quotes  what  Cassian says  of  prime  as  if  it  referred  to  the  older  matin lauds,  thus  showing  ignorance  of  the  institution of  another  matin  office.  It  was  however  already known  in  France,  being  ordered  (and  that  as  if already  known)  in  the  rule  of  Aurelian,  a  suc- cessor of  Caesarius  at  Aries,  A.D.  555  (Ordo Begulae  affix.  Hoist.  P.  ii.  p.  Ill  ;  P.  iii.  p.  71). Before  the  middle  of  the  7th  century  it  had found  its  way  into  Spain  ;  for  it  is  mentioned  in the  rule  of  Fructuosus  (Holsten.  P.  ii. ;  Begula, c.  2)  the  founder  of  the  Complutensian  monas- tery and  many  others,  who  died  in  675.  It  had been  introduced  in  Italy,  and  an  office  for  it prescribed  by  St.  Benedict,  A.D.  530  (Hoist,  u.  s. Begula,  c.  17).  It  appears  also  in  two  other Western  rules  of  unknown  authorship  and  coun- try ;  one  (Pseudo-Aug.  u.  s.)  of  the  6th  century, and  the  other  (Begula  Magistri,  c.  35,  Holsten. P.  ii.)  belonging  to  the  7th.  It  was  without doubt  largely  owing  to  Benedict  and  his  fol- lowers that  it  now  became  universal  in  the Latin  church. The  use  of  seven  offices  for  the  day  and  night, and  where  prime  was  adoj)ted,  of  seven  for  the day  alone,  was  attained  in  the  6th  century  by erecting  the  last  brief  prayers  said  before  going to  bed  into  a  formal  and  common  service  under the  name  of  Cotnpline.  St.  Ambrose,  as  already quoted,  probably  referred  to  private  prayer  only  ; but  St.  Chrysostom,  though  the  Greek  monks dill   not   adopt  any  set  service  answering  to  the ^96 HOURS  OF  PRAYER Western  Compline,  appears  to  speak  of  hymns sung  together  when  he  describes  the  life  of monks  in  his  day.  He  says  that  they  rise  at cockci-ow  for  psalmody  and  prayer,  going  to  rest again  a  little  before  light,  that  after  completing the  morning  prayers  and  hymns  they  turn  to  the reading  of  the  Scriptures,  .  .  .  then  obsei've  the third,  sixth,  and  ninth  hours,  and  the  evening prayers,  and,  dividing  the  day  into  four  parts, honour  God  in  each  part  by  psalmody  and prayer ;  .  .  .  and  after  sitting  (at  table)  a  short time,  closing  all  with  hymns,  take  their  rest {Horn.  xiv.  in  1  Tim.  §  4).  St.  Basil  again,  re- ferring to  the  custom  of  monks: — "When  the day  is  ended,  thanksgiving  for  the  things  that have  been  supplied  to  us  and  been  prosperously ordered,  and  confession  of  omissions  voluntary  or otherwise,  &c.,  are  made  (i.e.  in  the  evening office)  .  .  .  and  again,  at  the  beginning  of  the night,  prayer  (atTTjo-is),  that  our  rest  may  be undisturbed  and  free  from  illusions  "  (Reg.  Fus, Tract.  Resp.  ad  Q.  37,  §  5).  John  Climacus,  a.d. 564,  in  his  Liber  ad  Pastorem,ssLys  that  a  certain abbot  when  vespers  were  over  would  order  one monk  to  say  ten  psalms  (psalmorum  odaria),  an- other thirty,  a  third  a  hundred,  before  they  went to  sleep.  The  present  writer  has  observed  no trace  in  the  East  within  our  period  to  secure  any such  last  act  of  devotion  by  appointing  a  form  of prayer  for  constant  use  ;  but  in  the  Latin  church the  rule  of  St.  Benedict,  A.D.  530  (cc.  16,  17), speaks  of  Compline  as  if  it  were  already  as  well known  as  Terce  or  Sext.  He  does  not  claim  to introduce  it;  nor  does  he  ofler  any  explanation. At  the  same  time,  his  adoption  of  the  new  hour would  cause  it  to  be  widely  received.  Cassio- dorus,  who  probably  borrowed  from  St.  Benedict (see  Caret's  I)isse>-t.  appended  to  the  Life  in Cassiod.  0pp.),  in  his  commentary  on  the  119th Psalm,  written  about  560,  remarks  on  the  words, "  Seven  times  a  day,"  &c.  (v.  164),  "  If  we  desire to  understand  this  number  literally,  it  signifies the  seven  times  at  which  the  pious  devotion  of the  monks  solaces  itself;  i.e.  at  matins,  terce, sext,  none,  lucernaria  (vespers),  completoria,  noc- turns." The  word  completorium  has  been  said  to  refer rather  in  its  origin  to  the  completion  of  the ordinary  acts  of  daily  life  (Amalarius  De  Eccl. Off.  lib.  iv.  c.  8  ;  De  Online  Antiph.  c.  7)  than  to the  completion  of  the  daily  round  of  devotion. This  is  the  name  of  most  frequent  occurrence, owing  evidently  to  its  adoption  by  St.  Benedict (cc.  16,  17);  but  completa  is  also  found  as  in  the Ordines  of  Aurelian  (Hoist.  P.  ii.  p.  112:  P.  iii. p.  72),  and  in  the  work  of  Isidore  De  Eccl.  Off. (lib.  i.  c.  21);  though  in  his  rule  (c.  7)  comple- torium is  used.  A  corrupt  reading  in  the  2nd canon  of  Merida,  A.D.  666,  which  orders  that vespers  be  said  on  feasts  prius  quam  sonum  has led  to  the  conjecture  that  in  Spain  compline  was sometimes  called  somnum.  No  name  is  given  to the  office  by  Fructuosus  of  Braga,  656,  who  ap- pears however  to  refer  to  compline  when  in  his rule  (c.  2)  he  says,  "  In  the  night  season  there- fore the  first  hour  of  the  night  is  to  be  celebrated with  six  prayers,  &c."  After  describing  the office,  he  speaks  of  the  manner  in  which  the monks  shall  retire  to  rest.  When  the  Greeks  at length  prescribed  a  constant  form  answering  to the  Latin  completorium,  they  called  it  aTr6hinTvov because   it   followed   the   last   meal  of  the  day. HOURS  OF  PRAYER Perhaps  the  earliest  authority  is  the  Typicon ascribed  to  St.  Sabas,  who  died  in  the  6th  cen- tury, but  which  cannot  in  its  present  form  be earlier  than  the  11th. In  some  monasteries  a  ninth  office  was  said, called  Lucernaritlm.  There  was  from  an  early period  a  pious  custom  of  praying  when  lamps were  lighted  in  the  evening,  an  action  so  marked among  the  old  Romans  as  to  give  name  to  that part  of  the  day  (prima  fax,  or  prima  lumina). "  It  seemed  good  to  our  fathers,"  says  St.  Basil, "  not  to  receive  in  silence  the  gift  of  the  evening light,  but  to  give  thanks  as  soon  as  it  appeared. But  who  was  the  author  of  those  words  of  thanks- giving at  the  lighting  of  lamps  we  are  unable  to tell.  The  people,  however,  utter  the  ancient saying,  and  by  no  one  have  they  ever  been thought  guilty  of  impiety,  who  say,  '  We  praise the  Father  and  the  Son  and  Holy  Spirit  of  God  '  " (De  Spir.  Sanct.  c.  Ixxiii.).  In  the  Mozarabic Breviary  are  the  following  directions  for  the performance  of  this  rite  : — "A  commencement  is made  by  the  invocation  of  Jescts  Christ  (the Lord's  Prayer  preceding  it,  '  Lord,  have  mercy, Christ  have  mercy,  Lord  have  mercy;  Our Father  '  being  said  in  a  low  voice)  in  a  loud voice,  'In  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ,  light  witii peace  ;'  that  is,  the  light  oflered.  Those  who stand  round  respond  '  Thanks  be  to  God.'  And the  presbyter  says,  '  The  Lord  be  with  you always.'  £esp.  '  And  with  thy  spirit.'  And  the order  of  vespers  whether  it  be  a  festival  or  not, follows  in  this  manner.  This  may  be  illus- trated from  other  Spanish  sources.  E.g.  the  rule of  St.  Isidore  says,  "  In  the  evening  offices,  fii'st the  lucernarium,  then  two  psalms,  one  responsory and  lauds,  a  hymn  and  prayer  are  to  be  said  " (cap.  7).  The  lucernarium  is  here  considered the  first  part  of  vespers.  The  second  canon  of the  council  of  Merida,  666,  mentions  that  vespers were  said  "after  the  offering  of  the  light."  In the  East  the  140th  Psalm,  called  the  psalm  at the  lighting  (iiri\vxv^os)  was  said  before  vespers (Compare  Constit.  Apost.  lib.  viii.  c.  35,  with lib.  ii.  c.  59).  St.  Jerome  at  Bethlehem  :— "  Let her  be  trained  to  offer  the  evening  sacrifice  when the  lamp  is  lighted  "  (^Ad  Lactan.  Epist.  Ivii.). Socrates  says  that  "  in  Greece  and  at  Jerusalem, and  in  Thessaly  they  say  the  prayers  at  the lighting  of  lamps  very  much  in  the  same  manner as  the  Novatians  at  Constantinople"  (Eccl.  Hist. lib.  V.  c.  22).  Naturally,  vespers  which  followed these  prayers  came  to  be  called  in  some  churches by  the  name  of  lucernarium,  which  appeared  to be  the  first  part  of  it ;  but  sometimes  the  lucer- narium was  enlarged  into  a  distinct  office,  said some  little  time  before  vespers.  Thus  the  rule falsely  ascribed  to  St.  Augustine  (0pp.  App.  i.), after  prescribing  the  psalm  for  matins,  prime, &c.,  says,  "  Let  the  same  thing  be  observed  at vespers  and  compline ;  but  at  lucernarium  let there  be  the  (proper)  psalm,  one  responsory, three  antiphons,  three  lessons."  So  in  the  rules of  Aurelian  : — "  At  lucernarium  let  there  be  said in  the  first  place  at  all  seasons,  both  on  festivals and  ordinary  days,  a  psalm  in  monotone  (direct- aneus),  then  two  antiphons.  In  the  third  place let  there  be  said  with  Alleluia,  one  day  the hymn  Deus,  qui  certis  legibus ;  another  Dens creator  omnium,  and  a  little  chaj)ter.  At-  Twelfth (vespers)  eighteen  psalms,  an  antiphon  and hymn,  a  lesson  and  little  chapter.     When  ye  are HOURS  OF  rRAYER about  to  take  your  rest,  let  compline  be  saiil  in the  school  in  which  ye  remain  "  (lie;jula  ad  Mon. Hoist.  P.  ii. ;  Sim.  ad  Virg.  ibid.  P.  iii.).  Here  a distinction  is  clearly  made  between  the  lucevn- arium  and  vespers.  They  are  distinct  offices.  It is  probable,  however,  from  the  paucity  ot'  such notices,  that  the  former  was  treated  as  a  separate service  on  the  same  footing  with  the  ancient hours  only  in  a  very  few  communities. V.  Grounds  of  Observance. — For  Matins,  rea- sons- of  natural  piety  were  often  urged,  as  by St.  Basil,  "That  the  first  motions  of  the  soul and  mind  may  be  dedicated  to  God,  and  we  admit nothing  else  into  our  mind  before  we  have rejoiced  in  the  thought  of  God  "  (i?e/.  Fus.  Tr. Eesp.  ad  Q.  37,  §  3) ;  and  in  the  Apostolical  Con- stitutions (lib.  viii.  c.  34),  "To  give  thanks because  the  Lord,  causing  the  night  to  pass  away and  the  day  to  come  on,  hath  given  us  light." There  was  the  Scriptural  reason  too,  "That the  resurrection  of  the  Lord,  which  took  place in  the  morning,  may  be  celebrated  by  prayer " (Cyprian,  De  Or.  Dom.  u.  s.).  Similarly,  Isid. Hispal.  De  Eccl.  Off.  1.  i.  c.  22 ;  Cone.  Aquisgr. cap.  130. There  was  a  practical  reason  for  the  institution of  Prime,  as  well  as  the  ground  of  religious  sen- timent, to  which  we  have  already  had  occasion to  refer.  It  was  found  that  the  long  interval between  the  matin  lauds  and  terce  was  often spent  in  comparative  idleness  and  sloth.  The new  office  was  therefore  introduced  to  prevent this  (Cassian,  Coenob.  Inst.  1.  iii.  c.  4).  With this  statement  compare  the  provision  of  a Western  rule :  "  After  morning  prayers  let  it not  be  lawful  to  return  to  sleep ;  but  when matins  are  finished  let  prime  be  said  forthwith. Then  let  all  employ  themselves  in  reading  to  the third  hour"  (Aurel.  Reg.  ad  Monach.  c.  28). The  third,  sixth,  and  ninth  hours,  which  were observed  earlier  than  any  other,  were  thought to  have  been  selected  in  honour  of  the  Holy Trinity.  Thus  St.  Cyprian—"  We  find  that  the three  children  with  Daniel,  strong  in  faith  and conquerors  in  captivity,  observed  the  third,  sixth, and  ninth  hours  for 'a  sacrament  of  the  Trinity, which  was  to  be  manifested  in  the  last  time ; for  the  first  hour  coming  to  the  third  exhibits the  full  number  of  a  Trinity,  and  again  the fourth  proceeding  to  the  sixth  declai-es  another Trinity,  and  when  the  ninth  is  completed  by three  hours  from  the  seventh  a  perfect  Trinity (i.  e.  a  Trinity  of  Trinities)  is  numbered  "  {De Orat.  Dom.  sub  fin.).  Similarly  Isid.  Hispal.  De Eccl.  Off.  lib.  i.  c.  19 ;  Concil.  Aquisgr.  a.d. 816,  c.  126.  The  significance  of  these  hours taken  separately  will  be  shown  below. Terce,  as  we  have  seen,  was  the  continuation of  a  Jewish  custom,  as  were  Sext  and  None.  But there  were  Christian  reasons  of  great  weight  for retaining  it.  "  The  Holy  Ghost,"  says  Cyprian, "  descended  on  the  disciples  at  the  third  hour  " {De  Or.  Dom.  u.  s.  ;  Sim.  Basil,  u.  s. ;  Resp.  ad Q.  37;  Hieron.  Comm.  in  Dan.  vi.  10;  Isid. Hisp.  u.  s.  &c.). Another  ground  alleged  was  that  "  at  that hour  the  Lord  received  sentence  from  Pilate " {('0713.  Apost.  1.  viii.  c.  34).  St.  Mark  xv.  2.5 refers  the  crucifixion  to  the  third  hour,  i.  e.  to the  third  of  the  twelve  hours  between  sunrise and  sunset ;  but  if  the  condemnation  took  ])lace between    that  and  simrise,  it  was  also  correct  I  v HOURS  OF  PRAYER  797 said  ill  ecclesiastical  language  to  have  been  at the  third  hour.  So  John  xix.  14,  reckoning apparently  from  midnight,  places  the  condemna- tion at  "  about  the  sixth  hour,"  which  brings  it down  to  the  third  hour  understood  of  the  larger space  of  time,  and  reckoned  from  sunrise. With  reference  to  Sext,  it  was  observed  that St.  Peter  "at  the  sixth  hour  went  up  to  the house-top,  and  was  both  by  sign  and  by  the  voice of  God  warning  him,  instructed  to  admit  all  to the  grace  of  salvation  "  (Cypr.  u.  s.  comp.  Hieron. u.  s.).  Another  and  more  important  reason  was that  "The  Lord  was  crucified  at  the  sixth  hour" (Cypr.  M.  s.  Sim.  Constit.  Apost.  u.  s.  Isid.  Hispal. u.  s.  Cone.  Aquisgr.  u.  s.),  a  statement,  which  if taken  to  the  letter,  can  only  be  reconciled  with that  of  St.  Mark,  by  supposing  the  "  sixth  hour  " to  cover  the  fourth,  fifth,  and  sixth  of  the  smaller hours.  If  however  it  means  no  more  than  that our  Lord  hung  on  the  cross  at  that  hour,  it  needs no  explanation. None  was  said  to  be  observed  because  "  Peter and  John  went  up  to  the  temple  at  the  ninth hour  of  prayer "  (St.  Basil,  m.  s.  ;  St.  Jerome, M.  s.)  ;  but  more  than  all  because  "at  the  ninth hour  Christ  washed  away  our  sins  with  His blood  "  (Cypr.  Constit.  Apost.  &c.  as  before). The  pious  sentiment  which  dictated  the  prayers developed  in  some  religious  houses  into  a  dis- tinct office,  called  lucernarinm,  came  before  us while  we  traced  the  oi-igin  of  that  rite. Evensong  was  especially  an  office  of  thanks- giving. St.  Basil — "  Is  the  day  ended  ?  Thank Him  who  hath  given  us  the  sun  to  minister  to the  works  of  the  day"  {Horn,  in  Mart.  Jidittam, §  2).  "In  the  evening  giving  thanks  that  God has  given  us  the  night  for  a  season  of  rest  from the  labours  of  the  day"  {Const.  Apost.  m.  s.). Another  thought  is  connected  with  it  by  St. Cyprian  : — "  Because  Christ  is  the  true  sun  and the  true  day,  when,  at  the  departure  of  tiie  sun and  day  of  the  world,  we  pray  and  beseech  that the  light  may  come  on  us  again,  we  are  praying for  the  coming  of  Christ,  who  will  give  the grace  of  everlasting  light  "  {De  Orat.  Dom.  u.  s.). A  third  gi'ound  of  this  observance  is  suggested by  Cassian,  viz.,  that  the  eucharist  was  "  de- livered to  the  apostles  by  the  Lord  the  Saviour in  the  evening"  {Instit.  1.  iii.  c.  3;  so  Isidore, De  Eccl.  Off.  1.  i.  c.  20;  Cone.  Aquisgr.  c.  127); and  with  this  was  associated  the  completion  of the  passion  on  the  following  day  towards  the evening,  and  about  the  time  of  the  evening sacrifice  (Isid.  &c.  u.  s.). For  Compline  there  was  the  strong  natural reason,  often  alleged  for  private  prayer  before going  to  sleep  at  night,  as  e.  g.  in  a  tract  doubt- fully ascribed  to  St.  Chi'ysostom  : — "  With  what hope  wilt  thou  come  to  the  season  of  night; with  what  dreams  dost  thou  expect  to  converse, if  thou  hast  not  walled  thyself  round  with prayers,  but  goest  to  sleep  unpi'otccted  ?"  {Dc Precat.^  Or.  I.  sub  fin.).  The  zeal  of  David (Ps.  oxxxii.  3-5)  was  held  up  as  a  model : — "This  thing  ought  powerfully  to  admonish  us that,  if  we  wish  to  be  '  a  place  for  the  Lord  ' and  desire  to  be  accounted  His  tabernacle  and temple,  we  should  follow  the  examples  of  the saints,  lest  that  which  is  read  should  be  said  of us,  '  They  have  slept  their  sleep,  and  none  of  the men  of  might  have  found  their  hands'"  (Isid. M.   s.    1.   !.'<•.   21;     so    Cnnc.    Aquisgr.    c.    128; 798 HOURS  OF  PRAYER Raban.  u.  s.  1.  ii.  c.  7).  "Every  one,"  says Amalarius  (Z>e  Eccl.  Off.  1.  iv.  c.  8),  "  who  has even  a  little  sense,  knows  how  many  dangers may  assail  a  man  from  without  when  sleeping more  than  when  waking.  This  office  is  in  some sort  analogous  to  that  commendation,  by  which a  man  commends  himself  to  God,  when  he  is passing  away  from  this  world.  Sleep  is  the image  of  death,"  &c. Nocturns  originated  in  the  pious  custom  of prayer  when  one  woke  in  the  night.  Tertullian says  of  the  meals  of  Christians,  "They  are  so filled  as  they  who  remember  that  even  in  the night  God  is  to  be  worshipped  by  them  "  (AjJol. c.  39).  St.  Cyprian : — "  There  can  be  no  loss from  the  darkness  of  night  to  those  who  pray  ; for  there  is  day  even  in  the  night  to  the  sons  of light "  (/)e  Orat.  Dom.  sub  fin.).  Clemens  of Alexandria  (Paedag.  1.  ii.  c.  9,  §  79) :— "  Often  in the  night  should  we  rise  from  bed  and  bless  God  ; for  happy  are  they  who  watch  unto  Him,  thus making  themselves  like  the  angels  whom  we  call watchers "  (Dan.  iv.  13,  &c.).  "  Without  this prayer"  (i.e.  prayer  expressed  in  words),  says Origen,  "we  shall  not  pass  the  season  of  the night  in  a  fit  manner"  (De  Orat.  c.  12).  He refers  to  David  (Ps.  cxix.  62).  and  St.  Paul  and Silas  (Acts  xvi.  25).  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem asks,  "  When  is  our  mind  more  intent  on psalmody  and  prayer?  Is  it  not  in  the  night? When  do  we  most  frequently  come  to  the  re- membrance of  our  sins  ?  Is  it  not  in  the  night  ?" (Catech.  ix.  §  4).  St.  Ambrose  cites  the  example of  Christ :— "  The  Lord  Himself  passed  the  night in  prayer,  that  by  His  own  example  He  might invite  thee  to  pray  "  (Expos,  in  Ps.  cxviii.  v.  62  ; Serm.  viii.  §  45).  Elsewhere  he  says: — "In  thy chamber  itself  I  would  have  psalms  by  frequent alternation  interwoven  with  the  Lord's  Prayer, either  when  thou  hast  waked  up  or  before  sleep bedews  the  body,  that  sleep  may  find  thee  at  the very  entrance  on  rest  free  from  care  of  worldly things  and  meditating  on  divine  "  (De  Virginibus, lib.  iii.  c.  iv.  §  19).  "David  every  night  watered his  couch  with  tears  ;  he  rose  also  in  the  middle of  the  night  that  he  might  confess  to  God,  and dost  thou  think  that  the  whole  night  is  to  be assigned  to  sleep  ?  Then  is  the  Lord  to  be  the more  entreated  by  thee ;  then  is  protection  to  be (more)  sought,  fault  to  be  (more)  guarded  against when  there  appears  to  be  secrecy,  and  then  above all,  when  darkness  is  round  about  me  and  walls cover  me,  must  I  reflect  that  God  beholds  all hidden  things  "  (in  Ps.  cxviii.  Expos.  Serm.  vii. §  31).  The  example  of  our  Lord  was  urged  : — "  The  day  is  not  enough  for  prayer.  We  must rise  in  the  night  and  at  midnight.  The  Lord Himself  passed  the  night  in  prayer;  that  He might  invite  thee  to  pray  by  His  own  example  " (ibid.  Serm.  viii.  §  45).  St.  Hilary,  after  dwell- ing on  the  words  of  David,  adds,  "  The  mind  is not  to  be  released  by  the  dangerous  idleness  of wakefulness  in  the  night,  but  to  be  employed  in prayers,  in  pleadings,  in  confessions  of  sins  ;  that when  occasion  is  most  given  to  the  vices  of  the body,  then  above  all  those  vices  may  be  subdued by  the  remembrance  of  the  divine  law  "  (  Tract in  Ps.  cxviii.  lit.  vii.  §  6).  To  these  motives  St. Basil  adds,  "  Let  the  night  supply  other  grounds of  prayer.  When  thou  lookest  into  the  sky  and gazest  on  the  beauty  of  the  stars,"  &c.  (Horn,  in Mart.  .Julitf.  §  3). HOURS  OF  PRAYER VI.  The  Times  of  the  Offices. — For  Nocturns some  rose  at  cockcrow,  as  prescribed  in  the  Apo- stolical Constitutions  (lib.  viii.  34).  So  St.  Chry- sostom  : — "  As  soon  as  the  cock  crows  the  prefect is  standing  by  (the  sleeping  monk),  and  strikes him  as  he  lies  lightly  with  his  foot,  and  so  wakes all  straightway"  (Horn.  xiv.  in  1  Tim.  §  4).  St. Columban's  rule  says  the  "middle  "  of  the  night (c.  7) ;  and  in  Gregory  of  Tours  one  speaks  of himself  as  rising  "about  midnight  ad  redden- dum cursum  "  (ffist.  Franc,  lib.  viii.  c.  15).  St. Benedict  orders  his  monks  to  rise  for  vigils  "  at the  eighth  hour  of  the  night  in  winter  ;  i.e.  from the  Kalends  of  November  to  Easter,"  but  during the  rest  of  the  year  the  time  of  vigils  was  to  be regulated  by  that  of  matins,  which  it  was  to precede  by  a  "  very  short  interval  "  (Peg.  cap.  8). Another  rule,  of  the  7th  century,  orders  nocturns to  be  said  before  cockcrow  in  winter,  and  after  it in  summer,  when  it  was  to  be  "  soon  "  followed by  matins  (Regula  Magistri,  c.  33).  In  Spain the  severe  rule  of  St.  Fructuosus  prescribed  two or  three  offices  for  the  night  according  to  the season,  one  "  before  midnight,"  and  a  second  "  at midnight,"  throughout  the  year,  and  in  winter a  third  "  after  midnight  "  (Reg.  cap.  3)  ;  thus carrying  out  to  the  letter  the  exhortation  of  St. Jerome  to  Eustochium,  "  You  should  rise  twice or  thrice  in  the  night "  (Epist.  xviii.). From  the  tmion  of  nocturns  with  matins,  of which  we  have  seen  the  beginning,  the  double office  was  at  a  later  period  called  indifferently, nocturns  or  matins,  or  lauds. Matins,  properly  so-called,  were  said  in  the morning  watch,  or  fourth  watch  of  the  night ; that  is  to  say,  at  any  part  of  that  space  of  three natural  houi-s  which  preceded  sunrise.  They were  to  be  over  by  dawn :  Post  matutinum tempus  sequitur  diluculum  (Amal.  de  Ord.  An- tiph.  c.  5).  St.  Benedict  ordered  matins  to  be said  "  when  the  light  began  "  (Reg.  c.  8).  If  it surprised  them  at  nocturns,  the  latter  were  to  be shortened  (c.  11).  So  early  as  the  beginning  of the  5th  century,  matins  (solemnitas  matutina) were  "  wont  to  be  celebrated  in  the  monasteries of  Gaul  a  short  interval  of  time  after  the  night psalms  and  prayers  were  finished "  (Cassian, Instit.  lib.  iii.  c.  4). Prime  was  said  in  the  first  natural  hour  after sunrise.  This  appears  from  Cassian's  account  of its  origin.  The  monks  were  to  be  allowed  to rest  after  matins,  "  usque  ad  solis  ortum,"  and were  then  to  rise  for  the  new  office  (Instit.  u.  s.). And  so,  four  centuries  later,  Amalarius:— "  We begin  the  first  of  the  day  from  the  rising  of  the sun  "  (De  Ord.  Ant.  c.  6) ;  and  Rabanus  fixes  it "  at  the  beginning  of  the  day  when  the  sun  first appears  from  the  east"  (De  Instit.  Cler.  lib.  ii. c.  3). Terce  might  originally  be  said  at  any  part  of the  three  hours  which  began  at  sunrise  (see before  §  ii.) ;  but  after  the  institution  of  prime it  could  only  be  said  during  the  two  last.  It was  not  in  practice  always  confined  to  the  last ; for  in  the  rule  of  an  unknown  author,  formerly ascribed  to  St.  Jerome,  it  is  expressly  provided that  on  fast-days,  terce,  sext,  and  none,  be  each said  an  hour  earlier  than  usual  (cap.  34 ;  inter 0pp.  S.  Hieron.  tom.  v.  ed.  Ben.).  See  also  the rule  of  St.  Benedict,  as  cited  in  §  ii. As  the  lamps  were  lighted  in  preparation  for evening  prayer,  the  iMcernarium,  as  a  merely HOUSE preliminary  act  of  devotion  would  be  said  imme- diately before  that ;  and  it  was  in  fact  as  we have  seen,  often  considei-ed  an  actual  part  of  the office.  Where  it  became  a  distinct  service,  there would,  we  presume,  be  an  interval  of  some  length before  vespers  began ;  but  we  have  no  informa- tion on  the  subject. "  It  becomes  evening  when  the  sun  sets  "  (St. Aug.  in  Ps.  xxix.  v.  6,  Enarr.  ii.).  Nevertheless vespers  were  more  generally  said  in  the  hour before  sunset.  This  is  why  the  office  was  called Duodecima  (see  before  §  iv.).  "  We  celebrate  the evening  synaxis,"  observes  Amalarius,  ''  about the  12th  hour,  which  hour  is  about  the  end  of the  day "  {De  Vrd.  Antiph.  c.  6)  ;  "  most  fre- quently before  sunset  "  {ibid.  c.  70  ;  comp.  c.  16  ; Isid.  Hisp.  de  Eccl.  Off.  lib.  i.  c.  20;  Raban. Maur.  De  Instit.  Cleri,  lib.  ii.  c.  7).  Benedict, in  fact,  made  a  rule,  which  must  have  influenced the  custom  greatly,  that  vespers  should  be  said at  all  seasons  while  it  was  yet  daylight ;  and that  in  Lent,  when  refection  followed  vespers, they  should  be  said  at  such  an  early  hour  that the  meal  might  be  over  before  the  light  failed {Beg.  cap.  41).  Another  authority  says,  "  Ves- pers ought  to  be  said  while  the  rays  of  the  sun are  still  declining."  "  In  summer,  on  account  of the  short  nights,  let  lucernaria  (here  vespers) be  begun  while  the  sun  is  still  high  "  {Regula Magistri,  c.  34). The  history  of  compline  has  shown  the  pi-oper time  of  saying,  viz.  before  retiring  to  rest ;  and this  was  the  time  observed  by  the  monks  within uur  period.  Thus  a  MS.  of  the  Regula  of  pseudo- Augustine,  now  1200  yeai-s  old  : — "  After  this {i.e.  after  certain  lessons  read  at  night)  let  the usual  psalms  be  said  before  sleep "  (Note  of Bened.  editors,  App.  i.  0pp.  Aug.).  St.  Isidore : — "  Compline  being  ended,  the  brethren,  as  the custom  is,  having  wished  each  other  good  night before  sleeping,  must  keep  still  with  all  heed  and silence  until  they  rise  for  vigils "  {Reg.  c.  7). St.  Fructuosus,  after  prescribing  the  office  of "  the  first  hour  of  the  night,"  orders  his  monks to  bid  each  other  good-night  and  retire  to  their dormitories  {Reg.  i.  c.  2).  Another  rule  forbids the  monks  to  speak,  eat,  drink,  or  do  any  work after  compline  {Regula  Magistri,  c.  30).  Ama- larius {Be  Eccl.  Off.  lib.  iv.  c.  8)  tells  us  that compline  was  said  in  the  conticinium ;  i.e.  in  the third  part  of  the  night,  reckoning  from  sunset, when  it  was  divided,  as  by  the  Romans,  into seven. When  vespers  were  said  earlier  compline  was put  earlier  too,  and  one  writer  at  the  close  of our  period  gives  it  the  name  of  Duodecima (Smaragdus,  Comment,  in  S.  Ben.  Reg.  c.  16).  It had  already  taken  possession  of  the  hour  so  long occupied  by  vespers.  At  length  it  became  the common  opinion  that  it  ought  to  be  said  at  the twelfth  hour  (Francolinus,  u.  s.  cap.  18). For  a  description  of  the  several  offices,  see Office,  the  Divine.  [W.  E.  S.] HOUSE.  In  Aringhi,  i.  p.  522,  ii.  658,  are woodcuts  of  houses  from  ancient  tombs  [TOMBJ. This,  perhaps,  refers  to  the  grave  as  the house  of  the  dead,  an  idea  or  expression  inherited from  heathenism  (Ho]-ace  Carm.  i.  iv.  19,  and  Bol- detti,  p.  463  ;  even  Domus  Aeterna,  Ferret  v.  pi. 36,  X.  110),  or  to  the  deserted  house  of  the  soul, the  buried  body  (2  Cor.  v.  i.),  "  For  wo  know  that HUESCA,  COUNCIL  OF 799 if  our  earthly  house  of  this  tabernacle  were  dis- solved, we  have  a  building  of  God,"  &c.  In  one of  the  plates  from  Aringhi  above  referred  to (ii.  658)  there  is  a  house  of  the  grave,  with  a small  mummy  of  Lazarus;  laid  up  alone  (de- positus  or  repositus)  to  abide  the  resurrection. The  houses  of  Jerusalem  and  Bethlehem,  repre- senting the  Jewish  and  Gentile  churches,  occur frequently  in  ancient  paintings  and  mosaics. [Bethlehem.]  How  far  the  word  Beth,  as  part of  Bethlehem  ("  house  of  bread  "),  may  be  con- nected with  the  Christian  import  of  this  symbol, is  hard  to  say.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] HOUSE  OF  CLERGY.    [Manse.] HOUSE  OF  PRAYER.  [Church  ;  Ora- tory.] HRIPSIMA,  and  companions,  virgin-martyrs under  Tiridates ;  commemorated  June  3  {Cat. Armen.).  [W.  F.  G.] HUBERT  (HucBERTUS),  bishop  and  confes- sor (1727  A.D.) ;  commemorated  May  30  {Mart. Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] HUCKSTERS.  The  mind  of  the  church has  of  course  always  been  against  all  unprin- cipled gain  in  traffic,  even  when  permitted  by law  and  custom.  Adulterators  or  fraudulent dealers  (/caTrijAoi)  are  enumerated  {Apost.  Constt. iv.  6,  §  2)  among  those  whose  oblations  are  not to  be  received.''  And  again  {Ih.  viii.  32,  §5) the  (coTTTjAoy  is  classed  with  the  stage-players and  dancers,  among  those  who  must  abandon their  profession  before  they  can  be  admitted  to the  church.  Lactantius  {Div.  Inst.  V.  c.  16) emphatically  rejects  the  doctrine  of  Carneades, that  the  seller  is  not  bound  to  declare  the faults  of  the  article  which  he  has  for  sale,  and insists  that  the  Christian  conscience  requires perfect  frankness  and  openness  in  such  a  matter. In  the  same  spirit  St.  Augustine  {Tract.  41  in Joan.)  puts  fraud  on  the  same  level  as  fornica- tion and  theft,  and  gives  high  praise  {De  Trin. xiii.  3)  to  one  who,  in  buying  a  book,  declined  to overreach  the  seller,  who  was  ignorant  of  its value.  So,  too,  Hilary  (on  Ps.  cxix.  [cxviii. Vulg.]  139)  enumerates  cheating  (falsitates) among  the  things  which  make  our  bodies  a  den of  thieves.  In  short,  all  kinds  of  unprincipled dealers  {paSLOvpyoi)  and  sorcerers,  all  who  give short  weight  or  measure  {(uyoKpovcrTai  Kal  SoKo- ixerpat)  are  condemned  {Apost.  Const,  iv.  0,  §  1 ). Tertullian  {De  hlolol.  c.  11;  cf.  Epiphanius, Expos,  Fid.  c.  24)  and  some  others  regard  with disfavour  all  gain  derived  from  mere  buying  and selling  of  goods,  considering  the  labour  of  the hands  the  proper  means  of  earning  a  living. But  Leo  the  Great  {Epist.  92,  ad  Rustic,  c.  9) reasonably  distinguishes  between  honest  and  un- principled gain  (quaestus  honestus  aut  turpis) ; the  culpability  or  innocence  of  gain  (he  holds) depends  upon  its  character;  there  is  no  harm in  profit  not  derived  from  fraudulent  practice. Compare  Commerce. (Bingham's  Antiq.  XVI.  xii.  17).  [C] HUESCA,  COUNCIL  OF  {Oscense  c),  at the  town  so  called  in  the  north  of  Arragon,  in Spain,  A.D.  598,  or  the  thirteenth  year  of  king »  The  word  does  not  seem  to  be  used  here  in  the  llmltoJ sense  of  the  Latin  C'aiipn,  a  tavern-keeper. 800 HUMERALE Reccai-ed.  No  further  particulars  are  preserved of  it,  than  that  it  provided  for  the  holding  of  a synod  every  year  in  each  diocese,  to  inquire  into the  morals  of  the  monks  and  clergy,  and  pre- scribe rules  for  their  conduct  (Mansi,  x.  479-82). [E.  S.  Ff.] HUMERALE.     [Amice.] HUNTING.  Field-sports  have  been  under the  censure  of  the  church  from  an  early  period, and  in  the  many  canons  relating  to  them  there  is very  little  trace  of  any  disposition  to  relax  the severity  of  absolute  prohibition,  or  to  allow  ex- ceptional cases  in  which  they  might  he  necessary or  desirable. By  the  55th  canon  of  the  council  of  Agde (C  Agathense),  A.d.  544,  bishops  and  presbyters are  forhidden  to  keep  hawks  and  hounds  for  the chase  under  penalty  of  three  months'  excommu- nigation  in  the  case  of  bishops,  and  of  two months'  in  the  case  of  priests,  and  of  one  in  the case  of  deacons.  The  same  abstinence  is  enjoined on  bishops,  presbyters  and  deacons,  under  the same  penalty  by  the  4th  canon  of  the  council  of Epaon.  By  the  3rd  canon  of  the  council  of  Sois- sons,  not  only  bishops,  presbyters  and  deacons, but  all  ecclesiastical  persons  (clerici)  are  forbid- den to  hunt  with  hounds  or  to  take  out  hawks. In  the  8th  canon  of  the  third  council  of  Tours, priests  are  cautioned  against  the  hunting  of  birds and  wild  animals,  and  the  second  council  of Chalons  (c.  9)  addresses  a  similar  warning  against devoting  their  time  to  "hounds,  hawks,  and falcons,"  to  laity  as  well  as  to  clergy.  It  seems that  certain  bishops  kept  dogs  under  the  pretence that  they  were  necessary  for  the  defence  of  their houses;  but  they  are  reminded  by  the  13th canon  of  the  second  council  of  Macron,  A.D.  585, that  not  "  barks  but  hymns,  not  bites  but  good works  "  are  the  proper  protection  of  a  bishop's house,  which  ought  to  welcome  and  not  i-epel men,  and  certainly  not  subject  any  who  came  for the  relief  of  their  sorrows  to  the  risk  of  being torn  by  dogs. Among  prohibitions  against  the  same  pur- suits, issued  by  individuals,  is  to  be  found  a  letter of  Boniface,  bishop  of  Mayence  {Epist.  105), probably  written  on  the  authority  of  pope Zachary,  forbidding  "  huntings  and  excursions with  dogs  through  the  woods,  and  the  keeping  of hawks  and  falcons;"  and  the  same  prohibition  is repeated,  totidem  verbis,  in  the  2nd  canon  of  the council  of  Liptine,  a.d.  743,  over  which  Bonifoce presided.  In  the  Liber  Poenitentialis  of  pope Gregory  III.  one  year's  penance  is  decreed  against one  in  minor  orders  (clericus),  two  years' against  a  deacon,  and  three  years'  against  a  priest, for  hunting. Ferreolus,  bishop  of  Uzes,  in  his  Rule  (about A.D.  558),  forbids  his  monks  to  hunt  and  hawk on  the  ground  that  such  pursuits  dissipate  the mind  ;  he  allows  them  however  to  set  dogs  at the  wild  animals  which  waste  their  ci'ops,  but only  that  they  may  "  drive  them  away,  not  that they  may  catch  them."  Jonas,  bishop  of Orleans,  A.D.  821-844,  {de  Institut.  laic.  ii.  23, quoted  by  Thomassin),  vents  his  indignation against  the  nobles  for  spending  so  much  money on  hawks  and  hounds  instead  of  on  the  poor  ; and  is  even  more  fierce  against  them  for  the hardships  and  cruelties  which  for  the  sake  of their   sport    they    inflicted    on    the    poor.     The HYDROMANTIA frequent  recurrence  of  these  prohibitions  and the  number  of  years  over  which  they  extend, show  how  rooted  was  the  taste  for  field-sports among  the  Teutonic  clergy ;  and  the  language of  some  of  the  canons  indicates  that  these  sports sometimes  became  as  oppressive  as  the  Forest Laws  of  the  Middle  Ages. Looking  on,  or  being  present  at  the  hunting, or  baiting,  or  fighting  of  wild  animals  in  the amphitheatre  is  just  as  sti-ictly  forbidden.  The council  in  Trullo  {Quiniscxtum),  can.  51,  orders both  laity  and  clergy  to  avoid  "  the  spectacles  of huntings,"  on  pain  of  excommunication,  and hunting  is  so  frequently  mentioned  in  connection with  games,  dances,  and  dramatic  performances, that  it  must  be  concluded  that  the  sports  of  the amphitheatre  are  intended.  The  Codex  Ecd. Ajricanae  (c.  61)  entreats  the  emperors  to  put an  end  to  spectacles  on  great  festivals,  such  as the  octave  of  Easter,  and  begs  that  no  Christian may  be  compelled  to  attend  them.  By  the council  of  Mayence  (addit.  3,  c.  27)  it  is  ordered that  if  any  ecclesiastical  person  attend  any spectacle  he  is  liable  to  three  years'  suspension. By  the  3rd  council  of  Tours  and  the  second council  of  ChEilons,  quoted  above,  the  condemna- tion of  h  unting  is  coupled  with  that  of  theatrical spectacles,  so  that  to  look  at  a  spectacle  of  hunt- ing in  the  amphitheatre  would  be  by  the  same act  to  commit  two  offences  against  the  canon. The  8th  canon  of  the  council  of  Friuli  {Foroju- liense)  issued  a  canon  against  the  worldly  pomps and  vanities  in  vogue,  in  which  "  huntings  "  are mentioned  with  other  amusements  manifestly scenic. Theodosius  the  younger  abolished  contests between  men  and  brutes  in  the  circus  on  the ground  that  "  cruel  sights  made  him  shudder  " (Socrates,  Jf.E.  vii.  22). (Thomassin,  Vet.  et  Nova  Ecclesiae  Disciplina, III.  iii.  cc.  42,  43.)  [E.  C.  H.] HYACINTHUS,    or    JACINCTUS.      (I) Martyr  at  Rome  with  Amantius,  Irenaeus,  and Zoticus;  commemorated  Feb.  10  (^Mart.  Rwm. Vet.,  Bedae,  Adonis,   Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  at  Rome ;  commemorated  July  26 {Mart.  Horn.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (3)  Martyr  with  Alexander  and  Tiburtius,  in the  Sabine  district;  commemorated  Sept.  9 {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (4)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  Protus  under  Gal- lienus;  commemorated  Sept.  11  (Mart.  Fom.Vct., Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  Cal.  Bucher.,  Frontonis, Sacramentarium  Gregorii). (5)  Martyr  at  Caesarea,  A.D.  108 ;  commemo- rated July  3  {Cal.  Byzant.). (6)  Of  Am,astris  in  Paphlagonia,  martyr; ommemorated  July  18  {Cal.  Bijzant.). [W.  F.  G.] HYDROMANTIA.  The  Dccretum  Gratiani (cau.  26,  qu.  5,  c.  14,  §  3)  has  the  following  in the  enumeration  of  magic  arts  which  are  con- demned : — "  Hydromantici  ab  aqua  dicti ;  est enim  Hydromantia  in  aquae  inspectione  umbras daemonum  evocare,  et  imagineas  ludificationes eorum  videre,  ibique  ab  eis  aliqua  audire,  ui)i adhibito  sanguine  etiam  inferos  perhibentur suscitare."  The  chapter  from  which  this  is exti-acted    is    taken    wholly    from    Rabanus     De HYDROMYSTA Magorum  Praestigiis,  which  is  again  a  compila- tion from  Augustine  and  Isidore  of  Seville.  The passage  of  Augustine  on  which  the  account  of Hydromantia  is  mainly  founded  is  De  Civ.  Dei, vii.  35,  and  is  to  this  eft'ect ;  that  Numa,  having no  real  divine  inspiration,  was  compelled  to practise  hydromancy,  so  as  to  see  in  water images,  or  rather  folse  semblances  (ludifica- tiones),  of  the  gods,  and  learn  from  them  what he  was  lo  ordain  with  regard  to  the  sacra  of  his people  ;  and  from  this  use  of  water  for  divining purposes  (says  Varro)  Numa  gained  the  reputa- tion of  having  consulted  the  uymph  Egeria. It  is  evident  (as  indeed  Augustine  says)  tJiat this  hydromancy  was  a  form  of  necromancy. What  was  its  exact  nature  is  not  apparent,  but it  was  probably  similar  to  the  divining  by means  of  a  mirroi-,  or  of  a  dark  fluid  poured into  the  palm  of  the  hand,  which  is  frequently mentioned  in  accounts  of  magic.  [C] HYDROMYSTA  (iSpoixiffTV^),  the  person who  had  the  care  of  the  holy  water  in  a  church, and  sprinkled  with  it  those  who  entered  (Sy- nesius,  ' Epist.  121,  quoted  in  Macri  Hkrolex. s.  v.).  C^'-] HYMN  (the  Cherubic).  A  hymn  so  called from  the  reference  to  the  cherubim  which  it contains,  which  occurs  in  the  chief  eastern liturgies  shortly  after  the  dismissal  of  the  cate- chumens, and  immediately  preceding  the  "  great entrance"  {i.e.  that  of  the  elements).  It  is found  in  the  same  position  in  the  liturgies  of  St. James,  St.  Basil,  St.  Chrysostom,  and  St.  Mark  ; and  also  in  the  Armenian,  in  which  however  it  is only  sung  on  special  occasions,  other  hymns being  appointed  in  its  place  on  other  days.  It  is not  found  in  the  "  heretical  liturgies  ;  "  which, inasmuch  as  these  underwent  less  alteration  than the  orthodox,  is  an  argument  against  the  anti- quity of  the  hymn.  Cedreuus  (Dupin  Bibl.  des Aut.  Eccles.  lime  Siecle)  a  Greek  monk  who flourished  towards  the  middle  of  the  11th centurv,  and  who  wrote  "  annals "  from  the creation  of  the  world  down  to  the  reign  of  Isaac Comnenus,  says  that  Justinian  first  ordered  it  to be  sung  in  the  churches  ;  and  it  appears  to  have been  composed  about  that  time.  Its  object  is described  as  being  to  excite  the  minds  of  the faithful  to  a  devout  attention  to  the  mysteries about  to  be  celebrated.  While  it  is  being  sung, the  priest  says  secretly  a  prayer  called  "the praj-er  of  the  cherubic  hymn."  The  words  of the  hymn  are  :  ol  ra  xepov^L/j.  jxvaTtKus elKoi/l(oi-Tes,  Kal  t&j  ^iooiroiw  TpiaSi  rhv  rpiffa- yLov  vfjivov  a5ovT(s,  itaffav  ti'iV  ^iuniKriv  airo- 6d>/j.f6a  /j-epifivav.  ws  rhv  ^acriXia  t<2v  oKwv vnoSf^duEvin  rats  ayyiAiKois  aopdroos  Sopv<pe- ponivov  Tctjfcni'.      'A\\7]\ovta.  [H.  J.  H.] HYMNARIUM.  The  book  containing  the hvmns  sung  in  the  services  of  the  church.  Geu- nadius  {De  Script.  EccLcAd)  says  that  Paulinas of  Nola  composed  "  Sacrameutarium  et  Hymna- rium;"  see  Gavanti,  Thes.  Sacr.  Rituum,  ii.  115. Pelliccia  {PoUtia,  i.  159)  gives  Canfionalii,  Libri Chorales,  as  common  designations  of  such  books, but  supplies  no  instances  of  their  use.  [C] HYMNISTA,  a  singer  of  hymns  in  the church.     Tims  Prudentius  (i.  118): "Stati  nunc  hymnistae  pro  receptis  parvulis," where    the    irregularity    of    the    metre    is    not CHRIST.  ANT. HYMNS 801 perhaps  a  sufficient  reason  for  arbitrary  cor- rection (Macri  Hierolex.  s.  v.).  Obbar,  however, reads, "  .State  nunc,  hymnite  matres  pro  receptis  parvulis." [C] HYMNOLOGIA  {hixvoXoyia)  seems  to  be equivalent  to  the  service  chanted  at  the  Hours. Thus  Gregory  of  Tours  {Hist.  Rem.  c.  25)  says that  St.  Remi  with  the  brothers,  "  horarum laudes  persolvebat  hymnologiarum,"  meaning (seemingly)  that  he  observed  the  course  set down  in  the  Hymnologies,  the  term  being  used so  as  to  include  psalms,  canticles,  autiphons,  etc. Macro  {Hierolex.  s.  v.)  supposes  that  Dionysius, the  Pseudo-Areopagite  {Hicrarch.  Eccl.  ii'i.  2), when  he  speaks  of  t)  Ka6o\tK}i  vfivoKoyla having  been  uttered  as  a  confession  {irpoofjioXo- yi]Qei<T7]s)  before  the  elements  wei'e  placed  on the  altar,  meant  the  Creed.  This  is  of  course possible,  and  Pachymeres  {Paraphr.  in  loco) seems  to  have  taken  it  so ;  for  they  had,  he says,  even  then,  uddri/JLO.  ri  koI  ffvixfidd-nna iriaTscDs  [Creed].  [C] HYMNS.  In  the  following  article  no  at- tempt will  be  made  to  deal  with  the  literary or  theological  history  of  Christian  hymnody. All  that  can  be^ere  undertaken  is  to  give  a sketch  of  what  is  known  respecting  the  litur- gical use  of  hymns  within  the  limits  to  which this  work  is  restricted.  Much  of  the  difficulty connected  with  the  subject  arises  from  our  un- certainty as  to  how  much  was  covered  by  the word  vfivo?  in  early  Christian  writers.  Almost everything  sung,  or  rhythmically  recited,  which was  not  one  of  the  Davidic  Psalms,  was  called  a hymn,  or  said  to  be  "  hymned."  Even  as  late  as the  middle  of  the  ninth  century,  Walafrid Strabo  {De  Rebus  Eccl.  c.  25)  warns  us  that by  "hymns"  he  does  not  mean  merely  such metrical  hymns  as  those  of  Hilary,  Ambrose, Prudentius,  or  Bede,  but  such  other  acts  of praise  as  are  offered  in  fitting  words  and  with musical  sounds.  He  adds  that  still  in  some churches  there  were  no  metrical  hymns,  but that  in  all  "  generales  hymni,  id  est  laudes," were  in  use.  The  well-known  passage  of  St. Augustine  {Enarr.  in  Ps.  Ixxii.),  which  was  for centuries  the  formal  definition  of  a  hymn  in every  ritual  writer,  gives  us  the  same  rule.  A hymn  might  or  might  not  be  in  verse;  but  it w'as  always  something  meant  to  be  sung,  and sung  as  an  act  of  divine  woi-ship.  So  Gregory Naziauzen  defines  a  hymn  as  alvos  efj.fxe\r)s. Further,  Christian  writers  gradually  learned  to use  the  term  in  contradistinction  to  the  Psalm of  the  Old  Dispensation ;  though  both  words were  for  a  time  interchangeable. It  is  obvious  that  from  the  very  first.  Gentile disciples  must  have  sought  and  found  some further  expression  for  the  praise  of  God  than the  translation  of  Hebrew  Psalms,  or  of  the canticles  from  the  Hebrew  jjrophets,  could afford.  But  at  what  period  Christian  songs  of praise  first  found  their  place  in  common  worshij), it  is  impossible  to  say.  None  can  tell  iu  what words  Paul  and  Silas  '^  vfivovv  tov  Qedv"  in prison  (Acts  xvi.  25);  nor  can  we  say  with certainty  that  the  rhythmic  i)assages  iu  the Epistles  (e.  g.  Eph.  v.  14;  1  Tim.  iii.  16,  vi.  15, l(j ;  2  'I'im.  ii.  11-lH)  are  (niotatioiis  from .3   1' 802 HYMNS hymns,  though  this  has  been  frequently  main- tained. The  parallel  passages,  again,  Eph.  v. 19,  20,  and  Col.  iii.  16,  17,  though  evidently pointing  to  some  form  of  Christian  song,  yet appear  to  connect  these  with  social  and  festive gatherings  rather  than  with  worship.  Probably they  bore  the  same  relation  to  the  forms  used  in public  worship  which  the  Spiritual  Songs  of Luther,  the  "  Ghostly  Psalms  "  of  Coverdale,  or the  early  Wesleyan  hymns,  did  to  the  existing forms  of  service  in  their  day;  and  it  may  be that,  like  some  of  the  first  and  last  of  these, they  were  subsequently  adopted  into  divine service.  This  we  know  to  have  been  the  case at  a  later  period  with  the  (pcvs  iKapov  referred to  by  St.  Basil  {De  Sp.  Smicto,  c.  29)  as  being (in  his  time)  of  ancient  use ;  it  is  still,  as  is  well known,  a  part  of  the  daily  office  of  the  Greek church.  If  this  hymn  were  really  the  work  of Athenagenes  (t  169),  it  would  doubtless  be  the earliest  hymn  now  in  use ;  but  a  reference  to the  passage  in  St.  Basil  will  show  that  he  did not  believe  Athenagenes  to  be  the  author.  This hymn,  with  the  early  form  of  the  Gloria  in ExcKLSis,  the  latter  being  given  as  the  morning hymn  of  the  church  in  the  Apostolical  Consti- tutions (vii.  48  Coteler.),  probably  represent  in their  rhythmic  but  unmetrical  structure  many early  Christian  hymns  now  lost.  Of  the  ex- istence of  such  hymns,  from  the  time  of  Pliny's well-known  letter  to  Trajan  {Epist.  97),  we have  abundant  evidence.  The  "  hymning  to God  the  giver  of  all  good  things,"  by  the  Roman Christians  after  the  martyrdom  of  Ignatius {Mart.  S.  Ign.  vii.),  may  have  been  a  burst  of extemporaneous  thanksgiving ;  but  early  in  the following  century  a  Roman  writer  cited  by Eusebius  (//.  E.  v.  28)  tells  us  how  i|/aA/iol  5e '6aoi  kolI  6ii5ai  a^e\(pijiv  air"  apxfis  vwh  iriffTwv ypa(pi'i(rai,  rhu  \6yov  rov  Qeov  rhv  Xpiffrbv ii/xvovai  6eo\oyovvTes  ;  and  again  ihe  Clementine Epitome  De  gestis  Petri,  §  152,  refers  to  UpS>v iifivicv  ivx^"  ^s  a  part  of  worship.  Of  Alexan- dria, again,  Origen  testifies  (c.  Celsum,  viii.  c.  67) vfivovs  yap  fh  p.6uov  rhv  eVi  Trcicrt  Xeyofiev  Qehv Kal  rhv  fxovoyfvri  auTOv  @ehv  \6yov  [al.  t.  k.  a. Xoyov  KoX  ®i6v\.    (Cf.  also  Fragm.  in  Ps.  148.) Again,  an  early  tradition  reported  by  Socrates {H.  E.  vi.  8)  attributes  to  Ignatius  the  intro- duction of  autiphonal  singing  at  Antioch,  as  the result  of  a  vision  of  the  angelic  worship  which was  revealed  to  him  [Antiphon].  The  monks of  the  Syrian  deserts,  in  the  time  of  Sozomen (//.  E.  vi.  33,  2)  continued  in  prayers  and  hymns according  to  the  rule  of  the  church  (deaixov T7)s  iKK\T)(TLas),  The  poiut  to  which  all  these allusions  tend  is  the  very  early  use  of  hymns both  in  the  East  and  West.  Of  the  East,  indeed, we  can  speak  more  positively.  The  Epistle  of the  second  council  of  Antioch  (a.D.  269)  to  the bishops  of  Rome  and  Alexandria,  against  Paul of  Samosata,  makes  it  one  of  the  charges  against him,  that  he  had  "put  a  stop  to  the  psalms  that wiM-e  sung  to  our  Loi-d  Jesus  Christ,  as  being innovations,  the  work  of  men  of  later  times;" while,  to  the  horror  of  every  one,  he  had  ap- pointed women  to  say  psalms  on  Easter  Day  in his  own  honour  (et's  favrhi/)  [Euseb.  H.  E.  vii. 30].  This  last  expression  may  simply  refer  to his  position  on  a  throne  of  unusual  height  and dignity  in  the  church ;  and  it  is  not  unlikely that  Paul  sought  to  confine  the  singing  strictly HYMNS to  Jewish  psalmody.  Another  inference  de- ducible  from  this  passage  is  that  metrical hymns  were  as  yet  unknown  in  Antioch.  It  is a  disputed  point  whether  metre  was  used  in divine  service  before  the  fourth  century ;  but probabilities  are  against  its  use.  If  used  at  all, it  must  have  been  in  Greek  hymns,  for  reasons which  will  presently  appear.  No  metrical hymns  are  now  used  in  the  Orthodox  Eastern church,  but  all  its  ecclesiastical  verse  since  the eighth  century  has  been  simply  rhythmic  and accentual,  like  the  earliest  Latin  sequences;  but it  is  impossible  to  say  whether  for  a  time  metrical hymns  found  their  way  into  Greek  offices.  The so-called  "earliest  Christian  hymn,"  the  epilogue of  Clement  of  Alexandria  to  his  TlaiSayojyds,  is not,  except  in  a  loose  modern  sense,  a  hymn  at all.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  sacred  verses of  Gregory  Nazianzen  ;  .  those  of  Sophronius approach  nearer  to  the  hymnic  form,  but  it  is unlikely  that  his  Anacreontic  verse  could  have found  its  way  into  divine  service. The  fourth  century,  however,  saw  a  great impulse  given  to  the  liturgical  use  of  hymns successively  in  Syria,  Constantinople,  and  the West,  under  the  influence  of  three  eminent  men, and  with  the  same  object,  the  enlisting  popular feeling  on  the  side  of  orthodoxy  in  times  of fierce  controversy.  The  earliest  of  these  move- ments was  that  of  Ephraim  at  Edessa.  Greek metres  and  music  were  introduced  into  Syriac either  by  Bardaisan  [see  Bardesanes  in  DiCT. OF  Chr.  Biogr.],  or  (more  probably)  by  his son  Harmonius,  whose  hymns  Ephraim  found to  be  so  popular,  that  he  felt  anxious  to counteract  their  influence  by  the  substitu- tion of  orthodox  hymns  which  might  be  sung to  the  same  tunes.  According  to  the  Syriac life  of  St.  Ephraim  (quoted  by  Augusti),  he trained  choirs  of  virgins  to  sing  to  these  tunes hymns  which  he  proceeded  to  write  on  the Kativity,  Baptism,  Fasting,  Passion  and  Resur- rection and  Ascension  of  our  Lord,  and  on  other divine  mysteries ;  to  which  he  added  others  on the  martyrs,  on  penitence,  and  on  the  departed. The  young  women  of  this  association  attended divine  service  on  the  festivals  of  our  Lord,  and of  martyrs,  and  on  Sundays ;  Ephraim  himself standing  in  the  midst,  and  leading  them  (cf. Sozomen,  ff.  E.  iv.  16  ;  Theodoret,  iv.  29).  From that  time  forward  metrical  hymnody  became  a fixed  element  in  the  worship  of  the  Syriac- speaking  churches,  and  has  filled  a  very  large place  not  only  in  their  daily  offices,  but  in  the Eucharistic,  and  indeed  in  all  others.  It  is not  so  easy  to  understand  precisely  what  was effected  in  Constantinople  under  Chrysostom ; because  we  do  not  know  what  singing  was already  in  use  in  the  churches  there.  Theodoret {H.  E.  ii.  24)  attributes  the  introduction  of  anti- phonal  singing  into  Constantinople  to  two  priests under  Constantine,  named  Flavian  and  Diodorus. In  most  ritual  matters  Constantinople  followed the  lead  of  Antioch ;  and  this  custom  may  have beeu  an  imitation  of  what  was  already  in  use there.  We  cannot  doubt,  however,  that  tfie  device of  Chrysostom  for  silencing  or  outbidding  the Ariaus,  as  related  by  Sozomen  {H.  E.  viii.  8,  1-5), led  to  a  much  freer  and  more  abundant  use  of hymns  in  divine  service.  The  Arians  had  been expelled  by  Theodosius  from  the  churches  of  the city ;  but  their  numbers  were  still  very  great, HYMNS and  they  had  places  of  assembly  outside  the walls.  On  Saturdays  and  Sundays  they  as- sembled in  crowds  in  the  open  spaces  of  the  city, singing  Arian  hymns  and  antiphons,  and  went in  procession,  with  these  hymns,  to  their churches.  Chrysostom  determined  to  organize rival  processions  of  the  orthodox.  The  empress Eudocia  entered  into  the  scheme,  and  a  eunuch of  the  imperial  household  was  instructed  to furnish  the  necessary  materials  for  the  ceremonial, at  her  expense.  It  is  curious  to  find  that  these included  not  merely  crosses  and  torches,  but also  hymns ;  so  imimportant  did  the  words  sung appear  to  Chrysostom  in  reference  to  the  end  in view.  But  whether  the  hymns  were  good  or bad,  the  midnight  processions  popularised  their use ;  and  from  the  night  offices  of  the  church they  seem  to  have  passed  into  other  hours.  The midnight  singing  of  the  "  Golden  Canon  "  of  St. John  Damascene,  so  graphically  described  by Neale  (Hymns  of  Eastern  Ch.  p.  35),  which forms  so  marked  and  picturesque  a  feature  of the  Greek  Easter,  is  doubtless  the  true  historical representation  of  Chrysostom's  nocturnal  pro- cessionals (cf  Socrates,  vi.  8  ;  Cassiodorus,  Bisf. Trip.  X.  8 ;  Nicephorus,  viii.  8,  9).  It  was  not, however,  according  to  Neale  (u.  s.  p.  13),  till  the period  of  the  Iconoclastic  controversy  (A.D.  726- 820)  that  Greek  hymnology  reached  its  full  de- velopment. Its  great  names  are  Andrew  of Crete  (660-732),  John  Damascene  (t  780),  Cos- mas  the  melodist  (t  760),  Theophanes  (759- 818),  Theodore  of  the  Studium  (t  826),  and Methodius  (t  836).  How  marvellous  its  de- velopment was  may  be  gathered  from  the  fact alleged  by  Neale  that  out  of  the  five  thousand quarto  pages,  which  he  computes  to  be  the  con- tents of  the  whole  body  of  Greek  office-books,  at least  four  thousand  are  poetry.  For  a  full  and elaborate  account  of  the  structure  and  contents of  a  Greek  canon,  or  group  of  odes,  which  forms the  staple  of  the  morning  office,  the  reader  is referred  to  the  articles  Canon  (p.  277)  and  Ode. The  other  subsidiary  forms  of  hymn  are  ex- plained in  the  same  volume. By  a  singular  coincidence  the  establishment  of hymnody  as  a  constant  element  of  divine  service in  the  West,  had  been  brought  about,  a  few years  before,  by  similar  disputes  between  Arians and  Catholics.  The  facts  are  related  by  Augus- tine, who,  with  his  mother  Monica,  was  at Milan  at  the  time  (Conf.  IX.  vii.),  as  well  as more  briefly  by  Paulinus,  St.  Ambrose's  deacon (  Vita  S.  Amb.  p.  80  ;  ed.  Bened.  Paris,  1632).  St. Ambrose,  in  consequence  of  his  refusal  to  give up  to  the  empress  Justina  one  of  the  basilicas of  Milan  for  Ai-ian  worship  at  Eastei-,  A.D.  385, had  incurred  her  resentment.  In  the  following year  sentence  of  exile  was  passed  upon  him.  He refused  to  obey  ;  and  the  population,  who  were devoted  to  him,  guarded  the  gates  of  his  house, and  kept  watch  night  and  day  in  his  church,  to defend  him  from  capture  by  the  imperial  troops. This  company  of  perpetual  watchers  Ambrose organized  into  a  band  of  perpetual  worshippers. A  course  of  offices,  psalmody,  prayer,  and hymns,  was  established,  and  once  established, became  a  permanent  institution  [HOURS  OF Prayer].  Augustine  expressly  says  that  this was  an  imitation  of  the  Eastern  custom ;  by which  he  probably  means  the  course  of  daily  and nightly   psalmody  and   prayer — the  practice    of HYMNS  803 Oriental  ascetics,  both  Jewish  (cf.  Philo  dc  Vita contempl'itim,  c.  x.  [ii.  48+,  Mangey]  quoted  by Euseb.  H.  E.  ii.   17)  and  Christian. But  it  is  especially  to  these  services  organized by  St.  Ambrose,  as  all  subsequent  writers  agree, that  we  of  the  Western  churches  owe  the  incor- poration into  our  offices  of  metrical  hymnody (cf  Isidore  of  Seville,  de  Ecd.  Off.  i.  6  ;  Wala- frid  Strabo,  de  Rehus  Ecd.  xxv.  &c.  and  Pau- linus, 1.  c).  Unlike  Chrysostom,  Ambrose  was able  to  supply  his  congregations  with  words,  and himself  to  set  them  to  music  (see  Ajihrosian Music,  and  Koch,  Kirchenlied,  vol.  i.  pp.  61,  sqq.). Of  the  metrical  hymns  which  are  undoubtedly  his, Biraghi  (Fnni  Siw-eri  di  Sant'  Amhrogio)  enu- merates eighteen,  Koch  twenty-one.  But  Milan became  a  school  of  Ambrosian  hymnody,  which has  left  its  mark  upon  the  v.-hole  of  the  West. Ninety-two  hymns  of  this  school  are  given  by Daniel  {Thes.  Hymn.  vol.  i.).  Yet,  though Ambrose  is  the  true  founder  of  metrical hymnody  in  the  West,  it  is  possible  that  hymns were  already  in  use  elsewhere.  Hilary  of Poictiers  is  sometimes  spoken  of  as  the  first  to introduce  them ;  he  certainly  was  a  hymn writer,  and  his  hymn  "  Lucis  largitor  optime (al.  splendide),"  sent  from  his  exile  in  Phrygia, as  early  as  A.D.  358,  to  his  daughter  Abra, found  its  way  into  church  use.  Pseudo-Alcuin (de  Div.  Off.  §  10)  attributes  to  him  the  com- pletion, in  its  present  Western  form,  of  the "  Gloria  in  Excelsis,"  and  it  is  at  least  possible that  he  may  have  introduced  other  innovations, especially  as  some  of  his  hymns  (notably  a  well- known  Lenten  one,  "Jesu  quadragenariae)." though  common  in  Germany  and  England,  were not  in  use  in  Italy.  The  work  of  St.  Gregory the  Great  is  not,  as  a  hymnographer,  distinct from  that  of  St.  Ambrose;  he  introduced  no new  species  of  hymn,  nor,  it  would  appear,  any new  use  for  hymns;  his  ritual  and  liturgical work  lay  in  other  directions,  though  he  made many  important  contributions  to  the  now rapidly  increasing  stock  of  metrical  hymns. But  the  progress  of  hymnody  for  the  next  four centuries  will  be  .best  illustrated  by  a  table  of the  sources  from  which  the  leading  Breviary hymns  have  been  derived.  In  the  subjoined list,  the  numbers  in  the  first  column  are  from Daniel,  who,  without  attempting  perfect  ac- curacy, arranges  under  the  name  of  each  author the  hymns  traditionally  assigned  to  him ;  those in  the  second  column  from  Koch,  who  has  en- deavoured to  assign  to  each  author  the  hymns known  to  be  his,  but  has  not  consulted  so  wide a  range  of  breviaries  as  Daniel : — Hymns  assigned  to      . .         . .  P.  K. Hilary  of  Poicticis  (f  368)  7  2 J  Janmsus    . .         . .         . .  2  1 Ambrose  and  the  Am- }  j,,^  brosiaii  school  (  ' " Augustine  (incorrectly)     .  1  — Sedilliiis 2  2  or  3 Prud-ntius  ..         ..!•'>  1"  (.centos) Ennodius    ..         ....  IK  — Elpis           1  — Venantius  Fortiinutus    . .  7  7 Gregory  the  (ireat           ..  "  13 Jsidor.' of  Seville  (636)  ..  2  (?) y  lavius  of  Chalons  (5S0)  —              1 Cyrilla        1  - luigoniiis  of  Toledo  (.  ,               j (H(l6-658)  < IUl.>foiisiis(6.=.8-6t)0)  (  _  Sum.' .Julinn  (6H()-6<>(0        ^      " :\  V  2 804 Hymns  assisned  to HYMNS Paulus  Diaconus Alcuin Charlemagne 11    11  (several  doubtful) 2  Several. —  Several. {V.  cent.  19 vi.  cent.  12 vii.  c  nt.  7 viii.  cent.  2 The  use  of  Ambrosian  aud  othei'  hymus  of Italian  origin  was  much  e.xteuded  by  the  esta- blishment of  the  monastic  orders,  each  with  its own  set  of  offices  for  the  hours.  Benedict especially  is  '>.\pressly  mentioned  by  Walafrid Strabo  as  having  inserted  in  his  offices  many Ambrosian  hymns.  Other  countries  began,  as the  above  lists  will  show,  to  produce  hymno- graphers  of  their  own,  especially  Spain,  of whose  rich  store  of  hymns  the  Mozarabic  Bre- viary is  an  evidence.  There  are  signs,  however, that  this  influx  of  hymus  did  not  everywhere meet  with  favour.  The  complaint  made  by  the orthodox  against  heretics  that  they  had  inno- vated, could  now  be  turned  against  themselves (Ambrose,  Ep.  873,  72) ;  and  among  Catholics there  were  some  who  doubted,  like  the  Genevan reformers  later,  whether  it  were  right  to  use  in worship  any  but  the  words  of  Scripture.  Others, as  time  went  on,  became  accustomed  to  the  Am- brosian hymns,  but  hesitated  to  receive  fresh oner,.  At  the  .second  council  of  Tours  (567-8), by  canon  23,  the  admission  of  other  hymns  of merit,  in  addition  to  the  Ambrosiaos  was  form- ally sanctioned.  At  Toledo,  again,  complaints were  made  that  some  still  rejected  the  hymns of  Hilary  and  Ambrose,  as  not  scriptural  (Wala- frid Strabo,  1.  c).  At  length,  on  Dec.  5,  633,  at the  fourth  council  of  Toledo,  under  the  presidency of  Isidore,  a  canon  (c.  13)  was  passed  threatening with  excommunication  all  in  France  or  Spain who  opposed  the  use  of  hymns  in  divine  service. Yet,  as  we  have  seen,  there  were  still  some churches,  even  in  the  ninth  century,  which  did not  admit  metrical  hymns  into  their  offices. Two  points  remain  to  be  noticed — the  metre of  Latiu  hymns,  and  the  offices  to  which  they were  restricted. Ambrose  found  in  the  Iambic  Dimeter  (our present  L.  M.)  a  metre  admirably  adapted  to  the concise  and  solemn  language  of  his  hymns,  and equally  well  fitted  for  singing.  This  accordingly has  been  the  normal  metre  of  Latin  hymnology, down  to  the  invention  of  sequences.  But  it was  by  no  means  used  in  strict  conformity  to classical  models ;  accent  and  quantity,  it  must be  confessed,  were  both  at  times  disregarded. Some  attempts  were  made,  however,  at  other metres.  Among  the  so-called  Ambrosian  hymns appears  one  on  St.  John  Baptist,  in  four-line stanzas  of  Alcaic  Hendecasyllables — ^__ |___|_^^ "  Almi  prophetae  ]  progeni  |  es  pia," and  four  others,  one  for  fair  weather,  one  for rain,  and  two  in  time  of  war,  in  a  peculiar  form of  the  lesser  Asclepiad,  with  spondee  instead  of dactyl  in  the  last  place. |_^_|_||_^^1_^ "Obdu.\ere  polum  nubila  coeli.' The   poems   of  Prudentius,  not  being  originally intended  for  church  song,  supply  other  irregu- larities, as  Iambic  Trimeter — "0  Nazareiie,  lux  Bitlileui,  V(  rbum  Patiis," HYPACOE and  the  Anacreontic  (Iamb.  Dim.  Catal.)— "  Cultor  Dei  memento." The    fine  cento  from  his  "  Da  puer  plectj-uin," beginning — "  Corde  natus  ex  Parentis  ante  mundi  exordium,'' first  introduced  into  church  song  the  Trochaic Tetrameter  Catalecticus  of  Greek  tragedy,  which has  been  so  great  and  permanent  a  gain.  He has  also  a  hymn  in  stanzas  of  four  Sapphic  lines (without  the  final  Adonius) — "  Inventor  riitili  dux  bone  luminis." Two  centos  from  Fortunatus — "  Crux  benedicta  nitet,  dominus  qua  carne  pependit," and  the  well-known  "Salve  festa  dies,"  are  the earliest  instances  of  elegiac  verse  in  church song.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  both  were  pro- cessionals. St.  Gregory  the  Great  wrote  Sapphic hymns  for  the  hours — "  Nocte  surgentes  vigilemus  omnes," and "  Ecce  jam  noctis  tenuatur  umbra," and  thenceforth  their  use  was  not  infrequent. A  few  other  irregularities  may  be  mentioned, but  they  are  unimportant. The  use  of  hymns  till  now  was  threefold  : (1)  as  processionals;  (2)  in  the  canonical  hours; (3)  at  certain  special  offices,  such  as  the  Bene- diction of  Paschal  tapers,  &c.  As  yet  no  metrical hymns  were  used  in  any  part  of  the  Eucharistic office.  Walafrid  Strabo  mentions,  however,  that Paulinus  "  Patriarcha  Forojuliensis  "  (Paulinus of  Aquileia)  had  frequently,  especially  in  private masses,  introduced  hymns  either  of  his  own  or of  others,  "  circa  immolationem  sacramentorum  " {i.e.  at  the  Illation  or  Preface  following  the Sunum  corda).  He  adds  that  so  great  a  man would  not  have  done  this  without  authority  or reason.  It  is  possible,  therefore,  that  there were  other  instances  of  the  interpolation  of hymns  into  the  Mass.  One  such  is  known  to us,  the  verses  attributed  by  Daniel  to  Eugenius of  Toledo— "  Sar.cti  venite,  corpus  Christ!  suniite," sung  as  a  Communio,  or  Antiphona  ad  ucccdentcs, befoi-e  the  reception  of  the  elements;  Neale {Chr.  Eemcmh-ancer,  Oct.  1853)  assigns  this  to the  seventh  or  eighth  century.  These  excep- tional uses  were  foreshadowings  of  the  great outburst  of  sequences  in  the  beginning  of  the tenth  century,  which  was  destined  to  add  so much  to  the  splendour  and  variety  of  Latin hymnody. [Daniel,  Thesaurus  Hymnologicus,  vol.  i.-v., Leipsic,  1855-6.  Mone,  Hymni  Latini  Medii Aevi,  Freiburg,  1853.  Koch,  Geschichte  des Kirchenlieds  und  Kirchengesangs  der  Christlichen (4  vols.)  vol.  i.  (part  i.  treats  of  hymns  of  the first  eight  centuries),  Stuttgart,  1856.  He  gives ample  lists  of  authorities  on  special  points. Augusti,  De  hymnis  Syrorum  sacris,  Wratislaw, 1841.  Neale,  Hymns  of  the  Eastern  Church, London,  1863.  Mediaeval  Hymns  and  Se- quences, 1863.  Biraghi,  Lmi  Sinceri  e  Carmi  di Sunt'  Ambrogio,  Milan,  1862.  Ebert,  Geschichte der  Christlich-Lateinischen  Literatur,  Leipsic, 1874.] HYPACOE  {uTTCLKori).  Certain  rhythmic compositions,  or  hymns,  which  follow  upon  and echo  (as  it   were)  the  sense  of  that  which  pre- HYPAPANTE ceded,  are  called  vwaKoai,  because  they  depend upon  (viraKovovffi)  that  which  has  gone  before,  as a  servant  on  a  master.  This  is  the  explanation of  Coresi.  Goar,  however  (quoted  in  Daniel's Codex,  iv.  723),  prefers  the  explanation,  that such  hymns  relate  some  wonderful  work  of  God, by  listening  to  which  the  church  may  be  edified. iS'either  explanation  is  perhaps  quite  satisfactory, but  the  latter  can  scarcely  be  considered  to  give any  reason  at  all  why  these  hymns  should  be called  Hypacoae  more  than  many  other  parts  of the  office.  [C.] HYPAPANTE  (often  written  Hypante),  a name  given  to  the  festival  of  the  Purification  of the  Virgin  Mary,  from  her  meeting  {inraTravrr]) with  Simeon  and  Anna  in  the  Temple.  [Mary THE  Virgin,  Festivals  of.]  [C.] HYPATIUS,  bishop  of  Gangra  in  Eaphla- gonia,  dav/xarovpyos ;  commemorated  March  31 iCal.  Byzant.).  ^.  [W.  F.  G.] HYPOCAUSTORIUM,  a  room  warmed  by a  hypocaust,  or  furnace  under  the  floor.  Thus Thiadildis,  abbess  of  Freckenhorst,  in  Westphalia, is  said  to  have  built  in  her  monastery  "  refec- torium  hiemale  et  aestivale,  hypocaustorium, dormitorium,  cellarium,  domum  arearum,  etc." ( Vita  8.  Thiad.  c.  7,  in  Acta  Sanctorum,  30 January,  App.  vol.  ii.).  [C] HYPOPSALISIA  {vn6^a\ixa),  a  particular manner  of  chanting  the  Psalms.  The  Apostolical Constitutions  (ii.  57,  §  5)  give  the  direction, "  after  every  two  lections  let  some  other  chant (v^aAAeVo))  the  hymns  of  David,  and  let  the people  chant  responsive  (uTroil/aAAeVct))  the  ends of  the  verses."  Such  a  replication  of  the  body of  the  congregation  to  the  voice  of  the  single chanter  was  called  i/Tro'4'aA/ta.  Compare  Anti- PHON  (Bingham's  Ant.  XIV.  i.  12).  [C] IX0TC.  (Compare  Fish,  p.  673.)  The  fish  is found  in  an  allegoric  or  symbolic  sense  in  the ancient  remains  of  almost  every  nation.  Among the  Assyrian  fragments  discovered  by  Mr. Layard,  for  instance,  are  frequent  instances  of monsters  partly  formed  of  fish.  See,  as  examples, Monuments  of' Nineveh,  pi.  39,  67  B,  68,  71,  72, &c.  The  gem  figured  on  p.  674  of  this  work,  in which  a  man  appears  covered  with  the  skin  of a  fish,  is  probably  a  representation  of  this  kind of  monster,  rather  than  of  the  Apostolic  fisher- man. The  coins  of  Tyre  and  Phoenicia,  mari- time nations,  show  on  their  coins  fish,  or  monsters ending  in  fish.  The  same  object  is  found  on Kgyptian  monuments,  though  much  more  spa- ringly, for  the  fish  was  an  abomination  to  the Egyptians  (Clemens  Alex.  Strom,  vii.  6 ;  p.  850, Potter;  compare  v.  7,  p.  670).  Nor  is  the symbolic  fish  wanting  in  the  remains  of  the Jndo-Germanic  races  (Sir  W.  .Tones  in  Asiatic Mesearches,  i.  p.  230 ;  Ann.  de  Philowphie  Chre't. v.  p.  430).  The  dolphin  in  particular  is  con- tinually represented  in  art  and  lauded  by  the l)oets ;  and  we  not  unfrequently  meet  with allusions  to  a  mysterious  fish,  the  /caAAix^us, from  the  presence  of  which  all  noxious  things fled  away  :  'Ei'  tois  koI  KaAMx^vs  ivwvvfxos, Upbs  ix^vs  (Oppian.  Ilalicut,  i.  185). ixerc 805 When  we  find  it  in  Christian  symbolism,  the question  arises,  whether  the  fish,  like  so  many other  symbols  and  formulae,  was  adopted  by  the early  Christians  from  the  already  existing  art  ? Looking  at  the  general  character  of  early  Chris- tian art,  considering  its  constant  adoption  even of  symbols  and  representations  obviously  pagan, it  would  seem  probable  that  a  special  sense  was given  to  an  already  existing  mode  of  representa- tion. And  this  particular  symbolism  seems  to have  been  determined  by  the-  discovery  of  the acrostic  ixOvs,  from  which  the  fish,  many  times mentioned  in  the  gospels,  received  a  mystic significance. It  is  quite  uncertain  when  it  was  first  observed that  the  word  Ix&vs  is  formed  of  the  initials  of the  sentence  'Ir/croDs  Xpiffrhs  Qeov  TT.os  Scor^p. We  may  perhaps  assume,  that  whenever  the fish  was  recognised  as  the  symbol  of  the  Lord, it  was  in  consequence  of  the  acrostic  meaning having  been  discovered,  and,  if  this  was  the  case, it  must  have  been  recognised  from  the  very earliest  days  of  Christianity.  The  Clavis  attri- buted to  Melito  of  Sardis,  which,  if  genuine, belongs  to  the  middle  of  the  second  century, lays  it  down  that  Piscis  =  Christus  (c.  iv.  §  xi. ;' Spicil.  Solesm.  ii.  173);  but  the  date  and  cha- racter of  that  work,  although  Dom  Pitra  seems to  entertain  no  doubts,  cannot  be  considered  as beyond  question.  The  Sibylline  verses  give  (lib. viii.  217-250)  the  famous  acrostic  on  the  letters of  the  sentence  'Irjaovs  Xpno-rhs  Qtov  Tibs ScoT^p,  aravpSs.  At  the  time  when  this  was written,  the  mystic  meaning  of  IxOvs  was  clearly recognised,  but  the  date  of  the  verses  is  by  no means  certain.  Clement  of  Alexandria  (Pacdig. iii.  11,  §  59;  see  Gems,  p.  712)  numbers  the fish  among  Christian  symbols,  but  does  not  state its  special  significance;  elsewhere  (Strom,  vi.  11, §  94)  he  I'egards  the  "five  barley  loaves  and two  small  fishes  "  as  typical  of  the  preparatory discipline  of  Jews  and  Gentiles.  In  Clement's contemporary  Tertullian  we  arrive  at  firmer ground  ;  he  writes  (Z)e  Baptismo,  c.  i.)  "  Nos pisciculi,  secundum  IX0TN  nostrum,  in  aqua nascimur."  Here  we  have  both  the  primary and  the  secondary  application  of  the  fish-symbol. First,  the  Fish  is  Christ,  and  that  clearly  as IX0TC,  showing  that  Tertullian  had  the  acrostic in  his  mind ;  secondly,  they  who  are  born  of Christ  are  in  their  turn  "smaller  fishes,"  .a symbolism  which  also  took  a  firm  hold  on  the mind  of  the  early  Church,  and  is  often  alluded to  [Fisherman,  p.  674] ;  thirdly,  a  fresh  signi- ficance is  added  to  the  conception  of  the  believer as  the  fish,  inasmuch  as  it  is  through  the  water of  baptism  that  they  are  born  from  above.  It is  to  be  observed  that  Tertullian  gives  no  exjila- tion  of  the  IX0TC  which  would  be  intelligible to  the  uninitiated  ;  the  symbol,  whether  written or  pictured,  was  jiart  of  the  secret  language  of the  early  Church.  This  reticence  was  probably maintained  during  the  centuries  of  persecution ; but  when  the  need  of  concealment  ceased,  we find  the  true  significance  of  the  symbol  pro- claimed. Thus,  the  writer  of  the  work  l>e  pro- mission,  et  benedict.  Dei,  attributed  to  Prosper  of Aquitaine  (ii.  39),  seems  to  give  ])ositive  testi- mony on  this  point.  "  IX0TN,  latine  ])iscem, sacris  litteris  majores  nostri  interpretati  sunt, hoc  ex  sibyllinis  versibus  oolligentes."  Augus- tine, too,  speaking  of  the  Sibyl,  says  (/A'  ciiit 806 1X0TC Dei,  xviii.  23),  '"If  you  join  the  first  letters  of the  five  Greek  words  'Itjo-oSs,  Xpiff-rhs,  ©eoC, Tibs,  ScoTTjp,  you  will  have  IX0TC,  fish,  iu which  word  Christ  is  mysteriously  designated. Compare  Optatus  c.  Donatist.  iii.  2.  And  when the  Empire  became  Christian,  and  it  was  no  longer necessary  for  Christians  to  conceal  the  great object  of  their  faith  under  a  symbol,  its  use began  to  decline.  De  Rossi,  the  highest  autho- rity on  such  a  matter,  assures  us  that  at  Rome, at  least,  it  is  scai'cely  ever  found  in  cemeteries formed  after  the  age  of  Coustantine,  but  is almost  confined  to  the  catacombs,  and  to  the most  ancient  portions  of  these.  It  was,  he believes,  growing  obsolete  in  the  4th  century, and  was  scarcely  ever  used  merely  as  a  symbol, whether  at  Rome  or  in  the  provinces,  in  the  5th. The  symbolic  fish,  indeed,  is  found  on  an  ambo  in the  church  of  St.  John  and  St.  Paul  at  Ravenna, which  is  shown  by  an  inscription  to  be  of  the year  597  ;  and  the  IX0YC  is  found  on  the  large cross  in  the  apse  of  St.  ApoUinaris  in  Classe, near  the  same  city,  which  Ciampini »  {Vet. Mownn.  ii.  79,  ed.  2)  maintains  to  be  a  work  of the  year  567.  These,  however,  are  rather  in- stances of  the  use  of  ancient  symbols  by  an artist  for  decorative  purposes,  than  of  the  con- tinued use  of  the  symbol,  as  such.  When  the symbols  occur  in  inscriptions,  where  mere  orna- ment is  evidently  not  intended,  we  may  be  sure that  they  are  still  used  as  a  sign  for  believers. In  representations  of  scenes  from  the  gospels,  or from  hagiology,  fish  are  of  course  found  in  all ages  of  Christian  ai't. Although  the  IX0TC  was  originally  an  acros- tic, there  is  only  one  ancient  inscription  known in  which  it  actually  appears  as  such.  In  all other  cases  it  stands  separate,  at  the  beginning or  end  of  an  inscription,  or  both  ;  generally  it  is written  horizontally  in  the  ordinary  manner, but  sometimes  vertically  (Fabretti,  Inscript. Exjil.  p.  329  ;  compare  GKMS.  p.  714).  It  would indeed  be  impossiljle  to  arrange  IX0TC  as  an acrostic  in  a  Latin  inscription,  and  all  the  IX0TC monuments  which  have  come  down  to  us  are Latin,  with  the  one  exception  just  referred  to. This  famous  slab  was  found  in  the  year  1839, beneath  the  surface,  in  an  ancient  cemetery '' near  Autun,  and  was  first  published  by  Dom (now  Cardinal)  Pitra  (^Annales  de  Phil.  Chret.  2« se'r.  t.  xix.  p.  195).  Since  that  time  a  consider- able literature  has  gathered  round  it.  It  is  a sepulchral  inscription  over  one  Pectorius,  son  of Aschandius.  It  is  imperfect,  but  as  to  the  re- storation of  the  first  six  lines  there  is  no  very great  difference  of  opinion  among  palaeogi-aphers and  scholars.  Mr.  W.  B.  Marriott  {Testimony, p.  118)  gives  the  inscription  thus  : 'IX^i^os  o[ypavlov  a-y^^iov  yivos  rjTOpi  (T^fivw XfJijffe  Xa^wv  [_^wr]v]  a/u^pOTOV  iv  ^poreois Qfo-Treaiwi'    vSaTcof    Ti]U    (Ti]v,    (pi\€,    6d\ireo 4,0X7)1' «  Ciampitii  misreads  the  1X0YC;  but  Goii  {Diptych,  iii. 291)  gives  the  correct  reading. *>  It  is  noteworthy  that  this  cemetery  is  locally called,  not  cimetiere,  but  polyandrc,  i.  e.  iroKvdvSpi.ov — a curious  relic  of  the  time  when  Greelt  was  spolcen  at Autun.  Proliably  this  was  the  very  name  used  in  the timp  of  Gregory  of  Tours,  who,  in  his  ignorance  of  Greek, took  It  for  a  Gallic  word  (De.  (llorid  Confess,  c.  73,  quoted by  Marriott,  Tistimoni/,  p.  127). IX0TC "TSatnc  aevdois  ttAovtoSStov  (Toc^frjy, SoiT^pos  8'  ayiwv  fxeXtTiSfa  Aa/ijSorc  Pp&criv, "EaOie  -Kivdoiv  'ix^vv  ey^"  TaAajUais. IX^i^'    X^ "Z""    AiXai'eo    Se'triroTa or  _    >    .    .    .    .  TTjp  (re   Aixafo.ue   (peas  rh  6a- vSyruv. 'A(Txai'S7e  irdrep,  tZ  '/xi^  KexapKriUeve  OvfJ-ai ffvv  fj.' o'lffiu  iixolaiv I    .    .    .    fxvijfffo  lleKTopiov. For  (ai-fiv  we  should  perhaps  read  irrjyfiv The  word  XP^^'^  ^^Y  ^^  taken  either  for  exp^jcre, or  for  xpV"''  ^^  Xtrafoyue  for  AiTafo/ioi  in the  latter  part  of  the  inscription.  Tltvacifv  is for  ireivdoii'.  The  hiatus  in  the  last  line  but  one may  perhaps  be  filled  by  the  words  (tvu  fx.7]rp\ yAvKfpfi  Kol  a.5i\<p€io7(riv  i^oiaiu  (Franz),  or something  equivalent ;  and  the  last  may  perhaps run  '\x6vv  iSiiiv  viov  fMviifffo  XleKTopiov.  Mr. Marriott  translates  the  whole  as  follows : — "Ofispring  of  the  heavenly  Ichthus,  see  that  a heart  of  holy  reverence  be  thine,  now  that  from The  Autun  Insoript divine  waters  thou  hast  received,  while  yet among  mortals,  a  fount  of  life  that  is  to  immor- tality. Quicken  thy  soul,  beloved  one,  with  the  , ever-flowing  waters  of  wealth-giving  wisdom,  ; and  receive  the  honey-sweet  food  of  the  Saviour  j of  the  saints.  Eat  with  a  longing  hungei-,  | holding  Ichthus  in  thy  hands.  | To  Ichthus  ...  come  nigh  unto  me,  my  i Lord  [and]  Saviour  [be  Thou  my  guide]  I  entreat  | Thee,  Thou  light  of  them  for  whom  the  hour  of  : death  is  past. Aschandius,  my  Father,  dear  unto  mine  heart, and  thou  [sweet  mother  and  all]  that  are  mine         J .  .  .  remember  Pectorius."  I The  first  portion  seems  to  be  an  admonition  to  ] the  Christian  passer-by  who  reads  it ;  the  second  j a  prayer  of  the  deceased  himself;  the  third  an  ^ address  to  his  parents  and  friends.  ( This    inscription   has    been    referred    to   very         ' various  dates,  from  the  end  of  the  2nd  century (Pitra)  to  the  end  of  the  6th  (Rossignol).     Pro-         j bably  the  judgment  of  Messrs.  Franks  and  C.  T.         , Newton,  of  the  British  Museum  (in  Marriott's For  the  tracing  from  which  this  engraving  was  made writer  is  indebted  to  I'ruf.  Churchill  IS.ibingtoD. IX0TC Testimony,  etc.  p.  133),  who  assign  it  to  the 4th  or  5th  century,  is  not  far  from  the  trutli. With  this  agrees  the  decision  of  Kirchoif,  the editor  of  the  fourth  volume  of  the  Corpus  In- scriptionum  Graecarum,  which  contains  this  in- scription (No.  9890). Mr.  Marriott  (u.  s.  p.  141)  conjectures  that the  space  at  the  lower  corner  of  the  marble,  to the  spectator's  right,  was  occupied  by  a  sculp- tui-ed  fish,  whether  alone  or  in  combination  with some  other  symbol. Costadoni  (i.x.  35)  gives  a  gem  (no.  xi.  in  his plate)  engraved  with  two  fishes,  with  this  in- scription in  three  lines :  IX  ||  CwTHP  |1  0V  : evidently  the  IX0TC,  differing  from  the  form common  elsewhere  in  having  CoiTHP  written at  full  length,  instead  of  being  separated  by  its initial  letter  like  the  other  words  of  the  acrostic. The  CwTHP  is  probably  placed  between  the  IX and  the  0V  because  that  shape  of  the  inscription best  suits  the  space. Of  seventy-five  sculptured^slabs  containing the  symbol  which  De  Rossi  has  examined,  not more  than  eight  contain  the  lx0vs  alone,  and only  twenty — of  which  four  are  fragments  of slabs  which  may  have  contained  other  symbols — the  sculptured  fish  alone ;  the  rest  give  also other  symbols.  Seventeen  join  with  the  fish the  dove  and  olive-branch  ;  a  conjunction  which seems  clearly  equivalent  to  Spiritus  in  pace  in Christo  ;  or — if  the  olive-branch  be  omitted — Spiritus  in  Christo.  Spiritus  tuus  in  pace  is  a common  form  of  acclamation  in  Christian  epi- taphs. Twenty-three  add  the  anchor  to  the  fish, whether  separate  of  intertwined ;  a  conjunction also  extremely  common  on  gems  [p.  714].  As the  Anchor  [p.  81]  unquestionably  symbolizes Hope,  we  may  read  these  symbols  Spes  in  Christo, one  of  the  most  common  of  Christian  sepulchral formulae.  A  sepulchral  slab  from  the  cata- combs, now  in  the  Kircher  Museum,  exhibits  an anchor  between  two  fishes,  with  the  inscription IX0YC  ZcoNTojN.  (See  further  under  GEMS,  p. 713).  Of  the  fish  swimming  in  the  water  and supporting  a  ship  on  its  back,  clearly  signifying that  Christ  bears  up  the  church,  De  Rossi  has seen  three  mstances. There  remains  the  conjunction  of  loaves  and fishes.  That  these  in  some  instances  simply form  part  of  a  representation  of  the  Lord's miracle  of  the  loaves  is  clear  from  the  fact  that in  at  least  one  of  De  Rossi's  Monumenta  (No.  71, from  the  cemetery  of  St.  Hermes,  now  in  the Kircher  Museum)  there  are  five  loaves  and  two fishes ;  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  fishes and  loaves  conjoined  were  intended  to  convey the  further  meaning  that  Christ  is  the  Bread  of Life,  and  that  with  special  reference  to  the Eucharist  [Canister,  p.  264;  Eucharist  in Art,  p.  625].  This  is  well  illustrated  by  the Autun  inscription,  given  above,  where,  according to  the  most  probable  restoration,  the  fish  is spoken  of  as  in  the  hands.  We  can  scarcely doubt  that  these  words  refer  to  the  receiving  of Christ  in  the  Eucharist.  So  when  Augustine {Confess,  xiii.  23,  §  34),  after  mentioning  the sacrament  of  baptism,  goes  on  to  speak  of  that other  "solemnitas  ...  in  qua  ille  piscis  ex- hibetur  quem  levatum  de  profundo  terra  pia comedit,"  he  undoubtedly  refers  to  the  sacra- ment of  the  Eucharist.  It  ought  however  to be  noticed,  that  some  at  least  of  the  paintings ICOXOSTASIS 807 commonly  supposed  to  be  Eucharistic  are  in- tended rather  to  represent  the  heavenly  mar- riage-supper which  Christ  makes  for  his  faithful ones  (Polidori,  Dei  conviii  effigiati  a  simbolo  ne' monumenti  Crist iani.     Milano,  1844). Ample  information  on  this  curious  subject may  be  found  in  Costadoni,  Sopra  il  Pesce  come simbolo  di  Gesu  Christo  presso  (jli  antichiCristiani, in  Calogiera's  collection,  vol.  xli.  p.  247  ff. ;  in J.  B.  De  Rossi's  treatise,  De  Christianis  Monu- montis  IX0YN  exhibentibus,  and  in  Pitra's  De Pisce  Allegorico  et  Symbolico,  both  in  Pitra's Spicilegium  Solesmense,  vol.  iii. ;  and  in  the  late Mr.  Wharton  Marriott's  Essay  on  the  Autun  In- scription, in  his  Testimony  of  the  Catacombs,  p. 115  ff.  (London,  1870).  [C] ICONIUM,  COUNCIL  OF.  The  date  gene- rally assigned  to  it  is  a.d.  378  (Mansi,  iii.  505-10), this  being  the  year  in  which  St.  Basil  died  ;  and Amphilochius,  bishop  of  Iconium,  who  presided, speaking  of  him  as  having  been  expected  there, but  kept  away  by  severe  illness.  St.  Basil  him- self (Ep.  ccii.  al.  ccxcvi.)  had  asked  to  have  it put  off  in  the  hope  that  his  health  might  imjjrove. But  it  may  be  doubted  whether  this  is  not  the meeting  of  which  he  speaks  in  a  subsequent  letter (ccxvi.  al.  cclxxii.),  when  illness  equallv  com- pelled him  to  return  home.  Mansi  thiiiks  his words  here  prove  that  he  actually  was  at  this meeting  :  they  may  mean  no  more  than  that  he had  commenced  his  journey  with  that  intention, but  after  he  had  got  as  far  as  Neo-Caesarea,  which he  may  have  gone  to  first,  he  was  taken  ill  and had  to  return.  This,  according  to  Mansi,  took place  a.d.  375;  and  the  question  is,  whether Amphilochius  must  necessarily  be  supposed  to have  been  speaking  of  a  later  illness.  To  make up  for  his  absence,  his  treatise  on  the  Holy  Spirit was  read  there,  to  attest  his  sentiments  on  the subject  of  which  it  treats,  says  Amphilochius  : in  all  probability,  therefore,  this  council  had  to do  with  the  followers  of  Macedonius.   [E.  S.  Ff.] ICONOSTASIS.  In  the  ecclesiology  of  the Eastern  church  this  designation  is  given  to  the screen  or  partition  wall,  tabulatum,  which  cuts  otf the  bema  or  sacrarium  from  the  Suleas  and  the choir.  From  its  general  similarity  in  form  to the  chancel  screens  of  Western  churches,  the iconostasis  is  often  identified  with  them.  This, however,  is  based  on  an  erroneous  idea.  The screen  of  western  ecclesiology  separates  the  nave, the  place  of  the  laity,  from  the  choir,  the  place of  the  clergy.  The  iconostasis,  on  the  other hand,  invested  with  far  greater  dignity  and importance,  has  its  position  further  eastward, and  corresponds  in  locality  to  the  altar  i-ails. Thus  it  divides  the  choir,  or  place  of  the  clergy, into  two  parts,  separating  "  the  holiest  of  all," containing  the  holy  table  and  the  place  for  the celebrant  and  his  assistants,  from  the  "  holy place,"  on  either  side  of  which  are  arranged  the stalls  for  the  clergy.  The  iconostasis  in  its original  construction  was  a  comparatively  light and  open  screen,  the  KijKAiSes,  SpvcpaKra,  or cancelli  of  primitive  times,  very  much  resembling the  ordinary  type  of  western  chancel  screens. The  present  arrangement,  by  which  it  has  been converted  into  a  close  partition  with  curtained doors,  entirely  concealing  the  holy  mysteries from  those  who  stand  outside  it,  cannot  be  carried hiirhcr  than  the  8th  ccnturv,  ami  in  its  existiiio 808 ICONOSTASIS development  is  probably  later  still.  The  name clKOudcTTaats  is  derived  from  the  icons  (^eiKdves) or  sacred  pictures  painted  on  it. These  screens  in  the  larger  and  more  dignified churches  were  of  the  richest  materials  attainable, and  were  adorned  with  all  the  resources  of  art.  The elaborate  description  given  by  Paul  the  Silentiary, enables  us  to  realize  the  form  and  character  of that  in  St.  Sophia,  as  rebuilt  by  Justinian,  in  the middle  of  the  6th  century.  The  material  was silver.     It    consisted    of  a    epx-os,    or    p.-u-titii;n. ICONOSTASIS described  as   being   of  ivory,  tortoise-shell,  and silver. According  to  Goar,  the  iconostasis  owes  its  pre- sent close  form  to  a  reaction  against  the  icono- clastic fury  of  the  8th  century,  as  aftbrding  a more  ample  space  for  the  exhibition  of  sacred pictures.  His  words  are,  "  Reticula  ilia  lignea  " (the  wooden  trellis  work,  such  as  that  in Faulinus'  church  at  Tyre)  "  mutavit  Ecclesia Orientalis  in  tabulata  solida  a  tempore  quo iciinuclastaruni  furore  turbata  plures  et  frequen- Iconostasis  at  Tepekermann  ;  'rom  Fergi formed  by  a  stylobate,  ornamented  with  ara- besque flower  work.  On  this  stood  pairs  of twisted  columns,  twelve  in  number,  surmounted by  an  architrave  of  chased  metal.  The  spaces between  the  columns  were  filled  in  with  panels, bearing  in  oval  medallions  the  icons  of  Our  Lord, the  Blessed  V'irgin,  the  apostles  and  prophets. In  the  centre,  above  the  "  holy  doors,"  the  inter- twined monogram  of  Justinian  and  Theodora  was to  be  seen,  surmounted  by  the  crucifix  in  an  ovaJ panel  (Paul  Silentiar.  part  ii.  v.  265,  sq.) The   Church  of  the  Apostles,  erected  by  Con- stantine  at  Constantinople,  had  its  screen  ot  gilt tiores  sanctorum  imagines  ibi  depictas  esse voluit"  (Eucholog.  p.  18).  Early  examples  of the  solid  iconostasis  are  hard  to  find.  The  par- tition has  been  invariably  removed  by  the  Turks in  the  churches  converted  by  them  into  mosques, so  that  not  a  single  instance  appears  in  the churches  of  the  Holy  Land,  and  of  Central  Syria, drawn  by  De  Vogue,  nor  in  those  given  in Texier  and  Pullan's  Byzantine  Architecture,  or  in Hiibsch's  Altchristliche  Kirclie.  The  earliest  ex- ample known  to  Dr.  Neale  is  that  in  the  Arian crypt  church,  at  Tepekermann,  in  the  Crimea, which  he  thinks  "  may  be  referred  to  about  a.d. copper  (Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  iv.  59).  They  were often  of  brass,  or  bronze.  In  that  rebuilt  by Faulinus,  at  Tyre,  the  screen  was  a  trellis  work of  wood  of  the  most  slender  and  graceful  work- manship (Euseb.  H.  E.  x.  4,  §  14).  That  of  St. Peter  in  the  Palace,  built  by  Basil  the  Mace- donian (k.v>.  867-886),  was  of  marble  (Theophan. Ceram.  Homil.  Iv.).  The  screen  in  the  convent church    of  St.    Catherine    on    Mount    Sinai,    is .S50,"  of  which  a  woodcut  is  annexed.  This  is  not a  close  screen,  but  consists  of  four  pillars  standing on  a  solid  stylobate,  the  panels  of  which  are ornamented  with  boldly  incised  crosses.  The columns  reach  to  the  roof  of  the  cave.  The openings  between  them  may  have  been  probably closed  with  curtains  (Neale,  Hist,  of  East.  Church, vol.  i.  p.  19o).  According  to  Guenebault  {Diet. (les  Moniuncns,  Art.  Iconostase^,  one  of  the  most ICONOSTASIS ancient  examples  of  a  closed  screen  known  is  also in  a  cave  church,  the  Grotto  of  the  Apocalypse, at  Patmos.  From  the  woodcut  given,  taken from  Calmet  {Diet,  de  la  Bible),  it  will  be  seen  to be  a  plain  boarded  partition,  reaching,  in  two divisions,  from  the  floor  to  the  spring  of  the vault,  and  very  much  resembling  a  Jacobean chancel  screen  in  England.  It  has  a  central arched  door,  and  two  arched  windows  on  either side,  surrounded  with  arabesque  work,  and closed  with  curtains.  The  upper  division  ex- hibits an  icon  of  Our  Lord  to  the  right,  and  of the  Blessed  Virgin  to  the  left,  with  the  crucifix abcve. According  to  the  normal  arrangement,  an  icono- stasis  had  three  doorways,  that  to  the  right  hand leading  to  the  diaconicon  ;  that  to  the  left  to  the ICONOSTASIUM 809 the  present  day.  The  iconosiasis,  according  to Dr.  Neale,  is  "  now  generally  made  of  wood  ;  what would  be  the  pierced  part  in  a  western  rood screen  being  panelled  and  painted.  In  Attica they  are  found  of  plain  deal."  (Neale,  tc.  s.  ; Texier  and  Pullan's  Byzantine  Architecture,  p.  62.) The  iconostasis  in  the  churches  of  Russia  is always  a  feature  of  considerable  magnificence, which,  from  its  size  and  elaborate  decoration,  is the  object  that  first  attracts  attention  on  enter- ing, being  rather  an  architectural  feature  of  the edifice  than  a  mere  piece  of  church  furniture. It  is  very  possible  that  more  complete  acquaint- ance with  the  ecclesiology  of  Russia  will  bring to  light  earlier  examples  of  the  iconostasis  than those  hitherto  known.  The  annexed  example from  a  church  near  Kostroma,  in  Eastern  Russia, prolhesis,  through  which  the  "Great  Entrance" was  made.  The  central  doorway,  ayiai  Qvpai, always  the  largest,  and  most  highly  decorated with  carvings,  opened  on  to  the  bema.  It  was protected  in  the  lower  part  by  two  gates,  about the  height  of  a  man,  meeting  in  the  middle,  the upper  portion,  as  well  as  the  two  side  doorways, being  closed  with  curtains  [Curtains,  Hang- ings]. On  the  right  of  the  holy  doors  was  in- variably the  icon  of  Our  Blessed  Lord  ;  on  the left  that  of  His  Virgin  mother.  On  the  panels on  either  side,  and  on  those  above,  other  icons were  depicted,  according  to  the  taste  or  devotion of  the  founders  of  the  church,  and  to  the  saints under  whose  invocation  it  was  plactd.  This  ar- rangement remnins    on  the  whole  unchanged  to given  l)y  Jlr.  Fergusson  in  his  Ilistoi-y  of Ai-chitecture,  is  not  of  very  early  date,  but  is pronounced  by  him  to  be  "  a  favourable  specimen of  its  class."  [E.  V.] ICONOSTASIUM,  flKuvoaTaawv,  m  the Greek  church,  a  moveable  stand  for  the  suspen- sion of  icones  or  sacred  pictures.  Such  a  piece  of church  furniture  is  mentioned  by  Codinus  (de  Off. Aul.  Constantinop.  c.  vi.  §  2),  when  describing the  imperial  ceremonial  of  Christmas  Day. After  mattins  the  canonarchs  brought  out  the iconostasium,  and  set  it  in  its  place,  with  an  ana- logium,  or  reading  desk,  bearing  a  copy  of  the gospels  in  front  of  it.  On  it  they  suspended  an icon  of  the  nativitv,  and  throe  or  four  others 810 IDIOMELA The  empei'or  on  entering  the  church  kissed  the icons,  and  again  on  leaving.  Ducange,  s.  v. identifies  the  iconostaslum  generally  with  a  small domestic  chapel,  or  oratory,  and  considers  that that  described  by  Codinus  was  a  portable shrine.  Gretser  is  more  correct  in  defining  it  as "  omne  illud  in  quo  stant,  vel  ex  quo  pendent sacrae  imagines."  Goar  strangely  interprets  it of  a  carved  picture  frame.  [E.  V.] IDIOMELA  (i.  e.  a-TixVpa  lSi6iJ.(\a).  These are  Stichera  or  Strophes,  which  have  no  hirmos {elpfios),  the  rhythm  of  which  they  follow,  but which  are  independent  as  to  rhythm.  They  are usually  said  at  lauds  and  at  vespers  on  days  of special  observance.  At  lauds  one  only  is  said  as a  rule,  though  not  invariably,  as  in  the  Holy week  when  there  are  several,  after  the  (ttIxoi  fol- lowing the  ahoi  (i.e.  Pss.,148,  149,  150).  At vespers  we  find  sometimes  one  only,  as  on  certain week-days  in  Lent.  Sometimes  several,  four  or fiv^e  being  the  usual  number;  and  occasionally more,  e.  g.  nine  on  St.  John-Baptist's  day,  and  of these  one  or  more  is  often  repeated.  The  tone to  which  they  are  said  is  specified,  and  the  name of  the  author  is  often  given.  Their  character  is that  of  other  troparia  used  in  the  Greek  oflSces ; but  they  are  often,  though  not  invariably,  longer than  others.  Idiomela  are  also  used  in  other offices,  e.  g.  in  the  office  for  the  burial  of  a  priest. [H.  J.  H.] IDIOTA  ('l5iu)Tr)5-).  1.  An  illiterate  person, as  contrasted  with  a  "  clerk."  Thus,  Gregory the  Great  (Epist.  ix.  9)  speaking  of  the  use  of |iictures  from  sacred  history,  says  that  pictures are  the  bible  of  the  uneducated — "quod  legen- tibus  scriptura,  hoc  idiotis  praestat  pictura  cer- nentibus."  Bede  {Epist.  ad  Egbert. ;  Migne's Patrol,  xciv.  659  C)  wishes  the  idiotae — that  is, he  explains,  those  who  have  no  knowledge  of any  tongue  but  their  own — to  learn  by  heart the  Apostle's  Creed  and  the  Lord's  Prayer  in their  own  tongue.  In  the  Middle  Ages,  when an  educated  man  was  almost  of  course  in  holy orders,  the  word  "  idiota  "  came  to  mean  simply a  layman. 2.  The  word  Idiotae  was  also  used  to  desig- nate those  who  attached  themselves  to  some convent  as  helpers,  without  being  regular  mem- bers of  the  brotherhood,  i.  e.  lay-brothers  [Cox- VERSi]  (Ducange,  Gloss.  Lat.  s.  v.).  [C] IDLENESS.    [MexVdicancy.] IDOLATEY  {Tdololatria,  eiSwKoKarpeia). The  object  of  this  article  is  to  describe  the  laws of  the  ancient  church  relating  to  idolatry,  or any  rites  or  customs  connected  with  it.  The treatment  of  Christians  who  went  back  alto- gether to  heathenism,  belongs  to  Apostasy  ;  of those  who  succumbed  for  a  time  under  pressure of  persecution,  to  Lapsed. Few  canons  directed  against  idolatry  appear in  the  councils,  until  Christianity  had  become the  dominant  religion  in  the  different  countries of  Europe.  The  first  law  which  interfered with  the  free  exercise  of  Paganism,  was  an edict  of  Constautine,  A.  D.  319,  against  private sacrifices  {Cod.  Tlieod.  IX.  xvi.  1,  2),  but  it  is questionable  whether  this  was  issued  solely in  the  interest  of  Christianity.  Later  laws were  undoubtedly  levelled  against  idolatry. In    A.D.  324,    Constantine    forbade  (Euseb.     Vit. IDOLATRY Const,    ii.   45)  the    erection  of  images   of  the  1 gods,    or   (ibid.   iv.    16)  of  his   own   statue   in  ! the  temples;  he  (ibid.  ii.  44-5)  prohibited  all state  sacrifices,  and  (ibid.    iii.    54—8)   shut    up  ^ many    of  the    temples,    converted    others    into  i churches,  and  destroyed  some  which  had  been the  scene  of  immoral  rites.  Laws  of  Constantius forbade  (Cod.  Theod.  XVI.  x.  4,  6)  all  sacrifices  ; whatever   on    pam    of  death;    but  it   does    not  ; appear  that  the  ])enalty  was  ever  exacted.  But that  which  is  considered  to  have  given  the  death- blow to  Paganism,  is  a  comprehensive  law  of Theodosius,  A.D.  392  (Cod.    Theod.  XVI.  x.  12);  j sacrifice  and   divination  were  declared  treason-  | able  and  punishable  with  death  ;  the  use  of  lights, incense,  garlands,  and  libations,  was  to  involve the  forfeiture  of  house  or  land  where  they  were used  ;  and  all  who  entered  heathen  temples  were  j to  be  fined.  But  that  Pagan  rites  lingered  after this  appears,  among  other  proofs,  from  a  petition addressed  to  the  emperor  by  a  Carthaginian council  (A.D.  399),  requesting  him  to  destroy some  rural  temples,  and  forbicf  certain  idolatrous banquets,  which  were  held  on  Saints-Days,  and which  the  Christians  were  compelled  to  attend (Cod.  Eccl.  Afric.  cc.  58-60).  And  two  centuries  ; later   Gregory  has   occasion  (Epp.  iv.  23-6)   to  ' rebuke  some  landowners  in  the  remote  parts  of  ( Italy,  who  suffered  their  peasants  to  continue  in  ! heathenism;  and  in  a  letter  (Epist.  ix.  65)  to the  bishop  of  Cagliari,  he  recommends  that  if the  rustics  will  not  listen  to  preaching,  they shall   be   fined,    imprisoned,   or   chastised.     On  ; the  disappearance  of  Paganism,  see  Robertson,  j Church  Hist.  iii.  5.  i 2.  Local  Edicts. — In  the  Gallic  church,  a fragmentary  letter  ot  Childebert,  A.D.  554  (Har- douin.  Cone.  iii.  334),  commands  all  landlords who  have  images  or  idols  on  their  estates,  to remove  them,  and  assist  the  priests  in  destroying them.    The  worship  of  sacred  trees  or  groves"  or  j stones  or  fountains,  is  frequently  forbidden,  and  | the  bishops  are  admonished  to  be  more  zealous  ; in  checking  it  (2  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  23;  2  Cone. Turon,  c.  22 ;  Cone.  Francoford.  c.  43).  A Prankish  council  presided  over  by  Boniface,  A.D.  j 742  (Cone.  German,   c.  5,  in  Hartzheim's    Cone.  \ i.  49)  prohibits  incantations  and  auguries,    and  ; sacrifices  which  were  offered  to  martyrs  in  place of  the  old  Pagan  deities  ;  other  councils  forbid  ; the  "  sacrilegious  fire-burnings  which  are  called  i Nedfrates"  ^  (Cone.  Liptin.  c.  4 ;  Cone.  Suess.  c.  6).  j Appended  to  the  council    of  Liptina  (probably  ' Lestines,  Hartzheim,  i.  51),  A.D.  743,  is  a  curious  ; list  of  forbidden  Pagan  superstitions.  It  contains mention  of  the  widespread  worship  of  sacred trees    and  stones ;    of    sacrificing  to  saints ;    of  ^ various  omens  and  charms,  such  as  observing tempests,  horns,  and  snails,  and  the  brain  and dung  of  animals,  and    fire   on    the  hearth  ;    or  ' superstitions    connected    with    the   state   of  the  ] moon,  particularly  women  hoping  to  attract  men »  On  the  Teutonic  religion  of  worshipping  in  groves, see  Milman,  Lat.  Christ,  iii.  2.  The  most  recent  and satisfactory  investigation  into  the  history  and  meaning of  sacred  stones  will  be  found  in  Fergusson's  Bude  Stone Mtmumeiits. ^  On  the  derivation  and  meaning  of  need-fire,  see  Du- cange, s.  v.  Nedfri.  It  appears  to  have  been  a  supersti- tious practice  in  certain  parts  of  Germany  of  striking  fire from  dty  wood  on  the  eve  of  St.  John  [John,  St.,  Fire OFl. IDOLATRY  . by  lunar  fnfluences.  Compare  a  similar  super- stition in  England,  where  people  are  warned against  trusting  to  cries  and  -sorceries  during an  eclipse  of  the  moon  (Egbert.  Penit.  viii.  3). An  edict  of  Charlemagne  issued  after  the  con- quest of  the  Saxons,  A.D.  785,  contains  some severe  enactments  against  the  heathen  practices of  the  vanquished  (^de  Paitihus  Saxon.'  in  Baluze's Capitularia,  i.  250).  Death  is  to  be  the  penalty of  (c.  4)  ostentatiously  and  defiantly  eating  meat in  Lent ;  of  (c.  6)  burning  a  witch  because  of  sup- posed cannibalism,  and  then  superstitiously  eating her  flesh ;  of  (c.  7)  burning  a  dead  body  and  col- lecting the  ashes  ;  the  bodies  of  the  dead  (c.  22) are  to  be  buried  in  cemeteries  and  not  in  the  Saxon tumuli.  A  more  merciful  clause  (c.  14)  contains a  singular  provision  that  if  any  one  who  has  ex- posed himself  todeath  by  such  crimes,  shall  confess his  offence  to  the  priest,  and  be  willing  to  do penance,  the  extreme  penalty  may  be  remitted on  the  testimony  of  the  priest.  This  capitulary was  to  some  extent  repealed  by  a  more  lenient one,  A.D.  797,  which,  according  to  the  general practice  of  the  Teutonic  races,  allowed  a  money payment  to    compound    for  the   capital  offence. The  Spanish  councils  contain  evidence  of  the lingering  of  the  old  heathenism  at  the  end  of  the 7th  century,  and  that  even  the  clergy  were  not free  from  complicity  with  it.  The  3rd  council  of Toledo,  A.D.  589  (c.  16),  complains  that  the "  sacrilege  of  idolatry  "  was  prevalent  through both  Spain  and  Gaul,  and  declares  that  the bishops  and  priests  neglecting  to  assist  in  its extirpation  shall  be  excommunicated.  The  12th council,  A.D.  681  (c.  11),  threatens  death  to slaves  worshipping  idols  or  stones  or  fountains  or trees,  or  lighting  torches  ;  but  if  their  masters will  be  answerable  for  their  abstaining  from  such rites  for  the  future,  the  extreme  sentence  may be  commuted  to  a  flogging  or  to  being  shackled with  iron :  if  the  masters  decline  such  responsi- bility, they  lose  all  rights  over  the  slaves,  and are  themselves  subject  to  excommunication. The  same  practices  are  enumerated  by  the  16th council,  A.D.  693,  and  the  bishop  or  priest  who is  negligent  in  searching  them  out,  is  sentenced (c.  2  j  to  a  year's  penance ;  and  further,  any  one  who puts  obstacles  in  the  way  of  priest  or  officer  is to  be  put  under  anathema,  and  if  a  noble,  pay 3  pounds  of  gold  to  the  treasury,  if  low  born, receive  100  stripes,  have  his  head  shorn,  and forfeit  half  his  property. In  England,  Gregory  had  given  directions  to Augustine  {Epist.  xi.  76)  that  heathen  idols  were to  be  destroyed,  but  the  temples  preserved,  that the  fabric  should  be  sprinkled  with  holy  water, that  altars  should  be  constructed  in  them  and relics  deposited,  and  so  the  building  be  converted to  the  worship  of  God  on  spots  already  consecrated in  the  popular  imagination  ;  even  the  sacrifices of  oxen  were  to  continue,  but  transferred  to Saints  Days.  Gregory  defends  this  policy  on  the ground  that  he  who  aspires  to  the  highest place,  must  be  content  to  ascend  step  by  step, and  not  at  one  bound.  The  English  Penitentials disclose  the  idolatrous  customs  which  seem  to have  had  the  most  tenacious  hold  on  the  people. Those  who  sacrifice  to  devils  on  slight  occasions are  to  do  penance  for  a  year,  on  great  occasions for  ten  (Theod.  Penitent.  I.  xv.  1 ;  Egbert.  Peni- tent, iv.  12).  Any  woman  who  places  her dauiihter  on  the  roof  of  a  house,  or  in  an  oven, IDOLATRY 811 to  cure  her  of  a  fever,  is  sentenced  to  seven  years (Theod.  Pen.  I.  xv.  2;  Egbert.  Pen.  viii.  2). Burning  grain  in  any  house  where  a  dead  body has  been  deposited,  as  a  charm  to  protect  the survivors,  is  punished  by  five  years  (Theod.  Pen. 1.  XV.  3).  The  witches  who  invoke  storms  are to  be  penitents  seven  vears  (Egbert.  Pen.  iv.  14). In  the  laws  of  Wihtred  of  Kent,  A.D.  696  (c.  12), it  is  decreed  that  if  a  husband  without  his  wife's knowledge  makes  an  offering  to  a  devil,  he  shall be  liable  in  all  his  substance  ;  and  if  they  both agree,  they  shall  both  be  liable ;  but  that  if  a "  theow  "  makes  the  offering,  he  (c.  13)  shall make  a  "  bot  "  of  six  shillings  or  his  hide.  There are  intimations  that  ecclesiastical  law  extended to  other  practices  which,  though  not  connected with  religion,  were  regarded  as  badges  of  idola- try. The  Legatine  Synod  held  in  A.D.  787  (Haddan and  Stubbs,  Councils  and  Ecd.  Documents,  iii. 458),  in  its  report  to  Adrian  I.,  complains  (c.  19) that  the  people  dress  after  the  manner  of  the heathen  ;  that  they  follow  the  heathen  custom  of mutilating  their  horses  by  clipping  their  tails and  splitting  their  nostrils  and  joining  their ears ;  and  also  that  they  eat  horse-flesh,  which no  Christian  does  in  the  East  (Orientalibus,  Italy and  Germany).  In  the  previous  century  the eating  of  horse-flesh,  though  not  prohibited  was regarded  with  disfavour  (Theod.  Penitent.  II.  xi. 4).  A  prohibition  against  heathen  dress  is  also found  in  the  ancient  Welsh  code  of  the  7th century  {Canones  Wullici,  c.  61).  "  If  any Catholic  let  his  hair  grow  long  after  the  manner of  the  heathen,  he  shall  be  expelled  Christian Society." 3.  Idolatrous  offices  or  customs. — The  council of  Elvira,  A.D.  305  (c.  4),  orders  Flamens  who wish  to  become  Christians  to  undergo  two  years' additional  probation  as  catechumens;  if  after baptism  they  wear  the  sacrificial  garland  (c.  55), to  do  penance  two  years ;  if  they  provide  a public  spectacle  (munus)  (c.  3),  to  be  denied communion  till  death ;  and  if  they  sacrifice (c.  2),  to  be  excommunicated  for  ever.  The same  council  requires  a  Duumvir  to  separate himself  from  the  church  during  his  year  of office.  See  also  Actors,  Gladiators.  The grounds  of  such  prohibitions  are  stated  by Tertullian  {de  Spectac.  c.  12).  The  same  father condemns  {de  Upectac.  cc.  20-22)  the  actors  in each  of  the  four  sorts  of  shows. The  social  festivities  of  the  heathen  were  not regarded  with  the  same  suspicion.  Tertullian {de  Idolol.  c.  16)  sees  no  harm  in  a  Christian being  present  at  the  solemnity  of  assuming  the toga  virilis,  or  of  espousals  or  nuptials,  or  of giving  a  name  to  a  child.  But  this  toleration was  not  extended  to  festivities  of  a  less  innocent character.  [Heathen,  §  5,  p.  763.]  The  super- stitious lighting  of  torches  and  burning  of  lamps is  forbidden  both  in  the  4th  and  7th  centuries (Cone.  Eliber.  c.  37 ;  Cone,  in  Trull,  c.  65). Another  canon  of  Elvira  (c.  34)  prohibits  the burning  of  wax  candles  in  the  cemeteries  lest the  spirits  of  the  saints  should  be  disturbed  ;  a reference  probably  to  the  idolatrous  practices associated  with  lighting  lamps  on  heathen  fes- tivals (Tert.  Apolog.  c.  35;  de  Idolol.  c.  15). The  irregularities  attending  the  observance of  the  feast  of  the  Kalends  of  January  (the new  year)  form  the  subject  of  one  of  Chi-yso- stoiii's    Homilies    {in.    Kalend.   f.   i.    ]>.    697,    ed. 81 2  IDOLATRY Bened.),  from  which  it  appears  that  Christians set  up  lamps  iu  the  market  place,  and  adorned their  doors  with  garlands,  and  gave  themselves up  to  excess  and  made  divinations  of  their future.  "  You  will  prosper,"  says  Chrysostom, "  in  the  coming  year,  not  if  you  make  yourself drunk  on  the  new  moon,  but  if  you  do  what  God approves  "  (Tert.  de  fdolol.  c.  14  ;  Ambrose,  Serm. 17  ;  Gone.  Autiss.  c.  1  ;.  Cone,  in  Trull,  c.  62). The  2nd  council  of  Tours,  a.d.  567,  states  (c.  17) that  it  was  a  custom  in  the  church  to  have special  Litanies  on  the  three  days  of  the  Kalends of  January,  as  a  protest  against  the  heathen licentiousness  [Circumcision].  The  observance of  the  heathen  festivals  lingered  long  after heathenism  itself  was  extinct ;  at  the  end  of ihe  7th  century  the  Trullan  council  (c.  62) after  denouncing  the  Kalends,  declares  that  the church  will  excommunicate  any  who  keep  the solemnities  of  the  Bota  (Vota),  or  the  Brumalia (the  winter  feast),  or  the  1st  of  March  ;  and forbids  the  heathenish  customs  of  those  festivals, the  public  dancing  of  women,  the  interchange  of dress  between  men  and  women,  wearing  comic or  satyric  or  tragic  masks,  calling  on  the  name of  Bacchus  and  simulating  a  Bacchic  frenzy while  treading  the  grapes. Making  gain  from  idolatiy  was  considered idolatrous.  No  artisan  might  assist  in  making an  idol.  "Canst  thou,"  says  Tertullian  (de fdolol.  c.  6),  "  preach  the  true  God,  who  makest ftilse  ones?  '1  make  them,'  says  one,  'but  I worship  them  not.'  Verily  thou  dost  worship them,  and  that  not  with  the  spirit  of  any  worth- less savour  of  sacrifice,  but  with  thine  own ; not  at  the  cost  of  the  life  of  a  beast,  but  of  thine own."  Similarly  he  exposes  {ibid.  c.  8)  the sophistries  of  those  who  made  their  livelihood by  building  or  adorning  heathen  shrines ;  and {ibid.  cc.  5,  6,  8,  11,  17)  the  dealers  iu  victims and  incense,  and  the  guardians  of  the  temples and  the  collectors  of  their  revenues.  A  landlord who  reckoned  in  his  accounts  any  property  of  an idol,  was  subject  to  five  years'  separation  {Cone. Eliber.  c.  40) ;  a  man  or  woman  lending  vest- ments to  decorate  idolatrous  pomp,  to  thi'ee {ibid.  c.  57). The  rule  which  was  to  govern  Christians  in eating  food,  which  might  have  been  previously offered  to  an  idol,  is  laid  down  by  St.  Paul (1  Cor.  X.  25,  30).  A  great  part  of  the  animals used  in  the  sacrifices  was  frequently  sold  by  the priests,  and  afterwards  retailed  in  the  public shambles.  This  the  Christians  were  at  liberty to  eat.  But  any  attendance  at  a  temple  for  the sake  of  the  sacrifice  was  strictly  prohibited  {Cone. Eliber.  c.  59).  The  council  of  Ancyra,  A.D.  314 (c.  7),  forbids  any  one  to  eat  in  a  place  conse- crated to  idolatry,  even  if  he  took  his  own  food. But  by  the  direction  of  Leo  {Ejj.  ad  Xioet.),  a captive  among  the  barbarians  who  from  hunger or  terror  eat  idol  food,  was  to  be  leniently  dealt with.  Directions  with  regard  to  eating  food offered  to  idols  appear  frequently  in  subsequent councils ;  it  is  the  same  as  eating  carrion,  and exposes  the  ofl'ender  to  excommunication  (4  Cone. Aurel.  c.  20)  ;  offering  food  to  the  dead  on  the festival  of  St.  Peter,  and  after  receiving  the body  of  Christ  going  home  and  eating  meat consecrated  to  devils,  incurs  a  like  penalty (2  Cone.  Tiiron.  c.  22)  ;  other  superstitions w:th  food  are  to  be  reprimanded  {Cone.  Reinen. ILLITERATE  CLERGY c.  14) ;  not  even  the  sign  of  the  cross  will purify  an  idol  offering  (Gregory  II.  Cm.  Epist. c.  6).  •  "     "  [G.  M.] IGNATIUS.  (1)  Bishop  of  Antioch,  Upo- fidpTVi,  martyr  under  Trajan  (a.d.  109) ;  com- memorated Feb.  1  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi);  translation  to  Antioch,  Dec.  17  {lb.), and  Jan.  29  {Cal.  Byzant.);  "Natale,"  Dec.  17 {Mart.  Bedae) ;  also  commemorated  Dec.  16 {Cal.  Armen.);  Dec.  20  {Cal.  Byzant.);  Hamle  7 =  July  1,  andTaksas  24  =  Dec.  20  {Cal.  Ethiop.). (2)  Martyr  in  Africa  with  Celerinus,  deacon and  confessor,  Laurentinus,  and  Celerina  ;  com- memorated Feb.  3  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] ILERDENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Lerida, Council  of.] ILLATION.  This  in  the  Mozarabic  liturgy is  the  equivalent  to  the  Prefaec  (Praefatio)  of the  Roman  and  Ambrosian  liturgies.  In  the Galilean  liturgy  the  corresponding  prayer  is called  Immolatio  or  Contestatio.  The  Mozarabic Illation  is  usually  much  longer  than  the  Roman Prefaee,  and  varies  with  each  mass.  It  begins with  the  words  "  Dignum  et  justum  est,"  and leads  up  to  the  Sanctiis.     [v.  Preface.  ] [H.  J.  H.] ILLIBERITANUM  CONCILIUM.  [El- vira, Council  of.] ILLITERATE  CLERGY.  Pope  Hilary (a.d.  461—468)  decreed  that  an  illiterate  person (litterarum  ignarus)  incurred  irregularity,  i.  e., disqualification  for  holy  orders.  And  this  rule was  repeated,  under  varying  phrases,  by  a council  at  Rome  during  his  pontificate  and by  Pope  Gelasius  afterwards.  But  the  stan- dard of  knowledge  required  does  not  appear  to have  been  exactly  defined.  We  learn  from St.  Augustine  {Epist.  76),  that  the  same  rule applied  to  monks  who  were  candidates  for orders.  In  the  time  of  Gregory  the  Great  (a.d. 590-604)  it  was  sufficient  to  be  able  to  read. But  the  offices  were  repeated,  it  seems,  to  a  con- siderable extent  memoriter,  especially  by  the clergy  of  the  lower  grades.  He  ordered  the deacons  from  country  cures  to  be  examined  as  to how  many  psalms  they  could  say  by  heart. Thus,  too,  the  Second  Council  of  Orleans  (a.d. 545),  iu  its  15th  canon,  forbids  the  ordination  as priest  or  deacon  of  any  man  who  could  neither read  nor  repeat  the  Baptismal  office.  And  the First  of  Macon  (a.d.  581)  ordered  the  clergy  to fast  every  Monday,  Wednesday,  and  Friday  from Martinmas  to  Christmas,  and  to  employ  these days  in  learning  the  canons.  The  Council  of Narbonne  (A.D.  589)  even  tried  to  enforce  learn- ing by  suggesting  that  a  cleric,  obstinately  illi- terate, had  no  right  to  his  share  of  the  eccle- siastical revenues,  and  should  be  sent  to  a monastery,  since  he  could  not  edify  the  people {Can.  10). We  find  much  the  same  state  of  things  in Spain.  The  Fourth  Council  of  Toledo  {eirca  A.D. 630)  describes  ignorance  as  the  '-mother  of  all other  errors,"  and  ordei's  that  a  bishop  when  he ordained  a  parish  priest,  should  give  him  an office  book  to  use  {Canons  25,  26).  It  is  implied that  he  would  be  able  to  read  this. Respecting  the  Eastern  Church  our  informa- tion  is  much    less   precise.       Justinian    {Novell. ILLUMINATION vi.  c.  5)  forbad  the  advaaciug  to  any  grade  of the  ministry  those  who  were  unable  to  read. During  great  part  of  the  8th  century  the  Ico- noclastic controversy  was  raging,  and  destroyed almost  entirely,  says  Balsamon,  the  habit  of study  among  the  Catholics.  Therefore  the Seventh  General  Council  at  Nicaea,  in  A.D.  7^7 ordered  in  its  2nd  canon  that  no  bishop  should be  consecrated  who  could  not  repeat  the  psalter  ; and  who  was  not  well  acquainted  with  the gospels,  the  epistles  of  St.  Paul,  the  whole scriptures,  and  the  canons  :  a  very  considerable requirement  for  the  time. With  the  accession  of  Charlemagne  a  move- ment upwards  began.  In  many  capitularies of  that  sovereign,  stringent  regulations  against ignorance  in  the  clergy  were  laid  down  (for details  see  Thomassin,  p.  ii.  lib.  i.  cc.  90,  96 passiui).  These  details,  by  the  moderation  of the  standard  set  up,  serve  to  show  the  existing lack  of  knowledge.  Even  these  it  was  impos- sible to  enforce  with  any  strictness.  Lupus, Abbot  of  Ferrara,  writing  during  this  reign  to Hincmar,  apologises  for  a  bishop,  who  was  un- able to  teach  his  flock  otherwise  than  by  his good  example,  because  of  his  ignorance.  And Agobard,  in  a  letter  to  Bernai-d  of  Vienne, concludes  that  ignorance  in  parish  priests  would do  even  more  harm  than  an  evil  life.  Charle- magne himself,  lamenting  this  prevailing  igno- rauce,  writes  to  Alcuin :  "  Oh,  that  I  had  twelve clerks  as  learned  and  as  perfectly  taught  in  all wisdom,  as  Jerome  and  Augustine  were  !  "  Al- cuin's  reply  is  worth  recording :  "  The  Creator of  heaven  and  earth  had  only  two  such,  and  you wish  to  have  twelve ! "  The  complaint  of  the English  Alfred,  reported  by  Asser,  is  well  known, that  "  from  the  Humber  to  the  Thames  there were  very  few  priests  who  understood  the  liturgy in  their  mother  tongue,  or  who  could  translate the  easiest  piece  of  Latin  ;  and  that  from  the Thames  to  the  sea,  the  ecclesiastics  were  still more  ignorant"  {De  Reb.  Gest.  Alfred,  apud Camden,  Anglica,  p.  25).  We  must  not  suppose, however,  that  there  were  no  exceptions.  Bede, Alcuin,  John  Scotus  Erigena,  and  Hincmar,  are proofs  to  the  contrary.  But  this  sudden  blaze of  learning  was  a  good  deal  adventitious,  rested  on the  personal  influence  of  Charlemagne,  and  died out  again  after  his  decease  (Muratori,  Antiqui- tates  ;  Thomassin,  Vetus  et  Nova  Eccl.  Disciplina, Pars  II.  lib.  i. ;  Maitland,  Dark  Ages).    [S.  J.  E.] ILLUMINATION.     [Mixiature.] ILLYEIAN  COUNCIL  {Illyricum  or  Illyri- cianum  Concilium  according  to  Cave).  Held  in Illyria,  but  it  is  not  agreed  in  what  year:  Pagi contending  for  A.D.  373,  others  for  375,  Cave  for 367,  and  older  authorities  for  365.  Pagi  says it  had  been  preceded  by  the  second  (he  should have  said  rather  the  third)  of  the  Roman  councils under  pope  Damasus,  in  conformity  with  whose letter  to  the  bishops  of  Illyria,  a  letter,  asserting the  consubstantiality  of  the  three  Persons  in the  Trinity,  was  now  addressed  by  them  to  the bishops  of  Asia  Minor.  This  view  is  at  least countenanced  by  the  letters  themselves;  and  it must  be  allowed  that  the  letter  of  Valeutinian, Valens,  and  Gratian  to  the  bishops  of  Asia  Minor expresses  the  declaration  of  the  lUyrian  bishops on  this  occasion  (Mansi,  iii.  386-94  ;  and  455-68. Com]).  Roman  Councils,  19). IMAGES 813 Three  more  councils  are  given  under  this heading.  1.  A.D.  415,  according  to  Sir  H.  Kicolas {Ghron.  of  Hist.  217),  at  which  Peregrine  was appointed  bishop  of  Patras. 2.  A.D.  515,  according  to  Mansi  (Sir  H.  Nicolas A.D.  516,  as  Illyriense)  when  the  bishop  of  Thessa- lonica  having  joined  Timothy  of  Constantinople, forty  bishops,  whose  metropolitan  he  was,  re- nounced his  communion,  and  declared  for  com- municating with  pope  Hormisdas  (Mansi,  viii. 538). 3.  A.D.  550,  according  to  Mansi,  in  defence  of the  three  chapters  (ix.  147).  [E.  S.  Ff.] IMAGES.  I.  From  the  time  of  the  Macca- bees the  second  commandment  was  generallv understood  by  the  Jews  to  forbid  not  only  the worship  of  the  likeness  of  any  living  thing,  but even  the  making  of  it.  It  is  probable  that  thev were  led  to  this  view  by  their  abhorrence  of  the acts  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  and  his  agents. Among  other  outrages  these  had  set  up  "  chapels of  idols  "  in  the  cities  of  Judah  (1  Mace.  i.  47), and  even  "  sought  to  paint  the  likeness  of  their images  "  in  the  book  of  the  law  (Ibid.  iii.  48). Hence  Josephus  (Anti/j.  viii.  c.  7,  §  5)  condemns Solomon  for  making  the  twelve  oxen  on  which the  molten  sea  was  set  in  the  temple  (1  Kings vii.  25 ;  comp.  29),  and  the  lions  that  were about  his  throne  {Ibid.  c.  x.  19,  20),  though  no degree  of  reverence  was  paid  to  either  of  them, in  the  days  of  Herod  the  Great  a  sedition  was nearly  caused  in  Jerusalem  by  his  exhibition  of trophies,  such  as  the  Romans  display  after  their victories,  the  Jews  supposing  that  the  armour was  put  on  the  effigy  of  a  man.  Thev  declared that  they  would  never  '•  endure  images  of  men in  the  city,  for  it  was  not  their  country's custom  "  (Jos.  Antiq.  xv.  c.  8,  §§1,  2).  In  the same  spirit  a  band  of  zealots  destroyed  a  golden eagle  which  Herod  had  put  over  the  great  gate of  the  temple  (Be  Bella  Jud.  i.  c.  33,  ^§  2,  3). When  Vitellius  was  marching  through  Judaea to  meet  Aretas,  the  inhabitants  entreated  him to  take  another  route  on  account  of  the  figures which  they  observed  on  his  standards  {Antiq. xviii.  c.  6,  §  3).  Origen,  A.D.  230,  even  asserts of  the  Jews  in  general  that  "  there  was  no maker  of  images  among  their  citizens  ;  neither painter  nor  sculptor  was  in  their  state "  {C. Cels.  iv.  §  31). It  appears,  then,  that  most  of  the  Jewish  con- verts would  enter  the  church  thoroughly  imbued with  a  dislike  to  all  images ;  and  it  is  probable that  many  of  the  heathen  would  be  similarly affected  towards  them  out  of  mere  horror  at  the idolatry  which  they  had  forsaken.  There  were some  also  of  the  latter  who,  even  before  their conversion,  were  prepared  by  the  higher  tradi- tions of  philosophy  to  renounce  the  use  of  images in  connection  with  religion.  Pythagoras,  we are  told,  forbade  his  disciples  to  "  wear  rings or  to  engrave  images  of  gods  on  them  "  (Clem. Alex.  Strom,  v.  c.  5,  §  28).  Zeno,  the  founder of  the  Stoic  school,  maintained  that  men  "  ought not  to  make  temples  or  images"  {fbid.  c.  11, §  77).  It  was  a  tradition  among  the  Romans that  Numa  had  "  forbidden  them  the  use  of  any image  of  God  in  the  likeness  of  man  or  in  the form  of  any  animal,  and  that  there  was  among them  previously  no  image  of  (lod  either  paintec' or  fictile;  but  'tb.it   tor  the  first  17o  v.-nr-  wliei: 814 IMAGES they  built  temples  and  set  up  chapels  they  made no  images  in  any  shape,  on  the  ground  that  it was  an  unholy  thing  to  liken  the  better  to  the worse,  and  impossible  to  reach  God  otherwise than  with  the  mind "  (Plutarch  in  A^'uma,  c. viii.).  Varro,  in  a  passage  preserved  by  St. Augustine  (Civ.  Dei,  iv.  c.  31),  also  affirms  that for  the  period  specified,  the  Romans  "  worshipped the  gods  without  an  image  (simulachro)."  He thought  that  if  the  law  had  continued,  "  the gods  would  have  been  more  purely  worshipped  ;" and  after  referring  to  the  example  of  the  Jews, he  adds  that  "  they  who  first  set  up  images  of the  gods  for  the  people  relieved  their  states (civitatibus,  but  probably  civibus,  their  fellow- citizens),  from  a  fear,  and  involved  them  in  an error  "  (0pp.  Van-.  Fragmenta,  p.  46 ;  Amstel. 1623). II.  That  many  of  the  early  Christians  adopted the  Jewish  interpretation  of  the  second  com- mandment is  evident.  Tertullian,  a.d.  192,  even thought  it  wrong  to  make  such  masks  as  actors wore  ;  for,  if  God  forbade  the  likeness  of  any thing,  "  how  much  more  of  His  own  image  ?  " {De  Sped.  c.  23).  He  thought  painting  a  sin  in Hermogenes  (Adv.  Herm.  c.  1);  and  he  teaches that  "the  law  of. God,  in  order  to  eradicate  the material  of  idolatry,  proclaims,  Thou  shalt  not rtuike  an  idol;  adding  also.  Nor  the  likeness  of any  thing  .  .  .  Over  the  whole  world  hath  it forbidden  such  arts  to  the  servants  of  God  "  {De fdololatr.  c.  iv.).  Clemens  Alex.,  A.D.  192,  appears 1,0  hold  the  same  rigid  view :  "  It  has  been manifestly  forbidden  us  to  practise  deceptive art ;  for,  saith  the  prophet.  Thou  shalt  not make  the  likeness  of  any  thing  that  is  in  heaven or  in  the  earth  below."  (Frotrept.  c.  iv.  §  62.) Origen  says  that  painting  and  sculpture  were disallowed  among  the  Jews,  lest  the  effect  on senseless  men  should  be  to  "  draw  the  eyes  of the  soul  oft'  God  on  to  the  earth  "  (C.  Cels.  iv. §  31)  ;  a  reason,  which,  if  valid,  ought  to  debar Christians  from  the  exercise  of  them  also. III.  All  held  that  representations  of  God,  even of  the  Second  Person  as  man,  were  unlawful. Thus  Clemens  Al.  :  "  It  were  ridiculous,  as  the philosophers  themselves  say,  for  man,  who  is  the toy  of  God  (Plato,  de  Legibus,  vii.  §  10)  to  make God,  and  for  God  to  be  made  of  sportive  art," &c.  (Strom.,  vii.  c.  5,  §  28).  Origen:  "The statues  and  ornaments  that  become  God  are  not made  by  handicraft  artisans,  but  are  those wrought  by  the  word  of  God  and  formed  within us,  the  virtues  (to  wit)  which  are  imitations  of the  first-born  of  every  creature  "  (  C.  Cels.  viii. §  17).  Minutius  Felix,  a.d.  220:  "What image  should  I  make  of  God,  when,  if  you  think aright,  man  is  himself  the  image  of  God  "  (Octav. c.  9).  Lactantius,  a.d.  303  :  "  An  image  of  God, whose  spirit  and  power  being  diff'used  every- where, can  from  nowhere  be  absent,  must  be always  superfluous  "  (fnstit.  ii.  c.  2  ;  see  also  the Epit.  c.  25).  Arnobius,  a.d.  303,  after  ridicu- ling the  images  of  the  heathen,  says,  "So  far are  we  from  attributing  corporeal  features  to God,  that  we  even  fear  to  ascribe  to  so  great  a being  the  ornaments  of  minds,  and  the  virtues themselves  in  which  excellence  has  been  hardly ascribed  to  a  few.  For  who  would  say  that  God was  brave,  constant,"  &c.  (Adv.  Gent.  iii.). Kusebius,  the  historian,  in  a  letter  to  Constan- tia   Augusta    (the  daughter  of  Constantino  and IMAGES wife  of  Caesar  Gallus),  who  died  in  354  :  "  Since thou  hast  written  about  some  image,  it  seems  of Christ,  wishing  the  said  image  to  be  sent  to  thee by  us,  what,  and  of  what  kind,  is  this  image which  thou  callest  that  of  Christ  ?  .  .  .  Has  this Scripture  alone  escaped  thee,  in  which  God  by law  forbids  to  make  the  likeness  of  any  thing  in heaven,  or  on  the  earth  beneath  ?  Hast  thou ever  seen  such  a  thing  in  a  church  thyself,  or heard  of  it  from  another  ?  Have  not  such  things been  banished  throughout  the  whole  world,  and driven  far  off'  out  of  the  churches ;  and  has  it been  proclaimed  to  us  alone  among  all  men  that it  is  not  lawful  to  do  such  a  thing?"  (Epist. put  together  from  fragments  by  Boivin,  in  note to  Niceph.  Gregoras;  Hist.  Byzant.  torn.  ii.  p. 130,  ed.  Bonn).  Eusebius  proceeds  to  say  he  had taken  from  a  woman  two  pictures  of  persons dressed  like  philosophers,  which  she  called  por- traits of  Christ  and  St.  Paul,  "lest,"  he  adds, "  we  should  seem  to  carry  our  God  about  in  a representation  like  idolaters."  St.  Augustine writing  in  393:  "It  is  not  to  be  thought  that God  the  Father  is  circumscribed  by  human  form .  .  .  It  is  unlawful  to  set  up  such  an  image  to God  in  a  Christian  temple.  Much  more  is  it wicked  to  set  it  up  in  the  heart  where  the temple  of  God  truly  is  "  (De  Fide  et  Symbolo, c.  7  ;  comp.  in  Fs.  cxiii.  ;  Enarr.  Serm.  ii.  §  1, &c.).  Asterius  of  Amasea,  A.D.  401  :  "  Do  not depict  Christ.  For  the  one  humiliation  of  the Incarnation  sufficeth  Him,  which  He  took  on Himself  by  choice  for  our  sake.  But  bear  and carry  about  the  incorporeal  Word  mentally,  in thy  soul  "  (Horn,  in  Div.  et  Lazar.  Auctar.  Graec. Combef.  tom.  exeg.  col.  5).  A  writer  quoted  as Epiphanius  Cyprius  (the  famous  bishop  of  Con- stantia)  by  the  council  of  Constantinople  in 754  :  "  Remember,  dear  children,  not  to  bring images  into  churches,  nor  into  the  cemeteries  of the  saints  ;  but  have  God  ever  in  your  hearts through  remembrance  of  Him  ;  nor  indeed  into  a common  house  "  (Act.  vi.  Cone.  Nic.  ii.).  Even  in the  8th  century  there  were  no  representations  of God  the  Father,  but  unhappily  not  always  from principle.  "  Why,"  says  Gregory  II.  in  726,  "  do we  not  represent  and  paint  the  Father  of  the Lord  Jesus  Christ  ?  Because  we  do  not  know what  He  is,  and  it  is  impossible  to  represent  and paint  the  nature  of  God.  But  if  we  had  seen and  known  Him,  as  we  have  His  Son,  then  should  ) we  have  been  able  to  represent  and  paint  Him  ' also,  that  you  might  call  His  image  too  an  idol  "  | (Fp.  I.  ad  Leon.  Labb.  Cone.  tom.  vii.  col.  13). John  Damascene  in  the  East  at  the  same  period, A.D.  728,  who  is  equally  vehement  on  the  general  , question,  says  to  the  same  effect :  "  We   should  ; indeed  be  in  error  if  we  made  an  image  of  the  ' invisible  God  "  (Orat.  de  Sacris  Imag.  ii.  §  5).  • After  the   period  in  which  all  painting   was condemned,  it  is  not  so  common  to  find  passages,  • which  forbid  pictures  of  saints,  or  deny  that  the  I church  used  them.     There  are   such,  however ;  ; although,  as  we  shall  see,   such   pictures  were  ' then  looked  on  only  as  lessons  in  history.     For  ■ example,  St.  John  Chrysostom,  a.d.  398  :  "  We  1 enjoy  the  presence   of  the  saints  through  their  J writings,  having  images  not  of  their  bodies  but  « of  their  souls.      For  the  things  said  by  them  are  j images  of  their  souls  "  (Act.  vi.  Con£.  Aic.  ii.  ;  sini.  j Amphilochiusoflconium,  &'c?.).  An  author  whom  ; the  council  of  Constantinople  already  mentioned,  j IMAGES cites  under  the  name  of  Theodotus  of  Ancyra : "  Concerning  them  he  teaches  thus,  that  we  have not  been  taught  by  tradition  to  form  the  like- nesses of  the  saints  in  images  out  of  material colours ;  but  we  have  learnt,  through  those things  which  are  written  of  them,  to  copy  their virtues,  which  are,  as  it  were,  living  images  of them  "  (Labb.  Cone.  tom.  vii.  col.  492). IV.  There  was  a  consensus  against  the  loorsMp of  images,  in  every  sense  of  the  words  irpoffKvvrjais and  adoratio.  At  first  this  extended  to  material representations  of  the  cross.  "  We  neither  wor- ship crosses,"  says  Minutius,  "  nor  wish  to  do so"  (^Octav.  c.  9).  With  regard  to  images  of  our Lord  and  the  saints,  the  evidence  is  ample.  Thus Irenaeus,  A.D.  167,  condemns  the  error  of  some Gnostics,  who  crowned  images  painted  in  colours, and  of  other  materials,  which  they  asserted  to be  likenesses  of  our  Lord  {Adv.  Haer.  i.  c.  25, §  6).  Epiphanius  who  repeats  this  {Haer.  xxvii. §  6)  says  that  some  of  the  images  were  of  gold and  silver,  and  that  they  "^et  them  up  and worshipped  them."  (See  also  Aug.  De  Haer.  n. 7.)  Origen  :  "  We  do  not  honour  statues,  that as  far  as  in  us  lies  we  may  avoid  tailing  into  the notion  that  the  statues  are  other  gods  "  (C.  Cels. vii.  §  66).  The  council  of  Eliberis,  about  the year  305,  decreed  "  that  pictures  ought  not  to be  in  a  church,  lest  that  which  is  worshipped and  adored  be  painted  on  walls  "  (Can.  sxxvi.). St.  Augustine  :  "  Who  worships  an  image  (simu- lachrum)  or  prays  looking  on  it,  that  is  not  so affected  as  to  fancy  that  he  is  heard  by  it,  as  to hope  that  what  he  desires  is  granted  him  by it  ?  .  .  .  Against  this  affection,  by  which  human and  carnal  weakness  can  be  easily  ensnared,  the Scripture  of  God  sings  [as  a  nurse  waking infants]  things  very  familiar,  by  which  to  stir memory,  and  to  rouse,  as  it  were,  the  minds  of men  asleep  in  custom  of  their  bodies.  The images  of  the  heathen,  it  says,  are  silver  and gold  "  {Enarr.  in  Ps.  cxiii.  Senn.  ii.  §  5).  Else- where, when  he  dwells  on  the  feeling  excited  by images,  he  speaks  also  of  its  contagious  nature  : "  Who  doubts  the  idols  being  destitute  of  all sense  ?  Yet  when  they  are  set  in  their  places, exalted  for  honour,  so  that  they  may  be  atten- tively regarded  by  those  who  pray  and  sacrifice, then  through  the  very  resemblance  of  living limbs  and  senses,  though  senseless  and  lifeless themselves,  they  affect  weak  minds,  so  that  they seem  to  live  and  breathe ;  especially  when  there is  besides  the  veneration  of  a  multitude,  by whom  a  worship  so  great  is  paid  to  them  "  {Ad Dcogr.  Ep.  cii.  quaest.  3,  §  18).  It  is  undeni- able that  the  objection  here  urged  is  as  appli- cable to  the  image  of  a  Christian  saint  as  to that  of  a  heathen  god.  Other  testimonies  will occur  in  the  following  sections. V.  The  figures  first  used  among  Christians  in any  reference  to  their  faith  were  merely  symbo- lical. The  earliest  was  the  momentary  sign  of the  cross  made  by  the  hand.  "  At  every  journey and  movement,"  says  Tertullian,  "at  every coming  in  and  going  out,  at  the  putting  on  of our  clothes  and  shoes,  at  baths,  at  meals,  at lighting  of  candles,  at  going  to  bed,  at  sitting down,  whatever  occupation  employs  us,  we  wear our  forehead  with  the  sign  "  {De  Cor.  MIL  c. iii. ;  compare  Ad  Uxor.  ii.  5 ;  S.  Cyrill.  Hier. Cat.  iv.  c.  10  :  xiii.  cc.  11,  18,  and  others).  The first  permanent   representation  of  the    cross   is IMAGES 81i probably  that  set  up  at  Rome  beside  the  statue of  Constantine  after  the  defeat  of  Maxentius  in  I 312  (Euseb.  Hist.  Ecd.  ix.  9)  ;  but  Eusebius  tells  1 us  also  that  "  the  symbol  of  the  salutary  passion composed  of  various  and  precious  stones  was  set up  "  by  Constantine  in  a  room  in  his  palace  {De Yit.  Const,  iii.  49).  The  same  prince  had  the arms  of  his  soldiers  marked  with  a  cross  (Sozom. Hist.  EccL  i.  8).  Julian  the  emperor,  A.D.  361,  ' says  to  Christians  in  reproach :  "  Ye  worship the  wood  of  the  cross,  making  shadowy  figures  I of  it  on  the  forehead,  and  painting  it  at  the entrance  of  your  houses."      St.  Cyril  of  Alex-  j andria  in  his  reply  justifies  the  practice  of  paint-  i ing  "  the  sign  of  the  precious  cross  "  (Lib.  VI.  ad  •! calc.  0pp.  Jul.  194).  From  St.  Jerome  we  learn that  the  sign  of  the  cross  was  made  in  the  4th century,  as  it  is  now,  in  witness  to  written documents  {Comm.  in  Ezek.  ix.  4).  St.  Chry- sostom  :  "This  shines  at  the  sacred  table,  at  the ordination  of  priests,  and  again  with  the  body  of Christ   at  the  mystic  supper.     It  may  be  seen  j everywhere    displayed,    in    houses,    in    market-         | places,   in    deserts,  on  roads,   on   mountains,   in         | groves,  on  hills,  on  ships  and  islands  in  the  sea, on  beds,  on  dresses,  on  arms,  on  couches,"  &c. {Contra  Judae.  et  Gentil.  §  9).      Severian,  AD.         ■ 401,  calls  the  cross  "  the  image  of  the  immortal king  "  {Horn,  de  Cruce,  inter  0pp.  St.  Chrys.  ed.         i Saville,  v.  899).     Paulinus  of  Nola,  writing  in 403,  speaks  of  "  the   ensign  of  the  cross,"  sur- mounted with  the  crown  of  thorns,  painted  on the   walls  of  his  churches  at    ^"ola   and  Fundi {Ep.  xxxii.  ad  Sever.  §§  12-17).    Nilus,  A.D.  44(i,         ! recommends   Olympiodorus,  who   was   about  to erect  a  martyrium,  to  "  set  the  figure  of  a  single cross  in  the  sacrarium  on  the  east  of  the  most sacred  precincts ;  for  by  one  saving  cross  is  man- kind completely  saved  "  {Ep.  iv.  61). Tertullian   is  the  first  witness  to  the  use  of other  symbolical  figures :  "  VVe  may  begin  from the  parables  in  which  is  the  lost  sheep  sought by  its  owner,  and  brought  home  on  his  shoulders. Let  the  very  pictures  of  your  chalices  stand  forth  " (as   witnesses).      "The    Good     Shepherd    whom         | thou  paintest  on  the  chalice  "  {De  Fudic.  7,  10).         j Clemens  Alex.  {Paedag.  iii.   11,   §59)  mentions         ' several  devices  which  he  considered  permissible on  seals.  [Gems,  p.  712.]   "  Symbols  of  the  Good Shepherd  "  were  placed  by  Constantine  in  the fora  of  Constantinople   (Euseb.    Vita   Const,  iii. 49).     A  mosaic  in  the  church  built  by  Paulinus at  Nola  represented  Christ  by  a  lamb,  the  Spirit  , by    a   dove,    while    "the   voice   of    the    Father  ' thunders  from  the  sky  "("This  is  My  beloved  ] Son  "  [Matt.  iii.  17],  being  probably  in  letters).  j The  Apostles  [p.  107]  were  figured  by  twelve doves  round  a  cross,  and  the   church  was  seen  , set  on  a  rock  from  which  issued  four  streams, the  doctrines  of  the  four  Evangelists  {Ep.  Pau- lini  xxxii.  §  10).  At  Fundi  the  picture  of  a shepherd  separating  the  goats  from  the  sheep suggested  the  Day  of  Judgment  {/bid.  §  17). VI.     (1)  When   religious  art  advanced   from  j symbolism  to  portraiture,  its  works  of  the  new  I type  were  at  first,  perhaps  in  every  instance, partly  historical  and  partly  ideal.  There  was, for  example,  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Priscilla  at  ; Rome,  a  picture  of  the  Virgin  and  Child,  accom-  , panied  by  the  figure  of  a  man,  whose  dress  and action  (he  is  pointing  to  a  star)  are  so  clearly suggestive  of  a   sviiihiilii\\l    lueaninL;   that    he  is 816 IMAGES supposed  by  De  Rossi  to  represent  the  prophets who  foretold  the  coming  of  Christ  (Marriott's Vestiarium  Christianurn,  p.  234,  and  pi.  x.).  Other pictures  belonging  to  this  period  of  transition, being  apparently  of  the  5th  century,  show  our Lord  blessing  a  child,  or  raising  Lazarus,  but with  "  the  rod  of  His  power  "  (Ps.  ex.  2)  in  His hand  (Aringhi,  Eoma  Subterr.  ii.  33,  37,  &c.  ; De  Rossi,  Boma  Soterr.  ii.  tav.  14,  24).  In  one  of the  same  class  and  probably  of  the  same  age,  our Lord  appears  with  an  open  book  in  His  hand, and  an  Apostle  and  rolls  of  writing  on  either side  (Aringhi,  ii.  91  ;  Marriott,  pi.  xii.).  The rolls  evidently  represent  the  Old  and  New  Testa- ments ;  and  the  Apostles  are  probably  St.  Peter, the  great  converter  of  the  Jews,  and  St.  Paul, whose  chief  mission  was  to  the  Gentiles.  The thought  conveyed  is  that  Christ  is  the  great teacher.  He  ''  opened  the  Scriptures  "  to  the Apostles,  that  they  might  instruct  the  world. Works  of  this  twofold  character  are  frequent after  the  strictly  historical  treatment  of  religious subjects  had  quite  established  itself.  See  ex- amples in  Aringhi,  ii.  83,  88,  129,  &c. (2)  We  come  now  to  pictorial  images,  which were,  so  far  as  appears,  of  a  purely  historical character.  St.  Augustine  writing  about  the  year 400,  says  of  some  misbelievers  who  had  forged epistles  as  from  our  Lord  to  SS.  Peter  and  Paul, that  he  supposed  those  Apostles  "  occurred  to them  because  they  saw  them  painted  together with  Him  in  many  places  "  {De  Consensu  Evang. i.  X.  n.  16).  He  speaks  also  of  the  offermg  of  Isaac as  a  "  noble  deed  sung  by  so  many  tongues, painted  in  so  many  places"  (C.  Faust,  xxii.  73). A  painting  on  this  subject  is  described  by  St. Gregory  of  Nyssa :  "  I  have  often  seen  the  image of  his  suffering  in  a  picture,  and  passed  the  sight not  without  tears,  so  vividly  did  the  art  of  the painter  bring  the  story  before  the  eyes  "  (De Deit.  Fil.  et  Sp.  Orat. ;  compare  Greg.  II.,  Ep. I.  ad  Leon.  Labb.  Cone.  vii.  16).  It  was  a favourite  subject,  because  it  symbolised  the death  of  Christ,  which  as  yet  men  did  not venture  to  represent  directly.  St.  Gregory  tells us  also  that  the  martyrdom  of  Theodore  in  all its  circumstances  was  depicted  on  the  walls  of  a church  built  to  his  memory  {?Jncom.  Theodori). The  people  of  Antioch  in  the  time  of  St.  Chry- sostom  had  the  figure  of  St.  Meletius  "in  the besils  of  rings,  on  stamps,  on  bowls,  on  the  walls of  chambers,  and  everywhere"  (Chrysost.  in  St. Melet.  §  1).  Paulinus,-in  a  poem  written  about the  year  402,  describes  several  scenes  from  the Old  Testament,  which  he  had  caused  to  be  painted in  his  church  at  Nola.  He  owns  that  it  was  an unusual  thing  {raro  rnore,\\\xe  544),  and  explains his  reason  for  it  at  length.  It  was  an  experi- ment by  which  he  hoped  to  interest  and  instruct the  rude  converts  of  that  neighbourhood,  and especially  to  keep  them  from  the  excesses  which prevailed  among  them,  when  they  assembled  in great  numbers  on  the  festivals  {Poana  xxvii. De  S.  Pel.  Kat.  carm.  9).  Pictures  of  Paulinus himself  and  St.  Martin  had  been  placed  by  Sul- picius  Severus  in  the  baptistery  of  his  church at  Primuliac,  near  Beziers.  Paulinus,  hearing of  this,  sent  him  some  verses  to  be  set  over  them, in  which  he  describes  St.  Martin  as  an  example  of holiness  to  the  newly  baptized,  and  himself  of penitence  {Ep.  xxxii.  §§2,3).  From  Asterius we  iearn   that   at   the  beginning  of  the  5th  cen- IMAGES tury  some  persons  had  subjects  from  the  New Testament,  as  Christ  and  the  Apostles  and miracles  wrought  by  them,  embroidered  on  their dress,  a  practice  which  he  strongly  condemns {De  Div.  et  Laz.  u.  s.).  The  same  writer  de- scribes at  length  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Euphemia as  painted  in  a  church  {u.  s.  col.  207).  Pruden- tius,  A.D.  405,  saw  in  the  Forum  Cornelianum at  Rome  a  picture  of  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Cas- sianus,  a  schoolmaster,  whom  his  pupils  at  the command  of  the  heathen  magistrate  had  stabbed to  death  with  their  stijli  {De  Coronis,  Hymn.  ix. 9).  He  also  describes  a  picture  on  the  tomb  of Hippolytus,  in  which  that  martyr  was  repre- sented being  torn  asunder  by  horses  {Ibid.  x. 126).  Heraclides  of  Nyssa,  A.D.  440,  wrote  two epistles  against  the  Messalianites,  in  the  latter of  which  was  a  "  testimony  to  the  antiquity  of the  venerable  images  "  {ukSvwu,  the  Greek  paint- ings) (Photius,  Biblioth.  cod.  i.).  We  have  reason to  think  that  the  custom  of  placing  in  churches the  portraits,  either  painted,  or  in  mosaic,  of  the patriarchs  or  other  eminent  men,  was  becoming common  about  this  time.  St.  Nilus  advised Olympiodorus  "  to  fill  the  holy  temple  on  all sides  with  stories  from  the  Old  and  New  Testa- ment by  the  hand  of  the  finest  painter,  that those  who  did  not  know  letters  and  were  not able  to  read  the  Holy  Scriptures  might  by  con- templating the  picture  be  reminded  of  the  virtue of  those  who  served  God  truly,"  &c.  {Epist.  iv. 61).  An  author  in  Suidas,  supposed  to  be  Mal- chus,  A.D.  496,  says  that  in  a  church  at  Con- stantinople there  was  a  mosaic,  put  up  in  the lifetime  of  Gennadius  (a.d.  458  to  471),  in  which that  patriarch  and  Acacius,  who  became  his  suc- cessor, were  represented  with  our  Lord  between them,  and  that  the  clergy  set  up  pictures  of Acacius  in  the  oratories  (Suidas  in  Acacius,  i. 76).  We  find  incidentally  that  the  partisans  of Macedonius  had  portraits  of  him  in  their  churches (Theodorus  Lector,  Excerpt,  ii.).  Evagrius,  A.D. 594,  mentions  a  picture  on  the  ceiling  of  a church  at  Apamia,  representing  a  miracle  of which  he  had  himself  been  witness  when  at school  there  {Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  26).  Gregory  of Tours,  his  contemporary,  mentions  pictures  {iro- nicae)  of  the  apostles  and  other  saints,  which were  in  an  oratory  at  Arverna  {Vitae  PP.  xii. §  2).  When  Augustine  and  his  companions  had their  first  interview  with  Ethelbert  in  697,  they came  "  bearing  a  silver  cross  for  banner,  and  an image  of  the  Lord  the  Saviour  painted  on  a board  "  (Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  i.  25).  But  the  ear- liest authentic  account  of  pictures  in  an  English church  occurs  in  Bede's  life  of  Benedict  Biscop, his  first  abbot,  who,  in  648,  "  brought  from Rome  paintings  of  sacred  images,  to  wit,  of  the blessed  Mary  and  of  the  twelve  Apostles,  besides representations  of  the  Gospel  history,  and  of  the visions  of  St,  John  the  Evangelist,  and  placed them  in  his  church  ;  so  that  all  who  entered  the church,  even  those  ignorant  of  letters,  whither- soever they  turned  their  eyes,  might  contemplate the  ever-lovely  countenance  of  Christ,  and  of  his saints,  though  in  an  image ;  or  might  more heedfully  call  to  mind  the  grace  of  the  Lord's Incarnation  "  {Hagiogr.  sect.  i.).  In  685  {Ibid. 720)  he  brought  other  pictures  from  Rome, many  of  saints  and  Gospel  subjects,  as  before ; but  some  also  illustrating  the  relation  of  the Nuw  Testament  to  the  Old,  as  Isaac  l)paring  tlie IMAGES wood  beside  Christ  bearing  His  cross,  the  brazen serpent  on  the  pole  by  Christ  on  the  cross.  Pic- tures of  this  character  probably  abounded  in Rome  at  this  time  ;  for  a  great  number  are  men- tioned as  to  be  seen  there  by  Gregory  II.  in  his first  reply  to  Leo  the  emperor,  A.D.  726  (Labb. Cone.  vii.  16). VII.  Scarcely  had  portraits  of  holy  persons become  common,  before  pictures  of  fabulous origin  were  brought  forward,  and  superstitious notions  and  practices  began  to  abound.  For example,  Theodoret  had  heard  that  the  Romans held  Symeou  the  Stylite  in  such  esteem,  as  to "set  up  small  portraits  of  him  in  all  the  en- trances of  their  workshops,  deriving  thence  pro- tection and  safety  for  themselves  "  (^Hist.  Reli- giosa,  c.  xxvi.).  Theodoras  Lector  reports  that Kudocia,  the  Augusta,  sent  to  JUtlcheria  (about A.D.  456)  a  "  likeness  of  the  mother  of  God which  the  Apostle  Luke  painted  "  {Exccrpta,  i. prope  init.).  The  same  writer  relates  that  a painter  of  Constantinople  in  the  time  of  Gen- nadius,  had  "dared  to  paint  the  Saviour  as Zeus."  For  this  his  arm  withered,  but  was restored  at  the  prayer  of  the  patriarch.  The historian  adds  that  "  the  other  representation of  the  Saviour,  with  curling  short  hair,  is  the more  correct  "  (^Ibid.  i.  554).  When  Edessa  was besieged  by  Chosroes,  king  of  Persia,  about  544, the  mound  erected  by  him  against  the  walls was,  according  to  Evagrius  {Hi&t.  Eccl.  iv.  27), destroyed  by  fire,  the  heat  and  power  of  which had  been  miraculously  intensified  by  water  that had  been  sprinkled  over  a  picture  of  Christ ("  the  God-made  image  which  the  hand  of  man wrought  not  "),  sent  by  himself  to  Abgarus  a former  king  of  that  city.  Evagrius  finished  his history  in  594.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  Fro- copius  (^De  Bello  Persico,  ii.  27),  who  wrote  soon after  the  Persian  war,  and  from  whom  Evagrius took  the  rest  of  his  account,  does  not  mention the  miraculous  picture.  In  a  later  war  with Persia,  A.D.  590,  another  portrait  of  Christ,  said also  to  be  of  divine  origin,  accompanied  the Roman  army,  and  gave  courage  to  the  soldiers (Theophyl.  Simoc.  Historiarum  ii.  3,  70,  ed. Bekker).  At  this  time  imagination  readily  con- nected miracles  with  the  icons  of  the  saints. Thus  both  Evagrius  and  Gregory  of  Tours  tell the  story  of  a  Jewish  boy  at  Constantinople, .who,  having  with  others  of  his  age  partaken  of the  remains  of  the  Eucharist  according  to  the custom  there,  was  cast  by  his  enraged  father  into a  burning  furnace.  The  next  day  he  was  found in  it  uninjured.  Evagrius  (m.  s.  c.  36)  merely says  that  he  declared  that  "  a  woman  clothed  in purple  "  had  appeared  to  him  and  saved  him ; but  in  the  version  of  Gregory  of  Tours  (J/iVac. i.  10),  "the  woman  seated  in  a  chair  and  carry- ing an  infant  in  her  bosom,  who  was  in  the basilic,  where  he  received  the  bread  from  the table,  had  covered  him  with  her  mantle  that the  fire  might  not  devour  him."  Another  im- provement of  the  same  kind  in  a  miraculous story  should  be  mentioned  here.  Paulus  Warne- fridi,  in  his  History  of  the  Lombards  (ii.  13),  re- lates how  the  bad  ej^es  of  two  persons  were  healed by  oil  from  "  a  lamp  set  to  give  light  "  near  the altar  of  St.  Martin,  in  a  church  at  Ravenna. When  this  story  is  told  in  France,  as  it  is  in some  of  the  manuscript  copies  of  Gregory  (/-'e Mirac.    S,    Martini,    i.    15),    the    lamp    stands CHRIST.  ANT. IMAGES "  under  an  image  of  the  picture  of  the  blessed Martin."  Such  variations  appear  to  indicate  the growth  of  a  feeling  which  ascribed  to  the  image a  part  of  the  supposed  powers  of  the  saint  him- self. Other  stories  told  by  Gregory  of  Tours  are of  a  picture  of  Christ,  which  was  said  to  have shed  blood,  when  maliciously  injured  by  a  Jew (Mirac.  i.  22);  and  of  another  at  Narbonne, respecting  which  our  Lord  in  a  vision  expressed His  displeasure,  because  it  represented  Him  on the  cross,  not  fully  clothed,  but  "girt  with  a linen "  only  (Tb'd.  c.  23).  Such  stories  were quite  as  common  in  the  East,  e.g.  Leontius, bishop  of  Neapolis  in  Cyprus,  A.D.  590,  speaks of  the  How  of  blood  from  images  as  of  frequent occurrence  {Apol.  in  Act.  iv.  Co7ic.  Ale.  ii.  Labb. vii.  240).  At  Constantinople  there  was  a  pic- ture of  our  Lord  "  at  which  many  miracles  took place."  This  image  Gregory  II. ,  writing  in  726, calls  without  any  qualification  "  the  Saviour." When  the  emperor  Leo  ordered  it  to  be  de- stroyed, the  otlicer  sent  to  execute  the  decree was  murdered  by  women,  whom  the  pope  de- scribes as  full  of  zeal,  and  honours  with  a  title {lJ.vpo(p6poi)  which  antiquity  gave  to  those  holy women  who  "  prepared  spices  and  ointments  " wherewith  to  embalm  the  body  of  Christ  {Epist. ad  Leon.  A,  Labb.  Coiic.  vii.  19).  The  murder  is equally  approved  by  the  Greek  author  of  the '  Life  of  Stephen  the  Younger '  (^Analecta  Graeca Bcned.  t.  i.  p.  415). It  is  evident  that  men  who  had  arrived  at this  stage  of  superstition  were  ripe  for  the  prac- tice of  direct  idolatry.  Serenus,  a  bishop  of Marseilles,  contemporary  with  Gregory  of  Tours, found  this  so  rife  among  his  people  that  he  had the  images  in  his  church  destroyed.  We  learn this  fi'om  an  epistle  of  Gregory  I.,  who  concurred with  him  in  principle,  while  he  condemned  the deed:  "  It  hath  reached  our  ears  some  time  ago that  your  fraternity,  seeing  certain  worshippers of  images,  has  broken  and  cast  forth  the  said images  out  of  the  chuj'ch.  And  indeed  we  praise you  for  being  zealous  lest  aught  made  by  the hand  should  be  worshipped  ;  but  we  think  that you  ought  not  to  have  broken  the  said  images. For  painting  is  used  in  churches,  that  they  who are  ignorant  of  letters  may  at  least  read  on  the walls  by  seeing  them  what  they  cannot  read in  books  "  (Epist.  vii.  111).  "It  is  one  thing  to adore  a  picture,  another  to  learn  by  the  story  of the  picture  what  ought  to  be  adored  ...  If  any one  wishes  to  make  images  by  no  means  forbid him ;  but  by  all  means  stop  the .  worship  of images  "  (^Epist.  ad  eund.  ix.  9).  In  both  these epistles  now  quoted  Gregory  teaches,  and  in  the second  at  great  length,  that  pictures  were  placed in  churches  "o7ily  to  instruct  the  minds  of  the ignorant  "  (non  ad  adorandum,  sed  ad  instnicndas sohtmmodo  mentes  nescierdium')  \  but  elsewhere  he indicates  another  use  which  experience  has  shown to  lead  rapidly  to  direct  worship  :  "  We  do  not prostrate  ourselves  before  it  (' the  iinage  of  our Saviour  ')  as  before  the  Godhead  ;  but  we  worship Him  whom  by  help  of  the  image  we  call  to  mind as  born,  as  suffering,  or  even  sitting  on  His throne.  And  while  the  picture  itself,  like  a writing,  brings  the  Son  of  God  to  our  memory, it  either  rejoices  our  mind  by  the  suggestion  of His  resurrection,  or  consoles  it  by  His  passion  " {Ep.  ad  Secnnd.  vii.  54).  In  the  Greek  church, however,  we  find  the  worship  of  pictures  already 3  G 818 IMAGES avowed  and  defended ;  as  by  Leontius,  above mentioned  :  "  I,  worshipping  the  image  of  God, do  not  worship  the  material  wood  and  colours  ; God  forbid  ;  but  laying  hold  of  the  lifeless  repre- sentation of  Christ,  I  seem  to  myself  to  lay  hold of  and  to  worship  Christ  through  it  "  (Apol.  in Act.  iv.  Cone.  Nic.  ii.  Labb.  vii.  237).  He  com- pares this  worship  to  that  which  a  Jew  pays  to the  book  of  the  law  ;  but  as  he  dwells  much  on miracles  wrought  by  images,  and,  like  Gregory, on  the  emotions  which  the  sight  of  a  cross  or picture  ought  to  raise  in  the  beholder,  it  is  clear that  in  practice  the  worship  of  them  was  very different  from  the  reverence  shewn  to  the  law. Indeed  it  is  very  probable  that  the  simple  plea of  instruction  for  the  ignorant,  however  just when  properly  applied,  was  soon  so  extended  as to  cover  practices  which  could  not  be  distin- guished from  idolatry.  For  as  Gieseler  notices {£cel.  Mist.  per.  i.  div.  i.  p.  i.  §  1)  the  only  reply to  the  complaint,  "This  generation  has  made gods  of  the  images,"  which  a  fanatical  image- worshipper  of  the  8th  century  could  offer,  was that  by  which  Gregory  I.  had  defended  the merely  didactic  use  of  them  ;  viz.,  "  You  must teach  the  unlearned  people "  {Onit.  de  Imag. Adv.  Constantinum  Cabal,  c.  13 ;  inter.  0pp.  S. Joann.  Damasc). VIII.  By  the  beginning  of  the  8th  century the  worship  of  images  had  become  such  a  scandal in  the  East  that  a  Mahometan  prince,  Izid,  or Jesid,  the  son  of  Omar,  thought  himself  justified in  interfering.  In  715  he  accordingly  commanded all  pictures  to  be  removed  from  the  churches  of his  dominion  (Theophanes,  Chronographia  ad  a.  m. 6215).  A  little  later,  Leo  the  Isaurian,  who became  emperor  in  716,  made  his  hostility  to the  practice  known.  He  claimed  to  be  influenced by  a  horror  of  idolatry,  and  there  is  no  evidence of  any  other  motive.  His  sentiments  were  pro- bably well-known  from  the  first  (Theophan.  ad ann.  6217)  ;  but  we  gather  from  the  testimony of  two  adversaries  (Greg.  II.  Epist.  ad  Leon. I.abb.  vii.  9  ;  Vita  Steph.  Jun.  u.  s.  p.  412)  that he  had  reigned  ten  years  before  he  ventured  on any  overt  act.  In  the  year  726  he  issued  a  de- claration against  the  worship  of  images,  but  did not  command  them  to  be  "  destroyed,  only  placed higher,  so  that  no  one  might  kiss  them,  and thus  bring  discredit  on  that  which  was  other- wise worthy  of  respect"  (^Vita  Steph.  u.  s.). However,  about  the  same  time  he  seems  to  have ordered  the  image  already  mentioned,  to  which miracles  were  ascribed,  to  be  removed  from  a public  place  in  Constantinople.  He  also  wrote to  the  bishop  of  Rome,  who  quotes  his  letter thus  :  "  Thou  sayest  that  the  images  occupy  the place  of  idols,  and  that  they  who  worship  them are  idolaters."  "  Thou  hast  written,  that  we ought  not  to  worship  things  made  by  the  hand, nor  the  likeness  of  any  thing  .  .  .  and,  inform me  who  hath  taught  by  tradition  the  reverence and  worship  of  things  made  by  the  hand,  and  I will  confess  that  it  is  the  law  of  God"  (Epist. Greg.  II.  u.  s.).  In  a  most  insolent  and  un- christian reply,  the  pope  dwells  much  on  his own  feelings  before  a  sacred  picture  (coll.  14, 16)  ;  but  does  not  meet  the  complaint  that  such objects  were  abused  to  idolatry.  About  the  same time  John  of  Damascus  wrote  his  three  "  Orations against  those  who  reject  the  holy  images."  In his  demand  for  adoration  he  does  not  go  further IMAGES than  "worshipping  and  kissing  and  embracing the  image  both  with  lips  and  heart ;  as  the  like- ness of  the  Incarnate  God,  or  of  His  mother,  or of  the  Saints."  He  says  that  pictures  are  the "  books  of  the  unlearned  "  (Urat.  ii.  §  10).  Leo, however,  persevered.  A  second  letter  to  the pope  (Labb.  u.  s.  col.  23)  bei&g  met  in  the  same spirit  as  the  former,  and  Germanus  of  Constanti- nople proving  equally  impracticable,  in  730  he ordered  all  images  to  be  i-emoved  out  of  churches (Theophan.  ad  an.  6221).  Constantine  V.,  his son  and  successor,  published  another  edict  against images  in  the  first  year  of  his  reign,  741  ;  and is  even  said  to  have  exacted  an  oath  from  his subjects  that  they  would  not  worship  them (Theophan.  ad  an.  6233  ;  Vita  Steph.  p.  444). Such  images  as  had  been  left  were  now  effaced by  scraping  or  whitewashing  the  walls  ( Vita Steph.  p.  445)  ;  but  merely  decorative  paintings of  trees,  flowers,  birds,  &c.,  were  allowed.  That the  party  of  the  image-worshippers  was  at  this time  strong  and  numerous,  is  clear  from  the  fact that  the  rebel  Artavasdes  won  many  adherents by  declaring  himself  in  their  favour,  and  setting up  icons  in  the  cities.  Anastasius  the  patriarch went  over  to  him  (Cedrenus,  Hist.  Compend.  ii. 4 ;  ed.  Bonn),  and  he  was  recognized  by  Zacha- rias  of  Rome,  who  dated  letters  from  his  assump- tion of  the  purple  {Ep.  iv.  v.  Labb.  vi.  1503- 5).  From  this  time  image-worshippers  would naturally  be  suspected  of  disloyalty,  and  would suffer  much  in  that  age  of  cruelty  on  the  sup- pression of  the  revolt  in  743.  In  754  Constan- tine convened  a  general  council  at  Constantinople, at  which  338  bishops  (Labb.  tom.  vii.  col.  417) were  present,  but  none  of  the  great  patriarchs. At  this  synod  it  was  maintained  that  the  wor- ship of  images  was  in  a  great  measure  due  to, and  that  in  return  it  fostered,  a  tendency  to those  heresies  respecting  the  nature  of  Christ which  had  been  condemned  by  earlier  councils (ib.  coll.  429-453),  their  characteristics  being either  to  lower  the  Divine  nature,  or  to  dwell on  the  human  as  apart  from  it,  or  to  confound the  two.  After  a  careful  review  of  the  scrip- tural and  patristic  evidence  (J,b.  coll.  473-504) the  following  decree  was  made  :— "  Whosoever shall  from  this  time  present  dare  to  make  or worship  or  set  up  in  a  church  or  private  house or  conceal  an  image  (eiK-di/a),  if  he  be  a  bishop, presbyter,  or  deacon,  let  him  be  degraded  ;  if  a monk  or  layman,  let  him  be  anathematized  and punished  by  the  imperial  laws,  as  contrary  to the  commandments  of  God  and  an  enemy  to  the doctrine  of  the  Fathers  "  (ib.  col.  508  ;  see  also 506).  At  the  same  time  it  was  forbidden,  under pretence  of  compliance  with  this  decree,  to  lay hands  on  sacred  vessels,  vestments,  &c.,  that  had any  figure  wrought  on  them,  but  they  might  be recast  or  made  up  afresh  with  licence  from  the patriarch  or  emperor  (ih.  coll.  510,  511).  This caution  was  necessary,  and  only  partially  effec- tual. E.  g.,  a  fanatical  bishop  was  accused  to the  council  of  having  "  trampled  on  the  holy paten  of  the  undefiled  mysteries  of  God,  because it  was  engraved  with  the  venerable  image  of Christ,  and  of  His  mother,  and  of  the  Precursor" (  Vita  Stephani,  u.  s.  p.  480).  We  read  too  that many  books  containing  pictures  were  burnt  or defaced  by  the  "  iconoclasts  "  (Labb.  m.  s.  coll. 372-377)  ;  and  a  general  complaint  is  made  by Germanus  of  Constantinople   that  they  were  not. IMAGES content  with  obeying  the  order  for  the  removal of  images,  but  must  needs  destroy  "  any  symbo- lical ornament  on  the  '  venerable  vessels,'  and '  defacing  altar-cloths '  embroidered  in  gold  and purple,  would  put  them  up  in  their  own  houses," &c.  (^De  Synod,  et  Haeres.  §  42,  in  Maii  Spicil. Roman,  tom.  viii.  p.  1 ;  comp.  Vita  Steph.  p. 445).  The  decree  is  said  to  have  been  carried out  with  great  cruelty,  but  we  cannot  believe all  the  charges  brought  by  his  enemies  against Constantine  ;  as,  for  example,  that  the  governor of  Natolia,  with  his  approbation,  having  assem- bled at  Ephesus  in  770  all  the  monks  and  nuns of  Thrace,  gave  them  the  choice  of  marriage  or the  loss  of  their  eyes  (Theophanes,  ad  an.  Const. .30).  However  this  may  be,  it  appears  certain that  from  the  date  of  the  council  no  images  that could  be  made  the  object  of  worship  were  per- mitted in  the  churches  of  the  East  until  after  the death  of  Leo  IV.  (Chazarus),  the  son  of  Constan- tine, in  780. In  786  the  widow  of  Leo,  Irene,  who  had  been brought  up  an  image-worshipper,  being  regent of  the  empire  in  the  minority  of  her  son  Con- stantine VI.,  resolved,  in  conjunction  with  her creature  Tarasius  the  patriarch  (785-806),  to make  every  effort  for  the  restoration  of  the  icons. A  council  assembled  at  Constantinople  was  dis- persed by  a  tumult  among  the  soldiers  who  were faithful  to  the  convictions  of  their  former  master  ; but  it  met  again  the  next  year  (787)  at  Nicaea. There  were  present  375  bishops.  Two  legates from  Rome  attended,  and  two  represented  jointly the  patriarchs  of  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and  Jeru- salem. In  the  second  session  a  letter  was  read, addressed  by  Hadrian  of  Rome  to  Irene  and  her son,  in  which  the  pope  maintained  that  a  relative worship  was  due  to  images  (Labb.  tom.  vii.  col. 113).  This  had  been  the  teaching  of  his  pre- decessor Gregory  II.  in  his  letter  to  Leo  (ov AarpfuTiKwi,  aWa  <tx^''''-kws,  ib.  col.  13),  and •  it  appears  iu  several  of  the  authorities  read  be- fore the  council  (coll.  304,  353,  356,  &c.).  The principle  was  fully  accepted  by  the  synod,  and stated  in  the  conclusion  at  which  it  arrived,  viz., that  "  the  venerable  and  holy  images  should  be set  up  in  the  .same  manner  as  the  figure  of  the precious  and  life-giving  cross  ;  both  those  which are  in  colours  or  tesselated  work,  and  those  of other  suitable  material,  in  the  holy  churches  of God,  on  sacred  vessels  and  vestments,  on  walls and  boards,  on  houses,  and  by  the  wayside  ;  the images,  to  wit,  of  our  Lord  and  God  and  Saviour Jesus  Christ,  and  of  the  one  undefiled  Lady,  the holy  mother  of  God,  and  of  the  honourable angels,  and  all  saints  and  holy  men.  For  the more  frequently  they  are  seen  in  their  pictured resemblance,  the  more  are  those  who  behold them  stirred  up  to  the  recollection  and  love  of their  prototypes,  and  to  render  to  them  (the images)  salutation  and  honorific  worship  ;  not indeed  true  supreme  worship  (A.arpeioi'),  accord- mg  to  our  faith,  which  is  due  to  the  Divine nature  alone,  but  that,  as  the  pious  custom  of the  ancients  held,  an  offering  of  incense  and lights  should  be  made  in  their  honour  in  the same  manner  as  to  the  figure  of  the  precious and  life-giving  cross,  and  to  the  holy  gospels, and  to  other  sacred  ornaments.  For  the  honour of  the  image  passes  on  to  the  original,  and  he who  worships  the  image  worships  in  it  the  per- son of  him  who  is  therein  depicted  "  (Labb.  n.  s. IMAGES 819 col.  556).  If  lights  and  incense  had  not  been mentioned,  we  should  hardly  have  suspected these  words  to  demand  a  greater  reverence  for images  than  a  devout  mind  naturally  feels  for  a copy  of  the  Bible,  or  indeed  for  anything  that brings  God  immediately  before  it ;  but  to  arrive at  their  full  significance,  we  must  also  take  into consideration  the  habits  of  the  age,  and  especi- ally the  arguments  and  testimonies  on  which  the decree  professed  to  be  founded.  Many  pictures were  deemed  miraculous,  and  any  one,  in  the belief  of  the  people,  might  become  so,  while prayers  were  already  addressed  directly  to  the icons,  and  many  superstitious  practices  existed in  connection  with  them  without  rebuke  from those  who  framed  this  decree.  In  a  passage  read with  applause  at  the  council  from  the  Limon- arium  of  Sophronius  or  John  Moschus  (a.D.  630), worshipping  the  image  of  Christ  is  spoken  of  as worshipping  Christ,  and  not  to  do  so  as  a  deadly sin  (Labb.  col.  381).  Such  indeed  was  the  con- stant language  of  the  iconolaters.  He,  says Photius,  "who  does  not  worship  the  image  of Christ,  does  not  worship  Christ,  though  he  may think  he  worships  him  "  (Epist.  lib.  ii.  n.  102). In  another  passage  from  the  Limonarium,  also approved  by  the  council,  we  are  told  that  a  cer- tain anchorite,  when  about  to  visit  any  holy place,  used  to  light  a  candle  before  a  picture  o'f the  Virgin  with  Christ  in  her  arms,  and  "  re- garding her  picture  to  say  to  the  Lady,  '  Holy Lady,  mother  of  God,  seeing  I  have  a  long  way to  go,  a  journey  of  many  days,  take  care  of  thy candle  and  keep  it  unquenched  according  to  my intent ;  for  I  depart  having  thy  aid  on  the  way.' And  having  said  this  to  the  image  he  departed." The  light  burned  on  till  his  return  (ib.  col.  384). (For  the  direct  address  compare  Greg.  II.  ad Leon.  Ep.  i.  col.  13,  and  Germanus  of  Constan- tinople, ad  Tiiom.  col.  312.)  Other  important facts  are  recorded  in  a  letter  of  Michael  Balbus to  Ludovicus  Pius.  "  They  not  only  sang  psalms and  worshipped  them,  and  asked  for  help  from the  said  images,"  but  many,  hanging  linen  cloths on  them,  placed  their  children  in  them  as  they came  out  of  the  font,  thus  making  them  sponsors  ; and  monks  receiving  the  tonsure  had  the  hair held  over  them  so  as  to  fall  into  their  lap. "  Some  of  the  priests  and  clerks,  scraping  the colours  of  the  images,  mixed  them  with  the oblation  and  wine,  and  after  the  celebration  of masses  gave  of  this  oblation  to  those  who"  wished to  communicate.  Others  put  the  Lord's  Body into  the  hands  of  images,  from  which  they  caused those  who  desired  to  communicate  to  receive  it. Some  despising  the  church  used  the  fiat  surface of  pictures  for  altars  in  common  houses  and celebrated  the  sacred  liturgy  on  them;  and many  other  like  things,  unlaw^ful  and  contrary to  our  religion,  were  done  iu  churches"  (Frnper. Deo:  de  Cultu  Imag.  p.  618,  ed.  Goldast.  Fran- cof.  1608). In  797  Constantine  VI.  was  deprived  of  hi.s kingdom  and  sight  by  the  contrivance  and  com- mand of  his  unnatural  mother  (Cedrenus,  tom.  ii. p.  27),  v;ho  after  five  years  of  undivided  power was  supplanted  by  Nicejjhorus.  He  is  said  to have  favoured  the  iconoclasts  (Cedr.  u.  s.  p.  49), but  there  is  no  evidence  of  any  action  in  support of  their  cause.  His  death  in  battle,  July  811, was  in  two  months  followed  by  that  of  his  sou and  successor  Staur.itius,  who  had  been  wounded 3  (^   2 820 IMAGES at  the  same  time.  Michael  Rhangabe,  who deposed  the  dying  Stauratius,  seems  to  have punished  with  impartial  hand  both  those  who worshipped  images  and  those  who  broke  them. Leo  the  Armenian,  who  deprived  him  of  his throne  in  813,  was  a  decided  enemy  to  image- worship.  He  thought  that  the  heathen  were permitted  on  that  account  to  obtain  victories over  the  Christians.  "  I  desire,"  he  declared, "  to  overthrow  them  (the  images).  For  observe, all  the  emperors  who  have  received  and  wor- shipped them  have  died,  some  pursued  to  death, some  falling  in  battle  :  and  only  those  who  did not  worship  them  have  ended  their  reigns  each by  a  natural  death,  and  been  buried  with honour,"  &c.  (Ndrratio  de  Leone  Ann.  Imp. auctoris  incerti,  in  0pp.  Theophanis,  p.  435,  ed. Paris).  The  people  generally  seem  to  have  been with  him  ;  for  he  is  also  reported  to  have  re- monstrated in  this  manner  with  the  patriarch Nicephorus : — "  The  people  are  scandalized  by the  images,  and  say  that  we  do  ill  to  worship them,  and  that  for  this  reason  the  heathen  lord it  over  us.  Condescend  a  little,  and  use  manage- ment with  the  people,  and  let  us  pare  away trifles.  But  if  you  are  not  willing  to  do  this, give  us  the  grounds  on  which  you  worship  them, for  the  Scripture  is  by  no  means  clear  on  the point "  (Jb.  p.  437).  In  reply  Nicephorus  merely asserted  the  antiquity  of  the  practice.  In  815 Leo  procured  the  condemnation  of  the  second council  of  Nicaea  by  another,  which  he  convened at  Constantinople  (Labb.  tom.  vii.  col.  1299). The  acts  of  this  council  are  not  e.xtant ;  but  an edict  of  Leo,  issued  at  the  time,  is  probably  in complete  accord  with  its  decrees.  In  that  the emperor  alleges  the  unlawfulness  and  absurdity of  image-worship,  and  the  duty  of  removing  the cause  of  ofience  (Michael  Monach.  in  Vita  Thco- dori  Stud.  c.  63  ;  opp.  Sirmondi,  tom.  v.).  It  is related  of  Michael  II.  (Balbus),  a.d.  820,  that "  though  he  was  of  the  heterodox  party  (an  image- worshipper  is  speaking)  he  had  nevertheless  no wish  to  trouble  those  who  did  not  defer  to  him, but  allowed  every  one  to  do  as  he  chose  "(ViYa Theod.  Stud.  c.  102).  He  also  recalled  those  who had  been  banished  by  Leo.  He  at  first  contented himself  with  forbidding  the  word  "saint"  to  be inscribed  on  images,  wherever  they  might  be (Cedren.  tom.  ii.  p.  110)  ;  but  it  is  probable  that he  afterwards  became  more  severe  (Jb.  p.  74).  A letter  is  extant  addressed  by  this  emperor  and his  son  Theophilus  to  Louis  the  Godly,  in  which he  describes  the  course  of  action  adopted  by  his predecessors  of  like  mind  : — "  By  common  coun- sel they  caused  images  to  be  removed  from  too low  situations  (in  churches),  and  allowed  those set  in  higher  to  remain  where  they  were,  that the  painting  might  serve  for  Scripture,  lest they  should  be  worshipped  by  the  more  ignorant and  weak ;  but  they  forbade  the  lighting  of lamps  or  burning  of  incense  to  them  "  (Epist. ad  Ludov.  apud  Goldast.  u.  s.  p.  619).  Theo- philus, on  his  accession,  required  strict  obedi- ence to  the  law,  and  even  forbade  the  painting of  icons  (Theophan.  Cuntinuat.  lib.  iii.  c.  10 ; Cedr.  tom.  ii.  p.  110). On  the  death  of  Theophilus  in  842,  his  widow, Theodora,  who  governed  for  her  infant  son Michael  III.,  restored  the  icons  and  their  wor- ship, notwithstanding  an  oath  that  she  would not  do  so,  exacted  by  her  dying  husband  (Cedr. IMAGES torn.  ii.  p.  142).  The  sanction  of  the  church was  obtained  through  a  council  held  at  Constan- tinople (Labb.  tom.  vii.  col.  1782);  and  the triumph  of  images  celebrated  by  the  institution of  an  annual  feast  on  the  first  Sunday  in  Lent, thence  called  by  the  Greeks  rj  KvpiaK^  ttjs  6p6o- So^ias  (Philothei  Serr,%.  in  Dom.  I.  Quadr.  in Gretser's  note  to  Codmus  De  Offic.  c.  xv.,  and Narrat.  de  Imiginibus  Restit.  in  Combefis.  Auc- tar.  tom.  hist.  col.  738).  From  the  Typicon  of Sabas,  c.  42,  we  learn  that  the  occasion  is  marked by  a  procession  of  crosses  and  pictures,  and  the public  reading  of  the  decree  of  Nicaea  (Gretser, u.  s.).  Opposition,  however,  was  not  wholly  ex- tinguished ;  for  about  the  year  860  we  find  Pho- tius,  who  had  usurped  the  patriarchate  of  Con- stantinople, proposing  to  Nicholas  of  Rome  that another  general  council  should  be  held  to  com- plete the  suppression  of"  the  heresy  of  the  icono- machi  "  (  Vita  Ignatii  a  Niceta  conscr.  in  Labb. tom.  viii.  col.  1204).  The  council  met  the  next year  and  pronounced  the  deposition  of  Ignatius, whom  Photius  had  supj^lanted,  but  its  action  in regard  to  images  is  not  recorded.  In  869  an- other council,  convened  by  the  emperor  Basil especially  for  the  condemnation  of  Photius,  de- nounced the  iconoclasts,  upheld  pictures  as  use- ful in  the  instruction  of  the  people,  and  declared that  we  ought  to  "  worship  them  with  the  same honour  as  the  book  of  the  holy  gospels  "  (can.  iii. Labb.  tom.  viii.  col.  1360).  Here  the  history  of the  struggle  closes  in  the  East. IX.  The  position  of  the  Nestorians  and  Euty- chians  with  respect  to  images  is  interesting  and instructive.  The  former  were  cut  off  from  the church  in  431,  before  images  of  any  kind  were common.  Their  antagonism  to  the  church  would make  them  keen-sighted  to  the  evil  springing  up within  her,  and  naturally  lead  to  their  entire rejection.  We  find  accordingly  that  "  the  Nes- torians have  no  images  or  pictures  in  their churches,  and  are  very  much  opposed  to  the  use  , of  them,  even  as  ornaments,  or  as  barely  repre- senting historical  facts  illustrative  of  sacred Scripture  "  (Badger's  Nestorians,  vol.  ii.  p.  132). The  Eutychians,  condemned  in  451,  were  a  very small  body  until  the  time  of  Jacob  Baradaeus, who  died  in  588.  They  became  very  numerous, under  the  name  of  Jacobites,  in  the  7th  century, and  when  they  left  the  church  they  carried  with them  the  custom  of  image-worship,  as  it  was  then understood  and  practised.  At  a  later  period  the Greeks  observing  a  difference  and  not  knowing  that they  had  themselves  changed,  accused  the  Jaco- bites of  error  :  "  They  think  it  indifferent  whethei- they  worship  or  do  not  worship  them,  but  if ever  they  chance  to  worship,  they  do  not  kiss  the image  itself,  but  touching  it  with  a  finger  only, kiss  the  finger  instead"  (Demetr.  Cyzicen.  Z)e Jacob.  Haeres.  Max.  Biblioth.  PP.  tom.  814). One  division  of  the  Monophysites,  whom  some identify  with  the  Armenians,  were  called  Chat- zitzarii,  from  the  Armenian  Chatzus  a  cross,  be- cause they  reverenced  the  cross  only  {ib.).  Of the  Armenians  Nicon  says,  "  They  do  not  adore the  venerable  images,  and  what  is  more,  their Catholicus  with  the  rest  anathematizes  those  who adore  them  "  (De  Armen.  Rclig.  Max.  Biblioth. tom.  XXV.  p.  328). X.  We  turn  now  to  the  West.  In  767  Pipin held  a  council  at  Gentilly,  at  which  legates  from Rome   and    Constantinople    were    present.     One IMAGES object  was  to  consider  the  "  cultus  of  images." The  decision  was  that  "  images  of  saints  made  uj) (fictas,  i.e.  mosaics)  or  painted  for  the  ornament and  beauty  of  churches  might  be  endured,  so that  they  were  not  had  for  worship,  veneration, and  adoration,  which  idolaters  practise  "  (Con- stit.  [mpcr.  Goldast.  tom.  i.  p.  16).  The  decree of  Xicaea  was  transmitted  by  the  bishop  of  Rome to  Charlemagne  and  others,  but  the  French church  was  not  even  then  prepared  to  accept  tlie worship,  though  long  accustomed  to  the  sight,  of images.  In  790  a  strong  protest  appeared  in  the famous  Libri  Carolini  or  Capitulure  Frolixum,  a treatise  in  four  books,  expressly  directed  against those  abuses  which  the  council  and  the  pope  had sanctioned.  It  is  not  probable  that  Charlemagne composed  it  himself,  but  it  is  written  in  his name.  The  author  speaks  of  king  Pipin  as  his father  (lib.  i.  c.  6),  and  of  legates  sent  into Greece  by  his  father  and  himself  (lib.  iii.  c.  3) ; and  Hadrian,  in  his  controversial  reply,  addresses Charles  as  the  writer  (Labb.  Cone.  tom.  vii.  coll. 915,  916,  960).  A  brief  quotation  will  show  the practice  of  the  church  in  France  at  that  time  : — "  We  do  not  banish  from  the  basilics  effigies  set up  for  the  commemoration  of  events,  or  for  orna- ment, but  we  restrain  a  most  strange,  or  rather most  superstitious  adoration  of  them,  which  we do  not  anywhere  find  to  have  been  instituted  by the  apostles,  or  by  apostolical  men  "  (lib.  ii.  c. 10)  '*  In  the  year  792,"  says  Roger  Hoveden, our  English  annalist,  "  did  Charles  the  king  of the  Franks  send  a  synodal  book  to  Britain,  which had  been  forwarded  to  him  from  Constantinoj)le, in  which  book -were  found,  alas!  many  unmeet things  and  contrary  to  the  true  faith  ;  chiefly that  it  had  been  defined  by  the  unanimous  asser- tion of  nearly  all  the  eastern  doctors,  and  not less  than  300  or  more  bishops,  that  we  ought  to adore  images,  which  the  church  of  God  alto- gether execrates.  Against  which  Albinus  (Al- cuin)  wrote  an  epistle  admirably  confirmed  by the  authority  of  the  Divine  Scriptures,  and  pre- sented it,  with  the  said  book,  in  the  name  of  our bishops  and  princes,  to  the  king"  {Chronica ad  ann.  792  ;  Sim.,  Simeon  Dunelm.  Hist.  Reguin. and  Matth.  Paris,  Chron.  Muj.  ad  eund.  ann.)  ; in  794  a  council  was  held  at  F'rankfort-on-thc- llaine,  "which  rejected  with  contempt  and unanimously  condemned  the  adoration  and  ser- vice "  which  the  synod  of  the  Greeks  had  de- clared under  anathema  to  be  due  to  "  the  images of  the  saints  as  to  the  Divine  Trinity  "  (can.  ii.). Thus  the  matter  rested  during  the  life  of  Charle- magne. In  824  Louis  the  Godly  received  from Michael  Balbus  the  epistle  to  which  we  have  al- ready referred,  and  was  induced  by  it  to  convoke a  synod  at  Paris  in  the  following  year.  Having read  the  letter  of  Hadrian  to  Irene,  the  bishops assembled  declare,  in  an  address  to  Louis  and Lothair,  that  as  the  pope  "justly  reproves  them who  in  those  parts  rashly  presumed  to  break  the images  of  the  saints,  so  is  he  known  to  have  acted indiscreetly  in  that  he  commanded  to  give  them superstitious  worship  "  (dmstit.  Iinper.  tom.  i. p.  154).  They  support  their  judgments  by  an ample  catena  from  the  fathers.  At  this  time Eugenius  II.  was  pope,  and  a  letter  is  ascribed  to him  (the  contents  of  which  make  the  authorship doubtful)  in  which,  after  quoting  a  letter  from Louis  and  Lothair  to  himself,  he  expresses  dis- approbation of  pictures  of  saints  altogether,  and IMAGES 821 even  blames  tlie  Greek  emperors  Michael  and Theophilus,  to  whom  he  writes,  for  "allowing any  one  who  chose  to  have  images  painted  or chased "  ((6.  p.  186).  Claudius,  who  became bishop  of  Turin  in  821,  by  the  choice  of  the emperor  Louis,  finding  the  basilics  of  his  diocese full  of  images  superstitiously  worshipped,  ordered them  to  be  removed  (^Decreta  de  Cultu  [mw]inum, Goldast.  p.  763).  He  even  effaced  the  painted figure  of  the  cross.  His  argument  was,  "  If  you worship  a  cross  because  Christ  died  on  one,  why not  a  manger,  because  he  lay  in  one,  and  a  ship because  he  taught  from  one  ;  ....  a  lamb,  be- cause he  is  the  lamb  of  God  ;  but  those  perverse dogmatics  will  devour  lambs  that  have  life,  and adore  them  painted  on  walls  "  {ib.  p.  767).  The Apology  of  Claudius  was  published  after  the council  of  Parrs  was  held.  As  he  went  beyond that,  he  was  opposed  by  many  who  approved  of the  acts  of  the  council.  Among  these  was  Jonas the  bishop  of  Orleans,  whose  work  in  three  books (^Adversus  Claudii  Taurinensis  Apologetiauni)  is extant,  and  has  preserved  to  us  whatever  remains of  that  of  Claudius.  In  it  he  distinctly  dis- allows the  worship  of  images,  while  protesting vehemently  against  the  extreme  opinions  and high-handed  measures  of  his  opponent  : — "  Per- mit the  images  of  saints  and  pictures  of  holy works  to  be  painted  in  churches,  not  that  they may  be  adored,  but  rather  that  they  may  lend to  them  a  certain  beauty,  and  impart  to  the senses  of  the  unlearned  the  history  of  past events"  (lib.  i.  sig.  c.  Colon.  1554).  A  few  years later,  823,  Dungalus,  a  monk  of  St.  Denys  at Paris,  published  a  violent  attack  on  Claudius. His  work  (^Liber  Kesponslonuni  adv.  Claud.,  &c.) is  printed  in  the  Maxima  Biblioth.  PP.  tom.  xiv. A  more  able  production  than  either  of  the  above is  the  Liber  de  Ficturis  et  Imaginihus,  written by  Agobard,  archbishop  of  Lyons,  probably  about 840.  This  author  maintains  that  "  the  images of  the  apostles  and  of  the  Lord  Himself  were painted  and  kept  by  the  ancients  rather  for  love and  remembrance  than  religious  honour  or  any veneration  after  the  custom  of  the  Gentiles  " (c.  20)  ;  and  that  "  none  of  the  ancient  catholics ever  thought  that  they  are  to  be  worshipped  and adored  "  (c.  32).  He  laments  the  later  practice as  "  near  to  or  like  the  heresy  of  idolatry  or  of the  anthropomorphites,"  and  thinks  that  it  was "  rightly  decreed  by  the  orthodox  fathers  (in the  council  of  Elvira),  in  order  to  put  down  this kind  of  superstition,  that  pictures  ought  not  to be  in  churches  "  (c.  33).  This  was  probably  the last  clear  note  of  warning.  Walafrid  Strabo, abbot  of  Reichenau,  A.D.  842,  gives  an  uncertain sound.  "  We  know,"  he  says,  "  that  icons  are not  to  be  adored  or  worshipped  "  (colendas),  but he  demands  for  them  "seemly  and  moderate honours  "  {De  Reh.  Eccl.  c.  8).  Hincmar,  arch- bishop of  Rheims,  A.D.  845,  at  the  request  of  his comprovincials  wrote  a  treatise,  now  lost,  to explain  "in  what  manner  the  images  of  our Lord  and  His  saints  are  to  be  reverenced  "  (ven- erandae  ;  Flodoard.  Hist.  Eccl.  Kemens.  lib.  iii. c.  29).  His  teaching  is  not  further  indicated  by our  authority;  but  it  may  be  safely  inferred from  his  contemptuous  language  with  respect  to the  Greek  and  Roman  practice,  which  he  stigma- tizes as  "doll-worship"  (puparum  cultus),  and from  his  open  rejection  of  the  second  couu.il  nt Nicaea  (Opusc.  Iv.  (/(/;,■.  Hincmar.  Laud.  c.  xx.~). 822 IMAGINES  CLIPEATAE XI.  The  "  images  "  of  which  we  have  spoken were  all  either  pictures,  like  the  modern  Greek icons,  or  mosaics.  Some  writers,  however,  to prove  that  statuary  was  not  unemployed  by  the early  church,  allege  the  image  of  our  Lord which  was  said  to  have  been  set  up  at  Paneas (Cesarea  Philippi  or  Dan)  by  the  woman  whom He  healed  of  an  issue  of  blood.  (See  the  Hist. Ecc'.  of  Eusebius,  lib.  vii.  c.  18  ;  Philostorgius,  ex lib.  vii.  §  3 ;  Sozomen,  lib.  v.  c.  21  ;  Asterius Amas.  in  Photii  Bihlioth.  cod.  271.)  If  this  were indeed  a  statue  of  our  Lord,  the  solitary  act  of  a semi-heathen  would  be  no  indication  of  the  mind of  the  apostolic  church.  But  opposite  the  prin- cipal figure  was  the  brazen  statue  of  a  woman in  a  beseeching  attitude,  kneeling,  and  with  hands raised,  not  behind  and  furtively  touching  the hem  of  his  garment,  as  in  the  gospel  story.  This suggests  that  the  erection  of  the  group  was  an expression  of  gratitude  to  some  earthly  ruler who  had  granted  a  petition.  The  costliness  of the  work  creates  another  difficulty  (see  St.  Luke viii.  43).  Nor  can  we  build  anything  on  the  ftict related  by  Lampridius  that  Alexander  Severus had  the  images  of  Christ,  Abraham,  Orpheus, &c.,  in  his  lararium  (  Vita  Al.  Sev.  c.  29).  It  is possible  that  in  the  9th  century  there  was  some use  of  statues  among  Christians  ;  but  we  cannot with  Mabillon  {Praef.  I.  in  Saec.  IV.  S.  0.  B. c.  29)  think  it  a  certain  inference  from  these words  of  Agobard  (De  Imag.  c.  31)  : — ■'  Who- ever adores  any  picture,  or  molten  or  moulded statue,  is  not  giving  worship  to  God,  is  not honouring  the  angels  or  holy  men,  but  showing reverence  to  (their)  images  "  (simulachra). [W.  E.  S.] IMAGINES  CLIPEATAE.  The  Romans gave  this  name  to  the  heads  painted  on  the shields  usually  hung  up  in  their  temples  (Buo- narruoti,  Osservaz.  sopra  ale.  medaglioni,  p.  9-11). We  find  in  ancient  Christian  art  a  similar  mode of  treatment  applied  to  portraits  of  our  Lord. In  some  instances  the  bust  of  the  Saviour  is painted  on  a  circular  space  in  the  form  of  a shield.  This  is  notably  the  case  in  the  vaulting of  the  chapel  in  the  cemetery  of  Callixtus [Jesus  Christ],  probably  the  most  ancient  ex- ample of  a  type  that  became  traditional.  Cli- peatao  of  the  Good  Shepherd  as  a  standing  figure, are  frequently  met  with  in  the  vaultings  of crypts  in  the  catacombs.  In  the  mosaic  of  the great  arch  of  St.  Paul  without  the  walls  we  find the  bust  of  our  Lord  in  clipeo  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon. tab.  Ixviii.).  Also  in  ancient  ivory  diptychs, ouch  as  that  of  Rambona  (Buonarruoti,  Vet.  p. 262),  in  which  the  clipeus  is  supported  by  two winged  angels.  Another  diptych  exhibits  the shield  or  crown  carried  in  a  similar  manner  by two  angels,  and  bearing  in  the  midst  a  Greek cross  instead  of  the  figure  of  the  Saviour  (Calo- gera's  Eaccolta,  vol.  xl.  p.  295).  That  this  mode of  treatment  lasted  till  the  7th  century  is proved  by  a  painting  in  the  roof  of  the  oratory of  St.  Felicitas ;  there  the  bust  of  our  Lord appears  in  clipeo  (Raoul-Rochette,  Disc,  sur  les types  iinit.,  p.  25).  Examples  may  also  be  quoted in  later  times  (Du  Cange,  Gloss,  s.  vv.  Scutum, Thoracida). Many  of  the  sarcophagi  found  in  Roman  ceme- teries exhibit  the  effigies  of  a  husband  and  wife carved  within  a    shield   or   shell,  as   in   the   in- IMMUNITIES  OF  THE  CLERGY stance  figured  below  (Bottari's  pi.  xx.).  Some- times a  single  figure  is  thus  represented  (/(/. xxxvi.  xl.  Ixxxix.). (Martiguy,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chret.  s.  v.).  [C] IMIZILUM  (also  Imizinum,  Mizilum,  Mi- CILUM,  MrziNUM).  This  word,  variously  spelt, occurs  several  times  in  the  Vitae  Pontijicum  of Anastasius  Bibliothecarius.  It  appears  to  denote some  material  of  a  silky  nature,  used  for  articles of  dress  of  a  costly  description.  The  etymology of  the  word  is  doubtful ;  according  to  one  view it  is  akin  to  the  Italian  ennesino,  but  Ducauge {s.v.)  rather  connects  it  with  camisile  (Vitae Pontijicum,  Leo  III.  p.  418  ;  Paschalis  I.  p.  449 ; Sergius  II.  p.  490  ;  Nicolaus  I.  p.  584).     [R.  S.] IMMERSION.     [Baptism,  §49,  p.  161.] IMMUNITIES  OF  CHURCHES.  [Church (1),  p.  365.] IMMUNITIES  AND  PRIVILEGES  OF THE  CLERGY.  Before  the  time  of  Constan- tine  the  clergy  of  the  Christian  church  enjoyed no  immunities  or  privileges.  With  the  conver- sion of  the  emperor  to  the  Christian  faith,  the ministers  of  what  became  the  state  religion  began to  be  exempted  from  burdens  borne  by  other members  of  the  community,  and  to  have  special Itonours  conceded  to  them.  This  policy  reached its  height  in  the  Middle  Ages,  when  its  results caused  a  reaction  to  ensue  which  is  operating  at the  present  day. By  immunities  we  understand  in  the  present article  exemptions  from  ordinary  burdens,  by privileges,  extraordinary  honours,  or  prerogatives, whether  sanctioned  by  custom  only  or  by  law. Both  immunities  and  privileges  may  be  best  re- viewed under  three  heads,  as  I.  Judicial, II.  Pecuniary,  III.  Official  and  Social. I.  Judicial.  Under  this  head  we  have  to distinguish,  1.  Rights  maintained  and  confirmed, 2.  Immunities  allowed,  3.  P]-ivileges  gi-anted. 1.  Eujhts  nviintained  and  confirmed.  (1)  De- cisions in  matters  of  faith  and  in  ecclesiastical causes.- — Christianity  had  grown  up  in  antagonism to  the  imperial  power  of  Rome,  and  managing  its own  affairs  under  its  own  officers,  unaffected  by any  internal  interference  on  the  part  of  the  civil authority.  It  jealously  guarded  its  independence when  the  worldly  power  exchanged  its  attitude of  hostility  for  one  of  friendship  and  alliance. In  matters  ecclesiastical  ecclesiastical  authority continued  supreme.  This  was  no  immunity  or privilege    granted   now    for    the    first    time  as  a IBIM UNITIES  AND  PKIVILEGES  OF  THE  CLERGY favour  bestowed  by  a  friendly  chief  magistrate, but  a  prescriptive  right  maintained.  The  right was  afterwards  impaired  by  servility  on  one side,  and  by  the  exertion  of  might  on  the  other ; for  the  co-operation  of  the  emperor  was  found  so useful  lor  enforcing  the  acceptance  of  conciliary decrees  that  it  was  appealed  to  by  contending factions,  and,  when  appealed  to,  the  civil  power naturally  enough  took  upon  itself  to  decide  which faction  it  should  support  and  why  it  should support  it.  This  led  imperceptibly  to  the  civil power  being  regarded  as  having  a  right  to  judge iu  things  spii'itual  as  well  as  in  things  civil. But  it  was  rather  in  its  political  than  in  its judicial  character  that  such  claim  was  made  or admitted.  Ecclesiastical  causes,  strictly  so called,  such  as  trials  for  heresy,  were  never brought  before  courts  taking  their  authority from  the  state.  This  is  evidenced  by  laws  of successive  emperors,  of  Constantius,  a.d.  355 {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  .\vi.  tit.  2,  leg.  12,  tom.  vi. p.  37,  ed.  Gothofred.  Lugd.  1G65),  of  Valen- tinian  and  Gratian,  AD.  376  (Ibid.  leg.  23,  p.  52), of  Arcadius  and  Honorius,  A.D.  399  (Ibid.  tit.  11, leg.  i.  p.  298).  These  laws  are  of  the  same tenor,  giving  the  sanction  of  law  to  the  already existing  custom  that  in  ecclesiastical  causes judgment  was  given  by  church  officers  and  not by  the  state  courts.  "  On  questions  of  religion," says  the  law  of  Arcadius  and  Honorius,  "  bishops are  to  be  judges ;  other  cases  must  be  carried before  the  law  courts  "  (l.  c). (2)  Trials  of  ecclesiastical  persons  for  moral offences. — In  addition  to  offences  against  the faith,  those  offences  against  morality  on  the  part of  the  clergy  which  were  not  civil  crimes  were by  prescription  under  the  cognisance  of  ecclesi- astical authority  alone.  This  could  not  be  other- wise, as  acts  that  were  not  offences  against  the law  could  not  be  carried  into  the  law  courts. The  bishop  was  judged  by  his  peers,  members of  the  other  clerical  orders  by  their  bishop  ; judgment  being  in  accordance  with  the  canons  of discipline  promulgated  by  the  recognized  au- thority of  church  synods.  In  the  continuance  of this  jurisdiction  the  state  simply  permitted  the exercise  of  a  right  which  it  found  the  church already  possessed  of. 2.  Iminunities  allowed.  (1)  Exemption  of  the clergy  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  secular  courts in  respect  to  minor  offences. — Hitherto  we  have not  arrived  at  any  novel  immunity  or  privilege granted  by  the  state  as  a  matter  of  grace.  But soon  episcopal  jurisdiction  over  the  clergy  was extended  from  cases  of  morality  to  petty  crimes, and  at  the  same  time  the  clergy  were  withdrawn from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  state  courts  in respect  to  those  crimes.  There  was  a  recognized distinction,  according  to  the  laws  of  the  Roman empire,  between  great  and  petty  crimes;  the first  were  called  atrocia  delictu,  the  last  levia delicto.  By  the  impei'ial  favour  the  clergy became  exempted  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the secular  courts  in  respect  to  the  levia  delicto, while  subject  to  them,  as  much  as  any  other citizens,  in  cases  of  grave  crime,  such  as  murder, rebellion,  and  the  like.  In  the  reign  of  Jus- tinian, A.D.  539,  this  exemption  was  allowed  to apply  to  monks  and  nuns  as  well  as  to  the  clergy (Justin.  Novell.  79,  83;  Corpus  Juris  Civilis, tom.  ii.  pp.  16(5,  174,  ed.  Beck,  Lipsiae,  1829)  ; and    iu    the    reign    of    IJeraclius,    a.d.    610,    it i2S appears  to  have  been  extended  from  petty  offences to  all  criminal  cases  (Const itutiones  /mperatoriie, ad  calc.  Cod.  Justin.;  Const.  3,  p.  808,  Paris, 1628).  When  one  of  the  parties  was  a  clergy- man and  the  other  a  layman,  the  clergyman's immunity  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  secular court  did  not  hold  good,  except  by  the  consent  of the  layman  (Valentin.  Novell.  12). (2)  Exemption  of  bishops  from  being  summoned into  court  as  witnesses. — By  Justinian,  possibly by  Theodosius,  it  was  enacted  that  no  bishop should  be  required  to  appear  at  the  tribunal  of a  secular  judge  for  the  purpose  of  giving  his testimony  in  any  case  before  the  court.  The judge  was  required  to  send  his  officer  to  take  the bishop's  testimony  at  his  own  house.  The  words of  Justinian's  law  are  "Ko  judge  is  to  compel bishops  to  come  to  a  trial  to  exhibit  their  tes- timony, but  he  is  to  send  to  them  some  of  his subordinate  officers"  (Justin.  Novell.  123,  c.  7  ; Curpus  Juris  Civilis,  tom.  ii.  p.  250). (3)  Exemption  of  bishops  from  having  to  take an  oath  in  giving  their  testimony. — By  the  law of  Justinian  above  quoted  it  was  enacted  that  the word  of  bishops,  given  on  the  holy  gospels, should  be  accepted  in  place  of  an  oath,  an  oath being  regarded  as  derogatory  to  their  holy character.  "  That  the  bishops  having  the  holy gospels  before  them  may  say  what  they  know,  as becomes  priests  "  (Ibid.). (4)  Exemption  of  bishops  and  presbyters  from being  examined  by  torture  while  bearing  testimony, —According  to  the  laws  of  the  Roman  empire, witnesses  might  be  scourged  and  otherwise tortured  in  order  to  extract  from  them  the truth  (Cod.  Justin,  lib.  ix.  tit.  41  ;  Corpus  Jur. Civ.  p.  323  ;  Cod.  Theod.  lib.  xiii.  tit.  9,  leg.  2, tom.  V.  p.  105  ;  St.  Aug.  Serm.  ccclv.  tom.  v. p.  1572,  ed  Migne,  nl.  Be  Biversis,  iQ  ;  Synesius, £p.  58,  Op.  p.  201 ;  Paris,  1631).  Theodosius, with  some  hesitation  and  ambiguity,  exempted bishops  and  presbyters  from  this  liability.  His words  are :  "  Presbyters  are  to  give  testimony without  being  liable  to  torture,  provided,  how- ever, that  they  do  not  pretend  what  is  false. But  the  rest  of  the  clergy  below  them  in  order or  rank,  if  they  have  to  give  their  testimon}%  are to  be  treated  as  the  laws  direct"  (Cod.  Theod. lib.  xi.  tit.  39,  leg.  10,  tom.  iv.  p.  331). 3.  Judicial  privileges.  (1)  Episcopal  coercive jurisdiction  in  civil  causes. —  It  had  been  the custom  of  Christians,  in  accordance  with  the injunctions  of  St.  Paul  (1  Cor.  vi.  4),  to  settle their  didereuces  before  one  of  themselves,  instead of  going  to  the  heathen  law  courts.  Very  soon, and  very  naturally,  the  office  of  arbitrator  be- came attacheil  to  that  of  bishop,  the  bishop  being the  best  qualified  person  to  exercise  the  judicial function.  We  find  instances  of  the  exercise  of judicial  power  in  Sidonius  Apollinaris  (lib.  iii. Ep.  12  ;  lib.  vi.  Ep.  4,  Op.  p.  160),  Synesius (Ep.  105,  Op.  p.  247),  St.  Ambrose  (i,>.'lxxxii. Ad  Marcellum,  Op.  tom.  ii.  p.  1100  ;  Paris,  1690), St.  Augustine  (Confess,  vi.  3,  tom.  i.  p.  720,  ed. Migne).  Down  to  the  time  of  Constantine episcopal  decisions  thus  given  had  not  any  force in  law.  Litigants  were  bound  only  by  their free  choice  or  by  contract  to  abide  by  the verdicts  given.  But  now  coercive  jurisdiction was  given  to  the  bishop's  court.  It  was  still necessary  for  both  parties  to  the  suit  to  consent to  eai'ry  it  before  the  bishop,  but  when  it  was 824 IMMUNITIES  AND  PRIVILEGES  OF  THE  CLERGY once  carried  to  him  his  sentence  was  final,  and was  executed  by  the  secular  authorities.  From Sozomen's  Ecclesiastical  IJisiori/  (i.  9,  p.  21,  Can- tab. 1720)  it  would  appear  that  this  privilege was  granted  by  Con.stantine.  It  is  clearly  re- cognized by  a  law  of  Arcadius  and  Honorius (Cod.  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  4,  leg.  8,  tom.  ii.  p.  33). Valentinian  III.  carefully  distinguishes  between religious  causes,  in  which  bishops  and  presbyters had  a  prescriptive  right  to  judge,  and  civil causes,  in  which  they  had  no  inherent  right  to act  judicially ;  but  he  recognizes  their  juris- diction in  the  civil  causes  when  the  free  choice  of the  litigants  has  selected  them  in  preference  to the  state  judges  (Valentin.  Novell.  12,  ad  calc. Cod.  Thecd.').  Thus  bishops  were  made,  by virtue  of  their  office,  not  only  arbiti'ators  be- tween members  of  their  flocks,  but  also  magis- trates before  whom  any  that  pleased  might  carry their  suits  to  be  by  them  finally  and  legally settled.  The  burden  of  judicial  business  became so  heavy  (see  St.  Augustine,  Epistola  xxxiii. Migne,  al.  147),  that  it  was  devolved  upon presbyters  (St.  Aug.  Epist.  ccxiii.  Migne,  al.  110), deacons  {Concil.  Tarracon.  can.  iv. ;  Hard.  Con- di, tom.  ii.  p.  1042,  Paris,  1714),  and  laymen (Socrates,  Hist.  Eccl.  vii.  37,  p.  321 ;  Oxon. 1844) ;  whence  probably  there  arose  the  existing custom  of  the  bishops  appointing  lay  chan- cellors to  preside  in  their  courts.  Episcopal jurisdiction  did  not,  however,  extend  to  criminal causes,  but  was  confined  to  civil  questions  and pecuniary  suits.  Bishops  were  forbidden  by canon  law  to  interfere  with  criminal  cases  (see Concil,  Tarracon.  can.  iv.). (2)  Episcopal  iiitercession. — In  pecuniary  cases bishops  were  magistrates,  in  criminal  cases  they were  intercessors.  Wherever  the  arbitrary  will of  a  despotic  sovereign  has  power  over  life  and liberty,  a  right  of  intercession  is  sure  to  become vested  in  the  ministers  of  religion,  the  reason being  that  the  religious  character  alone  invests its  possessor  with  so  much  awe  as  to  enable  him to  dare  to  resist  the  passionate  and  capricious fury  of  otherwise  uncontrolled  power.  Such  a right  begins  in  the  courageous  act  of  some  brave ecclesiastic,  and  first  being  recognized  by  custom, is  afterwards  confirmed  by  law.  When,  at  a more  advanced  stage  of  civilisation,  punishments are  calmly  meted  out  by  the  scales  of  justice,  the right  of  intercession  necessarily  ceases.  The  pro- priety of  the  privilege  "is  argued  in  two  letters that  passed  between  Macedonius  and  St.  Augus- tine (Ep.  clii.  cliii.  Migne,  al.  53,  54) ;  the latter,  in  interceding  with  the  tribune  Marcel- linus  for  the  fanatics  called  CircumcelUones, advances  very  strong  claims :  "  If  you  do  not listen  to  a  friend  who  asks,  listen  to  a  bishop who  advises;  though,  as  I  am  speaking  to  a Christian,  I  shall  not  be  too  bold  if  Isay  that  in such  a  case  as  this  you  ought  to  listen  to  your bishop  that  lays  his  injunction  on  you,  my  noble lord  and  dear  son  "  (Ep.  cxxxiii.  Migne,  al.  159). He  addresses  the  proconsul  Apringius  on  the same  occasion  in  the  same  strain  {Ep.  cxxxiv. Migne,  al.  160).  Flavian,  when  the  people  of Antioch  had  raised  a  futile  rebellion  against Theodosius,  proceeded  to  Constantinople.  "  I  am come,"  he  said  to  the  emperor,  "  as  the  deputy  of our  common  Master,  to  address  this  word  to  your heart,  '  If  ye  forgive  men  their  trespasses,  then will  your  heavenly  Father  also  forgive  you  your trespasses.'"     He   returned   with    a  message  of      ! pardon.     Eparchius,  a  monk  who  lived  in  Angou- leme  in  the  6th  century,  exercised  so  great  an influence  over  the  neighbouring  magistrates  that the  populace  rose  and  compelled  a  judge,  who       [ was  about  to  yield  to  his  intercession,  to  execute a  robber  that  had  been  guilty  of  murder  (Greg.       ] Turon.   Hist.   Franc,  vi.  8,  p.   379 ;  ed.  Migne,       | 1849).     In  the  7th  century  (a.d.  633)  a  canon  of the   fourth  council  of  Toledo,  repeated    in    the       '• sixth    council    of  Aries    (a.d.  813),   enjoins   on       i bishops  the  duty  of  protecting  the  poor,  reprov-       ] ing  over-severe  judges,  and,  if  necessary,  report-       | ing    to   the    king    (Cone.    Tolet.  iv.  can.  xxxii.;       I Cone.  Ai'clat.  vi.  can.  xvii. ;  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  iii. p.  587  ;  tom.  iv.  p.  1005). Closely  connected  with  the  privilege  of  inter- cession, were  the  further  privileges  of  protection of  the  weak,  of  asylum,  of  censorship  of  the' public  morals;  all  of  which,  like  the  right  of intercession,  are  based  upon  the  character  belong-  \ ing  to  the  minister  of  religion,  not  upon  the decision  of  an  arbitrary  statute. (3)  Interference  in  behalf  of  the  weak. — This       j practice,  begun  at  the  risk  of  the  bishoj),  became       ) sanctioned  by  the  laws  of  the  empire.     Widows       , and  orphans  were  counted  the  especial   charge  of      j the  bishop,  and  their  property  was  placed  under       i his  guardianship.     St.  Ambrose  tells  his  clergy       \ that  they  will  do  well  if  through  their  means the  attacks  of  the  powerful,  which  the  widows and  orphans  cannot    resist,  are  beaten  back  by the  protection  of  the  church.     He  warns  them not  to  let  the  favour  of  the  rich   have  weight with  them,  and  reminds  them  how  often  he  had himself  resisted  assault  in  behalf  of  the  widow,       I and  indeed  of  any  one   who    required  his  help       i (De  Officiis  Minist.  ii.  29.  Op.  tom.  ii.  p.  105). Justinian  legalized  the  bishop's  right  of  protec-       | tion  in  Ihe  case  of  prisoners,  of  children  stolen       I from  their  parents,  of  lunatics,  of  foundlings,  of       | minors,  of  oppressed  women  (God.  Justin,  lib.  i.       j tit.  4,  legg.   22,  24,  27,  28,    30,  33;    tom.  ii.       ' pp.  35-39).     The  fifth  council  of  Orleans  (a.d. 549),    decreed    that    the    archdeacon    or    other       j church   officer  should  visit  the  prisons,  and   see       j that  the  prisoners  were  cared  for,  and  further,       i that  the  bishop  should  provide  them  with  food       i (Cone.  Aurel.  v.  can.  xx. ;  Hard.    Gone.   tom.  ii.       | p.  1447).     Gregory   of  Tours  describes  a    good       i bishop  as  getting  justice  for  the  people,  helping       \ the  poor,  consoling  the  widow,  and  protecting  the minor,    as    parts    of  his    official    duties    (Greg. Turon.  iv.  35). (4)  Sanctuary. — Out  of  the  rights  of  inter- cession and  protection  there  necessarily  grew  on the  one  side  the  right  of  sanctuary,  on  the  other the    right    of    censure.     If  the    weak    and    the       ;^ accused  could  look  to  the  bishop  for  help,  they naturally  fled  to  him  when  help  was  needed ;  and      ;' if  the  bishop  might  advocate  the   cause  of  the      i accused  and  of  the  suffering,  he  had  to  make  but      I one  step  to  censuring  the  judge  and  the  oppressor. That   churches  or  temples  should   be  places  of asylum    is    founded    on    natui'al     piety,    not    on positive  law :  and  until  law  is  all  powerful,  it  is necessary  that  there  should  be  such  refuges  from sudden   fury.     They   existed  under   the    Jewish and  the  various  pagan  religions,  as  well  as  under the  Christian  religion  ;  and  not  only  Christian churches,  but  statues  of  the   emperor  and  the       j imperial  standard  originally  enjoyed  the  privi-       j IMMUNITIES  AND  PRIVILEGES  OF  THE  CLERGY 825 lege.  We  find  the  custom  of  sanctuary  acknow- ledged and  acted  on  in  the  time  of  St.  Basil (Greg.  Nazianz.  Orat.  xx.  De  Laud.  Basil.  Op. torn.  ii.  p.  353 ;  Paris,  1630),  St.  Chrysostom (Op.  tom.  viii.  p.  67,  ed.  Savil),  Synesius  (Ep. Iviii.  Op.  p.  201 ;  Paris,  1630).  Arcadius  abro- gated it  at  Eutropius'  instance,  A.D.  398  {Cod. Theod.  lib.  ix.  tit.  45,  leg.  3,  tom.  iii.  p.  361); but  when  Eutropius  had  himself  to  claim  sanc- tuary this  abrogation  was  itself  abolished  (So- crates Hist.  Eccl.  vi.  5).  Shortly  afterwards Theodosius  II.  enacted  a  law  extending  the  pri- vilege of  sanctuary  from  the  interior  of  the church  to  its  environs  (Coc?.  Theod.  lib.  ix. tit.  45).  The  persons  who  were  allowed  to  take sanctuary  were  by  no  means  all  classes  of  crimi- nals, as  afterwards  was  the  cfase  through  abuse of  the  original  right.  It  was  intended  for  the defeated  party  in  any  civil  aSray,  for  slaves  that were  in  danger  of  cruel  treatment,  for  debtors, unless  they  were  debtors  to  the  state ;  in  gene- ral, for  the  innocent,  the  injured,  the  oj)pressed, and  any  whose  criminality  was  doubtful,  and for  whom  intercession  might  seem  likely  to  be of  avail.  Such  persons,  provided  they  came unarmed,  had  protection  for  thirty  days.  Slaves were  protected,  at  first  for  one  day  {Cod.  Theod. lib.  ix.  tit.  45,  leg.  5),  afterwards  till  their masters  gave  a  promise  to  spare  them  corporal punishment  {Concil.  Ejjaonense,  A.D.  517,  can. xxxix.  ;  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  ii.  p.  1051);  for breaking  which  promise  the  masters  were  liable to  suspension  from  communion  {Concil.  Aure- lianense  v.  A.D.  549,  can.  xxii. ;  Hard.  Concil. tom.  ii.  p.  1447).  Ordinary  criminals,  as  rob- bers and  murderers,  were  not  admitted  till  later times,  when  the  privilege  of  asylum  became incompatible  with  the  due  execution  of  the  laws, and  was  abrogated  with  the  applause  of  all lovers  of  justice  and  morality.  Charles  the Great,  A.D.  779,  forbid  any  subsistence  being supplied  to  murderers,  though  by  that  time  they had  made  good  their  right  not  to  be  directly delivered  up  to  justice. (5)  Censorship. — The  censorship  vested  in  the clergy  was  partly  a  right  founded  on  the  fact that  the  church,  as  a  religious  body,  took cognisance  of  immorality  within  its  own  body, and  exacted  of  its  members  the  discipline  of penance  ;  partly  it  was  a  privilege  recognized  by law,  arising  out  of  the  privilege  of  intercession, and  indeed  forming  a  branch  of  it.  The  council of  Aries,  A.D.  314,  instructed  bishops  to  have  a special  oversight  of  such  civil  magistrates  as were  Christians,  and  to  cut  them  off  from  the church  if  they  acted  contrary  to  her  laws (can.  vii.  Hard.  Concil.  tom.  i.  p.  264).  St. Basil  very  boldly  censui-ed  so  purely  a  political act  as  that  of  sepai-ating  Cappadocia  into  two provinces,  A.D.  371,  because  it  threw  an  increased burden  of  taxes  on  the  poor  {Ep.  ccclxxxix.  ad Martinianum,  Op.  tom.  iii.  p.  369  ;  Paris,  1638). St.  Gregory  Nazianzen  declared  to  rulers  and governors  (Sufao'Tai  koI  &pxovTfs)  that  the  law of -Christ  subjected  them  to  his  tribunal  (Orai. xvii.  Op.  tom.  i.  p.  271  ;  Colon.  1690)  ;  Synesius excommunicated  Andronicus,  president  ot  Lybia {Ep.  Iviii.  Op.  p.  201);  Orestes'  hatred  of Cyril  of  Alexandria  was  not  only  personal,  but also  "  because  the  authority  of  the  bishop  took away  so  much  from  the  power  of  the  king's officers  "  (Socrates,  Jlist.   Ecd.  vii.   13,  p.  293). The  penance  performed  by  Theodosius  I.  at  the command  of  St.  Ambrose  was  a  conspicuous  ex- hibition of  a  censorship  exerted  by  a  bishop  and submitted  to  by  an  emperor  (Sozom.  Hist.  Eccl. vii.  25,  Op.  p.  315  ;  Theodoret,  Hist.  Eccl.  v.  17, Op.  p.  215;  Cantab.  1720).  These  episcopal  acts were  performed  on  the  principle  that  every  body spiritual  or  political  has  an  inherent  right  of exercising  discipline  on  its  own  members,  even  to the  point  of  excluding  the  refractory  from  its bosom.  But  the  imperial  laws  were  not  slow  in giving  further  rights  of  censorship  to  the  clergv. We  have  already  seen  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the bishop  to  visit  prisoners.  The  same  law  (a.D. 409)  that  imposed  upon  him  this  duty  gave  him also  the  right  of  admonishing  the  judges.  Jus- tinian required  him,  further,  to  report  what  he found  amiss  in  the  prison,  that  it  might  be corrected  {Cod.  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  4,  legg.  22,  23  ; Corp.  Jur.  Civ.  tom.  ii.  p.  35).  The  same emperor  likewise  empowered  bishops  to  uphold good  morals  by  putting  down  gaming  ( Ibid leg.  25) ;  to  see  that  justice  was  impartially administered  {Ihid.  legg.  21,  31);  to  resist tyranny  on  the  part  of  the  chief  lay  authorities, and  to  look  after  the  administration  of  public property  {Ibid.  leg.  26). These  rights  passed  over  from  the  Byzantine empire  to  the  Western  nations,  and  no  questions were  asked  as  to  whether  they  were  founded  in positive  law  or  in  prescription.  The  third  council of  Toledo,  A.D.  589,  declared  bishops  to  have,  by royal  command,  the  charge  of  seeing  how  the judges  treated  the  people  {Cone.  Tolet.  iii.  can. xviii. ;  Hard.  Cone.  tom.  iii.  482).  The  fourth council  we  have  already  seen  requires  bishops  to admonish  judges,  and  to  report  to  the  king  such judges  as  disregarded  their  admonition  (can. xsxii.).  The  same  charge  was  repeated  by  the sixth  council  of  Aries,  A.D.  813  (can.  xvii.).  It was  in  France  that  the  mystical  signification  of the  "  two  swords  "  was  discovered  (by  Geoffrev, abbot  of  Vendome,  A.D.  1095),  and  in  accord- ance with  the  principle  involved  in  that  inter- pretation, ecclesiastical  authority  was  freely exerted  over  sovereigns.  Louis  le  Debonnaire, Lothaire,  and  Charles  the  Bald,  three  Carlo- vingian  princes,  were  deposed  by  councils  of  the Gallican  church,  while  king  Robert,  Philip  I., and  Philip  Augustus,  like  Henry  IV.,  Henry  V., and  Frederick  II.  of  Germany,  suffered  Papal  ex- communication. But  it  was  in  France  too  that the  secular  authority  once  more  revindicated  its right  in  the  memorable  struggle  between  Phi- lippe le  Bel  and  Boniface  VIlI.  at  the  end  of  the 13th  centifry.  A  quarter  of  a  century  later  we find  a  conference  held  before  Philippe  de  Valois (a.D.  1329),  in  which  the  whole  question  of  lay and  spiritual  jurisdiction  was  argued  by  Pierre de  Cugnieres  on  behalf  of  the  crown,  and  by  the archbishop  of  Sens  and  the  bishop  of  Autun  in behalf  of  the  church,  in  which  the  king's  advo- cate alleged  sixty-six  excesses  of  juiisdiction  on the  part  of  the  ecclesiastii'al  courts.  Soon  after, the  Appel  comme  d'abus  or  Appellatio  tanquain  ub abusu  was  instituted,  which  admitted  a])j)eal from  an  ecclesiastical  court  to  the  highest  civil authority  whenever  it  could  be  pleaded  that  the ecclesiastical  judge  had  exceeded  his  powers  or encroached  upon  temporal  jurisdiction.  At  the council  of  Trent  this  right  was  a.s.saileJ,  but through    the    influence    of   the   ambassadors  of 820 IMMUNITIES  AND  PRIVILEGES  OF  THE  CLERGY Charles  IX.  it  was  maintained,  and  it   continues stiii  in  vigour. II.  Pecuniarv".  1.  Immunities  allowed.  (1) Cens'is  Capitum  or  Poll  Tax. — The  clergy,  their wives,  children,  and  servants  were  exempted  by Constantius  from  paying  the  poll-tax,  which  was levied  on  all  citizens  between  the  ages  of  14 and  65,  except  such  as  were  granted  immunity {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  xvi.  tit.  2,  legg.  10,  14).  This was  a  favour  shared  by  the  clergy  with  the members  of  other  liberal  professions.  Valea- tinian  exempts  the  higher  class  of  painters (Ficturae  jnofessores,  si  modo  ingenui  sunt)  from the  incidence  of  the  tax  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  xiii. tit.  4,  leg.  4).  This  immunity  is  alluded  to  and pleaded  by  Gregory  Nazianien  {Ep.  clix.  ad  Ain- philochium,  Op.  torn.  i.  p.  873)  and  by  St.  Basil {Ep.  cclxxix.  adJfo'lcstiiin.  Op.  torn.  iii.  p.  272). (2)  Equorum  conniii^  urnni  <n/teratic  or  Soldiers' horses  tax;  Auriiin  tir.  nl.imt  or  Recruit  tax. — The  clergy  had  to  pay  their  property  tax  {cen- sus agroruni)  and  all  burdens  on  land  like  other owners  and  occupiers,  but  they  appear  to  have been  exempted  from  any  local  taxation  that might  be  imposed  for  the  supply  of  horses  for the  army,  or  as  a  substitute  for  recruits.  High- priests  of  the  old  pagan  religions  seem  to  have shared  this  immunity  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  vii.  tit. 13,  leg.  22  ;  cum  Gothofredi  comment.). (3)  Trading-tax  called  Chri/sargyrum  from being  paid  in  gold  and  silver,  and  Lustralis  col- latio  because  collected  at  the  end  of  each  lustrum. The  inferior  clergy  were  permitted  to  trade without  paying  this  tax,  provided  their  opera- tions were  confined  within  moderate  bounds  (Co<i. Theod.  lib.  xiii.  tit.  1,  legg.  1,  11  ;  lib.  xvi.  tit.  2, legg.  8,  10,  16,  36).  This  immunity  was  abused, and  clerics  were  forbidden  to  trade  by  Valen- tinian  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  xiii.  tit.  1,  leg.  16;  Va- lentin. NoL-ell.  12  ad  calc.  Cod.  Theod.).  The  tax was  abolished  by  Anastasius  (Evagrius,  Hist.  Eccl. iii.  39  ;  Op.  p.  371  ;  Cantab.  1720). (4)  Metatuin  or  Entertainment-inoney. — The clergy  were  not  compelled  to  receive  the  emperor, the  judges,  or  soldiers  ou  their  circuits  or  travels. This  immunity  their  houses  shared  with  those of  senators,  Jewish  synagogues,  and  places  of worship  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  xvi.  tit.  2,  leg.  8). (5)  Superindicta  or  Extraordinary  taxes. — The clergy  were  exempted  from  these  by  Constantius {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  xvi.  tit.  2,  leg.  8),  by  Honorius and  Theodosius  Junior  {ibid.  leg.  40),  and  by Justinian  {Justin.  Novell,  cxxxi.  c.  5). (6)  Ad  instructiones  reparationesque  iiinerum ct  pontiun  or  Highway  rate. — By  a  law  of  Ho- norius and  Theodosius  Junior,  A.D.  412,  church lands  were  exempted  from  paying  the  road-tax ; but  this  exemption  was  withdrawn  A.D.  423  by Theodosius  Junior  and  by  Valentinian  III.,  and it  was  not  regranted. (7)  Cursus  publicus,  angariae,  parangariae, translatio,  evectio,  or  Conveyance-burden. — Con- stantius exempted  the  clergy  from  the  burden of  having  to  convey  corn  and  other  things  for the  soldiers  and  imperial  officers  {Cod.  Theod. lib.  xvi.  tit.  2,  leg.  10;,  but  in  the  last  year  of his  reign,  A.D.  360,  he  revoked  the  concession. The  immunity  was  restored  A.D.  382,  and  con- firmed by  Honorius  A.D.  412  {Cod.  Theod.  lib. ii.  tit.  16,  leg.  15  ;  lib.  xvi.  tit.  2,  leg.  40),  but again  revoked  by  Theodosius  Junior  and  Valen- tinian. A.D.  440. (8)  Descriptb  lucrativorum,  denarismus,  unciae, or  Municipal  tax. — If  the  property  of  a  member of  a  town-council  {curia)  passed  by  will  to  any one  that  was  not  a  member  of  the  curia,  the  new owner  had  to  pay  a  tax  to  the  curia  amounting to  the  sura  previously  paid  by  the  curialis.  But if  the  property  passed  to  the  church,  it  was enacted  by  Justinian  that  the  tax  could  not  be demanded  {Cod.  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  2,  leg.  22  ; Novell,  cxxxi.  c.  5). 2.  Pecuniary  Privileges.  (1)  Legacies. — By  a law  of  Constantine  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  xvi.  tit.  2, leg.  4)  it  was  enacted  that  goods  might  be  be- queathed to  the  church,  no  distinction  being  made between  real  and  personal  property.  This  law  was confirmed  by  Justinian  {Cod.  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  2, leg.  13).  Moneys  or  estates  left  to  the  church were  administered  by  the  bishop  for  the  general welfare. (2)  Inheritance. — Constantine  settled  the  pro- perty of  confessors  and  martyrs  dying  intestate and  without  near  relatives,  on  the  church  (Eu- seb,  T'7^.  Constant,  ii.  36;  Op.  p.  461;  Paris, 1659).  Theodosius  Junior  and  Valentinian  ex- tended the  provision,  so  as  to  embrace  the  case not  only  of  martyrs  and  confessors,  but  of  all clergymen,  monks,  and  nuns  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  v. tit.  3,  leg.  1 ;  Cud.  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  3,  leg.  20). (3)  Forfeiture. — Justinian  enacted  that  the property  of  clergymen  or  monks  leaving  the clerical  or  monastic  life  should  be  forfeited  to the  church  or  monastery  with  which  they  had been  connected  {Cod.  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  3,  leg.  55). (4)  Confiscation. — By  laws  of  Honorius  and Gratian  some  of  the  property  which  had  belonged to  the  heathen  temples  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  xvi.  tit. 10,  leg.  20)  and  that  which  was  owned  by  heretics {ibid.  tit.  6,  leg.  52)  was  confiscated  to  the  use of  the  church. (5)  Imperial  largess. — Occasionally  large  sums were  bestowed  by  the  emperors  for  the  support of  the  clergy.  Thus  Constantine  desired  his African  Receiver,  Ursus,  to  pay  over  a  vast  sum (Tpio-x'Ai'ous  (p6\\eis)  to  Caecilian,  bishop  of Carthage,  for  him  to  divide  among  the  clergy  of Africa  Mauritania  and  Numidia,  and  enabled  him to  draw  for  more  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccles.  x.  6, p.  722,  ed.  Burton).  On  the  occasion  of  an oecumenical  council  being  summoned,  the  em- peror bore  the  travelling  expenses  of  the  bishops. (6)  State  allowance. — Constantine  passed  a  law requiring  the  prefects  of  each  province  to  make an  annual  grant  of  corn  to  the  clergy  out  of  the revenues  of  the  province  (Theodoret,  Hist.  Eccl. i.  11 ;  Sozomen,  i/ jsf. /s'cc?.  V.  5).  This  allowance was  discontinued  when  Julian  occupied  the  throne, but  it  was  restored  on  a  limited  scale  after Julian's  death.  It  is  recognized  by  a  law  of Justinian  (Cod  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  2,  leg.  12). Titlies  are  not  to  be  added  to  this  list,  as  they did  not  origmate  in  a  state  grant,  but  in  the voluntary  liberality  of  individuals,  grounded partly  on  a  belief  that  tithes  were  due  by  divine right  (see  St.  Hieron.  Com.  m  Mat.  iii.  Op.  tom. iii.  p.  1829,  ed.  Ben.  Paris,  1704 ;  St.  Aug.  Enarr. in  Psal.  cxlvi.  8;  Op.  tom.  iv.  p.  1911,  ed. Migne),  partly  on  the  evident  need  of  some  such provision  for  the  maintenance  of  the  ministers of  religion  in  modest  independence.  They  became general  in  the  4th  century,  not  as  a  legal  impost but  as  a  voluntary  gift  (see  St.  Chrysos.  Hoin.  iv. in    Ephes.    s.    f. ;    Op.   tom.  iii.   p.  784).     They IMMUNITIES  AND  PRIVILEGES  OF  THE  CLERGY 82; were  made  compulsory  by  Charles  the  Great, A.D.  778  (see  Selden,  History  of  Tithes.  Works, vol.  iii.  pt.  2,  p.  1146). III.  Official  and  Social.  1.  Immunities. — Public  offices  not  bringing  with  them  their  own salary  and  emoluments  were  looked  upon,  though honourable  in  themselves,  as  burdens,  like  the office  of  high-sherift"  of  a  county  among  our- selves. Constantine,  on  embracing  Christianity, exempted  the  clergy  from  the  burden  of  bearing any  offices  whatsoever  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  x.  7, vol.  ii.  p.  724 ;  Cod.  Tlieod.  lib.  xvi.  tit.  2,  legg. 1,  2,  7).  This  concession  applied  to  all  offices, whether  personal  (^fersonalia  luunera)  or  praedial, i.e.  attached  to  property,  whether  honourable (honorcs  or  curialia  munerd)  or  mean  (sordida ■inunera).  No  change  was  made  by  subsequent laws  in  respect  to  personal  burdens  or  mean offices,  but  the  experience  of  Constantine  taught him  to  restrain  his  first  liberality  as  to  the burdens  belonging  to  property.  For  it  was  found that  immunity  from  bearing  office  was  counted so  great  a  boon  that  men  of  wealth,  who  had no  purpose  of  undertaking  the  ministry  of  the Church,  solicited  and  obtained  minor  ecclesias- tical posts  solely  with  the  fraudulent  purpose of  exempting  their  estates  from  the  services  to which  they  were  liable.  Constantine  therefore enacted  that  no  one  qualified  by  his  estate  to bear  public  offices  should  be  allowed  "  to  fly to  the  clerical  name  and  miui.stry,  and  that  any who  had  done  so  with  a  view  to  declining  the public  burdens  should  nevertheless  be  compelled to  bear  them  "  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  xvi.  tit.  2,  leg.  3). Succeeding  emperors  modified  these  laws  of  Con- stantine in  a  manner  sometimes  more  sometimes less  favourable  to  the  clergy,  the  general  tend- ency of  the  legislation  being  to  exempt  the estates  of  the  church  from  civil  burdens,  but  to preserve  the  liability  of  the  private  property  of the  clergy — a  liability  which  they  had  to  fulfil either  by  finding  substitutes  to  perform  the  neces- sary duties,  or  by  parting  with  a  portion  at  least of  their  lands  {God.  Theod.  lib.  xii.  tit.  1,  legg. 49,  59,  99,  121,  123,  163 ;  lib.  xvi,  tit.  2,  legg. 19,  21). Official  and  Social  Privileges.  (1)  Free  election. — In  the  midst  of  the  despotism  of  the  empire  the clergy  and  laity  maintained  their  old  right  of electing,  and  the  clergy  their  right  of  being elected,  to  the  office  and  dignity  of  bishop.  "Jhose absolute  monarchs  respected  the  freedom  of  eccle- siastical elections  ;  and  while  they  distributed  and resumed  the  honours  of  the  state  and  army  they allowed  eighteen  hundred  perpetual  magistrates to  receive  their  important  offices  from  the  free suffrages  of  the  people "  (Gibbon,  Decline  and Fall,  c.  XX.).  By  degrees  this  right  has  been taken  away  in  almost  all  parts  of  the  church, partly  on  the  plea  that  the  civil  magistrate  repre- sents the  laity,  partly  on  the  allegation  that endowments  and  civil  urivileges  had  been  granted by  the  state,  sometimes  because  it  was  consi- dered that  the  security  of  the  state  required such  a  precaution,  sometimes  from  apprehension of  the  evil  consequences  expected  to  arise  out  of the  excitement  of  free  elections,  sometimes  owing to  corrupt  agreements,  termed  concordats,  made between  the  bishop  of  Rome  assuming  to  represent ecclesiastical  interests  and  the  king  or  emperor of  a  particular  country,  representing  the  civil pow.-r. (2)  Authority  of  the  Uglier  over  the  lower clergy. — The  position  of  the  bishops  of  the  larger sees  was  made  one  of  great  dignity  and  im- portance by  the  subjection  of  the  clergy  and ecclesiastics  of  all  classes  tp  their  uncontrolled authority  ;  and  this  was  not  restrained  by  any interference  on  the  part  of  the  state.  The  bishop of  Constantinople  presided  as  lord  over  60  pres- byters, 100  deacons,  40  deaconesses,  90  sub-dea- cons, 110  readers,  25  chanters,  100  doorkeepers {Justin.  Novell,  ciii.),  and  a  guild  of  1100  copiatue or  gravediggers.  The  clergy,  under  the  imme- diate control  of  the  bishop  of  Carthage,  were upwards  of  500.  The  paHiholani  alone,  at  Ale.x- andria,  amounted  to  600.  All  these  were  allowed by  the  law  as  well  as  by  custom  to  form  in each  central  city  a  society  which  recognized  the bishop  as  its  head  with  a  devotion  which  was not  equalled  by  the  retainers  of  any  civil  officer. Beyond  this  immediate  circle  of  adherents  a  less defined  authority  was  vested  in  the  metropolitan, extending  over  all  his  suffragan  bishops. (3)  liights  of  rneetini  and  speech. — Twice  every year  each  metropolitan  was  commanded  by  the canons,  and  permitted  by  the  laws,  to  call  to- gether the  synod  of  his  province :  occasionally the  emperor  assembled  the  synod  of  the  empire. At  these  meetings,  as  well  as  in  the  pulpit,  free speech  was  allowed  by  the  laws,  the  doctrine and  discipline  of  the  church  were  regulated, ecclesiastical  sympathies  were  strengthened,  and the  power  of  the  clergy,  by  being  concentrated, was  increased. (4)  Tokens  of  respect. — It  was  the  custom  for the  laity,  not  excluding  the  emperor,  to  bow  the head  to  the  bishop  and  to  kiss  his  hand  (see  in- stances given  in  Valesius'  note  on  Theodoret, Hist.  Feci.  iv.  6,  p.  153,  Cantab.  1720;  and  Sa- varo's  note  on  Sidonius  Apollinaris,  viii.  11,  p. 532,  Paris,  1609).  It  was  usual  to  address  the bishop  by  the  title  of  God-beloved  or  Most-holy {deo(pi\4(rTaTos,  ayicvraTos),  and  by  still  stronger terms  of  honour,  as  "  Holy  Lord  and  Most  Blessed Pope " — words  commonly  used  by  St.  Jerome in  writing  to  St.  Augustine.  "  Fer  coronam " was  a  common  form  of  beseeching  a  bishop (see  St.  Aug.  Ep.  xxxiii.  al.  157,  tom.  ii.  p. 131,  ed.  Migne;  Sidon.  Apollinar.  cum  comment. Savan.  vii.  8,  p.  440).  Its  meaning  is  doubtful, but  it  is  probably  equivalent  to  the  phrase "  your  honour "  (see  Bingham,  Antiquities,  ii. 9,4).  Occasionally  Hosannahs  were  sung  before bishops  and  others  eminent  for  sanctity,  but  this practice  is  condemned  by  St.  Jerome  as  savouring of  profanity  and  presumption  (St.  Hieron.  in Matt.  xxi.  15 ;  Op.  tom.  iv.  p.  98).  The  bishop's seat  in  his  cathedral  was  called  his  throne. There  is  no  doubt  that  the  position  of  the chief  bishops  was  one  of  great  dignity,  authority, wealth,  and  power.  Gibbon  calculates  that  the average  income  of  a  bishop  amounted  to  600/. a-year  (chap.  xx.).  This  does  not  give  an  accurate idea  of  the  status  held  by  them,  as  the  value  of money  is  constantly  changing,  and  averages  are always  deceptive.  We  may  regard  the  bishops of  the  chief  cities  of  the  empire  as  maintaining a  state  superior  to  that  of  the  imperial  officers and  lay  nobles,  while  the  bishops  of  lesser  sees were  comparatively  poor  and  obscure  men, though  enjoying  a  spiritual  equality  with  their more  prominent  brethren.  The  simple  presby- ter's position  was  a  humble  one,  at   a   time  when 828 IMPLUVIUM bishops  were  comparatively  more  numerous  than now  and  parochial  endowments  did  not  exist : the  deacon  was  regarded  as  little  else  than  one of  the  bishop's  attendants. We  may  note  in  conclusion  how  little  remains of  all  the  privileges  and  the  immunities  granted to  the  clergy  by  the  fervour  of  the  first  faith  of a  converted  world.  Their  judicial  privileges  and immunities  exist  no  longer,  except  so  far  as  the coercive  power  of  the  bishop's  court  be  regarded as  a  shadow  of  them,  though  once  they  were  con- sidered important  enough  to  lead  an  archbishop Becket  to  enter  upon  a  life-and-death  struggle with  a  Henry  II.  for  their  maintenance.  Their pecuniary  privileges  and  immunities  exist  no longer,  for  the  grant  made  in  some  countries  to the  clergy  from  the  national  exchequer  is  rather a  substitute  for  estates  confiscated  than  a  free gift  of  love.  Their  official  privileges  and  immu- nities exist  no  longer,  unless  the  permission  con- ceded to  bishops  to  take  part  in  national  legis- lation, and  the  exemjition  of  the  clergy  from having  to  serve  in  the  army  or  on  juries,  be  re- garded as  the  equivalents  of  the  honours  and immunities  bestowed  by  the  Caesars  with  so  un- grudging a  hand.  The  apparent  tendency  of modern  legislation,  still  affected  by  a  reaction from  mediaeval  assumptions,  is  to  approve  not only  of  the  civil  power  resuming  the  privileges that  it  had  bestowed,  but  of  its  transferring  to itself  those  powers  of  self-government  in  respect to  doctrine  and  discipline,  which  were  not  granted to  the  church  as  a  favour,  but  were  confirmed to  her  by  Constantine  and  his  successors  as  hers by  prescription  and  inherent  right. Codex  Theodosianus,  cum  comment.  Gothofredi, Lugd.  1665.  Codex  Justinianiis,  apud  Corpus  Juris Civilis  ;  ed.  Beck.  Lipsiae,  1829.  Thomassinas, Vdus  et  Nova  Ecclesiae  Disciplina;  Lugd.  1706. Bingham,  Antiquities  of  the  Christian  Church, books  ii.  V.  viii. ;  Lond.  1726.  Gibbon,  Decline  and Fall  of  the  Eoman  Empire,  chap.  xx. ;  Neander,  His- tory of  the  Church,  Second  Period,  Second  Section ; Third  Period,  Second  Section.  Gieseler,  Text-Book of  Ecclesiastical  History,  Second  Period ;  First and  Second  Sections.  [F.  M.] IMPLUVIUM  seems  to  be  sometimes  used  to designate  the  atrium,  or  court  outside  the  door of  a  church,  in  which  there  was  generally  a basin  or  some  vessel  for  performing  ablutions [Fouxtain;  Holy  Water]  (Bingham's  Antiq. VIII.  iii.  5).  [C] IMPOSITION  OF  HANDS  {Manus  impo- sitio,  x^^P^"  eTriOfffis,  x^'Po^fC'cs,  X^^poTovia). [XfLporovia  originally  signified  election,  per  suf- fragia  manuum  extcnsione  data.  An  election  by the  people  always  in  the  early  church  preceded consecration,  so  that  it  is  not  surprising  that Xii-poTovia  soon  came  to  signify  the  whole process  of  making  a  bishop,  of  which  it  pro- perly denoted  only  the  first  stage  (Suicer, Thesaurus,  s.  v.)]. The  origin  of  this  rite  is  to  be  looked  for  in  pa- triarchal times,  when  it  seems  to  have  been  a form  simply  of  solemn  benediction.  Thus  Jacob, when  blessing  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  on  his  death- bed, laid  his  hands  upon  them  (Gen.  xlviii.  14). The  high  priest  employed  practically  the  same gesture  as  a  part  of  the  public  ritual  (Lev.  ix. 22,  23).  So  the  Lord  Himself  blessed  children (Mark  x.  16). IMPOSITION  OF  HANDS It  became  also  a  form  of  setting  apart  or designation  to  important  offices,  as  well  secular as  religious,  e.  g.,  in  the  case  of  Joshua  (Num. xxvii.  18-23;  Deut.  xxxiv.  9).  And  in  con- nection with  the  consecration  of  priests  (Le.v. viii.  22).  Jewish  Rabbin  were  set  apart  by imposition  of  hands  until  comparatively  modern times.  We  pass  over  the  use  of  this  ceremony in  the  Levitical  sacrifices,  and  also  in  oaths,  as having  no  Christian  equivalent.  Though  this latter  somewhat  resembles  the  custom  of  swear- ing with  the  hand  laid  upon  relics,  and  upon the  volume  of  the  gospels  even  to  modern  times. In  the  New  Testament,  we  find  the  laying  on of  hands  used  by  our  Lord  both  in  blessing  and in  healing  ;  and  again  He  promises  to  His  disci- ples that  they  too  should  lay  hands  on  the  sick and  they  should  recover.  The  apostles  laid  their hands  as  the  outward  sign  of  the  bestowal  of the  Holy  Spirit,  both  on  ordinary  Christians after  baptism  (Acts  viii.  17  ;  xix.  6),  and  on those  set  apart  for  a  special  office  (Acts  xiii.  3 ; and  probably  1  Tim.  iv.  14 ;  and  2  Tim.  i.  6) ; at  the  time  when  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews was  written,  the  doctrine  of  the  "  laying  on  of hands "  was  one  of  the  elements  of  Christian teaching  (Heb.  vi.  1).  [Dictionary  of  the Bible,  vol.  iii.  p.  xcv.] The  imposition  of  hands  is  used  in  the  fol- lowing ceremonies:  — 1.  In  Ordinations  to  the  higher  Orders.  The 4th  council  of  Carthage  hitd  canons  directing imposition  of  hands  in  the  ordination  of  a  bishop, priest,  or  deacon  (cann.  2,  3,  4).  But  another  . form  was  provided  for  the  subdeacon,  "  quia manlis  impositionem  non  accipit."  Similarly for  the  other  minor  orders  (cc.  5-10).  See also  Constit.  Apost.  lib.  viii.  c.  16.  These  were ax^i.poT6vr]ros  vTr^peaia,  an  inferior  ministry, and  the  holders  insacrati  ministri.  They  were not  allowed  to  enter  the  diaconicon,  nor  handle the  vasa  Dominica  or  sacred  vessels  (Cone.  Aga- then.  c.  66  ;  Basil.  Ep.  Canon,  c.  51  ;  Bingham, iii.  1).  "Manus  impositio  docet,  eos  qui  sacris ordinibus  mancipantur,  sacras  omnes  actiones, quasi  sub  Deo  efficere,  utpote  quem  habeant operationum  suarum  in  omnibus  ducem  ac  rec- toreffi  "  (Pseudo-Dionysius,  De  Eccles.  Hierarch. c.  5,  par.  3).^  "Hac  manuum  impositione  signi- ficatur  illapsus  Spiritus  Sancti,  quem  ordinans precatur  dari  ordinando  :  ejusque  regimen,  di- rectio  et  protectio,  ut  scilicet  Spiritus  Sanctus ordinandum  quasi  raanu  sua  regat  et  dirigat  " (Amalarius  de  Eccles.  Offic.  lib.  i.  c.  12). Deaconesses  also  received  the  impositio  ma- nuum;  and  their  ordination  is  expressly  called both  x^^poTOvia  and  ^eipoSecria  in  the  15th canon  of  Chalcedon.  [Ordination.]     [S.  J.  E.] 2.  In  the  restitution  of  holy  ordei's,  as  in  the original  conferring,  the  imposition  of  the  hands of  the  archbishop  formed  an  essential  portion  of the  rite  (Martene,  Hit.  Ant.  111.  ii.). 3.  In  baptism  the  laying-on  of  hands,  with  unc- tion, followed  in  the  most  ancient  times  immedi- ately upon  the  washing  of  water  [Baptism,  §  13, p.  157]  ;  nor  was  the  custom  obsolete  in  the  West in  the  13th  century  (Martene,  B.  A.  I.  ii.  1  §  3), while  in  the  East  it  is  practised  still.  This  is  how- ever to  be  understood,  in  the  West  at  least,  to refer  to  baptisms  at  which  the  bishop  himself  was present,  as  was  generally  the  case  when  baptism took  place^-except  in  cases  of  extremity — only  at IMPOTENT  MAN,  CURE  OF certain  solemn  seasons.  When  oaptism  was  fre- quently celebrated  in  the  absence  of  a  bishop, while  the  laying-on  of  hands  and  chrismation on  the  forehead  was  a  privilege  of  the  epis- copal order  (/?.  A.  I.  ii.  3,  §  2),  the  custom arose  of  the  baptized  being  presented  to  the bishop  at  some  convenient  season  separate  from that  of  baptism.  [Confirmation.]  The  Ara- bic canons,  called  Nicene  (c  55),  desire  the choi-episcopus  in  his  circuits  to  cause  the  boys and  girls  to  be  ba'ought  to  him,  that  he  may  sign them  with  the  cross,  pray  over  them,  lay  his liands  upon  them,  and  bless  them.  Bede  tells us  that  Cuthbert  used  to  journey  through  his diocese,  laying  his  hands  upon  those  who  had been  baptized,  that  they  might  receive  the  Holy Ghost  (  Vita  Cuthherti,  c.  29,  in  Migne's  Patrol. -vciv.  769  d)  Ancient  authorities,  however,  give at  least  as  great  prominence  to  the  chrismation on  the  forehead  which  was  I'eserved  for  the bishop,  as  to  the  laying-on  of  hands.  See  on the  whole  subject  Martene,  De  Hit.  Ant.  lib.  i. c.  ii. ;  Binterim,  Denkwiirdigkeiten,  vol.  1,  pt.  1, p.  206  ff. 4.  In  the  reception  of  a  heretic  into  the  church, whose  baptism  was  recognised  as  valid,  imposition of  hands  -was  the  form  of  conferring  those  gifts of  the  Holy  Spirit  which  he  could  not  have  re- ceived in  a  heretical  community  [Confirmation, p.  425  ;  Heresy,  p.  768]. 5.  In  benedictions  the  laying-on  of  hands  is constantly  used ;  as,  in  the  benediction  of  an al)bat  {H.  A.  II.  i.  3);  of  a  virgin  dedicated  to  a religious  life  {ih.  II.  iv.  16)  ;  of  a  king  (i6.  II.  x.), as  when  St.  Columba,  who  was  an  abbat  and  not a  bishop,  laid  his  hands  on  the  head  of  Aidan and  consecrated    him  as  king  (Cumineus  Albus, Vita  S.  Colu7nbae  c.  5,  in  Acta  SS.  Bcned. saec.  1). '  6.  In  the  visitation  of  the  sick  the  priest  and the  faithful  who  are  with  him  are  directed  to  lay hands  on  the  sick  (Martene,  B.  A.  I.  vii.  4,  Ordd. 4,  5,  14,  etc.),  with  the  prayer  that  the  Lord would  vouchsafe  to  visit  and  relieve  His  servant. 7.  In  absolution  the  laying-on  of  hands  accom- panied the  prayer  for  the  remission  of  the  sins of  the  penitent  (Martene,  E.  A.  I.  vi.  3,  Ordd. 3,  9,  etc.).  [C] IMPOTENT  MAN,  CURE  OF.  Guene- bault  mentions  (s.  v.  "  Boiteux,"  p.  164)  a  fine bas-relief  of  the  cure  of  the  lame  man  at  the gate  of  the  Temple,  with  apparent  reference  to Acts  iii.  2,  as  published  in  Monumcnta  crypta- ruin  Vaticani,  Angelas  de  Gabrielis,  fol.  pi.  Ix.f  ix. no.  3.  Notice  of  the  universally-treated  subject of  the  healing  of  the  paralytic  man  will  be  found under  the  heading  Paralytic.       [R.  St.  J.  T.] IMPRISONMENT   OF  THE   CLERGY. Seclusion  of  criminous  clerks,  generally  in  a monastery,  appears  to  have  been  resorted  to  as a  disciplinary  measure  as  early  as  the  6th century.  Justinian  (Novellae,  cxxiii.  c.  20) orders  "  that  if  any  presbyter  or  deacon  were convicted  of  giving  false  evidence  in  a  civil cause,'  he  should  be  suspended  from  his  function and  confined  to  a  monastery  for  three  years." Laymen  wei-e  scourged  for  this  crime.  So  the 2nd  council  at  Seville  (can.  3),  in  the  case  of vagrant  clergy:  "  Desertorem  tamen  clericum, cingulo  honoris  atquo  ordinationis  suae  exutum, aliquo    tempore    mouasterio    relegari    convenit : IMPROPRIATION 829 sicque  postea  in  ministerio  ecclesiastici  ordinis revocari."  A  similar  canon  directing  deposition and  relegation  to  a  monastery  to  be  inflicted upon  clerks  guilty  of  certain  crimes,  passed  at  the council  of  Agde  (c.  1).  A  distinction  was  drawn by  the  first  council  of  Macon  between  the inferior  clergy  (junior)  and  the  higher  orders (honoratior).  The  former  were  to  receive  forty stripes,  save  one,  whilst  the  latter  were  im- prisoned thirty  days  for  the  same  otfence  {Cone. Matiscon.  I.  can.  8).  Pope  Gregory  the  Great seems  to  have  laid  down  {Epp.  vii.  50)  an  intel- ligible principle  :  that  such  crimes  as  were  by the  Mosaic  law  punished  with  death,  when  com- mitted by  clerics,  incurred  the  penalty  of  deposi- tion without  hope  of  restoration  (desperationem sacrarum  dignitatum).  To  these  he  added  some others,  fornication,  adultery,  perjury,  and  such like :  all  these  incurred  irregularity.  Other offences  were  expiated  by  poenitentia  in  a  mo- nastery for  a  longer  or  shorter  time  (Thomassin, Vet.  et  Nova  Eccl.  Disc.  tom.  ii.  lib.  i.  c.  59). Individuals  would  sometimes  segregate  them- selves of  their  own  accord  to  expiate  some  fault. The  same  Gregory  praises  {Epp.  vii.  12)  Satur- ninus,  bishop  of  Jadera(=  Zara),  in  Dalmatia,  for so  doing  in  order  to  atone  for  communicating  with the  excommunicated  archbishop  of  Salona  {lb. c.  59).  Joannes  Defensor,  whom  Gregory  had sent  into  Spain  to  execute  a  sentence  of  six months'  relegation  to  a  monastery  upon  a  certain bishop  who  had  driven  an  unoffending  neighbour from  his  see,  pronounced  the  sentence  far  too lenient.  The  same  punishment  was  inflicted upon  certain  bishops  who  had  condemned  an  inno- cent person.  When  Gregory  imprisoned  clerics  he was  in  the  habit  of  making  an  annual  payment for  their  maintenance  to  the  monastery  that received  them  (Thomassin,  u.  s.  III.  lib.  ii.  c.  29), but  whether  derived  from  the  off"ender's  bene- fice, or  the  property  of  the  pope  himself,  does not  appear.  The  tendency  was  perhaps  to  bear more  lightly  on  crimes  of  the  kind  mentioned above;  but  incontinence  was  always  heavily punished.  Hincmar,  and  after  him  Flodoard, tell  the  story  of  Genebald,  bishop  of  Laudunum (Laon),  who  for  a  crime  of  this  kind  was  con- demned to  seven  years'  penitence,  and  even  put into  fetters  by  his  metropolitan,  Remigius, bishop  of  Rheims  (Hincmar,  Vita  S.  lleinii).). And  for  capital  crimes  the  incarceration  was  for life,  and  included  a  sentence  of  perpetual  lay- communion  {Cone.  Epaun.  can.  22). But  during  the  reign  of  Charlemagne  a  some- what milder  rule  prevailed.  Hincmar,  and  also Rabanus,  archbishop  of  Mentz,  were  inclined  to distinguish  between  secret  crimes,  and  those  which caused  open  scandal,  and  to  treat  the  former more  leniently  upon  confession  and  rejientance. Probably  the  general  declension  of  morals  at  that period  forced  them  to  make  some  abatement  from the  rigid  rules  of  a  purer  age.  Accordingly, canonical  punishments  were  generally  lightened from  this  time  (Thomassin,  M.S.  tom.  ii.  lib.  i. c.  60  ;  Bingham,  bk.  xvii.  c.  4). The  larger  churches  had  sometimes  prisons  in their  precincts  as  well  as  monasteries  [Decania]. [S.  J.  E.] IMPROPRIATION  is  the  assignment  of ecclesiastical  tithes  to  a  layman,  and  is  to  be distinguished  from  appropriation,   which  is  the 830 IN  PACE assignment  of  them  to  a  college  or  other  cor- poration, some  of  whose  members  are  in  orders. The  practice  seems  to  have  sprung  up  only  about the  beginning  of  the  9th  century. Very  soon  after  the  payment  of  Tithes  (see the  article)  became  general,  the  alienation  of them  by  the  laity  began.  Thus  a  council  at Ingelheim  (a.d.  948)  in  its  8th  canon  protests against  this  new  form  of  robbery:  "  Ut  obla- tioues  fidelium,  quatenus  altari  deferantur,  nihil omnino  ad  laicalem  potestatem,  diceute  Scripturd, 'Qui  altari  serviunt,  de  altario  participentur.'" (So  Thomassin,  ]'et.  et  KovaEccl.  Discip.  III. lib.  i.  c.  7,  n.  8),  who  interpi'ets  this  canon  as referring  to  tithes.  Louis  IV.  of  France,  and the  emperor  Otho,  were  present  at  this  council. To  the  same  effect  a  council  of  Metz  in  its  2nd canon,  quoting  Mai.  iii.  8-10.  It  was  not  un- common for  the  lay  lords  to  seize  the  oppor- tunity of  the  vacancy  of  a  bishopric  or  a  parish, to  make  these  depredations  (^Vid.  Thomassin, tom.  iii.  lib.  ii.  c.  53,  for  instances  of  this). And  we  find  even  that  the  monks  of  St.  D^nis had  got  possession  of  some  tithes  (it  does  not appear  how)  and  wanted  to  sell  them.  This seems  to  be  a  distinct  case  of  appropriation, and  we  learn  the  facts  from  a  letter  to  them of  Hincmar  of  Rheims,  who  protests  against their  selling  what  they  ought  to  restore  to  the parish  priest. But  any  instances  we  find  in  these  times  are exceptional,  and  apparently  the  result  of  violent and  illegal  seizure  by  laymen  of  ecclesiastical dues.  As  Thomassin  observes:  "Necdumtunc in  mentem  quidquam  venisse  de  decimis  infeo- datis.  Involaverant  decimas  Laici,  necdum pacifice  possidebant,  necdum  obducere  potuerant huic  rapiuae  vel  colorem  legitimae  possessionis. Quin  identidem  commonebantur  profani  deprae- datores,  ut  ecclesiae  restituerent,  quae  jure retinere  non  possent  "  (tom.  iii.  lib.  i.  c.  7). It  is  in  the  next  and  succeeding  ages  that  we must  look  for  impropriation  as  a  legally  recog- nised condition  of  ecclesiastical  property. [S.  J.  E.J IN  PACE.     [Inscriptions,  p.  854  ff.] INCENSE.  There  is  no  trace  of  the  use  of incense  in  Christian  worship  during  the  first  four centuries.  On  the  contrary,  we  meet  with  many statements  in  the  writings  of  the  early  fiithers which  cannot  be  reconciled  with  the  existence  of such  a  custom.  Thus  Athenagoras,  A.D.  177  :' — "  The  Creator  and  Father  of  the  universe  does not  require  blood  nor  smoke,  nor  the  sweet  smell of  flowers  and  incense "  (Legatio,  %  13).  Ter- tullian,  A.D.  198,  comparing  certain  Christian customs  with  heathen,  says,  "  It  is  true,  we  buy no  frankincense ;  if  the  Arabians  complain  of this,  the  Sabeans  will  testify  that  more  of  their merchandise,  and  that  more  costly,  is  lavished on  the  burials  of  Christians,  than  in  burning  in- cense to  the  gods  "  (Apol.  c.  xlii.).  "  I  offer  Him a  rich  sacrifice  .  .  .  not  one  pennyworth  of  the grains  of  frankincense,"  &c.  {ib.  c.  xxx.).  Cle- mens of  Alexandria,  A.D.  192,  contrasting  the reasonable  service  of  Christians  with  that  of  the heathen  says,  that  '•  the  truly  holy  altar  is  the just  soul,  and  the  perfume  from  it  holy  prayer  " (Strom,  lib.  vii.  c.  vi.  §  32).  "If  then  they should  say  that  the  great  High  Priest,  the  Lord, ofi'ers    to    God    the    incense    (6v/xia/ja)  of  sweet INCENSE smell,  let  them  not  suppose  that  the  Lord  offers this  sacrifice  and  sweet  smell  of  incense,  but  let them  understand  that  He  offers  on  the  altar  the acceptable  gift  of  charity  and  spiritual  perfume" {Paedag.  lib.  ii.  c.  8,  §  67).  Arnobius,  a.d.  298, says  of  the  use  of  frankincense  among  the  hea- then, "  It  is  almost  a  new  thing,  nor  is  the  term of  years  impossible  to  be  traced  since  the  know- ledge of  it  flowed  into  these  parts  .  .  .  But  if in  the  olden  times  neither  men  nor  gods  sought after  the  matter  of  this  frankincense,  it  is  proved that  it  is  vainly  and  to  no  purpose  offered  now  " (Ado,  Gentes,  lib.  vii.).  Lactantius,  A.D.  303  : — "It  follows  that  I  show  what  is  the  true  sacri- fice of  God  .  .  .  lest  any  one  should  think  that either  victims,  or  odours,  or  precious  gifts  are desired  by  God.  .  .  .  This  is  the  true  sacrifice, not  that  which  is  bi'ought  out  of  a  chest,  but that  which  is  brought  out  of  the  heart  "  (Divhi. Instit.  Epit.  c.  2).  He  also  quotes  with  appro- bation a  saying  of  the  Neo-Platonists,  that "  frankincense  and  other  perfumes  ought  not  to be  offered  at  the  sacrifice  of  God  "  (Eivin.  Instit. lib.  vi.  §  25).  St.  Augustine,  396  :— "  We  go not  into  Arabia  to  seek  for  frankincense,  nor  do we  ransack  the  packs  of  the  greed)'  trader.  God requires  of  us  the  sacrifice  of  praise  "  (Enarr.  in Fs.  xlix.  §  21).  The  above  are  brief  extracts from  passages,  often  of  considerable  length,  all bearing  on  the  subject ;  and  not  a  single  author makes  the  least  allusion  to  any  Christian  rite  of incense,  or  any  reservation  from  which  we  could infer  that  such  a  rite  existed.  Their  language precludes  the  supposition. It  is  probable,  however,  that  incense  was  very early  employed  in  Christian  places  of  worship  as a  supposed  disinfectant,  and  to  counteract  unplea- sant smells  ;  and  that  this  was  the  origin  of  that ritual  use  of  it,  which  began  in  the  6th  or  possi- bly the  5th  century.  Tertullian,  who,  as  we  have seen,  denies  by  implication  the  ritual  use,  yet  says, "  If  the  smell  of  any  place  offend  me,  I  burn something  of  Arabia ;  but  not,"  he  adds,  "  with the  same  rite,  nor  the  same  dress,  nor  the  same appliance,  with  which  it  is  done  before  idols  " (Be  Cor.  Mil.  c.  10).  The  following  is  a  bene- diction of  incense,  used  in  the  days  of  Charle- magite  and  later,  in  which  no  other  object  than that  which  Tertullian  had  in  burning  it  is  re- cognized : — "  May  the  Lord  bless  this  incense  to the  extinction  of  every  noxious  stench,  and  kindle it  to  the  odour  of  its  sweetness  "  (Martene,  Be Eccl.  Ant.  Hit.  lib.  i.  c.  4,  Art.  12,  ordd.  5,  6). There  is  no  mention  of  incense  in  the  so-called liturgy  of  St.  Clement,  which  is  supposed  to  re- present the  offices  of  the  4th  century  ;  nor  in- deed in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  with  which it  is  incorporated.  Pseudo-Dionysius  (probably about  520,  but  possibly  somewhat  earlier)  is  the first  who  testifies  to  its  use  in  religious  cere- monial : — "  The  chief  priest  (bishop)  having made  an  end  of  sacred  prayer  at  the  divine  altar, begins  the  censing  with  it,  and  goes  over  the  whole circuit  of  the  sacred  place"  (Hierarch.  Eccles.  c. iii.  sect.  2  ;  comp.  sect.  3,  §  3).  A  thurible  of  gold is  said  by  Evagrius  to  have  been  sent  by  a  king of  Persia  to  a  church  in  Antioch  about  594 (Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  vi.  c.  21).  The  most  ancient Ordo  Eomanus,  which  Cave  supposes  to  have been  compiled  about  730,  and  which  may  belong to  the  7th  centu]-y,  orders  that  in  pontifical masses  a    subdeacon,    bearing    a  golden   censer, INCENSE shall  go  before  the  bishop  (of  Rome)  as  he  leaves the  secretarium  for  the  choir,  and  two  with censers  before  the  deacon  gospeller  as  he  pi-oceeds with  the  gospel  to  the  ambo  (§§  7,  11,  in  Musae. Ital.  torn.  ii.).  These  rules  are  also  given  in  the next  revision  of  the  Ordo,  which  may  be  a  cen- tury later  («6.  §§  4,  8).  This  latter  document says  also,  "  After  the  gospel  has  been  read  .  .  . the  thui-ibles  are  cf'.rried  about  the  altar,  and afterwards  taken  to  the  nostrils  of  persons  (hom- inum),  and  the  smoke  is  drawn  up  towards  the face  by  the  hand  "  (§  9).  This  probably  origi- nated in  its  earlier  natural  use  as  a  means  of sweetening  and  (as  they  thought)  purifying  the air;  but  we  see  in  it  the  probable  origin  of  the strictly  ritual  censing  of  persons  in  the  West. In  the  same  Ordo,  which"  was  certainly  in  use before  Amalarius  wrote  (about  827),  is  a  direc- tion that  after  the  oblates  and  the  chalice  have been  set  on  the  altar,  with  a  view  to  their  con- secration, "  the  incense  be  put  on  the  altar " (§  9).  Here  we  have  the  probable  germ  of  the later  "  censing  of  the  gifts."  It  is  probable, however,  that  such  ritual  practices  were  for some  lime  confined  to  Rome.  We  do  not  observe any  refei'ence  to  the  use  of  incense  in  the  Galil- ean Liturgies  which  were  in  use  down  to  the time  of  Charlemagne,  nor  is  it  mentioned  by Germanus  of  Paris,  A.D.  555,  in  his  explanation of  liturgical  rites  (Martene,  u.  s.  ord.  1),  nor  by Isidore  of  Seville,  A.D.  610,  in  his  book  on  the offices  of  the  church.  We  may  also  infer  its rarity  within  our  period,  and  the  little  import- ance attached  to  it  throughout  the  9th  century, from  the  fact  that  it  is  not  mentioned  by  Florus of  Lyons,  Rabanus  of  Mentz,  or  Walafrid  of  Rei- chenau,  in  works  largely  devoted  to  questions  of ritual. The  so-called  Missa  Ulyrki  (Martene,  u.  s. ord.  4)  preserves  the  Scriptural  symbolism  by directing  the  priest  to  say,  when  the  incense  is burnt,  "  Let  my  prayer  be  set  forth  in  Thy sight  as  the  incense  "  (Ps.  cxli.  2).  But  in  the same  and  later  ordines  [Ordo]  it  represents divine  influence  on  the  soul,  according  to  the following  explanation  of  Amalarius  : — "  The thurible  denotes  the  body  of  Christ  in  which  is fire,  to  wit,  the  Holy  Spirit,  from  whom  proceeds a  good  odour,  which  everyone  of  the  elect  wishes to  snatch  towards  himself.  The  same  odour  is a  token  that  virtue  (bonam  operationem)  goes forth  out  of  Christ,  which  he  who  wishes  to live  passes  into  his  own  heart "  (^De  Eccles. Offic.  lib.  iii.  c.  18).  The  reader  will  observe the  allusion  to  the  mode  of  inhaling  the  smoke above  described. This  notice  would  be  imperfect  without  a  re- ference to  certain  passages  from  early  writers, which  have  led  some  to  suppose  that  notwith- standing the  authorities  above  cited,  the  ritual use  of  incense  was  known  in  the  Christian  church from  the  beginning.  As  the  earliest  testimony we  often  see  alleged  the  third  apostolical  canon, which  forbids  that  "  beside  honey  and  milk,  and new  ears  of  corn  and  bunches  of  grapes  in  their season  [see  Fruits,  Offering  of],  anything  else shall  be  offered  on  the  altar,  at  the  time  of  the holy  oblation,  than  oil  for  the  lamp  and  incense" (Bever.  Pandect,  tom.  i.  p.  2).  The  Arabic  para- phrase has  more  generally,  "in  the  time  of  the sacraments  and  prayers "  (('').  tom.  ii. ;  Annnt. p.  16).      It  will  be  seen  that  this  canon  does  not INCENSE 831 mention  the  ritual  use  of  incense,  nor  can  it  be shown  that  the  incense  mentioned  was  designed for  such  use.  It  was  without  doubt  often  used as  a  perfume,  and  in  the  caves  and  catacombs in  which  the  first  Christians  often  worshipped, and  in  which  their  dead  were  frequently  buried, would  sometimes  be  thought  almost  as  necessary as  the  lamp-oil,  on  behalf  of  which  a  similar  e.\- ception  was  made.  We  must  add  too  that  the whole  of  the  clause  above  cited  looks  like  a  late addition  to  the  very  simple  code  which  is  as- signed, with  probability,  to  the  middle  of  the 3rd  century,  though  the  first  mention  of  it  occurs in  394  (Tillemont,  Mem.  Ecd.  tom.  ii.  p.  76). Pseudo-Hippolytus,  alleged  as  the  bishop  of Portus,  220,  but  in  reality  some  centuries  later : — "  The  churches  lament,  with  a  great  lamenta- tion, because  neither  the  oblation  nor  the  (rite of)  incense  is  celebrate  "  (De  Conswnm.  Mundi, c.  34).  Here  we  have  nothing  more  than  ima- gery borrowed  from  well  known  rites  of  the Mosaic  law.  The  language  was  probably  sug- gested by  that  of  the  following  passage  in  St.  Basil, 370,  which  has  been  brought  forward  with  the same  object : — "  The  houses  of  prayer  were  cast down  by  unholy  hands,  the  altars  were  over- thrown, and  there  was  no  oblation  nor  incense, no  place  of  sacrifice,  but  fearful  sorrow,  as  a cloud,  was  over  all"  (^Fn  Gordium  iLirt.  Horn, xix.).  St.  Basil  here  is  merely  in  part  citing and  partly  paraphrasing,  with  reference  to  the church  under  persecution,  what  Azarias  in  the Song  of  the  Three  Children  says  of  the  state of  Jerusalem  during  the  captivity  (Jiept.  Vers. V.  14),  St.  Ambrose  says,  with  reference  to  the appearance  of  the  angel  to  Zacharias  "  on  the right  side  of  the  altar  of  incense  "(St.  Luke  i.  11), "  Would  that  an  angel  might  stand  by  us  also  as we  burn  (or  rather  heap^  adolentibus)  the  altars  " {Expos.  Evang.  S.  Liic.  lib.  i.  §  28).  Incense  is not  mentioned  here,  and  "  adolere "  does  not necessarily  imply  the  use  of  fire,  so  that  no  al- lusion to  incense  may  have  been  intended.  It  is probable,  however,  that  the  thought  of  incense was  suggested  to  St.  Ambrose  by  the  mention  of "  the  altar  of  incense."  We  therefore  further point  out  that  if  he  was  thinking  of  material incense,  as  used  in  the  Christian  church,  it  must in  his  time  have  been  burnt  on  altars,  which  no one  asserts  ;  and,  moreover,  that  St.  Ambrose  ex- plains himself  by  a  paraphrase  of  his  own  words, "  as  we  heap  the  altars,  as  ice  bring  the  sacrifice." The  incense  in  his  mind  was  "the  sacrifice  of praise  and  thanksgiving."  The  testament  of St.  Ephrem  the  Syrian,  a  spurious  document  of uncertain  date,  is  also  quoted  with  the  same object : — "  I  exhort  you  not  to  bury  me  with sweet  spices  .  .  .  but  to  give  the  fumigation  of sweet-smelling  smoke  in  the  house  of  God  .  .  . Burn  your  incense  in  the  house  of  the  Lord  to His  praise  and  honour"  (Test.  S.  E/j/ir.  in  Surii Vitae  Sanetnrum,  Feb.  1).  The  actual  use  of incense  during  the  funeral  ceremony  appears  to be  intended  here;  but  the  evidence  of  a  late forgery  is  worth  nothing.  We  may  add  that there  was  an  obvious  natural  reason,  such  as the  first  Christians  would  have  recognized  with Tertullian,  for  burning  incense  at  a  funeral  ; and  it  is  probable  that  the  custom  of  using it  then  contributed  not  a  little  to  the  intro- duction of  the  j)ractice  as  a  purelv  religious rite.  [W.  E.  S.] 832 mCEST INCEST  {Incestus)  is  defined  by  the  Decree of  Gratian  (causa  S6,  qu.  1,  c.  2,  §  4)  thus  :  "  In- cestus  est  consanguineorum  vel  affinium  abusus," where  we  are  of  course  to  understand  affinity  or consanguinit)'  such  as  would  be  an  impediment to  matrimony  (Van  Espen,  Jus  Eccles.  P.  iii.  tit. iv.  cc.  48,  49). Christian  morality  extended  the  range  of  "  pro- hibited degrees  "  within  which  it  was  unlawful to  contract  matrimony,  and  consequently  the conception  of  incest,  much  beyond  that  of  the heathen  world.  The  apologists,  as  Minucius Felix  (Octav.  c.  31)  and  Origen  (c.  Celsum,  V. p.  248,  Spencer)  speak  with  horror  of  the  licence given  to  Persians  and  Egyptians  of  marrying persons  near  in  blood  ;  and  Augustine  (^De  Civi- tate,  XV.  16)  insists  upon  the  natural  loathing which  men  feel  at  connexions  of  this  kind. Gothofred  (on  the  Theodosian  Code,  lib.  iii.  tit. 12)  gives  many  instances  of  marriages  among the  Romans— as  of  uncle  with  niece — which  the feeling  of  Christendom  universally  condemns. [Affinity;  Prohibited  Degrees.] Basil  the  Great  {ad  Amphilochium,  c.  67)  holds incest  with  a  sister  to  be  a  crime  of  the  same degree  as  murder.  He  who  commits  incest  with a  half-sister,  whether  by  the  father's  or  the mother's  side,  during  the  time  that  he  continues in  his  sin,  is  to  be  absolutely  excluded  from  the church;  after  he  is  brought  to  a  sense  of  his sin,  he  is  for  three  years  to  stand  among  the "  Flentes  "  at  the  door  of  the  church,  begging those  who  enter  to  pray  for  him ;  then  he  is  to pass  another  seven  years  among  the  "  Audientes," as  still  unworthy  to  pray  with  the  rest ;  then, if  he  show  true  contrition,  and  on  his  earnest entreaty,  he  may  be  admitted  for  three  years among  the  "Substrati;"  then,  if  he  bring forth  fruits  meet  for  repentance,  in  the  tenth year  he  may  be  admitted  to  the  prayers  of  the faithful,  but  not  to  offer  with  thera  ;  then,  after continuing  two  years  in  this  state,  he  may  at last  be  admitted  to  holy  communion  (c.  75). The  same  punishment  is  prescribed  for  one  who commits  incest  with  a  daughter-in-law  (c.  76). He  who  marries  two  sisters,  though  not  at  the same  time,  is  subject  to  the  penalties  of  adultery, i.e.  two  years  among  the  Flentes,  two  among  the Audientes,  two  among  the  Substrati,  and  one among  the  Consistentes,  before  he  can  be  ad- mitted to  communion.  And  generallv,  he  who marries  within  the  prohibited  degrees  of  con- sanguinity (rrjs  aireiprnxivris  ffvyyeveias)  is  liable to  the  penalties  of  adultery  (c.  68).  The  council of  Elvira  (Cone.  Elib.  c.  61),  a.d.  305,  allotted to  a  marriage  with  a  deceased  wife's  sister  the penalty  of  fifteen  years'  excommunication ;  that of  Neo-Caesarea  (c.  2),  A.D.  S14,  decreed  the  ex- communication of  a  woman  who  married  two brothers  for  the  whole  of  her  life,  except  that in  peril  of  death  she  might  be  admitted  to  com- munion, on  promising  to  renounce  the  connexion if  she  recovered  (Bingham,  Antiq.  XVI.  xi.  3). The  Penitentials,  as  might  be  expected,  pro- vide penalties  for  incest ;  those,  for  instance,  of Theodore,  of  Bede,  and  of  Egbert  assign  to  dif- ferent forms  of  this  sin  periods  of  penance  vary- ing from  five  to  fifteen  years  (Haddan  and  Stubbs, Councils  and  Documents,  iii.  179,  328,  420).  [C] INCLINATION.     [Genuflexion,  p.  725.] INCLUSI.     Monks   living   in  detached   cells INDICTION within  the  pi-ecincts  of  the  monastery  ("  intra septa ")  were  termed  "  inclusi."  These  were monks  either  of  long  experience  or  of  delicate health  {Cone.  Agath.  A.D.  506,  c.  38).  They  were subject  to  the  control  of  the  abbot,  but  not  to the  ordinary  rules  of  the  monastery  (Martene, Req.  Comm.  c.  1  ;  Menard,  Concord.  Bogul.  c.  3, §  6).     See  Hermits  and  Hesychastae. [I.  G.  S.] INDALECIUS.    [Hesychius  (1).] INDICTION.  From  the  middle  of  the 4th  century  a  new  note  of  time  begins  to  appear in  dates ;  Tndiction,  followed  by  an  ordinal number,  from  I.  to  XV.,  as  a  character  of  the year,  is  appended  to  its  customary  designation ; e.g.,  Coss.  M.  et  N.  (or  Anno  ah  Incarnatione — ) Tndictione  —  .  In  respect  of  its  origin,  "In- dictio"  is  a  term  of  the  Roman  jiscus,  meaning "  quidquid  in  praestatiouem  indicitur,"  notice  of a  tax  (on  real  property,  Cod.  Justin,  x.  6,  3), "  assessment,"  eVive'/xTja-is  :  thence  it  came  to denote  the  year  on  which  the  tax  was  assessed, beginning  1st  September,  the  epoch  of  the  im- perial fiscal  year.  It  seems  that  in  the  pro- vinces, after  Constantine,  if  not  earlier,  the valuation  of  property  was  revised  vipon  a  census taken  at  the  end  of  every  fifteen  years,  or  three lustra  (Ideler,  Bdb.  2.  347  sqq.,  from  Savigny, iiber  die  Steuerverfassung  unter  den  Kaisern,  in the  Transactions  of  the  Berlin  Royal  Academy, 1822,  23).  From  the  strict  observance  of  this fiscal  regulation  there  resulted  a  marked  term of  fifteen  years,  constantly  recurrent,  the  Circle of  Indictions,  ri  e  koI  SeKafVrjpis  twv  'ivdiKTtcipwv (or  'IvS'tKTQiv),  which  became  available  for  chro- nological purposes  as  a  "period  of  revolution" of  fifteen  years,  each  beginning  1st  September  : which  (except  in  the  Spanish  peninsula)  con- tinued to  be  used  as  a  character  of  the  year irrespectively  of  all  reference  to  taxation.  The Indictions  (like  the  "  solar  cycle  "  of  Sunday letters,  twenty-eight  years,  and  the  lunar  cycle, nineteen  years,  of  "Golden  Numbers,"  beside which  this  circle  has  obtained  place  in  chi'ono- logy)  do  not  form  an  era  :  the  annexed  ordinal number  is  reckoned  from  the  epoch  of  the  circle then  current :  it  is  not  expressed  how  many circles  have  elapsed  since  any  given  point  of time.  It  is  certain  that  September  1st  is  the original  epoch  of  each  indiction  (St.  Ambros. Epist.  ad  Episc.  per  Aemil.  2,256,  Indictio  cum Septembri  mense  incipit ;  and  de  Noc  ct  Area,  c. 17.  A  Septembri  mense  annus  videtur  incipere, sicxit  Indictionum  praesentium  iistis  ostendit). From  any  given  date  of  a  known  year  to  which its  indiction  is  added,  as  e.g.,  "  3  id.  August. Symmacho  et  Boetio  Coss.  [=11  Aug.,  A.D.  522] in  fine  Indictionis  XV."  (Reines.  Inscript.  Vet. 978),  it  results  that  a  circle  of  indictions  began 210  (  =  14x15)  years  earlier,  i.e.,  A.D.  312.  Now as  it  is  only  since  Constantine  that  "  Indiction  " makes  its  appearance  as  a  note  of  time,  and  as with  the  defeat  and  death  of  Maxentius  in  the autumn  of  that  year  Constantine  attained  to undisputed  empire,  the  date,  A.D.  312,  1  Sept.,  is accepted  as  the  epoch  of  the  first  circle  of  in- dictions. Hence  the  technical  rule  for  finding  the indiction  of  each  year.  To  the  ordinal  number of  the  given  year  A.D.  (beginning  with  1  .January) add  3  :  divide  the  amount  by  15  :  the  remainder denotes  the  indiction  :  if  there  be  no  remainder. INDICTION the  year  is  Indict.  15.  Thus,  in  respect  of  the ubove-cited  date,  A.d.  5212  (August  11th),  the division  of  525  by  15  gives  no  remainder ;  there- fore Jan.  1st  to  Aug.  31st  of  that  year  lie  in  In- diction  15,  beginning  at  1  Sept.  of  a.d.  521.  The author  of  the  Paschal  Chronicle  (probably  a  man of  Antioch)  makes  the  circle  of  Indictions  begin much  earlier,  viz.  at  the  epoch  of  the  Antiochene era,  1  Gorpiaeus=l  Sept.  u.c.  705  =  B.C.  49;  at which  year  he  notes :  "  Here  begins  the  first year  of  the  15-year  circle  of  indictions,  with  the first  year  of  C.  Julius  Caesar  :  "  and  thencefor- ward he  adds  to  each  year  its  indiction.  Twenty- four  complete  circles  (24x15  =  360)  end  there- fore at  I  Sept.  A.D.  312  :  and  at  01.  273,  1,  Cnss. Constantino  III.,  Licinio  III.,  u.c.  1066,  beginning 1  January,  A.D.  313,  he  notes  :  'IvSiKTidivaiv KdiVffravTLViavoiv  ivTavQa  apX'f] — to  be  under- stood as  meaning  that  the  first  eight  months  of that  consulship  belonged  to  that  first  year. (So,  throughout,  the  Indiction  in  Chron.  Pasch. is  attached,  not  to  the  year  in  which  it  began, but  to  the  following  year,  beginning  1  January, which  contains  eight  months  of  it.  Comp. Clinton,  F.  R.  Append.  1  and  2.)  Although there  is  no  trace  elsewhere  of  this  eai'lier  system of  indictions,  it  does  not  follow,  in  Ideler's  judg- ment (2,  351),  that  the  statement  of  the  Paschal Chronicle  is  entirely  without  foundation.  A fiscal  regulation,  proceeding  by  periods  of  fifteen years  may,  he  thinks,  have  obtained  in  Syria and  other  Eastern  provinces  :  and  the  assumption would  serve  to  explain  the  circumstance,  else unaccounted  for,  that  in  the  reckoning  of  Antioch, the  year  (of  the  era  of  the  Seleucidae)  begins 1  September,  not  at  the  old  1  October.  Some later  writers,  misled  by  the  merely  technical rnle  above  given,  have  assumed  that  the  In- dictions actually  had  their  beginning  three  years before  the  Nativity,  i.e.  before  our  A.D.  1,  with the  "  decree  of  Caesar  Augustus  that  all  the world  should  be  taxed"  (St.  Luke  iii.  1).  So says  Duranti— a  writer  of  the  13th  century {Speculuin  Juris,  t.  1.  pt.  1,  p.  281):  "Caesar Aug.  decretum  proposuit,  ut  describeretur  uni- versus  orbis ;  i.e.,  ut  quilibet  aestimaret  bona  sua, describens  orbem  stib  iributo  sibi  singulis  quin- decim  annis  reddendo,  quod  quidem  tempus  divisit per  tria  lustra,"  &c.  And  the  rule  concerning three  years  to  be  added  to  the  year-date  (a.d.) rests,  he  adds,  on  the  fact,  "quia  tot  praecesserant cfe  indictione  quando  Christus  natus  fuit,  vel  quia jyraemissum  edictum  Caesaris  tribus  annis  prae- cepit  Nativitatem  Christi." It  is  only  in  the  latter  half  of  the  4th  century that  the  indictions  first  appear  in  dates.  St. Athanasius,  in  a  fragment  of  his  work  de Si/nodis,  opp.  t.  i.  pt.  2,  p.  737,  gives  "  In- diction XIV.  "  with  the  date  (=:A.D.  341)  of  the council  of  Antioch  ;  but  that  work  was  written towards  the  close  of  his  life  (ob.  371),  at  which time  this  method  of  dating  was  in  common  use. The  earliest  clear  instance  is  the  date  of  a  decree of  Constantius  (Cod.  Theod.  xii.  12,  2),  of  the year  356,  or  rather  (for  the  text  needs  correc' tion)  357.  From  the  earliest  years  of  that  cen- tury the  yearly  appointment  of  consuls  became irregular,  and  from  time  to  time  the  designation of  the  year,  instead  of  Coss.  M.  et.  N.,  became post  consulatum  3T.  et  N.  There  was  even  an uncertainty  in  the  numbering  of  a  set  of  post- consulate  years  :    for  instance,  some  would   de- CHRIST.  AN  r. INDICTION 833 signate  the  first  vacant  year  anno  post  consul- atum M.  N.  i. ;  others,  a'fter  the  old  fashion  of numbering,  anno  ii.  (Pagi,  Dissert.  Ilypat.  p. 319  ;  Ideler,  2,  345  note).  A  further  source of  uncertainty  was  the  difference  of  epochs  of the  year.  But  the  fifteen-years'  circle  of  indic- tions once  established  throughout  the  empire provided  a  correction  for  all  such  uncertaintyj so  long  as  it  continued  to  be  understood,  that  the year  of  indiction  began  on  the  1st  of  September (preceding  the  1st  of  January  of  the  year  found by  the  rule  above  given).  And,  in  fact,  this  was the  established  practice  during  the  greater  part of  the  period  with  which  we  are  concerned  in  this work.  In  the  Codex  Tlieodosimus,  indeed,  its learned  annotator,  Gothofred,  finds  indications of  four  distinct  reckonings  of  the  indictions,  viz. the  Italica,  a.d.  312  ;  Orientalis,  313 ;  and  two of  Afi-ica,  314  and  315.  As  regards  the  sup- posed Orientalis,  Cardinal  Norris  {De  Anno  et Epochis  Syro-Maced.  Dissertat.  IV.  c.  iv. :  Opp. t.  ii.  col.  422  sqq.)  has  shown  that  its  epoch  i^ the  1st  September,  a.d.  312.  Concerning  the two  supposed  different  African  reckonings,  see Ideler  {Hdb.  2,  354  sqq. ;  Lehrb.  p.  409).  Apart from  these  inferences  from  the  Theodosian  Codex, we  find  no  trace,  except  here  and  there  in  corrupt texts  and  negligent  dates,  of  a  different  reckon- ing :  Dionysius  Exiguus  knows  no  other  than that  which  is  expressed  by  the  usual  rule  (Argu- menta  paschalia,  ii.).  To  trace  the  history  of the  use  of  the  indictions  through  the  different provinces  of  the  Roman  empire  would,  as  Ideler remarks,  require  extensive  disquisition.  In  re- spect of  France,  Mabillon  has  shown  {de  re diplomat,  ii.  24,  26)  that  this  note  of  time  does not  appear  in  public  acts  before  Charlemagne, but  in  acts  of  councils,  and  in  writers,  it  is  found earlier.  But  far  down  into  the  middle  ages  its use  became  so  general  that  it  is  rarely  absent from  dates  attached  to  civil  or  ecclesiastical documents  in  Italy,  France,  Germany  (in  the Pyrenaean  peninsula  it  seems  never  to  have  been established).  Duranti,  writing  in  the  13th  cen- tury, testifies  (M.S.):  "Tantae  fuit  auctoritatis indictio,  ut  nullus  sine  ea  fieret  contractus,  nee privilegium,  nee  testamentum,  nee  alia  scriptura soUennis :  et  etiam  hodie  eandem  obtinet  aucto- ritatem." With  the  desuetude  of  the  Imperial  fiscal regulation,  with  which  the  indictions  originated, the  original  epoch,  1st  September,  ceased  to  be significant — except  in  the  Eastern  empire,  where that  day  was  established  as  the  first  day  of  the year  :  wherever  in  the  Corpus  Historiae  Byzan- tinae  the  indictions  occur,  they  are  those  of 1st  September,  312.  Even  in  the  West,  beyond the  limits  of  our  period,  they  are  still  occasion- ally met  with  :  thus,  a  writing  of  Gregory  VII., A.D.  1073,  bears  the  subscription,  "  Datum Capuae,  Kalend.  Sept.,  incipiente  Indictione  XII." But  in  process  of  time  the  indiction,  detached from  its  original  epoch,  came  to  be  dated  from  the new-yeai-'s  day,  as  received  at  the  time,  December 25th,  or  January  1st,  or  March  25th.  Distinct from  these  indictions  used  by  various  popes  in their  bulls,  and  by  other  writers,  is  one  which has  been  called  "  Caesarean,"  of  which  the  first notice  occurs  in  Bede,  de  temp,  ratione,  c.  46  : "  Incipiunt  Indictiones  ab  viii.  Kalend.  Octobris, iliidemque  torminantur."  This,  of  which  there is  extant  no  earlier  inclii;itioii  (but  which,  so 3  II 834 INDULGENCE great  was  the  authority  of  the  writer,  may  have influenced  the  practice  of  the  Imperial  chancel- leries), is  probably  due  to  an  assumption  of Bede,  that  the  old  ej)och  of  the  Byzantine  year, September  24th,  was  accepted  by  Constantine as  the  epoch  of  the  indictions  established  by him.  [H.  B.] INDULGENCE.  (I.)  The  use  of  the  word Indulgentia  by  ecclesiastical  writers  is  derived from  that  of  the  jurisconsults,  who  employ  it  to designate  a  remission  of  punishment  or  of  taxes, especially  such  a  general  amnesty  as  was  some- times proclaimed  by  an  emperor  on  an  extra- ordinary occasion  of  rejoicing.  Thus  the  Theo- dosian  Code  has  a  title  De  Indulgentiis  Criminum (Van  Espen,  Jus  Eccles.,  P.  II.  sec.  i.  tit.  7). Hence  the  word  passed  into  ecclesiastical  usage in  a  double  sense.  First,  it  designates  remission of  sins,  as  in  what  Reticius,  bishop  of  Autun. according  to  St.  Augustine  (c.  Julian.  1.  3),  ob- served of  baptism  as  early  as  the  Roman  synod under  pope  Melchiades,  A.D.  313  :  "  It  can  escape nobody  that  this  is  the  principal  indulgence ivnown  to  the  church,  where  we  lay  aside  the whole  weight  of  our  hereditary  guilt,  and  cancel all  our  former  misdeeds  committed  in  ignorance, and  put  off  the  old  man  with  all  his  innate wickednesses."  In  this  passage,  indulgence stands  immediately  for  remission  of  sins,  and that  alone.  But  we  are  more  immediately  con- cerned with  it  in  a  second  sense,  that  in  which it  designates  such  a  lightening  of  ecclesiastical jienalties,  in  consideration  "of  the  state  of  the offender,  as  St.  Paul  practised  in  the  case  of  the incestuous  Corinthian  (2  Cor.  ii.  6-11).  This question  of  the  advisability  of  such  a  relaxation first  comes  prominently  before  us  in  the  case  of those  who  had  "  lapsed  "  or  denied  Christ  to  avoid persecution,  and  for  whom  martyrs  had  in  many cases  interceded.  St.  Cyprian  tells  us,  in  his  letter to  Antoninus,  how  it  had  been  discussed  and  de- cided by  his  colleagues  in  Africa.  They  held that  the  church  should  not  be  closed  irrevocablj' to  such  of  the  lapsed  as  were  desii'ous  of  return- ing to  it:  nor  yet  opened  indiscriminately  till they  had  undergone  their  full  penance,  and  hail their  particular  case  taken  into  consideration. "  Et  ideo  placuit  .  .  .  examinatis  causis  singu- lorum  :  libellaticos  interim  admitti,  sacrificatis in  exitu  subveniri :  quia  exomologesis  apud  in- feros non  est,  nee  ad  penitentiam  quis  a  nobis compelli  potest,  si  fructus  penitentiae  subtra- hatur  "  (Ep.  Hi.).  The  bishops,  he  adds,  already made  distinctions  between  other  crimes,  accord- ing to  their  discretion,  and  therefore  might  be left  to  deal  with  this  similarly.  No  canons  for regulating  penances  of  any  kind  had  as  yet  been passed.  .  It  rested  accordingly  with  the  bishops to  use  greater  or  less  indulgence  in  dispensing them  all  as  they  thought  fit.  It  was  disputed by  Novatian  whether  they  could  remit  as  well as  biud :  and  he  maintained  that  only  God  could remit.  But  this  was  not  the  doctrine  of  the chui-ch.  The  fifth  of  the  canons  of  Ancyra,  A.D. 314  (Mausi,  ii.  516)  gives  the  bishops  power  to mitigate  {(piAafdpwTeveadai)  or  to  increase  the length  of  an  offender's  penitence  ;  so  the  twelfth Nicene  canon  gives  the  bishop  power  to  deal more  gently  with  penitents  who  have  shown true  repentance  (Mansi,  ii.  673).  The  merciless rulings  of  the  Elvirau   canons  1,  2,  6,  8,  10,  12, INDULGENCE 13,  17,  19,  63-66,  70-73,  and  75,  which  forbid certain  offenders  to  be  readmitted  to  commu- nion even  on  their  death-beds,'  were  neither imitated  elsewhere  nor  maintained  in  Spain itself  (Mansi,  ib.  5-19).  St.  Ambrose,  speaking for  the  West,  says  :  "  Our  Lord  must  have  meant the  powers  of  loosing  and  binding  to  be  coexten- sive, or  He  would  not  have  bestowed  both  on  the same  terms"  (Z^e  Poen.  i.  2).  St.  Gregory  Nyssen deposes,  on  behalf  of  the  East,  to  what  "had  been customary  :  To?s  aaOevfarepoLs  fytverS  ris Tfapa  tS)v  Trartpcav  (Tvfj,Trepi<t>opd,  which  is  the Greek  equivalent  for  "  indulgentia "  (Ep.  ad Letoi.  c.  4). Usually  there  were  four  stages  or  degrees through  which  offenders  had  to  pass  before  )-e- gainiug  communion  :  (1)  weepers,  (2)  hearers, (3)  kneelers,  (4)  bystanders ;  and  usually  several years  had  to  be  spent  in  each.  Now  the  bishop, according  to  St.  Gregory,  might,  in  proportion  to their  conversion,  "rescind  the  period  of  their penance ;  making  it  eight,  seven,  or  even  five years  instead  of  nine,  in  each  stage,  should  their repentance  exceed  in  depth  what  it  had  to  fulfil in  length,  and  compensate,  .by  its  increased  zeal, for  the  much  longer  time  required  in  others  to effect  their  cure  "  {ib.  c.  5). So  matters  went  on  till  about  the  end  of  the 7th  century.  The  office  of  Penitentiary  pres-' byter,  abolished  by  Nectarius,  patriarch  of  Con- stantinople, three  centuries  earlier,  is  not  sup- posed to  have  produced  any  change,  so  far  as they  were  concerned  (Soc.  v.  19  and  Soz.  vii.  16). But  they  were  changed  materially  when  the system  of  commutations  laid  down  in  the  Peni- tential of  Theodore,  archbishop  of  Canterbury, had  begun  to  work :  according  to  which  a  rigorous fast  of  days,  weeks,  or  years,  might  be  redeemed by  saying  a  proportionable  number  of  psalms,  or by  paying  a  proportionable  fine  (c.  3-10,  in Migne's  Patrol,  xcix.  937  sqq.).  Several  of  the offences  stigmatised  in  the  canons  of  the  synod  of Berghamstede,  A.D.  697,  are  dismissed  with  a fine  (Mansi,  xii.  Ill  sqq.).  The  synod  of  Cloves- hoe,  A.D.  747,  protests  in  its  26th  and  27th canons  against  the  neglect  of  discipline  to  which this  "  new  device  "  and  "perilous  custom"  had led  (ib.  493-96).  But  the  Pt-nitential  of  Egbert, archbishop  of  York,  not  only  re-enacts  all  the commutations  authorised  by  Theodore  (ib.  433), but  adds  to  them  in  a  subsequent  chapter (ib.  456),  voluntary  exile  from  home  and  country being  one  of  the  new  kind  allowed.  Similar  per- mission is  given  in  the  Penitential  of  Bede,  as  it  is called  (ib.  519).  After  this  the  extension  of  in- dulgences to  pilgrimages  and  holy  wars  was  a pure  matter  of  time  ;  and  these,  from  the  ardour inspired  by  both,  threw  everything  else  into  the shade.  The  climax  was  reached  when,  to  make them  more  attractive,  it  was  formally  declared of  the  one,  "  iter  illud  pro  omni  penitentia  repu- tetur"  (Concil.  Claromont.  c.  2,  ap.  Mansi,  xx. 816),  and  popularly  believed  of  the  other,  "pro stipendio  erat  indulgentia  peccatorum  proposita" (ib.  pp.  827  and  890).  On  this  point  see  Morinus, De  Poenit.  x.  22,  1-6,  and  Bingham,  Ant.  xviii.  4, for  earlier  times.      Goar  (Euchol.  pp.  680-88) a  It  is  to  be  observed  that  the  reading  "nee  in  fine,"  or  < "  nee  in  finem,"  is  changed  in  some  later  recensions — as  ' In   that  of  Burchard — into  "  non  in'si  in  fine,"  so  as  lo  , bring  it  into  harmony  with  the  Nicene  canon  (13)  which  ',i forbids  such  total  excommunication. — [Kd.]  j INDULGENCE attcm]its  ill  vain  to  detect  affinity  between  papal iiKiulgciK'es  and  the  ffvyxa>pox<''p'''ia  of  tlie  Greek ciiurch  (comp.  Ducange,  Gloss.  Or.  s.  v.). [E.  S.  Ff.] (II.)  Indulgences,  or  relaxations  of  the  strict letter  of  the  law,  are  however  by  no  means  con- fined to  penitential  cases  ;  such  relaxations  are fciund  in  relation  to  almost  all  points  of  conduct. The  laws  of  God,  whether  known  by  revelation  or by  natural  light  (Augustine,  Quaest.  67  in  Exod.), are  of  course  always  binding  ;  but  under  positive human  enactments  cases  may  and  do  occur,  in which  the  rigid  enforcement  of  a  law  may  be  a greater  evil  to  the  society  concerned  than  the suspension  of  its  operation.  Hence,  in  all  state* and  societies,  either  the  law-giving  power  or some  other  has  exercised  the  right  of  suspending the  operation  of  a  law  upon  occasion.  A  familiar instance  of  such  a  dispensing  power  is  the  com- mutation by  the  sovereign  of  this  country  of sentences  passed  by  the  judges  in  the  ordinary course  of  law.  As  a  law  is  necessarily  rigid, while  the  real  character  of  human  acts  cannot be  rigidly  defined,  such  a  dispensing  power  seems necessary  for  the  equitable  administration  of justice. And  this  principle  is  just  as  true  of  the  church us  of  other  societies  ;  here  too  we  find  the  strict letter  of  the  law  mitigated  by  authority  in special  cases  from  an  early  period.  Such  in- dulgences, or  concessions  to  human  weakness, commonly  called  dispensations,  have  received various  names — reniissio,  venia,  dementia,  mise- ratio,  dispensatio;  (rvyyva>ixT],  ffufiiradeia,  (piXav- 6po}Tria,  olKovofxia  (Suicer,  27ies.  s.  v.) — all  im- plying something  of  the  nature  of  occasional indulgence  or  iTneiKeia  in  the  administration  of a  law,  the  law  itself  remaining  unchanged.  A constant  exemption  of  a  person  or  body  corporate from  the  operation  of  a  particular  law  is  called a  privilegium.  The  canonists  generally  limit  the use  of  the  word  dlspensatki  to  the  case  in  which a  future  transgression  of  a  law  is  permitted. Thomassin  {Eccl.  Discip.  II.  iii.  24,  §  14)  holds that  in  the  early  ages  of  the  church,  when  few or  no  councils  were  held,  such  dispensations  were granted  by  the  bishops;  that  afterwards,  from the  end  of  the  3rd  century,  councils  decided  on the  cases  in  which  some  relaxation  of  the  law  of the  church  was  to  be  allowed  ;  then,  as  pro- vincial councils  frequently  referred  such  matters to  the  judgment  of  the  see  of  Rome,  that  see gradually  claimed  and  exercised  a  dispensing power  independent  of  councils.  The  twenty- seventh  canon  of  the  (so-called)  fourth  council of  Carthage  supplies  a  good  instance  of  a  dis- pensing power  aj)plied  to  a  canon.  The  council I'ecognises  the  general  prohibition  of  the  transla- tion of  bishops  from  an  inferior  to  a  better  see "  per  ambitiouem,"  yet  goes  on  to  provide  that "  if  the  good  of  the  church  requires  it,"  such  a translation  may  be  made  on  the  certificate  of election  being  produced  in  the  synod  itself.  Hei'e a  dispensing  power  seems  to  be  given  to  the  synod ; for  it  must  be  presumed  that  it  was  to  decide whether  in  a  particular  case  "  utilitas  ecclesiae fiend  um  poposcerit."  Penitents,  digamists,  and husbands  of  widows  were  by  the  general  law  of the  church  incapable  of  holy  orders  ;  yet  pope Siricius  {Ejjtst.  1  ad  J/mcrium,  c.  15)  permits such  persons,  ouce  ordained,  to  exercise  the  func- tions of  their  order,  though  without  hope  of  yru- INFANT  COJIMUNIOX 835 motion  to  a  higher.  Pope  Innocent  I.,  A.U.  414, allows  (Fjj-ist.  22,  c.  5)  that  the  bishops  of  Mace- donia might,  under  circumstances  of  peculiar difficulty,  admit  to  the  exercise  of  their  functions those  who  had  been  irregularly  ordained  by  Bo- nosus,  a  heretic,  while  he  insists  strongly  on  the general  maintenance  of  the  rule  which  "for  once is  violated  ;  it  is  only  "pro  necessitate  temporis" that  such  relaxations  of  canonical  strictness can  be  allowed,  and  "quod  necessitas  pro  re- medio  invenit,  cessante  necessitate  debet  utique cessare ;"  such  liberties  cannot  be  permitted when  the  church  is  restored  to  its  normal  state of  peace.  We  have  another  kind  of  dispensation in  Gregory  the  Great's  letter  to  Augustine  of Canterbury  {Epist.  xi.  64 ;  in  Haddan  and  Stubbs, iii.  21),  in  which  he  permits  persons  who  had married  in  ignorance  within  the  prohibited  de- grees to  be  admitted  to  communion,  though  the general  law  of  the  church  excommunicated  such persons. Of  such  a  nature  were  the  relaxations  of  strict law  permitted  in  the  early  church  ;  the  nume- rous dispensations  in  matrimonial  cases,  in  j)lu- rality  of  benefices,  and  in  some  other  matters, which  were  so  great  a  scandal  in  the  mediaeval church,  do  not  fall  within  our  period  ;  nor within  the  same  period  had  the  baneful  practice arisen  of  granting  dispensations  for  wrongs  to  be committed.  It  was  (as  Thomassin  observes,  u.  s. §  20)  "in  more  recent  times,  when  the  discipline of  the  church  had  grown  feeble  and  languid,  that permission  was  sought  for  future  violation  of  the canons,  that  license  was  asked  and  granted  for sinning  against  sacred  rules ;  men  would  fain  sin without  I'isk  of  penalty,  and  draw  even  from  the laws  themselves  cover  and  authority  for  their contempt  of  the  law." (Thomassin,  Vet.  et  nova  Eccl.  Discip.  P.  II. lib.  iii.  cc.  24-26  ;  Van  Espen,  Jus  Ecclesiasticim, torn.  ii.  p.  754  ff.  ed.  Colon.  1777,  /'e  Dispens'i- tionibus ;  Walter,  Kirchenrecht,  §  180;  Jacobson, in  Herzog  Beal-Eiicycl.  iii.  423.)  [C] INDULGENTIAE  HEBDOMAS.  [Holy Week.] INDUS.     [DoROXA.] INFANT  BAPTISM.  [Baptism,  §  95, p.  169.] INFANT  COMMUNION.  The  practice  of communicating  infants  was  universal  through- out the  period  of  which  we  treat.  For  the  east, where  it  still  flourishes,  we  have  the  testimony of  the  so-called  liturgy  of  St.  Clement,  in  which little  children  (iraiSia)  are  ordered  to  receive immediately  after  all  who  have  any  special dedication,  "  and  then  all  the  people  in  order  " {Constit.  Apost.  lib.  viii.  c.  13).  Pseudo-Diony- sius,  possibly  of  the  5th  century,  but  more probably  of  the  6th,  says  that  "  children  who cannot  understand  divine  things  are  yet  made  par- takers of  divine  generation,  and  of  the  divine  com- munion of  the  most  sacred  mysteries  "  (Dc  Eccl. Hierarch.  c.  vii.  §  1 1).  Evagrius,  who  completed his  Church  History  in  594,  proves  the  continued observance  of  the  rite,  where  he  mentions  "an ancient  custom"  at  Constantinople,  "when  there remained  a  good  quantity  of  the  holy  portions  of the  undefiled  body  of  Christ  our  God,  for  unor- rujited  bovs  from  among  those  who  attended  the sell, H.I  <if  tlw-  undorma^ter  to  be  sent  for  to o  H  2 836 INFANT  COMMUNION consume  them  "  (lib.  iv.  c.  36).  There  is  a  story- told  by  John  Moschus,  A.D.  630,  of  some  children who  imitated  among  themselves  the  celebration of  tlie  Eucharist,  as  they  had  witnessed,  and taken  part  in  it  themselves  {Pratum  Spirit,  c. 19fi). The  earliest  witness  in  the  Latin  church  is  St. Cyprian,  who  writing  in  251,  relates  how  the  agi- tation of  an  infant  to  whom  the  cup  was  offered, led  to  the  discovery  of  its  having  been  taken  to  a heathen  sacrifice  (Be  Lapsis).  He  also  repre- sents the  children  of  apostates  as  able  to  plead at  the  day  of  judgment,  "  We  have  done  no- thing ;  nor  have  we  hastened  of  our  own  accord to  those  profane  defilements,  forsaking  the  meat and  cup  of  the  Lord  "  (ibid.).  St.  Augustine  : — "  They  are  infants ;  but  they  are  made  partakers of  His  table,  that  they  may  have  life  in  them- selves "  (Serm.  174,  §  7).  "  Why  is  the  blood, which  of  the  likeness  of  sinful  flesh  was  shed  for the  remission  of  sins,  ministered  that  the  little one  (parvulus)  may  drink,  that  he  may  have lite,  unless  he  hath  come  to  death  by  a  beginning of  sin  on  the  part  of  some  one"  (Contra  Ju'ia- num,  Op.  imperf.  1.  ii.  c.  30)  ?  It  is  evident  from these  passages  (and  see  especially  to  the  same effect,  De  Peccat.  Mer.  lib.  i.  c.  xx.  §  26  ;  c. xxiv.  §  34)  that  St.  Aagustiue  considered  this sacrament  to  be  generally  necessary  to  the  salva- tion of  infants  ;  but  it  is  desirable  to  mention that  some  passages  often  cited  from  his  works, which  appear  to  imply  or  maintain  that  view are  not  really  to  the  purpose.  He  argued  against the  Pelagians,  that  if  infiints  were  not  born  in sin,  our  Lord's  words, "  Except  ye  eat  the  flesh," &c.  (St.  John  vi.  53),  would  not  be  true  in reference  to  them  :  they  would  have  life  without eating  of  that  flesh  (see  Contra  Duas  Epp.  Pelag. lib.  i.  c.  xxii.  §  40);  but  then  he  taught  also that  "  every  oue  of  the  faithful  is  made  a  par- taker of  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ,  when  he is  made  a  member  of  Christ  in  baptism."  This is  carefully  shown  from  his  writings  by  Ful- gentius,  who  had  been  questioned  by  Ferrandus, on  the  hope  that  might  be  entertained  for  a young  man  who  had  died  immediately  after baptism  (see  the  note  of  the  Benedictine  editors on  Aug.  De  Pecc.  Mer.  lib.  i.  c.  20,  §  26).  The same  remark  must  be  made  on  a  saying  of Innocent  I.,  A.D.  417  (Ad  Putres  Syn.  Milev.  §  5, Ejo.  182,  inter  Epp.  Aug.),  which  Augustine himself  interprets  of  the  necessity  of  Baptism (Ad  Paulin.  Ep.  185,  c.  viii.  §  28).  See  also Gelasius  of  Rome,  EjAst.  7,  ad  Episc.  per  Pi- cetium.  Gennadius  of  Marseilles,  A.D.  495,  gives the  following  direction  with  regard  to  the reception  of  some  of  those  who  had  been  baptized by  heretics  in  schism.  "  But  if  they  are  infants (parvuli),  or  so  dull  as  not  to  take  in  teaching, let  those  who  offer  them  answer  for  them,  after the  manner  of  one  about  to  be  baptized  ;  and  so, fortified  by  the  laying  on  of  hands  and  chrism, let  them  be  admitted  to  the  mysteries  of  the Eucharist"  (De  Eccl.  Dogm.  c.  22).  We  call attention  to  the  word  "  parvulus "  when  it  is ■used  in  this  connection,  because  "  infans  "  was sometimes  applied  even  to  the  newly-baptized adult,  as  being  newly  born  to  a  higher  life.  In 585  the  council  of  Macon,  in  France,  in  imitation, as  we  may  suppose,  of  the  Greek  custom  lately mentioned,  ordered  that  on  Wednesdays  and Fridays  innocent  (children)  should  be  brought INFANT  COMMUNION to  the  church,  and  there  "  being  commanded  to fast,  should  receive  the  remains  of  the  sacri- fices" (can.  6).  The  council  of  Toledo,  675, found  it  necessary  to  reassure  anxious  minds  by a  declaration  that  the  sick  who  found  themselves unable  to  swallow  the  eucharist,  and  others  who had  foiled  to  swallow  it  "in  time  of  infancy," did  not  fall  under  the  censure  of  the.first  council of  Toledo  (can.  14),  against  those  who  having received  did  not  consume  it  (can.  11).  The Gelasian  Sacramentary  (lib.  i.  n.  75)  provides for  the  immediate  communion  of  an  infant (infans)  baptized  in  sickness.  The  earliest  extant copy  of  the  Gregorian  has  the  following  rubric referring  to  all  baptized  at  Easter.  "  If  the bishop  be  present,  it  is  fit  that  he  (infans)  be forthwith  confirmed  with  chrism,  and  after  that, communicated.  And  if  the  bishop  be  not  present, let  him  be  communicated  by  the  presbyter " (Liturqia  Rom.  Vet.  Mui-at.  tom.  ii.  col.  158). It  will  be  observed  that  previous  confirmation was  not  an  indispensable  condition  of  the  first communion.  A  MS.  Sacramentary  of  the  8th century  preserved  at  Gellone  and  a  Rheims  ponti- fical of  the  same  age  expressly  contemplate  the probability  of  some  of  the  "  infantes  "  baptized being  nurslings,  but  make  the  same  provision for  the  communion  of  all  (Ordd.  6,  7,  8,  in Mai-tene,  De  Ant.  Eccl.  Pit.  lib.  i.  c.  1,  art.  18. Comp.  ord.  15).  The  little  children  were  also to  communicate  daily  throughout  the  octave with  the  rest  of  the  newly-bapfized.  See  Ordd. 6,  8,  9. There  is  an  English  canon  ascribed  to  Ecg- briht,  A.D.  740,  but  probably  somewhat  later, which  says,  "  They  who  can,  and  know  how  to baptize,  faithful  monks  especially,  ought  always to  have  the  eucharist  with  them,  though  they travel  to  places  far  distant  "  (Johnson's  Engl. Canons,  vol.  i.  p.  235).  Jesse,  bishop  of  Amiens, A.D.  790,  in  an  epistle  on  the  order  of  baptism, says,  that  "  after  trine  immersion  the  bishop should  confirm  the  child  (puerum)  with  chrism on  the  forehead,  and  that  finally  he  should  be confirmed  and  communicated  with  the  body  and blood  of  Christ,  that  he  may  be  a  member  fif Christ "  (see  note  to  Regino  De  Eccl.  Discipl. lib.  i.  c.  69  ;  ed.  Baluz.).  The  epistle  of  Jesse was  written  in  reply  to  some  questions  of  Charle- magne respecting  baptism.  In  the  Capitularies of  the  latter  we  find  the  following  law  notably framed  in  express  accordance  with  the  answers of  Jesse  and  other  bishops  : — "  That  the  presbyter have  the  eucharist  ready,  that  when  any  one shall  be  taken  sick,  or  an  infant  (parvulus)  be ailing,  he  may  communicate  him  at  once,  lest  he die  without  communion"  (Lib.  i.  c.  155:  Sim. lib.  V.  c.  57).  This  is  in  the  collection  of  Walter of  Orleans  (c.  7)  ;  Regino  (u.  s.)  ;  Burchard  (lib. V.  c.  10);  and  Ivo  (Deer.  P.  ii.  c.  20). Infants  were  during  a  period  of  uncertain length  required  to  be  kept  without  food  between their  baptism  and  communion,  when  the  latter followed  as  a  part  of  the  day's  rites.  Thus  in the  earliest  Oriio  Eomanus,  supposed  by  Usher to  be  written  about  the  year  730,  care  is  enjoined that  the  little  ones  (parvuli)  baptized  on  Easter Eve  "take  no  food,  nor  be  suckled,  after  their baptism  before  they  communicate  of  the  sacra- ment of  the  body  of  Christ  "  (§  46  ;  Musae.  Ital. tom.  i.  p.  28).  There  are  rubrics  to  this  effect in   several   ancient  orders  of  baptism,  three  of INFANT  COMMUNION which  were  compiled  or  copied  in  the  8th century  (Ordd.  6,  7,  8,  in  Marten6,  u.  s.  For later  examples,  see  Ordd.  9,  15).  In  one  copy  of the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  the  rule  is  thus relaxed.  "  They  are  not  forbidde.n  to  be  suckled before  the  sacred  communion,  if  it  be  necessary" {Inter  0pp.  S.  Greg.  tom.  v.  col.  Ill;  Antv. 1615).  The  prohibition  seems  to  have  been generally  omitted  from  the  rubric  after  the  8th century ;  but  the  pontifical  of  the  Latin  church of  Apamia  in  Syria,  which  was  written  in  the 12th,  retains  it,  thougli  speaking  of  contirmation and  communion  immediately  after  baptism  only as  "the  custom  of  some  churches"  (Ord.  15; IMarteue,  u.  s.). Thei-e  can  be  no  doubt  that  infants  were  at first  communicated  in  both  kinds  ;  but  there is  little  clear  evidence  to  that  efl'ect.  Passages which  speak  of  their  eating  the  flesh  and  drink- ing the  blood  of  Christ  are  not  conclusive.  The council  of  Toledo  before  cited,  after  mentioning the  occasional  rejection  of  one  element  by  the sick,  "  because  except  the  draught  of  the  Lord's cup,  they  could  not  swallow  the  eucharist  de- livered to  them,"  proceeds  to  the  case  of  othei's "  who  do  such  things  in  the  time  of  infancy." The  inference  appears  good  that  the  eucharist was  offered  to  both  in  bread  as  well  as  wine. We  are  however  in  a  good  measure  left  to  infer the  practice  of  the  first  ages  from  that  of  the later  church.  Because  the  cup  only  is  mentioned in  St.  Cyprian's  story  of  the  infant  who  had partaken  of  a  heathen  sacrifice,  some  have argued  that  they  were  communicated  in  the  blood only.  Had  it  been  so,  they  would  hardly  have been  permitted  to  receive  in  both  kinds  at  a  later period ;  as  they  certainly  did,  when  for  a  time the  custom  of  intinction  prevailed  in  the  West. Even  in  the  12th  century,  when  Paschal  IL suppressed  that  practice  at  Clugny,  he  made  an exception  in  favour  of  "  infants  and  persons  very sick  who  are  not  able  to  swallow  the  bread." All  others  were  to  receive  the  bread  by  itself (Epist.  32;  Labb.  Concilia,  tom."  x.  col.  656). In  a  manuscript  Antiphonary  that  belonged  to an  Italian  monastery,  written  about  the  middle of  the  same  century,  after  directions  for  a baptism,  is  the  following  rubric  :  "Then  follows the  communion,  which  is  ministered  under these  words  ;  '  The  body  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ steeped  in  His  blood,  preserve  thy  soul  unto everlasting  life '"(Muratori,  A7itiq.  Hal.  Mediaec. tom.  iv.  p.  843).  About  the  same  time,  how- ever, we  find  Radulphus  Ardens  saying,  in  a sermon  on  Easter  Day,  "  It  has  been  decreed  that it  be  delivered  to  children  as  soon  as  baptized,  at least  in  the  species  of  wine  ;  that  they  may  not depart  without  a  necessary  sacrament"  (Zac- caria,  Bihlioth.  Bit.  tom.  ii.  p.  ii.  p.  clx.).  How infants  were  communicated  in  the  one  species then,  we  may  learn  from  the  pontifical  of  Apamia already  cited.  "  But  children  who  as  yet  know not  how  to  eat  or  drink  are  communicated  either with  a  leaf  or  with  the  finger  dipped  in  the  blood of  the  Lord  and  put  into  their  mouth,  the  priest thus  saying,  '  The  body  with  the  blood  of  our Lord  Jesus  Christ,  keep  thee  unto  everlasting life'  "  (Martene,  M.S.).  Robertus  Panlulus,  a.d. 1 175,  in  a  work  De  Sacramentis,  long  ascribed  to Hugo  de  S.  Victore,  says,  "  The  said  sacrament  is to  be  ministered  with  the  finger  of  the  priest  to children  newly  lorn  in  the  species  of  the  blood ; INFIRMARY  (MONASTIC)        837 because  such  can  suck  naturally  "  (Lib.  i.  c.  20). As  the  Greeks  and  Orientals  generally  used intinction  before  the  age  of  Charlemagne,  it  is to  be  presumed  that  they  communicated  infants in  the  same  manner  as  adults;  i.e.,  in  both  kinds with  a  spoon.  Now  "  in  practice,  though  the rule  is  otherwise,  the  eucharist  is  given  to infants  under  the  species  of  wine  alone  "  (Goar in  Annot.  Nihusii  ad  Allatii  Dissert,  de  A/imd Fraesanct.ad  fin.;  AUat.  Zlg  Occ.  et  Or.  Consent. col.  1659).  The  Nestorians,  Jacobites,  Arme- nians and  Maronites,  are  said  to  have  fallen  into the  same  practice  (Gabriel  Sinaita,  ibid.  col. 1667).  The  Greeks  use  a  spoon,  but  from  con- flicting statements  before  us  (see  Martene,  u.  s. art.  15,  n.  15),  we  infer  that  the  rest  use  the finger  or  a  spoon  iudifterently.  [W.  E.  S.] INFIRMARY    (MONASTIC).      In    his enumeration  of  Christian  duties  Benedict  speci- fies that  of  visiting  the  sick  (Bened.  Big.  c.  4) ; and  elsewhere  he  speaks  of  it  as  a  duty  of  pri- mary and  paramount  obligation  for  monks ("  ante  omnia  et  super  omnia,"  c.  36),  quoting the  words  of  Christ,  "  I  was  sick,  and  ye  minis- tered unto  Me."  Beyond,  however,  saying,  that the  sick  are  to  have  a  separate  part  of  the monastery  assigned  to  them  (cf.  Aurel.  Beg.  cc. 37,  52 ;  Caesar.  Beg.  c.  30),  and  a  separate officer  in  charge  of  them  (cf.  Leg.  Tarnat.  c.  21), that  they  are  to  be  allowed  meat  and  the luxury  of  baths,  if  necessary,  that  they  are  not to  be  exacting  ("  ne  superfiuitate  sui  fratres  con- tristent "),  and  that  the  brethren  who  wait  on them  are  not  to  be  impatient,  he  gives  no  pre- cise directions  (('&.).  Subsequently  it  was  the special  duty  of  the  "  infirmarius,"  the  "cellei-a- rius  "  (house-stewnrd),  and  of  the  abbot  himself, to  look  after  the  sick  (Martene,  Keg.  Comm.  c.  4 ; Caesarii  Beg.  ad  Virg.  c.  20,  Beg.  Cujusd.  ad Virgines,  c.  15)  ;  no  other  monk  might  visit  them without  leave  from  the  abbot  or  prior  (Mart.  I.e.). Everything  was  to  be  done  for  their  comfort, both  in  body  and  soul,  that  they  should  not miss  the  kindly  offices  of  kinsfolk  and  friends (cf.  Fructuos.  Beg.  c.  7 ;  Hieronym.  JEp.  22,  ad Eustoch.)  ;  and,  while  the  rigour  of  the  monastic discipline  was  to  be  relaxed,  whenever  necessary, in  their  favour,  due  supervision  was  to  be  exer- cised, lest  there  should  be  any  abuse  of  the  privi- leges of  the  sick-room  (JIart.  I.e.;  cf.  Beg.  Pachom. c.  20).  The  "  infirmarius  "  was  to  enforce  silence at  meals,  to  check  conversation  in  the  sick-room ("mansio  infirmorum,  intra  claustra,"  Cone. Aquisgran.  A.D.  816,  c.  142)  at  other  times,  and to  discriminate  carefully  between  real  and  fic- titious ailments  (Mart.  /.  c).  The  sick  were,  if possible,  to  recite  the  hours  daily  and  to  attend mass  at  stated  times,  and  if  unable  to  walk  to the  chapel,  they  were  to  be  carried  thither  in  the arms  of  their  brethren  {ib.).  The  meal  in  the sick-room  was  to  be  three  hours  earlier  than  in the  common  refectory  {Beg.  Mag.  c.  28).  Tlie abbot  might  allow  a  sej)arate  kitchen  and  "  but- tery "  for  the  use  of  the  sick  monks  (Aureliau, Beg.  ad  Munach.  c.  53,  Beg.  ad  Virg.  c.  37). The  rule  of  Caesarius  of  Aries  ordered,  that the  abbot  was  to  provide  good  wine  for  the sick,  the  ordinary  wine  of  the  monastery  being often  of  inferior  quality  (cf.  Mabill.  Bisquis.  do Curs.  Gallic,  vi.  70,  71  ;  Mabill.  Ann.  iii.  8,  Du Cange,  Glossar.  Lat.  s.  v.).  [1.  G.  S.] 838 INFORMERS INFORMERS.  {Calumniatores,  Delatores. TertuUian  [<idv.  Marcion.  v.  18]  fancifully  con- nects "diabolus  "  with  "delatura.")  This  class of  men  oi'iginated  before  the  Christian  ei-a,  and indeed  before  the  establishment  of  the  Roman empire.  [Dict.  op  Greek  and  Roman  Antiq. s.  V.  Delator.']  When  persecution  arose  against the  church,  the  delatores  naturally  sought  gain, and  probably  some  credit  with  the  civil  autho- rities, by  giving  information  against  those  who practised  Christian  rites,  since  the  secret  assem- blies of  Christians  for  worship  came  under  the prohibition  of  the  Lex  Julia  de  Majestate  (Tac. Ann.  i.  72,  p.  3  ;  Merivale,  Hist.  Borne,  c.  xliv.). TertuUian  states  that  Tiberius  threatened  the accusers  of  the  Christians — "  Caesar  .  .  .  com- minatus  pericuhim  accusatoribus  Christianorum" (Apol.  c.  5),  but  the  story  rests  only  upon  his statement.  He  also  (I.  c.)  claims  M.  Aurelius  as a  protector  of  Christians.  Titus  issued  an  edict against  delators,  forbidding  slaves  to  inform against  their  masters  or  freedmen  against  their patrons.  Nerva  on  his  accession  republished  this edict.  "Jewish  manners,"  i.  e.  probably  Chris- tianity, is  specially  mentioned  as  one  of  the  sub- jects on  which  informations  were  forbidden  (Dion Ixviii.  1,  quoted  by  Merivale).  In  Pliny's  well- known  letter  to  Trajan  (x.  96  [al.  97])  we  find  the delatores  in  full  work.  The  Christians  who  were brought  before  him  were  delated  (deferebantur), arid  anjinonymous  paper  was  sent  in  containing  a list  of  many  Christians  or  supposed  Christians. Trajan  in  his  answer  {ib.  97  [98]),  though  he  for- bad Christians  to  be  sought  out  (i.  e.  by  govern- ment officials),  did  not  attempt  to  put  a  stop  to the  practice  of  delation  ;  those  who  were  informed against,  if  they  continued  in  th^r  infatuation, must  be  punished.  See  TertnlHan's  comment  on this  (Apol.  c.  2).  ,■  Anii  in  the  subsequent  per- secutions a  largo  paVt  of  the  suffering  arose  from unfaithful  brethren  who  betrayed  their  friends to  the  persecutors.  It  is  not  wonderful  that during  and  immediately  after  the  days  of  perse- cution the  delator  was  regarded  with  horror. Thus  the  council  of  Elvira  (Cone.  Elib.  c.  73), A.D.  305,  excommunicated,  even  on  his  death- bed," any  delator  who  had  caused  the  proscrip- tion or  death  of  the  person  informed  against; for  informing  in  less  important  cases,  the  delator might  be  re-admitted  to  communion  after  five years ;  or,  if  a  catechumen,  he  might  be  ad- mitted to  baptism  after  five  years.  The  first  of Aries,  A.D.  314,  reckons  among  "  traditores " not  only  those  who  gave  up  to  the  persecutors the  Holy  Scriptures  and  sacred  vessels,  but  also those  who  handed  in  lists  of  the  brethren  (nom- iua  fratrum)  ;  and  respecting  these  the  council decrees,  that  whoever  shall  be  discovered  from the  public  records  (acta)  to  have  committed  such offences  shall  be  solemnly"  degraded  from  the clerical  order ;  but  such  degradation,  if  the  of- fender was  a  bishop,  was  not  to  vitiate  the orders  of  those  who  might  have  been  ordained "  According  to  tlie  reading  "  Nee  in  fine  ;"  some  MS3. read  "  non  nisi  in  fine."  It  seepis  probable  that  "  nee  in fine"  or  "finem"  was  the  original  reading,  and  that  it was  altered  to  bring  it  into  accordance  with  the  decree  of Nicaea  (e.  13),  which  provides  that  the  Holy  Communion is  in  no  ease  to  be  refused  to  a  dying  man. 1)  "  Non  verbis  nudis ;"  another  readinpr  is  "  verberibus tnultis." INITIAL  HYMN by  him.  Charges  against  traditores  were  not to  be  admitted  unless  they  could  be  proved from  the  "  acta  publica."  This  decree  is highly  interesting,  as  following  immediately upon  a  period  of  persecution,  and  showing  that the  edict  of  Milan  (a.d.  313)  had  brought  about a  great  change  in  Gaul,  and  that  Christians  were admitted  to  consult  the  public  records  of  the recent  proceedings  against  them.  The  capitu- laries of  the  Frank  kings  (lib.  vi.  c.  317,  in Baluze,  i.  977)  cite  the  73rd  canon  of  Elvira with  the  reading  "  nee  in  fine."  So  lib.  vii.  c. 205,  and  Additio  Quarta,  c.  34,  in  Baluze,  i. 1068,  1202.  The  same  capitularies  (vltW.  Quarta, c.  35)  enjoin  bishops  to  excommunicate  "  accu- satores  fratrum  ; "  and,  even  after  amendment, not  to  admit  them  to  holy  orders,  though  they may  be  admitted  to  communion.  Any  cleric  or layman  who  brings  frivolous  charges  against  his bishop  (calumniator  extiterit)  is  to  be  reputed  a homicide. The  canon  of  Elvira  is  cited  in  the  decree of  Gratian  (p.  ii.  cau.  v.  quae.  6,  c.  6)  with  the reading  "  non  nisi  in  fine."  The  same  decree (m.  s.  c.  5)  attributes  to  pope  Hadrian  I.  a decree,  "let  the  tongue  of  a  delator  be  cut  out (capuletur),  or,  on  conviction,  let  his  head  be cut  off;  "  a  decree  probably  taken  from  the  civil legislation,  for  nearly  the  same  provision  is  found in  the  Theodosian  code  (lib.  x.  tit.  x.  1.  2),  and precisely  the  same  in  the  Frank  capitularies (lib.  vii.  c.  360 ;  Bal.  i.  1102).  [S.  J.  E.] INFULA.       1.  The  infula   was    in    classical times  the  band  or  fillet  which  bound  the  brow of  the  sacrificing  priest  and  the  victim. "  Nee  te  tua  plurima,  Panthu Labentem  pietas  nee  ApoUinls  infiila  texit." Virg.  Aen.  ii.  430. Servius  (on  Aeneid.  x.  538)  tells  us  that  it  was a  broad  fillet  or  ribbon,  commonly  made  of  red and  white  strips.  Isidore  (L'tyuiol.  xix.  30) describes  the  infula  of  the  heathen  priest  in similar  terms.  The  infula  of  the  victim  is  men- tioned in "  stans  hostia  ad  aram Lanea  dum  nivea  circumdatur  infula  vitta." Virg.  Georg.  iii.  48T. And  the  term  seems  to  have  been  early  trans- ferred to  the  head-covering  of  Christian  priests. Hence  Prudentius  (Peristeph.  iv.  79)  speaks  ot the  "  sacerdotum  domus  infulata  "  of  the  Valerii of  Saragossa,  when  he  is  evidently  speaking  of the  "  clerus."  So  Pope  Gelasius  (Hardouin's Concilia,  ii.  901),  wishing  to  say  that  a  certain person  ought  to  be  rejected  from  the  Christian priesthood,  says  that  he  is  "  clericalibus  infulis reprobabilis "  (Hefele's  Beitrlige,  ii.  223  flf.). See  Mitre. 2.  For  infula  in  the  sense  of  a  ministerial vestment,  see  Casula,  Planeta.  [C]  . INGELHEIM,  COUNCIL  OF  (Tngelheim- ense  Concilium'),  A.D.  788,  at  Ingelheim,  when Tassilo,  duke  of  Bavaria,  was  condemned,  but allowed  to  enter  a  monastery.  [E.  S.  Ff.] INGENUUS,  martyr  at  Alexandria  with Amnion,  Theophilus,  Ptolomeus,  Zeno ;  comme- morated Dec.  20  (Alart.  Eom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usu- ardi).  [W.  F.  G.] INITIAL  HYMN.— A  name  for  the  hymu which  in  the  Eastern  liturgies  corresponds  to  the INITIAL  HYMN Introit  of  the  Roman  mass.  In  the  eastern liturgies  the  term  Intrwit  {^tao^os)  is  applied  to the  two  ENTRANCES  of  the  liturgy,  the  little entrance  {tj  /j.iKpa  e'tcroSos)  i.  e.  that  of  the Book  of  the  Gospels,  and  the  great  entrance (r)  fj.iyd\T]  etaoSos)  i.  e.  that  of  the  elements. In  the  liturgies  of  St  Basil  and  St.  Chrysostom this  hymn  takes  the  form  of  three  antiphons, called  the  first,  second,  and  third  antiphons,  each of  which  consists  of  a  f^vr  verses  called  "  stichi  " (o-Ti'xoO  from  the  Psalms;  each  verse  of  the first  antiphon  being  followed  by  the  clause  "  At the  intercession  of  the  Theotocos,  save  us,  0 Saviour;"  each  verse  of  the  second  and  third by  an  antiphonal  clause  of  the  same  nature, varying  with  and  having  reference  to  the  festi- val. That  of  the  third  antiphon  is  sometimes one  of  the  troparia  of  the  day.  Each  antiphon is  followed  by  an  unvarying  prayer,  called  gene- rally the  prayer  of  the  first,  second,  and  third antiphon,"  and  which  are  the  same  in  the  litur- gies of  St.  Basil  and  St.  Chrysostom.'^ The  first  and  second  antiphons  are  followed  by "  Glory  cfcc.  (5d|a  Ka\  vvv),  after  which  the  anti- phonal  response  is  repeated. The  third  antiphon  by  short  hymns  or  troparia in  rhythmical  prose  under  different  names,  and which  vary  with  the  day.  These  antiphons  are considered  to  symbolise  the  predictions  of  the prophets,  foretelling  the  coming  and  incarnation of  our  Lord.''  As  a  specimen  the  three  anti- phons for  Easter  Day  are  : — ■ Antiph.  I. Stick.  0  be  joyful  in  God  all  ye  lands.     (Ps.  Ixvi.  1.) At  the  intercession,  &c. Stick.  Sing  praises  unto  the  honour  of  His  name.  (Do.) At  the  intercession,  &c. Stick.  Say  unto  God,  0  how  wonderful  art  Thou  in  Thy works,    (verse  2.) At  the  intercession,  &c. Stick.  For  all  the  world  shall  worship  Thee,   (verse  3.) At  the  intercession,  &c. Glory,  &c. At  the  intercession,  &c. Antiph.  II. Stick.  God  be  merciful  unto  us.     (Ps.  Ixvii.  1.) Save  us,  0  Son  of  God,  Thou  that  art  risen  from the  dead. Stick.  And  show  us  the  li.a;ht  of  His  countenance.  (Do.) Save  us,  0  Son  of  God,  &c. Stick.  That  Thy  way  maybe  known  upon  earth,  (v.  2  ) Save  us,  0  Son  of  God,  &c. Stick.  Ivet  the  people  praise  Thee.     (v.  3.) Save  us.  0  Son  of  God,  &c. Glory,  &c. Save  us,  0  Son  of  God,  &c. Antiph.  III. Stick.  Let  God  arise,  and  let  His  enemies  be  scattered let  them  also  that  hate  Him  flee  before  Him. (Ps.  Ixviii.  1.) Christ  is  risen  from  the  dead,  having  trodden down  death  by  death,  and  given  life  to  those that  are  in  the  grave. »  There  are  variations  between  the  two  liturgies,  as  to whether  the  prayer  of  the  antiphon  sDOuld  be  said  before or  after  its  antiphon,  which  it  is  unnecessary  to  par- ticularise. •>  The  prayer  of  the  third  antiphon  is  "  A  Prayer  of St.Ch^y^oslom'■  of  the  English  Prayer-book, <!   Yid.  Casali  de  Vet.  Sacr.  Ckrist.  Hit.  cap.  .\ci. INNOCENTS,  Fkstivai.  of  ihe      839 stick.  Like  as  the  smoke  vanisheth  so  shalt  thou  drive them  away .-  and  like  as  wax  melteth  at  the tire.     (v.  2.) Christ  is  risen,  &c. Stick.  So  let  the  ungodly  perish  at  the  presence  of  God, but  let  the  righteous  l)c  glad.    (vv.  2,  3.) Christ  is  risen,  &c. Stick.  This  is  the  day  which  the  Lord  hath  made :  we will  rejoice  and  be  glad  in  it.  (Ps.  cxvlii.2-1.) Christ  is  risen,  &c. On  Sundays  as  a  rule,  in  the  liturgy  of  St. Basil  the  Typica  ^  for  the  day  are  said  instead  of the  first  two  antijjhons ;  and  in  those  of  St. Basil  and  St.  Chrysostom  instead  of  the  third antiphon,  the  Beatitudes  {oi  ixaKapt<T/j.ol). These  are  the  Beatitudes  from  the  Sermon  on the  Mount,  and  are  thus  said.  They  are  intro- duced by  the  clause  "  Remember  us,  0  Lord, when  Thou  comest  into  Thy  Kingdom."  The first  five  Beatitudes  ai-e  then  said  consecutivelv  ; after  the  fifth  and  each  following  one  is  inter- posed a  short  troyxirion,  differing  in  each  case, and  all  varying  with  the  day.  After  the  sixth of  these  follows  "  Glory,  &c."  and  then  two  more troparia,  the    latter  of  which  is   a    Theotocion.' In  the  liturgies  of  St.  James  and  St.  Mark the  initial  hymn  is  the  same,  and  unvarying.  It is  of  the  ordinary  form  of  Greek  hymns,  begin- ning "  Only  begotten  Son  and  Word  of  God,"  &c., and  containing  prayers  for  salvation  through  the mysteries  of  the  incarnation,  which  it  recites. [See  Antiphon].  [H.  J.  H.] INITIATION.     [Baptism,  §0,  p.  156.] INNOCENT,    or     INNOCENTIUS.      (1) [Gregory  (2).] (2)  Martyr  at  Sii-mium  with  Sebastia  (or Sabbatia)  and  thirty  others ;  commemorated July  4  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (3)  Martyr  with  Exsuperius  (1).     [W.  F.  G.] INNOCENTS,  Festival  of  the.  {vf^epa roiv  ayiaiv  t5'  x'^'^S&'J'  vijiriwv :  festum  Inno- centum  [«"?«],  Natales  Sanctorum  Innocentum, Natale  Infantum,  Necatio  \_AUisio']  Infantum. The  old  English  Childermas  and  the  German Kindermcsse  may  also  be  noted.) 1.  History  of  festival. — The  Holy  Innocents  of Bethlehem,  the  victims  of  Herod's  jealousy  of  our Lord,  are  at  an  early  period  commemorated  as martyrs  for  Christ,  of  whom  indeed  they  were in  one  sense  the  first  (see  Irenaeus  adv.  Haer. iii.  16.  4;  Cyprian,  Epist.  56,  plehi  Thibari  con- sisienti,  §  6).  Subsequent  fathers  continually speak  in  the  same  strain,  e.g.  Gregory  of  Nazi- anzum  {Senn.  38  in  Naticitate,  §  18 ;  vol.  i.  674, ed.  Bened.) ;  Chrysostom  (Horn.  9  in  S.  Matt. vol.  vii.  130,  ed.  Montfaucon)  ;  Augustine  (Ltiar- ratio  in  Psal.  47  ;  vol.  iv.  593,  ed.  Gaume  ;  Senn. 199  in  Epiphania,  §  2,  vol.  v.  1319 ;  Serm.  373  in Epiph.  §  3,  vol.  v.  2178 ;  Serm.  375  in  Epiph. §  2,  vol.  v.  2183);  Prudentius  {Cath.  xii.  de Epijih.  125).  Augu.stine  also  distinctly  refers (de  lihero  ArUtrio,  iii.  68,  vo'  i.  1035)  to  a  com- memoration of  their  martyrdom  by  the  church. Some  writers,  as  Augusti  {Uenkwiirdigkeiten  ans der  Christlichen  Archdoloi/ie,  i.  304),  Bintorim (DenkwUrdigkeiten  derChrist-Katholischen  Kirche, V.  1.  549)  and  others,  refer  to  a  homily  of  Origen <i  These  terms  will  be  explained  In  their  place. <=  These  troparia  are  given  in  the  Octoeckus. 840      INNOCENTS,  Festival  of  the as  affording  evidence  on  this  last  point.  The writing  in  question,  however  (ffom.  3  de  diversis, vol.  ii.  p.  282  ;  ed.  Paris,  1604),  is  universally rejected  as  spurious,  and  Huet  sums  up  con- cerning it  (Origenis  0pp.  vol.  iv.  325,  ed.  De  la Rue)  that  it  is  a  work  originally  written  in Latin,  and  later  than  the  time  of  Jerome. The  commemoration  of  the  Massacre  of  the Innocents  was  at  first  combined  with  the  festival of  the  Epiphany.  Thus  the  passage  of  Pruden- tius  above  referred  to  speaks  of  them  in  the hymn  on  the  Epiphany ;  Leo,  in  not  a  few  of  his homilies  on  the  Epiphany,  speaks  of  the  Inno- cents (see  e.g.  Sermm.  31-33,35,  38:  Patrol. liv.  234  sqq.),  as  also  Fulgentius  of  Ruspe  in  a homily  de  Epiphania,  deque  Innocentuin  nece  et muneribus  magorum  (^Patrol.  Ixv.  732).  Subse- quently a  special  day  was  set  apart  for  the  fes- tival of  the  Innocents,  a  day  in  close  proximity to  that  on  which  the  Lord's  Nativity  is  celebrated being  chosen ;  not  that  we  have  any  definite knowledge  as  to  the  time  when  Herod  put  the children  to  death,  but  from  the  special  associ- ation between  the  two  events.  Hence  we  find December  28  in  the  Western  and  December  29 in  the  Eastern  church  set  apart  for  the  com- memoration of  the  Innocents.  The  date  of  the origin  of  the  separate  festival  cannot  be  very closely  defined.  It  is  however  mentioned  in  the Calendarium  Carthaginense,  to  whose  date  we  can approximate  from  the  fact  that  the  latest  martyrs commemorated  are  those  who  perished  in  the Vandal  persecution  under  Huuneric,  484  a.d. Here  the  notice  is,  "  V.  Kal.  Jan.  Sanctorum  In- nocentum,  quos  Herodes  jccidit  "  (Patrol,  xiii. 1228).  It  may  be  added  that  Peter  Chrysologiis, bishop  of  Ravenna  (ob.  450  A.D.),  has  left  among his  sermons,  two  de  Infantium  nece,  quite  apart from  several  others  on  the  Epiphany  (Sermm. 152,  153;  Patrol.  Vn.  G04).  It  is  needless  to give  here  a  list  of  later  calendai-s  and  martyr- ologies,  in  which  the  festival  of  the  Innocents uniformly  occurs,  but  it  may  be  noted  that  it subsequently  acquired  a  considerable  degree  of  im- portance, for  in  the  Pide  of  Chrodegang,  bishop  of Jletz  (ob.  766  A.D.),  the  "  festivitas  Infantium" is  included  among  the  "  solemnitates  praecipuae  " (Beg.  Chrodeg.  c.  74;  Patrol.  Ix.xxvii.  1009). 2.  Liturgical  notices. — The  earliest  of  the  Ro- man Sacramentaries,  the  Leonine,  contains  two masses  for  the  festival  of  the  Innocents,  which follow  immediately  after  that  for  St.  John  the Evangelist,  and  are  headed  In  Natali  Innocentuin (Leouis  0pp.  vol.  ii.  155,  ed.  Ballerini).  We  may call  attention  to  the  curious  reference  in  the Preface  of  the  second  mass  to  the  prophecy  of Jeremiah  (xxxi.  15),  "  Rachel  plorans  filios  suos, noluit  cousolari,  quia  non  sunt,"  where  the mother's  grief  is  explained  as  arising  not  from the  death  of  her  children,  but  because  infants  held worthy  of  receiving  so  great  a  renown  were  born not  from  her  line,  but  from  that  of  Leah.  Ele- ments from  the  Leonine  Sacramentary  are  found embodied  in  the  service  for  the  day  in  the  Ge- lasian  (^Patrol.  Ixxiv.  1060)  and  Gregorian  Sacra- mentaries (col.  12,  ed.  Menard),  in  the  latter case  including  a  slightly  modified  form  of  the Preface,"  which  also  appears  in  the  service  for a  The  collect  in  the  Gelasian  and  Gregorian  Sacra- mentaries furnished  that  of  our  own  ciuirth  till  1662, when  it  was  moditled  into  its  present  foim. INNOCENTS,  Festival  of  the the  day  in  the  Ambrosian  liturgy  (Pamelius, Liturgg.  Latt.  i.  308).  In  the  ancient  Roman church  a  special  degree  of  mournfulness  was associated  with  this  day,  for  we  find  in  the  Gre- gorian Liber  Aniiphonarius  (col.  659,  ed.  Menard) the  notice  that  the  Gloria  in  Excelsis  and  Alle- luia are  not  sung,  "  sed  quasi  prae  tristitia  dies ilia  deducitur."  Of  this  we  may  derive  an  illus- tration, though  of  much  later  date,  from  the Ordo  Romanus  (x.  26),  which  remarks  that  on this  day,  except  it  fell  on  a  Sunday,  the  Romans abstain  from  flesh  and  fat.  See  also  Amalarius {de  Eccl.  Off.  i.  41 ;  Patrol,  cv.  1074),  and  the Micrologus  (de  Eccl.  obs.  c.  36;  Patrol,  cli.  1005), which  mentions  the  further  omission  on  this  day of  the  le  Deum  and  Ite,  missa  est.  He  subjoins  as a  reason  for  the  sadness  attaching  to  this  day,  that the  Innocents,  though  martyrs  for  Christ,  "non- dum  tamen  ad  gloriara,  sed  ad  infernalem  poenam discesserunt." In  the  ancient  lectionary  of  the  Gallican church,  the  prophetic  lection,  epistle,  and  gospel were  respectively  Jer.  xxxi.  15-20,  Rev.  vi.  9-11, Matt.  ii.  1-23  (Mabillon,  de  Liturgia  Gallicana, lib.  ii.  p.  112  ;  see  also  the  service  in  the  Gotho- gallic  missal,  lib.  iii.  p.  198).  In  the  Mozarabic liturgy,  however,  they  are  respectively  Jer.  xxxi. 15-20,  2  Cor.  i.  2-7,  Matt,  xviii.  13-15,  1-6, 10,  11  (Missale  Mixtun  S.  Isidori,  p.  48,  ed. Leslie). The  Micrologus  (supra)  refers  to  the  octave  of the  festival  of  the  Innocents  as  generally  observed ("  eodem  modo  ut  aliorum  Sanctorum  celebra- tur  ").  It  would  seem,  however,  that  this  is  of comparatively  late  date  as  a  matter  of  general observance,  for  according  to  Binterim  (Denkw. v.  1.  552),  it  is  wanting  in  many  calendars  of  the 9th  century.  A  curious  mistake  must  be  men- tioned here  into  which  several  have  fallen  in connection  with  the  octave  of  the  festival  of  the Innocents.  In  the  Indiculus  operum  S.  Augustini by  Possidius,  is  an  entry  "  de  die  octavarum  In- fantium ;  duo  "  (Patrol,  xlvi.  16).  This  has  been taken  by  Baronius  (Marty rologium  Eomannm, Dec.  28  and  Jan.  4,  not.)  and  others  as  showing the  existence  of  an  octave  of  the  festival  of  the Innocents  in  Augustine's  time.  The  two  sermons, however,  of  Augustine  refer  to  the  first  Sunday after  Easter,  the  octave  of  the  day  on  which  the sacrament  of  baptism  had  been  received,  "  hodie octavae  dicuntur  infantium,  revelanda  sunt  capita eorum  "  (Sermm.  260,  376 ;  Patrol,  xxxviii.  1201, 1669). Attention  has  already  been  called  to  the  prox- imity of  the  festival  of  the  Innocents  to  that  of the  Nativity,  in  consequence  of  the  association of  the  two  events  commemorated.  These  two indeed,  with  the  commemorations  on  the  two intervening  days  of  Stephen  the  protomartyr and  John  the  disciple  whom  Jesus  loved,  may be  supposed  to  form  one  combined  festival,  all centering  in  the  idea  of  the  Incarnation.  Thus we  have  a  homily  of  Bernard  of  Clairvaux  de Qiuituor  continuis  solemnitatibus,  scilicet  Nativi- tatis  Domini  ac  Sanctorum  Stephani,  Johannis  et Innocentium  (Patrol,  clxxxiii.  129). The  day  for  the  commemoration  of  the  Inno- cents in  the  Eastern  church  is  December  29, but  we  find  in  the  Armeno-Gregorian  calendar (Neale,  Eastern  Church,  Introd.  p.  799)  June  10 associated  with  them  :  this  same  calendar  being one   of  those  which   gives     from  what  original INNOCENTS,  THE  HOLY cause  does  not  appear,  the  amazing  number  of 14,000  foi-  the  infants  slain.  This  is  also  the case  with  the  pictorial  Moscow  calendar  prefixed by  Papebroch  to  the  Acta  Sanctorum  for  May (vol.  i.  p.  Ixxii.)."  Numerous  Eastern  calendars, however,  do  not  contain  this  absurd  addition  (see e.g.  Ludolf,  Fasti  Sacri  Ecdesiae  Alcxandrinae, p.  16 ;  Selden,  de  Si/nedriis  veterum  Ebraeorum, pp.  214,231,  ed.  Amsterdam,  1679). For  further  details  on  the  subject  of  the  fes- tival of  the  Innocents,  reference  may  be  made  to Binterim,  Denkuilrdigkeiten  der  Clirist  -  Katho- lischen  Kirche,  v.  1.  549  ;  Augusti,  Benkwurdig- keitenaus  der  Christ  lichen  Archaologie,  i.  304  sqq. : Assemani,  Kalendarium  Ecdesiae  Universae,  v. 519.  [K.  S.] INNOCENTS,  THE  HOLY,  MASSACRE OF.  Represented  in  the  mosaics  of  Sta.  M.  Mag- giore  (Ciampini,  V.M.  I.  tab.  ii.),  and  in  two ivories,  one  of  which  (from  a  diptych  in  the cathedral  of  Milan)  is  given  by  Martigny  (s.  v. see  woodcut);  also  on  a  sarcophagus  at  St. Maximin,  south  of  France  {Monuni.  de  Ste.  Made- leine, t.  i.  col.  735,  736).  Here  it  is  contrasted with  another  relief  of  the  Adoration  of  the  ilagi, INSCRIPTIONS 841 to  take  into  account— (1)  The  literature  of  the subject,  which  is  indeed  the  only  division  whicli can  be  treated  at  all  comprehensively  in  an article  like  the  present.  (2)  Technical  execution. (3)  Symbols.  (4)  A  selection  of  inscriptions,  with notes  on  some  matters  arising  out  of  them. (5)  Their  language  and  style.  (6)  The  modes of  dating  them.  (7)  An  enumeration  of  the  ab- breviations which  occur  on  them. (i.)  Literature  of  the  Suhject.— This  matter  is ably  treated  of  by  M.  De  Rossi  in  the  first  thirty- six  pages  of  his  preface  to  the  Inscriptiones  Chris- tianae  Urbis  Roinae  Septimo  Saeculo  Antiquiores'^ (Rome,  1857-1861  fol.).  The  principal  facts  are as  follows.  The  earliest  collections  of  Christian inscriptions  of  which  we  have  any  knowledge belong  to  the  age  of  Charles  the  Great,  and  were made,  as  De  Rossi  thinks,  by  scholars  of  Alcuiu. The  most  ancient  of  these  is  contained  in  au Einsiedeln  MS.  written  in  the  age  of  Alcuin  : about  a  third  of  the  whole  collection  i's  Chris- tian, sepulchral  examples  however  being  wholly wanting.  Various  compilations  of  inscriptions were  also  now  made,  in  which  many  of  the epitaphs  written  by  pope  Damasus,  among  other Christian  authors,  were  included  ;  and  the  small Ivory  Diptych  at  Milan.    From  Martigny. the  two  pictures  occupying  two  sides  of  a  frieze, and  being  divided  by  the  titulus  of  the  deceased. Martigny  also  mentions  an  ivory  diptych  of  this subject,  attributed  to  the  period  of  Theodosius the  Younger,  and  published  by  M.  Rigollot  {Arts de  Sculjjture  au  mogen  age).  [R.  St.  J.  T.] INSACRATI.    [Imposition  of  Hands,  §  1.] INSCRIPTIONS.  In  strictness  of  speech every  inscribed  monument  falls  under  this  cate- gory, unless  the  writing  be  upon  skin  or  upon paper  ;  and  accordingly  the  great  collections  of (ireek  and  Latin  inscriptions  recently  published  at Berlin  include  every  kind  of  monument  which  is inscribed,  coins  only  excepted.  These  are  some- what arbitrarily  but  at  the  same  time  profit- ably excluded,  as  belonging  to  a  special  depart- ment of  study.  But  in  common  parlance,  by Inscriptions,  the  larger  monuments  in  stone  are intended,  and  in  the  following  article  compara- tively little  notice  will  be  taken  of  any  others. In"  treating  of  this  vast  subject  it  is  proposed b  A  still  wilder  estimate,  however,  is  found  in  an Auctariam  to  the  martyrology  of  Usuardus,  which  fi.xes the  number  at  144,000  (Palrol.  cx.xiii.  S48),  probably  -.vilh reference  to  Rev.  vii.  4. remaining  stone  fragments  of  some  of  these  can be  completed  with  certainty  by  their  aid.  The collectors  of  these  inscriptions  cared  little  for their  historical  value,  and  commonly  omitted  all mention  of  their  age  or  authors  ;  they  rather designed  them  to  be  models,  after  which  similar verses  might  be  composed.  The  others  now remaining  in  whole  or  in  great  part  are — (1)  The  Palatine  MS.  of  the  11th  century (now  in  the  Vatican),  edited  by  Gruter,  Thes. fnscr.,  pp.  MCLXIII.-MCLXXVII.,  who  has  omitted a  few  profane  epigrams,  which  are  intersiiersed. None  of  the  Christian  inscriptions  seem  to be  later  than  the  9th  century,  and  they  were probably  collected  by  some  one  who  visited Rome  and  various  other  places  in  Italy  about  the close  of  that  century.  (2)  A  IMS.  of  Kloster Neuburg,  about  the  11th  century,  consisting  of Christian  inscriptions  exclusively,  which  were copied  from  Italian  originals  about  the  8th  cen- "  Lo  Blant's  catalogue  of  books  relating  to  Cllri^tiaIl epigraphy,  published  at  the  end  of  his  .ifanuel,  is  a  useful supplement  to  this,  and  brings  the  bibliography  down  lo 1869.  Do  Kossi  is  less  careful  to  notice  printed  books than  MS.  collections,  as  being  better  known.  After  the jmblication  of  iMarinl's  papers  by  Mai  in  1831  he  ceases altogether. 842 INSCRIPTIONS tury ;  they  are  almost  all  historical,  many  being by  Damasus.  (3)  A  Verdun  MS.  of  the  10th century,  containing  thirty-one  Roman  inscrip- tions ;  a  collection  independent  of  either  of  the preceding,  made  in  the  8th  or  9th  century. "  Hae  tres  antiquissimae  syllogae  omnes  trans Alpes  servatae  nobis  sunt ;  neque  quidquam  his simile  in  Italiae  nostrae  bibliothecis  uspiam inveui  ....  Primi  ergo  veterum  inscriptio- num  amatores  trausalpini  omnes-  fuere  .  .  .  . Ab  Alcuiniana  aetate  ad  saeculura  usque  deci- mum  quartum  ....  antiquis  inscriptionibus colligendis  nemo  videtur  operara  navasse "  (De Rossi,  M.  s.  pp.  X.*  xi.*). The  15th  century  saw  the  revival  of  epi- graphic  studies,  but  among  the  inscriptions  col- lected by  Poggio,  Signorili,  Cyriaco,  Feliciani, Marcanova,  Pehem,  Schedel,  and  others,  those which  ai-e  Christian  '"  apparent  rarae,"  and  are not  separately  classed.  The  earliest  collector  of purely  Christian  inscriptions,  who  lived  in  the cige  of  the  Renaissance,  is  Pietro  Sabini,  who  in 1495  presented  his  work,  in  MS.,  comprising those  which  he  had  copied  in  Rome  and  out  of it,  both  from  the  originals  and  from  MSS.,  to Charles  Vlll.,  king  of  France.  The  MS.  has been  found  in  the  library  of  St.  Mark  at  Venice by  De  Rossi,  who  affirms  that  some  of  the  in- scriptions are  very  valuable,  and  have  been  copied by  no  other  scholar ;  many  however  belong  to  a late  period.  A  volume  of  inscriptions  from  the ancient  churches  of  Rome,  made  by  Giovanni Capoti  in  1498,  seems  to  have  been  of  much  the same  character.  The  otlier  collectors  of  inscrip- tions who  lived  from  this  time  to  the  middle  of the  16th,  added  scarcely  anything  (vix  mediocre incrementum)  to  Christian  epigraphy.  Aldus Manutius  the  Younger  however  applied  himself diligently  to  the  collection  of  Christian  inscrip- tions among  others,  and  twenty  volumes  of  these formed  by  various  members  of  this  illilstrious f  imily  are  preserved  in  the  Vatican,  from  which De  Rossi  has  derived  no  small  profit.  The  most important  of  these  was  compiled  in  1566  and 1567,  and  is  entirely  filled  with  inscriptions  con- tained in  Christian  churches.  The  whole  number of  Christian  inscriptions  hitherto  collected  from all  parts,  from  the  8th  to  the  middle  of  the  16th century,  excluding  those  of  very  recent  date,  is considerably  less  than  a  thousand ;  a  great  many of  these  being  contained  in  MS.  only.''  At  pre- sent more  than  11,000  Christian  inscriptions earlier  than  the  7th  century  are  known  to  have been  found  in  Rome  alone.  With  the  exception of  a  few  epitaphs  by  Damasus  copied  in  tombs of  the  martyrs  by  the  scholars  of  Alcuin,  no subterranean  inscription  had  hitherto  been  <^e- cyphered.  But  the  discovery  of  the  catacombs of  Rome  in  1578  marks  a  new  era  in  the  study. Ciaccone,  L'Heureux  or  Macarius,  Winghius, Ugone,  and  somewhat  later  in  time,  but  first  and foremost  in  diligence  and  success,  Antonio  Bosio, were  among  the  earliest  explorers,  and  all  were more  or  less  addicted  to  the  study  of  Christian ''  The  Edinburgh  Hecieio  for  1864,  p.  221,  goes  fo  far as  to  say  that  "  the  results  of  the  whole  epoch  (of  the  re- vival of  letters)  may  be  summed  up  in  the  single  state- ment, that  more  than  a  cenlury  had  elapsed  after  the discovery  of  printing  before  a  single  inscription  of  the early  Christian  centuries  had  been  given  to  the  world." Various  MS.  voIuht'S  are  mentioned  by  De  Rossi  (u.  s. pp.  .xiv.'-.wii.*)  of  uhich  no  notice  is  taken  here. INSCRIPTIONS inscriptions.  Soon  after  this  time  the  Christian inscriptions  occupy  a  distinct  place  in  Gruter's Corpus  Inscriptionum,  published  in  1616  ;  but besides  the  Palatine  Collection  mentioned  above, all  the  others  together  reach  only  about  150, although  many  more  had  been  now  copied  in Rome  by  several  of  his  friends.  There  can  be no  doubt  that  Gruter  cared  comparatively  little about  this  class  of  inscriptions.  The  extensive and  accurate  transcripts  of  Bosio  were  trans- ferred, after  his  death  in  1629,  to  Severani,  who published  the  Roma  Sotteranea  in  1632  ;  which was  republished  in  an  enlarged  Latin  form  by Aringhi,  in  two  folio  volumes,  in  1650."  During the  half  century  that  followed  the  publication of  Gruter's  great  work,  many  scholars  collected additional  Christian  inscriptions,  some  of  the most  important  of  which  are  still  in  MS.  Espe- cially to  be  named  are  those  of  J.  B.  Doni  (died 1647),  preserved  in  the  Marucelli  Library  at Florence,  "  codex  inter  primaria  operis  mei  sub- sidia  numerandus  "  (De  Rossi)  ;  of  Sirmond  (died 1651),  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris (very  valuable,  containing  many  still  unpub- lished), and  of  Peiresc  (died  1637),  whose  In- scriptiones  Christianae  et  novae  were  consulted at  Paris  by  De  Rossi,  who  speaks  of  their  value, more  especially  for  the  inscriptions  of  Gaul. To  these  should  be  added  the  collections  of  F. Ptolomeo  (made  about  1666),  preserved  in  the public  library  of  Sienna,  of  which  Muratori made  much  use,  and  those  of  Brutio,  in  seven- teen volumes,  finished  in  1679,  preserved  in  the Vatican,  whose  value  is  scarcely  proportional to  their  bulk.  Between  Aringhi  (1650)  and FabrettJ,  whose  folio  volume  on  inscriptions appeared  in  1702,  Montfaucon  alone  (so  thinks De  Rossi)  can  be  regarded  as  having  materially added  to  the  knowledge  of  Christian  epigraphy ; his  MSS.  were  examined  at  Paris  by  De  Rossi, who  thence  derived  some  valuable  additions  to his  Roman  inscriptions.  It  deserves  however  to be  recorded  that  William  Fleetwood,  fellow  of King's  College,  Cambridge,  afterwards  bishop  of Ely,  published  in  1691  an  Inscriptionum  Antiqua- rum  Sijlloge  (Lond.  8vo),  in  two  parts ;  the second  part,  "  Christiana  monumenta  antiqua quae  hactenus  innotuerunt  omnia  complec- titur : "  these  occupy  nearly  two  hundred  pages, and  are  occasionally  accompanied  by  brief  notes.'' Zaccaria  several  times  notices  this  work  contro- versially or  otherwise  (^Diss.  de  Vet.  Tnscr.  usu, pp.  326,  327,  370,  382,  384,  388,  399),  and  it is  frequently  quoted  by  other  epigraphists  as  by Marini,  Le  Slant,  and  De  Rossi  himself,  though  he has  not  named  it  in  his  introduction.  Fabretti's labours  are  both  skilful  and  accurate;  but  the types  which  the  printer  made  use  of  were  inade- quate to  express  the  true  reading  of  his  inscrip- tions. Boldetti  and  Marangoni,  who  laboured  in concert  in  the  same  field  as  Bosio  had  done,  "  are <!  Dr.  M'Caul  (^Christian  Epitaphs,  pref.  p.  iv.  note) observes  that  these  volumes  "  have  a  reputation  far  be- yond their  merits."  There  is  no  doubt,  he  adds,  that some  forger  of  inscriptions  imposed  both  on  Severani  and Aringhi.    De  Rossi  promises  a  detailed  account  of  this  j matter,  p.  xxvi*.  i <*  We  can  the  less  afford  to  pass  it  over,  though  it  ap-  '. pears  to  be  little  else  but  acompilati-on  from  other  authurs,  ! as  it  is  almost  the  only  work  on  Christian  epigraphy  ex-  . pressly  devoted  to  the  subject,  that  has  appeared  in  this  ' country  till  quite  lately.  i INSCRIPTIONS made  especially  memorable  by  one  of  those  cata- strophes, which  occasionally  diversify  the  monoto- nous history  of  student  life.  They  had  spent more  than  thirty  years  in  the  exploration  of  the catacombs  and  other  sacred  antiquities  of  Rome. Boldetti's  volume,  published  in  1720  at  Rome [entitled  Osservazioni  sopra  i  cimiteri  de'  Santi Martiri'],  comprised  a  portion  of  the  results; but  by  far  the  greater  part  still  remained  in MS.,  when  in  17o7  an  unlucky  fire  destroyed  in a  few  hours  the  fruit  of  all  these  years  of  toil- some research.  The  loss,  it  is  melancholy  to .add,  was  complete  and  irreparable.  Boldetti's great  age  precluded  all  hopes  of  his  being  able to  repair  his  portion  of  the  work.  Marangoni although  grievously  depressed  resumed  his labours  with  great  energy ;  but  M.  De  Rossi  has everywhere  sought  in  vain  for  the  results  of  his attempted  restoration"  {Edinhunjh  Rev.  u.  s.  p. 222).  The  destruction  of  these  papers  has  left  a void  which  can  hardly  be  supplied  ;  the  chambers which  they  explored  are  now  "  demolita  et  hor- rendum  in  modum  vastata "  (De  Rossi).  Bol- detti  indeed  and  those  whom  he  employeii  to copy  the  inscriptions  have  been  proved  to  be  very inaccurate  both  as  regards  the  sites  of  their  dis- covery and  the  reading  of  the  texts  ;•=  "  ei  me iratissimum  esse  profiteor,"  says  De  Rossi  (p. xxvii.*).  Marangoni  was  much  more  exact,  and his  Appendix  ad  Acta  S.  Victorini,  Rom.  1740, 4",  is  a  work  of  considerable  value.  P.  Lupi,  a friend  of  these  scholars,  has  left,  besides  various printed  works  relating  to  epigraphy,-  a  valuable collection  of  inscriptions  preserved  in  MS.  in  the Vatican  at  Rome  ;  and  a  similar  collection  by  the celebrated  Buonarotti  is  preserved  at  Florence. It  became  evident  that  the  time  had  now arrived  when  a  fresh  collection  of  Christian  in- scriptions should  incorporate  the  previous  dis- coveries of  so  many  scholars.  The  industrious Gori  projected  such  a  work,  in  which  they  should be  so  arranged  as  to  illustrate  the  doctrines,  the ceremonies,  the  hierarchy  and  the  discipline  of the  church.  But  his  other  engagements  pre- vented. The  MSS.  however  of  his  friends Stosch,  Ficoroni  and  others,  containing  materials for  the  work,  are  stored  up  in  the  Marucelli Library  at  Florence,  where  thoy  were  consulted with  profit  by  De  Rossi.  The  task  was  in  some measure  executed  by  the  indefatigable  Muratori, whose  Nomis  Thesaurus  Vetcrum  Inscriptionum published  at  Milan  in  1739  in  four  folio  volumes, contains,  in  addition  to  the  profane  inscriptions, a  larger  number  of  Christian  ones  than  had  ever yet  appeared,  being  taken  both  from  printed  and from  MS.  sources:  but  the  work  was  very  un- critically executed,  and  his  conjectural  additions are  not  distinguished  from  the  actual  readings  of the  broken  inscriptions.  Maft'ei,  who  has  been called  the  founder  of  lapidary  criticism,  had undertaken  in  conjunction  with  Seguier  a  great body  of  inscriptions,  in  which  there  should  be  a purely  Christian  division  ;  but  both  these  and various  other  scholars,  who  had  cherished  like good  intentions,  bore  no  fruit  to  perfection. It  now  also  again  entered  into  the  minds  of more  than  one  divine  to  turn  the  extant  mass e  De  Rossi  (under  his  Inscr.  Urb.  Rom.  n.  17.  p.  24) calls  him  a  man  "cujus  in  id  genus  apographis  excipi- enrfis  imperiiiam  et  incuriara  non  ccnteiia,  scd  millena exi^mpla  teslantur." INSCRIPTIONS  813 of  Christian  inscriptions  to  theological  account ; and  with  somewhat  better  success.  The  learned Jesuit  A.  F.  Zaccaria  contemplated  a  very  exten- sive work,  in  which  the  more  interesting  Chris- tian inscriptions  should  be  arranged  under  the following  heads:  (i.)  Religio  in  Deum ;  (ii.) Religio  in  Sanctos;  (iii.)  Templa;  (iv.)  Tem- plorum  ornamenta,  vasa  sacra,  idque  genus caetera;  (v.)  Dies  Festi  ;  (vi.)Sacramenta  ;  (vii.) Hierarchia  ecclesiastica  ac  primo  Romani  Pon- tificis;  (viii.)  Episcopi ;  (ix.)  Presbyteri ;  (x.) Ordines  majores ;  (xi.)  Ordines  minores;  (xii.) Monachi ;  (xiii.)  Laid ;  (xiv.)  Laici  dignitate praestantes;  (xv.)  Artes  atque  officia  minora; (xvi.)  Leges  ecclesiasticae  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p. XXX.*)  This  magniloquent  announcement  how- ever was  never  carried  out ;  but  a  kind  of  first fruits  were  put  forth  in  1762  in  a  treatise entitled  De  vetenim  Christianonim,  in  rebus theologicis  usu.''  In  this  work  he  brings  together with  a  considerable  amount  of  industry  and learning  such  inscriptions  as  bear  or  seem  to bear  upon  the  doctrines  of  his  church  ;  "  quae  non ultra  septimum  nostrae  aerae  saeculum  progre- diuntur,  ne  haereticis  cavillandi  detur  occasio " ( J/ic'S.  Theol.  Hiss.  p.  325).  Martigny  however calls  it  "un  livre  mediocre;"  and  speaks  of  his friend  and  imitator,  Danzetta,  as  having  written "  avec  moins  de  succfes  encore  "  ^  {Diet.  p.  305). The  bearing  of  inscriptions  upon  doctrinal  or  dis- ciplinary controversy  is  "a  perfectly  legitimate use  of  the  subject,**  and  mdeed  its  true  ultimate end,  but  one  for  which  from  the  insufficiency  of the  data  the  time  had  not  [in  the  18th  century] fully  an'ivod."  (Edinburgh  Reuev^u.  s.  p.  224.) Nor  can  it  be  said  to  have  fully  arrived  now.  In a  few  years'  time  it  will  probably  be  otherwise. Zaccaria  in  his  later  years  encouraged  a  rising young  scholar,  Gaetano  Marini,  to  undertake  the task  which  he  had  found  to  be  too  much  for himself.  Marini  set  about  the  work  with  great spirit,  and  from  1765  to  1801  worked  at  it,  not exclusively  indeed,  but  yet  so  as  never  to  allow his  labours  to  be  wholly  intermitted.  An  ample I  account  of  his  preparations  and  of  the  merits  and '  defects  of  his  performances  is  given  by  De  Rossi (m.  s.  pp.  xxxi.*-xxxii.*).  By  help  of  his friends  in  Italy  and  his  own  labour  he  had amassed  about  8600  Christian  inscriptions  in Latin,  and  about  750  in  Greek  from  all  parts of  the  world,  of  the  first  ten  centuries.  But these  were  in  a  confused,  imperfect  and  uncritical state.  "  Marini's  labours  were  interru]ited  by the  French  Revolution  ;  and  at  his  death  he  be- queathed to  the  Vatican  Library  the  materials which    he    had    compiled,   and    which,    having f  Published  In  the  Thesaurus  Theolog.  Dissertationum vol.  i.  pp.  325-396,  Venet.  1762,  4to;  appan  ntly  for  the firnt  time  (see  Prw/atio  generality  Le  Blant  (in  his Bibliographie)  gives  1761  as  the  date.  It  lias  been  re- published by  MIgnc  in  his  Cursus  Theolog.  completus. g  It  would  seem  from  De  Rossi's  remarks  (p.  xxxi*) that  his  Theolngia  Ijipidaria  exists  only  in  MS.  (In  the Vatican).  He  gained  from  it  a  few  unpublished  inscrip- tions which  Danzetta  had  taken  from  the  papers  of  Ma- rangoni. h  For  the  ecclesiastical  historian  inscriptions  of  all periods  will  of  course  have  ihelr  own  value;  and  many  of them  yield  up  a  great  deal  of  information  and  fiirnisli "Illustrations  of  almost  every  branch  of  Christian  litera- '  ture  history,  and  antiquities"  {Edinburgh  Keuiew.u.  s. p.  231). 844 INSCRIPTIONS recently  been  put  in  order  by  M.  De  Rossi  are found  to  fill  no  fewer  than  31  volumes.  Among these,  four  volumes  had  been  partially  prepared for  publication,  of  which  the  first  was  in  a  com- paratively forward  state.  This  is  the  Inscrip- tionum  Christianarum  pars  prima,  which  is printed  in  the  fifth  volume  of  Mai's  Scriptorum Veterum  Nova  Collectio,  in  1831.  And  perhaps it  may  be  said  that  it  is  to  the  incomplete  and unsatisfactory  condition  of  the  remaining  por- tion of  Marini's  papers  that  we  are  indebted for  much  of  the  far  more  critical  and  scholarly work  of  M.  De  Rossi,  entitled  Inscriptiones Urhis  Komae  Septimo  Saeculo  antiquiores  (Rom. 1857-61,  fol.  pp.  619+123  proL  -1-40  praef.) This  publication  was  undertaken  at  the  express solicitation  of  Cardinal  Mai,  who  finding  the task  of  preparing  for  the  press  the  rest  of Marini's  materials  entirely  incompatible  with his  other  engagements,  transferred  to  his  young and  learned  friend  the  undertaking  for  which his  tastes,  his  studies,  and  his  genuine  love of  the  subject  pointed  him  out  to  Mai  as eminently  fitted."  (^L'dhibun/h  Rev.  u.  s.  pp. 22-1,  225,  slightly  altered.)  The  first  volume  of this  great  work,  the  only  one  known  to  the writer,  and  perhaps  the  only  one  yet  published, contains  those  Roman  inscriptions  only  whose precise  or  approximate  date  is  positively  known.' The  number  of  these  is  1126;  among  which  we have  one  belonging  to  the  first  century,  two  to  the beginning  of  the  second  (all  very  brief  and  unim- portant), and  twenty-three  to  the  thii'd ;  the fourth  and  fifth  centuries  have  between  four and  five  hundred  each,  and  the  sixth  century  a little  more  than  two  hundred.  Fragments  and additional  inscriptions  contained  in  the  appendices bring  the  number  up  to  1374. The  second  part  of  his  work  is  intended  to include  select  inscriptions  interesting  for  their theological  and  historical  worth ;  and  in  the  last place  he  will  include  all  the  remaining  inscrip- tions arranged  according  to  the  localities  where they  were  found  ;  and  also  the  Jewish  inscrip- tion found  in  Rome.'' We  can  afford  no  more  space  to  notice  this masterly  performance,  which  every  one  who desires  to  become  acquainted  with  Christian inscriptions  must  necessarily  study  ;  an  interest- ing account  of  it,  and  also  of  the  work  following will  be  found  in  the  Edinburgh  Review  for  July, 1864. The  impulse  given  to  Christian  epigraphy  by De  Rossi's  great  work,  and  by  his  other  works  of smaller  dimensions'  has  been  manifested  by  the '  He  calls  them  Epitaphia  certam  temporis  notam  ex- Uibentia.  Notwithstanding  this,  the  mark  of  time  on  the stone,  by  reason  of  its  fragmentary  condition,  often  leaves tlie  exact  date  uncertain.  See,  for  example,  n.  986,  the (late  of  which  may  be  522  or  485,  and  n.  999,  which  may be  of  the  year  525,  524,  454,  or  453. k  Under  each  inscription  mention  is  made  of  the  place where  it  was  found,  where  it  has  been  edited,  if  at  all,  or from  what  MSS.  it  has  been  copied  by  the  editor,  if  he have  not  himself  transcribed  it.  Plates  are  in  most  cases added.  If  the  Inscriptions  were  more  frequently  written out  in  common  minuscules,  besides  being  figured,  they would  be  more  easily  read  by  the  non-antiquarian  scholar or  student. 1  His  Bulletino  di  Archeologia  Cristiana,  of  which  the tirst  vulume  (in  twelve  monthly  parts)  appeared  in  1863 (Roma,  tipogratia  Salviucci,  4to)  is  a  magazine  of  most INSCRIPTIONS publication  of  other  books  relating  to  the  subject, among  which  those  which  comprise  the  Christian inscriptions  en  masse  of  particular  countries  hold the  first  rank.  And  among  these  we  must  place at  the  head  the  Inscriptions  Chre'tieniies  de  la Gaule  ante'rieures  au  VII1•"^  Siecle,  edited  and annotated  by  M.  Edmond  Le  Blant,  in  2  vols. 4to.,  Paris,  1856,  and  1865,  comprising  708  in- scriptions, nearly  all  Latin,  but  a  few  Greek,  and a  few  also  written  in  Runes.™  The  earliest  dated inscription  belongs  to  the  year  334,  and  the latest  to  695  ;  but  only  four  of  these  are  as  early as  the  4th  century.  Of  the  rest  that  are  dated about  50  belong  to  the  5th  century,  nearly  100 to  the  6th,  and  13  to  the  7th  century.  A  few which  are  undated  are  certainly  before  the  age of  Constantine  {Manuel,  p.  124). The  same  learned  author  has  likewise  more recently,  in  1869,  written  a  Manuel  d'Epigrapltie Chre'tienne  d'apres  les  inarhres  de  la  Gaule,  ac- compagne'  d'une  bibliograpfiie  speciale,  i.e.,  a catalogue  of  books  relating  to  Christian  epi- graphy generally,  Paris,  sm.  8vo.  pp.  267.  Al- though this  valuable"  work  refers  more  especially to  Gaulish  inscriptions,  there  is  a  great  deal  about others  also  ;  in  particular  his  enumeration  of formulae  (Greek  and  Latin)  which  occur  in  dif- ferent parts  of  the  Christian  world,  in  Europe, Asia  and  Africa,  where  different  provinces  have their  own  styles  of  epigraphy,  is  peculiarly  in- structive (pp.  76-81),  and  a  translation  will  be found  below.  The  Christian  inscriptions  of  Spain have  very  rec^xitly  been  edited  by  one  of  the most  eminent  living  epigraphists,  Prof.  E.  HUbner, of  Berlin.  His  Inscriptiones  Hispaniae  Chris- tianae  was  published  at  Berlin  in  1871,  and  in- cludes 209  inscriptions,  besides  89  others  of  the medieval  period  comprised  in  the  appendix.  Of the  earlier  ones  two  or  three  only  can  be  referred to  the  4th  century  ;  the  others  are  of  the  5th, 6th,  7th  and  8th  centuries;  about  half  of  them are  dated,  the  earliest  being  of  the  year  465,  and the  latest  being  782.  Nearly  all  are  in  Latin  ;  a very  itw  only  in  Greek.  A  splendid  publication commenced  in  1870,  entitled  Christian  Inscrip- tions in  the  Irish  Language,  chiefly  collected  and drawn  by  G.  Petrie,  LL.D.,  edited  by  M.  Stokes, Dublin,  printed  at  the  University,  4to.  Four parts  have  now  (1874)  been  published.  Those  of Clonmacnois  (above  100  in  number)  range  from valuable  information  for  inscriptions  among  other  anti- quities. Other  works  of  his  (some  unknown  to  the writer)  on  this  subject  are  enumerated  by  Le  Blant  in  his Bibliographie  at  the  end  of  his  Manuel  d' Epigraphie. m  Both  this  and  Hiibiier's  work  (see  below)  give  details for  each  inscription  in  the  same  exact  and  comprehensive manner  as  De  Rossi,  and  are  accompanied  by  numerous plates.  M.  Le  Blant  has  subsequently  obtained  additional inscriptions  from  various  parts  of  France  and  Switzerland, which  will  one  day,  he  hopes,  form  a  rich  supplement  to his  former  work  (Manuel  p.  1). "  It  Is  notwithstanding  to  be  regretted  that  so  useful a  book  was  not  put  together  with  a  little  more  fulness  and precision  :  it  is  divided  into  nineteen  chapters,  but  nothing is  said  either  at  the  beginning  of  the  work  or  at  the  head of  each  respecting  the  contents  of  the  chapters;  the  list of  books  placed  at  the  end  of  the  volume  scarcely  satisfies the  requirements  of  the  bibliographer,  as  it  almost  inva- riably omits  the  Christian  name  or  initials  of  the  authors mentioned,  and  the  number  of  volumes  In  each  work.  At the  same  time  it  will  be  found  very  helpful  without being  by  any  means  complete,  particularly  as  regards English  books. INSCRIPTIONS the  7th  to  the  12th  century  in  a  regular  series; and  by  their  help  it  is  hoped  that  a  key  to  the approximate  date  of  such  works  in  other  parts of  the  country  as  well  as  in  other  parts  of the  British  Islands  may  be  obtained.  They occupy  the  first  part  of  the  work.  All  the  above works  are  beautifully  illustrated  with  figures. There  are  also  other  recent  books  which  deal with  the  Christian  inscriptions  of  particular  re- gions. Among  them  are  to  be  named  C.  Gazzera, Delle  isorizioni  cristkme  antiche  del  Pieinonte  dis- corso,  Torino,  1850,  4to.  (also  in  Mem.  Accad. di  Torino,  1851);  J.  B.  De  Rossi,  De  Christianis iitulis  Ciirthaginiensibus  (in  Pitra's  Spicil.  Sotesm. vol.  4);  and  (along  with  the  Pagan  insci'iptions) L.  Renier,  Inscriptions  Bomaines  de  I'Algerie, Paris,  1858,  fol. The  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Latinai-um,  whose publication  is  still  going  forward  at  Berlin, includes,  with  specified  exceptions,  all  Latin inscriptions,  both  Pagan  and  Christian,  which can  be  placed  with  certainty  or  reasonable  pro- bability before  600  A.D.  (see  pref.  to  vols.  ii. and  iii.).  The  Christian  inscriptions  are  dis- tinguished in  the  indices  by  a  dagger  prefixed." A  great  number  of  Welsh  inscriptions,  the earliest  being  probably  about  the  7th  century, will  be  found  in  the  numerous  volumes  of  the Archaeologia  Cambreiisis,  1846,  sqq.  8vo.,  mostly described  by  the  well-known  palaeographer Prof.  Westwood.  But  a  conspectus  of  the  whole of  the  early  Christian  inscriptions  of  Great  Britain and  Ireland  P  will,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  in  process of  time  be  included  in  Messrs.  A.  W.  Haddan  and W.  Stubbs'  Councils  and  Ecclesiastical  Docu- ments relating  to  Great  Britain,  of  which  the first  volume  appeared  at  Oxfoi-d  in  1869,  8vo., part  of  the  second  in  1871,  and  the  third  in 1873.  The  very  scanty  inscribed  Christian  re- mains of  the  Roman  period  will  be  found  at vol.  i.  pp.   39,  40  ;i    vol.  ii.  p.  sxii.  (Addenda) INSCRIPTIONS 845 o  It  is  astonishing  how  small  a  numljer  of  Latin Christian  inscriptions  (or,  at  any  rate  inscriptions  known to  1)6  Christian)  occur  in  some  countries.  In  vol.  iii. edited  by  Mommsen,  which  includes  Egj'pt,  Asia,  Illy, ricum,  and  the  provinces  of  European  Greece,  there  are only  about  thirty  inscriptions  which  can  be  counted  upon as  Christian  out  of  6574.  Of  these  several  were  found  toge- ther at  a  place  in  Dalmatia. p  The  boolvs  where  the  inscriptions  are  described  and figured  are  fully  detailed  under  each  inscription  in  the same  complete  manner  as  in  De  Rossi's,  Le  Blant's,  and Hiibner's  worlcs  already  mentioned.  It  is  hardly  neces- sary therefore  to  say  much  of  any  of  them  here ;  many of  tbem  are  periodicals,  others  are  monographs  on  parti- cular classes  of  monuments,  particularly  Stuart's  Sculp- tured Stones  of  Scotland  (printed  for  the  Spalding  Club, Edinb.  1856-1867,2  vols,  fol.) ;  G.Stephen's  Old yorthern Runic  Monuments  (London  and  Copenhagen,  2  vols.  fol. 1866-186S);  Munch's  edition  of  the  Chron.  ilanniae (Cbri.-^tian.  ISGO).  A  great  number  also  of  topographical and  archaeological  works  by  I^ysotis,  Hodgson,  Nichols, C.  Roach  Smith,  Horsley,  Borlase,  &c.  are  brought  under contribution. q  The  Lincoln  inscription  is  considered  by  HUbner (^Inscr.  Brit.  IM.  ii.  191)  to  be  of  the  16th  century.  If so.  perhaps  the  only  Roman  Christian  inscription  which deserves  the  name  must  be  struck  off.  The  chrisma, however,  has  been  found  on  six  or  seven  monuments  of different  kinds  (without  counting  coins),  once  with  the a  and  u  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  u.  s.).  The  chrisma  occurs also  on  a  lamp  in  the  Newcastle  museum,  published  by Hiibuer  («.  s.  p.  240,  n.  27),  who  likewise  gives  two  rings with  the  Christian  acclamation.  "  Vivas  in  ni:i),"  foiiiid and  p.  51.  To  these  will  perhaps  be  added  a Roman  inscrii)tion  found  at  Sea-mills,  near Bristol,  in  1873,  seen  by  the  writer,  but  whether it  be  Christian  or  no  "adhuc  sub  judice  lis  est."' The  sepulchral  Christian  inscriptions  in  Celtic Britain,  A.D.  450-700,  mostly  in  Latin,  but  one or  two  in  Welsh,  vol.  i.  pp.  162-169;  some  few of  the  Latin  inscriptions  being  accompanied  by Ogham  characters.  The  same  class  of  inscrip'- tions  in  Wales,  A.D.  700-1100,  vol.  i.  pp.  G25- 633  (Latin);  the  inscriptions  of  Scottish  and English  Cumbria  (A.D.  450-900,  vol.  ii.  pp.  51- 56),  some  Latin,  some  (at  Ruth  well  near  Dum- fries, and  at  Bewcastle  in  Cumberland)  Runic. The  inscribed  monuments  (very  few)  in  the Pictish  and  Scottish  kingdoms  (ad.  400-900), partly  Latin,  partly  in  Runes  and  Oghams,  are in  vol.  ii.  pp.  125-132  ;  those  of  the  Isle  of  Man, nearly  all  Runes,  of  Norwegian  origin  (one  may be  Gaelic),  and  inscribed  on  crosses,  whose  date  is not  given,  will  be  found  in  vol.  ii.  pp.  185-187. There  still  remain  to  follow  the  Saxon  inscrip- tions of  the  period  of  the  Heptarchy  and  the Monarchy." A  work  has  yet  to  be  mentioned,  which  is perhaps  of  greater  importance  to  the  student of  Christian  epigraphy  than  any  which  has been  already  named,  De  Rossi's  only  excepted  ; viz.,  the  Christian  inscriptions,  which  are  con- tained in  Bockh's  Corjjns  Inscriptionum  Grae- carum  (vol.  iv.  fasc.  2,  Berlin,  1859,  fol.,  plates). They  are  collected  and  edited  by  Prof.  A.  Kirchoff, the  same  great  epigraphist  who  has  just  been occupied  upon  the  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Attica- rum.  The  Christian  inscriptions  begin  at  No. 8606  and  terminate  at  No.  9893,  besides  a  few  in the  Addenda  ;  thus  making  a  total  of  nearly  1300 inscriptions  of  all  ages  and  in  almost  all  parts of  the  Roman  world,  down  to  the  fall   of  the in  England  (pp.  234,  235),  as  well  as  other  rings  which seem  to  be  Christian.  The  Romano-Christian  remains in  Britain  are  so  extremely  rare  that  it  seems  to  be worth  while  to  make  these  slight  additions  to  what  will be  found  in  Messrs.  Haddan  and  Stubbs'  work.  Mr. Wright's  statement  (CeW,  Roman  and  Saxon,  p.  29S) that  "  not  a  trace  of  Christianity  is  found  among  the  innu- niprable  religious  and  sepulchral  monuments  of  the Roman  period  found  in  Britain,"  cannot  hs  i=.ifely  contra- dicted. The  Westminster  and  Bristol  monuments  nwy possibly  be  exceptions.  So  much  can  hardly  be  said  of one  or  two  others  which  have  been  suspected  to  be Christian.  See  Dr.  M'Caul's  remarks  on  the  Chesterholm stone  in  the  Canadian  Journal  for  1874. r  See  Proc.  of  Soc.  of  Antiq.  Nov.  1873,  pp.  68-71 ; Archaeolog.  Journ.  1874,  pp.  41-46  (with  figure). s  Until  these  appear,  it  may  be  uselul  to  indicate  some of  the  principal  sources  of  information.  In  addition  to the  books  already  referred  to,  among  which  Professor  G. ■Stephen's  Runic  Monuments  is  the  principal,  Pepge's Sylloge  and  Camden's  Britannia,  with  tlie  additions  of Gibson  and  Gough,  may  be  consulted.  Among  the periodicals,  the  I'orJcshire  Archaeological  and  Topogra- phical Journal  and  the  I'roceedings  of  the  West  Riding of  Yorkshire  Geolog.  and  Polytechnic  Society  are  more especially  to  be  mentioned,  where  the  Runic  and  other early  inscriptions  of  Yorkshire  are  described  by  tlie  Rev. D.  Haigb  and  the  Rev.  J.  Fowler.  Professor  Hflbner informs  the  writer  that  he  hopes  his  Inscriptiones  Rri- tanniiae  Christianae  will  appear  In  the  course  of  1875, which  will  be  analogous  in  all  respects  to  the  hiscr. Ilisp.  Christ.  It  includes  all  Latin  inscriptions  down  to about  800  I'.c.  "  As  there  are  in  Wales  some  few  In Oghams  only,  while  the  rest  is  in  part  bilingual,  I  do not,"  ho  says,  "exclude  tho.sc  few  merely  Celtic  ones." 846 INSCRIPTIONS Byzantine  empire.  To  these  are  to  be  added about  sixty  already  included  in  the  earlier  parts of  the  boolc,  which  are  evidently  of  Christian times  ("  quos  Christianae  esse  aetatis  apparet  "). They  are  divided  into  three  classes,  (1)  Tituli operum  publicorum  et  votivi,  the  first  division of  which  is  arranged  chronologically,  the  second comprising  those  whose  age  is  uncertain.  Of the  former  division  there  are  175,  but  none  is earlier  than  the  4th  centurj',  a  copy  of  a  letter of  St.  Athanasius,  the  only  authority  for  the Greek  text,  being  perhaps  the  earliest  of  all  ; there  are  only  six  or  seven  others  which  can  be referred  to  the  4th  century.  The  fifty-eight which  follow  these  comprise  all  which  are  of  the fifth  and  following  centuries,  several  of  them being  in  verse,  to  the  death  of  Charlemagne,  of which  number  about  twelve  belong  to  the  age  of Justinian  (a.D.  527-565).  The  most  important of  these  perhaps  is  a  copy  of  the  paschal  canon of  St.  Hippolytus,  which  appears  to  have  been engraved  in  the  reign  of  Theodosius  ;  most  of  the othei's  are  inscriptions  on  various  kinds  of  build- ings, such  as  churches,  monasteries,  hospitals, towers,  and  there  are  two  or  three  which  are  in- vocations of  the  Virgin  and  the  saints,  or  prayers fur  the  welfare  of  the  persons  mentioned. (2)  The  second  class  comprises  156  inscrip- tions on  mosaics,  fictile  and  other  vessels,  glass, lamps,  triptychs  or  other  wooden  tablets,  "  et vai-i;:c  Mijicl  li  :tilis  sacrae  et  profanae,  ponderum, si'4ill(a'm!i,.iiiiiiletorum,gemmarum  "(Nos. 8953- yi09!.  About  seventy  of  these  are  on  seals (nearly  all  lead);  a  few  are  as  early  as  the  7th and  8th  centuries.  Some  of  those  however  on gems  and  glass  are  much  earlier,  and  some notice  has  been  taken  of  these  in  the  articles  on those  subjects  in  this  Dictionary. (3)  The  remaining  class  contains  no  less  than 783  inscriptions,  all  se])ulchral,  and  these  are arranged  by  the  regions  in  which  they  are  found. Those  which  bear  dates  are  comparatively  very few.  (a)  Egvpt,  Nubia,  and  the  rest  of  Africa (Nos.  9110-9137);  (6)  Syria  (Nos.  9138-9154); (c)  Asia  Minor  (Nos.  9i55-9287);  (c?)  Greece and  lUvricum  (Nos.  9288-9449,  of  which  114  are from  Athens);  (e)  Sicily  and  Malta  (Nos.  9450- 9540) ;  (/)  Italv  and  Sardinia  (Nos.  9541-9885)  ; (j/)  Gaul  and  Germany  (Nos.  9886-9893). Various  other  Greek  Christian  inscriptions have  been  since  published  ;  in  particular,  it  may be  observed  that  a  few  have  been  found  in  S])ain and  Algeria,  countries  from  which  Kirchoff  has not  given  a  single  example  (Hiibner,  m.  s.  p.  v. praef. ;  Renier,  u.  s.  pp.  255,  349). From  what  has  now  been  said,  it  must  be  appa- rent how  utterly  hopeless  and  impossible  it  is  to give  within  the  limits  of  an  article  in  a  dic- tionary a  satisfactory  account  of  this  immensely numerous  class  of  Christian  antiquities.  The most  important  aid  which  such  an  article  can render  must  be  to  indicate  the  principal  sources of  information  ;  and  these,  if  De  Rossi's  labours are  carried  out,  will  be  very  largely  increased in  tlie  course  of  a  few  years. A  little  woi'k  however  has  been  published at  Toronto  in  1869  by  the  Rev.  John  M'Caul, LL.D.,  in  which  a  judicious  selection  of  a  hundred "Christian  epitaphs  of  the  first  six  centuries" (Greek  and  Latin  from  various  parts  of  the world,  especially  from  Rome)  has  been  brought together  and  ably  commented  upon.    They  occupy INSCRIPTIONS sixty-eight  pages,  and  an   introduction  relating         i to  the  language,  names,  and  dates  employed  fill up  twenty-eight  more.     Besides  these  we  have a  brief  ))reface   pointing    out    the    necessity   of caution  in  using  uncritical  books,  like  those  of         ' Aringhi  and   Boldetti,  and   giving  amusing  ex-         j amples    of  forgeries    of    Christian    inscriptions,  '' which  have  deceived  .some  learned  writers  even  1 of  the  present  century.  To  those  who  cannot  I give  any  great  amount  of  attention  to  the  sub- ject, this  little  work  may  be  heartily  recom-  I mended,  as  it  bears  every  mark  of  conscientious  j care  and  of  strict  honesty.  J (ii.)    Technical  Execution   and  Materials  em-  "      , ployed. — The  modes   of  writing    employed^  have  i much  the  same  variations  as  in  all  ages  :  the letters  are  most  commonly  engraved  with  a  chisel below  the  surface  of  the  stone,  and  then  occasion-  ; ally  coloured  (red)  or  gilded;  sometimes  the  letters are  scratched  with  the  point  of  some  instrument,  i a   nail  or  the   like  (fig.  1);  on  some   gems   the letters  are  in  relief  (camei).  More  rarely  the letters  are  drawn  in  paint  (vermilion)  (fig.  2) or  in  gold  upon  the  flat  surface  of  the  marble, or  cut  in  gold  leaf  (upon  glass),  or  written  in ink  upon  sepulchral  tablets  or  vases,  or  in  white l»titlcrr£rP£KluCAOKT"J  TOIu)-, 2.  Letters  (Latin  words  in  Greek  characters)  painted  in  vermilion  on  I the  flat  (not  inciseJ)  surface  of  the  marble  ;  they  are  of  mixed forms,  tmcial  and  minuscule.    Leaves  and  points  introduced  , capriciously,    ad.  26a.     (Home.    The  faraotis  epitapli  of  St. colour  on   frescoes,  &c.     In  the    catacombs  the  \ inscriptions  were  occasionally,  by  reason  of  the unhappiuess  of  the  times,  smeared  in  charcoal, in  hope  that  when  persecution  had  passed  away,  ; they  might  be  recorded  in   a   more   permanent l.VSgM.TVAM-BV3Ki®« ■PA=J 5SVJ.iT.m£^wi° «AM€3hf^^^^ 3.  Words  dividea  rjiifonnly  by  points.    7th  century.    (Ely.) form.  Sometimes  also  old  tombstones  of  tne pagans  were  used  over  again,  and  the  Christian inscriptions  were  written  on  their  backs,  or  on their  obliterated  faces  (fig.  5).  Points  are  also frequently  found,  .sometimes  to  distinguish  words (fig.  3),   sometimes   scattered   capriciously    (figs. INSCRIPTIONS 2,  4) ;  likewise  a  variety  of  other  marks,  par- ticularly cordate  leaves,  common  to  pagan  and INSCRIPTIONS S47 ^IMILMKlA-H-KAly KMU/NYMOI/EZH_ XEU-n  TH-lA-HMEPAi;'Kr EreAEnHSEJJ  nt'IPKAArNOBeHBP  JAY&II%I Christian  inscriptions  (figs.  2,  5,  6).  Some  of the  above  remarks  are  illustrated  by  the  inscri|i- tions  figured  above  and  below,  to  be  more  fully described  under  Tomb.  The  reader  may  see more  on  this  subject  in  Martigny's  Diet.  s.  v. Inscriptions,  §§  II.,  III. ;  but  it  can  only  be studied  to  advantage  by  examining  the  plates in  such  works  as  De  Rossi's  Homi  Sotterranea :,,-Ea.  <i        HERACLIV5 I  WIIVIT  IN  5  ArCN/LVM -AKXvllItA^'     «ViI-^-XX   ^-^ -m^^^SiC^  KCS-VN  !>  51BI  ^ iT^iTfflO-SVO-BIMEM.mNrMNP  o DECESlTA'THRysrtBW 5.  Inscription  written  on  a  scraped  portion  of  a  parcophagu'^  pre- viously used.  Brandies,  leaves,  ami  various  small  marks introduced  between  some  of  the  words,    a.d.  3S8.    (Rome.) (coloured  plates)  and  Inscr.  Urh.  Rom.,  and  the other  books  named  above  in  which  the  letters and  accessories  are  figured.  The  same  remark must  be  made  of  the  palaeography.  The  letters have  the  same  varieties  of  form,  such  as  uncial, minuscule,  rustic,  and  ligated,  which  are  com- mon to  MSS.  and  monuments  of  all  kinds,  and BETROIJl/lEDISNAE  COIV9I  QVEVKIT  ANKIS XXLET  iECITCVM  CONFAEE  SVOiAXD  V KAI^'NOB>'P0£  COMSS  SRATIAt.T  TERETE^VlIf VBSVS  MAPTTVS  3IBI  ETINHOCENTI  CO i^MEAKr  £2CIT  CESQVET  IN  PACE 6.  Marks  of  different  kinds  before  and  after  one  word  only :  stroke^ drawn  tbrougli  two  letters  to  indicate  that  they  htand  for  words (m€JM««  and  diGi).    Regular  uncial  letters,    a.d.  375.    (Rome.) their  e.vecution  varies  from  extreme  neatness (figs.  6,  10)  and  even  beauty  to  e.xtreme  ugli- ness and  carelessness  (/iYferae  rusticae)  (figs.  1,  8). Of  the  former  sort  the  characters  employed  by pope  Damasus  in  the  4th  century  are  the  most remarkable,  their  apices  being  ornamented  with little  hooks  (fig.  7).     They  are  called  after  him Damasine  letters  ;    but  Philocalus  was  his  artist, or  one  of  his  artists.      Thev  arc  sometimes  en- graved, sometimes  painted  on  the  marble.    There are  also  many  Christian  inscriptions  as  well  as others  which  are  not  Christian,  where  letters  are connected  by  ligatures  (litterae  ligatae) ;  some- times to  that  degree  that  it  is  no  easy  matter  to ,iHMiiBffllW decypher  them  (fig.  9).  For  some  observations on  the  fo]-m  of  letters  in  certain  Christian  inscrip- tions see  Le  Blant,  Manuel,  pp.  41,  42;  Hubner, p.  l; p.  116;    De  Rossi,   Bnll.  Arch.  Crist.  18G3, (iii.)  Symbols. — Of  the  symbols  which  are  fouml with  some  Christian  inscri])tions,  the  principal are  the  following  :  the  fish,  the  anchor,  tlie  dove, the  Good  Shepherd,  the  clirisma.  the  o  and  w,  and the  cross  in  various  forms.  Those  will  be  found described  under  their  respective  heails  (also noticed  under  Gems  and  Mosaics),  and  they may  bo  regarded  as  either  exclusiv<'ly  or  jirin- 848 INSCRIPTIONS INSCRIPTIONS of  two  hexameters  each.     A  cross  at  the beginning  and  end  of  the  first  line. irlfTTiv  ix^^  ^a<Ti\{t)iav   ifxwv  jueVecoj'  ffvv(f>iQov (Toi,  fiaKap  v^Lfx.(Sov,  rdvS'  hphv  (KTicra  vr]6v, 'lL\\-/ivuiv  T(jxivr)  Kal  ^iiifJ.ovs  e|aAaira^ay, X^i-phs  air'  ovTiSayris  'lo^tavhs  eSvhv  &vaKTi, Render :  /  constructed  with  unworthy  hand,  &c. This  is  the  earliest  Greek  inscription  relating to   the  imperial    destruction   of  pagan  temples, the  date  of  Jovian's  act  being  about  A.D.  363. 3.  Le  Blant,    Tnscr.   Chre't.   de  la  Gaule,  i.  406,  , n.  369.     Preserved  in  the  Hotel  de  Ville  at Sion  in  Switzerland. DEVOTIOSE  .  VIGENS  •  vPv' A  VG  VST  AS  .  PONTIVS  .  AEDIS  OTf^ RESriTVIT  .  PRAETOR  •  '^1 LON(}E  .  PRAESTANTIVS  •  ILLIS  . QVAE  .  PRISCAE  .  STETERAXT  . TALIS  .  RESPVBLICA  .  QVERE  . DN  •  GRATIANO  AVG  .  IIII  ET  MER  .  COS- PONTIVS  ASCLEPIODOTVS  VPPDD. The  date  of  this  consulship  of  Gratian  with Merobaudas  is  A.D.  377,  the  earliest  date  of  any public  monument  j'et  known,  bearing  the  chrisma. The  next  earliest  is  A.D.  390,  on  a  column  of St.  Paul's  basilica,  extra  muros,  Rome.  It  is  won- derful that  the  former  church  should  be  spoken of  as  old  so  early  as  A.D.  377  ;  it  can  hardly  be doubted  that  it  was  a  Christian  or  a  Christianised building.  Le  Blant's  observation  that  this church-restoration  is  precisely  contemporaneous with  the  greatest  abundance  of  Mithraic  monu- ments and  those  of  Cybele  is  worthy  to  be noted.  The  abbreviations  at  the  end  are  probably for  vir  praepositus  praetorio  dcdicavit.  Tales,  i.  e. men  like  Asclepiodotus.  De  Rossi,  however  (Bidl. di  Arch.  Crist.  1867,  p.  25),  who  evidently  con- siders Asclejiiodotus  to  be  the  author  of  the verses,  refers  tales  to  aedes  ("  che  li  dedico  alia republica  ").  He  takes  the  building  to  be  "  il palazzo  dei  presidi  imperiali,"  the  chrisma  and devotio  notwithstanding. 4.  Rasponi,  De  Basil,  et  patriarch.  Lateran.  iii.  7, Rom.  1656.  On  the  bronze-silvered  gates of  the  Baptistery  of  the  Lateran,  Rome. IN  HONOREM  S.  lOANNIS  BAPTISTAE HILARVS  El'ISCOPVS  DEI  KAMVLVS  OFFERT. Hilarius  was  pope  from  A.D.  462  to  467  ;  and the  inscription  has  the  appearance  of  being  con- temporary.    The  ancient  baptisteries  were  com- monly placed  under  the  patronage  of  St.  John the    Baptist  ;    and    both    they    and    the    fonts which  they  contained  were  frequently  inscribed. Ciampini  gives  both  kinds  of  inscriptions  from the  Baptistery  of  the  Lateran,  which  are  said  to have  been  there  in  the   5th  century:  but  this edifice  has  been  often  remodelled.     (See  Ciamp. de  Sacr.  Edif.  c.  iii..  Mart.  Diet.,  p.  321  ;  Hiibsch, Arch.  Chre't.  p.  5,  Guerber's  French  transl.  1866.) For  this  class  of  inscriptions  generally  see  the posthumous  papers  of  Marini  published  by  Mai, Script.  Vet.  Nov.  Collect,  t.  v.,  pp.  167-177.    . laser.    Christ.    Hisp.    No.  135.       Found    in    a    wall    of  the    Benedictine   convent  of S.  Salvador  de  Vairao,  near  Braga  in  Portugal,  on  seven  stones. IN  IfE  DNl  PERF  I  EOTVM  I  EST  TEMPLVM  H  1  VNC    PER     M  I  AEJSPALLA  j  W)  VOTA  I SVB  DIE  XIII  K      I  AP    ER  I  DXXIII       •      REG  |  NANTE   SERE  |  NISSIMO  VE  |  REMVNDV  RK  |  X. In  niomin^r  d{omi)tn  perfectum  est  temphim  hunc  per  Marispalla  d{e)o  voia Sub  die  XII I  k{alendas)  Apiriles)  er(a)  DXXIII  regnante  serenissivM  Veremundu  Rex, Spanish  Era  523;  a.d.  485. cipally  Christian  symbols.  The  palm  which  is also  found,  and  that  very  commonly,  is,  like  the phoenix,  Christianised ;  but  it  occurs  also  on pagan  and  Jewish  inscriptions.  It  must  be sufficient  to  refer  to  a  table  indicating  the symbols  on  the  early  Roman  and  Gaulish  sepul- chral inscriptions  (by  far  the  most  complete series),  and  the  observed  dates  of  their  intro- duction and  disappearance,  given  by  M.  Le  Blant {Manitel,  p.  29).  For  symbols  genei-ally  see Raoul  Rochette,  Tableau  des  C  dacombes  de  Borne, pp.  229  sqq.,  Paris,  1853,  and  the  authors  named at  the  beginning  and  end  of  the  book. (iv.)  Select  Inscriptions. — These  consist  of  such examples,  arranged  chronologically,  in  prose  and verse,  as  are  connected  with  churches  or  their furniture  or  adjuncts,  and  they  have  mostly some  further  interest  of  their  own.  No  uniform system  of  printing  has  been  followed.  Sometimes the  mere  transcript  of  the  letters  seems  to  be sufficient ;  sometimes  the  words  have  been  written out  (corrected  and  at  length)  below  these  ;  some- times a  translation  has  been  added  ;  also  such notes  as  seemed  desirable. 1.  De  Rossi,  Bulletino  di  Arch.  Crist.  1864,  p.  28  ; Re'nier,  Inscr.  Rom.  de  VAlg.  n.  4025. From  Caesarea  in  Mauretania ;  written  by a  poet  named  Asterius  (ex  ingenio  Asteri)  to commemorate  the  gift  of  a  burial-ground  to the  Christians  by  Evelpius. AREAM    AT    (ad)    SEPVLCRA    CVLTOR    VERBI CONTVLIT ET    CELLAM    STRVXIT    SVIS    CVNCTIS    SVMP- TIBVS ECLESIAE    SANCTAE    HAXC    RELIQVIT    MEMO- RIAM SALVETE  FRATRES  PVRO  CORDE  ET  SIMPLICI EVEI.PIVS  VOS  (salutat)  SATOS  SANCTO  Sl'IRlTV ECLESIA     FRATRVVM    (sic)    HVNC    RESTITVIT TITVLVM.    M.  A.    I.  SEVERIANI  C.  V. EX  ING.  ASTERI. A  wreath  enclosing  ACl  is  on  the  left ;  a  dove and  palm  on  the  right. M.  Renier  reads  the  end  of  the  last  line  but one  titidum  marmorcuin  anno  primo  Severiani, viri  clarissimi.  If  this  be  right,  as  seems  very probable  (though  De  Rossi  feels  some  doubts, Frol.  Jnscr.  Urb.  Bom.  p.  xi.),  the  mode  of dating  is  A-ery  unusual.  Other  Mauretanian  iu- scriptions  are  dated  by  the  era  of  the  province, i.e.  40  A.D.  when  it  was  reduced  by  the  Romans (M'Caul,  Christ.  Epit.  p.  37). The  words  ecclesia  fratnim  indicate  the  re- storation of  the  inscription  to  be  "  assai  antico  " (De  Rossi) ;  the  original  was  probably  broken during  the  tumults  against  the  Christians,  A.D. 258-304,  as  De  Rossi  thinks;  and  the  restored marble  tablet  would  seem  to  have  been  put  up in  the  first  year  of  Severianus,  probably  the Roman  governor  of  Mauretania.  One  of  the earliest  Christian  inscriptions,  not  being  an  epi- taph, which  have  come  down  to  us  in  any  form. 2.  Bockh,    C.  J.  G.  8608.     Corcyra  (Corfu)  in the  porch  of  a  church,  written  in  two  lines 5.  Hiibner INSCRIPTIONS Diction  barbarous,  as  frequently  in  these Spanish  inscriptions.  The  chui-ch  seems  to  have been  completed  under  the  auspices  of  a  nun, named  Marispalla :  probably  the  text  really  is per  Marispallam  Deo  votam,  the  last  letters having  a  stroke  above  them,  which  may  have been  obliterated  or  accidentally  omitted.  The inscription  is  interesting  as  being  doubly  dated, both  by  the  Spanish  era  and  by  the  reign  of  the Visigothic  king.  The  Spanish  era,  whose  origin is  uncertain,  but  which  appears  to  commence B.C.  38  (see  Hiibner,  praef.  p.  vi.),  is  the  era most  commonly  used  to  mark  the  time  of  the Spanish  Christian  inscriptions  :  about  100  of them  are  thus  dated  (Hubner,  p.  109),  the earliest  appears  to  be  a.d.  466,  and  the  latest A.D.  762.  Both  the  proper  names  in  the  in- scription are  Gothic  (see  Hubner,  praef.  p.  vii., who  gives  several  others)  ;  the  remark  of  M'Caul (u.  s.,  p.  xxi.)  that  Gothic  names  are  "  very rarely "  found  in  inscriptions  does  not  apply to  Spain. 6.  Le  Slant,  Inscr.  Chr^t.   cle   la  Grade,   i.  87, n.  42.       Found  at  Lyons,   formerly   on  the exterior  of  the  church  of  St.  Romanus,  where Spon  saw  it  in  the  17th  century ;  now  lost. TEMPLI  FACTORES  FVERANT  FEEDALD\^S ET  VXOR  MARTVRIS  EGREGII  QD CONSl'AT  HONORE  ROMANI  ILLIVS  VT PC  BEQVEATVR  (sic)  SEDE  PE  .  .  ENNE. Date,  as  Spon  believed,  of  the  5th  or  6th  cen- tury.    He  thus  restores  and  rectifies  the  lines — Templi f adores fuerant  Fredaldus  et  uxor, Martyris  egregii  quod  constat  honore  Knmani niius  ut  precibus  recreentur  sede  perenni. The  motive  of  the  founders  is  here  sufficiently cleai-ly  expressed,  that  they  may  enjoy  eternal rest  through  the  prayers  of  the  saint.  They  do not,  however,  actually  invoke  him. 7.  Bockh,  C.  I.  G.,  n.  8640.     On  a  stone  found  in the  Peloponnese  by  S.  Alberghatti ;  origin- ally (see  1.  7)  erected  at  Corinth ;  now  in the  museum  at  Verona. +  Ar.   MAFIA   0EOTOKE   *TAAEON THN   BACIAEIAN  TOT *IAOXICTOT  lOTCTINIANOT KAI  TON   rNHSIcoC AOTAETONTA  ATTct BIKTojPHNON -f-   CTNTOIC OIKOTCIN  EN   KOPIN0"   K.   0Ea)N  + Za>NTAC-}- 'A^i'a  Mapia  6€ot6k€,  (pvXa^ov  ttji/  ^affiXeiav TOv    <(>t\ox[,p]i-(TTov  'lovariviavov    /cat    rhu  yvii- aiois    dov\evovTa    avT<^     'BiKTOprivov     ffvv    rols oIkovctiv  iy  KopivOcv  K(aTa)  6^hv  ^aivTas. Roll/  Mary,  God-bearer  (Deipara),  guard  the  Jcing.'lom of  the  Christ-loving  Justinian  and  his  faithful  sercant Victorinus  with  them  that  live  godly  in  Corinth. Sixth  century,  between  a.d.  527  and  565. Other  and  even  stronger  invocations  of  saints occur  about  this  time.  In  one,  too  long  to  quote at  leijgth,  Demetrius  is  invoked  by  Justinian  to aid  him  against  his  enemies,  in  the  capacity  of a  mediator  with  God  {S>  fjLeya\oiJ.dpTvs  Arjuri- Tpi€  fjieaiTevaov  irphs  dehv  'iva,  K.r.K.  n.  8642). Another  inscription,  mutilated,  fromThera  (San- torin),  of  uncertain  date,  not  later  than  the  4th or  5th  century  at  latest  according  to  Ross, begins — 0716  Ka\  <po^(pe  Mixa'.iA  apxayytAe, CHRIST.  ANT. INSCKIPTIONS 849 ^OTjOet  T^  SovKcfi  (TOV  'npl/xefi  (n.  8911).  Votive tablets  were  also  erected  to  saints  ;  one  from the  cemetery  of  Cyriace  in  Rome  runs  thus  : Petrus  et  Pancara  botum  posuent  (sic)  marture Felicitati.  (Marini,  u.  s.,  p.  15.)  In  another, found  near  the  baths  of  Diocletian,  Camasius and  Victorius  pay  their  vows  (votuni  reddunt) Domnis  Sanctis  Papro  et  Mauroleoni  tnarturibus (Id.  p.  14). The  expression,  /x^Tijp  Qfov  (Mother  of  God), the  usual  title  of  the  Virgin  on  the  early  medi- eval camei  (see  Gems)  had  not  yet  come  into common  use  in  the  Greek  church,  as  appears from  Ephraim,  patriarch  of  Antioch,  a  contem- porary of  Justinian.  See  Pearson  On  the  Creed, Art.  III. 8.  Sec.  Toy.  de  deux  Benedict,  p.  234  (quoted  by Martigny,  Diet.  p.  321).     On  a  silver  cha'- lice    given     by    Remigius,    archbishop    of Rheims   (died  a.d.  533)   to    his  cathedra! church. HAVRIAT    HINC    POPVLVS    VITAM    L>E   SAX- GVINE  SACRO INIECTO  AETERNVS  QVEM  FVDIT  VVr.NEKE CHRISTVS REMIGIVS    REDDIT    DOMINO  SVA   VOTA    SA- CERDOS. This  is  considered  by  Martigny  to  be  in  all appearance  the  "  ministerial "  (sacramental) chalice  given*  by  St.  Remigius  himself  to  the church  of  Kheims  ;  see  also  Archaeol.  Journ. 1846,  p.  134.  The  magnificent  chalice  of  gold which  goes  by  the  name  of  Remigius,  formerly at  Rheims,  now  in  the  Paris  Library,  is  of  the 12th  century  (Arch.  Journ.  u.  s.).  For  other inscriptions  on  chalices,  see  Marini,  u.  s.  p.  197. 9.  Le   Blant,  Inscr.  Chret.  do  la  Guide,  ii.  348, n.  574.  Engraved  on  the  four  scalloped edges  of  a  square  marble  altar  slab  formerly in  the  ancient  cathedral  of  Rodez. DEVSDEDIT  E^S  INDISNVS  FIERI  IVSSIT  HANC ARAM. Deusdedit  is  supposed  to  have  been  bishop  of Rodez  about  the  end  of  the  6th  century  :  the  in- scription is  doubtless  a  contemporary  composition, but  the  letters  and  the  sign  of  contraction  .j\.  are suspected  of  having  been  restored. The  name  Deusdedit  occurs  also  on  a  gem  (see Gems)  ;  the  form  Deusdet  is  likewise  found  more than  once  in  inscriptions  (Le  Blant,  M.S.  p.  433); for  similar  instances,  see  iVames  below.  For  the altars  of  Christian  churches  ara  (though  as  old as  Tertullian)  is  less  commonly  used  than  altare, especially  in  prose.  For  other  inscriptions  on altars  see  Marini  (11.  s.  pp.  74-80).  This  and  the altar  at  Ham  of  the  7th  century  are  among  the earliest  that  are  inscribed  (Le  Blant,  n.  91). 10.  Camden,  Britait.  §  "  Brigantes,"  ed.  1600  : "  Accepimus  crucem  hie  (at  Devvsbury,  York- shire) exstitisse,  in  qua  inscriptum  fuit : PAVIJNVS    HlC    PRAEDICAVIT    ET    CELE- BKAVIT." Paulinus  was  bishop  of  York,  A.n.  625-664. The  inscription  upon  it  is  among  the  earliest that  we  have  in  England,  which  are  not  sepul- chral. Fragments  of  the  ancient  cross  itself, probably  broken  at  the  Reformation,  which Leland,"  in  his  ftinerarij,  mentions  liaviug  seen, bearing  the  al)0vc  iiiscri|)ti(in  (toiiip.  Heiir.  \'lll.). 3   I 850 INSCRIPTIONS have  been  built  up  against  the  church  there. The  miracles  of  Cana  and  the  multiplication of  five  loaves  and  two  fishes  were  represented thereon,  and  a  few  Latin  words  of  the  Gospels  in Runesque  characters  can  still  be  read.  (Figured and  described  by  the  Rev.  J.  T.  Fowler,  in  a recent  number  of  the  Yorkshire  Archaeol.  and Top.  Journal.) The  most  remarkable  cross  of  the  same  kind as  the  present  is  that  at  Ruthwell,  near  Dum- fries (then  part  of  Northumbria),  with  Scrip- tural and  other  scenes,  and  Latin  legends  from the  Gospels,  &c. ;  also  having  extracts  from  a poem  by  Coedman,  entitled  A  Dream  of  the  Holy Rood,  written  in  Runes,  near  the  edges.  It  is between  seventeen  and  eighteen  feet  high,  and appears  to  be  of  the  8th  century.  For  a  full account  of  it  see  Stephens,  Runio  Mon.,  vol.  ii., pp.  405-448,  with  figure. 11.  Copy  of  the  dedication  stone  of  Jarrow  chapel, Durham,  made  in  1863  by  the  Rev.  J.  T. Fowler.  Marini,  M.  s.  p.  163  ;  Camden, Brit.  956  (Gibs).  Pegge,  Sylloge,  p.  15, pi.  1  (in  Nich.  Bibl.  Top.  Brit.  vol.  vi.). It  is  now  over  the  nave-arch  of  the  church, "  and  may  be  original  "  (Fowler,  in  litt.).  The forms  of  the  letters  0  and  C,  and  their  incon- stancy, quite  favour  this  supposition. ^  n  DEDICATIO    BASILICAS y^     SCI    PAVLI    VIII    KL    MAI ^*^        ANNO  XV  EGFRIDl  REG CEOLFRIDI    ABB    EIVSDEM Q.   ECCLES    1)0    AVCTORE CONDITORIS  ANNO  IIIL The  date  is  a.d.  68ri,  determined  by  the  reign of  Ecgfrith,  king  of  Northumbria.  One  of  the very  few  early  English  inscriptions  which  bear a  date. The  basilica  or  chapel  of  the  monastery  has been  converted  into  the  parish  church,  some remaining  parts  of  which  "  are  generally  sup- posed to  be  of  ante-Norman  date  "  (G.  G.  Scott's Report).  For  the  history,  see  Flor.  Wigorn. s.  a.  682.  Benedict  Biscop  should  rather  be called  the  founder  than  Ceolfrith,  whom  he  ap- pointed as  the  first  abbot. The  above  scanty  selection  must  suffice  for  this place.  More  is  to  be  sought  in  other  articles under  Ampulla,  Gems,  Glass,  Lamps,  Money, Mosaics,  Seals,  and  Tombs. (v.)  Language  and  Style  of  the  Christian Inscriptions. A.  Orthography,  Inflections,  and  choice  of Wor&.— While  some  of  the  Christian  inscriptions are  composed  with  correctness  and  even  with  ele- gance both  in  prose  and  verse,  there  are  others which  are  written  barbarously  as  respects  the letters,  the  forms  of  words,  the  declensions,  the genders,  the  conjugations,  the  syntax,  and  the prosody. It  would  scarcely  fall  within  the  province  of this  article  to  enter  into  the  grammar  or  rather non-grammar  of  the  language  of  the  latter  sort. It  partakes  of  the  barbarisms  with  which  various non-Christian  inscriptions  are  more  or  less  dis- figured,' and  which  have  even  found  their  way «  Martigny  (Diet.  p.  309)  calls  them  "communs  au.x inscriptions  chretiennes  et  aux  romaines,"  referring  to Hub.  Goltzius  (Tlies.  liei.  Ant.  $23)  and  R.  Fabretti {Inscr.  Lat.  expl.)  for  further  infovmalion.     The  indices INSCRIPTIONS into  literature  in  their  most  aggravated  shapes, if  the  Formularies  of  the  monk  Marculfus  (circa 660  a.d.)  can  be  called  literature.  In  the  Greek Christian  inscriptions  the  frequent  and  various changes  of  vowels  and  diphthongs  are  the  most noticeable  particularity.  Thus  Keirai  is  written KiT€,  or  KiTTi,  or  KTjTT),  'Hfja/cAeios  becomes  Hpa- k\7]os  or  Hpa/cAios,  Koiij.7)r7)piov  is  changed  into Kv/j.erepLOi',  TeAfiQideh  becomes  nXiodets,  iraivis written  eroc,  vikS.  is  simply  viKa,  and  the  i  ad- script of  the  dative  is  generally  omitted.  The change  of  consonants,  as  Ko\(pos  for  koKttos, rav/xacTLa  for  6avfA.a.<TLa,  yX-qyopn  for  ypr^yopet, Koipid}  for  x<^P'V)  J*  more  rare.  There  is  also  an occasional  tendency  to  abbreviate  words,  so  as  to substitute  fivnO-nri  for  fivqad-nTi,  SiaKoov  for  Sia- Kovos,  &c.,  or  to  enlarge  them,  as  koAXittis  or KoXTro(nior  K6XTrois.  Sometimes  Coptic  influence is  discernible ;  sometimes  uncouth  late  forms  as fji.eyaX6TaTos,  make  their  appearance  (Bockh, passim). In  the  Latin  the  changes  are  mach  more remarkable."  From  the  selection  of  inscriptions (including  the  notes)  given  above  and  under Tomb,  also  under  Gems  and  Glass,  and  from  a few  others  we  obtain  such  changes  as  Agustas  for Augustas,  eclesia  or  aeclesia  for  ecclesia,  quere  for quaere,  que  for  quae,  hec  for  haec,  hixit  or  vixsit or  ticxit  or  visit  or  bissit  or  visse  for  vixit, posuete,  posuent  for  posuit,  posuerunt,  hohis  for vohis,  botiim  for  votum,  vibi  for  viii,  staviles  for stabilis,  provata  for  probata,  omnebas  for  omnibus, quesquas,  qesquet,  and  reqviscit,  for  quiescas, quiescit,  requiescit,  spectit  for  spectat  (expectat), jacit  for  jacet,  annus  for  annos,  hue  for  hoc,  epyta- fium  for  epitaphium,  marturibus  for  martyribus, ozza  for  ossa,  ed  for  et,  es  for  ex,  iyn  pace  for in  pace,  anatema  for  anathema,  chanones  for canones,  tinta  for  tincta,  pelem  for  pellem,  meses  or misis  for  menses,  zaconus  for  diaconus,  Istephanus for  Stephanus,  slinatarius  for  linatarius,  Zestis  for Jesus,  Zenuaria  for  Januaria,  Gerosale  for  Jeru- salem, and  various  other  words  which  contain barbarous  substitutions  of  consonants  and  vowels and  also  of  diphthongs.  Again,  neuter  substan- tives are  sometimes  treated  as  masculines,  e.  g. hunc  templum,  and  conversely  masculines  as neuters,  e.  g.  hoc  tumulum.  The  regimen  of  the cases  is  frequently  violated  in  the  use  of  preposi- tions (see  below),  and  also  in  such  expressions  as vixit  annis  (or  even  annuls  or  annorum)  and  the like.  See  more  in  Martigny,  Diet.  pp.  309-311  ; and  McCaul,  u.  s.  pp.  xii.  and  xiii. ;  the  latter of  whom  observes  :  "  The  student  should  beware of  regarding  what  may  be  new  to  him  in  Christian epitaphs,  as  peculiar  to  them.  Very  many  of the  variations  from  classical  usage  are  to  be found  in  Pagan  inscriptions,  and  some  of  them in  authors  that  are  not  commonly  read." The  actual  words  also  vary  little  from  the Pagan  ones ;  requiescit,  refrigerat,  and  even  depo- situs^   (about    which    Cardinal  Wiseman    in   his at  the  end  of  the  volumes  of  the  Corp.  Inscr.  Latin,  now being  published  at  Berlin,  under  Bes  grammatica,  will be  found  still  more  useful.  They  go  far  to  establish  the truth  of  Martigny's  remark. "  M.  Le  Blant  refers  to  a  work  by  A.  Fuchs,  Die Romanischen  Sprachen  in  ihrem  Verhaltnisse  zum  Latein- ischen,  which  the  writer  has  not  seen. »  It  was  not  after  all  so  very  common  in  the  earliest Christian  times.  "  La  formule  depositus — depositio  cha- racterise particulierement  les  inscriptions  des  qualrleme INSCRIPTIONS Fahiola  (p.  145)  has  written  so  prettily,  as  im- plying a  '  precious  tiling,  intrusted  to  faitliful, but  temporary  keeping ')  and  some  otliers  whicli seem  Christian  in  their  tone  occur  sometimes  in Pagan  inscriptions  (see  M'Caul,  u.  s.  pp.  xiv. 4,  29 ;  Tertull.  De  Test.  Anim.  c.  4,  commented on  by  Fleetwood,  Inscr.  Ant.,  Index,  p.  6,  who is  deceived,  however,  in  thinking  that  no  Chris- tians of  Tertullian's  age  "  refrigerium  mortuis suis  comprecatos  esse."  See  De  Monag.  c.  10). And  conversely  some  words  and  expressions  which are  not  Christian,  find  their  way  occasionally from  Pagan  into  Christian  inscriptions,  as  duinus aeterna,  jjercipere  (bapiisma  so.  said  primarily  of the  rites  of  Mithras  and  Cybele),  contra  votum, Bivus  (said  of  emperors  deceased)  ;  and  even  oc- casionally D.  31.,  or  in  full  Bis  Manihus,  so  usual at  the  head  of  Pagan  inscriptions  (see  Tomb,  and McCaul,  M.  s.  p.  54,  and  his  Index,  s.  v.  Pagan usages).  In  fact  there  is  a  very  small  residuum indeed  of  mere  words,  i.  e.  not  necessarily  involv- ing peculiar  doctrines  or  religious  distinctions^' which  are  exclusively  Pagan,  or  exclusively Christian.'  Dr.  McCaul  remarks  that  there  is scarcely  one  of  the  designations  of  the  place  of burial  used  in  Christian  epitaphs,  that  is  pecu- liar to  them,  so  far  as  he  remembers,  although  he has  not  observed  quadrisomus  (locus)  in  any  Pagan epitaph.  Likewise  he  does  not  remember seeing  sepultus  in  any  Christian  inscription of  the  first  six  centuries,  and  but  rarely  in Pagan  ones ;  but  y^t  sepukrum  occurs  in  both not  rarely."     Again  he  says  praecedo  is  charac- INSCRIPTIONS 851 et  clnquifeme  siecles,  bien  qu'on  en  ait  quelques  exemples auterieurs."  Martlgny,  Diet.  p.  319.  Neither  is  the  word univeisal,  being  very  rarely  found  In  Gaul. y  Thus  the  words  resurreclio,  resurgo,  baptidiatiis, redemptor,  perhaps  also  sanctinionialis,  as  well  as  the combinations  dies  judicii,  puella  Dei  (a  nun),  and  per- haps/amuZits  Dei,  applied  in  very  many  epitaphs  to  the pious  dead,  but  in  a  few  other  inscriptions  to  tbe  living (see  }  iv.  n.  4)  have  no  place  in  Pagan  inscriptions,  nor casta  as  applied  to  a  wife  (see  De  Rossi,  n.  151).  It might  be  thought  that  Deo  aelerno  magna,  and  in aeternum  reimtus  would  equally  be  absent;  yet  both occur,  the  former  in  connexion  with  goddesses  (deabus- que),  the  latter  in  relation  to  the  mysteries  of  Mithras. (Mai,  Seript.  Vet.  Nov.  Coll.  vol.  v.  p.  3  (note);  Le  Blant, Insci:  Chret.  de  la  Gaule,  vol.  ii.  p.  72).  Christian  influ- ence may  be  suspected  in  these  instances. «  At  the  same  time  it  is  undeniable  that  depositus (z=sepultus)  and  depositio  occur  in  a  very  large  number of  Christian  inscriptions,  but  only  in  a  very  small  num- ber of  Pagan  ones  (Orelli,  n.  4555,  is  a  clear  example) ; while  elatus,  the  classical  expression  for  being  carried out  to  burial,  is  so  rare  in  Christian  inscriptions  that  De Rossi  can  find  no  parallel  to  his  single  example  (n.  1192). 1  here  may  perhaps  be  some  few  other  instances  of  the same  sort  of  each  kind. »  Since  this  sentence  was  penned,  the  writer  has  dis- covered an  example  of  sepultus  in  an  ancient  Christian epitaph  of  Mauretania  (Rdnler,  n.  4026).  It  Is  very possibly  as  early  as  the  third  century,  to  which  several Pagan  inscriptions  in  that  region  certainly  belong.  'I'here is  a  second  example  in  the  same  region,  a.d.  416  (n.  3675), and  a  third,  a.d.  389  (n.  3710).  We  have  another  instance occurring  in  an  epitaph  of  Rimini,  a.d.  523  (Do  Rossi, Bull.  Arch.  Crist.  1864,  p.  15).  The  word  is  found  also  in Christian  epitaphs  of  Spain,  dated  and  und.ited,  but  per- haps in  no  case  before  the  seventh  century  (HObner.p.  x. and  the  references).  We  have  in  fine  in  a  Pcrugian  inscrip- tion of  Roman  times  (Vermigl.  Inscr.  Ferug.  t.  ii.  p.  442) IV.  qua  (basilica  sc.)  sepelliri  non  debet.  Cardinal  Wise- man therefore  is  not  strictly  accurate  in  saying  (Fabiola, teristically  Christian,  while  absccdo  he  thinks occurs  only  (and  that  rarely)  in  Pagan  epitaphs (m.  s.  pp.  xiv.  XV.  53).  But  who  does  not  see that  any  new  discovery  may  U])set  the  supposed distinction?  There  are  indeed  phrases  which appear  to  have  an  exclusively  Christian  meaning, such  as  Beo  reddere  spiritum  sanctum,  a/md Bcum  acceptus,  decessit  or  cxivit  de  saeculo,  ahso- lutus  de  corpore,  receptus  ad  Beum,  arcessitus  ah awjelis,  and  a  few  others  of  the  same  kin<l.'' (Mart.  Bid.  p.  315  ;  M'Caul,  u.  s.  p.  xv.).  The expression,  in  pace,  is  derived  from  the  Jewish epitaphs,  and  passes  over,  both  as  an  acclamation and  otherwise,  to  the  Christian  inscriptions ;  its occurrence  is  generally  considered  to  be  a  certain l)roof  that  the  monument  is  not  pagan.  (See, however,  Monev.)  "  Dictio  ilia  In  Face  Chris- tiana tota  est "  (Morcelli,  Be  Stil.  Inscr.  Lat.  ii. p.  77;  and  so  Martigny  Bict.s.v.  "In  Pace," q.  v.). Upon  the  whole,  it  will  perhaps  be  thought enough  to  give  the  following  extract  from  the Edinburgh  liemew  relative  to  the  Latinity  of  the Christian  inscriptions,  with  the  addition  of  a  few notes. "  The  reader  at  once  recognises  in  the  Latinity of  these  epitaphs  [of  Italy  and  Gaul]  "=  the  germ of  that  total  change  in  the  government  of  prepo- sitions, which  is  one  of  the  great  sources  of distinction  between  the  ancient  and  the  modern languages  of  Italy.  "^  The  old  distinction  of government  between  the  ablative  and  the  accu- sative has  evidently  begun  to  disappear.  ^Many  of the  prepositions  are  used  indiscriminately  with both  those  cases.  Thus  we  read  (De  Rossi,  Ins. Urb.  Horn.  p.  82)  that  Pelegrinus  "  lived  in peace  cum  uxorem  suam  Silvanam ;"  and  in  an- other place  (p.  108),  Agrippina  erects  a  monu- ment to  her  "  sweetest  husband,  cum  quern  vixit sine  lesione  animi,  annos  tres  et  menses  decern." p.  145)  "The  word  to  bury  is  unknown  In  Christian inscriptions."  It  occurs  even  at  Rome,  which  he  had  more particularly  in  his  eye,  in  an  inscription  thought  to  be  of the  third  century :  eTd<j>r}  uSe  Euo-€'/3i5  (Bockh,  n.  9612). At  the  same  time,  for  whatever  reason,  the  word  appears to  be  decidedly  rare.  But  as  it  seems  to  be  not  much more  common  in  Pagan  inscriptions  there  is  no  great force  in  the  cardinal's  remark. b  There  are  also  various  expressions  relating  to  light, as  lumen  clarum,  praemia  lucis,  lux  nova,  &c.  occurring in  Christian  epitaphs  which  contrast  remarkably  with the  luce  caret,  jaceo  in  tenebris,  &c.  of  the  Pagans.  See Jlart.  Diet.  p.  380.  But  this  is  a  difference  of  feeling rather  than  of  language.  There  are  other  similar  con- trasts which  we  can  hardly  discuss  here.  See  M'Caul p.  xii. ;  Edinb.  Rev.  u.  s.  p.  242.  But  some  of  the  earliest Christian  Inscriptions  express  no  feeUng  of  any  sort.  See De  Rossi,  nos.  3,  6,  12,  13,  16,  19,  20,  21,  22,  all  of  tlic first  three  centuries. c  Much  the  same  remarks  may  be  made  of  the  sepul- chral Inscriptions  of  Brltiiiu  and  of  Africa.     See  ToMn. d  And  of  France.  We  have  this  interesting  Inscrip- tion of  Berre,  J/aria  virgo  minister  de  tempuUi  (=  tempi  1 =du  temple)  C«ro«a?€(= Jerusalem),  Lc  Blant,  n.  641,  A. The  same  author  points  out  various  other  links  of  con- nection between  the  epigrapblcal  Lai  In  and  the  French language.  Thus  qui,  which  is  invariable  for  both  genders in  Frencli,  is  twice  found  on  the  epitaph  of  a  nun,  a.i«. 431.  (In  an  inscription  of  Piedmont  qui  in  like  manner agrees  with  Maria.  Ganorn, Mem.  Ace.  Tor.  u.s.  p.  191.) In  the  fifth  century  we  have  also  santa,  which  prepares the  way  for  the  modern  sainte ;  from  ispiritus  ("  que  I'lm entend  encore  aux  ofllccB  de  villages")  comes  (f},rit {Manuel,  p.  194). 852 INSCRIPTIONS A  third  monument  is  erected  pro  caritatem  (Le Blant,  Inscr.  Chre't.  Gaul.  vol.  i.  p.  400).  In  a fourth,  a  mother  is  entreated  to  pray  for  the  child she  has  left  behind,  *'■  pro  hunc  vnum  ora  subolem  " (De  Rossi,  p.  133).  Conversely,  we  find  de  sua omnia  (De  Rossi,  p.  133)  and  decessit  de  saeculum (p.  103).  And  although  an  occasional  solecism of  this  kind  might  be  explained  by  the  rude  and illiterate  character  of  the  individual  author  of the  inscription,  the  frequency  of  the  occurrence clearly  indicates  the  settled  tendency  of  the popular  usage  of  the  prepositions  towards  the abolition  of  all  distinction  in  the  government  of cases."  We  may  add  that  the  same  confusion  of case  is  found  in  the  inscriptions  of  the  Jewish catacombs  published  by  Father  Garrucci,  among which  we  read,  on  the  one  hand,  cum  with  the accusative,  as  cum  virginium  (p.  50),  and  cum Celerinum  (p.  52)  ;  and  on  the  other,  inter  with the  ablative,  as  inter  dicaeis. "  It  is  hardly  worth  while,  perhaps,  to  advert to  such  solecisms  as  pauperorwn  for  pauperum (although  it  is  plain  from  the  recurrence  of  the same  form  in  other  words,  as  ommorum  for omnium,  that  the  change  is  not  an  accidental error) ;  or  to  the  occasional  use  of  forms  rare, but  not  entirely  unexampled,  in  classical  Latin, as  nectus  (Le  Blant,  p.  15)  as  the  participle  of neco,  or  utere  (De  Rossi,  p.  233)  as  the  ablative o(  liter,  a  rare  form  following  the  third,  instead of  the  second  declension.'  But  it  is  impossible not  to  discern  a  foreshadowing  of  the  modern idiom  of  Italy  in  such  words  as  pulla,  and  still more  Pitzinnina,  which  is  the  direct  prototype of  the  Italian  Piccinina.  The  same  may  be  said of  the  orthography,  which,  in  many  cases,  points clearly  towards  the  modern  pronunciation.  The form  santa  for  sancta  already  appears;  and  the X,  as  in  sesies  for  sexies,  begins  to  give  place  to the  modern  s.  This  tendency  goes,  however, beyond  individual  words,  and  seems  to  indicate certain  general  principles  of  usage.  We  do  not mean  those  broad  characteristics  which  distin- guish Italians  and  foreigners  generally  from ourselves,  in  the  sounds  of  the  vowels  and  diph- thongs of  the  ancient  languages,  although  in all  these  the  interchanges  of  the  characters  of the  two  languages  which  the  inscriptions  fre- quently exhibit,  and  the  characters  employed  in each  to  represent  equivalent  sounds  of  the  other. e  Martigny  {Diet.  p.  320)  thinks  that  if  an  inscription has  cum  or  de  followed  by  an  accusative,  it  must  he placed  in  the  fourth  or  fifth  century.  This  seems  very doubtful.  We  have  certainly  inter  Sanctis  in  an  inscrip- tion of  268  A.D.,  and  perhaps  cum  eum  in  another  of 279  A.D.  (see  De  Rossi,  pp.  16,  21).  Before  this  cum  so- dales  occurs  at  Pompeii  (C.  /.  L.  iv.  n.  221). f  Dr.  McCaul  notes  some  very  singular  instances  of inflection,  as  the  datives  JViceni.  Agapeni,  Leopardeti, Ircneti  (also  Jreni),  Mercuraneti  from  Nice,  Agape,  Leo- parde,  Kirene,  Mercurane  (Mercuriane) ;  also  ispeti  for spei ;  likewise  Victoriaes  for  rictoriae  (u.  s.  p.  xiii.  and 18,  19).  The  same  forms,  as  was  to  be  expected,  occur  in Pagan  inscriptions.  Thus  we  find  Glycerd,  Slaplyltni, &c.  in  Spain  (C.  /.  L.  ii.  Index,  p.  779).  We  have  also Januariaes  for  Januariae,  at  Pompeii  (C  /.  L.  iv.n.  2233), and  several  similar  examples ;  and  AmpUataes  in  Spain (C.  /.  L.  ii.  n.  4975,  60).  Professor  Hubner,  in  fine,  ob- serves in  a  few  Christian  inscriptions  of  Spain,  Juanni, Pastori,kc.  as  the  genitives  of  Joannes,  Pastor,  &c.  (p. xlii.),  and  conversely  we  have  Saturnis,  Mercuris  as  the genitives  of  Saturnus,  Mercurim  (De  Rossi,  nos.  172, 475). INSCRIPTIONS are  quite  decisive  against  the  English  usage.  We refer  rather  to  certain  peculiarities  of  Italian pronunciation,  which  are  regarded  as  defects even  by  the  Italians  themselves,  and  which nevertheless  find  their  counterpart  here.  One  of these  is  the  well-known  coda  or  additional vowel  sound,  which  Italian  speakers  often  attach to  words  ending  with  a  consonant.  Of  this  there are  numberless  examples  in  De  Rossi's  volume ; as  posuetc  for  posuit  (p.  18).  In  like  manner  we find  a  type  for  the  vowel  sound  prefixed  to- words ;  as  ispiritus  for  spiritus,  iscribit  for  scrihit (p.  228) ;  and  the  actual  Italian  sound  of  h  {ch or  k)  between  two  vowels,  which  has  long  been the  subject  of  ridicule,  is  fcSund  directly  expressed in  these  inscriptions,  in  which  michi  is  one  of  the forms  of  mihi. "  It  is  amusing  too,  to  meet  in  the  Roman catacombs,  or  among  the  Christians  of  ancient Ganl,  the  prototype  of  the  cockney  aspirate  and its  contrary.  Thus  we  find  upon  the  one  hand (Le  Blant,  vol.  i.  p.  2-3),  Ifossa  (for  ossa),  Sordine, /7octobres,  i/eterna ;  and  upon  the  other  oc  for Aoc  (Le  Blant,  p.  93),  ic  for  Aic,  /larus,  ora, Onorius,  &c."  {Edinh.  Rev.  1864,  pp.  234-5). The  Index  Grammaticus  added  at  the  end  of Hiibner's  Christian  Inscriptions  of  Spain,  gives a  rich  harvest  of  similar  barbarisms.  Nearly  all the  vowels  are  blundered  in  one  way  or other,  and  no  small  number  of  consonants  ;  with- out dwelling  on  them  we  have  the  following  : hunc  edificium ;  in  annibus ;  post  funere ;  in hunc  tumulum  requicscit ;  cum  operarios  ver- nolos :  offeret  (for  oflfert ;)  besides  other  less heinous  sins  against  inflections.  For  the  Saxon forms  which  occur  in  inscriptions  in  England  the reader  is  referred  to  Stephens'  Runic  Monuments, and  for  the  Celtic  forms  in  the  Irish  inscriptions to  Petrie  and  Stokes'  work  thereon  (see  above). Examples  of  bilingual  inscriptions  (Greek and  Latin)  and  of  Latin  inscriptions  in  Greek characters,  also  of  double  rendering  of  words into  Runic  and  Roman  characters,  as  well  as Celtic  words  in  Ogham  characters,  will  be noticed  under  Tomb. B.  Proper  Names  used  in  Christian  Inscriptions. —  For  the  proper  names  used  in  Christian  in- scriptions see  careful  and  interesting  notices  in De  Rossi,  /.  U.  R.  Prol.  cxii.-cxiv.  ;  McCaul,  u.  s. pp.  xix.-xxi. ;  Hubner,  u.  s.  pp.  vi.  vii.,  and  the references. The  Edinburgh  Reviewer  has  treated  this matter  so  well  for  the  Latin  inscriptions  of  Italy, Gaul,  and  Africa,  taking  also  some  slight  notice of  the  Greek  inscriptions,  that  his  words  are  set down  with  little  abridgment.  The  account  has been  supplemented  by  a  few  words  about  the Spanish,  British,  and  Irish  names  which  occur in  the  early  Christian  inscriptions  of  those countries. "  The  small  proportion  of  patrician  families  among  the early  Christians  will  hardly  sufBce  to  explain  the  rapid disappearance  among  them  of  the  use  of  the  three  names, which  had  hitherto  been  the  peculiar  privilege  of  the aristocratic  class.  Not  a  single  inscription  after  Con- stantlne  presents  three  names ;  and  of  the  ante-Constan- tinian  inscriptions,  there  are  but  two  [rather,  is  but  one] in  which  the  three  names  occur  *  *  *  *  After  Constan- tine,  except  Flavius,  which  continued  in  partial  use, praenomina  may  be  said  entirely  to  disappear.  The  old distinctive  Gentile  name  too,  quickly  followed.  The inscriptions    before  Coiistantine   .ibcnind   with    Aurelii INSCRIPTIONS Comelii,  Claudii,  Antoni),  &c.  *  *  *  *  Thus,  in  the Aurelian  age,  we  find  Aurelius  or  Aurelia  repeated  seven times ;  and  under  Constantius  and  his  sons,  Constantinus. Constantius  and  Constans,  have  their  turn  of  popularity. The  Gentile  name,  however,  was  quickly  displaced  by new  forms  terminating  in  ntius  as  Lactantius,  Dignantius, Crescentius,  Leontius ;  or  in  osus,  as  Bonosus.  A  favourite form  in  the  third  aud  succeeding  centuries  was  some laudatory  epithet,  as  Benignus,  Castus,  Grata,  Castula. Often,  especially  In  Africa,  in  the  superlative  degree ; as  Dignissimus,  Felicissimus,  Acceptissima.  Sometimes' similar  adjectives  appear  In  the  comparative  degree,  as Dignior,  Nobilior ;  and  occasionally  the  abstract  quality itself,  as  Prudentia,  'A-yaTn;,  &c.,  is  found  as  the  name. The  names  of  the  fourth,  fifth,  and  later  centuries  would be  found  on  examination  to  furnish  the  type,  if  not  the exact  equivalent  of  most  of  the  fanciful  appellatives  of  the palmy  days  of  puritanism.  We  meet,  not  merely  with simple  forms  such  as  Trio-Tt?,  e^Tri?,  iyiiir-q,  Decentia, Prudentia,  Dignitas,  Idonitas,  (rw^o^eiTj ;  S  or  Renatus, Redemptus,  Refrigerius,  Projectus;  or  the  more  self- abasing  appellatives,  Stercorius  or  Contumeliosus,  but  com- pound names  of  the  true  Puritan  stamp,  such  as  Deus Dedit,  Servus  Dei,  Adeodatus,  Quod  vult  Deus  *  *  * "  In  a  few  instances  occasion  is  taken  from  the  name  to introduce  into  the  sentiment  of  the  epitaph  some  playful allusion  to  the  etymological  import  of  the  name ;  and although  this  practice  is  more  consonant  with  the  tastes of  the  later  times,  yet  the  inscriptions  of  the  classic period,  present  examples  of  a  similar  play  upon  words, of  whch  we  may  instance  the  sentence  from  the  very pretty  epitaph  of  Claudia  given  by  OreUi  (vol.  i.  p.  547). "HEIG  ESC  SEPULCRUM  HAUD  PULCRUM PULCRAI  FEMINAE."  [Pulcher  was  a  cognomen  of the  gens  Claudia.]  These  allusions  in  the  Christian epitaphs  are  commonly  very  simple.  Thus  we  meet INFELIX  FELICITAS,  and  INFAUSTQS  FELIX. A  monument  is  erected  to  Innocentius  in  recognition  of his  innocence,  PRO  IXNOCENTIA  SUA.  GLYCO (vAuVus,  sweet)  is  described  as  "  sweeter  than  his  name." The  sorrowing  friends  of  ANTHUS  bemoan  his  years "  stript  of  their  flowers :"  and  even  in  a  very  tender poetical  epitaph,  addressed  to  the  memory  of  Verus,  by his  wife  Quintilla  (whose  grief  for  his  loss  proclaims  itself so  extreme  that  it  is  only  the  fear  of  God  that  restrains  her from  following  him  to  the  grave,  and  that  she  vows  to remain  a  widow  for  his  sake),  room  is  found,  in  the  midst of  all  the  writer's  passionate  expressions  of  sorrow,  for  a pun  upon  the  name  of  "HIC  VERUS,  QUI  SEMPER VERA  LOCUTUS,"  t  a  pun  exactly  similar  to  that contained  in  the  epitaph  of  the  emperor  Probus,  which Vopiscus  has  preserved—"  HIC  PROBUS  IMPERATOR, ET  VERE  PROBUS,  SITUS  EST"  (u.  «.  pp.  235-237). The  proper  names  which  occur  on  the  Christian inscriptions  of  Spain  (Hiibner,  praef.  pp.  vi.  sqq.) are  more  varied.  The  old  Roman  nomina  gen- til  icia  are  rare,  and  generally  occur  alone,  as Aurelius,  Julius,  Licinia,  &c.,  but  with  a  provin- cial cognomen  occasionally  added,  such  as  A. (Aurelius)  Vincentius.  We  have  also  numerous examples  of  old  Roman    cognomina,  as  Avitus, s  A  remarkably  pretty  specimen  is  given  in  De  Rossi's noma  Sotteranea,  vol.  i.  p.  262,  where  Faith  makes  an epitaph  to  her  sister  Hope  which  runs  thus— PISTE  SPEI SoRoRI  DVL CISSIMAE FECIT.  (Dove.) But  it  ought  to  be  remembered  that  Spes  is  a  name not  unfrequent  in  Roman  Pagan  epitaphs,  so  that  the now  famous  fragment  of  the  Bristol  inscription  which contains  it  is  not  on  that  account  presumably  Christian : apart  from  the  symbols,  dog,  cock,  and  asp,  and  the  por- trait (?),  it  now  reads  only  SPES  C.  SKNTI  (tilla). ■>  This  Christian  epitaph  is  published  by  Fabrclti, iii.  1)30. INSCRIPTIONS 853 Dexter,  Fdix,  Crispinus,  Camilla.  Of  the  more modern  names  are  those  which  are  of  truly Latm  origin,  as  Aeternalis,  Amator,  Asella,  Do'- miuicus,  Februarius,  Honorius,  Sanctus,  which seem  to  be  generally  diflused  in  the  provinces of  the  empire ;  also  the  following,  which  appear to  be  peculiar  to  Spain  (including  of  course  Por- tugal;:  Bracarius,  Cerevella,  Cuparius,  Gran- niola,  Lilliolus,  Salvianella,  &c.  There  are  also many  which  come  from  the  Greek,  as  Arcadius Basiha,  Glaucus,  Leontius,  Macarius,  Theodosius, /enon,  &c.  Others  are  still  more  modern,  such' as  Agilo,  Ermengond,  Froila,  Gulfinus,  Huniric, Opi)i]a,  Reccisvinthus,  Resweutus,  Sonuica,  Mari- spalla  (fem.),  Swinthiliuba  (fem.),  all  which  are probably  Gothic;  also  "Anna  Gaudiosa  sive Africa'  (n.71)  and  Maurus,  which  are  of  course bothAfrican;  and  Bacauda  andCamuelates  which appear  to  be  Gaulish.  The  origin  of  others,  as Istorna,  Locuber,  Macona  (fem.),  Quinigia,  Quis- tricia,  and  Rexina,  is  unknown.  To  these  must be  added  Scriptural  names,  as  Emmanuel,  Jo- hannes, Maria,  Sallomon,  Susanna,  Thomas,  &c. ; those  of  the  puritanical  type  mentioned  above' appear  to  be  wanting. With  regard  to  Great  Britain  we  find  (for  the British  period)  some  Latin  names,  as  Viveutius and  Florentius  (in  Scotland),  also  Silius,  Pauli- nus,  Saturninus,  and  Carausius  (in  Wales  aud Cornwall),  and  some  of  these  forms,  as  Augus- tinus  and  Paulinus,  were  re-imported  from  Rome in  Saxon  times.  But  there  are  also  Celtic  names occurring,  as  Isnioc  (in  Cornwall),  Pascent  (or Pasgen),  Cadfan,  Cyngen,  Pabo,  Boduoc  (in Wales),  and  Drost,  Voret,  Forcas  (Fergus  ?)  and others  (in  Scotland) ;  as  well  as  Saxon  or  Scan- dinavian names,  such  as  Sinnik  (in  Scotland), Herebricht,  Hildithriith,  Wulfhere,  and  the  like (in  England).  A  Saxon  name  is  occasionally Latinised,  as  Wini  into  Ovinus.  In  Ireland  the great  mass  of  the  names  is  Celtic,  but  occasion- ally a  Latin  form  is  Hibernized,  as  Columbanus into  Cholumban  :  very  occasionally  a  Latin  form, as  Martinus,  survives. C.  Words  and  Formulae  employed  in  different ages  and  places. — The  words  and  phrases  relating to  burial  and  other  matters  vary  a  good  deal  in different  places,  and  in  the  same  place  at  difterent times.  M.  Le  Blant  has  collected  these  "  for- mulas d'e'pigraphie  chre'tienne "  with  consider- able industry  ;  but  a  good  many  additions  might easily  be  made.  He  even  takes  no  notice  aCaW of  some  provinces,  e.g.  Dalmatia  and  Pannonia, which  however  have  some  formulae  and  words of  interest.' Several  of  the  selected  inscriptions  (sepulchral and  others)  have  been  chosen  partly  on  account of  the  formulae  therein  contained,  and  some  re- marks upon  them  are  made  in  their  places. But  it  is  well  observed  by  Hilbner  that  until the  Christian  inscriptions  of  all  parts  of  the world  have  been  collected  and  edited,  it  is  im- i  E.g.  an  inscription  from  Sabaria  (Stein  an  Angar) speaking  of  a  dead  child,  has  "requiem  accepit  in  Deo patre  nostro,  et  Christo  ejus"  {Corp.  Inter.  Lot.  t.  iii. n.  4221,  edited  by  Mommseii).  Another  (n.  422u)  from the  same  place  begins:  " Bonememorle,  In  Deo  viva«. lodorus  Civ.  Grace,  ex  reg.  Ladle,  q.  vix.  an.  I.,.  *r. (Honaememorius  occurs  in  Gaul,  Ix>  Blant,  iftui.  p.  77). See  also  n.  (;:i99  s(|q.  from  Duluialla,  where  we  luive hie  in  pace  jacet,  depusilits.  &c. 85-t INSCRIPTIONS possible  to  say  what  formulae  are  peculiar  to each:  those  which  we  consider  to  be  peculiar may  turn  out  to  be  universal  or  common  to many  provinces  (u.  s.  p.  vii.).^ The  following  is  a  translation  with  slight omissions  and  additions  ^  and  a  few  tacit  cor- rections, mostly  for  the  Greek,  of  M.  Le  Blant's Manuel  d'Epigraphie  Chre't.  pp.  75-85  (Paris, 1860),  omitting  the  references  to  his  own  work for  Gaul  and  to  those  of  others,  as  De  Rossi (Rome),  Gazzera  (Piedmont),  Mommsen  (kingdom of  Naples),  R^nier  (Algeria),  and  (for  the  Greek) Bockh.  To  this  has  been  added  (besides  some Roman  phrases)  a  collection  of  Spanish  formulae derived  from  Hiibner ;  also  a  notice  of  the  few formulae  which  occur  in  Great  Britain  and Ireland. "  That  which  is  true  for  ancient  coins,  as  also for  the  works  of  architecture,  is  not  less  so  in  that which  concerns  the  monuments  of  epigraphy. In  each  new  place  which  he  visits,  the  antiquary sees  variations  of  the  formulae,  the  symbols, the  writing,  the  disposition,  the  ornaments  of the  marbles.  'I'hough  apparently  of  little  im- portance, these  marked  differences  are  worthy  of being  studied  with  care.  Arising  sometimes  from the  difference  of  the  times,  as  well  as  from  that of  the  places,  they  are  able  to  serve  as  guides  in the  restoration  of  the  texts,  to  fix  the  nationality of  personages,  the  age  of  the  inscriptions,  and  even to  furnish  materials  for  the  history  of  ideas. "I  must  appeal  to  the  patience  of  the  reader in  undertaking  to  place  before  him  some features  of  the  localisation  of  the  types  and formulae  of  Christian  epigraphy.  Below  are those  which  seem  to  me  the  most  remarkable  in different  provinces  : Germania  Prima : Mayence :   IN  HOC  TITVLO  REQVIESCIT  FELI- CITEK.    Worms:  TITVLVM  POSVIT. Belgica  Prima : Treves:  PRO  CARIT ATE,  and  the  like;  TITVLVM POSVIT;  HIC  lACET;  HlC  lACET  IN  PACE; PATRES  (titulum  posuerunt). Belgica  Secunda : Amiens:  VBI  FECIT  NOVEMBER  DIES  XV,  and the  lilce  ;  DEFVNCTVS  EST. Viennensis : SVRRECTVRV3  IN  XPO,  and  analogous  formulae. Briord:  HVM ANITAS;  ABSTVTVS  (i.e.  astu- tus,  in  a  good  sense).  Briord  and  Vienna :  VO- LVNTAS.  Vaifon  and  Aries:  PAX  TECVM. Marseilles ;  RECESSIT,  retained  even  when  this word  has  disappeared  in  other  places  from  the epigraphical  formulary. k  Dr.  M'Caul,  usually  most  accurate,  illustrates  this remark  by  a  statement  that  among  the  many  expressions for  our  "here  lies"  we  have  "hie  jacet  {not  often), evddie  KeiTai  {often")."  p.  xiii.  We  may  safely  say  of  hie jacet  that  it  occurs  almost  everywhere,  being  found  first in  Rome,  then  in  Gaul,  Spain,  Dalmatia,  Algeria,  and Britain,  in  which  last  country  it  is  almost  the  only  for- mula. Nor  does  there  seem  to  be  any  reason  to  think  it rare  in  any  of  those  countries.  M.  Le  Blant,  however, only  notices  It  under  Gaul.  The  Greek  rendering  of  this, ev8a&(  Kelrai,  or  KaraKeirai.,  is  also  very  general,  but  per- haps not  quite  so  common :  it  occurs  In  Rome,  Sicily, Gaul;  In  Kgypt,  Dalmatia,  and  Greece;  Algeria,  and Cyrene;  also  in  Asia  Minor,  but  not  everywhere.  In truth  M.  Le  Blant's  is  only  a  sketch  partially  worked out,  but  still  very  interesting. 1  They  are  enclosed  in  brackets. INSCRIPTIONS Aquitania  Prima: Coudes:  TRANSIIT  IN  ANNOS. Narbonensis  Prima : Toulouse:  REQVIEVIT  IN  PACE. Lugdunensis  Prima,  Viennensis  : BONAEMEMORIVS  (adject.);  APTVS  (I.e.  sympa- thetic). Lugdunensis  Prima  et  Secunda,  and  a  good  many other  (though  not  all)  parts  of  Gaul  : BONAE  MEMORIAE  ;  very  uncommon  at  Rome. Lugdunensis  Prima,  Germania   Prima,   Maxima Sequanorum,       Viennensis,       Aquitania Prima : VIXIT  IN  PACE. Lugdunensis  Prima  et  Quarta,  Viennensis,  Prima et  Secunda  Narbonensis : OBIIT,  in  common  use  (though  seldom  at  Rome). Lugdunensis      Prima,      Viennensis,      Aquitania Prima : TRANSIIT ;  not  common  at  Rome. [Lugdunensis  Prima,  Viennensis  : FAMVLVS  DEI  (applied  in  epitaphs  to  the  dead  . See  Le  Blant,  Manuel,  pp.  10,  24,  and  references.] Spain : FAMVLVS  DEI,  orCHRISTI.  [Apparently  always similarly  applied.  See  IlUbner,  pp.  xi.  Ill,  112 and  references.  For  the  Spanish  formulae  In  gene- ral, see  below.™]  This  formula  does  not  occur among  those  of  the  catacombs  registered  by  Boslo and  Boldetti. ■"  Spain : — The  formula  In  peace. — IN  PACE  (in  various  con- nections), with  REQVIESCIT,  REQVIfc-VlT,  RECES- SIT, REQVIESCAT,  &c. ;  DOMINI,  CHRISTL  lESV being  sometimes  added.    See  HUbner,  u.  s.  pp.  ix.  x. Consecration  formulae.— m  NOMINE  DI  (DOMINI .')  \ NOSTRI    I.    C.    CONSACRATA    EST    ECLESIA    S.  I STEPHANI  PRIMI  MARTYRIS  ;    IN  NOMINE  DO-  j MINI    CONSECRATA    ECLESIA   S.  MARIE;    EPI-  j SCOPVS    CONSECRAVIT   HANG  BASELICAM  ;    IN  | NOMINE  DOMINI    SACRATA    EST  ECLESIA  ;  IX.  i KAL.  lANUARII  ERA  D  LXXXX  DEDICATA  EST  .! HAEC   ECCLESIA   SCE  MARIE  ;    DEDICATA    EST  j HEC  BASILICA  A  PIMENIO'ANTISTITE;   DEDI-  -' CAVIT     HANC     AEDEM     DOMINVS     BACAVDA  ' EPISCOPVS.  -! neliquary formulae.  — ISi    NOMINE  DOMINI  HIC  i SVNT  RECONDITE  RELIQVIE  SANCTORVM  SER-  ; VANDI,    GERMANI,  etc.  ;    RECONDITE   SVNT  IC  i RELlyVIE    DE    CRVORE    DOMINI,    SANCTI    BA-  ; BILE,  etc.  ; Building  formulae.— GEVRlk'^O    EPISCVPO    (sic)  | ORDINANTE  EDIFICATA  [est  haec  ecclesia]  ;  HAEC  j SANCTA    TRIA    TABERNACVLA    IN    GLORIAM  i TRINITATIS      (in    unitate  ?)      COHOPERANTIBVS  \ SANCTIS     AEDIFICATA     SVNT    AB    INLVSTRI  \ GVDILIVVA    CVM    OPERARIOS    VERNOLOS    ET SVMPTV    PROPRIO;     CONSVMATVM    OC    OPVS  ' ERA  DCCXX  ;   FVNDAVIT  EAM  {sc.  aram)  ALTIS-  ! SIMVS     PER     EVLALIAM     ET     FILIVM     BIVS  , PAVLVM  MONACHVM ;   PERFECTVM  EST  TEM-  ] PLUM.  ': Votive  /ormw^ae.— RECCESVINTHV3  REX  OFFE-  . RET  (offert)  [sc.  coroiiam]  ;    OFFERET    MVNVSCV-  \ LVM  S.  STEPHANO  THEODOSIVS  ABBA.  ^ Sepulchral  formulae  (length  of  life).— VIXIT  TOT  1 ANNOS,    or    ANNIS ;    or  ANNORVM    TOT  ;    CVM  i MARITO  ANNIS  TOT;  PLVS  MINVS  TOT  (without  ] annos) ;    ANNORVM    DIERVMQVE    TOT ;   QVI  IN  v HOC   SAECVLO    COXPLEVERAT   LVSTROS   TOT  ' INSCRIPTIONS Gallia  Cisalpina  : Como:  VIXIT  IN  HOC  SAECVLO  ANN03.  Como, Alba,  PoUenzo,  Nice  and  the  environs :  DEPOSl- TVS  SVB  DIEM  XIV  KAL.,  etc.  Como,  Milan, Aquileja,  Florence,  Bologna,  etc. :  B.M,  at  the  head of  infcriptions.  Turin,  Tortona,  Milan,  Brescia, Civlta  di  Friuli,  Aquileja:  CONTRA  VOTVM P0S71T.  Piedmont:  HIC  REyVLbSCIT  IN SOiMNO  PACIS. Latium  :° Rome,  Ostia  :  LPCVS,  at  the  beginning  of  the  inscrip- tion. Rome:  DEi'OSITVS,  very  common  form,  of which  Gaul  gives  scarcely  four  examples  ;  REFRI- GERIVM,  IN  REKRIGERIO,  REFRIGERET DEVS  (once  only  in  Gaul);  LOCVM  EMIT,  or COMPARAVIT,  a  formula  which  is  completely unknown  in  Gaul;  the  mention  of  a  tomb  pre- pared by  the  living  is  very  rare  in  Gaul.  Ostia : HIC  DORMIT,  CVM  DEVS  PERMISERIT, QVANDO  DEVS  VOLVERIT. Campania : Naples :  IN  AVLA  REGNI  TVI,   INDVC  EOS  IN CAELESTIA  REGNA. Apuleia : Mirabella,  Eclanum,  Fontanarosa,  etc. :  HIC  REQVI- INSCRIPTIONS 855 AETATIS  SVAE  XLIIl;  DECEDIT  E  VITA.  Some- times the  words  ANVS,  PVER,  VIRGO  are  introduced. Formulae  of  Burial.— DEVOSITIO ;  HVIC  RVDI TVMVLO  lACENS ;  IN  HOC  LOCO  QVIESCENS  ; IN  HOC  TVMVLO  lACET ;  HIC  RECONDITVM EST  CORPVS;  DEPOSITVS  IN  PACE;  IN  ISTO LOCO  SEPVLTVS  EST  ;  HIC  SITVS  EST ;  ha^ipMr, Prayers  for  the  Dead.  —  DOMINE  lESV  CHRISTE, FAMVLE  TVE  OMNIA  PECCATA  DIMITTE  (a.d. 662) ;  PRECATVS,  VT  PRO  TVO  PROMISSO  ET  SVB- LIBAMINE  (sublevamine)  MEREAMVR  INGREDI PARADISI  lANVE (seemingly  offered  for  the  dead,  but  f see  n.  96) ;  YnEP  ANAHAYCEnC  KAI  CfiTHPIAC THC  MAKAPIAC  KYPIHC  KITOYPAC. Acclamations.— CniO'Sl  VIVAS;  LVPICVS  VIVIT; MARCIANE  VIVAS  LN  CHRISTO  (said  of  the  living). Station  of  the  deceased  in  life. — The  public  and  private station  of  the  deceased  are  very  rarely  mi-ntioned : and  then  only  extending  to  VIR  INLVSTRIS,  CLA- RISSIMA  FEMINA,  etc.  The  usual  designations  are FIDSLIS,  FIDELIS  CHRISTI,  FAMVLA  or  FAMV- LVS  DEI  or  CHRISTI ;  also  BAPTIDIATVS  (once). Ecclesiastical  station  in  life. —  ABBA  ;  ANTISTES  ; DEVOTA  VIRGO  ;  PONTIFEX  ;  VIRGO  CHRISTI ; VOTA  DEO. "  The  following  formulae  (from  De  Rossi's  7.  U.  R. vol.  i.  passim)  may  be  added  for  Rome  up  to  a.d.  400, and  from  BGckh  (C.  /.  G.). Formulae  of  deaiA.— OBIIT;  DECESSIT;  DISCES- SIT;  RECESSIT;  DORMIT;  DORMIT  IN  PACE; MORTVA  EST;  DEFVNCTA;  TE.YEYTA;  ETE- AEYTHCEN;  EnAYCATO;  nPOAPEI,  ETE.VIO0H (Br.ckh);  KOIMATE  (/totjairai,  id.);  EN  EIPHNH; DE  SAECVLO  RECESSIT,  or  DECESSIT,  or  EXIBIT (exivit):  RECESSIT  DE  HAC  LVCE ;  IIT  AD DEVM;  RECEPTVS  AD  DEVM  ;  PRAECESSIT  AD PACEM;  EXIVIT  IN  PACE;  QVIESCET  IN  PACE; REQVIESCET  IN  SOMNO  PACIS;  ABSOLVTVS  DE CORPORE ;  SPIRITVS  IN  LVCE  DOMINI  SVSCEP- TVS  EST. Sepulchral  Formulae.— UK  lACET,  EN0AAE  KEI- TAL  or  KATAKEITAI  (BJickh) ;  HIC  SITVS  EST; HIC  DORMIT:  HIC  POSITA  EST;  DEPOSITIO; KATA0ECIC;  ETA*H  (Bockh);  KATETE0H  (id.). Designation  of  tomb.— I.OCYlaVS;  BISOMVS,  TRI- SOMVS,  QVADRISOMVS  (with  l.OCVS  expressed  or understood);  TOIIOC,  CVBICVLVM,  AETEKNA DOMVS. I  ESCIT   IN   SOMNO  PACIS.   DEPOSITIO   EIVS HI  IDVS  ....  etc. Brutium,  Campania,  Apulia : B.  M  (i.  e.  bonae  memoriae)  at  the  head  of  inscriptl.ms. Africa : Sitifis,  Cirta,  Cesarea,  Rusgnnla,  etc.:  MEMORIA, at  the  beginning  of  the  inscription.  Sitifis,  Orleans- ville,  Arbal,  Portus  Magnus  :  PKAECKSSIT. Hamman  bel  Hanefia,  Hadjar  Roum,  Portus  Mug- nus:  DECESSIT,  DJ.SCESS1T.  CIrta,  Kalama Carthage,  etc.:  VIXIT  IN  PACE.  [Caesarea: IN  PACE  HIC  QViI':SClT;  ACCaBlTOUIVM; SEPVLTVS.  Sitifis:  HIC  lACIT.  Cirta:  EN- 0AAE  KEITE.] Greece  : Athens:  KOIMHTHPION,  at  the  beginuing  of  the inscription. Galatia : Tschorum,  etc. :  0ECIC Cilicia : Mopsuestia,  Tarsus,  Corycns,  Selencla:  TOnOC.  Se- leucla,  Bor. :  MNHMA.  Mopsuestia,  Tarsua  ■ MNHMA  AIA*£P0N.  Selencia:  XAMOCOPIN (xa^ato-ripioO,  HAPACTATIKON;  In  the  sense of  sepulchre.  Corycus,  Eplnoia,  Seleucia,  0HKH. Corycus:  CfiMATOQHKH,  0HKH  AIA*E- POYCA. Syria : Andrena,  Phylea,  Schmerrin,  Horug,  on  the  gates: AYTH  H  HYAH  toy  KYPIOY.   K.T.A. Palestine : Jerusalem:  MNHMA  AIA^EPON;  0HKH  AIA- "l-EPOYCA. Egypt : Benka  el  Assel :  EH  ArA0n.  Thebes :  0  MAKA- RIOC,  applied  to  the  dead ;  [0  0EOC  ANAIIAYCI EN  CKHNAIC  APlnN.  Alexandria:  MNU- ©HTI  THC  KOIMHCEnC  THC  AOYAHC  COY.] Nubia  : Phile:  En  ArA0n.  Kalabscheh :  O  MAKAPIOC, applied  to  the  dead;  [EN0A  KATAKEITE]. Kalabscheh,  cemetery  of  Wady  -  Gazal :  ANA- HAYCON  0  0EOC  THN  *YXHN  AYTOY  EN KOAHIC  (KOA7I-OC5)  ABRAAM  KAI  ICAAK  KAI lAKnB.  Colasucia:  0  0EOC  TON  ITNEYMA- TON  KAI  CAPKOC  .  .  .  ANAHAYCON  THN ^YXHN. Great  Britain : IC  lACET;  HIC  TVMVLO  TACIT;  IN  OC TVMVLO  lACIT  ;  A.  HIC  lACIT  B.  FILIVS ; HIC  lACIT  IN  CONGERIES  (sic)  LAPIDVM ; A  FILIVS  B  HIG  lACIT ;  MIC  lACENT SANCTl  ET  PRAECIPVl  SACERDOTES ; HIC  MEMOR  lACIT;  HIC  IN  SEPVLCRO REQVIESCIT;  IN  MEMORIAM  SANCTORVM; LVCEM  TVAM  DA  DEVS  ET  REciVIKM;  and (later)  ROGO  OMNIBVS  AMBVLANTIBVS EXORENl'  PRO  ANIMA;  also  (in  CeItU)  OR DO  (pray  for) ;  and  (in  S.xon)  BEGUN  AFTER (a  memorial  to)  .  .  .;  GIBIDDADDAER  SAVLE (pray  for  the  soul)  ;  also  name  only, Ireland  : HIC  DORMIT  (once);  name  only  in  Rcnitivo  (in Latin)  ;  and  In  Celtic,  of  which  the  groat  majority are  composed,  OR  or  OROIT  DO  (pray  for) ;  OR or  OROIT  AR  (pray  for) ;  BENDACHI)  FOR ANMAIMN  (a  blessing  on  Iho  soul  of) ;  SAFE! SAHATTOS  ([the  stone]  of  the  wise  sage) ;  also name  only  (very  frequently). D.  Acclamations. — There  is  still  one  point  re- lating to  the  ])hraseology  of  Christian  inscrip- tions, on  which   it  may  be  convenient    to  x\y  h 856 INSCRIPTIONS little  more.  Many  of  those  on  gems  and  glass, and  a  large  number  of  the  epitaphs  contain  what are  termed  acclamations,  or  short  expressions addressed  to,  or  in  behalf  of,  the  living,  or  to  or in  behalf  of  the  dead.  Both  one  and  the  other existed  for  the  Pagans,  and  both  one  and  the other  were  adopted  with  various  modifications by  the  Christians. "  (1.)  To  begin  with  those  which  concern  the living.  The  sentiment  on  the  inscription  amici DUM  viviMVS  viVAMVS  (Gruter,  p.  609,  3)  on the  glass  IN  nomine  hercvlis  acerentino (Acherontini),  Felices  vivatis  (Garrucci,  Vetri, t.  XXXV.  f  1),  and  on  the  gem  VIBAS  (sic)  LVXVRI HOMO  BONE  (King's  Ant.  Gems  and  Rings,  vol.  i.  p. .311),  was  adopted  by  the  Christians  in  the  sense of  living  in  God  ;  and  they  engraved  VIVE  or VIVAS  IN  DEO,  and  cognate  expressions  expressive of  hope  both  for  time  and  for  eternity  on  their own  gems  and  glass  vessels,  and  occasionally  on a  lamp  or  an  amulet.  Sometimes  a  saint  is added,  as  VIVAS  in  christo  et  lavrentio,  or a  saint  only  is  expressed,  as  vivas  in  nomine LAVRe(n)ti.  Sometimes  again  a  married  couple, or  a  man  and  his  family,  are  the  subjects  of  this kind  of  good  wish.  Sometimes,  however,  the  name of  God  or  Christ  was  omitted,  but  a  Christian  sym- bol, as  a  palm  or  a  chrisma,  was  introduced  in order  to  insure  the  Christian  significance.  The Christians  did  not  indeed  refuse  the  sense  of  en- joying this  life,  when  they  wrote  pie  (tt/s)  zeses, or  ZESES  only  on  their  glass  drinking-cups,  which were  employed  in  sacred  festivities,  but  the sacred  representations  which  accompanied  the legend  would  be  a  witness  against  any  intem- perate use.  A  smaller  number  of  acclamations inscribed  on  glass,  prays  that  the  persons  ad- dressed may  live  in  the  peace  of  God.  Thus  one in  favor  of  a  married  couple :  ViVATiS  in  pace DEI  (Garrucci,  Vetri,  t.  i.  f.  3) ;  on  another  we have  BIBAS  (vivas)  IN  PACE  DEI  (Id.  t.  vi.  f.  7), or  VIVAS  IM  PACE  DEI  (Id.  t.  vii.  f.  2). For  the  matters  here  touched  on  see  Gems, Glass,  Lamps,  Seals.  That  this  kind  of  accla- mation exhorting  to  live  was  usually  addressed  to the  living,  is  clear  upon  the  face  of  it :  but  there are  a  few  cases  where  it  is  less  certain,  whether the  persons  addressed  were  alive  or  dead.  Thus it  has  been  made  a  question  whether  hilaris VIVAS    CVM     TVIS     FELICITER     SEMPER     REFRI- GERES  IN  PACE  DEI  is  an  acclamation  to  a  living or  dead  person:  Mai-tigny  {Diet.  p.  8)  relying principally  on  the  word  expressing  a  desire  for his  refreshment,  looks  on  him  as  dead.  Garrucci, probably  with  greater  reason,  interprets:  sii sempre  lieto  et  ti  refrigera  nella  pace  di  Dio, cioe  con  la  grazia  di  lui,  shewing  that  refri- gerium  is  not  rarely  used  of  living  persons (M.  s.  p.  126)  . On  Christian  epitaphs  the  living  are  sometimes addressed  by  the  living,  sometimes  by  the  dead. Of  the  former  are  requests  to  the  reader  to pray  for  the  soul  of  the  person  buried.  These are  very  rare  for  the  earlier  periods.  Dr. M'Caul  says,  "I  recollect  but  two  examples  in Christian  epitaphs  of  the  first  six  centuries  of the  address  to  the  reader  for  his  prayers,  so common  in  mediaeval  times."  In  the  early mediaeval  inscriptions  of  Great  Britain  and Ireland  examples  will  be  seen  under  Tomb.  At other  times  the  readers  are  saluted  by  the  author of  the  inscription,  salvete  fratres  (Renier  n. INSCRIPTIONS  • 4025  ;  see  above),  or  asked  to  prav  for  him  (Le         ' Blant,  n.  619).  '  { The  dead  person  sometimes  prays  the  living not  to  meddle  with   his  bones,  as  precor  ego hilpericvs  non  avferantvr  HINC  OZZA  MEA        ( (Le  Blant,  n.  207.     See  similar  examples  in  his         " notes  on  this  inscription  and  Tomb). Sometimes  the  survivors  are  exhorted  not  to  , weep  :  and  the  nolite  dolere  pa?-entes,  hoc  faciun-  ( dum  fnit  (Mus.  Disn.  1.  117,  pi.  liii.)  becomes  ! on  a  Christian  epitaph — "  Parcite  voa  lacrimis,  dukis  cum  conjuge  natae, Viventemque  Deo  credite  flare  nefas." De  Eossi,  /.  U.  R.  n.  843  (a.d.  472;. More  strange  are  the  epitaphs  counted  to  be Christian,  ij.7\  Xvttov,  r^Kvov,  ouSeis  addva-ros (Bockn,  n.  9589),  and  flapcri,  Tan'o  yurjTTjp,  ov^ds  \ aOdvaros  (Id.  9624),  both  from  the  Roman  cata- combs. A  Jewish  epitaph  in  a  Roman  cemetery runs  similarly  (Id.  n.  9917). (2.)  Of  acclamations  addressed  to  the  dead  we have  the  following."  , Vivas  or  vivatis  in  deo;  this  and  the  j allied  forms  VIVE  or  VIVAS  IN  christo,  domino,        | INTER   SANCTIS   (SiC,    De     RosSl,    U.S.    n.    10,    A.D.  I 268),  IN  nomine  christi  (Marini,  p.  455) ;  also  i IN  NOMINE  PETRI  (Boldetti,  p.  388),  the  same,  J or  nearly  so,  as  those  which  have  just  been  j noticed  as  addressed  to  the  living,  recur  abun- dantly on  the  sepulchral  monuments  of  Rome and  other  places  (De  Rossi,  /.  U.  R.  Prol.  p.  ex  ;  ; Le  Blant,  n.  576  ;  Mart.  Diet.  p.  7,  and  Tomb). Nit  SIR  Vina  -^ vimfisiiii© Epitaph  of  Aetemalia  and  Servilia,  Sivaux,  Fruuce.  Tlnjught  by Ou  Eoiwi,  judging  from  the  style  and  palaeography,  to  be  earlier than  Conatantina  (SuR.  Arch.  Crist.  18C3,  p.  47,  whose  fig.  IB copied) ;  if  bo  it  probably  gives  the  oldest  linown  example  of  the Chrisma,    Fifth  century,  according  to  Le  Blant  (n.  676). Similarly  in  Greek  C7)(rris  iv  0e<S  (Bockh.  n. 9800),  ^T)(rais  iv  Kvpiif  {Id.  n.  9673).  They proceed  on  the  supposition  that  the  Christian life  is  continuous,  and  that  expressions  in  the form  of  good  wishes,  which  primarily  belong to   this  life,  may  when  their  fulfilment  is  nc °  Of  Pagan  acclamations  addressed  in  behalf  of  the dead  we  have,  among  others,  the  following :  Sit  libi  terra levis,  Ossa  tua  bene  quiescavt.  Axe,  Vale,  Di  tibi  henefi- ciant,  Xalpe,  Soirj  o-oi  'Oa-ipi9  to  >pvxp'ov  vSojp  (M'Caul,  U.S. V.  xvii.). INSCRIPTIONS longer  doubtful,  be  transferred  to   the  life   to  1 come.P  I Other  forms  express  to  the  dead  good  wishes for  their  rest  or  peace.  Thus  on  a  gem,  found in  a  grave  B  (bene)  QVESQVAS,  (quiescas)  (see Gems),  and  on  tombs  quesce  in  pace  (Marini,  p. 366),  CESQUAS  BENE  IN  PACE  (Id.  p.  385).  Nor can  we  well  take  such  phrases  as  PAX  tecum  (Le Blant.  n.  490,  &c.),  dp-nvri  aoi.  (Bockh,  n.  9486), ip'i]Vi  (eip'^rTj)  <roi  iv  ovpava>  (Id.  n.  9844),  and elprtvT]  Trao-i,  with  or  without  eV  dt(^  (Id.  nos. 9487-8),  as  other  than  good  wishes  addressed to  the  departed,  not  affirmations  of  a  fait  ac- C07npli,  but  a  confident  prayer,  or  rather  a  sure hope,  that  the  state  of  peace  may  continue.  In other  inscriptions,  however,  it  is  evidently  re- garded as  already  accomplished,  e.  g.,  aveTtavcev 'Apia  lu  ilpi-]vri  (Marini,  p.  456).  Compare  eV eip-/)f77  Trpod-yei  (Bockh,  n.  9645  and  9632)  ;  OB- DORMIVIT  IN  PACE  lESV,  QVE3I  DILEXIT,  OBIIT  IN PACE  DEI  (Hiibner,  M.  s.  p.  x.).  The  full  expres- sion elprivv  ffoi  ^rai,  PAX  VOBISCVjH  SIT,  also occurs  (Bockh,  n.  9710;  Le  Blant,  n.  526). More  interesting  are  the  acclamations  which relate  to  refrigcrium,  which  God  himself  is  often elsewhere  invoked  to  bestow  on  the  departed. De  Rossi  notes  the  occurrence  of  spiriium  tnum Deus  refrigeret,'^  and  the  like,  as  occurring  in early  Christian  epitaphs  {Prol.  p.  ex.).  But  here the  deceased  is  addressed,  in  the  hope  that  he  is in  receipt  of  that  refreshment,  or  as  being  sure to  receive  it.  Thus  we  have  the  neuter  verb refrigerare,  to  enjoy  a  cool  repose,  in  this  con- nection, IN  BONO  REFRIGERES  (Marini,  p.  420), i.  e.,  may  you  enjoy  refreshment  in  a  good  place, by  which  is  intended  Paradise,  or  the  bosom  of Abraham  ;  refrigera  CVii  spiritv  sancto,  i.e., in  thine  own  holy  soul '  (Marangoni,  Cose  Gent. p.  460.  See  Tertull.  adv.  Marc.  lib.  iv.  c.  34). More  rarely  accepta  sis  in  cristo  (Marini, p.  454)  is  the  form  which  the  acclamation assumes,  with  which  Xpiarhs  ixira  trov  (Bockh, n.  9697)  may  be  compared,  as  well  as  aeterna TiBi  LUX  IN  christo  (Marini,  u.  s.  p.  450),  the last  word  being  expressed  by  the  chrisma.  Some addresses  to  the  dead,  however,  are  congratula- tory,  as   BENE    VIXSITI  {sic),   VENE   CONSVMASTI (Marini  p.  434),  anima  tva  CVM  ivstis  {Id. p.  381),  in  refrigerio  anima  tva  (Fabretti, p.  547),  where  est  rather  than  sit  seems  to  be understood. The  Greek  acclamation  Qippi  {i.e.  edppei)  is sometimes  placed  at  the  end  of  an  epitaph (Bockh,  n.  9821) ;  and  sometimes  at  the  begin- p  The  indicatiT?e  is  likewise  found,  as  in  Deo  decedit e  vita  (Habner,  v.s.  p.  xi.);  and  both  expressions  mean in  reality  the  same  thing.  The  reader,  however,  may  see Martigny,  Diet.  s.  v.  "Purgatoire"  for  a  different  view  of the  optative  formulae. q  The  verb  is  then  used  transitively.  In  the  Latin version  of  St.  Irenaeus,  refrigerare  U  the  rendering  of <i;/<L7rav<ra<r0ai,  and  Ducange  accordingly  iGloss.  s.  v.) explains  the  Latin  word  by  reqaiescere.  which  is  substan- tially correct.  Refrigerium  as  used  by  Tertullian  and  in the  Acclamatims  does  not  mean  "  a  release  from  pain, but  an  enjoyment  of  positive  though  imperfect  happiness on  the  part  of  the  ju>t  from  the  very  moment  of  their dissolution  in  that  separate  abode  which  Tertullian  sup- poses our  Lord  to  distinguish  by  the  appellation  of  Abra- ham's bosom."— Faber,  Diff.  of  Homanism,  book  i.  c.  v. r  See  De  Rossi  (m  s.).  The  words  occur  in  this  sense In  ihe  epitaph  of  St.  Severa  at  Rome.     See  Tomb. INSCRIPTIONS 8c uing  (Id.  n.  9789),  addressed  in  each  case  to  the departed.  Another  imperative  ypriyopfi  (wake up !)  in  singular  contrast  to  the  quiescas  above, is  occasionally  found  at  the  end  of  Christian  in- scriptions {Id.  9599,  9570);  it  may  probably contemplate  the  return  of  the  Saviour.  Ei>noipi also  occurs  {Id.  9800). The  Latin  classical  form  Ave,  much  used  by the  Pagans,  is  found  also  in  a  Christian  epitapli, and  written  ABE  (Bockh,  n.  9653).  We  have also  HAVE  vale  on  the  same  monument  (Le Blant,  n.  495). In  the  last  place  are  to  be  noted  prayers  or requests  to  the  departed  to  pray  to  God  for  the survivors.'  De  Rossi  notes  that  in  the  earlier undated  inscriptions  of  the  catacombs  {i.e.,  those before  the  peace  of  Constantine),  we  have  pete pro  nobis,  pro  parentibus,  pro  conjuge,  pro  fliis, pro  sorore  (Prol.  p.  ex.).  To  these  Dr.  McCaul adds  roga,  era  pro  nobis,  but  adds  at  the  same time  that  there  are  "  comparatively  few  among the  thousands"  of  these  undated  inscriptions, which  contain  these  prayers,  and  "  that  instances of  the  mention  in  stich  forms  of  others  than  the members  of  the  family  of  the  deceased  are  ex- tremely rare."  He  has  observed  only  one  dated example,  of  the  year  380  A.D.  (De  Rossi,  n.  288) which  contains  any  such  request;  it  has  the expression  pro  hvnc  vnvm  ORA  svbolem (m.  s.  p.  xviii.).  With  respect  to  such  accla- mations of  affection  as  dulcis  anima,  aninvx pura  et  munda,  anima  innox,  puer  innocens, ^vxh  Ka\T],  and  the  like,  they  are  applied  in Christian  inscriptions  of  various  kinds  both to  the  living  and  the  dead,  and  need  hardly  be dwelt  upon  in  this  place  (see  Garrucci,  u.  s. Index,  s.  v.  dulcis  anima ;  Martigny,  Diet.  p.  7  ; Perret,  Catac.  de  Home,  t.  v.  pi.  17 ;  Bockh, n.  9697). E.  Style  and  Structure. — Such  inscriptions  as relate  to  public  works,  churches,  basilicas,  foun- tains, or  to  sacred  objects  and  furniture,  altars, chalices,  crosses,  liturgical  book-covers,  &c.,  or  to votive  ofterings  and  the  like,  need  hardly  be  taken into  the  present  account.  They  exist  in  prose  and verse,  both  in  Greek  and  in  Latin,  and  are  of  very various  styles  and  lengths.  A  large  number  of such  are  collected  by  Marini,  and  edited  by  Mai {Script.  Vet.  Nov.  Coll.  torn.  v.  pp.  1-236);  to this  work  more  especially  the  reader  is  referred. Many  of  them,  however,  are  later  than  the period  embraced  in  his  work.  Very  few  inscrip- tions, if  any,  which  belong  to  this  class,  go  back before  the  time  of  Constantine,  so  far  as  the writer  is  aware,  and  can  hardly  be  called  nume- rous till  after  the  close  of  the  4th  century. With  regard,  however,  to  the  sepulchral  inscrip- tions the''  case  is  somewhat  different.  They  can, to  some  extent  at  least,  be  classified  by  their style.  But  the  first  thing  to  be  borne  in  mind is  that  inscriptions  of  one  country  are  no  rule for  those  cf  another.  Those  of  Britain  and  of Ireland,  for  example,  are  both  unlike  each  other, and  unlike  those  of  Gaul,  Spain,  and  Italy,  of nearly  the  same  period.  The  Greek  inscriptions, acain,  admit  for  the  most  part  of  but  little  com- parison with   the    Latin   ones;    the  Greek   and •  The  invocation  of  the  Virgin  and  of  saints  (see  above }  iv.)  are  scarcely  to  be  accounted  acclamations,  and  arc better  considered  separately. 858 INSCRIPTIONS Latin  inscriptions  to  Dometius,  wi-itten  on  the same  slab,  are  a  good  illustration  of  this  (Le Blant,  Insc.  Chret.  Gaul.  n.  613a). With  few  exceptions  the  earlier  inscriptions are  characterised  by  their  brevity  and  simplicity, while  from  the  4th  century  onwards  they  assume in  some  countries,  as  in  Italy,  Gaul,  and  Spain, a  more  complex  and  ornate  character.  In  the earlier  epitaphs,  moreover,  sometimes  occur traits  more  or  less  similar  to  the  pagan  epitaphs, e.g.  mention  of  those  who  made  the  tomb,  which by  degrees  disappear.  They  also  contain  a  much greater  number  of  acclamations,  most  of  which soon  vanish  completely.  In  the  4th  century Christian  Latin  epigraphy  began  to  make  a  style of  its  own,  and  for  the  first  time  we  now  get  at Rome  such  opening  words  as  hie  requiescit  in pace,  or  in  somno  pads,  hie  quiescit,  hie  jacet, hie  positus  est,  &c. ;  and  new  rhetorical  phrases, as  mirae  innocentiae,  sapientiae,  sanctitatis,  &c., begin  to  make  their  appearance.  It  is  not until  about  this  time  that  any  mention  of  the secular  profession  of  the  deceased  occurs  in  the Latin  inscriptions;  and  it  is  not  very  commonly mentioned  at  any  time.  The  chrisma  and  the cross,  signs  of  a  triumphant  faith,  now  come  in abundantly.  The  inscriptions  of  Gaul  followed the  style  of  Rome  a  good  deal,  and  the  same  or similar  formulae  appear  upon  them  at  a  some- what later  time.  It  is  in  these  Roman  and Gaulish  inscriptions  that  changes  of  style  can best  be  studied,  because  they  are  so  numerous, because  so  many  of  them  bear  dates,  and,  in  fine, because  they  have  been  so  admirably  edited. M.  De  Rossi  makes  some  remarks  on  the  changes of  style  in  the  Roman  inscriptions  (^Insc.  Urb. Horn.,  Prolegom.,  pp.  ex.— cxvi.),  and  will  in  an- other volume  discuss  totam  stili  epigraphici  Chris- tiani  doctrinam.  M.  Le  Blant,  in  the  first  fifty- eight  pages  of  his  Manuel,  treats  of  the  succes- sive variations  in  the  Gaulish  inscriptions  (few of  which,  however,  are  before  the  age  of  Cou- stantine),  and  also  establishes  the  fact  that blank  formulae  were  in  circulation  for  the use  of  stonecutters,  where  of  course  the  num- ber of  years  of  the  deceased  or  of  the  reigning king  could  only  be  expressed  by  the  word tot  or  tantus,  and  that  the  stonecutter  has sometimes  neglected  to  replace  the  tantus  by the  particular  number  required.  (See  Le  Blant, M.  s.  pp.  69-74.)  Similarly  in  Spain  traces of  blank  formulae  can  be  recognised  (Hubner, M.  s.  p.  viii.). By  means  of  a  careful  study  of  the  phrases of  the  dated  inscriptions  a  close  approximation may  sometimes  be  made  to  the  date  of  an  un- dated one  ;  great  caution,  however,  is  necessary, as  certain  expressions  held  their  place  for  a  long period.     (See  Le  Blant,  u.  s.  pp.  31-33). (vi.).  Dates  of  Christian  Inscriptions. (a)  Christian  inscriptions,  when  dated,  most usually  bear  the  names  of  consuls,  and  all  the earliest  are  thus  dated.  Sometimes  one,  more usually  both  consuls,  are  given,  the  names  being commonly  contracted.  The  abbreviation  cos  for consulibus  was  in  use  up  to  the  middle  of  the 3rd  century,  after  which  COSS,  CONS,  and  COMSS, came  to  be  successively  adopted :  COS  is  very seldom  found  during  the  4th  century,  and  almost never  in  the   5th   or  6th  :  coss  fell  into  disuse INSCRIPTIONS about  the  first  quarter  of  the  5th  century,  and after  that  cons  was  used.* The  numerals,  to  designate  a  second  or  third consulate,  are  frequently  prefixed  to  cos  and  the other  abbreviated  forms  ;  but  where  there  is  no ambiguity  they  are  sometimes  omitted.  A very  strange  abbreviation  was  occasionally  used, though  in  Christian  inscriptions  it  is  exceedingly rare :  the  names  of  the  consuls  were  omit- ted and  the  numbers  only  retained.  In  an epitaph  from  a  Christian  crypt  at  Motyca,  in Sicily,  to  "  Euterpe,  the  companion  of  the Muses,"  her  death  is  fixed  to  Nov.  27,  inraTia T(Sv  Kv  [^plaiv']  rh  ]  Kot  rh  y'  in  the  consulship  of our  Lords  for  the  tenth  time  and  for  the  third time,  i.  e.  360  A.D.,  when  Constantius  was  in  his tenth  consulate,  and  Julian  in  his  third.  (Bockh, n.  9524.) Another  form  of  dating  was  by  a  post-con- sulate, J.  e.  the  words  POST  CONSVLATVM,  or  the abbreviations  POST  cONS,  post  conss  (or  from the  middle  of  the  5th  century),  P  C,  and  even POST  (or  POS)  only  was  placed  before  the  consuls' names  of  the  year  preceding,  "  when  it  was  not known  who  were  the  consuls  of  the  year,  or when  the  name  of  but  one  was  known,  or  when it  was  necessary  or  expedient  not  to  mention them"  (McCaul,  u.  s.  p.  xxvi.).  This  formula, which  is  said  to  have  arisen  in  the  troublesome times  of  Maxentius,  307  A.D.,  rarely  appears  in Chi'istian  inscriptions  till  542  A.D.,  when  the post-consulate  of  Basil  the  younger  was  taken  as a  point  of  departure  for  almost  the  whole  empii-e, and  the  years  post  consulatxim  Basilii  extend  up to  xxix.  The  consulate  of  Justin  in  566  a.d. gave  birth  to  another  era  of  post-consulates, which  lasted  nine  years. There  are  various  other  matters  connected with  consular  dates  which  are  intentionally passed  over  here.  For  the  whole  subject  see De  Rossi  (^Tnsc.  Urb.  Bom.  pp.  xiii.-liv. ;  and  for an  epitome  of  the  more  important  parts,  Mc  Caul (w.  s.  p.  xxiii.-xxvii.)." (6)  Other  inscriptions  are  dated  by  an  era, whether  of  a  province  or  of  a  city.  Examples  of the  former  are  seen  in  Spain  and  Mauretania  ;  of the  latter  in  various  parts  of  Asia,  where  the eras  of  Antioch  and  Bostra  (among  others)  ob- tained currency.  Examples  of  these  will  be found  above,  and  below  under  Tomb.  In  all these  parts  of  the  empire  Christian  inscriptions were  very  rarely  dated  by  the  consuls,  and  those are  mostly  of  the  6th  century  (De  Rossi,  u.  s, p.  xiii.).  For  other  eras  employed  in  Christian inscriptions,  see  De  Rossi  (u.  s.  pp.  v.  vi.). (c)  Dates  by  Indictions  '^  (or  cycles  of  fifteen years)  are  not  found  in  Christian  inscriptions  of Rome  before  the  beginning  of  the  6th  century. The  earliest  seems  to  be  522  A.D.  (De  Rossi, /.  U.  E.  n.  984).     In  Gaul,  however,  we  find  an '  In  Diocletian's  time  CONS,  was  first  used  for  one consul,  and  CONSS.  for  two  consuls ;  as  well  as  CS.  and CC.  SS.  similarly. "  In  Christian  inscriptions  dates  taken  from  the  ofTice of  magistrates  other  than  consuls  are  extremely  rare  (De Eossi,  u.  s.  p.  xi.    See  above  {  iv.  n.  1). »  These  have  been  thought  to  be  connected  with  the fifteen  years  of  military  service  and  the  extraordinary tribute  necessary  for  their  payment  from  time  to  time,  as adjusted  by  Constantine;  but  their  origin  is  not  altoge- ther certain. INSCRIPTIONS inscription  dated  Ind.  XV.  Olibrlo  juniore  cans (consuls),  i.  e.  491.  a.d.  (Le  Blant,  n.  388).  The indictions  themselves  (which  commence  312  A.D.), unless  accompanied  by  other  notes  of  time  (as they  often  are),  do  not  suffice  to  determine even  approximately  the  year  A.D.  For  the  first year  of  each  cycle  is  counted  as  the  first  in- diction,  and  thus  the  tenth  indiction  merely signifies  the  tenth  year  in  some  undetermined indiction.  See  De  Rossi  (u.  s.  De  Cyclo  Indic- tiorium,  pp.  xcvii.-ci.) (o?)  For  the  mode  of  dating  by  solar  and  lunar cycles,  i.  e.  by  the  day  of  the  month,  the  day  of the  week,  and  the  day  of  the  moon,  as  compared with  each  other  and  with  the  year,  the  reader who  desires  to  enter  into  so  difficult  a  subject must  consult  De  Rossi  (?i.  s.  pp.  Ixx.-xcvii.).  See also  Month  ;  Week, There  are  now  to  be  noticed  a  few  eras  or modes  of  dating  which  are  peculiar  to  the Chi-istians. (e)  The  era  of  the  martyrs  is  only  used  in Egypt  and  the  adjoining  i-egions.  A  barbarous Greek  inscription  (n.  9121  Bockh)  dates  March  30, airh  fxapTvpoiv  ad,  i.  e.  209  of  the  Dioclesian  era, which  commenced  August  29,  284  a.d.,  and  so corresponding  to  494  A.D.  This  era,  invented and  first  used  by  the  pagans,  was  adopted  after- wards by  the  Christians,  who  more  usually changed  its  name  (Martigny,  Diet.  p.  532,  and the  references,  also  Bockh,  n.  9134). (/)  Episcopal  dates.  A  Roman  epitaph  (De Rossi,  /.  U.  E,  n.  139)  is  dated  deposita  in  pace SUB    Libe[rio  ep.],  and  another  (n.    190)  has EECESSIT  III  NON.    IN  PACE   SVB  DaMASO  EPISCO. These  are  the  only  examples  of  the  kind  known, and  do  not  prove  that  epitaphs  were  then  dated purely  and  simply  by  the  papal  era,  but  rather that  those  who  put  them  up  wished  to  express their  adhesion  to  the  orthodox  pontiffs  and  not to  their  opponents  Felix  and  Ursicinus.^ But  from  the  eud  of  the  4th  century  it  became common  at  Rome  to  date  sacred  buildings  by inscriptions  in  which  the  pope's  name  occurred  ; thus  we  have  in  such  connections  SALVO  SiKiCiO EPISCOPO  (like  the  Salvis  dd.  nn.  Augustis) and  TEMPORIBVS  saxcti  Innocentii  episcopi, and  the  still  remaining  inscription  in  the  basilica of  St.  Sabina : CVLMEN    APOSTOLICVM    CVM   CAELESTINVS HABERET PRfMVS  Er  IN  TOTO  FVLGERET  EPISCOPVS ORBE. (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  pp.  viii.,  ix).  In  the  5th  and following  century  the  custom  of  dating  sacred buildings  by  bishops  and  other  ecclesiastics spread  abroad,  and  at  length  became  very  general throughout  Europe;  but  public  monuments  of  the provinces  of  the  4th,  5th,  and  even  6th  and  later centuries  are  dated  by  the  eras  of  Mauretania or  of  Bostra  or  Antioch,  or  by  consuls,  or  by the  reigns  of  emperors  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p.  ix.  and the  references).  Sometimes,  but  very  rarely, the  exact  year  of  office  of  the  bishop  or  abbot  is given  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  and  above,  §  iv.  n.  11). There  are  two  other  eras  much  employed  in inscriptions  soon  after  the  period  with  which  we are  concerned,  and  which  indeed  at  length  almost INSCRIPTIONS 859 y  Martigny  (Diet.  p.  317)  says:  "  Apres  Clevis,  Us  (Ics Gaulois)  iiiscrivfront  quelquefoia  sur  Ics  niarbres  I'aiinen du  pontife  Rotnain." superseded  the  others  in  common  use  —  the Dlonysian  epoch  of  the  Incarnation,'  and  the mundane  era,  which  reckons  the  Creation  at 5508  B.C.    [Era.] (17)  Bede  brought  the  former  into  vogue  in the  beginning  of  the  Btli  century,  and  there  are also  some  early  inscriptions  dated  thereby.  De Rossi  affirms  that  he  knows  of  no  inscrijition  ot the  first  six  centuries  so  dated.  There  is  one  of the  year  617  A.D.,  which  records  the  construction and  consecration  of  a  baptistery,  at  Bri.'sia,  by Domina  nostra  Flavia  Theodolinda,  which  is  thu.s dated  at  the  end  :  vivente  domino  nostra  Adel- valdo  sacrae  salutis  sacculo  CCC  CCC  xvii  (Marini, n.s.  p.  170);  besides  this  there  is  one  at  Inter- amna  (Merni),  dated  AN.  s.  DCC.  xxvii.  (Marini, U.S.  p.  157);  others  just  below  our  period  are  a little  differently  expressed  :  one  is  dated  AN.  IN- CARNAT.    DNI  DCCCLVII    IND   V  REGE    LOVDOWICO IMP.  AVG.  (Marini,  u.  s.  p.  85),  and  another  is placed  ANNO  DOMINI  DCCC  Lxiiii  (Marini, V.  s.  pp.  1J34,  5).  All  these  are  in  connection with  the  dedication  or  building  of  sacred  edifices. (A)  An  early  example'  of  the  mundane  era  is furnished  by  an  inscription  on  a  tower  at  Nicaea in  Bithynia,  tTovs  ^^ti^,  in  the  year  6316,  cor- responding to  808  A.D.  (Bockh,  C.  I.  G.  n. 8669).  But  as  it  is  called  "  the  tower  of Michael,  the  great  king  in  Christ,  emperor," some  error  in  the  date  (as  edited)  has  slipped in.  For  Michael  I.  reigned  from  811-813  A.D., and  Michael  II.  from  ^^820-829  A.D.  Possibly the  p  is  a  misreading  for  6  :  if  so,  the  date  is  811 A.D.  Another  mutilated  inscription,  relative  to the  foundation  of  an  arsenal  (tovtov  fieya- xSrarov  (sic)  a.pai]v6.Kriv)  by  "  Theophilus  the king,  son  of  Michael  the  king,"  is  doubly  dated, aTrb  KTiaeos  (sic)  K6(rfiov  ,^tij.^,  airh  Si  Xptcrrov (Tovs  cdAS',  the  year  6342  of  the  mundane  era, corresponding  to  the  year  834  of  the  Christian era(/d  n.  8680). (i)  There  are,  in  fine,  inscriptions  dated  by  the reigns  or  by  the  years  of  the  reigns  of  the  sove- reigns of  the  kingdoms  which  sprung  out  of  the ruins  of  the  western  empii-e.  Examples  occur in  England,  France,  Spain,  and  Italy,  (See above  §  iv.,  Nos.  5,  11,  and  Tomb.) In  like  manner,  after  the  consulate  came  to an  end  in  541  a.d.,  the  year  of  the  Byzantine emperor's  reign,  was  occasionally  placed  on  in- scriptions as  a  date.  An  early  example  of  the year  592  A.D.,  in  the  11th  year  of  Justinian  II. (in  an  inscription  relating  to  a  church),  is  given in  Bockh's  C.  I.  G.  n.  8651.  Another  less  pre- cise is  dated  by  the  joint  reign  (842-857  A.D.) of  Theodora.  Michael,  and  Thecla  (Bockh,  C.  1.  G. n.  8683). More  than  one  mode  of  dating  often  occurs  on the  same  monument,  as  by  consuls  and  an  indic- tion conjointly  ;  by  an  era  and  a  king  conjointly; •  This  was  devised  In  525  A.D.  hy  Dlonyslus  Exigmis,  a Roman  abbot.  For  his  purpose,  wbicli  was  neither literary  nor  historical,  but  simply  Imd  reference  to Easter,  see  the  late  Professor  Grote  in  tlio  Cambridye Journal  of  Classical  and  Sacred  I'hilology,  vol.  i.  pp.  63 69,  In  a  paper  entitled  'On  the  dating  of  Ancient History,'  whore  several  subjects  hero  touched  upon  aro discussed. •  Probably  there  may  exist  somewhat  earlier  inscrip- tions dated  by  tliia  era  than  those  here  referred  to.  "  it began  to  prevail  in  the  "th  century,  and  appears  iu  the Paschal  Chronicle"  (Grote,  u.s.  p.  66). 860 INSCRIPTIONS or  by  a  king  and  an  ecclesiastic  conjointly.  In addition  to  the  years  the  months  are  often  noted  ; these  are  in  general  the  Roman  months. But  the  day  of  the  month,  whether  of  the death  or  of  the  burial,  is  sometimes  in  the  more ancient  inscriptions  alone  set  down.  Thus  in  a^ Roman  inscription  we  have  simply  Fortunatus depositus  III  Kal.  Oct.  in  pace ;  and  in  another, LaureiUiu  (sic)  idus  lenuras' (sic)  decessit,  fol- lowed bv  the  chrisma  (Marini,  u.  s.  pp.  380, 387). In  Egypt,  however,  the  Egyptian  months  are set  down,  either  alone  (Bockh,  n.  9110),  or together  with  an  indiction  {id.  n.  9111),  or  with the  era  of  "  the  martyrs"  {id.  9121),  or  with  an indiction  together  with  the  same  era,  under  its proper  name,  "  the  year  of  Diocletian"  (id.  9134). The  days  are  added  to  the  months  when  these occur  :  usually  computed  according  to  the  Roman kalendar  by  kalends,  ides,  and  nones  ;  but  the cyclic  inscriptions  have  the  days  of  the  week  (die Beneris,  die  Saturnis  (sic),  &c. ;  also  die  Sabbati, die  dominica),  the  days  of  the  moon,  or  the octave  of  Easter.  (See  De  Rossi,  u.  s. ;  Mc  Caul, u.  s.  pp.  53-58.)  In  Egypt  the  day  of  the  month is  reckoned  numerically,  as  the  21st  of  Tybi, the  10th  of  Phaophi,  &c. We  have  also  examples,  though  they  are  not numerous,  of  epitaphs  dated  by  saints'  days. One  at  Briord,  of  about  the  6th  or  7th  century, records  of  "  Ricelfus  et  jugalis  sua  Guntello" that  "  obienmt  in  die  Sci  Martini,  who  probably himself  died  Nov.  8,  a.d.  397  (Butler's  Lives of  Saints,  under  Nov.  11).  M.  Le  Blant,  who gives  this  inscription  (n.  380),  quotes  other  and earlier  examples  from  the  catacombs  ;  such  as Natale  Susti,  Natale  Domnes  Sitiretis,  jMstera  die 77utrturo)-um,  ante  natale  Domini  Aateri,  d.  nat. Sci  Hard. In  addition  to  the  day  the  hour  is  sometimes added,  and  occasionally  even  the  fraction  (scru- pulus)  of  the  hour.     See  Tomb. (vii.)  Abbreviations  used  in  Christian  Inscrip- tions.— This  catalogue  might  no  doubt  be  en- larged considerably :  it  has  been  taken  from Martigny  (Diet.  pp.  322-324,  omitting,  however, the  numerals,  L  foi  quinquaginta,  X  for  decern, and  the  like)  ;  and  the  writer  has  made  various additions  to  it,  mostly  by  help  of  Hiibner's  Index to  his  Spanish  Inscriptions,  p.  115. A. — Anima, — annos,— ave. ABBI.— Abbatis. A.  B,  M. — Aniinae  beaemercnti. ACOL.— Acolytus. A.D. — Ante  diem,— anima  dulcis. A.D.  KAL. — Ante  diem  calcndas. A.K. — Ante  calendas. A  X. — Annum, — annos, — annis, — ante. ANS. — Annos, — annis. AP.  or  APR.  or  APL.— Aprilis. APOS  TOR.— Apostolonim. A.y.T.C. — Anima  quiescat  in  Clirlsto. b  Cardinal  Wiseman  says  of  the  deceased  Christians  in early  times  that  "  annual  commemoration  had  to  be  made on  the  very  day  of  their  departure,  and  accurate  know- ledge of  this  was  necessary.  Therefore,  it  alone  was recorded"  {Fabiola,  p.  147).  Even  If  this  be  the  true roason  (which  is  very  much  to  be  doubted),  it  remains  to be  e.xplained  why  the  day  of  burial  alone  is  sometimes recorded.  The  truth  seems  to  be,  that  some  little  inci- dent which  would  be  sufficient  to  remind  the  friends  of the  deci/ased,  was  sometimes  regarded  as  date  enough. INSCRIPTIONS A.R.T.M.D.— Anima  requiescat  in  manu  Dei. AVG. — Augustus,  -August!. B.— Benemerenti,  — bixit  (for  vixit). B.  AN.  V.  D.  IX.— Vixit  annos  quinque,  dies  novem. BENER.— Veneriae. B.  F. — Bonae  feminae. BIBAT.— Bibatls  (fvr  vivatis). B.  I.  C.-Bibas  (for  vivas)  in  Christo. B.  M.,   or  BO.  M.,  or  BE.  ME.,  or  BO.  ME.— Bonae memoriae. B.  JI.  F. — Benemerenti  fecit. BMT. — Benemerenti. BNM.,  or  BNMR. — Benemerenti,  or  benemerentibus. B.  Q.— Bene  quiescat. B.  Q.  I.  P. — Bene  quiescat  in  pace. BVS.  v.— Bonus  vir. C. — Consul,— cum. CAL.— Calendas. CO.— Consules, — carissimus,  or  carissima  conjux. CESQ.  I.  P. — Quiescit,  or  quiescat  in  pace. C.  F.— Clarissima  femina, — curavit  fieri. CH.— Christus. C.  H.  L.  S.  E. — Corpus  hoc  loco  sepultum  (or  situm)  est. CL.— Clarus,— clarissimus. C.  L.  P. — Cum  lacrymis  posuerunt. CL.  V. — Clarissimus  vir. C.  M.  F. — Curavit  monumentum  fieri. C.  0. — Conjugi  Optimo. C.  0.  B.  y. — Cum  omnibus  bonis  quicscas. COL— Conjugi. COIVG.— Conjux. CONL— Conjugi. CONS. — Consul,— consulibus. CON T.  VOT.— Contra  vutum. COS. — Consul,— consulibus. COSS. — Consules, —consulibus. C.  P.— Clarissima  puella, — curavit  poni. C.  Q.— Cum  quo,  or  cum  qua. C.  Q.  F. — Cum  quo  fecit  (for  vixit). C.  R. — Corpus  requiestit. CS.-Cousul. C.  V.  A. — Cum  vixisset  annos. CVNG.— Conjux. D.—  Dies, —  die,—  defunctus, —  depositus,—  doiTnit,— dulcis. D.  B.  BL — Dulcissimae  benemerenti. D.  B.  Q. — Dulcis,  bene  quiescas. D.  D. — Dedit,— dedicavit,— dies. D.  D.  S. — Decessit  de  saeculo. DE.  or  DEP.— Depositus, -deposlta, — dcpositio. DK.— Deum. DEC— Decembris. DF.— Defunctus,— defuncta. DL— Dei. DIAC— Diaconus. DIEB.— Diebus. D.  III.  ID.— Die  tertua  idus D.  LP.— Dormit,  or  decessit,  or  depositus  in  pace. D.  .VI  -Dilsmanibus. D.  M.  S.— Diis  Manibus  sacrum. DM.— Dormit. DMS. — Dominus. D.  N.,  or  DD.  NN.— Domino  nostro,  or  dominis  nostris (the  emperors). DNL-  Domini. DO.— Deo. DP. — DPS. — DPT. — Depositus, — depositio. E.— Est,— et,— ejus,— erexit. EID. — Eians/or  idus. EPC— EPVS.— EPS.— episcopus. E.V.— E.Kvoto. E.  VI V.  DISC— E  vivis  discessit. E.V.  TM.— Ex  testamento. F._Fecit,— fui,- filius,—  filia,—  femina,—  feliclter,— fe- lix,— fidelis,— febniarius. F.  C. — Fieri  curavit. INSCRIPTIONS FE.— Fecit. FEBVS.— Februarius. FF.—Filii,—fratres,— fieri  fecit. F.  F.  Q.— Filiis  filiabusque. F. K. — Filius  caiissimu3, — filia  carisslma. FL.— Filius,— Flavii. FLAE.— Filiae. F.  P.  F.— Filio,  or  filiae,  poni  fecit. FS.— Fossor,— fossoribus,— fratribus. F.  V.  F.— Fieri  vivus  fecit. F.  VI.  D.  S.  E.— Filius  sex  dierum  situs  est. GL.-Gloriosi. H.  —Hora,  — hoc,— hie,— haeres. H.  A.~Hoc  anno. H.  A.  K.  —Ave  anima  carissima. H.  L  .S. — Hoc  loco  situs,  or  sepultus  est. H.  M. — Honesta  mulier. H.  M.F.  F. — Hoc  monumentum  fieri  fecit. H  R.  I.  P. — Hie  requiescit  in  pace. H.  S. — Hie  situs,  or  sepultus  est. H.T.F.  or  P. — Hunc  titulum  fecerunt,  or  posuerunt. I. —  In, —  idus, —  ibi, —  illustris, —  jacet, — januarius, — Julius. TAN. — Januarius, — Jaimarias. ID. — Idus, — idibus. I.  D.  N.— In  Dei  nomine. IDNE.— Indictione. I.  H.— Jacet  hie. IH.— Jesus. IHS.— Jesus IHV.— Jesu. IN.  B. — In  bono, — in  benedictione. IND.— Indictione,— in  Deo. IN.  D.  N.— In  Dei  nomine IN.  D.  v.— In  Deo  vivas. INO.— Ingenio. INL.— Inlustris. INN. — Imiocens, — innocuus, — in  nomine. IN.  P.,  or  I.  P.— In  pace. INPC— In  pace. IN.  X.— In  Christo. IN.  v^   —In  Cbristo. IN.  XPI.  N.— In  Christi  nomine. I.  P.  D.— In  pace  Dei. ISPA.— Ispalensi. I.X. — Jesus  Christus. K. — Kalendas, — carus, — carissima. KAL.— Kalendas. K.  B.  M. — Carissimo  benemerenti. K.  D.,  —  I.,  —  M.,  etc.— Calendas  decembres,—  janu- arias,  —  maias,  etc. K.  K.— Carissimi. KL.  KLEND.— Calendas. KRM. — Carissimae, — carissimo. L.— Locus,— lubens. L.  A. — Libentl  animo. L.  F.  C. — Liberis  fieri  curavit. L.  M. — Locus  monumenti. LNA. — Luna. L.  S. — Locus  sepulchri. M- — Memoria, — martyr, —  mensis, —  menses, — meronti, —  maias, —  mater, —  merito,  —  monumentum,  — mamioreum  —  minus. MA.—  MAR.—  MART.— Martyr,—  martyrium,— mar- tias. MAT.— Mater. M.  B. — Memoriae  bonae. MERI'B.— Merentibus. MES. — Meses,/o)"  menses. M.M. — Martyres. M.P.,  or  PP.— Monumentum,  (rr  memoriam,  posuit,  or posuerunt. MR.  F.S.C.— Moerens  fecit  suae  conjugi. MIIT.— Merenti,— merentibus MS. — Menses, — mensibus. INSCRIPTIONS 861 N.— Nonas,— numero,—novembrIs,— nomine,— nostro NAT.— Natalis,— natule. NBR.— Novembris. NME.— Xomine. NO.  or  NON.— Nonas. NON.  APR..  -  IVL.,  -  SEP..  -OCT..  etc.-  Nonas aprilcs,— Julias,— sept»mbres,—octobre8,  etc. NN.— Nostris,— numeris. NOV.— Novembris. NOVE.  NOVEBRES.-Novcmbres. NST.— Nostri. NVM.— Numerus. 0.— Horas,— optimus.— obitiis,— obiit. OB.— Obiit. OB.  IN.  XPO.— Obiit  in  CTiristo. OCT.— Octobris,— octavas. 0.  E.  B.Q. — Ossa  ejus  bene  quiescant. 0.  H.  S.  S. — Ossa  hie  sepulta  sunt. OM.,  or  Oil  IB.— Omnibus. OMS.— Omnes. OP.— Optimus. 0.  P.  Q. — Ossa  placide  quiescant. OSS.- — post  mortem, — piae  memoriae. P. —  Pax, —  plus, —  posuit, —  ponendum, —  posuerunt,  — pater,— puer.—puella,—  per,—  post,—  pro,—  pri.ii.- plus, — primus, — etc PA,— Pace,— pater,— etc. PARTE.- Parentibus. PC— Pace,— poni  curavit. P.  C,  or  P.  CONS.— Post  consulatum. P.  F.— Poni  fecit. P.  H.— Positus  hie. P.I.— Ponijussit. PL.— Plus. P.  M.— Plus  minui PONT.— Pontifex, PONTFC— Pontlfice. P.  P. — Praefectus  praetorio. PP.  K.L. — Prope  calendas. PR.— PRB.—PRBR.—PKEB.—PSBR.—PRSB.— Pres- byter, or  presbyteri. PR.,  or  PRID.  K.  IVN.— Pridie  calendas  Junius. PR.  Q. — Posterisque. PR.  N. — Pridie  nonas. PTR.— Posteris. P.  V. — Prudentissimus  vir. P.  Z.— Pie  zeses  (Jor  bibas,  vivas). Q. — qui, — quo, — quiesce, — quiescit, — quiescas. Q.  B.  AN.— Qui  bixit  {for  visit),  annos. Q.  EEC.  MEC— Qui  fecit  {for  vixit)  mccum. Q.  FV.  AP.  N.— Qui  fuit  apud  nos. Q.  I.  P. — Quifiscat  in  pace. Q.  M.  0. — Qui  mortem  obiit. Q.  v.— Qui  vixit. R. — Reeessit, —  requiescit, —  requiescas, —  retro, —  refri gera, — refrigere. REG.  SEC— Regionis  secundae. RF;. — Requiescit,  or  requiescat, — repositus. REQ.— Requiescit. RES.- Requiescit?  {Inscr.  Hisp.  n.  114). R.  I.  P.  A. — Requiescas  in  pace  animae,  or  rreessit.         , RQ.— Requievit. S. — Suus, — sua, — sibi, — salve, — somno, — sepulcbrutn. — solve, — situs, — sepultus, — sub.'  {Tnsn:  Uisp.  n.  5(i). SA.— Sanctissimus  ?  {Inscr.  Ilisp.  n.  174). SAC. — Sacer, — sacerdos. SAC  VG.— Sacra  virgo,  or  eacrata S  BRS.— Septembres. SC— Sanctus. SCA.— Sancta. SCE.— Sanctae. SCI.— Sancti. SCIS.— Sanctis. SCLI.— Saeeuli. SC.  M. — Sanctae  memoriae. .SCLO.— Saeculo. 862 INSINUATIO SCOR.— Sanctorum. SCORVM.— Sanctorum. SD.— Sedit. S.  D.  V.  ID.  IAN.— Sub  die  quinto  idus  januarias. SEP. — September, — septimo. S.  H.  L.  R. — Sub  boo  lapide  rcquiescit. S.  1.  D. — Spiritus  in  Deo. S.  L.  M. — Solvit  lubens  merito. S.  M. — Sanctae  memoriae. S.  0.  v.— Sine  offensa  ulla.    . SP. — Sepultus,  -  Bepulcrum, — spiritus. SP.  F. — Spectabilis  femina. S3.— Sanctorum,— suprascripta. ST.— Sunt. S.  T.  T.  C— Sit  tibi  testis  coelum. T.  and  TT.— Titulus. TB.— Tibi. TIT.  P.,  or  PP.,  or  FF.— Titulum  posuit,  or  posuerunt, or  fecerunt. TM.— Testameutum. TPA.— Tempora. TTM.—Testamentum,— titulum. V. — Vixit, — vixisti, —  vivus, —  viva, —  vivas, — veneme- renti  {/or  benemerenti), — votum, — vovit, — vir,— uxor, — vidua. V.  B.— Vir  bonus. V.  C. — Vir  clarissimus. V.F. — Vivus,  or  viva,  fecit. VG.,  or  VGO.— Virgo. V.  H. — Vir  honestus. V.  K. — Vivas  carissime. V.  I.  AET.— Vive  in  aetemum,  or  in  aetemo. V.  I.  FEB.— Quinto  idus  februarii. V.  INL.— Vir  inlustris  (illustris). VIX.— Vixit. V.  0. — Vir  optiraus. VOT.  VO v.— Votum  vovlt. VR.  S.— Vir  sanctus. V.  S.— Vir  spectabilis. V.  T.— Vita  tibi. VV.CC— Viriclarlssimi VV.  F.— Vive  felix. V.  K. — Uxor  carissima, — vivas  carissime. X.— Cbristus. XL— XPI.— Christi. XO.— XTO.— Christo. XPC— XS.— Christus. Z.—Zezea.for  vivas,— Zesu,/or  Jesn. [C.B.] INSINUATIO.  The  making  certain  cus- tomary payments  to  the  bishop  on  appointment to  a  church.  See  Thomassin  {Vet.  et  Nov.  Eccl. Discip.  iii.  1,  c.  56).  Justinian  (Novell.  56,  col. 5,  tit.  11,  §  1)  provides  that  if  any  of  the  clergy make  the  payments  which  are  called  insinua- tives,  "  quae  vocantur  insinuativa,"  except  in  the great  church  of  Constantinople,  the  bishops  who exact  them  shall  be  deprived  of  their  office. [P.  O.J INSPECTOR.    [Bishop,  p.  210.] INSTALLATION.    [Bishop,  p.  224.] INSTRUCTION.  1.  For  the  Christian  in- struction of  children  in  general,  see  Catechu- men, Children. 2.  In  a  more  special  sense,  the  lections  from the  Old  Testament  read  to  the  candidates  for baptism  immediately  after  the  benediction  of the  taper,  and  before  the  benediction  of  the  font, on  Easter  Eve,  were  called  "  Instructiones  bap- tizandorum."  See  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary (i.  c.  43),  and  the  Gregorian  (p.  70).  Amalarius {De  Eccl.  Off.  1.  19)  gives  mystical  reasons  why INSTRUMENTA the  lections  should  be  four  in  number,  which however  is  by  no  means  invariably  the  case. They  are  four  in  the  Ordo  Eormnus  I.  (c.  40, p.  25),  but  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary  gives ten  and  the  Gregorian  eight.  Instruction  of this  kind  seems  to  be  alluded  to  in  Palladius's description  of  the  scene  which  took  place  when soldiers  burst  into  John  Chrysostom's  church at  Constantinople  on  Easter  Eve;  "some  of  the presbyters,"  he  says  (  Vita  Chrysost.  c.  9)  "  were reading  Holy  Scriptures,  others  baptizing  the catechumens."  So  Paschasinus  Lilybetauus,  in a  letter  to  Leo  the  Great  (quoted  by  Martene), speaks  of  a  case  in  which,  after  the  accustomed lections  of  Easter  Eve  had  been  gone  through, the  candidates  were  not  baptized,  for  lack  of water  (Martene,  Da  Bit.  Ant.  I.  i.  13,  §  3).  As  in the  responses  of  the  candidates  at  Rome  both  Latin and  Greek  were  used,  so  also  the  lections  in  baptism were  in  ancient  times  recited  in  Latin  and  Greek. Thus  Ordo  L'omauus  I.  (c.  40,  p.  25),  after noticing  that  the  reader  does  not  announce  the lection  in  the  usual  way,  "  Lectio  libri  Genesis," but  begins  at  once  "  In  principio,"  goes  on  to say,  "  First  it  is  read  in  Greek,  and  then  im- mediately by  another  in  Latin."  The  next  lection is  read  first  in  Greek  and  then  in  Latin ;  and  so on.  Amalarius  (De  Eccl.  Off.  ii.  1)  says  of  this custom,  that  lections  were  recited  by  the  an- cient Romans  in  Greek  and  in  Latin,  partly  be- cause Greeks  were  present  who  did  not  understand Latin,  and  Latins  who  did  not  understand  Greek  ; partly  to  show  the  unanimity  of  the  two  peoples. Anastasius  tells  us  (p.  251,  ed.  Muratori)  that pope  Benedict  III.  (855-858)  caused  a  volume to  be  prepared  in  which  the  lessons  for  Easter Eve  and  Pentecost  were  written  out  in  Greek and  in  Latin,  whicb  volume,  in  a  silver  binding of  beautiful  workmanship,  he  oflered  to  a  Ro- man church.  [C] INSTRUMENTA.  By  the  word  instni- menta  we  understand  vessels,  &c.  employed  in the  sacred  ministry;  thus,  pope  Siricius,  A.D.  385 (Epist.  I.  ad  Himerium,  c.  14),  forbidding  persons who  had  incurred  public  penance  to  be  ordained, says,  "  nulla  debent  gerendorum  sacramentorum instrumenta  suscipere  qui  dudum  fuerunt  vasa vitiorum." By  the  words  "  instrumentorum  traditio " is  technically  designated  the  handing  to  a  per- son on  ordination  some  vessel  or  instrument used  in  his  office.  Thus,  the  African  statutes at  the  end  of  the  4th  century  {Cone.  Cartli.  IV. c.  5)  order  the  bishop  to  hand  to  a  subdea- con  on  ordination  an  empty  chalice  and  au empty  paten,  and  the  archdeacon  to  hand  to  him a  water  vessel  with  a  napkin,  because  he  receives no  imposition  of  hands.  Similarly  the  acolvte (c.  6)  is  to  receive  from  the  archdeacon  a  candle- stick with  taper;  the  exorcist  (c.  7)  is  to  receive from  the  hand  of  the  bishop  the  book  of  exor- cisms ;  the  reader  (c.  8)  the  codex  from  which he  is  to  read ;  the  doorkeeper  (c.  9)  the  keys of  the  church. In  these  cases  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the "  instrumentorum  traditio  "  takes  place  only  in the  case  of  those  ordained  to  minor  orders  (in- sacrati  ministri)  who  received  no  imposition  of hands. The  fourth  council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  633,  pro- vides (c.  28)  that  a  bishop   who   is  restored  to INSUFFLATION his  orders  shall  receive  from  the  bishops,  before the  altar,  stole,  ring,  and  staff;  a  priest,  stole and  chasuble  ;  a  deacon,  stole  and  alb ;  a  sub- deacon,  paten  and  chalice  ;  and  that  those  in other  orders  shall  receive  back  on  restoration those  instruments  which  they  had  first  received _on  ordination.  We  see  from  this  that  the  ap- propriate vestments  were  regarded  in  the  7th century  as  the  outward  sign  of  the  bestowal  of the  higher  orders.  The  delivery  of  the  pastoral staff  and  ring  also  forms  part  of  the  cere- mony of  the  ordination  of  a  bishop  in  the  Pon- tificals of  Gregory  the  Great  and  of  Egbert [Bishop,  p.  222]. In  later  times,  the  handing  of  the  chalice with  wine  and  the  paten  with  a  host  to  a  priest on  ordination  came  to  be  regarded  as  the  "matter" of  the  sacrament,  while  the  "form"  was  the words  "  Accipe  potestatem  offerre  sacriiicium Deo  missasque  celebrare  tam  pro  vivis  quam  pro defunctis  in  nomine  Domini."  But  this  opinion not  only  has  no  support  in  Scripture,  but  it seems  to  have  been  totally  unknown  in  the church  for  at  least  nine  hundred  years ;  Isidore, Amalarius,  Eabanus,  and  Walafrid  Strabo,  know nothing  of  it.  (Martene,  De  Bit.  Ant.  I.  viii. 9,  §  16.)  [C] INSUFFLATION.  [Baptism,  §  31,  p. 158 ;  Exorcism.] INSULANI.  A  designation  of  monks  in Southern  France  in  the  5th  century,  on  account of  the  great  reputation  of  the  monasteries  and of  their  schools  on  the  islands  near  the  coast, especially  on  the  island  Lerina  (Lerins)  (Bino-h. Grig.  Ecd.  VII.  ii.  14).  [I.  G.  s!] INTEEGESSION  (Tntercessio,  ivTev^is).  It does  not  fall  within  the  scope  of  the  present  work to  discuss  or  to  investigate  historically  the  doctrine of  the  intercession  of  the  saints,  or  of  the  nature and  efficacy  of  intercessory  prayer  generally  ;  the subject  is  considered  here  simply  in  its  relation to  liturgical  forms.  And  here  we  have  to  con- sider (1)  the  persons  whose  intercession  is  asked  ; (2)  the  objects  on  behalf  of  which  intercession  is made. (1.)  a.  Throughout  the  Western  church  a  large portion  of  the  prayers  end  with  a  pleading  of  the merits  of  Christ,  the  great  Intercessor ;  generally in  the  form  "  per  Christum  Dominum  nostrum." This  is  in  fact  an  extension  to  all  prayer  of  the principle  laid  down  for  the  altar-prayers,  "  cum altari  adsistitur  semper  ad  Patrem  dirigatur oratio"  {Cone.  Carth.  III.  c.  23);  when  the prayer  is  addressed  to  the  Father,  it  is  through the  intercession  of  the  Son.  This  principle  is not  adopted  in  the  East,  where  the  prayers,  being addressed  to  the  Triune  Deity,  generally  end  with an  ascription  of  glory  ;  if  with  a  pleading  of merits,  it  is  of  the  Virgin  Mary  or  the  saints (Freeman,  Principles  of  Divine  Service,  i.  373). 6.  We  may  take  the  words  of  Cyril  of  Jeru- salem (Catech.  Myst.  V.  9,  p.  328)  as  an  authentic account  of  the  manner  in  which  the  intercession of  the  saints  departed  was  invoked  in  the  church of  Jerusalem  in  the  middle  of  the  4th  century. "  Then  we  also  commemorate  those  who  have gone  to  rest  before  us  (rcoy  irpoKiKoiixrifxivwv), first  patriarchs,  prophets,  apostles,  martyrs;  that God  at  their  prayers  and  intercessions  (npea- fieiais)  would  receive  our  supplication."  It  ap- pears then  that  in  Cyril's  time  the  church  asked INTERCESSION 863 the  intercession  of  jjatriarchs,  prophets,  apostles, and  martyrs;  for  the  rest  of  the  faithful  de- parted, including  "holy  fathers  and  bishops,"  it interceded  [Canon  of  the  Lituroy,  p.  2Gi>  •  Da-- TYCHS,  p.  560].  But  it  is  "  beyond  all  question that  the  early  church  offered  the  eucharistiu sacrifice  as  well  for  the  highest  saints,  and  even for  the  blessed  Virgin  Jlary,  as  for  the  common multitude  of  the  departed,  faithful"  (Ne.ile, Eastern  Ch.  Int.  510).  The  intercession  of  saints', for  whom  at  the  same  time  intercession  is  made is  asked  in  the  so-called  liturgy  of  St.  Chry- sostom,  where  we  have  the  following  form (Daniel,  Codex  Lit.  iv.  360)  :— "We  oflerloThee also  this  reasonable  service  on  behalf  of  (intp) those  who  are  at  rest  in  the  faith,  our  fore- fathers, fathers,  patriarchs  ....  and  every  just spirit  made  perfect  in  the  faith;  especially  our most  holy  .  .  .  Lady  Mary,  Mother  of  God  and ever  Virgin  .  .  .  for  the  holy  Prophet,  Forerunner, and  Baptist,  John  ;  for  the  glorious  and  highlv- praised  Apostles  ;  for  Saint  N.  whose  comm'emo- ration  we  are  celebrating,  and  all  Thy  saints ;  at whose  supplications  (iKfffioir)  look  upon  us,  0 God.  And  remember  all  who  have  gone  to  rest before  us  in  hope  of  the  resurrection  to  eternal life."  Then  follow  the  diptychs.  The  Syriac St.  James  (Renaudot,  Litt.  Orientt.  ii.  36),  after commemorating  holy  Fathers,  Patriarchs,  Pro- phets, Apostles,  St.  John  Baptist,  St.  Stephen,  the Virgin,  and  all  Saints,  proceeds,  "  Therefore  do  we commemorate  them,  that  when  they  stand  before Thy  throne,  they  may  remember  us  in  our  Aveak- ness  and  frailty,  and  offer  with  us  to  Thee  this awful  and  unbloody  sacrifice,  for  the  safe-keeping of  those  who  are  living,  for  the  consolation  of the  feeble  and  unworthy,  such  as  ourselves;  for the  rest  and  good  memory  of  those  who  have passed  away  in  the  true  faith,  our  fathers, brethren,  and  masters."  Here  the  saints  de- parted are  represented  as  joining  in  one  great act  of  intercession  with  those  on  earth,  rather than  as  interceding  for  them.  These  may  serve as  examples  of  the  manner  of  asking  the  inter- cession of  the  saints  in  the  Eastern  church. Of  the  Western  liturgies,  Mabillon's  Gallican (Daniel's  Codex  Lit.  i.  75)  has,  after  the  oblation of  the  unconsecrated  elements,  "  We  pray  for  the souls  of  Thy  servants,  our  fathers  and  former teachers,  Aurelian,  Peter,  Florentinus  .  .  .  and all  our  brothers  whom  Thou  hast  vouchsafed  to call  hence  to  Thee  ;  ....  for  the  souls  of  all faithful  servants  and  pilgrims  deceased  in  the peace  of  the  church  ;  that  Thou,  0  Lord  our  God, wouldest  grant  them  pardon,  and  rest  eternal  : by  the  merits  and  intercession  of  Thy  Saints, JIary  mother  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  Stephen, Peter,  Paul,  John,  James,  Andrew,  Philip,  Thomas, Bartholomew,  Matthew,  James,  Simon,  Jude, Matthias,  Genesius,  Symphorianus,  Bandilius, Victor,  Hilary,  bishop  and  confessor,  Martin, bishop  and  confessor,  Caesarius,  bishop,  vouchsafe in  mercy  to  hear  and  grant  these  petitions,  who livest  and  reignest  in  the  unity  of  the  Holy Spirit,  God  for  ever  and  ever."  The  Roman  has the  following  in  the  Cvmmunicantes  of  the  Canon, "  Claiming  fellowship  with  and  venerating  the memory  of,  first,  the  glorious  ever-virgin  Mary. mother  of  our  God  and  Lord  Jesus  Christ ;  and also  of  Thy  blessed  apostles  and  martyrs,  Peter and  Paul,  Andrew,  James,  John,  Thomas,  James, Philip,  Bartholomew,  JIatf hew,  Simon,  and  Thad- 864 INTERCESSION daeus  :  Linus,  Cletus,  Clemens,  Xystus,  Cornelius, Cyprian,  Laurence,  Chrysogonus,  John  and  Paul, Cosmas  and  Damian:  and  all  Thy  saints  :  in  con- sideration of  whose  merits  and  prayers,  grant that  in  all  things  we  may  be  guarded  by  the help  of  Thy  protection."  The  Ambrosian  (Daniel i.  84)  has,  besides  these,  the  names  of  ApoUi- naris,  Vitalis,  Nazarius  and  Celsus,  Protasius  and Gervasius.  [Compare  IMAGES,  §  viii. ;  Insckip- Tioxs,  p.  856.] The  rule  of  the  church  in  St.  Augustine's  time drew  a  broad  distinction  between  martyrs  and other  saints  ;  for  that  father  observes  (/«  Joann. Tract.  84),  "  So  at  the  Table  of  the  Lord  we  do not  commemorate  martyrs  in  the  same  way  that we  do  others  who  rest  in  peace,  so  as  to  pray for  them,  but  rather  that  they  may  pray  for  us, that  we  may  follow  in  their  footsteps;"  and again  (Z'e  Verb.  Apost.  17),  "  martyrs  are  re- cited at  the  altar  of  God  in  that  place  where prayer  is  not  made  for  them  ;  for  the  rest  of  the dead  who  are  commemorated  prayer  is  made." It  is  in  accordance  with  this  that  the  Roman canon,  besides  the  Virgin  and  the  twelve  apostles, recites  as  intercessors  twelve  martyrs.  Other churches  however,  out  of  respect  to  their  local saints,  did  not  (as  we  see  in  the  Galilean  and the  Milanese)  draw  so  rigid  a  line,  and  inserted the  names  of  confessors  as  well  as  martyrs.  The martyrs  of  the  Roman  canon  seem  to  be  all  con- nected with  the  city  or  see  of  Rome.  [See  Li- BELLi,  Martyrs.] In  the  Embolismds  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  the Roman  and  Ambi-osian  liturgies  pray  for  peace in  our  days  at  the  intercession  of  (intercedente) the  Virgin  Mary  with  the  apostles  Peter  and Paul  and  Andrew  and  all  the  saints  (Daniel  i. 96).  In  the  benediction  of  incense,  in  the  Roman use  (Dan.  i.  72),  the  priest  prays  that  God  will bless  it,  at  the  intercession  (per  intercessionem) of  Michael  the  archangel,  who  stands  at  the  right hand  of  the  altar  of  incense. (2.)  With  regard  to  the  objects  of  intercession, we  may  say  that  Christians  have  been  taught  to make  intercession  for  all  things  of  which  they know  that  their  brethren  have  need.  Such  inter- cessions are  scattered  over  a  great  variety  of offices  or  litanies  [Litany].  With  regard  spe- cially to  the  intercessions  made  in  the  eucharist, we  will  take  the  form  of  the  Greek  St.  James (Daniel,  iv.  14)  as  a  specimen  of  the  objects  re- cited in  the  great  eucharistic  intercession.  When the  priest,  after  consecration,  has  prayed  that the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ  may  be  to  the  par- takers for  remission  of  sins,  for  the  strengthen- ing of  the  Holy  Catholic  Church,  etc.,  he  pro- ceeds— "  We  ofter  (■irpo(T(p4poixev}  to  Thee,  Lord, on  behalf  of  (uVep)  "  the  Holy  Places,  especially Sion ;  the  Holy  Catholic  Church ;  holy  fathers, brethren,  bishops  ;  all  cities  and  countries  and the  orthodox  who  dwell  there ;  those  who  are journeymg;  those  fathers  and  brethren  who  are  in bonds,  imprisonment,  mines  or  tortures;  the  sick and  demoniac  ;  every  Christian  soul  in  trouble ; those  who  labour  in  Christ's  name ;  for  all  men, for  peace,  and  for  the  dispersion  of  scandal  and heresy  ;  for  rain  and  fruitful  seasons  ;  for  those who  have  adorned  the  churches  or  shown  pitv to  the  poor  ;  for  those  who  desire  to  be  remem- bered in  our  prayers  ;  those  who  have  offered ; the  celebrant  and  his  deacons;  all  spirits  and all  flesh,  from  Abel  oven  to  this  day,  "  give  them INTERPRETER rest  in  the  land  of  the  living,  in  Thy  kingdom, in  the  bliss  of  Paradise,  in  the  bosom  of  Abra- ham, Isaac  and  Jacob,  our  holy  fathers,  whence sorrow  and  grief  and  mourning  have  fled  away  ;  " for  the  forgiveness  of  sins,  "  by  the  grace  and mercy  and  compassion  of  Thy  only  -  begotten Son;"  for  (vwep)  the  Gifts,  that  God  may  receive them  into  His  spiritual  sanctuary. Some  of  the  more  remarkable  peculiarities  of the  Intercessions  of  diflerent  churches  are  noted under  C-ANOX  OF  THE  Liturgy,  p.  273.         [C] INTERCESSION,    EPISCOPAL.       By  a custom  which  grew  up  less  by  any  definite  enact- ment than  by  the  general  respect  attaching  to their  office,  the  bishops  came  to  be  looked  upon as  protectors  of  those  who  were  oppressed  by  the secular  power.  The  patrimony  of  widows  and orphans  was  often  placed  under  the  protection of  the  churches  and  bishops  (Aug.  Ep.  252). Flavian,  bishop  of  Antioch,  interceded  success- fully in  A.D.  387  with  the  Emperor  Theodosius, on  behalf  of  the  city,  which  had  been  guilty  of a  riot.  So  Theodoret  with  the  Empress  Pul- cheria.  Many  other  instances  might  be  cited. These  interpositions  obtained  the  technical  name of  intercessio,  and  were  recognised  by  the  law. The  bishop  was  expected  to  visit  the  public prisons  on  Thursday  and  Friday  (Codex  Justi- nian, lib.  i.  tit.  4).  They  were  charged  with  a special  oversight  of  such  as  held  civil  office  in their  dioceses  (Concil.  Arel'at.  I.  c.  56,  Cone.  Arel. ii.  c.  13,  "ut  comites  judices,  seu  reliquus  popu- lus  obedientes  sit  episcopo,  et  invicem  consen- tiant  ad  justitias  faciendas,  et  munera  pro judicio  non  recipiant,  nee  falsos  testes,  ne  per hoc  pervertant  judicia  justorum,"  Cone.  Gener. tom.  ii.  p.  618,  ed.  Crabbe).  The  right  of  sanc- tuary for  fugitives  in  the  churches  grew  up  in  the same  period,  and  was  very  frequently  exercised (Cod.  Theodos.  1.  ix.  tit.  45,  ap.  Neander).  See Neale,  Introd.  to  Eastern  Church,  and  essay  by Moultrie  in  Neale's  Ecclesiology,  pp.  427-474 ; Neander's  Church  History,  vol.  iii.  sect.  2. [Bishop,  p.  237 ;  Immunities  of  Clergy,  p.  824.] [S.  J.  E.] INTERCESSORES  or  INTERVEN TORES.  In  the  African  churches  when  a  see was  vacant  the  senior  bishop  appointed  one  of his  suffragans  as  guardian  or  procurator.  He was  styled  Intercessor  or  Intervenior.  The fifth  council  of  Carthage  made  a  canon  that  no intercessor  should  remain  in  this  office  more  than a  year,  and  that  if  the  vacancy  was  not  then filled,  another  should  be  appointed.  Ko  inter- cessor was  permitted  to  be  chosen  bishop  of  the vacant  see  himself.  So  also  in  the  Roman  pro- vince, as  we  learn  from  the  letters  of  Symma- chus  (Ep.  V.  c.  9)  and  Gregory  the  Great  (Ep. ii.  16);  Suicer  (^Thesaurus,  s.  v.  /xecriTTis);  Bing- ham (Ant.  lib.  ii.  c.  15,  and  iv.  c.  2).  [Bishop, p.  237.]  [S.J.E.] INTERMENT.    [Burial  of  the  Dead.] INTERPRETER.  Epiphanius  (Expos.  Fid. n.  21)  speaks  of  interpreters  of  the  languages employed  both  in  reading  the  Scriptures  and  the sermons,  and  ranks  them  among  the  lower  orders of  the  clergy,  after  the  exorcists.  An  instance of  their  existence  is  afforded  in  the  case  of  Pro- copius,  who  is  said  to  have  discharged  three  offices in  the  church  of  Palestine,  having  been  reader, INTERROGATIO exoi-cist,  and  interpreter  of  the  Syrian  language. (Acta  Procop.  apud  Vales. ;  note  m  Eusch.  Martyr, latest. c.  1.)  [LiTDRGiCAL  Lan^guage.]  [P.O.] INTEREOGATIO  (sc.  de  fide).  This  is  a questioning  a  candidate  for  baptism  as  to  his belief,  before  he  was  baptized,  and  formed  part of  the  office  of  baptism  from  very  early  times. After  the  Renunciation  (Abrenuueiatio)  of  the devil  by  the  candidate  for  baptism,  and  his anointing,  and  before  he  was  baptized  he  was questioned  as  to  his  faith,  and  called  upon  to  make public  profession  of  it.  The  custom  is  frequently alluded  to  by  the  fathers.  It  is  sufficient  here  to refer:  (1)  For  the  custom :  to  St.  Augustine  (cfe Animd  et  origine  ejus,  i.  10).  "  Ideo  cum  bapti- zantur  («.  e.  pueri)  jam  et  symbolum  reddunt,  et ipsi  pro  se  ad  interrogata  respondent."  (2)  For its  object  to  St.  Cyprian  {Ep.  70  ad  Jannarium  de haptigandis  haereticis).  "  Ipsa  interrogatio  quae fit  in  baptismo  testis  est  veritatis."  (3).  For  its sibstance,  to  St.  Ambrose  (da  Mysteriis,  v.  28). *'  Descendisti  igitur  {i.  e.  in  fontem)  recordare quid  responderis,  quod  credas  in  Patrem,  credas in  Filium,  credas  in  Spiritum  Sanctum  ;  "  and more  fully  de  Sacranientis  lib.  ii.  vii.  "Inter- rogatus  es :  Credis  iu  Deum  Patrem  Omnipoten- tem  ?  Dixisti :  Credo,  et  mersisti,  hoc  est, sepultus  es.  Iterum  interrogatus  es ;  Credis  in Dominum  nostrum  Jesum  Christum,  et  in  cruceni ejus  ?  Dixisti :  Credo,  et  mersisti ;  ideo  et  Christo es  consepultus ;  qui  enim  Christo  consepelitur, cum  Christo  resurgit.  Tertio  interrogatus  es ; Credis  et  in  Spiritum  Sanctum?  Dixisti:  Credo, tertio  mersisti ;  ut  multipliccm  lapsum  supe- rioris  aetatis  absolveret  trina  confessio." The  rite  is  still  retained  iu  the  office  of Baptism  in  the  Roman  church,  in  the  same  posi- tion as  of  old ;  and  in  the  Greek  church  in  the preliminary  office  of  "  making  a  catechumen  " (eis  rh  TTOiTjcrai  KaTiJXov/u.evoi'). The  forms  of  the  questions  closely  resem- ble the  old  forms  [v.  Hit.  Bom.  de  Sacramento Baptismali,  and  Euchologion  ivxai  eU  rh  Troiri- crai  KaTTixovfievov'].  For  further  details  and patristic  references  see  Martene  de  Ant.  Eccl. Bit.  i.  47.  See  also  Baptism,  §15  43,  46,  pp. 159,  160;  Creed  §  4,  p.  489;  Profession. [H.  J.  H.] INTEESTITIA.  These  are  intervals  of  time which  according  to  the  regulations  of  the  church ought  to  elapse  between  the  reception  of  one order  and  the  admission  to  a  superior.  Their object  was  to  exercise  a  cleric  in  the  functions  of his  order,  and  to  test  his  fitness  for  promotion  to a  highei-.  The  institution  is  an  old  one  in  the church.  The  tenth  canon  of  the  council  of Sardica  decrees  "  Habebit  autem  uniuscujusque ordinis  gradus  non  minimi  scilicet  temporis longitudiuem  per  quod  et  fides  et  morum  pro- bitas  et  constantia  et  moderatio  possit  cognosci." The  duration  of  these  interstices  was  not  deter- mined at  the  first,  and  it  has  varied  much  at different  times  and  places.  Zosimus  e.g.,  A.D. 417  {Ep.  1  ad  Hesychiuni)  proposes  the  following rule.  "  If  any  one  has  been  designed  for  eccle- siastical ministi-ation  from  his  infancy,  he  is  to remain  among  the  readers  till  his  twentieth  year. If  he  has  devoted  himself  to  the  sacred  ministry when  grown  and  of  ripe  age,  provided  he  has done  so  immediately  after  baptism,  he  is  to  be kept  among  the  readers  or  exorcists  five  years. CIIUIST.    ANT. INTROIT 8Gc Then  he  is  to  spend  four  years  as  an  acolyte  or subdeacon.  Then  if  deserving  he  is  to  be  pro- moted to  the  diaconate,  in  which  order  he  is  to remain  five  years,  and,  if  worthy,  promoted  to the  priesthood."  Another  canon  prescribes  that a  bishop  must  have  been  at  least  four  years  a priest.  [It  must  be  remembered  that  in  the early  church  the  age  required  for  conferring holy  orders  was  more  advanced  than  is  tlie  case at  present,  twenty-five  being  the  ordinary  age for  a  deacon,  and  thirty  for  a  priest.] Gelasius  (a.D.  492)"  shortened  the  presented intervals  between  the  different  sacred  orders, and  in  cases  of  urgency  they  were  occasionally altogether  dispensed  with.  '  Of  this  the  most conspicuous  instance  is  that  of  St.  Ambrose,  who is  said  to  have  passed  through  all  the  sacred orders  and  to  have  been  consecrated  bishoj)  on the  eighth  day  after  his  baptism. In  process  of  time,  as  the  proper  functions assigned  to  the  several  minor  orders  fell  into disuse,  the  interstices  between  them  ceased  to  be observed,  and  the  modern  practice  is  to  confer the  four  minor  orders  simultaneously.  The council  of  Trent  requires  a  year  between  the minor  orders  and  the  subdiaco'nate,  between  the subdiaconate  and  the  diaconate.  and  between the  diaconate  and  the  priesthood.  Legitimate exceptions  are  recognised,  and  dispensations under  certain  conditions  allowed  ;  but  two (major)  orders  are  not  to  be  conferred  on  the same  day  :  "  Duo  sacri  ordinos  non  eadem  die, privilegiis  ac  indultis  ....  non  obstantibus quibuscunque"  {Co7i.  Trent.  Sept.  xxiii.  col.  3; De  I'eform.)    [Ordination.]  [H.  J.  H.] INTERVEXTORES.  [Ixtercessores.] INTROIT.  Introilus  is  the  name  commonlv given  throughout  the  Latin  church  to  the  an- them at  the  beginning  ot  the  eucharistic  office. At  Rome  it  was  originally  called  Antiphona  ad Introitum,  as  in  the  earliest  editions  of  the  Ordo Bomanus  (i.  n.  8,  ii.  n.  3,  iii.  n.  8,  in  Musae. Ital.  torn.  ii.).  In  Ordo  Bomanus  VI.  (n.  2,  ib.\ probably  a  little  later  than  our  period,  it  is  first called  introitus  simply.  Meanwhile  in  one  Ordo (v.  n.  o,  j6.),  we  find  the  name  of  invitatory given  to  it.  At  Milan  it  was  termed  ingressa (Ambros.  Miss.  Bitus  in  Pamelii  Bituale  SS.  PP. torn.  i.  p.  293),  a  word  of  the  .same  meaning  as introitus.  In  Spain  (Miss,  ilozar.  Leslie,  j)ji. 18,  55,  64,  &c.)  and  in  England  (the  missals  of Sarum,  York,  Hereford ;  Maskell's  Ancient Liturgy,  pp.  20,  21)  the  introit  was  called  offi- cium,  or  officium  missae.  This  arose  from  a  mis- take. The  several  masses  in  the  early  missals were  headed  by  the  words  Ad  Missam  Oliicium (Leslie,  m.  s.  pp.  1,  7,  10,  &c. ;  Missale  Sarum, coll.  1,  18,  27,  &c.,  ed.  Forbes),  which  were  the heading  of  the  whole  office,  but  were  supposed to  refer  to  the  introit  which  followed  immediately without  any  heading  of  its  own.  The  antiphon had  this  name  in  all  the  churches  of  Normandy, and  in  many  others  (Le  Bruu,  Kxp'ic.  de  In  Messr. p.  ii.  art.  1),  and  in  the  missals  of  the  Carthu- sians, Carmelites,  and  Dominicans.  This  extended use  would  be  a  sufficient  jiroof  of  its  great antiquity,  were  we  without  the  evidence  of  the Mozarabic  ritual.  In  the  barliarous  E.r}H>sitio Missae,  ascribed  to  Germanus  of  Paris,  A.D.  55.'), and  certainly  not  much  later  than  iiis  time,  tlio introit,  as   usod    in  the   old   (iaili.an    lilurs,'v,    i> 866 IMTROIT called  praelegere,  or  antiphona  ad  praelegendo {sic),  because  it  preceded  the  eucharistic  lessoiis i^Expos.  printed  iu  JIartene,  Do  Ant.  EccL  Hit. lib.  i.  c.  iv.  art.  xii.  ord.  1). Tlie  origin  of  the  introit  is  obscure.  At  the earliest  period  the  office  began  with  lessons  from holy  Scripture,  of  which  psalms  said  or  sung formed  a  part,  but  this  psalmody  is  in  the  West to  bo  traced  in  the  Gradual  and  Tract.  In tile  Syrian  rite  a  psalm  is  sung  before  as  well  as after  the  ei)istle,  but  this  appears  to  have  had the  same  origin  (^Ordo  Communis  ;  Renaud. Liturg.  Orient,  tom.  ii.  p.  7).  The  introit  is clearly  another  rite,  and  of  later  introduction. It  seems  to  have  been  introduced  partly  as  a fitting  accompaniment  of  the  solemn  entrance (introitus,  iugressa)  of  the  celebrant  into  that part  of  the  church  iu  which  the  altar  stood,  and partly  ar  a  means  of  employing  and  solemnizing the  minds  of  the  people  before  the  service  began. The  name  incitatory  suggests  that  the  people were  still  entering  the  church  while  it  was  being sung. The  Ordo  Romanus  in  its  earliest  state,  about 730,  gives  us  some  suggestive  information  re- specting the  introit  as  sung  in  the  churches  of Rome  at  that  time.  The  bishop  having  vested  is still  in  the  secretariam,  the  choir  waiting  in  the church  for  an  order  from  him  to  begin  •'  the  anti- phon  for  the  entrance"  (introitum).  On  a  signal from  him  "  ut  psallant,"  a  subdeacon  enters  the church,  orders  the  candles  to  be  lighted,  and  then stands  with  a  censer  before  the  dooi-  of  the  secre- tariam, while  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  choir, who  has  also  been  in  waiting,  carries  the  order for  the  singing  to  commence.  As  soon  as  this  is heard  two  deacons  enter,  and  each  taking  a  hand of  the  bishop  lead  him  into  the  chur«h,  up  to  the altar.  He  is  preceded  by  the  subdeacon  with incense,  dnd  seven  acolytes  bearing  candles.  0n his  way  to  the  altar  the  Sancta  or  Fermentum is  brought  to  him  that  he  may  select  what  is necessary  for  the  celebration.  After  private prayer  at  the  altar,  and  giving  the  peace  to  the ministers,  he  stops  the  singing  by  giving  a signal  for  the  Gloria  Patri  {Ord.  Rum.  I.  nn. 7,  8  ;  comp.  ii.  nu.  4,  5,  iii.  nn.  7,  8,  v.  n.  5, vi.  n.  3). The  Liber  Pontificalis  is  supposed  to  ascribe the  introdiiction  of  the  introit  to  Celestine,  a.d. 423,  when  it  tells  us  that  he  "ordered  the  150 psalms  of  David  to  be  sung  antiphonally  before t'le  sacrifice  "  (Anastas.  Biblioth.  Vitae  Pont.  u. 44).  The  tradition  probably  refers  to  the  in- troit, although  the  next  statement  shows  that the  author  connects  it  with  the  earlier  Gradual. For  he  adds  :— "  This  was  not  done  before,  only the  epistles  of  the  apostle  Paul  were  recited  and the  holy  gospel,  and  so  masses  wer-e  celebrated." It  will  be  observed  that  the  Ordo  cited  calls  the introit  an  antiphon,  though  it  uses  the  word psallere.  Gregory  the  Great,  A.D.  595,  is  said to  have  compiled  the  antiphons,  selecting  proper lerses  from  the  psalms,  and  retaining  the  Gloria, which  was  then  said,  as  now,  at  the  end  of  every psalm.  Some  ancient  writers,  as  Amalarius {De  Ecol.  Officiis,  lib.  iii.  c.  5),  Walafrid  Strabo (Be  Rebus  Eccl.  c.  2-J)„  and  Mierologus  (De Eccl.  Observ.  c.  1),  suppose  that  this  selection was  the  work  of  Celestine;  but  Honorius  of Autun,  more  in  consonance  with  the  words  of  the Liber  Pontificalis,  and   with  the   circumstantial INTROIT evidence  of  the  case,  says,  — "  Pope  Celestine ordered  psalms  to  be  sung  at  the  introit  of  the mass,  from  which  pope  Gregory  afterwards  ar- ranged and  compiled  antiphons  for  the  introit  of the  mass  "  (Gemma  Aninve,  lib.  i.  c.  87).  Alt the  psalms  in  the  antiphonary  ascribed  to  Gre- gory are  taken  from  the  old  Italic  version,  as  it stood  before  the  corrections  of  St.  Jerome,  but this  is  no  proof  of  an  earlier  antiquity  of  the  in- troits  than  we  ascribe  to  them.  For  Gregory himself  professed  to  use  the  Italic  and  the  Vul- gate versions  of  the  Bible  indifferently  (Ep.  ad Leandr.  c.  5,  in  fine  ;  Expos,  in  Lib.  Job.  praef.), and  Jerome's  corrected  Italic  psalter,  long  called the  Galilean  psalter,  did  not  take  the  place  of the  original  at  Rome  until  the  time  of  Pius  V. (Bonfi,  Rer.  Liturg.  lib.  ii.  c.  3,  §  4).  The  fol- lowing example  of  the  Gregorian  introit  is  for the  first  Sunday  in  Advent : — "  Antiph.  Ad  To, Domiue,  levavi  animam  meam.  Deus  mens  in Te  confido :  non  erubescam  neque  irrideat  me inimicus  mens  {Vulg.  irrideant  me  iuimici  mei) etenim  universi  qui  Te  expectant  (  Vtilg.  susti- nent  Te)  non  confundentur  (Ps.  xxv.  1-3).  Psal. Vias  Tuas,  Domine,  demonstra  mihi  et  semitas tuas  edoce  me  "  (ib.  v.  4).  Durnndns  (Ratioriale, lib.  iv.  c.  5,  n.  5)  tells  us  that  "  in  some  churches tropes  are  said  for  the  psalms,  according  to  the appointment  of  pope  Gi-egory,  to  represent greater  joy  on  account  of  the  coming  of  Christ." The  introit  itself  had  long  been  thought  designed to  "bring  back  His  advent  to  our  mind  "  (Am- alar.  De  Eccl.  Off.  lib.  iii.  c.  5) ;  but  Durandus is  without  doubt  wrong  in  ascribing  to  Gregory the  attempt  to  emphasize  that  meaning  by  the addition  of  tropes.  We  cannot,  however,  say  at what  period  subsequent  to  his  they  first  ap- peared. They  were  not  like  the  Greek  troparia, independent  of  the  antiphons  in  connection  with which  they  were  sung,  but  were  farsings  or  in- terpolations in  the  antiphons  of  the  Gregorian introit.  In  the  following  example  the  farsing  is in  italics.  The  antiphon  is  that  for  the  Epiphany  : — '^Ejii,  Sion  gaude,  et  laetare  aspectu  Dei  tui. Eece  advenit  dominator  Dominus;  cui  matenes coeli  et  tcrrae  famulantur  ;  et  regnum  in  mauu ejus.  Ipsi  mam.-t  Deus  (sic)  gloria  atque  jubitatio; et  potestas  et  imperium  "  (Pamelii,  Rituale,  tom. ii.  p.  613  ;  com  p.  p.  73). Of  the  Gallican  introit  we  only  know  that  hke the  Roman  it  was  sung  before  the  ofl^cs  of  the mass  began.  "  While  the  clerks  are  singing psalms  "  (psallentibus),  says  Germanus  (u.  .■?.), "the  priest  comes  forth  out  of  the  sacraj-ium  " (Ae/-e  =  secretarium).  The  council  of  Agde,  a.d. 506,  appears  to  recognize  the  introit,  when  il orders  that  as  in  other  churches  "  collects  be  said in  order  by  tlie  bishops  and  presbyters  after  the antiphons  "  (cap.  oO).  The  following  is  the  in- troit (taken  from  the  original  Italic  version  of Ps.  xciii.  1)  used  in  the  iMuzaral>ic  liturgy  on every  Sunday  between  Whitsunday  and  Advent, and  again  on  the  Circumcision  and  the  Sundays before  and  after  the  Epiphany  :  —  "  Dominui regnavit ;  decorem  induit :  Alleluia,  y.  Induit Dominus  fortitudiiiem  et  praecinxit  se.  P, (Presbyter.)  Allehiin.  f.  Gloria  et  honor  Patri: et  Filio :  et  Spiritui  Sancto  in  saecula  saecu- lorum  :  Amen.  P.  Alleluia."  It  will  be  seen that  this  belongs  to  the  later  period,  when  the celebrant  was  at  the  altar  before  the  choir  be- gan, a  rule  which  has  prevailed  in  the  church  of INTROIT Rome  also  for  many  ages.  See  Sala,  Annot.  11, iu  Bona,  Ber.  Liturg.  lib.  ii.  c.  iii.  §  1  ;  and  Lo Brun,  Explication,  p.  ii.  art.  1.  The  Ambrosiau iugressa  is  very  simple.  The  following  is  for Christmas  Day,  from  Is.  ix.  6,  Ital.  vers.  "  Puer natus  est  nobis,  et  filius  datus  est  nobis,  cujus imjjerium  super  hamerum  ejus,  et  vocabitur uomen  ejus  magni  cousilii  augelus "  (Pamelius, u.  s.  torn.  i.  p.  293).  "  It  is  an  anthem  without psalm,  or  Gloria,  or  repetition  "  (Le  Brun,  Diss. iii.  art.  2). The  following  hymn  is  sung  in  the  liturgy  of St.  James  before  the  priest  enters  to  the  altar. It  is  preceded  by  the  rubric,  ''Then  the  deacon begins  to  sing  in  the  entrance,"  which  at  once suggests  an  analogy  to  the  Western  introit. "  Only  begotten  Son  and  Word  of  God,  who  being immortal  didst  for  our  salvation  take  upon  Thee to  be  incarnate  of  the  holy  Mary,  mother  of  God and  ever  Virgin,  and  didst  unchangeably  become man,  and  wast  crucified,  O  Christ  (our)  God,  and didst  by  death  trample  on  death,  being  one  of  the Holy  Trinity,  glorified  together  with  the  Father and  the  Holy  Ghost,  save  us"  {Liturgiae  SS.  PP. p.  6,  Bas.  1560).  The  matter  of  this  hymn  proves it  to  be  later  than  the.  outbreak  of  the  Nestorian heresy;  but  its  great  antiquity  is  sufficiently attested  by  its  appearing  also  in  the  liturgies  of St.  Mark  (Renaudot,  Liturg.  Orient,  tom.  i.  p. 136),  in  copies,  apparently  the  older,  of  St.  Basil {Eucholog.  Goar,  p.  180,  and  the  old  Latin  xex- aiou,  Liturgiae,  sive  Ilissae  SS.  PP.  p.  32,  Par. 1560),  in  many  copies  of  St.  Chrysostom  (Goar, u.  s.  pp.  101,  105),  and  in  the  Armenian  (Neale's Litrod.  to  Hist,  of  East.  Church,  p.  380).  In St.  Basil  and  St.  Chrysostom,  however,  we  have a  nearer  approach  to,  and  the  probable  origin  of, the  Western  introit,  viz.,  in  three  antiphons, composed  for  common  days,  of  three  or  four verses  (Rubric  iu  St.  Basil.  Goar,  p.  180,  and the  old  Latin,  p.  32)  of  the  92nd,  93rd,  and  95th psalms  (as  numbered  in  E.  V.).  See  Goai',  pp. 101,  104,  105.  While  each  antiphon  is  sung,  a prayer  is  said  secretly  by  the  priest ;  and  it  may be  interesting  to  mention  that  the  "  Prayer  of St.  Chrysostom,"  in  our  daily  office,  is  in  the Greek  liturgy  (Lit.  PP.  pp.  45,  81)  the  "  Prayer of  the  Third  Antiphon."  The  revisers  of  our  offices were  familiar  with  it  in  the  translation  of  St. Chrysostom  by  Leo  Thuscus,  A.D.  1180  (printed by  Hofmeister,  in  1540),  and  in  the  Greek  and Latin  of  the  editions  of  Venice,  1528,  and  Paris, 1537,  and  introduced  it  at  the  end  of  the  litany in  1544.  When  the  Greek  antiphons  were  first used  is  not  known.  Amalarius,  writing  about the  year  833,  says  that  he  had  heard  the  95th psalm  sung  at  Constantinople  "  iu  the  church  of St.  Sophia"  at  the  beginning  of  mass  "  (De  Orel. Antiph.  c.  21).  The  use  of  the  antiphon  by  the Nestorians  and  Jacobites  seems  to  carry  us  up  to the  5th  century,  in  which  they  were  separated from  the  church.  On  Sundays  the  Greek  church commonly  substituted  "  typica  "  (so-called  be- cause they  were  forms  prescribed  by  the  rubrics) for  the  first  two  aniiphons,  and  the  Beatitudes for  the  third  (Goar,  pp.  65-67  ;  Liturg.  PP.  pp. 44,  80-82),  with  verses  (rpoirapia)  commemor- ating the  saint  of  the  day  (Goar,  u  s.).  The liturgic  typica  are  from  the  103rd  and  146th psalms  (Demetrius  Ducas,  in  Lebrun,  I>iss.  Vf. art.  iv. ;  Leo  Allatius,  Be  Lihris  Eccl.  Diss.  L p.  14).    For  the  third  antiphon  may  also  be  used INVESTITURE 8G7 on  common  days,  the  third  and  si.\th  canticle (when  thus  united  called  TpiTe/cTrj)  of  the  matin office  (Goar,  pp.  67,  124).  The  typica,  we  must add,  are  not  sung  on  every  Simdav.  "  It  should be  known,"  says  the  T.,),ivon  of  Sabas,  "  that from  New  Sunday  to  the  Feast  of  All  Saints  (/.  <■. from  the  octave  of  Kaster  to  that  of  Whitsunday) the  church  sings  antiphons  and  not  tvpica.  We sing  the  antiphons  likewise  in  the  Twelve  Davs (between  Christmas  and  Epiphany),  and  on  the memorials  of  saints  which  we  keep  as  feasts  " (In  Leo  Allat.  m.  s.). The  Syrian  rite  preserves  a  fragment  of  the 93rd  psalm  and  nearly  the  whole  of  the  95th,  at the  beginning  of  the  service.  They  are  sung while  the  veils  and  the  altar  are  being  censed (Renaudot,  tom.  ii.  pp.  3,  4).  In  the  Nestorian liturgies,  the  priest  and  deacon,  standing  near  the altar,  say,  in  alternate  verses,  on  common  davs, parts  of  psalms  15,  150,  117:  and  proper  hyrtins on  Sundays  and  the  greater  festivals  (Baijger's Nestorians,  vol.  ii.  p.  215;  Raulin.  Litun/ia Malabarica,  p.  294;  Renaud.  tom.  ii.  p.  584). In  the  Armenian,  beside  the  hymn  before  men- tioned, there  are  hymns  proper  to  the  day,  sung where  the  Greek  has  its  antiphons  (Le'  Brun, I>is.s.  X.  art.  12). Cardinal  Bona  {Per.  Liturg.  lib.  ii.  c.  iii.  §  1) suggests  that  "perhaps  Celestine  (in  adopting the  introit)  transferred  to  the  Western  churches a  custom  which  had  long  flourished  in  the  East- ern." The  great  use  made,  as  we  have  seen, of  the  93rd  psalm  (Dominus  regnavit)  in  the introits  of  Spain,  creates  a  strong  suspicion  that Spain  was  a  borrower  from  the  Greeks,  in  whose liturgy  that  psalm  was  used  on  all  common  days and  many  Sundays  in  the  year.  Hence  it  is  pro- bable that  the  introit  was,  like  some  other  rites, derived  by  Rome  from  the  East  through  Spain. [W.  E.  S.] INVENTION  OF  THE  CROSS.  [Cross, FiXDiXG  OF  Till:,  p.  503.] INVESTITURE  The  Latin  word  Investi- tura  (from  vestire,  to  put  into  possession;  see Ducange  s.  v.),  is  of  later  date  than  the 9th  century ;  nor  had  the  thing  signified  by it  really  commenced  by  then,  in  the  sense which  concerns  us  here :  the  putting  ecclesi- astics in  possession  of  their  tem))oralities  by  a formal  act  of  the  civil  power.  When  Sigebert, quoted  by  Gratian  {Dist.  Ixxiii.  c.  22),  in  enu- merating the  privileges  supposed  by  him  to  have been  conferred  on  Charlemagne  by  Adrian  I., says  of  that  pope :  "  Insuper  archiepiscopos  et episcopos  per  singulas  provincias  ab  eo  investi- turam  accipere  definivit :  et  nisi  a  rege  laudetur et  investiatur  episcopus,  a  nemine  consecretur," he  is,  apart  from  the  doubtfulness  of  the  fact (on  which  see  De  Marca.  de  Concoi-d.  viii.  12), making  the  pope  depose,  not  merely  to  language, but  to  customs  unknown  in  his  day.  LauJulph, who  was  contemporary  with  Sigebert,  is  bolder still  ;  making  Adrian  the  inventor  of  both.  "  Qui primus,"  as  he  says  of  him,  "  aunulos  et  virgas ad  investiendum  episcopal  us  Carole  doiiavit  " (Hist.  3feiiiol.  u.l\);  but  then  he  couples  an- other incident  with  this  talc,  which  explains its  origin.  The  absence  of  notice  iu  the  Caro- line capitularies  of  any  .such  custom,  an  1  their ap])areut  ignorance  of  the  word  itself,  seems  con- clusive against  the  existence  of  either  at  tiiat 3   K   2 868 INVITATOEIUM date  :  particularly  as  the  word  "  vestitura "  is of  frequent  occurrence  in  them,  denoting  either possession,  or  the  payment  for  it.  Of  course there  were  symbolical  forms  also  then  in  use  for giving  possession,  but  none  peculiar,  as  yet,  to the  clergy  ;  and  the  common  name  for  the  act  of doing  this  was  "  traditio."  Hence,  probably,  the new  word  arose  from  joining  the  two  words,  "  in vestitura,"  in  one  ;  and  then  understanding  it  of the  special  formality  by  which  the  clergy  were put  in  possession  of  their  temporalities,  on  this becoming  essential  to  possession  in  their  case. That  Charlemagne,  as  well  as  his  predecessors, appointed  bishops  of  his  own  choosing  occa- sionally to  sees  in  his  dominions,  is  no  more than  had  been  done  by  the  Greek  emperors  ages before,  where  investiture  in  its  Western  accepta- tion has  never  been  known.  Neither  the  Theo- dosian  Code,  nor  the  Code  or  Novels  of  Justinian exhibit  traces  of  anything  approaching  to  it, though  by  the  latter  limits  are  prescribed  to  the fees  for  enthronization  (Xovel.  cxxiii.  3  :  see  also Du  Cange  and  Hofman,  s.  v. ;  Sirmond  ap.  Baluz. Capitul.  ii.  802 ;  and  Thomassin.  Vet.  et  Aov. Eccl.  Discipl.  II.  ii.  38).  [E.  S.  Ff.] INVITATORIUM.     In  the    Gregorian   and Benedictine  *  offices  the  psalm  "  Venite  exultemus Domino  "  xciv.  [E.  V.  xcv.]  is  said  daily  at  the beginning  of  Nocturns  prefaced  by  an  antiphon which  is  called  the  Invitatorium.  It  is  of  pre- cisely the  same  character  as  other  antiphons  to psalms,  and  varies  with  the  day,  but  is  said differently  from  other  antiphons,  and  repeated several  times  during  the  course  of  the  psalm  as well  as  at  the  beginning  and  end.  Thus  the ordinary  Sunday  invitatory  is  "  Adoremus  Domi- num,  qui  fecit  nos,"  which  is  said  twice  at  the beginning  of  the  psalm,  and  repeated  in  whole or  in  part  iive  times  during  its  course,  and  again after  the  Gloria. On  the  Epiphany  no  invitatory  was  said ;  but  the psalmody  began,  and  still  begins,  with  the  psalms of  the  tirst  nocturn  with  their  antiphons  [Hodie lion  cantamus  Invitatorium,  sed  absolute  inci- pimus.  Eubric  ex  Antiphonario  Vaticano  Rom. Ecd.'^']  and  the  psalm  "  Venite "  was  said  with its  own  antiphon  as  the  last  psalm  of  the  second nocturn.  [Later  it  was  said  as  the  first  j)salm  of the  third  nocturn,  and  its  antiphon  repeated during  its  course  in  the  ordinary  manner  of  an invitatory].  Amalarius  (lib.  iv.'c.  33)  and  Du- randus  (lib.  vi.  c.  36)  suggest  that  the  reason  for this  omission  may  have  been  to  mark  the  differ- ence between  the  invitation  to  the  faithful  to praise  God,  and  that  which  Herod  gave  to  the scribes  and  doctors  to  find  out  where  Christ should  be  born.  More  probably  it  was  omitted [Martene  de  Hit.  lib.  iv.  c.  14]  simply  because the  psalm  to  which  it  belonged  was  said  in  an- *  In  the  Benedictine  Psalter  Ps.  "Venite"  is  preceded by  Ps.  3;  but  its  antipUon  is  called  "  Antiph.  luvita- ^  Amalarius  c.  xi  WTites:  "Nostra  regio  in  praesenti officio  [(.  e.  in  die  Epip.]  solita  est  unum  omittere  de  con- suf-to  more,  id  est  Invitatorium  :"^as  if  the  custom  were local ;  but  from  what  he  says  in  the  passage  referred  to  in the  text,  it  would  seem  that  it  soon  became  general. Some  French  churches,  however,  among  which  were  those of  Lyons  and  Kouen,  were  in  the  habit  of  singing  the  In- vitatory on  the  Epiphany.  At  Lyons  it  was  sung  with special  solemniiy  (Martene  nt  sup.). ISAAC other  place,  though  why  the  psalm  should  be  dis- placed from  its  ordinary  position  is  not  so  clear. The  psalm  "Venite"  is  also  known  as  the "Invitatory  Psalm." In  the  Ambrosian  psalter,  "  Venite  "  is  not  said at  the  beginning  of  the  office,  and  there  is  no antiphon  which  corresponds  to  the  Gregorian Invitatorium.  [H.  J."  H.] INVOCATION.    [EpicLEsis.] IRENAEUS.    (1)  [Hyacinthcs  (1).] (2)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Sirmium  under  Maxi- mian;  "  Passio,"  March  25  {Mart.  Horn.  Vet., Adonis,  Usuardi). (3)  [Thkodorus.] (4)  Martyr  at  Thessalonica  Avith  Peregrinus and  Irene;  commemorated  May  5  {Mart.  Bom. Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (5)  Bishop  of  Lyons,  and  martyr  under  Seve- rus ;  commemorated  June  28  {Mart.  Hieron., Adonis,  Usuardi). (6)  Deacon,  martyr  with  Mustiola,  a  noble matron,  under  the  emperor  Aurelian  ;  comme- morated July  3  (Mart.  Usuardi). (7)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  Abundius,  under Decius ;  commemorated  Aug.  26  {Mart.  £om. Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (8)  and  Phocas  ;  conmiemornted  Oct.  7  {Cal. Armen.)  [W.  F.  G.] IRENE.  (1)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Thessalo- nica; commemorated  April  5  (Mart.  Bom.  Vet., Hieron.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  ;  commemorated  with  Agape  and Chionia,  April  16  {Cal.  Byzaiit.). (3)  [Irenaecs  (4).]  [W.  F,  G.] IRENICA.     [EiRENiCA.] IRELAND,  COUNCILS  OF  { Bibcrnica concilia).  But  two  such  are  recorded  before A.D.  800,  both  held  by  St.  Patrick,  according  to Spelman  (Cone.  p.  49  and  seq.),  A.D.  450  or  456, viz.  in  his  80th  or  86th  year,  assisted  by  his coadjutors,  Bishops.  Auxilius  and  Iserninus.  At least  the  3+  canons  passed  at  the  first  run  in  their joint  names.  The  discipline  prescribed  in  them indicates  very  primitive  manners.  By  the  6th any  clerk,  from  the  doorkeeper  to  the  priest seen  abroad  without  his  shirt,  and  with  his nakedness  uncovered,  if  his  hair  be  not  tonsured in  the  Roman  style,  and  his  wife  walk  out  with her  head  unveiled,  is  to  be  lightly  regarded  by the  laity,  and  excluded  from  the  church.  Thirty- one  canons  of  a  similar  description  are  given  to the  other  counciL  But  the.se  65  by  no  means exhaust  the  number  ascribed  to  St.  Patrick. Seventeen  more  from  other  sources  are  supplied by  Mansi  (vi.  519-22).  Another  collection  of Irish  canons,  supposed  to  be  earlier  than  the  8th century,  may  be  seen  in  Dachery's  Sfijil.  by Baluze,  i.  491  and  seq.,  and  a  supplement  to them  in  Martene  and  Durand,  Aiicc.  iv.  1-21. [E.  S.  Ff  ] IRREGULARITY.     [Ordination.] ISAAC.  (1)  The  patriarch  ;  commemorated with  Abraham  and  Jacob,  Ter  28  =  Jan.  23, Maskarram  28  =  Sept.  25  {Cal.  Eihinp.);  also  at ISAIAH intervals  of  thirty  days  reckoning  from  these dates  throughout  the  year ;  also  commemorated alone,  Nahasse  24  =  Aug.  17  {Cal.  Ethiop.). (2)  Armenian  patriarch  ;  commemorated  Feb. 9  {Cal.  Armen.). (3)  Dalmata,  ocrios  iraT-ftp,  in  the  time  of  the emperor  Valens;  commemorated  May  31  (Cul. Byzant.). (4)  Monk,  martyr  at  Cordova  ;  commemorated June  3  (^Mart.  Usuardi). (5)  andMesrop;  commemorated  June  27  ((7a/. Armen.). (6)  Holy  Father,  a.d.  368 ;  commemorated Aug.  3  {C'al.  Byzant.). (7)  and  Joseph;  commemorated  Sept.  16  (Cal. Georg.). (8)  King  of  Ethiopia  ;  commemorated  Tekemt 30  =  Oct.  27  (Cal.  Ethiop.).  [W.  F.  G.] (9)  The  Just,  patriarch  of  Alexandria ;  com- memorated Hedar  9  =  Nov.  5  (Cal.  Ethiop.). ISAIAH,  the  prophet;  commemorated  Mav  9 (Cal.  Byzant.),  July  6  (Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Bedae, Adonis,  Usuardi),  Maskarram  6  =  Sept.  3,  and Ter  3  =  Dec.  29  (Cal.  Ethiop.).  [VV.  F.  G.] ISAPOSTOLOS.     [Apostle.] ISBODICON.    [Fraction.] ISCHYRION,  martyr  at  Alexandria;  com- memorated Dec.  22  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] ISIDORUS.  (1)  Bishop  of  Antioch;  "  Pas- sio,"  Jan.  2  (Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi). (2)  Saint,  of  Pelusium  in  Egypt,  'iaioi  irarrip circa  415  A.D. ;  commemorated  Jan.  15  (Mart. Adonis,  Usuardi),  Feb.  4  (Cal.  Byzant.). (3)  Bishop  of  Seville  (Hispala)  ;  deposition  at Seville,  April  ^  (Mart.  Usuardi). (4)  [Helias.] (5)  Martyr  at  Chios,  a.d.  255  ;  commemorated May  15  (J/ari.  Adonis,  Usuardi,  Cal.  Byzant.). (6)  [DioscoRUS  (3).]  [W.  F.  G.] ISMAEL,  martyr  a.d.  362  ;  commemorated June  17  (Cal.  Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] ISSUE   OF   BLOOD,   CURE   OF   THE. This    miracle  is   repeated   on    many   sarcophagi. Figures  on  a  Sareophagns.     (From  Marliirny.) JAMES  THE  GREATER,  ST.      809 See  Bottari,  taw.  six.  xxi.  xxxiv.  xxxix.  xli. Ixxxiv.  Ixxxv.  Ixxxix.  cxxxv.  She  has  been  taken as  representing  the  Gentile  church,  particularly by  St.  Ambrose,  lib.  ii.  in  Luc.  c.  viii.  She  is  of small  stature  in  the  carvings,  like  the  other subjects  of  our  Lord's  miraculous  cures.  In Eusebius  (Eccl.  Hist.  vii.  18)  mention  is  made  of a  bronze  statue  of  our  Lord,  or  rather  of  a  group of  two  figures,  which  existed  at  Caesarea  Philippi, Dan  (or  Baneas  at  this  day),  and  was  said  to have  been  erected  by  this  woman,  who  was  also represented  as  kneeling  at  His  feet.  Eusebius saw  the  statue  himself,  but  its  being  meant  lor our  Lord  seems  to  have  been  matter  of  tradition. Tovrov  rhv  avSpidfra  (iKiva  tov  'Ifjaov  <pip(iv iK^yov.  "Ejueii'f  56  koX  ds  ri/Jias.  ws  Kal  oij/ei irapaKa^uu  eViSTj/irjcra^'Tas  (Xurovs  rrj  TrdKtt. (See  Jesus  Christ,  Representation's  of.) [R.  St.  J.  T.] ISTRIAN  COUNCIL  (rstriense  Concilium). Held  by  the  partisans  of  the  Three  Chapters  at some  place  in  Istria,  A.D.  591,  according  to  JIansi, to  petition  the  emperor  Maurice  in  their  own  be- half, and  that  of  Severus,  bishop  of  Aquileia,  their metropolitan,  who  had  been  forced  by  the  exaicli into  condemning  them  at  Ravenna,  and  was  now summoned  with  his  suffragans  to  Rome.  Their remonstrance,  to  which  eight  names  are  affixed, was  successful,  and  the  pope  was  ordered  to  leave them  in  peace  for  the  present  (Mansi,  x.  463-7). [E.  S.  Ff.] ITALIAN  COUNCILS  (Ra'ica  ConciliaX Three  councils  are  given  under  this  heading  in Mansi.  1.  A.D.  380,  at  which  Maximus  the  Cynic, who  had  just  been  deposed  at  Constantinople,  was heard  (iii.  519).  2.  A.D.  381,  at  which  St.  Ambrose was  present,  and  whose  proceedings  are  preserveil in  two  letters  addressed  in  his  name  and  that  of his  colleagues  to  the  emperor  Theodosius,  in  one of  which  an  attempt  to  introduce  Apollinarian errors  among  them  is  noticed  ;  and  in  the  other the  claims  of  Maximus,  and  the  consecration  of Nectarius  to  the  see  of  Constantinople  are  dis- cussed with  some  anxiety  («').  630-3).  3.  A.D. 405,  at  which  the  emperor  Honorius  was  peti- tioned to  intervene  with  his  brother  Arcadius  in flivour  of  St.  John  Chrvsostom  (ib.  1162). [E.  S,  Ff.J IVENTIUS,  EVANTIUS,  or  EVENTIUS, confessor  at  Pavia;  commemorated   with  Syrus Sept.  12  (Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). ^  [VV.  F.  G.] JACINTHUS.     (1)  [Felicianus  (4).] (2)   [HVACINTHUS.] JACOB,  the  patriarch;  commemorated  Na- hasse 25  =  Aug.  18  (Cal.  Ethiop.).  See  also Isaac.  [W.  F.  G.] JADER.     [Felix  (24).] JAMBLICHUS,  one  of  the  seven  sleepers  of Ephcsus ;  commemoiated  Oct.  22  (Cal.  Ihjzant.). I     ^  '  [W.  F.G.] JAMES  THE  GREATER,  ST.,  Legend and  Festival  oe. 1.  Laiond.  —  By  the  name  of  James  tlie Greaterj  the  son'  of  Zcbedce  is  distinguished from  tli'e  other  apostle  of  the  same  name.      flie 870      JAMES  THE  GREATEE,  ST. epithet  would  seem  to  have  regard  either  to stature  or  to  age,  though  some,  with  apparently less  likelihood,  would  make  it  refer  (1)  to  pri- ority ia  the  call  to  the  apostleship,  or  (2)  to liigher  privileges  in  intercourse  with  Christ,  or (3)  to  the  dignity  of  an  earlier  martyrdom. The  elder  brother  of  St.  John,  universally believed  to  have  been  the  last  survivor  of  the apostles,  St.  James  was  the  first  to  be  called away,  having  been  beheaded  by  Herod  Agrippa  I., shortly  before  the  Passover  of  44  A.D.  Out  of  a mass  of  tradition  concerning  him,  the  only  point supported  by  any  adequate  evidence  is  the  inci- dent related  by  Eusebius  (ffist.  Eccles.  ii.  9)  on the  authority  of  Clement  of  Alexandria,  of  the conversion  of  St.  James's  accuser  as  the  apostle was  led  away  to  death.  Struck  by  his  steadfast- ness, he  too  embraced  Christ,  and  the  apostle and  his  accuser  suffered  together. The  stories,  however,  of  St.  James's  connection with  Spain  are  deserving  of  very  little  credit. In  spite  of  such  plain  statements  as  Acts  viii.  1 (very  lamely  met  by  Baronius),  the  apostle  is made  to  undertake  a  missionary  journey  into Spain  after  the  death  of  Stephen,  returning  to Jerusalem  before  A.D.  44.  The  ancient  evidence for  such  a  story  is  of  the  weakest.  Isidore  of Seville  (ob.  636  A.  D.)  does  say  {de  Ortu  et  Obifu Patrum,  c.  71  ;  Patrol.  Ixxxiii.  151),  if  indeed the  work  is  his,  which  is  certainly  doubtful,  that St.  James  preached  the  gospel  to  the  natives  of Spain  and  the  Western  regions;"  and  the  same statement  is  found  in  the  Collectanea,  once wrongly  attributed  to  Bede  {Patrol,  sciv.  545). Mere  unsupported  statements,  however,  of  so late  a  date  can  amount  to  very  little.  It  is worthy  of  notice  too  that  at  a  much  earlier period,  Innocent  I.  (ob.  417  A.D.)  states  that  no church  had  been  founded  throughout  Italy,  Gaul, or  Spain,  except  by  those  who  owed  their  autho- rity directly  or  indirectly  to  St.  Peter  {Ep.  25 ad  JDecentium,  c.  2  :  Patrol,  xx.  552).  With every  allowance  for  the  desire  of  a  bishop  of Rome  to  exalt  the  see  of  St.  Peter,  so  sweeping  a statement  could  hardly  have  been  ventured  on, had  there  been  a  strongly  established  tradition as  to  St.  James's  connection  with  Spain.  Am- brose evidently  knew  no  such  legend,  for  he speaks  of  St.  Paul's  projected  journey  into  Spain being  "quia  illicChristus  non  erat  praedicatus  " {(-'omm.  ill  Ep.  ad  Pom.  xv.  24;  Patrol,  xvii. 176)  ;  nor  did  Jerome,  for  he  mentions  St.  Paul's journeys  having  reaclaed  even  to  Spain,  imme- diately after  referring  to  the  apostle's  never building  "  super  alterius  fnndamentum,  ubi  jam fuerat  praedicatum"  (Comm.  in  Amos,  v.  8  sqq. ; vol.  vi.  291,  ed.  Vallarsi).  Baronius  (notes  to MartyrolO'jium  Uommum ;  July  25),  in  sum- ming up  concerning  these  legends,  can  only  urge "  non  esse  adeo  impossibilia,  vel  haberi  pro monstro,  ut  putant  aliqiii." The  story  of  the  translation  of  the  apostle's body  into  Spain  is  obviously  totally  apocryphal. It  is  to  the  etfect  that  after  his  body  had  been interred  at  Jerusalem,  his  disciples  removed  it to  Iria  Flavia,  in  the  far  north-west  of  Spain. (For  an  elementary  form  of  the  story  see  the Martyrologies  [July  25]  of  Usuard  and  Notker ; »  This  writins  speak-;  of  St  James  as  buried  "  ir.  Mar- mirica"  (al.  Ca  niarica,  &c.).  a  name  which  does  not seem  to  have  been  satisfactorily  exjilaiMed. JAMES  THE  GREATEli,  ST. Patrol,  cxxiv.  295,  cxxxi.  1125:  those  of  Bede and  Wandalbert  ignore  it.)  Here  it  was  dis- covered early  in  the  9th  centur}',  and  removed to  Compostella  (a  corruption  of  Gia-:omo  Pustolo, ad  Jwobum  Apostohim),  a  few  miles  distant,  by order  of  Alpbonso  II.,  king  of  Asturias  and  Leon (ob.  842  A.D.).  For  a  very  full  account  of  these legends,  see  Cuper  in  the  Acta  Sanctorum  (July, vol.  V.  pp.  3  sqq.)  ;  also  Mariana,  Du  adocn'tu Jacohi  Apostoli  major  is  in  Hispaniam,  in  his Tractatus,  Col.  Agr.  1609 ;  TolrK,  Justificwion historico-criti:a  de  la  venida  de  Santiago  el  Mayor a,  Esparia,  y  de  su  sepulcro  in  Compos  ela.  51  a- triti,  1797  ;  Arevalus,  Isidoriana,  c.  61  {Patrol. Ixxxi.  382  sqq.),  and  sundry  writings  in  con- nection with  St.  James,  wrongly  attributed  to pope  Callixtus  II.  {Patrol,  clxiii.  1370  sqq.). Strangely,  however,  in  spite  of  this  lack  of evidence,  the  legend  took  such  root  in  Spain, as  practically  to  count  there  as  an  article  of fiiith,  and  thus  we  find  Luther  holding  it  neces- sary to  protest  against  such  a  view  (Sammtlicke Schriften,  xv.  1864,  ed.  Walch). For  the  wild  legends  connecting  St.  "James with  the  false  teachers  Hermogenes  and  Philetus, reference  may  be  made  to  the  Ilistoria  Apostolicn •if  the  pseudo-Abdias,  lib.  iv.,  in  which,  it  may be  remarked  in  passing,  there  is  no  allusion whatever  to  Spain  (Fabricius,  Codex  Pseudepi- qraphus  JS'ovi  Testumenti,  vol.  ii.  p.  516  sqq.  ed. 1719). 2.  Festival  of  St.  James. — The  date  when  St. James  was  first  commemorated  by  a  festival cannot  be  determined  very  closely.  It  is  well known  that  at  first  the  only  apostles  who  had  a special  festival  were  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  and that  the  others  gradually  obtained  separate  com- memorations afterwards.  In  the  case  of  St. James,  the  notices  are  such  as  to  point  to  the conclusion  that  the  festival  was  one  wliich  only made  its  way  very  gradually,  and, that  the  date at  which  it  had  attained  general  observance  was quite  late.  We  find  a  mention,  it  is  true,  in  the ancient  Kalendarium  Carthaginense,  where  for December  27  is  this  notice  :  "  vi.  Kal.  Jan.  Sancti Joannis  Baptistae  [here  probably  Evangelistae should  be  read]  et  Jacobi  Apostoli,  queni  He^'odes occidit ''  {Patrol,  xiii.  1228).  On  the  other  hand, many  ancient  Sacramentaries  give  no  indication of  the  existence  of  a  festival  of  St.  James.  The Ambrosian  (Pamelius,  Liturgy.  Latt.  i.  403)  and Gregorian  (col.  115,  ed.  Menard),  as  we  now have  them,  do  so,  the  forms  being  almost  iden- tical in  the  two  cases;  but  the  Leonine  and Gelasian  pass  it  over.  In  the  ancient  Galilean Liturgy  edited  by  Mabillon,  to  which  we  have referred  below,  it  will  be  seen  that  St.  James  is commemorated,  together  with  his  brother,  on December  27,  but  in  the  Galilean  Lectionary  the festival  is  of  St.  John  alone,  and  in  the  Jlartyro- loyium  Gellonensc  (D'Achery's  Spicilegiujn,  xiii. 390),  the  notice  is  "  vi.  Kal.  Jan.  Ordinatio Episcopatus  Jacobi  Apostoli  fratris  Domini  et Adsumptio  Sancti  Joannis  Evangelistae."  In the  Gothic  Breviary  edited  by  Lorenzana,  a  form is  provided  for  a  festival  of  St.  James  on  De- cember 30  {Patrol.  Ixxxvi.  1306),  but  there  is none  in  the  Mozarabic  Missal.  The  Pontifical  of Egbert,  archbishop  of  York  (ob.  766  A.D.)  has no  notice  of  such  a  festival.  Additional  evidence to  the  same  effect  may  be  found  in  the  fact  that the  earliest  traces  of  a  vigil  of  a  festival  of  St. JAMES  THE  GREATER,  ST. James  are  of  very  late  date.  Binterini  (Denki: V.  1.  401)  asserts  that  the  vigil  does  not  occur at  all  in  calendars  before  the  10th  century. Even  so  late,  however,  as  the  loth  century,  the festival  itself  does  not  appear  to  have  attained universal  acceptance  ;  for  in  the  canons  of  the council  of  Oxford  (1222  A. p.)  it  is  not  included iu  the  list  of  the  chief  festivals  observed  in  Eng- land (can.  8  ;  Labbe  xi.  274).  At  the  council  of Cognac  in  France  (1256  a.d.)  the  case  is  some- what doubtful,  yet  taking  the  context  into  con- sideration (cf.  can.  19),  the  words  "  duodecim Apostolorum,  et  maxime  Petri  et  Pauli,  Andreae, Jacobi  .  .  .  .  "  perhaps  point  to  separate  fes- tivals and  not  to  the  collective  festival  of  the apostles  '(can.  21  ;  Lsbbe  xi.  749  :  cf.  Cone. Totosanum  [1229  a.d.],  can.  26,  op.  cit.  433, where  the  probability  seems  to  incline  the  other way).  We  may  appeal,  however,  finally  to  the proceedings  of  the  synod  of  Exeter  (1287  A.D.), where  the  festivals  to  be  observed  are  named  in their  several  months,  and  where  the  entry  for July  is,  "Translationis  S.  Thomae  martyris, Sanctae  Mariae  Magdalenae,  S.  Jacobi  Apostoli majoris  "'  (can.  23,  op.  cit.  1288). Besides  this  vagueness  as  to  the  date  of  the orio-in  of  the  festival,  the  utmost  latitude  also pre^vails  as  to  the  day  wheu  it  was  to  be  cele- brated. We  have  evidence  indeed  of  a  kind which  is  wanting  in  the  case  of  every  other apostle,  for  from  Acts  xii.  4  we  may  assume that  St.  James  was  put  to  death  shortly  before the  Passover.  Still,  in  the  Western  church, perhaps  from  the  wish  not  to  have  a  celebration of  a  martyrdom  in  Lent  and  Eastertide,  we  gene- rally find  St.  James's  festival  on  July  25.^  The calendar  of  the  church  of  Carthage  associates him  as  we  have  seen,  with  his  brother  John  on December  27 ;  as  does  also  the  Gothico-Gallic Missal,  where  the  heading  for  the  day  is  "  in Natale  Apostolorum  Jacobi  et»Johannis"  (Ma- billon,  de  Litiirjia  Gallicana,  lib.  iii.  p.  196). [In  the  Gothic  calendar,  however,  prefixed  to Lorenzana's  edition  of  the  Gothic  Breviary,  we find  on  December  30,  "Jacobus  frater  Joannis Apostoli  et  Evangelistae,"  following  the  notice on  December  29,  "Jacobus,  frater  Domini," Patrol.  Ixxxvi.  19.]  The  same  combination  too meets  us  in  the  calendar  of  the  Armenian  churcn on  December  28  (Neale,  Eastern  Church,  Introd. p  804),  and  in  that  of  the  Ethiopia  church  on September  27  (Ludolf,  Fasti  Sacri  Ecc'esiae Alexandrinae,  p.  5).  The  calendar  of  the  Byzan- tine church  appoints  April  30  for  the  commemo- ration of  St.  James,  and  so  we  find  in  the  Greek ■  metrical  Ephemerides  prefixed  by  Papebroch  to the  Acta  Sanctorum  for  May  (vol.  i.  p.  xxv.) KTe?j/€  fiixo-ipa  ip6vov  'laKco^av  if  -rpiaKdffrri. In  the  martyrology  given  by  Cardmal  Sirletus, besides  the  commVmoration  on  April  30,  there is  also  noted  on  November  15,  "Natalis  SS. Baruch  et  Jacobi,  fratris  Joannis  Theologi  (see Canisius,  Thesaurus,  vol.  iii.  pp.  427,  486). The  sprino-  period  is  also  recognised  m  the Ethiopic  and  Coptic  calendars.  In  the  former, besides  the  festival  mentioned  above,  there  are also  commemorations   on  February  4  and  April JAMES  THE  LESS,  ST. 871 b  The  statement  of  .ome  writers  (e.  g.  Augustl.  Denkw. iii  227)  that  this  particular  day  !.<;  the  anniversary  of  the translation  of  the  saint's  remains  to  Composlella,  is  one whose  proof  and  disproof  is  equally  impossible. 12  of  St.  James,  apparently  the  son  of  Zebedee (Ludolf,  pp.  20,  26).  The  Coptic  calendar  has generally  a  very  close  affinity  with  the  preceding, and,  like  it,  has  a  festival  of  St.  James  (defined as  the  son  of  Zebedee)  on  April  12  ;  and  also  on February  12  of  a  James,  presumably  the  present, and  on  April  30  of  a  James,  defined  as  the  son  of Zebedee. •= 3.  Whether  or  no  it  is  due  to  the  early  date of  this  apostle's  martyrdom,  but  little  litera-  \ ture  is  directly  associated  with  his  name.     The  ' canonical  epistle  of  James  is  indeed  assigned  to  | him  in  the  subscription  of  a  Corbey  MS.  of  tlie  i old  Latin  version  cited  by  Tischendorf  (m  loc),  i and  also  in  the  passage  of  Isidore  already  referred  | to.     This  theory,  however,   is   exceedingly  im-  i probable,  and  need  not  be  further  referred  to  I here. A  pretended  discovery  was  made  near  Granada in  Spain  in  1595  A.D.  of  the  remains  of  two  of St.  James's  disciples,  and  with  them  of  eighteen books  on  leaden  plates,  including  several  by  St. James,  which  with  the  others  were  condemned by  Innocent  XI.  in  1682  A.D.  (Fabricius,  Codex  1 Pseudepigraphus  Noci  Testamenti,  i.  352,  iii.  725;  ; Acta  Sanctorum,  May,  vol.  vii.  pp.  285,  393). For  further  remarks  on  the  subject  of  the preceding  article  reference  may  be  made  to Binterim,   Denkwiirdigkeiten    dcr    Christ-Katho-  ; Uschen  Kirche,  vol.  v.  part  i.  pp.  400  sqq.; Augusti,  Denkwiirdigkeiten  aus  der  Christlicken ArdmAogie,  vol.  iii.  pp.  237  sqq. ;  Tillemont, Me'moires  pour  servir  a  I'histoire  Ecclesiastique, vol.  i.  pp.  342  sqq.,  625  sqq.'ed.  Paris,  1693;  ' Cajetan  Cenni,  Dissertat.  i.  de  Ardiq.  Eccl.  Hisp. c.  2,  Rome,  1741.  [K.  S.] JAMES  THE  LESS,  ST.,  Legend  and Festival  of. 1.  Legend,  ^c— It  does  not  fall  within  our present  province  to  discuss  the  question  whether James,  the  son  of  Alphaeus,  one  of  the  twelve apostles,  is  or  is  not  the  same  as  James,  the Lord's  brother,  bishop  of  Jerusalem.  The  pro- bability seems  to  incline  in  favour  of  the  non- identity  of  the  two,  but  there  are  considerable difficulties  attending  either  hypothesis ;  and  the matter  will  be  found  discussed  at  length  in  the Dictionary  of  the  Bible.  Of  ancient  liturgies, martyrologies     and     calendars,    some    identify,  \ while    others   distinguish    them;    and  hence   it may  perhaps  be  most  convenient  here  to  collect together  the  various  notices  under  either  desig- nation. .  I It   may    be    remarked   at   the  outset  that    it  ! James,  the  son  of  Alphaeus,  be  a  different  per-  J son    from   James    the    Lord's    brother,    there  is          | almo.st   a  complete   lack  of  tradition   as   to  his history.      The  ancient  so-called    Martyrolognim          I Ilieron'imi    speaks    of  his   being    martyred    in Persia     {Patrol,    xxx.    478),     and    the    Greek metrical  Ephemerides,  which  we  have  cited  be- low, assert  that  he  was  crucified  ;  but  it  is  im-  , possible  to  say  what  amount  of  belief  is  to  be given  to  either  of  these  statements.     James,  the <-■  It  should  be  noticed  that  sundry  slight  variations from  Ludolf -s  calendar  of  the  ICgj-ptlan  chorch  occnr  la those  given  by  S  Iden  (J<  Synedviis  VVter.im  Ebrann-u,<,.  ^ UP  210  sqq.;  ed.  Amsterdam.  1679).     Here  one  cal.ml..r  i gives  Feb.  1 1 ,  the  other  Feb.  12  ;  one  April  1 1 .  the  oth.T April  12 :  and  on*  (lUe  otiior  has  no  entry)  has  April  19 for  April  M.  -j 872 JAMES  THE  LESS,  ST. Lord's  brother,  on  the  other  hand,  fills  a  promi- nent place  in  the  history  of  the  Acts,  he  is  re- ferred to  by  St.  Paul  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Gala- tians  in  a  way  that  sufficiently  indicates  his  im- portance, and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  is to  him  we  owe  the  so-called  Catholic  Epistle  of St.  James.  Ecclesiastical  tradition  also  tells much  concerning  him,  and  the  account  of  his martyrdom  given  by  Eusebius  {Hist.  Eccles.  ii. •23)  from  Hegesippus  is  doubtless  substantially correct.  It  is  not,  however,  necessary  to  repeat here  what  has  already  been  said  in  the  Bible Dictionary,  to  which  reference  may  be  made. 2.  Festival. — The  exact  date  of  the  rise  of  a special  festival  of  St.  James,  whether  as  the son  of  Alphaeus  or  as  the  Lord's  brother,  is  hard to  fix.  Like  those  of  most  of  the  apostles,  it  is comparatively  late.  Among  the  earliest  wit- nesses, we  may  mention  the  Martyrologiun Hieroivpni,  the  metrical  martyrology  of  Bede, and  the  ancient  liturgies  referred  to  below.  The first  of  these,  as  well  as  other  early  Roman martyrologies,  commemorates  James,  the  son  of Alphaeus,  on  June  22,  and  also  James,  the  Lord's brotlier,  on  March  15,  April  25,  and  December 27.  On  the  last  of  these  there  is  associated  with the  "  Assumptio  S.  Joannis  Evangelistae,"  also the  "  Ordinatio  episcopatus  S.  Jacobi  fratris Domini,"  a  combination  to  which  we  shall  again refer.  There  is  also  in  this  martyi'ology,  as  we now  have  it,  a  commemoration  of  James,  not further  defined,  but  obviously  the  present,  on May  1.  The  metrical  martyrology  of  Bede commemorates  St.  Philip  and  St.  James  together on  May  1,  the  latter,  it  will  be  seen,  defined  as the  Lord's  brother, "  J:icubus  Poniini  frater  pius  atque  Philippus Sliritico  Maias  venerantur  honore  Calendas." This  has  been  the  genei-al  custom  throughout the  Western  church,  and  so  we  find  it  in  the Gelasian  (^Patrol.  Ixxiv.  1161),  Gregorian  (col. 101,  ed.  Menard)  and  Ambrosian  (Pamelius, Lit'irgg.  Latt.  i.  370)  liturgies.  The  reason  for this  combination  of  apostles,  and  for  the  choice of  this  particular  day  does  not  appeal".  Schulting {Bihliotheca  Ecclesiastica  ii.  130)  simply  states that  it  is  because  of  the  translation  of  the relics  of  the  two  on  that  day  in  the  Pontificate of  Pelagius  I.  (ob.  560  A.D.).  We  are  not  aware tliat  anything  can  be  adduced  in  support  of this  statement  beyond  the  remark  of  Anastasius Bibliothecarius  that  under  Pelagius  I.,  "initiata est  basilica  Apostolorum  Philippi  et  Jacobi " {Vitae  Pontificuni ;  Pelagius  1.  Patrol,  csxviii. 614),  where  we  see  the  two  names  already  asso- ciated. It  is  stated  by  the  Micrologus  that  this  festival was  originally  one  of  all  the  apostles;  there seems,  however,  to  be  no  real  evidence  for  the assertion  "  ideo  etiam  invenitur  in  martyrologiis sive  in  Sacramentariis  festivitas  Sanctorum  Ja- cobi et  Philippi  et  omnium  Apostolorum"  {Je Feci.  Ohserv.  c.  55 ;  Patrol,  cli.  1017).  This  is followed,  however,  by  sundry  liturgical  writers, e.g.  Honorius  Augustodunensis  (Gemma  Animae iii.  140  ;  Patrol,  clxxii.  681),  and  Durandus  (Rat. Div.  Off.  vii.  10). Besides  the  festival  of  May  1,  the  Ambrosian liturgy  also  commemorates  on  Dec.  30  the "  ordinatio  B.  Jacobi  Alphaei  Appstoli  "  (ojo.  cit. 309),  resembling  the  already  cited  notice  of  the JAMES  THE  LESS,  ST. Martyrologium  Hieronymi;  and  we  may  again refer  to  the  entry  in  the  Martyrologium  Gello- n/'se  quoted  in  the  preceding  article.  The  Gal- ilean liturgy,  published  by  Mabillon,  omits altogether  the  festival  of  St.  James,  whether as  son  of  Alphaeus  or  as  brother  of  the Lord  ;  but  in  the  Mozarabic  missal  we  find a  commemoration  of  "  S.  Jacobus,  frater  Do- mini "  on  Dec.  29.  We  may  take  this  oppor- tunity of  adding  that  the  prophetic  lection, epistle  and  gospel  there  are  respectively  Wisdom xviii.  20-24;  i.  Tim.  i.  18-ii.  8;  Luke  viii.  23, 27,  John  xii.  24-26,  xiii.  16,  17,  20,  xv.  6,  12, 13  {Patrol.  Ixxxv.  104).  In  the  Mozarabic  Bre- viary, the  form  is  merely  headed  "  in  festo  S. Jacobi  Apostoli  "  (Patrol.  Ixxxvi.  136),  but  there are  numerous  references  to  the  martyrdom  of James,  the  Lord's  brother,  at  Jerusalem. The  Byzantine  calendar  distinguishes  the  son of  Alphaeus  from  the  Lord's  brother,  the  former being  commemorated  on  Oct.  9,  the  latter  on Oct.  23;  and  so  we  find  in  the  Greek  metrical Ephcmerides,  published  by  Papebroch  in  the Acta  Sanctorum  (^lay,  vol.  i.  p.  xlviii.), —  aixcp' iydrri  'laKoifios  ifl  aravpai  mavvcrro,  and  iadKov aS€\(p60eov  TptraTTi  ^v\cij  e'lKtiSi  TrAr^^av.  In the  Armenian  church,  besides  the  commemora- tion of  the  two  sons  of  Zebedee  on  Dec.  28,  there are  also  commemorations  on  August  31  of "Thomas  and  .Tames,  Apostles,"  and  on  Dec.  23 of  "  James,  Apostle  "  (Neale,  Eastern  Church  ; Introd.  pp.  801,  804).  In  the  calendars  of  the Egyptian  and  Ethiopic  churches  given  in  Ludolf's Fasti  Sacri  Ecclesiae  Alexandrinae,  we  find  that the  former  commemorates  James,  the  son  of Alphaeus,  on  October  2,  and  James,  the  Lord's brother,  on  October  23,  and  that  they  both commemorate  this  latter  on  July  12.  Besides this,  the  Coptic  calendar  has  on  Feb.  12,  and  the Ethiopic  on  Feb.  4,  a  James,  an  apostle,  not otherwise  specifigd." It  may  be  remarked  here  that  many  of  the  cus- toms which  still  characterize  the  day  on  which the  Western  church  commemorates  St.  James, have  obviously  sprung  from  lingering  heathen usages.  These  are,  as  a  rule,  connected  with  the idea  of  the  return  of  spring,  and  thus  are  in some  sense  parallel  to  those  associated  with  the festivals  of  Christmas  and  St.  John  the  Baptist's day,  which  dwell  on  the  idea  of  the  returning and  retreating  sun.  [Christmas;  John  thk Baptist,  St.,  Fire  of.] Thus  the  gathering  of  flowers  and  the  adorn- ing of  houses  with  them  on  May-day  morning may  fairly  be  connected  with  the  Roman  festival of  the  Floralia  held  on  the  five  days  following April  28 ;  similar  festivals  to  which  were  also held  in  other  places,  as  the  Anthesphoria  in Sicily,  etc. A  trace  of  the  ancient  sun-worship  is  still  to be  found  in  one  of  the  customs  prevalent  on this  day  among  Celtic  peoples,  and  notably  the Irish  and  Highland  peasantry,  viz.,  the  lighting  of great  fires  in  the  open  air  ;  and  thus  the  com- mon Irish  name  for  the  day,  is  La  Beal-tinc (day  of  Beal's  or  Baal's  fire),  and  similarly  in Gaelic. *  It  may  be  noted  that  one  of  tlie  Egyptian  calendars, given  by  Selden  {de.  Synedriis  Vettrum  Ebraeorunu pp.  21.5,  219  ;  ed.  Amsterdam,  16^9)  puts  Feb.  H  for  Ft-b. l-.i,and  ruly  11  for  Jidy  12. JAMES Customs  also  with  the  same  central  i;Ie^ existed  among  the  ancient  Gothic  nations  (see Olnus  Magnus,  Historia  de  Gentihus  Septcntriona- libus  XV.  S,  p.  503,  ed.  Rome,  1555). 3.  With  the  name  of  the  person  or  persons now  before  us,  more  literature  is  associated  than in  the  case  of  the  son  of  Zebedee.  Besides  the Canonical  Epistle  of  St.  James,  there  are  still extant  the  so-called  Frotevamielinm  Jacobi,  the most  respectable  of  the  Apocryphal  gospels,  and the  so-called  liturgy  of  St.  James.  It  is  possi- ble too  that  at  one  time  there  existed  other ])seudonymous  writings  bearing  the  name  of St.  James,  for  we  find  Innocent  I.  in  alluding  to sundry  works  of  this  class,  mention  those  which "  sub  nomine  .  ...  Jacobi  minoris  .  .  .  damnanda" {Ep.  6  ad  Exsuperium  c.  7,  Patrol,  xx.  502). Again,  in  the  records  of  a  council  held  at  Rome in  494  A.D.,  under  the  episcopate  of  Gelasius,  it is  ruled  "  Evangelium  [_aL  Evangelia]  nomine Jacobi  minoris,  Apocryphum"  (Patrol,  lix.  162. 175,  176).  Apocryphal  letters  to  St.  James from  St.  Peter  and  St.  Clement  are  prefixed  to the  various  editions  of  the  Clementine  Homilies (see  e.g.  Cotelerius,  Patres  Apost.  i.  602,  ed. 1700).  The  Apostolic  Constitidions  again  (viii. 23),  cite  James,  the  son  of  Alphaeus,  as  giving rules  respecting  confessors  and  vii'gins  ;  and  .some forms  of  the  text,  but  apparently  not  the  best, give  (c.  XXXV.)  rules  as  to  divine  service  claiming the  authority  of  James,  the  Lord's  brother. Besides  works  already  cited,  reference  may  be made  to  Biuterim,  Denkmirdigkeiten  der  Christ- KathoUschen  Kirc/ie,  vol.  v.  part  i.,  pp.  365  sqq. ; Augusti,  .Denkiiiirdigkeiten  aus  der  Christlkhen Archdotogie,  vol.  iii.  pp.  237  sqq.  [R.  S.] JAMES.  (1)  Bishop,  offtos  -trarrjp  Kal  o/xo- \oyy]r-hs — circa  824  A.D.  ;  commemorated  March •21  ( Cal.  Bi/zant.). (2)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  fSoO  A.d.  ;  com- memorated Oct.  8  (Cal.  Copt). (3)  Patriarch  of  Antioch ;  commemorated Tekemt  11=-- Oct.  8  (Cal.  Ethiop.). (4)  Martvr  of  Persia,  A.D.  396 ;  commemo- rated Nov.  27  (Cal.  Bijzant.). (5)  Presbyter,  martyr  in  Persia  under  Sapor with  Melicius  the  bishop,  and  Acepoimas  the bishop  (circa  345  A.D.);  commemorated  April  22 (Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). (6)  Of  Nisibis,  confessor  under  Maximin ; commemorated  Dec.  14  (Cal.  Armen.)  ;  July  15 (Mart.  Pom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (7)  Deacon,  martyr  under  Decius  apud  Lam- besitanam  urbem  'with  Marianus  the  reader; commemorated  April  30  (Mart.  Pom.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi);  May  6   (Cal.  Garth.).         [W.  F.  G.] JANUAEIA.  [SciLLiTA,  Martyrs  of.] JANUAEIUS.     (1)  [Feux  (1).] (2)  [Felix  (5).] (3)  UpoixdpTvs  ;  commemorated  with  conijia- nion  martyrs,  April  21  (Cal.  Bijzant.). (4)  [Felix  (15).] (5)  [Felix  (16).] (6)  [SciiLiTA,  Martyrs  of.] (7)  Martyr  with  Pelagia  at  Nicopolis,  in Lesser  Armenia;  commemorated  .July  11  (Mart. Usuardi). .JKUUSALEM,  COUNCILS  OF      873 (8)  [Floreotius  (I).] (9)  [Sixtus  (2).] (10)^  Bishop  of  Beneventuni,  martyr  at  Najdes with  Festus  and  Proculus,  deacons,  Desiderius, Euticus,  and  Acutus,  under  the  emperor  Dio- cletian; commemorated  Sept.  19  (Mart.  Bedae Usuardi).  ' (11)  [Faustus  (6).] (12)  [Felix  (23).] (13)  Saint;  commemorated  Dec.  2  (Cnl.  Ar- men.). ^\v_  p-Q-j JASON.    (1)  [Hilaria  (2).] (2)  And  Sosipater,    apostles;    commemorated April  28  (Cal.  Hyzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] JEEEMIAH.  (1)  The  prophet ;  eommemo- rnted  May  1  (Mart.  Usuardi,  Bedae,  Cal.  Byzant.); Sept.  5  (Cal.  Copt.)-  Aug.  29  (Cal.  Armen.); Gmbot  5  =  April  30  (Cal.  Ethwp.).      [W,  F.  G.] (2)  [Peter  (8).] (3)  [Ejiiliaxus  (4).) JERUSALEM,  COUNCILS  OF  (ILeroso. Iipnitana  ConcUit).  (1)  a.d.  47,  .says  Cave  (Hist. Lit.  i.  38);  Baronius  and  others,  A.D.  51  :  the third,  in  chronological  order,  of  the  meetings of  the  Apostles  recorded  in  their  Acts,  but  the only  one  deserving  the  name  of  a  synod.  Its proceedings  are  described  there  (c.  xv.).  A  con- troversy having  arisen  at  Antioch,  over  which according  to  Eusebius  (Chron.  ad  1.)  Euodius  had been  appointed  bishop  as  far  back  as  A.D.  43,  on the  necessity  of  circumcising  the  Gentile  con- verts and  obliging  them  to  keep  the  law  of  Moses, it  was  referred  to  the  Apostles  and  elders  at Jerusalem  for  decision,  SS.  Paul  and  Barnabas being  sent  thither  for  that  purpose.  The  Apostles and  elders  came  togethei-,  accordingly,  to  con- sider of  it.  St.  Peter  spoke  first,  and'  gave  his opinion  against  burdening  the  disciples  with  any such  yoke.  Then  all  the  multitude— in  other words,  the  body  of  believers,  or  brethren  who were  present— listened  to  the  reports  given  of the  conversion  of  the  Gentiles  that  had  been achieved  on  their  first  expedition  as  missionaries into  Asia  Minor  by  SS.  Paul  and  Barnabas. After  which  St.  James,  as  bishop,  doubtless,  of Jerusalem,  delivered  his  "  sentence  ;"  which  was embodied  in  the  synodical  letter,  addressed  in the  name  of  the  Apostles  and  elders  and  brethren, finally,  to  the  brethren  of  the  Gentiles  in  Antioch, Syria,  and  Cilicia,  and  sent  by  two  principal  men of  their  own  number,  in  addition  to  SS.  Paul and  Barnabas.  On  reaching  Antioch,  the  bearers of  this  epistle  gathered  the  multitude  together and  delivered  it,  when  its  contents  having  been read  caused  great  joy. (2)  Mansi's  reasons  for  dating  this  council  A.n. 349  seem  conclusive  (ii.  171,  note).  Constaiis. who  ruled  in  the  West,  threatened  his  brother Constantius  with  hostilities,  if  St.  Athanasius, in  whose  favour  the  Sardican  council  had  pro- nounced two  years  before,  was  not  restored  to his  see  ;  and  Gregory,  his  rival,  having  died  in the  early  part  of  this  year,  his  return  was  allowed. In  his  way  he  stopped  at  Jerusalem,  when  a  synod was  held  under  its  orthodox  bishop,  Mnximus, and  a  letter  des|)atched  from  it  to  congratulate the  .\lexandrians  on -this  act  of  grace  on  the  p.rt fil'  the   omprrors  :    which  Cnnstaus,  iiov.cver,  dl ! 874  JESSE not  live  to  see  carried,  out,  as  he  was  slain  in Jan.  350.  And  Maxiinus  having  held  this  synod without  leave  from  his  metropolitan,  Acacius, bishop  of  Caesarea,  was  ejected  by  him  in  another synod  a  few  months  later,  to  be  succeeded  by St.  Cyril,  then  catechist,  and  a  supposed  Arian. (3J  A.D.  399.  A  synod  of  bishops,  met  to  cele- brate the  feast  of  the  dedication  of  the  church there,  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  a  synodical epistle  from  Theophilus,  bishop  of  Alexandria, condemning  some  of  the  errors  of  Origen  lately revived  in  his  diocese,  and  profess  their  agreement with  it  (Mansi,  iii.  9S9-9:i). (4)  A.D.  415.  What  we  should  call  a  diocesan synod  :  of  presbyters,  that  is,  under  their  bishop, John.  Orosius,  the  historian,  then  on  a  mission from  St.  Augustine  to  St.  Jerome,  was  present at  it,  and  gives  an  account  of  its  proceedings. Pelagius  being  there,  and  accused  by  him  of heresj^,  was  invited  to  come  in,  and  put  on  his defence.  Neither  what  he  said,  nor  what  Orosius said,  were  considered  altogether  unexceptionable by  the  bishop,  who  proposed  that  letters  should be  sent  to  Pope  Innocent  of  Rome  on  the  subject, and  that  all  should  abide  bv  what  he  decreed (Mansi,  iv.  307-12). (5)  A.D.  518,  to  express  its  adhesion  to  the Constantinopolitan  synod  of  the  same  year  (see the  art.) :  its  own  synodical  letter  being  also preserved  in  the  subsequent  council  under Mennas. (6)  A.D.  536,  Sept.  19  :  under  Peter,  its  pa- triarch, on  receipt  of  the  acts  of  the  synod  of Constantinople  under  Mennas,  between  four  and five  months  previously,  with  the  edict  of  the Emperor  Justinian  confirming  them,  and  a  letter from  Mennas  to  Peter  acquainting  him  with  their contents  (see  the  article  on  this  council).  The deacon  and  notary  present  having  recited  them, they  were  received  synudically  by  Peter,  and subscribed  to  by  forty-eight  bishops,  with  himself at  their  head  (Mansi,  viii   1164-76). (7)  A.D.  553,  under  its  patriarch,  Eustochius, at  which  the  acts  of  the  5th  council  were  received and  confirmed. (8)  A.D.  634,  under  Sophronius,  on  his  eleva- tion as  patriarch,  to  condemn  Monothelism, against  which  he  had  contended  with  so  much ardour  as  monk  previously.  The  encyclical epistle  sent  by  him  on  this  occasion  to  the bishops  of  Rome  and  Constantinople  is  preserved in  the  11th  action  of  the  6th  council  where  it was  recited  (Mansi,  x.  649-52).  [E.  S.  Ff.] JESSE,  ab  Silcania;  commemorated  Dec.  2 (Cal.Greg.).  [W.  K.  G.] JESUS.    [Joshua.] JESUS  CHRIST,  REPEESENTATIONS OF.  I.  The  symbolic  representations  of  the Lord  are  discussed  severally,  as  under  the  titles Fish,  1X0TC,  Lamb,  Vine-  see  also  Symbolism. For  the  pictorial  types  of  the  Lord  derived  from the  Old  Testament,  see  Old  Testament  ix Christian  Art  ;  for  pagan  types  used  to  repre- sent Him,  see  Paganism  in  Christian  Art. For  representations  on  gems,  see  Gems,  §§  xii. and  xiii.  p.  718;  on  the  bottoms  of  cupsj  see Glass,  Christian,  p.  732.  See  also  Images, p.  813;  and  Numismatics.  Setting  aside  such representations  as  these,  it  is  to  be  observed,  in the  first  instance,  that  He  is  represented  in  the human  form  from  the  earliest  times  of  Christian JESUS  CHRIST,  Representations  of art  as  the  Good  Shepherd  ;  and  this  symbolic  pic- ture, though  in  no  case  whatever  considei'ed  as  a portrait,  must  have  made  the  idea  of  representa- tions of  His  human  form  a  very  familiar  one  at  all times  in  the  Roman  and  other  Western  churches — and  in  earlier  centuries,  in  the  Byzantine  also. One  of  the  latest,  and  the  most  important  perhaps of  all  these,  is  the  often  described  Good  Shepherd of  the  chapel  of  Galla  Placidia  at  Ravenna,  niiddlJ; fifth  century :  and  one  of  the  earliest  ideal  por- traits of  our  Lord  is  found  in  the  church  of  St. Apollinaris,  built  a  century  later  within  the  walls of  that  city.  In  art  these  two  figures  mark  the transition  from  the  elder  Graeco-Roman  ideas  and traditions  of  art  to  the  later  style,  properly  called Byzantine.  The  leading  diflerence  in  feeling  and principle  between  them  will  be  illustrated  in  the course  of  this  article  :  for  the  present  it  may briefly  be  thus  stated :  that  in  the  earlier illustration  of  the  Lord's  Parable  of  Himself, the  attempt  at  beauty  predominates,  and  is  far from  unsuccessful ;  whereas  in  the  Byzantine picture  of  St.  Apollinare,  though  considerable beauty  of  feature  is  retained,  the  tendency  to the  ascetic  or  melancholy  ideal  of  later  art, both  Italian  and  German,  is  unmistakably  visible. It  is  perhaps  fortunate  that  the  words  of  St. Augustine  {De  Trinitate  viii.  4,  5)  put  it  appa- rently beyond  question,  that  the  world  cannot possess  now,  and  did  not  possess  in  his  time,  any authentic  record  whatever  of  the  bodily  ap- pearance of  Jesus  Christ  the  God-Man  on  earth. "  Nam  et  ipsius  Dominicae  facies  Carnis  innume- rabilium  cogitationum  diversitate  variatur  et fingitur;  quae  tamen  una  erat,  quaecunque  erat." Two  centuries  before,  indeed,  St.  Irenaeus  (contra Haeres.  1.  25)  had  spoken,  with  indignant  absence of  comment,  of  certain  Gnostic  representations of  Christ,  both  painted  and  sculptured,  as  it appears.  "Quasdam  quidem  [imagines]  quasi depictas,  quasdam  autem  et  de  reliqua  materia fabricatas  habent,  dicentes  formam  Christi  lactam a  Pilato,  illo  in  tempore  quo  fuit  Jesus  cum hominibus.  Et  has  coronant,  et  proponunt  e^is cum  imaginibus  mundi  philosophorum,  videlicet cum  imagine  Pythagoi'ae,  et  Platonis,  et  Ari- stotelis."  These  passages  seem  conclusive  to the  effect  that  no  real  portrait  of  our  Lord existed,  or  was  remembered  as  existing,  in  the 2nd  century.  Indeed  as  Martigny  observes,  the _  controversy  (dating  from  the  2nd  century)  with regard  to  the  human  comeliness  of  our  Lord's body  visible  on  earth,  makes  it  perfectly  certain, wej-e  proof  necessary,  that  no  authentic  portrait of  Him  ever  existed.  Augustine  acknowledges without  blame  the  universal  tendency  of  thought' to  picture  to  itself  persons  and  events  by  imagina- tive eff'ort,  instancing  St.  Paul  in  particular,  and taking  it  for  certain,  as  it  probably  may  be,  that each  of  all  the  innumerable  readers  of  the epistles  will  form  a  different  idea  of  his  own about  the  author's  appearance,  though  none  can say  whose  will  be  nearest  the  truth. In  his  mind  then,  and  indeed  in  our  own,  all ideal  or  fancy  portraits  of  our  Lord,  so  called, are  merely  symbolic  of  His  humanity  ;  and  in this  view,  the  crucifix  itself  may  be  taken  as  a synibol  only  of  the  fact  of  His  death  and  the docti'ine  of  His  sacrifice  for  man  ;  however  the word  sacrifice  be  denned  or  enlarged  upon :  and this  may  certainly  make  its  presence  in  Christian churches  not  onlv  allowable  but  desirable.     We JESUS  CHRIST,  REPRESENTATIONS  OF may  observe  on  the  different  relation  of  the church  to  the  arts  in  Augustine's  days,  when Christian  art  of  a  well  marked  and  distinctive character  existed,  from  the  state  of  things  in  the time  of  Tertullian,  who  protests  against  all simulacra,  likenesses,  or  representations  what- ever, and,  as  he  well  mis^ht  in  the  presence  of the  whole  Pantheon,  considers  all  images  or likenesses  practically  the  same  as  idols.* Human  art,  however,  was  adopted  by  the church  along  with  human  thought  and  learning. We  cannot  tell  whether  Tertullian  knew  or  cared for  the  catacomb-paintings  of  Rome.  Some  of them,  as  those  in  the  more  ancient  part  of  St. Domitilla,  were  certainly  in  existence  before  his time ;  but  he  seems,  in  the  presence  of  the heathen,  to  protest  against  all  paintings  what- ever, and  the  fact  that  St.  Augustine  not  unwil- lingly accepts  them,  is  an  illustration  of  a highly  natural  change  of  Christian  feeling  on the  matter.'' The  more  ancient  usage  of  representing  the Lord  as  the  Good  Shepherd  culminates  in  the Mosaic  of  Galla  Phcidia's  chapel  A  for  higher antiquity  is  chmied  foi  the  Lo-longer  existing portrait-heid  of  Chiist,  which  Bosio  represents, from    a    chnpel    ot    the    Calli\tine     catacomb. Head  of  Christ  from  the  Callixtine  catacomb.     (Martigny.) There  is  a  general  oi)inion  that  it  may  have  been of  as  early  date  as  the  2nd  century:  and  what we  know  'of  it  may  well  induce  us  to  believe that  it  was  the  original  of  that  ideal  of  our Lord's  countenance  which  has  passed,  through Lionardo  da  Vinci,  into  all  Christian  painting. Lord  Lindsay,  however,  says  that  the  traditional Head  with  which  Europe  is  so  familiar,  was  un- known in  the  West  till  the  4th  century,  when the  original  was  sent  to  Constantia,  sister  of Constantine,  by  Eusebius  of  Caesarea.  It  is therefore  of  Byzantine  or  Eastern  origin.  The earliest  example,  he  continues,  is  a  supposed  4th century  mosaic,  found  originally  in  the  Callix- tine,   and    now  in   the  Vatican.     See  Eusebius's »  De  hlohM.rid,  c.  iii.:  "Idolum  aliquanidiu  retro  non erat ;"  he  says,  "  sola  templa  et  vacuae  aedi-s.  At  ubi artifices  statuarum  et  imaginum,  et  omnis  generis  s-imu- lacrorum  diabolus  seculo  intulit  (rude  illud  ncgotium humanae  calamitatis)  et  nomen  de  Idolis  consecutum est." b  Tertullian  begins  his  book  against  Hermogenes  with reproaching  him  for  his  profession  as  a  painter :  "  Pingit illicite,  nubit  assidue :  legem  Dei  in  libidinem  defendit, in  artem  contemnit:  bis  falsarins  et  cauterio  et  stylo (encaustic),"  &c.  Athenagoras  (/.cr^ai.  pro  Christ,  c.  26) speaks  of  images  or  statues  in  general  as  portraits  of daemons. letter  in  Labbe,  Cone.  t.  vi.  col.  49;i  bq.  This letter  repudiates  (rhetorically  but  with  sin- cerity) any  idea  of  our  Lord's  real  a])pearance, and  from  it  and  the  passage  in  JJUt.  Ecc. (viii.  19)  it  appears  that  Eusebius  had  not  seen any  historic  portrait  which  he  (or  indeed  others) believed  on  evidence  to  be  a  genuine  likeness [Images,  §  III.].  Others  of  the  same  type  are  re- peated on  sarcophagi,  dating  from  that  of  Junius Bassus,  A.D.  359 ;  see  Bottari,  tav.  xv.  xxi.-xxv. xliii.  sliv. ;  the  latter  represents  the  paiutings in  the  catacomb  of  St.  Poutianus,  probably  re- newed over  older  pictures  in  the  time  of  pop* Adrian  I.  (a.d.  772-775).  This  catacomb  also contains  a  highly  ornamented  cross,  which  i& evidently  intended  to  represent  the  person  of  our Lord  [Cross]. The  assertion  of  the  idea  that  our  Lord  not only  took  upon  Him  the  flesh  of  mankind,  but the  "  form  of  a  servant,"  or  slave,  all  bodily ugline.ss  instead  of  beauty,  is  derived  from meditation  on  the  prophetic  text  (Is.  liii.  •>), "He  hath  no  form  nor  comeliness;"  as  the natural  thought  of  His  beauty  from  the  Jles- sianic  Psalm  (xlv.  3),  "Thou  art  fairer  than  the children  of  men."  The  former  view  seems  to have  been  entertained,  or  is  nowise  discouraged  by Justin  Martyr,  who  twice  uses  the  word  deiSTjj  of our  Lord:  meaning  evidently  to  repeat  the  expres- sion of  Isaiah  {Dial,  cum  Trijph.  cc.  85  and  88). So  Clement  of  Alexandria  {Paed.  HI.  1)  appeals to  the  two  texts  to  which  we  have  referred  on the  same  side.  Compare  Stromata,  ii.  5,  §  22  ; iii.  17,  §  103  ;  vi.  17,  §  151.  Tertullian  may  be supposed  to  have  thought  likewise  (Adv.  Jvd.  c. 14)  :  "  Ne  aspectu  quidem  honestus ;"  (De  carne Christi,  c.  9)  "  Adeo  nee  humanae  honestatis- corpus  fuit."  He  infers  from  the  cruelty  of  Jews and  soldiers  at  the  crucifixion,  that  such  insults could  not  have  been  ofi'ered  to  the  Lord,  had  His person  possessed  any  beauty.  So  Origen  (c.  Cels. vi.  75,  p.  327,  Spencer),  who,  however,  held  that the  Lord  could  appear  in  whatever  form  he pleased  (76.  ii.  p.  99  f.).  A  list  is  given  by Molanus  {Hist.  Sacramm  hmginum,  p.  40.^)  by which  it  appears  that  St.  Jerome  {in  Matt.  is. 9  ;  Epist.  65,  ad  Princip.  c.  8),  St.  Ambrose,  St. Augustine,  St.  Chrysostom  {Horn.  27  [al.  28]  in Matt.  p.  328;  and  on  Ps.  44  [45]  p.  162),  and Theodoret,  followed  the  text  which  speaks  of Him  as  fairest  of  all  men,  St.  Basil  and  St.  Cyril of  Alexandria  ( little  to  our  surprise)  taking  the other  side.  This  unedifying  controversy  belongs to  art  rather  than  to  theology.  The  Oriental, or  Egyptian,  or  ascetic  view  of  the  human  body, would'  necessarily  have  weight  on  the  ill-favoured side,  theologically  speaking.  And  in  practical art,  the  want  of  skill,  and  also  of  models  possess- ing any  degree  of  earthly  good  looks,  must  have borne  'strongly  in  the  same  direction.  Beauty of  expression  was  too  subtle  a  thing  for  the hands  of  the  Mosaicists  of  the  8th  and  9th  cen- turies. There  were  various  reasons  why  the  ideal  of bodily  beauty  should  gradually  be  lost,  up  to the  12th  century.  It  has  often  been  remarked that  as  the  ascetic  life  was  more  and  more severely  enforced  on  the  faithful,  and  the  sulVer- ings  of  the  later  Koman  world  bore  more  and more  severely  on  the  whole  community,  the honour  of  the  bodv  of  man  was  lost  :md  for- ■■otfiMi.      In  111.'  oarlirr  C.dhic  davs,  stroni;th  and 876 JESUS  CHRIST,  REPRESENTATIONS  OF ■  manly  beauty  must  have  been  associated  in  the eyes  "of  the  Monastic  Church  only  with  the ignorance  and  fierceness  of  barbarian  soldiers. The  Christian  assembly  on  earth,  under  the hands  of  Alario  and  Genseric,  Attila  and  Alboin, was  utterly  hopeless  of  any  good  on  earth.  The eastern  end  of  a  Byzantine  or  Romanesque church  from  the  6th  century,  begins  accordingly to  be  adorned  as  a  mystical  representation  of heaven,  beyond  the  wilderness  of  earth,  with  the portrait  figure  of  Christ  as  its  centre.  The Lord,  whom  all  seek  so  piteousiy,  shall  suddenly come  to  His  temple  ;  and  the  eyes  of  distressed congregations  are  allowed  a  vision  in  symbol  of His  presence  breaking  in  on  the  distresses  of later  days.  One  of  the  earliest  examples  of churches  thus  ornamented  is  that  of  SS.  Cosmas and  Damianus  at  Rome.  Here  the  figure  of  our Lord  coming  with  clouds  and  standing  on  the firmament,  is  grand  and  sublime  in  the  highest degree,  and  is  perhaps  the  earliest  or  greatest instance  of  very  early  date,  in  which  passionate conception,  supported  by  powerful  colour,  forces itself,  without  any  other  advantage,  into  the foremost  ranks  of  art-creation.  The  towering and  all  commanding  form  of  the  Lord  must  have seemed  to  "  fill  the  whole  temple  ;  "  with  the symbolic  hand  of  the  First  Person  of  the  Trinity above  His  Head,  and  the  Holy  Dove  on  His right  hand.  The  mystic  Jordan,  or  River  of Death,  is  at  His  feet,  and  on  its  other  side, with  small  rocks  and  trees  to  indicate  the wilderness  of  this  world,  are  the  twelve  sheep of  His  flock,  with  the  houses  of  Jerusalem  and Bethlehem  ;  He,  Himself,  appearing  again  in  the centre  on  earth  as  the  Lamb  of  the  elder  dispen- sation. The  same  idea  is  similarly  treated  in the  early  9th  century  decorations  of  St.  Prassede. The  form  of  the  Lord  is  tall  and  spare,  not without  grandeur,  but  markedly  ascetic :  the signs  of  the  other  Two  Persons  of  the  Holy Trinity  are  with  Him,  and  He  is  surrounded with  all  the  imagery  of  the  Apocalypse  ;  with this  grand  addition,  that  on  the  spandrils  of  the Arch  of  Triumph  before  Him,  the  twenty-four elders  are  inlaid  in  white  and  gold  mosaic,  in  the united  act  of  casting  their  crowns  before  Him.  He appears^  below  as  the  Lamb;  and  the  same symbol  is  repeated  at   the  top  of  the  Arch  of Triumph,  laid  on  an  ornamented  altar-table — as the  Paschal  Lamb  that  was  slain.  The  Offering of  the  Crowns  by  the  Elders  was  also  represented on  the  triumphal  arch  of  S.  Paolo  fuori  le  Mura, and  the  author  of  an  interesting  article  on Portraits  of  Christ  {Quarterly  lieo.  Oct.  1867) says  it  still  exists,  having  been  rescued  from  the flames  in  1823.  There  were,  or  still  exist, similar  figures,  in  the  Vatican  Basilica  of St.  Peter  {De  Sacr.  Aedif.  xiii.  xiv.)  in  St. Constantia,  (ib.  xxxii.)  St.  Andrew  in  Bar- bara (F.  M.  I.  Ixxvi.)  St.  Agatha  Major  in Ravenna  (I.  xlvi.)  and  St.  Michael  of  Ravenna (II.  xvii.)  kc.  The  greater  part  of  these  mosaics will  be  found  photographed  in  the  unique  collec- tion of  Mr.  J.  H.  Parker,  which,  in  spite  of  all the  deficiencies  of  the  photographs,  gives  an  idea of  the  tessellated  work  which  does  not  exist elsewhere.  To  historians,  or  students  of  Chris- tian art,  their  importance  is,  that  by  the  presence of  the  sheep  of  Christ's  church,  they  connect His  Glorified  Form  with  the  more  ancient  cata- tomb  representations  of  the  Good  Shepherd. lu  St.  Andrea  in  Barbara,  the  Lord  stands  on the  Rock  of  the  Four  Rivers,  and  He  is  thus rejiresentod  very  frequently  on  the  sarcophagi. See  Aringlii,  vol.  I.  p.  280  (Probus  and  Proba) and  pp.  293,  297.  On  that  of  Junius  Bassus (Aringhi  I.  277)  and  elsewhei'e.  He  is  sitting  above a  half-veiled  figure  representing  the  firmament or  clouds  of  heaven  [Firmamknt]. The  figure  described  above  from  SS.  Cosmas and  Damianus  possesses  awe  and  grandeur, and  can  disjjense  with  regularity  or  sweet- ness of  feature.  But  the  very  earliest  ideal portraits  certainly  possessed  this;  and  it  is  one instance  of  the  cheerfulness  of  spirit  which  Mr. Lecky  notices  in  the  Primitive  Church,  that  the remnants  of  Graeco-Roman  skill  were  devoted  to such  works  as  Bosio's  picture  (above)  must  have been;  or  the  other  mentioned  by  Boldetti  {Osser- vazioni  sopra  i  Cirniteri  pp.  21  and  64)  as  "  maes- tosa  figura  del  Salvatore,  come  quella  dipinta  nel cimitero  di  Ponziano."  The  question  stands on  and  indicates  one  of  those  great  human divergences  of  character  and  thought,  which determine  the  lives  and  conduct  of  whole generations:  and  it  will  be  remembered  how the  Mediaeval  German  or  hard-featured  ideal was  set  forth  again.'-.t  the  Lionardesque ;  not altogether  without  the  countenance  of  Diirer and  Holbein.  On  this  subject,  the  last  chapter but  one  of  vol.  iv.  of  Ruskin's  Modern  Painters, is  worthy  of  grave  attention.  There  is  no doubt,  further,  that  Protestant  asceticism  often resembles  that  of  earlier  days,  in  a  certain suspicion  of  beauty  as  carnal  and  idolatrous. The  Gnostic  images  of  our  Lord  (see  St.  Ire- naeus  supra)  are  also  worthy  of  attention.  One was  set  up  by  Marcellina  (Aug.  de  Hasres.  vii.), a  follower  of  Carpocrates,  and  adored  along  with others  of  St.  Paul,  Homer,  and  Pythagoras;  and the  eclectic  Lararium  of  Alexander  Severus,  con- taining the  statues  of  Christ,  of  Abraham,  Or- pheus, and  Apollonius  of  Tyana,  is  mentioned  by Lampridius  (/«  Alex.  Sever  urn  xxix.).  Raoul Rochette  (Discours  sur  les  types  imit.  p.  21),  is Portrait  on  Ivory.     (Martigny.) referred  to  by  Martigny  for  a"pierre  basilidi- enne,"  which  he  thinks  may  give  an  idea  of  the type  of  portraiture  which  was  in  vogue  among that  class  of  sectaries.  It  is  altogether  diflferent, in  any  case,  from  that  of  the  Callixtine  and  other catacombs;  and  for  further  contrast  with  it,  he gives  a  woodcut  (reproduced  above)  of  that which  he  considers,  on  De  Rossi's  authoritv, indisputably  the  most  ancient  of  all  repre-senia- tions  of  our  Lord.     It  is  taken  from  a  portrait JESUS  CHRIST,  REPRE8KNTATI0NS  OF 877 the    Clii-isti;i Muse  I on    ivory, Vatican. The  classic  tj-pe  which  insists  on  personal beauty,  is  by  far  the  most  common  on  the sarcophagi,  and  all  early  monuments.  Christian artists  in  foct  seem,  as  was  natural,  to  have invested  their  ideal  with  comeliness  as  long  as they  had  skill  to  do  so.  The  dress  (of  course excepting  the  Good-Shepherd  representations),  is invariably  the  tunic  and  pallium,  sometimes ornamented  with  the  stripes  or  clavi  (Ciampini Vet.  Mon.  ii.  p.  60,  i.  184,  xlvi.).  The  idea  of white  raiment  generally  seems  to  be  intended, though  gold,  dark  imperial  blue,  and  other colours  are  used  in  the  mosaics.  The  white  and glistening  raiment  of  the  Transfiguration  will account  for  this  (Ciampini  Yet.  Mon.  ii.  tab.  xvi. i.  tab.  Ixxvii.).  Our  Lord  is  generally  shod  with sandals,  if  at  all.  The  cothurnus  is  given apparently  in  Aringhi,  vol.  i.  lib.  ii.  c.  x.  pp.  332, 333,  and  something  resembling  it  is  worn  by  the Good  Shepherd  (Aringhi,  vol.  ii.  pp.  63,  67,  75, 79,  &c.) Portraits  of  our  Lord  are  generally  youthful, as  symbolizing  His  eternal  nature,  even  (Aringhi, vol.  ii.  p.  213)  when  He  instructs  the  apostles (Bottari,  cxL).  In  the  dispute  with  the  doctors His  youth  is  of  course  insisted  on,  but  He  is  not made  small  of  stature,  whereas  in  pictures  of the  miracles,  as  has  been  frequently  remarked, His  figure  greatly  exceeds  His  human  companions in  height.  This  is  the  case  also  (Aringhi,  i.  pp.  307, 313  andjoassjOT),  where  any  dead  persons  are  car- ved on  their  tomb  as  presented  before  him,  as  in many  '  bisomatous  '  sarcophagi  of  husband  and wife.  A  beautiful  illustration  of  this  tradi- tion of  early  Christian  work  in  later  times  will  be found  in  Ruskin's  Stones  of  Venice,  vol.  iii.  p.  78, where  this  distinction  is  used  by  the  artist,  with the  detail  of  the  human  figures  partly  hiding themselves  in  the  folds  of  the  robes  of  attendant angels,  who  are  inferior  in  size  to  the  divine figure,  though  of  superhuman  stature.  The  Lord sometimes  stands  or  sits  on  a  sphere  (Ciampini, Vet.  Mon.  i.  270,  tab.  vii.),  probably  to  give  the idea  of  all  things  being  put  under  his  feet.  He is  accompanied  by  attesting  angels,  or  His  form is  represented,  full  length  or  half-size,  on  a medallion  supported  by  angels,  as  in  the  diptych of  Rambona,  and  very  frequently  in  the mosaics  of  Rome  and  Ravenna.  These  medallions are  sometimes  called  imagines  clipeatae,  the use  of  them  being  probably  derived  from  portrait- images  on  shields  of  ancient  times.  The  cross sometimes  represents  our  Lord  thus  borne.  This seems  to  point  to  the  Ascension,  and  to  his  glory as  Lord  of  Hosts  or  of  Sabaoth.  It  is  not  our work  to  follow  the  idea  into  its  various  develope- ments  in  the  angelic  choirs  of  the  middle  ages, for  which  we  may  refer  to  Lord  Lindsay,  and to  Mrs.  Jameson's  Sacred  and  Legendary  Art. But  a  curious  example  of  transition  from  the circular  or  oval  medallion  into  the  Gothic  quatre- foil,  containing  the  figure  of  our  Lord,  and  sup- jiorted  by  angels,  still  remains  in  the  College- Hall  or  Refectory  at  Worcester,  and  is  certainly derived  from  classic  or  Byzantine  antiquity. Our  Lord  frequently  bears  a  rod  or  wand, especially  in  representations  oi  the  miracles, apjiarent'ly  as  an  emblem  of  his  power  over nature,  or  as  the  leader  of  His  people  in  the wilderness,  with  a  reference  to  Moses.     The   roll or  volume  very  often  appears  in  His  hand,  as committed  to  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  or  other apostles,  or  when  he  instructs  the  disciples. The  full-grown  rather  than  the  youthful  type appears  in  such  examples,  as  in  Bottari,  clxxvi. See  woodcut  reproduced  below. Frequent  representations  of  the  Second  Person of  the  Trinity  as  present  at  some  transaction narrated  in  the  Old  Testament,  or  as  the  anti- type of  some  typical  event  or  person.  Martii;ny mentions  a  glass  vessel  in  Garrucci  {Vetri, xiii.  13),  in  which  He  is  with  Daniel,  who  is giving  the  cakes  to  the  dragon.  A  more  certain and  satisfactory  example  is  in  His  appearance with  the  three  holy  children  in  the  furnace, Bottari,  xxii.  xli.  See  also  Gori  {ITies.  dtptijch. t.  iii.  tab.  8)  where  He  stretches  the  cross  out over  the  flames.  The  representation  of  the holy  Three  appearing  to  Abraham  (Gen.  xviii.  2), in  S.  Vitale  at  Ravenna  is  well-known,  and Ciampini's  plate  is  now  supjilemented  or  super- The  Lord,  with  book.    (Martignj  i seded  by   the    photographs  of  Mr.   Parker  and others.  "  [Trinity]. We  may  conclude  with  the  mnemonic  lines  of St.  Damascus  (Carm.  vi.  Patrolo  u  Migne,  t.  xiii.  col. 378),  of  the  symbolic  or  other  names  and  titles applied  to  our  Lord  up  to  his  days. "Spes,  Via,  Vita,  Salus,  Uatio,  Sapicntiji,  Lumen, Judex,  Porta,  Gigas,  Rex.  Gemma,  Propheta,  Sacerdos, Messias,  Zebaof,  Rabbi,  Sponsus,  Mediator, Virga,  Columna,  Manus,  Fetra,  Filius  Emmanuelque, Vinea,  Pastor,  Ovis,  Pax,  Radix,  Vitis,  Oliva, Fons,  Paries,  Agnus,  Vitulus,  I.eo,  Propitiator, Verbum,  Homo,  Rote,  Lapis,  Domus,  omnia  Cbrislns lesus. [K.  St.  J.  T.] II.  Besides  the  representations  of  the  Lord which  strictly  belong  to  art,  tiiere  are  others which  have  an  archaeological  rather  than  an artistic  interest.  We  have  ancient  acconnts (1)  of  portraits  of  the  Lord  produced  in  the  or- dinary manner  ;  and  (2)  of  portraits  of  tlie  Lonl produced  miraculously.  Some  of  both  kinds  are even  believed  still  to  exist. (1)  Ordimiry  Jteprcsentatiuiis.  —  Kusebitis (H!st.  Ercl.  vii'.  18)  tells  us  that  at  Caesareix I'hilippi  ri':incas]  there  existed  a  i;r<'Up  in  bronze JESUS  CHRIST,  REPEESENJ ATIONS  OF representing  a  woman  kneeling  before  a  dignified man,  who  stretched  out  his  hand  benignantly towards  her.  This  group  Eusebius  says  that  he had  himself  seen.  He  adds,  that  it  was  long unkuowD  whom  this  statue  represented  ;  but  as it  was  observed  that  a  plant  of  healing  virtues grew  at  its  toot,  care  was  taken  at  last  to cleanse  it,  so  as  to  make  the  inscription  legible  ; then  it  was  discovered  that  the  woman  cured of  the  issue  of  blood,  who  lived  at  Paneas, had  erected  the  statue  in  honour  of  the  Saviour. On  this  discovery  it  was  at  once  removed  into the  Diaconicum  or  Sacristy  of  the  church.  That sucli  a  statue  existed  seems  past  all  doubt ;  as  to its  original  intention,  the  opinion  of  most  modern ^archaeologists  is,  that  it  had  been  erected  in honour  of  Hadrian,  or  some  other  who  had  bene- ifitted  the  province,  which  was  represented  as  a kneeling  woman  at  the  feet  of  her  benefactor. Similar  representations  are  frequently  found  on •coins,  especially  of  the  time  of  Hadrian.  Sup- posing some  such  expression  as  "  a-coTrjpL,"  or "  traiTTJpj  rod  KSafiov  " — titles  at  that  time  very frequently  given  to  emperors — to  have  been found  on  the  inscription,  while  the  name  had become  illegible,  the  statue  would  naturally  be referred  by  the  Christians  of  the  fourth  century to  the  true  "  Saviour  of  the  World "  (Hefele, Bcdrdge,  ii.  257).  The  emperor  Julian,  angry at  the  respect  paid  to  this  statue,  caused  it  to  be thrown  down  and  his  own  substituted.  This  is related  by  Sozomen  (//.  E.  v.  21),  who  adds, that  the  statue  of  Julian  was  soon  afterwards struck  by  lightning  and  partly  destroyed,  while some  fragments  of  the  statue  of  Christ,  which the  heathens  had  dragged  about  the  street,  were collected  by  the  Christians  and  restored  to  the church.  Philostorgius  {Hist.  Eccl.  vii.  3)  gives nearly  the  same  account,  except  that  he  says nothing  of  any  edict  of  Julian,  but  attributes  the whole  transaction  to  the  pagan  inhabitants  of Paneas,  and  that  he  gives  the  more  exact  detail, that  the  head  of  the  statue  was  preserved.  This however  was  again  lost  at  a  later  period.  Aste- rius  of  Amasea  {Cone.  Nic.  II.,  Labbe,  vii.  210) gives  again  a  ditferent  account,  attributing  the destruction  of  the  statue  to  Maximin,  who  (he says)  was  nevertheless  unable  to  destroy  the fame  of  the  miracle  related  in  the  Gospel. Eusebius  also  says  {H.  E.  vii.  18)  that  he  had discovered  that,  besides  this  statue,  there  existed coloured  pictures  of  Christ  (tlKOvas  hia.  XP'^- fj-droov  4v  yparpaTs^,  as  well  as  of  the  apostles Paul  and  Peter. In  the  time  of  the  Iconoclastic  controversy, pope  Gregory  II.  asserted  in  his  letter  to  the emperor  Leo  III.,  about  a.d.  727,  that  portraits of  Christ,  of  St.  James  the  Lord's  brother,  of St.  Stephen,  and  of  other  martyrs,  had  been made  in  their  life-time  (Labbe,  vii.  12).  And  it was  probably  about  this  time  that  the  legend arose  that  St.  Luke  had  painted  portraits  of Christ,  of  His  Mother,  and  of  SS.  Peter  and Paul.  This  story  is  found  in  Simeon  Meta- phrastes,  in  the  Menologium  of  the  emperor Basil,  and  in  the  history  of  Nicephorus  Callisti (ii.  43).  At  a  yet  earlier  date  (about  a.d.  518) Theodorus  Lector  (fragment  in  Valesiu.s,  p.  551, ed.  Meutz)  spoke  of  a  portrait  of  St.  Mary painted  by  St.  Luke,  which  was  sent  by  Eudoci'a to  Pulcheria,  but  said  nothing  of  any  picture of  Christ.     Such  portraits  of  the  Virgin  are  said n  existence ;  one  is  shown,  for :;hurch   of  S.  Maria   Maggiore even  still  to  be instance,  in  the at  Rome. Kicodemus  is  sometimes  described  as  a  wood- carver,  and  an  image  of  Christ  of  cedar-wood from  his  hand  is  said  by  Aringhi  (Roma  Subterr. lib.  iv.  c.  47)  to  have  existed  at  Lucca.  Some have  ventured  to  identify  this  with  a  wonder- working image  at  Berytus,  mentioned  in  the ])seudo-Athanasian  document  read  before  the second  council  of  Nicaea,  a.d.  786  (Labbe  vii 217).  Leo  Diaconus,  in  thf  tenth  century,  sav3 that  his  contempoj-ary,  the  Byzantine  emperoi Nicephorus,  placed  this  statue  in  the  church  of the  Saviour  at  Constantinople  ;  but  neither  he nor  the  pseudo-Athanasius  says  anything  of  its having  been  the  work  of  Nicodemus.  The  legend attached  to  the  image  of  Lucca  is  of  course destitute  of  every  shadow  of  probability. Among  the  likenesses  of  the  Lord  reported once  to  have  existed,  we  must  reckon  one  said  to have  been  the  work  of  the  Virgin  herself, described  in  Adamnan's  account  of  Arculf's visit  to  the  holy  places  in  the  seventh  century {De  Locis  Sanctis,  i.  10;  in  Mabillon's  Acta  Sb'. Ben.  saec.  iii.  pt.  2,  p.  460).  Among  the  won- ders of  Jerusalem  he  mentions  a  napkin,  partly red  and  partly  green,  said  to  have  been  woven by  the  Virgin  Mary  herself,  containing  pictures of  the  twelve  apostles  and  of  the  Lord  Himself. (2)  Imajes  not  made  vith  hands. — Another class  of  portraits  of  Christ  are  the  (lK6vis ax^ipoiroi-qroi,  images  of  miraculous  origin,  of which  the  most  famous  are  (a)  the  Abgarus portrait,  (6)  the  Veronica. (a)  The  story  of  a  correspondence  between  the Lord  and  Abgarus  of  Edessa  is  found  as  early  as the  time  of  Eusebius  (//.  E.  i.  13).  Evagrius, in  the  sixth  century*  (//.  E.  iv.  27)  speaks  also of  a  divinely-fashioned  likeness  {^iKiov  deoT^v- KTOs)  which  Christ  sent  to  Abgarus  on  his  de- siring to  see  him,  and  which  saved  Edessa  when it  was  besieged  by  Chosroes  in  the  year  540. This  story  is  alluded  to  by  Gregory  II.  in his  letter  to  Leo  before  referred  to,  when  the famous  picture  had  already  become  an  object  of pilgrimage.  "  Send  " — he  adjures  the  iconoclastic emperor — "  to  that  image  not  made  with  hands, and  see;  to  it  flock  all  the  peoples  of  the  East, and  pray ;  and  many  such  there  are  made  with hands."  His  contemporary,  John  of  Damascus (De  Fide  Orthod.  iv.  16)  gives  more  detail.  A story  was  current,  he  says,  that  Abgarus,  king of  Edessa,  sent  a  painter  to  take  a  portrait  of the  Lord;  and  that  when  he  was  unable  to  per- form his  task  in  consequence  of  the  brightness  of His  countenance,  the  Lord  himself  put  his  outer garment  (ifj.aTiov)  to  His  own  face  and  impressed upon  it  a  perfect  likeness  {a.-KeiK6viafia)  of  His countenance,  which  He  sent  to  Abgarus.  Leo Diaconus.  {Hist.  iv.  10,  in  Niebuhr's  Scriptt. ISyzant.  xi.  70)  adds  to  this  a  wonderful  story  of a  tile  having  received  the  impression  from  this robe.  The  tile  is  also  alluded  to  by  Zonaras {Anna!,  xvi.  25).  The  image  on  the  cloth  was brought  to  Constantinople  in  the  reign  of  Con- stantine  Porphyrogennetes,  a.d.  944;  its  transla- tion is  celebrated  by  the  Byzantine  church  on August    16,  which   is  a  great  festival.     What »  Hefele  states  that  this  is  mentioned  at  a  somewhat earlier  date  by  Moses  of  Chorene. JESUS  CHRIST,  REPRESENTATIONS  OF became  of  the  picture  when  that  city  was  takeu by  the  Turks  is  not  recorded,  but  jiictures  claim- ing to  be  this  miraculous  portrait  are  found  in Italy.  The  Genoese  lay  claim  to  the  possession of  it,  and  say  that  it  was  brought  to  their  city by  Leonardo  de  Montalto,  who  presented  it  to the  Armenian  church  of  St.  Bartholomew,  where it  is  still  exhibited  once  a  year.  St.  Sylvester's at  Rome  also  claims  to  possess  the  original Abgarus-picture.  This  is  (according  to  Hefele) of  the  Byzantine  type,  and  represents  the  coun- tenance of  the  Lord  in  the  bloom  of  youthful power  and  beauty,  with  high  and  open  forehead, clear  eyes,  long  and  straight  nose,  parted  hair, and  H  thick,  auburn,  bifurcated  beard.  Dr. Ghiakselig  contends  that  the  Edessa  portrait furnished  the  type  for  the  pictures  of  Christ  in mosaics  from  the  fourth  century  onward ;  before that  time  (he  believes)  no  attempt  at  portraiture of  tlie  Lord  was  made,  the  early  represeatations in  the  catacombs  being  mere  symbols  or  adapta- tions of  pagan  types. (b)  The  opposite  of  the  calm  and  beautiful filce  represented  in  the  Abgarus-portrait  is  the "  Veronica "  picture  of  the  suffering  Saviour crowned  with  thorns.  The  legend  attached  to this  picture  is,  that  as  the  Lord  was  bending under  the  cross  on  his  way  to  Golgotha,  a  pious woman,  Veronica,  offered  Him  her  veil,  or  a Dapkin,  to  dry  the  sweat  on  His  face ;  an  image of  the  face  remained  miraculously  impressed  on the  cloth.  In  the  Martyrolugy  of  Usuard,  for instance,  (ed.  Greven.)  we  have  under  March  25, "  V^eronicae  sanctae  matronae  cui  Dominus imaginem  faciei  suae  sudario  impressam  reliquit." Gervase  of  Tilbury  (^Otia  Impcrudkt,  c.  25,  in Leibnitz's  Scriptt.  Bruns.  i.  968),  who  wrote  in the  thirteenth  century,  speaking  of  the  "  figura Domini  quae  Veronica  dicitur,"  informs  us  that some  say  that  it  was  brought  to  Rome  by  an unknown  person,  Veronica  ;  but  the  account given  by  the  most  ancient  writers  is  (he  pro- ceeds) that  the  woman  who  brought  it  was Martha,  the  sister  of  Lazarus.  From  the  tradition of  the  elders  we  learn  that  she  had  a  likeness  of the  Lord's  countenance  painted  on  panel,  which Volusianus,  a  friend  of  Tiberius  Caesar,  who  was sent  by  the  emperor  to  Jerusalem  to  report  on the  deeds  and  miracles  of  Christ,  caused  to  be taken  away  from  her,  that  by  means  of  it  Tibe- rius might  be  healed  of  his  disease.  Martha, however,  it  is  said,  followed  the  "  countenance  of her  guest,"  came  to  Rome,  and  at  the  very  first sight  healed  Tiberius.  Whence  it  came  to  pass (continues  the  veracious  chronicler)  that  Chris- tianity was  known  in  Rome  before  the  arrival  of the  apostles,  and  that  Tiberius,  instead  of  the mildest  of  sheep,  became  the  fiercest  of  wolves, raging  against  the  Senate  because  they  refused  to recognise  Christ  according  to  his  wish  — certainly a  remarkable  way  of  accounting  for  the  aberra- tions of  Tiberius's  later  years. The  Veronica-portrait  is  said  to  have  been brought  to  Rome  as  early  as  the  year  700 ;  in the  year  1011  an  altar  was  dedicated  in  its honour,  and  even  to  this  day  it  is  one  of  the relics  exhibited  in  St.  Peter's,  though  only  on extraordinary  occasions.  It  was  exhibited  on  the 8th  December,  1854,  when  Rome  was  crowded with  bishops  assembled  to  be  jjresent  at  the  pro- mulgation of  the  dogma  of  the  Immaculate  Con- V'eption.     On   that   occasion   it    was  seen   by   JL 879 .  Barbier  de  Montault,  who  describes  it  as  fol- lows {Quarterly  liec.  No.  240,  p.  491)  :— I       "The    Holy   Face    is  enclosed    in  a  frame   of j  silver,  partially  gilt,  and  square,  of  a  severe character,  and  little  adorned.  The  simplicity  of the  bordering  gives  prominence  to  the  interior  of j  the  picture,  which  is  protected  by  a  thin  plate of  crystal.  Unfortunately,  by  one  of  tiiose  cus- toms so  common  in  Italy,  a  slieet  of  metal  covers the   field,  and  only  leaves  apparent  the  figure j  indicating  its  outline.  By  this  outline  one  is  led to    conjecture    flowing    hair    reaching    to    the I  shoulders,  and  a  short  beard,  bifurcated  and small.  The  other  features  are  so  vaguely  indi- cated, or  so  completely  etiaced,  that  it  requires the  liveliest  imagination  in  the  world  to  perceive traces  of  eyes  or  nose.  In  short,  one  does  not see  the  material  of  the  substance  because  of  the useless  intervention  of  a  metal  plate,  and  the place  of  the  impression  exhibits  only  a  blackish surface,  not  giving  any  evidence  "  of  human features." For  many  years  the  explanation  of  the  name Veronica  given  by  Mabillon  and  Papebroch  was generally  adopted ;  that  "  Veronica "  is  simply an  anagram  of  "  vera  icon,"  a  true  image.  Me- diaeval writers  do  in  fact  use  the  word  Veronica rather  to  designate  the  picture  itself  than  as  the name  of  a  woman.  Thus  Gervase  of  Tilburv,  as we  have  seen,  speaks  of  "  figura  Domini  quae veronica  dicitur;"  and  he  afterwards  uses  the expression,  "  Est  ergo  veronica  pictura  Domini vera."  But  more  recently  W.  Grimm  has maintained  a  different  view.  He  notices  the fact,  that  the  woman  with  the  issue  of  blood  who was  healed,  is  said  in  the  gospel  of  Nicodemus (c.  7),  probably  of  the  fifth  century,  and  by  . John  Malalas,  a  Byzantine  historian  of  the  sixth {Hist.  Chron.,  p.  305,  ed.  Oxon.  1691),  to  have been  named  Beronice  (Bepoi'iKr)) ;  and  supposes that  the  legend  of  the  veil  or  napkin  in  question arose  from  some  confusion  of  the  Paneas  statue with  the  Abgarus-portrait ;  the  Veronica-legend is,  he  believes,  no  more  than  a  Latin  rival-story or  metamorphosis  of  the  Greek  Abgarus-iegend, with  the  Veronica  introduced  from  another source.  M.  Maury  (Croyances  ct  Lcijendrs) connects  the  name  BepoviKTi  with  the  Gnostic feminine  symbol  r]  ZIpoufiKos,  but  this  conjecture seems  rather  ingenious  than  sound. (3)  In  the  eighth  century  the  iconoclastic party,  seeing  the  great  variety  of  pictures  of Christ,  very  naturally  asked  which  tiiey  were  to consider  the  true  portrait ;  were  they  to  adopt the  Roman  type,  or  the  Indian,  or  the  Greek,  or the  Egyptian?  To  this  Photius  (Epist.  64)  replies, that  the  difference  between  these  representations is  much  the  same  as  the  difference  between  the gospels  circulating  in  the  several  countries, which  are  written  in  one  character  by  the Romans,  in  another  by  the  Indians,  in  another by  the  Hebrews,  in  another  by  the  Ethiopians, and  which  differ,  not  only  in  the  forms  of  letters, but  in  the  pronunciation  and  significance  of  the words.  It'  Phcitius's  illustration  is  to  be  taken exactly,  it  seems  to  im))ly  that  all  the  pictures of  which  he  knew  anything  represented  the  .same face,  and  were  only  made  to  differ  by  the  pecu- liarities, whether  individual  or  national,  of  the painter;  and  it  is  probable  enough  that  the Byzantine  type  was  so  far  determined  in  his fiuie,     that  'ail    the    ])ictures    which    he    had 880       JEWS,  AS  REPRESENTED seen  might  have  passed  for  copies,  of  various decjrees  of  merit,  of  one  original. (4)  The  descriptions  of  the  Lord  given  by  John of  Damascus  in  the  eighth  century,  and  by  the supposed  Publius  Lentulus  at  a  later  period,  no doubt  had  considerable  influence  on  the  repre- sentations of  Christ.  The  former  (Epist.  ad Theoph.  c.  3),  referring  to  the  testimony  of  still earlier  writers,  describes  the  Lord  as  having been  somewhat  bent  even  in  youth,  with  meeting eyebrows,  beautiful  eyes,  large  nose,  curling hair,  dark  beard  and  tint  the  colour  of  wheat, like  His  mother.  The  latter  is  supposed  to be  written  to  the  Senate  of  Rome  by  one  Publius Lentulus,  a  friend  of  Pontius  Pilate.  The  age  of this  document  is  unknown  (see  Gabler,  dc avdevriq.  Epistolae  Fab.  Lentuli  ad  Seiiatu'ii ; Jena,  1819),  but  it  does  not  seem  to  be  quoted  in its  present  form  by  any  earlier  wi-iter  than Anselm  of  Canterbury  (f  1109).  Another  de- scription of  the  Lord's  person  is  given  by  Nice- phorus  Callisti  {H.  E.  i.  40),  but  this,  as  it  is  of the  fourteenth  century  and  does  not  claim  to rest  on  earlier  authorities,  may  be  passed  over. Literature. — Besides  those  portions  of  works on  Christian  Art  which  relate  to  representations of  the  Lord,  as  Molanus,  De  sucris  I'icturis  et Iinaginibus  ;  Alt,  HeiiigcnUkkr ;  Mvinter,  Sinn- bilder  wid  KuHtsvorstellunijen ;  Piper,  Mytho- logie  und  Symbolik  der  Christl.  Kunst ;  v.  Wessen- berg,  Die  Chrittlichen  Bilder ;  J.  G.  Miiller, BUdliche  Darstellnngen  in  Saiictu  iriuin  der  Go: Kirchen  vom  v.-xiv.  Jahrhdt ;  Lord  Lindsay, Sketches  of  Christian  Art ;  St.  John  Tyrwhitt, Art  Teaching  of  the  Primitive  Ch'irch  ;  we  may mention  the  following  special  works: — 1.  Un  Representations  of  the  Lord  in  general. P.  E^  Jablonsky,  Dissertatio  de  Origine  Imaginum Christi  in  Ecclesid,  in  Opera,  iii.  377  ft',  ed.  te Water ;  J.  Reiske,  Exercitatt.  Hid.  de  Linaginibus Jesii  Christi;  L.  Gluckselig,  Christusarchdologie ; Peignot,  R€cherchcs  sur  la  Personne  de  J^sus- Christ ;  Pascal,  Recherches  e'dijiantes  ct  curicuses sur  la  Personne  de  N.  S.  Je'sus  Christ ;  Mrs.  Jameson and  Lady  Eastlake,  The  JListorg  of  our  Lord  as exemplified  in  Works  of  Art:  T.  Heaphy,  Ext- mination  into  the  Antiquitg  of  the  Likenesses  of our  Blessed  Lord,  in  Art  Journal,  New  Ser.,  vol. vii.  (186 1) ;  Hefele,  Christusbilder,  in  Beitriige  znr Kirchengesch.  Archdol.  u.  s.  w.  (Tubingen,  1864); Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  Ghre't.  s.  v.  '  Jesus Christ ;'  [Barinff-Gould],  Portraits  of  Christ,  in Quarterly  Review,  No.  246  (Oct.  1867),  p.  490  ft". 2.  On  the  Lmages  not  made  with  h  mds.  Gretser, Syntagma  de  Lmagg.  non  manu  factis,  etc.,  in Opera,  vol.  xv.,  Ratisbon,  1734  If.;  Beausobre, Des  Linages  de  Main  Divin£,  in  Biblioth.  Ger- manique,  xviii.  10;  W.  Grimm,  Die  Sage  vom Ursprung  der  Christusbilder. 3.  On  the  Paueas-Statue.  Th.  Hsisaei  Dissertt. TL  de  Monumento  Paneadensi,  Bremen,  1726  ; also  in  his  Sylloge  Dissertt.,  pt.  2,  p.  314.     [C] JEWS  AS  REPRESENTED  ON  CHRIS- TIAN MONUMENTS.  The  Jews  of  our Lord's  time  appear  in  various  sculptures  of His  life  and  works  (Bottari,  tav.  Ixxxv.  et passim ;  Millin,  Ilidi  de  la  France,  jil.  Ixiv. et  passim).  They  are  generally  distinguished, especially  iu  all  subjects  connected  with  the Wilderness,  by  wearing  a  flat  cap  or  beretta, as  in  the  above  jdates  from  sarcophagi.    The  Old JEWS,  TREATMENT  OF Testament  mosaics  of  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore  are without  the  limits  of  our  work,  and  Roman  dress and  armour  prevail  in  them.  The  supj)osed  arrest of  St.  Peter  contains  some  of  these  figures,  but though  Aringhi,  Bottari,  and  Buonarroti  are against  him,  Martigny  is  still  inclined  to  think the  group  in  question  intended  to  represent  Moses attacked  by  the  rebellious  people  in  the  Wilder- ness, when  (Exodus  xxiv.  &c.)  they  were  ready to  stone  him.  This  subject  constantly  accom- panies that  of  the  Rock  in  Horeb,  where  their complaints  \vere  silenced  by  miracle.  Moses  or St.  Peter  (whichever  figure  may  be  intended), always  has  his  head  uncovered  in  it,  and  the other  Hebrews  wear  the  flat  head  covering,  short tunics,  cloaks  or  saga  fastened  with  fibulae,  and sandals  (Exod.  xii.  11).  The  cap  may  have  been a  common  or  distinctive  part  of  Jewish  dress. [R.  St.  J.  T.] JEWS,  TREATMENT  OF.  Tlie  fortunes of  the  Jews  after  the  rise  of  Christianity  are matters  of  general  history.  An  account  of  their relation  towards  the  expanding  power  of  the church  will  be  found  in  Mihnan's  Llist.  of  Jews (iii.  167-203).  This  article  only  gives  a  brief summary  of  the  ecclesiastical  enactments  against connivance  with  Jewish  practices,  or  against the  Jews  themselves.  To  desert  Christianity for  Judaism  was  Apostasy  ;  to  confound  toge- ther the  rites  or  doctrmes  of  the  two  religions was  Heresy  ;  see  Cod.  Theod.  XVI.  v.  43,  44 ; ibid.  XVI.  viii.  de  Judaeis  Coeli-olis  et  Samxiri- tanis.  But  in  addition  to  these  graver  of- fences, Christians  were  ordered  to  hold  them- selves separate  from  various  Jewish  customs. Thus  resting  on  the  Sabbath  (Saturday)  was denounced  {Cone.  Laod.  c.  29)  on  the  ground  of its  being  a  relic  of  Judaism  ;  it  was  also  forbid- den (J.bid.  CO.  37,  38)  to  receive  festival  presents, or  unleavened  bread,  from  the  Jews,  or  to  share in  their  feasts.  A  similar  injunction  against participating  in  Jewish  festivals  or  fasts  appears in  the  Apostolic  Canons  {cc.  69,  70)  under  pain  ot excommunication,  and  also  in  the  Trullan council  (c.  11).  The  council  of  Eliberis,  A.D. 305,  initiating  the  violent  hostility  against  the Jews  which  prevailed  in  Spain  up  to  and through  the  time  of  the  Inquisition,  forbade  (c. 49)  any  landlord  to  call  upon  a  Jew  to  bless  his crops ;  and  in  the  next  canon  prohibited  a Christian  from  eating  with  a  Jew.  This  prohi- bition against  sharing  food  with  a  Jew,  because  he regarded  certain  meats  as  unclean,  is  enacted  in many  subsequent  Gallic  councils  {Cone.  Venet. c.  12  ;  Cone.  Agath.  c.  40;  Cone.  Epaon.  c.  15, 3  Cone.  Aurel.  c.  13  ;  1  Cone.  Matiscon.  c.  15). Intermarriage  with  Jews  was  guarded  against  as strictly  as  with  heathen  (1  Coric.  Arvern.  c.  6  ; 3  Cone.  Aurel.  c.  13;  3  Gone.  Tolet.  c.  14 ;  4 Gone.  Tolet.  c.  63).  The  dangers  which  were supposed  to  lurk  in  association  with  the  Jews are  exemplified  at  length  in  Chrysostom's  6 Homilies  in  Judaeos,  also  in  Horn.  23  ad  eus  qni prinio  Pasch.  jejunant,  and  Hom.  24  ad  eos  qui Judaeorum  jejunium  jejunant  (torn.  6  Ed.  Savil.). One  of  the  matters  regarded  with  special  jealousy by  the  church  was  the  right  of  the  Jews  to  hold Christian  slaves.  By  a  law  of  Constantine (Euseb.  Vit.  Const,  iv.  27),  the  right  had  been considerably  restricted ;  but  the  law  appears  to have    fallen    into    disuse.     The    ord    council   of JOACHIM Orleaus  a.d.  538  (c.  13)  recognises  Christian servitude,  but  decrees  that  if  a  Christian  slave tulles  sanctuary  because  his  Jewish  master in'^^erferes  with  his  religion,  the  slave  is  not  to  be surrendered,  but  redeemed  at  a  fair  valuation. This  decree  was  repeated  and  enlarged  by  subse- quent councils  (4  Cone.  Aiirel.  c.  30',  31  ;  1  Cone Mdiscon.  c.  15).  In  Spain  the  4th  council  of Toledo,  A.D.  633  (c.  66)  sanctioned  the  royal decree  which  declared  it  altogether  unlawful  for a  :i*ivr  to  hold  a  Christian  in  bondage,  but  the desire  of  gain  was  too  strong  for  both  church and  state,  for  a  little  later  the  10th  council, A.D.  656,  complains  that  even  the  clergy  sold Christian  captives  to  the  Jews.  The  tre'atment of  the  Jews  in  Spain  occupies  no  inconsiderable portion  of  the  numerous  canons  of  the  synods held  in  Toledo  in  the  7th  century.  Under  the reign  of  Recared,  the  first  Gothic  king,  and again  under  Sisebut,  the  Jews  had  been  subjected to  fierce  persecution.  The  4th  council  of  Toledo, A.D.  633,  over  which  Isidore  of  Seville  presided, gave  them  some  relief,  but  this  leniency  was partial  and  shortlived.  In  the  57th  canon  of that  council  it  was  enacted  that  no  Jew  should be  converted  by  violence  ;  but  the  later  canons contain  more  stringent  regulations  ;  children  of .Jews,  who  have  been  baptised,  are  to  be  separated from  their  parents  and  placed  in  monasteries  or in  God-fearing  families  (c.  60) ;  the  testimony  of Jews  is  to  be  rejected  (c.  64),  because  those  who are  unfaithful  to  God  cannot  be  faithful  to  man; and  (c.  65),  they  are  to  be  excluded  from  all public  offices.  A  few  years  later  all  trace  of toleration  has  disappeared,  owing  perhaps  to  the absence  of  Isidore,  who  had  died  in  the  interval, and  the  civil  law  which  banished  Jews  from  the kingdom,  was  ratified  by  the  church  (6  Cone. Tolet.  c.  3;  8  C>nc.  Tolet.  c.  12).  The  12th council,  A.D.  681,  in  response  to  an  exhortation from  the  king  to  extirpate  the  pest  of  the  Jews, proscribed  (c.  9)  in  detail  each  distinctive  Jewish practice.  Shortly  afterwards  the  Saracenic invasion  swept  over  the  Peninsula,  and  the  Jews enjoyed  more  peace.  In  France  there  is  no notice  of  the  Jews  earlier  than  the  6th  century. The  3rd  council  of  Orleans,  A.D.  538,  contains  an ordinance  (c.  30),  forbidding  Jews  to  appear  in the  streets  or  hold  any  intercourse  with Christians  for  four  days,  from  Maundy  Thurs- day till  Easter  Monday "(1  Cone.  Matiscon.  c.  14). The  council  of  Narbonne,  A.D.  589  (c.  9)  forbade Jews  to  hold  religious  services  at  the  burial  of their  dead,  under  a  fine  of  six  ounces  of  gold, a  sum  which  indicates  their  wealth  at  that  date. By  the  5th  council  of  Paris,  A.D.  615  (c.  1.5)  no .lew  was  to  hold  any  public  office  which  made Christians  subordinate  to  him,  except  on  con- dition of  being  baptised  with  his  whole  family (C'ortc.  Eemens.  c.  11 ;  Cone.  Cabil.  c.  9).  Later, under  Charlemagne,  Jews  were  not  only  tolerated but  treated  with  consideration.  [G.  M.] JOACHIM,  "  Avus  Christi ;"  commemorated IMiaziah  7  =  April  2  (Cal.  Armen.);  with  Anna, Aug.  27  («(/.  Armen.],  and  Sept.  9  (^Cal.  Byzant). [W.  F.  G.] JOANMA,  wife  of  Chuza ;  commemorated May  24  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi)  .        [W.  F.  G.] JOANXICIUS,  the  Great,  Uios  ivarhp,  a.d. 758  ;  commemorated  Nov.  4  {Cat.  Bi/zntiL). ■  [W.  F.  G.] CHRIST.    AXT. JOHN  THE  BAPTIST,  ST.        881 JOB,  the  patriarch  ;  commemorated  May  6 (Cal.  BiizatU.);  Sept.  5  {C,t.  Armen.);  May  10 {Mart.  Rom.  Vet,  Adonis,  Usuardi).    [VV.  F.  li.]  ' JOCUNDIANUS.    martvr  in   Africa;  com-  I memorated  July  4  {Mart.  ' l:om.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.G.] JOEL,  the  prophet;  commemorated  Tekemt 21=  Oct.  lii{Cal.  Ethiop.);  Oct.  19  {Cal.  Bu. zant.);  Nov.  19  {Cal.  Copt.);  July  13  {Marl. Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.]  i JOHN  THE  BAPTIST,  ST.,  Festivals and  Lkgend  of.  I 1.  Hintori/  of  Festivals,  (o.)  Nativltii  of  Bap- tist.—The  Festival  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  stands in  remarkable  contrast  with  those  of  other saints  commemorated  by  the  church,  in  that with  these  it  is  their  death  which  is  celebrated, as  the  birth  into  the  better  life,  whereas  here  it IS  the  actual  birthday ;  a  circumstance  only  else- where commemorated  in  the  ca.se  of  our  Blessed  1 Lord  Himself,  that  of  the  Virgin  JIary  on  Sep-  ' tember  8  being  of  quite  later  date  ;  and  thus we  find  St.  Augustine  saying  {Serm.  287,  vol.  y. 1692,  ed.  Gaume)  "  solos  duos  natales  celebrat [ecclesia],  hujus  [i.e.  Johannis]  et  Christi." There  is  a  very  obvious  reason  to  be  found  for this  exceptional  state  of  things  from  the  close historical  connection  between  the  birth  of  the Forei  unner  and  that  of  the  Saviour.  This  reason is  plainly  dwelt  on  in  many  ancient  liturgies,  ' and  the  Preface  in  the  first  mass  for  the  festival in  the  Leonine  Sacramentary  may  specially  be noted. What  claims  June  24,  the  day  on  which  this nativity  is  celebrated,  has  to  be  considered  the actual  birthday  of  St.  John,  it  is  of  course  im- possible to  say  definitely.  We  know  from  Luke i.  26,  that  the  Baptist  was  six  mouths  older  than our  Lord,  and  therefore  the  difficulty  resolves itself  into  the  more  important  matter  as  to  the correctness  of  the  view  which  places  Christmas on  December  25,  a  question  which  will  be  found discussed  elsewhere''  [Christmas]. Attention  has  there  been  called  to  the  coinci- dence of  Christmas  Day  with  the  period  of  the winter  solstice,  and  the  possible  reasons  under- lying that  coincidence.  The  festival  of  the  Nati- vity of  St.  John  will  consequently  coincide  with the  period  of  the  summer  solstice,  which,  like  the  j winter  solstice,  was  a  time  specially  observed  in  ' many  of  the  older  heathen  religions.     From  this  ] source  many  superstitious    heathen  observances  1 in  connection  with    this  day    passed   into  early  j Christianity.  One  of  these,  the  so-called  Fire  o.'' St.  .lolia  the  Baptist,  will  be  found  touched  upon in  the  following  article  :  another  is  reprehended by  Augustine,   "  Natali  Johannis le  sol- lemnitate  superstitiosa  pagana  Christiani  ad  mare veniebant  et  ibi  se   baptizabant Adjuro per   ipsum,    qui   iiodie    natus  est,  neino  faciat"  | {Serm.  196  in  Nat.  Bom.  vol.  y.  1310).''  \ A  curious  mystical  idea  was  early  suggested by  the  times  on  which  the  two  birthdays  were "■  It  is  true  that  in  the  present  church  year,  )jof;iniiiiii; with  Advent,  the  f'cstivul  of  the  Nativity  of  tlio  Riptist seems  to  follow  by  six  months  th.it  of  our  Lord;  but  of  ] course,  when,  as  was  originally  tlie  c;ise,  the  year  beRiin with  Kastor,  the  natural  order  of  sequence  prevailed. ••  This  iiructiC'\  as  existing  among  the  Atumhieatis,  \i rfrfcrri'd  to  bulow.  j 3   I.  ' 882 JOHN  THE  BAPTIST,  ST.,  Festivals  and  Leg kept,  in  connection  with  the  Baptist's  own  words (John  iii.  30),  "  He  must  increase,  but  I  must decrease,"  so  that  from  our  Lord's  nativity  the days  began  to  lengthen,  and  from  St.  John's  to shorten.  This  idea  is  found  dwelt  upon  in Augustine  (Scrm.  287,  §  4,  vol.  v.  1692.  See  also a  sermon  formerly  attributed  to  Augustine  [Serm. 197  in  Append.  §  2,  ib.  2856],  but  now  referred to  Caesarius  of  Aries  :)  and  Maximus  Taurinensis {Serm.  4  in  Append.,  Putrol.  lix.  850)  ;  and  the presence  of  numerous  homilies  for  the  festival  of the  Baptist  among  the  writings  of  this  father show  at  how  early  a  date  it  was  commemorated. A  remark  of  his  may  further  be  added,  that  it was  kept  "  majorum  traditione  "  {Senn.  292,  §  1, vol.  V.  1717).  Consequently  with  all  allowances for  a  rhetorical  way  of  speaking,  this  will  carry back  the  festival  at  any  rate  as  far  as  the  middle of  the  fourth  century.  We  find  it  also  mentioned in  the  ancient  Kalendarium  Carthaginense,  where the  notice  is  "viii.  Kalend.  Jul.  Sancti  Joaunis Baptistae"  (Patrol,  xiii.  1221)  <;.  It  is  wanting, however,  in  the  calendar  of  Bucherius,  which  is generally  referred  to  the  middle  of  the  fourth century,  and  in  the  list  of  festivals  in  the  Apo- stolic Constitutions  (viii.  33).  These,  however, are  mere  passing  exceptions,  for  its  otherwise universal  presence  in  ancient  liturgies,  martyr- ologies,  and  calendars,  and  the  numerous  homilies for  it  in  the  writings  of  the  fathers  (Augustine, Maximus  Taurinensis,  etc.)  are  evidence  of  the wide-spi-ead  observance  and  early  date  of  the  fes- tival. The  council  of  Agde  (506  A.D.)  in  ruling concerning  private  chapels,  includes  the  Nativity oi  St.  John  the  Baptist  among  the  most  important festivals  on  which  a  man  was  not  to  forsake  his proper  church,  the  only  others  specified  being Easter,  Christmas,  Epiphany,  the  Ascension,  and Whitsunday  {Cone.  AgatUense,  can.  21 ;  Labbe, iv.  1386). It  may  next  be  remarked  that,  as  might  have been  expected  from  the  interdependence  of  the dates  of  the  nativities  of  our  Lord  and  of  the Baptist,  the  East  agrees  almost  unanimously with  the  West  as  to  the  particular  day  on  which the  latter  is  to  be  commemorated.  See  e.g.  be- sides the  regular  Byzantine  calendar,  the  notice in  the  (ireek  metrical  Ephcinerides,  published by  Papebroch  in  the  Acta  Sanctorum  (May,  \o\.\. p.  xxxii.),  np(JSpo/iOv  a-ixcpl  Terdprri  ei/caSj  -yii- roTo  /xrJTTjp  ;  the  curious  design  in  the  Moscow pictorial  calendar  (ibid.)  ;  and  the  calendars  of the  Egyptian  and  Ethiopic  churches  published by  Ludolf  {Fasti  Sucri  Ecclesiae  Alexandrimic, p.  32).  So  far  as  we  have  observed,  the  Arme- nian church,  the  only  church  that  does  not  cele- brate Christmas  on  December  25,  is  also  the  only one  that  does  not  commemorate  the  Nativity  of the  Baptist  on  June  24,  keeping  it  on  Jan.  14 (Neale,  Eastern  Church,  Introd.  p.  797).^ We  may  add  a  few  words  here  as  to  the  vigil  and octave  of  the  festival.    The  former  is  recognized, ■=  The  other  mention  in  this  calendar  of  St.  John  the Biiptist  [vi.  Kal.  Jan.  Sancti  Joannis  Baptistae  et  Jacobi Apostoli  quern  Herodes  occidit]  is  probably  due  to  a copyist's  error,  because  of  the  constant  association  of  St. John  the  Evangelist  with  Dec.  27.  It  has  been  main- tained, however,  that  this  is  an  early  African  form  of  the festival  of  the  Decollation  of  St.  John  the  Baptist. d  Kor  a  possible  variation  from  general  usage  in  the case  of  the  church  of  lours,  see  Ungor.  Turon.  Hist. rYano.  x.  31  (Patrol.  Ixxi.  566). as  we  have  shown  below,  in  the  Leonine  Sacia- mentary,  though  not  specified  by  name  as  in  the Ambrosian.  We  need  not,  however,  with  Pape- broch, consider  St.  Ambrose  to  have  been  the  first to  institute  the  vigil.  It  is  also  found  included in  the  later  Roman  Sacramentaries,  the  Gelasian and  Gregorian,  and  its  observance  throughout Gaul  and  Germany  is  shown  by  its  presence  in ancient  martyrologies  and  calendars  of  those countries,  e.  g.  [in  one  form  of]  the  Mart.  Gello- nense  (D'Achery,  Spicilcgium,  xiii.  424),  the 3Iart.  Autissii.dorense  (Martene,  Collectio  Ampliss. vol.  vi.  709),  and  a  calendar  of  the  9th  cen- tury described  by  Binterim.  This  writer  refers also  to  a  German  Sacramentary  published  by Gerbert,  where  the  notice  for  the  day  is,  "  jeju- nium  S.  Joaunis  Baptistae,  una  cum  Missa  pro more  vigiliarum  "  (Denkw.  v.  i.  377).  It  may  be mentioned  that  the  council  of  Seligenstadt (1022  A.D.)  ordered  that  all  Christians  should abstain  from  flesh  and  blood  for  fourteen  days before  the  festival  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  (can. ],  Labbe  ix.  844). As  regards  the  octave,  it  would  appear  that Papebroch  is  in  error  in  considering  that  no earlier  traces  of  it  could  be  found  thau  of  the 13th  or  14th  centuries,  for  Binterim  cites  several calendars  of  the  9th  and  10th  centuries  which mark  it,  e.g.  the  Cal.  Frisingense  of  the  10th century  (Eckhart,  Franc.  Orient,  i.  835).  It  will be  remembered  that  this  octave  has  a  special importance  of  its  own,  as  being  the  day  on  which the  Baptist  was  circumcised  and  received  the divinely  declared  name  of  John,  and  on  which the  speech  of  Zacharias  was  miraculously  re- stored. (^.)  Decollation  of  the  Baptist. — Besides  the festival  of  the  Nativity  of  St.  John,  there  are other  Johannine  festivals  of  comparatively  minor importance,  the  chief  of  which  is  that  of  the  De- collation, generally  commemorated  on  August  29," the  chief  exception  being  that  the  Armenian church  celebrated  it  on  April  13,  and  the  Gal- ilean church,  according  to  one  view,  on  the octave  of  the  Nativity  of  the  Baptist,  and  accord- ing to  another  view  on  September  24.' This  festival,  too,  must  be  of  comparatively early  date,  for  we  find  it  in  the  Gelasian  and  [in some  forms  of]  the  Gregorian  Sacramentaries,  to its  presence  iu  which  Bede  alludes  (Expos,  in Marc.  lib.  ii. ;  Patrol,  xcii.  192).  Again  in  the Eastern  church,  we  may  appeal  to  the  Byzantine and  Russian  calendars,  and  reference  may  be made  to  the  Moscow  pictorial  calendar  and  the Greek  metrical  Epheni':rides,  the  notice  in  the latter  being,  eiKoSi  d^4>'  ivarri  Upo^pAixov  rdfiev avxeva  ^i(pos.  See  also  Ludolf's  Egyptian  and Ethiopic  calendars  (p.  1):  here,  however,  there is  a  simple  commemoration  of  the  Baptist  on August  29,  and  the  festival  of  the  Decollation on  August  30. With  reference  to  the  usage  of  the  Galilean church  alluded  to  above,  the  tact  that  in  their liturgy  the  festival  of  the  Decollation  almost  im- e  The  Martyrologium  Hieronymi  (Patrol,  xxx.  488), and  a  MS.  of  the  Martyrology  of  Bede  {Patrol,  xciv. 1025),  place  it  on  Aug.  30.  So  also  the  Egyptian  calen- dar In  Selden  (p.  221,  ed.  Amsterdam,  1679). f  August!  {Uenkw.  ii.  156)  argues  that  the  Decollation was  not  originally  a  distinct  festival  from  that  of  the Nativity  of  the  Baptist,  but  the  evidence  for  this  view,  il must  be  said,  is  hardly  couclusive. JOHN  THE  BAPTIST,  ST,  Festivals  and  Llgknd mediately  followed  the  Nativity  of  the  Baptist, induced  Papebroch  {Acta  Sanctorum,  June,  vol. V.  p.  608)  to  maintain  that  the  former  com- memoration was  probably  held  there  on  the octave  of  the  latter.  Mabillon,  on  the  other hand,  appeals  to  a  letter  which  bears  the  name of  Augustine,  to  one  Bibianus,  a  Gallican  bishop, which  asserts  that  the  conception  and  death  of St.  John  fell  on  the  same  day  {i.e.  Sept.  23  or 24),  and  further  refers  to  August  29  as  the  day '•  quando  inventum  legitur  caput  dominici  prae- cursoris  "  (Patrol.  Ixxii.  431).  This  letter,  while obviously  spurious,  may  be  taken  as  evidence  as to  ancient  Gallican  custom,  and  we  find  the same  usage,  at  any  rate  partially,  among  the Goths  of  Spain.  (See  Leslie's  notes  to  the  Moza- rabic  Missal ;  Patrol.  Ixxxv.  837.) Legend. — This  will  perhaps  be  the  most  con- venient place  to  give  a  very  brief  re'sume  of  the legends  respecting  the  body  of  St.  John.  This was  said  to  have  been  buried  at  Sebaste,  a  town on  the  site  of  the  earlier  Samaria.  In  the  time of  the  emperor  Julian,  the  coffin  was  broken open,  the  bones  burnt,  and  the  dust  scattered abroad.  With  this  definite  statement,  it  might have  been  thought  that  the  history  of  the  relics was  at  an  end ;  but  the  story  runs  that  the Cliristians  saved  some  of  the  remains,  which  were sent  to  Jerusalem,  and  afterwards  to  Alexandria to  Athanasius  (Rufinus,  Hist.  Eccles.  xi.  28: Theodoret,  Hist.  Kecks,  iii.  3;  vol.  iii.  918, eu.  Schulze  and  Noesselt :  Theophanes,  Clirono- graphia,  vol.  i.  117,  ed.  Classen);  part  also  were obtained  by  Theodoret  for  his  own  church  of Cyrus  (see  his  lielig.  Hist.  vol.  iii.  1245).  In order  to  contain  the  relics  of  the  Baptist,  a church  was  some  time  afterwards  (circa  390  a.d.) built  in  Alexandria  on  the  site  of  the  temple  of Serapis  by  the  emperor  Theodosius,  and  finished in  the  reign  of  his  son  Arcadius.  Concerning the  Head  of  the  Baptist  also  there  is  a  long series  of  traditions.  These  are  often  plainly  con- flicting, and  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  a  scholar with  Papebroch's  great  learning  should  have wasted  time  on  the  attempt  to  reconcile  them. The  Head  was  said  to  have  been  buried  in  Herod's palace,  where  it  was  first  discovered  about  the year  330  a.d.  and  taken  into  Cilicia.  In  the time  of  the  emperor  Valens  it  was  moved  as  far as  a  place  named  Cosilaus,  but  about  390  a.d. Theodosius  transferred  it  to  Constantinople  (Sozo- men,  Hist.  Eccles.  vii.  21).  Besides  all  this, however,  we  read  of  a  finding  of  the  Head  at Emesa  in  454  A.D.,  a  discovery  which  can  hardly harmonize  with  the  preceding,  and  which  was  not improbably  due  to  a  growing  demand  of  the  age for  relics.  However,  there  is  a  further  story  of another  translation  of  the  Head,  from  Emesa  to Constantinople  in  850  A.D.,  to  preserve  it  from the  Saracens,  and  here  it  remained  till  1204  A. D., when  Constantinople  was  taken  by  the  Latins. The  Head  then,  or  part  of  it,  was  brought  to France  by  one  Walo  de  Sartone,  a  canon  of Amiens.  The  further  legends  given  by  Pape- broch, compaied  with  which  the  above  almost rises  to  the  dignity  of  history,  we  pass  over. We  find  at  a  comparatively  early  period evidence  of  the  existence  of  literature  on  the subject  of  the  Finding  of  the  Head,  for  at  a council  held  at  Home  in  494  A.  D.  under  the episcopate  of  Gelasius,  such  writings  are  with others  ordered  to  be  read  with  caution.  (''Scripta 883 de  inventione  capitis  Joaunis  Baptistae  novella* quaedam  relationes  sunt,  et  nonnulli  e:is  C'atho- lici  legunt.  Sed  cum  haec  ad  Catholicoruni manus  jiervenerint,  beati  Pauli  aj.ostoli  prae- cedat  sententia,  Omnia  prolate,  qui.d  bonum  est tenete."     Patrol,  lix.  1(31.) (7.)  We  are  now  naturally  brought  to  the third  of  the  Johannine  festivals,  tJie  Finding  of the  Head.  It  would  appear  that  dirierent supposed  findings  are  commemorated,  and  tJiat this  accounts  for  the  various  days  on  which  the commemorations  are  held.  The  letter  of  the Pseudo-Augustine  already  quoted  names  August 29  as  the  day  on  which  the  Head  was  found, and  in  connection  with  this  we  may  cite  one form  of  the  martyrology  of  Bede,  '"'  Passio  et decollatio  vel  potius  mveutio  capitis  beati .Joannis  Bajitistae  ....  "{Patrol,  xciv.  1025). That  day,  however,  has  ordinarily  been  re- served for  the  Decollation,  and  Feb.  24,  for  the Finding.  In  that  ariangement,  generally  speak- ing, Westei-n,  Byzantine,  Coptic,  and  Ethiopic calendars  agree:  and  the  Byzantine  also  com- memorates another  finding  on  May  25.  There is  besides  a  commemoration  of  the  ''  Apparitio corporis  "  [  ''  inventio  ossium  "  Copt.]  in  tlie Ethiopic  and  Coptic  calendars  on  May  27,  and of  the  "depositio  capitis"  on  Oct.  27  [26, Selden]  in  the  latter.  The  notice  for  Feb.  24  in the  Greek  metrical  Ephemerides  is  elK6ari\i> ■7rpo5p6iJ.oio  (pavrt  Kapr]  afxtpl  TerapTTjv. (8.)  The  festival  of  the  Conception  of  t  e Baptist  on  Sept.  23  [or  24]  is  also  found  in  the above  calendars,  and  in  many  Western  martyro- logies.  It  is  not  recognised,  however,  in  the Armenian  calendar.  The  notice  for  Sept.  23,  in the  Greek  metrical  Ephemerides,  is  tlkdSi  S« TpiTTi  yaffrijp  Aci/Se  '7rp6Spofi.oi'  ftaoi. (e.)  Besides  the  two  preceding,  comparatively unimportant  festivals,  we  find  also  a  comme- moration of  the  imprisonment  on  Aug.  24 in  the  Ethiopic  calendar  (Ludolf,  p.  39),  and general  commenioratiocs  of  the  Baptist  in  the same,  on  Aug.  29  and  April  10  {ib.  pp.  1,  25); and  on  June  6  and  September  5  in  the  Armenian calendar  (Neale,  pp.  799,  801). 2.  Liturgical  Aotices.  —  The  oldest  Roman Sacramentary,  the  Leonine,  contains  no  less  than five  masses  for  the  festival  of  the  Nativity  of  the Baptist.  The  first  of  these  evidently  belongs  to the  vigil,  for  though  included  with  the  second and  third  under  the  general  heading  Aatale  S. Jo.  Bapt.,  still  the  point  is  settled  by  the  words of  the  preface  (also  occurring,  be  it  said,  in  the Gregorian  and  Ambrosian  liturgies  in  the service  for  the  vigil)  "  .  .  .  .  exhibentes  so- lemne  jejtinium,  quo  nati  Joannis  Baptistae uatalitia  praeveuimus  "  (Levnis  Opera;  vol.  ii. 28,  ed.  Balleriui).  The  fourth  and  fifth  masses, portions  of  which  ai-e  also  found  in  the  Gelusiaa Sacramentary,  are  headed  ad  fontem,  showing the  use  made  of  the  day  as  a  solemn  season  for baptism.  The  Gelasian  Sacramentary  both  has services  for  the  vigil  and  Nativity,  each  with  its own  title  (Pf(<)0/.  Ixxiv.  1165),  and  also  for  the Decollation  (dies  passionis)  of  the  Baptist  (16. 1175):  and  the  same  too  is  the  case  with  the Ambrosial!  (Pamelius,  Liturgg.  Lalt.  i.  392, 420),  and  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  (coll. 108,  126;  ed.  Menard).  In  this  last,  while  the first  mass  is  headed  in  vigilia,  the  second  bears the  title  fn  prima  missa  de  tuk-te. 3  L  2 884 JOHN  THE  BAPTIST,  ST.,  Festivals  and  Legend  of In  the  ancient  Galilean  Lectionary,  published by  Mabillon,  we  find  uo  mention  of  a  vigil  :  the prophetic  lection,  epistle  and  gospel,  are  re- spectively Isaiah  xl.  1-20 ;  Acts  xiii.  16-47  ; Luke  i.  5-25,  39-47,  56-68,  [to  the  words Doiainus  Dens  Israel'],  80.  This  is  immediately followed  by  the  festival  of  St.  Peter  and  St. Paul,  and  this  by  the  "  Passio  S.  Joannis  Bap- tistae  "  for  which  the  prophetic  lection,  epistle and  gospel  are  respectively  Isaiah  xliii.1-13,  22, — xliv.  5;  Heb.  xi.  33— xii.  7  ;  Matt.  xiv.  1-14 (de  Liturgia  Gallieana,  lib.  ii.  pp.  158,  160). The  same  too  is  the  case  in  the  Galilean  missal, save  that  there  the  festival  of  St.  Peter  and  St. Paul  is  immediately  followed  by  a  mass  "  In Natale  unius  Apostoli  et  Martyris "  {Op.  cit. lib.  iii.  271,  275).  In  the  Mozarabic  missal  we find  forms  given  for  the  Sunday  "  pro  adventu S.  Johannis,"  as  well  as  for  the  festival  of  the Nati'dty  itself,  and  for  that  of  the  Decollation. The  prophetic  lection,  epistle  and  gospel  in  the three  cases  are  Isaiah  xl.  1-9,  Eph.  iv.  1-14, Mark  i.  1-8  :  Jer.  i.  5-10,  17-19  ;  Gal.  i.  ll-'24, Luke  i.  57-70,  80  :  Wisdom  iv.  7-15,  2  Cor.  xii. 2-10,  Matt.  xiv.  1-15.  Sundry  variations  to tlie  above  occurring  in  ancient  lectionaries  are mentioned  (in  loc.)  in  the  notes  to  Leslie's  edition of  the  Mozarabic  missal.  (Patrol.  Ixxxv.  751, 756,  837:  and  for  the  Breviary  [June  24, Sept.  24],  Patrol.  IxxxvL  1129.  1133,  1209.) 3.  MisceHnneous  Notices. — We  have  hitherto spoken  of  the  Baptist  solely  from  the  Christian point  of  view,  we  shall  now  dwell  briefly  on some  further  references.  Josephus's  account (Antiq.  xviii.  5.  2)  is  practically  the  same  as that  of  the  New  Testament,  but  he  adds  that, besides  other  causes,  Herod  Antipas  was  more  or less  moved  to  the  murder  of  St.  John  by  poli- tical reasons,  the  dread  of  a  revolution. ^ There  are,  moreover,  some  curious  associations connecting  St.  John  with  some  semi-Christian, or  rather  non-Christian,  religious.  The  Clemen- tine Homilies  (ii.  23)  make  Simon  Magus  to have  been  the  chief  (Trpiros  kou  SoKi/xciTaTos) disciple  of  St.  John,  who  is  further  described  as a  rjixepoPaTrriffTris  (see  Hegesippus  apud  Euseb. Nist.  Eccles.  iv.  22  ;  Justin  Martyr  Dial,  cum Try  ph.  c.  80;  and  esp.  Epiphanius,  Haer.  17). We  may  perhaps,  therefore,  connect  the  Hemero- ft'7'iistae  with  the  so  called  Mendaeans(or  properly Mandaeans),  known  also  as  the  Zabians,  disciples of  St.  John,  Christians  of  St.  John.  This  sect, which  still  exists,  chiefly  near  the  Tigris,  claims to  be  the  lineal  successors  of  the  actual  disciples of  St.  John,  respecting  -whom  they  give  some wild  traditions,  and  whom  they  regard  as  supe- rior to  Christ.  They  totally  ignore  his  behead- ing, and  say  that  on  his  death-bed  he  bid  his disciples  to  crucify  his  body,  in  reference  to  the death  that  should  befal  his  kinsman  Jesus.  The body  was  then  preserved  in  a  crystal  sarcophagus at  Sjuster  in  Persia.  (Ignatius  a  Jesu,  Narratio originis,  rituum  et  erroruin  Christianorum  Jo- hannis. Romae,  1 652  :  Kaempfer,  Amoenitates Exoticae  pp.  435-454,  Lemgoviae  1712:  Norberg, De  religione  et  lingua  Sabaeorum :  Petermann in  Herzog's  Real-Encycl.  s.  vv.  Mendaer,  Zahier  : B  As  a  parallel  to  this  we  may  mention  the  story  of Herod  the  Great's  attempt  to  slay  the  Infant  John  from the  fear  lest  he  might  hereafter  prove  the  king  of  Israel (Frotev.  Jacotn,  c.  23). Chwolsohn,  Die  Ssahier  und  der  Ssabismus  pp. 100-138,  St.  Petersburgh,  1856.)    They  celebrate  i in  August  (or  April,  according   to   Ignatius    a  -' Jesu)  an  annual  festivaL  of  three  days'  duration,  \ in  honour  of  the  Baptist,  and  an  annual  festival in  June  of  five  days'  duration,  when  all  the  sect receive  baptism.  (Kaempfer,  p.  446.)  This reminds  us  of  Augustine's   protest  cited  above.  ; Their  chief  sacred  book,  the  Sidra  Adem  or  Book of  Adam,  edited  by  Norberg  (Codex  Nasaraeus, liber  Adami  appelhitus,  Hafniae),  and  recently  by Petermann  (Lipsiae,  1867),  contains  several references  to  St.  John  (see  vol.  i.  108,  vol.  ii.  20,  ' 22,  24,  60 ;  ed.  Norberg).     They  also   possess  a  ! "  Book  of  John  [the  Baptist]  "  reported  to  have been  given  to  their  ancestors  by  John  himself; of  which  there  is  a  MS.  in  the  BUdiotheque Nationale  at  Paris  (Norberg  de  lingua,  ^c,  p.  4). Among  their  most  curious  superstitions  is  one  in connection  with  the  baptism  of  our  Lord  by  St. John,  which  accounts  for  the  view  they  take  of blue  as  an  unholy  colour  (Kaempfer,  p.  447).  1 For  a  possible   connection   of  the  sect  of  the  \ Elxaites  with   the  teaching  of  St.  John,  see  Hil-  i gent'eld,    Novum    Testam£ntum    exii^a     Canonem  j receptum   iii.    158.     Chwolsohn  (Op.  c/t  p.  112)  > views  Elxai  as  the  actual   founder  of  the  Men-  ' daeans,  another  point  of  coincidence.  | Among   the    Mohammedans,  St.   John    is   ac-  i counted  as  a  prophet,  and  he  is  mentioned  in  the  ,; Koran   in  terms  of  high  respect  (Sura  iii.  39).  j The  passage   in  Sale's,  translation   runs,   "John,  t who    shall    bear    witness    to    the    word    which  1 Cometh  from  God,  an  honourable  person,  chaste,  ' and  one  of  the  righteous  prophets."  ■ We    must    in    conclusion   only   allude    in    the briefest   terms    to   a   point,    which    though   not  i strictly  within  our  province,  must  not  be  abso-  '' lutely  passed  over,  the  position  of  St.  John  the Baptist  as  the  patron  saint  of  the  Knights  Hos- pitallers of  St.  John,  and  his  association  in  some  , form  with  the  esoteric  rites  of  the  order  of  the Templars,  though  probably  hei'e  there  has  been  \ at  times  a  confusion  with  St.  John  the  Evangelist.              ■ For  the  possible  connection  with  St.   John  the             :^ Baptist    in    such    rites    as    the    Baphomet,    the              1 dissevered   head,    etc.,  see  Von  Hammer,    Mys-              < terium  Bapjhometis  revelatum.    Vindobonae,  1818.              \ Reference  may  also  be  made  to  Von  Wedekind,              ; Das  Johannis-Fest  in  der  Frey-Maurerei.    Frank- fort, 1818.                                                                                ,^ For  the  matter  of  the  present  article,  we  have to  express  considerable  obligations  to  Binterim,  ] Denkwiirdigkeiten  der  CJirist-Katholischen  Kirche,  « vol.  v.  part  1,  pp.  373,  sqq. ;  446  sqq.  ;  Augusti  I Denkwiirdigkeiten  aus  der  Christlichen  Archdologie,  '■ vol.  iii.  pp.  152  sqq.     Papebroch  in  Acta  Sane-  '; toi-um  (July  25).     Reference  may  also  be  made  \ to   Paciaudius   de  Cultu   S.  Johannis   Baptistae.  '\ Romae     1755.       Wasewitz      Turtur     Joanneiis.  •; Magdeburg,  1659.  [R.  S.]  .J JOHN   THE  BAPTIST,  ST.,  FIEE  OF. We  called  attention   in   the  previous  article   to  j the  way  in  which  early  Christian  writers  dwell  '. on  the  mystical  significance  of  the  fact  that  the festival  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  coincides  with the  period  of  the  summer  solstice,  and  we  also referred  in  passing  to  various  superstitious  rites and  customs,  which  Christianity  evidently  inhe- rited from  heathenism.  The  most  prominent  ot these  is  that  which  has  long  been  known  under  j the  name  of  the   Fire  of  St.   Jolin  the  Baptist,  '| JOHN  THE  BAPTIST,  ST.,  FlliE  OF 885 which,  with  numerous  attendant  customs,  is obviously  nothing  more  than  a  relic  of  ancient sun-worship,  connected  with  that  period  of  the year  when  the  sun  has  reached  the  turning  point of  his  annual  course.  This  custom  of  kindling great  fires  in  the  open  air  on  Midsummer's  Eve has  been  shown  to  exist  (and  in  not  a  few  places even  to  the  present  day)  among  almost  all  Euro- pean nations,  as  well  as  in  the  East*  (see  Jac. Grimm,  Deutsche  H/ythologie  pp.  583  sqq.,  ed.  2)  ; and  it  can  hardly  be  rightly  viewed  unless  we associate  it  with  the  universally  observed  festival at  the  winter  solstice,  the  totalis  Invicti,  when the  sun  is,  as  it  "were,  born  again  for  the  coming year  [CHRisniAS],  with  that  on  May-day,  the  la Beal-tine  of  the  Irish,  when  the  sun's  warmth has  awakened  the  dormant  earth  [James  the Less,  St.,  Festival  of],  and  with  other  similar instances. Thus,  it  will  be  seen,  there  is  plainly  no  ori- ginal connection  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  with the  practice  now  under  consideration.  The  birth- day of  our  Lord  having  been  once  fixed,  by  what- soever means,  at  the  winter  solstice  (and  there is  certainly  no  inconsiderable  body  of  evidence pointing  to  the  conclusion  that  the  well-nigh  uni- versal prevalence  of  a  festival  at  that  time  of  the year  had  much  to  do  with  the  matter,  and  that it  is  a  case  of  the  transference  of  worship  from the  material  sun  to  Christ,  the  sun  of  righteous- ness), then,  since  there  was  a  difterence  of  six. months  between  the  ages  of  our  Lord  and  of the  Baptist,  the  birthday  of  the  latter  would naturally  be  assigned  to  the  summer  solstice. The  existing  heathen  practices,  at  first  strongly opposed  by  the  church,  gradually  came  to  be tolerated  and  finally  to  be  recognised  ;  'while  the attempt  was  continually  made  to  associate  the customs  of  the  day  with  the  saint  whose  festival had  thus  happened  to  coincide  with  the  older celebration. A  curious  view  on  this  subject,  which  may just  claim  a  passing  notice,  is  found  in  Hislop's Tico  Babylons(Y>.  184),  which  refers  the  great  Mid- summer festival  of  many  heathenisms  primarily to  the  Babylonian  festival  of  Tammuz,  who  is further  identified  with  Cannes,  the  Fish-God mentioned  by  Berosus  (lib.  i.  p.  48,  ed.  Richter). It  is  there  maintained  that  this  name  was  sug- gestive of  that  of  Joannes,  and  thus  a  Christian festival  grew  out  of  a  heathen  one,  with  hardly a  change  in  the  name  of  the  object  of  the  festi- val. More  evidence,  however,  and  less  theorizing is  wanted,  before  such  a  view  can  be  seriously entei'tained. To  return  now  to  the  main  part  of  our  subject  ; — we  shall  cite,  as  showing  the  church's  original point  of  view  in  the  matter,  a  passage  from  one of  the  sermons  of  Augustine  fii'st  edited  by Frangipane  in  1819,  where  he  protests  strongly against  this  practice  of  the  lighting  of  fires  on St.  John's  Eve  :— "Cesseut  religiones  sacrilegio- rum,  cessent  studia  atque  joca  vanitatum;  non fiant  ilia  quae  fieri  solent,  non  quaedam  jam  in daemonum  honorem,  sed  adhuc  tamen  secundum daemonum  morem.  Hesterno  die  post  vesperam putrescentibus  flammis  antiquitus  more  daemo- »  Nor  need  this  remark  be  confined  to  the  old  world, for  we  find  the  same  class  of  rites  prevailiiip;  also  among the  Peruvians  under  the  dominion  of  the  Iiicas  (IVuscott, t'o.i<2U«sf  o^ /'trit,  i.  pp.  96  sqq. ;  lOtli  •A.). niorum  tota  civitas  flagrabat  atque  putrescebat, et  universam  aerem  fumus  obduxerat "  {Senn. 8  de  S.  Joh.  Bapt.  §  3;  Patrol,  xlvi.  P9fJ). Theodoret  again  (Quaest.  in  iv,  Ecg.  [xvi.  ;5], //j- terr.  47,  vol.  i.  539,  ed.  Schulze)  in  referring  to Ahaz's  "causing  his  sons  to  pass  through  the fire,"  sees  in  it  an  underlying  rel'erence  to  a  cus- tom existing  in  his  time,  of  lighting  fires  in  the streets,  over  which  men  and  boys  leaped,  and even  infants  were  carried  by  their  mothers. Theodoret  states  that  this  was  done  once  a year,  and  though  he  does  not  further  define  the time,  there  is  a  probable  rel'erence  to  the  Mid- summer fire.  The  Quinisext  or  Trullan  council (circa  692,  a.d.)  forbids  the  lighting  of  such fires  before  houses,  etc.,  and  the  lea])ing  over them  ;  and  penalties  are  laid  down  for  all,  cleric or  lay,  who  followed  the  practice  (can.  65,  Labbe vi.  1172).  In  this  last  case,  however,  the  periods are  distinctly  specified  as  the  times  of  the  new moon,  but  the  superstition  legislated  against  is clearly  a  parallel  one ;  and,  at  any  rate,  Theo- dore Balsamon  (cited  by  Paciaudius,  infra),  in  his comments  on  this  canon,  makes  special  mention of  the  fires  on  St.  John  the  Baptist's  Eve.  One more  such  instance  may  suifice :  the  German council,  which  sat  under  the  authority  of  St. Boniface,  either  at  Augsburg  or  Ratisbon  in  742 A.D.,  forbids  "  illos  sacrilegos  ignes,  quos  Ned- fratres  \_Nodfyr,  Niedfyr']  vocant "  (can.  5,  Labbe vi.  1535). We  have  already  referred  to  the  change  of feeling  with  which  such  practices  were  regarded by  the  church  as  time  went  on,  and  to  the  conse- quent attempt  to  connect  them  directly  with  the Baptist.  As  examples  of  this  we  may  cite  Joh. Beleth  (Eat.  div.  off.  c.  137  ;  Patrol,  ccii.  141), who  wrote  about  1170  a.d.,  and  Durandus  (Rat. div.  off.  vii.  12.  10).  In  these  passages  reference  is made  to  three  customs  practised  at  this  season,  the lighting  of  fires  (which  are  described  as  being  made of  "  ossa  et  quaedam  alia  immunda  "),  the  carry- ing of  firebrands  about  the  fields,  and  the  rolling of  a  wheel.  After  a  strange  explanation  of  the first  of  these  as  being  a  means  for  driving  away dragons,  another  reason  is  given,  namely,  that  it was  done  in  memory  of  the  burning  of  the  bones of  St.  John  the  Baptist  at  Sebaste  (see  last article).  The  carrying  about  of  firebrands  is explained  as  having  reference  to  him  who  was  a "  burning  and  shining  light"  (John  v.  35)  ;  while the  rolling  of  the  wheel,  which  has  an  obvious reference  to  the  course  of  the  sun,  is  made further  to  refer  to  the  glory  of  St.  John  waning before  Him  who  was  the  True  Light. An  attempt  to  disprove  the  idea  of  the  con- nection of  the  Fire  of  St.  John  with  heathen rites  is  made  by  Paciaudius  (de  Cultu  S.  Joh. Bapt.  Antiquitates  Christianae,  pp.  335  sqq.), who,  however,  is  mainly  combating  the  idea  of its  connection  with  the  Roman  I'alilia,  a  ])oint urged  by  Reiske,  Zeumer  (infra),  and  otlier writers.  The  arguments  here,  however,  thougii ingenious,  rest  altogether  ou  too  narrow  a  foot- ing. In  addition  to  works  already  cited,  reference may  also  be  made  to  F.  C.  de  Khautz  de  ritu  ignis in  Natali  S.  Joh.  Bapt.  acccnsi.  Vindob.  1759: Reiske,  Untersuchung  des  hci  den  alten  Dait>:ch,'i gcbriinchlichcn  hcid'nischen  Nordfyrs,  ingUirh, des  Oster-uudJohaniiis-tlniers.  Frankfort  169(1: Zeumer.    /Hssrrtatio  de  iqne  in  festo  S.  Jo/iamns 886 JOHN  THE  BAPTIST,  ST.,  in  Art,  etc. accendi  solito.     Jenae  1 699  :  Brand,  Popular  An- tbiidties,  vol.  i.  pp.  166  sqq.,  ed.  1841.      [R.  S.] JOHN  THE  BAPTIST,  ST.,  in  Art,  etc. 1.  Iconography. — We  find  abundant  evidence that  representations  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  were very  frequent  in  early  Christian  times.  Epipha- nius  {Cone.  Nic.  11.  Act"  vi. ;  Labbe,  vii.  538)  tells us  that  those  who  delighted  in  "  soft  clothing  " were  rebuked  by  the  Hgure  of  the  Baptist  in  his "raiment  of  camel's  hair;"  in  this  garb,  indeed, he  is  most  usually  represented,  especially  in  the Baptism  of  the  Saviour  [see  Jordan],  a  subject of  very  frequent  recurrence  in  early  Christian art,  as  for  instance,  in  the  well-known  painting in  the  cemetery  of  Pontianus,  in  many  mosaics (Ciampini,  Yet.  Mon.  ii.  tab.  xxiii.),  and  on  vari- ous engraved  stones  and  bronze  medals  (Vettori, Num.  iwr.  explic.  p.  68  and  frontispiece),  where he  is  shown  in  the  act  of  pouring  water  from a  shejl  on  the  Lord's  head  ;  he  carries  a  staff  in his  left  hand. Sometimes    the    Forerunner    points    with    his SCSIOHA ■NTNIS-BA 4r:M St.  John  tbe  Baptist.    From  Pdciandi. finger  to  the  Messiah,  represented  in  the  form of  a  lamb,  or  in  person  {Condi,  in  Trull,  can. Ix.xxii.).  He  has  been  figured  by  some  artists  in tunic  and  pallium,  as  for  example  on  the  bottom of  a  cup  given  by  Buonarotti  ( Vetri,  tav.  vi. No.  1),  and  assigned  to  St.  John  the  Baptist. If  this  assumption  be  correct,  we  have  here  one of  the  most  ancient  representations  of  this  saint, but  many  competent  judges  believe  that  it  is  a representation  of  St.  Paul.  Be  this  as  it  may, we  find  the  Baptist  clad  in  a  similar  manner, and  also  nimbused,  in  a  mosaic  of  the  6th  century (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  tab.  xxxi.),  in  the  centre of  an  ivory  cross  of  almost  the  same  date  (Pa- ciaudi,  De  cultw  Joan.  Bapt.  p.  182,  see  woodcut), in  an  ancient  diptych  figured  by  Gori  {The- saur.  DipUjch.  vol.  iii.  p.  235),  and  also  in  bust upon  a  chalcedony  attributed  to  the  5th  century (Paciaudi,  u.  s.  p.  189). In  the  Menaea  of    the  Greeks   the  figure   of St.  John   the   Baptist    is   winged,   in  allusion   to the  passage  of  Isaiah  quoted  by  St.  Mark  (i.  2), and  applied  by  the  Lord  Himself  to  the  Fore- runner :  "  Behold  !  I  send  My  Messenger  before Thy  Face  which  shall  prepare  Thy  way  before Thee."  His  right  hand  is  raised  in  the  act  of exhortation,  and  in  his  left  he  carries  a  cross, and  a  scroll  inscribed  with  these  words. The  annunciation  of  the  birth  of  the  Baptist is  depicted  in  mosaic  on  the  great  arch  of  St. Maria  Maggiore,  A.D.  443.  The  angel  is  ad- dressing Zacharias,  who  stands  before  the  altar of  incense  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  vol.  i.  tab.  xlix. nn.  1,  2,  3).  In  the  ancient  mosaic  on  the  por- tico of  St.  John  Lateran  the  head  of  John  the Baptist  is  carried  in  a  dish  by  a  lictor,  while  the decapitated  body  remains  still  kneeling  before the  executioner  whose  sword  is  still  raised. 2.  Dedications. — The  first  church  dedicated  to him  was  probably  the  basilica  built  by  Constan- tine,  and  dedicated  to  the  Forerunner,  upon  the Coelian  Mount,  near  the  Lateran.  It  is,  however, not  improbable  that  the  name  was  transferred to  it  from  the  baptistery  of  Constantine,  a  short distance  from  it,  which  was  dedicated  to  St. John. Anastasius  Bibliothecarius  states  that  Con- stantine built  churches  dedicated  to  the  same saint  at  Ostia  and  at  Albano  {in  8.  Sylvcst. §§  45,  46 ;  Migne,  cxxvii.  1524  {.),  and  Du Cange  mentions  one  at  Constantinople  (Con- stantinop.  Christ,  lib.  iv.  §  4),  of  which,  however, we  can  find  no  other  record.  At  Naples  it  is commonly  asserted  that  a  church,  dedicated  to St.  John  the  Baptist,  was  built  in  that  city  by Constantine  on  the  site  of  the  temple  of  Hadrian, in  fulfilment  of  a  vow  made  during  a  violent storm  on  his  voyage  from  Sicily.  But  it has  been  proved  by  Majochi,  that  this  founder could  not  have  been  Constantine  the  Great, though  he  may  possibly  have  been  the  youngej- Constantine,  son  of  Constans  {De  Cath.  Neap. part  ii.  3).  It  appears  certain  that  at  Florence in  early  times  a  church  was  dedicated  to  St.  John the  Baptist,  who  became  the  tutelary  saint  and protector  of  the  city  (Villani,  Chroniche,  1.  i. c.  60).  St.  Benedict  dedicated  to  the  Baptist one  of  the  two  oratories  which  he  erected  on  the site  of  the  temple  of  Apollo  on  Mount  Cassino (Greg.  Dialog,  ii.  8,  in  Migne,  Ixvi.  col.  152  b). Tradition  asserts  that  at  Milan  a  temple  of Janus  was  converted  into  a  church,  and  dedi- cated as  "  Sancti  Joaniiis  ad  quatuor  facies  " (Castellione,  Mediaev.  Antiq.  pars  1,  fasc.  2). There  were  at  Ravenna  in  the  6th  and  7th centuries  two  churches  dedicated  to  this  saint, one  of  which,  called  In  Marmorario,  specially commemorated  his  decollation  (Rubeus,  Hist. Eaten,  ii.  and  iii.).  At  Monza,  queen  Theo- delinda  built  a  church  in  honour  of  St.  John  the Baptist,  on  which  she  lavished  wealthy  endow- ments and  precious  gifts  of  every  description. Agilulph,  her  husband,  followed  her  example at  Turin  (Paciaudi  u.  s.  pp.  15  and  16).  Paciaudi enumerates  many  other  churches  dedicated  to  the Baptist  in  different  places  and  in  later  times. Altars  dedicated  to  him  were  usually  to  be  found in  the  baptisteries ;  these  were  always  placed under  his  protection,  adorned  with  paintings  and sculptures  in  which  he  is  the  principal  figure, and  sometimes  enriched  with  his  relics.  (Paci- audi, De  Cultu  Joann.  Bapt.  :  Martigny,  Diet, des  Antiq.  Chre't.  s.  v.).  [C] JOHN  THE  EVANGELIST,  ST.,  Festival  of 887 JOHN  THE  EVANGELIST,  ST.,  Festi- val OF. 1.  History  of  Festival. — It  is  not  necessary  to enter  here  upon  a  discussion  of  the  various  early legends  respecting  St.  John  the  Evangelist,  which will  be  found  treated  of  in  the  Bible  Dictionary, to  which  reference  may  be  made.  We  shall here  merely  speak  of  the  festivals  of  St.  John, and  add  a  notice  of  the  chief  pseudonymous works  attributed  to  him. We  hardly  find  the  festival  of  St.  John  stand- ing out  in  early  times  with  that  prominence which  we  should  expect  in  the  case  of  one  so essentially  of  the  chief  of  the  apostles.  As  we have  already  mentioned  in  the  article  on  the festival  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  there  is  a  not improbable  commemoration  of  the  evangelist  in the  ancient  Calendariuni  Carthaginense,  if,  as seems  reasonable,  we  assume  the  word  Baptistae to  have  been  written  "  per  incuriam  scribae  "  for Evangelistae.  The  notice  is  "  vi.  Kal.  Jan.  Sancti Joannis  Baptistae,  et  Jacobi  Apostoli,  quern Herodes  occidit  "  {Patrol,  .xiii.  1228).  On  this assumption  then  we  have  a  joint  commemoration of  the  two  brothers,  the  sons  of  Zebedee ;  and the  same  combination  is  also  found  in  the Gothico-Gallic  missal  (infra).  The  Armenian church  commemorates  the  two  brothers  together on  Dec.  28  (Neale,  Eastern  Church ;  Introd. p.  804) ;  and  the  Ethiopic  church  on  Sep.  27 (Ludolf,  Fasti  Sacri  Ecclesiae  Alexandrinae, p.  5). In  the  West,  however,  the  name  of  St.  John alone  is  ordinarily  found  associated  with  Dec.  27, a  day  which  by  its  close  proximity  to  Christmas seems  especially  appropriate  for  the  commemo- ration of  the  beloved  disciple,  as  also  those  of  the Innocents,  the  first  martyrs  for  Christ,  and  of Stephen  the  first  conscious  martyr.  This  idea  is often  dwelt  upon  by  mediaeval  writers,  some  of whom  allude  further  to  a  tradition  that  the Evangelist  died  on  the  day  which  is  now  the festival  of  the  Nativity  of  St.  John  the  Baptist, but  that  his  commemoi-ation  was  transferred  to a  day  in  the  octave  of  Christmas  (see  e.g. Durandus,  Eat.  Die.  Off.  vii.  42).  As  we  have implied  above,  however,  there  is  a  lack  of  recog- nition of  this  festival  in  the  writings  of  the earlier  fathers,  scarcely  any  of  whom  furnish  us with  homilies  for  the  day,  even  those  who  have written  them  for  the  festivals  of  St.  Stephen  and the  Innocents. It  may  be  noted  here  that  in  many  ancient calendars  December  27  is  marked  not  as  the Natale  or  Nativitas,  but  as  the  Assumptio  or Traiisitus  of  St.  John.  Thus  we  find,  e.g.,  in the  ancient  so-called  Martgrologium  Hieronymi "  vi.  Kal.  Januarii  Assumptio  S.  Joannis  Evan- gelistae apud  Ephesum"  {Patrol,  xxx.  137), and  similarly  the  Martyrologium  Gellunense (D'Achfery,  Spicilegium  xiii.  390).  This  wording is  doubtlessly  due  to  the  belief  in  some  of  the curious  legends  as  to  the  death  of  this  apostle. Of  this  we  find  no  trace  in  the  earliest  writers  ; thus  Polycrates,  a  near  successor  of  St.  John, simply  says  eV  'EcpfffCji  KeKoiix-nrai  (Polycr. apud  Euseb.  Hist.  Eccles.  iii.  31).  Soon,  how- ever, the  legendary  element  showed  itself,  and  as early  as  the  time  of  Augustine  the  story  pre- vailed that  the  ajjostle  had  been  laid  in  the  tomb merely  in  the  semblance  of  death,  but  that  he really  lived  was  shown  by  the  movements  of  the ground  where  he  was  laid,  and  the  appearance as  of  dust  expelled  from  the  grave  by  the  process of  breathing  (August.  Tractaius  124  in  Joannem  c. 2 ;  vol.  iii.  2467,  ed.  Gaume).  Later  writers speak  of  this  dust  by  the  title  of  manna  (see  e.g. Gregor.  Turon.  dc  Gloria  Martyrum  i.  30,  Patrol. Ixxi.  730  ;  Hildebert  Turon.  Serm.  in  fcsto  S. Johan.,  Patrol,  clxxi.  726  sqq.).  It  is  this  which a])pears  to  be  specially  dwelt  on  by  the  Greek church  in  their  commemoration  of" St.  John  on May  8  {infra).  In  some  writers  the  legend makes  St.  John  live  to  the  end  of  the  world,  to witness  with  Enoch  and  Elijah  to  the  truth  (see e.g.  Ephraemius  Antioch.  apud  Photium,  Biblio- theca,  cod.  229;  Patrol.  Gr.  ciii.  985).  Ac- cording to  another  form,  he  died  in  the  ordinary course  of  nature,  and  was  immediately  raised from  the  dead  and  translated  iato  paradise  (see e.g.  Nicephorus  Hist.  Eccles.  ii.  42).  All  these legends  have  doubtlessly  grown  from  a  misun- derstanding of  our  Lord's  words  in  John  xxi  22. We  may  add  further  that  the  festival  of  St. John  "  ad  portam  Latinam "  on  May  6,  which commemorates  the  ajiostle's  having  been  thrown at  that  place  into  a  cauldron  of  boiling  oil  and escaping  unhurt,  is  often  noted  as  the  "  Nativitas (Natalis)  ad  portam  Latinam  "  {e.g.  in  the  Gre- gorian Sacramentary  and  some  forms  of  the Alartyrologium  Hieronymi)  the  apostle  having there  as  fully  won  the  martyr's  crown  as  though no  miraculous  deliverance  had  been  wrought." Whatever  truth  there  may  be  in  this  story,  it  is at  any  rate  as  old  as  the  time  of  Tertullian  (see de  Praescript.  c.  36 ;  cf.  Jerome,  ado.  Jovinian. i.  26,  vol.  ii.  280  [where  he  appeals  to  Tertullian], Comm.  in  Matthaeum  xxi.  23,  vol.  vii.  155). In  later  times  a  church  was  built  near  the Latin  gate  in  memory  of  this  event.  It  may reasonably  be  inferred  that  it  is  to  this  church that  Anastasius  Bibliothecarius  refers  as  being restored  by  Adrian  I.  (ob.  795  A.D.),  though  he describes  it  as  "  ecclesiam  beati  Johannis  Bap- tistae sitam  juxta  portam  Latinam"  {Vitae Pontificuin,  Adrian  L;  Patrol,  cxxviii.  1191). On  this  point  see  further  G.  M.  Crescimbeni, E'Istoria  delta  chiesa  di  S.  Giovanni  avanti Porta  Latina;  Roma,  1716. In  the  Greek  church  St.  John  is  commemorated on  May  8  and  September  26,  regard  being  had on  the  former  day  to  the  mii-acle  of  the "  manna,"  and  on  the  latter  to  his  translation. Thus  in  the  Greek  metrical  Ephetnerides  pub- lished by  Papebroch  in  the  Acta  Sanctorum (May,  vol.  i.,  pp.  xxvii.  xliv.)  the  notices  are oySodrTj  ri\eovcn  ^oSarixhv^  BpovtSyovoio,  npos ye  debv  fiericTTt)  ^povrris  irals  (IkoZi  fKTT).  The latter  festival  is  also  found  in  the  calendars  of the  Ethiopic  and  Coptic  churches  =  (Ludolf,  p.  5), which  also  commemorate  St.  John  on  December 30,  and  also  his  translation  on  May  II  (i6.  pp. 16,  28). Before  passing  on  to  the  next  part  of  our subject,  we  may  refer  briefly  to  a  custom prevalent     in    the    middle    ai;cs    of     sending    to »  Polycrates  ((.  c.)  culls  St.  .fulm  Mn/'"/?,  anil  tlu> Gothico-Gallic  Missal  (in/ca)  spralcs  of  tlie  two  si.iis  ,.I Zebedee  together  as  mnrlyrs. b  So  Ephiacmius  {I.e.)  t6  ayiov  c«ii'oC  fivpoi-. c  In  one  form  of  the  calendar  given  by  Seidell  (tie  Si/iie- driis  velei-um  Kbraemiim,  p.  21 '2,  el.  167!)),  tln'  ilaU-  is given  us  ScptcinliiT  24. 888 JOHN  THE  EVANGELIST,  ST.,  Festival  of friends  on  St.  John's  day  presents  of  wine  which had  been  previously  blessed  (Benedictio  or  Jlau- stus  S.  Joannis).  The  origin  of  this  custom  is not  certainly  known.  Some  have  viewed  it  as  a continuation  of  the  old  Roman  custom  of  sending to  friends  at  the  beginning  of  January  presents in  honour  of  Janus.  Whether  or  no  there  be any  connection  between  the  two  customs,  it seems  probable  that  there  must  be  some  refer- ence to  the  legend  of  the  poisoned  wine  cup  sent to  St.  John,  who  signed  it  with  the  cross  and drank  it  unhurt  (see  e.g.  Isid.  Hispal.  de  ortu et  obilic  Patrum  c.  72  ;  Patrol.  Ixxxiii.  151).  This legend  has  very  likely  arisen  from  our  Lord's words  (Matt.  xx.  23  :  cf.  also  Mark  xvi.  18),  and has  itself  obviously  been  the  source  of  a  common mediaeval  representation  of  St.  John,  as  holding a  cup  round  which  a  serpent  is  entwined. 2.  Liturgical  Notices. — In  the  Leonine  Sacra- mentary  we  have  two  masses  for  the  festival  of  St. John  on  December  27  (Leonis  0pp.  ii.  153,  ed. Ballerini).  There  is,  however,  but  one  in  the Gelasian  Sacramentary  {PatrJ.  Ixxiv.  1060), and  in  the  Gregorian,  as  given  by  Menard  (col. 10);  he  mentions,  however,  that  two  occur  in the  Cd.  Rittoldi,  and  in  the  text  of  Pamelius,  and also  in  the  Gregorian  Antiphonary  (i6.  col.  659). We  may  probably  assume  that  one  mass  was  for early  morning,  and  another  for  a  later  service. In  some  forms  of  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  is also  a  mass  for  May  6,  "  Nativitas  S.  Joannis ante  portam  Latinam  "  («6.  col.  87).  The  Am- brosian  liturgy  gives  one  mass  for  December  27 (Pamelius,  Liturgg.  Latt.  i.  307). In  the  ancient  Gallican  lectionary  published by  Mabillon,  Dec.  27  is  inscribed  in  festo  8. Johannis,  but  in  the  Gothico-Gallic  missal  the heading  is  in  Natale  Apostolorum  Jacohi  et  .lo- hannis  (Mabillon,  de  Liturgia  Gallicanii,  lib.  ii. Ill,  iii.  196).  In  the  former  case  the  epistle and  gospel  assigned  for  the  day  (no  prophetic lection  is  pi-ovided)  are  Rev.  xiv.  1-7,  Mark  x. 35  ...  .  (one  leaf  of  the  MS.  is  here  torn  away). The  Gothico-Gallic  missal  has  also  a  commemo- ration of  St.  John,  "ante  portam  Latinam"'' (ijp.  cit.  iii.  262). The  Mozarabic  liturgy  commemorates  St.  John alone  on  Dec.  27  (^Patrol.  Ixxxv.  199),  the  pro- ]>hetic  lection,  epistle,  and  gospel  being  respect- ively, Wisdom  X.  10-18,  1  Thess.'  iv.  12-17, John  xxi.  15-24.  (For  sundry  variations  from these,  see  Leslie's  notes  to  the  Mozarabic  liturgy ill  loc.)  For  the  service  in  the  Mozarabic  bre- viary, see  Patrol.  Ixx.xvi.  127. The  so-called  Liber  Comitis  provides  for  the festival  of  December  27  an  Old  Testament  lec- tion and  gospel.  Ecclus.  xv.  1-6,  and  John  xxi. 19-24  {Patrol,  xxx.  489). 3.  Apocryphal  Literature. — With  the  name  of St.  John  is  associated  a  considerable  amount  of pseudonymous  literature.  First  among  these  we may  mention  the  book  de  transitu  Mariue,  first edited  by  Tischendorf  (^Apocalypses  Apocry/jhae, pp.  70  sqq. ;  see  also  his  Prolegomena,  pp.  xxxiv. sqq.,  and  Fabricius,  Gdex  Pseudepigraphus  Movi Testamenti,  i.  352,  ed.  1719).  This  was  one  of the  books  condemned    by  the   council  at  Rome *  This  mass  occurs  between  those  for  the  "  Finding  of -the  Cross  "  and  those  for  the  Rogation  days.  It  contains, -.however,  it  must  he  statfd,  no  reference  to  the  event "iid  portam  Latinam." under  Gelasius  in  494  A.D.,  where  it  is  simply spoken  of  as  "  Liber  qui  appellatur  Transitus, id  est,  Assumptio  Sanctae  Mariae  "  (^Patrol,  lix. 1 62)  ;  and  the  false  claim  to  the  name  of  John  the 6eo\6yos  is  referred  to  by  Epiphauius  Monachus (de  Vita  B.  Virginis,  c.  1  ;  Patrol.  Gr.  cxx.  188). Fabricius  also  refers  to  another  apocryphal  docu- ment found  attached  to  a  copy  of  the  above, vi:6ixvr)ixa.  tov  Kvfyiov  t^ijloiv  'iTjcroC  XpiffToO  iU tV  a.TroKa6fi\w(nv  avrov  <Tvyypa<pe7cra  (sic}  wapa roC  ayioj  6fo\6yov.  A  passing  allusion  may  be made  here  to  the  Templars'  mutilated  recension of  the  canonical  gospel  of  St.  John,  published by  Thilo  (Codex  Apocryphus  Novi  Testamenti  i. 817)  as  the  Codex  Evangelii  Johannis  Parisiis  in sacro  Templariorum  tahdario  asservato,  and  also to  the  Book  of  St.  John,  said  to  have  been  in  use among  the  Albigenses,  and  brought  to  light  by the  Inquisition  of  Carcasoune  (Op.  cit.  884). We  may  next  mention  the  Apocryphal  Acts  of St.  John,  the  Greek  text  of  which  was  first edited  in  Tischendorf's  Acta  Apostolorum  Apo- crypha (pp.  268  sqq.),  and  a  Syriac  version  of  the latter  part  of  it  in  Dr.  Wright's  Apocryphal  Acts. Any  detailed  account  of  this  document  is  out  of place  here ;  reference  may  be  made  to  Tischen- dorf  (pp.  Ixxiii.  sqq.) :  it  may,  however,  be noted  that  it  was  known  to  Eusebius  (Hist. Eccles.  iii.  25).  A  history  of  St.  John  at  Ephesus, in  a  Syriac  translation  of  an  unknown  Greek original,  has  been  published  by  Dr.  Wright  (Op. cit.). There  is  also  an  apocryphal  Apocalypse  of  St John,  first  edited  by  Birch  in  1804,  and  subse- quently by  Tischendorf  (yipoca/.  Apocr.  pp.  70 sqq. cf.  pp.  xviii.  sqq.).  Assemani  (Bibliotheca  Orieii- talis,  iii.  part  1,  282)  mentions  three  MSS.  of  an Arabic  version  of  this  document.  Less  important than  the  above,  but  claiming  a  passing  notice, are  the  Epistle  ad  Hydropicum  quemdam  given  by the  Pseudo-Prochorus  (see  Fabricius,  i.  926),  the Prayer  of  St.  John,  cited  from  Martene  by  Fa- bricius (iii.  334),  and  the  Prophetia  de  Consum- mationc  Mnndi.  said  to  have  been  discovered  with a  commentary  of  Caecilius  in  1588  A.D.,  in  Gra- nada (lb.  iii.  720).  In  connection  with  St.  John may  also  be  mentioned  the  Historia  Apostolica (lib.  V.)  of  the  Pseudo-Abdias  (ib.  i.  531  sqq.) and  the  Passio  S.  Johannis  Evangelistae  of  Mel- litus  (ib.  iii.  604).  T\\^' Apostolic  Constitutions (viii.  16)  connect  with  the  name  of  St.  John  the regulations  as  to  the  ordination  of  presbyters. Finally,  we  may  mention  the  Syro-Jacobite liturgy  of  St.  John  the  Evangelist.  A  Latin translation  of  this  is  given  by  Renaudot  (Liturgg. Orientalium  Collect io,  ii.  163,"  ed.  1847). In  addition  to  works  already  cited,  reference may  also  be  made  to  Tillemont  (vl/c7/ioiires  pour servir  a  V Llistoire  Ecclesiastiquc,  vol.  i.  pp.  370 sqq.  and  notes  17  and  18,  ed.  1693)  and  to  Au- gusti  (Denkwiirdigkeiten  aus  dtr  Christlicheii Archiiulogie,  i.  288  sqq.,  iii.  242  sqq.).        [R.  S.] JOHN,  ST.,  THE  EVANGELIST,  in  Art. From  very  early  times  the  eagle  has  been  assigned to  St.  John  as  his  emblem  amoag  the  four  living creatures  which  have  always  been  held  sym- bolical of  the  four  Evangelists  ;  indeed  the  most ancient  method  of  representing  the  beloved  dis- ciple appears  to  have  been  by  this  symbol  alone. [Evangelists.] I'erhaps  the  oldest  personal   representations  of JOHN  THE  EVANGELIST,  ST.,  in  Art 889 him  are  to  be  found  on  two  glass  cups,  whfre  he is  figured  in  bust  conversing  with  St.  Peter ; the  names  Smox,  .Ioiiannks  being  given  (Gar- rueci,  Vetri  ornati  di  fig.  in  oro,  tav.  sxiv  4 and  5).  In  some  mosaics  of  the  6th  century  we find  him  as  a  young  man — all  representations make  him  young — with  long  hair;  a  nimbus surrounds  his  head ;  he  wears  the  tunic  and ]>allium,  and  carries  his  Gospel  pressed  to  his heart.  In  the  church  of  St.  Vitalis  at  Ravenna a  mosaic  of  A.D.  5+7,  shows  the  Evangelist seated,  holding  the  codes  of  his  Gospel  open  in his  hands  ;  before  him  is  a  small  table  with  a pen  and  ink-bottle,  and  the  symbolical  eagle appears  above  his  head.  (See  woodcut.)  Lam- beci  {Bihlioth.  Caesar.  Vindobon.  vol.  ii.  pars  i. p.  571)  gives  an  illumination  from  a  very  early Greek  manuscript  in  which  St.  John  is  repre- sented seated,  dictating  his  Gospel  to  a  deacon. We  find  him  standing  with  a  volume  in  his hand  in  a  mosaic  which  dates  from  the  9th  cen- tury, in  the  church  of  St.  Maria  Novele.     This figui-e  and  those  of  three  other  apostles  occupy four  small  niches,  which  are  placed  two  on  each side  of  a  large  niche,  containing  the  seated  figure of  the  Virgin  with  the  infant  Jesus  on  her  lap (Ciampini,  T'rf.  3Ion.  vol.  i.  tav.  liii.). In  the  crypt  of  St.  Urban  in  Caflarella,  at Rome,  we  find  a  somewhat  coarse  and  very  curi- ous painting  of  the  same  date,  in  which  St.  John appears  with  similar  surroundings.  He  stands on  the  right  of  the  Virgin  and  St.  Urban  on  the left  (Perret,  vol.  i.  p.  Ixxxiii.). The  attempted  martyrdom  of  St.  John  before the  Latin  Gate  is  figured  in  an  ancient  mosaic  on the  portico  of  St.  John  Lateran  (Ciam p.  Z>e -Sac/-. Aedif.  tab.  ii.  8).  The  scene  is  now  very  imper- fectly represented  because  the  mosaic  is  much damaged,  but  the  flagellation  of  the  apostle  can still  be  distinguished,  and  also  the  cutting  off of  his  hair.  In  the  oldest  representations  of  the Crucifixion,  St.  John  uniformly  occupies  the  posi- tion he  assumes  in  his  own  narrative  (John  xix. '.'5,  2<j),  standing  with  the  Virgin  at  the  foot  of hands  in  token  of  grief.  He  appears  thus  ia  a fresco  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Julius  (Hottari, cxcii.)  and  in  the  celebrated  diptych  of  Kambona, figured  by  Buonarotti  (  \'etri  Ornati,  p.  'JS5). Over  his  head  are  the  words,  DISSIPULK  (sic) ECCE  (mater  tua). An  almost  identical  representation  is  found upon  the  very  ancient  ivory  tablet  in  the  form of  a  pax,  mentioned  by  Florentine,  taken  from the  collegiate  church  of  Civitalis,  in  the  diocese of  Aquileifu  St.  John  stands  by  the  Lord's  side with  this  inscription :  ap.  ecce  m  I'VA  (Apostolc ecce  mater  tua). Basilicas  were  dedicated  to  St.  John  the  Evan- gelist in  very  early  times  ;  among  others,  we may  mention  that  of  St.  John  Lateran.  The ancient  Vatican  had  also  an  altar  raised  to  his honour  by  pope  Symmachus  (Ciamp.  Uc  Hacr. Aedif.  p.  60,  1  d).  (Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq. Chret.  s.  v.)  [C] JOHN  (1)  and  Gabriel;  commemorated  July 12  {Cal.  Geory.). (2)  and  Cyrus,  martyrs,  6aufiaTuvpyul,  avoip- yvpot,  A.D.  292;  commemorated  Jan.  31  {Cal. Byzant.)  :  their  translation,  A.D.  400,  commemo- rated June  28  {Cal.  Byzant.). (3)  Ab  Zedaoni  et  tredecim  patres  Syriae ; commemorated  May  7  {Cal.  Gcorg.). (4;  Twenty-ninth  patriarch  of  Alexandria, commemorated  Ginbot  4= April  29  {Cal.  Ltluop.). (5)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  1577  ;  comme- morated Ter  16  =  Jan.  1 1  (16.). (6)  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem;  commemorated March  9  {Cal.  Arinen.). (7)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  A.D.  685 ;  com- memorated Ginbot  10  =  May  5  {Cal.  L'thiop.). (8)  Archbishop  of  Alexandria,  A.D.  615;  com- memorated Nov.  12  {Cal.  Byzant.). (9)  (io-tos  iraTrjp,  6  <ruyypa<pevs  Trjs  KXifiaKos, t  A.D.  570;  commemorated  March  30  {Cal.  Byz.) (10)  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  619; commemorated  Sept.  2  {Gal.  Byiant.). (11)  Damascenus,  ocrios  irariip,  f  A-D-  735  ; commemorated  Dec.  4  {ib.). (12)  Palaeo-laurita,  'offios  iraxTjp  ;  commemo- rated April  19  {ib.). (13)  Presbyter,  deposition  in  njonast.  Reomae- ensi,  Jan.  28  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). (14)  Saint,  Penarensis:  commemorated  March 19  {ib.,  Mart.  Bom.  Vet.). (15)  Eremita,  deposition  in  Egypt,  f6d3  A.D. ; March  27  {ib.) (16)  The  pope,  martyr  at  Rome  (1626  A.D.) ; commemorated  May  28  {Mart.  Usuardi) :  depo- sition. May  28  {Mart.  Bedae). (17)  Presbyter,  martyr  under  Julian;  com- memorated June  23  {Mart.  Bum.  Vet.,  Adoui>, Usuardi). (18)  Martvr  at  Rome  witli  Paulus ;  comme- morated June  26  {ib..  Mart,  llieron.,  Bedae). (19)  Presbyter,  martyr  at  Rome  with  Crispiis under  Diocletian;  commemorated  Aug.  18 (.)/<(/•/. Adoni.s,  Usuardi). (20)  Martyr  at  Toiui,  witii  Marcellinus  and his  wile  M.'mula,  Sorapio,  and  Peter  {Mart. llirroi.  ,  .\dunis,  Usuardi). 890 JONAH (21)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia,  under  Diocletian ; commemoi-ated  Sept.  7  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi). (22)  Martyr  with  Adulfus  at  Cordova ;  com- memoiated  Sept.  27  (^Mart.  Usuardi). (23)  Martyr  in  Tuscany  ;  commemorated  with Festus.  Dec.  21  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis, Usuardi). (24)  Calybita,  A.D.  460  ;  commemorated  Jan. 1.5  {Cal.  Byzaiit.)  [W.  F.  G.] JONAH,  the  prophet ;  commemorated  Mas- karram  25  =  Sept.  22  {Cal.  Ethlop.-).    [W.  F.  G.] JONILLA,  martyr  at  Langres  with  Leonidas, Speusippus,  Elasippus,  and  Melasippus;  comme- morated Jan.  17  (Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.] JORDAN,  THE  RIVER,  in  Art.  The representations  of  the  river  Jordan  in  earl}' Christian  art,  especially  those  sculptured  on sarcophagi  (Bottari,  tav.  xxix.),  are  generally copied,  with  more  or  less  exactness,  from  the river-gods  of  pagan  antiquity.  Thus  we  find him  personified  as  an  old  man  with  a  crown and  sceptre  of  reeds,  sometimes  leaning  upon  an urn  from  which  flows  a  stream  of  water.  He  is thus  represented  in  the  mosaic  in  the  baptistery of  St.  John  in  fonte  at  Ravenna,  with  the  name Miisaic  at  Eaveima.    F Ciiirapim. lORDANN,  written  over  his  head  (Ciampini,  Yet. Mon.  i.  tav.  Ixx.,  see  woodcut);  also  in  an  illu- mination in  a  copy  of  the  Book  of  Judges,  in  the Vatican.  The  same  mythological  type  appears again  at  Ravenna,  in  a  mosaic  in  the  church  of S.  Maria  in  Cosmedin ;  in  this  instance,  however, two  horns  are  substituted  for  the  crown  of  reeds on  the  head  of  the  figure  (Id.  ibid.  II.  tav. xxiii.). The  Jordan,  simply  as  a  stream,  appears  in some  sculptured  representations  of  the  translation of  Elijah  (Bottari,  Sculture,  tav.  Hi.  2),  in  a  paint- ing of  the  baptism  of  the  Lord  in  the  cemetery of  Pontianus,  in  another  fresco  in  the  cemetery  of Callixtus  (Bottari,  Ixxii.),  on  a  bronze  medallion of  the  baptism  of  the  Lord  with  the  name  of  the river  below,  iorda  (Vettori.  Num.  Aer.  explic. frontisp.),  in  some  bottoms  of  cups,  where  it  flows at  the  feet  of  the  Saviour  (Buonarotti,  tav.  vi.  1), and  in  various  mosaics,  that  of  SS.  Cosmas  and  Da- mian  at  Rome,  for  example,  with  the  inscription JOSEPH,  ST. lORDANES  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  tav.  xvi.).  Sec Jesus  Christ,  p.  876.  On  some  sarcophagi  the Lord  appears  seated,  in  the  act  of  teaching,  and, at  his  feet,  a  half-length  human  figure  holding with  both  hands  a  piece  of  cloth,  which  inflated by  the  wind,  spreads  above  his  head  in  the  form of  an  arch.  This  has  been  supposed  to  be  an- other emblem  of  the  river  Jordan  (Oavedoni, Raqguol.  crit.  p.  50),  on  the  banks  of  which sevei-al  of  the  Lord's  discourses  were  delivered. But  see  Firmament.  (Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq. C/ir^t.  s.  V.  'Jourdain.')  [C] JOSEPH.  (1)  Of  Thessalonica,  offios  Tcarhp Kal  buoKoytjrris;  commemorated  July  13  {Cal. liyzant.). (2)  Husband  of  the  Virgin  Mary;  commemo- rated Hamle  26  =  July  20  {Cal.  Ethiop.) (3)  Ab  Alaverdi;  commemoi-ated  Sept.  15 {Cal.  Georg.). (4)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  1849  A.D. ;  com- memorated Tekemt  23  ^  Oct.  20  {Cal.  Ethiop.). (5)  The  Just ;  commemorated  July  20  {Mart. Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] JOSEPH,  ST.  Early  Christian  art  has  left us  no  work   in  which  St.  Joseph  appears  alone. ,  Jo-'^epli.     Carv ory,  from  Martigny. or  even  as  a  principal  figure.  In  such  subjects as  the  Nativity,  the  Adoration  of  the  Shepherds, and  of  the  Magi,  and  the  finding  of  Jesus  in  the Temple,  he  appears  only  as  an  accessory  ;  never in  an  exalted,  seldom  even  in  a  prominent, position. He  is  represented  as  a  middle-aged  man,  some- times bald  (Bottari,  tav.  Ixxsvi.),  sometimes with  thick  hair  (Id.  Ixxxv. ;  Allegranza,  Monum. Sacr.  di  Milano,  tav.  iv.) ;  he  is  generally  robed in  tunic  and  pallium,  and  carries  some  car- penter's tool,  as  the  distinctive  mark  of  his calling  (Molanus,  de  Hist.  SS.  Imacj.  p.  269). Thus  in  a  diptych  in  Milan  cathedral  he  is represented  with  a  saw  (Bugati,  Memor.  di  S. Celso,  p.  282),  on  the  sarcophagus  of  Celsus,  also in   Milan,    he  carries    an   adze  (Bugati,  u.  s.  p. JOSHUA 242),  and  wears  the  everyday  costume  of  an artisan. In  all  these  cases  St.  Joseph  retains  the  un- obtrusive position  assigned  to  him  in  the  gospel narratives — always  in  the  background,  and  ap- parently full  of  earnest  thought.  He  appears absorbed  in  his  duty  as  the  protector  of  the Holy  Family  ;  in  an  attitude  of  watchful  love  he stands  behind  the  Virgin  while  the  Holy  Child sleeps  upon  her  knees;  sometimes  his  hand  is stretched  over  them  in  token  of  protection (Perret,  vol.  v.  pi.  xii.)  ;  sometimes,  seated  near the  cradle,  he  guards  the  slumbers  of  the  Divine Infant. Bandini  gives  an  ancient  ivory  (/«  tahulam ebuni.  in  fine ;  see  woodcut),  which  shows  two scenes  in  the  life  of  St.  Joseph.  Above,  the  dream; an  angel  standing  by  a  bed  extends  his  arm  over the  sleeper  in  the  attitude  of  exhortation.  Below, we  have  the  journey  to  Bethlehem  :  an  angel leads  the  ass  on  which  the  Virgin  is  seated ;  her arm  encircles  Joseph's  neck,  and  his  whole  atti- tude expresses  the  most  reverent  affection.  (Mar- tigny.  Bid.  des  Antiq.  Chre't.  s.  v.)  [C] JOSHUA,  the  son  of  Nun ;  commemorated Se])t.  l{C'al.  Byzant.);  Senne  25  =  June  19  {Cal. Ethiop.).    Also  with  Gideon.  [W.  F.  G.] JOURNEYING.  All  travellers  and  strangers were  expected  to  bring  Coaihendatory  Letters, i.e.  testimonials  from  their  own  bishop,  and  were then  admitted  to  communicate  in  the  Eucharist. Persons  who  had  not  pi-ovided  themselves  with these,  might  share  if  they  needed  it,  in  the  hos- pitality provided  by  the  churches  and  religious houses,  but  were  not  admitted  to  communion. This  was  to  guard  against  the  admission  of  ex- communicated persons.  The  Apostolical  Canons order  that  if  any  person  was  received  without commendatory  letters,  and  it  afterwards  ap- peared that  he  was  excommunicate,  both  the receiver  and  received  should  be  cast  out  of communion  {Can.  xiii.).  From  an  allusion  in the  letters  of  Gregory  the  Great,  we  learn  that those  who  travelled  by  sea  sometimes  took  the reserved  sacrament  in  both  kinds  with  them  in the  ship,  so  as  not  to  be  deprived  of  communion. (Gregor.  Dialog.  III.,  c.  36,  apud  Baron,  an.  404). "  Pcregrina  Communio,"  or  the  Communion  of Strangers,  is  a  well-known  phrase  in  Canons, but  is  not  well  understood  (Bingham,  xvii.  3  ; and  Communion,  Holy,  p.  417).  From  the  fifth century  downwards,  these  rules  were  of  con- tinual application,  in  consequence  of  the  in- creasing practice  of  going  on  pilgrimages.  [Pil- grimage.] [S.  J.  E.] JOVINIANUS,  the  reader  of  Auxerre ;  Pas- fio,  May  5  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi).    [W.  F.  G.] JOYINUS,  martyr  at  Rome  with  Basileus, under  Gallienus  and  Valerianus ;  commemorated March  2  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis.  Usnnrdi). [W.  F.  G.] JO  VITA.     [Fau.stinus  (1).] JUDAS  ISCARIOT.  The  subjoined  wood- cut is  taken  from  Assemani's  Gatalogus  ISibl. Laurentianae,  and  represents  one  of  the  illumi- nations in  the  great  MS.  of  Rabula,  in  that collection.  The  subject  is  very  rare  in  early Christian  art.  The  Betrayal  of  our  Lord  after, wards   became  specially  popular  with   painters; JUDE  THE  APOSTLE,  ST. 891 but  is  not  found  that  we  are  aware  of  (except ■'  ly  in  MSS.)  within  the  limits  of  our  period. Martigny  makes  no  mention  of  it,  and  Gue'ne'- bault's  earliest  example  is  of  the  12th  century. [R.  St.  J.  T.] JUDE  THE  APOSTLE,  ST.,  Legend  and Festival  of. 1.  Legend,  ^c. — With  the  name  of  this  apostle considerable  difficulties  are  associated  ;  the  ques- tions as  to  the  identity  of  Jude  with  Lebbaeus andThaddaeus,  the  identity  of  Jude  the  apostle with  Judas  the  Lord's  brother,  and,  on  the  hypo- thesis which  distinguishes  these  two  last,  the question  as  to  which  was  the  author  of  the  ca- nonical epistle.  As  to  the  first  point,  in  spite  of some  curious  complications,  we  can  hardly  hesi- tate to  assume  the  identity  of  the  three ;  it  is not  conceivable  that  the  Evangelists  should  have actually  varied  in  the  lists  of  the  Twelve.  It is  not  necessary  to  enter  at  length  into  this point  here,  as  it  will  be  found  discussed  in  the Dictionary  of  the  Bible;  a  few  further  re- marks, however,  may  be  made.  The  most  pro- minent tradition  in  connection  with  the  name  of this  apostle  is  the  mission  to  .\bgarus,  king  of Edessa,  to  which  we  shall  again  refer.  The  case is,  however,  complicated  by  the  fact  that  some writers  describe  this  Thaddaeus  as  the  apostle {e.g.  Jerome,  Comrn.  in  Matt.  x.  4;  vol.vii.  ))t.  1, 57,  ed.  Vallarsi ;  and  the  Acta  Thaddaei,  infra), while  others  {e.g.  Eusebius,  Hist.  Eccles.  i.  13) speak  of  him  alone  of  the  Seventy  disciples,  who was  sent  to  Edessa  by  the  apostle  Thomas.  This last  writer  introduce's  another  difficulty  by  stat- ing (/.  c.)  that  the  name  of  Thomas  was  really Judas.*  Yet  another  element  of  confusion  has been  brought  in  by  those  who  identify  Lebbaeus with  Levi  (cf.  Origen  contra  Celswn,  i.  02).  Any discussion,  however,  on  these  theories  is  quite beyond  our  present  province,  and  wo  shall  there- fore assume  the  identity  of  Jude,  Lebbaeus,  and Thaddaeus  ;  and  in  collecting  the  various  notices of  Thaddaeus  we  shall  inchide  all  as  belonging  to the  apostle,  except  those  which  distinctly  refer to  him  as  one  of  the  Seventy.  As  to  the  varying forms  of  the  tra<litions  about  Thaddaeus's  labours and  death,  it  is  utterly  impossible  to  say  how far  they  are   to  be  viewed  as  distinctly  contllct- •  In  the  Syriiic  Acts  of  'I'homas,  publisbcd  by  Dr Wright,  the  name  Thomas  appears  as  a  mere  occasional n.Milioii  to  .lu.1.1.-.     S,.o  also  Assfinaiii,  Hild.  Or.  i.  318. 892 JUDE  THE  APOSTLE,  ST.,  Legend  and  Festival  of ing  legends,  and  how  for  they  ai-e  to  be  explained as  referring  to  two  different  men. We  shall  now  proceed  briefly  to  glance  through the  various  legends.  The  Martyrologium  Hicro- iiipni  speaks  in  its  Prologue  of  St.  Simon  and St.  Jude  having  suffered  together  "in  Susia, civitate  magna  apud  Persidem "  (^Patrol,  xxx. 451),  though  in  the  body  of  the  work  the scene  of  the  martyrdom  is  simply  given  as "  alibi "  (ib.  495).  Tiie  Martyrology  of  Bade speaks  of  previous  labours  of  St.  Jude  in  Meso- potamia (Patrol,  xciv.  184):  so  also  the  Western Martyrologies  *'  generally,  see  e.g.  those  of  Wand- albert  (Patrol,  cxxi.  616)  and  Usuard  (Patrol. cxxiv\  630).  So  also  Isidore,  who  refers  to  la- bours in  Mesopotamia,  Pontus,  and  Armenia  (de ortu  et  obitu  Patrum,  c.  78,  Patrol.  Ixxsiii.  453) and  Venantius  Fortunatus  (Carm.  viii.  6;  Patrol. lxxxviii.270).  Paulinus  of  Nola  does  indeed  speak of  his  labours  among  the  Libyans  (Poema  xix. 82  ;  Patrol.  Ixi.  514),  but  a  mere  unsupported statement  of  this  kind  need  not  count  for  much.<= The  account  given  by  Nicephorus  (Hist.  Eccles. ii.  40)  varies  somewhat,  and,  as  will  be  seen,  we cannot  account  for  the  variation  by  referring  it to  the  other  Thaddaeus.  The  apostle  is  spoken of  as  labouring  in  Judaea,  Galilee,  Samaria,  Idu- raaea,  Arabia,  Syria,  and  Mesopotamia,  finally d'-ing  peaceably  at  Edessa ;  on  his  arrival  at which  place  he  found  that  Thaddaeus,  one  of  the Seventy  disciples,  had  been  there  before  him. The  Apocryphal  Acts  of  Thaddaeus  (infra)  dilfer again.  According  to  these,  Thaddaeus  was  a native  of  Edessa,  who  was  a  disciple  of  St.  John the  Baptist  before  he  followed  Christ.  Abgarus, king  of  Edessa,  having  been  healed  by  a  miracu- lous portrait  sent  him  by  our  Lord,  is  visited  by Thaddaeus  after  the  Ascension.  The  apostle, after  making  many  converts,  journeys  to  Amis on  the  Tigris,  and  thence  to  Berytus  in  Phoenicia where  he  apparently  dies  a  natural  death. Syrian  traditions  almost  universally  distinguish Thaddaeus,  the  apostle  of  Edessa,  from  St.  Jude  ; though,  like  Western  authorities,  they  assigu Mesopotamia  to  the  latter  as  the  sphere  of  his labours;  the  former,  however,  whom  they  ordi- narily name  Adai,  they  maintain  to  be  one  of  the Seventy  (see  Assemani,  Bibl.  Orient,  i.  318;  iii. part  1,  297,  302  ;  from  which  last  reference  it appears  that  practically  the  only  exception  to the  general  character  of  the  stream  of  Syrian tradition  is  Jesujabus,  bishop  c(f  Nisibis,  with whom  Adai  is  the  same  as  the  apostle  St.  Jude  : — for  the  history  of  this  Adai,  see  Op.  cit.  iii. part  2,  pp.  8-13). 2.  Festival. — As  in  the  case  of  not  a  few  others of  the  apostles,  there  is  a  lack  of  evidence  for any  early  special  commemoration  of  St.  Jude; and  its  absence  from  the  earlier  Sacramentaries, as  well  as  the  foct  that  hardly  any  ancient Homilies''  are  extant  for  such  a  festival,  points in  the  same  direction.     In  the  West  the  comme- *>  The  Martyrologium  Gellonense  speaks  of  St.  Jude's having  been  buried  "  in  Nerito  Arminiae  urbe"  (D' Achery, Spicilegium,  xiii.  390).  This  is  probably  a  false  reading for  "  in  Bevyto ;"  so  Isidore  (I.  c.)  "  in  Beryto  ArmsDiae." •■  Muratori  {not.  in  loc.)  tries  to  account  for  the  discre- pancy by  supposing  Libya  to  be  the  place  of  sepulture, but  not  of  death,  but  this  is  palpably  over-refining. d  Among  the  very  few,  we  may  note  that  of  Nicetas Paphlago  (Patrol.  Gr.  cv.  254);  that  once  attributed  to Bcde  '^t'atrol.  xciv.  489)  is  spurious. moration  of  St.  Jude  has  been  joined  with  that of  St.  Simon  on  October  28,  but  this  combination does  not  occur  in  Eastern  calendars.  The  reason for  this  association  of  the  two  names  it  is  im- possible to  ascertain  ;  it  may  have  been  from  the belief  that  the  two  apostles  were  brothers,  or from  the  tradition  of  their  having  suffered  mar- tyrdom on  the  same  day,  but  as  in  the  parallel case  of  St.  Philip  and  St.  James  it  is  perfectly useless  to  theorize.  It  may  merely  be  remarked that  as  regards  the  first  of  these  theories,  there is  no  trace  of  such  a  combination  of  St.  Peter and  St.  Andrew,  and  but  little  of  one  of  St.  James and  St.  John  :  as  regards  the  latter,  the  tradition can  have  been  by  no  means  a  wide-spread  one, inasmuch  as  only  the  Western  church  comme- morates the  two  apostles  on  the  same  day. We  have  already  remarked  as  to  the  absence of  this  festival  from  the  oldest  liturgical  authori- ties. Thus  we  find  no  trace  of  it  in  the  Leonine or  Gelasian  Sacramentaries,  in  Mabillon's  Gal- ilean liturgy,  in  Muratori's  Gregorian  Sacra- mentary  and  in  the  calendar  of  Fronto :  nor  is  it recognized  in  the  Pontifical  of  Egbert,  archbishop of  York  (ob.  766  A.D.).  It  is  found,  however,  in the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  as  edited  by  Menard (col.  137),  where  also  a  Ni'|.,u-atr  mass  is  pro- vided for  the  ^-igil.  Thovii;il  is  , I Imj  recognized with  the  festival  in  Menard's  (irc^Mirian  Anti- phonary  (coL  711),  and  in  the  St.  Gall  MS.  of the  Martyrologium  Gellonense  (D'Achfery,  Spici- legium, xiii.  427).  A  mass  for  the  festival  is  given in  the  Ambrosiau  liturgy,  part  of  which  is  the same  as  that  in  the  Gregorian  (Pamelius,  Liturgg. Latt.  i.  427);  and  in  the  Mozarabic  missal, where,  however,  it  must  be  noticed  that  the greater  part  of  the  service  is  borrowed  from that  for  another  festival,  that  for  St.  Peter  and St.  Paul  (Patrol.  Ixxv.  888,  where  see  Leslie's note :  also  for  the  form  in  the  Mozarabic  bre- viary, see  Patrol.  Ixxxvi.  1236).  The  Comes Hieronipni,  as  published  by  Pamelius  (Liturgg. Latt.  ii.  53)  gives  an  Old  Testament  lection  [or epistle]  and  gospel  for  the  vigil  and  the  festival  ; Wisdom  iii.  1  sqq.,  John  xv.  1  sqq.,  and  Romans viii.  28  sqq.,  John  xv.  17  sqq. Besides  the  festival  of  October  28,  it  may  be noted  that  some  Western  calendars  give  other commemorations  of  St.  Simon  and  St.  Jude: tlius  the  Martyrologium  LLieronymi,  as  given  by D'Achfery  from  the  Corbey  MS.,  adds  one  on July  1  (Patrol,  xxx.  464),  and  the  Marlyrologitim Gellonense  (D'Achfery,  405)  two,  on  June  29  and July  1. In  the  Eastern  church,  as  we  have  already  said, St.  Jude  is  commemorated  apart  from  St.  Simon, on  June  19.  There  is  also  a  festival  on  August 21  of  Thaddaeus,  whom  we  should  assume  to  be the  apostle  of  Edessa  viewed  as  distinct  from St.  Jude.  Papebroch,  however  (infra),  evidently refers  both  to  the  same  St.  Jude  in  his  notes  to the  Greek  metrical  Ephemerides  published  by him  in  the  Acta  Sanctorum  (May,  vol.  i.  pp. xxxii.  xl.).  The  notices  here  are  —  tuvta  koI ^€KdTri  dvr)CTK€i  ^iXiifffftv  'louSas,  and  ^IkoSi TTpcinr}  @aSSa7os  ^iStoio  airfwrT).  In  the  Arme- nian calendar  we  find  commemorations  of  Thad- daeus on  July  20  and  of  Thaddaeus  and  Bartho- lomew on  November  30  (Neale,  Eastern  Church, Introd.  pp.  800,  804).  Whether,  however,  both of  these  are  to  be  referred  to  St.  Jude  we  are unable   to  say.     We   may  refer  lastly  to   the  ca- JUDGE lendars  of  the  Egyptian  aud  Ethiopic  churches published  hy  LndoU  {Fasti  Sacri  Ecdesiae  Alex- andrinae).  Here  we  find  "  Jude,  Apostle,"  com- memorated by  the  former  church  on  Jan.  26  and May  10  (pp.  19,  28);  and  a  commemoration  by both  churches  of  Thaddaeus  on  June  2G  (p.  32), and  of  the  Translation  of  the  body  of  Thaddaeus on  July  23  (p.  35).  The  last  two  are  perhaps  to be  referred  to  Thaddaeus  viewed  as  external to  the  Twelve. 3.  Whether  the  apostle  St,  Jude  is  to  be  con- sidered as  the  author  of  the  canonical  epistle bearing  the  name  of  Jude,  we  do  not  discuss here  :  reference  may  be  made  on  this  point  to  the DiCTIONAUY  OF  THE  BiBLE.  But  little  pseudo- Dvmous  literature  is  connected  with  the  name of  St.  Jude ;  an  apocryphal  gospel  bearing  the name  of  Thaddaeus  is  mentioned  in  some  forms of  the  records  of  the  council  held  at  Rome  in 49-i  A.D.  under  the  episcopate  of  Gelasius  {Patrol. lix.  162).  It  has  been  suggested,  but  does  not seem  probable,  that  Tliaddaei  is  a  false  reading  for Matthiae.  There  are  also  extant  Acta  Tliaddaei, of  which  the  Greek  text  was  first  published  by Tischendorf  {Acta  Apostolorum  Apocrypha,  pp. 261  sqq.).  In  this  is  contained  the  letter  of  Ab- garus  to  our  Lord  in  a  somewhat  different  form fi'om  that  given  by  Eusebius.  The  Apostolic  Consti- tutions (viii.  25)  give,  in  the  name  of  "  Lebbaeus, surnamed  Thaddaeus,"  the  regulation  as  to  the order  of  widows  in  the  church,  and  also  as  to exorcists.  Finally,  we  may  refer  for  the  legend- ary history  to  the  Historia  Apostolica  of  the Pseudo-Abdias  (lib.  vi. ;  Fabricius,  Codex  Pseude- pigmphus  Novi  Testamenti,\.  591  sqq.,  ed.  1719). In  addition  to  works  already  cited,  see  also Augusti,  Denkwilrdigkeiten  aiis  der  Ckristlichen Archdologie,  vol.  iii.  pp.  206  sqq.  Van  Hecke in  the  Acta  Sanctorum  (October,  vol.  xii.  pp. 437  sqq.)  ;  Assemani,  Kalcndariuin  Kcclesiae  Uni- versae,  vi.  432  sqq.  [R.  S.] JUDGE.  The  early  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction was  exercised  without  formality  or  strict  adhe- rence to  legal  rights  and  requirements,  in  a  quasi- paternal  manner.  [Compare  Discipline.]  Ko special  training  was  therefore  required  for  it. The  bishop  himself  was  the  usual  and  •'  ordinary  " judge:  and  appeals  from  him  went  to  the  pro- vincial synod  or  to  the  metropolitan,  primate or  patriarch  in  person.  [Appeal;  Audientia Episcopalis;  Bishop,  p.  236.] The  earliest  officer  of  the  bishop  occupying  in any  sense  an  independent  position  was  the  OECO- NOMUS  or  treasurer.  This  office  was  often  united with  that  of  the  defensor  or  guardian  and  advo- cate of  the  liberties  of  the  church,  who  is  spoken of  iu  the  2nd  canon  of  the  council  of  Chalcedon. [Advocate  of  the  Chuecii.]  Gothofredus  (in Cod.  I.  iii.  33.  2)  says  that  the  defensor  became in  time  a  judo-e  in  small  causes:  and  his  office is  supposed  by  Ayliffe  {Parerg.  160)  to  have been  the  original  of  the  modern  official  or  chan- cellor. ,    .    ,  J    • The  word  "  official  ",  the  technical  word  m later  times  (as  in  the  12th  century)  for  the officer  exercising  coercive  jurisdiction  on  behalf of  the  bishop  or  metropolitan,  is  not  used  in  this sense  in  the  Code  or  iu  the  Novells.  The  woi-d indeed  often  occurs  in  them,  but  as  the  name of  a  secular  officer.  ^    .u  i     ■ The   9th    canon    of   the    council   of  (halcouon JULIANUS 893 speaks  of  arbitrators  being  chosen  with  the bishop's  consent  to  determine  civil  controversies between  clerks,  instead  of  the  bishop. The  greater  formality  and  style  of  the  ecclesi- astical courts  grew  up  with  the  increa.se  of  juris- diction over  civil  matters  and  with  the  appoint- ment of  "officials"  in  the  12th  century.  The presence  of  a  registrar  to  make  solemn  record of  the  decrees  of  the  court  was  first  ordered  in the  council  of  Lateran  held  under  Innocent  III. A.D.  1215  ;  though  it  was  probably  customary  to have  a  scribe  or  notary  present  at  the  formal sittings  of  the  courts  for  some  time  before  this  ; and  we  actually  hear  of  notaries  at  the  pseudo- council  of  Ephesus,  A.D.  449.  Apparitors  or summoners  to  the  bishop's  courts  are  spoken  of in  the  Code  and  Novells,  where  the  fees  to  be taken  by  them  are  specially  regulated. In  what  has  been  said  as  to  the  bishop  being the  "ordinary"  judge,  it  is  not  intended  to imply  that  he  decided,  at  any  rate  grave  cases, alone,  or  without  the  advice  and  concurrence  of his  clergy. Similarly  the  metropolitan,  even  if  he  did  not convene  the  whole  provincial  synod,  collected some  of  the  bishops  of  the  province  to  assist  him in  deciding  the  causes  brought  before  him.  In some  cases  the  canons  or  imperial  laws  speak  of the  metropolitan,  in  others  of  the  synod,  as  the proper  court. The  jurisdiction  of  abbots  [Abbat]  had  hardly grown  up  during  the  period  of  which  we  are treating.  They  had  at  the  utmost  a  sort  of parental  authority  subordinate  to  the  bishop. [Jurisdiction.]  [W.  G,  F,  P,] JULIA.  (1)  Virgin,  martyr  in  Corsica ; commemorated  May  22  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi), (2)  [Florentius.] (3)  Virgin,  martvr  at  Troves;  commemorated July  21  {Mart.  Usuardi). (4)  Martyr  in  Lusitania  with  Venerissinia  and Maxima  {ib.). (5)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Augusta  Eufratesia ; commemorated  Oct.  7  {Mart.  Rom.  Yet.,  Adonis, Usuardi). (6)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Emerita  (Merida)  with Eulalia;  commemorated  Dec.  10  {M,irt.  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] JULIANA.  (1)  Martyr  "  apud  Augustanam urbem  "  with  Quiriacus,  Largio,  Crescentianus, Niramia,  and  20  others;  commemorated  Aug.  12 {Mart.  Usuardi). (2)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Cumae,  in  the  time  of Maximinian  ;  commemorated  Feb.  16  {Mart.  Rom. Vet.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (3)  Martvr  of  Nicomedia,  A.D.  209;  comme- morated Dec.  21  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] JULIANUS.     (1)  Martyr  with    Maximinus and  Lucianus  {Mart.  Usuardi). (2)  and  Basilissa,  martyrs  at  Antioch  under Diocletian  and  Maximian;  commemorated  Jan, 6  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi); Nov,  25  {Cat.  Annen.). (3)  Martyr  in  Egypt  with  five  others;  com- memoiatod  Feb.  16  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). (4)  Martyr  in  Africa  with  Publius;  coinnie- moratcd  l-'cb.  19  ( .l/.nV.  Usuardi). 894 JULITTA (5)  Martyr  at  Alexandria;  commemorated Feb.  27  (^Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (6)  Bishop;  deposition  at  Toledo,  llarch  G (^Mart.  Usuardi). (7)  [Symphorosa.] (8)  Tarsensis,  mart}'!  ;  commemorated  June 21  {Cal.  Byzaiit.). (9)  Martyr  at  Damascus  with  Sabinus,  Maxi- mus,  Macrobius,  Cassias,  Paula,  and  10  others; commemorated  July  20  (^Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). (10)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  Peter  and  18 others  ;  commemorated  Aug.  7  (^Mart.  Rom.  Vet., Adonis,  Usuardi). (11)  Saint  in  Syria ;  commemorated  with Macarius,  Aug.  12  {Mart.  Roia.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi). (12)  Martyr  at  Clermont ;  commemorated Aug.  28  (Mart.  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). (13)  Presbyter,  martyr  at  Terracina  with  Cae- sarius  the  deacon  in  the  time  of  Claudius  ;  com- memorated Nov.  1  (Mart.  Horn.  Vet.,  Bedae, Adonis,  Usuardi). (14)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  fA.D.  189  ;  com- memorated Magabit  8  =  March  4  {Cal.  Ethiop.). [W.  F.  G.] JULITTA  or  JULIETTA,  martyr  at  An- tioch  with  her  son  Cyricus  or  Cyrillus,  a.d.  296  ; commemorated  June  16  (Mart.  Horn.  Vet., Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi) ;  Jan.  21  (Cal.  Armen.)  ■ July  15  (Cal.  Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] JULIUS.  (1)  The  pope,  martyr  under  Con- stantius:  commemorated  April  V2.  (^Mart.  Bom. Vet.,  Bedae,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  Cal. Bucher.). (2)  [Felix  (5),] (3)  Senator,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Commodus ; commemorated  Aug.  19(Jia/-i.  Bom.  Fef.,  Adonis, Usuardi). (4)  Slartyr  in  Tlirace  ;  commemorated  Dec.  20 {Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi). (5)  Martyr  in  Mesia  at  Dorostorum ;  com- memorated May  27  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi). (6)  Mart  vr  with  Potamica,  civ.  Thagord  ;  com- memorated Dec.  5  {Mart.  Usuardi).    [W.  F.  G.] JUNCA,  COUNCIL  OF  {Juncense  con- cilium). Of  Junca  in  Africa,  a.d.  523  (see AFPaCAN  Councils).  A  canon  attributed  to  it by  Ferrandus  (n.  26)  is  to  the  effect  that  no bishop  may  claim  anything  for  himself  in  a flock  that  is  not  his  own  (Mansi,  viii.  633). [E.  S.  Ff.] JUNIA    and    Andronieus,     apostles,     (I!om. xvi.  7)  ;  commemorated  May  17  {Cal.  B'iznnt.). [\V.  F.  G.] JUKISDICTION.  Before  the  time  of  Con- stantine  the  Great  such  jurisdiction  as  was  ex- ercised in  the  church  must  have  been  of  a  purely spiritual  character,  and  its  sanctions  must  have been  purely  spiritual..  Sinners  were  brought before  the  tribunal  of  the  bishop,  who  judged and  inflicted  spiritual  censures,  and  inflicted them  probably  without  appeal. Upon  the  recognition  by  Constantine  of  the church    as    a   collegium   licitiun,    these    spiritual JURISDICTION judgments  and  censures  began  to  have  an  effect of  which  the  civil  law  could  take  cognizance, and  a  civil  effect  was  given  to  them.  They  were also  made  use  of  to  assist  or  sometimes  even  take the  place  of  the  sanctions  of  the  civil  law. In  criminal  causes  where  the  accused  was  a clerk,  or  in  any  way  specially  connected  with the  performance  of  religious  observance.s,  there was  an  early  tendency  to  make  the  bishop  the judge,  first  in  conjunction  with  the  lay  judge and  in  time  as  the  sole  judge.  Judging  as  a  spi- ritual judge  over  spiritual  persons,  a  confusion arose  between  the  sentences  which  he  imposed  in execution  of  the  discipline  of  the  Church,  and those  which  he  imposed  as  a  delegate  of  the power  of  the  State  and  armed  with  the  authority of  a  criminal  judge.  The  two  matters  are  so intertwined,  that  it  will  be  convenient  to  discuss together  the  jurisdiction  in  spiritual  matters  and that  over  spiritual  persons. A  second  fountain  of  jurisdiction  in  the  courts of  the  church  was  arbitration.  Bishops  were encouraged  by  the  Christian  Emperors  to  arbi- trate on  moral  grounds  between  Christians  dis- puting as  to  matters  of  right  and  property,  and the  civil  law  gave  a  civil  force  to  their  judg- ments. Where  clerks  were  parties,  the  pro- priety of  a  recourse  to  the  tribunal  of  the  bishop was  considered  to  be  greater.  Where  a  clerk was  defendant,  his  right  to  escape  the  annoyance of  appearing  before  a  secular  tribunal  was  paral- leled to  and  strengthened  by  his  privilege  to  be tried  by  the  bishop  when  defendant  on  a  criminal charge.  Hence  arose  jurisdiction  between  parties generally. Lastly,  certain  special  matters  of  civil  litiga- tion began  to  be  considered,  irrespective  of  the parties,  as  being  peculiarly  fit  for  the  cognizance of  the  ecclesiastical  judge.  Hence  arose  a  juris- diction over  special  civil  causes. Jurisdiction  in  s/nritual  matters  and  over  spi- ritual persons. — We  have  here  first  to  consider the  difference  between  the  forum  internum  and the  forum  externum.  The  forum  internum  was the  tribunal  in  which  the  bishop  or  sometimes the  priest  decided  on  cases  of  conscience,  gave spiritual  directions,  and  counselled  with  fatherly authority  penitential  discipline.  The  procedure and  the  decision  of  this  tribunal  were  not,  except in  the  cases  where  public  penance  was  required, necessarily  known  to  any  but  the  penitent  and his  judge.  The  terror  of  conscience  was  the  only sanction,  and  there  could  be  no  formal  appeal. But  along  with  this  fo7-u)n  the  church  from  its earliest  time  possessed  also  a  furum  externum (see  1  Cor.  v. ;  1  Tim.  i.  20).    [Penitenck.] When  the  gravity  of  the  offence  altereii  the relation  of  the  parties  and  converted  the  father into  the  avenger,  or  made  it  necessary  to  prefer the  public  weal  of  the  community  to  the  indi- vidual welfare,  the  sentences  of  deposition  or excommunication  were  inflicted. These  sentences  on  clerk  or  layman  were  in- flicted by  the  bishop.  They  were  or  ought  to  be recognized  by  all  other  bishojjs,  and  there  was originally  no  appeal.  The  so-called  Apostolical Canons,  though  requiring  the  imposition  of  these sentences  in  several  cases,  are  silent  as  to  the procedure  by  which  they  were  to  be  inflicted. The  Nicene  Canons  for  the  first  time  pi'ovide  a limited  right  of  appeal. The  5th  canon  says  that  clerics  or  lay  people JURISDICTION separated  from  commucion  by  their  own  bishop, shall  be  held  everywhere  to  be  so  separated  ;  but that  in  order  that  no  one  should  be  expelled from  communion  through  a  contentious  or  harsh spirit  of  their  bishop,  the  occasion  of  their expulsion  shall  be  inquired  into  by  the  j)rovincial synod,  which  is  to  be  held  for  this  purpose  twice a  year.  The  decision  of  the  synod  is  to  be  final. It  was  not  till  considerably  later,  when,  it  does not  exactly  appear,  that  further  appeals  were allowed.     [Appeal;  Indulgp:nce.] The  original  discipline  of  the  church  had made  all  crimes  as  importing  sins  the  subjects  of the  penitential  discipline  or  the  forum  internum, and  by  consequence  in  the  graver  and  more public  cases,  or  where  penitence  was  not  shown, of  the  forum  externum.  It  became  however obviously  impossible,  as  the  church  tribunals took  a  more  formal  shape  and  as  appeals  came  to be  allowed,  that  ordinary  criminal  ofl'ences against  the  laws  of  the  state  should  be  tried  in any  fashion  by  the  church  courts ;  and  hence  a division  arose,  whereby  certain  offences  became the  subject  of  the  almost  exclusive  jurisdiction of  the  church  courts,  while  on  other  offences they  were  not  allowed  to  sit  in  judgment. Offences  of  laymen  subject  to  the  jurisdiction of  the  church  courts  were  heresy  (Van  Espen Jus  Eccles.  Univ.  pars  iii.  tit.  iv.  cap.  2,  and the  article  Heresy),  magic  (can.  10,  cans.  26, q.  5),  blasphemy,  to  be  punished  by  bishop  or count  according  to  the  capitularies  of  the  Frank kings  (lib.  vi.  cap.  101),  and  probably  cases  of laying  violent  hands  on  clerks.  It  seems  that incest  and  incontinence  were  not  distinctly reckoned  as  offences  over  which  the  church  had coercive  jurisdiction  till  late  in  the  9th  or  the 10th  century,  though  they  were  of  course  sub- ject to  penitential  discipline  [Fornication; Harlot;  Incest]. Every  offence  which  when  committed  by  a layman  subjected  him  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the ecclesiastical  court,  subjected  a  fortiori  a  clerk. But  the  subjection  of  clerks  to  the  ecclesi- astical tribunals  was  much  wider  than  this.  In A.D.  376  a  law  of  Gratian  and  Valentinian  is said  to  have  subjected  clerks  for  small  offences or  offences  of  an  ecclesiastical  nature  to  their diocesan  synod  (L.  23,  Cod.  Theod.  de  Episcopis  et Clericis).  But  a  special  exception  was  made  of such  offences  as  gave  rise  to  a  criminal  action before  the  ordinary  or  extraordinary  judges  or the  higher  officials  classed  as  the  Illustrious. So  iu'  A.I).  399,  Arcadius  and  Honorius  are said  (L.  I.  Coil.  Theod.  Be  Beligione)  to  have ordered  causes  relating  to  religion  to  be  tried  by the  bishops,  but  questions  which  related  to  the civil  law  to  be  tried  according  to  the  law  {i.e.  by the  lay  judges).  Rather  stronger  is  an  edict attributed  to  Valentinian  Theodosius  and  Ar- cadius (L.  3  Cod.  Theud.  de  Episcop.  Jud.)  Van Espen  {Jus  Eccl.  pars  iii.  tit.  iii.  cap.  i.)  cites  a <  onstitution  of  Honorius,  A.D.  412  (L.  41,  C"d. Theod.  de  Episcop.  et  Cleric.)  which  would  ap- parently subject  the  clerk  for  all  offences  to  the bishop;  but  it  is  held  that  the  words,  though vague  and  general,  do  not  really  refer  to  other than  ecclesiastical  offences. We  come  next  to  Justinian.  The  Code  con- tains an  enumeration  of  the  courts  by  which an  accused  clerk  is  to  be  tried  as  follows :  he  is to   be   tried  before   his  bishop.      If  the  bishop  be JURISDICTIOX 89o "  suspected  "  there  is  to  be  an  appeal  (or  possiblv an  original  trial)  before  the  metropolitan.  It' his  decision  be  not  satisfactory,  an  appeal  lies  to the  provincial  synod  and  thence  to  the  patriarch, whose  judgment  (subject  to  certain  peculiar rights  in  the  patriarch  of  Constantinople)  is  to be  final.  The  law  then  proceeds  as  follows : "  As  for  these  proceedings,  if  they  relate  to ecclesiastical  matters,  we  oi-der  that  they  be  of necessity  tried  only  by  the  most  religious  bishops or  metropolitans,  or  by  the  sacred  synods,  or  by the  most  holy  patriarchs.  But  if  there  is  a  con- troversy as  to  civil  matters,  though  we  will allow  those  who  wish  it  to  bring  the  question before  the  bishops,  yet  we  will  not  compel  them, since  there  are  civil  tribunals.  iC  they  j)refer  to go  to  them,  before  which  tribunals  also  criminal proceedings  can  be  had  "  (Cod.  i.  iv.  29). This  law  seems  to  confuse  civil  and  criminal proceedings,  and  has  a  relation  to  both.  The 8ord  Novell  is  more  precise.  It  recites  a  request of  Menas  or  Mennas,  the  patriarch  of  Constan- tinople, and  proceeds  to  confer  certain  privileges upon  clerks.  The  first  relate  to  civil  suits.  As to  criminal  causes,  it  enacts  that  where  they relate  to  secular  matters  they  shall  be  tried before  the  lay  judge  ;  but  before  the  lay  judge ])roceeds  to  execute  the  sentence,  he  shall  allow the  bishop  to  depose  or  degrade  his  clerk. Criminal  causes  relating  to  ecclesiisltcal  matters are  to  be  tried  by  the  bishop.  The  123rd  Novell effected  a  further  alteration  (cap.  xxi.)  JIaking the  same  reservations  as  to  ecclesiastical  causes, it  ])rovides  that  a  clerk  accused  of  a  secular criminal  offence  shall  be  brought  before  the bishop,  who  if  he  find  him  guilty  shall  depose him  ah  honore  et  gradu,  from  his  office  and order,  and  send  him  to  the  lay  judge  for  secular punishment ;  or  he  may  be  brought  before  the lay  judge  first,  in  which  case  the  lay  judge  is  to transmit  the  evidences  of  his  guilt  to  the  bishop, who  is  to  depose  him  and  send  him  back  to  the lay  judge  for  secular  punishment.  This  Novell extends  to  monks,  deaconesses,  and  nuns. Van  Espen  {loc.  cit.)  quotes  some  canons  of the  6th  century  as  going  further  in  this  respect, and  the  capitularies  of  the  Frank  kings  enact that  clerks  shall  not  be  judged  by  lay  judges,  but by  ecclesiastical  ones  (lib.  i.  cap.  38);  and  that  no one  shall  presume  to  accuse  a  clerk,  monk,  or nun  before  a  lay  judge  (lib.  v.  cap.  378). In  England  it  is  well  known  that  the  distinc- tion between  secular  and  ecclesiastical  courts  did not  exist  during  the  Anglo-Saxon  rule,  the sheriff  and  the  bishop  sitting  side  by  side  on  the same  bench. The  punishments  or  censures  inflicted  by  the episcopal  tribunals  were  at  first  mere  acts  of penance,  the  discipline  retaining  its  original penitential  character.  So  early  indeed  as  the Theodosian  Code  (L.  21  Be  Ilaereticis)  a  fine  of ten  pounds  of  gold  seems  to  have  been  imjiosed on  any  clerk  or  bishop  who  was  convicted  of heresy ;  but  it  docs  not  apjjcar  whether  this  line was  imposed  by  the  ecclesiastical  judge  or  by  the lay  judge  after  sentence  by  the  ecclesiastical judge.     [Fines,  p.  671.] Seclusion  in  a  monastery  both  for  laymen  and more  especially  for  clerks  and  bishops  was  an earlier  jtunishment.  It  seems  to  be  menfionoil in  the  Epistles  of  St.  Gregory  (lib.  2  Epist.  27.  40), and  in  a  canonical  rule  of  about  the  vear  816  as 896 JURISDICTION a  substitute  for  scourging.  [Imprisonment,  p. 829.] The  123rd  Novell  (cap.  -xi.)  orders  that  any bishop  who  has  been  by  law  expelled  from  his see,  yet  returns  to  the  city,  shall  be  shut  up  in  a monastery. Relegation  or  banishment  from  the  city  they disturbed,  or  in  which  the  public  offence  was committed,  seems  to  have  been  first  used  as  an ecclesiastical  punishment  towards  the  close  of the  period  of  which  we  are  writing  (see  -Epist.  of St.  Gregory,  lib.  9,  Ep.  66).  It  is  very  doubtful though  whether  it  was  ever  exercised  in  invitiim, unless  it  was  supported  by  a  special  decree  of the  civil  authority.  The  bishops  of  large  towns, particularly  Constantinople,  were  however  often armed  with  a  power  of  sending  back  to  their own  dioceses  clerks  disorderly  frequenting  the capital. Scourging,  as  a  means  of  penitential  discipline, is  mentioned  by  St.  Augustine  {Epist.  133)  and St.  Gregory  {Epist.  lib.  2,  Epist.  52,  lib.  9, Epist.  66)  [Corporal  Punishment].  It  seems to  have  been  used  by  bishops  with  reference  to their  younger  clerks,  and  by  abbots  with  refer- ence to  monks.  In  the  canon  law  (can.  10,  cans. 26,  q.  5)  an  epistle  of  St.  Gregory  is  quoted  in which  he  orders  practisers  of  magic  if  they  be slaves  to  be  scourged,  if  free  men,  to  be  secluded till  they  are  penitent.  The  38th  of  the  Apos- tolical Canons  orders  that  any  bishop,  priest,  or deacon,  who  endeavours  to  make  himself  feared bv  scourging  either  sinners  or  men  outside  the Christian  community  who  have  done  wrong shall  be  deposed.  St.  Paul  requires  as  a  qualifi- cation of  a  .bishop  that  he  should  be  "no striker"  (1  Tim.  iii.  3):  The  123rd  Novell (cap.  xi.)  forbids  the  bishop  to  beat  any  one  with his  hands. .Besides  these  corporal  punishments,  the  eccle- siastical courts  continued  to  administer  and  inflict their  old  censures,  now  become  also  of  worldly import,  of  excommunication  and  deposition  or degradation. So  clearly  was  the  distinction  between  these last  censures  and  matters  of  internal  and penitential  discipline  now  marked,  that  St. Augustine  seems  to  say  that  bishops  cannot  pro- hibit any  one  from  communicating  unless  the penitent  has  confessed  his  crime  or  been  con- victed by  a  secular  or  an  ecclesiastical  judge ; "  nos  a  commuuione  prohibere  quenquam  non  pos- sumus  .  .  .  nisi  aut  sponte  confessum,  aut  in aliquo  sive  saeculari  sive  ecclesiastico  judicio nomijiatum  atque  convictum  "  {Serm.  351,  §  10  ; 0pp.  V.  1359,  ed.  Bened.).  Conformably  to  this the  123rd  Novell  (cap.  xi.)  forbids  the  excom- munication of  any  one  till  after  a  full  trial. It  should  be  said  here  that  monks,  who  were originally  subject  to  their  bishops  like  any  other laymen,  were  made  in  a  special  and  further degree  subject  to  them  by  the  council  of  Chalce- don  at  the  suggestion  of  the  emperor  Marcian (Van  Espen  pars  III.  tit.  xii.  cap.  1).  There seems  to  have  been  no  question  of  their  exemp- tion from  episcopal  authority  till  the  6th century ;  and  even  then  the  exemptions  con- ferred on  them  were  not  exemptions  from jurisdiction,  but  from  despotic  invasion  of  their internal  rights. The  abbot  or  dean  exercised  a  subordinate jurisdiction,    such    as    remains    now    with    our JURISDICTION deans  and  chapters;  and  actual  exemption  from their  bishop's  authority  sometimes  was  conferred on  monasteries.    [Exemption  of  Monasteries.] The  trial  of  bishops  has  been  reserved  for separate  mention. Jt  is  first  provided  for  in  the  Apostolical Canons  (can.  74).  This  is  the  more  remarkable as  thei-e  are  no  provisions  in  these  canons regulating  the  trials  of  clergy  or  laity. This  canon  provides  that  a  bishop  when accused  by  credible  persons  shall  be  summoned by  other  bishops  (that  is,  the  other  bishops  of the  province),  to  appear  before  them.  If  he appears  and  confesses,  or  is  convicted,  his  punish- ment is  to  be  decreed.  If  he  does  not  appear,  he is  to  be  summoned  a  second  time  personally  by two  bishops,  and  so  if  necessary  a  third  time, after  which  he  is  to  be  tried  and  condemned  in his  absence.  The  75th  canon  prevents  heretics from  giving  evidence  against  a  bishop,  and requires  the  evidence  of  two  witnesses. The  Nicene  Canon  (can.  5)  as  to  the  appeal  of clerks  and  laymen  to  the  diocesan  synod  (quoted p.  89-i  supra)  has  been  held  by  many,  notably  by St.  Augustine  (see  Van  Espen,  pars  III.  tit.  iii. cap.  5)  to  relate  also  to  the  trial  of  bishops. However  this  may  be,  the  6th  canon  of  the council  of  Constantinople  undoubtedly  provides for  the  trial  of  bishops.  After  refusing  the evidence  of  heretics,  excommunicated  persons  and persons  accused  of  crimes,  it  proceeds  to  enact that  if  any  not  disqualified  person  has  any ecclesiastical  charge  to  prefer  against  a  bishop, he  shall  bring  it  before  the  provincial  synod.  If the  synod  cannot  correct  the  crime,  the  bishops thereof  shall  go  before  the  greater  synod  of  that "  diocese  "  (diocese  is  here  used  in  the  imperial sense  of  a  larger  province,  exarchate  or  patriar- chate), but  shall  not  bring  their  accusation  till they  have  submitted  to  undergo  a  lijje  penalty, if  they  are  found  calumniators.  The  decree  is to  be  then  made  by  the  greater  synod,  and  there is  to  be  no  appeal  either  to  the  emperor  or  to  a general  council  from  it. The  9th  canon  of  the  council  of  Chalcedou seems  to  relate  primarily  to  civil  suits.  It  orders that  any  dispute  between  a  clerk  and  a  bishop (whether  his  own  bishop  or  not)  shall  be  tried by  the  provincial  synod.  If  bishop  or  clerk  have a  dispute  with  the  metropolitan,  the  trial  should be  before  the  exarch  of  the  diocese  or  the emperor. The  123rd  Novell  provides  (cap.  viii.)  that a  bishop  shall  not,  whether  in  a  pecuniary  (civil) or  criminal  cause,  be  brought  against  his  will before  any-  civil  or  military  judge;  and  (cap. xxii.)  that  disputes  between  bishops,  whether on  ecclesiastical  or  other  matters,  shall  be  tried in  the  first  instance  by  the  metropolitan  and  his synod,  with  an  appeal  to  the  patriarch  ;  while bishops  accused  of  crimes  are  to  be  tried  by the  metropolitan  (apparently  alone),  from  whom an  appeal  lies  first  to  the  archbishop  (that  is probably  the  primate  or  exarch  or  president  of the  greater  synod),  and  thence  to  the  patriarch. Jurisdiction  betireen  parties. — In  the  early  days of  the  church,  when  Christians  formed  a  small and  separate  society,  it  was  natural  and  almost necessary  that  disputes  between  them  should  be settled  by  arbitration  within  their  own  body,  to avoid  the  scandals  to  which  references  to  heathen judges    might    give    rise.       St.    Paul    expressl) JURISDICTION reprobates  the  practice  of  "  brother  going  to law  with  brother,  and  that  before  the  unbe- lievers" (1  Cor.  vi.  6). The  arbitrator  chosen  would  naturally  be  the bishop,  and  this  appears  to  have  been  the  case. After  the  recognition  of  the  church  by  Con- stantine,  provision  was  made  for  giving  a  legal sanction  to  these  ai-bitrations.  Constantine himself  is  said  (Van  Espen,  pars  III.  tit.  i. cap.  2)  to  have  allowed  litigants  to  choose  the bishop  instead  of  the  lay  judge,  and  to  have ordered  effect  to  be  given  to  the  sentence  of  a bishop  so  judging.  A  constitution  of  Arcadius and  Honorius  is  preserved  in  the  Code  (1.  iv.  7) allowing  litigants  to  go  before  the  bishop  in civil  matters  only  and  as  before  an  arbitrator. Another  constitution  of  Honorius  and  Theodo- sius  (Cod.  I.  iv.  8)  orders  that  the  bishop's judgment  shall  be  binding  on  all  those  who have  chosen  him  as  judge,  and  shall  have  as much  force  as  a  judgment  of  the  praetorian prefect,  from  whom  there  could  be  no  appeal. It  appears  that  at  this  time  Jews  had  the privilege  of  trying  their  disputes  if  they  pleased before  their  rabbi  or  "  patriarch." Valentinian  III.  allowed  the  same  result  to  be obtained  by  means  of  a  previous  formal  "  com- promissum  "  or  submission  to  arbitration. None  of  these  constitutions,  however,  in  the least  degree  compel  the  resort  to  the  ecclesiastical tribunal,  unless  the  matter  in  question  be  of  an ecclesiastical  nature,  not  even  though  the  de- fendant be  a  clerk. So  the  emperor  Marcian  (Cod.  I.  iii.  25)  speaks of  an  episcopal  audience  for  clerks  who  are sued  at  law,  but  gives  the  plaintiff  the  power  of choosing  the  lay  tribunal. The  67th  Novell  makes  provision  for  the  mode of  trial,  which  is  to  be  summary. There  being  the  power  of  resorting  to  the  arbi- tration of  the  bishop,  the  church  compelled  by threats  of  censure  every  clerk  at  least  to  resort only  to  the  tribunal  of  the  bishop.  Among  other canons  on  this  subject  may  be  cited  that  of  the council  of  Chalcedon  (can.  9)  which  orders  that any  clerk  who  shall  have  a  dispute  with  another clerk  shall  not  go  before  the  secular  tribunals, but  shall  plead  his  cause  first  before  his  bishop, or  befoi-e  such  person,  with  the  consent  of  the bishop,  as  both  parties  shall  choose  to  decide  the question. The  9th  canon  of  the  3rd  council  of  Carthage orders  that  any  bishop,  priest,  deacon,  or  clerk, who  has  a  civil  matter  in  dispute,  and  brings  it before  the  secular  tribunals,  shall  lose  all  that he  gains  by  the  sentence  of  the  secular  tribunal, or  shall  be  deprived  of  his  office.  There  are also  canons  of  the  4th  council  of  Carthage  to the  same  effect. The  79th  Novell  (cap.  i.)  gives  the  fori  privi- legium  for  the  first  time.  It  provides  that  any one  having  a  cause  with  any  of  the  venerable holy  men  (the  monks)  or  the  holy  virgins,  or any  women  living  in  nunneries,  shall  go  before the  bishop.  The  bishop  is  to  send  to  the  monas- tery and  to  provide  for  the  appearance  of  the defendants  before  him,  either  by  the  intervention of  their  abbots  or  of  agents  (responsalcs)  or otherwise.  He  is  then  to  try  the  cause  ;  which is  on  no  account  to  come  before  the  secular judges. The    8ord    Novell,    which    ha^    been    already CHRIST.  ANT. JURISDICTION 897 referred  to,*  extends  the  privileges.  Any  ouc having  a  pecuniary  cause  against  a  clerk  is  to go  before  the  bishop,*"  who  is  to  decide  summa- rily without  writing.  His  sentence  may,  how- ever, be  put  in  writing.  There  is  to  be  no recourse  to  the  civil  tribunals ;  but  the  main object  of  the  Novell  is  to  avoid  long  delays  and pleadings,  rather  than  to  change  the  tribunal which  is  to  adjudge. The  123rd  Novell  puts  the  privilege  on  a  firm basis.  Clerks,  monks,  deaconesses,  nuns,  and ascetic  women,  are  to  be  impleaded  before  the bishop.  The  lay  judge  is  to  execute  the  bishop's sentence,  if  thei-e  is  no  appeal.  But  either  of the  parties  may  appeal  within  ten  days  to  the local  lay  judge.  If  he  decides  in  accordance with  the  bishop's  judgment,  the  decision  is final. If  the  lay  judge  decides  contrary  to  the bisliop,  his  sentence  may  be  appealed  from  in  the regular  way  of  civil  suits. If  the  bishop  delayed  to  hear  or  decide  on  the cause,  the  plaintiff  might  go  at  once  before  the  lay judge.  This  Novell  expressly  reserves  all  eccle- siastical suits  for  the  sole  cognizance  of  the bishop. The  capitularies  of  the  Frank  kings  (lib.  i. cap.  28)  ordered  all  disputes  between  clerks  f o be  settled  by  their  bishop,  and  not  by  secular judges:  while  another  capitulary  (lib.  vi. cap.  366)  recites  and  enforces  an  edict,  attributed to  Theodosius,  declaring  that  the  sentences  of the  bishops,  however  declared,  and  apparently  in whatever  causes,  shall  be  ever  held  inviolate. This  edict  was  declared  by  Charlemagne  to  be binding  over  all  parts  of  his  empire. The  object  of  these  laws  also  seems  to  have  been to  avoid  prolixity  of  pleadings,  technicality  of  pro- cedure, and  long  disputes,  distracting  holy  men from  their  proper  avocations,  rather  than  any supposed  impropriety  of  secular  judges  exercising jurisdiction  over  clerks. The  constitution  of  the  special  court  of  his bishop  for  the  clerk  or  monk,  seems  to  have  been considered  by  the  secular  authorities  as  a  privi- lege given  to  him,  which  he  miglit  waive,  the secular  court  having  always  the  capacity  to exercise  jurisdiction  over  him,  if  the  pz-ivilejium fori  were  not  set  up.  But  the  canons  and decrees  of  the  councils  and  synods  leave  the clerk  no  option,  forbidding  him  to  sue,  or  to abstain  from  raising  his  privilege  when  sued,  iu the  lay  court. The  secular  authorities  seem  to  have  retained nevertheless  their  view  of  this  exemption  as  a privilege  and  capable  of  waiver.  Gothofrcd (in  Cod.  I.  iii.  33  and  51)  cites  a  constitution  of the  emperor  Frederic  (  apparently  Frederic  II. ) strongly  denouncing  any  assertion  of  jurisdiction by  the  lay  judge  in  civil  or  criminal  matters; but  yet  allowing  the  clerk  to  waive  his  privilege and  submit  to  the  jurisdiction. The  emperor  Alexius  Comnenus  brought  the matter  under  the  general  rule  ^^  actor  sequitur fvrum  rei"  (Constit.  Imp.  289,  §  11). Jurisdiction  over  special  civil  causes. — This  is mainly  the  outgrowth  of  a  period  later  than that  prescribed  for  this  work. "  Supra,  p.  895. *•  The  text  seems  to  say  "arcbbisLin),"  but  t bis  must be  a  mistake. 3  M 898 JURISDICTION The  jurisdiction  over  testamentary  causes  did not  arise  in  Western  Europe  till  the  12th century.  It  appears  to  have  arisen  early  in  the 12th  century  in  England;  not  till  the  end  of the  12th  or  beginning  of  the  13th  century  in France. The  only  indication  of  testamentary  jurisdic- tion in  Eastern  or  Western  Europe  during  the period  of  which  we  treat,  appears  in  the  com- mission given  by  the  Christian  emperors  to  the bishops,  to  take  care  that  the  wishes  of  the  dead should  be  faithfully  performed. Charlemagne  especially  intrusted  the  bishops with  the  duty  of  protecting  wards,  widows,  and paupers,  and  of  seeing  that  no  wrong  was  done to  them.  This  led  in  time,  but  not  during our  period,  to  a  sort  of  jurisdiction  over  all  cases where  a  member  of  one  of  these  classes  was concerned.  , Matrimonial  causes,  though  infringements  of the  marriage  vow  were  probably  treated  of  with other  matters  of  spiritual  discipline,  did  not  as involving  formal  legal  rights  or  questions  of  pro- perty, fall  to  the  jurisdiction  of  ecclesiastical tribunals  till  the  11th  century. Suits  relating  to  ecclesiastical  matters  are  in many  of  the  Imperial  Constitutions  mentioned as  unquestionably  matters  for  the  bishop's  juris- diction. The  term  "  ecclesiastical  matters  "  is vague,  and  probably  varied  at  diiferent  times ; but  before  the  expiry  of  our  period,  causes relating  to  tithes  and  offerings  were  probably considered  as  coming  within  its  meaning. \_Authorities  referred  to  for  this  article. — Corpus  Juris  Civilis,  cum  notis  Gothofredi,  ed. Van  Leeuwen,  Amsterdam,  1663;  Aylift'e,  Parer- gon  Juris  Canonici  Anglicani,  ed.  London,  1734; Van  Espen,  Jus  Ecclesiasticum  Universum,  pars tertia ;  Commentarius  in  Canones ;  ed.  Louvaine, 1753 ;  Landon,  Manual  of  Councils,  1846  ;  Philli- more,  Ecclesiastical  Law,  1873.]     [W.  G.  F.  P.] JUVENALIS JUSTA.    (1)  [Florentius  (1).] (2)  Martyr  in  Spain,  at  Seville,  with  Rufina ; commemorated  July  19  (Mart.  Rom.Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] JUSTIN  A,  virgin,  martyr  with  Cyprian,  the bishop;  commemorated  Sept.  26  (Mart.  Rom. Vet.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi)  ;  and  Oct.  2  (Cal. i  Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] JUSTINUS.  (1)  The  philosopher,  martyr  at Pergamus  with  Carpus  the  bishop,  Papirius  the deacon,  and  Agathonica,  and  many  other  women  ; commemorated  April  13  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis. Usuardi);  June  1  (Cal.  Byzant.). (2)  Martyr  with  companions,  A.D.  142  ;  com- memorated June  1  (Cal.  Byzant. ;  see  Daniel's Codex,  iv.  260). (3)  [Symphorosa.] (4)  Martyr  in  terra  Parisiensi ;  commemorated Aug.  1  (Mart.  Usuardi). (5)  Presbyter,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Decius  ; commemorated  Sept.  7  (Mart.  Ram.  Vet.,  Adonis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] JUSTUS.    (1)  [Felix  (14).] (2)  Martyr  in  Spain  at  Complutum  [Alcala], with  Pastor  his  Ijrother  under  Decius  (Mart. Adonis,  Usuardi). (3)  Bishop  of  Lyons,  "  Natalis,"  Sept.  2  (Mart. Adonis,  Usuardi) :  translation  Oct.  14  (ib.). (4)  Martyr  in  terra  Belvacensi  (Beauvais); commemorated  Oct.  18  (Mart.  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.] JUVENALIS.  (1)  Bishop,  confessor  at  Rome under  Adrian ;  commemorated  May  3  (Mart. Usuardi). (2)  Martyr  on  the  Island  Pontia ;  commemo- rated May  7  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Usuardi). [W.  F.  G.] END  OF  VOL.  I. LONDON:    l-KINTRD   r.T   WILLIAM  CLOWES  AKn  SOlis,   STAMFORD  STREET, AND   CHARING   GR08S. CO <t> (n         -H University  of  Toronto Library C * // ^.                 ^ // ^-    Clj                     0 DO  NOT            / TJ   4^                     C // (D     CO                     0 11 -•^                     ^ ^                     n REMOVE         / S-^                               M 11 Jo            1 THE               // iH  <iH                  5 rH    O                   ^ 1 CARD ^ \\ "->    CD FROM              ^ -H    O CQ   nH \\ w   +3 THIS                 \ «.^  M \\ POCKET              X E          O CQ         > LJ < Q Acme  Library  Card  Pocket W LOWE-MARTIN  CO.  LIMITED «. J

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