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Kadesh (Syria)

Coordinates:34°33′27″N36°31′12″E / 34.5576°N 36.5200°E /34.5576; 36.5200
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Archaeological site
This article is about the ancient city in Syria. For the Kadesh mentioned in the Bible, seeKadesh (biblical). For other uses, seeKadesh.
Tell Nebi Mend
Qadesh
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Kadesh (Syria) is located in Syria
Kadesh (Syria)
Shown within Syria
LocationSyria
RegionHoms Governorate
Coordinates34°33′27″N36°31′12″E / 34.5576°N 36.5200°E /34.5576; 36.5200
Site notes
Excavation dates1922-1923, 1975-1995
ArchaeologistsMaurice Pezard, Peter Parr

Kadesh, orQadesh, was anancient city of theLevant on or near the headwaters or a ford of theOrontes River. It was of some importance during theLate Bronze Age and is mentioned in theAmarna letters. It was the site of theBattle of Kadesh between theHittite andEgyptian empires in the 13th century BC.

Name and location

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The name is from the West Semitic (Canaanite) rootQ-D-Š "holy". It is renderedQdšw[1] orQdš[2] inEgyptian hieroglyphic andKinza inHittite.[3] The place name appears in several slightly different Akkadian spellings in theAmarna letters, includingQidšu (EA 162, 188, 189, 190[4]),Qidši (EA 53, 151[5]),Qinsa (EA 54, 174, 175, 176, 363[6]), andQissa (EA 197[7]); these are sometimes spelled less accurately asKidša,Kinza, andGizza.[8] On this basis, Trevor Bryce observes that the Late Bronze Age name "was probably pronounced Qidš(a), with 'Qadesh' being a mispronunciation by mod. scholars."[9] The Iron Age form of the name in Neo-Assyrian Akkadian isQadīsu.[10]

Kadesh is identified with the ruins atTell Nebi Mend (Tall an-Nabī Mandū),[11] about 24 kilometers (15 mi) southwest ofHoms nearal-Qusayr and adjacent to the modern-day Syrian village ofTell al-Nabi Mando. The text of theKadesh inscriptions locates Kadesh as being nearTunip in theland of the Amurru, itself assumed to have been near theOrontes River (perhaps atTell Salhab).

Some scholars also identify Kadesh with the city ofKadytis (Καδύτις inGreek) mentioned byHerodotus (2.159, an alternative identification forKadytis beingGaza.[8]

History

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Early Bronze Age

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Following an occupation of the site during the Pottery Neolithic (seventh millennium BC), there was a period of abandonment, before the site was reoccupied in the third millennium BC.[12] In the late Early Bronze Age, the site is known for White-on-Blackweel Ware pottery. This ware appeared in the transitional EB III/IV (Phase O), flourished and was traded in the Orontes Valley up to the Plains of Antioch and to eastern North Syria in EB IVA (Phase N).[13] In EB IVB (Phase M), the ware continued features from the previous phase, but is easily distinguishable. It disappeares in the transitional EB IV/MB I (Phase L). Comparison should be made with Hama J7-5 (EB IVA) and J4-2 (EB IVB).

Middle Bronze Age

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Map of Syria in the second millennium BC, showing the location of Kadesh (Qadesh)

The city first entered historical records when it was mentioned in the archive ofMari in the 18th century BC as the headquarters of kingIshi-Addu ofQatna during the suppression of a rebellion in the south of the city.[14]

In Inner Syria, the Middle Bronze ends with the military campaigns ofMuršili I ofHatti (c. 1595 BC, according to the commonly citedMesopotamian Middle Chronology). Here the MB IIB is followed by LB IA, while MB IIC starts in the southern Levant. About this time, there is a further possible destruction and abandonment of Kadesh, quickly followed by rebuilding.[15]

Late Bronze Age

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Period of Mittanian overlordship

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Kadesh came under the influence ofMittani influence after the murder of Muršili I of Hatti (c. 1587 BC) and the subsequent decline of the Old Hittite Kingdom. The Mitanni confederation emerged from the Habur region, and the small kingdoms of northern Syria became its allies or vassals.[16]

Around 1490 BC (according to the commonly citedEgyptian Low Chronology), the Egyptian kingThutmose I campaigned north into Syria against Mittani, along withAram, an ally of Kadesh. In the time ofHatshepsut there were no campaigns against Kadesh as she was focused on developing trade across theRed Sea and southward.[citation needed]

Priod of Egyptian overlordship

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Battle of Megiddo. Kadesh is noted as one of twoCanaanite cities (withMegiddo) that led a coalition ofcity-states opposing the conquest of theLevant by the Egyptian kingThutmose III. The king of Kadesh was probably encouraged in this resistance by the ruler ofMittani, Egypt's primary foreign rival theLevant. Egyptian victory in the subsequentBattle of Megiddo (1457 BC) led to the establishment of Egyptian hegemony over Kadesh, along with other parts of southern and western Syria.

Amarna Letters. Following further Egyptian military activity underAmenhotep II,Thutmose IV established peace between Egypt and Mittani, and Kadesh continued as Egyptian vassal. The troubled relations among Egyptian vassals in Syria are reflected in the diplomatic correspondence between them and the Egyptian kingAkhenaten preserved at his capitalAmarna. Kadesh is mentioned several times, under the nameQidšu (and variants) in theseAkkadian language letters. At least one of the letters (EA 189) was sent to Akhenaten by Aitakkama, the king of Kadesh himself.[17]

Period of Hittite overlordship

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Around 1350 BC,Šuppiluliuma I of Hatti attackedTušratta of Mittani, conducting military campaigns against Mittanian strongholds, and then taking control over vassal rulers west of the Euphrates River in Syria. This expansion eventually impacted Egyptian interests and eventually both Aziru of Amurru and Aitakkama of Kadesh became Hittite vassals. Kadesh's northern neighbor, Qatna, which had been the regional capital in the Middle Bronze, now came to an end facing the Hittites. When Aitakkama of Kadesh sought Egyptian support to assert his independence from the Hittites, he was murdered by his son Niqmaddu, who took over Kadesh and duly reaffirmed its loyalty to the Hittite kingMuršili II.[18]

The names of three kings of Kadesh survive from contemporary sources: Šuttarna (or Šutatarra; fl. c. 1350 BC);[19][20]Aitakkama (c. 1340s–1312 BC) and his son Niqmaddu (fl. c. 1312 BC).

Campaign of Seti I

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Seti I stele fragment from Tell Nebi Mend (Kadesh)

The city was captured by the great pharaohSeti I (1290–1279 BC), during his campaign to Syria. Kadesh had been lost toEgypt since the time ofAkhenaten, and Seti's predecessorsTutankhamun andHoremheb had both failed to recapture the city from theHittites. Seti I was successful here and defeated a Hittite army that tried to defend it. He triumphantly entered the city together with his sonRamesses II and erected a victory stela at the site.[21][22]

Seti's success, however, was only temporary. As soon as Seti returned to Egypt, the Hittite king, probablyMuwattalli II, marched south to take Kadesh and made it a stronghold of the Hittite defenses in Syria. The Hittites dominated northern Syria through their viceroy atCarchemish.[23]

Battle of Kadesh

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Main article:Battle of Kadesh
Egyptian relief dating to Ramesses II's reign, depicting Kadesh garrisoned by Hittites and surrounded by the Orontes River.

The city is best known for one of the earliest extensively documented battles of the ancient world, theBattle of Kadesh between the superpowers of the 13th century BC, theEgyptian andHittite Empires. An Egyptian vassal for some 150 years, Kadesh had eventually defected to Hittitesuzerainty, thereby placing the city on the contested frontier between the two rival empires.

In response to this Hittite expansion southwards, the Egyptian pharaohRamesses II (1279–1213 BC) prepared an aggressive military response and captured the coastal state ofAmurru in his Year 4. The next year, the Hittites moved south to recover Amurru, while the Egyptians moved north to continue their expansion into Syria. The inhabitants of Kadesh had cut a channel from the river to a stream south of the town, which had turned the town into a virtual island.

In May 1274 BC, Year 5 of Ramesses' reign, he led a large force ofchariots and infantry 1,000 miles (1,600 km) to retake the walled city. In theBattle of Kadesh, the two forces clashed on the plain west of the city and the Orontes River, in what is widely regarded as the largest chariot versus chariot battle in history (5,000–6,000 between the two sides). The battle saw the Egyptians turning a near catastrophe into a near victory. After Hittite spies convinced the Egyptians that the Hittites were far away, the Hittites ambushed Ramesses in his camp. Ramesses rallied his bodyguard and broke out of the trap in time for the last-minute arrival of a supporting Egyptian force from coastal Amurru. The pharaoh was able to recover the initiative, to repulse the attack, and to remain in control of the battlefield.[24] Although the Hittite trap and attack had failed, Ramesses was unable to continue the campaign and had to return home to Egypt.[25]

Aftermath

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Following the battle, Kadesh remained under Hittite overlordship, Amurru returned to the Hittite fold, while the Hittite army was able to raid southward as far as Upi, in the neighborhood ofDamascus. By Year 8 of Ramesses II's reign (1272 BC), the Egyptians were back on the offensive, reaching northwards beyond Kadesh to Dapur and Tunip, but do not appear to have made any lasting gains.[26][27]

The subsequent impasse between Egypt and Hatti was resolved in one of the earliest known international peace treaties, concluded 15 years later between Ramesses II and the Hittite kingḪattušili III. The treaty essentially accepted the status quo, with Amurru and Kadesh continuing as Hittite vassals.[28]

End of Kadesh

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Kadesh was probably destroyed by the invadingSea Peoples around 1178 BC.[29] It was, however, reoccupied, and is attested in Neo-Assyrian administrative texts under the nameQadīsu.[30] Hellenistic remains have been found in the upper levels of thetell mound, the summit of which is still occupied today. In Byzantine times, widespread occupation is evidenced by extensive remains at the foot of the tell. The Hellenistic city ofLaodicea ad Libanum is believed to have occupied the same site as ancient Kadesh.[31] Continuous occupation throughout the Islamic period is likely, the mound having been named after a local Muslim holy man, Nebi Mend.

Tell Nebi Mend

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Tell Nebi Mend, consisting of an upper (450 x 200 meter) and lower tell, lies 10 kilometers southwest of the modern city ofHoms and covers an area of about 10 hectares and rises to a height of about 30 meters over the plain. An enclosure wall around the site, thought to be Middle Bronze Age, encompasses about 40 hectares. Located at the confluence of theOrontes River and Mukadiya river, it was occupied through the Neolithic (followed by a break in occupation), Bronze Age, Iron Age, and Hellenistic/Roman periods.[32][33]

The site was first excavated by a French team led by Maurice Pezard in 1922 and 1923, in the northeast quadrant of the upper mound. The excavator opened two trenches, one 60 meters by 25 meters, and 20 meters deep and the other 30 by 40 meters by 70 meters and shallow.[34] Finds included an incomplete stele of PharaohSeti I (c. 1294/1290–1279 BC) in a out-of-context Iron Age level, some stone statuettes andSyro-Hittite cylinder seals, and a terracotta figurine.[35][36]

The site was then excavated between 1975 and 1995 by a team from theUniversity College London Institute of Archaeology led by Peter Parr. Nine trenches were opened, all on the upper mound, with excavated levels ranging from Middle Bronze I to Late Bronze II. A number of charcoal samples were radiocarbon dated though there were apparently technical problems that limited their usefulness.[37][38][39] Sixcuneiform tablets were found at the site, one blank with sealing and the others in a Babylonian dialect of Akkadian. The tablets, from the late 14th century BC, mentioned the name of a ruler, Niqmadda, and provided confirmation of the site as Qadesh.[40][41]

The site has received damage in the Syrian Civil War.[42]

See also

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References

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  1. ^Breasted 1906 vol. 2: #420, #465, #531, #585.
  2. ^Breasted 1906 vol. 3: #141, #306, #308, #309.
  3. ^Bryce 2009: 570.
  4. ^Rainey & Schniedewind 2015: 803, 883, 1529-130.
  5. ^Rainey & Schniedewind 2015: 767, 1396.
  6. ^Rainey & Schniedewind 2015: 396, 845, 847. 849, 1239.
  7. ^Rainey & Schniedewind 2015: 905.
  8. ^abA. B. Lloyd,Herodotus, 1993,p. 162Archived 2024-02-20 at theWayback Machine.
  9. ^Bryce 2009: 570-571.
  10. ^Parpola & Porter 2001: Maps 8, 24, Gazetteer p. 14, cf. Oded 1964.
  11. ^Kitchen, K.A, "Ramesside Inscriptions", Volume 2, Blackwell Publishing Limited, 1996, pp. 16–17
  12. ^Bryce 2009: 571.
  13. ^Marta D'Andrea (2017) Note on Early Bronze IV Grey Hard-Textured Wares in the Levant, Studia Eblaitica 3, pp. 172-181.
  14. ^Ziegler, Nele (2007). "Les données des archives royales de Mari. sur le milieu naturel et l'occupation humaine en Syrie centrale". In Morandi Bonacossi, Daniele (ed.).Urban and Natural Landscapes of an Ancient Syrian Capital. Settlement and Environment at Tell Mishrifeh/Qatna and in Central-Western Syria (Proceedings of the International Conference held in Udine9-11 December 2004). Studi archeologici su Qatna. Vol. 1. Forum Editrice Universitaria Udinese.ISBN 978-88-8420-418-9.
  15. ^Bryce 2009: 571.
  16. ^Bryce 2009: 571.
  17. ^Bryce 2009: 571-572.
  18. ^Bryce 2009: 572.
  19. ^Wayne Thomas Pitard,Ancient Damascus: A Historical Study of the Syrian City-State from Earliest Times Until Its Fall to the Assyrians in 732 B.C.E. Eisenbrauns, 1987. p. 67.ISBN 0931464293
  20. ^This name is similar to that ofŠuttarna II, mentioned in the Amarna letters.
  21. ^Stela of Seti I (Aleppo 384). Peter James Brand,The Monuments of Seti I: Epigraphic, Historical, and Art Historical Analysis. BRILL, 2000.ISBN 9004117709 p. 120
  22. ^Breasted 1906, vol. 3: #142-156.
  23. ^Bryce 2009: 572.
  24. ^Breasted 1906, vol. 3: #294-351, a dated but still useful discussion and translation of relevant sources.
  25. ^Bryce 2009: 572.
  26. ^Breasted 1906, vol. 3: #352-366.
  27. ^Bryce 2009: 42, 720.
  28. ^Bryce 2009: 42.
  29. ^Bryce 2009: 572.
  30. ^Oded 1964; Bryce 2009: 572.
  31. ^Bryce 2009: 572.
  32. ^[1]Archived 2024-01-04 at theWayback Machine Bourke, SJ, "The transition from the Middle to the Late Bronze Age in the northern Levant: The evidence from Tell Nebi Mend, Syria", Doctoral thesis (Ph.D), UCL (University College London), 1992
  33. ^Bourke, Stephen J., "The transition from the Middle to the Late Bronze Age in Syria: the evidence from Tell Nebi Mend", Levant 25.1, pp. 155-195, 1993
  34. ^[2]Archived 2024-01-04 at theWayback MachineNishiaki, Yoshihiro, "Lithic technology of Neolithic Syria: A series of analyses of flaked stone assemblages from Douara Cave II, Tell Damishilyya, Tell Nebi Mend and Tell Kashkashok II", University of London, University College London, pp. 209-248, 1992
  35. ^[3]Archived 2024-01-04 at theWayback MachinePézard, Maurice, "Mission Archéologique a Tell Nebi Mend (1921): Rapport Sommaire", Syria, vol. 3, no. 2, pp. 89–115, 1922
  36. ^Maurice Pezard, "Kadesh: Mission Archaeologique a Tell Nebi Mend, 1921-1922", Paris: Libraire Orientaliste, Paul Geuthner, 1931
  37. ^Peter J. Parr (ed.), "Excavations at Tell Nebi Mend, Syria: volume 1 (Levant Supplementary Series 16)", Oxford: Oxbow, 2015ISBN 978-1-78297-786-5
  38. ^Bourke, Stephen J., "Sequence, chronology and culture at Tell Nebi Mend in the Middle and Late Bronze Ages", A Land in Between: The Orontes Valley in the Early Urban Age, pp. 229-266, 2020
  39. ^Eriksson, K. O., S. J. Bourke, and J. B. Hennessy, "A Middle Cypriot sherd from Trench I, Tell Nebi Mend, Syria", Ägypten und Levante/Egypt and the Levant 10, pp. 205-210, 2000
  40. ^Millard, Alan, "The Cuneiform Tablets from Tell Nebi Mend", Levant 42.2, pp. 226-236, 2010
  41. ^Singer, Itamar, "The historical context of two Tell Nebi Mend/Qadeš letters", Kaskal, 8, pp. 161-175, 2011
  42. ^"Satellite-based Damage Asessment to Historial Sites in Syria - UNITAR - 2014"(PDF).Archived(PDF) from the original on 2024-01-04. Retrieved2024-01-04.

Further reading

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  • Breasted, James Henry,Ancient Records of Egypt, vols. 2 and 3, Chicago 1906.
  • Bryce, Trevor,The Routledge Handbook of The Peoples and Places of Ancient Western Asia, London 2009.
  • Grigson, Caroline, "The fauna of Tell Nebi Mend (Syria) in the Bronze and Iron Age—a diachronic overview. Part 1: Stability and change—animal husbandry", Levant 47.1, pp. 5–29, 2015
  • Grigson, Caroline, Yvonne Edwards, and Ruby Cerón-Carrasco, "The fauna of Tell Nebi Mend (Syria) in the Bronze and Iron Age—a diachronic overview. Part 2: hunting, fowling and fishing", Levant 47.2, pp. 164–185, 2015
  • Ignatov, Sergey, "Dardanians, Moesians and Phrygians in the Qadesh Inscriptions of Ramses II",Thracia 11 (1995) 107-112 (=Studia in honorem Alexandri Fol, Sofia 1995: 223-231)
  • Kennedy, Melissa, "A New EB IV Cultural Province in Central and Southern Syria: The View from Tell Nebi Mend", in Pearls of the Past: Studies on Near Eastern Art and Archaeology in Honour of Frances Pinnock. Zaphon, pp. 429–448, 2019
  • Kennedy, Melissa A., Kamal Badreshany, and Graham Philip, "Drinking on the periphery: the Tell Nebi Mend goblets in their regional and archaeometric context", Levant 52.1-2, pp. 103–135, 2020
  • Mathias, V.T. and Parr, P.J., "The early phases at Tell Nebi Mend: A preliminary account", Levant XXI, pp. 13–33, 1989
  • Mathias, V.T., "The Early Bronze Age Pottery of Tell Nebi Mend in its Regional Setting", in G. Philip and D. Baird (eds) Ceramics and Change in the Early Bronze Age of the Southern Levant, Sheffield Academic Press, Sheffield, pp. 411–427, 2000
  • Oded, B., "Two Assyrian References to the Town of Qadesh on the Orontes", Israel Exploration Journal, vol. 14, no. 4, pp. 272–73, 1964
  • Parpola, Simo, and Michael Porter,The Helsinki Atlas of the Near East in the Neo-Assyrian Period, Helsinki 2001.
  • Parr, P.J., "The Tell Nebi Mend Project", AAAS 33:2, pp. 99–117, 1983
  • Rainey, Anson F., and W. M. Schniedewind,The El-Amarna Correspondence, Leiden: Brill 2015.
  • Whincop, M.R., "The Iron Age II at Tell Nebi Mend: towards an explanation of ceramic regions", Levant 39, pp. 185–212, 2007
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