Petite bourgeoisie (French pronunciation:[pətit(ə)buʁʒwazi], literally 'smallbourgeoisie'; alsoanglicised aspetty bourgeoisie) is a term that refers to asocial class composed ofsmall business owners,shopkeepers, small-scalemerchants, semi-autonomouspeasants, andartisans. They are named as such because their politico-economicideological stance in times of stability is reflective of the properhaute bourgeoisie (high bourgeoisie or upper class). In ordinary times, thepetite bourgeoisie seek to identify themselves with thehaute bourgeoisie, whose bourgeois morality, conduct and lifestyle they aspire and strive to imitate.[1]
The term, which goes as far back as theRevolutionary period in France, if not earlier, is politico-economic and addresseshistorical materialism. It originally denoted asub-stratum of themiddle classes in the 18th and early-19th centuries of western Europe. In the mid-19th century, the GermaneconomistKarl Marx and otherMarxist theorists used the termpetite bourgeoisie to academically identify the socio-economicstratum of the bourgeoisie that consists of smallshopkeepers andself-employedartisans.[2][3][4]
Thepetite bourgeoisie is economically distinct from theproletariat and theLumpenproletariat social-classstrata who rely entirely on the sale of theirlabour-power for survival. It is also distinct from thecapitalist classhaute bourgeoisie ('high' bourgeoisie), defined by owning themeans of production and thus deriving most of their wealth from buying the labour-power of theproletariat andLumpenproletariat to work themeans of production. Although members of thepetite bourgeoisie can buy the labour of others, they typically work alongside their employees, unlike thehaute bourgeoisie. Examples can include shopkeepers, artisans and other smaller-scaleentrepreneurs.
Thepetite bourgeoisie is little-defined in Marx's own work, with only the words 'smaller capitalists' used inThe Communist Manifesto.
Historically, Karl Marx predicted that the petite bourgeoisie was to lose in the course of economic development.
The [petty bourgeoise] sink[s] gradually into the proletariat, partly because their diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale on which Modern Industry is carried on, and is swamped in the competition with the large capitalists, partly because their specialized skill is rendered worthless by new methods of production.[5]
The livelihood of the petit bourgeoise is thus threatened. Competition with the big bourgeoise and simultaneous pressures from the proletariat leaves them in a precarious position. Marx acknowledges the petit bourgeoise, still, want to preserve the existing relations of property and cannot be revolutionary like the proletariat.[5]Marxist theorists say that the instability of the petit bourgeoise, when augmented in times of crisis, leads to its attraction to forms of government such as fascism. Trotsky concluded:
The fascists find their human material mainly in the petty bourgeoisie. The latter has been entirely ruined by big capital. There is no way out for it in the present social order, but it knows of no other. Its dissatisfaction, indignation, and despair are diverted by the fascists away from big capital and against the workers. It may be said that fascism is the act of placing the petty bourgeoisie at the disposal of its most bitter enemies. In this way, big capital ruins the middle classes and then, with the help of hired fascist demagogues, incites the despairing petty bourgeoisie against the worker.[6]
Daniel Guerin concluded:
The middle classes, caught between menacing big business and an aggressive working class, have become enraged and turned toward fascism.[7]
This was disputed by historianRichard Pipes who wrote, in the case of theNazi Party, that while at first limited to this group, by the end of the 1920s workers joined the partyen masse and were the largest occupational group in the party by 1934.[8]
Wilhelm Reich also highlighted the principal support of the rise of fascism in Germany given by the petite bourgeoisie and middle class inThe Mass Psychology of Fascism. He claimed that the middle classes were a hotbed for political reaction due to their reliance on thepatriarchal family (according to Reich,small businesses are often self-exploiting enterprises of families headed by the father, whose morality binds the family together in their somewhat precarious economic position) and thesexual repression that underlies it.[9]
Søren Kierkegaard wrote that "the petty bourgeois is spiritless[.] ... Devoid of imagination, as the petty bourgeois always is, he lives within a certainorbit oftrivial experiences as to how things come about, what is possible, what usually happens, no matter whether he is atapster or a prime minister. This is the way the petty bourgeois has lost himself and God".[10] According to him, the petite bourgeoisie exemplifies a spiritual emptiness that is rooted in an overemphasis on theworldly, rather than the inwardness of theself. However, Kierkegaard's indictment relies less on aclass analysis of the petite bourgeoisie than on the perception of a worldview which was common in hismiddle-classmilieu.[citation needed]
In fact, though there have been many depictions of the petite bourgeoisie in literature as well as in cartoons, based on an image of their overlyconventionalpracticality, the realities of the petite bourgeoisie throughout the 19th century were more complex.[11] All the same, writers have been concerned with petite bourgeois morality and behavior and have portrayed them as undesirable characters.Henrik Ibsen'sAn Enemy of the People was a play written in direct response to the reception of another one of his plays for making "indecent" references to syphilis and in general his work was considered scandalous in its disregard for the morality of the period. Later,Bertolt Brecht's concern withNazism and his Marxist politics got him interested in exploring the petite bourgeois mind and this interest led him to represent the petite bourgeoisie repeatedly throughout his work (one was even titledThe Seven Deadly Sins of the Petite Bourgeoisie).[12]
In his bookTwo Cheers for Anarchism: Six Easy Pieces on Autonomy, Dignity, and Meaningful Work and Play,[13]James C. Scott dedicates an entire chapter to describing some features of the petite bourgeoisie. First, he points out the contempt of this class by Marxists due to the ambiguity of their political position. He further points out that this position of contempt or distaste encompasses both the socialist bloc and large capitalist democracies, due to the difficulty of monitoring, taxing and policing of this class. This difficulty results from the complexity, variety and mobility of activities taken on by this class. He points out the petite bourgeoisie has existed for most of civilized history. He also states that even those who are not part of the class have to some degree desired to become small property owners, due to the conferred autonomy and social standing. He continues that the desire to keep and restore lost land has been theleitmotif of most radicallyegalitarian mass movements. He argues that the petite bourgeoisie have an indispensable economic role in terms ofinvention andinnovation, citing as an example softwarestartups that develop ideas which are then usually bought by larger firms. He also points out that small shopkeepers provide several "unpaid" social services such as:
... informal social work, public safety, the aesthetic pleasures of an animated and interesting streetscape, a large variety of social experiences and personalized services, acquaintance networks, informal neighborhood news and gossip, a building block of social solidarity and public action, and (in the case of thesmallholding peasantry) good steward-ship of the land
Their socialization seems to have been achieved insubcultures freed from immediate economic compulsion, in which the traditions of bourgeois morality and their petit-bourgeois derivatives have lost their function.
The dictionary definition ofpetite bourgeoisie at Wiktionary
| |||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| |||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| |||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Authority control databases: National |
|---|
