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Marxist archaeology

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Archaeological theory that interprets archaeological information within the framework of Marxism
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Marxism
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels
Outline

Marxist archaeology is anarchaeological theory that interprets archaeological information using the framework ofdialectical materialism, which is often short-handed asMarxism.

Although neitherKarl Marx norFriedrich Engels specifically analyzed how archaeology supported a materialist conception of history, Marx indicated as much inCapital, where he wrote that "relics of bygone instruments of labour possess the same importance for the investigation of extinct economic forms of society, as do fossil bones for the determination of extinct species of animals"[1] Engels elaborated further that "it is from the history of nature and human society that the laws of dialectics are abstracted"[2] which situates archaeology as part of that discovery process. Further, Engels sought to define three essential principles of dialectical materialist theory as "transformation of quantity into quality and vice versa; (...) the interpenetration of opposites; (and) the negation of the negation".[3] Thus, Marxist archaeology examines the material record for indicators of the transformation of society and/or nature, and of the oppositional material and social forces that engender change, as frames for interpreting the archaeological record.

Marxian archaeological theory was developed by Soviet archaeologists in theSoviet Union during the early twentieth century. Marxist archaeology quickly became the dominant archaeological theory within the Soviet Union, and subsequently spread and was adopted by archaeologists in other countries. In particular, in theUnited Kingdom, where the theory was propagated by an influential archaeologistV. Gordon Childe. With the rise ofpost-processual archaeology in the 1980s and 1990s, forms of Marxist archaeology were once more popularised amongst the archaeological community.[citation needed]

Marxist archaeology has been characterised as having "generally adopted a materialist base and a processual approach whilst emphasising the historical-developmental context of archaeological data."[clarification needed][4] The theory argues that past societies should be examined through Marxist analysis, thereby having amaterialistic basis. It holds that societal change comes about throughclass struggle, and while it may have once held that human societies progress through a series of stages, fromprimitive communism throughslavery,feudalism and thencapitalism, it is typically critical of such evolutionary typology today.

Marxist archaeologists in general believe that the bipolarism that exists between the processual and post-processual debates is an opposition inherent within knowledge production and is in accord with a dialectical understanding of the world. Many Marxist archaeologists believe that it is this polarization within the anthropological discipline (and all academic disciplines) that fuels the questions that spur progress in archaeological theory and knowledge. This constant interfacing and conflict between the extremes of the two heuristic playing grounds (subjective vs. objective) are believed to result in a continuous reconstruction of the past by scholars.

Theory

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Social evolution

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The Marxist conception of history—which originated within Engels'The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State (1884)—holds that society has evolved through a series of progressive stages. The first of these wasprimitive communism, which Marxist theorists believed was held by classless,hunter-gatherer societies. According to Marxist doctrine, most of these, however, evolved into slave-based societies, then tofeudal societies, and then tocapitalist societies, which Marxists note is the dominant form today. However, Marxists believe that there are in fact two more social stages for human society to progress through:socialism and thencommunism.[5] Marxist archaeologists often interpret the archaeological record as displaying this progression through forms of society. This approach was particularly popular in the Soviet Union underJoseph Stalin, and as archaeologistBruce Trigger later wrote:

The dogmatism with which Soviet social scientists adhered to this scheme contrasts sharply with the views expressed by Marx and Engels, who were prepared to consider multilinear models of social evolution, especially with regard to earlier and less well understood periods of human development.[5]

Other

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Marxist archaeology places an emphasis on learning how people lived and worked in the past. In attempting to do this, Marxist archaeologists working in the Soviet Union during the 1920s and following decades denounced what they saw as "artifactology", the simple categorization of artifacts in typologies, because they believed that it took archaeological focus away from the human beings who created and used them.[6][7]

History

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Precedents

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When they were formulating Marxism in the mid-nineteenth century,Karl Marx andFriedrich Engels wrote many books on the subject of history, but wrote little about archaeology, or how it could be understood within a Marxist framework. According to Trigger, the most relevant passage that Marx made about the subject was found in his epic study of political economy,Das Kapital, in which he had written that:[8]

Relics of by-gone instruments of labour possess the same importance for the investigation of extinct economic forms of society, as do fossil bones for the determination of extinct species of animals. It is not the articles made, but how they are made, and by what instruments, that enables us to distinguish different economic epochs. Instruments of labour not only supply a standard of the degree of development to which human labour has attained, but they are also indicators of the social conditions under which labour is carried on.[9]

In the Soviet Union

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Marxist archaeology was first pioneered in theSoviet Union, a state run by a Marxist-Leninist government, during the 1920s. Upon taking power in theRussian Empire and reforming it as asocialist republic following the 1917 revolution, theCommunist Party—as a part of their general support for scientific advancement—encouraged archaeological study, founding the Russian Academy for the History of Material Culture in 1919. Soon renamed the State Academy for the History of Material Culture (GAIMK) following the re-designation of the Empire as the Soviet Union, it was centred inLeningrad (nowSt. Petersburg), and initially followed pre-existing archaeological theories, namelyculture-historical archaeology.[10][11][5]

Following the ascent to power ofJoseph Stalin in the Soviet Union in 1924, there was an increased focus on academics bringing their findings in line with Marxist theories. As a part of this, the government prevented Soviet archaeologists from contact with their foreign counterparts, and archaeologists were encouraged to understand their information within the framework of history developed by Marx and Engels. In 1929, a young archaeologist namedVladislav I. Ravdonikas (1894–1976) published a report entitledFor a Soviet History of Material Culture in which he outlined a framework for Marxist archaeology. Within this work, the very discipline of archaeology was criticised as being inherently bourgeois and therefore anti-Marxist, and following its publication there was a trend to denounce those archaeological ideas and work that had gone before, exemplified at the Pan-Russian Conference for Archaeology and Ethnography held in 1930.[12][13][14]

Soon, Ravdonikas and other young Marxist archaeologists rose to significant positions in the archaeological community of the Soviet Union, with notable Marxist archaeologists of this period includingArtemiy Artsikhovsky, Yevgeni Krichevsky, A. P. Kruglow, G. P. Podgayetsky and P. N. Tret'yakov. According to later archaeologistBruce Trigger, these young archaeologists "were enthusiastic, but not very experienced in Marxism or in archaeology."[14] In the 1930s, the term "Soviet archaeology" was adopted in the country to differentiate Marxist archaeology as understood by Soviet archaeologists from the "bourgeois archaeology" of other, non-Marxist nations. Allying it firmly with the academic discipline ofhistory, this decade saw the publication of many more archaeological books in the Union, as well as the start of what would become the country's primary archaeological journal,Sovetskaya arkheologiya, and the opening up of many more archaeological units in universities.[15]

In Latin America

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Main article:Latin American social archaeology

InLatin America, a form of Marxist archaeological thought known as "social archaeology" developed during the 1970s, based primarily inPeru andVenezuela but with some influence inEcuador.[16] It was pioneered byLuis Lumbreras in Peru and byMario Sanoja andIraida Vargas in Venezuela.[16]

In the western world

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In 1935, the influential Australian archaeologistVere Gordon Childe visited the Soviet Union. Prior to this, he had already begun looking at societies from the perspective that they developed primarily through economic means, having begun to reject culture-historical archaeology in the late 1920s.[17][7]

According to archaeologists Colin Renfrew and Paul Bahn, "Following the upsurge in theoretical discussion that followed the initial impact of theNew Archaeology, there has been a reawakening of interest in applying to archaeology some of the implications of the earlier work of Karl Marx, many of which had been re-examined by Frenchanthropologists in the 1960s and 1970s."[18]

References

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  1. ^Karl Marx. 1996 [1867].Capital, a Critique of Political Economy, Vol. 1. inMarx and Engels Collected Works Vol. 35. New York: International Publishers. 189-190.
  2. ^Frederich Engels. 1987 [1882].Dialectics of Nature, inMarx and Engels Collected Works Vol. 25. New York: International Publishers. 356.
  3. ^Engels,Dialectics of Nature, 356.
  4. ^Earle, Timothy K.; Preucel, Robert W. (1987). "Processual Archaeology and the Radical Critique".Current Anthropology.28 (4):501–513, 527–538 [506].doi:10.1086/203551.JSTOR 2743487.S2CID 147115343.
  5. ^abcTrigger 2007, p. 337.
  6. ^Trigger 2007, p. 343.
  7. ^abTrigger 2007, p. 344.
  8. ^Trigger 2007, p. 331.
  9. ^Marx, Karl (1906).Capital: A Critique of Political Economy. New York:The Modern Library,Random House. p. 200.
  10. ^Trigger 2007, p. 326.
  11. ^Trigger 2007, p. 327.
  12. ^Trigger 2007, p. 328.
  13. ^Trigger 2007, p. 329.
  14. ^abTrigger 2007, p. 330.
  15. ^Trigger 2007, p. 340.
  16. ^abJamieson, Ross W. (2005). "Colonialism, Social Archaeology and lo Andino: Historical Archaeology in the Andes".World Archaeology.37 (3).Taylor & Francis, Ltd.: 353.doi:10.1080/00438240500168384.JSTOR 40024241.S2CID 162378977.
  17. ^Trigger 2007, p. 322.
  18. ^Renfrew, Colin;Bahn, Paul (2004).Archaeology: Theories, Methods and Practice (4th ed.). London:Thames and Hudson. p. 179.ISBN 978-0-500-28441-4.

Bibliography

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