Jupiter is thought to have originated as a sky god. His identifying implement is thethunderbolt and his primary sacred animal is the eagle,[8][9] which held precedence over other birds in the taking ofauspices[10] and became one of the most common symbols of theRoman army (seeAquila). The two emblems were often combined to represent the god in the form of an eagle holding in its claws a thunderbolt, frequently seen on Greek and Roman coins.[11] As the skygod, he was a divine witness to oaths, the sacred trust on which justice and good government depend. Many of his functions were focused on theCapitoline Hill, where thecitadel was located. In theCapitoline Triad, he was the central guardian of the state withJuno andMinerva. His sacred tree was the oak.
The Romans regarded Jupiter as theequivalent of the GreekZeus,[12] and inLatin literature andRoman art, the myths and iconography of Zeus are adapted under the nameJupiter. In the Greek-influenced tradition, Jupiter was the brother ofNeptune andPluto, the Roman equivalents ofPoseidon andHades respectively. Each presided over one of the three realms of the universe: sky, the waters, and the underworld. TheItalicDiespiter was also a sky god who manifested himself in the daylight, usually identified with Jupiter.[13]Tinia is usually regarded as hisEtruscan counterpart.[14]
The Romans believed that Jupiter granted them supremacy because they had honoured him more than any other people had. Jupiter was "the fount of theauspices upon which the relationship of the city with the gods rested."[15] He personified the divine authority of Rome's highest offices, internal organization, and external relations. His image in theRepublican andImperial Capitol boreregalia associated withRome's ancient kings and the highestconsular andImperial honours.[16]
The consuls swore their oath of office in Jupiter's name, and honoured him on the annualferiae of the Capitol in September. To thank him for his help, and to secure his continued support, they sacrificed a white ox(bos mas) with gilded horns.[17] A similar sacrificial offering was made bytriumphal generals, who surrendered the tokens of their victory at the feet of Jupiter's statue in the Capitol. Some scholars have viewed thetriumphator as embodying (or impersonating) Jupiter in the triumphal procession.[18]
Jupiter's association with kingship and sovereignty was reinterpreted as Rome's form of government changed. Originally,Rome was ruled by kings; after the monarchy was abolished and theRepublic established, religious prerogatives were transferred to thepatres, thepatrician ruling class. Nostalgia for the kingship(affectatio regni) was considered treasonous. Those suspected of harbouring monarchical ambitions were punished, regardless of their service to the state. In the 5th century BC, thetriumphatorCamillus was sent into exile after he drove a chariot with a team of four white horses(quadriga)—an honour reserved for Jupiter himself. WhenMarcus Manlius, whose defense of the Capitol against theinvading Gauls had earned him the nameCapitolinus, was accused of regal pretensions, he was executed as a traitor by being cast from theTarpeian Rock. His house on the Capitoline Hill was razed, and it was decreed that no patrician should ever be allowed to live there.[19] Capitoline Jupiter represented a continuity of royal power from theRegal period, and conferred power to themagistrates who paid their respects to him.[20]
During theConflict of the Orders, Rome'splebeians demanded the right to hold political and religious office. During their firstsecessio (similar to ageneral strike), they withdrew from the city and threatened to found their own. When they agreed to come back to Rome they vowed the hill where they had retreated to Jupiter as symbol and guarantor of the unity of the Romanres publica.[21] Plebeians eventually became eligible for all themagistracies and most priesthoods, but the high priest of Jupiter(Flamen Dialis) remained the preserve of patricians.[22]
Detail ofrelief from theAugustan Altar of Peace, showingflamines wearing the pointedapexStatue of Jupiter, Vatican, Rome.Jupiter's head crowned with laurel and ivy. Sardonyx cameo (Louvre)Jupiter-Zeus with thunderbolt and sceptre in the clouds. Fresco inHerculaneum, 1–37 ADDecor Fragment of a triumphal arch:The Emperor's Guards, ThePraetorian Guard, featured in arelief with aneagle grasping athunderbolt through its claws; in reference toRomanequivalent form ofJupiter.
Jupiter was served by the patrician Flamen Dialis, the highest-ranking member of theflamines, acollege of fifteen priests in the official public cult of Rome, each of whom was devoted to a particular deity. His wife, the Flaminica Dialis, had her own duties, and presided over the sacrifice of a ram to Jupiter on each of thenundinae, the "market" days of a calendar cycle, comparable to a week.[23] The couple were required to marry by the exclusive patrician ritualconfarreatio, which included a sacrifice ofspelt bread to Jupiter Farreus (fromfar, "wheat, grain").[24]
The office of Flamen Dialis was circumscribed by several unique ritual prohibitions, some of which shed light on the sovereign nature of the god himself.[25] For instance, theflamen may remove his clothes orapex (his pointed hat) only when under a roof, in order to avoid showing himself naked to the sky—that is, "as if under the eyes of Jupiter" as god of the heavens. Every time the Flaminica saw a lightning bolt or heard a clap of thunder (Jupiter's distinctive instrument), she was prohibited from carrying on with her normal routine until she placated the god.[26]
Some privileges of theflamen of Jupiter may reflect the regal nature of Jupiter: he had the use of thecurule chair,[27] and was the only priest(sacerdos) who was preceded by alictor[28] and had a seat in thesenate.[29] Other regulations concern his ritual purity and his separation from the military function; he was forbidden to ride a horse or see the army outside the sacred boundary of Rome(pomerium). Although he served the god who embodied the sanctity of the oath, it was not religiously permissible(fas) for the Dialis to swear an oath.[30] He could not have contacts with anything dead or connected with death: corpses, funerals, funeral fires, raw meat. This set of restrictions reflects the fulness of life and absolute freedom that are features of Jupiter.[31]
Theaugures publici,augurs were a college ofsacerdotes who were in charge of all inaugurations and of the performing of ceremonies known asauguria. Their creation was traditionally ascribed toRomulus. They were considered the only official interpreters of Jupiter's will, thence they were essential to the very existence of the Roman State as Romans saw in Jupiter the only source of state authority.
Thefetials were a college of 20 men devoted to the religious administration of international affairs of state.[32][33][34] Their task was to preserve and apply the fetial law(ius fetiale), a complex set of procedures aimed at ensuring the protection of the gods in Rome's relations with foreign states.Iuppiter Lapis is the god under whose protection they act, and whom the chief fetial(pater patratus) invokes in the rite concluding a treaty.[35] If adeclaration of war ensues, the fetial calls upon Jupiter andQuirinus, the heavenly, earthly andchthonic gods as witnesses of any potential violation of theius. He can then declare war within 33 days.[36]
The action of the fetials falls under Jupiter's jurisdiction as the divine defender of good faith. Several emblems of the fetial office pertain to Jupiter. Thesilex was the stone used for the fetial sacrifice, housed in the Temple ofIuppiter Feretrius, as was their sceptre. Sacred herbs(sagmina), sometimes identified asvervain, had to be taken from the nearbycitadel(arx) for their ritual use.[37][38]
Jupiter and religion in the secessions of the plebs
The role of Jupiter in theconflict of the orders is a reflection of the religiosity of the Romans. On one side, the patricians were able to naturally claim the support of the supreme god as they held theauspices of the State. On the other side, theplebs (plebeians) argued that, as Jupiter was the source of justice, they had his favor because their cause was just.
The first secession was caused by the excessive debt burden on the plebs. The legal institute of thenexum permitted a debtor to become a slave of his creditor. The plebs argued the debts had become unsustainable because of the expenses of the wars wanted by the patricians. As the senate did not accede to the proposal of a total debt remission advanced by dictator and augurManius Valerius Maximus the plebs retired on the Mount Sacer, a hill located three Roman miles to the North-northeast of Rome, past the Nomentan bridge on riverAnio.[39] The place is windy and was usually the site of rites of divination performed by haruspices. The senate in the end sent a delegation composed of ten members with full powers of making a deal with the plebs, of which were partMenenius Agrippa and Manius Valerius. It was Valerius, according to the inscription found at Arezzo in 1688 and written on the order of Augustus as well as other literary sources, that brought the plebs down from the Mount, after the secessionists had consecrated it toJupiter Territor and built an altar (ara) on its summit. The fear of the wrath of Jupiter was an important element in the solution of the crisis. The consecration of the Mount probably referred to its summit only. The ritual requested the participation of both an augur (presumably Manius Valerius himself) and a pontifex.[40]
The second secession was caused by the autocratic and arrogant behaviour of thedecemviri, who had been charged by the Roman people with writing down the laws in use till then kept secret by the patrician magistrates and thesacerdotes. All magistracies and the tribunes of the plebs had resigned in advance. The task resulted in the XII Tables, which though concerned only private law. The plebs once again retreated to the Sacer Mons: this act besides recalling the first secession was meant to seek the protection of the supreme god. The secession ended with the resignation of thedecemviri and an amnesty for the rebellious soldiers who had deserted from their camp near Mount Algidus while warring against the Volscians, abandoning the commanders. The amnesty was granted by the senate and guaranteed by thepontifex maximus Quintus Furius (in Livy's version) (or Marcus Papirius) who also supervised the nomination of the new tribunes of the plebs, then gathered on the Aventine Hill. The role played by thepontifex maximus in a situation of vacation of powers is a significant element underlining the religious basis and character of thetribunicia potestas.[41]
Jupiter in a wall painting fromPompeii, with eagle and globe, 62–79 AD
A dominant line of scholarship has held that Rome lacked a body of myths in its earliest period, or that this original mythology has been irrecoverably obscured by the influence of theGreek narrative tradition.[42] After the influence of Greek culture on Roman culture, Latin literature and iconography reinterpreted the myths of Zeus in depictions and narratives of Jupiter. In the legendary history of Rome, Jupiter is often connected to kings and kingship.
Jupiter is depicted as the twin of Juno in a statue atPraeneste that showed them nursed byFortuna Primigenia.[43] An inscription that is also from Praeneste, however, says that Fortuna Primigenia was Jupiter's first-born child.[44] Jacqueline Champeaux sees this contradiction as the result of successive different cultural and religious phases, in which a wave of influence coming from the Hellenic world made Fortuna the daughter of Jupiter.[45] The childhood of Zeus is an important theme in Greek religion, art and literature, but there are only rare (or dubious) depictions of Jupiter as a child.[46]
Faced by a period of bad weather endangering the harvest during one early spring, KingNuma resorted to the scheme of asking the advice of the god by evoking his presence.[47] He succeeded through the help of Picus and Faunus, whom he had imprisoned by making them drunk. The two gods (with a charm) evoked Jupiter, who was forced to come down to earth at the Aventine (hence namedIuppiter Elicius, according to Ovid). After Numa skilfully avoided the requests of the god for human sacrifices, Jupiter agreed to his request to know how lightning bolts are averted, asking only for the substitutions Numa had mentioned: an onion bulb, hairs and a fish. Moreover, Jupiter promised that at the sunrise of the following day he would give to Numa and the Roman people pawns of theimperium. The following day, after throwing three lightning bolts across a clear sky, Jupiter sent down from heaven a shield. Since this shield had no angles, Numa named itancile; because in it resided the fate of theimperium, he had many copies made of it to disguise the real one. He asked the smithMamurius Veturius to make the copies, and gave them to theSalii. As his only reward, Mamurius expressed the wish that his name be sung in the last of theircarmina.[48] Plutarch gives a slightly different version of the story, writing that the cause of the miraculous drop of the shield was a plague and not linking it with the Romanimperium.[49]
Throughout his reign,King Tullus had a scornful attitude towards religion. His temperament was warlike, and he disregarded religious rites and piety. After conquering theAlbans with the duel between theHoratii and Curiatii, Tullus destroyedAlba Longa and deported its inhabitants to Rome. AsLivy tells the story, omens(prodigia) in the form of a rain of stones occurred on theAlban Mount because the deported Albans had disregarded their ancestral rites linked to the sanctuary of Jupiter. In addition to the omens, a voice was heard requesting that the Albans perform the rites. A plague followed and at last the king himself fell ill. As a consequence, the warlike character of Tullus broke down; he resorted to religion and petty, superstitious practices. At last, he found a book by Numa recording a secret rite on how to evokeIuppiter Elicius. The king attempted to perform it, but since he executed the rite improperly the god threw a lightning bolt which burned down the king's house and killed Tullus.[50]
When approaching Rome (where Tarquin was heading to try his luck in politics after unsuccessful attempts in his nativeTarquinii), an eagle swooped down, removed his hat, flew screaming in circles, replaced the hat on his head and flew away. Tarquin's wifeTanaquilinterpreted this as a sign that he would become king based on the bird, the quadrant of the sky from which it came, the god who had sent it and the fact it touched his hat (an item of clothing placed on a man's most noble part, the head).[51]
The Elder Tarquin is credited with introducing the Capitoline Triad to Rome, by building the so-called Capitolium Vetus. Macrobius writes this issued from his Samothracian mystery beliefs.[52]
Sacrificial victims (hostiae) offered to Jupiter were the ox (castrated bull), the lamb (on the Ides, theovis idulis) and thewether (a castrated goat or castrated ram) (on the Ides of January).[53] The animals were required to be white. The question of the lamb's gender is unresolved; while a sacrificial lamb for a male deity was usually male, for the vintage-opening festival the flamen Dialis sacrificed aewe lamb to Jupiter.[54] This rule seems to have had many exceptions, as the sacrifice of a ram on theNundinae by theflaminica Dialis demonstrates.During one of the crises of thePunic Wars, Jupiter was offered every animal born that year.[55]
TheTemple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus stood on theCapitoline Hill in Rome.[56] Jupiter was worshiped there as an individual deity, and withJuno andMinerva as part of theCapitoline Triad. The building was supposedly begun by kingTarquinius Priscus, completed by the last king (Tarquinius Superbus) and inaugurated in the early days of the Roman Republic (13 September 509 BC). It was topped with the statues of four horses drawing aquadriga, with Jupiter as charioteer. A large statue of Jupiter stood within; on festival days, its face was painted red.[57] In (or near) this temple was theIuppiter Lapis: theJupiter Stone, on which oaths could be sworn.
Jupiter's Capitoline Temple probably served as the architectural model for his provincial temples.When Hadrian builtAelia Capitolina on the site ofJerusalem, a temple to Jupiter Capitolinus was erected in the place of the destroyedTemple in Jerusalem.
There were two temples in Rome dedicated toIuppiter Stator;the first one was built and dedicated in 294 BC byMarcus Atilius Regulus after the third Samnite War. It was located on theVia Nova, below thePorta Mugonia, ancient entrance to the Palatine.[58] Legend attributed its founding to Romulus.[59] There may have been an earlier shrine(fanum), since the Jupiter cult is attested epigraphically.[60]Ovid places the temple's dedication on 27 June, but it is unclear whether this was the original date,[61] or the rededication after the restoration by Augustus.[a]
Altar to Jupiter on the outskirts of legionary fortress, 2nd–3rd century AD. Inscription: "Dedicated by L. Lollius Clarus for himself and his family"
Iuppiter Victor had a temple dedicated byQuintus Fabius Maximus Gurges during the third Samnite War in 295 BC. It was probably on the Quirinal, on which an inscription readingDiovei Victore[64] has been found, but was eclipsed by the imperial period by theTemple of Jupiter Invictus on the Palatine, which was often referred to by the same name.[65] Inscriptions from the imperial age have revealed the existence of an otherwise-unknown temple ofIuppiter Propugnator on the Palatine.[66]
The cult ofIuppiter Latiaris was the most ancient known cult of the god: it was practised since very remote times near the top of theMons Albanus on which the god was venerated as the high protector of the Latin League under the hegemony ofAlba Longa.
After the destruction of Alba by king Tullus Hostilius the cult was forsaken. The god manifested his discontent through the prodigy of a rain of stones: the commission sent by the Roman senate to inquire was also greeted by a rain of stones and heard a loud voice from the grove on the summit of the mount requesting the Albans perform the religious service to the god according to the rites of their country. In consequence of this event the Romans instituted a festival of nine days (nundinae). Nonetheless a plague ensued: in the end Tullus Hostilius himself was affected and lastly killed by the god with a lightning bolt.[67] The festival was reestablished on its primitive site by the last Roman king Tarquin the Proud under the leadership of Rome.
Theferiae Latinae, orLatiar as they were known originally,[68] were the common festival (panegyris) of the so-called Priscan Latins[69] and of the Albans.[70] Their restoration aimed at grounding Roman hegemony in this ancestral religious tradition of the Latins. The original cult was reinstated unchanged as is testified by some archaic features of the ritual: the exclusion of wine from the sacrifice[71] the offers of milk and cheese and the ritual use of rocking among the games. Rocking is one of the most ancient rites mimicking ascent to Heaven and is very widespread. At theLatiar the rocking took place on a tree and the winner was of course the one who had swung the highest. This rite was said to have been instituted by the Albans to commemorate the disappearance of kingLatinus, in the battle againstMezentius king ofCaere: the rite symbolised a search for him both on earth and in heaven. The rocking as well as the customary drinking of milk was also considered to commemorate and ritually reinstate infancy.[72] The Romans in the last form of the rite brought the sacrificial ox from Rome and every participant was bestowed a portion of the meat, rite known ascarnem petere.[73] Other games were held in every participant borough. In Rome a race of chariots (quadrigae) was held starting from the Capitol: the winner drank a liquor made with absynth.[74] This competition has been compared to the Vedic rite of thevajapeya: in it seventeen chariots run a phoney race which must be won by the king in order to allow him to drink a cup ofmadhu, i. e.soma.[75] The feasting lasted for at least four days, possibly six according toNiebuhr, one day for each of the six Latin and Albandecuriae.[76] According to different records 47 or 53 boroughs took part in the festival (the listed names too differ in PlinyNaturalis historia III 69 and Dionysius of Halicarnassus AR V 61). TheLatiar became an important feature of Roman political life as they wereferiae conceptivae, i. e. their date varied each year: the consuls and the highest magistrates were required to attend shortly after the beginning of the administration, originally on the Ides of March: the Feriae usually took place in early April. They could not start campaigning before its end and if any part of the games had been neglected or performed unritually theLatiar had to be wholly repeated. The inscriptions from the imperial age record the festival back to the time of thedecemvirs.[77]Wissowa remarks the inner linkage of the temple of the Mons Albanus with that of the Capitol apparent in the common association with the rite of thetriumph:[78] since 231 BC some triumphing commanders had triumphed there first with the same legal features as in Rome.[79]
TheIdes (the midpoint of the month, with a full moon) was sacred to Jupiter, because on that day heavenly light shone day and night.[80] Some (or all) Ides wereFeriae Iovis, sacred to Jupiter.[b] On the Ides, a white lamb (ovis idulis) was led along Rome'sSacred Way to theCapitoline Citadel and sacrificed to him.[81] Jupiter's twoepula Iovis festivals fell on the Ides, as did his temple foundation rites asOptimus Maximus,Victor,Invictus and (possibly)Stator.[82]
Thenundinae recurred every ninth day, dividing the calendar into a market cycle analogous to a week. Market days gave rural people(pagi) the opportunity to sell in town and to be informed of religious and political edicts, which were posted publicly for three days. According to tradition, these festival days were instituted by the kingServius Tullius.[83] The high priestess of Jupiter(Flaminica Dialis) sanctified the days by sacrificing a ram to Jupiter.[84]
Festivals ofviniculture and wine were devoted to Jupiter, since grapes were particularly susceptible to adverse weather.[86] Dumézil describes wine as a "kingly" drink with the power to inebriate and exhilarate, analogous to the VedicSoma.[87]
Three Roman festivals were connected with viniculture and wine.
The rusticVinalia altera on 19 August asked for good weather for ripening the grapes before harvest.[88] When the grapes were ripe,[89] a sheep was sacrificed to Jupiter and theflamen Dialis cut the first of the grape harvest.[90][91]
TheMeditrinalia on 11 October marked the end of the grape harvest; the new wine waspressed, tasted and mixed with old wine[92] to control fermentation. In theFasti Amiternini, this festival is assigned to Jupiter. Later Roman sources invented a goddessMeditrina, probably to explain the name of the festival.[93]
At theVinalia urbana on 23 April, new wine was offered to Jupiter.[c] Large quantities of it were poured into a ditch near the temple ofVenus Erycina, which was located on the Capitol.[95]
TheRegifugium ("King's Flight")[96] on 24 February has often been discussed in connection with thePoplifugia on 5 July, a day holy to Jupiter.[97][d] TheRegifugium followed the festival ofIuppiterTerminus (Jupiter of Boundaries) on 23 February. Later Romanantiquarians misinterpreted theRegifugium as marking the expulsion of the monarchy, but the "king" of this festival may have been the priest known as therex sacrorum who ritually enacted the waning and renewal of power associated with the New Year (1 March in the old Roman calendar).[99] A temporary vacancy of power (construed as a yearly "interregnum") occurred between theRegifugium on 24 February and the New Year on 1 March (when the lunar cycle was thought to coincide again with the solar cycle), and the uncertainty and change during the two winter months were over.[100] Some scholars emphasize the traditional political significance of the day.[101]
ThePoplifugia ("Routing of Armies"[102]), a day sacred to Jupiter, may similarly mark the second half of the year; before theJulian calendar reform, the months were named numerically,Quintilis (the fifth month) toDecember (the tenth month).[e] ThePoplifugia was a "primitive military ritual" for which the adult male population assembled for purification rites, after which they ritually dispelled foreign invaders from Rome.[104]
There were two festivals calledepulum Iovis ("Feast of Jove"). One was held on 13 September, the anniversary of the foundation of Jupiter's Capitoline temple. The other (and probably older) festival was part of thePlebeian Games(Ludi Plebei), and was held on 13 November.[105] In the 3rd century BC, theepulum Iovis became similar to alectisternium.[106]
The most ancient Roman games followed after one day (considered adies ater, or "black day", i. e. a day which was traditionally considered unfortunate even though it was notnefas, see also articleGlossary of ancient Roman religion) the twoEpula Iovis of September and November.
The games of September were namedLudi Magni; originally they were not held every year, but later became the annualLudi Romani[107] and were held in theCircus Maximus after a procession from the Capitol. The games were attributed to Tarquinius Priscus,[108] and linked to the cult of Jupiter on the Capitol. Romans themselves acknowledged analogies with thetriumph, which Dumézil thinks can be explained by their common Etruscan origin; the magistrate in charge of the games dressed as thetriumphator and thepompa circensis resembled a triumphal procession. Wissowa and Mommsen argue that they were a detached part of the triumph on the above grounds[109] (a conclusion which Dumézil rejects).[110]
TheLudi Plebei took place in November in theCircus Flaminius.[111]Mommsen argued that theepulum of the Ludi Plebei was the model of the Ludi Romani, but Wissowa finds the evidence for this assumption insufficient.[112] TheLudi Plebei were probably established in 534 BC. Their association with the cult of Jupiter is attested by Cicero.[113]
Theferiae of 23 December were devoted to a major ceremony in honour ofAcca Larentia (orLarentina), in which some of the highest religious authorities participated (probably including theFlamen Quirinalis and thepontiffs). TheFasti Praenestini marks the day asferiae Iovis, as does Macrobius.[114] It is unclear whether the rite ofparentatio was itself the reason for the festival of Jupiter, or if this was another festival which happened to fall on the same day. Wissowa denies their association, since Jupiter and hisflamen would not be involved with theunderworld or the deities of death (or be present at a funeral rite held at a gravesite).[115]
Neo-Attic bas-relief sculpture of Jupiter, holding a thunderbolt in his right hand; detail from theMoncloaPuteal (Roman, 2nd century), National Archaeological Museum, Madrid
The Latin nameIuppiter originated as avocative compound of theOld Latin vocative *Iou andpater ("father") and came to replace the Old Latinnominative case *Ious. Jove[f] is a less common English formation based onIov-, the stem of oblique cases of the Latin name.Linguistic studies identify the form *Iou-pater as deriving from theProto-Italic vocable *Djous Patēr,[7] and ultimately theIndo-European vocative compound *Dyēu-pəter (meaning "O Father Sky-god"; nominative: *Dyēus-pətēr).[116]
Older forms of the deity's name in Rome wereDieus-pater ("day/sky-father"), thenDiéspiter.[117] The 19th-century philologistGeorg Wissowa asserted these names are conceptually- and linguistically-connected toDiovis andDiovis Pater; he compares the analogous formationsVedius-Veiove andfulgur Dium, as opposed tofulgur Summanum (nocturnal lightning bolt) andflamen Dialis (based onDius,dies).[118] The Ancient later viewed them as entities separate from Jupiter. The terms are similar in etymology and semantics (dies, "daylight" andDius, "daytime sky"), but differ linguistically. Wissowa considers the epithetDianus noteworthy.[119][120]Dieus is the etymological equivalent ofancient Greece'sZeus and of theTeutonics'Ziu (genitiveZiewes). The Indo-European deity is the god from which the names and partially the theology of Jupiter, Zeus and theIndo-AryanVedicDyaus Pita derive or have developed.[121]
The Roman practice of swearing by Jove to witness an oath in law courts[122][123] is the origin of the expression "by Jove!"—archaic, but still in use. The name of the god was also adopted as the name of the planetJupiter; theadjective "jovial" originally described those born under the planet ofJupiter[124] (reputed to be jolly, optimistic, and buoyant intemperament).
Jove was the original namesake of Latin forms of theweekday now known in English asThursday[g] (originally calledIovis Dies inLatin). These becamejeudi in French,jueves in Spanish,joi inRomanian,giovedì in Italian,dijous inCatalan,Xoves inGalician,Joibe inFriulian andDijóu inProvençal.
The epithets of a Roman god indicate his theological qualities. The study of these epithets must consider their origins (the historical context of an epithet's source).
Jupiter's most ancient attested forms of cult belong to the State cult: these include the mount cult (see section above note n. 22). In Rome this cult entailed the existence of particular sanctuaries the most important of which were located onMons Capitolinus (earlierTarpeius). The mount had two tops that were both destined to the discharge of acts of cult related to Jupiter. The northern and higher top was thearx and on it was located the observation place of theaugurs (auguraculum) and to it headed the monthly procession of thesacra Idulia.[125] On the southern top was to be found themost ancient sanctuary of the god: the shrine ofIuppiter Feretrius allegedly built by Romulus, restored by Augustus. The god here had no image and was represented by the sacred flintstone (silex).[126] The most ancient known rites, those of thespolia opima and of thefetials which connect Jupiter with Mars and Quirinus are dedicated toIuppiter Feretrius orIuppiter Lapis.[127] The concept of the sky god was already overlapped with the ethical and political domain since this early time. According to Wissowa and DumézilIuppiter Lapis seems to be inseparable fromIuppiter Feretrius, in whose tiny temple on the Capitol the stone was lodged.[128]
Another most ancient epithet isLucetius: although the Ancients, followed by some modern scholars such as Wissowa,[118] interpreted it as referring to sunlight, thecarmen Saliare shows that it refers to lightning.[129] A further confirmation of this interpretation is provided by the sacred meaning of lightning which is reflected in the sensitivity of theflaminica Dialis to the phenomenon.[130] To the same atmospheric complex belongs the epithetElicius: while the ancient erudites thought it was connected to lightning, it is in fact related to the opening of the rervoirs of rain, as is testified by the ceremony of theNudipedalia, meant to propitiate rainfall and devoted to Jupiter.[131] and the ritual of thelapis manalis, the stone which was brought into the city through thePorta Capena and carried around in times of drought, which was namedAquaelicium.[132] Other early epithets connected with the atmospheric quality of Jupiter arePluvius,Imbricius,Tempestas,Tonitrualis,tempestatium divinarum potens,Serenator,Serenus[133][h] and, referred to lightning,Fulgur,[135]Fulgur Fulmen,[136] later as nomen agentisFulgurator,Fulminator:[137] the high antiquity of the cult is testified by the neutre formFulgur and the use of the term for thebidental, the lightning well dug on the spot hit by a lightning bolt.[138]
A bronze statue of Jupiter, from the territory of theTreveri
A group of epithets has been interpreted by Wissowa (and his followers) as a reflection of the agricultural or warring nature of the god, some of which are also in the list of eleven preserved by Augustine.[139][140] The agricultural ones includeOpitulus,Almus,Ruminus,Frugifer,Farreus,Pecunia,Dapalis,[141]Epulo.[142] Augustine gives an explanation of the ones he lists which should reflect Varro's:Opitulus because he bringsopem (means, relief) to the needy,Almus because he nourishes everything,Ruminus because he nourishes the living beings by breastfeeding them,Pecunia because everything belongs to him.[143]Dumézil maintains the cult usage of these epithets is not documented and that the epithet Ruminus, as Wissowa and Latte remarked, may not have the meaning given by Augustine but it should be understood as part of a series includingRumina, Ruminalis ficus,Iuppiter Ruminus, which bears the name of Rome itself with an Etruscan vocalism preserved in inscriptions, series that would be preserved in the sacred language (cf.Rumach Etruscan for Roman). However many scholars have argued that the name of Rome,Ruma, meant in fact woman's breast.[144]Diva Rumina, as Augustine testifies in the cited passage, was the goddess of suckling babies: she was venerated near theficus ruminalis and was offered only libations of milk.[145] Here moreover Augustine cites the verses devoted to Jupiter byQuintus Valerius Soranus, while hypothesisingIuno (more adept in his view as a breastfeeder), i.e. Rumina instead of Ruminus, might be nothing else thanIuppiter: "Iuppiter omnipotens regum rerumque deumque Progenitor genetrixque deum...".
In Dumézil's opinionFarreus should be understood as related to the rite of theconfarreatio the most sacred form of marriage, the name of which is due to the spelt cake eaten by the spouses, rather than surmising an agricultural quality of the god: the epithet means the god was the guarantor of the effects of the ceremony, to which the presence of his flamen is necessary and that he can interrupt with a clap of thunder.[146]
The epithetDapalis is on the other hand connected to a rite described by Cato and mentioned by Festus.[147] Before the sowing of autumn or spring the peasant offered a banquet of roast beef and a cup of wine to Jupiter : it is natural that on such occasions he would entreat the god who has power over the weather, however Cato' s prayer of s one of sheer offer and no request. The language suggests another attitude: Jupiter is invited to a banquet which is supposedly abundant and magnificent. The god is honoured assummus. The peasant may hope he shall receive a benefit, but he does not say it. This interpretation finds support in the analogous urban ceremony of theepulum Iovis, from which the god derives the epithet ofEpulo and which was a magnificent feast accompanied by flutes.[148]
Epithets related to warring are in Wissowa's viewIuppiter Feretrius,Iuppiter Stator,Iuppiter Victor andIuppiter Invictus.[149]Feretrius would be connected with war by the rite of the first type ofspolia opima which is in fact a dedication to the god of the arms of the defeated king of the enemy that happens whenever he has been killed by the king of Rome or his equivalent authority. Here too Dumézil notes the dedication has to do with regality and not with war, since the rite is in fact the offer of the arms of a king by a king: a proof of such an assumption is provided by the fact that the arms of an enemy king captured by an officer or a common soldier were dedicated to Mars and Quirinus respectively.
Iuppiter Stator was first attributed by tradition toRomulus, who had prayed to the god for his almighty help at a difficult time during the battle with the Sabines of king Titus Tatius.[150] Dumézil opines the action of Jupiter is not that of a god of war who wins through fighting: Jupiter acts by causing an inexplicable change in the morale of the fighters of the two sides. The same feature can be detected also in the certainly historical record of the battle of the third Samnite War in 294 BC, in which consulMarcus Atilius Regulus vowed a temple toIuppiter Stator if "Jupiter will stop the rout of the Roman army and if afterwards the Samnite legions shall be victouriously massacred...It looked as if the gods themselves had taken side with Romans, so much easily did the Roman arms succeed in prevailing...".[151][152] In a similar manner one can explain the epithetVictor, whose cult was founded in 295 BC on the battlefield ofSentinum byQuintus Fabius Maximus Gurges and who received another vow again in 293 by consulLucius Papirius Cursor before a battle against the Samnitelegio linteata. The religious meaning of the vow is in both cases an appeal to the supreme god by a Roman chief at a time of need for divine help from the supreme god, albeit for different reasons: Fabius had remained the only political and military responsible of the Roman State after thedevotio of P. Decius Mus, Papirius had to face an enemy who had acted with impious rites and vows, i.e. was religiously reprehensible.[153]
More recently Dario Sabbatucci has given a different interpretation of the meaning ofStator within the frame of his structuralistic and dialectic vision of Roman calendar, identifying oppositions, tensions and equilibria: January is the month ofJanus, at the beginning of the year, in the uncertain time of winter (the most ancient calendar had only ten months, from March to December). In this month Janus deifies kingship and defies Jupiter. Moreover, January sees also the presence ofVeiovis who appears as an anti-Jupiter, ofCarmenta who is the goddess of birth and like Janus has two opposed faces,Prorsa andPostvorta (also namedAntevorta andPorrima), ofIuturna, who as a gushing spring evokes the process of coming into being from non-being as the god of passage and change does. In this period the preeminence of Janus needs compensating on the Ides through the action of JupiterStator, who plays the role of anti-Janus, i.e. of moderator of the action of Janus.[154]
Some epithets describe a particular aspect of the god, or one of his functions:
Jove Aegiochus, Jove "Holder of the Goat or Aegis", as the father ofAegipan.[155]
Jupiter Caelus, Jupiter as the sky or heavens; see alsoCaelus.
Jupiter Caelestis, "Heavenly" or "Celestial Jupiter".
Jupiter Elicius, Jupiter "who calls forth [celestial omens]" or "who is called forth [by incantations]"; "sender of rain".
Jupiter Feretrius, who carries away thespoils of war". Feretrius was called upon to witness solemn oaths.[123] The epithet or "numen" is probably connected with the verbferire, "to strike", referring to a ritual striking of ritual as illustrated infoedus ferire, of which thesilex, a quartz rock, is evidence in his temple on the Capitoline hill, which is said to have been the first temple in Rome, erected and dedicated byRomulus to commemorate his winning of thespolia opima from Acron, king of the Caeninenses, and to serve as a repository for them.Iuppiter Feretrius was therefore equivalent toIuppiter Lapis, the latter used for a specially solemn oath.[122] According to Livy I 10, 5 and PlutarchMarcellus 8 though, the meaning of this epithet is related to the peculiar frame used to carry thespolia opima to the god, theferetrum, itself from verbfero,
Jupiter Centumpeda, literally, "he who has one hundred feet"; that is, "he who has the power of establishing, of rendering stable, bestowing stability on everything", since he himself is the paramount of stability.
Jupiter Lucetius ("of the light"), an epithet almost certainly related to the light or flame of lightningbolts and not to daylight, as indicated by the Jovian verses of thecarmen Saliare.[156][i]
Jupiter Optimus Maximus ("the best and greatest").Optumus[j] because of the benefits he bestows,Maximus because of his strength, according to CiceroPro Domo Sua.[20]
Jupiter Pluvius, "sender of rain".
Jupiter Ruminus, "breastfeeder of every living being", according to Augustine.[157]
Jupiter Stator, fromstare, "to stand": "he who has power of founding, instituting everything", thence also he who bestows the power of resistance, making people, soldiers, stand firm and fast.[158]
Some epithets of Jupiter indicate his association with a particular place. Epithets found in the provinces of the Roman Empire may identify Jupiter with a local deity or site (seesyncretism).
Jupiter Brixianus, Jupiter equated with the local god of the town ofBrescia inCisalpine Gaul (modern North Italy).
Jupiter Capitolinus, also Jupiter Optimus Maximus, venerated throughout theRoman Empire at sites with aCapitol (Capitolium).
Jupiter Dolichenus, fromDoliche inSyria, originally aBaal weather and war god. From the time ofVespasian, he was popular among theRoman legions as god of war and victory, especially on theDanube atCarnuntum. He is depicted as standing on a bull, with a thunderbolt in his left hand, and a double ax in the right.
Jupiter Jehovah, syncretization between Jupiter andJehovah (was named asEl hashamayim by thehellenistic jews, which means "Lord of Heavens"). Which leaded to the syncretization between Jupiter andJesus Christ asHypsistos ("The Most High").
Jupiter Ladicus, Jupiter equated with a Celtiberian mountain-god and worshipped as the spirit of Mount Ladicus inGallaecia, northwest Iberia,[161] preserved in the toponymCodos de Ladoco.[162]
Jupiter Parthinus orPartinus, under this name was worshiped on the borders of northeastDalmatia andUpper Moesia, perhaps associated with the local tribe known as thePartheni.
Jupiter Poeninus, under this name worshipped in the Alps, around theGreat St Bernard Pass, where he had a sanctuary.
Jupiter Sabazius, syncretization between Jupiter andSabazius.
Jupiter Solutorius, a local version of Jupiter worshipped in Spain; he was syncretised with the localIberian godEacus.
Jupiter Taranis, Jupiter equated with the Celtic godTaranis.
Jupiter Uxellinus, Jupiter as a god of high mountains.
In addition, many of the epithets of Zeus can be found applied to Jupiter, byinterpretatio romana. Thus, since the heroTrophonius (fromLebadea in Boeotia) is called Zeus Trophonius, this can be represented in English (as it would be in Latin) as Jupiter Trophonius. Similarly, the Greek cult of ZeusMeilichios appears in Pompeii as Jupiter Meilichius. Except in representing actual cults in Italy, this is largely 19th-century usage; modern works distinguish Jupiter from Zeus.
Georg Wissowa stressed Jupiter's uniqueness as the only case among Indo-European religions in which the original god preserved his name, his identity and his prerogatives.[118] In this view, Jupiter is the god of heaven and retains his identification with the sky among the Latin poets (his name is used as a synonym for "sky".[166]) In this respect, he differs from his Greek equivalent Zeus (who is considered a personal god, warden and dispenser of skylight). His name reflects this idea; it is a derivative of the Indo-European word for "bright, shining sky". His residence is found atop the hills of Rome and of mountains in general; as a result, his cult is present in Rome and throughout Italy at upper elevations.[167] Jupiter assumed atmospheric qualities; he is the wielder of lightning and the master of weather. However, Wissowa acknowledges that Jupiter is not merely a naturalistic, heavenly, supreme deity; he is in continual communication with man by means of thunder, lightning and the flight of birds (hisauspices). Through his vigilant watch he is also the guardian of public oaths and compacts and the guarantor of good faith in the State cult.[168] The Jovian cult was common to theItalic people under the namesIove,Diove (Latin) andIuve,Diuve (Oscan, in Umbrian onlyIuve,Iupater in theIguvine Tables).
Wissowa considered Jupiter also a god of war and agriculture, in addition to his political role as guarantor of good faith (public and private) asIuppiter Lapis andDius Fidius, respectively. His view is grounded in the sphere of action of the god (who intervenes in battle and influences the harvest through weather).[169]
InGeorges Dumézil's view, Jovian theology (and that of the equivalent gods in other Indo-European religions) is an evolution from a naturalistic, supreme, celestial god identified with heaven to a sovereign god, a wielder of lightning bolts, master and protector of the community (in other words, of a change from a naturalistic approach to the world of the divine to a socio-political approach).[130]
One interpretation of the lightning inGiorgione'sTempest is that it represents the presence of Jupiter.[170]
InVedic religion,Dyaus Pitar remained confined to his distant, removed, passive role and the place of sovereign god was occupied byVaruna andMitra. In Greek and Roman religion, instead, the homonymous gods*Diou- andΔιϝ- evolved into atmospheric deities; by their mastery of thunder and lightning, they expressed themselves and made their will known to the community. In Rome, Jupiter also sent signs to the leaders of the state in the form ofauspices in addition to thunder. The art ofaugury was considered prestigious by ancient Romans; by sending his signs, Jupiter (the sovereign of heaven) communicates his advice to his terrestrial colleague: the king (rex) or his successor magistrates. The encounter between the heavenly and political, legal aspects of the deity are well represented by the prerogatives, privileges, functions and taboos proper to hisflamen (theflamen Dialis and his wife, theflaminica Dialis).
Dumézil maintains that Jupiter is not himself a god of war and agriculture, although his actions and interest may extend to these spheres of human endeavour. His view is based on the methodological assumption that the chief criterion for studying a god's nature is not to consider his field of action, but the quality, method and features of his action. Consequently, the analysis of the type of action performed by Jupiter in the domains in which he operates indicates that Jupiter is a sovereign god who may act in the field of politics (as well as agriculture and war) in his capacity as such, i.e. in a way and with the features proper to a king. Sovereignty is expressed through the two aspects of absolute, magic power (epitomised and represented by the Vedic godVaruna) and lawful right (by the Vedic godMitra).[171][172] However, sovereignty permits action in every field; otherwise, it would lose its essential quality. As a further proof, Dumézil cites the story of Tullus Hostilius (the most belligerent of the Roman kings), who was killed by Jupiter with a lightning bolt (indicating that he did not enjoy the god's favour).Varro's definition of Jupiter as the god who has under his jurisdiction the full expression of every being (penes Iovem sunt summa) reflects the sovereign nature of the god, as opposed to the jurisdiction of Janus (god of passages and change) on their beginning (penes Ianum sunt prima).[173]
The Capitoline Triad was introduced to Rome by the Tarquins. Dumézil thinks it might have been an Etruscan (or local) creation based on Vitruvius' treatise on architecture, in which the three deities are associated as the most important.[174] It is possible that the Etruscans paid particular attention toMenrva (Minerva) as a goddess of destiny, in addition to the royal couple Uni (Juno) and Tinia (Jupiter).[175] In Rome, Minerva later assumed a military aspect under the influence ofAthena Pallas (Polias). Dumézil argues that with the advent of the Republic, Jupiter became the only king of Rome, no longer merely the first of the great gods.
The Archaic Triad is a hypothetical theological structure (or system) consisting of the gods Jupiter, Mars and Quirinus. It was first described by Wissowa,[176] and the concept was developed further by Dumézil.[177][178] The three-function hypothesis ofIndo-European society advanced by Dumézil holds that in prehistory, society was divided into three classes:
At least for the three main functions, people in each station in life had their religious counterparts the divine figures of the sovereign god, the warrior god, and the industrius god; there were almost always two separate gods for class 1, and sometimes more than one for class 3. Over time gods or, groups of gods might be consolidated or split, and it is unclear that there were ever any strict separations of all function.
The sovereign function (1) embodied in Jupiter entailed omnipotence; thence, a domain extended over every aspect of nature and life.[l]
The three functions are interrelated with one another, overlapping to some extent; the sovereign function, although including a part that is essentially religious in nature, is involved in many ways in areas pertaining to the other two. Therefore, Jupiter is the "magic player" in the founding of the Roman state and the fields of war, agricultural plenty, human fertility, and wealth.[179]
This hypothesis has not found widespread support among scholars.
Apart from being protectress of the arts and craft as Minerva Capta, who was brought from Falerii, Minerva's association to Jupiter and relevance to Roman state religion is mainly linked to thePalladium, a wooden statue of Athena that could move the eyes and wave the spear. It was stored in thepenus interior, inner penus of theaedes Vestae, temple of Vesta and considered the most important among thepignora imperii, pawns of dominion, empire.[182] In Roman traditional lore it was brought from Troy by Aeneas. Scholars though think it was last taken to Rome in the third or second century BC.[183]
The divine couple received from Greece its matrimonial implications, thence bestowing onJuno the role of tutelary goddess of marriage (Iuno Pronuba).
The couple itself though cannot be reduced to a Greek apport. The association of Juno and Jupiter is of the most ancient Latin theology.[184]Praeneste offers a glimpse into original Latin mythology: the local goddessFortuna is represented as milking two infants, one male and one female, namely Jove (Jupiter) and Juno.[185] It seems fairly safe to assume that from the earliest times they were identified by their own proper names and since they got them they were never changed through the course of history: they were called Jupiter and Juno. These gods were the most ancient deities of every Latin town. Praeneste preserved divine filiation and infancy as the sovereign god and his paredra Juno have a mother who is the primordial goddess Fortuna Primigenia.[186] Many terracotta statuettes have been discovered which represent a woman with a child: one of them represents exactly the scene described by Cicero of a woman with two children of different sex who touch her breast. Two of the votive inscriptions to Fortuna associate her and Jupiter: " Fortunae Iovi puero..." and "Fortunae Iovis puero..."[187]
In 1882 though R. Mowat published an inscription in which Fortuna is calleddaughter of Jupiter, raising new questions and opening new perspectives in the theology of Latin gods.[188] Dumézil has elaborated an interpretative theory according to which thisaporia would be an intrinsic, fundamental feature of Indoeuropean deities of the primordial and sovereign level, as it finds a parallel in Vedic religion.[189] The contradiction would put Fortuna both at the origin of time and into its ensuing diachronic process: it is the comparison offered by Vedic deityAditi, theNot-Bound orEnemy of Bondage, that shows that there is no question of choosing one of the two apparent options: as the mother of theAditya she has the same type of relationship with one of his sons,Dakṣa, the minor sovereign. who represents theCreative Energy, being at the same time his mother and daughter, as is true for the whole group of sovereign gods to which she belongs.[190] Moreover, Aditi is thus one of the heirs (along withSavitr) of the opening god of the Indoiranians, as she is represented with her head on her two sides, with the two faces looking opposite directions.[191] The mother of the sovereign gods has thence two solidal but distinct modalities of duplicity, i.e. of having two foreheads and a double position in the genealogy. Angelo Brelich has interpreted this theology as the basic opposition between the primordial absence of order (chaos) and the organisation of the cosmos.[192]
The relation of Jupiter to Janus is problematic. Varro defines Jupiter as the god who haspotestas (power) over the forces by which anything happens in the world. Janus, however, has the privilege of being invoked first in rites, since in his power are the beginnings of things (prima), the appearance of Jupiter included.[193]
TheLatins considered Saturn the predecessor of Jupiter. Saturn reigned inLatium during a mythicalGolden Age reenacted every year at the festival ofSaturnalia. Saturn also retained primacy in matters of agriculture and money. Unlike the Greek tradition ofCronus and Zeus, the usurpation of Saturn as king of the gods by Jupiter was not viewed by the Latins as violent or hostile; Saturn continued to be revered in his temple at the foot of the Capitol Hill, which maintained the alternative nameSaturnius into the time of Varro.[194]A. Pasqualini has argued that Saturn was related toIuppiter Latiaris, the old Jupiter of the Latins, as the original figure of this Jupiter was superseded on the Alban Mount, whereas it preserved its gruesome character in the ceremony held at the sanctuary of the Latiar Hill in Rome which involved a human sacrifice and the aspersion of the statue of the god with the blood of the victim.[195]
The abstractpersonification Fides ("Faith, Trust") was one of the oldest gods associated with Jupiter. As guarantor of public faith, Fides had her temple on the Capitol (near that of Capitoline Jupiter).[196]
Dius Fidius is considered atheonym for Jupiter,[197][198] and sometimes a separate entity also known in Rome asSemo Sancus Dius Fidius. Wissowa argued that while Jupiter is the god of theFides Publica Populi Romani asIuppiter Lapis (by whom important oaths are sworn), Dius Fidius is a deity established for everyday use and was charged with the protection of good faith in private affairs. Dius Fidius would thus correspond toZeus Pistios.[199] The association with Jupiter may be a matter of divine relation; some scholars see him as a form of Hercules.[200] Both Jupiter and Dius Fidius were wardens of oaths and wielders of lightning bolts; both required an opening in the roof of their temples.[128]
The functionality of Sancus occurs consistently within the sphere offides, oaths and respect for contracts and of the divine-sanction guarantee against their breach. Wissowa suggested that Semo Sancus is thegenius of Jupiter,[201] but the concept of a deity'sgenius is a development of the Imperial period.[202]
Some aspects of the oath-ritual for Dius Fidius (such as proceedings under the open sky or in thecompluvium of private residences), and the fact the temple of Sancus had no roof, suggest that the oath sworn by Dius Fidius predated that forIuppiter Lapis orIuppiter Feretrius.[203]
Augustine quotes Varro who explains thegenius as "the god who is in charge and has the power to generate everything" and "the rational spirit of all (therefore, everyone has their own)". Augustine concludes that Jupiter should be considered thegenius of the universe.[204]
G. Wissowa advanced the hypothesis that SemoSancus is the genius of Jupiter.[201] W. W. Fowler has cautioned that this interpretation looks to be an anachronism and it would only be acceptable to say that Sancus is aGenius Iovius, as it appears from the Iguvine Tables.[205]
Censorinus citesGranius Flaccus as saying that "the Genius was the same entity as the Lar" in his lost workDe Indigitamentis.[206][207] probably referring to theLar Familiaris.Mutunus Tutunus had his shrine at the foot of the Velian Hill near those of the Di Penates and of Vica Pota, who were among the most ancient gods of the Roman community of according to Wissowa.[208]
Dumézil opines that the attribution of a Genius to the gods should be earlier than its first attestation of 58 BC, in an inscription which mentions theIovis Genius.[209]
A connection between Genius and Jupiter seems apparent inPlautus' comedyAmphitryon, in which Jupiter takes up the looks ofAlcmena's husband in order to seduce her: J. Hubeaux sees there a reflection of the story thatScipio Africanus' mother conceived him with a snake that was in fact Jupiter transformed.[210] Scipio himself claimed that only he would rise to the mansion of the gods through the widest gate.[211]
Among the EtruscanPenates there is aGenius Iovialis who comes afterFortuna andCeres and beforePales.[212] Genius Iovialis is one of thePenates of the humans and not of Jupiter though, as these were located in region I of Martianus Capella' s division of Heaven, while Genius appears in regions V and VI along with Ceres, Favor (possibly a Roman approximation to an Etruscan male manifestation of Fortuna) and Pales.[213] This is in accord with the definition of the Penates of man being Fortuna, Ceres, Pales and Genius Iovialis and the statement in Macrobius that the Larentalia were dedicated to Jupiter as the god whence the souls of men come from and to whom they return after death.[214]
The god of nighttime lightning has been interpreted as an aspect of Jupiter, either achthonic manifestation of the god or a separate god of the underworld. A statue of Summanus stood on the roof of the Temple of Capitoline Jupiter, andIuppiter Summanus is one of the epithets of Jupiter.[215] Dumézil sees the opposition Dius Fidius versus Summanus as complementary, interpreting it as typical to the inherent ambiguity of the sovereign god exemplified by that of Mitra and Varuna in Vedic religion.[216] The complementarity of the epithets is shown in inscriptions found onputeals orbidentals reciting eitherfulgur Dium conditum[217] orfulgur Summanum conditum in places struck by daytime versus nighttime lightning bolts respectively.[218] This is also consistent with the etymology ofSummanus, deriving fromsub andmane (the time before morning).[219]
Iuppiter was associated withLiber through his epithet ofLiber (association not yet been fully explained by scholars, due to the scarcity of early documentation).In the past, it was maintained that Liber was only a progressively-detachedhypostasis of Jupiter; consequently, the vintage festivals were to be attributed only toIuppiter Liber.[220] Such a hypothesis was rejected as groundless by Wissowa, although he was a supporter of Liber's Jovian origin.[221] Olivier de Cazanove contends that it is difficult to admit that Liber (who is present in the oldest calendars—those of Numa—in theLiberalia and in the month ofLiber at Lavinium[222]) was derived from another deity.[223] Such a derivation would find support only in epigraphic documents, primarily from the Osco-Sabellic area.[224] Wissowa sets the position ofIuppiter Liber within the framework of an agrarian Jupiter. The god also had a temple in this name on the Aventine in Rome, which was restored by Augustus and dedicated on 1 September. Here, the god was sometimes namedLiber[225] and sometimesLibertas.[226] Wissowa opines that the relationship existed in the concept of creative abundance through which the supposedly-separate Liber might have been connected[227] to the Greek godDionysos, although both deities might not have been originally related toviticulture.
Other scholars assert that there was no Liber (other than a god of wine) within historical memory.[228] Olivier de Cazanove argues that the domain of the sovereign god Jupiter was that of sacred, sacrificial wine (vinum inferium[229]),[230] while that of Liber and Libera was confined to secular wine (vinum spurcum);[231] these two types were obtained through differing fermentation processes. The offer of wine to Liber was made possible by naming themustum (grape juice) stored inamphorassacrima.[232]
Sacred wine was obtained by the natural fermentation of juice of grapes free from flaws of any type, religious (e. g. those struck by lightning, brought into contact with corpses or wounded people or coming from an unfertilised grapeyard) or secular (by "cutting" it with old wine). Secular (or "profane") wine was obtained through several types of manipulation (e.g. by adding honey, ormulsum; using raisins, orpassum; by boiling, ordefrutum). However, thesacrima used for the offering to the two gods for the preservation of grapeyards, vessels and wine[233] was obtained only by pouring the juice into amphors after pressing.[234] Themustum was consideredspurcum (dirty), and thus unusable in sacrifices.[235] The amphor (itself not an item of sacrifice) permitted presentation of its content on a table or could be added to a sacrifice; this happened at theauspicatio vindamiae for the first grape[236] and for ears of corn of thepraemetium on a dish (lanx) at the temple ofCeres.[237]
Dumézil, on the other hand, sees the relationship between Jupiter and Liber as grounded in the social and political relevance of the two gods (who were both considered patrons of freedom).[238] TheLiberalia of March were, since earliest times, the occasion for the ceremony of the donning of thetoga virilis orlibera (which marked the passage into adult citizenship by young people). Augustine relates that these festivals had a particularly obscene character: aphallus was taken to the fields on a cart, and then back in triumph to town. InLavinium they lasted a month, during which the population enjoyed bawdy jokes. The most honestmatronae were supposed to publicly crown thephallus with flowers, to ensure a good harvest and repeal thefascinatio (evil eye).[222] In Rome representations of the sex organs were placed in the temple of the coupleLiber Libera, who presided over the male and female components of generation and the "liberation" of the semen.[239] This complex of rites and beliefs shows that the divine couple's jurisdiction extended over fertility in general, not only that of grapes. The etymology ofLiber (archaic formLoifer, Loifir) was explained by Émile Benveniste as formed on the IE theme *leudh- plus the suffix -es-; its original meaning is "the one of germination, he who ensures the sprouting of crops".[240]
The relationship of Jupiter with freedom was a common belief among the Roman people, as demonstrated by the dedication of theMons Sacer to the god after the first secession of theplebs. Later inscriptions also show the unabated popular belief in Jupiter as bestower of freedom in the imperial era.[241]
Scholars have been often puzzled by Ve(d)iove (orVeiovis, or Vedius) and unwilling to discuss his identity, claiming our knowledge of this god is insufficient.[242][243][244] Most, however, agree that Veiove is a sort of special Jupiter or anti-Iove, or even an underworld Jupiter. In other words, Veiove is indeed the Capitoline god himself, who takes up a different, diminished appearance (iuvenis andparvus, young and gracile), in order to be able to discharge sovereign functions over places, times and spheres that by their own nature are excluded from the direct control of Jupiter as Optimus Maximus.[245] This conclusion is based on information provided by Gellius,[246] who states his name is formed by adding prefixve (here denoting "deprivation" or "negation") toIove (whose name Gellius posits as rooted in the verbiuvo "I benefit"). D. Sabbatucci has stressed the feature of bearer of instability and antithesis to cosmic order of the god, who threatens the kingly power of Jupiter asStator andCentumpeda and whose presence occurs side by side to Janus' on 1 January, but also his function of helper to the growth of the young Jupiter.[247] In 1858Ludwig Preller suggested that Veiovis may be the sinister double of Jupiter.[248]
The god (under the nameVetis) is placed in the last case (number 16) of the outer rim of the Piacenza Liver—beforeCilens (Nocturnus), who ends (or begins in the Etruscan vision) the disposition of the gods. InMartianus Capella's division of heaven, he is found in region XV with thedii publici; as such, he numbers among the infernal (or antipodal) gods. The location of his two temples in Rome—near those of Jupiter (one on the Capitoline Hill, in the low between thearx and the Capitolium, between the two groves where theasylum founded by Romulus stood, the other on the Tiber Island near that ofIuppiter Iurarius, later also known as temple of Aesculapius)[249]—may be significant in this respect, along with the fact that he is considered the father of Apollo, perhaps because he was depicted carrying arrows.[250] He is also considered to be the unbearded Jupiter.[251] The dates of his festivals support the same conclusion: they fall on 1 January,[252] 7 March[253] and 21 May,[254] the first date being the recurrence of theAgonalia, dedicated to Janus and celebrated by the king with the sacrifice of a ram. The nature of the sacrifice is debated; Gellius statescapra, a female goat, although some scholars posit a ram. This sacrifice occurredrito humano, which may mean "with the rite appropriate for human sacrifice".[255] Gellius concludes by stating that this god is one of those who receive sacrifices so as to persuade them to refrain from causing harm.
The arrow is an ambivalent symbol; it was used in the ritual of thedevotio (the general who vowed had to stand on an arrow).[256] It is perhaps because of the arrow and of the juvenile looks that Gellius identifies Veiove with Apollo[257] and as a god who must receive worship in order to obtain his abstention from harming men, along withRobigus andAverruncus.[258] The ambivalence in the identity of Veiove is apparent in the fact that while he is present in places and times which may have a negative connotation (such as theasylum of Romulus in between the two groves on the Capitol, the Tiberine island along with Faunus and Aesculapius, the kalends of January, the nones of March, and 21 May, a statue of his nonetheless stands in thearx. Moreover, the initial particleve- which the ancient supposed were part of his name is itself ambivalent as it may have both an accrescitive and diminutive value.[259]
Maurice Besnier has remarked that a temple toIuppiter was dedicated bypraetor Lucius Furius Purpureo before thebattle of Cremona against theCeltic Cenomani of Cisalpine Gaul.[260] An inscription found atBrescia in 1888 shows thatIuppiter Iurarius was worshipped there[261] and one found on the south tip of Tiber Island in 1854 that there was a cult to the god on the spot too.[262] Besnier speculates that Lucius Furius had evoked the chief god of the enemy and built a temple to him in Rome outside thepomerium. On 1 January, theFasti Praenestini record the festivals of Aesculapius and Vediove on the Island, while in theFasti Ovid speaks ofJupiter and his grandson.[263] Livy records that in 192 BC,duumvir Q. Marcus Ralla dedicated to Jupiter on the Capitol the two temples promised by L. Furius Purpureo, one of which was that promised during the war against the Gauls.[264] Besnier would accept a correction to Livy's passage (proposed by Jordan) to readaedes Veiovi instead ofaedes duae Iovi. Such a correction concerns the temples dedicated on the Capitol: it does not address the question of the dedication of the temple on the Island, which is puzzling, since the place is attested epigraphically as dedicated to the cult ofIuppiter Iurarius, in theFasti Praenestini ofVediove[265] and to Jupiter according to Ovid. The two gods may have been seen as equivalent:Iuppiter Iurarius is an awesome and vengeful god, parallel to the GreekZeus Orkios, the avenger of perjury.[266]
A. Pasqualini has argued that Veiovis seems related toIuppiter Latiaris, as the original figure of this Jupiter would have been superseded on the Alban Mount, whereas it preserved its gruesome character in the ceremony held on the sanctuary of the Latiar Hill, the southernmost hilltop of theQuirinal in Rome, which involved a human sacrifice. Thegens Iulia had gentilician cults atBovillae where a dedicatory inscription to Vediove has been found in 1826 on an ara.[267] According to Pasqualini it was a deity similar to Vediove, wielder of lightningbolts and chthonic, who was connected to the cult of the founders who first inhabited the Alban Mount and built the sanctuary. Such a cult once superseded on the Mount would have been taken up and preserved by the Iulii, private citizens bound to thesacra Albana by their Alban origin.[268]
Coin withlaureate head of Jupiter (obverse) and (reverse) Victory, standing ("ROMA" below inrelief)
Victoria was connected toIuppiter Victor in his role as bestower of military victory. Jupiter, as a sovereign god, was considered as having the power to conquer anyone and anything in a supernatural way; his contribution to military victory was different from that ofMars (god of military valour). Victoria appears first on the reverse of coins representing Venus (driving the quadriga of Jupiter, with her head crowned and with a palm in her hand) during the first Punic War. Sometimes, she is represented walking and carrying a trophy.[269]
A temple was dedicated to the goddess afterwards on the Palatine, testifying to her high station in the Roman mind. WhenHieron of Syracuse presented a golden statuette of the goddess to Rome, the Senate had it placed in the temple of Capitoline Jupiter among the greatest (and most sacred) deities.[270][271]
Although Victoria played a significant role in the religious ideology of the late Republic and the Empire, she is undocumented in earlier times. A function similar to hers may have been played by the little-knownVica Pota.[citation needed]
Juventas and Terminus were the gods who, according to legend,[272] refused to leave their sites on the Capitol when the construction of the temple of Jupiter was undertaken. Therefore, they had to be reserved asacellum within the new temple. Their stubbornness was considered a good omen; it would guarantee youth, stability and safety to Rome on its site.[273] This legend is generally thought by scholars to indicate their strict connection with Jupiter. An inscription found nearRavenna readsIuppiter Ter.,[274] indicating that Terminus is an aspect of Jupiter.
Terminus is the god of boundaries (public and private), as he is portrayed in literature. The religious value of theboundary marker is documented by Plutarch,[275] who ascribes to king Numa the construction of temples to Fides and Terminus and the delimitation of Roman territory. Ovid gives a vivid description of the rural rite at a boundary of fields of neighbouring peasants on 23 February (the day of theTerminalia.[276] On that day, Roman pontiffs and magistrates held a ceremony at the sixth mile of theVia Laurentina (ancient border of the Romanager, which maintained a religious value). This festival, however, marked the end of the year and was linked to time more directly than to space (as attested by Augustine'sapologia on the role of Janus with respect to endings).[277] Dario Sabbatucci has emphasised the temporal affiliation of Terminus, a reminder of which is found in the rite of theregifugium.[278] Dumézil, on the other hand, views the function of this god as associated with the legalistic aspect of the sovereign function of Jupiter. Terminus would be the counterpart of the minor Vedic god Bagha, who oversees the just and fair division of goods among citizens.[279]
Along withTerminus, Iuventas (also known asIuventus andIuunta) represents an aspect of Jupiter (as the legend of her refusal to leave the Capitol Hill demonstrates. Her name has the same root asJuno (fromIuu-, "young, youngster"); the ceremonial litter bearing the sacred goose of Juno Moneta stopped before hersacellum on the festival of the goddess. Later, she was identified with the GreekHebe. The fact that Jupiter is related to the concept of youth is shown by his epithetsPuer,Iuuentus andIoviste (interpreted as "the youngest" by some scholars).[280][197][281][282] Dumézil noted the presence of the two minor sovereign deities Bagha andAryaman beside the Vedic sovereign gods Varuna and Mitra (though more closely associated with Mitra); the couple would be reflected in Rome byTerminus andIuventas. Aryaman is the god of young soldiers. The function ofIuventas is to protect theiuvenes (thenovi togati of the year, who are required to offer a sacrifice to Jupiter on the Capitol)[283] and the Roman soldiers (a function later attributed to Juno). King Servius Tullius, in reforming the Roman social organisation, required that every adolescent offer a coin to the goddess of youth upon entering adulthood.[284]
In Dumézil's analysis, the function ofIuventas (the personification of youth), was to control the entrance of young men into society and protect them until they reach the age ofiuvenes oriuniores (i.e. of serving the state as soldiers).[281]
The Romans considered the Penates as the gods to whom they owed their own existence.[286] As noted by WissowaPenates is an adjective, meaning "those of or from thepenus" the innermost part, most hidden recess;[287] Dumézil though refuses Wissowa's interpretation ofpenus as the storeroom of a household. As a nation the Romans honoured thePenates publici: Dionysius calls themTrojan gods as they were absorbed into the Trojan legend. They had a temple in Rome at the foot of theVelian Hill, near the Palatine, in which they were represented as a couple of male youth. They were honoured every year by the new consuls before entering office atLavinium,[288] because the Romans believed the Penates of that town were identical to their own.[289]
The concept ofdi Penates is more defined in Etruria:Arnobius (citing a Caesius) states that the Etruscan Penates were named Fortuna, Ceres, Genius Iovialis and Pales; according toNigidius Figulus, they included those of Jupiter, of Neptune, of the infernal gods and of mortal men.[290] According to Varro the Penates reside in the recesses of Heaven and are calledConsentes andComplices by the Etruscans because they rise and set together, are twelve in number and their names are unknown, six male and six females and are the cousellors and masters of Jupiter. Martianus states they are always in agreement among themselves.[291] While these last gods seem to be the Penates of Jupiter, Jupiter himself along with Juno and Minerva is one of the Penates of man according to some authors.[292]
This complex concept is reflected in Martianus Capella's division of heaven, found in Book I of hisDe Nuptiis Mercurii et Philologiae, which places theDi Consentes Penates in region I with theFavores Opertanei;Ceres andGenius in region V;Pales in region VI;Favor andGenius (again) in region VII;Secundanus Pales,Fortuna andFavor Pastor in region XI. The disposition of these divine entities and their repetition in different locations may be due to the fact thatPenates belonging to different categories (of Jupiter in region I, earthly or of mortal men in region V) are intended.Favor(es) may be theEtruscan masculine equivalent ofFortuna.[293]
^Based on the tradition of dedicating Jovian temples on theIdes. This assumption is supported by thecalendar of Philocalus, which states on the Ides of January (13):Iovi Statori c(ircenses) m(issus) XXIV.
^Rome's surviving calendars provide only fragmentary evidence for theFeriae butWissowa believes that every Ide was sacred to him.
^In Roman legend Aeneas vowed all of that year's wine of Latium to Jupiter before the battle withMezentius[94]
^Wissowa had already connected thePoplifugia to Jupiter.[98]
^Jean Gagé thinks the murder ofServius Tullius occurred on this date, asTarquin the Proud and his wife Tullia would have taken advtange of the occasion to claim publicly that Servius has lost the favour of the gods (especially Fortuna).[103]
^Most common in poetry, for its usefulmeter, and in the expression "By Jove!"
^The colour relating to the sovereign function is white. The war function color is red, and the production / farming function color is black.[177][180][181]
^West, M.L. (1966)Hesiod Theogony: 18–31; Kirk, G.S. (1970)Myth: Its meaning and function in ancient and other cultures: 214–220 Berkeley and Los Angeles; with Zeus being the Greek equivalent of Jupiter.
^West, M. L. (2007).Indo-European Poetry and Myth. Oxford University Press. p. 171.ISBN978-0-19-928-075-9.
^Iūpiter is thought to be the historically older form andIuppiter, to have arosen through the so-calledlittera-rule. CompareWeiss (2010)."Observations on the littera rule"(PDF). Cornell Phonetics Lab. Ithaca, NY:Cornell University. Archived fromthe original(PDF) on 17 October 2016.
^Dictionary of Roman Coins, see e.g. reverse of "Consecratio" coin of Emperor Commodus & coin of Ptolemy V Epiphanes mintedc. 204–180 BC.
^Larousse Desk Reference Encyclopedia,The Book People, Haydock, 1995, p. 215.
^Diespiter should not be confused withDis pater, but the two names do cause confusion even in some passages of ancient literature; P.T. Eden,commentary on theApocolocyntosis (Cambridge University Press, 1984, 2002), pp. 111–112.
^Massimo Pallottino, "Etruscan Daemonology", p. 41, and Robert Schilling, "Rome", pp. 44 and 63, both in (1981, 1992)Roman and European Mythologies, University of Chicago Press, 1992, transl. from the 1981 French edition; Giuliano Bonfante andLarissa Bonfante, (1983, 2003)The Etruscan Language: An Introduction, Manchester University Press rev. ed., pp. 24, 84, 85, 219, 225; Nancy Thomson de Grummond, (2006),Etruscan Myth, Sacred History, and Legend, University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, pp. 19, 53–58et passim; Jean MacIntosh Turfa, (2012),Divining the Etruscan World: The Brontoscopic Calendar and Religious Practice Cambridge University Press, p. 62.
^Scheid, inRüpke (2007), pp. 263–271;Dumézil (1977), p. 181 citingJean BayetLes annales de Tite Live édition G. Budé vol. III 1942 Appendix V p. 153 and n. 3.
^Dumézil (1977), p. 259 note 4: cf. ServiusEclogae X 27 "unde etiam triumphantes habent omnia insignia Iovis, sceptrum palmatamque togam" "wherefore also the triumphing commanders have all the insignia of Jupiter, the sceptre and the toga palmata'". On the interpretation of the triumphal dress and of the triumph, Larissa Bonfante has offered an interpretation based on Etruscan documents in her article: "Roman Triumphs and Etruscan Kings: the Changing Face of the Triumph" inJournal of Roman Studies60 1970 pp. 49–66 and tables I–VIII.Mary Beard rehearses various views of thetriumphator as god or king inThe Roman Triumph (Harvard University Press, 2007), pp. 226–232, and expresses skepticism.
^Matthew Dillon andLynda Garland, "Religion in the Roman Republic", inAncient Rome: From the Early Republic to the Assassination of Julius Caesar (Routledge, 2005), pp. 127, 345.
^Most of the information about the Flamen Dialis is preserved byAulus Gellius,Attic NightsX 15.
^MacrobiusSaturnalia I 16, 8:flaminica quotiens tonitrua audisset feriata erat, donec placasset deos. The adjectiveferiatus, related toferiae, "holy days", pertains to keeping a holiday, and hence means "idle, unemployed", not performing one's usual tasks.
^Aulus Gellius, 10.15.5:item iurare Dialem fas numquam est;Robert E.A. Palmer, "The Deconstruction of Mommsen on Festus 462/464L, or the Hazards of Interpretation", inImperium sine fine: T. Robert S. Broughton and the Roman Republic (Franz Steiner, 1996), p. 85; Francis X. Ryan,Rank and Participation in the Republican Senate (Franz Steiner, 1998), p. 165. TheVestals and the Flamen Dialis were the only Roman citizens who could not be compelled to swear an oath (Aulus Gellius 10.15.31); Robin Lorsch Wildfang,Rome's Vestal Virgin: A Study of Rome's Vestal Priestesses in the Late Republic and Early Empire (Routledge, 2006), p. 69.
^Wissowa (1912), p. 104, citing Paulus p. 92 M.; ServiusAeneis XII 206; Livy I 24, 3–8; IX 5, 3; XXX 43, 9; Festus p. 321 M.; PlinyNaturalis historia XXII 5; Marcianus apudDigesta I 8, 8 par. 1; ServiusAeneis VIII 641; XII 120.
^Varro in hisLingua Latina V writes of "Crustumerian secession" ("a secessione Crustumerina"）.
^C. M. A. Rinolfi "Plebe, pontefice massimo, tribuni della plebe: a proposito di Livio 3.54.5–14" inDiritto @ Storia5 2006 (online).
^Hendrik Wagenvoort, "Characteristic Traits of Ancient Roman Religion", inPietas: Selected Studies in Roman Religion (Brill, 1980), p. 241, ascribing the view that there was no early Roman mythology toW.F. Otto and his school.
^J. ChampeauxFortuna. Le culte de la Fortune à Rome et dans le monde romain. I Fortuna dans la religion archaïque 1982 Rome: Publications de l'Ecole Française de Rome; as reviewed by John Scheid inRevue de l' histoire des religions 1986203 1: pp. 67–68 (Comptes rendus).
^VarroDe Lingua Latina VI 16. Sacrifices to Jupiter are also broached in MacrobiusSaturnalia III 10. The issue of the sacrificial victims proper to a god is one of the most vexed topics of Roman religion: cf. Gérard Capdeville "Substitution de victimes dans les sacrifices d'animaux à Rome" inMélanges de l'École française de Rome 83 2 1971 pp. 283–323. Also G. Dumézil "Quaestiunculae indo-italicae: 11. Iovi tauro verre ariete immolari non licet" inRevue d'études latins39 1961 pp. 242–257.
^Beard, North & Price (1998), pp. 32–36, Vol. 1: the consecration made this a "Sacred Spring"(ver sacrum). The "contract" with Jupiter is exceptionally detailed. All due care would be taken of the animals, but any that died or were stolen before the scheduled sacrifice would count as if already sacrificed. Sacred animals were already assigned to the gods, who ought to protect their own property.
^de Cazanove (1988), p. 252 cites A. AlföldiEarly Rome and the Latins Ann Arbor 1965 p. 33 n. 6.
^Wissowa (1912), p. 109; L. Schmitz inDictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities London 1875 s. v. Feriae p. 529: NiebuhrHistory of Rome II p. 35 citing Livy V 42, PlutarchCamillus 42.
^Wissowa (1912), p. 101, citing MacrobiusSaturnalia I 15, 14 and 18, Iohannes LydusDe Mensibus III 7, PlutarchQuaestiones Romanae 24.
^Wissowa (1912), p. 101, citing VarroDe Lingua Latina V 47; Festus p. 290; Müller, Paulus p. 104; OvidFasti I, 56 and 588; MacrobiusSat. I 15, 16.
^Wissowa (1912), p. 101: theepula Iovis fell on 13 September and 13 November. The temple foundation and festival dates are 13 September for Jupiter Optimus Maximus, 13 April for Jupiter Victor, 13 June for Jupiter Invictus, and perhaps 13 January for Jupiter Stator.
^Cassius and Rutilius apud Macrobius I 16, 33. Tuditanus claimed they were instituted by Romulus and T. Tatius I 16, 32.
^Macrobius I 16, 30: "...flaminica Iovi arietem solet immolare";Dumézil (1977), p. 163 & n. 42, citing A. Kirsopp MichelsThe Calendar of the Roman Republic 1967 pp. 84–89.
^Wissowa (1912), p. 101, citing PlinyNH XVIII 289: "This festival day was established for the placation (i. e. averting) of storms", "Hunc diem festum tempestatibus leniendis institutum".
^André Magdelain "Auspicia ad patres redeunt" inHommage á Jean Bayet Bruxelles 1964 527 ff. See alsoJean BayetHistoire politique et psychologique de la religion romaine Paris 1957 p. 99;Jacques Heurgon,Rome et la Méditerranée occcidentale Paris 1969 pp. 204–208.; Paul-M. Martin "La fonction calendaire du roi de Rome et sa participation á certaines fêtes" inAnnales de Bretagne et des pays de l' Ouest83 1976 2 pp. 239–244 part. p. 241; andSabbatucci (1988), as reviewed byTurcan (1989), p. 71
^Henri Le BonniecLe culte de Cérès á Rome Paris 1958 p. 348, developing Jean BayetLes annales de Tite Live (Titus LiviusAUC libri qui supersunt) ed. G. Budé vol. III Paris 1942 Appendix V pp. 145–153.
^Wissowa (1912), pp. 111–112, citing Livy V 41, 2; TertullianDe corona militis 13; Dionysius of HalicarnassusAntiq. Rom. VII 72. MarquardtStaatsverwaltung III 508.
^Wissowa (1912), p. 100, citing VarroDe Lingua Latina V 66: "The same peculiarity is revealed even better by the ancient name of Jupiter: since once he was namedDiovis and Diespiter, that isDies Pater (Day Father); consequently the beings issued from him are nameddei (gods),dius (god),diuum (day) hence the expressionssub diuo and Dius Fidius. This is why the temple ofDius Fidius has an opening in the roof, in order to allow the view of thediuum i. e. thecaelum sky" tr. by J. Collart quoted by Y. Lehmann below; Paulus p. 71:"dium (the divinised sky), who denotes what is in the open air, outside the roof derives from the name ofIupiter, as well asDialis, epithet of the flamen of Jupiter anddius that is applied to a hero descended from the race of Jupiter" and 87 M.
^CIL VI 377; III 821, 1596, 1677, 3593, 3594, 6342 cited byWissowa (1912), p. 107.
^Festus s. v. provorsum fulgur p. 229 M: "...; itaque Iovi Fulguri et Summano fit, quod diurna Iovis nocturna Summani fulgura habentur." as cited byWissowa (1912), p. 107
^AugustineDe Civitate Dei VII 11.Pecunia is tentatively included in this group byWissowa (1912), p. 105 n. 4. Cfr. AugustineDe Civitate Dei VII 11 & 12.
^Wissowa (1912), p. 105 n. 4 understandsPecunia as protector and increaser of the flock.
^Bruno Migliorini s.v. Roma inEnciclopedia Italiana di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti vol. XXIX p. 589; A. W. SchlegelSämtliche Werke Leipzig 1847 XII p. 488; F. KortRömische Geschichte Heidelberg 1843 p.32-3.
^Pépin, J. (1956). "La théologie tripartite de Varron".Revue des études augustiniennes.2:265–294.doi:10.1484/J.REA.5.103923. Dumézil has pointed out that even though Augustine may be correct in pointing out cases in which Varro presented under the civil theology category contents that may look to belong to mythic theology, nevertheless he preserved under this heading the lore and legends ancient Romans considered their own.
^Wissowa (1912) cites three passages from Horace,Carmina: I 1, 25manet sub Iove frigido venator; I 22, 20quod latus mundi nebulae malusque Iuppiter urget; III 10, 7ut glaciet nives puro numine Iuppiter.
^On the Esquiline lies thesacellum ofIuppiter Fagutalis (VarroDe Lingua Latina V 152, Paulus p. 87 M., PlinyNaturalis historia XVI 37, CIL VI 452); on the Viminal is known aIuppiter Viminius (VarroDe Lingua Latina V 51, Festus p. 376); aIuppiter Caelius on the Caelius (CIL VI 334); on the Quirinal the so calledCapitolium Vetus (Martial V 22, 4; VII 73, 4). Outside Rome: Iuppiter Latiaris onMons Albanus,Iuppiter Appenninus (Orelli 1220, CIL VIII 7961 and XI 5803) on the Umbrian Apennines, at Scheggia, on theVia Flaminia, Iuppiter Poeninus (CIL 6865 ff., cfr. BernabeiRendiconti della Regia Accademia dei LinceiIII, 1887, fascicolo 2, p. 363 ff.) at Great Saint Bernard Pass, Iuppiter Vesuvius (CIL X 3806), Iuppiter Ciminus (CIL XI 2688); the Sabine Iuppiter Cacunus (CIL IX 4876, VI 371). Outside Italy Iuppiter Culminalis in Noricum and Pannonia (CIL III 3328, 4032, 4115, 5186; Supplememtum 10303, 11673 etc.) as cited byWissowa (1912), p. 102 and Francesca Cenerini "Scritture di santuari extraurbani tra le Alpi e gli Appennini" inMélanges de l'École française de Rome104 1992 1 pp. 94–95.
^Salvatore Settis (1990).Giorgione'sTempest: Interpreting the Hidden Subject. University of Chicago Press. p. 62, summarising this scholarly interpretation: "The lightning is Jove" cf.Peter Humfrey (1997).Painting in Renaissance Venice. Yale University Press. p. 118f.
^Montanari (1990), pp. 73 ff, citing CiceroPro Scauro 48: "pignus nostrae salutis atque imperii"; ServiusAd Aeneidem II 188, 16: "Illic imperium fore ubi et Palladium"; Festus s.v. p. 152 L.
^Montanari (1990), pp. 73 ff, citing M. Sordi "Lavinio, Roma e il Palladio" inCISA8 1982 p. 74 ff.; W. Vollgraf "Le Palladium de Rome" inBAB 1938 pp. 34 ff.
^CiceroDe nat. Deor. II 85–86: "Is est locus saeptus religiose propter Iovis pueri, qui lactens cum Iunone in gremio sedens, mamma appetens, castissime colitur a matribus": "This is an enclosed place for religious reasons because of Iupiter child, who is seated on the womb with Juno suckling, directed towards the breast, very chastely worshipped by mothers".
^R. Mowat "Inscription latine sur plaque de bronze acquise à Rome par par M. A. Dutuit" inMem. de la Soc. nat. des Antiquités de France 5me Ser. 343 1882 p. 200: CIL XIV 2863: ORCEVIA NUMERI/ NATIONU CRATIA/ FORTUNA DIOVO FILEA/ PRIMOCENIA/ DONOM DEDI. Cited byDumézil (1996), p. 71 ff.
^Ṛg-Veda X 72, 4–5;Dumézil (1996), p. [page needed] andMariages indo-européens pp. 311–312: "Of Aditi Daksa was born, and of Daksa Aditi, o Daksa, she who is your daughter".
^A. BrelichTre variazioni romane sul tema delle origini. I. Roma e Preneste. Una polemica religiosa nell'Italia antica Pubbl. dell'Univ. di Roma 1955–1956.
^Dumézil (1977), p. 101 & 290. Discussed at length by Augustine,City of God VII 9 and 10. Also OvidFasti I, 126.
^D. Briquel "Jupiter, Saturne et le Capitol" inRevue de l'histoire des religions198 2. 1981 pp. 131–162; Varro V 42; VergilAeneis VIII 357-8; Dionysius Hal. I 34; Solinus I 12; Festus p. 322 L; TertullianApologeticum 10; Macrobius I 7, 27 and I 10, 4 citing a certain Mallius. See also Macrobius I 7, 3: the annalistic tradition attributed its foundation to king Tullus Hostilius. Studies by E. Gjerstad inMélanges Albert Grenier Bruxelles 1962 pp. 757–762; Filippo Coarelli inLa Parola del Passato174 1977 p. 215 f.
^A. Pasqualini "Note sull'ubicazione del Latiar" inMélanges de l'École française de Rome111 1999 2 p[. 784–785 citing M. Malavolta "Iludi delleferiae Latinae a Roma" in A. Pasqualini (ed.)Alba Longa. Mito storia archeologia. Atti dell'incontro di studio, Roma-Albano laziale 27–29 gennaio 1994 Roma 1996 pp. 257–273; EusebiusDe laude Constantini 13, 7 = MPG XX col. 1403–1404; J. Rives "Human sacrifice among Pagans and Christians" inJournal of Roman Studies LXXXV 1995 pp. 65–85; IustinusApologeticum II 12, 4–5; G. Pucci "Saturno: il lato oscuro" inLares LVIII 1992 p. 5-7.
^Roger D. WoodardVedic and Indo-European Sacred Space Chicago Illinois Un. Press 2005 p. 189. The scholar thinks Dius Fidius is the Roman equivalent of Trita Apya, the companion of Indra in the slaying of Vrtra.
^abG. Wissowa inRoschers Lexicon 1909 s.v. Semo Sancus col. 3654;Wissowa (1912), p. 131 f.
^O. Sacchi "Il trivaso del Quirinale" inRevue internationale de droit de l'Antiquité 2001 pp. 309–311, citing Nonius Marcellus s.v. rituis (L p. 494):Itaque domi rituis nostri, qui per dium Fidium iurare vult, prodire solet in compluvium., 'thus according to our rites he who wishes to swear an oath by Dius Fidius he as a rule walks to thecompluvium (an unroofed space within the house)'; MacrobiusSaturnalia III 11, 5 on the use of the privatemensa as an altar mentioned in theius Papirianum; Granius Flaccusindigitamenta 8 (H. 109) on king Numa's vow by which he asked for the divine punishment of perjury by all the gods.
^AugustineDe Civitate Dei VII 13, referencing alsoQuintus Valerius Soranus; H. Wagenvoort "Genius a genendo"Mnemosyne 4. Suppl., 4, 1951, pp. 163–168;Dumézil (1977), p. 315, discussing G. Wissowa's and K. Latte's opinions.
^CIL IX 3513 from thelex templi of the temple ofIuppiter Liber at Furfo, Samnium.
^Aulus GelliusNoctes Atticae VI 1, 6. Silius ItalicusPunica XIII 400–413. Cited byDumézil (1977), p. 435, referencing J. HubeauxLes grands mythes de Rome Paris 1945 pp. 81–82 and J. Aymard "Scipion l' Africain et les chiens du Capitol" inRevue d'études latins31 1953 pp. 111–116.
^E. and A. L. Prosdocimi inEtrennes M. Lejeune Paris 1978 pp. 199–207 identify him as an aspect of Jupiter. See also A. L. Prosdocimi "'Etimologie di teonimi: Venilia, Summano, Vacuna" inStudi linguistici in onore di Vittore Pisani Milano 1969 pp. 777–802.
^Dumézil (1977), pp. 184–185 citing hisMitra Varuna, essai sur deux représentations indo-européennes de la souveraineté Paris 1940–1948.
^Inscriptions from the territory of the Frentani (ZvetaieffSylloge inscriptionum Oscarum nr. 3); Vestini (CIL IX 3513; I 2nd 756 Furfo); Sabini (JordanAnalecta epigraphica latina p. 3 f.= CIL I 2nd 1838) and Campani (CIL X 3786Iovi Liber(o) Capua).
^de Cazanove (1988), p. 248 cites Fr. BömerUntersuchungen über die Religion der Sklaven in Griechenland und Rom I Wiesbaden 1957 p. 127 f.
^Trebatius Testa apud ArnobiusAd nationes VII 31: "solum quod inferetur sacrum..." "only that which is spilt is considered sacred..."; also CatoDe Agri Cultura CXXXII 2; CXXXIV 3; Servius IX 641; Isidore XX 2,7.
^Fr. AltheimTerra Mater Giessen 1931 p. 22 and n. 4 while acknowledging the obscurity of the etymology of this word proposed the derivation fromsacerrima asbruma frombrevissima;Onomata Latina et Graeca s.v.:novum vinum;Corpus Glossatorum Latinorum II p. 264: απαρχη γλεύκους.
^ColumellaDe Re Rustica XII 18, 4 mentions a sacrifice to Liber and Libera immediately before.
^Paulus s. v. sacrima p. 423 L; Festus p. 422 L (mutile).
^IsidoreOrigines XX 3, 4; Enrico Monatanari "Funzione della sovranitá e feste del vino nella Roma repubblicana" inStudi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni49 1983 pp. 242–262.
^G. Dumézil "Quaestiunculae indo-italicae" 14–16 inRevue d' études latins XXXIX 1961 pp. 261–274.
^Henri Le BonniecLe culte de Cérès à Rome Paris 1958 pp. 160–162.
^"Liber et liberi" inRevue d'études latins14 1936 pp. 52–58.
^"...curatores Iovi Libertati" CIL XI 657 and "Iovi Obsequenti publice" CIL XI 658 fromBagnacavallo; "Iuppiter Impetrabilis" from Cremella sopraMonza published by G. Zecchini inRivista di studi italiani e latini110 1976 pp. 178–182. The double presence of Jupiter andFeronia at Bagnacavallo has led to speculation that the servilemanumissio (legal ritual action by which slaves were freed) was practised in this sanctuary : Giancarlo Susini "San Pietro in Sylvis, santuario pagense e villaggio plebano nel Ravennate" inMélanges offertes à G. Sanders Steenbrugge 1991 pp. 395–400. Cited in F. Cenerini above p. 103.
^Kurt LatteRömische Religionsgeschichte Munich 1960 p. 81 and n. 3.
^G. Piccaluga "L' anti-Iupiter" inStudi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni XXXIV 1963 p. 229-236; E. Gierstad "Veiovis, a pre-indoeuropean God in Rome?" inOpuscola Romana 9, 4 1973 pp. 35–42.
^Sabbatucci (1988), as summarized byTurcan (1989), pp. 70, 72–73. On the aspect of making Jupiter grow up, Turcan cites the denarii struck byManius Fonteius andValerian the younger of the typeIovi crescenti mentioned by A. Alföldi inStudien zur Geschichte der Weltkrisedes 3. Jhd. n.Chr. Darmstadt 1067 p. 112 f.
^Wissowa on the grounds of Paulus's glossahumanum sacrificium p. 91 L interprets "with a rite proper to a ceremony in honour of the deceased". G. Piccaluga at n. 15 and 21 pp. 231–232 though remarks that Gellius does not statesacrificium humanum but only states...immolaturque ritu humano capra.
^Gellius V 12. The Romans knew and offered a cult to other such deities: among themFebris,Tussis,Mefitis.
^G. Piccaluga "L' anti-Juppiter" inStudi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni XXXIV 1963 p. 233-234 and notes 30, 31 citing Gellius V 12 and Pliny the ElderNaturalis Historia XVI 216: "Non et simulacrum Veiovis in arce?".
^MacrobiusSaturnalia III 4, 8–9 citing Varro: "Per quos penitus spiramus". Sabine Mac CormackThe Shadows of Poetry: Vergil in the Mind of Augustine University of California Press 1998 p. 77.
^ArnobiusAdversus nationes III 40. Cf. also LucanPharsalia V 696; VII 705; VIII 21.
^ArnobiusAdversus Nationes III 40, 3; Martianus CapellaDe Nuptiis I 41: "Senatores deorum qui Penates ferebantur Tonantis ipsius quorumque nomina, quoniam publicari secretum caeleste non pertulit, ex eo quod omnia pariter repromittunt, nomen eis consensione perficit".
^ArnobiusAdversus Nationes III 40 4; MacrobiusSaturnalia III 4 9.
^Gérard Capdeville "Les dieux de Martianus Capella" inRevue de l'histoire des religions213 1996 3 p. 285 citing Carl Olof ThulinDie Götter des Martianus Capella und der Bronzeleber von Piacenza (=RGVV 3. 1) Giessen 1906 pp. 38–39. On the topic see also A. L. Luschi "Cacu, Fauno e i venti' inStudi Etruschi57 1991 pp. 105–117.
Dumézil, G. (1956). "III Fortuna Primigenia".Déesses latines et mythes vediques. Collection Latomus. Vol. 25. Bruxelles-Berchem: Latomus.
Dumézil, G. (1970) [1966].Archaic Roman Religion. Vol. I. Translated by Krapp, Philip. U. Chicago.
Dumézil, G. (1974).La religion romaine archaïque (2nd ed.). Paris: Payot.
Dumézil, G. (1977).La religione romana arcaica. Con un'appendice sulla religione degli Etruschi. Milano, Rizzoli: Edizione e traduzione a cura di Furio Jesi.
Dumézil, G. (1996).Archaic Roman religion: With an appendix on the religion of the Etruscans. Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press.ISBN0-8018-5481-4.
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