abundant

accompany, escort

This set of forms, whichDempwolff (1934-38) assigned to *bali contains material reflecting two distinct etyma (*balian, *baliw₂).

accustomed to

Dempwolff (1938) proposed ‘Uraustronesisch’ *teman ‘accustomed to’.

across:   obstruct, stretch across

action, manner

address:   term of address for females

address:   term of address for girls

adze something:   chop, split, adze something

TheThao form could reflect either *saqsaq or *taqtaq, thePaiwan form only *saqsaq. Probably a chance resemblance.

affinal relative

AlsoBulibati ‘friend’. Identical toDempwolff (1920) *bati ‘house servants’, and probably a chance resemblance.

affirmative particle

affix:   passive affix

The suffixed *-a inOceanic languages probably is identical to *-a '3sg. object'. The prefixeda- inMalagasy andFijian is assumed to have no historical connection, either between these two languages, or with any of the suffixes cited here.

after:   follow, go after

again

ago:   a moment ago, in a moment

amends:   make amends

and, with

The three Formosan forms almost certainly are cognate, and may point toPAn *Na. However, uncertainty concerning a possible Rukai-Tsouic subgroup, and the unknown history of borrowing between Rukai and Tsouic make such a reconstruction premature. In any case, the similarity of the South Sulawesi words to these is probably best treated as a product of convergence.

anew:   begin anew

anger

animal trap

animal:   venomous animal

ant

Chance. TheNgaju Dayak andMalagasy terms reflect aProto-Barito innovation; those inBisayan languages reflect *bitik 'spring up suddenly'.

apart:   stand apart

argue, quarrel, dissention

arm

Potentially a reflex of *sabak, but the limited distribution suggests that this is a product of chance.

arm:   hand arm

Chance. This is yet another example of the many forced comparisons inDempwolff (1938). TheNgaju Dayak form clearly reflectsPMP *leŋen ‘forearm, lower arm’. The loss of word-final-n in obligatorily possessed nouns has led to reanalysis in other languages of Borneo, as inUma Juman Kayan, where the reflex ofPMP *ipen ‘tooth’ in constructions such asipen-naɁ ‘his/her tooth’ has be reinterpreted asipeɁ-naɁ ‘his/her tooth’ (with obligatory morpheme-final glottal stop). TheFijian word is most likely a reflex ofPOc *lima ‘hand’, with a sporadic replacement of *m by its labiovelar equivalent, as withMotalimwa ‘hand; five’. Dempwolff ignored the irregularity in the vowel correspondences of both syllables, and proposed Uraustronesisch *liŋa ‘hand, arm’ despite the availability of far better-supported words for this meaning.

armpit

Chance. Together with theCebuano andAklanon forms,Maranao,Manobo (Western Bukidnon)irek,Mongondowiok 'armpit' indicatePCPh *irek.

arms:   clasp in the arms

around:   wind around

article:   definite article

Probably a reflex of *qi 'genitive marker' inNggela andArosi. I assume that the similarity toChamorroi is due to chance.

aside:   push aside

ask permission

Dempwolff (1938) used this comparison to propose *puhun ‘to ask permission’. However, I am unable to find theTagalog form in any dictionary available to me, or in any other Philippine language, and theMalagasy word, if cognate, may be aMalay loan.

aslant, steep, precipitous

Dempwolff (1938) proposed *si(dD)aŋ ‘steep, precipitous’, but this comparison appears to be confined toNgaju Dayak andMalagasy. It is thus best treated as ‘noise’ not on grounds of false cognation, but rather on the grounds that it cannot be reconstructed for a proto-language of any considerable time-depth.

aunt, older woman

Dempwolff (1938) proposed ‘Uraustronesisch’ *daga ‘to be related’, butDahl (1976:106-107) has rightly dismissed this comparison as invalid.

away:   sweep away

axe