 | |
| Abbreviation | PAP |
| Chairman | Heng Swee Keat |
| Secretary-General | Lawrence Wong |
| Vice-Chairman | Masagos Zulkifli |
| Assistant Secretaries-General | |
| Founders | |
| Founded | 21 November 1954; 70 years ago (1954-11-21) |
| Preceded by | Malayan Forum |
| Succeeded by | (Malaysia) |
| Headquarters | Block 57B New Upper Changi Road #01-1402 Singapore 463057 |
| Youth wing | Young PAP |
| Ideology | |
| Political position | Centre-right[9] |
| International affiliation | None[A] |
| Colours | White⬜, red🟥, blue🟦 |
| Slogan | Changed World, Fresh Team, New Resolve – Securing a Brighter Future for You[b] |
| Governing body | Central Executive Committee |
| Parliament | 87 / 99 |
| Website | |
| pap.org.sg | |
^ A: The party was formerly part of theSocialist International (1954–1976). | |
ThePeople's Action Party (PAP) is a majorconservative[11][12] political party inSingapore and is the governing contemporary political party represented in theParliament of Singapore, followed by the oppositionWorkers' Party (WP).[13][14]
The PAP was established in 1954 as a conventionalcentre-left party. Following its initial electoral success in1959,Prime MinisterLee Kuan Yew sought to reposition the party ideologically toward thecentre. In pursuit of this objective, he expelled the party'sleftist faction in 1961, during the period ofSingapore's merger with Malaysia. Over the course of the 1960s and since then, the PAP continued its ideological shift towards thecentre-right.[15] AfterSingapore's separation from Malaysia and subsequent independence in 1965, the majority of opposition parties, excluding the WP, boycotted the1968 general election. Consequently, the PAP secured all parliamentary seats in that election. In the ensuing decades, the PAP consolidated its political dominance through successive electoral victories. It consistently formed theexecutive branch of government and exerted substantial influence over key national institutions, including the country's sole trade union, theNational Trade Union Congress (NTUC), which is affiliated with the party, as well as thecivil service.[16]
Between 1965 and 1981, the PAP was the sole political party represented in Parliament. This period of exclusive representation ended with the party's first electoral defeat in a1981 by-election in theAnson Constituency, where the WP secured the seat. Despite this setback, the PAP has retained its political dominance. In every subsequent general election, the party consistently garnered over 60 percent of the popular vote and secured more than 80 percent of parliamentary seats, achievinglandslide victories on each occasion. Having governed continuously for 65 years, the PAP remains the dominant political force in Singapore, effectively operating within the framework of ade facto one-party state. It has maintained an unbroken two-thirds parliamentarysupermajority enabling it to amend theConstitution at will. As of 2025, the PAP is the longest-serving uninterrupted ruling party among contemporary multi-party parliamentary democracies and holds the second-longest tenure of any governing party in modern history, surpassed only by Mexico'sInstitutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), which governed from 1929 to 2000.[17]
Positioned on the centre-right of Singapore's political spectrum, the PAP espouses a combination ofsocial conservatism andeconomic liberalism. The party generally advocatesfree-market principles, favouring policies such aslow taxation, the absence oftariffs,limited government expenditure relative togross domestic product (GDP),minimal economic regulation and the promotion ofeconomic freedom.[18] Nonetheless, the PAP occasionally engages in strategicstate intervention, reflecting elements ofwelfarism. A distinctive feature of its economic approach is the support for the development and expansion ofstate-owned enterprises (SOEs), locally referred to asgovernment-linked corporations (GLCs). These entities were initially established in response to the economic disruptions caused by the British military withdrawal from Singapore in 1971.[19] GLCs played a central role in drivingexport-oriented industrialisation, fosteringeconomic development andgenerating employment across key sectors of theeconomy. On social matters, the PAP endorsescommunitarian values andcivic nationalism. A cornerstone of its social policy is the promotion of national cohesion through the integration of the country's major ethnic groups into a unifiedSingaporean identity.[20]
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Lee Kuan Yew,Toh Chin Chye andGoh Keng Swee were involved in theMalayan Forum, a London-based student activist group that was againstcolonial rule in Malaya in the 1940s and early 1950s.[21][22] Upon returning to Singapore, the group met regularly to discuss approaches to attain independence in Malayan territories and started looking for like-minded individuals to start a political party. JournalistS. Rajaratnam was introduced to Lee by Goh.[23] Lee was also introduced to several English-educated left-wing students and Chinese-educated union and student leaders while working on the Fajar sedition trial and theNational Service riot case.[24]
The PAP was officially registered as a political party on 21 November 1954.Convenors of the party include a group of trade unionists, lawyers and journalists such as Lee Kuan Yew,Abdul Samad Ismail,Toh Chin Chye,Devan Nair,S. Rajaratnam, Chan Chiaw Thor,Fong Swee Suan, Tann Wee Keng andTann Wee Tiong.[25] The political party was led by Lee Kuan Yew as its secretary-general, with Toh Chin Chye as its founding chairman. Other party officers include Tann Wee Tiong, Lee Gek Seng,Ong Eng Guan and Tann Wee Keng.[26]
The PAP first contested the1955 general election in which 25 of 32 seats in the legislature were up for election. In this election, the PAP's four candidates gained much support from the trade union members and student groups such as theUniversity Socialist Club, who canvassed for them.[27] The party won three seats, one by its leaderLee Kuan Yew for the Tanjong Pagar division and one by PAP co-founderLim Chin Siong for theBukit Timah division.[28][29] Then 22 years old unionist Lim Chin Siong was and remained the youngest Assemblyman ever to be elected to office. The election was won by theLabour Front headed byDavid Marshall.[30]
In April 1956, Lim and Lee represented the PAP at theLondon Constitutional Talks along with Chief MinisterDavid Marshall which ended in failure as the British declined to grant Singaporeinternal self-government. On 7 June 1956, Marshall, disappointed with the constitutional talks, stepped down as Chief Minister as he had pledged to do so earlier if self-governance was not achieved. He was replaced byLim Yew Hock, another Labour Front member.[31] Lim pursued a largelyanti-communist campaign and managed to convince the British to make a definite plan for self-government. TheConstitution of Singapore was revised accordingly in 1958, replacing the Rendel Constitution with one that granted Singapore self-government and the ability for its own population to fully elect its Legislative Assembly.
PAP and left-wing members who werecommunists were criticised for inciting riots in the mid-1950s.[32][33] Lim Chin Siong, Fong Swee Suan andDevan Nair as well as several unionists were detained by the police after theChinese middle schools riots.[34] Lim Chin Siong was placed under solitary confinement for close to a year, away from his other PAP colleagues, as they were placed in the Medium Security Prison (MSP) instead.[35] The number of PAP members imprisoned rose in August 1957, when PAP members from the trade unions (viewed as "communist or pro-communist") won half the seats in the Central Executive Committee (CEC). The "moderate" CEC members, including Lee Kuan Yew, Toh Chin Chye and others, refused to take their appointments in the CEC. Yew Hock's government again made a sweeping round of arrests, imprisoning all the "communist" members, before the "moderates" re-assumed their office.[36]
Following this, the PAP decided to re-assert ties with the labour faction of Singapore in the hope of securing the votes of working-class Chinese Singaporeans, many of whom were supporters of the jailed unionists. Lee Kuan Yew convinced the incarcerated union leaders to sign documents to state their support for the party and its policies, promising to release the jailed members of the PAP when the party came to power in the next elections.[37] Ex-Barisan Sosialis member Tan Jing Quee claims that Lee was secretly in collusion with the British to stop Lim Chin Siong and the labour supporters from attaining power because of their huge popularity. Quee also states that Lim Yew Hock deliberately provoked the students into rioting and then had the labour leaders arrested.[38] Greg Poulgrain of Griffiths University argued that "Lee Kuan Yew was secretly a party with Lim Yew Hock in urging the Colonial Secretary to impose the subversives ban in making it illegal for former political detainees to stand for election".[38] Lee Kuan Yew eventually accused Lim Chin Siong and his supporters of being communists working for the Communist United Front, but evidence of Lim being a communist cadre was a matter of debate as many documents have yet to be declassified.[39][40]
The PAP eventually won the1959 general election under Lee Kuan Yew's leadership.[41] The election was also the first one to produce a fully elected parliament and a cabinet wielding powers of full internalself-government. The party has remained in power ever since, winning a majority of seats in every successive general election. Lee, who became the firstPrime Minister and who would eventually helm this post for the next 31 years,[42] requested the British for the release of the left-wing members of the PAP, including the likes ofDevan Nair.[43]
In 1961, the Singapore Trades Union Congress (STUC), which had backed the PAP back in 1959, split into the pro-PAPNational Trades Union Congress (NTUC) and the non-affiliated and moreleftist Singapore Association of Trade Unions (SATU). The SATU collapsed in 1963, following the now PAP-led government's crackdown and detention of its leaders duringOperation Coldstore and its subsequent official deregistration on 13 November 1963. The NTUC remains as the soletrade union centre in the country today and continues to have a close relationship with the PAP.[44]
In 1961, disagreements on the proposed merger plan to formMalaysia and long-standing internal party power struggle led to the split of the left-wing group from the PAP.[45][46][47]
Although the "communist" faction had been frozen out of ever taking over the PAP, other problems had begun to arise internally.Ong Eng Guan, the former Mayor of the City Council after PAP's victory in the1957 Singapore City Council election, presented a set of "16 Resolutions" to revisit some issues previously explored by Chin Siong's faction of the PAP: abolishing the PPSO, revising the Constitution, and changing the method of selecting cadre members.[48]: 82
Although Ong's 16 Resolutions originated from the left-wing faction led by Lim Chin Siong, that faction had only reluctantly asked the PAP leadership to clarify its position on them,[8] as they still thought that the party with Lee Kuan Yew at the helm was a better alternative than Ong who was regarded as mercurial and a tyrant.[35] However, Lee took the stance taken by the left-wing PAP members as a lack of confidence in his leadership. This issue caused a rift between the "moderate" PAP members (led by Lee) and the "left-wing" faction (led by Lim).
Ong was then expelled, and he resigned his Assembly seat to challenge the government to a by-election in Hong Lim in April 1961, where he won 73.3% of the vote.[49] This was despite the fact that Lee Kuan Yew had made a secret alliance withFong Chong Pik, the leader of theCommunist Party of Malaya (CPM), to get the CPM cadres to support the PAP in the by-election.[8]
The breakaway group of members formed theBarisan Sosialis with Lim Chin Siong as secretary-general.[50] Aside from the Chinese union leaders, lawyers Thampoe Thamby Rajah and Tann Wee Tiong,[51] several members from the University Socialist Club such asJames Puthucheary (uncle ofJanil Puthucheary) andPoh Soo Kai joined the party.[52] 35 of 51 branches of the PAP and 19 of 23 branch secretaries defected to Barisan.
After gaining independence from Britain, Singapore joined the federation of Malaysia in 1963. Although the PAP was the ruling party in the state of Singapore, the PAP functioned as an opposition party at the federal level in the larger Malaysian political landscape. At that time and until the2018 general election, the federal government in Kuala Lumpur was controlled by a coalition led by theUnited Malays National Organisation (UMNO). However, the prospect that the PAP might rule Malaysia agitated UMNO. The PAP's decision to contest federal parliamentary seats outside Singapore and the UMNO decision to contest seats within Singapore breached an unspoken agreement to respect each other's spheres of influence and aggravatedPAP–UMNO relations. Theclash of personalities between PAP leader Lee Kuan Yew and MalaysianPrime MinisterTunku Abdul Rahman resulted in a crisis and led to Rahman forcing Singapore to leave Malaysia on 9 August 1965. Upon independence, the nascent People's Action Party of Malaya, which had been registered in Malaysia on 10 March 1964, had its registration cancelled on 9 September 1965, just a month after Singapore's exit. Those with the now non-existent party applied to register People's Action Party, Malaya which was again rejected by the Malaysian government, before settling with theDemocratic Action Party (DAP).
The PAP has held an overwhelming majority of seats in theParliament of Singapore since 1966, when the opposition Barisan Sosialis (Socialist Front) resigned from Parliament after winning 13 seats following the1963 general election, which took place months after a number of their leaders had been arrested inOperation Coldstore based on accusations of being communists affliated with theCommunist Party of Malaya (CPM).[38]
It subsequently achieved a monopoly in an expanding parliament (winning every parliamentary seat) for the next four elections (1968,1972,1976 and1980). Opposition parties returned to the legislature at a1981 by-election. The1984 general election was the first election in 21 years in which opposition parties won seats. From then until2006, the PAP faced four opposition MPs at most. Opposition parties did not win more than four parliamentary seats from 1984 until2011 when theWorkers' Party (WP) won six seats and took away aGroup Representation Constituency (GRC) for the first time for any opposition party, as well as until2020 by which an opposition party had won more than one GRC, which was also achieved by the WP.
Even so, the PAP still holds asupermajority in the legislature, to the point that Singapore is effectively adominant party system similar to Japan'sLiberal Democratic Party (LDP) rule of the country.[53] With its supermajority, the PAP has always had the ability to amend theConstitution of Singapore at will, including the introduction of multi-member constituencies under the GRC system (in 1988) or theNominated Member of Parliament (NMPs) scheme (in 1990), which has helped strengthened the government's dominance and control of Parliament.[54]
The longtime governing party ofSingapore, spans both past and present, but notably occurred in the mid-1980s where the first generation of PAP leaders in theCEC and theCabinet of Singapore ceded power to a second generation of leaders.
By 1984, the "old guard" (first generation of party leaders) had been governing Singapore for approximately a quarter of a century. Aging leadership was a key concern, and then-Prime Minister of SingaporeLee Kuan Yew sought to groom younger leaders. In a speech on 29 September 1984, Lee argued that though the first generation of leaders was still "alert and fully in charge", to hang on to power until they had become feeble would allow power to be wrested from them, with no say in who their successors were.[55]
On 30 September, at the Ordinary Party Conference, power was transferred to the second generation of leaders, who were elected to theCentral Executive Committee in place of all the old CEC members; of the 14-member CEC, Lee Kuan Yew remained the only "old guard" leader.[55]
According to a report to theLibrary of Congress, the old guard were confident in their "rectitude" and discretion in using their extensive political powers for Singapore's common good, but were not as confident in the next generation in doing so. Various limits on executive power were considered, in order to minimise the chances of corruption. These included apopularly electedPresident of Singapore with substantial, nonceremonial powers.[56] This particular reform was enacted with a constitutional amendment in 1991.
The old guard also sought to eschew the use of PAP as a central political institution, seeking to "depoliticise" and disperse power among society, and sought to include low-level community leaders in government. A policy of cross-fertilisation was enacted: exchange of leaders, "elites" and talent would take place between private and government sectors, civilian and military segments of society, and between the party and theNational Trades Union Congress (NTUC).[56]
The next generation of leaders in the late 1980s was split between the factions of thenBrigadier GeneralLee Hsien Loong and the older, more-experiencedGoh Chok Tong. Lee Hsien Loong was supported by bureaucrats in theMinistry of Defence and army colleagues in theSingapore Armed Forces;[56]Goh Chok Tong had more influence in theSingapore Civil Service, the Cabinet andgovernment-linked companies.[57]
Lee Kuan Yew himself remained Prime Minister and in the CEC until 1990, when he stepped down in favour of Goh Chok Tong as PM.Lee Hsien Loong became PM in 2004.
On 23 November 2018, two fourth-generation leadership members (then–Minister for FinanceHeng Swee Keat and then–Minister for Trade and IndustryChan Chun Sing) were elected as the First and Second Assistant Secretaries-General; these were, respectively, the second- and third-highest positions in the party. They replacedTeo Chee Hean andTharman Shanmugaratnam. This represented a significant step of the leadership transition from the third generation to the fourth generation.
On 1 May 2019, Heng Swee Keat was appointed the new and sole Deputy Prime Minister, replacing Teo and Tharman. He was then widely seen as the 4th and nextPrime Minister and Secretary-General of PAP succeeding incumbentLee Hsien Loong. However, on 8 April 2021, Heng unexpectedly announced he would step down as the fourth-generation leader and step aside to pave the way for younger and healthier leaders to take over leadership, citing his health and age as reasons. Several Cabinet members were then seen as possible candidates to succeed Heng, including Minister for FinanceLawrence Wong, Minister for HealthOng Ye Kung, and Minister for EducationChan Chun Sing.[citation needed]
On 14 April 2022, Wong was selected as new leader of PAP's fourth-generation (4G) team, succeeding Heng.[58] Wong received an "overwhelming majority" of support in the consultation process, surpassing that of other nominees.[59] His candidacy was unanimously endorsed by the cabinet and subsequently by the PAPMPs at a party caucus on 14 April.[60] On 4 December 2024, he was elected Secretary-General of People's Action Party, with an endorsement from Lee Hsien Loong.[61][62]
During its initial years, the party had adopted a traditionalLeninist form of party organisation, together with a vanguard cadre from itslabour-leaning faction. The PAP Executive later expelled the leftist faction in 1961, bringing the ideological basis of the party into the centre and later in the 1960s moving further to the right.
In the beginning, there were about 500 so-called temporarycadres appointed,[63] however the current number of cadres is unknown, with the register of cadres being kept confidential. In 1988,Wong Kan Seng revealed that there were more than 1,000 cadres.
Cadre members have the right to attend party conferences and to vote for and elect and to be elected into theCentral Executive Committee (CEC), the pinnacle of party leaders.
To become a party cadre, a party member must be first nominated by the MP in their branch. The candidate will then undergo three sessions of interview, each with four to five ministers or MPs and the appointment is then made by the CEC. About 100 candidates are nominated each year.[64]
Alternatively, party cadres are recruited based on recommendations by existing PAP cadres, prospective recruits for general election candidates are then internally shortlisted before
Political power in the party is concentrated in the CEC, led by the secretary-general. The secretary-general of the PAP is the leader of the party. Due to PAP's electoral victories in every general election since 1959, theprime minister of Singapore has been by convention the secretary-general of the PAP since 1959. Key appointments in the CEC are usually Cabinet members.
From 1957 onward, the rules laid down that the outgoing CEC should recommend a list of candidates from which the cadre members can then vote for the next CEC. This has recently changed so that the CEC nominates eight members and the party caucus selects the remaining ten.
Historically, the position of Secretary-General was not considered for the office of Prime Minister, but rather the Central Executive Committee held an election to choose the prime minister. There was a contest between PAP Secretary-GeneralLee Kuan Yew and PAP TreasurerOng Eng Guan, prior to 1959. Lee subsequently won the leadership and was inaugurated as the first prime minister of Singapore.[65]
The next lower level committee is the HQ Executive Committee (HQ EXCO) which performs the party's administration and oversees 14 sub-committees.[66]
The sub-committees are the following:
The Young PAP is the youth-wing of the party, serving as ayouth organisation for young adults and students in Singapore who support the PAP and have an interest inpolitics.[67] The incumbent chairman of the youth-wing isJanil Puthucheary.[68][69][70] The YP's predecessor, the PAP Youth Committee, was established in 1986, underLee Hsien Loong's tenure as Chairman. All PAP members under the age of 35 had then been grouped under the Youth Committee. In 1993, the Youth Committee was renamed the Young PAP. In an effort to attract members, then ChairmanGeorge Yeo said that people joining the YP could take positions different fromcentral party leadership. The age limit was raised from 35 to 40.[71] Memberships are issued through the PAP branches under each constituency in Singapore.[72] By 2005, the committee had grown to more than 6,000 members.[73] In 2010, then Vice-ChairmanZaqy Mohamad said the YP attracts over 1200 new members that year, an increase on the 1000 new members in 2009.[74]
Since 1995, the youth-wing of the PAP has had an internet presence that aims to "correct 'misinformation' about Singapore politics or culture".[75] Under the urging of thenMinister for Information and the Arts George Yeo, Young PAP took charge of running several online websites to create an online presence for the party.[76] After popular forumSintercom was shut down in 2001, the Young PAP offered their own forum for moderated discussions.[77] They have since set up various blogs and social media accounts with multimedia content to engage the masses.[78][79][80]
In February 2007, it was reported byThe Straits Times that the PAP's new media committee chaired by MinisterNg Eng Hen, had initiated an effort to counter critics anonymously on theInternet "as it was necessary for the PAP to have a voice on cyberspace".[81] The initiative was divided by two sub-committees, one of which was in charge of strategising the campaigns and is co-headed by MinisterLui Tuck Yew and MP Zaqy Mohamad. The other sub-committee—new media capabilities group led by MPsBaey Yam Keng andJosephine Teo executed the strategies. The initiative was set up after the2006 general election and also included around 20 IT-savvy PAP activists.[81]
The PAP has a long-running programme, known as 'Friends of the PAP' by which it enlists individuals and organisations to assist in promoting its political goals. In 2002, secretary-general Goh Chok Tong announced an intention to expand this programme, which at the time was primarily limited to "establishment figures" in the public and private sector. He established a related scheme titled "Young Friends of the PAP" to attract Singaporeans below the age of 40 as well and explained that the intention was to "refresh" the PAP and improve the "quality" of PAP's membership. Membership as a 'Young Friend' was by invitation only, and the group was limited to about 500 people.[82]
According to local media reports, the Friends of the PAP programme had "fallen out of the public consciousness" after 2002. However, in June 2024, the PAP revived the Friends of the PAP programme and expanded it, now with a renewed focus on localsocial media influencers, with the intention to connect with a wider and younger audience. The PAP did not respond to media queries about whether the Friends of the PAP programme remained invite-only or what the rules of engagement for members of the programme were.[83]
Unlike many political parties in numerous other countries that rely ongrassroots mobilisation and overt rewards for party loyalty, the People's Action Party (PAP) in Singapore adopts a highlycentralised,top-down andmeritocratic approach to candidaterecruitment, in order to preventnepotism,cronyism,branch stacking,entryism or any form ofprimary elections.[84] Rather than progressing through local branches orfactional networks, prospective legislators are identified through "talent spotting" (executive search) by senior figures ingovernment and industry.[85] This screening mechanism is designed to attract individuals with distinguished records in thecivil service, thearmed forces,academia, managerial executives from theprivate sector ornon-profit sector, or professional sectors such asengineering,law,finance,mass media andhealth care. This uniquepreselection invitation system is designed to maintain thetechnocratic, meritocratic,realpolitik andpragmatic character of the PAP, and to avert any form ofpersonalist dictatorships,populism andpolitical polarization.[86]
Prospective candidates first emerge through recommendations by PAP activists, corporate leaders, Members of Parliament and senior civil servants.[84] Each year, roughly one hundred individuals—many of whom have studied or worked abroad—are invited to "tea sessions" with 2–3 serving ministers, during which they engage in in-depth discussions lasting up to two and a half hours (sometimes unbeknownst initially by the interviewee, of the true intent of the tea session(s), which is aneuphemism for informal prospecting interviews by the PAP, for candidacy in upcomingSingapore general elections).[87][88][89][90] Those shortlisted then face two formal interviews conducted by a high-level panel at party headquarters; successful interviewees meet again with ministers, though final approval rests with the Central Executive Committee (CEC) before the successful interviewees are "invited to join politics".[87][88][91] In the lead-up to an election, approved candidates are assigned to shadow incumbent MPs, and they receive training in public speaking and media communications.
Furthermore, a small number of recruits—typically five or six per electoral cycle—are selected for additional psychological assessment based on a Shell-Oil-developed appraisal system. These candidates undergo a day-and-a-half examination of more than 1,000 questions to evaluate their personality and disposition, and are then earmarked as potential ministerial talent.[85] While the PAP presents this elaborate, multi-stage process as a means of upholding "meritocracy" by choosing the "best man or woman for the job", critics argue that the heavy reliance on elite networks andprofessional pedigrees renders the system fundamentallyelitist and prone togroupthink rather than genuinely open to wider society, especially theworking class who may share a differentsocioeconomic environment and resultingworldview.[85]
Although only a fraction of prospective short-listed candidates are selected to represent the party at general elections, not everyone invited to join the PAP's candidate pipeline accepts the offer from the PAP.[85] Many decline for personal or professional reasons—some encounter employer restrictions, others face familial opposition or simply feel that politics is not for them. Likewise, when it comes to retaining serving PAP MPs in Singapore, despite the elevated salaries for ministers and Members of Parliament in Singapore, a small number also choose not to seek re-election or step aside before any given election, citing similar personal, family, lifestyle or career considerations.[92][93][94]
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Professor Hussin Mutalib from theNational University of Singapore (NUS) opines that the PAP has often set forth the idea of Asian democracy and values, drawing from a notion ofAsian culture andConfucianism to construct ideological bulwarks againstWestern democracy. He added that for founding prime ministerLee Kuan Yew, "Singapore would be better off without Western-style liberal democracy".[95]
Consequently, the governance of the PAP has occasionally been characterised by some observers, especially in theWest, as semi-authoritarian by liberal democratic standards or having turned Singapore into ananny state.[96] According to Professor Kenneth Paul Tan from the NUS, the PAP proclaim that manySingaporeans continue to vote for the party as economic considerations, pragmatism and stability triumph over accountability and checks and balances by opposition parties.[96]
The partyeconomic ideology has always accepted the need for somewelfare spending and for pragmaticeconomic interventionism. However,free-market policies have been popular since the 1980s as part of the wider implementation of ameritocracy incivil society, and Singapore frequently ranks extremely highly on indices ofeconomic freedom published byeconomically liberal organisations such as theWorld Bank and theInternational Monetary Fund. Singapore is also the only Asian country with the top AAA sovereign rating from the "Big Three"credit rating agencies ofS&P,Moody's andFitch.[citation needed]
Lee Kuan Yew said in 1992: "ThroughHong Kong watching, I concluded that state welfare and subsidies blunted the individual's drive to succeed. I watched with amazement the ease with which Hong Kong workers adjusted their salaries upwards in boom times and downwards in recessions. I resolved to reverse course on the welfare policies which my party had inherited or copied fromBritish Labour Party policies".[97]
Notably, since Singapore's independence in 1965, the party has also supported the creation ofstate-owned enterprises, known within Singapore asGovernment-linked Corporations (GLCs), in order to jumpstartindustrialisation, spearheadeconomic development and lead toeconomic growth (primarilyjob creation) in various sectors of theSingaporean economy as there was a lack of private sector funds and expertise, particularly in the early years of nationhood. Various GLCs were formed to pursue strategic sectors such as in ship building and repair (Sembcorp Marine,Keppel Corporation), aviation and defence (Singapore Airlines,ST Engineering), telecommunications (Singtel), real estate (CapitaLand) and development finance (DBS Bank) amongst others. In addition, various GLCs were set up asprivate-public partnerships, notable as joint ventures or strategic alliances with foreign companies or investors with relevant expertise, particularly in thepetrochemicals andoil refining industries.[98]
Since the early years of the PAP's rule, the idea ofsurvival as a small and vulnerable country with hostile neighbours has been a central theme ofSingaporean politics. According to Diane Mauzy and R. S. Milne, most analysts of Singapore have discerned four majorideologies of the PAP, namelypragmatism,meritocracy,multiracialism andAsian values/communitarianism.[99] The PAP alsoadvocates nationalism not based on ethnocentrism, encouraging a united Singaporean identity while also recognising themain ethnic groups that make up the country.[5]
In January 1989, then PresidentWee Kim Wee in his opening address to the7th Parliament of Singapore stated that Singapore must adopt a set of shared national values. He was of the view that a national ideology was useful to bond Singaporeans together by preserving the cultural heritage of the core communities of Singapore, and upholding certain common values that would capture the essence of being a Singaporean.[100] In response, the government set up a committee as a follow-up to Wee's proposal, and in January 1991, the PAP formally introduced awhite paper on "Shared Values" for the country, which consists of five national values to forge a national identity.[100] These values were: nation before community and society above self; family as the basic unit of society; regard and community support for the individual; consensus instead of contention, and racial and religious harmony. They were also set as a contrast against the "more Westernised, individualistic, and self-centred outlook on life" and to uphold the "traditional Asian ideas of morality, duty and society".[100]
At an Institute of Policy Studies (IPS) dialogue held on 2 July 2015 and chaired byFareed Zakaria, Prime MinisterLee Hsien Loong spoke about the need to maintain aJeffersoniannatural aristocracy in the system to instill a culture of respect and to avoidanarchy.[101][102] In November 2019, Lee stated at a party convention that the PAP must not allow the "disconnect between the masses and the elite seen in other countries to take root in Singapore".[103] During the election campaign in July 2020, Lee's estranged brother over38 Oxley Road,Lee Hsien Yang, accused the PAP ofelitism as one of his explanations of joining theProgress Singapore Party (PSP).[104] In a 2024 interview, Lee Hsien Loong criticised "wokeness", claiming that it "causes life to be burdensome" and saying that "he did not want Singapore to go in that direction".[105]
Particularly during the climate of theCold War, the party was openly hostile tocommunist orleft-wing political ideologies despite a brief joint alliance with thepro-labour co-founders of the PAP during the party's early years, who were eventuallyaccused of being communists and arrested. Nevertheless, Singapore formally joined theNon-Aligned Movement (NAM) in 1970 and did not openly align with theCapitalist Bloc. In 1987, as part ofOperation Spectrum, the PAP government arrested various individuals under accusations of plotting to overthrow the government and to establish acommunist state. Since the 2010s, the party while remaining largely conservative was seen by some observers as to have adopted a morecentre-left tack in certain areas in order to remain electorally dominant.[106]
Thesocialism practised by the PAP during its first few decades in power was of a pragmatic kind as characterised by the party's rejection ofnationalisation. According toChan Heng Chee, by the late 1970s the intellectual credo of the government rested explicitly upon a philosophy of self-reliance, similar to therugged individualism of theAmerican brand of capitalism. Despite this, the PAP still claimed to be asocialist party, pointing out its regulation of the private sector, activist intervention in the economy and social policies as evidence of this.[107] In 1976, the PAP formally resigned from theSocialist International (SI) after theDutch Labour Party had initially proposed to expel the PAP on allegations ofindefinite detention ofpolitical prisoners, alluding toChia Thye Poh.[108][109]
The PAP symbol, which is ared flash and blue circle on white, stands for action inside multicultural unity. It also appears on party flags on parades. PAP members at party rallies have customarily worn a uniform of white shirts and white trousers which symbolises incorruptibility and purity of the party's ideologies of the government.[110]Lee Kuan Yew acknowledged that the Flash and Circle was adopted from theBritish Union of Fascists, but that the colors where changed to better represent the PAP.[111]
| Name | Term of office | Time in office | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Toh Chin Chye | 21 November 1954 | 5 January 1981 | 26 years, 45 days |
| Ong Teng Cheong | 5 January 1981 | 16 August 1993 | 12 years, 223 days |
| Tony Tan | 1 September 1993 | 3 December 2004 | 11 years, 93 days |
| Lim Boon Heng | 3 December 2004 | 1 June 2011 | 6 years, 180 days |
| Khaw Boon Wan | 1 June 2011 | 23 November 2018 | 7 years, 175 days |
| Gan Kim Yong | 23 November 2018 | 26 November 2022 | 4 years, 3 days |
| Heng Swee Keat | 26 November 2022 | July 2025 | 2 years, 175 days |
| Name | Term of office | Time in office | Refs | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Lee Kuan Yew | 21 November 1954 | 3 August 1957 | 2 years, 255 days | [112][113] |
| T. T. Rajah | 13 August 1957 | 3 September 1957 | 21 days | [114][115] |
| Lee Kuan Yew | 20 October 1957 | 14 November 1992 | 35 years, 25 days | [116][117] |
| Goh Chok Tong | 15 November 1992 | 6 November 2004 | 11 years, 357 days | [117][118] |
| Lee Hsien Loong | 7 November 2004 | 4 December 2024 | 20 years, 27 days | [118] |
| Lawrence Wong | 4 December 2024 | Incumbent | 167 days | [118] |
| Title | Name |
|---|---|
| Chairman | Heng Swee Keat |
| Vice-Chairman | Masagos Zulkifli |
| Secretary-General | Lawrence Wong |
| Assistant Secretaries-General | Chan Chun Sing |
| Desmond Lee | |
| Treasurer | K. Shanmugam |
| Assistant Treasurer | Ong Ye Kung |
| Organising Secretaries | Grace Fu |
| Edwin Tong | |
| Members | Chee Hong Tat |
| Indranee Rajah | |
| Lam Pin Min | |
| Ng Chee Meng | |
| Tan See Leng | |
| Vivian Balakrishnan | |
| Sim Ann | |
| Desmond Choo | |
| Lee Hsien Loong |
| Election | Leader | Votes | % | Seats | Position | Result | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Contested | Total | +/– | ||||||||
| Seats | Won | Lost | ||||||||
| 1955 | Lee Kuan Yew | 13,634 | 8.7% | 4 | 3 | 1 | 3 / 25 |  3 | 3rd | Opposition |
| 1959 | 281,891 | 54.1% | 51 | 43 | 8 | 43 / 51 | 40 | 1st | Supermajority | |
| 1963 | 272,924 | 46.9% | 51 | 37 | 14 | 37 / 51 |  6 |  1st | Supermajority | |
| Election | Leader | Votes | % | Seats | +/– | Result | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Contested | Elected | Appointed | Total | ||||||||
| Seats | Won | Lost | |||||||||
| 1964 | Lee Kuan Yew | 42,130 | 2.0% | 11 | 1 | 10 | 1 / 104 | 12 / 55 | 13 / 159 | 1 | Opposition |
| Election | Leader | Votes | % | Seats | Position | Result | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Contested | Walkover | Total | +/– | ||||||||
| Seats | Won | Lost | |||||||||
| 1968 | Lee Kuan Yew | 65,812 | 86.7% | 58 | 7 | 0 | 51 | 58 / 58 | 21 | 1st | Won all seats |
| 1972 | 524,892 | 70.4% | 65 | 57 | 0 | 8 | 65 / 65 | 7 | 1st | Won all seats | |
| 1976 | 590,169 | 74.1% | 69 | 53 | 0 | 16 | 69 / 69 | 4 | 1st | Won all seats | |
| 1980 | 494,268 | 77.7% | 75 | 38 | 0 | 37 | 75 / 75 | 6 | 1st | Won all seats | |
| 1984 | 568,310 | 64.8% | 79 | 47 | 2 | 30 | 77 / 79 | 2 | 1st | Supermajority | |
| 1988 | 848,029 | 63.2% | 81 | 69 | 1 | 11 | 80 / 81 | 3 | 1st | Supermajority | |
| 1991 | Goh Chok Tong | 477,760 | 61.0% | 81 | 36 | 4 | 41 | 77 / 81 | 3 | 1st | Supermajority |
| 1997 | 465,751 | 65.0% | 83 | 34 | 2 | 47 | 81 / 83 | 4 | 1st | Supermajority | |
| 2001 | 470,765 | 75.3% | 84 | 27 | 2 | 55 | 82 / 84 | 1 | 1st | Supermajority | |
| 2006 | Lee Hsien Loong | 748,130 | 66.6% | 84 | 45 | 2 | 37 | 82 / 84 | | 1st | Supermajority |
| 2011 | 1,212,514 | 60.1% | 87 | 76 | 6 | 5 | 81 / 87 | 1 | 1st | Supermajority | |
| 2015 | 1,579,183 | 69.9% | 89 | 83 | 6 | 0 | 83 / 89 | 2 | 1st | Supermajority | |
| 2020 | 1,527,491 | 61.2% | 93 | 83 | 10 | 0 | 83 / 93 | | 1st | Supermajority | |
| 2025 | Lawrence Wong | 1,564,770 | 65.6% | 97 | 87 | 10 | 5 | 87 / 97 | 4 | 1st | Supermajority |
| Election | Leader | Constituency contested | Votes | % | Seats | +/– | Result |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1957 | Lee Kuan Yew | Tanjong Pagar | 4,707 | 37.0% | 1 / 2 | | Won |
| 1961 | Anson Hong Lim | 5,872 | 31.1% | 0 / 2 | 2 | Lost | |
| 1965 | Hong Lim | 6,398 | 59.5% | 1 / 1 | 1 | Won |
| Election | Leader | Constituency contested | Votes | % | Seats | Result | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Contested | Walkover | Total | +/– | |||||||
| Won | Lost | |||||||||
| 1966 | Lee Kuan Yew | Bukit Merah SMC Bukit Timah SMC Chua Chu Kang SMC Crawford SMC Joo Chiat SMC Jurong SMC Paya Lebar SMC | 9,082 | 82.9% | 1 | 0 | 6 | 7 / 7 | 7 | Won |
| 1967 | Bukit Panjang SMC Havelock SMC Jalan Kayu SMC Tampines SMC Thomson SMC | 9,407 | 83.6% | 1 | 0 | 4 | 5 / 5 | 5 | Won | |
| 1970 | Delta SMC Havelock SMC Kampong Kapor SMC Ulu Pandan SMC Whampoa SMC | 14,545 | 69.9% | 2 | 0 | 3 | 5 / 5 | | Won | |
| 1979 | Anson SMC Geylang West SMC Mountbatten SMC Nee Soon SMC Potong Pasir SMC Sembawang SMC Telok Blangah SMC | 53,222 | 72.7% | 5 | 0 | 2 | 7 / 7 | | Won | |
| 1981 | Anson SMC | 6,359 | 47.1% | 0 | 1 | 0 | 0 / 1 | 1 | Lost | |
| 1992 | Goh Chok Tong | Marine Parade GRC | 48,965 | 72.9% | 4 | 0 | 0 | 4 / 4 | | Won |
| 2012 | Lee Hsien Loong | Hougang SMC | 8,223 | 37.9% | 0 | 1 | 0 | 0 / 1 | | Lost |
| 2013 | Punggol East SMC | 12,856 | 43.7% | 0 | 1 | 0 | 0 / 1 | 1 | Lost | |
| 2016 | Bukit Batok SMC | 14,428 | 61.2% | 1 | 0 | 0 | 1 / 1 | | Won | |
Definitions from Wiktionary
Media from Commons
News from Wikinews
Quotations from Wikiquote
Texts from Wikisource
Textbooks from Wikibooks
Data from Wikidata
Parenthesis indicate seats represented in theParliament of Singapore | |||||
| Active |
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| Defunct |
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| Dissolved | |||||
Notes:† The party has yet to contest in an election. | |||||
| International | |
|---|---|
| National | |
| Other | |
