Heresy

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I. Connotation and Definition
II. Distinctions
III. Degrees of heresy
IV. Gravity of the sin of heresy
V. Origin, spread, and persistence of heresy
VI. Christ, the Apostles, and the Fathers on heresy
VII. Vindication of their teaching
VIII. Church legislation on heresy: ancient, medieval, present-day legislation
IX. Its principles
X. Ecclesiastical jurisdiction over heretics
XI. Reception of converts
XII. Role of heresy in history
XIII. Intolerance and cruelty

Connotation and definition

The term heresy connotes, etymologically, both a choice and the thing chosen, the meaning being, however, narrowed to the selection of religious or politicaldoctrines, adhesion to parties in Church or State.

Josephus applies the name (airesis) to the three religioussects prevalent inJudea since theMachabean period: theSadducees, thePharisees, theEssenes (Bel. Jud., II, viii, 1; Ant., XIII, v, 9).St. Paul is described to the Roman governor Felix as the leader of the heresy (aireseos) of theNazarenes (Acts 24:5); theJews inRome say to the sameApostle: "Concerning thissect [airesoeos], weknow that it is everywhere contradicted" (Acts 28:22).St. Justin (Dialogue with Trypho 18) usesairesis in the same sense.St. Peter (II, ii, 1) applies the term toChristiansects: "There shall be among youlying teachers who shall bring insects of perdition [aireseis apoleias]". In later Greek,philosophers' schools, as well as religioussects, are "heresies".

St. Thomas (II-II:11:1) defines heresy: "a species of infidelity in men who, having professed thefaith ofChrist, corrupt itsdogmas". "The rightChristian faith consists in giving one'svoluntary assent toChrist in all that truly belongs to His teaching. There are, therefore, two ways of deviating fromChristianity: the one by refusing tobelieve inChrist Himself, which is the way of infidelity, common toPagans andJews; the other by restrictingbelief to certain points ofChrist'sdoctrine selected and fashioned at pleasure, which is the way of heretics. The subject-matter of bothfaith and heresy is, therefore, the deposit of the faith, that is, the sum total oftruths revealed inScripture andTradition as proposed to ourbelief by theChurch. The believer accepts the whole deposit as proposed by theChurch; the heretic accepts only such parts of it as commend themselves to his own approval. The heretical tenets may beignorance of thetrue creed,erroneous judgment, imperfect apprehension and comprehension ofdogmas: in none of these does the will play an appreciable part, wherefore one of the necessary conditions of sinfulness--free choice--is wanting and such heresy is merelyobjective, ormaterial. On the other hand the will may freely incline theintellect to adhere to tenets declaredfalse by the Divine teaching authority of theChurch. The impelling motives are many:intellectualpride or exaggerated reliance on one's own insight; the illusions of religiouszeal; the allurements of political or ecclesiastical power; the ties of material interests and personal status; and perhaps others more dishonourable. Heresy thus willed is imputable to the subject and carries with it a varying degree of guilt; it is calledformal, because to the materialerror it adds the informative element of "freely willed".

Pertinacity, that is, obstinate adhesion to a particular tenet is required to make heresyformal. For as long as one remains willing to submit to theChurch's decision he remains aCatholicChristian at heart and his wrongbeliefs are only transienterrors and fleeting opinions. Considering that thehumanintellect can assent only totruth, real or apparent, studied pertinacity — as distinct from wanton opposition — supposes a firm subjective conviction which may be sufficient to inform theconscience and create "good faith". Such firm convictions result either from circumstances over which the heretic has no control or fromintellectual delinquencies in themselves more or lessvoluntary and imputable. A man born and nurtured in heretical surroundings may live and die without ever having a doubt as to thetruth of his creed. On the other hand a bornCatholic may allow himself to drift into whirls of anti-Catholic thought from which no doctrinal authority can rescue him, and where hismind becomes incrusted with convictions, or considerations sufficiently powerful to overlay hisCatholicconscience. It is not for man, but forHim who searcheth the mind and heart, to sit in judgment on the guilt which attaches to an hereticalconscience.

Distinctions

Heresy differs fromapostasy. Theapostatea fide abandons wholly thefaith ofChrist either by embracingJudaism,Islamism,Paganism, or simply by falling intonaturalism and complete neglect of religion; the heretic always retainsfaith inChrist. Heresy also differs from schism. Schismatics, saysSt. Thomas, in the strict sense, are they who of their own will and intention separate themselves from theunity of the Church. Theunity of the Church consists in the connection of its members with each other and of all the members with the head. Now this head isChrist whose representative in theChurch is thesupreme pontiff. And therefore the name of schismatics is given to those who will not submit to thesupreme pontiff nor communicate with the members of theChurch subject to him. Since the definition ofPapal Infallibility, schism usually implies the heresy of denying thisdogma. Heresy is opposed to faith; schism to charity; so that, although all heretics are schismatics because loss of faith involves separation from theChurch, not all schismatics are necessarily heretics, since a man may, fromanger,pride,ambition, or the like, sever himself from the communion of theChurch and yet believe all theChurch proposes for ourbelief (II-II, Q. xxix, a. 1). Such a one, however, would be more properly called rebellious than heretical.

Degrees of heresy

Bothmatter and form of heresy admit of degrees which find expression in the following technical formula oftheology and canon law. Pertinacious adhesion to a doctrine contradictory to apoint of faith clearlydefined by theChurch is heresy pure and simple, heresy in the first degree. But if thedoctrine in question has not been expressly "defined" or is not clearly proposed as anarticle of faith in the ordinary, authorized teaching of theChurch, an opinion opposed to it is styledsententia haeresi proxima, that is, an opinion approaching heresy. Next, a doctrinal proposition, without directly contradicting a receiveddogma, may yet involvelogical consequences at variance withrevealedtruth. Such a proposition is not heretical, it is apropositio theologice erronea, that is,erroneous intheology. Further, the opposition to anarticle of faith may not be strictly demonstrable, but only reach a certain degree of probability. In that case the doctrine is termedsententia de haeresi suspecta, haeresim sapiens; that is, an opinion suspected, or savouring, of heresy (seeTHEOLOGICAL CENSURES).

Gravity of the sin of heresy

Heresy is asin because of its nature it is destructive of the virtue ofChristianfaith. Its malice is to be measured therefore by the excellence of the goodgift of which it deprives thesoul. Nowfaith is the most precious possession of man, the root of hissupernatural life, the pledge of hiseternalsalvation. Privation offaith is therefore the greatestevil, and deliberate rejection offaith is the greatestsin.St. Thomas (II-II, Q. x, a. 3) arrives at the same conclusion thus: "Allsin is an aversion fromGod. Asin, therefore, is the greater the more it separates man fromGod. But infidelity does this more than any othersin, for the infidel (unbeliever) is without thetrueknowledge ofGod: hisfalseknowledge does not bring him help, for what he opines is notGod: manifestly, then, thesin of unbelief (infidelitas) is the greatestsin in the whole range of perversity." And he adds: "Although theGentileserr in more things than theJews, and although theJews are farther removed fromtruefaith than heretics, yet the unbelief of theJews is a more grievoussin than that of theGentiles, because they corrupt the Gospel itself after having adopted and professed the same. . . . It is a more serioussin not to perform what one has promised than not to perform what one has not promised." It cannot be pleaded in attenuation of the guilt of heresy that heretics do not deny thefaith which to them appears necessary tosalvation, but only such articles as they consider not to belong to the original deposit. In answer it suffices to remark that two of the most evidenttruths of thedepositum fidei are theunity of the Church and the institution of a teaching authority to maintain thatunity. Thatunity exists in theCatholicChurch, and is preserved by the function of her teaching body: these are two facts which anyone can verify for himself. In the constitution of theChurch there is no room for private judgment sortingessentials from non-essentials: any such selection disturbs the unity, and challenges the Divine authority, of theChurch; it strikes at the very source offaith. The guilt of heresy is measured not so much by its subject-matter as by its formal principle, which is the same in all heresies: revolt against a Divinely constituted authority.

Origin, spread, and persistence of heresy

Origin of heresy

The origin, the spread, and the persistence of heresy are due to different causes and influenced by many external circumstances. The undoing offaith infused and fostered byGod Himself is possible on account of thehuman element in it, namely man'sfree will. The will determines the act offaith freely because itsmoral dispositions move it to obeyGod, whilst the non-cogency of the motives of credibility allows it to withhold its consent and leaves room fordoubt and even denial. The non-cogency of the motives of credibility may arise from three causes: the obscurity of the Divine testimony (inevidentia attestantis); the obscurity of the contents of Revelation; the opposition between theobligations imposed on us byfaith and theevil inclinations of our corruptnature. To find out how a man'sfree will is led to withdraw from thefaith once professed, the best way is observation of historical cases.Pius X, scrutinizing the causes ofModernism, says: "The proximate cause is, without anydoubt, anerror of the mind. The remoter causes are two: curiosity andpride. Curiosity, unless wisely held in bounds, is of itself sufficient to account for allerrors. . . . But far more effective in obscuring the mind and leading it intoerror ispride, which has, as it were, its home inModernist doctrines. Throughpride theModernists overestimate themselves. . . . We are not like othermen . . . they reject all submission to authority . . . they pose as reformers. If from moral causes we pass to theintellectual, the first and most powerful isignorance . . . . They extol modern philosophy . . . . completely ignoring thephilosophy of the Schools and thus depriving themselves of the means of clearing away the confusion of theirideas and of meeting sophisms. Their system, replete with so manyerrors, had its origin in the wedding offalsephilosophy withfaith" (Encycl. "Pascendi", 8 September, 1907).

So far thepope. If now we turn to theModernist leaders for an account of their defections, we find none attributing it topride or arrogance, but they are almost unanimous in allowing that curiosity--the desire toknow how the oldfaith stands in relation to the newscience--has been the motive power behind them. In the last instance, they appeal to the sacred voice of their individualconscience which forbids them outwardly to profess what inwardly they honestly hold to beuntrue. Loisy, to whose case theDecree "Lamentabili" applies, tells his readers that he was brought to his present position "by his studies chiefly devoted to the history of theBible, ofChristian origins and of comparativereligion". Tyrrell says in self-defence: "It is the irresistible facts concerning the origin and composition of the Old and New Testaments; concerning the origin of theChristian Church, of itshierarchy, its institutions, itsdogmas; concerning the gradual development of thepapacy; concerning the history of religion in general--that create a difficulty against which the synthesis ofscholastic theology must be and is already shattered to pieces." "I am able to put my finger on the exact point or moment in my experience from which my 'immanentism' took its rise. In his 'Rules for thediscernment of Spirits' . . .Ignatius of Loyola says . . . etc." It is psychologically interesting to note the turning-point or rather the breaking-point offaith in the autobiographies of seceders from theChurch. A study of the personal narratives in "Roads to Rome" and "Roads from Rome" leaves one with the impression that the heart of man is a sanctuary impenetrable to all but toGod and, in a certain measure, to its owner. It is, therefore, advisable to leave individuals to themselves and to study the spread of heresy, or the origin of hereticalsocieties.

Spread of heresy

The growth of heresy, like the growth of plants, depends on surrounding influences, even more than on its vital force.Philosophies,religious ideals and aspirations, social andeconomic conditions, are brought into contact withrevealedtruth, and from the impact result both new affirmations and new negations of thetraditionaldoctrine.

A strong man in touch with his time, and supported by material force, may deform the existing religion and build up a new hereticalsect.Modernism fails to combine into a body separate from theChurch because it lacks an acknowledged leader, because it appeals to only a small minority of contemporaryminds, namely, to a small number who are dissatisfied with theChurch as she now is, and because no secular power lends it support. For the same reason, and proportionately, a thousand smallsects have failed, whose names still encumber the pages ofchurch history, but whose tenets interest only a few students, and whose adherents are nowhere. Such were, in theApostolic Age, theJudeo-Christians,Judeo-Gnostics,Nicolaites,Docetae,Cerinthians,Ebionites, Nazarenes, followed, in the next two centuries, by a variety of Syrian and AlexandrianGnostics, by Ophites,Marcionites,Encratites,Montanists,Manichæans, and others. All the early Easternsects fed on the fanciful speculations so dear to the Eastern mind, but, lacking the support of temporal power, they disappeared under theanathemas of the guardians of thedepositum fidei.

Arianism is the first heresy that gained a strong footing in theChurch and seriously endangered its very nature and existence. Arius appeared on the scene whentheologians were endeavouring to harmonize the apparently contradictorydoctrines of the unity of God and the Divinity ofChrist. Instead of unravelling the knot, he simply cut it by bluntly asserting thatChrist was notGod like the Father, but a creature made in time. The simplicity of the solution, the ostentatiouszeal of Arius for the defence of the"one God", his mode of life, his learning and dialectic ability won many to his side.

In particular he was supported by the famousEusebius of Nicomedia who had great influence on theEmperor Constantine. He had friends among the otherbishops of Asia and even among thebishops,priests, andnuns of the Alexandrian province. He gained the favour of Constantia, the emperor's sister, and he disseminated his doctrine among the people by means of his notorious book which he calledthaleia or 'Entertainment' and by songs adapted for sailors, millers, and travellers. (Addis and Arnold, "A Catholic Dictionary", 7th ed., 1905, 54.)

The Council of Nicaeaanathematized the heresiarch, but itsanathemas, like all the efforts of theCatholicbishops, were nullified by interference of the civil power. Constantine and his sister protected Arius and theArians, and the next emperor, Constantius, assured the triumph of the heresy: theCatholics were reduced to silence by dire persecution. At once an internecine conflict began within theArian pale, for heresy, lacking the internal cohesive element of authority, can only be held together by coercion either from friend or foe.Sects sprang up rapidly: they are known asEunomians,Anomoeans, Exucontians,Semi-Arians,Acacians. TheEmperor Valens (364-378) lent his powerful support to theArians, and thepeace of the Church was only secured when theorthodox Emperor Theodosius reversed the policy of his predecessors and sided withRome. Within the boundaries of the Roman empire thefaith of Nicaea, enforced again by the General Council of Constantinople (381), prevailed, butArianism held its own for over two hundred years longer wherever theArianGoths held sway: in Thrace,Italy,Africa,Spain, Gaul. Theconversion of King Recared ofSpain, who began to reign in 586, marked the end ofArianism in his dominions, and the triumph of theCatholicFranks sealed the doom ofArianism everywhere.

Pelagianism, not being backed by political power, was without much difficulty removed from theChurch.Eutychianism,Nestorianism, and otherChristological heresies which followed one upon another as the link, of a chain, flourished only so long and so far as the temporal power of Byzantine and Persian rulers gave them countenance. Internal dissension, stagnation, and decay became their fate when left to themselves.

Passing over thegreat schism that rent East fromWest, and the many smaller heresies which sprang up in theMiddle Ages without leaving a deep impression on theChurch, we arrive at the modernsects which date fromLuther and go by the collective name ofProtestantism. The three elements of success possessed byArianism reappear inLutheranism and cause these two great religious upheavals to move on almost parallel lines.Luther was eminently a man of his people: the rough-hewn, but, withal sterling, qualities of the Saxon peasant lived forth under his religious habit and doctor's gown; his winning voice, his piety, his learning raised him above his fellows yet did not estrange him from the people: his conviviality, the crudities in his conversation and preaching, his many human weaknesses only increased his popularity. When theDominicanJohn Tetzel began to preach inGermany theindulgences proclaimed byPope Leo X for those who contributed to the completion ofSt. Peter's Basilica inRome, opposition arose on the part of the people and of both civil and ecclesiastical authorities.Luther set the match to the fuel of widespread discontent. He at once gained a number of adherents powerful both in Church and State; theBishop ofWürzburg recommended him to the protection of the Elector Frederick of Saxony. In all probabilityLuther started on his crusade with the laudable intention of reforming undoubted abuses. But his unexpected success, his impetuous temper, perhaps someambition, soon carried him beyond all bounds set by theChurch. By 1521, that is within four years from his attack on abuse ofindulgences, he had propagated a new doctrine; theBible was the only source offaith;humannature was wholly corrupted byoriginal sin, man was not free,God was responsible for all human actions good and bad;faith alone saved; theChristianpriesthood was not confined to thehierarchy but included all thefaithful. The masses of the people were not slow in drawing from these doctrines the practical conclusion thatsin wassin no longer, was, in fact, equal to a good work.

With his appeal to the lower instincts ofhumannature went an equally strong appeal to the spirit of nationality andgreed. He endeavored to set the German emperor against theRomanpope and generally the Teuton against the Latin; he invited the secular princes to confiscate theproperty of the Church. His voice was heard only too well. For the next 130 years the history of the German people is a record ofreligious strife,moral degradation, artistic retrogression, industrial breakdown; of civilwars, pillage, devastation, and general ruin. The Peace of 1648 established the principle:Cujus regio illius et religio; the lord of the land shall be also lord of religion. And accordingly territorial limits became religious limits within which the inhabitant had to profess and practise thefaith imposed on him by the ruler. It is worthy of remark that the geographical frontier fixed by the politicians of 1648 is still the dividing line betweenCatholicism andProtestantism inGermany. TheEnglishReformation, more than any other, was the work of crafty politicians. The soil had been prepared for it by theLollards orWycliffites, who at the beginning of the sixteenth century were still numerous in the towns. NoEnglishLuther arose, but the unholy work was thoroughly done by kings and parliaments, by means of a series ofpenal laws unequalled in severity.

Persistence of heresy

We have seen how heresy originates and how it spreads; we must now answer the question why it persists, or why so many persevere in heresy. Once heresy is in possession, it tightens its grip by the thousand subtle and often unconscious influences which mould a man's life. A child is born in heretical surroundings: before it is able to think for itself its mind has been filled and fashioned by home, school, and church teachings, the authority of which it neverdoubted. When, at a riper age, doubts arise, thetruth ofCatholicism is seldom apprehended as it is. Innate prejudices,educational bias, historical distortions stand in the way and frequently make approach impossible. The state ofconscience technically termedbona fides,good faith, is thus produced. It implies inculpablebelief inerror, a mistake morally unavoidable and therefore always excusable, sometimes even laudable. In the absence ofgood faith worldly interests often bar the way from heresy totruth. When a government, for instance, reserves its favours and functions for adherents of the state religion, the army of civil servants becomes a more powerful body of missionaries than theordained ministers.Prussia,France, andRussia are cases in point.

Christ, the apostles, and the fathers on heresy

Heresy, in the sense of falling away from the Faith, became possible only after the Faith had beenpromulgated byChrist. Its advent is clearly foretold,Matthew 24:11, 23-26: " . . . manyfalse prophets shall rise, and shall seduce many. . . . Then if any man shall say to you: Lo here isChrist, or there, do not believe him. For there shall risefalse Christs andfalse prophets, and shall show great signs and wonders, insomuch as to deceive (if possible) even theelect. Behold I have told it to you, beforehand. If therefore they shall say to you: Behold he is in thedesert, go ye not out: Beholdhe is in the closets, believe it not."Christ also indicated the marks by which toknow thefalse prophets: "Who is not with me is against me" (Luke 11:23); "and if he will not hear theChurch let him be to thee as theheathen and thepublican" (Matthew 18:17); "he thatbelieveth not shall be condemned" (Mark 16:16). The Apostles acted upon theirMaster's directions. All the weight of their ownDivine faith and mission is brought to bear upon innovators. "If any one", saysSt. Paul, "preach to you a gospel, besides that you have received, let him beanathema" (Galatians 1:9). To St. John the heretic is a seducer, anantichrist, a man who dissolvesChrist (1 John 4:3;2 John 7); "receive him not into the house nor say to him,God speed you" (2 John 10).St. Peter,true to his office and to his impetuous nature, assails them as with a two-edged sword: " . . .lying teachers who shall bring insects of perdition, and deny theLord who bought them: bringing upon themselves swift destruction . . . These are fountains without water, and clouds tossed with whirlwinds, to whom the mist of darkness is reserved" (2 Peter 2:1, 17). St. Jude speaks in a similar strain throughout his whole epistle.St. Paul admonishes the disturbers of the unity offaith atCorinth that "the weapons of ourwarfare . . . are mighty toGod unto the pulling down of fortifications, destroying counsels, and every height that exalteth itself against theknowledge ofGod . . . and having in readiness to revenge all disobedience" (2 Corinthians 10:4, 5, 6).

What Paul did atCorinth he enjoins to be done by everybishop in his own church. Thus Timothy is instructed to "war in them a goodwarfare, havingfaith and a goodconscience, which some rejecting have made shipwreck concerning thefaith. Of whom is Hymeneus and Alexander, whom I have delivered up toSatan, that they may learn not toblaspheme" (1 Timothy 1:18-20). He exhorts the ancients of theChurch at Ephesus to "take heed to yourselves, and to the whole flock, wherein theHoly Ghost hath placed youbishops, to rule theChurch of God, . . . Iknow that, after my departure, ravening wolves will enter in among you, not sparing the flock . . . Therefore watch, . . ." (Acts 20:28-31). "Beware of dogs", he writes to thePhilippians (3:2), the dogs being the samefalse teachers as the "ravening wolves". The Fathers show no more leniency to perverters of thefaith. AProtestant writer thus sketches their teaching (Schaff-Herzog, s.v.Heresy): "Polycarp regardedMarcion as thefirst-born of theDevil. Ignatius sees in heretics poisonous plants, or animals inhuman form.Justin andTertullian condemn theirerrors as inspirations of theEvil One; Theophilus compares them to barren and rocky islands on which ships are wrecked; andOrigen says, that as pirates place lights on cliffs to allure and destroy vessels in quest of refuge, so thePrince of this world lights the fires offalseknowledge in order to destroymen. [Jerome calls the congregations of the hereticssynagogues ofSatan (Ep. 123), and says their communion is to be avoided like that of vipers and scorpions (Ep. 130).]" These primitive views on heresy have been faithfully transmitted and acted on by theChurch in subsequent ages. There is no break in thetradition fromSt. Peter toPius X.

Vindication of their teaching

The first law oflife, be it thelife of plant or animal, of man or of asociety ofmen, is self-preservation. Neglect of self-preservation leads to ruin and destruction. But the life of a religious society, the tissue that binds its members into one body and animates them with onesoul, is the symbol offaith, the creed or confession adhered to as a conditionsine qua non of membership. To undo the creed is to undo theChurch. The integrity of therule of faith is more essential to the cohesion of a religious society than the strict practice of its moral precepts. Forfaith supplies the means of mending moral delinquencies as one of its ordinary functions, whereas the loss offaith, cutting at the root of spiritual life, is usually fatal to thesoul. In fact the long list of heresiarchs contains the name of only one who came to resipiscence:Berengarius. The jealousy with which theChurch guards and defends her deposit offaith is therefore identical with the instinctiveduty of self-preservation and the desire to live. This instinct is by no means peculiar to theCatholicChurch; being natural it is universal. Allsects, denominations, confessions, schools of thought, and associations of any kind have a more or less comprehensive set of tenets on the acceptance of which membership depends. In theCatholicChurch thisnatural law has received the sanction of Divinepromulgation, as appears from the teaching ofChrist and the Apostles quoted above. Freedom of thought extending to the essentialbeliefs of aChurch is in itself a contradiction; for, by accepting membership, the members accept the essentialbeliefs and renounce their freedom of thought so far as these are concerned.

But what authority is to lay down the law as to what is or is not essential? It is certainly not the authority of individuals. By entering a society, whichever it be, the individual gives up part of his individuality to be merged into the community. And that part is precisely his private judgment on the essentials: if he resumes his liberty heipso facto separates himself from hischurch. The decision, therefore, rests with the constitutional authority of the society--in theChurch with thehierarchy acting as teacher and guardian of thefaith. Nor can it be said that this principle unduly curtails the play ofhumanreason. That it does curtail its play is a fact, but a fact grounded innatural and Divine law, as shown above. That it does not curtailreason unduly is evidenced by this other fact: that the deposit offaith (1) is itself an inexhaustible object ofintellectual effort of the noblest kind, liftinghumanreason above itsnatural sphere, enlarging and deepening its outlook, soliciting its finest faculties; (2) that, side by side with the deposit, butlogically connected with it, there is a multitude of doubtful points of which discussion is free within the wide bounds of charity--"in necessariis unitas, in dubiis libertas, in omnibus charitas." The substitution of private judgment for the teachingmagisterium has been the dissolvent of allsects who have adopted it. Only thosesects exhibit a certain consistency in which private judgment is a dead letter and the teaching is carried on according to confessions and catechisms by a trained clergy.

Church legislation on heresy

Heresy, being a deadly poison generated within the organism of theChurch, must be ejected if she is to live and perform her task of continuingChrist's work ofsalvation. HerFounder, who foretold the disease, also provided the remedy: He endowed her teaching withinfallibility (seeCHURCH). Theoffice of teaching belongs to thehierarchy, theecclesia docens, which, under certain conditions, judges without appeal in matters offaith andmorals (see COUNCILS).Infallible decisions can also be given by thepope teachingex cathedra (seeINFALLIBILITY). Eachpastor in hisparish, eachbishop in hisdiocese, is induty bound to keep thefaith of his flock untainted; to thesupreme pastor of all theChurches is given the office of feeding the wholeChristian flock. The power, then, of expelling heresy is an essential factor in the constitution of theChurch. Like other powers andrights, the power of rejecting heresy adapts itself in practice to circumstances of time and place, and, especially, of social and political conditions. At the beginning it worked without special organization. The ancient discipline charged thebishops with theduty of searching out the heresies in their diocese and checking the progress oferror by any means at their command. Whenerroneous doctrines gathered volume and threatened disruption of theChurch, thebishops assembled in councils, provincial, metropolitan, national, or ecumenical. There the combined weight of their authority was brought to bear upon thefalse doctrines. The first council was a meeting of the Apostles atJerusalem in order to put an end to thejudaizing tendencies among the firstChristians. It is the type of all succeeding councils:bishops in union with thehead of the Church, and guided by theHoly Ghost, sit as judges in matters offaith andmorals. The spirit which animates the dealings of theChurch with heresy and heretics is one of extreme severity.St. Paul writes to Titus: "A man that is a heretic, after the first and second admonition, avoid: knowing that he, that is such a one, is subverted, andsinneth, being condemned by his own judgment" (Titus 3:10-11). This early piece of legislation reproduces the still earlier teaching ofChrist: "And if he will not hear thechurch, let him be to thee as theheathen and thepublican" (Matthew 18:17); it also inspires all subsequent anti-heretical legislation. The sentence on the obstinate heretic is invariablyexcommunication. He is separated from the company of thefaithful, delivered up "toSatan for the destruction of the flesh, that thespirit may be saved in the day ofour Lord Jesus Christ" (1 Corinthians 5:5).

When Constantine had taken upon himself the office oflaybishop,episcopus externus, and put the secular arm at the service of theChurch, thelaws against heretics became more and more rigorous. Under the purelyecclesiastical discipline no temporal punishment could be inflicted on the obstinate heretic, except the damage which might arise to his personal dignity through being deprived of all intercourse with his former brethren. But under theChristian emperors rigorous measures were enforced against thegoods andpersons of heretics. From the time of Constantine to Theodosius andValentinian III (313-424) various penal laws were enacted by theChristian emperors against heretics as being guilty of crime against the State. "In both the Theodosian and Justinian codes they were styledinfamouspersons; all intercourse was forbidden to be held with them; they were deprived of all offices of profit and dignity in the civil administration, while all burdensome offices, both of the camp and of the curia, were imposed upon them; they were disqualified from disposing of their own estates by will, or of accepting estates bequeathed to them by others; they were denied the right of giving or receiving donations, of contracting, buying, and selling; pecuniary fines were imposed upon them; they were often proscribed and banished, and in many cases scourged before being sent into exile. In some particularly aggravated cases sentence of death was pronounced upon heretics, though seldom executed in the time of theChristian emperors ofRome. Theodosius is said to be the first who pronounced heresy a capital crime; thislaw was passed in 382 against theEncratites, the Saccophori, theHydroparastatae, and theManichæans. Heretical teachers were forbidden to propagate their doctrines publicly or privately; to hold public disputations; to ordainbishops,presbyters, or any otherclergy; to hold religious meetings; to build conventicles or to avail themselves of money bequeathed to them for that purpose. Slaves were allowed to inform against their heretical masters and to purchase their freedom by coming over to theChurch. The children of hereticalparents were denied their patrimony and inheritance unless they returned to theCatholicChurch. The books of heretics were ordered to be burned." (Vide "Codex Theodosianus", lib. XVI, tit. 5, "De Haereticis".)

Thislegislation remained in force and with even greater severity in the kingdom formed by the victorious barbarian invaders on the ruins of the Roman Empire in the West. The burning of heretics was first decreed in the eleventh century. The Synod ofVerona (1184) imposed onbishops theduty to search out the heretics in theirdioceses and to hand them over to the secular power. Other synods, and theFourth Lateran Council (1215) underPope Innocent III, repeated and enforced thisdecree, especially the Synod ofToulouse (1229), which established inquisitors in everyparish (onepriest and twolaymen). Everyone was bound to denounce heretics, the names of the witnesses were kept secret; after 1243, whenInnocent IV sanctioned thelaws ofEmperor Frederick II and ofLouis IX against heretics, torture was applied in trials; the guiltypersons were delivered up to thecivil authorities and actually burnt at the stake.Paul III (1542) established, andSixtus V organized, the Roman Congregation of the Inquisition, or Holy Office, a regularcourt of justice for dealing with heresy and heretics (seeROMAN CONGREGATIONS). The Congregation of the Index, instituted bySt. Pius V, has for its province the care offaith andmorals in literature; it proceeds against printed matter very much as the Holy Office proceeds againstpersons (seeINDEX OF PROHIBITED BOOKS). The presentpope [1909],Pius X, has decreed the establishment in everydiocese of a board of censors and of a vigilance committee whose functions are to find out and report on writings andpersons tainted with the heresy ofModernism (Encyclical "Pascendi", 8 Sept., 1907). The present-day legislation against heresy has lost nothing of its ancient severity; but the penalties on heretics are now only of the spiritual order; all the punishments which require the intervention of the secular arm have fallen into abeyance. Even in countries where the cleavage between the spiritual and secular powers does not amount to hostility or complete severance, thedeath penalty, confiscation ofgoods,imprisonment, etc., are no longer inflicted on heretics. The spiritual penalties are of two kinds:latae andferendae sententiae. The former are incurred by the mere fact of heresy, no judicial sentence being required; the latter are inflicted after trial by anecclesiastical court, or by abishop actingex informata conscientia, that is, on his own certainknowledge, and dispensing with the usual procedure

The penalties (seeECCLESIASTICAL CENSURES)latae sententiae are: (1)Excommunication speciallyreserved to theRoman pontiff, which is incurred by allapostates from theCatholicFaith, by each and all heretics, by whatever name they are known and to whateversect they belong, and by all whobelieve in them (credentes), receive, favour, or in any way defend them (Constitution"Apostolicae Sedis", 1869). Heretic here meansformal heretic, but also includes thepositive doubter, that is, the man who posits hisdoubt as defensible byreason, but not thenegative doubter, who simply abstains from formulating a judgment. The believers (credentes) in heretics are they who, without examining particular doctrines, give a general assent to the teachings of thesect; the favourers (fautores) are they who by commission oromission lend support to heresy and thus help or allow it to spread; the receivers and defenders are they who shelter heretics from the rigours of the law. (2) "Excommunication speciallyreserved to theRoman Pontiff incurred by each and all who knowingly read, without authorization from theApostolic See, books ofapostates and heretics in which heresy is defended; likewise readers of books of any author prohibited by name in letters Apostolic, and all who retain possession of, or print, or in any way defend such books" (Apostolicæ Sedis, 1869). Thebook here meant is a volume of a certain size and unity; newspapers andmanuscripts are not books, but serial publications intended to form a book when completed fall under this censure. To read knowingly (scienter) implies on the reader's part theknowledge that the book is the work of a heretic, that it defends heresy, and that it is forbidden. "Books . . . prohibited by name in letters Apostolic" are books condemned byBulls, Briefs, or Encyclicals emanating directly from thepope; books prohibited by decrees ofRoman Congregations, although the prohibition is approved by thepope, are not included. The "printers" of heretical books are the editor who gives the order and the publisher who executes it, and perhaps the proof-reader, but not the workman who performs the mechanical part of printing.

Additional penalties to be decreed by judicial sentences: Apostates and heretics areirregular, that is, debarred from receivingclerical orders or exercising lawfully theduties andrights annexed to them; they areinfamous, that is, publicly noted as guilty and dishonoured. This note ofinfamy clings to the children and grandchildren of unrepented heretics. Hereticalclerics and all who receive, defend, or favour them areipso facto deprived of theirbenefices, offices, andecclesiastical jurisdiction. Thepope himself, ifnotoriously guilty of heresy, would cease to bepope because he would cease to be a member of theChurch. Baptism received without necessity by an adult at the hands of a declared heretic renders the recipient irregular. Heresy constitutes an impediment to marriage with a Catholic (mixta religio) from which thepope dispenses or gives thebishops power to dispense (see IMPEDIMENTS).Communicatio in sacris, i.e. active participation in non-Catholic religious functions, is on the whole unlawful, but it is not so intrinsicallyevil that, under given circumstances, it may not be excused. Thus friends and relatives may for good reasons accompany a funeral, be present at a marriage or abaptism, without causingscandal or lending support, to the non-Catholic rites, provided no active part be taken in them: their motive is friendship, or maybe courtesy, but it nowise implies approval of the rites. Non-Catholics are admitted to allCatholic services but not to thesacraments.

Principles of Church legislation

The guiding principles in theChurch's treatment of heretics are the following: Distinguishing between formal and material heretics, she applies to the former the canon, "Most firmly hold and in no waydoubt that every heretic orschismatic is to have part with theDevil and hisangels in the flames ofeternal fire, unless before the end of his life he be incorporated with, and restored to theCatholicChurch." No one is forced to enter theChurch, but having once entered it throughbaptism, he is bound to keep the promises he freely made. To restrain and bring back her rebellious sons theChurch uses both her own spiritual power and the secular power at her command. Towards material heretics her conduct is ruled by the saying ofSt. Augustine: "Those are by no means to be accounted heretics who do not defend theirfalse and perverse opinions with pertinaciouszeal (animositas), especially when theirerror is not the fruit of audacious presumption but has been communicated to them by seduced and lapsedparents, and when they are seeking thetruth with cautious solicitude and ready to be corrected" (P.L., XXXIII, ep. xliii, 160).Pius IX, in a letter to thebishops ofItaly (10 Aug., 1863), restates thisCatholic doctrine: "It is known to Us and to You that they who are in invincibleignorance concerning our religion but observe thenatural law . . . and are ready to obeyGod and lead an honest and righteous life, can, with the help of Divine light andgrace, attain to eternal life . . . forGod . . . will not allow any one to be eternally punished who is not wilfully guilty" (Denzinger, "Enchir.", n. 1529). X.

Ecclesiastical jurisdiction over heretics

The fact of having received validbaptism places material heretics under thejurisdiction of theChurch, and if they are ingood faith, they belong to thesoul of theChurch. Their material severance, however, precludes them from the use ofecclesiasticalrights, except the right of being judged according to ecclesiastical law if, by any chance, they are brought before anecclesiastical court. They are not bound by ecclesiastical laws enacted for the spiritual well-being of its members, e.g. by the Six Commandments of the Church.

Reception of converts

Converts to the Faith, before being received, should be well instructed inCatholic doctrine. The right to reconcile heretics belongs to thebishops, but is usuallydelegated to allpriests having charge ofsouls. InEngland a special licence is required for each reconciliation, except in case of children under fourteen or of dying persons, and this licence is only granted when thepriest can give a written assurance that the candidate is sufficiently instructed and otherwise prepared, and that there is some reasonable guarantee of his perseverance. The order of proceeding in a reconciliation is: first,abjuration of heresy or profession offaith; second, conditionalbaptism (this is given only when the hereticalbaptism is doubtful); third, sacramental confession and conditionalabsolution.

Role of heresy in history

The role of heresy in history is that ofevil generally. Its roots are in corruptedhumannature. It has come over theChurch as predicted by herDivine Founder; it has rent asunder the bonds of charity infamilies, provinces, states, and nations; the sword has been drawn and pyres erected both for its defence and its repression; misery and ruin have followed in its track. The prevalence of heresy, however, does not disprove the Divinity of theChurch, any more than theexistence ofevil disproves theexistence of an all-good God. Heresy, like other evils, is permitted as a test offaith and a trial of strength in the Church militant; probably also as a punishment for othersins. The disruption and disintegration of hereticalsects also furnishes a solid argument for the necessity of a strong teaching authority. The endless controversies with heretics have been indirectly the cause of most important doctrinal developments and definitions formulated in councils to the edification of the body of Christ. Thus the spurious gospels of theGnostics prepared the way for the canon of Scripture;Patripassian, Sabellian,Arian, andMacedonian heresies drew out a clearer concept of theTrinity; theNestorian andEutychianerrors led to definitedogmas on thenature and Person ofChrist. And so down toModernism, which has called forth a solemn assertion of the claims of thesupernatural in history.

Intolerance and cruelty

The Church's legislation on heresy and heretics is often reproached with cruelty and intolerance. Intolerant it is: in fact itsraison d'être is intolerance of doctrines subversive of thefaith. But such intolerance is essential to all that is, or moves, or lives, for tolerance of destructive elements within the organism amounts tosuicide. Hereticalsects are subject to the same law: they live or die in the measure they apply or neglect it. The charge of cruelty is also easy to meet. All repressive measures cause suffering or inconvenience of some sort: it is theirnature. But they are not therefore cruel. The father who chastises his guilty son isjust and may be tender-hearted. Cruelty only comes in where the punishment exceeds the requirements of the case. Opponents say: Precisely; the rigours of the Inquisition violated all humane feelings. We answer: they offend the feelings of later ages in which there is less regard for the purity offaith; but they did not antagonize the feelings of their own time, when heresy was looked on as more malignant than treason. Inproof of which it suffices to remark that the inquisitors only pronounced on the guilt of the accused and then handed him over to the secular power to be dealt with according to the laws framed by emperors and kings.Medieval people found no fault with the system, in fact heretics had been burned by the populace centuries before the Inquisition became a regular institution. And whenever heretics gained the upper hand, they were never slow in applying the same laws: so theHuguenots inFrance, theHussites inBohemia, theCalvinists in Geneva, the Elizabethan statesmen and thePuritans inEngland. Toleration came in only whenfaith went out; lenient measures were resorted to only where the power to apply more severe measures was wanting. The embers of theKulturkampf inGermany still smoulder; the separation and confiscation laws and the ostracism ofCatholics inFrance are thescandal of the day.Christ said: "Do not think that I came to send peace upon earth: I came not to send peace, but a sword" (Matthew 10:34). The history of heresy verifies this prediction and shows, moreover, that the greater number of the victims of the sword is on the side of the faithful adherents of the oneChurch founded byChrist (seeINQUISITION).

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