Xunzi (荀子,Xúnzǐ,lit.'Master Xun';c. 310 – c. after 238 BCE), bornXun Kuang, was aChinese philosopher ofConfucianism during the lateWarring States period. After his predecessorsConfucius andMencius, Xunzi is often ranked as the third great Confucian philosopher of antiquity. By his time, Confucianism had suffered considerable criticism fromTaoist andMohist thinkers, and Xunzi is traditionally regarded as a synthesizer of these traditions with earlier Confucian thought. The result was a thorough and cohesive revision of Confucianism, which was crucial to the philosophy's ability to flourish in theHan dynasty and throughout the later history of East Asia.[1] His works were compiled in the eponymousXunzi, and survive in excellent condition. Unlike other ancient compilations, his authorship of these texts is generally secure, though it is likely thatWestern Han dynasty historianLiu Xiang organized them into their present form centuries after Xunzi's death.[2]
Born in thestate of Zhao, Xunzi studied at the prestigiousJixia Academy, where he learned about every major philosophical tradition of his time. After his graduation, Xunzi traveled to Chu where he mastered poetry, and then returned to Qi as a highly regarded teacher at the academy. His studentsHan Fei andLi Si each had important political and academic careers, though some of theirLegalist sentiments were at odds with his philosophy. Other students such asFuqiu Bo [zh],Zhang Cang andMao Heng [zh] authored important editions and commentaries on the Confucian classics.[3] Later in his life, Xunzi served in the court ofLord Chunshen and died sometime after Lord Chunshen's death. The constant warfare of his time informed his work profoundly, as did his interactions with leaders and witnessing the downfall of various states.
Xunzi's writings respond to dozens of other thinkers, whom he often directly names and criticizes. His well-known notion that "Human nature is evil" has led many commentators to place him opposite of Mencius, who believed human nature was intrinsically good. Though like Mencius, Xunzi believed that education and ritual were the key to self-cultivation and thus the method to circumvent one's naturally foul nature.[4] His definition of both concepts was loose, and he encouraged lifelong education and applied ritual to every aspect of life. Other important topics include the promotion ofmusic and thecareful application of names. Though he still cited the ancient sages, he differed from other Confucian philosophers by his insistence on emulating recent rulers rather than those of long ago.[4]
Repeated oversimplifications and misunderstandings on Xunzi's teachings, particularly his view on human nature, led to gradual dismissal and condemnation of his thought from theTang dynasty onwards. By the rise ofNeo-Confucianism in the 10th century, Mencius gradually upended Xunzi, particularly by the choice to include theMencius in theFour Books.[5] Since the 20th century, a reevaluation of Xunzi's doctrine has taken place in East Asia, leading to recognition of his profound impact and relevance to both his times and present day.[6]
Detailed information concerning Xunzi is largely nonexistent.[7] Yet when compared to the scarcity of knowledge for many other ancient Chinese philosophers, there is meaningful and significant extant information on the life of Xunzi.[8] Thesinologist John H. Knoblock asserts that the sources available "permit not only a reconstruction of the outlines of career but also an understanding of his intellectual development".[8] Xunzi's writings have survived in exceptionally good condition, and while they provide biographical details, the authenticity of this information is sometimes questionable.[9][10][a] In addition to these, the main source for Xunzi's life isSima Qian'sShiji (史記;Records of the Grand Historian), which includes a biography of Xunzi (SJ, 74.12–14) and mentions of him in the biographies of bothLi Si (SJ, 78.15) andLord of Chunshen (SJ, 87.1–2, 14).[11][12][b] TheWestern Han dynasty historianLiu Xiang revised and expanded Sima Qian's initial biography for the preface of the first edition of Xunzi's writings.[13] Some minor references to Xunzi also exist inYing Shao's paraphrase of Liu Xiang's preface, as well as brief mentions in theHan Feizi,Zhan Guo Ce andYantie Lun.[13][c]
Xunzi was born as Xun Kuang (荀況), probably around 310 BCE but certainly before 279 BCE.[9] In his time, he was probably known as Xun Qing (荀卿), meaning 'Minister Xun',[8] or 'Chamberlain Xun', after his later position.[16] Some texts give his surname asSun (孫) instead ofXun, though this may have been to avoidnaming taboo during the reign ofEmperor Xuan of Han (73–48 BCE), whose given name was Xun.[17][d] He is best known by his honorary title Xunzi (荀子) translated to 'Master Xun', withzi being a commonepithet for important philosophers.[7] His birthplace wasZhao, a state in the modern-dayShanxi Province of north-central China.[7] It is possible Xunzi was descended from the Xun family, an elite clan that had diminished following thePartition of Jin, though this is only speculation.[18] TheEastern Han dynasty historianYing Shao records that in his youth Xunzi was a "flowering talent" in matters of scholarship and academics.[13] Essentially nothing else is known of Xunzi's background or upbringing, and thus any attempts to connect his philosophy with either topic are futile.[19]
Sometime between age 13 and 15 (297 and 295 BCE), Xunzi traveled to the north eastern state ofQi.[9][19][e] There he attended theJixia Academy, which was the most important philosophical center in Ancient China, established byKing Xuan.[20] At the academy, Xunzi would have learned about all the major philosophical schools of his time,[19] and been in the presence of scholars such asZou Yan, Tian Pian, andChunyu Kun.[13] Xunzi would have learned the art ofshuo (說), a formal argument of persuasion that philosophical authorities of the time used to advise rulers.[19] After his academy study, Xunzi unsuccessfully attempted to persuadeLord Mengchang against continuing the extreme policies of Qi, though the historicity of this event is not certain.[21] After the exchange, which is later recounted in his writings, Xunzi likely left Qi between 286 and 284 BCE.[22]
Xunzi traveled to the southernstate of Chu by 283 BCE,[22] where he probably became acquainted with the nascent forms of thefu poetry style, particularly because of the poet'sQu Yuan residency there.[23] Xunzi achieved considerable skill in the art, and his now-lost book of poems was well-regarded for many centuries.[23] Chu was under especially frequent attacks from theQin state, events which Xunzi would later recount in a conversation with Li Si.[23] The solidity of Chu decreased so rapidly that Xunzi left around 275 BCE, returning to the more stable Qi state.[24] He was warmly welcomed back in Qi, and held in very high-regard as an intellectual.[25] TheShiji records thatKing Xiang of Qi had Xunzi sacrifice wine three times, a task that was reserved for the most respected scholar available.[26] The eminence at which he was held suggests that Xunzi became the head of the Jixia Academy, but he is known to have taught there regardless.[26] It was at this time that Xunzi composed much of his most important philosophical works, namely the chapters "Of Honor and Disgrace", "Of Kings and the Lords-Protector", "Discourse on Nature", "Discourse on Music", and "Man's Nature is Evil".[26]
In his time, Xunzi was called "the most revered of teachers" (zui wei laoshi;最爲老師).[2] His most famous pupils wereHan Fei andLi Si, each who would have important political and academic careers.[3][27] Xunzi's association with Li Si, the futureChancellor (or Prime Minister) of theQin dynasty would later tarnish his reputation.[28] Other students of his includedFuqiu Bo [zh],Zhang Cang andMao Heng [zh], all of whom authored important editions and commentaries on the Confucian classics.[3] The timeline for his academy teaching is unclear, though he seemed to have considered other posts after beingslandered.[29] He left Qi in around 265 BCE, around the time whenKing Jian succeeded Xiang.[29]
Xunzi notes that despite Qin's achievements, it is "filled with trepidation. Despite its complete and simultaneous possession of all these numerous attributes, if one weights Qin by the standard of the solid achievements of True Kingship, then the vast degree to which it fails to reach the ideal is manifest. Why is that? It is that it is dangerously lacking in Ru [Confucian] scholars"
Xunzi, chp. 16: "On Strengthening the State", 16.6[30]
Xunzi's writings suggest that after leaving Qi he visited Qin, possibly from 265 BCE to 260 BCE.[22][31] He aimed to convert the state's leaders to follow his philosophy of leadership, a task which proved difficult because of the strong hold thatShang Yang'sLegalist sentiments had there.[31] In a conversation with the Qin official Fan Sui, Xunzi praised much of the state's achievements, officials and governmental organizations.[32] Still, Xunzi found issues with the state, primarily its lack of Confucian scholars and the fear it inspires, which Xunzi claimed would result in the surrounding states uniting up against.[33] Xunzi then met withKing Zhaoxiang, arguing that Qin's lack of Confucian scholars and educational encouragement would be detrimental to the state's future.[33] The king was unconvinced by Xunzi's persuasion, and did not offer him a post in his court.[34]
In around 260 BCE, Xunzi returned to his native Zhao, where he debated military affairs with Lord Linwu (臨武君) in the court ofKing Xiaocheng of Zhao.[35] He remained in Zhao untilc. 255 BCE.[22]
In 240 BCELord Chunshen, the prime minister of Chu, invited him to take a position as Magistrate of Lanling (蘭陵令), which he initially refused and then accepted. However, Lord Chunshen was assassinated In 238 BCE by a court rival and Xunzi subsequently lost his position. He retired, remained in Lanling, a region in what is today's southernShandong province, for the rest of his life and was buried there. The year of his death is unknown, though if he lived to see the ministership of his student Li Si, as recounted, he would have lived into his nineties, dying shortly after 219 BCE.[22][36]
The best known and most cited section of theXunzi is chapter 23, "Human Nature is Evil".Human nature, known asxing (性), was a topic which Confucius commented on somewhat ambiguously, leaving much room for later philosophers to expand upon.[37] Xunzi does not appear to know aboutShang Yang,[38] but can be compared with him. While Shang Yang believed that people were selfish,[39] Xunzi believed that humanity's inborn tendencies were evil and that ethical norms had been invented to rectify people. His variety of Confucianism therefore has a darker, more pessimistic flavor than the optimistic Confucianism ofMencius, who tended to view humans as innatelygood. Like most Confucians, however, he believed that people could be refined through education and ritual.[40][41]
Now, since human nature is evil, it must await the instructions of a teacher and the model before it can be put aright, and it must obtain ritual principles and a sense of moral right before it can become orderly.
Both Mencius and Xunzi believed in human nature and both believed it was possible to become better, but some people refused it.[43] Mencius saw Xing as more related to an ideal state and Xunzi saw it more as a starting state.[43]
Even though Mencius had already died when the book was written, the chapter is written like a conversation between the two philosophers. Xunzi's ideas about becoming a good person were more complex than Mencius's. He believed that people needed to change their nature, not just give up on it. Some people thought Xunzi's ideas were strange, but new discoveries suggest that it might have actually been Mencius who had unusual ideas about human nature.[43]
The chapter is called "Human Nature is Evil," but that's not the whole story. Xunzi thought that people could improve themselves by learning good habits and manners, which he called "artifice." (偽) He believed that people needed to transform their nature to become good. This could be done by learning from a teacher and following rituals and morals.[43]
Even though some people doubt if the chapter is real, it's an important part of Xunzi's philosophy. People still talk about it today and think about the differences between Xunzi and Mencius's ideas about human nature and how to become a better person.[43]
Xunzi only stated that the "heart" can observe reason, that is, it can distinguish between right and wrong, good and evil,[44] but it is not the source of value. So where does the standard come from? According to Xunzi's theory of evil human nature, morality will ultimately become a tool of external value used to maintain social stability and appeal to authoritarianism. Mencius' theory of good human nature, on the other hand, states that humans are inherently good and we have an internal value foundation (the Four Beginnings).
Music is discussed throughout theXunzi, particularly in chapter 20, the "Discourse on Music" (Yuelun;樂論).[45] Much of the Xunzi's sentiments on music are directed towardsMozi, who largely disparaged music.[46] Mozi held that music provides no basic needs and is a waste of resources and money.[47] Xunzi presents a comprehensive argument in opposition, stating that certain music provides joy, which is indeed essential to human wellbeing.[48] Music and joy are respectively translated asyue andle, and their connection in Xunzi's time may explain why both words share the same Chinese character:樂.[48] Xunzi also points out the use of music for social harmony:
故樂在宗廟之中，君臣上下同聽之，則莫不和敬；閨門之內，父子兄弟同聽之，則莫不和親；鄉里族長之中，長少同聽之，則莫不和順。 Hence, when music is performed within the ancestral temple, lord and subject, high and low, listen to the music together and are united in feelings of reverence. When music is played in the private quarters of the home, father and son, elder and younger brother, listen to it together and are united in feelings of close kinship. When it is played in village meetings or clan halls, old and young listen to the music together and are joined in obedience.
Ultimately, he refused to admit theories of state and administration apart from ritual and self-cultivation, arguing for the gentleman, rather than the measurements promoted by the Legalists, as the wellspring of objective criterion. His ideal gentleman (junzi) king and government, aided by a class of learned Confucian scholars, are similar to that of Mencius, but without the tolerance of feudalism since he rejected hereditary titles and believed that an individual's status in the social hierarchy should be determined only by their own merit.[40]
—— (1988–1994).Xunzi: A Translation and Study of the Complete Works. Translated by Knoblock, John. Stanford:Stanford University Press.
—— (1988).Xunzi: A Translation and Study of the Complete Works. Vol. I: Books 1–6. Translated by Knoblock, John. Stanford:Stanford University Press.
—— (1990).Xunzi: A Translation and Study of the Complete Works. Vol. II: Books 7–16. Translated by Knoblock, John. Stanford:Stanford University Press.
—— (1994).Xunzi: A Translation and Study of the Complete Works. Vol. III: Books 17–32. Translated by Knoblock, John. Stanford:Stanford University Press.
^Goldin 1999, p. xiii notes that the information on Xunzi in his writings may have never been intended as biographical, and rather served as anecdotes for the sake of teaching.
^It is worth noting that historical accuracy in theShiji is also sometimes questionable, especially on its coverage of philosophers such as Xunzi.[2]
^Scholars such as Wang Zhong and Hu Yuanyi later improved the outline of Xun Quang's life, culminating in a synthesis of information by theQing dynasty historianWang Xianqian [de].[13] The early 20th century saw a new generation of scholars, particularly from theDoubting Antiquity School, improve the information and as recently as the late 20th century scholars fromBeijing University have improved these outlines further.[13]
^There remains much uncertainty around the reason for variations on Xunzi's surname. SeeKnoblock 1988, pp. 233–239 for a detailed overview and other possible explanations.
^Unlike the accounts ofSima Qian andLiu Xiang, the record fromYing Shao states that Xunzi was 48 to 50 when he traveled toQi.[2][12] Most scholars disregard this account.[12] SeeKnoblock 1982–1983, pp. 33–34 for further information on this matter
^"Exposing the Hidden Chapter": "Therefore, the human heart is like a bowl of water. If it is level and not stirred, then the muddy sediment will settle at the bottom and the clear water will rise to the top. Then one can see the eyebrows and observe reason. If a gentle breeze passes over it, the muddy sediment will be stirred up from the bottom, and the clear water will become turbulent at the top, and then one cannot obtain the correct form of the big picture. The heart is also like this. Therefore, take it away with reason and nourish it with clarity. Nothing can incline it, and it can be used to determine right from wrong and resolve doubts."
Hutton, Eric L., ed. (2016).Dao Companion to the Philosophy of Xunzi. Dao Companions to Chinese Philosophy. Vol. 7. New York: Springer Publishing.doi:10.1007/978-94-017-7745-2.ISBN978-94-017-7745-2.
Hutton, Eric L.; Harold, James (2016). "Xunzi on Music". In Hutton, Eric L. (ed.).Dao Companion to the Philosophy of Xunzi. Dao Companions to Chinese Philosophy. Vol. 7. pp. 269–289.doi:10.1007/978-94-017-7745-2_9.ISBN978-94-017-7743-8.
