Barry Goldwater | |
|---|---|
 Goldwater in 1960 | |
| United States Senator fromArizona | |
| In office January 3, 1969 – January 3, 1987 | |
| Preceded by | Carl Hayden |
| Succeeded by | John McCain |
| In office January 3, 1953 – January 3, 1965 | |
| Preceded by | Ernest McFarland |
| Succeeded by | Paul Fannin |
| Chair of theSenate Armed Services Committee | |
| In office January 3, 1985 – January 3, 1987 | |
| Preceded by | John Tower |
| Succeeded by | Sam Nunn |
| Chair of theSenate Intelligence Committee | |
| In office January 3, 1981 – January 3, 1985 | |
| Preceded by | Birch Bayh |
| Succeeded by | David Durenberger |
| Member of thePhoenix City Council from the at-large district | |
| In office 1950–1952 | |
| Personal details | |
| Born | Barry Morris Goldwater (1909-01-02)January 2, 1909 Phoenix,Arizona Territory, U.S. |
| Died | May 29, 1998(1998-05-29) (aged 89) Paradise Valley, Arizona, U.S. |
| Resting place | Christ Church of the Ascension Paradise Valley, Arizona, U.S. |
| Political party | Republican |
| Spouses | |
| Children | 4, includingBarry Jr. |
| Education | University of Arizona (did not graduate) |
| Signature |  |
| Military service | |
| Branch/service | |
| Years of service | 1941–1967 |
| Rank | Major General |
| Battles/wars | |
| ||
|---|---|---|
U.S. Senator from Arizona Legacy  | ||
Barry Morris Goldwater (January 2, 1909 – May 29, 1998) was an American politician andmajor general in theAir Force Reserve who served as aUnited States senator from 1953 to 1965 and 1969 to 1987, and was theRepublican Party's nominee for presidentin 1964.
Goldwater was born inPhoenix, Arizona, where he helped manage his family's department store. DuringWorld War II, he flew aircraft between the U.S. and India. After the war, Goldwater served in the Phoenix City Council. In 1952, he was elected to the U.S. Senate, where he rejected the legacy of theNew Deal and, along with theconservative coalition, fought against theNew Deal coalition. Goldwater also challenged his party'smoderate to liberal wing on policy issues. He supported theCivil Rights Acts of 1957 and1960 and the24th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution but opposed theCivil Rights Act of 1964, disagreeing withTitle II andTitle VII. In the1964 U.S. presidential election, Goldwater mobilized a large conservative constituency to win the Republican nomination, but then lost the general election to incumbent Democratic presidentLyndon B. Johnson in a landslide.[1]
Goldwater returned to the Senate in 1969 and specialized in defense and foreign policy. He successfully urged presidentRichard Nixon to resign in 1974 when evidence of a cover-up in theWatergate scandal became overwhelming and impeachment was imminent. In 1986, he oversaw passage of theGoldwater–Nichols Act, which strengthened civilian authority in theU.S. Department of Defense. Near the end of his career, Goldwater's views on social and cultural issues grew increasingly libertarian.
Many political pundits and historians believe he laid the foundation for the conservative revolution to follow as the grassroots organization and conservative takeover of the Republican Party began a long-term realignment in American politics, which helped to bring about thepresidency of Ronald Reagan in the 1980s. He also had a substantial impact on theAmerican libertarian movement.[2] After leaving the Senate, Goldwater became supportive ofhomosexuals serving openly in the military,[3]environmental protection,[4]gay rights,[5]abortion rights,[6]adoption rights for same-sex couples,[7] and the legalization ofmedicinal marijuana.[8]
Goldwater was born on January 2, 1909, inPhoenix, Arizona, in what was then theArizona Territory, the son of Baron M. Goldwater and his wife, Hattie Josephine "JoJo" Williams. Goldwater long believed that he was born on January 1, 1909, and thus works published during his career list this as his date of birth; however, in his later years, he discovered documentation revealing that he was actually born at 3 a.m. on January 2.[9] His father's family foundedGoldwater's Department Store, a leading upscaledepartment store in Phoenix.[10] Goldwater's paternal grandfather, Michel Goldwasser, aPolish Jew, was born in 1821 inKonin, then part ofCongress Poland. He emigrated to London following theRevolutions of 1848. Soon after arriving in London, Michelanglicized his name to Michael Goldwater. Michel married Sarah Nathan, a member of anEnglish-Jewish family, in theGreat Synagogue of London.[11][12]
The Goldwaters later emigrated to the United States, first arriving in San Francisco, California, before finally settling in the Arizona Territory, where Michael Goldwater opened a small department store that was later taken over and expanded by his three sons, Henry, Baron, and Morris.[13]Morris Goldwater (1852–1939) was an Arizona territorial and state legislator, mayor ofPrescott, Arizona, delegate to the Arizona Constitutional Convention, and later President of the Arizona State Senate.[14]
Goldwater's father was Jewish, but Goldwater was raised in his mother'sEpiscopal faith. Hattie Williams came from an establishedNew England family that included the theologianRoger Williams, ofRhode Island.[15] Goldwater's parents were married in an Episcopal church in Phoenix; for his entire life, Goldwater was an Episcopalian, though on rare occasions he referred to himself as Jewish.[16] While he did not often attend church, he stated that "If a man acts in a religious way, an ethical way, then he's really a religious man—and it doesn't have a lot to do with how often he gets inside a church."[17][18][19] His first cousin wasJulius Goldwater, a convert to Buddhism andJodo Shinshu priest who assisted interned Japanese Americans during World War II.[20]
After performing poorly academically as a high school freshman, Goldwater's parents sent him toStaunton Military Academy inStaunton, Virginia, where he played varsity football, basketball, track, and swimming; was senior class treasurer; and attained the rank of captain.[16][21] He graduated from the academy in 1928 and enrolled at theUniversity of Arizona,[21][22] but dropped out after one year. Barry Goldwater is the most recent non-college graduate to be the nominee of a major political party in a presidential election. Goldwater entered the family's business around the time of his father's death, in 1930. Six years later, he took over the department store, though he was not particularly enthused about running the business.[16]
After the United States enteredWorld War II, Goldwater received a reserve commission in theUnited States Army Air Force. Goldwater trained as a pilot and was assigned to the Ferry Command, a newly formed unit that flew aircraft and supplies to war zones worldwide. He spent most of the war flying between the U.S. and India, via theAzores and North Africa or South America,Nigeria, and Central Africa. Goldwater also flew"the hump", one of the most dangerous routes for supply planes during WWII. The route required aircraft to fly directly over theHimalayas in order to deliver desperately needed supplies to theRepublic of China.[23]
Following the end of World War II in 1945, Goldwater was a leading proponent of creating theUnited States Air Force Academy and later served on the academy's Board of Visitors. The visitor center at the academy is now named in his honor. Goldwater remained in the Army Air Reserve after the war, and in 1946, at the rank of Colonel, Goldwater founded theArizona Air National Guard. Goldwater ordered the Arizona Air National Guarddesegregated, two years before the rest of the U.S. military. In the early 1960s, while a senator, he commanded the9999th Air Reserve Squadron as a major general. Goldwater was instrumental in pushing the Pentagon to support the desegregation of the armed services.[24]
Goldwater remained in the ArizonaAir National Guard until 1967, retiring as aCommand Pilot with the rank ofmajor general.[25]
As a U.S. Senator, Goldwater had a sign in his office that referenced his military career and mindset: "There are old pilots and there are bold pilots, but there are no old, bold pilots."[26]
In a heavily Democratic state, Goldwater became a conservative Republican and a friend ofHerbert Hoover. He was outspoken againstNew Deal liberalism, especially its close ties tolabor unions. A pilot, amateur radio operator, outdoorsman, and photographer, he criss-crossed Arizona and developed a deep interest in both the natural and the human history of the state. He enteredPhoenix politics in 1949, when he was elected to theCity Council as part of a nonpartisan team of candidates pledged to clean up widespread prostitution and gambling. The team won every mayoral and council election for the next two decades. Goldwater rebuilt the weak Republican Party, and was instrumental in electingHoward Pyle asGovernor in 1950.[27][28]
Goldwater was a supporter of racial equality. He integrated his family's business upon taking over control in the 1930s. A lifetime member of theNAACP, Goldwater helped found the group's Arizona chapter. He saw to it that theArizona Air National Guard was racially integrated from its inception in 1946, two years beforePresident Truman ordered the military as a whole be integrated (a process that was not completed until 1954). Goldwater worked with Phoenix civil rights leaders to successfully integrate public schools a year prior toBrown v. Board of Education. Despite this support of civil rights, he remained in objection to some major federal civil rights legislation. Civil rights leaders likeMartin Luther King Jr. remarked of him, "while not himself a racist, Mr. Goldwater articulates a philosophy which gives aid and comfort to the racists."[29][30]
Goldwater was an early member and largely unrecognized supporter of theNational Urban League's Phoenix chapter, going so far as to cover the group's early operating deficits with his personal funds.[31][32] Though the NAACP denounced Goldwater in the harshest of terms when he ran for president, the Urban League conferred on him the 1991 Humanitarian Award "for 50 years of loyal service to the Phoenix Urban League". In response to League members who objected, citing Goldwater's vote on theCivil Rights Act of 1964, the League president pointed out that he had saved the League more than once, saying he preferred to judge a person "on the basis of his daily actions rather than on his voting record".[32]
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Running as a Republican, Goldwater won a narrow upset victory seat in the1952 Arizona Senate election against veteran Democrat and Senate Majority LeaderErnest McFarland. He won largely by defeating McFarland in his nativeMaricopa County by 12,600 votes, almost double the overall margin of 6,725 votes.
Goldwater defeated McFarland by a larger margin when he ran again in1958. Following his strong re-election showing, he became the first Arizona Republican to win a second term in the U.S. Senate. Goldwater's victory was all the more remarkable since it came in a year Democrats gained 13 seats in the Senate.
During his Senate career, Goldwater was regarded as the "Grand Old Man of the Republican Party and one of the nation's most respected exponents of conservatism".[33]
Goldwater was outspoken about theEisenhower administration, calling some of the policies of the administration too liberal for a Republican president. "Democrats delighted in pointing out that the junior senator was so headstrong that he had gone out his way to criticize the president of his own party."[34] There was a Democratic majority in Congress for most of Eisenhower's career, and Goldwater felt thatPresident Dwight Eisenhower was compromising too much with Democrats in order to get legislation passed. Early on in his career as a senator for Arizona, he criticized the $71.8 billion budget that President Eisenhower sent to Congress, stating, "Now, however, I am not so sure. A $71.8 billion budget not only shocks me, but it weakens my faith."[35] Goldwater opposed Eisenhower's pick ofEarl Warren forChief Justice of the United States. "The day that Eisenhower appointed Governor Earl Warren of California as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Goldwater did not hesitate to express his misgivings."[36] However, Goldwater was present in the United States Senate on March 1, 1954, when Warren was unanimously confirmed,[37] voted in favor ofEisenhower's nomination ofJohn Marshall Harlan II on March 16, 1955,[38] was present for the unanimous nominations ofWilliam J. Brennan Jr. andCharles Evans Whittaker on March 19, 1957,[39] and voted in favor of the nomination ofPotter Stewart on May 5, 1959.[40]
In his first year in the Senate, Goldwater was responsible for the desegregation of the Senate cafeteria after he insisted that his Black legislative assistant, Katherine Maxwell, be served along with every other Senate employee.[41]
Goldwater and the Eisenhower administration supported the integration of schools in the South, but Goldwater felt the states should choose how they wanted to integrate and should not be forced by the federal government. "Goldwater criticized the use of federal troops. He accused the Eisenhower administration of violating theConstitution by assuming powers reserved by the states. While he agreed that under the law, every state should have integrated its schools, each state should integrate in its own way."[42] There were high-ranking government officials following Goldwater's critical stance on the Eisenhower administration, even an Army General. "Fulbright's startling revelation that military personnel were being indoctrinated with the idea that the policies of the Commander in Chief were treasonous dovetailed with the return to the news of the strange case of GeneralEdwin Walker."[43]
In his 1960 bookThe Conscience of a Conservative, Goldwater stated that he supported the stated objectives of the Supreme Court's decision inBrown v. Board of Education, but argued that the federal government had no role in ordering states to desegregate public schools. He wrote:
"I believe that itis both wise and just for negro children to attend the same schools as whites, and that to deny them this opportunity carries with it strong implications of inferiority. I am not prepared, however, to impose that judgement of mine on the people of Mississippi or South Carolina, or to tell them what methods should be adopted and what pace should be kept in striving toward that goal. That is their business, not mine. I believe that the problem of race relations, like all social and cultural problems, is best handled by the people directly concerned. Social and cultural change, however desirable, should not be effected by the engines of national power."[44]
Goldwater voted in favor of both theCivil Rights Act of 1957 and the24th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, but did not vote on theCivil Rights Act of 1960 because he was absent from the chamber whileSenate Minority WhipThomas Kuchel (R–CA) announced that Goldwater would have voted in favor if present.[45][46][47][48] While he did vote in favor of it while in committee, Goldwater reluctantly voted against theCivil Rights Act of 1964 when it came to the floor.[49] Later, Goldwater would state that he was mostly in support of the bill, but he disagreed with Titles II and VII, which both dealt with employment, making him imply that the law would end in the government dictating hiring and firing policy for millions of Americans.[50] Congressional Republicans overwhelmingly supported the bill, with Goldwater being joined by only five other Republican senators in voting against it.[51][52] It is likely that Goldwater significantly underestimated the effect this would have, as his vote against the bill hurt him with voters across the country, including from his own party. In the 1990s, Goldwater would call his vote on the Civil Rights Act "one of his greatest regrets."[32] Goldwater was absent from the Senate during PresidentJohn F. Kennedy's nomination ofByron White to Supreme Court on April 11, 1962,[53] but was present whenArthur Goldberg was unanimously confirmed.[54]
Goldwater's direct style had made him extremely popular with the Republican Party's suburban conservative voters, based in theSouth and the senator's nativeWest. Following the success ofThe Conscience of a Conservative, Goldwater became the frontrunner for the GOP Presidential nomination to run againstJohn F. Kennedy.[55] Despite their disagreements on politics, Goldwater and Kennedy had grown to become close friends during the eight years they served alongside each other in the Senate. With Goldwater the clear GOP frontrunner, he and Kennedy began planning to campaign together, holdingLincoln-Douglas style debates across the country and avoiding a race defined by the kind of negative attacks that were increasingly coming to define American politics.[56][57]
Goldwater was grief-stricken[58] by theassassination of Kennedy and was greatly disappointed that his opponent in 1964 would not be Kennedy but instead his vice president, former Senate Majority LeaderLyndon B. Johnson of Texas.[59] Goldwater disliked Johnson, later telling columnist John Kolbe that Johnson had "used every dirty trick in the bag."[60]
At the time of Goldwater's presidential candidacy, the Republican Party was split between its conservative wing (based in the West and South) and moderate/liberal wing, sometimes calledRockefeller Republicans (based in the Northeast and Midwest). Goldwater alarmed even some of his fellow partisans with his brand of staunchfiscal conservatism and militantanti-communism. He was viewed by many moderate and liberal Republicans as being too far on the right wing of the political spectrum to appeal to the mainstream majority necessary to win a national election. As a result, moderate and liberal Republicans recruited a series of opponents, including New York GovernorNelson Rockefeller,Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., ofMassachusetts andPennsylvania GovernorWilliam Scranton, to challenge him. Goldwater received solid backing from most of the few Southern Republicans then in politics. A youngBirmingham lawyer,John Grenier, secured commitments from 271 of 279 Southern convention delegates to back Goldwater. Grenier would serve as executive director of the national GOP during the Goldwater campaign, the number two position to party chairmanDean Burch of Arizona. Goldwater fought and won a multi-candidate race for the Republican Party's presidential nomination.
Eisenhower gave his support to Goldwater when he told reporters, "I personally believe that Goldwater is not an extremist as some people have made him, but in any event we're all Republicans."[61] His nomination was staunchly opposed by the so-calledLiberal Republicans, who thought Goldwater's demand foractive measures to defeat theSoviet Union would foment anuclear war. In addition to Rockefeller, prominent Republican office-holders refused to endorse Goldwater's candidacy, including both Republican senators from New YorkKenneth B. Keating andJacob Javits,Pennsylvania governorWilliam Scranton, Michigan governorGeorge Romney and CongressmanJohn V. Lindsay (NY-17).[62] Rockefeller RepublicanJackie Robinson walked out of the convention in disgust over Goldwater's nomination.Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., who wasRichard Nixon's running mate in 1960, also opposed Goldwater, calling his proposal of realigning the Democrat and Republican parties into two Liberal and Conservative parties "totally abhorrent" and thought that no one in their right mind should oppose the federal government in having a role in the future of America.[63][64][65]
In the face of such opposition, Goldwater delivered a well-received acceptance speech. According to the authorLee Edwards: "[Goldwater] devoted more care [to it] than to any other speech in his political career. And with good reason: he would deliver it to the largest and most attentive audience of his life."[66] Journalist John Adams commented: "his acceptance speech was bold, reflecting his conservative views, but not irrational. Rather than shrinking from those critics who accuse him of extremism, Goldwater challenged them head-on" in his acceptance speech at the 1964 Republican Convention.[67] In his own words:
I would remind you that extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice! [40 seconds of applause by the crowd] And let me remind you also that moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue! [10 seconds of applause][68][69][70]
His paraphrase ofCicero was included at the suggestion ofHarry V. Jaffa, though the speech was primarily written byKarl Hess. Because of President Johnson's popularity, Goldwater refrained from attacking the president directly. He did not mention Johnson by name at all in his convention speech.[citation needed]
Although raised as anEpiscopalian,[71] Goldwater was the first candidate ofJewish descent, through his father, to be nominated for president by a major American party.[72][73]
After securing the Republican presidential nomination, Goldwater chose his political ally,RNC ChairmanWilliam E. Miller to be his running mate. Goldwater joked he chose Miller because "he drives Johnson nuts".[74] In choosing Miller, Goldwater opted for a running mate who was ideologically aligned with his own conservative wing of the Republican party. Millerbalanced the ticket in other ways, being a practicing Catholic from the East Coast.[74] Miller had low name recognition[74] but was popular in the Republican party and viewed as a skilled political strategist.[75]
Former U.S. senatorPrescott Bush, amoderate Republican fromConnecticut, was a friend of Goldwater and supported him in the general election campaign.
Future chief justice of the United States and fellow ArizonanWilliam H. Rehnquist also first came to the attention of national Republicans through his work as a legal adviser to Goldwater's presidential campaign. Rehnquist had begun his law practice in 1953 in the firm ofDenison Kitchel of Phoenix, Goldwater's national campaign manager and friend of nearly three decades.[76]
Goldwater's advocacy of active interventionism to prevent the spread of communism and defend American values and allies led to effective counterattacks fromLyndon B. Johnson and his supporters, who said that Goldwater's militancy would have dire consequences, possibly even nuclear war. In a May 1964 speech, Goldwater suggested that nuclear weapons should be treated more like conventional weapons and used inVietnam, specifically that they should have been used atDien Bien Phu in 1954 to defoliate trees.[77] Regarding Vietnam, Goldwater charged that Johnson's policy was devoid of "goal, course, or purpose," leaving "only sudden death in the jungles and the slow strangulation of freedom".[78] Goldwater's rhetoric on nuclear war was viewed by many as quite uncompromising, a view buttressed by off-hand comments such as, "Let's lob one into the men's room at theKremlin."[79] He also advocated that field commanders in Vietnam and Europe should be given the authority to usetactical nuclear weapons (which he called "small conventional nuclear weapons") without presidential confirmation.[80]
Goldwater countered the Johnson attacks by criticizing the administration for its perceived ethical lapses, and stating in a commercial that "we, as a nation, are not far from the kind of moral decay that has brought on the fall of other nations and people.... I say it is time to put conscience back in government. And by good example, put it back in all walks of American life." Goldwater campaign commercials included statements of support by actorRaymond Massey[81] and moderate Republican senatorMargaret Chase Smith.[82]
Before the 1964 election,Fact magazine, published byRalph Ginzburg, ran a special issue titled, "The Unconscious of a Conservative: A Special Issue on the Mind of Barry Goldwater". The two main articles contended that Goldwater was mentally unfit to be president. The magazine supported this claim with the results of a poll of board-certified psychiatrists.Fact had mailed questionnaires to 12,356 psychiatrists, receiving responses from 2,417, of whom 1,189 said Goldwater was mentally incapable of holding the office of president. Most of the other respondents declined to diagnose Goldwater because they had not clinically interviewed him but said that, although not psychologically unfit to preside, Goldwater would be negligent in the role.[83][84]
After the election, Goldwater sued the publisher, the editor and the magazine for libel inGoldwater v. Ginzburg. "Although the jury awarded Goldwater only $1.00 in compensatory damages against all three defendants, it went on to award him punitive damages of $25,000 against Ginzburg and $50,000 againstFact magazine, Inc."[85] According toWarren Boroson, then-managing editor ofFact and later a financial columnist, the main biography of Goldwater in the magazine was written byDavid Bar-Illan, the Israeli pianist.[86]
A Democratic campaign advertisement known asDaisy showed a young girl counting daisy petals, from one to ten. Immediately following this scene, a voiceover counted down from ten to one. The child's face was shown as a still photograph followed by images ofnuclear explosions andmushroom clouds. The campaign advertisement ended with a plea to vote for Johnson, implying that Goldwater (though not mentioned by name) would provoke anuclear war if elected. The advertisement, which featured only a few spoken words and relied on imagery for its emotional impact, was one of the most provocative in American political campaign history, and many analysts credit it as being the birth of the modern style of "negative political ads" on television. The ad aired only once and was immediately pulled, but it was then shown many times by local television stations covering the controversy.[87]
Goldwater did not have ties to theKu Klux Klan (KKK), but he was publicly endorsed by members of the organization.[88][89]Lyndon B. Johnson exploited this association during the elections,[90][91][92] but Goldwater barred the KKK from supporting him and denounced them.[93]
Throughout the presidential campaign, Goldwater refused to appeal to racial tensions or backlash against civil rights. After the outbreak of theHarlem riot of 1964, Goldwater privately gathered news reporters on his campaign plane and said that if anyone attempted to sow racial violence on his political behalf, he would withdraw from the presidential race—even if it was the day before the election.[94]
Past comments came back to haunt Goldwater throughout the campaign. He had once called theEisenhower administration "a dime-storeNew Deal", and the former president never fully forgave him. However, Eisenhower did film a television commercial with Goldwater.[95] Eisenhower qualified his voting for Goldwater in November by remarking that he had voted not specifically for Goldwater, but for the Republican Party.[96] In December 1961, Goldwater had told a news conference that "sometimes I think this country would be better off if we could just saw off the Eastern Seaboard and let it float out to sea." That comment boomeranged on him during the campaign in the form of a Johnson television commercial,[97] as did remarks about makingSocial Security voluntary,[98] and statements inTennessee about selling theTennessee Valley Authority, a large local New Deal employer.[99]
The Goldwater campaign spotlightedRonald Reagan, who appeared in a campaign ad.[100] In turn, Reagan gave a stirring, nationally televised speech, "A Time for Choosing", in support of Goldwater.
Goldwater only won his home state of Arizona and five states in theDeep South. The Southern states, traditionally Democratic up to that time, voted Republican primarily as a statement of opposition to theCivil Rights Act,[101] which had been signed into law by Johnson earlier that year. Despite Johnson's support for the Civil Rights Act, the bill received split support from Congressional Democrats due to southerner opposition. In contrast, Congressional Republicans overwhelmingly supported the bill, with Goldwater being joined by only 5 other Republican senators in voting against it.[51][52]
In the end, Goldwater received 38% of the popular vote and carried just six states: Arizona (with 51% of the popular vote) and the core states of the Deep South: Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina. In carrying Georgia by a margin of 54–45%, Goldwater became the first Republican nominee to win the state.
Goldwater's poor showing pulled down many supporters. Of the 57 Republican Congressmen who endorsed Goldwater before the convention, 20 were defeated for reelection, along with many promising young Republicans. In contrast, Republican CongressmanJohn Lindsay (NY-17), who refused to endorse Goldwater, was handily re-elected in a district where Democrats held a 10% overall advantage.[102] On the other hand, the defeat of so many older politicians created openings for young conservatives to move up the ladder. While the loss of moderate Republicans was temporary—they were back by 1966—Goldwater also permanently pulled many conservative Southerners and whites out of theNew Deal Coalition.[103]
According toSteve Kornacki ofSalon, "Goldwater broke through and won five [Southern] states—the best showing in the region for a GOP candidate sinceReconstruction. In Mississippi—whereFranklin D. Roosevelt had won nearly 100 percent of the vote 28 years earlier—Goldwater claimed a staggering 87 percent."[104] It has frequently been argued that Goldwater's strong performance in Southern states previously regarded as Democratic strongholds foreshadowed a larger shift in electoral trends in the coming decades that would make the South a Republican bastion (an end to the "Solid South")—first in presidential politics and eventually at the congressional and state levels, as well.[105] Also, Goldwater's uncompromising promotion of freedom was the start of a continuing shift in American politics from liberalism to aconservative economic philosophy.[106]
Goldwater remained popular in Arizona, and in the1968 Senate election he was elected to the seat of retiring SenatorCarl Hayden. He was reelected in 1974 and 1980.
Throughout the late 1970s, as the conservative wing under Ronald Reagan gained control of the Republican Party, Goldwater concentrated on his Senate duties, especially in military affairs. Goldwater purportedly did not likeRichard Nixon on either a political or personal level, later calling the California Republican "the most dishonest individual I have ever met in my life".[59] Accordingly, he played little part in Nixon's election or administration, but he helped force Nixon's resignation in 1974.[107] At the height of theWatergate scandal, Goldwater met with Nixon at the White House and urged him to resign. At the time, Nixon's impeachment by the House of Representatives was imminent and Goldwater warned him that fewer than 10 Republican senators would vote against conviction.[108]
Despite being a difficult year for Republicans candidates, the1974 election saw Goldwater easily reelected over his Democratic opponent,Jonathan Marshall, the publisher ofThe Scottsdale Progress.[109]
At the1976 Republican National Convention, Goldwater helped blockNelson Rockefeller's renomination as vice president. When Reagan challengedGerald Ford for the presidential nomination in 1976, Goldwater endorsed the incumbent Ford, looking for consensus rather than conservative idealism. As one historian notes, "The Arizonan had lost much of his zest for battle."[110][111][112]
In 1979, whenPresident Carter normalized relations with Communist China, Goldwater and some other Senators sued him in theSupreme Court, arguing that the President could not terminate theSino-American Mutual Defense Treaty with theRepublic of China (Taiwan) without the approval ofCongress. The case,Goldwater v. Carter (444 U.S. 996), was dismissed by the court as apolitical question.
On June 9, 1969, Goldwater was absent duringPresident Nixon's nomination ofWarren E. Burger asChief Justice of the United States while Senate Minority WhipHugh Scott announced that Goldwater would have voted in favor if present.[113] Goldwater voted in favor of Nixon's failed Supreme Court nomination ofClement Haynsworth on November 21, 1969,[114] and a few months later, Goldwater voted in favor of Nixon's failed Supreme Court nomination ofHarrold Carswell on April 8, 1970.[115] The following month, Goldwater was absent when Nixon nomineeHarry Blackmun was confirmed on May 12, 1970, while Senate Minority WhipRobert P. Griffin announced that Goldwater would have voted in favor if present.[116] On December 6, 1971, Goldwater voted in favor of Nixon's nomination ofLewis F. Powell Jr.,[117] and on December 10, Goldwater voted in favor of Nixon's nomination ofWilliam Rehnquist as Associate Justice.[118] On December 17, 1975, Goldwater voted in favor of PresidentGerald Ford's nomination ofJohn Paul Stevens to the Supreme Court.[119]
With his fourth Senate term due to end in January 1981, Goldwater seriously considered retiring from the Senate in 1980 before deciding to run for one final term. It was a surprisingly toughcampaign for re-election. Goldwater was viewed by some as out of touch and vulnerable for several reasons, chiefly because he had planned to retire in 1981 and he had not visited many areas of Arizona outside ofPhoenix andTucson. Additionally, his Democratic challenger,Bill Schulz, proved to be a formidable opponent. A former Republican and a wealthy real estate developer, Schulz's campaign slogan was "Energy for the Eighties." Arizona's changing population also hurt Goldwater. The state's population had greatly increased, and a large portion of the electorate had not lived in the state at the time Goldwater was previously elected, meaning unlike most incumbents, many voters were less familiar with Goldwater's actual beliefs. Goldwater spent most of the campaign on the defensive. Although he was eventually declared as the winning candidate in the general election by a very narrow margin, receiving 49.5% of the vote to Schulz's 48.4%,[120] early returns on election night indicated that Schulz would win. The counting of votes continued through the night and into the next morning. At around daybreak, Goldwater learned that he had been reelected thanks toabsentee ballots, which were among the last to be counted.[121]
Goldwater's close victory in 1980 came despite Reagan's 61% landslide over Jimmy Carter in Arizona. Despite Goldwater's struggles, in 1980, Republicans were able to pick up 12 senate seats, regaining control of the chamber for the first time since 1955, when Goldwater was in his first term. Goldwater was now in the most powerful position he had ever been in the Senate. In October 1983, Goldwater voted against thelegislation establishingMartin Luther King Jr. Day as afederal holiday.[122]
On September 21, 1981, Goldwater voted in favor ofReagan's Supreme Court nomination ofSandra Day O'Connor.[123] Goldwater was absent during the nominations of William Rehnquist as Chief Justice of the United States andAntonin Scalia as Associate Justice on September 17, 1986.[124][125]
After the new Senate convened in January 1981, Goldwater became chairman of theSenate Intelligence Committee. In this role he clashed with the Reagan administration in April 1984 when he discovered that theCentral Intelligence Agency (CIA) had beenmining the waters of Nicaragua since February, something that he had first denied when the matter was raised.[126] In a note to the CIA directorWilliam Casey, Goldwater denounced what he called an "act of war", saying that "this is no way to run a railroad" as he stated crossly that only Congress had the power to declare war and accused the CIA of illegally mining Nicaraguan waters without the permission of Congress.[126] Goldwater concluded, "The President has asked us to back his foreign policy. Bill, how can we back his foreign policy when we don't know what the hell he is doing? Lebanon, yes, we all knew that he sent troops over there. But mine the harbors in Nicaragua? This is an act violating international law. It is an act of war. For the life of me, I don't see how we are going to explain it."[126] Goldwater felt compelled to issue an apology on the floor of the Senate because the Senate Intelligence Committee had failed in its duties to oversee the CIA as he stated, saying, "I am forced to apologize for the members of my committee because I did not know the facts on this case. And I apologize to all the members of the Senate for the same reason".[127] Goldwater subsequently voted for a Congressional resolution condemning the mining.[126]
In his 1980 Senate reelection campaign, Goldwater won support fromreligious conservatives but in his final term voted consistently to upholdlegal abortion and in 1981 gave a speech on how he was angry about the bullying of American politicians by religious organizations and would "fight them every step of the way".[128][129]
He introduced the1984 Cable Franchise Policy and Communications Act, which allowed local governments to require the transmission ofpublic, educational, and government access (PEG) channels, barred cable operators from exercising editorial control over the content of programs carried on PEG channels and absolved them from liability for their content. On May 12, 1986, Goldwater was presented with thePresidential Medal of Freedom by President Reagan.
In response toMoral Majority founderJerry Falwell's opposition to the nomination ofSandra Day O'Connor to the Supreme Court, of which Falwell had said, "Every good Christian should be concerned", Goldwater retorted, "Every good Christian ought to kick Falwell right in the ass."[130][131] According toJohn Dean, Goldwater actually suggested that good Christians ought to kick Falwell in the "nuts", but the news media "changed the anatomical reference".[132][page needed] Goldwater also had harsh words for his one-time political protégé, President Reagan, particularly after theIran–Contra Affair became public in 1986. JournalistRobert MacNeil, a friend of Goldwater's from the 1964 presidential campaign, recalled interviewing him in his office shortly afterward. "He was sitting in his office with his hands on his cane... and he said to me, 'Well, aren't you going to ask me about theIran arms sales?' It had just been announced that the Reagan administration had sold arms to Iran. And I said, 'Well, if I asked you, what would you say?' He said, 'I'd say it's the god-damned stupidest foreign policy blunder this country's ever made!'"[133] Aside from the Iran–Contra scandal, Goldwater thought nonetheless that Reagan was a good president.[134]
Goldwater said later that the close result in 1980 convinced him not to run again.[135] He retired in 1987, serving as Chair of the Senate Intelligence andArmed Services Committees in his final term. Despite his reputation as a firebrand in the 1960s, by the end of his career, he was considered a stabilizing influence in the Senate, one of the most respected members of either major party. Although Goldwater remained staunchly anti-communist and "hawkish" on military issues, he was a key supporter of the fight for ratification of thePanama Canal Treaty in the 1970s, which would give control of the canal zone to the Republic ofPanama. His most important legislative achievement may have been theGoldwater–Nichols Act, which reorganized the U.S. military's senior-command structure.
Goldwater became most associated with anti-union work and anti-communism; he was a supporter of theconservative coalition in Congress. His work on labor issues led Congress to pass major anti-labor reforms in 1957, and subsequently a campaign by theAFL–CIO to challenge his 1958 reelection bid. He voted against the censure of SenatorJoseph McCarthy in 1954, who had been making unfounded claims about communists infiltrating the U.S. State Department during theRed Scare, but never actually accused any individual of being a communist or Soviet agent. Goldwater emphasized his strong opposition to the worldwide spread of communism in his 1960 bookThe Conscience of a Conservative. The book became an important reference text in conservative political circles.
In 1964, Goldwater ran a conservative campaign that emphasizedstates' rights.[136] Goldwater's 1964 campaign was a magnet for conservatives since he opposed interference by the federal government in state affairs. Goldwater voted in favor of theCivil Rights Act of 1957 and the24th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution,[45][46][48] but did not vote on theCivil Rights Act of 1960 because he was absent from the chamber, withSenate Minority WhipThomas Kuchel (R–CA) announcing that Goldwater would have voted in favor if present.[47] Though Goldwater had supported the original Senate version of the bill, Goldwater voted against theCivil Rights Act of 1964.[49] His public stance was based on his view that Article II and Article VII of the Act interfered with the rights of private persons to do or not to do business with whomever they chose and believed that the private employment provisions of the Act would lead toracial quotas.[137] In the segregated city of Phoenix in the 1950s, he had quietly supported civil rights for blacks, but would not let his name be used.[138]
All thisappealed to white Southern Democrats, and Goldwater was the first Republican to win the electoral votes of all of the Deep South states (South Carolina,Georgia,Alabama,Mississippi andLouisiana) sinceReconstruction.[51] However, Goldwater's vote on the Civil Rights Act proved devastating to his campaign everywhere outside the South (besides Dixie, Goldwater won only in Arizona, his home state), contributing to his landslide defeat in 1964.
Goldwater's campaign also included stringently fiscally conservative policies. Goldwater was strongly critical of Johnson'sWar on Poverty policies and argued that it might be the "attitude or the actions" of the poor that are responsible for their hardship. In his prepared speech before theEconomic Club of New York, Goldwater also claimed that arguing unemployment and poverty are caused by lack of education is "like saying that people have big feet because they wear big shoes. The fact is that most people who have no skill have no education for the same reason—low intelligence or low ambition."[139] Goldwater also called for ending agricultural subsidies, privatizing Social Security, and privatizing theTennessee Valley Authority.[140]
While Goldwater had been depicted by his opponents in the Republican primaries as a representative of aconservative philosophy that was extreme and alien, his voting records show that his positions were in generally aligned with those of other Republicans in the Congress.
Goldwater fought in 1971 to stop U.S. funding of the United Nations after the People's Republic of China was admitted to the organization. He said:
I suggested on the floor of the Senate today that we stop all funds for the United Nations. Now, what that'll do to the United Nations, I don't know. I have a hunch it would cause them to fold up, which would make me very happy at this particular point. I think if this happens, they can well move their headquarters to Peking or Moscow and get 'em out of this country.[141]
Although Goldwater was not as important in theAmerican conservative movement as Ronald Reagan after 1965, he shaped and redefined the movement from the late 1950s to 1964. Arizona SenatorJohn McCain, who succeeded Goldwater in the Senate in 1987, said of Goldwater's legacy, "He transformed the Republican Party from an Eastern elitist organization to the breeding ground for the election of Ronald Reagan."[142] ColumnistGeorge Will remarked that Reagan's victory in the1980 presidential election was the metaphoric culmination of 16 years of counting the votes for Goldwater from the1964 presidential race.[143]
The Republican Party recovered from the 1964 election debacle, acquiring 47 seats in theHouse of Representatives in the1966 mid-term election. In January 1969, after Goldwater had been re-elected to the Senate, he wrote an article in theNational Review "affirming that he [was] not against liberals, that liberals are needed as a counterweight to conservatism, and that he had in mind a fine liberal likeMax Lerner."[144]
Goldwater was a strong supporter of environmental protection, saying n 1965:
I feel very definitely that the [Nixon] administration is absolutely correct in cracking down on companies and corporations and municipalities that continue to pollute the nation's air and water. While I am a great believer in the free competitive enterprise system and all that it entails, I am an even stronger believer in the right of our people to live in a clean and pollution-free environment. To this end, it is my belief that when pollution is found, it should be halted at the source, even if this requires stringent government action against important segments of our national economy.[145]
By the 1980s, with Ronald Reagan as president and the growing involvement of thereligious right in conservative politics, Goldwater'slibertarian views on personal issues were revealed; he believed that they were an integral part of true conservatism. Goldwater viewed abortion as a matter of personal choice and as such supportedabortion rights.[146] As a passionate defender of personal liberty, he saw the religious right's views as an encroachment on personal privacy andindividual liberties.[147] Although he voted against making Martin Luther King's birthday a national holiday in his last term as senator, Goldwater later expressed support for it.[148]
In 1987, he received theLangley Gold Medal from theSmithsonian Institution. In 1988,Princeton University'sAmerican Whig-Cliosophic Society awarded Goldwater theJames Madison Award for Distinguished Public Service in recognition of his career.[149]
After his retirement in 1987, Goldwater described Arizona GovernorEvan Mecham as "hardheaded" and called on him to resign, and two years later stated that the Republican party had been taken over by a "bunch of kooks".[150]
During the1988 presidential campaign, he told vice-presidential nomineeDan Quayle at a campaign event in Arizona, "I want you to go back and tellGeorge Bush to start talking about the issues."[151]
Some of Goldwater's statements in the 1990s alienated manysocial conservatives. He endorsed DemocratKaran English in an Arizona congressional race, urged Republicans to lay offBill Clinton over theWhitewater scandal, and criticizedthe military's ban on homosexuals,[152] saying, "Everyone knows that gays have served honorably in the military since at least the time ofJulius Caesar",[153] and, "You don't need to be 'straight' to fight and die for your country. You just need to shoot straight."[154] A few years before his death, he addressed establishment Republicans by saying, "Do not associate my name with anything you do. You are extremists, and you've hurt the Republican party much more than the Democrats have."[155]
In a 1994 interview withThe Washington Post, Goldwater said:
When you say "radical right" today, I think of these moneymaking ventures by fellows likePat Robertson and others who are trying to take the Republican party and make a religious organization out of it. If that ever happens, kiss politics goodbye.[152]
Also in 1994, he repeated his concerns about religious groups attempting to gain control of the Republican party, saying,
Mark my word, if and when these preachers get control of the party, and they're sure trying to do so, it's going to be a terrible damn problem. Frankly, these people frighten me. Politics and governing demand compromise. But these Christians believe they are acting in the name of God, so they can't and won't compromise. I know, I've tried to deal with them.[156]
In 1996, he toldBob Dole, whose own presidential campaign received lukewarm support from conservative Republicans, "We're the new liberals of the Republican party. Can you imagine that?"[157] In that same year, with SenatorDennis DeConcini, Goldwater endorsed anArizona initiative to legalizemedical marijuana against the countervailing opinion of social conservatives.[158]
In 1934, Goldwater married Margaret "Peggy" Johnson, daughter of a prominent industrialist fromMuncie, Indiana. The couple had four children: Joanne (born January 18, 1936),Barry (born July 15, 1938), Michael (born March 15, 1940), and Peggy (born July 27, 1944). Goldwater became a widower in 1985 and, in 1992, he married Susan Wechsler, a nurse 32 years his junior.[159] Goldwater's sonBarry Goldwater Jr. served as a RepublicanCongressman, representing California from 1969 to 1983.
Goldwater's grandson, Ty Ross, is an interior designer and formerZoli model. Ross, who is openly gay andHIV positive, has been credited as inspiring the elder Goldwater "to become an octogenarian proponent of gay civil rights".[160][161]
Goldwater ran track[162] and cross country in high school, where he specialized in the880 yard run. In 1940, he became one of the first to run theColorado River recreationally through theGrand Canyon, participating as an oarsman onNorman Nevills' second commercial river trip. Goldwater joined them inGreen River, Utah, and rowed his own boat down toLake Mead.[163] In 1970, the Arizona Historical Foundation published the daily journal Goldwater had maintained on the Grand Canyon journey, including his photographs, in a 209-page volume titledDelightful Journey.
In 1963, he joined the Arizona Society of theSons of the American Revolution. He was also a lifetime member of theVeterans of Foreign Wars, theAmerican Legion, andSigma Chi fraternity. He belonged to both theYork Rite andScottish Rite of Freemasonry and was awarded the 33rd degree in the Scottish Rite.
Goldwater was an avidamateur radio operator from the early 1920s, with thecall signs 6BPI, K3UIG and K7UGA.[164][165] The last one is used by an Arizona club honoring him as a commemorative call. During theVietnam War he was aMilitary Affiliate Radio System (MARS) operator.[166]
Goldwater was a spokesman for amateur radio and its enthusiasts. Beginning in 1969 and for the rest of his life, he appeared in many educational and promotional films (and later videos) about the hobby, produced for theAmerican Radio Relay League (the national society representing the interests of radio amateurs) by such producers as Dave Bell (W6AQ), ARRL Southwest Director John R. Griggs (W6KW), Alan Kaul (W6RCL), Forrest Oden (N6ENV), andRoy Neal (K6DUE). His first appearance was in Dave Bell'sThe World of Amateur Radio where Goldwater discussed the history of the hobby and demonstrated a live contact with Antarctica. His last on-screen appearance dealing with "ham radio" was in 1994, explaining an upcoming Earth-orbiting ham radio relay satellite.[citation needed]
Electronics was a hobby for Goldwater beyond amateur radio. He enjoyed assemblingHeathkits,[167] completing more than 100 and often visiting their maker inBenton Harbor, Michigan, to buy more, before the company exited the kit business in 1992.[168]
In 1916, Goldwater visited theHopireservation with Phoenix architect John Rinker Kibby and obtained his firstkachina doll. Eventually his collection had 437 dolls and was presented in 1969 to theHeard Museum in Phoenix.[169]
Goldwater was an amateur photographer and, in his estate, left some 15,000 of his images to three Arizona institutions. He was keen oncandid photography. He became interested in the hobby after receiving a camera as a gift from his wife on their first Christmas. He used a4×5Graflex,Rolleiflex, 16 mmBell and Howell motion picture camera, and35 mmNikkormat FT. He was a member of theRoyal Photographic Society from 1941, becoming a Life Member in 1948.[170]
For decades, he contributed photographs of his home state toArizona Highways and was recognized for his Western landscapes and pictures ofnative Americans in the United States. Three books with his photographs arePeople and Places (1967);Barry Goldwater and the Southwest (1976); andDelightful Journey, (1940, reprinted 1970).Ansel Adams wrote a foreword to the 1976 book.[171]
Goldwater's photography interest occasionally crossed into his political career. John F. Kennedy, as president, would sometimes invite former congressional colleagues to the White House for a drink. On one occasion, Goldwater brought his camera and photographed President Kennedy. When Kennedy received the photo, he returned it to Goldwater with the inscription: "For Barry Goldwater—Whom I urge to follow the career for which he has shown such talent—photography!—from his friend—John Kennedy." This quip became a classic of American political humor after it was relayed by humoristBennett Cerf. The photo was prized by Goldwater for the rest of his life and sold for $17,925 in a 2010Heritage auction.[172]
Son Michael Prescott Goldwater formed the Goldwater Family Foundation with the goal of making his father's photography available via the internet. (Barry Goldwater Photographs) was launched in September 2006 to coincide with the HBO documentaryMr. Conservative, produced by granddaughter CC Goldwater.
On March 28, 1975, Goldwater wrote to Shlomo Arnon: "The subject of UFOs has interested me for some long time. About ten or twelve years ago I made an effort to find out what was in the building atWright-Patterson Air Force Base where the information has been stored that has been collected by the Air Force, and I was understandably denied this request. It is still classified above Top Secret."[173] Goldwater further wrote that there were rumors the evidence would be released, and that he was "just as anxious to see this material as you are, and I hope we will not have to wait much longer".[173][174][175] The April 25, 1988, issue ofThe New Yorker carried an interview with Goldwater in which he recounted efforts to gain access to the room.[176] He did so again in a 1994Larry King Live interview, saying:[174][175]
I think the government does know. I can't back that up, but I think that at Wright-Patterson field, if you could get into certain places, you'd find out what the Air Force and the government knows about UFOs ... I calledCurtis LeMay and I said, 'General, I know we have a room at Wright-Patterson where you put all this secret stuff. Could I go in there?' I've never heard him get mad, but he got madder than hell at me, cussed me out, and said, 'Don't ever ask me that question again!'[177]
Goldwater's public appearances ended in late 1996 after he had a massivestroke. Family members disclosed he was also in the early stages ofAlzheimer's disease. He died on May 29, 1998, at the age of 89, at his long-time home inParadise Valley, Arizona, of complications from the stroke.[178] His funeral was officiated by both a Christian minister and arabbi.[179][180] His ashes were buried at Episcopal Christ Church of the Ascension in Paradise Valley.[181] A memorial statue was erected in a small park in Paradise Valley near his home and resting place, honoring his memory.
Among the buildings and monuments named after Barry Goldwater are the Barry M. Goldwater Terminal atPhoenix Sky Harbor International Airport, Goldwater Memorial Park[182] inParadise Valley, Arizona, the Barry Goldwater Air Force Academy Visitor Center at theUnited States Air Force Academy, andBarry Goldwater High School in northern Phoenix. In 2010, former Arizona Attorney GeneralGrant Woods, himself a Goldwater scholar and supporter, founded theGoldwater Women's Tennis Classic Tournament to be held annually at thePhoenix Country Club in Phoenix.[183] On February 11, 2015, astatue of Goldwater byDeborah Copenhaver Fellows was unveiled by U.S. House and Senate leaders at a dedication ceremony inNational Statuary Hall of the U.S. Capitol building in Washington, D.C.[184] Barry Goldwater Peak is the highest peak in theWhite Tank Mountains.[185]
TheBarry M. Goldwater Scholarship and Excellence in Education Program was established by Congress in 1986.[186] Its goal is to provide a continuing source of highly qualified scientists, mathematicians, and engineers by awarding scholarships to college students who intend to pursue careers in these fields.
The Scholarship is widely considered the most prestigious award in the U.S. conferred upon undergraduates studying the sciences. It is awarded to about 400 students (college sophomores and juniors) nationwide in the amount of $7,500 per academic year (for their senior year, or junior and senior years).[187] It honors Goldwater's keen interest in science and technology.
Goldwater's granddaughter, CC Goldwater, has co-produced with longtime friend andindependent film producerTani L. Cohen a documentary on Goldwater's life,Mr. Conservative: Goldwater on Goldwater, first shown onHBO on September 18, 2006.[188]
In his song "I Shall Be Free No. 10",Bob Dylan refers to Goldwater: "I'm liberal to a degree, I want everybody to be free. But if you think I'll let Barry Goldwater move in next door and marry my daughter, you must think I'm crazy."[189] In the 1965 filmThe Bedford Incident, the actorRichard Widmark playing the film's antagonist, Captain Eric Finlander of the fictional destroyer USSBedford, modelled his character's mannerisms and rhetorical style after Goldwater.[190]
Goldwater's sonBarry Goldwater Jr. served as a Congressman from California from 1969 to 1983. He was the first Congressman to serve while having a father in the Senate. Goldwater's uncleMorris Goldwater served in the Arizona territorial and state legislatures and as mayor ofPrescott, Arizona. Goldwater's nephew Don Goldwater soughtthe Republican nomination for governor of Arizona in 2006, but he was defeated byLen Munsil.
I have always thought that if a Jew ever became President, he would turn out to be an Episcopalian.
The first major candidate known to be of ethnic Jewish origin, Goldwater used to joke that only half of him could join an exclusive country club.
Goldwater did not run as a Jew and did not seek the support of other Jews. He did not go out of his way to support Israel, either. On the other hand, he never disavowed his Jewish antecedents. ... Whether Goldwater should be seen as Jewish is an open question.
[He] opposed Big Government, Big Business, Big Labor, and Big Media.
Media from Commons
Quotations from Wikiquote
Texts from Wikisource
Data from Wikidata| Party political offices | ||
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| Preceded by | Republican nominee forU.S. Senator fromArizona (Class 1) 1952,1958 | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by | Chair of theNational Republican Senatorial Committee 1955–1957 | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by | Chair of theNational Republican Senatorial Committee 1961–1963 | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by | Republicannominee for President of the United States 1964 | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by | Republican nominee forU.S. Senator fromArizona (Class 3) 1968,1974,1980 | Succeeded by |
| U.S. Senate | ||
| Preceded by | U.S. Senator (Class 1) from Arizona 1953–1965 Served alongside:Carl Hayden | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by | Ranking Member of theSenate Labor and Public Welfare Committee 1959–1965 | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by | U.S. Senator (Class 3) from Arizona 1969–1987 Served alongside:Paul Fannin,Dennis DeConcini | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by | Ranking Member of theSenate Space Committee 1973–1977 | Office abolished |
| Preceded by | Ranking Member of theSenate Intelligence Committee 1979–1981 | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by | Chair of theSenate Intelligence Committee 1981–1985 | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by | Chair of theSenate Armed Services Committee 1985–1987 | Succeeded by |
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| Class 1 | | |
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| Class 3 | ||
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| Military Affairs Committee (1816–1947) | | |
| Naval Affairs Committee (1816–1947) | ||
| Armed Services Committee (1947–present) | ||
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