Pope Urban VI

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Bartolomeo Prignano, the first Romanpope during theWestern Schism, born atNaples, about 1318; died atRome, 15 October, 1389; according to many he was poisoned by the Romans. At an early age he went toAvignon, where he gained many powerful friends. On 21 March, 1364, he wasconsecratedArchbishop ofAcerenza in theKingdom of Naples, and on 14 April, 1377,Gregory XI transferred him to the archiepiscopal See ofBari, on the coast of the Adriatic. Meanwhile the Cardinal Vice-Chancellor, Peter of Pampelon, remaining atAvignon, Prignano was given the management of thepapal chancery. After the death ofGregory XI theConclave proposed him as a candidate for thetiara. Not only his business ability, integrity, andknowledge of law, but also his being a subject of Queen Joanna ofNaples favoured his eligibility. TheConclave of 1378, which opened on 7 April (nine days afterGregory's death), was influenced by the public opinion ofRome; it consisted of fourItaliancardinals, five French, and seven belonging to the Limoges faction. The Italian andFrenchcardinals, though anxious to push forward their own candidates, unanimously determined to oppose one of the Limoges party. The latter were not strong enough to advance a candidate, but they hoped to make an alliance with the less important parties and so attain their end. Their plan, however, was frustrated, the French andItalians having previously resolved to choose aprelate outside theSacred College.Robert of Geneva (one of theFrenchcardinals) even resigned his claim in favour of Prignano, andPedro de Luna (Robert's successor in theSee of Avignon) did the same. In this way Prignano's chances increased considerably. An Italian, though not a Roman, he was supported by the rivalry of the parties. Perhaps the French andItaliancardinals expected that, not being acardinal, he would be an obedientpope, and for this reason some of the Limoges party, uneasy about the coalition between the French and theItaliancardinals, were drawn to this candidature.

Thisconclave was one of the shortest in history. When thecardinals entered the Vatican some of the populace stole into the palace and tried to extort the promise that anItalianpope would be chosen. Cardinal d'Aigrefeuille declared that thecardinals could not make any such concessions, but the disappointed people remained in the Vatican the whole night, drinking the wine and crying: "Romano lo volemo, o al manco Italiano." The next morning, while thecardinals were at Mass, the tocsin was rung, and suddenly the bells of St. Peter mingled their tones with it. Fear and disorder overtook thecardinals; the guardian of theconclave besought them to hasten, saying that the people wanted a Roman or an Italian, and that the resistance would be dangerous. ThenPedro de Luna (Benedict XIII) proposed the election of theArchbishop ofBari, adding that he was, as they allknew, a saintly, learned man, of mature age. This proposal obtained the desired effect. After some hesitation, thecardinals, excepting Orsini (who declared himself not sufficiently free), agreed to accept Prignano, but preferred to keep their choice secret until certain that the latter would accept. Prignano was requested to repair to the Vatican accompanied by several otherprelates, so as to conceal from the people theperson chosen. The uproar did not abate, and thecardinals began to fear that their choice would not satisfy the multitude. During a comparative calm they went to breakfast and renewed the election of Prignano. The lawfulness and renewed choice thus having been established, Orsini announced the election of a pope to the people, omitting to mention the name. Various suppositions soon ran through the crowds, some saying that the chosen one was Tebaldeschi (an agedItaliancardinal) and others that Jean de Bar (one of the most detested servants ofGregory) was elected. The confusion increased. Suddenly thecardinals took a desperate resolution. They presented Tebaldeschi, in thepapal insignia, to the people and commenced the "Te Deum", paying no attention to his refusal and protests. Meanwhile, Prignano had reached the Vatican and declared that he accepted thepapal dignity and the homage of all thecardinals. One fact seems evident: the moment thecardinals regarded the choice of Prignano as valid, they removed alldoubt by a re-election andhonoured him as the rightfulsuccessor of St. Peter.

It is to be regretted that after his election Prignano did not show the good qualities which had distinguished him before. Soon he quarrelled with theSacred College. Desirous of reforming theChurch in head and members, he began aright by a reform of theCuria, though perhaps not with thenecessaryprudence. It was unwise to abuse thecardinals and high dignitaries of theChurch and to insult Otto of Brunswick (husband of Joanna ofNaples). Nevertheless, public opinion was in the beginning favourable to him, and not only thecardinals inRome, but also the six who remained atAvignon submitted to him. However the tempest, which broke out at Fondi in September of the same year, was already brewing atRome a few weeks after his election. Urban's ambassadors, doubtless inspired by the French and Limousincardinals, leftRome too late, when thecalumnies concerning the illegitimacy of thepope's election were widespread. The ground having thus been prepared, the opposition was strengthened atRome; Castel Sant'Angelo never hoisted Urban's colours, and the discontented found there a refuge and the protection of armed soldiers. The heat of early May afforded the dissatisfiedcardinals a pretext for leavingRome forAnagni, but no public sign of rebellion showed itself, Urban's opponents preferring, perhaps, to conceal their project for the present. Thepope's suspicions were eventually aroused, and in June he requested the threeItaliancardinals who had not followed the others to join their colleagues and to try and restore kinder feelings. TheFrenchcardinals renewed their protestation of fidelity to thepope, but assembled the same day to establish the unlawfulness of the April election. Moreover they eventually won over the Italian members of theSacred College.

Meanwhile, in the name of thepope, the aforesaidcardinals proposed two expedients to settle the differences, ageneral council or a compromise. Both these means were made use of at the time of theWestern Schism. But the opponents of Urban resolved on violent measures and declared their intentions in a letter of the utmost impertinence. On 2 August this letter was followed by the famous "Declaration", a document more passionate than exact, which assumed at once the parts of historian, jurist, and accuser. Seven days later they published anencyclical letter, repeatingfalse and injurious accusations against Urban, and on 27 August leftAnagni for Fondi, where they enjoyed the protection of its lord (Urban's arch-enemy), and were near Joanna ofNaples; the latter at first had shown great interest in Urban, but was soon disappointed by his capricious ways. On 15 September the threeItaliancardinals joined their colleagues, influenced, perhaps, by the hope of becomingpope themselves, or perhaps frightened by the news that Urban was about to create twenty-ninecardinals in order to supply the vacancies left by the thirteen French ones. Charles V ofFrance, more and moredoubtful of the lawfulness of Urban's election, encouraged the Fondi faction to choose a rightfulpope and one more agreeable toFrance. A letter from him arrived on 18 September, and hastened a violent solution. On 20 SeptemberRobert of Geneva was chosenpope, and on this day theWestern Schism began.

TheItalians abstained from the election but were convinced of its canonical character.Robert assumed the name ofClement VII. The obediences of the twopopes assumed definite limits between September, 1378, and June, 1379. All WesternEurope (exceptEngland,Ireland, and the English dominions inFrance) submitted toClement VII; the greater part ofGermany,Flanders, andItaly (with exception ofNaples) recognized Urban. The obedience of Urban was more numerous, that of Clement more imposing. Meanwhile, Urban created twenty-eightcardinals, four of whom refused to accept the purple. It is very difficult to decide exactly how far theschism is to be attributed to Urban's behaviour. Indisputably the long exile atAvignon was its principal cause, as it diminished the credit of thepopes and inversely increased theambition of thecardinals, who were always striving to obtain more influence in the government of theChurch. Whatever may have been the causes of this event, it iscertain that the election of Urban was lawful, that of Clement uncanonical.

If the first days of Urban's pontificate were unhappy, his whole reign was a series of misadventures. It istrue that he was successful in reducing Castel Sant' Angelo and subduing a revolt of the Romans, but these are the only successes of his reign.Naples was soon in turmoil. Queen Joanna went over to the Clementines and was deposed by Urban. Charles ofDurazzo took her place. He arrested the queen and took possession of the kingdom, but soon lost favour with thepope for not fulfilling his engagements towards Francesco Prignano (Urban's unworthy and immoral nephew), in whose regard Urban is not free from nepotism. Thepope now went to the south ofItaly, against the advice of hiscardinals, was received atAversa by the king himself, butimprisoned on the night of his arrival (30 Oct., 1383). Through hiscardinals a compromise was reached, and Urban leftAversa for Nocera. Here he had to endure the most unworthy treatment from Margaret, the wife of Charles. The misunderstanding between Urban and Charles increased after the death of the latter's enemy, Louis of Anjou; thepope, obstinate and intractable, continued in a half-hostile, half-dependent, attitude towards Charles, and created fourteencardinals, only the Neapolitans accepting the dignity. He became daily more estranged from the older members of theSacred College. No one conversant with theideas current at this time in theSacred College will wonder that the example of 1378 found imitation. Highly irritated by Urban's inconsiderate behaviour, the Urbanistcardinals mediated a more practical way of proceeding; they proposed to depose or, at least, arrest him. But their plot was revealed to him, and six of them wereimprisoned and their possessions confiscated. Those who did not confess were tortured, and the King and Queen ofNaples, being suspected as accomplices, wereexcommunicated. In consequence Nocera was besieged by the king. Urbancourageously defended the place, two or three times a dayanathematizing his foes from the ramparts. After nearly five months, Nocera was relieved by the Urbanists, Urban escaping to Barletta, whence aGenoese fleet transported him and theimprisonedcardinals toGenoa. During the voyage theBishop ofAquila, one of the conspirators, was executed, and thecardinals, excepting Adam Aston, wereput to death atGenoa, in spite of the intervention of the doge. It may be taken for certain that thecardinals had conspired against Urban, with a view of deposing him; that they intended to burn him as anheretic may be a fantastic rumour. At all events he acted very unwisely by treating them so cruelly, for he then alienated faithful adherents, as isproved by the manifesto of the fivecardinals, who remained atNocera and renounced his obedience.

After King Charles wasmurdered inHungary (February, 1386) Urban again undertook to establish his authority in that kingdom; he left for Lucca, refused to treat with the dowager-queen Margaret, and declined the proposal of ageneral council, which some German princes proposed at the insistence ofClement VII, though he himself had formerly proposed the same expedient. He insulted the ambassadors and pressed the German king, Wenceslaus, to come toRome. In August, 1387, he proclaimed acrusade against Clement, and in September he set out forPerugia, where he remained till August, 1388, recruiting soldiers for a campaign againstNaples, which had again fallen into the hands of the Clementines, and the possession of which was very important for his own safety. The soldiers, not receiving their pay, deserted, and Urban returned toRome, where his refractory temper brought him into difficulties that could only be removed by aninterdict. It was atRome, also, that he fixed the interval between the jubilees at thirty-three years, the first of which was to be celebrated the next year, 1390. But he did not live to open it. Urban might have been a goodpope in more peaceful circumstances; but he certainly was unable to heal the wounds which theChurch had received during the exile ofAvignon. If the genius of aGregory VII or anInnocent III was scarcely able to triumph over theambition of thecardinals, the bad conduct of the higher and lowerclergy, and the unruliness of thelaity, these impediments could not but shipwreck the inconstant and quarrelsome Urban.

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