| Province of Syria Palaestina | |||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Province of theRoman Empire | |||||||||||
| 136–390 | |||||||||||
.svg) Syria Palaestina within the Roman Empire in 210. | |||||||||||
| Capital | Caesarea Maritima | ||||||||||
| Historical era | Classical antiquity | ||||||||||
• Established | 136 | ||||||||||
• Disestablished | 390 | ||||||||||
| |||||||||||
Syria Palaestina (Koinē Greek:Συρία ἡ Παλαιστίνη,romanized: Syría hē Palaistínē[syˈri.a(h)e̝palɛsˈtine̝]) was the renamedRoman province formerly known asJudaea, following the Roman suppression of theBar Kokhba revolt, in what then became known as thePalestine region between the early 2nd and late 4th centuries AD. The provincial capital wasCaesarea Maritima.[1][2] It forms part of timeline of the period in the region referred to asRoman Palestine.[3]
Judaea was aRoman province that incorporated the regions ofJudea,Samaria,Idumea, andGalilee and extended over parts of the former regions ofHasmonean andHerodian Judea. It was named afterHerod's Tetrarchy of Judaea, but Roman Judaea encompassed a much larger territory thanJudaea. The name "Judaea" ultimately traces to theIron AgeKingdom of Judah.
Following the deposition ofHerod Archelaus in 6 AD, Judea came under direct Roman rule,[4] during which time the Roman governor was given authority to punish by execution. The general population also began to betaxed by Rome.[5] However, Jewish leaders retained broad discretion over affairs within Judaism.[6]
The Herodian kingdom was split into a tetrarchy in 6 AD, which was gradually absorbed into Roman provinces, withRoman Syria annexingIturea andTrachonitis. The capital of Judaea was shifted from Jerusalem toCaesarea Maritima, which, according to historianHayim Hillel Ben-Sasson, had been the "administrative capital" of the region beginning in 6 AD.[7]
During the 1st and 2nd centuries, Judaea became the epicenter of a series of unsuccessful large-scale Jewish rebellions against Rome, known as theJewish-Roman Wars. The Roman suppression of these revolts led to wide-scale destruction, a very high toll of life and enslavement. TheFirst Jewish-Roman War (66–73) resulted in thedestruction of Jerusalem and the Second Temple.[8] Two generations later, theBar Kokhba revolt (132–136) erupted. Judea's countryside was devastated, and many were killed, displaced or sold into slavery.[9][10][11][12] Jewish presence in the region significantly dwindled after the failure of the Bar Kokhba revolt.[13]
Following the suppression of the Bar Kokhba revolt, Jerusalem was rebuilt as aRoman colony under the name ofAelia Capitolina, andJudaea was renamed Syria Palaestina,[14][15] a term occasionally used amongGreco-Romans for centuries to describe theSouthern Levant.[16]A Syria-Palaestina includedJudea,Samaria,Galilee,Idumaea, andPhilistia. The province retained its capital, Caesarea Maritima, and therefore remained distinct from Syria, which was located further north with its capital inAntioch.Jerusalem, which heldspecial religious significance for the Jews but had been destroyed, was rebuilt as thecoloniaAelia Capitolina. Jews were forbidden to settle there or in the immediate vicinity.
While Syria was divided into several smaller provinces bySeptimius Severus, and later again byDiocletian, Syria Palaestina survived intolate antiquity. Presumably, it was small enough not to become dangerous as a potential starting point for usurpation attempts. Instead, Diocletian even integrated parts ofArabia Petraea into the province, namely theNegev and theSinai Peninsula. He moved theLegio X Fretensis from Aelia Capitolina to Aila (today'sEilat/Aqaba) to secure the country against Arab incursions. The part of the Roman imperial border that now ran through Palestine was subsequently placed under its own supreme commander, thedux Palaestinae, who is known from theNotitia Dignitatum.[17] The border wall, theLimes Arabicus, which had existed for some time, was pushed further south.[18]
TheCrisis of the Third Century (235–284) affected Syria Palaestina, but the fourth century brought an economic upswing due to theChristianization of the Roman Empire and the associated upswing inChristian pilgrimage to the "Holy Land". In the course of late antiquity, with imperial support,Christianity succeeded in asserting itself against both remnants ofSemitic as well as trendingHellenistic Paganism in the land.
The province was split into smaller ones during the fourth and fifth centuries. In 358, areas that had formerly belonged toArabia Petraea were transformed into a separate province ofPalaestina Salutaris withPetra as its capital. The remaining territory was namedPalaestina Prima.[19] Around the year 400, it had been further split into a smaller Palaestina Prima andPalaestina Secunda. Palaestina Prima included the heartland with the capital at Caesarea, while Palaestina Secunda extended toGalilee, theGolan, and parts of theTransjordan and its capital wasScythopolis (nowBeit She'an).[20] Salutaris was namedPalaestina Tertia or Salutaris.[19]
The name Syria-Palaestina was given to the formerRoman province ofJudaea in the early 2nd century AD. The renaming is often presented as an act ofpunitive disassociation in the aftermath of the AD 132-135Bar Kokhba revolt, identifyingEmperor Hadrian as the one responsible for the measure,[21][22][2][23][24][14][25] though no direct evidence suggests exactly when the name change was implemented or by whom,[26] and the renaming may even have taken place before the conclusion of the revolt.[27] While the name Judaea bore an ethnic connotation to Jews, Syria-Palaestina had a strict geographical meaning.[21][28][15] Some authors in late antiquity, such asJerome,[29] continued to refer to the region as Judaea out of habit due to the prominent association with the Jews.[30] This includes an inscription fromEphesos from AD 170–180, honoring the wife of a figure known as "Eroelius Klaros", who had the epithet "ruler of Judaea" ("[Ερο]υκίου Κλάρου, υπάτου, [ηγ]εμόνος Ιουδ[αίας]"), decades after the recreation of Provincia Judaea as Syria-Palaestina.[31]
Other scholars and commenters disagree with a punitive recent origin for the term, and point it has been used to refer to theSouthern Levant at large for centuries since Classical antiquity, when it was first used byHerodotus, and has been used by Jewish authors such asPhilo andJosephus whileJudaea still existed.[16][32] It's claimed that the name was chosen as the new province was far larger thanJudaea, and was resulted from the merger of Judaea with Galilee.[33][34]
Despite this "Syria" in the name, Palestine was independent ofRoman Syria, even to a greater extent than before, since instead of alegatus Augusti pro praetore, a higher-ranking governor of consular rank now presided over the region. This in turn was probably due to the fact that in addition to the already existing legion in Caesarea, a second legion was stationed inLegio, increasing the military importance of the province. Exactly when the legion was moved and the rank of the governor's post increased is a matter of debate - in any case, these events must have occurred before the governorship ofQuintus Tineius Rufus, who took office no later than 130.[35]
The population of Syria-Palaestina wasof mixed character.[36]
The aftermath of theBar Kokhba revolt resulted in severe devastation for Judaea's Jewish population, including significant loss of life, forced displacements, and widespread enslavement. The scale of suffering was immense, with ancient sources reporting extensive destruction and high casualty rates. It appears that at the end of the revolt, Jewish settlement inJudaea Proper had nearly been eradicated, but remained strong in other parts of Palestine.[37][38][39][40] Jewish survivors faced harsh Roman punitive measures, including expulsion from Jerusalem and other areas, leading to a migration toGalilee andGolan.[41][42][43] Some scholars suggest that a number of Jews may have forfeited theirJewish identity and assimilated into the Pagan and early Christian I.e.Gentile populations.[44][45] Many Jewish captives were sold into slavery across the Roman Empire, contributing to an increase in theJewish diaspora.[46]
According to Eitan Klein, after the revolt, Roman authorities confiscated lands in Judaea, leading to the resettlement of the region by a diverse population. Archaeological evidence shows thatgentile migrants from neighboring Levantine provinces such asArabia,Syria, andPhoenicia, as well as from thecoastal plain and beyond, settled in the area. The newRoman colony ofAelia Capitolina was populated by Roman veterans and migrants from western parts of the empire, who also occupied its surroundings, administrative centers, and main roads.[47] According to Lichtenberger, archaeological evidence fromBayt Nattif suggests a persistence of non-conformist unorthodox Jewish groups that did not adhere to strictBiblicalmonotheism, as well as remnants of semitic pagan groups related to those ofYahwahistIron AgeJudah in the late Roman period.[48]
In AD 300, Jews formed around a quarter of the population and lived in compact settlements inGalilee, whileSamaritans were concentrated inSamaria.[36][49] By the fifth century,Christianity had gained further ground in the region, andChristians formed a majority in Palestine and Jerusalem through migration and conversion of pagans, Samaritans and Jews.[36][37][38]
After the Jewish–Roman wars (66–135), whichEpiphanius believed theCenacle survived,[50] the significance of Jerusalem to Christians entered a period of decline, it having been destroyed and later refounded as thepagancolonia of Aelia Capitolina. Christian interest resumed again with the pilgrimage ofEmpress Helena, the mother ofConstantine the Great, c. 326–28.[citation needed]
New pagan cities were founded in Judea at Eleutheropolis (nowBayt Jibrin), Diopolis (nowLod), andNicopolis.[51][52]
TheHellenization of Palaestina continued underSeptimius Severus (193–211 AD).[51]
The Romans destroyed theJewish community of the Church in Jerusalem, which had existed since the time of Jesus.[53][verification needed] Traditionally it is believed theJerusalem Christians waited out the Jewish–Roman wars inPella in theDecapolis.[citation needed]
The line ofJewish bishops in Jerusalem, which is claimed to have started withJames, brother of Jesus as its first bishop, ceased to exist within the Empire.Hans Küng inIslam: Past Present and Future, suggests that theJewish Christians sought refuge in theArabian Peninsula and he quotes with approval Clemen et al., "This produces the paradox of truly historic significance that while Jewish Christianity was swallowed up in the Christian church, it preserved itself inIslam."[54]
In circa 390, Syria Palaestina was reorganised into several administrative units:Palaestina Prima,Palaestina Secunda, andPalaestina Tertia (in the 6th century),[55] Syria Prima and Phoenice and Phoenice Lebanensis. All were included within the larger Eastern Roman (Byzantine)Diocese of the East, together with the provinces ofIsauria,Cilicia,Cyprus (until 536),Euphratensis,Mesopotamia,Osroene, andArabia Petraea.[citation needed]
Palaestina Prima consisted ofJudaea,Samaria, theParalia andPeraea,[failed verification] with the governor residing inCaesarea.Palaestina Secunda consisted of the Galilee, the lowerJezreel Valley, the regions east of Galilee, and the western part of the formerDecapolis,[failed verification] with the seat of government atScythopolis.[3]Palaestina Tertia included the Negev, southern Transjordan part of Arabia, and most ofSinai, withPetra as the usual residence of the governor. Palaestina Tertia was also known as Palaestina Salutaris.[56]
When Judea was converted into a Roman province [in AD 6, page 246], Jerusalem ceased to be the administrative capital of the country. The Romans moved the governmental residence and military headquarters to Caesarea. The centre of government was thus removed from Jerusalem, and the administration became increasingly based on inhabitants of the hellenistic cities (Sebaste, Caesarea and others).
These texts, combined with the relics of those who hid in caves along the western side of the Dead Sea, tells us a great deal. What is clear from the evidence of both skeletal remains and artefacts is that the Roman assault on the Jewish population of the Dead Sea was so severe and comprehensive that no one came to retrieve precious legal documents, or bury the dead. Up until this date the Bar Kokhba documents indicate that towns, villages and ports where Jews lived were busy with industry and activity. Afterwards there is an eerie silence, and the archaeological record testifies to little Jewish presence until the Byzantine era, in En Gedi. This picture coheres with what we have already determined in Part I of this study, that the crucial date for what can only be described as genocide, and the devastation of Jews and Judaism within central Judea, was 135 CE and not, as usually assumed, 70 AD, despite the siege of Jerusalem and the Temple's destruction
Scholars have long doubted the historical accuracy of Cassius Dio's account of the consequences of the Bar Kokhba War (Roman History 69.14). According to this text, considered the most reliable literary source for the Second Jewish Revolt, the war encompassed all of Judea: the Romans destroyed 985 villages and 50 fortresses, and killed 580,000 rebels. This article reassesses Cassius Dio's figures by drawing on new evidence from excavations and surveys in Judea, Transjordan, and the Galilee. Three research methods are combined: an ethno-archaeological comparison with the settlement picture in the Ottoman Period, comparison with similar settlement studies in the Galilee, and an evaluation of settled sites from the Middle Roman Period (70–136). The study demonstrates the potential contribution of the archaeological record to this issue and supports the view of Cassius Dio's demographic data as a reliable account, which he based on contemporaneous documentation.
Land confiscation in Judaea was part of the suppression of the revolt policy of the Romans and punishment for the rebels. But the very claim that thesikarikon laws were annulled for settlement purposes seems to indicate that Jews continued to reside in Judaea even after the Second Revolt. There is no doubt that this area suffered the severest damage from the suppression of the revolt. Settlements in Judaea, such as Herodion and Bethar, had already been destroyed during the course of the revolt, and Jews were expelled from the districts of Gophna, Herodion, and Aqraba. However, it should not be claimed that the region of Judaea was completely destroyed. Jews continued to live in areas such as Lod (Lydda), south of the Hebron Mountain, and the coastal regions. In other areas of the Land of Israel that did not have any direct connection with the Second Revolt, no settlement changes can be identified as resulting from it.
The division of Palestine into two provinces, Palestina Prima and Southern Palestine, later to be known as Palaestina Salutaris, took place in 357-358 [...] In 409 we hear for the first time of the three provinces of Palestine: Palaestina Prima, Secunda and Tertia (the former Salutaris)
After the Bar Kokhba war, in the reign of Hadrian, the Roman province of Judaea was re-named Syria-Palaestina. Thus an appellation referring to an ethnic element associated with Jews was replaced by the purely geographic one: Syria-Palaestina.
In the aftermath of the Bar Cochba Revolt, the Romans excluded Jews from a large area around Aelia Capitolina, which Gentiles only inhabited. The province now hosted two legions and many auxiliary units, two colonies, and--to complete the disassociation with Judaea--a new name, Syria Palaestina.
In the aftermath of the Bar Cochba Revolt, the Romans excluded Jews from a large area around Aelia Capitolina, which Gentiles only inhabited. The province now hosted two legions and many auxiliary units, two colonies, and--to complete the disassociation with Judaea--a new name, Syria Palaestina.
Once the troubles, which inflamed Galilee under Trajan and the rest of the province fifteen years later had been controlled, Judaea became the province of Syria-Palaestina (or Palaestina) as it was known in official and literary documents. However, after this date, some authors continued to use the former name. No doubt out of habit, as the memory of the revolt which was responsible for the banishment of the name faded and because in the ancient imagination, this territory was first and foremost that of the Jews.
Few would disagree that, in the century and a half before our period begins, the Jewish population of Judah () suffered a serious blow from which it never recovered. The destruction of the Jewish metropolis of Jerusalem and its environs and the eventual refounding of the city... had lasting repercussions. [...] However, in other parts of Palestine the Jewish population remained strong [...] What does seem clear is a different kind of change. Immigration of Christians and the conversion of pagans, Samaritans and Jews eventually produced a Christian majority.
The dominant view of the history of Palestine during the Byzantine period links the early phases of the consecration of the land during the fourth century and the substantial external financial investment that accompanied the building of churches on holy sites on the one hand with the Christianisation of the population on the other. Churches were erected primarily at the holy sites, 12 while at the same time Palestine's position and unique status as the Christian "Holy Land" became more firmly rooted. All this, coupled with immigration and conversion, allegedly meant that the Christianisation of Palestine took place much more rapidly than that of other areas of the Roman empire, brought in its wake the annihilation of the pagan cults and meant that by the middle of the fifth century there was a clear Christian majority.
Indeed, many must have reacted to the catastrophe with despair and total abandonment of Judaism. Apostates from Judaism (aside from converts to Christianity) received little notice in antiquity from either Jewish or non-Jewish writers, but ambitious individuals are known to have turned pagan before the war, and it stands to reason that many more did so after its disastrous conclusion. It is impossible to determine the number who joined the budding Christian movement and the number who disappeared into the polytheist majority.
Since the Roman State had always accepted without quibble the validity of apostasy from Judaism, as Tiberius Julius Alexander had demonstrated by the success of his public career in the first century, it might seen sensible for Jews to respond to roman hostility to their religion by choosing to abandon it, particularly since their God seemed to have abandoned them. This may indeed be the best way to understand the assertion in Christian writers, such as Justin Martyr in the mid-second century, that jews were forbidden after Bar Kokhba to live in their homeland. It would not have benefited the settlers in Aelia Capitolina to find the lands they were allotted in the new colony deprived of local workforce. Doubtless they could employ slave labour to some extent, particularly when slave prices were low in the aftermath of the war, but much farm work must have been done by descendants of the original Jewish inhabitants who had given up Jewish customs and elected to merge into the wider gentile population of the region.
