Olli Salmi
29.12.2007
This paperwas originallywritten for a publication in Australia in early 1990. The publicationdid not appear. The text was originally written on MacWrite and allthe character formatting had been lost. Now I have converted the textcharacter by character into Unicode and HTML. I have not changed thecontent in light of new information but I may do it later althoughthere is not much to change. Obviousmistakes have been corrected. The purpose of thepaper was to find where in China Central AsianDungan originated. However, this may be futile because both Dungan andthe SouthernXinjiang dialects were formed only after the Dungan uprising.
1.1History
In 1861 anuprising of Moslems broke up in Northwest China. It was finally crushedby ZuǒZōngtáng 左宗棠 in 1878. The rebels fledahead of the Manchu troops all through northwestern China and some ofthem finally crossed over the border into Russian territory. The rebelsincluded many nationalities, among them Dungans, Chinese speakingMoslems.
The Dunganscrossed theborder at different times and places. The first groups crossed theborder in 1877–1878 and the last groups again in1882–1888 after the Ili area was given back to China.(Jusupov 1977, Rimsky-Korsakoff Dyer 1979:1). Altogether nearly 10,000moved over (Sushanlo 1979:66).
Janshansin(1938:83–84) mentions some places of origin for some of theDungan groups. All the places mentioned are in Xīnjiāng. For instancethe group settling down in Frunze came from Ili Valley.
The presentDungan settlements are mainly in the Chuy (Чуй,in DunganЧүй)River Valley on the border between Kirghizia and Kazakhstan. One, Irdyk(Ирдык,in Dungan Эрдэх),is near Przewalsk (Пржевальск)south of Issyk Kul (ИссыкКуль).The settlements elsewhere have probably lost their language.
The Dunganshave their own literary language, which was first written in the Latinalphabet since 1932,then in Cyrillic after 1952 (Riedlinger 1989).
There wereabout 80,000 Dungans in 1989, of which nearly one half live inKirghizia. The annual population growth is 3.8 per cent. (ShyjüәdiChi, 7 November, 1989).
1.2 Writing and pronunciation
The mostaccurate description of Dungan phonetics is Zav'jalova 1979. It is theonly source that uses the IPA alphabet. Imazov 1975 describes thesounds in articulatory terms, but not in great detail.
Theorthography is phonemic as far as segmental features are concerned andthe following treatment uses the Dungan orthography as the basis of thedescription.
SinceZav'jalova 1979 does not list all the finals some of the followingtranscriptions are tentative.
1.2.1 Thefinals
Trubetzkoyhas discussed the vowel system of Soviet Dungan. He thinks it isdifferent in different contexts (Trubetzkoy 1939). Because the medialhas become a secondary articulation of the initial and the final nasalcan be realized as nasalization, syllables are of the CV type. This iscustomary in Soviet analyses (Imazov 1975).
Table 1 | |||||||||
ы | [ɨ] | и | [i] | ў | [u] | ү | [y] | эр | [əɹ] |
а | [a] | я | [ia] | уа | [ua] | ||||
ә | [ɤ] | уә | [uɤ] | үә | [yɤ] | ||||
э | [ɛ] | е | [iɛ] | уэ | [uɛi] | ||||
о | [ɔ] | ё | [iou] | ||||||
ый | [ɨi] | уй | [ui] | ||||||
у | [ʊ] | ю | [iu] | ||||||
ан | [æn] | ян | [iæn] | уан | [uæn] | үан | [yæn] | ||
ын | [ən] | ин | [in] | ун | [un] | үн | [yn] | ||
он | [ɔn] | ён | [iɔn] | уон | [uɔn] | ||||
Notes:
•ы [ɨ]is retroflex or alveolar depending on the previous consonant. It is thevowel in Chinesesiandshi.
• The final nasal[n] varies with the nasalisation of the preceding vowel (Zav'jalova1979: 57):
[æ̃] ~[æn]
[ɔ̃]~ [ɔn]
• и[i]palatalizes the initial, sometimes considerably
•ўlabializes,уdoes not, otherwise the difference is slight (Zav'jalova 1979: 56).уis written instead ofўafter labials.
•у[ʊ]is [ou]in Aleksandrovka (Александровка) in Chuy Valley.
• If theу[u] is medial, the initial consonant usually has no labialization.The labialization isoccasionally a bilabial trill (Zav'jalova 1979: 44–45).
кў [kɸu],kuэ[kxuɛi]
тў [tɸu],чў[tʂɸu]
бу [pβu]
пу [pɸu]
Imazov(1975:26, 126) gives the following phonetic values:
дў | дб |
тў | тп |
гў | гву |
кў | кфу |
җў | дву |
җуә | двә |
җуан | дван |
чў | тфу |
чуә | тфә |
чуон | тфон |
•эрis [əɹ]in Irdyk, but [ɯ]in Aleksandrovka (Zav'jalova 1979: 42).
•ки[kxɪi],бый[pɨi](Zav'jalova 1979: 56). The first part of this glide is regarded as atransition by Nurmekund (1979) and Trubetzkoy (1939).
The final -иis written instead of -ыйafter labiodentals and velars, which are never palatalized. The finalis pronounced [ɪi]in that context.
• Inхуэйthe final –уйis written withэin order to avoid resemblance with a Russian taboo word.
• Some of the vowelshave diphthongal realizations (Zav'jalova 1979: 55):
[ɛ]vs. [uɛi]
[o] vs. [iou]
[ɔ]and [ɛ]are diphthongs in Aleksandrovka.
• Withérhuà儿化, written –р,the opposition between nuclear vowels is obliterated. Only the medialis preserved. (Imazov 1975:30–31, 39–40)
1.2.2The initials
Table2 | |||||||||||||
б | [p] | п | [px] | м | [m] | ф | [f] | в | [v] | ||||
д | [t] | т | [tx] | н | [n] | л | [l] | р | [r] | ||||
з | [ts] | ц | [tsx] | с | [s] | ||||||||
җ | [tʂ] | ч | [tʂx] | ш | [ʂ] | ж | [ʐ] | ||||||
җ | [tɕ] | ч | [tɕx] | щ | [ɕ] | й | [ʝ] | ||||||
г | [k] | к | [kx] | ң | [ŋ] | х | [x] | ||||||
Notes:
•ң[ŋ]only occurs before [ɤ],where [n] does not occur and it is consequently an allophone of /n/. InIrdyk it is pronounced [ɣ] (Zav'jalova 1979: 41).
•Aspiration isvelar: [px][tʂx]etc. (Zav'jalova 1979:43).
•в[v],ж[ʐ]andй[ʝ]are strongly fricated. They are originally medials with a zero initial.In Dungan they are probably best regarded as initials.
•р[r] occurs in loan words, also syllable finally.
1.2.3 Thetones
It is usuallystated that Soviet Dungan has three tones with no difference betweenthe yīnpíng and yángpīng, i.e. between the firstand second Pekingese tones (Kalimov 1968, Rimsky-Korsakoff 1967). Inisolated syllables this is true, but in connected speech there are fourtones just as in Standard Chinese. (Zav'jalova 1973, 1979, Salmi 1980).
There aredifferences from Pekingese in the distribution of the tones caused bythe fact that the old entering tone becomes yīnpíng oryángpíng, depending on the nature of the initialconsonant. In table 3 the number 1 means low and 5 high pitch.
Table3 | ||
Medial | Final | |
first | 11(21) | 13(131) |
second | 13 | 13(131) |
third | 51 | 51 |
fourth | 44 | 441 |
There is onecase of tone sandhi. A first tone is changed into a second tone if itis followed by another first tone. In other words, sequences of lowtones are not allowed.
The neutraltone occurs after third and fourth tones. After a first tone it isreplaced by a second tone (rising) and after a second tone by a thirdtone (falling).
Zav'jalova(1979) describes two dialects. The above tones are those of Irdyk,which has a simpler system. In Aleksandrovka some of the tones areslightly different. The fourth tone is 35 and finally 342. In addition,the first tone has a level final variant 11, which mostly occurs afteran underlying first tone.
Structurally it is mostelegant to think that Soviet Dungan tones are low, rising, falling andhigh. Low changes into rising finally and before another low.
1.3 Dialects within SovietDungan
It istraditional to say that there are two main dialects of Soviet Dungan.The literary dialect is based on Gānsù dialect and the otherdialect is a Shǎnxīdialect.(Kalimov 1968, Rimsky-Korsakoff 1967, 1979).The best account of dialectdifferences between the two main dialects of Soviet Dungan areJanshansin 1968 and 1938. The descriptions are not very systematic.They are of little use in the placement of the Shǎnxīdialect in the context of Chinese dialects.
According toJanshansin 1938 the first primer was printed in 1929. The teachers inthe first Dungan school were from Frunze and spoke the Gānsùdialect and that is why it became the literary language.
Below aresome of the differences between the two dialects.
Table 4 | ||
Gānsù | Shǎnxī | |
н- | ң- | Forzero initial |
в- | ў | |
ди | җи | Thisseems to be widespread in the northwest |
гә | гуә,гы | |
вә | ңә | 'I, me' |
вәму | ңай | 'we, us' |
жы | эр | |
3tones | 4tones | |
There is along thematic vocabulary list of the two dialects in Janshansin 1938.The differences in vocabulary are often cases like the following, whereboth variants are formed from Chinese roots.
гуйhuа瑰花~цымыйхуар刺玫花儿'rose'
лыйзы肋子~лыйба肋吧'rib'
эрхуанзы耳环子~эрҗуйзы耳坠子'earring'
The chiefdifference between the two dialects is the number of tones, the Shǎnxīdialect having preserved the difference of the twopíngshēngs. They share the other main characteristics ofSoviet Dungan. Both have lost the oppositions -en vs. -eng and shu vs.fu.
1.4 Differences fromPekingese
1.4.1Phonological features
When wecompare the sounds of Soviet Dungan with Standard Chinese, there areconsiderable differences, but the phonological differences aresurprisingly slight, especially if one compares with some dialectsfurther to the east like Zhèngzhōu郑州(Zhōu Qìngshēng 1987), where rhotacism is a [u] and wherethere are finals like iai, where jian-tuan尖团are distinguished, and where ten is used for tun.
Some of thedifferences are such that the Dungan form can be derived from thePekingese form. There are two main cases of this.
• First,the difference between dental and velar nasal final consonantshas been obliterated so that there is no opposition between thefollowing finals:
-in = -ing[ĩ] ~ [in]
-en = -eng [ə̃]~ [ən]
-un = -ong [ũ] ~ [un]
Thedifference between -anand-angis reflected in the quality of the vowel: –ан[æ̃], –он[ɔ̃].
• Anotherdifference that no longer exists in Dungan is betweenshu-vs.fu-andru-vs.wu-.Soфу熟'ripe' andфу浮'swim' are homophonous and so areван软'soft' andван晚'late'. Incidentally, theф–andв–are never followed by a labial medial. The same constraint holds inChinese. This means thatshui水'water' becomesфи(fei),notфуй.
• Zeroinitial occurs in Soviet Dungan only in the prefixа–.Otherwise it has coalesced withн–as inнанзы鞍子'saddle'. Before [ɤ]it is the velar [ң]as inңә鹅'goose', but Soviet Dungan has no [n] in this position, so there is noopposition, although the orthography marks the difference.
Otherdifferences have to be derived from forms of Chinese earlier thanpresent-day Pekingese. There are two main differences of this sort.
• Thefirst of these is the tonal system. There are differences in thedistribution of the tones caused by the fact that the old entering tone(i.e. stop final words) becomes yīnpíng oryángpīng, depending on the nature of the initial consonant.In Soviet Dungan the ancient stop final words belong to the presentfirst tone if the initial consonant was earlier a voiceless stop or asonorant. If it was a voiced stop the word is pronounced in the secondtone. So the tones ofҗў–竹'bamboo' with an earlier voiceless stop initial andва–袜'sock' with a sonorant initial have fallen together withyīnpíng, while the tone бый白'white' with an original voiced initial has coalesced withyángpíng.
• Insome words the distribution of retroflex and dental fricatives andaffricates,sh-ands-for instance, differs from Pekingese. Dentals likes-are more widespread in Soviet Dungan. The occurrence of dentals iseasily stated by traditional Chinese terminology: they occur in wordsthat belonged to either the second division or else to the zhǐ止rhyme class in Middle Chinese. In Dungan it is сан (san)山'mountain' and -сы(si)是'to be'.
• Athird difference occurs in some words originally with a final velarstop, so there are words likeки(kēi)客'guest',мый-(mēi)麦'wheat',мый(mēi)墨'ink',бый(bēi)百'hundred',бый(béi)白'white'. These are words in the zēng曾and gěng梗rhyme classes. There are also other cases that have developed in a waythat differs from Pekingese such asфә-(фә<shuó)勺'spoon' andщүә(xuē)削'whittle'.
1.4.2Differences in grammar
There are alot of differences in vocabulary, syntax and idiom, but because we haveno information on these features on the Chinese side, they are notdiscussed in detail in this paper. However, some of the more importantones are mentioned.
In morphologythe differences are of minor importance. In Soviet Dungan it is commonto reduplicate nouns. In Pekingese this only occurs in children'slanguage (Chao 1968:202).
Dungan doesnot form compound words as freely as Chinese. It commonly uses phraseswhere Chinese uses words.
Chineseoften usesabbreviations that Thompson calls alluding forms (Thompson 1965:137).They are actually abbreviations like Zhōnggòng 'Middlecommon' for Zhōngguó gòngchǎndǎng'The Chinese Communist Party'. There are none of these in Dungan andthe reason is probably that they are of predominantly literary originin Chinese.
1.4.3Differences invocabulary
Soviet Dunganhas almost no words from literary Chinese. The ones it has are fromfolk poetry. There are a few Chinese loans likeдянйинзы'cinema' andгәмин'revolution'. There are differences in the frequency of many words andsomefaux amis.A lot of Chinese morphemes do not occur in Dungan and there are also aconsiderable number of Dungan morphemes that do not occur in Chineseand consequently have no corresponding character.
There are alot of unassimilated Russian words that occur in economic and politicaltexts, but are not so common in other kinds of texts. Other loan wordsare religious terms from Arabic or Persian. They are mainlyphonologically assimilated, and some of them seem to occur in everydaylanguage.
1.4.4Differences in syntax
The mostobvious syntactical characteristic of Soviet Dungan is the system ofmarked aspects. Nearly every sentence has an aspect particle and theabsence of one is grammatically determined. (Salmi 1984).
A lessobvious feature is that Soviet Dungan is far less topic oriented thanChinese. Most topics are marked by a preposition, including objects andpatients of passive sentences. In general, the order of constituents isfreer. Prepositional phrases can rather freely occur before the subject.
In general,there is more morphological marking of syntactical relations in SovietDungan. For instance, sentences as subject are usually marked, andclauses as object can be preposed with a preceding ба把and a following–ди的.
There arealso differences inthe use of complements. They rarely occur before the object anddiscontinuous directional complements only occur with –до到,while simple directional complements are rare.
There are afair number of other differences.
2 Dialects inChina
2.1 Mandarin
There areseveral mutually incomprehensible dialects in China, but some 70percent of the population speaks the Northern or Mandarin dialects. Inthis paper, only the northern dialects are dealt with, because SovietDungan clearly belongs to this group.
The NorthernChinese dialects are usually called Mandarin dialects. It has beentraditional to separate Mandarin from the rest of the Chinese dialects.However, Forrest says there are no real criteria for lumping them alltogether in one group. The grouping is unfortunate, because it does notexpress that Cantonese is nearer to Northern Chinese than to the othermajor dialects. (Forrest 1948:198–199).
YuánJiāhuá et al. (1960:23) stress mutual comprehensibility as acriterion for separating the Mandarin group from the rest of theChinese dialects, but there are also phonological features which can beused to set up the major dialect areas. These are the development ofvoiced initial consonants into voiceless stops, tonal development, andthe development of final consonants (Yuán Jiāhuáet al. 1960:23, Zhān Bóhuì 1981:93). It isespecially the present reflexes of earlier voiced initial stops thatset Mandarin dialects apart from their southern neighbours. In thesouthwest final stops and tones are important in this respect.
There havebeen objections to the use of the name Mandarin. Forrest calls theMandarin dialects Northern Chinese and so does ZhānBóhuì. The present classification of dialects isbased on work by LǐRóng (1985a), who again calls them Mandarin, because hemakes a distinction between Mandarin and the Jìn dialects,mainly spoken in Shānxī. He regards them as entirely outside Mandarin,although they are in the North.
No realreason for the separation of Jìn dialects is given in LǐRóng (1985a). It is simply stated that the area of Mandarinhas diminished in successive descriptions of Chinese dialects and nowthe Jìn dialects will be separated from them. Thedistinguishing feature is that they have preserved a final stopconsonant ([ʔ]). If this were the only reason for keeping thesedialects apart, the same thing should apply for theJiāng-Huái dialects in the southeast as well, because theytoo have preserved the old final stop.
Theremight be some realgrounds for the separation of the Jìn dialects, because inthe colloquial pronunciation of some Shānxī dialects the initials havedeveloped differently from the Mandarin dialects (Hóu Jīngyī1986). Moreover, they have often quite aberrant developments of finals.
The nameJìn is the old name for the province of Shānxī and it isused instead of the present name of the province, because the areawhere they are spoken is not coextensive with Shānxī province. Theysame principle is followed in Chinese in the names of many otherdialects, but it is not possible to follow it systematically in English.
2.2 The basiccriterion
There aredifferent ways of classifying Mandarin dialects. The classification ofMandarin dialects in Yuán Jiāhuá et al. (1960)can be regarded as traditional. The book divides them into four groups,Northern, Northwestern, Southwestern, and Jiāng-Huái betweenthe YángzǐjiāngRiver and the Huái淮River. The same classification is used by ZhānBóhuì (1981:94–98). This classificationis mainly geographic, there are no simple linguistic criteria for it.
LǐRóng 1985a is the first who uses a single isogloss toseparate the major dialects within the Northern Mandarin area. Thefeature used for the classification is the development of ancient stopfinal words. The stop has disappeared in most Northern Chinese dialectsand the earlier stop final words were apportioned between the otherfour tones. Table 5 describes the developments in the dialect areasproposed by LǐRóng. The numbers are the traditional numbers for the fourtones.
Table 5 | |||
Initial | Voiceless | Voiced | Sonorant |
Central Plains | 1 | 2 | 1 |
Northern | 1 | 2 | 4 |
Lánzhōu-Yínchuān | 4 | 2 | 4 |
Peking | 1234 | 2 | 4 |
Jiāodōng-Liáoníng | 3 | 2 | 4 |
Jiāng-Huái | preserved | preserved | preserved |
2.3 Northerndialects
Thedevelopment of stop final words is a very easy basis for theclassification of Mandarin dialects. It is also used by ZhānBóhuì to describe his groups, but onlysecondarily, after he has established areas based on geography.
On the basisof this criterion we can talk about the following groups of NorthernChinese:
•CentralPlains Mandarin.Zav'jalova 1979:63 calls this group the Gānsù-Shǎnxī-Hénándialect as opposed to Northern Gānsù(Lánzhōu-Yínchuān兰州银川).In Zhān Bóhuì's classification this dialect isdivided between Guānzhōng (Central ShǎnxīPlains) dialect among the Northwestern dialects andHénán and Huáiběi among the NorthernChinese dialects.
•Lánzhōu-YínchuānMandarinin Níngxià and northern Gānsù,including Héxī河西 (GānsùCorridor). Zhān Bóhuì calls it theNíngxià-Gānsù subgroup of theNorthwestern dialects. Zav'jalova (1979) calls it NorthernGānsù dialect. Further investigation might reveal that it isa development of Jìn dialects.
•PekingMandarin,spoken mainly north of Peking (Hè Wēi, QiánZēngyí and Chén Shūjìng 1986). ZhānBóhuì calls it the Héběi dialect.Northeastern Mandarin also belongs to this group (LǐRóng 1985a, Lín Tāo 1987). Both are Northerndialects in Zhān Bóhuì's classification.
NortheasternMandarin has also been regarded as a separate dialect area (HèWēi 1986b). On the northeastern side of the dividing isogloss retroflexsounds have coalesced with dentals. The tonal developments arebasically the same as in Peking, except that it has more shangshengthan Peking. This is probably caused by immigration from theJiāodōng-Liáoníng area.
•NorthernMandarin, spoken east andsouth of Peking until it meets CentralPlains. In Zhān Bóhuì's classification it belongsto the Shāndōng group of Northern dialects.
•Jiāodōng-LiáoníngMandarin in eastern Shāndōng(Jiāodōng胶东)and Liáoníng peninsulas. The group is calledJiāodōng by Zhān Bóhuì.
•Jiāng-HuáiMandarinroughly between the Yángzǐjiāngand the Huái River and Húběi northeast of Wǔhàn武汉.
•SouthwesternMandarin,mainly spoken in Sìchuān, Yúnnán,southern Shǎnxī,and Húběi (Huáng Xuězhēn 1986).
•JìnDialect. The nucleus of thisdialect is in Shānxī. It is also spoken innorthern Shǎnxī,Inner Mongolia, and in Hénán in areas borderingon Shānxī. Forrest's Chin dialects, spoken mainly in Shānxī,(207–8) include Xī'ān西安in the Central Plains area, so his term does not cover the same area asthe present term. In LǐRóng's classification this is not a Mandarin dialect.
Table 6summarizes the differences (not the similarities) between LǐRóng's and Zhān Bóhuì's groupings.
Table6 | |
ZhānBóhuì | LǐRóng |
NorthwesternShānxī | Jìn |
Guānzhōng | Central Plains |
Níngxià-Gānsù | Lánzhōu-Yīnchuān |
NorthernHéběi | Peking |
Dōngběi | Peking |
Shāndōng | Northern |
Jiāodōng | Jiāo-Liáo |
Hénán | Central Plains |
Huáiběi | CentralPlains |
Itcan beseen that Lǐ Róng's classification cuts across thegeographical areas ofZhān Bóhuì.
From theprevious description of Soviet Dungan peculiarities it is easy to seethat the subgroup of Mandarin dialects to which Soviet Dungan belongsis the Central Plains Mandarin. Consequently that group is discussed infurther detail below.
2.4 Theextent of Central Plains
2.4.1 Extentof Central Plains in the east.
The area ofthe Central Plains Dialect is extensive and it has a peculiar shape. Itextends all the way from the East China Sea to the Dungan villages inthe Soviet Union, but in the north-southdirection the area is not very broad. It only forms a narrow belt.
The area ofCentral Plains Mandarin meets the sea in northern Jiāngsù.In the south it extends to the Huái River, in western Ānhuīeven south of the Huái River (HèWēi 1985b).
The followingareas belong to Central Plains Mandarin: Hénánsouth of the river, southern Shāndōng up to the southern tip ofHéběi, northern Jiāngsù up to the border withShāndōng , northwestern Ānhuī down to Húběi all belong tothe Central Plains area, as well as the southeastern tip ofHéběi (HèWēi 1985b, 1986a).
Dialect areasare usually separated by bundles of isoglosses. If you choose a goodisogloss, it might serve well, but it is more likely that one is notenough. In the case of Chinese dialects the long and narrow shape ofthe CentralPlains area causes some doubts. A good dialect should have historicalreasons for its existence (LǐRóng 1985b). Geography and communications should beconsidered when establishing what isoglosses should be used. The areaof Central Plains Mandarin in the east is very natural because itroughly follows the old course of the Yellow River (Clark 1983:46).
As was statedabove, the boundaries of the dialect areas are determined by oneisogloss only, the development of the stop final words. We have someinformation on another isogloss, a feature typical of Soviet Dungan:the use of dentals instead of retroflex initials in some words (p. 8above). This feature also extends as a narrow zone in the Yellow Riverbasin and even to the north of Shāndōng and to Tiānjīn天津,which belongs to Northern Mandarin (HèWēi, Qián Zēngyí and ChénShūjìng 1986:249, Zav'jalova 1979:117). EvenChānglí昌黎 northeast of Peking hasthis feature (Chānglí fāngyánzhì1960). In Hénán it occurs in the northern part ofthe province in the Yellow River basin and in a few localities with theeasternmost point in Xúzhōu徐州(HèWēi 1985a, 1985b).
2.4.2Northwestern Central Plains
2.4.2.1Extent in the northwest
In thenorthwest other dialects limit the area of Central Plains Mandarin inthe north. To the east it is bounded by Jìn, which is spokenboth in Shānxī, except the Central Plains Mandarin speakingsouthwestern part, and in northern ShǎnxīNorth of Yán'ān延安.
FromNíngxià to the Soviet border Central PlainsMandarin is limited by Lánzhōu-Yínchuān territory(the southern extremity of Níngxià is CentralPlains). Lánzhōu-Yínchuān extends inGānsù south to Lánzhōu and to all of theHéxī Corridor. Dūnhuáng is the first place in thewest were the Central plains is again spoken. From there the area ofLánzhōu-Yínchuān continues over northernXīnjiāng. So the Central Plains Mandarin area has a gap inHéxī.
In Xīnjiāngthe dialects south of the Altai belong to theLánzhōu-Yínchuān group while the Altai region isbasically Pekingese. The reason is that the Chinese settlement here isrecent, dating from the period after Liberation in 1949.(Liú Lìlǐand Zhōu Lěi 1986).
The dialectsin southern Xīnjiāng belong to the Central Plains group (LiúLìlǐand Zhōu Lěi 1986). Their area starts fromShànshàn鄯善 andRuòqiāng若羌 and extends all the way tothe Ili River in the west. The northern boundary clearly follows thewatershed.
In the souththe Central Plains Mandarin area is bounded by Southwestern Mandarinand Tibetan so that Eastern Qīnghǎiis Chinese speaking. The area of Southwestern Mandarin extends to Shǎnxīto some extent. It seems to have spread from Sìchuān alongthe Hàn汉River Valley and is spoken along the southern slopes of theQínlǐng秦岭Range.
It ispossible that in the west Central Plains Mandarin was originallyassociated with the Wèi渭River Valley.
2.4.2.2Subgroups and their criteria.
There arethree major subgroups of Central Plains Mandarin in the Northwest(Zhāng Shèngyù and ZhāngChéngcái 1986). The two features that have beenused to set up subgroups are:
1) theopposition between dental and velar nasal finals after non-low vowels (-envs. -engetc.).
2) the numberof tones.
In theCentralShǎnxīPlainssubgroup the -envs. -engopposition has been preserved. This dialect is spoken in Eastern Shǎnxīwith Xī'ān as a representative.
The dialectsin which this opposition is not preserved are divided into two groups.In theShǎnxī-Gānsùsubgroupthere are four tones in isolated words. This dialect is spoken inwestern and southern Shǎnxīand southeastern Gānsù with outliers in northeasternGānsù west of Níngxià and in theutmost west of the Chinese speaking part of Qīnghǎi.Dūnhuáng in Northern Gānsù also belongs to thisgroup.
The twopíngshēngs are not kept apart in theCentralGānsùsubgroup.It is spoken in a narrow zone extending from eastern Gānsùand southwestern Níngxià to eastern Qīnghǎi.
TheSouthernXīnjiāng subgroupshares the features of theCentral Gānsù subgroup, but the two areas are not adjacent.(Liú Lìlǐand Zhōu Lěi 1986). It is not clear why a separate group has to beestablished. These dialects essentially resemble Soviet Dungan, but notall dialects share the loss of the oppositionshuvs.fuand the same reflex of zero initial. The distribution of these featuresseems to be rather erratic. They do not form contiguous territories.
3 Theplacement of Dungan
The SovietDungan literary language belongs to the Central Gānsù or theSouthern Xīnjiāng subgroup. The Shǎnxīdialect of Soviet Dungan seems to belong to the Shǎnxī-Gānsùsubgroup.
The area isstill rather extensive and it is impossible to pinpoint the exactoriginal location of Soviet Dungan. We ought to have information onfurther features. The only one there is information available on is thelabialization of retroflex initials. This is not a feature that can beused as a criterion for dialect subgroups, because it does not definecontinuous territories. To the east of Xīnjiāng the feature occurs intwo places. The first place is in southern Shǎnxīsouth of the QínlǐngRange in two small areas separated by Southwestern Mandarin and thesecond in the Wèi River and Yellow River valleys north ofthe Wèi.
In theselocalities [pf] and [pfʻ] are also used instead of [tʂ]and [tʂx]before [u], that is, the affricates are also labialized. This may notbe so different from дв and тф given by Imazov (1975) for Dungan, but theseareas belong to the Shǎnxī-Gānsùsubgroup.
In Qīnghǎiand adjacent areas of Gānsù only the fricatives have beenlabialized while the affricates are represented by [tʂ]and [tʂx]so those areas are closest to Soviet Dungan, especially those ineastern Qīnghǎi,because the dialects there belong to the Central Gānsùsubgroup.
In Xīnjiāngthere is information on some localities only. Apparently the areas withlabialization are not contiguous there, either. It might be significantthat Huòchéng霍城in Ili Valley agrees with Soviet Dungan in this respect.
If dialectfeatures are not contiguous it is usually indicative of the fact thatthe feature is a relict. However, in this case this is not likely. [f]and [pf] are used in parts of Shāndōng as well, and it cannot be afeature that has earlier been used all over northern China and thendisappeared from most of it.
There aresome descriptions of the dialects of the general area where SovietDungan can be thought of coming. One of them is Xīníng西宁of the Shǎnxī-Gānsùsubgroup. It can be regarded as a descendant of Soviet Dungan. By thisI mean that Xīníng can be derived from Soviet Dungan, it hasfewer segmental oppositions and only one that Soviet Dungan does not(between /v/ and /w/). However, the phonetical realization seems to berather different. (Zhāng Chéngcái 1980, ZhāngChéngcái and Zhū Shìkuí1987).
The dialectof Dūnhuáng敦煌 belongs to the Shǎnxī-Gānsùsubgroup (Zhāng Shèngyù 1985), but west of the Dǎnghé党河the dialect is of Lánzhōu-Yínchuān type. It givesa general impression of being rather similar to Dungan.
•Mostsimilar is Yānqí焉耆 in Central Xīnjiāng of theSouthern Xīnjiāng subgroup (Liú Lìlǐ1988). In Yānqí the tone sandhi seems to differ somewhatfrom Soviet Dungan. The retroflex initials have been preserved before alabial medial, but otherwise the phonology is very similar to SovietDungan.
4 Conclusion
To conclude,Soviet Dungan belongs to the Central Gānsù or SouthernXīnjiāng subgroup of Central Plains Mandarin. It is further set apartfrom some dialects of the subgroup by the non-occurrence of retroflexfricatives before -u.and the use ofn-for zero initial. This kind of dialect is spoken in Southern Xīnjiāng,in Qīnghǎiand in Southern and Central Gānsù. When such details astonal realization and tone sandhi are taken into account, Soviet Dunganis most closely related to Southern Xīnjiāng dialects. It is possiblethat the basis of standard Soviet Dungan was actually the dialect ofthe group of Dungans that crossed over from Ili Valley. Soviet Dungancan thus be regarded as westernmost extention of a continuum ofdialects, not an island separated from its place of origin.
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