Thetorii gateway to theItsukushima Shrine inHiroshima Prefecture, Japan, one of the most famous examples in the country.[1] Torii mark the entrance to Shinto shrines and are recognizable symbols of the religion.
Shinto (Japanese:神道,romanized: Shintō; also calledShintoism) is areligion originating inJapan. Classified as anEast Asian religion byscholars of religion, its practitioners often regard it as Japan'sindigenous religion and as anature religion. Scholars sometimes call its practitionersShintoists, although adherents rarely use that term themselves. There is no central authority in control of Shinto, with much diversity of belief and practice evident among practitioners.
Apolytheistic andanimistic religion, Shinto revolves around supernatural entities called thekami (神). Thekami are believed to inhabit all things, including forces of nature and prominent landscape locations. Thekami are worshipped atkamidana household shrines, family shrines, andjinja public shrines. The latter are staffed by priests, known askannushi, who oversee offerings of food and drink to the specifickami enshrined at that location. This is done to cultivate harmony between humans andkami and to solicit the latter's blessing. Other common rituals include thekagura dances,rites of passage, andkami festivals. Public shrines facilitate forms ofdivination and supply religious objects, such asamulets, to the religion's adherents. Shinto places a major conceptual focus on ensuring purity, largely by cleaning practices such as ritual washing and bathing, especially before worship. Little emphasis is placed on specific moral codes or particular afterlife beliefs, although the dead are deemed capable of becomingkami. The religion has no single creator or specific doctrine, and instead exists in a diverse range of local and regional forms.
Although historians debate at what point it is suitable to refer to Shinto as a distinct religion,kami veneration has been traced back to Japan'sYayoi period (300 BC to 300 AD).Buddhism entered Japan at the end of theKofun period (300 to 538 AD) and spread rapidly.Religious syncretization madekami worship and Buddhism functionally inseparable, a process calledshinbutsu-shūgō. Thekami came to be viewed as part ofBuddhist cosmology and were increasingly depictedanthropomorphically. The earliest written tradition regardingkami worship was recorded in the 8th-centuryKojiki andNihon Shoki. In ensuing centuries,shinbutsu-shūgō was adopted by Japan's Imperial household. During theMeiji era (1868 to 1912), Japan'snationalist leadership expelled Buddhist influence fromkami worship and formedState Shinto, which some historians regard as the origin of Shinto as a distinct religion. Shrines came under growing government influence, and citizens were encouraged to worship theemperor as akami. With the formation of theEmpire of Japan in the early 20th century, Shinto was exported to other areas of East Asia. Following Japan's defeat inWorld War II, Shinto was formallyseparated from the state.
Shinto is primarily found in Japan, where there are around 100,000 public shrines, although practitioners are also found abroad. Numerically, it is Japan's largest religion, the second being Buddhism. Most of the country's population takes part in both Shinto and Buddhist activities, especially festivals, reflecting a common view inJapanese culture that the beliefs and practices of different religions need not be exclusive. Aspects of Shinto have been incorporated into variousJapanese new religious movements.
A torii gateway to the Yobito Shrine (Yobito-jinja) in Abashiri City,Hokkaido
There is no universally agreed definition of Shinto.[2] According to Joseph Cali and John Dougill, if there was "one single, broad definition of Shinto" that could be put forward, it would be that "Shinto is a belief inkami", the supernatural entities at the centre of the religion.[3] The JapanologistHelen Hardacre wrote that "Shinto encompasses doctrines, institutions, ritual, and communal life based onkami worship",[4] while the scholar of religionInoue Nobutaka observed that the term "Shinto" was "often used" in "reference tokami worship and related theologies, rituals and practices".[5] Various scholars have referred to practitioners of Shinto asShintoists, although this term has no direct translation in theJapanese language.[6]
Scholars have debated at what point in history it is legitimate to start talking about Shinto as a specific phenomenon. The scholar of religionNinian Smart suggested that one could "speak of thekami religion of Japan, which lived symbiotically with organized Buddhism, and only later was institutionalized as Shinto."[7] While several institutions and practices now associated with Shinto existed in Japan by the 8th century,[8] various scholars have argued that Shinto as a distinct religion was essentially "invented" during the 19th century, in Japan'sMeiji era.[9] The scholar of religion Brian Bocking stressed that, especially when dealing with periods before the Meiji era, the termShinto should "be approached with caution".[10] Inoue Nobutaka stated that "Shinto cannot be considered as a single religious system that existed from the ancient to the modern period",[11] while the historianKuroda Toshio noted that "before modern times Shinto did not exist as an independent religion".[12]
Many scholars describe Shinto as areligion,[13] a term first translated into Japanese asshūkyō around the time of theMeiji Restoration.[14] Some practitioners instead view Shinto as a "way",[15] thus characterising it more as custom ortradition,[16] partly as an attempt to circumvent the modernseparation of religion and state and restore Shinto's historical links with the Japanese state.[17] Moreover, many of the categories of religion and religiosity defined inWestern culture "do not readily apply" to Shinto.[18] Unlike religions familiar in Western countries, such asChristianity andIslam, Shinto has no single founder,[19] nor any single canonical text.[20] Western religions tend to stress exclusivity, but in Japan, it has long been considered acceptable to practice different religious traditions simultaneously.[21] Japanese religion is therefore highlypluralistic.[22] Shinto is often cited alongsideBuddhism as one of Japan's two main religions,[23] and the two often differ in focus, with Buddhism emphasising the idea of the cessation of suffering, while Shinto focuses on adapting to life's pragmatic requirements.[24] Shinto has integrated elements from religions imported from mainland Asia, such as Buddhism,Confucianism,Taoism, andChinese divination practices,[25] and shares features like its polytheism with otherEast Asian religions.[26]
Some scholars suggest we talk about types of Shintō such as popular Shintō, folk Shintō, domestic Shintō, sectarian Shintō, imperial house Shintō, shrine Shintō, state Shintō, new Shintō religions, etc. rather than regard Shintō as a single entity. This approach can be helpful but begs the question of what is meant by 'Shintō' in each case, particularly since each category incorporates or has incorporated Buddhist, Confucian, Taoist, folk religious and other elements.
Scholars of religion have debated how to classify Shinto. Inoue considered it part of "the family of East-Asian religions".[28] The philosopherStuart D. B. Picken suggested that Shinto be classed as aworld religion,[29] while the historianH. Byron Earhart called it a "major religion".[30] Shinto is also often described as anindigenous religion,[31] although this generates debates over the different definitions of "indigenous" in the Japanese context.[32] The notion of Shinto as Japan's "indigenous religion" stemmed from the growth of modern nationalism between theEdo and Meiji periods;[33] this view promoted the idea that Shinto's origins were prehistoric and that it represented something like the "underlying will of Japanese culture".[34] The prominent Shinto theologian Sokyo Ono, for instance, saidkami worship was "an expression" of the Japanese "native racial faith which arose in the mystic days of remote antiquity" and that it was "as indigenous as the people that brought the Japanese nation into existence".[35] Many scholars regard this classification as inaccurate. Earhart noted that Shinto, in having absorbed much Chinese and Buddhist influence, was "too complex to be labelled simply [as an] indigenous religion".[30] In the early 21st century it became increasingly common for practitioners to call Shinto anature religion,[36] which critics saw as a strategy to disassociate the tradition from controversial issues surrounding militarism and imperialism.[36]
Shinto displays substantial local variation;[37] the anthropologist John K. Nelson noted it was "not a unified, monolithic entity that has a single center and system all its own".[32]Different types of Shinto have been identified. "Shrine Shinto" refers to the practices centred around shrines,[38] and "Domestic Shinto" to the ways in whichkami are venerated in the home.[39] Some scholars have used the term "Folk Shinto" to designate localised Shinto practices,[40] or practices outside of an institutionalised setting.[32] In various eras of the past, there was also a "State Shinto", in which Shinto beliefs and practices were closely interlinked with the Japanese state.[38] In representing "a portmanteau term" for many varied traditions across Japan, the term "Shinto" is similar to the term "Hinduism", used to describe varied traditions across South Asia.[41]
The termShinto is often translated into English as "the way of thekami",[42] although its meaning has varied throughout Japanese history.[43] Other terms are sometimes used synonymously with "Shinto"; these includekami no michi (神の道, "the way of thekami"),kannagara no michi (神ながらの道, also written随神の道 or惟神の道, "the way of thekami from time immemorial"),Kodō (古道, "the ancient way"),Daidō (大道, "the great way"), andTeidō (帝道, "the imperial way").[44]
The termShinto derives from the combination of two Chinese characters:shin (神), which means "spirit" or "god", andtō (道), which means "way", "road" or "path".[45] "Shintō" (神道, "the Way of the Gods") was a term already used in theBook of Changes referring to the divine order of nature.[46] Around the time of the spread ofBuddhism in theHan dynasty (206 BCE – 220 CE), it was used to distinguishindigenous Chinese religions from the imported religion.Ge Hong used it in hisBaopuzi as a synonym forTaoism.[47]
TheChinese term神道 (MCzyin dawX) was originally adopted into Japanese asJindō;[48] this was possibly first used as a Buddhist term to refer to non-Buddhist deities.[49] Among the earliest known appearances of the termShinto in Japan is in the 8th-century text,Nihon Shoki.[50] Here, it may be a generic term for popular belief,[51] or alternatively reference Taoism, as many Taoist practices had recently been imported from mainland Asia.[52] In these early Japanese uses, the wordShinto did not apply to a distinct religious tradition nor to anything uniquely Japanese;[53] the 11th centuryKonjaku monogatarishui for instance refers to a woman in China practicingShinto, and also to people in India worshippingkami, indicating these terms were being used to describe religions outside Japan itself.[54]
In medieval Japan,kami-worship was generally seen as being part ofJapanese Buddhism, with thekami themselves often interpreted asBuddhas.[55] At this point, the termShinto increasingly referred to "the authority, power, or activity of akami, being akami, or, in short, the state or attributes of akami."[56] It appears in this form in texts such asNakatomi no harai kunge andShintōshū tales.[56] In theJapanese Portuguese Dictionary of 1603,Shinto is defined as referring to "kami or matters pertaining tokami."[57] The termShinto became common in the 15th century.[58] During the late Edo period, thekokugaku scholars began using the termShinto to describe what they believed was an ancient, enduring and indigenous Japanese tradition that predated Buddhism; they argued thatShinto should be used to distinguishkami worship from traditions like Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism.[59] This use of the termShinto became increasingly popular from the 18th century.[10] The termShinto has been commonly used only since the early 20th century, when it superseded the termtaikyō ('great religion') as the name for the Japanese state religion.[41] In English, the religion is also called "Shintoism,"[60][61][62] although some scholars have argued against the inclusion of the suffix-ism due to Shinto's lack of codified doctrine.[63][64]
An artistic depiction byUtagawa Kuniyoshi of thekami Inari appearing to a man
Shinto ispolytheistic, involving the veneration of many deities known askami,[65] or sometimes asjingi (神祇).[66] In Japanese, no distinction is made here between singular and plural, and hence the termkami refers both to individualkami and the collective group ofkami.[67] Although lacking a direct English translation,[68] the termkami has sometimes been rendered as "god" or "spirit".[69] The historian of religionJoseph Kitagawa deemed these English translations "quite unsatisfactory and misleading",[70] and various scholars urge against translatingkami into English.[71] In Japanese, it is often said that there areeight millionkami, a term which connotes an infinite number,[72] and Shinto practitioners believe that they are present everywhere.[4] They are not regarded asomnipotent,omniscient, or necessarilyimmortal.[73]
The termkami is "conceptually fluid",[74] being "vague and imprecise".[75] In Japanese it is often applied to the power of phenomena that inspire a sense of wonder and awe in the beholder.[76] Kitagawa referred to this as "thekami nature", stating that he thought it "somewhat analogous" to the Western ideas of thenuminous and thesacred.[70]Kami are seen to inhabit both the living and the dead, organic and inorganic matter, and natural disasters like earthquakes, droughts, and plagues;[3] their presence is seen in natural forces such as the wind, rain, fire, and sunshine.[77] Accordingly, Nelson commented that Shinto regards "theactual phenomena of the world itself" as being "divine".[78] This perspective has been characterised as beinganimistic.[79]
In Japan,kami have been venerated since prehistory.[4] During theYayoi period they were regarded as being formless and invisible,[80] later coming to be depicted anthropomorphically under Buddhist influence.[81] Now, statues of thekami are known asshinzo.[82]Kami are usually associated with a specific place, often a prominent landscape feature such as a waterfall, mountain, large rock, or distinctive tree.[83] Physical objects or places in which thekami are believed to have a presence are termedshintai;[84] objects inhabited by thekami that are placed in the shrine are known asgo-shintai.[85] Objects commonly chosen for this purpose include mirrors, swords, stones, beads, and inscribed tablets.[86] Thesego-shintai are concealed from the view of visitors,[87] and may be hidden inside boxes so that even the priests do not know what they look like.[84]
Kami are deemed capable of both benevolent and destructive deeds;[88] if warnings about good conduct are ignored, thekami can mete out punishment, often illness or sudden death, calledshinbatsu.[89] Somekami, referred to as themagatsuhi-no-kami oraraburu kami, are regarded as malevolent and destructive.[90] Offerings and prayers are given to thekami to gain their blessings and to dissuade them from destructive actions.[3] Shinto seeks to cultivate and ensure a harmonious relationship between humans and thekami and thus with the natural world.[91] More localisedkami may be subject to feelings of intimacy and familiarity from members of the local community that are not directed towards more widespreadkami like Amaterasu.[92] Thekami of a particular community is referred to it as theirujigami,[93] while that of a particular house is theyashikigami.[94]
A 3000 year old sacred tree (shintai) of Takeo Shrine
Kami are not consideredmetaphysically different from humanity,[74] with it being possible for humans to becomekami.[68] Ancestors and other dead humans are sometimes venerated askami, being regarded as protectors.[95] For example,Emperor Ōjin was posthumously enshrined as thekamiHachiman, believed to be a protector of Japan and akami of war.[96] In Western Japan, the termjigami is used to describe the enshrinedkami of a village founder.[97] In some cases, living human beings were also viewed askami;[3] these were calledakitsumi kami[98] orarahito-gami.[99] In the State Shinto system of the Meiji era, the emperor of Japan was declared to be akami,[68] while several Shinto sects have also viewed their leaders as livingkami.[68]
Although somekami are venerated only in a single location, others have shrines across many areas.[100] Hachiman for instance has around 25,000 shrines dedicated to him,[77] while Inari has 40,000.[101] The act of establishing a new shrine to akami who already has one is calledbunrei ("dividing the spirit").[102] As part of this, thekami is invited to enter a new place, with the instalment ceremony known as akanjo.[100] The new, subsidiary shrine is known as abunsha.[103] Individualkami are not believed to have their power diminished by their residence in multiple locations, and there is no limit on the number of places akami can be enshrined.[100] In some periods, fees were charged for the right to enshrine a particularkami in a new place.[100] Shrines are not necessarily always designed as permanent structures.[4]
Manykami have messengers, known askami no tsukai ortsuka washime, that generally take animal forms.[100] Inari's messenger, for example, is a fox (kitsune),[104] while Hachiman's is a dove.[100]Shinto cosmology also includes spirits who cause malevolent acts,bakemono, a category includingoni,tengu,kappa,mononoke, andyamanba.[105] Japanese folklore also incorporates belief in thegoryō oronryō, unquiet or vengeful spirits, particularly of those who died violently and without appropriate funerary rites.[106] These are believed to inflict suffering on the living, meaning that they must be pacified, usually through Buddhist rites but sometimes through enshrining them as akami.[106] Other Japanese supernatural figures include thetanuki, animal-like creatures who can take human form.[107]
Izanami-no-Mikoto andIzanagi-no-Mikoto, by Kobayashi Eitaku, late 19th century
Although the narratives differ in detail,[108] the origin of thekami and of Japan itself are recounted in two 8th-century texts,Kojiki andNihon Shoki.[109] Drawing heavily on Chinese influence,[110] these texts were commissioned by ruling elites to legitimize and consolidate their rule.[111] Although never of great importance to Japanese religious life,[112] in the early 20th century the government proclaimed that their accounts were factual.[113]
TheKojiki recounts that the universe started withame-tsuchi, the separation of light and pure elements (ame, "heaven") from heavy elements (tsuchi, "earth").[114] Threekami then appeared:Amenominakanushi,Takamimusuhi no Mikoto, andKamimusuhi no Mikoto. Otherkami followed, including a brother and sister,Izanagi andIzanami.[115] Thekami instructed Izanagi and Izanami to create land on earth. To this end, the siblings stirred the briny sea with a jewelled spear, from whichOnogoro Island was formed.[116] Izanagi and Izanami then descended to Earth, where the latter gave birth to furtherkami. One of these was a firekami, whose birth killed Izanami.[117] Izanagi descended toyomi to retrieve his sister, but there he saw her body putrefying. Embarrassed to be seen in this state, she chased him out ofyomi, and he closed its entrance with a boulder.[118]
Izanagi bathed in the sea to rid himself from the pollution brought about by witnessing Izanami's putrefaction. Through this act, furtherkami emerged from his body:Amaterasu (the sunkami) was born from his left eye,Tsukuyomi (the moonkami) from his right eye, andSusanoo (the stormkami) from his nose.[119] Susanoo behaved in a destructive manner, to escape him Amaterasu hid herself within a cave, plunging the earth into darkness. The otherkami eventually succeeded in coaxing her out.[120] Susanoo was then banished to earth, where he married and had children.[121] According to theKojiki, Amaterasu then sent her grandson,Ninigi, to rule Japan, giving him curved beads, a mirror, and a sword: the symbols of Japanese imperial authority.[122] Amaterasu remains probably Japan's most veneratedkami.[123]
In Shinto, the creative principle permeating all life is known asmusubi, and is associated with its ownkami.[124] Within traditional Japanese thought, there is no concept of an overarching duality between good and evil.[125] The concept ofaki encompasses misfortune, unhappiness, and disaster, although it does not correspond precisely with the Western concept of evil.[126] There is noeschatology in Shinto.[127] Texts such as theKojiki andNihon Shoki portray multiple realms in Shinto cosmology.[128] These present a universe divided into three parts: the Plane of High Heaven (Takama-no-hara), where thekami live; the Phenomenal or Manifested World (Utsushi-yo), where humans dwell; and the Nether World (Yomotsu-kuni), where unclean spirits reside.[129] The mythological texts nevertheless do not draw firm demarcations between these realms.[130]
Modern Shinto places greater emphasis on this life than on any afterlife,[131] although it does espouse belief in a human spirit or soul, themitama ortamashii, which contains four aspects.[132] While indigenous ideas about an afterlife were probably well-developed prior to Buddhism's arrival,[133] contemporary Japanese people often adopt Buddhist afterlife beliefs.[134]Mythological stories like theKojiki describeyomi oryomi-no-kuni as a realm of the dead,[135] although this plays no role in modern Shinto.[133] Modern Shinto ideas about the afterlife largely revolve around the idea that the spirit survives bodily death and continues to assist the living. After 33 years, it then becomes part of the familykami.[136] These ancestral spirits are sometimes thought to reside in the mountains,[137] from where they descend to take part in agricultural events.[138] Shinto's afterlife beliefs also include theobake, restless spirits who died in bad circumstances and often seek revenge.[139]
A key theme in Shinto is the avoidance ofkegare ("pollution" or "impurity"),[140] while ensuringharae ("purity").[141] In Japanese thought, humans are seen as fundamentally pure.[142]Kegare is therefore seen as being a temporary condition that can be corrected through achievingharae.[143] Rites of purification are conducted so as to restore an individual to "spiritual" health and render them useful to society.[144]
Shinto purification rite after a ceremonial children'ssumo tournament at theKamigamo Jinja inKyoto
This notion of purity is present in many facets of Japanese culture, such as the focus it places on bathing.[145] Purification is for instance regarded as important in preparation for the planting season,[146] while performers ofnoh theatre undergo a purification rite before they carry out their performances.[147] Among the things regarded as particular pollutants in Shinto are death, disease, witchcraft, the flaying alive of an animal, incest, bestiality, excrement, and blood associated with either menstruation or childbirth.[148] To avoidkegare, priests and other practitioners may engage in abstinence and avoid various activities prior to a festival or ritual.[149]Various words, termedimi-kotoba, are also regarded as taboo, and people avoid speaking them when at a shrine; these includeshi (death),byō (illness), andshishi (meat).[150]
A purification ceremony known asmisogi involves the use of fresh water, salt water, or salt to removekegare.[151] Full immersion in the sea is often regarded as the most ancient and efficacious form of purification.[152] This act links with the mythological tale in which Izanagi immersed himself in the sea to purify himself after discovering his deceased wife; it was from this act that otherkami sprang from his body.[153] An alternative is immersion beneath a waterfall.[154] Salt is often regarded as a purifying substance;[155] some Shinto practitioners will for instance sprinkle salt on themselves after a funeral,[156] while those running restaurants may put a small pile of salt outside before business commences each day.[157] Fire, also, is perceived as a source of purification.[158] Theyaku-barai is a form of harae designed to prevent misfortune,[159] while theoharae, or "ceremony of great purification", is often used for end-of-year purification rites, and is conducted twice a year at many shrines.[160] Before the Meiji period, rites of purification were generally performed byonmyōji, a type of diviner whose practices derived from the Chineseyin and yang philosophy.[161]
The actions of priests at the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo have generated controversy across East Asia
Shinto incorporates morality tales and myths but no codified ethical doctrine,[3] and thus no "unified, systematized code of behaviour".[20] An ethical system nevertheless arises from its practice,[162] with emphasis placed on sincerity (makoto),[163] honesty (tadashii),[164] hard work (tsui-shin),[165] and thanksgiving (kansha) directed towards thekami.[165]Shojiki is regarded as a virtue, encompassing honesty, uprightness, veracity, and frankness.[166] Shinto sometimes includes reference to four virtues known as theakaki kiyoki kokoro orsei-mei-shin, meaning "purity and cheerfulness of heart", which are linked to the state ofharae.[167] Attitudes to sex and fertility tend to be forthright in Shinto.[168] Shinto's flexibility regarding morality and ethics has been a source of frequent criticism, especially from those arguing that the religion can readily become a pawn for those wishing to use it to legitimise their authority and power.[169]
In Shinto,kannagara ("way of thekami") is the law of thenatural order,[164] withwa ("benign harmony") being inherent in all things.[170] Disruptingwa is deemed bad, while contributing to it is thought good;[171] as such, subordination of the individual to the larger social unit has long been a characteristic of the religion.[172] Throughout Japanese history, the notion ofsaisei-itchi, or the union of religious authority and political authority, has long been prominent.[173] In the modern world, Shinto has tended toward conservatism,[174] as well as nationalism,[175] an association that results in various Japanesecivil liberties groups and neighboring countries regarding Shinto suspiciously.[176] Particularly controversial has been theYasukuni Shrine in Tokyo, devoted to Japan's war dead. In 1979 it enshrined 14 men who had been declared Class-A defendants at the 1946Tokyo War Crimes Trials, generating domestic and international condemnation, particularly from China and Korea.[177]
Assemblage of smalltorii at the Fushimi Inari-taisha shrine in Kyoto
Shinto priests face ethical conundrums. In the 1980s, for instance, priests at theSuwa Shrine inNagasaki debated whether to invite the crew of a U.S. Navy vessel docked at the port city to their festival celebrations given the sensitivities surrounding the1945 U.S. use of the atomic bomb on the city.[178] In other cases, priests have opposed construction projects on shrine-owned land;[179] atKaminoseki in the early 2000s, a priest was pressured to resign after opposing the sale of shrine lands to build anuclear power plant.[180] In the 21st century, Shinto has increasingly been portrayed as a nature-centred spirituality withenvironmentalist credentials;[181] several shrines have collaborated with local environmentalist campaigns,[182] while an international interfaith conference on environmental sustainability was held at the Ise shrine in 2014.[183] Critical commentators have characterised the presentation of Shinto as an environmentalist movement as a rhetorical ploy rather than a concerted effort by Shinto institutions to become environmentally sustainable.[184]
Shintofocuses on ritual behavior rather than doctrine.[185] The philosophers James W. Boyd and Ron G. Williams stated that Shinto is "first and foremost a ritual tradition",[186] while Picken observed that "Shinto is interested not incredenda but inagenda, not in things that should be believed but in things that should be done."[187] The scholar of religion Clark B. Offner stated that Shinto's focus was on "maintaining communal, ceremonial traditions for the purpose of human (communal) well-being".[188]It is often difficult to distinguish Shinto practices from Japanese customs more broadly,[189] with Picken observing that the "worldview of Shinto" provided the "principal source of self-understanding within the Japanese way of life".[187] Nelson stated that "Shinto-based orientations and values [...] lie at the core of Japanese culture, society, and character".[190]
The main gate toFushimi Inari-taisha in Kyoto, one of the oldest shrines in Japan
Public spaces in which thekami are worshipped are often known under the generic termjinja ("kami-place");[191] this term applies to the location rather than to a specific building.[192]Jinja is usually translated as "shrine" in English,[193] although in earlier literature was sometimes translated as "temple",[6] a term now more commonly reserved for Japan's Buddhist structures.[194] There are around 100,000 public shrines in Japan;[195] about 80,000 are affiliated with theAssociation of Shinto Shrines,[196] with another 20,000 being unaffiliated.[197] They are found all over the country, from isolated rural areas to dense metropolitan ones.[198] More specific terms are sometimes used for certain shrines depending on their function; some of the grand shrines with imperial associations are termedjingū,[199] those devoted to the war dead are termedshokonsha,[166] and those linked to mountains deemed to be inhabited bykami areyama-miya.[200]
Jinja typically consist of complexes of multiple buildings,[201] with the architectural styles of shrines having largely developed by theHeian period.[202] The inner sanctuary in which thekami lives is thehonden.[203] Inside thehonden may be stored material belonging to thekami; known asshinpo, this can include artworks, clothing, weapons, musical instruments, bells, and mirrors.[204] Typically, worshippers carry out their acts outside of thehonden.[23] Near thehonden can sometimes be found a subsidiary shrine, thebekkū, to anotherkami; thekami inhabiting this shrine is not necessarily perceived as being inferior to that in thehonden.[205] At some places, halls of worship have been erected, termedhaiden.[206] On a lower level can be found the hall of offerings, known as aheiden.[207] Together, the building housing thehonden,haiden, andheiden is called ahongū.[208] In some shrines, there is a separate building in which to conduct additional ceremonies, such as weddings, known as agishikiden,[209] or a specific building in which thekagura dance is performed, known as thekagura-den.[210] Collectively, the central buildings of a shrine are known as theshaden,[211] while its precincts are known as thekeidaichi[212] orshin'en.[213] This precinct is surrounded by thetamagaki fence,[214] with entry via ashinmon gate, which can be closed at night.[215]
Shrine entrances are marked by a two-post gateway with either one or two crossbeams atop it, known astorii.[216] The exact details of thesetorii varies and there are at least twenty different styles.[217] These are regarded as demarcating the area where thekami resides;[23] passing under them is often viewed as a form of purification.[218] More broadly,torii are internationally recognised symbols of Japan.[23] Their architectural form is distinctly Japanese, although the decision to paint most of them invermillion reflects a Chinese influence dating from theNara period.[219] Also set at the entrances to many shrines arekomainu, statues of lion or dog like animals perceived to scare off malevolent spirits;[220] typically these will come as a pair, one with its mouth open, the other with its mouth closed.[221]
Shrines are often set within gardens[222] or wooded groves calledchinju no mori ("forest of the tutelary"kami),[223] which vary in size from just a few trees to sizeable areas of woodland.[224] Large lanterns, known astōrō, are often found within these precincts.[225] Shrines often have an office, known as ashamusho,[226] asaikan where priests undergo forms of abstinence and purification prior to conducting rituals,[227] and other buildings such as a priests' quarters and a storehouse.[218] Various kiosks often sell amulets to visitors.[228] Since the late 1940s, shrines have had to be financially self-sufficient, relying on the donations of worshippers and visitors. These funds are used to pay the wages of the priests, to finance the upkeep of the buildings, to cover the shrine's membership fees of various regional and national Shinto groups, and to contribute to disaster relief funds.[229]
In Shinto, it is seen as important that the places in whichkami are venerated be kept clean and not neglected.[230] Through to the Edo period, it was common forkami shrines to be demolished and rebuilt at a nearby location in order to remove any pollutants and ensure purity.[231] This has continued into recent times at certain sites, such as the Ise Grand Shrine, which is moved to an adjacent site every two decades.[232] Separate shrines can also be merged in a process known asjinja gappei,[233] while the act of transferring thekami from one building to another is calledsengu.[234] Shrines may have legends about their foundation, which are known asen-gi. These sometimes also record miracles associated with the shrine.[235] From the Heian period on, theen-gi were often retold on picture scrolls known asemakimono.[236]
Shrines may be cared for by priests, by local communities, or by families on whose property the shrine is found.[23] Shinto priests are known in Japanese askannushi, meaning "proprietor ofkami",[237] or alternatively asshinshoku orshinkan.[238] Manykannushi take on the role in a line of hereditary succession traced down specific families.[239] In contemporary Japan, there are two main training universities for those wishing to becomekannushi, atKokugakuin University in Tokyo and atKogakkan University inMie Prefecture.[240] Priests can rise through the ranks over the course of their careers.[241] The number of priests at a particular shrine can vary; some shrines can have dozens, and others have none, instead being administered by local lay volunteers.[242] Some priests administer to multiple small shrines, sometimes over ten.[243]
Priestly regalia is largely based on the clothes worn at the imperial court during the Heian period.[244] It includes a tall, rounded hat known as aneboshi,[245] and black lacquered wooden clogs known asasagutsu.[246] The outer garment worn by a priest, usually colored black, red, or light blue, is thehō,[247] or theikan.[150] A white silk version of theikan, used for formal occasions, is known as thesaifuku.[248] Another priestly robe is thekariginu, which is modelled on Heian-style hunting garments.[249] Also part of standard priestly attire is ahiōgi fan,[250] while during rituals, priests carry a flat piece of wood known as ashaku.[251] This regalia is generally more ornate than the sombre garments worn by Japanese Buddhist monks.[244]
Miko performing a Shinto ceremony near theKamo River
The chief priest at a shrine is thegūji.[252] Larger shrines may also have an assistant head priest, thegon-gūji.[253] As with teachers, instructors, and Buddhist clergy, Shinto priests are often referred to assensei by lay practitioners.[254] Historically, there were female priests although they were largely pushed out of their positions in 1868.[255] During the Second World War, women were again allowed to become priests to fill the void caused by large numbers of men being enlisted in the military.[256] By the late 1990s, around 90% of priests were male, 10% female,[123] contributing to accusations that Shinto discriminates against women.[257] Priests are free to marry and have children.[256] At smaller shrines, priests often have other full-time jobs, and serve only as priests during special occasions.[253]Before certain major festivals, priests may undergo a period of abstinence from sexual relations.[258] Some of those involved in festivals also abstain from a range of other things, such as consuming tea, coffee, or alcohol, immediately prior to the events.[259]
The priests are assisted byjinja miko, sometimes referred to as "shrine-maidens" in English.[260] Thesemiko are typically unmarried,[261] although not necessarily virgins.[262] In many cases they are the daughters of a priest or a practitioner.[260] They are subordinate to the priests in the shrine hierarchy.[263] Their most important role is in thekagura dance, known asotome-mai.[264]Miko receive only a small salary but gain respect from members of the local community and learn skills such as cooking, calligraphy, painting, and etiquette which can benefit them when later searching for employment or a marriage partner.[264] They generally do not live at the shrines.[264] Sometimes they fill other roles, such as being secretaries in the shrine offices or clerks at the information desks, or as waitresses at thenaorai feasts. They also assistkannushi in ceremonial rites.[264]
Visits to the shrine are termedsankei,[265] orjinja mairi.[266] Some individuals visit the shrines daily, often on their morning route to work;[266] they typically take only a few minutes.[266] Usually, a worshipper will approach the honden, placing a monetary offering in a box and then ringing a bell to call thekami's attention.[267] Then, they bow, clap, and stand while silently offering a prayer.[268] The clapping is known askashiwade orhakushu;[269] the prayers or supplications askigan.[270] This individual worship is known ashairei.[271] More broadly, ritual prayers to thekami are callednorito,[272] while the coins offered aresaisen.[273] At the shrine, individuals offering prayers are not necessarily praying to a specifickami.[266] A worshipper may not know the name of akami residing at the shrine nor how manykami are believed to dwell there.[274] Unlike in certain other religions, Shinto shrines do not have weekly services that practitioners are expected to attend.[275]
Some Shinto practitioners do not offer their prayers to thekami directly, but rather request that a priest offer them on their behalf; these prayers are known askitō.[276] Many individuals approach thekami asking for pragmatic requests.[277] Requests for rain, known asamagoi ("rain-soliciting") have been found across Japan, with Inari a popular choice for such requests.[278]Other prayers reflect more contemporary concerns. For instance, people may ask that the priest approaches thekami so as to purify their car in the hope that this will prevent it from being involved in an accident; thekotsu anzen harai ("purification for road safety").[279] Similarly, transport companies often request purification rites for new buses or airplanes which are about to go into service.[280] Before a building is constructed, it is common for either private individuals or the construction company to employ a Shinto priest to come to the land being developed and perform thejichinsai, or earth sanctification ritual. This purifies the site and asks thekami to bless it.[281]
People often ask thekami to help offset inauspicious events that may affect them. For instance, in Japanese culture, the age 33 is seen as being unlucky for women and the age 42 for men, and thus people can ask thekami to offset any ill-fortune associated with being this age.[282] Certain directions can also be seen as being inauspicious for certain people at certain times and thus people can approach thekami asking them to offset this problem if they have to travel in one of these unlucky directions.[282]
Torii of Atsuta Jingū
Pilgrimage has long been important in Japanese religion,[283] with pilgrimages to Shinto shrines calledjunrei.[284] A round of pilgrimages, whereby individuals visit a series of shrines and other sacred sites that are part of an established circuit, is known as ajunpai.[284] An individual leading these pilgrims, is sometimes termed asendatsu.[234] For many centuries, people have also visited the shrines for primarily cultural and recreational reasons, as opposed to spiritual ones.[266] Many of the shrines are recognised as sites of historical importance and some are classified asUNESCOWorld Heritage Sites.[266] Shrines such asShimogamo Jinja andFushimi Inari Taisha in Kyoto,Meiji Jingū in Tokyo, andAtsuta Jingū in Nagoya are among Japan's most popular tourist sites.[180] Many shrines have a unique rubber-stamp seal which visitors can get printed into their stamp book, demonstrating the different shrines they have visited.[285]
Shinto rituals begin with a process of purification, often involving the washing of the hands and mouth at thetemizu basin; this example is at Itsukushima Jinja.
Shinto rituals begin with a process of purification, orharae.[286] Using fresh water or salt water, this is known asmisogi.[151] At shrines, this entails sprinkling this water onto the face and hands, a procedure known astemizu,[287] using a font known as atemizuya.[288] Another form of purification at the start of a Shinto rite entails waving a white paper streamer or wand known as theharaigushi.[289] When not in use, theharaigushi is usually kept in a stand.[287] The priest waves theharaigushi horizontally over a person or object being purified in a movement known assa-yu-sa ("left-right-left").[287] Sometimes, instead of aharaigushi, the purification is carried out with ano-nusa, a branch of evergreen to which strips of paper have been attached.[287] The waving of theharaigushi is often followed by an additional act of purification, theshubatsu, in which the priest sprinkles water, salt, or brine over those assembled from a wooden box called the'en-to-oke ormagemono.[290]
The acts of purification accomplished, petitions known asnorito are spoken to thekami.[291] This is followed by an appearance by themiko, who commence in a slow circular motion before the main altar.[291] Offerings are then presented to thekami by being placed on a table.[291] This act is known ashōbei;[247] the offerings themselves assaimotsu[227] orsonae-mono.[292] Historically, the offerings given thekami included food, cloth, swords, and horses.[293] In the contemporary period, lay worshippers usually give gifts of money to thekami while priests generally offer them food, drink, and sprigs of the sacredsakaki tree.[77]Animal sacrifices are not considered appropriate offerings, as the shedding of blood is seen as a polluting act that necessitates purification.[294] The offerings presented are sometimes simple and sometimes more elaborate; at the Grand Shrine of Ise, for instance, 100 styles of food are laid out as offerings.[291] The choice of offerings will often be tailored to the specifickami and occasion.[204]
Offerings of food and drink are specifically termedshinsen.[204]Sake, or rice wine, is a very common offering to thekami.[295] After the offerings have been given, people often sip rice wine known aso-miki.[291] Drinking theo-miki wine is seen as a form of communion with thekami.[296] On important occasions, a feast is then held, known asnaorai, inside a banquet hall attached to the shrine complex.[297]
Thekami are believed to enjoy music.[298] One style of music performed at shrines isgagaku.[299] Instruments used include three reeds (fue,sho, andhichiriki), theyamato-koto, and the "three drums" (taiko,kakko, andshōko).[300] Other musical styles performed at shrines can have a more limited focus. At shrines such asŌharano Shrine in Kyoto,azuma-asobi ("eastern entertainment") music is performed on 8 April.[105] Also in Kyoto, various festivals make use of thedengaku style of music and dance, which originated from rice-planting songs.[301] During rituals, people visiting the shrine are expected to sit in theseiza style, with their legs tucked beneath their bottom.[302] To avoid cramps, individuals who hold this position for a lengthy period of time may periodically move their legs and flex their heels.[303]
Having seen their popularity increase in the Meiji era,[304] many Shinto practitioners also have a family shrine, orkamidana ("kami shelf"), in their home.[305] These usually consist of shelves placed at an elevated position in the living room.[306]Kamidana can also be found in workplaces, restaurants, shops, and ocean-going ships.[307] Some public shrines sell entirekamidana.[308]
Along with thekamidana, many Japanese households also havebutsudan, Buddhist altars enshrining the ancestors of the family;[309] ancestral reverence remains an important aspect of Japanese religious tradition.[138] In the rare instances where Japanese individuals are given a Shinto funeral rather than a Buddhist one, atama-ya,mitama-ya, orsorei-sha shrine may be erected in the home in place of abutsudan. This will be typically placed below thekamidana and include symbols of the resident ancestral spirit, for instance a mirror or a scroll.[310]
Kamidana often enshrine thekami of a nearby public shrine as well as a tutelarykami associated with the house's occupants or their profession.[304] They can be decorated with miniaturetorii andshimenawa and include amulets obtained from public shrines.[304] They often contain a stand on which to place offerings;[218] daily offerings of rice, salt, and water are placed there, with sake and other items also offered on special days.[311] These domestic rituals often take place early in the morning,[312] and prior to conducting them, practitioners often bathe, rinse their mouth, or wash their hands as a form of purification.[313]
Household Shinto can focus attention on thedōzoku-shin,kami who are perceived to be ancestral to thedōzoku or extended kinship group.[314] A small shrine for the ancestors of a household are known assoreisha.[292] Small village shrines containing the tutelarykami of an extended family are known asiwai-den.[315] In addition to thejinja shrines and the household shrines, Shinto also features small wayside shrines known ashokora.[208] Other open spaces used for the worship ofkami areiwasaka, an area surrounded by sacred rocks.[316]
A selection of woodenema hanging up at a Shinto shrine
A common feature of Shinto shrines is the provision ofema, small wooden plaques onto which practitioners will write a wish or desire that they would like to see fulfilled. The practitioner's message is written on one side of the plaque, while on the other is usually a printed picture or pattern related to the shrine itself.[317]Ema are provided both at Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples in Japan;[245] unlike most amulets, which are taken away from the shrine, theema are typically left there as a message for the residentkami.[235] Those administering the shrine will then often burn all of the collectedema at new year.[235]
Divination is the focus of many Shinto rituals,[318] with various forms of divination used by its practitioners, some introduced from China.[319] Among the ancient forms of divination found in Japan arerokuboku andkiboku.[320] Several forms of divination entailingarchery are also practiced in Shintō, known asyabusame,omato-shinji, andmato-i.[321] Kitagawa stated that there could be "no doubt" that various types of "shamanic diviners" played a role in early Japanese religion.[322] A form of divination previously common in Japan wasbokusen oruranai, which often used tortoise shells; it is still used in some places.[323]
A form of divination that is popular at Shinto shrines are theomikuji.[324] These are small slips of paper which are obtained from the shrine (for a donation) and which are then read to reveal a prediction for the future.[325] Those who receive a bad prediction often then tie theomikuji to a nearby tree or frame set up for the purpose. This act is seen as rejecting the prediction, a process calledsute-mikuji, and thus avoiding the misfortune it predicted.[326]
A frame at a shrine where omikuji are tied
The use ofamulets are widely sanctioned and popular in Japan.[275] These may be made of paper, wood, cloth, metal, or plastic.[275]Ofuda act as amulets to keep off misfortune and also serve as talismans to bring benefits and good luck.[272] They typically comprise a tapering piece of wood onto which the name of the shrine and its enshrinedkami are written or printed. Theofuda is then wrapped inside white paper and tied up with a colored thread.[327]Ofuda are provided both at Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples.[272] Another type of amulet provided at shrines and temples are theomamori, which are traditionally small, brightly colored drawstring bags with the name of the shrine written on it.[328]Omamori andofuda are sometimes placed within a charm bag known as akinchaku, typically worn by small children.[270]
At new year, many shrines sellhamaya (an "evil-destroying arrows"), which people can purchase and keep in their home over the coming year to bring good luck.[329]Adaruma is a round, paper doll of the Indian monk,Bodhidharma. The recipient makes a wish and paints one eye; when the goal is accomplished, the recipient paints the other eye. While this is a Buddhist practice, darumas can be found at shrines, as well. These dolls are very common.[330]Other protective items includedorei, which are earthenware bells that are used to pray for good fortune. These bells are usually in the shapes of the zodiacal animals.[330]Inuhariko are paper dogs that are used to induce and to bless good births.[330] Collectively, these talismans through which home to manipulate events and influence spirits, as well as related mantras and rites for the same purpose, are known asmajinai.[331]
Akagura traditional dance performed at the Yamanashi-oka shrine
Kagura describes the music and dance performed for thekami;[332] the term may have originally derived fromkami no kura ("seat of thekami").[333] Throughout Japanese history, dance has played an important culture role and in Shinto it is regarded as having the capacity to pacifykami.[334] There is amythological tale of howkagura dance came into existence. According to theKojiki and theNihon Shoki,Ame-no-Uzume performed a dance to entice Amaterasu out of the cave in which she had hidden herself.[335]
There are two broad types of kagura.[336] One is Imperial kagura, also known asmikagura. This style was developed in the imperial court and is still performed onimperial grounds every December.[337] It is also performed at the Imperial harvest festival and at major shrines such as Ise,Kamo, andIwashimizu Hachiman-gū. It is performed by singers and musicians usingshakubyoshi wooden clappers, ahichiriki, akagura-bue flute, and a six-stringed zither.[210] The other main type issato-kagura, descended frommikagura and performed at shrines across Japan. Depending on the style, it is performed bymiko or by actors wearing masks to portray various mythological figures.[338] These actors are accompanied by ahayashi band using flutes and drums.[210] There are also other, regional types of kagura.[210]
Participants in a procession for Aoi Matsuri in Kyoto
Public festivals are commonly termedmatsuri,[339] although this term has varied meanings—"festival", "worship", "celebration", "rite", or "prayer"—and no direct translation into English.[340] Picken suggested that the festival was "the central act of Shinto worship" because Shinto was a "community- and family-based" religion.[341] Most mark the seasons of the agricultural year and involve offerings being directed to thekami in thanks.[342] According to a traditionallunar calendar, Shinto shrines should hold their festival celebrations onhare-no-hi or "clear days", the days of the new, full, and half moons.[343] Other days, known aske-no-hi, were generally avoided for festivities.[343] However, since the late 20th century, many shrines have held their festival celebrations on the Saturday or Sunday closest to the date so that fewer individuals will be working and will be able to attend.[344] Each town or village often has its own festival, centred on a local shrine.[312] For instance, theAoi Matsuri festival, held on 15 May to pray for an abundant grain harvest, takes place at shrines inKyoto,[345] while theChichibu Night Festival takes place on 2–3 December inChichibu.[346]
Spring festivals are calledharu-matsuri and often incorporate prayers for a good harvest.[343] They sometimes involveta-asobi ceremonies, in which rice is ritually planted.[343] Summer festivals are termednatsu-matsuri and are usually focused on protecting the crops against pests and other threats.[347] Autumn festivals are known asaki-matsuri and primarily focus on thanking thekami for the rice or other harvest.[348] TheNiiname-sai, or festival of new rice, is held across many Shinto shrines on 23 November.[349] The emperor also conducts a ceremony to mark this festival, at which he presents the first fruits of the harvest to thekami at midnight.[350] Winter festivals, calledfuyu no matsuri often feature on welcoming in the spring, expelling evil, and calling in good influences for the future.[351] There is little difference between winter festivals and specific new year festivals.[351]
Procession of thekami as part of theFukagawa Matsuri festival in Tokyo
Theseason of the new year is calledshogatsu.[352] On the last day of the year (31 December),omisoka, practitioners usually clean their household shrines in preparation for New Year's Day (1 January),ganjitsu.[353] Many people visit public shrines to celebrate new year;[354] this "first visit" of the year is known ashatsumōde orhatsumairi.[355] There, they buy amulets and talismans to bring them good fortune over the coming year.[356] To celebrate this festival, many Japanese put up rope known asshimenawa on their homes and places of business.[357] Some also put upkadomatsu ("gateway pine"), an arrangement of pine branches, plum tree, and bamboo sticks.[358] Also displayed arekazari, which are smaller and more colourful; their purpose is to keep away misfortune and attract good fortune.[143] In many places, new year celebrations incorporatehadaka matsuri ("naked festivals") in which men dressed only in afundoshi loincloth engage in a particular activity, such as fighting over a specific object or immersing themselves in a river.[359]
A common feature of festivals are processions or parades known asgyōretsu.[360] These can be raucous, with many participants being drunk;[361] Breen and Teeuwen characterised them as having a "carnivalesque atmosphere".[362] They are often understood as having a regenerative effect on both the participants and the community.[363] During these processions, thekami travel in portable shrines known asmikoshi.[364] In various cases themikoshi undergohamaori ("going down to the beach"), a process by which they are carried to the sea shore and sometimes into the sea, either by bearers or a boat.[365] For instance, in the Okunchi festival held in the southwestern city ofNagasaki, thekami of theSuwa Shrine are paraded down to Ohato, where they are placed in a shrine there for several days before being paraded back to Suwa.[366] These sort of celebrations are often organized largely by members of the local community rather than by the priests themselves.[362]
The formal recognition of events is given great importance in Japanese culture.[367] A common ritual, thehatsumiyamairi, entails a child's first visit to a Shinto shrine.[368] A tradition holds that, if a boy he should be brought to the shrine on the thirty-second day after birth, and if a girl she should be brought on the thirty-third day.[369] Historically, the child was commonly brought to the shrine not by the mother, who was considered impure after birth, but by another female relative; since the late 20th century it has been more common for the mother to do so.[369] Another rite of passage, thesaiten-sai orseijin shiki, is a coming of age ritual marking the transition to adulthood and occurs when an individual is around twenty.[370] Wedding ceremonies are often carried out at Shinto shrines;[371] these are calledshinzen kekkon ("a wedding before thekami").[372] Prior to the Meiji period, weddings were commonly performed in the home,[373] although shrines now regard them as an important source of income.[374]
In Japan, funerals tend to take place at Buddhist temples and involve cremation,[375] with Shinto funerals being rare.[138] Bocking noted that most Japanese people are "still 'born Shinto' yet 'die Buddhist'."[176] In Shinto thought, contact with death is seen as imparting impurity (kegare); the period following this contact is known askibuku and is associated with various taboos.[376] In cases when dead humans are enshrined askami, the physical remains of the dead are not stored at the shrine.[377] Although not common, there have been examples of funerals conducted through Shinto rites. The earliest examples are known from the mid-17th century; these occurred in certain areas of Japan and had the support of the local authorities.[378]Following the Meiji Restoration, in 1868 the government recognised specifically Shinto funerals for Shinto priests.[379] Five years later, this was extended to cover the entire Japanese population.[380] Despite this Meiji promotion of Shinto funerals, the majority of the population continued to have Buddhist funeral rites.[378] In recent decades, Shinto funerals have usually been reserved for Shinto priests and for members of certain Shinto sects.[381] Aftercremation, the normal funerary process in Japan, the ashes of a priest may be interred near to the shrine, but not inside its precincts.[127]
Ancestral reverence remains an important part of Japanese religious custom.[138] The invocation of the dead, and especially the war dead, is known asshōkon.[166] Various rites reference this. For instance, at the largely Buddhist festival ofBon, the souls of the ancestors are believed to visit the living, and are then sent away in a ritual calledshōrō nagashi, by which lanterns are inserted into small boats, often made of paper, and placed in a river to float downstream.[382]
Anitako at the autumn Inako Taisai festival atMount Osore, Aomori Prefecture, Japan
Shinto practitioners believe that thekami can possess a human being and then speak through them, a process known askami-gakari.[383] Several new religious movements drawing upon Shinto, such asTenrikyo andOomoto, were founded by individuals claiming to be guided by a possessingkami.[384] Thetakusen is anoracle that is passed from thekami via the medium.[214]
Theitako andichiko are blind women who train to becomespiritual mediums, traditionally in Japan's northernTohoku region.[385]Itako train under otheritako from childhood, memorialising sacred texts and prayers, fasting, and undertaking acts of severe asceticism, through which they are believed to cultivate supernatural powers.[385] In an initiation ceremony, akami is believed to possess the young woman, and the two are then ritually "married". After this, thekami becomes her tutelary spirit and she will henceforth be able to call upon it, and a range of other spirits, in the future. Through contacting these spirits, she is able to convey their messages to the living.[385]Itako usually carry out their rituals independent of the shrine system.[386] Japanese culture also includes spiritual healers known asogamiya-san whose work involves invoking bothkami and Buddhas.[160]
A Yayoi perioddotaku bell; these probably played a key role inkami rites at the time.[80]
Earhart commented that Shinto ultimately "emerged from the beliefs and practices of prehistoric Japan",[387] although Kitagawa noted that it was questionable whether prehistoric Japanese religions could be accurately termed "early Shinto".[322] It was theYayoi period of Japanese prehistory which first left traces of material and iconography prefiguring that later included in Shinto.[388]Kami were worshipped at various landscape features during this period; at this point, their worship consisted largely of beseeching and placating them, with little evidence that they were viewed as compassionate entities.[80]Archaeological evidence suggests thatdotaku bronze bells, bronze weapons, and metal mirrors played an important role inkami-based ritual during theYayoi period.[389]
In this early period, Japan was not a unified state; by theKofun period it was divided amongUji (clans), each with their own tutelarykami, theujigami.[390] Korean migration during the Kofun period brought Confucianism and Buddhism to Japan.[391] Buddhism had a particular impact on thekami cults.[392] Migrant groups and Japanese who increasingly aligned with these foreign influences built Buddhist temples in various parts of the Japanese islands.[392] Several rival clans who were more hostile to these foreign influences began adapting the shrines of theirkami to more closely resemble the new Buddhist structures.[392] In the late 5th century, theimperial dynasty leaderYūryaku declared himselfdaiō ("great king") and established hegemony over much of Japan.[393] From the early 6th century CE, the style of ritual favored by theYamato began spreading to otherkami shrines around Japan as the Yamato extended their territorial influence.[394] Buddhism was also growing. According to theNihon Shoki, in 587Emperor Yōmei converted to Buddhism and under his sponsorship Buddhism spread.[395]
In the mid-7th century, a legal code calledRitsuryō was adopted to establish a Chinese-style centralised government.[396] As part of this, theJingikan ("Council ofKami") was created to conduct rites of state and coordinate provincial ritual with that in the capital.[397] This was done according to a code ofkami law called theJingiryō,[397] itself modelled on the ChineseBook of Rites.[398] The Jingikan was located in the palace precincts and maintained a register of shrines and priests.[399] An annual calendar of state rites were introduced to help unify Japan throughkami worship.[8] These legally mandated rites were outlined in theYōrō Code of 718,[398] and expanded in theJogan Gishiki of circa 872 and theEngi Shiki of 927.[398] Under the Jingikan, some shrines were designated askansha ("official shrines") and given specific privileges and responsibilities.[400] Hardacre saw the Jingikan as "the institutional origin of Shinto".[8]
A page from the 14th-century Shinpukuji manuscript of theKojiki, itself written in the 8th century
In the early 8th century, the EmperorTenmu commissioned a compilation of the legends and genealogies of Japan's clans, resulting in the completion of theKojiki in 712. Designed to legitimate the ruling dynasty, this text created a fixed version of various stories previously circulating in oral tradition.[401] TheKojiki omits any reference to Buddhism,[402] in part because it sought to ignore foreign influences and emphasise a narrative stressing indigenous elements of Japanese culture.[403] Several years later, theNihon shoki was written. Unlike theKojiki, this made various references to Buddhism,[402] and was aimed at a foreign audience.[404] Both of these texts sought to establish the imperial clan's descent from the sunkami Amaterasu,[402] although there were many differences in the cosmogonic narrative they provided.[405] Quickly, theNihon shoki eclipsed theKojiki in terms of its influence.[404] Other texts written at this time also drew on oral traditions regarding thekami. TheSendari kuji hongi for example was probably composed by theMononobe clan while theKogoshui was probably put together for theImbe clan, and in both cases they were designed to highlight the divine origins of these respective lineages.[406] A government order in 713 called on each region to producefudoki, records of local geography, products, and stories, with the latter revealing more traditions about thekami which were present at this time.[407]
From the 8th century,kami worship and Buddhism were thoroughly intertwined in Japanese society.[189] While the emperor and court performed Buddhist rites, they also performed others to honor thekami.[408] Tenmu for example appointed a virginal imperial princess to serve as theSaiō, a form of priestess, at the Ise Shrine on his behalf, a tradition continued by subsequent emperors.[409] From the 8th century onward up until theMeiji era, thekami were incorporated into a Buddhist cosmology in various ways.[410] One view is that thekami realised that like all other life-forms, they too were trapped in the cycle ofsamsara (rebirth) and that to escape this they had to follow Buddhist teachings.[410] Alternative approaches viewed thekami as benevolent entities who protected Buddhism, or that thekami were themselvesBuddhas, or beings who had achieved enlightenment. In this, they could be eitherhongaku, the pure spirits of the Buddhas, orhonji suijaku, transformations of the Buddhas in their attempt to help all sentient beings.[410]
This period hosted many changes to the country, government, and religion. The capital is moved again toHeijō-kyō (modern-dayNara), in AD 710 byEmpress Genmei due to the death of the emperor. This practice was necessary due to the Shinto belief in the impurity of death and the need to avoid this pollution. However, this practice of moving the capital due to "death impurity" is then abolished by theTaihō Code and rise in Buddhist influence.[411] The establishment of the imperial city in partnership with Taihō Code is important to Shinto as the office of the Shinto rites becomes more powerful in assimilating local clan shrines into the imperial fold. New shrines are built and assimilated each time the city is moved. All of the grand shrines are regulated underTaihō and are required to account for incomes, priests, and practices due to their national contributions.[411]
TheChōsen Jingū inSeoul, Korea, established during the Japanese occupation of the peninsula
Breen and Teeuwen characterise the period between 1868 and 1915, during the Meiji era, as being the "formative years" of modern Shinto.[9] It is in this period that various scholars have argued that Shinto was essentially "invented".[9]Fridell argues that scholars call the period from 1868 to 1945 the "State Shinto period" because, "during these decades, Shinto elements came under a great deal of overt state influence and control as the Japanese government systematically utilized shrine worship as a major force for mobilizing imperial loyalties on behalf of modern nation-building."[412] However, the government had already been treating shrines as an extension of government before Meiji; see for example theTenpō Reforms. Moreover, according to the scholarJason Ānanda Josephson, It is inaccurate to describe shrines as constituting a "state religion" or a "theocracy" during this period since they had neither organization, nor doctrine, and were uninterested in conversion.[413]
TheMeiji Restoration of 1868 was fuelled by a renewal of Confucian ethics and imperial patriotism among Japan's ruling class.[414] Among these reformers, Buddhism was seen as a corrupting influence that had undermined what they envisioned as Japan's original purity and greatness.[414] They wanted to place a renewed emphasis onkami worship as an indigenous form of ritual, an attitude that was also fuelled by anxieties about Western expansionism and fear that Christianity would take hold in Japan.[414]
In 1868, all shrine priests were placed under the authority of the newJingikan, or Council of Kami Affairs.[415] A project of forcibly separatingkami worship from Buddhism was implemented, with Buddhist monks, deities, buildings, and rituals banned fromkami shrines.[414] Much Buddhist material was destroyed.[414] In 1871, a new hierarchy of shrines was introduced, with imperial and national shrines at the top.[416] Hereditary priesthoods were abolished and a new state-sanctioned system for appointing priests was introduced.[417]In 1872, the Jingikan was replaced with theKyobusho, or Ministry of Edification.[418] This coordinateda campaign wherebykyodoshoku ("national evangelists") were sent through the country to promote Japan's "Great Teaching", which included respect for thekami and obedience to the emperor.[418] This campaign was discontinued in 1884.[418] In 1906, thousands of village shrines were merged so that most small communities had only a single shrine, where rites in honor of the emperor could be held.[419] Shinto effectively became the state cult, one promoted with growing zeal in the build-up to the Second World War.[419]
In 1882, the Meiji government designated 13 religious movements that were neither Buddhist nor Christian to be forms of "Sect Shinto".[37] The number and name of the sects given this formal designation varied;[420] often they merged ideas with Shinto from Buddhism, Christian, Confucian, Daoist, andWestern esoteric traditions.[421] In the Meiji period, many local traditions died out and were replaced by nationally standardised practices encouraged from Tokyo.[161]
During the U.S. occupation, anew Japanese constitution was drawn up. This enshrinedfreedom of religion and separated religion from the state, a measure designed to eradicate State Shinto.[422] The emperor declared that he was not akami;[423] Shinto rituals performed by the imperial family became their own private affair.[424] This disestablishment ended government subsidies to shrines and gave them renewed freedom to organise their own affairs.[423] In 1946 many shrines formed a voluntary organisation, theAssociation of Shinto Shrines (Jinja Honchō).[425] In 1956 the association issued a creedal statement, thekeishin seikatsu no kōryō ("general characteristics of a life lived in reverence of thekami"), to summarise what they regarded as Shinto's principles.[212] By the late 1990s around 80% of Japan's Shinto shrines were part of this association.[426]
In the post-war decades, many Japanese blamed Shinto for encouraging the militarism which had led to defeat and occupation.[423] Others remained nostalgic for State Shinto,[427] and concerns were repeatedly expressed that sectors of Japanese society were conspiring to restore it.[428] Various legal debates revolved around the involvement of public officials in Shinto.[429] In 1965, for instance, the city ofTsu, Mie Prefecture, paid four Shinto priests to purify the site where the municipal athletic hall was to be built. Critics brought the case to court, claiming it contravened the constitutional separation of religion and state; in 1971 the high court ruled that the city administration's act had been unconstitutional, although this was overturned by theSupreme Court in 1977.[430]
During the 20th century, most academic research on Shinto was conducted by Shinto theologians, often priests,[435] bringing accusations that it often blurred theology with historical analysis.[436] From the 1980s onward, there was a renewed academic interest in Shinto both in Japan and abroad.[437]
A Shinto rite carried out at a jinja inSan Marino, Europe
Most Japanese participate in several religious traditions,[438] with Breen and Teeuwen noting that, "with few exceptions", it is not possible to differentiate between Shintoists and Buddhists in Japan.[439] The main exceptions are members of minority religious groups, including Christianity, which promote exclusivist worldviews.[440] Determining the proportions of the country's population who engage in Shinto activity is hindered by the fact that, if asked, Japanese people will often say "I have no religion".[440] Many Japanese avoid the term "religion", in part because they dislike the connotations of the word which most closely matches it in the Japanese language,shūkyō. The latter term derives fromshū ("sect") andkyō ("doctrine").[441]
Official statistics show Shinto to be Japan's largest religion, with over 80 per cent of its population engaging in Shinto activities.[195][442] Conversely, in questionnaires only a small minority of Japanese describe themselves as "Shintoists."[195] This indicates that a far larger number of people engage in Shinto activities than cite Shinto as their religious identity.[195] There are no formal rituals to become a practitioner of "folk Shinto". Thus, "Shinto membership" is often estimated counting only those who do join organized Shinto sects.[443] Shinto has about 81,000 shrines and about 85,000 priests in the country.[442] According to surveys carried out in 2006[444] and 2008,[445] less than 40% of the population of Japan identifies with an organised religion: around 35% areBuddhists, 30% to 40% are members ofShinto sects and derived religions. In 2008, 26% of the participants reported often visiting Shinto shrines, while only 16.2% expressed belief in the existence ofkami in general.[445]
The end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries were marked by the expansion of theEmpire of Japan, which also led to the spread of Shinto in the colonized territories.[446] In total, from 1868 to 1945, 1,640 shrines were built in territories under Japanese control.[446][447] In addition, starting in 1885, Japanese began to move toHawaii, most of whom left Japan for economic reasons; Since 1908,emigration to Brazil also began, where the Japanese worked on coffee plantations. The emigrants built shrines to preserve their culture and worship traditional deities.[448][449]
Jinja outside Japan are termedkaigai jinja ("overseas shrines"), a term coined byOgasawara Shozo [ja].[450] When the Empire of Japan collapsed in the 1940s, there were over 600jinja within its conquered territories, many of which were later disbanded.[450] Japanese migrants have also establishedjinja in countries like Brazil,[451] while Shinto's lack of doctrinal focus has attracted interest from non-Japanese;[452] in the United States, for example,European Americans have played a significant role in introducing Shinto.[452]
^Commentary on Judgment aboutBook of Changes 20,Viewing: "Viewing the Way of the Gods (Shintō), one finds that the four seasons never deviate, and so the sage establishes his teachings on the basis of this Way, and all under Heaven submit to him".
^Herman Ooms.Imperial Politics and Symbolics in Ancient Japan: The Tenmu Dynasty, 650–800. University of Hawaii Press, 2009.ISBN0824832353. p. 166
^abcStudy Group of Shinto Culture (2006).Handy Bilingual Reference For Kami and Jinja日英対照神社関係用語集. Tokyo: International Cultural Workshop Inc. pp. 39–41.ISBN978-4907676285.
^abRichard Pilgrim, Robert Ellwood (1985).Japanese Religion (1st ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall Inc. pp. 18–19.ISBN978-0-13-509282-8.
^Wilbur M. Fridell, "A Fresh Look at State Shintō",Journal of the American Academy of Religion 44.3 (1976), 547–561in JSTORArchived 7 November 2018 at theWayback Machine; quote p. 548
^Josephson, Jason Ānanda (2012).The Invention of Religion in Japan. University of Chicago Press. p. 133.ISBN0226412342.
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