St. Augustine of Hippo

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(See alsoWORKS OF SAINT AUGUSTINE andTEACHING OF SAINT AUGUSTINE.)

The great St. Augustine's life is unfolded to us in documents of unrivaled richness, and of no greatcharacter of ancient times have we information comparable to that contained in the"Confessions", which relate the touching story of hissoul, the "Retractations," which give the history of hismind, and the "Life of Augustine," written by his friendPossidius, telling of thesaint's apostolate.

We will confine ourselves to sketching the three periods of this great life: (1) the young wanderer's gradual return to the Faith; (2) the doctrinal development of the Christian philosopher to the time of his episcopate; and (3) the full development of his activities upon the Episcopal throne of Hippo.

From his birth to his conversion (354-386)

Augustine was born at Tagaste on 13 November, 354. Tagaste, now Souk-Ahras, about 60 miles from Bona (ancientHippo-Regius), was at thattime a small free city of proconsular Numidia which had recently beenconverted fromDonatism. Although eminently respectable, hisfamily was notrich, and hisfather, Patricius, one of thecuriales of the city, was still apagan. However, the admirablevirtues that madeMonica the ideal ofChristian mothers at length brought her husband thegrace ofbaptism and of aholy death, about the year 371.

Augustine received aChristianeducation. His mother had himsigned with the cross and enrolled among thecatechumens. Once, when very ill, he asked forbaptism, but, all danger being soon passed, he deferred receiving thesacrament, thus yielding to a deplorablecustom of the times. His association with "men ofprayer" left three greatideas deeply engraven upon hissoul: aDivine Providence, the future life withterrible sanctions, and, above all,Christ the Saviour. "From my tenderest infancy, I had in a manner sucked with my mother's milk thatname of my Saviour, Thy Son; I kept it in the recesses of my heart; and all that presented itself to me without thatDivine Name, though it might be elegant, well written, and even replete withtruth, did not altogether carry me away" (Confessions I.4).

But a greatintellectual andmoral crisis stifled for atime all theseChristian sentiments. The heart was the first point of attack. Patricius,proud of his son's success in the schools of Tagaste andMadaura determined to send him toCarthage to prepare for a forensic career. But, unfortunately, it required several months to collect the necessary means, and Augustine had to spend his sixteenth year at Tagaste in an idleness which was fatal to hisvirtue; he gave himself up to pleasure with all the vehemence of an ardentnature. At first heprayed, but without the sincere desire of being heard, and when he reachedCarthage, towards the end of the year 370, every circumstance tended to draw him from histrue course: the many seductions of the great city that was still halfpagan, the licentiousness of other students, the theatres, the intoxication of his literary success, and aproud desire always to be first, even inevil. Before long he wasobliged to confess toMonica that he had formed asinful liaison with theperson who bore him a son (372), "the son of hissin" — an entanglement from which he only delivered himself atMilan after fifteen years of its thralldom.

Two extremes are to be avoided in the appreciation of this crisis. Some, like Mommsen, misled perhaps by the tone of grief in the"Confessions", have exaggerated it: in the "Realencyklopädie" (3d ed., II, 268) Loofs reproves Mommsen on this score, and yet he himself is too lenient towards Augustine, when he claims that in those days, theChurch permittedconcubinage. The"Confessions" aloneprove that Loofs did not understand the 17thcanon ofToledo. However, it may be said that, even in his fall, Augustine maintained a certain dignity and felt a compunction which does himhonour, and that, from the age of nineteen, he had a genuine desire to break the chain. In fact, in 373, an entirely new inclination manifested itself in his life, brought about by the reading Cicero's "Hortensius" whence he imbibed a love of the wisdom which Cicero so eloquently praises. Thenceforward Augustine looked upon rhetoric merely as a profession; his heart was inphilosophy.

Unfortunately, hisfaith, as well as hismorals, was to pass though a terrible crisis. In this same year, 373, Augustine and his friend Honoratus fell into the snares of theManichæans. It seems strange that so great amind should have been victimized byOriental vapourings, synthesized by thePersian Mani (215-276) into coarse, materialdualism, and introduced intoAfrica scarcely fifty years previously. Augustine himself tells us that he was enticed by the promises of a freephilosophy unbridled byfaith; by the boasts of theManichæans, who claimed to have discovered contradictions inHoly Writ; and, above all, by the hope of finding in theirdoctrine ascientific explanation of nature and its most mysterious phenomena. Augustine's inquiringmind was enthusiastic for thenatural sciences, and theManichæans declared that nature withheld no secrets from Faustus, theirdoctor. Moreover, being tortured by the problem of the origin ofevil, Augustine, in default of solving it, acknowledged a conflict of two principles. And then, again, there was a very powerful charm in themoral irresponsibility resulting from adoctrine which deniedliberty and attributed the commission ofcrime to a foreign principle.

Once won over to thissect, Augustine devoted himself to it with all the ardour of hischaracter; he read all its books, adopted and defended all its opinions. His furious proselytism drew intoerror his friendAlypius and Romanianus, his Mæcenas of Tagaste, the friend of hisfather who was defraying the expenses of Augustine'sstudies. It was during thisManichæan period that Augustine's literary faculties reached their full development, and he was still a student atCarthage when he embracederror.

His studies ended, he should in due course have entered theforum litigiosum, but he preferred the career of letters, andPossidius tells us that he returned to Tagaste to "teach grammar." The young professor captivated his pupils, one of whom,Alypius, hardly younger than his master, loath to leave him after following him intoerror, was afterwardsbaptized with him atMilan, eventually becomingBishop of Tagaste, his native city. ButMonica deeply deplored Augustine'sheresy and would not have received him into her home or at her table but for the advice of asaintlybishop, who declared that "the son of so many tears could not perish." Soon afterwards Augustine went toCarthage, where he continued to teach rhetoric. His talents shone to even better advantage on this wider stage, and by an indefatigable pursuit of theliberal arts hisintellect attained its full maturity. Having taken part in a poetic tournament, he carried off the prize, and the Proconsul Vindicianus publicly conferred upon him thecorona agonistica.

It was at this moment of literary intoxication, when he had just completed his first work onæsthetics (now lost) that he began to repudiateManichæism. Even when Augustine was in his first fervour, theteachings of Mani had been far from quieting his restlessness, and although he has been accused of becoming apriest of thesect, he was never initiated or numbered among the "elect," but remained an "auditor" the lowest degree in thehierarchy. He himself gives the reason for his disenchantment. First of all there was the fearful depravity ofManichæan philosophy — "They destroy everything and build up nothing"; then, the dreadful immorality in contrast with their affectation ofvirtue; the feebleness of their arguments in controversy with theCatholics, to whoseScriptural arguments their only reply was: "TheScriptures have been falsified." But, worse than all, he did not findscience among them —science in the modern sense of the word — thatknowledge of nature and its laws which they had promised him. When he questioned them concerning the movements of the stars, none of them could answer him. "Wait for Faustus," they said, "he will explain everything to you." Faustus of Mileve, the celebratedManichæanbishop, at last came toCarthage; Augustine visited and questioned him, and discovered in his responses the vulgar rhetorician, the utter stranger to allscientific culture. The spell was broken, and, although Augustine did not immediately abandon thesect, hismind rejectedManichæan doctrines. The illusion had lasted nine years.

But thereligious crisis of this greatsoul was only to be resolved inItaly, under the influence ofAmbrose. In 383 Augustine, at the age of twenty-nine, yielded to the irresistible attraction whichItaly had for him, but hismother suspected his departure and was so reluctant to be separated from him that he resorted to a subterfuge and embarked under cover of the night. He had only just arrived inRome when he was taken seriously ill; upon recovering he opened aschool of rhetoric, but, disgusted by the tricks of his pupils, who shamelessly defrauded him of their tuition fees, he applied for a vacant professorship atMilan, obtained it, and was accepted by the prefect, Symmachus. Having visitedBishop Ambrose, the fascination of thatsaint's kindness induced him to become a regular attendant at his preachings.

However, before embracing theFaith, Augustine underwent a three years' struggle during which hismind passed through several distinct phases. At first he turned towards thephilosophy of the Academics, with itspessimisticscepticism; thenneo-Platonic philosophy inspired him with genuine enthusiasm. AtMilan he had scarcely read certain works ofPlato and, more especially, of Plotinus, before thehope of finding thetruth dawned upon him. Once more he began to dream that he and his friends might lead a life dedicated to the search for it, a life purged of all vulgar aspirations afterhonours,wealth, or pleasure, and withcelibacy for its rule (Confessions VI). But it was only a dream; hispassions still enslaved him.

Monica, who had joined her son atMilan, prevailed upon him to becomebetrothed, but hisaffianced bride was too young, and although Augustine dismissed the mother ofAdeodatus, her place was soon filled by another. Thus did he pass through one last period of struggle and anguish. Finally, through the reading of theHoly Scripture light penetrated hismind. Soon he possessed thecertainty thatJesus Christ is the only way totruth andsalvation. After that resistance came only from the heart. An interview with Simplicianus, the futuresuccessor ofSt. Ambrose, who told Augustine the story of theconversion of the celebratedneo-Platonic rhetorician, Victorinus (Confessions VIII.1,VIII.2), prepared the way for the grand stroke ofgrace which, at the age of thirty-three, smote him to the ground in the garden atMilan (September, 386). A few days later Augustine, being ill, took advantage of the autumn holidays and, resigning his professorship, went withMonica,Adeodatus, and his friends to Cassisiacum, the country estate ofVerecundus, there to devote himself to the pursuit oftruephilosophy which, for him, was now inseparable fromChristianity.

From his conversion to his episcopate (386-395)

Augustine gradually became acquainted withChristian doctrine, and in hismind the fusion ofPlatonicphilosophy withrevealeddogmas was taking place. Thelaw that governed this change of thought has of late years been frequently misconstrued; it is sufficiently important to be precisely defined. The solitude of Cassisiacum realized a long-cherished dream. In his books "Against the Academics," Augustine has described the ideal serenity of this existence, enlivened only by the passion fortruth. He completed theeducation of his young friends, now by literary readings in common, now byphilosophical conferences to which he sometimes invitedMonica, and the accounts of which, compiled by a secretary, have supplied the foundation of the "Dialogues." Licentius, in his "Letters," would later on recall these delightfulphilosophical mornings and evenings, at which Augustine was wont to evolve the most elevating discussions from the most commonplace incidents. The favourite topics at their conferences weretruth,certainty (Against the Academics),truehappiness inphilosophy (On a Happy Life), theProvidential order of the world and the problem ofevil (On Order) and finallyGod and thesoul (Soliloquies, On the Immortality of the Soul).

Here arises the curious question propounded modern critics: Was Augustine aChristian when wrote these "Dialogues" at Cassisiacum? Until now no one haddoubted it; historians, relying upon the"Confessions", had allbelieved that Augustine's retirement to the villa had for its twofold object the improvement of his health and his preparation forbaptism. But certain critics nowadays claim to have discovered a radical opposition between thephilosophical "Dialogues" composed in this retirement and the state ofsoul described in the"Confessions". According to Harnack, in writing the"Confessions" Augustine must have projected upon therecluse of 386 the sentiments of thebishop of 400. Others go farther and maintain that therecluse of theMilanese villa could not have been at heart aChristian, but aPlatonist; and that the scene in the garden was aconversion not toChristianity, but tophilosophy, the genuinelyChristian phase beginning only in 390.

But this interpretation of the "Dialogues" cannot withstand the test of facts and texts. It is admitted that Augustine receivedbaptism atEaster, 387; and who could suppose that it was for him a meaninglessceremony? So too, how can it be admitted that the scene in the garden, the example of therecluses, the reading ofSt. Paul, theconversion of Victorinus, Augustine's ecstasies in reading thePsalms withMonica were all invented after the fact? Again, as it was in 388 that Augustine wrote his beautiful apology "On the Holiness of the Catholic Church," how is it conceivable that he was not yet aChristian at thatdate? To settle the argument, however, it is only necessary to read the "Dialogues" themselves. They are certainly a purelyphilosophical work — a work of youth, too, not without some pretension, as Augustine ingenuously acknowledges (Confessions IX.4); nevertheless, they contain the entire history of hisChristian formation. As early as 386, the first work written at Cassisiacum reveals to us the great underlying motive of his researches. The object of hisphilosophy is to give authority the support ofreason, and "for him the great authority, that which dominates all others and from which he never wished to deviate, is the authority ofChrist"; and if he loves thePlatonists it is because he counts on finding among them interpretations always in harmony with hisfaith (Against the Academics, III, c. x). To be sure such confidence was excessive, but it remains evident that in these "Dialogues" it is aChristian, and not aPlatonist, that speaks. He reveals to us the intimate details of hisconversion, the argument that convinced him (the life and conquests of theApostles), his progress in theFaith at the school ofSt. Paul (ibid., II, ii), his delightful conferences with his friends on the Divinity ofJesus Christ, the wonderful transformations worked in hissoul byfaith, even to that victory of his over theintellectualpride which hisPlatonic studies had aroused in him (On The Happy Life, I, ii), and at last the gradual calming of hispassions and the great resolution to choose wisdom for his only spouse (Soliloquies, I, x).

It is now easy to appreciate at itstrue value the influence ofneo-Platonism upon themind of the greatAfricanDoctor. It would be impossible for anyone who has read the works of St. Augustine to deny theexistence of this influence. However, it would be a great exaggeration of this influence to pretend that it at any time sacrificed theGospel toPlato. The same learned critic thus wisely concludes his study: "So long, therefore, as hisphilosophy agrees with hisreligiousdoctrines, St. Augustine is franklyneo-Platonist; as soon as a contradiction arises, he never hesitates to subordinate hisphilosophy toreligion,reason tofaith. He was, first of all, aChristian; thephilosophical questions that occupied hismind constantly found themselves more and more relegated to the background" (op. cit., 155). But the method was a dangerous one; in thus seeking harmony between the two doctrines he thought too easily to findChristianity inPlato, orPlatonism in theGospel. More than once, in his "Retractations" and elsewhere, he acknowledges that he has not always shunned this danger. Thus he hadimagined that inPlatonism he discovered the entire doctrine of theWord and the wholeprologue of St. John. He likewise disavowed a good number ofneo-Platonic theories which had at first misled him — thecosmological thesis of the universalsoul, which makes the world one immense animal — thePlatonicdoubts upon that grave question: Is there a singlesoul for all or a distinctsoul for each? But on the other hand, he had always reproached thePlatonists, as Schaff very properly remarks (Saint Augustine, New York, 1886, p. 51), with beingignorant of, or rejecting, the fundamental points ofChristianity: "first, the greatmystery, theWord made flesh; and thenlove, resting on the basis ofhumility." They also ignoregrace, he says, giving sublime precepts ofmorality without any help towards realizing them.

It was thisDivine grace that Augustine sought inChristian baptism. Towards the beginning ofLent, 387, he went toMilan and, withAdeodatus andAlypius, took his place among thecompetentes, beingbaptized byAmbrose onEaster Day, or at least during Eastertide. The tradition maintaining that theTe Deum was sung on that occasion by thebishop and theneophyte alternately is groundless. Nevertheless thislegend is certainly expressive of the joy of theChurch upon receiving as her son him who was to be her most illustriousdoctor. It was at thistime that Augustine,Alypius, andEvodius resolved to retire into solitude inAfrica. Augustine undoubtedly remained atMilan until towards autumn, continuing his works: "On the Immortality of the Soul" and "On Music." In the autumn of 387, he was about to embark atOstia, whenMonica was summoned from this life. In all literature there are no pages of more exquisite sentiment than the story of hersaintly death and Augustine's grief (Confessions IX). Augustine remained several months inRome, chiefly engaged in refutingManichæism. He sailed forAfrica after the death of the tyrant Maximus (August 388) and after a short sojourn inCarthage, returned to his native Tagaste. Immediately upon arriving there, he wished to carry out hisidea of aperfect life, and began by selling all hisgoods andgiving the proceeds to thepoor. Then he and his friends withdrew to his estate, which had already been alienated, there to lead a common life inpoverty,prayer, and the study ofsacred letters. Book of the "LXXXIII Questions" is the fruit of conferences held in this retirement, in which he also wrote "De Genesi contra Manichæos," "De Magistro," and, "De Vera Religione."

Augustine did not think of entering thepriesthood, and, throughfear of theepiscopacy, he even fled from cities in which anelection was necessary. One day, having been summoned toHippo by a friend whosesoul'ssalvation was at stake, he waspraying in achurch when the people suddenly gathered about him, cheered him, and begged Valerius, thebishop, to raise him to thepriesthood. In spite of his tears Augustine wasobliged to yield to their entreaties, and wasordained in 391. The newpriest looked upon hisordination as an additional reason for resumingreligious life at Tagaste, and so fully did Valerius approve that he put somechurch property at Augustine's disposal, thus enabling him to establish amonastery the second that he had founded. Hispriestly ministry of five years was admirably fruitful; Valerius had bidden him preach, in spite of the deplorablecustom which inAfrica reserved that ministry tobishops. Augustine combatedheresy, especiallyManichæism, and his success was prodigious. Fortunatus, one of their greatdoctors, whom Augustine had challenged in public conference, was so humiliated by his defeat that he fled fromHippo. Augustine also abolished the abuse of holding banquets in thechapels of themartyrs. He took part, 8 October, 393, in thePlenary Council of Africa, presided over byAurelius,Bishop ofCarthage, and, at the request of thebishops, wasobliged to deliver a discourse which, in its completed form, afterwards became the treatise"De Fide et symbolo".

As bishop of Hippo (396-430)

Enfeebled by old age, Valerius,Bishop ofHippo, obtained the authorization ofAurelius,Primate ofAfrica, to associate Augustine with himself as coadjutor. Augustine had to resign himself toconsecration at the hands of Megalius,Primate of Numidia. He was then forty two, and was to occupy theSee of Hippo for thirty-four years. The newbishop understood well how to combine the exercise of his pastoralduties with theausterities of thereligious life, and although he left hisconvent, his episcopal residence became amonastery where he lived a community life with hisclergy, who bound themselves to observereligious poverty. Was it an order ofregular clerics or ofmonks that he thus founded? This is a question often asked, but we feel that Augustine gave but little thought to such distinctions. Be that as it may, the episcopal house ofHippo became a veritable nursery which supplied the founders of themonasteries that were soon spread all overAfrica and thebishops who occupied the neighbouringsees.Possidius (Vita S. August., xxii) enumerates ten of thesaint's friends anddisciples who were promoted to theepiscopacy. Thus it was that Augustine earned the title of patriarch of thereligious, and renovator of theclerical, life inAfrica.

But he was above all the defender oftruth and the shepherd ofsouls. Hisdoctrinal activities, the influence of which was destined to last as long as theChurch itself, were manifold: he preached frequently, sometimes for five days consecutively, hissermons breathing a spirit ofcharity that won all hearts; he wroteletters which scattered broadcast through the thenknown world his solutions of the problems of that day; he impressed his spirit upon diversAfrican councils at which he assisted, for instance, those ofCarthage in 398, 401, 407, 419 and ofMileve in 416 and 418; and lastly struggled indefatigably against allerrors. To relate these struggles were endless; we shall, therefore, select only the chief controversies and indicate in each thedoctrinal attitude of the greatBishop ofHippo.

The Manichæan controversy and the problem of evil

After Augustine becamebishop thezeal which, from thetime of hisbaptism, he had manifested in bringing his former co-religionists into thetrueChurch, took on a more paternal form without losing its pristine ardour — "let those rage against us whoknow not at what a bitter costtruth is attained. . . . As for me, I should show you the same forbearance that my brethren had for me when I blind, was wandering in your doctrines" (Contra Epistolam Fundamenti 3). Among the most memorable events that occurred during this controversy was the great victory won in 404 over Felix, one of the "elect" of theManichæans and the greatdoctor of thesect. He was propagating hiserrors inHippo, and Augustine invited him to a public conference the issue of which would necessarilycause a great stir; Felix declared himself vanquished, embraced theFaith, and, together with Augustine, subscribed the acts of the conference. In his writings Augustine successively refuted Mani (397), the famous Faustus (400), Secundinus (405), and (about 415) thefatalisticPriscillianists whomPaulus Orosius haddenounced to him. These writings contain thesaint's clear, unquestionable views on theeternal problem ofevil, views based on anoptimism proclaiming, like thePlatonists, that every work ofGod isgood and that the only source ofmoralevil is theliberty of creatures (City of God XIX.13.2). Augustine takes up the defence offree will, even inman as he is, with such ardour that his works against theManichæan are an inexhaustible storehouse of arguments in this still living controversy.

In vain have theJansenists maintained that Augustine was unconsciously aPelagian and that he afterwards acknowledged the loss ofliberty through thesin ofAdam. Modern critics, doubtless unfamiliar with Augustine's complicated system and his peculiar terminology, have gone much farther. In the "Revue d'histoire et de littérature religieuses" (1899, p. 447), M. Margival exhibits St. Augustine as the victim ofmetaphysicalpessimism unconsciously imbibed fromManichæan doctrines. "Never," says he, "will theOrientalidea of thenecessity and theeternity ofevil have a morezealous defender than thisbishop." Nothing is more opposed to the facts. Augustine acknowledges that he had not yet understood how the firstgood inclination of thewill is agift of God (Retractions, I, xxiii, n, 3); but it should be remembered that he never retracted his leading theories onliberty, never modified his opinion upon what constitutes itsessentialcondition, that is to say, the full power of choosing or of deciding. Who will dare to say that in revising his own writings on so important a point he lacked either clearness of perception or sincerity?

The Donatist controversy and the theory of the Church

TheDonatist schism was the last episode in theMontanist andNovatian controversies which had agitated theChurch from the second century. While the East was discussing under varying aspects the Divine andChristological problem of theWord, theWest, doubtless because of its more practical genius, took up themoral question ofsin in all its forms. The general problem was theholiness of theChurch; could the sinner bepardoned, and remain in her bosom? InAfrica the question especially concerned theholiness of thehierarchy. Thebishops of Numidia, who, in 312, had refused to accept as valid theconsecration of Cæcilian,Bishop ofCarthage, by atraditor, had inaugurated theschism and at the sametime proposed these grave questions: Do thehierarchical powers depend upon themoral worthiness of thepriest? How can theholiness of theChurch be compatible with the unworthiness of itsministers?

At thetime of Augustine's arrival inHippo, theschism had attained immense proportions, having become identified with political tendencies — perhaps with a national movement against Roman domination. In any event, it is easy to discover in it an undercurrent of anti-social revenge which the emperors had to combat by strictlaws. The strangesect known as "Soldiers of Christ," and called byCatholicsCircumcelliones (brigands, vagrants), resembled the revolutionarysects of theMiddle Ages in point of fanatic destructiveness — a fact that must not be lost sight of, if the severe legislation of the emperors is to be properly appreciated.

The history of Augustine's struggles with theDonatists is also that of his change of opinion on the employment of rigorous measures against theheretics; and theChurch in Africa, of whosecouncils he had been the very soul, followed him in the change. This change of views is solemnly attested by theBishop ofHippo himself, especially in his Letters,93 (in the year 408). In the beginning, it was by conferences and a friendly controversy that he sought to re-establish unity. He inspired various conciliatory measures of theAfrican councils, and sent ambassadors to theDonatists to invite them to re-enter theChurch, or at least to urge them to send deputies to a conference (403). TheDonatists met these advances at first with silence, then with insults, and lastly with suchviolence thatPossidius Bishop of Calamet, Augustine's friend, escaped death only by flight, theBishop of Bagaïa was left covered with horrible wounds, and thelife of theBishop ofHippo himself was several times attempted (Letter 88, to Januarius, theDonatistbishop). This madness of theCircumcelliones required harsh repression, and Augustine,witnessing the manyconversions that resulted therefrom, thenceforth approved rigidlaws. However, this important restriction must be pointed out: that St. Augustine never wishedheresy to be punishable bydeath —Vos rogamus ne occidatis (Letter 100, to the Proconsul Donatus). But thebishops still favoured a conference with theschismatics, and in 410 an edict issued by Honorius put an end to the refusal of theDonatists. A solemn conference took place atCarthage, in June, 411, in presence of 286Catholic, and 279Donatistbishops. TheDonatist spokesmen were Petilian of Constantine, Primian of Carthage, and Emeritus of Cæsarea; theCatholic orators,Aurelius and Augustine. On the historic question then at issue, theBishop ofHippoproved the innocence of Cæcilian and hisconsecrator Felix, and in thedogmatic debate he established theCatholic thesis that theChurch, as long as it is upon earth, can, without losing itsholiness,toleratesinners within its pale for the sake ofconverting them. In the name of the emperor the Proconsul Marcellinussanctioned the victory of theCatholics on all points. Little by littleDonatism died out, to disappear with the coming of theVandals.

So amply and magnificently did Augustine develop his theory on theChurch that, according to Specht "he deserves to be named theDoctor of the Church as well as theDoctor of Grace"; andMöhler (Dogmatik, 351) is notafraid to write: "For depth of feeling and power of conception nothing written on theChurch sinceSt. Paul'stime, is comparable to the works of St. Augustine." He has corrected, perfected, and even excelled the beautiful pages ofSt. Cyprian on the Divine institution of theChurch, its authority, its essential marks, and its mission in the economy ofgrace and the administration of thesacraments. TheProtestant critics, Dorner, Bindemann, Böhringer and especially Reuter, loudly proclaim, and sometimes even exaggerate, this rôle of theDoctor ofHippo; and while Harnack does not quite agree with them in every respect he does not hesitate to say (History of Dogma, II, c. iii): "It is one of the points upon which Augustine speciallyaffirms and strengthens theCatholicidea.... He was the first [!] to transform the authority of theChurch into areligious power, and to confer upon practicalreligion the gift of adoctrine of the Church." He was not the first, for Dorner acknowledges (Augustinus, 88) thatOptatus of Mileve had expressed the basis of the samedoctrines. Augustine, however, deepened, systematized, and completed the views ofSt. Cyprian andOptatus. But it is impossible here to go into detail. (See Specht, Die Lehre von der Kirche nach dem hl. Augustinus, Paderborn, 1892.)

The Pelagian controversy and the Doctor of Grace

The close of the struggle against theDonatists almost coincided with the beginnings of a very gravetheological dispute which not only was to demand Augustine's unremitting attention up to thetime of his death, but was to become aneternal problem for individuals and for theChurch. Farther on we shall enlarge upon Augustine's system; here we need only indicate the phases of the controversy.Africa, wherePelagius and hisdisciple Celestius had sought refuge after the taking ofRome by Alaric, was the principal centre of the firstPelagian disturbances; as early as 412 acouncil held at Carthage condemnedPelagians for their attacks upon thedoctrine oforiginal sin. Among other books directed against them by Augustine was his famous"De naturâ et gratiâ". Thanks to his activity the condemnation of these innovators, who had succeeded in deceiving asynod convened at Diospolis in Palestine, was reiterated bycouncils held later atCarthage andMileve and confirmed byPope Innocent I (417). A second period ofPelagian intrigues developed atRome, butPope Zosimus, whom the stratagems of Celestius had for a moment deluded, being enlightened by Augustine, pronounced the solemn condemnation of theseheretics in 418. Thenceforth the combat was conducted in writing againstJulian of Eclanum, who assumed the leadership of the party andviolently attacked Augustine.

Towards 426 there entered the lists a school which afterwards acquired the name ofSemipelagian, the first members beingmonks ofHadrumetum inAfrica, who were followed by others fromMarseilles, led byCassian, the celebratedabbot of Saint-Victor. Unable to admit the absolutegratuitousness ofpredestination, they sought a middle course between Augustine andPelagius, and maintained thatgrace must be given to those whomerit it and denied to others; hence goodwill has the precedence, it desires, it asks, andGod rewards. Informed of their views byProsper of Aquitaine, theholyDoctor once more expounded, in"De Prædestinatione Sanctorum", how even these first desires forsalvation are due to thegrace of God, which therefore absolutely controls ourpredestination.

Struggles against Arianism and closing years

In 426 theholyBishop ofHippo, at the age of seventy-two, wishing to spare his episcopal city the turmoil of an election after his death,caused bothclergy and people toacclaim the choice of thedeacon Heraclius as his auxiliary andsuccessor, and transferred to him the administration of externals. Augustine might then have enjoyed some rest hadAfrica not been agitated by the undeserved disgrace and the revolt of Count Boniface (427). TheGoths, sent by the Empress Placidia to oppose Boniface, and theVandals, whom the latter summoned to his assistance, were allArians. Maximinus, anArianbishop, enteredHippo with the imperial troops. TheholyDoctor defended theFaith at a public conference (428) and in various writings. Being deeply grieved at the devastation ofAfrica, he laboured to effect a reconciliation between Count Boniface and the empress. Peace was indeed reestablished, but not with Genseric, theVandal king. Boniface, vanquished, sought refuge inHippo, whither manybishops had already fled for protection and this well fortified city was to suffer the horrors of an eighteen months' siege. Endeavouring to control his anguish, Augustine continued to refuteJulian of Eclanum; but early in the siege he was stricken with what he realized to be a fatal illness, and, after three months of admirable patience and ferventprayer, departed from this land of exile on 28 August, 430, in the seventy-sixth year of his age.

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